Full text of "Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc, Gibb, Kramer, scholars. 13 vols & 12 vols. 1960-2004.1875.2009."

THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM

NEW EDITION

PREPARED BY A NUMBER OF
LEADING ORIENTALISTS

P. J. BEARMAN, TH. BIANQUIS, C. E. BOSWORTH,
E. van DONZEL and W. P. HEINRICHS

ASSISTED BY C. OTT

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF
THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ACADEMIES

VOLUME XII
SUPPLEMENT

LEIDEN

BRILL

2004

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:

Members: PJ. Bearman, Th. Biai
J. van Ess, VV.P. HEIt

l Inalcik, S.H. Nasr, M. Tal

The preparation of this volume of the Encyclopaedia of Islam was made pos-
sible in part through grants from the Research Tools Program of the National
Endowment for the Humanities, an independent Federal Agency of the United
States Government; the British Academy; the Oriental Institute, Leiden; Academie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; and the Royal Netherlands Academy of Sciences.

The articles in this volume were published in double fascicules, the dates of publicE

2003: Fascs. 7-8, pp. 425-572
2004: Fascs. 9-10, pp. 573-716
2004: Fascs. 11-12, pp. 717-844

ISBN 90 04 13974 5

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AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME

i her signature appeal-, \tademit affiliations

edition ot this Emiilopaedia 01 horn the Shoitn Emuhpatdia of Ham \n astensk altei the name of the author
in the text denotes an ai title repnnted horn the fust edition whith has been bi ought up to date b\ the
Editoiial Committee, wheie an artitle has been ie\ised b\ a setond author his 01 hei name appeals within
squaie biarkets altei the name ol the original author The laige numbei ot deaths among the contributors
ot this Supplement \olume ieflects the fait that the fust thiee double tasticules weie published in the eaiK
1980s 20-odd \eais befoie the last thiet fascicules E\er\ effort was made to asteitain whethei a tonliibu-
tor to the Supplement \olume had died, 01 mo\ed m the time it took to tomplete and publish this Supplement

\bdel Nour Pans

to, J \BDEl-N

Bei

ut 162

\bu Deeb Urn

London

278

\, hena Pans

RG1NIA H "tKSAN

McMi

tei Univ

Hamilton Ontai

714

\lgar Unneis
52 % H5

)( C

Jifornia,

Berkeley. 24

late M. Athar

Alig

arh Mus

im Universi

3, 55, 57, 63, 1

77,

313,

331, 36

, 379, 411,

420

R.M.A. Allen, Un

f Pennsy

Philadelphia. 58

548, 637

the

kle Joan Allgr

OVE

, Un

versity o

' Mancheste

Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Ecole Pratique des

Hautes Etudes, Paris. 754
R. Amitai, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 722
P.A. Andrews, University of Cologne. 839
W.G. Andrews, University of Washington, Seattle.

832
Ghaus Ansari, University of Vienna. 636
A. Arazi, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 352
S.A. Arjomand, State University of New York,

Stony Brook. 531
J.-L. Arnaud, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique (IRMC), Tunis. 623
Ali S. Asani, Harvard University. 483
T. Atabaki, University of Utrecht. 621
Franchise Aubin, Centre National de la Recherche

-lentifique, ~ ' —

. 774

, Yildiz Tec

835

.1 Unr

■ Nationa

Hat

Istr
J.-L. Bacque-Grammoni

Recherche Scientifique, Pans. 59
Eva Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 204, 407
the late G. Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

179, 322, 370, 379, 410, 421
M.A. al-Bakhit, Al al-Bayt University, Mafraq,

Jordan. 556
T. Bauer, University of Munster. 722
the late A.F.L. Beeston, University of Oxford. 337
M.AJ. Beg, Cambridge. 59, 172, 241, 268, 304,

323, 342, 350, 463, 660, 759
Doris Behrens-Abouseif, University of London. 588
J.A. Bellamy, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

179
J.E. Bi

M. Berge, Bordeaux. 27
Lidia Bettini, University of Flo
Th. Bianq_u

of Paris.

Lyons. 503, 599, 687,

[W. Bjorkman, Uppsala]. 508

J.R. Blackburn, University of Toronto. 31

Sheila S. Blair, Boston College. 458

J. Blaskovic, Prague. 171

F.C. de Blois, Royal Asiatic Society, Londor

. 600,

C.E. Boswor-
103, 115,

, Unh

127,

29, 149, 154,

235, 238, 246, 270, 279,

280, 285, 302, 305, 309, 326, 327, 329, 332,

367, 368, 376, 378, 382, 384, 387, 395, 398,

411, 458, 459, 460, 462, 502, 507, 509, 527,

529, 542, 543, 547, 550, 556, 602, 618, 632,

636, 637, 662, 682, 683, 684, 686, 695, 696,

699, 703, 710, 713, 736, 817
Ch. Botiv/

, Yal

Uni'

. 313

the late J.A. Boyle, University of Manchester. 203

V.I. Braginsky, University of London. 729

Yu. Bregel, Indiana University, Bloomington. 46,

98, 169, 228, 281, 340, 420
J.T.P. de Bruijn, University of Leiden. 22, 63, 83,

236, 334, '

, Univt

i, 831

f Pari;

J. Calmar

Scientifique, P;

the late M.

Canar

A. Carmo

ma, Un

Lucy Car

ROLL, I

J. Carswf

ix, Un

M.G. Car

TER, U

822, 844
of Paris. 4
de la Recherche

E. Chaun
P. Ci

itifique

\ Centre Nati
-en-Pro-

:>f Chicago. 277
of Oslo. 546
of Madrid. 82

de la Recherche

. 769

rk Univt
3UEIRI, University of Exeter. 606, 715
Idaho State University. 559, 569
rown University. 790
Nathalie Clayer, Centre National de la

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 462
the late J.VV. Clinton, Princeton University. 84
Anna Contadini, University of London. 591
M. Cook, Prin

M. Co-
V. Crap

, Uni-

y of Aix-
ty Unive

n-Prover

■. 699

y of New York. 53,

Stephanie Cronin, University of London. 675
Yolande Crowe, Geneva. 810

F. Daftary, Institute of Ismaili Studies, London.
528, 633, 635, 713

R.E. Darley-Doran, Winchester. 594

G. David, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 542
Anne-Marie Delcambre, Paris. 207

Bettina Dennerlein, Centre for Modern Oriental

Studies, Berlin. 560
F.M. Denny, University of Colorado, Boulder. 642
the late G. Deverdun, Paris. 29, 48, 103, 114, 132,

336, 378, 422
A. Dietrich, University of Gottingen. 43, 52, 78,

87, 115, 129, 131, 156, 157, 198, 250, 264, 277,

310, 314, 350, 371, 376, 380, 383, 397, 410
■e late M.VV. Dols, California State University,

Hay

. 274

i Donzel, University of Leiden. 541, 697,701
Nelly van Doorn-Harder, Valparaiso University,

Valparaiso, Indiana. 682
S.A. Dudoignon, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Strasbourg. 766
the late Ch.-E. Dufourcq, University of Paris. 308
R.Y. Ebied, University of Sydney. 36, 38, 40. 55,

136, 162, 267, 354, 371, 383, 410, 466
Anne-Marie Edde, Centre National de la

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 511, 518, 545
A.S. Ehrenkreutz, University of Michigan, Ann

Arbor. 121
R. Eisener, Humboldt University, Berlin. 468
Taieb El Acheche, University of Tunis. 643
Mohamed El Mansour, University Mohammed V,

Rab

. 634

e N. Elisseeff, University of Lyons. 1 1 7
the late L.P. Elwell-Sutton, University of

Edinburgh. 41, 73, 84, 92, 170
W. Ende, University of Freiburg. 640, 642
G. Endress, University of Bochum. 606
Sibel Erol, New York University. 538
J. van Ess, University of Tubingen. 14, 15, 90,

227, 358, 365, 392, 510, 546, 633
T. Fahd, University of Strasbourg. 771
Suraiya Faroqhi, University of Munich. 477, 480,

uk, Ecole

atique des Haul,

G. Fehervari, University of London. 327

M.Ch. Ferjani, University of Lyons. 482

I. Ferrando, University of Cadiz. 501, 545

R. Firestone, Hebrew Union College, Los Angeles.

703
the late H. Fleisch, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut.

290
W. Floor, Bethesda, Maryland. 731
Ch.H. de Fouchecour, University of Paris. 620
Ersilia Francesca, University L'Orientale, Naples.

786
R.M. Frank, Catholic University of America,

Washington, D.C. 32, 348
Y. Friedmann, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 163
M. Gaborieau, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 768
the late F. Gabrieli, University of Rome. 31
M. Gammer, Tel Aviv University. 486
H. Gaube, University of Tubingen. 157, 229, 514,

515
G.J.H. van G

640, 668
E. Geoffroy,

, Unh

y of Oxford. 635,
trasbourg. 724

383

i, Unh

of Freiburg-

:isgau.

-sity of Bristol. 517, 535, 570
the late L. Golvin, University of Aix-Marseilles. 145
L.P. Goodson, U.S. Army War College. 787
P. Gorokhoff, Paris. 249
WJ. Griswold, Colorado State University, Fort

239

A.H. de Groot, University of Leiden. 282, 511

P. Guichard, University of Lyons. 763, 766

A. Guimbretiere, Paris. 107

AJ. Gully, University of Exeter. 725

the late U. Haarmann, Free University, Berlin. 408

the late M. Hadj-Sadok, Paris. 405

the late Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Mashhad. 54, 55, 71,

72, 77, 111, 158, 292, 343, 366
W. Hale, University of London. 681
H. Halm, University of Tubingen. 207, 237

Washington, D.C. 391
A.C.M. Hamer, Tehran. 50
A. Hamori, Princeton University. 555
Shah Mahmoud Hanifi, James Madison University,

Harrisonburg, Virginia. 508, 763
M. SiiKRU Hanioglu, Princeton University. 678
Mohibbul Hasan, Aligarh. 114, 132, 156, 167,

325, 328, 329, 333, 354, 366, 423
Mushirul Hasan, Jawaharlal Nehru University. 481
Sohail H. Hashmi, Mount Holyoke College, South

Hadley, Massachusetts. 794
the late } A. Haywood, Lewes, Sussex. 47, 75, 102,

107, 359
G. Hazai, University of Budapest. 814
W.P. Heinrichs, Harvard University. 518, 658, 669,

710, 830, 831
Metin Heper, Bilkent University. 470
CJ. Heywood, University of London. 316
the late D.R. Hill, Great Bookham, Surrey. 267,

374
A. Hofheinz, Centre for Modern Oriental Studies,

Berlin. 556
C. Holes, University of Oxford. 843
P.M. Holt, Oxford. 20, 524, 594, 608, 613, 810
\\ Holzwarth Uimersitv ol Halle 820
MB Hooker, Austiahan National Uni\eisit\

\ Mat

598

s, Hook

\ iRGir*

Unr

D Hopwood Unrveisitv of Oxfoid '
B Hourcade Centre National de la :

Scientifique Pans 604
tk latt I Hrbek Pi ague 171
RS Humphreys Unnersitv of C alifoi

;tiahan National

Baib

20b

XO Icimsov, Marmaia Urmusity 616

A. Gul Irepoglu, University of Istanbul. 548

the late Fahir iz, Bocazici University. 42, 47, 50,

55, 61, 63, 64, 82, 91, 96, 99, 129, 150, 168,

170, 280, 282, 283, 284, 308, 324, 329, 349,

359
Mawil Y. Izzi Dien, University of Wales,

Lampeter. 767
P. Jackson, University of Keele. 117, 240, 242,

336, 421
J. Jankowski, University of Colorado, Boulder. 625,

627
Marilyn Jenkins, Metropolitan Museum of Art,

New York. 262
Eva M. Jeremias, Eotvos Lorand University,

Budapest. 448
Penelope C. Johnstone, University of Oxford. 60

:, Oxford. 340
.e Jong, University of Utrecht. 18, 41, 44, 94
21, 123, 133, 209, 244, 263, 279, 371, 408,

G.H.A. Juynboll, Leiden. 393

M. Kably, Rabat University. 805

Mehmet Kalpakli, Bilkent University, Ankar;

N.J.G. Kaptein, University of Leiden. 614

A. Karahan, Istanbul. 83

M. Keene, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ne

York. 262
Barbara Kellner-Heinkele, Free University,

Berlin. 707, 838
J.B. Kelly, London. 42, 332, 419
C.S. Kessler, University of New South Wah

Sydney. 520
R.G. Khoury, University of Heidelberg. 88
M. Kiel, University of Utrecht. 331
MJ. Kister, Hebrew University, Jei
the late J. Knappert, University of London. 351

232

643

. Knysh, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 501
E. Kohlberg, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 723
G.L. Koster, University of Indonesia. 729
A.K.S. Lambton, Kirknewton, Northumberland. 336
W. and Fidelity Lancaster, Orkney. 466
J.M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 40,

297, 382
D. Lange, University of Bayreuth. 569
J.D. Latham, University of Manchester. 46, 113,

125, 126, 153, 377, 389, 398, 399
G. Lazard, University of Paris. 35
M. Lecker, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 662, 695
G. Leiser, Vacaville, California. 578
T. Leisten, Princeton University. 571
D.D. Leslie, Australian National University,

Canbe

. 748

154,

'. Lettinck, International Institute of Islamic

Thought and Civilization, Kuala Lumpur. 770
[G. Levi Della Vida, Rome]. 702
the late N. Levtzion, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

167
L. Lewisohn, University of London. 785
P. Lory, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris.

556, 613, 823
J. McCarthy, University of Louisville. 221
[D.B. MacDonald, Hartford, Connecticut],

323
the late D.N. MacKenzie, University of Gottingen.

158, 425
W. Madelung, University of Oxford. 19, 22, 26,

49, 57, 130, 233, 236, 335, 343, 357, 363, 380,

393, 401, 402, 557, 756, 841
the late G. Makdisi, University of Pennsylvania,

Philadelphia. 30, 194, 195
Iftikhar H. Malik, Bath Spa University College.

679
\e late P. Marthelot, Ecole Pratique des Hautes

I.R. Netton, University of Leeds. 795

E. Neubauer, University of Frankfurt. 64, 116, 128,

183, 284, 409, 547
D. Nicolle, University of Nottingham. 746
'he late K.A. Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University.

475, 573, 578
VIahmoud Omidsalar, California State University,

Los Angeles. 781
Nicole A.N.M van Os, University of Leiden. 640
jdia Ott, University of Erlangen. 668
n Ozman, Hacettepe University, Ankara. 468,
2

J. Paul, University of Halle. 524, 538
'ie late Ch. Pellat, University of Paris. 17, 18, 20,

23, 24, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 35, 39, 56, 80, 92,

113, 118, 122, 124, 128, 157, 191, 223, 224,

225, 234, 247, 264, 266, 284, 303, 312, 355,

381, 386, 388, 390, 394, 476
C.R. Pennell, University of Melbourne. 634
B. Peri, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 815
R. Peters, University of Amsterdam. 368, 644
J.E. Peterson, Tucson, Arizona. 819
Ch. Picard, University of Paris. 514
Elizabeth Picard, Centre National de la

Recherche Scientifique, Aix-en-Provence. 673
the late G.F. Pijper, Amsterdam. 368
X. de Planhol, University of Paris. 328
I. Poonawala, University of California, Los

Angeles. 61, 62, 70, 358, 407

A. Popovic, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris. 188, 752

the late L. Pouzet, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut.
773

B. Radtke, University of Utrecht. 748

FJ. Ragep, University of Oklahoma, Norman. 502
Munibur Rahman, Oakland University, Rochester,

Michigan. 505, 512
J. Ramirez, University of Cordova. 724
S.A. al-Rashid, King Saud Universitv, Riyadh.

199
W. Raven, University of Frankfurt. 756
A. Raymond, University of Aix-en-Provence. 554
M. Rekaya, University of Paris. 299
the late G. Rentz, Washington. 50, 235
M.E.J. Richardson, University of Manchester. 102
A. Rippin, University of Victoria, British Columbia.

842
D. Rivet, University of Paris. 730
'he late S.A.A. Rizvi, Australian National University,

Canberra. 126
the late U. Rizzitano, University of Palermo. 64

Etude

:. 423

U. Marzolph, Enzyklopadie des Marchens,

Gottingen. 817
R. Matthee, University of Delaware. 612, 717
Astrid Meier, University of Zurich. 828
[Th. Menzel]. 763
Ebrahim Moosa, Duke University, Durham, North

Caroliina. 754
H. Motzki, University of Nijmegen. 698
R. Murphey, University of Birmingham. 767, 837
F.C. Muth, University of Mainz. 525
Seyyed Hossein Nasr, George Washington

University, Washington, DC. 309

834

, 832,

F.C.R. Robinson, University of London. 5, 74, 248,

294, 361, 526
J.M. Rogers, London. 681
L. Rogler, Centre for Modern Oriental Studies,

Berlin. 560
W. Rollman, Wellesley College, Wellesley,

Massachusetts. 840
he late F. Rosenthal, Yale University. 91, 463
S. Rosenthal, University of Hartford, Connecticut.

168
E.K. Rowson, New York University. 73
U. Rubin, Tel Aviv University. 574, 661
U. Rudolph, University of Zurich. 528, 815
J. Sadan, Tel Aviv University. 100, 601
Abdullah Saeed, University of Melbourne. 692,

l Hami

Sali

i, Geneva. 389, 390

Kamal S S\libi Roval Institute for Inter-Faith

Studies Amman 39 269 603
A.I. Salim Nairobi 248
A. Samb, Dakar 183
Jasna Samic Belgrade 507

F. Swmjustin, University of Lvons 550, b28, 641
R. Santucci Institut National des Langues et

Civilisations Onentales Pans 241
A. Swvides Aegean University Rhodes 544, 617,

837
R. Schi.

Hei

, Man

. Umvc

ite Hyderabad,
erdam b70

G. Schoeler, University oi Basel 540

O. Schumann, Um\ersity oi Hamburg 151 152,

203, 510, 608, 762, 838
R. Seixheim, University of Frankfurt. 632
C. Shackle, University of London. 684
Irfan Shahid, Georgetown University, Washington,

D.C. 230
Miri Shefer, Tel Aviv University. 811
P. Shinar, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 387, 402,

423
A. Shivtiel, University of Leeds. 779
S. von Sicard, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham.

577, 630
A. Sidarus, University of Evora. 396
Iqtidar H. Siddiqui, Aligarh Muslim University. 2,

11, 67, 74, 106, 122, 203, 312, 353, 360, 409,

686
N. Sims-Williams, University of London. 426
G.R. Smith, University of Manchester. 339, 388,

420, 516, 543
F. Sobieroj, University of Jena. 772
Priscilla Soucek, New York University. 453
M. Souissi, University of Tunis. 414

F. Spuhler, Museum of Islamic Art, Berlin. 144
F.H. Stewart, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 536
W. Stoetzer, University of Leiden. 483

J. Strauss, University of Strasbourg. 734
[M. Streck. Jena]. 605

G. Strohmaier, German Academy of Sciences,
Berlin. 270

Abdus Subhan, Asiatic Society, Calcutta. 124, 206,

246, 325
Jacqueline Sublet, Centre National de la

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 289, 296, 322,

Yasser Tabbaa, Oberlin College. 696

M. Talbi, University of Tunis. 173

J.K. Teubner, Brussels. 3, 105

H.G.B. Teule, University of Nijmegen. 809

W.M. Thackston, Harvard University. 816

Ahmed Toufiq, Ministry of Habous and Islamic

AfTairs, Rabat. 810
G. Troupeau, Institut National de Langues et

Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 16, 38
Tomohiko Uyama, Hokkaido University, Sapporo.

520
M. Valor, University of Seville. 724
J.-P. Van Staevel, University of Paris. 513

late P.J. Vatikiotis, University of London. 302
G. Veinstein, College de France, Paris. 505
J. Vernet, University of Barcelona. 544
Chantal de La Veronne, Centre National de la

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 807
Maria J. Viguera, University Complutense of

Madrid. 92
'he late F. Vire, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 20, 87, 176, 244, 289, 296,

322, 393
G.J.J, de Vries, University of Utrecht. 61, 135
-e /afejEANETTE Wakin, Columbia University. 198,

690
W. Montgomery Watt, University of Edinburgh.

L. Wiederhold, University of Halle. 727
S. Wild, University of Bonn. 250
J.C. Wilkinson, University of Oxford. 356
the late R. Bayly Winder, New York University. 4,

306
M. Winter, Tel Aviv University. 799
J.J. Witkam, University of Leiden. 45, 381, 469
" ustine Woodhead, University of Durham. 616
O. Wright, University of London. 511
M. Yalaoui, University of Tunis. 63, 306
M.E. Yapp, University of London. 66
S. Yerasimos, University of Paris. 475
le kte MJ.L. Young, University of Leeds. 55, 136,

162, 199, 267, 354, 371, 383, 410, 466
Th. Zarcone, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 522
A.H. Zarrinkoob, Tehran. 44, 208, 240, 406
M. Zekri, University of Evora. 556
FJ. Ziadeh, University of Washington, Seattle. 526
A. Zysow, Harvard University. 533, 690, 706

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

VOLUME I

P. 702% ASHRAF 'ALI add to Bibl Barbara Dalv Metcalf Perfecting uornen Maulana ishraf 'Hi Thanawi's

Bihishti Zeuar a partial tmnslation uith commentary Berkeley 1990

VOLUME VII

P. 560, MUN ADTPT IM ]

read Ta'riUi Baghd

VOLUME IX

P. 353", SHARKAWA add to BM D F Eickelman \tomcan Islam tradition and society in a pilgrimage center,

Austin 197b

VOLUME X

P. 89 b , al-TAFTAZAN! 11 14-15 from bnttnm of article for and a polemical lefutation of Ibn al-

'Arabi's Fusus al Hikam lead The refutation of the doctune of Ibn al-'\rabr often ascribed to
al-Taftazam was written by his pupil 'Ma' al-Din Muhammad al-Bukhan (d 841/1430) See
BakrI 'Ala' al-Din MM al Cham al Nabulusi al Uugjud al haKK Damascus 1995 15-30

P. 664 b , al-TUR, add to BM on the Arabic mss of V Catherine s \ E Meiimns hatalogos ton neon arabikon

tkheirographon tes huras mones Hagias Matermcs tou Onus Sma \thens 1985

P. 868% UNAYZA add to BM Sonyi Ahorki and DP Cole Arabian oasis city the transformation of

'Unayzah, Austin 1989

VOLUME XI

P. 1", VIDJAYANAGARA 1 5 from bottom of first paragraph for Konkar [qi in Suppl] read Konkan

[?•»_• in Suppl]
P. 126'', WALIBA b ai-HUBAB, 1 3 Jo, 2nd/9th centur\ read 2nd/8th centur\

P. 169'', WASIT, add after I 37 During the stiuggle foi Milk under al-Ma'mun there were however,

small issues of siher from Wasit in the years 200 and 203 and occasional issues in copper in

147, 167, 177 and 187 or 9
P. 174% WASM, add to Bibl \ second geneial study is E Littmann ~«r EnUjJtrung dtr thamudemschen

Inschriften, Berlin 1904 78-104 which argues that most of the brands onginate from the South

Semitic alphabet in its North \rabian form
P. 177 1 ', WATHANIYYA add to BM GR Hawting The idea oj idolatry and the emergence oj Islam From

polemic tojistory Cambndge 1999
P. 227 1 ', AL-YADALI 1 14 from bottom Jo, (19 lines) read (19 folios)

opp P. 264, YAKUT al-RUMI map Jo, Onus iSayhun) read Onus (Djayhun) and resituate Cairo on the right-
side of the .Me
P. 292% YARMUI^ add to BM WE Kaegi Herat bus Emperor of By antiurn Cambridge 2003 237-44.

P. 345-6, al-YUNINI add the follouing table

Genealogical tree of the family of Must alA umm authoi of Dhayl Mifat al zaman

2 sons and 8 daughters, among whom 'Abd Muhammad Taki a daughter (wife of Aybak

al-Kadir Muhyi Abu Muhammad (d. 747), (d. 765) al-Iskandarani na'ib al-

Fatima (d. 730), Zaynab, , Rahba who died in his

Amat al-'AzIz (d. 754) and Muhammad sixties in 674)

XVIII ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

P. 36 1 1 ', YUSUF and ZULAYKHA, add to Bibl.l.(c): ed. Vla-khan Afsahzad and Husaui Ahmad

Tarbiyat, in Mathnawl-yi Haft among, ii, Tehran 1378 jA/1999 19-209

P. 364", ZA', 11. 23-25, read a voiceless /{/ for IAI is attested in some Noithern \emem dialects

and a voiceless III for IAI occurs in North African sedentary dialects
1. 42 t read Uzbekistan-Arabic) with IAI > Ivl,

P. 371'', ZABID, add to Bibl;. Barbara E. Croken, faHd undir tht Rasulids of hrrun 626 858 iH/1229

1454 AD, unpubl. Ph.D. diss. Harvard University 1990 ~abid Patnmomi mondwk in Saba ram
tnmestrielle, v-vi (1999); 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd Allah al-Hadiarm ~a*;rf Wasactiiduha aa
maddrisuha al-'ilmiyya ft 'l-ta'rikh, Damascus 2000.

P. 404 1 ', ZA'IRDJA, add before final paragraph: As for the history of numbeis in his description ot the

Zd'irdfa Ibn Khaldun called attention to the use of Aiabic characters (abdfad [qi]) and zimam,
or administrative, numerals, as well as ghubdr, denoting the nine figures ol Indian origin With
regard to the zimam numerals, this statement allows GS Colin to date the entrv of the system
of Greek numerals into Morocco and to declare that the jmam had spread in hermetic uules
at the same time. But given their administrative, commercial or diplomatic use recourse to
them did not signify that they required the use of a code-bleaker \Dt I ongint griiqui di\ chiffrts
de Fes' el de nos 'chiffres arabes', in JfA, ccxxii [1933] 193-215) R Lemav points out lrom two
astrological manuscripts, B.N. ar. 2582 (attributed to Abu Ma'shai) a MS lrom the 18th century
(?), fol. 2r, and B.N. ar. 2584, fol. 2r, the list of coirespondences between abdfad numeials and
zimam (Arabic numerals, in Dictionary of tht Middh Age*, ed J R Straver i New ^ork 1982 38bn i

P. 548', al-ZUBAYDI, 1. 4, fir great-great-gi eat-grandf ather read great-great-great-gieat-grandfathei

P. 548 b , 1. 30, fir He died there on 1 Djumada II read He died there on 1 Djumada II 379

SUPPLEMENT

Nuwas, and the latter has devoted a marthna to him

[Dm an, ed Ghazalr Cano 1953 572-4

cf. E. Wagner, Abu Nuwas, Wiesbaden 1965, 35b)

ABU MADl add to Bibl G D Sahm /. Abu Mddi

(1889 1957) dnasat 'anhu ua aji'aruh al

madjhula Cairo 1980

al-'AKKAD 1 b for Hahz Ibiahim uad ShukrT

A'YAS add to Bibl MJ Raster Call \ountUu h t

rraaful nanus in Ledum in mtmon of

Profssor \Imhn B Pltssntr Jerusalem 1976, lb 25

CAC-NAMA add to Bibl I Habib 4 study of Hajja)

b hisuf\ outlook and polu its in tht light of

tht Chaihnama in Bull of tht Inst of hlamu Studits, \ln

2;aih, \i-vii (19b2-3) 34-48

CAD, add at tht tnd of tht artult These negotiation

s hnalK resulted in the formation of a

Transitional Go\ernment of National Union (GUNT)

nal dissensions to an end The civil war started up at

;ain m 1980 and M Goukoum Oueddai

set in ed \Ktor\ over his opponents thanks to the help

of Libvan forces he has even announced

a plan lor a union between Chad and Lib\a, but the

■ FAN (Armed Foices of the Noith) con-

tinue the stiuggle in the eastern pait ot the country

, simultaneously against the Libvans and

the go\ernment tioops (March 1981)

^l-DJAMI'A y.-'ARABIYYA add at tht tnd of tht arti

tit In consequence of the treaty between

Egypt and Israel and the C amp David negotiations.

the seat of the Arab League has been

and Shadhlr Klebi was elected Secretary General (27 June
al-IDRISI, add at the end of the article: The oldest manuscripts (Princeton of 754/1353, Taymuriyya
of 877/1473 and Manchester of 887/1482) and Ibn AbT Hadjala (Sukkardan [together with al-
'Amilfs al-Mikhlat], 'Beirut 1399/1979, 4b0) give the title inwar 'ulwiyy al-adfram. In the Anwar
al-Idnsr mentions other books he wrote: K. al-Adwar wa 'l-fatarat, K. al-Djawhara al-yadma ft akhbdr
Misr al-kadima and A". Math' al-tali' al-sa'id ft akhbdr al-Sa'id; the latter title possibly served al-
UdfuwT as a model for his prosopography of Upper Egyptian men of renown.
Add to Bibl.: al-UdfuwT, al-Tdli' al-sa'id al-ajdmi' asmd' nudjaba' al-Sa'id, ed. S.M. Hasan, Cairo
1966, 179-81, 534-6; Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam, Lisdn al-mizan, Haydarabad 1331, v, 262, no.
902; al-Suyutr, Husn al-muhddara, ed. M. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1387/1968, i, 554; Ziriklr,
al-A'ldm, "Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 208b-c; Kahhala, Mu'dfam al-mu' alliftn, Damascus 1379/1960, ix,
1 74a-b; A. Mingana, Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the John Rylands library in Manchester,
Manchester 1934, 422-5, no. 262; U. Haarmann, Regional sentiment in medieval Islamic Egypt, in
BSOAS, xliii (1980), 55-66; M. Cook, Pharaomc history in medieval Egypt, in SI, lvii (1983); a crit-
ical edition of Anwar has been prepared by U. Haarmann (Beirut 1991).

MAHKAMA, add to Bibl.: See the writings by D. Pearl, in particular Interpersonal conflict of laws
in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, London-Bombay 1981; idem and W. Menski, Muslim family law,
London 1998 (rev. ed. of D. Pearl, A textbook on Muslim personal law, London -1987).
MAKASID al-SHARTA, 1. 3, for of a ruling read of a possible ruling

1st line of third paragraph, read Istisldh and istihsdn [q.w.] were discussed extensively by Malikfs.
1. 2 from bottom, fir Muhammad Tahir b. 'Ashur, read Muhammad al-Tahir b. 'Ashur; and
change same in Bibliography.
Add to Bibl.: Tuff, Shark Mukhtasar al-Rawda, Beirut 1987-89.

4L 'ABBAS b AHMAD b TULUN eldest son
of \hmid b Tulun [71] When the lattei set
off tor the conquest ot S\m he entiusted the gov
eminent ot E^ypt to il \bbts his designated hen
but it \bbis v\ is \er\ soon peisuided to tike id\ in
tia;e ot his fathers ibsence to suppl int him \\ lined
b\ the vizier il \\ tsiti Ibn Tulun tot leich to letum
to Ee^ypt ind his son itter hi\in£> emptied the tieas
ur\ ind got toeethei considenble sums ot monev
went oil with his putisans to .\lexmdni ind then
to Birka \s soon as he got biek on 4 R mud in
2b5/3U \pril 870 Ibn Tulun tiled to bung him bick
to reason md piomising him pudon sent to him
1 lettei whose text his been pieseived b\ il
kilkishindi {Subh \n 5 1U iepioduced ilso b\
Sifwvt Qumhurut win d al irab i\ 3bb 73) but the
iebel iemuned deif to ill these ipproic lies ind de
cided to in\ ide Itnki\ i it the head ot a tone of 800
ci\alr\ ind 10 000 black ml inlrv swollen ilone; the
contingents

I \bbis

limed tl

ilMu

,i ofltnkiv
of the \ghhbid Ibnhim II thit he should \ield phce

i toicc ot cavaln which met up with him it Libdi
but did not \entuie m em? lament M \bbas now
sicked Labdi even though the goveinoi there hid
decided to \ield to him ind then went on to h\
siege to Tupoli The Ibadi leidei IK is b Minsui il
Nifusi oigmised iesistince md with the help ol
i eintoi cements sent bv Ibnhim II succeeded in put
tine; the iebel irm\ to flight (middle of 2b7/wintei
880 1) M '\bbis was compelled to letum to Egvpt
but was ciptuied in the couise oi i 1) ittle outside
the cit\ of Alexandrn with m nm\ senl b\ Ibn
Tulun He wis brought to Fustit led lound on i
mule "Vikut Idaba vn 183) condemned to exec ute
peisomllv the poet TJji f n b Muhimmid b \hmid
b Hudhti and otheis ot his retinue considered to lit
responsible tor his levolt md linvilv flowed md
thiown into pnson He piobiblv did not iemnn theie

it his v

eithek

'ABBAS SARWANI histonin ot the Mughil
penod m Indn

Little is known ibout him person lllv but he wis
l membei ot i Siiwvm \fghin fmnlv which hid
settled in Binui town (in the smkai of Snh.nd) His

glint durms, the leianTit Bihlul Lodi It wis lesumed
In Bibm in 932/1520 md Shivkh Bi\izid Smvam
the gimdhthei of \bbts hid to leive toi Roh toi
this icison Sher Shih Sui lestoied it to Shivkh
Bavazid when the httei ieturned itter the expulsion
of the Mughils in 047/1540 1st im Sh ih Sui ilso
icnewed it to Shivkh \h the t ithei ot \bbas In
087/1570 it wis igiin lesumed bv the stite \bbts
of Siy\id Himid i sdiolnlv

office

could s

: \kb u

In <

Ubii

1 -\fghtii

V1582

, Tuhfa i

powei

Akbar Shahi

y the Vghtn

voik inevitiblv nostil
gic ibout the pist ot the -\fghins In tact he compiled

omv of tiuth when the tuts weie disp u iging Moieovu
he is not i iirst hind souice -Ml or ilmost ill his nn
ritives iehtmg to the life ind evieer ot Shei Shih ire
based on the lnfomntion supplied bv the Sirw mi nobles
who hid served undti the Lodis ind the Surs ind with

descendm

t Khim

nselt •

-i Shih

l betoie him 1

khm Sirvvn
s thev weie i:
ic kground v

i the throne ot Egv-pt

On 'ibn Tulun s deith (Dhu lKidi 270/Miv 884)

it was his son khumuiwivh \q ] who followed him

ind il \bbiss piotests weie extinguished in blood

Bibliography The events lie lecounted in gieit

detnl b\ Bihwi Stmt ihmad b Tulun ed M Kuid

All Dimiscus 1358 252 5 and kmdi lt«/af \Im

Benut 1950 24b 50 these basic souices md the

dita ot other histomns ha\e been utilised b\

M Tilbi Emuat avhlabdt M7 52 (Ed

s betoie his rise to sovereigntv Foi this leison
mition githeied b\ \bbis about Shei Shih s eulv

some of which lie tilled b\ Mushtaki s umbling
iunt a\uhble in the Hakiat I Mushtaki Despite its
Us the Tuhfa )i ilbat Shahi is legarded is the majoi
ce toi Shei Shih s reign It furnishes fuih detailed

ibout the eulv lite ot Sher Shih ind piovides

woiks such as the Tankhi hhan I D/aham of Ni mit
\llth Hiriwi Tankh, Shahl ot \hmid \ ids;ii ind
Ta nkh i Dauuiti ot \bd -\llih ill compiled dunne; the
reisrn of the Empeioi Djih ms?ii contun \er\ little iddi
tioml mfoimition with iei>ird to Sher Shih

clues I

"ABBAS SARWANI — 'ABD ALLAH b. ABl BAKR al-MIYANADJI

Bibliography. 'Abbas Sarwanl, Tuhfa-vi Akbar
Shahi, ed. Imam al-Din, Dacca 1964; Sir H.M.
Elliot and J. Dowson, The hiitoiy of India as told by
its own historians, iv, 301-433; Storev, i, 513-5;
I.H. Siddiqui, History of Shei Shah Sin, Aligarh
1971; S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history
of the Muslims m Akbar 's reign. New Delhi 1975,
234-8. (I.H. SiDDiftui)

ABBREVIATIONS, sigla and conventional signs
are nowadays called in Arabic mukhtasaiat "abridge-
to have been any specific term for them in the clas-
sical period, even though from the very beginnings
of Islam copyists, scribes and specialists in all sorts of
disciplines were led to use them. This is why it has
been thought suitable to bring together here a list of

s of those

■mporai

One should first of all recall that a certain num-
ber of the suras of the Kur'an begin by groups of
letters (the jawatih or huruf mukatta'a/ at), which remain
curiously inexplicable despite the many interpretations
thought up by inventive minds; the reader will find
a table of them in the article al-Kur'an, where the
signs indicating pronunciation to be found in various
editions of the Holy Book are also considered.

It should also be noted that if the verb samma,
means notably "to pronounce the formula bi-smi llah
al-rahman al-rahim," the formula itself is called the bas-
mala [a.v.]. whose form is obvious; cf also the har,

e be t(

God",
■ fori

It is precisely these pious i
which, because of their frequency, led copyists and
scribes to adopt various abbreviations, of which the
most frequent are: /' = ta'ala "may He be exalted";
s = salla Hah 'alayh, and sfm = salla Hah 'alayhi wasal-
lam "may God confer His blessings [on the Prophet]
and grant him peace"; 'm = 'alayhi al-salam "peace be
upon him [sc. upon a prophet]"; rh = rahimahu llah
"may God have mercy on him"; and rdh = radiya llah
'anhu "may God be pleased with him" after the name
of a deceased person.

For their part, copyists used conventional signs,
amongst which one may mention: s = sawabuhu "the
correct reading, to be read . . ."; b = ba'da "after"
or kh = mu'akhkhar "placed after" and k = kabla
"before" to show that two words should be trans-
posed (or also m = mu'akhkhai and m = mukaddam for
the same inversion); sh = musahhah "corrected, veri-

; kh =

fied, the corr

nuskha ukhia "

mudradf "a word straddling t

verse"; alkh = Ha akhinhi "etc.":

of quotation".

khata'

intaha "

theol(

"plural";

s on grammar,
etc., the following may occur: dj =
djdj = djam' al-dfam' "double plural"
"feminine", but also main "text of the hadith, etc.";

thna or na = haddathana "there related to us"; and
= anba'ana or akhbarana "[he] related to us (espe-
cially of a historical or other tradition"; m or aim
= {alVma'ruf or (al)-mashhur "(the) well-known, (the)
famed"; alz = al-zahir "the obvious, literal sense";
icz = wa-zahiruhu "and its literal sense"; h = tahivil

or musannif "author (of the work)"; aim = al-mumn-
nif "the author"; yk = yukal "it is said"; as = asl"
"by no means, absolutely"; ayd = ayd"" "also, equal-
ly"; s = su'al "question"; df = djaivab "reply"; « =

explanation
= batil "false";

= hakika

= [al)-r,

absurd, improbable";
absurd"; (f)la nm = (faYla nusallim "we do not admit,
recognise"; h, fh = (fa)-hma'idh m "and then, conse-
quently"; la mhh = la mahalata "without any doubt";
kk = kadhahka "thus"; almt = al-matlub "the desired
aim" or al-mutlak "the absolute".

Also found are: s = sa'a "hour", d = dakika "minute",
and the names of the months: m = Muharram, s =
Sofa,, ra = Rabi' I, r = RabT' II, dja = fyumada I, df
= D)umSda II, b = Radfab, sh = Sha'ban, I = Shawwal,
n = Ramadan, dha = Dhu 'I-Ka'da and dh = Dhu
•l-Hidfdia.

It will be noted that these abbre\iations are often
formed by the first letter of the word; another letter
may sometimes be chosen, without always there being
a care to avoid confusion, so that it may well hap-
pen that the groups of letters have an ambivalence,
er, very confusing.

the

it the

arly"
find

ercial and financial da
vorks with an apparat
.g. dj = djuz' "volum

"A.D

", h = hidiri/iy
kht = makhtut

a "A.

editic

multiplied the

deviation has yielded, as else-
where, a genuine noun: al-luna/isku "UNESCO".
Expressions denoting Unions or Federations are
replaced by initials: dj.'.m = al-dfumhuriyya al-'arabiyya
al-muttahida "the United Arab Republic", a.'.m ="al-
imarat al-'arabiyya al-muttahida "the United Arabic
Emirates", etc. Money and currencies, weights and
measures are not outside this general tendency: /./■ =
lira lubnaniyya "Lebanese pound"; d = dinar (and also
daklut "doctor"); dj. m. = dfunayh misti "Egyptian
pound"; m = mitlieme or mitt "metre"; km = kilumiti
"km"; s.m./s.m. = s/ ' santlmiti "cm"; / = faddan "fed-
dan", etc. Addresses often have s.b. = sunduk al-band
"postal box", and commercial letter headings sh.m.m
or sh.a.l = sharika mahdudat al-mas' uliyya "Ltd. Co.".

The list of abbreviations could be considerably pro-
longed, but our list will be limited to those given
above; one should however add that magazines and
periodicals often use these to such an extent that only
the initiates can unravel them. G. Oman (see Bibl.)
has mentioned, as characteristic: m.m. = "Marilyn
Monroe", and b.b. = "Brigitte Bardot"!

Bibliography: \V. Wright, Arabic grammar, i,
25-6; M. Ben Cheneb, Liste des abreviations employees
par les auteurs arabes, in R.4fr. 302-3 (1920-1), 134-8;
G. Oman, Abbreviature e sigle nell' arabo moderno, in
OM (1961), 800-2. _ (Ed.)

'ABD ALLAH b. ABI BAKR al-MIYANADJI,
called <Ayn al-Kudat al-HamadhanI, Shafi'I
jurist and Sufi martyr, born at Hamadhan
in 492/1098. Born of a line of scholars, he studied
Arabic grammar, theology, philosophy and law, and
he is said to have, as an already precocious scholar,
started his first book at the age of 14. Also, at the
approach of puberty, he became a convert to Sufism.
In 517/1123, at the age of 25, he seems to have met
Ahmad al-Ghazali, brother of the great theologian
Muhammad al-Ghazali, who is said to have initiated
him into Sufi meditation and dancing, thus com-
pleting his spiritual conversion. Other masters of his

'ABD ALLAH b. ABl BAKR al-MIYANADJI — 'ABD al-'AZI~Z

were Muhammid b Hainmuu and a cert im Banka
His spnitual ieputation soon g lined him mam dis-
ciples and he spent all his time in oial and written
teaching; sometimes going bevond the limits of his
ph\ Meal stiength ioi this and having then to letne

lties soon pro\oked the hostilit\ of the orthodox the-
ologians Piovoked b\ his teachings on the natuie of
sainthood and piophethood and on submission to the
Sufi shaykh ind ob|ecting to his usage of Sufi tei-
minologv which gave the impiession thit he himself
laid claim to piophetic poweis the\ biought m accu-
sation of heies\ against him befoie the Saldjuk \171e1
in 'Irak who imprisoned him in Baghdad It was
there that he wiote his apologia the Shakaa I ghanb
Some months latei he wis stt free and leturned
to Hamadhin but shoitK afteiwaids it the time of
Saldjuk sultan Mahmud s amval turned

25/11

!-3h

- during; the night of 6-7 Djumada II 52b/h-7
Ma\ 1131 at the age ol ■> 3 His prematur< de ath
seems to ha\e pie\ented al-Hamadham from found-

?signati

i fine

His published works include his Shakaa I ghanb 'an
al autan ila buldan al'ulama' an apologia in \ribic (ed
and Fr ti Mohammed ben \bd-d-Jalil in J-l (1930)
1-76 1^3-297 ed 'AfTf 'Usavran Mmannajat i 'hn al
hudati Hamadham Tehian 1341/1962 Fng ti \J
Arberrv -1 Suji mathr tht apologia of 'iin al Qudat al
Hamadham London 1969) Ruala w iMia ih on m\s-
tic love in Persian ed Rihim Farmamsh lehian
1337/1958 ~ubdat al haka'ik in \iabic ed 'Usavrm
in op id Tamhidal or ~ubdat al haka'ik fi kashf al daka'ik
in Peisian ed 'Usavran in op at twite tr into
Turkish Yamaha oi Maltubat \lakahb letteis in Persian
ed 'Ahnaki Munzawi and 'Usa\ran 2 vols Beirut
and Tehran 1390/1971 Ruala \i wzdanshmakht cd
Bahman kanmi Tehran 1327/1948 and lhaal u
athai ed Farmamsh, Tehian 1338/1959

Bibliography Sandilahi Makh^an al ghara'ib
Bodl Pers ms 395 1523 Brockelmann I 490 S
I 674-5 F Meiei Stambula Handschnfhn diem pa

' \hstih

l hi

1937)

(JK Teubneri
'ABD ALLAH SULTANPURI called Mmojdum
al-Mulk son of Shavkh Shams al-Din of Sultanpui
(Pandjab) a leading Indian theologian of the
10th/ 16th centurv He studied undei Mawlana '\bd
al-Kadir of Sirhind and acquired lenown as a scholar
and for his command over Muslim junspiudence the
ologv and historv He was held in high esteem bv
Humavun [qi] and Sher Shah (947-52/1540-5) gave
him the title of Sadr al Islam undei Islam Shah (952-
61/1545-54) he was the principal adviser of the king
in religious affairs Upon his return in 962/1555
Humavun again conferred on him the title of Shaikh
alhlam and under the next king Akbir [q c ] he
received the title of Makhdum al \lulk In 987/1579
he went to the Hidjaz and was leteived with much
respect bv the \lujti of Mecca Makhdum al-Mulk
however returned to India without peifoiming the
Pilgrimage ind is said to have issued a Jatua to the
effect that the Hadtdj was not obligatorv on the peo-
ple of India because the jouinev bv sea could not be
undeitaken without the European passports bcaimg
the pictures of Marv and Jesus and because the land
route lav thiough Shi'i Persia

Makhdum al-Mulk was one of the signatones of the

i Al;

1579 giving a high religious position
subsequent^ disowned it he was
ithodox Sunni and drew much cnt-
j 1-Fadl He died in 990/1582 in

Bibliography \bu 1-Fadl ikbar nama Bibl Ind

Calcutta 1873-87 <\bd al Radii Bada'um

Muntakhab al tauankh Bibl Ind Calcutta 1864-9

Shah Nawaz Rhan Ma'athir al umaia' m Bibl Ind

Calcutta 1888-91 Aziz \hmad Studiu in hlamu ad

tun in tht Indian tmuonmmt Oxford 1964 29-30

168-9 S \\ Rizvi Rtligious and inklltitual huton

oj tht Muslims in ikbar s men New Delhi 1975

71-2 and index (M Athar \li)

'ABD al-'AZIZ b '\bd al-Rahman b F«sal Al

Suud [ia 1291-1373/<« 1880-1953) founder king

(regn 1319-73/1902-5 3) of the Kingdom of Su'udi

Aribia His mothei was Saia b \hmad al-Suda\ri

\t four '\bd al- \ziz was entrusted to a tutor and

becime i hafr at eleven Simultaneouslv (1309/1891)

xt al-Mula\da the M Rashid of Ha'il [qi] defeated

and expelled the Su'uds from Nadjd so that '\bd

ll '\ziz grew up subsequentlv m al-Kuwa\t his fathers

exiled home

In 1319/1902 the \oung hot blood retook al-Rivad
expelled the Rashidi governor and proclaimed the
restored Su'udi rule Central Nadjd soon re-pledged
lov lltv to the Su'uds and al-Rasim [q ] was grad-
uallv brought in Bv 1330/1912 '\bd al-'Aziz had
lestoied Su'udi rule thioughout Nadjd

In 1912 '\bd al-'\ziz mauguiated his most imag-
inative policv that of settling Bedouin in Wahhabism-
tentred agnculturil colonies whose members were
known as al-Ikhwan ( the brotheis )[q,] This move-
ment simultaneouslv furthered Wahhabism provided
a new mihtarv force reduced tnbalism and inci eased
agncultural production it brought with it profound
social change and the movement at its height counted
some 150 colonies one with 10 000 people Ikhwams
plaved a leading role in subsequent conquests but
ultimatelv revolted charging the king with ieligious
hxitv so that the founder of the Ikhwan himself sup-
pressed them (1348/19301

On the eve of World Wai I 'Abd al-'Aziz expelled
the Ottomans from eastern \iabia thus acquning
access to the sea For '\bd al-'*\ziz this wai con-
stituted a period of watchful waiting but with the
war s end he resumed expansion Djabal Shammar
\qi] was occupied in 1340/1921 and its depend-
encies the next \ear In 1337/1919 'Abd al-'*\ziz
won an important bordei fight with the Hashimis
and in 13 38/1920 annexed upland <A.sir [qi] The
end of his festering quanel with the Hashimis began
when the Hashimi king al-Husavn somewhat
vainglonouslv assumed the caliphate (1342/1924) The
Ikhwan affronted entered al-Ta'if and Mecca opened
its gates despite the Hashimis descent from the
Piophet and long tenure in al-Hidjaz Bv 1344/1926
'A.bd al-'Aziz was pioelaimed king of al-Hidjaz His
lealm now quite independent sti etched solidlv across
the peninsula m the first such broad unification in
Aribia foi mam centunes In addition responsibili-
ty for the holv places well discharged converted
<; Vbd al-'Aziz from the leader c

ves Hi

hgure

i Mus

ng external dispute with
,as settled bv a mihtarv vittoiv followed
(1352/1934) In the same veai he um-
rnment as the Ringdom of Su'udi Arabia

.-'AZIZ — <ABD ai.-BARI

himself. Much of this period was also spent negoti-
ating with Britain; demarcated borders gradually
emerged. During World War II, he maintained for-
mal neutrality, but tilted toward the Allies, subse-
quently joining the United Nations and the Arab
League.

Internally, this commanding monarch ruled tra-
ditionally but with his own extra wisdom and
strength. He oversaw the successful implantation of
the high-technology, American-run petroleum indus-
try into an ultra-traditional society, from a first com-
mercial find in 1356/1937 to the point when, at
his death, production approached 1 million bar-
rels/day and gave an annual revenue of «200 mil-
lion. Oil revenues financed dramatic developments:
water supplies, airports, telephones and radios, roads,
electricity, deep water ports, a railroad, hospitals,
and schools. 'Abd al-'Aziz had a "marked tendency
to uxoriousness". A study of 1952 indicates that he
had 35 living sons. The number of his wives, many
married ephemerally, was a legendary 300; in addi-
tion, he had concubines and slave women. Yet to
some wives, he was faithful and always within the
letter of Kur'anic law.

All in all, "Abd al-'Aziz laid the bases for the mod-
ernisation of his country and was one of the great-

in the

rabian

nln al-Ravhani, Ta'rikh Aad/d wa-mulhakatih,
Beirut 1928; A.' Rihani, Ibn Sa'oud of Arabia: hh
people and hh land, London 1928; Fu'ad Hamza,
al-Bilad al-'Arabina al-Su'udina, Mecca 1936;
Hafiz Wahba, Dfazimt al-'Aiab fi 'l-kam al-'nhnn 1 ,
Cairo 1946; Dj. 'Abduh, Inlan al-Djazira: 'ard
<§adld li-sirat al-Mahk 'Abd al-'Aziz Al Su'ud, Cairo
1954; H. St. J.B. Philbv. Sa'udi Arabia, London
1955; Salah al-Din al-Mukhtar, Ta'rikh al-
Mamlaka al-'Aiabma al-Su'udivva, Beirut 1957;
Hafiz Wahba, Khamsun 'am }l Djaznat al-'Aiab,
Cairo 1960; Su'ud b. Hadhlul, Ta'rikh. Muluk Al
Su'ud, al-Riyad 1961; D. Howarth, The Dewit
King: a life of Ibn Saud, London 1964; Amin Sa'id,
Ta'rikh al-Dawla al-Su'udivva, Beirut 1964; G.
Troeller, The birth of Saudi Arabia: Britain and the
rise oj the home of Sa'ud, London 1976.

(R. Bayly Winder)
'ABD al-'AZIZ b. YUSUF (Abu '1-Kasim al-
Hakkar?), the private secretary and trusted adviser

three times alternatively the vizier and in disgrace
in regard to his sons Samsam al-Dawla and Baha'
al-Dawla [q.v. below]. He is the author of a col-
lection of official correspondence (insha'), largely pre-
served in ms. Petermann 406 (Ahlwardt 8625), which
is however limited to the period of 'Adud al-Dawla's
reign (some fragments lacking here are cited in al-
Tha'alibi, Yatima, ii, 89-90) and which, without secur-
ing him a place equal to his contemporaries Abu
Ishak al-Sabi' and Ibn 'Abbad, merits the histori-
an's consideration, above all for the narrative of
events of the reign.

Biblwgiaphv. Abu Shudja' al-Rudhrawan, con-
tinuation of the Miskawayh's Tafyanb al-umam, ed.
and tr. Amedroz and Margoliouth in The ahpv of
the 'Abbasid caliphate, iii and vi (see index, vii, 21;
Tha'alibi, Yatima, loc. at.; CI. Cahen, i'ne correipon-
danct bu-nde inedite, in Studi onentahstict ... Levi delta
Yida, i." 85-96; J. Chr. Burgel, Die Hojkorrespondenz
'Adud al-Daulai . . ., Wiesbaden 1965; H. Busse. Chalif
und Grosikonm. die Buyiden un Iraq [945-1055), Beirut
19(59, esp. 240 ff. ' (Cl. Cahen)

'ABD al-BARI, Kiyam al-Din Muhammad, early
14th/20th century 'Slim and pi, of the Farangi
MahalF family [q.v. below]. Born in Lucknow in
1295/1878, he was descended on his father's side
from a distinguished line of pin and on his mother's
side from Malik al-'Ulama' Mulla Havdar id.
1256/1840-1), who had established the Hyderabad
(Deccan) branch of the Farangi Mahall family. 'Abd
al-Bari was brought up in Lucknow. where he studied
under many teachers, notably his uncle 'Abd al-Baki
and 'Avn al-Kudat, the prominent pupil of 'Abd al-
Hayy [q.v.]. He travelled to the Hidjaz three times,
in 1309/1891-2, 1321/1903-4 and 1330/1911-2, and
also visited other parts of the Ottoman Empire. In
Medina, where he came to know Sharif Husayn of
Mecca, he both studied hadith under Sayyid 'All Witri

With Abu '1-Kalam Azad, 'Abd al-Bari was the
first Indo-Muslim scholar to play a major role in mod-
ern Indian politics. He came to the fore as Muslims
of the subcontinent became agitated over events in
the Ottoman Empire just before World War One. In
1913, after returning from Mecca, with Mushir Husayn
Kidwar, he founded the Andjuman-i Khuddam-i Ka'ba
[q.v. below]. After the War he played a leading part
in launching the Indian Khilafat movement: leading
in 1918 the first 'ulama' to attend the All-India Muslim
League sessions, developing an alliance with Mahatma
Gandhi, helping to organise the Central Khilafat
Committee in 1919, and throughout driving the agita-
tion more extreme till in 1920 the Khilafat movement
adopted a policy of non-cooperation with the British
government and, under its influence, so did the Indian
National Congress. In these years 'Abd al-Ban's influ-
ence was at its zenith, a fact marked, at least among
Indian 'ulama', bv his election as the first president
in 1919 of the j^am'-maH 'ulama'-i Hind, which he
had played a major part in establishing. But gradually
in 1921 and 1922 he began to draw apart from the

should be used 'to defend the Khilafat. By 1923 the

urgence

i India

defend
t the cost of Hindu-Muslim unity,
mtinued to fight for the Khilafat,

More.

although the iss

From 1925 he led the tremendous protest in India

against Ibn Sa'ud, and died on 4 Radjab 1344/19

January 1926 while in the midst of his campaign.

'Abd al-Bari knew that Muslims had to face the
problems posed by the modernisation of their society.
He was willing to support Muslims who sought west-
ern learning, sending boys to Aligarh College and mak-
ing a donation to the Muslim University movement. In
an endeavour designed to equip the children of 'ulama'
and pin for modern life along traditional lines, he estab-
lished the Madrasa-yi 'Aliya Nizamiyya at Farangi
Mahall in 1905. This offered an improved form of the
Dars-i Nizamiyya, making "modern" subjects such as
algebra and geography compulsory and offering prac-
tical subjects such as English to higher classes. 'Abd al-
Bari was no less concerned about the future of mysticism.
He felt that the. ignorance of those who were mystics,
as well as that of those who were not, was damaging
the reputation of tasauwuf. He was particularly con-
cerned that mystics should adhere strictly to the 'shan'a.
It was on this account that around 1914 he revived a
plan, first mooted by his father and others in 1896, to
establish a madiasa to teach Islamic mysticism system-
atically. The plan was adopted as the aim of the
Bazm-'i Sufirra-ri Hind, an organisation which, with the
support of many leading Indian mystics, was founded

during

he 'U,

of MuTn al-Dl

i Ci

htl .

Adjmrr in

1916.

'Abel

al-Bar

was one of the

time, h

ving a

least 300 pupils

wrot

111 books

and pa

nphlets

ng i

i Persian as

well a.

in th

e Far

angl Mahall

family,

Hlanaft

jurisprudence w

is hi

t important

iliated

-Raz

and CishtF-

Nizarm

he was an intl

1 pi,

several leading

politicians, including

Muh

ammad and

Shawka

'All

[a,:], amongst

his

mind

An inde-

-minde

i but emotional

'Abe

al-Barl was

guided

iV the

need to defend

and'

strengthen Islam.

le did but also in part because
and talented Farangi Mahall f;

nvstirism, see Nur al-Hasan Adjmrri
pzarisJi, Lucknow 1923 and 'Abd al-Bari

cisive years, 1933-8. He went to al-Nahda school and
began to mix study with militant activity, protesting
both against the British presence and the policies of
the Egyptian politicians. He was exposed to the polit-
ical currents of the time, of the Wafd. the National
Party wl-Hizb al-Watant) and especially Mis, al-Fatat,
the Fascist-type movement found by Ahmad Husayn.
He felt deeply and personally the problems of Egypt

sciously" following the example of those future leaders
who take upon themselves the burdens of their peo-
ple, and also searching for a future pattern for his
own lite. He admired' the Wafd centred around its
leader, Mustafa Nahhas; he occasional marched with
Mis, al-Fatat. He wrote at the time: "(The Egyptian]

needs

II lead h

battle"

Ba,

- Altai

il-Rahm;

\ KrtSm-

1924; His p<

bv Francis Robinson, Separatism among Indian Minimis.

the publics of the United Provinces' Muslims I860- 1923.

Cambridge 1974, rhs. vii-ix, and Afzal Iqbal, 77«

life and times of Mohamed Ah. Lahore 1974, 336-40.
(F.C.R. Robinson i

<ABD al-LATIF CELEBI [see LatIfT].

'ABD al-NASIR, Djamal, Egyptian commande!
and statesman. His fathei, 'Abd al-Nasir Husayn.
came from the village of Bam Murr near Asyiit in
Upper Egypt. He was a clerk in the post office and
in 1915 moved to Alexandria. In 1917 he married
the daughtt

led

In November I93. r ), when the British opposed the
■-establishment of the Egyptian constitution. 'Abd al-
Jdsir marched with students on to the streets of Claim
nd was wounded by a bullet fired b\ British troops.
le was identified as an agitator and asked to leave
is school. After a few months in 1936 as a law stu-
ent in Cairo University, his sense of disillusion with
le politicians who had "surrendered" to the British

s the indifference of his fellow-students, led him to
rek to join the army, in his opinion the best means
vailable for effecting change. He had passed through

tions on the middle and lower classes entering the
officer corps. 'Abd al-Nasir was a member of the see-
the age 'of nineteen in the 'Abbasivya Military
Academy. He was attracted to military life with its
discipline and study, and was quickly promoted. Of"
his future companions in the revolution, he met 'Abd
al-Hakfm 'Amir in the academy and Zakariyya Muhyi

ll-Dln i

15th 1'

,, Djan

diffici

ir plot-

imes dur

i theii

office

of seven he was confirmed when he again met 'Amir during their

and to study assignment to the Sudan.

s father. He The German successes in Libya and Egypt in
age of Bain 1940-1 led some Egyptian officers to see in the Axis
r life of the their deliverers from British occupation. 'Abd al-Nasir
laily toil, its stayed aloof from making approaches to the Germans,
a microcosm but his anger was aroused in February 1942 when
Jsir's family Sir Miles Lampson, the British High Commissionei,
iprietors and with the support of British tanks imposed on King
.ers yet from Faruk a Wafd cabinet under Nahhas. 'Abd al-Nasir
cut into the was ashamed that the army had taken no counter-
government action, but he at least felt that some officers had
isir his roots been shaken out of their apathy. In 1943 he was

in the Egyptian countryside and

also his

escape into

appointed an instructor at the ' Military Academy,

another world.

In Cairo he went to al-Nahha

sin srhc

ol in Khan

with a number of younger Egyptians who were also

al-Khalrli where he was able t(

experie

nee at first

like him fired by the aim of liberating their c ountry.

hand the life of the bustling c

owded

The period 1945-52 bears, with hindsight, the signs

Cairo, that other aspect of ' the

povert

of Egypt.

of the end of an era. Several factors combined to

During this period he was grea

tly affe

ensure that change eventually became inevitable. King

death of his mother and bv his f

riage. This experience turned hir

n again

t his father

life debarred him as a serious political leader. The

and strengthened his independen

e and

erhaps also

Wafd had lost most of its credibility, and the more

his introspection. He was noted f

om the

i on for his

extreme movements weie left to clamour for a cen-

seriousness and thoughtfulness

tral role. The Arab disaster in Palestine had a pro-

After an interval with his fa

mily m

Alexandria

found effect on the minds of young Egyptian army

! ABD al-NASIR

first from the towns and then from the Suez Canal
Zone confirmed their suspicions about the survival
of British imperialist aims. The period was one of
ferment and tension, so that even a personality less
politically sensitive than 'Abd al-Nasir could not have
remained unaffected, and he was in a sense torn
during this period between his position as staff offi-
cer and his interests in "revolutionary" movements.
He was introduced to Marxism by Khalid Muhyi
al-Din, a fellow officer and cousin of Zakariyya, to
the Ikhwan al-Mushmun by al-Sadat, and to the left
wing of the Wafd by Ahmad Abu '1-Fath and oth-
ers. At this time a group of officers began to meet
regularly, comprising the above together with 'Amir,
Tharwat 'Ukasha and one or two others. These so-
called Dubbat al-Ahrar ("Free Officers") did not yet
coalesce as a movement, having no common ideol-
ogy but a determination to transform Egypt; but the
figure of Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir emerged here as a
leader.

It was events outside Egypt which decisively placed
the Free Officers on course outwards revolution. In
May 1948 the Egyptian army advanced into Palestine
in an attempt to destroy the new state of Israel. 'Abd
al-Nasir was commanding officer of a unit, and was
immediately dismayed by the inefficiency and lack of
preparedness of the Egyptians who were fighting
against greatly inferior numbers; in the fighting he
was himself wounded in the chest. After the second
United Nations armistice (during which the Haganah
improved its positions), the battle for the Negev began
in October. 'Abd al-Nasir and his unit were trapped
at Falludja, but together with several other Free
Officers they held out against the Israeli forces and
were eventually able to counter-attack. In retrospect,
'Abd al-Nasir saw this episode as a symbol of their
determination to pursue the real fight against all those
forces which opposed Egypt. He had fought the Israelis
and had even admired them in their successful bid
to oust the British from Palestine (during one armistice
he had had an opportunity to talk to an Israeli offi-
cer), and had himself become more widely known.
One general also made his name for heroism in the
Palestine war, Muhammad Nadjib (Neguib).

The army returned home bitter in defeat and
determined to begin the "real" struggle. The Free
Officers began to issue propaganda denouncing the
King, the regime and the army, to infiltrate the gov-
ernment, and to co-operate with other organisations.
In October 1951 the Egyptian government abro-
gated the 1936 Treaty, and this action signalled the
beginning of guerilla activity against the British troops
remaining in the Canal Zone. The Free Officers
played a certain part, issuing arms and training com-
mandos, but it was largely students and members of
the Ikhwan who bore the brunt of the fighting; 'Abd
al-Nasir himself was biding his time conserving his
energies.

Tension was also rising in Cairo. A particularly
severe British retaliatory attack on the Isma'fliyya bar-
racks in January 1952 led to Black Saturday, January
26th, when much foreign and Egyptian property in
Cairo was burned and several lives lost. Students,
Ikhwan and the mob rampaged in a fury of revenge,
and the army and police intervened only late in the
day. It is still not clear who instigated the riots and
how large a part, if any, the Free Officers played;
but the events had at least demonstrated the desper-
ate fury of the country and the lack of any solution
offered by the regime.

Faruk and his entourage continued their improvi-

dent course, seemingly careless of the country's plight.
The Free Officers decided that a coup could no longer
be postponed and began to make their final plans in
July. The government had moved for the summer to
Alexandria, and two army units favourable to the Free
Officers were about to move to Cairo. On 20th July

t became known that

3 appoint a

government, one of whose first actions would be to
arrest some of the Officers. The latter advanced their
plans; by the morning of 23rd July the key army and
communications posts had been taken, with hardly a
shot fired and only two lives lost. Although 'Abd al-
Nasir had been the leader. General Muhammad
Nadjib, the older and better-known man, became the
new Commander-in-Chief, while arguments raged over
the future form of government — should there be co-
operation with civilian politicians, and what was to
be the fate of Faruk?

'Alt Mahir, an ex-premier, headed the new gov-
ernment. 'Abd al-Nasir stood out for the exile, rather
than the execution, of Faruk, and the ex-king sailed
from Alexandria on 26th July. Nadjib supervised the
abdication while 'Abd al-Nasir remained in Cairo.

Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal has divided the polit-
ical life of 'Abd al-Nasir (known in Egypt as "The
Lion") into three parts: 1952-6, the Lion free; 1956-
67 the Lion chained; 1967-70 the Lion wounded. By
this division, Haykal saw him free until the Suez inva-
sion to concentrate on Egyptian affairs; after 1956 he
became chained to Arab and world affairs and a pris-
oner of his own success and personality; after the Arab-
Israeli war of 1967 he was gradually weighed down
by the burdens of office. These divisions may be qual-
ified and modified, however. During the whole of his
political life he was attempting both to legitimise his
rule and to give Egypt a lasting political and social
system. Until 1956 he was largely concerned with
Egyptian internal affairs, but Suez thrust him on to
the world stage, and while chaining him, in Haykal's
phrase, he was at the peak of his popularity and suc-
cess, at least until the dissolution of the Syrian-Egyptian
union in 1961. The period 1961-7 saw him more
closely chained and less successful, until the disaster
of 1967, by which he was mortally wounded.

The Free Officers had no definite political pro-
gramme before or at the beginning of their regime.
No one ideology motivated the seizure of power; they
rather vague ideas about national independence.

1 jus

equality. The first years of
precise defining of these ideas and forced 'Abd al-
Nasir to determine his role in the new system. He
was the centre of the new ruling body, the Revolution
Command Council (R.C.C.) (Madj_lis Kiyadat al-Thawra),
although Nadjib was its president, replacing 'All Mahir
in September 1952, and 'Abd al-Nasir not yet pub-
licly acknowledged.

The regime's first declared objective had been the
expulsion of the British, and negotiations began imme-
diately over the evacuation of the Canal Zone.
Secondly, the direction of domestic policy was estab-
lished by the agrarian reform law of September 1952
by which no one was allowed to hold more than 200
feddans of land. Thirdly, the regime set about elim-
inating opposition, i.e. the Wafd and especially the
Ikhwan, who reacted by trying to foment opposition
in the army, police and universities. In the early
months of 1954 the Ikhwan waged what 'Abd al-Nasir
termed a djihad against the regime, in an attempt to
seize power themselves.

Within the Revolution Command Council, dis-

ABD *l NASIR

stnsions nose between Generil Nidjib now Piesident
of the Egypt! m Republic ind the vounger officers
The older mm hid gained considerable popul int\
but was opposed bv his colleigues who i<<used him
ot le establishing lehtions with the old politicians and
u mting to send the at my back to its birncks Theie
were demonstiations in his livoui and the chaos of
pie i evolutions diys seemed about to letuin This
to Abd alNisn with his deeplv

leagues isolated Nadjib bv the end of March 1954
he lemamed as tituhr president of the iepubhc while
Abd ilNisn became president ol the RCC with
de facto powei

In JuK 1954 Abd al Nasir signed i tieity with
the British undei which the C inal bise would be
entuited within twentv months with the piovision
that it could be re letivited bv the Bntish in tht
event ot in ittitk bv in outside power on an Ai ib
countrv 01 on Turkev To many Egyptians this wis
1 npituhtion to the West ind wis stronglv opposed
bv the Muan On 24 Oitobei 1954 \bd alNisir
wis iddressmg a uowd m Alexindm justifying the
tieity when a member of the Ifhuan attempted to
J described

il Nisi

r H avuis

contiol ol the limy and stite his sunn il might ilso

mitic leiders can onlv gam in prestige horn mirac
ulouslv surviving ississinition ittempts \bdilNisn
now dommited the Resolution Command Council
the cabinet the hee Offiteis md through them the
Liber ition Rallv his hrst attempt to oigunse politi

penetrated most ispects ol civil life

1955 wis the veil in which Jcbd ilNisu won his
person il bittle md lound the role he had written
about m his Fat afat a i than ra Philosophv of the lev

iole wandeung umlessly \bout seeking an ictoi to pi iv
it In his wilting he had i utilised the masses for not
enthusiastic illv following him litu the coup Now he
was piesented with 1 cause in which to lead them
The British had established the Bighdid Pact with Nun
al Sa id of Ink as the lvnch pm \bd al Nasu aw uc
that he wis compromised ovei the Sut/ bise lgrec

ciallv bv Eden to maintain dommition m the Middle
Eist ind mil to shilt the centre of power aw iv from
Fgypt to Ink hence he deteimmed to oppose it In
Februirv 1955 he wis visited bv the pioponents ol
non alignment Tito and Nehru md w as gi e itlv influ
enced bv them especially b\ the \ugoshv At the sime

Amencins were Utempting to exploit his vulnenbilitv
He now begin to seek urns first unsuicesslullv horn
the West ind then horn the Communist bloc

His p ii ticipation m Apiil in the Bandung Confeience
ol Non aligned Nitions made i deep impression on
him loi he wis hilled is i leader in the mti lolo
nnlist fight ind weliomed bv in enthusiastic nowd

announced an arms lontmt with C zei hoslov aki i
though he wis loith to sever lontKts with the West
and in November he opened negotiations with Bntain
ind America loi a loin to finance the construction ot
the Aswan High Dam In Januarv 195b i loan bv
the West was innounced with conditions notiblv tint
Egypt s budget had to be supeivised bv the lenders

Abd il Nasu hesitated foi l time having ihenited
Fr ince bv his support ot the Front de Libei ition
Nulonale m Algeni and Bntnn bv his ippiov il ol
King Husavns dismiss d of Genei il dlubb in Jordin
and tinallv in JuK the offer ot the loan was with
dnwn because iccording to the L S Deputment of
State ot doubts ibout Egvpt s abilitv to devote ade

in June with 99 9 per cent ol the votes He announced
the nation ills ition of the Suez C mil lgimst which
tht Bntish Pi line Minister \nthonv Eden re it ted bv
denouncing the ttkeovei is illegal he also siw Abd
il Nisir ts i dictator threitenmg Bntish secuntv who
hid to be removed To the Egyptians however the
C mil was the symbol of impeinlism and Abd il
Nisn wis the mm who had defied the Old Woild
and who hid asstited the lights ol the newly mde
pendent His populanty in Egvpt wis enoimous md
he was convinced thit he could withstand Western

md Isi i,

; lined

k Egvpt

tilled On Octobei 29th Isneli tioops crossed into
Sin n ind the following di\ wire repoited to be within

dnw to ten miles on either side of the Cinil was
iciected bv Abd al N isir and two divs htei Bntish
phnts rudtd Cano On Novembci ith Bntish md
Henth tioops 1 mded in Poit Slid \hd al N isn con
v mied his followers ol Egypt s ability to lesist but ht
wis in lict 1 icing deieit ind wis onlv sued bv
\mencin md k
foicign troops w

:> leave Egyptiai

e pop

bore within ltsell the
gei He hid lonhonted Isnel md the W
on behilf ol Egvpt but ilso of othei part-
woild He w is being diawn into the politic
with its twin goils of unity and the destiuction of
Isnel iention md i oloni ilism Egvpt the stiongest

\nb state with its powerful leidcr was the natunl
centie of tht Ai lb world Abd il Nasir had aheidy
shown his suppoit foi the Algen m national movement

md thereby ihenited France The \ oi, e of the Ar lbs
l ldio broidc 1st continual mti Western piopiganda
horn Cum Abd il N isn hid ie)eited Piesident
Eisenhowers offci ot -\mene in military support At
the same time Syrn the othei centie ol Anbism
"ippmg u

n'thists

groups were competing loi power In J mu in 1958
Svrnn spokesmen mtoimed \bd alNisir that onlv

not immediately convinced despite his piofessed beliel
in \rab unity md mide stiong conditions foi the
Synans whith they neveitheless leidily aeteptcd \t
the end of Jmtnry the United \nb Republic c tme
into existence with Abd il Nisn as president wel
tomed with relief bv the Synans but not it seemed
with my git at enthusiasm bv the Egvpti in le ider him
self noi bv tht Egyptian people some ot whom legiet
ted the disappeai nice of tht nime ol Egvpt

Hovvevei he ieceived a grevt populu welcome m

Syria and appeared determined to make the union a
success, if only by imposing his own will on the
Syrians. Such an attitude was bound to cause resent-
ment, and socialist measures, the dismissal of army
officers, purges of politicians and the arrogant behav-
iour of 'Abd al-Nasir's man in Syria, 'Abd al-Hamid
Sarradj, all contributed to increase feelings of bitter-
ness. By early 1961 the union was falling apart and
in September a group of Syrian officers unilaterally
took Syria out of the U.A.R.

'Abd al-Nasir was stunned, but, after a momen-
tary determination to oppose the split by force,
reluctantly withdrew Egyptian troops from Syria. To
salvage his self-esteem and perhaps to keep the door
open for further unions, he retained the title of U.A.R.
for Egypt. His political life was complicated by an-
other factor. The 'Irakis had overthrown the monar-
chy in July 1958, had pioclaimed theii i evolution
and weie disputing with him the leadership of the

claimed Soviet support and had refused to join the
U.A.R. He had been dragged deep into inter-Arab
disputes and saw his energies diverted into unpiof-
itable avenues.

After the break-up of the U.A.R., 'Abd al-Nasir
felt isolated and to some extent withdrew into Egyptian
affairs. In a speech of October 1961 he made some
surprising admissions; "We fell victim to a dangeious
illusion, to which we were led by an increasing con-
fidence in ourselves and in others". He had neglected
the economic development and the political organi-
sation of Egypt. He would summon a congress of
popular forces which would chart a more socialist and
demociatic couise. In Egypt he had become in all
senses the rah, enjoying absolute power and now
being corrupted by that power. He was the father-
figure, protected by the mukhabaidt, imprisoning and
torturing Communists, with an all-powerful police, and
with judicial corruption. His entourage both protected
and isolated him. He owed his popularity to the
masses, yet he distrusted them, and none of his plans
to involve the people more diiectly in government
had very great success. He moved cautiously and prag-
matically, approaching a socialist solution slowly.
Despite his reliance on Russia, he had persecuted
Egyptian Marxists and had no intention of imposing
a totally communist progiamme on the country.

During the fifties there had been some nationali-
sation, but it was not until July 1961 that 'Abd al-
Nasir announced more radical measures. He introduced
"Arab socialism" into Egypt — land ownership was
reduced to a maximum of 100 feddans; banks and
many other companies were nationalised; property was
sequestiated; and the economy was to be totally
planned. Smaller businesses were left in private hands.
'Abd al-Nasir was cleaily reluctant, however, to fol-
low too closely the So\iet pattern. His socialism was
to be built on "national friendship" rather than class
warfare and there was to be no enfoiced collectivisa-
tion of the peasantry. The Congress of Popular Forces
was convened in May 1962 to discuss and approve
a National Chartei which embodied the ideology
of the i egime. A new single pai ty, the Arab Socialist
Union, was founded to succeed the National Union
which had already taken the place of the earlier
Liberation Rally.

The A.S.U. was 'Abd al-Nasir's attempt to involve
the people, in a strictly supervised way, in the gov-
ernment of Egypt. That it largely failed was partly due
to the scarcity of enthusiastic and well-trained cadies.
Traditional centres of powei still held sway in many

of the Egyptian villages and no great enthusiasm was
shown for the A.S.U. In an attempt to strengthen the
Union, 'Abd al-Nasir even released imprisoned Marx-
ists, some of whom in 1964 agreed to work within
the organisation.

'Abd al-Nasir's economic policies were obviously
influenced by his relationship with the Soviet Union
and Yugoslavia. He rejected Communism and was
categorised by Soviet ideologists as a bourgeois nation-
alist, yet he was dependent on Russia for aid and
Krushchev considered him an ally in the Middle East.
Apart from arms, Russia had in 1960 agreed to finance
the construction of Aswan Dam, which became both
the symbol of Russo-Egyptian co-operation and of
Egypt's rebirth. The dam was built to transform
Egypt's economy and agriculture. It has not succeeded
in all the ways intended, and in more ways than one
it is 'Abd al-Nasir's monument.

Despite his intention to concentrate on internal
affairs, 'Abd al-Nash's reputation and Egypt's posi-
tion in the Arab world obliged him to continue to
play a leading role. The most serious intervention was
in the Yemen where in the autumn of 1962 an upris-
ing had driven out the Imam. A republic was pro-
claimed which was immediately threatened by
Saudi-backed royalist forces. 'Abd al-Nasir sent an
Egyptian army to support the revolution, an action
he later regretted, for it was trapped for five years
with a continuing drain of men and equipment,
diverted away from a confrontation with Israel, the
insoluble problem of his lifetime.

The Israelis had withdrawn from the Suez Canal
after 1956, and United Nations troops had moved in
between Israel and Egypt. The Aiabs had made var-
ious plans for and propaganda about the destruction
of Israel, but 'Abd al-Nasir seemed determined not
to let Egypt be engaged in war before the at my was
ready, or until Arab unity was achieved. However,
he joined a pact with Syria in 1966 which trapped
him into confrontation. Both Syria and Jordan clashed
with Israel and he found himself shouldering their
burdens and being ineluctably drawn into a conflict.
He was now heard to talk of destroying Isiael and
of the impossibility of co-existence. 'Abd al-Hakim
'Amir and others convinced him that the army was
strong and prepared, though after the wai, 'Abd al-
Nasir claimed that he had not wanted to fight.

According to his version of the events leading to
the war, in May he asked U Thant to withdraw the
U.N. Emergency Force from the Israeli-Egyptian fron-
tier, thus allowing the Egyptian army to face Israeli
troops directly. The Russians had informed him that
the Israelis were preparing to attack Syria, and by
his moves in Sinai he intended to deter them; this
information seems to have been either incorrect or at
least exaggerated. 'Abd al-Nasir claimed that the U.N.
responded by insisting on withdrawing their troops
both from the frontier and from Sharm al-Shaykh.
The U.N. version is that Egyptian troops appealed
at Sharm al-Shaykh and forced the U.N. to with-
draw. Whichever version is correct, Egyptian tioops
were soon at the entrance to the Gulf of 'Akaba and
blockading the Straits of Tiran to Isiaeli shipping,
and it was clear that Israel could not leave such a
challenge unanswered. According to eyewitnesses in
Cairo 'Abd al-Nasir appeared at the time to be borne
down by the inexorable, and he spoke of a moment
of decision: either Israel must accept new discussions
on the Palestine problem or war was inevitable.

'Amir and Shams Badian, the Egyptian Wai Min-
ister, urged him in vain to strike first. Israel settled

'ABD al-NASIR — <ABD al-RAHMAN b. HASSAN

June 9th Egypt accepted a cea:
troops once again on the Suez C
had led his country to a ratastror.
no excuses. On tension on Jul

i he admi
. The r

tion was immediate. All Egypt, it seemed, beg
to stay. Egypt and 'Abd al-Nasir had together
defeated, and Egypt without him was unthinkable; the
identification between leader and people appeared
total. His resignation was rejected and the follow'
day he resumed office.

his country occupied, the Canal closed; he was c
fronted by a powerful enemv, and his armed fo
were shattered. In the short period left of his
there was little he could do to restore the situat
yet as leader he was forced to try. Even the ai
was not prepared totally to support him. 'Amir
blamed for the defeat, arrested and allowed (or for,

course. He had guided Egypt through a period of
intense change and political adjustment. He had seen
the end of French and British imperialism and had
felt his wav towards a new relationship both with
the United States and the Soviet Union. He had led
Egypt into a relationship with an Arab world newly-
scious of its power and independence. He had

February

•sted.

1>68 the Air Force con

nprisonment. Even so, the Egyptian people
were not satisfied with 'Abd al-Nasir's actions, and
there was criticism of him, of the system and of the
leniency of the sentences on the Air Force officers.

He responded by increasing the sentences and by-
urging the Arab Socialist Union to plav a more cre-
ative and active role. This did not satisfy the people,
and in late 1968 there were demonstrations in favour
of more political freedom and even demands for his
resignation. He had been called back by the people

On the int
tie that was c

fulfil theii

1967 h

able i

offer

>rsed tl

) negotiate with Israel, alth<
i seemed to accept the U.N. resolution 24
entailed recognition of the sovereignty of all
the Middle East. Soviet support in rebuilding 1
at least gave him a position from which he co
Israel on a more equal footing. It led him tr
the war of attrition in 1969-70 during which til

tor>-. 'Abd al-Nasir personally and on behali
Arabs could not bring himself to the point ol
ating a peace treaty with Israel, despite So'
. He made s

med t

Organise

- leadin.

t in C

awards

n the A

1970 King Husavn of Jordan
:>f the Palestine liberation
liro under 'Abd al-Nasir's aegis
r Husavn's sup-

pression of the attempted Palestin

September 28th he died of a heart attack, 1
fered from diabetes for ten years and later
right leg. Despite a prev

ark in J

•ptemb

1969 h

ntil the very end. Hi

funeral i

n Cairo

was marked

vith astonishing scene

of .grief.

surrounded his cof

n. It was as though in a very r
>ul of Egypt had died with hin
It is also possible that the n
av contained within itself a gra

ass hvs
n of re

ef. 'Abd al-

^asir had dominated
ears and perhaps b\

Egyptian
1970 Na

'smsm

some fifteen

jehalf c

roblen

, thes.

'Abd al-Nasir was thoroughly Egyptian, a SaTdr
■ ho gave back to Egypt a sense of dignity. He
?mained a man of simple tastes and hard work who
ontinued to live modestly in Cairo. His close friends
'ere almost all political allies and he created with
lem an atmosphere of intrigue and conspiracy in
overnment. He ruled Egypt through this elite.

and a

usted tl

conspirn
super

ised

with the muhhabamt. H,
man, not averse to the use of violence and torture
to subdue his opponents. He did not know how to
create lasting institutions nor how to gather around

He clearly inspired devotion both among his col-
rise to the formation of Nasserist parties in other
countries. He was the symbol for many of Arab resist-
ance to foreign influence and to internal reaction. He

in Wei

able

lead the break-through in Egypt's h

Bibliogiaphy: Much has been written about 'Abd
al-Nasir and Egypt under his regime. A survey of
English and French studies written before 1967 can
be found in D. Hopwood, Some Western views of the
Egypt,™ uvolutwn, in PJ. Vatikiotis, ed., Egypt' unce
the revolution, London 1968; The most important
works specifically on Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir appear-
ing since that date are: J. Lacouture, A'assei, Paris
1971 [and Engl, tr., London 1973); R. Stephens.
Xasse,, London 1971; R.H. Dekmejian, Egrpt under
Xasir, a study in political dynamics. Albany, N.Y. 1972;
A. Nutting, .\asser, London 1972; Egypt and ,\'asser.
' ~ i File) New York 1973; M.H.

documents, London 1973; Many

;• his death, both laudatory and critical, and

Heikal, The

: One

: the

l-'alam, Beirut 1972. Essential is 'Abd al-Nasir's

own Fahafat al-thamm, Cairo 1956 (English tr.,

Washington D.C. 1956). Also of use are memoirs

by his colleagues, Anwar al-Sadat, Revolt on the Mle,

New York 1957, and Mohammed Neguib, Egypt's

destiny. London 1955. Many of his speeches were

also "published. ' [D. Hopwood)

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HASSAN b. Thabit al-

\nsarI, poet of Medina and Damascus in the early

islamic period and son of the more famous eulogist

rf the Prophet, Hassan b. Thabit [q.v.]. He ;

r 7/628

and

'rom visits to the Umayyad capital,
nost of his life in Medina. He died there, according
o Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhlb, vi, 162-3, in ca. 104/722-3
tt the age of 98 lunar years, long-lived like his father.

'ABD al-RAHMAN b

'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl

His father had latterly become a strong advo-
cate of vengeance for 'Uthman and a supporter of
Mu'awiya's cause, and 'Abd al-Rahman likewise
became embroiled in the controversies of the day,
including with the poet and supporter of the 'Alids,
Kays b. 'Amr al-Nadjashl [q.v.]. 'Abd al-Rahman him-
self apparently was of a distinctly provocative and
irascible nature, much given to satirising his contem-
poraries, and he also clashed with the Umayyad poet-
prince 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam, brother of the
future caliph Marwan (see Aghani', xiii, 150-4, xiv,
123 f. = ed. Beirut, xiii, 279-86, xiv, 284 ff.), and
then with the heir to the throne Yazld b. Mu'awiya
over an alleged slight to the latter's sister in the nasib
of one of 'Abd al-Rahman's poems (see Lammens,
Eludes sur le regne du calife omaiyade Mo'iwia /", in MFOB,
ii (1907), 149-51); the moderation of Mu'awiya pro-
tected him from retaliation, although the incident may
possibly have sharpened the satires of Yazld's protege
al-Akhtal [q.v] against the Ansar in general. 'Abd al-
Rahman was also a companion of his younger An§arl
contemporary, the poet 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad
al-Ahwas [q.v.]. Only fragments of his verses have sur-
vived; these are significant, however, as showing a
transitional stage to the poetry of the Hidjazi school
of al-Ahwas and then of 'Umar b. Abl'Rabfa [q.v.].

a poet of this

father.

'Abd al-Rahman's son Sa'i
Hidjazi lyrical tradition, to judge by the fc
of his work in the Aghani and other sources. He spent
some of his career in the Hidjaz and some in Syria
at the court of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik and then in
the latter's son al-Walld's circle during Hisham's
caliphate; the date of his death is unknown. See
R. Blachere, Hist, de la lilt, arabe, iii, 625, and Sezgin,

GAS, i

423.

Bibliography: There is no specific biography of
'Abd al-Rahman in the Aghani, but see the Tables
alphabetiques for references there to him. The scat-
tered references of the tabakat literature, etc., are
given in Blachere, op. cil., ii, 316-17, and Sezgin,
ii, 422-3, see also Brockelmann, S I, 68, and Zirikll,
A'lam, iv, 74. Of secondary literature, see in addi-
tion to the above, F. Schultess, L'ber dem Dichtei al
Xagasl und einige Ze>'g™osw, in ^DA/(7, liv (1900),
421-74 (material from al-Zubayr b. Bakkar's
Muwaffakiyydt); Lammens, be. eit.; and \V. 'Arafat,
Dlwdn of Hassan ibn Thdbit, London 1971. i, Introd.,
6-7. The surviving verses and fragments of 'Abd
al-Rahman's poetic work have recently been gath-
ered together by S. Makki al-Ani, Shi'r 'Abd al-
Rahman b. Hassan al-Ansarf, Baghdad 1971.

(C.E. Bosworth)
'ABD al-RAZZAK al-LAHIDJI [see lahidji].
'ABD al-SALAM b. MUHAMMAD b. Ahmad al-
HasanI al-'AlamI al-fasi, Moroccan astronomer and
physician of the 19th century who lived in Fas, dying
there in 1313/1895. Like some others of his fellow-
countrymen, he tried to improve the instruments used
for calculating the hours of the prayers (tawktf [q.v.]),
and he describes one of these invented by himself in
his Irshad al-khill li-tahklk al-sa'a bi-mb' al-shu'a' wa Hill.
Besides some commentaries (in particular, on al-Wazzanl,
called Abda' al-yawaklt 'ala tahrlr al-mawaklt, Fas
1326/1908), he wrote a Dustur abda' al-yawaklt 'ala tahrlr
al-mawaklt (ms. Rabat K 980), which aimed at being
a general manual based in part on translations of west-
ern scientific works, which he had got to know about
in Cairo, where he had gone to study medicine; on
his return, he also wrote a commentary on the Tadhkira

of al-Antakl [q.v.], called Diya' al-nibras fl hall mufradat
al-Antakl bi-lughat ahl Fas (ed. Fas 1318/1900, 2nd
edn., N.D.; with his treatise on haemorrhoids in the
margins) and composed a reclassification of the mate-
rial in this same work in al-Tabsira fl suhulat al-intifa'
bi-mudfarrabdt al-Tadhkira. He further wrote an urdjuza
on surgery, but left unfinished a dictionary of tech-
nical terms found in medical works translated into
Arabic. This author accordingly marks the transition
between traditional medicine and the modern medi-
cine, of which he had been able to acquire some idea
during his stay in Cairo.

Bibliography. Ibn 'Abd Allah, al-Tibb wa 7-
atibba' hi 'l-Maghrib, Rabat 1380/1960, 86-9; M.
Lakhdar, La vie litteraire au Maroc, Rabat 1971, 361-
4 and bibl. given there. (Ed.)

'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl, Shaykh, Sufi
saint of Muslim India.

He was the son of Muhammad al-Husayni al-Bukharl,
the descendant of Sayyid Djalal al-Dln Bukhari, who
had come to Multan from Central Asia and then set-
tled down in Ucch at the instance of his pir, Shaykh
Baha 1 al-Dln Zakariyya' SuhrawardI of Multan. His
descendants became distinguished SuhrawardI saints
during the latter half of the 8th /14th century owing
to the eminence of Makhdum Djahaniyan. 'Abd al-
Wahhab received his early religious instruction in Uchha
and then went to Multan for higher education. He is
reported to have studied the religious sciences under
Shaykh Ahmad Khattu in Ahmadabad (in Gudjarat).
At an early age, he went to Arabia on pilgrimage and
whilst there benefited from local scholars. On his return
to India he settled down in Dihll, as most of the
Suhrawardr saints of Ucch and Multan had moved
there. He there became the murfd of Shaykh 'Abd
Allah SuhrawardI, the son of Shaykh Yusuf MultanI
and son-in-law of Sultan Bahlul Lodi. He also became
an associate of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. After some time,
he left on the pilgrimage to Arabia for a second time.
This time he went from Gudjarat by ship, having on
his previous trip travelled by land.

On his return to Agra, in the beginning of the
10th/ 16th century. The Sultan accorded him a grand
reception. In the year, 915/1509, he was sent to the
Central Indian fort of Narwar (in modern Madhya
Pradesh) which had been just been conquered and
renamed by the Sultan Hisar-i Muhammad, so that he

ould s<

'e the n

e there.

rting a:

•haykh

ipervised the construction of mosque
and madrasas, and some mosque inscriptions contain
his praise. In the same year, 'Abd al-Wahhab Bukhari
completed his commentary on the Kur'an, in which
the meaning of every verse was explained from a Sufi
point of view. The work is not extant, and only a
few extracts, quoted by Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk in his
Akhbar-al-akhyar, are known.

'Abd al-Wahhab Bukharl's association with the
Sultan enhanced his influence and prestige in the rul-
ing class, and as a result, a number of scholars and
Sufis got stipends and land-grants from the state for
their maintenance on his recommendation. But his
relations with Sultan Sikandar Lodi became strained
towards the close of the latter's reign. It is said that
on his arrival in Agra from Narwar, the Shaykh advised
the Sultan to grow a beard as it was not proper for
a Muslim monarch to shave his beard. The sultan
tried to avoid discussion over the matter by giving
evasive replies. Against the royal wishes, the Shaykh
insisted on eliciting a promise from the sultan. How-
ever, the sultan got annoyed and became quiet. On
the departure of the Shaykh, he expressed his resent-

'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl — 'ABD al-WAHHAB

merit, remarking that he had become presumptuous
over royal favour to him and that he did not know
that it was because of this that people kissed his feet.
When the Shaykh came to know of the sultan's remark
through a courtier, he left Agra in disgust and then
spent the rest of his life in seclusion in Dihlr. He
died in 931/1525 and was buried in Dihlr near the
tomb of his pir, Shaykh 'Abd Allah.

Bibliography: Shaykh Rizk Allah MushtakT,
Waki'at-i MushtSkJ, Ms. British Museum Add. 1 1,633;
Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Akhbar al-akhvar,
Dihll 1914; 'Abd Allah, Ta'rlkh-i Ddwudi, ed. Shaykh
•Abd al-Rashid, Aligarh 1954; Ahmad Yadgar,
Ta'm-i Shahl, ed. M. Hidayat Husayn, Calcutta
1939; Ahmad Khan, Shadfarqyi-Suhraward, Ms. Riza
Library, Rampur; Epigiaphia Indira, Arabic and
Persian Supplement 1965, ed. Z.A. Desai, Calcutta
1966. (I.H. Siddiquii

'ABD al-WAHHAB, Hasan HusnI b. salih b. 'Abd
al-Wahhab b. Yusuf al-SumadihI al-TudjibI, born
in Tunis 21 July 1884 and died at Salammbo in the
suburbs of Tunis November 1968, was a polygraph
and scholar born into a family of dignitaries and
high officials of the Tunisian state. His eponymous
grandfather, 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Yusuf, served in posi-
tions of administration and protocol in the entourage
of the Beys while his father, Yusuf b. 'Abd al-Wahhab,
a senior official and interpreter with various Tunisian
delegations in Europe, occupied a number of admin-
istrative posts under the French Protectorate, includ-
ing that of 'amil, governor, of Gabes and of Mahdia;

of Morocco that has never been published.

In 1904, on the death of his father, Hasan HusnI
'Abd al-Wahhab was obliged to interrupt his short-
lived higher studies in Paris where he was following
a course in Political Science, for an administrative
career in Tunis which was to last from 1905 to 192U.

Governor or 'amil successively of Djabanyana in
1925, Mahdia in 1928 and Nabeul in 1935, he exerted
himself particularly in the extension of education and
the diffusion of culture in these regions through the
establishment of primary schools in the Caidate of
Djabanyana, through weekly lectures on the history
of Tunis which he himself gave in Mahdia, and
through the provision of books for the libraries of this
town and of Nabeul.

in 1939 he was given responsibility, having been
pensioned off, for the supervision of the Habous iprop-
erties held in mortmain). From Mav 1943 to July
1947, he was minister of the Pen (Chancellery and
Internal Affairs I of the last Bey of Tunis Lamine or

Following the independence of Tunisia, he directed,
from 1957 to 1962, the Institute of Archaeology and
Arts where he introduced young Tunisians to archae-
ological pursuits, founded five museums in different
parts of the country, of which four were museums of
Arab-Islamic art to which he donated the whole of
his private collection, and at the same time stimulated
artistic and archaeological activity by the publication
of articles and the writing of prefaces to books which
he encouraged and assisted scholars to write.

His vocation as historian of Tunisia, put into effect
from 1905 onward by the courses in the history of
Tunisia which he gave at the Khalduniyya [q.r.] and
in the history of Islam which he conducted at the
Ecole Superieure de Langue et Litterature Arabes
from 1913 to 1924, was assisted by his transfer in
1920 to the General Archives of Tunisia, where he

inaugurated a card-index system, then to the Super-
vision of Habous, and also by his work as governor
in various parts of Tunisia, which enable him to gain
a better acquaintance with the country, its recent his-
tory, its hitherto ignored cultural patrimony, its peo-
ples, their ethnology and dialects. In 1933, he gave
a series of lectures at the Institut des Etudes Islamiques
at the University of Paris.

A member from its foundation in 1932 of the
Arabic Language Academy of Cairo, in which he in
effect represented the three countries of the Maghrib,
he took an active part in the work of the vari-
ous commissions, distinguishing himself by "an open-
minded approach striving to conciliate modern needs
with the norms of Muslim civilisation". He was also
a member of the Academy of Damascus from its
creation, of the Academy of Baghdad, a correspon-
ding member of the French Academic des Inscriptions
et Belles Lettres from 1939, of the Egyptian Institute,
and of the Madrid Academy of History, and of the
executive committee of the EI.

As official delegate of the Tunisian government, he
participated, from 1905, in the work of the majority
of the International Congresses of Orientalists as well
as in a number of seminars, which enabled him to
forge fruitful and lasting relationships with numerous
orientalists and oriental scholars.

While the title of Doctor honoris causa of the Academy
of Cairo in 1950, and of the Academy of Algiers —
then French — in 1960. confirmed the scholar's pres-
tige, the Prize of the President of the Tunisian Republic
crowned, on the very eve of the death of H.H. 'Abd
al-Wahhab [1 November 1968), the achievements of
a long and hard-working life.

His works comprise;
ia). In Arabic; al-Muntakhab al-madrasl mm al-adab al-
tuniu, Tunis 1908, re-published in Cairo in 1944
and again in Tunis in 1468 in a new version under
the title al-Mudfmal; Bisat al-'akik ft haddrat al-Kayrawdn
wa sha'inha Ibn Rashik. Tunis 1912; Khulasat ta'rikh
Tunis, a summary of the history of Tunisia, pub-
lished three times between 1918 and 1953 and brought
l-lnhad ilr ' -" - ■

!, Tunis

■hahlrdt

I, Tuni:

1934,

il-Ma&alla

Tunis, May 1940; .Visslm Ibn Va'kub, in dl-Nadwa,
Tunis, January 1953; al-'Inava hi 'l-kutuh ica-djam'iha
fi lfiikiya al-tunisivya, in RIMA, i, (1955), 72-90; al-
lmam al-Mazari, funis 1955; lima/cat 'an al-hadara al-
'aiabivya bi-Ifrikiva al-tiinisma, Tunis 1965-72 (3 vols.);
al-'A'rab wa l-'umrdn bi-ljrlkiya, in al-Fih iDec. 1968),

(b). In French: La domination musulmane en
Sicile, Tunis 1905; Coup d'oeil general sur la apports eth-
ruques etrangers en Tunhie, Tunis 1917; Le developpement
de la musique arabe en Orient, au Maghreb et en Espagne,
Tunis 1918; Vn temoin de la conquete arabe de I'Espagne,
Tunis 1932; Deux dinars normands frappes a Mahdia,
in RT (1930), 215-18; Vn tournant de rhistoire aghlabide,

Muhammadiyya, in ibid. (1937), 343-52; Du nam aiabe
de la Byzacene, in ibid. (1939), 199-201; Yilles arabes
disparues, in Melanges It". Marfan, Paris 1950, 1-15; Le
regime jorum en Sicile au Moyen-Age I IX' et X' i.), ed.
and tr. of the A) al-Amwdl of al-Dawudi (in collab-
oration with F. Dachraoui), in Etudes d'Onentahsme
dedim a la memoire dE. Livi-Provencal, Paris 1962, ii,
401-44.
(O. Edit]

'ABD al-WAHHAB — ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI

11 423-94 Rasa tl al mtikad of Ibn Sharaf Damascus
1912 \Ialka at iabil of al-Ma'arn Damascus 1912
Wasfljnkiw ita I indalus of Ibn Fadl Allah al-'Uman
Tunis 1920 Kitab laj'ul of al-Sagham Tunis 1924
alTabassur hi I tidjara of al-Djahiz Damascus 1933
Cairo 1935 -and Beirut 19bb idab al mu'allimin of
Muhammad b Sahnun Tunis 1934 al Djumana fl
izalat al ratana, anon Cairo 1953 Rihla of al-Tidjam
Tunis 1958

His works also include a number of articles in
Arabic and m French some of them still unpublished
the others appealing in the Enitdupaedia of Islam and
in periodicals of Tunisia Euiope and the Orient (see
al Ftkr [Dec 19b8] 9b with a list of his articles pub-
lished b\ this journal some of which as well as some
of the titles mentioned above ha\e been reproduced
in Watakat either because the\ are in a suitable c
text theie or because then original edition has been

Manuals or monographs these works are for the
most part dedicated to Aiab historv and civilisation
in Tunisia in a perspective which embraces literature
and also linguistic and religious studies without how-
e\ei neglecting the exact sciences and the arts The\
prehguie the authors greatest work the fruit ol sixtv
\eais of patient reseaich his kitab al'lmr the work

some thousand scholars and men of letters who lived
and worked in Tunisia since the Arab conquest which
he seems aheadv to have (oieshadowed in 1953 undei
the title Ta'nkh Tunis al kabtr Great histon, of Tunisia
(Preface to the 3rd ed of Khulasat ta'nkh Tunis) and
publication of which he had entrusted to a Tunisian
scholar M el Aioussi el Metou I see especnllv al Fikr
[Dec 1968] 86)

His onlv known experiment in the fictional genre
a short storv Demure lallet a Grtnadt written in French
(in La Renaissanei nnrd apuaine Tunis no 3, March
1905) and translated into Aiabic (bv Hamadi Sahh
in Anas Tunis no 17 Oct 1970) prehgures the
concern motivating him in all his studies (oi the
revival of Arab-Muslim civilisation in addition he
reveals gilts as a writer whose stvle and poetic imag-
ination have alreadv been noted (see Ch Bouvahia
review of Watakat n in Haulmat al Djami'a al Tunuma
i\ [1967] 166-70)

Through the abundant wealth of his scientihc con-
tribution which goes bevond the Tunisian domain
into the broadei spheres of Arab-Muslim culture
through the clantv oi expression the tautness and
elegance of stvle the woik oi H H 'Abd al-\\ ahhab
so varied in its umtv has alreadv inspired and guided
geneiations oi scholars Moreovei the influence oi the
scholai and the master whose magjlu the last of its
kind pel haps in Tunisia was a ventable school con-
tinues to be ielt todav, thanks to his collection of
manuscripts some thousand volumes strong which
he presented to the National Libiarv of Tunis
wheie thev constitute the bequest that beais his name
(see catalogue published in Haulittat al Djami'a al
Turmma vn [1970] 133-272 and the announcement
oi the gilt in his speech accepting the Puze oi the
President oi the Republic oi Tunisia in al Fikr [Dec
1968] 85-7)

Bibliography an addition to references given
in the article) For HH 'Abd al-\\ ahhab s life
the sole souice is his iutobiogiapln which ap-
peared mainlv m the Tunis dailv al 'imal tor 8
Nov 1%8, al Fib Dec 19b8 87-95 Haulmat
al Djann'a al Turmma vi(1969) 35-55 Wat a

kat in 1972 11-29 largelv used bv Muhammad
Mahd. 'Allam al Uadima'mun Cairo 19b6 6b-8
and bv Hilal Nadu Has.au Husm '\bd al W ahhab
m al Adib Benut April 1967, and resumed in
al Fkt (Nov 19b8) b-7 Foi his woiks Ch
Bouvahia leviews oi the 3 vols of Warakat in
Haulmat in 1 1966) 215-27 i\ (1967) lbl-

70 xi (1974) 275-94 idem Hasan Husm '\bd al
W ahhab \n Haulmat \i (1969) 7-9 M Chemh

review oi Shalmat al tumsmat in Haulmat in

(19b6), 287-92 R Hamzaom Masahk al lugha mm
khilal ha\at HH '\bd a/Uahhab ua a'malih bi
\laajma' al lugha al atabma in Haulmat iv

(1969) 11-33 idem I Aiadtmu dt langut arabi du
(am hntoire el amn Tunis 1975 97-9 and index
see also Sarkis Uu'ajam al matbu'at Cano 1928
758-9 Muhammad Masmuh HH ' Abd al U ahhab
hal mat' in al Fib (Dec 1968) 38-42 Ch Khbi
in ibid 76-82 A Demeerseman In numortam in
IBLA, 1968 No 2 pp i-i\

(Ch BomAHiA]
ABDELKADER [see 'abd al-kadir]
ABDICATION [see tanazul]
ABJURATION [see murtadd]
ABKARIUS [see iskandar aqja]
ABROGATION [see nasikh wa-mansukh]
ABSOLUTION [see kaffara]
ABSTINENCE [see tabattul]
ABU [.-'ABBAS AHMAD b 'ABD ALLAH [see

ABU l- "ABBAS al-A'MA [see al-a'ma al-tutili]
ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI al-Husayn b 'Ali
b Ibrahim <vl-Kaghadi called iai )-Dju'al 'Dung-
beetle influential Mu'tazih theologian and
Hanafi junst, died 2 Dhu 1-Hidjdja 3b9/19J u ne
980 in Baghdad He was born in Basia at an uncer-
tain date (293/905-6 according to Ta'nkh Baghdad
vm 73 11 20 fl following 'All b al-Muhassm al-
Tanukhi and Hilal al-Sabi' 308/920-1 according to
the Fihtist ed Flugel 174 pu 289/902 according
to Saiadi cf Kahhala Uu'ajam al mu'allijm iv 27
n 1) The nickname Dju'al is not used m Mu'tazih
or Hanafi souices

He leit Basra at an earlv age possibh, foiced bv
the constant danger piesented bv the Kaimathians
[see karmati] since 511/923 He entertained con-

f Mu'

who h

i Mul

in Khuzistan with Abu Hashim (died 321/933) and
especiallv with Abu Hashim s disciple Ibn Khallad
[qi] But he lived mainlv in Baghdad wheie he
studied Hanafi law with \bu 1-Hasan al-Karkhi (died
340/952 cf 6-1 S I 444) With lespect to his the-
ological views he was isolated theie duiing the late
veais of al-Khavvat (died <a 300/913 [qi]) the
Mu'tazih had lost much oi its piestige pei haps due
to the scandal caused bv the books oi Ibn al-Rawandi
[q i ] and the wing oi the school which still main-
tained some influence in the capital namelv Ibn al-
Ikhshid (270-326/883-938 [q,]) with his disciples
stronglv opposed \bu Hashim s ideas \bu 'Abd
\llah therefore sufleied senous depnvation during
his studies (cf the stones in kadi 'Abd al-Djabbai
Fadl al t'twal ed Fu'ad Savvid 325 pu fl also in
Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al Uu'taja 105 11 15 fl )
His teachei Abu 1-Hasan al-karkhi entertained
lelations with the Hamdanid Savf al-Dawla (333-
56/944-67) who mailed with the Buvids in the game
ior political powei in Tiak (ci Fadl al t'tizal 326
11 17 i) when he sufleied irom a stroke in 340/
952 his disciples among them Abu 'Abd Allah ap-

ABL 'ABD ALLAH *

pioiched the f
Baghdad

. 355 1

I This

suppori

tinted c

aengthened those modente Shi
which Abu 'Abd Allah became well-known afterwards
He used them howevei in oidei to win the la\our
ot Buvid md Za\di aides which had become decl-
ine aftei Mu'izz il-Dawla hid succeeded in taking
ovei Bighdad m j34/945 He found support with
Mu'izz vl-Dawlas aa u al-Hasan b Muhammad al
Muhallabi (339-52/950-63 cf Himdani Tahmlat
Ta'nUi al Tabau ed kan'an 180 11 13 11 and Abu
Hawaii al-Tiwhidi al Imta' e« / mit'anasa m 213 1
10) who liked to surround himself with jurists ( c f
Tha'alibi lahmat al dah> ed 'Abd il-Hamid n 330
ult 11 ) Mu'izz al-Dawh himself did per

Hamd

.,t disea
. He ga

907 i

Muhammad

Abu '\bd Allah
-Hasan i 304-59/910-70) whom he
ide at the instigition of Mu'izz al-
Dawla to become nal lb al aJtia/ m 349/900 id il-
Hakim alDnishami Shaih al'mun ed Fu id Sayud
Tunis 1974 372 11 10 ff Hamdam 188 1 lb Ibn
Tnaba '{ mdal al tahb Nadjal 138()/1%1 84 ult 11)
When his disciple proclaimed himself imam in Gilaii
undei the title al-Mahdi li-din Allah in 35 3/9b4 Abu
'\bd Alhh siw himself exposed to pti sedition h\ the
mob of al-katkh who hid been instigated against him
b\ l membei of the 'Alid anstociacv but his gieit
piestige even among those who did not shne his
political leanings saved him liom the banishment
planned b\ the government (cl il-Natik bi 1-h ikk
al Ifada fi to rikh al a'lmma al nida ms I , iden Oi
8404 fol 3b 11 5 ft shoitei \eision also m il-
Hakim al-Djusharm 372 apu ft ) Latei on he count-
ed anions; his pupils Ahmad b al-Husa\n al-Mu'aw id
billah i 333-41 1/944-1020) and his biother Abu Tahb
al-Natik bi 1-hakk (340-424/951-1033) who llthough
originating fiom m Imami famih took up the Zivch
claims in the Caspian legion id Madelung Dn Imam
alQusim ibn Ibmlum Beilin 19b5 177 fTi

victor, ot Abu Hishims ideas was his Inendship with
the Sahib Ibn 'Abbad whom he ma\ have met when
he eame to Bighdad in 347/958 with Mu'ayyid il-
Dawla and whom he hailed is the suppoit ol icli-
gion {'imad al dim or even as the expected Mahdi

llthough in the latter case onlv m a metaphoncal sense
This must be d ited to the vcar 300/970 or some-
what later when the Sahib had been nomi-
nated Hfl it bv Mu'awid al Dawla in Raw He oidered

Abu 'Abd \llahs epistle to be repioduced in golden

Wushmgir [/;] who took ovei power in Tab install
and Guigan in the sime veai (cf Tawhidi 4/Jilal al
ua-iraui ed Tindji 202 11 3 fl and 208 II b ff)
He addiessed Abu 'Abd \llah with the title al shatUl
almmshid ind agieed in 307/978 on his ucommen-

disciple, 'Abd al-Djabbai b Ahmad \q ] the later hidi
alludal of Raw Abu 'Abd \llah at the peik of Ins
influence seems to have been m ill heilth \bu Haw m
al Tawhidi lemembeied having seen him in 300/971
on the occasion ol a reception for scholais given bv
'Izz al-Diwla when the guests were conducted to him

il-Fansi (2

80-377/900 8

7, who was in his eight,

-s lnm-

ell let Ti,

'nth Baghdad

vm 73 1 19 and 74

Abu H

like him ,ust as he

4ishked

eveivbodv

ith the Sahib Ibn ' Abbad In

lis Imta'

i 140 11 3

ft ) he gives a sharp

sighted

haractensation ot Abu

Abd All ih s personality

imag-

it bad in rf

etoncs and awkwaid

in dis

ussion a

id ot wealth and piestige but

tiongh

ommitted

to his pec

pohti-

al uitluei

that Abu 1-kasim

Muhamm

d b 'Allah

il-\\asiti who seems

i have

'Abd \llahs

cf hidl ,

/ i'H al 329

1 9i left him out of

person-

ct Imta' l

140 11 10 ff md n

175 11

10 11 ^ MM 213 11 5 ft) He also mentions

a num-

iei of otl

ei disciples

4/hla/ 202 11 7 11 )

hem vou

g people fio

m Khuiasan \ibid 2U

11 12

fi whom

le calls a bi

nch of unbelievers and

whose

ai he w

jv his colleague 'Ah b Tsa al-Rumr.......

repiesented the school ol Ibn al-Ikhshid id
aliuKiiayn 202 11 11 ft) He was buned i:
turba of his teacher al-kaikhi the mourning {
had been said b\ the Mu'tazih giai

inched

over into the Mu'tazih ?«/>«/ aMitei itme This bad
re putation is perhaps to be explained bv a c ertain
trend towards scepticism (takafu' al adilla) foi whieh
at least one ot them Abu Ishak Ibiahim b 'Ah al-
ls^ isibi was well known id eg Tawhidi Uulabawt
ed Muh TawfTk Husavn Bighdad 1970 159 fi
ind which Abu Hiwan tries to impute to Abu 'Abel
Allah too lef 4/Jilal 212 11 5 ft with reference to
a conveisition between Abu 'Abd Allah and Abu
Suhvman al-Mantiki)

Abu 'Abd Allah s ideas hive to be reconsti uc ted

, fmi

the

i the

oiks of Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbai The Kidi
ises his mdebtness himself let Mughm xx 21/ 11
ft i although fiequentlv he did not share his teathei s
unions He dietited some ot his books m the pies-
ue of Abu 'Abd Alhh obviouslv when he lived m
is house in Bighdad id al-Hikim il-Dmshami Sharh
"uyun 3bh 11 5 1 i when he began his Mughm Abu
vbd Allah was still alive (cf vx 258 11 8ft) A
ill cv iluation ot Abu 'Abd Allah s onginahtv is how-

\\e

t quite

Ibn

mation about his pro-Shi'i ( Za\di
he piolened m his A al Tajdil (foi the title
ilMuitidi Tubal at al Mutajla 107 1 5) He bised
himself munlv on Shfi traditions the tiustwoithines^
of which he tned to piovt with rational spec trillions
about then histoneitv Moieovei he pi a. tic ed what

virtues ot 'Mi and Abu Bikr against each othei In
this he seems to have taken up the aiguments ot il-
IskafT (died 240/854 [/i]> and he Ind to criticise

open disigreement with Abu Hashim (cl Mughm xx 1
21b II 7 ft 22^ II h f 241 11 17 fl xx 120
11 13 ff 122 II 3 ft 124 11 7 ft 125 11 4 ft
131 11 5 ff 132 11 19 ft 140 11 3 ft i He nevei
nude am concessions to ,afd he diew Mu'izz il-
Dawla s attention to the fact that 'Umir had accepted
Islam ver\ eailv and that 'Ah had given his daugh-
ter Umm Kulthum in mimage to him (cf H niidani

i episte

prob-

ablv because ol the fa, t that Abu 1-Hasan 'Ah b
Ka'b al-Ansni a membei oi the nval school of Ibn
al-Ikhshid still detended the ideas of al-Djahiz m
his cncle lmong them ccitainh, al-Djahiz s lamous
apiionsm (cf Iiwhidi VJilal 203 foi al-Qi ihiz
van Ess in hi xln (1900) 169 fl and \ a|da in
SI xxiv il%61 19 ff) He tiansnntted Djubba'i s A
\akd al ma'iifa a c ntique ot Djahiz s A al Ua'nfa

ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI — ABU 'ALl

and added remarks to it, obviously in his own A", al-
Ma'rifa (cf. Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 175, 11. 4 f.), which were
taken over by the Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar in his Ta'Wc
Nakd al-ma'rifa (cf. Hakim al-Djushami, 367, 11. 10 f.j.
The book is quoted in Mughnl, xii, 131, 11. 19 ff.; the
other numerous references (cf. Mughm, xii, 9, 11. 7 ff.;
11, 11. 16 ff.; 12, 11 11. ff.; 28, 11. 9 ff.; 33, 11. 5 ff.;
46, 11. 5 ff.; 75, 11. 13 ff.; 81, 11. 5 ff.; 102, 11. 8 ff;
118, 11. 6 ff; 133, 11. 13 ff; 187, 11. 18 ff; 372, 11.
15 ff; 442, 11. 12 ff; 446, 11. 10 ff; 513, 11. 15 ff;
521, 11. 6 ff; 532, 11. 5 ff) may equally well go back
to his A". al-'Ulum which is explicitly mentioned in

, 235, 1
idical her

16.

in al-Karkhfs
;ed his teachei

, he departed from Abu
But he seems to have
respects. Some of his

/ith the ad

he had them 'an Abi -1-Hasan; frequently, howev
his name is mentioned alone. He impressed later
generations with the precision of some of his defi-
nitions, but also with subtle speculations on 'amm
and khass, on idjma', on the ratio legis {'ilia) i

akhbar.

which, i

allowed c

any of
erning

hadlth), etc. Numerous, although
is found in Mughnl, xvii, in Abu '1-Husavn al-Basn's
[q.i>.] Mu'tamadfi usul al-fikh (cf. the index), and in
an as vet unidentified work on usul al-fikh preserved
in the Vatican library (Ms. Vat. arab. 1100; cf. Levi
Delia Vida, Elenco dei manoscritti, 145 f, and Madelung,
Qasim ibn Ibrahim, 179 f). Abu 'Abd Allah's own
works in this domain, among them a A". al-Usul and
a A: Nakd al-futya (cf. Fadl al-i'tizal, 326, 1. 20), seem
to be lost. In the "ethical" chapters of usul al-fikh,
he circumscribed, like Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, the
good onlv in a privative way (cf. 'Abd al-Djabbar,
al-Muhit, ed. 'Azml, 239, 11. 13 ff.); the affirmative
definition was apparently reserved for evil, which
received the greater share of attention. Evil is never
chosen by man for the sake of itself, but only when
he sees a need for it (cf. G. Hourani, Islamic ration-
alism, Oxford 1972, 95). Whereas DjubbaT and Abu
Hashim believed that the state of mind of an agent
determines the quality of evil (evil becoming neu-
tral when performed during sleep or in the state of
unconsciousness), Abu 'Abd Allah upheld a more
differentiated position (cf. ibid., 41 f.). His ideas on
furii' were formulated in his commentary on Karkhi's
Mukhtasar, but also in some monographs where he
treated the lawfulness of drinking nabidh or of per-
forming one's prayer in Persian (two typical HanafT
tenets) and the mut'a marriage (which he deemed
unlawful, in accordance with Zavdi fikh and in dis-
agreement with Imami opinion; cf. Fihrist, 208,

In theology proper, he followed the line of the
Basran school. Only a few personal traits can be
recognised with sufficient certainty. In at least three
treatises he attacked the doctrine of the eternity of
the world, two of them focussing their polemics on
special persons, Ibn al-Rawandl and al-Razi (cf. Fihnsl,
175, 11. 3 f; 174, ult. f; 175, 1. 2). When he explained
creation as an act of thinking (fikr) in order to avoid
all material connotations, he seems to have taken
philosophical critique into consideration (cf. Kadi" 'Abd
al-Djabbar, Sharh al-usul al-khamsa 548, 11. 1 1 ff; Muhlt,
332, 11. 15 f.L He attacked al-Razi also for his book
against Abu '1-Kasim al-Balkhi, probably about divine
knowledge (cf. Fihrist, 175, II. 1 f., and Abi Bakr Rhagensis
opera philosophica, ed. P. Kraus, 167 f). He did not
accept the idea of lutfi we never know whether an event

which we interpret as a special "grace" (lit If i for
somebody is not the ruin of somebodv else (cf.
Mughnl, xiii, 67, 11. 15 ff; also 155, 11. 4 ff; obvi-
ouslv both quotations from his A". al-Aslah, together
with' xiv, 62, 11. 12 f.). He refuted Ash'arl's A", al-
Mudjiz (cf. al-Natik bi '1-hakk, Ifada, fol. 63a, 11. 5
ff. and Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Muhlt, 344, 1. 4;
also al-Hakim al-Djushami, 372, 11. 1 f, where nakd
is to be read instead of ba'd; R. McCarthy, The the-
ology of al-Ash'ari, Beirut 1953, 167, 21 1' f, 229).
Altogether, more than 20 titles of books can be

Bibliography. 1. Primary sources. Kadi 'Abd
al-Djabbar, Fadl al-i'tizal, 325 ff; idem, Tathbit
dala'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Kanm 'Uthman,
627, 11. 10 ff; Abu Rashid in A. Biram, Die atom-
istische Substanzenlehre aus dem Buch der Stmtfragen
zwischen Basrensern und Bagdadensem, Berlin 1902, 27
and 73, n. 2; Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al-Mu'tazila
105 f; Ta'rikh Baghdad, viii, 73 f. no. 4153 (on
which depend Ibn al-Djawzi, Muntazam, viii, 101,
no. 131 and Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-mizan, 11, 303,
11. 6 ff); Hamdam, Takmilat Ta'rikh al-Tabarl, Index
s.v. al-Basn; ShrrazI, Tabakat al-fukaha', ed. 'Abbas,
Beirut 1970, 143, pu. f. (on which depends Ibn
al-Tmad, Skadharat al-dhahab, iii, 68, 11. 4 f); Ibn
Abi '1-Wafa', al-Djawahir al-mudfa, ii, 260, no. 140
(erroneously under Abu 'l-'Ala'); Ibn al-Nadim,
Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 174, 11. 21 ff. (among the the-
ologians), and 208, 11. 26 ff. (among the jurists);
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, Akhlak al-wazlrayn, ed.
Tandji, Damascus 1965, 200 ff.; idem, al-Imta' wa
i-mu'anasa, i, 140, ii, 175, iii, 213; Ibn TaghnbirdT,
al-Nuajum al-zahira, Cairo 1348 ff, iv, 135, 11. 13
ff; Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam al-nubala' (ms.); Safadl, al-
ii afi bi 'l-wafayat (ms.l; Ziriklr, al-A'lam, ii, 266;
Kahhala, Mu'djam al-mu'allifin, iv, 27 (and iv, 19;
with wrong name and date of death); 2. Studies.
M. Horten, Die philosophischen Svsteme der spekulativ-
en Theologen im Islam, Bonn "l918, 443 f; W.
Madelung, Der Imam al-Qanm ibn Ibrahim, Berlin
1965, index s.v.; Ihsan 'Abbas, in al-Abhath, xix
(1966), 189 ff; H. Busse, Chalif und Grosskomg,
Beirut 1969, 439 ff; G. Hourani, Islamic rational-
ism, Oxford 1972, index s.v.; J. Peters, GodS cre-
ated speech, Leiden 1976, index s.v.

(J. VAN ESS)

ABU 'l-'ALA' al-RABA'I [see sa'id al-

ABU 'ALI al-Fadl b. Muhammad al-Murshid al-
FarmadI, one of the greatest SufT masters of the
5th/llth century, born in 402/1011-12 at Farmad, a
small town in the vicinity of Tus in Khurasan, and
the contemporary of the caliph al-Kadir and the Saldjuk
princes Toghril, Alp Arslan and Malik Shah. He was
highly respected by various political and religious dig-
nitaries, including by the celebrated minister of the
Saldjuks, Nizam al-Mulk, who sought his advice and
his spiritual favour. He was also respected as an elo-
quent preacher, and appreciated for his breadth of
knowledge and the beauty of his oratorical language.
He approached Sufism after profound studies in the
religious sciences, and can therefore be classified as one
of the scholarly mystics. When he came to Nishapur,
he became one of Abu '1-Kasim Kushayri's circle of
students, and it seems to have been the latter who
turned him towards preaching and who stimulated him
to study profoundly the religious sciences. In his Sufi"
training, he was directed spiritually by two great mas-
ters, Abu '1-Kasim Djurdjam and Abu '1-Hasan Kharakam
[q.v]. The author of the Asrar al-tawhld relates in an

ABU 'ALI — ABU C AMR al-SHAYBANI

anecdotal form the circumstances of al-Farmadi's adhe-
sion to Sufism under Kushayrf s direction first of all,
and then under that of Djurdjani, who encouraged
him to preach from the pulpit and later gave him
the hand of his daughter in marriage. None of al-
Farmadf s works remain, apart from a few brief poems
in Arabic and a few sentences displaying his philos-
ophy and thought. However, his influence on cultural
life and mysticism can be gauged from the fact that
the Imam al-Ghazali [q.v.] was one of his pupils and
cites traditions on his authority. He was accordingly
considered as the greatest Sufi" luminary of his age,
who lustre is seen in the fame of his great disciple.
Al-Farmadl died in his native town in 477/1080.
Bibliography: Muhammad b. al-Munawwar,
Asrar al-tawhid, ed. Dhabrh Allah Sala\ Tehran
1332/1953, 128-31, 196-7, 199-200. tr. M. Achena,
Us etapes »f*j»o du shaykh Abu Sa'id, Paris 1974,
136-8, 186, 189; Djarni, Xafahat al-uns, 368; Ma'sum
•Air Shah, Taia'ik al-haka'ik, 1339/1921, ii, 308,
322, 350, 352-5; Nama-yi darmkvardn. Tehran 1959,
vii, 306. (M. Ac.hf.na)

ABU 'ALI al-FARISI [see al-farisI].
ABU 'ALI al-YUSI [see AL-vf.sI].
ABU l-'AMAYTHAL, 'Abd Allah b. Khulayd
b. Sa'd (d. 240/854), a minor poet who claimed
to be a mawla of the Banu Hashim and who was
originally from Rayy. He was in Khurasan in the
service of Tahir b. al-Husayn [a.v.] as a secretary and
as tutor to Tahir"s son 'Abd Allah, whose children
he further tutored and whose secretary and also librar-
ian he was. In particular, he had the duty of judg-
ing the value of the poems addressed to his master,
and it was in this capacity that he came to reject a
poem by Abu Tammam, who protested violently. He
was, indeed, very much attached to the classical ways,
and it was doubtless for this reason that al-Ma'mun
so appreciated his poetic work, finding it superior to
that of Djarir. Bedouin in tradition and classical in
mould, this poetry was largely made up of eulogies
of the two Tahirids, though nothing has survived of
his poems addressed to Tahir. His diwan amounted
to 100 leaves, according to the Fihnsl, 234, and also
contained eulogies of the sons of Sahl, al-Hasan and
al-Fadl.

Abu l-'Amaythal ranks equally as a philologist, to
whom various works of a technical character are attrib-
uted, sc. the A". al-Tashabuh [al-Tashablh?], K. al-Ahyat
al-sa'va and A'. Ma'anl 'l-shi'r, F. Krenkow published
in 1925 his A: al-AIa'thurfT-ma'ttaJaka lafzuhu wa-khtalaja

Bibliography: Djahiz, Baton, i, 280; idem,
Hayawan, i, 155, vi, 316 where, unless the text is
corrupt, he is curiously described as a iddjiz; Ibn
Tayfur, A'. Baghdad, Cairo 1368/1949, 164; Ibn
Kutayba, 'Uyun, i, 85; Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tahakat, 135-
6; Fihnst, 72-3, 234; Kali, Amali, i, 98; Bakri, Stmt
al-la'all, 308 and index; Amidi", Muwdzana, Cairo
1961-5, i, 20-1; Marzubani, Muivashshah, 14; Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat, No. 344, tr. de Slane, ii, 55-
7; al-Raghib ai-Isfahanf, Muhadaiat, i, 102; Ibn 'Abd
Rabbihi, 'Ikd, i, 59; Yakut, Buhlan, iii, 832, iv, 796;
IbshThr, Mmtatraf, i, 84; Yafi'T. Mir' at al-djanan, ii,
130-1; Nuwayri, Maya, vi, 85; Ibn AbT Tahir
Tayfur, A". Baghdad, Cairo 1368/1949, 164;
Brockelmann, S I, 195; C.E. Bosworth, The Tahirids
and Aiahic culture, in JSS, xiv (1969), 58; J.E
Bencheikh, Les ivies d'unt aeation, Sorbonne thesis
1971 L unpubl„ 108 and index. (Ed)

ABU 'AMMAR 'abd al-KafI b. Abi Ya'kub b
Isma'Il al-T(a)naw(a)tI, Ibadr theologian who

in the middle of the 6th/ 13th century. He stud-
i the oasis of Wargla/W'ardjlan lin modern
a) with Abu Zakariyya' Yahya b. Abi Bakr, the
is Ibadr historian |cf. EI 1 , I, 167), and also in
, with what must have been Sunn! authorities
He was a tribesn

de bourgeois scholar; he is
reported to have come with his herds to the Mzab
and to have proselytised among the tribes of that
region, one which was to become a stronghold of
Ibadr faith later on.

His main work is the K. al-Muqjiz \Miidjaz>) ft tahsil
al-su'al iva-takhlh al-dalal (or wa-talkhis al-makdl], a rather
voluminous manual of Ibadi theology and polemics
against contrary opinions (for its contents cf. Z^MG,
cxxvi 11976;, 56 f.; for manuscripts, cf. ibid., 56; Kubiak,
in RIAL4, (1959), 21, no. 26; Schacht, in Revue Afmame,
c (1956), 391, no. 80; also in the libraries of Mahfuz
'All al-Barum, Djerba, and Ayyub Muhammad,
pjannawan, Diadju; 'Ammar Talibf, Univ. of Algiers,
is preparing an edition). In addition, he wrote a com-

lection of questions and answers used by Ibadi
missionaries for theological discussion (cf. ~DMG, cxxvi
(1976), 43 fi'.i. His A: al-hhta'a seems to be lost. In
fikh he dealt with the law of inheritance; his A', al-
' Fara' id exists in a printed edition icf. Schacht in Rev.
Afi., c (1956), 387, no. 52). Among his historical works
are a A'. al-Siym (for mss., cf. Schacht, op. at., 141,
and Lewicki, "in RO, xi (1935), 165 n. 7; preserved?)
and a Mukhtasa) tahakat al-mashayikh (cf. Ennami, in
JSS, xv (1971), 86, no. 17-1, and note bv van Ess in
ZDMG, cxxvi il976), 57). An epistle concerning the
problem of at-wa'd wa 1-iva'id addressed to him by a
certain 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Muhammad b. Ghalib b.
Numayr al-Ansari was incorporated by his contem-
porary Abu Ya'kub Yusuf b. Ibrahim al-Wardjlam
(died '570/1 174; cf. GAL, S I, 692) into his A: ad-
Dam h-ahl al-'ukul (cf. lith. Cairo 1306. 54-72).

Bibliography: (apart from the references men-
tioned in the article): Shammakhr, Siyar (lith. Cairo
1301/1883), 441 ff; A. de C. Motvlinski, in Bull.
Cm. Afi., iii (1885), 27, no. 68; T. Lewicki, in REI,
viii (1934), 278, in Fol. Oi., iii (1961), 33 ff., and
in Cahien d'histom mondiale, xiii (1971,, 86; A. Kh.
Ennami, Studies in Ibadism (Diss. Cambridge 1971,
unpublished). 292 ff. (J. van Ess)

ABU 'AMR al-SHAYBANI, Ishak b. Mirar, one
of the most important philologists of the
Kufan school in the 2nd/8th century, and the
contemporary of the two great figures of the rival
Basran school, Abu 'Ubayda and' al-Asma'T [q.w.].
He was born in ca. 100/719 at Ramadat al-Kufa,
and derived his nisha from the Banu Shayban because
he was their neighbour and client and because he

of the tribe. After having studied under the masters
of the Kufan school, such as al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi,
he went out into the desert, where he lived for a
considerable time amongst the Bedouins, collecting
tribal poetry. Then he settled in Baghdad, where he
taught until his death at an advanced age, since he
died in (a. 210/825, by then more than a cente-
narian, leaving behind him sons and grandsons who
transmitted his works. Amongst his pupils were the
main Kufan grammarians, sc. Tha'lab, Ibn al-Sikkft
and Ibn Sallam [y.«'.].

AI-Sha\bani was famed above all as a transmitter
[rauiyd] of old poetry. Tha'lab records that he left for
the desert aimed with two inkholders and did not

ABU 'AMR al-SHAYBANI -

l-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI

to his son 'Amr, he collected the poetry of over
80 tribes, which he wrote out and arranged with his
own hands in separate collections and then placed in
the mosque of Kufa. The collections have not come
down to us, but the) were abundantly used by later
anthologists.

However, al-Sha\bam was equall) known as a lexi-
cographer especially interested in rare words (nawadir)
and in dialect words and phrases (lughat). Only one
of the many works in this sphere attributed to him
by the biographers has survived, the A. al-Dfim, so-
called because it was unfinished and did not go beyond
the fourth letter of the alphabet, although the sources
term it equally the K. al-Nawadir, A". al-Hmuf and A".
al-Lughat. According to F. Krenkow, who proposed to
edit it after the unique manuscript preserved in the
Escurial, this work is a dictionary of words peculiar
to the speech of the man) tribes from whom al-
Sha\bam collected poetry. It is of great lexical rich-
ness, and is all the more important for the knowledge
of the old dialects, since Krenkow found from a
detailed perusal of the Lisa,, al-'Arab that later lexico-
graphers did not use al-Shaybanfs work.

Finally, he is also said to have been a traditionist
worthy of being relied upon, transmitting a large num-
ber of authentic hadiths; his most celebrated pupil here
was the imam Ahmad b. Hanbal, whose son 'Abd
Allah transmitted al-Shaybanfs work called the A:
Gharib al-hadith.

The post-Ibn al-Nadim biographers attribute to Abu
'Amr al-Shaybam several works which, according to
the Fihmt, belong really to his son 'Amr.

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 116, S I, 179;

EI', art. al-Shaibdm (Krenkow); Kahhala, Mu'alhfin,

ii, 238. (6. Troupeai.)

ABU Y-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI, Muhammad b.
Ishak b. IbrahIm b. Abi 'l-Mughira b. Mahan (213-
75/828-88), a famous humorist of the 'Abbasid
court, who was also ajakih, astrologer, oneiromancer,
poet and man of letters, and who wrote some fort)
works, both serious and jesting, even burlesque and
obscene. Of Kufan origin, he was first of all kadi in
the district from which he derived his msha, Saymara,
near Basra, at the mouth of the Nahr Ma'kil, but his
vi\id penchant for coarse humour very early earned
him a reputation as a buffoon sufficient for him to
be admitted to the court circle of al-Mutawakkil (232-
47/847-61), whose courtier he now became. It is likely
that he remained at court under his successors,
and he is known to have enjoyed the favour of al-
Mu'tamid (256-79/870-92). He died in the capital,
but was buried at Kufa.

Abu 'l-'Anbas was quite an original character, and
one is tempted to speak of his personality as being a
split one, even though we are lacking in knowledge
about the chronology and actual content of his works.
It is well known that, from earliest Islamic times, the
profession of buffoon paradoxically developed in Arabia
isee F. Rosenthal, Humour in early Islam, Leiden 1956),
but the fame of the humorists of the period was built
essentially on their skill in making up amusing stories
or in indulging in clowning to distract their masters,
without really taking part in literary activity (it is insult-
ing to number amongst them, as certain critics have
gone so far as to do, a Djahiz, whose humour was of
a quite different quality). Now, if our interpretation of
the titles of Abu 'l-'Anbas's works, listed in the Fihmt
(151, 278; ed. Cairo, 216, 388) and Yakut's Mu'djam
al-udabd' (x\iii, 8-14 = Irshad al-arib, vi, 401-6) is cor-
rect, he may be considered on one hand.

literature which wa

s to culminate in the mak

ama and

then in a burlesqu

and on

the other hand, as

an astrologer, a mutakalhm

and per-

• of sc

a promt

it repres

At the court, he acted as royal jester, and on occa-
sion, he would be charged with expressing, in a face-
tious, impertinent and personal manner, the caliph's
own feelings or opinions (see especially the oft-quoted
episode concerning his reply to al-Buhturl, when the
latter had been rather offensive: al-Sulr, Ash'ar awldd
al-khulafa', ed. J. Hevworth-Dunne, London 1936, 325;
al-Mas'udl, Murudf, \ii, 202-4 = § 2885-8; AghanV,
xviii, 173 = ed. Beirut, xxi, 537; al-Husri, L^anf al-
djawahir, 15-16; Yakut, Udaba', xviii, 12-14; etc.). Like
his predecessors, he could also make up amusing
stories, since we read that these were gathered
together, with his poetry, in an independent volume,
passages from which may be found in authors like
Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi ('Ikd, Cairo 1962, iv, 148) and even
Ibn al-DjawzT [Akhbai al-hamka wa 'l-mughaffalm,
Damascus 1345, 85, 111, 141, 143), and which attests
the influence exercised b\ the inimitable Djahizian
adab on the most serious of authors. In this respect,
Abu 'l-'Anbas probabl) differed very little from other
"humorous figures" who, as we know from the Fihrist,
left behind collections of stories; but he is distinguished
from them by a series of works whose titles lead one
to think that they were burlesque or scabrous. The
A". Fadl al-itillam 'aid 'l-daradf "Superiority of the lad-
der over the staircase", for example, must have been
purely humorous, but the A". Nawadir al-kawwdd(a)
"Remarkable stories about pimps", to mention only
this one work, must certainly have descended to
pornography. After all, there emerges from a con-
versation between Abu 'l-'Anbas and his crony Abu
'l-'Ibar (al-SulT, he. eit:, Aghanl, ed. Beirut, xxiii, 77-
8| that if he had abandoned scholarship {'Urn) for sukhf
and raka'a i.e. obscenity and burlesque, it was because
these last were much more profitable and lucrative.
In the course of this dialogue, which took place in
al-Mutawakkil's caliphate, Abu 'l-'Anbas declares that
he has written over 30 works on sukhf and raka'a;
does this mean that the lists which we possess are
very incomplete, that the works which appear to be
serious in content are not serious at all, or that after
al-Mutawakkil's death, this writer came back again to
topics less frivolous than certain titles would suggest?

Some of these titles recall works of al-Djahiz, to
the extent that C.E. Bosworth (see Bibl.) has' won-
dered whether Abu "l-'Anbas might have plagiarised
the former writer's work; the possibility of an influ-
ence here must be serioush, considered, since one
finds in the list a A" al-Ikhipan wa 'l-asdika' and a A".
MasdwT l-'awamm wa-akhhar al-njla wa 1-aghlam and
even a A" al-Thukala' "Book of Bores"; in order to
know the truth here, it would be necessary to know
what lay behind these titles.

The poetry of al-Saymarl has been referred to
above; to judge b\ those poems available for read-
ing, they were not all licentious and scatological, since
they include the well-known line "How man) sick
persons have survived the physician and visitors, when
all hope of cure had been ghen up".

The lists bring out the existence of at least one
work which seems to be of a theological nature, the
A'. Ta'khJr al-ma'nja, which is alone cited— and
doubtless deliberatel) — by Yakut in his Mu'djam al-
buldan (s.v. Sa>mara), whilst the same author enu-
merates some 40 titles in his Irshad al-arlb. In fact,
Abu 'l-'Anbas, called by Abu 'l-'Ibar a mutakallim,
must apparently have been a Mu'tazili", and because

ABU 'i.-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI — ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL

of this he was dignified by being cited by Ibn Batta
iH. Laoust, Lit piofasmn de foi d'Ibn Batta, Damascus
1958, 170) amongst "the people of infidelity and error",
who for him mean the Mu'tazila. On another level,
one finds other titles which give the impress]

Abu 'l-'Anbas was equally interested in "scientific-
topics. If his A'. al-Radd 'ala ■l-mittatabbibm, directed
against charlatans and homeopathic physicians, strictly
speaking belongs to the depicting of society, his
A: al-Radd 'ala Abl Mikha'll al-Saydaldm I?) fi 'l-kwuya'

K. al-Djawariih ica 1-daryakat might lead one to take
him for a pharmacologist. The A'. Tajiir al-ru'ya is

with astrology, which gave Abu 'l-'Anbas a lasting
fame. In fact', if the above-mentioned works sufferec
iukhf and

arly da.

i gene

- copying tr
cript catalo;
dly corresp

> the

,: A! al-Mawalld, A'. Ah/cam al-
nudjiim. K. al-Mudkhal ila sina'at al-nudjiim and A: al-
Radd 'aid •l-munadj&imTn. In fact, a A". .1)/ al-mul
attributed to him is preserved in both the B.N. of
Paris (6608) and the B.M. of London (Suppl. Rieu,
775; cf. Brockelmann, S I, 396., but Ibn al-Nadim
asserts that he appropriated the A" al-Usul of Abu
Ma'shar, and al-Kifti \T. al-Hukama\ ed. Lippert,
Leipzig 1903. 410) accuses him of plundering other
people's writings and putting them forward as his own
compositions. There are several extant manuscripts of

, but the a:

copy pre;

opening o
' the Vat

• Hi hi

dated 30 Rabf I 1221/17 June
1806 and testifies to the continuing successfulness of
this manual of astrology, and at the same time to the
respect accorded to the author, al-Saymari, depicted

for posterity. G. Levi della Vida i Elena, di mammntti
aiabo islamui della Biblwteia Vatieana, Vatican City 1935,
Nos. 955/8 and 957) is not far wrong in thinking
that we have here another redaction of the A'. Ail ai-
usul, hence in the end, of a recasting of Abu Ma'shar's
work. Consequently, it seems that there is nothing left
of Abu 'l-'Anbas's genuine work, which therefore enjoys
in the "scientific" sphere

Malhemaliker, Leipzig 1900, 30; Kahhala, ix, 38;
Zirikll, vi. 202; F. Bustam, DM, iv, 486-7; M.F.
Ghazi, in Aiahiea, iv (1957i. 168; Ch. Pellat, Un

Studia m. in mem. V. Brockelmann. Halle 1968, 133-
7; C.E. Bosworth, The mediaeval hlamn underworld,
Leiden 1976, i, 30-2; Muhammad Bakir 'AlwSn.
Abu l-'Anbas Muhammad h. hhak al-Sarmarl, in al-
Abhath, xxvi (1973-7), Arabic section, 35-50.

iC.H. Pellati

ABU Y-ASAD al-HIMMANI, Nubata b. 'Abd

\llah, minor poet of the 'Abbasid period,

Driginallv from Dinawar. His talent was onlv moder-

ite, and it was 'Allawayh/'Alluya who rescued him

luced him to the great men of the age and, above

i lengthy one. He is found, first of all, satirising as
-arlv as 153/770 two of al-Mansur's mawdli. Sa'id and
j Matar (al-Djahshiyan, Wu-ara', 124), and then fre-
| quenting Abu Dulaf al-'Idjli [see al-kasim b. 'isa], at
• v^hose court he w.us however eclipsed, it is said, bj
',\li b. Djabala [see al-'akavvwak] . After having pre-
viously sung the praises of the ruler of al-Karadj [q.r.],
he launched at him a somewhat coarse diatribe and
then turned to the former secretary of al-Mahdl, al-
Favd b. Abi Salih (on whom see Sourdel, Vkual, index),
whose praises he now sang (al-Djahshiyari. 164; Ibn
al-Tiktaka, Fakhrl. ed. Derenbourg, 256, calls the poet
Abu '1-Aswad). But the chronology of these events is
uncertain, and it is even probable that, contrary to
what the Aghani asserts, his relations with al-Fayd (who
died in 173/789-90) were anterior to his stay with Abu
Dulaf. Amongst those whose patronage he sought, one
even finds Ahmad b. Abl Du'ad \q.i:], who gave him

him. It is,"on the other hand, dubious that he was

enjoy

Ibn Batta felt the need to criticise hir
as the adab writers who quote anecdotes of his,
famous author, Badf al-Zaman, thought to make
a kind of romantic personality by reserving for
the makama of Saymara, in which Abu 'l-'Anba
both narrator and hero. In this, he tells how, ;
having been rich and hospitable, he had been al
doned by his friends, had been transformed int
vagabond in the style of the age and hence able
acquire a knowledge of the frivolous poetry of
iukhf of the profe; '

suffick

old p

tion in Baghdad and then take

faithless former friends.

Bibliography: In addition to the sources cited
in the article," see Khatib Baghdad!, Ta'rikh, i,
238; Akhbar al-Buhtim. index; Kiftr, al-Muhammadun
mm al-shu'ard'. Beirut 1390/1970, No. U)i; Ibn al-
Djarrah, il'araka, 5; Marzubanl, Mii'ajam. 393;
idem, Muivashshah, 285; Ibn al-Djawzi, 'Muntazam,
vi, 99; Ibn Taghribirdi, Audjum, iii, 74; Suter,

n Hamdun

IBN HA

■

To judge by

t fragm

rnts

u '1-Asad h

d no compu

iction t

bout

composing

lge on peo-

for the negl

ct which he s

d a reward.

But he

also able to

VlawsilT'ld.

cate feelings,
188/804 [<].i

S in ^

elegv

on Ibrahim

well

ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL, al-Dahhak b. Makhlad
b. MtisLiM b. al-Dahhak al-Shaybani al-Basri, tra-
ditionist, born at Mecca in 122/740 but estab-
lished subsequently al Basra, where he transmitted

quantity of hadilht, gathered by himself, and espe-

sidered as trustworthy, and some of his hadiths were

assert that he never fabricated a single one, although

lie so much as in regard to traditions from the Prophet
(Goldziher, Mali. Stud., ii, 47, Eng. tr. 55). It is said
that he was never seen with a book in his hand and
that we was knowledgeable about jikh. Despite

he was remarkab

s knov

ir the si

■. Physic

I this

ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL — ABU BAKR IBN 'ABD al-SAMAD

this

id-Nah

It is also recorded

■aring fine clothes.

? freed his own slave in order to release
Shu'ba [q.v.] from his oath not to transmit hadiths for
a month. A final explanation seems the most plausi-
ble; some elephants passed through Basra, and all the
population rushed out to see the spectacle, whilst he
however stayed with his master Ibn Djuraydj [q.v. in
Suppl.], who gave him the title of "noble". He prob-
ably died on 14 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 212/5 March 828 at

Bibliography: Djahiz, Bavan, ii, 38; Ibn Sa'd,
Tabakat, vii, 295; Fihrisi, ed. Cairo, 163; Ibn Hadjar,
Tahdhib, iv, 450-3; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhamt, ii, 28;
Bustam, DM L iv, 416. (Ch. Pellat)

ABU l -AZA'IM, Muhammad MadI, an Egyptian
and a political activist, was born in the town of RashTd
on 27 Radjab 1286/2 November 1869 and grew up
in the ullage of Mahallat Abu 'All near Dasuk in
the present-day Gharbivya province. He studied at al-
Azhar [q.v.] and at bar al-'UlQm [q.v.]. He gra-
duated in 1308/1890-1 and spent the subsequent
twenty-five years as a teacher at various provincial
government schools in Egypt and the Sudan as well
as at Gordon College in Khartoum. At the latter
establishment he taught Islamic Law from 1905 until
August 1915, when he was forcibly repatriated to
Egypt — following his refusal to declare himself in sup-
port of British administrative reforms in the Sudan,
and his public opposition to these — where his freedom
of movement was restricted to al-Minya province.
About a year later, in 1916, he was allowed to take
up residence in Cairo, where he devoted himself
to the propagation of his own conception of the
Shadhiliyya [q.v.] order, into which he had been
initiated by Hasanayn al-HisalT [q.v.]. He had been
actively proselytising on behalf of his tonka [q.v.]. which
became known as al-'Azamiyya al-Shadhiliyya, already
since the beginning of his teaching career, and had
obtained a substantial following for himself in Egypt
as well as in the Sudan. Al-'Azamiyya distinguished
itself by the stress it placed upon inner-worldly asce-

opposed to the retraitist other-wordly asceticism and
its underlying relatively negative appreciation of life
in this world, as found implicitly or explicitly in the
teachings of many tarikas. After 1916, however, when
settled 'in Cairo, Muhammad Madi ceased to look
imself as merely head of a tanka, but assumed

upon

[mudjaddid ) instead, and consequently presented his
tanka as his conception of a revitalised Islam, which
he elaborated over the following years in a variety of
books and articles, notably in the periodicals al-
Sa'ada al-Abadina la bi-monthly published by one of
Muhammad Madfs disciples, 'Air 'Abd al-Rahman
al-Husavm, from 1914 until 1923) and al-Madlna al-
Munawwara (a weekly published from 1925 until 1927,
and after 1927 until 1929, when it was merged with
al-Fatih, a periodical of the Ahrar al-Dusturiyyin,
edited by Muhammad Mahmud, as al-Fatih wa
"l-Aladina al-Munawwara). The majority of these books
as well as the periodicals were printed by the Matba'a
al-Madma al-Munawwara, a press established by
Muhammad Madf in early 1919. In his aversion to
the British presence in Egypt, he committed himself
to the case of the nationalists during the revolu-
tion of 1919, when he was twice arrested. On 20
March 1924, less than three weeks after the abolition

of the caliphate in Turkey [see Khalifa] , he organ-
ised a meeting in Cairo, which was attended by schol-
ars and religious dignitaries from all over the Islamic
world, in order to discuss the implications of this
event. This meeting ended in the foundation of the
so-called Djama'at al-Khilafa al-Islamiyya bi-Wadl al-
Nfl under his presidency. Because of its historical con-
sequences, the foundation of this organisation must
be considered as Abu 'l-'Aza'im's most notable
achievement. It allowed him to mobilise an effective
world-wide opposition against King Ahmad Fu'ad's
candidacy for the caliphate — to which he objected for
religious and political reasons (cf. Ahmad ShafTk,
Hawlmat Misr al-siyasiyya, Cairo 1929, iii, 105 ff.)—
and thus determined the outcome of the Caliphate
Conference held in Cairo in May 1926 and brought
activity in support of Ahmad Fu'ad's candidacy to an
end. Muhammad Madi died on 28 Radjab 1356/4
October 1937 and was buried in his zawiya [q.v.] in
Cairo near the mosque of al-Sultan al-HanafT. Here,
his shrine as well as the shrine of his son Ahmad (d.
1970), who succeeded him as head of the tanka,

January 1962), which houses the headquarters of the

Bibliography: The most extensive biography is
'Abd al-Mun'im Muhammad Shakraf, al-Imam
Muhammad Madi Abu 'l-'AzS'im, hayatuhu, djihdduhu,
dtharuhu, Cairo 1972. It contains "the text of vari-
ous relevant documents, evaluates his poetry, clar-
ifies his position with respect to the idea of al-insan
al-kamil [q.v.], sets forth his conception of tawhid
(based upon an unpublished treatise), and lists and
summarises his works. To these must be added Mm
djawami' al-kalim, Cairo 1962; al-Uaajdamvyat (ed.
'Abd Allah Madi Abu 'l-'Aza'im), Cairo n.d".; Diwan
(ed. Muhammad al-Bashir Madi Abu '1

i n.d.

i al-'Aza

i (ed.

Mahmud Madi Abu i-'Aza'im), Cairo 1328/1910,
(important for his affiliations with various tarikas);
and al-Shifa' min marad al-tafnka, Cairo n.d., which
caused the temporary imprisonment of Muhammad
Madf when it was interpreted as a concealed attack
upon King Ahmad Fu'ad (cf. al-ll'adjdaniyyat, 8).
The treatise Wasa'il izhat al-hakk, Cairo n.d., should
be excluded from Shakraf's enumeration. It was
written by Muhammad's brother, the journalist
Ahmad Madi (d. 1893), who had founded the news-
paper al-Mu'arvad together with 'All Yusuf [q.v.].
The treatise "was published for the first time
in Cairo in 1914, by Ahmad's brother Mahmud.
The authorship was falsely assigned to Muhammad
Abu 'l-'Aza'im by his son and successor Ahmad in
the subsequent editions published under his aus-
pices. For additional biographical materials, see
Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafadji, al-Turath al-
mhi li Uasawwuf al-islami fi Mm, Cairo n.d., 170.
For details about the history of the al-'Azamiyya
tanka and further references, see also F. de Jong,
Two anonymous manuscripts lelative to the Sufi orders in
Egvpt, in Biblmtheca Orientahs, xxxii (1975), 186-90.
For the 'Azamiyya in the Sudan, see J.S.
Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, London 1949, 239 f.
On his mawlid, see J.W. McPherson, The moulids
of Egvpt, Cairo 1940, 140 ff. A small collection of
letters written by Muhammad Madi and transcripts
thereof, which are in the possession of the 'Azami
family, is preserved on microfilm at Leiden
University Library. (F. de Jong)

ABU BAKR IBN 'ABD al-SAMAD [see 'abd

ABU BAKR IBN al-'ARABI — ABU BARAKISH

ABU BAKR IBN al-'ARABI [see ibn al-<arabI
ABU BAKR al-ASAMM [see al-asamm i

SU PP! 1 . .

ABU BAKR ai -KHARAITI [see al-khara'itI
ABU BAKR al-ZUBAYDI [see al-zubaydi]
ABU l-BARAKAT al- c Alav>I al-Za^dI, 'Uma

s Muh/

>, Kut;

dent, Kur'an scholai and
in Kufa in 442/105(1-1 heard hadith in his home town
and Baghdad, and sta\ed toi some time together with
his lathei in Damascus Vleppo and Tarabulus In
\leppo he lead in 455/1063 the A alldah ot Abu
'All al-FansF which he latei transmitted m Kufa Theie
he finished on 5 Ramadan 464/26 Ma\ 1(172 the
leading ol the A al Qami' al kaji an extensive col-
lection of Kufan Zavdr fikh dot trine bv the Savyid
Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b 'All al-'\lavu He
read it with the Saw id 'Abd al-Djabbar b al-HusaMi
b Mu'ayya, who had heard it trom the authoi, though
he also tiansmitted dnectlv from Abu 'Abd Allah al-
'\lawi with an idjaza He taught and led the piavcr
in the mosque of Abu Ishak al-Sabi'i Ol his wolks
on grammar a eommentarv on the A al Lima' ot Ibn
Djinm is extant in manuscript I see Biockelmann, S
I 142) \ descendant ot 7avd b 'All \bu 1-Baiakat
peisonallv adhertd to Zavdl Shi"', beliets though he
generally concealed them fiom his Sunm students and
gave legal fatudh according to HanafT doc tune Onlv
to ShrTs did he transmit partisan Shfr hadith', and
iendered /afttas according to Zavdl law In agreement
with the Zavdi cieed in his time, he upheld the dot-
trine of human tree will and the cieatedness of the
Kur'an He died on 7 Sha'ban 5 34/2 February 1 145
in Kufa

Biblwgiapln Sam'anI 1 >8 : Sb Ibn al-
Anbaii, \uzhat al ahbba' ed Muh Vbu 1-Fadl
Ibrahim Cairo 1467, 349 f Ibn al-Djawzi
al Uuntazam, Havdaiabad 1357-54/ 1 4 38-41 x
114 Yakut Udaha\ xi 12-14 Ibn al-Kitti
Inbdh al tuuat ed Muh Abu '1-Fadl Ibiahim,
Cano 145(1-73 n, 324-7 al-Dhahabf \lt Z an
al i' tidal, ed AM al-Bidjawi Cano 1382/
1463, in, 181 Ibn 'Inaba 'Umdat al lalib ed
Muh Hasan Al al-Tahkani Nadjaf 1380/
1461 263, Ibn Hadjar Lisan al mizan Hav-
daiabad 1331/1913 i\, 280-2 Sarim al-Din
Ibrahim b al-Kasim Tabakat al ~a\dina ms
photocopv no 290 Cano, Dai al-Kutub, 314

(\\ Madeiunoi
ABU BARAKISH (a i a name, no longei in use
given accoiding to localities, to two birds whose bril-
liant plumage is charac tensed bv iridescent colours or
shows a coloui-scheme \aiving in the course ol (he
seasons The quadnliteial loot B R A Sh probablv
derived from the tnhteial R B A has like R A Sh
the sense ot "to be vai legated, mottled' and the sub-
stantive birkiih indicates the iesult svnonvmous with
talauuun The plural baiakish has a supeilative quality
in expressions such as hlad haidkish 'a land decked
with flowers' and it is used as a foiename it was
the name ot the wife of Lukman [</ 1 ], and of a bitch
that became pioverbial for her ability to foieset and
to foretell with hei barking the return to camp of
the hoi semen of hei tribe As tor the pluial of the
composite noun ahu barakish, it would theoretic alh be
aba' barakish, but this foim is not found in litfiatuic
(li Aicoiding to the uniform definition piovided b\
Arab lexicogiapheis, the true ahu barakish cone-
sponds to this description "a small bird of the bushes
with a grevish head a scailet breast and dark lowei
parts Just like the porcupine when excited it iuffles

tenng culi

ms' (al-Dami

ri, Hmat al hmauan i.

lb2

BRA Sh in

Though r

estiained and

concise, (his ormthol

gital

n is sufficient

to identity the abu ba

akish

as a ploc

-id the male

in the nuptial pluma

Z? ol

-bird (/««d«

nassadi) the flame-col

uied

oi Gienadie

i the English Dun a

-bird

lEuplatis o

lesident both ot the ^

and ol th

southern coa

ts ol the Red Sea In

fact

this industrious and gregarious bud smallei in siz.
than the house spairow and with plumage that l
generalh bioumsh and lathei dull abruptly change

is the

een of ghst

. Nul

)f the first to be
ame to be known to the \rabs In the period of
nating the male courts thiee oi foui females, mak-
ng a show ol bringing them grains ol millet and
hroughout the penod of nestbuilding he constantly
isseits his piopnetory rights b\ fluttenng and hov-
■nng beneath each nest and ruffling all his fcath-
■is which spaikle in the light accompanying his
lertormance with a loud rustling ol wings ihafij ,
hatching ol the young the actoi aban-
lons his deceptive guise and ieturns to the gregar-

Att-

lable

The

, Adah

LA)

colour of the plum.

■Art) ha abi baiakisha kulla la
like abu barakish whose c
s' have detei mined the w
f-membeied (see Ibn Kut,
1355/1936 204 al-Dam

(2) Foi al-Kazwim i'Adja'ib al makhlukat in the mai-
gins of al-Damin n 252) and tor him alone the abu
hawkish is a wadei with a pleasant-sounding c rv, with
red beak and feet, ol a size close (o that of the stork
and with plumage fluctuating in colour in reds, gieens
yellows and blues The liven of this atti active wad-
mg-bnd appaienllv piovided Byzantine weavers with

eolouied shot silk called abu kalamun [q t J a name
which eonveiselv was applied to the bird Now the
onlv wadei of the Meditenanean and oriental regions
peifectlv fitting this description is the Porphvnon or
Blue Taleva/Purple Galhnule {Porphrw poiphvm) bet-
ter known however under the giandiose name of
'Sultan-fowl' This marshland bird, hali-a-metie m
height, has teet and beak of a fine coial led and on
its lorehead a knob ot the same colour its rich blue
plumage varies from indigo to tuiquoise with flashing
tints of green, purple and bionze When alarmed, the
Sultan-fowl emits a brief tiumpet-hke sound Its Spanish
name is 'ealamon a vestige ot the Arable kalamun
while Egypt has retained its ancient Gieek name Ttop-
ipnpicov aiabised as fwfui/fwjm, pi farafii, Svna and
'Irak call it biahan and suhnun \11 these tountnes and
Persia are also lamihai with the "green-bae ked sub-

closeh, related to the mam species and hearing the

ABU BARAKISH — ABU

names dik sultam sultan-cock M al ma' watei-cock
aud farkha sultamyya sultan-pullet The Suit in-low 1
easilv domesticated was highlv thought ot among the
Peisians the Greeks and the Romans it was bred in
temples and placed under the protection ot the gods
In Egypt, it is not unusual to see it in iuial areas co-
existing peaceabh with domestic poultry Because of
the splendoui ol its plumage the Persians awarded it
the title sAahmurgh king-bud arabised in the loims
Aahmuik Aahmurki shamurk shamuik shahmuidi ihahmwdi
In legends and stories ol Peisian ongin while the lion
is the king of the animals it is the Sultan-fowl that
sits on the thione ol the featheied lace and the pea-
cock is onl\ the viziei (see Rasa il Mm an al Saja' Benut
1957 11 248 ff) Al-Djahiz several times cites the
Sultan-low 1 (Hawaiian pissim) as leedmg on Hies and
small leptiles which is ace ui ate the diet of this wader
being both vegetable and carnivorous having killed its
prey with a violent blow ot the beak it holds it with
one foot and teats it with the other carrying of! the
moisels of flesh in its be ik

Thus the abu barakish of the poet of Asad was a
weaver-bird while al-Kazwim saw it as the Sultan-
believe that it was on his own authontv that this
natuiahst perhaps not knowing the Gien idler weaver-
bud identilied the abu btnakish with the abu
kalamun/ ihahmuik but his decision was regaided as
law bv his successors and it should be recognised as
such

(3) In the Hidjiz through a contusion on the part
ol the childien of the nomads attested bv the philol-
ogist al-Azhari abu barakish was used in place of
birknA to denote the chaffinch [Fnn°illa loilebs) a finch
well-known in all the Aiabic-speaking countnes and
also called shwshui (in the Maghrib shershn beikish
^antb) this was simplv in enor ascnbable to child-
ish ignoiance

Finallv we mav lgnoie the totallv unfounded iden-
tification ot the abu barakish with the bullfinch [Pynhuta
pynhula) suggested bv the encvclopedia al Mainu'a fi
'ulum al tabi'a (Beirut 1%5 i no 154) this western
bird being practicallv unknown m the Ntar East in
Anbia m Egypt and the Maghnb

the text there lie mentions ot the abu barakish in
al-kalkishandi Sitbli n 7b kushidjim Masayid
Bighdid 1454 whollv imprecise Ornithologv
\ Mi'luf Mu'djam al liayaaan Cairo 1932 111
117 B Al-Lus (blouse) al Tmm al'irakma n
Bighdid 1%1 29-30 AL Brehm [Lhommi it In
aramauM Lis omain Fr edn revised bv Z Geibe
Pans 1878 n 7(11-3 FO Cave and J D Mac-
donald Birds of tin Sudan London 1955 374
RD Etchetopar and F Hue Lis oisiaux dit noid
de I ifrique Pans 1964 191-5 and bOO (index of
Arabic names bv F \ lie) idem Lis mstain du
Moyai Orient Pans 197(1 RN Meineitzhagen Buds
of Egypt London 19 30 L Delapchier Lis ouiaux
du mundi (Atlas) Pans 1959 i 125 n 130

(F \IREI

ABU l-BAYDA' al

RIYAHl

As'ad b 'Isma

one ol the

ts ol the Basran

philologists

in the 2nd/8th centur

, notably, of al-

. This Bedo

uin teacher

settled in south-

ern 'Irak,

received h

s curious kunya

t binds' = "d

esert") from

the admire

rs forming a cir-

cle around

him. He als

o wrote poetry, transmitted

by another

teacher, a c

ertain Abf

'Adnan, who is

allegedly th

e author of

several w

orks (in particu-

lar, of a A"

al-.Xahwmi

and a A"

Charlb al-hadlth.

Fihnst 68) and whom al-Djahiz piaised gieatlv loi
his eiudition aud his fine language [Bay an 1 212i
Abu 1-Bavdi' also hid as his raaiya his son-in-law
'Amr b hjikna [q i ] but his poetic work is almost
whollv lost

Bibliography Djihiz Bay an 1 bb 252 Fihnst
66 Ibn kutavba '[>«« i 71 Maizubim,
Muuashshah 118 183 Suvuti Muzhir n 249 \akut
Idaba' vi 89-90 Bustam DM iv 224

(Ch PellatI
ABU DABI [see \bu z\bi]
ABU DAWUDIDS [see b-vnidjurids]
ABU l-DHAHAB kunya ol Muhammmj Bev a
giandee of Ottomin Egypt Acquired as a mam
luk bv Bulut kapan 'All Bev [?.] (the date 1175
given in Djabirti 'iaja ib l 417 is obviously incor-
rect) he became the chief ofiicei in his mastei s house-
hold as kha indar in 1174/1760 When in 1178/1764-5
he was iaised to the bevlicate he obtained his kunya
bv distributing a laigesse of gold In 1184/1770 he
commanded the expeditionary toice sent bv 'All Bev
to install a Hashimite protege in Mecca As com-
mander ol the torce sent bv 'All Bev in 1185/1771
to co-opeiate with Zahn al-'LTmar against 'Uthman
sidik governor of Damascus he captuied

the c

lendei

a the c

with all his troops to Egypt Thi

to the seciet negotiations ol 'ITthman Pasha the ilti^ai
ol Gazi and al-Ramla which Abu 1-Dhahab le
in this same veai (Cohen Palistme 49) may have been
his rew lrd As master of an exceptionally laige house-
hold of mamluk and black slaves t'abidl and as the
head of a faction he succeeded in 1186/1772 in oust-
ing 'All Bev who sought refuge with Zahn al-'LTmai
Lured into returning to Egypt with a small foice 'All
Bev was defeated at al-Sahhiyya and died a few day
later (Salai 1187/Mav 1773) Abu 1-Dhahab was now
the effective lulei of Egypt, where he established peace
ind secuntv so that internal trade revived LTnlike
'All Bev he followed a policy ol ostentatious lovaltv

,ed

o the

and w

shaykh al balad (Rabi' I 1187/June 1773) He
was nevertheless as determined as his ioimer master
to control Syria where he represented himself as the
detendei ol the sultanate against the iebel Zahu al-
'Umai The iondjok of Gaza and al-Ramla was con-
lened on him in 1187/177 3 (Cohen Palestine 148)
The lact that he obtained the appointment as viceiov
ot Egypt of a fugitive Pilestiman notable Mustafa
Pashi Tukan al-Nabulusi (not a member ol the 'Azm
lamilv as stated in Djabarti 'ilka lb i 418 cl Cohen
Palestine 5b n 97) mav also be linked with his Svnan
aims Eailv in 1189/March 1175 he led his aimv
into Palestine to oveithiow Zahn Jaffa was captuied
ind i massacre ensued Zahn fled from Acre his
capital which was about to fall when Abu 1-Dhahab
died suddenly of level His tioops letumed foithwith
to C airo

Bibliography 'Abd al-Rahman b Hasan al-
Djabirti 'idja'ib al athai (Bulak edn ) l annals for
the years indicated and obituary ol Abu 1-Dhahab
on pp 417-20 \olne> \oyagi in Egypte tt en iyne
(ed. Jean Gaulmier), Paris and The Hague 1959,
especially pp. 78-94 (dates on pp. 91-4 inaccurate);
Amnon Cohen, Palestine in the 18th century, Jerusalem
1973. (P.M. Holt)

ABU DJA'FAR al-ANDALUSI [see al-ru'ayni].
ABU DJA'FAR al-RU'ASI [see al-ru'as!].
ABU DJA'FAR al-TUSI [see al-tusI].
ABU 'l-DJARUD [see al-djarudiyya] .

ABU DULAF al-'IDJLI ABU 'l-FARADJ b. MAS'UD RUNl

ABU DULAF M.-IDJLI [see vl-kasim b
ABU l-FADA'IL [see hamdanids]
ABU l-FARADJ b MAS'UD RUNI

iba\ 1299/1882, 122i

rhe n

sba Rum

the

bth and

>t R

n m the

Mun

akhab al

D,aha

ni>m and

had

to admit

i confusion

with anothe

Ghazi

aw id poe

, \hi

Far

adj Sidjzl

The date oi

his bnth is

not kne

vui Chrc

nolosr

ind

cations that

can be de

m his w

kelv that h

- stalled hi

it ot Lahoie

\i al-Din

Malm

installed th

eie b\ his t

ithei S

iltan Ibu

rim ,

rov Utati, c

i maid.) ot

Ghazn

wid Hin

diistan

4b9/lU7b-7 \

j» 'l-Faiad,

appear

to have

letai

his

the couit

}f Lahc

1 al-Din th

latei

Sultan M

as'Qd

8(1-92/11

these

>vs, C

woith Tht

latt, Ghazna

dyn

asty ,„ \)gh

mistar, and

northern

India It

40 11

nbuigh 1977, b5-8) \s

he add

st oi the p<

ems he wr,

te loi

im bv tl

e title

penod The

l-Fa.adj tl

■ thio

Mas'uds son Shei
Sultan ot Ghazna

The ielationship between the poet and tht cential
Ghaznawid rouit is not quite clcai He vuote sev-

'\wfT plated a kasida addiessed to the sultan at the
beginning ot his Did an Thcie aie also poems pre-
served which bear dedications to piominent officials
oi the cential government like the <and-i lashkai
Mansui b Sa'id Mavmandi who patronised othei

is pen.

apait

and his if
while the

id Diuan, Mas'udi Salman ed RashTd Yasimi Tehian
HI 9/ 1940, Intioductiom

The modern Iiaman scholai Djalal al-Din Huma'I
has connected one of the poets kasidas with the
conquest oi Kannawdj b\ Sultan Mas'ud 111 which
he dates between •)()() and 508 \H This would pro-

faiadj icf Dinar, i Tthmai, i Mukhtan ed HumaT
Tehian H41/19b2 t>'>4 fi and passu,} and Bosuoith

The woik ot \bu 1-Faradj as we know it now con-

cal type The kasidas aie compai ati\ eh short poems in

gethei The poet dt\ eloped the st\le ot the panegvn-
cal addiess ot the Samanid an<l eailv Ghaznawid poets
into various new directions The texture of his veise
became moic knitted though the use of uncommon
compounds oi igmal mttaphois and h\perboles, and
ihiough a gieatei densitv in the handling ot ihetoncal

unpiecedented tiee|uenev Though all these features
the woik of \bu 1-Faiadj heralds the gieat change in
poetical st\le which took place m the course of the
bth/ 12th centurv and is tommonlv designated as the
development tiom the Rhiiiasaman into the "Iiaki stvle
itoi bnet anahses of the mam chaiac tenstics of Abu
1-Faiadj's poetrv se, the vvoiks b\ Sata Mahcjjub and
Damghanl mentioned m the bibliogiaphv i

Thestvlistie oiigmahtv of \hu 1-Faradj was alieadv
lecognised h\ his contempoiaiies and the immedi-

DuUm, inaan e.l bv MT Mudams-i Radavvi i
Tehian H47/19b8 104-8]

The wide iange of \bu 1-Faiadj s influence is tui-
thei attested bv the man\ quotations tiom his poems
1 the halila a a Dinma adaptation b\ Nasi Mlah
Munshr wntten about r i40/1145-b and b\ the he-
quent use oi his veises as shaiiShid b\ Shams-i Ravs
his textbook on the theeiiv oi poetrv In moi<

i the return * iba^ashl) to the earliei st\les ot
Persian poetiv, which ore lined m ban dining the late
Uth/lKth centuiv let Rida-Kuli khan HidSvat
\laqjma' al jmaha' mukaddamai The peipetual wai
waged with the non-Muslim neighbours of Ghazna-

the identification ot events and plaeenames is still
hampeied b\ the philological iinsufTiciencies ot the
text ot the Diaan as it is accessible at this moment
It cannot be doubted that the collections ot \bu
1-Faiadj's poems diffeied alieadv at an eailv date as
tai as then e ontents and anangement aie coneemed
Even Anwan could onlv find a selection twtikjiab)

ing the Diu. tin aecoidmg to '\wfi i= cd Damghani
no 'Hi is not the same as that which opens the
collections contained in the oldest manusciipts known
so fai The hist punted text was an addition in
the maigin to a lithogiaph eit the Diaan of 'Unsuii
led bv \U Muhammad \idakam Bombav H20)
I A cutical edition was published bv RI Cavkin as an

ABU 'l-FARADJ b. MAS'UD RUNI — ABU 'l-HASAN al-AHMAR

annex [danumd] to Irmaghan vi (Tehran 1304/1425)
with a biographv and annotations to the text bv
Muhammad 'All Nasih The recent edition bv
Mahmud Mahdawi Damghani leproduces the text ol
its predecessor adding \anant readings horn two
ancient manuscripts viz a copv in the C hester Beattv
Library (if 1 tatalogue of the Persian manuscript', and
miniatures Dublin 1959 4 no 103) and a copv in
the British Museum (cl Ch Rieu Supplement to the
catalogue of the Persian manual ipts London 1895 141
no 211) Manv manuscripts oi the Dm an or ol small-
er collections oi poems still await to be examined
(see eg A Munzawi Fihnst i ««jkhaha-vi khatti-vi
ftrsi in Tehran 1350/1971 2214-6 nos 21375-417
Ahmed Ates Istanbul Kutuphanelennde Farsca man^um estr
kr i Istanbul 19b8 212i

Bibliography In addition to the woiks mentioned
in the article NizamT 'Aiudi ( iihar maiala Tehran
1955-7 main 44 cl ta'tikat 115 fi 194, 22b Abu
1-Ma'ah Nasr Allah Munshi Tardjama u Katila ua
Dimna Tehran 1343/1954 'AwfT Lubab id Browne
n 241-5 ed Nafisi Tehian 1335/1956 419-23 cl
ta'hkat 714 fl Shams al-Din Muhammad b Kavs
al-Razi, al Uu'gjam JT ma'aw ash'ar al'adjam Tehran
1338/1959, Amin Ahmad Razi Hajt iktim Tehran
1 340/1 9b 1 i 339-44 Lutf-'Ali Beg \dhar itashkada
kth Bombav 1299 AH 136-9 Rida-kuh khan
Hidavat Mad/nut' al fusaha hth ed Tthian 1295
AH l 70-8 Ch Rieu ( atalogut of the Peisian man
usinpts in the British Museum n 547-8 Dihkhuda
Litijiatnama sv Dh Safa Ta likh 1 aeiabmat dar ban
n Tehran 1339/1960 470-6 and passim Husivn
Navil ibu I Farad} Rum in inana (Kabul) xxii/1-2
11342/1963) 19-24, M Dj Mahdjub \abk i Khurasam
dar shi'ri fam Tehran 1345/1966 575 81 and pas
sim Mahmud Mahdawi Damghani mufaddama and
ta'hkat to Dmani ibu I Faradi Rum Mashhad
1348/1969 (JTP de Bruiin)

ABU l-FARADI IBN al-TAYYIB [see ibn al-

TAYMB]

ABU l-FATH al-BALATI [see al-balati in
Suppl]

ABU l-FATH al-BUSTI [see al-busti]
ABU 'l-FATH al-DAYLAMI al-Husa->n b Nasir
b. al-Husayn, al-Nasir li-DIn Allah, Zavdi Imam
There are some variants in the sources in legard to
his own, his father's and his grandfathers personal
names. He belonged to a Hasamd iamilv which had
been prominent in Abhar for some geneiations
Nothing is known about his hie beiore he came to
the Yaman after 429/1038 claiming the Zavdr ima-
mate. He gained some tribal support in noithern
Yaman and established himselt in the Zahir Hamdan
region where he built the ioitiess and town ol Zafar
[q.v.] near Dhu Bin. In 437/1045-b he entered and
pillaged Sa'da, the stronghold ol the descendants oi
al-Hadr ila '1-Hakk [q.v.], and committed a slaughter
among the Banu Khawlan living in the aiea Still in
Shawwal 437/April-May 1046 he occupied San'a' In
the following year he gained brieflv the allegiance ol
Dja'far b. al-Kasim al-Tvani leader oi a Zavdi (ac-
tion which expected the retuin oi his bi other, the
Imam al-Husayn al-Mahdr [q e ] as the Mahdr Dja'far
soon revolted against him, togethei with the Sultan
Yahya b. Abl Hashid b al-Dahhak, chiei ol the
Hamdan, and expelled his representatives hom San'a'
Thereafter the Imam and Dja'far iought each othei
with changing fortunes lor the possession of the
fortresses of Athafit and 'Adjib The situation of Abu
'1-Fath deteriorated further after 'All b Muhammad
al-Sulayhi occupied the Djabal Masar in 439/1047 and

quickly expanded his power over large areas ot the
Hainan The Imam was soon deserted bv most ot his
iollowers and was forced to move hom town to town
In Rabf I 444/Julv 1052 al-Sulavhi defeated and
killed Abu Hashid b ^ahva b Abi Hashid and took
possession oi San'a' Abu 1-Fath now corresponded
with Nadjah the loid of the Tihama inciting him
against al-Sulavhi When he invaded the Balad 'Ans
later in the vear 444/1052-3 he was deteated and
killed bv al-Sulavhi together with some seventv sup-
ports s at Nadjd al-Djah and was buned in Radman
His descendants were later known in the \aman as
the Banu 1-Davlami

His km 'an commentary al Burhan is extant in man-
uscnpt {Fihnst kutub al khi-ana al Mutaiiakkilma San'a'
nd 12 Dar al kutub ha'imat al makhtutat al 'arabina
al musauuara bi 1 mikrufilm mm al Djumhunna al 'Aiabina
al lamanma Cairo 1967 6) A refutation oi the
Mutanihyva [q i ] sect is also lsuibed to him

Bibliography Humavd al-Muhalll al Hada'ik al
uardiua n ms Vienna Glaser 116 ff 110a- 11 3b
^ahva b al-Husavn Ghayat al amam fi _akhbar al
kutr al lamam ed S 'Abd al-Fattah '\shur and
M Mustafa Zivada Cairo 1388/1968 i 246 i
250 al-'Arshr Bulugh al maram, ed Anastas Man
al-karmah Cairo 1939 36 1 HC kav laman
London 1892 229 1 HF al-Hamdam al
Sulayhiuun Cairo [1955] 82 W Madelung Dei
Imam al Qasim ibn Ibrahim Beilin 1965 205

(W Madelung)
ABU l-FATH al-ISKANDARI [see al-

ABU HAFS al-SHITRANDJI [see al-shitrandji]
ABU l-HASAN al-AHMAR the usual name of
i philologist of Basia called 'All b al-Hasan/al-
Mubarak who was taught by al-kisa'i [q i ] whose
eagei pupil he was after his master he became
tutor to the future caliphs al-Amin and al-Ma'mun
I he biographical sources record that al-Ahmar was
onginallv a membei oi al-Rishid s guard so that
being very atti acted to the studv oi philology he

liable t

hing s

except when he was not on dutv in the palace
When the mastei came to give lessons to the young
pnnies, al-Ahmar rushed towards him, both when
he went in and when he came out took his stirrup
and escorted him, whilst firing questions on gram-
mai at him When al-Kisa'I was afflicted bv lep-
rosv and unable to teach the princes anv longer,
he was afraid lest one of the great grammarians of
the period, Sibawavh oi al-Akhfash [q u ] might take
his place so he recommended as his own succes-
soi al-Ahmai who was in the end confirmed in the
post The biogiaphical sources mention in this con-
nection the custom wherebv, aiter the first lesson,
the new tutoi received all the iurmshmgs oi the
room in which he had been teaching, al-Ahmar,
whose house was too small to take this, saw him-
seli offeied now both a house and two slaves, one
of each sex Each dav he went along to learn that

came to question his pupils in al-Rashid's presence
In this way al-Ahmai acquired a vast amount oi
knowledge He is said to have known 40 000 shauahid
verses and complete kasidas but he had no pupils
and did not transmit al-Kisa'fs knowledge orallv
This latter role devolved on his rival al-Farra' [qi],
but he was the author oi two works, the A al Tasrif
and the A Tafannun al bulagha' He died on the
Pilgrimage road in 194/810

Bibliography. Fihnst, 98, khatib Baghdad!,

ABU 'l-HASAN al-AHMAR

T. Baghdad, xii, 104-5; Abu '1-Tayyib al-Lughawi,
Maratib al-nahwiyyin, Cairo 1955, 89-9(1; Zubaydl,
Tabakdt, 147, Kifti, Inbah, Cairo 1369-74/1950-5,
ii, 3i 3-17; Anban, Mzha, 59; Mas'Qdi, Muntdj, vi,
321-2 = § 2523; Yakut, i'dabtT, xii, 5-12; Suyiitr,
Bughya, 334; M. al-Makhzuml, Maduisat al-Kuja,
Baghdad 1374/1955, 102; Bustanl, DM, iv. 250-1;
ZiriklT, A'lam, v, 79. (Ch. Pellat)

ABU 'l-HASAN al-ANSARI, 'AlI b. Musa b.
'AlI b. Arfa' (Rail') Rasuh ai.-AndalusI al-DjayyanI
(515-93/1121-97), a preacher of Fez, and mem-
ber of a family of whom one person ilbn Arfa' Rasuh)
is mentioned in the 5th/ 11th century at Toledo as a
composer of muwaihihahat (Ibn al-Khatib has preset

S.M.

mples

, Us ,

, Nos.
■rahs, Palen

9-58; c

ABU

Y-HASAN
t, L'daba', i

DJILWA

Yaki

i, 254-70

(details 1

dres

of the kutl

nb\; Busta

qi, DM,

A'liir

, i, 165; K

ahhala, Mu'allijln,

ABL

l-HASAN DJILWA

MlRZA,

<*r, r

oet and re

luse. He

Ahmadabad, G

udjarat.

vhere hi

wid

Muhammac

, membe

of a in

dista

i, was engaged in tr

de. Afte

Bon

rbay, Djilw

was br

ught to

Din Na'iiiT id. 1082/

called Dlivan ihudhia al-dhahab ft 1-sina'a al-iharija/fj
farm al-salamat, and Diwan al-shudhw wa-tahkik al-umui.
This poem's great vogue, whose author gained the

not teach the making of gold,
ings.'ofareli

Tibb al

■i 1-hu,

!. BN. 2643) and DjihdtJJ
ms. B.N. 3253i.

Bibliography: Makkari. ii, 410; Kutubi, Fawdl,
No. 319, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, ii, 181-4; Bustanl, DM,
iv, 252; Brockelmann, I, 496, S I, 908, 2nd edn.

I, 654.

ABU L-HASAN al-BATTI, Ahmad i

I Ed. i

poetry under the p

•n-name

of Djilwa. x

hich betamt

the appellation by

his autobiographic;

Djilw a does

f his te<

chers in 1st!

ing only that he sc

to study independe

ith and him-

self to offer instruct
in his Us uheions

/ In phi

ZplndZ

lAw Cmhale

new ed., Paris 19

8, 85,

Abu '1-Hasan Ardistani

whose te

Muhammad Hasai

CJTlain

and Mfrza

Muhammac

Hasan Nun; it is

that this Al

identical with Dji

wa). In

1274/1857

he came tc

'Irak (Yakut, i, 488), who was a mem
of al-Kadir's chancery (reigned 381-422/992-1031). J
When the future caliph had in 381/991 to flee from |
al-Ta'i', al-Batti had already been in his .service, since i
it was with him that al-Kadir sought refuge. Hence '
as soon as he succeeded to the caliphate, he appointed
al-Battr to his dlivan, where he was in charge of the
postal senice and of intelligence. A Mu'tazilT in the-
ology and a HanafT in jikh, he had previously spe-
cialised in study of the Kur'ar

. He

.ed the

had a

and although 1

ends.

his i

,, he sc

ir his ,

rza Mahmud Khan MazandaranI MushTr
al-\Vizara, who pressed imitations upon him, he scarce-
ly ever left the madiasa. Surprisingly, howe\er, despite
his deep roots in traditional philosophy, Djilwa is
recorded to have been a member of Mirza Malkum
Khan's pseudo-masonic organisation, the fawmu shkh ana.

rchetypal adib with a va
tine hand for calligraphy, and a < ertain talent for let-
ter-writing and versifying which made him well-
renowned. Since he was extremely witty, had a fierce
humour and quick repartee, possessed a great store
of anecdotes which he could retail in a sparkling fash-
ion and had a good knowledge of music and singing,
he shone with special brightness in the circles of the
Buyids. He was intimately linked with al-Sharif al-
Radr [q.v.~] who, on his death, in Sha'ban 405/Jan.-
Febr. 1015, dedicated to him his last composition;
al-Sharif al-Murtada [rj.v.] likewise wrote an elegy on
him. His own poetry \

really ;

1. How

three works are credited to him, a A", al-h'adin, a A'.
al-'Amidi and a A'. al-Fakhrl, whose contents are
unknown but which must have been biographical in

Bibliography: Tawhrdr, Imta', iii, 100; TanukhT,
MJiwar, Cairo 1392/1972, iv, 256, v, 224, 225,
vii, 24; Khaub Baghdad!, T. Baghdad, iv, 320, xiv,
328; Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Munta-am, vii, 263;
Safadi, \VaJJ, vii, 231-4; Ibn al-AthTr, ix, 175;

Djalal al-Din Mirza iH. Algar, Mi K a Malkun

Mian: a

.study in the histon of banian nmdomsm. Berkeley

md Los

Angeles 1973, 49-50). The only journey outside

Tehran

an and

Adharbaydjan. He received at the madiasa, w

th some

disdain, visits by Nasir al-Dni Shah and ih

British

ongst the

Peis-iam, Cambridge 1927, 162). Among his

irincipal

pupils were the Ni'matullafu Sufi, Ma'siim '.

Vii Shah

(d. 1324/1926) (see his faia'ik al-haka

/*, ed.

Muhammad DjaTar Mahdjub, Tehran 1339/

960, iii.

507), Sayvid Hashim Ushkun id. 1332/lt

Muhammad Hirz al-Dni, Ma'anf al-n^al ft hi

idjim al-

'ulanuf wa 1-itdabd', Nadjaf 1384/1964, iii, 2

Sawid Husavn Badkuba'i (see preface by S

H. Nasr

to his translation ol Muhammad Husayn Tal

Shfite Mim, Albany, N.Y. 1955, 22i. Djilwa

died in

i Rayy

| of Ibn Babfrva. Later, an impressive structure was

over his grave by Mirza Ahmad Khan Nasir al-L

and Sultan Hasan Mirza Nawir al-Dawla. Djilw;

; described by Ma'siim 'All Shah as the "renew

I peripatetic philosophy in the fourteenth (Hidjrii

ABU Y-HASAN DJILWA — ABU HIFFAN

. Mi Hakrm Ihhi

! (,&ra

followed
alhak

loi at )

desprte his great fame he ne\er composed original
wotks regarding independent writing on phrlosophy
as difficult or even impossible alter the achieve
ments ol his predecessors (autobiographical sketch
quoted b> Muhsin al Amm in -1 tan al Shi a Beirut
1380/1%0 vi 21b) and he preiened instead to write
commentaries and glosses on the work of Avicenna
and Mulh Sadra Two of these have been printed in
the margin of Sadra s Sharh al Hida\at al Athuma
Tehran 1313/1895 His Dm an is also said to have
been published

Bibliography in addition to the woiks men
tioned in the text see Abbas b Muhammad Ridi
kummi Hadnat al ahbab Nadjaf 1349/1930 11
Mnza Muhammad Ah Mudarns Rathanat al adab
Tabuz nd l 419 20 Muhsin il Amin Aran al
Shi a Beirut 1380/1960 vi 214 16 (including in
Aiabic translation the autobiographical account of
Djilwa first printed in Kama \i danishuaran I nasifi)
Mahdi Bimdid Sharh i hal i ndjal i Iran da, karnha
U 12 a 13 a 14 1 Hiq^n Tehian 1347/1968

(H Algar)
ABU l HASAN al MAGHRIBI Muhammad b
Ahmad b Muhammad poet and litterateur of the
4th/ 10th centurv whose origin is unknown He seems
to have undergone man\ vicissitudes since he appears
in the seivice of Savf al Dawla of al Sahib Ibn Abbad
and of the ruler of Khuras m where he met Abu 1
Faradj al Isfahan! and he ilso resided in Egypt in
the Djabal and m Transoxama at Shash The

avellei a

without an\ gieat onginalitv but he seems also to
have been the author of several epistles and books
in particular of a Tuhjat al kutlab ft I lata il and a
Tadhknal/ Mudhakamt al nadim m which there were no
doubt pieces of advice on stvle md valuable data on
the liter ary circles of the age He is also famed from
the fact that he was piobabH the transmittei of al
Mutanabbi s work in the lands of the east since \akut
savs of him that he was the ranna of the celebiated
poet encountered at Baghdad However if he made
an apologia toi the poet in his A al Inti\ar al munabbi
an fada il al Mutanabbi followed bv a Bakniat al Intuar
al mukthir h I ikhtisar he was equally the authoi —
for leasons unknown to us- of i A al \abMTanbih
al munabbi an radha il al Mutanabbi w hich must be the
oldest criticism ot the poets woik

Bibliography Tha ihbi lahma iv 81 \ lkut

Idaba xvii 127 32 R Blicheie Abou t Tamb al

\lotanabbi Pans 1935 227 273 ■

264

ABU HAYYA al NUMAYRI the usu

lHav

l-Rabi

Zur^

f the 2nd/8th century The date of hi-
death is given vanouslv in the biographical sources
with dates ranging from 14j/760 to 210/825 and
the onlv point of leterence which we have is the
tact that he was considered is the raana of il
Farazdak (d 1 10/728) Of Bedouin origin, Abu Hayya
must have lived for quite a long time in the desert,
to ]udge b\ the verses which al-Djahiz cites in his
h al Hawaiian, and whrch other, subsequent authors
cite, apparentlv considenng him as an authority. This
is not, however, the image that one gains of this
peisonage b\ reading the notices of him in the biog-
raphical sources since he became legendary for his

cowardrce (stones of his sword pompousK called
Luab al manma of a dog which frightened him to
death etc ) his tendency to lomince and to boast
about outstanding deeds of valour (in paiticular he
clarmed to be able to converse wrth the djinri) and
hrs weakness of mind (lulha) which led to his being
sometimes giouped amongst those possessed (espe
cialK as he was allegedlv eprlepttc) more indulgent
ly alDjihiz merely classes hrm amongst the foolish
peisons nauka and forebears to reproduce anecdotes
in which he is the heio and which could very well
be invented tales

The biographers state and iepeat that Abu Hayya
wrote eulogies to the last Umavyads and the fust
Abbisids but it verv much seems unless one rs mis
taken that none of his panegyrics have been pre
served They iurthei state that he wrote mdju^ as
well as kasidas but the gieat majoiity of hrs survrv

Fihnst 231 hrs dm an took up 50 leaves and one
:ept that thrs work was not lacking in qual

rted vers

appre.

(Ed)

e for
r poet

ited by the cntics Although accusing hin
defects notably a charact(
Askan Sinaataw 165 al Marzubani Muuashshah
227 8) thev remark that hrs stvle was free from affec
tatron and padding though sometimes difficult Abu
Amr Ibn al \la even |udged Abu Hayyi to be sup
error to hrs fellow trtbesman al Rii [q ] As a lule
the pieces of poetry whrch have been preserved have
i descriptive bacchic satrrrcal or elegrac charac
tei according to Ibn al Mu tazz the verses rnspned
by his wife who dred when sttll voung were often
quoted

Biblwgiap/n (rn addrtron to references in the
article) Djahiz Baran i 385 n 225 229 30 idem
Hawaiian index Ibn Kutavba Shu 749 50 rdem
Lhun mdex idem MaanJ 87 Abu Tammam
Hamasa 11 105 133 Buhturr Hamasa 287 Ibn
al Mu tazz Tabakat bl 3 Kah Amah t 69 n
185 Baku Stmt al la ah r 97 244 Mubarrad
hamil index Agham ed Beirut xvi 235 9 at
Mukhtar mmshir Bashshar ed 1353 38 39 238 Ibn
Abd Rabbih Ikd index Marzubani Mudjam 193
Husn ~ahraladab 14 5 198 218 19 idem Djam
aldiauahir 217 9 292 22 3 227 477 8 Ibn Hadjai
Laba iv No 327 Amidi \Iu tahf 103 Ibn al
Djawzi Akhbar al hamka ua I mughaffalm Baghdid
1966 226 \akut Buldan rrr 35 Baghdadi MKana
ed Buhk m 154 iv 283 5 Ibshrhr WustahaJ r
305 Askan Sinaataw 165 208 idem Di tan al
maam ed 1933 rr 127 Suyutr Mujir index
R Basset Milk et un conies i 536 Pellat \liluu
160 Bustam DM iv 281 2 Zmkh A lam ix 114
Wahhabi l 168 70 (Ch Pellat)

ABU HIFFAN Abd Allah b

.l Mih

akhbc

rabrc (dred between 255/869 and
257/871 Vntually nothing is known of his life except
that he came from a Basran familv stemming from
the B Mihzam of 'Abd al Kavs and that he gloried
in his Anb origin He led a tanlv pooi and con
strtcted lite, to the point that he had to sell his cloth
ing to procure food, and he complains of this frequently

His reputation arises primarily from his role as
a transmitter of poetical akhbar, and he has a place
in the isnads or chains of supporting transmitters of
several important works, such as the K. al-Agham,
the Muwastshah of al-Marzubant and the works of
al-Sulr and Ibn al-Djarrah. He knew the circles of

ABU HIFFAN — ABU l-HUSAYN al-BASRI

the poets very well, and previous to his own activ-
ity, various of his paternal and maternal uncles had

erary anecdotes. He was in contact with Abu Nuwas,
whose protege and rain he was, and through this
connection he developed, and came in his own right
to follow the activities of the great contemporary
poets, and especially, of the libertine poets. As well
as his own master Abu Nuwas, he frequented the
company of al-Husayn b. al-Dahhak, al-Buhturi, al-
Khuraymi, and also al-Djahiz, Tha'lab, al-Mubarrad,

He himself put together a work called the Akhlun
Abl .\uwas, which has come down to us, and a A.
Sina'at al-shu'am' and a A'. Akhbai al-sMam, of which
no trace has survived but were certainly used in the
3rd and 4th centuries by several writers of ndab

Abu Hiffan was also a poet, but only a few dozen
of his verses have been preserved, sc. fragments of
eulogies addressed to 'All b. Yahva al-Munadjdjim
and ' 'Ubavd Allah b. Yahva b. Khakan; of satires
addressed to Ahmad b. Abl Du'ad and al-Buhtun;
epigrammatic exchanges, not always in the best of
taste, with Abu 'All al-BasFr, Sa'id b. Humayd, Abu
'l-'Ayna' and Ya'kQb al-Tammar, all these being his

verses. It is surprising that nothing has come down
to us from his wine poetry, whic h Ibn al-Mu'tazz says
enjoyed a wide currency. Altogether, Abu Hiflan was
a minor poet who has contributed, through his anec-
dotes, to our knowledge of the history and sociology
of poetry in the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries.

Bibliography: 'A. Ahmad Farradj has edited
the Akhbai Abl .Nuwas, Cairo 1373/1953 Ian edi-

with a bibliographical note, to be completed bv
Bencheikh, U ' '

orboni

1971,

ind iden

x //' el III sli-
des d'e I'hegue, in JA (1975), 265-315.

iJ.E. Bencheikhi
ABU l-HUSAYN al-BASRI, Muhammad b. 'Alt
b. al-Tayyib b. al-Husayn, Mu'tazili theologian.
Little is known about his education and earlv career.
He originated from Basra where he heard hadith. As
he studied kalam and usid al-fikh with Kadi 'Abd al-
Djabbar [?.».], he must ha\e visited Raw for some
time. With the Christian Abu 'All b. al-Samh, a stu-
dent of Yahva b. 'AdT, he studied philosophy and sci-
ences, presumably in Baghdad. This is attested by a
manuscript containing his redaction of the notes of
Ibn al-Samh on the Physics of Aristotle. He may have
also studied and practised medicine for some time if
he is, as has been suggested, identical with the Abu

a physician contemporary with Abu '1-Faradj b. al-
Tayyib. Al-Dhahabi refers to him as al-kadi, but there
is no other evidence that he ever held an official posi-
tion. During the later part of his life he taught and
wrote in Baghdad. As his two mill al-fikh works, the
Shaih al-'i'mad and the A~. al-Mu'taniad, were composed
still before the death of his teacher 'Abd al-Djabbar
in 415/1024-5, he must have begun his teaching career
in Baghdad before that date. He died in Baghdad
on 5 Rabf II 436/30 October 1044. The fact that
the HanafT kadi Abu 'Abd Allah al-Saymari led the
funeral prayer for him indicates that he belonged to
the HanafT madhhab, not to the Shafi'r as suggested

Of his works on tl

sid al-fikh, 1

\shaih) on 'Abd al-Djabbar's A'. al-'Vmad appears to
be lost. His A^ al-Mu'tamad, written later, has been
edited together with his -Ovaaar al-mu'tamad and A', al-
A7v,7s al-shat'i (ed. M. Hamidullah, Damascus 1 965 1.
This work became popular also among non-Mu'tazilT
scholars and, according to Ibn Khallikan, formed the
basis of Fakhr al-Din al-Razfs A". al-Mahsul. None of
his kalam works appears to be extant. The largest one,
A! Tasaffuh al-adilla, remained unfinished, as he had
only reached the chapter on the ri» heatifica before
he died. On the A: Ghurai al-adilla, Ibn Abi 1-HadTd

Df the i

•r,pti>

probably an extract from his A^ Shaih
al-l'sul al-khamsa. His theological doctrine can, how-
ex er, be recovered from later references and espe-
cially from the extant parts of the A". al-Mu'tamad ft
usul al-din Ims. San'a'l of his student Mahmud al-
Malahiiru, who quotes the K. Tasaffuh al-adilla exten-
sively. Also lost are his refutations of two works of
the Imam! Sharif al-Murtada, his contemporary in
Baghdad: the A". al-Shaji on the imamate and the A'.
al-Mukm' on the doctrine of the concealment \ghayha)
of the Twelfth Imam.

In his doctrine, Abu '1-Husayn al-Basrl was deeply
influenced by the concepts of the philosophers and
diverged from the Bahashima, the school of Abu
Hashim al-Djubba'i represented bv his teac her 'Abd
al-Djabbar. He was therefore shunned by the
Bahashima, who accused him of refuting his Mu'tazili
shaykhb in an unfair and injurious manner. This
charge is repeated by al-Shahrastani, who maintains
that he was really a philosopher in his views i jal-

not aware of this fact. Ibn al-Kiftl, too, suggests

forms of expression of the kalam theologians in order
to guard himself from his contemporaries. Notable
points on which he differed from the Bahashima

[ij.v.] and their thesis that the non-e:

if the :

reir the.
■s of sai

y of al

and his reduction of the dhine attributes of will,
hearing and seeing to that of knowledge. Evidently
also under the influence of the doctrine of the
philosophers, he affirmed that the acts of man occur

of human free

Mali

and ;

r Muha

mmad al
vhmad h

-Walid al-Karkhl id. 478/1086) who, like I
also studied logic and philosophy and taught in
Baghdad. According to Ibn al-Murtada, Fakhr al-Dm
al-Razi adopted many of his views on the "subtle-

damental dogma. His theological doctrine progressively
exerted a strong influence among the Imamiyya and,
to a lesser extent, among the Zavdiyya.

Bibliography. Ta'nkh Baghdad, iii, 100; al-
Hakim al-Djushamr, Sharh al-'Uyun, in Fada'il al-
i'lizal, ed. Fu'ad Savvid, Tunis" 1393/1974, 387;
Shahrastanl, 19, 32, 57, 59; idem, Mhiiyat al-
akdam, ed. A. Guillaume, Oxford 1931, 151, 175,
177, 221, 257; Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, I'tikad fiiak
al-muslimin iva 'l-musbikin, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-
Razik, Cairo 1356/1938, 45; Ibn al-Kifti, Ta'nkh
al-hukama', ed. J. Lippert, Leipzig 1903, 293 f.;

ABU 'l-HUSAYN al-BASRI — ABU TMRAN al-FASI

Ibn Khallikan, IVaJayat, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut
1968-72, iv, 271 f.;~ al-Dhahabi, Mi Z an al-i'tidal,
ed. 'Ali Muh. al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1963, iii, 654 f.;
idem, al-Tbar, iii, ed. Fu'ad Savyid, Kuwait 1961,
187; al-Idjr, al-Mawakif, ed. Th.'Soerensen, Leipzig
1848, 106-12; al-Safadr, al-lVaff, iv, ed. S.
Dedering, Damascus 1959, 125; Ibn Abi '1-Wafa',
al-DJawahir al-mudfa, Haydarabad 1332, ii, 93 f.;
Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakdt al-mu'tazila, ed. S. Diwald-
Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1961, 118 f.; A.S. Tritton,
Muslim theology, London 1947, 193-5; S.M. Stern,
Ibn al-Samh, in JRAS (1956), 33-41; M.
Hamidullah, introd. to edition of A". al-Mu'tamad,
GAS, I, 627; The section on consensus in the A;
al-Mu'tamad has been translated and analysed by
M. Bernand, L'accord unamme de la communaute . . .
d'apih Abu 'l-Husayn al-Basri, Paris 1970.

(\V. Madelung)
ABU HUZABA, al-WalId b. Hunayfa (b. Nahik
in Taban, ii, 393) al-Tamimi, a minor poet of the
lst/ 7th century. He was a Bedouin who settled at
Basra and was a panegyrist, at the time of Ziyad b.
Abihi (45-53/665-72) or shortly after, of 'Abd Allah
b. Khalid b. Asld, governor of Fars. His family urged
him strongly to join the circle of Yazid b. Mu'awiya,
before the latter's assumption of the caliphate (60/680);
he finally decided to try his luck, but was not received
by the prince, and he returned to Basra and joined
up with the army. He was sent to Sistan (Sidjistan),
and from 60/680-1, under the orders of Salm b. Ziyad,
he sang the praises of the governor Talha al-Talahat
[q.v.]; he recited a funeral elegy on the latter which
contained critical aspersions on falha's successor, 'Abd
Allah b. 'All al-'Abshami, who had shown himself less
generous to the poet. He also had occasion in Sidjistan
to mourn the death of a certain Nashira al-Yarbu'I
killed at the time of Ibn al-Zubayr, in an elegy set
to music by Ibn Djami' [q.v.]. Finally, he returned to
Basra and then, after various adventures, rallied to the
cause of Ibn al-Ash'ath [q.v.] and was possibly killed
at the same time as him (85/704).

Abu Huzaba had the reputation of turning nasty
when his hopes of reward were disappointed. He has
left behind a certain number of rad}az poems, as well
as kasidas which have kept his name from falling into
oblivion.

Bibliography. Djahiz, Hayawan, i, 255, iii, 381-
2; idem, Bayan, iii, 329; Ibn al-Kalbl-Caskel,
Tab. 72 and ii, 586; Mus'ab al-Zubayn, Nasab
Kuraysh, 188; Baladhu.T, Ansab, ivb, 153; Aghanl, ed.
Beirut, xxii, 271-82; Amidi, Mu'tahf, 64; Dhahabr,
Mushtabih, 160; BustanI, DM, iv, 247.

(Ch. Pellat)
ABU 'l-'IBAR, Abu 'l-' Abbas Muhammad b. Ahmad
b. 'Abd Allah al-Hashimi, burlesque poet and
member of the ruling family, who was born in ca.
175/791-2 in the reign of al-Rashld and who died in
252/866, probably assassinated by an 'Alid partisan.
He is known by the name of Abu '1-Tbar, a sobri-
quet which he made up himself, adding a letter each
year, and in the end making it unpronounceable. He
was carefully educated, had an acute literary sense and
was a fine connoisseur of poetry. The severe al-Ma'mun
did not appreciate him, and even imprisoned him, but
he welcomed the accession of al-Mutawakkil, .giving
himself up to all sorts of amusing deeds.

Since he felt his way blocked by the great poets
of his time, and in particular, by Abu Tammam and
al-Buhturi, he found it more profitable to devote
himself to humk and sukhf, thereby illustrating a
tradition which was to continue with e.g. Ibn al-

Hadjdjadj and Ibn al-Habbariyya [q.vv.]. Abu '1-Tbar
did not allow his membership of the caliphal family
to constrict him, and cultivated a real burlesque art
in his own life and writings, in which he displayed
acrobatics. In reality, under the form of burlesque,
satire is often hidden, and under the form of buf-
foonery, an element of suffering. Whether he invents
new words, writes phrases devoid of sense, wittily
parodies a scholar, or fishes with a line in the pond
of the caliphal palace, he goes quite contrary to the
accepted cultural norms, defies the usual patterns,
confronts an atmosphere of seriousness with drollery,
and in short, gives himself up to grotesque pieces
of clowning which might have opened up a way for
an original and new strain in Arabic literature. But
for this, Arabo-Islamic culture would have had to
accept new values alien to its own ones. The terms
of humk and sukhf show clearly the lack of esteem
for these tentative efforts, which never had any really
fruitful consequences [cf. Abu 'l-'Anbas above].

Bibliography: Aghanl, xxiii, 76-86; Sull, Akhbar
al-Buhturi, 170-1; idem, Awrak, ii, 323-33; Kutubi,
Fawat al-wafaydt, ii, 354-6, No. 386; Fihnst, 223-4;
Yakut, Udaba', xvii, 122-7; Muhammad b. Dawud
al-Djarrah, Waraka, 120-1; cf. J.E. Bencheikh, Le
(made d'al-Mutawakkil, contribution ii I'etude des instances
de legitimation litteraire, in Melanges Henri Laoust = BEO,
xxix [1977). (J.E. Bencheikh)

ABU IMRAN al-FASI, MusA b. 'Isa b. AbI
Hadjdj'Hadjdjadj (?), Malikr fakih, probably born
between 365/975 and 368/978 at Fas into a Berber
family whose nisba is impossible to reconstruct. No
doubt to complete his studies, but perhaps also because
of other reasons hard to discern, he went to settle in
al-Kayrawan, where his master was in particular al-
KabisI (d. 403/1012 [q.v.]). He is known to have
stayed in Coidova with Ibn 'Abd al-Barr [q.v.] and
to have profited by the chance to follow the lectures
of vaiious scholars there, which his biographers list,
without however giving the date of this journey. Soon
after the end of the century, he went to the East,
possibly spending some years in Mecca, since he made
the Pilgi image several times, and deiiving further
instruction fiom the jukaha' of the Holy City. In
399/1008-9 he was in Baghdad, benefiting from the
teaching of al-Bakillam (d. 403/1013 [q.v.]), a Malikr
like himself but an Ash'an in Mam. and it was in
the 'Iraki capital that he had the revelation of a the-
ological doctrine in whose subsequent diffusion in the
West he was to take part (see H.R. Idris, Essai sur la
diffusion de I'as'aiisme en Ifriqiya, in Cahiers de Tunisie, ii
(1953), 134-5). He returned to Mecca from Baghdad,
and then in ca. 402/1011 returned via Egypt to al-
Kayrawan, which he never seems then to have left
apart fiom a last journey to the East in ca. 425/1033-
4 or 426/1034-5. He died on 13 Ramadan 430/8
June 1039 in his adopted home; al-Mu'izz b. Badls
[q.v.] was piesent at his funeral, together with a great
crowd, and his tomb has henceforth been venerated
as equal to that of a saint. His descendants still live
in al-Kayrawan.

His biographers stress the breadth and diversity of
his education, and mention in detail the numerous
teachers whose courses he followed, both at al-
Kayiawan and during his travels; and they make him
in some way the heir of Malik! teaching at the open-
ing of the 4th/ 10th centuiy. Nor do they omit to list
all the pupils who thronged his courses, and they give
the impression that he exercised a deep influence on
intellectual activity in the juridical-religious domain. He
was at the outset a specialist on the seven readings

ABU 'IMRAN al-FASI -

of the Kur'an, and then after his return from the East,

He attracted a host of disciples not only from Ifrikiya,
but even from Spain, Sicily and Morocco, and several
of these later made a name for themselves. Furthermore,
he kept up a correspondence with scholars in distant
places, who consulted him on points of doctrine, and
he even gave idjazat, at a distance. It would be tedious
to enumerate here all the pupils of his mentioned by
biographers but one should mention that they includ-
ed Ibn Sharaf [q.v.], and a person homonymous
with the name of the author of the 'I Wa, 'Abd Allah
Ibn Rashik (d. 419/1028), who was also a poet, and
dedicated to him the greater part of his verse (see Ch.
Bouyahia, La vie htteraire en Jfriqw sous Its guides, Tunis
1972, 67, 116).

Two other pupils of Abu Tmran's ought to be
mentioned also because they were associated with
important historical events. At a date which, with
Ibn Abr Zar' \Kirtas, 122-3) can be fixed at
427/1035-6 i whilst Ibn Khaldun, Be, Mm, ii, 67,
places the events in 440/1048-9, Ibn Tdhari, Bayan,
iii, 242, in 444/1052-3 and Ibn al-Athir, ix, 258-
9, in 447/1056, which is unlikely), the Lamtuna
chief Yahya b. Ibrahim passed through al-Kayrawan
whilst returning from the Pilgrimage, attended Abu
Tmran's courses and, realising the depth of his con
patriots' ignorance, asked the great scholar to de
ignate one of his followers to go and teach thcr
Abu 'Imran then recommended to him one of his
former pupils called Ugg u ag (Wadjdjadj i

and this latter scholar in turn designated 'Abd Allah
b. YasTn (see al-Bakri, Description de I'Afrique septen-
tnonale, new edn. Paris 1965, 165-6/311-12; at-Hula,
al-mawshiyya' , 9; A. Bel, La religion mmutmane en Berbene
Paris 1938, 215; G. Marcais, La Be, bene musulmam
el IVrient an moyen age, Paris 1946, 238; H. Terrasse.
Hislmre du Mamc, Casablanca 1949, i, 214; J. Bosch
Vila, Los Almmavides, Tetuan 1956, 49; and see al-
murabitun). Now the anom mous author of the
Majakhi, al-Baiba, (ed. E. Leu-Provencal, fragments
histmiques sur le.s Berbers au moyen age, Rabat 1934,
69) states that these two men impelled the Almoravids
to expand out of the Sahara on the order [bi-amr)
of Abu 'Imran.

One would like to have exact details about this,
but if the assertion is true, it shows the influence of
the Kayrawam/aM, which was, at all events, a pro-
found one. His pupils transmitted his oral teachings
and doubtless also his works (cf Ibn Khayr, Fahui'sa,
i, 440), which do not however seem to have been

served, in particular by al-Wanshansi in his Mi'ya,
(but one should be careful, since the name "Abu
'Imran al-Fasi" was fairly widespread; see e.g.
Brockelmann, S II, 961; a A". al-Dala'il wa 1-addad is
mentioned in the M,'yar, x, 105, and a manuscript
of al-Ihkam li-maso'il al-ahkam al-mustakhraa^a mm Kitab
al-Dala'il wa '1-addad li-Abi 'Imran al-Fasi has ;
catalogued (1342-D. 1444) at Rabat). His A'. al-Ta'alik
'aid '1-Mudau.wana is one of the Kadi 'Iyad's
{Madank, i, 56), who cites him frequently. He
over said to have made a selection of hadith* which
was especially important and coveied a hundrei
leaves, and a Fahiasa is attiibuted to him; finally,
manuscript of his Naza'i, is mentioned as existing a
Algien - ' ■ " " """ ' "

also a

Bibliography:

d him.

s already

'Iyad, Taitib al-Madank, ed. A Bakir, Beirut n.d.,
iv, 702-6 and index; Ibn NadjI, Ma'alim al-iman,
Tunis 1320, iii, 199-205; Ibn Farhun, Dibaaj,
Cairo 1329, 344-5; Tadll, al-Tashawwuf ila rtdjal
al-tasawwuf, ed. A. Faure, Rabat 1958, 64-6; al-
Wazlr al-Sarradj, al-Hulal al-sundusiyya, ed. al-
Hrla, Tunis, ix, 272-3; Humaydr, Djadhwa, Caiio
1952, No. 791; Ibn Bashkuwal, Sila, No. 1223;
Dabbr, Bughya, Madrid 1884, No. 1332; Ibn al-
Abbar, Takmila, No. 679— Oriental biographic;

Ibn

-Djaz

No.

3691;

Dhahabi, Huffdz, iii, 284-6; Yakut, Buk
807; Ibn Taghribirdi, Vudjum, v, 30 [on p. 77,
he makes Abu 'Imran die in 458); Ibn al-'Imad,
Shadhardt, iii, 247-8; F. Bustam, DM, iv, 483;
ZiriklT, A'ldm, viii, 278.— Studies: H.R. Idris,
^indes, index; idem. Deux maftres dt I'ttole jundiqut
kairouanaise . . ., in AIEO Alge,, xiii (1955), 42-60
(detailed study, with rich bibliography).

ABU ISHAK al-FARISI, Ibrahim b. 'Ali id. after
377/987). celebrated grammarian and also lexi-
cographer of the golden age of grammatical stud-
ies' in Baghdad during the 4th/10th century, and
equally a poet. As a pupil of Abu 'All al-Farisi id.
377/987 [ ? .t>.]) and of al-Rummani (d. 384/994 [q.v.]u
lged to the second genei;

of this

3ulded b

ury, ;

ecially,
al-Mul:

and

group "■ ...

he assured "the triumph of the method of Basra m
Baghdad" (G. Troupeau). He wrote several works, in
particular, on prosody, and like his master Abu 'All
al-Farisi somewhat earlier, criticised the woik of the
poet al-Mutanabbi.

Bibliography: Yakut, Udaba', i, 204-5; Suyuti,
Bughya, 184; G. Troupeau, La grammant a Bagdad,
in Autbica, ix |1962|, 399; R. Blachere, Aboutavyib
al-Motanabbi, Paris 1935, 242. (M. Bergei

ABU 'l-KASIM al-FAZARI [see al-fazari].
ABU 'l-KASIM al-MAD1RITI [see al-madjrItI] .
ABU l-KASIM al-WASANI [see al-wasanI].
ABU KHALIFA al-DIUMAHI [see al-fadl b. al-
HUBAB_in Suppl.].

ABU MADI, Iliyya (1889-1957), poet and jour-
nalist of Lebanese origin, who spent his childhood in
the ullage of al-Muhayditha near Bikfaya, his birth-

uncle 1

xandria

During his stay of some dozen years in Egypt, 1
able to find time to acquire an advanced literary edu-
cation, to learn a lot of classical and modern poetry
and to frequent the circles of intellectuals who were
in varying degrees engaged in political activities which
roused the authorities' suspicions. Like so many of his
began eaily to write poetry,

> him

and r.

r able ii

publish at Alexandria a first collection called
laethka, al-mddi, Dlivan Iliyya Dahi, Abu Madi, which
the critics were unanimous in considering of no great
literary value. In this same year of 1911, he decided
to leave for the Linked States and rejoin his brother,
who was a merchant like his uncle. He then spent
several years in Cincinnati, where he continued to
write verse, and then abandoned trade for poetry and
journalism, and went in 1916 to New York. There he
published on arrival, under the title of Diwan Iliyya
Abu Madi, a second edition of his first collection, but
now augmented b> some poems on social questions
and inspired by Arabism and nationalism, which he
had avoided inserting in the Tadhkar al-mddi. Both these
editions are very rare today, but they add nothing

ABU MADl — ABU MAHALLl

) the poet's fame and \

In New York, Abu Madf threw himself into jour-
nalism and took charge of editing al-Madjalla al-'ara-
biyya and then al-Fatdt. It is at this point that he
became connected with the great names of mahdfar
literature who were to found al-Rabita al-kalamiyya; it
was also there that he married the daughter of Nadjib
Diyab, director of the Mh'at al-Ghatb, of which he
became chief editor 1918-29, i.e. until the time when
he founded the monthly al-Samir, which he trans-
formed into a daily in 1936 and directed till his death
on 23 November 1957.

Abu Madi's talent began to take shape in New
York, with his poetic work partly spread by the peri-
odicals to which he contributed and brought together
in a new diwan, al-L^adawil (New York 1927; reprinted
at Nadjaf three times between 1937 and 1949); with
his fame thus assured, his poetic talent became more
widely known in his last collection published during
his lifetime, al-Khama'il (New York 1940; 2nd edn.
Beirut 1948, with additions). Some further poems were
collected together in 1960, after his death, as Tibr
wa-turdb.

Within the limits of this brief article, it is not
possible to go into the details of Abu Madi's
poetic achievement, but the most striking feature
for the reader is what might be called the philosophical
tone of many of the poems, a succinct philosophy con-
veyed as a scepticism which is stressed many times.
In this respect, the famous quatrains which appear in
the Qj_adawil and which have been thought worthy of
separate publication under the title of al-Talasim, are
characteristic; musing on the origins of man, the poet
replies to the questions put in each strophe by a lastu
adri "I do not know" (which has inspired the shaykh
Muhammad Djawad al-Djaza'iri to compose a reply;
in his Hall al-Talasim [Beirut 1946], each strophe ends,
usly, with an ana adri "I myself

. His

eady a

ating his

dined

and precise, and the poet was moved
moralist in a well-known piece, al-T'in, which con-
demns human pride, commends humility and advo-
cates equality (see a commentary in Dj. Rikabr el alii,
al-U'afifi 'l-adab al-'arabi al-hadlth, Damascus 1963, 180-
4; Fr. tr. in Anthol. de la htterature arabe contemporaine, iii.
La poesie, by L. Norin and E. Tarabay, Paris 1967,
83-4). But the poet, in spite of his disquiet and his
philosophical doubt, nevertheless had an optimistic and
lively character which made him love life just as it is
and made him proclaim his faith in the lasting value
of art and literature. In his Khama'il, he chanted the
praises of Lebanon, which at bottom he knew very
poorly, and expressed his nostalgia for his native coun-
try, which he did not see again till 1948.

In regard to poetic technique, one might have
expected AbO Mad! to utilise free verse [al-shi'r al-hurr),
but in fact he remained faithful to classical metres,
which he only abandoned in order to adopt a strophic
pattern or, in his narrative poem of 79 verses al-Sha'ir
wa 1-siillan al-aja'ii (1933), to be able to employ sev-
eral metres and sometimes alter the rhyme.

Abu Madi's successful poetical work, with its im-
mediate accessibility to the reader, has tended to
obscure his work as a journalist and the quality of
his prose. It would undoubtedly be an exaggeration
to maintain that all his contributions to the numer-
ous mallear periodicals, on which he collaborated, are
poems in prose. However, the poet's personality
comes through constantly in his editiorals and in his

articles, admittedly those on literary topics, but also
in those on political, economic and social questions,
which he treats in an eminently poetic fashion, dis-
playing his reflective attitude and allowing the same
preoccupations as those of his verses to appear
through.

Bibliography: Abu Madi has already been
made the subject of some studies, amongst which
are Fathi Safwat Nadjda, lhyya Abu Madi wa 7-
haraka al-adabiyya fi 'l-mahajar, Baghdad 1945;
Zuhayr Mnza~.~ I. Abu Alddi, sha'ir al-mahdfar al-
akbar, Damascus 1954; 'Abd al-Latlf Sharara /.
Abu Madi, Beirut 1961; Works on the literature
of the mahdjar naturally include material on Abu

al-Kanm al'-Ashtar, al-.Vathr al-mahdjarl, Beirut

1964, index; idem, Funun al-nathr al-mahajari, Beirut

1965, index; Amongst the numerous articles devot-
ed to him, see Ilyas Abu Shabaka, /. Abu Madi,
in al-Muktataf, October 1932; Dj. 'Abd al-Nur, /.
Abu Madi, in al-Adab, 1953; idem, in Da'irat al-
ma' arif, v, 101-4 (with bibliography); G.D. Selim,
The poetic vocabulary of lliya Ab Madi (1 8 89? -19 57):
a computational study of 47,766 content words, Ph.D.
thesis, Georgetown Univ. 1969 (unpublished); R.C.
Ostle, /. Abu Madi and Arabic poetry in the inter-
war period, in idem (ed.l, Studies in modern Arabic lit-
erature, Warminster 1975, 34-45; Salma Khadra
Yayyusi, Trends and movements in modern Arabic poetry,
Leiden 1977, i, 123-35. (Ed.)"
ABU MAHALLl (al-Mahalli on coins') al-FilalI

al-SidjilmassI, the name by which Abu 'l-'Abbas
Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah is known, one of the chief
pretenders who took part in the ruin of Morocco
during the agony of the Sa'did [q.v.] dynasty and
whose brief spell of success has a useful illustrative
value.

We know by his autobiography, which forms the
beginning of his still-unpublished book, the Kitab Islit
al-khirrit fi Hat' bi-'ulum al-'frit, but which al-Ifrani

in 967/ 1559-60^ into a family of jurists, which were
said to be descended from the Prophet's uncle. His
father was a kadi, and in the first instance took charge
of his son's education, and then sent him to com-
plete his studies at Fas, where the young man spent
several years. After the accession of Ahmad al-Mansur
and the end of the troubles which had racked north-
ern Morocco, he went to visit the tomb of the Berber
saint Abu Ya'azza [q.v.]; then, despite the great dis-
trust he had felt for mystics, he became a convert to
Sufism and attached himself to the shaykh Muhammad
b. Mubarik al-Za'in and lived for eight years close
to him. His master then sent him to Sidjilm;

3 rder

>nng

blessi

1002/1594 Abu Mahalli made the Pilgrir
Mecca. On his return, he visited the eastern provinces
of Morocco and finally settled with his family in the

devoted himself to God.

It was at this point that this first-rate jurist, now
deeply affected by mysticism, proclaimed that he had
received divine inspiration and gave himself out to
be the mahdi. Al-Yusi" says that he was no longer
content to put together, in an elegant style, legal
works or mediocre poetry, but began to deal with
subjects which showed that he had reached the point
of possessing divine grace {dhawk) up to a certain
degree. He probably also had within in him some-
thing of the thaumaturge, like so many other claim-
ants\o such powers. When in 1019/1610 he learnt

ABU MAHALLI — ABU MANSUR b YUSUF

.al-

that the sultan Muhammad al-Shavkh II had handed I
o\fi the town oi Lai ache (al-'Aia'ish [q i ]| to the Span-
iards he shared in the popular indignation fanned
the geneial wave of xenophobia and skilfullv utilised
the occasion to launch an appeal for the hol\ wai
and to pioclaim the downfall of the Sa'dids With a
few hundied follow eis mflamed b\ his woids and
promises, he managed to seize Sidjilmassa from its
legal governoi and set up thcie the reign of |ustice
His prestige giew so gieat that he was recognised as
far awa\ as Timbuctu and ieceived delegations from
distant tribes and ex en fiom the town of Tlemcen
He fuithei began negotiations with the .Sana of Dila'
[?< below]

Mawlav Zavdan, Muhammad al-Shavkh II s biother
who was mling over Mairakesh and its legion
took flight and oigamsed a powerful aim\ m th<
lev of the Wadi Dra' Abu Mahalli marched on

was supeinatuiallv aided laid down their arm*

The pietender, benefitting fiom the sound a
ot a renegade commandei did not hesitate to n
on Manakesh at the head of his rough and s.
Sahaian followers, whose numbeis inc leased
Mawlav Zavdan offered no resistance and letr
to Safi On 20 Mav 1012 Abu Mahalli occupie
ro\al kasaba and adopted all the insignia ot 10
and since supplies of gold continued to arm
Marrakesh he had minted m his own name
quahtv gold coins Nevcitheless, although he c
proved of foieign occupation of Moroccan terr
he had the sense to allow Chustian merchants to
tinue then tommercial activities It is thanks to
last that we have fnst-hand i

d the

which h

troops and the peoples whom he had
bi ought undei his contiol

Maw lav Zavdan had piudentlv to leave Safi for
the Sus, where he got into contact with anothei ieh-
gtous leadei Yahva b 'Abd Allah b Sa'id al-Hahi
who enjoved great fame and who piomised to expel
Abu Mahallr fiom Marrakesh He gathered togethei
numerous bodies of tioops and soon appealed with
them near the southern capital Abu Mahalh came
out to do battle at the head of his faithful Saharan
troops but at the beginning ot the engagement was
killed bv a shot His aimv believed that the divine
favoui had abandoned it and was unable to resist the
attack On 30 Novembei lbH Yahva occupied the
citv and had his rivals head hung above the gate-
wav ot the kasaba

The tiagic spiritual and mental process which led
a pious scholar to seek after temporal powei and then
to give himself out as a Messiah, finallv ending up
like a sorcerer's appientice lemamed in the Moroccan
mind as suth a baleful example that the thiomcleis

the divine paidon to Abu Mahalh

Biblw^aphy M El Oufrani (al-Ifrani) \ujut
Elhddi histout de la dynastu saadiinnt au Maroc (1511
1670) Ar text and Fr tr O Houdas Pans 1888-
0, index H alAusi, hikib al Muhadmat lith Fas
1317/1890, 00-1 H de Castnes, Somas intdihs dt
Vhistom du Mam 1" sene Saadurn (1510 1600),
Pau Bas, n Paris 1007 (index P de Cemval, ibid,
1" sene Saadum (1>J0 1600) ingltttiit, n, Pans
1925, &S Colin Climniqut aninmt dt la dtnastu saa
drnim Collection de textes aiabes publ par 1 1 NFM
Pans 1934, a paitial h tr leased on a defective text,
was published m 1924, at Algiers, bv L Ktgnan t\

trails intdils mi It Maghttb v, 442-4, J D Biethes
Contribution a Umtom du Mam pat lt\ rahtrchts numis
matiquts Casablanca [1939], 211 and pi xxvin, A
al-NasnT Kitab al htiksa, vi al Daula al Sa'dina new
annotated edn Casablanca 1955 R Le Tourneau
ibu Mahalli rtbtllt a la d\nastu sa'ditmu (lt>l 1-lfc.l 3)
in Studi oiuntalutui in onore di G Lai Dtlla \ ida n
Rome 195b, J Berque 4/ lousi, ptoblarus dt la ml
tun maiotam, au \ II' sluli Paris 1958 02-4 R Le

au Mil sittk, m innaks dt la Fatulh dts Ltttrtt din
xxxii il900j, 187-225 _ [G Deverduni

ABU MANSUR b YUSUF m full <Abd -vl-M-vlik
i Muhammad b \usuf, wealthv Hanbalr mer-
hant, the most important patron of the Hanball
novement and a staunch supportei of the 'Abbasid
ahphate in the 5th/ 11th centurv Abu Mansui b
Yusut was tor Baghdad and the caliph what Nizam
al-Mulk was foi khmasan and the sultan Both dis-
tinguished themselves fiom among their contempo-
lanes bv then political and administiative genius as

mulating his wealth thiough commerce and Nizam
al-Mulk thiough power which he exeicised in the

In 453/1001 Abu Mansur saw to the destitution
of the cahphal vizier Abu Turab al-Athiii whom he
had replaced bv lbn Dai ust In 447/1055 it was Abu
Mansur who had influenced the caliph to appoint
Abu 'Abd .Allah al-Damaghani, a HanafT as kadi I
kudat in oidei to placate the HanafT Saldjuk uni-
que lois Thiee vears later Abu Mansur, who had
been on tnendh teims with the Saldjuks, was thiown
into prison bv Basasiri on the latter s ieturn to Baghdad
during the absence of his archenemv the Saldjuk
Toghril Beg It was onlv after paving gieat sums of
monev that Abu Mansui regained his fieedom but
he did not feel entnelv safe until Toghril Beg had
returned to Baghdad wiesting it fiom the hands of
Basasiri stripping the latter of all the wealth he had
accumulated and killing him In the aflan ot the
mainage of Toghnl Beg with the caliph's daughter,
a mainage which scandalised the caliph, Abu Mansui,
along with Abu 'Abd Allah al-Damaghani plaved the
lole ot mediator between caliph and sultan

Abu Mansui b Wut was known for his good

1 the 'Adud

«tal al

[Bi]M

nstan al-

dsin'p
his la

auka)
rpetuit

pioperties
were the

who enj
e preae

ned a
SaldjC

gieat fol-
ks fune-

This wide influence en|oved bv Abu Mansui did
not please Nizam al-Mulk, and the nvalrv between
these two influential men can be seen in some ot the
events ot the penod The founding of the Nizamiyva
madiasa m Baghdad (inaugurated in 459/10b7) is an
instance in point Abu Ishak al-Shirazi, foi whom the
madrasa was founded having lefused to assume the
rhan of law for religious leasons (the maghiub or mis-
appiopnated chaiac ter ot the materials), was ieplaced
bv anothei Shafi'i lbn al-Sabbagh chosen bv Abu
Mansui, with the contuirence of the caliph The found-
ing oi the madiasa bv Nizam al-Mulk appeals to have
been consideied bv Abu Yusuf as interference in the

ABU MANSUR B. YUSUF — ABU MISMAR

The rivalry between these two powerful and influ-
ential men also expressed itself quite clearly in the
ideological sphere. While Abu Mansur was the great
support and consolation of the traditionalist 'ulama' in
Baghdad, men belonging essentially to the HanbalT
movement, Nizam al-Mulk supported the rival Ash'arl
movement. And whereas Nizam al-Mulk lent his sup-
port and bestowed his patronage upon men of the
rationalist Mu'tazill movement, Abu Mansur had
reduced the Mu'tazills to silence in Baghdad. It was
because of him that the great Mu'tazill professor of
the period in Baghdad, Abu 'All b. al-Walid, could
not publicly profess his teachings in that city. The
riot which occurred in Baghdad in 460, led by the
traditionalists against Ibn al-Walfd, was caused by
the latter's reappearance in public to teach Mu'tazilism;
Abu Mansur had disappeared from the scene at the
beginning of that year. There is some e\idence indi-
cating that Abu Mansur's death was not a natural
one, and that he had paid with his life for interfer-
ing with Nizam al-Mulk's plans. For instance, the con-
temporarv Ibn al-Banna', writing in his Diary about
five months after the death of Abu Mansur, mentions
a dream in which he saw Abu Mansur walking bare-
foot and, upon asking him the cause, replied saying
that that "was the way to walk for those who com-
plain of wrongdoing" ihddha . . . mashy al-mutazallimin).
Elsewhere in the Diary (ii, 26, 47), the following invo-
cation is made: "May God have mercy on the blood
of [Abu Mansur] Ibn Yusuf". The word blood, in this
context, implies bbodshed, blood calling for revenge,
or for justice. It is perhaps significant that the title
al-Shaykh al-Aqjall "the most eminent Shaykh" , applied
only to Abu Mansur during his lifetime, is found later
applied not only to his two sons-in-law, Ibn Djarada
and Ibn Ridwan, but also to Nizam al-Mulk
(E. Combe et a!.. Repertoire, vii, Nos. 2734, 2736, 2737).
The two sons-in-law of Abu Mansur, though they
inherited from their father-in-law his title, presented
no threat to Nizam al-Mulk. Ibn Ridwan succeeded
to Abu Mansur's position of influence with the caliph;
but far from following in the footsteps of his father-
in-law in opposing Nizam al-Mulk, he became rec-
onciled with him by effecting a marriage between his
daughter and Nizam al-Mulk's son. On the other
hand, Ibn Djarada seems to have inherited the place
of honour enjoyed by his father-in-law with the tra-
ditionalists, for whom he founded mosque-colleges
(masdjid) in Baghdad.

Bibliography: G. Makdisi, Ibn 'Aqil et la resur-
gence de I 'Islam traditionahste au AT sihle (V sihle
de Vhegire), Damascus 1963, 274 and n. 3 (bibli-
ography cited); idem, Muslim institutions of learning
in eleventh-century Baghdad, in BSOAS, xxiv (1961),
30, 35-7; idem, .Nouveaux details sur Vqffaire d'lbn
'Aqil, in Melanges Louis Massignon, Damascus 1967,
iii, 91-126, et passim; idem, Autograph diary of an
eleventh-century historian of Baghdad, in BSOAS, xviii-
xix (1956-7), xix, 285, 296-7 et passim.

(G. Makdisi)
ABU MISMAR, al-Sharif Hammud b. Muhammad
b. Ahmad al-Hasani, an important sharifoi Abu 'Arish
who in the early years of the 19th century defended
his independent state, based on the coastal plain of
'Asir [q.v.] (Tihamat 'Asir) and embracing most of
the Tihama region of Yemen, against the encroach-
ments of the Wahhabi Al Sa'Qd of Nadjd, the Zaydr
imams of San'a' and the Ottomans under Muham-
mad 'Air. Born in or before 1170/1756-7, he was
descended from the Al Khayrat sharifi who emigrated
from Mecca to the al-Mikhlaf al-Sulaymam district

of lowland 'Asir early in the 11th/ 17th century. His
death occurred in 1233, probably during Ramadan/
July 1818 but possibly several months earlier.

While sening as the Zaydr imam's governor of Abu
'Arish in the mid- 18th century, Sharif Ahmad,
Hammud's grandfather, declared his family's inde-
pendence, although the imam's suzerainty was recog-
nised. Hammud assumed power in about 1215/1800-1,
and shortly afterwards had to expel a troublesome
Wahhabi agent of 'Abd al-'Aziz (d. 1218/1803), the
chief of the Al Sa'ud. But when in 1217/1802-3 Abu
'Ansh was captured by Abu Nukta (d. 1224/1809), the
Wahhabi amir of upland 'Asir, Hammud declared alle-
giance to 'Abd al-'Aziz. He undertook to pay certain
taxes to the Wahhabi chief and send a son to al-Dir'iyya
as hostage, in return for which he was appointed 'Abd
al-'AzIz's governor of lowland 'Asir. Aided by Wahhabi
reinforcements, Hammud subsequently captured from
the old Zaydl imam, al-Mansur bi'llah 'All (1189-
1224/1775-1809), and added to his own lands, the bulk
of the Tihama region of Yemen, including such cen-
tres as al-Luhayya, al-Hudayda, Bayt al-Faklh, Zabrd
and al-Hays, but not Mocha.

Hammud's allegiance to the WahhabTs was only
nominal; and early in 1224/1809 he conspired with
Ahmad, the heir apparent to Imam al-Mansur 'Air,
to replace Wahhabr suzerainty with that of the Zaydr
imam, on condition that he himself was allowed to
retain the Tihama lands already under his control.
Although his forces were twice defeated by those of
Abu Nukta later that year, and despite occasional
Wahhabr forays into the northern Tihama thereafter,
Sharif Hammud was able, with the aid of his com-
petent vizier, Sharif al-Hasan b. Khalid al-Hazimr, to
hold control of both his ancestral lands and the exten-
sive Tihama territories acquired with Wahhabi help.
He flirted alternately with the imam in San'a' and the
Wahhabi chief in al-Dir'iyya just enough to forestall
a serious military intervention by either.

Initially disposed to cooperating with Muhammad
'Air against the Wahhabrs (1229/1814), Hammud
cooled towards him, owing to a series of Wahhabi
victories over the Ottomans and his fear of the
Egyptian \iceroy's designs upon his lands. In 1233/
1818, just a few days before his death, Hammud's
forces nearly annihilated an Egyptian army. His
son Ahmad ruler after him for about a year before
submitting to Muhammad 'Air's commander in the
south and being sent to Egypt where shortly he died.
Although Hammud's lands were restored by the
Ottoman sultan to the imam, the governorship of low-
land 'Asrr was awarded to a nephew of Hammud.
Bibliography: The basic source for the life of
Sharif Hammud Abu Mismar is his unpublished
biography, Nafh al-'ud, by 'Abd al-Rahman al-
BahkalT (a ms. of which is in the al-'Akill private
collection at Djazan). This treats of the shanf s life
to 1225/1810-11, the remaining years being cov-
ered by al-Hasan b. Ahmad 'Akish in a dhayl enti-
tled Nuzhat al-zarif. Other mss. in which' Sharif
Hammud figures, sometimes prominently, are Lutf
Allah Djihaf, Durar nuhur al-hur, 'Akish, al-Dlbadj
al-khusrawam; al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-
Kawkabam, al-Mawahib al-samyya; and Badr al-Dm
Muhammad al-Kibsr, al-Lata'if al-samyya. Of these
works, Nafh al-'ud, its dhayl and al-Di_badj were con-
sulted by Muhammad b. Ahmad 'Isa al-'Akflr in
Part I of his' Min ta'rikh al-Mikhlaf al-Sulaymani,
Riyadh 1958.

Other works providing useful information about
Sharif Hammud's life are al-Shawkam, al-Badr al-

ABU MISMAR — ABU RASHlD al-NISABURI

tali' Cairo 1348/1929-30 i 240 ( Shamzade
Ta'nkh Istanbul 1290-1/187 1-4 m 30 11 Ibn Bishr
'I, man al madid Rryadh 1%7 132-210 passim
Zabara W al uatar Cairo 1348/1929-30 i pamm
C Niebuhr Dennption de lirahu Pans 1779 „
107 Henr\ Salt 4 Knaqe to ifosinua London
1814 123 ft JL Burckhardt \otes on the Btdoum
London 1831 n pamm RL Pla\iair 4 histon of
\mbia Filn Bomba\ 1859 119-34

JR Blukburn)
ABU l-MUTAHHAR al-AZDI an Aiab wntei
who h\ed in the 5th/ 1 1th eenturv but since no known
biogiaphical souice mentions him his dates and the
milieu within which he lived can onl\ be inferred
iiom his sole suiviving work the Hikayat ibi I Kasim
(one should howe\ei add the inlormation oi al-
Bakharzi (d 467/1075) who sa\s that lie knew in
Isfahan a wntei called Abu Mutahhai verv likeK oui
authoi He must ha\e lived between Baghdad and

cities given m the Hikaya before the Saldjuk assump-

Concernmg the rest oi his work he himself mentions
an Hikaya badauma now lost and al-Bakhar/i a Tim

9 313 ed A Mez

lated n

f \gz]

Baghdadi (ms But Mus

1 the highlv-apprt
il-Han "

just launched and which al-Hann (who lived just one
oi two generations alter our authoi) was to bring to
perfection The noveltv of the Hikaya of \bu 1-
Mutahhar in ielationship to the makama oi the ibove
two authors is the displacement oi the centre oi inter-
est from the pureK linguistic and formal ispect to
the representation of a charactei and an environment
in a genuine rmmuis of realitv (in this < ast the bour-
geois environment oi Baghdad with its bons viveuis
and dnnkeis amongst whom \bu 1-Kasim displavs
his bravuia stvle and his vagabonds eftronterv) This
biavura stvle is also a linguistic one and Abu 1-
Mutahhai attaches himseli bv this means to the
makamat wnteis but whilst the lattei remain merelv
thit and their heroes al-Iskandan and al-Sarudji otter
us nothing more than a somewhat monotonous and
stereotyped cliche figuie of a rogue al-Azdi s Abu 1-

the chaiacters in Petromus s i,ahrnon and the piearos
of Spanish nairative literature The text oi the Hikaya
laises a lot oi philological problems lor the language

importance is iar irom being limited to pine philol-
ogv the work oi this 5th/llth eenturv 'Iraki wnter
himseli almost unknown remained an isolated effort
of its time but hei aiding fields oi interest and artis-

Bibliographt Mez in the intiod to his edition

the arts Hikaya m EI' and EI bv Macdonald and

Pellat lespectivelv F Gabneli in RSO xx (1942)

33-45 F Gabrielii

ABU NUKHAYLA al-Himmani al-Radjiz a poet

oi Basia who owed his name to the fact that his

mothei gave bnth to him bv a palm tiee [nakhla) He

was given the kumas oi Abu '1-Djunavd and Abu 1-

'Iimas and the name oi \a < mar (oi Ha/n oi Habib

b Hazn) b Za'ida b Lakit but it is possible that he

ioiged a fictitious genealogv to attach himself to the

Sa'd b Zavd Manat oi Tamim in fact al-Farazdak

angry at being leleased irom jail at his inteiveiition,

calls him a da'i, and Ibn al-Kalbi does not cite him
in his D/amhara It is said that he was ejected by his
lather on account oi his ingratitude and spent some
time in the deseit where he impioved his knowledge
ol the Aiabic oi the Bedouins and gained a certain
fame He then went to S\na and succeeded in attach-
ing himseli to Mashma b 'Abd al-Mahk [q i ] despite
a personal inhibition which led him at first to attub-
ute to himseli an urdjuza oi Ru'ba [qi] and then
afterwards addressed eulogies to Hisham b c Abd al-
Malik and his successois who showed then favour to
him and gave him the laigesse oi which he was avid-
lv hungrv He nevertheless had no scruples in going
and ptesenting himseli to Abu 1-' Abbas al-Saflah and
in reciting to him an urdjuza in dal which he had
pieviouslv dedicated to Hisham His panegyrics oi the
fust 'Abbasids filled with attacks on his ioimei pations
gained him the title oi poet oi the Banu Hashim
but his gieed led m the end to his downfall He wiote
and caused to be widelv spread a poem in which he
tuged al-Mansur to proclaim his own son Muhammad
(al-Mahdn as ht n -presumptiv e instead of 'Isa b Musa
whom al-Saflah had designated heir The caliph gen-
eiouslv rew lrded him and followed his advice but he
instructed him to flee to Jvhurasan However one of
Tsa s agents pursued him slaughtered him snipped
the skin irom his face and threw his corpse to the
vultuies This took place at some time shortlv alter
136/754

Abu Nukhavla wrote some kmidas but above all
inouied radjaz he was involved in poetic contests
with another famous ladjiz al-'Adjdjadj [qi] and left
behind a bodv oi work considered good enough to
be formed into a dman This poetrv is not alwavs
easv to understand because oi the Bedouimsms which
abound in it but it has a verve which is sometimes
tairlv coarse and a humour which disarmed his oppo-
nents and made his audience laugh, these last being
more oi less inclined aeeordinglv to open their purse-
stnngs This was indeed the poets sole object and
he seems to have been an inveterate demander of
monev Cutting epigiams aie to be found side-bv-side
with poems on hunting themes ehboiate panegvucs

of ingratitude the poet knew oecasionallv how to dis-
plav his thanks and especiallv after the death of al-
Muhadjir b 'Abd Allah al-Kilabi who had been a
kindred spirit The critics and especially Ibn al-
Mu'tazz consideied him to have been a bom poet
and much appreciated his work which was widelv-
distnbuted in the 3id/9th eenturv

Bibliography Djahiz, Hayauan n 100 and
index idem Baian m 225 33b Ibn Kutavba Shi')
583-4 Ibn al-Mu'tazz Tabakat 21-3 Ibn Duravd
hhtikak 154 idem Djamhaia m 504 Taban, in,
346-50 Mas'udi Munidi vr 118-20 = ^2332 Agham
ed Beirut xx 360-92 Suli Aulad al khulafa' 310-
14 Husn ~ahi al adab 925 Baghdadi hhuana ed
Bulik i 78-80 = ed Cairo l 15 3-7 Ibn 'Asakir
Ta'nkh Dimashk n 318-22 Ghars al-Ni'ma, Hafauat
index Marzubam Muuashdiah 219-20 Ibn al-
Shadjari Hamasa, 117 \midi Mu'tahf 193-4 Ibn
al-'Imad Shadhaiat l 195 Nallino Ltteratwe 159-60
Pellat \Iihtu 159-60 O Reschei Urns i 223 AH
Harlev Abu \ukhaylah a poitdawual Arab poet m JRAS
Bengal 3rd senes m (1937) 55-70 Bustam DM \
145-7 Zinklr -17am vm 331 (Ch Pellat!

ABU RAKWA [see al-walid b hishamI
ABU RASHlD ^l-NISABURI, Sa'id

Basn

Mu't
and disciple of 'Abd al-Djabbat

-Han

ABU RASHID a

ABU SA'D al-MAKHZUMI

dham [qi] Originally a follow ei of the Mu'tazilF
school oi Baghdad Abu Rashid frequented the lec-
tures of c Abd al-Djabbai, whose doctrine he came to
follow in ib entnetv surrendering his former adher-
ence to the teaching of al-Ka'bi and the Baghdadis
Subsequently , having given up his ciicle (halka) at
Nisabui, he took up peimanent residence at Rayy
where after the death of "Abd al-Djabbar in 415/1025
he became the acknowledged leader of the Basran
Mu'tazila The date of his death is unknown Abu
Rashid s teaching insofar as it is revealed in the
presently available sources, is essentially undistin-
guishable from that of 'Abd al-Djabbai His works
include il) A almasa'il fi 'I khilaf bayn at Bamyyln ua
I Baghdadiyyin (Berlin 5125 = Glasei 12), the first part
ot which was published with a translation b\ A Biram
Du atomutmht <xihtan-Jehrt aus d,m Buih da Stratjragen,
Berlin 1902 a paraphiase of much of the work is
found in M Hoi ten Du Pkiloiophu da Abu Rauhid,
Bonn 1910 This wozk (entitled in several ot the sec-
tion headings al-Maid'il ft I khilaf bayn ihaykhma Abf
Hashim ua I Baghdadiyyin) contains lather fulsome expo-
sitions of a number ot the Basrans' philosophical the-
ses, set forth against unelaborated theses ot al-Ka'bT,
and grouped undei fourteen major topics, and '2)
ZnSdat al Viarh I cited in A al Masa'il, fol 112v ) ot
which a lengthy portion ot the fust part is published
by M Abu Rida under the title Fi 'I tan hid, Cano
1969 and a large part of a later section, though in
a different rescension, is found in British Museum ms
Oi 8013 The Shmh m question is a work of Ibn
Khallad a disciple ot Abu Hashim [q i ] , that appeal s
to have been completed by 'Abd al-Djabbai Othei
works, not currently known to have survived are (3 1
Din an al uiul, a lengthy work written for ta'lik at the
duection ot 'Abd al-Djabbai, divided into two sec-
tions, the first philosophical and the second theolog-
ical, viz (a) al Djauahir ua 7 a'rad and lb) al Tan hid
u a 1'adl, (4) al Tadhhra (5) A al Djuz (b) A al
Shahua, (7) Masa'il al khilaf baynana ua bayn al Mmhabbi
ha ua IMudjbna ua I Khauana} ua V Murdji'a, and
(8) hakd 'aid ashab al tabs' i'

Bibliography Besides the works cited in the
text, see "ibn al-Muitada, Tabakat al-Mu'tazila ed
S Diwald-Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1909 116 R Martm,
4 Mu'tazihti treatise on prophtthood, diss New York
University 1970 unpublished, R Fiank, Bungs and
their attributes Albany 1477, index, and also
Brockelmann, S I, 244 and Sezgin, 6.46, n b20 1

(R M Frank)
ABU RIYASH al-KAYSI, Ahmad b Ibrahim al-
Siiaybani, rami, philologist and poet, onginally
from Yamama, who settled at Basra and was famous
at the beginning of the 4th/ 10th century for his excep-
tional knowledge of the Arabic language, genealogies
and ancient poetry. He was a former soldier who had
become a civil servant, and had the job ot levying
dues on the ships coming to 'Abbadan. He was totally
lacking in education and in tidiness, but his knowl-
edge led to his faults being excused and overlooked
He had a powerful voice, and he spoke in the Bedouin
fashion, expressing the i'rab, at a time when this was
normally neglected in the spoken language. He was
said to pose as a Zaydi". He died in 339/950 (but in
349/960, according to al-Suyuti, who moreover calls
him Ibrahim b. Ahmad).

His clashes with Ibn Lankak (d. 360/970 [ ?l ]i
who found in his lack of cleanliness a vein oi attack
easy to exploit, would have been enough to save him
from oblivion, but Yakut, Udaba', xix, 6, goes as fai
as to assert that Ibn Lankak was eclipsed by al-

Mutanabbi (d 345/%5j and by Abu Riyash, who
both at this time were outstanding If such an assei-
tion is valid for the first-named poet, it hardly seems
justified in regaid to the second since if Abu Riyash
had been poet of remarkable quality it is likely that
posterity would have preserved his work more care-
fully, whereas only a limited numbei of his veises are
extant notably apait from his replies to Ibn Lankak,
a piece in praise of al-Muhallabi [qi], which never-
theless diew down on himself the poets cnticising
Abu Riyash, he himself owed part at least of his fame
to al-Tanukhr (d 384/994 [q t ]), who had been his
pupil and to Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma'am (d 449/1058
[qi]) Abu Riyash is said not to have appreciated
Abu Tammam's work, but nevertheless wrote a com-
mentary on the latter s Hamasa, which was cnticised
by al-Kiftl but used especially by al-Baghdadl (who
does not, however cite it in the list of souices of his
hhizana, ed Cano, i, 33), and he thought it oppor-
tune to put togethei in his turn an anthology called
al HamSia al Riyashiyya (in the art hamasa, the leading
Abu Dimas taken fiom the Fihmt, ed Cano, 120
should be corrected to Abu Riyash; This anthology

did not esteem his reputation damaged by completing
a commentary on it, whose title only is known, al
Riyaih al mustam'l (Yakut, Ldaba', in, 157, in the biog-
laphy ot Abu 'l-'Ala', cf M Saleh in BEO, win
(1970) 278)

Bibliography Tha'alibl, latima u, 120-1 Kifti,
Inbdh, ed Cairo 1950, 25-b Tanukhi, i\v_huar, ed
Cairo 1392/1972, n, 158, Yakut, Ldaba', u, 123-
31 Safadr, U'afi \i, 205 No 2669, Suvutl, Bughya,
178, Fuck, '\rablya, Fr tr 178, Bustani, DM, iv,
314 (Ch Pellat)

ABU SAD al-MAKHZUMI, the name currently
given to 'Isa B Khalid b al-\ValId minoi poet ot
Baghdad whose tame stems from his clashes with Di'bil
[qi] The long dispute between the two poets was
cleaily a manifestation of the latent conflict between
the partisans ot \emcn and those ot Nizai, and it
was probably piovoked by the famous kasida of Di'bil
in praise of the South Arabs ('Abd al-Kanm al-Ashtai,
Wr Di'bil, Damascus 1964 No 212) to which Abu
Sa'd ieplied by a poem in ra' which achieved some
fame in its time After this incident, the Banu Makhzum
might well have closed then dooi to Di'bil but the
teai which he inspired in them led them at that point
to deny to their defender any connection with their
clan and on the advice ot al-Ma'mun they issued a
toimal declaration to this effect (4ghani ed Beirut
xx 127 130) \bu Sa'd who claimed to be descend-
ed horn al-Hanth b Hisham then had inscribed on
his ring al '4bd b al 'Abd and al-Djahiz himself calls
him da', Bam Makhzum [Bayan m 250-1 Hayauan i
2b5) The Agham which has no special notice on Abu
Sa'd gives m its section on Di'bil (xx 121 IT) some
details on the two poets ittitudes and on the meas-
utes used by the latter expiessly to humiliate his oppo-
nent Having in an epigram dubbed \bQ Sa'd as
Kawsaia (a metonymy denoting a woman but Ibn
Kawsaia means panah) Di'bil hned children to chant
it atound the stieets [Wr Di'bil No 119 Agham, xx
123 131, Ibn al-Mu'tazz Tabakat 140) which en-
raged \bu Sa'd Foi his own part he took caie to
incite al-Ma'mun (Agham n 130) against the poet of
the South \iabs who had abused him in one ot
his poems and even asked him for authorisation to
bring Di'bil s head to the caliph (Agham xx 93 130
132) but the caliph refused this lequest and advised
him to limit himself to ieplying to the attacks Di'bil

\BU SAD u. MAKH7UMI — ABU SHABVKA

lied to n

ii dei h

lltkan

ippaient iecone illation is mthentic it must indicate
Abu Sa d b dupliutv \ mous pieces aimed lgunst
him ha\e been githeied m Shn Dibit Nos 68 81

Abu Sad wis also exposed to itt icks fiom Di bil s
cousin the son ol Abu 1 Shis [igham xx 130 1 Shi'i
Dihil 349) but he on his pait mide il Ash ith b
Djitu ilkhuzn his target md the httei hid Abu
Sad flowed uith l hundied hshes (Ibn il Mu'tizz
Tuba) at 131 40) In the end he left Bighdid to seel
shekel at Raw wheie he died m the caliph ite of il
Withik la J 30/84 1 (

It i

Sid tike the trouble
veises into a poem b\

Dibit 284 313 ill

t thit

t his f

Abu Sad iddie.

ilMi

ind \

, did •

, glont

Nizu the Igham xx 12 3 ev
at \i armal Di bil s lime since his woiks weie spie
tn ind wide thieu Abu Sa d s uoik into the shid
llthough this list is b\ no me ins ot mfuioi qui
t\ To believe il Mil zubtnl UimasJukah j29 At

vould 1

hilf o

:icuhil>

zuk his

endei

g< thei

Bighdtd 1471)
Bibliography \bd al Ruim il Ashtu Shi i
Di'bil index idem Di'bil b -ill at hhiKa , 2nd
edn Dam iscus 1907 14 r i II ,nd index Ibn kut i\
bi iMinalathbai i 140 Djihiz Bnan m 2a0
idem Haiatan i 262 265 Muzubini
347 idem Uudjam 98 26(

lMu

Hus

Zahr ,

320

ABU SA'ID \l KHATTABI [see ^lkhati^eiJ
ABU SATD U.SIRAFI [sec u, sir*u1
ABU SAYYARA <Uma\l* b \l A z*l b Kh^lid
a peisonige of the end ot the Djahiliv^ i

? been

r pecu

composition ioi muidei it 100 c imels and th
lead the pilgiims eithei at the depirtuie for Ai ifat
tifada) oi from il Muzdahh to Mint {idja^at since the
sonic es disigiee on this point ind the more c. iicful
authois meiel\ use the expitssion dafaa hi I nas This
man who probiblv owed his htma to this function ol
his i pnvilege of the kivsi tube ol Advv in isee Ibn
ll-kilbi C iskel Tib 92 ind n 142) becimepio\ei
bial because he is sud to hive exeicised this ofhrt
ihvi\s mounted on the sime bluk tss (which was
howevei irroiding to il <\sma l ind otheis i she ass

As llDjthiz amusingh points out {HaiaLan l 139)
no one can doubt the longevitv ot this mim il uhich
imongst ill asses li\ed the longest time it give use
to 1 proveib asahh mm mi tti Sanaia moie sturd\
thin Abu Siwans iss (ilMivdtm \mthat i 422
J Abu Ubi\d ilBaku Fast at mat at 1 1 shaih A at
Imthat Benut 1391/1971 jOOl) al Dj ihiz provide s

Abu Smu i is compaied bee luse ol his
uith Uzivi [</ ] and uith Chust md his as
b\ piominent people who prefened this hum

ABU SHABAKA Iiav. iusuiI oithogiaphv Ehas
\bou Chibikeh) Muonite poet jouinihst and
auislatoi 11903 47) He was bom in Pioudcnce
R.I whilst his pjients weie tiavelling in the United
states but h, spent til his life in Lebmon dividing

md editonal office

v bmdits Hence the

g oipfun hid
leuillv as the Fiench
id been em oiled wis
the Fn st World War

foi i hemistich bv Abu Sid vvhiel

detendei of the North \i lbs md bv tint fict ilso '
the detendei of Sunnism igainst the Shi l Di bil it
l time ot ethnic md lehgious conflicts deseives to
be no longei ignoied bv histoinns ot Ai ibic hteia
t happens (outmatch, th it R izzuk Tn idj

i High Commiss
He died ot leu

>f <\bu Shabikis

thirteen piei

seen the infl
colleetion w

.t the

it the lite of the Lebinese pe is
mts The poet ieveits to the theme ot love with \ida
at kalb 1 1944) md Ita I abail 1 1945 1 In this verv sime
veir 194") theie ippeiied (Jial la whose title is in

inigrim e>l the name Olga the woman whom he
hid it list mamed itter ten veirs ot betiothal md
who hid nitmallv been his pimcipil muse Finilh
m 1953 Abu Shabikis fuends put together in Mm
Saul dahlia 1 numbei of pieces of ocusionil veise

iheidv published in pel iodic lis

i i deeph. religious i

■nted s

Rom

s He '

s undoubtedlv one .

reidei

ABU SHABAKA — ABU SHADl

followed with 1 certain amnunt of side-stepping a
tendency long dnimant in the West This romantic
movement is now outmoded in the East itself but
\bu Shabaka s work continues to attract voung icad-
eis who appreciate pure poetn and ha\e little taste
for the politico-social pieoccupations of engaged poets
who tend moieovei to break loose from classical
metres \bu Shabaka geneiallv respects these last
although he ma\ at times adopt a strophic foim 01

ihvm

n Chain a

nslations and a gieat number of
articles which he left behind, \bu Shabaka wro te as
one might have expected a Lamartin (1935) and a
studv of comparative literature Ran a bit al fit r a a I ruh
bam al'irab ua I ljuina^ (1943) lastly a series of
porti aits oi liteiarv and political personalities which
appeared in al Ma'nd have been gathered together in
one volume al Rusum (1931)

Bibhoe,,aphy The main studies aie a collection
of articles about the poet and dedicated to his
memory bv the most prominent names in con-
tempoian Lebanese liteiatuie lhas ibu Shabaka
Benut 1948 Razzuk Faradj Razzuk lhas Abu
hhaba/anashi'ruhu Beirut 195b and Iliwa al-Hawi
lhas ibu Shaba/a sha'i, al dfalum ua I na'im Benut
n d See also inthoto^u dt la htteratun arabi tontim
porame in La Poesu bv L Norm and E Tarabav
Pans 19b7 96-8 \ Miquel Reflexions sur la stnu
tme pot/ique a propos d Elms ibu Sabala in BEO \\v
(1972) 2b5-74 Salma Rhadra Jav>usi Truids and
moitnunls in modem irabu poetn Leiden 1977 n
424-52 Bustam D\l iv 367-8 (art bv F Bustam
with bibl ) A thesis is now in the course of prepa-
lation at the Sorbonne on poetic image in the woik
of \bu Shabaka (Ed )

ABU SHADI \hmw L\ki (1892-1955) Egvptian
phvs

of a

joi

of dive

Born in Cano on 9 Febiuary 1892 he had his
primary and secondary education in his natal utv
and then in 1912 went to studv medicine in London
where he specialised in microbiologv at the same
time he became especiallv interested in apiculture and
acquired quite an extensive knowledge oi \nglo-Saxon
culture and life which was to exert a deep influence
on his hteiary production On returning to Egypt in
1922 he was appointed to do research in miciobiol-
ogv but also became at the same time busv with
manv other fields and soon became secretarv of sev-
eral associations of beekeepers agricultural mdustnal-
lsts poultry reaiers etc Furthermore he quicklv took
ovei at the same time the secretarv ship of the ipollo
group inspired bv Ahmad Shawki and Khahl Mutran
It was he who cieated and directed the ]ournal
ipollo from 1932 to 1934 at a time when he had
]ust founded thiee other ]ouinals of a totallv diflei-
ent nature Mamlalat al nahl (1930) al Daajadl (1932)
and al Sina'at aUira'ma i^^) M\ these responsibil-
ities in no wav kept Abu Shadi from giving talks and
lectures fiom writing articles on all the subjects which
inteiested him and above all fiom throwing himself
into a hterarv activitv which gives the impression of
a remarkable breadth \ man like himself, rathei too
restless inevitablv provoked jealousies and enmities
in those cncles which were not readv to accept his
ideas especiallv those on modern poetry It was per-
haps the reactions to his innovations which made him
in 1946 decide to emigiate to the United States He
worked on the tiansmissions of The \ oiee of <\menca
from New Yoik and then Washington wheie he died
on 12 Apul 1955

It is extremely difficult in this brief notice to ev al-
uate his lole in the evolution of contemporary \iabic
poetry and to enumeiate and classifv his expositions
of his ideas and the totahtv of his literary woik The
latter is largelv composed of poetn and theatrical
woiks and is chaiactensed at base bv an inspiration
which is primanlv Egvptian both Pharaonic and \rab
He embaiked on almost even poetic genie at times

bolism and even went so fai as to found in 1936 an
ephemeral journal called idabi Mv liteian woik
With regard to form \bu Shadi used the framewoik
of the munashihah [a i ] and other strophic structures
but he was above all the proponent of blank veise
(al \fo'r al mursal) and of free verse [al shi'r al him) under
the simultaneous influence of \nglo-Saxon poetn and
of that of the mahg^ar and he tried to launch a lit-

In various commentaries which accompanied his
collections as also in his articles explaining his
ideas and his work of criticism Masrah al adab (Cairo
192b-8) he insisted on the pumordial impoitance in
poetn of metie he freed himself from the fetters of
rhvme but respected up to a certain point classical
metrics at the same time mixing difleient metres in
one and the same poem (on this question and on
\bn Shadi s influence see S Moieh Free terse (al-
shi'r al-hurr) m modem irabu hteratme ibu Shadi and
his school 1926-46 in BSOiS xxx/1 (1968) 28-51)

If he had enemies he also made fi lends and admn-
ers who busied themselves in collecting together his
poetn into moie oi less coherent collections Hence
there appeared in this wa> \hsnnat (1924) al Shajak
al bah (1926) imin it a ramn an sunar mm sjii'i al shabab
(1925) on the initiative of H S al-Djaddawi, Shi'r al
ui4dan (1925) on the initiative of Muh Subhi and
al \luntalhab mm shh ibi Shadi (192b) b> '\bd al-
Hamid Fu'ad

\s for the dm am published bv A.bu Shadi himself
the main ones of these are Uatan al Faia'ma (1926)
ishi"a itazilal (1931), al Shu'la (1933) ihaj al rah'
1 193 ^ with an introduction bv Khahl Mutran and
otheis) igharu ibu Shadi (1933) inda' al fadjr (1934
poems of his youth) al lanbu' (1934) Faul al'ubab
(19351 al ha m al (ham (1935) 'iudat al ta'i (Alexandria
1942) and Mm aUama' (New ^oik 1949) There must
also be still furthei unpublished collections of poems

\s well as his dm am \bu Shadi left behind some
fifteen novels and theatrical pieces whose Pharaonic
and \iab inspiration is comparable with that of his
poetn and m which the use of blank verse is not
uncommon ~<n««A nqjahat mm shi'r al ghma' (1924)
Uafkharat Rashid (1925;, 'ibduh Bek (1926) al iliha
(1927 a symbolist opera), lhsan (1927 an Egvptian
diama), iidashir (1927 an opera) ikhnaton (1927 an
opeia) Yijertiti Ma'Jiulat Ibn Tulun and al Zjbba'
mahkat Tadmur (1927) Bint alSahra' (1927 an opera),
lhtidar Iran' al Kays Ibn Zmdun Ji sidjmhi Bayrun ua
Tinz and Maha (a love ston)

It is not possible here to speak at length about
Abu Shadi s scientific works but one should men-
tion that he was at the same time the theoietician
of free verse and the promoter of apiculture in Egypt
notablv with his Tarbnat al nahl (1930) Not forget-
ting that he was a phvsician he also wrote al Tabib
it a Ima'mal (1928), and not forgetting either that he
was a Muslim he explained whv he was a behev-
ei in his Lima ana mu'mm (1937) and published in
the veai he died al Islam al hayy, all of which had

ABU SHADl — ABU SINBIL

his Ruh al-masuruyya (1926). Finally, one should men-
tion his verse translation of the quatrains of 'Uraar
Khayyam and Hafiz (1931j, as well as the one of
Shakespeare's The Tempest.

This brief survey can only give a partial idea of
an exceptional personality, one who was discussed and
criticised, but also admired, and who merits particu-

Bibliograpliy: In addition to S. Moreh's article,
the main monographs on him are Muhammad 'Abd
al-Ghafur, Abu' Shadi ft 1-mizan, Cairo 1933; I.A.
Edhem, Abushady, the poet. A iritkal study with speci-
mens of his poetry, Leipzig 1936; and Muhammad
•Abd al-Fattah "Ibrahim. Ahmad ~ala Abu Shadi, oi-
lman al-muntidj, Cairo 1955; See also Bustani, DM,
iv, 373-4 (with bibliography!; and N.K. Kotsarev,
Pnattli Egipta, Moscow 1975, 31-4 (with bib].), and
index; Salma Khadra Jayyusi, Trends and movements
in modern Arabic poetry, Leiden 1977, ii, 370-84.

I Ed. i
ABU SHAKUR BALKHI, born possibly in
300/912-13, one of the most important Persian

attributes to him a niathnawi in the mutakanb metre
called the Afann-nama, completed in 336/947-8 and
probably dedicated to the amir Nuh b. Nasr (331-
43/943-54/. Nothing is known about his life, but allu-
sions in his verses suggest that he was a professional
poet and had known setbacks in life. The only sur-
viving parts of his work are short fragments and iso-
lated verses quoted in dictionaries, anthologies and a
few other works. These comprise some 60 lyrical dis-
tichs and some fragments of mathnaias in various metres,
but above all, about 140 mutakanb distichs which must
belong to the Afann-nama, to which one should per-
haps add almost 175 distichs cited anonymously in the
Tuhfat al-muluk of <Alr b. Abi Hals Isfahani (7th/ 13th
century), which seem to be extracts from the same
work. This last was apparently a collection of anec-
dotes illustrating moral sentiments; maxims and moral
' ■ r Abu

i the e

Shakur, who was certainly the chief hei
Persian poets of the 4th/ 10th century of the wisdom
literature of pre-Islamic Iran. He must have enjoyed
a great renown in his time; ManQcihri mentions him
as one of the ancient masters, along with RudakT and
Shahid Balkhi.

Bibliography: There is an edition of the frag-
ments with a French translation, together with a
notice on the poet and a bibliography, in G. Lazard,
Les premiers pokes persam, Tehran-Paris 19h4, i, 94-
126, ii, 78-127; see also J. Rypka, History of Iranian
literature, Dordrecht 1968, index. (G. Lazardi
ABU SHURA'A, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Siiura'a
al-Kaysi al-Bakri, minor poet of Basra who,
during the course of the 3rd/9th century, took part
in the social and intellectual life of his native town,
and hardly left it, it seems, except to make the
Pilgrimage or to visit places very close at hand. For
the rest, his life is poorly documented. It seems
unlikely that he was able, as Ibn al-Mu'tazz asserts
[Tabakat, 177-8). to praise al-Mahdl (158-69/775-85)
during the latter's lifetime, to have reached an
advanced age in al-Ma'mun's time and to die in the
caliphate of al-Mutawakkil (232-47/847-61). In the first
place, the Agham speaks of his relations with Ibrahim
b. al-Mudabbir (d. 279/892-3 [see ibn ai.-mudabbir] )
at Basra, where the latter, according to his own
words, acted as governor (it is not impossible that
he was governor" there before 252/866, but he is
only mentioned as tax-collector in Ahwaz in ca. 250/

repeal

eting with Di'bil (d. 246/860 [q.i:]) :
no help. Moreover, al-Djahiz, so far ;
■s him only once (Rasa'il, ed. Harun.
lg an epigrammatic v

Abu ShuraVs name
would certainly figure more often if he had been
older. Moreover, several other authors cite five fair-
ly mediocre verses of his (see Pellat, Milieu, 166) which
he is said to ha\e composed on al-Djahiz's death
(255/868). Finally, his son Abu '1-Fayyad Sawwar.
who was also a poet, went to Baghdad after 300/913,
and it was he who indirectly furnished Abu '1-Faradj
with most of the information about his father. All
these pieces of information lead one to think that
Abu Shura'a died after 255 at a considerable age.
Although he was reputed to have written epistles

and Abu Bakr

judgement. As well
generosity, he wrot

e mainly s<

spired by his ruinous
me fairly coarse epi-

e poem o

i Ibn al-Mudabbir's

departure and som

verses which reflect

the idle way of life

led in Basr

a at this time by the

poets, always lying

n wait for

ome reward or readv

to heap ridicule o

ron who had disap-

pointed them.

Bibliography:

n addition

o the references given

above, see Aghan

, ed. Beirut

xxii, 178-9, 429-50;

Marzubani, Muwe

shshah, 219;

dem, Mu'djam, 431 ff;

Khatrb Baghdad-

Ta'rikh, x

, 219-20; Mubarrad,

Kanul, 306; Sand

-DjahK, 195; Bustani,

DM, iv, 383-4.

ABU SINBIL, a

village on the west-

ern side of the N

e between

the first and second

cataracts, in lat. 22

22 north

ind long 31° 40 east.

south of As

wan. The French dis-

huge rock-hewn temples built b\

Ramses II (1304-1237 BXl.i refe

red to it as Ipsamboul

at the beginning of

the 19th ce

itury. The name Abu

( 'lathe

of ai

r of

corn") of the local Nubian designation, which is also
known by manv other variants in the spelling, e.g.
AbO Simbil/Sinbul/Sunbul/Sunbul.

Abu Sinbil later became known as Farik in the
Official Government Register, being one of the vil-
lages within the financial jurisdiction of the Ibnm
(Piromi, i,i. 35 miles north of Abu Sinbih district until
1272/1855 when it became a separate administrative
unit. In 1917 the name Farik was dropped, and the
village was .given its former name, Abu Sinbil. Its irri-
gated land extends over several hundreds of acres.

temples which gave it its special artistic and religious
significance. The temples, which represent some of
the most spectacular examples of ancient Egyptian
architecture, were unknown to the outside world until
the discovery of the Smaller Temple by J.L. Burck-
hardt in 1813, and its opening by the Italian engi-
neer Giovanni Belzoni in 1817.

The Great Temple of Abu Sinbil is carved in the
rock and stands 33 m. high and 38 m. wide. The
facade shows four colossal seated figures of Ramses
II, two on either side of the entrance to the temple,
each measuring 20 m. high. Ramses II dedicated this
temple to the sun gods Amon Re of Thebes and Re-
Horakhti of Heliopolis.

ABU SINBIL — ABU TAGHLIB

Less than 50 vards aivav was constiucted the Smaller
'northern) Temple which was dedicated to Queen
Nefertan, wile of Ramses II, in homage to the god-
dess Hathoi Its facade is decorated with six 35-toot
statues of the Phaiaoh and his wife

The Abu Sinbil cliff had been buried b\ laige sand
dnits which coveied the Gieat Temple until its iedis-
toveiv b\ Burckhaidt But the Smallei Temple, which
had not been buned, seised the inhabitants of the
neaibv village BilvanT Ira 5 miles horn AbQ Sinbil)
as a refuge fiom marauding Bedouin tubes from
Nubia Onl\ modern Aiab authors gi\e particulais
about the Abu Sinbil temples, based on Fiench souices,
and lepoits of the French aicheological expedition
which undeitook the excavations at Abu Sinbil in the

The original site was submeiged b\ the Nile in
l%n as a lesult ol the building of the Aswan High
Dam The two temples weie salvaged fiom the us-
ing waters ol the Nile b\ sawing them into sections
and le-eiecting them on top of the rock face fiom
which the\ were onginalh, hewn

Bibliography 'Air Pasha Mubaiak al Khitat al
taajlkiyya al diadlda, Bulak 1305 vm 14-15, G
Rawlmson, A history of Amunt Egypt, London 1881,
n 318-20, EA Walhs Budge Cook's Handbook foi
Egypt and the Sudan London 1011, 259-6b, AEP
Weigall, 4 guide to the Antiquities of Lppei Egypt,
London 1913 565-76, P Bov ler-Lapierre it alu,
Preen de rhistmn d'Egypte, Pans 1932, l 160-1, S
Maves Tlie Gnat Btl Z om London 1959 132 ff
Muhammad Ramzi, al Ramus al dfughiafT li 1 bilad
al \lisrma Gano 1963 n/4 230-1 \V MacQmttv,
ibu Simbtl, London 1965, passim G Gerster, Saimg
the aneient temples at ibu iimbfl in \ational Geogiaphu
Magazine, cxxix/5 (1966), 694-742

IRY Ebied;
ABU TAGHLIB Fadl \llah al-Ghadanfar al-
Hamdani 'Uddat u.-Dawla Hamdamd ami, of
Mosul [see hamdanids] and son ol the ami, al-Hasan
Nasn al-Dawla and a Km dish mothei Fatima, born
328/940 He

brotheii

lien then

■r grew

old Abu Taghlib seems to have obtained tacitlv
them except ioi Abu 1-MuzalTar Hamdan, who was
bom of anothei mothei, authontv to depose their iathei
and impnson him in the stionghold of Ardumusht in
the Djabal Djudl to the north-east of Mosul This opei-
ation was carried out with the complicitv of Fatima in
Djumada I 356/beginning of Mav 967 and Nasn al-
Dawla died there on 12 Rabf I 358/3 Februarv 969
As this act of deposition had been earned out with-
out Hamdan s agi cement and Hamdan tonti oiled the
towns of Nislbm, Mandm and Rahba with the addi-
tion of Rakka, seized on the death of the Hamdamd
of Aleppo Savf al-Dawla, Abu Taghhb secured support
horn the Buvid amir al umaia" in Baghdad and mastei
of the caliphate Bakhtivar, and attacked Hamdan, forc-
ing him to sunendei Rakka and evacuate Rahba

Abu Taghhb continued the wai against Hamdan
but the lattei now obtained Bakhtrvar's suppoit and
re-enteied Rahba whilst teitain of Abu Taghhb s
other biotheis now turned on him and took Hamdan s
side But a new oftensive bv him forced Hamdan to
fke for iduge with the Buvid in Baghdad He now
was able to consolidate his powei in Mosul, seizing
his biothei s possessions and endeavounng to unite
undei his authontv the tenitones of the Hamdamd
amiiate of Meppo held bv his cousin Savi al-Dawla s
1 the caliph al-Muti' lillah ,

and Aleppo He extended his authontv ovei Divai
Bakr and Mawatankm, wheie he left Savf al-Dawla's
mother and his sister Djanula with a certain amount
of authontv then seized Han an and Drvar Mudai
(359-60/969-70) Recalling that his father Nasn al-
Dawla had been amir al umara' in Baghdad whence
he had been dislodged in 334/945 bv the Buvid
Mu'izz al-Dawla, Bakhtivai s predecessor, AbQ Taghhb
now dreamed ol recovering this idle in Baghdad and
becoming the leal mastei ol the caliphate For his
pait Bakhtivar, with whom Hamdan was now living
was urged bv the lattei into wariaie with AbQ Taghhb
However, Bakhtivai preiened to make an entente
with AbQ Taghhb and to conclude an agreement with
him confnming this last in his possessions, including
Divai Mudar and Divai Baki, and this was sealed bv
AbQ Taghlib s mamage with one of Bakhtivai \ daugh-
ter It is probable that one ol the ieasons behind this
agreement was the thieat to both paities fiom Fatmud
ambitions Hence both ol them gave help to the
Fatmuds' enemv, the KaimatT chief Hasan al-A'sam,

subsidies

n then

lv with then help bneflv able
Neveitheless, m the end Bakhtivar vielded to Hamdan's
solicitations In 363/973 he maiched against Mosul
and took up a position at Davr al-A'la to the north
of the town Abu Taghlib evacuated the town and
made a diversion southwards as far as the gates of
Baghdad, piovoking much excitement theie He then
retned tow aids Mosul, and Bakhtivar though numer-
icall\ strongei entered into negotiations with Abu
Taghlib who obtained an advantageous agreement On
leturmng to Baghdad, and considering Abu Taghlib's
position as over-advantageous he launched another
expedition against Mosul Again negotiations were
begun, Abu Taghlib agreed to pav tnbute to the Buvid,
and ieceived from the caliph the lakab of 'Uddat al-
Dawla 'Support ol the dvnastv' in 974 His lelations
with Bakhtivai lemained inendlv, and he gave support
to the lattei when the Bu\id had to lace a iebelhon
of his Turkish mercenary troops m Ba gh dad itself

The iebelhon of the Turkish troops had led
Bakhtrvai to appeal also to the head of the famih,,
Rukn al-Dawla who authonsed 'Adud al-Dawla, mlei
maich on Baghdad, thus

)i the ;

med of s

iring

i the

1 Mos<

essed bv the Tuiks who \
thiown Bakhti\ai, had left Baghdad 'Adud al-Dawla
expelled the Tuiks but now ieceived the total sub-
mission ol Bakhtivai whom he forced to abdicate
and also made an agreement with Abu Taghhb, upon
whom depended the supph, of piovisions foi the titv,
the treatv pieviouslv made between Abu Taghhb and
Bakhtivai was ienewed and the Hamdamd excused
Irom the payment of tribute Howevei, Rukn al-Dawla
showed his opposition to 'Adud al-Dawla's treatment
of Bakhtivar and ice ailed 'Adud al-Dawla Bakhtivai
accordmgH iesumed powei in Baghdad But when
Rukn al-Dawla died in 366/977, 'Adud al-Dawla, who
had nevei i enounced his ambitions in Tiak retumed
to Baghdad in Novembei 977

Abu Taghhb s position now appeared firm But
Hamdan who had alwa\s lemained in Bakhtrvar's
entouiage persuaded the lattei to attack Mosul, and
Bakhtivai advanced as (ar as Takrit Abu Taghhb
acted skiliullv He piomised to aid Bakhtivai in lecov-
enng Baghdad and getting (ree ol 'Adud al-Dawla,
provided he would surrender to him Hamdan and
he marched on Baghdad in concert with Bakhtivar
But 'Adud al-Dawla defeated them near Samaira and
captured Bakhti\ai, whilst AbQ Taghhb fled 'Adud

ABU TAGHLIB — ABU

iIDwli entered Mosul itself in June 078 ,nd teiused
to negotiate in im, »n with \bu Tighlib The ht
tei tied to Nisibin ind thence to Mmifinkin pur
sued b\ the Buvid troops Deciding not to go to Biths
where his sistei Djimili hid tiken refuge he enteied
the Kurdish mount ml region ot the rigns iffluent of
the khibui ilHisimyvi perh ips with the hope
of shutting himself up in the Himdtnid stionghold
of Ardumusht But in the end he decided to mike
toi the region ot tht Tigns souices ind thi gieit
loop ol the Fuphntes where wis the B\zmtine ubel
Skleros with whom he hid been in cont let ind to
whom he hid promised help lgimst the rmpernl
tioops He wis puisued b\ \dud ilDiwlis dm e s

of 5b8/\ugust 978 in the mount nil iegion nt lr Hisn
Zi\id (Khuputi temtorv held bv Skleios He wis
victorious in this ind stned toi some time it Hisn
Zi\id He hoped toi i vutoiv b\ Skltios ovn the

'l-TAYYIB al-LUGHAVVI

he died ,a

j0/05l whilst the

Mils imongtheB

with whom

he Ind sought lelu

les to ii i est him fe

b\ him Th

s source { ed Benut

of his whose nith

doubts It t

ells how \bu 1 1 irr

fiee kivsit

i b kulthum Ion w

C iskel Ti

i 240 md n 404)

tured dm n

g the eouise of tfl

two gioups

of the rivvi (Bicjji

Ins nnsom

llg bv BlldjlVI b

Mosul but Skleios wi

subsequent be iten \bu

Tighlib n lived it \mid

m Divn Biki hiving leiint

tint Mmifinkin held

eiptmed b\ the Bu\ids

le now fled with Djimili to

Rikki ibindonmg Di\

i Biki md Drvu Ribfi to

Adud il Diwh

The Bu\id am,, ie|e<t

ed ittempts bv Abu Tijilib

to negotnte with him

nd he wis urnbk to count

on inv help fiom his c

lusin Abu 1 Mi' ill Sid il

Diwh in Aleppo who

id lust recognised the suze

v of Adud ilDiwh H< now iuithei ibindoned
Drvu Mudn which hid till then renmne d undei his
contiol ind decided to mike for f itimid ten Hon md

itself \bmdoned b\ vinous of his biotheis exposed
to the hostility of both the Fitimid tioops ind those

ed with the suppoit ot one of the \i lb tnbis of
Svrn the 'Ukivl to ciptuie Rimh in Pilestme fiom
the Tim Mutiind, b Dighfil b ilDjiiiih But he
chshed with Fatimid tioops ind m Situ 309/end ot
\ugust 970 he ind his lilies were dete ited ind hi
wis hinded o\ei to Mufimdi who mstt id of deliv
enng him to the Fatimid lommindei killed him with
his own hind It seems tint Abu Tighlib wis kilkd
it the instigition ot Adud il Diwh whom Mutimdj
hid leiogmsed is suzenin m 571 (se< M idelun^ in
J\ES K™ i1%7i 22 n 20)

Such wis the end it the lge ot 40 of the list
Hinidtnid of Mosul ot Nisn ilDiwhs son md ol
the Himdimd imn ite of Mosul wheie new poweis
were now instilled but where memoiies of the
Himdtmds long lemvmed m the minds ot the lot il

Billio^rap/n See toi this M Cinud H,st,,n
di la dwastu des H amdamdes- d, Dja^ua ,1 di Svu l
Algieis 1050 wheie the vicissitudes of Abu Tighlib s
cueei ue set tenth in tli vi 541 72

iM Canard)
ABU l TAMAHAN \l KAYNI Hwvla b
alSharki \lukhadram Anb poet eonsideud to
be one of those endowed with m undulv long lite
nl Siedjist mi A al \lu ammann ed Goldzihei

200 M us) Dunng the D/ahdma he led the
bngmd oi suluk [</ ] ind of a libeitine le>
it Mecci in the tompanv ot il7ubm b
Muttihb) ind he does not seem to h iv i lit

mi time which lid t
music rht authentic i

v ot the most

metie la ul ihvme tha

ibuln should n

egiidedwitheiution it

ippeusmDji

nd given lmmediitelv

iftei tint ot \

w^iaph In

Dpli

idditu

473 Ibn kutiv

in the t

2 57 idem i
348 9 Buhi
Hamasa n 77 8 2i8 Ibn il Kilbi C iskel n 2<
Mubimd Kami! 40 7 100 4i0 Ibn Durr
Hid a/ j!7 \ala,d id Bev in 070 kush idji
Maraud Bighdid 1954 207 200 \sk^
Sinaatmn 300 Miizubmi \lu i ash shah 7i
244 idem \lu diam 140 50 Bighdidr Mia
ed Bulik in 420 Ibn Hidju Isala No 20
\ikut Buldur, n 154 Muitidi Imah ed 1 <•)'
i lSi Wihhibi \la,adj, i 105 4 Znikh n j.

3 Bh.heie HIA 318 Fd
ABU I TAYYIB al LUGHAWI Abd alWai

i \n ai Halabi giimmiinn ot the 4th/ 11"
stcd lbove ill m le\ie o

Shi I

luoha)

iphv l

Ask n Muki im in khuzist
toi Bighdid wheie he studud undei \bu \mi il
Zihid md Abu Biki ilSuh Thin he moved to

Ueppo whose lulei Sivf ilDiwli wis ittr icting

tint \bu lliwib found himself competing with the
,nmmiiun Ibn khahwivh [</ ] who hid followed
the Mine mistiis it Bighdid is himself md who hid
become tutoi to Sivf il Diwh s son Abu 1 Tiv\ib
wis killed in the misswie b\ the Bvzmtmes when
\lippo wis ciptuied in 551/002 His most f imous
pupil wis Ibn ilkanh to whom Abu 1 \h il
Mi mi piesented Ills Rnalat al Qhiipan giving then
infoimitionon \bu 1 T i^ib s winks nnnv of which

id M \\m lFidl Ibnhim C nro 10,5 A Shadja,
aldun ed M \bd il Dj iw id C uio 1057 A al
Ibdal ind A al Muthanna ed 1 inukhi Dinnscus 1000
A alltba ed 1 mukhi Dimiscus 1%1 ind A al
Udad still unpublished In legnd to the A al Final
ated bv ilSuvuti m his \lujiii l 447 this seems to
hive been leist

ABU 'l-TAYYIB al-LUGHAWI — ABU ZAYD al-KURASHI

Bibliography Biockelmann, S I, 190, Kahhala,
Mu'ajam, vi, 210, 'Izz al-Din al-Tanukhi in MMIA,
xxix 175-83 (G Troupeau)

ABU USAMA al-HARAWI, Djun

and :

of t

4th/ 10th century a name of Harat in Khur.
He was the pupil of Abu Mansur al-Azhan and Abu
Ahmad al-'Askail, whose woiks he tiansmitted Aftei
residing at Shiraz, wheie he fiequented the cncle of
the vizier the Sahib Ibn "Abbad [qv], he went off
to Cairo Theie he taught in the Nilometer mosque
(Djami' al Mikyas) and, in company with the tiadi-
tionist 'Abd al-Ghani b SaTd al-Misn and the gram-
marian 'Ali b Sulavman al-Antakf, he held lectures
at the House of Knowledge {Dar al 'Ilm) He was
subsequentlv accused of preventing the rising of the
Nile b V casting spells on it, condemned to death b V
the cahph al-Hakim and executed in 399/1009 His
biographeis onlv provide the name of one of his
pupils, that of Abu Sahl al-Harawi, and thev attub-
ute no woiks to him, howevei, a commentary bv
him, on the Mu'allaka of Imru' al-kays, has come

Bibliography Brockelmann, S I, 36, Sezgin, 6/iS,
ii, 52, Yakut, Irshad, u, 42b Ibn Khallikan, Wajayat,
i, 372, tr de Slane, i, 337, Suvuti, Bughva, 213
(G Troupeau)
ABU L-WALID al-BADII [see al-badjI]
ABU 'l-YUMN ^l-'ULAYMI [see mitdjir al-din1
ABU ZA'BAL, an ancient village in Lower
Egypt <« 15 miles north of Cairo Its onginal name
was al-Kusayr, under which designation it is men-
tioned bv Ibn Mammati (d 60b/ 1209) m his Kitab
Kawanin al-iiau.au in It became known as Abu Za'bal
from the end of the Mamluk period, the fn st l ecord
of this name being found in a deed of xiakj granted
by Khavir Bev al-DjarkasI, Ottoman governor of Egypt
923-8/1517-21, dated 10th Radjab 92b It had a pop-
ulation of approximately 2.000 people towards the
end of the 19th century

In 1827 Muhammad 'All founded a School of
Medicine in Abu Za'bal, which was chosen because
of its convenient location near the bai racks of his
army The School was attached to the largest mili-
tary hospital in Egvpt, which had been built in Abu
Za'bal in 1825 Muhammad 'Ali appointed the
Frenchman Clot Bev (then Physician and Surgeon-in-
Chief of the Egyptian aimyi as its first director In
order to overcome the difficulty posed by the lan-
guage barrier between the students and the Fiench
and Italian professors, Clot Bey appointed a team of
interpreter who were also entiusted with the tians-
lation into Arabic of the necessary medical textbooks
The first of these translations al-haid al-sanh ft 'ilm
al-tashrlh, was printed at the press of the Medical
School of Abu Za'bal (also founded by Muhammad
•Air) in 1248/1832 (the fust book to be printed in
Abu Za'bal)

To the Abu Za'bal School ot Medicine weie later
added the School of Phaimacy (1830), the School oi
Vetennaiv Medicine (1831) and the School of
Obstetucs (1832) The Medical School was tiansterred
in 1837 to its present site at Kasi al-'Avni (Canol,
a palace built in 870/1466 by Ahmad b al-'Avni,
grandson of the Sultan Khushkadam

The aiea aiound Abu Za'bal was the scene oi
considerable military activity during the Napoleonic
occupation, Abu Za'bal itself being twice attacked
by the Fiench tioops When Napoleon's tioops
demanded an impost foi the upkeep of the military
from the people of Abu Za'bal on the 2i Safai 1213/

result the French sacked the village and set it on
fire Five months later the French attacked Abu Za'bal
again and seized all the cattle and the beasts of bur-
den (on 30 Radjab 1213/11 January 1799). Al-
Djabartl also iecords that Abu Za'bal was looted on
6 Djumada I 1207/23 December 1792 by Murad
Bey and his Mamluk soldieis, who killed about 25
of the villageis, and arrested and imprisoned the
shaykhi of Abu Za'bal

Today Abu Za'bal is well-known foi the large prison
situated there

Bibliography 'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabartr,
'Ad^a'ib al a thai fi V taiafrm ua 'l-akhbdr, Bulak
1297/1880, u, 239-40, m, 13, 14, 38; Muhammad
Amln al-KhandjT, Munfoam al 'umran fi 'l-mustadrak
'aid mu'djam al buldan [of Yakut al-Rumf], Cairo
1325/1907, i, 109, Ahmad 'Izzat 'Abd al-Kanm,
Ta'rikh al Ta'Umfi 'air Muhammad 'All, Cairo 1938,
251-316, Naguib Mahfouz Pasha, The history of med-
ical education in Egypt, London 1947, 14-16; Djamal
al-Dm al-Shayyal, Ta'rikh al-Tard^ama wa 'l-haraka
althakafiyya ft 'asr Muhammad 'All, Cairo 1951,
passim, Abu 'l-FutOh Ridwan, Ta'rikh Matba'at
Bulak, Cano 1953, 354-8, Muhammad Ramzi, al-
hamm aldfughraft hi Mad al Misnyya, ii/ 1, Cairo
1954-5, 31 (R.Y. Ebied)

ABU ZAKARIYYA' ax-FARRA' [see al-farra'].
ABU ZAYD U.-KURASHI, Muhammad b. Am
•l-Khattab, adlb of the end of the 3rd/9th or of
the beginning of the 4th/ 10th century, and known

of the

ash'ar al-

'\iab (ed Bulak 1308/1890) No personal deU
about the authoi can be derived from this collection,
and the only ielevant data aie two isnads, one (p. 13)
going back to al-Haytham b 'A.dr (d. ca. 206/821
[qo]) through two intermediaries, and the other
(p 14) going back to Ibn al-A'rabr (d 231/846 [q.v])
thiough one intermediary, these isnads would thus
allow us to date the Djamhata approximately to the
end of the 3rd century The mention (p. 165) of the
SaAaA of al-Djawhari (d ca 398/1107-8 [q.v]) is
probably a reader's note mcoiporated in the text by
a copyist Another problem is raised by the references
to a certain Mufaddal, falsely identified (p. 1) with
al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi (d ca 170/786 [q.v]), for this
cannot be a case here of the authoi of the Mufad-
daliyyilt Biockelmann surmised that Abu Zayd al-
Kurashl and al-Mufaddal might be two pseudonyms
lefemng to Abu Zayd al-Ansan (d 215/831 [q.v])
and to the Kufan anthologist, but this hypothesis
hardly seems tenable A J Arberry, for his part (The
\eoen odes, London 1957, 2i) prudently suggests, but
without insisting upon this, an identification of Abu
Zayd with 'Umai b Shabba (d 2b2/875-6 [q.v]).

After an mtroducUon containing observanons on the
value of poetry tor the philological point ot view and
on Muhammad's inteiest in it, a companson between
the language of the Kur'an and that ot the poets a
ludgment on the merits ot these last and some fiag-
ments attributed to Adam, Satan the angels the d]inn
etc , the Diamhara compnses 49 kasida% wntten by 49
poets of the D/ahiliyya and the beginnings ot Islam
These poems are divided into 7 gioups each of which
should comprise 7 poets, but 'Antara mentioned in the
intioduction as one ot the 7 of the second group fig-
uies in the end (in the printed edn though not in all
the mss ) amongst the authoi s of the mu'allakat so that
this particular gioup compnses 8 poems ind the fol-
lowing one 6 only Abu Zayd chose the following ter-
rmnologv mu'allakat, mu^amharat muntalayat mudhahhabat/

L-kURASHl - \B\AD

mudhbahat mmathi mashubat and mulhamal He ceitamh,

ABYAD Ge

s lacking in any critical spirit but his Djamliara which

21 Ma\ 1951)

piominent

estmg \ -mints and also the ad\antage of grouping togeth-

Egvptian th

ei for the fust time the mu'dlakat [</ 1 ] md of ieflectmg

■\b\ad attempte

he public s tiste at a time when the ma at had gath-

ered togethei a considei lble numbei of pot tic produc

tre of the \oun

lassify those which would ultimateh constitute the Aiabic

lumamties and on the whole the classic ll ideal

Bibho^iaphy Ibn Rashik '1 mda index

turning point i

Baghdad] hliKana ed C aim i 33 F Hommel in

'Abbas II Hilm

■iita du M timqis In/on d,s Orientals 387-

408 Noldeke in ZD\K, xhx 200-3 M Nallino

S\Kun Diiectc

in RSO xm/4 11032) 334-41 Brockclminn S I

his tcachei m

38-1, Bhchcie HLA index A Tiabulsi La ui

hque poetiqut dn iiahe\ Damiscus 1055 28-30 DM

Saiah Bt.nha.

IV 331 (CH PeiXVII

ABU ZAYD al-SIRAFI [see vkhbar \l-sin w \-

eian \iabic wi

ABU ZUR'A

1 jui

M al-'Ir^ki was best known \bu Zui'a th

was bom in Cano on7 Dhu l-Hijja 762/14 Octobe
1361 His mothei was the daughtei ol i Mamluk oil
cci Foi a time his tathei was the kadi of Medm.
Abu Zui'a studied in Cano D imascus Mecca in

He began his careei as > mudarn, teaching hadith m

jui

, In

iro Appointed

summoned b\ Sultan Tat.
Shafi'i grand kadi of Cano— the foiemost judicial
in the Mamluk empiic The stuct and honest
nei in which he dischaiged his functions as clue
istrate won him the enmity of povveiful Mamluk
who piessuied latais successoi Busbav nit
missing him from the oftce in 82V 1421 a
tenuie of baieh fouiteen months Abu An'a d
27 Sha'ban 826/5 August 1423 a few month

s disrr

lampant and when piomi

nuptioi

• high judicnl appointmcn

s had t,

is ordm;

clothe-

and consideiable
*as peisuaded to

ot the office His contempoianes weie unanimous m
the piaise of his chaiactei learning and command ol
the Aiabic language He left a numbei ot woiks on
hadith and junspiudence which weie mostK corn-
subjects and left a compilation of obitunies loi the
\eirs 762-43 AH mow lost) an anthology of inec-
dotes about hypocrites (ifhhai al mudalhunl a com-
mentary on an utd^u^a i\ersihed tiact) on algcbia and
some scatteied \eise

Biblw^raph) Sakhawi al Dau' al /ami' i 336
44 Ibn Taghribndi ISudjum u 514 516 563 578
Suvuti Hum al muhadara fi akhhai \hs, ta 1 hahna
Cairo 1321 n 116 Biockelmann II 66-7 'Unnr
Rida kahhala Wu'diam al mu'alhfin i 270-1

I entitled 77« >
te Nitional T

l these and othei

e ph%. 1h<
nd it joined

t Aribic talking film

hlwznipln alHil

al xx 1 1 \pr

1012)

436-

xi ll Nov 1012)

1 June 1

Muhammid 1

\mui Mu'all

ifal n C

131-40 161-2 .

13 fl 232 3

2s6 11

276-7 285-6 200

a 30 3-4 N

Tht

\iab

, theatn in Zp/rf n

£StUS \ni

1035 6)

178-

Fatima al-i usut Dhibawl Cano

1053 27-31

36-7

Muhammad iu

ah al 'irabi al hadill

ill Nadjm a
Benut 1056

Masialm

245

256

415 446 440-50

) M Landau

Studm

\mb

< theahi and an, ma

Philadelphia

1058 7

-87

.13

: by '

)72i Muhammid Mmdui

<h C mo 1063 40-2 TawfTk al-Hakim

t Cano nd [1064] 140-3 (Italian ti

elfioie La pngfom ddla tila Rome 1

Muhammad Kam ll al-Din

1070 f

! 85 i

j'ld \b\ad D,u,di Ah

in Cano 1070 I atinn Rushdi hifahi ft I

a I umma C mo 1071 28-30 Mahmud I

iyeva, Tisyaca i odin god Arabskogo teyalra, Moscow

1977, 164-8, 171, 177, 200, 209, 228, 262.

(J.M. Landau)

al-ABYARI, Shaykh 'Abd al-HadT Nadja b.
Ridwan b. Nadja b. Muhammad, a leading Egyptian
author and grammarian who was born in
1236/1821 in Abyar in the Gharbiyya province of
Lower Egypt. He was brought up in Abyar where he
received his early education from his father and in
one of the kuttah of the town. He studied at al-Azhar
and later became a teacher there. IsmaTl Pasha en-
trusted him with the instruction of his children, and
TawfTk Pasha appointed him imam and mufti of his
entourage, a post which he held until his death on
18 Dhu 1-Ka'da 1305/28 July 1888. He belonged to
the ShafiT madhhab.

Al-Abyan is credited with the authorship of more
than 40 books on various subjects, including gram-
mar, Islamic mysticism, fikh and hadith. He corre-
sponded with a number of leading scholars, including
Ibrahim al-Ahdab and Nasif al-YazidjT. The collec-
tion of his correspondence with Ibrahim al-Ahdab in
Beirut and with others on literary and Unguis '

, al-\Ya
published in Caii

afi \

l-ahdabm

\ dtspu
een Ahmad Faris al-Shidyak
and Sulayman al-Hann al-TunisF led to an adjudi-
cation of the questions at issue by al-Abyari, which
judgement appeared in print in Cairo in 1279/1862
under the title al-.VadJm al-thakib. A number of his
works remain unpublished.

Bibliography: 'All Pasha Mubarak, al-Khitat
at-taufikiyya al-djadida, viii, Bulak 1305/1888, 29;
E. Zakhkhura, Mi, 'at al-'asi ft ta'rikh wa-rusiim akabir
al-ndjal bi-Mip, i, Cairo 1897, 239-40; Hasan al-
Sandubl, A'yan al-bayan, Cairo 1914, 222-3J; DjurdjT
Zaydan, Tarad^im mashahir al-ihark fi 'l-kam al-tau'
'ashar, ii, Cairo 1903, 144-5; SarkTs, Mu'djam al-
matbu'at al-'arabiyya wa 1-mu'armba, Cairo 1928, 358-
61; al-Ziriklr, al-A'lam, iv, 322-3; Zakr Muhammad
Mudjahid, al-A'lam al-sharkiyyafi 'l-mi'a al-ra'bi'a 'ashra
al-hidfi'ma, ii, Cairo 1950,"l38-9; Kahhala, Mu'§am
al-mu'alhfin, vi, 203-4. (R.Y. Ebied)

ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [see bay'a,
khilafa].

ACCIDENT [see 'arad].
ACQUISITION [see kasb].
ACRIDOIDS [see djarad].
ACROBAT [see djanbaz].
ACT, ACTION [see "amal, fi'l].
ADAGE Jsee mathal].

ADARRAK, the name of a family of Berber
"physicians", whose ancestor, Abu 'Abd Allah
Muhammad (d. 1070/1658-60) left the Sus and set-
tled at Fas; he must have used completely empirical
methods, but nevertheless obtained significant results.
Ibn Shakrun [q.r. in Suppl.] was the pupil of a cer-
tain Ahmad b. Muhammad Adarrak, who was prob-
ably the son of the above-mentioned person, but the
best-known member of the family was this Ahmad's
son, Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ahmad lb.
ca. 1077/1666, d. 28 Safar 1159/22 March 1746),
who was attached to Mawlay IsmaTl (1082-
1139/lb72 1 727 1 \bd al Wahhab had also teceived
a tiaditional education and had a certain talent as
a \ersiher In actuality apart from a lew poems of
an ethico philosophic natuie a lasida in praise of the
saints buried at Meknes ( Manama ji madh >alihi

some pieces having a certain connection with med
icine these comprise first of all r commentary on

the Nuzha of al-Antakf and two urdjuzas, one com-
plementing that of Ibn Sina, the other on the sub-
ject of smallpox (these works apparently lost); then
a kaslda of 31 verses on the fine qualities of mint
(na'na'), which exists in ms. (Rabat D 158 and D
1131; partial tr. in Renaud, Medecine, 104-5; Lakhdar,
189); and finally, an urdjuza of 179 verses on syphilis
(habb al-Ifrandj), based largely on al-Antakfs Nuzha
and on the risala of Ibn Shakrun on sarsaparilla (fi
'l-'ushba al-hindiyva), text published and tr. by Renaud
and Colin, Mai franc, Arabic text 25-32, tr. 81-94.

Another Adarrak called Ahmad is also cited as
physician to Sidi Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah (1171-
1204/1757-90).

Bibliography: Ibn Zaydan, Ithaf a'lam al-nas,
Rabat 1347-52/1929-33, v. 400-7; Kadirl, .Nashr
al-mathSni, lith. Fas 1310, i, 226, ii, 251; Kattam,
Salwat al-anfas, lith. Fas 1316/1898, ii, 34; Akansus,
al-$avsh al-'aramram, lith. Fas 1336/1918, 94 ff.;
Levi-Provencal, Chorfa, 310-11; H.PJ. Renaud,
Medecine el medecins marocaim, in AIEO Alger, iii
(1937), 99-106; idem and G.S. Colin, Document*
marocains pour semir a Vhistoire du "mal franc", Paris
1935, 31-5; M. Lakhdar, La vie litteraue au Maroc,
Rabat 1971, 187-90 and bibl. cited there.

.-'ADAWl, Muhammad Has
and

Mas

(Ed.)

ihaykh of the Ahmadi mosque in Tama, born on 5
Ramadan 1277/18 March 1861 in the village of Bam
'Adi, near Manfalut in the Upper Egyptian province

After the completion of his studies at al-Azhar [q.v.]
in 1305/1887-8, when he was granted the degree of
'alim [see 'ulama'], and a short period of teaching at
that institution, he was appointed Director of al-Azhar
Library which was established and organised at his
initiative. His commitment to the cause of reform in
al-Azhar gave his further career its content and sig-
nificance when, in the various high administrative
offices he held within this institution — the most notable
of which were the offices of mudir al-Azhar and of the
Religious Institutes attached to it, mufattish al-awwal
and wakll al-Azhar — as well as in the period in which
he held the office of ihaykh of the Ahmadr mosque
in Tanta, he was able to give inspiration and direc-
tion to the reformist efforts (cf. Ahmad ShafTk,
MudhakkiratT fi nisf kam, Cairo 1936, ii/2. 137 f„ 140,
182, 233). He continued to do so after his resigna-
tion from all his administrative functions following a
dispute with the Egyptian Sultan Husayn Kamil in
1915 (see 'Abd al-Muta'al al-SaTdT, ' Ta'rikh al-islah fi
'l-Azhar wa-safahat min al-d}ihad fi 'l-iilah, Cairo n.d.,
142 ff.).

From the latter year onwards, he committed him-
self mainly to private teaching and to the writing of
a variety of books and tracts, of which some forty-
were published, largely pertaining to legal issues and
to tamwwuf [q.v.]. He was an active member of the
Sharkawiyya branch of the Khalwatiyya [q.v.] and
among the principal disciples of its founder Ahmad
b. Sharkawi al-KhalifT ( 1 834-98). He died in Muharram
1355/April 1936.

Bibliography In addition to the references in
the aiticle see the biographies by Ilvas Zakhkhura,
Mu at al asr fi ta rikh na rusum akabir ridjal
\l»r Cairo 1897 ii 455 Khavi al-Din al-Ziriklr,
al Mam Cano 1954 9 \i 326 Muhammad
■\bduh al Hidjadji \lm a lam al Sa'id fi 'l-karn al-
rabi ashr al hidjn Cairo 1969 93 112, and Zakr
Muhammad Mudjahid al 4 lam al-sharkiyya fi 'I-

.l-'ADAWI — ADIVAR

e found appended to sevenl of il
citions To thtse must be idded
■ml li nwihyalhat al Djam, al \hmadi

i Tint i

mented b\ him it the Ahmidi mosque when he

Samu alDjanab al Ala al Ml, da\ u ~a~l \lu a~am
Abbas Hilmi al Thani li I Djami ua 1 Ma had al
ihmadi sans li 2 Curo 1312/1913 4 29 t

'ADI b ARTAT 4lF«™ Abu \Uthia otli
nl in the seivite ot the Umiwids who gov
Bis! i between 40/718 md ll)l/7->(l

erned

■canted t.

this

Urair

Although his mothei tongue u is F
Pish twin wis i elided is i mistei ot
lingu igt his wide reiding ind powe
embling him to clothe his ideis in i
stvle Neveitheless ilthough he took nc
in public iffms ind lived in unwoidlv li
show thit he wis well icqunntcd with

he c

ented h

Jipinese \\ n

1 the Gieit \\ ir His enK trigic e\pei
-n him i listing hitred ot British impein
ch no doubt his suppoit toi the knsi
nmed At heirt he wis l fervent nitio
he phced n

pine?

ind w
c He

tided

ibandoned the chs

Abd

people

il Aztzinphceof\izidb

the order to inest ill the sons ot il Muhilhb He

managed to get hold of al Mutiddil Hibib Maiw m

ind \ izid but the httei escaped and ieturned to

the lttick Adi then laised the tioops ot Bisn ind

had a tiench dug iound the town to pi event the

iebels horn bieaking in but these memoes had no

effect In the event \ izid minted to get posses

sion of Basra without much difhc ultv ind oideied

the inest ot Adi who wis killed it \\ isit m 102/

820 1 b\ Mu'awiva b \ izid Theie is first of ill

ittnbuted to this govemoi s name x c mil e\ci\ ited

it Bisi i in ordei to bung i sitistactoiv supplv of

dunking w itei the \ahr Adi ind secondlv m epi

demic which bioke out in 100/ 7 19 the ta tin Adi

Bibliography Djinr Dman 241 Naka id index

Dnhiz Bayan index Ibn Kuti\ba Uaan/ index

Tahan index Biladhun Futiik 77 340 159 300

70 Ibn il Kalbi C iskel Tib 130 and n 118

\a"kubi Hist n 362 370 373 idem Buldan tr

Wiet 04 124 Mubimd hanul index Mis udi

\lumdj v 453 4 457 = ^2206 2209 idem Tanbih

index khatib Bighd idi Ta nlh xn 106 Ibn

al Athn v 31 42 53 64 \ ikut i 641 iv

841 Ibn Abi lHidid MmA i 301 Cietini

Chronogiaphia 1205 1230 1244 124P 1200 S il

Ah in <suma vn (1052) 78 Pell it \hhai index

Zmkli vi h (Ed )

ADIB PiSHAWARl Srnio Ahm\d Peisnn poet

wis bom <« 1P44 in the distnct ot Pishmn (Peshiwn)

in noithwest Indn to i chn ot nomadic «i)«/s who

triced then spintuil line ige back to Shihib al Din

Suhnwaidi While he was still i bov his tathei md

most of his mile iehtives were killed in fighting ignnst

the Bntish government He himselt esc iped to Kibul

ind itter spending several \eus in Gh lzmn Hint

and Turbit i Shavkh Djim settled in Mishhid where

he studied undei i numbei of distinguished divines

Foi two \e lis he wis in Sabziw ir it the It rt of the

fimous Mulla Hidi Sibziwan During his st iv m

Mishhad he bee ime known is Adib i Hindi the

Indnn schohi In 1884 he moved to Tehnn wheie

he spent the iest of his life ind wis honouied bv

Nasn il-Din Shui He died in 1030 His wntings

include i dman of 4 200 Peisnn and 370 Ai ibic

verses i mathna a poem in the mutakanb metie the

A «>><?; nama dedicited to the Geiman Knsei ind

describing the events of the 1914 18 w n two philoso

phica essi\s 1 commentarv on the Ta nUi i Bayhaki

ind in incomplete Persnn ti insi ition ot Avicenms

hitah al hhamt

Bibliography Adib s Dm an w is edited bv Ah
Abd il Risuh Tehnn 1933 His edition ot the
Ta nlh i BayhaLi w is published in Tehnn in 1889

rt t turns in Slid Niffsis edition 3 vols Tehnn
1040 53 The haysai nama Ins nevei been pub
' ' ' " phicil mtoimition "' " '

SuUian.

Ras

Adah,

1933

1950 1 2 J Rvpki Iramsiht 1
Leipzig 1959 156 7 ibid History
atuu Doidiecht 19b8 374 5

Tehn

Alav

I m

Beih:

ung da

964 34 5

(LP Elwell Suttoni

ADIVAR Abd *l H^kk Adnw modem Turkish

Abdulh\k Adn\n Adiwr Turkish author seholai

md politicnn 1 181:2 1955i He was bom in Gelibolu

iGallipohj while his fithei Ahmed Baha l who c ime

thne He studied medicine it the Umveisitv ot 1st mbul

tudent

Upon gi lduation he

louble

tnbuted t.

ith the Himidnn poll

, Dea:

■I the Flcultv e:

Medici

ot Union ind Piogiess iCUP) he contributed sub
stantnllv to le oiganismg the Red Crescent ind the
Depaitment ot Heilth In 1017 he mimed bv pioxv
the piominent wntei klnhde Edib [q ] Elected i
deputv in the post Aimistice Ottomm Pailnment Dr
Adnin (is he wis known until 1040 when he took
famih mine Adiv il i left Istinbul secretlv with his

wife ]

oidei t

and c

;t and deport

bv the Bntish and joined the Nition

in Ankui (Apnl 19201 wheie he sened as Mimstc

of He llth ind of the Intenoi and as Deputv Speakc

of Pailnment Litei he |oined dissident

foimei membeis ot the CUP with whom he found

ed the Piogiessive Republic xn Pun (Ttialhptru,

D,,imhumut Fnlasi [q ]) which repiesented the

mun opposition to Mustifl Kemal Pishi (1924) In

the summer of 192b i Unionist conspiracy to issis

smite Mustita kcmil wis discoveied ind seveial

people were irrcsted Di

his

ADIVAR — AFAWlH

absence as he had been in Europe for some months
Although he was acquitted he and his wife did not
return to Turkey until 1939 Thev lived in England
and later in France where he worked as lecturer at
the Ecole de Langues Onentales \ i\ antes in Pans
together with Jean Denv (1929-39)

When Hasan 'All \udjel (\ucel) the reforming
Minister of Education (1938-4t» decided that a Turkish
edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam should be pub-
lished he appointed Adnan Adivir its thief editor
(1940) the latter orgimsed the secretinat of the Islam
■insiklopedm and successfully launched ind directed it
as in independent deputy (1950-4) He died in Istanbul
on 1 July 1955

Admn Adivars main work is his book on the his-
tory of science in Turkey prepared dunng his exile
m Fnnce La sarnie ihe^ les Turn ottoman-: (Pins 1939)
which he revised ind enlaiged in the second edition
in Turkish Osmanh Turklmnde ihm (Istanbul 1943)
where lor the first time ill the extensive dita on the
subject ne put systematic ally together <\part from an
essay on Faust {Faust tahhl tecrubesi Istanbul 1939) and
a study oi the conflict oi religion and science in his
tory, Tarth boyunca dim r< din (2 vols Istanbul 1944)
his remaining work consists oi essivs and articles on
problems of geneial culture history science and pol-
itics which he published in daily papers some oi these
have been put together in Bilgi Cumhunyeti haberleii
(1945) Dur dusun (1950) and Hakikat pemideh emek
lemeler (1954)

Bibliography lent ufuklar special number August
1955 Halide Edib Adivar Doktor ibdulhak idnan
idnai Istanbul 195b Tahn Alangu 100 unlu Turk
buyugu u Istanbul 1974 1259-65 (Fahir Iz)
'ADJMAN the smallest oi the seven shavkh-
doms oi Trucial 'Uman which now comprise the
United Arab Emirates [al lmarat al'habma al
Muttahida [qi below]) The shavkhdom pioper meas-
ures about 100 square miles in extent and there are
two small enclaves Masfut and Manama in the inte-
rior The total population is around 5 000 The lead-
ing tribal elements are the karatisa Hamirat and Al
Bu Dhanavn sections oi the Al Bu Khurayban branch
of the Na'irn (or Nu'avm) which is ilso to be iound
m the Buravmi Oasis and its vicinity The ruling
shaylh iiom the h.aratisa section is Rashid b Humivd
who succeeded in 1347/1928-9

Throughout the 13th/ 19th century 'Adjman was
little more than a client state of the neighbouring
K.asimi shavkhdom oi Shardja (al-Shanka \qi~\) It
subscribed independently however to the various
engigements concluded between the Trucial Shavkhs
and the Bntish government dunng the century irom
the General Treaty oi Peace in 1235/1820 to the
Exclusive Agreements oi 1309/1892 Eirlv in the
century as a consequence oi Sa'Qdi penetration oi
the area the Al Bu Khuiavban oi 'Adjman like most
oi their fellow Na'im were converted to the Wahhabi

'Adjman s economy until recent years depended
wholly upon fishing and subsistence agncultuie It is
now sustained pnmanlv bv grants fiom the wealthier
members of the UAE notably Abu Dhabi (Zabi) and
bv concessionary payments iiom the Occidental Oil
Companv ior exploratory rights in 'Adjman territory
ind waters (JB Kelli)

ADMIRAL [see kapudan]

ADVENTURER [see kazak]

AFAWlH (pi oi ajuah sing fuh) ire spices
aromatic substances which are added to food
and beverages in order to increase pleasant flavoui

and piomote digestion In geneial they are vegetable
products which are active through their contents of
volatile oils or pungent substances The classification
according to the individual constituents of plants
(fruits and seeds blossoms and buds peel roots

in prictice reihsed anywhere It is possible that Abu
Hamfa al-Dinawan (end 3rd/9th centurv) has this
in mind when he savs that al ajuah fall under vir-
ious classes and tvpes (asnaf ua anna') ind then
quotes a verse eich of Dhu 1-Rumma and of Djamil
[il-'Udhn] iccording to which there is a distinc-
tion between ajiiah al nan? and ajuah al bukul (Kitab
al Nabat The book oj plants pirt oi the monograph
section ed B Lewin Wiesbaden 1974 200 i no
757) An unsystematic list oi iood spices imong
which are included the most common like salt (mdh)
is to be iound in Ibn Kutayba 'Uyun al akhbar in
Cairo 1348/1930 29b-9 under the heading masalih
al ta'am where masalih must have the plain mein-
mg oi spices iood-flavourings In Aiabic the mean-
ing of afauih is not sharply marked off irom 'iti tib
scents and 'akkar (plur 'akakir ukkar) drugs [see
'attar] The lexicographers call al ajuah what is
added to scents and al taiiabil what is added to food
(see Lane s v juh)

Specific monographs on al afauih do not seem to
be known These substances are treated in their appro-
priate places in works on botany phirmacognostics
medicine knowledge of commodities encvclopiedias
and other writings A list which is to i certain extent
representitive ior the 4th/ 10th centurv is to be iound
in il-Mas'udi Murudi i 3b7 containing 25 main
kinds of spices 1 sunbul spikenard 2 karanful clove
3 sandal sindalwood 4 dj.aa^buaaa nutmeg 5 uard
rose b sahkha cassn 7 zamab (meimng doubtiul cf
Meverhof s edition oi Maimomdes Shaih c

ullar

137)

kirfa i

i kind

oi sonchus? cf Ibn al-Baytar al Djami' Bula
tr Lecleic no 1775) 10 kakulla cardamom 11 hbaba
cubeb 12 halbuima small cardamom 13 manshim
carpobalsam 14 Jaghira xanthoxvlum 15 mahlab
moiello 15 uars Flemmingia ihodocarpa 17 kust
costus 18 ajar (al tib) Strombus lentiginosus 19
birank Embeha Ribes 20 dam lentisk gum 21 ladhan
ladanum, 22 may'a aromatic gum oi the stoiax tree
2i kanbil Mallotus philippinensis 24 kasab al dhanra
cahmus 25 ^abada civet — Notable is the iact that
one oi the oldest and most utilised spices peppei (Jul
ful) with its ea 700 different kinds does not appeal

In the section on knowledge oi commodities in his
handbook on mercintile science Shavkh Abu 1-Fadl
Dja'iir al-Dimashki (probablv 6th/ 12th century) enu-
meiates under the term iakat (plur askat strictly
speaking reiuse ) a list oi spices which is quite dii
ierent iiom that of al-Mas'udi (hitab al Mara ila
mahasin al tidfara ilkh Cano 1318/1900 21-4) under
the smill spices (al iakat al saghui he mentions onlv
the rhubarb (ram and) and leaves the others out as
being less impoitant but under the gieat spices
(al sakat al kabir) he ieckons 1 ml indigo 2 bakkam
sapanwood 3 fulfill pepper 4 luban irankmcense 5
mastaka gum mastic b darsini al ta'am food-cinnamon
7 al vellow ginger 8 ^anqjabil ginger 9 zurunbad
ledowary root 10 khulandj_an galingale 11 kust cos-
tus 12 ladhan ladinum 13 iMdaa^at kinds of
mvrobalan (see concerning this list E Wiedemann
iujsatzt zur arahsihen \\ issemihajhgevhahte ed \\
Fischer Hildesheim 1970 n 115 H Ritter m hi
mi [1917] 17 i)

AFAWlH — AFDAL al-DIN TURKA

Scattered or unsystematically-a
the knowledge of spices is to b
expected, in the encyclopaedia;

fum.

ents already

ippear in al-Kh"arazmi's Mafatih al-'i
Vloten, Leiden 1895) under medicam

turn (ed. van
nts (169-80),

irab, the entire twelfth volume of \

n, Nihayat al-
vhich (Cairo

356/1937) is devoted to this subject; sc

ents (tlb), per-

• (bak

kinds

Gali

), perfumes made of
tures (rmdud), distillates (mustaktarat), oils (adhan) and
certain perfumes (naduhat). Among these rubrics we
find also descriptions of some of the spices already
mentioned, such as sandalwood (39-42), spikenard
(43 f.), cloves (45-8), costus (49-51), etc. All this is
mixed up with detailed statements about other mate-
rials which can be counted among spices only with
reservations or in no way at all. As in mediaeval
Europe, ground spices were often adulterated, espe-
cially in times of distress. Here we only recall the
original work of Djawban (ca. 615/1218), Kilab al-
Mukhtarfl kashf al-asrar iva-hatk al-astar, which allegedly
informs traders about deceitful devices in commerce
and trade; it was printed several times in the Orient
and urgently deserves a critical edition Inow in prepa-
ration by S. Wild). The section on adulterations of
spices and perfumes was translated into German by
E. Wiedemann (op. at., i, 1970, 679-82).

Since there is hardly any spice which was not at
the same time used as medicament, it is no wonder
that the most comprehensive material on spices is
to be found in the pharmacopoeias. These are essen-
tially based on the Materia medka (\>h\ iaTpiKiji of
Dioscorides [see diyuskuridis] . This work, translat-
ed into Arabic at an early period, lived on in the
Islamic world in ever-new compilations, expanded by
a great number of drugs which the Arabs had come

rial is to be found on the one hand in pharma-
cognostic and pharmaceutical monographs, the
development of which came to a certain conclusion
with Ibn al-Baytar's great compilation, and on the
other hand in the pharmaceutical sections of com-
pendia on general medicine [see tibb]. It should,
however, be remembered that in these works spices
are entered and described as medicines in the first
place, not as condiments.

Together with cambric textiles, spices were con-
sidered as the most fashionable luxury; both prod-
ones (Mez, Renaissance, 452 ff.J. In Egypt, where for
a long time torn had offered the best chances for

Crusades. In the later Middle Ages, the spice trade,
and the pepper trade in particular, was mainly in
the hands of Egyptians and Venetians. A good sur-
vey on the spice trade under the Ayyubids and
Mamluks is to be found in G. Wiet, Les marchands

henne, serie vii (1955), 81-147, with a rich bibliogra-
phy. However, the author does not deal with particular
spices, but with their general trade. Under the pro-
tection of the sultans this trade was carried out by
important bodies of merchants, who forwarded the
spices from India and South-East Asia to Europe by
way of Egypt through the Red Sea or by way of
Syria through the Persian Gulf. About these trading
companies and their monopoly we have some detailed
information, especially about the wealthy KarimT
[q.P.], who controlled the spice trade between the

Yemen and Egypt. The "spice-wars" with the
European ports in the Mediterranean, started by the
Ayyubids and continued by the Mamluks and the
Ottoman Turks, were waged on both sides with great
ruthlessness. Internal policy was tarried out, just as
rigorously, especially by the Mamluks: in 832/1429
Barsbay founded a state monopoly of pepper and
three years later he forced the wholesale merchants
to buy from him for 80 dinars a himl the pepper
which' they had sold to him earlier for 50 dinars.
Even so, Kansawh al-Ghawri not only maintained
this monopoly system, but imposed additional heavy
taxes on the merchants. Hopes of cutting out Egyptian
middlemen were the decisive inducement for the
Spanish and the Portuguese to search for a direct
sea-route to India; but after the conquest of the
Moluccas in 1607, the Dutch snatched the monop-
oly of the spice trade away from the Portuguese.
Bibliography: W. Heyd. Histmre du commerce du
Levant au Moyen-Age, ii, Leipzig 1886 (new impr.
Amsterdam 1959), 563-676; S.Y. Labib, Handels-
gesclmhte Agyptens im Spatmittelalter [1171-1517),
Wiesbaden 1965 (solid investigation with valuable
evidence, see index); L. Kroeber, ^ui Geschichte,
Heikunft und Physiologic der H'urz- und Duftstoffe, Munich
" " " " ■ " - ■ F ] uck j ger , Pharmakognosie des

nides

ekhes

Berli

with Bibl

/" Ma

958; The legac
at 243; Of the pharma-
tic and medical works, the following selec-
av be mentioned: Ibn Sina, al-Kanunfi 1-tibb,
k 1294, 243-470; Blrum, A! al-Saydala, ed.
Hakim Muh. SaTd, Karachi 1973"; Maimo-
Sharh asma' al-'ukkar. L'n glossaire de mah'ere
nedicale, ed. M. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, index; Ibn

)1, partial tr. L. Leclert in .Koikes et
•tscrits de la Bibliotheque

Paris 1877; :

, 1883.

AFDAL al-DIN TURKA, more frequently referred
to as Kh"adja Afdal-i Sadr, was a famous theolo-
gian in the reign of the Timurid Shahrukh Mirza
[q.f.], and a member of an originally turco-phone
family of Isfahan, whence the appelation Turka. In
845/1441, when Shahrukh appointed his own grand-
son, Muhammad b. Bavsonkor as governor of a part
of Trak-i 'Adjami lal-Djibal), Afdal al-Dln Turka was
among the learned courtiers of this young prince. But
later when, in consequence of Muhammad's revolt,
Shahrukh came to Isfahan, Afdal al-Dln together with
a number of other leading figures, were arrested as
Muhammad's accomplices and put to death by the
order of Shahrukh with no further inquiry (Ramadan
850/November 1446). Afdal al-Dln is responsible for
a partial translation of Shahrastanfs Kitab al-Milal wa
'l-nihal, in which contrary to the original author, he
himself to expose only the h

endea

refute thes.

for Mirza Shahrukh,

the book was dedicated to him. Among other famous
dignitaries of the Turka family we know of another
Afdal al-Din Turka (d. 991/1583), a grandson of our
Kh"adja Afdal al-Dm, and also a famous theologian
of the Safawid period who held for a time the office
of kadi and mudarns, at Kazwln, under the Safawid
Shah Tahmasp I.
Bibliography:

AFDAL al-DIN TURKA — AFLIMUN

Katib, Ta'rikh-i dfadid-i lazd. ed. I. Afshar, Tehran
1966, 241-2; Abu Bakr-i Tihrani, Kitab-i
Diyarbakriyya, ed. Necati Lugal and Faruk Siimer,
Ankara 1962, 285-8; 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkand:,
Matla'-i sa'davn, ii, 1946, 862-3; Hasan-i Rumlu,
Ahsan al-tawarikh, Tehran 1970, 260; Mudarris-i
Khiyabani, Rayhanat al-adab, Tehran 1326/1947,
i, 412-3; Djalalf-yi Na'TnT, ed., Tardjuma-yi al-Milal
wa 1-mhal, Tehran 1335/1956, 34-57 cf. Iskandar
Beg Munshi, 'Alamarayi 'Abbasi, index.

(A.H. Zarrinkoob)
al-'AFIFI, 'Abd al-Wahhab b. 'Abd al-Salam b.
Ahmad b. HidjazI, an Egyptian mystic belonging
to the Shadhiliyya [q.v.] order, after whom one of its
branches is named al-'AiTfryya. He was born in Minyat
'AiTf in the present-day MinOfiyya province in the last
quarter of the 17th century. After a period of study
at al-Azhar under a number of notable scholars like
the Malik! mufti Salim b. Ahmad al-Nafrawi, and
Ahmad b. Mustafa al-Sikandaranl al-Sabbagh, he
taught the SahJh of Muslim at the madrasa al-ashrafiyya
and confined himself to an ascetic way of life based
upon the precepts of the Shadhiliyya order. He had
been initiated into this tanka [//.v.] by the son of the
founder of the Moroccan Tayyibiyya [q.v.], the
Wazzani" shanfi Mawla Ahmad al-Tihami al-Tawwati
(d. 1715), from whom he had also received the khilafa
[q.v.]. In addition he held an idfazat khilafa of the
Khalwatiyya order issued to him by Mustafa Kamal
al-Dm al-Bakri [q.v.].

His contacts with the Mamluk amirs who used to
come and visit him in his house in Kasr al-Shawk
and the generous way in which he gave away to his
muridun most of what was presented to him as pious
donations caused his circle of adepts to increase and

When he died on 12 Safar 1172/15 October 1758
he was buried close to the mosque of Kayit Bay in
a grave which was swept away by a torrent in the
year 1178/1764-5. After this event his body was
re-interred at a much higher site in the same area
where a domed shrine was constructed over his tomb
together with a number of adjacent buildings at the
expense of Muhammad katkhuda Abaza a Mamluk
amu and onetime katkhuda [q i ] of Muhammad Be\
Abu 1 Dhahab [qi] As reported b\ 'Abd al-Rahman
alDjabaitl '4dja ib al athar Bulak 1297 i 220 1 and
i\ 163 the \eirlv mail lid about which he mikes
highh deiogatory lemaiks was not celebi ited until
after this event At the end of the 19th century it
had become one of the larger popular man lids in
Cairo (cf J\\ McPherson The moulids of Egypt Cano
1941 50 174 Murray s Handbook of Eppt 1888 209)
and lasted for eight da\s (cf All Mubarak Uutat \
50 f xvi 73| According to McPherson 174 the
man lid was not celebrated an\ more b\ 1940 but in
the fifties celebiations were held igam (cf Mad}allat
al Islam na I Tasaixixuf i (Cano 1958) no 6 82)

Al'AffiT has left no writings of his own but his
teachings have been summarised bv one of his disci
pies 'Abd al Rahman b Sulayman al Ghuiavm in
Risalat al Sihila and they mirror Shadhili teaching as
formulated by Ahmad Zanuk The latter s ixa^ifa [q i ]
known as Safinat al ^adja [li man ila llah iltaa^a] wis
incorporated into the tanka s liturgy and was adopted
as part of the daily oflue prescribed for the tanka s
members to whom two of al Zanuk s tieatises Risalat
al Usui and Rualat al Vmmahat became standaid read
ing it a latei penod tow aids the end of the 19th

Follow e

if the 'Afffiwa oidei ha\e been cnticised

on various grounds for wearing yellow headgear in
imitation of al-Zubayr b. 'Awwam [q.v.], who, accord-
ing to one tradition, wore a yellow turban on the
day of the battle of Badr. In defence of headgear of
this colour, a small treatise was published by the
order, written by Ibrahim al-SadjInl under the title
al-Aman al-akbar fi 'ayn man ankara libs al-asfar.

Two branches of "the al-'Affiiyya tanka were active
in Egypt in 1958 (cf Muhammad Mahmud 'Alwan,
al-Tasawwuf al-islami, rhalatuhu wa-mabadi'uhu, madivuhu
wa-hadimhu, Cairo 1958, 72, 74).

Bibliography: The biographies by 'Alt Mubarak,
Khitat. xvi, 72 f; al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Kuhin,
Tabakat al-Shddhiliyva al-kubm, Cairo 1347/1928-
9, 157 f; and Muhammad al-Bashir Zafir, al-
laivakit al-thamina fi a'yan 'Slim al-Madina, Cairo
1324-5/1906-7, are essentially reproduced from
'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabarti, 'Adja'ib al-athar, i,
220 f. A short biography may be found in
Muhammad Khalrl al-Muradr, Silk al-durai fi a'yan
al-karn al-thani 'ashar, Istanbul/Bulak 1291-
1301/1874-83. iii, 143 f, which was utilised by
Yusuf b. Isma'Tl al-Nabaham, l^ami' karamat al-
awliya', Cairo 1329/ 1911, ii, 139. On the con-
struction of the mosque of al-'AfTft in the second
half of the 19th century, see 'Alt Mubarak, Klutat,
v, 51. Information about descendants of al-'Afift
and 'ulama' buried in the precincts of the mosque
may be found in Abu '1-Hasan Nur al-Dm 'Air
b. Ahmad al-SakhawT, Tuhfat al-ahbab wa-bughyat
al-tullab fi 'l-khitat wa 'l-mazarat wa 1-taiaqjim 'wa
'l-bika' al-mubaiakat, Cairo 1937, 54. The treatises
by Ahmad al-Zarruk, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Ghuraynl
and Ibrahim al-Sadjini, referred to in this article
were published by 'Afffi al-Wakkad in a collec-
tion under the title Hidayat al-sa'il ila madjmu' al-
tasa'il, Cairo 1316. The order's chain of trans-
mission of the wazifa and the sanad [q.v.], which
are given in the treatise by 'Abd al-Rahman al-
Ghuraynl referred to in this article, figure also in
'Abd al-Kadir Zaki, al-Nqfha al-'aliya ft awiad al-
Shadhiliyya. Cairo 1321, 220 f. (photomechanical
reprint: Tarabulus (Libya) 1971).

practice intended for the members of the 'Afifiyya
order was written by one of its khalifas. Sayyid
'Abd al-Nabi Muhammad Khadir, al-Irshadat al-
dimna, al-Minya n.d. [1970]. Prayer manuals of
al-'A.frfiyya are Fu'ad Ramadan, Maajmu'at ahzab,
Cairo n.d.; and Ahmad Hasan (ed.), Madjmu'at
aixrad wa-ahzab li 'l-sada al-Shadhiliyya, Cairo
1351/1932-3. (F. de Jong)

AFLIMUN, Fulaymun, IflImun, the Greek
ihetoncian and sophist Antonius Polemon (ca. 88-
1 44 AD.) of Laodicea (near modern Defiizli [q.vi] in
western Turkey). He lived most of his life in Smyrna,
and was the author of a book on physiognomy, which
has been preserved, apart from one single Greek quo-
tation, in an Arabic translation only. The translator is
not known. Polemon's book (A) AfUmunfi 'l-firdsa) pres-
ents the characteriological physiognomy, in contrast to
the branch of physiognomy which aims at medical mor-
phoscopy [see firasa]. It was believed that characteri-
ological physiognomy provided an insight into someone's
character by means of a skilful interpretation of his
physical appearance (al-istidlal hi 1-khulk al-zahir 'alii 7-
khulk al-bahn). Polemon's book is divided into 70 chap-
ters. Ch. 1 treats the characteristics of the human eye,
and ch. 2 the characteristics of animals from which,
by analogy, conclusions can be drawn about human
nature; these constitute about half of the book. Then

AFLlMUN — AFRAG

follow chs 3-50 on the deficient paits of the body,
chs 51 -5 on the difkient nations of the world, chs
36-40 on the coloui of the parts oi the bodv, chs
41-8 on the giowth ol han on the parts ot the bod\
<hs fO-50 on the mo\ements of the body chs 51-
66 on se\eial outspoken ehaiactei types, and chs 67-
70 on se\eial other topics connected with foietellmg
someone s destmv The book appeals to be authen-

n the

\ Git

thus mention is made of Oedipus led Hoflmann 111
7), Gyiene (ibid 111 1 H, L\dia and Phrvgia [ibid
139 13| Egypt Macedonia, Phoenu la, Ciliua and
Stvthia (ibid 2 57 14-230, 2l The eves ot the Roman
Empeior Hadnan ot whom Polemon was a tavounte
aie desenbed Itbid 140 4) Pe.lemon's opponent
Favonnus, is onh too well lecogmsable in the anonv-
mousandmalKiousdeseiiptiononp lbl 8fl Allusion

141, 1 fl

Polemon does not give a theoietual mtioduetion
to his method He used matenals fiom the
Physiognomuon of Ps Anstotle and gave his book a

lanes and avoiding a monote.nousK stientifie tieat-
ment ot his sub]ee t (Stegemann 1345-7) Polemon s
name is mentioned bv al-Djahiz id 255/81)8 [,/ e ] i
in his Hmauan, ed 'AM Haiiin, Cane) 1038 m

146 260-75
phvsiognorm

[?']>'

1-Nad

577/087

a Fuasat al hamam (Fihmt, ed Flugel, 314)
Mention of Polemon is also made by Ibn Hazm
I 413/1(122 [,/c]) m his Tcaa al hamama led DK
Petiof Leiden 1014 30) The quotation bv Ibn Hazm
is onl) a faint echo of Polemon ed Hoffmann 160
1-4 An aneedote about Polemon and Hippociates fa
tiude anaehiomsm) in Ps Anstotole, S»; al asiai (cf
ed Foeister n, 187-00) tound its wav into Ibn al-
Kiftr id 646/1248 \qi] u Ta'nUi al Hukama' , ed
Lippeit Leipzig 1003, 01 I 12-02 1 2 and into Ibn
Abr Usavbi'a (d 668/1270 [</<]) '[uin al anba , ed
Muller Komgsbeig 1884 i, 27-8

Polemon s beiok was widelv used and epitomised
\n Arabiused shoit veision is the edition oi MR
al-Tabbakh Aleppo 1020 The charactenstits e>t the
several nations of the Hellenistic world (< tl Hoffman
237-0 ed al-Tabbakh, 4b) aie applied to peoples of
the Islamic woild Anothei shoit version is MS Gotha
85 (5) see bibhogiaphvj, which lacks the specific Gieek
ehaiactenstics but is less adapted to Islamic taste than
the Aleppo version \n evaluation ot the texts wi it-
taken so tai Polemon s book was piobablv a pnmaiv
souice of al-Dimashki (d 727/1527 [</<"] i A al Snasa
fl 'dm alftrasa Id Bioekelmann S II 161) and Ibn
aMktani (d 740/1348 [e/i], 4nis al mdsa fl 'ilm al
Jimsa iMS Pans BN, \iab 27621 Finisa was, and

still v

a popuk

nships and the slave Hade The
■xact impact, diiectlv or indiiectiv, ot Polemon's woik
m the numeious tracts on phvsiognomv of latei times
annot now easilv be discerned

Bibhogiaphi On Polemon in geneial see the
ait Polemon (bv W Stegemanni in Paulv-Wissowa
xxi/2 cols 1320-57 and F Sezgm, GAS, m
352-3 On Polemon's position in the Aiabic fuasa
tiadition seel Fahd U diunation aiabi, Strasbouig
1066, 384-6 and Y Mouiad La /ihuwgnomu
aiabi , Pans 1030, 44-6, with the hteiatuie

cited theie Polemon s book was edited bv G
Hoflmann, in R Foeister Sinptoits phsiognomonui
(naai tl Latim Leipzig 1803 l, 03-204 i= MS Leiden
Or 108 (1)) The onlv Gieek quotation of Polemon
preserved is given in ibid, i p LXXYI A Ps-
Polemome tieatise is mentioned in ibid n 147-60
1= MS Gotha Arab 85 )5i) Othti MSS ot tiea-
tises going undei the name of Polemon aie men-
tioned bv Fahd, op at 384-6, Ullmann M,di Z in
06, Foeistti Sinpt phis, i, p LXXXYII (identical
with Hadjdji Khalifa ed Blugel vn 207 and l?i
with MS Nmuosmamve, Diftn no 2388) and M R
al-Tabbakh in his cdn , mtiod p 2 The Gieek
physiognomic on ascribed to Polemon in idiam tan
ae Histonat Libn Mill, Rome 1545, 11 70-01 is not
authentic as has been demonstiated bv R Foeistei
in Dt Pohmoim Pfnsmgnomonuis dissntatio Kiel 1886,

10 fl Ijj W.TKAM)

AFRAG i^l-Mxnsur^ an 8th/ 14th eentuiv
Mannid ioval camp-town (whence its name),
commanding Ceuta horn the heights west of the penin-
sula on which this old Moi ocean mow Spam-"

c lies

modem

subuiban development in the noith-east the lin
its west wall stops shoit of the Ceuta-Punta Blanc a
oast load iGaneteia de la Plava Btmtez) and fiom
south-west to noith-east the tiapezoid site is bisected
lengthways bv tilt Ganeteia de Ton ones Moie
than half a kilometei of the west wall, including the
original gates Bab Fas,

eis has

influene e
existence to that of Ceuta,

had acquned glowing etc
rtance and become the giea

V thir

ing on e
deallv s

t Isla

; Militanlv

lgly pieeanous foot-hold in
Spam it had ships, haibouis and a seafanng popula-
tion equipped tor wai bv land and sea in good weath-
ei its ships could iapidlv cross to Algetiras
its fortifications weie foimidable and on its land-
ward side impiegnable Howevei because it could
easilv withstand assault and siege from the mainland,
it had long enjoved a piofitable measuie e>i inde-
pendence and at times undei the 'Azafids [</ 1 ] escaped
Mailmd eontiol altogethei \ccoidinglv, when in

lollowed bv internal dissension the Mannid sultan Abu
Sa'rd decided to asseit his authontv there once and
ten all Among measuie s to achieve this end weie deci-
i Subuib \aliabad al

the

midabl

fiom the west and to
to what had doubtless
hei siege camp Like a similai toundation built bv a
dvnastie predecessoi outside Tlemcen it was given the
name al-Mansuia Abu Sa'id is credited with the con-
stitution oi a palace there with ad|acent mosque as
well as othei buildings Most of the wall and foitifi-
cations, howevei, seem to have been the woik of Abu
l-Hasan (031-52/1531-51) In the 0th/ 1 5th e entury
Ahag was legaided as a subuib of Ceuta Much of
the place was still standing in the 18th century

Bib/ioniapln B Pavon Maldonado, irh
hispanomusulman in Ceuta , Tttitan in iuadnnos de
la ilhambia vi (1070), 72-6 JD Latham Tin
stiattgn position and dtftnu of Ctuta in tht latei
Muslim Pawd, in Oiuntaha Hispanua ed JM
Banal, i/l, Leiden 1074, 454 and passim (also

AFRAG — AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI

in hlamn Quarterly xv (1971) 195 7 and pa mm)
al Ansan Ikktiw, at akhbar ed E Levi Provencal
with title Descrip tion musulmane au \i Steele m
Hespms \u (1931) 145 7b ed Ibn Tawit in
Tetuan (1959) ed A Ben Minsour Ribit 1969
passim Spanish tr bv J \alhe Bermejo in 4/
indalus xxvn (1962) 398 442)

(JD LvTH4M)

AGAHI poetical name of Mi hammad Rida Mirab
b Er Nhaz Bek Khiwin histornn poet and
translator born 10 Dhu 1 Ka da 1224/17 December
1809 in the township Kivat nen Khiwa m Kh aiazm

He belonged to Uzbek tribe of "iuz and to in aus
tociatic family whose members weie hereditary mirabs
(in the Khanite of Khiwi there weie four high ofli
uals with the title mirab members of the khan s coun
cil consisting of 34 'amaldan) His uncle wis Shir
Muhammad Mirab with the poetical name Mu nis
[q ] 1 poet trinshtoi and histornn Agahi studied
in a madtasa ind espeuillv undei his uncle whom he
repeatedly calls his ustad After the death of Mu nis
in 1244/1829 he received the title and the post oi
his uncle (Agahi Riyad al daixla MS of the Leningrad
Brinch of the Institute of Oriental Studies oi the
Acidemv of Sciences oi the USSR E 6 i 334a) As
a mirab he supervised the lingation system in the coun
try (1 special interest in irrigation is noticeable in his
histoncal woiki) but also as other high officials he
usually accompanied the khans of Khiwa in their mil
itarv campaigns In 1255/1839 he wis ordeied bv
Allah Kuh Khan to complete the history oi the Khanate
of Khiwa Fndaus al Mai written bv Mums which
had remained unfinished after his deith (see Fndaus
al ikbal MS oi the Leningrad Branch of the Institute
of Oriental Studies C 571 f 445 1 b) Having com
pleted this work carrying it to the deith oi Muhammad
Rahim Khan 1240/1825 Agahi proceeded with sep
ante histones oi Allah Kuh Khin and his successors
thus becoming a kind oi official histonogripher oi the
Khanate of Khiwa (formally such a post did not exist
in the khanate) In 12b8/1851 he resigned from the
post of mirab because of an illness (see his D)ami al
wah'at i sultam MS of the Leningrad Branch oi the
Institute of Oriental Studies E 6 f 488a-b) and ded
lcited all his time to literary woik until his death in
1291/1874 shortly liter the Russian conquest oi Khiwi
(see Muhammad \ usuf Bek Biyani, Shad}ara yi
S w arazmshahi, MS. of the Institute of Oriental Studies
in Tashkent No. 9596, f. 4b).

His literary production in Caghatay was very con-
siderable. Besides the continuation of the Firdaws al-
ikbal of Mu'nis he wrote five other historical works,
continuing one after the other till 1289/1872: (1)
Riyad al-dawla, history of Allah-Kuli Khan (1240-
58/1825-42) and the first two years of the reign of
Rahim-Kuli Khan (1258-9/1843-4); (2) Zybdat al-
tawdrikh, history of Rahim-Kulr Khan (1258-62/1843-
6): (3) J^ami al-waki'at-i sultam, history of Muhammad
Amin Khan (1262-71/1846-55), <Abd Allah Khan
(1271/1855) and Kutlugh Murad Khan (1271-2/1855-
6); (4) Gulshan-i dawlat, history of Sayyid Muhammad
Khan (1272-81/1856-64); and (5) Shahid-i ikbal, his-
tory of the first eight years of the reign of Sayyid
Muhammad Rahim Khan II (1281-9/1864-72).
Except for the Firdaws al-ikbal and the greater part
of the Riyad al-dawla, all of them are contemporary
chronicles arranged in annalistic form, with their
main subdivisions being the years of reign of respec-
tive khans. AgahT's accounts are based on his own
observations as well as reports of other eyewitness-
es, and, in some cases, on official documents. These

chiomcles aie the most outstanding work of late
Cential Asian histonographv in regard to the minute
ness of iccount and the quantitv of facts which thev
comprise (Barthold) His Tuiki diman entitled Tauidh
al ashikm includes munlv gha^ah but ilso kasidas
mathnavii% mukhammasat etc he wrote also some poems
(mostly gha^als) in Persian

Agahi was ilso a piolific translitoi At the begin
ning of his literary cireer he continued the tiansla
tion into Cighitav on the Raadat al saja bv
Miikh ind [qc] begun bv Mums (Agahi translat
ed the second half of vol n vol in and allegedly
vol mi) and later transhted a number of other
Persian woiks Ta nkh i ajahan a usha yi hadin bv
Muhimmid Mahdi Khan Dutra i hadin bv the same
authoi the 3id vol of Raudat al saja yi hasm bv
RidaKuh Khan the Gulistan bv Sa di lumf it a
^ulaykka bv Djami Hajt paykai bv Nizami (i prose
tianslation) Shah ua gada bv Hilah ^ubdat al hikayat
bv Muhimmid Wanth the Kabus noma the ikhlak
i Muhsim bv Husavn KashifT and the Mijtah al tahbin
bv Mahmud Ghizhduwani (cf Storev i/2 973) (theie
exist MSS of ill ibove mentioned tianslations see
Bibhogiaphv) In the preface to his dinar, he men
tions also several other translations mide bv him

rnpts

howe

have

itlv bv Sharif
il Din \azdi] Salaman ua ibtal bv Djami the
Bahamian bv Djami [the memoirs of] WasifT (cf
Storev Biegel 1123 6) Tadhkira yi \lukim hham
Tabakat i Uba, Shah, the Hash! bihisht by Amir
Khusraw ind ilso a tharh to the Data il al khayrat
from Ottoman Turkish

Bibliography \ \ Birtol d htonya kul turnoy
Jiizm Turkestana (1927) in Winemya n/1 285 6
PP Ivinov in Uatenahpo istoru turkmen , Turkmenu
n Moscow Leningrad 1938 23 7 K Mumrov
Agahi [in Uzbek] Tashkent 1959 idem Munis
igahi ua Bayanimng tarikh, atharlan [in Uzbek]
Tashkent 1961 R Midjidi Agahi linkasi [in Uzbek]
Tashkent 1963 J Eckmann in Philologiae tuiacae
jundanunta n 389 90 H F Hoiman Turkish
literature section m Utrecht 1969 i/2 48 52 (with
additional reieiences) On the MSS of his ongi
nal historical works see besides the above men
tioned souices L\ Dmitnve\a it alu Opuamye
tyurkskikh rukopuey Instituta narodov -Lzn i Moscow
1965, 106-18 (Nos. 97, 98, 100-2, 105-7, 110);
Sobraniye vostocnikh rukopisey Akademii nauk Uzbekskoy
SSR, Tashkent, i, 83-4, vii, 33-7. The MS. in the
Istanbul University Library TY 82 (the only one
known outside the Soviet Union) contains Firdaws
al-ikbal, Riyad al-dawla and 2jibdat al-lawankh.
Russian translations of extracts from historical
works: V.V. Bartol'd (1910), in Socineniya, ii/2, 400-
13 (epitomised translation from Shahid-i ikbal);
Material! po istorii karakalpakov, Moscow-Leningrad
1935, 125-43; Maknali po istorii turkmen i Turkmenii,
ii, Moscow-Leningrad 1938, 384-638. MSS. of the
dlwan: see Sobraniye vostocnikh rukopisey Akademii nauk
Uzbekskoy SSR, vii, 128-9; separate poems: see ibid.,
ii, 358, v, 125, vii, index. The Diwan was pub-
lished lithographically in Khiwa in 1300/1882 and
1323/1905 and in modern Cyrillic transcription in
1960 in Tashkent (partial edition only) On the
MSS. of his translations of Persian historical works
see Storey-Bregel, 374, 375, 479, 910, 913, Sobraniye
ukopisey Akademii nauk Uzbekskoy SSR, i

, 107, •

Breg

AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI (1879-1935), the

AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI — AHMAD al-HIBA

was Agha Muhammad Shah and Hashar his takhallus,
while his nisba alludes to the country of origin of his
father. The latter came from Kashmir, and settled in
Benares as a merchant. Here Agha Hashar was born
and educated, until in 1897 he ran away from home
and made for Bombay. He feared his father's wrath
for his misuse of money entrusted to him; and his
appetite for the new Urdu drama form, which was
flourishing in Bombay, had been whetted by

of a

theati

compan

. He

jrked a

playwright for various companies in Be
sequently in several provincial cz
Hyderabad and Madras, writing os
Many of them were extremely succes
him a fine reputation, and also com

i, however, he quickly dissipated. He later worked

in film:

and «

field. 1

r Lahore

language raised it to its highest point. The form was
hardly challenged until after the 1939-45 War.
Common elements in the form were: the use of poetry
and rhymed prose, often rhetorical to the point of

the main one, as in Shakespeare; and historical or
heroic themes, based on either Islamic and Indian
stories or Shakespeare and other English dramatists,
whose plays were freely adapted, with changes in loca-
tions and names of characters. Social themes were
also employed. Violence and death were common on
stage, as in Sohrab-o-Rmtum 11929, publ. Lahore 1959):
yet adaptations of Shakespeare's tragedies might be
given happy endings — thus Safed Khwun (1907, publ.
Lahore 19.54), based on King Lear.

Bibliography: For accounts of earlier Urdu
drama, see Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu lit-
erature, London 1964, 393-9; Ram Babu Saksena,
History of Urdu literature, Allahabad 1927, 346-67;
J.A. Haywood, Urdu drama — origins and early develop-
ment, in Iran and Islam — in memory oj lladimir Minorsh,
ed. C.E. Bosworth, Edinburgh 1971, 293-302;
Accounts of Agha Hashar and his dramatic art are
to be found in Wakkar 'Azlm, Agha Hashar aivr un
ke drarne. Lahore 1956; and idem, Urdu drama —
ta'nkh-o-tankid, Lahore 1957. For the texts of the
plays, those published by Urdu Markaz, Lahore,
are recommended. Other and earlier editions are

published in the author's lifetime without his author-
ity. They differ substantially from Agha Hashar's
manuscripts, many of which are in the Nawab of
RampQr's library. Of the Urdu Markaz series, apart
from the two mentioned in the text, the following
may be noted: Sard-i-haws based on Shakespeare's
King John (19.54);" Asir-i-hirs, based on Sheridan's
Pizam, (1954); Khwubsurat bald (1954); and Pallia pivdr
or Balwa mangal (19.55). (J.A. Haywood!

AGHAOGHLU, Ahmed (originally Ahmed
Acjjayef, later Achaoghlu Ahmed and after 1934
Ahmet Agaoglu), Turkish writer and journalist (1869-
1939). Born in Shusha, a town in the Karabagh [q.v]
region of Adharbaydjan, he was educated in his home
town and Tiflis (Tbilisi) and later studied political
science in Paris. In 1894 he returned home, where
he collaborated with progressive and nationalist intel-
lectuals like Husayn-Zade 'Air, Isma'Tl Gaspirali
(Gasprinski) [a.r.] and 'All Merdan Topnbashi and
contributed to various papers. After the restoration

of the Constitution in Turkey in 1908, he went to
Istanbul, joined the Committee of Union and
Progress (CUP) and became a leader writer of the
French daily Jeune tun. Together with Diya Gokalp,
Yusuf Akcura and Mehmed Emm (Yurdakul) he

ment [Turkaduk) which developed, with the founda-
tion in June 1911 of the nationalist association
Turkish Hearth [Turk Odjaghi ) and its organ Turk
yurdu, into an influential current in Turkish intel-
lectual life after 1912. In 1913 Aghaoghlu was
appointed professor of Turkish history in Istanbul

ous papers. Elected deputy to Parliament and a
member of the executive board lMerkez-i 'Umiimi) of
the CUP, in 1917 he accompanied the Turkish expe-
ditionary force to the Caucasus as a political offi-
cer. On his return to Istanbul he was arrested by
the British and exiled to Malta with other leading
CUP members. Freed from Malta in July 1921, he
joined the Nationalists in Ankara and was appoint-
ed director general of the Press. Elected to the
Grand National Assembly, he contributed at the
same time to the semi-official daily Hakimiyyet-i mil-
liyye and taught at the newly-established Faculty of
Law in Ankara. He was one of the founders of the
short-lived Liberal Party [Serbest Firka) of August 1930
and following its abolition in November of the sam

tired f

politi,

, the

Istanbul Faculty o

He died in Istanbul on 19 May 1939.

Essentially a journalist and politician, Aghaoghlu is
the author of the following major works: (1) Uc
medenirtct ("Three civilisations") Istanbul 1927, 2nd ed,
in Roman script Uc medeniyet, Istanbul 1972; i2) Serbest

1930; (3i Dei-let ve fert ("State and individual"); and
posthumously, (4) Serbest Firka hatiralan ("Reminiscences
of the Liberal Party"). Istanbul 1949. Aghaoghlu's
innumerable articles published in various dailies have
not been published in book form.

Bibliography: Samet Agaoglu (his son), Babamdan
liatnalar, Istanbul 1940 (contains the author's reminis-
cences of his father, Aghaoghlu's own incomplete
memoirs and impressions of a number of writers
on A.A.J; idem, Babamin arkadaslan 1 ("My father's
friends"), Istanbul 1969. (Fahjr Iz)

AGRICULTURE [see filaha].
AGUEDAL [see agdal].
AHABISH [see habash, habasha].
al-AHDAB [see ibrahIm al-ahdab].
AHMAD al-HIBA, a religious leader of
southern Morocco, and ephemeral pretender to
the Sharifian throne, known above all as al-Hiba. He
was born in Ramadan 1293 or 1294/September-
October 1876 or 1877, the fourth son of the famous
Shaykh Ma' al-'Aynayn [q.v.]. He was brought up
and educated in his father's bosom, and his natural
talents and temperament gave his teachers high lit-
erary hopes of him.

When his father died at Tiznit in Shawwal
1 328/November 1910, he succeeded him at the head
of the muridun of the order and was then at the peak
of his responsibilities. However, when there was
announced the signing of the Protectorate Treaty
between France and sultan Mawlay al-Hafiz [q.v.], fol-
lowed by the rumour of the latter's death and of the
murder of the 'ulama' of Fas by the French, he pro-
claimed himself sultan, organised his own makhzan [q.i\]
and launched throughout the Sus, and then through
all Morocco, appeals for resistance. Soon the tribes of

AHMAD al-HIBA — AHMAD b

the South (except for the ports) rallied to him, and

Mawlay Yusuf [q.v] could arrive, he appointed fresh
officials with high responsibilities in the regions which
had recognised him. He then used the way via TTzf
n'Ma'shQ and followed the road to Marrakesh in an
imperial procession. When he arrived before the south-
ern capital, he met with hostility from the high polit-
ical leaders, but was received with joy by the people
of the Hawz [q.v.]. The new sultan entered Marrakesh
on Sunday, 5 Ramadan 1330/18 August 1912, occu-
pied the kasaba and installed himself in the palace of
the 'Alawis. He had to face grave troubles immedi-
ately. Profiting by the great unrest which had seized
people's hearts and minds, the 'asakir troops, the float-
ing population of the city and the hungry hordes which
had followed the new amir from Taroudannt, launched
themselves into sacking the shops and imposing all

Al-Hiba had secured the handing-over to himself
of the few French residents, including the vice-consul
of France, who had attempted to flee the city. In an
endeavour to save their lives, Gen. Lyautey's troops
got the ordei to go b\ fenced marches to Manakesh
Ahmad al-Hiba sent out to conhont them about 5 000
men, who were crushed on b Septembei at Sidi Bu
'Uthman b\ Col Mangin s column m every wa\

In front of the tapid French adsance al-Hiba and
his remaining suppoi ters the blue men quickl\ e\ ac-
uated the cit\ which the\ had occupied thiee weeks
presioush and fled into the Atlas puisued b\ all those
who has suffered tiom their extortions and insolent
behauoui Col Mangin entered Manakesh on 7
September 1912 with an enthusiastic welcome from
the Jewish commumtv the majoirtv of the Muslim
population sullen and silent Sultan Mawla \usuf was
then proclaimed in an atmospheie of geneial relief
b\ the great religious and political leaders of the cit\
and of the sunounding region wearied b\ the dis-
orders and insecurity

Al-Hiba withdiew hist of all to base whence he
ieigned ovei the Sus o\er nearl\ eight months
aftei having refused nomination as the sultan s khalifa
o\ei all the south of Morocco He was then expelled
from his capital b\ the Shantian mahallas [q , ] sent
against him fiom Manakesh and finall\ continual-
1\ defeated but ilwavs iemaining proud he died at
Tizmt in digmtv on 18 oi 24 Ramadan 1W/17 or
23 June 1919

Bibliography Ladie\t de Licharnere Giandtui
et decadence de Mohammad al-Hiba in Bulhtm de la
Societi de Geographic d'Alger et de I'Afriqui du \W (1912)
No. 65; 'Abbas b. Ibrahim al-Marrakushi all'lam
bi-man halla Marrakush, i, Fas 1355/1936, 289-303
Gen. Lyautey, Rapport general sur la situation du
Protectorat du Maroc du 31 Jmlkt 1914 Rabat ND
13-15; F. Weisgerber, Au semi du Uawi modtmt
Rabat 1947, chs. xxii-xxiv; G. Deseidun Manakeih
des origines a 1912, Rabat 1959 l 548-9 MM
al-Susi, al-Ma'sul, Rabat 1380/1960 i\ 101-246
(very full and lively account of the pietender and
his adventures). (G De\erdunj

AHMAD b. ISA b. Zayd b. 'Ali b al-Husv>n
b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, .Abu 'Abd Allah Zavdi leadei
and scholar; was born on 2 Muharram 157/22
November 773 in Kufa. His father Tsa b Za\d
who was supported by many Zaydis as their candi-
date for the imamate, had gone into hiding in the
houses of the Kufan Zaydi traditionist al-Hasan b
Salih b. Hayy [q.v.] after the failure of the revolt of

Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah [q.v.] in 145/762-3. After the
death of his father in 166/783 and of al-Hasan in
167/783-4, Ahmad and his brother Zayd were brought
to the caliph al-Mahdr, who took charge of their
upbringing. He permitted them to reside in Medina,
where Zayd died. Ahmad remained there until he
was denounced to the caliph Harun al-Rashrd, it being
alleged that the Zaydis were gathering around him.
On the order of the caliph, he and another 'Alid, al-
Kasim b. 'All b. 'Uraar, were brought to Baghdad
and put under the custody of al-Fadl b. al-Rabf .
They escaped, however, and Ahmad b. Tsa, accord-
ing to al-Safadi, led a revolt in 'Abbadan in 185/801,
but soon fled and went into hiding in Basra. This
date for Ahmad's escape and concealment would agree
well with the report of al-Tabari (iii, 651) that
Thumama b. Asbras was imprisoned by Harun in
186/802 "because he had been lying in the matter
of Ahmad b. Tsa" and the report of al-Djahshiyari
{al-wuzara\ ed. Mustafa al-Sakka', Cairo 1357/1938,
243) that the Barmakid Yahya b. Khalid, when he
fell into disgrace in the same year, was accused of
having sent 70,000 dinars to Ahmad in Basra. Al-
Ya'kubi's account (Ta'nkh 512) that Ahmad was seized
and imprisoned in al-Rafika in 188-804 appears mis-
taken and the date ma> iefer meieh to the capture

Ahmad reported in the same account According to
one report \hmad was discoveied in Kufa in the
time of the caliph al-Mutawakkil but left free because

■ blind

i on 2i Ran

fan 247/1

Lake his father Ahmad was consideied b\ mam
Kufan Zavdis as the most suitable candidate foi the
linimate though he lefused after his initial failuie to
become invohed in an\ i e\ olutionarv activity He was
also accepted b\ his followers as an authoritative teacher
in iehgious matteis His doctnne was collected b\ some
Zavdi transmitters who had access to him in partic
ulai b\ the toiemost Kufan Zavdi scholai of the
3rd/9th century Muhammad b Mansur al-Muiadi (d
ta 290/903) whose K \mati ihmad b 'ha (with iddi-
tions fiom the tiansmission of other Za\di authorities)
is extant in manuscript His fikh doctrine was based
primarily on the traditions transmitted b\ Abu Khalid
il-Wasiti from Zayd b 'All [qi] and b\ Abu 1-Djarud
fiom Muhimmad al-Bakii though he occasionally also
idled on other ti iditions or taught on his own luthor-
it\ He thus represented a more stneth Zaydi (Djaiudi)
outlook consideung onl\ the hadith of the ihl al Batt

dance with the view of the Batuwa [qi] accepted
the hadith tiansmitted b\ the Muslim community at
laige Concerning the imamate howesei he stood
close to the Batnyya apparently admitting the legiti-
mac\ oi the caliphate of Abu Bakr and 'Umar In
theology he upheld the majoiitv views of the earl\
Kufan Zavdiwa He suppoi ted piedestmation and the
cieation of the acts of men b\ God versus human
free will held the Muslim sinner to be an unbehc\-
ei b\ ingiatitude (kafir m'ma) though not a polytheist
[muihnk), and iefused to take a definite position con-
In the first of these doctrines he sharph differed from
his contempoiary al-Kasim b Ibiahim [?i] whose
positions were closer to Mu'tazih views

His iehgious doctrine became one of the four
madhhabs to which the Kufan Zavdis adheied in the
4th/llth centun Some Za\dis are said to have
iestncted the imamate to his descendants His popu-

IS\ — \HMAD-I RUMI

larrtv anion? the Shr'a is alio i diet ted l>\ the fact
that the leadet ot the Zand} tebelhon [see '\li B

his giandson

Bibliagraph \bu 1-Faiadj al-Isfahanl Makatil
alTalibmin, ed \hmad Sakr C aim 1368/1440
420-5, 614-27 al-Tanukhf al Farad} ba'd al shidda
Canol«7/l')58 l 120 t \\>u Nu<a\m al-Isfahanl
Dhikr akhba) Isfahan ed S Dedenng Leiden 1031
i 80 (the account seems to rest at least parttallv
on a contusion with anothei <\lid) al Safadr (7/
Uuju mi ed Ihsarr <\bbas Wiesbaden 1069 271
t Ibn 'Inaba 'bmdal al tahb ed Muh Hasan \1
al-Tahqam al-Nadjat 1380/1 Obi 288-00 \\
Madelung Da Imam al Qiisirn ibn Ibrahim Bcilm
1065 80-3 and index ii \hmad b Tsa b Zaid

(\\ MADELUNG)

AHMAD b MUHAMMAD or IVUhmud called
Mu'In \l-FukarV Tiansoxaman authoi of an
important work on the lelrgious leadeis and saints ot
Bukhaia the hitah I UuIIazada oi Kitab i Ma'arat I
Bukhara in which the cemetenes of the utv and then

m the book is 814/1411-12 the author must have
h\ed in the reigns of Timui and Shah-Rukh [see
timurids] From the numbei ol extant manuscripts
the work was obvrouslv popular m Central \sia
Extiacts from it were hrst given bv Barthold Turkman
i ipokhu Unngohkago nuihntnya l, Ttkih 166-72 and
a hthogiaph appealed at New Bukhara m 1322/1004
Of secondary source;, see Baithold, Turktstan En?
tr 58, Storev, i 05 3, O Pntsak 1/ 1 Buihan m hi,
vxx 11052) 05-6 (the critical text oi the K i UuIIazada
mentioned heie as being in pieparation as a Gottnigcn
thesis nevei in (act matenalisedl

Bibliography Given in the aiticle iEd )

AHMAD B MUHAMMAD ^l-BARKI [see u.-
b,rkI, in Suppl]

AHMAD PASHA KUfiUK ( the small ) d 1046/
1636 Ottoman mrlrtarv commandei who took
a piominent part in the revrval ol the Ottoman
empne undei Muiad I\ 1 1033-40/1623-401 Of
\lbanran orrgm he began as a soldiei and be< amc
commandant of the Tuikmen troops He became gov-
einor of Damascus tor the hrst time in 1038/1620
but was soon tec ailed b\ the Porte to become gov-
ernor of Kutahva The sultan then chained him with
suppressmg the ie\olt of Il\as Pasha who was rav-
aging \natoIia and he raprdlv aehreved success here
and brought the rebel back a pusoner to Istanbul
(1042/1632) He then became governor of Damascus
agam, with the < harge of pacrf\mg the Diuzc toun-
tr\, and whilst passing through the region of \leppo
suppiessed the endemic state of revolt of the nomads

built in Damascus in the fust half of the 17th c en-
tun (it is known toda\ as the mosque of al-'Assall)
The pacification of Lebanon was hardlv finished
when he ]oined the foices campaigning against Peisia
as commandei of the Ottoman vanguard and he dis-
tinguished himself above all at the time of the great
battle ot Tabriz In the following vear Murad I\
tntiusted to him the defence ot al-Mawsil wheie he
found a glonous death m battle against the Peisian
tioops (20 Rabf II 1046/21 Septembei 1636) He

It seems that during his Lebanese expedition ■Vhmad
Pasha showed his ustnl sevent\ so much so that
umembiance of the \eai of Kucuk' lemained
stamped on the populai memorv in Mount Lebanon
Indeed, the Porte did not hesitate on futuie occasions
inotabh m 1214/1700) to lemind the Diuzes ot this
harshness The terrible legacv ol feai left behind in
the local consciousness is probabb, the origin ot the
Lebanese legend ot Kucuk \hmad Pasha is rep-
resented as a polished tiaitoi who engineered the rum
ot lus benefactor and then seized his possessions The
legend i elates m eflect that ■Mimad Pasha was an
orphan bi ought up bv Fakhi al-Dm II who appoinred
him tax-collectoi tor southern Lebanon but since he
committed v inous financial defalcations he had to
leave his service and then sought Fakhr al-Din s imn
b\ accusing him at the Porte of wanting to make
himself independent toi which he was rew aided bv
the wealth ol the Ma'ns

Bihtm!>,ul>h\ There is a long fanlv confused
biographv in Muhibbr, Khulasat al athar Cairo 1862
i 385-8 who togethei with SamT Bev \Kamus al
a'lam Istanbul 1888 i 707) emphasises hrs courage
and ficlehu to Murad I\ Extracts horn the text
ot the (i akfma ot Ahmad Pasha are m the Zahrrrwa
at Damascus, No 8518 (hrstorvl contarnrng m par-
ticular the description of Fakhr al-Drn s possessrons
see \ \bdel Nour Etudi sm dun mtn d, uaq)-. du
\\I it du \UI wdn dis uilauh di Damai it di
Stnda, Sor bonne thesis 1076 For a detarled account
ol \hmad Pashas death see Na'iraa Ta rikh
Istanbul 1866 rn 201-2 On hrs official career, see
\on Hammer Hntnut Parrs 1838 rx 275-6 On
the vear of Kucuk see Chebli, Fakhi al Din II
Ua'n Beirut 10 36 186 IT One ot the oldest ver-

i Tsa al-MaTut Ta'nkh al ami) Fakhi al Dm

al Ua'm

AHMAD-I RUMI 1

who lived and worked r
8th/ 14th centurv Little
that he travelled from
pleaching

L NOUR)

Ahmad Pasha easilv managed to mastei the lev ok
of Fakhr al-Dm II [qi], whom he took captrve
(1043/1633-4) \s a reward tor hrs manv servrces
Murad I\ appomted him to the vizierate wrth three
/ugAs and bestowed upon hrm, bv a fitmtin ot
1046/1636 the whole of Fakhr al-Dln's wealth whrch
mcluded numeious buildings in Savda, one of which
was the khan for rice in the quarter near the port in
the northwestern sector of the town (and not the khan each ch
of the French as often stated, including b\ P Schwarz tatron e
in EI' art sidoM \hmad Pasha used these revenues tron I,
for a uakf rn favour of the Holv C rtres rn Arabra and a class
a tekini whrch he had built in the southern part ot wrthout
Damascus outstde the Bab \llah on the prlgnmage I commer

esrdents

He h

been

rectlv rdentilted b\ Blochet as Ahmad b Muhammad
RumF al-Hanaff (Hadjdjr Khalrta rv 582i arrd bv
Massrgnon as Sultan-r Walads grandson \hmad Pasha
Ahmad s most popular work the Daka'ik al haka'ik
ts drvrded rn 80 chapters each openrng wrth an tna
or hadith whrch serves as a starting potnt for the dis-
cussion of some aspect ot Sufi doctrine Mawlana
Djalal al-Dm Rrrnn [</;] rs quoted frequentlv, and
each chapter rs concluded bv a short inathnaa I rn imi-
tation of Mawlana Lrke hrs later srmrlar c omposr-
tron I mm a/ Kitab (727/1327) rt rs a first mstance of
cxpoundrng Mawlana s teachmgs

f the Math

would

AHMAD-I RUMl -

more practical turn in al Daka'ik ft I tank a lengthy
mathnaui in 12 chapters on the relation between munhid
and mund Although Ahmad describes himself as a
follower of Mawlana from his exposition of Sufi
pra\is he does not appear as a Mawlawi in the strut
sense of the woid Rathei Ahmad s works indicate
that Sufi life in the 8th/ 14th centurv did not ha\e
to be organised along the formal lines of the later
gieat oideis

One instance of lyrical poetrv ( 1 ghtKal) occurs in
a Mathnawi manuscript in Edinbuigh Hukk Fthe
Robertson Dtariptiu catalog no 281)

Bibliography ACM Hamtr in unknoun

\ lav. lam poet Ihmad i Runu in Studia Iranua m

(1974) 229-49 (ACM BUmer)

AHMADI a town about 30 years old some 20

km south of Kuwayt City Dining the early days of

exploration for oil in Kuwavt the Kuwait Oil

Company (KOC ) then owned in equal shares by the

Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (later lenamed British

Petroleum) and by the Gulf Oil Corpoiation of the

United States established its base t imp at Magwa

(al-Makwa) not tai north-west of the ndge known as

Dhahr (al-Zahr) which with an elev Uion of la 120

In 1350/1938 KOC discovered oil south of the ridge
at Burgan (Burkan) destined to become one of the
largest oil field;, in the world The involvement of
Britain and later the United States in the Second
World War delayed the first export of oil until
1305/1940 KOC gradualh moved its field head-
quarteis to the deseit area of the ndge which was
renamed Ahmadi (in Arabic tl- Ahmadi) in honour ol
Shaykh Ahmad Al Djabn VI Sabah then the Ruler
of Kuwayt Oil from Burgan and other fields includ-
ing one called Ahmadi is brought to a tank farm on
the ndge whence it flows by giavity to the nearby
toast for shipment from the teiminal of Mina' al-
Ahmadi The company built at Ahmadi a planned
community with many amenities designed especially
tot the comfort and pleasure of the expatuate staff
(Bntish Americans etc ) With the passage of time
Kuwaytis in increasing numbeis received the training
necessarv to quahfv them for highei positions in the
company The government also inaugurated and
expanded in stages its participation in the ownership
of KOC, culminating in a complete takeover in
1394/1975 with the original owners being letained
to lend a hand in the operations The town and the
indigenous parts of the state have thus moved towards
full integration

Ahmadi town is also the seat of the Ahmadi
Governoiate tmuhafa^a) \s Kuwayt endeavours to
diversify its economy in order to escape undue depend-
ence on the export of oil and natural gas emphasis
is placed on industrialisation The laigest industrial
aiea in the state is now Shuaiba (al-Shu'ayba) on the
toast of the Governoiate south of Mina' al Ahmadi
with huge plants for generating electncitv distilling
sea watei, and manufacturing petrochemicals

Bibliography In addition to the general bibli-
ography for kuwvrr i,ee al'Arabi Kuwayt Shawwal
1395 and Rabi" II 1390 Uaajallat Duasat al Rhalidj
Kuwayt Radjab 1390 77k hunaiti Digest Kuwayt
Jan -Sept 1970 (G Rent7

al-AHMAR [see uu l-h^n ^l-ahm^r in
Suppl ]

AHMED, FAKIH oi Ahmed Fvkih early An-
atolian Turkish poet whose identity and date are
controversial He is accepted to be the author of the

< arkh namt a poem of about eightv couplets in kasida
form which is found in the \laajma' al na^a'ir com-
piled in the early lbth centurv by Hadjdji Kemal
of Egirdir It was first published by M Fu'ad
Koprulu as a specimen of early 13th century Tuikish
verse Unatolischt Dithler in da Stldschuktn at u \hmtd
Fakih inAC>4 n (1920) 20-38) Mecdut Mansuroglu
who edits d the work in transcription, modified the
text of the 10th century manuscript adapting it to
the linguistic characteristics of the 13th centuiy
Recent research by T Gandjei [\otts on the attribu
twn and dak of tht ' ( arhnama in 'btudi preottomam e
Ottoman! itti del Comegno di \apoli Naples 197b 101-
4| shows that there has been a confusion among
several Fakih Ahmeds and Ahmed Fakihs mentioned
in the souices and that the (arkh namt attubuted
to one of these cannot linguistically be dated ear-
hei than the late 14th century The (arkh namt
which is written in the literary language of early
Anatolian (Ottoman) Tuikish iepeats some of the
leitmotin of diwan poetry life is short all the signs
indicate that the end is near none even prophets
and kings tan escape death consider the day of
Judgement and repent etc (Foi a paraphrase in
modern Turkish and evaluation of the poem see
Fahir Iz Eski tuik edebiyatmda na-im n Istanbul 1907
Introduction!

Bibliography A Bombaci Slorta delta letttiatura

tuna Milan 1909 270 (Fahir Iz)

AHRAR Kh \di\ 'Ub«d Allah b M^hmid

N^sir al-Din 800-95/ 1404-90) a shaykh of the

Nakshbandi older undei whose auspices it became

firmly rooted in Central Asia and spread also to

elfective ruler of much of Transoxama for foui
decades He was born in Ramadan 800/March 1404
in the village of Baghistan neai Tashkent into a
family already renowned for its religious and schol-
arly interests It was his mateinal uncle Ibrahim
Shashi who fust assumed the task of educating him
and who sent him to pursue his studies in Samarkand
Because of illness and lack of inclination on his part
Ahiai soon abandoned his studies in Samarkand

more than two pages of Arabic grammai
Throughout his life indeed he manifested a ceitain
disdain for foimal religious learning assigning moie
importance to the enactment of the Shan'a and the
practise of Sufism At the age of 24 Ahrai went to
Herat and it was evidently there that his active
inteiest m Sufism was awakened He associated with
numeious shaykhi of the city without howevei offei-
ing his foimal allegiance to any of them The mas-
ter to whom he gave his devotion was instead ra'kOb
Carkhi (d 851/1447) one of the pnncipal succes-
sor of Baha' al-Din Nakshband eponymous founder
of the Nakshbandi order who had left Bukhara aftei
the death of his master to settle fust in Badakhshan
and then m the remote province of Caghamyan
Ahrai had already had some dealings in Samarkand
with another Nakshbandi shaykh Kh adja Hasan
'Attai son-in-law of Baha' al-Din Nakshband but
'Attai had seen little sign in him of spiritual talent
and advised him instead to learn the martial arts
Returning fiom Caghamyan to Tashkent in about
835/1431 Ahrai established himself as chief Sufi
shaykh of the city

855/1451 when he extended to the Timund prince
Abu Sa'id assistance that proved decisive in enabling
him to capture the Timund capital of Samarkand

it found ii

liographies

Ahrar, Abu Sa'Id, defeated in
'Abd Allah Mirza, fled northward to Tashkent, and
in the course of his flight dreamed of the celebrated
saint, Ahmad Yasawi [g.v.]. YasawT introduced him

gle. Describing the figure he had dreamed of to the
people of Tashkent, Abu SaTd was told that it was
none other than Klfadja 'Ubayd .Allah Ahrar. Ahrar
was at the time absent from Tashkent, and it was at
the small town of Parkent (Farkat) outside the city
that Abu SaTd went to meet him. Ahrar consented

enforce the Shari'a and to alleviate the lot of the peo-
ple. In the ensuing battle, 'Abd Allah Mirza was
defeated, and Abu SaTd entered Samarkand, soon to
be followed by Ahrar. Abu SaTd's battle against 'Abd
.Allah Mirza had been won, in reality, bv his Uzbek
auxiliaries, commanded by Abu '1-Khayr Khan; it is
said that thev had intervened at the request of Ahrar,
but this is uncertain. In any event, Abu SaTd felt
himself to be in the debt of Ahrar and even, accord-
ing to the chronicler 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkand!,
"regarded himself as being under his orders". Ahrar 's
domination of Samarkand became complete in 81)1/
1457 when Abu SaTd transferred his capital to Herat.
It survived the death of that prince in 874/1409, this
death occurring in the course of a disastrous cam-
paign undertaken with Ahrar's ad\ice; Abu SaTd's
son. Sultan Ahmad, proved even more devoted to
than his' father had been.

Then
conque

of Samarkand in 855/1451,

influe

organise

f the

858/1454; his success in 865/1460 in persuading Abu
SaTd to abolish the tamgha in Bukhara and Samar-
kand, and to promise the abolition of it and all
other non-skar'i imposts throughout his realm; his medi-
ation between Abu SaTd and a rebellious prince,
Muhammad Djukl, at Shahrukhiyya in the years
865/1461 and 867/1463; and his arbitration of three
conflicting claims for the possession of Tashkent in
890/1485.

Ahrar expounded the reasons for his political activ-
ity in a number of explicit utterances, which make
it clear that he sought ascendancy over rulers in
" >n of

the Shm

the u

. He

lying:

. Hen

ransgres:

pen the people and their ruling lords
checking violence and oppression,
lelpless, and have no recourse against

t God's

the people" (Mir 'Abd ;
ms. Institut Vostokovedeniya, Uzbek Academy o
Sciences, Tashkent 3735, f. 131b). His sense of polit
ical mission is also apparent from the following utter
ance: "if we acted only as shaykh in this age, n<
other shaykh would find a murld. But another tasl
has been assigned to us, to protect the Muslims Iron
the evil of oppressors, and for the sake of this w<
must traffic with kings and conquer their souls, thu
achieving the purpose of the Muslims" (Fakhr al
Din 'Alf SaiT, Rashahat 'am al-hayat, Tashken
1329/1911, 3151.

In fulfilling this role, Ahrar was aided bv the

which

perm

ted him

lofai
to bestc

wealth,
and char-

propen

lay, indeed, have been the largest landowner in
Transoxania of his time. Documents survive indi-
cating that he owned 30 orchards, 64 villages with
their surrounding lands and irrigation canals, and
scores of commercial establishments and artisan work-
shops in different cities (O.D. Cekhovic, SamaikaiMie
dokiimenti XV-XV1 w., Moscow 1974). Some of this
worked partly by slaves of Indian origin,
used for the upkeep of NakshbandT khanakahs,
but it is evident that in many cases the purchase
of land by Kh"adja Ahrar was purely nominal; the
property remained in the effective ownership of the
sellers, who benefited from the security and pres-
tige bestowed by the name of Ahrar.

In addition to thus establishing, in his own per-
son, NakshbandT supremacy in Transoxania, Ahrar
extended the influence of tlie order to other regions.
One of his principal followers, Muhammad Kadi,
travelled to the Mughal rulers of Farghana and
obtained their adhesion to the NakshbandT order,

both spiritual and temporal rule by NakshbandT
W'ddjas in Eastern Turkestan (see Muhammad
Haydar Dughlat, Ta'nkJi-i Rashidl, ms. British
Museum or. 157, f. 67b). Others undertook to trav-

of example we can mention Mawlana 'All Kurd!
of KazwTn and Shaykh 'Ayan Kazarum. who intro-
duced the Nakshbandiyya to western and southern
Iran before it was swept away by the Safavids
(Muhammad b. Husayn b. 'Alid Allah KazwinT,
Sihil-nama-yi M" Sdjagan-i Xakshband, ms. Istanbul,
Laleli 1381, f. 13a. FT. 10a-14a of this work con-
tain a complete list of the muilds of Ahra

nifica

of the

NakshbandT order to Turkey by ;
Ahrar, Molla 'Abd Allah Ilahr, since whose time
the NakshbandT order has maintained an uninter-
rupted presence among the Turks (see Kasim Kufrah,
Molla Ilahi ve kendisinden somaki Xakjbendire muhiti,
in Tuik Dili ve Edebiyati Deigisi, iii [October 1948],
129-51).

Ahrar died in Rabf al-Awwal 895 /February 1490,
and a decade later Tmiurid rule in Transoxania came
to an end. Muhammad Shaybam, the Uzbek con-
queror of Transoxania, showed himself hostile to the
sons of Ahrar, confiscating much of the property they
had inherited from their father, and putting to death
Kh u adja Muhammad Yahya, his second and favourite
son. However, Muhammad ShaybanT's nephew,
'Ubayd Allah Khan, restored the major part of their
lands and took pride in the coincidence of his name
with that of the great Ahrar. In general, the posthu-
mous repute and influence of the kit' adja were great,
and the various branches of the NakshbandT order
that descended from him played a major role in the
history of Central Asia down to the Russian conquest.
Bibliography: Materials on the life of Ahrar
are unusually copious. A complete bibliography-
is given in Hamid Algar, The origins of the Naqsh-
bandi ordei, ii (forthcoming], which contains a full
discussion of the career of Ahrar. Here the fol-
lowing primary sources— all of them in
Persian— will be mentioned: Mir 'Abd al-Awwal
NishapurT, Mawiu'St, ms. Institut Vostokovedeniya,
Uzbek Academy of Sciences, Tashkent 3735; Fakhr
al-Din 'AIT Salt, Rashahat 'ayn al-hayat, Tashkent

Muhammad Kadi,

nslatio

ATSHA KANDISHA

330 and Miivhm Shavkh Manahb i Kh adja
hrar ms Institut \ ostokovedemya Uzbek
cademy oi Sciences Tashkent 4730 There is
i \hrar in most of the Timund chron

220 (

Masa

and i

long e

f him i

\bd i

Rahman Djami s \afahat al uns pp 406 13 of the
edition published in Tehran in 13ab/1957 bv
Mahdi Tawhidipui) Most hter manuals of
Nakshbandi biography ilso contain accounts of
Ahnr geneially based on the Rashahat see for
example Muhammad Amin ll Kuidi al Maaahib
al iarmadnta fi manahb al \akshbandma Cano
1329/1911 155 72 \verse to formal learning
Ahrai did not leave minv writings there survive
fiom him however a comment uy on a quatrain
of obscuie meaning attributed
\bi 1 khayr Sharh i haura tua (
Zhukovskn as an appendix t
Muhammad b alMunavvwars
Petersbuig 1899 489 93 1

i Saic

tied Risa/a >

d Faiar,

d be fo

and Soviet collections the (ormer has been trans
lated into both Ottoman and C aghatiy Turkish)
Some oi his correspondence has also been pre
served m Soviet collections paitry in autogiaph
see ioi example ms Institut \ ostokovedemva
Tajik \cademy oi Sciences Dushanbe 548 The
blanches ot the Nakshbindivva descending from
Kh idja \hrir are enumeiated in karrnl al Din
alHann Tihan uasa ll al haka ik ms Istanbul
Ibiahim Efendi fl a4a 41b Scholarlv writing
is been do

tnelv in Russi

made

the

page

devoted to \hrar in \ \ Bartold s c lug
■o mma reprinted in Soarurma Moscow
(2) 121 4 205 17 Eng tr \ ind T
.\ in Foui studits on the luston of Central
Leiden 1958 117 18 lbb 77 ind a num

onomic aspects oi \hiai

Ma aanmilhi

metk

i o

hhodjia i/hi

Uhku I biks

ll PoetS

hi Tashken

25 49 7 \

Kutba

i alujmkh

Khodja ilh

pot

mko

Tashkent U

97(

ad OD C

Samarl andsl it

Dokum

nt,

Moscow

(FRv

1948

1974

oflicial

AHRUN (\hrun) b
piesbvtei and phvsuiin who lived in Al
probabK in the 7 th centurv ind belong
Paulus oi \igina to the last gieat medical
pioduced b\ the Alexindnan School A satin
ot al Hakam b \bdal [q ] in which a tr
of \bd al-Mahk b Bishi b Maiwan governor a
Basra is advised to hive the ofiensive smell of his
breath ind nose cuied b\ Ahiun before presenting
himself to the amir (Dj ihrz Haymian i Cano 1949
50 247 14 = 249 8 = 250 2 Ibn Kutavba I tun
Cairo 19j0 iv b2 -ighani Cano 1928 n 424) pos
siblv offers a terminus post qutm toi the period in
which \hiun lived 'Abd al Malik b Bishr was gov
ernoi under i azid II m 102/720 1 iTaban n 1433

143b)

\hiun (piobablv =
nedical compendiui
insisting of 30 boo

App <c

gedK c

josios [Tht Chronograph of

Bar Htbratus ti Budge

ilso M Meverhoi in hi vi

lated the w

al Kunnash and to have added two more books The
miormation on this piocedure is however defective
and inconsistent [see Fihnst 297 Ibn Djuldjul Tubal at
ed F Sawid bl kiiti Hulama ed Lippert 80
Ibn \bi Usaybi a Lyunalanba i 109 Said Tabalat
ed Cheikho 88 Barhebraeus Duual ed Silham
157) The data are the more unceitam because it is
not known when Masai djuwayh was living \ccoiding
to Ibn Djuldjul he is said to have translated \hrun s
work under the caliphs Mam m (b4 5/b84 5) or 'Umar
b Abd al 'Aziz b Marwan (99 101/717 20) accord
ing to otheis he belongs to the 2nd/8th or 3rd/9th
century

In anv case the Kunnash must have been highlv
ippieciated [Kunnash fadil afdal al kanarush al kadima
Kiiti Hulama 324) although it was verv badlv
ananged and diflicult to consult even ior special
ists according to the judgement oi Abu Sihl Bishi
b lakub al Sidjzi i4th/10th centurv) Foi exam
pie the twentv kinds oi headaches (suda c ) are said
to ha\e been brought together in one place while
their causes symptoms and treatments aie discussed
separately m vanous places The subject matter could
thus onlv be mastered bv lengthv leadings (see
Dietnch Mtduinalia arabica Gottingen 19bb \iabic
text b ft I M Madjusi (Kitab al Malah i Bulak
1294 4 f) remaiks that the woik is bad and with
out value especially for those who had not lead
Hunavn b Ishiks translation— which thus also did

rved in complete

The Kunnash h is
nanuscnpt 1

V quot

in al Razi s Haul Thev have been bi ought
together bv Ullmann Dn \hdion im Islam 88 1
ind bv Sezgm G4S m 167 i Thev can certainlv
be enlaiged thiough systematic reseaich see eg
Maimonides Sharh asma al ukl ar ed Meveihoi
Cano 1940 no 247 Ibn al Khitib Kitab amal man
iabb h man habb ed Mana C \ azquez de Benito
Salamanca 1972 89 lj> 135 140 \ judgment
on the woik will onlv be permitted attei all the
quotations attainable have been compiled svstemat
lcillv with the greatest possible completeness Razi
more than once quotes an abstract from the Kunnash
under the title al Fa ll It could not be verified
whether the al iduiia al katila mentioned bv S
Munadjdjid in RI\U v 1 19591 278 is indeed a
work oi \hrun but Munadjdjid considers the attn
bution as doubttul

Bibliography -aven in the aiticle See furthei

Ullmann and Sezgin and foi the older literature

L Lecleic Histoire d, la mtduint arabi i 187b

77 81 _ \\ Dietrich)

'A'ISHA KANDISHA a female spi.it diver

selv letened to as a d^innnta la temale djirmi [qi])

an afnta [see ifrit] or a ghula [see ghul] bv the

peoples ot northern Morocco Uestermarck classi

lies her as one ot the individual spirits whose

chai ictenstits are moie explicitly elaborated than

those of the run oi the mill djinn \lthough there is

some difteience of belief in hei attnbutes A isha

Kandisha is said generally to appeal as either a

wondrous beauty oi an old wnnkled hag with elon

gated nipples pendulous bieists and long finger

In h

aamfest'

ss She it thought to be
and quick-tempered —
strike those who have

offended her Hei

ATSHA KANDISHA — AKA KHAN KIRMANl

ned t.

-he is

into her

\is_hi kandisha i
less elaborated dimm
the eirth or undei i

toi ,1 she is
claim that

1\ ledress is to

to the Peisnn newsp ipei

such is the Uhtar ol Istmbul

betoie giving

md Milkam khms Afl

nm published m London H(

1 w is one ol the outspoken

opponents ol the 1890 Pe,s,m

an led to i tn

md to live m

the Sh ih ind his sh irp

ntKism ol Nisir J Din nude

e Moroccm lit

tht httei so mgr\ tint

while kicking tht ground

The Himidishi

md ( hewing his lips

le Sh,h slid \n\ont who

estiblishes (oirespondenc

with \kikhm 1 willdemol

ol Sidi \li h

ish his house enei his

heid \\ ilm Diwhtibidi

Hamdush one of th< saints whom the\ \enei ite
the Djebel Zirhun This giotto is visited b\ \
kmdishis followers especi ilh bv women who
anxious lor (hildien oi loi lehet horn menstiu il c la:
ind othei gv n lecological ( ompl nnts Su< h wot
sme ii henm on then uling bock ind nuke i pr
lse [ ai [q in Suppl]) to sacrifice i ( hicken oi (
1 of their compl unt Dunng

1 pilgnn

the gi

Han

wild t

ind (

Vishi Kandi

with other lem lie spirits in Noith \lri( a ind t
Middle East Westeimatik his lehted her woiship
that ol \stnte The H imadisha cl urn tint she w
bi ought north horn the Sudan b\ one of then sain
Sidi \hmid Dghughi

Bihhoyapfa E\ Westermank Ritual and bit
in Mnmuo I ondon 192b \ Ciapmzino 1
Hamadsha a study in \lowuan it/mopnihiatn Beiktl
197a idem Mnhnmnud and Da un in \ C i ipanzii
ind \ Gamson leds i Case studits in spirit pa s.
sion New_ioik 1177 \ Crvpanzanoi

AKA KHAN KIRMANl Mirzv '\bu \l Husn
) known as Ba!dsin (ta 1270 1 314/185j %i

model

ladith

linker

ithemat

familv ol Kiimtn H,
entuie 1 si mm histor
logic nituril philosoph

filh

md !

r the

1 Istahin

the

is Mulh Djifir Hidjdji \ki Sadik md Smid
Djawid kiibahi He ilso le irned some raiglish
Fieiuh Tuikish and Old and Middle Peisnn In
12<W1880 he assumed i position in the kirm m
Revenue Ofhte \lter ippioximiUlv time veils how
e\er he suddenh ibindoned his job md sec nth lett

operite with the Nasii alDawh the oppiessive gov

e Shih

■.up hea

IDj m

il Dm

•Ugh mi md he
ultima ol Ink Beciust ot these inti Sh m u mints
the Iiinim government uigcd the Tuikish authontie
to txtriditc \ki khan and his close issoe i .t. s t.
Inn This development coincided with the 1893-
\imeman tiniest in Tuikev md \k , KJim w,

ment w is then toie made th it Tuikev should txih ingi
\ki khm and his fnends toi the lebtlhous -Xmieman

n had fl

a the

N isir il Din Sh Ui
\lgham Mirzi Rid i kiimim this incident "expe
dited the piocess of \kt khm s e\ti idition Fin ilh
in Salar 1 314/Julv 18% \k i khm togethei with
two h lends Ruhi md Hisin Khm khibu il Mulk
ueie beheided in Tabnz while Muhmimid \h

\ki khan has been letogmsed as i distinguished

intellectual c ilibre thin othei contempoiaiies suth is
Malkam khm Uhund Z ida ind Mustashu ilDiwh
Tabuzi loi one thing Ins linguistic abilitv piovaded

sotnl political and philosophic, il thought Despite his
he was inti religious md quite

hostile to nnm ti
\ka khm and 1.

night Bib

icted

tud\ Fir nth
undei the Jesuits Bee mse ol tht trouble that
Nasn ilDiwh cieated loi him he togethei with
close fnend Sh evkh \hm id Ruhi went to Tc.hr in
m 1303/188a but he could not st i\ theie lo, the
same re ison He md Ruhi theiefoie iltei spending
a lew months m Mashh id proceeded to Istmbul
tow aids the end of 1303/188b Soon tfterwnds thev
both went to Cyprus ind euh man led i daughtei

ind consideied ill iehgious sects to be useless [Fuidun
\dimivvit \ndishahan Mi, a Ua hhan himiam
lehian 1%7 Mil In his thinking lit wis influenced
b\ Euiopem thinkeis suth as \ oltaue Spentei
Roussem Montesquieu and Guizot

ton, ind suggested i new methodologv loi Peisnn

. silvei md gold whii.li lie the means of txchmge
ne [ibid 2a7 8)

Bibho^apln \k i khm knmini Hasht

\KA KH\N KIRMXNI — \K \ NADJAFI

(1924) 406 12 idem 4 ma yi sikandan [Tankh I
Iran) Tehian 190b Abdul Hadi Ham Europtan
and Asian influences on the Persian Rtiolutwn of 190b
in Asian Affairs N S vi (June 1975) 155 b4

Tht

■ea oj c

1 Persi,

, the 1906 R,i
VII Kongrtsscs fur Arabistik und Islamuissenschaft
Gottm^en 1 1 bis 22 August 1974 Gottingen
1976 189 207 Fmdun \damiv\at Ideuluji yi
nahdat i mashrutiyyat l Tehian 1976 idem Fikr
i dimukrasm idjtima'i dat nahdat i mashrutiyyat i Iran
Tehran 1975 idem Sih maktub i Mir^a Fath Ah
sih maktub la sad khataba )i \lir a Aka Khan in
Yaghma xix (19b6) 362 7 425 8 idem Andishaha
yi Mir^a Fath 'All Akhund Zada Tehran 1970 M
Mu'in Farhangi jarsi v Tehian 1966 under
"Aka Khan Muhammad Taki Malik al Shu'ara
Bahai Sabkshinasi m Tehran 1958 Ahmad
Kasrawi Ta nkh i mashruta yi Iran Tehian 1965
Mahdi Malik Zada Ta nkh i mkilab i mashrutiyyat
i ban i Tehran 1949 Nazim al Islam Kirmani
Ta nkh i Bidan u Iiamyan l/l 3 and Mukaddima
Tehran 1967 Nikki R keddie Th, origins ij th,
religious radical alliance in Iran in Past & Presint A
Journal oj Histoncal Studies xxxiv (1966) 70 80

iv/4 (1962) 265 95 idem Rthgion and rebellion in
Iran th Tobacco Protest oj 1891 1892 London
1966 EG Biowne Press and poetry oj modern Persia
Cambridge 1914 idem 77k Persian Rtiolutwn of
1901 1909 Cambndge 1910 idem Materials for
tht study oj tht Babi religion Cambndge 1918 Nasr
Allah Fathi Ta'nkh i shanjirnan i Iran kitabi ki
muntasab k Mir^a Aka Khan Kmnam ast in

Main ii/9(1967) 33 7 IsmtilRain Andaman
ha yi sun dar mkilab i mashrutiyyat i Iran Tehran
1966 Khinbaba Mushar Uu allifin i kutub i capi
yi farsi la Arab: ill Tehian 1962 nos 754 b
Hamid Algar Mir^a Malkum Khan a biographual
study oj Iranian modernism Berkele\ 1973 BastanT
Parizi Talash i ma'ash Tehran 1968 khan Malik
Sasani Siyasatgaran 1 daura yi Kaajar l Tehran
1959 Mi Amin al Dawla Khatirat i siyasi Tehran
1962 Muhammad kazwim Wafayat i mu'a inn
in lad^ar in/10 (1947) 12 25 Said NafTsi Duktur
'Ah Akbar Khan \ajisi \a^im al Atibba in lad^ar
11/4(1946) 52 60 J Moner Sar^asht i Ha^di
Baba vi hjaham tr Mirza Habib Isfahani
Calcutta 1924 Mangol Bavat Phihpp Tht ton
cepts oj reh^im and gnernment in the thought oj
Mir a Aqa Khan Kirmani a mnettenth century
Persian re olutionary in IJUES v (1974) 381 400
Muhammad Gulbun \ladjara yi katl i Mir^a Aka
Khan Kirmani Shaykh Ahmad Ruht la Mir a Hasan
Khan Khabir al \lulk in laghma xxiv/4 (1971)
See also azadi in Suppl

I Abdul Hadi Haiei)

AKA NADIAFI rUDjoji Shaikh Muhammad

Taki Isfahani (1845 1931) membei of a sen pow

erfullv established clencal famih of Isfahan and him

self an influential and wealthy religious authontv in

pora

such

Mir.

Has

Shu

father

erful

also a powf
Nadjaf and studied jikh and usul under Shit:
others Aftei his fathers death in 1883 \ka NadjafT
was widely recognised as a leligious leader in Isfahan
he led the prayers in congiegation in the Shah
mosque and peifoimed judicial duties at home
Despite the governmental injunction he went as fai
as to execute the judgements which he himself passed
on crul and criminal cases Man\ books on pia\ers
ethics jikh and othei Islamic subjects have been
ascnbed to him and weie published at his own
expense but it is believed that the\ were not in
realm written bv himself (Mahdi Bamdad Sharh r
hall ndjal i Iran in Tehian 1968 327) Since he
was a wealthv landowner he naturally had much
in common with the feudal governor of Isfahan Zill
al Sultan thev often worked together although at
times this co opeiation was replaced b\ hostility
conspnacv and struggle

\ka Nadjafl has been held responsible for two
major disorders in Isfahan and \azd in which many
people were murdered on the accusations of Babism
and lrieligiositv once in 1890 and another time in
1902 both of which resulted in \ka NadjafTs ban
ishment to Tehian He along with many other peo
pie protested against the Tobacco Concession of 1890
being givtn to a Bntish company he also favouied
the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1906 In both
cases \ka NadjafT appears less as a genuine lover of
freedom than as an opportunist who hoped to inciease
his piestige wealth and influence in the light of those

wealth Ua Nadjafl declared as unbelievers and even
at times had murdered those who opposed him or
who weie critical of him iMahdi Malik Zada Ta nkh i
mkilab i mashrutmat i Iran i Tehran 1949 16b) More
over b\ 1911 Aka Nadjafl and his sons hxd made
a volte face and wished to place then extensive landed
piopertv under foreign protection (Cd 5b5b Persia
No 1 (1911) G Baiclav to E Grev Feb 2s 1911
London 1911 CHI p 30;

Bibliography \bdul Hadi Hani Shi ism and ton
stitutwnahsm in Iran a study oj the role played by the
Pirsian residents of Iraq in Iranian politics Leiden 1977
idem Why did the I lama participate in the Persian
reiolution if 1905 1909> in It I xvn (197b) 127 54
Hasan Djabni Ansan Ta nkh i Isfahan la Ray la
hamayi&ahan Tehian 1943 \gha Buzurg Tihruii
Tabakat a lam al Shi'a i Nadjaf 1954 \ahva
Dawlatabadi Ta nkh i mu'asir ya hayat i lahya l
Tehian 1957 Ahmad Kasrawi Ta'nkh i masjiruta
yi Iran Tehian 1965 idem Ta nkh i hidjdahsala yi
Adharbaydjan Tehran 1961 Nur Allah Damshwar
•Alawi Tankh i mashruta yi Iran a djunbish i
uatanparastan i Isfahan la Bakhtiyan Tehian 1956
Nazim al Islam Knmam Ta nkh i bidan yi Iramyan
Intiod i n Tehran 1967 1970 Muhammad Hasan
Khan I'timad al Saltana Rujiama yi khatirat Tehran
1971 Abd al Samad khal atban Sharh i mukh
tasar i ^indigam yi sipahsalar i A'^am Muhammad It ah
Tunukabum Tehran 1949 Ahmad Tafnshi

Hus

i Ruoia

akhbar ,

Ruyc

mmad Kazim khurasam [q I ] Aka NidjafT
was not known as being devoted to the welfare and
prospentv of the Muslims in general and the Iranians
in paititulai Rather he has often been leferred to
as a gram hoardei a venal power hungrv iehgious
leadei a usuiper of other people s property and an
unjust judge After his pnmarv education undei his

< Tehran 1972 ;
nd np GR Garthwaite Vie Bakhtiyan Khans
tht goiemment of ban and tht Bntish 1846 1911 in
IJMES m (1972) 24-44 Abbas Mirza Mulkara
Sharh i hal Tehran 1946 Abd Allah MustawfT
Sharh i _indigam yi man i Tehran n d Muhammad
'Mi Say\ah Khatirat i Haa^d} Sayyah ya daura yi
khaufva iiahshat Tehran 1967 Mahdikuh Hidavat
Khatirat ta khatarat Tehran 1965 Mas'ud Mirza

AKA NADJAFI — AKHBAR al-SIN v

Zill al-Sultan, Ta'nkh-i sarguzasht-i Mas'udi, Tehran
1907; Muhammad Hirz al-Din, Met an] al-r'ugal, ii,
Nadjaf 1964; <AlT Wa'iz Khiyabani, Kitab-i 'ulamu-
'i mu'Siiim, Tehran 1946; Muhammad 'All
Mudarris, Ravhanat al-adab, i, lii, 1967; Husayn
Sa'adat Nun, ^// al-Sultan, Tehran 1968; Hamid
Algar, Religion and state in Iran 1785-191)6: the ink
of the Ulama in the Qajai period, Berkeley 1969; E.G.
Browne, The Persian revolution of 1905-1909,
Cambridge 1910; Firuz Kazemzadeh, Russia and
Britain inPeisia, 1864-1914, New Haven 1968; Nikki
R. Keddie, Religion and rebellion in Iran: the tobaeeo
pwtcst of 1891-1892, London 1966; A.K..S. Lambton,
Persian political societies 1906-11, in St. Antony's Papers.
No. 16, London 1963, 41-89.

AKAGUNDUZ, Turkish writer and novelist (1886-
19581 whose original name was Husayn 'Awm. In
his writings he used the pen-name Ems 'Awm which
he later changed to Akagunduz. The son of an army

Salonica, and was educated at the Kuleli military
high school and the War College IMekteb, haibivre),
which he left because of ill health, being sent to
Paris for treatment where, for three years, he attend-
ed the courses of the Academy of Fine Arts and the
Faculty of Law. Back in Salonica, he volunteered
for the Action Army [Haieket oldusu) which was sent
to quell the mutiny of 13 April 1909 ij 1 / Mart wak'asi\
in Istanbul. He was active as a journalist until 1919,
when, because of his enthusiastic support of the
Nationalists in Anatolia, he was arrested by the British
and deported to Malta. Freed b\ the Nationalist gov-
ernment, he settled in Ankara 'where he combined
the functions of a Member of Parliament with his
career as a writer. He died in Ankara on 7 November
1958.

Akagunduz started his career in Salonica in close
relationship with his friend 'Omer Seyf el-Din, as a
poet, short story writer and playwright. But he is pri-

e thunderbolt", 1934), !

located imusha). As regards ownership of the fore-
lore and new land formed by natural processes, this

Bibliography: Mustafa Ahmad al-Zarka', al-
and bihliography~there cited; for examples of how

• R.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Yoi

Leiden

1976.

.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Yoin

AKBAR b. AWRANGZlB, Mughal prince

mother dying when he was an infant, he was

affectionately brought up by Awrangzib [//.;'.

ihadji, the Maratha ruler 1 1680-9i, and thci
vhere he died in 1116/1704; until
Awrangzib continued to feel some anxiety

tngzflj

Bibliotiiaphy. Muhammad Hashim KhalT Khan,
Munlakhah al-lubdb. ii, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1860-74;
Ard-dasht of Shahzada Muhammad Akbar to the
Emperor Awrangzib, Royal Asiatic Society London,
MS. No. 173;' Adab-i ''alam«iu, numerous mss.;
see V.J.A. Fl>nn, Adab-i 'alamgm, an English tians-

Ph.D. t

i Nat:

Urn

1974, i

AKHBAR al-SIN wa l-HIND, the

China and India which have, for v;

); Uve

I "The- :

mother", 1933) and Yayla kirj i"The girl of the pi;
1940). Akagundliz'.s unsophisticated novels and shorl
stories, written in an unpolished style with no claim
to literary value, which were immensely popular in
the 20s and early 30s, treat, with a certain elemenl
of realism, mainly of sentimental or tragic theme.'
among ordinary people.

Bibliography: feni yayinlar, February 196C
(complete list of works; Behcet Necatigil, Edebmt-
tinuzda isunlei sozlugu\ Istanbul 1975.'

'AKAR (A.I, a legal term denoting "immovable
property", such as houses, shops and land, as opposed
to ma I mankul ("movable property"). As .such, 'akd:
is identical with "realty" or "real property". All
property which is 'akar is non-fungible (klim), bul

■tkar is deemed also to be the ,

>s Ind,

1 de la Chun

11, which was in its turn translated into English and
tion regarding the origin of the text, Renaudot was

the copy made bv the translator himself i was sub-
sequently found in the Bibliotheque Rovale and print-
ed through the good offices of Langles; it was,

years later, accompanied b\ a new annotated trans-
lation and an introduction, under the title Relations
des voyages Jaits par les Aiabes et Its Peisam dans llnde
el Chine dans le IX' sihle de I'm ihietienne (Paris 1845,
2 vols.). In 1922 G. Ferrand produced a neu trans-

l-HIND — AKHBARIYYA

Zmd Hasan ( trs 916) as vol vn ot the (lassi/uts de
lOmnt Finally in 1948 J Sauvaget publish d in
Pans the text a translation of and a laush lorn
mentirv on no I is Ahbai as Sin ») 1 Hmd Relation
di la Chmt et de I Indi reditu en 8j1

Independenth of the reactions provoked b\
Reniudot s version (see Sauvaget p xvi) the anon\m
it\ of the first ot these narratives his given rise to
discussions and hypotheses Quitiemeie in 74(1839)
22 5) thought rather unwiseh to attnbute it to al
Mas udi [qi] Remand on the basis of the name
ot Sulavman al Tadjn which is quoted in the text

s> 12 of the Sauvaget edition) thought tint this hst
wis the author G Feinnd adopting this point of
view entitled his woik lotaoi du maithand arabt
Sulaiman and \ Mmoiskv Hudud al alam index) is
seen to follow him deliberately in speaking onlv ot

Suhvmin the Merchant It is true tint these
authois can chim support irom in important author
itv since Ibn il Fakih reters Buldan 1 1 tr H Masse
14) to Suhvman il Tidjir in i context other thin
the narntrve in which his mmt appened Howevei
H \.ule {Catha-i and tht tay thithtr London 18bb pp
cncm) ind ifter him P Pelhot (in 7 ' ouns, Pao xxi
(1922) 4012 xxu 1923) 116) hive drawn itten
tion to the fict thit this Suhvmin was ippirentlv
onlv in informint among others who remimed

tigunng it the beginning of the sequel
v Abu Zivd who savs thit his

akhbai ,

i IHma

even if the

the contents oi tht work liter tuthois have consid
ered them is i title notiblv il Biium who in his
^ibadh ft akhbar al Sin (ed Kienkow in \l\IH xm
(1935) 388) claims to borrow a iict irom the Kitab
ikhbai al Sin md there is no reison not to adopt
this solution

The inonvmous nirntive is cilled al Kttab al anal
bv Abu Zivd who gives the precise dite oi 237/851
On the other hind that oi the kitab al tham is not
so pieciselv known but we possess some iniormition
on the luthoi of this sequel thinks to al Mis udi
who incidentally commits in enoi in calling him
probiblv midveitentlv Abu Zivd Muhammad b
\ izid il Sn ifi although he himself savs thit his
surname is alHisin The luthoi of the Murudj
declnes (i 321 = t) 351) that he met Abu Zivd at
Basra where he was icsident in 303/915 lb and
thit he leceived intoimition from him in iealitv
•\bu Zivd must hive supplied him with the text oi
the two mintives which were put to extensive
use in the Murudj often distoited bv al Mis udi s zeal
for elegance

Texts I and II ire quite dissimihi both lie cleirlv
recollections oi joumevs in exotit hnds but if the
first is t haractei lsed bv the quilitv of the observi
tions of the luthoi oi of the meithints who give
him the infoimation ind piobiblv constitutes the most
ancient account of China tht second later bv ibout
70 vens seems less idiible While tht first narrative
without pretension oi inv sort is in general exict
and spontineous thit oi Abu Zivd whuh had itself
been moi cover commissioned is more hboured gives
muth space to sulois stones and to marvels ind
betnvs the tendencv resisted howevei bv il Djihiz
to intioduce iables into this foim of adab

Othei luthois than il Mas udi hive exploited

xxix) and it is istomshing thit onlv one ms of it
his suivived It is howevei not impossible thit paits
ot it were detached and pissed into the oril domain
which would explain whv at a tairlv earlv dite the
texts ceised to be copied although these texts were
onginallv intended for a hteiate public

Bibliot;raphi Pre 1948 references ippear in

Sauvigets woik See furthei I Krackovskiv

irabskaya sfo^iajice'.kaya htemtura Moscow Lemngrid

1957 141 2 A Miquel La %tographu humaine du

mondi mmttlman Pans 1973 116 2b and index

(Ch Pellat

AKHBARIYYA in Ithna Ashan Shi ism me ins

those who relv primiiilv on the traditions

akhbar of the Imams as a source ot religious knowl

edge in contrast to the Usuliyva [q ] who admit a

larger share of speculative reason in the principles

{usul oi theologv and icligious hw Opposing tradi

tionahst and ntionahst currents were apparent in the

Ithna Ashan Shi a irom its beginnings in the 2nd/8th

centuiv In the Buwavhid ige the three leading schol

us alMufidld 413/1022) al-Murtidi d 43b/1044)

and the Shavkh al Tusi (d 4b0/10b7) in conironta

tion with the tndition ilist school oi Kumm put the

utionilist Usuli doctune on a firm basis bv adopt

ing Mu'tazih theological principles and elaborating a

distinctive Ithna 'Ashan methodology oi jurisprudence

(« ul alfilh) Akhbai ma ind Usuliyva aie fust men

tioned as antagonistic factions bv Abd al Djahl al

kazwim an Ithna Ashan scholar oi Ravx writing

ta 5b5/U70 who chir

: the 1-

and r

\khbai al Si

indir,

I Hind (i

tting i

the

Akhbni opposition to the piedominant Usuh tiend
rem lined latent dunng the following centunes until
Mulli Muhammad Amin b Muhammad Shani al
Astarabidi (d 1033/1624) encouraged bv his teacher
Mirz! Muhammad b All al Astarabadi (d 1028/
1619j ai troubled the Akhban position in his A al
ban a id al madanma and thus became the founder
oi the latei Akhban school He pioposed to restore
the eailv Akhbni doctrine which had remained undis
puted until the time oi al Kulavm (d 328/929) and
vigorously criticised the innovations of the three
famous scholars of the Buwavhid age and even moie
so ot the All urn al Hilli (d 726/1325) the Shahid
alAwwal Muhammad b Makki al Will (d
786/1384) ind the Shahid al Tham Zavn al Din al

\mih (d 9bb/1558) in the uml aljilh ind theolo
gy The basic theses which he amimed against the
Usuh position included the doctune that the akhbai
oi the Imam% take precedence ovei the appaient mean
ing oi the Kur an the hadith oi the Piophet and rea
son since the Imam:, are their divinelv appointed
interpreters The apparent meaning oi the akhbar
whuh were accepted as sound (iahih) bv the eailv
Ithni Ashan commumtv piovide customarv cei
taintv [\akin adi] not meielv probability Uatm) as
the Usuh muditahids maintained 4.11 alhbar cont lined
in the ioui canonic il collections oi the Ithni

Ashanyva belong to the category oi iahih The cit
egones besided sahih and da if weik which the

Allami al Hilh in imitation of Sunm practice intro
duced with iegard to the reliability oi the transmit
teis ire melevant Also consensus \id i ma') which has
been handled too laxly bv the mutfjiahid^ is valid onlv
li the inclusion oi the Imam is ibsolutelv ceitiin ind
thus does not piovide a source oi the law sepa
rate irom the akhbar Idjtihad leading to mere ^ann
ind talhd le following the opinions of a mudjtahid

AKHBARIYYA

are forbidden Ever)
akhbar oi the Imams
no more than a knowledge oi Arabic and the spe-
cific teiminologv of the Imams \s needed Ii in appai-

b\ the methods prescubed bv the Imams tauakkuf
abstention fiom a decision is obligator

The Akhbm school flourished dunng the following
two centimes Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi s
teaching wis expresslv endorsed bv the eldei al-
Madjlisi Muhammad Taki (d 1070/1660) and adopt-
ed b\ Mulla Muhsin Fa\d al-kasham id ta
1091/1680) both inclining to Sufism and philosophv
An influential champion of \khb in doctrine was al-
Hun al-'\mih [q ] (d 1104/1693) author oi a \ast
collection of akhhai oi the Imams Tafsil itam'il al
shi'a da alikam al shan'a who stnttlv jdheied to and
lefined Akhban methodologv iefrainmg howevei
fiom an\ polemics against the mudftaluds His con-
temporarv 'Abd 'Ah b Dium'a al-'Aiusi al-Huwavzi
authoi of the km'an commentary *<ur al thikala)n
also staunchK suppoited Akhban views Al-
Astaiabadis veibal attacks on the Usuh muditahids
were lesumed b\ 'Abd Allah b Hadjdj S ihh al-
Samahidji al-Bahiani (d 1135/1723) who in his
Mum at almumamm fi aa^uibat su'alat al shinkh last,,
expounded some foit\ points of conflict between the
Akhbans and the mudfta/uds and bv the Muhaddith
'Abd 'Ah b Ahmad al-Dni7i al B ihram id
1177/1703-4) in his Una ma'ahm al shi'a Among the
moie moderate suppoiteis oi Akhban positions ucie
'Abd Allah b al-Hadjdj Muhammad d- Turn il-
Bushiawi (d 1071/1066) authoi ol al Uafiya fi mill
aljikh the Savvid Ni'nnt Allah al-Djazi'in al-
Shushtan (d 1112/1700) and \ usuf b Ahmad al-
Bahram id 1186/1773) biother of the pievioush
mentioned 'Abd 'Ah b Ahmad and author of the
Lulu' at al Bahiatn and ol the extensive and populai
Jikh woik alHadaik al nadna The lattei onginallv
upheld pure Akhba ' • •

een the

shndenng the muditahids and splitting
the Shi'a

In the second hall of the 12th/18th tentuiv Usuli
dot tune was lorceiulK lestated b\ Muhammad Baku
al-Bihbiham yd 1208/1793-41 in his al Id,tihad ita I
akhba) and othti uoiks He went so lai as to
denounce the Akhbans as mlidels and w is able to
bieak then dominant position in kaibala' The list
piominent repiesentative oi the Akhbanvva the
Muhaddith Muhammad b 'Abd al-Nibi an-Nisabtni
al- Akhban authoi ol a A Mum at al mm tad fi mi/at
al idihhad tounteied with polemical vitupciation and
cm sing oi the muditahids He gained the fivour ol
the kadjai Shah Fath 'Ah Shah foi some time but
having been denounced b\ the Shavkh Dja'fn kashil
al-Ghita' [qi] was eventuallv exiled to Tiak and
in 1233/1818 was killed bv a mob m al-Kazima\n
Theieafter the Akhbany\a rapidh declined The onlv
Akhban tommumtv known to have survived to the
piesent is in the legion ol khurr imshahi ind
\badan

Bibliography ' Abd al-Djahl al-kizwim al-Razi
A al \akd ed Djalal al-Din Uimawi ma'ruf
bi-Muhaddith Tehian 1331/1952 2 250 291
301 304 492 Muhammad Amin al-Astaiabadi
ul Fan a' id al madanma Tehian 1321/1904
Muhammad al-Dizluh Faiuk al hal k printed
together with Dja'fai kashil al-Ghita' al Hakk
al miibin, Tehian 1319/1901, al-khansan,

Rau

dat al djan

nat ed

A Isma'ihvan kumm

u'nt)

(-2/1970-2

i 120-

39 & Scarcia Intumo allt
Lull pnsso th Imamitt di

P«M

a in RSO

958) 211-50 A Falatun

~itnlfti Sihi

i am dtr

Sulit ant* Sihntin Piohlmu

I nltruuhu

g in F

shihift Hunt, (aikil ed

E Graf Leide

80-95

(\\ MADELUNG)

AKIL KHAN

RAZI

Mir Muhammad 'Askari

Mugh

al official

and co

mmander He came from

v of the S

khwai [qi] in khuiasan,

s bom in Ir

dia He

was m the semce ofPnnce

Auian

gzib fiom t

te verv 1

eginmng When Auiangzib

lelt th

the thione in 1008/1058

'\kil

khan was

left n

chaige of the titv oi

Dm la

abid Subs

he was piomoted to the

lank c

f 1 500/1 000 ind

vas made fan.dfdar [qi] of

the D,

db In 109

/1081 1

of Di

held t

us post till his death in

1108/

096-7 hav

piomoted to the lank of

4 000/

1 000

,™V

oik called

the 11 a
ascribed

^hmfxhis coiams'a

veiv l

terestmg 1

ut on o

casions a highlv-colouied

t ol the v

if Awiangz

Urns"

erv flattei

ng pictu

e of Awiangzib and con-
not found m the official

historv

the 'Alan

'\kil khan was devoted

to literal's puisu

ts and

leavin

behind a

Dm an

nd a numbei of mathnaiu

Biblmiiapht ' \kil khan Razi Haki'at i 'alam^m
ed Zafai Hasan Aligaih 1945 (see Stoiev i 584-
5) Muhammad kazim ' Alamt>irnama Bibl Ind
Calcutta 1805-73 Saki Musta'id khan Ma'athu i
'ataman Bibl Ind Calcutta 1871 Shah Nawaz
khan Maathir al uniara' n Bibl Ind Calcutta
1888 M Athar Ah Thi Mughal iwhilih undo

1906
bas Mah

r of

, Haz

lopment of Egvptia
le 20th tentmv In
:oi polemicist an
89 he did not con

long influence of English

•ridge Mac

Mill

and Darwin .
ideas of Lessing Sc hopenhauei and Nietzsche among
the Geiman philosopher It was eailv in the 1910s
that al-'Akkad met Ibrahim al-Mazim and the two
men formed a fnm fuendship based both on a love
of poetiv (especiallv that oi the English Romantics
lound in such uoiks as Palgiave s Tht (,oldin Trtamn)
and on a distaste for the conventions of the neo-
classical school of Egvptian poets pel sonified bv
Ahmad Shawki and Hadz Ibiahim \l-'Akkad wrote
the Introduction to al-Mazim s hist collection ol
poetiv 1 191 3) and published two collections of his
' ide lak,at al sabah (1910) and

hadi aUahna (1917) The
e also shaied b> a thud w

, 'Abd al Rahmai

Shukn, the best poet of the group. These three ai
often referred to as the "Diwan School", but th;
is somewhat of a misnomer in that al-'Akkad an
al-Mazim alone were the authors of al-Dlwdn, a bli,
tering piece of criticism in which al-Mazim accuse
Hafiz Ibrahim of madness and confusion while a
'Akkad attacked Shawki's occasional poetry in th
most caustic of terms. The three men seemed t
have shared a common view of the nature and ro!
of poetry, but it was al-'Akkad who provided muc
of the critical impetus for which the group is pr
marily remembered.

At the conclusion of the First World War, al-'Akkad
became closely associated with Sa'd Zaghlul, the leader
of the Wafd, and began to write articles for the party's
newspaper, at Balagh Many ol these articles on liter-
ature aesthetics, religion and historv were later col-
lected into book form undei such titles as Murad^a'at
fi I adab wa ljunun and Mutata'at fi I kutub wa I
ha\at During the regime ol IsmS'il Sidki in the early
1930s when the constitution was resoked al-'Akkad s
fervent convictions led him to undertake the consid-
erable risk of publishing a work criticising the ruling
authorities, al Hukm at mutlak fi 'I karri at 'ishnn for
which he was imprisoned for nine months This decade
also saw the appearance of three more \olumes of
his poetry (Uah al arba'in Hadmat al kaianan and
'Abu sabil) the nosel Sara and a senes of biogra-
phies on famous figures from the early history of
Islam These latter works seem to form part of a
trend in the 1930s whereby Egyptian intellectuals
(including Taha Husasn and Muhammad Husasn
Haykal) turned their attentions to religious biograph-
ical themes

In 1938, al-'Akkad abandoned the Wafd Party and
joined the breakaway Sa'dist group led by Ahma>
Mahir and al-Nukrashi Howes er the self-reliance an.
outspokenness which had sersed his purpose as
\ounger man seem to hase turned progressisel
to scepticism arrogance and extreme consersatisn
He left the Sa'dist gioup and became essentialh
one-man party In the literary sphere he not onl
vigorously opposed the new free serse poetrv which
began to emerge following the Second World Wai
but also changed his mind about the possibilities
oi blank serse in Arabic something which he had
encouraged Shukn to expenment with in the eai'
part of their careers He joined a numbei of other
consersatise critics in opposing committed litera-
ture, in fact as David Semah notes {Four Egvptian
literary cntus Leiden 1974 25) he seemed unwilling
to accept any kind of criticism of his own views or
to tolerate the idea that some of his eaiher theories
had been superseded

Al-'Akkad s contributions to ueati\e literatuie tend
to be of interest moie for historical reasons than
their intrinsic literary ment He composed a large
number of personal poems as well as some occasional
and translated a number of woiks from English

■ Must;

. Badav

irabu poetry, Cambridge 1975 109 ft)
Sara the psychological insights into the relationship
of the two losers may ha\e been on a new lesel of
sophistication when compared with presious works in
this genre but the element of doubt and questioning
which persades the work (si\ of the chapters hase
questions as their title) reduces it to an almost ab-
stract analytical plane Seseral commentators hase also
pointed out that the attitude to women found in this
work is more than a little autobiographical (Ahmad
Haykal al Uab al kasasi aa 7 masrahi Cairo 1971 lb4

Hilary Kilpatrick, The modern Egyptian novel, London
1974, 32; 'Abd al-Hayy Diyab, al-Mar'a ft havat al-
'Akkad, Cairo 1969, 100 IT.).

The views of al-'Akkad on aesthetics and poetic
theory propounded so forcibly in many of his works
are also clearly sisible in his writings on other poets,
both ancient and modern. While he wrote numer-
ous articles on ancient poets during the 1920s (such
as on Imru "1-Kays, Abu Nuwas, Bashshar b. Burd
and al-Mutanabbi), it is his study of Ibn al-Rumi
published in book form in 1931, Ibn al-RUml, hayd-
tuhu min shi'rihi, which is widely regarded as his best
literary study and especially as the one which per-
mits al-'Akkad to use his own theories on psychol-
ogy, race and poetics in an analysis of this somewhat
neglected poet Al-'Akkad s intioduction of such objec-
tise cntena often based on non-literary information
into the analysis of literature led to new insights into
the Arabic poetic tradition of ancient times How-
es er it also tended to place more emphasis on the
wnter than the work of literature and it was left to
the ne\t generation (and especially Muhammad
Mandur) to restore importance to the work itself in
literary analysis while fusing into the cutical process
the best elements of the theories which al-'Akkad
had des eloped

In 1960 he was awarded the State Appreciation
Prize for his contribution to Egvptian literature Shawki
Dayfswork Ma'a I 'Akkad (Ikia> Series no 259 Cairo
19b4) shows a picture of the aged bachelor browsing

p 65) He died in 1964

Bibliography (in addition to those works already
cited in the te\t of the article) Shawki Dayf, al
Adab al'aiabi al mu'asir ft Uisr Cairo 1961 136
'Abd al-Hayy Diyab 'Abbas al 'Akkad nakid
Cairo 1965 Mounah Khoun Poetn and the mak
ins, of modern Egypt Leiden 1971 passim S Moreh
Modern Arabic poetn 1800 1970 Leiden 1976 pas-
sim Nadas Safian Egypt in search of political idm
titi Cambridge Mass 1961 AMR Zubaydi
Al'ikkad i mtual theories rtith spinal refennu to his
relationship with the Diwan school and to the influence

Edinburgh PhD thesis 196b unpublished idem
Tin Diwan School in J4L i (1970) 36 Salma
Khadra Jayyusi Trends and mo ements in modern
Arabic poetn Leiden 1977 i 153-4 163-75

iR Allen)
AKKAR (\) pi akara (abstract ikaia) literally
tillei culm ator of the ground a word of Aramaic
ongin (see Fiaenkel Die aramaischen Fremduorter im
Arabischen 128-9; boi rowed into Aiabic apparent-
ly in the post-Islamic period (it does not appear in
the Kur'an) and applied to the peasantry of Ara-
maean stock in Syria and 'Irak accordingls the
term had m Arabic eses like the name habat a
pejoratise sense (see LA 1 s 85-6) Some of these
peasants weie sharecioppers who cultisated lands of
wealthy landlords for one-si\th oi one-sesenth share
of the produce and on mukasama [q ] terms of con-
tract (cf Abu^usuf alKharaaj Bulak 1884 52 Ibn
Hawkal Sural al ard ed Kramers 218) Following
the Arab conquest of the Fertile Crescent the akara
paid the lowest amount of poll-tax [dri^a) at the
late of 12 dirhams per head per annum (Baladhun
Futuh 271)

Social and economic conditions detenoiated for
the akara dunng the 'Abbasid penod One finds them
as itinerant farm labourers mosing from sillage to
village in seaich of work and working on estates

A.KUNITUN

of land tor the- highest biddei among landlords
(Sabi Huzara ed \medioz 259i Thev also worked
on lands owned bv Christian monasteries (Shabushti
al Diyarat 214-15) In a typical story wc lead ot a
certain akkar who was employed bv a nch man of
Babi a is a domestic servant possibly out of tann-
ine; season His work included husking rue grind-
ing it in * mill turned b\ an o\ ind making biead
for his master (Djahiz Bulhala Cano 19b3, 129)
Djahiz has evidently iecorded in the storv of the
ahlar and his employer the tale of the toiling labour-
er and the hard task-mastei of this epoch Djahiz
nashayilh

the

which r

indicate

of organised social grouping of th< alar a headed by
a revered Shaylh (cf Hawaiian v 32l The mral
population of the Sawad ol Tiak at least seems

3rd/9th century and perhaps until later, cf the
anecdote of al-Mu'tasim and the old habali peas
ant of the Saw ad in Mas'udi Uuiudj vn 113-4 =
ij 279b

Bibliography In addition to leferences given
in the article, see also Tanukhi al Farad} ba'd al
ihidda Cano 1903 1 125-6 Tha'ahbi Thimar al
lulub Cairo 1908 195 al-Sabi The historical remains
of Hilal al Sabi, Leiden 1904 91 21b 254 al-
Nawbakhti Firak al Shi'a Istanbul 1931 bl Lane
Lexicon i 70-1 M \J Beg igntultural and imga
tional labourers in Ihi sonal and nonomu lift of 'Iraq
during thi imayyad and ' Ibbasid taliphates in /(
(Januarv 1973) 15 22 iM A. J Beg)

al-AKSARAYI Karim al-Din Mahmud b
Muhammad lnstoiian of Anatolia undei the Saldjuks
and Il-Khamds The date of his bnth is unknown
but it seems that he died at an advanced age in the
720/1320s \s an oftioal in the Il-khanid service
he was attached to the letmue of Mudjn al-Dm Amu
Shah (the lepresentative of the Mongol fiscal depart-
ment in Saldjuk \natoha and then na'ib from 1281
to 1291) until the latter s death in 1302 Ghazan
Khan then appointed him na ji or mtendant of the
an taj in the Saldjuk temtones and an uncertain date
he acted as military commandant \kutual [sec kotwai]i
of <\ksarav his natal town He en|oved a pimlcgcd
view of the events of his time and in 723/1323 put
togethei in Peisian his chiomcle the Mmamarat al
akhbar wa minayarat al akhyar which is togethei with
Ibn Bibis work one ot the essential souues tor
Anatolian histon in the penod of Mongol domina-
tion This penod forms the sub]ect of the fourth and
last chaptei of the work the most important one
since it takes up three-quaiters of the book and cov
ers some 75 \ears contemporaiv with al-Aksaiavi
himself The chronicle is known onh in two manu-
scripts (Avasofvi 3143 copie d in 734/1334 and
\emcami 827 copied in 745/1345 both now in the
Sulevmamve Librarv in Istanbul and was haidlv
used b\ sub-sequent histoiians with the exceptions
of Kadf <\hmad of Nigde il4th centuiv) and the
Ottoman compiler Munedjdjim Bashi (d 1702) until
it was rediscoveied bv Turkish histoiians at the end
of the 19th century In his preface to his cntical and
annotated edition of the text Osman Tuian convevs
all the infoimation known about the author and
gives an account of pievious studies on the latter and
his book

Bibliography \luarmret it ahbar \logollar
^amarurida Turkiyt Seltuklan tanln Mukaddime
ve hasivelerle tashih ve nesieden Dr Osman
Turan Ankara 1944 Fikret Isiltan Die Stltsihuhn

GenhuhU dts Akurayi Leipzig 1943 (summaiv

tianslation in German ot the fourth chaptei of

the historvi (J-L Balcjue-Grammont)

AKUNITUN (Gieek axovttov) appears frequentlv

in \nbic medical wntings as a prrticulailv deadlv

poison originating from a plant root it c in denote

a substance either (4.1 trom the Mediterranean legion

■r (B) fi

r India Svnonvms foi
khanil aldhi'b katil al n

bish This

(B) \kumtun thus well e
lem ot <\iabic botanical h
of the actual plint iett

ind of it

i\) Mediterranean regi
son in Greek wntings remedies are given bv Nicandei
in his iltxipharmaia (95 lines 11-73) Theophiastos
describes two types (a) aKOVtxov with a piawn-shaped
mot lb) 9n>.\)cpovov or axopTUOV able to one scoi-
pion bite {HP 9 lb 4 and 9 18 2) Cf Paulus of A.egina
(Eng ti F <\dams London 1844-8 III 28) Dioscondes

in much the same terms (i) = (b) above with svn-
onvms 7tccpScx>.iaYXTi<; xauuapov 9nta)cpovov koivok-

>.VjkoicTOVOV (I\ 78) When Dioscondes was trans-
lated into Arabic the possibility of regional vanation
in species was not always considered some Gieek
names were tiansliteiated but in time most were given
standaid equivalents in Arabic In the Julia Amcia
MS bth centuiy maiginal notes in Aiabic explain
aicovtxov (i) as al umtun and Ihaml al mmr (n) as Ihaml
aldhi'b If bbbl

The Aiabic veision of these sections i Bodleian MS
Hvde 34) gives is svnonvms for in nabbal and khanil
al mmr if 123a marginal note) fsabbal occurs also in
the Tajsu to Dioscondes b\ Ibn Djuldjul (Madrid
Biblioteca Nacioml MS 4981 f 7a) in Ibn Djuldjul s
Sitppltmtnt to Dioscondes (MS Hvde 34 f 198b) nab
bal is mentioned as a poisonous plant whose antidote
is builan abruz [imaranthus tntolor L i Ct FJ Simonet

Madnd 1888 395

(B) India Bish although sometimes consideied a
svnonvm foi akumtun refers to a far more poison-
ous plant (piobablv iiomtum jerox Wall) and is
described as the most deadlv of plant poisons bv
such wnteis as Thabit b Kuira (Dhalhira ch xxv
143 (298)) Djabir b Havvan [Gifti 5b = f 4ba-b
104 = t 95b 185 = f 179a) Ibn Wahshiyv i \ Poisons
84-5 108) Ibn Sina [hanun I 27b III 22i) al-
Birum iSaydana Aiabic 81 Eng 53) Most agree
that there is little if any hope of recoveiv even if
the Gieat Imah is admimsteied Ibn Sina distin-
guishes clearly bttween bish and the plant known as
Iharuk aldhi'b etc the latter being desenbed sepa-
latelv (I 424 4b(l)

(C; Possible identifications although (A)
Akumtun is often equated with an iiomtum sp (e g
GhahbI8b Nos 1752-7 Issa 5 1 cf W Schmucker
Du pflanjuhe und mtruralisihe Materia \Itdua tm Firdaus
alHilmadis Taban Bonn 19b9 12b No 157 wheie
bish = ccKOvrtovl a modem botanist thinks it like-
ly that the oncovrcov of Dioscondes was (i) a
Downturn sp (n) a Delphinium sp possibly D slap/us
agna oi D datum In the case of iB) bish this did
not have to be identified in the growing state but
was known to the Aiabs as i deadlv poison fiom
India (Issa 4 19)

Bibliography Dioscondes Dt materia rmdica,

ed DG kuhn Leipzig 1829 Dioscondes Codex

- AL-i AHMAD

Aniciae Iulianae picturis illmtratus, nunc Vindoboncnsis
Med. Gr. I, Leiden 1906 (phototype edn.l; La
Materia Medica de Dmcondes, ii, ed. C.E. Dubler
and E. Teres, Tetuan 1952; Bodleian MS Hyde
34; Theophrabtus, History of Plants, ed. and tr. A.
Hort, Loeb edn. London 1916; Nicander,
Alexipharmaca, ed. A.S.F. Gow and A.F. Scholfield,
Cambridge 1953; 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad b. al-
Baytar, al-DJami" li-mufradat ahadwha wa haghdhiya,
Cairo 1874; Thabit b. Kurra, A". al-Dhakhira ft 'dm
ahtibb, ed. G. Sobhy, Cairo 1928; Rabban al-
Tabar!, Firdaw, ahhikma, ed. M.Z. Siddiqi, Berlin
1928; The abridged version of -The Book of Simple
Drugs" of Ahmad ibn Muhammad ahGhdfiqi . . ., ed.
M. Meyerhof and G. Sobhy, Cairo 1932-40;
Maimonides, Sharh asma' ah'ukkar, ed. M. Meyerhof,
Cairo 1940; Das Buch de, Gifte des Gabir Ibn Hqyyan,
tr. A. Siggel, Wiesbaden 1958 (with facsimile text);
Ibn SmC al-Kdnun Ji 'htibb, 3 vols., repr. Baghdad
n.d. [= 1970?]; Ibn Wahshiyya (translation): M.
Levey, Medieval Arabic toxicology: the Book on Poisons
of Ibn Wahshiya and its relation to early Indian and
Greek texts, Philadelphia 1966; al-Blrunl, A", ah
Saydana fi 'htibb, ed. and tr. H.M. Said, Karachi
1973; M. Levey, Early Arabic pharmacology, Leiden
1973; M. Meyerhof, 'The article on aconite from ah
Beruni's kitab as-Saydana, in IC, xix/4 (1945); P.

Johnstone, Aconite and its antidote in Arabic writings,
in Journal for the History of Arabic Science, i/1 (1977);
A. Issa, Dictionnaire des noms des plantes en latin,

fiangais, anglais et arabe, Cairo 1930; A. Siggel,
Arabivh-Deutsches Worterbuch der Stoffe aus den" drei
Naturreichen, Berlin 1950; E. Ghalib, Dictionnaire des
sciences de la nature, Beirut 1965.

AL-i AHMAD, Sayyid Djalal, Iranian prose
writer and ideologist (1923-69). His ceuvre may-
be tentatively classified as comprising literary fiction
on the one hand (kisw, dditan), and essays and reports
on the other hand (makala, guzdnsh). This classifica-
tion, however, only follows the author's own desig-
nation. Al-i Ahmad lacks the technical concern and
sophistication of a contemporary like Sadik Cubak,
and in terms of formal structure, this tends to blur
the dividing lines, not merely between the "novel"
{kiva) and the "short story" (dastan), but also between
the dastan, often approaching the "narrative essay",
and the makala. Among biographical data, three
factors stand' out for their crucial influence on Al-i
Ahmad's career as a writer: his birth in a Tehrani
family of lower Shi'! dignitaries; his occupation as
a professional schoolteacher; and his vivid interest
and, for a brief period, active participation in national

The religious element is reflected in the early col-
lections of short stories Did wa bdzdid (1945), Sih-tar
(1948) and Z«"-' zbadJ (1952). Written after the
"flight" from his traditional family background and
adherence to the leftist ideologies of post-war polit-
ical parties, they offer an ironic picture of the reli-
gious milieu of lower and middle class Tehran. A
similar, if more outspoken aloofness pervades his
liadjdj-diary of 1966, Khassi dar mikdl. While preserving
a personal piety throughout his life, Al-i Ahmad is
the critical observer, rather than the raptured par-

■tably i

■i digar

ticipan

e of ir

seldori

generally mild an

i benevolent, occasi

slightly nostalgic.

His life-long e

rest in educational

broadly, cultural is

ues, as expressed in

t; yet il
lally e^

Alav,

lacks

(1959)). Moreover, they inspired the
i madram (1958) and Nafnn-i zamin (1967). The for-
mer especially, which relates the alienation of a
provincial school-principal, is counted among his
most successful literary- achievements. If indebted to
an earlier prose-experiment in French literature, i.e.
Voyage au bout de la mat by Louis-Ferdinand Celine
(1932), Mudir-i madiam convincingly established Al-
i Ahmad's reputation as an innovator of Persian lit-
erary style. Its highly economic use of words,
abundant colloquialisms and vivid, staccato rhythm
has been described in a laudatory fashion as insha'-
i karikaturl by Djamalzada (cf. bibliography).

Some similarity exists between the development of
Al-i Ahmad's religious attitudes and his political ones.
After an intensive exposure to the orthodox milieu in
the early stages (as son of a ShiT ruham, as a devoted
and prominent member of political parties), he proved
in both instances incapable of conforming to collec-
tive, organised loyalty. His membership of the
recently established communist Tuda party lasted from
1944 until early 1948 only; his subsequent adherence
to the "anti-Stalinist" faction of Khaffl Malik! ended
in early 1953, following bitter experiences with per-
sonal rivalries within this "Third Force" movement.
He left the forum of organised politics, never to
return. Among the literary documents of this politi-
cal career, the short stories collected in A; randjl-
kih mibarim (1947) belong to the Tuda period. First

its very" explic"* "
cent of Buzui

observing distance common to Al-i
ing ceuvre, and was afterwards considered a failure
by the author himself, ^an-i zbadt was written after
the breakaway from the Tuda, and contains the
story Khudadad-khan, a sarcastic description of the ambi-
tions, hypocrisy and luxuries of a leading party-
executive. The ideological importance of this collec-
tion further lies in the introduction which the author
added to the second edition (1963), Risdla-i Pawlus
bi-katiban. A "testament" according to the writer, it
calls for literary honesty and commitment. In a less
biblical fashion, this theme dominates many of his
other essays: the conviction that "in our land, writ-
ing literature means waging a battle for justice", and
that "the pen has become a weapon". Since the end-
ing of the Mossadegh experiment in August 1953 and
Al-i Ahmad's departure from party-politics, he saw
this battle for justice as a cultural, rather than polit-
ical one. Its primary target is not the external force
of oppression, but the spirit of submissiveness
which had turned his countrymen into voluntary,
even zealous servants. This phenomenon was diag-
nosed as gharb-zadagi ("western-struckness" sc. blind
worship and imitation of western civilisation), and its
causes and symptoms are described at length in the
essay of the same name ( 1962), which, in spite of its
prompt confiscation by the authorities, remained Al-
i Ahmad's most widely read and most hotly debated
work. In search of a cure, he calls for an "inner
revolt" (kiyam-i durum): a return to the classical virtues
of unconditional devotion and self-sacrifice. This shahd-
dat forms the central theme of Nun iva 1-kalam (1961),
an allegory tale explaining the failure of contempo-

Finally, mention should be made of the regional
monographs which the author composed during his
numerous travels throughout the country, trying to

VLi \HM\D — \LI b HMMZ\LA b \BI S \LIM

Not

nch he could no k

with the lbortiM

uithentici
n the cap.

i) a (1958) ind

luded i

1951 3
icntioned
v /hand,,

above lie the shoit stones Diashr,
AA aha, ta an/abut hhunaba i anai Viauha, i
■imii/a I and G««« to/w c« /«/«/ The hist one is
available through M\ Srpanlus mthologv 5a^
«/«>»»,< uakimat (Tehran 1,52 iA I The other
ones hue been collected in the posthumoush
edited and onh nuiowh distnbuted Panax dastan
1 1350 ,h) which ilso contnns r short autobio
^nphical sketch dated Dav 1 -.47 sA Mathalan
shaih , ahuilat Tin ma]ont\ of Mi \hmtds
numerous essavs ind travel reports were frist pub
hshed in periodicals ind atteiw trds reprinted in
the collections Haft mat ala (1334 ih ) Sih mal ala
i digm (13j7 sh\ 4; \ab, u shitab^ada i1j44 sA j
■■■■"■ These tollec

ALANGU Tahir Turkish tuthoi md liter
u> critic (191b 73) The son ol i naval officei he
vas born in Istanbul md graduated trom the Depitt
ment ot Turkrsh Studres ol Istanbul Umveisitv (194.3)
He taught Tuikish htei ituie in \ niou high schools
until 195b when he wis appointed to &ihtisan\
L\cee in Istanbul where he tiught untrl his death on
19 June 197 3 During the hst lew \ens ol his lite

in Istanbul

Two leading themes ot his
numbei of h ticks aic irrstlv
secondh the modem Tuikish

howe

stantial

number of attic

es len

urns s

c ittered

i the v

toi th

penod

»bl\ indisha ua hunar \i

V"A«

rtam othei wntrngs wer

pleted

bv the

hoi bete

ie his death bu

t hue

med sui

iblefoi public at

on T

tese in

elude a

el ( W

diadid) md dia

his tr

mis tc

Cmited St ites i

nd the

Sovie

dmon

the ht

s hav

e appe

ared n

mma Nos 1 (1

idha

1j45

idhai

345) lianshtio

ns pie

bv \1

e almost without

extep

vra Fret

ch well known

these

ire hi

works b\ \ndre

Gide

Mbert

gene Io

liu

shtion

de horn

\1 r Mtmids wi

nilude

Thi ol,

i ia\ our

iui i monographv on

the po

t Nun

shidj m

Tin Liluan ft

(i R

uthclfc

d NJ

n (1974)

115 28 Th, p,l.

ill I if,

ihdd l

1 Itamm

\ti

dm l (1

08i 101 9 md

Tile sih

ool p,u

ipal In

JK Newtc

n and MC H

netpoh

d Chin

o 1974 the pi

) this

lis

, contai

s an Fnghsh tn

nslatic

n ot the storv

aiks

H kimshad Modem Po tan
Crmbrrdge 19bb 125 b B Mavr' Usdiuhk und
Enluullurii da modirmn pusisihui Liltiatui Berlin
1964 221 2 Milos Boieekv m \1EJ ui (1953)
238 9 and M Zavaizadeh in UK Km il9b8i
311 12 Opinions of Iranian critics m in be tound
tn the specrrl Mr Mrmad issue ot the penodical
indisha ua hunai \ (1343 sh ) 5 44 489 including
also a lengths mteiview with the tuthoi Foi moie
specific discussions et Dj imalzad i s review of
\ludiri madiasa in Rahnama u hitab r (1j37 sh )
lbb 78 Rida Buahim husa muis; Tehnn 1 34&
ih 41b IT G L Ttkku in idim ( ed ) Islam and Us
cultural di npnu Urbim Chicago md London
1971 165 79 ind OR SabnTtbit/i in
(oms-pondamt d Onttit 11 Brussels 1970 411 18
l&JJ de\r,es,

\ book

md 1-

Msed on sound scholar 1\ researeh an
re exceptions when his close li lends ai
ilanced iesponsible and tan M mgu i

s Istanbul
r Turkish
1 920 50 pe

eopi

,m the loim of brographrctl novel
ol this pioneei ol the modem Tuikish shoit ston
and his posthumous 100 unlu Tuil ism 2 vols
Istmbul 1974 an antholog\ horn 100 famous woiks
fiom Tuikish htei

> The s<
t hundred \

ond v

this w

1870 1970) is paititulailv valu
tble is rt rs based marnl\ on his own ieseaieh
UnfortunateK mam of his uticles publrshed m vu

lected into book foim Mangu tianslated itiom the
Geinnn) several authois and pnticulaih horn the
Israelr authoi Samuel Mgnon

Bibliography Mehmet Se\da Edtbiyat dostlan

Istanbul 1970 Behcet Nee rttgil Edcbna turn da isim

U, so lugu 197 a sv ,Fa.hir Iz)

<ALI b HANZALA b ABI SALIM *l NUhflzi

ilWwiulHamo™ succeeded Mi b Muhammad

b il \V ihd [,j ] as the sixth da I mutlal ol the

Musti h Tuiiln Ism i ihs in \amm in 612/

1215 \s the countn wis passing thiough i critical

penod ot inteinil stnle after its occupation b\ the

\>-Vubids the da i put sued I poht\ ol non inteiteience

m politics He m untamed good lelations both with

the -\v\ubid nileis ot Sana md the \ amid suit ms

of Banu Hitim in IDhamaimai which embled him to

died on 12 oi 22 Rtbi I 020/8 oi 18 Febiuuv 1229
Both his compositions Stmt al ha/a it ind Risalal
Una al hulum ta misbah al ulum < onceming al mabda
ua Inland lie considered impoitant w oiks on haka i/
[q ] The toimei edited b\ Mjbas

(Din

1953) i

el lb

Bihliuaiaph) Ihe main biographic il souice
Idnsb UHisan \ujiat al afkal still in manuse npt
is studied b\ HF alHamdim al ^ulayhmun
C mo 1955 291 7 H isan b Nuh tl Bhaiuci Aitab
al 4 har i ed \dil il \ww i in Munta/habat
hmailma Dimascus 1958 195 247 Isma rl b
Mad alRrsul il Madjdu Filmst ed Mi Naki
Munzawi Tehran 196b 19b 7 269 70 lor a
detuled act omit see Ismail Poonaw ih Bin bibliig
raph of Isma ill lihrahm Malibu C al 1977

:. MUHAMMAD u. DJA'FAR — 'ALl b. MUHAMMAD al-TUNISI al-IYADI

*ALI b MUHAMMAD b DJA'FAR b Ibrahim
b al-WalId al-Anf al-Kurashi, the mentor of
'All b Hatim al-HamidT [qc], whom he succeeded
as the fifth da'l muttak of the Musta'lr-TayyibT IsmaTlis
in Yaman in 605/1209, came from a prominent al-
Walid famih of Kuravsh His great-giandiather
Ibrahim b AbT Salama was a leading chieitain oi
the (ounder oi the Sula\hid d\nast\ 'Air b
Muhammad al-Sulavhr, and he was sent bv the lat-
ter on an official mission to Cairo He studied first
under his uncle 'Air b al-Husa\n and then under
Muhammad b Tahir al-HanthT After al-Hanthi's
death, Hatim b Ibiahim al-Hamidi [q i ] appointed
'Ali b Muhammad as his deput\ in San'a' He h\ed
in San'a' and died there on 27 Sha'ban bl2/21
December 1215 at the age of mnetv He headed a
distinguished famih of da'Ts lor approximately three
centuries the headship of the da'ua was held bv his
descendants

He was a prolific author and his works are held
in high esteem bv the commumtv The following
woiks are extant On hakd'ik 1 Tadl al'aka'id, ed
'Anf Tamir Beirut 1967, English tr (in summary
form) W hanow, Creed of the Fahmids Bomba\ 193b
2 Kitab al Dhakhira, ed Muhammad al-A'zarm,
Beirut 1971 3 Risaldt Djila' al'ukul, ed 'Adi

Muntak

, Dam

1958,

89-153 4 Risalat al Iddh wa 7 tabyln, ed R
Stiothmann in Aiba'a kutub Ismd'ilma Gottmgen
1943 138-58 5 Risala fi ma'na al ism al a'zam, ed
Strothmann in ibid, 171-7 b Diya' al albab 1 Lubb
al ma'anj 8 Lubab aljawa'id 9 Risalat mulhikat al
adhhan 10 al Risala al mufida, a commentary on the
kasidal al nafs ascribed to Ibn Slna' Retutations 11
Damigh al bdtil, refutation of al-GhazalT s al Mustazhm

12 Mukhtaiar al 'usul, refutation of Sunnls, Mu'tazilTs
Zaydis and Falasija who deny God all attributes

1 3 Risalat tuhfat al murtadd, ed Strothmann in
irba'a kutub lsma'ihyya, 159-70, a lefutation of
the Hafizi-Madjidi da'ua Miscellaneous 14 Maajalis
al nush ua 7 bayan 15 Diu an, eulogies of the
Imams and his teachers, elegies and valuable his-
torical information about contemporary events in

Husayn b 'Ali, son of the preceeding He suc-
ceeded Ahmad b al-Mubarak b al-Walid as the eighth
da'l muilak He lived in San'a' and died there on 11
Safar 667/31 October 1268. His writings deal main-
ly with hakd'ik. The following works have survived.
1. Risalat al-Iddh wa Tbayan. The section about the
fall of Adam has been edited by B. Lewis in An
Ismd'ili interpretation of the fall of Adam, in BSOS, ix
(1938), 691-704. 2. al-Risala al-wahida fi taihblt arkan
al-'akida. 3. 'Akidat al-muwahhidin. 4. Risalat al-lddh wa-
1-tabsTr fi fadl yaum al-Ghadir. 5. Ruala Mahiyyat al-
Zir. 6. al-Mabda' wa H-ma'ad, ed. and tr. H. Corbin,
in Trilogie Ismae/ienne, Tehran 1961, 99-130 (Arabic
pagination), 129-200.

'AlI b. Husayn, son of the preceeding. He
succeeded his father as the ninth da'l muilak. He lived
in San'a' and then moved to 'Arus, but following the
Hamdanid repossession of San'a', he returned and
died there on 13 Dhu '1-Ka'da 682/2 February 1284.
His al-Risala al-kamila is extant.

Bibliography: Hatim al-Hamidi, Tuhfat al-
kulub, in manuscript, (edition being prepared by
Abbas Hamdani); Idns b. al-Hasan, Nuzhat al-
aJUr, manuscript used by H.F. al-Hamdam, al-
Sulayhiyyun, Cairo 1955, 284-91; Hasan b. Nuh
al-Bharuci, Kitab al-A z har, i. ed. 'Adil al-'Awwa
in Muntakhabat hma'iliyya, Damascus 1958, 191,

193-4, 198, 247-8, IsmaTl b 'Abd al-Rasul al-
Madjdu", Fihnst, ed 'Air Naki Munzawi, Tehian
1966, 41-2, 80, 93-5, 123-7 131, 140, 151, 153,
200-1, 229-37, 244-6, 257 278, For a full descrip-
tion of works and sources, see Ismail Poonawala,
Bw-biblwgraphy of hma'ilT htirature Malibu, Cal
1977 (I Poonawala) _

'ALl b MUHAMMAD al-TUNISI al-IYADI,
pro-Shi'i poet oi Ifrikiva, who was, according
to Ibn Rashik [Kurada, 102), in the service of the
Fanmid caliphs al-Ka'im, al-Mansur and above all al-
Mu'izz, whom he joined m his new capital in Egypt,
despite his gieat age and the hazards of the ]oume\
It was piobabK in Cairo that he died, in the same
\ear as his protectoi, 365/976 according to H H 'Abd
al-Wahhab {Ta'rikh, 9b,, but later than this, according
to Ch Bouvahia (Vie litteram, 39), these two authors
place his birth in Tunis apparently in older to explain
his ethnic of al-TunisI, which in the 4th/ 10th centu-
ry, and even later, referred merely to a small place
adjacent to the luins of Carthage (cf Kadf Nu'man,
A alMadjalis ua 7 mumyarat, ed Yalaom-Feki-
Chabbouh, Tunis, 1978 203 332-3, and al-Bakrl, ed
de Slane, 37) This msba has caused him to be often
confused with a later homonym, 'All b \ usuf al-Tumsi,
also the eulogist of an al-Mansur and an al-Mu'izz,
but this time, Zhids (cf Bou\ahia, hi at) On the
othei hand, the ethnic al-Ivadi leads one to postulate
an Aiab origin, the Ivad being a component of a sec-
tion of the Banu Hilal, the Athbadj, who had estab-
lished themselves in the region of Msila (see P Massieia
Msila du X' au YI ' suck, in Bull de la Soi hist it
anheol de Sitij, n [1941], repr in CT No 85-6)

The poet's fame leached the Spanish shores in his
own lifetime, an anecdote of the same Ibn Rashrk
('Umda, i 111) shows us the Andalusian Ibn Ham'
[qi] on his arrival in al-Kayiawan involved in hos-
tilities with the poets already established there, but
making specific mention only of al-Iyadi However
despite the high esteem in which later critics held
him, such as Ibn Sharaf (Questions dt critique litteram,
ed Ch Pellat, Algiers 1953, 9), no poem of his has
come down to us in complete foim, is this attribut-
able to later Sunni ostracism of the poet after the
sudden change to the Zfrid regime, or a change in
literary tastes' Whatever the reason mav be out of
the 105 verses which the present writer has been able
to gather together (Hawliyyat, 1973, 97), only two frag-
ments are ShiT in inspiration. These however are pre-
served by pro-Fatimid authors, these being firstly a
rather poignant and moving relation of the end of
Abu Yazid, "the man on the donkey" (Sirat Ustadh
Dhawdhar, Cairo, 48, tr. M. Canard, 69) and secondly
a eulogy in honour of al-Mansur (Dawadan, Kanz al-
durar, vi, 117). The remainder is made up of well-
turned, descriptive fragments, which abound richly in
images, hence admired and gathered together for this
reason bv the anthologists; thus out of these last, al-
Husri (Zahr, 189, 314, 1003) reproduces a description
of the Fatimid fleet, armed with the fearsome Greek
Fire, a picture of a galloping horse and a tableau of
the splendours of the Lake Palace, Dar al-Bahr, at
Mansuriyya.

In sum, al-Iyadi seems to have been a great poet,
quite apart from his Fatimid allegiance, but our knowl-
edge of his poetry — apart from his talent — remains
till now only fragmentary.

Bibliography: Ibn Rashik, Kurddat al-dhahab,
ed. Bouyahia, Tunis 1972; H.H. 'Abd al-Wahhab,
Mudjmal ta'rikh al-adab al-tunisi, Tunis 1968, 96;
Ch. Bouyahia, La vie litteraire en Ifriqiya sous les

•ALI b. MUHAMMAD al-TUNISI al-IYADI — 'ALLAL al-FASI

1973 _ (M \alaouii

*ALI EMIRI (1858-1024) Turkish bibliophile
and scholar He was born in Di\aibekr the son
of Mehmed Shenf a wealthv meulnnt trom a locallv
piominent tamiK He leaint Aiabic Persian and
the Islamic sciences from his great-uncle ind private
tutors At the age ot 18 he published in the local
paper Lhtarbih a d^ulumie a poem commemorating
the enthronement of Murad \ which made his name
widelv known in educated cncles When ' \bidin Pasha
(the Mathnaui commentatoi) time in 1870 to
Divarbekr as president ot the committee ol reioim
for the eastern provinces he ippointed 'All Emin as
secretarv and later took him to Salonika when he
became the governor of that province Thus there
began his career as a civil servant which was to last
foi three decades He served m diverse parts of the
Empire until he retired in 1008 He died in Istanbul
on 20 Januarv 1024

A life-lone; passionate collector of rare books he

(e g the unique cop\ of kashghan s Diuan lu°hat al
tutk] and made copies of the raie books which he
could not puichase He conveved his invaluible col-
lection to the Shavkh al-Islam Favd Mlah Efendi
Librarv at Fatih in Istanbul (19161 then re-named
the Millet Librarv ol which he lemained Director
until his death 'Ah Emm wrote dman poetrv with
great ease and tacilitv (but with not much talent) md

i the Mill.

Libn

biographies of poets of his native Div irbeki {Ttdhlm
M ihu'aia u 'Amid Istanbul 132a rami/ 1409) verv
little ol his research work on the Ottoman poets
(with special tmphasis on sultan and pnnce poets"
has been published (and that mainlv in his journal
'Othmanli ta'nkh we edebmat medjmu 'an founded in
1020 31 issues) '\li Emin followed in method and
xadition of the classical I, Man [,/ i ]

w i iters The bulk c
the Millet Libra:

His s

the Nationalists in Ankaia Mustafa kemal Pash;
(Ataturk) personallv gave financial help to him in hi
old age The list ol 'Ah Emin s othei publication
1 Ahmed Refik and Ibnulemin M k Ina

e Bibl 1

Biblios>iaph> Ahmed Refik 4 E in ITEM No
78 (19241 Ibnulemin Mk Inal Son aw tu,k sou
Im i Istanbul 1930 298-314 MuzafTer Lsen htanbul
amikbptdm n Istanbul 1959 sv (Fahir I/)

'ALI MARDAN KHAN Amir al-Umara' i mil-

the piominent nobles ol Shah 'Abbas ol Ptisia Dunn?
the reign of Shah Saft (1038-52/1629-42) he came
under a cloud He thereupon went ovei to the Mughal
Lmperoi Shah Djahan (1037-68/1628-58) and handed
over the fort of kandahtr [a c ] to the Mughals
He was given the rank of 5 000/5 000 b\ his new
master in 1048/1638 and wis appointed govemoi of
Kashmir In 1050/1640 he was promoted to
7 000/7 000 and was appointed governor of the
Pandjab In 1641 he was appointed govemoi of Kabul
in addition to the Pandjab

'Ah Mardan Khan was connected with the con-

Lahor

s Shah

t Lahore He died
mother

1067/1657 and was buried
t Lahon

Bibliography 'Abd al-Harmd Lahon Badshah
nama 11 Bibl Ind Calcutta 1868 continuation bv
Muhammad Wanth Badshah nama I O MS Ethe
329 <see Stoiev i 574 7) Shah Nawaz khan Ma'atha
alumara n Bibl Ind Calcutta 1888-91 HIS
Kanwat 'Ah Mardan Khan in K xlvn i197 3i 105-
19 _ (M Athar Ali)

'ALLAL al-FASI Muhammad Moroccan states-
nan and writer (1907-74) Born at Fas he wis edu-
ated at the umveisitv ot al karawivvin [q I ] Fiom
he age of 18 onwards he took pait in the diftu-
lon throughout Morocco of the progressive move
nent of the Salafiyva [a i ] and his militant attitude

of 1,

s well a
it laza He

was freed in 1931 and letun
began to lecture at the kaiawiyvin these lectures
weie however bovcotted bv certain religious leaders
who feared that his unrestiained political attitudes
might well cause difficulties foi the Moroccan author-
ities in their ulations with the French Protectorate
■Al-Fisi then took part in the delegation of the most
influential nationalist leadeis to the sultan of Moiocco
in 1934 when the document called Matalib al sha'b
al mavhnbi ( Demands foi reform of the Moioccan
people ) the first catechism of the nationalist move-
ment consisting of a complete programme lor the
ielorm and renovation of the land especiallv in the
politico-social spheie was presented to the sovereign
The tei giv ei sations and delavs ol the speakers engaged
m this exasperated the moie udent of patriots ind

I Moroccan bloc for nitional action i which had
until 19 34 woiked in the background to intensity
its activities Disorders bioke out in 19 36 in Fas
Sale ind Casablanca and the leaders of the bloc
including 'Allal il-Fasi were arrested Aitei then
lieemg almost immtdiatelv the bloc decided to dis-
band itself and two parties were then formed al
Haiaka al kaumnia and al Hi~b al uatani h tahkik
al matalib which merged in 1943 to foim the single
partv ol the htiklal led lrom 194b onwaids bv al-
Fasi In the following vear he fled to Cano where

French and Spanish Protectoiates lrom a centie in
the Maktab al Maghrib al ambi founded in the Egvptian
capital He returned to Morocco in 1956 the veai

nominated Piolessoi of Islamic Law at Rabat and
Fas and then Minister ol State entrusted with Islamic
iffairs and a Deputv

'Allal al-Fasis work as a publicist as well as a

ning ol 1957 he lounded the newspaper Le Sahaia

older t

pror

the

Mauretama in Moiocco and in 1952 the monthlv
leview al Banma which was at the same time Pan-
Aiab and Pan-Islamic and also concerned with cul-
ture and social piogress In all his woik the wntei
dealt with topics and problems of the Maghrib s
histoiv and politics above all in regard to the
modern and contemporarv periods with the e\cep-

iCasablanca nd) in which the authoi gathered
together his lectures on law at the Faculty Two
books are devoted to an historic o-jundical analvsis
of the Fiench and Spanish Protectoiates ovei
Moiocco al Himaya ft Marrakush mm al aidjha

'ALLAL al-FASI — 'AM'AK

al-ta'nkhivva wa 'l-kanunivva and Himavat hbamva jt
Marmkush mm al-widj.ha ' al-ta' rikhina wa 1-kanumvya
(publ. in Cairo 1947). His al-Maghnb al-'aiak minal-
harb al-'dlamiyya al-ula Ha 'l-yawm (Cairo 1955), on
the other hand, belongs to "the usual class of his-
torical compilations. His essay on al-Haraka al-
istiklalivya fi IMaghnb al-'aiabi (Cairo 1948, 2nd ed.
1956) may be considered as an unpretentious con-
tribution to our knowledge of Maghrib! nationalism,
especially in Morocco; there exist of these an English
translation (New York 1954, repr. 1970) and a
Spanish one. Other works comprise collections of
lectures given in various capitals of the Arab world
las in Hadith al-Maghnb fi TMashrik, Cairo 1956) and
radio talks (as in Nida' al-Kahira, Rabat 1959)— these
last revealing the passionate character of the writer's
political beliefs. Al-Nakd al-dhatl (Cairo 1952), of which
there even exists a Chinese translation, is a self-crit-
icism of the Arab world jparticularly in regard to
Morocco), in which the author analyses with a care-
ful dialectic the recent past, and above all the pres-
ent, in order to discern exactly the most effective
way for Arabism to face up to the exigencies of
e part of Europear

without ;

the

icing it

particular genius and identity. In this, 'Allal al-FasT
places himself in the forefront of the ideology of
Islamic fundamentalism with its roots in Muhammad
'Abduh's [q.r.] thought, but at times he goes beyond

ing more clearly to the heart of western thought.
Bibliography: There is information on 'Allal
al-Fasi in all the numerous works (mainly in French)
on Morocco. There is a good source of docu-
mentation on his political activity in Oriente Moderno,
esp. xvii (1937), 595, xix (1939), 429-30, and xxxii
(1952), 1-31 passim. See also Anouar Abdel-Malek,

essais, Paris 1965, 190-6; and A. Laroui, Videologie
arabe contemporame, Paris 1967, passim.

(U. Rizzitano)
ALLAWAYH al-A'SAR, Abu 'l-Hasan 'AlI b.
'Abd Allah b. Sayf, court musician in early
'■\bbasid times died in or shortly alter 235/85(1
He was ol Soghdian oiigm mania (al itk) of the
Umtwads and maula (al khidma) ol the 'Abbasids
Ibrahim and Ishik al-Mawsih taught him the clas-
sical hidja^i music but he prelered the iomantic
st\le oi Ibrahim b al-Mahdi and intioduced Peisian
melodies tnagham famnia) into Aiab music As a
couit musician he started in the third class (tabaka)
undei Hnun al-Rashid and continued to sene the
caliphs up to al-Mutawakkil but suffered irom the
main of his more bulhant colleague Mukhank
'Allawayh is descnbed as being a master musician
(mughanm hadhik) an excellent lutemst tdaub
mutakaddim) — being left-handed he used an instru-
ment stringed in re\eise Older— and a skilful com-
pose! (\am' mutafanmn) \bu 1-Faiadj al-Isbaham
recorded 80 of his songs using sources like
'■\Ilawa\hs own hitab (or Djami') al Agham and the
songbooks of 'Ami b Bina Ibn al-Makki Habash
and al-Hishami

Bibliography igham xi ^33-60 (main
souice see also indues) Ibn Tayiur Kilab
Baghdad Cairo 1949 (see indices) Ibn 'Abd
Rabbih 'Ikd vi Cairo 1949 31 33 37 Djahiz

Suh

khulafa'), 3(1 Nuwa\

-13 O

of Arabian musk, 123; Kh. Mardam, Djamharat al-

mughannin, Damascus 1964, 163-4.

(E. Neubaueri

ALUS, Sermed Mukhtar, modern Turkish
Sermet Muhtar Alus, Turkish writer (1887-1952).
He was born in Istanbul, the son of Ahmed Mukhtar
Pasha, the founder of the Military Museum and a
teacher at the War College. Educated mainly pri-
vately at Galatasarav Lvcee. he studied law, gradu-
ating in 1910. As a student, he founded with two
friends, the humorous paper EU'furuk (1908) and con-
tributed essays and cartoons to another humorous
paper David (1908-9). His early interest in philosophy
and social studies did not last long, and he turned
to the theatre. Between 1918 and 1930, apart from
a number of short stories which he contributed to
various papers, he concentrated exclusively on the the-
atre, writing and adapting from the French many
plays, some of which were performed in the Istanbul
Municipal theatre [Dai al-Bedayi'). Some of his plays
were serialised in satirical weeklies (Akbaba and Amcabey).
The year 1931 was a turning point in his literary
career. He began to publish in the newspaper Aksam
sketches of everyday life in Istanbul at the turn of
the century, Otuz sene evvel Istanbul ("Istanbul thirty-
years ago") which were followed by stories, essays,
autobiographical sketches, novels, etc. serialised in the
same paper and in the dailies .Son posta, Cumhuriyet,
Vatan, Vakil, etc. and in the periodicals Yedigun, Hafta,
Yeni mecmua, etc., all describing life in mansions, vil-
las, rahs (sea-side villas), famous resorts, or in the
humble homes of Istanbul during the last decade of
Harmdian era.

An extremely prolific writer, he produced con-
tinuously until his death in Istanbul on 18 May
1952. Unfortunately the great bulk of his output

accompanied by his own designs and sketches,
remains scattered in many dailies and periodicals.
Four of his novels have been published in book
form: Kunrak Pasa (1933), Pembe majlahh hamm (1933),
Harp zengminin gelmi (1934), Eski Qapkin anlatiyor (1944).
The plots in these novels, as in all Alus's writings,
lie loose and unimportant and are onl\ a pretext
tor describing and repoiting the comersations of his
pet characters who are Harmdian pashas local beau-
ties or toughs snobs and simple people Alus is the

rative school inaugurated bv Ahmed Midhat and
continued b\ Husavn Rahmi Ahmed Rasim and
ODj Kavgih [ V n] perhaps I

i that

and s:

phstic without high claims to am moral or philo-
sophic conclusions In spite of his often unpolished
even sloppv stvle and his weakness foi the farcical
his work has a great dotumentaiv \alue for the spo-
ken language »a) of life customs and folklore of

Bibliography Resat Ekrem Kocu in Istanbul
ansikloptdm Istanbul 1958-b9 sv (the main source
for all subsequent studies) Metin And Mefrutiytt
dommindt Turk tiyatrom Ankara 1971 '"

L-DlN

(Fah

e Ilek-Khans

'AM'AK Shih
leading Persian poets at the com
(Kara-Khamds) [q i ] of Transoxama Late sources
ascribe to him the kunya \bu 1-Nadjib (eg laki
al-Din Kasham) It is not certain whethei 'Am'ak
is a personal name or i lakab used as a pen-
name It cannot be connected with an\ existing
Arabic Persian or Turkish word Dh Safa has

AM AN ALL\H

> to Dh Safa the !

middle ol the 5th/llth centun It am of the dates
cri\en tor his de ith b\ htei bios>rapheis \iz 542 (eg
Dawlatshah md Rida-kuh khan Hidavat), 543 (Tab
al-Din kishinij or 551 (Sadik b S ilih Istihim m

The enhest databl

e poems that tie attributed to

'Am'ak ate taudas, w

ntten loi the Il< k-khan Nasr

b Ibiahim l4bO-72/

0b8-80) The poet must ha\e

h\ed at least till 524/

120-30 lccoidinr; to the aiwc-

dote that he was o

Sultan Sandjai s da

us>htei Mah-i Mulk khatun

whose death oc(unec

in that \en (Dawlatshih on

the authorm of 'An

<aks rontempoian khatuni)

or even latei if the

princ e Mahmud named in a

fiaimientan poem is

identKal with the Uek-kh in

toneol Samaikmd b\ Sandj n

in 526/1132

Alieadv duims> the

shoit mirn of khidi b Ibiahim

(472-3/1080 1) 'Am c

k appeals to ha\e reached a

the couit ol Samukand The

with Rashidi told m the ( aha,

mat ah pictures him

s an am,, al dm'ma In his latei

tinlh belon

liable

:o othei
of 80b

poets S NafTsi his a
bmS fiom vinous, sources in D,uan I 'in, at ,
Bulla,! Tehran 1330/1060 This volume lacks
however pi case letetences on the piovenance ol
each item The laudas wntten loi the Ilek-khans
hue ilso been insetted into the ta'hlat to NafTsi s
edition of Ta nlh , Ba\hal , Tehian 1332/ 10=>3 m
1301-23

The most impoitant souues containing fnsr
mc nts of his poetn lie 'AwfT Lubab ed Browne
181-0 ed NafTsi 378-84 cf ta'hlat 085 04
Rishid-i Watwat Hada ,1 al s,h, Tehian
1308/1020 44-5 Shims al Din Muhammad b
ka\s al-Rizi al Uu'djttm ft ma'aw adi'ar al 'aajam
Tehran 1338/1050 351 381 Djidjaimi \Iu rm
al a/na, fi dala'il al aih'a, n Tehnn 1350/1071
400 Dawlitshih 04-5 Djami Bahamian
Dushamlx 1072 107 Amm Ahmad Rtzi Haft
itlim Tehian 1340/1001 m 400-20 kasimi
Sullam alsamaiat Iehun 1340/10bl 53 cf
haitash, 303 4 Lutf'Ah Be[< \dhat Atashlada
hth Bomba\ 1200 AH 337-42 Rida-kuh khan
Hidavat \ladima al fusaha' hth Tehian

345-

Tehia

3 3o/K

Although the s>]

intmient ol on

ol h

s la

</</s in which

the

han

used

line is olten quoted

as a

l example ol

this

ed as

ter ot elegies

more than the

he wiott at

the

ot Sandjai has

been prese

\ed

hei notable lean

ep,o

The

stieme example

ol th

piolosme ot

10(

jntams the cone

innan woild on

the

ick

abmed with satn

) the poets i

ed NafTsi 141

ffi

ak had a dis

inc

•sented is
v ntues of
170 ff

ft Ch Rieu (atalo^ut of Pasum mimmmpH in tlu
Btihsh \lmium London 1881 n 8b0 Supplement
105 \J Aibem mJ/USilQWi ^70 \ Munziwi
Fihmti nuskhaha „ lhatt, \, falsi in Tehran 1350/

2551

24870- 1 ]

be found In Nizami Aiudi (aha, malala Tehian
1055-7 mat,, 44 73 74 cf ta'hkat 138 fi 1U 1
and 015 is well as in the tadhfna woiks mentioned
208 303 ^35 f

i Bulhaii.

\hh,

177-81 280-05
adahmal da, han n Tehian 13j0/10b0 5 35-47
EE Beitels htonui pinMotad lUm hhiatim
Moscow 1050 401-0 and /*m»» S NafTsi
muladdama to his edition ol the Dman 3-127 and
200 tl itiN Mm md kl Ca\kin Pismao/xr
udshn litaatui, Tiflis 1070 110-25

iJTP DE Bruijni
AMAN ALLAH Amu of Afghanistan and the
.ULcessoi and thud son ol Habib Allah [</ c ] b\ his
1 ' '■ 'UlviHadntid 1005) He was bom on

1802

Paghm,

ind lnid-

[ Mahr

1035) the editoi ol Snaa} al alhha, and in 1014
mamed 1 nzis diusrhtei Son\a (Thuiavv i) |d 21
\pnl 1%8) At the time ol his lathers muidei on
20 Febiuin 1010 Aman Allah as Govtrnoi ol
kabul tonti oiled the capital with its s>amson, ai se-
ll il and treason Suppoited In the nm\ the
vounijei nationalists and the Barakza\ laction he
lesisted the claims ol his uncle Nasi Allah and his
eldest biothei 'Inavat Allah md was lei osmised is
amir on 28 Pebiuan

Am m Allah piomptK isseited Afgh unstin s in-

AMAN ALLAH — AMID TULAKl SUNAMI

dependence from British control of her foreign rela-
tions. Possibly hoping to promote his goal by the
threat of war, he despatched forces to the Indian
frontier, but hostilities commenced on 3 May and
endured until an armistice at the beginning of June
(the Third Afghan Wan. By the Treaty of Rawalpindi
(8 August 1919) Britain recognised, by implication,
Afghanistan's independence, although the Durand
Line remained the frontier. After further negotiations
at Mussoorie (April-July 1920) and in Kabul, a treaty
of good neighbourliness was signed by Britain and
Afghanistan on 22 November 1921. In the mean-
time Aman Allah had obtained international recog-
nition through treaties with the USSR (28 February
1921) and Turkey (1 March 1921). Relations were
also established with Italy, France and Iran. In the
early years of his reign Aman Allah espoused a Pan-
Islamic policy involving support for Indian Muslims,
friendship with Turkey and Iran and the creation of
a Central Asian federation under Afghan leadership
including Bukhara and Khlwa, but the reassertion
of Soviet control over Turkistan put an end to this
project.

ernisation. His reforms came in two main bursts. In
the period 1921-4 he reformed the structure of Afghan
government, introducing the first budget (1922), con-
stitution (1923), and administrative code (1923). He
introduced legal reforms including a family code (1921)
and a penal code (1924-5). The legal reforms were
partly the work of ex-Ottoman advisors and influ-
enced by Islamic modernism, being derived largely
from the Shari'a but replacing 'ulama' control by that
of the state. Education was central to his reforms and
he established new secondary schools and sent Afghan
students abroad. His support of female education gave

suffici

ing

n froi

Allah made

opment by fostering communications (aircraft, radio
and telegraph introduced, and railway surveys begun),
reforming the currency (the rupee replaced by the
afghani], reorganising the customs, and helping light
industry. The principal economic success of his reign,
however, owed nothing to his efforts; this was the
development of the Karakul and carpet industries fol-
lowing Uzbek immigration into the northern provinces.
There was also some agricultural development. Aman
Allah's reforms were financed largely from domestic
resources and lack of money imposed constraints which
were especially marked in his military reforms. With
the aid of foreign instructors (mainly Turks) Aman
Allah sought to develop a non-tribal national militia
based on conscription for short periods, and at the
same time to reduce military spending. The result was
strong tribal opposition to conscription, and a dis-
affected, discontented and inefficient army. Hostility

lay behind the Khost [a.v.] rebellion in 1924, which
was suppressed only after a protracted struggle. For
a time Aman Allah was obliged to abate his reform-
In December 1927 Aman Allah departed for a
tour of Europe, returning to Kabul on 1 July 1928.
His object, he explained, was to discover the secrets
of progress; his conclusion was that these were the

moned a national assembly \Loe D/irga) (28 August-
5 September) and dressed the delegates in European
clothes to hear his new ideas. At the last moment
he was persuaded to omit his most far-reaching
proposals, but his announced changes in the con-

Unabashed, Aman Allah repeated his proposals in
a further series of five three-hour speeches deliv-
ered between 30 September and 4 October to an
invited audience, which was treated to the spectacle
of Queen Soraya dramatically unveiling herself.

Enraged by the social reforms, by their diminution
of their own authority, and by new proposals by Aman
Allah to examine them in their proficiency to teach
and to expel those trained at Deoband, the 'ulama',
under the leadership of the Hazrat family of Shor
Bazaar, denounced Aman Allah as an infidel. The
Amir arrested the leaders, but in November found
himself confronted by two tribal risings supported by
'ulama', one in the vicinity of Djalalabad, involving
the Shinwans and other tribes, and the second in the
Kuhistan, led by a Tadjik bandit known as Bacca-yi
Sakaw. His inadequate forces divided, Aman Allah
was unable to resist the attack on Kabul from the
Kuhistan, and his belated withdrawal of nearly all his
reforms did not pacify the rebels. On 14 January
1929 Aman Allah abdicated in favour of 'Inayat Allah
and fled to Kandahar. Tnayat Allah also abdicated
on 18 January and the Bacca became ruler of Kabul
with the title of Habib Allah II. At Kandahar Aman
Allah rescinded his abdication on 24 January and
sought help from Britain (which remained neutral),
from the USSR (which briefly sent troops to north-
ern Afghanistan), and from Afghan tribes. Although
Aman Allah received help from the Hazaras and some
other tribes, he failed to command the support of the
Durrams and the majority of the Ghalzays, and was
forced to turn back his advance on Kabul at Ghazna.
On 23 May he left Afghanistan for India and on 22
June sailed from Bombay to exile in Rome. He died
'in Switzerland on 26 April 1960 and was brought
home and buried at Djalalabad.

Bibliography: The older biographies of Aman
Allah such as those by R. Wild, London 1932
and Ikbal Ali Shah, London 1933 have little value
by comparison with modern studies based on the
British archives. See Rhea Talley Stewart, Fire in
Afghanistan 1914-1929, New York 1973; L.B.
Poullada, Reform and rebellion in Afghanistan, 1919-
1929, Ithaca 1973; L.W. Adamec, Afghanistan 1900-
1923, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1967, and idem,
Afghanistan 's foreign affairs to the mid-twentieth century,
Tucson 1974; V. Gregorian, The emergence of mod-
em Afghanistan, Stanford 1969. All these latter works
contain valuable further bibliographies.

(M.E. Yapp)
AMID TULAKl SUNAMI, Kh"adja 'amid al-
DIn Fakhr al-Mulk, poet of Muslim India. He was
born in Sunam, an important town (now in the dis-
trict of Patiala in the Indian part of the Pandjab)
that had emerged as a centre of culture and learn-
ing in the 7th/ 13th century. 'Amid called himself
Tulaki along with Sunami because his father was
said to have migrated from Tulak in Khurasan to
India. In the art of poetry, he was the disciple of
a famous master, Shihab Mahmra. He started his
career as a poet in Multan, which had become the
capital of a short-lived kingdom under Malik Tzz
al-Din Khan-i Ayaz and his son, Tadj al-Dm Abu
Bakr (who died in 638/1241). Two of his kasldas
preserved in mediaeval anthologies are in praise of
Sultan Tadj al-Din. On the death of patron, he
moved from Multan to Dihli, and during the reign
of Sultan Balban he was appointed muslawji of the
district of Multan and Ucch, placed under the charge

AMID TULAKI SUNAMi — AMlN al-HUSAYNI

lence in the a

rt (if poet

r\ show me; th

t lie v

shed poe

s of tht Dihh

te dur

ing the 7th/13th centur

contributing

to the

growt

(it lndo-Persia

e It emerges h

poem

nteiested

in tht philoso

ph\ o

hhra

or illuminate

e wisdom

as propound

d and

adv.

cated b\ Sh

vkh Shihab U-Din Su

di d

587/11911

Like most (

f his con

( llK a poet of

the Lasida

and his known

poem

laigel

rulers prince

s and

theie ue lis

Taidj,

band two ^

Is and on

e ha J Ihumorot
s.mphc.tv spo

s pern

11 fresi

His

(poems wnttei

in prison

and depie tint;

life [see habs

y\k belov

■,}) shed light

,n the

KtlU

mid also

that his gha^als like those of Shavkh Djam il of H nisi
pa\ed the w iv for the ghazal s subsequent popuhntv
as in independent blanch of poetn

Bibliography 'Abd al-Kadn Bada'um Uuntakhab
altaitarikh i Bibl Ind edn Calcutta 1Ho9 Ahmad
Kulati Isfaham \h'nis_ al ahia) MS Habib Gandj
Collection Mawlana \zad Iibran Uigarh Taki
Kashi hhulasat al ash'ar MS Khuda Bakhsh Libi an
Patna Husavn Andju Iaihangi Djahanqm Ntwal
Kishore edn Iqbal Husain Jlu tarh Ptnum fmh
of India Patna 1937 Nizir Alimad 'Amid Tulah
Sunanu in Fib o Aay lUidu Quattah) (October 1%4)
Aligarh Muslim Umversitv Aligarh

IH SlDDIQLII

AMIN al-HUSAYNI mufti and Palestinian leader
He was bom in Jerusalem in 1893 the son of Talnr
al-Husa\m The Husa\ms were a leading famiK m
Jerusalem who claimed ShaufT lineage although this

had passed through female members of the familv
Thev had often held the office of mufti in the past
and thiee had been mup in the period linmediate-
K before 1821 Mustafa Amin s grandfather Tahn
his father and Kamil his cldei biothei b\ anothei
mother The holding of this office enhanced the
standing of the famiK othti membeis of which had
held other high positions including that of Ma\or
of Jerusalem and of deputv in the Ottoman paiha-
ment Thus Amm

Jerusalem More
the third holiest
as such must h;
thoughts The ,

luthor

if the

office

lole u

mufti u

the Husa

Amin al-Husa\m hac
attended a local Mushr

attended foi a \eai the school of the Alliance Isi;
studied trench In 191.

tha:

t to Cai

eied a

a \eai and left without giaduatmg and with
the title of 'ahm He immediatcl\ went to make
had)dj from which he letumed to Jeiusalem

religious education was incomplete and did
quahfv him foi the office of mufti Fuithet
ation was receded in the Ottoman aim\ in

office

h he served during the First Woild War H
•nook his basic training in the School of Official'
Mulkmt in Istanbul ind at the Mihtar
demv His wu

f this

mng ti

Ott

ed to wear the tarbush the

n officnl but not of a religious digmtarv

lemsalcm which was to be the base of his ictiuties
[or the next nineteen \eais He worked as teachei
translatoi md (nil sen int but he soon turned to
,ouinalism and dnect political actmtv He was an

organising ibihtv and from the fust inspired bv two
dceplv-held ideas Aiab nationalism and a hatred
iif the Zionist attempt to change the charactei of
Palestine Foi him Pilestine was an Islamic Aiab
[ountrv belonging to the wider Ar ib woild and he

would i

inlnbita

Arab neighbours He wis com meed that the Palestin-
ims had the light to determine the futuie foim of
government of their countn a right possessed bv nei-
ther the British government noi the Zionist oigan-
isation He ilso believed that Euiopean Jews settling
in Palestine would spiead customs and usiges alien
to the more ti iditional Islamic wav of lite If change
was to come in Palestine it should be oigame and
internal and not imposed from outside He devoted
the rest of his life to a vain attempt to stem this tide

Opposition to Zionism amongst the Aiabs of S\na
and Palestine giew in intensity once Jerusalem and
Damascus had fallen to the Allied forces The oppo-
sition was led b\ l gioup of \oung Pdestimans fore-

al-' \nf \ erbal opposition in speeches and newspa-
peis led to street demonstrations m September 1919
Editorials and sermons called for the shedding of
Jewish blood it piotests went unheeded Amin began
to organise small gioups of fida'mun whose task was
to strike against the Jews and the Bntish When m
Maieh 1920 the Suian National Congiess voted for
Sv nan independence Palestine Ai abs toe ik to the streets
in the belief that then countn, was included in the
new state 'Anf s newspaper Suuiia al Qianubnia pub-
lished the headline Arabs anse' The end of the for
tigners is neai Jews will be diowned in their own
blood Because of the Amir Fivsals lack of stiong

his state and follow then own path In April the
Arabs of Jerusalem in the prevailing tense atmospheie
exploded fiom a demonstiation into an assault on the
Jewish population

Amin who was leading the demonstration was
ieported to have tried to testiain the noteis but two
davs of tiouble left five Jews dead and 211 wounded
and four Arabs dead and 21 wounded Dunng the dis-
turbances \ ladimir Jabotinskv s Jewish Self-Defence
Group attempted to assassinate Amin and 'Anf whose
fida'mun tiled to ittahate Bntish intelligence forestalled
these attempts and tht two had to (fee to Transjoidan
after having been accused of piovoking the riots This
was the first of a series of charges laid against Amin
dunng his lifetime His piecise lole in the piovocation
can nevei be astei tamed but it is teitain that he
appioved of all actions taken to discomfoit the Jewish
population and that he was not averse to the shed-
ding of blood The concepts of d}ihad and of the fida 1
weie in Islamic histon associated with the possibihtv
of death in the pursuit of a goal All Muslims could

be summoned to a aphad in defence of Islam against

opponent.

The first British High Commissioner in Palestine,
Herbert Samuel, pardoned Amm in August 1920
and he returned to Jerusalem. Samuel had issued
the pardon in order to try to calm Arab feeling
and to attempt to enlist Arab support for his poli-
cies. In March 1921 the mufti of Jerusalem, Kamil
al-Husavm, died. The British' authorities had assumed
the mantle of the Ottoman government and conse-
quently the responsibility for religious appointments.
In an election, local 'ultima' had to select three can-
didates for the office of mufti, one of whom would
be approved by the government. The al-Husaym
family campaigned for their nominee, Hadjdj Amln,
but he was not one of the three selected in April.

appear

r that

? had sc

e popi

port

.lar sup-
s loathe

the office

s appointed Grand Mufti {al-mujh al-akhan.

s of

atrocities amongst the Jews. 133 were killed bv the
Arabs and 116 Arabs killed by police action. The sub-
sequent British government report did not accuse the
Mufti directly of provoking the attacks, but blamed
him for not doing enough to forestall them and for
having played upon public feeling. The agitation had
been conducted in the name of a religion of which,
in Palestine, he was head. The British still saw him as
a force for moderation, whereas it is clear that he was
committed to an uncompromisingly anti-Zionist policy
and that he would do everything in his power to frus-
trate the establishment of a Jewish National Home.

In 1931 he convened a Pan-Islamic Conference in
Jerusalem which he attempted to use as a platform
to further his anti-Zionist policv, although his posi-
tion was challenged by other Palestinian leaders. He
later travelled to other Muslim countries to gain polit-
ical support and to raise funds. In 1935 he helped
to found the Palestine Arab Party, a Husaynf organ-
isation under the presidency of Djamal, the Mufti's
cousin. The Party's policy was that of Amm himself,
and it attempted to prohibit the further sale of Arab
land to Jewish settlers.

Amfn's appointment as head of the Muslim com-
munity in Palestine did not settle the problem of
the Muslim religious organisation of the country. In
Ottoman times, the ihari'a courts had come under
the general jurisdiction of the Shaykh al-hlam and
the wakfi, had been administered bv the Ministry of
Aivkaf. The British assumed responsibility for these,
but the Muslims soon demanded that they be allowed
to run their own religious affairs. The government
concurred and the Supreme Muslim Skari'a Council
{al-Mat&lii al-Shar'i al-Islami al-A'la) was elected bv
leading Muslims. Hadjdj Amm was chosen as Ra'is
al-'l'lama' and President of the Council, as he later
maintained, for life. He had thus, as a young man,
consolidated his position as leader of the Palestinian
Arabs both in their religious and their secular affairs.
In March 1921 he wrote a Memorandum to the
British Colonial Secretarv, Winston Churchill, in
which he outlined Palestinian resistance to Zionism
and the ideas which were the foundation of his
future policy — the complete prohibition of Jewish
immigration,' the abolition of the Jewish National
Home and the establishment of an Arab govern-
ment of Palestine.

The period 1921-9 was used by the Mufti to build
up his following. As President of the Supreme Muslim
Council, he controlled the mikf revenues, which were
not used exclusively for charitable purposes. Preachers
were paid to disseminate political propaganda and those
who did not support his policies were dismissed.
Financial assistance was given to Arab schools to instruct
their pupils in the Arab nationalist spirit. Demonstrations
and boycotts were encouraged. Money was also used
to enhance the status of Jerusalem and its mosques in
the Islamic world. To Amin, the area of the Haram

and s

The

1936 v

-, culminating in the Arab revolt. The increase
in Jewish immigration caused bv the rise of Nazism
led the Arabs to fear the future takeover of their
country bv the Zionists. In April an Arab Higher
Committee of Christians and Muslims was formed
under the leadership of Amin. It immediately sup-
ported a general strike, to be called off when the
British government suspended Jewish immigration.
Murderous attacks on Jews began to occur, but the
brunt of the Arab effort was quicklv turned against
the British and those Arabs considered disloyal. The
strike and the unrest continued until October.
The British Commission appointed to investigate
disturbances apportioned a large share of the
le for them to the Mufti. The Arab Higher
Committee under his chairmanship had clearly insti-
gated illegal acts and had not condemned sabotage
'sin. The Mufti had seen and encouraged
as a movement of the people, largelv
/ho had risen to defend their country and

:heir rights.

The Briti

is a moder;

o the

after i'

preserve Jerusalem and Palestine as Arab and Islamic.
In 1928 a screen was set up by the Western Wall o
the sanctuary to separate male and female Jewish wor
shippers. This move was taken as a reason for protes
and seen by Muslims as a Jewish encroachment oi
the Haram. The Muftr felt the threat deeply, and encour
aged propaganda to the effect that the Jews were plan
ning to take over the Muslim holy places. A year late
feelings between the two communities became s(
exacerbated that the Arabs attacked and committed

tember 1937, stricter
regulations were introduced. The Arab Higher
Committee was declared illegal and Amm was removed
from his post as president of the Supreme Muslim
Council. Six members of the former were arrested
and deported (although Djamal al-Husaynf escaped)
and the Mufti, fearing arrest himself, fled to Lebanon.
From there he fought a propaganda war against
the British, while his followers contributed to the
continuing unrest in Palestine or set about eliminat-
ing members of rival clans. He was not allowed to
attend the London Conference on the future of
Palestine in February 1939, although a four-man del-
egation of members' of the disbanded Higher Com-
mittee was present.

In October 1939 the Mufti made another move,
this time to 'Irak. As German successes multiplied
in the Second World War. he began to make
approaches to the Nazis in the hope that at the
end of the war he would be on the winning side.
He sent his private secretarv to Berlin in September
1940 to ask for German commitments to the Arabs-
recognition of the complete independence of the
Arab countries, the abrogation of the mandates.

<\h alGivlim the inn Butish Ii
hid become Pnme Mimstei in IS

ind it is not d< u

IMf

in Bighdid in
n which the Nizis

nd how he would

Eichm

the IS:

d on it htei His

o support Rishid

Hu ni >

Inch 1040 Ih<\

th.t

suppoit tiom the
ini ind his sup

ph\ec
Hllop

iio&nmin coup

Liehm

HUSAYNI

the c hief

\etu

ives ol Hitlei

s pohcv Dunn,,

1061 Euhm

nn denied hiving

tht Mufti

well

hiving met

urn onlv onie du

n The evic

( inif fion

i Die

ei Uishtenv

one ot Eithminn

He wis vv umlv welcomed b\ Mussr
to use him for his own pui poses :
more interested in ntgotnting with t
nei ot the \xis in Beilin md lit i
Novembei 104) M Givhm u lived
month ind the two disputed for t

occupied countnes With hi
stindibk tint he would ti
of the Jewish popuhtion n

the \nb countnes The Fuhrei was non commii
Neveitheless the Mufti issuied him of the hiendship
ind co opention ot the \nbs

' tint tht Mufti spent in N izi Germ

Nov

., Miv

1045 is

snl in his lift He hid tied to German to esc ipe
the Butish ind beciuse he believed tint the \v>
would win tht wn \s i stnrt Muslim he could hive
hid little svmpithv with Nitron ii Sotiilism is such
but his chief urn in life ot uridine; Piltstinc ot the

ot the Jewish pioblem He tht letoie used ill iv nl
!ble mti British ind inti Jewish souites in the nine
hope tint he would be ietogmscd bv the \\is is the
rulei of in independent \nb stite Ht ntvei obtuned
written pledges fiom the Geimins nlthough the It ilmr-
weie moie forthcoming! ind he w is used to the limit
bv Nizi propound i The Geimins piovided still ind
fnnnce foi Dm imbivht Bun fiom which the Gwumuft,
wis ible to send piopigmdi both printed ind bro id
cist to the Middle Elst He issued c ills to the \ribs
to nst ignnst the Butish ind the Jews md to destiov
them both Onlv when Bntiin md he i Miles nt

gel be defimtelv lesolved (bioidt ist ot 11th Novembei
1042) He ilso helped to onanist filth columns m
the Middle E ist ind to estiblish Muslim ind Anl:
units to tight in the Geimin amies

The greitest suspicions sunound his lttitude to
his knowledge ot md his possible tncoungement el
the Nrz

ind k

• the

the J.

Dec

hid h

piochimed in Nizi Geiminv Tl
to condemn him is difficult tei
slid to have been betnended Ij

st into Octob
nve spoken o

pioduted

AMlN al-HUSAYNI — AMlR KABlR

solution of the Aiab Higher Committee and the
Higher Front (the anti-Husayni bod>) and the for-
mation of the Arab Highei Executive with the Mufti
as its chairman He was not allowed b> the British
to return to Palestine and had to direct the resist-
ance from outside He continued to follow an uncom-
promising line, boycotting the United Nations Special
Committee on Palestine, letusing to contemplate an>
partition plans, and uigmg total opposition to the
Zionists. As \iolence on both sides incieased, the
Higher Executive at the end of 1947 began to oigan-
ise and direct military lesistance An Ar

wing par

ited which 1;

e Mull

-opeiai

Inter-Arab nvalr\ hindered co-opei ation, and aftei
the proclamation of the State of Israel a split grew
over Transjordan's ambitions in the West Bank of the
Jordan. Egypt suppoited the Mufti and allowed him
to settle in Gaza wheie he announced in Septembei
1948 the formation of a Palestine govemment A self-
constituted Assembly elected him its president and
several Arab governments recognised the Gaza regime
However, the rump of Palestine was under Tians-
jordanian control and its final annexation in April
1950 was not opposed by the Arab League Hence-
forward the Mufti lost any real base of power and
spent the rest of his life vainly trying to ially support
for an effort to destio> Isiael \mli c Abd Allah of
Transjordan appointed his own mufti and piesident of
the Muslim Supreme Council

In July 1951 'Abd Allah was assassinated and Amm
was thought to be implicated although this was nevei
conclusively proved In 1951 he chaired a Woild
Muslim Conference which he used as a platfoim to
publicise his policy He attended the Bandung Afio-
Asian Conference in a minor capacity, having to
accept the predominance of Piesident 'Abd al-Nasir
[q.u. in Suppl.] In fact, the lattei's lack of regaid for
him caused him to move to Beirut in 1959 He had
more freedom of action in Lebanon, but no moie
authority. He tried \anous alliances with Piesident
Kasim of 'Iraq, with the Sa'udls with Joidan all to
no avail. In the shifting sands of intei-Arab politics,
Amin was now of little account He moved about to
Damascus, to al-Riyad and back to Beirut In the
Palestine movement first Ahmad Shukayri and
then the Palestine Liberation Oigamsation took o\er

M-Hadjd} Amm died in Benut on July 4th 1974
To the end, he proclaimed his unwavering belief that
his country had been illegally given away by foreign-
ers to other foreigners both of whom had scant legard
for its Arab and Islamic chaiactei He spent his adult
life trying to prevent a change in the chaiacter of
Palestine. Through his intiansigence, his desire to dom-
inate his rivals and his inability to distinguish between
his personal aspirations and his political goals, he
ended by losing everything for himself and almost
everything for the Palestinian Arabs

Bibliography Two works deal specifically with
the Mufti, M Pearlman Mufti of Jeimalem London
1947, written in an attempt to have him tried as
a war criminal, and J B Schechtman, The Mujti
and the Fuehw New Yoik and London 1965, a
fairer work but one taking too much for granted
from Pearlman Otherwise, references have to be
sought in the many histories of the Palestine piob-
lem, and in woiks dealing with Geiman relations
with the Middle East and with Nazi policy towaids
the Jews. (D Hopwoodi

AMINDII b DJALAL b HASAN, an eminent
Musta'li-Tayyibi Isma'ili jurist of India was the
son of the twenty -fifth da'i mutlak He lived in
Ahmadabad in Gudjaiat and died theie on 13
Shawwal 1010/b April lb02 His woiks deal main-
ly with junspiudence and are consideied a great
authority on legal matters after the works of al-
Kadi ai-Nu'man [q i ] The following works have
been preseived 1 Uasa'it imindjt b D$alaf in the
form of questions answeis, and anecdotes bearing
on legal issues, hence also known as hitab at Wal
ua 7 dfanab The book contains many problems that
are typically Indian, and although the book is in
Arabic, the author uses many local Gujaiati woids
and expressions 2 hitab at HanSihi consisting of
pioblems in the form of questions and answeis relat-
ing to the text of al-K5dr al-Nu'man s Da'a'im al
hlam and Mukhtasar al atha, The problems discussed
in the book throw some light on the social history
of the IsmaTU Bohra community 3 Hisab a!

muntakhaba al manzuma, a commentary on al-Kadi
al-Nu'man's al Urdiuza al muntakhaba on junspiu-
dence 5 Sharh 4sas al ta'uil ua ta'uil al da'a'im, a
commentary on al-Kadi al-Nu'man's Asas al ta'uil
and Ta'u il al da'a'im

Bibliography Isma'il b 'Abd al-Rasul al-
Madjdu', Fihnst ed 'All NakI MunzawT, Tehian
19bb, 37-8 Kutb al-Din BurhanpQri, Uuntaza' al
akhbar, manuscript, Muhammad 'All b Mulla
Djiwabha'i, Mauum i bahar, Bombay 1301-1 1/188 i-
94 in 20b, 252 Asaf A A Fyzee Compendium of
Fatimid lait, Simla 1969 (both the woiks of Amindji
b Djalal Nos 1 and 2 aie used as souues), Ismail
Poonawala, Biobibhograph of hma'ili literatim Malibu
Cal 1977 (I PoonwalM

AMIR KABIR, MIrz* Muhammad Taki Kh«
[ca 1222-68/1807-52), then

1 19th c

Kaibala'i Kurban, the chief cook of the Kadjai
through whom he found his way to the Kadjai royal

alpos

tion in the co

art and lapidly ac

d in suc-

nt titles of "Mir

'Khan'

"\\ azl

r-i Nizam' "

Amii-i Nizam", a

nd f

nally the

highes

of all, 'Ami

r-i Kabir Atabak-

A'z

am' He

also n

arried Nasir

al-Din Shahs sis

ter,

Izzat al-

Dawla

The Amir kabir served the Peisian government in
different capacities such as the State Accountant of
\dharbaydjan in ca 1240-5/1 829- M and as Minister
of the Aimy in 1253/1837 Before being appointed
as Grand Vizier in 1264/1848, the Amir Kabir took
part in three diplomatic missions In 1244/1828 he
went to St Petersburg with Khusraw Mirza in order
to settle the pioblems caused by the murder of
Gnboyedov the Russian special envoy to Iian The
second diplomatic mission was his accompanying, in
1253/1837 the then Crown Prince Nasn al-Din
Mirza to Envan for a meeting with the Russian
Empeior The Amii was also appointed as the head
of the Iranian mission to the "Erzuium Confeience',
which was held in Eizurum m 1259-63/1843-6 to
deal with Ottoman-Persian tenitonal and boidei
disputes

Dunng these missions to Russia and Turkey the
Amir studied closely the processes of modernisation
in those countries In his term of office as a Giand
Viziei, theiefoie, he made strenuous efforts to in-

AMIR KABlR — AMIR NIZAM

tow

his c
irds

the

sep
rds

hools, and .so on. He did

in Iran; on this

j the limi
tablisl

' the n

oblen

he 1

reportedly

:i of [establishing] c
lusiyun), but my big obstacles we
(Firldun Adamivyat, Makalat-i I
(73, 88-9).
oursc of his service as a Grand Vizi

, the

himself because, on the one hand, he limited bribery
injustic e, and abuses of power committed by govern-
ment officials and high dignitaries at court, includim
the Shah's mother, Mahd 'Ulya, and on the othei
hand he opposed the Anglo-Russian interventions h
Iranian affairs. This hostility at cotirt, together wit!
the Anglo-Russian intervention, finally brought abou

after his dismissal from the Grand Vizierate, and th<
succession to that position of Aka Nun, a protege o
the British.

Bibliography. Akbar Hashin

, Tehn

1967; 'Abbas Ikbal, Mirzft Taki Khan Amir Kabi,,
Vhran 1961; Husavn Makki, ^«rf; ? <7»r-r( Mil -J
'aki Man-, Ami, Kabii, Tehran 1958; Firldun
damiyyat. Amir Kabir va halt, Tehran 1969; J.H.

- 1 1971 1, 85-103; Yahva Daulatabadl, Kunfiriins
id}i' bi Amir Kabi,. Tehran 1930; Kudrat Allah
.m Za'faranlu, ed.. Ami, Kabi, va Da, «/-

i, Tehra

1975 (;

ered by several Iranian scholars i. See also
general histories of 19th centurv Persia.

(Abdul-Hadi Hairi

AMIR NIZAM, Hasan 'Alt Khan Garrusi [VI

1317/1820-991 was born into a distinguished Run

family of the Garrus district in western Iran.

courts of the Timunds, the Safawids, the Afshar
the Zandis, and finally the Kadjars. After stud;
Persian, Arabic, history and calligraphy, he began
government service at the age of seventeen and.
a commander of the Garrus regiment, he hel
Muhammad Shah Kadjar's army to la\ siege to
city of Harat in 1253/1837. After tin
Nizam ia title which he received from Nasir
Shah in 1302/1884) continued his administratis
ical, military, and diplomatic duties with little

;he i

ruptio

r appro

62 )

His

include his victorious participation in the
1265/1848 expedition to Mashhad, and that of
1273/1856 to Harat. He was also one of those mil-
itary commanders who ended the Babt movement in
Zandjan in 1267/1850 and that of the Nakshbandi
Sufis led by Shaykh 'Ubavd Allah in Kurdistan in
i 297/ 1879; the former success gained the Amir Nizam
the title of "aide-de-camp" to Nasir al-Dm Shah,
and the latter the governorship of five western regions
in Iran.

In the sphere of civil offices the Amir Nizam served,
among other things, as Dim tor of the Office of
Roval Effects and Treasuries 1 1273-5/ 1856-8|, as a
member of the Grand Consultative Assembly 11283-8/

As Nasir al-Dm Shah's special political envoy, the
Amir Nizam went to Europe and met the heads of
state in London, Paris, Berlin, Brussels, and a few-
other European capitals in 1275/1858. It was on this
trip that he was accompanied by 42 students seeking
further education in Europe. Later, from 1276/1859
to 1283/1866, he was appointed Minister Plenipo-

The

r Nizi

with the
t. Regie Cot

fused t(
> effect

ision of 1890 which had caused
Adharbaydjan. For this reason,
he resigned front his position as \izier to the Shah's
heir-apparent in that province iMuhammad Hasan
Khan I'timad al-Saltana, Ruz-nama-ri khathiit, Tehran
1971, 765-70 and passuni. Curzon held that "the
Amir-i Nizam was reputed to be a strong Russophile"
[Persia and die Persian question, i, repr. London 1966,
415, 431). Besides, the I'timad al-Saltana reported that
the Russians were insisting ' .... -

Nizam

s pre\

Adhai

djan [Riiz-nama, 773i. We also know that the Amir
Nizam was popular with the Russians to the extent
that he received the insignia of the order of the
"White Eagle" from the' Russian Emperor lAmir
Nizam, Miinslia'dt, Tehran 1908, 14). It would accord-
ingly probably be safe to assume that, in his opposi-

nspire,

rather

the West through h

s diplomatic

He was one of the di

tingmshed com

ions of

the latter's tr

3 c

f 1290/

to Europe (Nasir jl

Din Shah, Saj

19(54, 12i, a trip ii

which "Our

icipal .

said the Shah, ". . .

the ba

reform, development

and the mean

progress. We would 1

ke to see in pe

rso

l, and c

and progress of th

people in

>th(

r conn

(Abdul-Hadi Hairi, ,S

a study of the ml, pla

ed by the Persia

n ,

siduits o

len"l977. 15).

additioi

Amir Nizam was el

als such as Malki

m Khan an

Vusuf

Mustashar al-Dawla

Tabriz:, two

sties of mode

ideas 1

Vie idea ,,/ conMutio,

alism in Pasta,

the 1906 Revolution,

in Akten des

(V.

Kongiess

Arabistik und Islanm;

senseluift. Golf,

gen

15. bi

August 1974, Gottin

yen 1976, 18

-207 1. He

reportedly signed an

oath, togethe

th a m

ork

towards

progress of our belov

d people and

itry" iFi

Adamivyat, Andisha-\

tmakki va huk

i Sipah'sfila,, Tehran

1972, 249 IT.)

Despite all these f

icts, however.

the

AmTr >

seems in practice to h

nurh th

it is reported that ht

used to burn

furnaces

har

ged thei

tomers, and mutilate

d Kurds when

was se

suppress their uprisi

lgs. At one t

his h<

towards modernisatio

KulT Safarov bastinadoed and his

'al>

Fz news

AMIR NIZAM — al-'AMIRI

Ihtiyadf banned
advocated the :
Bamdad Sharh
367, unc
The /

Has;

1316/1898 because Safarov had
of industrialisation in Iran (Mahdi
ill najali Iran i Tehian 1968

'All )

s a learned man
a stylistically distinguished prose wntei an excellent
calligrapher and a tough buieaucrat made him so
highly iespected in the loyal court that at one time
in 1316/1898 even Muzaftai il-Din Shah preferred
to side with the Amir Nizam in the latter s con-
flicts with the loyal heir-appaient Muhammad 'Mi
Mlrza (Mahdi Kuh Hidavit Matirat ,a Ihatatai
Tehian 1965 98-9) 'Vmong foreign observers
Curzon called him a man oi very strong uill and
determination [Persia i 431) Di JB Feuvnei
admired him as a vieillard dune intelligence
supeneur dune giande expenence et dune sagesse
■ r de Pirsi Pans nd

The 'Vmn Nizam urote a book called Pand namu
yi lahiautyya it consists ot counsels gi\en to a child
of his and has been published se\eial times since
1315/1897 in Tehian and Tabriz This short book

called Uunsha'at already cited This compuses letters
written bv the Amir Nizam to mam- Iranian politi-
cal and religious figures and piovides much interest-
Some of his epistolary woiks can also be found in
"Abbas Ikbal imu V am Gairust in ladgar m/b-7
(1947) 8-33 and in some othei reteiences given in
the Bibliography belou

Bibliography Amu Nizam Gairusi Uatn i yal
mat tub muaanakh I 1311 m Hunar la maidum N S
nos 41-2 (1967) idem lak nama in \ashniya yi
farhangi hhuiawn i\ /4 (I960) 30-1 Findun
Adamiv>at imu habu la ban Tehran 1969 Kanm
Kishawaiz Ha^ar sal nathr i parsi v Tehran 1967
Savyid Nasr Allah Takawi indar namayi imu
Nuam Oarrusi Tehran 1935 Muhammad Hasan
Khan Ptimad al-Saltana al Ma'atht, ua I athai
Tehian 1888 idem \I,r at al buldan i \asm n
Tehran 1877 Dust 'Ah Mu'ayyn al-Mimahk
Riajali 'air i \ami in laghma uu (1955) 369-73
Khanbaba Mushai \Iu alhfin I lutub i capi u fan,
va irabi n Tehran 1961 nos 679-81 Ghulam
Husavn Musahib ed Da' it a al ma'anj i first i
Tehran 1966 253 undei Amu Nizam Husavn
Mahbubi Ardakam Ta'ttkt i mu'assasat i tamaddum
yi d±adid dar Iran Tehian 1975 Ahmad kasiawi
Ta'nlh i mashiuta yi Iran Tehran 1965, Muhammad
Mu'in Farhangi falsi vi Tehran 1973 undei
"Ganusi 'Ah Amin al-Dawla Dastkhatti az imu
Nizam in Wahid n no 11 (1905) 70-1 idem
Khatuatt styasi Tehian 1962 Bastam Panzi
Talash i azadt Tehran 1968 EG Browne Thi
Persian taoliitton of 1905 1909 Cambndge 1910
Sa'idNafTsi Hasan 'ill Man Ami, \ K am in Wahid
iii no 2 (1965) 101-12 \hmad Suhavh kh v an-
san Sifaiat i imu \^am la i\am I damsha^uyan i

4 (1964) 18-20 Mansui Taki-Zadi Tabrizi
Bu^urgan i hum i khatt ua khushnmisan imu \i-am
in Wahid no 197 (1976) 511-3 515 Feieshteh
M Nouraie Tahiti dar ajkat i \tuza Malkam Khan
Nazim al Daala, Tehran 1973 \bbas Mirza
Mulkara Shath t hal Tehran 1946 Nazim al-Islam
Kirmam Ta ttlh i bidan yi Itannan muladdima
Tehran 1967 'All Atshai Shurish , Shaikh 'Ibayd
Allah included in Mirza Rashid Adib al-Shu'aia'
Ta'nlh i i/shai Tehian 1967 Mihdi Khan

Mumtahin al-Dawla Shakaki hhatuat Tehian
1974_ _ (Abdul-Hadi Hairi)

al-'AMIRI Abu l-Hasan Muhammad b \usuf
philosophei who lived mainlv in Peisia born early
in the 4th/ 10th century in Khurasan where he stud-
ied with the well-known geographer and philosopher
Abu Zavd al-Balkhi [see al-balxhi] Fiom about
355/966 he spent some veais in Rav> enpying the
pationage there of the Buy id vizier Abu 1-Fadl b
al-'Amid and of his son and successor Abu 1-Fath
[see ibn al-'amId] Al-'Amin also visited Baghdad
at least twice in 360/970-1 and again in 364/974-
5 Theie he met many ot the leading intellectuals
ot the day but according to al-Tawhidi he was ven
coldly leceived being regarded as an uncouth provin-
cial By 370/980 he had letumed to Khurasan
where he dedicated a tieatise to the Samamd viziei
Abu 1-Husavn al-'Utbi (d ca 372/982) and com-
posed another in Bukhaia in 375/985-b Al-'Amin
died in Nishapur on 27 Shawwal 381/6 January

In his A alAmad 'ala I abad (MS Istanbul Sen ill
179 edition by E K Rowson toithcoming) written
only six years before his death al-'Amni gives a
■en titles of which

four i

il Ibsat ,

(MS Cairo Taymunv>a hilma 98) <
works on predestination Inl adh al bashat nun al djabt
ua I kadar and alTalnr Il audfuh altaldtr (together
in MS Princeton 2163 (393B)) and a philosophical
defense ot Islam entitled A al I'lam bt manaktb al
Islam (ed A Ghurab Cairo 1967) Omitted horn
the list are his Aristotelian commentanes thiee ot
which (on the Cahgoues Postenoi inahtus and De
imma) he cites elsewhere Also missing fiom the list
is the Fusul ft I ma'altm al ilahiyia (MS Istanbul Esat
Ef 1933) a metaphysical work which paraphrases
large sections ot the famous A al May, al mahd
(known in Latin as the Libit dt lausis) Anothei woik
possibly to be attnbuted to al-' \miri is the doxo-
giaphical A alSa'adaua I is'ad (tacs ed M Minovi
Wiesbaden 1957-8)

A1-' \miri s philosophy is a rathei com entional amal-
gam ot Neoplatomsm and Anstotelianism of a type
familiar from works by such figuies as his contem-
poiary Miskawayh [q i ] but his paiticular concern
seems to have been to justify the pursuit ot philoso-
phy to the religious establishment In the Flam he
attempts to show the 'ulama' how philosophy and Islam
can be seen as complementary rather than contra-
dictory illustrating his point by using philosophical
methods in a programmatic demonstration of the supe-
riority of Islam to other religions The imad similailv
combines philosophical and dogmatic evidence m a
discussion of the atteihfe as well as giving the 'ulama'
an elementary (and highly apologetic) introduction to
the Greek philosophers This conciliatory attitude

the tradition initiated by al-Kindi [q t ] the master
ot al-' \miri s master al-Balkhi

A1-' \miifs only pupil ot note was Ibn Hindu [qi]
and his influence on later figures seems to have been
minimal The massive impact ot Ibn Sfna, who began
writing shortly attei al-'Amin s death all but oblitei-

Biblwgraphi Abu Hayvan al-Tawhidi
ilhlak al ita^uayii ed M al-Tandji Damascus 1965
355 f 410 IT 446 f idem, al Mukabasat
ed H al-Sandubi Cairo 1929, index, idem, al

■ 1953

al-Sidj

al-'AMIRI — AMROHA

Siuan al lukma ed A Bidawi Tehran 1974 82
fl a07 fl Ibn Sin i al Radial Cano 1357/1938
271 \ lkut f<Ma i 4111 al kutubi Faialal

itifinat ed M Abd al H imid Cairo 1951 n
95 hill bibl in M MinoM ^ kha^a in i tuikma
in R, ui dt la faiulh da Itttns dc I f muisih di Tihmn
iv/3 (1457) b0 87 Biockelmann S I 744 958
% 1 F Rosenthal Stati and idiyon aumdin^ to ihu

I Hasan al imm in 1(1 m (195b) 42 52 M

imin in Stud hi \\\v (1972) 5 52 M Allaid
I n philosophi thiolojen Muhammad h } uuif al 4mm
m RHR ckwvn (1975) i7 04

|EK Row son)

AMIRI Mirzx Muhxmmxd Sxdik Adib u

NUm^lik Peisian poet and journalist was bom

at kazuan neai Sultanabad (mod Auk) in 1800

side he wis dnectlv descended tiom

und Enlu

(klune, dei mndtinen ptmwhin Lilt

191)4 i5

b (LP Elwell

'AMRb

KIRKIRA Abu M\ L ik \l A

1 the Bt

u Sad hid leunt the aiab

lescit ind

had settled at Basia Since

d Abu 1 Bavda' [at] he acte

but h, owed his lame to h

Ale know

edge of the Ai ibic language si

he knew i

wherei

of it

i alkhahl b Ahmid) hilf of it ind
sd il Ansiri (or Mu iriidj) two thirds ol it
nhtv was i ut woids Abu Malik w is alleged
uthoi ol it leist two uoiks a A hhalk al
da A al hha\l Al Dj ihiz was one ol his

Djah

a Abu

19th c

Anbu:

I do

s drith in 1874 the
lal difficulties until in

i Niz,

(Ed

1890 Mir:

actompanied to Tabnz harm inshah and Tehiai
During this penod he atquned the titles iinn a
Shu ara (whence his takhallus Amini and latei -idi
al Mama hk In 1894 he wis in charge of th
Government Translation Bine m in Tehnn Tw
\eais later he returned to Tibnz ind ittei til
ing theologitil quihfit itions becime \ite Pnncip;
ol the Lukmamvva College ol science and med
cine Foi i time he published Uah a hterm an
scientific journal and in 1900 ti i\ riled b\ w iv c
the Caucasus and Khiwa to Mashh id ind in 190
to Tehnn in both of which cities he lesume

AMROHA

noithem Indn now a town It aiose as a metiopol
itan tentie lftei the lccession of Sultan &hi\ ith al
Dm Balbin to the tin one of Dihh in hb4/12bb Since
the Radjput Radja of ketehi oi kataln [<j ] imod
| em BaieilK distil, t in the U P ) lose m lebelhon md
ained his depiedations as fai is the ikta of Badlun
{lib m attacked him in his own legion and having
leired the \ast district carved out the ikta of Amioha
hit compnsed the irea of the modem distucts ol
iireillv Muiadabad R impul ind Bidjnoie in Western
Jttai Pudesh Foi the consolidation of his authontv

!tcd rflltir
of Amrohi

public
Baku

ablv

DllbllC

illlldlll!

1 fori

; jouin

i Persn

1904 >

mosque

supplen

Aftei

Revolution of 190b he became editor of Madilts
the record of the National Assemblv debites
and latei of the ofhcial penodic lis Rumania u
Daulati u han and ijtab in between he stilted hi<
ownjoumil ball i)am In 1911 he entcird the
ludicial service and held posts in Simnin
Sawudjbulagh Sultinabid ind \ azd He died m
Tehnn in 1917

Amin had a wide range of inteiests horn geogra
phv mathematics and lexicogi iphv to lnstoiv liter i
tuie ind astiologv He was well vcised in Persnn ind
Aiabic in both of which he composed poems and
wis limilnr with a numbei of othei lmguages
Howevei he was no ivorv towei poet his poems tol

lite leflect the tuibulent politics ol his time in which
he wis genei illv on the side of the C onstitutiomlists

i al Din

I SufT lhankah Among all these
constiucted bv in ofli.cr of Suit
kivkubid in 080/1287 is intact

In the 8th/ 14th trnturv Amrohi became a centre
ol Muslim cultui. md wis held bv 1 high noble ol
the sultinite Foi instmce the Pnnce khidi khan
the eldest son of Sultan Ala il Din khildji wis
| ippointed its goveinoi tow lids the close of his fither s
ieign In the time ot Muhammad b Tughluk 1 725
52/li25 51) Ibn Battuta found -\mrohi a beautiful
citv pi iced undei the |c

nobles

z khimi

the

\ fervo

Bibliography Amnis Duani kamil was edited
bv Wihid Distgirdi Tehian 1933 Biognphicil
information in E& Biowne Littian histon of Pusia
1500 1924 Cambridge 1924 lepi 1930 34b 9 M
Ishaque Sukhamiaran I Iran dai as, I hadn n Cilcutta
1937 48 b3 Rashid \asimi ■idabinat i nut a sir
Tehnn 19 37 20 2 M Ishique Modern Pusian poitn
Cilcutti 1943 pauim Muhim mad Sidr Hashimi
Ta nkh i djara id ua madiallat i ban i Tehnn 1948
80 98 J Rvpka hanmht Lih,aturs,esihiihh I eipzig
1959 3 3b 7 ibid Histon of banian htaatun
Doidiecht 19b8, 375 b, Bozorg Alavi, (nihiiht,

Duung the ieign of Suit
ost its impoitince is i pioi

i Fnuz Shih Amioha
lcnl capital foi idmin
shifted from heie to

minv s unts ind scholais Shavkh C a ildc
dant of Shivkh Find il Din Gandj i
Adjodhin was l lespectible

Masnidi Ml Mahmud khan

sandai Lodi The

AMROHA — ANIS

villages in maintenance grant in the pargana of Nindru
(now in the district of Bidjnore).

During the Mughal period, Amroha also produced
famous Stiffs and scholars, such as Shaykh Ibban
Cishtl during the reign of Akbar. Mir Sayyid
Muhammad, the famous Mir c Adl (Chief justice) and
Mawlana Allahdad (d. 990/1582), a leading scholar,
also belonged to Amroha. Mashaff Amroha'f, the
famous Urdu poet of the 18th and 19th centuries,
was also born and educated there. Wikar al-MOlk, an
associate of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and one of the
founder members of the Aligarh Movement, also hailed
from Amroha. It is now a talisil headquarters in the
district of Muradabad in Uttar Pradesh.

Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl, A'in-i Akbarl, Eng. tr.
Jarrett, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1927; 'Abd al-Kadir
Bada'unl, Muntakhab al-tawarikh, iii, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1868; Diya' al-Din BaranI, Ta'rikh-i Firuz
ShahT, ed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1862; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, iii, 436-40, Eng.
tr. Gibb, iii, 762-4; TsamI, Futuh al-salatin, ed. Usha,
Madras 1948; Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith,
Akhbar al-akhyar Dihli 1914; Shams Siradj 'AfTf,
Ta'rikh-i Fliiz Shahl, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1890.

(I.H. SlDDIQJJI)

al-AMULI [see haydar-i AmulI, in Suppl.].

ANDIUMAN-i KHUDDAM-i KA'BA, a religious
society founded by Indian Muslims in their period
of great pan-Islamic fervour just before World War
One. The Andjuman was started by Mawlana 'Abd
al-Barl [q.v. above] and Mushir Husayn Kidwai [q.p.]
of Lucknow who hoped to be able to defend Mecca
and Medina by raising ten million rupees to build
dreadnoughts and airships and to maintain armed
forces. Such an ambitious programme proved imprac-
ticable, and the final constitution of the organisation
published early in 1332/1914 declared that to defend
the Holy Places it would: "( a ) preach the aims and
objects of the Andjuman to Muslims generally; invite
them to join it; and induce them to render sincere
service to the holy places; (bl spread Islamic ethics in
the neighbourhood of the holy places; invite the atten-
tion of the inhabitants of those places to a knowl-
edge of the religion; promote intercourse and unity
among them; and persuade them to the allegiance
and assistance of the guardian of the holy places; (c)
promote relations between Muslims and the holy places
and extend and facilitate means of communication
with the holy places".

The leaders of the Andjuman came in large part
from young western-educated Muslims of pan-Islamic
predilections, for instance, Muhammad and Shawkat
'All [qq.v.]. Dr. M.A. Ansan'and Mushir Husayn
Kidwai, and 'ulama' who were in some way
connected with the Farangi Mahall family [q.v.
below] of Lucknow, for instance, 'Abd al-Barl, Shah
Ahmad Ashraf of Kacawca and 'Abd al-MadjId
Kadirl of Bada'On. The 'ulama' of Deoband, land-
lords, and men closely associated with government,
were conspicuous by their absence. Nevertheless,
many, including women, joined the Andjuman. By
Shawwal 1332/September 1914 the Andjuman had
over 17,000 members, a central organisation in Dihli
and branches throughout India: moreover, it had
grown faster and spread more widely than any other
Indo-Muslim organisation.

The achievements of the Andjuman, however,
were limited. One problem was that the Government
of India, suspicious of the alliance between young
western-educated politicians and 'ulama', refused to
support it. The Andjuman's work was restricted to

the Haajaj, and here Shawkat 'All strove to improve
the conditions of Indian pilgrims and attempted to
break the European monopoly of the pilgrim trade
by setting up, with Turkish aid, a wholly Muslim
shipping company. But the outbreak of World War
One and the closing of the Hadfdf route put an end
even to this work, and the organisation, without an
obvious function, fell apart amidst squabbles between
the 'ulama' and the young politicians. In 1334/1916
'Abd al-Barl moved its central office to Lucknow
and the organisation was last talked of in 1336/1918
when he tried to restart it as a vehicle for a cam-
paign to release Muslims who had been interned
during the War.

The importance of the Andjuman lies more in
what it portended than in what it achieved. In work-
ing to protect the Holy Places, the leading pan-
Islamic politicians of the day, Shawkat and
Muhammad 'Air, met 'Abd al-Bari and became
murlds of this very important pir. More generally,
young western-educated politicians came to appre-
ciate the widespread influence in Indo-Muslim soci-
ety of 'ulama' like those of the Farangi Mahall family.
These same people were to come together again
after World War One to organise a much greater
effort for a pan-Islamic cause, the Khildfat move-
ment [q.v.].

Bibliography: Mawlawl Tnayat Allah, Risala-i
hasrat al-ajak ba wafat madjmii'at al-akhlak, Lucknow
n.d. 16-17; Francis Robinson, Separatism among
Indian Muslims: the polities of the United Provinces-
Muslims 1860-1923, Cambridge 1974, 208-12, 214-
15, 279, 281, 287. (F.C.R. Robinson)

ANlS, Mir Babar 'AlI (1217-91/1802-74), Urdu
poet, was born in Faydabad (Fyzabad) [q.v.] into a
family which had produced five generations of poets.
Some of these, including his father Khalik, wrote
the characteristically Indian type of marthiya which
thrived at public recitals in Lucknow, capital of the
ShI'I Nawabs of Oudh. This type, which may have
originated in the Deccan, was devoted to the mar-
tyrdom of al-Husayn b. 'All at Karbala' (61/680).
Anls moved to Lucknow as a young man, and devot-
ed his life to writing poetry, especially marathl. He
became the leading exponent of this form; thou-
sands attended his readings in Lucknow, and in
other Indian cities which he occasionally visited later
in life. Some critics thought his contemporary and

By the time Anls began writing, the main lines of
the Indian marthiya had already been foreshadowed,
if not fully established; and he used it to the full.
Formerly in quatrains, it was now almost always in
musaddai form. Starting as a short emotional and
devotional lament, it was lengthened to over a hun-
dred verses of varied content. Alongside the inci-
dents involving al-Husayn and his followers at
Karabala', Anls includes description of nature, such
as landscape, the desert, and storms; character
sketches of the protagonists; the horse, the sword;
warlike accountrements; and a philosophising which
gave universality to a superficially restricted theme.
The language employs all the devices of rhetoric
[balagha), yet there is an inherent simplicity and sin-
cerity which contrasted strongly with the Urdu ghazal
[see ghazal, iv] then in vogue. It consequently won
the approval of forward-looking critics and poets
such as Hall and Azad, and occupies an important
place in Urdu literary history. It says much for
Anis's artistry that he managed to sustain interest
in an output estimated at 250,000 verses; but it is

haidh, suipnsmg that the form ceased to be widely
cultivated attei the end ot the 19th centur}

Biblio S ,aphy Critical accounts of Anis and his
mamthl mav be found in Muhammad Sadiq, History
of Urdu httratuu London 1%4, 155-63, Abu 1-Lavth
Siddikr, Lakhnau ka dabntan i iha'm, Lahoie 1955
which also contains examples from previous and
subsequent maithiya poets Ram Babu Saksena s
Huton of Utdu htcmtuu Allahabad 1927, in a gen-
eral chaptei on 'Elegv and elegv wntcis" (123 IT),
contains a genealogical table of Anis's famiK
Ip 13b) showing the poets in the famih before
and after him

Among critical studies of Anls are Amir Ahmad,
Udgai i \nh Lucknow 1924, and Dja'fai 'Ali
Khan, inn ki maithna mgan Lucknow 1951 Shibli
Nu'manfs Muaazana yi AnU o Dabi, is still the stan-
daid comparison of the two poets though heav-
il\ weighted in Anls s favour Theie are numeious
editions of Ams s poetiv, none complete One of
the fullest is Mamthl Ann, ed Na'ib Husavn Nakwi
Amrota 4 vols, Karachi 1959 The three-volume
edition of Nawab Havdai Djang, Badaun 19 «
is less full, but has an introduction bv Nizam al-
Din Husavn Nizami Badaiini

iJA H«-woodi
ANSARI Sha\kh Murtvdi, despite his being rather
unknown in the West, is considered to have been a
Shfi muditahid whose vvidelv -recognised lehgious lead-
ership in the Shi'i world has not vet been surpassed
He was born into a noted but financial pool cler-
ical famih of Dizful, in the south of Iran in
1214/1799, his lineage went back to Djabir b 'Abd
Allah Ansari id 78/597) a Companion ol the Prophet
After learning the lecitation of the Kur'an and related
pnmarv subjects Ansari studied under his uncle
Shavkh Husavn Ansari until 1232/181b when he
accompanvmg his father, Muhammad Amin, went to
visit the shrine crtres of 'Irak While in Karbala', he
attended the teaching circle of the then Shi'i lcadei,
Sawid Muhammad Mudjahid id 1242/ 182b) who
found Ansari a man ot extraordinary genius and urged
Ansaii's father to let his son remain in Karbala'
Ansaii then studied under Mudjahid until ta 123b/
1820, when Ansaii together with hundieds of other
Iranian people fled Irom Karbala' due to the pies-
suies imposed bv the Ottoman governor at Baghdad
Dawiid Pasha, after the growth of the Perso-Ottoman
hostihtv at that time (S H Longngg, Fom untunes oj
modern Iraq Oxford 1925 242-9 Sir Percv Svkes, i
Anton of Pcma n, repr London 1953 31b ft) Ansari
then returned to Dizful

In ca 1237/1821 Ansari again went to Karbala 1
and attended the circle of the famous muditahid Mulla
Muhammad Shaiit al-'Ulama' (d 1245/1829) In
ca 1238/1829 he proceeded to Nadjaf and contin-
ued his studies under Shavkh Musa Kashif al-Ghita'
(d 1241/1825) and aftel a veal or so he again
returned to his home town Dizful Heading toi
Mashhad m 1240/1824 with the intention of attend-
ing the circles for lehgious learning m drffeient

Shavkh Asad\llah Burudjirdi (d ca 1271/1854) m
Burudjird ('Abd al-'Azi? Sahib al-Djawahir, Da'vu

yi Imamiyya yi Ithnd'ashanyya n, n d , 155, under "Asad
Allah") and that of Saw id Muhammad Baku Shafti
(d 1270/1853) m Isfahan I Ansari s biographv writ-
ten bv Muhammad Rida al-Radawi al-Kh"ansari
(wc) in Ansari Kitab al Mataaji, [al Makaub],
Tehian 1908 1) each lor no moie than a month

in Kashan, he decided t<
found Naiaki's circle m
Naraki also found Ansari

aAhmadNaiakKd 1245/18

.ceptionalh, knowledgeable

Wished muditahid as leal
ca ihakhmyat i Shmkh i

In 1246/1830,

Ansari left Kashan for Mashhad
3nths living theie he went to Tehran
■ returned to Dizful where he was
as a lehgious authontv, desprte the

He then ,

1249/1833 and ]oined the teaching circl
'.All Kasjhif al-Ghita' (d 1254/1838) an
to some sources, that of Shavkh Muhan
Sahib al-Djawahir (d 1266/1849), but e
and soon organised his o

identlv

iTceTed "an"

w phase

n 1266/18
ng recogm

49 after

all t

Shfi commi

nities which formed
40 million across the

populat
Muslim

vorld,

that the msti

ndja' i taklid \qc] re

ached

Hasan I'tima

'The Twe
f Ansari s
d al-Saltan

contempor
a, 'and th

nes Mu

of Iran
hamm
us Sh

iv e in Ind

a, rn Russia, m son

e of t

d m sever

A other

Afghanistan,

Turkistan

and elsewh

ere used

to Ansari th

-ir endow n

lent funds

alms ta

ves, on

fifth of their

other sin

h amount

d to 20(

% 30,000 00]
1888, 136-7)

annuallv (

d Ma'athn

a lathcl

Tehi

Despite h
leadership, 4

s vast income and hrs overv
ants nevertheless denied his

of e\

comfortable

lfe and hi

nself lived

an ascet

c life,

Muhammad Hnz al-Din, Ma'anf al ridial, u, Nadjaf
1964 399-404) Instead he gave the monev to the
poor and need\ to the students of iehgious schools
and at times to those Muslims who on their wa\
to visit the shrine of Imam Rida in Mashhad, were
taken captive bv the Turkomans When Ansari died
in 1281/1864 his wealth and belongings weie worth

his lollower
expenses

then

and above all his scholarh qualifica-
tions, deserved of course such lecognition, but othei
factors also were certarnK instrumental in establishing
his leadership the then great mardfa' i taklid, Sahib al-
Djawahn, shortlv before his death declared Ansari to
be the legitimate sole maidja' i takhd of the ShTa This
indorsement was compounded with the eailier death
ol othei distinguished religious authorities such as Shavkh
Muhammad Husavn Sahib al-Fusul (d 1261/1845) In
addition, this development was pieceded bv the grad-
ual decline of Isfahan as religious centre a process
which had begun its course since the fall of the Satawid
dvnastv and was acceleiated b\ the death of such reli-
gious authorities ol Isfahan as Shafti and Ibrahim

Karbasf (d. 1262/1845). Consequently, Nadjaf began
then to enjoy an unprecedented attention from the
Shf a of Iran, and most of this attention was cer-
tainly focused on the person of Ansan.

Ansan not only established a new era in the his-
tory of the Shf l leadership but was also an impor-
tant figure in the field of ShfT jurisprudence, being
credited with introducing a new methodology in the
field of usul. His interpretation, for instance, of the
"principle of no harm" [ka'ida la darai), which had
long engaged the Shfi 'ulama', opened up a more
settled way for practising idftihad in general and for
dealing with the problem of private ownership in par-
ticular. Ansarfs system in jurisprudence laid great
importance on the margja'-i taklid's being the most
learned man of his time; he said that 'akl (reason)
and 'urj '(social conventions and common practices) are
to be taken as criteria and bases for introducing new
laws. His name is also mentioned as an authority with
original views on such usul subjects as the principles
of istishab, bara'a, and z<mn, each of which were the
subject of an independent study done by Ansarf (for
a concise definition of the above terms, cf. Dja'far
Sadjdjadi, Farhang-i 'uliim-i nakli va adahj, Tehran 1965,
51-3, 136, 359).

Ansarfs school of thought has been clearly domi-
nant in the Shf i clerical 'circles since the middle of
the 19th century, and his views have been discussed
and adopted by most of the Shf T 'ulama'. A descen-
dant of Ansarfs brother has listed the names of 144

nudjtahids

.vho h

"s influ-

is books (Ansarf, ^indigani, 354-87).
ence on the later 'ulama' can also be found in the
bio-bibliographical dictionaries compiled on the Shf i
authorities (cf. Bibi). The influence of Ansarfs ideas
is further seen in the laws made for various Shfi
communities, because many of those who were involved
in the process of law-making were either Ansarfs dis-
ciples or were indirectly under the influence of his
thought. The Persian civil law which was substantially
based on the Shf r jurisprudence may be mentioned
as an example; and the man who "translated into
Russian the Islamic law according to which the
Muslims of Caucasus were being tried in the legal
courts" was Mirza Kazim Bey, a disciple of Ansan
iMahdi Khan Mumtahm al-Dawla Shakaki, Khatirat,

Tehrai

1974,

10).

Ansarfs circle of teaching was attended by m
us pupils, many of whom became great mardja'-i ,

klids

._ . .. , e.g. Husayn Kuhkaman (d. 1291

1874), Muhammad Irwam (d. 1306/1888), Habib
Allah Rash'tT (d. 1312/1894), Muhammad Hasan
ShirazI (d. 1312/1894), and Muhammad Kazim
KhurasanF (d. 1329/1911). There are also reports that
Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi "Afghani" was also
a pupil of Ansan (Asghar Mahdawi and Iradj Afshar,
Madfniu'a-yi asnad va madarik-i capnashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid
Djamal al-Din mashhur bi Afghani, Tehran 1963,"20) and
that Afghanf studied in Ansarfs circle for four years
prior to Afghanfs departure from Nadjaf in 1270/1854
(Mirza Lutf Allah Khan Asadabadi, Shaih-i hal va athar-
i Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi ma'ruf hi Afghani, Berlin
1926, 21-2; but these accounts are controversial. It
cannot be accepted that Ansan, despite his great cau-
tion in issuing a certificate of idftihad, gave one to
Afghani, then only sixteen years of age (Khan Malik
Sasam, Siyasat-garan-i daicra-yi Kddfar, i, Tehran 1959,
186, nor "has Lutf Allah Khan been correctly quoted
by Nikki R. Keddie that "Shaikh Murtaza gave
Jamal ad-Din an ijdzeh (certificate of advanced knowl-
edge)" [Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-AfghanV: a politi-

cal biography, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1972, 15-16);
rather, Lutf Allah reported that Ansarl gave a certain
certificate to Afghanfs father (Asadabadi, op. tit., 15,
2 1 and the Arabic translation of Asadabadf s book by
'Abd al-Na'im Muhammad Hasanayn, Beirut 1973,
64; see also Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Andishaha-yi Sayyid Djamal
al-Din Asadabadi dai piidmun-i mhitat-i musalmanan va
inkilab-i mashrutiyyat-i Iran, in Yahid, nos. 225-9 [1978],
47-52, 57-61, etc.).

Despite his being a one-eyed man, Ansarf was quite
productive in writing. According to a report, he wrote
over thirty books (Ansarl, ^indigdni, 131-4), twenty-
four of which are listed as Ansarfs published works
in Khanbaba Mushar, Mu'alhfin-i kutub-i capi-yi Jam
va Arabi, vi, Tehran 1965, nos. 126-35; many of these
books have been published several times in India,
'Irak, and Iran since 1267/1850. Two of his works
are especially frequently consulted and have been
considered by the Shfi 'ulama' to be of exceptional
importance: Fara'id al-usul (al-Rasa'il) on usul and
al-Makasib on fikh, which were first published in
Tehran in 1268/1851 and 1280/1863 respectively.
Both these have constantly been used as text books
in all Shfi circles.

One of the financial foundations with which many
of the Shfi 'ulama' of 'Irak were knowingly or unknow-
ingly connected was the so-called "Oudh Bequest".
It was, in the words of the British Minister of Tehran,
a "powerful lever which helped to promote good
relations between the Persian ecclesiastics and myself
and . . . afforded opportunities for influencing the lead-
ing Persian Ulema" (Sir Arthur Hardinge, A diplo-
matist in the East. London 1928, 323-4). The British
authorities, however, did not succeed in influencing
Ansari through the Oudh Bequest (Sayvid Muhsin
Amin, A'yan al-Shi'a, xl, Beirut 1960, 43-6). He

then rejected further sums (Mahmud Mahmud,
Ta'iikh-i mwabit-i shasi-yi Iran va Ingilis, vi, Tehran
1953, 1743).

In the arena of politics and public affairs, Ansari
was quite inactive. He refused to make use of his
influence in the interest of his followers. Persian or
otherwise, in their political and other struggles.
Theoretically, however, he believed that the 'ulama'
are not only the custodians of religions, but are
also unquestionably responsible for judicial and polit-
ical affairs also (Hairi, Slu'ism and constitutionalism in
Iran: a study of the role played by the Persian residents of
Iraq in Iranian politics, Leiden 1977, 60). Ansarfs

; of i

been criticised by contemporary modernist thinkers.
Fath 'Air Akhund-Zada, for instance, said: "God
has not given Ansari enough insight to understand
why Iran is in the state of collapse and why the
Iranians are suffering abasement" [Alifba-yi djadid va
maktubdt, Baku 1963', 121), and Aka Khan KirmanI
[q.v. above] believed that Ansari contributed to the
people's ignorance and perplexity (Findun Adamiyy-
at, Andishaha-yi Mirza Aka Khan Kirmani, Tehran
1967, 66).

On the other hand, his aloofness from politics
was warmly welcomed by the political authorities,
who seem to have taken it as a sign of his asceti-
cism. Thus we come across the reports that the gov-
ernor of 'Irak referred to him as the Greatest Faruk
(i.e. one who distinguishes truth from falsehood) and
that the British Ambassador allegedly said: "Ansarl
is either Jesus himself or his special deputy on earth"
(Hasan Khan Shaykh Djabiri Ansarl, Ta'rikh-i
Isfahan va Ray va hama-yi d}ahan, Tehran 1943,

ANSARl — ANZARUT

inside the tront tovei) The cult formed iround him

mad Tunukibum Ana al

ulama Tehnn 188b

led borne people to si\ thit An-, in hid met with

Hibib Alhh Shu if Kish

im Iubb al albab fi

the Twelfth Imam

alkab al at\ab Tehnn l^

58 Slnvkh Dji fn

Mihbubi Mad, al \ajjaf

a Itadiruha i Nidjif

1 mm renowned for his tolennci his wisdom

1958 Muhimnnd Hus i\

n Nisn al Sinn i

his understanding ]ustue his pitt\ uid nobihn of

Ta nkh i hum kum 197

1 Muhimmid Ah

thinaei the leidei of the Bthi is Mn/i Husiin

I innmi \Ia hhad al Imam

, Nidjif 19j4 Aghi

Ah Nun known is Biln All ih [,/ ] included Ansui

Buzuig Tihiam Uusaffa al

imons; those do.tois who hive indeed diunk of tin

al ud}al Tehnn 1459 iden

al Dhan a ,la tasamj

tup of lenumntion 'Abb is Efendi 1 Abd il B ill i )

al Shi a i xx 193b 74 ide

m Tabalat a lam al

ilso lefened to Ans in is the illustnous ind eru

Shi a i n Nidjif 1954 62

Muhimnnd Mihdi

dite doUoi the noblt md ( elebi ited siholn the

fat al Shaikh al insau

sell of seekeis itttr tiuth (Shcn<hl Lfiendl (,ad pass

in Mad/allat al \aajaf n

10 8 (1461) 29 ff

is h Wilmette Illinois 1944 14i) Ansm is thus

Muhimnnd Hishim Khu

isim Muntakhal al

pr-used because he did not shait the (ondemnition

lata, ilh Tehnn nd

Mull i Ah Uiiz

b\ othei Shu ulama of the Bibi tilth md ntuils

khivibtm Kitab i ulama

i mi, a sinn Tibnz

He did not ittend the meeting (.omened b> the Shi i

194b Nisi All ih Tin lb Di

zfuh Lama at al ba)un

ulama m kiznrmn in la 1863 foi detei mining on

np nd Habib Allih R

ishti Bad,, , al afkar

the binishment of Bihi All ih md his idheients

Tehnn-* 1895 Ah Akbn

Nihiwmdi ikhlak ,

horn Ii ik (Muhimmid khin Z i im ilDmh Miftah

Bab al abaab Cmol903 347) Aicoidim; to Bibl

souues ht did ittend the meeting but is soon is

1957 Muhimmid Mihdi

il Kizimi ihsan al

hi ? hl> mflu

Him \\)

> did th.

llama pa,t.

tjHik in

thi Pa sum

1 R, olutw

of 190) I'M)

in HI

xvu 1 197f»

27 o4i

Bibl,

,^raph

In iddition t

, the sot

ices mm

n the tex

see Muh tin

mid Ah

Mud u i is

Raihana

al adal

i Tibnz 1967 Abb

s kummi

Hadina

al ahbab

Nidjif 1929

id.m

Fata id al

, f, ah t,

adhhah a

djafauna

T, hi m

1947 id

em alhuna

a I all i

b 3 vols

Nidjif

9 ib Al

Mihfuz Sir

ha) a al

\ad,afua

Ihulud

// ulama

in Madialla

al \adfaf no 10

(1457)

j ff H in

nd Alsni Rel

gion and

17P5100) Bei

sele\ md L

Muhim

mid Bik

r kh ins ui

Ratdat

al diannat

Tehi m

1S89 M

izi Husi\n

Nun U

istadiak al

una il

m Tehr

n 1949 Ah

il \\ ud

i Iamahat

idjtima n

a mm ta'

,lh al Ira) al

adith l i

B ighd id

Ghul im

Hus iv n Mu

ihib f d

Da',, a al

ma' a, if ,

fa, i l

Tehnn 1%

i Abd

il Husivn

Amim

Shuhada

I fad, la Nidi

it 193b

Uuhsin il

Mn'min

al \adiaf al ashmj I

ama al

in al a lam

in Uadfallat

1 Rabita

no 193

1 1038) 2

3 ft Muitidi

Mud n i

si Ta nkh

m 1929 Muhimmid T ih i NidjifT Man
,lal J, ahtal al udjal Nidjif 1921 Abd
i Mimiktm Tan) th al makal ft ahu.nl al
' Nidpf 19,3 Djitir khihli Mausitaal

Abd

Rihm

md Ah

d ha^im

Nidjaf 1972 Nidji Widi
al \adiaf i N idj it 197 3 Muhimmid Mu n
Faihaniialam \ Fein in 19bb undei Ans m
Murtidi \1 \ ism I stub al dirasa al dimna
madra a al \ad l af in Mad/allat al \adjaf i no
(1956i 2 tt Abd All ih " " " "

1959

sadaj j,
Ikbil

,,lh al \

N,djif 1961 (■*> irt Ansa,, Sha,li
in Lujiat nama >' Dihlhuda no 86
Di\ i il Din il Dikhili Ta ,i)Ji al hau
fi diami al \ad,af al ashiaf in Madjall

e Bibl h

the s

) Muc

n this

ilh consideied to be the
isnnil plmt nimel> eithei Pmata nuuionata L oi
SaruKolla L oi P squamosa L But in 1S79 \\
\mo<k wis iblt to prove thit it leist the Peisim
ii( oc oil i is the piodutt of whit he c tiled istia^alus
mowlla D\m (Ieimminosie) \\idel\ known in intiq
t\ the diug his pi u Ik ilh dmppeired horn the

Euiopean store of medicines, but, according to
Me\erhof, it is still well-known in the Orient, espe-
cialh in the drugmarket in Cairo

According to Dioscondes, the yellowish bitter resin
was abo\e all useful for causing new flesh wounds
(Grip!; "flesh", KoXka "glue") scar over Already al-
Kindi used it as component of a good number oi
iecipes (Akrdbadhin, see Bibl below), among others
ioi lepros\ The most detailed description is gi\en
b\ Ibn al-Ba\tai on the basis oi Greek and Aiabic
sources as well as his own observations The lesin
consumes the festering flesh oi putrescent abscesses,
assists the npening oi tumours, carries away mucus
and \ellow gall, and is a remed\ ioi inflammations
oi the e\e, ior agglutinating eyelids and ior exces-
si\e secietion oi the eye Taken internally, the resin
is a strong purgative, but causes also the hair to
iall out The best Sarcocolla consists of crushed,
white seeds, mixed with walnut oil Measured out
n diffeient wa\s, it can be mingled with othei diugs

\robal;

bdelhui

When taken neat, the resin can be lethal, therefore,
the dose should not be more than 2' 4 dirhami, Ibn
al-Ba\tar, howe\er, maintains that he saw in Egypt
women pai taking, immediately aiter a bath, oi up
to 4 ounces of anzarut, together with the pulp of
the \ellow melon, hoping to increase thus their

Bibtiogtaphv Dioscundes Materia medua, ed
M Wellmann, n, Berlin 190b, 102 (= lib m 85),
La 'Materia medica' de Dtosiorides, n (Arab tr of
Istaian b Basil) ed C E Dubler and E Teres,
Tetuan 1952, 280 i , The mtdual formulary or
Aqrabadhin of al-Kindi ti M Le\e\, Madison etc
l%b, 23b (no 25) Bnuni, A al Saydala ed Muh
Sa'id, Karachi 1973, Arabic, 70 i , Eng , 45 i ,
Ghafikl, al Djami'fi V aditiya al mufrada, Ms Rabat,
Bibl Gen k 155 I, iols 2bb-27a, The abridged
version of 'The Book of simple drugs' of al-Ghdfiqi
by.. . Barhebraeus, ed. and tr. M. Meyerhof and
G.P. Sobhy, Cairo 1932, no. 37; Suwaydl, A', al-
Simat fi asma' al-nabat, Ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol.
15b, 137b; Ibn Biklarish, A'. al-Musta'ini, Ms.
Naples Bibl. Naz. Ill, F. 65, fol. 14b; Ibn al-
Djazzar, al-I'timad, Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fol. 13b;
Zahrawi, Tasrifi Ms. Be 5 ir Aga 502, fol. 500a, 7;
Maimonides, Sharfi asma' al-'ukkat. Un glossaire de
mature medicate ... ed. M. Meyerhof, no. 4; Ibn
al-Baytar, al-Djami', Bulak 1291, i, 63 f, tr. L.
Leclerc, Notices et extraits . . . xxiii/1, Paris 1877,
no. 171; Ghassam, al-Mu'tamad fi 'l-adwha al-
mufrada ed. M. al-Sakka', Beirut 1395/1975, 10;
Die pharmakulogischen Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . .
Harawi, tr. A. Achundow, Halle 1893, no. 34;
Tuhfat al-ahbab, ed. H.P.J. Renaud and G.S. Colin,
Paris 1934, no. 35; RazT, al-HawT. xx, Haydarabad
1387/1967, no. 44; Ibn Sma, Kanun, i, Bulak,
248; Ibn Hubal, al-Mukhtarat fi 'l-tibb, Haydarabad
1362, ii, 23 f.; DawQd al-Antakl, Tadhknat uli V-
albab, Cairo 1371/1952, i, 60; Nuwayri, Niharat
al-amb, xi, Cairo 1935, 315; El Libra Agrega de
Serapwm, ed. G. Ineichen, ii, Venice 1966, 196;
H.G. Kircher, Die "einjachen Heilmittel" aus dem
"Handbuch der Chimrgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967,
no. 21; W. Schmucker, Die pfianzliche und miner-
alische Materia medica im Firdaus al-hikma des 'All ibn
Sahl Rabban at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 79.

(A. Dietrich)
APE [see kird].

'AR (a.), "shame, opprobrium, dishonour",
has undergone in North Africa a semantic evolution

[q v], that is to sa\, <
which should be taken

addre:

ed and n

if you d

n effect "the shame shall be

reque

ie Takroiina, Pans 1925, 200,
215-6, where the challenge is addressed to a deceased
saint and the appeal is ioi lain) When applied to
a h\ing person the iormula presupposes a tiansier
oi responsibility accompanied b\ a rmstical s

afflict the

.an whos,

which v

t fail t

lfied To this
sense ol 'ar, cm rent even m Tunisia, there is added
in Moiocco (where the term was adopted by Berbei
in the ioim a'ar. Far), a new sense which appeals

'ar — under youl protection" (ci W Maicais Ttxtes
arabes de Tanger Pans 1911, 396) The sense of "con-
ditional malediction' lE Westemiarck Sunwantes
paiennes dans la uulisation mahometane. Pans 1935, 87)
continues to underly it, and irom "mystical respon-
sibility (G Maicy, Le droit loutumur zemmour, Algiers-
Pans 1949, index s % a'ar), we pass into the matenal
world when 'at comes to designate the indemnity
due in cases of breach of honour

In iact the "throwing" (Arabic \eib rma, Beibei
gjr) of the 'ar is effected by means of practices alread\
in part attested in the pre-Islamu penod, for exam-
ple touching the pole or the coids ol a tent, taking

hild 1

- Well

Reste,

223 ft ), which permitted a solitarv perst
tive to obtain the status ol dakhil or of qjar and in
consequence the protection oi an individual a clan
oi a tribe (ci B Fares, L'honnair ihez let Arabes avant
I'lslam, Pans 1932 88-9) J Chelhod (Le droit dans la
societt bedouine. Pans 1932, 222 IT) has called atten-
tion to three terms in current use, of which the con-

( 1 ) dakhil "an oppressed or hunted man who seeks

prising especially a gesture of humility; this prac-
tice, introduced by the formula ana dakhil 'alayk,
constitutes the dakhala and implies, on the part of
the beneficiary, a recompense for the services ren-
dered by the protector, henceforward responsible for
the conduct of the affair in which his intervention
has been sollicited. A much attenuated vestige of
this type of requisition survives in the Oriental
expression dakhilak, which means nothing more than

safeguard his rights,

"I beg you ;

(2) tanib "a man
escape from justice or to save his lite, leaves the clan
of his hirth, alone or with his family and goes to
establish himself in a different tribe which promises
to assist him". This term is to be linked with tunub
"tent-cord" [see khayma], the suppliant being obliged,
originally, to touch at least a cord of the tent of the
one to whom he appeals; while in Morocco this ges-
ture is still a part of the ritual, it has been forgotten
in the Orient, where the tanib pronounces the same
formula as the dakhil, but enjoys a wider protection
and owes no indemnity; and

(3) kasir, also a refugee, but entitled to make use
of his prestige among his former group with which
he has not severed all relations.

In all the cases cited above, the Bedouin who has
granted his protection cannot again withdraw it,
and if he falls short of his obligations, tacit or ex-

Pans 1948 45 n 3) :
rather to impK the idee
the husband who did n

of which dishonoui

'ar thus implies a transfer
: obligation, lor the supplicate

-^'example*"

hing the ec
,pon him <

misdeed and

rsued b\
on as the s

opes oi the
las penetrat
spectacular w
the suppliant

po
rd
her

e of the tc
his home

etim Howe

obliged to
ner from
ot blood o

n the threshold of the
he tent of the member
t appeal has been made
int the request presented

impK percerves it, here t
o the blood [se

Jt is still moie
eiested paitv of

lude the eating
house oi at the

le The latter is

Supplement], which posse

to appeal for the aid of anothei

request to the authorities or to £

in the pool
e eflicao of

dam, in the
ue. FmalK

id, 87-107) which ma\ be passed
ent except to ietall that the per-
lot peimitted to refuse and that

■s when

n has

The

the tribe a mosque, oi the tomb of a saint er

a right of as\lum lareK wolated

quoted at the beginning of this ai
example of 'ar exercised with regard to a Turn
nt The Moroccans also use it towards their s<
• below), to whom the\ offer sacrifices to oh
lr intercession, the\ also emplo\ othei proc ed

oflei

ings, c

\ to bung about a change ot mind on the part
tathei who has ietused to grve his daughter in
age to a smtoi, to oblige the paients of a mm-
man to accept the dna and not to insist on

>e it on anothei whose cooperation it is seeking
sample in the hanest

>men tan also have recourse to the 'ar, undei
ising procedures of

eiber

f Moi

handle the mechanism of a mill from that moment

■ of the piopert\ must man\ hei and

compensate the abandoned husband or take

flight \ fugitne who has succeeded in sucking a

iman s nipple obtains hei protection and that ot

i husband and eases are known of adoption b\

khng (see G Maitv in £l/i k\i\(l<H(>) '157-

1M or e\en b> simulated suckling [see for instance

o the

usualK alter e (

(also sometimes one icfused b\ a fathei whose daugh-
tei he has asked foi in marriage), has imposed the
'Si and obtained the piotettion of another gioup
which he makes hencefoiwaid the benefit iar> of his
woik He becomes amazzal when his piotectoi has

ei woman o\ei whom he holds the right oi d)ab>
[q i in Suppl], the maniage-pnce must be paid in
woik o\ei a prescribed period If the head oi the
famiK so decides, the amazzal ma\ be adopted and

though he is the daughtei's husband In ceitain par-
term designating the sti anger adopted b\ a man and
the amazzal m the true sense of the woid, in this
last case, a widow who is the head of a famih ma>

1\ when the pi e-ai ranged maniage-pnce has been
paid in full This institution gnes rise to judicial
arrangements, the details of which cannot be dis-
cussed here (see G Mau\, ~emmou>, index, G Surdon,
Institutions tt wutimm des Berlxm du Maghrib, Tangiei-
Fez 1918, 244-50)

In spite of the absence, in Berber speech, of an

ieatuies which ]usti(\ a treatment distinct from
that of the ancient djiuar and its aspects which
define within strict limits the protection accorded
b\ onental Bedouin to strangers to their tribe

the

omb of a saint, or furtheimore, of slaughtering
mmal there as a form of 'ar, and the Juhaha'
make the comment that the deceased would not be
able alone to fulfil the lequest The\ object in other

'AR — ARAGHUN

wavs besides to the use ot the woid 'ar and onl\
permit these rites when their objeU is to obtain the
baraka of the samt 01 when an animal is sacnficed
for the distribution of its meat to the guardians of
the sanctuarv 'see al-kattam Sola at al anfas 1
54-6)

Bibliography In addition to references given in
the article see & Kampffmevei Tuti aus Fis
Berlin 1909 (text \ ), E Westermarck Ritual and
belief in Morouo London 1928 idem L 'ar the trans
Jennie of conditional turns in \loiouo in Anthropological
issais pnsinttd to EB Tylor Oxfoid 1907 361-74
\ Jaussen Coutumts dcs Aiabts au pa)s di Mciab
Pans 1948 187-220 [Ch Pellat)

ARAGHUN Arabic name corresponding to the
Spanish Aragon In fait this woid has both a geo-
graphical and a political sense As a geographical
term it refers to a n\ei dominated b\ the foi tress
ol Shantamanwa the first of the defensive svstem of
Navaire (al-Him\an Rand no 105) This watercourse
uses on the southern slope ot the Pvrenees near
C anfranc aftei passing the tow n ot Jaca the Sien a
de la Pena diverts it towards the west watering Berdun
Tiermas Sanguesa Rocaforte Aibar C apan oso and
\illafranca bcfoie joining the Arga and flowing into
the Ebro in Navarre

This Uadi Araghun would seem to constitute the
natural path of incursion into the Christian kingdom
of Navarre Having followed the river as far as
Sanguesa the Muslim forces followed the course of
its tiibutarv the Irati in the direction of Pamplona
This is to be inferred from Ba\an, u 148
Muhammad b 'Abd al-Malik al-Tawil marched in
298/911 towards Aiagon with the object ot captur-
ing Pamplona and linking up theie with 'Abd Mlah
b Muhammad b Lubb This is preciselv the route
used in the famous campaign ol 'Abd al-Rahman III
m 312/924 The forces of the caliph coming from
Tudela attacked the stionghold of Kaikastal/
Caicastillo on the mer Aragon Maikwiz/Marcuella
Sanguesa Rocafoite and Aibar Lumbier and
Pamplona [Muktabis v 123 Bnan n 18b A Canada
La Campana musulmana de Pamplona Ano 924 Pamplona
1976) In 325/937 we find the same juxtaposition of
details when the geneial Ahmad b Muhammad b
IHas was sent with 1 500 horsemen on a recon-

Araghun tUuktabis v 271)

Foi Razi it was also a mountain range (Cronua
mow ed Catalan Madrid 1975 48-9) E en su

termmo (de Huesca) ha otro (.castillo) que hi non-
bre Toha, vaze cere a de la siena de Aiagon E Aiagon

vazen dos castillos muv buenos el nno ha nonbre
Sen e el otro Ben e vazen en dos penas que son
encima de la siena de Aiagon e corre poi entre ellos
un i no de Flumen E de las sierras e logarcs

nombrados en fortaleza son en aquella tiena que se
avunta con monte Aragon que ha nonbie Monte
Negro e non lo podra pasar ome a cavallo que ande
bien en menos de tres dias Al-'Udhn (Masalik
56) states that the town and district of Huesc 1 lies
in the vicimtv ot the Lfrabal Araghun, lenowned among
the Chnstians

If it is accepted that this v illev was the route
emploved bv the vanous Muslim expeditions not
onlv tow aids the Christian centre of Jaca but also
and especiallv towaids Navarre it must be assumed
that it was organised as a frontiei for the defence
of Pamplona This defensive function would cieate
a centre for resistance and foi counter-attacks. The

lad absorbed the old kingdon
Leon The Chnstian advance at the expense ot al-
Andalus would henceforward be the product of these
two fiontiei forces hashtala [qi] and Araghun

In fact these two kingdoms were to shaie between
themsehes then future conquests This gave use to
various foimal treaties Tudellen (1151), Cazorla
(1179) and Almrzra (1244) (Roque Chabas Duiswn
dt la conquista di Espana nueia entie Aragon > Castilla
in Coneioo Hist Aragon Baicelona 1909) in which
weie fixed the respective zones of the legal expan-
sion of Aragon and C astille The former having
achieved bv 1238 its own paiticulai reconquest
tuined its attention to the sea It was then that
there took shape the bioad outlines of its policv
towards Africa (C h E Dufourcq LEspaene catalane
it le Uaghnb aux Mil et Ml sueles Pans 1965) the
Meditenanean (Coisica Sardinia Sicilv and the
kingdom of Naples — in competition with the Angevin
dvnastv) annexation of part of the Bvzantine empire
ithe duchies of Athens and of Neopatna) of the
island of Cvprus and commercial lelations with
Mamluk Egvpt (A Masia de Ros La Corona de Aram
1 los- ts-tados- del \ortt dt Afma Barcelona 1951 A
Lopez de Meneses Los tonsulados latalants de Altjandna
) Damasio in d reinado de Pedro 1\ el Ceremomow
Saragossa 1956 F Giunta Ar agonist t Catalan, ml
Meditenaneo Paleimo 1959 L Nicolau d Olwer
Lixpansio di Cataluma a la \hditenama Oriental,
Baicelona 1926) After the union of the kingdoms
of Aragon and Castille in 1474 Spam inherited this
interventionist line to the Mediteiranean attempts
it invasion ot Algieis in 1519 and 1541 (dnected
against the piracv of the Barbarossa brothers [see
SrCtdj and khv>r al-din b <vrb <vross a] ) conquest of
the island of Djerba (1520) the capture of La
Golletta at Tunis (1535) (EG Onmeios La politua
norhafneana de Carlos I, Madrid 1950) and the bat-
tle of Lepanto [see a\ nabakhti] in 1571

But Araghun above all has a political sense
According to al-Himvan (Ravid no 8) it is the
name of the teintorv of Ghaisiva b Shandjuh com-
piling cantons ibilad) staging posts (mana il) and
distncts (a'mal) Accoiding to Makkan ( \a]h ed
Benut l 137) The fifth region passed thiough
Toledo and Saragossa and then envuons towards
the temtorv of Aragon to the south of which lies
Baicelona As a political concept its borders weie
constantlv changing Just as al-Andalus did not cease

constantlv expanded So its histoiv is founded on
the iccession of the Muslim thaghr al a'la [qi], st
of the Upper March Its growth took place at the
expense of the neighbounng Hispano-Arab states the
Banu Kasi Tudjibids, Banu 1-Tawil Banu Hud,
Banu Razin Almoiavids, Banu Ghamva and Banu
Maidamsh [qm] following a continuous advance
during the 11th- 13th centunes The pnncipal land-
marks of this reconquest aie the taking of &raus
(1083j Monzon (1089) Mquezai (1091) Almenaia
(1093) Huesca (1096) Baibastro (1100) Balaguer
(1105) Ejea and Tauste (1106) Tamirite (1107)
Morella and Belchite (1117) Saiagossa (1118)
laiazona and Tudela (1119) Calatavud and Daioca
(1120) Alcamz ( 1 1 24) Toitosa (1 148), Lenda Fiaga
and Mequmenza (1149) Teruel [ia 1157. \alderobes
(1169) Caspe(1171) Majorca ( 1229) Moiella (1232)
Bumana (1233) Peruse ola (1234) Ibiza (1235)
Valencia (1238) and Minorca (1287). The expansion

The

i (7bj t

epic

b against the Lev ante and And.
batk numerous Mozaiabs [q ,
bled and equipped 4 000 hoi sei
thev selected with then squm
swoie b\ the Gospel that not
deseit his companion' Fust <:
offensive took place (aititles bv D M " Dunlop

Cutler and \ 1uiki m 41 4ndalus 1°

19bb Chalmeta m Rl \I xx 1972), to
Council ot Toulouse m 1118 which p
expedition against Muslim Spam Til

Nice Antioth, and espee lallv Jeiusalem Gaston
Beam i made possible the capture of strongholds h
erto impiegnable The trieat campaigns of James I
the Conqueioi the Bale am islands in 1229 and

crusade iR I Bums 77« (msatlt, kingdom of laltmia
Cambndge Mass 1%7) Hie ro\al house ol Ai agon
was s\stematicall\ moie toleiant than Castile towaids

ARAGHUN 81

while that ol

the Banu Hud th.ie used to be \bu Maiwan <Abd

Alfonso I was

al-Mahkb 'Abdal-'Aziz who possessed \ alencia

ol the Hultil

and its sunounding ten Hon The Fiontiei was undei

i aid in 1225-

the contiol of Abu Marwan b Razin whose uile

extended as tai as the liontieis of Toledo The toui

chose assem-

paits of Spain aie uikd b\ foui kings one is con-

stituted bv the afore-mc ntioned \iagon and lies to

\ a'gieed and

the south-east The fust town at the south-east

boidei on the Meditenanean coast, is Bauelona fol-

psv etiological

lowed b\ Taiagona, then Tortosa In this legion

Dunlop A

the non-coastal cities aie Saragossa Lenda Fiaga

52 1%3 and

and CalataMid all undei the uilc of the king of

I [Raud no 182)

■xtensive and his kingdom is gi
ilcs Bauelona Aiagon Jat
a, Dema Ma]oiea, and Minoi
iking of \ alencia b\ James I
nahk oi taghnat 4>aghun

Menendez Pidal La Espuna dil (id Madnd 1951,
483-93 RI Bums, hlam undo th< (nistuhs Pimcetoi
1073 118-38, 173-83) These ni.umst.in.es . xplan
the importance of the Mude]ais it/ i and Mache

Af I in \Itm Fat Fa ~<7hhj.i;« l

142 ^i IW-U')

and L Piles, La situation sotial dt It

s moms dt nahn

go in la liihmm dtt s At Madnd

1949i and latei

of the Monscoes i (/ .,andT Halp

enn Donghi e ,

tonflitto national monstos ) tristitmos

u/os in laltmia

m (HE xxm-xxiv .1955) ^- 1 1 S xxv

-xxv, (1957) 8 5-

250 idem Rtiouutnitnh dt niihsatwr

maiimi dt I alum an \] I s in 4

154-82 J Regla Estudws sobu los

iimsios \ alencia

19b4 MS Canasc.

El pmbltma momio tn 4rai;,m al tomit

Ko dil mnado dt

Fthpt II \ alencia 19h9) in these le

ions wheic thtv

f local loids
xanco /skunk lE Hino]osa Mi , quint
i Ohms Madnd 1948, 245-501 It i

: that the

i this

,1 al,an

i [at

appaier

ions' 1 '

t l<uirs\n°hct

penetiat

ed tan

\ supeihcialK ir

ir c

,i Madnd 1879 idem

1,1 J M.

las \ a

mgo and Guai

Aga,

m Pallais like

1, B.iga

da Ri

polles and Besa

though

upied
he tex

ts lack piecisio

) Shihab and al-Husa\n b Dadjn

Foi the

a region but also all the temtoiies of the political
entit\ embodied in the Kingdom of Aragon In this
context aie included Catalonia the Balean. Islands
and \ alencia Al-Manakushi iMn'dfib 50-1 2 35 2(>7)
defines its extent in 1,21/1224 thus 'The Banu Hud
possessed the towns of this legion lal-Andalus)
Toitosa and its envnons Saiagossa and its emu oils,
Fiaga Lenda and C'alata\ud Thev ait now in the
hands of the Flanks , belonging to the prince eif

4iaghun The lattei has the boideis ot the kingdom
of Barcelona to the Fiench hontiei Neighbounng

li 50

7) on te

nditiems

mil [,/,

undei

hi govern

'\\ lit n

the Musi

n the l

fa and

the Hig

Aragon

ua Rasi

42- i)

132/750, the siti

ualt his

pioblems

30/753

theic In

ike out th

ARAGHUN — ARBA'UN HADlTH^

ten mt the maitla Bidr The Yemenis Suhunin b
\ikztn ilkilbi ind il Hmnn b 1 dliM il \ns lr i
b\ promising Siri^ossi to Chirlenntme encouri^ed
.indeitike his ill filed expedition of 778 This

Uppei M

ludjibid Bu
id b\ the
\mius b \

n in the r<
f Bihlul

Mir

,1 Hue

The

■d luth.

nimt oi ilHikim I but the representative of the
mutallad fimilv of the B inu K isi Musi b Musi
(7/ ] a belled in 842 it Tudeh took possession of
S ingossi ind Huesti ind dec hied himself the third
kin? of Spun To cuib him the ami, Mulnmmtd
instilled it C ihtiuid ind Diroti the Tudiibid Binu
Muhidiir who h ivin^ succeeded ti insfoimed them
selves into autonomous loids of the Mirch of i
moie tlnn e hin^eible loviltv In the north we find
in the 10th eentuiv the Bum Shibnt b il Tiwil
-it Hutu i \11 these peoples did not hesitite to ph\
tlu Fnnks the \nbs the muaillath ind the Niv ino
\iiironese (with whom the\ hid f imih ties) off
gainst then mils Muslim is well is Chnstnn
Such wis ilso the polu\ of the Binu Hud who
emplo\ed the C id ind weie ible toi i lone; tim<
to bihnce the imbmons of the \lmoriuds the
tl« Cdtihns the NiMrrese ind the

C v-

s tint

s lesnl recognition of the North P\ie
b\ tlu emnite of C ordov i Thinks t
lbute of 70(1 dinar* ind the stilus of
e.e wis ,/«„[,/<] of tl
nu ho nl Udhn W i
'w b ,apli\ In iddition to souius mentione
• J \leminv La gtopajia dt ,

V843

s of Iniir<

n los

i Gn

C Dubler las
indalus win 11953) 337 73 F Heinindez El
\Iontt ) la l>mmaa del Pud to in ibid xvn (1952)
319 68 H Mones Ta nkh al djujrajna ft I
■indalus Midnd 1967 \fil Tuik El rano dt
Zaia^Kaentls \I Midnd 1975 J Bosch Histana
dt llbarratin musulman Teiuel 1959 J Font \ Rius
La itamquista dt I tnda Lendi 1949 \ Hum
Mil ind i Histoua dt \ altntia mumlmana \ ilenui
1969 J Licirri Histana dtl rano de \aiana
Pimploin 1972 idem La tonquista dt ~ara^o a po,
41/onm I in indalus \n [1947) 65 96 idem La
itttmtjuista i Hpoblaaan dtl allt dtl Ebro in Est E
\I ( iiazon n 1 19461 V\ 8j idem la npoblatwn
dt ->«,».,« l"» ^/"">" (/ Batalladoi in Est Ha
Soaal Esp Mtdnd 1949 205 23 idem Onpn.s
dtl ttmdado dt \iagon Sni-.ossi 1945 E Leu
Hist Esp mus index J Milhs El ttxts

onathrs

nQut

Gil La Pont,

in bol Ha (,to Bap A,t K on iv (1907)

(P C helmet M

ARAT Resiiid R^hmfti up to 1934 GR
tUiHMATi modem Tuikish Resid R\hmeti \rat
Iuikish scholn and philologist (1900 64) Bom
it Eski Udjum to the south west of Kizin he
a is the son of Abd il Reshid Ismet Alhh of i
imih ot inudamsitn who enne;i ited horn kizin ind
let up i hereditirv madrasa there He ittended mi
oils schools in his home town ind liter in kiziKir
Petiopivlovski md in Hirbin in Mimhuni where

hlE-h s

in Titirs in Hubin ind con
tnlmted to \inous pipers In December 1922 he
left for Germinv ind he emolled in Beihn
Umveisitv wheie he wis tinned in Tuikish philol
og\ b\ \\ lllv Bint? He obtained his Ph D in 1927
with i thesis on Dit Hilfsitrbtn und [ trbaladitrbitn im
■iltaisthtn which wis published in Iral altaistht
Jahibuthtr un/1 4 (1927) 1 66 He then joined the
teuhine; stiff of the Depirtment of Onentil hn
t?ui£;es it the Umversitv In the sime veil he mu
ned Dr Ribi 1 ilso fiom the kizin nei whom
he had met in Hiibm In 1928 he wis nnde i
leseiich issistmt in the Piussnn \cidemv In 1933

ottered the chiir of Tuikish philoloi?\ in the
Um\eisit\ ot Istinbul where he tiut>ht until his
deith He wis the director ot the Institute of
Turtoloe^ (1940 50) founded b\ Fu \d koprulu m
1924 ind i visions; protessoi in the SO\S London
1 1 04') 51) He died in Istinbul on 29 Novembei
1964 RR \nt who contributed ereitlv in intio
due mt; the histont ind compnitive ipproith to
studies of Turkish hns;uis;e ind dnlects wis i sthol
ii who piefened to limit Ins efforts to 1 given nei
ind to deepen it nthei then spreid o\er mm\
problems md coimite fields He remuned stntth
interested in linguistic ind philoloaicil problems ind
text tiiticism He is the mthoi of the following
rrnjor works ~m Htilkundt dti I ijunn 2 vols Berlin
1930 2 Du Lt^tndt urn OJu^ Qai-han (with \\ Bine;)
Beihn 1932 Tuihstht Turfan Ttxtt ui Berlin 1936
In uirhk dt Mehmtd II It Conqanant m innali RIS0\
xx (1940) Bibur Ukau 2 Mils \nkm 1943 6
hutad^u Bihg icnticil edition) Istinbul 1947 ittbttu
I liakauk Icnticil edition ind modern Turkish pir
iphnse) Istinbul 1951 lusuj Has Haab Kutad K u hl K
(Modern Turkish pn iphnse) \nkiri 1959 Turk
sutltrmm tasmfi tn T\I x (1953) 59 139 (i sum
mn\ ol former ittempts to chssifv Tuikish dnlects
tosrthei with i new pioposil undei the influence

sue decent) msteid of kht,e idnlect) of stindird
Tuikish) Eski turl sim (Pie Ishmic ind enh Ishmic
Tuikish verse texts modern Tuikish pinphnse ind
notes) posthumous \nkin 1965

Biblwztaph) Rtsit Rahmtti irat it in— \ memo
ml volume published b> Tuik kultuiunu <\nstirmi
Enstitusu Ankui 1966 pp x xxx (the pnnci
pil source for bio^nphicil ind bibliogr iphic il diti
on \rit up to the d ite of public ition)

(F\hir Iz)
ARBAUN HADITH i s^enre of htenrv
md religious woiks centied round 40 liadith* of
the Piophet

This t\pe of woik his msen fiom one ispect

mumt\ who lenns 40 fiadithb connected with the pre
scnptions of the filth will be msed to life b\ God
imons; the mthorities on the hw ind the sthohr

3 ndir\ 1

:o be to\(
oneself t

e the (.

Woiks in this citesron of arba un hadith mi\ be
Aiitten in piose verse or in the two combined The
ontents mu ilso differ some wnteis ind compil
'is ire content to s;ithei together the hadithi, oth
•is idd to them exphmtions whilst \et others idorn
md complete these texts b\ means of itcounts
nat ind homilectu nntenil The elements of woiks

ARBA'UN HADITH

'ARIF, MIRZA 83

,n this ,cne,al cate.oiv a,e sel

cted atcoidins> to dii-

•\ubin as Raw nil sec Bibl ) the coned foim Rawiamii

feline; piinuples ahadith kudu

ta ol divine mspna-

is luithei B?\en m \akiit, Biddan, ed Benut l 15 3 as

ot the Piophct hadiths

the kasaba of this district ol 71 villages and b\ Sam'anl,

imah, ed Hyderabad l 167-70 who visited the dis-

s aic also found cen-

tnct personall\ and who has a lom> list ot the 'ultima'

tied on a paituulai subject

tric qualities of the

of \.ghivan

km 'an, the essential pnnciples

ol Islam the Piophtt

In rimund times we find the admmistiative cou-

and his Companions 101 even h

s diildien and Ejiand-

pling Djahan u -\ighi\an and then in th, Salawid

childieni sects and mvsticism

knowlede;c and th,

scholar politics and law the
moial lit, etc

hoh wa, socal and

ot kalldai ithus as a single tnulda, undei Shah Saff
in 104b/1030) B\ modem times hovvevu the name

The s<eni f is called uhil h

adltl, In the Pei sums

of \ighi\an diopped out ot usae;e

and kid hadith bv the Turks

It de\ eloped til st ol

Bibliogtapln In addition to th, sounes men-

all m \iabic and developed

the oldest collections aie th

\djuiil id 3 50/442) and

ol Ibn Wad'an d

yand loutn du Khmassan a 1 tpuqut mans,alt m Lt miimli

4<I4/1101| But the most cc

lebiatcd is that put

to^ethei In MuhM T-Din \bu

/akanvv.V \ah\a al-

iC E Boswortiii

Nauaul (631-71)/ 1235-77) th

objeit <il numeious

'ARIF CELEBl dtiMsh mvsti, yiandson ot

commentanes m \iabic and

lanslations into othei

Mawlana Djalal al-Dln Rfiml and the thud khalifa of

Islamic lans>uas>es The fiist til

d hadith , ollections in

the Mawlawiwa oidei was bom at konva on H Dhu

Peisian which have come dov

1-ka'da 070/7 June 1272 as a son to Sultan Ualad

in the bth-7th/ 12th- 13th cent

lies sc the Tablh al

and ratima Khatun the daus>htei ot the i-oldsmith

kulub of Muhammad b Muharr

mad b ' Mr al-taraul

Salah al-Dln His actual name was Djalal al-Dm

rains the Taidjuma )i hba'ln hadith ol < Mid j Ulu '' Vnf has be. n derived

al-Rahman DjamI 1817-08/1414-02) Th, vvoiks of I •\nc\tensiv, biotrraphv with mam has?oi<raphit tiaits

Nawawi and DjamI weie tianslated into Tuikish I is contained in the eighth chaptei ol the Manakib al

and published on manv occasions 'anfin bv -MlakI [,/ , ] Bemt; one of '\nf s pupils -MlakI

It should luithti be noted that th, Tuiks not onh was an evewitness to a sneat pait of his life and aeeom-

oldest one of these in Iuikish known ""to us is the ' Tiak and Peisia as well On one oi c asion Sultan Walad

\ahdj al faiddls of Mahmud b 'All il!th/14th ,en- ' sent him to the touit of the Il-khan at SulUmwa to

turvl, followed in the next on, bv kemal Umml mans- lemonstiate against th, pio-ShTa pokv adopted bv

lation after 815/1412) and also '-Ml Shir Newa'I 1845- Oldjevtu In 712/1312 '\nf succeeded his tathei as

000/1441-15011, and then in the lOth/lOth centmv the head ot the Mawlawiwa His death occurred at

bv FudulIi?885-0t,J/^1480-155(» Usullid 075/1508) Konva on 2i Dhu 1-Hidjdja 710/5 Nmunki 1320

New 'I 1042-1007/1535-00, '\shik C elebi Natta'a His tomb is still extant in the Mavvlaul tiabi

(tianslation 070/1571) and Mustafa 'Mi itianslation The anecdotes iclated bv \llakl depict ' \nf as a

1005/1507, This vvoik of tianslation was fuithei pur- colouiful personahtv Through his , onduc t he

NabI 1 1052-1 124/1042-1712) 'Oth
11120/1708) Munlf (1145/1733) 'Oi
(publ 1320/1008) and \hmed
1343/1025)

Biblia«,tipln \bdulkadn kai

ARGHIYAN the

mud in

ncdiacval

tnct of noithe

in khi

ravin It

a\ (o the

of Kuca

n/khabushan

\S']

tiaddlinsr

the hillv r

of the

modem Kuh-

Shah

Djahan

and the h

Binalud

aiound the

of the k

ishaf-Rud

not to

e identified w

tth the

district o

Djadjaim

in Suppl ] lym^ f ui the

vas clone 1

Tin lands of th, Eask

7! (ahphii,

peqjetu.

ted bv B Sp

>onei l

i his 4; ? A

>e7» Tin a

Ja/ami in

luskm Mimas,

n Jnal of th, Butnh 1,

of Pima

n Studies in

(1005

07-107)

The nam

325-074 H Rittei

ARIF MIRZA

'\RIF MIRZ\ — \RN\B

wishes ind two \ens hter wis obliged to diunit
hei he ne%ei mimed ignn LeiMng ioi Tehi in
he took sen ice it the couit of Muz iff n il Dm Shah
where his singing lttricted the mention of the so\
ereign ind leiding couitieis Couit life houeser did
not ippeil to him and he letuined to Kizwin
wheie he iemained until the 1006 C onstitution il
Resolution of which Ik w is one ot the le iding spu
its His outspoken md leckless \eises usuilh, sunt,
it public concerts mule him m in\ enemies indud
lng e\en his ioimti hiend the poet Indj Mirza In
1915 he joined the inuhadiaiat to knmanshih whence

Dunns? the next feu veils

he gi\e his

cessi\tl\ to Col Muhimrr

id Tiki kh

dent gendiimeiie oflicei u

khui is in

md Ridi KJiin In 1424

of the estibhshment of ! le

continue his public concei

s ind letue

po\eit\ in 1934 His Dua

in 1924 togethei with m

of Rousseius Confisswns

\nf wis i mm of dem

h like disposi

souue si\s that m iddition he composed ten letteis
m \eise iddiessed to Kh idja Pn Ahmad b Ishak
ind a \eisihed woik on Himfi filh oiled \la la budd
madhhab Imam i^am None ol these woiks his \et
been published

Although the luthors of contempoi ir\ tadhkuas
iedit him with in elegint stvle md considerible
3opuhnt\ m the modern penod his woiks hi\e
ecened onlv cut son mention

Bibliography '\hshii Niui l Uaajalis al naja ,s
madjlis i attual DiulitShih Tadhkna ed Biowne
434 40 Biowne LHP m 490 495 7 E \a
Shitir Shi, i falsi dai ahd i Shahnikh Tehi in
1334/195b 101 2 17b b 21b 7

lj\\ Clinton,
ARIN [see mjbbvt al ard]

ARNAB (A I pi aranib in poeti\ al aran,
&i immiticalH this noun is feminine ind denotes
the hire with the generil

ithei a

e Ch :

, qlulqut

cilH

Biblw^apln -\ttei the edition ot \nl s Dntan
published b\ Ridi zidi Shitik in Beihn 1924 tin
thei wntmgs ippeued in MR Hiz u inf nama
u Hikiu Shniz 1934 ind Siy\id Hidi Hun
Kuiush L}ild i diatuum i dm an , Auf lehim 1942
Biogi iphic il mfoimation is to be found m E&
Biowne Pins and pot tn of modtm Paul Cimbndge
1914 250 2 M Lshique Sukhaimaian i I, an dar asr
i hadir i Cilcutn 19,3 191218 Rashid \ isimi
Adabmalimuasir Tehi in 1437 64 70 M Islnque
\Indan Persian puttn C llcutta 1443 passim SiyMd
Muhimmid Bikn Burki i \ul_han Lawn i nami u
muasu i Tehi in 1450 H9 61 J R\pki hamsilu
Lihiatur^schuhh Leipzig 1959 352 3 ibid Histon
of banian httiatmt Dordie. ht 1968 372, Bozoig
■\li\i Ot thitfitt and Entuitllung dn mndtrntn ptisistlun
Liltiatu, Beilin 1964 36 44

iLP Llwell Suttoni
ARIFl Mwlw* NUhmud Pel si in poet
\ irtualK nothing is known of the hie of \nfi except
the ippioximite dites of his bnth ind deith (791
8i3/1389-1449i md tint he belonged to the cncle
of poets thit tlouiished at the couit ol Sh ill Rukh
[q 1 in the first hilt of the 9th/ 15th centurx

Iht best known of his woiks is i bnel mathnaixi
of some 500 Aai/s entitled (,u\ u at a an or Halnama

which h

g his fitt:

t undo the title 77<t

\e cording to Diwht Shih \iiff wis the iuth<
cf numerous pineg\rKs of the kings md polices
his di\ ind of JitKtils ind kit as is well The sin

laisan in Tuiki

fimi

abtkm Ipl

\mong the oidei of 1 igomoiphs md the timih
of leponds the genus Upus is lepiesented in Ishmic
hnds piedomimnth b\ the Itpu taptnsis or C ipe
hue Its bleeding giound sti etches horn -Xinc 1 (Cape
of Good Hope) to China tShintung boidenng on
the \ellow Sei ot \sn) In the Mediteinnein zone
it is found with the plnns species / granatin I (Spun!

ind / kahlitus lAlgena) / tunttat (Tumsii) ind /
tut childi (Eg\pt) in western Morocco the smiller /
atlanhtu is ilso found In the hills ire found / mam
tonus md / ptdiatus (Moiocco) ind / stpanu I \lgenai
The chinctensticilK desert hue / arabuin is found
on the borders of the Sail in together with / pal
lidwi I haittrti ind / bartatus Irom Moiocco to the
Sinn pemnsuh \ svstemitie stud\ of the hues ol
the \ribnn Pemnsuh his \et to be nude The
species / lurnpaius is represented in the Neai Eist
" " -d pi ices is well is / niiatus (Lebinon)

ith \eir to honom i prince Muhimmid issu

be Muhimmad b Busonkor (Browne LHP n

The subject of the poem is 1 mvstic il loimnce r

l demsh ind 1 pimce whom he hist sees phving

polo The gime ot polo piovides the prec'

imigeiv RS Greenshields published m e

this work of which th

luthoi

■ lbout the gender ot the
misculme with an isso
• al If sah fi fikh al lugha
ntr\ people both seden

s bv -

spe

buck wis cilled khu ^ (pi khi „a« akliK a) oi
haishtib or luffa (Maghnbi akiush] The temile or

; she wis cilled afahmaush The lev ret wis cilled
Uiunik (pi kharamk) or the khauta ind the wean
mg suhta ( Maghnbi khaibush ha, bush Timahik

Fiom an ethnologic il point ot

■it pit-dominant Most of

the Be dou

en lecoide

ti al-kazvum I'-igja lb "

trial hlukat

aigin) al-Damni iHmat

«<V1<)37 1 20-3i and

esptoalh

LmtnlCln/hTh

lese i.toi

whence t

le s.iMiig to sv\ei\e moie than a

and the

ucknames the hunters sn\e it c mph

and aim

at When a haie is suipnsed tt it

the leap

inafajai it makes is so mstantanc o

impetuon

that it has become an illustiation

iMth hare s kidnt\

ttl the wild nbbit simph

" the tin own cud^d I
can wiekfso skilhilh .

ltlitulrs with it wis Ibn al-Mukatta' When h<
anslating tin tables ot Bidpa\ from Pahlau h( ( nt ,
•ltd tilt rvpiuvlh Indian episode of the c 1< phants <

clever rabbit Fa\ruz 1= Felix became their spokesman
and dio\e awa\ the elephants b\ a trick I see Kahla
iiaDimna, Cairo 1431 207-9) This ston could not
possibh be concerned with hares foi the\ do not live
in colonies and the\ do not tunnel undci ground Once
the domestic labbit was being bied on a laige scale
it became necessan to add epithets to arnab to make
the woid moie specific, amab baimya or uahshiwa was
used for the haie and amab ahliyya oi dadfma or bal
adnia for the domestic labbit but the wild rabbit
hardh had an\ specific name In the Muslim West
the same confusion did not anse because in Spain
as well as in the Maghrib the wild and domestic

counuit Sp ,ont/o Port lotlbo It lomgho Eng aim
Get hamnihtn Swed hum) The Hispano-\iabic
names kumlya/kumba kulhn lulmn are still found m
the Maghub as kamn/gamn (sing a pi at and
knaun/ ejwun), Kalin (pi Uaum kumn/gunin ganun and
Kabvle agumn (pi iguiunm) Besides amab Hispanu lan-
guages use labbat (pi al) ultimatch demed fiom
Ibeio-Roman lappaw (horn bpons Sp lubn Catalan
llebri Prov libn, Fr hait/lapatait/lapin) \s for Tunisia
Ibn SaTd (in al-Makkaii inalnhs i 122) notes that
the pi attic e of raising rabbits foi fur was introduced
there from Spain in the 7th/Hth centun the wild
labbit is to be found onl\ on some coastal islets but
it is common in Algeria {imniului algirm) and m noi th-
em Morocco

According to kur'amc law the flesh ol a hare
which has had its throat cut ritualh ma\ be con-
sumed the doctois ol law agiee unammousH about
this foi the hare is a product ol hunting and the
animal is heibivoious and not carmvoious It is true
that some hadith*, suggest that the Prophet
Muhammad abstained from eating haie but no-one
accepts this as a iormal piohibition [but see ha\ kv. \n
concerning the Rafidis] This pei mission extended
ipso fatto also to the labbit when the animal was
introduced to Muslims In al-\ndalus the labbit was
highl\ prized and the onl\ testnction imposed on
it was that it should not be sold around the Gieat
Mosque Instead a place was chosen In the muhlastb
and theie the\ had to be oiteied toi sale propeih
slaughteied and skinned so that the meat could be
seen to be fresh (see Ibn '\bdun-Levi-Piovencal
Sailh musulmam an dtbul du \II siecle Pans 1947

95-6

In p.e-

o the haie s loot as a talisman [Ka'b al amab)
consideied to be a protection against all eul
and motheis would aifix one of then chil-

spells which weie alwa\s to be leared in unknown

In Gieek medicine a number of specific \ntues
were accoided to particular oigans ol the haie The
flesh was thought to ha\e laxative and aphrodisiac
piopeities Latei Arab medicine confirmed the \iews
of Hippocrates and Galen on this subjec t but added
some new empirical prescnptions Perhaps the most
important parts were the brain and the gastric juices
{infaha) the biain was the best remedv foi ti ena-
bling and scmlit\ and it could be vpphed to an
infant s gums to suppress the pain in teething but
if it was mixed with camphoi and drunk it was
thought to be an infallible lo\e philtie The gastric

with a vinegar base and used as an antidote for all
kinds of poison It is interesting that modern su-

remed\ which has am real chance of fighting the
poison of the phalloidine (death s cap) fungus othei

and stomachs of leponds Peihaps aftei all Arab
empnical medicine was not ]ust puie fanc\ Dried
and powdered haie s blood had iecogmsed healing
qualities foi sores and wounds and helped to extiact
foreign bodies like sphnteis and thorns
it was also used to tieat anow wounds In surgerv
lepond hair was used instead of cotton wool as an

Since Sasanid times in ban haies and labbits have
held a position of not negligible impoitance in the
field of Muslim art Thev figuie eithei as a decoia-
ti\e motif incorpoiated into a hunting scene or are
themselves the main theme of inspiiation Besides the
mass of Peisian miniatures piobabK the most tvpi-

the incident mentioned above wheie the wil\ Favruz
harangues the king of the elephants it is found in
Svnan manuscripts of the 8th/ 14th centun of Kahla
aa Dinma (Pans BN ms Al 3467 foi 70 and
Oxford Bodl Libi Pococke 400 foi 99 1 Iiaman
ceramics which also inspired those of Fatimid Egvpt
fiequentlv incorpoiate the motif of the haie There
is a glazed ewei fiom Gurgm fbth/Uth centun Pans
Mus Aits Dec ) which is decoiated on its bulged-out
sides with a fneze of hares chasing each other in an
endless circle Another e\ample is the remaikable
glazed Fatimid cup of the 5th/ 11th centun I Pans
Louvie coll F Sane) with its white base decorated
with a beautiful hare sti oiling among the floia s\ in-
housed b\ the stvlised Kufic inscription on its mar
gin Persian silks and carpets from even penod but
especiallv fiom that of the Safawid dvnastv (lOth/lhth
centum assert then inborn taste foi nature Animals
aie poitiaved as living in an eaithh paradise with
hares and gazelles gambolling among then carmvo-
ious enemies and theie aie hunting scenes com-
memorating famous slaughteis b\ battues of which
the Chosroes weie so fond All these inteipietations
have been caiefulh, represented in bionze, copper and
lvon and heie also haies and gazelles have their
piopei place The Fitimid goldsmiths in Egvpt fol-
lowing then Persian predecessors were skilled in
portraving animals and birds in metal even on com-
monplace objects as is shown b\ the famous haie
on the alert' bionze aquamanile This is the pioud
possession of the Museum of Biussels (coll Stocletl
and naturalists are amazed at its realism The same
Persian animal themes are found on carved lvon cas-
kets (p\\es| fiom Egvpt through Siuh to Muslim
Spain and in Mesopotamia thev aie even found on
the stone of lintels and dooi cases in \itukid art
I (>th /12th centum

In zoologv the name amab bahn tianslated fiom
the Latin Itpus marmm sea haie' has been given to
aphsia dipilans a nudibranch mollusc of the older op
isthnbmmhia It is found wideK in the sea and ancient
man treated it with a piofound disgust as much foi
its hideous appearance (it looks like a slug with a
haies head) as for the nauseating violet secretion
which it emits in self-defence and which was thought
to be a deadh poison (see al DarmrT op at i 23)

FinalK, in astionomv al amab \larnab is the

Orion the legendan huntei The first stai of the

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ASAD b. MUSA b. IBRAHIM — al-ASAMM

Wahb As a tiansmittei he is af
a numbei of historual and isiet
Futuh Urn of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam

i laige

with his

the mijontv of thos
uted to his Egyptian masteis of an ascetic and pious
natuie Othei works are fuither attnbuted to him
\lmnad had b \Iusa ilbn Khavi Fihmt 141-2 Ibn
al-Faiadi) the foui versions mentioned b\ the isnads
of Ibn Khavr weie the w oik of one Nasr b Maizuk
Not one of them seems to have appealed m book
foim Then there is a tieatise entitled Risalat had
b \Iuut da had b al Fwat [142-2H/759-828] ft
lu um al iunna ua I tahdhn nun al bida' (Ibn Khavi
299 1 (see R Savid who seems to have discoveied
a manuscupt of iti Ibn Khavi (270) also mentions
Fada il al tabun l book that he attnbutes to Sa'id
son of Asad which Ibn Hadjai had seen in two
\olumes and which appaientK contained accoiding
to the last-named a gieat dt al of infoimation affoid-
ed bv the father (Asad) and his aide (Ibn Hadjar
ibid I Finalh theie is the Kitab al ~uhd ua I'lbada
ua I nam' (Ibn Khavi 27(1 Hadjdji Khalifa v 91)

important woik and according to Ibn Khavi com-
pnsed s<veial books ikutub) conespondmg to the
thiee paits of the title which he supplies
Unfoitunatelv onK two copies of the hitab al ^uhd

ailable

ved in B

(Spienger 495) the othei in Damascus (Za

madj 100/1) The fust was edited bv Leszvnskv

who in the guise of an intioduction devoted a

them with then paiallels in Judaism and Chiistnmtv
but was not at all concerned with the author him
self The author of the present irticle has le-edit-

adding to it all the ceitifi
of them with a stud\ of /

most flexible

which t.

eadmg m both
ised heie in the

ited bv Ibn Kha
dimensions of a single woik This book peihaps best
lllustiates the influence of the author and his un-
title in geneial from the formative penod of Islam
foi it is the second woik of its kind aftei the hitab
al Zithd « liaka'ik of 'Abd Alhh b al-Mubaiak
which piovided a model for it both in content and
in title although Asad does not acknowledge this
It is made up of a collection of tiaditions with
eschatological questions while the othei lost por-
tions corresponding to the hulub al'Ibada ua I uata'
mentioned bv the bibhogiapher must have contained
the lemainder of the themes encounteied in the
work of Ibn al-Mubai lk pietv ascetic meditation
etc (see Khourv had V) fl Abbott Studies n 2^7
IT)

Bibliography Abu Nu'avm, Hiha vn m IT
Dhahabi \hzan i 207 idem Hujjaz 1375/1955
i 102 Hadjdji Khalifa v 91 Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam
Futuh \hsi ed Tonev index Ibn \bi Hatim
Diarh i 338 Ibn al-Faiadi no 484 Ibn Hadjai
Tahdhib i 260 Ibn Khaldun Mukaddima Beuut
19hl 5b4-5 ti Rosenthal u 170-1 Ibn Khavr
al-Ishbih Fihmt 141-2 270 299 Ibn Hisham
A alTtajan 2 ft Ibn al-Mubaiak K al ~uhd

ika'ik ed ,
Mm

1966 'Umar al-Kindi

.971

1967 2^7-

jungstt
hnstluhin
nchhain

Chicago 1957 index
45 where Asad is suggested as the possible
authoi of a two-page collection of traditions on
papvius F Krenkow The tuo oldest books on
habu folklore in K n (1928) 55 ff RG
Khouiv Important, it authentuite de<, texts di Hihat
alauliui' in SI (1977) 94-b idem Wahb b
Munabhh Wiesbaden 1972 28b ff Brockelmann
S I 257 351 Sezgm CAS i 354 5 The main
studies on Asad s woik aie R Leszvnskv
Mohammtdamsihi Traditional uber
Geriiht Eiru ittghuhindi Studie it? judisi
und mohammtdanisihin Esihatologit
1909 (contains an ed of the A a/ ~aM based
on the Beihn ms with a studv ) RG Khouiv
had b \Iusa hitab al ~aA</ new ed with a
studv Wiesbaden 197b R Savid is preparing
in Beirut an ed of Asad s Risala

(RG KhourM
al-ASAMM Abu Bakr "Abd al-Rahman b
Kavsan died 200/816 or 201/817 earlv theologian
and mujasnt commonH counted among the Mu'ta-
zihs although alwavs tieated as an outsidei bv the
Mu'tazih tabakat In his vouth he served together with
other mutakallimun like Mu'ammar Hafs al-Fard and
\bu Shamn al Hanafi as adlatm [ghulam] to Ma'mai
\bu 1-Ash'ath a Basran phvsician with certain philo-
sophical leanings (cf Fihmt ed Flugel 100 11 28
ff) In the latei davs of Dim b 'Ami [q i ] le in
the last quartei of the 2nd centurv AH he cieated
in Basia a ciule of his own Abu 1-Hudhavl did not
like him he called him with a Peisian expression
khaiban the donkcv -driver obviouslv alluding to his
low ongin (cf Malati Tanbih ed Dedenng M 11
12 ff ) But Abu 1-Hudhavl became influential onlv
when he had been called to Baghdad bv al-Ma'mun
aftei 204/819 at a lather advanced age in Basra al-
Asamm seems to have enjoved the highei piestige (cf
Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbir Fadlaliti a I ed Fu'id Sayvid
2b7 11 -5 and pu f ) This mav be due to his even-
tual ulations with the Ibadiv>a who had at that time
not vet entirelv left the town (Abu Hav>in al-Tawhidi
intioduces him as sahib al Ibadma in his Basa'u ed
Kavlam n 825 ult f) But it mav also be attnb-
uted to the fact that he w is a prolific wntei Ibn al-
Nadim mentions 2b books none of which is
unfortunatelv pieseived (cf Fihmt ed Fuck in Shaft'
conini olum, 68 11 5 ff) All of them tieated of the-
ological and ]undical subjects But he seems also to
have been a poet (if the 'Abd al-Rahman b Kavsm
mentioned bv Djihiz Hawaiian iv 205 11 G ff is
identical with him cf Goldzihei LI vi (1916) 174
n 2) At least he was known to be eloquent al-
Djubba'i still acknowledged him as such (cf Fadl al

267

aphons

mentioned m Djahiz Bay an i 80 11 11) With the
luthontv of an expert he passed a seveie judgment
on Ibn al-Mukaffa' (cf Djahiz Dhamm akhlak al kut
tab in Rasa'il ed 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Harun
ii 195 11 7 ff)

His solidarity with certain Mu'tazih ideas is attested
bv his repeated polemics against the pre-destmanans
(il-Mudjbira cl titles nos 5 and 14 in the Fihmt also
no 11) and bv his leflections about tawhid (cf title
no ?) But he did not accept the tenet of al marula
barn al manzilatayn (cf Ash'an Makalat al Llanumn 269
ult ff) he believed that the fasik

e ol li

.otheist

and b

good deeds he has perfoimed (ibid 270 11 9 ff) The

lie condemned to c
imm did not bise 1
* on Kur inic eside

ion i His ideas on the pnnciple

9) equills did not i
othei Mu tazihs (cf
himself on i pec uln
Ibn Hazm Fnal is

) He

othei Mutizrhs did not sd touch the problem (ct
title no 2\ a fieice opponent of this doctnnc \ l/id
b Hnun (dud 20 r i 01 20b/820 822) siss him heie
is in line ssith Bishr al Muisi ssho Ms soungei
thin he md whom he mis hue lnlluenccd ict
Bukhaii Khali al af'al in N ishsh ii T tlibi II a id al

salaf

11 111

tint Ihunnnn b Ashns lecommtnded him to il
Mi mun sshen the ciliph wis still in Muss (d Fihust
ed Fuck t>7 11 4 fl I He chshed ssith Hish im b
alHikam ceitunls bee lust of his strongs inti Shi i
feelings (cf Fadl allheal 257 lpu t and title no
H) but ilso because of Hishims mthiopomoi
phism Ict title no 10) ind he attacked the ana
dika and the Dahrrvsa piobabls in c onespondence
with the pohes pursued bs al Mahdi 158 69/775

The theologuil doc tune most stiemds connected
with As minis name wis his del

[q ] ind mis hise brought him into
nection ssith Hish im b al H ik im [q
Bam it n 825 ult 11 ] He seems to 1

o Dn-

seises uid can theie

not so much i diflei
nition and in the cc
he wis led to dens
(ct Ash in Makalat
fl Ibn Hazm Fnal

ntus Like Dn u
tence of the soul

(<?

i28 1
1 Hudhas

s he s.

attic ked toi
led to shoss t

doc tune bs Abu
]undical obligations ai

his piosteimtion in pusei oi his bem^ flowed m
case ot adulters ct Fadl al i ti al 262 ipu 11
Hish am al Fuss in a disciple ot Abu lHudhnl
seems to hase been mainls shocked bs the ensuing

bio id sense wis considered as the onls undent bs
alNizzam ct the title ot Fuw iti s book in Films!
ed Fuck 59 1 1) Mans opponents and influenced
bs their polemics the htei heresiogi iphc is tended
to understind Asimm s deni il ot the lccidc ntil < lni
ac tei ot quihties as i dennl of quihties is such id
Ash an Ai 11 12 fi Bighdidi huk 90 11 8
t/llb 11 it idem I sul al dm! 11 14 11 etc j He

.aided t

Gost

him not in obligators ittnbute of humin societs

eons sshich cin do ssithout i lulei [ct Baghdidi
I sul al din 212 1 10 and 271 II 14 t mmslatei
souices like Miss ardi al ihlam al mltanma ed Engei
S 1 7 Ghizzih Fadaih al Batinma ed Bidissi
170 11 5 11 Rtzi al \luhassal 17b 11 9 f etc )

against human nnquits Theoretic ills speiking urn
seisal knossledge ot the km in should be sufficient
in oidei to keep i societs in oidci (cf Pazdassi
f ill al din ed Lmss 18d 11 1 1 ff ) but the leah
ts being impel tee t the Muslims alsviss decided to

done bs consensus (cl Ash in 400 11 b 1 Baghdidi
hail 150 11 4t/lb4 11 1 fi etc I and one e some

seisible esen if i nioie ippiopinte lafdal) candidate
presents himselt itteissiids (cf il Nishi al ikbai
lull almlial ed sin Ess !} 99) Aimed lesistince
against l mlei is onls illossed it this peison his

Applied to the histoncil lealits ot the p ist this
meint th it al Asamm iceepted Abu Baki and Umai

then election Attei Umai s death the afdal w is Abd
ilRihmm b Assi who demonsti ited his sntue bs
renouncing the e iliphite ten himselt Uthmm was
onls second in link attei him id Nishi Lull
almhal \ 100; In conti 1st to him Ah wis not

ssis theietoie uniighteous (ibid 5> 101) This does not

m the case of his w n igunst Tilha and Zubasi and

tial issessment would hase to pioceed horn his inteii
tiems ind those ot his opponents whethei he acted
out of mere despotism oi in oidei to put things light

we hise to suspend judgment It is cleai hossesei
tint Talha and Zubisi had a leitun supenonts osei
All ipeihips bee uise thes sought lesenge toi Uthmm)
md tint Abu Musi il Ash m ssas light when he

gleiulei iel al MufTd A al Qamal N idj if H82/195?
2b 11 Id fi ti M Rouhim La uluite dt Bassma
Pans 1974 17 ind shoitei Ash in 457 11 13 fl
ibid 45i 11 lift Mu iwisi was light in his lesist
mee igainst Ah bee uise he hid been let, ills
ippomted goseinoi ot Ssna bs Umu ind confiimed
in his oflice bs Uthm in he would hise onls been
obliged to hind osei Ssm to a mlei who had been
elected bs consensus let Nishi t? 102)

Thus hi Asamms theois could be le lint horn
his books mainls his A al Imatna Ict Filnisl title no

opposition espenills horn the Shi'is ind horn the
olognns ssmpithetic to them horn Bishi b al
Mutimn icf Filmsl ed Flugel lb2 1 21| piobibls
fremr the eails Shi i Fidl b Shadhan (died 250/874
ct Tusi Fthml 150 11 10 1) ind esen much htei
fiom the shaikh il MutTd (died 4H/1022| ssho ilso
seems to quote horn the emgin il in his A al L\amal
2b 11 lb ft Al Nishi ilso pieseises hemesei in
onl tudition horn Asimms closest adherents sasmg

l-ASAMM — ASATlR al-AWWALIN

that there may be seveial rulers at once in the Muslim

co-ordinate their effbits in righteousness. He based
this theory on the fact that the Prophet appointed
governors foi diffeient legions and that, aftei his death,
his prerogative had been transferred to the popula-
tion of these regions, who may decide accoiding to
their consensus. For his own time, al-Asamm deemed
this even to be the better solution: a condominium,
with its smaller political entities, would allow closer
contact between the people and the rulei icf §§ 103
f). As to the origin of these ideas, Goldziher sug-
gested the influence of the Pseudo-Aiistotelian rkpi
PaotXeiai; which may have been translated thus early
(cf. hi, vi (1916), 176 f. and Cheikho's edition of the
text in Machnq, x (1907), 311 ff; for an analysis of
the text itself S. M. Stern, Aristotle on the World State,
Oxford 1968, passim, M. Grignaschi in BEO, xix
(1965-6), 14 and M. Manzalaoui in Onens, xxiii-xxiv
(1974), 202). But it seems easier to assume that they
were stimulated by discussions in Ibadt ciicles in Basra
(cf. EI 1 , III, 658a, and Boswoith, Sistan undei the
Amis, 88).

Asamm's high appteciation of the consensus led
him to the theory that the 'ulama' , if they are suf-
ficient in number not to agree on a lie, are able
to issue laws (cf. Ash'an 467, 1. 6 f). For their
idjtihad is not a matter of mere probability; every
true judgment is based upon an irrefutable proof.
Among muditahidun of different opinions, therefoie,
only one is right (cf. Abu '1-Husayn al-Basri, al-
Mu'tamad, ed. Hamidullah, 949, 11. 10 ff.). In prin-
ciple, there is no difference between juridical and
dogmatical verities in this respect (cf. Kadi 'Abd al-
Djabbar, al-Mughni, xvii, 369, 11. 17 ff.i; but we may
distinguish between eirors which lead to unbelief
(about God and prophecy), other ones which lead
only to sinfulness [Jisk; about the ru'ya or about
khalk al-Kur'an, e.g.) and those which result in the

questions (cf. Ghazali, MustasJdT ii, 107, 11. -6 ff.;
ShlrazT, Luma', Cairo, Subayh, n.d., 76, 11. 17 ff;
MawardI, Adah al-kadi, Baghdad 1391/1971, i, 532
no. 1234; Amidr, Mam, iv, 244, 11. 7 ff). Because
of this rational criterion, even a sinful kadi may pass
righteous judgments (cf. MawardI", ibid., i, 634, no.
1579). On the other hand, the Shad, isolated tradi-
tions (which, at that time, must have comprised the
majority of hadith in the view of the Mu'tazila), can-
not claim any value as criteria (ibid., i, 376, no.
787). In these ideas, which seem to ha\e been char-
acteristic for Basra (cf. Mas'Qdi, TanbJh, 356, 11. 10
ff.), al-Asamm was followed by Bishr al-MarisF [q.v.]
and Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. IsmaTl Ibn 'Ulayya, who
had been his adlatus ghulam) and who founded a
quite influential juridical school in Egypt ihe died,
like al-Mansi, in 218/832, cf. Ta'rikh Baghdad, vi,
20 ff. no. 3054, etc.; there weie adherents of his
in Ramhurmuz even in the 4th/ 10th century, cf.
Fadl al-i'ttzal, 316, 1. 3).

al-Asamm's Tafslr. He defines the muhkamat as
those verses, the veracity of which cannot be denied
by any opponent as, e.g., all statements about the
past; the mutashabihat are veises which tell some-
thing about the future and which reveal their truth
onh after reflection as, e.g., statements about the
Last Judgment ( cf. Ash'an, 223, 11. 3 ff; Baghdad!,
Usui al-din, 222, 11. 4 ff; RazI, Majatih al-ghayb,
Cairo n.d., vii, 182, 11. -5 ff). There are thus no

deal with philological pioblems. The verse contain-
ing the problematic word abb (suia LXXX, 31) is
counted by him among the muhkamat. Nazzam crit-
icised his aibitrariness and did not distinguish him
from non-Mu'tazili commentators like Kalbi or
Mukatil b. Sulayman Icf. Djahiz, Hayaxvan, i, 343,
11. 5 ff.; translated by Goldziher, ' Richlungen der
hoianauskgung, 1 1 1 f). But he was quoted exclusively
by DjubbaT in his lost Tafslr (although peihaps only
for one passage; cf. Fadl al-i'tizal, 268, 11. 1 f.) and
latei on by Matundr in his Ta'wilat ahl al-sunna (cf.
i, 59, 11. 4 ff; 95, 11. 8 f; 103, 11. 1 ff), by Ahmad
b. Muhammad al-Tha'labi al-Nishaburi (died
427/1035) in his hashf wa 'l-bayan (cf. GAS, i, 615),
by Hakim al-Djushami (died 494/1101) in his volu-
minous Tafslr, and by Fakhr al-Dm al-RazI in his
Majatih al-ghavb (cf. iii, 230, ult. ff.; ix, 160, 11. 13
ff. etc.). Djahiz uses the work sometimes (cf. Hayaxvan,
iv, 73, 11. -4 ff; also 205, 11. 6 ff?), and Taban

al-Asamm by name. But it was interesting mainly
to theologically-minded commentators and accessi-
ble obviously only in the East. Whether the ms.
Kthc AH 53/8 really contains the text (cf. GAL, S
II, 984 no. 7) has still to be checked.

This Basran Mu'tazilT should not be confounded
with anothei Mu'tazilT by the name of Abu Bakr al-
Asamm who lived in Egypt and who initiated the
mihna there at the instigation of Ibn Abi Duwad. He
was called Nasr b. AbT Layth and was at least one
generation younger than 'Abd al-Rahman b. Kaysan
(cf. Kadr Tyad, Tartib al-maddnk, Beirut 1387/1967,
i, 516, 11. -5 fT.; 527, 11. 6 ff.; 564, pu. ff. etc.; cf.
the index).

Bibliography: Given in the article, but cf. also
amongst sources; Asji'an, Makalat, 242, 1. 2; 456,
11. 9 ff; 458, 11. 3 ff; 564, 11. 3 f; Nawbakhtl,
Firak al-Shi'a, 14, 11. 1 ff. = KumrnT, Makalat, 14,
11. 3 f; Ibn Batta, Ibana, ed. Laoust, 91, 11. 15 f.
and 92, 1. 16; al-Shanf al-Murtada, al-Fusul al-
mukhtara 1 , i, 63, 11. 10 ff: 1 68, 4 ff; Kadi 'Abd
al-Djabbar, al-Mughni, xx-\ 61, 11. 1 f.; Baghdadi,
al-Fark bayn al-jirak, 95, 1. 7; idem, Usui al-din, 1,
11. 14 ff. and 36, ult. ff; Abu Ya'la, al-Mu'tamad
ft usul al-dm, ed. Haddad, 37, 1. 4 and 222, 11. 3
ff; DjuwaynT, al-Shamil, i, 168, 6 f; Pazdawi, Usid
al-din, ed. Linss, 11. pu. f.; Shahrastam, Milal, 19,
11. 3 ff; 51, 11. 5 ff; 53, 11. 6 f; Ibn al-Murtada,
Tabakat al-Mu'ta Z da. ed. Diwald-Wilzer, 56, 11. 17
ff; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-mizan, iii, 427, 11. 2 ff;
Dawudr, Tabakat al-mufassiiin, ed. 'Air Muhammad
'Umar, Caho 1392/1972, i, 269, no. 258;Studies:
M. Horten, Die philosophmhen Systeme der spekulatn-
en Tlieologen im Islam, Bonn 1912, 298 f.; A.S.
Tiitton, Muslim theology, London 1947, 126 f; A.N.
Nader, Le systeme philosophique des Mu'lazila, Beirut
1956, index s.v. Abu Bakr al-Asam (su).; H.
Brentjes, Die Imamatslehren im Islam, Berlin 1964,
43, 52; W. Madelung, Dei Imam al-Qasim ibn
Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, 42 f; E. Graf, in Button,
x/2-3 (1969) 44; H. Laoust, La politique de Gazali,
Paris 1970, 231; H. Daiber, Das theologisch-
plulowphisthe System des Mu'ammar ibn Abbad al-Sulami,
Beiiut 1975,' Index s.v. _ (Josef van Ess)

ASATIR al-AWWALIN "stories of the
ancients," a phrase occurring nine times in the
Kur'an (VI, 25/25, VIII, 31/31, XVI, 24/26, XXIII,
83/85, XXV, 5/6, XXVII, 68/70, XL VI, 17/16,
LXVIII, 15/15, and LXXXIII, 13/13; see also EI 1 ,

lSATIR al-AWWALIN — ASHRAF al-DIN GiLANi

l?1]m

the do

tune o

the Res

to the

the fo

their

opinion

sillv thi

tnund

without being

lecepted

himtmt

071 137

leg i

Tib in

to \I

I 31) co

Mth the

opponent oi th

alHu

th Tn

Hna

Chi ist

Gospe

s and

upon

etummg

thfll i

to the

Piophets

shipping Mo

est.nglv

Hishir

Piophe

Persi ,n

kings

Isfandi

\n he

had le

irned in

karaD|«ioghl«in] He «is born in Sivnalan a vilhge
u Shukishh ol Sivas province the son of a faimei
i, \hmed whose lamilv name ot Shitnoghlu

Wevsel nielv used Loss of sight in both his eves it

!^ [qi ] \n ashik ot his own \illige and othei win
t-img tolk poets whom he tame icioss and who dis

if \\\ 5/t>
•sis suggests i

Jeileiv The fonufl ,
5b f P Minganti
i5li With its gene

Din

Onen

1384 8 i

suggested i denvation fiom dieek hntona see e
theietereiKesniT Noldeke ind F Schwillv Gisdu
dn Qowm 1 lb Hoiovitz Jeileiv R Kobeit
Omntaha \S \iv 11045) 274 b F Rosenth il
Histon of Muslim historiograph leiden 1068 28
— is philologie ilK possible and wo

Hov

\ribian origin Foi th
with Axibic sti to v
b\ Kur In \\\ 5/bl

with •■

aught 1

md n

\ei \nitoln ieciting his poen
He pei formed min\ times on Mm
idios Foi i short while ll<)42 4) he
igs in the \ilhge Institutes [see kov
le died in his vilhge on 21 Mirth

dren DifTeung fiom manv contempoiarv tolk poets

modern writers \shik Wevsel pieferred to follow the

k n adj loghl in Lmnh Rukhsati and otheis md he
sing of love fiiendship nostalgn sepu moil lift s
mutabihtv md de ith He is the author of Diushr
1 1044) ind Sa imdan usln 11050) His collet ted woiks
hue bein edited bv Umit \ asar Oguzc in as Dvstlai
km hatnlasm ll070i

Biblio^iaphy U\ Oguztan 4 si! hyscl hmah
«< smliti Istanbul 19bi Sk kanahoglu Rtsimli
Tml idibnahilan so lugu Istanbul 1074 sv

ASHRAF m DIN GILANI

iesi It w is glossed King stones oi asadji rh\med
nose pieces oi IrequentK timahat obsiure
onlused st itements It wis e\pl lined is ietletl
I i ala in the sense of miking up embellished
les foi ilbn il \thn al \ihaya s i id ) Liter Musi
is strange K ilso i modem si hoi n D kunstlmi
i OLZ \w\ (103b 482) imbued with rispeet
lie eultmal achievements of the meients would
fiemi.eh.es whv the phrase should hue been usee

i Rasht in lt71 He
azwin ind fiom
tudent m Nadjaf

began the publit it

.1 Iehiar

s ustd is his talhal
il wis suppitssed after the
Muhimmid Ah Sh ih i

med F

Although he idmned Rid i kh in he
ibmdoned pubhi life after the litter s ai cession to
the throne in 1025 md devoted himself to htei
ai v pursuits \pirt from his poems which mostlv

in verse and piose ind works on historv and phi

losophv He died in poveitv and ill he alth m 10,4

Though Ashiat s poetic talent wis not up to the

in the u

■mpon

ind stvle Hi

tionahsm ind son il i etorm ine hiding tl

s gieit pist \asi
1 the best hterarv

|unl votibularv

Biblm^aph Ashrals poems weie collected in
Bast , BihvM Tehi an 1010 and D,M i duuuum i \asim
i Shirnal Bomb iv 1027 Biographical details m EG
Browne Priss and pottn of moduli Puna Cambridge
1014 182 200 M Ishique SuUianuaian i ban dm asi
ihada i Cileutti 10j3 14b 70 ibid Modtm Pawn
pottn C ak utta 1043 pissim S ivvad Muhamm id Blku

ASHRAF al-DIN GlLANl — ASMA'

Buika'T,

mkhan

, 250-5 Muhammad Sadr Hashirm Ta'rikh i
djara'id na moralist i Iran, iv, Tehian 1953, 295-
9; Bozoig Alavi, Gesehiehtt und EntiLitkluns dtr mud
emtn persisehcn Literatur, Berlin 1964, 51-5

(LP Elwell-Suttoni
ASHTURKA, Asturka, the Spanish town of
Astoiga, the Astunca Augusta of the Roman
period, capital of the Gomentus Astuium, aheadv
by then a focal point foi communications (J M
Roldan, Iter ab Emuita istuneam El tamino di la
Plata, Salamanca 1971), and latei a halting-point
on the "loute of the herds' iR Aiken, Rutas dt
trashumanaa en la Mesita tastillanti in Estudws giogia
jicos, wvi (1947), 192-3) and on the "load to St
James" (C E Dublei

Idrn
i Mor

Oho

And

(1949)

in Turn

Al-'Udhii com-
pares it with Saiagossa (f de la Gianja, La \Iarta
Superior in la obra dt al 'I dn in Estudws Edad Altdia
Corona iragon (1967), 45b) Astoiga was another
urbs ma S nifiea, although Theodouc destioved it in
456 (A Quintana, Astorga en en hmpo de los suevos

Al-Idr -

rail t.

mnded

ifia de Espana
'el Edrisi, Madrid 1881, 67, 80; H.'Mu'nis, Ta'rikh
1-dj.ughrafiya wa 'l-djughrajiyyin Ji 'l-Andalus, Madrid
967, 265).
Astorga was captured by Tarik b. Ziyad in 95/714.
formed to the noith of it the king-

which I

either,

, did r

include all the terntorv of the C<
(G. Fabre, Lt taut urban dam It \ de la ptnimult
iberiqut, in Latomui (1970), 337) The legion was set-
tled b\ Beibers who lose against the Arabs in
123/740-1 (4khbar madjmii'a, 38, ti 48) The Chnstian
advance which oveicame the Muslims and expelled
them fiom the whole of Djalrkiva (133/750-1) com-
pelled them "to ti oss the mountains towards Astuika
(ibid., 62, ti 66) It seems definite that in this legion,
the Beibei element has left behind an enduiing eth-
nic impnnt (= Maragatos ( ? ), P Guuhaid 4/ Andalus

Barcelona 1976, 143 n 5 146) Alfonso I lecon-
quered Astorga in 75 3-4, but it was not repopu-
lated till ca 854 (C Sanchez Albornoz Dtspoblaaon
y repoblaewn del talk del Dutro Buenos Anes 19b6,
261-2, idtm, Ripoblaaon del mno asturliones Promo,
dindmua > proieeciones, in (HE, Ini-hv (1971), 23b-49)
or in 860 ( J M Lacana, Panorama dt la histona urbana
en la peninsula dtsdt los unlets f al A, in Settimant
Spoleto, 1958 352) In 179>795 the town was attacked
by Hisham I s general 'Abd al-Karim b Mughrth
(A. Fliche, Alphonst II It Chastt it In ongints dt la
reconquttt chrttitnnt, and A de la Toire, Lai ttapas dt
la reeonquata hasta Alfonso II, in Ehtudioh sobu la
Monarquia astunana, Oviedo 1971, 115-31, 133-74)
In 267/878 al-Mundhn launched an expedition
against Astorga We possess documents dating fiom
that \ear proving the presence theie of Mozaiabes
(M. Gomez Moieno, kltsias mozmabts Madrid 1919,
107-11), who plaved a kev lore in the repopulat-
ing of the town (L G Kofman and MI Carzoho,
Acerca di la dimografia astur Itontsa i tastillana in
la Alta Edad Midia, in CHE, \hn-\Kiii (1968), 13b-
70). Undei Alfonso III, Astorga, b\ now properK
organised, was part of a defensive line with Goimbia,
Leon and Amava (Sanchez Albornoz, Lai campanai
del 882 y del 883 que Alfonso 111 esptio in Leon, in

Lion i su histona, i (19b9), 169-82) The bishopric
was le-estabhshed theie (A Quintana Pneto, El obis-
pado de Astoria in los siglos IX , A, Astoiga 1968),

cal life (L Goni Gaztambide, Histona dt la Bula de
la Cruzada in Espana Vitona 1958, 84-5 155, 184,
203, 38b, 521 681, 683 H Salvador Maitinez, El
'Potma dt Mmena ) la ipua lomanua Madnd 1975,
48-9 399) It was attacked b\ al-Mansui Ibn Abi
'\mu [qt] in 385/995 It fell into decav at the
beginning of the 14th centuiv In the 15th century
the "maiquisate of Astorga' was foimed theie (A
Seyas Vazquez Chantada i tl stnono dt los Maiqueses
dt istorga, Chantada 1966)

Bibliography Souues Levi-Piovencal, HEM,
i, n, indices Sanchez Albornoz, Ongents de la
\auon tspanola Estudws cntuos sobn la Histona dil
Rtino di istunas, Oviedo 1972, M Diaz v Diaz,
La histonografia hispana dtsdt la imasion arabt hasta
el ano 1000, in Stttimani Spolito, 19/

Then

;iaph I

Diaz Histona dt la mm noble, Ital > ben-
iminta nudad di istoi^a, -\stoiga 1909

(MJ Vl&l.ER\)

ASMA 1 Bint 'Ui^s e M^'d al-Khath'amiyya,
a contemporarv of the Piophet (d 39/659-60).
Hei mothei. Hind bint 'Awf b Zubavi, called al-
'Adjuz al-Djurashiyya, was famous through the illus-

included the Prophet, al-'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib
and Hamza b. 'Abd al-Muttalib (Ibn Ha'blb,
Mulitibbiu, 91 109|, as well as of Asma' s husbands
In fact the lattei probabh married in the first
place Rabi'a b Rivah al-Hilali b\ whom she had
three sons Malik 'Abd Allah and Abu Hubavia
but all the souices agiee that she was successive-
1\ the wife of (1) Dja'fai b Abi Tahb b\ whom
she had three fuither sons 'Abd Allah, 'Awn and
Muhammad with whom she emigrated to Abvssima,
wheie she saw for the fust time biers, mtioducmg

Muhammad, (2) Abu Baki, b\ whom she had
Muhammad, and (3) 'All b Abi Tahb b\ whom
she furthei had Yahva Despite all these mamages,
she was not consideied to be one of the famous
mutazau.u.igjat and the numbei of sons which she
brought into the woild does not seem to have

On the other hand she is consideied to be the
authoress of a hitab which ^a'kubi cites {Histonat,
ii, 114, 128) and which must have contained haditbs
of the Prophet that Asma' should ha\e made such
a compilation which would circulate in ShiT cucles
is a priori suspect, even though 'Air's main wife
Fatima, would have been able to hand on to Asma'
the doings and happenings concerning her father
Furthei more, the Sunnis seem to have accepted onlv
with reseivations hadiths tiansmitted bv this woman
(cf I Goldaher Muh Studiin n, 9, Fi ti L Beuher,
Pans 1952, 10-11 Eng tr Barbei and Stem, London
1967-71, n, 22]

Bibliography Ibn al-Kalbr-C askel, L\amhara,
Tab 22b and n, 198, Zubavi r, \asab huraysh, 80,
277, Ibn 'Abd al-Ban, Isti'ab, lv, 234-b, Ibn Sa'd,
Tabakat, vm 205-9, Ibn Kutavba, Ma'anf, inde\,
Mas'udr, Muruaj, iv 181-2 \, 148 = iji) 1515- lb,
1908, Baladhurl Futuh, 451-5, Nawawi, Tahdhlb al
asma' 825, Makdisi, al Bad' na 'I ta'rikh, iv, 137,
Ibn Hadjai Isdba iv. No 51 Caetam, innah, \,
231-5. (Ch. Pellat)

iL-ASMAR,

.l-Fayturi

was born on 12 Rabl' I 880/16 July 1475 in the
coastal oasis of Zliten (Zalrtan, Zlttan; obsolete forms,
Zalitan, Yazlltan, Yazlrtm, Izlrtanl in Tripolitania.
He belonged to the Fayturiyya (Fawatirl tribe, whence

him by his mother who had been ord

a drean

He I

■arlv mv

from c Abd al-Wahid al-Dukali, a 'khalifa [q.v.] of the
'Arusiwa order, who initiated him into this tartka [q.v.\
and to whose circle of disciples he belonged for seven
years. According to the canonised history of the order,
he rec eived additional instruction from eighty other

ms omnipre:
ssed in the i
sed by him

iver require;

I. Men

lered a

itions elaborated bv 'Abd a
known as al-Wawtya al-kubra, which
) the Sufi tracts on adab [q.v.] of
abandon the tmTka was considered
:as\ and would, as was taught, not

the order, but by God himself I HA', 200). 'Abd al-
Salam exhorted his adherents to adopt al-Sanusi's
'aklda in matters of tawhtd Ai'K] 3), but urged them
at the same time to pay tribute to Ibn al-'Arabi a>

Prophets and the companions of the Prophel
Muhammad— and stressed him as the pillar of the

iIl'A', :

'Abd a

113; see Bibliography),
and of the relatively fr

expelled from the town
tied in the earlv 16th

g marriage cu

see e.g. f » A,
of Tripoli, wh
centurv, and

stoms ict". ha;

Id". ICA", 117I,
tingling of the

127i. He was
ere he had set-
where he had

Hafsids, the Spaniar

unsettled, and mus
exc lusivist mystical

become an increasing^
the local ruler, who m

popular rehg

onsidered 'Abd

orated by 'Abd al-S

hiefs, the Knights

J of Tripolitania.
come increasing
t possible for an
)vement, like the
,a had been elab-

evival of the tanka did i
ook up residence in Zl
t ;dw,ya [q.v.] in the te

one of the
) had come to accept
he died in Ramadan

981 /January 15. ..

the original 'Arusiwa of which he amended the rit-
ual and to which he added his own bock- of teach-
ings. He obliged his adherents to wear white clothes
1 1 ITT, 100 ff.l, forbade smoking i IfA", 70), and intro-
duced the playing of the bandit [dull ) during the hadra
[q.v.], claiming that he had received an authorisation
to this effect from heaven lal-Mulavdjr, 257 IV.; see
bibliography). In addition, he prohibited self-mutila-
tion during the hadta ([('A', 201) and stressed the
importance of attending these occasions by proclaiming
that attendance was half the wird [q.v.\ and that

); Rawdat. 307 1,

h had c

imposed by 'Abd ;

Muiaydji, 393 ff.l. He claimed that the 'Arusiyya
were the original Shadhiliyya [q.v.], which was the

the' Prophet [Rawdat, 104), and that its outstanding
nature was testified to by the fact that in a mirac-
ulous act. the angels had written the names of the
garths mentioned in the silsila [q.v.\ on the lawh <//-
mahfur, [q.v.] 1(17,', 267). Moreover, he taught that

he himself was' an analphabetic of that which he
had ever said (which was partly codified in tofrfas
[q.v.] sung during the hadra and on other ccrcmoni-

and in the next ( Il'A", 217i, and that his adherents

referred to as al-Sala

Mustafa Kra

e, Tunis

used more or less synonymously throughout North
Africa, except for Egypt where the names refer to

19th centurv. Active lodges of the tanka of 'Abd al-
Salam may be found in Tunisia (see al-Sadik al-Rizki,
al-Agham al-Turmiyya, Tunis 1967, 129 ff.i, in Egypt,
where it has a wide-spread membership isee Ibrahim
Muhammad al-Fahham, Ibn 'Ariis tea 'l-tanka al-
Arusma, in al-Fumm al-sha'biyra, iv (Cairo 1970), no.
15, 71), and in Libya (see Djamil Hilal, Dirasat ft
•l-waki' al-Ltbi, Tripoli 1969, 141 f; 'Abd al-Djalfl al-
Tahir, al-Mudftama' al-Libl, dira.at ,djtimd'irra iva-
anthrubulu§ina, Savda/Beirut 1969, 325 'ft; and
' " ', 23). The shrine of

'Abd a

t Zllte

of pilgrimage; religious education is provided at the
establishment attached to it known as al-ma'had al-
asmari (cf. Muiaydji, 23).

Bibhagtaphy: al-IVamya al-kubra (abbreviated in
the article as Il'A", with reference to the paragraphs
\ sub-divided), also known as Xiuihat al-

nundln

l-'Aim

s pub-

lished in Cairo n.d., in Tripoli (,
X. Coppolani, La omfrenes religuvses musulmana, Algiers
1897, 339-49, 3.5 li, and in Ishak Ibrahim al-MulavdjT,
Ft hamidi havdt Sidi 'Abd al-Salam al-Asmar, Tripoli 1969,
422-529. This book contains also 'Abd al-SalSm's

of the Wasitta al kubra) the texts oi vanous piayers
(«MJ) composed b> him (402- 19), a collection of
his admonitions as well as a list of woiks (largely
unpublished) containing data about al-Asmars hie
(247 ff) The biography presented in it is based
upon oral information collected b> the authoi (cl
93) and upon materials contained in Muhammad
b Muhammad b Makhluf al-Munastirh Tanhh
raudat al a^har ua mumat al sadat al abrar fi manal lb
Sidi 'Abd al Salam al Asmar Tunis 1325/1907-8 This
woik, also known undei the title Uauahib al mhim
fi manakib Mariana al Sha i kh Sidi 'ibd al Salam Ibn
Salim (cl Tanhh 4) is an abridgement ol the
unpublished Rawdat al a^hai ma mumat al sadat al
abrar fi manakib Sahib al Ta, by karim al-Din al-
Barmum a disciple ol ' \bd al-Salam al- Asmar A
sample of al-Asmars poetry reflecting his ideas
ma> also be lound in al-Rizki s book relerred to
in the article and in 'Abd al-Salam al- Asmar Safinat
al buhur Cano 1 90Q Foi a delence ol playing; the
bandv (du(f) in this tarda see Muhammad
Muhammad Mashina Risalat al kaml al ma'iuf fi
ahkam al daib bi I dufuf contained in Mashina s al

the histor> ol al-Salarmw a and al-' Arusiy > a in
Egypt and fuithei lelerences see F Dejong Tmuq
and turuq linked institution* in 19th itntun Eg>pt pas
sim, Leiden 1978 In addition to these references
and the relerences in the aiticle see the biogra-
phies by Tain Muhammad Mashina al-Tadjun
alTanka al ialamiua al Shadhilma m Mad^allat al
Islam ua I Tasauuuf (1959) no 10 79-81 Salim
b Hamuda al bhaikh 'ibd al Salam al Asmar in al
Muslim \in (C airo 1962) no 8 lb-20 Muhammad
al-Bashn Zafii al lauakit al thaminafi a'tan madh/iab
'aim al Madina Cano 1324-5/1906-7 200 f
Muhammad 'Abd al-Haw, al-kattam, Fihns al
fahans Cairo 1346/1927-8 i 147

(F DEjONG)
ASSASSINS [see HAsiiisiimA]
ASSOCIATION [see andjlman djam'iy^a]
ASYLUM [see bast bimaristan]
'ATABAT (a thresholds ) more full> 'atabat i
'alna oi 'atabat I mukaddasa ( the loft> or sacred thresh-
olds ), the Shfl shnne cities ol 'Irak— Nadjaf
Kaibala' Kazimayn and Samarra [qn] — compnsing
the tombs ol si\ ol the Imams as well as a number
ol secondary shnnes and places ol visitation

Nadjal 10 km to the west ol Kula is the alleged
site of burial of 'Ah b Abi Tahb (d 41/661) (an-
other shtine dedicated to 'Ah is that at Mazar-i
Sharif m Northern Afghanistan, see Kh adja Sayf
al-Din Khudjandi Karwan i Balkh Mazai-i Shatil
nd 18 fF) His tomb is said to have been kept
secret thioughout the Umavvad penod and was
maiked with a dome lor the fust time in the late
3id/9th centuiy b> Abu 1-Haydja', the Hamdamd
iulei of Mosul this earlv stiucture was lepaned and
expanded b> 'Adud al-Dawla the Buwa>hid in
369/979-80 (Ibn al-Athir vm 518) Kaibala' 100
km to the south-west of Baghdad the site of the
maityrdom and burial in 61/680 ol Husayn b 'Ah
became veiy earl) a centre of Shi'i pilgrimage
according; to Shi'i tradition the first pilgrim was
Djabir b 'Abd Allah who visited the site forty da>s
alter the death of Husavn Endowments were set-
tled on the shrine (known as Mashhad al-Ha'ir
shrine ol the garden pool ) by Umm Musa moth-
ei ol the 'Abbasid caliph al-Mahdi (Taban ill
752) but it was tempoianly destioyed m 23b/850

b> an 'Abbasid less favourable to the Shi'a al-
Mutawakkil he caused the site to be flooded (Taban
in 1407) Bv the time that Ibn Hawkal visited
Karbala' in 366/977, the shrine had evidently been
restored (ed J H Kramers i 156) and it was expand-
ed like that at Nadjaf bv 'Adud al-Dawla in the
late 4th/10th century (Ibn al-Athir hi all

From the Buwavhid period onwaid Nadjal and
Karbala' the two most impoitant ol the 'atabat have
in fact had a common destiny each receiving; pation-
age and pilgrimage from the successive conquerois
and rulers ol <I[ak Thus Malik Shah the Saldjuk
visited both Nadjaf and Karbala' in 479/108b-7 and
bestowed gifts on the shrines (Ibn al Athir \ 103)
Spared bv the Mongol invadeis the two shrines
prospeied undei II Khmid lule '-Ma' al-Din
Djuwaym Sahib al-Diwan had a hospice erected at
Nadjal in 666/1267 to accomodate pilgrims and
also began the constiuction ol a canal linking; the
city with the Euphiates ('Abbas al-'Azzawi Ta'nlh
al'Irak bayn ihtilala)n Baghdad 1354/1935 i 263
310) In 703/1303 Ghazan Khan visited both
shrines in Nadjal he built a lodging lor the say] ids
resident there (dai al snada\ togethei with a lurthei
hostel lor pilgrims as well as improving the canal
constiucted bv Djuwaym and he bestowed similai
lavours on Kaibala' (Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah
Ta'riUi i mubaiak i Gha^ani ed K Jahn London
1940 191 203, 208) Alter his captme ol Baghdad
m 803/1400 Timur made a pilgi image to Nadjal
and Karbala' and presented gifts to the shrines lal-
'Azzawi op nt u 240)

In the 10th/ 16th century 'Iiak became an ob|ect
of dispute between the Safawids and the Ottomans
and both sides endowed and patronised the shnnes
of Nadjaf and Karbala' during; their periods of con-
tiol Shah Isma'il the Salawid visited and bestowed
gifts on the two shrines in 914/1508 as well as resid-
ing the canal at Nadjal dug in II Khanid times (al-
'Azzawi op at in 316 341) Sultan Sulayman Kanuni
made a similai pilgi image to Nadjal and Karbala'
alter his conquest of "Irak in 941/1534 and had a
new lrngation canal dug at Kaibala' called al nahi
al sulavmam altei him (al-'Azzawi op at iv 29 36-
7) Shah 'Abbas I lestored 'Irak and the 'atabat to
Salawid contiol in 1032/1623 this new occupation
teiminated bv Murad I\ in 1048/1638 led to a fur-
ther enriching and expansion of the shrines at both
Nadjaf and Karbala' Again in the years 1 156-9/1743-
6 paits of 'Irak including Nadjal and Karbala' weie
temporarily removed tiom Ottoman sovcieignty this
time by Nadir Shah he is vniouslv leported to have
had the main dome at Karbala' gilded and to have
plundered the treasury at the shnne This was the
last time that Ottoman rule oi 'Iiak was thieatened
from Iian but thioughout the 13th/ 19th century loyal
Iranian patronage ol both Nadjal and Karbala' con-
tinued and it is this that accounts for the largely
Iranian appearance of the shnnes in the present age
\gha Muhammad Khan the fust Kadjar monarch
had the dome at Karbala' legilded and endowed
the tomb at Nadjaf with a golden grill (H Algar
Rthoion and stati m ban 17 Hj 1906 thi wit of thi
Llama in the Qa/ai penod Berkeley and Los Angeles
1969 42) Following his example Fath 'Ah Shah
had the minaiets at Karbala' gilded as well as lecon-
structing the dome out of gold bricks Muhammad
Shah piovided foi the iepair of the damage inflict-
ed on Karbala' by the Wahhabis during their incur-
sion ol 12 16/ 1801 and Nasir al-Din Shah himself
visited the 'atabat in 1287/1870 and commissioned

various, work in Nadjaf, Karbala' and Kazimayn
lAlgar, up. cit., 48. 104, 167). Gifts, and endowments

Sh!T principalities in India, especially Oudh I J.N.
Hollister, The Shi'a of India. London 1953, 107, 112,
162-3).

Kazimayn (also known as Kazimiyya), the third
of the 'atabat. formerly a .separate city on the right
bank of the Tigris but now virtually a suburb of
Baghdad, is the site of the tombs of the seventh and
ninth Imams. Musa al-Kazim id. 186/802) and
Muhammad al-Tak! lor al-Djawadi id. 219/834). It
occupies a geographically central place among the
'atabat, being situated between Samarra to the north
and Nadjaf and Karbala' to the south, and has
always received a steadv How of pilgrims. Unlike
Nadjaf and Karbala', it did not escape the Mongol

fire during conquest of Baghdad in 656/1258. Mos

oft]

cistmg st

/1044);

f Mtis

al-Kaz

l, Isn

l-'Abid

Imam: Khadidja
Husayn (L. Mas
; Bagdad, in Optt

[' the

(d. 254/868) and Has;
Muhamma<

ah) v

) in 260/873 and where too he is des
to reappear at the beginning of his renewed r
festation at the end of time.

The 'atabat plav a role of great importance it
life of ShiT Islam, functioning almost as a secor
kibla. They are above all places of pilgrimage \zn
visited by countless Shi'is from Iran, the Indian
continent and elsewhere. Pilgrimage to the 'i.

while reading a
mu) and fervent
the tombs; one

g tile

cred t.

traditional p

in particular muc

i frequented

by pilg

ims, who after

the title

"Karbala'f to

their names. The

soil of Karb

ila', hav

ng been mois-

tened with the b

ood of Hus,

yn, is d

sess special prope

ties; from i

is gene

rally fashioned

the clay disc (mu

r) on whicl

the SI

!'a place their

foreheads when prostrating in

prayer.

When diluted

in water, the soil

also yields

ge iab-i turbati

thought to have theurgical anc

( urative

properties; the

sick, the dying, a

id women i

t labour

imbibe it, and it i

lightlv spri

kled ov

lips of the dead

H. Masse,

sane*. Paris 1938,

, 38, 96; B

■V Dona

ldson, Tin wild

rut; London 1938,

205). The d

tst accur

nulating on the

garded; it is carefully collected for its cur;
erties (Donaldson, op. at., 67 1, and is some
in India as a lining for tombs (Hollister, op
Burial at the 'atabat is considered highly desir
with a marked preference being shown foi
corpses are often transported for burial Iron

up, pari

t Nadjaf

and Karbala'. Traditionally
ilso gone to spend their
l the 'atabat as "neighbours" [mudjawhun)

at have also occupied an important place
ectual and theological life of Shi'Ism, the
lated there drawing scholars and students

itled Dar aPIlm, is the chief centre of
lay in the Shr'r world. In the 12th/ 18th

f Shah

with his patronage in Kazimayn because of his claim
to descent from the seventh Imam. The work begun
under his auspices was completed by Sultan Sulayman
in 941/1534 and restored and expanded bv several
Kadjar monarchs in the 19th centurv. The major
courtyard lW;«| at Kazimayn was built in 1298/1880
by Farhad Mlrza, a Kadjar prince. Also buried in
Kazimayn are two earlv ShiT scholars, Sharif al-
and Sharif al-Mt

vas there-

-above al

in Karbala

'—in

he last qu

of the c

the long-

g rontrm

the Akhb

"irr and U

s settled

n favour

if the latter. Altl

ough cen

religious

evived in

the Kac

riod, the

'atabat co

their att

i, and li-

ost leadin

g scholars

either

ght there

or studied for a tin

le bef

Iran. When in the

late 19th and ea

rly 20th c

Air al-Naki

Abdul-Hadi Ha'iri, Slii'ism and co

SO/873), as

a study of the tole played by the cl

elfth Imam,

in human fmhtin, Leiden 1977). Mu

of occulta-

has fulfilled a similar function i

■tant segment of the Irania
e Kadjar monarchy and s
il movement, the 'atabat — p

lions bevond the reach of til
of three great constitutiona
i Nadjaf— 'Abd Allah Mazand;
izim Khurasam and Mlrza "
-deserves particular menu

Husa

, fill-

ing the (

there

■m. The ShiT <i
have also exerted influence on the 20th centurv his-
tory of 'Irak; they played, for example, a directive

mandate on the country I 'Abd Allah Fahd al-Nafisi,
Daivr al-Shi'a ft tatawwu, al-'Irak al-nyau al-hadith,
Beirut 1973, 80 If.).

Finally, mention may be made of the fact that the
'atabat are of interest not only to the Ithna 'Ashari
Shi'a, but also to the adherents of various branches
of Isma'flism; although they hardly ever make the
hadjdj, they frequently perform pilgrimage to Nadjaf
and Karbala' fHollister, „/,. eit., 289, 391) and it is
probable that a number of Nizan Imams of the post-
Mongol period are buried in Nadjaf (W. Ivanow,
Tombs of some Peisian Ima'iti Imams, in JBBMS, xiv
11938), 49-52). The BektashTs, who in many ways may
be considered a crypto-Shfr sect, also used to main-
tain tekkes in Nadjaf, Karbala' and Kazimayn (al-
' ' 152-3; Murat Sertoglu, Bektaplik,

.tanbul 1

'oqraphy: In addition to references cited
text: "A. Noldeke, Das HeiUgtum al-Husams
btla. Berlin 1909; E. Herzfeld, Archaolo-
Riise im Euphrat- and Tigiiigebiet. Berlin
ii, 102 ft'., 145 ff.; Le Strange, Lands of the
Caliphate. 56, 76-9; D.M. Donaldson, The
religion, London 1933 (numerous refer-
Tmad al-Din Husavm Isfahan!, Ta'rikh-i

•AT ABM — \T\LIK

Djughiajna'i u harbala v Uu'alla Tehran
132b/1947 Dja'iar al-Shaykh Baku \1-Mahbuba
Madi al Kagjaj ua Hadnuha Nadjai 1955-7 3
vols 'Abd al-Djauad al-Kihddar Al-Ta'ma
Ta'nkh al Kaibala' ua ha i, al Husatn 'almhi I ittlam
Nadjai 1387/1957 Dja'lai al-Khahh Uausu'at
al'atabal Baghdad 1382-92/1969-72 vol i
Kaibala' vols n and in Nadjaf vol iv Samarra

ATAC, Nur Allah modem Turkish Nurull\h
Atac (1898-1957) prominent Tuikish essayist and ht-
eiary tntic the guiding spirit of the Turkish con-
temporary linguistic and hterarv renewal lor two
decades (1935-55) Born in Istanbul the son oi
Mehmed 'Ata' civil servant and wntei (1856-1919)
better known as the translatoi oi J von Hammers
GOR (irom the French version) Atac signed his wnt-
mgs as Nur Allah c Ata' until the introduction oi
iamilv names in 1934 when he changed 'Ata' into
Atac and latei diopped Nui Allah altogether Oi his
various pen-names the most irequentlv used one
was Kavafoglu Atac s education was inegulai He
attended various schools (including Galatasaray ior
foul veais and then the Facultv oi Letters) without
finishing either Although he spent some time in
Switzerland during the First World War his thor-
ough knowledge oi the Fiench language and hteia-
tuie was like all his accomplishments mainh
sell-acquired Atac made his living as a teachei trans-
lator and constant contributor to a gieat numbei oi
newspapeis and penodicals He tiught French liter-
Ankara and the provinces and served as a transla-
toi in govemment depaitmtnts including the ofiice
of the Piesident oi the Republic He died in Ankua
on 17 May 1957

Atac started his literaiv career in 1921 with poems
cutical leviews and theatucal ciiticism in the famous
fortnightly Daeflh to which all the leading writers
Dung talents were contnb-

t this

lod he

in the the

the daily i) \ham isee Metin And ita t tnatwda
Istanbul 1973) Later he concentrated on literary
criticism, and closely following the day-to-day devel-
opments of the literal y scene wrote articles oi cnt-
lcism untiringly in more than sixty newspapers and
penodicals, paiticularly in ikiham ikjam Haliminet
i millme Millnet \arlik hm adam Tan Son p 0i ta
Habei Ttnunu Ulku Turk dil, Lumhumel Pa at pmtasi
Duma and most frequently oi all I lus Isee Konur
Ertop itaf biblnogtqfiau in 4to{ ed Turk Dil hummu
Ankara 19b2) Atac developed the essay a much-
neglected field in Tuikish literature into an inde-
pendent %enn oi which he became a lecogmsed
mastei and had many followers He wrote thou-
sands oi essays on hteratuie classical and modern
on cultural change and problems oi culture in gen-
eial on individual writers etc with a very person-
al natuial concise and unadorned style In the eaily
1940s he espoused the language reioim movement
and gave it great support and impetus increasing
its piestige

v that

• the

ash pio

i his

was taken as thi
This prose was to supersede that of the pre- 1930
masters like Rkh Kaiav Reshad Nun Guntekin
[qcc] and others Although Atac s authority as a

according to his own tempeiament and personal
taste it is unanimously accepted that it is his sharp

young talents on to the literary scene (e g Orhan
\eliKamk FH Daglarci etc) Restless impatient
iggressive by temperament and equipped with a
piercing mind and armed with methodical doubt
Atac waged an umelenting war against fanaticism
intolerance sentimentality poetical artificiality
cliches and ready-made thoughts and ioimulae He
was a conscious extremist in language ieioim and

ists would nullify the harm caused by the ultia-con-
servatives Atac studied 15th centuiy prose works
particularly Merdjumek Ahmed s masterly transla
tion oi Kay Ka'us s habm nama [see ka\ k\'us b
iskmsidar] and used them as the model ioi a new
style He experimented successiully with a new syn-
tax which included inveision {dunk tumu) which nat-
urally exists in spoken Turkish and which was
frequently used in eaily Turkish writings before the
syntax of the written Turkish was frozen Atac
coined l number of neologisms some oi which sur-
vived and weie incorporated into the language (ioi
a list oi Atac s neologisms see itapn sn^iuklen ed
Turk Dil Kuiumu Ankara 1963) Atac left several
thousand essays and articles some oi which (most-
ly his post- 1940 writings) have been published m
book form in 10 volumes Gunlerm %itudie,i (1946)
Karalama dijttti (1952) Soda, so^e (1952) Irarlen
(1954) Diuhm 11954) S^ araunda (1957) Okuruma
mtktuplar (1958) Game (I960) Proipito lie Caliban
(1961) Smltultr 2 vols (1964) Atac s dianes cover
ing the years 1953-7 have been published in two

At ic also made perfect examples oi hteiary trans-
lation in Tuikish He translated more than 50 lit-
eraiv woiks iiom ancient Greek Latin and Russian
authors (via French) and in paiticulai, directly irom
French the most iamous oi which being his ti ab-
lation oi Stendhal s Le tou%t it It nov rendered as
KirmKi le uyah (1941i second edition as Kizil lie kara

Bibhoziaph) Tihn Alangu \tafa say?/
Ankara 1959 Konur Eitop Intioduction to his
complete woiks published by I at Id. Gunlain %itn
di S , laralama dijten Istanbul 1967 5-69 Asim
Beznci hundlah itaf, eltshn anlaufi t tazilari
Istanbul 19b8 Mehmed Sahhoglu 4% la mltn
Turk Dil kurumu led ) Olumunun 10 uldomimundt
itai'i am) Ankara 1968 (F^hir Iz)

ATALIK Turkic title which existed in Gential
Asia in the post-Mongol period, with the same orig-
inal meaning as the title atabig [see atabak]

In the ulm oi Djuci (the Golden Horde) and its
immediate successors as in the khanates oi Kazan
and Kmm and the ulus oi Shiban (Ak Orda) as well
as in the Caghatavid state in Moghohstan the atahk
was in the first place, a guaidian and tutor oi a
young prince and in this capacity an actual gover-
nor oi his appanage The soveieign himself (khan or
sultan) also had an atahk who was his close coun-
sellor and confidant often playing the iole of the
m mated from among

e Turki

the

that according to Turk
ruler should always have an atahk it was a kind oi
control ovei his conduct exeicised by the tribal aris-
tocracy Timurid and Shaybamd sources oiten
also use instead oi the term atahk and in the same
meaning the term ataka oi ataka (most piobably

aka, where aka is the elder brother which was
also a usual form of polite address in Eastern Turku
added to proper names and titles) The post oi ataka
(atahk) was entrusted often to a kokaltash foster-
biother (also anutdash) these persons were biought
up together with the primes oi the ruling d\nast\
which created a special relationship (kokaltash)
between the two sides (see Taixankh I gu^ida I nusrat
nama ed b\ AM Akramov Tashkent 1%7 fac-
simile 270 lines 4250-4 and 272 Russian tr from
the Shaybam nama b\ Bina'i in Matenati pa istorn
kazakhskikh khansti \l Mill lekm Alma-Ata 1969
98 100 VV Velyaminov-Zemov Isshdovaniye o
hanmoiskikh tsartakh i tsarauakh pt 2 St Petersburg
18b4 438 VV Bartold \ocmeniya n/2 212 G
Doerler Turknche und mongohsche Eltmente in
Niupasischin n 9 (No 419) 481 (No 343) in 402-
3 with further references)

In the Uzbek khanates of Central Asia the mean-
ing ol the title atahk was graduallv transfoimed In
Bukhira till the beginning of the 18th centuiv the
great atahk (atalik I bu^urs) was the

r (hence

In the Ashtar-khamd period he
often appears in historical sources together with the
diixan bigi [q i below] who was the second figure
in the government He could be at the same time
governor of a province atahk \ alangtush Biv who
was hakim of Samarkand in the fust half of the 17th

was a semi-independent ruler There was also besides
him, an atahk of the kh in s heir lesiding in Balkh

the reign of 'Ubavd Mlah Khan (1114-23/1702-11)
the kosh begi [q i ] became the head of the civil admin-
istration in Bukhira he being an official of mean
ongm — piobablv as an attempt oi the khan at cut-
ting down the influence of the Uzbek anstocracv
But the importance of the atahk did not diminish
alreadv earlier at the end of the 17th centurv the
atahk in Balkh became independent ruler of this
province and in the middle of the 18th centuiv
Muhammad Rahim Atahk of the Mangit [q i ] tribe
founded a new ruling dvnastv in Bukhira having
killed the last khan of the Ashtarkhamds Muhammad
Rahim was proclaimed khan in 1170/17% his uncle
and successor Damval Biv ( 1 172-99/1758-85) pre-
ferred to iemain atahk enthionmg puppet kh ins
of Cingizid origin but his son Shah Murad elimi-
nated these khans and proclaimed himself am;; which
later remained in Bukhara the title of the Mangit
iulers pai excellence In the administrative manual
Madftna' al arkam compiled under Shah Murad in
1212/1798 the post of atahk is defined as that oi
semoi amir who was charged specifitallv with over
sight of the irrigation of the Zarafshan vallev flom
Samarkand to Karakul and at the same time
was the mirab of the main citv canal of Bukhara
Rud-i Shahi as well as darugha [q i ] of the mbad
of Bukhara (see facsimile in Pis mtnmje pamyatmki
<<utoka 1968 Moscow 1970 50-1 cf A A Semenov
in \oiehkoye lostokoiedimg v [1948] 144-71 But
aheadv in the first half of the 19th centurv the
atalik became a purelv honorary lank (the highest
in the hieiarchv of 15 lanks in Bukhan) given verv
rarelv In 1 820 a semi-independent gov ernor of Hilar
father-in-law of the ami, had this rank (see
G Mevendorff \o-,ae_e d'Onnburg a Boukhara jait in
1820 Pans 182b 259 cf V L Vyatkin in
/ iesti}a 1rednta._iatskogo oldtla Russkoqo s,eogiafi

uskogo objhuitia xvin [1928] 20) in 1840 the atahk
was also a father-in-law of the ami, a rulei oi
Shahnsabz (see N Khamkov, Opuamye Bukhankoe,o
khansti a St Peteisburg 1843 185) Undei the last
two amirs onl\ the governor oi Hisar (who had also
the title kosh bey) was given the rank oi atalik

In the Khanate oi Khiwa atahk was onginalK
also a guardian and counselloi of the khan and oi
princes (sultans) who ruled in their appanages Abu
1-Ghazi [qi ] in his Shaajara u Tuik led Desmaisons
text 252 tr 269) sa\s about an atahk nn the mid-
dle of the 16th centuiv) that he was the mouth
tongue and will (aghij till na ikhtnan ) oi his suit m
Russian sources of the 17th centurv compare the
ataliki in Khiwa with the Russian bovars (see Uatmali
po utoni U bekskoy TadziLkoy i Turkminskoi SSR
Moscow Leningrad 1931 2bb) According to Mu'ms
[qi] (Firdaus alikbal MS of the Leningrad Branch
of the Institute of Oriental Studies C-571 f b5b)
Abu 1-Ghazi Khan reorganising the administration
of the khanate established posts of four atahks who
were members of the khan s council of 34 'amaldait,
Later thev were called the great atahk (ulugh atahk
cf ibid ff 112a 118b) thev represented four tribal
gioups (tupa) into which all Kh anzmian Uzbeks
were divided Uvghur and Navman Kungrat and
Kivat Mangit and Nukuz Kangh and Kipcak One
oi the great alahks was the atahk of the khan (see
ibid ff b9b 101b) In the first half of the 18th
centurv the atahk of the khan was a most powei-
ful figure in Khiwa but from the 1740s onwards
he was pushed somewhat into the backgiound bv
another digmtarv the inak [q i below] It is not
clear whether in the time of Abu 1-Ghazi there
existed onlv the four atahks mentioned bv Mu'ms
but in the middle of the 18th centuiv there was

f then

In 1740

inhabitants of Khiwa sent bv the Khiwan dignitanes
fiom the camp of Nadir Shih was signed bv eleven
atahks (see Giografuiskiy, Kiestna 1850 54b-7)
AppaientH alreadv at that time as in the 19th cen-
turv the title atahk wis given also to the chiefs of
the Uzbek tubes such an atahk was senior bn in
his tribe and his title was usuallv hereditarv though
it had to be confirmed bv the khan In the 19th
centurv this title was granted also as a purelv hon-
orarv distinction to some Tuikmen tubal chiefs (see
\u Bregel in Problimi lostokoiidemya 19t>0 No 1
171 cf idem Ahorcimkm twkmtm i \I\ uki Moscow
19bl 129) In 1859 this title was introduced also
foi the chiefs of the Karakalpak tubes isee \u
Biegel Dokuminti aikhua khiunskikh khanoi po istom i
itnogiafu kaiakalpakoi Moscow 1967 58) The num-
ber of the great atalik increased beioie 1873 fiom
lour to eight (see A L Kuhn s papers in the Archives
of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental
Studies file 1/13 105-b) As distinct fiom the other
tribal chiefs thev weie consideied among the umara
u 'a^am The atahk of the khin who in the 19th
centurv alwavs belonged to the khans tribe the
Kungrat [q i ] and was mostlv a relative of the kh in
was considered as the semoi amir m the khanate
in the first half of the 19th centurv he still exei-
cised some influence as the khans counsellor but
later this post lost its importance

Less is known about the lole of ataliki, in the
Khinate of Khokand [q z ] The ruler of Faighana
and the foundei of the Ming dvnastv of this khanate
Shihrukh Biv (earlv 18th centuiv) received the
title atahk from the khan of Bukhari (see V P
Nahvkin Hutoiu du khanat di Kliokand Pans 1889

ATALIK — ATAY

68). In the 19th century, governors of large provinces
(such as Tashkent and Khudjand) also sometimes
had this title; they could be not only Uzbeks:
Kana'at Shah Atalik, the governor of Tashkent in
1850s and early 1860s, was a Tadjik. Apparently,
the atalik in the Khanate of Khokand, as well as
in Bukhara of the same period, was considered
rather an honorary rank than an official post.

In Eastern Turkestan under the Caghatayids in
the 16th and 17th centuries, the title atalik pre-
served its original meaning. The governors of
provinces (princes of the ruling house), the khan's
heir and the khan himself had their ataliks, who
were always senior Turkic beks. The atalik of the
khan was at the same time the governor (hakim) of
Yarkand, and that of the heir the governor of Aksu
or Khotan (see Shah Mahmud Curas, Ta'rlkh, ed.
by O.F. Akimushkin, Moscow 1976, text 30, 52,
64 et passim). The ruler of the last independent
Muslim state in Eastern Turkestan \a'kub Bek
[q i ] stvled himself Atalik Ghazi apparently he
leceived the title of atalik on being sent fiom
Khokand to Kashghai as a counselloi ind guaidian
of Buzurg Kh adja

Bibliography In addition to the works men
tioned in the text see \ \ Baitold Soanemya
n/2 390 394 A A Semenov in Matenah po
istorn tadokoi I u^bekoi Sredney ioi n Stahnabad
1954 61 H Howorth The history of thi Mongols
n 869-70 G Doerfer Turkische und mongolnche
Elemente in Neupersisihen n 69 71 (No 490) MF
Kopiulu H art ita at the end

(\u Brecel)
ATAY Falih Rifki Tuikish writei journal
ist and politician (1894 1971) He was born in
Istanbul, the son of Khalfl Hilrm, an uncompromis-
ing traditionalist and imam of a mosque at Djibali on
the Golden Horn. He was educated at Merdjan high
school, where his teacher, the poet Djelal Sahir, encour-
aged him to publish his early poems, and at the Faculty
of Letters. His elder brother, a progressive officer, pro-
vided him with all the advanced literature from Namik
Kemal to Tewfik Fikret [q.iw.]. Falih Rifki began his
career as a journalist in 1912 in Husayn Djahid's [q.v.]
Tanin, the organ of the Committee of Union and
Progress (CUP), where he wrote once a week his
Istanbul mektublari ("Istanbul Letters)." These and his
later articles in the same paper during the Balkan War
were full of emotional, patriotic and anti-reactionary
spirit. After serving briefly in the chancery of the
Sublime Porte, he was appointed to the Private
Secretariat of Tal'at Pasha [q.v.], then Minister of the
Interior, whom he accompanied on his trip to
Bucharest, whence he sent his first travel notes, a genre
in which he would later excel. He was at the same
time contributing to various periodicals, particularly
Shehbal. At the outbreak of the First World War he
was called up as a reserve officer and accompanied
Djemal Pasha [q.v.], the Commander of the Fourth
Army in Syria, as his adjutant and private secretary.
When Djemal Pasha returned to Istanbul as Minister
of the Navy, he appointed him deputy-director of his
secretariat which he combined with instructor at the
naval N.C.O.s' school. When at the end of the War
the CUP leaders fled the country, Falih Rifki found-
ed, with three of his friends, the daily Ahham, becom-
ing known as a staunch defender of the Nationalist
movement in Anatolia (1918-22) versus the journalists
who backed the collaborationist Istanbul government.
In the autumn of 1922 he left for Izmir, which
had just been liberated on 9 September, to meet

Mustafa Kemal Pasha who had invited him togeth
er with other prominent journalists Mustafa Kemal
told them that "the real battle is beginning now
and urged them to enter political life Elected deputy
for Bolu in 1923 Falih Rifki became the leadei
writer of the daih semi-official Hakimiyyet i millne
(later re-named litis) founded b\ Mustafa Kemal
He remained in Parliament for 27 vears until the
defeat of the Republican People s Pai tv in the gen-
eral elections of 14 Mav 1950 when he mo\ed to
Istanbul and wrote a weekh column in Cumhunyet
until he founded his own daiK Dunya which he
published until his death in Istanbul on 20 March
1971.

Essentially a journalist and always concerned with
the "topical", Ata\ had liteiarv talents far beyond
those of a routine journalist He excelled in the
essay, sketches, tia\el notes and autobiogiaphical
writing. An anti-tiaditionahst and a dedicated
Kemahst he de\oted all his wilting caieei to defend
and support the lefoims achieved b\ the Republican
regime He fought relentlessly and uncompromis
inglv foi the suivival of a modern progressive and
seculai Turkev No mattei what he wiote about
the lesson which he diew iemained the same No

A great mastei of modern Turkish prose he used
like R Kh Karav and 'Oner Sevf el Din [qu ] the
spoken Turkish of ordinary people and wrote in a
concise but vivid colourful and verv personal stvle
caiefulK avoiding all artificialities of the earhei gen
eiations of writers Except for certain doubts towards
the end of his life Ata\ was a gieat suppoiter of
the language refoim movement revived by govern
ment support in the 1930s and his handling of the
reformed language became the model for young writ-
ers until the appearance of Nur Allah Atac [q.v.
above], the linguistic and literary "guru" of the gen-
erations between the 1940s and late 50s. It is per-
haps because of this fascinating style that his readers
are seldom worried about the lack of depth in some
of his writings, which brilliantly observe, describe
and report, but do this without much sophistication.
Atay is the author of more than thirty works, but
the great bulk of his essays and articles published
in newspapers and periodicals have not yet been
published in book form. His major works are: (1)
Atesh we gunesh (1918) and Zeyiindagi (1932), the two
published in one volume as ^evtindagi (1970), impres-
sions of the First World War 'in Palestine and Syria
which are powerful sketches of the end of the
Ottoman Empire; Deniza^in (1931), lent Rusya (1931),
Tqymis kiyilan (1934), Tuna kiyilan (1934), Hind (1944)
are evocative travel notes on respectively Brazil, Soviet
Russia, England, the Balkans and India; Gezerek gorduk-
lenm (1970), selections from travel notes; Qankaya (in
two vols., 1961, revised one volume edition, 1969)
is the most important and comprehensive of Atay's
many books on Ataturk and his achievements. It has
powerful sketches of Ataturk and interesting charac-
ter-studies of the many people of his time. The sec-
ond edition has been substantially altered in places
and anti-Inonu passages have been bor-rowed from
Y.K. Karaosmanoglu's political memoirs (Pohlikada
45 yil, 1968; and introduced here to discredit the
former Commander of the Western Front during the
War of Liberation, both writers having broken with
Ismet Inonu, for political reasons, towards the end
of their lives; Ba§veren mkilapfi (1954), a monograph
on 'All Su'avT (1839-78), the controversial writer and
revolutionary.

100

Bibliography. Baki Suha Ediboglu, Falih Rifh
ay konu;uyor, Istanbul 1945; B. Necatigil, Edebiyat-
izda isimler sozlugti, Istanbul 1975, s.v.; Tahir Alangu,
Turk esen, ii, Istanbul 1974, 1124-31

(Faf

: Iz)

ATHATH (a.), furniture. The Arabic language
lacks terms adequate to express the concept of fur-
niture. Taking into account the mutual overlapping
of the notions of "furniture", "table-ware", "carpets",
"household objects" and "utensils", Arabic frequently
has recourse to approximative terms and to broader
categories (combinations of two expressions, for exam-
ple (fanh - carpets, bedding and furniture; ala =
crockery and household objects; farsh and ala may be

literally, belongings, various household objects and
(especially in modern Arabic) furniture; fanh and athath
may be used in combination; mala' = personal prop-
In the mediaeval Muslim home, life was conducted
relatively close to the ground. Meals were served to
the diners in a kind of "serving-dish" with or with-
out legs (the receptacle being separable from its sup-
port or not, as the case might be) which was laid
on a carpet on the floor. The diners did not have
individual plates but served themselves directly from
the dish placed on a low table (khuwan, ma'ida. daybok,

majority of these terms indicating a very small round
table; some, like simat, a low oblong table) each of
them sitting on a "seat" adapted to the appropriate
height (a cushion [witada, mirfaka, luk'a, miuvara,
numiuk, and even mikhadda which was originally a
pillow], a pair of cushions super-imposed, a cushion
folded in two, the carpet itself, etc.). The table was
removed from the room as soon as the meal was
completed.

It is understandable that such scenes should have
misled western travellers and even some oriental-
ists who described the interior of the Muslim house-
hold as being "empty", "uninhabitable", etc.,
without considering that the dimensions of furni-
ture are frequently adapted to the wav of life, to
the manner of sitting, and to taste. However it
would be incorrect to suppose that all mediaeval
Arabic furniture was low. Carpenters and other
craftsmen constructed trestles and benches of a fair
height for various purposes outside the private
house; they also made chairs with legs of wood or
si] and throne-like seats [sarir, lakht),

rangerr

al in the Middle' Ages and it focussed attention on
the person seated there la prince, the head of the
family, sometimes an ordinary individual) in rela-

The hierarchy of heights in sitting (on a throne, on
a high stool, on two superimposed cushions, on one
cushion folded in two, on a single ordinary cushion,
on the carpet itself, on the ground, this last position
indicating humiliation, humility or mourning) only reflects
the categories and class-distinctions of etiquette. Another
aspect of the stratification of classes is reflected in the
range of materials and qualities: beds with legs, a sign
of luxury, beds without frames, and lower down the
scale the martaba, a good-quality mattress stuffed with
down, simple mattresses laid on the ground and serv-
ing as a bed at night, simple mattresses, mats and car-
pets for sleeping on, piles of rags and scraps of clothing
for the same purpose (only the poorest slept on the
ground); cushions and pillows stuffed and covered

with choice materials, silk for example, and at the other
end of the scale, rags or simply a stone serving as pil-

The very high "western style" thrones such as those
appearing in Umayyad iconography, seem to have
been copied from Byzantine models and do not reflect
true conditions in the court (see V. Strika, in AIUON
xiv/2 (1964), 729-59); but cf. O. Grabar, in Studin
in memory of Gaston Wirt, Jerusalem 1977, especially
53-6, who puts into perspective the remarkable devel-
opment of etiquette already taking place in the
Umayyad court). According to mediaexal texts,
another kind of throne, a long sofa for reclining, was
quite widely known in the courts of the Umayyads,
of the 'Abbasids and of local princes I such as the
Ikhshidids). The sovereign could invite a friend to sit
beside him, on the same sarir (hence quite a long
seat); he could alternatively recline on it. The over-
lapping of the concepts mattress-seat-throne-bed (for
example, from the Persian; lakht can mean any of
the following: board, seat, throne, sofa, bed, calcu-
lating tablet, chest or box) did not prevent the evo-
lution of ceremonial and the differentiation of functions

or for private audience, feasts etc.) from establishing
or re-establishing in usage thrones and narrow seats
(of Persian manufacture, for example) and long and
more elaborate thrones. Towards the end of the
3rd/9th and the beginning of th

the t

■ fashio

vith frai

able i

■ (for re.
high s

sleeping)

among the bourgeoisie. The belief of

talists that the bed did not exist in the mediaeval

Muslim world is only partially correct: unsprung mat-

the Cairo Geniza, many mattresses are to be found
serving as relatively inexpensive beds; among the
dowries of young brides there is mention of a very
small number of beds with frames, extremely expen-
sive, and between these two categories is the marta-
ba, which would correspond in ' function with the

To return to the subject of tables: ma'ida, khuwan
and sufra are synonymous: they refer to the small east-
ern "table", the first two to a solid "table" (the attempts
on the part of mediaeval philologists to differentiate
between them were quite arbitrary) while the third

in the context of the Kur'an and its commentaries
and in certain passages in the literature of hadith) was
applied to a skin stretched out on the ground and
serving, not only among the early Bedouins, but also
in circles of sedentary Arabic civilisation, various func-
tions in the home and in the country (in dialect, sufra
is an ordinary table and mfiadjj is a waiter in a restau-
rant or a cafe). This is one of the characteristic cases
which raises the question whether the continuity of
sedentary habits (from the Persians, Byzantines, from
the ancient Syrian and Egyptian stocks, etc.) was an
exclusive characteristic of daily life in the mediaeval
Muslim world, in the sense that it is reflected in the
use of furniture, and if there was not here a mini-
mal contribution on the part of the Bedouin element,
betrayed in the spread of ancestral customs through
the disappearance of the high furniture of the By-
,-our of the low furniture

which t

isted i

■-Syrian and 'Iraki centres, as is re-
vealed by the mediaeval lexicographers and com-
mentators (tustkhuwan and fathiir, for example).
Nevertheless, specimens of wooden furniture from

ATHATH — ATHUR

the Middle Ages are available to us and we have
ceramic objects designed to imitate them (supports
sometimes containing cavities to accommodate jugs,
lesembling the supports-plus-shelves attested bv the
texts some of these still exist todav rmrja' or kitni-
plus-ilmyya, in various Muslim lands King far apart
from one anotherl, iconography also shows a ceitain
standaidisation, in spite of legional stvles of wav of
life and of taste thioughout the whole of the Muslim
world (household objects, such a:

poit

d froi

jntry t

another

The mediaeval Muslims made use of a whole iange
of chests, cases and boxes Uunduk, takht, kamtara,
mukaddima, sajat), as well as iecesses and racks (rufuf ),
but thev had no cupboards as such

The Mongols introduced the use of a higher type
of square table, but the essential nature of the "ori-
ental style" wav of life has been pieserved up to the
verv thieshold of the modern age (Turkish and Persian
miniatures attest this, grosso modo). Even in the 19th
and early 20th centuries, travellers, writers and ori-
entalists (E. Lane for Egypt, Lortet for Syria, E. Jaussen
for Palestine, for example) were still describing such
a way of life; some elements (such as beds with frames)
introduced from abroad, or under foreign influence,
were still called fiandji in certain semi-urban centres,
at the beginning of the present century. The modern
age has made fashionable the use of European style
furniture and the original form of the "oriental" way
of life, with its abundant taste and comfort, has
tended to disappear.

Bibliography: J. Sadan, Le mobilier au Proche-Orient
medieval, Leiden 1976 (esp. the bibliographical index,
155-691. (J. Sadan)

ATHUR, modern Kal'at SharkAt, a large
ancient mound on the west bank of the River
Tigris in the vilayet of Mawsil, about 250 km. north
of Baghdad and about 100 km. south of Mawsil, in
35° 30' N and 45° 15' E. It is strategically placed
on a spur of the Djabal Hamrm and is identified
with Ashur, one of the capital cities of ancient Assyria.
In the middle of the 3rd millennium, it was occu-
pied by migrator)' tribes coming either from the west
or the south, and was venerated as the religious and
sometime political centre of Assyria until it was
captured by the Babylonians in 614 B.C. This battle
devastated the city and it was not reoccupied as a
city again. Ashur is the name not only of the place
but also of the local deity, and it occurs in Akka-
dian, Aramaic and Greek sources. The site was known
by the Turks under the name Toprak Kal'e, "Earth
Citadel". The meaning of the element shmkat in the
Arabic name is not known, but it is probably to be
explained as an independent proper name. It is not
mentioned by Arab geographers; the earliest reference
to it is in the 18th century, and it is the name used
by later Western travellers.

The site was described by C.J. Rich, who visited
it in March 1821, and it was subsequently investi-
gated by J. Ross (1836), W. Ainsworth with E.L.
Mitford, A.H. Layard and H. Rassam (1840), and
again by Layard and Rassam (1847) on behalf of
the British Museum, when an important statue of
Shalmaneser III (858-825 B.C.) was found. In 1849,
after excavations by J. Talbot, J. Oppert, E. Hincks
and H.C. Rawlinson, an inscribed historical prism
recording the history of the reign of Tiglath Pilesar
III (744-727 B.C.) was found, and two duplicate
copies of this inscription were discovered by Rassam
in 1853 in further British Museum excavations under
the general supervision of Rawlinson. Several inscrip-

tions fiom the reign of Adad Nirari III (810-783
BC) were discovered by G. Smith in 1873. The
most rigorous excavation of the site was conducted
between 1903-13 by the Deutsche Orient Gesellschaft,
fust bv R. Koldewy and then by W. Andrae and
others, which followed the presentation of the site
to Kaiser Wilhelm II by Sultan <Abd al-Harmd II.

To the north and east the site is naturally pro-
tected by the river and the escarpment, and the only
necessary fortifications were buttressed walls. Sen-
nacherib (704-681 B.C.) records the building of a
semicircular sallyport tower of rusticated masonry
which is probably the earliest of its kind. To the
south and west it was more heavily fortified. After
an early period of dependence upon the south dur-
ing the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112-2004 B.C.), it
begins a separate history. Evidence about life in Ashur
lor the earliest period comes from the documents of
an Assyrian group of traders working in Anatolia at
the ancient city of Kanesh, modern Kultepe, in
Turkey, but the earliest palace is that of Shamshi
Adad I (1813-1781 B.C.), and spacious private hous-
es with family vaults beneath the floors have been
found in the north-western area. Much of the histo-
ry of this period has to be reconstructed from an
archive of the letters of Shamshi Adad which were
discovered at Mari (modern Tell Harm) in eastern
Syria. He controlled Ashur after it had been subject
to Naram Sin of Eshunna (modern Tell Asmar).
Although he did not use Ashur as his capital city,
preferring Shubat Enlil (modern Chagar Bazar), he
did build there a temple to Enlil, the local god of
Nippur (modern Niffar), and the one who tradition-
ally named the king and entrusted to him the sym-
bols of royal power.

During the period of Cassite domination in
Mesopotamia, Puzur Ashur III (ca. 1490 B.C.), made
a treaty with Burnaburiash I of Babylon, and in Ashur
he records rebuilding part of the Ishtar temple and
a section of the southern city wall. Building opera-
tions of this kind are often recorded on clay cones
which were inserted between the courses of the new
brickwork. Ashur Nadin Akhe II (1402-1393 B.C.)
secured Egyptian support for his country and received
gifts of gold from the Pharaoh.

Official lists of the Assyrian kings have been found
and these are an essential source for establishing a
framework of the classical history of the site. They
often contain more than fifty names and record the
length of each reign. Other lists record the names
of the temples there, but only a few of the 34
mentioned have actually been identified. The archi-
tectural features of these early buildings are similar
to those of Old Babylonian buildings, but the length-
ening of the sanctuary on its main axis and the posi-
deep recess are distinctively

The traditional founder of the Assyrian empire was
Ashur Uballit (1365-1330). At the beginning of his reign
he was subject to Tushratta of Mitanni, but in 1350,
with the help of Suppliluliumas, the Hittite king, he
was able to attack and annexe the Mitanni areas in
northeast Mesopotamia. Ashur Uballit called himself
sarru rabu, the great king, equal in status to the Pharaoh,
and was a severe threat to the Babylonians. Two of
his letters to Akhnaten have been preserved in the
famous archive from Tell al-Amarna, Egypt (see
Knudtzon (1915), nos. 15-16). He called his country
mat Auur, the Land of Ashur, while the older name of
Subartu was used by the Babylonians, possibly in a
deprecatory' sense. Even so, Assyrian royal inscriptions

are composed in the Babylonian dialect of Akkadian
because, presumably, such language had a traditional
air of refinement. His son Enlil Nirari (1329-1320 B.C.)
fought against Babvlon, and \iik Din Hi (1319-1308
BC) haiassed the \khlamu the Semitic tribes to the
west Adad Nnaii I (1307-1275 B C ) bv his battles
uith the Cassites and the Mitanm was e\entuallv able
to unite Mesopotamia into an empne but the ternto-
rv he gained was latei eioded because ot the use ot
the Hittites and the unsatisfactc m defences against the
tubes to the east

Shalmanesei I (1274-1245 BC) recoids building
a new loval citv in the north at kalkhu (modem
Birs Nimiud) and his son Tukulti Ninurta I (1244-
1208 BC) also built a new lesidente but much
neaier just to the noith-east which he named Kar
Tukulti Ninuita, the Quay of Tukulti Ninurta (mod-
em Tulul '\krl He lecoids having captuied Maiduk
god of Babvlon and a figure of pnmarv importance
in Babvloman mvthologv who was later to be
assimilated into Assyrian versions of lehgious texts
Despite these alternative capitals Ashur was still

10th century BC it was ovei shadowed bv Kalkhu

i Nmev

s from

chose these
to admimst

The citv was attacked and devastated bv the
Babvloman mlei Nabopolassai i625-605 B C i in 614
BC two vears befoie he destroyed Nineveh and

there is onlv scantv documentation fiom which to
reconstiuct the historv ot this impoitant site Undei
the Babvlomans, it was piobablv onlv sparselv inhab-
ited for Cvius the Gieat when he conquered Babvlon

in 5W

'To t

of the Til

tuanes of which have been mins for a long time I
leturned the images which used to live thenn and
established foi them permanent sanctuanes (horn the
Ctnu Cthndir, the basic histoncal source tot the Persian
conquest of Babvlon) The name occurs again in the
Old Persian text of the Bikistun Inscription but tht onlv
other insciiptional evidence tomes from Aramaic
documents from the site these used to be dated to
the Parthian period and taken as evidence that the
names ot the old Assyrian gods survived in the com-
munity until the 3rd century \D but thev are now
said to come fiom the 7th century BC As a geo-
graphical name Athura may refer simply to the
town but in Gieek souices it is clear that Aioupia
iefeis to the whole northern aiea The site seems def-
initely to have declined in impoitance undei the
Sasamds and Athor in Svnac indicates simply a parish
which continued until the late Middle Ages

The \iab geographers lefei to Athur (sometimes
written \kur) it is, howevei, defined bv them not as
modern Kal'at Shaikat but as an earhei name foi
Mawsil and also as the name of the province which
was later called al-DjazTra [q<)] The min associated
with the name is described as near to al-Salamiv-v a
4 km N\\ of Nimrud Thev also make the obser-
vation that al-Djazira which practically coincides in
area with Assyria is a name derived from Athur
^though it is clear that a ruin was still known at
this site the name Athur has been tiansfened eiro-
neously to the ruin neai al-Salamiyy a this tians-
position was influenced bv the fact that there weie
two famous capitals of Assyria in the north and is
similar to the case of Baghdad which travellers of

the Middle Ages until Pietro della Valle (1616-17)
considered to be the site of ancient Babylon. According
to Layard (1853), 165, the hill in the corner of the
mins of Nimrud was still called "Tell \thur"

tion ot the name Shaikat betoie the nanatives ol
Emopean traveller Rich (1821) mentions it and it
is descubed moie tullv by Lavard (1849) * who
says We enteied Mosul on 10th \pnl 1846 During

which have been geneiallv believed to be the remains
ol Nineveh We rode also into the deseit and
exploied the mound of Kalah Shergat a vast ruin
on the Tigns about hftv miles below its ]unction
with the Zab He did not identify it with \shui
all he could sav was \ few fragments of potteiy
and inscribed bucks discoveied aftei a careful seaich
amongst the mbbish which had accumulated aiound
the base of the gieat mound seived to prove that

founded the citv ot which Nimrod is the lemains
\tot at) But latei dining the river trip tiom Mawsil
to Baghdad he was told of a connection in folk-
dam in the nvei The Aiab explained the con-
nection between the dam and the citv built bv Athur
the lieutenant of Nimiod the vast mins of which
were then before us and its purpose as a causeway
foi the mighty hunter to cioss to the opposite palace
now repiesented by tht mound ot Hammam \h

villages

Today the site is situated on the edge ot the
rainfall zone so that aguculture iehes on artificial
nngation Local inhabitants often iely on employ
ment outside the village to supplement then income
and some of the men and bovs have become
particularly skilful assistants for archaeological exca-
vations Most of the settled population belong to
the Djubur tribe although the shmlh of this bianch
lives at Kavvaia tuither up the valley there is a
mansion at Shaikat 8 km north of the site belong-
ing to Shavkh Adjil al-\awir ot the Shammar The

n densit

f the a

i per

Bibliogiaphy Foi i geneial topographical
description of tht area see Admiralty Intelligence
Division Geographical Handbook Iraq and tht Pirsicm
Gulf London 1944 R Dussaud Topographic histonqui
de la S,nc antiqui ct midinak Pans 1927 and G
Ichalenko I illaga, antique!, di la >nne du \oid Pans
1953 The site itself is tullv described by E Unger
m E Ebehng and B Meissnei Rcallcxicon de,
iwiologti Leipzig 1928 170-96 but for an accu-
late histoncal assessment more modem woiks
should be consulted See in geneial IES Edwards
(/ alii leds ) Cambridge •inatnt Hi\ton Cambndge
1973 Pait n Ch 1 (bv JR Kupperj Ch 2 (bv
MS Drower) and Ch 5 (by C J Gadd) and more
specifically D Oates Audits m thi amunt hnton of
\orthim Iraq London 19b8

The othcial reports of the excavations are given
bv W \ndiae with others as indicated in the fol-
lowing volumes of Mitteilungcn da Deuhihin Omni
Cnselhchajt xx (1903 R Koldewy) xxi xxii xxv (1904)
xxvi-xxix(1905) xxxi-xxxmfl90b), xxxin xvxvi xxxvn
(with J Jordan) (1908) xl xln (1909, with J Jordan)
xlm-xhv (1910) xlv xlvii(1911) xlvm-xlix (1912 with
J Joidan) h (19M with P Maiesch) liv 1 1014

ATHUR — AWRABA

with H. Luhrs and H. Lucke); lxi (1921); lxiii (1924);
lxxi (1932, HJ. Lenzen); lxxii (1935) and lxxvi (1938).
A series of monographs by Andrae and others have
been published in the following volumes of
Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen
Onentgesellschaft: x (1909); xxiii (1913); xxiv (1913); xxxix
(1922); lvii (with HJ. Lenzen, 1933); lviii (1935); xlvi
(1924); liii(1931).

In the same series, editions of the cuneiform
texts discovered at the site have been published
as follows: xvi (1911) and xxxvii (1922) by
L. Messerschmidt and O. Schroeder; xxviii and
xxiv (1915-23) by E. Ebeling; xxxv (1920) by
Schroeder; lxiv (1954) and lxvi (1955) by C. Preusser;
lxv (1954) and lxvii (1955) by A. Haller; lxii (1956)
by F. Wetzel and others. The Aramaic ostraca and
tablets were published originally by M.M. Lidz-
barsky, also in the same series, xxxviii (1921), but
the more recent edition by H. Donner and
\V. Rollig, Kanaandische und ammaische Inschriften, 2nd
ed., Wiesbaden 1969, Texts 233 and 234-6, should

The Arab geographers referring to the site are
as follows: Ibn Rustih, 104, tr. Wiet, 115, equat-
ing Athur with Mawsil; and Yakut, i, 119, 16; 340,

5; 1

(. For E

it Akur

e ibid..

, 72, 13;

al-Mukaddasi, 20, 3 (see also 27, 10, and
For [Djazlrat] Akur as an older name for the
Djazlra. see also Le Strange, Tlie lands of the Eastern
Caliphate, 86.

For the records of early travellers, see C.J.
Rich, .Narrative of a residence in Koordistan, London
1836, ii, 137 ff.;J. Ross, in JRGS, ix (1839), 451-
3; W. Ainsworth with A.H. Layard and EX.
Mitford, in JRGS, xi (1842), 4-8; Layard, Nineveh
and its remains, London 1849, ii, 45-63, 245, 581;
idem, Discoveries in the rums of Nineveh and Babylon,
London 1853; V. Place, Ninive et VAssyrie, Paris
1867-70; H. Rassam, Asshur and the land of Nimrod,
New York 1897. (M.E.J. Richardson)

ATISH, Khwadja Haydar <AlI (d. 1263/1847),
Urdu poet, was born in Faizabad (Faydabad [q.i'.~\j
probably around 1191/1778, according to A.L.
Siddtkl (see Bib/., below). His ancestors are said to
have originated in Baghdad, whence they came to
Dihlr. His father moved from there to Faydabad and
died during the poet's youth. As a result, Atish's for-
mal education was curtailed, though he supplemented
it by avid reading. In early manhood, he led the
life of a fop and a roue, and carried a sword. But
his aptitude for poetry was noticed, and he was taken
to Lucknow. There he was trained by the poet
Shaykh Ghulam Hamadanl MushafT, and was soon
recognised as a leading ghazal poet, along with his
chief rival, Shaykh Imam Bakhsh Nasikh. Such poet-
ical rivalries were a familiar feature of Lucknow cul-
tural and social life, but — as we see in the case of
Atish — they did not always involve personal ani-
mosity. Indeed, he ceased to write poetry after the
death of his rival.

Modern critics regard Atish as the greater poet of
the two. Urdu ghazal, as he found it, tended to be
rich in vocabulary and ornate in style, with sim-
iles, metaphors, and other rhetorical devices which
were at times far-fetched and exaggerated. Ideas were
largely stereotyped, with much concentration on the
physical features of the beloved such as tresses
(zulf) and face (rukhsar) as in Persian models. Atish
seems to have been an independent-minded eccentric

in his private life, and this is reflected in his poetry
to some extent. He would not write poetry for patron-
age, though he accepted a small pension from the
King of Oudh (Awadh [q.r.]). He spurned wealth, liv-
ing like a dervish in a broken-down house. He was
humble to the poor but haughty to the wealthy. In
his verse, he was not a great innovator, but neither
was he a slavish imitator of time-honoured poetical
techniques. Thus while he did not radically change
the form and style of ghazal, he frequently appears
less artificial than his predecessors and contemporaries,
writing in a more natural language nearer to every-
day speech as used by the educated of Lucknow; per-
haps his lack of formal education encouraged this
tendency. He was criticised for using non-literary turns
of phrase, and mis-spelling Arabic words — the latter
perhaps deliberately, in the interests of rules of prosody,
or to reflect actual pronunciation of these words in
Urdu. In short, we at times sense spontaneity and
even sincerity in his verse, and his literary language
became accepted as a model. His poetical output of
over 8,000 verses is practically entirely composed of

Bibliography: Atish's poetry was published orig-
inally in two dtwans — the first in 1845 in Lucknow
under the poet's supervision; the second, which con-
tains many of his best poems, was published in the
same city after his death by his pupil, Mir Dust
'Air KhaM in 1268/1851. Many editions of his
collected poetry have since been published, for
example the Kulliyyat in Cawnpore 1871 and 1884.
There is a useful introduction by Zahir Ahmad
Siddlki in Kulliyyal-i Atish, Allahabad' 1972. Short
critical accounts of the poetry will be found in
Muhammad Husayn Azad, Ab-i hayat, 379-93 in
the Lahore edition of 1950; Abu '1-Layth Siddlki,
Lakhnau ka dabistdn-i-sha'irl, Lahore 1955, 525-41;
Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu literature, London
1964, 138; and Ram Babu Saksena, History of Urdu
literature, Allahabad 1927, 111-13; Further" informa-
tion may be found in Shaykh Ghulam Hamadani
MushafT, Riyad al-fusaha', Dihll 1934, 4-9; Karim
al-Din and Fallon, Tadhkira-i-shu'ard'-i-Hind, Dihlr
1838, 354; SafTr Balgraim, Qjalwa-i-khidir, 2 vols.,
Ara, Bihar 1882, ii, 106 f; KVadja 'Abd al-Ra'Of
'Ishrat LakhnawT, Ab-i bakd", Lucknow 1918, 11-
19, 170-7; Memoirs of Delhi and Faizabad, English tr.
of Fayd Bakhsh, Ta'rikh-i-farah bakhsh, Allahabad
1889, 266-302; and I'djaz Husayn, Kalam-i-Atish,
Allahabad 1955; For a general picture of Lucknow
cultural life in the first half of the 19th century,
see Abdul Halim Sharar, tr. E.S. Harcourt and
Fakhir Husain, Lucknow: the last phase of an oriental
culture, London 1975.

For further bibliographical material, see Khalll
al-Rahman A'zami and Murtada Husayn Fadil, art.
Atish, in Urdu 'Encyclopaedia of Islam, Lahore 1962 flf.,
i, 10-14. (J.A. Haywood)

ATLANTIC [see al-bahr al-muhit].
AVARICE [see bukhl].
AVRAM CAMONDO [see camondo].
AWRABA, a Berber tribe of Morocco. Ibn
Khaldun, 'Ibar, Fr. tr. de Slane, i, 286, provides all
the information which we have on the early history
of this tribe, which formed part of the sedentary
Baranis [q.v.]. Certain of these appear to have been
Christians. At the time of the Muslim conquest, they
held the premier place among the North African
Berber tribes because of their forcefulness and the
bravery of their warriors. Ibn Khaldun also gives us
the names of the tribe's main branches and those

AWRABA — AYATULLAH

of the most outstanding chiefs whom thev had before
the Arabs' arrival. The celebrated Kusayla [q.v.], who
was probably a Christian, is said to have been their
amir, as of all the Baranis. He rebelled, and was
defeated and killed in 62/682, and it was after his
death that the Awraba (or Awriba?) no longer directed

The tribe makes its real appearance in the history
of Morocco by making Shr'r doctrines triumphant
there, even though these were contrary to the Kharidji
ones embraced by the Berbers in the preceding cen-
tury. It was indeed under the protection of the Awraba
chief, Abu Layla Ishak b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-
HamTd, that the '.Mid fugitive Id'rTs I [q.v.] established
himself in 172/788 at Wallla, the ancient Roman
town (the present Volubilis), situated in the little moun-
tain massif of Zarhun, north of Meknes.

These mountain folk called themselves descendants
of the Awraba of the Aures, driven out of the cen-
tral Maghrib after Kusayla's death, as also were those
elements of the Awraba to be found in the regions
of the Zab [q.v.] and the Ouarsenis [q.v.].

Like several of the northern Moroccan tribes, the
Awraba professed Mu'tazili doctrines; they were
accordingly favourable to the 'Alids and regarded
the nomination of an imam as a necessary obliga-
tion for the community. This is why Abu Layla
could without difficulty have himself proclaimed sov-
ereign imam of his own tribe and of the neigh-
bouring tribes (4 Ramadan 172/5 February 789) a
few months after Idns's arrival in the Zarhun. The
Awraba then successfully took part in Idrls I's work
of Islamisation. Idrls II showed his gratitude badly
towards his father's benefactor, since he had him

/ith the .

al-Kay

t Idrls

s death (213/828) and after the disas-
trous division of Morocco between his sons, troubles
broke out within the principalities thereby established.
The Awraba and the Berber coalition put an end to
them (221/836) by giving allegiance to the nine-years
old 'All b. Muhammad, ruler of Fas, assuring tute-
lage over the kingdom till the young /mam's majority.
'Ali died after a peaceful reign of 13 years. New dis-
putes now divided Morocco between rival factions,
and finally, in 251/866, the Awraba recognised 'Air a
cousin, 'Air b. 'Umar.

Awraba were still in contact with the principality
of NukQr [q.v.], and in mediaeval times, they were to
be found in Algeria, at Nikaws (N'gaous) and in the
region of Bone. They never disappeared completely,
and re-appear in the historical texts, e.g. under the
Almohads; at first (559/1164) they espoused the cause
of a rebel and were opposed to the Almohads, but
then in 580/1184 rallied to them in order to go and
fight in Spain. They appear further under the
Mannids, being specially mentioned in the texts con-
cerning the meetings for the holy war in al-Andalus,
and one of them commanded the renowned "volun-
teers for the faith". In 707/1308, some Awraba chiefs
involved in the revolt of a pretender, were executed
on the orders of the sultan Abu Thabit, and their
bodies exposed in crucifixion on the encircling walls
of Marrakesh.

At the present time, some of their former tribes
(the Ladjaya, Mazyata and Raghiwa) are established
on the banks of the Wadr Wargha, to the north of
the Zarhun.

Bibliography: al-Nasin
Allah Gannun, al-Umara'
Maghnb, No. 33; and se.

;. Dev

A'YAS, a component group of the Meccan
clan of Umayya or 'Abd Shams, the term being
a plural of the founder's name, a son of Umayya
b. 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf b. Kusayy called al-
Ts or Abu 'l-'Is or al-'As(D or Abu 'l-'Asm or
'Uways, these being given in the genealogical works
as separate individuals, but doubtless in fact one
person (on the two orthographies al-'As and al-'Asi,
the former explicable as an apocopated Hidjazr form,
see K. Vollers, Volkspraihe itnd Schufhprachi im alien
Arabien, Strassburg 1906, 139-40). The group formed
a branch of the clan parallel to that of Harb b.
Umayya, from whom descended Abu Sufyan,
Mu'awiya [q.vv.] and the Sufyanids. Amongst the
sons of al-'As, etc., were 'Affan, father of the caliph
'Uthman [q.v.]: al-Hakam, father of the caliph
Marwan I [q.v.] and progenitor of the subsequent
Marwanids; Sa'rd [q.v.], governor of Kufa under
'Uthman and of Medina under Mu'awiya b. AbT
Sufyan; and al-Mughira, whose son Mu'awiya was
the mutilator of the Prophet's uncle Hamza b. 'Abd
al-Muttalib and the father of 'Abd al-Malik b.
Marwan's mother 'A'isha.

Because of the strenuous hostility shown to the
Prophet by al-'As ihe was killed, a pagan, at Badr)
and his son Mu'awiya, and because of al-Hakam 's
ambiguous role in the first years of Islam (as the
"accursed one" banished by the Prophet), the family
was often regarded by later Islamic sources with espe-

■mporai

-s of 'P

the Hashiim clan and the
nens, Mn'aivia I", in MFOB,

supporte

i (1906), 27-8.

Bibliography: see Ibn al-Kalbr-Caskel, Gamharat
an-nasab, i, Tab. 8, 9, ii, Register, 202; ZubayrT, Aasab
Kuwvsh, ed. Levi-Proven v al, 98-9; Ibn Duravd,
hhtikdk, ed. Wustenfeld, 45 ff, 103, ed. Cairo
1378/1958, 73 ff., 166; See also umayya b. 'abd

SHAMS. _ (C.E. BOSWORTH)

AYATULLAH iAyat Allah, current orthography
Ayatollah), a title with an hierarchical significance
used by the Imami, Twelver ShrTs, and mean-
ing literally "Miraculous sign lava [q.v.]) of God".

consider the
orked o

y the

been dictated by the doctrine that all political power —
even if exercised by a ShiT — is illegitimate during
the occultation of the Hidden Imam, it has only
been comparatively late, from the Saiawid period
(907-1135/1501-1722) onwards, that political theories
have taken shape and an hierarchy within the top
ranks of the muajtahids [q.v.] has been formed. After
their long disputes against the AkhbarTs [see
akhbariyya in Suppl.] and Sufis, the Usulrs [q.v.] in
the course of the 19th century elaborated the theory
according to which at every given moment there could
only be one unique mardia'-i taklid [q.v] "source of
imitation" (see Algar [1969], 5-11, 34-6, 162-5, etc.;
Binder, 124 ff.). This title of mardja'-i taklid [q.v.] was
subsequently applied retrospectively to numerous
mudiiahids (for lists of the na'ib-i 'amrrn, of the Hidden
Imam going back to Muhammad Kulayni, d. 329/940,
see Bagley [1972], 31; Fisher, 34-5; Hairi, 62-3).
During the 1960s, several discussions took place

Ayatullah — 'ayn al-kudAt al-hamadhanI

concei rung the manner of selectron and the functrons
of the mardfa' i laklid at the very time when the Avat
ullah Burudjirdi (d 1961) recognised as the sole
mardfa' I laklid bv the mass of Imami Shfis disap
peared (Algar [1972] 242 for some ieser\es about
this recognition see Binder 132) Dr

s leaders

and 1;

work c

Bahthi dar bara n mardia'iyyat la ruhamyyat dealing
in particular with Imami institutions and on links
with the political authority appeared at Teheran
in Decembei 19b2 (a brief analysis bv Lambton
121 35) After the disappearance of Burudjirdi — whose
attitude to politics had been one of quietism — the
institution of the mardjaiyyat seems to have spread out
widely (in 1976 there were six mardja i takhd: of hist
rank including the Ayatullah Khumavm Fisher 32)

Howe

fior

19b3 c

3und the Ayatullah
khumavm the mam religious opponent of the Pahlavi
regime (Algar [1972] 243) but it also seems that the
consensus over the mardja'mat I lull of the Ayatullah
Muhsin Hakim Tabataba i of Nadjaf (d 1970) was
at least partially leahsed in ca 196b (Baglev [1970]
78 n 7 this ayatullah enjoyed the favour of the Shah
see Algai [1972] 242 3)

From the time of the protest against the Tobacco
Concession (1891-2) the mard±a' i laklid— who at that
period resided in the holy places of Irak the "Atabat
[q t in Suppl ] —often took the lead in the fight of
opposition to h.adjar autocracv and to foreign dom
ination This association of the mudjtahids with poht
ical opposition seems to ha\e been clearer with the
grant of the title ayatullah In practice this lakab
seems first of all to ha\e designated the two great
leaders of the constitutional resolution the sayyidi,
'Abd Allah Bihbaham and Muhammad Tabataba'i
(Lughal nama yi Dihkhuda sv Ayatullah) It has since
been applied to numerous great muiitahidh (some-
:tivelv) independently it appears of

then

poht]

titude

It i

ent usage (but n

3t in the actual hierarchv) certain

nv and everv akhund (this latter

rm tending desf

ite its pejorative character to sup

plant that of mulla)

As with that of mardja' i laklid attribution of the
title is abo\e all a question of opinion In effect above
the title of mudjtahid the lev el of respect accorded and
the religious chief s charisma depend on the consen
sus of the mass of faithful The ayatullah is placed at
the top of the hieiarchv amongst the elite of the
great mudjtahidi, <\t the summit of all is to be found
the ayatullah al u^ma (the greatest miraculous sign of
God ) the supieme mard}a' i laklid oi mudjtahid This
rank seems to ha\e been first of all accorded to
Burudjirdi (Binder 132) There seems also to be at
kum a limited soit of college which makes decisions
about the title (ibid 134) This clearly reinforces the
position of kurn which has become the symbolic
capital of Iian since the Ayatullah khumaym s leturn
(the title Imam sometimes applied to him seems to be
taken fiom 'Iraki usage)

Although thev aie sometimes of modest ongin
the gieat majontv oi ayatullah are now sayyids (where-
as the great 'ulama' of the past were not alwavs
fiom this class) Marriages and alliances tradition-
ally reinfoice the strength of religious leadership (see
Fischer genealogical tables 33-4) Whethei he be
mardia' i takhd oi not the ayatullah exceicises a dou
ble role of manage! within his sphere of activity
On the administrative level he tontiols the levying

of various lehgious taxes the direction of pious gifts
and property in mortmain (uakj [q i ] controlled bv
the state under the Pahlavi regime) the distribution
of various grants and alms the administration of
centres of learning etc on the intellectual and spir
ltual level he is responsible for education His influ-
ence on the social level is limited bv his faithful
followers the students and those who bring their
financial support to him (Fisher 41)

The role and influence of the Iranian ayatullah are
now very diverse Their prerogatives have increased
through the progressive installation of an Islamic
Republic since the events of winter 1978-9 But despite
the abolition of the monarchv thev are inevitablv
subject to all the hazards of political power and to
the pressures of antagonistic forces (secularism com
munism the growth of nationalisms religious partic
ulansms etc ) There is at least one ayatullah in each
province and several in each main centre of religious
teaching (haudayi 'dmi) Thus there are 14 tradi-
tional madrasah at kum directed bv ayatullah of whom
some have attained the rank of mardja' I takhd (Fisber
table 23)

Bibliography (for works in Persian difficult to
find outside Iian see the bibliographies cited bv
Algar Baglev Fisher and Hain) \ K S Lambton
i monsidiration of the position oj the marja' al taqlid and
the religious institution in St hi xx (19b4) 115-35
L Binder The proofs of Islam religion and politus in
Iran in Arabic and Islamic studies in honor oj Hamilton
1R Gibb ed G Makdis! Leiden 1%5 118 40
H Algar Religion and state in Iran 1785 1906
Berkelev Los Angeles 1 9b9 idem The oppositional
role of the Ulama ,n tiienlielh century Iran in Scholars
saints and Sufis ed N R keddie Berkelev Los
Angeles 1972 23155 (see also NR keddie The
roots of the Ulama s pouer m modem Iran in ibid 211-
29 first published in St hi xxix [1969] 31 53)
F R C Baglev Religion and the state in modem Iran
I in Attes du I Congres international d arabisants el
islamisants Brussels 1970 75-88 // in Proceedings of
tht Mth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies \ lsbv-
Stockholm 1972 ed F Rundgren Uppsala 1975
31 44 MJ Fisher The Qum report an anthropologi
cat account oj contemporary Shiism draft (typewritten
leport) Julv 1976 Abdul Hadi Hain Shi'ism and
constitutionalism in Iran Leiden 1977

_(J_ Calmard)
'AYN al-KUPAT u. HAMADHANI Abd Allah
b \bi Bakr al Mi\anadji Shafi'i junst and
Sufi maitvr born at Hamadhan in 492/1098
Bom of a line of scholars he studied Aiabic gram
mar theology philosophy and law and as an already
precocious scholar began writing his books at the
age of 14 Also at the approach of pubertv he
became a convert to Sufism In 517/1123 at the
age of 25 he seems to have met <\hmad al Ghazah
brother of the great theologian Muhammad al
Ghazah who initiated him into Sufi meditation and

e Muhammad b Hammuya

His spiritual reputation soon gained him manv
disciples and he spent all his time in oial and writ-
ten teaching sometimes going beyond the limits of
his phvsical stiength foi this and having then to
letire for two or three months for lecupeiation
His activities soon pro\oked the hostility of the
orthodox theologians Provoked bv his teachings on
the natuie of sainthood and prophethood and on
submission to the Sufi shaykh and objecting to his

'AYN al-KUDAT al-HAMADHANI — 'AYN al-MULK MULTANl

usage of Sufi terminology which gave the impres-
sion that he himself laid claim to prophetic powers,
they brought an accusation of heresy against him
before the Saldjuk vizier in 'Irak, who imprisoned
him in Baghdad. It was there that he wrote his
apologia, the Shakwa 'l-gharlb. Some months later he
was set free and returned to Hamadhan, but short-
ly afterwards, at the time of the Saldjuk sultan
Mahmud's arrival (reigned 511-25/1118-31), he was
executed in a barbarous manner during the night of
6-7 Djumada II 526/6-7 May 1131 'at the age of
33. His premature death seems to have prevented
Hamadhani from founding a Sufi monastery, setting
up a Sufi group and designating a successor; nev-
ertheless, his numerous works, written in a line style,
have always found an audience.

His published works include his Shakwa 1-gharTb 'an
al-awtan ild 'ulama' al-buldan, an apologia in Arabic
(ed. and Fr. tr. Mohammed ben Abd-el-Jalil, in JA
(1930), 1-76, 193-297; ed. 'Afif 'Usayran, Musannafat-
i 'Ayn al-Kudat al-Hamadhanl, Tehran 1341/1962; Eng.
tr. AJ. Arberrv, A Sufi martyr, the apologia of 'Am al-
Qudat al-Hamadhanl, London 1969); Risala-yi Lawa'ih,
on mystic love, in Persian, ed. Rahim Farmanish,
Tehran 1337/1958; Z^dal al-haka'ik, in Arabic, ed.
'Usayran, in op. at.; Tamhldat or ^ubdat al-haka'ik ft
kashf al-daka'ik, in Persian, ed. 'Usayran, in op. cit.,
twice tr. into Turkish; Namaha or Makttibat, Makatlb,
letters, in Persian, ed. 'Alinaki Munzawi and 'Usayran,
2 vols., Beirut and Tehran 1390/1971; Risala-yi
yazdanshi-nakht, ed. Bahman Karimi, Tehran 1327/
1948; and Ahmal u athar, ed. Farmanish, Tehran
1338/1959.

Bibliography: Sandilahi, Makhian al-ghara'ib,
Bodl. Pers. ms. 395, 1523; Brockelmann, I, 490,
S I, 674-5; F. Meier, Stambuler Handschnften dreier
persischer Mystiker, in hi, xxiv (1937), 1-9.

(J.K. Teubner)
'AYN al-MULK MULTANl, official and mil-
itary commander under the Dihlr sultans of India.
His actual name and early career are not known.
Contemporary writers mention him by his honorific
title, 'Ayn al-Mulk, with the msba Multani because he
hailed from Multan; the 9th/ 15th century chronicler
Yahya Sirhindi calls him 'Ayn al-Mulk-i ' Shihab sig-
nifying that his father's name was Shihab. However,
'Ayn al-Mulk Multani started his career in the reign
ofSultan 'Ala' al-Din Khaldji (695-715/1296-1316),
and soon attained to an important position in the
official hierarchy, showing excellence in both pen-
manship and military generalship. Amir Khusraw
showers praises on him in his works, depicting him
as a learned statesman in peace time and a \eteran
general on the battlefield. Diya' al-Din Barani speaks
of him as one who was wise in counsel, widely tia\-
elled, ripe in experience and much distinguished for
his sagacity and successful tackling of complicated

His first important assignment was his posting in
Malwa as the mukta' or governor of Dhar and Udjdja\n
in 704/1305. In Malwa, he not only consolidated the
sultan's rule, but also subdued the recalcitrant zammdars
of Central India. In 716/1316, he held the temtor> of
Deogiri (in modern Maharashtra), when he was tecalled
to Dihlr by Malik Na'ib just after Sultan 'Ala' al-Din
had died. En route he received another order from
Dihlr directing him to proceed to Gudjarat, where tebels
had captured the province. In compliance to Malik
Na'ib's order, 'Ayn al-Mulk turned aside, but had to
halt in Citor as many fellow-nobles in the ro\al arm\
refused to march after Malik Na'ib had been killed

and the policy of the new ruler, Sultan Kutb al-Din
Mubarak Shah, was not known. After a few days, the
new Sultan sent him and other nobles farrnans order-
ing them all to go to Gudjarat and establish peace and
order there.

On arrival, 'Ayn al-Mulk tried to solve the prob-
lem diplomatically. He wrote to the leaders of the
rebellion that the murder of their leader Alp Khan
had already been avenged, as the culprit (Malik Na'ib)
was now dead, and for this reason they should not
persist in rebellion. He also warned them of the
serious consequences if they did not submit to the

rebels joined his camp. Only Haydar and Zirak fought
against the royal army and they were easily routed.
Having settled the affairs of Gudjarat, he then returned
to Dihlr.

In 718/1318, he was sent to Deoglrl when Malik
Yak Lakhi, the local mukta', rose in rebellion. This
time he was appointed as wazlr, with Malik Tadj al-
Din, son of Kh"adja 'Ata' as Mushrif and Mudjir al-
Din Aburdja as military commandant. In 720/1320,
he was present in Dihli when Sultan Kutb al-Din
Mubarak Shah was killed by the allies of Khusraw
Khan. Though 'Ayn al-Mulk was not in alliance with
Khusraw Khan, the latter honoured him with the title
of 'Alam Khan in order to win him over to his side.
Soon afterwards, Ghazi Malik, the mukta' of Depalpur,
organised a movement against Khusraw Khan aim-
ing at revenge for the murder of Kutb al-Din Mubarak
Shah, persuading all the important nobles, including
'Ayn al-Mulk, to help him against the regicide. 'Ayn
al-Mulk, afraid of Khusraw Khan's agents, showed
Malik Ghazi's letter to the usurper, and thus assured
him of his own loyalty. Ghazi Malik, anxious to win
him over, again wrote a letter to him. This time 'Ayn
al-Mulk expressed his sympathy with Ghazi Malik's
undertaking and promised not to participate in the
battle against any party because he was in Dihli, sur-
rounded by the allies of Khusraw, and could not take
up arms against him. On achieving the throne, Ghazi
Malik, who assumed the title of^Sultan Ghiyath al-
Din, and apparently retained 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani
in his service.

According to 'Isaml, 'Ayn al-Mulk joined Ulugh
Khan (later Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk) on the
Warangal expedition of 722/1322. Since the siege of
Warangal became prolonged and Ulugh Khan in-
sisted on capturing the citadel, the officers got tired
and many of them mutinied, although 'Ayn al-Mulk
remained loyal. This was the last expedition that he
had joined for we do not hear of him afterwards.

Certain mediae\al as well as modem scholars have
confused 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani with 'Ayn al-Mulk
Mahiu who is the author of the famous work,
Injia' i \Iahru Mahru was a noble of Muhammad
b Tughluk s and Firuz Shah s entourage. Tsami
distinguishes 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani from Malim
by calling the latter '\yn al-Din Di\a' al-Din Barani
differentiates between them b\ making different
statements about then qualities stating that 'Ayn al-
Mulk Multani could not only wield the sword suc-
cessful but was also adept in diplomacy and
penmanship while Mahru had no experience of mili-
tar) genfialshrp since he belonged to the class of scribes
and clerks Shams al-Din Snadj '\fif presents Mahru
as the creature of Muhammad b Tughluk. Further,
most of the letteis and documents contained in the
Insha' t Mahru were drafted in Fnuz Shah's reign, and
only a few belong to the time of Muhammad b.
Tughluk there is no letter wntten by Mahru during

'AYN al-MULK MULTANl — AZAD

the reigns of the latter's predecessors. In short, 'Ayn
al-Mulk Multam and 'Ayn al-Mulk Mahru were two
different persons belonging to different generations.

Bibliography: Shams al-Dln Siradj 'AfTf,
Ta'rikh-i Firuz Shahl, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1890; Amir
Khusraw, Dewal Rani Khidr Khan, Aligarh 1917,
idem, Tughluk-nama, Hyderabad, Deccan 1933; Diya'
al-Dln Barani, Ta'rikh-i Firuz Shahi, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1862; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, iii, 341-54, tr.
Gibb, iii, 720-6; Tsarm, Futuh al-salatln, ed. Usha,
Madras 1948; Muhammad Bihamad-Khant,
Ta'rikh-i Muhammadl, MS. British Museum, Or. 137;
Yahya Sirhindi, Ta'rikh-i Mubaiak- Shahi, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1931; 'Ayn al-Mulk Mahru, Insha'-i Mahru,
ed. Shaykh 'Abd al-Rashid, Lahore 1965.

(I.H. SlDDIQJJl)

AYTAKH al-TURKI (d. 235/849), a Khazar
military slave or ghulam [q.v.] who had been bought
in 199/815 by the future caliph al-Mu'tasim, and who
played an important role in the reigns of his master,
of al-Wathik and of al-Mutawakkil. At the opening
of al-Wathik's caliphate, he was, with Ashnas, the
"mainstay of the caliphate". After being commander
of the guard in Samarra, in 233/847 he was made
governor of Egypt, but delegated his powers there to
Harthama b. Nasr (Ibn Taghribardi, Nullum, ii, 265;
al-Makrizi, Khitat, ed. Wiet, v, 136). It was he who,

in this

r al-Zay

e year,

. At thi
functions of haa^ib, co:
intendant of the palac
intelligence system; bt
234/848 in order

e the •

ing the

nander of the caliphal guard,
tnd director of the postal and
he laid these duties down in
the Pilgrimage. When he

returned, he was arrested by Ishak b. Ibrahlr
Mus'ab, and he died of thirst in prison the follow-
ing year. It is said that al-Mutawakkil confiscated from
his house a million dinars.

Bibliography: Tabari, index; Ya'kQbi, Hhtonae,
ii, 586; idem, Bulkdn, 256, tr. Wiet, 45; Mas'Qdr,
Murudi, index, Ghars al-Ni'ma, Hafawat, 80, 362-
5; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, ii, 80 (under year 234);
Ibn al-Athir, vii, 29; Tanukhl, Nishwar, index;
Sourdel, Le vizirat 'abbaside, index. (Ed.1

AZAD, Abu 'l-Kalam, reviver of Muslim
thought in India and influential politician of the
first half of the 20th century. Born in Mecca in 1888,
he received in Calcutta, where his family settled in
1898, an austere and rigorously orthodox education.
With great precocity he made his debut in the liter-
ary world at the age of fourteen with an article pub-
lished in the Urdu language magazine Makhzan. At
the age of sixteen he made the acquaintance of the
remarkable poet Altaf Husayn Hall [q.v.], on whom
he made a strong impression, and shortly after he
met Mawlam Shibli Nu'mani who immediately recog-
nised his exceptional qualities and took him to
Lucknow to teach him journalism, entrusting to him
the editing of his journal al-Nadwa.

In July 1912 Abu 'l-Kalam Azad published the first
issue of his journal al-Hilal, which very quickly earned
him a vast audience, thanks to the original composi-
tion of the publication, to its articles dealing with sub-
jects of the most burning relevance, and to the fiery
and poetic style of the author. This enterprise was
suspended by the British government at the start of
the 1914-18 war, and Abu 'l-Kalam Azad then
launched, in 1915, another periodical, al-Balagh, which
had only a short existence since the writer was expelled
from Bengal in 1916. The texts published in al-Hilal
and al-Baldgh have been collected in two volumes
bearing the title Makalat-i-Azdd.

Abu 'l-Kalam Azad continued and extended the
work begun by Shibli with the object of encouraging
the 'ulama' to participate in the most modern devel-
opments of civilisation. As a theologian experienced
in the disciplines of the most traditional religious
thought, he provoked the 'ulama' into an increasingly
sharp awareness of social and political problems. In
1920 he rejoined the ranks of the Indian Congress
Party and participated more or less overtly in the
Djam'iyyat al-'ulamd' -i-Hind [see djam'iyya. India and
Pakistan] , an Indian association of Muslim theologians
which showed itself always sympathetic to a political
scheme of nationalistic tendency, with the object of
driving the British colonial power from Indian terri-
tory. An ardent opponent of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan
(1817-1898 [q.v]) and of the movement which the lat-
ter launched in founding the university of 'Aligarh,
Abu 'l-Kalam Azad revived the pan-Islamic propo-
sals of the great reformist Djamal al-Dln al-Afghanl
and exhorted the Muslims of India not to remain
passive observers of the upheavals which were trans-
forming the world, but to associate themselves with
the struggle whose primary object was to free them
from the foreign yoke, so that they could subsequently
participate actively in the complex and fruitful changes
which, in the modern era, contribute to the pros-
perous life of free nations. But was there not in this
attitude a contradiction between pan-Islamism, ideally
asserted, and nationalism as constantly practised in a
context where, in the event, India, once independent,
could not be other than a nation dominated by the
Hindu community?

In the_ more strictly theological sphere, Abu
'l-Kalam Azad expressed his opposition to Sir Sayyid
in numerous articles in al-Hilal and especially in the
introduction to his celebrated work Taidjuman al-Kur'an,
a project which he had conceived when he estab-
lished himself at RancI after his expulsion from Bengal
in 1916, but of which the first part was not pub-
lished until 1931. According to Abu 'l-Kalam Azad,
the Kur'an must be disencumbered of all artificial
interpretations founded on a philosophy and a ter-
minology more or less borrowed from the Greeks; it
is necessary also to resist the temptation of wishing
to consider the Holy Book only from the point of
view of its conformity with newly-discovered scientific
laws. If we wish to restore to the Kur'an its original
atmosphere, the exercise of idfihad must become a
vital experience, in the course of which each article
of faith will be confronted by the abrasive forces of
scepticism so that the individual will emerge from the
process more positive in his belief and more enthu-
siastic in his actions.

When in 1947 the Indian sub-continent was divided
to permit the creation of Pakistan, Abu 'l-Kalam Azad
chose to stay in India, and he became minister of
National Education in the Central Government, a post
which he held until his death in 1958.

Attention should also be drawn to two other
important works by this author, who contributed
much to the development of the Urdu language:
Tadhkira (published in 1920), a selection of autobi-
ographical memories, and especially Ghubar-i Khatir,
which has the form of a collection of letters addressed
to a friend by Abu 'l-Kalam Azad during his impris-
onment in the fort of Ahmadnagar between 9 August
1942 and 15 June 1945. Finally, the work which
the author wrote in English, India wins freedom
(Calcutta 1959) constitutes a valuable document for
the historian.

Bibliography: Badr al-Hasan, Madamin-i-Abu

AZAD — AZADI

'l-Kalam Azad, Delhi 1944; A.H. Alberuni, Makers
of Pakistan and modem Muslim India, Lahore 1950;
S.M. Ikram, Mawdj-i Kawthar, Lahore 1954; Abu
'l-Kalam Azad, Speeches of Mauldnd Azad,
Government of India 1956; Aawd-i-Azddi, Bombay
1957; W. Cantwell Smith, Islam in modern histo-
ry, Princeton 1957; Abu l-Kalam Azad, a memori-
al volume, New York 1959; Khalid bin Sayeed,
Pakistan: the formative phase, Karachi 1960; A.
Guimbretiere, Le reformisme musulman en lnde, in
Orient, nos. 16, 18 (Paris 1961); Ziya ul-Hasan
Faruqi, The Deoband school and the demand for
Pakistan, London 1963; Abu Sa'id Bazml, Abu
'l-Kalam Azad, Lahore N.D.; Aziz Ahmad, Islamic
modernism in India and Pakistan 1857-1964, London
1967, 175-85; P. Hardy, Partners in freedom— and
true Muslims, the political thought of some Muslim
scholais in British India 1912-1947, Lund 1971.
(A. Guimbretiere)
AZAD, Muhammad Husayn (1830-1910), Urdu
writer, was a leading exponent of "new" Urdu

r of tl

against

sis on ghazal and its preoccupation with ornate,
stylised language.

Born in DihlT, he was the son of one of the first
leading journalists of north India. He was educated
at Delhi College, and acquired a mastery of both
Arabic and Persian. By 1854, he was editor of his
father's newspaper, the Dihli Urdu Akhbdr. A love of
poetry was fostered in him by the poet Dhawk (1789-
1854), who was a friend of his father's. However, the
Indian Mutiny of 1857 and its aftermath completely
changed his life, and its effect probably never left
him. His father was executed for treason bv the British
authorities, and he himself fled and became a wan-
derer. In 1864 he arrived in Lahore, where he was
to reside for the remainder of his life. He obtained
a minor post in the Panjab Ministry of Public
Instruction. He twice visited Persia, and in 1865 he
accompanied an Indian Government secret mission to
Bukhara, aimed at investigating Russian penetration

In his early years in Lahore, he quickly won the
confidence of local British dignatories, including Colonel
Holroyd, Director of Public Instruction. He wrote sev-
eral educational works, including a Persian course in
two books, and, in Urdu, Volume ii of Kisas-i-Hmd,
a three-volume series of Indian historical stories.
Though designed for students, the latter book won

style. In 1865 Dr. G.W. Leitner, 'Principal of
Government College, founded the And}umdn-i Pandjah,
a literarv society, and Azad was appointed secretary
in 1867.' One project of the Society was to encour-
age the reform of Urdu poetry, and Azad threw him-
self whole-heartedly into this. For nearly a year,
monthly musha'aras (poetical contests) were held, a set
theme being specified in advance for each meeting.
These themes, which included "the rainy season",
"winter" and "patriotism", were chosen to discourage
the use of antique poetical diction. Azad opened the
series with a lecture on the nature of poetic art, and
wrote poems for the meetings. Nevertheless, even allow-
ing for criticism based on prejudice or personal ani-
mosity, Azad's poetry hardly enhanced his reputation;
and it was not he, but Altaf Husayn Hall, [q.v.] who
also took part in the mushd'aras, who came to be recog-
nised as the pioneer of the "new" poetry, both for
his verse and his critical writings. Nevertheless, a reap-
praisement of Azad's verse is overdue. It is uneven

in quality; but there is strength and drive behind a
poem like Olu l-'azmi (Resolution).

Azad wrote some important prose works, which
were better received than his verse, and indeed ulti-
mately gained him recognition as a great— some
would say the greatest— master of Urdu prose. Yet
he was destined never to be free from some hos-
tile, even carping, criticism. Nayrang-i khaydl (1880)
is a collection of thirteen allegorical essays, trans-
lated — with minor changes and interpolations — from
the English of Samuel Johnson, Addison and their
contemporaries. Sukhanddn-i-Fdrs, based on his lec-
tures on Persian language and literature, dates from
1872, but was not published until 1907. However,
his fame rests chiefly on his long critical account
of Urdu poetry, Ab-i-haydt (1881). His last major
work, Darbar-i-akbari (1898), is a dazzling account
of the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar [q.v.],
but, despite its rich style, it is often described as
a failure. Azad's prose is imaginative and colour-
ful, far removed from the straightforward style of
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Hair. Muhammad
Sadiq {History of Urdu literature, 300) says that it
"recalls old patterns in its syntactical peculiarities
and word-arrangement", and adds, perhaps with a
little exaggeration, that its syntax seems Persian.
Azad was not directly involved in the 'Aligafh
Movement, but was highly respected by its leaders.
Half wrote complimentary reviews of Aayrang-i-khaydl

The

of A

Personal tragedies, and overwork — including his edi-
tion of Dhawk's Dlwan — have been blamed for this.
He died in Lahore in 1910.

Bibliography: In addition to information given
above, some of the many reprints of Azad's works
may be mentioned; thus for Ah-i-harat, Lahore 1950,
Faizabad 1966. As for Darbar-i-akbari, Muhammad
Ibrahim, editor of the Lahore edition of 1910,

plete and more in keeping with Azad's intentions
than the original (1898) edition of Mir Mumtaz
'All. There is a Lucknow edition n.d., but ca. 1965.
For .Kayrang-i-khayal, there is a Karachi edition of
1961. Agha Muhammad Bakir has edited selected
articles by Azad (Makdldt Mawland M.H. Azad,
Lahore 1966). Kisas-i-Hind was reprinted in Lahore
(1961) and Karachi (1962). Selected letters have
been published: Maktubdt-r-Azdd, Lahore 1907, and
Makatib-i-Azad, Lahore 1966. The collected poetry
was published as Nazm-i-Azad, Lahore 1910.

Among critical biographies, Muhammad Sadiq's
Muhammad Husain Azad — his life and work, Lahore
1965, is of prime importance. The same author's
shorter account in his History of Urdu literature,
London 1964, 288-302, includes a conveniently
brief analysis of Azad's prose style (297-301 ), with
extracts. In Urdu, there is Djahan Banu Begum's
Muhammad Husayn A z ad, Hyderabad Deccan, "l940.
Among detailed studies of Ah-i-harat, mention
must be made of Ridawf Mas'ud Hasan's Ah-i-
harat kd tankid mutdla'a, Lucknow 1953. Hall's
reviews of Nayrang-i-khayal and Ab-i-haydt, origi-
nally published in the 'Aligarh University Gazette,
are available in Kulliyydt-i-nathr-i-HdlT, Lahore
1968, ii, 176-83 and 184-94.

(J.A. Haywood)
AZADI (p.), freedom, synonymous with Arabic
hurriyya [q.v.]. Deriving from the Avestan word d-
Zdta and the Pahlavi word dzat (noble), the word

azadi has as long a history as Persian literature itself.
It was employed by Persian writers and poets such
as Firdawsi, Farrukhf Slstanf, Gurganf, Rumf,
KhakanI, Nasir-i Khusraw, and Zahfr Fariyabi in
a variety of meanings including, for instance, choice,
separation, happiness, relaxation, thanksgiving, praise,
deliverance, non-slavery, and so on (see Dihkhuda,
art Azadi, in Lughat nama, ii/1, 86-7). In modern
times, the idea of social and political liberty has
also been expressed by the term azadi (and some-
times by the term ikhtiiar), the latter sense of which
will be dealt with below in reference to the Iranian
world

Fiom its verv nature, the modern connotation of
azadi has been associated with the process of Western
impact on Persian culture and therefore its history.
Considering the fact that the activities of the British
East India Company (fiom 1600) coincided with the
mass migration of Persian writers and poets to India,
plus the information brought to India by travellers
such as I'fisam al-Dfn, who recorded his impression
of Europe in 1767, it would be logical to conclude
that the Persian emigrants to India were among the
first eastern people to have been exposed to European
new ideas. It seems, however, that no noticeable
Western influence can be observed in the Persian writ-
ings of the 17th century. The earliest favourable, but
brief, account known to us of Europe is that of
Muhammad 'Air Hazm (d. 1 766), who wrote in 1 732
that some of the European countries enjoyed laws,
a better way of life, and more stable systems of
government, and regretted not to have taken a trip
to Europe, as was suggested to him by an English
captain (Hazm, Ta'rikh-i Hazin, Tehran, 1953, 92-3,
110-11).

One of the earliest, and relatively detailed, accounts
in the Persian language of European social and polit-
ical institutions belongs to a Shushtarf-born emigre
of India, 'Abd al-Latif Musawi Djaza'irl, who learnt
about the new ideas which had developed among the
newly-born middle class of Europe and had been
imported to India. Writing in 1801, 'Abd al-Latif dealt
with modern topics such as freemasonry, equality, lib-
erty and the function of the administration of justice
in England. He also made reference to the British
system of mixed government, i.e. the division of power
among the king, the lords, and the subjects {ra'aya),
the latter being obviously considered as the proper-
' re entitled to elect and be elected.

For i

s of n

including that of azadi, one may look into the eyewit-
ness accounts, the most widely quoted of which are
those of Mlrza Abu Talib Isfahan!, son of another emi-
gre to India, and Mlrza Salih Shrrazi of Iran. Both
Abu Talib, who travelled and lived in Europe from
1798 till 1803, and Mirza Salih, who studied in England
from 1815 till 1819, wrote in detail about the type of
liberty which then existed in England. Some differences,
however, may be observed in their accounts: Abu Talib
seems more critical of the British system; he found, for
instance, freedom of the press somewhat harmful, and
refused to accept membership of freemasonry (cf. his
Masir-i Talibi, Tehran 1974, 152, 195-6). Mlrza Salih,
on the contrary, called England with admiration vilay-
at-i azadi (land of freedom), and joined freemasonry
with great interest (Sqfar-nama-yi Mirza Salih Shimzi,
Tehran 1968, 189, 207, 374). As a matter of fact,
most, if not all, of the Persians who went to Europe
throughout the 19th century became freemasons,
and learnt there to propagate the type of freedom
which was understood by the masons and included

in their famous slogan of liberie, egalite. fratemite (Isma'il
Ra'in, Faramushkhana va Faramasunri dar Iran, i-iii,
Tehran 1968; Mahmud Katira'i, Faramasunri dar Iran,
Tehran 1968).

In Europe, such ideas as liberty, equality, laissez-
faire and so on, were developed in the course of the
struggles between the old feudal system and the newly-
born capitalism, so that for the "Third Estate", lib-
erty meant freedom from the yoke of feudalism and
the freedom for private enterprise. Accordingly, this
concept of liberty expressed could have had little
meaning for the Persian audiences who were still
experiencing their own type of "feudalism" at that
time, and it must have appeared as an entertaining

One of the

sequences of the developim

: of

capitalism in the West was the latter'
other things, of raw materials, cheap labour and prof-
itable investments in other parts of the world. At the
turn of the 19th century, Iran appeared to the then
great powers, i.e. England, France and Russia, as
important both strategically and economically. Since
Iran found itself too weak to survive Western encroach-
ments, the Persian government saw it as indispensa-
ble to take certain measures for strengthening of the
country through modernisation, so that students such
as Mfrza Salih were dispatched to Europe to acquire
modern sciences. Although the internal and external
forces supporting the old regime of Iran were still
strong, the process of modernisation did not come to
a standstill. In addition to sending students abroad,
there were several diplomatic missions to Europe dur-
ing the reigns both of Fath 'All Shah (1797-1834)
and Muhammad Shah (1834-48). Missions such as
those of Mlrza Abu '1-Hasan Ilcl (England, 1814),
Khusraw Mlrza (Russia, 1829), and Adjudanbashi
(Austria, France, and England, 1834) helped the
Iranian ruling circles to obtain more information about
the European ideas and ii

, such as Khusr;

/Min

s, do indie;

understanding by s

ligent ;

of the Iranian diplomats of
i'er, there appeared also intel-

In the outset of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign (1848-
96), a wide range of modernising measures were ini-
tiated by the Amir Kabir. In 1858 Mlrza Dja'far
Khan Mushfr al-Dawla formed his government, mod-
elled roughly on European cabinet systems. Believing
in Dja'far Khan's progressive thought, Mfrza Malkam,
another modernist, wrote to him a long letter urging
him to reform the system of government and to sep-
arate the powers. He declared the opinions of the
Iranian people to be free, azad. Shortly after the
appearance of Malkam's letter, an anonymous author
touched upon the necessity for free elections and
freedom of the press (MS. Madjlis library, Tehran
No. 31856/4147, Dqftar-i Tanzimdt, in Madjmu'a-yi
athar-i Mirza Malkam Khan, Tehran 1948, 24-6). In
the same year (1858), when an Italian nationalist,
Orsini, attempted the life of Napoleon III, Farrukh
Khan Amfn al-Dawla was on a diplomatic mission
to Paris. He wrote not only of the French parliament,
but he also described with favour the remarks made
in a letter to the Emperor by Orsini on patriotism,
liberty, and the freedom of Italy, for whose sake he
had taken that action; Farrukh included a Persian
translation of that letter in his memoires (Husayn b.
'Abd Allah Sarabf, Makhzan al-wakayi': Sharh-i ma'-
munyyat va musafarat-i Farrukh Khan Amin al-Dawla,
Tehran 1965, 354-86).

In 1866 an anonymous author wrote a treatise on
social and political affairs, and paid special attention
to the ideas of freedom and equality and their appli-
cability to Islamic teachings. He classified "com-
mendable freedom" tikhtiyai-i mamduh) into six types
which included freedom of speech, assembly and pub-
lication (Ms. Madjlis Library 137; for an account of
this exceptionally interesting work, see Abdol Hossein
Haeri, Fihrist-i kitabkhana-yi Madihs-i shura-yi millf, xxi,
Tehran 1974, 135-8).

The last few decades of the 19th century witnessed
a number of important changes from within and from

European and some Asian countries; more efforts
were made by powerful and industrially advanced
nations to colonise other countries; and Anglo-Russian

together with other factors, exposed Iran to new ideas
and predisposed towards the establishment of a new
order involving a degree of political freedom for the
subjects. The modernising measures undertaken by
Mirza Husayn Khan Sipahsalar (d. 1881), and the

'adliyya, Watan, Ki-amu 'Ilml, and Mmlkh in' the 1870s,
and the emergence ofwriters and social critics such
as Mirza Fath 'Air Akhund-zada (d. 1878), Yusuf
Khan Mustashar al-Dawla Tabriz! (d. 1895) and
Malkam Khan (d. 1908), may be studied against the
background of those developments. The critics fought
earnestly for the establishment of a free enterprise
system and the destruction of the old social struc-
ture, and this involved agitation for a limited freedom
of election, freedom of speech, etc. Some of the mod-
ernists like Malkam and Sipahsalar went as far as
not only to advocate foreign investment in Iran, but
also played an active role in encouraging it. They
seem to have understood the concept of liberty as
defined in Europe. Akhund-zada, for instance, pro-
pounded the view that no reconciliation is possible
between liberty and Islam. He also saw freedom as
preserved through freemasonry activities (FarldQn
Adamiyyat, Andlshaha-yi Mirza Fath 'All Akhund-zada,
Tehran 1970, 148-9). Out of expediency, however,
most of the writers gave their definition of liberty
some Islamic colouring; they likened, for instance,
freedom of speech with the Islamic concept of at-amr
bi 'l-ma'ruf wa 'l-nahv 'an al-munkar lAbdul-Hadi Hairi,
The idea of constitutionalism in Persian literature prior to the
1906 Revolution, in Akten des VII. /Congresses fur Arabistik
und Istamwissenschaft, Gottmgen, 1974, Gottingen 1976,
189-207).

At the same time, there appeared two more groups
of intellectuals who also wrote about freedom. Writers
such as Mumtahin al-Dawla (d. 1921), an
experienced diplomat, and Mirza Husayn Khan
FarahanI, who visited Russia, Turkey, and the Hidjaz
from 1884-5, found azadl to be quite harmful. In
1870, while sitting at the place reserved for the diplo-
matic corps in the British parliament, Mumtahin al-
Dawla witnessed a serious attack waged by one of
the members on the Queen and the institution of
monarchy in Britain. At this point, Mumtahin envied
the British members of parliament their freedom of
speech, but did not believe that the Persians could
have the same privilege in the near future; accord-
ingly, he flatly discredited the Iranians' struggles for
freedom during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906-
11 (Mahdl Khan Mumtahin al-Dawla ShakakI,
Khatirat-i Mumtahin al-Dawla, Tehran 1974, 188-9,
210-11). To FarahanI, freedom appeared to be a
destructive element in history; he held that no system

could survive unless it was based on one-man rul
(Safar-nama-yi Mlizd Husayn Khan FarahanI, Tehra
1963, 139-46).

A third group of intellectuals, which also include
l from the first group, t

) the

of forei

, the

read

and above

all the concessions made to foreigners. The works of
Hadjdj Sayyah (d. 1925), Zayn al-'Abidln Maragha'I
(d. 1911), Mirza <Abd al-Rahlm Tabrlzl Talibov
(d. 1911), Mirza Aka Khan KirmanI (d. 1896), and
some of the writings of Malkam and Afghani (d.
1896), are the best representative expressions of the
people's response to the existing political and eco-
nomic situation in Iran. To Afghani, freedom meant
the replacement of the existing tyrannical regime by
a benevolent government. Other writers especially
Talibov, however, attached more meanings to the idea
of freedom. The latter defined it in full details as
involving the franchise and freedom of the press,
assembly, and opinion. All of the men in this group
opposed the existing "feudally" based social system
and advocated a free enterprise system not depend-

It was during the same period that a number of
reformist intellectuals, headed by Ahmad Danish
id. 1897), also began to emerge in Bukhara. Danish's
most important political and philosophical work
Aawadir al-wakayi (written 1875-82), was devoted to
the necessity of social reforms and freedom of the
people from the tyranny of the then Bukharan Amir.
His disciples such as Shahln, Sawda, Aslrl, 'Aynl, and
many others followed his steps (Jiri Becka. Tajik lite-
ratuie from the 16th century to the pievnt, in J. Rypka
et alii. History of banian liteiature, Dordrecht 1968, 485-
605). In a later period we also see revolutionary pieces
of poetry such as "Surud-i Azadl" by 'Aynl and "Bi
Sharaf-i Inkilab-i Bukhara" by 'AkkasbashI (Sadr al-
Dln 'Aynl, Namuna-yi adabiyyat-i Tadjik 300-1200 hidjti,
Moscow 1926).

This period also coincided with some measures of
modernisation in Afghanistan. To the Afghans, be-
cause of the Anglo-Russian rivalries throughout the
19th century, political azadl simply came to mean
the independence of their country from foreign
encroachments, in connection with which a number
of short-lived periodical papers such as Kabul (1867)
and Shams at-Nahai (1875) came into being. The
Afghans' approach to the idea of freedom was best
represented in their first important weekly paper,
Siradj al-Akhbar-i Afghaniyya (1911), where problems of

with in a highly sophisticated manner. Its chief editor,
Mahmud Tarzl, argued that "genuine national
development and progress were possible only when a
society enjoyed complete independence, sovereignty,
and freedom" (Vartan Gregorian, The emergence of
modem Afghanistan, Stanford 1969, 178). This type of
argument about liberty was pursued by later papers
such as Arnan-i Afghan, Ittihdd-i mashnkl and many-
others (Said Qassim Reshtia, Journalism in Afghanistan,
in Afghanistan, ii (1948), 72-7).

In the course of the Persian Constitutional
Revolution of 1905-11, the idea of freedom was
approached by the factions involved in the Revolution
in three different ways. One of the groups, influenced
principally by Islamic teachings, was in favour of
freedom, but a type of freedom consonant with Islam.
Mirza Muhammad Husayn Na'Inl (d. 1936), for

•, defined freedom

but like Montesquieu (De I esprit dts lots 1 1 ill ch
vui) held that living under despotism was itself equal
to slavery therefore freedom may be achieved only
by the replacement of the existing tyrannical regime
of Iran (Hain Shi ism and constitutionalism in Iran [see
Bibl] 173 80 218 19) The second group to which
belonged the Tabriz res olutionanes had a bettei
insight into European ideas together with a close
association with the Russian res olutionanes so that
they interpreted freedom in a more western sense In
their approach both gioups emphasised particularly
the downfall of despotic rule in Persia and the end
ing of foreign intervention as being integral parts of
ft eedom The third group i e the supporters of the
old regime under the leadership of Shaykh Fadl Allah
Nui i (d 1909) opposed any principles of democracy
and especially the concepts of liberty and equality
which appeared to the Shaykh as detnmental to
Islam (\bdulHadi Hani Shaykh FaJ Allah Nuns
Refutation of the Idea of Constitutionalism to appear in
Middle East Studies) The latter group e\en organised
many mob demonstrations in which the people
chanted We want no liberty we want the Prophets
religion

The Anglo Russian agreements of 1907 and 1915
and the Anglo Persian treaty of 1919 ga\e rise to a
number of nationalist movements such as those led
by Kucak Khan [qi] Khiyabani [q i ] and Muham
mad Taki Khan Pisyan \fter the 1917 Russian
Revolution the Soviets withdiew the claims of the
Tsais against Iian so that freedom meant exclusively
the abolition of the 1919 treaty and the fi eedom of
Iran from any foreign intervention which could limit
its independence The newly established Communist
Party of Iran (1920) which co opeiated with some of
these movements added a socialist colouimg to the
idea of freedom by propagating the idea of fi eedom
of the peasants fiom the landowners through divid
ing up the lattei s lands among the former

Towards the end of the Kadjar dynasty a num
ber of poets and writers such as Mirzada Tshki
Muhammad Farrukhi Yazdi Muhammad Taki Bahai
and Abu 1 Kasim Lahutr wrote very critically about
the freedom of the Persian people both from inter
nal tyranny and from external influences some of
them met an untoward fate Under Rida Shah s reign
(1925-41) the term azadi was used only in rare cases
foi instance the newspaper Ittila'at used a<_adi in the
sense of the freedom from the Kadjar dynasty or from
the movements and rebellions which had existed in
Iran In 1932 Rida Shah outlawed the Communist
Party but the activities of some of the communists
led by Di Taki \rani (d 1939) continued In their
literature e g in Duma social and political concepts
including liberty were defined from the socialist point
of view Some other intellectuals such as the woman
poet Parwin I'tisami (d 1941) wrote about freedom
in a symbolic and subtle way but then general mes
sage was the freedom fiom the existing situation

The period following Rida Shah s abdication (1941-
53) witnessed a campaign for the nationalisation of
the \nglo-Persian Oil Company The new Communist
party now calling itself hi^b I tuda yi ban (founded in
September 1941) held freedom to be the nationah
sation of the oil However it also saw freedom in
the establishment of better relations with the Soviet
Union so that Iran might evolve a Communist gov-
ernment To the nationalists on the other band
freedom depended not only on the nationalisation of
the oil but also on the extinguishing of Russian and
all other foieign influences in Iran These ideological

conflicts culminated under Dr Muhammad
Musaddik s 28 month rule a period referred to by
his supporters as daura yi a^adi ( the epoch of
freedom ) during which foi the first time popular
involvement in politics was allowed to a certain
extent and the activities of opposing political par-
ties plus the campaigns of the press belonging to
different political wings were some what tolerated
This period came to an end in \ugust 1953 when
Musaddik s government was overthrown by the

Bibliography Abdul Hadi Hain Shi ism and
constitutionalism in ban a study of tht role played by
the Persian residents of Iraq in Iranian politics Leiden
1970 idem European and \sian influences on the
Persian Reiolution of 1906 in Asian Affairs N S vi
(1975) 155 04 idem Why did the 'Llama partia
pate in tht Persian Constitutional Reiolution of 1906
1909? in HI xvn (1976) 127 54 idem Afghani
on the decline of Islam in HI xm (1971) 121 5
and xi\ (1973) 116 22 idem Sukham piramun i
vajiayi mashruta in \ahid xn (1974) 287 300
idem Sukham piramun i oazha yi istibad dai adabiyyat
i inki/ab i mashrutiyyat i Iran in ( ahid xn (1974)
539 49 M Ridwam Kadimtann dhikr i dimokrasi
dar Niwishtaha yi parsi in Rahnama yi Kitab v
(1902) 257 03 367-70 Abd al Latif Musawi
Shushtan Djaza in Tuhfat al alam Haydarabad
1846 Mudjtaba Minuwi Awiiahn kaman i ma r
ifat m his Ta nkh lafaihang Tehian 1973 Husayn
Mahbubi Ardakani Ta nkh i mu assasat I tamad
duni yi djadid dar Iran l Tehran 1975 idem
Duitwumin Kaman i Ma'rifat in iaghma xvm
(1965) 592 5 Mustafa \fshar Safar nama yi
Khusrau, Mir^a Tehran 1970 Muhammad
Mushin Sharh i ma munyyat i Aq^udanbashi Tehran

1968 Faridun Adamiyyat Makalat i ta nkhi
Tehran 1973 idem Amir Kabir ta Iran Tehran

1969 idem Fikr i a^adi Tehran 1901 idem
Andisha yi tarakki la hukumat I kanun Asr I
Sipahsalar Tehran 1972 idem Andishaha yi Taliboi
in Sukhan xvi (1966) 454 64 549-04 091701
815 35 idem Andishaha yi Mir^a Aka Khan Kirmani
Tehian 1967 idem Fikr i dimukrasi yi iqjlima i dar
nahdat i mashrutiyyat i Iran Tehran 1975 Malkam
Khan Maa\mu'a yi athar Tehran 1948 idem
Kanun 1889 ca 1898 idem [Risalaha] ed Hashim
Rabi c zada Tehran 1907 Hamid Algar Mu^a
Malkum Khan a biographical study in Iranian mod
ernism Beikeley 1973 Fath <\h Akhund-Zada
Altfba yi djadid ua maktubat Baku 1903 Yusuf
Mustashar al Dawla Yak kahma Pans 1870 Nikki
R Keddie Sayyid Jamal ad Din Afghani a poht
ual biography Berkeley 1972 MM Tabataba i
hlaksh i Sayyid Djamal al Dm Asadabadl dar bidan yi
mashnk^amin Kum 1971 \ka Khan Kirmani
Hasht bihisht Tehran 1960 Mangol Bayat Phihpp
The concepts of religion and government in the thought
ofMir^a Aqa Khan Kirmani a nintteenth lentun Persian
revolutionary in IJMES v (1974) 381 400 Manucihr
Kamah Taha Andisha yi kanunkh ah dar Iran i sada
yi nujah Tehran 1974 Farzami Djang i 'akayid
Tehran 1941 Mnza '\bd al Rahim Tabnzi
Tahbov Saflna yi Tahbi ya Kitab I Ahmad i n
Istanbul 1889 1894 idem Masa il al hayat Tiflis
1906 idem Masalik al muhsinin Tehian 1968 idem
Idahat dar khusus i a^adi Tehran 1906 idem
Siyasat i Tahbi Tehran 1911 Zayn al '\bidin
Maragha'i Siyahat nama yi Ibrahim Bayk i m Tehran
Calcutta 1906 9 Haajdi Sayyah (Muhammad 'All)
Khatirati Haqjd} Sayyah Tehran 1967 Muham

AZADl — 'AZAFI

mad Rida Fashahi <U Gatha ta mashrutiy,

n^fi'udal, M Iran Tehran 1975 Savvid Ha;
Taki-zada 4khdh i tamaddun i khandfi la a^c
uatan millat tasahul Tehian I960 idem, Ta'n

ikilab

i Ira,

Tehia

1959 "iahva Dawlatabadi Hau
Tehian 1949-57 Ahmad Kasrawi Ta'nkh ,
mashruta u Iran Tehian 1951 idem Mashruta
bihtann shakl i hukumat id akhinn natigja yi andisha
yi mzhad i adamist Tehian 195b idem
Inkilab csP Tehran 1957 Gholam Hosevn
"iousofi Dehkhoda s place in the Iranian constitution
al moiement in ^ZM/G cxxv (1975) 117-32, EG
Browne The Persian raolution of 1905 1909
Cambridge 1910 idem The press and poetry oj
modun Persia Cambridge 1914 Muham-mad
Husavn Na'ini Tanbih al umma ua tanzih al nulla
Tehran 1954 'Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi
Taba'i' al istibad tr 'Abd al-Husa\n Kadjar
Tehian 1908 Mahdf Kuli Hidavat, hhatuat la
Tehian 19b5 Rida SafTniva Ta'nkh i

in Sal,

.1 Duny,

v 75-84 Ahmad K;
mashruta yi ban Milan 1974 MB Mu'mini ban
dar astanayi inkilab, mashrutmat Tehran 1973
idem idabnyat i mashruta Tehrin 1975
Muhammad Nazim al-Islam kirmam Ta'nkh I
bidan n Iramyan i-n Tehian 1953 1970 'Ah
GharawT Nun Hizb i Dimukrat i Iran da, daitra
yi duudum , madjhs i shura y, mdh Tehian 1973
Danvush Ashari and Rahim Ra'ismva Zimma
yi iktisadi la idftima'i yi mkilabi , mashutiyyat i Iran
Tabriz 1953 (sic) 'Ah \dhan hiyam i kuluml
Muhammad Taki Khan Pisyan Tehran 1965 'All
Akbar Mushir Salimi Kulliyiat i musaua,a, i 'Ishki
Tehian 1971 'Abd al-Husavn Zamnkub Bahar
sitayishgar i azad, in his Ba kara,an i bulla Tehran
1964 Muhammad Fanukh \azdiDiuan,
Farrukh, ed Husavn Makki Tehran 1949 'Abd
al-Hamid 'Man Sharh i ahual la athai i Malik
al Shu'ara' Muhammad Taki Bahar Tehran 195b
Husavn Makki Ta'nkh i b,st sala yi Iran i-ni
Tehran 1944-b Manshui Curiam Siyasat i
shuraiti dar han i-u, Tehran 1947 Hizb-i Tuda-
vi Iian Inkilab i Uktubr la Iran 19b7 Mazdak,
\snad i ta nkhi \i dfunbish I kargar

i Ira,

Floi

1970-

6, 'Abd al-Samad Kambakhsh \a^an bi djunbi:
i kargan la kumumst, dar ban i-n Stassfuit 1972-4
Parv.in I'tisami Dm an i kasa'id va mathnauiyyat
la tamthilat m mukatta'at Tehran 1954 Abu 1-
Fadl Azmuda tr Hajt makala a Z Iranshmasan i
shuraui Tehran nd 'Abbas Mas'udi Ittila'at
dar yak rub' i karn Tehran 1950 \ah\a Anvan-
pur iz saba ta nlma 1-11 Tehran 1971 Husavn
Kav Ustuwan Siyasat i muua^ana vi manji dar
mad}hs i tahardahum i-n Tehran 1948 1950
R\\ Cottam \ationahsm in Iran, Pittsbuigh
19b4 Bakhtar i imruz 1950-3 Mustafa Rahimi
Insansalan, in his Didgahha Tehian 1973 A
hmad Danish itharha )i muntakhab Stalinabad
1957, idem, Panaha a^ \aa,ad,r al ixakayi'
Stahnabad 1957, irnana da', rat al ma'anj i-iv
Kabul 1949-62 L \\ Adamec, ij^hamstan
1900 1923 Berkeley 19b7 Savvid Djamal
al-Din Asadabadi Afghani' Makalat I

djamalnya Tehran 1933 I bpector, The fust
Russian Reiolutwn its impact on Asia Englewood
Cliffs, N.J. 19b2, See also andjuman, dustur,

b and H

(Abd

.-Hai

Hai

'AZAFI Banu l- famiH of notables promim
in the annals ol medieval Ceuta (Sabta [qv]) a
descended liom a Ceutan fakih bv the name
Abu l-'Abbas Ahmad b al kadi Abi 'Abd All
Muhammad b Ahmad al-Lakhmi whose ances
Muhammad al-Lakhmi was known as Ibn Abi 'Az<:
whence Azaff There is no reason to suppose tl
ids were descended fiom Madjkasa Berb<

me 8th/ 14

ury Ceu

mptioi

Abu l-'Abbas was born on 17 Ramadan 557/ W
August llb2 and died on 7 Ramadan bWlb Mav
1236 Fiom all accounts he was a man ol profound
pietv and throughout his adult life he taught hadith
and fikh in the Gieat Mosque of Ceuta It wis on
his initiative that the fesmal of the Prophets natmtv
[maulid vulgar mulud milud) was introduced into
the Maghrib and it was undoubtedly his example
that in aftei times inspned his son Abu 1-kasim to
adopt the custom ol celebrating the maulid as a pub-
lic festiv al on a grand scale At the time of his death
Abu l-'Abbas was writing and had possiblv almost
completed his A al Durr al munazzam ji maulid al \abi
I mu'az^am the purpose of which was to piomote his
idea of celebiating the maulid and putting an end to
the celebration of non-Islamic festivals The Durr which
is extant and has been carefullv studied bv F de la
Cranja Isee 41 4ndalus xxxiv (1969) 1-5?) is ascribed
bv some to Abu 1-kasim who actualK seems onl\
to have put the finishing touches to a largely com-
pleted work Abu l-'Abbas was also the author of a

the time of his death in 123b both he and his familv
must alreadv have achieved a position of eminence
in Ceuta for not long before the loss of Seville to
Ferdinand III (end of 1248) one of that cit\ s most
notable families the Banu Khaldun anticipated the
disaster bv emigrating to Ceuta where the\ conti acted
matiimomal alliances with the sons and daughters of
al-'Azaff
The First Daula Foi thirteen veais aftei the
death of Abu l-'Abbas the history of the 'Azafid
familv is shiouded in obscuntv Not so the tioubled
history of their native Ceuta The period was one
of Almohad decline Hafsid intervention in the
Muslim West and spettaculai Christian triumphs in
Spain which cost Islam both Cordova and Seville
to sav nothing ol Valencia Murcia Jaen and Jativa
In 1243 the governoi of Ceuta a certain Abu ''Ui
b Khalas withdrew his allegiance to the -Vlmohad
caliph and shortly afterwards acknowledged the sov-
eieigntv of the Hafsid Abu Zakanyya' Aftei the
death of Ibn Khalas which more oi less coincided
with the fall of Seville the Ceutans were in no mood
to tolerate his successor Ibn Shalnd an ineffectual
cousin of Abu Zakanvva' The Sevillan disastei
loomed large in their pieoccupations their ships had
fought on the Guadalquivn and their haibouis had
witnessed a sizeable influx of Sevillan refugees —
among them Shakkaf the hated ka'id who had actu-
alK surrendered the ke\s of Seville to Ferdinand
Theie was too one aspect of Hafsid admimstiation
which this mei can tile people deepK lesented — the
exactions of its customs officer Ibn Abi Khalid Such
was the position when news of Abu Zakanyya' s death
reached Ceuta (29 Radjab b47/7 November 1249
or, more probably, 27 Ramadan 647/3 January 1250j.

This was the signal for action. As the most widely
respected notable, Abu '1-Kasim al-'AzafT was
approached by Ceuta's ka'id al-bahr, Abu 'l-'Abbas
HadjbQn al-Randahi, and persuaded to consent to
the overthrow of the regime and, in the event of
success, to assume leadership of the community. The
plan, as executed by al-Randahi, but not quite as
envisaged by Abu '1-Kasim, resulted in the decapi-
tation of Shakkaf and' Ibn Abr Khalid. Ibn Shahld
was deported, and the 'Azafid, after assuming con-
trol, declared Ceuta's allegiance to the Almohad
Caliph al-Murtada (reg. 646-65/1248-66), who duly
appointed a governor. The Almohad governor's stay
was short: after only a few months in Ceuta, Abu
'1-Kasim expelled him and sent the caliph a letter of
explanation which he accepted.

What arrangement followed is unclear. We are only
told that in 654/1256-7 the 'Azafid became absolute
ruler of Ceuta, which he took over and administered
with great application and total devotion to the inter-
ests of its inhabitants. What is certain is that, despite
his de facto autonomy, he remained loyal to the tot-
tering throne of al-Murtada and even defended his
interests when the occasion demanded.

Considering that Abu '1-Kasim was, in his day, a
key figure in the western Mediterranean, specific infor-
mation on his life and rule is so sparse that most of
what can be said of him must be deduced from his
ascertainable policies. Born between 606/1209-10 and
609/1212-13, he was around forty when he came to
power and seems to have had a maturity of judg-
ment to match his years and such as to militate against
rash ventures. His primary aim was to create and
maintain a strong and prosperous Ceuta at a time
when it was fast becoming not only a prime military
objective for Castile, but also a target for ambitious
Marlnids seeking control of Morocco. He therefore
set about strengthening Ceuta's defences and evid-
ently profited from a truce with Castile against hand-

f? 1251-5). At the same time he aimed at stabilising,
conserving and developing Ceuta's already extensive
trans-Mediterranean trade, notably with Barcelona,
Genoa and Marseille. Within about ten years, Ceuta
seems to have gained real naval and economic strength.
In 659/1261 her first real test came when the prospect
of a Nasrid Ceuta lured Ibn al-Ahmar of Granada
into launching a naval assault on the place — a ven-
ture that ended in disaster for Granada. As long as
he lived, Abu '1-Kasim remained keenly alive to the
dangers threatening Islam in the West and always
took whatever measures were necessary to combat
them. Thus, in 662/1263-4 we find him co-operating
with the Marlnids as they launch their first djfhad
in Spain. In the years immediately following, we find
him endeavouring to achieve and maintain stability
between Ceuta and the Atlantic coast and, to that
end, bringing a weak and divided Tangier (665/1266-
7) under his control. Then, at the end of 1274 or
early in 1275 we see him apparently sacrificing his
autonomy to the MarTnid Abu Yusuf, but in fact skil-
fully extricating him from an alliance concluded with
Aragon and potentially dangerous to Islam. In prac-
tice he sacrificed little: a yearly "gift" to the Mannid
assured him virtual independence. Thereafter he made
common cause with the ruler in prosecuting the djihad
in Spain. Abu '1-Kasim died on 13 Dhu '1-Hidjdja
677/27 April 1279, leaving Ceuta rich and powerful

man, who was content to leave the administration of
Ceuta to his elder brother Abu Talib 'Abd Allah.
Little is known of a third brother, Abu Muhammad
Kasim, but he may have been a senior military offi-
cer, since he commanded a Ceutan expeditionary force
in Spain in 1285. Abu Talib carried his father's pol-
icy of co-operation with the Mannids a stage further
by proclaiming all territory under 'Azafid jurisdiction
to be Mannid and by abandoning the trappings of
royal authority enjoyed by his father. He also active-
ly participated in the djihad, and in July 1279 at the
relief of Algeciras, then blockaded by Alfonso X, it
was 'Azafid ships that formed the backbone of the
Mannid fleet which utterly routed the Castilians. But
gradually the certain rewards of peaceful trade, notably
with the Crown of Aragon, began to have greater
appeal than the uncertainties of the djihad. Mannid
setbacks in Spain in the 1290s and commitments in
the Maghrib encouraged the 'Azafids first to withhold
their dues to Fez and then, in 1304, to rebel against
the sultan Abu Ya'kub, who, without Aragonese naval
assistance, was powerless to impose his will. But 'Azafid
independence was short-lived: in May 1305 Nasrid
forces were enabled by a disaffected garrison com-
mander to seize Ceuta. All members of the 'Azafid
family were deported to Granada, where they re-
mained, royally treated by Muhammad III until his
deposition in March 1309.

The Second Dawla. In July 1309 Nasrid Ceuta,
following an internal rising, capitulated to the Mannid
Abu '1-Rabi', who then allowed the 'Azafids to return
from Spain and settle in Fez. There Yahya, a son of
Abu Talib, met and found favour with Abu SaTd
'Uthman, the very prince who was to gain the throne
on Abu '1-Rabi"s death (November 1310). In 710/
1310-11 Yahya was made governor of Ceuta and re-
turned with the family to his native city. His brothers
Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman and Abu '1-Hasan 'Air
were appointed, respectively, ka'id al-bahr and super-
intendent of the naval shipyard. However, the tem-
porary success of the sultan's rebel son Abu 'All
resulted in their recall to Fez late in 1314, and dur-
ing their stay there the ageing Abu Talib died. In
715/1315-16 Yahya returned to Ceuta as Abu SaTd's
governor, leaving his son Muhammad as a guarantee
of his continuing allegiance to Fez, but accompanied
by the rest of the family. Soon after, Abu Hatim died
and was survived by at least one son, Ibrahim.

Once back in Ceuta, Yahya soon put himself at
the head of a council of notables (shura) and, with
the aid of a Mannid pretender, succeeded both in
retrieving his son and in proclaiming and maintain-
ing Ceuta's autonomy. In 719/1319, however, he
chose to effect a reconciliation with Abu Sa'rd and
to remit taxes in exchange for recognition as Mannid
governor. His motive in so doing was probably grow-
ing apprehension at the popularity, in Ceuta, of an
ambitious Husaynid sharif who bore him a personal
grudge and was, at the same time, respected by Abu
SaTd. When Yahya died at some date in or after
722/1322-3, he was succeeded by his apparently in-
effectual son, Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad, who
governed under the tutelage of his cousin Muhammad
b. 'All, admiral of the fleet (ka'id al-asatll). Details
of the situation that in due course culminated in the
'Azafids' downfall are unclear; we know only that
their authority collapsed, that Abu SaTd marched
on Ceuta in 728/1327-8, and that disaffected nota-
bles surrendered the 'Azafids to him. The reasons
for the 'Azafids' downfall are complex, but, as their
enemy, the Husaynid sharif Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad,

'AZAFI — AZRU

of then

ning

Circumstantial evidence suggests that the Azihds
were ill taken to Fez where they w.e usefully
employed — under surveillance — in the administrition
The Muimds bore the family no ill will ind indeed
Muhimmid b All reappeais as admn il of Abu

1 Has ins fleet which in 1340 almost anmhihted the
Castilnn fleet ofl Algeciras Ten yeais 1 itet he wis
still idmiril of the fleet when he tell in action light
ing the Abd alWadids [q i J in the Chehf plun

Bibliography JD Litham Vie me of the i^afieh
of Ceuta in S 1/ Stern mimanal lolumt {= h,ad Oriental
Studus n (1972) 263 87) idem Vu lata 4 afids
in Melons h Tomneau (= Ra de lUeueknt musul
man it de la Uediterramt \v \u (1473) 104 2a) ion
p 125 the death of A.bu Za\d Abd il Rahman
can now be given in the genealogy 717/1317)
M Habib Hill Qudquis Itthis di la ihamillini di
Ctuta au timps dis i^afides in Actus II wloquio his
pane, tunumn Madrid 1472 42 7

(JD Latham)
'AZAMIYYA (tanka) [see abu l aza im]
al AZDI msba formed from the tribal name of
A.zd ind boine bv a family of Mihkite fad* of
Bighdad who will be treated under ibn dirham the
mm. of their ancestor

m. AZDI Isma il b Ishak b Ism<v il b Hammad
b Zvn> Abu Ishak ai Kadi 1 144 2S2/S14 95) Maliki
fakih originally trom Basia who in 24b/8b0 sue
ceeded Savvwar b 'Abd \llah as ladi of Baghd td
East Alter having been removed from office in 255
b/369 70 he was icstortd to oilice trinsfened to
Baghdad West in 258/871 2 and then given chuge
ot both hahes ot the city irom 202/876 till his death
he w is then supreme kadi without having the official
title although tunentK described as kadi I kudat He
was also sent as an en\o\ to the Siffitnd who hid
invaded the piovince of A.hw tz in 262/875 6

This ladi was equally a specialist in the Kui an
hadith fikh ind kalam ind knowledgeable about giam
mar ind adab He wis \erv opposed to ill mnov i
Hon refuting il Shah i and Abu Himfi ind spieading
Mahkism thiough Ink He wis the authoi ol t ton
siderable numbei of woiks the A \hkam al Km an
A alhimat A \Iaam I Km an A al Ihtidjadf bi I
Km an al Mabsut ft Ifikh A al initial na I magha^i
A al Shafi a A al Salat ala I nabi (ms Koprulu 428)
alFaraid A all sal Shanahid al Uuaatta A al Sunan
ii\e Vusnad^ A al Shuf a and sevenl refutitions

His works were known in Spun piobablv thanks
to his nephew AJimad ilDuhivm b Khilil I -'78
338/891 949) and aie often cited (see Ibn il Faiadi
BAH vu No 110 Ibn khiyi Fahrasa BiH i\ 51

2 148 247 8 303 4) Inpaiticulu his A Ah/am al
kuSan (cited elsewheie onlv in the Fihrist ed C uro
57) wis copied by kisim b Asbigh [q , ] see Ch
Pellat in al ind Wl (1954) 77

Bibliography Tabin index Mis udi Murud}
index Khitib Bighdidi Ta nkh \i 284 90
Dhihibi Hujja^ n 180 ft Ibn ilTmtd Shadhamt
n 178 Tvtd Madanl ed Baku m 168 81 Ibn
Faihun Dibaaj 42 3 \akut I daba \i 124 40
Suh ikhba, al Radi ua IMuttah ti M C mud
107 8 Suvuti Bughya 193 Brockelminn SI 273

(C h Pellat)
AZOV Sei of [see bahr m^uiis]
AZRU Berber stone pebble and above ill
lock the nime of numeious villages in Noith

toot on its slopes or on its summit One
of these in Moiocto in the middle of the ancient
province of the Fazaz ind King at 1 200 m height
his become a small town of 15 000 inhabit mts In
1901 the Marquis de Segonzn estimited the popu
lation at only 1 400 (woodcutters including 200 4.U
Musa Jews) and in 1940 there weie still only 3 500

A.zru is well-phced at the |unction of two gicit
lmpenilhighwavs now modernised F ts to Man ikesh
tnd Meknes to the Tatil tit and has become in impol
tint muket lor livestock Two further facts have con
tnbuted to its growth firstlv in 1914 a Fiench militarv
post wis set up there to control the great Berber con
federation ot the Bini Mgfld (who speik i Timizighl
dialect and are of Sanhtdja origin) and this mide it
an tdmimstritne tentie ind setondlv in 1927 a
Berber secondary college wis founded theie ton
turning its demographic development ind making it
a lively ind enduiing tultunl focus

Aziu s stritegit position Ins resulted in its frequent
ippenance on the piges ot Moroccin historv In
534/1140 the Almohads under the oiders of the
tihph A.bd al Mu mm and after a check which hid
scittered them established themselves there hrmlv
and the ami, took i wife there who wis to be the
mother of the prince Abd 'Ulah the futuie govei
noi of Bougie In 674/1274 under the Mtiimds one
ol the natuial unties of sultan 1 1 kub rebelled against
him ind entienched himsell in the A.zru mountain
the ruler besieged him there i educed him to sub
ind pirdoned him In 1074/lbb3 4 Miwhy

il Shan

i The i.

Afn,

ted bv

>ck or

uilt

tme to him there and pioclaimed
him lulei but the pnnte prudently l em lined at
Aziu for that summei In 1093/1684 Miwhy Ism t il
]ouineved in foite into the Faztz mountuns m
order to subjugate the Ayt Idiasen tube who hid
been committing ill soits ol depiedations in the phm
of the Sa is On his ippioach the tribe fled tow irds
the upper put of the \ alley of the Wddi Muluya
md the suit in piohted by then ibsente to build
it A.zru i kasaba gunsoned bv 1000 tivalrymen
Pushed back into the highlands ind cut off fiom
then agricultuial lands the A.yt Idiasen sued for peace
and obtuned it in letuin for harsh conditions of aman
In 1226/1811 sultin Miwlay Suhymtn at the held
of an nmy fiom all the piovinces of the empue
md of those Berbers who hid remuned faithful to
him in his misfortunes mirched against the tribes
ot the Igerwan and the Ayt lust His ill led tioops
suffered a bloody and humihiting dcteit before
Azru md weie onlv kept safe through the piotection
ot the Ayt Idnsen the toes of 1093/lb84 The A.ziu
aftan Ind widespiead repercussions throughout
Morocco ind deprived the sultan of all his piestige
he never recoveied and died soon after

The kasaba ot Miwhv Ismail is moie or less in
ruins todav but the modern town is developing i ip
idly and is fimous toi its woollen caipets woven bv
1 piospeious workeis cooperative Thinks to the
beauty ot its lot ition ind to the magnificent cedai
foiests in the vicinity Aziu his ilso become 1 floui
ishing tounst centre

One should be tueful not to confuse the lbove
Aziu — is do the luthois ind interpolators of the
Kutui ind the Dhakhna -with the place of the sime

i the c

intry c

the Bim Tuzin in noithem Morotcc
that undei the Mannids Talhi b lahy t took refuge
ind then left it attei getting in luthonsation to make
the Pilgrim ige to Mecca See il Badisi al Maksad

AZRU — BABUNADJ

Fr ti &S Colin he dts saints du Rij in -W \\\i

1192b) 209 n 4

Bibliography Zayvani al Turdfuman al mu'nb
extract ed and ti O Houdas U \Iaioc dt 1631 a
1812 Pans 1886 mde\, Nasiri A al hliksa Caito
1312/ 1894 tr of vol iv b) E Fume) Chromque
de la dynastu Alaouit au Mam in AM ix-x index
Marquis de Segonzac loyagts au \Iaioc (1899 1901),
Pans 1903 index E Levi-Piovencal Documents inedits
dhisloirt almohadt Pans 1928 144-5 H Teirasse
Hntoue du Mam Casablanca 1950 index and see

arts ATLAS BERBERS and MOROCCO

iG Deverdun)
BA HMAD Moi ocean giand \izier whose real
name was Ahmad b Musi b Ahmad al-Bukhan
His grandfather was a blaik sla\e belonging to the
sultan Mawla) Sula>man (1206-38/1792-1823)
whose hadfib he had become [see hadjib in Suppl ]
His fathei likewise became ha&ib to Sa»idi
Muhammad b c -\bd il-Rahmin [ 1276-90/ 1859-73)
and then became grand \iziei during the reign ot
Maw la> al-Hasan (1290-1311/1873-94) he enjo)ed
a miseiable reputation but his immense lortune
allowed him to connect his name with the Bahi)a
palace m Marrakush whose building he undertook
linsciiption of 1283/1866-7 in & Deveidun
Inscriptions No 206) He himself was said to be the
offspring of a Spanish mother and he had se\eral
children amongst whom are mentioned Sa'id
Idns— who both held important offices— and Ahmad,
tailed Ba Hnnd The lattei was born in 1257/1841-
2 and was first ol all hadfib to Mawll) Isma'il who
was the khalija in Fis ol his bi other MawU) al-
Hasan He then occupied the same office foi that
sultan Since he had been icsponsible lor the edu-
cation ol l Abd al-'Aziz b al-Hasan he fa\ouied
the accession to the throne of that prince then 14
)ears old (1894' he took the title of grand vizier
and, leaving the )oung sultan to amuse himself with
childish pleasmes exercised real powei in the state
with sufficient political astuteness and authont) to
pre\ent Morocco falling into anaich) Ba Hmad
whose strong personaht) has left behind a lasting
impression, constructed in Marrakush the reservon
of the Agdal which beais his name, undertook vai-
ious public works in the towns and abo\e all con-
tmued his lathers woik he enlaiged the Bahi)a
appaientl) without an) preconceived plan on the
site of some 60 houses and he purchased 16 gar-
dens to form its paikland He died on 17 Muhanam
1318/17 Ma) 1900 and was buried in the io>al
mausoleum ol Maw la) 'Ah al-Shanf (poetic epitaph
in Deveidun Insaiptions No 176)

Bibliography IbnZa)dan Maf al nas Rabat
1929 ff i 372-96 n 511 is 370-81 '\bbas b
Ibuhim 1'lam Fas 1926-39 n, 209-10 255-bl
L Arnaud Au temps dts Mehallas Casablanca 1951
128 & Deverdun, Inunptions mabes dt Marraketh
Rabat 195b idem, Marmkech des orpines a 1912
index (Ed )

BABA NUR al-DIN RISffl the son of Sha)kh Salai
al-Din an Indian hoi) man was born in the vil-
lage of Bidjbehaia 28 miles south-east of Snnagar in
about 779/1377 Mthough a Muslim he has been called
nshi because he was moie influenced b) the ideas and
piactices of the Hindu Sadhus and Rishis than b) those
of Muslim 9«/Ts and saints From the age ol thirt) Nur
al-Dih began to withdiaw to caves loi meditation and
pra)eis He finall) ienounced the world and its pleas-
ures and left his wile and childien In his last da)s he
subsisted only on one cup ol milk, and towards the end

he took nothing except watei, d)ing at the age of
b3 in 842/1438 He is the patron saint ol the
\alle), and is greatl) revered b) its people His
sa)ings and nrystical veises, like those ol Lalla Ded
ate sung and recited all over Kashmir His tomb
in C rir 20 miles south-west of Snnagai attracts
thousands ol people both Muslims and Hindus

The tendent) to asceticism became moie pro-
nounced among the followers of Nui al-Din Rishi
tailed Rishis alter him The) did not marrv thev
abstained from meat and subsisted on dr) bread and
wild fruits, and the) lived aw a) from human habita-
tions leading a life of piet) self-denial and simphci-
t) The) moved from place to place planting shad)
and Iruit-bearmg trees for the benefit of the people
Atcoiding to Abu 1-Fadl the Rishis were looked
upon as the most respectable class in the \ alle) But
in recent )ears owing to their worldliness and greed
lespect lor them has declined except among the ver)
ignoiant

Bibliography Abu 1 Fadl A'm i Akban n tr
Blochmann Calcutta 1927 Hadjdji Mu'in al-
Din Miskln Ta'nkhihabn Amntsai 1322/1904
Mohibbul Hasan hashmn undei the Sultans
Calcutta 1959 (Mohibbul Hasan i

BABUNADI (Babunak) horn Pezsian babuna is
the common camomile piimanl) Anthemis nobihs L
(Compositae) also called Roman camomile but also
Matniana thamomilla L (Comp ) and other vaneties
The nomenclature is rathei confused it can indeed
haidl) be expected that the various kinds ol the
camomile weie kept apart with piecision The teim
is denved from xa\xa\]XT\kov ( apple of the earth )
and was known to the Arabs parti) in a transcribed
loim (khamamalun and variants) parti) as borrowed
translation (tuffah al ard) The lelativel) cleaiest detei-
mmation is perhaps offered b) an anonymous phai-
macobotamst of Spanish-Arabic origin (ver) probabl)
Abu 'Abbas al-Nabiti b al-Rumi»a 561-637/1166-
1240) There are thiee kinds ol al babunad} the
stalks leaves and general iorm of which are similai
to each othei The distinction between them is to
be found in the coloui of the blossom-leaves which
enclose the )ellow situated in the middle ol the blos-
soms lor the blossoms of these three kinds are ) el-
low in the middle In the white kind the) aie enclosed

b) s

s whicl

and o

in the purple-coloured kind b) s
are blue inside and outside, and in the >ello\v kind
b) small leaves which are )ellow inside and outside
The distinction between the white and the chr)san-
themum {al ukhuitan) lies m the scent, lor the chrysan-
themum assumes [extraneous] scents and all these
kinds have a pleasant scent (Nuiuosmani)e 3589
fols 108b 23-109a, 4) In general, babunad^ corre-
sponds to the avOeun; ol Dioscondes ( Materia med
ua ed M Wellmann, u Beihn 1906 145-7 = lib
m 137) and appeals therefore also tianscnbed as
anthamis (and valiants) Ikhuuan just mentioned, which
is uncommonl) often equated with babunaqj, is oth-
ei wise used b) the Arabs to render the wxpOeviov
tbaithamyun, and variants) ol Dioscondes \op at lib
in, 138) b) which we should piobabl) understand
the medical Matniana ehamomilla still m use toda)
Ibn al-Ba)tar, on the othei hand sa)s that the
white kind of camomile desenbed b) Dioscondes
and called ukhuuan b) the -\iabs has been leplaced
b) babunad} [Djami' i 73 11-13 = Lecleic no 220
at the beginning)

The blossoms of the camomile which contain an

B VBLiN \DJ - B \DH \M B \DH \N

checks inflammations \

(\rabic tr Istifan b Bis
Tetuan 1952 299 t
■iqrabadbin of al Kindi ti
196b no 29 Biruni
kaiachi 1973 \ribi
iukhuutn) GJiihki D,arr
k 155 i folb 8ji84a '

)1 5 with bibhographv
ntdua de Diosumdis n
ed Dubler ind Tries

thit st

>i the \nuent Near Eist such is those c
Egvpt and Babvlon In medi ie\ ll \ribn
v\ is known bv the teim badahandf or i
bised from the alternative Persian ten
bad handf (see Doz\ Supplant nt l 47) M
enlv \bbisid palace of Ukhivdn lr
\Rt HITLC T1IRE I (3) The

ind the word badgu ippears
seems piobable that It ik lot

\bbisid caliphat

tion shafts in the

n Iiak is bai

led the inteim

Egvpt The badahandf wis ilreidv t featuie of the
landsc xpe in enl\ Fitimid times toi the lstionomei
Ibn \unus (d J99/1008 9) [q ]| discusses the cor

k i 2b4 f Ibn Hub il

;>71 i 08 f Nuwi\
I9« 28b 91 umportu
1 \rabic poetiv) HG

;>0 W

Mahna

I Rabban

BACTROMANCY [see
BADAJOZ [see B«yu'
BADGIR (P ) hteralK

mlK bv thin r
petitions ind
VIVing bad*,* I

? Gulf c
isrepan

i the adve

e been

examined scientific lib, to ascertain exactlv how the
difference in air pressure required to ueate 1 down
draught is achieved See H E V\ ulfl Tk tradi
twnal (rafts of Pirsia Cambridge Mass 19bb 15
10b and E Beazlev Sorm icrnaiular building of the
Iranian plateau in Iran Jnal oj the British Inst of
Persian Studies xv (1977) 100 1 (both with illustia
tions) Marco Polo mentions the badi>in> of Hormuz
on the Pel si in Gulf coast is the onlv things which
mike life beanble theie m summei ind other
ti -Hellers such as Pietro delh \ alle ind Figueioi
hive left good descriptions of them (see H \ ule
Tk book oj Ser Marco Polo the \ tnttian London 1871

383 4

equallv

Iala'i (555/llbdi see k \ C Creswell Til, Muslim
anhikitiin of Eg>pt Oxtoid 1952 9 i 284 5 The
' idahandf is mentioned tn tl ""

ind the 1

,1 Din ;

Ghuzt,

[q i ] devotes a chaptei of his inthol
ogv the Matah al budur to the badahandi in poetiv
ind hteiature (see F Rosenthal Pottn and ankhi
tun tk Badhan, in jnal of Irabu Likiatun mii [1978]
1 19) In modem Fgvpt the usuil teim foi the ton
tiivmce becime m«//«/ [wind] catchei noted b\
I ine in his Manners and customs of tk modun Ejptians
ch xxi\ ind still m use (see S Spno in 4iabit
English dictwnan of tk lolloquial irabu of Ejpt C xno
1895 544 ventilxtor nr shift wind sul ) in
domestic houses the m shift usuilh led down to
the public rooms of the la a or mandara oi else to
inothei chimber used foi sleeping (see \ Lezine

dEg\ph in BED xxi\ [1971] 12 15)

Biblio^iaphi In iddition to ieteiences given in
the aiticle see \ Bidiwv inkteitural pro ision against
J\ES xvn ,1958)

i Figs

BADHAM, BADHAN Persia
\emen tow aids
Muhammids hiet

(C E I

r 570 \D when then

Sivf b Dhi i
nson with i

mihta

It wa

officiils ind

soldie

local \rab p,
\bm [q ]
1 he ■Xrab s

pul Itl

occupition of

the

the succession

of Pe

Vvahnz and r

is des

with Badham

who

nected with Uahin

BADHAM, BADHAN -

1960, 64; al-Mas'udi, Murudj, iii, 162-7 = ed. Pellat,
§§ 1015-20; Ibn al-Athir, ed. Beirut, i, 447-51).

Badham seems to have been governor in San'a'
dming Muhammad's Medinan period and when
Muslim contiol began to be extended towards South
Aiabia at a time just aitei Heiachus s defeat oi the
Sasamds the Persian community s position must
ha\e become increasinglv isolated and vulnerable

oi se\eial local groups contending loi masteiv in
the \emen Badham and the Abna' may accoid-
mgh have been inclined to ieceive Muhammad s
ovtitun sympathetic allv but whether this invoked
anvthing moie than an acknowledgement oi distant
political suzerainty is uncertain The sources recoid
Badham s conversion to Islam undei the vear
10/631-2 togethei with that oi other Abna' lead-
eis such as Fituz al-Davlami and the Abnawi schol-
ar Wahb b Munabbih [q i ] (al Taban i 17b3
Ibn al-Athir n 304 Caetani, innah u/1 358 3b9)
Western scholars have howevei been suspicious oi
this stoiv oi the conversion oi Badham and the
Abna' and Caetani described it as a pious fiction
oi the Muslim tnditiomsts in ordei to give a flavour
oi orthodox v to Badham s nominal submission to
Islam [ibid n/ 1 371) The first Ridda War in the
\emen under 'Avhala b Ka'b called al-Aswad or
Dh u 1-Khimar [see «.-<vsw \d] now supervened
Badham died at this point, his son Shahr succeeded
temporarily to some of his powei in the \emen in
11/632-3 (al-Taban i 1864) but was killed bv al-
Aswad Muslim political authority was piobablv not
imposed in the \emen bv Abu Bakr s generals till
12/633-4 In anv case these events maiked the end
oi anv degree oi Persian control in the \emen
though the Abna' continued is a distinct social
group well into the earlv Islamic period (ci al-
Sam'ani imab iacs if 17b- 18a ed Hvdeiabad

Bibliography In addition to the ieierences
given m the article see Noldeke-Taban Oaihuhte
dei Push und iraber, 220 ff Caetani Annali u/1,
358 369-71 661-85 idem Chionogiaphia is/ami
ca i 113 123 A Chnstensen Limn som les
Sassamdci, Copenhagen 1944 368-70 373 W
Montgomery Watt Muhammad at Medina CKfoid
1956 118 128-30 (CE Bosworth)

4L-BADHDH a distnct and ioitiess oi north-
ern Adhaibavdjan famous as being the headquar-
ters oi the Khurrami rebel Babak [q < ] in the first
decades of the 3id/9th centurv The exact site is
uncertain but it must have lain in the modem
Karadja-Dagh older Mavmad the ancient Aimeman
legion of P'avtakaran, to the north oi Ahar and
south oi the Araxes Rivei neai Mount Hashtad-Sai
at some spot between the modern distncts oi Harand
Kalavbar and Garmaduz (\ Minoiskv Studies m
Camasian hntor, London 1953 lib and addenda et
comgenda slip) Babak s fortress there was stormed
bv the cahphal general the Afshin Havdai [qi] in
222/837 (Taban m 1198 if tr E Mann The map
oj al Mu'taum (8jj 642) New Haven 1951 29 if)
The onlv earlv Islamic geographei or tiaveller to
give first-hand information about al-Badhdh is Abu
Dulaf al-khazradji [q,] who tiayelled from Tiflis
to Ardabil via al-Badhdhavn (this ostensiblv dual
foim iefleaing an onginal Badhin ?; piobablv leav-
ing the Aiaxes vallev and going up the Kalavbar
River He speaks in his Second Ruala of a mine of
red lamam alum theie whose product was called
Badhdhi he also mentions that local traditions about

Babak were still strong a century or more later, with
Khurrami sympathisers in the area expecting
the return of a Mahdi (Abu-Dulqf Mis'ar ibn Muhalhil's
traiels in Iran (circa AD 950) ed and tr Minoiskv
Cairo 1955 !) 15 tr 35-b comm 75) A later
source mentioning al-Badhdh Kazwini s \thai al
bilad Beirut 1380/1960 511 lepeats Abu Dulaf s
information and Yakuts entiv Buldan, l 529 is
laconic and umnformative

Biblwgiaphy Given in the article

(C E Bosworth)
BADHL M.-KUBRA songstress and rauna in
eailv 'Abbasid times died befoie 227/842 probablv
in 224/839 She was boin as a mulatto (muuallada
iafia') in Medina and bi ought up in Basia Dja'far
a son of the caliph al-Hadi acquired her and after
193/809 she became a favouied djama of al-Amin
and gave birth to a son of his Being a pupil of Ibn
Djami' Fulavh and Ibiahim al-Mawsih she preserved
the classical hid^azi stvle oi Arab music preferring
verses bv hidjazi poets also for her own compositions
She was a good songstress and lutenist (danba) a
^anja and was famous for having a repertoire of
about 30 000 songs For 'All b Hisham she compiled
a Kitab ft I ogham which contained 12 000 song texts
(without musical indications) and this became one of
the sources of Abu 1-Faiadj al-Isbaham (22 quota-
tions) 'Ah b Hisham rewarded her with 10 000 dinars
and when she died she left a fortune which was
inherited bv the descendants of 'Abd Allah b al-
Amin Among hei pupils weie Dananir and Mutavvam
al-Hashimiv\a

Bibliography igham' xvn 75-80 (see also
indices) Shabushti Dnaiat' 28-9 43 Nuwavn
Niha\a v 85-8 HG Farmer History of Arabian
mum 134 K al-Bustam al \isa al 'arabmat, Benut
1964 104-7 Kh Maidam DjamJiaiat al mughanmn
Damascus 1964 148-50 (E Neubwter)

^L-BADl' [see M^RRAkUSIl]

BADIYA i\j meant in the Umavvad period a
residence in the countryside (whence the
verb tabadda] an estate in the environs of a settle-
ment or a ruial landed piopertv in the Sv ro-Joi daman

For Musil, the badna was the successoi to the sum-
mer encampment called bv the old Svnan Bedouin
name of al lura At the opening oi the 20th cen-
turv the sense was restncted bv archaeologists to the
desert castles Thev went so far as to construct the-
ories about the attraction of the Bedouin wav oi hie
ior the Umavvads and about the conservatory role
of the desert in upholding certain verv persistent tia-
ditions stronger than those oi the nascent Islam Since
the Umawads weie of urban Meccan origin it is
hardlv necessary to look ior an atavistic Bedouimsm
in ordei to explain their preferences foi the badiw
The new masters of Syria leplaced in the towns as
in the countryside the old landholder, whose teni-
tones abandoned at the time of the Islamic con-
quest were part oi the plunder distributed to the
great men It was said that they sought outside
Damascus, then official capital purer air the hesh-
ness of summer nights piotection against epidemics
and vast open spaces foi hunting in fact the
Umawads had a keen sense of the value of the land
and the possibilities of financial return iiom fertile
agncultuial propeities

The agncultuial development of Syna goes back
well into Roman times Exploitation of the soil
developed in legions where the water supply was
difficult necessitating an elaborate system of nn-

BADR al-MU'TADIDI

which o

Llld o

, be |

undertaken uith state aid (ir the injection of pri-
vate capital and which was not to survive the down-
tall ol the Umawads One verv often finds an
adaptation ol earlier Romano-Bvzantine or Ghassa-
nid installations as at karvatavn the Bvzantme
Nazala at Kutavfa Ptolcmv s Ateia at the Roman
station of Usavs 01 at the classical and Bvzantme
centre ol Bavt Ras [,/ i ] Alternative^ there w.ie
new buildings erected as at the two Kasi al-Ha\is
[ ?l ] or at kasi al-Hallabat These were not desert

ered as essentiallv Umawad and constructed on the
plan ol the small forts inherited Irom the lastia ol
the /mi which had themselves been replaced bv
the imal foundations of the Ghassamds Theie is
vntuallv no Umawad construction which does not

> be I.

tnev aie all built in a zone within the hints
had been cultivated and populated since Hel
times and had been protected against an\ i
occupation bv Bedouins who might

After

>wed t

rang t:

lands, which then benefited from their di

The badna* aie gtnerallv to be found where theie
is a watei supplv eithei on a line ol tianshumance
thus peimitting contacts with the Bedouin tnbt s or
else neai some gieat artcrv of communu ation like the
loutes Irom Damascus and Bosia towaids Tavma'
the road fiom Damascus to kaikisiva [,/.], and the
ioute which iuns alone; the cultivable maigin ol the
Hamad fiom Rusafa ol al-Nu'man as fai as Tavma'
passing through Tadmur 01 Palmvra Bakhra' [</ c ]
Djabal Savs [q i below] and kasi Btnku' |see burki '
below] Their construct

[?'!

The Umawads liked to stav to the south ol
Damascus on the Ghassamd sites of Djabiva and
Djilhk [qa ], and often spent the winter in the Joidan
vallev at al-Smnabia or in the palaces built at khubat
al-Minva and khubat al-Maldjar [qiv] Their move-

:>und w

[ten diet

agncultuiallv pioductive centies Thev had a speci
liking loi the legion of the Balka' [q < ] wheie the
residences among the mild oases aie numerous arour
Mshatta [i;<] an unfinished woik of the caliph a
Wahd II [qc] which maiks the end ol the auh
tectural evolution ol the badi) as

Badita can be a svnonvm ol kasi [q i

and a bath as at Djabal Savs Certain badnat, vseie
used as centies for hunting tmutasanad\ like Aba 'ii
01 kusavr 'Arara A good picture ol the architec-
tural activities ol the Umawads in the badna is
given bv Abu 1-Fiiadj al-Isfaham in his A al
ighan,

Bibliography ighani Tables alphabetiques
H Lammens La «Badia» tt la «Hira» sous Its
Omanada in \1F0B iv il910i 91-112 = Ftudis

ated

a quest

n ol a

•sidenct

enclosuie with dimensic

small foits The walls are piovidec

towers unknown in Roman and Bvza

uthin a

the e

e pote

1 The

flanked bv monumental towers is an audience
chambei usuallv basihcal in plan with apse at the
end ol gieatei 01 lessei lmpoitance On the floois

to the same plan as those on the giound tlooi These
last aie decorated with maible slabs stucco woik
liescoes and mosaics In the immediate vicimtv ol

F Her

i Omar

\Isfu

Hiri,

•md Badna in Jah,

Jaussen and Sivignac Us thattaux arabis di Qim
'imra Haianah el Tuba Pans 1422 -\ Mus
Palrmuna New i ork 1928 \ppx i\ 277-89
Poidebaid La trait dt Rami dans It distil situ
Pans 1934 J Sauvaget Rtmaiquis sin Its man
mints ommadn inji I Jan -Mai ch 1939) 1-5
H Stern hotis sui '

Islam,

[1941)1

omanadt Vcmcf 19bb 235-48 A Miquel L Islam
tt sa luilisation Paris 19h8 504 D and J
Souidel La inilisatian di t Islam ilassiqut Pans
19b8 ?48-5r> kAC Cieswell Earh Umliin

tanate A native of C 5c (Shash Tashkent) he
, nugiated to India and lose to lav our at the couit of
Sultan Muhammad b Tughluk [</»] who confened
j on him the stvle of Fakhi al ~aman His kasa id which
contain lefeiences to a numbei of contempoiarv events
with the dates often expiessed in clnonograms con-
stitute an impoitant source lor a penod which is noto-
nouslv obscuie and contioveisial It is all the moie
unfoitunate theiefoie that his Shah nama an epic
chiomcle ol Muhammad s leign completed in
74V 1344-5 has not survived it was still extant in
the late 10th/ Kith centurv when the Mughal histo-
rian Bada'um [MuntaUlab al tanaukh ed M Ahmad
'Ah Calcutta 18b4-9 3 vols BM Indua i 241 1
describes it as a tic asm e

BibIio%iaph) Badi i Can hasa'id lith ed M
Hadi 'Mi kanpui nd lith ed and comm M
'Uthman khan Rampui 1872-3 2 vols extiacts
tr in Elliot and Dowson Histon aj India in 5b7-
73 Rieu (atalogut »/ tht Ptiuan USS in tin Bntish
\lusium London 1879-8? m 10 32

BADR al-MU'TADIDI Abu l Nadjm com-
mandei-in-chiel of the aimies of the caliph al-Mu'tadid
(279-89/892-902) He was the son ol one ol al-
Mutawakkils mmuili whose name cannot be estab-
lished with ceitaintv ikhun oi khavr?) and was fust
in seivice as an equerrv to al-Muwaffak gaining fiom
that time the lavoui ol the future caliph ai-Mu'tadid
who whilst still regent altei al-Muwaflak s death (Salai
278/Junc 891) made him chiel of police in Baghdad
and then altei his accession com-mandei of all the
loices Badi led seveial expeditions into vanous legions
(Fais al-Djaziia Tiak etc i m ordei to le-cstablish
the mihtan, situation which had been lendeud inse-
(uit bv the kaiamita [qi] At the same time he

the caliph exeicising a veto over even, thing He gave

BADR al-MU'TADIDI — BAHA' al-DAWLA WA-DIYA' al-MILLA, ABU NASR FlRUZ

one of his daughters in marriage to al-Mu'tadid's son,
the future al-Muktadir, increasing his influence still
further. He had the right to be addressed by his kunya,
and the poets, and Abu Bakr al-Sulr in particular,
did not fail to include him in their eulogies of the
caliph. It was because of his exceptional position that
he acquired the name of "al-Mu'taciidi", distinguish-
ing him moreover from several homonyms.

In 288/901 he pleaded in favour of al-Kasim b.
'Ubayd .Allah [see sulayman b. wahb] who was made
vizier thanks to his intervention, but who failed to
show him much gratitude for it. In fact, Badr refuse
to take part in his machinations against the sons of
al-Mu'tadid, so that al-Kasim, fearing denunciation,
took care immediately on the accession of al-Muktafi
(289-95/902-8) to blacken Badr in the eyes of the
new caliph and probably to profit also by the hos-
tility towards Badr of certain other commanders. Badr
fled to Wasit, but was imited to return to Baghdad
under a guarantee of amart; in the course of his trip
up the Tigris, he was attacked on the heights of al-
Mada'in by al-Kasim's agents, who cut off his head
whilst he was at prayer and sent it to al-Muktafi (6
Ramadan 289/14 August 902). His body was left on
the spot and was later carried away by his family for
burial at Mecca. This murder was denounced by the
poets and imputed to the caliph, who might have
been expected to heave a sigh of relief at seeing the
head of the once-powerful general whom he had at
first honoured on accession, but who seems however
to have reproached his vizier for it.

Bibliography: Tabarl, iii, 2209-15 and index;
Mas'Qdl, Murud^, viii, 114, 216 ff. = § § 3242,
3360-6 and index; Hilal al-Sabi', Rusum dar al-
khilafa, 94; idem, Wuzaia'. passim; Tanukhi, Nishwai,
Cairo 1392/1972, i, 172, 316-17, v, 110, viii, 114;
Ghars al-Ni c ma, Hafawat, 206; Ibn al-Abbar,
I'tab al-kuttab, Nos. 49, 50, 52; Ibn al-Athir, vii,
170-1, 357-9; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadharat, ii, 201;
Ibn Taghribirdi, Nudjum, iii, 129; Ibn al-Djawzf,
Muntazam, vi, 34-6; Sourdel, Vizirat, index, and bibl.
cited there. (Ch. Pellat)

BAGHR [see marid].

BAHA' al-DAWLA WA-DIYA' al-MILLA, ABU
NASR FIRUZ Kharshadh b. 'Adud al-Dawla
Fana-Khusraw, Buyid supreme amir, who ruled
in 'Irak and then in southern Persia also from
379/989 to 403/1012) after 381/992 with the fur-
ther honorific, granted by the caliph al-Kadir, of
Ghiyath al-Umma, and towards the end of his life,
those of Kiwam al-Dawla and Sail Ami

Mu'mi

I. He

third s

1, after

Dawla Marzuban and Sharaf al-Dawla ShTrzfl, of
the great amir 'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.], who had built
up the Buyid confederation into the mightiest empire
of its time in the Islamic east.

On 'Adud al-Dawla's death in Shawwal 372/March
983, Samsam al-Dawla, as the eldest son, succeed-
ed as amir al-umara', but his succession was disput-
ed by Sharaf al-Dawla, and internecine warfare
followed, in which the young Baha' al-Dawla was
also involved. Finally, in Ramadan 376/January 387
Samsam al-Dawla's position in Baghdad became par-
lous;' he submitted to Sharaf al-Dawla, who now
became the supreme amir, and was partially blinded
and im-prisoned at Slraf. However, Sharaf al-Dawla
died in Djumada II 379/September 989, and Baha'
al-Dawla, whom Sharaf al-Dawla had nominated
before his death as his successor, assumed power
in Baghdad as amir al-umara' at the age of 19. He
thus began a reign of 23 years, long by Buyid stand-

ards. This reign falls into two roughly equal parts,
the first filled with warfare against rivals like his
uncle Fakhr al-Dawla 'All of Ray and Djibal and
Samsam al-Dawla, now escaped from incarceration,
until by ca. 1000 he had consolidated his power in
Fars and Kirman and was able to make Shiraz, his
father's old capital, the centre of his own dominions
for the rest of his lifetime, acknowledged by all the
Buyid princes as supreme amir.

At the outset of his reign, Baha' al-Dawla recog-
nised Samsam al-Dawla in Shiraz as an equal ruler
controlling Fars, Kirman and 'Uman. In 381/991
he deposed the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ta'i' [q.v.] in
favour of his cousin al-Kadir [q.v.], whom he hoped
to find more tractable; this proved in fact the case,
and the new caliph agreed subsequently in 383/994
to become betrothed to Baha' al-Dawla's own daugh-
ter, though she died before the marriage could take
place. The amir also secured from the caliph at this
time a fresh grant of titles; and it is from this year
that the ancient Iranian title Shahanshah, used unof-
ficially by his father, appears on his coins (cf. W.
Madelung, The assumption of the title Shahanshah by the
Buyids and "The reign of the Daylam (Dawlat al-
Daylam)", in JJVES, xxviii [1969], 174-5). Baha' al-
Dawla now had to defend 'Irak and Ahwaz against
the ambitions of Fakhr al-Dawla (who, urged on by
his vizier the Sahib Isma'il b. 'Abbad [see ibn 'ab-
bad], had on 'Adud al-Dawla's death himself assumed
the title of Shahanshah and the implied headship of
the Buyid family), and northern 'Irak against vari-
ous local Arab and Kurdish chiefs. Samsam al-
Dawla, after his escape, took advantage of unrest
in 'Irak and of Baha' al-Dawla's preoccupation with
internal strife in Baghdad — the divisions of the Sunm
and Shi'I populace and of the Turkish and Daylaml
elements in the Buyid army — and seized Ahw3z and
Basra. Baha' al-Dawla secured the alliance of the
ruler of the Batiha, Muhadhdhib al-Dawla 'AIT b.
Nasr, and of the Kurdish prince Badr b. Hasanuya
[see hasanawayh]. Even so, his vizier and general
Abu 'All b. Isma'fl al-Muwaffak could make little
headway against Samsam al-Dawla's skilful com-
mander Abu 'Ali ai-Hasan b. Ustadh-Hurmuz. After
several oscillations in the fortunes of war, Samsam
al-Dawla was in 388/998 assassinated near Isfahan
by Abu Nasr Shah-Firuz, a son of 'Adud al-Dawla's
cousin and former rival Tzz al-Dawla Bakhtiyar.
AbO 'All b. Ustadh-Hurmuz now came over to Baha'
al-Dawla's side with the remnants of Samsam al-
Dawla's Daylami troops. Once Abu Nasr Shah-Firuz
had been killed in Kirman, Baha' al-Dawla was sole
master of the southern provinces of Persia, Fars and
Kirman, and of their dependency 'Uman. Two years
later, his implacable enemy Fakhr al-Dawla died,
and his successors in Ray and Hamadhan, the young
and inexperienced Madjd al-Dawla Rustam and
Shams al-Dawla Abu Tahir respectively, acknowl-
edged Baha' al-Dawla's supreme overlordship, as
coins minted at Ray from 400/1009-10 and at
Hamadhan from 401/1010-11 attest.

Baha' al-Dawla now moved his capital from
'Irak to Shiraz, captured from the temporary con-
trol' of the sons of Tzz al-Dawla, and never
returned from it to Baghdad. The move eastwards
showed that he regarded southern Persia as the
heartland of the Buyid dominions, and except for
the brief occupation in 390-1/1000-1 of Kirman
by the Saffarid Tahir b. Khalaf, the Persian lands
remained generally peaceful. But the relinquishing
of Baghdad as capital meant a distinct relaxation

l-DAWLA WA-DIYA'

iSR ITRUZ - BAHRIYYA

orth e

usted

to governors ffor much of this period, until his death
in 401/1010-11, to the 'Amid al-Djuyush Abu 'Air
b. Ustadh-Hurmuz) at a time when powerful ene-
mies were rearing their heads there. Baha' al-Dawla's
departure for Fars allowed the caliph al-Kadir to

enjoy ]

of a

authority, especia
SunnI interests against ShT'i policies of the Buyid
amir [see al-kadir biYlah for details]. Above all, the
contused situation in 'Irak after 'Adud al-Dawla's
death and the squabbling of his sons in Fars over
control of the empire had allowed local Arab poten-
tates in 'Irak to extend their power at Buyid expense,
so that direct Buyid authority was to be for much
of Baha' al-Dawla's reign confined to Baghdad and
Wash and their immediate vicinities. In northern
'Irak there were the 'Ukaylids \q.v.] of Mawsil; Baha'
al-Dawla sent against the ami) Abu '1-Dhawwad
Muhammad several expeditions, but could not entirely
quash his power, and after Abu '1-Dhawwad's death
in 386/996, his nephew Kirwash b. al-Mukallad (after
391/1001) carried on the struggle. In central 'Irak,
the Asadi amir 'All b. Mazyad was ever ready to
stir up the Bedouins of the Khafadja and Muntafik
groups [q.vu.] against Buyid rule, whilst in the south
of the country a rebel called Abu 'l-'Abbas b. Wasil
in 393/1003 seized Basra and invaded Ahwaz, hav-
ing driven out from the Batiha Muhadhdhib al-
Dawla. In 396/1006 a coalition of Badr b.

to besiege Baghdad, but the capital was saved by
Ibn Wasil's being captured and then executed
1 397 /100b). An attempt was made to conciliate the
Arab amirs of 'Irak, so that the 'Ukaylid Kirwash b.
al-Mukallad was in 396/1005-6 awarded the lakab
of Mu'tamid al-Dawla and the Mazyadid 'Air in
397/1007 that of Sanad al-Dawla. Also, the new
governor for Baha 1 al-Dawla in Baghdad after
401/1010, Fakhr al-Mulk Muhammad b. 'All, defeat-
ed the 'Ukaylids, drove oil" the Khafadja and man-
aged to make peace with the Kurds, who in fact
ceased to be such a threat to the Buyid position in
'Irak after Badr's murder in 405/1014-15.

In Djumada II 403/December 1012 Baha' al-
Dawla died at Arradjan, probably en route for
Baghdad. His corpse was taken to Baghdad and then,
like that of his father, interred near the grave of the
Imam 'All b. Abr Talib at Nadjaf near Kufa. It
appears that during his lifetime, Baha' al-Dawla's
(eldest?) son Abu Mansur had been the wall al-'ahd,
for his name, with the title of amir al-umaia', appears
on an inscription at Persepolis dated 392/1002, but
this son had died in 398/1008. Hence just before
his death, he had nominated his 19-year old son
Sultan al-Dawla Abu Shudja' as supreme amir, the
latter after his accession appointed his brothers Djalal
al-Dawla and Kiwam al-Dawl ' "

the Buyid fa
the recurren

of the later Buyids and
loney and for fresh iktii'

philosopher Miskawayh [q.v.] served as a secretar
nd despite the absence of n

, of o

tandini

: Shir;

I Tha'alibr in his Tatimmat al-latima. ed. Eghbal,
18, 26-30, mentions only two poets of note, Abu
'Abd Allah al-Husayn al-Mughallis and Abu Sa'd 'All
al-Hamadham), there is reason to suppose that Baha'
al-Dawla continued the tradition of patronage of
Arabic learning established by 'Adud al-Dawla before
him. Certainly, Samsam al-Dawla had as his vizier
for two years Abu 'Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Ahmad,
Ibn Sa'dan [q.v.

through t
d Shai '

tl-Dawla

s of Abu Hav

amongst Baha' al-Dav
ambitions of the Arab
sure from the Ghazna'

The <

itruggles

;ons, combined with the
in 'Irak and distant pres-
old then the Saldjuks in
the east, were soon to destroy the precarious unity
of the Buyid empire inherited by Baha' al-Dawla
from his father.

It is not easy to form a clear picture of Baha' al-
Dawla's character and personality, and he suffers in
the sources by comparison with his father. They
describe him as tyrannical to his entourage, avid for
gold and niggardly over its disbursement, but these

distinguished astronomer Abu Sahl al-Kuhi [q.v.]. Abu
Nasr Shapur b. Ardashir id. 416/1025 [see sabur b.
ARDAsnlR in EI']], who served Baha' al-Dawla as
vizier on several brief occasions during the first part
of his amu-ate, seems to have been a scholar of out-
standing calibre, considered by Tha'alibr as worthy
of a separate section in his anthology because of the
amount of poetry dedicated to him by such figures
as Abu '1-Faradj al-Babbagha, Ibn Lu'lu' and Abu
'l-'Ala' al-Ma'arn (latlmat al-dahr. ed. Damascus, ii,
290-7, ed. Cairo 1375-7/1956-8, iii, 129-30j; whilst
the governor for Baha' al-Dawla in Baghdad land
subsequently for his successor Sultan al-Dawla i Fakhr
al-Mulk was the patron of the poet Mihvar al-Davlaml
[</.r.] and of the mathematician of Baghdad Abu Bakr
Muhammad al-Karadji [q.v.; the msha to be correct-

ed thus

es], the

il-Kark
: Miskawa

r dedic;

requcni

ihudja' al-Rudhrawarl iup to 389/999) and ii
urviving fragment of Hilal al-Sabi"s Ta'rikh
■ring 389-93/999-1003 (both sources forming
Jth and Amedroz's Eclipse r.

'Abbas

leing

Amedroz for his study Tine,
of Buwaihal rule in Baghdad. A.H. 389-393. in JRAS
[19011, 501-36, 749-86). These specifically Buyid
sources can be filled out and supplemented by ihe
general chronicles of Ibn al-Athir, ix, Ibn al-
DjawzT, vii, and Sibt Ibn al-DjawzT, the latter two
especially important for events in Baghdad and

Of s.

accounts of Baha' al-Dawla's amirate and of the
cultural life of the period in Mafizullah Kabir, The
Buwailud drnasty of Baghdad [334/ '946-447/ 1055).
Calcutta 1964, 77-91, 179 ffi; in H. Busse, Clialif
mid (Jwsflcomg, die Buriden im Iraq 1945-1055). Beirut-
Wiesbaden 1969, 67 ff. and index; and in idem,
ch. Iran imdei the Buyids. in Camb. hist, oj hall, iv,
ed. R.N. Frye, Cambridge 1975, 289-96; The
extensive bibliography in Busse's book expands and
brings up-to-date that of the article buwayhids [q.v.].

(C.E. Bosworthi
BAHRIYYA. I. The navy of the Arabs up
o 1250. Although Near Eastern writers in mediaeval

times did not address themselves specifically to
the subject of bahriyya, references to seafaring activi-
ties made by Arab, Byzantine, southern and western
European chroniclers, geographers and travellers, as
well as pertinent details found in the Arabic papyri
and the Geniza documents, provide a considerable
body of information concerning the rise and fall of
the Arab navy.

The naval requirements of the Arabs were dictated
by the necessity of defending their Mediterranean ter-
ritories — stretching from Cilicia and Syria in the East
to the Spanish Levante seaboard in the West — and
of protecting their shipping, as well as by their offen-

Mediterranean. Until the appearance of aggressive
Italian fleets and the coming of the Crusaders, Muslim
sea power, along with that of the Byzantines, consti-
tuted the dominant factor in mediaeval Mediterranean
naval history.

The organisation and command structure of the
bahriyya were affected by the policy and strategy of
the caliphate. In the beginning of the 2nd/8th cen-
tury, the naval organisation involved several naval
districts and distinct, self-controlled fleets. The naval
districts, with their strategic ports (thaghr, pi. thughur
[q.r.]) and warships, remained under the jurisdiction
of commanders appointed by the caliph and respon-
sible for the supervision of the construction and equip-
ment of the ships; for their safety in the winter bases;
for the selection of the entire naval personnel; for
gathering and analysing naval intelligence; and for
giving operational orders. With the decline of the
caliphate, the organisational logistic, and operational
responsibility for the bahriyya rested with those dyna-
mic regimes whose power was based on the coastal
provinces, whether they enjoyed a sovereign status, as
was the case of the Fatimids, or that of local dynas-
ties, like the Aghlabids, the Tulunids, the Ikhshldids
and the Ayyubids [q.vr.].

An essential feature of the bahriyya were the dur
al-sina'a (sing, dar al-sina'a [</.;>.]). These naval instal-
lations served not only as operational bases, but
also as shipyards, naval arsenals and as the man-
power centres supplying sailors and combat per-
sonnel. The number and activity of these installations
depended on the degree of concern for naval mat-
ters of individual regimes. The latter ensured the
operations of the installations by raising taxes specif-
ically earmarked for naval expenditure; by procur-
ing raw materials needed for the construction and
fitting of warships; and by conscripting the neces-
sary manpower. The Muslim naval inventory
involved a great diversity of combat and support-
ive vessels. In fact "the Muslim navy not only had
a variety of names for a single type, but a single
name for a variety of types" (A.M. Fahmy, Muslim

A fleet [al-ustul [q.v.]) was commanded by the ra'is
al-ustid (commander of the fleet) selected from among
the top naval officers (al-kuawad), but the care of
weapons and direction of naval action were discharged
by the chief sailor (ka'id al-naivatiya). The crews of the
warships were made up of sailors (nuti, pi. namatiya);
oarsmen {kadhdhaf)\ craftsmen and workmen (dhamu
'l-sma'a wa 'l-mihan); as well as of the fighting men,
such as the naphtha throwers (al-najfatun) and the
marines. The actual fighting involved both the bom-
bardment with combustible projectiles, and the sub-
sequent ramming, boarding and hand-to-hand combat
of the marines. The latter were employed also for
landing raids.

The early history of the bahriyya was highlighted
by the raids against Cyprus in 28/649 and 33/655;
by the victory over a Byzantine armada in the Battle
of the Masts (Dhat al-Sawan [q.r. in Suppl.]) in
34/655; and by the two sieges of Constantinople in
54-69/763-9 and 98-9/717-18), during which the
Muslim fleets attempted to blockade maritime access
to the imperial capital, and supported logistically the
Arab land forces. In that period Muslim squadrons
raided Sicily in 32-3/652 and 46/666-7, temporar-
ily occupied Rhodes in 52/672 or 53/673 and Arwad
(Cyzikus) in 54/673, and raided Crete in 55/674.
In the first half of the 3rd/9th century, the position
of the bahriyya was enhanced by the reassertion of
Muslim influence over Cyprus [see kubrus] and the
conquest of Crete [see ikritish]; both these strate-
gic islands facilitated offensive operations against
Byzantine possessions. Regular Muslim fleets were
stationed at Alexandria, Rosetta, Damietta, 'Akka,
Tyre, Sidon and Tarsus. In the Western
Mediterranean, the navy of the Aghlabids engaged
in relentless attacks against Sicily [see sikilliyya] and
the southern and western shores of Italy from the
naval base of Tunis.

The pursuit of ambitious political goals in Egypt
and Syria by Ahmad b. Tulun (254-70/868-84) entailed
both an expansion of naval installations, especially
those of 'Akka, and the strengthening of naval squad-
rons. His example was emulated by Muhammad b.
Tughdj al-Ikhshrd (323-34/935-46); but neither the
fleet of the Tulunids nor that of the Ikhshldids proved
to be very effective. The former was annihilated in
293/905 by a small 'Abbasid fleet, the latter was un-
able to support Crete and Cyprus against the resurgent
Byzantine navy. On the other hand, in 291/902 the
Muslim bahriyya achieved a great success when Aghlabid
naval forces conquered Sicily.

Following the Byzantine re-conquest of Crete
(350/961) and Cyprus (352/963), the difficult task of
upholding the prestige of the bahriyya was taken over
by the Fatimids. Having inherited strong naval tra-
ditions from the Aghlabids, the Fatimids undertook
a major expansion of the fleet. Their powerful
naval squadrons proved instrumental in contesting
supremacy in the western Mediterranean. Malta,
Sardinia, Corsica, the Balearic and other islands
were attacked. In 324-5/934-5 a Fatimid fleet har-
ried the southern coast of France, took Genoa, and
coasted along Calabria, carrying off slaves and other
booty. In 344/955 another Fatimid fleet raided the
coasts of Umayyad Spain. In 358/969 a power-
ful Fatimid armada participated in the conquest of
Egypt. Concerned with the offensive operations of
the Byzantines, as well as with the need for pre-
serving the unity of their realm, which stretched from
North Africa to Syria, the Fatimids attached great
importance to the status of their navy. They found-
ed a "Department of the Holy War or of Maritime
Constructions": (Dlwan al-Djihad aw Dlwan al-'Ama'ir).
Ships were built in Alexandria, Damietta, at the island
of Rawda, in Misr, and in the new dockyards of
al-Maks, which alone is credited with producing
600 vessels. Availability of the services of the Syrian
thughur, such as Tyre and Tripoli, extended the oper-
ational capacity of the Fatimid fleet in the eastern
Mediterranean.

In the 5th/ 1 1th century the power of the bahriyya
began to decline. The North African provinces
slipped away from the Fatimids. The fleets of the
Italian mercantile republics asserted their prepon-
derance in the western Mediterranean and began

- BAKI billah

to raid with vntual impunitv the Algerian and
Tunisian shores The dvnamic Normans conqueied
Sicih and Southein Ital\ and then began piepar-

In the first half ot the bth/12th centurv the vic-
tories ot the C rusaders were facilitated b\ the decline
of Fatimid naval foices and resulted in the loss of
all Islamic coastal towns uilh the exception of
'\skalan Alter the sunendei of that lortiess in
548/1 15^ the coast of Egvpt became an eas\ tar-

An attempt to challenge the Christian na\al power
was made b\ Salah al-Din i5b7 80/1 171-031 the
supplanter of the Fatimids He increased the salaries
of the sailois re-toitified Egvptnn na\al bases and
cieated a special office ot the fleet [diuan aluitul)
to which se\eral blanches of Egvptian itvenue con
tnbuted In 574-5/117° his fleet counted 80 ves-
sels of which bO were gallcvs ind 20 transports
Mthough the revitalised navy achieved some suc-
cess during Salah al Din s struggle tgamst the
Ciusaders (including an effective counter-attack in
Dhu 1-Hidjdja 578/Fcbruarv 1183 agamst a dar-
ing Frankish penetiation of the hitherto immune
Red Sea waters) it proved impotent to prevent the
movement of Christian fleets bringing new hosts of
European warnois eager to fight against the Muslim
conqueiors of Jeiusalem The Thud Crusade (585-
7/1180-91) did not recover the Hol\ Cm but it
delivered a mortal blow to the Egyptian navy whose
squadrons tried smcidalh to suppoit the garrison
of 'Akka blockaded b\ a tiemendous concentrition
of Euiopean fleets According to al-Maknzi (7bb-
845/ Hb4- 1442), \ftcr the death of Silah al-Din
the affairs of the fleet weie given little attention
Service in the nav\ was considered to be a dis-
grace to such an extent that to call at an Eg\ptian
\ou sailoi 1 was tieated as an insult What a change
fiom the da\s when the names of the sailois were
invoked in the pra\crs of the people and from the
times when these ven sailors had been called the
soldiers of God waging the Hol\ War against the
foes of ■Ulah''

Bibliography AM < \bbadi Ta'nUl al
bahnyva al islamiyyaji \hsr na I Sham Cairo 1072
M Canard Lis npiditions des irabes tontrt
Constantinople dans Vhistoire it dam la legtnde in J4
ccvm (102b), bl-121, AS Ehrenkieutz The plait

in the Middle igis in JWS Kxv |1055) 100-lb
E Eickhoff Setkntg und Sitpohtik zaiuhen Islam und
[650 1040] Saarbtucken 1054 '"'

Fahnr

Muii

; Eastttn

Meditu

lObb W Hoenerbach irabtr und Uittdmiei in/any
und Problemt arabisihtr Seegtsihichtt in Zjh lelidi
Togan irmagam Istanbul 1050-5 370-Ob Dj
Khanki Ta'nkh al bahnyya al misnyya Cauo 1048
S Mahir al Bahnna fi Mm al islamma Cano
10b7 \ lewis \aial pouer and tiade in tin
Mediterranean ID 500 1100 1051 al-Makrm, al
Maaa'i ua I I'tibar Pans 1853 11 104 L -R
Menager imiratus Au,T|pSi; I Emu at it lis ongrnes
di limiraute ( \I Mil siettis) 10b0 Kudama b
Dja'fai \uskhat 'afid bi ailayat thaghi al bahi in M
Hamidullah Muslim londuit oj statt Kaiachi 1053
310-21 MA Shaban Islamic history AD 600 750
[4H 112) Cambndge 1071 M Talbi LEmnat
aghlabidi Pans lObb ^84-524

[\S Ehre
II, III [See Vol I. 045 fl]

BAKHIT al-MUTII al-HANAFI Muhammad
mup of Eg\pt horn 1014 until 1021 He was
boin m the village of al-Muti'a in the province ot
\s\ut on 10 Muhairam 1271/24 September 1854
\ftei completion ot his studies at al-Azhar in
1202/1875 he remained attached to that institu-
tion as a teacher until 1297/1880 when he was
appointed kadi of al-Kal\ubi\\a piovince This was
the beginning of his caieei in the judician in which
he seived as provincial judge in various lesorts as
kadi of Alexandria as kadi ot Cairo and in a num-
bei ot othei high positions such as the oflite of
Inspectoi ind the office of mujti in the Ministn of
Justice pnor to his appointment as mufti of Egvpt
on 21 December 1014 In the course of his caieer
he was involved either directh or indnecth in
notable events of the da\ such as the intrigues
against reform in al-\zhai as sponsored b\
Muhammad 'Abduh lef \hmad Shaflk Mudhakkirat,
fl msf lam Cano 103b 11 part 2 35), the compli-
cations surrounding the marriage of 'All lusuf [ibid
fall and the events of 1021 pieceeding Egvptian
independence (cf Shaffk 111 275 fl ) He was a mem
ber of al-Rabita al-Sharkivy a [qi], but resigned horn
this association in 1025 in protest to the effoits of
some of its members to bring about the annulment
of the intended tnal of 'Ah 'Abd al-Razik )cf \hmad

The

s Man.

sul ai

.ised bv Muhammad Bakhit in his Haiti at al Islam
uausul at hukm, Cairo H44/1025-b This book as
well as publications with suggestive titles such as al

Murhajat I yamamyy 1 fl 'unuk man lata hi butlan al nakf
'a/a Idhunyya Cano 1344/1025-b Ii shad al Ian' u a

I sami' ila anna il talal idha lam yudif ila al mafa ghayr
iiah' Cairo 1348/1029-30 Hudjdjat Allah 'ala
khali/atihi fi bayan hakikat al hui'an ua hikam Kitaba
tihi Cairo 1932 icflect Muhammad Bakhit s active
intellectual involvement with the various issues of his
time such as the disputts pettaming to the transla-
tion of the Kui'an the position of women and the
campaign toi abolition of the uakf ahli Othei pub-
lications such as his Tanbih al'ukul al msanma lima

raruyya Cairo 1344/1025-b Taixftk al Rahman li tauftk
bain ma lalahu 'ulama' al hay'a ua bayn ma dfa' Ji
ahadith al sahiha ua ayat al Kufan Cairo 1341/1922-
3 and al Djauab al shaft ft ibahat al tasix ir al jutughraft
Cairo nd and Risala ft \hkam lira' at al funughraj
Cano 1324/190b-7 show his concern with pioblems
msing out of the confiontantion of Islam with the
results of Western science and technologv
Muhammad Bakhit died on 20 Radjab 1354/18
October 1935

Bibliography For biographies see Zaki Fahmi
Sqfuat al'asi fi ta'nlji rusum mashahir ndjal Misr
Cairo 1320/1008-0, 501 ff Ilvas Zakhuia \Iifat
al 'asi Ji ta'nkh rusum alabir rigjal hi Mist Cairo
101b 11 4b7 Sulav man al-Zav van Kan alcanna?
Ji ta'nlh al 4Jar Cano nd 172 fl and the
weeklv alhlam Cairo ed Amin < \bd al-
Rahman) iv (1035) 30 38 f (an obituarv con-
taining biographical data)

BAKlBI'LLAH Khadja, Sufi saint ol Muslim
India bom in Kabul in 971/15b3-4 His tathei
Kadi 'Abd al-Salam Khaldji Samarkandi was a
scholaih Sufi and his mothei a descendant of
Shavkh 'Ubavd \llah Ahrai id 80b/1401) the dis-
tinguished saint of the Nakshbandi oidei [see
ahrar, kh adja, abov e] . He completed his earl}

BAKI BI'LLAH —

education and then studied the religious sciences under
the guidance of Mawlana Sadik Halwa'T, who had
stayed in Kabul at the persuasion of Mirza Hakim
in 978/1570-1 on his way back from the Hidjaz
to Samarkand. After some time, he accompanied
Halwa'T to Transoxiana, and there he outshone
other students of his in Islamic theology. As he
was inclined towards piety and Sufism, he visited
the famous Sufis and developed a desire for spir-
itual perfection. Hence he turned to India and
wandered about here and there in the Pandjab,
spending nights in vigil and performing mystical
exercises, to the point that his health was adversely
affected.

Having spent sometime in the Pandjab and
Kashmir, Baki bi'llah again went to Transoxiana in
1000/1592 in search of a spiritual guide. In Samar-
kand, he became the disciple of the Nakshbandi saint
Mawlana Kh"adjagi, who acquainted him with the
teachings and philosophy of his order. He adopted
the teachings of Shaykh Ahrar and returned to India
towards 1007/1599, settling down in Dihli as a founder
of the Nakshbandi order there and gathering a num-
ber of disciples, including some of the leading grandees
and scholars. Shaykh Farid Bukhari, one of Akbar's
prominent nobles, also became his disciple, and met
all the expenses of his khankah in Dihli. As regards
his teachings, he emphasised the importance of right
faith, strict adherence to the Islamic Shari'a, constant
meditation and the service of man; to him, this was
the essence of Sufism, and no importance was attached
to other mystic experiences. He considered Ibn
al-'Arabfs philosophy of wahdat al-wudjud ("unity of
being'") as a narrow lane, while 'Ala' al-Dawla
Simnanfs concept of wahdat al-shuhud he declared to
be a wider road.

Baki bi'llah died in 1011/1603 leaving a number
of distinguished disciples to further his work. It was
largely due to him that the Nakshbandi order sub-
sequently gained popularity in India and became one
of the important orders there, making an impact on
the religious life of the Indian Muslims which can be
felt even today.

Bibliography: Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat-i
Rabbanl, i, ed. Mawlana Yar Muhammad Djadld
Badakhshi, Kanpur 1877; Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk
Muhaddith, Akhbar al-akhyar, Dihli 1914; Athar
'Abbas Rizvi, Muslim revivalist movements in India
in the 16th and 17th centuries, Lucknow 1965; Mu-
hammad Hashim Badakhshani, ^ttbdat al-makamat,
Lucknow 1885. (I.H. Siddiqui)

BAKR b. AL-NATTAH, Abu 'l-Wa'il, minor
poet of Basra, who belonged to the tribe of Bakr
b. Wa'il and who eulogised Rabi'a; but it is not
known for certain whether he was descended from
Hanifa b. Ludjaym or from his brother Tdjl (Ibn
al-Kalbi-Caskel, Tab. 141), so that he is sometimes
given the nisba of Hanafi and sometimes that of
'Idjll. He spent part of his life in Baghdad, and
according to information given in the Aghani (xix,
38), he is even said to have received for some time
a stipend from the diwan of al-Rashid. However, he
seems to have led a fairly restless life in search of
patrons, being avid for rewards. He is moreover
made into a su'luk, a brigand of the highways, because
he boasted of using his sword in order to earn his
living; but the only relevant episode here mentioned
in the sources is an attack by the hordes of
Abu Dulaf al-Kasim b. Tsa al-TdjlI (d. 225/840
[q.v.]) after the latter had remarked to Ibn al-Nattah
that he was always boasting of his bravery but never

put it to the test. For the rest, his relations with
Abu Dulaf are unclear; according to one tradition,
he was recruited into his army and received a stipend
until the end of his life, whilst another tradition
describes him as coming every year to the master
of al-Karadj asking for money to buy an estate
allegedly adjacent to his own existing one. Whatever
the truth, he eulogised his benefactor, above all in
a fine kasida of 90 verses which has been preserved
by Ibn al-Mu'tazz. Abu Dulaf's brother, Ma'kil b.
'Isa, interceded on his behalf for the prince to par-
don Ibn al-Nattah's indiscretions, which led to sim-
ilar eulogies on Ma'kil and an elegy on his death.
Ibn al-Nattah also mourned the death of Malik b.
'Ali al-Khuza'i, at whose side he had fought in cam-
paigns against the Kharidjis of the district of Hulwan.
He is also found in Kirman, where he received a
regular stipend, and at the side of Malik b. Tawk
[see al-rahba], to whom he dedicated some pane-
gyrics. However, the chronology of all these events
is far from certain, and it is most unlikely that he
could have praised the latter person (who died in
260/874), at least if he himself died in 192/808,
which an allusion to his loss in the Diwan of Abu
VAtahiya (ed. Beirut 1964, 105, rhyme -ata, metre
sari') seems to support.

The critics recognised that he handled with talent
the various poetical genres, though at the same time
criticising him for certain exaggerations on occasion.
His eulogies and elegies remain within the Bedouin
tradition, but several poems in which he hymns a
dfariya called Durra have a more modernist form; it
was because these were set to music that Bakr b. al-
Nattah merited a notice in the Aghani. Out of his
total poetic production, which ran to a hundred or
so leaves tFihrist, 232), Ahmad b. Abi Tahir Tayfur
made a selection {Ikhtiyar shi'r Bakr b. al-Nattah) which
Yakut cites (Udaba', iii, 92).

Bibliography: Djahiz, Hayawan, iii, 196, iv, 232;
Ibn Kutayba, 'Uyun, index; Mubarrad, Kdmil, 561-
2, 708-9, 853; "ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabakat, 99-103;
Abu Tammam, Hamasa, ii, 88-9; Kali, Amali, i,
227; Bakri, Stmt al-la'ali, 520; Mas'Qdl, Murudi,
vii, 140 = § 2824; Aghani, xix, 36-52; Ibn 'Abd
Rabbih, 'Ikd, ed. Cairo 1940, i, 275; Tawhldi,
Imta', iii, 50; Marzubani, Muwashshah, 298; 'Askari,
Sina'atayn, index; Ibn Khallikan, Wqfayat, in the
notice "no. 511; Ibn Shakir, Fawat, no. 62; Ibn
Rashik, 'Utnda, ii, 53, 145; Khatib Baghdad!,
Ta'rikh, vii, 90; HusrT, £aAr al-adab, 596, 966-7,
1017; Nuwayrl, Maya, ii, 18; J.E. Bencheikh, Les
voies d'une creation, Sorbonne thesis 1971 (unpub-
lished), index; WahhabI, Mara§i', iii, 114-5;
BustanI, DM, iv, 105-6; Zirikll, A'lam, ii, 46.

(Ch. Pellat)
al-BAKRI, Muhammad Tawfik b. 'AlI b.
Muhammad, Egyptian religious dignitary. He was
born in Cairo on 27 Djumada II 1287/24 August
1870, and was appointed nakib al-ashraf [q.v.], shaykh
mashayikh al-turuk al-sujiyya (head of the tarikas [q.v.]),
and head of al-Bakriyya [q.v.] in January 1892 in suc-
cession to his deceased brother 'Abd al-Bakl, obtain-
ing life-membership of the maqjlis shura al-kawanin
(Legislative Council) and of the q^am'iyya al-'umumiyya
(General Assembly; in that very same year. During the
period in which he held the office of shaykh mashayikh
al-turuk al-sujiyya, various regulations for the Sufi orders
in Egypt were introduced. These regulations, which
were in force until 1976, allowed him to re-establish
the authority over the orders to which the head of al-
Bakriyya had been legally entitled since 1812, and

l-B-XKRI — \l-BALATI, A.BU l-F-YIH 'UTHMAN

which had declined dramaticalK undei his piedecessoi
<Abd al-Baki

■\s naktb al ashraj he was forced to abdicate in
]anuar\ 1895 b\ the Khedi\e 'Abbas Hilmi, who
must have aimed at cuibing al-Bakri s aspirations
to political significance as was suggested b\ Mahir
Hasan Fahmi (92 fl see bibhogi aphv ) Following
this event relations between il-Bakn and the

sought to mobilise Ottoman support in his attempts
to assert his position over Loid C romei the British
proconsul This was totallv unacceptable to al-Baku
since it ran counter to the unadulterated Egyptian
nationalism which he advocated In consequence he
showed himself to be aggressivelv antagonistic to
'Abbas Hilmi s polio, to a degree which brought
him close to being faced with legal prosecution for
lese-ma|este (cf Ahmad ShafTk Mudhakkirati ft nnf
lam Cairo 193b, u/ 1 248 1 Muhammad Husavn
al lltidjahat al uatamyya fl I adab al mu'asu Cairo
1954 i 94) When the Khedive changed his
pohcv and turned to the Egvptian nationalists in his
efloit to achieve freedom from Bntish tutelage rela-
tions improved considerablv and in carlv 1903
Muhammad Tawfik was again installed as naktb
al ashraj in succession to 'All al-Biblawi [q ]
who had been appointed Shay/Ji of

930 fl w 44 fl )— and he published a selection from
the works of eight poets from the 'Abbasid period
{Fuhul al balagha Cano 1313/1895-6) in addition to
a collection of poems and makamas in the style of al-
Hanri written bv himself [Sahandi al lu'lu' Cairo 1907
\ selection fiom this woik was published bv 'Uthman
Shakir undei the title al Lu'lu' ft I adab Cairo 1927)
As a poet he is consideied as one of the last rep-
resentatives of the classical tiadition

Bibliography The most extensive biogiaphv
Mahir Hasan Fahmi Muhammad Tanfik <'

Baku

1967

raphv is to

be lou

nd in h

s Bay

al Siddik Cairc

1323/1905

11 ff

Foi a d

m of tr

of his auth

ntv o

ver the

Sufi orders

n Egypt

and of the

mpac

of the

regula

tioducec

under his a

uspice

and of

his political

see F de ]

ong

of the

/ Mashay

,kh al
in 1

Baknyy

a and th
un Egyp

in A Dietr

d ) ikttn

dts

n Ron

aitiHi ju

irabntik und

Islamu.

isunuhaf

Got

ingen

976 22

ff , and ide

i Tu

mqli

tutions i

19th untun

Egypt

Leiden

1978

wher

the i

t this

xind

piochement between the Khedive 'Abbas Hi
Muhammad Tawfik the lattei became graduallv
more implicated in the Khedives pohcv notablv in
his efforts aimed at the deposition of the mufti of
Egvpt Muhammad 'Abduh who was a piotege of
Ciomers when the Khedive called upon him for
mediation on vanous occasions (cf ShafTk
Mudhakkuati n/1 348 u/2 34 fl 95 f Fahmi
103 fl ) On the political scene he manifested him-

ernment for which he campaigned in the Legislative
Council as well as in the Press He was committed
to pan-Islamism and was activelv involved in the

meetings for the foundation of the Umveisal Islamic
Congress \al Mu'tamar al hlanu al 'imma) proposed
bv Isma'il Gaspnnskv [q } held in the palace of
the Bakns in Cairo at the end of 1907 From the
latter veai onwards telations between al-Bakri and
the Khedive again become strained when Eldon
Goist who had succeeded Cromer to the procon-
sulate at the beginning of that veai managed to
win 'Abbas Hilmi awav from the nationalists and
obtained his support foi British policies This c lused
the relationship between al-Bakri and the Khedive

hostihtv which must have contubuted to the severe
paianoia which forced al-Bakri to abdicate al the
end of 1911 In 1912 he left Egvpt for Benut
wheie he was confined to a mental hospital until
earlv 1928 when he returned He died in Cairo in
August 1932

In addition to Muhammad Tawfik al-Bakri s signil-
lcance foi the Sufi orders in Egypt which have been
under the lasting impact of an administration which
was at least paitialh designed b\ him and which was
instituted under his auspices he is also notable for his
hterarv activities He founded a short-lived piedecessor
of the Academv of the Aiabic Language he compiled
an anthology of raa^a^ poetrv (\iadn al'iiab Cairo
1313/1895-6)— about which it was rumoured that it
had not been compiled bv him at all but bv Ahmad
b \min al-Shinkiti (cf al Muktataf xi\ (Cairo 1895)

EjON

BALANCE [see mintakat al-burudj mizan]
al-BALATI ABU l-FATH UTHMAN

b M-vnsur b Muhammad T^dj *l-Din gra
lan poet and adib onginallv tiom the 1
Balad on the Tigns which also had the n
Balat (see \ akut i 721 1 whence his msba of al-Balati
sometimes given in the diminutive ioim of al-Bulavti
Abu 1-Fath went fust ot all to teach in Svn;
then when Saladin assumed power in Egvpt

1171)

to Cai

e the

sultan

a fixed stipend and appointed him

mosques of the town He icmained theie till his
death on 19 Safar 599/7 November 1202 his corpse
was not discovered till three davs after his death
because the people of Cairo were preoccupied bv

each other

Thanks to 'Imad al-Din al-Isfaham (519-97/1125-
1201 [qi]i who knew him personallv, and to a tianj
called Abu Dja'far al-Idnsi (apparentlv not to be
confused with the famous geogiapher) who had been

habits He was tall corpulent with a loftv foiehead,
a long beard and a ruddv complexion he was verv
susceptible to cold alwavs wrapped himself up took

ind haidlv went outside in winter He had the lep-
utation of being extiemelv learned in all the liteiarv
fields but his personal conduct left something to be
desned he apparentlv sought the companv ot dis-
solute pei sons and sometimes got drunk

The examples which have been preseived trom
his poetiv show that it was of traditional type and
some poems show l special aptitude lor verbal

kasida a difleiing word in each verse which could
be read equallv well in the thiee giammatical cases
a lhvme in unu which exhausts the lexicons pos-
sibilities a schema maj'ala arbitranlv constiucted,
etc ) Neveitheless he also wiote a long poem in

l-BALATI, ABU 'l-FATH 'UTHMAN — BALYUNASH, ,

praise of al-Kadi al-Fadil [qi] in which Saladin s
secretary is placed above al-Djahiz Ibn "Abbad and
Ibn al-'Amid as well as a muixashshaha whose kjiard}a
is not however in accordance with the lules since

Al-Balatf i:

ofv;

a Kita

3 his peetrv, the author

al 'irud at

I Arud

1 A al Nanu

ikhbar al Mutanabh a A al Mustazad 'ala I mustazad
mm Ja'alat al adjuad, a A 'Urn ashkal al khatt a A al
Tashij ixa I tahnj and a A Ta'hl al 'ibadat

Bibliography \akut Udaba' xn 141-67 idem,
Buldan, 1 721 n 735 Tmad al-Din hhandat al
kasr A;™ shu'ara' al Sham u 383 Kutubi Fauat
n, no 279 Ibn Hadjar Lisan al Mizan iv 150-
1 Stryiiti Bughya, 323-4 Hadjdji Khalifa ed
Istanbul passim Brockelmann S I 530 Bustam
DM \ 24-5 MZ Enam h. muuassah en Orunl
Sorbonne thesis 1973 (unpublished) 90-1

(Ch Pellat)
BALBAN Ghfvath al-Din Ulucjj Khan the most
piominent of the slave Sultans of Dihh was
originalf, a Turkish slave of the Ilbari clan A mem-
ber of the famous corps of Fort, Slaves or C ihikam
raised b\ Sultan Iltutmish Balban lose b\ dint of
sheer merit and ability to be the mimstei and deputy
(na'ib i mamlakat) of the ascetic king Nasir al-Din
Mahmud Shah (644-64/ 124b-b5) to whom he had
given his daughter in mainage As de Jaito ruler dur-
ing Mahmud s reign he checked the forces of dis-
integration and infused vigour into the admimstiation
The experience which he earned during his deputy-
ship stood him m good stead when he mauguiated
his own reign in bb4/12b6 as Ghryath al-Dm Balban
following the death of the childless Mahmud Many
and varied were the problems which beset Balban
as he set to administer the country ruined b\ mtei-
nal anarclry and threatened with foreign invasion
The tieacheious manoeuv rings of the Turkish nobil-
ity the growing intensity of the Hindu resistance
and the mounting menace of the Mongol inroads
combined to create a situation which called foi leal-
lstic approach, coupled with a will to take bold

As a typical oriental monauh he advocated the
theory of the divine right of the king and ngidl\
insisted on the observance of court ceremonial Foi
iefiactoiy nobles he thought the assassins dagger oi
poison to be the only remed\ and he got rid of most
of them by a hbeial use of both With firm deter-
mination and concentrated drive he brought the
Mewati insurgents to then knees and suppiessed
the uprising of the Hindus of the Doab For repelling
the Mongol maraudeis, he put his able and trusted
son Muhammad Khan in command of an elaborate
defence anangement along the north-western fron-
tieis and as a result the advance oi the Mongols
was effectively halted At home the army was re-
organised an efficient espionage s\stem perfected
and art and literature liberally patronised The cele-
brated Amfi Khusraw [q v] was one of the liter-
vigorous administration peifect peace and prosperi-
ty prevailed over his kingdom, except for an insur-
rection in distant Bengal After peisistent flouting of
the kings will by the goveinor of that province
Toghiil Khan Balban had to take peisonal charge
of a strong military expedition which resulted in the
rebellious goveinoi being caught and slain His adhei-
ents were taken by the Sultan to Lakhnawti [iji ] where
they weie publicly punished by impalement This

exemplary chastisement was also intended to be served

he appointed goveinor of Bengal befoie letuming to
Dihh

Balban s beloved son Pnnce Muhammad whom
he had designated his heir, was killed earh, in
b85/128b in a fierce engagement with the Mongols
This bereavement eventually brought about his own
death a year later in b8b/1287 this sounded the
death-knell of the Slave-King dv nasty for the Khaldjis
took over the reins of the Dihli sultanate only three
vears later

Bibliography Diya al-Din Baram Ta'nkh i Firu^
Shahi Calcutta 18b0-b Shams-i Snadj 'AfTf
Ta'nkh i Firu*. Shahi Calcutta 1888-9 Elliott and
Dow son History oj India m Sir Wolseley Haig
Cambndge history oj India m, Cambridge 1928, ABM
Habrbullah Foundation oj Muslim tule in India Lahore
1945 AL Snvastava Tht sultanah of Delhi Agra
1953, P Hardy Historians oj media al India London
1%0 index G Hambly Who uere tht (luhileam
thtjoity skits oj Sultan Shams al Dm Iltutmish oj Ddhp
in Iran Jnal oj tht British Inst oj Posian Studits x
(1972) 57-b2, Muhammad 'Aziz Ahmad Political
history and institutions oj the earl) Turkish empm oj Delhi
(1206 1290) Indian edition Delhi 1972

(Abdus Subhan)
Sidi BALLA, Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah Ibn
'Azzuz al-Kurashi al-Shadhili al-Marrakushi a
cobbler of Marrakesh to whom thaumaturgic gifts
were attributed and who died in an odour of sanc-
tity in 1204/1789 His tomb, situated in his own
residence at Bab Ay Ian has been continuously vis-
ited because of its reputation of curing the sick
Although he had not received a very advanced edu-
cation Ibn 'Azzuz nevertheless succeeded in leav-
ing behind ap abundant body of works, dealing
mainly with mysticism and the occult sciences but
also with medicine However his works display
hardly any originality and none of them has inter-
ested a publisher despite the success in Moiocco of
his Dhahab al kusuj ma najy al zulumat ji 'Urn al tibb
ixa I taba'i' ma I hikma a popular collection of ther-
apeutic formulae (see L Leclerc La ihirure.it
dAbulcasis Pans 1861, n 307-8 H PJ Renaud in
Initiation au Maroc Pans 1945 183-4) his hasty al
rumu^ concerning medicinal plants is equally well-
known Out of his thiee works on mysticism the
Tanbih al tilmidh al muhtad} is perhaps the most ong-

the hakika [q i ] Finally in the field oflhe occult
sciences his Lubab al hikma ft 'dm al huruj ua 'dm

survives is a treatise on practical magic and di\-
inatory magic

Bibhoe,,aphy On the manuscripts of Sidi
Ballas works see Brockelmann S II 704 713
M Lakhdar \u htkram 253-b see also Ibn
Suda Dahl Mu'amkh al Maghrib al Aksa Casa-
blanca I960 n, 446 449 <A Gannun al Nubugh
al Maghribi Beirut 1961 i 304-5 310

(Edi
BALYUNASH, also B NYUN SH (in Leo
Afncanus i ,e.nones, in Marmol I aldtvmom s)
Poituguese Bulhoes, Spanish Bullones site of a once-
important karya 8 km \\ N \\ of Ceuta beneath
Sierra Bullones (Djabal Musa) Its name is from
the Spanish Romance bunyohi vine\aids not Bu
or Bern \unus/-ash etc Sunounded on land by
mountains Balyunash lies in a small valle\ drop-
ping shaipl\ to a creek in a ba\ set in a nanow part

BALYtJNASH, also B.NYUN.SH — BARDALLA, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD

In Islam the aiea s history m i\ well have begun
with Musa b Nusayr [q i } who is said to ha\e
ciossed to Algecnas in 9V712 from uhit became
Marsa Musa latti within the oibit of Balvunash
Levi-Pio\encal \Hnt Esp mus n 260) associates the
emeigence of Bahunash pioper with a palace built
iraong gardens bv Ibn Abi ' \mir 'Almanzoi) and
piotected b\ a fortress on the shoie In the 5th/ 11th
centuiv Balvunash was ceitainlv known to the geog-
lapher al-Bakn as a laige feitile and populous place

Ther

mport

1342 it witnessed a battle between ships fiom a
Mannid-Nasiid fleet and \esstls from l C istilian
fleet covering Altonso \I as he besieged Algttiras
The hevday of Bahunash- lauded as an Eden bv

Mediaeval Ceuta a i datively ban en isolated and
and peninsula can be seen as the laison d ttrt of
Balvunash A resoit foi pnntes and the nch who
had fortified villas there the latter was certainly i
nth souite of tresh food ind ibove all flowing watei
which in Mannid times it least must hue been fed

roveinor of Balkh from 2W847-8 onwaids being
;till theie when the Saffind \ a'knb b al-Lavth cap-
ured the city tempoianh in 258/872 Dawud fled
o Samnkind in Samamd temtorv Isc to refuge with
us suzeiains >) but letumed to Balkh shoitlv aftei-
*aids and died theie in 259/87 5 (Barthold Turhstan
ioun to thi Mongol imasion 77-8) It was probablv this
Diwud (thus accoiding to \ asmer op at 50 pan
rquart) and not the Dawud b Abi Dawud of the
Khuttal local lulers isee below) who at one point in
career made a laid south ot the Hindu Kush
against the local luler Fiiuz b Kabk who was piob-
abh fiom the famih ot Zunbils of Zabuhstan ilbn
Khunadadhbih 180 cf Mas'udi Murudi vm 42
127-8)

Dawud b al-' Abbas s kinsman I ■> nephew) Abu
Dawud Muhammad b Ahmad mled in Balkh fiom
260/874 onwards after having already contiolled
Andaraba and Pandjhn in Badakhshan the lattei
place impoitant for its silver mines during the veais
259-61/873-5 \a'kub b al Layth took ovei Pandjhir
and minted coins theie but m 261/875 Abu Dawud
Muhammad was once more able to issue his own
coins fiom theie (\ asmer I bit du Murium dtr
Sajfandin und ihitt (n^nti in Fan und Hurasan m \um
Zntvhr NF xxm [1930) 1 »-4) If the inhumation
ot the local histonin ot Bukhaia Narshakhi is coi-
rect Abu Dawud Muhammad was still luhng in
Balkh in 285/898 oi 286/899 when 'Ami b al-
Layth summoned him togtthei with the Fanghumd
ami) of Guzgan and the Samamd Isma'il b Ahmad
to obedience iTa'tifh i Bulhata ti Frye Tht hitton

rallel 1

cf \a-.
ine of g

54-5)

and a

es Balbas L
1957) 275-9

text ot which see Hisfiim \n (1931) Tetuan
11959) and ed A Ben Mansour Rabat 1969
see also J \alhes ti in it indalus xxvn (1962))
B Pavon Maldonado -irtt hupanomusiilman in
(tula in Cuadanos di la Mhambra vi (1970) 69
107 plus plates G Ay ache Bdiounuh it U dis
tin di Ciula in Hupim Tamuda Mil |1972) 5-36
R Ruird Etudes sur I histoin dti Pmtugms au
Maroe passim GS Colin Fhmolo°it> ma^nbints

(J D Latham)
BANIDIURIDS or Abu Davvudids a minoi
dv nasty probably of Iiaman but conceivably of
Turkish origin which ruled in Tukhuistan and
Badakhshan sc in what is now Afghan Turkestan
with i possible panllel bianch m khuttil st in what
is now the Tidzhik SSR during the latei 5rd/9th
and eaily 4th/ 10th tentunes

The genealogy and historv of the Binidjunds aie
veiv imperfectly known despite the attempts of
J Marquait in his Eiamah, 300-2 and R \ asmei
in his Bntiage ur muhammidanuehen Munzlunde I Dit
UwKtn dei \bu Da'udidoi in \unmmatnehe ~eiti<hi N F
win (1925) 49-62 to elucidate them through the spaise
historical ieferences and the meagie numismatic evi
dence It setms that thev sprang fiom one B imdjui
a contemporary of the earlv 'Abb isid caliphs al-Mansur
and al-Mahdi who had connections with Farghan i,
and his son Hashim (d. 243/857-8) was ruler of the
mountain districts of Wakhsh and Halaward on the
upper Oxus. But the first member of the family known
with any certainty is Dawud b. al-'Abbas, who was

Oxus in Khut
Ibn Khurradadhbih hi at describes the rukr of
Khuttil in ea 272/885-6 al-Hanth b Asad as the
kinsman of Dawud b il- c Abbas governoi of Balkh

was still I uhng in 293/906-7 Neveitheless \ asmer
thought that the appaientation of al-Hanth b Asad s
line to the main stock ot the Bamdjunds was dubi-
ous These Khuttal princelings minted coins in the
eaily 4th/ 10th century and the rebellious gover-
noi of Khurasan Abu 'Ah C agham in 33b/947
ed help fiom the amir Ahmad b Dja'fai

who

n \ asm(

ached t.

off

spring of Abu Dawud Muhammad b Ahmad
[Bntratt 59 ff , cf Gaidizi ~a)n al alhbai ed
Nazim 36 ed 'Abd al-Havv Habtbi 157 and
Barthold Tuit titan 248 We do not know how

oflocal rulers in Khuttal during the earlv Ghaznaw
id penod and a sister of Mahmud of Ghazna the
Hurra yi Khuttah of Bavhaki was possibly man led
to one ot these lulers cf Boswoith Till Ghajiaudi
thin impvt in Afghanistan and tasttrn Iran 1 58 237
and idem Tin later (rha^nands splendour and dam
The dynasty in A^hamstan and noithirn India 1040 1186
Edinburgh 1977 148

Bibliography Given in the aiticle \ ismei
Batmge 5 5 has a conjectural genealogical table fol
lowed bv Zimbaui in his Manuel 202 204

(C E BOSWORTH)

BARBER [see celebi hall^k, in Suppl J
BARDALLA, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAM-
MAD al-'ArabI b. Ahmad al-Andalusi, prominent
Moroccan kadi in the reign of Mawlay Isma'il [q.u.].
Born in Fas on 2 Djumada II 1042/15 December
1632, he died there on 15 Radjab 1133/12 May 1721

BARDALLA, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD — BARHA SAYYIDS

and was interred outside Bab Gisa (al-Djisa) on the
leit or Karawiwin bank of the Wadi Fas

Mainh because of its non-Arabic origin Bardalla
is vocalised differentl\ in the Aiabit sources and in
some one encounters coirupt forms such as in Bin
Dalla Understandabh we find inconsistencies in
European spellings (Bordola Bordala Berdella etc )
This last ioim most nearh represents the pronun-
ciation of the familv name as found in 20th centurv
Fas and it closeh accords with the onlv two forms
which — on the basis of scrutinv of manuscripts
and inquiry from informed local souues — can be
consideied acceptable viz Bardalla Bui dalla The
Andalusian origin of Muhammad al 'Arabi s iamilv
suggests that the etvmology is to be sought in a
Romance diminutive in elk oi an epithet 101 respon-
ding to sa> the modem Castihan panto blown

duskv Such a name is quite probable isee filaha
vol in 901 col 2 and if Nghialh < Negrello
and on uh > a (ta> ma, but a) cf also Ibn Sida [q i ]
< Ibn Siduh)

A respected jurist and teacher Muhammad al-
' \rabi seems to have been a popular and influential
religious leader Dunng the fust half oi the 17th cen-
turv and the first half oi the 18th notablv between
1088/1677 and 1118/1706-7 we see him against
the background of the mosque of al-Karawiw in [q i]
semng in various religious capacities — mujti supei-
mtendent of religious endowments (nazii al
aitkajlahbas) khatib and imam and last but not least
kadi of Fas (kadi I ajama'a) In this last office his
caieei was somewhat erratic because of dismissals
and reinstatements bv the sultan Thus from
1088/Decembei 1677 when he replaced one
Muhammad b al-Hasan al-Madjdjasi, he had at least
five or six separate terms of office. His initial trou-
bles seem to have stemmed from the attempts of al-
Madjdjasi to cling to office and his later ones from
the effects of local politics and rivalries. In 1116/1704
he was denounced to Mawlay Isma'il for perform-
ing the salat over his dead rebel son, Mawlay
Muhammad al-'Alim, but the sultan's wrath can have
done him little harm, for we find him leading the
Eclipse Prayer at al-Karawiyyln in 1 1 18/1706. A man
of evident integrity, he is described in one source as
"the last just kadi of Fez".

Bibliography. In addition to Levi-Provencal,
Chorfa, 306 (see references in n. 1), 309, 312, 403,
see the new edition and English translation, by
Norman Cigar, of al-Kadiri's Mashr al-mathani
(= part I of a D. Phil, thesis, Oxford 1976 (details
in Bulletin of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies,
3 (1976), 43 f.)), i (tr.), 23 and n. 8, 26, 29, 30
f, 35, 46, 54 f; ii, 94, etc.; Mawlay Sulayman,
A". 'Inayat uli 'l-mad^d k-dhikr al al-Fasi b. al'fyadd,
Fas 1347, 27, 26, 40, etc.; al-Nasin, A'. al-Istiksd',
vii, Casablanca 1957, 54, 91, 106, 107, 113; In
Ibn Suda, Datil mu'amkh al-Maghrib al-Aksa there
are references to parts of two works preserved in
the private library of Muhammad b. Ahmad
Bardalla in Fas, one dealing with the early 'Alawids,
the other treating of the sulaha' of Fas, but they
seem to be the work of Muhammad al-'Arabi's
son despite the index reference (DalJl, Casablanca
1960, 1965, i, 42 (no. 69), 145 (no. 525), n 608
(index), cf. ii, 441 (no. 2034)). (J.D. Latham)
BARHA SAYYIDS (Barha from the Hindi
numeral barah "twelve"), the name applied fiom
Akbar's reign onwards to those in possession of
a certain group of twelve villages in the
Do '5b (Muzaffarnagar district, U.P.).

Aitei the establishment oi the Ilkhamd Mongol king-
dom in Persia and Tiak in ia 65b/ 1258 manv Saw id
families rmgiated to India and obtained grants oi vil-
lages in the aiea extending from the Pandjab to Bihar
Some of them weie endowed with qualities of leadei-
ship and not onlv exercised effective control over their
own villages but l allied the support oi the neigh-
bouring village leaders generallv Hindus The authen-
ticitv oi their claims to be Sayvids was always suspect
but their chivalrv and heroic achievements made them
indispensable to the Dihh iultans The ancestoi oi the
Barha Saw ids Abu 1-Farah left his original home
m Wasit [qi\ in 'Irak with his twelve sons at the
end of the 7th/ 13th oi m the 8th/ 14th centurv and
migrated to India where he obtained iour villages in
Snhind [qi] Bv the lOth/lhth centurv some oi Abu
1-Farah s descendants had taken ov ei the Barha vil-
lages in Muzaflarnagai In the reign oi Akbar the
Barha Savyids occupied a place of distinction and
nine oi them held mamafc [qi] ranging irom 2 000
to 250 the total family tnansab being 8 550 a verv
high position in the Mughal hierarchv Natuiallv with
the Baiha villages as a nucleus the Saw ids owned
extensive d/agin [qi] m the region Their pride in
their Indian birth gieatlv appealed to the local Hindu
leaders who helped them to raise the strong contin-
gents thev led m the Mughal imperial wars Occupy-
ing a distinguished place in the vanguard like
many Radjput warriors they preferred to fight as
footsoldiers

Bv the reign of Awrangzlb although ostensibly
they maintained their traditional lovaltv thev weie
impelled bv ambition to join in the scramble for
political power For example Saw id Hasan 'Air
(afterwards 'Abd Allah Kutb al-Mulk) and his voungei
brother Husayn 'Air, known as the Sayyid brothers,
by helping Farrukh-Siyar [q.v.] succeed to the throne
in 1124/1712, obtained for themselves the highest

puppet emperor. They abolished the ajizya and tried
to conciliate the Radjputs; but by giving too much
administrative power to their favourite, Lala Ratan
C and, a Vaishya, they dislocated the entire admin-
istrative machinery. Finally, in 9 Djumada II 1131/29
April 1719, they deposed and strangled Farrukh-
Siyar. They then raised four puppet rulers to the
throne, one after the other. However, early in the
reign of the fourth puppet emperor, Nasir al-Dfn
Muhammad Shah [q.v.], they and their supporters
were defeated by an opposition party under the lead-
ership of Nizam al-Mulk [q.v]. On 6 Dhu '1-Hidjdja
1132/9 October 1720, Husayn 'Air was assassinat-
ed, and, on 14 Muharram 1133/15 November 1720,
'Abd Allah was defeated near Agra, taken captive
and killed in his Dihll prison on 1 Muharram
1135/12 October 1722.

The Barha Savyids were ShiTs, and many Sunni
Sayyid families, such as that of Shah Wall Allah
Dihlawl [q.v.], who lived in their neighbourhood,
exerted themselves to ensure that the Barha Sayyids
did not recover their political power.

Bibliography: Besides the works cited in
Bahadur Shah I, Djahandar Shah and Farrukh-
Siyar, see Munawwar 'All Khan (ed.), Istisal-i
Sadat i Barha, India Office Ms. 4002; H. Blochmann
(tr ) and D C Phillot (ed.), A'ln-i Akbarl, Calcutta
1939 i Shah Wall Allah, Maktubat-i Shah Wall
illah Rada Library, Rampur (U.P.), Suluk Farsl no.
b04 SAA Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history of
the Muslims in ikbar's reign, Delhi 1975.

(S.A.A. Rizvi)

apparentK wooded region of the
ance m Iran, described b\ the medi-
geographers as the haunt of
the Kufitis or Kufs and the

s tec
steepsided giamte chain running in a NW-SE duec-

(sc the massif which culminates in such peaks as
the Kuh-i Hazai and the KQh-i Lalazar), to the
south of the towns of Bam [q <, J and Fahradj the
geographers count it as amongst tht garmsvat 01

Djabal Bauz uses to"! 2 450 feet, and the Hudud al
'Slam states that it possessed mines of lead toppei
and lodestone

The actual name appears variously in the sources
as Bauz, Bandjan, etc the modem foim being

tions riaptKdvioi who paid tnbute to Darius and
supplied infantry foi Xerxes' aim\ (it Mai quart,
ErSnsahr 51), and Tabari, i 894 sa\s that Khusiaw
AnQshirwan le-estabhshed Sasamd control over the
people of al-Banz aftei the anarch\ of Kubadh s
last \eais Until the earl\ 'Abbasid period, the Djabal
Banz lemained a stionghold of Zoioastnanism The
Kuficis or 'mountaineers" of the legion iesisted the
attempts of Ya'kub b Layth to assert Saftand con-
tiol o\er Kirman, and it was piobabK onK after
this time (sc the later 3id/9th century) that Islam
began to penetrate there The geographers of the
following centurv describe the people of tht moun-
tain as savage iobbeis and bngands whom the puni-
tive expeditions of Ya'kub b Layth, the Buyids
Mu'izz al-Dawla and 'Adud al-Dawla, and the
Saldjuk Kawuid b d'aghn Beg quelled onlv tem-
~ "" "osworth. The hufiti~

son Khalid, who was still a child, the son of this
last, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (correcting Yakut
l daba', lot at) would appear to be the fust mem-
ber of this tamilv to paititrpate in the transmission
of Shfr tradition A supporter of 'AIT al-Rida (d
203/818 [qi]) and of his son Muhammad al-Djawad
(d 219/834) whom he ceitainlv visited, he was the
author (if we are to believe Ibn al-Nadim, Filunl,
Cairo ed 309-10 cf al-TusT, Fihust, 153) of a num-
ber ol works, st the Kitab al 'Aius A al Tabsira A
alRidial (on tiansmitters of traditions ascribed to
"Ali b \bi rahbl and the A al Uahasin, which

attribution If we are to |udge bv the details sup-
plied bv Ibn al-Nadim this A al Mahasin would be

constituting a soit of encvclopaedia of knowledge
which a good Shfi would be obliged to possess in
ordei to conform to tradition Km" '

Pirn

\ hai

of ft

'i Inst

Persian Studus, xiv (197b), 9-17) OnK
tvaftar and Dihak, are mentioned as market centres
oi the mountain The Djabal Ban? long remained
m inaccessible place and Sn Peicv Sykes descnbes
t as still being a haunt of thieves when he was
British Consul in Knman \A fifth journn in Persia, in
r M0tri Jnal, xxv in (1906) 4»)

Bihlwgiaph In addition to the refeiemes given
in the aiticle, see Muhammad b Ibrahim, Ta'rikh
i Saldjuhnan i human, ed M BastanT-PanzI, Tehran
1%4, 6 n 1, Hudud al 'Slam ti Minoiskv, 65,
125, Le Stiange Tht lands of tht Eastern Caliphatt,
316-17 Admiralh handbook, Persia, London 1945 88,
95 98, 106, 391, For Euiopean tiavellers in the
region, see A Gabriel Du Eijonthung Ptrsitns,

1952

(C E 1

al-BARKI

membei, Abu Dja'fai ahmad b muhammad b Khahd
b 'Abd al-Rahman b Muhammad b 'All, enjoys
a consideiable tenown in Iraami tncles When the
ancestor of the family, Muhammad b 'All, was
imprisoned and put to death by Yusuf b. 'Umar al-
Thakafi (governor of 'Irak from 120/738 to 126/744
[?.».]) following the suppression of" the revolt of Zayd
b. 'Alt (122/740 [q.v.]), his son 'Abd al-Rahman
escaped and established himself at Barka, in the
region of Kumm, whence the ethnic name al-Barkl,
to which there is sometimes added, for the purpose
of avoiding confusion, the name al-Kumrm (Yakut,
Buldan, i, 572, s.v. "Barka", gives the nisba precise-
ly, but in the Egyptian edition of his Mu'dfam al-
udaba', iv, 132, al-Barkr becomes al-Rakkr). 'Abd
al-Rahman b. Muhammad was accompanied by his

raphv,

Howe

Ibn al-Nadim who probabK did not \

eightv of them and adds that the son of Muhammad
Abu Dja'fai Ahmad, composed thiee works of his
own the A al Ihtidjad) (a subject alieadv dealt with
bv the preceding), A al Safar and A al Buldan more
developed than that of his fathei '

Now the authoi of the Fihrist is tunouslv, the
onlv one to attribute a fust veision of the A al
Mahasin to Muhammad b Khahd Yakut totalis
ignoies this individual, whom he mentions neither
in the Mu'iiam al buldan, noi in the section of the
Uu'diam aludaba' Uv, 132-6) devoted exclusivelv to
Ahmad b Muhammad and probably incomplete, bas-
ing himself, without admitting it, on the Fihrist ol

specifying that thev constitute the A al MahSsin men-
tioned above, but giving the impiession all the same
that the number of these kutub is vanable and assert-
ing that he has personal knowledge of those that he
enumeiates, he judges this Baikr 'woithv of cre-
dence, reliable {thika) although he repioaches him

hadlth'i transmitted directly bv rep-

The san

I the s,

ond s

reproach is directed at him — and in
tire same teims — bv Shfl writers who describe how
he was temporarily expelled from Kumm because of
the defects of his methods, these authors ignore too
the father of Ahmad, they declare that this last was
very wise and learned composed veise and had many
disciples (although the ones that they mention bv
name mostly belong to a later penodj, they make
him an associate of Muhammad ai-Djawad (which
would seem haid to accept) or of 'Air al-Hadi (d
254/868; and a contemporary of al-Mu'tasim (218-
27/833-42), they make no mention of his successor
and they suggest that he died in 274/887-8 or in
280/893-4

The articles which the Shi*! n&aliyym devote to
him are conveniently reproduced by Muhsin al-Amin
al-'Amili in his A'yan al-Sht'a (ix, 266) and most com-
pletely by al-Sayyid Muhammad Sadik Bahr al-'Ulum,
who was responsible for the second edition of the
Kitab al-MahSsin (Nadjaf 1384/1964, two volumes
I bound in one; the first edition, by Djalal al-Din al-
Husayni, Tehran 1370 (?) remained inaccessible to
the author of the present article).

It must in fact be said that this celebrated K. al-
I MahSsin, which appears to have enjoyed great influ-
I ence over a long period, has not survived in an

l-BARKI — BASBAS

integral form, although it has not totally disappeared,
and eleven of its "books" have been preserved: (1)
al-Ashkal wa 1 km a' in (11 tabs); (2) Thawab al-a'mal
(123 tabs); (3) 'Mb al-a'mal (70 babs); (4) al-Sajwa wa
•l-nur wa 'l-rahma (47 babs); (5) Masablh al-zulam (49
babs); (6) al-'Ilal 1 1 bab); (?) al-Safar (39 bah); (8) al-
Ma'akil [136 babs), (9) al-Ma' (20 babs); (10) al-Manafi'
(6 iafc); (11) al-Marafik (16 Aafa). These titles almost
all appear, in the same form, in the ancient lists,
where there is also reference to htabs derived from
babs in the published chapters. So we possess one-
sixth or one-seventh of the original work, which is
essentially a collection of hadiths attributed to the
Prophet and to the Ahl al-Bayt, in paiticular to al-
Husayn b. '.Air b. AM Talib, simply classified and
reproduced without any interference on the part of
the compiler. To judge by what has survived, the
collection constituted a sou of musannaf of a partic-
ulai type grouping together all the traditional ele-
ments that the Imami considered to be essential, both
in matters relating to the faith and in questions of
everyday life. .All the same, a certain lack of order
dominates the classification of traditions, so for exam-
ple we find hadlths concerning bread in the chaptet
devoted to water (no. 9), whereas we would expect
to find them in the preceding chapter (al-Ma'akil),
which is extensive and contains references to a long
list of foodstuffs. The titles enumerated in the lists
give the impression that the author did not neglect
literary formation, poetry and other cultural fields,
which makes the more regrettable the loss of so many
chapters, no doubt considered less indispensable by
posterity. It is probable that the htabs formed inde-
pendent fascicules, which would explain both how
they could be so easily lost and why authors cannot
agree either on their number or their order.

A comparison between Ibn al-Nadim's list and
all the others might perhaps allow an insight into
the respective roles of the father and of the son in
the compilation of the hitab al-Mahasin, but this
would be a hazardous enterprise and ultimately of
doubtful benefit. In othet respects, the presentation
of these lists is such that it is impossible to see
clearh whether Muhammad or his son wrote works
that were not included in the composition of the
A. al-Mahaun; it is however possible that one or the
other left biographies of ndial, and al-Mas'udr
(Murudj, l, 12 = § 8) mentions among the sources,
attributing it to Ahmad, a hitab al-Tabyan which
no doubt had a historical or a hieio-historical
character.

Bibhogi aphy: (in addition to references in the
article): Khatib Baghdadi, Ta'rikh, v, 4; Kumrm,
Ta'nkh-i hum, 277; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-Mlzan, i,
262; Shfr authors (including those whose notices aie
given in the introd. of the A. al-Mahasin): Nadjashl,
Ridjal, 55; Nun, Mustadiak al-uma'd, iii, 552;
Karbala'I, Muntaha 'l-makal, lith. 1302, 41, 42; Mirza
Muh. AstarabadT, Manhad} aimakal, lith. Tehran 1307;
Mamakam, Tanklh al-makal, 82-4; Kh"ansan, Rawdat
al-djannat, lith. Tehian 1306, 13; Modern biogra-
phers: Kahhala, ii, 97; Ziriklr, i 195; see also F.
Rosenthal, A fusion' of Muslim historiography-, 501.
(Ch. Pellat)

BARSAWMA al-ZAMIR, Ishak, famous flute
player in early 'Abbasid times, died after 188/804.
He was a dark-coloured muwallad of humble origin,
son of a "Nabataean" woman from Kiifa. Ibrahim
al-MawsilT brought him to Baghdad, gave him an

, belonging firsl

educa
introduced him

3 Haiur

al-Rashrd. He accompanied

to the second class (tabaka) of court musicians, and
later on was promoted by the caliph to the first
class. Ishak al-Mawsili knew "nobody being more
competent in their profession than four persons' al-
Asma'I" as an expert in poetry, al-Kisa'i in gram-
mar, Mansur Zalzal as a lute player and Barsawma
as a flautist".

Bibliography: Aghanf, v, 176, 227, 241, 255,
vi, 164-5, 297," 303, 304, xix, 294, xx, 358; Djahiz,
Hayawan, vi, 17; Ibn 'Abd Rabbih, 'Ikd, vi, Cairo
1949, 31-2, 37; Pseudo-Djahiz, Taaj, 39, 41; Ibn
al-Kifti, Inbali al-iuwat, ii, 272-73; H.G. Farmer,
History of Arabian musu, 94, 116.

(E. Neubauer)
BASBAS is the fennel (Foenuulum vulgare), belong-
ing to the family of umbellal plants. The term
bnbas, used in the Maghrib for fennel, indicates in
the Eastern countries the red seed-shell of the nut-
meg (Mynstica Jragram), known as Macis, while the
teim basbasa, not to be confused with the two other
terms, indicates only nutmeg in the entire Arab world.
The most often used synonym of basbas is raziyanad},
borrowed from the Persian. The complete nomencla-
ture, also taken from other oriental languages, has
been brought together by I. Low, Die Flora dei
Juden, iii, 460-5. The Greek term ucipa8(p)ov is
found as marathun (and variants) in the Arabic med-
ical inventories. Like in Dioscorides, this term indi-
cates the garden fennel (basbas bustani), Anethum
joemculum, while 'utrcoudpctSov (ibbumarathun, and vari-
ants, strictly speaking "horse fennel"), which is most-
ly mentioned in connection with the garden fennel,
apparently stands for the wild fennel. The term bas-
bas djabati, likewise used for the latter, is confusing,
for the "mountain fennel" (Seseh) does not belong to
the genus Foemculum. Other kinds mentioned can-
not as yet be determined.

The volatile oil extracted from the fruits of the
fennel has a strongly fragrant scent and a bitter,
camphor-like smell. It loosens phlegm and was, in
the form of fennel-tea or fennel-honey, used, as it is
now, against coughs and flatulence. A decoction of the
flower stalk was considered to be a diuretic and to
further menstruation; mixed with wine it was used as
a medicament against snake bites, while the pressed
juice is praised as an ophthalmic remedy. The leaves
and fruits were added to food as a spice. AsmaT
counts them among the precious spices {.habat, ed.
Ghunaym, Cairo 1392/1972, 13 ff.). Abu Hanifa al-
Dinawari praises their aroma, remarks that the plant
thrives on wild soil and proves both observations with
verses (SabSI. The Book of Plants, ed. B. Lewin, 59 f.).
Fennel has been used as spice from Old Egyptian
times until today. Ibn al-'Awwam consecrates a spe-
cial chaptei to the cultivation of the fennel (hitab al-
Filaha, tr. Clement-Mullet, ii, Paris 1866, 250 f.).
Curious is the assertion of NuwayrI [hihaya, xi, 82),
that vipers and snakes, when leaving theii holes in
spring, rub their eyes at the fennel shrub in older to
be able to see again; the same is mentioned repeat-
edly by Kazwinf (see Wiedemann, Aujsatze zm arab.
Wissenschaftsgesihiihte, ii, 336, 386).

Bibliography: Dioscurides, Materia medua,
ed. Wellmann^ ii, Berlin 1906, 81 f. (= lib. ni,
I 70, 71); La "Materia mediea" de Diosiondes, ii
(Arabic tr.) ed. Dubler and Teres, Tetuan 1952,
271; The medical formulary or Aqrabadhin of
al-hmdl, tr. M. Levey, Madison etc. 1966, 242;
Suwaydf, Simal, Ms. Palis ar. 3004, fols. 49a,
256a; Ibn Biklarish, Musla'im, Ms. Naples, Bibl.

BASBAS — BATRIYYA o

Naz. iii, F. 65, fol. 82b; Ibn al-Djazzar, I'timdd
Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fol. 58a-b; Maimonides, Shark
asmd' al-'ukkdr, ed. Meyerhof, no. 351; Anonymous
[Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Nabati b. al-Rumiyya?], Ms
Nuruosmaniye 3589, fol. 102a-b; Ibn al-Baytar
Djdmi', Bulak 1291, i, 93, ii, 134 f, tr. Leclerc
nos. 286, 1019; Ghassanl, Mu'tamad, ed M al-
Sakka', Beirut 1975, 23 f. and 182-4; Die phar-
makolog. Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . . Harawi, tr.
A. Achundow, Halle 1893, 167, 210; Tuhfa't al-
ahbab, ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934, no. 358;
Razf, Hawl, xx, Haydarabad 1387, 535-9 (no'
378); Ibn Sina, Kdnun, Bulak, i, 277, and 429 f;
Ibn Hubal, Mukhtdrdt, Haydarabad 1362, ii, 178-
DawQd al-Antakr, Tadhkira, Cairo 1371,'i, 74 f'
165; H.G. Kircher, Die "einfachen Heilmittel" cms dem
"Handbuch der Chirurgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967,
no. 34; W. Schmucker, Die pjknrjiche und mineralische
Materia medica im Firdaus al-hikma des All ibn Sahl
Rabban at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 318; F.A.
Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie <fo Pflanzenreiches, Berlin
1891, 948-50. - (A . Dietrich)

BASHKARD, BASHAKARD, Europeanised
form Bashkardia, a region of south-eastern
Iran, falling administratively today within the 8th
or province of Kirman and in the shahrastan

the

t of t^iruft, of which

d 4 ughrafiy

Tehra

an/id).

ln - -- - .. ■--, -., 1332/1953,

49. It is the mountainous hinterland of western
Makran, lying to the east of Mlnab near the Straits
of Hormuz and bounded on the north by the south-
ern fringes of the Djaz-Muryan depression; the peaks
of the Manz range within it rise to just over 7,000
feet. The whole region has been, and still is, extremely-
remote and inaccessible, and only in recent decades
has a measure of control from Tehran been extended
over a people formerly much given to raiding and
brigandage. The main settlement is at Angohran, but
the population is everywhere sparse; the Admiralty
handbook, Persia, London 1945, mentions 100 reed's
huts at Angohran, and a total population for Bashkar-
dia of an estimated 8,000 families; the Farhctng, hi. at,
mentions 108 settlements [dbadi], with a population
of ca. 6,700. ' H

The people of Bashkardia are ethnically Iranian
and Shr'i in madhhab; at least until very recently,
included a slave elen

. Irani;

ulated by Tomaschek that the modern Bashkardfs
could be the descendants of the mediaeval Islamic
Kudos or Kufs, the predatory people of Kirman
and Makran provinces often linked in the sources
with the Baltic [see balO-cistan and kufs]; for a
discussion of this, see C.E. Bosworth, The KufuhJs
or Qitfs in Persian history, in Iran. Jnal. of the British
Institute of Persian Studies, xiv (1976), 9 ft The actu-
al name Bashkard (Bashakard is a form apparently-
exhibiting a pseudo-Arabic broken plural) is unat-
tested till the mid- 19th century, when the first
Europeans, Col. E. Mockler and E.A. Floyer visii

th(

Bashkardia for some months in
theless suggested that the name might derive from
the dominant Persian tribe, to which the Achaemenids
themselves belonged, of the Pasargadae, located
by Ptolemy in Carmania (= Kirman). The Bash-

inguage is

orthen

t New Persi;

and a

e.g. the hardwood

;sible in prii

djag or djakh, identifiable with the O. Pers. yakd-
wood used in the construction of Darius's palace at
Susa, see Gershevitch, Sissoo at Susa (O. Pers. yaka =
Dalbergia Sissoo Roxb.), in PSOAS, xix (1957), 317-20
xx (1958), 174.

Bibliography: The main items in the exigu-
ous bibliography of Bashkardia are given by
Bosworth in art. cit., 11, n. 13; of special note
are the works of Floyer and A. Gabriel, and
most recently, of Gershevitch, Travels in Bashkardia,
mjnal. of the Royal Central Asian Society, xlvi (1959),
213-24, and F. Balsan, Etrange Baloutchistan, Paris
1969; Linguistic material was collected bv
Gershevitch, but has not y
toto.; for sections of it so ft
see Bosworth, art. cit., 13,

(C.E. Bosworth)
BASHKUT, Djewad FehmI, modern Turkish
Cevat FEHMi Baskut, Turkish playwright
and journalist (1905-71). He was born in Edirne
and educated at an Istanbul high school, choosing
journalism as his career when he was still a very-
young man. He began to write plays in the early
1940s and became very popular. Of his 23 plays,
most of which were performed in the city theatre
{Sehu tiyatrosu) of Istanbul, the best known are Kuptk
sehir ("Little town") 1946; Paydo- ("Break") 1949;
Harput'ta bir Amerikah ("An American in Kharput")
1956; and Buzlai (ozulmeden ("Before the thaw")
1964. His plays are sentimental and unsophisticated
renderings of human dramas and comic situations,
with an edifying approach. He writes in an easy-
style at times tending to be somewhat literary and

Bibliography: Metin And, Elli yilin Turk tiyatrosu
Istanbul 1973, 438 and index; Behcet Necatigil'
Edebiyatimizda isimlei sozlugu', 1975, s.v.

BASQUES [see bashkunish]. lFAHIR ^

BATRIYYA or BUTRIYYA, the pejorative des-
ignation for a group of moderate ShrTs in the
time of Muhammad al-Bakir (d. 117/735) and for
the moderate wing of the early Zaydiyya [q.v.] who
did not repudiate the caliphates of Abu Bakr and
'Umar. Their position was opposed to the more rad-
ical Shi r stand of the Djarudi>-ya [q.v.], who con-
sidered 'Air the only legitimate immediate successor
of the Prophet. The name is most often derived in
the sources from the nickname al-Abtar of Kathrr al-
Nawwa' and explained as referring to their "muti-
lating" (batr), either of the legitimate rights of the
family of the Prophet, or of the recitation of the bas-
mala in the prayer which they performed only with
a subdued voire, or of the caliphate of 'Uthman,
which they repudiated for the last six years of his
reign. The first of these explanations is clearly the
most plausible one and points to an origin of the
name in internal Shi'i controversy.

Imami sources name the Kufans Kathrr al-Nawwa'
Sahm b. Abi Hafsa (d. 137/754-5), al-Hakam
b. Utayba (d. 112/730 or 115/733), Salama b
Kuhayl (d. 122/740), and Abu '1-Mikdad Thabit al-
Haddad as the chiefs of the Batriyya in the
time of Muhammad al-Bakir, and describe them
as not recognising his full rank as imam and sole

mbigumes in his teaching. 'Umar b. Riyah,
rst recognised the imamate of al-Bakir, iat.
-nounred him and joined the Batriyya

, for

* BUTRIYYA — BAWRAK

Though only a few of the leaders of the Batriyya
are expressly mentioned as participants in the rising
of Zayd b. 'All in 122/740, it may be assumed that
the early Batriyya generally inclined towards sup-
porting him, as his attitude toward the first caliphs
was close to their own. The Zaydl Batriyya held
that 'All was the most excellent of men after the
Prophet, but admitted the legitimacy of the ima-
mates of Abu Bakr and 'Umar, since 'All had vol-
untarily pledged allegiance to them. Concerning
'Uthman, they either abstained from judgment or
renounced him for the last six years of his reign.
Unlike the Djarudiyya, they did not ascribe a supe-
rior knowledge in religious matters to the descen-
dants of 'All, but accepted the hadith transmitted in
the Muslim community and admitted the use of indi-
vidual reasoning {idjtihad, ra'y) in order to close gaps
in the Shatl'a. Thus they did not adopt the specifi-
cally ShrT theses in various points of the ritual and
law and belonged to the traditionalist school of Kufa
in their fikh doctrine. A leader of the Batriyya in
the revolts of Zayd and of Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah
(145/762-3) was the traditionist and Jakih Harun b.
Sa'Id al-Tdjlr, whose supporters, known as the
'Idjliyya, were probably recruited from among his
tribesmen. Equally prominent among the Zaydl
Batriyya was the traditionist and theologian al-Hasan
b. Salih b. Hayy [q.v] (d. ca. 168/784-5), who sup-
ported the candidacy of Zayd's son 'Isa to the ima-
mate and concealed him from the 'Abbasid
authorities. 'Isa b. Zayd, in spite of his preference
of the Shi'I position in some ritual matters (see L.
Veccia Vaglieri, Divagaziom su due Rwolte Alidi, in A
Ftancesco Gabrieh, Rome 1964, 328 if.), generally
inclined to Batri views. A son of al-Hasan b. Salih
b. Hayy led a group of Kufan Batriyya in the revolt
of Yahva b. 'Abd Allah in the mountains of
Daylaman [see daylam] (ca. 176/792), but was soon
alienated by Yahya, who, espousing strictly Shi'i rit-
ual, disapproved of some of his practices. Also to
be counted among the chiefs of the Batriyya is the
kalam theologian Sulayman b. Djarfr al-Rakkr [q.c],
although his supporters were often mentioned as a
group separate from the Batriyya. He participated
in the debate about the imamate in the circle of
the Barmakids, and a community of his followers
survived in 'Anat for some decades. In the 3rd/9th
century, the Batriyya quickly disintegrated as the
Kufan traditionalist school was absorbed in Sunnism,
while within the Zaydiyya, the DjarudI views con-
cerning the imamate prevailed and Zaydl" fikh was
elaborated on the basis of the doctrine of the family
of the Prophet.

Bibliography: Al-Nashi', Masa'il al-imama, ed.
J. van Ess, Beirut 1971, 43-5; al-Nawbakhtl, Firak
al-shi'a, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931, see index;
al-Ash'ari, Makalat at-istamhyin, ed. Ritter, Istanbul
1929-31, 68 f.; al-KashshT," 'ikhtnar ma'ufat al-riajal,
ed. Hasan al-Mustafawi, Mashhad 1348/1969,
232-8, 390-2; Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanf, Makatil
al-talibinin, ed. Ahmad Sakr, Cairo 1368/1949,
468; Nashwan al-Himyarl, al-Hur al-'ln, Cairo
1367/1948, 150 f., 155; Shahrastanl, 120 f.; R.
Strothmann, Das Staatsrecht der jjiiditen, Strassburg
1912, 31-4; idem, Kultm der £aiditen, Strassburg
1912, 56 f; C. van Arendonk, Les debuts de 1'ima-
mai Zaidite au Yemen, tr. J. Ryckmans, Leiden 1960,
see index; W. Madelung, Der Imam al-Qasim ibn
Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, see index.

(W. Madelung)
al-BATTI [see abu 'l-hasan al-battI, in Suppl.].

BAWRAK (buiak) is natron, sesqui-carbonate of
soda, a compound of various salts containing mainly
sodium carbonate (soda). Derived from the Persian
bum, the term does not indicate borax in the mod-
ern sense (Natrium biboracicum), but has given its
name to it. The Arabic lexicographers know the
bawrak ma'i, b. ajabali, b. armanl, b. misri (= naiiun),
b. al-sagha ("borax of the goldsmiths", Chrysocolla),
b. al-khabbazin (or: al-khubz) and b. ifiiki. Since unbi-
ased elucidations of these terms are almost com-
pletely lacking, this enumeration is almost valueless.
Al-Khwarazmi (Mafatih, ed. van Vloten, 260) men-
tions, furthermore, the bawrak zardwandi and also the
tinkar which is made artificially; both are known as
tincal until today. Further information about the
nomenclature, also in other languages, is given in
Moattar, Isma'il Gorgani (see Bibl). In his cosmog-
raphy, Dimashkr distinguishes between bawrak and
tmkar. he says that both have a natural and an arti-
ficial kind and that both kinds of the latter were
used in melting and purifying minerals (Wiedemann,
Aufsatze zur arab. IVissenschqftsgeschuhte, i, 713). The
fact that there existed a class of borax-traders
(baicraki) indicates that trade in these various sodi-
um compounds required specialised knowledge. This
trade was apparently lucrative: Ibn Hawkal J , 346
(tr. Kramers-Wiet, ii, 339) mentions a borate (milh
al-bawrak) which was delivered from Lake Van to
the bakers in 'Irak and Mesopotamia (bawrak al-
khabbazin, see above); this denomination comes from
the bakers who used to coat the bread with borate

in order to give it a prettier and more shiny appear-
ance. The particularly valuable bawrak al-sagha (see
above) was exported with great profit from
Kabudhan to 'Irak and Syria.

The books on mineralogy mention the numerous
find-spots and kinds of bawiak. Like salt it is found
either as a liquid in water or as a solid on the sur-
face of the soil. It is white, grey or red, and causes
all kinds of solid substances to melt. Natrun, a kind
of bawrak, cleanses the body and beautifies the skin;
it is also used in chemistry as a reagent against impu-
rities (J. Ruska, Das Steinbuch des Ansloleles, Heidelberg
1912, Arab, text 118, tr. 173).

In antiquity bawrak (natruri) was known as vixpov,
which is different from our saltpetre (Nitrum). At
that time, as in Islamic times and nowadays, it was
gained from lakes which have no discharge, in which
it was left behind as a gleaming crust as a result of
evaporation. According to Ghassam and Ibn al-Kuff
(see Bibl.), nattun is "Armenian borax", but they also
say that the best natiun comes from the Egyptian
saltlakes. It was widely used in therapeutics, espe-
cially to treat skin-diseases like itching, scaly erup-
tions, scabies, pimples and boils, and also to cleanse
fresh wounds. Dissolved in wine, honey or water, it
purifies dirty and purulent sores. Taken internally,
it has a loosening effect, softens the bowel motions
and dispels flatulence. In al-Kindi's collection of pre-
scriptions, it is an ingredient of various tooth-pow-
ders. Spread on the eyes, it removes the so-called
hard white spot (baydd al-'ayn al-ghaliz)\ however, espe-
cially in the treatment of the eyes, quackery took
possession of this substance (according to Djawban,
al-Mukhtar fi kashf al-asrat. cf. Wiedemann, Aufidtze,
i, 765 IT.).

Bibliography: Dioscurides, Materia medica,

ed. Wellmann, iii, Berlin 1914, 83 f. (= lib.

v, 113); La "Materia medica" de Dioscondes, ii

(Arabic tr.) ed. Dubler and Teres, Tetuan 1952,

BAWRAK — BAYHAKI SAYYIDS

42b t The midical formulary or iqrabadhin oj al
hindi tr M Leve\ Madison etc 19bb 248 Bnuni
Smdala ed HM Slid Karachi 1973 'Vrab 102
f and 3b3 tr 79 j22 Ibn Biklansh Uuitaim
Ms Naples Bibl Naz m F b5 fol 25b
Maimomdes Sharh asma al ukkai ed Me\erhof
no 51 Ibn al Bavtai Djami Bulak 1291 i 125
7 tr Leclerc no 381 with raw quotuions from
sources Ghassam Mu'tamad Beirut 1975 41 t
F Moattai hma'il Gori,ani und sunt Bideutung )u>
die iramsche Heilkunde imbesondere Pharma le M irburg
1971 299 f (no 135) Die pharmakoh^ G, und at t
des ibu Varum Haram tr \ \chundow Halle

189j 162 f 31b Tuhfat al ahbab td Renaud and
Colin Pins 1934 no 92 Razi Ham xx
Havdarabad 1387 134 7 Ibn Sina hanun i
Buhk 2b7 f Dawud al Antaki Tadhkua Cairo
1371 i 87 f El Libro igrega dt Serapiom ed G
Ineichen n \ emce 19bb 77 H G Kncher
Du im/achtn Htilmitttl aus dem Handbuth dti
Chirurgit des Ibn al Quff Bonn 1967 no 39 \\
Schmucker Du pflanjuhe und mineralische Materia
medua mi Firdaus al hikma da. ill ibn Sahl Rabban
at Taban Bonn 19b9 no 153 M Berthelot La

with r

1893 (r

1967)

Die

BAY'AT al RIDWAN the mm

exacted b\ the Prophet from some of his followers
during the Medimn penod

During the expedition to il Hudavbiva [q t \ in
Dhu 1 Ka'da of the veu b (March b28) a lepoit
leached Muhammad tint the Meet ins had killed
Uthman b '\ffan who hid gone into Mecca to
negotiate a tiuce Muhimraid realised that he
would lose face unless Uthmins death was
avenged and summoned the membeis of the expe
dition to take an oath of allegiance to himself
There are different versions of the content of the
oath Some held it was i pledge not to flee oth
ers that it was a pledge to the death {'ala I
maut) and one man (Sinan) is said to have pledged
himself to do what was in Muhammad s mind
(ala ma fi najiika) To fight the M<

Oxford 195b 50 f
(imoidanci sv bau.

AJ Wen

ihaajaia

iW Montcoi
BAYHAKI SAYYIDS a icligio political
gioup active in the political life ot t arlv Islamic
Kashmn The Bavhaki Saw ids migiated to Kashmir
from Dihh m the time of Sultan Sik indar (791
81b/1389 141j) and plaved a verv important pait
in the social and political lite ol the \ allev until
its conquest bv the Mughals m 99b/ 1588 Owing
to their descent fiom Prophet Muhammad through
his daughter Fatnm thev weie treated with gieat
respect b\ the Sultans who gave them ajagirs and
high offices and enteied into matrimonial relations
with them \t first thev were unpopular and aioused
both the anger and |ealousv of the Kashmiri nobks
because conscious of their high bnth thev behaved
irrogantlv and ]omed those elements who were
allien of Hindu piactiees and ceiemomes ind
wanted the enfoicement of the Shan a and the
Islamic wav ot life But gnduallv thev began to
ldcntifv themselves with the aims and aspnations of
the Kashmiris who then upon accepted them as
their leaden

pilgur

v dange
hghtlv

! Mush

ind this was doubt
;s whv Muhammad asked for the pledge and whv
it is described as a pledge not to flee or to the
death If the third version is eoneet it indicates
a formal increase in Muhammad s autoci Uic power
which is known to have been increasing inforrmllv
about this penod One man al Djidd b Kavs
refused to take the oath and appens to have shoitlv
afterwards been deposed bv Muhimmad from being
chief of the \nsari clan of Sahma The incident
is mentioned in Kuran xlvm 18 God was well
pleased (radna) with the believers when thev pledged
themselves to vou under the tiee From this is
derived the name Bay at al uduan which mav be
tianslated the pledge of good pleasure or the
pledge which pleased (Godi It is also known is
the pledge of the tiee and those who made the
pledge heie were later honoured as the \shab al
ihad^aia the men of the tree It has been sug
gested that the tree might have been a saeied one
in pre-Islamic times At a later period there was
a mosque on the spot (Bukhan m 113 = Magha j,
35; Wellhausen, Reste 1 , 104).

Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld,
746; al-Wakidi, ed. Marsden Jones, ii, 603 f.;
W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina,

tv ed a
The c

soldiei

xagge

Btvhaki Sayvid howevei tbout whom anv reliable
evidence exists was Sawd Muhammad who gave his
daughter Tidj Khitun in marriage to Sultan Za\n
al \bidin (823 74/1420 70) and latei his grandson
Saw id Has in wis married to the Sultans daughtei
On the death of 7a\n al '\bidins son and successor
Havdar Shih (874 b/1470 72) Hasan Shah who sue
ceeded him made Sawid Hasan his llaji and since
Saw id Hasan succeeded in setting up Muhammad
Shah Hasan Shih s minor son as Sultan in 889/1484
he continued as Ha^ir But his arrogance and his
opposition to Hindu customs and practices aioused
the angei of the Kashmir nobles who plotted against
him and earlv one morning thev entered the fort of
Nawshahr in Snnagar where thev were holding court
and killed him and his thirteen followers His two
sons Sawid Hashim and Sawid Muhammad who
weie not in the fort at the time cimed on the strug
gle against the enemies of then father but thev were

followers But after two vears the Saw ids were re
called and under the leadership of Sawid Muhammad
thev once again became active in the struggle for the
throne between Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah
intriguing with and making alliances with different
groups as suited then interests In the end Sawid
Muhammad succeeded in 898/1493 in becoming
Ha^ir of Muhammad Shah but in 910/1505 he was
defeated and killed bv his rivals This however did
not demonhse the Savvids Instead when Mirza
Havdar Dughlat established his powei in Kashmir
(948 58/154151; Sayjid Ibi ihim the son of Sayjid
Muhammad |Oined the Kashmir nobles in over
thi owing him

Undei the C ak Sultans also the Bavhaki Savvids
continued to plav an impoitant pait \li Shah
Cak (978 8b/1570 78) appointed Sa^id Mubarak
the son of Sav>id Ibrahim is tfa^ir and took his
advice on all important matteis But on Ah Shahs
death, Sayyid Mubarak set aside the latter's son
Yusuf Shah on grounds of incompetence and
declared himself Sultan (986/1578). Yet, after a few
months he was overthrown by the nobles, who were

BAYHAKI SAYYIDS

denied by him any share in the government In
spite of this, he joined Ya'kub Shah, Yusuf Shah s
son and successor, in the struggle against the Mughal
armies sent by the Emperor Akbar to conquer
Kashmir. Finding resistance to the Mughals huit
less, he submitted to the Mughal commander Kasim
Khan Mir Bahr on 27 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 994/9
December 1586, and was sent to Agra. Akbar wanted
Sayyid Mubarak to accompany Yusuf Khan Ridwi
who was ordered by him to proceed to Kashmir
to relieve Kasim Khan. But Sayyid Mubarak refused
so he was imprisoned and sent to Bengal. His son,
Abu '1-Ma'alT, also fought side by side with Ya'kub
Shah against the Mughals, but he was taken pris-
oner. This was the end of the significant role which
the Bayhakl Sayyids had played for over 150 years
of Kashmir history.

Bibliography: G.M.D. Sufi, K'ashir, i, Lahore

1948-9; Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the Sultans,

Calcutta 1959; Baharistan-i Shahi, anonymous ms.

I.O. 509. (Mohibbul Hasan)

BAYRAK [see 'alam].

al-BAZDAW! [see al-nasafI].

BEDOUINS [see badw].

BEERSHEBA [see bir al-sab'].

BEHZAD [see bihzad].

BEKAA. [see bika'].

BELOMANCY [see istiksam].

BELUCHISTAN. [see balucistan].

BENI MELLAL, formerly Kasaba Beni Mellal
ifrom the name of the tribe living around it), or some-
times Kasaba B. Kush, a town of Morocco roughly
equidistant from Casablanca, Marrakesh and Fas. It
lies on one of the slopes of the Dir [q.v. in Suppl.],
at an altitude of 620 m./ 1,980 feet, in this piedmont
region between the Middle Atlas and the wide, his-
toric plain of the Tadla, of which it has recently
become the official chef-lieu.

The town is built around the fortress or kasaba built
towards 1099/1688 by Mawlay Isma'Il, restored in the
19th century by Mawlay Sulayman and since once again
restored. The Vauclusian spring of Asardun to the south
of the town leads one to think that Beni Mellal, like
all the other centres of the Dir, e.g. Aghmat, Damnat
[q.vi\], etc., goes back to ancient times, but no traces
of prehistoric life have as yet been discovered there. It
is possible that Bern Mellal is Hisn Dal, the little cap-
ital which Yahya b. Idns inherited in the 3rd/9th cen-
tury at the time of the division of his father's kingdom.
It is mentioned by the Arab geographers as a fortress
and an important market centre. In 534/1140 or
535/1141 it was occupied by the Almohads.

The demographic explosion of the town has been
remarkable. In 1918 it had an estimated 3,000 inhab-
itants; now it has 60,000, and the increase between
the 1952 and I960 censuses has been 81%. This un-
doubtedly stems from its administrative role today,
one of the results of agricultural development of the
great alluvial plain of the Tadla or else of the very
important hydrauli<

r the last 30 y

Mellal's importance has grown still further from its
role as a market centre for provisions of the Berber
tribes in the Middle Atlas valleys, and also those of
the central Grand Atlas (especially the Wad! Tadghat).
A very lively fair is held in the town centre every
week, where curious coverlets of thin rugs (hanbal) in
gaudy and evanescent shades of colour are sold, and
are much appreciated.

Superb gardens, rich olive-groves and flourishing
orchards of mulberry trees, oranges and pome-

giamtes extend as fai as the scarp out of which
gush six abundant and pure springs of water In the
midst of this oasis is the ^attiya of Sidi Ahmad b
Kasim whose minaiet is attributed to the great
Almoravid \iwjf b Tashfir, (it is more probable that
it was the work of his grandson Tashfin who passed
thiough Bern Mellal befoie going on to die in Orama)
The town has now become a centie foi torn 1st excur
sions into the mountains and has promise of a great
futuie

Bibliography al Bakn ed and tr de Slane
Description de I'AJnque Septentrional*, Algiers 1913,
index; H. Terrasse, Histmre du Maroc, Casablanca
1949, index; P. Ricard, Guide Bleu, Maroc 1 , 1950,
index; J. Pourtauborde, L'office de I'irrigation aux Beni
Amir-Bent Moussa, in Encycbpedie d'Outre-Mer, Paris
(June 1954), document No. 28; H. Awad, Djughrd-
fiyyat al-mudun al-maghnbiyya, Rabat 1964, index.
(G. Deverdun)
BESTIARY [see hayawan].
the BEYOND [see akhira].

al-BIBLAWI, 'Ali b. Muhammad, 26th
shaykh of al-Azhar. He was born in the village
of Biblaw near Dayrut in Upper Egypt in Radjab
1251 /November 1835. After a period of study and
teaching at al-Azhar [q.v.], he was employed at the
Khedivial Library and became its Director (nagir)
for a short period in 1881 and 1882. In the wake
of the 'Urabi insurrection in 1882, he was removed
from this office, to which he had been appointed
thanks to the help of his friend Mahmud Sam! al-
Barudi [q.v.], one of the insurrection's principal pro-
tagonists. Subsequently he held the office of khatib,
and from 2 Safar 1311/14 August 1893 onwards
the office of shaykh khidma of the Husayn mosque
in Cairo. In addition to the latter' office he was
appointed naklb al-ashmf [q.v.] on 6 Shawwal 1312/1
April 1895, following the abdication of the former
naklb, Muhammad TawfTk al-Bakn [q.v.]. During his
term of office, which was to last until the end of
1320/March 1902, a set of regulations was prom-
ulgated, the so-called la'ihat nikabat al-ashraf (cf. al-
Waka't al-Misriyya, 17 June 1895, no. 67), which
made the incumbent to this office virtually an offi-
cial within the Ministry of Wakfe and a subordinate
to its napr. His appointment as shaykh of al-Azhar
on 2 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1320/1 March 1903 in suc-
cession to Salfm al-Bishn, who had been deposed
because of his efforts to frustrate implementation of
the reforms provided for in the law of 20 Muharram
1314/1 July 1896, was the result of a compromise
between the Khedive and his ministers, who had
originally favoured other candidates. Only two years
later, on 9 Muharram 1323/15 March 1905, he
found himself compelled to resign when his inabil-
ity to deal with the obstruction of his efforts to
implement reforms had reduced his authority to a
unacceptably low level. He died shortly afterwards
on 30 December 1905.

Bibliography: Biographies may be found in
Ahmad Taymur, Taradjim

'ashar

1940, ;

ind Mahmud b. 'All al-Biblawi, al-Ta'rih
Husayni, Cairo 1324, 57 ff.; The biographi
Khayr al-Dln al-Zirikll, al-ATam, v, 171 f., ana
by Muhammad Zaki Mudjahid, al-A'lam al
sharkiyya, Cairo 1950, ii, 140, are mainly based
upon Taymur's. For additional data see 'Abd al-
Muta'al al-Sa'rdi, Ta'rikh al-islah fi 'l-Azhar ma-
safahat min al-djihad fi 1-islah, Cairo n.d., 67 f.:
and Ahmad Shafik, Mudhakkirati fi msf karn.

l-BIBLAWI — BIGH/V

Cano n

(19(,5)

■e Jong

BIBLIOMANCY [see klr'a]

BIGHA' the kur'inic teim (XXI\ 33) for

prostitution Piostitute is tendered bv baghm (pi

a more vulvar term although we have here a euphe-
mism is kahba (pi hhab) which the lexicogiapheis

professional piostitutes used to cough in order to

\lthough M &audefrov-Demombvnes ( Mahomet
Pans 19b9 48) saw in the legend ot Isaf and Nd'ila

regions

.ulai

amongst

lar with the woilds oldest profession which was at
least in the laigei centres oi population earned on
bv free women spinsters widows or divorced women
reduced bv miseiv to trafficking in then own bod-
ies but mainlv bv slaves working for then mas-
ters These women weie recognisable as elsewhere
bv the banneis which thev flew at the doors oi then
dwellings thev accepted all comeis as clients ll thev
produced a child the latter was entrusted to the offi-
cial responsibility oi the man whom the physiogno-
mists (kafa [see kivafa]) designated as the lathei the
latter not ha\ing the right to iefuse These items oi
information aie grven on the authonty nf ' Visha
bv al-Bukhin (Sahih A al \ikah bab 3b, vn 19-20
tr O Houdas La tiaditwrn islanuqun in, 5()i-(i) who
mentions the preceding usages as one of the three
forms of mkah foi bidden bv the Prophet the two
others being the istibda' and a kind of polyandry
Iihbda' consisted of a man who feared th it he him-
self could not sue a robust offspring placing his wife
in the hands of a better piogenitor In the mkah al

bands (less than ten) and if she has a child attributes
the paternity to one of this group who is unable to
refuse it \1-Bukhiri does not m this passage cite
temporal v man rage mufa [q . ] which was likewise
prohibited In his A al Bukhala' led Hadjni 112 tr
Pellat 179) al-Djahiz uses the expression ^audj nahan
husband bv day the sense of which is hard to
determine but may allude to a very fleeting type of
tempoiaiy marriage

ir less disguised pi

, the 1

• of the

ached to haunts of plei
should be noted that the m
brothel makhui comes

ure ind t,

keeper (khammat) whe
\bu Sufvan the won
Zivad b \bihi the t
nition of the latter s
Mu'awiva re\eal the
tei of the courtesans

i al-IYif ot i

particulai by slave girls belonging to the famous
physician ot the \iabs al-Hanth b kalada [qi

Mus'udi Minudj. v 21 ft = ^ 1778 ft ) is was the

or employed by thud paities The Mcdinan '\bd
\llah b Ubaw [q I ] is also said to have piactised
this same form of exploitation this being allegedly
the origin isce the Kur'an commentaries on xxiv
ii al-laban Tafur win 132-4 al-Kuitubi Tajw
\n 254-5 etc) of the veise condemning this prac-
tice \nd do not tonstiain youi maidseivants
[jatayat] to prostitution ibigha') it thev wish to live
in leputable mainage itahaaun) in order that vou

anyone compels them thus [he will bear the sole
responsibility for it] toi God who is merciful and
compassionate will pirdon them after compulsion
has been laid upon them Thus the Kur'an does
not expiessly condemn piostitution and is content
to foibid any woman being compelled to practise it
For his part the Prophet must ceitamlv have spo-
ken about the prostitutes examples of whom he must
have seen in Mecca and Medina (sec Wensmck

204

t the

in which he foibids
payment foi the sen ices (if the word mahi is correctly
inteipreted here) of the piostitute and the gains ikaib)
fiom prostitution lal-Bukhan Sahih A al Talak bab
51 ti Houdas in b42) It was a ioundabout wav of
prohibiting what was considered as a dishonourable
activity but one m the end adjudged bv postentv as

In practice despite pious peisons who inveighed
liom time to time against an institution which was
regaided as incompatible with Muslim ethics prosti-
tution has always flourished in Muslim lands keep-
ing itself, undei necessity discieet as in Fas whcie
at certain periods the police authorities suppiessed it

having paiading them through the streets of the town
and then expelling them ind insisting on their being
buried in a special pait of the cemetery (R Le
Tourneau Fis a ant le Pwtatorat Casablanca 1949
580) This seems to have been a special case md

pletely successful Although tiavellers and historians
tion testifying to the existence ot more or less free-
in the various Islamic cities Thus al-Mukaddasi [4hsem
al takaum 407) saw a biothel at Sus near the mosque
whilst Leo \fncanus speaks ot taverns at Fas with
whores residing in them (ti Epaulaid 191) and pios-
titution at Tunis (385) \c cording to al-Kifti iHukama'
<d Lippert 298) the muhtasib ot Latakia put up for
ilk tion the tavouis of the public women and issued
to the successful bidders a nng which thev had to
show if thev weic met at night with one ot the

all ti

s prosti

ut even iecognised officially and very
subject to a tax payable to the public
t Fis the headman of the quarter had

ing disorders, but in general, it was the muhtasib
who fulfilled this function (see P. Chalmeta, El "senor
del zoco" en Espana, Madrid 1973, index, s.v. pros-
titutas). However, the manuals of hisba do not men-
tion the existence of a precise regulatory scheme,
and Ibn 'Abdun, for instance, is content to forbid
the denizens of places of public resort to show them-
selves bareheaded outside the house (E. Levi-
Provencal, Trots traites hispaniques de hisba, Cairo 1955;
idem, Seville musulmane, Paris 1947, § 168). In al-
Andalus, the tax imposed on them was curiously
called kharadj ("land tax" [q.v.]) and the brothels
called dav al-kharadj (or ddr al-banat), whilst the pros-
titutes themselves were called kharddjiyydt (Ibn
Bassam, Dhakhua, i/1, 207, where the text should
be corrected) or even kharad^ayrdt (Levi-Provencal,
Hist. Esp. Mus., iii, 445-6). It is further known that
'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.] imposed a tax on the whores
of Fars (al-MukaddasI, 441) and that the Fatimids
did likewise in Egypt (al-Maknzi, Khitat, i, 89).
As in many other lands, various categories of
night be distinguished. At the bottom of

the

e the s.

tched v

hired rooms in caravanserais by th(
near the centre, and in addition to the rent, paid
a due to the keeper of the caravanserai; but there
were also procurers who brought them clients,
mainly strangers visiting the town; peasants, seasonal
workers, soldiers, etc. Some of these women cer-
tainly sank to the level of the rogues and vagabonds
whose various activities have been described by C.E.
Bosworth in his The mediaeval Islamic underwoild (Leiden
1976, 2 vols.). At a higher level, brothels proper
catered for a more affluent clientele. As in pre-
Islamic al-Ta'if, special quarters were reserved for
prostitution, which the authorities were thereby more
easily able to control. This system has remained
down to our own time, and a visit to these locali-

which a

resque

may e

n be

nended to tourists, male and female, by guides
and travel agents; this is especially the case in regard
to Bousbir (< Prosper) at Casablanca and the street
of "dancing girls" of the Ouled Nail at Bou Saada
(Algeria).

The practice of early marriage among the Muslims,
who can take four legitimate wives and as many
concubines as they can afford to keep, ought in
the natural course of things to have set bounds to
venal love-making. However, many young men from
the modest levels of society were unable to find their
sexual initiation otherwise than by recourse to
prostitutes, and legal marriage entailed financial bur-
dens which men from the masses of people were not
always in a position to undertake, especially if they
had to migrate away from their original home.
Furthermore, the Kur'anic prohibition could always
be easily circumvented by procurers and procuresses
lured on by the prospect of gain, whilst the easy facil-
ities for husbands in regard to the repudiation of their
wives [see talak] threw on to the streets women who
did not always have the possibility of returning to
their families.

Bibliography: There does not seem to have
been produced any monograph on prostitution
in mediaeval Islam. In the list of writings of Abu
VAnbas al-Sayman [q.v. above] a K. Nawddh
al-kuwwad (?) and a K. al-Rdha, wa-mandfi' al-
kiyada, which may possibly have dealt with
pimps, are to be found, but these have not sur-
vived. In addition to sources cited in the article,
see A. Mez, Renaissance, Eng. tr. 361-4; A. Maza-

heri, La vie quohdienne des Musulmans au moyen age,
Paris 1947, 64-5; R. Le Tourneau, Fes avant le
Protectorat, Casablanca 1949, 557-9 and index;
al-Markaz al-kawmi li '1-buhuth al-idjtima'iyya,
al-Bighd' f, 'l-Kdhua, Cairo 1961; a fairly well-
developed study by a sociologist is that of
A. Bouhdiba, La sexuahte en Islam, Paris 1975,
228-39 and the bibl. cited there. On male pros-
titution, see liwat. (Ed.)
BIHBIHANI, Aka Sayyid Muhammad Bakir,
Shi'T mudjtahid and proponent of the Usulr [q.v.]
madhhab, often entitled Wahid-i Bihbihani or
Muhakkik-i Bihbihani, and commonly regarded by
his Shf l contemporaries as the "renewer" (mudjaddid)
of the 12th Hidjri century. He was born in Isfahan
some time between the years 1116/1704-5 and
1118/1706-7. After a brief period spent in Bihbihan,
he was taken to Karbala' by his father, Mulla
Muhammad Akmal, whose principal student he
became, while studying also under Sayyid Sadr al-
Din Kummi. Mulla Muhammad Akmal had studied
under Mulla Muhammad Bakir Madjlisi, the great
divine who had dominated Iranian Shi'ism in the
late 1 1th/ 1 7th century, and had also married his
niece. The young Bihbihani, who came to exercise
a similar dominant role at the end of the 12th/ 18th
century, was thus both spiritually and genealogically
related to Madjlisi. It is related that after complet-
ing his studies in Karbala', Bihbihani intended to
leave the city, but was dissuaded from doing so by
the appearance of the Imam Husayn to him in a
dream, instructing him to stay (Muhammad Bakir
Kh*ansarl, Rawdat al-dfatmat ft ahwdl al-'ulama' wa'l-
saddt, Tehran 1304/1887, 122). In obedience to the
dream, he stayed on, and engaged in fierce contro-
versy with adherents of the Akhbarl school of fikh,
which at that time was predominant in Karbala' as
well as the other 'atabdt [see akhbariyya above]. The
controversy between the Akhbaris and the UsQlis,
centering on various questions of usul al-fikh and par-
ticularly on the permissibility of idjtihdd, was an ancient
one, but had become particularly acute in the late
Safawid period and the middle part of the 12th/ 18th
century. Before the appearance of Bihbihani, the
Akhbaris were so assured in their dominance of the
'atabdt that anyone carrying with him books of Usull
fikh was obliged to cover them up for fear of pro-
voking attack. By the end of his life, however,
Bihbihani had been able almost completely to uproot
Akhbari influence from the 'atabdt and to establish
the Usuli position as normative for all of the Twelver
Shl'a. He accomplished this change partly by debate,
polemic and the composition of written refutations of
the AkhbarT school, the most important of which was
Kitdb al-iajtihad wa 'l-akhbar. Hardly less effective was
the demonstration of the prerogatives of mudjtahid that
he provided. One of his pupils, Shaykh Dja'far Nadjafi
(d. 1227/1812), records that he was constantly accom-
panied by a number of armed men who would imme-
diately execute any judgement that he passed. The
example that he thus gave was to be followed by
numerous Iranian 'ulama' of the Kadjar period.
Another target of Bihbihanl's hostility was the
Ni'matallahi Sufi order; such was the enmity that he
nurtured for them that he gained the title of sufikush
(Sufi-killer). He died in 1206/1791-2 or 1208/1793-
4, and was buried near the tomb of the Imam
Husayn in Karbala'. Bihbihani is credited with more
than sixty works; the titles of twenty of them are list-
ed in Muhammad 'All Mudarris, Rayhdnat al-adab,
new ed., Tabriz n.d„ i, 52, and a further fourteen

,ughly si

titles arc preserved in autograph in the library of
Bihbihanl's descendants in Kirmanshah (see Muhsin
al-Amln, A'yan al-shi'a, Beirut 1378/1959, xliv, 96).
It is said that his writings on usul al-fikh were com- Tehra
piled into a single work by one of his pupils, Sayyid
Mahdl KazwInT. The number of his pupils was very

his sons, Aka Muhammad 'All, who settled in
Kirmanshah and inherited his father's violent hatred
of the Sufis, and Aka c Abd al-Husayn; Shaykh Dja'far
Nadjaff, author of a number of important works on
Usull fikh; and three mudjtahidt, who dominated the
life of Isfahan in the first quarter of the 19th cen-
tury— Hadjdj Muhammad Ibrahim KalbasI, Sayyid
Muhammad Bakir Shaftl, and Sayyid Mahdl Bahr
al-'Ulum. But his influence extended far beyond the
generation of mudjtahid*. he trained; through his the-
oretical vindication of the Usui! position and his prac-
tical demonstration of the function of muditahid, he
was in effect the ancestor of all those mudjtahid>, who
have sought since his time to assert a guiding role
in Iranian society.

Bibliography: Muhammad b. Sulayman Tunu-
kabuni, K'isa\ al-'ulamd', Tehran 1304/1887,
147-8; Muhammad Bakir Kffansarl, Rawdat al-
djannat 123; 'Abbas b. Muhammad Rida Kumml,
Hadiyat al-ahbdb, Nadjaf 1349/1930, iO(); Mlrza
Muhammad 'All Mudarris, Rayhanat al-adab, i, 51-
2; Muhammad 'AIT BidabadI, Makanm al-athclr
dm ahwal-i ntgal-i dawra-yi kacffai, Isfahan
1337/i958, i, 220-5; Muhsin al-Amin, A'yan al-
shi'a, xliv, 94-6; Muhammad Hirz al-Din, ' Ma'anf
al-riajal ft taradjim al-'ulamd' wa 1-udaba', Nadjaf
1384/1964, i, 121-3; H. Algar, Religion and slate
in Iran, 1785-1906: the wle of the Ulama in the Qcijai
period, Berkeley & Los Angeles 1969, 34-6; 'All
DawwanI, Ustdd-i kull Aka Muhammad Baku
Bihbihdni b. Muhammad Akmal ma'iuf ba Wahid-i
Bihbihani, Kumm n.d.; H. Algar, Religious Jones
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in Cambridge
history of Iran, vii, ch. xiv (forthcoming).

(H. Algar)
BIHRANGI, Samad, Persian prosewriter
(1939-68). Bihrangi's birth in a lower-class, Turkish-
speaking family in Tabriz and his eleven-years'
employment as a primary schoolteacher in rural
Adharbaydjan are attested in the greater part of
his farsl writings. These, both fictional and non-
fictional, largely deal with village life in his native
province and with the specific problems of a cul-
tural minority region. His concern for the plight of
Adharbaydjanl peasant youth prompted a series of
educational essays, as well as some twenty children's

I's essays, notably the

ard, firmly committed wi

itist pseudo-intellec

. The

s of his

ced by t!

Al-i Ahmad [q.v. abovej

a writer like himself; rejecting the unquestioned
adoption of American teaching methods and find-
ing the current textbooks inapplicable in a class-
room with Azeri Turkish-speaking pupils, BihrangI
designed an alternative "textbook for village chil-
dren": the completed but yet unpublished Alif-bd
bara-yi kudakdn-i tusta'T.

Bibliography: The greater part of Bihrangi's
writings first appeared in newspapers and periodi-

, the chief foundation o
Notable for their "ideological" content rather than
for strictly literary merits, Bihrangi's children's
stories no longer recommend the conventional virtues
of obedience, cleanliness and modesty, but aim at
imparting "a correct view of the dark, bitter reali-
ties of adult society". Accordingly, his stories picture
the needy, powerless village children, their search for
freedom and their revolt against ignorant parents,
local landlords or urban aristocracy. The political
commitment felt in most of these stories contributed
to Bihrangi's considerable popularity among the
dissident intelligentsia; at the same time, it gave

writings by the Iranian authorities and to a vast
wave of rumours at his sudden death in September
1968, reportedly a drowning accident. More explicit
views on society and literature are present in Bih-

rankus

. Thir

of h

ere posthumouslv <
Maajmu'a-yi kissaha, Tabriz 1348 sh., which also
contains a chapter on Adahiyydt-i kudakan ; originally
published as part of a review-article in Rahnamd-
yi Kitab xi (1347-53 sh.), 48-5i, outlining the
author's conception of children's literature. Not
included in this volume are his most successful
story, the internationally awarded Malu-yi uydh-i
kuculu, separately published in Tehran 1347 sh.,
and the collection Talkhun wa cand kissa-t dlgar.
Tehran 1349 sh. A number of his educational
essays appeared as h'and-u-kaw dar masail-i tarbiyatj-
vi Iran, Tabriz 1344 sh.-', while other articles on
"various subjects were posthumously edited as
Madjmri'a-yi'makalaha, Tabriz 1348 sh.; this col-
lection contains several chapters on Adharbaydjanl

listed in Afshar's Index iianuus ii, Tehran 1348 sh.,
84, 415. An anthology of translated folktales was
separately edited in collaboration with B. DihkanI;
Ajsanahayi Adharbaydjan, i: Tabriz 1344 sh.. ii:
Tehran 1347 sh. Finally, BihrangI prepared some
Persian translations from modern Turkish poetry
and prose.

BihrangI issue of Aiash,' ii/5 (Adhar 1347 sh.).;
for additional information, cf 'A.A. Darwishiyan's
short monograph Samad djawidana shud, Tehran
1352 sh. J and G.R. Sabri-Tabrizi, Human val-

d'Orie,

(1970,,

8. Bihrangi's political role as a "totally involved
revolutionary artist" is stressed by Th. Ricks in
The little black fish and other modem stories,
Washington, D.C. 1976, 95-126; his folklore stud-
ies are passingly mentioned by L.P. Elwell-Sutton
in Iran and Islam, in memory of the late Vladimn
Minor iky, Edinburgh 1971, 253-4; Of the chil-
dren's stories, a German translation has appeared
in B. Nirumand ed„ Feuer unteim Pfauenthron, Berlin
1974, 19-35; English translations include two dif-
ferent renderings of Mahl-yi shah ... in The Literary
Review, xviii/1 (Rutherford, NJ. 1974), 69-84, and
in The little black fish . . ., op. at., 1-19. For other
translated stories, cf. M.C. Hillmann, ed., Majo,
voices in conlempoiary Persian literatuie, and M.A.
Jazayeri, ed., Literature East and West.

(GJJ. de Vriesi
BINN, a term of the Druze religion. In this,
the Binn were conceived of as one of a number of
earlier races or sects whose names are also mentioned
in the Druze writings, such as the Rimm and the
Timm. The Binn were said to have been a group of
inhabitants of Hadjar in the Yemen who believed in
the message of Shatnll, the incarnation of Hamza

BINN — BISAT

in the Age of Adam. According to the Druzes,
city was originally called Surna (meaning "Mirac
according to Hamza), and Shatnil came there from
India. He called on the people to renounce polythe-
ism and worship al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah [q.v.] as
their sole deity. Those who accepted his message
he commanded to "be separate" (yablnun) from the
polytheists; as a consequence they were known as al-
Binn. This etymology is clearly unsatisfactory, and it
is possible that a Persian origin should be sought for
this term.

One of the Druze da'i% al-Harith b. Tirmah of Isfahan
refused to obey Shatnil, and was expelled from the
number of the da'is, being dubbed "Iblfs". He became
the imam of the polytheists in Surna (the dfinn in the
Druze account). When one of the Binn met another,
he would say: "Flee from (uhdfui) Iblis and his party!".
As a result, Surna acquired the name of Hadjar.

Bibliography. H. Guys, Theogome des Druses, Paris
1863, 35 and n. 70, 104; C.F. Seybold, Die
Drusenschrift: Kitab Alnoqat waldawair. Das Buch der
Punkte und Kreise, Kirchhain 1902, 71; Muhammad
Kamil Husayn, Ta'ifat al-Duruz, Cairo 1962, 116;
D.R.W. Bryer, The Origins of the Druze Religion, in
IsL, liii (1976), 8.

(R.Y. Ebied and MJ.L. Young)
BISAT (a.), pis. bust/busut, absita, which implies the
general meaning of extensiveness (thus in Kur'an,
IAXI 18) is a generic term for carpet, more
specifically one of fairly large dimensions Any kind
of carpet with a pile is called a tmfisa if it is deco-
rated with multicolouied bands, a zarbiyya (zitbiyva,
zurbiyya pi zaiabi cf kur'an LXXXVIII 16); if it
is decorated with a relief design a mahfira whilst a
prayer carpet is called a sadfdjada (modern Turkish
seaade), and the collective sadfdjad is sometimes used
as a generic term (on the numerous Arabic terms,
see WH Worrell On certain Arabic terms for "rug", in
in hlamica, i (1934) 219-22, n (1935) 65-8). The
word kilim, applied to a woollen rug generally long
and narrow in shape, is often taken to be of Turkish
origin (see e.g. Lokotsch, No. 1176), but seems rather
to be Iranian (Persian gillm). Sumak, not far from
Baku, and the districts of Verne and Sile in the south-
ern Caucasus, have given their name to a type of
flatwoven carpets. The etymology of kali (vars. ghali,
khali, modern Turkish hali) is unclear; Yakut, Buldan,
iv, 20, remarks that the carpets (busut) called kali are
manufactured at Kallkala (= Erzerum [q.v.]), but since
this word was difficult to pronounce, the nisba has
been shortened. Although this particular term is
generally considered to be Turkish in origin, it is
unattested in ancient Turkish texts; it is, however,
used by GardizF [q.v.] and may therefore be of Iranian
origin (detailed study in Doerfer, No. 1405).

(Ed.,

1. Technique

For the manufacture of oriental carpets, sheep's
wool, cotton, silk, goat-hair and camel-hair are used,
which are prepared, spun and partly wound The
foundation consists of warp-threads (Fr.: ihaine
Ger.: Kette) stretched the length of the loom and
weft-threads (Fr.: trame, Ger.: Sehusse) run in hori-
zontally. For knotted carpets which form the bulk
of the products, one or several weft rows are
inserted between knot rows, the latter forming the
pile. In Turkey, the Caucasus and the regions of

northwestern Persia inhabited by the Kurds, the
Turkish or Gordes knot (so called after the Turkish
town of Gordes [q.v.]), has been commonly used.
But whilst the Persian or Senneh-knot (so-called after
the Persian town of Senneh, today called Sanandadj
[q.v.]) is commonly associated with Persia, India and
Turkestan, the Gordes knot is also found in Persian
rugs and the commonly-accepted geographical
demarcation must be treated with reserve (for dia-
grams of these two knots see I A, v/1, 137). Kilims,
and Sumak, Verne and Sile rugs are flat woven,
with no pile. Until aniline and chromate dyes were
introduced in the eighties of the 19th century, only
natural dyes were used (see C.E.C. Tattersall, Notes
on taipet-knotting and weaving, Victoria and Albert
Museum, 1961; A.N. Landreau and W.R. Pickering,
Fiom the Bosporus to Samarkand, flat-woven rugs, The
Textile Museum, Washington 1969).

2. History

a. Early Stages

The oldest known knotted carpet was discovered
in 1949 in the tomb of a local prince in Pazyryk, in
the Altai Mountains. By means of other finds in the
tomb, it may be dated to the 4th century B.C. There
are as yet no indications as to the place of its man-
ufacture, but the suggestion of its manufacture in
Achaemenid Persia has been put forward. Its tech-
nique (3,600 Turkish knots to the square decimetre)
and its design, in Achaemenid style, are of a remark-
able perfection; it is one of, and the most important
of, the three extant pieces of evidence for a highly-
developed art of knotting of this early date. It shows
in a developed form the composition of a central field
surrounded by borders, which consist of a wide main
border and several subsidiary or guard borders, char-
acteristic of all oriental carpets.

Very small fragments of carpets, conjecturally dated
between the 3rd and 6th centuries A.D., were dis-
covered by Sir Aurel Stein during his Turfan expe-
ditions (at Lop Nor). These, however, are not knotted
carpets but napped fabrics, in which the pile is pro-
duced by the wefts, introduced first as loops and
later split (see A. Stein, Ruins of desert Cathay, London
1912, 380, plate 116, 4). The "Spanish "knot", on
the other hand, always tied around a single warp,
is used in a fragment discovered by Le Coq in Kucha
during the fourth Turfan expedition, the earliest pos-
sible date of which is the 5th-6th century (see F.
Sarre, Em fruhes Knupfteppich-Fragment aus chinesisch-
Turkestan, in Berliner Museen (1920-1), 110). The piece
is too small and the design too faint to permit any
conclusions about the carpets of this period. The
many small fragments of knotted carpets from Fustat
can hardly be dated (see M.S. Dimand, An early cut-
pile rug fom Egypt, in Metropolitan Museum Studies, iv
(1933), 151 ff, SY. Rudenko, The world's oldest knot-
ted carpets and fabrics, Moscow 1968 (in Russian); R.B.
Serjeant, Material for a history of Islamic textiles up to
the Mongol conquest, in Ars hlamica, ix (1942), 54 and
xv-xvi (1951), 29).

b Turkey

homa carpets

The development of oriental knotted carpets can
be traced to a certain extent onlv from the 7th/
13th century onwards The oldest coherent group
comes from Anatolia In 1907 FR Martin discov-
ered three large and several small fragments in the

'Ala' al-Din mosque at Konya, to which were
given the generic name "Konya carpets". Shortly
afterwards, smaller fragments of the same type
were found in the Esrefoglu mosque at Beysehir.
The date of the enlargement of the 'Ala' al-Din
mosque, 1218-20, provides a date post quern for
these carpets, but they do not necessarily belong
to the 7th/ 13th century. Their designs and tech-
nical execution are simple and the knots are not
very close. Where they survive, the borders with
their heavy Kufic character or large stars pre-
dominate over the inner motifs, which have small,
all-over, repeat patterns. See F.R. Martin, A his-
tory of oriental carpets before 1800, i, 113, ii, plate
xxx; K. Erdmann, Siebenhundert Jahre Onentteppich,
Herford 1966, 117; R.M. Riefstahl, Primitive rugs
of the "Konya " type in the mosque of Beyshehir, in The
Art Bulletin, xiii/2 1 1931), 16 ff.; E. Kiihnel, Islamic
, London 1966, 94 and PI. 37b;

d PI. I.

The

Anatolian carpets of the 8th/ 14th
and 9th/ 15th centuries are attested by reproductions
in Italian paintings of the period. They are charac-
terised by a series of square or octagonal motifs filled
with stylised animals. The best known fragment of
such a carpet, which is in the Islamic Museum of
Berlin, shows on a yellow ground two octagons, set
in squares, in which are found a dragon and a
phoenix, the pair borrowed from Chinese mythology
(Kiihnel, Islamic art..., 109-10 and pi. 42b). A fres-
co of Domenico di Bartolo, dated between 1440 and

a church in Marby, preserved in the Statens Historiska
Museet in Stockholm, is closely connected in design,
technique and colouring with the Berlin fragment.
See CJ. Lamm, The Marby rug and some fragments of
carpets found in Egypt, in Svenska Orienlsdllskapets Arsbok,
1937, 51 ff.; K. Erdmann, Der Turkiuhe Teppich des
IS.Jahrhunderts, Istanbul n.d. [1957]; R. Ettinghausen,
Neiv light on early animal carpets, in Aus der Welt der
islamischen Kunst,' Festschrift E. Kiihnel, Berlin 1959, 93;
and PI. II.

"Holbein"

"Lotto" carpets.

On the portrait of the merchant Gisze, painted
by Hans Holbein the Younger in 1532 and kept
in the Picture Gallery of the Staatlichen Museen,
Berlin, can be seen a carpet that serves as table-
cloth. It represents a further group of Anatolian
carpets which appear frequently on paintings from
the middle of the 15th century until the end of the
16th century; these are characterised as "small-pat-
terned Holbein carpets", and a fair number of them
have survived. Their design, too, is based on squares
with inset octagons in vertical and horizontal rows.
The octagons are formed by bands knotted sever-
al times and the corners of the squares are filled
by stylised arabesque leaves, which, joined together,
merge into diamond-shaped linking motifs. Variety
of colours within the squares of some specimens
produces a kind of chessboard effect. In the details,
these carpets correspond with the so-called large
partitioned Holbein-carpets, the pattern of which
is limited to a few broad, clearly separated
motifs which are ranged only lengthwise. The decora-
tion of the borders is mostly based on Kufic charac-
ters. In the earlier designs the vertical strokes which
have been directed to the edging of the carpet are

clearly recognisable. Later on they develop into a
twined band without definite orientation. Red, with
brownish shades, blue, yellow, white and green are
dominant. The large-partitioned Holbein-carpets are
believed to have been made in Bergama, the small
partitioned ones in Usak. See Pis. Ill, IV.

The fourth type of early Ottoman carpets is also
localised in Usak. These are the so-called Lotto-car-
pets, because they appear among others, on the paint-
ings by the Italian painter Lorenzo Lotto. They are
also called "carpets with arabesque tendrils", since all
specimens of this group show a red foundation cov-
ered with a yellow net of tendrils, arabesque leaves
and palmettes. As is the case with the small patterned
Holbein-carpets, their arrangement is basically deter-
mined by a system of octagons set in squares, while
the fillings of the spandrels form also diamond-shaped
figures. More often than the Kufic-borders, those of
the Lotto-carpets are made up of undulating tendrils,
mukifoiled lozenges and later on, alternating cloud
bands. See PI. V.

Medalh

r U§aks.

In the 11th/ 17th century the early Ottoman pat-
terns are replaced by Persian-influenced arrange-
ments of motifs which characterise the Medallion and
Star-Usaks. The centre of the Medallion-Usaks
is usually marked by a pointed oval-shaped medal-
lion with a flamboyant outline and a floral inner-
design. Lengthwise on both sides shield-shaped
pendants are attached to the medallion. In the cor-
ners of the field quadrants of a differently shaped
medallion appear. The composition can be understood

medallions. Examples showing greater parts of the pat-
tern prove this. The usually red ground colour between
the medallions is traversed with entangled, angularly
drawn tendrils. The Star-Usak, with staggered star-
shaped medallions, connected by lozenges, is a vari-
ant of the Medallion-Usak. Both types occur frequently
on Dutch 17th centurv paintings. Like the Lotto-car-
pets, the Usaks were' manufactured in coarse, mis-
construed versions far into the 18th and 19th century
(see K. Erdmann, Weniger bekannte Uschak-Muster, in
Kunst des Orients, iv, 79 ff.; and Pis. VI, VII).

"Bird" and "Tschintamam" carpets.

U§ak-carpets with a white ground both in field
and border are rare. Two simple patterns can here
be distinguished: the "Tschintamani" and the "Bird"
motifs. The first, in all-over repeat, consists of two
parallel undulating lines and three balls arranged in
a triangle over them. This motif is undoubtedly of
Far Eastern origin. From the 15th century onwards
it is known as a pattern for clothing in Persian and
Turkish miniatures, and from the 16th century it
was popular on Turkish textile fabrics. The "Bird"-
motif consists of horizontal and vertical running stripes
crossing each other, and is composed of rosettes and
leaves, the form of which superficially looks like birds.
Both patterns have often been copied in the 20th

carpet*.

An important group of small-sized Anatolian
pets from the 17th to 19th centuries, showing ;
ogy with the U.5ak-carpets, are the Transylva
carpets, so-called because they have survive!
great number in the churches of Transylv;
Besides some smaller versions of the Lotto-, ]
and Tschintamani-patterns, they are mainly pn

138

rugs, the inner-fields of which are arch-shaped to
represent the mihrab, often in connection with one
or more pairs of columns. They form a link with
the Turkish prayer rugs of the 18th and 19th cen-
turies from Gordes, Ladik and Milas (see E.
Schmutzler, Altorientalische Teppuhe in Siebenburgen,
Leipzig 1933; J. de Vegh and Ch. Layer, Tapis lures
provenant des eglises et collections de Tiansylvanie, Paris
1925; M. Mostafa, Turkish prayer mgs,'Cairo 1953;
Turkish Rugs, The Washington Hajji Baba, The Textile
Museum, Washington 1968).

c. Egypt

Mamluk, Ottoman and Chess-board

arpets.

Fifteenth-century Mamluk Egypt saw the origin of
clearly recognisable carpets with a kaleidoscopic design,
consisting of stars, rectangles and triangles, filled with
small leaves, shrubs and cypresses. Their wool is soft
and glossy, and the colours normally range between
cherry-red, vivid green and bright blue. The many-
sided star-like ornaments and the arrangement of the
motifs towards the centre show a stylistic connection
with the inlaid metal-work, the wood and the leather
fabrics and the book-illuminations of the Mamluk
period. Only a few large-sized Mamluk carpets have
survived, among which one with a silk pile counts as
one of the most beautiful carpets in the world (Vienna,
Museum fur Angewandte Kunst). More numerous are
small specimens with a medallion that takes up the
entire width of the carpet, to the upper side and bot-
tom of which a tightly patterned rectangular field is
attached. An essential distinction between the Mamluk
and the Anatolian carpets lies in the fact that the
former are characterised by groups of patterns and
not by regular repeat patterns from which, within a
constant internal relation as far as size is concerned,
variable formats can be chosen. In the borders rosettes
usually alternate with oblong cartouches. European
and Oriental sources mention Cairo as an important
centre of the knotting industry at least from 1474

After Egypt was conquered by the Ottomans in
1517, the Mamluk carpets were replaced by carpets
manufactured in the Ottoman court-style. Their luxu-
riant floral decoration presents a sharp contrast to the
geometrical patterns of the Mamluk carpets. The pal-
mettes and rosettes, the feathered lanceolate leaves and
the naturalistically treated tulips, pinks and hyacinths
are also to be found on the contemporary textiles and
on pottery and tiles of Iznik. It would therefore seem
obvious to deduce that the carpets also were manu-
factured in Turkey. However, in their fineness, tech-
nique and colour-scheme, they differ completely from
the rest of the Anatolian carpets, but match to a con-
siderable extent the Mamluk carpets. It is therefore
plausible that they were manufactured in the Cairene
workshops after models made by Ottoman artists. This
theory is supported by some hybrid types, i.e. Mamluk
carpets with elements of Ottoman carpets, and vice
versa. The products of the Cairene workshops were of
a special quality, as may be seen from the fact that
Murad III in 1585 summoned eleven master carpet-
makers together with their materials from Cairo to
Istanbul. It is as yet unknown whether they carried
out there a special order or established a local weav-
ing-industry. Among the Ottoman carpets are some
prayer rugs. Ewliya Celebi mentions the use of Egyptian
prayer rugs in Anatolia in the middle of the 1 7th cen-
tury. See Pis. VIII, IX.

The chess-board carpets hold an intermediate

position between the Mamluk and the Anatolian
carpets. Their basic motifs are clearly Mamluk in
character: a star with eight rays on which small cypres-
ses, blossoms and rosettes are radially directed, stands
in a hexagon or octagon which is itself placed in a
square. The way in which this motif is dealt with,
the use of various-sized sections of the pattern, the
coarse wool, and the weft (which is always red) point
however at Anatolia. The colours are restricted to
bright blue, vivid green and red, and thus come near
to the Mamluk carpets. Moreover, these chessboard
carpets have the Persian knot in common with the
Mamluk and Ottoman carpets. As their place of ori-
gin E. Ktihnel proposed the area around Adana in
Anatolia; Rhodes and Damascus have also been sug-
gested. They can be considered to have originated
between the middle of the 10th/ 16th and the end
of the 11th/ 17th centuries (see E. Kuhnel and
L. Bellinger, Cairene rugs and others technically related, 15th-
17th cent, Washington 1957; K. Erdmann, Kauener
Teppiche, i, Europaische und islamische Quellen des 15.-18.
Jh., in Ars Islamica, v (1938), 179; idem, Mamluken- und
Osmanenteppiche, in Ars Islamica, vii (1940), 55; idem,
Neuere Untersuchungen zur Frage der Kairener Teppiche, in
Ars Orientalis, iv (1961), 65).

a. Timurid caipets.

The oldest Persian carpets which have been pre-
served date from the first half of the 10th/16th cen-
tury. They represent culminating points of the art of
carpet knotting which are inconceivable without ear-
lier stages. Timurid miniatures of the 9th/ 15th cen-
tury represent indeed with great accuracy various
genres of carpets. Roughly, two basic types can be
distinguished. First a small-pattern group with geo-
metrical design, consisting of repeating squares,
stars and crosses, hexagons, octagons or circles. They
resemble contemporary tile-patterns. The motifs are
framed by bright, small bands which interlace into
stars or crosses and in between into knots. The cen-
tral field is monochrome or is divided in chess-board
style with contrasting colours. In the borders a Kufic-
like writing stands out from a dark background. The
relation to the small-patterned Holbein carpets is
unmistakable.

This type is replaced by arabesque and flower pat-
terns towards the end of the 9th/ 15th century. The
finest specimens are to be found in the miniatures of
the painter Bihzad [q.v.]. He belonged to the school
of Herat and was in 1522 entrusted with the direc-
tion of the library of Shah Isma'il I in Tabriz. A
direct influence on the royal carpet manufacturies is
thus possible. In this new style with arabesque-pat-
terns, construed lines cross the field — symmetrical to
both axes — and outline semi-circles, circles, multi-foils,
cartouches and ellipses. These forms intersect, creat-
ing segments which are emphasised by their colour
and by their arabesque tendril decoration. There are
also carpets in which medallions are arranged over
arabesques, and others with a simple decoration of
scrolls on a monochrome ground. Instead of the stiff
Kufic borders, elegantly twisted tendrils are used.
These general principles and individual motifs form
the bases of the Safawid carpets of the 10th/ 16th and
11th/ 17th centuries (see A. Briggs, Timurid carpets, in
Ars Islamica, vii, 20, and xi-xii, 146).

P. Safawid carpets.

Dating. Four carpets with a date inserted and some

i provide the basis for dating the carpets
which were manufactured in the 10th/ 16th and
11th/ 17th centuries under the Safawids: (1) the car-
pet with the hunting scene, designed by Ghiyath al-
Din Djarm and now in the Museo Poldi Pezzoli,
Milan, with the date 929/1522, occasionally also read
949/1542; (2) the famous Ardabrl carpet by MaksQd
Kashanl, dated 946/1539-40, manufactured together
with one or even two others for the tomb mosque
of Shaykh Safi; then, after a gap of more than 100
years, (3) a "vase" carpet in the museum of Sarajevo,
1067/1656, by Ustadh Mu'min b. Kutb al-Dln
Mahani; and finally (4) a silk carpet by Ni'mat Allah
Djawshakam, dated 1082/1671, from the mausoleum
of Shah 'Abbas II in Kum. Other inscriptions are of

A group of silk carpets with larger fields, executed
with gold and silver threads, the so-called "Polish"-
carpets, represent the style prevalent around 1600
and in the first half of the 17th century (PI. XV).
With the aid of documentary evidence they can be
dated as follows. In 1601 the Polish king Sigismund
Vasa III ordered such a carpet in Kashan. In 1603
and 1621 Shah 'Abbas I had five specimens sent as
gifts accompanying an embassy to the Signoria of
Venice. Besides, contemporary reports of European
travellers contain many references to these carpets.
European paintings, which contribute to the dating
of Anatolian carpets, are of no help in this respect
as far as the Persian carpets are concerned. Only
the "Herat" carpets occur frequently on Dutch paint-
ings of the 17th century. The Safawid miniatures
show that at the beginning of the 10th/ 16th century
the basic types of carpets had been developed. The
reproductions are, however, not sufficiently differen-

of painting about periods of their origin and locali-
sation. Dates are to a high degree determined by
stylistic aspects, the quality of the design and reali-
sation and the shape and various degrees of devel-
opment of the singular forms being weighed one
against another. The margin for a subjective judg-
ment remains thus relatively large.

Localisation. Because of their patterns and technical
singularities, the Safawid carpets, with some excep-
tions, can be divided into clearly discernible groups.
It is however difficult to see the relations of these
groups with the histoncally -established knotting cen-
tres. Undoubtedly the successive capitrls Tabnz
(from 1502), Kazwin (from 1548) and Isfahan (from
1596-7) had their court weaving manufactories It is
possible that the early Safawid carpets came into
being in Tabriz undei the influence ot Bihzad It
is surprising that no attempts have been made to
localise carpets at Kazwin The woik-shops of Isfahan
are sufficiently documented Jean-Baptiste Tavemiei
describes even their exact localttv in the Watdan area
The manufacturing of silk so-called Polish carpets
and woollen carpets is proved to have taken place in
Isfahan. Apparently Kashan was known before Isfahan
for its silk weaving Pedro Teixeira mentions alieady
in 1604 carpets from Kashan with gold and silk beau-
tiful brocades and velvets and the fame of the town
was evident in 1601 when King Sigismund \ asa III
ordered from theie silk carpets worked with gold So
late as 1670 Chevalier Chaidin calls Kashan the cen-
tre of the silk-industry See PI XI\

The woollen carpets however cannot be classi-
fied since they are onlv verv summaiilv dealt with in
travellers' accounts In his appraisal ot the quality
of Persian carpets Pedro Teixeira who left Goa in

1604 and travelled to Europe through Persia, puts
those from Yazd in the first place, those from
Kirman— further characterised in 1684-5 by Engel-
bert Kaempfer as carpets with animal patterns made
from the best wool — in the second place, and those
from Khurasan in the third. Thadaus Krusinski

Gilan, the towns of KashanrKirman, Mashhad!
1 and the capital Isfahan as localities in

which c

Shah 'Abbas I. Tabi
ing the 16th century, but in the 17th cc
hardly mentioned any more. Indicatic
regions of origin, like north-western Persi
southern Persia (Kirman) and
etc.), which have become qui

■port;

ern Persi

i the lit
rather ;

description of a particular type than
localisation. The discovery of oriental sources like
town chronicles, descriptions of weaving manufac-
tories or patterns for designs, might clear up this
problem.

Compartment rugs. The "Compartment rugs" of the
Safawids are derived from the carpets with arabesque
pattern of the Tlmurid period. The early specimens
resemble their painted examples so closely that one
is tempted to give them an earlier date. A Com-
partment rug in the Metropolitan Museum. New
York, and its companion in the Musee historique
des tissus, Lyons, thus belong entirely to the Timurid
tradition; the net-like pattern consisting of eight-lobed
rosettes surrounded by shield-shaped motifs formed
by interlaced bands and the East Asian motifs which
fill these fields, such as the dragon, the phoenix and
cloud bands as well as the arabesque tendrils in the

miniatures. If dated to the beginning of the Safawid
period, both carpets could have been manufactured
in Tabriz. To this pair of carpets belong some later
variants with a raised medallion, establishing the tran-
sition to the medallion carpets of North-West Persia,
j and other variations with shields and quatre-foils in
] alternating rows. The overlapping fields, found in
the carpets in Bihzad's miniatures, are seen again
on several 17th century "Polish" carpets.

Cutpets with hunting uenes and animals. The influence
of miniatuie-pamting is most evident on the carpets
with hunting scenes and animals Except for a few
carpets with figures arranged asymmetrically the scenes
aie adjusted symmetrica^ on the background both
in horizontal and veitical dnections An anangement
ot medallions is put above this usually with one
medallion in the centre and quai ters of medallions in
the coiners ot the field The hunters on loot or hoise-
back attack lions leopards gazelles deei and hares
with spears swords and arrows Together with a great
variety of birds these animals appear also on the cai-
pets with only animals on which tights between deer
or bull and lion or between the <h'i Im or Chinese
unicorn and diagon aie in the foregiound The
Chelsea carpet of the Wtoiia and Albert Museum
London (pi Xl with its net of medallions connected
by diagonally ai ranged pointed ovals holds a middle
position between the Compartment rugs and the tradi-
tional carpets with medallions and animals \n upwaid
and downward string ol arabesque leaves divides the
boidei m interlocking parts of contrasting colours
\s reciprocal pinnacle border it was in a simpler
form very popular on the later Safawid carpets
Among the carpets which aie close t<

two large, silk carpets with hunting scenes, in Vienna
and Boston (see below), are conspicuous. To these
are closely connected some silk woven carpets and
about 12 woollen carpets (the so-called "Sanguszko"

Carpets with figures flourished in the 10th/ 16th
century under Shah Tahmasp I. Apart from the mas-
tery of the designs, their technical realisation is exem-
plary. They are an expression of court luxury. Such
carpets were undoubtedly manufactured in Tabriz,
but the stylistic and technical differences point to other
weaving centres as well. Under Shah 'Abbas I car-
pets with figures lose their importance, so that the
few specimens of the 11th/ 17th century are mere off-
shoots of the 1 0th / 1 6th century carpets.

North-west Persian Medallion-carpets. Together with a
series of medallion carpets with figures, a restricted
group of carpets which have in common a medal-
lion on a background that is filled with tendrils is
localised in north-western Persia, including Tabriz.
The most conspicious specimen is the Ardabil carpet,
according to its inscription dated 946/1539-40. A star-
shaped medallion, with corresponding quarter medal-
lions in the corners of the field, appears above a
fourfold symmetrical double system consisting of ele-
gant spiral tendrils (see Rexford Stead, The Ardabil ear-
pets, J. Paul Getty Museum, California 1974). More
characteristic is a simpler class of carpets with medal-
lions on a continuous, somewhat clumsily designed
pattern of scrolls with small repeat. Here too the
medallions are star-shaped and, as in the case with
all medallion carpets of the 10th/ 16th century, they
clearly stand out from the pattern of the background.
Often secondary designs are added of a vertical car-
touche and a shield-pendant, mostly to be found
lengthwise on both sides. Border patterns consist of
alternating cartouches and rosettes or a continuous,
mirrored repeat of short, interlaced arabesque ten-
drils. Particularly striking in these carpets is their rel-
atively long format. See PI. XI.

Herat carpets. The Herat carpets normally have no
medallion. They are characterised by a variety of large
palmettes with flamboyant contours, which cover the
points where most delicate spiral scrolls split and touch
the symmetrical axes. The colour of the field is almost
always purple, that of the borders dark green or deep
blue. On the specimens of the 10th/ 16th century the
spiral scrolls are tightly connected. The design is dense,
with many bizarre cloud bands and often inter-
mingled with animals and scenes of animal fights. The
rich use of East Asiatic motifs has led scholars to
localise these carpets in eastern Persia; it is indeed
proved that high-quality carpets were manufactured
in Khurasan and its capital Herat.

In a later type, the arrangement of tendrils is
looser and wider, the cloud bands are less frequent
and more clumsy, and animals are completely absent.
The pattern is determined by palmettes and long,
often two-coloured lanceolate leaves, also simplified.
The details and borders show parallels with the
"Polish" carpets, and therefore this type of Herat
carpets too can be dated to the 11th/ 17th century.
It is as yet undetermined whether these are identi-
cal with the woollen carpets manufactured in Isfahan.
Such "Herat" carpets were exported to India and
there imitated. It is difficult to distinguish between
Persian and Indian workmanship. So far unambigu-
ous criteria are lacking (see below). These carpets
are the only type of classical Persian carpets which
appear frequently on European paintings, especially
the Dutch genre-paintings of the 1 7th century. These

"Herat" carpets were evidently a valuable commod-
ity to Europeans, for they have been preserved in
great quantity mainly in Portugal and Holland, coun-
tries which through their East India Companies had
close commercial relations with Persia and India. See
PI. XII.

"Vase" carpets. In contrast with the medallion and
"Herat" carpets, the "vase" carpets have mostly a ris-
ing pattern which is mirrored only with respect to
the longitudinal axis. The direction is determined by
blossoming shrubs and, on many of these carpets, by
receptacles which have the form of vases of Chinese
porcelain, filled with flowers, from which the name
of this group of carpets is derived. Typical is the divi-
sion of the field by means of oval lozenges. Three
groups of lozenges, pushed one against the other, are
mostly intersected. They arise from undulating pairs
of tendrils which touch each other and retreat behind
magnificent flowers. The lozenges may however also
be outlined clearly by tendrils or broad lanceolate
leaves and be filled up with various colours.
Occasionally, the arrangement of lozenges is absent
and there remain entangled rows of flower-vases or
shrubs arranged in a staggered pattern. Sometimes
also patterns of arabesques occur, intermingled with
shrubs and in connection with medallions. Striking
are the wealth of colours, especially conspicious in
large-sized rosettes and palmettes, and the combina-
tion of these stylised flowers with naturalistic bushes.
The borders are relatively small and the inner or
outer guards are often lacking.

Opinions differ about the date of the "vase" car-
pets. Some fragments with very luxuriant decor
and vivid lineation recall stylistically the best "Polish"
carpets, with which they can be dated to the begin-
ning of the 17th century. It is still under discussion
whether the pieces of the main group, which are
designed in a clearer and stiffer way, originated before
or after these fragments. Some are of later date, as
is shown by the impoverishment of the pattern. More
difficult is the decision about others, which are rich
in details notwithstanding the rather simple pattern.
The "vase" carpet of the museum of Sarajevo, dated
1656, is not typical. Its extraordinary well-executed
design and the fact that figurative motifs are in gen-
eral lacking, favours the opinion that most of the
"vase" carpets originated in the 11th/ 17th century.
Southern Persia (Kirman) is regarded as the region
of their manufacture (see K. Erdmann, review of A
survey of Persian art, in Ars Islamica, viii, 174 «.). See
PI. XIII.

Garden carpets. Safawid gardens with their geometrical
division by rectilinear canals, as e.g. Hazar Djarib near
Isfahan, and the garden at Ashraf, laid out by Shah
'Abbas I in 1612, are reflected in the garden carpets.
With their canals and basins with fish and ducks, bor-
dered by trees and bushes in which birds and other
creatures frolic, these carpets represent "portable gar-
dens" which are accessible all year round. The earliest
specimen is probably a garden carpet in the Jaipur
Museum. According to an inscription on the back, this
"foreign carpet" arrived at the palace in Jaipur on 29
August 1632, probably by order or as a gift. Apart
from this one, only two other garden-carpets from the
Safawid period have survived. The type lives on in a
later, restricted group which can be distinguished from
its Safawid predecessors by the schematic outline of the
details, although the general principle remains the same.
They may have been manufactured in north-western
Persia from the second half of the 18th century until
sometime in the 19th century (see M.S. Dimand,

A Persian garden carpet m the Jaipur Museum, in Ais Islamua,
vu (1940), 93 and PI XVI, no 17)

'Portuguese ' carpets The ten to fifteen 'Portuguese"
carpets all go back to the same model and form thus
the most coherent group Thev owe their name to the
repiesentahons ot sailing ships with Euiopean-dressed
persons on board and a man who emerges horn the
watei among fishes and sea monsters The represen-
tation is repeated four times in the coiners and recalls
the ornamental motifs on Euiopean maps One ol the
interpretations ot that scene is that it depicts the arrival
of Poituguese ambassadors in the Persian Gulf From

was further concluded that these carpets were intended
for Portuguese in Goa The lest of the filling of the
fields is also unusual It consists of a lozenge-shaped
middle field with four small, pointed oval medallions
and irregularis notched and feathered outline, sur-

and irregularis forked in the later ones thev aie rec-
tilinear, paiallel and regular While theie is no doubt
about dating them to the 17th centurv, their place of
origin still lemains uncertain Foimeilv these carpets
weie considered to ha\e originated in southern or cen-
tial Persia but now some scholais have proposed India
Neither hypothesis is supported bv convincing proofs
isee C G Ellis Tie Portuguese carpets of Giqamt in Islamic
art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, ed R Ettmghausen,
New York 1973, 267)

Silk carpets The change in stvle which the Safawid
caipets underwent between the lOth/lbth and the
1 lth/1 7th centunes, is espeuallv recognisable in the
silk carpets The most famous and largest carpet of
this kind is the so-called Vienna hunting caipet which
was in the possession ot the Austnan imperial house
and is now in the Museum fur angewandte Kunst
in Vienna The use of silk for pile, warp and weft
produces a verv fine textuie and gives the possibil-
ity foi an extremelv precise design So it is not onlv
bee ause of its costlv material that this carpet heads
the figuiatne medallion caipets oriented towards the
miniature painting and dating from the period of
Shah Tahmasp Its size ol t) 93 X 3 23 m coi re-
sponds with that of the laige woollen knotted car-
pets Manv details are executed in gold and silvei
brocade It is said to have onginated from Tabriz
or, more probablv fiom Kashan, known for its silk

of Baron M de Rothschild, which can be compared

Fine Arts in Boston Some thirteen small-sized silk
carpets, which K Eidmann called the 'small silk
caipets ot Kashan I Siebcnhundcrl Jatrn Omntteppuhe
143), are related to these two Apart from foui cai-
pets with animals and animal fights in a rising, svm-
metncal anangement thev also lepiesent the tvpe
of the earh medallion caipets Repiesentations of
persons and pens are lacking Thev return on some
woven silk carpets, also mostlv of small size, which
fit in stvhsticallv with the figuiative woollen carpets
of the "Sanguszko' gioup and among which a frag-
mentary hunting caipet in the Residenzmuseum at
Munich stands out Because of its size, theme and
quahtv of delineation it is dnetth related to the
Viennese hunting carpet It must howevei, be taken
into account that the technique of a woven caipet
does not permit the elegant hneation of a knotted
one All these woven carpets have pointed oval

alternating cai touches and quatrefoils In comparison

with the knotted silk carpets the use of gold and
silver brocade on laige fields is new, and not onlv
with respect to the emphasising ot details It the
making ot the Vienna hunting carpet, which undoubt-
cdlv figures at the beginning ot the development, is
dated to about the middle of the loth centurv then
the 'small silk carpets of Kashan', the figuiative
woven carpets and the woollen c

t the

•cond

carpets with puiel

Sanguszko -group present the
halt ot the loth ccntuiv

Contrasting with the new figt
thtu is a large group ot wove

floral decor, in which a coaisening ot tne Hneation
is iecogmsable In two of these carpets — one com-
pleters preserved m the Residenzmuseum in Munich
(PI XI) and the lengthwise half of another in the
Textile Museum in Washington — the arms of the
Polish king Sigismund Vasa III have been woven As
is known from documents the king ordered in 1601
silk carpets woiked with gold from Kashan In a bill
ot 12 Septembei 1502 pairs of carpets are mentioned,
together with the sum of five crowns for the weav-
ing of the roval arms In lb42 an undefined num-

the Elector Philip William of the Palatinate bv his

daughtei ot Sigismund III Among these carpets weie
undoubtedlv not onlv the woven carpets with the arms
but certainlv also the othei woven carpets and the
"Polish' carpets, now in the Residenzmuseum The
carpets with the arms thus lllustiate the stvle of woven
carpets about lbOO Thev form the staiting point foi
a chronological otdei of the floial woven carpets,
which with their latest specimens mav reach as tar
as the second half ot the 17th centurv In the shape
ot then medallions, however thev lemain related to
the eailv Safawid carpets

The view that carpets with figurative lepresenta-

is confirmed bv the knotted silk carpets, the large
fields of which aie brocaded with gold and silver
threads and the manufacturing of which flourished
under Shah 'Abbas I At first these carpets weie
thought to be of Polish origin and therefore were
called "Polish carpets' The gioup includes now
about 230 specimens which came into the posses-
sion of European couits or churches as gifts of
ambassadors oi on older Thev were however not
onlv intended foi export but weie also m Persia a
sign ot wealth and luxurv, and bear witness to the
the beginning of the 17th centuiv

? thes,

iepre<

tamed that the mam gioup was pioduced in the
court manufattoiv in the Matdan Jiea of Isfahan
In the 'Polish' carpets the relaxation of the 10th

takable This is shown bv the shifting fiom lines to
fields which finds expression in the abandoning of
the monochiome foundation and m the loss of the
clear delineation of the medallions against the back-
ground Characteristic is further a luxuriant, merelv
floial decor

Production in gieat quantities biought about a ratio-
nalisation of the design, as can easilv be shown from
the manv specimens known This kind of produc-

v be seen fiom the piefc

■ foi smaller

and above all from the use of cotton besides silk in

The patterns can be reduced to about a dozen
basic systems, mostly present in the few large-sized
carpets. Variety is brought about by a difference in
choice of various details, by different medallions and
borders and by variations of colours. Apparently
these carpets were preferably knotted in pairs,
because until today 25 exact pairs are known, har-
monising even in the borders and the division of
colours. Continuing the tradition of Kashan, where
the earliest of these carpets may have originated,
the uniform style of the "Polish" carpets was prob-
ably developed in Isfahan at the beginning of the
17th century, after the court was transferred there
in 1005/1596-7 The - Polish" carpets characterised
by an obvious negligence in the discipline of the
drawing, may date from the second half of the 17th
century. The destruction of the Safawid dynasty by
the Afghans in 1722 put an end to the manufac-
tuie of brocade textile (see K Eidmann, Persische
\\ irkteppiche der Safau idinzeit, in Pantheon (1932) 227
F Spuhler, Der figurali Kaschan Hirkteppich aus den Sign

Orients v/1 (1968), 55, T Mankowski, Note on the
tost of hashan carpets at the beginning of the 17th tentury,
in Bull of the American Inst for Persian Art and
Archaeology, iv (1936), 152, MS Dimand, Loan e\hi
bition of Persian rugs of thi so called Polish type,
Metropolitan Museum New York 1930 F Spuhler,
Bin neuemorbener "Polenteppich' des Museums fur Istamisihe
hunst, in Berliner Museen, N F , xx/1, 27, idem, Seidene
Reprasentationsteppiche der mittleren bis spaten Safauidenznt
inaugural thesis Berlin 1968, to be published by
Faber and Faber, London)

y 18th and 19th Centuries

The few carpets from the 18th century abandon
to a great extent the tradition of the two preced-
ing centuries Simpler repeated patterns with plant
motifs like trees, shrubs forked leaves, palmettes and
rosettes are preferred In the 19th century produc-
tion levives The old centres of Tabriz, Isfahan
Kashan, Kirman and Khurasan with Herat gain new
importance with mostly laige carpets In Tabnz and
Kashan small-sized silk carpets aie knotted too, also
as prayer rugs The airangement of the medallions
on a monochrome or small-patterned backgiound is
prefeired A typical design of the 19th century is
the "Herat!"' pattern spread all ov( " rT "

l element of it

zenge

lanceolate leaves which run paiallel to the sides and
a rosette in the centie The botih or almondstone
pattern is equally populai The figural carpets have
their origin m the hunting and animal caipets of
the 10th/ 16th century and came mainly from Tehran
and Kirman Elements of the classical pattern aie
geometnsed and distorted Peculiarity and liveliness
cannot be denied to the pioducts of the 19th cen-
tury This is especially true for the carpets from the
surroundings of the town of Bidjar, which are,
moreover, of outstanding quality Charactenstic is
an extremely fine carpet, dated 1209/1794 (formerly
in the McMullan collection, now in the Metropoli-
tan Museum, New York) which in colouration and
structure belongs to the Bidjar carpets and for the
drawing of which a pattern of ;

used ,
this <

s of la

n be c

ected K

carpets from the manufactories, but also carpets that
were made by tribes and villages for their personal
use, and village products of cottage industries, mar-
keted in the larger towns. They are usually small-
sized. Their charm lies in their originality. To these
belong carpets from the towns of Hamadan, Saruk,
Bidjar, Herlz, Senneh and Kirmanshah and from
the Kurdish tribes in the neighbourhood. Some of
the patterns of the Bakhtiyaris living to the west of
Isfahan are based on the Isfahan-style. The Kashka'i
nomads around Shfraz use both purely geometrical
forms and flowers and animals (see A.C. Edwards,
The Persian tarpel, London 1953) (see further on tribal
carpets. Section iii below),
e. India

During the 16th and 17th centuries carpets some-
times of very high perfection were manufactured in
the towns of Agra, Lahore and Jaipur, evidently with-
out any pieceding Indian tradition in this field of
handcraft The stimuli surely came fiom Peisia Under
the Mughal Akbar I (1556-1605) a strong tendency
towards Safawid taste was developing This led to
the summoning of Persian artists and craftsmen and
affected all the artistic activities under Akbar 's suc-
cesses Djahangir, Shah Djahan and Awrangzib until
about 1700 Between lb25 and 1630 European influ-
ences too made themselves felt In the present state
of research it is not possible to establish a chronology
of the Indian carpets of the Mughal penod It is
plausible that the separate groups did not replace
one another but existed contemporaneously Some
fragments with grotesque animal patterns which are
rooted in Indian mythology are to be placed at the
beginning of the development and dated perhaps as
early as the lbth century The miniatures in the
Akbar nama of Abu '1-Fadl [qi], dated 1602-5, give
us an idea of the carpets ta 1600 With their ogi-
val medallions, scrolls and cloud-bands, they cone-
spond to the Persian carpets of the 16th century, so
that the actual origin remains obscure In the same
way the Indian carpets of the later "Herat" type can-
not with certainty be separated from their Peisian
predecessors A gioup with pattern of scrolls stands
out more clearly, it is characterised by lanceolate
leaves at the ends of the scrolls, formed by leaves of
blossoms which oveilap like scales This group is rep-
lesented by a carpet which was ordered in Lahoie
and presented in lb34 by Mr Robert Bell, now in
the possession of the Girdlers' Company of the City
of London Also authentically Indian is a carpet with
scenes of animal fights, cairying the arms of the
Fremlin family (now in the Victoria and Albeit
Museum in London), which helps to distinguish the
Indian animal carpets from the Peisian ones R
Skelton has proved convincingly that a naturalistic
flower style arises in miniature painting between lb20
and 1627, towards the end of the reign of Djahangn
This style, encouraged by the import of European
botanical works, spread to carpets and textile fabrics
and did not hesitate to employ plastic effects in its
design, produced by gradations of colour A carpet
with rows of blossoming shrubs lies underneath
Awrangzib's throne on a portrait painted around
lb60 A date post quern is thus available for quite a
number of extant carpets of this kind with cherry-
red background and a fine arrangement of colours
Such a date is valid too for the extraordinarily tight-
knotted prayer rugs with a central blossoming bush,
standing out from a flat landscape Apparently both
types did not originate before the second quarter of

the 17th centurv a:
ot populantv about
differing qualitv in

V ha\e reached their peak
iddle ot that century Then
that thev were manutac-
In the 18th and 19th cen-
seem to ha\e been made
onlv for expoit and are artistic allv without conse-
quence (see R Skelton, 4 dtcoiatue motij in Mughal ait
in ispats of Indian Art Papers presented in a symposium
at the Los Angdes Country Musium of Art October 1970
Leiden 1972 147, and Pis \VI WII)
f The Caucasus

The stvlised archaising representations ot pairs ot
animals dragons trees bushes etc on the Caucasian
dragon and tree carpets caused FR Marquait in
1908, in the first chronology of Oriental carpets to
place these carpets at the beginning ot the develop-
ment and to date them to the 13th/ 14th centuries
This opinion howevei is contiadicted b\ the evident
influence the Satawid caipets have had on these
dragon' carpets as is shown bv the tloial motifs
animals and scenes of animal lights These carpets
got then name fiom the diagons which aie mostlv
distorted until thev are unrecognisable The dragons
are inserted into a using lo7enge-shaped design made
fiom diagonal stupes This airangement and the nai-

pets According to modern opinion only a few of
these carpets date back to the 17th century Togethei
with their Caucasian versions most of them aie derived
from the 18th century tree-carpets and floral carpets
with spital tendrils and have their ongin in the
Shirwan/Karabagh area Some of the Caucasian car
pets of the 17th and 18th centuries are of consider-
able size, which indicated that they were manufactured
in uiban manufactories In accordanie with the sense
of decoration of the rural population a piofusion of
bright patterns with large fields m lively colouration
developed in the 19th centuiv fiom the above-
mentioned wealth of foims With then geometucal
design these small carpets and runners — there are no
more large-sized carpets in this penod— stand out
clearlv from the Persian carpets of the 19th century
The most impoitant knotting centres were Kazak
ShirwSn Dagtustan Karabagh Mughan lahsh
Gandja and Kuba (see <\ Sakisian homeaux doiu
merits sur les tapis armtnuns in Syria xvn (1936) 177
M \gaoglu Diagon rugs a loan inhibition The Textile
Museum Washington 1948 U Sthuimann Teppuhe
aus dem kaukasus Brunswick n d Eng tr Grainge
Basingstoke 1974 Catalogues haukasisihe Tippuhi
Museum fur kunsthandwerk Fiankfurt 1962 C G
Ellis Caucasian caipds in the Textili Museum in Foisehun^in
zui Kunst isuns in Mimimam Kuit Eidmann Istanbul
1969, 194, and PI X\II no 20)

g. Spain

In a survey of knotted carpets as expiessions of
Islamic handicraft, the eaily Spanish carpets should
also be mentioned. The so-called synagogue carpet
of the Islamisches Museum, Berlin (I 27) is proba-
bly the oldest and may belong to the 14th- 15th cen-
turies. They are often laige-sized pieces in a style
which prefigures the later "Holbein" carpets. The
colours of the Spanish carpets are marked by stronger
contrasts. The "Turkish" group may date from the
15th /16th centuries and is succeeded by works with
Renaissance elements. Alcaraz, Letur, Guenca and
Valencia are known as knotting centres. The tech-
nical peculiarity of the Spanish carpets consists in the
fact that the knot is always twisted about a warp

(see J Ferrandis Tones Exposition dt aljombras antwuas
tspanolas Madnd 1933 E Kuhnel Maunsiht Tippuhi
aus Altam^ Pantheon 1930 41b E Kuhnel and L
Belhngei, Catalog oj Spanish rugs 12th ant to 19th
lent The Textile Museum Washington 1953)

h Tuikestan

The varieties of the Turkoman pioductions aie
detei mined bv the use that is made of them espe-
tiallv as furnishing of the tent [see kha\ma iv
Central <\sia] Small carpets serve as floor-coverings,

mit and design with a praver rug as tent-bands

\anous bags to store supplies saddlebags and camel-
omaments are also knotted Thev all have in com-
mon a deep-red to daik-purple giound and an
all-over geometric repeat design in blight red blue
white and (rarelv) gieen and vellow The wav m
which the gul, the stai -shaped to octagonal leading
motif which has the function of a tribal sign is exe-
cuted mav indicate the particulai nomadic tribes
Tekke Tuikomans tomtits Cavdirs (Tchodovsi
Ersaris and banks to whom can be linked the Baltic
in the west and the \tghans in the south The way
in which tiansposed lows of pnncipal and suboidi-
nate guls ate ai ranged already existent on carpets
to be seen on Timund miniatures and on 'Holbein
carpets suggests a long tradition in the knotting art
Since however any suppoit for an accurate dating
is lacking one hesitates to date single specimens to
the 18th centuiy (see <\ Bogolubow Tapis serus dt

Hsu

<e fan

t parti.

St Petersburg 1908 (new edition A \
Bogolyubov Carptts of Central Asia, ed JM\
Thompson London 1973), H Clark, Bokhaia
Tin} oman and lfghan rugs, London 1922 \ Thachei
Turhman rugs New ^oik 1940 U Schuimann
Zinhal Asiatisihe Teppuhe Frankfuit 1969 Eng tr
Cinhal Asian rugs London 1970 \ G Moshkova
Koin narodoi sndim isu Aun.a V) 20 a Tashkent
1970 Ger tr Du Tppuhe dn \olhn Mittilasiens
Hamburg 1974

3 Public Collec

> of On.

1 Ca

Europe The most impoitant collections are in
\ienna Osterreichisches Museum fur angewandte
Kunst London \ictona and Albeit Museum Istanbul
lurk ve Islam Eserlei Muzesi Berlin Islamisches
Museum Staathche Museen zu Beilin (East Beilin)
and Museum fui Islamische Kunst Staathche Museen
Stiftung Preussischer Kultuibesitz (West Berlin) Mso
in Amsterdam Ri]ksmuseum Florence Museo Bardim
Hambuig Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe
Leningrad Hermitage Lisbon Fondation Calouste
Gulbenkian; Lyons, Musee Historique des Tissus;
Milan, Museo Poldi Pezzoli; Munich, Residenzmuseum
and Bayerisches Nationalmuseum; Paris, Musee des
Arts Decoratifs.

U.SA. The most important collections are in New
York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, and
Washington, The Textile Museum. Also in Boston,
Museum of Fine Arts; Cleveland, The Cleveland
Museum of Arts; Detroit, The Detroit Institute of
Arts; Los Angeles, County Museum; Philadelphia,
Philadelphia Museum of Art; St. Louis, City Art
Museum of St. Louis.

The most extensive bibliography is in K. Erdmann,
Der orientalische Knupfteppich, Tubingen 1955 (several

editions) arranged according to areas and within
these chronologically by the year of publication
(English tr. C.G. Ellis, Oriental carpets, London 1960,
2nd impression, Fishguard 1976); K.A.C. Creswell,
A bibliography of the architecture, arts and crafts of Islam
to 1st Jan. 1960, London 1961, Oxford 1973, 1139-
1204, alphabetically arranged by authors (Supplement,
Jan. 1960 to Jan. 1972, Cairo 1974 (329-37)); J.D.
Pearson, Index islamicus; R. Ettinghausen art. Kail,
in EI' Suppl.

Bibliography: In addition to the works men-
tioned in the article, see Tafelwerk zur Ausstellung ori-
entalischer Teppiche, Orientalische Teppiche, Wien, London,
Paris 1892-1896, 3 vols.; Supplement, Altorientalische
Teppiche, Leipzig 1908, ed. A. von Scala; F.R.
Martin, A history of oriental carpels befoie 1800, Vienna
1908; Die Ausstellung von Meisterwerken muhammedani-
scher Kunst in Munchen 1910, ed. F. Sarre and F.R.
Martin; F. Sarre and H. Trenkwald, Altorientalische
Teppiche, i, Vienna and Leipzig 1926; ii, 1928; A
survey of Persian a,t, London, New York 1938, ed.
A.U. Pope (reprint 1967).

Exhibitions and Museum publications: LArt de
IVrient Islamique, Collection de la Fondation Calouste
Gulbenkian, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon
1963; Meisterstucke onentalischei Knupjkunst, Collection
A. Danker, Stadtisches Museum Wiesbaden, 1966;
The Keimkian Foundation collection of rare and magnifi-
cent oriental carpets. Special Loan Exhibition, a guide and
catalogue, by M.S. Dimand, Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York 1966; Islamische Teppiche, The
Joseph V. McMullan collection. Mew Toik, Museum
fur Kunst-handwerk Frankfurt 1968, catalogue by
U. Schiirmann; Alte Onent-Teppiche, Museum fur
Kunst und Gewebe Hamburg 1970, ed. R. Hempel
and M. Preysing; Arts de VIslam des origines a 1700,
Orangerie des Tuileries, Paris 1971; Islamic carpets
from the collection of Joseph V. McMullan, Hayward
Gallery, London 1972; M.S. Dimand and Jean
Mailey, Oriental rugs in the Metropolitan Museum of Ait,
New York 1973.

Private collections and handbooks: J.V.
McMullan, Islamic carpets. New York 1965; M.H.
Beattie, Die orientalische Teppiche in dei Sammlung
Thyssen-Bornemisza, Castagnola 1972; P.M. Cam-
pana, // tappeto orientate, Milan 1962; G. Cohen, //
fascino del tappeto orientate, Milan 1968; R. Hubel,
Ullstein Teppichbuch, Berlin, Frankfurt, Vienna 1965;
K. Erdmann, Skbenhundert Jahre Orientteppich, Herford
1966 (Eng. tr. M.H. Beattie and H. Herzog, Seven
hundred years of oriental carpets, London 1970).

(F. Spuhler)

,. In t

i Musl

: West

In the Muslim West, the term bisat, pi. busut is
attested, notably by Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, who
uses it to describe the revenues paid every year by
the Aghlabids to the 'Abbasid caliphs; under the
caliphate of al-Ma'mun, there is mention of 120
carpets (busut). It may thus be supposed that these
were precious objects of real artistic value and one's
natural inclination is to think of "the carpet on
which the sovereign and his ministers are seated"
(Dozy, Suppl. i, 85, col. 2). Unfortunately, nothing
is known of these carpets which were presumably
manufactured in the large cities, al-Kayrawan and
its satellites 'Abbasiyya or Rakkada, in particular.
Does the fact that these products were intended for
the highest dignitaries permit us to suppose that, as
early as this period, there was at least one tiraz [
q.v.] in Ifrikiya? A workshop of this kind is attested

at Mahdiyya in the period of the Fatimid al-Mansur
(Diawdhar, tr. Canard, 75), and there is mention of
the manufacture of carpets there. It would seem
legitimate to suppose that, under the Aghlabids, there
was the capacity for weaving luxury carpets (no
doubt inspired by the carpets of the East) intended
for the caliphs and for the most senior officials of
the Muslim world.

The term bisat is also employed by Yakut (7th/ 13th
century), who mentions busut in the region of Tebessa
and describes them as sumptuous, well-made and long-
lasting. Should these carpets be seen as the ancestors
of the lock-stitched carpets which, until recently, still
constituted one of the principal items of tent furni-
ture, especially in the region of Tebessa: the tribes of
the Nememsha, the Harakta, the Mahadba and the
Hamama? The most ancient of these products, with
strictly geometric decoration, appear to perpetuate the
old local traditions such are still to be found in the
Djebel Amour, as well as in the Moroccan Middle
and High Atlas.

Bisat is not at the present time employed in any
part of North Africa, where various other Arabic
words are used to designate these long, polychrome,
woven fabrics: ktlf or katifa, matrah, fash, farrashiyya,
while in Morroco, Berber or Berberised words are
also used (P. Ricard, Coipus); as for the carpets manu
factured in the towns (al-Kayrawan, Guergour,
Nedroma, Rabat, Mediounaj, they are called zarbiyya,
pi. zrabi, or sadjdjada, pi. sadjdjadat. These carpets are
strongly influenced by the carpets of Anatolia and of
old Andalusia.

The existence of busut carpets in Muslim Spain is
attested by various authors, in particular at Murcia.
These products were much valued in the Orient (al-
Makkarl, Nafh al-tib, i, 123). Yakut speaks of the busut
of Eiche (Alsh) (i, 350); but the expression wata' is
preferred when describing the carpets of Chinchilla
or of Baza, the reputation of which extended as far
as the Orient.

In the modern and contemporary period, the cen-
ing in North Africa

tributec

s follov

!)Carpe
ally ,

rsually by r

(reggam).

gene

Tunisia: the Hamama, the Mahadba, the Durayd,
the Ouled bou Ghanem tribes.

Algeria: the Nemensha, the Harakta, the Maadid,
the Hodna tribes. See PI. XVIII.

All these carpets are characterised by ancient, essen-
tially geometric patterns, with compositions that vary
little, and a colour scheme reduced to two or three
shades, and by apparently more recent patterns inspired
by the carpets of Anatolia, characterised by one or
several central polygonal motifs (mibab) framed by
orthogonal fillets. The multiplication of mihrdbi, per-
mits the creation of carpets of large dimensions. They
are all polychrome, red being the dominant back-
ground colour.

The carpets of the Djebel Amour (Algeria) have
remained faithful to geometric decor and to ancient
local compositions; there are only two dominant colours,
red for the background and dark blue for the motifs
(recently replaced by black). At the edges there are
fringes woven with a polychrome geometric design.
These carpets are comparable with certain Moroccan
woven products of the Middle Atlas. See pi. XLX.

Morocco: carpets of the High Atlas: Haouz of
Marrakesh, Ouled bou Sbaa, Alt Ouaouzguit, etc.;
carpets of the Middle Atlas: Zemmour, Zaian, Beni

M'tir, Beni Mguild, Ait Youssi, Marmoucha, Ai

rouchen, Beni Alaham, Beni Ouaram, etc. pro\

All these carpets manufactured among Berber trib
are of geometric design and employ only a limited

Tunisia: al-K.ayrawan, Tunis, and various coastal
cities where the influence of al-Kayrawan has been

local types with a fair degree of originality, iBizerta

Algeria: Cuergour and Setif (at this present time in
the process of disappearing!, Souf, Qal a of the Banu
Rached (influenced by Andalusian products).

Mnmcw: Rabat-Sale, Casablanca, Mediouna (also
influenced by Andalusia;.

All these carpets were, or still are, woven in the
home, as a family business.

In the contemporary period, the manufacture of
carpets, an export product, is tending to become an
industry, especially in the major cities such as al-
i, Tunis,' Tlemcen, Rabat-Sale, Casablai

and a

so in the
,, Tebes;

, Cher,

s Nabei

'iogiaphr: Giacobetti, Les tapis et tissages du
Djebel Amour, 1932; P. Ricard, Chi pus des tapis maw-
cains, 4 vols. 1923-24; L. Poinssot and J. Revault,
Tapis tumsiens, 4 vols. 1937-57; L. Golvin, Lis aits
populaiies en Algerie, 6 vols. 19.50-6. (L. Gui.viNI

carpet history except, perhaps, A.C. Edwards (77;?
Persian carpet, London 1975), distinguished between the
output of cities, villages and tribal groups, and only

of Central Asia's pastoral nomads attracted anthro-
pologists, making it possible to isolate and study their

The

i the

own has obfust

and tribes in its hinterland, while Bukhara is still the
popular label for the rugs of the Tekke Turkmen.
Such misleading i ^

-seded 1:

ssification. Similarly, confusini
h variants in different counti
lology, based

i the

modern Sanandadj the Turkish knot predon
Consequently, although the so-called Turkish knot is
the most commonly used in Turkey, both knots are
found in Iran and both have been found in the same
rug. Classification by knot only, therefore, should be
regarded with caution. Each has different charac-
teristics: the Turkish knot is symmetrical, the two
tufts lying evenly on either side of the warps, and
it is suited to a longer pile, while the Persian knot
is asymmetrical, the tufts slanting to the left or right
of the warps, and is favoured where clear definition
of a complex pattern is required. Some scholars have
now adopted the term symmetncal for the Turkish
knot and asymmetrical for the Persian.

Description of designs is also prone to variation
and many names ha\e been arbitrarily coined by
Europeans. A floor carpet can be described as fol-
lows: first, the central field and its ornament (some
German writers, however, use the word field to define
the motifs), while the borders are numbered starting
from the inner one and specifying the main, or largest,
border and the guards or narrow bands which divide
them. This system may be adapted to describe saddle-
bags, tent-bags and animal trappings.

In city workshops, fixed vertical looms make large
pieces possible, and women blotters work from a car-
toon under male supervision. Villagers use both ver-
tical and horizontal looms, while among the tribes
the latter is normal. The tribal loom (PI. XX), evolved

xind. It i

light, f

varp

is difficult to control sinc<
rug is being made. While
' ' ' and villages, tril

knot.

ool v

on warps are favoured
tgs until recently were

n theii

echnica

■ being replaced

[The primary structure of fabrics, Washington, D.C. 1966).
In the past the words carpet and rug (and in French
the word tapis) have been used synonymously, lead-
ing to difficulty in the study of documentary evidence.
Carpet is now used to define a knotted article of
some size, say, 300 by 240 cm. and upwards, while
a >ug, also of knotted pile, is smaller, measuring up
to about 300 by 200 cm. Both words have been used
to define flat-weave articles as well, and these are
now named after their technique, for instance, kilim
or gelim, which is tapestry-woven, and sumak, after
sumak weft-wrapping. Only knotted pilework is dis-

2. Technique. There are a number of knots of
which, as noted in Section i. 1 above, the two most
common are the Gordes or Turkish knot and the
Senneh or Persian knot. Both are of known anti-
quity; the Pazyryk rug, dating from the 4th to 3rd
century B.C., was made with the Turkish knot, while
the Basadar fragments, possibly a century older.

... istic suppleness.

Tribal wool is of fine quality, carefully selected and
dyed. Vegetable dyes were retained longer by the
tribes than by settled weavers, and a much-admired
feature is the variations in tone, known as abrash, due
to the dyeing of small batches of wool as required.
Most of the dye plants like madder, weld and indigo
are common, and it is the recipes which give colours
their individuality.

The technique of knotting varies. In southern Iran
knots are tied with the fingers and cut with a knife,
while up in the north-west the wool is pulled through

he warps
vhich is tl

vith a
of flat-

hooked
rg-blade

. Hav

known

ng b

d of
up
the

between these inse
\efts, packing then
PI. XXI) to hold

down

irmly
ts in

vith a

fplain-vv
1. The c

ord-

ng at the
Tribal wea

ters wil

put it
use an

as th
old r

e work progre
ug as a model

and

s finished
orm the

improv
vith an

th'er "e
Clippin

dally
nd" ar

d the

tail. The
le, requ

rug
arps
ring

while in city workshops the knots are roughly
slashed and the finished carpet, looking like an
unkempt hedge, is clipped by a specialist. Tribal
knotting varies from the coarse, shaggy pile of

Yiiriik rugs to the fine, velvety surface of Turkmen
bags. Each has its own attraction, since the design
is evolved to enhance the quality of the wool.

3. History. The carpet from Barrow 5 at Pazyryk
(see S.I. Rudenko, Naseleniya gornogo Altaya v Skfskoe
Vremya, Moscow-Leningrad 1953. Eng. tr. M.W.
Thompson, Frozen tombs of Siberia, London 1970, 298-
304) pushed back the beginnings of carpet history
from the 6th century A.D. to the late 3rd century
B.C. It is, however, a sophisticated piece, both in
technique and design, arguing a long-developed tra-
dition. It is unlikely that it was made by the Altai
people, and it more plausibly reflects an eclectic
taste for exotic imports. The Pazyryk burials, how-
ever, provide invaluable evidence of the life style of
these Central Asian pastoral nomads, putative ances-
tors of later tribal groups, which was notable then,
as now, for the major part played by textiles in
their economy and cultural heritage. With their
wealth based on their animals, and their sources of
conflict pasturage and water, they made seasonal
migrations, as do the Bakhtiyari, the Kashka'i and
Khamseh in Iran today. They produced a class of
mounted warriors who revolutionised warfare for
both the Romans and the Chinese, gave rise to innu-
merable legends and bred distrust and fear among
urban dwellers. It is likely that the women under-
took the spinning and weaving, and even today these
activities are considered effeminate by tribesmen with
the memory of an elite warrior caste (PI. XX). It
can be surmised that knotting originated among even
earlier pastoral nomads living in a harsh winter cli-
ilaughter thei

■ to flee

volved a

warm, tufted fabric. K. Erdmann and others believed
that knotting may have developed among Turkic
peoples in West Turkestan, (Erdmann, Der orientali-
se Knupfieppuhe, Tubingen 1955, Eng. tr. C.G. Ellis,
Oriental tarpets, Fishguard 1976, 14-16) and it would
seem likely that it arrived in Anatolia with the
Saldjuks in the 11th century A.D., where it was
established by the 13th century as is attested by the
Saldjuk pieces from the mosque of 'Ala' al-Din in
Konya (now in the Turk ve Islam Muzesi, Istanbul,
illustr. in O. Aslanapa, Turkish art and architecture,
London 1971). Also, Marco Polo, writing of his visit
to Anatolia in 1271-2, says that the finest carpets
in the world were made in Konya, Sivas and Kayseri,
while Abu '1-Fida, quoting Ibn SaTd, who died in
1274, says that Aksaray's carpets were exported "to
all countries", and Ibn Battuta in the 14th century
mentions that Turkish carpets were widely exported.
Since many tribes surviving into modern times claim
Turkic descent, it is no surprise to find design ele-
ments which are traceable to Saldjuk pilework. The
all-over geometricised repeat, found in the Konya
pieces, is a characteristic of Turkmen floor rugs,
while octagons, hooked medallions and eight-pointed
stars, together with border motifs (always the
most conservative element in rug design), like the
angular scrolling stem, key fret and arrowhead, are
ubiquitous in tribal rugs and village rugs from
Turkey, the Caucasus and Iran. Some of the crea-
tures which appear frequently on Akstafa, KashkaT
and Khamseh rugs also have a long pedigree, for
their distant ancestors appear in Italian paintings of
the 13th to 15th centuries, copied from rugs imported
to Italy from Asia Minor (for a detailed discussion
of painting evidence see Bibl.) The marriage of the
Virgin, painted in the early 14th century by Niccolo
di Buonacorso, in the National Gallery, London,

shows a carpet with repeating octagons, each en-
closing a large-tailed bird, precursor of the fantastic
birds knotted into 19th century rugs from south-west-
ern Iran; while of surviving knotted examples, sim-
ilar birds appear in one of the Konya fragments,
and the Marby rug, of early 15th century date, now
in the Statens Historiska Museet, Stockholm, has two
octagons, each (
either side of a
Marby Rug and some other fragments of carpets found in
Egypl (see above section i. 2. 6. for full reft.

Since they were subjected to continuous wear,
very few tribal rugs of a pre-19th century date have
survived 1 although notable exceptions are the
Turkmen rugs in the Ethnographic Museum,
Leningrad, unpublished in the West), making it
impossible to write a coherent history. It can be
inferred, however, that these ancient patterns per-
sisted in spite of the revolutionary changes in 16th
century Iran under royal patronage, emulated in
Ottoman court workshops, where the influence of
illuminators and bookbinders emphasised the centre
of the carpet and introduced a large new repertoire
of motifs. The village and tribal traditions seem to
have developed independently of the cities but,
although they were inevitably more conservative,
there is evidence of borrowing and of organic growth;
and 19th century rugs show considerable diversity
in the treatment of old themes.

The 19th century, which saw the earliest European
documentation of the Central Asian tribes, also marked
a watershed, for the definition of the national fron-
tiers of Iran. Russia and Afghanistan dealt a major
blow to pastoral nomadism, and this century has seen
wholesale settlement.

The ethnically most homogeneous tribal confed-
eracy was the Turkmen, who retained their exclu-
sivity until their territory on the Trans-Caspian
steppes was split up in the 1880s. Modern study
has demon-strated major shifts of influence within
the confederacy, however, with tribes like the Salur
and Sarik, powerful in the 17th and 18th centuiies,
being overtaken in the 19th by the Tekke and
becoming extinct as tribal entities (see S. Azadi,
Tuikmenische Teppiehe, exhibition cat.. Hamburg, Eng.
tr. 1970, Turkoman carpets, London 1975, 13-14 for
detailed lists of tribes and ta'ifeh).

Turkmen pilework is justly famous for its hard,
glossy wool, excellent vegetable dyes and fine knot-
ting, normally using the asymmetrical or Persian
knot (but see M.H. Beattie, in The Timoman of ban
[see Bibl.], 38-41, for exceptions), and Turkmen rugs
are unmistakable with their ground and borders of
the same colour, always red, but varying from
the clear tones of Salur and Tekke to the ox-blood
of the Sarik and aubergine of the Vomut, and hav-
ing in the central field an all-over repeat of guls
which, when t '

tamgha.

exclusk

to the

which

used it. Tekke floor rugs (PL XXII) h
guls quartered by a lattice to enclose tritohate
forms identified by Moskova as birds (see Azadi.
op. lit., 20-41) and also of totemic significance, while
the Vomut owned a number of guls including
the kepv, based on plant forms, and the dirnak, a
hooked diamond enclosing birds (illustr. in Azadi,
op. cil„ and U. Schurmann, Central Asian carpet*,
London 1969, pis. 15-25). It is known, however,
that the Sarik and Tekke used older forms of the
gul than those featuring in 19th century rugs, while
secondary guls and border patterns pose complex

More.

s pnnr

S U b,Ugated £

tube having

possibH tun

like bags while the victe

ing 1mm Turkmen C luc isnn and Atshu
absoibed and iepioduced in a chaiacten
nei Floor iugs show octagons ind "lomu

might lncoipoi ite tht weakei tribe s piimarv orna
ment in its own smallei pieces Lis in iugs lie

in addition to classic Tuikmen motits large (en
tnl medallions lie lntioduced to bigs while floor
iugs md piavet rugs nn\ have llonl pitteins Heated
semi naturalisticallv and in a higher ton ll ke\
(illustr in Azadi >p at pis 7 ') and iu and
Schuiminn op at pis 41 r ib) As well is flooi iugs
the Turkmen women used to knot minv ai tides tor
then own use including the tent b ind Miami bit
)Up which encircled the tent httice with the knot
ted pattern on i white plamwene ground ficing
inwards the tngu or cnu a handsome ing with l
crucifoim design which Kted is i tent dooi tht
kapumk a lunged deeontion hung over the inside
dooiwa\ and a v metv of bags irom siddle bigs
tlwrdiin hige stonge bags coal to smillci ones

iting it

dies etc Thes

storing the household equipment

telt rooted tent an appeinnce oi tapesti\ hung
splendour

The finest knotting was ic served toi co\eis tainaltsha
toi the much % alued ho!ses and the lomut who
made the widest \ inet\ oi irtiiles ind pitterns used
to knot i set ot trippings tor the bridal camel con
sisting ot pentigonal flank hangings mmalik (discussed
in detail in R Pinnei and M Fianses Tuihman stud
u i London l')7 c > tiequentK pitterned with hooked
s oi lozenges (PI Willi and mitching knee

e the
when c

jundles

Tuik

; shaped covei ut bah

ends

■ins ha\e been influent! i

vould

1 the t
tnllv li

gioups which hue bonowed m<
them being the Afghan and the Baluc Modern Afghar
rugs ire knotted in the towns ot Pikistin Old ones
howe\ei mide b\ tubes i elated to the Eisin in
northem Afghanistan had quihties ot then own With
1 medium high pile using the isvmmetiicil oi Peisim
knot their centril fields show an idaptition of the
Tekke S}il without the lattice although the squnish
octagons aie qunteied and enclose tntoliitt stems
ind lea\es Thc\ hive moie minoi ornament thin
modem examples ind then eolouis which include
blues \ellows and biowns on i led ground aie in
1 higher ke\ Boideis include geometiicised phut
forms ilso bonowed horn the Turkmen md ingu
hi nbbon Commeiciil success has lesulted in the
stand n disation of pitterns and rolouis and rugs lie
often chemuallv wished to produce the golden
Afghans populu in the West

A black tented people the Biluc nomidise to md
countn now iormmg pirts ot li m Aighamstin ind
Pakistin The\ utilise the good but undui ible wool
oi then sheep ind und\ed c lmel hur for w irps
wefts ind knotting the Turkish oi s\mmetiical knot
being moie fa\ouied to pioduce i long medium
coarse pile Distinctive teatuies ut the ehbontelv
beautiful ends in l \anet\ ot tl it weaves aid l hm
ited ringe of daik coloms blues blaikish biowns
se\ci ll reds ind white Their patterns leflect boirow

prod

Ct 1

the sma

1 praver

us with

1 st

hsed

Tiee

oi Lite

in an undved camel hair

gioi

It an

the

the seve
Bikhtiv

n Jn

of Lui
ligiate t

veailv

" * r

diftic

alt

ountiv l

n the Z

unt

ins i

i the

of othei

Lurs anc

oi Man

m Kashka i

nseh Tev

of the s

called

Bakhtivan

iugs

lie t

ibal

pieces but were

made b\

villagers i

n the

Ciha

r Mahall ai

Isfahan

e Edv

uds

,p a

309 U pis

3a4 64)

The Bakhti

ni do

verv

little

1 fl

mque to

but st

11 make

d b

vpe o
ck ot
pping

bag
vhich

Jong

the

ind up tl

e sides

ipof

ather

igg\ pile

n the Tu

kish or

This

isualh pleisi

ng whe

slicked

n the te

nt Favo

Spot

nted

stirs m

octagons

losettes

the

Zbott

bold

is o

f sciollin

, stem v

hile the

flat

weave

aieas

• thes,

1 have

saddle 1

bedding big mafia A ind stoi ige b igs whieh c
loided on to pack inimals rukati to smill lavishlv
dccoi ited bigs namak dan with ninow necks foi poui
ing C olours ire rich dark reds browns ind blues

hudh known in the West ut often bought bv the

Khimseh ind Kashki i ind c in be seen in their tents

The Afshais anothei tube oi Tuikic descent lie

believed to hive been deported tiom \dhnbiv

bv Shih Ism ill m the lnth

anded b

i then

difiict

tmguish i nomid tiom a village Atsh it lug Both
knots lie found Old tubal pieces show a toloui
scheme of nch mid blues i cleu red vellow ind
ivoiv ind t iv our the dnmond medilhon hvout but
the Persnn botth is oiten used is in ill over iepeit
known is dehath ind the chicken muishi found ill

floul designs hive been borrowed fiom Rinnan
c irpets Boiders which ne tinelv oigamsed ringt
ind anguhi sciolling stem

1 floi

The

s piov

auth

l Iian his long been a complex r
is nomad countn pa) txulltnu with the Zagios mom
tains ind hill vallevs in the noith and wnmer plan
south oi Shu iz so that the migiation loutes of
number oi tubes hive impinged on one anothe
The two largest tubal coniedeiacies the Kashka
ind the Khamseh v\ere iounded toi political re-
sons the Kishki'i dunng the 18th centurv and tr
Khimseh in 1 8b 1 2 Ihe major ta ifihs oi
Kishki'i are Turkic with some Luis Atshus
Pei si ins while the Khimseh consists ot five ti
ot Tuikic Peisnn ind Arib stock Some tr
people howevci lie settled m v ill iges while of r
groups like the Bolv iidi smill sections belong tc
Kashki 1 ind the rest aie villageis with no tubil
alkgiince Then his been wholesale bonowing ot
pitteins md since both knots are used consequent
difhcultv m rug cl issific ation The Kasjika 1 have i
leputition tor the finest rugs lhen most tvpical
composition tlnec stepped oi hooked medallions m

the

the cential field is shared by the Khamseh and other

skin but more likely a st>hsed phnt form (PI VXIII)
This simple scheme is girmshed with detail hooked
octagons losettes the Persnn boteh the Chinese knot
ind flower sprigs as well is a memgene ot creatures
like stylised peicocks poicupines gizelles goats (PI
\\I\a, hiwks chickens ind bees powdering the
ground with a nice sense ot spice Another type has
lepeatmg botch all o\er the central held a la\out
shared b\ the Afshars Main borders include the calyx
and scrolling stems of cit\ carpets t Pl VXIII) but the
narrow guild bands often retain older forms like the
oblique stripe and reciprocal diamond Skilled dyeing
for which the Shesh Boluki Reshkuli md Bullu were
tenowned pioduced a sharp cleai led several blues
1 rich ueimv \ellow apricot and soft dark brown
md green skiltulh juxtiposed against ivory Rug pat-
terns ire repeated on saddlebags ot fine workmanship
I PI \\I\b) chickens are shown here drinking at a
tountun Tent bigs are generally made in flat-weave
but the Kashka'i have lavished sumptuous trippings
on their horses including saddle covers ind horse-
cloths to cover the animals when they are tetheied
which have knotted patterns on a plain-weave giound
while fringed chest and rump bands ate still made
often embellished with blue beads against the Evil Eye

Some attributions ot designs to specific la'ifehs have
been made (J Allgrove in The Qashqa'i of Iran exl
bition cit Manchestet 1976 64-95 pis 5-8 37-41
but the ethnic complexity ot all the Fars tubes and
the eclectic nature of their patterns are barriers
precise classification

The role of the tnbeswomen who have ilways been
responsible for the textile crafts extends into other
areas tor since their rugs are the visual mamtestat
of tribal culture the women hive been the artists
the tnbe and custodians of tnbil tiaditions i p

uation artists are not a specialist class but have made
tor their own use artefacts both functional and ot great
beaut) bunging to mind Rudenko s comment con-
cerning the Pazvrvk textiles on the istomshing skill
and care lavished on the most tiifling of irbcles
These are powerful reisons tor studying tribal knot-

Bibliographi (in iddition to references given in
the text and in the Bibl to Section i above)

1 Genenl \\ von Bode and E Kuhuel
I orderasiatischt knupfttppiche Leipzig 190! revised ed
and tr C Grant Ellis Antique rugs from the \em
East London 1970 W Grote-Hisenbalg Die
Oruntteppuh stint Gtschuhtt und seine hultur Berlin
1922 CJD May Hon to identify Ptrsian and other
oriental rugi London 1969 H Hubel A book of tar
pets London 1971

2 Technique H Ling Roth Studies in primi
tu e looms Hihfax 1950 HL Wulft Tht traditional
crafts of Persia Cimbndge Miss 1%6

3 Earlv carpets O \slanapi and \ Durtil
Selfuklu halilan Istanbul 1973

4. Carpets in paintings. J. von Lessing,
Altorientalische Teppiche, Berlin 1877.

5. General works on the tribes of
Persia, Afghanistan and Central Asia (see
also the Bibls. to Iran. ii. Demography and
ethnography, Kashkay, Turkistan, Turkmen
and Turks. History and ethnography). H.
Pottinger, Travels in Belochistan and Sinde, London
1816; A. Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, London

1834 C Masson \arrali t of lanous journeys in
Balochistan Afghanistan and the Punjab London 1842
idem \arratue of carious journeys in Balochistan
Afghanistan tht Punjab and halat London 1844
J Wolff \arratiie of a mission to Bokhara London
1845 \ \imberv Travels in Central Asia London
1864 idem Das Turkmtnvolk Leipzig 1885
F Burnaby i ride to Khiva London 1877
E O Donovan Tht Men oasis London 1882
AT Wilson Report on Fars Simla 191b O
Ginod The nomadu tnbts of Persia today and Tht
Qashqai Ink of Fars in Jnal Royal Ctntral Asian
Sot xxxm (1946) MT Ullens de Schoc ' '

London 1956 GE Markov Di
Turkmtnen lor ihrer Lbersitdlung in dit Mittelasiatischen
Oasen im 18 und 19 Jahrhundtrt in Ethnographisch
Arthaologische Forsthungen Berlin 1958 iv/1-2 163
ft F Birth \omads of South Persia the Basstn
tnbt of the Khamseh confederacy Oslo 1961 W
Barthold A histon of the Turkmen peop/t in Four
studies on the history of Ctntral Asia m Leiden
1962 P Obeihng The Turku ptoplts of southern
Iran Cleveland 1964 idem The Qashqa'i nomads
of Fats The Hague 1974 K Jettmar Di, fiuhen
Stepptmolker Baden Baden 19b4 tr \ E Keep
Art of the steppes London 1964 \ Monteil Lis
tubus di Fars it le sedentansation des nomads Pans
19b6 E Sunderland ch Pastoialism nomadism and
tht sonal anthropology of Iran m Camb histon of
Iran l Cimbndge 1968 D Musden Tht
Qashqa'i nomadu pastorahsts of Fars proi met in The
Qashqa'i of ban exhibition cat Manchester 197b
9-18

b Tnbil rugs AN Ponomerev Motifs in
Turkoman ornamtnt [in Russian] in Turkmen
oiedeme No 7-9 Ashkabad 1931 A Leix Tu,
kestan and its textile trafts in C IB A Reueu Basle
1941 and Basingstoke 1974 \ G Moskova
Tribal gols m Turkoman tarfets [in Russian] m
SE (194b) 145-62 Ger tr A Kuntschik Gals
auf turkmemsthen Ttppithe in Archil fur I olkeikunde
in (\ienna 1948) 24-43 MS Dimand Ptasant
and nomad rugs exhib cat New \ork 1961
C D Reed, Turkoman rugs exhib cat Cam-
bridge Mass 1966 \ N Pnkulyeva Turkoman
ttoven carpets of tht central Amu Dana alley [in
Russian] in c SSR Academy of Sciemes Mattnal
on tht tulturt of the peoples of Ctntral Asia and
Kazakstan Moscow 1966 SA Milhoter
Zenhalasiati sthe Teppuhe Hanover 1968 H
McCov Jones Tilt Eisan and their uta ings exhib
cat Washington DC 19b9 idem and J \\
Boucher Rugs of tht lomud tnbts ibid 1970
idem Weaimgs of the tribes of Afghanistan ibid
1972 idem ind RS Yohe Ullage and nomadu
aeacings af Persia ibid 1971, \bbot Hall Gallery
Kendal The Turcoman of Iran exhib cat (con
tnbs bv P and M \ndrews MH Beattie and
others) Kendal 1971 J Frinses Tribal rugs from
Afghanistan and Tuikestan London 1973 \
de Franchis and J Housego Tribal animal
covin from ban, exhib. cat., Tehran 1975,
idem, Lon and Bakhtian flatweaves, exhib.
cat., Tehran 1976; L. Beresnova, ed., The dec-
orative and applied arts of Turkmenia, Leningrad
1976; D. Black and C. Loveless, eds., Rugs
of the wandering Baluchi, London 1976; J.
Housego, Tribal rugs, London 1978.

(j. Allgrove)
BITUMEN [see katran].

2. Carpet with "dragon-phoenix" pattern, Anatolia, 14th century, Islamisches Museum,
East Berlin, No. 74.

k Ottoman. "Holbein" carpet, small type. Museum fur Is!. Kunst, No. 82,8!

53£&£3&

5. Ottoman. Lotto carpet. Museum fur Isl. Kunst, Berlin, No. 82,707.

V i 1 73"» -4"! JHKlfHf *>

n 'Ushak carpet. Victoria and Albert Museum, London,
i. Publ in Guidi to 1 olkction of carpets,
i A. Museum, 1920, pi. XVI.

7. Ottoman. Star pattern 'Ushak carpet. Metropolitan Museum of Art, N
No. 58.63. Gift of Joseph McMullan, 1958. Pub! b> J.\ McMullan, hlam.
No. 67.

. Mamluk. Silk carpet, Osterreichisches Museum fur angewandte Kunst, Vienna. Publ. by
S. Troll, Altorimtaluche Teppicke, 1951, pi. 40.

t Bibliotheque des Arts Decoratil

. Publ. in Arts de I'lsla

10. Safawid. "Chelsea" carpet, V. and A. Museum, No. 589/1890.

. Safawid. Medallion pattern carpet from north- 12. Safawid. Woven silk carpet (389 X 152 cm.,

;stcrn Persia. Museu National de Arte antiga, Lisbon. fragment). Residenzmuseum, Munich. Publ. by

lbl. in L'Art de I'orient islamique, 1963, No. 72 K Lul nun Siebenhundert Jahrt Orienttepf i 1966
(Collection of the Gulbenkian Foundation). pi. 1, fig. 24 (complete view).

.. Safawid. Herat carpet, Osterreichisches Museum fiir angewandte Kunst. Publ. by Troll, op. at, No. 24.

Safawid. Carpet with "vase" pattern, V. and A. Museum (17' 1" X 10' 10"). Publ. by A U Pope
A .survey of Persian art, pi. 1227.

15. Kashan. Silk carpet, Muse.

mm-

16. Safawid. So-called "Polish" carpet, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ace
No. 45.106. Gift of John D. Rockefeller Jr., 1945.

18. India. "Girdler" carpet, The Girdlers' Company,

London. Publ. by Kendrick-Tattersall,

Handwoven carpels, 1922, pi. 33.

".■r.,gjggl

21. Carpet of the Harakta (Algeria

22. Carpet from Guergour (Algeria

23. Carpet of the Nememsha (Algeria).

24. Carpet of Djebel Amour (Algeria) (

i. KashkaT tent with loom at Ktfasjjeh Djamakh, 1944 (Photo: Dr. O. Garrod).

26. KashkaT woman spinning (Photo: P. Wallum;

29. Floor rug, Tekke Turkmen (Sotheby's, London).

PLATE XXIII

PLATE XXIV

'*%&•■ sW

32. a, b. Saddle-bag faces, KashkaT (David Black Oriental Carpets).

BIYAR, al-BIYAR — BOLUKBASHI

BIYAR al BIYAR n wells spring) modern
Bivaidjumand a small town on the noithein edges
ol the Gieit Dese.t the D isht i kavir ol Peisn
The mediaeval geogi ipheis desciibe it is being
three divs ]oume\ 1mm Bist im md 25 /ana/As
horn Dimghin ind as falling idmimstiativelv
within the province oi kumis \q i ] llthough in
Simamd times [4th/10th eenturv, it seems to ha\e
been attached to Nishipm in khuiasan It wis the
tei minus of in onlv modenteh fiequented route Hioss
the noitheastem tornei of the deseit to Tuishiz in
kuhistan

We have m Mukaddasi s5b 7 j72 in rspc
ciallv detailed descnption ot the town considenng
its moderitt sue and impoitince Kins; is it did
oil the greit highw iv connecting western Peisn
with khuiasan this is explicable bv the tut that
Mukaddasi s mitemil grind! ither had emulated
theme to Jeiusalem He mentions tint Bi\ u had
good cultivated fields ind oiehuds md gi izing
grounds for sheep and camels the i ithtr scantv watei
supply was caietullv conti oiled in uiigition clnnnels
Theie wis an inner citadel appro idled thiough i
single gatew i\ but theie were three lion gates
m the outer w ills There wis no Fndav mosque and
the mhibitants weie all H inafTs stionglv opposed to
the karranuwa [q ] neveitheless Mukiddisi stites
elseuheit I }b5) that the kirrmuwa had a Hianal all
in Bivar He turthei stresses the building skills of (he
Bivans above all in the medium of mud buck
Politic allv it came within the S mi mid dominions at

ind c

i 298/91

ind

^b9/979 80 i i oin is il
tiom the veai 42b/ 1035, the eve of the pissing of
the provinces of khuiasan ind kumis into Sildjuk
hands (E von Zambiui Dit \lun pia a imgen dts Islams
_eitluh and oitluh gemdnd i Wiesbaden 1%8 83)
i ikut Buldan ed Be nut i 517 mentions seveial
scholais pioduced b\ Bivai amongst whom weie
some noted HinifT ones Must iw IT \ujiat allutub
ti Le Strange 148 refeis to the towns good ceieals

A few Eutopean tiivellers beginning with Foistei
tow nds the end of the 18th < entur\ began to cross
the northern edge of the Gieit Deseit ind to piss
through Bivar bv now known is Biv iidjummd (the
Benjemund ot Capt C Clerk m Jnal of tlu
Geogmphual Sue xvullbbl) 53) Theie u en m C lei k s
time some 200 houses theie with i (rood w iter sup
plv fiom I anaS ind gaidens and fields m the neai
bv hills the kuhi Bivaidjunnnd copper galena ind
marble were obt lined ct W Tom isc hek ~«; lusto
nsihi Topogmphu ion Pimen II Dii Wtge dunh die pu
sisihi Husk in SBU -fit Phil Hist CI evm (1885)
bo2 3 At the piesent dav Bivirdjumind is the chef
lieu oi the baljsh ot the same name in the shahrast in
of Shahrud in the second list in oi Iran its popuh
Hon is ta 2 bOO see Rizmni Faihang i djughwfna yi
ban in 54

Bibliography (in iddition to ieteiences given in
the nuclei Le Strange The lands of tlu Eastern
Cahphah %b %8 Schwarz ban un Mittibiltu 82^
b A. Gabnel Dunh Persuns It listen Stuttgnt 19s5
11^ 20 idem Dit Bfoisihun^ Peisiens \ lenna 1952
s(H H Hum Du iusbnitun^ der Safi ittsihn
RuhUsihule ion da Anjangin bis urn 3/ 14 Jahthundert
Wiesbiden 1974 12o ( C E Busworthi

BIYIKLI [see mehmed p«_ha]
BLAZON [see rank]

BLESSING [see bar^ka]

BOAT [see safiH

BOLUKBASHI Rida Tevvfik modem Turkish
orthogiaphv Riza Tevfik Bolukb\si Tuikish poet
ind wntei (18bb 1949) He was born in Dusi 1
Mustafa Pisha in Rumelia (Dimitiovgi id m present
div Bulgaria iormerlv C anbrodl while his fatht r
khodja Mehmed TewfTk Eiendi i civil serv int ind
teicher was I aumal am theie His mothei i
Cntassian slue girl died when Rida was eleven
vens old His gundfathei Ahmed Durmush
Bolukbishi was a guenlli le idei tiom Debi l in
Albania who had (ought igunst the Greeks duung
the using in the Morel ([Fendun] kandemir haidi
ag^indan Ri^a Ti fik ( Riz i Tevfik from his own
mouth ) Istmbul 1943 94 7 109) After mending
vinous schools (including the Allnnce Isi lehte school
ind Gahtasuiv) in Istmbul he finished m the
nishdnu thigh school) of Gehbolu (Gallipoli) his familv
town ind enteied the school of political science
[\UHibi Uulhnul whence he wis howtvei expelled
ioi political activities ind insuboidination He

suspensions gradu ited in 1899 He woiked is gov
emment doctoi at the Customs Office m Istanbul
until the restoiation oi the Constitution m Jul) 1908
when he |omed politic il lite An enthusiastic mem
bei oi the ruling C ommittee ot Union and Progress

'CUP) [see ITTIHAD WE TER^KKI DIEM IV-\ETl] he WIS

elected deputv ioi Fdnnc but soon bioke with the
CUP leadeis ind joined the opposition md bee ime
one oi the leading figures ot the I ibei il Union [see
HURRr,\ET M itilvf firkasi] (Relik Halid kai iv
Mmelbib ihhnilv lb Istmbul 19b4 / assim) He taught
philosophv at the Umversitv ot Istanbul and Tmkish
liter ituie at the American Robert College He seived

, Mini

[ Educa

)f the
d the ti

ura u Dm
lomst Ottor

mide

1920) which sealed his
Nationalists Student piotests loiced him to give up
his chin in the Univcisitv (1921) ind he fled the
countrv following the Nationalist victoiv in Anatoli 1
(September 1922) His mine wis 1 itei included in
the list oi the 150 undesirables [see \ uzellilikler]
Aitei i bnet stav in Egvpt he served toi seven veais
m the government ot imn Abd All ill (a former fel
low deputv m the Ottoman Paihiment) m Jordan
spent i veil m the USA and eventuallv settled in
Pjunivvi m Lebinon wheie he lived with his wife

live veirs attei the geneial imnestv of 19,8 He
died m Istmbul on 31 December 1949 Although
Rida TewfTk is known bv the nickname Fait «/ ( The

nmnlv woiks oi eompihticm (but which gieitlv con
tnbuted to the tc le lung of modem philosophv in
Tuikev) his icil contiibution to Fulkish htentuie
is is i poet In the lite 1890s a voting poet Mehmed
Ennn liurdikul) \q ] suddc nlv ippe lied on the

spoken luikish sv liable metie ind the use of pop
ulu subjects He wis gieeted as a guide and inno
v ltoi but did not have inv following as his poetrv
wis uninspired iwkwnd in stvle ind totilK lick
ing in music il eilect In contrast Rida TewfTk who
stirted his eueer in the sime penod bv writing
poems on the line oi Abd il H ikk Himid and
IeufTk Fikiet \q ] found in the eulv 1900s the

BOLUKBASHI — BORNEO

keyt<

i regene

of Turkish poetry; he v\
'inguage

and ii

as able
mth of

leading poets and popular mystic (dervish) poets
without blindly imitating them, but re-creating their
warm and lively atmosphere in a modern garb [see

KARADJAOGHLAN, KAYGHUSUZ ABDAL and YUNT.IS EMRE] .

His success ushered in a new trend which was later
moulded into a school by Diya' (Ziya) Gokalp, that
of the Mill! edebiyyat ("National literature"). Rida
Tewfik did not abandon the 'arid like most of his
younger colleagues of the new school, but used it
in parallel with the he§e. His influence on succeed-
ing generations of poets continued in the 1920s and
early 1930s and his style began to date only with
the appearance of Orkhan Well (Orhan Veli) Kanik
and Fadil Husni (Fazil Hiisnu) Daglarca, who rev-
olutionised all concepts in Turkish poetry.

Rida Tewfik Boliikbashi is the author of the fol-
lowing major works: 'AM al-Hakk Hamid we mulsha^at-i
felsejiyyesi ("A.H. and his philosophic reflections"),
Istanbul 1329 rumi/m3; Felsefe deislen ("A course of
philosophy"), i, Istanbul 1330 rfimf/1914; Mufassal
Kamus-i felsefe I "A comprehensive dictionary of phi-
losophy"), i, Istanbul 1330 rumi/ \9U; Etude sur la
religion des Houroufis, in CI. Huart, Textes persons idat-
ifs a la seek des Houroufis, Leiden 1909; Serabi omrum
("Mirage of my life"), Lefkose (Nicosia) 1934, 2nd
ed. Istanbul 1949, (contains all his poems, except
some political satires); Omer Hayyam ve rubailerr,
Istanbul 1945, Introd.

Bibliography: Rushen Eshref, Diyorlarki (inter-
views with leading writers) Istanbul 1918, 133-54
and passim: Halide Edib, Memoirs, New York 1926,
passim; R. Gokalp Arkin, R.T.B., hayati re siirleri-,
Istanbul 1939; Vahyi Olmez, R.T., Istanbul 1945;
R.C. Ulunay, R.T., siirlen re mektuplan, Istanbul n.d.
[1943]; Hilmi Yiicebas, Butun eepheleriyle R.T.,
Istanbul 1950; Hilmi Ziya Ulken, Tiirkiye'de cagdas
dusimce tarihi, i, Istanbul-Konya 1966, 406-24.

(Fahjr Iz)
BOOTY [see fay', ghanIma].
BORNEO, a large island (area 292,000 sq.
miles/755,000 kirr) straddling the equator in the
Indonesian archipelago, and mainly covered with
tropical rain forest. The spinal range of mountains
rises to 13,455 ft./4,100 m. in Mount Kinabalu in
the northeastern tip of the island. Politically, the greater
part of the island has since 1949 formed the Indonesian
region of Kalimantan (a name which Indonesia also
applies to the whole island); along the northern coast
lie Sabah, the former British crown colony of British
North Borneo and Sarawak, both of whom joined the
Malaysian Federation in 1963, and the British-
protected sultanate of Brunei [q.v. in Suppl.]. The
following article deals only with the Indonesian part
of the island; see also Borneo in Ef.

Indonesian Kalimantan is divided into four prov-
inces (daerah tingkat I): Kalimantan Barat (Western
Kalimantan, 157,066 sq. km., 2,019,936 inhabitants,
capital: Pontianak), Kalimantan Tengah (Central
Kalimantan, 156,552 sq. km., 699,589 inhabitants,
capital: Palangka Raya), Kalimantan Selatan (Southern
Kalimantan, 34,611 sq. km., 1,699,105 inhabitants,
capital: Banjarmasin), and Kalimantan Timur (Eastern
Kalimantan. 202,619 sq. km., 733,536 inhabitants,
capital: Samarinda). South and Central Kalimantan
originally formed one province, until on 23 May 1957,
the area was divided because of the opposition of the
Dayak people against the "Malays" (Muslims) in the

1. Earlier History. In Sambas (north-western

antan), which had been a Buddhist cultural
already in the 6th century A.D., a descen-
dant of the sultan's family of Johore established a

it the

e of B

(between 1514 and 1521), and Malays began to set-
tle in the area. Chinese workers were brought to
work in the gold mines, but in 1770 they revolted
and formed semi-independent "republics" (kung n).
Islam had little influence on them, and only after
1965, when they were required to confess one of
the acknowledged religions in Indonesia, did a few
of them become Muslims. Sambas has remained a
stronghold of Malay culture. The area of Lawei, an
old Javanese colony, and Matan on the Pawan river,
turned to Islam soon after the conversion of the sea
ports in northern Java. Sukadana, having—like
Sambas— experienced the influence of Buddhist Sri
Vijaya, was islamised mainly by Malay and Arab
traders from Palembang, which at that time (first
half of 16th century) was under the rule of Demak.
In 1608-9 Surabaya imposed its dominance, until
in 1622 Sultan Agung of Mataram wiped out the
influence of his main rival. Only in these areas of
south-western Kalimantan Barat, did classical
Javanese (Kawi) remain "the sultan's language", in
Ketapang e.g. until this century, although in this
place only a panembahan resided. The 18th century
saw the rise of the sultanate of Pontianak, founded
in 1771 by an Arab adventurer, Sharif 'Abd al-
Rahman, the son of a Hadramawti and a princess
of Matan. Pontianak always stressed its Arabic back-
ground and claimed that its understanding of Islam

According to tradition, Demak initiated the spread
of Islam in southern Kalimantan, seizing the op-
portunity for this when at the beginning of the 16th
century a conflict occurred between two pretenders,
Pangeran Samudra and Pangeran Tumenggung, in
the course of which the former appealed to the help
of Demak. This was granted, and Samudra became
the founder of the Muslim sultanate of Banjarmasin,
acknowledging the supremacy of Demak (1520). His
successors ruled until 1860, when the Dutch colonial
government abolished the sultanate after the revolt of
Hidayat, the legal heir to Sultan Adam (d. 1857).
Like other revolts in 19th century Indonesia, his
movement was inspired by the idea of djihad. At pres-
ent, the area of the former sultanate is part of the
province of South Kalimantan, with the kabupaten of
Hulu Sungai (east of the Barito river) as one of the
j strongest Muslim areas on the island. In the earlier
days of the sultanate, its ruler exercised his influence

like Sampit, Kota Waringin, etc., which became cen-
tres for the propagation of Islam among the neigh-
bouring Dayak tribes; some of them, however, further
withdrew to the interior. Although the impact of
Javanese customs and manners was strong, the liter-
ary language was Malay, influenced by local idioms
and Javanese. J.J. Ras emphasises that in spite of its
particularities, even basa Banjar (Banjarese colloquial)
should be counted among the numerous Malay dialects
(Hikajat Bandjar, 7-12). This explains also why the
Banjarese Muslims and above all their 'ulama', felt a
special obligation to present themselves as authentic
teachers of Malay Islam after the bahasa Indonesia was
proclaimed the offical medium of communication
in the archipelago (1928). On the other hand, they
distinctively separated themselves linguistically and,
as a consequence, culturally, from the Dayak tribes,
for whom the term "Malay" and "Muslim" became

BORNEO — BRUNEI

demit al Becoming > Muslim i= Malav I means (01 a
3avak to loose his social relationships Onlv a few
)avak tribes became Muslims eg tht Bakumpai a
oimei sub-tube of the Ngaju Da\ak iDanand]a|a
134 in consent with Mallinckiodtl

In East Kalimantan Pasn and kutai [q t ] saw the
lse ot colonies ot Buginese traders and ship-buildeis
iom South Sulawesi soon aitei then homeland had
(lti05-ll) \t cording to tiadi-

the fust

>i Isla

in Pasi

while Makass

ulous Tuan Tunggang Paiangan wci< acme m kutai
Like in South Sulawesi Islam in kutai seems to ha\e
been mixed with manv animistic sui\i\als and
remained weak thioughout the 18th tenturv The sul-

Samannda where most oi the Buginese settled and
the Davak aiea Then stoiv is told m the Salasila
Kutai wntten m Malav

2 \lndtin duibipmenh \s the sultans both in East
and West Kalimantan dining the times oi Dutch

internal lunsdictton Islamic law mou oi less mod-
ified b\ the local tustomaiv ladat) law plaved a
significant lole Couits weie tloselv attached to the
palace -\ttei independence the Indonesian gov-

n-Mus

the

■ of t

i Dav

Pontianak and Banjarmasin ha\e been caught up '
in Islamic model mst movements The Malav pen- |
odical ill Imam Ismce 1*105) paitlv inspiied bv
Rash id Ridas al Manai was distnbutcd in
Pontianak and Sambas The Scukat Islam , the
oldest nationalist move-ment held a congiess in
Kalimantan in 142 5 In 1430 the traditionalist
"Nahdlatul Llama ' established us first blanches m
Ban]armasin and Maitapura and South Kalimantan
lemained besides East Java a stionghold ol this
partv until 1942 The model mst Muhammachvah
became active in 1427 its fust bianch being opened
in Banjaimasin Muhallighun oi piopagandists fiom
Java and Minangkabau weie sent there, some ot
them being ioimer ittendants of the Thawahb
schools in West Sumatia Then piogiess seems to
have been slow it the Muhammadivah s national
congress m 1424 no participant trom Kalimantan
was noted In 1435 the movement had 24 branches

and educational woik bv building schools (limes
and distributing pamphlets and books its activities
reaching now the Hulu (up-nvei) areas and the
boidei districts between West Kalimantan and
Sarawak In Baniarmasin a gov emment-i elated
Tnstitut \gama Islam Negen (I M N ) has been
established wheieas m Pontianak a branch ol the
Fukutttn Tarhnah of the I MN Jakaita C iputat is
active \ blanch ot the same I \IN s I akullas
I shuluddin now in Singkawang is to lie moved to
Pontianak

Bibliograpln Remaiks on Islam in Kaliman-
tan aie tound in geneial woiks on Islam in In-
donesia [see bibhographv to indonesix \ -
islam in Indonesia] turther BJ Boland The
struggle of Islam in modem Indonesia i= \ el
handelmgen tan htt Komnkli/k Instiluut tool
Taal Land tn \ olkenkundt Vh The Hague
1471 Dehai Noei Tin modernist Muslim mou

mtnt in Indontsia 1900 1942 Smgapoit -Kuala
Lumpui 1473 -Histonogiaphv \ \ Cense
De Kiomtk tan Ban,armasm Santpoort 1428 C \
Mees, Dt hionuk ion hmtai Santpooit 1435 W
Kem (ommintaar op dt Salasilah tan Koetai (= \ KI
I The Hague 145b JJ Ras Hika/al Bandjai

4 ■

Mali

•raph

Bibho

The Hague

bibhographv ) —Languages \ \ Cense and EM
Uhlenbeck (ritual tan of studits on tht language*
of Bointo i= Bibhogiaphical Series 2) The Hague
1458 (Malav dialects pp 7-Hl \B Hudson
4 nott on Silako Malaut Da\ak and Land Daiak

Bonn

Tht

Law

Mustum J„„

Taal Land- en \ olkenkunde The Hague, xm
i!417) wvi il42b) xxxvi |1433) xhv il452i M
Malhnckiodt Het \datreiht tan Borneo Leiden
1428 Daniel S Lev hlanm eourts in Indonesia
Beikelev-Los Angeles-London 1472 —Islam and
the cultuie aiound it F Lkm Tuaiann,a suns,
gull banjak Bandjarmasm-D|akaita 1%0 (especiallv
121 it) J Danand|a]a Kthuda/aan penduduk
Kalimantan ttngah in Koentjaiamngrat led I
Manusia dan Kthuda,aan Indontsia D)akaita 1471
114-44 \B Hudson Pad)ua tpat tht Ma am an
of Indonesian Botnto New V>ik 1472 200 Tahun
Kota Pontianak Diterbitkan oleh Pemenntah
Daeiah Kotamadva Pontianak, Pontianak 1471
] F Gaiang \dat and Gtstlhihafl Eint so-jo
ethnologist ht Inttisuthung ^ur Daisttllung des Castes
und Kulturlehtns dtr Da,ak in Kalimantan 1= Beitrage
zm Sudasien-Foi schung Sudasien-Institut del
Limvcisitat Hcidelbeig 4) W lesbaden 1974 lespe-
eiallv pp 109-281 toi a short account ot the
development of Muslim Highei education until
the toundation oi the I M N at Banjarmasm
see \nahansvah Proses Lahuma /4/\ Antasan in
Paii)i Mastarakat No 148 il \piil 1<,7 "*l ~
Statistics Slatistik Indontsia 1970 1971 ed bv Bno
Pusat Statistik Djakaita 1472

(O '

BRAHMANS [
BRICK [see i \
BRIGAND [see
BRUNEI a sul

)t Kalimantan

n the noithem c.
, [?.]> 5 7b5 sq km

145,01

inhabi-

tants The capital is Bandai Sen Beg
1470 called Bandar Biunei or Biunei Town) with
ta 45 000 inhabitants Its pnncipal landmaik is the
great Mespd Omar -\h Saiiuddm built aitei Woild
War II Since the bth eentutv \D trade lelations
existed with China Oecasionallv tnbute uas paid
not onlv to China but also to Buddhist Sn \i,ava
I South Sumatia) and Maiapahit (Java) where it was
mentioned among othei Boinean tnbutaues in ta
1565 Tht Sha'n iMing Simaun piobablv the oldest

of B

i \wang

k Bet

When

if Sulu sh

as abd

eri

ai The s

ilta

ihiallv

of aftans

and

install

ak Bet

Muhammad he

1415. His sue
an Aiab f.o
became the ancestor of the later sultans of Brunei.
There seems to have existed, however, a rival
pagan kingdom besides the Muslim sultanate, which
gave the impression, in 1514, to the Portuguese that
Brunei was still heathen. When Antonio Pigafetta,
an Italian member of Magellan's expedition, visited
Brunei in 1521, he mentioned that the sultan (Bulkiah
I, the fifth of his dynasty) was waging heavy war-
fare against a rival pagan kingdom in the same
harbour. Finally, Sultan Bulkiah succeeded in safe-
guaiding his supremacy and brought Brunei to the
climax of its glory, ruling over most of "Borneo"
(hence its name), the Sulu Islands and parts of
Mindanao and Luzon. It was the Spaniards, how-
ever, who, since 1578, from their stronghold in
Manila, successfully began to confine Brunei's strength
to the northern coasts of Borneo, from where,' in
their tutn, pirates intimidated the Spanish, and other,
fleets. During the 19th century, the territory of Brunei
was encircled decisively. In 1841 most of Sarawak
was ceded to Sir James Brooke. In 1888, Brunei
became a British protectorate. Later, in 1906, the

which concern Religious (Islamic) and Customary
Law {ailat-\m'\. In 1959, howevei, when a new con-
stitution was introduced — the first written one in
Brunei's history — his juridical functions were turned
over to the courts. Nevertheless, his internal posi-
tion was also strengthened considerably, as a num-
ber of rights of the former resident were transferred
into his 'hands. Brunei became "an internally self-

and himself, Azahari, as Prime Minister. With British
help, however, the revolt was soon suppressed, Azahari
stayed in exile abroad, but the strong opposition of
Indonesia and the Philippines against the formation of
Malaysia, which probably inspired Azahari's polio,, now
came into the open. Finally, the sultan in July 1963
decided that Brunei should not join Malaysia, officially
because of his dispute with Sarawak about the Limbang
valley which nearly divides his territory into two
enclaves; but problems about the distribution of the
profit of Brunei's rich oil fields (exploited since 1929
by the British Shell Company) may also have affected

Since 1974, the question of Brunei's independence
has become acute again. Sultan Sir Hassanal Bulkiah,

gove

glsk

Only security and foreign affairs were still handled
by the British, who from now on were represented
by a High Commisionary.

New perspecthes for Brunei's future opened when
in Mav 1961, Tengku Abdul Rahman as the Prime
Minister of the Malayan Federation, forwarded the
plan for a new federation, Malaysia, which was to
include, besides the Malayan Federation, Singapore,
Sarawak, British North Borneo (now Sabah), and
Brunei. At the beginning. Sultan Sir Omar Ali
Saifuddin's attitude was a positive one, in the hope
that he would be able to join the collegium of the nine
Malayan sultans who were to elect the Yang Diper-
tuan Agung from among themselves as the nominal
Head of State for a period of five years. In a memo-
randum, prepared b> the Malaysia Consultative
Committee in February 1962, it was further stated
that Islam was to be the official religion in the
Federation (Gullick, 64), another matter favourably
received by Brunei with its outspoken Malay tradi-
tion, contrasting to the other North Bornean territo-
ries where Islam is followed only by minorities and
where the Malays were not acknowledged as burrn-
putera (indigenous).

But the sultan met with opposition from the "Party
Ra'yat" (People's Parrs'), led by Shaikh A.M. Azahari,
which had gained 22 out of 23 possible seats when the
Legislative Council of Brunei was elected in October
1962. Azahari himself had not run for a seat, and there
is some doubt whether he is a Brunei citizen (Brown,
127); he is known to have fought against the Dutch in
the Indonesian Independence War. On 6 December
1962, his followers staged a revolt, somewhat untime-
ly, because Azahari at that time happened to be in
Manila. His aim was to form a Negara Kalimantan
Utara ("State of North Borneo"), including Sarawak,
Brunei and Sabah, with the sultan as nominal ruler

opposed by I

abdic;

1967, :

again

opts for a more demo-
etely independent Brunei (now
without Sarawak and Sabah), with the sultan as the
mere symbolic head of state. Azahari, still in exile,
sees the future of Brunei based on a Tmila ("Three
Pillars", obviously in distinction to Malaysia's and
Indonesia's Pancasila or "Five Pillars") of (a) the Islamic
Religion, (b) Nationalism, and (cl Democracy. The
national colours he proposes are still those of the for-
mer "State of North Borneo", sc. red and white (like
Singapore and Indonesia), with a green triangle sym-
bolising Islam.

Bibliography: J.M. Gullick, Malaysia and its neigh-
bours', London"l967; D.G.E. Hall, A History of South-
East Asia, New York 1968; D.E. Brown, Brunei:

Monogiaph of the Brunei Museum Journal, ii/2!
Brunei 1970 (with extensive bibliography).

ABU v

ZA].

(BOBASTRO), also spelt
BuB.sn.T.R., Bab.sii.t.r. and, frequently from the
5th/llth century, Bash.t.r. or Bush.t.r., a moun-

of 'Ulnar b. Hafsun [q.v.], leader of Andalusian'resist-

ininly i

>uth of Cordov

o the Urrurj

267/880-1 until his death in 305/917, ;
his sons until 315/928. The piecise location of
Bobastio, often confused (as in El- i, 1250) with Bar-
bastro (Barbashturu) in Huesca piovince, has proved
a thorny problem. Erroneously identified by Dozy with
Castillon, neai Teba (Malaga province), it was believed
by Simonet to be situated 6 km. east of Ardales in
the Mesas of Yillaverde (Malaga province). His view
pievailed, and in the 1920s it was identified with a
site excavated above the Hoyo de Chorro near the
railway running from Cordova to Malaga via Bobadilla.
This identification was accepted by Levi-Provencal
[Hist. Esp. mm. i, 303 n. 1), and it lemains accept-
able to some. It has, however, been challenged by
J. Vallve Bermejo, who, aftei meticulous examina-
tion of all available evidence, some of it new, has
cogently aigued that the facts of the Bobastro cam-
paigns as reported by oui souices point to a site
much furthei to the south-east. This site, he sub-
mits, is to be sought not far from the present Cortijo
de Auta in the Sierra del Rey, north of Riogordo
(Malaga province) and the name Bobastro to be seen
in a toponym refolded in a 15th-centuiy source, viz.
Postuero, otherwise Corral del Encina (Repartimiento
de Comares). The origin of the name— which sur-
vives in one form or another elsewhere in Spain —
is very likely Iberian.

During the anti-Umayyad lebellion, Bobastro
was fiequently the scene of military activity, and

BUDUH — BUK'A

cessor <Abd Allah tnec
Subsequent attempts
(280/894) and Aban 1241/904 and

316/928 was Bobastro finallv subdued aitei a decade
of slow but sure pohcv pursued bv 'Abd il-Rahman
III So tai as ue can glean Bobastio theieafter
lemamed an important Umay>ad garrison until it fell
to the Berbers who defeated Muh mimad lis troops
on the banks of the Guadiaro in 400/1010 loi the
veais 1039 and 1047 we have passing references to
Bobastro undei the Hammudid partv kings of
Malaga and in 1147 we find it sheltenng al-Mmdis
brotheis aftei a rising m Seville against the Almohads
ho had ]ust occupied the titv Bv the 7th/ 13th cen-

r il-Mimdhir died in

(J40S XX

1 1 3 Goldzihei

Lt Inn de I

In 278/891 his sut-

Touti

al 15 fl)

Anothei suggeste

d oiigm is t

the place but failed

Arar

leo-Persian

name of the pla

let and godd

his sons Mutamf
id 294/907) to attnn
o nothing Not until

\en

us Bidukht

Kwo-Un ^^

& Hoffman

■ius*.

ii>e aus !

nsihai iklai per

iulu> Martv

y Maknzi
al anbna'

hhitat 1324/1
1314/189b-7

90b 1 8 T
29— both

t appears
n lit. ratui
South Ai
ropei nar

\ et the name
abic became

jsed theie
mimne epi

the fori

V aph

Ml the n

tamed ,n J

alhe Beimc|o Dt \m o sobn Bobastro

in 41 indalu

\\\ (19b5) 139-74 \pait from a

studv of the

boundaries of Ray>a loughlv Malaga

piovince) th

s monograph provides a good index

of place-nam

es ( J D Latham)

BUDUH ar

aitificial tahsmanu wold formed

elements of the

Other groups of letters from that sc
but not see geneiallv used e g
togcthei ^lj g* jjk. Fiom some also
squares are built up as a foui-fold on ^.

fold

eg Star,

aim

tompaiativelv minor pait but aftei it was taken up
bv al-Ghazah and ( ited in his Munkidh nun al dalal
led Cano 1303/1886, 4b 50 tr \\ Montgomery
Watt Tht Jaitli and praam oj al Olta^ah I ondon
'953 77 74-80) as an inexplicable but ceitain

fat and was confused with the loot £ju lL.4 m
484 sub C jb ) Othei standing in Arabic it does not
hive Furthei when Buduh is associated with a par-
ticular planet it is with Saturn [~uhal) and its metal
is lead (Zaikaui Mqfatih 170) not coppei as \ enus
would lequue Haidlv woithv ol mention is \ on
Hammer s fancv that Buduh is one of the names of
Allah I J4 1830 72) though it mav have a Turkish
basis (and see too de Sacv below ) and the dei nation
he suggests oi the ston told bv Michel Sabbagh to
de Sacv [Chitst arab, m 3b4 ft) that it was the
name of a pious mei chant whose packages and let-
though that mav well be a
ion In magical books there
cases even ol persomfving the word le g la
in al Path al tahmam bv Hadjdj Sa'dun 21)
the populu mind Buduh has become a Djtnni
'c seemed bv wiitmg his name
imbeis 1/4 Sci 4 mi 521 ff
(olloqmal Epptian 3b Doutte
with hanum as though a name
Ippn Eppt 387) The uses of
nious to invoke both good and
Doutte \op lit] against men-
st puns in the stomach (229)

sallv know

)f difficu

is the three fold talisman
seal or table of al-Ghazih \al nakf al Utah
al dxadnal al muthallath li I Oha all) and fma
has become the foundation and staiting point
the v\hole Science of Letteis ['dm al huiuf I
Ghazah is said to have developed the foimula une
divine inspiration ilham) from the combinations

isnnns and it is inscribed a
Ls (like habikadj) as a piesei
aldfahl Tunis 1290 But b

letter

and

\I\ and \LII of the Km 'an and which bv them-
selves are also used as talismans iReinaud \lonununh
mumlmans n 23b) Foi the piocess see the Ua/utih
alghayb ted Cano 1327/1909 170 ft) of Ahmad
Musa al-Zarkawi a tontempotarv Egvplian magi-
cian and on the sub]ect in generil the sixth and
seventh Risalas in that volume Otheis trace the
foimula back to Adam fiom whom it passed down
to al-Ghazah (cf the al 'Inaya al rabbanna 44
and al Avar al tabbanna lb of \usuf Muhammad
al-Hindi an eailv 20th centuiv Lgvptian wnter
on magic) In all this al-Ghazah s established rep-
utation as a custodian of mvsticil knowledge and
especiallv of the book al Djafr evidentlv plaved a

25b \\ Alliens Studun
da iraht, in hi

W-ll E Wiede

al Bun,

i hi

,a^lun Quadwten
n |141Ki 94-7 G Beigstrasser ~u de;
Quadiahn m hi xm (1923) 227-55
n Tht dtaphernunt oj itubu talisman* n
(1937i 100 ft \\ Pax Da ma^ih
Sput>d da Spratht in Foisthune,ai urn
\ni (1937) 380 Carra de \aux in

dl IhlstoiH dlS

atmi

s i il948) 20b-

her ~u> Dtutun

' des

nia^iuhen Qiiadratt

\1FIE\C0LI4

I in

ZD\I(, cm (19

H Hermehnk, habisthe magisihe Qimdratts mil 25
Zellen, in Sudlioff s irtlm fur Gesihuhtt der Medizw
xlm (1959), 351-4 (DB Macdonald*)

BUFFALO [see djamus in Suppl]
BUGHAT [see marid]

BUK'A means etv mologicallv 'a patch of giound
maiked out fiom adjoining land bv a difTeience in
coloui etc ' 01 'a low-lving legion with stagnant
water (see Lane, si) the latter sense is obviouslv
at the base of the plmal Bika' [qi] to designate the
(onginalh) marshv vallev between the Lebanon and
\nti-Lebanon langes in Svna and doubtless at that
of the name al-Bukas'a for a settlement near the
Lake of Hims [q i] (see Le Strange Palestim under
tht Modems, 352) Fiom these senses it acqunes the
broader one of "piovince region tract of land' as
in the classical Arabic geographers (for Mukaddasi
31 tr Miquel 70 buk'a is a simple svnonvm for
mtmdi') and this seems to ha\e been the farthest
development of the teim m the Muslim West (see
Dozv, Supplement l 103b, who registeis this latter

Hov

, in the

lal a

'the

Islamic world, buk'a acquned apparenth duimg the
Saldjuk period the sense of 'dervish convent',

pious, educational or chantable purposes"
The transition heie in sense clearlv anses from the
Kur'amc phrase al buk'a al mubaraka (XXVIII 30),
traditionallv interpreted as 'the blessed hollow",
the place where God spoke to Moses fiom the
burning bush From Saldjuk times onwards buk'a
appears in epigiaphic phiaseologv Thus an inscrip-
tion of Yaghi-basan b Ghazi b Damshmand (537-
60/ 1142-65) fiom Niksar and dated 552/1157-8
describes the constiuction of a buk'a mubaraka, piob-
ablv to be interpreted as a dervish convent (see
M Van Berchem, Epigraphu dts Dtim\hmtndidts, in
~A, \\Mi [1912], 87 = Opera minom Geneva 1978,
u, 703 with further refeiences to CM. l Egyptt

459, ;

( Mint

> 24)

wise used in the Svro-Palestiman region from
Avvubid times onwaids, eg in 595/1198 to
describe at Jerusalem a school imaklab) onginalh
endowed bv Saladin and Van Beichem noted that
in this same cm, a Djami' al-Nisa' ad]acent to the
Haram was still called al-Buk'a al-Bavda' perhaps
horn its white tough-cast walls (CM, u Syne du
Sud Jerusalem \ilh i/2, 110, 112 no 39, n/1, 130,
no 17b) Some thiee-and-a-hall centuries later, we
find the Ottoman Sultan Sulevman I described on

maynua I buk'a al akdasma \ibid i/iTlil no 45)
In these instances, there still appears to be an
ambivalence of meaning with the double sense of
the land on which the building stood and that of
the building itself, one intended foi icligious or
chantable uses

Nevertheless, in the Turco-Iraman world the
connection of the term buk'a with dervish convents
and with mausolea, especially those of Sufi

440/967 104% Wukliehkeit und Legendt, Tehran-Liege
1976, 305, n 75, 310 and n 115) B O'kane has
gathered together instances of buildings described

uallv 1

nptioi

in legion (after the Danishmandid instance,
see above for the penods of the Rum Saldjuks and
the Sd/iJi) and from the Iianian one (8th-<W14th-
15th centuries extending as far eastwards as the
Tfrnund Shah-i Zinda in Samaikand) and has noted
that the term seemed eventuallv found more favour
in those legions than in the Arab one, see his
Taybad Turbat i Jam and Timund taultmg in Iran
Jnal of tht Bull ' ' " " '

94-b

i the a

Bibliography give

(CE Bosworth)
BUKRAT Hippocrates the most famous phvsi-
cian of antiquitv was born ta 460 B C on the
island of Cos, and died ta 375 in Lanssa iThessah
He sprang fiom the Asclepiads, an old native familv
of phvsicians where the name Hippociates occurred
repeatedlv \lreadv in antiquitv he was considered
an exceptional and model phvsician This piestige
was due to Galen [see djalInus] in the first place
who brought to its culmination the 'Hippocrates-
revival" which had started in the 2nd centurv AD
and thus determined the image of Hippocrates foi
the whole period to come, in Islam as in Europe,
Hippocrates became the svmbol of 'the Hue phvsi-
cian It is the moie astonishing that hardlv am of
the mam wntings transmitted under his name can
be traced back to him with full certaintv Dependent
' " ' jf this "Coipus

Hip

. but i

,t bO

•r theii

architectural form and plan, would always be felt as
"blessed places" in the Kur'anic sense. In the
biography of the SufT Shaykh Abu SaTd al-Mayhani,
the Astat al-tau.hld of Muhammad b. al-Munawwar
(wntten in the last quarter of the 6th/12th century),
buk'a, in one place buk'a-i az khayr, is synonymous
with khdnakah [q i ] in the sense of "dervish convent"
(ed Dhabrh Allah Saft, Tehran 1332/1953, 44,
146, 331, ct. F. Meiei, Abu Sa'ld-i Abu l-Hayr [357-

To the Arabs Hippocrates was well
his name appears as Bukrat, with suppression ol
the Greek ending like in Sukrat (Socratesi and
Dimukiat (Demokntos) and also as Ibukrat and
Abukrat The forms Ibukiatfs, Abukiatls, etc are
older Svnac influence is still present in Hifukratis
Ifukratis

Theie is no lack ol biogiaphical information about
Bukrat among the Arabs, the longest section is found
mlbn AbrUsavbi'a 'Vyun al anba' i 24-33 Bukrat s
teachers aie mentioned here (24 11 lb-17) his father
Iiaklldis (Heiacleidesj and his giandfather Bukiat
besides his lather, the ancient souices name also oth-
eis like Herodicos ol Selvmbna (Paulv-Wissowa-Kroll
Rial Entyklopadxe dir dass illeHummisstmihaft, viu 1912
978 f) He is said to have lived up to the age of
95 The Arab biographeis, to be suie, often present
misleading information e g Ibn Abi VJsavbi'a lop at
l 24, 11 22-i) savs that Bukiat was tiained on
Rhodes Cnidos and Cos while Ibn al-Kitti (Hukama'
ed Lippert 90 at the end to 91 1) makes him stav
for a while in Firuha d e Bepota = \leppo in the
text identified with Hims see also Barhebraeus
Ta'nkh Mukhtasai al dtmal, ed Cheikho 85) and
Damascus, both pieces of information perhaps mean
no more than that Bukrat travelled far and wide,
as was already known in antiquity. On the other
hand, one may assume that the Arabs retained scat-
tered biographical data which are not found else-
where. They were also right in stating that the Corpus
Hippocratium does not go back to one single author
and that there have been several physicians of this
name: the mathematician Thabit b. Kurra names
four Bakdrita or Bukratun ("Hippocraticians", one
might say), the first of whom (in fact the second)
would have been the famous Bukrat (Ibn al-Nadim,
Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 293 f.; Ibn al-Kiftl, op. at, 100).

The \nbs ilso kntw about the unconfiimed si
ment of Gilen ictording to which Hippoci
declined a lunitive otter ot \rtaxeixes I to c
to the Peisian court (P Bachmann in \4J\C P
Hist Kl 1%5 20 f

nended

f the

allcgedh w is the tirst to found a hos
pital llbn \bi Usivbi'a i 27 II I 2) Evidentlv
the Hippocratir oith wis also known to the
Muslims nituiallv in i somewhat diffeient form
it can be found in Ibn Abi Usavbi'a i 25 t ind
has been tunshted bv F Rosenthil Das Fortleben
del hitike mi Islam Zunch 1965 250-2 But Buki a
wis ldmired not onlv as the gieat phvsicim but
ilso as the mastei ot ilchemv istiologv ind m igic
(M Ullminn Du \atu, mid Cthtimuisstnsehafltn mi
Islam Leiden Gologne 1472 155 288 t 389) is,
such he give his name to the h indbook ot
Hellenistic migic which has become 1 imous and
notorious undei the n ime Puatm (distorted horn
Bikiatis Hippoci ites )

cannon of Hippocntic writings coincides with the
Greek one We would piobabK have more ittu
rite inform ition it hid come down to us G Jen s
work now lost tltpi tcov yvncncov kou voGcov
[jijioKpaxoui, CTuyypanuaTCov which existed in Ishik
b Hunavns translation as kitab ft kutub Bubal al
mhiha ia ghaxr al sahiha (G Beigstusser Hunain ibn
Ishaq ube, du svisthen mid arabisehen Calm I bout un
gin in 4AU xvn/2 Leipzig 142} no 104) \\t

ous size The fust to be mentioned is the valuible
survev of the tollowing 10 woiks ,a 259/972 com-
piled b\ the historian al i a'kubi iTa'nkh ed
Houtsmi i 107 29 A al Fits id Acpopiauoi A al
Buldan ia I nmah ia lahina Ikpt a£pcov u8cctcov
xoTicov A \Ia al ska'ir rkpi imcavnc, A TaUimal
al man/a npoyvcoatiKov A al Djanm tl^pi yovn^ flepi

flEpi cpuaios avGpcojiou A al Chidha Ikpi tpocpni,
A al isabi rkpt £p5oita8cov A htdja al msa
iruvaiKEta cf however M Ullmann "un sfiatan
tikt kommmtare ^u del hippokratisthtn Sthnji Di mm
bis mulubnbus in Utduin lustonsilus Journal xn
[1977] 245-b2) A Abiejhimna EjuSnuiai This text
has a specific \ Jut in so far as i a'kubi has added
more or less detiiled indices to six ot these titles
so that then identification tan bt issured thiout,h
comparison with texts that hate been preseited
(cf M khmioth ibn du his ug, aits jieelu
sehen Scknftstellan bti al Ja'aubi in ~DMC xl [1886]
189 20 5)

■\nother canon of 10 works ill commented upon
b\ Gilen is given b\ Ibn al-Nadim Fihrisl 288
who also names the tianslatois Thev partlv coin
cide with those given above but instead of A \la
al sha'ir A al Djamn A al Chidha A al isabi' ind
A 4ud}a' al mm' we find here A al'Ahd Opko s
A al Amrad al hadda ITepi Statini, o^ecov A al Kan
nepi cryucoY A al Akhlat Ilepi %\>yi&v ind A
hatatnun (read hattatn\un\ Keel inxpEtov
Birhebiaeus {Duual ed C heikho 35l nimes 9
Hippocratital works ill of which appeir in both
of the inventoiies given above while there is idded
the A Shig^ad^ al ra's IlEpi tcov ev KEcpaXn xpcotia

the manusci

lpts as

well is

in the lists of titles it

cinnot alwi

\s be

stabhsh

ed with certaintt who

weie the \

of the woiks In am

tise Huni\

n b Ishak and

his school weie it the

head But

entoiv of tianslitions

trom Hippc

crates s

woiks

diawn up b\ Huna\n

is the

his translations from

G liens wn

extiemeh fiequcnth

quoted b\

the \i

lb phv

icnns The following

woiks of the -\iabi

s have been published

so lai 1 A

// Thi

Aphorisms of Hippoe rates

transited u

to \ri

bic bv Honain Ben Ishik ed

] Tvtle, C

A Takdimat al ma'nfa

ed M Klar

i ZDUC

xl (188b) 204 l 1 , 3

A Tadbir a

amrad

al hadda

Hippoe rates legimtn in

mull disease

s ed

and ti

MC L\ons [habit

Ttihnual and Seitnti

fit Texts

il Cambndge 1 9hb

4 Kahuhm

n Hipp

In the Surge,) ed ind

ti In L\on

s ubid

in) C

ambndge 1968 5 A

Habal 'ala

aba! Hippoaah

On suptifottatwn ed

ind ti JN

M itto

rk \ibid

in) Cambridge l')b8

(ct Ullman

n Du

Iberliefeiung da hip

pokratisihin

Sehrtft

De sup

Relatione in Sudhof)

behu Km

1974]

254-75)

b A Tabi at al insan

Hippocrates

n the na

an ed and ti Mittock

ind Lvons

v) Cm

bridge 1968 7 K j

/ ami ad al

iladma

Hippo,

alts on endemu disease

and pla

«s> ed

and ti Mittock ind

L\ons ahid

\| Cir

196') 8 A Ji I Uhlal

Hippouahs de humor

bus ed

and ti Mittock lihid

\il Cambridge 197

9 A

di alimtnto

ind tr

MaTtock ubid vi)

C imbridge

1971

A a

idimna Hippotrates on

tmbnos tOn

the span

tht Mature of the thld\

ed ind trai

si MC

Lvons

and J N Mattock {ibid

, be joined the

ind woiks of Hippoe

together bv M Ullmann Du Mtdi in im Islam
Leiden C ologne 1970 25-35 and F Sezgin G4S
in Leiden 1970 23 47 Further importint are
M Stcmschneidei Die mab I herself

i 298 3

The b

Ibn \bi Usai
\iound 30 of them

most detuled c

H Diels Du Hi.
pait Hippobates lend Caltnos in Abh P,
Phil -Hist Kl (1905) \bh in G Ben
Hunmn ibn Ishal tend seme St huh Sp,ath
era^tsihithtluhe Intasuchun^tn „h den t
Hippokratts und Calm Lbeis-eKungtn Leiden
H Rittei and R Ualzei habistht I btrstt^u
gritthistha h It in Stambuler Bibhothtktn in S
U It Phil -Hist Kl (1934) xxvi -Gene

'abisthi

consideied luthentic h

L Leclc

187b

His to

i medetu

1 6 Handbm h

dtr Gtse

uhte del \Iedui

Th Pusihma

1.1 hg v

in M Neuburge

BUKRAT — al-BUNI

undj. Pagel, i, Jena 1902, 196-268; P. Diepgen,
Geschichte der Medizin, i, Berlin 1949, 77-94.
(A. Dietrich)

AL-BULAYTI [see AL-BALATI, in Suppl.].

BULBUL SHAH, SUji saint of mediaeval
India. Bulbul Shah, whose ieal name was Sayvid
Sharaf al-Dm, was a Musawi Sayyid and a disciple
of Shah Ni'mat Allah Farsi, belonging to the
Suhrawardiyya order. He entered the Valley of
Kashmir in the reign of Radja Suhadeva (1301-20)
from Turkistan with 1,000 fugitives, fleeing before the
Mongol invasion. Rincana, a Ladakhi prince, who
seized power from Suhadeva, possessed an inquisitive
and a restless mind and was dissatisfied with both
Buddhism, his own religion, and Hinduism, the
religion of his subjects. Having come into contact
with Bulbul Shah, and learning from him about Islam,
he was so much impressed by its teachings which,
unlike those of Buddhism and Hinduism, were sim-
ple and free from caste, priesthood and ceremonies,
that he became a Muslim and adopted the name of
Sadr al-Din on the advice of the saint. The next
person to embrace Islam was Rawancandra, Rin-
cana's brother-in-law; and according to one tradition
Bulbul Shah was able to conveit nearly 10,000 peo-
ple to his faith.

Rincana built for Bulbul Shah a khanakah [q.v] on
the bank of the river Jehlam and endowed it with a
number of villages, from the income of which a lan-
gar (free kitchen) was opened. Bulbul Langar has dis-
appeared, but a quaiter of Srinagar, bearing the name
of the hospice still exists. Rincana also built near the
hospice a mosque, the fust evei to have been built
in Kashmir. It was destioyed by fire, and a smaller
mosque was built in its place. Bulbul Shah died in
728/1327 and was buried near it.

Bibliography: Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under
the Sultans, Calcutta 1959; R.K. Parmu, History
oj Muslim rule in Kashmir, Delhi 1969; Mufti
Muhammad Shah Sa'adat, Bulbul Shah Sahib (Urdu),
Lahore 1360/1941; Hadjdjr Mu'In al-Din Miskin,
Ta'nkh-i Kabli, Amiitsar 1322/1904.

(Moh

l Has

al-BUNI, Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad
al-Kurashi al-SCfi Muhyi 'l-Din (variants Taki
al-Din, Shihab al-Din), Arab author who wrote
around forty works on magic. Hardly anything is
known about his life; the date of his death (622/1225)
was found by the present writer only in HadjdjT
Khalifa [Kashf al-zunun, passim, cf. Kahhala, Mu%am
al-mu'alhjin, ii, 26; Bagdath Ismail Pasa, Hadiyvat al-
'anfin, i, 90 f). He came originally from Buna CAnnaba
[q.v.]). It is doubtful that he transmitted information
on the construction in 425/1033 of the Sidi Bu
Marwan mosque in that place, in a work called al-
Durra al-malnuna (cf. G. Marcais, in Melanges William
Marfais, Paris 1950, 234), since this work does not
appear in the catalogues of his writings. He is said
to have died in Cairo and to have been buried in
the Karafa cemetery near the tomb of 'Abd al-Djalil
al-Tahawi (d. 649/1251) (Ibn al-Zayyat, al-Kawakib
al-sayyara Jt taitlb al-zivara Ji 1-Kaiafatayn al-kubra iva
'l-sughra [written in 804/1401], Baghdad n.d., 268).

Al-Buni's main work is the Kitab Shams al-ma'arif
zva-lata'if al-'awanf, published in 4 volumes, Cairo
n.d. [1905]. In 40 chapters, the headings of which
are clearly ai ranged in Ahlwardt's Catalogue no.
i a collection both muddled and

of n

r the

magia

e of n
•s, the r

the production of amulets, for the magical use of
scripts etc , all matteis belonging to the field of
the huruj [q i ] oi awjak In ch 7 appear e\en the
words with which Jesus is supposed to have resus-
citated the dead The work exists in three forms,
a short one which is the oldest, a long one and
a middle-sized one (cf HA Winkler, Siegil und

1930, 67 ibid, b8-8b contains the translation with
commentan ot the chapters on the "se\en seals"
and the "highest name oi Allah' ) The number of
manuscripts which became known in the couise of
time is consideiable, the oldest — ii the colophon is
authentic— dates from 618/1221, thus hom the
author's lifetime (Mamsa, Genel Kut 1445, cf
T. Fahd, La divination arabe, Leiden 1966, 230-3).

The v

s than c

off hardships, by trying to influeri

poweis which cannot be giasped by the intellect

therefore

:nd of t
it the mysteries of the letters (al-
huruj) cannot be prosed by logical intellect, but
only by insight into divine wisdom. He expresses
himself in the same way in anothei work, the Kitab
Lata'ij al-vkaratjt asrar al-huruj al-'ulwiyyat (the title
is variable; I did not have access to the lithogra-
phy of Cairo 1317), quoted by Ibn Khaldun,
Mukaddima, iii, 140 (Engl. tr. Rosenthal, iii, 174;
Fr. tr. Monteil, iii, 1106). In his Risalat al-Shifa'
h-adwa' al-waba (cf. M. Ullmann, Die Medium im
Islam, Leiden 1970, 249), Tashkopiuzade (d.
968/1560) copied much of al-Bum's magic to ward-
ing off the plague.

Most of the other works circulating under the

extracts from the Shams al-ma'anj; their relation to
one another and to the main work is still to be
investigated. We may mention here the Kitab al-
l's ul wa 1-daivabit, a kind of introduction to the

shanfa on the consonants tL dj. Ml, z, 'sA, Z, f, which

t Sura

il-Lumc

on the" divine names (enumerated in Fahd, op. eil,
237 f). In addition to Goldzihei's earlier studies,
G. Yajda has pointed to Jewish and pseudo-Jewish

regard to the names of God, the angels the idea
ofthakufa (fiom Hebrew tekiifa, something like "quar-
ter of a year" and several other derived meanings):
.S'«/ quelques elements jmfs et pseudo-jmfs dans Vencyclopedie
magique de Buni, in Goldziher Memorial Volume, i,
Budapest 1948, 387-92. J. Ruska deserves the credit
foi having drawn attention to the abstruse chapter
on alchemy in the Shams and its sources; since this
chapter fits somewhat unnaturally in the woik, it
may indeed have been added by a later author who
was familiar with al-Razfs Kitab al-Asrai (cf. />/.,
xxii [1934], 307-10).

quoted in the article) : the excellent study of
W. Ahrens, Die "magisehen Quadrate" Al-Bunfs, in
Isi, xii (1922), 157-77; in addition, G.
Bergstrasser, ^u den magiuhen Quadraten, in ibid.,
xiii (1923), 227-35, and again, Ahrens, ibid., xiv
(1925), 104-10; E. Doutte, Magie et religion dans
I'AJrique du Nord, Algiers 1909, passim; Brockel-

l-BUNI — BURUDJIRDI

mmn I 655 t SI 010 t M Ullnnnn i)«

Wur mrf Gthum ti^innhaften im Islam Leiden

1972 234 3')0 f 415 lA Dietrich)

*l BURAK al SARJMl iSurwmi in Ibn al Kilbi'

iai iHadjdjadj b Abd Allah (d 40/660) ikhandji

who is siid to ha\e betn the tirst to proclaim that

ludgement belongs onK to God itahhrn ct

alMubarrad hamil Cano edn 017) but who is

limed in histon because of his being one of the

thiee plotters swoin to kill simult ineousK All b Abi

Tilib [see ibn muldjam] Ami b al \s [tjt] ind

Mu'awiva b Abi Suf\ m Al Bunk niordingK pio

ceeded to Damascus and stabbed Mu iwi\a whilst h<

was pnving but onK managed to wound him in the

sequences firstK the mairnge \ein Ink al nihil)
was severed so that Mu'awrva was umble to beget
an\ more children md secondK the httei decided
thit in luture he would pra\ inside a mat sum I but
see the uonical remnk of al Djdhiz Haya tan 11
Ibl where a dog is said to ha\e ltd him to take

When ll Burak was inested he immediitel\ told
Mu iwi\a about the plot hatched ignnst the three
persons He asked him to await news of the ittack
on 'Mi and pioposed to Mu iwm tint he should
go and kill the caliph if Ibn Muldj im had lulfd
and then return and thiow himself on Mu iwi\ i s
meicv From this point the accounts dneige
According to some Mu'iwrva hid him executed on
the spot according to othcis he thiew him into prison
and heed him when he heaid of 'All s death
Atcoiding to the apparently most cunent account he
had his hands and feel (or one hand md one toot)
cut off and sent him to Basia where /i\ id b Abihi
put him to deith when he lennt that he had Ind 1
child bom to him whilst Mu iwi\a remained hence
foith sterile

Bibhosrapln Mubarnd hamil W Taban i

5456 7 54b! Djiluz Bayan n 20b Ibn al Kalbi

Caskel Diamhaia n 220 Mas udi Minud^ n 427

4 567 = ^1730 1750 iCh Pellat)

BURKU' or KASR BURKU' i ruin situUed

in noithern Joidan about 25 km noithwest ot

the pumping station H 4 now a smill village on the

road from Mafnk to Baghdad Here one of the eir

hest Islamic inscriptions dated 81/700 is presei\(d

A harm plain of about b50 m iltitude sunounds the

imn which lies on the northeast bmk of the W idi

Mink id About 2 km noithwest of Burku the u idi

s blocked b\ a modem d

and outei fices with a filling of lumps
of basalt and cli\) Howe\ei a thoiough techm
cal examination peimits the isolation of the dif
terent stages of building acti\it\ which can parth
be connected with chronologic ll evidences pro\ided
b\ inscriptions lound at the spot These insciip
tions aie a Gieek inscnption from the 3id cen
tui\ AD (Field op til 161 11) a Gieek inscnption
from Bvzantme times (Giube op til 07) an Arabic

litei caliph Walid I) dated 81/700 [RCEi no 12
Field 154 1 Gaube 07^ an Aiabic inscnption
dated 782/1380 Gaube 07) and an Arabic mstnp
tion dated 812/1400 (Gaube 07 f)

In the course ot its centuries long use Kisr
Burku sened diffeient purposes The nucleus ot
the site the lectinguhi tower m the com t\ aid was
a Roman Bwantine watch towei conti oiling one of
the mun cancan 10 ids from Aiabn to S\m All
instillations to secuic the water suppK of the place

ibl\ contemporuv with the tower In the 5th or
the bth centuiv AD this advanced post was trans
foimed into a monastic settlement and sonic looms
weie built to the southe tst of the towei Bv ttalids
order iooms noithetst ind southeast ot the towei
and the enclosure weie added At this time Burku
sened as a modest countrv residence It pio\es that
impoitant members of the rul

j famif

a than

ind i

ind wa<

lenod the
rnbl\ used

lo^iaphy &n<n in the uticle

(H Gaube)
BURNOUS [see libasJ

BURUDIIRDI Hadjdji \ka Husayn Tabataba i
(1875 1061i the gieatest lehgious authontv
{mardia I taUid i mutlak) of the Sh i ' 1 world in his
time He belonged to a well established and wealthv
1 familv irom which emeiged distingtnshed hg

rl Mah

1 Ulum

1707)

whicl

The alignment of the foundations ot the southwtst
pait of the fast suggests that i similat dam < xisted
there in the 7th centurv AD

The building was tirst nsited in 1028 An
archaeologic ll report on the site was published in
1060 ,H Field \orth irabum dt eil tmhaeoloiiiul sur
it) 1920 1910 Cambridge Mass 10b0 04 0) The
building was re studied in 1074 bx H Gaube in
examination of the nun of Qa-.r Burqu in \nnual of the
Departmtnt of 4nliquitu of Jordan xix i!074) 03 100
and 207 14

The remnns consist of a pi mi enclosure will at
the northwest and the southwest sides and ranges

northeast sides (six rooms) enclosing a courtv ltd
where thei.

After piiman, educ ition in his home town Buiudjird
he moved to Lsfahui in 1802 and studied fikh uuil
philosophv and mathematics undei sevenl specialists
including Savwd Muhammad Bikir Duira'i In 1002
he Hint to Nidjai md attended the lectures ot
khurisam [q J and others until 1010 when he went
back to Buiudjird with the intention ot returning to
Nidjaf but the death both ot his tathei and Rhuid
Sim m 1911 made him icraim in Burudjiid Despite
the fact tint Buiudjndi was closeK associated with
" ring the Peisnn Constitutional Revolu

1905 1

i between Burudjirdi
stitution ihst camoai
Buiudjndis

> presej

i Khu. ii

This is an inditat

the field ot politics

itselt dunng Buiudjirdi

i open

ivhicl

i repeited iepm

plan a

| leidership fiom 1947 6

I While in Buiudjird he was recognised as a les
pected religious authontc in the western pait ot
Inn He was so popular in his legion that in 1926
when he was tempoi lriK Irving in kum he was
urged bv the Buiudjndis to ictuin to Burudjiid he
heed theie until 1944 At this time the Kum Circle
for Reh-gious Studies whuh had been founded bv
Shavkh Abd alKanm Hun \q in Suppl ] in
1021 wis being run b\ thiee men iSadr Hudjdjat
ind khwansin [q ]l It was envisaged that due to

lehgious leidership Buiudjirdi would be lble to

BURUDJIRDI -

reorganise the Circle which, under the government's
pressures, and especially after Ha'irfs death in 1937,
hadbeen greatly diminished. To this end Burudjirdi
was cordially invited to Kum in December 1944.
After the death of Sayyid Abu '1-Hasan Isfahanl
and Hadjdji Aka Husayn Kumml in Nadjaf in
1 946 and 1 947 respectively, Burudjirdi was unques-
tionably acknowledged as the sole mardja'-i taklld in
the whole Shl'I woild and held this title until his
death.

During his leadership, many religious activities were
undertaken: several libraries, hospitals, mosques, and
religious schools were established or revived in dif-
ferent locations in Iran and other countries, includ-
ing 'Irak and Germany; the publication of a number
of religious books weie subsidised; religious emissaries
were dispatched to Europe, USA, Pakistan, Saudi
Arabia and Africa. The Kum Circle for Religious
Studies, which had become only a convenient alter-
native to that of Nadjaf during Ha'irfs leadership,
now proved to be the most important clerical centie
in the Shfl world. Thanks to this centrality, many
students and specialists of ShfTsm formerly living in
Nadjaf and elsewhere joined the Kum Circle, to the
extent that their number exceeded 5,000, and for the
first time the Nadjaf Circle looked to Burudjirdi for
assistance, financial or otherwise.

In the field of scholarship, Burudjirdi made notice-
able contributions; in addition to regular teaching and
handling religious affairs, Burudjirdi wrote a number
of books on fikh and usul, seveial of which were never
published; one speciality of his was hadlth. He has
been widely acknowledged as the initiator of a new
scheme which facilitates the piocess of determining
the number and the extent of authority of the hadlth
transmitters; it determines the time gap existing along
the chain of transmitters, so that the classification of
the hadlth into mwsal and musnad becomes easy. His
scheme also helps to identify the identical names which
appear in the chain of hadlth transmitters and to dis-
close any distortions or alterations theie. Finally, it
classifies the transmitters into 36 groups, each with
distinguishable characteristics.

Anothei aiea of Buiudjirdfs concern was Sunnl-
Shl'I relations; to this end, Burudjiidl closely coop-
erated with the Cairo Dai al-Takilb bayn al-Madhahib
al-hlamiyya and entered into correspondence with
the Azhar lectors such as Shaykh Mahmud Shaltut.
This relationship, it is believed, resulted in the issu-
ing of a fatwa in which Shaltut declared Shl'Ism
to be as true a Muslim creed imadhhab) as other
madhhah which have been followed by the Sunnls,
and invited all Muslims to recognise it (see the Peer
Mahomed Ebrahim Trust, Shiaism explained, Karachi
1972, pp. x ff.).

In the arena of politics Burudjiidl remained rather
inactive. At times, however, he favoured the Shah
of Iran and some of the factions tied to the Royal
Court. On a certain occasion, the Shah even went
to Kum and visited Burudjirdi at home. In 1952,
during the general election for the 17 th Iranian
Parliament, Burudjirdi was consideied as a supporter
of a Kum feudal candidate, Abu '1-Fadl Tawliyat,
who was also supported by the Court. In the Shah-
Musaddik stiuggles, Burudjirdi was widely recog-
nised as being opposed to some of the measures
taken by the lattei and was happy over Musaddik's
downfall in 1953. In 1952 a member 'of the
Fida'iyyan-i Islam [q.v.] and then a friend of Musaddik,
Khalll Tahmasbl, who was accused of the assassi-
nation of the former prime minister 'All Razmara,

went to Kum to visit Burudjirdi, but he refused to
meet with Tahmasibl. In other political matters,
which did not foim Burudjirdf s immediate concern,
he was very reluctant to interfere. During the
Palestine movement of 1947-8, foi instance, a demon-
stration was organised in front of his house urging
him to condemn Israel, to which he did not respond;
howevei, in the end he played for the victory of
the Palestinians and anathematised the Israelis
(according to a leaflet picked up by the present
writer on the street in Kum at the time).

Bibliography: Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Sharh-i hal-i
Ayat Allah al-'Uzma Hadj.djl Aka Husayn Tabatabd'i
Burudjirdi, in Madialla-yi Mushmi'n, i (1951);
Mahdi Bamdad, Shaih'-i hal-i ridjal-i Iran, i,
Tehian 1968; Muhammad Husayn Nasir al-
Sharl'a, Ta'rlkh-i hum, Kum 197 1; Muhammad
Husayn Tabataba'I et alii, Bahthl dar bara-yi
maraja'iyyat va ruhamyyat, Tehran 1962; 'All
Wa'Iz KhiyabanI, hitdb-i 'Ulama'-i mu'Ssirin,
Tabriz 1947; Abu Muhammad, IVakill, Hawza-
yi 'ilmtyya-yi hum, Tehran 1969; Salih al-
Shahrastanl, Kum wa didmi'atuha al-'ilmiyya
al-dlnma wa-sayyiduha al-Maraja' al-Akbar ' al-
Buiitdjirdi, in a/'-irjan, vi (1968), 729-60; A.K.S.
Lambton, .4 leconsideiation of the position of the
Marja' al-Taqlld and the religious institution, in SI,
xx (1964), 115-35; Muhammad [Sharif] RazI,
Athar al-hudjdja, i, Kum 1954; idem, Gandjina-yi
damshmandan, i-ii, Tehran 1973; 'All DawwanI,
Zjndigani-yi Ay at Allah Burudjirdi, Kum 1961;
Burudjirdi, Khatirdt-i zmdiganl-yi

Aya

1961;

Mus

Allah

l-'Uzm

Aka-

, Tehra

;, Tehia

-Shaykh Kazim al-Halfi, al-
■dl, Nadjaf 1961; R.W. Cottam,
m in ban, Pittsburgh 1967; Khanbaba

Muallifln-i kutub-t tapi-vi farsi ' '~

1961.

. Ira

'Abdul-Hadi Hairi i
BURUSHASKI is the language of the
Burusho, who foim the majority of the population
of the isolated principalities of Hunza and Nagir
[q.v.] in the western Karakoram. It is probably used
by about 20,000 persons. A closely related dialect,
called Wercikwar, is spoken in the Yasin valley fur-
ther west towards Citral. The language was no doubt
formerly current over a larger territory than at pres-
ent. Al-though it shares much vocabulary with the
Dai die languages Shina of Gilgit and Khowar of
Citral [see dardig and KAFIR languages], Burushaski
has no known genetic relationship either with the
neighbouring Aryan, Turkic, or Sino-Tibetan lan-
guages oi with any other group, e.g. Causasian,
Dravidian, etc. This may be' shown by the numei-
als 1-10: hi, alti, Iski, walti, hindt, mis in, tale, altam.
hunti, tonmi. Characteristic features are (i) the divi-
sion of nouns into four classes, appi oximately: human,

animate and objects conceived as units, and (y) inan-
imate, amorphous and abstract, (ii) the occurrence
of a plethora of plural suffixes, and (iii) the peiva-
sive use of "possessive" personal pronoun prefixes
with both nouns and veibs.

Bibliography: D.L.R. Lorimer, The Burushaski

language, 3 vols., Oslo 1935-8; idem, Umhikwai-

Engluh vocabulary, Oslo 1962; G.A. Klimov and D.I.

Edel'man, Yazi'k Burushaski, Moscow 1970; H. Berger,

Das Tasin-Burushaski, Wiesbaden 1974.

(D.N. Mackenzie)

AL-BUSIRI, Sharaf al-Din Abu 'Abd Allah
Muhammad b. Sa'Id b. Hammad al-Sanhadji, an

Shawwal 608/7 Marrh 1212 at Busir {,/.:'.] or ne;
to Dalas (see Yakut, i.v.) in Upper Egypt. He w;
in fact known also by the nuba of Dal" " ' ' '
said that one of his parents originated from Dala;
and the other from BusTr; he also had
ite nuba, al-Dalasiri, but this last was
current. He fol
-'Abbas Ahmad al-Mi

leing

? Sufi Abu

Sha'
P. Nw)

, Ibn 'Att

il-kubtS, (
Allah, Beii

i the

1972, index

Shadhiliyya order [<j.v.]. He spent ten years it
Jerusalem, and then resided at Medina and Mcca
before settling at Bilbays [tj.v.], where he held .

kashandl, Subh, i, 451). He died at Alexandra;'

which v

.1 the s.

the foo

694 t(

696/1294-7, and was buried a
Mukattam, near to al-ShafiT [,j.v.].

Al-Busin was a skilled calligrapher, a traditionist
and a celebrated reciter of the Kur'an, but his name

the Prophet, the Binda ode [g.r.], upon which a host
of commentaries have been written and which has
enjoyed up to the present time an extraordinary suc-
cess. It has not, however, thrown wholly into the
shade another work of his on the same theme, al-
Kaslda al-hamzhvaf, 1-madS'ih al-nabaivma or I' mm al-
Kura fi mada "khan al-warS, printed and commented
upon several times. Al-Busin is furthermore the author
of a Lamma in praise of the Prophet, of al-hafida al-
mudarma'fi 'l-salat 'ala khan al-bamva, of the Dhukhi
al-ma'Sd 'ala wazn Banal Su'ad, of a Ta'ma, of al-hmlda
al-khanmvya and of some secular pieces more or less

ten for

Bibliogiaphr. Kutubi, Fawa,
■ ■-■ Cairt —

Hum

'1876,

HI; Suyut

R. Basset, Introd. to his tr. of the Bit
1894, I-XII; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhatat, v, 432;
G. Gabrieli, al-Burdatavn, Florence 1901, 24-9;
Brockelmann, I, 264-5, "S I, 467-72. iEd.i

al-BUSTANI, name of a Lebanese family dis-
tinguished in the field of Arabic literature, which from

represents the various stages of the nahda and marks

the

• Arab

so, from the old Erin
al-Bustani to the present-day Dd'irat al-ma'Snj of
F.E. al-Bustani, a period of a century embraces the
wide range of activities covered by Lebanese and Aralj
scholars in the sphere of general culture. A detailed
comparison of these two generations of writers and
of their methods of investigation and eiudition shows
more plainly than by any other means, the long road
that the Lebanese travelled in their quest to acquire
and to benefit from the knowledge and the methods
of the West. The Bustanis, in waves that were suc-

Arabic language.
AV • -
Lebanc

!l the

■f the

family

ose cradle was in northern
t the end of the 16th cen-
tury, in the time of the amir Fakhr al-Din II, towards
Dayr al-Kamar, to take advantage of the Ma'nid peace
and the commercial prosperity of the region. The
descendants of this prolific family were not slow to
settle in other districts of the Shuf, such as Dibbiyya,
Ibkishtin and Mardj.

In a period of less than a hundred vears, we see
that dozens of representatives of this' family have
occupied posts of supreme importance in the ad-

is they who took the initiativ.
e of them finally that the Leba

g the Lebanese Univer
t- shall confine ourselves to mentic
:ample, and in alphabetical orde
imes among the Bustanis of the

teacher

rapher

: Dibl

distinguished shavLhs: Nasif al-Yazidji and Yusuf al-
Athfr. After founding, in Cyprus, with Iskandar
'Ammun, a review Djimqrnat al-akhbar which had lit-
tle success, he devoted his energies to education. In
a career spanning forty years, he acquired high
renown and formed, at the College of Wisdom and
the Patriarchal College, an elite of poets iWadf 'Akl,
Bishara al-Khun, ShiblT al-Mallat, Amin Taki al-
Din, etc./ and of journalists iDawud Barakat, Yusuf
al-Bustani, etc.) and of writers (Shakrb Arslan, Is'af
Nashashibr, etc.). It was in the course of this career,
and mainl> for the benefit of his disciples, that 'Abd
Allah al-Bustani composed the majority of his writ-
ings. To assist in the teaching of Arabic, he pre-
pared a dictionary, al-Buttan (2 vols. Beirut 1927-30),

t that he composed a number of play

Daahir, Masadir ai
A. al-Djundi, A' IS
Kahhala, Mu'ifram

2. Butrus b. Bulus al-Bustan
at Dibbiyya and first attended tl
the college of <Avn Warka, whe
between 1830 and 1840. In ord.
.'ho had just lost her husband, i

nieh 1968, 154-8; Y.A.

and supportini

rother:

refused the offe

taly

■mplet.

College ii
it-ems that he applied himself to learning English w

future contacts with the Protestant missionaries,
settled finally in Beirut where he lived for forty-tl

a pursi

,ued a

inguished career. His

arrival coincided with the troubles caused by the depar-
ture of the amir Bas_hir II and the withdrawal of
Egyptian troops. He made the acquaintance of some
American missionaries, with whom he formed a friend-
period that he met the doctor Cornelius Van Dyck,
who was then a young physician working with the
missionaries; he had just established himself in Beirut

and was eager to learn the language of the country
Fiom 184b to 1848 having tempoianlv left the citv
he helped his friend in the school at 'Ubey which
the latter founded and which enjoyed a high reputa-
tion in this period It was there foi the benefit of his,
pupils thit Bustim composed his two educational
manuals hasjtf al higjab ji 'ilm al hisab and Bulugh al
atab ft nahu al'hab it was also there that his eldest
son Sahm was born On his return to Beirut m 1848
the American Consulate employed him as an
mterpieter a post that he held until 1862 Dunn?

Euiopean and Semitic languages with the object of
assisting Dr Smith in his venture of translating the
Protestant Bible His energ> was also leflected in a
laige coipus of lectures, articles and pamphlets In
18b0 he published his magazine \ajit Surna ( The
Syrian bugle ) then in 1863 he founded his famous
National School which continued to opeiate until 1875
and lendeied the country veiv valuable service In
1870 he undertook the publication of his two perio-
dicals a! Djman and alcanna followed a veai later by
al Djunatna The major achievements of Butrus al-
Bustim were besides his school and his reviews, his
contribution to the transhtion of the Bible his large:
dictionary \luhrt al mulilt edited in 1870 and tht
Emyclopaidw the first volume of which appealed in
1876 He died while involved with this task and ht
was able to produce only six volumes His son Sahm
applied himself to this work and added two further
volumes The encyclopedia in question came finally
to a halt with the eleventh volume and was never
completed

The influence of al-Bustim at his apogee was very
deep Lucid far-sighted and sincere he made accu-
rate judgements of the state of his country fiom a
national cultural and moral point of view then he
set to work applying himself to piojects the achieve-
ment of which would seem impossible for one man
alone He saw clearly in a setting of considerable
obstacles of a confused political situation of intoler-
ance and of opposition to Tuikish rule the long path
that must be tiavelled m the quest for an authentic
social and cultural lenaissance \n indefatigable crafts-
man of bold and piogressive spirit he devoted him-
self to his work and was involved with it to the verv
last days of his life

Bibliography M '-\bbud Ruuuad al nahda al
haditha Beirut 1952 P -\ndraos alMuallimB al
Buitam (dissertation submitted to the Lebanese
Umveisitv 1070) FE al-Bustani al Raua't' no
22 Beirut 1050 M al-Bustani al Miabil Djounieh
1068 142-8 alHilal ol 15th January 1806
'U Kahhala Mu'djam al mu'allijin iv 48-0 Sh al-
khun Uadjma'al Mawrrat Beirut 1008 al AMtatqf
of 1st August 1883 N Nassar \afma mudjtama'
djadJd Beirut 1060 M Sawaya al Uu'alhm Butrrn
alBustam, Beuut 1063 L Shaykhu al Adah al 'ma
bina n Beirut 1010 Ph Tarrazi Ta nkh al sihaja
i and n Beirut 1013 Dj ZaydSn Taradfim mashahr
al Walk n, Cairo 1011

lObO) bom at Dayr al-Kamai where he baiely com-
pleted his primary studies and went to live in Beirut
with his brothel kaiam I see below 4) Sell-taught
his thorough linguistic and hteiarv education was
the fruit of assiduous personal effort He first
achieved distinction with his grammatical knowledge
and his understanding of ancient texts which he
analysed and annotated to make them accessible
to his readers In 1023 he founded his review al

Bay an which he edited until 1030 Here he dealt
with literaiy and social themes analysed new works
appearing in the Lebinon and m the Arab coun-
tries and encouraged the study of comparative lit-
erature In the course of its publication al Baian
was both a mignet and a support foi voung
Lebanese w liters The world economic crisis forced
Butrus to give a different direction to his vocation
Henceforward he devoted his efforts to education
and to all that might facilitate his task as teacher
It was to introduce his pupils from the Brothers
and the College of Wisdom to Aiabic literature that
he composed in thiee volumes his valuable text-
book Lei autiurs arabes The fust of these volumes
(1031 covers the period from the pre-Islamic age
to the Umavyads the second (1034) deals with the
'<\bbasid age the third with ahAndalus and the
nahda Later in 1043, this series was ci owned by

fourth v

anthole

though s

entific method is not respected sciupulous
writings Butrus excels through the purity of his
style and the accuiacy of his comments The last

Bibliography I
00-206

Karam al-Busta
r al-kamai, studied in the Ji
' iettled in Beirut

[06b)

uith 1

Butrus (see above 3 ) heie he applied himself simul-
taneously to a numbei of tasks teaching journal-
ism and cntical editing of ancient texts Over a
number of years he was associated with C itholic
missionary establishments I Jesuits Franciscans Sacre
Coeur, Friars etc) where he taught Aiabic litera-
ture \t this time he was collaborating in vanous
Lebinese reviews and journals that were then in
fashion al Bark Limn al hal al \r al Makshuj etc )
and he gave generous assistance to his brother Butrus
in the editing of his review al Batan His thorough
knowledge of Arabic and his erudition are shown

Ibn

of al

of p.

■v IDiu,

• (Ltgtm

nentalis Prim

Bibhosriapfo M al-Bustani al Msabil 106-8
5 Sa'id b Sahm al-Bustani (1022-77) born at
March (in the Shut) studied in Beuut at the
College of Jesuit Fathers then at the Institute of
Oriental Liteiature and pursued his studies in
France where he obtained a State Diploma in
Aiabic and a Doctorate of Letters On his return

the Lebanese University In 1074 he v\as appointed
Dean of the Faculty of Administration then in
1077 Dean of the Faculty of Liteiature In the
couise of his brief university caieer, he published
his thesis Ibn ai Rami sa ut it wn oeuue (Beirut 1067)
In addition he contributed to the Eniulopatdia
oj Islam and to the Da',

with b

Sa'id al-Bus

ture, and he defended his positions of principle
vigoiously The hope of the Lebanese elite he
died in mid-stiuggle earned off suddenly by an
incurable disease leaving a number of important
works unfinished

6. Salrm h. Butrus (1846-84) journalist and
novelist, born at 'Ubey. He studied in the centres
established in the north of the Lebanon by Protestant
missionaries recently arrived from America to com-
pete with the propaganda diffused over two centuries
by the Catholic missionaries. As teachers, he also
had his father Butrus and Nasif al-Yazidji, who intro-
duced him to the subtleties of Arabic. At the age
of sixteen (in 1862) he entered the service of the

erican Consulate

t that he held for t

i Beiri

. Then his fall

M n him

collabon

with him

especially in the running of the National
School, the editing of his reviews and the elabora-
tion of the Encyclopaedia. Thanks to his knowledge of
foreign languages, his civic sense and his literary and
philosophical training, Salim gave a new impetus to
the Renaissance, and turned it in directions other
than those pursued by the generation of his father,
of N. Yazidji, Athir, Ahdab and others. The West
influenced his thinking and his conception of
society. He went far beyond the cultural level deemed
sufficient by his contemporaries and tackled new and
original genres in vogue in the West. He displayed
this tendency towards innovation in several spheres.
First, in participating in the activities of literary soci-
eties and cultural associations, in particular in belong-
ing to the Syrian Scientific Society in which he
played a significant role; he occupied the post of
vice-president, and for the benefit of members and
friends, he composed some plays, most notably
Madjnun Lay la, in six acts, performed on the 11th
May 1869, and greeted by Beirut audiences as a
masterpiece. Later, he was tempted to pursue this
line of activity further and he composed more plays
in which prose and poetry lie side-by-side and blend
harmoniously. Later, he found in his father's vari-
ous reviews a useful medium for dealing with sub-
jects fashionable in the western press. The columns

tions never dealt with before in Arabic journals of

Salmi's articles from a thinker fired with civic con-
cern and patriotism, believing sincerely in his mis-
sion as social reformer. The titles of his surveys and
articles suffice by themselves to reveal the breadth
of the spectrum of social, moral, economic and polit-
ical problems that he studied. We shall quote, by
way of example, the following titles: Birth and evolu-
tion of nations. Factors of progress, Methods of education.
The role of economic-; in the evolution of society, etc. In
addition, he blazed the first trail of the modern
Arabic novel. Taking the ancient heritage as a base,
he tackled subjects with a historical theme and thus
sketched the path later to be followed by Nakhla al-
Mudawwar and Dj. Zaydan.

Among his works we shall mention the following:
(a) Nine novels published in serial form in al-Djinan
between 1870 and 1879;

Arabic or translated from French or English (pub-
lished at the same period in the same review);

(d) A history of Napoleon Bonaparte in Egypt and Syria;

These three last were also published in al-Djinan.
(f) Volumes vii and viii of the Encyclopaedia (and
valuable participation in the editing of the first six

al-Djinan, au eours de sa publication (/ 870-1 886),
see in particular articles signed by Salim (type-
script thesis, the Lebanese University); M. al-
Bustani, al-Sahabil, 152-3; Y. Daghir, Masadir,
ii, 186; Dj. Khattar, Salim al-Bustam: vie et oeu-
vre (manuscript essay submitted to the Lebanese
University, 1970). See also Lisan al-hal, no. 712
(1884); al-Muktataj, i 11884); Tarrazi, Ta'rikh al-
sihafa, i, ii; Kahhala, Mu'djam; Zaydan, Mashahii,
i; Ziriklr.

7. Sulayman b. Khattar al-Bustani (1856-
1925), politician and writer, horn at Ibkishtin, a
small village in the neighbourhood of Dibbiyya (Shuf).
He studied at the National School, attending the
Arabic classes of Nasif al-Yazidji and Yusuf al-Athir,
and gaining a knowledge of the French, English and
Turkish languages, as well as the sciences that were
then in vogue. His artistic temperament was noticed
by Butrus, his illustrious father, who took care of
him and invited him to collaborate in his educa-
tional work, the editing of his reviews al-Djinan, al-
Djanna and al-Djunavna, and the preparation of the
Encyclopaedia. Invited to Basra, Sulayman founded
there a modern-style educational establishment, then
he spent eight years in Baghdad where he occupied
some very important administrative posts. A tireless
traveller, Sulayman visited many countries, notably
Turkey, Egypt, India and Iran, as well as European
and American states. Resuming his work on the
Encyclopaedia, he settled in 1896 in Cairo and he
contributed substantially to the editing of the tenth
and eleventh volumes. In 1904, he accomplished his
greatest work, a translation of the Iliad into Arabic
verse (1260 pages of introduction and text). From
this time onward he devoted his energies to poli-
tics, participating in the activities of various parties
that were then proliferating in the Arab countries.
His attitude was, initially, favourable towards the
Ottomans, and this earned him, in 1908, when the
Constitution was put into effect, election as repre-
sentative of the vilayet of Beirut in the Ottoman par-
liament, and later, in 1913, appointment to the post
of Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry.
The change in policy on the part of the Sultan 'Abd
al-Hamld II (1876-1909), and the opposition of
Sulayman to Turkey's entry into the First World
War against the Allies, obliged him to retire from
the government and leave Istanbul, going into exile
first in Switzerland (1914-19) then in Egypt (1919-
24) and finally in New York where he died a year
later, totally blind.

In general, the literary output of Sulayman is
hardly extensive and does not appear to equal that
of Butrus or Salim; but thanks to his political involve-

, his r

the a

circles and reformist parties, and his innumerable
articles in the Arabic press, his work had a pro-
found influence on the development of Arab aspi-
rations and democratic views in regard to Ottoman
rule. Setting aside his translation of the Iliad, the
thorough research that he conducted by way of intro-
duction to the translation, reveals to the Arabic
reader, for the first time, a cultivated mind, famil-
iar with Greek, Latin and modern sources, and
involved in considerations related to comparative lit—

, published in Egypt (1908),

l-BUSTANI — cac-nama

Sulayman shows himself as a reformer, following the
path blazed by his predecessors, and he expresses, in
a clear and direct style, his ideas concerning differ-
ent styles of government, liberty, tyranny, and the
means of exploiting the resources of the Ottoman
caliphate, as well as various procedures to be adopted
for the modernisation of the state. In addition, a num-
ber of manuscript works are attributed to him, includ-
ing I'Histoire des Arabes, and a book of Memoirs in
English. In the Lebanese civil war of 1975-6, the
house where Sulayman was born in Ibkishtfn was not
spared; it was plundered and partially destroyed, and
his library suffered the same fate.

Bibliography: G. Baz, Sulayman al-Bustani, Beirut
n.d.; F. al-Bustani, ar-Raiva'i', nos. 44-6; G. Ghuray-
yib, Sulayman al-Bustani et Vintioduction de I'lliade, Beirut
n.d.; Dj. al-Hashim, Sulayman al-Bustani et I'lliade,
Beirut 1960; M. Sawaya, Sulayman al-Bustani et I'lliade
d'Homhe, Beirut 1948; A. Hamori, Reality and con-
vention in Book Six of Bustani's Iliad, in ' JSS, xxiii
1 1978;, 95-101. See also the other authors men-
tioned in articles concerning the Bustams.
8. Wadr' al-Bustani (1836-1954), born at Dib-
biyya, studied at the American school of Suk al-arb,
then at the American University of Beirut where he
obtained his B.A. in 1907. He was involved in an
astonishing range of activities. Following in the tracks
of previous and contemporary members of the Bustani
family, he applied himself to literature and to travels
in Arabia, especially to the Yemen (1909) and to the
Far East (1912) where he became a friend of Tagore.
He returned to Egypt, then, after 1917, occupied some
very important administrative posts in Palestine, at
that time under British Mandate. In 1953, he left
Haifa to return to his native country and there he
spent the last year of his life. Two major principles
dominated his long career. The first was reflected in
his participation in all the efforts to preserv