THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM
THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM
NEW EDITION
PREPARED BY A NUMBER OF
LEADING ORIENTALISTS
P. J. BEARMAN, TH. BIANQUIS, C. E. BOSWORTH,
E. van DONZEL and W. P. HEINRICHS
ASSISTED BY C. OTT
UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF
THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ACADEMIES
VOLUME XII
SUPPLEMENT
LEIDEN
BRILL
2004
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Members: PJ. Bearman, Th. Biai
J. van Ess, VV.P. HEIt
l Inalcik, S.H. Nasr, M. Tal
The preparation of this volume of the Encyclopaedia of Islam was made pos-
sible in part through grants from the Research Tools Program of the National
Endowment for the Humanities, an independent Federal Agency of the United
States Government; the British Academy; the Oriental Institute, Leiden; Academie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; and the Royal Netherlands Academy of Sciences.
The articles in this volume were published in double fascicules, the dates of publicE
2003: Fascs. 7-8, pp. 425-572
2004: Fascs. 9-10, pp. 573-716
2004: Fascs. 11-12, pp. 717-844
ISBN 90 04 13974 5
© Copyright 2004 by Koninklijke Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands
All rights reserved. M part of thk publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise, without prior written permission of the publishers.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that
the appropriate fees are paid directly to Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,
Darners, AM 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME
i her signature appeal-, \tademit affiliations
edition ot this Emiilopaedia 01 horn the Shoitn Emuhpatdia of Ham \n astensk altei the name of the author
in the text denotes an ai title repnnted horn the fust edition whith has been bi ought up to date b\ the
Editoiial Committee, wheie an artitle has been ie\ised b\ a setond author his 01 hei name appeals within
squaie biarkets altei the name ol the original author The laige numbei ot deaths among the contributors
ot this Supplement \olume ieflects the fait that the fust thiee double tasticules weie published in the eaiK
1980s 20-odd \eais befoie the last thiet fascicules E\er\ effort was made to asteitain whethei a tonliibu-
tor to the Supplement \olume had died, 01 mo\ed m the time it took to tomplete and publish this Supplement
\
\bdel Nour Pans
49
to, J \BDEl-N
Bei
ut 162
K
\bu Deeb Urn
London
278
M
\, hena Pans
15
W5
\
RG1NIA H "tKSAN
McMi
tei Univ
Hamilton Ontai
714
H
\lgar Unneis
52 % H5
u
)( C
Jifornia,
Berkeley. 24
late M. Athar
Alig
arh Mus
im Universi
y-
3, 55, 57, 63, 1
77,
313,
331, 36
, 379, 411,
420
R.M.A. Allen, Un
f Pennsy
Philadelphia. 58
548, 637
the
kle Joan Allgr
OVE
, Un
versity o
' Mancheste
Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Ecole Pratique des
Hautes Etudes, Paris. 754
R. Amitai, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 722
P.A. Andrews, University of Cologne. 839
W.G. Andrews, University of Washington, Seattle.
832
Ghaus Ansari, University of Vienna. 636
A. Arazi, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 352
S.A. Arjomand, State University of New York,
Stony Brook. 531
J.-L. Arnaud, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique (IRMC), Tunis. 623
Ali S. Asani, Harvard University. 483
T. Atabaki, University of Utrecht. 621
Franchise Aubin, Centre National de la Recherche
-lentifique, ~ ' —
. 774
, Yildiz Tec
835
.1 Unr
■ Nationa
Hat
Istr
J.-L. Bacque-Grammoni
Recherche Scientifique, Pans. 59
Eva Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 204, 407
the late G. Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
179, 322, 370, 379, 410, 421
M.A. al-Bakhit, Al al-Bayt University, Mafraq,
Jordan. 556
T. Bauer, University of Munster. 722
the late A.F.L. Beeston, University of Oxford. 337
M.AJ. Beg, Cambridge. 59, 172, 241, 268, 304,
323, 342, 350, 463, 660, 759
Doris Behrens-Abouseif, University of London. 588
J.A. Bellamy, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
179
J.E. Bi
M. Berge, Bordeaux. 27
Lidia Bettini, University of Flo
Th. Bianq_u
of Paris.
Lyons. 503, 599, 687,
[W. Bjorkman, Uppsala]. 508
J.R. Blackburn, University of Toronto. 31
Sheila S. Blair, Boston College. 458
J. Blaskovic, Prague. 171
F.C. de Blois, Royal Asiatic Society, Londor
. 600,
C.E. Boswor-
103, 115,
, Unh
127,
29, 149, 154,
235, 238, 246, 270, 279,
280, 285, 302, 305, 309, 326, 327, 329, 332,
367, 368, 376, 378, 382, 384, 387, 395, 398,
411, 458, 459, 460, 462, 502, 507, 509, 527,
529, 542, 543, 547, 550, 556, 602, 618, 632,
636, 637, 662, 682, 683, 684, 686, 695, 696,
699, 703, 710, 713, 736, 817
Ch. Botiv/
, Yal
Uni'
. 313
the late J.A. Boyle, University of Manchester. 203
V.I. Braginsky, University of London. 729
Yu. Bregel, Indiana University, Bloomington. 46,
98, 169, 228, 281, 340, 420
J.T.P. de Bruijn, University of Leiden. 22, 63, 83,
236, 334, '
, Univt
i, 831
f Pari;
J. Calmar
Scientifique, P;
the late M.
Canar
A. Carmo
ma, Un
Lucy Car
ROLL, I
J. Carswf
ix, Un
M.G. Car
TER, U
822, 844
of Paris. 4
de la Recherche
E. Chaun
P. Ci
itifique
\ Centre Nati
-en-Pro-
:>f Chicago. 277
of Oslo. 546
of Madrid. 82
de la Recherche
. 769
rk Univt
3UEIRI, University of Exeter. 606, 715
Idaho State University. 559, 569
rown University. 790
Nathalie Clayer, Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 462
the late J.VV. Clinton, Princeton University. 84
Anna Contadini, University of London. 591
M. Cook, Prin
M. Co-
V. Crap
, Uni-
y of Aix-
ty Unive
n-Prover
■. 699
y of New York. 53,
Stephanie Cronin, University of London. 675
Yolande Crowe, Geneva. 810
F. Daftary, Institute of Ismaili Studies, London.
528, 633, 635, 713
R.E. Darley-Doran, Winchester. 594
G. David, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 542
Anne-Marie Delcambre, Paris. 207
Bettina Dennerlein, Centre for Modern Oriental
Studies, Berlin. 560
F.M. Denny, University of Colorado, Boulder. 642
the late G. Deverdun, Paris. 29, 48, 103, 114, 132,
336, 378, 422
A. Dietrich, University of Gottingen. 43, 52, 78,
87, 115, 129, 131, 156, 157, 198, 250, 264, 277,
310, 314, 350, 371, 376, 380, 383, 397, 410
■e late M.VV. Dols, California State University,
Hay
. 274
i Donzel, University of Leiden. 541, 697,701
Nelly van Doorn-Harder, Valparaiso University,
Valparaiso, Indiana. 682
S.A. Dudoignon, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Strasbourg. 766
the late Ch.-E. Dufourcq, University of Paris. 308
R.Y. Ebied, University of Sydney. 36, 38, 40. 55,
136, 162, 267, 354, 371, 383, 410, 466
Anne-Marie Edde, Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 511, 518, 545
A.S. Ehrenkreutz, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor. 121
R. Eisener, Humboldt University, Berlin. 468
Taieb El Acheche, University of Tunis. 643
Mohamed El Mansour, University Mohammed V,
Rab
. 634
e N. Elisseeff, University of Lyons. 1 1 7
the late L.P. Elwell-Sutton, University of
Edinburgh. 41, 73, 84, 92, 170
W. Ende, University of Freiburg. 640, 642
G. Endress, University of Bochum. 606
Sibel Erol, New York University. 538
J. van Ess, University of Tubingen. 14, 15, 90,
227, 358, 365, 392, 510, 546, 633
T. Fahd, University of Strasbourg. 771
Suraiya Faroqhi, University of Munich. 477, 480,
uk, Ecole
atique des Haul,
G. Fehervari, University of London. 327
M.Ch. Ferjani, University of Lyons. 482
I. Ferrando, University of Cadiz. 501, 545
R. Firestone, Hebrew Union College, Los Angeles.
703
the late H. Fleisch, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut.
290
W. Floor, Bethesda, Maryland. 731
Ch.H. de Fouchecour, University of Paris. 620
Ersilia Francesca, University L'Orientale, Naples.
786
R.M. Frank, Catholic University of America,
Washington, D.C. 32, 348
Y. Friedmann, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 163
M. Gaborieau, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris. 768
the late F. Gabrieli, University of Rome. 31
M. Gammer, Tel Aviv University. 486
H. Gaube, University of Tubingen. 157, 229, 514,
515
G.J.H. van G
640, 668
E. Geoffroy,
, Unh
y of Oxford. 635,
trasbourg. 724
383
i, Unh
of Freiburg-
:isgau.
-sity of Bristol. 517, 535, 570
the late L. Golvin, University of Aix-Marseilles. 145
L.P. Goodson, U.S. Army War College. 787
P. Gorokhoff, Paris. 249
WJ. Griswold, Colorado State University, Fort
239
A.H. de Groot, University of Leiden. 282, 511
P. Guichard, University of Lyons. 763, 766
A. Guimbretiere, Paris. 107
AJ. Gully, University of Exeter. 725
the late U. Haarmann, Free University, Berlin. 408
the late M. Hadj-Sadok, Paris. 405
the late Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Mashhad. 54, 55, 71,
72, 77, 111, 158, 292, 343, 366
W. Hale, University of London. 681
H. Halm, University of Tubingen. 207, 237
Washington, D.C. 391
A.C.M. Hamer, Tehran. 50
A. Hamori, Princeton University. 555
Shah Mahmoud Hanifi, James Madison University,
Harrisonburg, Virginia. 508, 763
M. SiiKRU Hanioglu, Princeton University. 678
Mohibbul Hasan, Aligarh. 114, 132, 156, 167,
325, 328, 329, 333, 354, 366, 423
Mushirul Hasan, Jawaharlal Nehru University. 481
Sohail H. Hashmi, Mount Holyoke College, South
Hadley, Massachusetts. 794
the late } A. Haywood, Lewes, Sussex. 47, 75, 102,
107, 359
G. Hazai, University of Budapest. 814
W.P. Heinrichs, Harvard University. 518, 658, 669,
710, 830, 831
Metin Heper, Bilkent University. 470
CJ. Heywood, University of London. 316
the late D.R. Hill, Great Bookham, Surrey. 267,
374
A. Hofheinz, Centre for Modern Oriental Studies,
Berlin. 556
C. Holes, University of Oxford. 843
P.M. Holt, Oxford. 20, 524, 594, 608, 613, 810
\\ Holzwarth Uimersitv ol Halle 820
MB Hooker, Austiahan National Uni\eisit\
\ Mat
598
s, Hook
\ iRGir*
Unr
D Hopwood Unrveisitv of Oxfoid '
B Hourcade Centre National de la :
Scientifique Pans 604
tk latt I Hrbek Pi ague 171
RS Humphreys Unnersitv of C alifoi
;tiahan National
Baib
20b
XO Icimsov, Marmaia Urmusity 616
A. Gul Irepoglu, University of Istanbul. 548
the late Fahir iz, Bocazici University. 42, 47, 50,
55, 61, 63, 64, 82, 91, 96, 99, 129, 150, 168,
170, 280, 282, 283, 284, 308, 324, 329, 349,
359
Mawil Y. Izzi Dien, University of Wales,
Lampeter. 767
P. Jackson, University of Keele. 117, 240, 242,
336, 421
J. Jankowski, University of Colorado, Boulder. 625,
627
Marilyn Jenkins, Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York. 262
Eva M. Jeremias, Eotvos Lorand University,
Budapest. 448
Penelope C. Johnstone, University of Oxford. 60
:, Oxford. 340
.e Jong, University of Utrecht. 18, 41, 44, 94
21, 123, 133, 209, 244, 263, 279, 371, 408,
G.H.A. Juynboll, Leiden. 393
M. Kably, Rabat University. 805
Mehmet Kalpakli, Bilkent University, Ankar;
N.J.G. Kaptein, University of Leiden. 614
A. Karahan, Istanbul. 83
M. Keene, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ne
York. 262
Barbara Kellner-Heinkele, Free University,
Berlin. 707, 838
J.B. Kelly, London. 42, 332, 419
C.S. Kessler, University of New South Wah
Sydney. 520
R.G. Khoury, University of Heidelberg. 88
M. Kiel, University of Utrecht. 331
MJ. Kister, Hebrew University, Jei
the late J. Knappert, University of London. 351
232
643
. Knysh, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 501
E. Kohlberg, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 723
G.L. Koster, University of Indonesia. 729
A.K.S. Lambton, Kirknewton, Northumberland. 336
W. and Fidelity Lancaster, Orkney. 466
J.M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 40,
297, 382
D. Lange, University of Bayreuth. 569
J.D. Latham, University of Manchester. 46, 113,
125, 126, 153, 377, 389, 398, 399
G. Lazard, University of Paris. 35
M. Lecker, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 662, 695
G. Leiser, Vacaville, California. 578
T. Leisten, Princeton University. 571
D.D. Leslie, Australian National University,
Canbe
. 748
154,
'. Lettinck, International Institute of Islamic
Thought and Civilization, Kuala Lumpur. 770
[G. Levi Della Vida, Rome]. 702
the late N. Levtzion, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
167
L. Lewisohn, University of London. 785
P. Lory, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris.
556, 613, 823
J. McCarthy, University of Louisville. 221
[D.B. MacDonald, Hartford, Connecticut],
323
the late D.N. MacKenzie, University of Gottingen.
158, 425
W. Madelung, University of Oxford. 19, 22, 26,
49, 57, 130, 233, 236, 335, 343, 357, 363, 380,
393, 401, 402, 557, 756, 841
the late G. Makdisi, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia. 30, 194, 195
Iftikhar H. Malik, Bath Spa University College.
679
\e late P. Marthelot, Ecole Pratique des Hautes
I.R. Netton, University of Leeds. 795
E. Neubauer, University of Frankfurt. 64, 116, 128,
183, 284, 409, 547
D. Nicolle, University of Nottingham. 746
'he late K.A. Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University.
475, 573, 578
VIahmoud Omidsalar, California State University,
Los Angeles. 781
Nicole A.N.M van Os, University of Leiden. 640
jdia Ott, University of Erlangen. 668
n Ozman, Hacettepe University, Ankara. 468,
2
J. Paul, University of Halle. 524, 538
'ie late Ch. Pellat, University of Paris. 17, 18, 20,
23, 24, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 35, 39, 56, 80, 92,
113, 118, 122, 124, 128, 157, 191, 223, 224,
225, 234, 247, 264, 266, 284, 303, 312, 355,
381, 386, 388, 390, 394, 476
C.R. Pennell, University of Melbourne. 634
B. Peri, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 815
R. Peters, University of Amsterdam. 368, 644
J.E. Peterson, Tucson, Arizona. 819
Ch. Picard, University of Paris. 514
Elizabeth Picard, Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique, Aix-en-Provence. 673
the late G.F. Pijper, Amsterdam. 368
X. de Planhol, University of Paris. 328
I. Poonawala, University of California, Los
Angeles. 61, 62, 70, 358, 407
A. Popovic, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris. 188, 752
the late L. Pouzet, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut.
773
B. Radtke, University of Utrecht. 748
FJ. Ragep, University of Oklahoma, Norman. 502
Munibur Rahman, Oakland University, Rochester,
Michigan. 505, 512
J. Ramirez, University of Cordova. 724
S.A. al-Rashid, King Saud Universitv, Riyadh.
199
W. Raven, University of Frankfurt. 756
A. Raymond, University of Aix-en-Provence. 554
M. Rekaya, University of Paris. 299
the late G. Rentz, Washington. 50, 235
M.E.J. Richardson, University of Manchester. 102
A. Rippin, University of Victoria, British Columbia.
842
D. Rivet, University of Paris. 730
'he late S.A.A. Rizvi, Australian National University,
Canberra. 126
the late U. Rizzitano, University of Palermo. 64
Etude
:. 423
U. Marzolph, Enzyklopadie des Marchens,
Gottingen. 817
R. Matthee, University of Delaware. 612, 717
Astrid Meier, University of Zurich. 828
[Th. Menzel]. 763
Ebrahim Moosa, Duke University, Durham, North
Caroliina. 754
H. Motzki, University of Nijmegen. 698
R. Murphey, University of Birmingham. 767, 837
F.C. Muth, University of Mainz. 525
Seyyed Hossein Nasr, George Washington
University, Washington, DC. 309
834
, 832,
F.C.R. Robinson, University of London. 5, 74, 248,
294, 361, 526
J.M. Rogers, London. 681
L. Rogler, Centre for Modern Oriental Studies,
Berlin. 560
W. Rollman, Wellesley College, Wellesley,
Massachusetts. 840
he late F. Rosenthal, Yale University. 91, 463
S. Rosenthal, University of Hartford, Connecticut.
168
E.K. Rowson, New York University. 73
U. Rubin, Tel Aviv University. 574, 661
U. Rudolph, University of Zurich. 528, 815
J. Sadan, Tel Aviv University. 100, 601
Abdullah Saeed, University of Melbourne. 692,
l Hami
Sali
i, Geneva. 389, 390
Kamal S S\libi Roval Institute for Inter-Faith
Studies Amman 39 269 603
A.I. Salim Nairobi 248
A. Samb, Dakar 183
Jasna Samic Belgrade 507
F. Swmjustin, University of Lvons 550, b28, 641
R. Santucci Institut National des Langues et
Civilisations Onentales Pans 241
A. Swvides Aegean University Rhodes 544, 617,
837
R. Schi.
Hei
, Man
. Umvc
ite Hyderabad,
erdam b70
G. Schoeler, University oi Basel 540
O. Schumann, Um\ersity oi Hamburg 151 152,
203, 510, 608, 762, 838
R. Seixheim, University of Frankfurt. 632
C. Shackle, University of London. 684
Irfan Shahid, Georgetown University, Washington,
D.C. 230
Miri Shefer, Tel Aviv University. 811
P. Shinar, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 387, 402,
423
A. Shivtiel, University of Leeds. 779
S. von Sicard, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham.
577, 630
A. Sidarus, University of Evora. 396
Iqtidar H. Siddiqui, Aligarh Muslim University. 2,
11, 67, 74, 106, 122, 203, 312, 353, 360, 409,
686
N. Sims-Williams, University of London. 426
G.R. Smith, University of Manchester. 339, 388,
420, 516, 543
F. Sobieroj, University of Jena. 772
Priscilla Soucek, New York University. 453
M. Souissi, University of Tunis. 414
F. Spuhler, Museum of Islamic Art, Berlin. 144
F.H. Stewart, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 536
W. Stoetzer, University of Leiden. 483
J. Strauss, University of Strasbourg. 734
[M. Streck. Jena]. 605
G. Strohmaier, German Academy of Sciences,
Berlin. 270
Abdus Subhan, Asiatic Society, Calcutta. 124, 206,
246, 325
Jacqueline Sublet, Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 289, 296, 322,
Yasser Tabbaa, Oberlin College. 696
M. Talbi, University of Tunis. 173
J.K. Teubner, Brussels. 3, 105
H.G.B. Teule, University of Nijmegen. 809
W.M. Thackston, Harvard University. 816
Ahmed Toufiq, Ministry of Habous and Islamic
AfTairs, Rabat. 810
G. Troupeau, Institut National de Langues et
Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 16, 38
Tomohiko Uyama, Hokkaido University, Sapporo.
520
M. Valor, University of Seville. 724
J.-P. Van Staevel, University of Paris. 513
late P.J. Vatikiotis, University of London. 302
G. Veinstein, College de France, Paris. 505
J. Vernet, University of Barcelona. 544
Chantal de La Veronne, Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 807
Maria J. Viguera, University Complutense of
Madrid. 92
'he late F. Vire, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris. 20, 87, 176, 244, 289, 296,
322, 393
G.J.J, de Vries, University of Utrecht. 61, 135
-e /afejEANETTE Wakin, Columbia University. 198,
690
W. Montgomery Watt, University of Edinburgh.
L. Wiederhold, University of Halle. 727
S. Wild, University of Bonn. 250
J.C. Wilkinson, University of Oxford. 356
the late R. Bayly Winder, New York University. 4,
306
M. Winter, Tel Aviv University. 799
J.J. Witkam, University of Leiden. 45, 381, 469
" ustine Woodhead, University of Durham. 616
O. Wright, University of London. 511
M. Yalaoui, University of Tunis. 63, 306
M.E. Yapp, University of London. 66
S. Yerasimos, University of Paris. 475
le kte MJ.L. Young, University of Leeds. 55, 136,
162, 199, 267, 354, 371, 383, 410, 466
Th. Zarcone, Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris. 522
A.H. Zarrinkoob, Tehran. 44, 208, 240, 406
M. Zekri, University of Evora. 556
FJ. Ziadeh, University of Washington, Seattle. 526
A. Zysow, Harvard University. 533, 690, 706
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
VOLUME I
P. 702% ASHRAF 'ALI add to Bibl Barbara Dalv Metcalf Perfecting uornen Maulana ishraf 'Hi Thanawi's
Bihishti Zeuar a partial tmnslation uith commentary Berkeley 1990
VOLUME VII
P. 560, MUN ADTPT IM ]
read Ta'riUi Baghd
VOLUME IX
P. 353", SHARKAWA add to BM D F Eickelman \tomcan Islam tradition and society in a pilgrimage center,
Austin 197b
VOLUME X
P. 89 b , al-TAFTAZAN! 11 14-15 from bnttnm of article for and a polemical lefutation of Ibn al-
'Arabi's Fusus al Hikam lead The refutation of the doctune of Ibn al-'\rabr often ascribed to
al-Taftazam was written by his pupil 'Ma' al-Din Muhammad al-Bukhan (d 841/1430) See
BakrI 'Ala' al-Din MM al Cham al Nabulusi al Uugjud al haKK Damascus 1995 15-30
P. 664 b , al-TUR, add to BM on the Arabic mss of V Catherine s \ E Meiimns hatalogos ton neon arabikon
tkheirographon tes huras mones Hagias Matermcs tou Onus Sma \thens 1985
P. 868% UNAYZA add to BM Sonyi Ahorki and DP Cole Arabian oasis city the transformation of
'Unayzah, Austin 1989
VOLUME XI
P. 1", VIDJAYANAGARA 1 5 from bottom of first paragraph for Konkar [qi in Suppl] read Konkan
[?•»_• in Suppl]
P. 126'', WALIBA b ai-HUBAB, 1 3 Jo, 2nd/9th centur\ read 2nd/8th centur\
P. 169'', WASIT, add after I 37 During the stiuggle foi Milk under al-Ma'mun there were however,
small issues of siher from Wasit in the years 200 and 203 and occasional issues in copper in
147, 167, 177 and 187 or 9
P. 174% WASM, add to Bibl \ second geneial study is E Littmann ~«r EnUjJtrung dtr thamudemschen
Inschriften, Berlin 1904 78-104 which argues that most of the brands onginate from the South
Semitic alphabet in its North \rabian form
P. 177 1 ', WATHANIYYA add to BM GR Hawting The idea oj idolatry and the emergence oj Islam From
polemic tojistory Cambndge 1999
P. 227 1 ', AL-YADALI 1 14 from bottom Jo, (19 lines) read (19 folios)
opp P. 264, YAKUT al-RUMI map Jo, Onus iSayhun) read Onus (Djayhun) and resituate Cairo on the right-
side of the .Me
P. 292% YARMUI^ add to BM WE Kaegi Herat bus Emperor of By antiurn Cambridge 2003 237-44.
P. 345-6, al-YUNINI add the follouing table
Genealogical tree of the family of Must alA umm authoi of Dhayl Mifat al zaman
2 sons and 8 daughters, among whom 'Abd Muhammad Taki a daughter (wife of Aybak
al-Kadir Muhyi Abu Muhammad (d. 747), (d. 765) al-Iskandarani na'ib al-
Fatima (d. 730), Zaynab, , Rahba who died in his
Amat al-'AzIz (d. 754) and Muhammad sixties in 674)
XVIII ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
P. 36 1 1 ', YUSUF and ZULAYKHA, add to Bibl.l.(c): ed. Vla-khan Afsahzad and Husaui Ahmad
Tarbiyat, in Mathnawl-yi Haft among, ii, Tehran 1378 jA/1999 19-209
P. 364", ZA', 11. 23-25, read a voiceless /{/ for IAI is attested in some Noithern \emem dialects
and a voiceless III for IAI occurs in North African sedentary dialects
1. 42 t read Uzbekistan-Arabic) with IAI > Ivl,
P. 371'', ZABID, add to Bibl;. Barbara E. Croken, faHd undir tht Rasulids of hrrun 626 858 iH/1229
1454 AD, unpubl. Ph.D. diss. Harvard University 1990 ~abid Patnmomi mondwk in Saba ram
tnmestrielle, v-vi (1999); 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd Allah al-Hadiarm ~a*;rf Wasactiiduha aa
maddrisuha al-'ilmiyya ft 'l-ta'rikh, Damascus 2000.
P. 404 1 ', ZA'IRDJA, add before final paragraph: As for the history of numbeis in his description ot the
Zd'irdfa Ibn Khaldun called attention to the use of Aiabic characters (abdfad [qi]) and zimam,
or administrative, numerals, as well as ghubdr, denoting the nine figures ol Indian origin With
regard to the zimam numerals, this statement allows GS Colin to date the entrv of the system
of Greek numerals into Morocco and to declare that the jmam had spread in hermetic uules
at the same time. But given their administrative, commercial or diplomatic use recourse to
them did not signify that they required the use of a code-bleaker \Dt I ongint griiqui di\ chiffrts
de Fes' el de nos 'chiffres arabes', in JfA, ccxxii [1933] 193-215) R Lemav points out lrom two
astrological manuscripts, B.N. ar. 2582 (attributed to Abu Ma'shai) a MS lrom the 18th century
(?), fol. 2r, and B.N. ar. 2584, fol. 2r, the list of coirespondences between abdfad numeials and
zimam (Arabic numerals, in Dictionary of tht Middh Age*, ed J R Straver i New ^ork 1982 38bn i
P. 548', al-ZUBAYDI, 1. 4, fir great-great-gi eat-grandf ather read great-great-great-gieat-grandfathei
P. 548 b , 1. 30, fir He died there on 1 Djumada II read He died there on 1 Djumada II 379
SUPPLEMENT
Nuwas, and the latter has devoted a marthna to him
[Dm an, ed Ghazalr Cano 1953 572-4
cf. E. Wagner, Abu Nuwas, Wiesbaden 1965, 35b)
ABU MADl add to Bibl G D Sahm /. Abu Mddi
(1889 1957) dnasat 'anhu ua aji'aruh al
madjhula Cairo 1980
al-'AKKAD 1 b for Hahz Ibiahim uad ShukrT
A'YAS add to Bibl MJ Raster Call \ountUu h t
rraaful nanus in Ledum in mtmon of
Profssor \Imhn B Pltssntr Jerusalem 1976, lb 25
CAC-NAMA add to Bibl I Habib 4 study of Hajja)
b hisuf\ outlook and polu its in tht light of
tht Chaihnama in Bull of tht Inst of hlamu Studits, \ln
2;aih, \i-vii (19b2-3) 34-48
CAD, add at tht tnd of tht artult These negotiation
s hnalK resulted in the formation of a
Transitional Go\ernment of National Union (GUNT)
nal dissensions to an end The civil war started up at
;ain m 1980 and M Goukoum Oueddai
set in ed \Ktor\ over his opponents thanks to the help
of Libvan forces he has even announced
a plan lor a union between Chad and Lib\a, but the
■ FAN (Armed Foices of the Noith) con-
tinue the stiuggle in the eastern pait ot the country
, simultaneously against the Libvans and
the go\ernment tioops (March 1981)
^l-DJAMI'A y.-'ARABIYYA add at tht tnd of tht arti
tit In consequence of the treaty between
Egypt and Israel and the C amp David negotiations.
the seat of the Arab League has been
and Shadhlr Klebi was elected Secretary General (27 June
al-IDRISI, add at the end of the article: The oldest manuscripts (Princeton of 754/1353, Taymuriyya
of 877/1473 and Manchester of 887/1482) and Ibn AbT Hadjala (Sukkardan [together with al-
'Amilfs al-Mikhlat], 'Beirut 1399/1979, 4b0) give the title inwar 'ulwiyy al-adfram. In the Anwar
al-Idnsr mentions other books he wrote: K. al-Adwar wa 'l-fatarat, K. al-Djawhara al-yadma ft akhbdr
Misr al-kadima and A". Math' al-tali' al-sa'id ft akhbdr al-Sa'id; the latter title possibly served al-
UdfuwT as a model for his prosopography of Upper Egyptian men of renown.
Add to Bibl.: al-UdfuwT, al-Tdli' al-sa'id al-ajdmi' asmd' nudjaba' al-Sa'id, ed. S.M. Hasan, Cairo
1966, 179-81, 534-6; Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam, Lisdn al-mizan, Haydarabad 1331, v, 262, no.
902; al-Suyutr, Husn al-muhddara, ed. M. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1387/1968, i, 554; Ziriklr,
al-A'ldm, "Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 208b-c; Kahhala, Mu'dfam al-mu' alliftn, Damascus 1379/1960, ix,
1 74a-b; A. Mingana, Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the John Rylands library in Manchester,
Manchester 1934, 422-5, no. 262; U. Haarmann, Regional sentiment in medieval Islamic Egypt, in
BSOAS, xliii (1980), 55-66; M. Cook, Pharaomc history in medieval Egypt, in SI, lvii (1983); a crit-
ical edition of Anwar has been prepared by U. Haarmann (Beirut 1991).
MAHKAMA, add to Bibl.: See the writings by D. Pearl, in particular Interpersonal conflict of laws
in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, London-Bombay 1981; idem and W. Menski, Muslim family law,
London 1998 (rev. ed. of D. Pearl, A textbook on Muslim personal law, London -1987).
MAKASID al-SHARTA, 1. 3, for of a ruling read of a possible ruling
1st line of third paragraph, read Istisldh and istihsdn [q.w.] were discussed extensively by Malikfs.
1. 2 from bottom, fir Muhammad Tahir b. 'Ashur, read Muhammad al-Tahir b. 'Ashur; and
change same in Bibliography.
Add to Bibl.: Tuff, Shark Mukhtasar al-Rawda, Beirut 1987-89.
A
4L 'ABBAS b AHMAD b TULUN eldest son
of \hmid b Tulun [71] When the lattei set
off tor the conquest ot S\m he entiusted the gov
eminent ot E^ypt to il \bbts his designated hen
but it \bbis v\ is \er\ soon peisuided to tike id\ in
tia;e ot his fathers ibsence to suppl int him \\ lined
b\ the vizier il \\ tsiti Ibn Tulun tot leich to letum
to Ee^ypt ind his son itter hi\in£> emptied the tieas
ur\ ind got toeethei considenble sums ot monev
went oil with his putisans to .\lexmdni ind then
to Birka \s soon as he got biek on 4 R mud in
2b5/3U \pril 870 Ibn Tulun tiled to bung him bick
to reason md piomising him pudon sent to him
1 lettei whose text his been pieseived b\ il
kilkishindi {Subh \n 5 1U iepioduced ilso b\
Sifwvt Qumhurut win d al irab i\ 3bb 73) but the
iebel iemuned deif to ill these ipproic lies ind de
cided to in\ ide Itnki\ i it the head ot a tone of 800
ci\alr\ ind 10 000 black ml inlrv swollen ilone; the
contingents
I \bbis
limed tl
ilMu
,i ofltnkiv
of the \ghhbid Ibnhim II thit he should \ield phce
i toicc ot cavaln which met up with him it Libdi
but did not \entuie m em? lament M \bbas now
sicked Labdi even though the goveinoi there hid
decided to \ield to him ind then went on to h\
siege to Tupoli The Ibadi leidei IK is b Minsui il
Nifusi oigmised iesistince md with the help ol
i eintoi cements sent bv Ibnhim II succeeded in put
tine; the iebel irm\ to flight (middle of 2b7/wintei
880 1) M '\bbis was compelled to letum to Egvpt
but was ciptuied in the couise oi i 1) ittle outside
the cit\ of Alexandrn with m nm\ senl b\ Ibn
Tulun He wis brought to Fustit led lound on i
mule "Vikut Idaba vn 183) condemned to exec ute
peisomllv the poet TJji f n b Muhimmid b \hmid
b Hudhti and otheis ot his retinue considered to lit
responsible tor his levolt md linvilv flowed md
thiown into pnson He piobiblv did not iemnn theie
it his v
eithek
'ABBAS SARWANI histonin ot the Mughil
penod m Indn
Little is known ibout him person lllv but he wis
l membei ot i Siiwvm \fghin fmnlv which hid
settled in Binui town (in the smkai of Snh.nd) His
glint durms, the leianTit Bihlul Lodi It wis lesumed
In Bibm in 932/1520 md Shivkh Bi\izid Smvam
the gimdhthei of \bbts hid to leive toi Roh toi
this icison Sher Shih Sui lestoied it to Shivkh
Bavazid when the httei ieturned itter the expulsion
of the Mughils in 047/1540 1st im Sh ih Sui ilso
icnewed it to Shivkh \h the t ithei ot \bbas In
087/1570 it wis igiin lesumed bv the stite \bbts
of Siy\id Himid i sdiolnlv
office
could s
: \kb u
In <
Ubii
1 -\fghtii
V1582
, Tuhfa i
powei
Akbar Shahi
y the Vghtn
voik inevitiblv nostil
gic ibout the pist ot the -\fghins In tact he compiled
omv of tiuth when the tuts weie disp u iging Moieovu
he is not i iirst hind souice -Ml or ilmost ill his nn
ritives iehtmg to the life ind evieer ot Shei Shih ire
based on the lnfomntion supplied bv the Sirw mi nobles
who hid served undti the Lodis ind the Surs ind with
descendm
t Khim
nselt •
-i Shih
l betoie him 1
khm Sirvvn
s thev weie i:
ic kground v
i the throne ot Egv-pt
On 'ibn Tulun s deith (Dhu lKidi 270/Miv 884)
it was his son khumuiwivh \q ] who followed him
ind il \bbiss piotests weie extinguished in blood
Bibliography The events lie lecounted in gieit
detnl b\ Bihwi Stmt ihmad b Tulun ed M Kuid
All Dimiscus 1358 252 5 and kmdi lt«/af \Im
Benut 1950 24b 50 these basic souices md the
dita ot other histomns ha\e been utilised b\
M Tilbi Emuat avhlabdt M7 52 (Ed
s betoie his rise to sovereigntv Foi this leison
mition githeied b\ \bbis about Shei Shih s eulv
some of which lie tilled b\ Mushtaki s umbling
iunt a\uhble in the Hakiat I Mushtaki Despite its
Us the Tuhfa )i ilbat Shahi is legarded is the majoi
ce toi Shei Shih s reign It furnishes fuih detailed
ibout the eulv lite ot Sher Shih ind piovides
woiks such as the Tankhi hhan I D/aham of Ni mit
\llth Hiriwi Tankh, Shahl ot \hmid \ ids;ii ind
Ta nkh i Dauuiti ot \bd -\llih ill compiled dunne; the
reisrn of the Empeioi Djih ms?ii contun \er\ little iddi
tioml mfoimition with iei>ird to Sher Shih
clues I
"ABBAS SARWANI — 'ABD ALLAH b. ABl BAKR al-MIYANADJI
Bibliography. 'Abbas Sarwanl, Tuhfa-vi Akbar
Shahi, ed. Imam al-Din, Dacca 1964; Sir H.M.
Elliot and J. Dowson, The hiitoiy of India as told by
its own historians, iv, 301-433; Storev, i, 513-5;
I.H. Siddiqui, History of Shei Shah Sin, Aligarh
1971; S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history
of the Muslims m Akbar 's reign. New Delhi 1975,
234-8. (I.H. SiDDiftui)
ABBREVIATIONS, sigla and conventional signs
are nowadays called in Arabic mukhtasaiat "abridge-
to have been any specific term for them in the clas-
sical period, even though from the very beginnings
of Islam copyists, scribes and specialists in all sorts of
disciplines were led to use them. This is why it has
been thought suitable to bring together here a list of
s of those
■mporai
One should first of all recall that a certain num-
ber of the suras of the Kur'an begin by groups of
letters (the jawatih or huruf mukatta'a/ at), which remain
curiously inexplicable despite the many interpretations
thought up by inventive minds; the reader will find
a table of them in the article al-Kur'an, where the
signs indicating pronunciation to be found in various
editions of the Holy Book are also considered.
It should also be noted that if the verb samma,
means notably "to pronounce the formula bi-smi llah
al-rahman al-rahim," the formula itself is called the bas-
mala [a.v.]. whose form is obvious; cf also the har,
e be t(
God",
■ fori
It is precisely these pious i
which, because of their frequency, led copyists and
scribes to adopt various abbreviations, of which the
most frequent are: /' = ta'ala "may He be exalted";
s = salla Hah 'alayh, and sfm = salla Hah 'alayhi wasal-
lam "may God confer His blessings [on the Prophet]
and grant him peace"; 'm = 'alayhi al-salam "peace be
upon him [sc. upon a prophet]"; rh = rahimahu llah
"may God have mercy on him"; and rdh = radiya llah
'anhu "may God be pleased with him" after the name
of a deceased person.
For their part, copyists used conventional signs,
amongst which one may mention: s = sawabuhu "the
correct reading, to be read . . ."; b = ba'da "after"
or kh = mu'akhkhar "placed after" and k = kabla
"before" to show that two words should be trans-
posed (or also m = mu'akhkhai and m = mukaddam for
the same inversion); sh = musahhah "corrected, veri-
; kh =
fied, the corr
nuskha ukhia "
mudradf "a word straddling t
verse"; alkh = Ha akhinhi "etc.":
of quotation".
khata'
intaha "
theol(
"plural";
s on grammar,
etc., the following may occur: dj =
djdj = djam' al-dfam' "double plural"
"feminine", but also main "text of the hadith, etc.";
thna or na = haddathana "there related to us"; and
= anba'ana or akhbarana "[he] related to us (espe-
cially of a historical or other tradition"; m or aim
= {alVma'ruf or (al)-mashhur "(the) well-known, (the)
famed"; alz = al-zahir "the obvious, literal sense";
icz = wa-zahiruhu "and its literal sense"; h = tahivil
or musannif "author (of the work)"; aim = al-mumn-
nif "the author"; yk = yukal "it is said"; as = asl"
"by no means, absolutely"; ayd = ayd"" "also, equal-
ly"; s = su'al "question"; df = djaivab "reply"; « =
explanation
= batil "false";
= hakika
= [al)-r,
absurd, improbable";
absurd"; (f)la nm = (faYla nusallim "we do not admit,
recognise"; h, fh = (fa)-hma'idh m "and then, conse-
quently"; la mhh = la mahalata "without any doubt";
kk = kadhahka "thus"; almt = al-matlub "the desired
aim" or al-mutlak "the absolute".
Also found are: s = sa'a "hour", d = dakika "minute",
and the names of the months: m = Muharram, s =
Sofa,, ra = Rabi' I, r = RabT' II, dja = fyumada I, df
= D)umSda II, b = Radfab, sh = Sha'ban, I = Shawwal,
n = Ramadan, dha = Dhu 'I-Ka'da and dh = Dhu
•l-Hidfdia.
It will be noted that these abbre\iations are often
formed by the first letter of the word; another letter
may sometimes be chosen, without always there being
a care to avoid confusion, so that it may well hap-
pen that the groups of letters have an ambivalence,
er, very confusing.
the
it the
arly"
find
ercial and financial da
vorks with an apparat
.g. dj = djuz' "volum
"A.D
", h = hidiri/iy
kht = makhtut
a "A.
editic
multiplied the
deviation has yielded, as else-
where, a genuine noun: al-luna/isku "UNESCO".
Expressions denoting Unions or Federations are
replaced by initials: dj.'.m = al-dfumhuriyya al-'arabiyya
al-muttahida "the United Arab Republic", a.'.m ="al-
imarat al-'arabiyya al-muttahida "the United Arabic
Emirates", etc. Money and currencies, weights and
measures are not outside this general tendency: /./■ =
lira lubnaniyya "Lebanese pound"; d = dinar (and also
daklut "doctor"); dj. m. = dfunayh misti "Egyptian
pound"; m = mitlieme or mitt "metre"; km = kilumiti
"km"; s.m./s.m. = s/ ' santlmiti "cm"; / = faddan "fed-
dan", etc. Addresses often have s.b. = sunduk al-band
"postal box", and commercial letter headings sh.m.m
or sh.a.l = sharika mahdudat al-mas' uliyya "Ltd. Co.".
The list of abbreviations could be considerably pro-
longed, but our list will be limited to those given
above; one should however add that magazines and
periodicals often use these to such an extent that only
the initiates can unravel them. G. Oman (see Bibl.)
has mentioned, as characteristic: m.m. = "Marilyn
Monroe", and b.b. = "Brigitte Bardot"!
Bibliography: \V. Wright, Arabic grammar, i,
25-6; M. Ben Cheneb, Liste des abreviations employees
par les auteurs arabes, in R.4fr. 302-3 (1920-1), 134-8;
G. Oman, Abbreviature e sigle nell' arabo moderno, in
OM (1961), 800-2. _ (Ed.)
'ABD ALLAH b. ABI BAKR al-MIYANADJI,
called <Ayn al-Kudat al-HamadhanI, Shafi'I
jurist and Sufi martyr, born at Hamadhan
in 492/1098. Born of a line of scholars, he studied
Arabic grammar, theology, philosophy and law, and
he is said to have, as an already precocious scholar,
started his first book at the age of 14. Also, at the
approach of puberty, he became a convert to Sufism.
In 517/1123, at the age of 25, he seems to have met
Ahmad al-Ghazali, brother of the great theologian
Muhammad al-Ghazali, who is said to have initiated
him into Sufi meditation and dancing, thus com-
pleting his spiritual conversion. Other masters of his
'ABD ALLAH b. ABl BAKR al-MIYANADJI — 'ABD al-'AZI~Z
were Muhammid b Hainmuu and a cert im Banka
His spnitual ieputation soon g lined him mam dis-
ciples and he spent all his time in oial and written
teaching; sometimes going bevond the limits of his
ph\ Meal stiength ioi this and having then to letne
lties soon pro\oked the hostilit\ of the orthodox the-
ologians Piovoked b\ his teachings on the natuie of
sainthood and piophethood and on submission to the
Sufi shaykh ind ob|ecting to his usage of Sufi tei-
minologv which gave the impiession thit he himself
laid claim to piophetic poweis the\ biought m accu-
sation of heies\ against him befoie the Saldjuk \171e1
in 'Irak who imprisoned him in Baghdad It was
there that he wiote his apologia the Shakaa I ghanb
Some months latei he wis stt free and leturned
to Hamadhin but shoitK afteiwaids it the time of
Saldjuk sultan Mahmud s amval turned
25/11
!-3h
- during; the night of 6-7 Djumada II 52b/h-7
Ma\ 1131 at the age ol ■> 3 His prematur< de ath
seems to ha\e pie\ented al-Hamadham from found-
?signati
i fine
His published works include his Shakaa I ghanb 'an
al autan ila buldan al'ulama' an apologia in \ribic (ed
and Fr ti Mohammed ben \bd-d-Jalil in J-l (1930)
1-76 1^3-297 ed 'AfTf 'Usavran Mmannajat i 'hn al
hudati Hamadham Tehian 1341/1962 Fng ti \J
Arberrv -1 Suji mathr tht apologia of 'iin al Qudat al
Hamadham London 1969) Ruala w iMia ih on m\s-
tic love in Persian ed Rihim Farmamsh lehian
1337/1958 ~ubdat al haka'ik in \iabic ed 'Usavrm
in op id Tamhidal or ~ubdat al haka'ik fi kashf al daka'ik
in Peisian ed 'Usavran in op at twite tr into
Turkish Yamaha oi Maltubat \lakahb letteis in Persian
ed 'Ahnaki Munzawi and 'Usa\ran 2 vols Beirut
and Tehran 1390/1971 Ruala \i wzdanshmakht cd
Bahman kanmi Tehran 1327/1948 and lhaal u
athai ed Farmamsh, Tehian 1338/1959
Bibliography Sandilahi Makh^an al ghara'ib
Bodl Pers ms 395 1523 Brockelmann I 490 S
I 674-5 F Meiei Stambula Handschnfhn diem pa
' \hstih
l hi
1937)
(JK Teubneri
'ABD ALLAH SULTANPURI called Mmojdum
al-Mulk son of Shavkh Shams al-Din of Sultanpui
(Pandjab) a leading Indian theologian of the
10th/ 16th centurv He studied undei Mawlana '\bd
al-Kadir of Sirhind and acquired lenown as a scholar
and for his command over Muslim junspiudence the
ologv and historv He was held in high esteem bv
Humavun [qi] and Sher Shah (947-52/1540-5) gave
him the title of Sadr al Islam undei Islam Shah (952-
61/1545-54) he was the principal adviser of the king
in religious affairs Upon his return in 962/1555
Humavun again conferred on him the title of Shaikh
alhlam and under the next king Akbir [q c ] he
received the title of Makhdum al \lulk In 987/1579
he went to the Hidjaz and was leteived with much
respect bv the \lujti of Mecca Makhdum al-Mulk
however returned to India without peifoiming the
Pilgrimage ind is said to have issued a Jatua to the
effect that the Hadtdj was not obligatorv on the peo-
ple of India because the jouinev bv sea could not be
undeitaken without the European passports bcaimg
the pictures of Marv and Jesus and because the land
route lav thiough Shi'i Persia
Makhdum al-Mulk was one of the signatones of the
i Al;
1579 giving a high religious position
subsequent^ disowned it he was
ithodox Sunni and drew much cnt-
j 1-Fadl He died in 990/1582 in
Bibliography \bu 1-Fadl ikbar nama Bibl Ind
Calcutta 1873-87 <\bd al Radii Bada'um
Muntakhab al tauankh Bibl Ind Calcutta 1864-9
Shah Nawaz Rhan Ma'athir al umaia' m Bibl Ind
Calcutta 1888-91 Aziz \hmad Studiu in hlamu ad
tun in tht Indian tmuonmmt Oxford 1964 29-30
168-9 S \\ Rizvi Rtligious and inklltitual huton
oj tht Muslims in ikbar s men New Delhi 1975
71-2 and index (M Athar \li)
'ABD al-'AZIZ b '\bd al-Rahman b F«sal Al
Suud [ia 1291-1373/<« 1880-1953) founder king
(regn 1319-73/1902-5 3) of the Kingdom of Su'udi
Aribia His mothei was Saia b \hmad al-Suda\ri
\t four '\bd al- \ziz was entrusted to a tutor and
becime i hafr at eleven Simultaneouslv (1309/1891)
xt al-Mula\da the M Rashid of Ha'il [qi] defeated
and expelled the Su'uds from Nadjd so that '\bd
ll '\ziz grew up subsequentlv m al-Kuwa\t his fathers
exiled home
In 1319/1902 the \oung hot blood retook al-Rivad
expelled the Rashidi governor and proclaimed the
restored Su'udi rule Central Nadjd soon re-pledged
lov lltv to the Su'uds and al-Rasim [q ] was grad-
uallv brought in Bv 1330/1912 '\bd al-'Aziz had
lestoied Su'udi rule thioughout Nadjd
In 1912 '\bd al-'\ziz mauguiated his most imag-
inative policv that of settling Bedouin in Wahhabism-
tentred agnculturil colonies whose members were
known as al-Ikhwan ( the brotheis )[q,] This move-
ment simultaneouslv furthered Wahhabism provided
a new mihtarv force reduced tnbalism and inci eased
agncultural production it brought with it profound
social change and the movement at its height counted
some 150 colonies one with 10 000 people Ikhwams
plaved a leading role in subsequent conquests but
ultimatelv revolted charging the king with ieligious
hxitv so that the founder of the Ikhwan himself sup-
pressed them (1348/19301
On the eve of World Wai I 'Abd al-'Aziz expelled
the Ottomans from eastern \iabia thus acquning
access to the sea For '\bd al-'*\ziz this wai con-
stituted a period of watchful waiting but with the
war s end he resumed expansion Djabal Shammar
\qi] was occupied in 1340/1921 and its depend-
encies the next \ear In 1337/1919 'Abd al-'*\ziz
won an important bordei fight with the Hashimis
and in 13 38/1920 annexed upland <A.sir [qi] The
end of his festering quanel with the Hashimis began
when the Hashimi king al-Husavn somewhat
vainglonouslv assumed the caliphate (1342/1924) The
Ikhwan affronted entered al-Ta'if and Mecca opened
its gates despite the Hashimis descent from the
Piophet and long tenure in al-Hidjaz Bv 1344/1926
'A.bd al-'Aziz was pioelaimed king of al-Hidjaz His
lealm now quite independent sti etched solidlv across
the peninsula m the first such broad unification in
Aribia foi mam centunes In addition responsibili-
ty for the holv places well discharged converted
<; Vbd al-'Aziz from the leader c
ves Hi
hgure
i Mus
ng external dispute with
,as settled bv a mihtarv vittoiv followed
(1352/1934) In the same veai he um-
rnment as the Ringdom of Su'udi Arabia
.-'AZIZ — <ABD ai.-BARI
himself. Much of this period was also spent negoti-
ating with Britain; demarcated borders gradually
emerged. During World War II, he maintained for-
mal neutrality, but tilted toward the Allies, subse-
quently joining the United Nations and the Arab
League.
Internally, this commanding monarch ruled tra-
ditionally but with his own extra wisdom and
strength. He oversaw the successful implantation of
the high-technology, American-run petroleum indus-
try into an ultra-traditional society, from a first com-
mercial find in 1356/1937 to the point when, at
his death, production approached 1 million bar-
rels/day and gave an annual revenue of «200 mil-
lion. Oil revenues financed dramatic developments:
water supplies, airports, telephones and radios, roads,
electricity, deep water ports, a railroad, hospitals,
and schools. 'Abd al-'Aziz had a "marked tendency
to uxoriousness". A study of 1952 indicates that he
had 35 living sons. The number of his wives, many
married ephemerally, was a legendary 300; in addi-
tion, he had concubines and slave women. Yet to
some wives, he was faithful and always within the
letter of Kur'anic law.
All in all, "Abd al-'Aziz laid the bases for the mod-
ernisation of his country and was one of the great-
in the
rabian
nln al-Ravhani, Ta'rikh Aad/d wa-mulhakatih,
Beirut 1928; A.' Rihani, Ibn Sa'oud of Arabia: hh
people and hh land, London 1928; Fu'ad Hamza,
al-Bilad al-'Arabina al-Su'udina, Mecca 1936;
Hafiz Wahba, Dfazimt al-'Aiab fi 'l-kam al-'nhnn 1 ,
Cairo 1946; Dj. 'Abduh, Inlan al-Djazira: 'ard
<§adld li-sirat al-Mahk 'Abd al-'Aziz Al Su'ud, Cairo
1954; H. St. J.B. Philbv. Sa'udi Arabia, London
1955; Salah al-Din al-Mukhtar, Ta'rikh al-
Mamlaka al-'Aiabma al-Su'udivva, Beirut 1957;
Hafiz Wahba, Khamsun 'am }l Djaznat al-'Aiab,
Cairo 1960; Su'ud b. Hadhlul, Ta'rikh. Muluk Al
Su'ud, al-Riyad 1961; D. Howarth, The Dewit
King: a life of Ibn Saud, London 1964; Amin Sa'id,
Ta'rikh al-Dawla al-Su'udivva, Beirut 1964; G.
Troeller, The birth of Saudi Arabia: Britain and the
rise oj the home of Sa'ud, London 1976.
(R. Bayly Winder)
'ABD al-'AZIZ b. YUSUF (Abu '1-Kasim al-
Hakkar?), the private secretary and trusted adviser
three times alternatively the vizier and in disgrace
in regard to his sons Samsam al-Dawla and Baha'
al-Dawla [q.v. below]. He is the author of a col-
lection of official correspondence (insha'), largely pre-
served in ms. Petermann 406 (Ahlwardt 8625), which
is however limited to the period of 'Adud al-Dawla's
reign (some fragments lacking here are cited in al-
Tha'alibi, Yatima, ii, 89-90) and which, without secur-
ing him a place equal to his contemporaries Abu
Ishak al-Sabi' and Ibn 'Abbad, merits the histori-
an's consideration, above all for the narrative of
events of the reign.
Biblwgiaphv. Abu Shudja' al-Rudhrawan, con-
tinuation of the Miskawayh's Tafyanb al-umam, ed.
and tr. Amedroz and Margoliouth in The ahpv of
the 'Abbasid caliphate, iii and vi (see index, vii, 21;
Tha'alibi, Yatima, loc. at.; CI. Cahen, i'ne correipon-
danct bu-nde inedite, in Studi onentahstict ... Levi delta
Yida, i." 85-96; J. Chr. Burgel, Die Hojkorrespondenz
'Adud al-Daulai . . ., Wiesbaden 1965; H. Busse. Chalif
und Grosikonm. die Buyiden un Iraq [945-1055), Beirut
19(59, esp. 240 ff. ' (Cl. Cahen)
'ABD al-BARI, Kiyam al-Din Muhammad, early
14th/20th century 'Slim and pi, of the Farangi
MahalF family [q.v. below]. Born in Lucknow in
1295/1878, he was descended on his father's side
from a distinguished line of pin and on his mother's
side from Malik al-'Ulama' Mulla Havdar id.
1256/1840-1), who had established the Hyderabad
(Deccan) branch of the Farangi Mahall family. 'Abd
al-Bari was brought up in Lucknow. where he studied
under many teachers, notably his uncle 'Abd al-Baki
and 'Avn al-Kudat, the prominent pupil of 'Abd al-
Hayy [q.v.]. He travelled to the Hidjaz three times,
in 1309/1891-2, 1321/1903-4 and 1330/1911-2, and
also visited other parts of the Ottoman Empire. In
Medina, where he came to know Sharif Husayn of
Mecca, he both studied hadith under Sayyid 'All Witri
With Abu '1-Kalam Azad, 'Abd al-Bari was the
first Indo-Muslim scholar to play a major role in mod-
ern Indian politics. He came to the fore as Muslims
of the subcontinent became agitated over events in
the Ottoman Empire just before World War One. In
1913, after returning from Mecca, with Mushir Husayn
Kidwar, he founded the Andjuman-i Khuddam-i Ka'ba
[q.v. below]. After the War he played a leading part
in launching the Indian Khilafat movement: leading
in 1918 the first 'ulama' to attend the All-India Muslim
League sessions, developing an alliance with Mahatma
Gandhi, helping to organise the Central Khilafat
Committee in 1919, and throughout driving the agita-
tion more extreme till in 1920 the Khilafat movement
adopted a policy of non-cooperation with the British
government and, under its influence, so did the Indian
National Congress. In these years 'Abd al-Ban's influ-
ence was at its zenith, a fact marked, at least among
Indian 'ulama', bv his election as the first president
in 1919 of the j^am'-maH 'ulama'-i Hind, which he
had played a major part in establishing. But gradually
in 1921 and 1922 he began to draw apart from the
should be used 'to defend the Khilafat. By 1923 the
urgence
i India
defend
t the cost of Hindu-Muslim unity,
mtinued to fight for the Khilafat,
More.
although the iss
From 1925 he led the tremendous protest in India
against Ibn Sa'ud, and died on 4 Radjab 1344/19
January 1926 while in the midst of his campaign.
'Abd al-Bari knew that Muslims had to face the
problems posed by the modernisation of their society.
He was willing to support Muslims who sought west-
ern learning, sending boys to Aligarh College and mak-
ing a donation to the Muslim University movement. In
an endeavour designed to equip the children of 'ulama'
and pin for modern life along traditional lines, he estab-
lished the Madrasa-yi 'Aliya Nizamiyya at Farangi
Mahall in 1905. This offered an improved form of the
Dars-i Nizamiyya, making "modern" subjects such as
algebra and geography compulsory and offering prac-
tical subjects such as English to higher classes. 'Abd al-
Bari was no less concerned about the future of mysticism.
He felt that the. ignorance of those who were mystics,
as well as that of those who were not, was damaging
the reputation of tasauwuf. He was particularly con-
cerned that mystics should adhere strictly to the 'shan'a.
It was on this account that around 1914 he revived a
plan, first mooted by his father and others in 1896, to
establish a madiasa to teach Islamic mysticism system-
atically. The plan was adopted as the aim of the
Bazm-'i Sufirra-ri Hind, an organisation which, with the
support of many leading Indian mystics, was founded
during
he 'U,
of MuTn al-Dl
i Ci
htl .
Adjmrr in
1916.
'Abel
al-Bar
was one of the
time, h
ving a
least 300 pupils
He
wrot
111 books
and pa
nphlets
ng i
i Persian as
well a.
in th
e Far
angl Mahall
family,
Hlanaft
jurisprudence w
is hi
mo
t important
iliated
-Raz
and CishtF-
Nizarm
he was an intl
1 pi,
several leading
politicians, including
Muh
ammad and
Shawka
'All
[a,:], amongst
his
mind
An inde-
-minde
i but emotional
'Abe
al-Barl was
guided
iV the
need to defend
and'
strengthen Islam.
le did but also in part because
and talented Farangi Mahall f;
nvstirism, see Nur al-Hasan Adjmrri
pzarisJi, Lucknow 1923 and 'Abd al-Bari
cisive years, 1933-8. He went to al-Nahda school and
began to mix study with militant activity, protesting
both against the British presence and the policies of
the Egyptian politicians. He was exposed to the polit-
ical currents of the time, of the Wafd. the National
Party wl-Hizb al-Watant) and especially Mis, al-Fatat,
the Fascist-type movement found by Ahmad Husayn.
He felt deeply and personally the problems of Egypt
sciously" following the example of those future leaders
who take upon themselves the burdens of their peo-
ple, and also searching for a future pattern for his
own lite. He admired' the Wafd centred around its
leader, Mustafa Nahhas; he occasional marched with
Mis, al-Fatat. He wrote at the time: "(The Egyptian]
needs
II lead h
battle"
Ba,
- Altai
il-Rahm;
\ KrtSm-
1924; His p<
bv Francis Robinson, Separatism among Indian Minimis.
the publics of the United Provinces' Muslims I860- 1923.
Cambridge 1974, rhs. vii-ix, and Afzal Iqbal, 77«
life and times of Mohamed Ah. Lahore 1974, 336-40.
(F.C.R. Robinson i
<ABD al-LATIF CELEBI [see LatIfT].
'ABD al-NASIR, Djamal, Egyptian commande!
and statesman. His fathei, 'Abd al-Nasir Husayn.
came from the village of Bam Murr near Asyiit in
Upper Egypt. He was a clerk in the post office and
in 1915 moved to Alexandria. In 1917 he married
the daughtt
led
In November I93. r ), when the British opposed the
■-establishment of the Egyptian constitution. 'Abd al-
Jdsir marched with students on to the streets of Claim
nd was wounded by a bullet fired b\ British troops.
le was identified as an agitator and asked to leave
is school. After a few months in 1936 as a law stu-
ent in Cairo University, his sense of disillusion with
le politicians who had "surrendered" to the British
s the indifference of his fellow-students, led him to
rek to join the army, in his opinion the best means
vailable for effecting change. He had passed through
tions on the middle and lower classes entering the
officer corps. 'Abd al-Nasir was a member of the see-
the age 'of nineteen in the 'Abbasivya Military
Academy. He was attracted to military life with its
discipline and study, and was quickly promoted. Of"
his future companions in the revolution, he met 'Abd
al-Hakfm 'Amir in the academy and Zakariyya Muhyi
ll-Dln i
15th 1'
,, Djan
diffici
ir plot-
imes dur
i theii
office
of seven he was confirmed when he again met 'Amir during their
and to study assignment to the Sudan.
s father. He The German successes in Libya and Egypt in
age of Bain 1940-1 led some Egyptian officers to see in the Axis
r life of the their deliverers from British occupation. 'Abd al-Nasir
laily toil, its stayed aloof from making approaches to the Germans,
a microcosm but his anger was aroused in February 1942 when
Jsir's family Sir Miles Lampson, the British High Commissionei,
iprietors and with the support of British tanks imposed on King
.ers yet from Faruk a Wafd cabinet under Nahhas. 'Abd al-Nasir
cut into the was ashamed that the army had taken no counter-
government action, but he at least felt that some officers had
isir his roots been shaken out of their apathy. In 1943 he was
in the Egyptian countryside and
also his
escape into
appointed an instructor at the ' Military Academy,
another world.
In Cairo he went to al-Nahha
sin srhc
ol in Khan
with a number of younger Egyptians who were also
al-Khalrli where he was able t(
experie
nee at first
like him fired by the aim of liberating their c ountry.
hand the life of the bustling c
owded
The period 1945-52 bears, with hindsight, the signs
Cairo, that other aspect of ' the
povert
of Egypt.
of the end of an era. Several factors combined to
During this period he was grea
tly affe
ensure that change eventually became inevitable. King
death of his mother and bv his f
riage. This experience turned hir
n again
t his father
life debarred him as a serious political leader. The
and strengthened his independen
e and
erhaps also
Wafd had lost most of its credibility, and the more
his introspection. He was noted f
om the
i on for his
extreme movements weie left to clamour for a cen-
seriousness and thoughtfulness
tral role. The Arab disaster in Palestine had a pro-
After an interval with his fa
mily m
Alexandria
found effect on the minds of young Egyptian army
! ABD al-NASIR
first from the towns and then from the Suez Canal
Zone confirmed their suspicions about the survival
of British imperialist aims. The period was one of
ferment and tension, so that even a personality less
politically sensitive than 'Abd al-Nasir could not have
remained unaffected, and he was in a sense torn
during this period between his position as staff offi-
cer and his interests in "revolutionary" movements.
He was introduced to Marxism by Khalid Muhyi
al-Din, a fellow officer and cousin of Zakariyya, to
the Ikhwan al-Mushmun by al-Sadat, and to the left
wing of the Wafd by Ahmad Abu '1-Fath and oth-
ers. At this time a group of officers began to meet
regularly, comprising the above together with 'Amir,
Tharwat 'Ukasha and one or two others. These so-
called Dubbat al-Ahrar ("Free Officers") did not yet
coalesce as a movement, having no common ideol-
ogy but a determination to transform Egypt; but the
figure of Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir emerged here as a
leader.
It was events outside Egypt which decisively placed
the Free Officers on course outwards revolution. In
May 1948 the Egyptian army advanced into Palestine
in an attempt to destroy the new state of Israel. 'Abd
al-Nasir was commanding officer of a unit, and was
immediately dismayed by the inefficiency and lack of
preparedness of the Egyptians who were fighting
against greatly inferior numbers; in the fighting he
was himself wounded in the chest. After the second
United Nations armistice (during which the Haganah
improved its positions), the battle for the Negev began
in October. 'Abd al-Nasir and his unit were trapped
at Falludja, but together with several other Free
Officers they held out against the Israeli forces and
were eventually able to counter-attack. In retrospect,
'Abd al-Nasir saw this episode as a symbol of their
determination to pursue the real fight against all those
forces which opposed Egypt. He had fought the Israelis
and had even admired them in their successful bid
to oust the British from Palestine (during one armistice
he had had an opportunity to talk to an Israeli offi-
cer), and had himself become more widely known.
One general also made his name for heroism in the
Palestine war, Muhammad Nadjib (Neguib).
The army returned home bitter in defeat and
determined to begin the "real" struggle. The Free
Officers began to issue propaganda denouncing the
King, the regime and the army, to infiltrate the gov-
ernment, and to co-operate with other organisations.
In October 1951 the Egyptian government abro-
gated the 1936 Treaty, and this action signalled the
beginning of guerilla activity against the British troops
remaining in the Canal Zone. The Free Officers
played a certain part, issuing arms and training com-
mandos, but it was largely students and members of
the Ikhwan who bore the brunt of the fighting; 'Abd
al-Nasir himself was biding his time conserving his
energies.
Tension was also rising in Cairo. A particularly
severe British retaliatory attack on the Isma'fliyya bar-
racks in January 1952 led to Black Saturday, January
26th, when much foreign and Egyptian property in
Cairo was burned and several lives lost. Students,
Ikhwan and the mob rampaged in a fury of revenge,
and the army and police intervened only late in the
day. It is still not clear who instigated the riots and
how large a part, if any, the Free Officers played;
but the events had at least demonstrated the desper-
ate fury of the country and the lack of any solution
offered by the regime.
Faruk and his entourage continued their improvi-
dent course, seemingly careless of the country's plight.
The Free Officers decided that a coup could no longer
be postponed and began to make their final plans in
July. The government had moved for the summer to
Alexandria, and two army units favourable to the Free
Officers were about to move to Cairo. On 20th July
t became known that
3 appoint a
government, one of whose first actions would be to
arrest some of the Officers. The latter advanced their
plans; by the morning of 23rd July the key army and
communications posts had been taken, with hardly a
shot fired and only two lives lost. Although 'Abd al-
Nasir had been the leader. General Muhammad
Nadjib, the older and better-known man, became the
new Commander-in-Chief, while arguments raged over
the future form of government — should there be co-
operation with civilian politicians, and what was to
be the fate of Faruk?
'Alt Mahir, an ex-premier, headed the new gov-
ernment. 'Abd al-Nasir stood out for the exile, rather
than the execution, of Faruk, and the ex-king sailed
from Alexandria on 26th July. Nadjib supervised the
abdication while 'Abd al-Nasir remained in Cairo.
Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal has divided the polit-
ical life of 'Abd al-Nasir (known in Egypt as "The
Lion") into three parts: 1952-6, the Lion free; 1956-
67 the Lion chained; 1967-70 the Lion wounded. By
this division, Haykal saw him free until the Suez inva-
sion to concentrate on Egyptian affairs; after 1956 he
became chained to Arab and world affairs and a pris-
oner of his own success and personality; after the Arab-
Israeli war of 1967 he was gradually weighed down
by the burdens of office. These divisions may be qual-
ified and modified, however. During the whole of his
political life he was attempting both to legitimise his
rule and to give Egypt a lasting political and social
system. Until 1956 he was largely concerned with
Egyptian internal affairs, but Suez thrust him on to
the world stage, and while chaining him, in Haykal's
phrase, he was at the peak of his popularity and suc-
cess, at least until the dissolution of the Syrian-Egyptian
union in 1961. The period 1961-7 saw him more
closely chained and less successful, until the disaster
of 1967, by which he was mortally wounded.
The Free Officers had no definite political pro-
gramme before or at the beginning of their regime.
No one ideology motivated the seizure of power; they
rather vague ideas about national independence.
1 jus
equality. The first years of
precise defining of these ideas and forced 'Abd al-
Nasir to determine his role in the new system. He
was the centre of the new ruling body, the Revolution
Command Council (R.C.C.) (Madj_lis Kiyadat al-Thawra),
although Nadjib was its president, replacing 'All Mahir
in September 1952, and 'Abd al-Nasir not yet pub-
licly acknowledged.
The regime's first declared objective had been the
expulsion of the British, and negotiations began imme-
diately over the evacuation of the Canal Zone.
Secondly, the direction of domestic policy was estab-
lished by the agrarian reform law of September 1952
by which no one was allowed to hold more than 200
feddans of land. Thirdly, the regime set about elim-
inating opposition, i.e. the Wafd and especially the
Ikhwan, who reacted by trying to foment opposition
in the army, police and universities. In the early
months of 1954 the Ikhwan waged what 'Abd al-Nasir
termed a djihad against the regime, in an attempt to
seize power themselves.
Within the Revolution Command Council, dis-
ABD *l NASIR
stnsions nose between Generil Nidjib now Piesident
of the Egypt! m Republic ind the vounger officers
The older mm hid gained considerable popul int\
but was opposed bv his colleigues who i<<used him
ot le establishing lehtions with the old politicians and
u mting to send the at my back to its birncks Theie
were demonstiations in his livoui and the chaos of
pie i evolutions diys seemed about to letuin This
to Abd alNisn with his deeplv
leagues isolated Nadjib bv the end of March 1954
he lemamed as tituhr president of the iepubhc while
Abd ilNisn became president ol the RCC with
de facto powei
In JuK 1954 Abd al Nasir signed i tieity with
the British undei which the C inal bise would be
entuited within twentv months with the piovision
that it could be re letivited bv the Bntish in tht
event ot in ittitk bv in outside power on an Ai ib
countrv 01 on Turkev To many Egyptians this wis
1 npituhtion to the West ind wis stronglv opposed
bv the Muan On 24 Oitobei 1954 \bd alNisir
wis iddressmg a uowd m Alexindm justifying the
tieity when a member of the Ifhuan attempted to
J described
il Nisi
r H avuis
contiol ol the limy and stite his sunn il might ilso
mitic leiders can onlv gam in prestige horn mirac
ulouslv surviving ississinition ittempts \bdilNisn
now dommited the Resolution Command Council
the cabinet the hee Offiteis md through them the
Liber ition Rallv his hrst attempt to oigunse politi
penetrated most ispects ol civil life
1955 wis the veil in which Jcbd ilNisu won his
person il bittle md lound the role he had written
about m his Fat afat a i than ra Philosophv of the lev
iole wandeung umlessly \bout seeking an ictoi to pi iv
it In his wilting he had i utilised the masses for not
enthusiastic illv following him litu the coup Now he
was piesented with 1 cause in which to lead them
The British had established the Bighdid Pact with Nun
al Sa id of Ink as the lvnch pm \bd al Nasu aw uc
that he wis compromised ovei the Sut/ bise lgrec
ciallv bv Eden to maintain dommition m the Middle
Eist ind mil to shilt the centre of power aw iv from
Fgypt to Ink hence he deteimmed to oppose it In
Februirv 1955 he wis visited bv the pioponents ol
non alignment Tito and Nehru md w as gi e itlv influ
enced bv them especially b\ the \ugoshv At the sime
Amencins were Utempting to exploit his vulnenbilitv
He now begin to seek urns first unsuicesslullv horn
the West ind then horn the Communist bloc
His p ii ticipation m Apiil in the Bandung Confeience
ol Non aligned Nitions made i deep impression on
him loi he wis hilled is i leader in the mti lolo
nnlist fight ind weliomed bv in enthusiastic nowd
announced an arms lontmt with C zei hoslov aki i
though he wis loith to sever lontKts with the West
and in November he opened negotiations with Bntain
ind America loi a loin to finance the construction ot
the Aswan High Dam In Januarv 195b i loan bv
the West was innounced with conditions notiblv tint
Egypt s budget had to be supeivised bv the lenders
Abd il Nasu hesitated foi l time having ihenited
Fr ince bv his support ot the Front de Libei ition
Nulonale m Algeni and Bntnn bv his ippiov il ol
King Husavns dismiss d of Genei il dlubb in Jordin
and tinallv in JuK the offer ot the loan was with
dnwn because iccording to the L S Deputment of
State ot doubts ibout Egvpt s abilitv to devote ade
in June with 99 9 per cent ol the votes He announced
the nation ills ition of the Suez C mil lgimst which
tht Bntish Pi line Minister \nthonv Eden re it ted bv
denouncing the ttkeovei is illegal he also siw Abd
il Nisir ts i dictator threitenmg Bntish secuntv who
hid to be removed To the Egyptians however the
C mil was the symbol of impeinlism and Abd il
Nisn wis the mm who had defied the Old Woild
and who hid asstited the lights ol the newly mde
pendent His populanty in Egvpt wis enoimous md
he was convinced thit he could withstand Western
md Isi i,
; lined
k Egvpt
tilled On Octobei 29th Isneli tioops crossed into
Sin n ind the following di\ wire repoited to be within
dnw to ten miles on either side of the Cinil was
iciected bv Abd al N isir and two divs htei Bntish
phnts rudtd Cano On Novembci ith Bntish md
Henth tioops 1 mded in Poit Slid \hd al N isn con
v mied his followers ol Egypt s ability to lesist but ht
wis in lict 1 icing deieit ind wis onlv sued bv
\mencin md k
foicign troops w
:> leave Egyptiai
e pop
bore within ltsell the
gei He hid lonhonted Isnel md the W
on behilf ol Egvpt but ilso of othei part-
woild He w is being diawn into the politic
with its twin goils of unity and the destiuction of
Isnel iention md i oloni ilism Egvpt the stiongest
\nb state with its powerful leidcr was the natunl
centie of tht Ai lb world Abd il Nasir had aheidy
shown his suppoit foi the Algen m national movement
md thereby ihenited France The \ oi, e of the Ar lbs
l ldio broidc 1st continual mti Western piopiganda
horn Cum Abd il N isn hid ie)eited Piesident
Eisenhowers offci ot -\mene in military support At
the same time Syrn the othei centie ol Anbism
"ippmg u
n'thists
groups were competing loi power In J mu in 1958
Svrnn spokesmen mtoimed \bd alNisir that onlv
not immediately convinced despite his piofessed beliel
in \rab unity md mide stiong conditions foi the
Synans whith they neveitheless leidily aeteptcd \t
the end of Jmtnry the United \nb Republic c tme
into existence with Abd il Nisn as president wel
tomed with relief bv the Synans but not it seemed
with my git at enthusiasm bv the Egvpti in le ider him
self noi bv tht Egyptian people some ot whom legiet
ted the disappeai nice of tht nime ol Egvpt
Hovvevei he ieceived a grevt populu welcome m
Syria and appeared determined to make the union a
success, if only by imposing his own will on the
Syrians. Such an attitude was bound to cause resent-
ment, and socialist measures, the dismissal of army
officers, purges of politicians and the arrogant behav-
iour of 'Abd al-Nasir's man in Syria, 'Abd al-Hamid
Sarradj, all contributed to increase feelings of bitter-
ness. By early 1961 the union was falling apart and
in September a group of Syrian officers unilaterally
took Syria out of the U.A.R.
'Abd al-Nasir was stunned, but, after a momen-
tary determination to oppose the split by force,
reluctantly withdrew Egyptian troops from Syria. To
salvage his self-esteem and perhaps to keep the door
open for further unions, he retained the title of U.A.R.
for Egypt. His political life was complicated by an-
other factor. The 'Irakis had overthrown the monar-
chy in July 1958, had pioclaimed theii i evolution
and weie disputing with him the leadership of the
claimed Soviet support and had refused to join the
U.A.R. He had been dragged deep into inter-Arab
disputes and saw his energies diverted into unpiof-
itable avenues.
After the break-up of the U.A.R., 'Abd al-Nasir
felt isolated and to some extent withdrew into Egyptian
affairs. In a speech of October 1961 he made some
surprising admissions; "We fell victim to a dangeious
illusion, to which we were led by an increasing con-
fidence in ourselves and in others". He had neglected
the economic development and the political organi-
sation of Egypt. He would summon a congress of
popular forces which would chart a more socialist and
demociatic couise. In Egypt he had become in all
senses the rah, enjoying absolute power and now
being corrupted by that power. He was the father-
figure, protected by the mukhabaidt, imprisoning and
torturing Communists, with an all-powerful police, and
with judicial corruption. His entourage both protected
and isolated him. He owed his popularity to the
masses, yet he distrusted them, and none of his plans
to involve the people more diiectly in government
had very great success. He moved cautiously and prag-
matically, approaching a socialist solution slowly.
Despite his reliance on Russia, he had persecuted
Egyptian Marxists and had no intention of imposing
a totally communist progiamme on the country.
During the fifties there had been some nationali-
sation, but it was not until July 1961 that 'Abd al-
Nasir announced more radical measures. He introduced
"Arab socialism" into Egypt — land ownership was
reduced to a maximum of 100 feddans; banks and
many other companies were nationalised; property was
sequestiated; and the economy was to be totally
planned. Smaller businesses were left in private hands.
'Abd al-Nasir was cleaily reluctant, however, to fol-
low too closely the So\iet pattern. His socialism was
to be built on "national friendship" rather than class
warfare and there was to be no enfoiced collectivisa-
tion of the peasantry. The Congress of Popular Forces
was convened in May 1962 to discuss and approve
a National Chartei which embodied the ideology
of the i egime. A new single pai ty, the Arab Socialist
Union, was founded to succeed the National Union
which had already taken the place of the earlier
Liberation Rally.
The A.S.U. was 'Abd al-Nasir's attempt to involve
the people, in a strictly supervised way, in the gov-
ernment of Egypt. That it largely failed was partly due
to the scarcity of enthusiastic and well-trained cadies.
Traditional centres of powei still held sway in many
of the Egyptian villages and no great enthusiasm was
shown for the A.S.U. In an attempt to strengthen the
Union, 'Abd al-Nasir even released imprisoned Marx-
ists, some of whom in 1964 agreed to work within
the organisation.
'Abd al-Nasir's economic policies were obviously
influenced by his relationship with the Soviet Union
and Yugoslavia. He rejected Communism and was
categorised by Soviet ideologists as a bourgeois nation-
alist, yet he was dependent on Russia for aid and
Krushchev considered him an ally in the Middle East.
Apart from arms, Russia had in 1960 agreed to finance
the construction of Aswan Dam, which became both
the symbol of Russo-Egyptian co-operation and of
Egypt's rebirth. The dam was built to transform
Egypt's economy and agriculture. It has not succeeded
in all the ways intended, and in more ways than one
it is 'Abd al-Nasir's monument.
Despite his intention to concentrate on internal
affairs, 'Abd al-Nash's reputation and Egypt's posi-
tion in the Arab world obliged him to continue to
play a leading role. The most serious intervention was
in the Yemen where in the autumn of 1962 an upris-
ing had driven out the Imam. A republic was pro-
claimed which was immediately threatened by
Saudi-backed royalist forces. 'Abd al-Nasir sent an
Egyptian army to support the revolution, an action
he later regretted, for it was trapped for five years
with a continuing drain of men and equipment,
diverted away from a confrontation with Israel, the
insoluble problem of his lifetime.
The Israelis had withdrawn from the Suez Canal
after 1956, and United Nations troops had moved in
between Israel and Egypt. The Aiabs had made var-
ious plans for and propaganda about the destruction
of Israel, but 'Abd al-Nasir seemed determined not
to let Egypt be engaged in war before the at my was
ready, or until Arab unity was achieved. However,
he joined a pact with Syria in 1966 which trapped
him into confrontation. Both Syria and Jordan clashed
with Israel and he found himself shouldering their
burdens and being ineluctably drawn into a conflict.
He was now heard to talk of destroying Isiael and
of the impossibility of co-existence. 'Abd al-Hakim
'Amir and others convinced him that the army was
strong and prepared, though after the wai, 'Abd al-
Nasir claimed that he had not wanted to fight.
According to his version of the events leading to
the war, in May he asked U Thant to withdraw the
U.N. Emergency Force from the Israeli-Egyptian fron-
tier, thus allowing the Egyptian army to face Israeli
troops directly. The Russians had informed him that
the Israelis were preparing to attack Syria, and by
his moves in Sinai he intended to deter them; this
information seems to have been either incorrect or at
least exaggerated. 'Abd al-Nasir claimed that the U.N.
responded by insisting on withdrawing their troops
both from the frontier and from Sharm al-Shaykh.
The U.N. version is that Egyptian troops appealed
at Sharm al-Shaykh and forced the U.N. to with-
draw. Whichever version is correct, Egyptian tioops
were soon at the entrance to the Gulf of 'Akaba and
blockading the Straits of Tiran to Isiaeli shipping,
and it was clear that Israel could not leave such a
challenge unanswered. According to eyewitnesses in
Cairo 'Abd al-Nasir appeared at the time to be borne
down by the inexorable, and he spoke of a moment
of decision: either Israel must accept new discussions
on the Palestine problem or war was inevitable.
'Amir and Shams Badian, the Egyptian Wai Min-
ister, urged him in vain to strike first. Israel settled
'ABD al-NASIR — <ABD al-RAHMAN b. HASSAN
June 9th Egypt accepted a cea:
troops once again on the Suez C
had led his country to a ratastror.
no excuses. On tension on Jul
i he admi
. The r
tion was immediate. All Egypt, it seemed, beg
to stay. Egypt and 'Abd al-Nasir had together
defeated, and Egypt without him was unthinkable; the
identification between leader and people appeared
total. His resignation was rejected and the follow'
day he resumed office.
his country occupied, the Canal closed; he was c
fronted by a powerful enemv, and his armed fo
were shattered. In the short period left of his
there was little he could do to restore the situat
yet as leader he was forced to try. Even the ai
was not prepared totally to support him. 'Amir
blamed for the defeat, arrested and allowed (or for,
course. He had guided Egypt through a period of
intense change and political adjustment. He had seen
the end of French and British imperialism and had
felt his wav towards a new relationship both with
the United States and the Soviet Union. He had led
Egypt into a relationship with an Arab world newly-
scious of its power and independence. He had
February
•sted.
1>68 the Air Force con
nprisonment. Even so, the Egyptian people
were not satisfied with 'Abd al-Nasir's actions, and
there was criticism of him, of the system and of the
leniency of the sentences on the Air Force officers.
He responded by increasing the sentences and by-
urging the Arab Socialist Union to plav a more cre-
ative and active role. This did not satisfy the people,
and in late 1968 there were demonstrations in favour
of more political freedom and even demands for his
resignation. He had been called back by the people
On the int
tie that was c
fulfil theii
1967 h
able i
offer
>rsed tl
) negotiate with Israel, alth<
i seemed to accept the U.N. resolution 24
entailed recognition of the sovereignty of all
the Middle East. Soviet support in rebuilding 1
at least gave him a position from which he co
Israel on a more equal footing. It led him tr
the war of attrition in 1969-70 during which til
tor>-. 'Abd al-Nasir personally and on behali
Arabs could not bring himself to the point ol
ating a peace treaty with Israel, despite So'
. He made s
med t
Organise
- leadin.
t in C
awards
n the A
1970 King Husavn of Jordan
:>f the Palestine liberation
liro under 'Abd al-Nasir's aegis
r Husavn's sup-
pression of the attempted Palestin
September 28th he died of a heart attack, 1
fered from diabetes for ten years and later
right leg. Despite a prev
ark in J
•ptemb
1969 h
ntil the very end. Hi
funeral i
n Cairo
was marked
vith astonishing scene
of .grief.
surrounded his cof
n. It was as though in a very r
>ul of Egypt had died with hin
It is also possible that the n
av contained within itself a gra
ass hvs
n of re
ef. 'Abd al-
^asir had dominated
ears and perhaps b\
Egyptian
1970 Na
'smsm
some fifteen
jehalf c
roblen
, thes.
'Abd al-Nasir was thoroughly Egyptian, a SaTdr
■ ho gave back to Egypt a sense of dignity. He
?mained a man of simple tastes and hard work who
ontinued to live modestly in Cairo. His close friends
'ere almost all political allies and he created with
lem an atmosphere of intrigue and conspiracy in
overnment. He ruled Egypt through this elite.
and a
usted tl
conspirn
super
ised
with the muhhabamt. H,
man, not averse to the use of violence and torture
to subdue his opponents. He did not know how to
create lasting institutions nor how to gather around
He clearly inspired devotion both among his col-
rise to the formation of Nasserist parties in other
countries. He was the symbol for many of Arab resist-
ance to foreign influence and to internal reaction. He
in Wei
able
lead the break-through in Egypt's h
Bibliogiaphy: Much has been written about 'Abd
al-Nasir and Egypt under his regime. A survey of
English and French studies written before 1967 can
be found in D. Hopwood, Some Western views of the
Egypt,™ uvolutwn, in PJ. Vatikiotis, ed., Egypt' unce
the revolution, London 1968; The most important
works specifically on Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir appear-
ing since that date are: J. Lacouture, A'assei, Paris
1971 [and Engl, tr., London 1973); R. Stephens.
Xasse,, London 1971; R.H. Dekmejian, Egrpt under
Xasir, a study in political dynamics. Albany, N.Y. 1972;
A. Nutting, .\asser, London 1972; Egypt and ,\'asser.
' ~ i File) New York 1973; M.H.
documents, London 1973; Many
;• his death, both laudatory and critical, and
Heikal, The
: One
: the
l-'alam, Beirut 1972. Essential is 'Abd al-Nasir's
own Fahafat al-thamm, Cairo 1956 (English tr.,
Washington D.C. 1956). Also of use are memoirs
by his colleagues, Anwar al-Sadat, Revolt on the Mle,
New York 1957, and Mohammed Neguib, Egypt's
destiny. London 1955. Many of his speeches were
also "published. ' [D. Hopwood)
'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HASSAN b. Thabit al-
\nsarI, poet of Medina and Damascus in the early
islamic period and son of the more famous eulogist
rf the Prophet, Hassan b. Thabit [q.v.]. He ;
r 7/628
and
'rom visits to the Umayyad capital,
nost of his life in Medina. He died there, according
o Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhlb, vi, 162-3, in ca. 104/722-3
tt the age of 98 lunar years, long-lived like his father.
'ABD al-RAHMAN b
'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl
His father had latterly become a strong advo-
cate of vengeance for 'Uthman and a supporter of
Mu'awiya's cause, and 'Abd al-Rahman likewise
became embroiled in the controversies of the day,
including with the poet and supporter of the 'Alids,
Kays b. 'Amr al-Nadjashl [q.v.]. 'Abd al-Rahman him-
self apparently was of a distinctly provocative and
irascible nature, much given to satirising his contem-
poraries, and he also clashed with the Umayyad poet-
prince 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam, brother of the
future caliph Marwan (see Aghani', xiii, 150-4, xiv,
123 f. = ed. Beirut, xiii, 279-86, xiv, 284 ff.), and
then with the heir to the throne Yazld b. Mu'awiya
over an alleged slight to the latter's sister in the nasib
of one of 'Abd al-Rahman's poems (see Lammens,
Eludes sur le regne du calife omaiyade Mo'iwia /", in MFOB,
ii (1907), 149-51); the moderation of Mu'awiya pro-
tected him from retaliation, although the incident may
possibly have sharpened the satires of Yazld's protege
al-Akhtal [q.v] against the Ansar in general. 'Abd al-
Rahman was also a companion of his younger An§arl
contemporary, the poet 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad
al-Ahwas [q.v.]. Only fragments of his verses have sur-
vived; these are significant, however, as showing a
transitional stage to the poetry of the Hidjazi school
of al-Ahwas and then of 'Umar b. Abl'Rabfa [q.v.].
a poet of this
father.
'Abd al-Rahman's son Sa'i
Hidjazi lyrical tradition, to judge by the fc
of his work in the Aghani and other sources. He spent
some of his career in the Hidjaz and some in Syria
at the court of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik and then in
the latter's son al-Walld's circle during Hisham's
caliphate; the date of his death is unknown. See
R. Blachere, Hist, de la lilt, arabe, iii, 625, and Sezgin,
GAS, i
423.
Bibliography: There is no specific biography of
'Abd al-Rahman in the Aghani, but see the Tables
alphabetiques for references there to him. The scat-
tered references of the tabakat literature, etc., are
given in Blachere, op. cil., ii, 316-17, and Sezgin,
ii, 422-3, see also Brockelmann, S I, 68, and Zirikll,
A'lam, iv, 74. Of secondary literature, see in addi-
tion to the above, F. Schultess, L'ber dem Dichtei al
Xagasl und einige Ze>'g™osw, in ^DA/(7, liv (1900),
421-74 (material from al-Zubayr b. Bakkar's
Muwaffakiyydt); Lammens, be. eit.; and \V. 'Arafat,
Dlwdn of Hassan ibn Thdbit, London 1971. i, Introd.,
6-7. The surviving verses and fragments of 'Abd
al-Rahman's poetic work have recently been gath-
ered together by S. Makki al-Ani, Shi'r 'Abd al-
Rahman b. Hassan al-Ansarf, Baghdad 1971.
(C.E. Bosworth)
'ABD al-RAZZAK al-LAHIDJI [see lahidji].
'ABD al-SALAM b. MUHAMMAD b. Ahmad al-
HasanI al-'AlamI al-fasi, Moroccan astronomer and
physician of the 19th century who lived in Fas, dying
there in 1313/1895. Like some others of his fellow-
countrymen, he tried to improve the instruments used
for calculating the hours of the prayers (tawktf [q.v.]),
and he describes one of these invented by himself in
his Irshad al-khill li-tahklk al-sa'a bi-mb' al-shu'a' wa Hill.
Besides some commentaries (in particular, on al-Wazzanl,
called Abda' al-yawaklt 'ala tahrlr al-mawaklt, Fas
1326/1908), he wrote a Dustur abda' al-yawaklt 'ala tahrlr
al-mawaklt (ms. Rabat K 980), which aimed at being
a general manual based in part on translations of west-
ern scientific works, which he had got to know about
in Cairo, where he had gone to study medicine; on
his return, he also wrote a commentary on the Tadhkira
of al-Antakl [q.v.], called Diya' al-nibras fl hall mufradat
al-Antakl bi-lughat ahl Fas (ed. Fas 1318/1900, 2nd
edn., N.D.; with his treatise on haemorrhoids in the
margins) and composed a reclassification of the mate-
rial in this same work in al-Tabsira fl suhulat al-intifa'
bi-mudfarrabdt al-Tadhkira. He further wrote an urdjuza
on surgery, but left unfinished a dictionary of tech-
nical terms found in medical works translated into
Arabic. This author accordingly marks the transition
between traditional medicine and the modern medi-
cine, of which he had been able to acquire some idea
during his stay in Cairo.
Bibliography. Ibn 'Abd Allah, al-Tibb wa 7-
atibba' hi 'l-Maghrib, Rabat 1380/1960, 86-9; M.
Lakhdar, La vie litteraire au Maroc, Rabat 1971, 361-
4 and bibl. given there. (Ed.)
'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl, Shaykh, Sufi
saint of Muslim India.
He was the son of Muhammad al-Husayni al-Bukharl,
the descendant of Sayyid Djalal al-Dln Bukhari, who
had come to Multan from Central Asia and then set-
tled down in Ucch at the instance of his pir, Shaykh
Baha 1 al-Dln Zakariyya' SuhrawardI of Multan. His
descendants became distinguished SuhrawardI saints
during the latter half of the 8th /14th century owing
to the eminence of Makhdum Djahaniyan. 'Abd al-
Wahhab received his early religious instruction in Uchha
and then went to Multan for higher education. He is
reported to have studied the religious sciences under
Shaykh Ahmad Khattu in Ahmadabad (in Gudjarat).
At an early age, he went to Arabia on pilgrimage and
whilst there benefited from local scholars. On his return
to India he settled down in Dihll, as most of the
Suhrawardr saints of Ucch and Multan had moved
there. He there became the murfd of Shaykh 'Abd
Allah SuhrawardI, the son of Shaykh Yusuf MultanI
and son-in-law of Sultan Bahlul Lodi. He also became
an associate of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. After some time,
he left on the pilgrimage to Arabia for a second time.
This time he went from Gudjarat by ship, having on
his previous trip travelled by land.
On his return to Agra, in the beginning of the
10th/ 16th century. The Sultan accorded him a grand
reception. In the year, 915/1509, he was sent to the
Central Indian fort of Narwar (in modern Madhya
Pradesh) which had been just been conquered and
renamed by the Sultan Hisar-i Muhammad, so that he
ould s<
'e the n
e there.
rting a:
•haykh
ipervised the construction of mosque
and madrasas, and some mosque inscriptions contain
his praise. In the same year, 'Abd al-Wahhab Bukhari
completed his commentary on the Kur'an, in which
the meaning of every verse was explained from a Sufi
point of view. The work is not extant, and only a
few extracts, quoted by Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk in his
Akhbar-al-akhyar, are known.
'Abd al-Wahhab Bukharl's association with the
Sultan enhanced his influence and prestige in the rul-
ing class, and as a result, a number of scholars and
Sufis got stipends and land-grants from the state for
their maintenance on his recommendation. But his
relations with Sultan Sikandar Lodi became strained
towards the close of the latter's reign. It is said that
on his arrival in Agra from Narwar, the Shaykh advised
the Sultan to grow a beard as it was not proper for
a Muslim monarch to shave his beard. The sultan
tried to avoid discussion over the matter by giving
evasive replies. Against the royal wishes, the Shaykh
insisted on eliciting a promise from the sultan. How-
ever, the sultan got annoyed and became quiet. On
the departure of the Shaykh, he expressed his resent-
'ABD al-WAHHAB BUKHARl — 'ABD al-WAHHAB
merit, remarking that he had become presumptuous
over royal favour to him and that he did not know
that it was because of this that people kissed his feet.
When the Shaykh came to know of the sultan's remark
through a courtier, he left Agra in disgust and then
spent the rest of his life in seclusion in Dihlr. He
died in 931/1525 and was buried in Dihlr near the
tomb of his pir, Shaykh 'Abd Allah.
Bibliography: Shaykh Rizk Allah MushtakT,
Waki'at-i MushtSkJ, Ms. British Museum Add. 1 1,633;
Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Akhbar al-akhvar,
Dihll 1914; 'Abd Allah, Ta'rlkh-i Ddwudi, ed. Shaykh
•Abd al-Rashid, Aligarh 1954; Ahmad Yadgar,
Ta'm-i Shahl, ed. M. Hidayat Husayn, Calcutta
1939; Ahmad Khan, Shadfarqyi-Suhraward, Ms. Riza
Library, Rampur; Epigiaphia Indira, Arabic and
Persian Supplement 1965, ed. Z.A. Desai, Calcutta
1966. (I.H. Siddiquii
'ABD al-WAHHAB, Hasan HusnI b. salih b. 'Abd
al-Wahhab b. Yusuf al-SumadihI al-TudjibI, born
in Tunis 21 July 1884 and died at Salammbo in the
suburbs of Tunis November 1968, was a polygraph
and scholar born into a family of dignitaries and
high officials of the Tunisian state. His eponymous
grandfather, 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Yusuf, served in posi-
tions of administration and protocol in the entourage
of the Beys while his father, Yusuf b. 'Abd al-Wahhab,
a senior official and interpreter with various Tunisian
delegations in Europe, occupied a number of admin-
istrative posts under the French Protectorate, includ-
ing that of 'amil, governor, of Gabes and of Mahdia;
of Morocco that has never been published.
In 1904, on the death of his father, Hasan HusnI
'Abd al-Wahhab was obliged to interrupt his short-
lived higher studies in Paris where he was following
a course in Political Science, for an administrative
career in Tunis which was to last from 1905 to 192U.
Governor or 'amil successively of Djabanyana in
1925, Mahdia in 1928 and Nabeul in 1935, he exerted
himself particularly in the extension of education and
the diffusion of culture in these regions through the
establishment of primary schools in the Caidate of
Djabanyana, through weekly lectures on the history
of Tunis which he himself gave in Mahdia, and
through the provision of books for the libraries of this
town and of Nabeul.
in 1939 he was given responsibility, having been
pensioned off, for the supervision of the Habous iprop-
erties held in mortmain). From Mav 1943 to July
1947, he was minister of the Pen (Chancellery and
Internal Affairs I of the last Bey of Tunis Lamine or
Following the independence of Tunisia, he directed,
from 1957 to 1962, the Institute of Archaeology and
Arts where he introduced young Tunisians to archae-
ological pursuits, founded five museums in different
parts of the country, of which four were museums of
Arab-Islamic art to which he donated the whole of
his private collection, and at the same time stimulated
artistic and archaeological activity by the publication
of articles and the writing of prefaces to books which
he encouraged and assisted scholars to write.
His vocation as historian of Tunisia, put into effect
from 1905 onward by the courses in the history of
Tunisia which he gave at the Khalduniyya [q.r.] and
in the history of Islam which he conducted at the
Ecole Superieure de Langue et Litterature Arabes
from 1913 to 1924, was assisted by his transfer in
1920 to the General Archives of Tunisia, where he
inaugurated a card-index system, then to the Super-
vision of Habous, and also by his work as governor
in various parts of Tunisia, which enable him to gain
a better acquaintance with the country, its recent his-
tory, its hitherto ignored cultural patrimony, its peo-
ples, their ethnology and dialects. In 1933, he gave
a series of lectures at the Institut des Etudes Islamiques
at the University of Paris.
A member from its foundation in 1932 of the
Arabic Language Academy of Cairo, in which he in
effect represented the three countries of the Maghrib,
he took an active part in the work of the vari-
ous commissions, distinguishing himself by "an open-
minded approach striving to conciliate modern needs
with the norms of Muslim civilisation". He was also
a member of the Academy of Damascus from its
creation, of the Academy of Baghdad, a correspon-
ding member of the French Academic des Inscriptions
et Belles Lettres from 1939, of the Egyptian Institute,
and of the Madrid Academy of History, and of the
executive committee of the EI.
As official delegate of the Tunisian government, he
participated, from 1905, in the work of the majority
of the International Congresses of Orientalists as well
as in a number of seminars, which enabled him to
forge fruitful and lasting relationships with numerous
orientalists and oriental scholars.
While the title of Doctor honoris causa of the Academy
of Cairo in 1950, and of the Academy of Algiers —
then French — in 1960. confirmed the scholar's pres-
tige, the Prize of the President of the Tunisian Republic
crowned, on the very eve of the death of H.H. 'Abd
al-Wahhab [1 November 1968), the achievements of
a long and hard-working life.
His works comprise;
ia). In Arabic; al-Muntakhab al-madrasl mm al-adab al-
tuniu, Tunis 1908, re-published in Cairo in 1944
and again in Tunis in 1468 in a new version under
the title al-Mudfmal; Bisat al-'akik ft haddrat al-Kayrawdn
wa sha'inha Ibn Rashik. Tunis 1912; Khulasat ta'rikh
Tunis, a summary of the history of Tunisia, pub-
lished three times between 1918 and 1953 and brought
l-lnhad ilr ' -" - ■
!, Tunis
■hahlrdt
I, Tuni:
1934,
il-Ma&alla
Tunis, May 1940; .Visslm Ibn Va'kub, in dl-Nadwa,
Tunis, January 1953; al-'Inava hi 'l-kutuh ica-djam'iha
fi lfiikiya al-tunisivya, in RIMA, i, (1955), 72-90; al-
lmam al-Mazari, funis 1955; lima/cat 'an al-hadara al-
'aiabivya bi-Ifrikiva al-tiinisma, Tunis 1965-72 (3 vols.);
al-'A'rab wa l-'umrdn bi-ljrlkiya, in al-Fih iDec. 1968),
(b). In French: La domination musulmane en
Sicile, Tunis 1905; Coup d'oeil general sur la apports eth-
ruques etrangers en Tunhie, Tunis 1917; Le developpement
de la musique arabe en Orient, au Maghreb et en Espagne,
Tunis 1918; Vn temoin de la conquete arabe de I'Espagne,
Tunis 1932; Deux dinars normands frappes a Mahdia,
in RT (1930), 215-18; Vn tournant de rhistoire aghlabide,
Muhammadiyya, in ibid. (1937), 343-52; Du nam aiabe
de la Byzacene, in ibid. (1939), 199-201; Yilles arabes
disparues, in Melanges It". Marfan, Paris 1950, 1-15; Le
regime jorum en Sicile au Moyen-Age I IX' et X' i.), ed.
and tr. of the A) al-Amwdl of al-Dawudi (in collab-
oration with F. Dachraoui), in Etudes d'Onentahsme
dedim a la memoire dE. Livi-Provencal, Paris 1962, ii,
401-44.
(O. Edit]
'ABD al-WAHHAB — ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI
11 423-94 Rasa tl al mtikad of Ibn Sharaf Damascus
1912 \Ialka at iabil of al-Ma'arn Damascus 1912
Wasfljnkiw ita I indalus of Ibn Fadl Allah al-'Uman
Tunis 1920 Kitab laj'ul of al-Sagham Tunis 1924
alTabassur hi I tidjara of al-Djahiz Damascus 1933
Cairo 1935 -and Beirut 19bb idab al mu'allimin of
Muhammad b Sahnun Tunis 1934 al Djumana fl
izalat al ratana, anon Cairo 1953 Rihla of al-Tidjam
Tunis 1958
His works also include a number of articles in
Arabic and m French some of them still unpublished
the others appealing in the Enitdupaedia of Islam and
in periodicals of Tunisia Euiope and the Orient (see
al Ftkr [Dec 19b8] 9b with a list of his articles pub-
lished b\ this journal some of which as well as some
of the titles mentioned above ha\e been reproduced
in Watakat either because the\ are in a suitable c
text theie or because then original edition has been
Manuals or monographs these works are for the
most part dedicated to Aiab historv and civilisation
in Tunisia in a perspective which embraces literature
and also linguistic and religious studies without how-
e\ei neglecting the exact sciences and the arts The\
prehguie the authors greatest work the fruit ol sixtv
\eais of patient reseaich his kitab al'lmr the work
some thousand scholars and men of letters who lived
and worked in Tunisia since the Arab conquest which
he seems aheadv to have (oieshadowed in 1953 undei
the title Ta'nkh Tunis al kabtr Great histon, of Tunisia
(Preface to the 3rd ed of Khulasat ta'nkh Tunis) and
publication of which he had entrusted to a Tunisian
scholar M el Aioussi el Metou I see especnllv al Fikr
[Dec 1968] 86)
His onlv known experiment in the fictional genre
a short storv Demure lallet a Grtnadt written in French
(in La Renaissanei nnrd apuaine Tunis no 3, March
1905) and translated into Aiabic (bv Hamadi Sahh
in Anas Tunis no 17 Oct 1970) prehgures the
concern motivating him in all his studies (oi the
revival of Arab-Muslim civilisation in addition he
reveals gilts as a writer whose stvle and poetic imag-
ination have alreadv been noted (see Ch Bouvahia
review of Watakat n in Haulmat al Djami'a al Tunuma
i\ [1967] 166-70)
Through the abundant wealth of his scientihc con-
tribution which goes bevond the Tunisian domain
into the broadei spheres of Arab-Muslim culture
through the clantv oi expression the tautness and
elegance of stvle the woik oi H H 'Abd al-\\ ahhab
so varied in its umtv has alreadv inspired and guided
geneiations oi scholars Moreovei the influence oi the
scholai and the master whose magjlu the last of its
kind pel haps in Tunisia was a ventable school con-
tinues to be ielt todav, thanks to his collection of
manuscripts some thousand volumes strong which
he presented to the National Libiarv of Tunis
wheie thev constitute the bequest that beais his name
(see catalogue published in Haulittat al Djami'a al
Turmma vn [1970] 133-272 and the announcement
oi the gilt in his speech accepting the Puze oi the
President oi the Republic oi Tunisia in al Fikr [Dec
1968] 85-7)
Bibliography an addition to references given
in the article) For HH 'Abd al-\\ ahhab s life
the sole souice is his iutobiogiapln which ap-
peared mainlv m the Tunis dailv al 'imal tor 8
Nov 1%8, al Fib Dec 19b8 87-95 Haulmat
al Djann'a al Turmma vi(1969) 35-55 Wat a
kat in 1972 11-29 largelv used bv Muhammad
Mahd. 'Allam al Uadima'mun Cairo 19b6 6b-8
and bv Hilal Nadu Has.au Husm '\bd al W ahhab
m al Adib Benut April 1967, and resumed in
al Fkt (Nov 19b8) b-7 Foi his woiks Ch
Bouvahia leviews oi the 3 vols of Warakat in
Haulmat in 1 1966) 215-27 i\ (1967) lbl-
70 xi (1974) 275-94 idem Hasan Husm '\bd al
W ahhab \n Haulmat \i (1969) 7-9 M Chemh
review oi Shalmat al tumsmat in Haulmat in
(19b6), 287-92 R Hamzaom Masahk al lugha mm
khilal ha\at HH '\bd a/Uahhab ua a'malih bi
\laajma' al lugha al atabma in Haulmat iv
(1969) 11-33 idem I Aiadtmu dt langut arabi du
(am hntoire el amn Tunis 1975 97-9 and index
see also Sarkis Uu'ajam al matbu'at Cano 1928
758-9 Muhammad Masmuh HH ' Abd al U ahhab
hal mat' in al Fib (Dec 1968) 38-42 Ch Khbi
in ibid 76-82 A Demeerseman In numortam in
IBLA, 1968 No 2 pp i-i\
(Ch BomAHiA]
ABDELKADER [see 'abd al-kadir]
ABDICATION [see tanazul]
ABJURATION [see murtadd]
ABKARIUS [see iskandar aqja]
ABROGATION [see nasikh wa-mansukh]
ABSOLUTION [see kaffara]
ABSTINENCE [see tabattul]
ABU [.-'ABBAS AHMAD b 'ABD ALLAH [see
ABU l- "ABBAS al-A'MA [see al-a'ma al-tutili]
ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI al-Husayn b 'Ali
b Ibrahim <vl-Kaghadi called iai )-Dju'al 'Dung-
beetle influential Mu'tazih theologian and
Hanafi junst, died 2 Dhu 1-Hidjdja 3b9/19J u ne
980 in Baghdad He was born in Basia at an uncer-
tain date (293/905-6 according to Ta'nkh Baghdad
vm 73 11 20 fl following 'All b al-Muhassm al-
Tanukhi and Hilal al-Sabi' 308/920-1 according to
the Fihtist ed Flugel 174 pu 289/902 according
to Saiadi cf Kahhala Uu'ajam al mu'allijm iv 27
n 1) The nickname Dju'al is not used m Mu'tazih
or Hanafi souices
He leit Basra at an earlv age possibh, foiced bv
the constant danger piesented bv the Kaimathians
[see karmati] since 511/923 He entertained con-
f Mu'
who h
i Mul
in Khuzistan with Abu Hashim (died 321/933) and
especiallv with Abu Hashim s disciple Ibn Khallad
[qi] But he lived mainlv in Baghdad wheie he
studied Hanafi law with \bu 1-Hasan al-Karkhi (died
340/952 cf 6-1 S I 444) With lespect to his the-
ological views he was isolated theie duiing the late
veais of al-Khavvat (died <a 300/913 [qi]) the
Mu'tazih had lost much oi its piestige pei haps due
to the scandal caused bv the books oi Ibn al-Rawandi
[q i ] and the wing oi the school which still main-
tained some influence in the capital namelv Ibn al-
Ikhshid (270-326/883-938 [q,]) with his disciples
stronglv opposed \bu Hashim s ideas \bu 'Abd
\llah therefore sufleied senous depnvation during
his studies (cf the stones in kadi 'Abd al-Djabbai
Fadl al t'twal ed Fu'ad Savvid 325 pu fl also in
Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al Uu'taja 105 11 15 fl )
His teachei Abu 1-Hasan al-karkhi entertained
lelations with the Hamdanid Savf al-Dawla (333-
56/944-67) who mailed with the Buvids in the game
ior political powei in Tiak (ci Fadl al t'tizal 326
11 17 i) when he sufleied irom a stroke in 340/
952 his disciples among them Abu 'Abd Allah ap-
ABL 'ABD ALLAH *
pioiched the f
Baghdad
. 355 1
I This
suppori
tinted c
aengthened those modente Shi
which Abu 'Abd Allah became well-known afterwards
He used them howevei in oidei to win the la\our
ot Buvid md Za\di aides which had become decl-
ine aftei Mu'izz il-Dawla hid succeeded in taking
ovei Bighdad m j34/945 He found support with
Mu'izz vl-Dawlas aa u al-Hasan b Muhammad al
Muhallabi (339-52/950-63 cf Himdani Tahmlat
Ta'nUi al Tabau ed kan'an 180 11 13 11 and Abu
Hawaii al-Tiwhidi al Imta' e« / mit'anasa m 213 1
10) who liked to surround himself with jurists ( c f
Tha'alibi lahmat al dah> ed 'Abd il-Hamid n 330
ult 11 ) Mu'izz al-Dawh himself did per
Hamd
.,t disea
. He ga
907 i
Muhammad
Abu '\bd Allah
-Hasan i 304-59/910-70) whom he
ide at the instigition of Mu'izz al-
Dawla to become nal lb al aJtia/ m 349/900 id il-
Hakim alDnishami Shaih al'mun ed Fu id Sayud
Tunis 1974 372 11 10 ff Hamdam 188 1 lb Ibn
Tnaba '{ mdal al tahb Nadjal 138()/1%1 84 ult 11)
When his disciple proclaimed himself imam in Gilaii
undei the title al-Mahdi li-din Allah in 35 3/9b4 Abu
'\bd Alhh siw himself exposed to pti sedition h\ the
mob of al-katkh who hid been instigated against him
b\ l membei of the 'Alid anstociacv but his gieit
piestige even among those who did not shne his
political leanings saved him liom the banishment
planned b\ the government (cl il-Natik bi 1-h ikk
al Ifada fi to rikh al a'lmma al nida ms I , iden Oi
8404 fol 3b 11 5 ft shoitei \eision also m il-
Hakim al-Djusharm 372 apu ft ) Latei on he count-
ed anions; his pupils Ahmad b al-Husa\n al-Mu'aw id
billah i 333-41 1/944-1020) and his biother Abu Tahb
al-Natik bi 1-hakk (340-424/951-1033) who llthough
originating fiom m Imami famih took up the Zivch
claims in the Caspian legion id Madelung Dn Imam
alQusim ibn Ibmlum Beilin 19b5 177 fTi
victor, ot Abu Hishims ideas was his Inendship with
the Sahib Ibn 'Abbad whom he ma\ have met when
he eame to Bighdad in 347/958 with Mu'ayyid il-
Dawla and whom he hailed is the suppoit ol icli-
gion {'imad al dim or even as the expected Mahdi
llthough in the latter case onlv m a metaphoncal sense
This must be d ited to the vcar 300/970 or some-
what later when the Sahib had been nomi-
nated Hfl it bv Mu'awid al Dawla in Raw He oidered
Abu 'Abd \llahs epistle to be repioduced in golden
Wushmgir [/;] who took ovei power in Tab install
and Guigan in the sime veai (cf Tawhidi 4/Jilal al
ua-iraui ed Tindji 202 11 3 fl and 208 II b ff)
He addiessed Abu 'Abd \llah with the title al shatUl
almmshid ind agieed in 307/978 on his ucommen-
disciple, 'Abd al-Djabbai b Ahmad \q ] the later hidi
alludal of Raw Abu 'Abd \llah at the peik of Ins
influence seems to have been m ill heilth \bu Haw m
al Tawhidi lemembeied having seen him in 300/971
on the occasion ol a reception for scholais given bv
'Izz al-Diwla when the guests were conducted to him
il-Fansi (2
80-377/900 8
7, who was in his eight,
-s lnm-
ell let Ti,
'nth Baghdad
vm 73 1 19 and 74
Abu H
like him ,ust as he
4ishked
eveivbodv
ith the Sahib Ibn ' Abbad In
lis Imta'
i 140 11 3
ft ) he gives a sharp
sighted
haractensation ot Abu
Abd All ih s personality
imag-
it bad in rf
etoncs and awkwaid
in dis
ussion a
id ot wealth and piestige but
tiongh
ommitted
to his pec
pohti-
al uitluei
that Abu 1-kasim
Muhamm
d b 'Allah
il-\\asiti who seems
i have
'Abd \llahs
cf hidl ,
/ i'H al 329
1 9i left him out of
person-
ct Imta' l
140 11 10 ff md n
175 11
10 11 ^ MM 213 11 5 ft) He also mentions
a num-
iei of otl
ei disciples
4/hla/ 202 11 7 11 )
hem vou
g people fio
m Khuiasan \ibid 2U
11 12
fi whom
le calls a bi
nch of unbelievers and
whose
ai he w
jv his colleague 'Ah b Tsa al-Rumr.......
repiesented the school ol Ibn al-Ikhshid id
aliuKiiayn 202 11 11 ft) He was buned i:
turba of his teacher al-kaikhi the mourning {
had been said b\ the Mu'tazih giai
inched
over into the Mu'tazih ?«/>«/ aMitei itme This bad
re putation is perhaps to be explained bv a c ertain
trend towards scepticism (takafu' al adilla) foi whieh
at least one ot them Abu Ishak Ibiahim b 'Ah al-
ls^ isibi was well known id eg Tawhidi Uulabawt
ed Muh TawfTk Husavn Bighdad 1970 159 fi
ind which Abu Hiwan tries to impute to Abu 'Abel
Allah too lef 4/Jilal 212 11 5 ft with reference to
a conveisition between Abu 'Abd Allah and Abu
Suhvman al-Mantiki)
Abu 'Abd Allah s ideas hive to be reconsti uc ted
, fmi
the
i the
oiks of Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbai The Kidi
ises his mdebtness himself let Mughm xx 21/ 11
ft i although fiequentlv he did not share his teathei s
unions He dietited some ot his books m the pies-
ue of Abu 'Abd Alhh obviouslv when he lived m
is house in Bighdad id al-Hikim il-Dmshami Sharh
"uyun 3bh 11 5 1 i when he began his Mughm Abu
vbd Allah was still alive (cf vx 258 11 8ft) A
ill cv iluation ot Abu 'Abd Allah s onginahtv is how-
\\e
t quite
Ibn
mation about his pro-Shi'i ( Za\di
he piolened m his A al Tajdil (foi the title
ilMuitidi Tubal at al Mutajla 107 1 5) He bised
himself munlv on Shfi traditions the tiustwoithines^
of which he tned to piovt with rational spec trillions
about then histoneitv Moieovei he pi a. tic ed what
virtues ot 'Mi and Abu Bikr against each othei In
this he seems to have taken up the aiguments ot il-
IskafT (died 240/854 [/i]> and he Ind to criticise
open disigreement with Abu Hashim (cl Mughm xx 1
21b II 7 ft 22^ II h f 241 11 17 fl xx 120
11 13 ff 122 II 3 ft 124 11 7 ft 125 11 4 ft
131 11 5 ff 132 11 19 ft 140 11 3 ft i He nevei
nude am concessions to ,afd he diew Mu'izz il-
Dawla s attention to the fact that 'Umir had accepted
Islam ver\ eailv and that 'Ah had given his daugh-
ter Umm Kulthum in mimage to him (cf H niidani
He
i episte
prob-
ablv because ol the fa, t that Abu 1-Hasan 'Ah b
Ka'b al-Ansni a membei oi the nval school of Ibn
al-Ikhshid still detended the ideas of al-Djahiz m
his cncle lmong them ccitainh, al-Djahiz s lamous
apiionsm (cf Iiwhidi VJilal 203 foi al-Qi ihiz
van Ess in hi xln (1900) 169 fl and \ a|da in
SI xxiv il%61 19 ff) He tiansnntted Djubba'i s A
\akd al ma'iifa a c ntique ot Djahiz s A al Ua'nfa
ABU 'ABD ALLAH al-BASRI — ABU 'ALl
and added remarks to it, obviously in his own A", al-
Ma'rifa (cf. Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 175, 11. 4 f.), which were
taken over by the Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar in his Ta'Wc
Nakd al-ma'rifa (cf. Hakim al-Djushami, 367, 11. 10 f.j.
The book is quoted in Mughnl, xii, 131, 11. 19 ff.; the
other numerous references (cf. Mughm, xii, 9, 11. 7 ff.;
11, 11. 16 ff.; 12, 11 11. ff.; 28, 11. 9 ff.; 33, 11. 5 ff.;
46, 11. 5 ff.; 75, 11. 13 ff.; 81, 11. 5 ff.; 102, 11. 8 ff;
118, 11. 6 ff; 133, 11. 13 ff; 187, 11. 18 ff; 372, 11.
15 ff; 442, 11. 12 ff; 446, 11. 10 ff; 513, 11. 15 ff;
521, 11. 6 ff; 532, 11. 5 ff) may equally well go back
to his A". al-'Ulum which is explicitly mentioned in
, 235, 1
idical her
16.
in al-Karkhfs
;ed his teachei
, he departed from Abu
But he seems to have
respects. Some of his
/ith the ad
he had them 'an Abi -1-Hasan; frequently, howev
his name is mentioned alone. He impressed later
generations with the precision of some of his defi-
nitions, but also with subtle speculations on 'amm
and khass, on idjma', on the ratio legis {'ilia) i
akhbar.
which, i
allowed c
any of
erning
hadlth), etc. Numerous, although
is found in Mughnl, xvii, in Abu '1-Husavn al-Basn's
[q.i>.] Mu'tamadfi usul al-fikh (cf. the index), and in
an as vet unidentified work on usul al-fikh preserved
in the Vatican library (Ms. Vat. arab. 1100; cf. Levi
Delia Vida, Elenco dei manoscritti, 145 f, and Madelung,
Qasim ibn Ibrahim, 179 f). Abu 'Abd Allah's own
works in this domain, among them a A". al-Usul and
a A: Nakd al-futya (cf. Fadl al-i'tizal, 326, 1. 20), seem
to be lost. In the "ethical" chapters of usul al-fikh,
he circumscribed, like Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, the
good onlv in a privative way (cf. 'Abd al-Djabbar,
al-Muhit, ed. 'Azml, 239, 11. 13 ff.); the affirmative
definition was apparently reserved for evil, which
received the greater share of attention. Evil is never
chosen by man for the sake of itself, but only when
he sees a need for it (cf. G. Hourani, Islamic ration-
alism, Oxford 1972, 95). Whereas DjubbaT and Abu
Hashim believed that the state of mind of an agent
determines the quality of evil (evil becoming neu-
tral when performed during sleep or in the state of
unconsciousness), Abu 'Abd Allah upheld a more
differentiated position (cf. ibid., 41 f.). His ideas on
furii' were formulated in his commentary on Karkhi's
Mukhtasar, but also in some monographs where he
treated the lawfulness of drinking nabidh or of per-
forming one's prayer in Persian (two typical HanafT
tenets) and the mut'a marriage (which he deemed
unlawful, in accordance with Zavdi fikh and in dis-
agreement with Imami opinion; cf. Fihrist, 208,
In theology proper, he followed the line of the
Basran school. Only a few personal traits can be
recognised with sufficient certainty. In at least three
treatises he attacked the doctrine of the eternity of
the world, two of them focussing their polemics on
special persons, Ibn al-Rawandl and al-Razi (cf. Fihnsl,
175, 11. 3 f; 174, ult. f; 175, 1. 2). When he explained
creation as an act of thinking (fikr) in order to avoid
all material connotations, he seems to have taken
philosophical critique into consideration (cf. Kadi" 'Abd
al-Djabbar, Sharh al-usul al-khamsa 548, 11. 1 1 ff; Muhlt,
332, 11. 15 f.L He attacked al-Razi also for his book
against Abu '1-Kasim al-Balkhi, probably about divine
knowledge (cf. Fihrist, 175, II. 1 f., and Abi Bakr Rhagensis
opera philosophica, ed. P. Kraus, 167 f). He did not
accept the idea of lutfi we never know whether an event
which we interpret as a special "grace" (lit If i for
somebody is not the ruin of somebodv else (cf.
Mughnl, xiii, 67, 11. 15 ff; also 155, 11. 4 ff; obvi-
ouslv both quotations from his A". al-Aslah, together
with' xiv, 62, 11. 12 f.). He refuted Ash'arl's A", al-
Mudjiz (cf. al-Natik bi '1-hakk, Ifada, fol. 63a, 11. 5
ff. and Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Muhlt, 344, 1. 4;
also al-Hakim al-Djushami, 372, 11. 1 f, where nakd
is to be read instead of ba'd; R. McCarthy, The the-
ology of al-Ash'ari, Beirut 1953, 167, 21 1' f, 229).
Altogether, more than 20 titles of books can be
Bibliography. 1. Primary sources. Kadi 'Abd
al-Djabbar, Fadl al-i'tizal, 325 ff; idem, Tathbit
dala'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Kanm 'Uthman,
627, 11. 10 ff; Abu Rashid in A. Biram, Die atom-
istische Substanzenlehre aus dem Buch der Stmtfragen
zwischen Basrensern und Bagdadensem, Berlin 1902, 27
and 73, n. 2; Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al-Mu'tazila
105 f; Ta'rikh Baghdad, viii, 73 f. no. 4153 (on
which depend Ibn al-Djawzi, Muntazam, viii, 101,
no. 131 and Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-mizan, 11, 303,
11. 6 ff); Hamdam, Takmilat Ta'rikh al-Tabarl, Index
s.v. al-Basn; ShrrazI, Tabakat al-fukaha', ed. 'Abbas,
Beirut 1970, 143, pu. f. (on which depends Ibn
al-Tmad, Skadharat al-dhahab, iii, 68, 11. 4 f); Ibn
Abi '1-Wafa', al-Djawahir al-mudfa, ii, 260, no. 140
(erroneously under Abu 'l-'Ala'); Ibn al-Nadim,
Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 174, 11. 21 ff. (among the the-
ologians), and 208, 11. 26 ff. (among the jurists);
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, Akhlak al-wazlrayn, ed.
Tandji, Damascus 1965, 200 ff.; idem, al-Imta' wa
i-mu'anasa, i, 140, ii, 175, iii, 213; Ibn TaghnbirdT,
al-Nuajum al-zahira, Cairo 1348 ff, iv, 135, 11. 13
ff; Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam al-nubala' (ms.); Safadl, al-
ii afi bi 'l-wafayat (ms.l; Ziriklr, al-A'lam, ii, 266;
Kahhala, Mu'djam al-mu'allifin, iv, 27 (and iv, 19;
with wrong name and date of death); 2. Studies.
M. Horten, Die philosophischen Svsteme der spekulativ-
en Theologen im Islam, Bonn "l918, 443 f; W.
Madelung, Der Imam al-Qanm ibn Ibrahim, Berlin
1965, index s.v.; Ihsan 'Abbas, in al-Abhath, xix
(1966), 189 ff; H. Busse, Chalif und Grosskomg,
Beirut 1969, 439 ff; G. Hourani, Islamic rational-
ism, Oxford 1972, index s.v.; J. Peters, GodS cre-
ated speech, Leiden 1976, index s.v.
(J. VAN ESS)
ABU 'l-'ALA' al-RABA'I [see sa'id al-
ABU 'ALI al-Fadl b. Muhammad al-Murshid al-
FarmadI, one of the greatest SufT masters of the
5th/llth century, born in 402/1011-12 at Farmad, a
small town in the vicinity of Tus in Khurasan, and
the contemporary of the caliph al-Kadir and the Saldjuk
princes Toghril, Alp Arslan and Malik Shah. He was
highly respected by various political and religious dig-
nitaries, including by the celebrated minister of the
Saldjuks, Nizam al-Mulk, who sought his advice and
his spiritual favour. He was also respected as an elo-
quent preacher, and appreciated for his breadth of
knowledge and the beauty of his oratorical language.
He approached Sufism after profound studies in the
religious sciences, and can therefore be classified as one
of the scholarly mystics. When he came to Nishapur,
he became one of Abu '1-Kasim Kushayri's circle of
students, and it seems to have been the latter who
turned him towards preaching and who stimulated him
to study profoundly the religious sciences. In his Sufi"
training, he was directed spiritually by two great mas-
ters, Abu '1-Kasim Djurdjam and Abu '1-Hasan Kharakam
[q.v]. The author of the Asrar al-tawhld relates in an
ABU 'ALI — ABU C AMR al-SHAYBANI
anecdotal form the circumstances of al-Farmadi's adhe-
sion to Sufism under Kushayrf s direction first of all,
and then under that of Djurdjani, who encouraged
him to preach from the pulpit and later gave him
the hand of his daughter in marriage. None of al-
Farmadf s works remain, apart from a few brief poems
in Arabic and a few sentences displaying his philos-
ophy and thought. However, his influence on cultural
life and mysticism can be gauged from the fact that
the Imam al-Ghazali [q.v.] was one of his pupils and
cites traditions on his authority. He was accordingly
considered as the greatest Sufi" luminary of his age,
who lustre is seen in the fame of his great disciple.
Al-Farmadl died in his native town in 477/1080.
Bibliography: Muhammad b. al-Munawwar,
Asrar al-tawhid, ed. Dhabrh Allah Sala\ Tehran
1332/1953, 128-31, 196-7, 199-200. tr. M. Achena,
Us etapes »f*j»o du shaykh Abu Sa'id, Paris 1974,
136-8, 186, 189; Djarni, Xafahat al-uns, 368; Ma'sum
•Air Shah, Taia'ik al-haka'ik, 1339/1921, ii, 308,
322, 350, 352-5; Nama-yi darmkvardn. Tehran 1959,
vii, 306. (M. Ac.hf.na)
ABU 'ALI al-FARISI [see al-farisI].
ABU 'ALI al-YUSI [see AL-vf.sI].
ABU l-'AMAYTHAL, 'Abd Allah b. Khulayd
b. Sa'd (d. 240/854), a minor poet who claimed
to be a mawla of the Banu Hashim and who was
originally from Rayy. He was in Khurasan in the
service of Tahir b. al-Husayn [a.v.] as a secretary and
as tutor to Tahir"s son 'Abd Allah, whose children
he further tutored and whose secretary and also librar-
ian he was. In particular, he had the duty of judg-
ing the value of the poems addressed to his master,
and it was in this capacity that he came to reject a
poem by Abu Tammam, who protested violently. He
was, indeed, very much attached to the classical ways,
and it was doubtless for this reason that al-Ma'mun
so appreciated his poetic work, finding it superior to
that of Djarir. Bedouin in tradition and classical in
mould, this poetry was largely made up of eulogies
of the two Tahirids, though nothing has survived of
his poems addressed to Tahir. His diwan amounted
to 100 leaves, according to the Fihnsl, 234, and also
contained eulogies of the sons of Sahl, al-Hasan and
al-Fadl.
Abu l-'Amaythal ranks equally as a philologist, to
whom various works of a technical character are attrib-
uted, sc. the A". al-Tashabuh [al-Tashablh?], K. al-Ahyat
al-sa'va and A'. Ma'anl 'l-shi'r, F. Krenkow published
in 1925 his A: al-AIa'thurfT-ma'ttaJaka lafzuhu wa-khtalaja
Bibliography: Djahiz, Baton, i, 280; idem,
Hayawan, i, 155, vi, 316 where, unless the text is
corrupt, he is curiously described as a iddjiz; Ibn
Tayfur, A'. Baghdad, Cairo 1368/1949, 164; Ibn
Kutayba, 'Uyun, i, 85; Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tahakat, 135-
6; Fihnst, 72-3, 234; Kali, Amali, i, 98; Bakri, Stmt
al-la'all, 308 and index; Amidi", Muwdzana, Cairo
1961-5, i, 20-1; Marzubani, Muivashshah, 14; Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat, No. 344, tr. de Slane, ii, 55-
7; al-Raghib ai-Isfahanf, Muhadaiat, i, 102; Ibn 'Abd
Rabbihi, 'Ikd, i, 59; Yakut, Buhlan, iii, 832, iv, 796;
IbshThr, Mmtatraf, i, 84; Yafi'T. Mir' at al-djanan, ii,
130-1; Nuwayri, Maya, vi, 85; Ibn AbT Tahir
Tayfur, A". Baghdad, Cairo 1368/1949, 164;
Brockelmann, S I, 195; C.E. Bosworth, The Tahirids
and Aiahic culture, in JSS, xiv (1969), 58; J.E
Bencheikh, Les ivies d'unt aeation, Sorbonne thesis
1971 L unpubl„ 108 and index. (Ed)
ABU 'AMMAR 'abd al-KafI b. Abi Ya'kub b
Isma'Il al-T(a)naw(a)tI, Ibadr theologian who
in the middle of the 6th/ 13th century. He stud-
i the oasis of Wargla/W'ardjlan lin modern
a) with Abu Zakariyya' Yahya b. Abi Bakr, the
is Ibadr historian |cf. EI 1 , I, 167), and also in
, with what must have been Sunn! authorities
He was a tribesn
de bourgeois scholar; he is
reported to have come with his herds to the Mzab
and to have proselytised among the tribes of that
region, one which was to become a stronghold of
Ibadr faith later on.
His main work is the K. al-Muqjiz \Miidjaz>) ft tahsil
al-su'al iva-takhlh al-dalal (or wa-talkhis al-makdl], a rather
voluminous manual of Ibadi theology and polemics
against contrary opinions (for its contents cf. Z^MG,
cxxvi 11976;, 56 f.; for manuscripts, cf. ibid., 56; Kubiak,
in RIAL4, (1959), 21, no. 26; Schacht, in Revue Afmame,
c (1956), 391, no. 80; also in the libraries of Mahfuz
'All al-Barum, Djerba, and Ayyub Muhammad,
pjannawan, Diadju; 'Ammar Talibf, Univ. of Algiers,
is preparing an edition). In addition, he wrote a com-
lection of questions and answers used by Ibadi
missionaries for theological discussion (cf. ~DMG, cxxvi
(1976), 43 fi'.i. His A: al-hhta'a seems to be lost. In
fikh he dealt with the law of inheritance; his A', al-
' Fara' id exists in a printed edition icf. Schacht in Rev.
Afi., c (1956), 387, no. 52). Among his historical works
are a A'. al-Siym (for mss., cf. Schacht, op. at., 141,
and Lewicki, "in RO, xi (1935), 165 n. 7; preserved?)
and a Mukhtasa) tahakat al-mashayikh (cf. Ennami, in
JSS, xv (1971), 86, no. 17-1, and note bv van Ess in
ZDMG, cxxvi il976), 57). An epistle concerning the
problem of at-wa'd wa 1-iva'id addressed to him by a
certain 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Muhammad b. Ghalib b.
Numayr al-Ansari was incorporated by his contem-
porary Abu Ya'kub Yusuf b. Ibrahim al-Wardjlam
(died '570/1 174; cf. GAL, S I, 692) into his A: ad-
Dam h-ahl al-'ukul (cf. lith. Cairo 1306. 54-72).
Bibliography: (apart from the references men-
tioned in the article): Shammakhr, Siyar (lith. Cairo
1301/1883), 441 ff; A. de C. Motvlinski, in Bull.
Cm. Afi., iii (1885), 27, no. 68; T. Lewicki, in REI,
viii (1934), 278, in Fol. Oi., iii (1961), 33 ff., and
in Cahien d'histom mondiale, xiii (1971,, 86; A. Kh.
Ennami, Studies in Ibadism (Diss. Cambridge 1971,
unpublished). 292 ff. (J. van Ess)
ABU 'AMR al-SHAYBANI, Ishak b. Mirar, one
of the most important philologists of the
Kufan school in the 2nd/8th century, and the
contemporary of the two great figures of the rival
Basran school, Abu 'Ubayda and' al-Asma'T [q.w.].
He was born in ca. 100/719 at Ramadat al-Kufa,
and derived his nisha from the Banu Shayban because
he was their neighbour and client and because he
of the tribe. After having studied under the masters
of the Kufan school, such as al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi,
he went out into the desert, where he lived for a
considerable time amongst the Bedouins, collecting
tribal poetry. Then he settled in Baghdad, where he
taught until his death at an advanced age, since he
died in (a. 210/825, by then more than a cente-
narian, leaving behind him sons and grandsons who
transmitted his works. Amongst his pupils were the
main Kufan grammarians, sc. Tha'lab, Ibn al-Sikkft
and Ibn Sallam [y.«'.].
AI-Sha\bani was famed above all as a transmitter
[rauiyd] of old poetry. Tha'lab records that he left for
the desert aimed with two inkholders and did not
ABU 'AMR al-SHAYBANI -
l-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI
to his son 'Amr, he collected the poetry of over
80 tribes, which he wrote out and arranged with his
own hands in separate collections and then placed in
the mosque of Kufa. The collections have not come
down to us, but the) were abundantly used by later
anthologists.
However, al-Sha\bam was equall) known as a lexi-
cographer especially interested in rare words (nawadir)
and in dialect words and phrases (lughat). Only one
of the many works in this sphere attributed to him
by the biographers has survived, the A. al-Dfim, so-
called because it was unfinished and did not go beyond
the fourth letter of the alphabet, although the sources
term it equally the K. al-Nawadir, A". al-Hmuf and A".
al-Lughat. According to F. Krenkow, who proposed to
edit it after the unique manuscript preserved in the
Escurial, this work is a dictionary of words peculiar
to the speech of the man) tribes from whom al-
Sha\bam collected poetry. It is of great lexical rich-
ness, and is all the more important for the knowledge
of the old dialects, since Krenkow found from a
detailed perusal of the Lisa,, al-'Arab that later lexico-
graphers did not use al-Shaybanfs work.
Finally, he is also said to have been a traditionist
worthy of being relied upon, transmitting a large num-
ber of authentic hadiths; his most celebrated pupil here
was the imam Ahmad b. Hanbal, whose son 'Abd
Allah transmitted al-Shaybanfs work called the A:
Gharib al-hadith.
The post-Ibn al-Nadim biographers attribute to Abu
'Amr al-Shaybam several works which, according to
the Fihmt, belong really to his son 'Amr.
Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 116, S I, 179;
EI', art. al-Shaibdm (Krenkow); Kahhala, Mu'alhfin,
ii, 238. (6. Troupeai.)
ABU Y-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI, Muhammad b.
Ishak b. IbrahIm b. Abi 'l-Mughira b. Mahan (213-
75/828-88), a famous humorist of the 'Abbasid
court, who was also ajakih, astrologer, oneiromancer,
poet and man of letters, and who wrote some fort)
works, both serious and jesting, even burlesque and
obscene. Of Kufan origin, he was first of all kadi in
the district from which he derived his msha, Saymara,
near Basra, at the mouth of the Nahr Ma'kil, but his
vi\id penchant for coarse humour very early earned
him a reputation as a buffoon sufficient for him to
be admitted to the court circle of al-Mutawakkil (232-
47/847-61), whose courtier he now became. It is likely
that he remained at court under his successors,
and he is known to have enjoyed the favour of al-
Mu'tamid (256-79/870-92). He died in the capital,
but was buried at Kufa.
Abu 'l-'Anbas was quite an original character, and
one is tempted to speak of his personality as being a
split one, even though we are lacking in knowledge
about the chronology and actual content of his works.
It is well known that, from earliest Islamic times, the
profession of buffoon paradoxically developed in Arabia
isee F. Rosenthal, Humour in early Islam, Leiden 1956),
but the fame of the humorists of the period was built
essentially on their skill in making up amusing stories
or in indulging in clowning to distract their masters,
without really taking part in literary activity (it is insult-
ing to number amongst them, as certain critics have
gone so far as to do, a Djahiz, whose humour was of
a quite different quality). Now, if our interpretation of
the titles of Abu 'l-'Anbas's works, listed in the Fihmt
(151, 278; ed. Cairo, 216, 388) and Yakut's Mu'djam
al-udabd' (x\iii, 8-14 = Irshad al-arib, vi, 401-6) is cor-
rect, he may be considered on one hand.
literature which wa
s to culminate in the mak
ama and
then in a burlesqu
and on
the other hand, as
an astrologer, a mutakalhm
and per-
• of sc
a promt
it repres
At the court, he acted as royal jester, and on occa-
sion, he would be charged with expressing, in a face-
tious, impertinent and personal manner, the caliph's
own feelings or opinions (see especially the oft-quoted
episode concerning his reply to al-Buhturl, when the
latter had been rather offensive: al-Sulr, Ash'ar awldd
al-khulafa', ed. J. Hevworth-Dunne, London 1936, 325;
al-Mas'udl, Murudf, \ii, 202-4 = § 2885-8; AghanV,
xviii, 173 = ed. Beirut, xxi, 537; al-Husri, L^anf al-
djawahir, 15-16; Yakut, Udaba', xviii, 12-14; etc.). Like
his predecessors, he could also make up amusing
stories, since we read that these were gathered
together, with his poetry, in an independent volume,
passages from which may be found in authors like
Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi ('Ikd, Cairo 1962, iv, 148) and even
Ibn al-DjawzT [Akhbai al-hamka wa 'l-mughaffalm,
Damascus 1345, 85, 111, 141, 143), and which attests
the influence exercised b\ the inimitable Djahizian
adab on the most serious of authors. In this respect,
Abu 'l-'Anbas probabl) differed very little from other
"humorous figures" who, as we know from the Fihrist,
left behind collections of stories; but he is distinguished
from them by a series of works whose titles lead one
to think that they were burlesque or scabrous. The
A". Fadl al-itillam 'aid 'l-daradf "Superiority of the lad-
der over the staircase", for example, must have been
purely humorous, but the A". Nawadir al-kawwdd(a)
"Remarkable stories about pimps", to mention only
this one work, must certainly have descended to
pornography. After all, there emerges from a con-
versation between Abu 'l-'Anbas and his crony Abu
'l-'Ibar (al-SulT, he. eit:, Aghanl, ed. Beirut, xxiii, 77-
8| that if he had abandoned scholarship {'Urn) for sukhf
and raka'a i.e. obscenity and burlesque, it was because
these last were much more profitable and lucrative.
In the course of this dialogue, which took place in
al-Mutawakkil's caliphate, Abu 'l-'Anbas declares that
he has written over 30 works on sukhf and raka'a;
does this mean that the lists which we possess are
very incomplete, that the works which appear to be
serious in content are not serious at all, or that after
al-Mutawakkil's death, this writer came back again to
topics less frivolous than certain titles would suggest?
Some of these titles recall works of al-Djahiz, to
the extent that C.E. Bosworth (see Bibl.) has' won-
dered whether Abu "l-'Anbas might have plagiarised
the former writer's work; the possibility of an influ-
ence here must be serioush, considered, since one
finds in the list a A" al-Ikhipan wa 'l-asdika' and a A".
MasdwT l-'awamm wa-akhhar al-njla wa 1-aghlam and
even a A" al-Thukala' "Book of Bores"; in order to
know the truth here, it would be necessary to know
what lay behind these titles.
The poetry of al-Saymarl has been referred to
above; to judge b\ those poems available for read-
ing, they were not all licentious and scatological, since
they include the well-known line "How man) sick
persons have survived the physician and visitors, when
all hope of cure had been ghen up".
The lists bring out the existence of at least one
work which seems to be of a theological nature, the
A'. Ta'khJr al-ma'nja, which is alone cited— and
doubtless deliberatel) — by Yakut in his Mu'djam al-
buldan (s.v. Sa>mara), whilst the same author enu-
merates some 40 titles in his Irshad al-arlb. In fact,
Abu 'l-'Anbas, called by Abu 'l-'Ibar a mutakallim,
must apparently have been a Mu'tazili", and because
ABU 'i.-'ANBAS al-SAYMARI — ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL
of this he was dignified by being cited by Ibn Batta
iH. Laoust, Lit piofasmn de foi d'Ibn Batta, Damascus
1958, 170) amongst "the people of infidelity and error",
who for him mean the Mu'tazila. On another level,
one finds other titles which give the impress]
Abu 'l-'Anbas was equally interested in "scientific-
topics. If his A'. al-Radd 'ala ■l-mittatabbibm, directed
against charlatans and homeopathic physicians, strictly
speaking belongs to the depicting of society, his
A: al-Radd 'ala Abl Mikha'll al-Saydaldm I?) fi 'l-kwuya'
K. al-Djawariih ica 1-daryakat might lead one to take
him for a pharmacologist. The A'. Tajiir al-ru'ya is
with astrology, which gave Abu 'l-'Anbas a lasting
fame. In fact', if the above-mentioned works sufferec
iukhf and
arly da.
i gene
- copying tr
cript catalo;
dly corresp
> the
,: A! al-Mawalld, A'. Ah/cam al-
nudjiim. K. al-Mudkhal ila sina'at al-nudjiim and A: al-
Radd 'aid •l-munadj&imTn. In fact, a A". .1)/ al-mul
attributed to him is preserved in both the B.N. of
Paris (6608) and the B.M. of London (Suppl. Rieu,
775; cf. Brockelmann, S I, 396., but Ibn al-Nadim
asserts that he appropriated the A" al-Usul of Abu
Ma'shar, and al-Kifti \T. al-Hukama\ ed. Lippert,
Leipzig 1903. 410) accuses him of plundering other
people's writings and putting them forward as his own
compositions. There are several extant manuscripts of
, but the a:
copy pre;
opening o
' the Vat
• Hi hi
dated 30 Rabf I 1221/17 June
1806 and testifies to the continuing successfulness of
this manual of astrology, and at the same time to the
respect accorded to the author, al-Saymari, depicted
for posterity. G. Levi della Vida i Elena, di mammntti
aiabo islamui della Biblwteia Vatieana, Vatican City 1935,
Nos. 955/8 and 957) is not far wrong in thinking
that we have here another redaction of the A'. Ail ai-
usul, hence in the end, of a recasting of Abu Ma'shar's
work. Consequently, it seems that there is nothing left
of Abu 'l-'Anbas's genuine work, which therefore enjoys
in the "scientific" sphere
Malhemaliker, Leipzig 1900, 30; Kahhala, ix, 38;
Zirikll, vi. 202; F. Bustam, DM, iv, 486-7; M.F.
Ghazi, in Aiahiea, iv (1957i. 168; Ch. Pellat, Un
Studia m. in mem. V. Brockelmann. Halle 1968, 133-
7; C.E. Bosworth, The mediaeval hlamn underworld,
Leiden 1976, i, 30-2; Muhammad Bakir 'AlwSn.
Abu l-'Anbas Muhammad h. hhak al-Sarmarl, in al-
Abhath, xxvi (1973-7), Arabic section, 35-50.
iC.H. Pellati
ABU Y-ASAD al-HIMMANI, Nubata b. 'Abd
\llah, minor poet of the 'Abbasid period,
Driginallv from Dinawar. His talent was onlv moder-
ite, and it was 'Allawayh/'Alluya who rescued him
luced him to the great men of the age and, above
i lengthy one. He is found, first of all, satirising as
-arlv as 153/770 two of al-Mansur's mawdli. Sa'id and
j Matar (al-Djahshiyan, Wu-ara', 124), and then fre-
| quenting Abu Dulaf al-'Idjli [see al-kasim b. 'isa], at
• v^hose court he w.us however eclipsed, it is said, bj
',\li b. Djabala [see al-'akavvwak] . After having pre-
viously sung the praises of the ruler of al-Karadj [q.r.],
he launched at him a somewhat coarse diatribe and
then turned to the former secretary of al-Mahdl, al-
Favd b. Abi Salih (on whom see Sourdel, Vkual, index),
whose praises he now sang (al-Djahshiyari. 164; Ibn
al-Tiktaka, Fakhrl. ed. Derenbourg, 256, calls the poet
Abu '1-Aswad). But the chronology of these events is
uncertain, and it is even probable that, contrary to
what the Aghani asserts, his relations with al-Fayd (who
died in 173/789-90) were anterior to his stay with Abu
Dulaf. Amongst those whose patronage he sought, one
even finds Ahmad b. Abl Du'ad \q.i:], who gave him
him. It is,"on the other hand, dubious that he was
enjoy
Ibn Batta felt the need to criticise hir
as the adab writers who quote anecdotes of his,
famous author, Badf al-Zaman, thought to make
a kind of romantic personality by reserving for
the makama of Saymara, in which Abu 'l-'Anba
both narrator and hero. In this, he tells how, ;
having been rich and hospitable, he had been al
doned by his friends, had been transformed int
vagabond in the style of the age and hence able
acquire a knowledge of the frivolous poetry of
iukhf of the profe; '
suffick
old p
tion in Baghdad and then take
faithless former friends.
Bibliography: In addition to the sources cited
in the article," see Khatib Baghdad!, Ta'rikh, i,
238; Akhbar al-Buhtim. index; Kiftr, al-Muhammadun
mm al-shu'ard'. Beirut 1390/1970, No. U)i; Ibn al-
Djarrah, il'araka, 5; Marzubanl, Mii'ajam. 393;
idem, Muivashshah, 285; Ibn al-Djawzi, 'Muntazam,
vi, 99; Ibn Taghribirdi, Audjum, iii, 74; Suter,
n Hamdun
IBN HA
■
To judge by
t fragm
rnts
u '1-Asad h
d no compu
iction t
bout
composing
lge on peo-
for the negl
ct which he s
d a reward.
But he
also able to
VlawsilT'ld.
cate feelings,
188/804 [<].i
S in ^
elegv
on Ibrahim
well
ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL, al-Dahhak b. Makhlad
b. MtisLiM b. al-Dahhak al-Shaybani al-Basri, tra-
ditionist, born at Mecca in 122/740 but estab-
lished subsequently al Basra, where he transmitted
quantity of hadilht, gathered by himself, and espe-
sidered as trustworthy, and some of his hadiths were
assert that he never fabricated a single one, although
lie so much as in regard to traditions from the Prophet
(Goldziher, Mali. Stud., ii, 47, Eng. tr. 55). It is said
that he was never seen with a book in his hand and
that we was knowledgeable about jikh. Despite
he was remarkab
s knov
ir the si
■. Physic
I this
ABU 'ASIM al-NABIL — ABU BAKR IBN 'ABD al-SAMAD
this
id-Nah
It is also recorded
■aring fine clothes.
? freed his own slave in order to release
Shu'ba [q.v.] from his oath not to transmit hadiths for
a month. A final explanation seems the most plausi-
ble; some elephants passed through Basra, and all the
population rushed out to see the spectacle, whilst he
however stayed with his master Ibn Djuraydj [q.v. in
Suppl.], who gave him the title of "noble". He prob-
ably died on 14 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 212/5 March 828 at
Bibliography: Djahiz, Bavan, ii, 38; Ibn Sa'd,
Tabakat, vii, 295; Fihrisi, ed. Cairo, 163; Ibn Hadjar,
Tahdhib, iv, 450-3; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhamt, ii, 28;
Bustam, DM L iv, 416. (Ch. Pellat)
ABU l -AZA'IM, Muhammad MadI, an Egyptian
and a political activist, was born in the town of RashTd
on 27 Radjab 1286/2 November 1869 and grew up
in the ullage of Mahallat Abu 'All near Dasuk in
the present-day Gharbivya province. He studied at al-
Azhar [q.v.] and at bar al-'UlQm [q.v.]. He gra-
duated in 1308/1890-1 and spent the subsequent
twenty-five years as a teacher at various provincial
government schools in Egypt and the Sudan as well
as at Gordon College in Khartoum. At the latter
establishment he taught Islamic Law from 1905 until
August 1915, when he was forcibly repatriated to
Egypt — following his refusal to declare himself in sup-
port of British administrative reforms in the Sudan,
and his public opposition to these — where his freedom
of movement was restricted to al-Minya province.
About a year later, in 1916, he was allowed to take
up residence in Cairo, where he devoted himself
to the propagation of his own conception of the
Shadhiliyya [q.v.] order, into which he had been
initiated by Hasanayn al-HisalT [q.v.]. He had been
actively proselytising on behalf of his tonka [q.v.]. which
became known as al-'Azamiyya al-Shadhiliyya, already
since the beginning of his teaching career, and had
obtained a substantial following for himself in Egypt
as well as in the Sudan. Al-'Azamiyya distinguished
itself by the stress it placed upon inner-worldly asce-
opposed to the retraitist other-wordly asceticism and
its underlying relatively negative appreciation of life
in this world, as found implicitly or explicitly in the
teachings of many tarikas. After 1916, however, when
settled 'in Cairo, Muhammad Madi ceased to look
imself as merely head of a tanka, but assumed
upon
[mudjaddid ) instead, and consequently presented his
tanka as his conception of a revitalised Islam, which
he elaborated over the following years in a variety of
books and articles, notably in the periodicals al-
Sa'ada al-Abadina la bi-monthly published by one of
Muhammad Madfs disciples, 'Air 'Abd al-Rahman
al-Husavm, from 1914 until 1923) and al-Madlna al-
Munawwara (a weekly published from 1925 until 1927,
and after 1927 until 1929, when it was merged with
al-Fatih, a periodical of the Ahrar al-Dusturiyyin,
edited by Muhammad Mahmud, as al-Fatih wa
"l-Aladina al-Munawwara). The majority of these books
as well as the periodicals were printed by the Matba'a
al-Madma al-Munawwara, a press established by
Muhammad Madf in early 1919. In his aversion to
the British presence in Egypt, he committed himself
to the case of the nationalists during the revolu-
tion of 1919, when he was twice arrested. On 20
March 1924, less than three weeks after the abolition
of the caliphate in Turkey [see Khalifa] , he organ-
ised a meeting in Cairo, which was attended by schol-
ars and religious dignitaries from all over the Islamic
world, in order to discuss the implications of this
event. This meeting ended in the foundation of the
so-called Djama'at al-Khilafa al-Islamiyya bi-Wadl al-
Nfl under his presidency. Because of its historical con-
sequences, the foundation of this organisation must
be considered as Abu 'l-'Aza'im's most notable
achievement. It allowed him to mobilise an effective
world-wide opposition against King Ahmad Fu'ad's
candidacy for the caliphate — to which he objected for
religious and political reasons (cf. Ahmad ShafTk,
Hawlmat Misr al-siyasiyya, Cairo 1929, iii, 105 ff.)—
and thus determined the outcome of the Caliphate
Conference held in Cairo in May 1926 and brought
activity in support of Ahmad Fu'ad's candidacy to an
end. Muhammad Madi died on 28 Radjab 1356/4
October 1937 and was buried in his zawiya [q.v.] in
Cairo near the mosque of al-Sultan al-HanafT. Here,
his shrine as well as the shrine of his son Ahmad (d.
1970), who succeeded him as head of the tanka,
January 1962), which houses the headquarters of the
Bibliography: The most extensive biography is
'Abd al-Mun'im Muhammad Shakraf, al-Imam
Muhammad Madi Abu 'l-'AzS'im, hayatuhu, djihdduhu,
dtharuhu, Cairo 1972. It contains "the text of vari-
ous relevant documents, evaluates his poetry, clar-
ifies his position with respect to the idea of al-insan
al-kamil [q.v.], sets forth his conception of tawhid
(based upon an unpublished treatise), and lists and
summarises his works. To these must be added Mm
djawami' al-kalim, Cairo 1962; al-Uaajdamvyat (ed.
'Abd Allah Madi Abu 'l-'Aza'im), Cairo n.d".; Diwan
(ed. Muhammad al-Bashir Madi Abu '1
i n.d.
i al-'Aza
i (ed.
Mahmud Madi Abu i-'Aza'im), Cairo 1328/1910,
(important for his affiliations with various tarikas);
and al-Shifa' min marad al-tafnka, Cairo n.d., which
caused the temporary imprisonment of Muhammad
Madf when it was interpreted as a concealed attack
upon King Ahmad Fu'ad (cf. al-ll'adjdaniyyat, 8).
The treatise Wasa'il izhat al-hakk, Cairo n.d., should
be excluded from Shakraf's enumeration. It was
written by Muhammad's brother, the journalist
Ahmad Madi (d. 1893), who had founded the news-
paper al-Mu'arvad together with 'All Yusuf [q.v.].
The treatise "was published for the first time
in Cairo in 1914, by Ahmad's brother Mahmud.
The authorship was falsely assigned to Muhammad
Abu 'l-'Aza'im by his son and successor Ahmad in
the subsequent editions published under his aus-
pices. For additional biographical materials, see
Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafadji, al-Turath al-
mhi li Uasawwuf al-islami fi Mm, Cairo n.d., 170.
For details about the history of the al-'Azamiyya
tanka and further references, see also F. de Jong,
Two anonymous manuscripts lelative to the Sufi orders in
Egvpt, in Biblmtheca Orientahs, xxxii (1975), 186-90.
For the 'Azamiyya in the Sudan, see J.S.
Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, London 1949, 239 f.
On his mawlid, see J.W. McPherson, The moulids
of Egvpt, Cairo 1940, 140 ff. A small collection of
letters written by Muhammad Madi and transcripts
thereof, which are in the possession of the 'Azami
family, is preserved on microfilm at Leiden
University Library. (F. de Jong)
ABU BAKR IBN 'ABD al-SAMAD [see 'abd
ABU BAKR IBN al-'ARABI — ABU BARAKISH
ABU BAKR IBN al-'ARABI [see ibn al-<arabI
ABU BAKR al-ASAMM [see al-asamm i
SU PP! 1 . .
ABU BAKR ai -KHARAITI [see al-khara'itI
ABU BAKR al-ZUBAYDI [see al-zubaydi]
ABU l-BARAKAT al- c Alav>I al-Za^dI, 'Uma
s Muh/
>, Kut;
He
dent, Kur'an scholai and
in Kufa in 442/105(1-1 heard hadith in his home town
and Baghdad, and sta\ed toi some time together with
his lathei in Damascus Vleppo and Tarabulus In
\leppo he lead in 455/1063 the A alldah ot Abu
'All al-FansF which he latei transmitted m Kufa Theie
he finished on 5 Ramadan 464/26 Ma\ 1(172 the
leading ol the A al Qami' al kaji an extensive col-
lection of Kufan Zavdr fikh dot trine bv the Savyid
Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b 'All al-'\lavu He
read it with the Saw id 'Abd al-Djabbar b al-HusaMi
b Mu'ayya, who had heard it trom the authoi, though
he also tiansmitted dnectlv from Abu 'Abd Allah al-
'\lawi with an idjaza He taught and led the piavcr
in the mosque of Abu Ishak al-Sabi'i Ol his wolks
on grammar a eommentarv on the A al Lima' ot Ibn
Djinm is extant in manuscript I see Biockelmann, S
I 142) \ descendant ot 7avd b 'All \bu 1-Baiakat
peisonallv adhertd to Zavdl Shi"', beliets though he
generally concealed them fiom his Sunm students and
gave legal fatudh according to HanafT doc tune Onlv
to ShrTs did he transmit partisan Shfr hadith', and
iendered /afttas according to Zavdl law In agreement
with the Zavdi cieed in his time, he upheld the dot-
trine of human tree will and the cieatedness of the
Kur'an He died on 7 Sha'ban 5 34/2 February 1 145
in Kufa
Biblwgiapln Sam'anI 1 >8 : Sb Ibn al-
Anbaii, \uzhat al ahbba' ed Muh Vbu 1-Fadl
Ibrahim Cairo 1467, 349 f Ibn al-Djawzi
al Uuntazam, Havdaiabad 1357-54/ 1 4 38-41 x
114 Yakut Udaha\ xi 12-14 Ibn al-Kitti
Inbdh al tuuat ed Muh Abu '1-Fadl Ibiahim,
Cano 145(1-73 n, 324-7 al-Dhahabf \lt Z an
al i' tidal, ed AM al-Bidjawi Cano 1382/
1463, in, 181 Ibn 'Inaba 'Umdat al lalib ed
Muh Hasan Al al-Tahkani Nadjaf 1380/
1461 263, Ibn Hadjar Lisan al mizan Hav-
daiabad 1331/1913 i\, 280-2 Sarim al-Din
Ibrahim b al-Kasim Tabakat al ~a\dina ms
photocopv no 290 Cano, Dai al-Kutub, 314
(\\ Madeiunoi
ABU BARAKISH (a i a name, no longei in use
given accoiding to localities, to two birds whose bril-
liant plumage is charac tensed bv iridescent colours or
shows a coloui-scheme \aiving in the course ol (he
seasons The quadnliteial loot B R A Sh probablv
derived from the tnhteial R B A has like R A Sh
the sense ot "to be vai legated, mottled' and the sub-
stantive birkiih indicates the iesult svnonvmous with
talauuun The plural baiakish has a supeilative quality
in expressions such as hlad haidkish 'a land decked
with flowers' and it is used as a foiename it was
the name ot the wife of Lukman [</ 1 ], and of a bitch
that became pioverbial for her ability to foieset and
to foretell with hei barking the return to camp of
the hoi semen of hei tribe As tor the pluial of the
composite noun ahu barakish, it would theoretic alh be
aba' barakish, but this foim is not found in litfiatuic
(li Aicoiding to the uniform definition piovided b\
Arab lexicogiapheis, the true ahu barakish cone-
sponds to this description "a small bird of the bushes
with a grevish head a scailet breast and dark lowei
parts Just like the porcupine when excited it iuffles
tenng culi
ms' (al-Dami
ri, Hmat al hmauan i.
lb2
BRA Sh in
Though r
estiained and
concise, (his ormthol
gital
n is sufficient
to identity the abu ba
akish
as a ploc
-id the male
in the nuptial pluma
Z? ol
-bird (/««d«
nassadi) the flame-col
uied
oi Gienadie
i the English Dun a
-bird
lEuplatis o
lesident both ot the ^
and ol th
southern coa
ts ol the Red Sea In
fact
this industrious and gregarious bud smallei in siz.
than the house spairow and with plumage that l
generalh bioumsh and lathei dull abruptly change
is the
een of ghst
. Nul
)f the first to be
ame to be known to the \rabs In the period of
nating the male courts thiee oi foui females, mak-
ng a show ol bringing them grains ol millet and
hroughout the penod of nestbuilding he constantly
isseits his piopnetory rights b\ fluttenng and hov-
■nng beneath each nest and ruffling all his fcath-
■is which spaikle in the light accompanying his
lertormance with a loud rustling ol wings ihafij ,
hatching ol the young the actoi aban-
lons his deceptive guise and ieturns to the gregar-
Att-
lable
The
, Adah
LA)
colour of the plum.
■Art) ha abi baiakisha kulla la
like abu barakish whose c
s' have detei mined the w
f-membeied (see Ibn Kut,
1355/1936 204 al-Dam
(2) Foi al-Kazwim i'Adja'ib al makhlukat in the mai-
gins of al-Damin n 252) and tor him alone the abu
hawkish is a wadei with a pleasant-sounding c rv, with
red beak and feet, ol a size close (o that of the stork
and with plumage fluctuating in colour in reds, gieens
yellows and blues The liven of this atti active wad-
mg-bnd appaienllv piovided Byzantine weavers with
eolouied shot silk called abu kalamun [q t J a name
which eonveiselv was applied to the bird Now the
onlv wadei of the Meditenanean and oriental regions
peifectlv fitting this description is the Porphvnon or
Blue Taleva/Purple Galhnule {Porphrw poiphvm) bet-
ter known however under the giandiose name of
'Sultan-fowl' This marshland bird, hali-a-metie m
height, has teet and beak of a fine coial led and on
its lorehead a knob ot the same colour its rich blue
plumage varies from indigo to tuiquoise with flashing
tints of green, purple and bionze When alarmed, the
Sultan-fowl emits a brief tiumpet-hke sound Its Spanish
name is 'ealamon a vestige ot the Arable kalamun
while Egypt has retained its ancient Gieek name Ttop-
ipnpicov aiabised as fwfui/fwjm, pi farafii, Svna and
'Irak call it biahan and suhnun \11 these tountnes and
Persia are also lamihai with the "green-bae ked sub-
closeh, related to the mam species and hearing the
ABU BARAKISH — ABU
names dik sultam sultan-cock M al ma' watei-cock
aud farkha sultamyya sultan-pullet The Suit in-low 1
easilv domesticated was highlv thought ot among the
Peisians the Greeks and the Romans it was bred in
temples and placed under the protection ot the gods
In Egypt, it is not unusual to see it in iuial areas co-
existing peaceabh with domestic poultry Because of
the splendoui ol its plumage the Persians awarded it
the title sAahmurgh king-bud arabised in the loims
Aahmuik Aahmurki shamurk shamuik shahmuidi ihahmwdi
In legends and stories ol Peisian ongin while the lion
is the king of the animals it is the Sultan-fowl that
sits on the thione ol the featheied lace and the pea-
cock is onl\ the viziei (see Rasa il Mm an al Saja' Benut
1957 11 248 ff) Al-Djahiz several times cites the
Sultan-low 1 (Hawaiian pissim) as leedmg on Hies and
small leptiles which is ace ui ate the diet of this wader
being both vegetable and carnivorous having killed its
prey with a violent blow ot the beak it holds it with
one foot and teats it with the other carrying of! the
moisels of flesh in its be ik
Thus the abu barakish of the poet of Asad was a
weaver-bird while al-Kazwim saw it as the Sultan-
believe that it was on his own authontv that this
natuiahst perhaps not knowing the Gien idler weaver-
bud identilied the abu btnakish with the abu
kalamun/ ihahmuik but his decision was regaided as
law bv his successors and it should be recognised as
such
(3) In the Hidjiz through a contusion on the part
ol the childien of the nomads attested bv the philol-
ogist al-Azhari abu barakish was used in place of
birknA to denote the chaffinch [Fnn°illa loilebs) a finch
well-known in all the Aiabic-speaking countnes and
also called shwshui (in the Maghrib shershn beikish
^antb) this was simplv in enor ascnbable to child-
ish ignoiance
Finallv we mav lgnoie the totallv unfounded iden-
tification ot the abu barakish with the bullfinch [Pynhuta
pynhula) suggested bv the encvclopedia al Mainu'a fi
'ulum al tabi'a (Beirut 1%5 i no 154) this western
bird being practicallv unknown m the Ntar East in
Anbia m Egypt and the Maghnb
the text there lie mentions ot the abu barakish in
al-kalkishandi Sitbli n 7b kushidjim Masayid
Bighdid 1454 whollv imprecise Ornithologv
\ Mi'luf Mu'djam al liayaaan Cairo 1932 111
117 B Al-Lus (blouse) al Tmm al'irakma n
Bighdid 1%1 29-30 AL Brehm [Lhommi it In
aramauM Lis omain Fr edn revised bv Z Geibe
Pans 1878 n 7(11-3 FO Cave and J D Mac-
donald Birds of tin Sudan London 1955 374
RD Etchetopar and F Hue Lis oisiaux dit noid
de I ifrique Pans 1964 191-5 and bOO (index of
Arabic names bv F \ lie) idem Lis mstain du
Moyai Orient Pans 197(1 RN Meineitzhagen Buds
of Egypt London 19 30 L Delapchier Lis ouiaux
du mundi (Atlas) Pans 1959 i 125 n 130
(F \IREI
ABU l-BAYDA' al
RIYAHl
As'ad b 'Isma
one ol the
ts ol the Basran
philologists
in the 2nd/8th centur
, notably, of al-
. This Bedo
uin teacher
settled in south-
ern 'Irak,
received h
s curious kunya
t binds' = "d
esert") from
the admire
rs forming a cir-
cle around
him. He als
o wrote poetry, transmitted
by another
teacher, a c
ertain Abf
'Adnan, who is
allegedly th
e author of
several w
orks (in particu-
lar, of a A"
al-.Xahwmi
and a A"
Charlb al-hadlth.
Fihnst 68) and whom al-Djahiz piaised gieatlv loi
his eiudition aud his fine language [Bay an 1 212i
Abu 1-Bavdi' also hid as his raaiya his son-in-law
'Amr b hjikna [q i ] but his poetic work is almost
whollv lost
Bibliography Djihiz Bay an 1 bb 252 Fihnst
66 Ibn kutavba '[>«« i 71 Maizubim,
Muuashshah 118 183 Suvuti Muzhir n 249 \akut
Idaba' vi 89-90 Bustam DM iv 224
(Ch PellatI
ABU DABI [see \bu z\bi]
ABU DAWUDIDS [see b-vnidjurids]
ABU l-DHAHAB kunya ol Muhammmj Bev a
giandee of Ottomin Egypt Acquired as a mam
luk bv Bulut kapan 'All Bev [?.] (the date 1175
given in Djabirti 'iaja ib l 417 is obviously incor-
rect) he became the chief ofiicei in his mastei s house-
hold as kha indar in 1174/1760 When in 1178/1764-5
he was iaised to the bevlicate he obtained his kunya
bv distributing a laigesse of gold In 1184/1770 he
commanded the expeditionary toice sent bv 'All Bev
to install a Hashimite protege in Mecca As com-
mander ol the torce sent bv 'All Bev in 1185/1771
to co-opeiate with Zahn al-'LTmar against 'Uthman
sidik governor of Damascus he captuied
the c
lendei
a the c
with all his troops to Egypt Thi
to the seciet negotiations ol 'ITthman Pasha the ilti^ai
ol Gazi and al-Ramla which Abu 1-Dhahab le
in this same veai (Cohen Palistme 49) may have been
his rew lrd As master of an exceptionally laige house-
hold of mamluk and black slaves t'abidl and as the
head of a faction he succeeded in 1186/1772 in oust-
ing 'All Bev who sought refuge with Zahn al-'LTmai
Lured into returning to Egypt with a small foice 'All
Bev was defeated at al-Sahhiyya and died a few day
later (Salai 1187/Mav 1773) Abu 1-Dhahab was now
the effective lulei of Egypt, where he established peace
ind secuntv so that internal trade revived LTnlike
'All Bev he followed a policy ol ostentatious lovaltv
,ed
o the
and w
shaykh al balad (Rabi' I 1187/June 1773) He
was nevertheless as determined as his ioimer master
to control Syria where he represented himself as the
detendei ol the sultanate against the iebel Zahu al-
'Umai The iondjok of Gaza and al-Ramla was con-
lened on him in 1187/177 3 (Cohen Palestine 148)
The lact that he obtained the appointment as viceiov
ot Egypt of a fugitive Pilestiman notable Mustafa
Pashi Tukan al-Nabulusi (not a member ol the 'Azm
lamilv as stated in Djabarti 'ilka lb i 418 cl Cohen
Palestine 5b n 97) mav also be linked with his Svnan
aims Eailv in 1189/March 1175 he led his aimv
into Palestine to oveithiow Zahn Jaffa was captuied
ind i massacre ensued Zahn fled from Acre his
capital which was about to fall when Abu 1-Dhahab
died suddenly of level His tioops letumed foithwith
to C airo
Bibliography 'Abd al-Rahman b Hasan al-
Djabirti 'idja'ib al athai (Bulak edn ) l annals for
the years indicated and obituary ol Abu 1-Dhahab
on pp 417-20 \olne> \oyagi in Egypte tt en iyne
(ed. Jean Gaulmier), Paris and The Hague 1959,
especially pp. 78-94 (dates on pp. 91-4 inaccurate);
Amnon Cohen, Palestine in the 18th century, Jerusalem
1973. (P.M. Holt)
ABU DJA'FAR al-ANDALUSI [see al-ru'ayni].
ABU DJA'FAR al-RU'ASI [see al-ru'as!].
ABU DJA'FAR al-TUSI [see al-tusI].
ABU 'l-DJARUD [see al-djarudiyya] .
ABU DULAF al-'IDJLI ABU 'l-FARADJ b. MAS'UD RUNl
ABU DULAF M.-IDJLI [see vl-kasim b
ABU l-FADA'IL [see hamdanids]
ABU l-FARADJ b MAS'UD RUNI
iba\ 1299/1882, 122i
rhe n
sba Rum
the
bth and
>t R
n m the
Mun
akhab al
D,aha
ni>m and
had
to admit
to
i confusion
with anothe
Ghazi
aw id poe
, \hi
Far
adj Sidjzl
The date oi
his bnth is
not kne
vui Chrc
nolosr
ind
cations that
can be de
m his w
it
kelv that h
- stalled hi
it ot Lahoie
\i al-Din
Malm
installed th
eie b\ his t
ithei S
iltan Ibu
rim ,
rov Utati, c
i maid.) ot
Ghazn
wid Hin
diistan
4b9/lU7b-7 \
j» 'l-Faiad,
appear
to have
letai
his
the couit
}f Lahc
1 al-Din th
latei
Sultan M
as'Qd
wh
8(1-92/11
these
>vs, C
Bo
woith Tht
latt, Ghazna
dyn
asty ,„ \)gh
mistar, and
northern
India It
40 11
Ed
nbuigh 1977, b5-8) \s
he add
m<
st oi the p<
ems he wr,
te loi
im bv tl
e title
penod The
l-Fa.adj tl
■ thio
Mas'uds son Shei
Sultan ot Ghazna
The ielationship between the poet and tht cential
Ghaznawid rouit is not quite clcai He vuote sev-
'\wfT plated a kasida addiessed to the sultan at the
beginning ot his Did an Thcie aie also poems pre-
served which bear dedications to piominent officials
oi the cential government like the <and-i lashkai
Mansui b Sa'id Mavmandi who patronised othei
is pen.
apait
and his if
while the
id Diuan, Mas'udi Salman ed RashTd Yasimi Tehian
HI 9/ 1940, Intioductiom
The modern Iiaman scholai Djalal al-Din Huma'I
has connected one of the poets kasidas with the
conquest oi Kannawdj b\ Sultan Mas'ud 111 which
he dates between •)()() and 508 \H This would pro-
faiadj icf Dinar, i Tthmai, i Mukhtan ed HumaT
Tehian H41/19b2 t>'>4 fi and passu,} and Bosuoith
The woik ot \bu 1-Faradj as we know it now con-
cal type The kasidas aie compai ati\ eh short poems in
gethei The poet dt\ eloped the st\le ot the panegvn-
cal addiess ot the Samanid an<l eailv Ghaznawid poets
into various new directions The texture of his veise
became moic knitted though the use of uncommon
compounds oi igmal mttaphois and h\perboles, and
ihiough a gieatei densitv in the handling ot ihetoncal
unpiecedented tiee|uenev Though all these features
the woik of \bu 1-Faiadj heralds the gieat change in
poetical st\le which took place m the course of the
bth/ 12th centurv and is tommonlv designated as the
development tiom the Rhiiiasaman into the "Iiaki stvle
itoi bnet anahses of the mam chaiac tenstics of Abu
1-Faiadj's poetrv se, the vvoiks b\ Sata Mahcjjub and
Damghanl mentioned m the bibliogiaphv i
Thestvlistie oiigmahtv of \hu 1-Faradj was alieadv
lecognised h\ his contempoiaiies and the immedi-
DuUm, inaan e.l bv MT Mudams-i Radavvi i
Tehian H47/19b8 104-8]
The wide iange of \bu 1-Faiadj s influence is tui-
thei attested bv the man\ quotations tiom his poems
1 the halila a a Dinma adaptation b\ Nasi Mlah
Munshr wntten about r i40/1145-b and b\ the he-
quent use oi his veises as shaiiShid b\ Shams-i Ravs
his textbook on the theeiiv oi poetrv In moi<
i the return * iba^ashl) to the earliei st\les ot
Persian poetiv, which ore lined m ban dining the late
Uth/lKth centuiv let Rida-Kuli khan HidSvat
\laqjma' al jmaha' mukaddamai The peipetual wai
waged with the non-Muslim neighbours of Ghazna-
the identification ot events and plaeenames is still
hampeied b\ the philological iinsufTiciencies ot the
text ot the Diaan as it is accessible at this moment
It cannot be doubted that the collections ot \bu
1-Faiadj's poems diffeied alieadv at an eailv date as
tai as then e ontents and anangement aie coneemed
Even Anwan could onlv find a selection twtikjiab)
ing the Diu. tin aecoidmg to '\wfi i= cd Damghani
no 'Hi is not the same as that which opens the
collections contained in the oldest manusciipts known
so fai The hist punted text was an addition in
the maigin to a lithogiaph eit the Diaan of 'Unsuii
led bv \U Muhammad \idakam Bombav H20)
I A cutical edition was published bv RI Cavkin as an
ABU 'l-FARADJ b. MAS'UD RUNI — ABU 'l-HASAN al-AHMAR
annex [danumd] to Irmaghan vi (Tehran 1304/1425)
with a biographv and annotations to the text bv
Muhammad 'All Nasih The recent edition bv
Mahmud Mahdawi Damghani leproduces the text ol
its predecessor adding \anant readings horn two
ancient manuscripts viz a copv in the C hester Beattv
Library (if 1 tatalogue of the Persian manuscript', and
miniatures Dublin 1959 4 no 103) and a copv in
the British Museum (cl Ch Rieu Supplement to the
catalogue of the Persian manual ipts London 1895 141
no 211) Manv manuscripts oi the Dm an or ol small-
er collections oi poems still await to be examined
(see eg A Munzawi Fihnst i ««jkhaha-vi khatti-vi
ftrsi in Tehran 1350/1971 2214-6 nos 21375-417
Ahmed Ates Istanbul Kutuphanelennde Farsca man^um estr
kr i Istanbul 19b8 212i
Bibliography In addition to the woiks mentioned
in the article NizamT 'Aiudi ( iihar maiala Tehran
1955-7 main 44 cl ta'tikat 115 fi 194, 22b Abu
1-Ma'ah Nasr Allah Munshi Tardjama u Katila ua
Dimna Tehran 1343/1954 'AwfT Lubab id Browne
n 241-5 ed Nafisi Tehian 1335/1956 419-23 cl
ta'hkat 714 fl Shams al-Din Muhammad b Kavs
al-Razi, al Uu'gjam JT ma'aw ash'ar al'adjam Tehran
1338/1959, Amin Ahmad Razi Hajt iktim Tehran
1 340/1 9b 1 i 339-44 Lutf-'Ali Beg \dhar itashkada
kth Bombav 1299 AH 136-9 Rida-kuh khan
Hidavat Mad/nut' al fusaha hth ed Tthian 1295
AH l 70-8 Ch Rieu ( atalogut of the Peisian man
usinpts in the British Museum n 547-8 Dihkhuda
Litijiatnama sv Dh Safa Ta likh 1 aeiabmat dar ban
n Tehran 1339/1960 470-6 and passim Husivn
Navil ibu I Farad} Rum in inana (Kabul) xxii/1-2
11342/1963) 19-24, M Dj Mahdjub \abk i Khurasam
dar shi'ri fam Tehran 1345/1966 575 81 and pas
sim Mahmud Mahdawi Damghani mufaddama and
ta'hkat to Dmani ibu I Faradi Rum Mashhad
1348/1969 (JTP de Bruiin)
ABU l-FARADI IBN al-TAYYIB [see ibn al-
TAYMB]
ABU l-FATH al-BALATI [see al-balati in
Suppl]
ABU l-FATH al-BUSTI [see al-busti]
ABU 'l-FATH al-DAYLAMI al-Husa->n b Nasir
b. al-Husayn, al-Nasir li-DIn Allah, Zavdi Imam
There are some variants in the sources in legard to
his own, his father's and his grandfathers personal
names. He belonged to a Hasamd iamilv which had
been prominent in Abhar for some geneiations
Nothing is known about his hie beiore he came to
the Yaman after 429/1038 claiming the Zavdr ima-
mate. He gained some tribal support in noithern
Yaman and established himselt in the Zahir Hamdan
region where he built the ioitiess and town ol Zafar
[q.v.] near Dhu Bin. In 437/1045-b he entered and
pillaged Sa'da, the stronghold ol the descendants oi
al-Hadr ila '1-Hakk [q.v.], and committed a slaughter
among the Banu Khawlan living in the aiea Still in
Shawwal 437/April-May 1046 he occupied San'a' In
the following year he gained brieflv the allegiance ol
Dja'far b. al-Kasim al-Tvani leader oi a Zavdi (ac-
tion which expected the retuin oi his bi other, the
Imam al-Husayn al-Mahdr [q e ] as the Mahdr Dja'far
soon revolted against him, togethei with the Sultan
Yahya b. Abl Hashid b al-Dahhak, chiei ol the
Hamdan, and expelled his representatives hom San'a'
Thereafter the Imam and Dja'far iought each othei
with changing fortunes lor the possession of the
fortresses of Athafit and 'Adjib The situation of Abu
'1-Fath deteriorated further after 'All b Muhammad
al-Sulayhi occupied the Djabal Masar in 439/1047 and
quickly expanded his power over large areas ot the
Hainan The Imam was soon deserted bv most ot his
iollowers and was forced to move hom town to town
In Rabf I 444/Julv 1052 al-Sulavhi defeated and
killed Abu Hashid b ^ahva b Abi Hashid and took
possession oi San'a' Abu 1-Fath now corresponded
with Nadjah the loid of the Tihama inciting him
against al-Sulavhi When he invaded the Balad 'Ans
later in the vear 444/1052-3 he was deteated and
killed bv al-Sulavhi together with some seventv sup-
ports s at Nadjd al-Djah and was buned in Radman
His descendants were later known in the \aman as
the Banu 1-Davlami
His km 'an commentary al Burhan is extant in man-
uscnpt {Fihnst kutub al khi-ana al Mutaiiakkilma San'a'
nd 12 Dar al kutub ha'imat al makhtutat al 'arabina
al musauuara bi 1 mikrufilm mm al Djumhunna al 'Aiabina
al lamanma Cairo 1967 6) A refutation oi the
Mutanihyva [q i ] sect is also lsuibed to him
Bibliography Humavd al-Muhalll al Hada'ik al
uardiua n ms Vienna Glaser 116 ff 110a- 11 3b
^ahva b al-Husavn Ghayat al amam fi _akhbar al
kutr al lamam ed S 'Abd al-Fattah '\shur and
M Mustafa Zivada Cairo 1388/1968 i 246 i
250 al-'Arshr Bulugh al maram, ed Anastas Man
al-karmah Cairo 1939 36 1 HC kav laman
London 1892 229 1 HF al-Hamdam al
Sulayhiuun Cairo [1955] 82 W Madelung Dei
Imam al Qasim ibn Ibrahim Beilin 1965 205
(W Madelung)
ABU l-FATH al-ISKANDARI [see al-
ABU HAFS al-SHITRANDJI [see al-shitrandji]
ABU l-HASAN al-AHMAR the usual name of
i philologist of Basia called 'All b al-Hasan/al-
Mubarak who was taught by al-kisa'i [q i ] whose
eagei pupil he was after his master he became
tutor to the future caliphs al-Amin and al-Ma'mun
I he biographical sources record that al-Ahmar was
onginallv a membei oi al-Rishid s guard so that
being very atti acted to the studv oi philology he
liable t
hing s
except when he was not on dutv in the palace
When the mastei came to give lessons to the young
pnnies, al-Ahmar rushed towards him, both when
he went in and when he came out took his stirrup
and escorted him, whilst firing questions on gram-
mai at him When al-Kisa'I was afflicted bv lep-
rosv and unable to teach the princes anv longer,
he was afraid lest one of the great grammarians of
the period, Sibawavh oi al-Akhfash [q u ] might take
his place so he recommended as his own succes-
soi al-Ahmai who was in the end confirmed in the
post The biogiaphical sources mention in this con-
nection the custom wherebv, aiter the first lesson,
the new tutoi received all the iurmshmgs oi the
room in which he had been teaching, al-Ahmar,
whose house was too small to take this, saw him-
seli offeied now both a house and two slaves, one
of each sex Each dav he went along to learn that
came to question his pupils in al-Rashid's presence
In this way al-Ahmai acquired a vast amount oi
knowledge He is said to have known 40 000 shauahid
verses and complete kasidas but he had no pupils
and did not transmit al-Kisa'fs knowledge orallv
This latter role devolved on his rival al-Farra' [qi],
but he was the author oi two works, the A al Tasrif
and the A Tafannun al bulagha' He died on the
Pilgrimage road in 194/810
Bibliography. Fihnst, 98, khatib Baghdad!,
ABU 'l-HASAN al-AHMAR
T. Baghdad, xii, 104-5; Abu '1-Tayyib al-Lughawi,
Maratib al-nahwiyyin, Cairo 1955, 89-9(1; Zubaydl,
Tabakdt, 147, Kifti, Inbah, Cairo 1369-74/1950-5,
ii, 3i 3-17; Anban, Mzha, 59; Mas'Qdi, Muntdj, vi,
321-2 = § 2523; Yakut, i'dabtT, xii, 5-12; Suyiitr,
Bughya, 334; M. al-Makhzuml, Maduisat al-Kuja,
Baghdad 1374/1955, 102; Bustanl, DM, iv. 250-1;
ZiriklT, A'lam, v, 79. (Ch. Pellat)
ABU 'l-HASAN al-ANSARI, 'AlI b. Musa b.
'AlI b. Arfa' (Rail') Rasuh ai.-AndalusI al-DjayyanI
(515-93/1121-97), a preacher of Fez, and mem-
ber of a family of whom one person ilbn Arfa' Rasuh)
is mentioned in the 5th/ 11th century at Toledo as a
composer of muwaihihahat (Ibn al-Khatib has preset
S.M.
mples
, Us ,
, Nos.
■rahs, Palen
9-58; c
ABU
Y-HASAN
t, L'daba', i
DJILWA
Yaki
i, 254-70
(details 1
dres
of the kutl
nb\; Busta
qi, DM,
A'liir
, i, 165; K
ahhala, Mu'allijln,
ABL
l-HASAN DJILWA
MlRZA,
<*r, r
oet and re
luse. He
Ahmadabad, G
udjarat.
vhere hi
wid
Muhammac
, membe
of a in
dista
i, was engaged in tr
de. Afte
Bon
rbay, Djilw
was br
ught to
Din Na'iiiT id. 1082/
called Dlivan ihudhia al-dhahab ft 1-sina'a al-iharija/fj
farm al-salamat, and Diwan al-shudhw wa-tahkik al-umui.
This poem's great vogue, whose author gained the
not teach the making of gold,
ings.'ofareli
Tibb al
■i 1-hu,
!. BN. 2643) and DjihdtJJ
ms. B.N. 3253i.
Bibliography: Makkari. ii, 410; Kutubi, Fawdl,
No. 319, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, ii, 181-4; Bustanl, DM,
iv, 252; Brockelmann, I, 496, S I, 908, 2nd edn.
I, 654.
ABU L-HASAN al-BATTI, Ahmad i
I Ed. i
poetry under the p
•n-name
of Djilwa. x
hich betamt
the appellation by
his autobiographic;
Djilw a does
f his te<
chers in 1st!
ing only that he sc
to study independe
ith and him-
self to offer instruct
in his Us uheions
/ In phi
ZplndZ
lAw Cmhale
new ed., Paris 19
8, 85,
Abu '1-Hasan Ardistani
whose te
Muhammad Hasai
CJTlain
and Mfrza
Muhammac
Hasan Nun; it is
that this Al
identical with Dji
wa). In
1274/1857
he came tc
'Irak (Yakut, i, 488), who was a mem
of al-Kadir's chancery (reigned 381-422/992-1031). J
When the future caliph had in 381/991 to flee from |
al-Ta'i', al-Batti had already been in his .service, since i
it was with him that al-Kadir sought refuge. Hence '
as soon as he succeeded to the caliphate, he appointed
al-Battr to his dlivan, where he was in charge of the
postal senice and of intelligence. A Mu'tazilT in the-
ology and a HanafT in jikh, he had previously spe-
cialised in study of the Kur'ar
. He
.ed the
had a
and although 1
ends.
his i
,, he sc
ir his ,
rza Mahmud Khan MazandaranI MushTr
al-\Vizara, who pressed imitations upon him, he scarce-
ly ever left the madiasa. Surprisingly, howe\er, despite
his deep roots in traditional philosophy, Djilwa is
recorded to have been a member of Mirza Malkum
Khan's pseudo-masonic organisation, the fawmu shkh ana.
rchetypal adib with a va
tine hand for calligraphy, and a < ertain talent for let-
ter-writing and versifying which made him well-
renowned. Since he was extremely witty, had a fierce
humour and quick repartee, possessed a great store
of anecdotes which he could retail in a sparkling fash-
ion and had a good knowledge of music and singing,
he shone with special brightness in the circles of the
Buyids. He was intimately linked with al-Sharif al-
Radr [q.v.~] who, on his death, in Sha'ban 405/Jan.-
Febr. 1015, dedicated to him his last composition;
al-Sharif al-Murtada [rj.v.] likewise wrote an elegy on
him. His own poetry \
really ;
1. How
three works are credited to him, a A", al-h'adin, a A'.
al-'Amidi and a A'. al-Fakhrl, whose contents are
unknown but which must have been biographical in
Bibliography: Tawhrdr, Imta', iii, 100; TanukhT,
MJiwar, Cairo 1392/1972, iv, 256, v, 224, 225,
vii, 24; Khaub Baghdad!, T. Baghdad, iv, 320, xiv,
328; Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Munta-am, vii, 263;
Safadi, \VaJJ, vii, 231-4; Ibn al-AthTr, ix, 175;
Djalal al-Din Mirza iH. Algar, Mi K a Malkun
Mian: a
.study in the histon of banian nmdomsm. Berkeley
md Los
Angeles 1973, 49-50). The only journey outside
Tehran
an and
Adharbaydjan. He received at the madiasa, w
th some
disdain, visits by Nasir al-Dni Shah and ih
British
ongst the
Peis-iam, Cambridge 1927, 162). Among his
irincipal
pupils were the Ni'matullafu Sufi, Ma'siim '.
Vii Shah
(d. 1324/1926) (see his faia'ik al-haka
/*, ed.
Muhammad DjaTar Mahdjub, Tehran 1339/
960, iii.
507), Sayvid Hashim Ushkun id. 1332/lt
Muhammad Hirz al-Dni, Ma'anf al-n^al ft hi
idjim al-
'ulanuf wa 1-itdabd', Nadjaf 1384/1964, iii, 2
Sawid Husavn Badkuba'i (see preface by S
H. Nasr
to his translation ol Muhammad Husayn Tal
Shfite Mim, Albany, N.Y. 1955, 22i. Djilwa
died in
i Rayy
| of Ibn Babfrva. Later, an impressive structure was
over his grave by Mirza Ahmad Khan Nasir al-L
and Sultan Hasan Mirza Nawir al-Dawla. Djilw;
; described by Ma'siim 'All Shah as the "renew
I peripatetic philosophy in the fourteenth (Hidjrii
ABU Y-HASAN DJILWA — ABU HIFFAN
. Mi Hakrm Ihhi
! (,&ra
followed
alhak
loi at )
desprte his great fame he ne\er composed original
wotks regarding independent writing on phrlosophy
as difficult or even impossible alter the achieve
ments ol his predecessors (autobiographical sketch
quoted b> Muhsin al Amm in -1 tan al Shi a Beirut
1380/1%0 vi 21b) and he preiened instead to write
commentaries and glosses on the work of Avicenna
and Mulh Sadra Two of these have been printed in
the margin of Sadra s Sharh al Hida\at al Athuma
Tehran 1313/1895 His Dm an is also said to have
been published
Bibliography in addition to the woiks men
tioned in the text see Abbas b Muhammad Ridi
kummi Hadnat al ahbab Nadjaf 1349/1930 11
Mnza Muhammad Ah Mudarns Rathanat al adab
Tabuz nd l 419 20 Muhsin il Amin Aran al
Shi a Beirut 1380/1960 vi 214 16 (including in
Aiabic translation the autobiographical account of
Djilwa first printed in Kama \i danishuaran I nasifi)
Mahdi Bimdid Sharh i hal i ndjal i Iran da, karnha
U 12 a 13 a 14 1 Hiq^n Tehian 1347/1968
(H Algar)
ABU l HASAN al MAGHRIBI Muhammad b
Ahmad b Muhammad poet and litterateur of the
4th/ 10th centurv whose origin is unknown He seems
to have undergone man\ vicissitudes since he appears
in the seivice of Savf al Dawla of al Sahib Ibn Abbad
and of the ruler of Khuras m where he met Abu 1
Faradj al Isfahan! and he ilso resided in Egypt in
the Djabal and m Transoxama at Shash The
avellei a
without an\ gieat onginalitv but he seems also to
have been the author of several epistles and books
in particular of a Tuhjat al kutlab ft I lata il and a
Tadhknal/ Mudhakamt al nadim m which there were no
doubt pieces of advice on stvle md valuable data on
the liter ary circles of the age He is also famed from
the fact that he was piobabH the transmittei of al
Mutanabbi s work in the lands of the east since \akut
savs of him that he was the ranna of the celebiated
poet encountered at Baghdad However if he made
an apologia toi the poet in his A al Inti\ar al munabbi
an fada il al Mutanabbi followed bv a Bakniat al Intuar
al mukthir h I ikhtisar he was equally the authoi —
for leasons unknown to us- of i A al \abMTanbih
al munabbi an radha il al Mutanabbi w hich must be the
oldest criticism ot the poets woik
Bibliography Tha ihbi lahma iv 81 \ lkut
Idaba xvii 127 32 R Blicheie Abou t Tamb al
\lotanabbi Pans 1935 227 273 ■
264
ABU HAYYA al NUMAYRI the usu
lHav
l-Rabi
Zur^
f the 2nd/8th century The date of hi-
death is given vanouslv in the biographical sources
with dates ranging from 14j/760 to 210/825 and
the onlv point of leterence which we have is the
tact that he was considered is the raana of il
Farazdak (d 1 10/728) Of Bedouin origin, Abu Hayya
must have lived for quite a long time in the desert,
to ]udge b\ the verses which al-Djahiz cites in his
h al Hawaiian, and whrch other, subsequent authors
cite, apparentlv considenng him as an authority. This
is not, however, the image that one gains of this
peisonage b\ reading the notices of him in the biog-
raphical sources since he became legendary for his
cowardrce (stones of his sword pompousK called
Luab al manma of a dog which frightened him to
death etc ) his tendency to lomince and to boast
about outstanding deeds of valour (in paiticular he
clarmed to be able to converse wrth the djinri) and
hrs weakness of mind (lulha) which led to his being
sometimes giouped amongst those possessed (espe
cialK as he was allegedlv eprlepttc) more indulgent
ly alDjihiz merely classes hrm amongst the foolish
peisons nauka and forebears to reproduce anecdotes
in which he is the heio and which could very well
be invented tales
The biographers state and iepeat that Abu Hayya
wrote eulogies to the last Umavyads and the fust
Abbisids but it verv much seems unless one rs mis
taken that none of his panegyrics have been pre
served They iurthei state that he wrote mdju^ as
well as kasidas but the gieat majoiity of hrs survrv
Fihnst 231 hrs dm an took up 50 leaves and one
:ept that thrs work was not lacking in qual
rted vers
appre.
(Ed)
e for
r poet
ited by the cntics Although accusing hin
defects notably a charact(
Askan Sinaataw 165 al Marzubani Muuashshah
227 8) thev remark that hrs stvle was free from affec
tatron and padding though sometimes difficult Abu
Amr Ibn al \la even |udged Abu Hayyi to be sup
error to hrs fellow trtbesman al Rii [q ] As a lule
the pieces of poetry whrch have been preserved have
i descriptive bacchic satrrrcal or elegrac charac
tei according to Ibn al Mu tazz the verses rnspned
by his wife who dred when sttll voung were often
quoted
Biblwgiap/n (rn addrtron to references in the
article) Djahiz Baran i 385 n 225 229 30 idem
Hawaiian index Ibn Kutavba Shu 749 50 rdem
Lhun mdex idem MaanJ 87 Abu Tammam
Hamasa 11 105 133 Buhturr Hamasa 287 Ibn
al Mu tazz Tabakat bl 3 Kah Amah t 69 n
185 Baku Stmt al la ah r 97 244 Mubarrad
hamil index Agham ed Beirut xvi 235 9 at
Mukhtar mmshir Bashshar ed 1353 38 39 238 Ibn
Abd Rabbih Ikd index Marzubani Mudjam 193
Husn ~ahraladab 14 5 198 218 19 idem Djam
aldiauahir 217 9 292 22 3 227 477 8 Ibn Hadjai
Laba iv No 327 Amidi \Iu tahf 103 Ibn al
Djawzi Akhbar al hamka ua I mughaffalm Baghdid
1966 226 \akut Buldan rrr 35 Baghdadi MKana
ed Buhk m 154 iv 283 5 Ibshrhr WustahaJ r
305 Askan Sinaataw 165 208 idem Di tan al
maam ed 1933 rr 127 Suyutr Mujir index
R Basset Milk et un conies i 536 Pellat \liluu
160 Bustam DM iv 281 2 Zmkh A lam ix 114
Wahhabi l 168 70 (Ch Pellat)
ABU HIFFAN Abd Allah b
.l Mih
akhbc
rabrc (dred between 255/869 and
257/871 Vntually nothing is known of his life except
that he came from a Basran familv stemming from
the B Mihzam of 'Abd al Kavs and that he gloried
in his Anb origin He led a tanlv pooi and con
strtcted lite, to the point that he had to sell his cloth
ing to procure food, and he complains of this frequently
His reputation arises primarily from his role as
a transmitter of poetical akhbar, and he has a place
in the isnads or chains of supporting transmitters of
several important works, such as the K. al-Agham,
the Muwastshah of al-Marzubant and the works of
al-Sulr and Ibn al-Djarrah. He knew the circles of
ABU HIFFAN — ABU l-HUSAYN al-BASRI
the poets very well, and previous to his own activ-
ity, various of his paternal and maternal uncles had
erary anecdotes. He was in contact with Abu Nuwas,
whose protege and rain he was, and through this
connection he developed, and came in his own right
to follow the activities of the great contemporary
poets, and especially, of the libertine poets. As well
as his own master Abu Nuwas, he frequented the
company of al-Husayn b. al-Dahhak, al-Buhturi, al-
Khuraymi, and also al-Djahiz, Tha'lab, al-Mubarrad,
He himself put together a work called the Akhlun
Abl .\uwas, which has come down to us, and a A.
Sina'at al-shu'am' and a A'. Akhbai al-sMam, of which
no trace has survived but were certainly used in the
3rd and 4th centuries by several writers of ndab
Abu Hiffan was also a poet, but only a few dozen
of his verses have been preserved, sc. fragments of
eulogies addressed to 'All b. Yahva al-Munadjdjim
and ' 'Ubavd Allah b. Yahva b. Khakan; of satires
addressed to Ahmad b. Abl Du'ad and al-Buhtun;
epigrammatic exchanges, not always in the best of
taste, with Abu 'All al-BasFr, Sa'id b. Humayd, Abu
'l-'Ayna' and Ya'kQb al-Tammar, all these being his
verses. It is surprising that nothing has come down
to us from his wine poetry, whic h Ibn al-Mu'tazz says
enjoyed a wide currency. Altogether, Abu Hiflan was
a minor poet who has contributed, through his anec-
dotes, to our knowledge of the history and sociology
of poetry in the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries.
Bibliography: 'A. Ahmad Farradj has edited
the Akhbai Abl .Nuwas, Cairo 1373/1953 Ian edi-
with a bibliographical note, to be completed bv
Bencheikh, U ' '
orboni
1971,
ind iden
x //' el III sli-
des d'e I'hegue, in JA (1975), 265-315.
iJ.E. Bencheikhi
ABU l-HUSAYN al-BASRI, Muhammad b. 'Alt
b. al-Tayyib b. al-Husayn, Mu'tazili theologian.
Little is known about his education and earlv career.
He originated from Basra where he heard hadith. As
he studied kalam and usid al-fikh with Kadi 'Abd al-
Djabbar [?.».], he must ha\e visited Raw for some
time. With the Christian Abu 'All b. al-Samh, a stu-
dent of Yahva b. 'AdT, he studied philosophy and sci-
ences, presumably in Baghdad. This is attested by a
manuscript containing his redaction of the notes of
Ibn al-Samh on the Physics of Aristotle. He may have
also studied and practised medicine for some time if
he is, as has been suggested, identical with the Abu
a physician contemporary with Abu '1-Faradj b. al-
Tayyib. Al-Dhahabi refers to him as al-kadi, but there
is no other evidence that he ever held an official posi-
tion. During the later part of his life he taught and
wrote in Baghdad. As his two mill al-fikh works, the
Shaih al-'i'mad and the A~. al-Mu'taniad, were composed
still before the death of his teacher 'Abd al-Djabbar
in 415/1024-5, he must have begun his teaching career
in Baghdad before that date. He died in Baghdad
on 5 Rabf II 436/30 October 1044. The fact that
the HanafT kadi Abu 'Abd Allah al-Saymari led the
funeral prayer for him indicates that he belonged to
the HanafT madhhab, not to the Shafi'r as suggested
Of his works on tl
sid al-fikh, 1
\shaih) on 'Abd al-Djabbar's A'. al-'Vmad appears to
be lost. His A^ al-Mu'tamad, written later, has been
edited together with his -Ovaaar al-mu'tamad and A', al-
A7v,7s al-shat'i (ed. M. Hamidullah, Damascus 1 965 1.
This work became popular also among non-Mu'tazilT
scholars and, according to Ibn Khallikan, formed the
basis of Fakhr al-Din al-Razfs A". al-Mahsul. None of
his kalam works appears to be extant. The largest one,
A! Tasaffuh al-adilla, remained unfinished, as he had
only reached the chapter on the ri» heatifica before
he died. On the A: Ghurai al-adilla, Ibn Abi 1-HadTd
Df the i
•r,pti>
probably an extract from his A^ Shaih
al-l'sul al-khamsa. His theological doctrine can, how-
ex er, be recovered from later references and espe-
cially from the extant parts of the A". al-Mu'tamad ft
usul al-din Ims. San'a'l of his student Mahmud al-
Malahiiru, who quotes the K. Tasaffuh al-adilla exten-
sively. Also lost are his refutations of two works of
the Imam! Sharif al-Murtada, his contemporary in
Baghdad: the A". al-Shaji on the imamate and the A'.
al-Mukm' on the doctrine of the concealment \ghayha)
of the Twelfth Imam.
In his doctrine, Abu '1-Husayn al-Basrl was deeply
influenced by the concepts of the philosophers and
diverged from the Bahashima, the school of Abu
Hashim al-Djubba'i represented bv his teac her 'Abd
al-Djabbar. He was therefore shunned by the
Bahashima, who accused him of refuting his Mu'tazili
shaykhb in an unfair and injurious manner. This
charge is repeated by al-Shahrastani, who maintains
that he was really a philosopher in his views i jal-
not aware of this fact. Ibn al-Kiftl, too, suggests
forms of expression of the kalam theologians in order
to guard himself from his contemporaries. Notable
points on which he differed from the Bahashima
[ij.v.] and their thesis that the non-e:
if the :
reir the.
■s of sai
y of al
and his reduction of the dhine attributes of will,
hearing and seeing to that of knowledge. Evidently
also under the influence of the doctrine of the
philosophers, he affirmed that the acts of man occur
of human free
Mali
and ;
r Muha
mmad al
vhmad h
-Walid al-Karkhl id. 478/1086) who, like I
also studied logic and philosophy and taught in
Baghdad. According to Ibn al-Murtada, Fakhr al-Dm
al-Razi adopted many of his views on the "subtle-
damental dogma. His theological doctrine progressively
exerted a strong influence among the Imamiyya and,
to a lesser extent, among the Zavdiyya.
Bibliography. Ta'nkh Baghdad, iii, 100; al-
Hakim al-Djushamr, Sharh al-'Uyun, in Fada'il al-
i'lizal, ed. Fu'ad Savvid, Tunis" 1393/1974, 387;
Shahrastanl, 19, 32, 57, 59; idem, Mhiiyat al-
akdam, ed. A. Guillaume, Oxford 1931, 151, 175,
177, 221, 257; Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, I'tikad fiiak
al-muslimin iva 'l-musbikin, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-
Razik, Cairo 1356/1938, 45; Ibn al-Kifti, Ta'nkh
al-hukama', ed. J. Lippert, Leipzig 1903, 293 f.;
ABU 'l-HUSAYN al-BASRI — ABU TMRAN al-FASI
Ibn Khallikan, IVaJayat, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut
1968-72, iv, 271 f.;~ al-Dhahabi, Mi Z an al-i'tidal,
ed. 'Ali Muh. al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1963, iii, 654 f.;
idem, al-Tbar, iii, ed. Fu'ad Savyid, Kuwait 1961,
187; al-Idjr, al-Mawakif, ed. Th.'Soerensen, Leipzig
1848, 106-12; al-Safadr, al-lVaff, iv, ed. S.
Dedering, Damascus 1959, 125; Ibn Abi '1-Wafa',
al-DJawahir al-mudfa, Haydarabad 1332, ii, 93 f.;
Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakdt al-mu'tazila, ed. S. Diwald-
Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1961, 118 f.; A.S. Tritton,
Muslim theology, London 1947, 193-5; S.M. Stern,
Ibn al-Samh, in JRAS (1956), 33-41; M.
Hamidullah, introd. to edition of A". al-Mu'tamad,
GAS, I, 627; The section on consensus in the A;
al-Mu'tamad has been translated and analysed by
M. Bernand, L'accord unamme de la communaute . . .
d'apih Abu 'l-Husayn al-Basri, Paris 1970.
(\V. Madelung)
ABU HUZABA, al-WalId b. Hunayfa (b. Nahik
in Taban, ii, 393) al-Tamimi, a minor poet of the
lst/ 7th century. He was a Bedouin who settled at
Basra and was a panegyrist, at the time of Ziyad b.
Abihi (45-53/665-72) or shortly after, of 'Abd Allah
b. Khalid b. Asld, governor of Fars. His family urged
him strongly to join the circle of Yazid b. Mu'awiya,
before the latter's assumption of the caliphate (60/680);
he finally decided to try his luck, but was not received
by the prince, and he returned to Basra and joined
up with the army. He was sent to Sistan (Sidjistan),
and from 60/680-1, under the orders of Salm b. Ziyad,
he sang the praises of the governor Talha al-Talahat
[q.v.]; he recited a funeral elegy on the latter which
contained critical aspersions on falha's successor, 'Abd
Allah b. 'All al-'Abshami, who had shown himself less
generous to the poet. He also had occasion in Sidjistan
to mourn the death of a certain Nashira al-Yarbu'I
killed at the time of Ibn al-Zubayr, in an elegy set
to music by Ibn Djami' [q.v.]. Finally, he returned to
Basra and then, after various adventures, rallied to the
cause of Ibn al-Ash'ath [q.v.] and was possibly killed
at the same time as him (85/704).
Abu Huzaba had the reputation of turning nasty
when his hopes of reward were disappointed. He has
left behind a certain number of rad}az poems, as well
as kasidas which have kept his name from falling into
oblivion.
Bibliography. Djahiz, Hayawan, i, 255, iii, 381-
2; idem, Bayan, iii, 329; Ibn al-Kalbl-Caskel,
Tab. 72 and ii, 586; Mus'ab al-Zubayn, Nasab
Kuraysh, 188; Baladhu.T, Ansab, ivb, 153; Aghanl, ed.
Beirut, xxii, 271-82; Amidi, Mu'tahf, 64; Dhahabr,
Mushtabih, 160; BustanI, DM, iv, 247.
(Ch. Pellat)
ABU 'l-'IBAR, Abu 'l-' Abbas Muhammad b. Ahmad
b. 'Abd Allah al-Hashimi, burlesque poet and
member of the ruling family, who was born in ca.
175/791-2 in the reign of al-Rashld and who died in
252/866, probably assassinated by an 'Alid partisan.
He is known by the name of Abu '1-Tbar, a sobri-
quet which he made up himself, adding a letter each
year, and in the end making it unpronounceable. He
was carefully educated, had an acute literary sense and
was a fine connoisseur of poetry. The severe al-Ma'mun
did not appreciate him, and even imprisoned him, but
he welcomed the accession of al-Mutawakkil, .giving
himself up to all sorts of amusing deeds.
Since he felt his way blocked by the great poets
of his time, and in particular, by Abu Tammam and
al-Buhturi, he found it more profitable to devote
himself to humk and sukhf, thereby illustrating a
tradition which was to continue with e.g. Ibn al-
Hadjdjadj and Ibn al-Habbariyya [q.vv.]. Abu '1-Tbar
did not allow his membership of the caliphal family
to constrict him, and cultivated a real burlesque art
in his own life and writings, in which he displayed
acrobatics. In reality, under the form of burlesque,
satire is often hidden, and under the form of buf-
foonery, an element of suffering. Whether he invents
new words, writes phrases devoid of sense, wittily
parodies a scholar, or fishes with a line in the pond
of the caliphal palace, he goes quite contrary to the
accepted cultural norms, defies the usual patterns,
confronts an atmosphere of seriousness with drollery,
and in short, gives himself up to grotesque pieces
of clowning which might have opened up a way for
an original and new strain in Arabic literature. But
for this, Arabo-Islamic culture would have had to
accept new values alien to its own ones. The terms
of humk and sukhf show clearly the lack of esteem
for these tentative efforts, which never had any really
fruitful consequences [cf. Abu 'l-'Anbas above].
Bibliography: Aghanl, xxiii, 76-86; Sull, Akhbar
al-Buhturi, 170-1; idem, Awrak, ii, 323-33; Kutubi,
Fawat al-wafaydt, ii, 354-6, No. 386; Fihnst, 223-4;
Yakut, Udaba', xvii, 122-7; Muhammad b. Dawud
al-Djarrah, Waraka, 120-1; cf. J.E. Bencheikh, Le
(made d'al-Mutawakkil, contribution ii I'etude des instances
de legitimation litteraire, in Melanges Henri Laoust = BEO,
xxix [1977). (J.E. Bencheikh)
ABU IMRAN al-FASI, MusA b. 'Isa b. AbI
Hadjdj'Hadjdjadj (?), Malikr fakih, probably born
between 365/975 and 368/978 at Fas into a Berber
family whose nisba is impossible to reconstruct. No
doubt to complete his studies, but perhaps also because
of other reasons hard to discern, he went to settle in
al-Kayrawan, where his master was in particular al-
KabisI (d. 403/1012 [q.v.]). He is known to have
stayed in Coidova with Ibn 'Abd al-Barr [q.v.] and
to have profited by the chance to follow the lectures
of vaiious scholars there, which his biographers list,
without however giving the date of this journey. Soon
after the end of the century, he went to the East,
possibly spending some years in Mecca, since he made
the Pilgi image several times, and deiiving further
instruction fiom the jukaha' of the Holy City. In
399/1008-9 he was in Baghdad, benefiting from the
teaching of al-Bakillam (d. 403/1013 [q.v.]), a Malikr
like himself but an Ash'an in Mam. and it was in
the 'Iraki capital that he had the revelation of a the-
ological doctrine in whose subsequent diffusion in the
West he was to take part (see H.R. Idris, Essai sur la
diffusion de I'as'aiisme en Ifriqiya, in Cahiers de Tunisie, ii
(1953), 134-5). He returned to Mecca from Baghdad,
and then in ca. 402/1011 returned via Egypt to al-
Kayrawan, which he never seems then to have left
apart fiom a last journey to the East in ca. 425/1033-
4 or 426/1034-5. He died on 13 Ramadan 430/8
June 1039 in his adopted home; al-Mu'izz b. Badls
[q.v.] was piesent at his funeral, together with a great
crowd, and his tomb has henceforth been venerated
as equal to that of a saint. His descendants still live
in al-Kayrawan.
His biographers stress the breadth and diversity of
his education, and mention in detail the numerous
teachers whose courses he followed, both at al-
Kayiawan and during his travels; and they make him
in some way the heir of Malik! teaching at the open-
ing of the 4th/ 10th centuiy. Nor do they omit to list
all the pupils who thronged his courses, and they give
the impression that he exercised a deep influence on
intellectual activity in the juridical-religious domain. He
was at the outset a specialist on the seven readings
ABU 'IMRAN al-FASI -
of the Kur'an, and then after his return from the East,
He attracted a host of disciples not only from Ifrikiya,
but even from Spain, Sicily and Morocco, and several
of these later made a name for themselves. Furthermore,
he kept up a correspondence with scholars in distant
places, who consulted him on points of doctrine, and
he even gave idjazat, at a distance. It would be tedious
to enumerate here all the pupils of his mentioned by
biographers but one should mention that they includ-
ed Ibn Sharaf [q.v.], and a person homonymous
with the name of the author of the 'I Wa, 'Abd Allah
Ibn Rashik (d. 419/1028), who was also a poet, and
dedicated to him the greater part of his verse (see Ch.
Bouyahia, La vie htteraire en Jfriqw sous Its guides, Tunis
1972, 67, 116).
Two other pupils of Abu Tmran's ought to be
mentioned also because they were associated with
important historical events. At a date which, with
Ibn Abr Zar' \Kirtas, 122-3) can be fixed at
427/1035-6 i whilst Ibn Khaldun, Be, Mm, ii, 67,
places the events in 440/1048-9, Ibn Tdhari, Bayan,
iii, 242, in 444/1052-3 and Ibn al-Athir, ix, 258-
9, in 447/1056, which is unlikely), the Lamtuna
chief Yahya b. Ibrahim passed through al-Kayrawan
whilst returning from the Pilgrimage, attended Abu
Tmran's courses and, realising the depth of his con
patriots' ignorance, asked the great scholar to de
ignate one of his followers to go and teach thcr
Abu 'Imran then recommended to him one of his
former pupils called Ugg u ag (Wadjdjadj i
and this latter scholar in turn designated 'Abd Allah
b. YasTn (see al-Bakri, Description de I'Afrique septen-
tnonale, new edn. Paris 1965, 165-6/311-12; at-Hula,
al-mawshiyya' , 9; A. Bel, La religion mmutmane en Berbene
Paris 1938, 215; G. Marcais, La Be, bene musulmam
el IVrient an moyen age, Paris 1946, 238; H. Terrasse.
Hislmre du Mamc, Casablanca 1949, i, 214; J. Bosch
Vila, Los Almmavides, Tetuan 1956, 49; and see al-
murabitun). Now the anom mous author of the
Majakhi, al-Baiba, (ed. E. Leu-Provencal, fragments
histmiques sur le.s Berbers au moyen age, Rabat 1934,
69) states that these two men impelled the Almoravids
to expand out of the Sahara on the order [bi-amr)
of Abu 'Imran.
One would like to have exact details about this,
but if the assertion is true, it shows the influence of
the Kayrawam/aM, which was, at all events, a pro-
found one. His pupils transmitted his oral teachings
and doubtless also his works (cf Ibn Khayr, Fahui'sa,
i, 440), which do not however seem to have been
served, in particular by al-Wanshansi in his Mi'ya,
(but one should be careful, since the name "Abu
'Imran al-Fasi" was fairly widespread; see e.g.
Brockelmann, S II, 961; a A". al-Dala'il wa 1-addad is
mentioned in the M,'yar, x, 105, and a manuscript
of al-Ihkam li-maso'il al-ahkam al-mustakhraa^a mm Kitab
al-Dala'il wa '1-addad li-Abi 'Imran al-Fasi has ;
catalogued (1342-D. 1444) at Rabat). His A'. al-Ta'alik
'aid '1-Mudau.wana is one of the Kadi 'Iyad's
{Madank, i, 56), who cites him frequently. He
over said to have made a selection of hadith* which
was especially important and coveied a hundrei
leaves, and a Fahiasa is attiibuted to him; finally,
manuscript of his Naza'i, is mentioned as existing a
Algien - ' ■ " " """ ' "
also a
Bibliography:
d him.
s already
'Iyad, Taitib al-Madank, ed. A Bakir, Beirut n.d.,
iv, 702-6 and index; Ibn NadjI, Ma'alim al-iman,
Tunis 1320, iii, 199-205; Ibn Farhun, Dibaaj,
Cairo 1329, 344-5; Tadll, al-Tashawwuf ila rtdjal
al-tasawwuf, ed. A. Faure, Rabat 1958, 64-6; al-
Wazlr al-Sarradj, al-Hulal al-sundusiyya, ed. al-
Hrla, Tunis, ix, 272-3; Humaydr, Djadhwa, Caiio
1952, No. 791; Ibn Bashkuwal, Sila, No. 1223;
Dabbr, Bughya, Madrid 1884, No. 1332; Ibn al-
Abbar, Takmila, No. 679— Oriental biographic;
Ibn
-Djaz
Km
No.
3691;
Dhahabi, Huffdz, iii, 284-6; Yakut, Buk
807; Ibn Taghribirdi, Vudjum, v, 30 [on p. 77,
he makes Abu 'Imran die in 458); Ibn al-'Imad,
Shadhardt, iii, 247-8; F. Bustam, DM, iv, 483;
ZiriklT, A'ldm, viii, 278.— Studies: H.R. Idris,
^indes, index; idem. Deux maftres dt I'ttole jundiqut
kairouanaise . . ., in AIEO Alge,, xiii (1955), 42-60
(detailed study, with rich bibliography).
ABU ISHAK al-FARISI, Ibrahim b. 'Ali id. after
377/987). celebrated grammarian and also lexi-
cographer of the golden age of grammatical stud-
ies' in Baghdad during the 4th/10th century, and
equally a poet. As a pupil of Abu 'All al-Farisi id.
377/987 [ ? .t>.]) and of al-Rummani (d. 384/994 [q.v.]u
lged to the second genei;
of this
3ulded b
ury, ;
ecially,
al-Mul:
and
group "■ ...
he assured "the triumph of the method of Basra m
Baghdad" (G. Troupeau). He wrote several works, in
particular, on prosody, and like his master Abu 'All
al-Farisi somewhat earlier, criticised the woik of the
poet al-Mutanabbi.
Bibliography: Yakut, Udaba', i, 204-5; Suyuti,
Bughya, 184; G. Troupeau, La grammant a Bagdad,
in Autbica, ix |1962|, 399; R. Blachere, Aboutavyib
al-Motanabbi, Paris 1935, 242. (M. Bergei
ABU 'l-KASIM al-FAZARI [see al-fazari].
ABU 'l-KASIM al-MAD1RITI [see al-madjrItI] .
ABU l-KASIM al-WASANI [see al-wasanI].
ABU KHALIFA al-DIUMAHI [see al-fadl b. al-
HUBAB_in Suppl.].
ABU MADI, Iliyya (1889-1957), poet and jour-
nalist of Lebanese origin, who spent his childhood in
the ullage of al-Muhayditha near Bikfaya, his birth-
uncle 1
xandria
During his stay of some dozen years in Egypt, 1
able to find time to acquire an advanced literary edu-
cation, to learn a lot of classical and modern poetry
and to frequent the circles of intellectuals who were
in varying degrees engaged in political activities which
roused the authorities' suspicions. Like so many of his
began eaily to write poetry,
> him
and r.
r able ii
publish at Alexandria a first collection called
laethka, al-mddi, Dlivan Iliyya Dahi, Abu Madi, which
the critics were unanimous in considering of no great
literary value. In this same year of 1911, he decided
to leave for the Linked States and rejoin his brother,
who was a merchant like his uncle. He then spent
several years in Cincinnati, where he continued to
write verse, and then abandoned trade for poetry and
journalism, and went in 1916 to New York. There he
published on arrival, under the title of Diwan Iliyya
Abu Madi, a second edition of his first collection, but
now augmented b> some poems on social questions
and inspired by Arabism and nationalism, which he
had avoided inserting in the Tadhkar al-mddi. Both these
editions are very rare today, but they add nothing
ABU MADl — ABU MAHALLl
) the poet's fame and \
In New York, Abu Madf threw himself into jour-
nalism and took charge of editing al-Madjalla al-'ara-
biyya and then al-Fatdt. It is at this point that he
became connected with the great names of mahdfar
literature who were to found al-Rabita al-kalamiyya; it
was also there that he married the daughter of Nadjib
Diyab, director of the Mh'at al-Ghatb, of which he
became chief editor 1918-29, i.e. until the time when
he founded the monthly al-Samir, which he trans-
formed into a daily in 1936 and directed till his death
on 23 November 1957.
Abu Madi's talent began to take shape in New
York, with his poetic work partly spread by the peri-
odicals to which he contributed and brought together
in a new diwan, al-L^adawil (New York 1927; reprinted
at Nadjaf three times between 1937 and 1949); with
his fame thus assured, his poetic talent became more
widely known in his last collection published during
his lifetime, al-Khama'il (New York 1940; 2nd edn.
Beirut 1948, with additions). Some further poems were
collected together in 1960, after his death, as Tibr
wa-turdb.
Within the limits of this brief article, it is not
possible to go into the details of Abu Madi's
poetic achievement, but the most striking feature
for the reader is what might be called the philosophical
tone of many of the poems, a succinct philosophy con-
veyed as a scepticism which is stressed many times.
In this respect, the famous quatrains which appear in
the Qj_adawil and which have been thought worthy of
separate publication under the title of al-Talasim, are
characteristic; musing on the origins of man, the poet
replies to the questions put in each strophe by a lastu
adri "I do not know" (which has inspired the shaykh
Muhammad Djawad al-Djaza'iri to compose a reply;
in his Hall al-Talasim [Beirut 1946], each strophe ends,
usly, with an ana adri "I myself
. His
eady a
ating his
dined
and precise, and the poet was moved
moralist in a well-known piece, al-T'in, which con-
demns human pride, commends humility and advo-
cates equality (see a commentary in Dj. Rikabr el alii,
al-U'afifi 'l-adab al-'arabi al-hadlth, Damascus 1963, 180-
4; Fr. tr. in Anthol. de la htterature arabe contemporaine, iii.
La poesie, by L. Norin and E. Tarabay, Paris 1967,
83-4). But the poet, in spite of his disquiet and his
philosophical doubt, nevertheless had an optimistic and
lively character which made him love life just as it is
and made him proclaim his faith in the lasting value
of art and literature. In his Khama'il, he chanted the
praises of Lebanon, which at bottom he knew very
poorly, and expressed his nostalgia for his native coun-
try, which he did not see again till 1948.
In regard to poetic technique, one might have
expected AbO Mad! to utilise free verse [al-shi'r al-hurr),
but in fact he remained faithful to classical metres,
which he only abandoned in order to adopt a strophic
pattern or, in his narrative poem of 79 verses al-Sha'ir
wa 1-siillan al-aja'ii (1933), to be able to employ sev-
eral metres and sometimes alter the rhyme.
Abu Madi's successful poetical work, with its im-
mediate accessibility to the reader, has tended to
obscure his work as a journalist and the quality of
his prose. It would undoubtedly be an exaggeration
to maintain that all his contributions to the numer-
ous mallear periodicals, on which he collaborated, are
poems in prose. However, the poet's personality
comes through constantly in his editiorals and in his
articles, admittedly those on literary topics, but also
in those on political, economic and social questions,
which he treats in an eminently poetic fashion, dis-
playing his reflective attitude and allowing the same
preoccupations as those of his verses to appear
through.
Bibliography: Abu Madi has already been
made the subject of some studies, amongst which
are Fathi Safwat Nadjda, lhyya Abu Madi wa 7-
haraka al-adabiyya fi 'l-mahajar, Baghdad 1945;
Zuhayr Mnza~.~ I. Abu Alddi, sha'ir al-mahdfar al-
akbar, Damascus 1954; 'Abd al-Latlf Sharara /.
Abu Madi, Beirut 1961; Works on the literature
of the mahdjar naturally include material on Abu
al-Kanm al'-Ashtar, al-.Vathr al-mahdjarl, Beirut
1964, index; idem, Funun al-nathr al-mahajari, Beirut
1965, index; Amongst the numerous articles devot-
ed to him, see Ilyas Abu Shabaka, /. Abu Madi,
in al-Muktataf, October 1932; Dj. 'Abd al-Nur, /.
Abu Madi, in al-Adab, 1953; idem, in Da'irat al-
ma' arif, v, 101-4 (with bibliography); G.D. Selim,
The poetic vocabulary of lliya Ab Madi (1 8 89? -19 57):
a computational study of 47,766 content words, Ph.D.
thesis, Georgetown Univ. 1969 (unpublished); R.C.
Ostle, /. Abu Madi and Arabic poetry in the inter-
war period, in idem (ed.l, Studies in modern Arabic lit-
erature, Warminster 1975, 34-45; Salma Khadra
Yayyusi, Trends and movements in modern Arabic poetry,
Leiden 1977, i, 123-35. (Ed.)"
ABU MAHALLl (al-Mahalli on coins') al-FilalI
al-SidjilmassI, the name by which Abu 'l-'Abbas
Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah is known, one of the chief
pretenders who took part in the ruin of Morocco
during the agony of the Sa'did [q.v.] dynasty and
whose brief spell of success has a useful illustrative
value.
We know by his autobiography, which forms the
beginning of his still-unpublished book, the Kitab Islit
al-khirrit fi Hat' bi-'ulum al-'frit, but which al-Ifrani
in 967/ 1559-60^ into a family of jurists, which were
said to be descended from the Prophet's uncle. His
father was a kadi, and in the first instance took charge
of his son's education, and then sent him to com-
plete his studies at Fas, where the young man spent
several years. After the accession of Ahmad al-Mansur
and the end of the troubles which had racked north-
ern Morocco, he went to visit the tomb of the Berber
saint Abu Ya'azza [q.v.]; then, despite the great dis-
trust he had felt for mystics, he became a convert to
Sufism and attached himself to the shaykh Muhammad
b. Mubarik al-Za'in and lived for eight years close
to him. His master then sent him to Sidjilm;
3 rder
>nng
blessi
In
1002/1594 Abu Mahalli made the Pilgrir
Mecca. On his return, he visited the eastern provinces
of Morocco and finally settled with his family in the
devoted himself to God.
It was at this point that this first-rate jurist, now
deeply affected by mysticism, proclaimed that he had
received divine inspiration and gave himself out to
be the mahdi. Al-Yusi" says that he was no longer
content to put together, in an elegant style, legal
works or mediocre poetry, but began to deal with
subjects which showed that he had reached the point
of possessing divine grace {dhawk) up to a certain
degree. He probably also had within in him some-
thing of the thaumaturge, like so many other claim-
ants\o such powers. When in 1019/1610 he learnt
ABU MAHALLI — ABU MANSUR b YUSUF
.al-
that the sultan Muhammad al-Shavkh II had handed I
o\fi the town oi Lai ache (al-'Aia'ish [q i ]| to the Span-
iards he shared in the popular indignation fanned
the geneial wave of xenophobia and skilfullv utilised
the occasion to launch an appeal for the hol\ wai
and to pioclaim the downfall of the Sa'dids With a
few hundied follow eis mflamed b\ his woids and
promises, he managed to seize Sidjilmassa from its
legal governoi and set up thcie the reign of |ustice
His prestige giew so gieat that he was recognised as
far awa\ as Timbuctu and ieceived delegations from
distant tribes and ex en fiom the town of Tlemcen
He fuithei began negotiations with the .Sana of Dila'
[?< below]
Mawlav Zavdan, Muhammad al-Shavkh II s biother
who was mling over Mairakesh and its legion
took flight and oigamsed a powerful aim\ m th<
lev of the Wadi Dra' Abu Mahalli marched on
was supeinatuiallv aided laid down their arm*
The pietender, benefitting fiom the sound a
ot a renegade commandei did not hesitate to n
on Manakesh at the head of his rough and s.
Sahaian followers, whose numbeis inc leased
Mawlav Zavdan offered no resistance and letr
to Safi On 20 Mav 1012 Abu Mahalli occupie
ro\al kasaba and adopted all the insignia ot 10
and since supplies of gold continued to arm
Marrakesh he had minted m his own name
quahtv gold coins Nevcitheless, although he c
proved of foieign occupation of Moroccan terr
he had the sense to allow Chustian merchants to
tinue then tommercial activities It is thanks to
last that we have fnst-hand i
d the
which h
troops and the peoples whom he had
bi ought undei his contiol
Maw lav Zavdan had piudentlv to leave Safi for
the Sus, where he got into contact with anothei ieh-
gtous leadei Yahva b 'Abd Allah b Sa'id al-Hahi
who enjoved great fame and who piomised to expel
Abu Mahallr fiom Marrakesh He gathered togethei
numerous bodies of tioops and soon appealed with
them near the southern capital Abu Mahalh came
out to do battle at the head of his faithful Saharan
troops but at the beginning ot the engagement was
killed bv a shot His aimv believed that the divine
favoui had abandoned it and was unable to resist the
attack On 30 Novembei lbH Yahva occupied the
citv and had his rivals head hung above the gate-
wav ot the kasaba
The tiagic spiritual and mental process which led
a pious scholar to seek after temporal powei and then
to give himself out as a Messiah, finallv ending up
like a sorcerer's appientice lemamed in the Moroccan
mind as suth a baleful example that the thiomcleis
the divine paidon to Abu Mahalh
Biblw^aphy M El Oufrani (al-Ifrani) \ujut
Elhddi histout de la dynastu saadiinnt au Maroc (1511
1670) Ar text and Fr tr O Houdas Pans 1888-
0, index H alAusi, hikib al Muhadmat lith Fas
1317/1890, 00-1 H de Castnes, Somas intdihs dt
Vhistom du Mam 1" sene Saadurn (1510 1600),
Pau Bas, n Paris 1007 (index P de Cemval, ibid,
1" sene Saadum (1>J0 1600) ingltttiit, n, Pans
1925, &S Colin Climniqut aninmt dt la dtnastu saa
drnim Collection de textes aiabes publ par 1 1 NFM
Pans 1934, a paitial h tr leased on a defective text,
was published m 1924, at Algiers, bv L Ktgnan t\
trails intdils mi It Maghttb v, 442-4, J D Biethes
Contribution a Umtom du Mam pat lt\ rahtrchts numis
matiquts Casablanca [1939], 211 and pi xxvin, A
al-NasnT Kitab al htiksa, vi al Daula al Sa'dina new
annotated edn Casablanca 1955 R Le Tourneau
ibu Mahalli rtbtllt a la d\nastu sa'ditmu (lt>l 1-lfc.l 3)
in Studi oiuntalutui in onore di G Lai Dtlla \ ida n
Rome 195b, J Berque 4/ lousi, ptoblarus dt la ml
tun maiotam, au \ II' sluli Paris 1958 02-4 R Le
au Mil sittk, m innaks dt la Fatulh dts Ltttrtt din
xxxii il900j, 187-225 _ [G Deverduni
ABU MANSUR b YUSUF m full <Abd -vl-M-vlik
i Muhammad b \usuf, wealthv Hanbalr mer-
hant, the most important patron of the Hanball
novement and a staunch supportei of the 'Abbasid
ahphate in the 5th/ 11th centurv Abu Mansui b
Yusut was tor Baghdad and the caliph what Nizam
al-Mulk was foi khmasan and the sultan Both dis-
tinguished themselves fiom among their contempo-
lanes bv then political and administiative genius as
mulating his wealth thiough commerce and Nizam
al-Mulk thiough power which he exeicised in the
In 453/1001 Abu Mansur saw to the destitution
of the cahphal vizier Abu Turab al-Athiii whom he
had replaced bv lbn Dai ust In 447/1055 it was Abu
Mansur who had influenced the caliph to appoint
Abu 'Abd .Allah al-Damaghani, a HanafT as kadi I
kudat in oidei to placate the HanafT Saldjuk uni-
que lois Thiee vears later Abu Mansur, who had
been on tnendh teims with the Saldjuks, was thiown
into prison bv Basasiri on the latter s ieturn to Baghdad
during the absence of his archenemv the Saldjuk
Toghril Beg It was onlv after paving gieat sums of
monev that Abu Mansui regained his fieedom but
he did not feel entnelv safe until Toghril Beg had
returned to Baghdad wiesting it fiom the hands of
Basasiri stripping the latter of all the wealth he had
accumulated and killing him In the aflan ot the
mainage of Toghnl Beg with the caliph's daughter,
a mainage which scandalised the caliph, Abu Mansui,
along with Abu 'Abd Allah al-Damaghani plaved the
lole ot mediator between caliph and sultan
Abu Mansui b Wut was known for his good
1 the 'Adud
«tal al
[Bi]M
nstan al-
dsin'p
his la
auka)
rpetuit
pioperties
were the
who enj
e preae
ned a
SaldjC
gieat fol-
ks fune-
This wide influence en|oved bv Abu Mansui did
not please Nizam al-Mulk, and the nvalrv between
these two influential men can be seen in some ot the
events ot the penod The founding of the Nizamiyva
madiasa m Baghdad (inaugurated in 459/10b7) is an
instance in point Abu Ishak al-Shirazi, foi whom the
madrasa was founded having lefused to assume the
rhan of law for religious leasons (the maghiub or mis-
appiopnated chaiac ter ot the materials), was ieplaced
bv anothei Shafi'i lbn al-Sabbagh chosen bv Abu
Mansui, with the contuirence of the caliph The found-
ing oi the madiasa bv Nizam al-Mulk appeals to have
been consideied bv Abu Yusuf as interference in the
ABU MANSUR B. YUSUF — ABU MISMAR
The rivalry between these two powerful and influ-
ential men also expressed itself quite clearly in the
ideological sphere. While Abu Mansur was the great
support and consolation of the traditionalist 'ulama' in
Baghdad, men belonging essentially to the HanbalT
movement, Nizam al-Mulk supported the rival Ash'arl
movement. And whereas Nizam al-Mulk lent his sup-
port and bestowed his patronage upon men of the
rationalist Mu'tazill movement, Abu Mansur had
reduced the Mu'tazills to silence in Baghdad. It was
because of him that the great Mu'tazill professor of
the period in Baghdad, Abu 'All b. al-Walid, could
not publicly profess his teachings in that city. The
riot which occurred in Baghdad in 460, led by the
traditionalists against Ibn al-Walfd, was caused by
the latter's reappearance in public to teach Mu'tazilism;
Abu Mansur had disappeared from the scene at the
beginning of that year. There is some e\idence indi-
cating that Abu Mansur's death was not a natural
one, and that he had paid with his life for interfer-
ing with Nizam al-Mulk's plans. For instance, the con-
temporarv Ibn al-Banna', writing in his Diary about
five months after the death of Abu Mansur, mentions
a dream in which he saw Abu Mansur walking bare-
foot and, upon asking him the cause, replied saying
that that "was the way to walk for those who com-
plain of wrongdoing" ihddha . . . mashy al-mutazallimin).
Elsewhere in the Diary (ii, 26, 47), the following invo-
cation is made: "May God have mercy on the blood
of [Abu Mansur] Ibn Yusuf". The word blood, in this
context, implies bbodshed, blood calling for revenge,
or for justice. It is perhaps significant that the title
al-Shaykh al-Aqjall "the most eminent Shaykh" , applied
only to Abu Mansur during his lifetime, is found later
applied not only to his two sons-in-law, Ibn Djarada
and Ibn Ridwan, but also to Nizam al-Mulk
(E. Combe et a!.. Repertoire, vii, Nos. 2734, 2736, 2737).
The two sons-in-law of Abu Mansur, though they
inherited from their father-in-law his title, presented
no threat to Nizam al-Mulk. Ibn Ridwan succeeded
to Abu Mansur's position of influence with the caliph;
but far from following in the footsteps of his father-
in-law in opposing Nizam al-Mulk, he became rec-
onciled with him by effecting a marriage between his
daughter and Nizam al-Mulk's son. On the other
hand, Ibn Djarada seems to have inherited the place
of honour enjoyed by his father-in-law with the tra-
ditionalists, for whom he founded mosque-colleges
(masdjid) in Baghdad.
Bibliography: G. Makdisi, Ibn 'Aqil et la resur-
gence de I 'Islam traditionahste au AT sihle (V sihle
de Vhegire), Damascus 1963, 274 and n. 3 (bibli-
ography cited); idem, Muslim institutions of learning
in eleventh-century Baghdad, in BSOAS, xxiv (1961),
30, 35-7; idem, .Nouveaux details sur Vqffaire d'lbn
'Aqil, in Melanges Louis Massignon, Damascus 1967,
iii, 91-126, et passim; idem, Autograph diary of an
eleventh-century historian of Baghdad, in BSOAS, xviii-
xix (1956-7), xix, 285, 296-7 et passim.
(G. Makdisi)
ABU MISMAR, al-Sharif Hammud b. Muhammad
b. Ahmad al-Hasani, an important sharifoi Abu 'Arish
who in the early years of the 19th century defended
his independent state, based on the coastal plain of
'Asir [q.v.] (Tihamat 'Asir) and embracing most of
the Tihama region of Yemen, against the encroach-
ments of the Wahhabi Al Sa'Qd of Nadjd, the Zaydr
imams of San'a' and the Ottomans under Muham-
mad 'Air. Born in or before 1170/1756-7, he was
descended from the Al Khayrat sharifi who emigrated
from Mecca to the al-Mikhlaf al-Sulaymam district
of lowland 'Asir early in the 11th/ 17th century. His
death occurred in 1233, probably during Ramadan/
July 1818 but possibly several months earlier.
While sening as the Zaydr imam's governor of Abu
'Arish in the mid- 18th century, Sharif Ahmad,
Hammud's grandfather, declared his family's inde-
pendence, although the imam's suzerainty was recog-
nised. Hammud assumed power in about 1215/1800-1,
and shortly afterwards had to expel a troublesome
Wahhabi agent of 'Abd al-'Aziz (d. 1218/1803), the
chief of the Al Sa'ud. But when in 1217/1802-3 Abu
'Ansh was captured by Abu Nukta (d. 1224/1809), the
Wahhabi amir of upland 'Asir, Hammud declared alle-
giance to 'Abd al-'Aziz. He undertook to pay certain
taxes to the Wahhabi chief and send a son to al-Dir'iyya
as hostage, in return for which he was appointed 'Abd
al-'AzIz's governor of lowland 'Asir. Aided by Wahhabi
reinforcements, Hammud subsequently captured from
the old Zaydl imam, al-Mansur bi'llah 'All (1189-
1224/1775-1809), and added to his own lands, the bulk
of the Tihama region of Yemen, including such cen-
tres as al-Luhayya, al-Hudayda, Bayt al-Faklh, Zabrd
and al-Hays, but not Mocha.
Hammud's allegiance to the WahhabTs was only
nominal; and early in 1224/1809 he conspired with
Ahmad, the heir apparent to Imam al-Mansur 'Air,
to replace Wahhabr suzerainty with that of the Zaydr
imam, on condition that he himself was allowed to
retain the Tihama lands already under his control.
Although his forces were twice defeated by those of
Abu Nukta later that year, and despite occasional
Wahhabr forays into the northern Tihama thereafter,
Sharif Hammud was able, with the aid of his com-
petent vizier, Sharif al-Hasan b. Khalid al-Hazimr, to
hold control of both his ancestral lands and the exten-
sive Tihama territories acquired with Wahhabi help.
He flirted alternately with the imam in San'a' and the
Wahhabi chief in al-Dir'iyya just enough to forestall
a serious military intervention by either.
Initially disposed to cooperating with Muhammad
'Air against the Wahhabrs (1229/1814), Hammud
cooled towards him, owing to a series of Wahhabi
victories over the Ottomans and his fear of the
Egyptian \iceroy's designs upon his lands. In 1233/
1818, just a few days before his death, Hammud's
forces nearly annihilated an Egyptian army. His
son Ahmad ruler after him for about a year before
submitting to Muhammad 'Air's commander in the
south and being sent to Egypt where shortly he died.
Although Hammud's lands were restored by the
Ottoman sultan to the imam, the governorship of low-
land 'Asrr was awarded to a nephew of Hammud.
Bibliography: The basic source for the life of
Sharif Hammud Abu Mismar is his unpublished
biography, Nafh al-'ud, by 'Abd al-Rahman al-
BahkalT (a ms. of which is in the al-'Akill private
collection at Djazan). This treats of the shanf s life
to 1225/1810-11, the remaining years being cov-
ered by al-Hasan b. Ahmad 'Akish in a dhayl enti-
tled Nuzhat al-zarif. Other mss. in which' Sharif
Hammud figures, sometimes prominently, are Lutf
Allah Djihaf, Durar nuhur al-hur, 'Akish, al-Dlbadj
al-khusrawam; al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-
Kawkabam, al-Mawahib al-samyya; and Badr al-Dm
Muhammad al-Kibsr, al-Lata'if al-samyya. Of these
works, Nafh al-'ud, its dhayl and al-Di_badj were con-
sulted by Muhammad b. Ahmad 'Isa al-'Akflr in
Part I of his' Min ta'rikh al-Mikhlaf al-Sulaymani,
Riyadh 1958.
Other works providing useful information about
Sharif Hammud's life are al-Shawkam, al-Badr al-
ABU MISMAR — ABU RASHlD al-NISABURI
tali' Cairo 1348/1929-30 i 240 ( Shamzade
Ta'nkh Istanbul 1290-1/187 1-4 m 30 11 Ibn Bishr
'I, man al madid Rryadh 1%7 132-210 passim
Zabara W al uatar Cairo 1348/1929-30 i pamm
C Niebuhr Dennption de lirahu Pans 1779 „
107 Henr\ Salt 4 Knaqe to ifosinua London
1814 123 ft JL Burckhardt \otes on the Btdoum
London 1831 n pamm RL Pla\iair 4 histon of
\mbia Filn Bomba\ 1859 119-34
JR Blukburn)
ABU l-MUTAHHAR al-AZDI an Aiab wntei
who h\ed in the 5th/ 1 1th eenturv but since no known
biogiaphical souice mentions him his dates and the
milieu within which he lived can onl\ be inferred
iiom his sole suiviving work the Hikayat ibi I Kasim
(one should howe\ei add the inlormation oi al-
Bakharzi (d 467/1075) who sa\s that lie knew in
Isfahan a wntei called Abu Mutahhai verv likeK oui
authoi He must ha\e lived between Baghdad and
cities given m the Hikaya before the Saldjuk assump-
Concernmg the rest oi his work he himself mentions
an Hikaya badauma now lost and al-Bakhar/i a Tim
9 313 ed A Mez
lated n
f \gz]
Baghdadi (ms But Mus
1 the highlv-apprt
il-Han "
just launched and which al-Hann (who lived just one
oi two generations alter our authoi) was to bring to
perfection The noveltv of the Hikaya of \bu 1-
Mutahhar in ielationship to the makama oi the ibove
two authors is the displacement oi the centre oi inter-
est from the pureK linguistic and formal ispect to
the representation of a charactei and an environment
in a genuine rmmuis of realitv (in this < ast the bour-
geois environment oi Baghdad with its bons viveuis
and dnnkeis amongst whom \bu 1-Kasim displavs
his bravuia stvle and his vagabonds eftronterv) This
biavura stvle is also a linguistic one and Abu 1-
Mutahhai attaches himseli bv this means to the
makamat wnteis but whilst the lattei remain merelv
thit and their heroes al-Iskandan and al-Sarudji otter
us nothing more than a somewhat monotonous and
stereotyped cliche figuie of a rogue al-Azdi s Abu 1-
the chaiacters in Petromus s i,ahrnon and the piearos
of Spanish nairative literature The text oi the Hikaya
laises a lot oi philological problems lor the language
importance is iar irom being limited to pine philol-
ogv the work oi this 5th/llth eenturv 'Iraki wnter
himseli almost unknown remained an isolated effort
of its time but hei aiding fields oi interest and artis-
Bibliographt Mez in the intiod to his edition
the arts Hikaya m EI' and EI bv Macdonald and
Pellat lespectivelv F Gabneli in RSO xx (1942)
33-45 F Gabrielii
ABU NUKHAYLA al-Himmani al-Radjiz a poet
oi Basia who owed his name to the fact that his
mothei gave bnth to him bv a palm tiee [nakhla) He
was given the kumas oi Abu '1-Djunavd and Abu 1-
'Iimas and the name oi \a < mar (oi Ha/n oi Habib
b Hazn) b Za'ida b Lakit but it is possible that he
ioiged a fictitious genealogv to attach himself to the
Sa'd b Zavd Manat oi Tamim in fact al-Farazdak
angry at being leleased irom jail at his inteiveiition,
calls him a da'i, and Ibn al-Kalbi does not cite him
in his D/amhara It is said that he was ejected by his
lather on account oi his ingratitude and spent some
time in the deseit where he impioved his knowledge
ol the Aiabic oi the Bedouins and gained a certain
fame He then went to S\na and succeeded in attach-
ing himseli to Mashma b 'Abd al-Mahk [q i ] despite
a personal inhibition which led him at first to attub-
ute to himseli an urdjuza oi Ru'ba [qi] and then
afterwards addressed eulogies to Hisham b c Abd al-
Malik and his successois who showed then favour to
him and gave him the laigesse oi which he was avid-
lv hungrv He nevertheless had no scruples in going
and ptesenting himseli to Abu 1-' Abbas al-Saflah and
in reciting to him an urdjuza in dal which he had
pieviouslv dedicated to Hisham His panegyrics oi the
fust 'Abbasids filled with attacks on his ioimei pations
gained him the title oi poet oi the Banu Hashim
but his gieed led m the end to his downfall He wiote
and caused to be widelv spread a poem in which he
tuged al-Mansur to proclaim his own son Muhammad
(al-Mahdn as ht n -presumptiv e instead of 'Isa b Musa
whom al-Saflah had designated heir The caliph gen-
eiouslv rew lrded him and followed his advice but he
instructed him to flee to Jvhurasan However one of
Tsa s agents pursued him slaughtered him snipped
the skin irom his face and threw his corpse to the
vultuies This took place at some time shortlv alter
136/754
Abu Nukhavla wrote some kmidas but above all
inouied radjaz he was involved in poetic contests
with another famous ladjiz al-'Adjdjadj [qi] and left
behind a bodv oi work considered good enough to
be formed into a dman This poetrv is not alwavs
easv to understand because oi the Bedouimsms which
abound in it but it has a verve which is sometimes
tairlv coarse and a humour which disarmed his oppo-
nents and made his audience laugh, these last being
more oi less inclined aeeordinglv to open their purse-
stnngs This was indeed the poets sole object and
he seems to have been an inveterate demander of
monev Cutting epigiams aie to be found side-bv-side
with poems on hunting themes ehboiate panegvucs
of ingratitude the poet knew oecasionallv how to dis-
plav his thanks and especiallv after the death of al-
Muhadjir b 'Abd Allah al-Kilabi who had been a
kindred spirit The critics and especially Ibn al-
Mu'tazz consideied him to have been a bom poet
and much appreciated his work which was widelv-
distnbuted in the 3id/9th eenturv
Bibliography Djahiz, Hayauan n 100 and
index idem Baian m 225 33b Ibn Kutavba Shi')
583-4 Ibn al-Mu'tazz Tabakat 21-3 Ibn Duravd
hhtikak 154 idem Djamhaia m 504 Taban, in,
346-50 Mas'udi Munidi vr 118-20 = ^2332 Agham
ed Beirut xx 360-92 Suli Aulad al khulafa' 310-
14 Husn ~ahi al adab 925 Baghdadi hhuana ed
Bulik i 78-80 = ed Cairo l 15 3-7 Ibn 'Asakir
Ta'nkh Dimashk n 318-22 Ghars al-Ni'ma, Hafauat
index Marzubam Muuashdiah 219-20 Ibn al-
Shadjari Hamasa, 117 \midi Mu'tahf 193-4 Ibn
al-'Imad Shadhaiat l 195 Nallino Ltteratwe 159-60
Pellat \Iihtu 159-60 O Reschei Urns i 223 AH
Harlev Abu \ukhaylah a poitdawual Arab poet m JRAS
Bengal 3rd senes m (1937) 55-70 Bustam DM \
145-7 Zinklr -17am vm 331 (Ch Pellat!
ABU RAKWA [see al-walid b hishamI
ABU RASHlD ^l-NISABURI, Sa'id
Basn
Mu't
and disciple of 'Abd al-Djabbat
-Han
ABU RASHID a
ABU SA'D al-MAKHZUMI
dham [qi] Originally a follow ei of the Mu'tazilF
school oi Baghdad Abu Rashid frequented the lec-
tures of c Abd al-Djabbai, whose doctrine he came to
follow in ib entnetv surrendering his former adher-
ence to the teaching of al-Ka'bi and the Baghdadis
Subsequently , having given up his ciicle (halka) at
Nisabui, he took up peimanent residence at Rayy
where after the death of "Abd al-Djabbar in 415/1025
he became the acknowledged leader of the Basran
Mu'tazila The date of his death is unknown Abu
Rashid s teaching insofar as it is revealed in the
presently available sources, is essentially undistin-
guishable from that of 'Abd al-Djabbai His works
include il) A almasa'il fi 'I khilaf bayn at Bamyyln ua
I Baghdadiyyin (Berlin 5125 = Glasei 12), the first part
ot which was published with a translation b\ A Biram
Du atomutmht <xihtan-Jehrt aus d,m Buih da Stratjragen,
Berlin 1902 a paraphiase of much of the work is
found in M Hoi ten Du Pkiloiophu da Abu Rauhid,
Bonn 1910 This wozk (entitled in several ot the sec-
tion headings al-Maid'il ft I khilaf bayn ihaykhma Abf
Hashim ua I Baghdadiyyin) contains lather fulsome expo-
sitions of a number ot the Basrans' philosophical the-
ses, set forth against unelaborated theses ot al-Ka'bT,
and grouped undei fourteen major topics, and '2)
ZnSdat al Viarh I cited in A al Masa'il, fol 112v ) ot
which a lengthy portion ot the fust part is published
by M Abu Rida under the title Fi 'I tan hid, Cano
1969 and a large part of a later section, though in
a different rescension, is found in British Museum ms
Oi 8013 The Shmh m question is a work of Ibn
Khallad a disciple ot Abu Hashim [q i ] , that appeal s
to have been completed by 'Abd al-Djabbai Othei
works, not currently known to have survived are (3 1
Din an al uiul, a lengthy work written for ta'lik at the
duection ot 'Abd al-Djabbai, divided into two sec-
tions, the first philosophical and the second theolog-
ical, viz (a) al Djauahir ua 7 a'rad and lb) al Tan hid
u a 1'adl, (4) al Tadhhra (5) A al Djuz (b) A al
Shahua, (7) Masa'il al khilaf baynana ua bayn al Mmhabbi
ha ua IMudjbna ua I Khauana} ua V Murdji'a, and
(8) hakd 'aid ashab al tabs' i'
Bibliography Besides the works cited in the
text, see "ibn al-Muitada, Tabakat al-Mu'tazila ed
S Diwald-Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1909 116 R Martm,
4 Mu'tazihti treatise on prophtthood, diss New York
University 1970 unpublished, R Fiank, Bungs and
their attributes Albany 1477, index, and also
Brockelmann, S I, 244 and Sezgin, 6.46, n b20 1
(R M Frank)
ABU RIYASH al-KAYSI, Ahmad b Ibrahim al-
Siiaybani, rami, philologist and poet, onginally
from Yamama, who settled at Basra and was famous
at the beginning of the 4th/ 10th century for his excep-
tional knowledge of the Arabic language, genealogies
and ancient poetry. He was a former soldier who had
become a civil servant, and had the job ot levying
dues on the ships coming to 'Abbadan. He was totally
lacking in education and in tidiness, but his knowl-
edge led to his faults being excused and overlooked
He had a powerful voice, and he spoke in the Bedouin
fashion, expressing the i'rab, at a time when this was
normally neglected in the spoken language. He was
said to pose as a Zaydi". He died in 339/950 (but in
349/960, according to al-Suyuti, who moreover calls
him Ibrahim b. Ahmad).
His clashes with Ibn Lankak (d. 360/970 [ ?l ]i
who found in his lack of cleanliness a vein oi attack
easy to exploit, would have been enough to save him
from oblivion, but Yakut, Udaba', xix, 6, goes as fai
as to assert that Ibn Lankak was eclipsed by al-
Mutanabbi (d 345/%5j and by Abu Riyash, who
both at this time were outstanding If such an assei-
tion is valid for the first-named poet, it hardly seems
justified in regaid to the second since if Abu Riyash
had been poet of remarkable quality it is likely that
posterity would have preserved his work more care-
fully, whereas only a limited numbei of his veises are
extant notably apait from his replies to Ibn Lankak,
a piece in praise of al-Muhallabi [qi], which never-
theless diew down on himself the poets cnticising
Abu Riyash, he himself owed part at least of his fame
to al-Tanukhr (d 384/994 [q t ]), who had been his
pupil and to Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma'am (d 449/1058
[qi]) Abu Riyash is said not to have appreciated
Abu Tammam's work, but nevertheless wrote a com-
mentary on the latter s Hamasa, which was cnticised
by al-Kiftl but used especially by al-Baghdadl (who
does not, however cite it in the list of souices of his
hhizana, ed Cano, i, 33), and he thought it oppor-
tune to put togethei in his turn an anthology called
al HamSia al Riyashiyya (in the art hamasa, the leading
Abu Dimas taken fiom the Fihmt, ed Cano, 120
should be corrected to Abu Riyash; This anthology
did not esteem his reputation damaged by completing
a commentary on it, whose title only is known, al
Riyaih al mustam'l (Yakut, Ldaba', in, 157, in the biog-
laphy ot Abu 'l-'Ala', cf M Saleh in BEO, win
(1970) 278)
Bibliography Tha'alibl, latima u, 120-1 Kifti,
Inbdh, ed Cairo 1950, 25-b Tanukhi, i\v_huar, ed
Cairo 1392/1972, n, 158, Yakut, Ldaba', u, 123-
31 Safadr, U'afi \i, 205 No 2669, Suvutl, Bughya,
178, Fuck, '\rablya, Fr tr 178, Bustani, DM, iv,
314 (Ch Pellat)
ABU SAD al-MAKHZUMI, the name currently
given to 'Isa B Khalid b al-\ValId minoi poet ot
Baghdad whose tame stems from his clashes with Di'bil
[qi] The long dispute between the two poets was
cleaily a manifestation of the latent conflict between
the partisans ot \emcn and those ot Nizai, and it
was probably piovoked by the famous kasida of Di'bil
in praise of the South Arabs ('Abd al-Kanm al-Ashtai,
Wr Di'bil, Damascus 1964 No 212) to which Abu
Sa'd ieplied by a poem in ra' which achieved some
fame in its time After this incident, the Banu Makhzum
might well have closed then dooi to Di'bil but the
teai which he inspired in them led them at that point
to deny to their defender any connection with their
clan and on the advice ot al-Ma'mun they issued a
toimal declaration to this effect (4ghani ed Beirut
xx 127 130) \bu Sa'd who claimed to be descend-
ed horn al-Hanth b Hisham then had inscribed on
his ring al '4bd b al 'Abd and al-Djahiz himself calls
him da', Bam Makhzum [Bayan m 250-1 Hayauan i
2b5) The Agham which has no special notice on Abu
Sa'd gives m its section on Di'bil (xx 121 IT) some
details on the two poets ittitudes and on the meas-
utes used by the latter expiessly to humiliate his oppo-
nent Having in an epigram dubbed \bQ Sa'd as
Kawsaia (a metonymy denoting a woman but Ibn
Kawsaia means panah) Di'bil hned children to chant
it atound the stieets [Wr Di'bil No 119 Agham, xx
123 131, Ibn al-Mu'tazz Tabakat 140) which en-
raged \bu Sa'd Foi his own part he took caie to
incite al-Ma'mun (Agham n 130) against the poet of
the South \iabs who had abused him in one ot
his poems and even asked him for authorisation to
bring Di'bil s head to the caliph (Agham xx 93 130
132) but the caliph refused this lequest and advised
him to limit himself to ieplying to the attacks Di'bil
\BU SAD u. MAKH7UMI — ABU SHABVKA
lied to n
ii dei h
lltkan
ippaient iecone illation is mthentic it must indicate
Abu Sa d b dupliutv \ mous pieces aimed lgunst
him ha\e been githeied m Shn Dibit Nos 68 81
Abu Sad wis also exposed to itt icks fiom Di bil s
cousin the son ol Abu 1 Shis [igham xx 130 1 Shi'i
Dihil 349) but he on his pait mide il Ash ith b
Djitu ilkhuzn his target md the httei hid Abu
Sad flowed uith l hundied hshes (Ibn il Mu'tizz
Tuba) at 131 40) In the end he left Bighdid to seel
shekel at Raw wheie he died m the caliph ite of il
Withik la J 30/84 1 (
It i
Sid tike the trouble
veises into a poem b\
Dibit 284 313 ill
t thit
t his f
Abu Sad iddie.
ilMi
ind \
, did •
, glont
Nizu the Igham xx 12 3 ev
at \i armal Di bil s lime since his woiks weie spie
tn ind wide thieu Abu Sa d s uoik into the shid
llthough this list is b\ no me ins ot mfuioi qui
t\ To believe il Mil zubtnl UimasJukah j29 At
vould 1
hilf o
:icuhil>
zuk his
endei
g< thei
Bighdtd 1471)
Bibliography \bd al Ruim il Ashtu Shi i
Di'bil index idem Di'bil b -ill at hhiKa , 2nd
edn Dam iscus 1907 14 r i II ,nd index Ibn kut i\
bi iMinalathbai i 140 Djihiz Bnan m 2a0
idem Haiatan i 262 265 Muzubini
347 idem Uudjam 98 26(
lMu
Hus
Zahr ,
320
ABU SA'ID \l KHATTABI [see ^lkhati^eiJ
ABU SATD U.SIRAFI [sec u, sir*u1
ABU SAYYARA <Uma\l* b \l A z*l b Kh^lid
a peisonige of the end ot the Djahiliv^ i
? been
r pecu
composition ioi muidei it 100 c imels and th
lead the pilgiims eithei at the depirtuie for Ai ifat
tifada) oi from il Muzdahh to Mint {idja^at since the
sonic es disigiee on this point ind the more c. iicful
authois meiel\ use the expitssion dafaa hi I nas This
man who probiblv owed his htma to this function ol
his i pnvilege of the kivsi tube ol Advv in isee Ibn
ll-kilbi C iskel Tib 92 ind n 142) becimepio\ei
bial because he is sud to hive exeicised this ofhrt
ihvi\s mounted on the sime bluk tss (which was
howevei irroiding to il <\sma l ind otheis i she ass
As llDjthiz amusingh points out {HaiaLan l 139)
no one can doubt the longevitv ot this mim il uhich
imongst ill asses li\ed the longest time it give use
to 1 proveib asahh mm mi tti Sanaia moie sturd\
thin Abu Siwans iss (ilMivdtm \mthat i 422
J Abu Ubi\d ilBaku Fast at mat at 1 1 shaih A at
Imthat Benut 1391/1971 jOOl) al Dj ihiz provide s
Abu Smu i is compaied bee luse ol his
uith Uzivi [</ ] and uith Chust md his as
b\ piominent people who prefened this hum
ABU SHABAKA Iiav. iusuiI oithogiaphv Ehas
\bou Chibikeh) Muonite poet jouinihst and
auislatoi 11903 47) He was bom in Pioudcnce
R.I whilst his pjients weie tiavelling in the United
states but h, spent til his life in Lebmon dividing
md editonal office
v bmdits Hence the
g oipfun hid
leuillv as the Fiench
id been em oiled wis
the Fn st World War
foi i hemistich bv Abu Sid vvhiel
detendei of the North \i lbs md bv tint fict ilso '
the detendei of Sunnism igainst the Shi l Di bil it
l time ot ethnic md lehgious conflicts deseives to
be no longei ignoied bv histoinns ot Ai ibic hteia
t happens (outmatch, th it R izzuk Tn idj
i High Commiss
He died ot leu
>f <\bu Shabikis
thirteen piei
seen the infl
colleetion w
.t the
it the lite of the Lebinese pe is
mts The poet ieveits to the theme ot love with \ida
at kalb 1 1944) md Ita I abail 1 1945 1 In this verv sime
veir 194") theie ippeiied (Jial la whose title is in
inigrim e>l the name Olga the woman whom he
hid it list mamed itter ten veirs ot betiothal md
who hid nitmallv been his pimcipil muse Finilh
m 1953 Abu Shabikis fuends put together in Mm
Saul dahlia 1 numbei of pieces of ocusionil veise
iheidv published in pel iodic lis
i i deeph. religious i
■nted s
Rom
s He '
s undoubtedlv one .
reidei
ABU SHABAKA — ABU SHADl
followed with 1 certain amnunt of side-stepping a
tendency long dnimant in the West This romantic
movement is now outmoded in the East itself but
\bu Shabaka s work continues to attract voung icad-
eis who appreciate pure poetn and ha\e little taste
for the politico-social pieoccupations of engaged poets
who tend moieovei to break loose from classical
metres \bu Shabaka geneiallv respects these last
although he ma\ at times adopt a strophic foim 01
ihvm
n Chain a
nslations and a gieat number of
articles which he left behind, \bu Shabaka wro te as
one might have expected a Lamartin (1935) and a
studv of comparative literature Ran a bit al fit r a a I ruh
bam al'irab ua I ljuina^ (1943) lastly a series of
porti aits oi liteiarv and political personalities which
appeared in al Ma'nd have been gathered together in
one volume al Rusum (1931)
Bibhoe,,aphy The main studies aie a collection
of articles about the poet and dedicated to his
memory bv the most prominent names in con-
tempoian Lebanese liteiatuie lhas ibu Shabaka
Benut 1948 Razzuk Faradj Razzuk lhas Abu
hhaba/anashi'ruhu Beirut 195b and Iliwa al-Hawi
lhas ibu Shaba/a sha'i, al dfalum ua I na'im Benut
n d See also inthoto^u dt la htteratun arabi tontim
porame in La Poesu bv L Norm and E Tarabav
Pans 19b7 96-8 \ Miquel Reflexions sur la stnu
tme pot/ique a propos d Elms ibu Sabala in BEO \\v
(1972) 2b5-74 Salma Rhadra Jav>usi Truids and
moitnunls in modem irabu poetn Leiden 1977 n
424-52 Bustam D\l iv 367-8 (art bv F Bustam
with bibl ) A thesis is now in the course of prepa-
lation at the Sorbonne on poetic image in the woik
of \bu Shabaka (Ed )
ABU SHADI \hmw L\ki (1892-1955) Egvptian
phvs
of a
joi
of dive
Born in Cano on 9 Febiuary 1892 he had his
primary and secondary education in his natal utv
and then in 1912 went to studv medicine in London
where he specialised in microbiologv at the same
time he became especiallv interested in apiculture and
acquired quite an extensive knowledge oi \nglo-Saxon
culture and life which was to exert a deep influence
on his hteiary production On returning to Egypt in
1922 he was appointed to do research in miciobiol-
ogv but also became at the same time busv with
manv other fields and soon became secretarv of sev-
eral associations of beekeepers agricultural mdustnal-
lsts poultry reaiers etc Furthermore he quicklv took
ovei at the same time the secretarv ship of the ipollo
group inspired bv Ahmad Shawki and Khahl Mutran
It was he who cieated and directed the ]ournal
ipollo from 1932 to 1934 at a time when he had
]ust founded thiee other ]ouinals of a totallv diflei-
ent nature Mamlalat al nahl (1930) al Daajadl (1932)
and al Sina'at aUira'ma i^^) M\ these responsibil-
ities in no wav kept Abu Shadi from giving talks and
lectures fiom writing articles on all the subjects which
inteiested him and above all fiom throwing himself
into a hterarv activitv which gives the impression of
a remarkable breadth \ man like himself, rathei too
restless inevitablv provoked jealousies and enmities
in those cncles which were not readv to accept his
ideas especiallv those on modern poetry It was per-
haps the reactions to his innovations which made him
in 1946 decide to emigiate to the United States He
worked on the tiansmissions of The \ oiee of <\menca
from New Yoik and then Washington wheie he died
on 12 Apul 1955
It is extremely difficult in this brief notice to ev al-
uate his lole in the evolution of contemporary \iabic
poetry and to enumeiate and classifv his expositions
of his ideas and the totahtv of his literary woik The
latter is largelv composed of poetn and theatrical
woiks and is chaiactensed at base bv an inspiration
which is primanlv Egvptian both Pharaonic and \rab
He embaiked on almost even poetic genie at times
bolism and even went so fai as to found in 1936 an
ephemeral journal called idabi Mv liteian woik
With regard to form \bu Shadi used the framewoik
of the munashihah [a i ] and other strophic structures
but he was above all the proponent of blank veise
(al \fo'r al mursal) and of free verse [al shi'r al him) under
the simultaneous influence of \nglo-Saxon poetn and
of that of the mahg^ar and he tried to launch a lit-
In various commentaries which accompanied his
collections as also in his articles explaining his
ideas and his work of criticism Masrah al adab (Cairo
192b-8) he insisted on the pumordial impoitance in
poetn of metie he freed himself from the fetters of
rhvme but respected up to a certain point classical
metrics at the same time mixing difleient metres in
one and the same poem (on this question and on
\bn Shadi s influence see S Moieh Free terse (al-
shi'r al-hurr) m modem irabu hteratme ibu Shadi and
his school 1926-46 in BSOiS xxx/1 (1968) 28-51)
If he had enemies he also made fi lends and admn-
ers who busied themselves in collecting together his
poetn into moie oi less coherent collections Hence
there appeared in this wa> \hsnnat (1924) al Shajak
al bah (1926) imin it a ramn an sunar mm sjii'i al shabab
(1925) on the initiative of H S al-Djaddawi, Shi'r al
ui4dan (1925) on the initiative of Muh Subhi and
al \luntalhab mm shh ibi Shadi (192b) b> '\bd al-
Hamid Fu'ad
\s for the dm am published bv A.bu Shadi himself
the main ones of these are Uatan al Faia'ma (1926)
ishi"a itazilal (1931), al Shu'la (1933) ihaj al rah'
1 193 ^ with an introduction bv Khahl Mutran and
otheis) igharu ibu Shadi (1933) inda' al fadjr (1934
poems of his youth) al lanbu' (1934) Faul al'ubab
(19351 al ha m al (ham (1935) 'iudat al ta'i (Alexandria
1942) and Mm aUama' (New ^oik 1949) There must
also be still furthei unpublished collections of poems
\s well as his dm am \bu Shadi left behind some
fifteen novels and theatrical pieces whose Pharaonic
and \iab inspiration is comparable with that of his
poetn and m which the use of blank verse is not
uncommon ~<n««A nqjahat mm shi'r al ghma' (1924)
Uafkharat Rashid (1925;, 'ibduh Bek (1926) al iliha
(1927 a symbolist opera), lhsan (1927 an Egvptian
diama), iidashir (1927 an opera) ikhnaton (1927 an
opeia) Yijertiti Ma'Jiulat Ibn Tulun and al Zjbba'
mahkat Tadmur (1927) Bint alSahra' (1927 an opera),
lhtidar Iran' al Kays Ibn Zmdun Ji sidjmhi Bayrun ua
Tinz and Maha (a love ston)
It is not possible here to speak at length about
Abu Shadi s scientific works but one should men-
tion that he was at the same time the theoietician
of free verse and the promoter of apiculture in Egypt
notablv with his Tarbnat al nahl (1930) Not forget-
ting that he was a phvsician he also wrote al Tabib
it a Ima'mal (1928), and not forgetting either that he
was a Muslim he explained whv he was a behev-
ei in his Lima ana mu'mm (1937) and published in
the veai he died al Islam al hayy, all of which had
ABU SHADl — ABU SINBIL
his Ruh al-masuruyya (1926). Finally, one should men-
tion his verse translation of the quatrains of 'Uraar
Khayyam and Hafiz (1931j, as well as the one of
Shakespeare's The Tempest.
This brief survey can only give a partial idea of
an exceptional personality, one who was discussed and
criticised, but also admired, and who merits particu-
Bibliograpliy: In addition to S. Moreh's article,
the main monographs on him are Muhammad 'Abd
al-Ghafur, Abu' Shadi ft 1-mizan, Cairo 1933; I.A.
Edhem, Abushady, the poet. A iritkal study with speci-
mens of his poetry, Leipzig 1936; and Muhammad
•Abd al-Fattah "Ibrahim. Ahmad ~ala Abu Shadi, oi-
lman al-muntidj, Cairo 1955; See also Bustani, DM,
iv, 373-4 (with bibliography!; and N.K. Kotsarev,
Pnattli Egipta, Moscow 1975, 31-4 (with bib].), and
index; Salma Khadra Jayyusi, Trends and movements
in modern Arabic poetry, Leiden 1977, ii, 370-84.
I Ed. i
ABU SHAKUR BALKHI, born possibly in
300/912-13, one of the most important Persian
attributes to him a niathnawi in the mutakanb metre
called the Afann-nama, completed in 336/947-8 and
probably dedicated to the amir Nuh b. Nasr (331-
43/943-54/. Nothing is known about his life, but allu-
sions in his verses suggest that he was a professional
poet and had known setbacks in life. The only sur-
viving parts of his work are short fragments and iso-
lated verses quoted in dictionaries, anthologies and a
few other works. These comprise some 60 lyrical dis-
tichs and some fragments of mathnaias in various metres,
but above all, about 140 mutakanb distichs which must
belong to the Afann-nama, to which one should per-
haps add almost 175 distichs cited anonymously in the
Tuhfat al-muluk of <Alr b. Abi Hals Isfahani (7th/ 13th
century), which seem to be extracts from the same
work. This last was apparently a collection of anec-
dotes illustrating moral sentiments; maxims and moral
' ■ r Abu
i the e
Shakur, who was certainly the chief hei
Persian poets of the 4th/ 10th century of the wisdom
literature of pre-Islamic Iran. He must have enjoyed
a great renown in his time; ManQcihri mentions him
as one of the ancient masters, along with RudakT and
Shahid Balkhi.
Bibliography: There is an edition of the frag-
ments with a French translation, together with a
notice on the poet and a bibliography, in G. Lazard,
Les premiers pokes persam, Tehran-Paris 19h4, i, 94-
126, ii, 78-127; see also J. Rypka, History of Iranian
literature, Dordrecht 1968, index. (G. Lazardi
ABU SHURA'A, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Siiura'a
al-Kaysi al-Bakri, minor poet of Basra who,
during the course of the 3rd/9th century, took part
in the social and intellectual life of his native town,
and hardly left it, it seems, except to make the
Pilgrimage or to visit places very close at hand. For
the rest, his life is poorly documented. It seems
unlikely that he was able, as Ibn al-Mu'tazz asserts
[Tabakat, 177-8). to praise al-Mahdl (158-69/775-85)
during the latter's lifetime, to have reached an
advanced age in al-Ma'mun's time and to die in the
caliphate of al-Mutawakkil (232-47/847-61). In the first
place, the Agham speaks of his relations with Ibrahim
b. al-Mudabbir (d. 279/892-3 [see ibn ai.-mudabbir] )
at Basra, where the latter, according to his own
words, acted as governor (it is not impossible that
he was governor" there before 252/866, but he is
only mentioned as tax-collector in Ahwaz in ca. 250/
repeal
eting with Di'bil (d. 246/860 [q.i:]) :
no help. Moreover, al-Djahiz, so far ;
■s him only once (Rasa'il, ed. Harun.
lg an epigrammatic v
Abu ShuraVs name
would certainly figure more often if he had been
older. Moreover, several other authors cite five fair-
ly mediocre verses of his (see Pellat, Milieu, 166) which
he is said to ha\e composed on al-Djahiz's death
(255/868). Finally, his son Abu '1-Fayyad Sawwar.
who was also a poet, went to Baghdad after 300/913,
and it was he who indirectly furnished Abu '1-Faradj
with most of the information about his father. All
these pieces of information lead one to think that
Abu Shura'a died after 255 at a considerable age.
Although he was reputed to have written epistles
and Abu Bakr
judgement. As well
generosity, he wrot
e mainly s<
spired by his ruinous
me fairly coarse epi-
e poem o
i Ibn al-Mudabbir's
departure and som
verses which reflect
the idle way of life
led in Basr
a at this time by the
poets, always lying
n wait for
ome reward or readv
to heap ridicule o
ron who had disap-
pointed them.
Bibliography:
n addition
o the references given
above, see Aghan
, ed. Beirut
xxii, 178-9, 429-50;
Marzubani, Muwe
shshah, 219;
dem, Mu'djam, 431 ff;
Khatrb Baghdad-
Ta'rikh, x
, 219-20; Mubarrad,
Kanul, 306; Sand
-DjahK, 195; Bustani,
DM, iv, 383-4.
ABU SINBIL, a
village on the west-
ern side of the N
e between
the first and second
cataracts, in lat. 22
22 north
ind long 31° 40 east.
south of As
wan. The French dis-
huge rock-hewn temples built b\
Ramses II (1304-1237 BXl.i refe
red to it as Ipsamboul
at the beginning of
the 19th ce
itury. The name Abu
( 'lathe
of ai
r of
corn") of the local Nubian designation, which is also
known by manv other variants in the spelling, e.g.
AbO Simbil/Sinbul/Sunbul/Sunbul.
Abu Sinbil later became known as Farik in the
Official Government Register, being one of the vil-
lages within the financial jurisdiction of the Ibnm
(Piromi, i,i. 35 miles north of Abu Sinbih district until
1272/1855 when it became a separate administrative
unit. In 1917 the name Farik was dropped, and the
village was .given its former name, Abu Sinbil. Its irri-
gated land extends over several hundreds of acres.
temples which gave it its special artistic and religious
significance. The temples, which represent some of
the most spectacular examples of ancient Egyptian
architecture, were unknown to the outside world until
the discovery of the Smaller Temple by J.L. Burck-
hardt in 1813, and its opening by the Italian engi-
neer Giovanni Belzoni in 1817.
The Great Temple of Abu Sinbil is carved in the
rock and stands 33 m. high and 38 m. wide. The
facade shows four colossal seated figures of Ramses
II, two on either side of the entrance to the temple,
each measuring 20 m. high. Ramses II dedicated this
temple to the sun gods Amon Re of Thebes and Re-
Horakhti of Heliopolis.
ABU SINBIL — ABU TAGHLIB
Less than 50 vards aivav was constiucted the Smaller
'northern) Temple which was dedicated to Queen
Nefertan, wile of Ramses II, in homage to the god-
dess Hathoi Its facade is decorated with six 35-toot
statues of the Phaiaoh and his wife
The Abu Sinbil cliff had been buried b\ laige sand
dnits which coveied the Gieat Temple until its iedis-
toveiv b\ Burckhaidt But the Smallei Temple, which
had not been buned, seised the inhabitants of the
neaibv village BilvanT Ira 5 miles horn AbQ Sinbil)
as a refuge fiom marauding Bedouin tubes from
Nubia Onl\ modern Aiab authors gi\e particulais
about the Abu Sinbil temples, based on Fiench souices,
and lepoits of the French aicheological expedition
which undeitook the excavations at Abu Sinbil in the
The original site was submeiged b\ the Nile in
l%n as a lesult ol the building of the Aswan High
Dam The two temples weie salvaged fiom the us-
ing waters ol the Nile b\ sawing them into sections
and le-eiecting them on top of the rock face fiom
which the\ were onginalh, hewn
Bibliography 'Air Pasha Mubaiak al Khitat al
taajlkiyya al diadlda, Bulak 1305 vm 14-15, G
Rawlmson, A history of Amunt Egypt, London 1881,
n 318-20, EA Walhs Budge Cook's Handbook foi
Egypt and the Sudan London 1011, 259-6b, AEP
Weigall, 4 guide to the Antiquities of Lppei Egypt,
London 1913 565-76, P Bov ler-Lapierre it alu,
Preen de rhistmn d'Egypte, Pans 1932, l 160-1, S
Maves Tlie Gnat Btl Z om London 1959 132 ff
Muhammad Ramzi, al Ramus al dfughiafT li 1 bilad
al \lisrma Gano 1963 n/4 230-1 \V MacQmttv,
ibu Simbtl, London 1965, passim G Gerster, Saimg
the aneient temples at ibu iimbfl in \ational Geogiaphu
Magazine, cxxix/5 (1966), 694-742
IRY Ebied;
ABU TAGHLIB Fadl \llah al-Ghadanfar al-
Hamdani 'Uddat u.-Dawla Hamdamd ami, of
Mosul [see hamdanids] and son ol the ami, al-Hasan
Nasn al-Dawla and a Km dish mothei Fatima, born
328/940 He
brotheii
lien then
■r grew
old Abu Taghlib seems to have obtained tacitlv
them except ioi Abu 1-MuzalTar Hamdan, who was
bom of anothei mothei, authontv to depose their iathei
and impnson him in the stionghold of Ardumusht in
the Djabal Djudl to the north-east of Mosul This opei-
ation was carried out with the complicitv of Fatima in
Djumada I 356/beginning of Mav 967 and Nasn al-
Dawla died there on 12 Rabf I 358/3 Februarv 969
As this act of deposition had been earned out with-
out Hamdan s agi cement and Hamdan tonti oiled the
towns of Nislbm, Mandm and Rahba with the addi-
tion of Rakka, seized on the death of the Hamdamd
of Aleppo Savf al-Dawla, Abu Taghhb secured support
horn the Buvid amir al umaia" in Baghdad and mastei
of the caliphate Bakhtivar, and attacked Hamdan, forc-
ing him to sunendei Rakka and evacuate Rahba
Abu Taghhb continued the wai against Hamdan
but the lattei now obtained Bakhtrvar's suppoit and
re-enteied Rahba whilst teitain of Abu Taghhb s
other biotheis now turned on him and took Hamdan s
side But a new oftensive bv him forced Hamdan to
fke for iduge with the Buvid in Baghdad He now
was able to consolidate his powei in Mosul, seizing
his biothei s possessions and endeavounng to unite
undei his authontv the tenitones of the Hamdamd
amiiate of Meppo held bv his cousin Savi al-Dawla s
1 the caliph al-Muti' lillah ,
and Aleppo He extended his authontv ovei Divai
Bakr and Mawatankm, wheie he left Savf al-Dawla's
mother and his sister Djanula with a certain amount
of authontv then seized Han an and Drvar Mudai
(359-60/969-70) Recalling that his father Nasn al-
Dawla had been amir al umara' in Baghdad whence
he had been dislodged in 334/945 bv the Buvid
Mu'izz al-Dawla, Bakhtivai s predecessor, AbQ Taghhb
now dreamed ol recovering this idle in Baghdad and
becoming the leal mastei ol the caliphate For his
pait Bakhtivar, with whom Hamdan was now living
was urged bv the lattei into wariaie with AbQ Taghhb
However, Bakhtivai preiened to make an entente
with AbQ Taghhb and to conclude an agreement with
him confnming this last in his possessions, including
Divai Mudar and Divai Baki, and this was sealed bv
AbQ Taghlib s mamage with one of Bakhtivai \ daugh-
ter It is probable that one ol the ieasons behind this
agreement was the thieat to both paities fiom Fatmud
ambitions Hence both ol them gave help to the
Fatmuds' enemv, the KaimatT chief Hasan al-A'sam,
subsidies
n then
lv with then help bneflv able
Neveitheless, m the end Bakhtivar vielded to Hamdan's
solicitations In 363/973 he maiched against Mosul
and took up a position at Davr al-A'la to the north
of the town Abu Taghlib evacuated the town and
made a diversion southwards as far as the gates of
Baghdad, piovoking much excitement theie He then
retned tow aids Mosul, and Bakhtivar though numer-
icall\ strongei entered into negotiations with Abu
Taghlib who obtained an advantageous agreement On
leturmng to Baghdad, and considering Abu Taghlib's
position as over-advantageous he launched another
expedition against Mosul Again negotiations were
begun, Abu Taghlib agreed to pav tnbute to the Buvid,
and ieceived from the caliph the lakab of 'Uddat al-
Dawla 'Support ol the dvnastv' in 974 His lelations
with Bakhtivai lemained inendlv, and he gave support
to the lattei when the Bu\id had to lace a iebelhon
of his Turkish mercenary troops m Ba gh dad itself
The iebelhon of the Turkish troops had led
Bakhtrvai to appeal also to the head of the famih,,
Rukn al-Dawla who authonsed 'Adud al-Dawla, mlei
maich on Baghdad, thus
)i the ;
med of s
iring
i the
1 Mos<
essed bv the Tuiks who \
thiown Bakhti\ai, had left Baghdad 'Adud al-Dawla
expelled the Tuiks but now ieceived the total sub-
mission ol Bakhtivai whom he forced to abdicate
and also made an agreement with Abu Taghhb, upon
whom depended the supph, of piovisions foi the titv,
the treatv pieviouslv made between Abu Taghhb and
Bakhtivai was ienewed and the Hamdamd excused
Irom the payment of tribute Howevei, Rukn al-Dawla
showed his opposition to 'Adud al-Dawla's treatment
of Bakhtivar and ice ailed 'Adud al-Dawla Bakhtivai
accordmgH iesumed powei in Baghdad But when
Rukn al-Dawla died in 366/977, 'Adud al-Dawla, who
had nevei i enounced his ambitions in Tiak retumed
to Baghdad in Novembei 977
Abu Taghhb s position now appeared firm But
Hamdan who had alwa\s lemained in Bakhtrvar's
entouiage persuaded the lattei to attack Mosul, and
Bakhtivai advanced as (ar as Takrit Abu Taghhb
acted skiliullv He piomised to aid Bakhtivai in lecov-
enng Baghdad and getting (ree ol 'Adud al-Dawla,
provided he would surrender to him Hamdan and
he marched on Baghdad in concert with Bakhtivar
But 'Adud al-Dawla defeated them near Samaira and
captured Bakhti\ai, whilst AbQ Taghhb fled 'Adud
ABU TAGHLIB — ABU
iIDwli entered Mosul itself in June 078 ,nd teiused
to negotiate in im, »n with \bu Tighlib The ht
tei tied to Nisibin ind thence to Mmifinkin pur
sued b\ the Buvid troops Deciding not to go to Biths
where his sistei Djimili hid tiken refuge he enteied
the Kurdish mount ml region ot the rigns iffluent of
the khibui ilHisimyvi perh ips with the hope
of shutting himself up in the Himdtnid stionghold
of Ardumusht But in the end he decided to mike
toi the region ot tht Tigns souices ind thi gieit
loop ol the Fuphntes where wis the B\zmtine ubel
Skleros with whom he hid been in cont let ind to
whom he hid promised help lgimst the rmpernl
tioops He wis puisued b\ \dud ilDiwlis dm e s
of 5b8/\ugust 978 in the mount nil iegion nt lr Hisn
Zi\id (Khuputi temtorv held bv Skleios He wis
victorious in this ind stned toi some time it Hisn
Zi\id He hoped toi i vutoiv b\ Skltios ovn the
'l-TAYYIB al-LUGHAVVI
he died ,a
j0/05l whilst the
Mils imongtheB
with whom
he Ind sought lelu
les to ii i est him fe
b\ him Th
s source { ed Benut
of his whose nith
doubts It t
ells how \bu 1 1 irr
fiee kivsit
i b kulthum Ion w
C iskel Ti
i 240 md n 404)
tured dm n
g the eouise of tfl
two gioups
of the rivvi (Bicjji
Ins nnsom
llg bv BlldjlVI b
Mosul but Skleios wi
subsequent be iten \bu
Tighlib n lived it \mid
m Divn Biki hiving leiint
tint Mmifinkin held
eiptmed b\ the Bu\ids
le now fled with Djimili to
Rikki ibindonmg Di\
i Biki md Drvu Ribfi to
Adud il Diwh
The Bu\id am,, ie|e<t
ed ittempts bv Abu Tijilib
to negotnte with him
nd he wis urnbk to count
on inv help fiom his c
lusin Abu 1 Mi' ill Sid il
Diwh in Aleppo who
id lust recognised the suze
v of Adud ilDiwh H< now iuithei ibindoned
Drvu Mudn which hid till then renmne d undei his
contiol ind decided to mike for f itimid ten Hon md
itself \bmdoned b\ vinous of his biotheis exposed
to the hostility of both the Fitimid tioops ind those
ed with the suppoit ot one of the \i lb tnbis of
Svrn the 'Ukivl to ciptuie Rimh in Pilestme fiom
the Tim Mutiind, b Dighfil b ilDjiiiih But he
chshed with Fatimid tioops ind m Situ 309/end ot
\ugust 970 he ind his lilies were dete ited ind hi
wis hinded o\ei to Mufimdi who mstt id of deliv
enng him to the Fatimid lommindei killed him with
his own hind It seems tint Abu Tighlib wis kilkd
it the instigition ot Adud il Diwh whom Mutimdj
hid leiogmsed is suzenin m 571 (se< M idelun^ in
J\ES K™ i1%7i 22 n 20)
Such wis the end it the lge ot 40 of the list
Hinidtnid of Mosul ot Nisn ilDiwhs son md ol
the Himdimd imn ite of Mosul wheie new poweis
were now instilled but where memoiies of the
Himdtmds long lemvmed m the minds ot the lot il
Billio^rap/n See toi this M Cinud H,st,,n
di la dwastu des H amdamdes- d, Dja^ua ,1 di Svu l
Algieis 1050 wheie the vicissitudes of Abu Tighlib s
cueei ue set tenth in tli vi 541 72
iM Canard)
ABU l TAMAHAN \l KAYNI Hwvla b
alSharki \lukhadram Anb poet eonsideud to
be one of those endowed with m undulv long lite
nl Siedjist mi A al \lu ammann ed Goldzihei
02
200 M us) Dunng the D/ahdma he led the
bngmd oi suluk [</ ] ind of a libeitine le>
it Mecci in the tompanv ot il7ubm b
Muttihb) ind he does not seem to h iv i lit
mi time which lid t
music rht authentic i
v ot the most
metie la ul ihvme tha
ibuln should n
egiidedwitheiution it
ippeusmDji
nd given lmmediitelv
iftei tint ot \
w^iaph In
Dpli
idditu
473 Ibn kutiv
in the t
2 57 idem i
348 9 Buhi
Hamasa n 77 8 2i8 Ibn il Kilbi C iskel n 2<
Mubimd Kami! 40 7 100 4i0 Ibn Durr
Hid a/ j!7 \ala,d id Bev in 070 kush idji
Maraud Bighdid 1954 207 200 \sk^
Sinaatmn 300 Miizubmi \lu i ash shah 7i
244 idem \lu diam 140 50 Bighdidr Mia
ed Bulik in 420 Ibn Hidju Isala No 20
\ikut Buldur, n 154 Muitidi Imah ed 1 <•)'
i lSi Wihhibi \la,adj, i 105 4 Znikh n j.
3 Bh.heie HIA 318 Fd
ABU I TAYYIB al LUGHAWI Abd alWai
i \n ai Halabi giimmiinn ot the 4th/ 11"
stcd lbove ill m le\ie o
Shi I
luoha)
He
iphv l
Ask n Muki im in khuzist
toi Bighdid wheie he studud undei \bu \mi il
Zihid md Abu Biki ilSuh Thin he moved to
Ueppo whose lulei Sivf ilDiwli wis ittr icting
tint \bu lliwib found himself competing with the
,nmmiiun Ibn khahwivh [</ ] who hid followed
the Mine mistiis it Bighdid is himself md who hid
become tutoi to Sivf il Diwh s son Abu 1 Tiv\ib
wis killed in the misswie b\ the Bvzmtmes when
\lippo wis ciptuied in 551/002 His most f imous
pupil wis Ibn ilkanh to whom Abu 1 \h il
Mi mi piesented Ills Rnalat al Qhiipan giving then
infoimitionon \bu 1 T i^ib s winks nnnv of which
id M \\m lFidl Ibnhim C nro 10,5 A Shadja,
aldun ed M \bd il Dj iw id C uio 1057 A al
Ibdal ind A al Muthanna ed 1 inukhi Dinnscus 1000
A alltba ed 1 mukhi Dimiscus 1%1 ind A al
Udad still unpublished In legnd to the A al Final
ated bv ilSuvuti m his \lujiii l 447 this seems to
hive been leist
ABU 'l-TAYYIB al-LUGHAWI — ABU ZAYD al-KURASHI
Bibliography Biockelmann, S I, 190, Kahhala,
Mu'ajam, vi, 210, 'Izz al-Din al-Tanukhi in MMIA,
xxix 175-83 (G Troupeau)
ABU USAMA al-HARAWI, Djun
and :
of t
4th/ 10th century a name of Harat in Khur.
He was the pupil of Abu Mansur al-Azhan and Abu
Ahmad al-'Askail, whose woiks he tiansmitted Aftei
residing at Shiraz, wheie he fiequented the cncle of
the vizier the Sahib Ibn "Abbad [qv], he went off
to Cairo Theie he taught in the Nilometer mosque
(Djami' al Mikyas) and, in company with the tiadi-
tionist 'Abd al-Ghani b SaTd al-Misn and the gram-
marian 'Ali b Sulavman al-Antakf, he held lectures
at the House of Knowledge {Dar al 'Ilm) He was
subsequentlv accused of preventing the rising of the
Nile b V casting spells on it, condemned to death b V
the cahph al-Hakim and executed in 399/1009 His
biographeis onlv provide the name of one of his
pupils, that of Abu Sahl al-Harawi, and thev attub-
ute no woiks to him, howevei, a commentary bv
him, on the Mu'allaka of Imru' al-kays, has come
Bibliography Brockelmann, S I, 36, Sezgin, 6/iS,
ii, 52, Yakut, Irshad, u, 42b Ibn Khallikan, Wajayat,
i, 372, tr de Slane, i, 337, Suvuti, Bughva, 213
(G Troupeau)
ABU L-WALID al-BADII [see al-badjI]
ABU 'l-YUMN ^l-'ULAYMI [see mitdjir al-din1
ABU ZA'BAL, an ancient village in Lower
Egypt <« 15 miles north of Cairo Its onginal name
was al-Kusayr, under which designation it is men-
tioned bv Ibn Mammati (d 60b/ 1209) m his Kitab
Kawanin al-iiau.au in It became known as Abu Za'bal
from the end of the Mamluk period, the fn st l ecord
of this name being found in a deed of xiakj granted
by Khavir Bev al-DjarkasI, Ottoman governor of Egypt
923-8/1517-21, dated 10th Radjab 92b It had a pop-
ulation of approximately 2.000 people towards the
end of the 19th century
In 1827 Muhammad 'All founded a School of
Medicine in Abu Za'bal, which was chosen because
of its convenient location near the bai racks of his
army The School was attached to the largest mili-
tary hospital in Egvpt, which had been built in Abu
Za'bal in 1825 Muhammad 'Ali appointed the
Frenchman Clot Bev (then Physician and Surgeon-in-
Chief of the Egyptian aimyi as its first director In
order to overcome the difficulty posed by the lan-
guage barrier between the students and the Fiench
and Italian professors, Clot Bey appointed a team of
interpreter who were also entiusted with the tians-
lation into Arabic of the necessary medical textbooks
The first of these translations al-haid al-sanh ft 'ilm
al-tashrlh, was printed at the press of the Medical
School of Abu Za'bal (also founded by Muhammad
•Air) in 1248/1832 (the fust book to be printed in
Abu Za'bal)
To the Abu Za'bal School ot Medicine weie later
added the School of Phaimacy (1830), the School oi
Vetennaiv Medicine (1831) and the School of
Obstetucs (1832) The Medical School was tiansterred
in 1837 to its present site at Kasi al-'Avni (Canol,
a palace built in 870/1466 by Ahmad b al-'Avni,
grandson of the Sultan Khushkadam
The aiea aiound Abu Za'bal was the scene oi
considerable military activity during the Napoleonic
occupation, Abu Za'bal itself being twice attacked
by the Fiench tioops When Napoleon's tioops
demanded an impost foi the upkeep of the military
from the people of Abu Za'bal on the 2i Safai 1213/
result the French sacked the village and set it on
fire Five months later the French attacked Abu Za'bal
again and seized all the cattle and the beasts of bur-
den (on 30 Radjab 1213/11 January 1799). Al-
Djabartl also iecords that Abu Za'bal was looted on
6 Djumada I 1207/23 December 1792 by Murad
Bey and his Mamluk soldieis, who killed about 25
of the villageis, and arrested and imprisoned the
shaykhi of Abu Za'bal
Today Abu Za'bal is well-known foi the large prison
situated there
Bibliography 'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabartr,
'Ad^a'ib al a thai fi V taiafrm ua 'l-akhbdr, Bulak
1297/1880, u, 239-40, m, 13, 14, 38; Muhammad
Amln al-KhandjT, Munfoam al 'umran fi 'l-mustadrak
'aid mu'djam al buldan [of Yakut al-Rumf], Cairo
1325/1907, i, 109, Ahmad 'Izzat 'Abd al-Kanm,
Ta'rikh al Ta'Umfi 'air Muhammad 'All, Cairo 1938,
251-316, Naguib Mahfouz Pasha, The history of med-
ical education in Egypt, London 1947, 14-16; Djamal
al-Dm al-Shayyal, Ta'rikh al-Tard^ama wa 'l-haraka
althakafiyya ft 'asr Muhammad 'All, Cairo 1951,
passim, Abu 'l-FutOh Ridwan, Ta'rikh Matba'at
Bulak, Cano 1953, 354-8, Muhammad Ramzi, al-
hamm aldfughraft hi Mad al Misnyya, ii/ 1, Cairo
1954-5, 31 (R.Y. Ebied)
ABU ZAKARIYYA' ax-FARRA' [see al-farra'].
ABU ZAYD U.-KURASHI, Muhammad b. Am
•l-Khattab, adlb of the end of the 3rd/9th or of
the beginning of the 4th/ 10th century, and known
of the
ash'ar al-
'\iab (ed Bulak 1308/1890) No personal deU
about the authoi can be derived from this collection,
and the only ielevant data aie two isnads, one (p. 13)
going back to al-Haytham b 'A.dr (d. ca. 206/821
[qo]) through two intermediaries, and the other
(p 14) going back to Ibn al-A'rabr (d 231/846 [q.v])
thiough one intermediary, these isnads would thus
allow us to date the Djamhata approximately to the
end of the 3rd century The mention (p. 165) of the
SaAaA of al-Djawhari (d ca 398/1107-8 [q.v]) is
probably a reader's note mcoiporated in the text by
a copyist Another problem is raised by the references
to a certain Mufaddal, falsely identified (p. 1) with
al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi (d ca 170/786 [q.v]), for this
cannot be a case here of the authoi of the Mufad-
daliyyilt Biockelmann surmised that Abu Zayd al-
Kurashl and al-Mufaddal might be two pseudonyms
lefemng to Abu Zayd al-Ansan (d 215/831 [q.v])
and to the Kufan anthologist, but this hypothesis
hardly seems tenable A J Arberry, for his part (The
\eoen odes, London 1957, 2i) prudently suggests, but
without insisting upon this, an identification of Abu
Zayd with 'Umai b Shabba (d 2b2/875-6 [q.v]).
After an mtroducUon containing observanons on the
value of poetry tor the philological point ot view and
on Muhammad's inteiest in it, a companson between
the language of the Kur'an and that ot the poets a
ludgment on the merits ot these last and some fiag-
ments attributed to Adam, Satan the angels the d]inn
etc , the Diamhara compnses 49 kasida% wntten by 49
poets of the D/ahiliyya and the beginnings ot Islam
These poems are divided into 7 gioups each of which
should comprise 7 poets, but 'Antara mentioned in the
intioduction as one ot the 7 of the second group fig-
uies in the end (in the printed edn though not in all
the mss ) amongst the authoi s of the mu'allakat so that
this particular gioup compnses 8 poems ind the fol-
lowing one 6 only Abu Zayd chose the following ter-
rmnologv mu'allakat, mu^amharat muntalayat mudhahhabat/
L-kURASHl - \B\AD
mudhbahat mmathi mashubat and mulhamal He ceitamh,
ABYAD Ge
s lacking in any critical spirit but his Djamliara which
21 Ma\ 1951)
piominent
estmg \ -mints and also the ad\antage of grouping togeth-
Egvptian th
ei for the fust time the mu'dlakat [</ 1 ] md of ieflectmg
■\b\ad attempte
he public s tiste at a time when the ma at had gath-
ered togethei a considei lble numbei of pot tic produc
tre of the \oun
lassify those which would ultimateh constitute the Aiabic
lumamties and on the whole the classic ll ideal
Bibho^iaphy Ibn Rashik '1 mda index
turning point i
Baghdad] hliKana ed C aim i 33 F Hommel in
'Abbas II Hilm
■iita du M timqis In/on d,s Orientals 387-
408 Noldeke in ZD\K, xhx 200-3 M Nallino
S\Kun Diiectc
in RSO xm/4 11032) 334-41 Brockclminn S I
his tcachei m
38-1, Bhchcie HLA index A Tiabulsi La ui
hque poetiqut dn iiahe\ Damiscus 1055 28-30 DM
Saiah Bt.nha.
IV 331 (CH PeiXVII
ABU ZAYD al-SIRAFI [see vkhbar \l-sin w \-
eian \iabic wi
ABU ZUR'A
1 jui
M al-'Ir^ki was best known \bu Zui'a th
was bom in Cano on7 Dhu l-Hijja 762/14 Octobe
1361 His mothei was the daughtei ol i Mamluk oil
cci Foi a time his tathei was the kadi of Medm.
Abu Zui'a studied in Cano D imascus Mecca in
He began his careei as > mudarn, teaching hadith m
jui
, In
iro Appointed
summoned b\ Sultan Tat.
Shafi'i grand kadi of Cano— the foiemost judicial
in the Mamluk empiic The stuct and honest
nei in which he dischaiged his functions as clue
istrate won him the enmity of povveiful Mamluk
who piessuied latais successoi Busbav nit
missing him from the oftce in 82V 1421 a
tenuie of baieh fouiteen months Abu An'a d
27 Sha'ban 826/5 August 1423 a few month
s disrr
lampant and when piomi
nuptioi
• high judicnl appointmcn
s had t,
is ordm;
clothe-
and consideiable
*as peisuaded to
ot the office His contempoianes weie unanimous m
the piaise of his chaiactei learning and command ol
the Aiabic language He left a numbei ot woiks on
hadith and junspiudence which weie mostK corn-
subjects and left a compilation of obitunies loi the
\eirs 762-43 AH mow lost) an anthology of inec-
dotes about hypocrites (ifhhai al mudalhunl a com-
mentary on an utd^u^a i\ersihed tiact) on algcbia and
some scatteied \eise
Biblw^raph) Sakhawi al Dau' al /ami' i 336
44 Ibn Taghribndi ISudjum u 514 516 563 578
Suvuti Hum al muhadara fi akhhai \hs, ta 1 hahna
Cairo 1321 n 116 Biockelmann II 66-7 'Unnr
Rida kahhala Wu'diam al mu'alhfin i 270-1
I entitled 77« >
te Nitional T
l these and othei
e ph%. 1h<
nd it joined
t Aribic talking film
R
hlwznipln alHil
al xx 1 1 \pr
1012)
436-
xi ll Nov 1012)
1 June 1
Muhammid 1
\mui Mu'all
ifal n C
131-40 161-2 .
13 fl 232 3
2s6 11
58
276-7 285-6 200
a 30 3-4 N
Tht
\iab
, theatn in Zp/rf n
£StUS \ni
1035 6)
178-
81
Fatima al-i usut Dhibawl Cano
1053 27-31
36-7
Muhammad iu
ah al 'irabi al hadill
ill Nadjm a
Benut 1056
Masialm
245
256
415 446 440-50
) M Landau
Studm
\mb
< theahi and an, ma
Philadelphia
1058 7
-87
.13
: by '
)72i Muhammid Mmdui
<h C mo 1063 40-2 TawfTk al-Hakim
t Cano nd [1064] 140-3 (Italian ti
elfioie La pngfom ddla tila Rome 1
Muhammad Kam ll al-Din
1070 f
! 85 i
j'ld \b\ad D,u,di Ah
in Cano 1070 I atinn Rushdi hifahi ft I
a I umma C mo 1071 28-30 Mahmud I
iyeva, Tisyaca i odin god Arabskogo teyalra, Moscow
1977, 164-8, 171, 177, 200, 209, 228, 262.
(J.M. Landau)
al-ABYARI, Shaykh 'Abd al-HadT Nadja b.
Ridwan b. Nadja b. Muhammad, a leading Egyptian
author and grammarian who was born in
1236/1821 in Abyar in the Gharbiyya province of
Lower Egypt. He was brought up in Abyar where he
received his early education from his father and in
one of the kuttah of the town. He studied at al-Azhar
and later became a teacher there. IsmaTl Pasha en-
trusted him with the instruction of his children, and
TawfTk Pasha appointed him imam and mufti of his
entourage, a post which he held until his death on
18 Dhu 1-Ka'da 1305/28 July 1888. He belonged to
the ShafiT madhhab.
Al-Abyan is credited with the authorship of more
than 40 books on various subjects, including gram-
mar, Islamic mysticism, fikh and hadith. He corre-
sponded with a number of leading scholars, including
Ibrahim al-Ahdab and Nasif al-YazidjT. The collec-
tion of his correspondence with Ibrahim al-Ahdab in
Beirut and with others on literary and Unguis '
, al-\Ya
published in Caii
afi \
l-ahdabm
\ dtspu
een Ahmad Faris al-Shidyak
and Sulayman al-Hann al-TunisF led to an adjudi-
cation of the questions at issue by al-Abyari, which
judgement appeared in print in Cairo in 1279/1862
under the title al-.VadJm al-thakib. A number of his
works remain unpublished.
Bibliography: 'All Pasha Mubarak, al-Khitat
at-taufikiyya al-djadida, viii, Bulak 1305/1888, 29;
E. Zakhkhura, Mi, 'at al-'asi ft ta'rikh wa-rusiim akabir
al-ndjal bi-Mip, i, Cairo 1897, 239-40; Hasan al-
Sandubl, A'yan al-bayan, Cairo 1914, 222-3J; DjurdjT
Zaydan, Tarad^im mashahir al-ihark fi 'l-kam al-tau'
'ashar, ii, Cairo 1903, 144-5; SarkTs, Mu'djam al-
matbu'at al-'arabiyya wa 1-mu'armba, Cairo 1928, 358-
61; al-Ziriklr, al-A'lam, iv, 322-3; Zakr Muhammad
Mudjahid, al-A'lam al-sharkiyyafi 'l-mi'a al-ra'bi'a 'ashra
al-hidfi'ma, ii, Cairo 1950,"l38-9; Kahhala, Mu'§am
al-mu'alhfin, vi, 203-4. (R.Y. Ebied)
ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [see bay'a,
khilafa].
ACCIDENT [see 'arad].
ACQUISITION [see kasb].
ACRIDOIDS [see djarad].
ACROBAT [see djanbaz].
ACT, ACTION [see "amal, fi'l].
ADAGE Jsee mathal].
ADARRAK, the name of a family of Berber
"physicians", whose ancestor, Abu 'Abd Allah
Muhammad (d. 1070/1658-60) left the Sus and set-
tled at Fas; he must have used completely empirical
methods, but nevertheless obtained significant results.
Ibn Shakrun [q.r. in Suppl.] was the pupil of a cer-
tain Ahmad b. Muhammad Adarrak, who was prob-
ably the son of the above-mentioned person, but the
best-known member of the family was this Ahmad's
son, Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ahmad lb.
ca. 1077/1666, d. 28 Safar 1159/22 March 1746),
who was attached to Mawlay IsmaTl (1082-
1139/lb72 1 727 1 \bd al Wahhab had also teceived
a tiaditional education and had a certain talent as
a \ersiher In actuality apart from a lew poems of
an ethico philosophic natuie a lasida in praise of the
saints buried at Meknes ( Manama ji madh >alihi
some pieces having a certain connection with med
icine these comprise first of all r commentary on
the Nuzha of al-Antakf and two urdjuzas, one com-
plementing that of Ibn Sina, the other on the sub-
ject of smallpox (these works apparently lost); then
a kaslda of 31 verses on the fine qualities of mint
(na'na'), which exists in ms. (Rabat D 158 and D
1131; partial tr. in Renaud, Medecine, 104-5; Lakhdar,
189); and finally, an urdjuza of 179 verses on syphilis
(habb al-Ifrandj), based largely on al-Antakfs Nuzha
and on the risala of Ibn Shakrun on sarsaparilla (fi
'l-'ushba al-hindiyva), text published and tr. by Renaud
and Colin, Mai franc, Arabic text 25-32, tr. 81-94.
Another Adarrak called Ahmad is also cited as
physician to Sidi Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah (1171-
1204/1757-90).
Bibliography: Ibn Zaydan, Ithaf a'lam al-nas,
Rabat 1347-52/1929-33, v. 400-7; Kadirl, .Nashr
al-mathSni, lith. Fas 1310, i, 226, ii, 251; Kattam,
Salwat al-anfas, lith. Fas 1316/1898, ii, 34; Akansus,
al-$avsh al-'aramram, lith. Fas 1336/1918, 94 ff.;
Levi-Provencal, Chorfa, 310-11; H.PJ. Renaud,
Medecine el medecins marocaim, in AIEO Alger, iii
(1937), 99-106; idem and G.S. Colin, Document*
marocains pour semir a Vhistoire du "mal franc", Paris
1935, 31-5; M. Lakhdar, La vie litteraue au Maroc,
Rabat 1971, 187-90 and bibl. cited there.
.-'ADAWl, Muhammad Has
and
Mas
(Ed.)
ihaykh of the Ahmadi mosque in Tama, born on 5
Ramadan 1277/18 March 1861 in the village of Bam
'Adi, near Manfalut in the Upper Egyptian province
After the completion of his studies at al-Azhar [q.v.]
in 1305/1887-8, when he was granted the degree of
'alim [see 'ulama'], and a short period of teaching at
that institution, he was appointed Director of al-Azhar
Library which was established and organised at his
initiative. His commitment to the cause of reform in
al-Azhar gave his further career its content and sig-
nificance when, in the various high administrative
offices he held within this institution — the most notable
of which were the offices of mudir al-Azhar and of the
Religious Institutes attached to it, mufattish al-awwal
and wakll al-Azhar — as well as in the period in which
he held the office of ihaykh of the Ahmadr mosque
in Tanta, he was able to give inspiration and direc-
tion to the reformist efforts (cf. Ahmad ShafTk,
MudhakkiratT fi nisf kam, Cairo 1936, ii/2. 137 f„ 140,
182, 233). He continued to do so after his resigna-
tion from all his administrative functions following a
dispute with the Egyptian Sultan Husayn Kamil in
1915 (see 'Abd al-Muta'al al-SaTdT, ' Ta'rikh al-islah fi
'l-Azhar wa-safahat min al-d}ihad fi 'l-iilah, Cairo n.d.,
142 ff.).
From the latter year onwards, he committed him-
self mainly to private teaching and to the writing of
a variety of books and tracts, of which some forty-
were published, largely pertaining to legal issues and
to tamwwuf [q.v.]. He was an active member of the
Sharkawiyya branch of the Khalwatiyya [q.v.] and
among the principal disciples of its founder Ahmad
b. Sharkawi al-KhalifT ( 1 834-98). He died in Muharram
1355/April 1936.
Bibliography In addition to the references in
the aiticle see the biographies by Ilvas Zakhkhura,
Mu at al asr fi ta rikh na rusum akabir ridjal
\l»r Cairo 1897 ii 455 Khavi al-Din al-Ziriklr,
al Mam Cano 1954 9 \i 326 Muhammad
■\bduh al Hidjadji \lm a lam al Sa'id fi 'l-karn al-
rabi ashr al hidjn Cairo 1969 93 112, and Zakr
Muhammad Mudjahid al 4 lam al-sharkiyya fi 'I-
.l-'ADAWI — ADIVAR
e found appended to sevenl of il
citions To thtse must be idded
■ml li nwihyalhat al Djam, al \hmadi
i Tint i
mented b\ him it the Ahmidi mosque when he
Samu alDjanab al Ala al Ml, da\ u ~a~l \lu a~am
Abbas Hilmi al Thani li I Djami ua 1 Ma had al
ihmadi sans li 2 Curo 1312/1913 4 29 t
'ADI b ARTAT 4lF«™ Abu \Uthia otli
nl in the seivite ot the Umiwids who gov
Bis! i between 40/718 md ll)l/7->(l
erned
■canted t.
this
Urair
Although his mothei tongue u is F
Pish twin wis i elided is i mistei ot
lingu igt his wide reiding ind powe
embling him to clothe his ideis in i
stvle Neveitheless ilthough he took nc
in public iffms ind lived in unwoidlv li
show thit he wis well icqunntcd with
he c
ented h
Jipinese \\ n
1 the Gieit \\ ir His enK trigic e\pei
-n him i listing hitred ot British impein
ch no doubt his suppoit toi the knsi
nmed At heirt he wis l fervent nitio
he phced n
pine?
ind w
c He
tided
ibandoned the chs
Abd
people
il Aztzinphceof\izidb
the order to inest ill the sons ot il Muhilhb He
managed to get hold of al Mutiddil Hibib Maiw m
ind \ izid but the httei escaped and ieturned to
the lttick Adi then laised the tioops ot Bisn ind
had a tiench dug iound the town to pi event the
iebels horn bieaking in but these memoes had no
effect In the event \ izid minted to get posses
sion of Basra without much difhc ultv ind oideied
the inest ot Adi who wis killed it \\ isit m 102/
820 1 b\ Mu'awiva b \ izid Theie is first of ill
ittnbuted to this govemoi s name x c mil e\ci\ ited
it Bisi i in ordei to bung i sitistactoiv supplv of
dunking w itei the \ahr Adi ind secondlv m epi
demic which bioke out in 100/ 7 19 the ta tin Adi
Bibliography Djinr Dman 241 Naka id index
Dnhiz Bayan index Ibn Kuti\ba Uaan/ index
Tahan index Biladhun Futiik 77 340 159 300
70 Ibn il Kalbi C iskel Tib 130 and n 118
\a"kubi Hist n 362 370 373 idem Buldan tr
Wiet 04 124 Mubimd hanul index Mis udi
\lumdj v 453 4 457 = ^2206 2209 idem Tanbih
index khatib Bighd idi Ta nlh xn 106 Ibn
al Athn v 31 42 53 64 \ ikut i 641 iv
841 Ibn Abi lHidid MmA i 301 Cietini
Chronogiaphia 1205 1230 1244 124P 1200 S il
Ah in <suma vn (1052) 78 Pell it \hhai index
Zmkli vi h (Ed )
ADIB PiSHAWARl Srnio Ahm\d Peisnn poet
wis bom <« 1P44 in the distnct ot Pishmn (Peshiwn)
in noithwest Indn to i chn ot nomadic «i)«/s who
triced then spintuil line ige back to Shihib al Din
Suhnwaidi While he was still i bov his tathei md
most of his mile iehtives were killed in fighting ignnst
the Bntish government He himselt esc iped to Kibul
ind itter spending several \eus in Gh lzmn Hint
and Turbit i Shavkh Djim settled in Mishhid where
he studied undei i numbei of distinguished divines
Foi two \e lis he wis in Sabziw ir it the It rt of the
fimous Mulla Hidi Sibziwan During his st iv m
Mishhad he bee ime known is Adib i Hindi the
Indnn schohi In 1884 he moved to Tehnn wheie
he spent the iest of his life ind wis honouied bv
Nasn il-Din Shui He died in 1030 His wntings
include i dman of 4 200 Peisnn and 370 Ai ibic
verses i mathna a poem in the mutakanb metie the
A «>><?; nama dedicited to the Geiman Knsei ind
describing the events of the 1914 18 w n two philoso
phica essi\s 1 commentarv on the Ta nUi i Bayhaki
ind in incomplete Persnn ti insi ition ot Avicenms
hitah al hhamt
Bibliography Adib s Dm an w is edited bv Ah
Abd il Risuh Tehnn 1933 His edition ot the
Ta nlh i BayhaLi w is published in Tehnn in 1889
rt t turns in Slid Niffsis edition 3 vols Tehnn
1040 53 The haysai nama Ins nevei been pub
' ' ' " phicil mtoimition "' " '
SuUian.
Ras
Adah,
1933
1950 1 2 J Rvpki Iramsiht 1
Leipzig 1959 156 7 ibid History
atuu Doidiecht 19b8 374 5
Tehn
Alav
I m
Beih:
ung da
964 34 5
(LP Elwell Suttoni
ADIVAR Abd *l H^kk Adnw modem Turkish
Abdulh\k Adn\n Adiwr Turkish author seholai
md politicnn 1 181:2 1955i He was bom in Gelibolu
iGallipohj while his fithei Ahmed Baha l who c ime
thne He studied medicine it the Umveisitv ot 1st mbul
tudent
Upon gi lduation he
louble
tnbuted t.
ith the Himidnn poll
, Dea:
■I the Flcultv e:
Medici
ot Union ind Piogiess iCUP) he contributed sub
stantnllv to le oiganismg the Red Crescent ind the
Depaitment ot Heilth In 1017 he mimed bv pioxv
the piominent wntei klnhde Edib [q ] Elected i
deputv in the post Aimistice Ottomm Pailnment Dr
Adnin (is he wis known until 1040 when he took
famih mine Adiv il i left Istinbul secretlv with his
wife ]
oidei t
and c
;t and deport
bv the Bntish and joined the Nition
in Ankui (Apnl 19201 wheie he sened as Mimstc
of He llth ind of the Intenoi and as Deputv Speakc
of Pailnment Litei he |oined dissident
foimei membeis ot the CUP with whom he found
ed the Piogiessive Republic xn Pun (Ttialhptru,
D,,imhumut Fnlasi [q ]) which repiesented the
mun opposition to Mustifl Kemal Pishi (1924) In
the summer of 192b i Unionist conspiracy to issis
smite Mustita kcmil wis discoveied ind seveial
people were irrcsted Di
md
his
ADIVAR — AFAWlH
absence as he had been in Europe for some months
Although he was acquitted he and his wife did not
return to Turkey until 1939 Thev lived in England
and later in France where he worked as lecturer at
the Ecole de Langues Onentales \ i\ antes in Pans
together with Jean Denv (1929-39)
When Hasan 'All \udjel (\ucel) the reforming
Minister of Education (1938-4t» decided that a Turkish
edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam should be pub-
lished he appointed Adnan Adivir its thief editor
(1940) the latter orgimsed the secretinat of the Islam
■insiklopedm and successfully launched ind directed it
as in independent deputy (1950-4) He died in Istanbul
on 1 July 1955
Admn Adivars main work is his book on the his-
tory of science in Turkey prepared dunng his exile
m Fnnce La sarnie ihe^ les Turn ottoman-: (Pins 1939)
which he revised ind enlaiged in the second edition
in Turkish Osmanh Turklmnde ihm (Istanbul 1943)
where lor the first time ill the extensive dita on the
subject ne put systematic ally together <\part from an
essay on Faust {Faust tahhl tecrubesi Istanbul 1939) and
a study oi the conflict oi religion and science in his
tory, Tarth boyunca dim r< din (2 vols Istanbul 1944)
his remaining work consists oi essivs and articles on
problems of geneial culture history science and pol-
itics which he published in daily papers some oi these
have been put together in Bilgi Cumhunyeti haberleii
(1945) Dur dusun (1950) and Hakikat pemideh emek
lemeler (1954)
Bibliography lent ufuklar special number August
1955 Halide Edib Adivar Doktor ibdulhak idnan
idnai Istanbul 195b Tahn Alangu 100 unlu Turk
buyugu u Istanbul 1974 1259-65 (Fahir Iz)
'ADJMAN the smallest oi the seven shavkh-
doms oi Trucial 'Uman which now comprise the
United Arab Emirates [al lmarat al'habma al
Muttahida [qi below]) The shavkhdom pioper meas-
ures about 100 square miles in extent and there are
two small enclaves Masfut and Manama in the inte-
rior The total population is around 5 000 The lead-
ing tribal elements are the karatisa Hamirat and Al
Bu Dhanavn sections oi the Al Bu Khurayban branch
of the Na'irn (or Nu'avm) which is ilso to be iound
m the Buravmi Oasis and its vicinity The ruling
shaylh iiom the h.aratisa section is Rashid b Humivd
who succeeded in 1347/1928-9
Throughout the 13th/ 19th century 'Adjman was
little more than a client state of the neighbouring
K.asimi shavkhdom oi Shardja (al-Shanka \qi~\) It
subscribed independently however to the various
engigements concluded between the Trucial Shavkhs
and the Bntish government dunng the century irom
the General Treaty oi Peace in 1235/1820 to the
Exclusive Agreements oi 1309/1892 Eirlv in the
century as a consequence oi Sa'Qdi penetration oi
the area the Al Bu Khuiavban oi 'Adjman like most
oi their fellow Na'im were converted to the Wahhabi
'Adjman s economy until recent years depended
wholly upon fishing and subsistence agncultuie It is
now sustained pnmanlv bv grants fiom the wealthier
members of the UAE notably Abu Dhabi (Zabi) and
bv concessionary payments iiom the Occidental Oil
Companv ior exploratory rights in 'Adjman territory
ind waters (JB Kelli)
ADMIRAL [see kapudan]
ADVENTURER [see kazak]
AFAWlH (pi oi ajuah sing fuh) ire spices
aromatic substances which are added to food
and beverages in order to increase pleasant flavoui
and piomote digestion In geneial they are vegetable
products which are active through their contents of
volatile oils or pungent substances The classification
according to the individual constituents of plants
(fruits and seeds blossoms and buds peel roots
in prictice reihsed anywhere It is possible that Abu
Hamfa al-Dinawan (end 3rd/9th centurv) has this
in mind when he savs that al ajuah fall under vir-
ious classes and tvpes (asnaf ua anna') ind then
quotes a verse eich of Dhu 1-Rumma and of Djamil
[il-'Udhn] iccording to which there is a distinc-
tion between ajiiah al nan? and ajuah al bukul (Kitab
al Nabat The book oj plants pirt oi the monograph
section ed B Lewin Wiesbaden 1974 200 i no
757) An unsystematic list oi iood spices imong
which are included the most common like salt (mdh)
is to be iound in Ibn Kutayba 'Uyun al akhbar in
Cairo 1348/1930 29b-9 under the heading masalih
al ta'am where masalih must have the plain mein-
mg oi spices iood-flavourings In Aiabic the mean-
ing of afauih is not sharply marked off irom 'iti tib
scents and 'akkar (plur 'akakir ukkar) drugs [see
'attar] The lexicographers call al ajuah what is
added to scents and al taiiabil what is added to food
(see Lane s v juh)
Specific monographs on al afauih do not seem to
be known These substances are treated in their appro-
priate places in works on botany phirmacognostics
medicine knowledge of commodities encvclopiedias
and other writings A list which is to i certain extent
representitive ior the 4th/ 10th centurv is to be iound
in il-Mas'udi Murudi i 3b7 containing 25 main
kinds of spices 1 sunbul spikenard 2 karanful clove
3 sandal sindalwood 4 dj.aa^buaaa nutmeg 5 uard
rose b sahkha cassn 7 zamab (meimng doubtiul cf
Meverhof s edition oi Maimomdes Shaih c
ullar
137)
kirfa i
i kind
oi sonchus? cf Ibn al-Baytar al Djami' Bula
tr Lecleic no 1775) 10 kakulla cardamom 11 hbaba
cubeb 12 halbuima small cardamom 13 manshim
carpobalsam 14 Jaghira xanthoxvlum 15 mahlab
moiello 15 uars Flemmingia ihodocarpa 17 kust
costus 18 ajar (al tib) Strombus lentiginosus 19
birank Embeha Ribes 20 dam lentisk gum 21 ladhan
ladanum, 22 may'a aromatic gum oi the stoiax tree
2i kanbil Mallotus philippinensis 24 kasab al dhanra
cahmus 25 ^abada civet — Notable is the iact that
one oi the oldest and most utilised spices peppei (Jul
ful) with its ea 700 different kinds does not appeal
In the section on knowledge oi commodities in his
handbook on mercintile science Shavkh Abu 1-Fadl
Dja'iir al-Dimashki (probablv 6th/ 12th century) enu-
meiates under the term iakat (plur askat strictly
speaking reiuse ) a list oi spices which is quite dii
ierent iiom that of al-Mas'udi (hitab al Mara ila
mahasin al tidfara ilkh Cano 1318/1900 21-4) under
the smill spices (al iakat al saghui he mentions onlv
the rhubarb (ram and) and leaves the others out as
being less impoitant but under the gieat spices
(al sakat al kabir) he ieckons 1 ml indigo 2 bakkam
sapanwood 3 fulfill pepper 4 luban irankmcense 5
mastaka gum mastic b darsini al ta'am food-cinnamon
7 al vellow ginger 8 ^anqjabil ginger 9 zurunbad
ledowary root 10 khulandj_an galingale 11 kust cos-
tus 12 ladhan ladinum 13 iMdaa^at kinds of
mvrobalan (see concerning this list E Wiedemann
iujsatzt zur arahsihen \\ issemihajhgevhahte ed \\
Fischer Hildesheim 1970 n 115 H Ritter m hi
mi [1917] 17 i)
AFAWlH — AFDAL al-DIN TURKA
Scattered or unsystematically-a
the knowledge of spices is to b
expected, in the encyclopaedia;
fum.
ents already
ippear in al-Kh"arazmi's Mafatih al-'i
Vloten, Leiden 1895) under medicam
turn (ed. van
nts (169-80),
irab, the entire twelfth volume of \
n, Nihayat al-
vhich (Cairo
356/1937) is devoted to this subject; sc
ents (tlb), per-
• (bak
kinds
Gali
), perfumes made of
tures (rmdud), distillates (mustaktarat), oils (adhan) and
certain perfumes (naduhat). Among these rubrics we
find also descriptions of some of the spices already
mentioned, such as sandalwood (39-42), spikenard
(43 f.), cloves (45-8), costus (49-51), etc. All this is
mixed up with detailed statements about other mate-
rials which can be counted among spices only with
reservations or in no way at all. As in mediaeval
Europe, ground spices were often adulterated, espe-
cially in times of distress. Here we only recall the
original work of Djawban (ca. 615/1218), Kilab al-
Mukhtarfl kashf al-asrar iva-hatk al-astar, which allegedly
informs traders about deceitful devices in commerce
and trade; it was printed several times in the Orient
and urgently deserves a critical edition Inow in prepa-
ration by S. Wild). The section on adulterations of
spices and perfumes was translated into German by
E. Wiedemann (op. at., i, 1970, 679-82).
Since there is hardly any spice which was not at
the same time used as medicament, it is no wonder
that the most comprehensive material on spices is
to be found in the pharmacopoeias. These are essen-
tially based on the Materia medka (\>h\ iaTpiKiji of
Dioscorides [see diyuskuridis] . This work, translat-
ed into Arabic at an early period, lived on in the
Islamic world in ever-new compilations, expanded by
a great number of drugs which the Arabs had come
rial is to be found on the one hand in pharma-
cognostic and pharmaceutical monographs, the
development of which came to a certain conclusion
with Ibn al-Baytar's great compilation, and on the
other hand in the pharmaceutical sections of com-
pendia on general medicine [see tibb]. It should,
however, be remembered that in these works spices
are entered and described as medicines in the first
place, not as condiments.
Together with cambric textiles, spices were con-
sidered as the most fashionable luxury; both prod-
ones (Mez, Renaissance, 452 ff.J. In Egypt, where for
a long time torn had offered the best chances for
Crusades. In the later Middle Ages, the spice trade,
and the pepper trade in particular, was mainly in
the hands of Egyptians and Venetians. A good sur-
vey on the spice trade under the Ayyubids and
Mamluks is to be found in G. Wiet, Les marchands
henne, serie vii (1955), 81-147, with a rich bibliogra-
phy. However, the author does not deal with particular
spices, but with their general trade. Under the pro-
tection of the sultans this trade was carried out by
important bodies of merchants, who forwarded the
spices from India and South-East Asia to Europe by
way of Egypt through the Red Sea or by way of
Syria through the Persian Gulf. About these trading
companies and their monopoly we have some detailed
information, especially about the wealthy KarimT
[q.P.], who controlled the spice trade between the
Yemen and Egypt. The "spice-wars" with the
European ports in the Mediterranean, started by the
Ayyubids and continued by the Mamluks and the
Ottoman Turks, were waged on both sides with great
ruthlessness. Internal policy was tarried out, just as
rigorously, especially by the Mamluks: in 832/1429
Barsbay founded a state monopoly of pepper and
three years later he forced the wholesale merchants
to buy from him for 80 dinars a himl the pepper
which' they had sold to him earlier for 50 dinars.
Even so, Kansawh al-Ghawri not only maintained
this monopoly system, but imposed additional heavy
taxes on the merchants. Hopes of cutting out Egyptian
middlemen were the decisive inducement for the
Spanish and the Portuguese to search for a direct
sea-route to India; but after the conquest of the
Moluccas in 1607, the Dutch snatched the monop-
oly of the spice trade away from the Portuguese.
Bibliography: W. Heyd. Histmre du commerce du
Levant au Moyen-Age, ii, Leipzig 1886 (new impr.
Amsterdam 1959), 563-676; S.Y. Labib, Handels-
gesclmhte Agyptens im Spatmittelalter [1171-1517),
Wiesbaden 1965 (solid investigation with valuable
evidence, see index); L. Kroeber, ^ui Geschichte,
Heikunft und Physiologic der H'urz- und Duftstoffe, Munich
" " " " ■ " - ■ F ] uck j ger , Pharmakognosie des
nides
ekhes
Berli
with Bibl
/" Ma
958; The legac
at 243; Of the pharma-
tic and medical works, the following selec-
av be mentioned: Ibn Sina, al-Kanunfi 1-tibb,
k 1294, 243-470; Blrum, A! al-Saydala, ed.
Hakim Muh. SaTd, Karachi 1973"; Maimo-
Sharh asma' al-'ukkar. L'n glossaire de mah'ere
nedicale, ed. M. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, index; Ibn
)1, partial tr. L. Leclert in .Koikes et
•tscrits de la Bibliotheque
Paris 1877; :
, 1883.
AFDAL al-DIN TURKA, more frequently referred
to as Kh"adja Afdal-i Sadr, was a famous theolo-
gian in the reign of the Timurid Shahrukh Mirza
[q.f.], and a member of an originally turco-phone
family of Isfahan, whence the appelation Turka. In
845/1441, when Shahrukh appointed his own grand-
son, Muhammad b. Bavsonkor as governor of a part
of Trak-i 'Adjami lal-Djibal), Afdal al-Dln Turka was
among the learned courtiers of this young prince. But
later when, in consequence of Muhammad's revolt,
Shahrukh came to Isfahan, Afdal al-Dln together with
a number of other leading figures, were arrested as
Muhammad's accomplices and put to death by the
order of Shahrukh with no further inquiry (Ramadan
850/November 1446). Afdal al-Dln is responsible for
a partial translation of Shahrastanfs Kitab al-Milal wa
'l-nihal, in which contrary to the original author, he
himself to expose only the h
endea
refute thes.
for Mirza Shahrukh,
the book was dedicated to him. Among other famous
dignitaries of the Turka family we know of another
Afdal al-Din Turka (d. 991/1583), a grandson of our
Kh"adja Afdal al-Dm, and also a famous theologian
of the Safawid period who held for a time the office
of kadi and mudarns, at Kazwln, under the Safawid
Shah Tahmasp I.
Bibliography:
of
AFDAL al-DIN TURKA — AFLIMUN
Katib, Ta'rikh-i dfadid-i lazd. ed. I. Afshar, Tehran
1966, 241-2; Abu Bakr-i Tihrani, Kitab-i
Diyarbakriyya, ed. Necati Lugal and Faruk Siimer,
Ankara 1962, 285-8; 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkand:,
Matla'-i sa'davn, ii, 1946, 862-3; Hasan-i Rumlu,
Ahsan al-tawarikh, Tehran 1970, 260; Mudarris-i
Khiyabani, Rayhanat al-adab, Tehran 1326/1947,
i, 412-3; Djalalf-yi Na'TnT, ed., Tardjuma-yi al-Milal
wa 1-mhal, Tehran 1335/1956, 34-57 cf. Iskandar
Beg Munshi, 'Alamarayi 'Abbasi, index.
(A.H. Zarrinkoob)
al-'AFIFI, 'Abd al-Wahhab b. 'Abd al-Salam b.
Ahmad b. HidjazI, an Egyptian mystic belonging
to the Shadhiliyya [q.v.] order, after whom one of its
branches is named al-'AiTfryya. He was born in Minyat
'AiTf in the present-day MinOfiyya province in the last
quarter of the 17th century. After a period of study
at al-Azhar under a number of notable scholars like
the Malik! mufti Salim b. Ahmad al-Nafrawi, and
Ahmad b. Mustafa al-Sikandaranl al-Sabbagh, he
taught the SahJh of Muslim at the madrasa al-ashrafiyya
and confined himself to an ascetic way of life based
upon the precepts of the Shadhiliyya order. He had
been initiated into this tanka [//.v.] by the son of the
founder of the Moroccan Tayyibiyya [q.v.], the
Wazzani" shanfi Mawla Ahmad al-Tihami al-Tawwati
(d. 1715), from whom he had also received the khilafa
[q.v.]. In addition he held an idfazat khilafa of the
Khalwatiyya order issued to him by Mustafa Kamal
al-Dm al-Bakri [q.v.].
His contacts with the Mamluk amirs who used to
come and visit him in his house in Kasr al-Shawk
and the generous way in which he gave away to his
muridun most of what was presented to him as pious
donations caused his circle of adepts to increase and
When he died on 12 Safar 1172/15 October 1758
he was buried close to the mosque of Kayit Bay in
a grave which was swept away by a torrent in the
year 1178/1764-5. After this event his body was
re-interred at a much higher site in the same area
where a domed shrine was constructed over his tomb
together with a number of adjacent buildings at the
expense of Muhammad katkhuda Abaza a Mamluk
amu and onetime katkhuda [q i ] of Muhammad Be\
Abu 1 Dhahab [qi] As reported b\ 'Abd al-Rahman
alDjabaitl '4dja ib al athar Bulak 1297 i 220 1 and
i\ 163 the \eirlv mail lid about which he mikes
highh deiogatory lemaiks was not celebi ited until
after this event At the end of the 19th century it
had become one of the larger popular man lids in
Cairo (cf J\\ McPherson The moulids of Egypt Cano
1941 50 174 Murray s Handbook of Eppt 1888 209)
and lasted for eight da\s (cf All Mubarak Uutat \
50 f xvi 73| According to McPherson 174 the
man lid was not celebrated an\ more b\ 1940 but in
the fifties celebiations were held igam (cf Mad}allat
al Islam na I Tasaixixuf i (Cano 1958) no 6 82)
Al'AffiT has left no writings of his own but his
teachings have been summarised bv one of his disci
pies 'Abd al Rahman b Sulayman al Ghuiavm in
Risalat al Sihila and they mirror Shadhili teaching as
formulated by Ahmad Zanuk The latter s ixa^ifa [q i ]
known as Safinat al ^adja [li man ila llah iltaa^a] wis
incorporated into the tanka s liturgy and was adopted
as part of the daily oflue prescribed for the tanka s
members to whom two of al Zanuk s tieatises Risalat
al Usui and Rualat al Vmmahat became standaid read
ing it a latei penod tow aids the end of the 19th
Follow e
if the 'Afffiwa oidei ha\e been cnticised
on various grounds for wearing yellow headgear in
imitation of al-Zubayr b. 'Awwam [q.v.], who, accord-
ing to one tradition, wore a yellow turban on the
day of the battle of Badr. In defence of headgear of
this colour, a small treatise was published by the
order, written by Ibrahim al-SadjInl under the title
al-Aman al-akbar fi 'ayn man ankara libs al-asfar.
Two branches of "the al-'Affiiyya tanka were active
in Egypt in 1958 (cf Muhammad Mahmud 'Alwan,
al-Tasawwuf al-islami, rhalatuhu wa-mabadi'uhu, madivuhu
wa-hadimhu, Cairo 1958, 72, 74).
Bibliography: The biographies by 'Alt Mubarak,
Khitat. xvi, 72 f; al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Kuhin,
Tabakat al-Shddhiliyva al-kubm, Cairo 1347/1928-
9, 157 f; and Muhammad al-Bashir Zafir, al-
laivakit al-thamina fi a'yan 'Slim al-Madina, Cairo
1324-5/1906-7, are essentially reproduced from
'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabarti, 'Adja'ib al-athar, i,
220 f. A short biography may be found in
Muhammad Khalrl al-Muradr, Silk al-durai fi a'yan
al-karn al-thani 'ashar, Istanbul/Bulak 1291-
1301/1874-83. iii, 143 f, which was utilised by
Yusuf b. Isma'Tl al-Nabaham, l^ami' karamat al-
awliya', Cairo 1329/ 1911, ii, 139. On the con-
struction of the mosque of al-'AfTft in the second
half of the 19th century, see 'Alt Mubarak, Klutat,
v, 51. Information about descendants of al-'Afift
and 'ulama' buried in the precincts of the mosque
may be found in Abu '1-Hasan Nur al-Dm 'Air
b. Ahmad al-SakhawT, Tuhfat al-ahbab wa-bughyat
al-tullab fi 'l-khitat wa 'l-mazarat wa 1-taiaqjim 'wa
'l-bika' al-mubaiakat, Cairo 1937, 54. The treatises
by Ahmad al-Zarruk, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Ghuraynl
and Ibrahim al-Sadjini, referred to in this article
were published by 'Afffi al-Wakkad in a collec-
tion under the title Hidayat al-sa'il ila madjmu' al-
tasa'il, Cairo 1316. The order's chain of trans-
mission of the wazifa and the sanad [q.v.], which
are given in the treatise by 'Abd al-Rahman al-
Ghuraynl referred to in this article, figure also in
'Abd al-Kadir Zaki, al-Nqfha al-'aliya ft awiad al-
Shadhiliyya. Cairo 1321, 220 f. (photomechanical
reprint: Tarabulus (Libya) 1971).
practice intended for the members of the 'Afifiyya
order was written by one of its khalifas. Sayyid
'Abd al-Nabi Muhammad Khadir, al-Irshadat al-
dimna, al-Minya n.d. [1970]. Prayer manuals of
al-'A.frfiyya are Fu'ad Ramadan, Maajmu'at ahzab,
Cairo n.d.; and Ahmad Hasan (ed.), Madjmu'at
aixrad wa-ahzab li 'l-sada al-Shadhiliyya, Cairo
1351/1932-3. (F. de Jong)
AFLIMUN, Fulaymun, IflImun, the Greek
ihetoncian and sophist Antonius Polemon (ca. 88-
1 44 AD.) of Laodicea (near modern Defiizli [q.vi] in
western Turkey). He lived most of his life in Smyrna,
and was the author of a book on physiognomy, which
has been preserved, apart from one single Greek quo-
tation, in an Arabic translation only. The translator is
not known. Polemon's book (A) AfUmunfi 'l-firdsa) pres-
ents the characteriological physiognomy, in contrast to
the branch of physiognomy which aims at medical mor-
phoscopy [see firasa]. It was believed that characteri-
ological physiognomy provided an insight into someone's
character by means of a skilful interpretation of his
physical appearance (al-istidlal hi 1-khulk al-zahir 'alii 7-
khulk al-bahn). Polemon's book is divided into 70 chap-
ters. Ch. 1 treats the characteristics of the human eye,
and ch. 2 the characteristics of animals from which,
by analogy, conclusions can be drawn about human
nature; these constitute about half of the book. Then
AFLlMUN — AFRAG
follow chs 3-50 on the deficient paits of the body,
chs 51 -5 on the difkient nations of the world, chs
36-40 on the coloui of the parts oi the bodv, chs
41-8 on the giowth ol han on the parts ot the bod\
<hs fO-50 on the mo\ements of the body chs 51-
66 on se\eial outspoken ehaiactei types, and chs 67-
70 on se\eial other topics connected with foietellmg
someone s destmv The book appeals to be authen-
n the
\ Git
thus mention is made of Oedipus led Hoflmann 111
7), Gyiene (ibid 111 1 H, L\dia and Phrvgia [ibid
139 13| Egypt Macedonia, Phoenu la, Ciliua and
Stvthia (ibid 2 57 14-230, 2l The eves ot the Roman
Empeior Hadnan ot whom Polemon was a tavounte
aie desenbed Itbid 140 4) Pe.lemon's opponent
Favonnus, is onh too well lecogmsable in the anonv-
mousandmalKiousdeseiiptiononp lbl 8fl Allusion
141, 1 fl
Polemon does not give a theoietual mtioduetion
to his method He used matenals fiom the
Physiognomuon of Ps Anstotle and gave his book a
lanes and avoiding a monote.nousK stientifie tieat-
ment ot his sub]ee t (Stegemann 1345-7) Polemon s
name is mentioned bv al-Djahiz id 255/81)8 [,/ e ] i
in his Hmauan, ed 'AM Haiiin, Cane) 1038 m
146 260-75
phvsiognorm
[?']>'
1-Nad
577/087
a Fuasat al hamam (Fihmt, ed Flugel, 314)
Mention of Polemon is also made by Ibn Hazm
I 413/1(122 [,/c]) m his Tcaa al hamama led DK
Petiof Leiden 1014 30) The quotation bv Ibn Hazm
is onl) a faint echo of Polemon ed Hoffmann 160
1-4 An aneedote about Polemon and Hippociates fa
tiude anaehiomsm) in Ps Anstotole, S»; al asiai (cf
ed Foeister n, 187-00) tound its wav into Ibn al-
Kiftr id 646/1248 \qi] u Ta'nUi al Hukama' , ed
Lippeit Leipzig 1003, 01 I 12-02 1 2 and into Ibn
Abr Usavbi'a (d 668/1270 [</<]) '[uin al anba , ed
Muller Komgsbeig 1884 i, 27-8
Polemon s beiok was widelv used and epitomised
\n Arabiused shoit veision is the edition oi MR
al-Tabbakh Aleppo 1020 The charactenstits e>t the
several nations of the Hellenistic world (< tl Hoffman
237-0 ed al-Tabbakh, 4b) aie applied to peoples of
the Islamic woild Anothei shoit version is MS Gotha
85 (5) see bibhogiaphvj, which lacks the specific Gieek
ehaiactenstics but is less adapted to Islamic taste than
the Aleppo version \n evaluation ot the texts wi it-
taken so tai Polemon s book was piobablv a pnmaiv
souice of al-Dimashki (d 727/1527 [</<"] i A al Snasa
fl 'dm alftrasa Id Bioekelmann S II 161) and Ibn
aMktani (d 740/1348 [e/i], 4nis al mdsa fl 'ilm al
Jimsa iMS Pans BN, \iab 27621 Finisa was, and
still v
a popuk
nships and the slave Hade The
■xact impact, diiectlv or indiiectiv, ot Polemon's woik
m the numeious tracts on phvsiognomv of latei times
annot now easilv be discerned
Bibhogiaphi On Polemon in geneial see the
ait Polemon (bv W Stegemanni in Paulv-Wissowa
xxi/2 cols 1320-57 and F Sezgm, GAS, m
352-3 On Polemon's position in the Aiabic fuasa
tiadition seel Fahd U diunation aiabi, Strasbouig
1066, 384-6 and Y Mouiad La /ihuwgnomu
aiabi , Pans 1030, 44-6, with the hteiatuie
cited theie Polemon s book was edited bv G
Hoflmann, in R Foeister Sinptoits phsiognomonui
(naai tl Latim Leipzig 1803 l, 03-204 i= MS Leiden
Or 108 (1)) The onlv Gieek quotation of Polemon
preserved is given in ibid, i p LXXYI A Ps-
Polemome tieatise is mentioned in ibid n 147-60
1= MS Gotha Arab 85 )5i) Othti MSS ot tiea-
tises going undei the name of Polemon aie men-
tioned bv Fahd, op at 384-6, Ullmann M,di Z in
06, Foeistti Sinpt phis, i, p LXXXYII (identical
with Hadjdji Khalifa ed Blugel vn 207 and l?i
with MS Nmuosmamve, Diftn no 2388) and M R
al-Tabbakh in his cdn , mtiod p 2 The Gieek
physiognomic on ascribed to Polemon in idiam tan
ae Histonat Libn Mill, Rome 1545, 11 70-01 is not
authentic as has been demonstiated bv R Foeistei
in Dt Pohmoim Pfnsmgnomonuis dissntatio Kiel 1886,
10 fl Ijj W.TKAM)
AFRAG i^l-Mxnsur^ an 8th/ 14th eentuiv
Mannid ioval camp-town (whence its name),
commanding Ceuta horn the heights west of the penin-
sula on which this old Moi ocean mow Spam-"
c lies
modem
subuiban development in the noith-east the lin
its west wall stops shoit of the Ceuta-Punta Blanc a
oast load iGaneteia de la Plava Btmtez) and fiom
south-west to noith-east the tiapezoid site is bisected
lengthways bv tilt Ganeteia de Ton ones Moie
than half a kilometei of the west wall, including the
original gates Bab Fas,
eis has
influene e
existence to that of Ceuta,
had acquned glowing etc
rtance and become the giea
V thir
ing on e
deallv s
t Isla
; Militanlv
lgly pieeanous foot-hold in
Spam it had ships, haibouis and a seafanng popula-
tion equipped tor wai bv land and sea in good weath-
ei its ships could iapidlv cross to Algetiras
its fortifications weie foimidable and on its land-
ward side impiegnable Howevei because it could
easilv withstand assault and siege from the mainland,
it had long enjoved a piofitable measuie e>i inde-
pendence and at times undei the 'Azafids [</ 1 ] escaped
Mailmd eontiol altogethei \ccoidinglv, when in
lollowed bv internal dissension the Mannid sultan Abu
Sa'rd decided to asseit his authontv there once and
ten all Among measuie s to achieve this end weie deci-
i Subuib \aliabad al
the
midabl
fiom the west and to
to what had doubtless
hei siege camp Like a similai toundation built bv a
dvnastie predecessoi outside Tlemcen it was given the
name al-Mansuia Abu Sa'id is credited with the con-
stitution oi a palace there with ad|acent mosque as
well as othei buildings Most of the wall and foitifi-
cations, howevei, seem to have been the woik of Abu
l-Hasan (031-52/1531-51) In the 0th/ 1 5th e entury
Ahag was legaided as a subuib of Ceuta Much of
the place was still standing in the 18th century
Bib/ioniapln B Pavon Maldonado, irh
hispanomusulman in Ceuta , Tttitan in iuadnnos de
la ilhambia vi (1070), 72-6 JD Latham Tin
stiattgn position and dtftnu of Ctuta in tht latei
Muslim Pawd, in Oiuntaha Hispanua ed JM
Banal, i/l, Leiden 1074, 454 and passim (also
AFRAG — AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI
in hlamn Quarterly xv (1971) 195 7 and pa mm)
al Ansan Ikktiw, at akhbar ed E Levi Provencal
with title Descrip tion musulmane au \i Steele m
Hespms \u (1931) 145 7b ed Ibn Tawit in
Tetuan (1959) ed A Ben Minsour Ribit 1969
passim Spanish tr bv J \alhe Bermejo in 4/
indalus xxvn (1962) 398 442)
(JD LvTH4M)
AGAHI poetical name of Mi hammad Rida Mirab
b Er Nhaz Bek Khiwin histornn poet and
translator born 10 Dhu 1 Ka da 1224/17 December
1809 in the township Kivat nen Khiwa m Kh aiazm
He belonged to Uzbek tribe of "iuz and to in aus
tociatic family whose members weie hereditary mirabs
(in the Khanite of Khiwi there weie four high ofli
uals with the title mirab members of the khan s coun
cil consisting of 34 'amaldan) His uncle wis Shir
Muhammad Mirab with the poetical name Mu nis
[q ] 1 poet trinshtoi and histornn Agahi studied
in a madtasa ind espeuillv undei his uncle whom he
repeatedly calls his ustad After the death of Mu nis
in 1244/1829 he received the title and the post oi
his uncle (Agahi Riyad al daixla MS of the Leningrad
Brinch of the Institute of Oriental Studies oi the
Acidemv of Sciences oi the USSR E 6 i 334a) As
a mirab he supervised the lingation system in the coun
try (1 special interest in irrigation is noticeable in his
histoncal woiki) but also as other high officials he
usually accompanied the khans of Khiwa in their mil
itarv campaigns In 1255/1839 he wis ordeied bv
Allah Kuh Khan to complete the history oi the Khanate
of Khiwa Fndaus al Mai written bv Mums which
had remained unfinished after his deith (see Fndaus
al ikbal MS oi the Leningrad Branch of the Institute
of Oriental Studies C 571 f 445 1 b) Having com
pleted this work carrying it to the deith oi Muhammad
Rahim Khan 1240/1825 Agahi proceeded with sep
ante histones oi Allah Kuh Khin and his successors
thus becoming a kind oi official histonogripher oi the
Khanate of Khiwa (formally such a post did not exist
in the khanate) In 12b8/1851 he resigned from the
post of mirab because of an illness (see his D)ami al
wah'at i sultam MS of the Leningrad Branch oi the
Institute of Oriental Studies E 6 f 488a-b) and ded
lcited all his time to literary woik until his death in
1291/1874 shortly liter the Russian conquest oi Khiwi
(see Muhammad \ usuf Bek Biyani, Shad}ara yi
S w arazmshahi, MS. of the Institute of Oriental Studies
in Tashkent No. 9596, f. 4b).
His literary production in Caghatay was very con-
siderable. Besides the continuation of the Firdaws al-
ikbal of Mu'nis he wrote five other historical works,
continuing one after the other till 1289/1872: (1)
Riyad al-dawla, history of Allah-Kuli Khan (1240-
58/1825-42) and the first two years of the reign of
Rahim-Kuli Khan (1258-9/1843-4); (2) Zybdat al-
tawdrikh, history of Rahim-Kulr Khan (1258-62/1843-
6): (3) J^ami al-waki'at-i sultam, history of Muhammad
Amin Khan (1262-71/1846-55), <Abd Allah Khan
(1271/1855) and Kutlugh Murad Khan (1271-2/1855-
6); (4) Gulshan-i dawlat, history of Sayyid Muhammad
Khan (1272-81/1856-64); and (5) Shahid-i ikbal, his-
tory of the first eight years of the reign of Sayyid
Muhammad Rahim Khan II (1281-9/1864-72).
Except for the Firdaws al-ikbal and the greater part
of the Riyad al-dawla, all of them are contemporary
chronicles arranged in annalistic form, with their
main subdivisions being the years of reign of respec-
tive khans. AgahT's accounts are based on his own
observations as well as reports of other eyewitness-
es, and, in some cases, on official documents. These
chiomcles aie the most outstanding work of late
Cential Asian histonographv in regard to the minute
ness of iccount and the quantitv of facts which thev
comprise (Barthold) His Tuiki diman entitled Tauidh
al ashikm includes munlv gha^ah but ilso kasidas
mathnavii% mukhammasat etc he wrote also some poems
(mostly gha^als) in Persian
Agahi was ilso a piolific translitoi At the begin
ning of his literary cireer he continued the tiansla
tion into Cighitav on the Raadat al saja bv
Miikh ind [qc] begun bv Mums (Agahi translat
ed the second half of vol n vol in and allegedly
vol mi) and later transhted a number of other
Persian woiks Ta nkh i ajahan a usha yi hadin bv
Muhimmid Mahdi Khan Dutra i hadin bv the same
authoi the 3id vol of Raudat al saja yi hasm bv
RidaKuh Khan the Gulistan bv Sa di lumf it a
^ulaykka bv Djami Hajt paykai bv Nizami (i prose
tianslation) Shah ua gada bv Hilah ^ubdat al hikayat
bv Muhimmid Wanth the Kabus noma the ikhlak
i Muhsim bv Husavn KashifT and the Mijtah al tahbin
bv Mahmud Ghizhduwani (cf Storev i/2 973) (theie
exist MSS of ill ibove mentioned tianslations see
Bibhogiaphv) In the preface to his dinar, he men
tions also several other translations mide bv him
rnpts
howe
have
itlv bv Sharif
il Din \azdi] Salaman ua ibtal bv Djami the
Bahamian bv Djami [the memoirs of] WasifT (cf
Storev Biegel 1123 6) Tadhkira yi \lukim hham
Tabakat i Uba, Shah, the Hash! bihisht by Amir
Khusraw ind ilso a tharh to the Data il al khayrat
from Ottoman Turkish
Bibliography \ \ Birtol d htonya kul turnoy
Jiizm Turkestana (1927) in Winemya n/1 285 6
PP Ivinov in Uatenahpo istoru turkmen , Turkmenu
n Moscow Leningrad 1938 23 7 K Mumrov
Agahi [in Uzbek] Tashkent 1959 idem Munis
igahi ua Bayanimng tarikh, atharlan [in Uzbek]
Tashkent 1961 R Midjidi Agahi linkasi [in Uzbek]
Tashkent 1963 J Eckmann in Philologiae tuiacae
jundanunta n 389 90 H F Hoiman Turkish
literature section m Utrecht 1969 i/2 48 52 (with
additional reieiences) On the MSS of his ongi
nal historical works see besides the above men
tioned souices L\ Dmitnve\a it alu Opuamye
tyurkskikh rukopuey Instituta narodov -Lzn i Moscow
1965, 106-18 (Nos. 97, 98, 100-2, 105-7, 110);
Sobraniye vostocnikh rukopisey Akademii nauk Uzbekskoy
SSR, Tashkent, i, 83-4, vii, 33-7. The MS. in the
Istanbul University Library TY 82 (the only one
known outside the Soviet Union) contains Firdaws
al-ikbal, Riyad al-dawla and 2jibdat al-lawankh.
Russian translations of extracts from historical
works: V.V. Bartol'd (1910), in Socineniya, ii/2, 400-
13 (epitomised translation from Shahid-i ikbal);
Material! po istorii karakalpakov, Moscow-Leningrad
1935, 125-43; Maknali po istorii turkmen i Turkmenii,
ii, Moscow-Leningrad 1938, 384-638. MSS. of the
dlwan: see Sobraniye vostocnikh rukopisey Akademii nauk
Uzbekskoy SSR, vii, 128-9; separate poems: see ibid.,
ii, 358, v, 125, vii, index. The Diwan was pub-
lished lithographically in Khiwa in 1300/1882 and
1323/1905 and in modern Cyrillic transcription in
1960 in Tashkent (partial edition only) On the
MSS. of his translations of Persian historical works
see Storey-Bregel, 374, 375, 479, 910, 913, Sobraniye
ukopisey Akademii nauk Uzbekskoy SSR, i
, 107, •
Breg
AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI (1879-1935), the
AGHA HASHAR KASHMIRI — AHMAD al-HIBA
was Agha Muhammad Shah and Hashar his takhallus,
while his nisba alludes to the country of origin of his
father. The latter came from Kashmir, and settled in
Benares as a merchant. Here Agha Hashar was born
and educated, until in 1897 he ran away from home
and made for Bombay. He feared his father's wrath
for his misuse of money entrusted to him; and his
appetite for the new Urdu drama form, which was
flourishing in Bombay, had been whetted by
of a
theati
compan
. He
jrked a
playwright for various companies in Be
sequently in several provincial cz
Hyderabad and Madras, writing os
Many of them were extremely succes
him a fine reputation, and also com
i, however, he quickly dissipated. He later worked
in film:
He
and «
field. 1
r Lahore
language raised it to its highest point. The form was
hardly challenged until after the 1939-45 War.
Common elements in the form were: the use of poetry
and rhymed prose, often rhetorical to the point of
the main one, as in Shakespeare; and historical or
heroic themes, based on either Islamic and Indian
stories or Shakespeare and other English dramatists,
whose plays were freely adapted, with changes in loca-
tions and names of characters. Social themes were
also employed. Violence and death were common on
stage, as in Sohrab-o-Rmtum 11929, publ. Lahore 1959):
yet adaptations of Shakespeare's tragedies might be
given happy endings — thus Safed Khwun (1907, publ.
Lahore 19.54), based on King Lear.
Bibliography: For accounts of earlier Urdu
drama, see Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu lit-
erature, London 1964, 393-9; Ram Babu Saksena,
History of Urdu literature, Allahabad 1927, 346-67;
J.A. Haywood, Urdu drama — origins and early develop-
ment, in Iran and Islam — in memory oj lladimir Minorsh,
ed. C.E. Bosworth, Edinburgh 1971, 293-302;
Accounts of Agha Hashar and his dramatic art are
to be found in Wakkar 'Azlm, Agha Hashar aivr un
ke drarne. Lahore 1956; and idem, Urdu drama —
ta'nkh-o-tankid, Lahore 1957. For the texts of the
plays, those published by Urdu Markaz, Lahore,
are recommended. Other and earlier editions are
published in the author's lifetime without his author-
ity. They differ substantially from Agha Hashar's
manuscripts, many of which are in the Nawab of
RampQr's library. Of the Urdu Markaz series, apart
from the two mentioned in the text, the following
may be noted: Sard-i-haws based on Shakespeare's
King John (19.54);" Asir-i-hirs, based on Sheridan's
Pizam, (1954); Khwubsurat bald (1954); and Pallia pivdr
or Balwa mangal (19.55). (J.A. Haywood!
AGHAOGHLU, Ahmed (originally Ahmed
Acjjayef, later Achaoghlu Ahmed and after 1934
Ahmet Agaoglu), Turkish writer and journalist (1869-
1939). Born in Shusha, a town in the Karabagh [q.v]
region of Adharbaydjan, he was educated in his home
town and Tiflis (Tbilisi) and later studied political
science in Paris. In 1894 he returned home, where
he collaborated with progressive and nationalist intel-
lectuals like Husayn-Zade 'Air, Isma'Tl Gaspirali
(Gasprinski) [a.r.] and 'All Merdan Topnbashi and
contributed to various papers. After the restoration
of the Constitution in Turkey in 1908, he went to
Istanbul, joined the Committee of Union and
Progress (CUP) and became a leader writer of the
French daily Jeune tun. Together with Diya Gokalp,
Yusuf Akcura and Mehmed Emm (Yurdakul) he
ment [Turkaduk) which developed, with the founda-
tion in June 1911 of the nationalist association
Turkish Hearth [Turk Odjaghi ) and its organ Turk
yurdu, into an influential current in Turkish intel-
lectual life after 1912. In 1913 Aghaoghlu was
appointed professor of Turkish history in Istanbul
ous papers. Elected deputy to Parliament and a
member of the executive board lMerkez-i 'Umiimi) of
the CUP, in 1917 he accompanied the Turkish expe-
ditionary force to the Caucasus as a political offi-
cer. On his return to Istanbul he was arrested by
the British and exiled to Malta with other leading
CUP members. Freed from Malta in July 1921, he
joined the Nationalists in Ankara and was appoint-
ed director general of the Press. Elected to the
Grand National Assembly, he contributed at the
same time to the semi-official daily Hakimiyyet-i mil-
liyye and taught at the newly-established Faculty of
Law in Ankara. He was one of the founders of the
short-lived Liberal Party [Serbest Firka) of August 1930
and following its abolition in November of the sam
tired f
politi,
, the
Istanbul Faculty o
He died in Istanbul on 19 May 1939.
Essentially a journalist and politician, Aghaoghlu is
the author of the following major works: (1) Uc
medenirtct ("Three civilisations") Istanbul 1927, 2nd ed,
in Roman script Uc medeniyet, Istanbul 1972; i2) Serbest
1930; (3i Dei-let ve fert ("State and individual"); and
posthumously, (4) Serbest Firka hatiralan ("Reminiscences
of the Liberal Party"). Istanbul 1949. Aghaoghlu's
innumerable articles published in various dailies have
not been published in book form.
Bibliography: Samet Agaoglu (his son), Babamdan
liatnalar, Istanbul 1940 (contains the author's reminis-
cences of his father, Aghaoghlu's own incomplete
memoirs and impressions of a number of writers
on A.A.J; idem, Babamin arkadaslan 1 ("My father's
friends"), Istanbul 1969. (Fahjr Iz)
AGRICULTURE [see filaha].
AGUEDAL [see agdal].
AHABISH [see habash, habasha].
al-AHDAB [see ibrahIm al-ahdab].
AHMAD al-HIBA, a religious leader of
southern Morocco, and ephemeral pretender to
the Sharifian throne, known above all as al-Hiba. He
was born in Ramadan 1293 or 1294/September-
October 1876 or 1877, the fourth son of the famous
Shaykh Ma' al-'Aynayn [q.v.]. He was brought up
and educated in his father's bosom, and his natural
talents and temperament gave his teachers high lit-
erary hopes of him.
When his father died at Tiznit in Shawwal
1 328/November 1910, he succeeded him at the head
of the muridun of the order and was then at the peak
of his responsibilities. However, when there was
announced the signing of the Protectorate Treaty
between France and sultan Mawlay al-Hafiz [q.v.], fol-
lowed by the rumour of the latter's death and of the
murder of the 'ulama' of Fas by the French, he pro-
claimed himself sultan, organised his own makhzan [q.i\]
and launched throughout the Sus, and then through
all Morocco, appeals for resistance. Soon the tribes of
AHMAD al-HIBA — AHMAD b
the South (except for the ports) rallied to him, and
Mawlay Yusuf [q.v] could arrive, he appointed fresh
officials with high responsibilities in the regions which
had recognised him. He then used the way via TTzf
n'Ma'shQ and followed the road to Marrakesh in an
imperial procession. When he arrived before the south-
ern capital, he met with hostility from the high polit-
ical leaders, but was received with joy by the people
of the Hawz [q.v.]. The new sultan entered Marrakesh
on Sunday, 5 Ramadan 1330/18 August 1912, occu-
pied the kasaba and installed himself in the palace of
the 'Alawis. He had to face grave troubles immedi-
ately. Profiting by the great unrest which had seized
people's hearts and minds, the 'asakir troops, the float-
ing population of the city and the hungry hordes which
had followed the new amir from Taroudannt, launched
themselves into sacking the shops and imposing all
Al-Hiba had secured the handing-over to himself
of the few French residents, including the vice-consul
of France, who had attempted to flee the city. In an
endeavour to save their lives, Gen. Lyautey's troops
got the ordei to go b\ fenced marches to Manakesh
Ahmad al-Hiba sent out to conhont them about 5 000
men, who were crushed on b Septembei at Sidi Bu
'Uthman b\ Col Mangin s column m every wa\
In front of the tapid French adsance al-Hiba and
his remaining suppoi ters the blue men quickl\ e\ ac-
uated the cit\ which the\ had occupied thiee weeks
presioush and fled into the Atlas puisued b\ all those
who has suffered tiom their extortions and insolent
behauoui Col Mangin entered Manakesh on 7
September 1912 with an enthusiastic welcome from
the Jewish commumtv the majoirtv of the Muslim
population sullen and silent Sultan Mawla \usuf was
then proclaimed in an atmospheie of geneial relief
b\ the great religious and political leaders of the cit\
and of the sunounding region wearied b\ the dis-
orders and insecurity
Al-Hiba withdiew hist of all to base whence he
ieigned ovei the Sus o\er nearl\ eight months
aftei having refused nomination as the sultan s khalifa
o\ei all the south of Morocco He was then expelled
from his capital b\ the Shantian mahallas [q , ] sent
against him fiom Manakesh and finall\ continual-
1\ defeated but ilwavs iemaining proud he died at
Tizmt in digmtv on 18 oi 24 Ramadan 1W/17 or
23 June 1919
Bibliography Ladie\t de Licharnere Giandtui
et decadence de Mohammad al-Hiba in Bulhtm de la
Societi de Geographic d'Alger et de I'Afriqui du \W (1912)
No. 65; 'Abbas b. Ibrahim al-Marrakushi all'lam
bi-man halla Marrakush, i, Fas 1355/1936, 289-303
Gen. Lyautey, Rapport general sur la situation du
Protectorat du Maroc du 31 Jmlkt 1914 Rabat ND
13-15; F. Weisgerber, Au semi du Uawi modtmt
Rabat 1947, chs. xxii-xxiv; G. Deseidun Manakeih
des origines a 1912, Rabat 1959 l 548-9 MM
al-Susi, al-Ma'sul, Rabat 1380/1960 i\ 101-246
(very full and lively account of the pietender and
his adventures). (G De\erdunj
AHMAD b. ISA b. Zayd b. 'Ali b al-Husv>n
b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, .Abu 'Abd Allah Zavdi leadei
and scholar; was born on 2 Muharram 157/22
November 773 in Kufa. His father Tsa b Za\d
who was supported by many Zaydis as their candi-
date for the imamate, had gone into hiding in the
houses of the Kufan Zaydi traditionist al-Hasan b
Salih b. Hayy [q.v.] after the failure of the revolt of
Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah [q.v.] in 145/762-3. After the
death of his father in 166/783 and of al-Hasan in
167/783-4, Ahmad and his brother Zayd were brought
to the caliph al-Mahdr, who took charge of their
upbringing. He permitted them to reside in Medina,
where Zayd died. Ahmad remained there until he
was denounced to the caliph Harun al-Rashrd, it being
alleged that the Zaydis were gathering around him.
On the order of the caliph, he and another 'Alid, al-
Kasim b. 'All b. 'Uraar, were brought to Baghdad
and put under the custody of al-Fadl b. al-Rabf .
They escaped, however, and Ahmad b. Tsa, accord-
ing to al-Safadi, led a revolt in 'Abbadan in 185/801,
but soon fled and went into hiding in Basra. This
date for Ahmad's escape and concealment would agree
well with the report of al-Tabari (iii, 651) that
Thumama b. Asbras was imprisoned by Harun in
186/802 "because he had been lying in the matter
of Ahmad b. Tsa" and the report of al-Djahshiyari
{al-wuzara\ ed. Mustafa al-Sakka', Cairo 1357/1938,
243) that the Barmakid Yahya b. Khalid, when he
fell into disgrace in the same year, was accused of
having sent 70,000 dinars to Ahmad in Basra. Al-
Ya'kubi's account (Ta'nkh 512) that Ahmad was seized
and imprisoned in al-Rafika in 188-804 appears mis-
taken and the date ma> iefer meieh to the capture
Ahmad reported in the same account According to
one report \hmad was discoveied in Kufa in the
time of the caliph al-Mutawakkil but left free because
■ blind
i on 2i Ran
fan 247/1
Lake his father Ahmad was consideied b\ mam
Kufan Zavdis as the most suitable candidate foi the
linimate though he lefused after his initial failuie to
become invohed in an\ i e\ olutionarv activity He was
also accepted b\ his followers as an authoritative teacher
in iehgious matteis His doctnne was collected b\ some
Zavdi transmitters who had access to him in partic
ulai b\ the toiemost Kufan Zavdi scholai of the
3rd/9th century Muhammad b Mansur al-Muiadi (d
ta 290/903) whose K \mati ihmad b 'ha (with iddi-
tions fiom the tiansmission of other Za\di authorities)
is extant in manuscript His fikh doctrine was based
primarily on the traditions transmitted b\ Abu Khalid
il-Wasiti from Zayd b 'All [qi] and b\ Abu 1-Djarud
fiom Muhimmad al-Bakii though he occasionally also
idled on other ti iditions or taught on his own luthor-
it\ He thus represented a more stneth Zaydi (Djaiudi)
outlook consideung onl\ the hadith of the ihl al Batt
dance with the view of the Batuwa [qi] accepted
the hadith tiansmitted b\ the Muslim community at
laige Concerning the imamate howesei he stood
close to the Batnyya apparently admitting the legiti-
mac\ oi the caliphate of Abu Bakr and 'Umar In
theology he upheld the majoiitv views of the earl\
Kufan Zavdiwa He suppoi ted piedestmation and the
cieation of the acts of men b\ God versus human
free will held the Muslim sinner to be an unbehc\-
ei b\ ingiatitude (kafir m'ma) though not a polytheist
[muihnk), and iefused to take a definite position con-
In the first of these doctrines he sharph differed from
his contempoiary al-Kasim b Ibiahim [?i] whose
positions were closer to Mu'tazih views
His iehgious doctrine became one of the four
madhhabs to which the Kufan Zavdis adheied in the
4th/llth centun Some Za\dis are said to have
iestncted the imamate to his descendants His popu-
IS\ — \HMAD-I RUMI
larrtv anion? the Shr'a is alio i diet ted l>\ the fact
that the leadet ot the Zand} tebelhon [see '\li B
his giandson
Bibliagraph \bu 1-Faiadj al-Isfahanl Makatil
alTalibmin, ed \hmad Sakr C aim 1368/1440
420-5, 614-27 al-Tanukhf al Farad} ba'd al shidda
Canol«7/l')58 l 120 t \\>u Nu<a\m al-Isfahanl
Dhikr akhba) Isfahan ed S Dedenng Leiden 1031
i 80 (the account seems to rest at least parttallv
on a contusion with anothei <\lid) al Safadr (7/
Uuju mi ed Ihsarr <\bbas Wiesbaden 1069 271
t Ibn 'Inaba 'bmdal al tahb ed Muh Hasan \1
al-Tahqam al-Nadjat 1380/1 Obi 288-00 \\
Madelung Da Imam al Qiisirn ibn Ibrahim Bcilm
1065 80-3 and index ii \hmad b Tsa b Zaid
(\\ MADELUNG)
AHMAD b MUHAMMAD or IVUhmud called
Mu'In \l-FukarV Tiansoxaman authoi of an
important work on the lelrgious leadeis and saints ot
Bukhaia the hitah I UuIIazada oi Kitab i Ma'arat I
Bukhara in which the cemetenes of the utv and then
m the book is 814/1411-12 the author must have
h\ed in the reigns of Timui and Shah-Rukh [see
timurids] From the numbei ol extant manuscripts
the work was obvrouslv popular m Central \sia
Extiacts from it were hrst given bv Barthold Turkman
i ipokhu Unngohkago nuihntnya l, Ttkih 166-72 and
a hthogiaph appealed at New Bukhara m 1322/1004
Of secondary source;, see Baithold, Turktstan En?
tr 58, Storev, i 05 3, O Pntsak 1/ 1 Buihan m hi,
vxx 11052) 05-6 (the critical text oi the K i UuIIazada
mentioned heie as being in pieparation as a Gottnigcn
thesis nevei in (act matenalisedl
Bibliography Given in the aiticle iEd )
AHMAD B MUHAMMAD ^l-BARKI [see u.-
b,rkI, in Suppl]
AHMAD PASHA KUfiUK ( the small ) d 1046/
1636 Ottoman mrlrtarv commandei who took
a piominent part in the revrval ol the Ottoman
empne undei Muiad I\ 1 1033-40/1623-401 Of
\lbanran orrgm he began as a soldiei and be< amc
commandant of the Tuikmen troops He became gov-
einor of Damascus tor the hrst time in 1038/1620
but was soon tec ailed b\ the Porte to become gov-
ernor of Kutahva The sultan then chained him with
suppressmg the ie\olt of Il\as Pasha who was rav-
aging \natoIia and he raprdlv aehreved success here
and brought the rebel back a pusoner to Istanbul
(1042/1632) He then became governor of Damascus
agam, with the < harge of pacrf\mg the Diuzc toun-
tr\, and whilst passing through the region of \leppo
suppiessed the endemic state of revolt of the nomads
built in Damascus in the fust half of the 17th c en-
tun (it is known toda\ as the mosque of al-'Assall)
The pacification of Lebanon was hardlv finished
when he ]oined the foices campaigning against Peisia
as commandei of the Ottoman vanguard and he dis-
tinguished himself above all at the time of the great
battle ot Tabriz In the following vear Murad I\
tntiusted to him the defence ot al-Mawsil wheie he
found a glonous death m battle against the Peisian
tioops (20 Rabf II 1046/21 Septembei 1636) He
It seems that during his Lebanese expedition ■Vhmad
Pasha showed his ustnl sevent\ so much so that
umembiance of the \eai of Kucuk' lemained
stamped on the populai memorv in Mount Lebanon
Indeed, the Porte did not hesitate on futuie occasions
inotabh m 1214/1700) to lemind the Diuzes ot this
harshness The terrible legacv ol feai left behind in
the local consciousness is probabb, the origin ot the
Lebanese legend ot Kucuk \hmad Pasha is rep-
resented as a polished tiaitoi who engineered the rum
ot lus benefactor and then seized his possessions The
legend i elates m eflect that ■Mimad Pasha was an
orphan bi ought up bv Fakhi al-Dm II who appoinred
him tax-collectoi tor southern Lebanon but since he
committed v inous financial defalcations he had to
leave his service and then sought Fakhr al-Din s imn
b\ accusing him at the Porte of wanting to make
himself independent toi which he was rew aided bv
the wealth ol the Ma'ns
Bihtm!>,ul>h\ There is a long fanlv confused
biographv in Muhibbr, Khulasat al athar Cairo 1862
i 385-8 who togethei with SamT Bev \Kamus al
a'lam Istanbul 1888 i 707) emphasises hrs courage
and ficlehu to Murad I\ Extracts horn the text
ot the (i akfma ot Ahmad Pasha are m the Zahrrrwa
at Damascus, No 8518 (hrstorvl contarnrng m par-
ticular the description of Fakhr al-Drn s possessrons
see \ \bdel Nour Etudi sm dun mtn d, uaq)-. du
\\I it du \UI wdn dis uilauh di Damai it di
Stnda, Sor bonne thesis 1076 For a detarled account
ol \hmad Pashas death see Na'iraa Ta rikh
Istanbul 1866 rn 201-2 On hrs official career, see
\on Hammer Hntnut Parrs 1838 rx 275-6 On
the vear of Kucuk see Chebli, Fakhi al Din II
Ua'n Beirut 10 36 186 IT One ot the oldest ver-
i Tsa al-MaTut Ta'nkh al ami) Fakhi al Dm
al Ua'm
AHMAD-I RUMI 1
who lived and worked r
8th/ 14th centurv Little
that he travelled from
pleaching
L NOUR)
Ahmad Pasha easilv managed to mastei the lev ok
of Fakhr al-Dm II [qi], whom he took captrve
(1043/1633-4) \s a reward tor hrs manv servrces
Murad I\ appomted him to the vizierate wrth three
/ugAs and bestowed upon hrm, bv a fitmtin ot
1046/1636 the whole of Fakhr al-Dln's wealth whrch
mcluded numeious buildings in Savda, one of which
was the khan for rice in the quarter near the port in
the northwestern sector of the town (and not the khan each ch
of the French as often stated, including b\ P Schwarz tatron e
in EI' art sidoM \hmad Pasha used these revenues tron I,
for a uakf rn favour of the Holv C rtres rn Arabra and a class
a tekini whrch he had built in the southern part ot wrthout
Damascus outstde the Bab \llah on the prlgnmage I commer
esrdents
He h
been
rectlv rdentilted b\ Blochet as Ahmad b Muhammad
RumF al-Hanaff (Hadjdjr Khalrta rv 582i arrd bv
Massrgnon as Sultan-r Walads grandson \hmad Pasha
Ahmad s most popular work the Daka'ik al haka'ik
ts drvrded rn 80 chapters each openrng wrth an tna
or hadith whrch serves as a starting potnt for the dis-
cussion of some aspect ot Sufi doctrine Mawlana
Djalal al-Dm Rrrnn [</;] rs quoted frequentlv, and
each chapter rs concluded bv a short inathnaa I rn imi-
tation of Mawlana Lrke hrs later srmrlar c omposr-
tron I mm a/ Kitab (727/1327) rt rs a first mstance of
cxpoundrng Mawlana s teachmgs
f the Math
would
AHMAD-I RUMl -
more practical turn in al Daka'ik ft I tank a lengthy
mathnaui in 12 chapters on the relation between munhid
and mund Although Ahmad describes himself as a
follower of Mawlana from his exposition of Sufi
pra\is he does not appear as a Mawlawi in the strut
sense of the woid Rathei Ahmad s works indicate
that Sufi life in the 8th/ 14th centurv did not ha\e
to be organised along the formal lines of the later
gieat oideis
One instance of lyrical poetrv ( 1 ghtKal) occurs in
a Mathnawi manuscript in Edinbuigh Hukk Fthe
Robertson Dtariptiu catalog no 281)
Bibliography ACM Hamtr in unknoun
\ lav. lam poet Ihmad i Runu in Studia Iranua m
(1974) 229-49 (ACM BUmer)
AHMADI a town about 30 years old some 20
km south of Kuwayt City Dining the early days of
exploration for oil in Kuwavt the Kuwait Oil
Company (KOC ) then owned in equal shares by the
Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (later lenamed British
Petroleum) and by the Gulf Oil Corpoiation of the
United States established its base t imp at Magwa
(al-Makwa) not tai north-west of the ndge known as
Dhahr (al-Zahr) which with an elev Uion of la 120
In 1350/1938 KOC discovered oil south of the ridge
at Burgan (Burkan) destined to become one of the
largest oil field;, in the world The involvement of
Britain and later the United States in the Second
World War delayed the first export of oil until
1305/1940 KOC gradualh moved its field head-
quarteis to the deseit area of the ndge which was
renamed Ahmadi (in Arabic tl- Ahmadi) in honour ol
Shaykh Ahmad Al Djabn VI Sabah then the Ruler
of Kuwayt Oil from Burgan and other fields includ-
ing one called Ahmadi is brought to a tank farm on
the ndge whence it flows by giavity to the nearby
toast for shipment from the teiminal of Mina' al-
Ahmadi The company built at Ahmadi a planned
community with many amenities designed especially
tot the comfort and pleasure of the expatuate staff
(Bntish Americans etc ) With the passage of time
Kuwaytis in increasing numbeis received the training
necessarv to quahfv them for highei positions in the
company The government also inaugurated and
expanded in stages its participation in the ownership
of KOC, culminating in a complete takeover in
1394/1975 with the original owners being letained
to lend a hand in the operations The town and the
indigenous parts of the state have thus moved towards
full integration
Ahmadi town is also the seat of the Ahmadi
Governoiate tmuhafa^a) \s Kuwayt endeavours to
diversify its economy in order to escape undue depend-
ence on the export of oil and natural gas emphasis
is placed on industrialisation The laigest industrial
aiea in the state is now Shuaiba (al-Shu'ayba) on the
toast of the Governoiate south of Mina' al Ahmadi
with huge plants for generating electncitv distilling
sea watei, and manufacturing petrochemicals
Bibliography In addition to the general bibli-
ography for kuwvrr i,ee al'Arabi Kuwayt Shawwal
1395 and Rabi" II 1390 Uaajallat Duasat al Rhalidj
Kuwayt Radjab 1390 77k hunaiti Digest Kuwayt
Jan -Sept 1970 (G Rent7
al-AHMAR [see uu l-h^n ^l-ahm^r in
Suppl ]
AHMED, FAKIH oi Ahmed Fvkih early An-
atolian Turkish poet whose identity and date are
controversial He is accepted to be the author of the
< arkh namt a poem of about eightv couplets in kasida
form which is found in the \laajma' al na^a'ir com-
piled in the early lbth centurv by Hadjdji Kemal
of Egirdir It was first published by M Fu'ad
Koprulu as a specimen of early 13th century Tuikish
verse Unatolischt Dithler in da Stldschuktn at u \hmtd
Fakih inAC>4 n (1920) 20-38) Mecdut Mansuroglu
who edits d the work in transcription, modified the
text of the 10th century manuscript adapting it to
the linguistic characteristics of the 13th centuiy
Recent research by T Gandjei [\otts on the attribu
twn and dak of tht ' ( arhnama in 'btudi preottomam e
Ottoman! itti del Comegno di \apoli Naples 197b 101-
4| shows that there has been a confusion among
several Fakih Ahmeds and Ahmed Fakihs mentioned
in the souices and that the (arkh namt attubuted
to one of these cannot linguistically be dated ear-
hei than the late 14th century The (arkh namt
which is written in the literary language of early
Anatolian (Ottoman) Tuikish iepeats some of the
leitmotin of diwan poetry life is short all the signs
indicate that the end is near none even prophets
and kings tan escape death consider the day of
Judgement and repent etc (Foi a paraphrase in
modern Turkish and evaluation of the poem see
Fahir Iz Eski tuik edebiyatmda na-im n Istanbul 1907
Introduction!
Bibliography A Bombaci Slorta delta letttiatura
tuna Milan 1909 270 (Fahir Iz)
AHRAR Kh \di\ 'Ub«d Allah b M^hmid
N^sir al-Din 800-95/ 1404-90) a shaykh of the
Nakshbandi older undei whose auspices it became
firmly rooted in Central Asia and spread also to
elfective ruler of much of Transoxama for foui
decades He was born in Ramadan 800/March 1404
in the village of Baghistan neai Tashkent into a
family already renowned for its religious and schol-
arly interests It was his mateinal uncle Ibrahim
Shashi who fust assumed the task of educating him
and who sent him to pursue his studies in Samarkand
Because of illness and lack of inclination on his part
Ahiai soon abandoned his studies in Samarkand
more than two pages of Arabic grammai
Throughout his life indeed he manifested a ceitain
disdain for foimal religious learning assigning moie
importance to the enactment of the Shan'a and the
practise of Sufism At the age of 24 Ahrai went to
Herat and it was evidently there that his active
inteiest m Sufism was awakened He associated with
numeious shaykhi of the city without howevei offei-
ing his foimal allegiance to any of them The mas-
ter to whom he gave his devotion was instead ra'kOb
Carkhi (d 851/1447) one of the pnncipal succes-
sor of Baha' al-Din Nakshband eponymous founder
of the Nakshbandi order who had left Bukhara aftei
the death of his master to settle fust in Badakhshan
and then m the remote province of Caghamyan
Ahrai had already had some dealings in Samarkand
with another Nakshbandi shaykh Kh adja Hasan
'Attai son-in-law of Baha' al-Din Nakshband but
'Attai had seen little sign in him of spiritual talent
and advised him instead to learn the martial arts
Returning fiom Caghamyan to Tashkent in about
835/1431 Ahrai established himself as chief Sufi
shaykh of the city
855/1451 when he extended to the Timund prince
Abu Sa'id assistance that proved decisive in enabling
him to capture the Timund capital of Samarkand
it found ii
liographies
Ahrar, Abu Sa'Id, defeated in
'Abd Allah Mirza, fled northward to Tashkent, and
in the course of his flight dreamed of the celebrated
saint, Ahmad Yasawi [g.v.]. YasawT introduced him
gle. Describing the figure he had dreamed of to the
people of Tashkent, Abu SaTd was told that it was
none other than Klfadja 'Ubayd .Allah Ahrar. Ahrar
was at the time absent from Tashkent, and it was at
the small town of Parkent (Farkat) outside the city
that Abu SaTd went to meet him. Ahrar consented
enforce the Shari'a and to alleviate the lot of the peo-
ple. In the ensuing battle, 'Abd Allah Mirza was
defeated, and Abu SaTd entered Samarkand, soon to
be followed by Ahrar. Abu SaTd's battle against 'Abd
.Allah Mirza had been won, in reality, bv his Uzbek
auxiliaries, commanded by Abu '1-Khayr Khan; it is
said that thev had intervened at the request of Ahrar,
but this is uncertain. In any event, Abu SaTd felt
himself to be in the debt of Ahrar and even, accord-
ing to the chronicler 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkand!,
"regarded himself as being under his orders". Ahrar 's
domination of Samarkand became complete in 81)1/
1457 when Abu SaTd transferred his capital to Herat.
It survived the death of that prince in 874/1409, this
death occurring in the course of a disastrous cam-
paign undertaken with Ahrar's ad\ice; Abu SaTd's
son. Sultan Ahmad, proved even more devoted to
than his' father had been.
Then
conque
of Samarkand in 855/1451,
influe
organise
f the
858/1454; his success in 865/1460 in persuading Abu
SaTd to abolish the tamgha in Bukhara and Samar-
kand, and to promise the abolition of it and all
other non-skar'i imposts throughout his realm; his medi-
ation between Abu SaTd and a rebellious prince,
Muhammad Djukl, at Shahrukhiyya in the years
865/1461 and 867/1463; and his arbitration of three
conflicting claims for the possession of Tashkent in
890/1485.
Ahrar expounded the reasons for his political activ-
ity in a number of explicit utterances, which make
it clear that he sought ascendancy over rulers in
" >n of
the Shm
the u
. He
lying:
. Hen
ransgres:
pen the people and their ruling lords
checking violence and oppression,
lelpless, and have no recourse against
t God's
the people" (Mir 'Abd ;
ms. Institut Vostokovedeniya, Uzbek Academy o
Sciences, Tashkent 3735, f. 131b). His sense of polit
ical mission is also apparent from the following utter
ance: "if we acted only as shaykh in this age, n<
other shaykh would find a murld. But another tasl
has been assigned to us, to protect the Muslims Iron
the evil of oppressors, and for the sake of this w<
must traffic with kings and conquer their souls, thu
achieving the purpose of the Muslims" (Fakhr al
Din 'Alf SaiT, Rashahat 'am al-hayat, Tashken
1329/1911, 3151.
In fulfilling this role, Ahrar was aided bv the
which
perm
ted him
lofai
to bestc
wealth,
and char-
propen
of
lay, indeed, have been the largest landowner in
Transoxania of his time. Documents survive indi-
cating that he owned 30 orchards, 64 villages with
their surrounding lands and irrigation canals, and
scores of commercial establishments and artisan work-
shops in different cities (O.D. Cekhovic, SamaikaiMie
dokiimenti XV-XV1 w., Moscow 1974). Some of this
worked partly by slaves of Indian origin,
used for the upkeep of NakshbandT khanakahs,
but it is evident that in many cases the purchase
of land by Kh"adja Ahrar was purely nominal; the
property remained in the effective ownership of the
sellers, who benefited from the security and pres-
tige bestowed by the name of Ahrar.
In addition to thus establishing, in his own per-
son, NakshbandT supremacy in Transoxania, Ahrar
extended the influence of tlie order to other regions.
One of his principal followers, Muhammad Kadi,
travelled to the Mughal rulers of Farghana and
obtained their adhesion to the NakshbandT order,
both spiritual and temporal rule by NakshbandT
W'ddjas in Eastern Turkestan (see Muhammad
Haydar Dughlat, Ta'nkJi-i Rashidl, ms. British
Museum or. 157, f. 67b). Others undertook to trav-
of example we can mention Mawlana 'All Kurd!
of KazwTn and Shaykh 'Ayan Kazarum. who intro-
duced the Nakshbandiyya to western and southern
Iran before it was swept away by the Safavids
(Muhammad b. Husayn b. 'Alid Allah KazwinT,
Sihil-nama-yi M" Sdjagan-i Xakshband, ms. Istanbul,
Laleli 1381, f. 13a. FT. 10a-14a of this work con-
tain a complete list of the muilds of Ahra
nifica
of the
NakshbandT order to Turkey by ;
Ahrar, Molla 'Abd Allah Ilahr, since whose time
the NakshbandT order has maintained an uninter-
rupted presence among the Turks (see Kasim Kufrah,
Molla Ilahi ve kendisinden somaki Xakjbendire muhiti,
in Tuik Dili ve Edebiyati Deigisi, iii [October 1948],
129-51).
Ahrar died in Rabf al-Awwal 895 /February 1490,
and a decade later Tmiurid rule in Transoxania came
to an end. Muhammad Shaybam, the Uzbek con-
queror of Transoxania, showed himself hostile to the
sons of Ahrar, confiscating much of the property they
had inherited from their father, and putting to death
Kh u adja Muhammad Yahya, his second and favourite
son. However, Muhammad ShaybanT's nephew,
'Ubayd Allah Khan, restored the major part of their
lands and took pride in the coincidence of his name
with that of the great Ahrar. In general, the posthu-
mous repute and influence of the kit' adja were great,
and the various branches of the NakshbandT order
that descended from him played a major role in the
history of Central Asia down to the Russian conquest.
Bibliography: Materials on the life of Ahrar
are unusually copious. A complete bibliography-
is given in Hamid Algar, The origins of the Naqsh-
bandi ordei, ii (forthcoming], which contains a full
discussion of the career of Ahrar. Here the fol-
lowing primary sources— all of them in
Persian— will be mentioned: Mir 'Abd al-Awwal
NishapurT, Mawiu'St, ms. Institut Vostokovedeniya,
Uzbek Academy of Sciences, Tashkent 3735; Fakhr
al-Din 'AIT Salt, Rashahat 'ayn al-hayat, Tashkent
Muhammad Kadi,
nslatio
ATSHA KANDISHA
330 and Miivhm Shavkh Manahb i Kh adja
hrar ms Institut \ ostokovedemya Uzbek
cademy oi Sciences Tashkent 4730 There is
i \hrar in most of the Timund chron
220 (
Masa
and i
long e
f him i
\bd i
Rahman Djami s \afahat al uns pp 406 13 of the
edition published in Tehran in 13ab/1957 bv
Mahdi Tawhidipui) Most hter manuals of
Nakshbandi biography ilso contain accounts of
Ahnr geneially based on the Rashahat see for
example Muhammad Amin ll Kuidi al Maaahib
al iarmadnta fi manahb al \akshbandma Cano
1329/1911 155 72 \verse to formal learning
Ahrai did not leave minv writings there survive
fiom him however a comment uy on a quatrain
of obscuie meaning attributed
\bi 1 khayr Sharh i haura tua (
Zhukovskn as an appendix t
Muhammad b alMunavvwars
Petersbuig 1899 489 93 1
i Saic
tied Risa/a >
d Faiar,
d be fo
and Soviet collections the (ormer has been trans
lated into both Ottoman and C aghatiy Turkish)
Some oi his correspondence has also been pre
served m Soviet collections paitry in autogiaph
see ioi example ms Institut \ ostokovedemva
Tajik \cademy oi Sciences Dushanbe 548 The
blanches ot the Nakshbindivva descending from
Kh idja \hrir are enumeiated in karrnl al Din
alHann Tihan uasa ll al haka ik ms Istanbul
Ibiahim Efendi fl a4a 41b Scholarlv writing
is been do
tnelv in Russi
made
the
page
devoted to \hrar in \ \ Bartold s c lug
■o mma reprinted in Soarurma Moscow
(2) 121 4 205 17 Eng tr \ ind T
.\ in Foui studits on the luston of Central
Leiden 1958 117 18 lbb 77 ind a num
onomic aspects oi \hiai
/
Ma aanmilhi
\\
[,
metk
i o
hhodjia i/hi
Uhku I biks
ll PoetS
hi Tashken
25 49 7 \
Kutba
K
i alujmkh
Khodja ilh
pot
mko
Tashkent U
97(
ad OD C
Samarl andsl it
Dokum
nt,
U
\U
Moscow
(FRv
1948
1974
oflicial
f
AHRUN (\hrun) b
piesbvtei and phvsuiin who lived in Al
probabK in the 7 th centurv ind belong
Paulus oi \igina to the last gieat medical
pioduced b\ the Alexindnan School A satin
ot al Hakam b \bdal [q ] in which a tr
of \bd al-Mahk b Bishi b Maiwan governor a
Basra is advised to hive the ofiensive smell of his
breath ind nose cuied b\ Ahiun before presenting
himself to the amir (Dj ihrz Haymian i Cano 1949
50 247 14 = 249 8 = 250 2 Ibn Kutavba I tun
Cairo 19j0 iv b2 -ighani Cano 1928 n 424) pos
siblv offers a terminus post qutm toi the period in
which \hiun lived 'Abd al Malik b Bishr was gov
ernoi under i azid II m 102/720 1 iTaban n 1433
143b)
\hiun (piobablv =
nedical compendiui
insisting of 30 boo
App <c
gedK c
josios [Tht Chronograph of
Bar Htbratus ti Budge
ilso M Meverhoi in hi vi
lated the w
al Kunnash and to have added two more books The
miormation on this piocedure is however defective
and inconsistent [see Fihnst 297 Ibn Djuldjul Tubal at
ed F Sawid bl kiiti Hulama ed Lippert 80
Ibn \bi Usaybi a Lyunalanba i 109 Said Tabalat
ed Cheikho 88 Barhebraeus Duual ed Silham
157) The data are the more unceitam because it is
not known when Masai djuwayh was living \ccoiding
to Ibn Djuldjul he is said to have translated \hrun s
work under the caliphs Mam m (b4 5/b84 5) or 'Umar
b Abd al 'Aziz b Marwan (99 101/717 20) accord
ing to otheis he belongs to the 2nd/8th or 3rd/9th
century
In anv case the Kunnash must have been highlv
ippieciated [Kunnash fadil afdal al kanarush al kadima
Kiiti Hulama 324) although it was verv badlv
ananged and diflicult to consult even ior special
ists according to the judgement oi Abu Sihl Bishi
b lakub al Sidjzi i4th/10th centurv) Foi exam
pie the twentv kinds oi headaches (suda c ) are said
to ha\e been brought together in one place while
their causes symptoms and treatments aie discussed
separately m vanous places The subject matter could
thus onlv be mastered bv lengthv leadings (see
Dietnch Mtduinalia arabica Gottingen 19bb \iabic
text b ft I M Madjusi (Kitab al Malah i Bulak
1294 4 f) remaiks that the woik is bad and with
out value especially for those who had not lead
Hunavn b Ishiks translation— which thus also did
rved in complete
The Kunnash h is
nanuscnpt 1
V quot
in al Razi s Haul Thev have been bi ought
together bv Ullmann Dn \hdion im Islam 88 1
ind bv Sezgm G4S m 167 i Thev can certainlv
be enlaiged thiough systematic reseaich see eg
Maimonides Sharh asma al ukl ar ed Meveihoi
Cano 1940 no 247 Ibn al Khitib Kitab amal man
iabb h man habb ed Mana C \ azquez de Benito
Salamanca 1972 89 lj> 135 140 \ judgment
on the woik will onlv be permitted attei all the
quotations attainable have been compiled svstemat
lcillv with the greatest possible completeness Razi
more than once quotes an abstract from the Kunnash
under the title al Fa ll It could not be verified
whether the al iduiia al katila mentioned bv S
Munadjdjid in RI\U v 1 19591 278 is indeed a
work oi \hrun but Munadjdjid considers the attn
bution as doubttul
Bibliography -aven in the aiticle See furthei
Ullmann and Sezgin and foi the older literature
L Lecleic Histoire d, la mtduint arabi i 187b
77 81 _ \\ Dietrich)
'A'ISHA KANDISHA a female spi.it diver
selv letened to as a d^innnta la temale djirmi [qi])
an afnta [see ifrit] or a ghula [see ghul] bv the
peoples ot northern Morocco Uestermarck classi
lies her as one ot the individual spirits whose
chai ictenstits are moie explicitly elaborated than
those of the run oi the mill djinn \lthough there is
some difteience of belief in hei attnbutes A isha
Kandisha is said generally to appeal as either a
wondrous beauty oi an old wnnkled hag with elon
gated nipples pendulous bieists and long finger
In h
aamfest'
ss She it thought to be
and quick-tempered —
strike those who have
offended her Hei
ATSHA KANDISHA — AKA KHAN KIRMANl
ned t.
-he is
into her
\is_hi kandisha i
less elaborated dimm
the eirth or undei i
toi ,1 she is
claim that
1\ ledress is to
to the Peisnn newsp ipei
such is the Uhtar ol Istmbul
betoie giving
md Milkam khms Afl
nm published m London H(
1 w is one ol the outspoken
opponents ol the 1890 Pe,s,m
an led to i tn
md to live m
the Sh ih ind his sh irp
ntKism ol Nisir J Din nude
e Moroccm lit
tht httei so mgr\ tint
while kicking tht ground
The Himidishi
md ( hewing his lips
le Sh,h slid \n\ont who
estiblishes (oirespondenc
with \kikhm 1 willdemol
ol Sidi \li h
ish his house enei his
heid \\ ilm Diwhtibidi
Hamdush one of th< saints whom the\ \enei ite
the Djebel Zirhun This giotto is visited b\ \
kmdishis followers especi ilh bv women who
anxious lor (hildien oi loi lehet horn menstiu il c la:
ind othei gv n lecological ( ompl nnts Su< h wot
sme ii henm on then uling bock ind nuke i pr
lse [ ai [q in Suppl]) to sacrifice i ( hicken oi (
1 of their compl unt Dunng
1 pilgnn
the gi
Han
wild t
ind (
Vishi Kandi
with other lem lie spirits in Noith \lri( a ind t
Middle East Westeimatik his lehted her woiship
that ol \stnte The H imadisha cl urn tint she w
bi ought north horn the Sudan b\ one of then sain
Sidi \hmid Dghughi
Bihhoyapfa E\ Westermank Ritual and bit
in Mnmuo I ondon 192b \ Ciapmzino 1
Hamadsha a study in \lowuan it/mopnihiatn Beiktl
197a idem Mnhnmnud and Da un in \ C i ipanzii
ind \ Gamson leds i Case studits in spirit pa s.
sion New_ioik 1177 \ Crvpanzanoi
AKA KHAN KIRMANl Mirzv '\bu \l Husn
) known as Ba!dsin (ta 1270 1 314/185j %i
model
ladith
linker
ithemat
familv ol Kiimtn H,
entuie 1 si mm histor
logic nituril philosoph
filh
md !
r the
1 Istahin
the
is Mulh Djifir Hidjdji \ki Sadik md Smid
Djawid kiibahi He ilso le irned some raiglish
Fieiuh Tuikish and Old and Middle Peisnn In
12<W1880 he assumed i position in the kirm m
Revenue Ofhte \lter ippioximiUlv time veils how
e\er he suddenh ibindoned his job md sec nth lett
operite with the Nasii alDawh the oppiessive gov
e Shih
■.up hea
IDj m
il Dm
•Ugh mi md he
ultima ol Ink Beciust ot these inti Sh m u mints
the Iiinim government uigcd the Tuikish authontie
to txtriditc \ki khan and his close issoe i .t. s t.
Inn This development coincided with the 1893-
\imeman tiniest in Tuikev md \k , KJim w,
ment w is then toie made th it Tuikev should txih ingi
\ki khm and his fnends toi the lebtlhous -Xmieman
n had fl
a the
N isir il Din Sh Ui
\lgham Mirzi Rid i kiimim this incident "expe
dited the piocess of \kt khm s e\ti idition Fin ilh
in Salar 1 314/Julv 18% \k i khm togethei with
two h lends Ruhi md Hisin Khm khibu il Mulk
ueie beheided in Tabnz while Muhmimid \h
\ki khan has been letogmsed as i distinguished
intellectual c ilibre thin othei contempoiaiies suth is
Malkam khm Uhund Z ida ind Mustashu ilDiwh
Tabuzi loi one thing Ins linguistic abilitv piovaded
sotnl political and philosophic, il thought Despite his
he was inti religious md quite
hostile to nnm ti
\ka khm and 1.
night Bib
icted
tud\ Fir nth
undei the Jesuits Bee mse ol tht trouble that
Nasn ilDiwh cieated loi him he togethei with
close fnend Sh evkh \hm id Ruhi went to Tc.hr in
m 1303/188a but he could not st i\ theie lo, the
same re ison He md Ruhi theiefoie iltei spending
a lew months m Mashh id proceeded to Istmbul
tow aids the end of 1303/188b Soon tfterwnds thev
both went to Cyprus ind euh man led i daughtei
ind consideied ill iehgious sects to be useless [Fuidun
\dimivvit \ndishahan Mi, a Ua hhan himiam
lehian 1%7 Mil In his thinking lit wis influenced
b\ Euiopem thinkeis suth as \ oltaue Spentei
Roussem Montesquieu and Guizot
ton, ind suggested i new methodologv loi Peisnn
. silvei md gold whii.li lie the means of txchmge
ne [ibid 2a7 8)
Bibho^apln \k i khm knmini Hasht
\KA KH\N KIRMXNI — \K \ NADJAFI
(1924) 406 12 idem 4 ma yi sikandan [Tankh I
Iran) Tehian 190b Abdul Hadi Ham Europtan
and Asian influences on the Persian Rtiolutwn of 190b
in Asian Affairs N S vi (June 1975) 155 b4
Tht
■ea oj c
1 Persi,
, the 1906 R,i
VII Kongrtsscs fur Arabistik und Islamuissenschaft
Gottm^en 1 1 bis 22 August 1974 Gottingen
1976 189 207 Fmdun \damiv\at Ideuluji yi
nahdat i mashrutiyyat l Tehian 1976 idem Fikr
i dimukrasm idjtima'i dat nahdat i mashrutiyyat i Iran
Tehran 1975 idem Sih maktub i Mir^a Fath Ah
sih maktub la sad khataba )i \lir a Aka Khan in
Yaghma xix (19b6) 362 7 425 8 idem Andishaha
yi Mir^a Fath 'All Akhund Zada Tehran 1970 M
Mu'in Farhangi jarsi v Tehian 1966 under
"Aka Khan Muhammad Taki Malik al Shu'ara
Bahai Sabkshinasi m Tehran 1958 Ahmad
Kasrawi Ta nkh i mashruta yi Iran Tehian 1965
Mahdi Malik Zada Ta nkh i mkilab i mashrutiyyat
i ban i Tehran 1949 Nazim al Islam Kirmani
Ta nkh i Bidan u Iiamyan l/l 3 and Mukaddima
Tehran 1967 Nikki R keddie Th, origins ij th,
religious radical alliance in Iran in Past & Presint A
Journal oj Histoncal Studies xxxiv (1966) 70 80
iv/4 (1962) 265 95 idem Rthgion and rebellion in
Iran th Tobacco Protest oj 1891 1892 London
1966 EG Biowne Press and poetry oj modern Persia
Cambridge 1914 idem 77k Persian Rtiolutwn of
1901 1909 Cambndge 1910 idem Materials for
tht study oj tht Babi religion Cambndge 1918 Nasr
Allah Fathi Ta'nkh i shanjirnan i Iran kitabi ki
muntasab k Mir^a Aka Khan Kmnam ast in
Main ii/9(1967) 33 7 IsmtilRain Andaman
ha yi sun dar mkilab i mashrutiyyat i Iran Tehran
1966 Khinbaba Mushar Uu allifin i kutub i capi
yi farsi la Arab: ill Tehian 1962 nos 754 b
Hamid Algar Mir^a Malkum Khan a biographual
study oj Iranian modernism Berkele\ 1973 BastanT
Parizi Talash i ma'ash Tehran 1968 khan Malik
Sasani Siyasatgaran 1 daura yi Kaajar l Tehran
1959 Mi Amin al Dawla Khatirat i siyasi Tehran
1962 Muhammad kazwim Wafayat i mu'a inn
in lad^ar in/10 (1947) 12 25 Said NafTsi Duktur
'Ah Akbar Khan \ajisi \a^im al Atibba in lad^ar
11/4(1946) 52 60 J Moner Sar^asht i Ha^di
Baba vi hjaham tr Mirza Habib Isfahani
Calcutta 1924 Mangol Bavat Phihpp Tht ton
cepts oj reh^im and gnernment in the thought oj
Mir a Aqa Khan Kirmani a mnettenth century
Persian re olutionary in IJUES v (1974) 381 400
Muhammad Gulbun \ladjara yi katl i Mir^a Aka
Khan Kirmani Shaykh Ahmad Ruht la Mir a Hasan
Khan Khabir al \lulk in laghma xxiv/4 (1971)
See also azadi in Suppl
I Abdul Hadi Haiei)
AKA NADIAFI rUDjoji Shaikh Muhammad
Taki Isfahani (1845 1931) membei of a sen pow
erfullv established clencal famih of Isfahan and him
self an influential and wealthy religious authontv in
pora
such
Mir.
Has
Shu
father
erful
also a powf
Nadjaf and studied jikh and usul under Shit:
others Aftei his fathers death in 1883 \ka NadjafT
was widely recognised as a leligious leader in Isfahan
he led the prayers in congiegation in the Shah
mosque and peifoimed judicial duties at home
Despite the governmental injunction he went as fai
as to execute the judgements which he himself passed
on crul and criminal cases Man\ books on pia\ers
ethics jikh and othei Islamic subjects have been
ascnbed to him and weie published at his own
expense but it is believed that the\ were not in
realm written bv himself (Mahdi Bamdad Sharh r
hall ndjal i Iran in Tehian 1968 327) Since he
was a wealthv landowner he naturally had much
in common with the feudal governor of Isfahan Zill
al Sultan thev often worked together although at
times this co opeiation was replaced b\ hostility
conspnacv and struggle
\ka Nadjafl has been held responsible for two
major disorders in Isfahan and \azd in which many
people were murdered on the accusations of Babism
and lrieligiositv once in 1890 and another time in
1902 both of which resulted in \ka NadjafTs ban
ishment to Tehian He along with many other peo
pie protested against the Tobacco Concession of 1890
being givtn to a Bntish company he also favouied
the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1906 In both
cases \ka NadjafT appears less as a genuine lover of
freedom than as an opportunist who hoped to inciease
his piestige wealth and influence in the light of those
wealth Ua Nadjafl declared as unbelievers and even
at times had murdered those who opposed him or
who weie critical of him iMahdi Malik Zada Ta nkh i
mkilab i mashrutmat i Iran i Tehran 1949 16b) More
over b\ 1911 Aka Nadjafl and his sons hxd made
a volte face and wished to place then extensive landed
piopertv under foreign protection (Cd 5b5b Persia
No 1 (1911) G Baiclav to E Grev Feb 2s 1911
London 1911 CHI p 30;
Bibliography \bdul Hadi Hani Shi ism and ton
stitutwnahsm in Iran a study oj the role played by the
Pirsian residents of Iraq in Iranian politics Leiden 1977
idem Why did the I lama participate in the Persian
reiolution if 1905 1909> in It I xvn (197b) 127 54
Hasan Djabni Ansan Ta nkh i Isfahan la Ray la
hamayi&ahan Tehian 1943 \gha Buzurg Tihruii
Tabakat a lam al Shi'a i Nadjaf 1954 \ahva
Dawlatabadi Ta nkh i mu'asir ya hayat i lahya l
Tehian 1957 Ahmad Kasrawi Ta'nkh i masjiruta
yi Iran Tehian 1965 idem Ta nkh i hidjdahsala yi
Adharbaydjan Tehran 1961 Nur Allah Damshwar
•Alawi Tankh i mashruta yi Iran a djunbish i
uatanparastan i Isfahan la Bakhtiyan Tehian 1956
Nazim al Islam Knmam Ta nkh i bidan yi Iramyan
Intiod i n Tehran 1967 1970 Muhammad Hasan
Khan I'timad al Saltana Rujiama yi khatirat Tehran
1971 Abd al Samad khal atban Sharh i mukh
tasar i ^indigam yi sipahsalar i A'^am Muhammad It ah
Tunukabum Tehran 1949 Ahmad Tafnshi
Hus
i Ruoia
akhbar ,
Ruyc
mmad Kazim khurasam [q I ] Aka NidjafT
was not known as being devoted to the welfare and
prospentv of the Muslims in general and the Iranians
in paititulai Rather he has often been leferred to
as a gram hoardei a venal power hungrv iehgious
leadei a usuiper of other people s property and an
unjust judge After his pnmarv education undei his
< Tehran 1972 ;
nd np GR Garthwaite Vie Bakhtiyan Khans
tht goiemment of ban and tht Bntish 1846 1911 in
IJMES m (1972) 24-44 Abbas Mirza Mulkara
Sharh i hal Tehran 1946 Abd Allah MustawfT
Sharh i _indigam yi man i Tehran n d Muhammad
'Mi Say\ah Khatirat i Haa^d} Sayyah ya daura yi
khaufva iiahshat Tehran 1967 Mahdikuh Hidavat
Khatirat ta khatarat Tehran 1965 Mas'ud Mirza
AKA NADJAFI — AKHBAR al-SIN v
Zill al-Sultan, Ta'nkh-i sarguzasht-i Mas'udi, Tehran
1907; Muhammad Hirz al-Din, Met an] al-r'ugal, ii,
Nadjaf 1964; <AlT Wa'iz Khiyabani, Kitab-i 'ulamu-
'i mu'Siiim, Tehran 1946; Muhammad 'All
Mudarris, Ravhanat al-adab, i, lii, 1967; Husayn
Sa'adat Nun, ^// al-Sultan, Tehran 1968; Hamid
Algar, Religion and state in Iran 1785-191)6: the ink
of the Ulama in the Qajai period, Berkeley 1969; E.G.
Browne, The Persian revolution of 1905-1909,
Cambridge 1910; Firuz Kazemzadeh, Russia and
Britain inPeisia, 1864-1914, New Haven 1968; Nikki
R. Keddie, Religion and rebellion in Iran: the tobaeeo
pwtcst of 1891-1892, London 1966; A.K..S. Lambton,
Persian political societies 1906-11, in St. Antony's Papers.
No. 16, London 1963, 41-89.
AKAGUNDUZ, Turkish writer and novelist (1886-
19581 whose original name was Husayn 'Awm. In
his writings he used the pen-name Ems 'Awm which
he later changed to Akagunduz. The son of an army
Salonica, and was educated at the Kuleli military
high school and the War College IMekteb, haibivre),
which he left because of ill health, being sent to
Paris for treatment where, for three years, he attend-
ed the courses of the Academy of Fine Arts and the
Faculty of Law. Back in Salonica, he volunteered
for the Action Army [Haieket oldusu) which was sent
to quell the mutiny of 13 April 1909 ij 1 / Mart wak'asi\
in Istanbul. He was active as a journalist until 1919,
when, because of his enthusiastic support of the
Nationalists in Anatolia, he was arrested by the British
and deported to Malta. Freed b\ the Nationalist gov-
ernment, he settled in Ankara 'where he combined
the functions of a Member of Parliament with his
career as a writer. He died in Ankara on 7 November
1958.
Akagunduz started his career in Salonica in close
relationship with his friend 'Omer Seyf el-Din, as a
poet, short story writer and playwright. But he is pri-
e thunderbolt", 1934), !
located imusha). As regards ownership of the fore-
lore and new land formed by natural processes, this
Bibliography: Mustafa Ahmad al-Zarka', al-
and bihliography~there cited; for examples of how
• R.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Yoi
Leiden
1976.
.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Yoin
AKBAR b. AWRANGZlB, Mughal prince
mother dying when he was an infant, he was
affectionately brought up by Awrangzib [//.;'.
ihadji, the Maratha ruler 1 1680-9i, and thci
vhere he died in 1116/1704; until
Awrangzib continued to feel some anxiety
tngzflj
Bibliotiiaphy. Muhammad Hashim KhalT Khan,
Munlakhah al-lubdb. ii, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1860-74;
Ard-dasht of Shahzada Muhammad Akbar to the
Emperor Awrangzib, Royal Asiatic Society London,
MS. No. 173;' Adab-i ''alam«iu, numerous mss.;
see V.J.A. Fl>nn, Adab-i 'alamgm, an English tians-
Ph.D. t
i Nat:
Urn
1974, i
AKHBAR al-SIN wa l-HIND, the
China and India which have, for v;
); Uve
I "The- :
mother", 1933) and Yayla kirj i"The girl of the pi;
1940). Akagundliz'.s unsophisticated novels and shorl
stories, written in an unpolished style with no claim
to literary value, which were immensely popular in
the 20s and early 30s, treat, with a certain elemenl
of realism, mainly of sentimental or tragic theme.'
among ordinary people.
Bibliography: feni yayinlar, February 196C
(complete list of works; Behcet Necatigil, Edebmt-
tinuzda isunlei sozlugu\ Istanbul 1975.'
'AKAR (A.I, a legal term denoting "immovable
property", such as houses, shops and land, as opposed
to ma I mankul ("movable property"). As .such, 'akd:
is identical with "realty" or "real property". All
property which is 'akar is non-fungible (klim), bul
■tkar is deemed also to be the ,
>s Ind,
1 de la Chun
11, which was in its turn translated into English and
tion regarding the origin of the text, Renaudot was
the copy made bv the translator himself i was sub-
sequently found in the Bibliotheque Rovale and print-
ed through the good offices of Langles; it was,
years later, accompanied b\ a new annotated trans-
lation and an introduction, under the title Relations
des voyages Jaits par les Aiabes et Its Peisam dans llnde
el Chine dans le IX' sihle de I'm ihietienne (Paris 1845,
2 vols.). In 1922 G. Ferrand produced a neu trans-
l-HIND — AKHBARIYYA
Zmd Hasan ( trs 916) as vol vn ot the (lassi/uts de
lOmnt Finally in 1948 J Sauvaget publish d in
Pans the text a translation of and a laush lorn
mentirv on no I is Ahbai as Sin ») 1 Hmd Relation
di la Chmt et de I Indi reditu en 8j1
Independenth of the reactions provoked b\
Reniudot s version (see Sauvaget p xvi) the anon\m
it\ of the first ot these narratives his given rise to
discussions and hypotheses Quitiemeie in 74(1839)
22 5) thought rather unwiseh to attnbute it to al
Mas udi [qi] Remand on the basis of the name
ot Sulavman al Tadjn which is quoted in the text
s> 12 of the Sauvaget edition) thought tint this hst
wis the author G Feinnd adopting this point of
view entitled his woik lotaoi du maithand arabt
Sulaiman and \ Mmoiskv Hudud al alam index) is
seen to follow him deliberately in speaking onlv ot
Suhvmin the Merchant It is true tint these
authois can chim support irom in important author
itv since Ibn il Fakih reters Buldan 1 1 tr H Masse
14) to Suhvman il Tidjir in i context other thin
the narntrve in which his mmt appened Howevei
H \.ule {Catha-i and tht tay thithtr London 18bb pp
cncm) ind ifter him P Pelhot (in 7 ' ouns, Pao xxi
(1922) 4012 xxu 1923) 116) hive drawn itten
tion to the fict thit this Suhvmin was ippirentlv
onlv in informint among others who remimed
tigunng it the beginning of the sequel
v Abu Zivd who savs thit his
akhbai ,
i IHma
even if the
the contents oi tht work liter tuthois have consid
ered them is i title notiblv il Biium who in his
^ibadh ft akhbar al Sin (ed Kienkow in \l\IH xm
(1935) 388) claims to borrow a iict irom the Kitab
ikhbai al Sin md there is no reison not to adopt
this solution
The inonvmous nirntive is cilled al Kttab al anal
bv Abu Zivd who gives the precise dite oi 237/851
On the other hind that oi the kitab al tham is not
so pieciselv known but we possess some iniormition
on the luthoi of this sequel thinks to al Mis udi
who incidentally commits in enoi in calling him
probiblv midveitentlv Abu Zivd Muhammad b
\ izid il Sn ifi although he himself savs thit his
surname is alHisin The luthoi of the Murudj
declnes (i 321 = t) 351) that he met Abu Zivd at
Basra where he was icsident in 303/915 lb and
thit he leceived intoimition from him in iealitv
•\bu Zivd must hive supplied him with the text oi
the two mintives which were put to extensive
use in the Murudj often distoited bv al Mis udi s zeal
for elegance
Texts I and II ire quite dissimihi both lie cleirlv
recollections oi joumevs in exotit hnds but if the
first is t haractei lsed bv the quilitv of the observi
tions of the luthoi oi of the meithints who give
him the infoimation ind piobiblv constitutes the most
ancient account of China tht second later bv ibout
70 vens seems less idiible While tht first narrative
without pretension oi inv sort is in general exict
and spontineous thit oi Abu Zivd whuh had itself
been moi cover commissioned is more hboured gives
muth space to sulois stones and to marvels ind
betnvs the tendencv resisted howevei bv il Djihiz
to intioduce iables into this foim of adab
Othei luthois than il Mas udi hive exploited
xxix) and it is istomshing thit onlv one ms of it
his suivived It is howevei not impossible thit paits
ot it were detached and pissed into the oril domain
which would explain whv at a tairlv earlv dite the
texts ceised to be copied although these texts were
onginallv intended for a hteiate public
Bibliot;raphi Pre 1948 references ippear in
Sauvigets woik See furthei I Krackovskiv
irabskaya sfo^iajice'.kaya htemtura Moscow Lemngrid
1957 141 2 A Miquel La %tographu humaine du
mondi mmttlman Pans 1973 116 2b and index
(Ch Pellat
AKHBARIYYA in Ithna Ashan Shi ism me ins
those who relv primiiilv on the traditions
akhbar of the Imams as a source ot religious knowl
edge in contrast to the Usuliyva [q ] who admit a
larger share of speculative reason in the principles
{usul oi theologv and icligious hw Opposing tradi
tionahst and ntionahst currents were apparent in the
Ithna Ashan Shi a irom its beginnings in the 2nd/8th
centuiv In the Buwavhid ige the three leading schol
us alMufidld 413/1022) al-Murtidi d 43b/1044)
and the Shavkh al Tusi (d 4b0/10b7) in conironta
tion with the tndition ilist school oi Kumm put the
utionilist Usuli doctune on a firm basis bv adopt
ing Mu'tazih theological principles and elaborating a
distinctive Ithna 'Ashan methodology oi jurisprudence
(« ul alfilh) Akhbai ma ind Usuliyva aie fust men
tioned as antagonistic factions bv Abd al Djahl al
kazwim an Ithna Ashan scholar oi Ravx writing
ta 5b5/U70 who chir
: the 1-
and r
\khbai al Si
indir,
I Hind (i
tting i
the
Akhbni opposition to the piedominant Usuh tiend
rem lined latent dunng the following centunes until
Mulli Muhammad Amin b Muhammad Shani al
Astarabidi (d 1033/1624) encouraged bv his teacher
Mirz! Muhammad b All al Astarabadi (d 1028/
1619j ai troubled the Akhban position in his A al
ban a id al madanma and thus became the founder
oi the latei Akhban school He pioposed to restore
the eailv Akhbni doctrine which had remained undis
puted until the time oi al Kulavm (d 328/929) and
vigorously criticised the innovations of the three
famous scholars of the Buwavhid age and even moie
so ot the All urn al Hilli (d 726/1325) the Shahid
alAwwal Muhammad b Makki al Will (d
786/1384) ind the Shahid al Tham Zavn al Din al
\mih (d 9bb/1558) in the uml aljilh ind theolo
gy The basic theses which he amimed against the
Usuh position included the doctune that the akhbai
oi the Imam% take precedence ovei the appaient mean
ing oi the Kur an the hadith oi the Piophet and rea
son since the Imam:, are their divinelv appointed
interpreters The apparent meaning oi the akhbar
whuh were accepted as sound (iahih) bv the eailv
Ithni Ashan commumtv piovide customarv cei
taintv [\akin adi] not meielv probability Uatm) as
the Usuh muditahids maintained 4.11 alhbar cont lined
in the ioui canonic il collections oi the Ithni
Ashanyva belong to the category oi iahih The cit
egones besided sahih and da if weik which the
Allami al Hilh in imitation of Sunm practice intro
duced with iegard to the reliability oi the transmit
teis ire melevant Also consensus \id i ma') which has
been handled too laxly bv the mutfjiahid^ is valid onlv
li the inclusion oi the Imam is ibsolutelv ceitiin ind
thus does not piovide a source oi the law sepa
rate irom the akhbar Idjtihad leading to mere ^ann
ind talhd le following the opinions of a mudjtahid
AKHBARIYYA
are forbidden Ever)
akhbar oi the Imams
no more than a knowledge oi Arabic and the spe-
cific teiminologv of the Imams \s needed Ii in appai-
b\ the methods prescubed bv the Imams tauakkuf
abstention fiom a decision is obligator
The Akhbm school flourished dunng the following
two centimes Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi s
teaching wis expresslv endorsed bv the eldei al-
Madjlisi Muhammad Taki (d 1070/1660) and adopt-
ed b\ Mulla Muhsin Fa\d al-kasham id ta
1091/1680) both inclining to Sufism and philosophv
An influential champion of \khb in doctrine was al-
Hun al-'\mih [q ] (d 1104/1693) author oi a \ast
collection of akhhai oi the Imams Tafsil itam'il al
shi'a da alikam al shan'a who stnttlv jdheied to and
lefined Akhban methodologv iefrainmg howevei
fiom an\ polemics against the mudftaluds His con-
temporarv 'Abd 'Ah b Dium'a al-'Aiusi al-Huwavzi
authoi of the km'an commentary *<ur al thikala)n
also staunchK suppoited Akhban views Al-
Astaiabadis veibal attacks on the Usuh muditahids
were lesumed b\ 'Abd Allah b Hadjdj S ihh al-
Samahidji al-Bahiani (d 1135/1723) who in his
Mum at almumamm fi aa^uibat su'alat al shinkh last,,
expounded some foit\ points of conflict between the
Akhbans and the mudfta/uds and bv the Muhaddith
'Abd 'Ah b Ahmad al-Dni7i al B ihram id
1177/1703-4) in his Una ma'ahm al shi'a Among the
moie moderate suppoiteis oi Akhban positions ucie
'Abd Allah b al-Hadjdj Muhammad d- Turn il-
Bushiawi (d 1071/1066) authoi ol al Uafiya fi mill
aljikh the Savvid Ni'nnt Allah al-Djazi'in al-
Shushtan (d 1112/1700) and \ usuf b Ahmad al-
Bahram id 1186/1773) biother of the pievioush
mentioned 'Abd 'Ah b Ahmad and author of the
Lulu' at al Bahiatn and ol the extensive and populai
Jikh woik alHadaik al nadna The lattei onginallv
upheld pure Akhba ' • •
een the
shndenng the muditahids and splitting
the Shi'a
In the second hall of the 12th/18th tentuiv Usuli
dot tune was lorceiulK lestated b\ Muhammad Baku
al-Bihbiham yd 1208/1793-41 in his al Id,tihad ita I
akhba) and othti uoiks He went so lai as to
denounce the Akhbans as mlidels and w is able to
bieak then dominant position in kaibala' The list
piominent repiesentative oi the Akhbanvva the
Muhaddith Muhammad b 'Abd al-Nibi an-Nisabtni
al- Akhban authoi ol a A Mum at al mm tad fi mi/at
al idihhad tounteied with polemical vitupciation and
cm sing oi the muditahids He gained the fivour ol
the kadjai Shah Fath 'Ah Shah foi some time but
having been denounced b\ the Shavkh Dja'fn kashil
al-Ghita' [qi] was eventuallv exiled to Tiak and
in 1233/1818 was killed bv a mob m al-Kazima\n
Theieafter the Akhbany\a rapidh declined The onlv
Akhban tommumtv known to have survived to the
piesent is in the legion ol khurr imshahi ind
\badan
Bibliography ' Abd al-Djahl al-kizwim al-Razi
A al \akd ed Djalal al-Din Uimawi ma'ruf
bi-Muhaddith Tehian 1331/1952 2 250 291
301 304 492 Muhammad Amin al-Astaiabadi
ul Fan a' id al madanma Tehian 1321/1904
Muhammad al-Dizluh Faiuk al hal k printed
together with Dja'fai kashil al-Ghita' al Hakk
al miibin, Tehian 1319/1901, al-khansan,
Rau
dat al djan
nat ed
A Isma'ihvan kumm
u'nt)
(-2/1970-2
i 120-
39 & Scarcia Intumo allt
Lull pnsso th Imamitt di
P«M
a in RSO
958) 211-50 A Falatun
Du
~itnlfti Sihi
i am dtr
Sulit ant* Sihntin Piohlmu
I nltruuhu
g in F
shihift Hunt, (aikil ed
E Graf Leide
80-95
(\\ MADELUNG)
AKIL KHAN
RAZI
Mir Muhammad 'Askari
Mugh
al official
and co
mmander He came from
v of the S
khwai [qi] in khuiasan,
s bom in Ir
dia He
was m the semce ofPnnce
Auian
gzib fiom t
te verv 1
eginmng When Auiangzib
lelt th
the thione in 1008/1058
'\kil
khan was
left n
chaige of the titv oi
Dm la
abid Subs
he was piomoted to the
lank c
f 1 500/1 000 ind
vas made fan.dfdar [qi] of
the D,
db In 109
/1081 1
of Di
held t
us post till his death in
1108/
096-7 hav
piomoted to the lank of
4 000/
1 000
,™V
oik called
the 11 a
ascribed
^hmfxhis coiams'a
veiv l
terestmg 1
ut on o
casions a highlv-colouied
t ol the v
if Awiangz
Urns"
erv flattei
ng pictu
e of Awiangzib and con-
not found m the official
historv
the 'Alan
'\kil khan was devoted
to literal's puisu
ts and
leavin
behind a
Dm an
nd a numbei of mathnaiu
Biblmiiapht ' \kil khan Razi Haki'at i 'alam^m
ed Zafai Hasan Aligaih 1945 (see Stoiev i 584-
5) Muhammad kazim ' Alamt>irnama Bibl Ind
Calcutta 1805-73 Saki Musta'id khan Ma'athu i
'ataman Bibl Ind Calcutta 1871 Shah Nawaz
khan Maathir al uniara' n Bibl Ind Calcutta
1888 M Athar Ah Thi Mughal iwhilih undo
1906
bas Mah
r of
, Haz
(M
lopment of Egvptia
le 20th tentmv In
:oi polemicist an
89 he did not con
long influence of English
•ridge Mac
Mill
and Darwin .
ideas of Lessing Sc hopenhauei and Nietzsche among
the Geiman philosopher It was eailv in the 1910s
that al-'Akkad met Ibrahim al-Mazim and the two
men formed a fnm fuendship based both on a love
of poetiv (especiallv that oi the English Romantics
lound in such uoiks as Palgiave s Tht (,oldin Trtamn)
and on a distaste for the conventions of the neo-
classical school of Egvptian poets pel sonified bv
Ahmad Shawki and Hadz Ibiahim \l-'Akkad wrote
the Introduction to al-Mazim s hist collection ol
poetiv 1 191 3) and published two collections of his
' ide lak,at al sabah (1910) and
hadi aUahna (1917) The
e also shaied b> a thud w
, 'Abd al Rahmai
Shukn, the best poet of the group. These three ai
often referred to as the "Diwan School", but th;
is somewhat of a misnomer in that al-'Akkad an
al-Mazim alone were the authors of al-Dlwdn, a bli,
tering piece of criticism in which al-Mazim accuse
Hafiz Ibrahim of madness and confusion while a
'Akkad attacked Shawki's occasional poetry in th
most caustic of terms. The three men seemed t
have shared a common view of the nature and ro!
of poetry, but it was al-'Akkad who provided muc
of the critical impetus for which the group is pr
marily remembered.
At the conclusion of the First World War, al-'Akkad
became closely associated with Sa'd Zaghlul, the leader
of the Wafd, and began to write articles for the party's
newspaper, at Balagh Many ol these articles on liter-
ature aesthetics, religion and historv were later col-
lected into book form undei such titles as Murad^a'at
fi I adab wa ljunun and Mutata'at fi I kutub wa I
ha\at During the regime ol IsmS'il Sidki in the early
1930s when the constitution was resoked al-'Akkad s
fervent convictions led him to undertake the consid-
erable risk of publishing a work criticising the ruling
authorities, al Hukm at mutlak fi 'I karri at 'ishnn for
which he was imprisoned for nine months This decade
also saw the appearance of three more \olumes of
his poetry (Uah al arba'in Hadmat al kaianan and
'Abu sabil) the nosel Sara and a senes of biogra-
phies on famous figures from the early history of
Islam These latter works seem to form part of a
trend in the 1930s whereby Egyptian intellectuals
(including Taha Husasn and Muhammad Husasn
Haykal) turned their attentions to religious biograph-
ical themes
In 1938, al-'Akkad abandoned the Wafd Party and
joined the breakaway Sa'dist group led by Ahma>
Mahir and al-Nukrashi Howes er the self-reliance an.
outspokenness which had sersed his purpose as
\ounger man seem to hase turned progressisel
to scepticism arrogance and extreme consersatisn
He left the Sa'dist gioup and became essentialh
one-man party In the literary sphere he not onl
vigorously opposed the new free serse poetrv which
began to emerge following the Second World Wai
but also changed his mind about the possibilities
oi blank serse in Arabic something which he had
encouraged Shukn to expenment with in the eai'
part of their careers He joined a numbei of other
consersatise critics in opposing committed litera-
ture, in fact as David Semah notes {Four Egvptian
literary cntus Leiden 1974 25) he seemed unwilling
to accept any kind of criticism of his own views or
to tolerate the idea that some of his eaiher theories
had been superseded
Al-'Akkad s contributions to ueati\e literatuie tend
to be of interest moie for historical reasons than
their intrinsic literary ment He composed a large
number of personal poems as well as some occasional
and translated a number of woiks from English
■ Must;
. Badav
irabu poetry, Cambridge 1975 109 ft)
Sara the psychological insights into the relationship
of the two losers may ha\e been on a new lesel of
sophistication when compared with presious works in
this genre but the element of doubt and questioning
which persades the work (si\ of the chapters hase
questions as their title) reduces it to an almost ab-
stract analytical plane Seseral commentators hase also
pointed out that the attitude to women found in this
work is more than a little autobiographical (Ahmad
Haykal al Uab al kasasi aa 7 masrahi Cairo 1971 lb4
Hilary Kilpatrick, The modern Egyptian novel, London
1974, 32; 'Abd al-Hayy Diyab, al-Mar'a ft havat al-
'Akkad, Cairo 1969, 100 IT.).
The views of al-'Akkad on aesthetics and poetic
theory propounded so forcibly in many of his works
are also clearly sisible in his writings on other poets,
both ancient and modern. While he wrote numer-
ous articles on ancient poets during the 1920s (such
as on Imru "1-Kays, Abu Nuwas, Bashshar b. Burd
and al-Mutanabbi), it is his study of Ibn al-Rumi
published in book form in 1931, Ibn al-RUml, hayd-
tuhu min shi'rihi, which is widely regarded as his best
literary study and especially as the one which per-
mits al-'Akkad to use his own theories on psychol-
ogy, race and poetics in an analysis of this somewhat
neglected poet Al-'Akkad s intioduction of such objec-
tise cntena often based on non-literary information
into the analysis of literature led to new insights into
the Arabic poetic tradition of ancient times How-
es er it also tended to place more emphasis on the
wnter than the work of literature and it was left to
the ne\t generation (and especially Muhammad
Mandur) to restore importance to the work itself in
literary analysis while fusing into the cutical process
the best elements of the theories which al-'Akkad
had des eloped
In 1960 he was awarded the State Appreciation
Prize for his contribution to Egvptian literature Shawki
Dayfswork Ma'a I 'Akkad (Ikia> Series no 259 Cairo
19b4) shows a picture of the aged bachelor browsing
p 65) He died in 1964
Bibliography (in addition to those works already
cited in the te\t of the article) Shawki Dayf, al
Adab al'aiabi al mu'asir ft Uisr Cairo 1961 136
'Abd al-Hayy Diyab 'Abbas al 'Akkad nakid
Cairo 1965 Mounah Khoun Poetn and the mak
ins, of modern Egypt Leiden 1971 passim S Moreh
Modern Arabic poetn 1800 1970 Leiden 1976 pas-
sim Nadas Safian Egypt in search of political idm
titi Cambridge Mass 1961 AMR Zubaydi
Al'ikkad i mtual theories rtith spinal refennu to his
relationship with the Diwan school and to the influence
Edinburgh PhD thesis 196b unpublished idem
Tin Diwan School in J4L i (1970) 36 Salma
Khadra Jayyusi Trends and mo ements in modern
Arabic poetn Leiden 1977 i 153-4 163-75
iR Allen)
AKKAR (\) pi akara (abstract ikaia) literally
tillei culm ator of the ground a word of Aramaic
ongin (see Fiaenkel Die aramaischen Fremduorter im
Arabischen 128-9; boi rowed into Aiabic apparent-
ly in the post-Islamic period (it does not appear in
the Kur'an) and applied to the peasantry of Ara-
maean stock in Syria and 'Irak accordingls the
term had m Arabic eses like the name habat a
pejoratise sense (see LA 1 s 85-6) Some of these
peasants weie sharecioppers who cultisated lands of
wealthy landlords for one-si\th oi one-sesenth share
of the produce and on mukasama [q ] terms of con-
tract (cf Abu^usuf alKharaaj Bulak 1884 52 Ibn
Hawkal Sural al ard ed Kramers 218) Following
the Arab conquest of the Fertile Crescent the akara
paid the lowest amount of poll-tax [dri^a) at the
late of 12 dirhams per head per annum (Baladhun
Futuh 271)
Social and economic conditions detenoiated for
the akara dunng the 'Abbasid penod One finds them
as itinerant farm labourers mosing from sillage to
village in seaich of work and working on estates
A.KUNITUN
59
of land tor the- highest biddei among landlords
(Sabi Huzara ed \medioz 259i Thev also worked
on lands owned bv Christian monasteries (Shabushti
al Diyarat 214-15) In a typical story wc lead ot a
certain akkar who was employed bv a nch man of
Babi a is a domestic servant possibly out of tann-
ine; season His work included husking rue grind-
ing it in * mill turned b\ an o\ ind making biead
for his master (Djahiz Bulhala Cano 19b3, 129)
Djahiz has evidently iecorded in the storv of the
ahlar and his employer the tale of the toiling labour-
er and the hard task-mastei of this epoch Djahiz
nashayilh
the
which r
indicate
of organised social grouping of th< alar a headed by
a revered Shaylh (cf Hawaiian v 32l The mral
population of the Sawad ol Tiak at least seems
3rd/9th century and perhaps until later, cf the
anecdote of al-Mu'tasim and the old habali peas
ant of the Saw ad in Mas'udi Uuiudj vn 113-4 =
ij 279b
Bibliography In addition to leferences given
in the article, see also Tanukhi al Farad} ba'd al
ihidda Cano 1903 1 125-6 Tha'ahbi Thimar al
lulub Cairo 1908 195 al-Sabi The historical remains
of Hilal al Sabi, Leiden 1904 91 21b 254 al-
Nawbakhti Firak al Shi'a Istanbul 1931 bl Lane
Lexicon i 70-1 M \J Beg igntultural and imga
tional labourers in Ihi sonal and nonomu lift of 'Iraq
during thi imayyad and ' Ibbasid taliphates in /(
(Januarv 1973) 15 22 iM A. J Beg)
al-AKSARAYI Karim al-Din Mahmud b
Muhammad lnstoiian of Anatolia undei the Saldjuks
and Il-Khamds The date of his bnth is unknown
but it seems that he died at an advanced age in the
720/1320s \s an oftioal in the Il-khanid service
he was attached to the letmue of Mudjn al-Dm Amu
Shah (the lepresentative of the Mongol fiscal depart-
ment in Saldjuk \natoha and then na'ib from 1281
to 1291) until the latter s death in 1302 Ghazan
Khan then appointed him na ji or mtendant of the
an taj in the Saldjuk temtones and an uncertain date
he acted as military commandant \kutual [sec kotwai]i
of <\ksarav his natal town He en|oved a pimlcgcd
view of the events of his time and in 723/1323 put
togethei in Peisian his chiomcle the Mmamarat al
akhbar wa minayarat al akhyar which is togethei with
Ibn Bibis work one ot the essential souues tor
Anatolian histon in the penod of Mongol domina-
tion This penod forms the sub]ect of the fourth and
last chaptei of the work the most important one
since it takes up three-quaiters of the book and cov
ers some 75 \ears contemporaiv with al-Aksaiavi
himself The chronicle is known onh in two manu-
scripts (Avasofvi 3143 copie d in 734/1334 and
\emcami 827 copied in 745/1345 both now in the
Sulevmamve Librarv in Istanbul and was haidlv
used b\ sub-sequent histoiians with the exceptions
of Kadf <\hmad of Nigde il4th centuiv) and the
Ottoman compiler Munedjdjim Bashi (d 1702) until
it was rediscoveied bv Turkish histoiians at the end
of the 19th century In his preface to his cntical and
annotated edition of the text Osman Tuian convevs
all the infoimation known about the author and
gives an account of pievious studies on the latter and
his book
Bibliography \luarmret it ahbar \logollar
^amarurida Turkiyt Seltuklan tanln Mukaddime
ve hasivelerle tashih ve nesieden Dr Osman
Turan Ankara 1944 Fikret Isiltan Die Stltsihuhn
GenhuhU dts Akurayi Leipzig 1943 (summaiv
tianslation in German ot the fourth chaptei of
the historvi (J-L Balcjue-Grammont)
AKUNITUN (Gieek axovttov) appears frequentlv
in \nbic medical wntings as a prrticulailv deadlv
poison originating from a plant root it c in denote
a substance either (4.1 trom the Mediterranean legion
■r (B) fi
r India Svnonvms foi
khanil aldhi'b katil al n
bish This
(B) \kumtun thus well e
lem ot <\iabic botanical h
of the actual plint iett
ind of it
i\) Mediterranean regi
son in Greek wntings remedies are given bv Nicandei
in his iltxipharmaia (95 lines 11-73) Theophiastos
describes two types (a) aKOVtxov with a piawn-shaped
mot lb) 9n>.\)cpovov or axopTUOV able to one scoi-
pion bite {HP 9 lb 4 and 9 18 2) Cf Paulus of A.egina
(Eng ti F <\dams London 1844-8 III 28) Dioscondes
in much the same terms (i) = (b) above with svn-
onvms 7tccpScx>.iaYXTi<; xauuapov 9nta)cpovov koivok-
>.VjkoicTOVOV (I\ 78) When Dioscondes was trans-
lated into Arabic the possibility of regional vanation
in species was not always considered some Gieek
names were tiansliteiated but in time most were given
standaid equivalents in Arabic In the Julia Amcia
MS bth centuiy maiginal notes in Aiabic explain
aicovtxov (i) as al umtun and Ihaml al mmr (n) as Ihaml
aldhi'b If bbbl
The Aiabic veision of these sections i Bodleian MS
Hvde 34) gives is svnonvms for in nabbal and khanil
al mmr if 123a marginal note) fsabbal occurs also in
the Tajsu to Dioscondes b\ Ibn Djuldjul (Madrid
Biblioteca Nacioml MS 4981 f 7a) in Ibn Djuldjul s
Sitppltmtnt to Dioscondes (MS Hvde 34 f 198b) nab
bal is mentioned as a poisonous plant whose antidote
is builan abruz [imaranthus tntolor L i Ct FJ Simonet
Madnd 1888 395
(B) India Bish although sometimes consideied a
svnonvm foi akumtun refers to a far more poison-
ous plant (piobablv iiomtum jerox Wall) and is
described as the most deadlv of plant poisons bv
such wnteis as Thabit b Kuira (Dhalhira ch xxv
143 (298)) Djabir b Havvan [Gifti 5b = f 4ba-b
104 = t 95b 185 = f 179a) Ibn Wahshiyv i \ Poisons
84-5 108) Ibn Sina [hanun I 27b III 22i) al-
Birum iSaydana Aiabic 81 Eng 53) Most agree
that there is little if any hope of recoveiv even if
the Gieat Imah is admimsteied Ibn Sina distin-
guishes clearly bttween bish and the plant known as
Iharuk aldhi'b etc the latter being desenbed sepa-
latelv (I 424 4b(l)
(C; Possible identifications although (A)
Akumtun is often equated with an iiomtum sp (e g
GhahbI8b Nos 1752-7 Issa 5 1 cf W Schmucker
Du pflanjuhe und mtruralisihe Materia \Itdua tm Firdaus
alHilmadis Taban Bonn 19b9 12b No 157 wheie
bish = ccKOvrtovl a modem botanist thinks it like-
ly that the oncovrcov of Dioscondes was (i) a
Downturn sp (n) a Delphinium sp possibly D slap/us
agna oi D datum In the case of iB) bish this did
not have to be identified in the growing state but
was known to the Aiabs as i deadlv poison fiom
India (Issa 4 19)
Bibliography Dioscondes Dt materia rmdica,
ed DG kuhn Leipzig 1829 Dioscondes Codex
- AL-i AHMAD
Aniciae Iulianae picturis illmtratus, nunc Vindoboncnsis
Med. Gr. I, Leiden 1906 (phototype edn.l; La
Materia Medica de Dmcondes, ii, ed. C.E. Dubler
and E. Teres, Tetuan 1952; Bodleian MS Hyde
34; Theophrabtus, History of Plants, ed. and tr. A.
Hort, Loeb edn. London 1916; Nicander,
Alexipharmaca, ed. A.S.F. Gow and A.F. Scholfield,
Cambridge 1953; 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad b. al-
Baytar, al-DJami" li-mufradat ahadwha wa haghdhiya,
Cairo 1874; Thabit b. Kurra, A". al-Dhakhira ft 'dm
ahtibb, ed. G. Sobhy, Cairo 1928; Rabban al-
Tabar!, Firdaw, ahhikma, ed. M.Z. Siddiqi, Berlin
1928; The abridged version of -The Book of Simple
Drugs" of Ahmad ibn Muhammad ahGhdfiqi . . ., ed.
M. Meyerhof and G. Sobhy, Cairo 1932-40;
Maimonides, Sharh asma' ah'ukkar, ed. M. Meyerhof,
Cairo 1940; Das Buch de, Gifte des Gabir Ibn Hqyyan,
tr. A. Siggel, Wiesbaden 1958 (with facsimile text);
Ibn SmC al-Kdnun Ji 'htibb, 3 vols., repr. Baghdad
n.d. [= 1970?]; Ibn Wahshiyya (translation): M.
Levey, Medieval Arabic toxicology: the Book on Poisons
of Ibn Wahshiya and its relation to early Indian and
Greek texts, Philadelphia 1966; al-Blrunl, A", ah
Saydana fi 'htibb, ed. and tr. H.M. Said, Karachi
1973; M. Levey, Early Arabic pharmacology, Leiden
1973; M. Meyerhof, 'The article on aconite from ah
Beruni's kitab as-Saydana, in IC, xix/4 (1945); P.
Johnstone, Aconite and its antidote in Arabic writings,
in Journal for the History of Arabic Science, i/1 (1977);
A. Issa, Dictionnaire des noms des plantes en latin,
fiangais, anglais et arabe, Cairo 1930; A. Siggel,
Arabivh-Deutsches Worterbuch der Stoffe aus den" drei
Naturreichen, Berlin 1950; E. Ghalib, Dictionnaire des
sciences de la nature, Beirut 1965.
AL-i AHMAD, Sayyid Djalal, Iranian prose
writer and ideologist (1923-69). His ceuvre may-
be tentatively classified as comprising literary fiction
on the one hand (kisw, dditan), and essays and reports
on the other hand (makala, guzdnsh). This classifica-
tion, however, only follows the author's own desig-
nation. Al-i Ahmad lacks the technical concern and
sophistication of a contemporary like Sadik Cubak,
and in terms of formal structure, this tends to blur
the dividing lines, not merely between the "novel"
{kiva) and the "short story" (dastan), but also between
the dastan, often approaching the "narrative essay",
and the makala. Among biographical data, three
factors stand' out for their crucial influence on Al-i
Ahmad's career as a writer: his birth in a Tehrani
family of lower Shi'! dignitaries; his occupation as
a professional schoolteacher; and his vivid interest
and, for a brief period, active participation in national
The religious element is reflected in the early col-
lections of short stories Did wa bdzdid (1945), Sih-tar
(1948) and Z«"-' zbadJ (1952). Written after the
"flight" from his traditional family background and
adherence to the leftist ideologies of post-war polit-
ical parties, they offer an ironic picture of the reli-
gious milieu of lower and middle class Tehran. A
similar, if more outspoken aloofness pervades his
liadjdj-diary of 1966, Khassi dar mikdl. While preserving
a personal piety throughout his life, Al-i Ahmad is
the critical observer, rather than the raptured par-
■tably i
■i digar
ticipan
e of ir
seldori
generally mild an
i benevolent, occasi
slightly nostalgic.
His life-long e
rest in educational
broadly, cultural is
ues, as expressed in
t; yet il
lally e^
Alav,
lacks
(1959)). Moreover, they inspired the
i madram (1958) and Nafnn-i zamin (1967). The for-
mer especially, which relates the alienation of a
provincial school-principal, is counted among his
most successful literary- achievements. If indebted to
an earlier prose-experiment in French literature, i.e.
Voyage au bout de la mat by Louis-Ferdinand Celine
(1932), Mudir-i madiam convincingly established Al-
i Ahmad's reputation as an innovator of Persian lit-
erary style. Its highly economic use of words,
abundant colloquialisms and vivid, staccato rhythm
has been described in a laudatory fashion as insha'-
i karikaturl by Djamalzada (cf. bibliography).
Some similarity exists between the development of
Al-i Ahmad's religious attitudes and his political ones.
After an intensive exposure to the orthodox milieu in
the early stages (as son of a ShiT ruham, as a devoted
and prominent member of political parties), he proved
in both instances incapable of conforming to collec-
tive, organised loyalty. His membership of the
recently established communist Tuda party lasted from
1944 until early 1948 only; his subsequent adherence
to the "anti-Stalinist" faction of Khaffl Malik! ended
in early 1953, following bitter experiences with per-
sonal rivalries within this "Third Force" movement.
He left the forum of organised politics, never to
return. Among the literary documents of this politi-
cal career, the short stories collected in A; randjl-
kih mibarim (1947) belong to the Tuda period. First
its very" explic"* "
cent of Buzui
observing distance common to Al-i
ing ceuvre, and was afterwards considered a failure
by the author himself, ^an-i zbadt was written after
the breakaway from the Tuda, and contains the
story Khudadad-khan, a sarcastic description of the ambi-
tions, hypocrisy and luxuries of a leading party-
executive. The ideological importance of this collec-
tion further lies in the introduction which the author
added to the second edition (1963), Risdla-i Pawlus
bi-katiban. A "testament" according to the writer, it
calls for literary honesty and commitment. In a less
biblical fashion, this theme dominates many of his
other essays: the conviction that "in our land, writ-
ing literature means waging a battle for justice", and
that "the pen has become a weapon". Since the end-
ing of the Mossadegh experiment in August 1953 and
Al-i Ahmad's departure from party-politics, he saw
this battle for justice as a cultural, rather than polit-
ical one. Its primary target is not the external force
of oppression, but the spirit of submissiveness
which had turned his countrymen into voluntary,
even zealous servants. This phenomenon was diag-
nosed as gharb-zadagi ("western-struckness" sc. blind
worship and imitation of western civilisation), and its
causes and symptoms are described at length in the
essay of the same name ( 1962), which, in spite of its
prompt confiscation by the authorities, remained Al-
i Ahmad's most widely read and most hotly debated
work. In search of a cure, he calls for an "inner
revolt" (kiyam-i durum): a return to the classical virtues
of unconditional devotion and self-sacrifice. This shahd-
dat forms the central theme of Nun iva 1-kalam (1961),
an allegory tale explaining the failure of contempo-
Finally, mention should be made of the regional
monographs which the author composed during his
numerous travels throughout the country, trying to
VLi \HM\D — \LI b HMMZ\LA b \BI S \LIM
Not
nch he could no k
with the lbortiM
uithentici
n the cap.
i) a (1958) ind
luded i
1951 3
icntioned
v /hand,,
above lie the shoit stones Diashr,
AA aha, ta an/abut hhunaba i anai Viauha, i
■imii/a I and G««« to/w c« /«/«/ The hist one is
available through M\ Srpanlus mthologv 5a^
«/«>»»,< uakimat (Tehran 1,52 iA I The other
ones hue been collected in the posthumoush
edited and onh nuiowh distnbuted Panax dastan
1 1350 ,h) which ilso contnns r short autobio
^nphical sketch dated Dav 1 -.47 sA Mathalan
shaih , ahuilat Tin ma]ont\ of Mi \hmtds
numerous essavs ind travel reports were frist pub
hshed in periodicals ind atteiw trds reprinted in
the collections Haft mat ala (1334 ih ) Sih mal ala
i digm (13j7 sh\ 4; \ab, u shitab^ada i1j44 sA j
■■■■"■ These tollec
ALANGU Tahir Turkish tuthoi md liter
u> critic (191b 73) The son ol i naval officei he
vas born in Istanbul md graduated trom the Depitt
ment ot Turkrsh Studres ol Istanbul Umveisitv (194.3)
He taught Tuikish htei ituie in \ niou high schools
until 195b when he wis appointed to &ihtisan\
L\cee in Istanbul where he tiught untrl his death on
19 June 197 3 During the hst lew \ens ol his lite
in Istanbul
Two leading themes ot his
numbei of h ticks aic irrstlv
secondh the modem Tuikish
howe
md
su
stantial
number of attic
es len
urns s
c ittered
i the v
toi th
penod
»bl\ indisha ua hunar \i
V"A«
Ce
rtam othei wntrngs wer
pleted
bv the
hoi bete
ie his death bu
t hue
de
med sui
iblefoi public at
on T
tese in
elude a
no
el ( W
diadid) md dia
his tr
mis tc
Eu
Cmited St ites i
nd the
Sovie
dmon
Ot
the ht
s hav
e appe
ared n
Hu
mma Nos 1 (1
idha
1j45
idhai
345) lianshtio
ns pie
bv \1
e almost without
extep
vra Fret
ch well known
these
ire hi
works b\ \ndre
Gide
Mbert
Et
gene Io
liu
shtion
de horn
\1 r Mtmids wi
nilude
Thi ol,
ma
i ia\ our
iui i monographv on
the po
t Nun
\u
shidj m
Tin Liluan ft
(i R
uthclfc
d NJ
n (1974)
115 28 Th, p,l.
ill I if,
ihdd l
1 Itamm
\ti
dm l (1
08i 101 9 md
Tile sih
ool p,u
ipal In
JK Newtc
n and MC H
Mm
netpoh
d Chin
o 1974 the pi
) this
lis
, contai
s an Fnghsh tn
nslatic
n ot the storv
aiks
H kimshad Modem Po tan
Crmbrrdge 19bb 125 b B Mavr' Usdiuhk und
Enluullurii da modirmn pusisihui Liltiatui Berlin
1964 221 2 Milos Boieekv m \1EJ ui (1953)
238 9 and M Zavaizadeh in UK Km il9b8i
311 12 Opinions of Iranian critics m in be tound
tn the specrrl Mr Mrmad issue ot the penodical
indisha ua hunai \ (1343 sh ) 5 44 489 including
also a lengths mteiview with the tuthoi Foi moie
specific discussions et Dj imalzad i s review of
\ludiri madiasa in Rahnama u hitab r (1j37 sh )
lbb 78 Rida Buahim husa muis; Tehnn 1 34&
ih 41b IT G L Ttkku in idim ( ed ) Islam and Us
cultural di npnu Urbim Chicago md London
1971 165 79 ind OR SabnTtbit/i in
(oms-pondamt d Onttit 11 Brussels 1970 411 18
l&JJ de\r,es,
\ book
md 1-
Msed on sound scholar 1\ researeh an
re exceptions when his close li lends ai
ilanced iesponsible and tan M mgu i
s Istanbul
r Turkish
1 920 50 pe
eopi
,m the loim of brographrctl novel
ol this pioneei ol the modem Tuikish shoit ston
and his posthumous 100 unlu Tuil ism 2 vols
Istmbul 1974 an antholog\ horn 100 famous woiks
fiom Tuikish htei
> The s<
t hundred \
ond v
this w
1870 1970) is paititulailv valu
tble is rt rs based marnl\ on his own ieseaieh
UnfortunateK mam of his uticles publrshed m vu
lected into book foim Mangu tianslated itiom the
Geinnn) several authois and pnticulaih horn the
Israelr authoi Samuel Mgnon
Bibliography Mehmet Se\da Edtbiyat dostlan
Istanbul 1970 Behcet Nee rttgil Edcbna turn da isim
U, so lugu 197 a sv ,Fa.hir Iz)
<ALI b HANZALA b ABI SALIM *l NUhflzi
ilWwiulHamo™ succeeded Mi b Muhammad
b il \V ihd [,j ] as the sixth da I mutlal ol the
Musti h Tuiiln Ism i ihs in \amm in 612/
1215 \s the countn wis passing thiough i critical
penod ot inteinil stnle after its occupation b\ the
\>-Vubids the da i put sued I poht\ ol non inteiteience
m politics He m untamed good lelations both with
the -\v\ubid nileis ot Sana md the \ amid suit ms
of Banu Hitim in IDhamaimai which embled him to
died on 12 oi 22 Rtbi I 020/8 oi 18 Febiuuv 1229
Both his compositions Stmt al ha/a it ind Risalal
Una al hulum ta misbah al ulum < onceming al mabda
ua Inland lie considered impoitant w oiks on haka i/
[q ] The toimei edited b\ Mjbas
(Din
1953) i
el lb
Bihliuaiaph) Ihe main biographic il souice
Idnsb UHisan \ujiat al afkal still in manuse npt
is studied b\ HF alHamdim al ^ulayhmun
C mo 1955 291 7 H isan b Nuh tl Bhaiuci Aitab
al 4 har i ed \dil il \ww i in Munta/habat
hmailma Dimascus 1958 195 247 Isma rl b
Mad alRrsul il Madjdu Filmst ed Mi Naki
Munzawi Tehran 196b 19b 7 269 70 lor a
detuled act omit see Ismail Poonaw ih Bin bibliig
raph of Isma ill lihrahm Malibu C al 1977
:. MUHAMMAD u. DJA'FAR — 'ALl b. MUHAMMAD al-TUNISI al-IYADI
*ALI b MUHAMMAD b DJA'FAR b Ibrahim
b al-WalId al-Anf al-Kurashi, the mentor of
'All b Hatim al-HamidT [qc], whom he succeeded
as the fifth da'l muttak of the Musta'lr-TayyibT IsmaTlis
in Yaman in 605/1209, came from a prominent al-
Walid famih of Kuravsh His great-giandiather
Ibrahim b AbT Salama was a leading chieitain oi
the (ounder oi the Sula\hid d\nast\ 'Air b
Muhammad al-Sulavhr, and he was sent bv the lat-
ter on an official mission to Cairo He studied first
under his uncle 'Air b al-Husa\n and then under
Muhammad b Tahir al-HanthT After al-Hanthi's
death, Hatim b Ibiahim al-Hamidi [q i ] appointed
'Ali b Muhammad as his deput\ in San'a' He h\ed
in San'a' and died there on 27 Sha'ban bl2/21
December 1215 at the age of mnetv He headed a
distinguished famih of da'Ts lor approximately three
centuries the headship of the da'ua was held bv his
descendants
He was a prolific author and his works are held
in high esteem bv the commumtv The following
woiks are extant On hakd'ik 1 Tadl al'aka'id, ed
'Anf Tamir Beirut 1967, English tr (in summary
form) W hanow, Creed of the Fahmids Bomba\ 193b
2 Kitab al Dhakhira, ed Muhammad al-A'zarm,
Beirut 1971 3 Risaldt Djila' al'ukul, ed 'Adi
Muntak
, Dam
1958,
89-153 4 Risalat al Iddh wa 7 tabyln, ed R
Stiothmann in Aiba'a kutub Ismd'ilma Gottmgen
1943 138-58 5 Risala fi ma'na al ism al a'zam, ed
Strothmann in ibid, 171-7 b Diya' al albab 1 Lubb
al ma'anj 8 Lubab aljawa'id 9 Risalat mulhikat al
adhhan 10 al Risala al mufida, a commentary on the
kasidal al nafs ascribed to Ibn Slna' Retutations 11
Damigh al bdtil, refutation of al-GhazalT s al Mustazhm
12 Mukhtaiar al 'usul, refutation of Sunnls, Mu'tazilTs
Zaydis and Falasija who deny God all attributes
1 3 Risalat tuhfat al murtadd, ed Strothmann in
irba'a kutub lsma'ihyya, 159-70, a lefutation of
the Hafizi-Madjidi da'ua Miscellaneous 14 Maajalis
al nush ua 7 bayan 15 Diu an, eulogies of the
Imams and his teachers, elegies and valuable his-
torical information about contemporary events in
Husayn b 'Ali, son of the preceeding He suc-
ceeded Ahmad b al-Mubarak b al-Walid as the eighth
da'l muilak He lived in San'a' and died there on 11
Safar 667/31 October 1268. His writings deal main-
ly with hakd'ik. The following works have survived.
1. Risalat al-Iddh wa Tbayan. The section about the
fall of Adam has been edited by B. Lewis in An
Ismd'ili interpretation of the fall of Adam, in BSOS, ix
(1938), 691-704. 2. al-Risala al-wahida fi taihblt arkan
al-'akida. 3. 'Akidat al-muwahhidin. 4. Risalat al-lddh wa-
1-tabsTr fi fadl yaum al-Ghadir. 5. Ruala Mahiyyat al-
Zir. 6. al-Mabda' wa H-ma'ad, ed. and tr. H. Corbin,
in Trilogie Ismae/ienne, Tehran 1961, 99-130 (Arabic
pagination), 129-200.
'AlI b. Husayn, son of the preceeding. He
succeeded his father as the ninth da'l muilak. He lived
in San'a' and then moved to 'Arus, but following the
Hamdanid repossession of San'a', he returned and
died there on 13 Dhu '1-Ka'da 682/2 February 1284.
His al-Risala al-kamila is extant.
Bibliography: Hatim al-Hamidi, Tuhfat al-
kulub, in manuscript, (edition being prepared by
Abbas Hamdani); Idns b. al-Hasan, Nuzhat al-
aJUr, manuscript used by H.F. al-Hamdam, al-
Sulayhiyyun, Cairo 1955, 284-91; Hasan b. Nuh
al-Bharuci, Kitab al-A z har, i. ed. 'Adil al-'Awwa
in Muntakhabat hma'iliyya, Damascus 1958, 191,
193-4, 198, 247-8, IsmaTl b 'Abd al-Rasul al-
Madjdu", Fihnst, ed 'Air Naki Munzawi, Tehian
1966, 41-2, 80, 93-5, 123-7 131, 140, 151, 153,
200-1, 229-37, 244-6, 257 278, For a full descrip-
tion of works and sources, see Ismail Poonawala,
Bw-biblwgraphy of hma'ilT htirature Malibu, Cal
1977 (I Poonawala) _
'ALl b MUHAMMAD al-TUNISI al-IYADI,
pro-Shi'i poet oi Ifrikiva, who was, according
to Ibn Rashik [Kurada, 102), in the service of the
Fanmid caliphs al-Ka'im, al-Mansur and above all al-
Mu'izz, whom he joined m his new capital in Egypt,
despite his gieat age and the hazards of the ]oume\
It was piobabK in Cairo that he died, in the same
\ear as his protectoi, 365/976 according to H H 'Abd
al-Wahhab {Ta'rikh, 9b,, but later than this, according
to Ch Bouvahia (Vie litteram, 39), these two authors
place his birth in Tunis apparently in older to explain
his ethnic of al-TunisI, which in the 4th/ 10th centu-
ry, and even later, referred merely to a small place
adjacent to the luins of Carthage (cf Kadf Nu'man,
A alMadjalis ua 7 mumyarat, ed Yalaom-Feki-
Chabbouh, Tunis, 1978 203 332-3, and al-Bakrl, ed
de Slane, 37) This msba has caused him to be often
confused with a later homonym, 'All b \ usuf al-Tumsi,
also the eulogist of an al-Mansur and an al-Mu'izz,
but this time, Zhids (cf Bou\ahia, hi at) On the
othei hand, the ethnic al-Ivadi leads one to postulate
an Aiab origin, the Ivad being a component of a sec-
tion of the Banu Hilal, the Athbadj, who had estab-
lished themselves in the region of Msila (see P Massieia
Msila du X' au YI ' suck, in Bull de la Soi hist it
anheol de Sitij, n [1941], repr in CT No 85-6)
The poet's fame leached the Spanish shores in his
own lifetime, an anecdote of the same Ibn Rashrk
('Umda, i 111) shows us the Andalusian Ibn Ham'
[qi] on his arrival in al-Kayiawan involved in hos-
tilities with the poets already established there, but
making specific mention only of al-Iyadi However
despite the high esteem in which later critics held
him, such as Ibn Sharaf (Questions dt critique litteram,
ed Ch Pellat, Algiers 1953, 9), no poem of his has
come down to us in complete foim, is this attribut-
able to later Sunni ostracism of the poet after the
sudden change to the Zfrid regime, or a change in
literary tastes' Whatever the reason mav be out of
the 105 verses which the present writer has been able
to gather together (Hawliyyat, 1973, 97), only two frag-
ments are ShiT in inspiration. These however are pre-
served by pro-Fatimid authors, these being firstly a
rather poignant and moving relation of the end of
Abu Yazid, "the man on the donkey" (Sirat Ustadh
Dhawdhar, Cairo, 48, tr. M. Canard, 69) and secondly
a eulogy in honour of al-Mansur (Dawadan, Kanz al-
durar, vi, 117). The remainder is made up of well-
turned, descriptive fragments, which abound richly in
images, hence admired and gathered together for this
reason bv the anthologists; thus out of these last, al-
Husri (Zahr, 189, 314, 1003) reproduces a description
of the Fatimid fleet, armed with the fearsome Greek
Fire, a picture of a galloping horse and a tableau of
the splendours of the Lake Palace, Dar al-Bahr, at
Mansuriyya.
In sum, al-Iyadi seems to have been a great poet,
quite apart from his Fatimid allegiance, but our knowl-
edge of his poetry — apart from his talent — remains
till now only fragmentary.
Bibliography: Ibn Rashik, Kurddat al-dhahab,
ed. Bouyahia, Tunis 1972; H.H. 'Abd al-Wahhab,
Mudjmal ta'rikh al-adab al-tunisi, Tunis 1968, 96;
Ch. Bouyahia, La vie litteraire en Ifriqiya sous les
•ALI b. MUHAMMAD al-TUNISI al-IYADI — 'ALLAL al-FASI
1973 _ (M \alaouii
*ALI EMIRI (1858-1024) Turkish bibliophile
and scholar He was born in Di\aibekr the son
of Mehmed Shenf a wealthv meulnnt trom a locallv
piominent tamiK He leaint Aiabic Persian and
the Islamic sciences from his great-uncle ind private
tutors At the age ot 18 he published in the local
paper Lhtarbih a d^ulumie a poem commemorating
the enthronement of Murad \ which made his name
widelv known in educated cncles When ' \bidin Pasha
(the Mathnaui commentatoi) time in 1870 to
Divarbekr as president ot the committee ol reioim
for the eastern provinces he ippointed 'All Emin as
secretarv and later took him to Salonika when he
became the governor of that province Thus there
began his career as a civil servant which was to last
foi three decades He served m diverse parts of the
Empire until he retired in 1008 He died in Istanbul
on 20 Januarv 1024
A life-lone; passionate collector of rare books he
(e g the unique cop\ of kashghan s Diuan lu°hat al
tutk] and made copies of the raie books which he
could not puichase He conveved his invaluible col-
lection to the Shavkh al-Islam Favd Mlah Efendi
Librarv at Fatih in Istanbul (19161 then re-named
the Millet Librarv ol which he lemained Director
until his death 'Ah Emm wrote dman poetrv with
great ease and tacilitv (but with not much talent) md
i the Mill.
Libn
biographies of poets of his native Div irbeki {Ttdhlm
M ihu'aia u 'Amid Istanbul 132a rami/ 1409) verv
little ol his research work on the Ottoman poets
(with special tmphasis on sultan and pnnce poets"
has been published (and that mainlv in his journal
'Othmanli ta'nkh we edebmat medjmu 'an founded in
1020 31 issues) '\li Emin followed in method and
xadition of the classical I, Man [,/ i ]
w i iters The bulk c
the Millet Libra:
His s
the Nationalists in Ankaia Mustafa kemal Pash;
(Ataturk) personallv gave financial help to him in hi
old age The list ol 'Ah Emin s othei publication
1 Ahmed Refik and Ibnulemin M k Ina
e Bibl 1
Biblios>iaph> Ahmed Refik 4 E in ITEM No
78 (19241 Ibnulemin Mk Inal Son aw tu,k sou
Im i Istanbul 1930 298-314 MuzafTer Lsen htanbul
amikbptdm n Istanbul 1959 sv (Fahir I/)
'ALI MARDAN KHAN Amir al-Umara' i mil-
the piominent nobles ol Shah 'Abbas ol Ptisia Dunn?
the reign of Shah Saft (1038-52/1629-42) he came
under a cloud He thereupon went ovei to the Mughal
Lmperoi Shah Djahan (1037-68/1628-58) and handed
over the fort of kandahtr [a c ] to the Mughals
He was given the rank of 5 000/5 000 b\ his new
master in 1048/1638 and wis appointed govemoi of
Kashmir In 1050/1640 he was promoted to
7 000/7 000 and was appointed governor of the
Pandjab In 1641 he was appointed govemoi of Kabul
in addition to the Pandjab
'Ah Mardan Khan was connected with the con-
Lahor
s Shah
t Lahore He died
mother
1067/1657 and was buried
t Lahon
Bibliography 'Abd al-Harmd Lahon Badshah
nama 11 Bibl Ind Calcutta 1868 continuation bv
Muhammad Wanth Badshah nama I O MS Ethe
329 <see Stoiev i 574 7) Shah Nawaz khan Ma'atha
alumara n Bibl Ind Calcutta 1888-91 HIS
Kanwat 'Ah Mardan Khan in K xlvn i197 3i 105-
19 _ (M Athar Ali)
'ALLAL al-FASI Muhammad Moroccan states-
nan and writer (1907-74) Born at Fas he wis edu-
ated at the umveisitv ot al karawivvin [q I ] Fiom
he age of 18 onwards he took pait in the diftu-
lon throughout Morocco of the progressive move
nent of the Salafiyva [a i ] and his militant attitude
of 1,
s well a
it laza He
was freed in 1931 and letun
began to lecture at the kaiawiyvin these lectures
weie however bovcotted bv certain religious leaders
who feared that his unrestiained political attitudes
might well cause difficulties foi the Moroccan author-
ities in their ulations with the French Protectorate
■Al-Fisi then took part in the delegation of the most
influential nationalist leadeis to the sultan of Moiocco
in 1934 when the document called Matalib al sha'b
al mavhnbi ( Demands foi reform of the Moioccan
people ) the first catechism of the nationalist move-
ment consisting of a complete programme lor the
ielorm and renovation of the land especiallv in the
politico-social spheie was presented to the sovereign
The tei giv ei sations and delavs ol the speakers engaged
m this exasperated the moie udent of patriots ind
I Moroccan bloc for nitional action i which had
until 19 34 woiked in the background to intensity
its activities Disorders bioke out in 19 36 in Fas
Sale ind Casablanca and the leaders of the bloc
including 'Allal il-Fasi were arrested Aitei then
lieemg almost immtdiatelv the bloc decided to dis-
band itself and two parties were then formed al
Haiaka al kaumnia and al Hi~b al uatani h tahkik
al matalib which merged in 1943 to foim the single
partv ol the htiklal led lrom 194b onwaids bv al-
Fasi In the following vear he fled to Cano where
French and Spanish Protectoiates lrom a centie in
the Maktab al Maghrib al ambi founded in the Egvptian
capital He returned to Morocco in 1956 the veai
nominated Piolessoi of Islamic Law at Rabat and
Fas and then Minister ol State entrusted with Islamic
iffairs and a Deputv
'Allal al-Fasis work as a publicist as well as a
ning ol 1957 he lounded the newspaper Le Sahaia
older t
pror
the
of
Mauretama in Moiocco and in 1952 the monthlv
leview al Banma which was at the same time Pan-
Aiab and Pan-Islamic and also concerned with cul-
ture and social piogress In all his woik the wntei
dealt with topics and problems of the Maghrib s
histoiv and politics above all in regard to the
modern and contemporarv periods with the e\cep-
iCasablanca nd) in which the authoi gathered
together his lectures on law at the Faculty Two
books are devoted to an historic o-jundical analvsis
of the Fiench and Spanish Protectoiates ovei
Moiocco al Himaya ft Marrakush mm al aidjha
'ALLAL al-FASI — 'AM'AK
al-ta'nkhivva wa 'l-kanunivva and Himavat hbamva jt
Marmkush mm al-widj.ha ' al-ta' rikhina wa 1-kanumvya
(publ. in Cairo 1947). His al-Maghnb al-'aiak minal-
harb al-'dlamiyya al-ula Ha 'l-yawm (Cairo 1955), on
the other hand, belongs to "the usual class of his-
torical compilations. His essay on al-Haraka al-
istiklalivya fi IMaghnb al-'aiabi (Cairo 1948, 2nd ed.
1956) may be considered as an unpretentious con-
tribution to our knowledge of Maghrib! nationalism,
especially in Morocco; there exist of these an English
translation (New York 1954, repr. 1970) and a
Spanish one. Other works comprise collections of
lectures given in various capitals of the Arab world
las in Hadith al-Maghnb fi TMashrik, Cairo 1956) and
radio talks (as in Nida' al-Kahira, Rabat 1959)— these
last revealing the passionate character of the writer's
political beliefs. Al-Nakd al-dhatl (Cairo 1952), of which
there even exists a Chinese translation, is a self-crit-
icism of the Arab world jparticularly in regard to
Morocco), in which the author analyses with a care-
ful dialectic the recent past, and above all the pres-
ent, in order to discern exactly the most effective
way for Arabism to face up to the exigencies of
e part of Europear
without ;
the
icing it
particular genius and identity. In this, 'Allal al-FasT
places himself in the forefront of the ideology of
Islamic fundamentalism with its roots in Muhammad
'Abduh's [q.r.] thought, but at times he goes beyond
ing more clearly to the heart of western thought.
Bibliography: There is information on 'Allal
al-Fasi in all the numerous works (mainly in French)
on Morocco. There is a good source of docu-
mentation on his political activity in Oriente Moderno,
esp. xvii (1937), 595, xix (1939), 429-30, and xxxii
(1952), 1-31 passim. See also Anouar Abdel-Malek,
essais, Paris 1965, 190-6; and A. Laroui, Videologie
arabe contemporame, Paris 1967, passim.
(U. Rizzitano)
ALLAWAYH al-A'SAR, Abu 'l-Hasan 'AlI b.
'Abd Allah b. Sayf, court musician in early
'■\bbasid times died in or shortly alter 235/85(1
He was ol Soghdian oiigm mania (al itk) of the
Umtwads and maula (al khidma) ol the 'Abbasids
Ibrahim and Ishik al-Mawsih taught him the clas-
sical hidja^i music but he prelered the iomantic
st\le oi Ibrahim b al-Mahdi and intioduced Peisian
melodies tnagham famnia) into Aiab music As a
couit musician he started in the third class (tabaka)
undei Hnun al-Rashid and continued to sene the
caliphs up to al-Mutawakkil but suffered irom the
main of his more bulhant colleague Mukhank
'Allawayh is descnbed as being a master musician
(mughanm hadhik) an excellent lutemst tdaub
mutakaddim) — being left-handed he used an instru-
ment stringed in re\eise Older— and a skilful com-
pose! (\am' mutafanmn) \bu 1-Faiadj al-Isbaham
recorded 80 of his songs using sources like
'■\Ilawa\hs own hitab (or Djami') al Agham and the
songbooks of 'Ami b Bina Ibn al-Makki Habash
and al-Hishami
Bibliography igham xi ^33-60 (main
souice see also indues) Ibn Tayiur Kilab
Baghdad Cairo 1949 (see indices) Ibn 'Abd
Rabbih 'Ikd vi Cairo 1949 31 33 37 Djahiz
Suh
khulafa'), 3(1 Nuwa\
-13 O
of Arabian musk, 123; Kh. Mardam, Djamharat al-
mughannin, Damascus 1964, 163-4.
(E. Neubaueri
ALUS, Sermed Mukhtar, modern Turkish
Sermet Muhtar Alus, Turkish writer (1887-1952).
He was born in Istanbul, the son of Ahmed Mukhtar
Pasha, the founder of the Military Museum and a
teacher at the War College. Educated mainly pri-
vately at Galatasarav Lvcee. he studied law, gradu-
ating in 1910. As a student, he founded with two
friends, the humorous paper EU'furuk (1908) and con-
tributed essays and cartoons to another humorous
paper David (1908-9). His early interest in philosophy
and social studies did not last long, and he turned
to the theatre. Between 1918 and 1930, apart from
a number of short stories which he contributed to
various papers, he concentrated exclusively on the the-
atre, writing and adapting from the French many
plays, some of which were performed in the Istanbul
Municipal theatre [Dai al-Bedayi'). Some of his plays
were serialised in satirical weeklies (Akbaba and Amcabey).
The year 1931 was a turning point in his literary
career. He began to publish in the newspaper Aksam
sketches of everyday life in Istanbul at the turn of
the century, Otuz sene evvel Istanbul ("Istanbul thirty-
years ago") which were followed by stories, essays,
autobiographical sketches, novels, etc. serialised in the
same paper and in the dailies .Son posta, Cumhuriyet,
Vatan, Vakil, etc. and in the periodicals Yedigun, Hafta,
Yeni mecmua, etc., all describing life in mansions, vil-
las, rahs (sea-side villas), famous resorts, or in the
humble homes of Istanbul during the last decade of
Harmdian era.
An extremely prolific writer, he produced con-
tinuously until his death in Istanbul on 18 May
1952. Unfortunately the great bulk of his output
accompanied by his own designs and sketches,
remains scattered in many dailies and periodicals.
Four of his novels have been published in book
form: Kunrak Pasa (1933), Pembe majlahh hamm (1933),
Harp zengminin gelmi (1934), Eski Qapkin anlatiyor (1944).
The plots in these novels, as in all Alus's writings,
lie loose and unimportant and are onl\ a pretext
tor describing and repoiting the comersations of his
pet characters who are Harmdian pashas local beau-
ties or toughs snobs and simple people Alus is the
rative school inaugurated bv Ahmed Midhat and
continued b\ Husavn Rahmi Ahmed Rasim and
ODj Kavgih [ V n] perhaps I
i that
and s:
phstic without high claims to am moral or philo-
sophic conclusions In spite of his often unpolished
even sloppv stvle and his weakness foi the farcical
his work has a great dotumentaiv \alue for the spo-
ken language »a) of life customs and folklore of
Bibliography Resat Ekrem Kocu in Istanbul
ansikloptdm Istanbul 1958-b9 sv (the main source
for all subsequent studies) Metin And Mefrutiytt
dommindt Turk tiyatrom Ankara 1971 '"
L-DlN
(Fah
e Ilek-Khans
'AM'AK Shih
leading Persian poets at the com
(Kara-Khamds) [q i ] of Transoxama Late sources
ascribe to him the kunya \bu 1-Nadjib (eg laki
al-Din Kasham) It is not certain whethei 'Am'ak
is a personal name or i lakab used as a pen-
name It cannot be connected with an\ existing
Arabic Persian or Turkish word Dh Safa has
AM AN ALL\H
> to Dh Safa the !
middle ol the 5th/llth centun It am of the dates
cri\en tor his de ith b\ htei bios>rapheis \iz 542 (eg
Dawlatshah md Rida-kuh khan Hidavat), 543 (Tab
al-Din kishinij or 551 (Sadik b S ilih Istihim m
The enhest databl
e poems that tie attributed to
'Am'ak ate taudas, w
ntten loi the Il< k-khan Nasr
b Ibiahim l4bO-72/
0b8-80) The poet must ha\e
h\ed at least till 524/
120-30 lccoidinr; to the aiwc-
dote that he was o
Sultan Sandjai s da
us>htei Mah-i Mulk khatun
whose death oc(unec
in that \en (Dawlatshih on
the authorm of 'An
<aks rontempoian khatuni)
or even latei if the
princ e Mahmud named in a
fiaimientan poem is
identKal with the Uek-kh in
toneol Samaikmd b\ Sandj n
in 526/1132
Alieadv duims> the
shoit mirn of khidi b Ibiahim
(472-3/1080 1) 'Am c
k appeals to ha\e reached a
the couit ol Samukand The
with Rashidi told m the ( aha,
mat ah pictures him
s an am,, al dm'ma In his latei
tinlh belon
liable
:o othei
of 80b
poets S NafTsi his a
bmS fiom vinous, sources in D,uan I 'in, at ,
Bulla,! Tehran 1330/1060 This volume lacks
however pi case letetences on the piovenance ol
each item The laudas wntten loi the Ilek-khans
hue ilso been insetted into the ta'hlat to NafTsi s
edition of Ta nlh , Ba\hal , Tehian 1332/ 10=>3 m
1301-23
The most impoitant souues containing fnsr
mc nts of his poetn lie 'AwfT Lubab ed Browne
181-0 ed NafTsi 378-84 cf ta'hlat 085 04
Rishid-i Watwat Hada ,1 al s,h, Tehian
1308/1020 44-5 Shims al Din Muhammad b
ka\s al-Rizi al Uu'djttm ft ma'aw adi'ar al 'aajam
Tehran 1338/1050 351 381 Djidjaimi \Iu rm
al a/na, fi dala'il al aih'a, n Tehnn 1350/1071
400 Dawlitshih 04-5 Djami Bahamian
Dushamlx 1072 107 Amm Ahmad Rtzi Haft
itlim Tehian 1340/1001 m 400-20 kasimi
Sullam alsamaiat Iehun 1340/10bl 53 cf
haitash, 303 4 Lutf'Ah Be[< \dhat Atashlada
hth Bomba\ 1200 AH 337-42 Rida-kuh khan
Hidavat \ladima al fusaha' hth Tehian
AH
345-
Tehia
3 3o/K
Although the s>]
intmient ol on
ol h
s la
</</s in which
the
han
used
line is olten quoted
as a
l example ol
this
ed as
ter ot elegies
more than the
he wiott at
the
ot Sandjai has
been prese
\ed
hei notable lean
ep,o
The
stieme example
ol th
piolosme ot
10(
jntams the cone
innan woild on
the
ick
abmed with satn
) the poets i
ed NafTsi 141
ffi
W
ak had a dis
inc
•sented is
v ntues of
170 ff
ft Ch Rieu (atalo^ut of Pasum mimmmpH in tlu
Btihsh \lmium London 1881 n 8b0 Supplement
105 \J Aibem mJ/USilQWi ^70 \ Munziwi
Fihmti nuskhaha „ lhatt, \, falsi in Tehran 1350/
2551
24870- 1 ]
be found In Nizami Aiudi (aha, malala Tehian
1055-7 mat,, 44 73 74 cf ta'hkat 138 fi 1U 1
and 015 is well as in the tadhfna woiks mentioned
208 303 ^35 f
Dh
i Bulhaii.
\hh,
177-81 280-05
adahmal da, han n Tehian 13j0/10b0 5 35-47
EE Beitels htonui pinMotad lUm hhiatim
Moscow 1050 401-0 and /*m»» S NafTsi
muladdama to his edition ol the Dman 3-127 and
200 tl itiN Mm md kl Ca\kin Pismao/xr
udshn litaatui, Tiflis 1070 110-25
iJTP DE Bruijni
AMAN ALLAH Amu of Afghanistan and the
.ULcessoi and thud son ol Habib Allah [</ c ] b\ his
1 ' '■ 'UlviHadntid 1005) He was bom on
1802
Paghm,
ind lnid-
[ Mahr
1035) the editoi ol Snaa} al alhha, and in 1014
mamed 1 nzis diusrhtei Son\a (Thuiavv i) |d 21
\pnl 1%8) At the time ol his lathers muidei on
20 Febiuin 1010 Aman Allah as Govtrnoi ol
kabul tonti oiled the capital with its s>amson, ai se-
ll il and treason Suppoited In the nm\ the
vounijei nationalists and the Barakza\ laction he
lesisted the claims ol his uncle Nasi Allah and his
eldest biothei 'Inavat Allah md was lei osmised is
amir on 28 Pebiuan
Am m Allah piomptK isseited Afgh unstin s in-
AMAN ALLAH — AMID TULAKl SUNAMI
dependence from British control of her foreign rela-
tions. Possibly hoping to promote his goal by the
threat of war, he despatched forces to the Indian
frontier, but hostilities commenced on 3 May and
endured until an armistice at the beginning of June
(the Third Afghan Wan. By the Treaty of Rawalpindi
(8 August 1919) Britain recognised, by implication,
Afghanistan's independence, although the Durand
Line remained the frontier. After further negotiations
at Mussoorie (April-July 1920) and in Kabul, a treaty
of good neighbourliness was signed by Britain and
Afghanistan on 22 November 1921. In the mean-
time Aman Allah had obtained international recog-
nition through treaties with the USSR (28 February
1921) and Turkey (1 March 1921). Relations were
also established with Italy, France and Iran. In the
early years of his reign Aman Allah espoused a Pan-
Islamic policy involving support for Indian Muslims,
friendship with Turkey and Iran and the creation of
a Central Asian federation under Afghan leadership
including Bukhara and Khlwa, but the reassertion
of Soviet control over Turkistan put an end to this
project.
ernisation. His reforms came in two main bursts. In
the period 1921-4 he reformed the structure of Afghan
government, introducing the first budget (1922), con-
stitution (1923), and administrative code (1923). He
introduced legal reforms including a family code (1921)
and a penal code (1924-5). The legal reforms were
partly the work of ex-Ottoman advisors and influ-
enced by Islamic modernism, being derived largely
from the Shari'a but replacing 'ulama' control by that
of the state. Education was central to his reforms and
he established new secondary schools and sent Afghan
students abroad. His support of female education gave
suffici
ing
n froi
Allah made
opment by fostering communications (aircraft, radio
and telegraph introduced, and railway surveys begun),
reforming the currency (the rupee replaced by the
afghani], reorganising the customs, and helping light
industry. The principal economic success of his reign,
however, owed nothing to his efforts; this was the
development of the Karakul and carpet industries fol-
lowing Uzbek immigration into the northern provinces.
There was also some agricultural development. Aman
Allah's reforms were financed largely from domestic
resources and lack of money imposed constraints which
were especially marked in his military reforms. With
the aid of foreign instructors (mainly Turks) Aman
Allah sought to develop a non-tribal national militia
based on conscription for short periods, and at the
same time to reduce military spending. The result was
strong tribal opposition to conscription, and a dis-
affected, discontented and inefficient army. Hostility
lay behind the Khost [a.v.] rebellion in 1924, which
was suppressed only after a protracted struggle. For
a time Aman Allah was obliged to abate his reform-
In December 1927 Aman Allah departed for a
tour of Europe, returning to Kabul on 1 July 1928.
His object, he explained, was to discover the secrets
of progress; his conclusion was that these were the
moned a national assembly \Loe D/irga) (28 August-
5 September) and dressed the delegates in European
clothes to hear his new ideas. At the last moment
he was persuaded to omit his most far-reaching
proposals, but his announced changes in the con-
Unabashed, Aman Allah repeated his proposals in
a further series of five three-hour speeches deliv-
ered between 30 September and 4 October to an
invited audience, which was treated to the spectacle
of Queen Soraya dramatically unveiling herself.
Enraged by the social reforms, by their diminution
of their own authority, and by new proposals by Aman
Allah to examine them in their proficiency to teach
and to expel those trained at Deoband, the 'ulama',
under the leadership of the Hazrat family of Shor
Bazaar, denounced Aman Allah as an infidel. The
Amir arrested the leaders, but in November found
himself confronted by two tribal risings supported by
'ulama', one in the vicinity of Djalalabad, involving
the Shinwans and other tribes, and the second in the
Kuhistan, led by a Tadjik bandit known as Bacca-yi
Sakaw. His inadequate forces divided, Aman Allah
was unable to resist the attack on Kabul from the
Kuhistan, and his belated withdrawal of nearly all his
reforms did not pacify the rebels. On 14 January
1929 Aman Allah abdicated in favour of 'Inayat Allah
and fled to Kandahar. Tnayat Allah also abdicated
on 18 January and the Bacca became ruler of Kabul
with the title of Habib Allah II. At Kandahar Aman
Allah rescinded his abdication on 24 January and
sought help from Britain (which remained neutral),
from the USSR (which briefly sent troops to north-
ern Afghanistan), and from Afghan tribes. Although
Aman Allah received help from the Hazaras and some
other tribes, he failed to command the support of the
Durrams and the majority of the Ghalzays, and was
forced to turn back his advance on Kabul at Ghazna.
On 23 May he left Afghanistan for India and on 22
June sailed from Bombay to exile in Rome. He died
'in Switzerland on 26 April 1960 and was brought
home and buried at Djalalabad.
Bibliography: The older biographies of Aman
Allah such as those by R. Wild, London 1932
and Ikbal Ali Shah, London 1933 have little value
by comparison with modern studies based on the
British archives. See Rhea Talley Stewart, Fire in
Afghanistan 1914-1929, New York 1973; L.B.
Poullada, Reform and rebellion in Afghanistan, 1919-
1929, Ithaca 1973; L.W. Adamec, Afghanistan 1900-
1923, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1967, and idem,
Afghanistan 's foreign affairs to the mid-twentieth century,
Tucson 1974; V. Gregorian, The emergence of mod-
em Afghanistan, Stanford 1969. All these latter works
contain valuable further bibliographies.
(M.E. Yapp)
AMID TULAKl SUNAMI, Kh"adja 'amid al-
DIn Fakhr al-Mulk, poet of Muslim India. He was
born in Sunam, an important town (now in the dis-
trict of Patiala in the Indian part of the Pandjab)
that had emerged as a centre of culture and learn-
ing in the 7th/ 13th century. 'Amid called himself
Tulaki along with Sunami because his father was
said to have migrated from Tulak in Khurasan to
India. In the art of poetry, he was the disciple of
a famous master, Shihab Mahmra. He started his
career as a poet in Multan, which had become the
capital of a short-lived kingdom under Malik Tzz
al-Din Khan-i Ayaz and his son, Tadj al-Dm Abu
Bakr (who died in 638/1241). Two of his kasldas
preserved in mediaeval anthologies are in praise of
Sultan Tadj al-Din. On the death of patron, he
moved from Multan to Dihli, and during the reign
of Sultan Balban he was appointed muslawji of the
district of Multan and Ucch, placed under the charge
AMID TULAKI SUNAMi — AMlN al-HUSAYNI
lence in the a
rt (if poet
r\ show me; th
t lie v
shed poe
s of tht Dihh
te dur
ing the 7th/13th centur
contributing
to the
growt
(it lndo-Persia
e It emerges h
poem
nteiested
in tht philoso
ph\ o
hhra
or illuminate
e wisdom
as propound
d and
adv.
cated b\ Sh
vkh Shihab U-Din Su
di d
587/11911
Like most (
f his con
( llK a poet of
the Lasida
and his known
poem
laigel
rulers prince
s and
theie ue lis
Taidj,
band two ^
Is and on
e ha J Ihumorot
s.mphc.tv spo
s pern
11 fresi
His
(poems wnttei
in prison
and depie tint;
life [see habs
y\k belov
■,}) shed light
,n the
KtlU
mid also
that his gha^als like those of Shavkh Djam il of H nisi
pa\ed the w iv for the ghazal s subsequent popuhntv
as in independent blanch of poetn
Bibliography 'Abd al-Kadn Bada'um Uuntakhab
altaitarikh i Bibl Ind edn Calcutta 1Ho9 Ahmad
Kulati Isfaham \h'nis_ al ahia) MS Habib Gandj
Collection Mawlana \zad Iibran Uigarh Taki
Kashi hhulasat al ash'ar MS Khuda Bakhsh Libi an
Patna Husavn Andju Iaihangi Djahanqm Ntwal
Kishore edn Iqbal Husain Jlu tarh Ptnum fmh
of India Patna 1937 Nizir Alimad 'Amid Tulah
Sunanu in Fib o Aay lUidu Quattah) (October 1%4)
Aligarh Muslim Umversitv Aligarh
IH SlDDIQLII
AMIN al-HUSAYNI mufti and Palestinian leader
He was bom in Jerusalem in 1893 the son of Talnr
al-Husa\m The Husa\ms were a leading famiK m
Jerusalem who claimed ShaufT lineage although this
had passed through female members of the familv
Thev had often held the office of mufti in the past
and thiee had been mup in the period linmediate-
K before 1821 Mustafa Amin s grandfather Tahn
his father and Kamil his cldei biothei b\ anothei
mother The holding of this office enhanced the
standing of the famiK othti membeis of which had
held other high positions including that of Ma\or
of Jerusalem and of deputv in the Ottoman paiha-
ment Thus Amm
Jerusalem More
the third holiest
as such must h;
thoughts The ,
luthor
if the
office
lole u
mufti u
the Husa
Amin al-Husa\m hac
attended a local Mushr
attended foi a \eai the school of the Alliance Isi;
studied trench In 191.
tha:
t to Cai
eied a
a \eai and left without giaduatmg and with
the title of 'ahm He immediatcl\ went to make
had)dj from which he letumed to Jeiusalem
religious education was incomplete and did
quahfv him foi the office of mufti Fuithet
ation was receded in the Ottoman aim\ in
office
h he served during the First Woild War H
•nook his basic training in the School of Official'
Mulkmt in Istanbul ind at the Mihtar
demv His wu
f this
mng ti
Ott
ed to wear the tarbush the
n officnl but not of a religious digmtarv
lemsalcm which was to be the base of his ictiuties
[or the next nineteen \eais He worked as teachei
translatoi md (nil sen int but he soon turned to
,ouinalism and dnect political actmtv He was an
organising ibihtv and from the fust inspired bv two
dceplv-held ideas Aiab nationalism and a hatred
iif the Zionist attempt to change the charactei of
Palestine Foi him Pilestine was an Islamic Aiab
[ountrv belonging to the wider Ar ib woild and he
would i
inlnbita
Arab neighbours He wis com meed that the Palestin-
ims had the light to determine the futuie foim of
government of their countn a right possessed bv nei-
ther the British government noi the Zionist oigan-
isation He ilso believed that Euiopean Jews settling
in Palestine would spiead customs and usiges alien
to the more ti iditional Islamic wav of lite If change
was to come in Palestine it should be oigame and
internal and not imposed from outside He devoted
the rest of his life to a vain attempt to stem this tide
Opposition to Zionism amongst the Aiabs of S\na
and Palestine giew in intensity once Jerusalem and
Damascus had fallen to the Allied forces The oppo-
sition was led b\ l gioup of \oung Pdestimans fore-
al-' \nf \ erbal opposition in speeches and newspa-
peis led to street demonstrations m September 1919
Editorials and sermons called for the shedding of
Jewish blood it piotests went unheeded Amin began
to organise small gioups of fida'mun whose task was
to strike against the Jews and the Bntish When m
Maieh 1920 the Suian National Congiess voted for
Sv nan independence Palestine Ai abs toe ik to the streets
in the belief that then countn, was included in the
new state 'Anf s newspaper Suuiia al Qianubnia pub-
lished the headline Arabs anse' The end of the for
tigners is neai Jews will be diowned in their own
blood Because of the Amir Fivsals lack of stiong
his state and follow then own path In April the
Arabs of Jerusalem in the prevailing tense atmospheie
exploded fiom a demonstiation into an assault on the
Jewish population
Amin who was leading the demonstration was
ieported to have tried to testiain the noteis but two
davs of tiouble left five Jews dead and 211 wounded
and four Arabs dead and 21 wounded Dunng the dis-
turbances \ ladimir Jabotinskv s Jewish Self-Defence
Group attempted to assassinate Amin and 'Anf whose
fida'mun tiled to ittahate Bntish intelligence forestalled
these attempts and tht two had to (fee to Transjoidan
after having been accused of piovoking the riots This
was the first of a series of charges laid against Amin
dunng his lifetime His piecise lole in the piovocation
can nevei be astei tamed but it is teitain that he
appioved of all actions taken to discomfoit the Jewish
population and that he was not averse to the shed-
ding of blood The concepts of d}ihad and of the fida 1
weie in Islamic histon associated with the possibihtv
of death in the pursuit of a goal All Muslims could
be summoned to a aphad in defence of Islam against
opponent.
The first British High Commissioner in Palestine,
Herbert Samuel, pardoned Amm in August 1920
and he returned to Jerusalem. Samuel had issued
the pardon in order to try to calm Arab feeling
and to attempt to enlist Arab support for his poli-
cies. In March 1921 the mufti of Jerusalem, Kamil
al-Husavm, died. The British' authorities had assumed
the mantle of the Ottoman government and conse-
quently the responsibility for religious appointments.
In an election, local 'ultima' had to select three can-
didates for the office of mufti, one of whom would
be approved by the government. The al-Husaym
family campaigned for their nominee, Hadjdj Amln,
but he was not one of the three selected in April.
appear
r that
? had sc
e popi
port
.lar sup-
s loathe
the office
s appointed Grand Mufti {al-mujh al-akhan.
s of
atrocities amongst the Jews. 133 were killed bv the
Arabs and 116 Arabs killed by police action. The sub-
sequent British government report did not accuse the
Mufti directly of provoking the attacks, but blamed
him for not doing enough to forestall them and for
having played upon public feeling. The agitation had
been conducted in the name of a religion of which,
in Palestine, he was head. The British still saw him as
a force for moderation, whereas it is clear that he was
committed to an uncompromisingly anti-Zionist policy
and that he would do everything in his power to frus-
trate the establishment of a Jewish National Home.
In 1931 he convened a Pan-Islamic Conference in
Jerusalem which he attempted to use as a platform
to further his anti-Zionist policv, although his posi-
tion was challenged by other Palestinian leaders. He
later travelled to other Muslim countries to gain polit-
ical support and to raise funds. In 1935 he helped
to found the Palestine Arab Party, a Husaynf organ-
isation under the presidency of Djamal, the Mufti's
cousin. The Party's policy was that of Amm himself,
and it attempted to prohibit the further sale of Arab
land to Jewish settlers.
Amfn's appointment as head of the Muslim com-
munity in Palestine did not settle the problem of
the Muslim religious organisation of the country. In
Ottoman times, the ihari'a courts had come under
the general jurisdiction of the Shaykh al-hlam and
the wakfi, had been administered bv the Ministry of
Aivkaf. The British assumed responsibility for these,
but the Muslims soon demanded that they be allowed
to run their own religious affairs. The government
concurred and the Supreme Muslim Skari'a Council
{al-Mat&lii al-Shar'i al-Islami al-A'la) was elected bv
leading Muslims. Hadjdj Amm was chosen as Ra'is
al-'l'lama' and President of the Council, as he later
maintained, for life. He had thus, as a young man,
consolidated his position as leader of the Palestinian
Arabs both in their religious and their secular affairs.
In March 1921 he wrote a Memorandum to the
British Colonial Secretarv, Winston Churchill, in
which he outlined Palestinian resistance to Zionism
and the ideas which were the foundation of his
future policy — the complete prohibition of Jewish
immigration,' the abolition of the Jewish National
Home and the establishment of an Arab govern-
ment of Palestine.
The period 1921-9 was used by the Mufti to build
up his following. As President of the Supreme Muslim
Council, he controlled the mikf revenues, which were
not used exclusively for charitable purposes. Preachers
were paid to disseminate political propaganda and those
who did not support his policies were dismissed.
Financial assistance was given to Arab schools to instruct
their pupils in the Arab nationalist spirit. Demonstrations
and boycotts were encouraged. Money was also used
to enhance the status of Jerusalem and its mosques in
the Islamic world. To Amin, the area of the Haram
and s
The
1936 v
-, culminating in the Arab revolt. The increase
in Jewish immigration caused bv the rise of Nazism
led the Arabs to fear the future takeover of their
country bv the Zionists. In April an Arab Higher
Committee of Christians and Muslims was formed
under the leadership of Amin. It immediately sup-
ported a general strike, to be called off when the
British government suspended Jewish immigration.
Murderous attacks on Jews began to occur, but the
brunt of the Arab effort was quicklv turned against
the British and those Arabs considered disloyal. The
strike and the unrest continued until October.
The British Commission appointed to investigate
disturbances apportioned a large share of the
le for them to the Mufti. The Arab Higher
Committee under his chairmanship had clearly insti-
gated illegal acts and had not condemned sabotage
'sin. The Mufti had seen and encouraged
as a movement of the people, largelv
/ho had risen to defend their country and
:heir rights.
The Briti
is a moder;
o the
after i'
preserve Jerusalem and Palestine as Arab and Islamic.
In 1928 a screen was set up by the Western Wall o
the sanctuary to separate male and female Jewish wor
shippers. This move was taken as a reason for protes
and seen by Muslims as a Jewish encroachment oi
the Haram. The Muftr felt the threat deeply, and encour
aged propaganda to the effect that the Jews were plan
ning to take over the Muslim holy places. A year late
feelings between the two communities became s(
exacerbated that the Arabs attacked and committed
tember 1937, stricter
regulations were introduced. The Arab Higher
Committee was declared illegal and Amm was removed
from his post as president of the Supreme Muslim
Council. Six members of the former were arrested
and deported (although Djamal al-Husaynf escaped)
and the Mufti, fearing arrest himself, fled to Lebanon.
From there he fought a propaganda war against
the British, while his followers contributed to the
continuing unrest in Palestine or set about eliminat-
ing members of rival clans. He was not allowed to
attend the London Conference on the future of
Palestine in February 1939, although a four-man del-
egation of members' of the disbanded Higher Com-
mittee was present.
In October 1939 the Mufti made another move,
this time to 'Irak. As German successes multiplied
in the Second World War. he began to make
approaches to the Nazis in the hope that at the
end of the war he would be on the winning side.
He sent his private secretarv to Berlin in September
1940 to ask for German commitments to the Arabs-
recognition of the complete independence of the
Arab countries, the abrogation of the mandates.
<\h alGivlim the inn Butish Ii
hid become Pnme Mimstei in IS
ind it is not d< u
IMf
in Bighdid in
n which the Nizis
nd how he would
Eichm
the IS:
d on it htei His
o support Rishid
Hu ni >
Inch 1040 Ih<\
th.t
suppoit tiom the
ini ind his sup
ph\ec
Hllop
iio&nmin coup
Liehm
HUSAYNI
the c hief
\etu
ives ol Hitlei
s pohcv Dunn,,
1061 Euhm
nn denied hiving
tht Mufti
well
hiving met
urn onlv onie du
n The evic
( inif fion
i Die
ei Uishtenv
one ot Eithminn
He wis vv umlv welcomed b\ Mussr
to use him for his own pui poses :
more interested in ntgotnting with t
nei ot the \xis in Beilin md lit i
Novembei 104) M Givhm u lived
month ind the two disputed for t
occupied countnes With hi
stindibk tint he would ti
of the Jewish popuhtion n
the \nb countnes The Fuhrei was non commii
Neveitheless the Mufti issuied him of the hiendship
ind co opention ot the \nbs
' tint tht Mufti spent in N izi Germ
Nov
., Miv
1045 is
snl in his lift He hid tied to German to esc ipe
the Butish ind beciuse he believed tint the \v>
would win tht wn \s i stnrt Muslim he could hive
hid little svmpithv with Nitron ii Sotiilism is such
but his chief urn in life ot uridine; Piltstinc ot the
ot the Jewish pioblem He tht letoie used ill iv nl
!ble mti British ind inti Jewish souites in the nine
hope tint he would be ietogmscd bv the \\is is the
rulei of in independent \nb stite Ht ntvei obtuned
written pledges fiom the Geimins nlthough the It ilmr-
weie moie forthcoming! ind he w is used to the limit
bv Nizi propound i The Geimins piovided still ind
fnnnce foi Dm imbivht Bun fiom which the Gwumuft,
wis ible to send piopigmdi both printed ind bro id
cist to the Middle Elst He issued c ills to the \ribs
to nst ignnst the Butish ind the Jews md to destiov
them both Onlv when Bntiin md he i Miles nt
gel be defimtelv lesolved (bioidt ist ot 11th Novembei
1042) He ilso helped to onanist filth columns m
the Middle E ist ind to estiblish Muslim ind Anl:
units to tight in the Geimin amies
The greitest suspicions sunound his lttitude to
his knowledge ot md his possible tncoungement el
the Nrz
ind k
• the
the J.
Dec
hid h
piochimed in Nizi Geiminv Tl
to condemn him is difficult tei
slid to have been betnended Ij
st into Octob
nve spoken o
pioduted
AMlN al-HUSAYNI — AMlR KABlR
solution of the Aiab Higher Committee and the
Higher Front (the anti-Husayni bod>) and the for-
mation of the Arab Highei Executive with the Mufti
as its chairman He was not allowed b> the British
to return to Palestine and had to direct the resist-
ance from outside He continued to follow an uncom-
promising line, boycotting the United Nations Special
Committee on Palestine, letusing to contemplate an>
partition plans, and uigmg total opposition to the
Zionists. As \iolence on both sides incieased, the
Higher Executive at the end of 1947 began to oigan-
ise and direct military lesistance An Ar
wing par
ited which 1;
e Mull
-opeiai
Inter-Arab nvalr\ hindered co-opei ation, and aftei
the proclamation of the State of Israel a split grew
over Transjordan's ambitions in the West Bank of the
Jordan. Egypt suppoited the Mufti and allowed him
to settle in Gaza wheie he announced in Septembei
1948 the formation of a Palestine govemment A self-
constituted Assembly elected him its president and
several Arab governments recognised the Gaza regime
However, the rump of Palestine was under Tians-
jordanian control and its final annexation in April
1950 was not opposed by the Arab League Hence-
forward the Mufti lost any real base of power and
spent the rest of his life vainly trying to ially support
for an effort to destio> Isiael \mli c Abd Allah of
Transjordan appointed his own mufti and piesident of
the Muslim Supreme Council
In July 1951 'Abd Allah was assassinated and Amm
was thought to be implicated although this was nevei
conclusively proved In 1951 he chaired a Woild
Muslim Conference which he used as a platfoim to
publicise his policy He attended the Bandung Afio-
Asian Conference in a minor capacity, having to
accept the predominance of Piesident 'Abd al-Nasir
[q.u. in Suppl.] In fact, the lattei's lack of regaid for
him caused him to move to Beirut in 1959 He had
more freedom of action in Lebanon, but no moie
authority. He tried \anous alliances with Piesident
Kasim of 'Iraq, with the Sa'udls with Joidan all to
no avail. In the shifting sands of intei-Arab politics,
Amin was now of little account He moved about to
Damascus, to al-Riyad and back to Beirut In the
Palestine movement first Ahmad Shukayri and
then the Palestine Liberation Oigamsation took o\er
M-Hadjd} Amm died in Benut on July 4th 1974
To the end, he proclaimed his unwavering belief that
his country had been illegally given away by foreign-
ers to other foreigners both of whom had scant legard
for its Arab and Islamic chaiactei He spent his adult
life trying to prevent a change in the chaiacter of
Palestine. Through his intiansigence, his desire to dom-
inate his rivals and his inability to distinguish between
his personal aspirations and his political goals, he
ended by losing everything for himself and almost
everything for the Palestinian Arabs
Bibliography Two works deal specifically with
the Mufti, M Pearlman Mufti of Jeimalem London
1947, written in an attempt to have him tried as
a war criminal, and J B Schechtman, The Mujti
and the Fuehw New Yoik and London 1965, a
fairer work but one taking too much for granted
from Pearlman Otherwise, references have to be
sought in the many histories of the Palestine piob-
lem, and in woiks dealing with Geiman relations
with the Middle East and with Nazi policy towaids
the Jews. (D Hopwoodi
AMINDII b DJALAL b HASAN, an eminent
Musta'li-Tayyibi Isma'ili jurist of India was the
son of the twenty -fifth da'i mutlak He lived in
Ahmadabad in Gudjaiat and died theie on 13
Shawwal 1010/b April lb02 His woiks deal main-
ly with junspiudence and are consideied a great
authority on legal matters after the works of al-
Kadi ai-Nu'man [q i ] The following works have
been preseived 1 Uasa'it imindjt b D$alaf in the
form of questions answeis, and anecdotes bearing
on legal issues, hence also known as hitab at Wal
ua 7 dfanab The book contains many problems that
are typically Indian, and although the book is in
Arabic, the author uses many local Gujaiati woids
and expressions 2 hitab at HanSihi consisting of
pioblems in the form of questions and answeis relat-
ing to the text of al-K5dr al-Nu'man s Da'a'im al
hlam and Mukhtasar al atha, The problems discussed
in the book throw some light on the social history
of the IsmaTU Bohra community 3 Hisab a!
muntakhaba al manzuma, a commentary on al-Kadi
al-Nu'man's al Urdiuza al muntakhaba on junspiu-
dence 5 Sharh 4sas al ta'uil ua ta'uil al da'a'im, a
commentary on al-Kadi al-Nu'man's Asas al ta'uil
and Ta'u il al da'a'im
Bibliography Isma'il b 'Abd al-Rasul al-
Madjdu', Fihnst ed 'All NakI MunzawT, Tehian
19bb, 37-8 Kutb al-Din BurhanpQri, Uuntaza' al
akhbar, manuscript, Muhammad 'All b Mulla
Djiwabha'i, Mauum i bahar, Bombay 1301-1 1/188 i-
94 in 20b, 252 Asaf A A Fyzee Compendium of
Fatimid lait, Simla 1969 (both the woiks of Amindji
b Djalal Nos 1 and 2 aie used as souues), Ismail
Poonawala, Biobibhograph of hma'ili literatim Malibu
Cal 1977 (I PoonwalM
AMIR KABIR, MIrz* Muhammad Taki Kh«
[ca 1222-68/1807-52), then
1 19th c
He
Kaibala'i Kurban, the chief cook of the Kadjai
through whom he found his way to the Kadjai royal
alpos
tion in the co
art and lapidly ac
d in suc-
nt titles of "Mir
'Khan'
"\\ azl
r-i Nizam' "
Amii-i Nizam", a
nd f
nally the
highes
of all, 'Ami
r-i Kabir Atabak-
A'z
am' He
also n
arried Nasir
al-Din Shahs sis
ter,
Izzat al-
Dawla
The Amir kabir served the Peisian government in
different capacities such as the State Accountant of
\dharbaydjan in ca 1240-5/1 829- M and as Minister
of the Aimy in 1253/1837 Before being appointed
as Grand Vizier in 1264/1848, the Amir Kabir took
part in three diplomatic missions In 1244/1828 he
went to St Petersburg with Khusraw Mirza in order
to settle the pioblems caused by the murder of
Gnboyedov the Russian special envoy to Iian The
second diplomatic mission was his accompanying, in
1253/1837 the then Crown Prince Nasn al-Din
Mirza to Envan for a meeting with the Russian
Empeior The Amii was also appointed as the head
of the Iranian mission to the "Erzuium Confeience',
which was held in Eizurum m 1259-63/1843-6 to
deal with Ottoman-Persian tenitonal and boidei
disputes
Dunng these missions to Russia and Turkey the
Amir studied closely the processes of modernisation
in those countries In his term of office as a Giand
Viziei, theiefoie, he made strenuous efforts to in-
AMIR KABlR — AMIR NIZAM
tow
his c
irds
the
the
sep
rds
It
hools, and .so on. He did
in Iran; on this
j the limi
tablisl
' the n
oblen
he 1
reportedly
:i of [establishing] c
lusiyun), but my big obstacles we
(Firldun Adamivyat, Makalat-i I
(73, 88-9).
oursc of his service as a Grand Vizi
, the
himself because, on the one hand, he limited bribery
injustic e, and abuses of power committed by govern-
ment officials and high dignitaries at court, includim
the Shah's mother, Mahd 'Ulya, and on the othei
hand he opposed the Anglo-Russian interventions h
Iranian affairs. This hostility at cotirt, together wit!
the Anglo-Russian intervention, finally brought abou
after his dismissal from the Grand Vizierate, and th<
succession to that position of Aka Nun, a protege o
the British.
Bibliography. Akbar Hashin
, Tehn
1967; 'Abbas Ikbal, Mirzft Taki Khan Amir Kabi,,
Vhran 1961; Husavn Makki, ^«rf; ? <7»r-r( Mil -J
'aki Man-, Ami, Kabii, Tehran 1958; Firldun
damiyyat. Amir Kabir va halt, Tehran 1969; J.H.
- 1 1971 1, 85-103; Yahva Daulatabadl, Kunfiriins
id}i' bi Amir Kabi,. Tehran 1930; Kudrat Allah
.m Za'faranlu, ed.. Ami, Kabi, va Da, «/-
i, Tehra
1975 (;
ered by several Iranian scholars i. See also
general histories of 19th centurv Persia.
(Abdul-Hadi Hairi
AMIR NIZAM, Hasan 'Alt Khan Garrusi [VI
1317/1820-991 was born into a distinguished Run
family of the Garrus district in western Iran.
courts of the Timunds, the Safawids, the Afshar
the Zandis, and finally the Kadjars. After stud;
Persian, Arabic, history and calligraphy, he began
government service at the age of seventeen and.
a commander of the Garrus regiment, he hel
Muhammad Shah Kadjar's army to la\ siege to
city of Harat in 1253/1837. After tin
Nizam ia title which he received from Nasir
Shah in 1302/1884) continued his administratis
ical, military, and diplomatic duties with little
;he i
ruptio
r appro
62 )
His
include his victorious participation in the
1265/1848 expedition to Mashhad, and that of
1273/1856 to Harat. He was also one of those mil-
itary commanders who ended the Babt movement in
Zandjan in 1267/1850 and that of the Nakshbandi
Sufis led by Shaykh 'Ubavd Allah in Kurdistan in
i 297/ 1879; the former success gained the Amir Nizam
the title of "aide-de-camp" to Nasir al-Dm Shah,
and the latter the governorship of five western regions
in Iran.
In the sphere of civil offices the Amir Nizam served,
among other things, as Dim tor of the Office of
Roval Effects and Treasuries 1 1273-5/ 1856-8|, as a
member of the Grand Consultative Assembly 11283-8/
As Nasir al-Dm Shah's special political envoy, the
Amir Nizam went to Europe and met the heads of
state in London, Paris, Berlin, Brussels, and a few-
other European capitals in 1275/1858. It was on this
trip that he was accompanied by 42 students seeking
further education in Europe. Later, from 1276/1859
to 1283/1866, he was appointed Minister Plenipo-
The
r Nizi
with the
t. Regie Cot
fused t(
> effect
ision of 1890 which had caused
Adharbaydjan. For this reason,
he resigned front his position as \izier to the Shah's
heir-apparent in that province iMuhammad Hasan
Khan I'timad al-Saltana, Ruz-nama-ri khathiit, Tehran
1971, 765-70 and passuni. Curzon held that "the
Amir-i Nizam was reputed to be a strong Russophile"
[Persia and die Persian question, i, repr. London 1966,
415, 431). Besides, the I'timad al-Saltana reported that
the Russians were insisting ' .... -
Nizam
s pre\
Adhai
djan [Riiz-nama, 773i. We also know that the Amir
Nizam was popular with the Russians to the extent
that he received the insignia of the order of the
"White Eagle" from the' Russian Emperor lAmir
Nizam, Miinslia'dt, Tehran 1908, 14). It would accord-
ingly probably be safe to assume that, in his opposi-
nspire,
rather
the West through h
s diplomatic
He was one of the di
tingmshed com
pa
ions of
the latter's tr
3 c
f 1290/
to Europe (Nasir jl
Din Shah, Saj
19(54, 12i, a trip ii
which "Our
pr
icipal .
said the Shah, ". . .
the ba
reform, development
and the mean
progress. We would 1
ke to see in pe
rso
l, and c
ft
and progress of th
people in
>th(
r conn
(Abdul-Hadi Hairi, ,S
a study of the ml, pla
ed by the Persia
n ,
siduits o
len"l977. 15).
In
additioi
Amir Nizam was el
w
als such as Malki
m Khan an
d
Vusuf
Mustashar al-Dawla
Tabriz:, two
me
sties of mode
ideas 1
Vie idea ,,/ conMutio,
alism in Pasta,
the 1906 Revolution,
in Akten des
(V.
Kongiess
Arabistik und Islanm;
senseluift. Golf,
gen
15. bi
August 1974, Gottin
yen 1976, 18
-207 1. He
reportedly signed an
oath, togethe
w
th a m
ork
towards
progress of our belov
d people and
on
itry" iFi
Adamivyat, Andisha-\
tmakki va huk
i Sipah'sfila,, Tehran
1972, 249 IT.)
Despite all these f
icts, however.
the
AmTr >
seems in practice to h
nurh th
it is reported that ht
used to burn
in
furnaces
har
ged thei
tomers, and mutilate
d Kurds when
he
was se
suppress their uprisi
lgs. At one t
me
his h<
towards modernisatio
KulT Safarov bastinadoed and his
'al>
Fz news
AMIR NIZAM — al-'AMIRI
Ihtiyadf banned
advocated the :
Bamdad Sharh
367, unc
The /
Has;
1316/1898 because Safarov had
of industrialisation in Iran (Mahdi
ill najali Iran i Tehian 1968
'All )
s a learned man
a stylistically distinguished prose wntei an excellent
calligrapher and a tough buieaucrat made him so
highly iespected in the loyal court that at one time
in 1316/1898 even Muzaftai il-Din Shah preferred
to side with the Amir Nizam in the latter s con-
flicts with the loyal heir-appaient Muhammad 'Mi
Mlrza (Mahdi Kuh Hidavit Matirat ,a Ihatatai
Tehian 1965 98-9) 'Vmong foreign observers
Curzon called him a man oi very strong uill and
determination [Persia i 431) Di JB Feuvnei
admired him as a vieillard dune intelligence
supeneur dune giande expenence et dune sagesse
■ r de Pirsi Pans nd
The 'Vmn Nizam urote a book called Pand namu
yi lahiautyya it consists ot counsels gi\en to a child
of his and has been published se\eial times since
1315/1897 in Tehian and Tabriz This short book
called Uunsha'at already cited This compuses letters
written bv the Amir Nizam to mam- Iranian politi-
cal and religious figures and piovides much interest-
Some of his epistolary woiks can also be found in
"Abbas Ikbal imu V am Gairust in ladgar m/b-7
(1947) 8-33 and in some othei reteiences given in
the Bibliography belou
Bibliography Amu Nizam Gairusi Uatn i yal
mat tub muaanakh I 1311 m Hunar la maidum N S
nos 41-2 (1967) idem lak nama in \ashniya yi
farhangi hhuiawn i\ /4 (I960) 30-1 Findun
Adamiv>at imu habu la ban Tehran 1969 Kanm
Kishawaiz Ha^ar sal nathr i parsi v Tehran 1967
Savyid Nasr Allah Takawi indar namayi imu
Nuam Oarrusi Tehran 1935 Muhammad Hasan
Khan Ptimad al-Saltana al Ma'atht, ua I athai
Tehian 1888 idem \I,r at al buldan i \asm n
Tehran 1877 Dust 'Ah Mu'ayyn al-Mimahk
Riajali 'air i \ami in laghma uu (1955) 369-73
Khanbaba Mushai \Iu alhfin I lutub i capi u fan,
va irabi n Tehran 1961 nos 679-81 Ghulam
Husavn Musahib ed Da' it a al ma'anj i first i
Tehran 1966 253 undei Amu Nizam Husavn
Mahbubi Ardakam Ta'ttkt i mu'assasat i tamaddum
yi d±adid dar Iran Tehian 1975 Ahmad kasiawi
Ta'nlh i mashiuta yi Iran Tehran 1965, Muhammad
Mu'in Farhangi falsi vi Tehran 1973 undei
"Ganusi 'Ah Amin al-Dawla Dastkhatti az imu
Nizam in Wahid n no 11 (1905) 70-1 idem
Khatuatt styasi Tehian 1962 Bastam Panzi
Talash i azadt Tehran 1968 EG Browne Thi
Persian taoliitton of 1905 1909 Cambndge 1910
Sa'idNafTsi Hasan 'ill Man Ami, \ K am in Wahid
iii no 2 (1965) 101-12 \hmad Suhavh kh v an-
san Sifaiat i imu \^am la i\am I damsha^uyan i
4 (1964) 18-20 Mansui Taki-Zadi Tabrizi
Bu^urgan i hum i khatt ua khushnmisan imu \i-am
in Wahid no 197 (1976) 511-3 515 Feieshteh
M Nouraie Tahiti dar ajkat i \tuza Malkam Khan
Nazim al Daala, Tehran 1973 \bbas Mirza
Mulkara Shath t hal Tehran 1946 Nazim al-Islam
Kirmam Ta ttlh i bidan yi Itannan muladdima
Tehran 1967 'All Atshai Shurish , Shaikh 'Ibayd
Allah included in Mirza Rashid Adib al-Shu'aia'
Ta'nlh i i/shai Tehian 1967 Mihdi Khan
Mumtahin al-Dawla Shakaki hhatuat Tehian
1974_ _ (Abdul-Hadi Hairi)
al-'AMIRI Abu l-Hasan Muhammad b \usuf
philosophei who lived mainlv in Peisia born early
in the 4th/ 10th century in Khurasan where he stud-
ied with the well-known geographer and philosopher
Abu Zavd al-Balkhi [see al-balxhi] Fiom about
355/966 he spent some veais in Rav> enpying the
pationage there of the Buy id vizier Abu 1-Fadl b
al-'Amid and of his son and successor Abu 1-Fath
[see ibn al-'amId] Al-'Amin also visited Baghdad
at least twice in 360/970-1 and again in 364/974-
5 Theie he met many ot the leading intellectuals
ot the day but according to al-Tawhidi he was ven
coldly leceived being regarded as an uncouth provin-
cial By 370/980 he had letumed to Khurasan
where he dedicated a tieatise to the Samamd viziei
Abu 1-Husavn al-'Utbi (d ca 372/982) and com-
posed another in Bukhaia in 375/985-b Al-'Amin
died in Nishapur on 27 Shawwal 381/6 January
In his A alAmad 'ala I abad (MS Istanbul Sen ill
179 edition by E K Rowson toithcoming) written
only six years before his death al-'Amni gives a
■en titles of which
four i
il Ibsat ,
(MS Cairo Taymunv>a hilma 98) <
works on predestination Inl adh al bashat nun al djabt
ua I kadar and alTalnr Il audfuh altaldtr (together
in MS Princeton 2163 (393B)) and a philosophical
defense ot Islam entitled A al I'lam bt manaktb al
Islam (ed A Ghurab Cairo 1967) Omitted horn
the list are his Aristotelian commentanes thiee ot
which (on the Cahgoues Postenoi inahtus and De
imma) he cites elsewhere Also missing fiom the list
is the Fusul ft I ma'altm al ilahiyia (MS Istanbul Esat
Ef 1933) a metaphysical work which paraphrases
large sections ot the famous A al May, al mahd
(known in Latin as the Libit dt lausis) Anothei woik
possibly to be attnbuted to al-' \miri is the doxo-
giaphical A alSa'adaua I is'ad (tacs ed M Minovi
Wiesbaden 1957-8)
A1-' \miri s philosophy is a rathei com entional amal-
gam ot Neoplatomsm and Anstotelianism of a type
familiar from works by such figuies as his contem-
poiary Miskawayh [q i ] but his paiticular concern
seems to have been to justify the pursuit ot philoso-
phy to the religious establishment In the Flam he
attempts to show the 'ulama' how philosophy and Islam
can be seen as complementary rather than contra-
dictory illustrating his point by using philosophical
methods in a programmatic demonstration of the supe-
riority of Islam to other religions The imad similailv
combines philosophical and dogmatic evidence m a
discussion of the atteihfe as well as giving the 'ulama'
an elementary (and highly apologetic) introduction to
the Greek philosophers This conciliatory attitude
the tradition initiated by al-Kindi [q t ] the master
ot al-' \miri s master al-Balkhi
A1-' \miifs only pupil ot note was Ibn Hindu [qi]
and his influence on later figures seems to have been
minimal The massive impact ot Ibn Sfna, who began
writing shortly attei al-'Amin s death all but oblitei-
Biblwgraphi Abu Hayvan al-Tawhidi
ilhlak al ita^uayii ed M al-Tandji Damascus 1965
355 f 410 IT 446 f idem, al Mukabasat
ed H al-Sandubi Cairo 1929, index, idem, al
■ 1953
al-Sidj
al-'AMIRI — AMROHA
Siuan al lukma ed A Bidawi Tehran 1974 82
fl a07 fl Ibn Sin i al Radial Cano 1357/1938
271 \ lkut f<Ma i 4111 al kutubi Faialal
itifinat ed M Abd al H imid Cairo 1951 n
95 hill bibl in M MinoM ^ kha^a in i tuikma
in R, ui dt la faiulh da Itttns dc I f muisih di Tihmn
iv/3 (1457) b0 87 Biockelmann S I 744 958
% 1 F Rosenthal Stati and idiyon aumdin^ to ihu
I Hasan al imm in 1(1 m (195b) 42 52 M
imin in Stud hi \\\v (1972) 5 52 M Allaid
I n philosophi thiolojen Muhammad h } uuif al 4mm
m RHR ckwvn (1975) i7 04
|EK Row son)
AMIRI Mirzx Muhxmmxd Sxdik Adib u
NUm^lik Peisian poet and journalist was bom
at kazuan neai Sultanabad (mod Auk) in 1800
side he wis dnectlv descended tiom
und Enlu
(klune, dei mndtinen ptmwhin Lilt
191)4 i5
b (LP Elwell
'AMRb
KIRKIRA Abu M\ L ik \l A
1 the Bt
u Sad hid leunt the aiab
lescit ind
had settled at Basia Since
d Abu 1 Bavda' [at] he acte
but h, owed his lame to h
Ale know
edge of the Ai ibic language si
he knew i
wherei
of it
i alkhahl b Ahmid) hilf of it ind
sd il Ansiri (or Mu iriidj) two thirds ol it
nhtv was i ut woids Abu Malik w is alleged
uthoi ol it leist two uoiks a A hhalk al
da A al hha\l Al Dj ihiz was one ol his
Djah
a Abu
19th c
Anbu:
I do
s drith in 1874 the
lal difficulties until in
i Niz,
(Ed
1890 Mir:
actompanied to Tabnz harm inshah and Tehiai
During this penod he atquned the titles iinn a
Shu ara (whence his takhallus Amini and latei -idi
al Mama hk In 1894 he wis in charge of th
Government Translation Bine m in Tehnn Tw
\eais later he returned to Tibnz ind ittei til
ing theologitil quihfit itions becime \ite Pnncip;
ol the Lukmamvva College ol science and med
cine Foi i time he published Uah a hterm an
scientific journal and in 1900 ti i\ riled b\ w iv c
the Caucasus and Khiwa to Mashh id ind in 190
to Tehnn in both of which cities he lesume
AMROHA
noithem Indn now a town It aiose as a metiopol
itan tentie lftei the lccession of Sultan &hi\ ith al
Dm Balbin to the tin one of Dihh in hb4/12bb Since
the Radjput Radja of ketehi oi kataln [<j ] imod
| em BaieilK distil, t in the U P ) lose m lebelhon md
ained his depiedations as fai is the ikta of Badlun
{lib m attacked him in his own legion and having
leired the \ast district carved out the ikta of Amioha
hit compnsed the irea of the modem distucts ol
iireillv Muiadabad R impul ind Bidjnoie in Western
Jttai Pudesh Foi the consolidation of his authontv
!tcd rflltir
of Amrohi
public
Baku
ablv
DllbllC
illlldlll!
1 fori
; jouin
i Persn
1904 >
mosque
supplen
Aftei
Revolution of 190b he became editor of Madilts
the record of the National Assemblv debites
and latei of the ofhcial penodic lis Rumania u
Daulati u han and ijtab in between he stilted hi<
ownjoumil ball i)am In 1911 he entcird the
ludicial service and held posts in Simnin
Sawudjbulagh Sultinabid ind \ azd He died m
Tehnn in 1917
Amin had a wide range of inteiests horn geogra
phv mathematics and lexicogi iphv to lnstoiv liter i
tuie ind astiologv He was well vcised in Persnn ind
Aiabic in both of which he composed poems and
wis limilnr with a numbei of othei lmguages
Howevei he was no ivorv towei poet his poems tol
lite leflect the tuibulent politics ol his time in which
he wis genei illv on the side of the C onstitutiomlists
i al Din
I SufT lhankah Among all these
constiucted bv in ofli.cr of Suit
kivkubid in 080/1287 is intact
In the 8th/ 14th trnturv Amrohi became a centre
ol Muslim cultui. md wis held bv 1 high noble ol
the sultinite Foi instmce the Pnnce khidi khan
the eldest son of Sultan Ala il Din khildji wis
| ippointed its goveinoi tow lids the close of his fither s
ieign In the time ot Muhammad b Tughluk 1 725
52/li25 51) Ibn Battuta found -\mrohi a beautiful
citv pi iced undei the |c
nobles
z khimi
the
\ fervo
Bibliography Amnis Duani kamil was edited
bv Wihid Distgirdi Tehian 1933 Biognphicil
information in E& Biowne Littian histon of Pusia
1500 1924 Cambridge 1924 lepi 1930 34b 9 M
Ishaque Sukhamiaran I Iran dai as, I hadn n Cilcutta
1937 48 b3 Rashid \asimi ■idabinat i nut a sir
Tehnn 19 37 20 2 M Ishique Modern Pusian poitn
Cilcutti 1943 pauim Muhim mad Sidr Hashimi
Ta nkh i djara id ua madiallat i ban i Tehnn 1948
80 98 J Rvpka hanmht Lih,aturs,esihiihh I eipzig
1959 3 3b 7 ibid Histon of banian htaatun
Doidiecht 19b8, 375 b, Bozorg Alavi, (nihiiht,
Duung the ieign of Suit
ost its impoitince is i pioi
i Fnuz Shih Amioha
lcnl capital foi idmin
shifted from heie to
minv s unts ind scholais Shavkh C a ildc
dant of Shivkh Find il Din Gandj i
Adjodhin was l lespectible
Masnidi Ml Mahmud khan
sandai Lodi The
AMROHA — ANIS
villages in maintenance grant in the pargana of Nindru
(now in the district of Bidjnore).
During the Mughal period, Amroha also produced
famous Stiffs and scholars, such as Shaykh Ibban
Cishtl during the reign of Akbar. Mir Sayyid
Muhammad, the famous Mir c Adl (Chief justice) and
Mawlana Allahdad (d. 990/1582), a leading scholar,
also belonged to Amroha. Mashaff Amroha'f, the
famous Urdu poet of the 18th and 19th centuries,
was also born and educated there. Wikar al-MOlk, an
associate of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and one of the
founder members of the Aligarh Movement, also hailed
from Amroha. It is now a talisil headquarters in the
district of Muradabad in Uttar Pradesh.
Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl, A'in-i Akbarl, Eng. tr.
Jarrett, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1927; 'Abd al-Kadir
Bada'unl, Muntakhab al-tawarikh, iii, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1868; Diya' al-Din BaranI, Ta'rikh-i Firuz
ShahT, ed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1862; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, iii, 436-40, Eng.
tr. Gibb, iii, 762-4; TsamI, Futuh al-salatin, ed. Usha,
Madras 1948; Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith,
Akhbar al-akhyar Dihli 1914; Shams Siradj 'AfTf,
Ta'rikh-i Fliiz Shahl, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1890.
(I.H. SlDDIQJJI)
al-AMULI [see haydar-i AmulI, in Suppl.].
ANDIUMAN-i KHUDDAM-i KA'BA, a religious
society founded by Indian Muslims in their period
of great pan-Islamic fervour just before World War
One. The Andjuman was started by Mawlana 'Abd
al-Barl [q.v. above] and Mushir Husayn Kidwai [q.p.]
of Lucknow who hoped to be able to defend Mecca
and Medina by raising ten million rupees to build
dreadnoughts and airships and to maintain armed
forces. Such an ambitious programme proved imprac-
ticable, and the final constitution of the organisation
published early in 1332/1914 declared that to defend
the Holy Places it would: "( a ) preach the aims and
objects of the Andjuman to Muslims generally; invite
them to join it; and induce them to render sincere
service to the holy places; (bl spread Islamic ethics in
the neighbourhood of the holy places; invite the atten-
tion of the inhabitants of those places to a knowl-
edge of the religion; promote intercourse and unity
among them; and persuade them to the allegiance
and assistance of the guardian of the holy places; (c)
promote relations between Muslims and the holy places
and extend and facilitate means of communication
with the holy places".
The leaders of the Andjuman came in large part
from young western-educated Muslims of pan-Islamic
predilections, for instance, Muhammad and Shawkat
'All [qq.v.]. Dr. M.A. Ansan'and Mushir Husayn
Kidwai, and 'ulama' who were in some way
connected with the Farangi Mahall family [q.v.
below] of Lucknow, for instance, 'Abd al-Barl, Shah
Ahmad Ashraf of Kacawca and 'Abd al-MadjId
Kadirl of Bada'On. The 'ulama' of Deoband, land-
lords, and men closely associated with government,
were conspicuous by their absence. Nevertheless,
many, including women, joined the Andjuman. By
Shawwal 1332/September 1914 the Andjuman had
over 17,000 members, a central organisation in Dihli
and branches throughout India: moreover, it had
grown faster and spread more widely than any other
Indo-Muslim organisation.
The achievements of the Andjuman, however,
were limited. One problem was that the Government
of India, suspicious of the alliance between young
western-educated politicians and 'ulama', refused to
support it. The Andjuman's work was restricted to
the Haajaj, and here Shawkat 'All strove to improve
the conditions of Indian pilgrims and attempted to
break the European monopoly of the pilgrim trade
by setting up, with Turkish aid, a wholly Muslim
shipping company. But the outbreak of World War
One and the closing of the Hadfdf route put an end
even to this work, and the organisation, without an
obvious function, fell apart amidst squabbles between
the 'ulama' and the young politicians. In 1334/1916
'Abd al-Barl moved its central office to Lucknow
and the organisation was last talked of in 1336/1918
when he tried to restart it as a vehicle for a cam-
paign to release Muslims who had been interned
during the War.
The importance of the Andjuman lies more in
what it portended than in what it achieved. In work-
ing to protect the Holy Places, the leading pan-
Islamic politicians of the day, Shawkat and
Muhammad 'Air, met 'Abd al-Bari and became
murlds of this very important pir. More generally,
young western-educated politicians came to appre-
ciate the widespread influence in Indo-Muslim soci-
ety of 'ulama' like those of the Farangi Mahall family.
These same people were to come together again
after World War One to organise a much greater
effort for a pan-Islamic cause, the Khildfat move-
ment [q.v.].
Bibliography: Mawlawl Tnayat Allah, Risala-i
hasrat al-ajak ba wafat madjmii'at al-akhlak, Lucknow
n.d. 16-17; Francis Robinson, Separatism among
Indian Muslims: the polities of the United Provinces-
Muslims 1860-1923, Cambridge 1974, 208-12, 214-
15, 279, 281, 287. (F.C.R. Robinson)
ANlS, Mir Babar 'AlI (1217-91/1802-74), Urdu
poet, was born in Faydabad (Fyzabad) [q.v.] into a
family which had produced five generations of poets.
Some of these, including his father Khalik, wrote
the characteristically Indian type of marthiya which
thrived at public recitals in Lucknow, capital of the
ShI'I Nawabs of Oudh. This type, which may have
originated in the Deccan, was devoted to the mar-
tyrdom of al-Husayn b. 'All at Karbala' (61/680).
Anls moved to Lucknow as a young man, and devot-
ed his life to writing poetry, especially marathl. He
became the leading exponent of this form; thou-
sands attended his readings in Lucknow, and in
other Indian cities which he occasionally visited later
in life. Some critics thought his contemporary and
By the time Anls began writing, the main lines of
the Indian marthiya had already been foreshadowed,
if not fully established; and he used it to the full.
Formerly in quatrains, it was now almost always in
musaddai form. Starting as a short emotional and
devotional lament, it was lengthened to over a hun-
dred verses of varied content. Alongside the inci-
dents involving al-Husayn and his followers at
Karabala', Anls includes description of nature, such
as landscape, the desert, and storms; character
sketches of the protagonists; the horse, the sword;
warlike accountrements; and a philosophising which
gave universality to a superficially restricted theme.
The language employs all the devices of rhetoric
[balagha), yet there is an inherent simplicity and sin-
cerity which contrasted strongly with the Urdu ghazal
[see ghazal, iv] then in vogue. It consequently won
the approval of forward-looking critics and poets
such as Hall and Azad, and occupies an important
place in Urdu literary history. It says much for
Anis's artistry that he managed to sustain interest
in an output estimated at 250,000 verses; but it is
haidh, suipnsmg that the form ceased to be widely
cultivated attei the end ot the 19th centur}
Biblio S ,aphy Critical accounts of Anis and his
mamthl mav be found in Muhammad Sadiq, History
of Urdu httratuu London 1%4, 155-63, Abu 1-Lavth
Siddikr, Lakhnau ka dabntan i iha'm, Lahoie 1955
which also contains examples from previous and
subsequent maithiya poets Ram Babu Saksena s
Huton of Utdu htcmtuu Allahabad 1927, in a gen-
eral chaptei on 'Elegv and elegv wntcis" (123 IT),
contains a genealogical table of Anis's famiK
Ip 13b) showing the poets in the famih before
and after him
Among critical studies of Anls are Amir Ahmad,
Udgai i \nh Lucknow 1924, and Dja'fai 'Ali
Khan, inn ki maithna mgan Lucknow 1951 Shibli
Nu'manfs Muaazana yi AnU o Dabi, is still the stan-
daid comparison of the two poets though heav-
il\ weighted in Anls s favour Theie are numeious
editions of Ams s poetiv, none complete One of
the fullest is Mamthl Ann, ed Na'ib Husavn Nakwi
Amrota 4 vols, Karachi 1959 The three-volume
edition of Nawab Havdai Djang, Badaun 19 «
is less full, but has an introduction bv Nizam al-
Din Husavn Nizami Badaiini
iJA H«-woodi
ANSARI Sha\kh Murtvdi, despite his being rather
unknown in the West, is considered to have been a
Shfi muditahid whose vvidelv -recognised lehgious lead-
ership in the Shi'i world has not vet been surpassed
He was born into a noted but financial pool cler-
ical famih of Dizful, in the south of Iran in
1214/1799, his lineage went back to Djabir b 'Abd
Allah Ansari id 78/597) a Companion ol the Prophet
After learning the lecitation of the Kur'an and related
pnmarv subjects Ansari studied under his uncle
Shavkh Husavn Ansari until 1232/181b when he
accompanvmg his father, Muhammad Amin, went to
visit the shrine crtres of 'Irak While in Karbala', he
attended the teaching circle of the then Shi'i lcadei,
Sawid Muhammad Mudjahid id 1242/ 182b) who
found Ansari a man ot extraordinary genius and urged
Ansaii's father to let his son remain in Karbala'
Ansaii then studied under Mudjahid until ta 123b/
1820, when Ansaii together with hundieds of other
Iranian people fled Irom Karbala' due to the pies-
suies imposed bv the Ottoman governor at Baghdad
Dawiid Pasha, after the growth of the Perso-Ottoman
hostihtv at that time (S H Longngg, Fom untunes oj
modern Iraq Oxford 1925 242-9 Sir Percv Svkes, i
Anton of Pcma n, repr London 1953 31b ft) Ansari
then returned to Dizful
In ca 1237/1821 Ansari again went to Karbala 1
and attended the circle of the famous muditahid Mulla
Muhammad Shaiit al-'Ulama' (d 1245/1829) In
ca 1238/1829 he proceeded to Nadjaf and contin-
ued his studies under Shavkh Musa Kashif al-Ghita'
(d 1241/1825) and aftel a veal or so he again
returned to his home town Dizful Heading toi
Mashhad m 1240/1824 with the intention of attend-
ing the circles for lehgious learning m drffeient
Shavkh Asad\llah Burudjirdi (d ca 1271/1854) m
Burudjird ('Abd al-'Azi? Sahib al-Djawahir, Da'vu
yi Imamiyya yi Ithnd'ashanyya n, n d , 155, under "Asad
Allah") and that of Saw id Muhammad Baku Shafti
(d 1270/1853) m Isfahan I Ansari s biographv writ-
ten bv Muhammad Rida al-Radawi al-Kh"ansari
(wc) in Ansari Kitab al Mataaji, [al Makaub],
Tehian 1908 1) each lor no moie than a month
in Kashan, he decided t<
found Naiaki's circle m
Naraki also found Ansari
aAhmadNaiakKd 1245/18
.ceptionalh, knowledgeable
Wished muditahid as leal
ca ihakhmyat i Shmkh i
In 1246/1830,
Ansari left Kashan for Mashhad
3nths living theie he went to Tehran
■ returned to Dizful where he was
as a lehgious authontv, desprte the
He then ,
1249/1833 and ]oined the teaching circl
'.All Kasjhif al-Ghita' (d 1254/1838) an
to some sources, that of Shavkh Muhan
Sahib al-Djawahir (d 1266/1849), but e
and soon organised his o
identlv
iTceTed "an"
w phase
n 1266/18
ng recogm
49 after
all t
Shfi commi
nities which formed
40 million across the
populat
Muslim
vorld,
that the msti
ndja' i taklid \qc] re
ached
Hasan I'tima
'The Twe
f Ansari s
d al-Saltan
contempor
a, 'and th
nes Mu
of Iran
hamm
us Sh
iv e in Ind
a, rn Russia, m son
e of t
d m sever
A other
Afghanistan,
Turkistan
and elsewh
ere used
to Ansari th
-ir endow n
lent funds
alms ta
ves, on
fifth of their
other sin
h amount
d to 20(
% 30,000 00]
1888, 136-7)
annuallv (
d Ma'athn
a lathcl
Tehi
Despite h
leadership, 4
s vast income and hrs overv
ants nevertheless denied his
of e\
comfortable
lfe and hi
nself lived
an ascet
c life,
Muhammad Hnz al-Din, Ma'anf al ridial, u, Nadjaf
1964 399-404) Instead he gave the monev to the
poor and need\ to the students of iehgious schools
and at times to those Muslims who on their wa\
to visit the shrine of Imam Rida in Mashhad, were
taken captive bv the Turkomans When Ansari died
in 1281/1864 his wealth and belongings weie worth
his lollower
expenses
then
and above all his scholarh qualifica-
tions, deserved of course such lecognition, but othei
factors also were certarnK instrumental in establishing
his leadership the then great mardfa' i taklid, Sahib al-
Djawahn, shortlv before his death declared Ansari to
be the legitimate sole maidja' i takhd of the ShTa This
indorsement was compounded with the eailier death
ol othei distinguished religious authorities such as Shavkh
Muhammad Husavn Sahib al-Fusul (d 1261/1845) In
addition, this development was pieceded bv the grad-
ual decline of Isfahan as religious centre a process
which had begun its course since the fall of the Satawid
dvnastv and was acceleiated b\ the death of such reli-
gious authorities ol Isfahan as Shafti and Ibrahim
Karbasf (d. 1262/1845). Consequently, Nadjaf began
then to enjoy an unprecedented attention from the
Shf a of Iran, and most of this attention was cer-
tainly focused on the person of Ansan.
Ansan not only established a new era in the his-
tory of the Shf l leadership but was also an impor-
tant figure in the field of ShfT jurisprudence, being
credited with introducing a new methodology in the
field of usul. His interpretation, for instance, of the
"principle of no harm" [ka'ida la darai), which had
long engaged the Shfi 'ulama', opened up a more
settled way for practising idftihad in general and for
dealing with the problem of private ownership in par-
ticular. Ansarfs system in jurisprudence laid great
importance on the margja'-i taklid's being the most
learned man of his time; he said that 'akl (reason)
and 'urj '(social conventions and common practices) are
to be taken as criteria and bases for introducing new
laws. His name is also mentioned as an authority with
original views on such usul subjects as the principles
of istishab, bara'a, and z<mn, each of which were the
subject of an independent study done by Ansarf (for
a concise definition of the above terms, cf. Dja'far
Sadjdjadi, Farhang-i 'uliim-i nakli va adahj, Tehran 1965,
51-3, 136, 359).
Ansarfs school of thought has been clearly domi-
nant in the Shf i clerical 'circles since the middle of
the 19th century, and his views have been discussed
and adopted by most of the Shf T 'ulama'. A descen-
dant of Ansarfs brother has listed the names of 144
nudjtahids
.vho h
"s influ-
is books (Ansarf, ^indigani, 354-87).
ence on the later 'ulama' can also be found in the
bio-bibliographical dictionaries compiled on the Shf i
authorities (cf. Bibi). The influence of Ansarfs ideas
is further seen in the laws made for various Shfi
communities, because many of those who were involved
in the process of law-making were either Ansarfs dis-
ciples or were indirectly under the influence of his
thought. The Persian civil law which was substantially
based on the Shf r jurisprudence may be mentioned
as an example; and the man who "translated into
Russian the Islamic law according to which the
Muslims of Caucasus were being tried in the legal
courts" was Mirza Kazim Bey, a disciple of Ansan
iMahdi Khan Mumtahm al-Dawla Shakaki, Khatirat,
Tehrai
1974,
10).
Ansarfs circle of teaching was attended by m
us pupils, many of whom became great mardja'-i ,
klids
._ . .. , e.g. Husayn Kuhkaman (d. 1291
1874), Muhammad Irwam (d. 1306/1888), Habib
Allah Rash'tT (d. 1312/1894), Muhammad Hasan
ShirazI (d. 1312/1894), and Muhammad Kazim
KhurasanF (d. 1329/1911). There are also reports that
Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi "Afghani" was also
a pupil of Ansan (Asghar Mahdawi and Iradj Afshar,
Madfniu'a-yi asnad va madarik-i capnashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid
Djamal al-Din mashhur bi Afghani, Tehran 1963,"20) and
that Afghanf studied in Ansarfs circle for four years
prior to Afghanfs departure from Nadjaf in 1270/1854
(Mirza Lutf Allah Khan Asadabadi, Shaih-i hal va athar-
i Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi ma'ruf hi Afghani, Berlin
1926, 21-2; but these accounts are controversial. It
cannot be accepted that Ansan, despite his great cau-
tion in issuing a certificate of idftihad, gave one to
Afghani, then only sixteen years of age (Khan Malik
Sasam, Siyasat-garan-i daicra-yi Kddfar, i, Tehran 1959,
186, nor "has Lutf Allah Khan been correctly quoted
by Nikki R. Keddie that "Shaikh Murtaza gave
Jamal ad-Din an ijdzeh (certificate of advanced knowl-
edge)" [Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-AfghanV: a politi-
cal biography, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1972, 15-16);
rather, Lutf Allah reported that Ansarl gave a certain
certificate to Afghanfs father (Asadabadi, op. tit., 15,
2 1 and the Arabic translation of Asadabadf s book by
'Abd al-Na'im Muhammad Hasanayn, Beirut 1973,
64; see also Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Andishaha-yi Sayyid Djamal
al-Din Asadabadi dai piidmun-i mhitat-i musalmanan va
inkilab-i mashrutiyyat-i Iran, in Yahid, nos. 225-9 [1978],
47-52, 57-61, etc.).
Despite his being a one-eyed man, Ansarf was quite
productive in writing. According to a report, he wrote
over thirty books (Ansarl, ^indigdni, 131-4), twenty-
four of which are listed as Ansarfs published works
in Khanbaba Mushar, Mu'alhfin-i kutub-i capi-yi Jam
va Arabi, vi, Tehran 1965, nos. 126-35; many of these
books have been published several times in India,
'Irak, and Iran since 1267/1850. Two of his works
are especially frequently consulted and have been
considered by the Shfi 'ulama' to be of exceptional
importance: Fara'id al-usul (al-Rasa'il) on usul and
al-Makasib on fikh, which were first published in
Tehran in 1268/1851 and 1280/1863 respectively.
Both these have constantly been used as text books
in all Shfi circles.
One of the financial foundations with which many
of the Shfi 'ulama' of 'Irak were knowingly or unknow-
ingly connected was the so-called "Oudh Bequest".
It was, in the words of the British Minister of Tehran,
a "powerful lever which helped to promote good
relations between the Persian ecclesiastics and myself
and . . . afforded opportunities for influencing the lead-
ing Persian Ulema" (Sir Arthur Hardinge, A diplo-
matist in the East. London 1928, 323-4). The British
authorities, however, did not succeed in influencing
Ansari through the Oudh Bequest (Sayvid Muhsin
Amin, A'yan al-Shi'a, xl, Beirut 1960, 43-6). He
then rejected further sums (Mahmud Mahmud,
Ta'iikh-i mwabit-i shasi-yi Iran va Ingilis, vi, Tehran
1953, 1743).
In the arena of politics and public affairs, Ansari
was quite inactive. He refused to make use of his
influence in the interest of his followers. Persian or
otherwise, in their political and other struggles.
Theoretically, however, he believed that the 'ulama'
are not only the custodians of religions, but are
also unquestionably responsible for judicial and polit-
ical affairs also (Hairi, Slu'ism and constitutionalism in
Iran: a study of the role played by the Persian residents of
Iraq in Iranian politics, Leiden 1977, 60). Ansarfs
; of i
been criticised by contemporary modernist thinkers.
Fath 'Air Akhund-Zada, for instance, said: "God
has not given Ansari enough insight to understand
why Iran is in the state of collapse and why the
Iranians are suffering abasement" [Alifba-yi djadid va
maktubdt, Baku 1963', 121), and Aka Khan KirmanI
[q.v. above] believed that Ansari contributed to the
people's ignorance and perplexity (Findun Adamiyy-
at, Andishaha-yi Mirza Aka Khan Kirmani, Tehran
1967, 66).
On the other hand, his aloofness from politics
was warmly welcomed by the political authorities,
who seem to have taken it as a sign of his asceti-
cism. Thus we come across the reports that the gov-
ernor of 'Irak referred to him as the Greatest Faruk
(i.e. one who distinguishes truth from falsehood) and
that the British Ambassador allegedly said: "Ansarl
is either Jesus himself or his special deputy on earth"
(Hasan Khan Shaykh Djabiri Ansarl, Ta'rikh-i
Isfahan va Ray va hama-yi d}ahan, Tehran 1943,
ANSARl — ANZARUT
inside the tront tovei) The cult formed iround him
mad Tunukibum Ana al
ulama Tehnn 188b
led borne people to si\ thit An-, in hid met with
Hibib Alhh Shu if Kish
im Iubb al albab fi
the Twelfth Imam
alkab al at\ab Tehnn l^
58 Slnvkh Dji fn
Mihbubi Mad, al \ajjaf
a Itadiruha i Nidjif
1 mm renowned for his tolennci his wisdom
1958 Muhimnnd Hus i\
n Nisn al Sinn i
his understanding ]ustue his pitt\ uid nobihn of
Ta nkh i hum kum 197
1 Muhimmid Ah
thinaei the leidei of the Bthi is Mn/i Husiin
I innmi \Ia hhad al Imam
, Nidjif 19j4 Aghi
Ah Nun known is Biln All ih [,/ ] included Ansui
Buzuig Tihiam Uusaffa al
imons; those do.tois who hive indeed diunk of tin
al ud}al Tehnn 1459 iden
al Dhan a ,la tasamj
tup of lenumntion 'Abb is Efendi 1 Abd il B ill i )
al Shi a i xx 193b 74 ide
m Tabalat a lam al
ilso lefened to Ans in is the illustnous ind eru
Shi a i n Nidjif 1954 62
Muhimnnd Mihdi
dite doUoi the noblt md ( elebi ited siholn the
fat al Shaikh al insau
sell of seekeis itttr tiuth (Shcn<hl Lfiendl (,ad pass
in Mad/allat al \aajaf n
10 8 (1461) 29 ff
is h Wilmette Illinois 1944 14i) Ansm is thus
Muhimnnd Hishim Khu
isim Muntakhal al
pr-used because he did not shait the (ondemnition
lata, ilh Tehnn nd
Mull i Ah Uiiz
b\ othei Shu ulama of the Bibi tilth md ntuils
khivibtm Kitab i ulama
i mi, a sinn Tibnz
He did not ittend the meeting (.omened b> the Shi i
194b Nisi All ih Tin lb Di
zfuh Lama at al ba)un
ulama m kiznrmn in la 1863 foi detei mining on
np nd Habib Allih R
ishti Bad,, , al afkar
the binishment of Bihi All ih md his idheients
Tehnn-* 1895 Ah Akbn
Nihiwmdi ikhlak ,
horn Ii ik (Muhimmid khin Z i im ilDmh Miftah
Bab al abaab Cmol903 347) Aicoidim; to Bibl
souues ht did ittend the meeting but is soon is
1957 Muhimmid Mihdi
il Kizimi ihsan al
hi ? hl> mflu
Him \\)
> did th.
llama pa,t.
tjHik in
thi Pa sum
1 R, olutw
of 190) I'M)
in HI
xvu 1 197f»
27 o4i
Bibl,
,^raph
In iddition t
, the sot
ices mm
n the tex
see Muh tin
mid Ah
Mud u i is
Raihana
al adal
i Tibnz 1967 Abb
s kummi
Hadina
al ahbab
Nidjif 1929
id.m
Fata id al
, f, ah t,
adhhah a
djafauna
T, hi m
1947 id
em alhuna
a I all i
b 3 vols
Nidjif
9 ib Al
Mihfuz Sir
ha) a al
\ad,afua
Ihulud
// ulama
in Madialla
al \adfaf no 10
(1457)
j ff H in
nd Alsni Rel
gion and
17P5100) Bei
sele\ md L
Muhim
mid Bik
r kh ins ui
Ratdat
al diannat
Tehi m
1S89 M
izi Husi\n
Nun U
istadiak al
una il
m Tehr
n 1949 Ah
il \\ ud
i Iamahat
idjtima n
a mm ta'
,lh al Ira) al
adith l i
B ighd id
Ghul im
Hus iv n Mu
ihib f d
Da',, a al
ma' a, if ,
fa, i l
Tehnn 1%
i Abd
il Husivn
Amim
Shuhada
I fad, la Nidi
it 193b
Uuhsin il
Mn'min
al \adiaf al ashmj I
ama al
in al a lam
in Uadfallat
1 Rabita
no 193
1 1038) 2
3 ft Muitidi
Mud n i
si Ta nkh
m 1929 Muhimmid T ih i NidjifT Man
,lal J, ahtal al udjal Nidjif 1921 Abd
i Mimiktm Tan) th al makal ft ahu.nl al
' Nidpf 19,3 Djitir khihli Mausitaal
Abd
Rihm
md Ah
d ha^im
Nidjaf 1972 Nidji Widi
al \adiaf i N idj it 197 3 Muhimmid Mu n
Faihaniialam \ Fein in 19bb undei Ans m
Murtidi \1 \ ism I stub al dirasa al dimna
madra a al \ad l af in Mad/allat al \adjaf i no
(1956i 2 tt Abd All ih " " " "
1959
sadaj j,
Ikbil
,,lh al \
N,djif 1961 (■*> irt Ansa,, Sha,li
in Lujiat nama >' Dihlhuda no 86
Di\ i il Din il Dikhili Ta ,i)Ji al hau
fi diami al \ad,af al ashiaf in Madjall
e Bibl h
the s
) Muc
n this
ilh consideied to be the
isnnil plmt nimel> eithei Pmata nuuionata L oi
SaruKolla L oi P squamosa L But in 1S79 \\
\mo<k wis iblt to prove thit it leist the Peisim
ii( oc oil i is the piodutt of whit he c tiled istia^alus
mowlla D\m (Ieimminosie) \\idel\ known in intiq
t\ the diug his pi u Ik ilh dmppeired horn the
Euiopean store of medicines, but, according to
Me\erhof, it is still well-known in the Orient, espe-
cialh in the drugmarket in Cairo
According to Dioscondes, the yellowish bitter resin
was abo\e all useful for causing new flesh wounds
(Grip!; "flesh", KoXka "glue") scar over Already al-
Kindi used it as component of a good number oi
iecipes (Akrdbadhin, see Bibl below), among others
ioi lepros\ The most detailed description is gi\en
b\ Ibn al-Ba\tai on the basis oi Greek and Aiabic
sources as well as his own observations The lesin
consumes the festering flesh oi putrescent abscesses,
assists the npening oi tumours, carries away mucus
and \ellow gall, and is a remed\ ioi inflammations
oi the e\e, ior agglutinating eyelids and ior exces-
si\e secietion oi the eye Taken internally, the resin
is a strong purgative, but causes also the hair to
iall out The best Sarcocolla consists of crushed,
white seeds, mixed with walnut oil Measured out
n diffeient wa\s, it can be mingled with othei diugs
\robal;
bdelhui
When taken neat, the resin can be lethal, therefore,
the dose should not be more than 2' 4 dirhami, Ibn
al-Ba\tar, howe\er, maintains that he saw in Egypt
women pai taking, immediately aiter a bath, oi up
to 4 ounces of anzarut, together with the pulp of
the \ellow melon, hoping to increase thus their
Bibtiogtaphv Dioscundes Materia medua, ed
M Wellmann, n, Berlin 190b, 102 (= lib m 85),
La 'Materia medica' de Dtosiorides, n (Arab tr of
Istaian b Basil) ed C E Dubler and E Teres,
Tetuan 1952, 280 i , The mtdual formulary or
Aqrabadhin of al-Kindi ti M Le\e\, Madison etc
l%b, 23b (no 25) Bnuni, A al Saydala ed Muh
Sa'id, Karachi 1973, Arabic, 70 i , Eng , 45 i ,
Ghafikl, al Djami'fi V aditiya al mufrada, Ms Rabat,
Bibl Gen k 155 I, iols 2bb-27a, The abridged
version of 'The Book of simple drugs' of al-Ghdfiqi
by.. . Barhebraeus, ed. and tr. M. Meyerhof and
G.P. Sobhy, Cairo 1932, no. 37; Suwaydl, A', al-
Simat fi asma' al-nabat, Ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol.
15b, 137b; Ibn Biklarish, A'. al-Musta'ini, Ms.
Naples Bibl. Naz. Ill, F. 65, fol. 14b; Ibn al-
Djazzar, al-I'timad, Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fol. 13b;
Zahrawi, Tasrifi Ms. Be 5 ir Aga 502, fol. 500a, 7;
Maimonides, Sharfi asma' al-'ukkat. Un glossaire de
mature medicate ... ed. M. Meyerhof, no. 4; Ibn
al-Baytar, al-Djami', Bulak 1291, i, 63 f, tr. L.
Leclerc, Notices et extraits . . . xxiii/1, Paris 1877,
no. 171; Ghassam, al-Mu'tamad fi 'l-adwha al-
mufrada ed. M. al-Sakka', Beirut 1395/1975, 10;
Die pharmakulogischen Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . .
Harawi, tr. A. Achundow, Halle 1893, no. 34;
Tuhfat al-ahbab, ed. H.P.J. Renaud and G.S. Colin,
Paris 1934, no. 35; RazT, al-HawT. xx, Haydarabad
1387/1967, no. 44; Ibn Sma, Kanun, i, Bulak,
248; Ibn Hubal, al-Mukhtarat fi 'l-tibb, Haydarabad
1362, ii, 23 f.; DawQd al-Antakl, Tadhknat uli V-
albab, Cairo 1371/1952, i, 60; Nuwayri, Niharat
al-amb, xi, Cairo 1935, 315; El Libra Agrega de
Serapwm, ed. G. Ineichen, ii, Venice 1966, 196;
H.G. Kircher, Die "einjachen Heilmittel" aus dem
"Handbuch der Chimrgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967,
no. 21; W. Schmucker, Die pfianzliche und miner-
alische Materia medica im Firdaus al-hikma des 'All ibn
Sahl Rabban at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 79.
(A. Dietrich)
APE [see kird].
'AR (a.), "shame, opprobrium, dishonour",
has undergone in North Africa a semantic evolution
[q v], that is to sa\, <
which should be taken
addre:
ed and n
if you d
n effect "the shame shall be
reque
W
ie Takroiina, Pans 1925, 200,
215-6, where the challenge is addressed to a deceased
saint and the appeal is ioi lain) When applied to
a h\ing person the iormula presupposes a tiansier
oi responsibility accompanied b\ a rmstical s
afflict the
.an whos,
which v
t fail t
lfied To this
sense ol 'ar, cm rent even m Tunisia, there is added
in Moiocco (where the term was adopted by Berbei
in the ioim a'ar. Far), a new sense which appeals
'ar — under youl protection" (ci W Maicais Ttxtes
arabes de Tanger Pans 1911, 396) The sense of "con-
ditional malediction' lE Westemiarck Sunwantes
paiennes dans la uulisation mahometane. Pans 1935, 87)
continues to underly it, and irom "mystical respon-
sibility (G Maicy, Le droit loutumur zemmour, Algiers-
Pans 1949, index s % a'ar), we pass into the matenal
world when 'at comes to designate the indemnity
due in cases of breach of honour
In iact the "throwing" (Arabic \eib rma, Beibei
gjr) of the 'ar is effected by means of practices alread\
in part attested in the pre-Islamu penod, for exam-
ple touching the pole or the coids ol a tent, taking
hild 1
- Well
Reste,
223 ft ), which permitted a solitarv perst
tive to obtain the status ol dakhil or of qjar and in
consequence the protection oi an individual a clan
oi a tribe (ci B Fares, L'honnair ihez let Arabes avant
I'lslam, Pans 1932 88-9) J Chelhod (Le droit dans la
societt bedouine. Pans 1932, 222 IT) has called atten-
tion to three terms in current use, of which the con-
( 1 ) dakhil "an oppressed or hunted man who seeks
prising especially a gesture of humility; this prac-
tice, introduced by the formula ana dakhil 'alayk,
constitutes the dakhala and implies, on the part of
the beneficiary, a recompense for the services ren-
dered by the protector, henceforward responsible for
the conduct of the affair in which his intervention
has been sollicited. A much attenuated vestige of
this type of requisition survives in the Oriental
expression dakhilak, which means nothing more than
safeguard his rights,
"I beg you ;
(2) tanib "a man
escape from justice or to save his lite, leaves the clan
of his hirth, alone or with his family and goes to
establish himself in a different tribe which promises
to assist him". This term is to be linked with tunub
"tent-cord" [see khayma], the suppliant being obliged,
originally, to touch at least a cord of the tent of the
one to whom he appeals; while in Morocco this ges-
ture is still a part of the ritual, it has been forgotten
in the Orient, where the tanib pronounces the same
formula as the dakhil, but enjoys a wider protection
and owes no indemnity; and
(3) kasir, also a refugee, but entitled to make use
of his prestige among his former group with which
he has not severed all relations.
In all the cases cited above, the Bedouin who has
granted his protection cannot again withdraw it,
and if he falls short of his obligations, tacit or ex-
Pans 1948 45 n 3) :
rather to impK the idee
the husband who did n
of which dishonoui
'ar thus implies a transfer
: obligation, lor the supplicate
-^'example*"
pe
hing the ec
,pon him <
misdeed and
pu
rsued b\
on as the s
opes oi the
las penetrat
spectacular w
the suppliant
po
rd
her
e of the tc
his home
etim Howe
obliged to
ner from
ot blood o
n the threshold of the
he tent of the member
t appeal has been made
int the request presented
impK percerves it, here t
o the blood [se
Jt is still moie
eiested paitv of
lude the eating
house oi at the
le The latter is
Supplement], which posse
to appeal for the aid of anothei
request to the authorities or to £
in the pool
e eflicao of
dam, in the
ue. FmalK
id, 87-107) which ma\ be passed
ent except to ietall that the per-
lot peimitted to refuse and that
■s when
n has
The
the tribe a mosque, oi the tomb of a saint er
a right of as\lum lareK wolated
quoted at the beginning of this ai
example of 'ar exercised with regard to a Turn
nt The Moroccans also use it towards their s<
• below), to whom the\ offer sacrifices to oh
lr intercession, the\ also emplo\ othei proc ed
oflei
ings, c
\ to bung about a change ot mind on the part
tathei who has ietused to grve his daughter in
age to a smtoi, to oblige the paients of a mm-
man to accept the dna and not to insist on
>e it on anothei whose cooperation it is seeking
sample in the hanest
>men tan also have recourse to the 'ar, undei
ising procedures of
eiber
f Moi
handle the mechanism of a mill from that moment
■ of the piopert\ must man\ hei and
compensate the abandoned husband or take
flight \ fugitne who has succeeded in sucking a
iman s nipple obtains hei protection and that ot
i husband and eases are known of adoption b\
khng (see G Maitv in £l/i k\i\(l<H(>) '157-
1M or e\en b> simulated suckling [see for instance
o the
usualK alter e (
(also sometimes one icfused b\ a fathei whose daugh-
tei he has asked foi in marriage), has imposed the
'Si and obtained the piotettion of another gioup
which he makes hencefoiwaid the benefit iar> of his
woik He becomes amazzal when his piotectoi has
ei woman o\ei whom he holds the right oi d)ab>
[q i in Suppl], the maniage-pnce must be paid in
woik o\ei a prescribed period If the head oi the
famiK so decides, the amazzal ma\ be adopted and
though he is the daughtei's husband In ceitain par-
term designating the sti anger adopted b\ a man and
the amazzal m the true sense of the woid, in this
last case, a widow who is the head of a famih ma>
1\ when the pi e-ai ranged maniage-pnce has been
paid in full This institution gnes rise to judicial
arrangements, the details of which cannot be dis-
cussed here (see G Mau\, ~emmou>, index, G Surdon,
Institutions tt wutimm des Berlxm du Maghrib, Tangiei-
Fez 1918, 244-50)
In spite of the absence, in Berber speech, of an
ieatuies which ]usti(\ a treatment distinct from
that of the ancient djiuar and its aspects which
define within strict limits the protection accorded
b\ onental Bedouin to strangers to their tribe
the
omb of a saint, or furtheimore, of slaughtering
mmal there as a form of 'ar, and the Juhaha'
make the comment that the deceased would not be
able alone to fulfil the lequest The\ object in other
'AR — ARAGHUN
wavs besides to the use ot the woid 'ar and onl\
permit these rites when their objeU is to obtain the
baraka of the samt 01 when an animal is sacnficed
for the distribution of its meat to the guardians of
the sanctuarv 'see al-kattam Sola at al anfas 1
54-6)
Bibliography In addition to references given in
the article see & Kampffmevei Tuti aus Fis
Berlin 1909 (text \ ), E Westermarck Ritual and
belief in Morouo London 1928 idem L 'ar the trans
Jennie of conditional turns in \loiouo in Anthropological
issais pnsinttd to EB Tylor Oxfoid 1907 361-74
\ Jaussen Coutumts dcs Aiabts au pa)s di Mciab
Pans 1948 187-220 [Ch Pellat)
ARAGHUN Arabic name corresponding to the
Spanish Aragon In fait this woid has both a geo-
graphical and a political sense As a geographical
term it refers to a n\ei dominated b\ the foi tress
ol Shantamanwa the first of the defensive svstem of
Navaire (al-Him\an Rand no 105) This watercourse
uses on the southern slope ot the Pvrenees near
C anfranc aftei passing the tow n ot Jaca the Sien a
de la Pena diverts it towards the west watering Berdun
Tiermas Sanguesa Rocaforte Aibar C apan oso and
\illafranca bcfoie joining the Arga and flowing into
the Ebro in Navarre
This Uadi Araghun would seem to constitute the
natural path of incursion into the Christian kingdom
of Navarre Having followed the river as far as
Sanguesa the Muslim forces followed the course of
its tiibutarv the Irati in the direction of Pamplona
This is to be inferred from Ba\an, u 148
Muhammad b 'Abd al-Malik al-Tawil marched in
298/911 towards Aiagon with the object ot captur-
ing Pamplona and linking up theie with 'Abd Mlah
b Muhammad b Lubb This is preciselv the route
used in the famous campaign ol 'Abd al-Rahman III
m 312/924 The forces of the caliph coming from
Tudela attacked the stionghold of Kaikastal/
Caicastillo on the mer Aragon Maikwiz/Marcuella
Sanguesa Rocafoite and Aibar Lumbier and
Pamplona [Muktabis v 123 Bnan n 18b A Canada
La Campana musulmana de Pamplona Ano 924 Pamplona
1976) In 325/937 we find the same juxtaposition of
details when the geneial Ahmad b Muhammad b
IHas was sent with 1 500 horsemen on a recon-
Araghun tUuktabis v 271)
Foi Razi it was also a mountain range (Cronua
mow ed Catalan Madrid 1975 48-9) E en su
termmo (de Huesca) ha otro (.castillo) que hi non-
bre Toha, vaze cere a de la siena de Aiagon E Aiagon
vazen dos castillos muv buenos el nno ha nonbre
Sen e el otro Ben e vazen en dos penas que son
encima de la siena de Aiagon e corre poi entre ellos
un i no de Flumen E de las sierras e logarcs
nombrados en fortaleza son en aquella tiena que se
avunta con monte Aragon que ha nonbie Monte
Negro e non lo podra pasar ome a cavallo que ande
bien en menos de tres dias Al-'Udhn (Masalik
56) states that the town and district of Huesc 1 lies
in the vicimtv ot the Lfrabal Araghun, lenowned among
the Chnstians
If it is accepted that this v illev was the route
emploved bv the vanous Muslim expeditions not
onlv tow aids the Christian centre of Jaca but also
and especiallv towaids Navarre it must be assumed
that it was organised as a frontiei for the defence
of Pamplona This defensive function would cieate
a centre for resistance and foi counter-attacks. The
lad absorbed the old kingdon
Leon The Chnstian advance at the expense ot al-
Andalus would henceforward be the product of these
two fiontiei forces hashtala [qi] and Araghun
In fact these two kingdoms were to shaie between
themsehes then future conquests This gave use to
various foimal treaties Tudellen (1151), Cazorla
(1179) and Almrzra (1244) (Roque Chabas Duiswn
dt la conquista di Espana nueia entie Aragon > Castilla
in Coneioo Hist Aragon Baicelona 1909) in which
weie fixed the respective zones of the legal expan-
sion of Aragon and C astille The former having
achieved bv 1238 its own paiticulai reconquest
tuined its attention to the sea It was then that
there took shape the bioad outlines of its policv
towards Africa (C h E Dufourcq LEspaene catalane
it le Uaghnb aux Mil et Ml sueles Pans 1965) the
Meditenanean (Coisica Sardinia Sicilv and the
kingdom of Naples — in competition with the Angevin
dvnastv) annexation of part of the Bvzantine empire
ithe duchies of Athens and of Neopatna) of the
island of Cvprus and commercial lelations with
Mamluk Egvpt (A Masia de Ros La Corona de Aram
1 los- ts-tados- del \ortt dt Afma Barcelona 1951 A
Lopez de Meneses Los tonsulados latalants de Altjandna
) Damasio in d reinado de Pedro 1\ el Ceremomow
Saragossa 1956 F Giunta Ar agonist t Catalan, ml
Meditenaneo Paleimo 1959 L Nicolau d Olwer
Lixpansio di Cataluma a la \hditenama Oriental,
Baicelona 1926) After the union of the kingdoms
of Aragon and Castille in 1474 Spam inherited this
interventionist line to the Mediteiranean attempts
it invasion ot Algieis in 1519 and 1541 (dnected
against the piracv of the Barbarossa brothers [see
SrCtdj and khv>r al-din b <vrb <vross a] ) conquest of
the island of Djerba (1520) the capture of La
Golletta at Tunis (1535) (EG Onmeios La politua
norhafneana de Carlos I, Madrid 1950) and the bat-
tle of Lepanto [see a\ nabakhti] in 1571
But Araghun above all has a political sense
According to al-Himvan (Ravid no 8) it is the
name of the teintorv of Ghaisiva b Shandjuh com-
piling cantons ibilad) staging posts (mana il) and
distncts (a'mal) Accoiding to Makkan ( \a]h ed
Benut l 137) The fifth region passed thiough
Toledo and Saragossa and then envuons towards
the temtorv of Aragon to the south of which lies
Baicelona As a political concept its borders weie
constantlv changing Just as al-Andalus did not cease
constantlv expanded So its histoiv is founded on
the iccession of the Muslim thaghr al a'la [qi], st
of the Upper March Its growth took place at the
expense of the neighbounng Hispano-Arab states the
Banu Kasi Tudjibids, Banu 1-Tawil Banu Hud,
Banu Razin Almoiavids, Banu Ghamva and Banu
Maidamsh [qm] following a continuous advance
during the 11th- 13th centunes The pnncipal land-
marks of this reconquest aie the taking of &raus
(1083j Monzon (1089) Mquezai (1091) Almenaia
(1093) Huesca (1096) Baibastro (1100) Balaguer
(1105) Ejea and Tauste (1106) Tamirite (1107)
Morella and Belchite (1117) Saiagossa (1118)
laiazona and Tudela (1119) Calatavud and Daioca
(1120) Alcamz ( 1 1 24) Toitosa (1 148), Lenda Fiaga
and Mequmenza (1149) Teruel [ia 1157. \alderobes
(1169) Caspe(1171) Majorca ( 1229) Moiella (1232)
Bumana (1233) Peruse ola (1234) Ibiza (1235)
Valencia (1238) and Minorca (1287). The expansion
The
i (7bj t
epic
b against the Lev ante and And.
batk numerous Mozaiabs [q ,
bled and equipped 4 000 hoi sei
thev selected with then squm
swoie b\ the Gospel that not
deseit his companion' Fust <:
offensive took place (aititles bv D M " Dunlop
Cutler and \ 1uiki m 41 4ndalus 1°
19bb Chalmeta m Rl \I xx 1972), to
Council ot Toulouse m 1118 which p
expedition against Muslim Spam Til
Nice Antioth, and espee lallv Jeiusalem Gaston
Beam i made possible the capture of strongholds h
erto impiegnable The trieat campaigns of James I
the Conqueioi the Bale am islands in 1229 and
crusade iR I Bums 77« (msatlt, kingdom of laltmia
Cambndge Mass 1%7) Hie ro\al house ol Ai agon
was s\stematicall\ moie toleiant than Castile towaids
ARAGHUN 81
while that ol
the Banu Hud th.ie used to be \bu Maiwan <Abd
Alfonso I was
al-Mahkb 'Abdal-'Aziz who possessed \ alencia
ol the Hultil
and its sunounding ten Hon The Fiontiei was undei
i aid in 1225-
the contiol of Abu Marwan b Razin whose uile
extended as tai as the liontieis of Toledo The toui
chose assem-
paits of Spain aie uikd b\ foui kings one is con-
stituted bv the afore-mc ntioned \iagon and lies to
\ a'gieed and
the south-east The fust town at the south-east
boidei on the Meditenanean coast, is Bauelona fol-
psv etiological
lowed b\ Taiagona, then Tortosa In this legion
Dunlop A
the non-coastal cities aie Saragossa Lenda Fiaga
52 1%3 and
and CalataMid all undei the uilc of the king of
I [Raud no 182)
■xtensive and his kingdom is gi
ilcs Bauelona Aiagon Jat
a, Dema Ma]oiea, and Minoi
iking of \ alencia b\ James I
nahk oi taghnat 4>aghun
Menendez Pidal La Espuna dil (id Madnd 1951,
483-93 RI Bums, hlam undo th< (nistuhs Pimcetoi
1073 118-38, 173-83) These ni.umst.in.es . xplan
the importance of the Mude]ais it/ i and Mache
Af I in \Itm Fat Fa ~<7hhj.i;« l
142 ^i IW-U')
and L Piles, La situation sotial dt It
s moms dt nahn
go in la liihmm dtt s At Madnd
1949i and latei
of the Monscoes i (/ .,andT Halp
enn Donghi e ,
tonflitto national monstos ) tristitmos
u/os in laltmia
m (HE xxm-xxiv .1955) ^- 1 1 S xxv
-xxv, (1957) 8 5-
250 idem Rtiouutnitnh dt niihsatwr
maiimi dt I alum an \] I s in 4
154-82 J Regla Estudws sobu los
iimsios \ alencia
19b4 MS Canasc.
El pmbltma momio tn 4rai;,m al tomit
Ko dil mnado dt
Fthpt II \ alencia 19h9) in these le
ions wheic thtv
f local loids
xanco /skunk lE Hino]osa Mi , quint
i Ohms Madnd 1948, 245-501 It i
: that the
i this
,1 al,an
i [at
appaier
ions' 1 '
t l<uirs\n°hct
penetiat
ed tan
\ supeihcialK ir
ir c
,i Madnd 1879 idem
1,1 J M.
las \ a
mgo and Guai
Aga,
m Pallais like
1, B.iga
da Ri
polles and Besa
though
upied
he tex
ts lack piecisio
) Shihab and al-Husa\n b Dadjn
Foi the
a region but also all the temtoiies of the political
entit\ embodied in the Kingdom of Aragon In this
context aie included Catalonia the Balean. Islands
and \ alencia Al-Manakushi iMn'dfib 50-1 2 35 2(>7)
defines its extent in 1,21/1224 thus 'The Banu Hud
possessed the towns of this legion lal-Andalus)
Toitosa and its envnons Saiagossa and its emu oils,
Fiaga Lenda and C'alata\ud Thev ait now in the
hands of the Flanks , belonging to the prince eif
4iaghun The lattei has the boideis ot the kingdom
of Barcelona to the Fiench hontiei Neighbounng
li 50
7) on te
nditiems
mil [,/,
undei
hi govern
'\\ lit n
the Musi
n the l
fa and
the Hig
Aragon
ua Rasi
42- i)
132/750, the siti
ualt his
pioblems
30/753
theic In
ike out th
ARAGHUN — ARBA'UN HADlTH^
ten mt the maitla Bidr The Yemenis Suhunin b
\ikztn ilkilbi ind il Hmnn b 1 dliM il \ns lr i
b\ promising Siri^ossi to Chirlenntme encouri^ed
.indeitike his ill filed expedition of 778 This
Uppei M
ludjibid Bu
id b\ the
\mius b \
n in the r<
f Bihlul
Mir
,1 Hue
The
■d luth.
nimt oi ilHikim I but the representative of the
mutallad fimilv of the B inu K isi Musi b Musi
(7/ ] a belled in 842 it Tudeh took possession of
S ingossi ind Huesti ind dec hied himself the third
kin? of Spun To cuib him the ami, Mulnmmtd
instilled it C ihtiuid ind Diroti the Tudiibid Binu
Muhidiir who h ivin^ succeeded ti insfoimed them
selves into autonomous loids of the Mirch of i
moie tlnn e hin^eible loviltv In the north we find
in the 10th eentuiv the Bum Shibnt b il Tiwil
-it Hutu i \11 these peoples did not hesitite to ph\
tlu Fnnks the \nbs the muaillath ind the Niv ino
\iiironese (with whom the\ hid f imih ties) off
gainst then mils Muslim is well is Chnstnn
Such wis ilso the polu\ of the Binu Hud who
emplo\ed the C id ind weie ible toi i lone; tim<
to bihnce the imbmons of the \lmoriuds the
tl« Cdtihns the NiMrrese ind the
C v-
s tint
s lesnl recognition of the North P\ie
b\ tlu emnite of C ordov i Thinks t
lbute of 70(1 dinar* ind the stilus of
e.e wis ,/«„[,/<] of tl
nu ho nl Udhn W i
'w b ,apli\ In iddition to souius mentione
• J \leminv La gtopajia dt ,
V843
s of Iniir<
n los
i Gn
C Dubler las
indalus win 11953) 337 73 F Heinindez El
\Iontt ) la l>mmaa del Pud to in ibid xvn (1952)
319 68 H Mones Ta nkh al djujrajna ft I
■indalus Midnd 1967 \fil Tuik El rano dt
Zaia^Kaentls \I Midnd 1975 J Bosch Histana
dt llbarratin musulman Teiuel 1959 J Font \ Rius
La itamquista dt I tnda Lendi 1949 \ Hum
Mil ind i Histoua dt \ altntia mumlmana \ ilenui
1969 J Licirri Histana dtl rano de \aiana
Pimploin 1972 idem La tonquista dt ~ara^o a po,
41/onm I in indalus \n [1947) 65 96 idem La
itttmtjuista i Hpoblaaan dtl allt dtl Ebro in Est E
\I ( iiazon n 1 19461 V\ 8j idem la npoblatwn
dt ->«,».,« l"» ^/"">" (/ Batalladoi in Est Ha
Soaal Esp Mtdnd 1949 205 23 idem Onpn.s
dtl ttmdado dt \iagon Sni-.ossi 1945 E Leu
Hist Esp mus index J Milhs El ttxts
onathrs
nQut
Gil La Pont,
in bol Ha (,to Bap A,t K on iv (1907)
(P C helmet M
ARAT Resiiid R^hmfti up to 1934 GR
tUiHMATi modem Tuikish Resid R\hmeti \rat
Iuikish scholn and philologist (1900 64) Bom
it Eski Udjum to the south west of Kizin he
a is the son of Abd il Reshid Ismet Alhh of i
imih ot inudamsitn who enne;i ited horn kizin ind
let up i hereditirv madrasa there He ittended mi
oils schools in his home town ind liter in kiziKir
Petiopivlovski md in Hirbin in Mimhuni where
hlE-h s
He
in Titirs in Hubin ind con
tnlmted to \inous pipers In December 1922 he
left for Germinv ind he emolled in Beihn
Umveisitv wheie he wis tinned in Tuikish philol
og\ b\ \\ lllv Bint? He obtained his Ph D in 1927
with i thesis on Dit Hilfsitrbtn und [ trbaladitrbitn im
■iltaisthtn which wis published in Iral altaistht
Jahibuthtr un/1 4 (1927) 1 66 He then joined the
teuhine; stiff of the Depirtment of Onentil hn
t?ui£;es it the Umversitv In the sime veil he mu
ned Dr Ribi 1 ilso fiom the kizin nei whom
he had met in Hiibm In 1928 he wis nnde i
leseiich issistmt in the Piussnn \cidemv In 1933
ottered the chiir of Tuikish philoloi?\ in the
Um\eisit\ ot Istinbul where he tiut>ht until his
deith He wis the director ot the Institute of
Turtoloe^ (1940 50) founded b\ Fu \d koprulu m
1924 ind i visions; protessoi in the SO\S London
1 1 04') 51) He died in Istinbul on 29 Novembei
1964 RR \nt who contributed ereitlv in intio
due mt; the histont ind compnitive ipproith to
studies of Turkish hns;uis;e ind dnlects wis i sthol
ii who piefened to limit Ins efforts to 1 given nei
ind to deepen it nthei then spreid o\er mm\
problems md coimite fields He remuned stntth
interested in linguistic ind philoloaicil problems ind
text tiiticism He is the mthoi of the following
rrnjor works ~m Htilkundt dti I ijunn 2 vols Berlin
1930 2 Du Lt^tndt urn OJu^ Qai-han (with \\ Bine;)
Beihn 1932 Tuihstht Turfan Ttxtt ui Berlin 1936
In uirhk dt Mehmtd II It Conqanant m innali RIS0\
xx (1940) Bibur Ukau 2 Mils \nkm 1943 6
hutad^u Bihg icnticil edition) Istinbul 1947 ittbttu
I liakauk Icnticil edition ind modern Turkish pir
iphnse) Istinbul 1951 lusuj Has Haab Kutad K u hl K
(Modern Turkish pn iphnse) \nkiri 1959 Turk
sutltrmm tasmfi tn T\I x (1953) 59 139 (i sum
mn\ ol former ittempts to chssifv Tuikish dnlects
tosrthei with i new pioposil undei the influence
sue decent) msteid of kht,e idnlect) of stindird
Tuikish) Eski turl sim (Pie Ishmic ind enh Ishmic
Tuikish verse texts modern Tuikish pinphnse ind
notes) posthumous \nkin 1965
Biblwztaph) Rtsit Rahmtti irat it in— \ memo
ml volume published b> Tuik kultuiunu <\nstirmi
Enstitusu Ankui 1966 pp x xxx (the pnnci
pil source for bio^nphicil ind bibliogr iphic il diti
on \rit up to the d ite of public ition)
(F\hir Iz)
ARBAUN HADITH i s^enre of htenrv
md religious woiks centied round 40 liadith* of
the Piophet
This t\pe of woik his msen fiom one ispect
mumt\ who lenns 40 fiadithb connected with the pre
scnptions of the filth will be msed to life b\ God
imons; the mthorities on the hw ind the sthohr
3 ndir\ 1
:o be to\(
oneself t
e the (.
Woiks in this citesron of arba un hadith mi\ be
Aiitten in piose verse or in the two combined The
ontents mu ilso differ some wnteis ind compil
'is ire content to s;ithei together the hadithi, oth
•is idd to them exphmtions whilst \et others idorn
md complete these texts b\ means of itcounts
nat ind homilectu nntenil The elements of woiks
ARBA'UN HADITH
'ARIF, MIRZA 83
,n this ,cne,al cate.oiv a,e sel
cted atcoidins> to dii-
•\ubin as Raw nil sec Bibl ) the coned foim Rawiamii
feline; piinuples ahadith kudu
ta ol divine mspna-
is luithei B?\en m \akiit, Biddan, ed Benut l 15 3 as
ot the Piophct hadiths
the kasaba of this district ol 71 villages and b\ Sam'anl,
imah, ed Hyderabad l 167-70 who visited the dis-
s aic also found cen-
tnct personall\ and who has a lom> list ot the 'ultima'
tied on a paituulai subject
tric qualities of the
of \.ghivan
km 'an, the essential pnnciples
ol Islam the Piophtt
In rimund times we find the admmistiative cou-
and his Companions 101 even h
s diildien and Ejiand-
pling Djahan u -\ighi\an and then in th, Salawid
childieni sects and mvsticism
knowlede;c and th,
scholar politics and law the
moial lit, etc
hoh wa, socal and
ot kalldai ithus as a single tnulda, undei Shah Saff
in 104b/1030) B\ modem times hovvevu the name
The s<eni f is called uhil h
adltl, In the Pei sums
of \ighi\an diopped out ot usae;e
and kid hadith bv the Turks
It de\ eloped til st ol
Bibliogtapln In addition to th, sounes men-
all m \iabic and developed
the oldest collections aie th
\djuiil id 3 50/442) and
ol Ibn Wad'an d
yand loutn du Khmassan a 1 tpuqut mans,alt m Lt miimli
4<I4/1101| But the most cc
lebiatcd is that put
to^ethei In MuhM T-Din \bu
/akanvv.V \ah\a al-
iC E Boswortiii
Nauaul (631-71)/ 1235-77) th
objeit <il numeious
'ARIF CELEBl dtiMsh mvsti, yiandson ot
commentanes m \iabic and
lanslations into othei
Mawlana Djalal al-Dln Rfiml and the thud khalifa of
Islamic lans>uas>es The fiist til
d hadith , ollections in
the Mawlawiwa oidei was bom at konva on H Dhu
Peisian which have come dov
1-ka'da 070/7 June 1272 as a son to Sultan Ualad
in the bth-7th/ 12th- 13th cent
lies sc the Tablh al
and ratima Khatun the daus>htei ot the i-oldsmith
kulub of Muhammad b Muharr
mad b ' Mr al-taraul
Salah al-Dln His actual name was Djalal al-Dm
rains the Taidjuma )i hba'ln hadith ol < Mid j Ulu '' Vnf has be. n derived
al-Rahman DjamI 1817-08/1414-02) Th, vvoiks of I •\nc\tensiv, biotrraphv with mam has?oi<raphit tiaits
Nawawi and DjamI weie tianslated into Tuikish I is contained in the eighth chaptei ol the Manakib al
and published on manv occasions 'anfin bv -MlakI [,/ , ] Bemt; one of '\nf s pupils -MlakI
It should luithti be noted that th, Tuiks not onh was an evewitness to a sneat pait of his life and aeeom-
oldest one of these in Iuikish known ""to us is the ' Tiak and Peisia as well On one oi c asion Sultan Walad
\ahdj al faiddls of Mahmud b 'All il!th/14th ,en- ' sent him to the touit of the Il-khan at SulUmwa to
turvl, followed in the next on, bv kemal Umml mans- lemonstiate against th, pio-ShTa pokv adopted bv
lation after 815/1412) and also '-Ml Shir Newa'I 1845- Oldjevtu In 712/1312 '\nf succeeded his tathei as
000/1441-15011, and then in the lOth/lOth centmv the head ot the Mawlawiwa His death occurred at
bv FudulIi?885-0t,J/^1480-155(» Usullid 075/1508) Konva on 2i Dhu 1-Hidjdja 710/5 Nmunki 1320
New 'I 1042-1007/1535-00, '\shik C elebi Natta'a His tomb is still extant in the Mavvlaul tiabi
(tianslation 070/1571) and Mustafa 'Mi itianslation The anecdotes iclated bv \llakl depict ' \nf as a
1005/1507, This vvoik of tianslation was fuithei pur- colouiful personahtv Through his , onduc t he
NabI 1 1052-1 124/1042-1712) 'Oth
11120/1708) Munlf (1145/1733) 'Oi
(publ 1320/1008) and \hmed
1343/1025)
Biblia«,tipln \bdulkadn kai
ARGHIYAN the
mud in
ncdiacval
tnct of noithe
in khi
ravin It
a\ (o the
of Kuca
n/khabushan
\S']
tiaddlinsr
the hillv r
of the
modem Kuh-
Shah
Djahan
and the h
Binalud
aiound the
of the k
ishaf-Rud
not to
e identified w
tth the
district o
Djadjaim
in Suppl ] lym^ f ui the
vas clone 1
Tin lands of th, Eask
7! (ahphii,
peqjetu.
ted bv B Sp
>onei l
i his 4; ? A
>e7» Tin a
Ja/ami in
luskm Mimas,
n Jnal of th, Butnh 1,
of Pima
n Studies in
(1005
07-107)
The nam
325-074 H Rittei
ARIF MIRZA
'\RIF MIRZ\ — \RN\B
wishes ind two \ens hter wis obliged to diunit
hei he ne%ei mimed ignn LeiMng ioi Tehi in
he took sen ice it the couit of Muz iff n il Dm Shah
where his singing lttricted the mention of the so\
ereign ind leiding couitieis Couit life houeser did
not ippeil to him and he letuined to Kizwin
wheie he iemained until the 1006 C onstitution il
Resolution of which Ik w is one ot the le iding spu
its His outspoken md leckless \eises usuilh, sunt,
it public concerts mule him m in\ enemies indud
lng e\en his ioimti hiend the poet Indj Mirza In
1915 he joined the inuhadiaiat to knmanshih whence
Dunns? the next feu veils
he gi\e his
cessi\tl\ to Col Muhimrr
id Tiki kh
dent gendiimeiie oflicei u
khui is in
md Ridi KJiin In 1424
of the estibhshment of ! le
continue his public concei
s ind letue
po\eit\ in 1934 His Dua
in 1924 togethei with m
of Rousseius Confisswns
\nf wis i mm of dem
h like disposi
souue si\s that m iddition he composed ten letteis
m \eise iddiessed to Kh idja Pn Ahmad b Ishak
ind a \eisihed woik on Himfi filh oiled \la la budd
madhhab Imam i^am None ol these woiks his \et
been published
Although the luthors of contempoi ir\ tadhkuas
iedit him with in elegint stvle md considerible
3opuhnt\ m the modern penod his woiks hi\e
ecened onlv cut son mention
Bibliography '\hshii Niui l Uaajalis al naja ,s
madjlis i attual DiulitShih Tadhkna ed Biowne
434 40 Biowne LHP m 490 495 7 E \a
Shitir Shi, i falsi dai ahd i Shahnikh Tehi in
1334/195b 101 2 17b b 21b 7
lj\\ Clinton,
ARIN [see mjbbvt al ard]
ARNAB (A I pi aranib in poeti\ al aran,
&i immiticalH this noun is feminine ind denotes
the hire with the generil
ithei a
e Ch :
, qlulqut
cilH
Biblw^apln -\ttei the edition ot \nl s Dntan
published b\ Ridi zidi Shitik in Beihn 1924 tin
thei wntmgs ippeued in MR Hiz u inf nama
u Hikiu Shniz 1934 ind Siy\id Hidi Hun
Kuiush L}ild i diatuum i dm an , Auf lehim 1942
Biogi iphic il mfoimation is to be found m E&
Biowne Pins and pot tn of modtm Paul Cimbndge
1914 250 2 M Lshique Sukhaimaian i I, an dar asr
i hadir i Cilcutn 19,3 191218 Rashid \ isimi
Adabmalimuasir Tehi in 1437 64 70 M Islnque
\Indan Persian puttn C llcutta 1443 passim SiyMd
Muhimmid Bikn Burki i \ul_han Lawn i nami u
muasu i Tehi in 1450 H9 61 J R\pki hamsilu
Lihiatur^schuhh Leipzig 1959 352 3 ibid Histon
of banian httiatmt Dordie. ht 1968 372, Bozoig
■\li\i Ot thitfitt and Entuitllung dn mndtrntn ptisistlun
Liltiatu, Beilin 1964 36 44
iLP Llwell Suttoni
ARIFl Mwlw* NUhmud Pel si in poet
\ irtualK nothing is known of the hie of \nfi except
the ippioximite dites of his bnth ind deith (791
8i3/1389-1449i md tint he belonged to the cncle
of poets thit tlouiished at the couit ol Sh ill Rukh
[q 1 in the first hilt of the 9th/ 15th centurx
Iht best known of his woiks is i bnel mathnaixi
of some 500 Aai/s entitled (,u\ u at a an or Halnama
which h
g his fitt:
t undo the title 77<t
\e cording to Diwht Shih \iiff wis the iuth<
cf numerous pineg\rKs of the kings md polices
his di\ ind of JitKtils ind kit as is well The sin
laisan in Tuiki
fimi
abtkm Ipl
\mong the oidei of 1 igomoiphs md the timih
of leponds the genus Upus is lepiesented in Ishmic
hnds piedomimnth b\ the Itpu taptnsis or C ipe
hue Its bleeding giound sti etches horn -Xinc 1 (Cape
of Good Hope) to China tShintung boidenng on
the \ellow Sei ot \sn) In the Mediteinnein zone
it is found with the plnns species / granatin I (Spun!
ind / kahlitus lAlgena) / tunttat (Tumsii) ind /
tut childi (Eg\pt) in western Morocco the smiller /
atlanhtu is ilso found In the hills ire found / mam
tonus md / ptdiatus (Moiocco) ind / stpanu I \lgenai
The chinctensticilK desert hue / arabuin is found
on the borders of the Sail in together with / pal
lidwi I haittrti ind / bartatus Irom Moiocco to the
Sinn pemnsuh \ svstemitie stud\ of the hues ol
the \ribnn Pemnsuh his \et to be nude The
species / lurnpaius is represented in the Neai Eist
" " -d pi ices is well is / niiatus (Lebinon)
ith \eir to honom i prince Muhimmid issu
be Muhimmad b Busonkor (Browne LHP n
The subject of the poem is 1 mvstic il loimnce r
l demsh ind 1 pimce whom he hist sees phving
polo The gime ot polo piovides the prec'
imigeiv RS Greenshields published m e
this work of which th
luthoi
■ lbout the gender ot the
misculme with an isso
• al If sah fi fikh al lugha
ntr\ people both seden
s bv -
spe
buck wis cilled khu ^ (pi khi „a« akliK a) oi
haishtib or luffa (Maghnbi akiush] The temile or
; she wis cilled afahmaush The lev ret wis cilled
Uiunik (pi kharamk) or the khauta ind the wean
mg suhta ( Maghnbi khaibush ha, bush Timahik
Fiom an ethnologic il point ot
■it pit-dominant Most of
the Be dou
en lecoide
ti al-kazvum I'-igja lb "
trial hlukat
aigin) al-Damni iHmat
«<V1<)37 1 20-3i and
esptoalh
LmtnlCln/hTh
lese i.toi
whence t
le s.iMiig to sv\ei\e moie than a
and the
ucknames the hunters sn\e it c mph
and aim
at When a haie is suipnsed tt it
the leap
inafajai it makes is so mstantanc o
impetuon
that it has become an illustiation
iMth hare s kidnt\
ttl the wild nbbit simph
" the tin own cud^d I
can wiekfso skilhilh .
ltlitulrs with it wis Ibn al-Mukatta' When h<
anslating tin tables ot Bidpa\ from Pahlau h( ( nt ,
•ltd tilt rvpiuvlh Indian episode of the c 1< phants <
clever rabbit Fa\ruz 1= Felix became their spokesman
and dio\e awa\ the elephants b\ a trick I see Kahla
iiaDimna, Cairo 1431 207-9) This ston could not
possibh be concerned with hares foi the\ do not live
in colonies and the\ do not tunnel undci ground Once
the domestic labbit was being bied on a laige scale
it became necessan to add epithets to arnab to make
the woid moie specific, amab baimya or uahshiwa was
used for the haie and amab ahliyya oi dadfma or bal
adnia for the domestic labbit but the wild rabbit
hardh had an\ specific name In the Muslim West
the same confusion did not anse because in Spain
as well as in the Maghrib the wild and domestic
counuit Sp ,ont/o Port lotlbo It lomgho Eng aim
Get hamnihtn Swed hum) The Hispano-\iabic
names kumlya/kumba kulhn lulmn are still found m
the Maghub as kamn/gamn (sing a pi at and
knaun/ ejwun), Kalin (pi Uaum kumn/gunin ganun and
Kabvle agumn (pi iguiunm) Besides amab Hispanu lan-
guages use labbat (pi al) ultimatch demed fiom
Ibeio-Roman lappaw (horn bpons Sp lubn Catalan
llebri Prov libn, Fr hait/lapatait/lapin) \s for Tunisia
Ibn SaTd (in al-Makkaii inalnhs i 122) notes that
the pi attic e of raising rabbits foi fur was introduced
there from Spain in the 7th/Hth centun the wild
labbit is to be found onl\ on some coastal islets but
it is common in Algeria {imniului algirm) and m noi th-
em Morocco
According to kur'amc law the flesh ol a hare
which has had its throat cut ritualh ma\ be con-
sumed the doctois ol law agiee unammousH about
this foi the hare is a product ol hunting and the
animal is heibivoious and not carmvoious It is true
that some hadith*, suggest that the Prophet
Muhammad abstained from eating haie but no-one
accepts this as a iormal piohibition [but see ha\ kv. \n
concerning the Rafidis] This pei mission extended
ipso fatto also to the labbit when the animal was
introduced to Muslims In al-\ndalus the labbit was
highl\ prized and the onl\ testnction imposed on
it was that it should not be sold around the Gieat
Mosque Instead a place was chosen In the muhlastb
and theie the\ had to be oiteied toi sale propeih
slaughteied and skinned so that the meat could be
seen to be fresh (see Ibn '\bdun-Levi-Piovencal
Sailh musulmam an dtbul du \II siecle Pans 1947
95-6
In p.e-
o the haie s loot as a talisman [Ka'b al amab)
consideied to be a protection against all eul
and motheis would aifix one of then chil-
spells which weie alwa\s to be leared in unknown
In Gieek medicine a number of specific \ntues
were accoided to particular oigans ol the haie The
flesh was thought to ha\e laxative and aphrodisiac
piopeities Latei Arab medicine confirmed the \iews
of Hippocrates and Galen on this subjec t but added
some new empirical prescnptions Perhaps the most
important parts were the brain and the gastric juices
{infaha) the biain was the best remedv foi ti ena-
bling and scmlit\ and it could be vpphed to an
infant s gums to suppress the pain in teething but
if it was mixed with camphoi and drunk it was
thought to be an infallible lo\e philtie The gastric
with a vinegar base and used as an antidote for all
kinds of poison It is interesting that modern su-
remed\ which has am real chance of fighting the
poison of the phalloidine (death s cap) fungus othei
and stomachs of leponds Peihaps aftei all Arab
empnical medicine was not ]ust puie fanc\ Dried
and powdered haie s blood had iecogmsed healing
qualities foi sores and wounds and helped to extiact
foreign bodies like sphnteis and thorns
it was also used to tieat anow wounds In surgerv
lepond hair was used instead of cotton wool as an
Since Sasanid times in ban haies and labbits have
held a position of not negligible impoitance in the
field of Muslim art Thev figuie eithei as a decoia-
ti\e motif incorpoiated into a hunting scene or are
themselves the main theme of inspiiation Besides the
mass of Peisian miniatures piobabK the most tvpi-
the incident mentioned above wheie the wil\ Favruz
harangues the king of the elephants it is found in
Svnan manuscripts of the 8th/ 14th centun of Kahla
aa Dinma (Pans BN ms Al 3467 foi 70 and
Oxford Bodl Libi Pococke 400 foi 99 1 Iiaman
ceramics which also inspired those of Fatimid Egvpt
fiequentlv incorpoiate the motif of the haie There
is a glazed ewei fiom Gurgm fbth/Uth centun Pans
Mus Aits Dec ) which is decoiated on its bulged-out
sides with a fneze of hares chasing each other in an
endless circle Another e\ample is the remaikable
glazed Fatimid cup of the 5th/ 11th centun I Pans
Louvie coll F Sane) with its white base decorated
with a beautiful hare sti oiling among the floia s\ in-
housed b\ the stvlised Kufic inscription on its mar
gin Persian silks and carpets from even penod but
especiallv fiom that of the Safawid dvnastv (lOth/lhth
centum assert then inborn taste foi nature Animals
aie poitiaved as living in an eaithh paradise with
hares and gazelles gambolling among then carmvo-
ious enemies and theie aie hunting scenes com-
memorating famous slaughteis b\ battues of which
the Chosroes weie so fond All these inteipietations
have been caiefulh, represented in bionze, copper and
lvon and heie also haies and gazelles have their
piopei place The Fitimid goldsmiths in Egvpt fol-
lowing then Persian predecessors were skilled in
portraving animals and birds in metal even on com-
monplace objects as is shown b\ the famous haie
on the alert' bionze aquamanile This is the pioud
possession of the Museum of Biussels (coll Stocletl
and naturalists are amazed at its realism The same
Persian animal themes are found on carved lvon cas-
kets (p\\es| fiom Egvpt through Siuh to Muslim
Spain and in Mesopotamia thev aie even found on
the stone of lintels and dooi cases in \itukid art
I (>th /12th centum
In zoologv the name amab bahn tianslated fiom
the Latin Itpus marmm sea haie' has been given to
aphsia dipilans a nudibranch mollusc of the older op
isthnbmmhia It is found wideK in the sea and ancient
man treated it with a piofound disgust as much foi
its hideous appearance (it looks like a slug with a
haies head) as for the nauseating violet secretion
which it emits in self-defence and which was thought
to be a deadh poison (see al DarmrT op at i 23)
FinalK, in astionomv al amab \larnab is the
Orion the legendan huntei The first stai of the
\RN4B
eonstelht.on is t .
lied 4rneb
,a Upon
see 4 Benhimoi
idi hs twin
UEO 41geis [1')!
il] 179 80)
Bihl,o?,apfo
Besides tin
see ilkushidj]
im Kitah al
Uastnid u
ed 4 r-ilv
, Bis>hdid
1954
kilkishindi Si
alhayatan C
mo 19 32
151) Il.n
Utilhassas \ui
7b 9 G Be
noist Lit ii
Pins 194b I
Bhniou (
mondt .toll Qur
• mis ]e'i Pi
us 195 1 \
eu\ I« A«/n<
1 Puis I89i
DL Hun
ison Tht
4;«A,« London
taunt nmjt
Hem Us ill
-,■> 5 95 1
I92b 45 b H
Limit i( <
Pins 1951 li
4 G Migec
.n !/«««(/
man (\its pi istiques et indii
studs) Pu
Mountfoit Pol.
"::' d o L a £: l
;/ Iondon
ARMOUR [se,
■ S,L,H]
ART [see F4N>
']
S\D b MUS\ b IBRVH1M
Me\eihot md
13 1 174b 17n
m in s height The 1.
i ime into \i ibic thn
n |rupai\r| IHtipTOi,! e
bt en t olleeted b\ 1 Lou lD,t Flow ihi Juda,
2i7 7 + 1 imoni uhith ue mim moie oi less I.
1\ dttmtd sMiomms Ott isionilh mutk is r
tinned in the hadith iDmmi set \\ < nsi
the \eises quoted b\ them iDiniwui A al \
ed B Irwin Uppsih \\ lesb iden 1955 2 r
1972 32) but the phut vvaTm.mU used is r
uine Like Diost ondes the Vi ills kmu the 1:
.■•iiden mwtle uil as al bustani al as tad, md tilt v
\ flesh Rizi othei
Hdk 1 9i no ID Ri/i Hiili
Hivdu
ibid
t m
o "l9 !
i 17 1
u"
;;;;,;
H C
'[
knthri
da dun
Du
tmjatht
al Out/
Bo
,m 1%/
Ha
ndbii
ih
,r D,
■ Ulan
Mala, a
Rtihhan ,
■it Tali
an Be
,nn 1%'
i\ Du
HR]
ii ii
M ASAD |ste
' MINn
lKAT \I I
31 Rl
ml
ASAD i
! MUSA b
IBRAHIM
B 4BD
U 1
\I\i
IK
al U<ma U pieseixed
khilduns lesu
me on this sublet i Uu,
' atlin
win il
horn i boil in the i
ngu'.n 1 ,! re^m 1 mi" hnfmm
LUk
uh pe
gition In putting th.
ring The m milold s\mboIu il
tint some ol 1
i \pl unt d not so inn.
the 1
mnran? ittubuted t
o the niMtlc on kstnt o( i i
sions b> the Isneht.
< litt tint Ibn Musi x
.indti
to line i em lined ui
ikntmn to Ishm ittoidin., to
in 4.1 lb legend it i
a is biou s ht horn Pu idisi In
si hook ol hath
th On this bisis the
llltl
lOl s 1
i Ibi
1 1 llll
Biklwzuiphi (1;
.esides the uoiks quoted in the
whose mitt i nl
his bet n tiktn into
ton-
,ldei in
utitle, Diosconc
:les Uattna mtdua id M
md pi op i_, lit d
pet 1 1
\\ Him inn i Belli
in 1907 105 1 |= lib i 112)
tt RG knout \ Isad
La Uataia mtdua
dt Dioscondt n i4nbu ti
Vsid is kno
un piimuih is ti msi
mttt
1 of t
Istit-in b Bisil) ,
•d Dubler md IYies I etiun
Kitah al Tidjuit
in tit
ul uk
1952 109 1 Bn
urn Saidala ed HM Slid
I un ibl
kinchi 1973 \i,
ibic j 3 1 I ng 22 1 Gh ihki
s i 12 RG khou
\\ tilth
Diami Ms Rib it
Bibl Gui k 155 I lols <H
Uunabhth 28b
11 tsp 292 \sid s u
Utie
st m t
10b Tht abridged
a sum of Tht Book of tlu stm/il,
\ till. Ill lit ill 1£
;< is no doubt exphmt-
■d b'
. tht :
ASAD b. MUSA b. IBRAHIM — al-ASAMM
Wahb As a tiansmittei he is af
a numbei of historual and isiet
Futuh Urn of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam
i laige
with his
the mijontv of thos
uted to his Egyptian masteis of an ascetic and pious
natuie Othei works are fuither attnbuted to him
\lmnad had b \Iusa ilbn Khavi Fihmt 141-2 Ibn
al-Faiadi) the foui versions mentioned b\ the isnads
of Ibn Khavr weie the w oik of one Nasr b Maizuk
Not one of them seems to have appealed m book
foim Then there is a tieatise entitled Risalat had
b \Iuut da had b al Fwat [142-2H/759-828] ft
lu um al iunna ua I tahdhn nun al bida' (Ibn Khavi
299 1 (see R Savid who seems to have discoveied
a manuscupt of iti Ibn Khavi (270) also mentions
Fada il al tabun l book that he attnbutes to Sa'id
son of Asad which Ibn Hadjai had seen in two
\olumes and which appaientK contained accoiding
to the last-named a gieat dt al of infoimation affoid-
ed bv the father (Asad) and his aide (Ibn Hadjar
ibid I Finalh theie is the Kitab al ~uhd ua I'lbada
ua I nam' (Ibn Khavi 27(1 Hadjdji Khalifa v 91)
important woik and according to Ibn Khavi com-
pnsed s<veial books ikutub) conespondmg to the
thiee paits of the title which he supplies
Unfoitunatelv onK two copies of the hitab al ^uhd
ailable
ved in B
(Spienger 495) the othei in Damascus (Za
madj 100/1) The fust was edited bv Leszvnskv
who in the guise of an intioduction devoted a
them with then paiallels in Judaism and Chiistnmtv
but was not at all concerned with the author him
self The author of the present irticle has le-edit-
adding to it all the ceitifi
of them with a stud\ of /
most flexible
which t.
eadmg m both
ised heie in the
ited bv Ibn Kha
dimensions of a single woik This book peihaps best
lllustiates the influence of the author and his un-
title in geneial from the formative penod of Islam
foi it is the second woik of its kind aftei the hitab
al Zithd « liaka'ik of 'Abd Alhh b al-Mubaiak
which piovided a model for it both in content and
in title although Asad does not acknowledge this
It is made up of a collection of tiaditions with
eschatological questions while the othei lost por-
tions corresponding to the hulub al'Ibada ua I uata'
mentioned bv the bibhogiapher must have contained
the lemainder of the themes encounteied in the
work of Ibn al-Mubai lk pietv ascetic meditation
etc (see Khourv had V) fl Abbott Studies n 2^7
IT)
Bibliography Abu Nu'avm, Hiha vn m IT
Dhahabi \hzan i 207 idem Hujjaz 1375/1955
i 102 Hadjdji Khalifa v 91 Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam
Futuh \hsi ed Tonev index Ibn \bi Hatim
Diarh i 338 Ibn al-Faiadi no 484 Ibn Hadjai
Tahdhib i 260 Ibn Khaldun Mukaddima Beuut
19hl 5b4-5 ti Rosenthal u 170-1 Ibn Khavr
al-Ishbih Fihmt 141-2 270 299 Ibn Hisham
A alTtajan 2 ft Ibn al-Mubaiak K al ~uhd
ika'ik ed ,
Mm
1966 'Umar al-Kindi
.971
N
1967 2^7-
jungstt
hnstluhin
nchhain
Chicago 1957 index
45 where Asad is suggested as the possible
authoi of a two-page collection of traditions on
papvius F Krenkow The tuo oldest books on
habu folklore in K n (1928) 55 ff RG
Khouiv Important, it authentuite de<, texts di Hihat
alauliui' in SI (1977) 94-b idem Wahb b
Munabhh Wiesbaden 1972 28b ff Brockelmann
S I 257 351 Sezgm CAS i 354 5 The main
studies on Asad s woik aie R Leszvnskv
Mohammtdamsihi Traditional uber
Geriiht Eiru ittghuhindi Studie it? judisi
und mohammtdanisihin Esihatologit
1909 (contains an ed of the A a/ ~aM based
on the Beihn ms with a studv ) RG Khouiv
had b \Iusa hitab al ~aA</ new ed with a
studv Wiesbaden 197b R Savid is preparing
in Beirut an ed of Asad s Risala
(RG KhourM
al-ASAMM Abu Bakr "Abd al-Rahman b
Kavsan died 200/816 or 201/817 earlv theologian
and mujasnt commonH counted among the Mu'ta-
zihs although alwavs tieated as an outsidei bv the
Mu'tazih tabakat In his vouth he served together with
other mutakallimun like Mu'ammar Hafs al-Fard and
\bu Shamn al Hanafi as adlatm [ghulam] to Ma'mai
\bu 1-Ash'ath a Basran phvsician with certain philo-
sophical leanings (cf Fihmt ed Flugel 100 11 28
ff) In the latei davs of Dim b 'Ami [q i ] le in
the last quartei of the 2nd centurv AH he cieated
in Basia a ciule of his own Abu 1-Hudhavl did not
like him he called him with a Peisian expression
khaiban the donkcv -driver obviouslv alluding to his
low ongin (cf Malati Tanbih ed Dedenng M 11
12 ff ) But Abu 1-Hudhavl became influential onlv
when he had been called to Baghdad bv al-Ma'mun
aftei 204/819 at a lather advanced age in Basra al-
Asamm seems to have enjoved the highei piestige (cf
Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbir Fadlaliti a I ed Fu'id Sayvid
2b7 11 -5 and pu f ) This mav be due to his even-
tual ulations with the Ibadiv>a who had at that time
not vet entirelv left the town (Abu Hav>in al-Tawhidi
intioduces him as sahib al Ibadma in his Basa'u ed
Kavlam n 825 ult f) But it mav also be attnb-
uted to the fact that he w is a prolific wntei Ibn al-
Nadim mentions 2b books none of which is
unfortunatelv pieseived (cf Fihmt ed Fuck in Shaft'
conini olum, 68 11 5 ff) All of them tieated of the-
ological and ]undical subjects But he seems also to
have been a poet (if the 'Abd al-Rahman b Kavsm
mentioned bv Djihiz Hawaiian iv 205 11 G ff is
identical with him cf Goldzihei LI vi (1916) 174
n 2) At least he was known to be eloquent al-
Djubba'i still acknowledged him as such (cf Fadl al
267
aphons
mentioned m Djahiz Bay an i 80 11 11) With the
luthontv of an expert he passed a seveie judgment
on Ibn al-Mukaffa' (cf Djahiz Dhamm akhlak al kut
tab in Rasa'il ed 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Harun
ii 195 11 7 ff)
His solidarity with certain Mu'tazih ideas is attested
bv his repeated polemics against the pre-destmanans
(il-Mudjbira cl titles nos 5 and 14 in the Fihmt also
no 11) and bv his leflections about tawhid (cf title
no ?) But he did not accept the tenet of al marula
barn al manzilatayn (cf Ash'an Makalat al Llanumn 269
ult ff) he believed that the fasik
e ol li
.otheist
and b
good deeds he has perfoimed (ibid 270 11 9 ff) The
lie condemned to c
imm did not bise 1
* on Kur inic eside
ion i His ideas on the pnnciple
9) equills did not i
othei Mu tazihs (cf
himself on i pec uln
Ibn Hazm Fnal is
) He
othei Mutizrhs did not sd touch the problem (ct
title no 2\ a fieice opponent of this doctnnc \ l/id
b Hnun (dud 20 r i 01 20b/820 822) siss him heie
is in line ssith Bishr al Muisi ssho Ms soungei
thin he md whom he mis hue lnlluenccd ict
Bukhaii Khali al af'al in N ishsh ii T tlibi II a id al
salaf
11 111
tint Ihunnnn b Ashns lecommtnded him to il
Mi mun sshen the ciliph wis still in Muss (d Fihust
ed Fuck t>7 11 4 fl I He chshed ssith Hish im b
alHikam ceitunls bee lust of his strongs inti Shi i
feelings (cf Fadl allheal 257 lpu t and title no
H) but ilso because of Hishims mthiopomoi
phism Ict title no 10) ind he attacked the ana
dika and the Dahrrvsa piobabls in c onespondence
with the pohes pursued bs al Mahdi 158 69/775
The theologuil doc tune most stiemds connected
with As minis name wis his del
[q ] ind mis hise brought him into
nection ssith Hish im b al H ik im [q
Bam it n 825 ult 11 ] He seems to 1
o Dn-
seises uid can theie
not so much i diflei
nition and in the cc
he wis led to dens
(ct Ash in Makalat
fl Ibn Hazm Fnal
ntus Like Dn u
tence of the soul
(<?
i28 1
1 Hudhas
s he s.
attic ked toi
led to shoss t
doc tune bs Abu
]undical obligations ai
his piosteimtion in pusei oi his bem^ flowed m
case ot adulters ct Fadl al i ti al 262 ipu 11
Hish am al Fuss in a disciple ot Abu lHudhnl
seems to hase been mainls shocked bs the ensuing
bio id sense wis considered as the onls undent bs
alNizzam ct the title ot Fuw iti s book in Films!
ed Fuck 59 1 1) Mans opponents and influenced
bs their polemics the htei heresiogi iphc is tended
to understind Asimm s deni il ot the lccidc ntil < lni
ac tei ot quihties as i dennl of quihties is such id
Ash an Ai 11 12 fi Bighdidi huk 90 11 8
t/llb 11 it idem I sul al dm! 11 14 11 etc j He
.aided t
Gost
him not in obligators ittnbute of humin societs
eons sshich cin do ssithout i lulei [ct Baghdidi
I sul al din 212 1 10 and 271 II 14 t mmslatei
souices like Miss ardi al ihlam al mltanma ed Engei
S 1 7 Ghizzih Fadaih al Batinma ed Bidissi
170 11 5 11 Rtzi al \luhassal 17b 11 9 f etc )
against human nnquits Theoretic ills speiking urn
seisal knossledge ot the km in should be sufficient
in oidei to keep i societs in oidci (cf Pazdassi
f ill al din ed Lmss 18d 11 1 1 ff ) but the leah
ts being impel tee t the Muslims alsviss decided to
done bs consensus (cl Ash in 400 11 b 1 Baghdidi
hail 150 11 4t/lb4 11 1 fi etc I and one e some
seisible esen if i nioie ippiopinte lafdal) candidate
presents himselt itteissiids (cf il Nishi al ikbai
lull almlial ed sin Ess !} 99) Aimed lesistince
against l mlei is onls illossed it this peison his
Applied to the histoncil lealits ot the p ist this
meint th it al Asamm iceepted Abu Baki and Umai
then election Attei Umai s death the afdal w is Abd
ilRihmm b Assi who demonsti ited his sntue bs
renouncing the e iliphite ten himselt Uthmm was
onls second in link attei him id Nishi Lull
almhal \ 100; In conti 1st to him Ah wis not
ssis theietoie uniighteous (ibid 5> 101) This does not
m the case of his w n igunst Tilha and Zubasi and
tial issessment would hase to pioceed horn his inteii
tiems ind those ot his opponents whethei he acted
out of mere despotism oi in oidei to put things light
we hise to suspend judgment It is cleai hossesei
tint Talha and Zubisi had a leitun supenonts osei
All ipeihips bee uise thes sought lesenge toi Uthmm)
md tint Abu Musi il Ash m ssas light when he
gleiulei iel al MufTd A al Qamal N idj if H82/195?
2b 11 Id fi ti M Rouhim La uluite dt Bassma
Pans 1974 17 ind shoitei Ash in 457 11 13 fl
ibid 45i 11 lift Mu iwisi was light in his lesist
mee igainst Ah bee uise he hid been let, ills
ippomted goseinoi ot Ssna bs Umu ind confiimed
in his oflice bs Uthm in he would hise onls been
obliged to hind osei Ssm to a mlei who had been
elected bs consensus let Nishi t? 102)
Thus hi Asamms theois could be le lint horn
his books mainls his A al Imatna Ict Filnisl title no
opposition espenills horn the Shi'is ind horn the
olognns ssmpithetic to them horn Bishi b al
Mutimn icf Filmsl ed Flugel lb2 1 21| piobibls
fremr the eails Shi i Fidl b Shadhan (died 250/874
ct Tusi Fthml 150 11 10 1) ind esen much htei
fiom the shaikh il MutTd (died 4H/1022| ssho ilso
seems to quote horn the emgin il in his A al L\amal
2b 11 lb ft Al Nishi ilso pieseises hemesei in
onl tudition horn Asimms closest adherents sasmg
l-ASAMM — ASATlR al-AWWALIN
that there may be seveial rulers at once in the Muslim
co-ordinate their effbits in righteousness. He based
this theory on the fact that the Prophet appointed
governors foi diffeient legions and that, aftei his death,
his prerogative had been transferred to the popula-
tion of these regions, who may decide accoiding to
their consensus. For his own time, al-Asamm deemed
this even to be the better solution: a condominium,
with its smaller political entities, would allow closer
contact between the people and the rulei icf §§ 103
f). As to the origin of these ideas, Goldziher sug-
gested the influence of the Pseudo-Aiistotelian rkpi
PaotXeiai; which may have been translated thus early
(cf. hi, vi (1916), 176 f. and Cheikho's edition of the
text in Machnq, x (1907), 311 ff; for an analysis of
the text itself S. M. Stern, Aristotle on the World State,
Oxford 1968, passim, M. Grignaschi in BEO, xix
(1965-6), 14 and M. Manzalaoui in Onens, xxiii-xxiv
(1974), 202). But it seems easier to assume that they
were stimulated by discussions in Ibadt ciicles in Basra
(cf. EI 1 , III, 658a, and Boswoith, Sistan undei the
Amis, 88).
Asamm's high appteciation of the consensus led
him to the theory that the 'ulama' , if they are suf-
ficient in number not to agree on a lie, are able
to issue laws (cf. Ash'an 467, 1. 6 f). For their
idjtihad is not a matter of mere probability; every
true judgment is based upon an irrefutable proof.
Among muditahidun of different opinions, therefoie,
only one is right (cf. Abu '1-Husayn al-Basri, al-
Mu'tamad, ed. Hamidullah, 949, 11. 10 ff.). In prin-
ciple, there is no difference between juridical and
dogmatical verities in this respect (cf. Kadi 'Abd al-
Djabbar, al-Mughni, xvii, 369, 11. 17 ff.i; but we may
distinguish between eirors which lead to unbelief
(about God and prophecy), other ones which lead
only to sinfulness [Jisk; about the ru'ya or about
khalk al-Kur'an, e.g.) and those which result in the
questions (cf. Ghazali, MustasJdT ii, 107, 11. -6 ff.;
ShlrazT, Luma', Cairo, Subayh, n.d., 76, 11. 17 ff;
MawardI, Adah al-kadi, Baghdad 1391/1971, i, 532
no. 1234; Amidr, Mam, iv, 244, 11. 7 ff). Because
of this rational criterion, even a sinful kadi may pass
righteous judgments (cf. MawardI", ibid., i, 634, no.
1579). On the other hand, the Shad, isolated tradi-
tions (which, at that time, must have comprised the
majority of hadith in the view of the Mu'tazila), can-
not claim any value as criteria (ibid., i, 376, no.
787). In these ideas, which seem to ha\e been char-
acteristic for Basra (cf. Mas'Qdi, TanbJh, 356, 11. 10
ff.), al-Asamm was followed by Bishr al-MarisF [q.v.]
and Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. IsmaTl Ibn 'Ulayya, who
had been his adlatus ghulam) and who founded a
quite influential juridical school in Egypt ihe died,
like al-Mansi, in 218/832, cf. Ta'rikh Baghdad, vi,
20 ff. no. 3054, etc.; there weie adherents of his
in Ramhurmuz even in the 4th/ 10th century, cf.
Fadl al-i'ttzal, 316, 1. 3).
al-Asamm's Tafslr. He defines the muhkamat as
those verses, the veracity of which cannot be denied
by any opponent as, e.g., all statements about the
past; the mutashabihat are veises which tell some-
thing about the future and which reveal their truth
onh after reflection as, e.g., statements about the
Last Judgment ( cf. Ash'an, 223, 11. 3 ff; Baghdad!,
Usui al-din, 222, 11. 4 ff; RazI, Majatih al-ghayb,
Cairo n.d., vii, 182, 11. -5 ff). There are thus no
deal with philological pioblems. The verse contain-
ing the problematic word abb (suia LXXX, 31) is
counted by him among the muhkamat. Nazzam crit-
icised his aibitrariness and did not distinguish him
from non-Mu'tazili commentators like Kalbi or
Mukatil b. Sulayman Icf. Djahiz, Hayaxvan, i, 343,
11. 5 ff.; translated by Goldziher, ' Richlungen der
hoianauskgung, 1 1 1 f). But he was quoted exclusively
by DjubbaT in his lost Tafslr (although peihaps only
for one passage; cf. Fadl al-i'tizal, 268, 11. 1 f.) and
latei on by Matundr in his Ta'wilat ahl al-sunna (cf.
i, 59, 11. 4 ff; 95, 11. 8 f; 103, 11. 1 ff), by Ahmad
b. Muhammad al-Tha'labi al-Nishaburi (died
427/1035) in his hashf wa 'l-bayan (cf. GAS, i, 615),
by Hakim al-Djushami (died 494/1101) in his volu-
minous Tafslr, and by Fakhr al-Dm al-RazI in his
Majatih al-ghavb (cf. iii, 230, ult. ff.; ix, 160, 11. 13
ff. etc.). Djahiz uses the work sometimes (cf. Hayaxvan,
iv, 73, 11. -4 ff; also 205, 11. 6 ff?), and Taban
al-Asamm by name. But it was interesting mainly
to theologically-minded commentators and accessi-
ble obviously only in the East. Whether the ms.
Kthc AH 53/8 really contains the text (cf. GAL, S
II, 984 no. 7) has still to be checked.
This Basran Mu'tazilT should not be confounded
with anothei Mu'tazilT by the name of Abu Bakr al-
Asamm who lived in Egypt and who initiated the
mihna there at the instigation of Ibn Abi Duwad. He
was called Nasr b. AbT Layth and was at least one
generation younger than 'Abd al-Rahman b. Kaysan
(cf. Kadr Tyad, Tartib al-maddnk, Beirut 1387/1967,
i, 516, 11. -5 fT.; 527, 11. 6 ff.; 564, pu. ff. etc.; cf.
the index).
Bibliography: Given in the article, but cf. also
amongst sources; Asji'an, Makalat, 242, 1. 2; 456,
11. 9 ff; 458, 11. 3 ff; 564, 11. 3 f; Nawbakhtl,
Firak al-Shi'a, 14, 11. 1 ff. = KumrnT, Makalat, 14,
11. 3 f; Ibn Batta, Ibana, ed. Laoust, 91, 11. 15 f.
and 92, 1. 16; al-Shanf al-Murtada, al-Fusul al-
mukhtara 1 , i, 63, 11. 10 ff: 1 68, 4 ff; Kadi 'Abd
al-Djabbar, al-Mughni, xx-\ 61, 11. 1 f.; Baghdadi,
al-Fark bayn al-jirak, 95, 1. 7; idem, Usui al-din, 1,
11. 14 ff. and 36, ult. ff; Abu Ya'la, al-Mu'tamad
ft usul al-dm, ed. Haddad, 37, 1. 4 and 222, 11. 3
ff; DjuwaynT, al-Shamil, i, 168, 6 f; Pazdawi, Usid
al-din, ed. Linss, 11. pu. f.; Shahrastam, Milal, 19,
11. 3 ff; 51, 11. 5 ff; 53, 11. 6 f; Ibn al-Murtada,
Tabakat al-Mu'ta Z da. ed. Diwald-Wilzer, 56, 11. 17
ff; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-mizan, iii, 427, 11. 2 ff;
Dawudr, Tabakat al-mufassiiin, ed. 'Air Muhammad
'Umar, Caho 1392/1972, i, 269, no. 258;Studies:
M. Horten, Die philosophmhen Systeme der spekulatn-
en Tlieologen im Islam, Bonn 1912, 298 f.; A.S.
Tiitton, Muslim theology, London 1947, 126 f; A.N.
Nader, Le systeme philosophique des Mu'lazila, Beirut
1956, index s.v. Abu Bakr al-Asam (su).; H.
Brentjes, Die Imamatslehren im Islam, Berlin 1964,
43, 52; W. Madelung, Dei Imam al-Qasim ibn
Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, 42 f; E. Graf, in Button,
x/2-3 (1969) 44; H. Laoust, La politique de Gazali,
Paris 1970, 231; H. Daiber, Das theologisch-
plulowphisthe System des Mu'ammar ibn Abbad al-Sulami,
Beiiut 1975,' Index s.v. _ (Josef van Ess)
ASATIR al-AWWALIN "stories of the
ancients," a phrase occurring nine times in the
Kur'an (VI, 25/25, VIII, 31/31, XVI, 24/26, XXIII,
83/85, XXV, 5/6, XXVII, 68/70, XL VI, 17/16,
LXVIII, 15/15, and LXXXIII, 13/13; see also EI 1 ,
lSATIR al-AWWALIN — ASHRAF al-DIN GiLANi
l?1]m
the do
tune o
the Res
to the
the fo
their
opinion
sillv thi
tnund
without being
lecepted
himtmt
071 137
leg i
Tib in
to \I
I 31) co
Mth the
opponent oi th
alHu
th Tn
Hna
Chi ist
Gospe
s and
upon
etummg
thfll i
to the
Piophets
shipping Mo
est.nglv
Hishir
Piophe
Persi ,n
kings
Isfandi
\n he
had le
irned in
karaD|«ioghl«in] He «is born in Sivnalan a vilhge
u Shukishh ol Sivas province the son of a faimei
i, \hmed whose lamilv name ot Shitnoghlu
Wevsel nielv used Loss of sight in both his eves it
!^ [qi ] \n ashik ot his own \illige and othei win
t-img tolk poets whom he tame icioss and who dis
if \\\ 5/t>
•sis suggests i
Jeileiv The fonufl ,
5b f P Minganti
i5li With its gene
Din
Onen
1384 8 i
25
suggested i denvation fiom dieek hntona see e
theietereiKesniT Noldeke ind F Schwillv Gisdu
dn Qowm 1 lb Hoiovitz Jeileiv R Kobeit
Omntaha \S \iv 11045) 274 b F Rosenth il
Histon of Muslim historiograph leiden 1068 28
— is philologie ilK possible and wo
Hov
\ribian origin Foi th
with Axibic sti to v
b\ Kur In \\\ 5/bl
with •■
aught 1
md n
\ei \nitoln ieciting his poen
He pei formed min\ times on Mm
idios Foi i short while ll<)42 4) he
igs in the \ilhge Institutes [see kov
le died in his vilhge on 21 Mirth
dren DifTeung fiom manv contempoiarv tolk poets
modern writers \shik Wevsel pieferred to follow the
k n adj loghl in Lmnh Rukhsati and otheis md he
sing of love fiiendship nostalgn sepu moil lift s
mutabihtv md de ith He is the author of Diushr
1 1044) ind Sa imdan usln 11050) His collet ted woiks
hue bein edited bv Umit \ asar Oguzc in as Dvstlai
km hatnlasm ll070i
Biblio^iaphy U\ Oguztan 4 si! hyscl hmah
«< smliti Istanbul 19bi Sk kanahoglu Rtsimli
Tml idibnahilan so lugu Istanbul 1074 sv
ASHRAF m DIN GILANI
iesi It w is glossed King stones oi asadji rh\med
nose pieces oi IrequentK timahat obsiure
onlused st itements It wis e\pl lined is ietletl
I i ala in the sense of miking up embellished
les foi ilbn il \thn al \ihaya s i id ) Liter Musi
is strange K ilso i modem si hoi n D kunstlmi
i OLZ \w\ (103b 482) imbued with rispeet
lie eultmal achievements of the meients would
fiemi.eh.es whv the phrase should hue been usee
i Rasht in lt71 He
azwin ind fiom
tudent m Nadjaf
began the publit it
.1 Iehiar
s ustd is his talhal
il wis suppitssed after the
Muhimmid Ah Sh ih i
med F
Although he idmned Rid i kh in he
ibmdoned pubhi life after the litter s ai cession to
the throne in 1025 md devoted himself to htei
ai v pursuits \pirt from his poems which mostlv
in verse and piose ind works on historv and phi
losophv He died in poveitv and ill he alth m 10,4
Though Ashiat s poetic talent wis not up to the
in the u
■mpon
ind stvle Hi
tionahsm ind son il i etorm ine hiding tl
s gieit pist \asi
1 the best hterarv
|unl votibularv
Biblm^aph Ashrals poems weie collected in
Bast , BihvM Tehi an 1010 and D,M i duuuum i \asim
i Shirnal Bomb iv 1027 Biographical details m EG
Browne Priss and pottn of moduli Puna Cambridge
1014 182 200 M Ishique SuUianuaian i ban dm asi
ihada i Cileutti 10j3 14b 70 ibid Modtm Pawn
pottn C ak utta 1043 pissim S ivvad Muhamm id Blku
ASHRAF al-DIN GlLANl — ASMA'
Buika'T,
mkhan
, 250-5 Muhammad Sadr Hashirm Ta'rikh i
djara'id na moralist i Iran, iv, Tehian 1953, 295-
9; Bozoig Alavi, Gesehiehtt und EntiLitkluns dtr mud
emtn persisehcn Literatur, Berlin 1964, 51-5
(LP Elwell-Suttoni
ASHTURKA, Asturka, the Spanish town of
Astoiga, the Astunca Augusta of the Roman
period, capital of the Gomentus Astuium, aheadv
by then a focal point foi communications (J M
Roldan, Iter ab Emuita istuneam El tamino di la
Plata, Salamanca 1971), and latei a halting-point
on the "loute of the herds' iR Aiken, Rutas dt
trashumanaa en la Mesita tastillanti in Estudws giogia
jicos, wvi (1947), 192-3) and on the "load to St
James" (C E Dublei
Idrn
i Mor
Oho
And
(1949)
N
in Turn
Al-'Udhii com-
pares it with Saiagossa (f de la Gianja, La \Iarta
Superior in la obra dt al 'I dn in Estudws Edad Altdia
Corona iragon (1967), 45b) Astoiga was another
urbs ma S nifiea, although Theodouc destioved it in
456 (A Quintana, Astorga en en hmpo de los suevos
Al-Idr -
rail t.
mnded
ifia de Espana
'el Edrisi, Madrid 1881, 67, 80; H.'Mu'nis, Ta'rikh
1-dj.ughrafiya wa 'l-djughrajiyyin Ji 'l-Andalus, Madrid
967, 265).
Astorga was captured by Tarik b. Ziyad in 95/714.
formed to the noith of it the king-
which I
either,
, did r
include all the terntorv of the C<
(G. Fabre, Lt taut urban dam It \ de la ptnimult
iberiqut, in Latomui (1970), 337) The legion was set-
tled b\ Beibers who lose against the Arabs in
123/740-1 (4khbar madjmii'a, 38, ti 48) The Chnstian
advance which oveicame the Muslims and expelled
them fiom the whole of Djalrkiva (133/750-1) com-
pelled them "to ti oss the mountains towards Astuika
(ibid., 62, ti 66) It seems definite that in this legion,
the Beibei element has left behind an enduiing eth-
nic impnnt (= Maragatos ( ? ), P Guuhaid 4/ Andalus
Barcelona 1976, 143 n 5 146) Alfonso I lecon-
quered Astorga in 75 3-4, but it was not repopu-
lated till ca 854 (C Sanchez Albornoz Dtspoblaaon
y repoblaewn del talk del Dutro Buenos Anes 19b6,
261-2, idtm, Ripoblaaon del mno asturliones Promo,
dindmua > proieeciones, in (HE, Ini-hv (1971), 23b-49)
or in 860 ( J M Lacana, Panorama dt la histona urbana
en la peninsula dtsdt los unlets f al A, in Settimant
Spoleto, 1958 352) In 179>795 the town was attacked
by Hisham I s general 'Abd al-Karim b Mughrth
(A. Fliche, Alphonst II It Chastt it In ongints dt la
reconquttt chrttitnnt, and A de la Toire, Lai ttapas dt
la reeonquata hasta Alfonso II, in Ehtudioh sobu la
Monarquia astunana, Oviedo 1971, 115-31, 133-74)
In 267/878 al-Mundhn launched an expedition
against Astorga We possess documents dating fiom
that \ear proving the presence theie of Mozaiabes
(M. Gomez Moieno, kltsias mozmabts Madrid 1919,
107-11), who plaved a kev lore in the repopulat-
ing of the town (L G Kofman and MI Carzoho,
Acerca di la dimografia astur Itontsa i tastillana in
la Alta Edad Midia, in CHE, \hn-\Kiii (1968), 13b-
70). Undei Alfonso III, Astorga, b\ now properK
organised, was part of a defensive line with Goimbia,
Leon and Amava (Sanchez Albornoz, Lai campanai
del 882 y del 883 que Alfonso 111 esptio in Leon, in
Lion i su histona, i (19b9), 169-82) The bishopric
was le-estabhshed theie (A Quintana Pneto, El obis-
pado de Astoria in los siglos IX , A, Astoiga 1968),
cal life (L Goni Gaztambide, Histona dt la Bula de
la Cruzada in Espana Vitona 1958, 84-5 155, 184,
203, 38b, 521 681, 683 H Salvador Maitinez, El
'Potma dt Mmena ) la ipua lomanua Madnd 1975,
48-9 399) It was attacked b\ al-Mansui Ibn Abi
'\mu [qt] in 385/995 It fell into decav at the
beginning of the 14th centuiv In the 15th century
the "maiquisate of Astorga' was foimed theie (A
Seyas Vazquez Chantada i tl stnono dt los Maiqueses
dt istorga, Chantada 1966)
Bibliography Souues Levi-Piovencal, HEM,
i, n, indices Sanchez Albornoz, Ongents de la
\auon tspanola Estudws cntuos sobn la Histona dil
Rtino di istunas, Oviedo 1972, M Diaz v Diaz,
La histonografia hispana dtsdt la imasion arabt hasta
el ano 1000, in Stttimani Spolito, 19/
Then
;iaph I
M.
Diaz Histona dt la mm noble, Ital > ben-
iminta nudad di istoi^a, -\stoiga 1909
(MJ Vl&l.ER\)
ASMA 1 Bint 'Ui^s e M^'d al-Khath'amiyya,
a contemporarv of the Piophet (d 39/659-60).
Hei mothei. Hind bint 'Awf b Zubavi, called al-
'Adjuz al-Djurashiyya, was famous through the illus-
included the Prophet, al-'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib
and Hamza b. 'Abd al-Muttalib (Ibn Ha'blb,
Mulitibbiu, 91 109|, as well as of Asma' s husbands
In fact the lattei probabh married in the first
place Rabi'a b Rivah al-Hilali b\ whom she had
three sons Malik 'Abd Allah and Abu Hubavia
but all the souices agiee that she was successive-
1\ the wife of (1) Dja'fai b Abi Tahb b\ whom
she had three fuither sons 'Abd Allah, 'Awn and
Muhammad with whom she emigrated to Abvssima,
wheie she saw for the fust time biers, mtioducmg
Muhammad, (2) Abu Baki, b\ whom she had
Muhammad, and (3) 'All b Abi Tahb b\ whom
she furthei had Yahva Despite all these mamages,
she was not consideied to be one of the famous
mutazau.u.igjat and the numbei of sons which she
brought into the woild does not seem to have
On the other hand she is consideied to be the
authoress of a hitab which ^a'kubi cites {Histonat,
ii, 114, 128) and which must have contained haditbs
of the Prophet that Asma' should ha\e made such
a compilation which would circulate in ShiT cucles
is a priori suspect, even though 'Air's main wife
Fatima, would have been able to hand on to Asma'
the doings and happenings concerning her father
Furthei more, the Sunnis seem to have accepted onlv
with reseivations hadiths tiansmitted bv this woman
(cf I Goldaher Muh Studiin n, 9, Fi ti L Beuher,
Pans 1952, 10-11 Eng tr Barbei and Stem, London
1967-71, n, 22]
Bibliography Ibn al-Kalbr-C askel, L\amhara,
Tab 22b and n, 198, Zubavi r, \asab huraysh, 80,
277, Ibn 'Abd al-Ban, Isti'ab, lv, 234-b, Ibn Sa'd,
Tabakat, vm 205-9, Ibn Kutavba, Ma'anf, inde\,
Mas'udr, Muruaj, iv 181-2 \, 148 = iji) 1515- lb,
1908, Baladhurl Futuh, 451-5, Nawawi, Tahdhlb al
asma' 825, Makdisi, al Bad' na 'I ta'rikh, iv, 137,
Ibn Hadjai Isdba iv. No 51 Caetam, innah, \,
231-5. (Ch. Pellat)
iL-ASMAR,
.l-Fayturi
was born on 12 Rabl' I 880/16 July 1475 in the
coastal oasis of Zliten (Zalrtan, Zlttan; obsolete forms,
Zalitan, Yazlltan, Yazlrtm, Izlrtanl in Tripolitania.
He belonged to the Fayturiyya (Fawatirl tribe, whence
him by his mother who had been ord
a drean
He I
■arlv mv
from c Abd al-Wahid al-Dukali, a 'khalifa [q.v.] of the
'Arusiwa order, who initiated him into this tartka [q.v.\
and to whose circle of disciples he belonged for seven
years. According to the canonised history of the order,
he rec eived additional instruction from eighty other
ms omnipre:
ssed in the i
sed by him
iver require;
I. Men
lered a
itions elaborated bv 'Abd a
known as al-Wawtya al-kubra, which
) the Sufi tracts on adab [q.v.] of
abandon the tmTka was considered
:as\ and would, as was taught, not
the order, but by God himself I HA', 200). 'Abd al-
Salam exhorted his adherents to adopt al-Sanusi's
'aklda in matters of tawhtd Ai'K] 3), but urged them
at the same time to pay tribute to Ibn al-'Arabi a>
Prophets and the companions of the Prophel
Muhammad— and stressed him as the pillar of the
iIl'A', :
'Abd a
113; see Bibliography),
and of the relatively fr
expelled from the town
tied in the earlv 16th
g marriage cu
see e.g. f » A,
of Tripoli, wh
centurv, and
stoms ict". ha;
Id". ICA", 117I,
tingling of the
127i. He was
ere he had set-
where he had
Hafsids, the Spaniar
unsettled, and mus
exc lusivist mystical
become an increasing^
the local ruler, who m
popular rehg
onsidered 'Abd
orated by 'Abd al-S
hiefs, the Knights
J of Tripolitania.
come increasing
t possible for an
)vement, like the
,a had been elab-
evival of the tanka did i
ook up residence in Zl
t ;dw,ya [q.v.] in the te
one of the
) had come to accept
he died in Ramadan
981 /January 15. ..
the original 'Arusiwa of which he amended the rit-
ual and to which he added his own bock- of teach-
ings. He obliged his adherents to wear white clothes
1 1 ITT, 100 ff.l, forbade smoking i IfA", 70), and intro-
duced the playing of the bandit [dull ) during the hadra
[q.v.], claiming that he had received an authorisation
to this effect from heaven lal-Mulavdjr, 257 IV.; see
bibliography). In addition, he prohibited self-mutila-
tion during the hadta ([('A', 201) and stressed the
importance of attending these occasions by proclaiming
that attendance was half the wird [q.v.\ and that
); Rawdat. 307 1,
h had c
imposed by 'Abd ;
Muiaydji, 393 ff.l. He claimed that the 'Arusiyya
were the original Shadhiliyya [q.v.], which was the
the' Prophet [Rawdat, 104), and that its outstanding
nature was testified to by the fact that in a mirac-
ulous act. the angels had written the names of the
garths mentioned in the silsila [q.v.\ on the lawh <//-
mahfur, [q.v.] 1(17,', 267). Moreover, he taught that
he himself was' an analphabetic of that which he
had ever said (which was partly codified in tofrfas
[q.v.] sung during the hadra and on other ccrcmoni-
and in the next ( Il'A", 217i, and that his adherents
referred to as al-Sala
Mustafa Kra
e, Tunis
used more or less synonymously throughout North
Africa, except for Egypt where the names refer to
19th centurv. Active lodges of the tanka of 'Abd al-
Salam may be found in Tunisia (see al-Sadik al-Rizki,
al-Agham al-Turmiyya, Tunis 1967, 129 ff.i, in Egypt,
where it has a wide-spread membership isee Ibrahim
Muhammad al-Fahham, Ibn 'Ariis tea 'l-tanka al-
Arusma, in al-Fumm al-sha'biyra, iv (Cairo 1970), no.
15, 71), and in Libya (see Djamil Hilal, Dirasat ft
•l-waki' al-Ltbi, Tripoli 1969, 141 f; 'Abd al-Djalfl al-
Tahir, al-Mudftama' al-Libl, dira.at ,djtimd'irra iva-
anthrubulu§ina, Savda/Beirut 1969, 325 'ft; and
' " ', 23). The shrine of
'Abd a
t Zllte
of pilgrimage; religious education is provided at the
establishment attached to it known as al-ma'had al-
asmari (cf. Muiaydji, 23).
Bibhagtaphy: al-IVamya al-kubra (abbreviated in
the article as Il'A", with reference to the paragraphs
\ sub-divided), also known as Xiuihat al-
nundln
l-'Aim
s pub-
lished in Cairo n.d., in Tripoli (,
X. Coppolani, La omfrenes religuvses musulmana, Algiers
1897, 339-49, 3.5 li, and in Ishak Ibrahim al-MulavdjT,
Ft hamidi havdt Sidi 'Abd al-Salam al-Asmar, Tripoli 1969,
422-529. This book contains also 'Abd al-SalSm's
of the Wasitta al kubra) the texts oi vanous piayers
(«MJ) composed b> him (402- 19), a collection of
his admonitions as well as a list of woiks (largely
unpublished) containing data about al-Asmars hie
(247 ff) The biography presented in it is based
upon oral information collected b> the authoi (cl
93) and upon materials contained in Muhammad
b Muhammad b Makhluf al-Munastirh Tanhh
raudat al a^har ua mumat al sadat al abrar fi manal lb
Sidi 'Abd al Salam al Asmar Tunis 1325/1907-8 This
woik, also known undei the title Uauahib al mhim
fi manakib Mariana al Sha i kh Sidi 'ibd al Salam Ibn
Salim (cl Tanhh 4) is an abridgement ol the
unpublished Rawdat al a^hai ma mumat al sadat al
abrar fi manakib Sahib al Ta, by karim al-Din al-
Barmum a disciple ol ' \bd al-Salam al- Asmar A
sample of al-Asmars poetry reflecting his ideas
ma> also be lound in al-Rizki s book relerred to
in the article and in 'Abd al-Salam al- Asmar Safinat
al buhur Cano 1 90Q Foi a delence ol playing; the
bandv (du(f) in this tarda see Muhammad
Muhammad Mashina Risalat al kaml al ma'iuf fi
ahkam al daib bi I dufuf contained in Mashina s al
the histor> ol al-Salarmw a and al-' Arusiy > a in
Egypt and fuithei lelerences see F Dejong Tmuq
and turuq linked institution* in 19th itntun Eg>pt pas
sim, Leiden 1978 In addition to these references
and the relerences in the aiticle see the biogra-
phies by Tain Muhammad Mashina al-Tadjun
alTanka al ialamiua al Shadhilma m Mad^allat al
Islam ua I Tasauuuf (1959) no 10 79-81 Salim
b Hamuda al bhaikh 'ibd al Salam al Asmar in al
Muslim \in (C airo 1962) no 8 lb-20 Muhammad
al-Bashn Zafii al lauakit al thaminafi a'tan madh/iab
'aim al Madina Cano 1324-5/1906-7 200 f
Muhammad 'Abd al-Haw, al-kattam, Fihns al
fahans Cairo 1346/1927-8 i 147
(F DEjONG)
ASSASSINS [see HAsiiisiimA]
ASSOCIATION [see andjlman djam'iy^a]
ASYLUM [see bast bimaristan]
'ATABAT (a thresholds ) more full> 'atabat i
'alna oi 'atabat I mukaddasa ( the loft> or sacred thresh-
olds ), the Shfl shnne cities ol 'Irak— Nadjaf
Kaibala' Kazimayn and Samarra [qn] — compnsing
the tombs ol si\ ol the Imams as well as a number
ol secondary shnnes and places ol visitation
Nadjal 10 km to the west ol Kula is the alleged
site of burial of 'Ah b Abi Tahb (d 41/661) (an-
other shtine dedicated to 'Ah is that at Mazar-i
Sharif m Northern Afghanistan, see Kh adja Sayf
al-Din Khudjandi Karwan i Balkh Mazai-i Shatil
nd 18 fF) His tomb is said to have been kept
secret thioughout the Umavvad penod and was
maiked with a dome lor the fust time in the late
3id/9th centuiy b> Abu 1-Haydja', the Hamdamd
iulei of Mosul this earlv stiucture was lepaned and
expanded b> 'Adud al-Dawla the Buwa>hid in
369/979-80 (Ibn al-Athir vm 518) Kaibala' 100
km to the south-west of Baghdad the site of the
maityrdom and burial in 61/680 ol Husayn b 'Ah
became veiy earl) a centre of Shi'i pilgrimage
according; to Shi'i tradition the first pilgrim was
Djabir b 'Abd Allah who visited the site forty da>s
alter the death of Husavn Endowments were set-
tled on the shrine (known as Mashhad al-Ha'ir
shrine ol the garden pool ) by Umm Musa moth-
ei ol the 'Abbasid caliph al-Mahdi (Taban ill
752) but it was tempoianly destioyed m 23b/850
b> an 'Abbasid less favourable to the Shi'a al-
Mutawakkil he caused the site to be flooded (Taban
in 1407) Bv the time that Ibn Hawkal visited
Karbala' in 366/977, the shrine had evidently been
restored (ed J H Kramers i 156) and it was expand-
ed like that at Nadjaf bv 'Adud al-Dawla in the
late 4th/10th century (Ibn al-Athir hi all
From the Buwavhid period onwaid Nadjal and
Karbala' the two most impoitant ol the 'atabat have
in fact had a common destiny each receiving; pation-
age and pilgrimage from the successive conquerois
and rulers ol <I[ak Thus Malik Shah the Saldjuk
visited both Nadjaf and Karbala' in 479/108b-7 and
bestowed gifts on the shrines (Ibn al Athir \ 103)
Spared bv the Mongol invadeis the two shrines
prospeied undei II Khmid lule '-Ma' al-Din
Djuwaym Sahib al-Diwan had a hospice erected at
Nadjal in 666/1267 to accomodate pilgrims and
also began the constiuction ol a canal linking; the
city with the Euphiates ('Abbas al-'Azzawi Ta'nlh
al'Irak bayn ihtilala)n Baghdad 1354/1935 i 263
310) In 703/1303 Ghazan Khan visited both
shrines in Nadjal he built a lodging lor the say] ids
resident there (dai al snada\ togethei with a lurthei
hostel lor pilgrims as well as improving the canal
constiucted bv Djuwaym and he bestowed similai
lavours on Kaibala' (Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah
Ta'riUi i mubaiak i Gha^ani ed K Jahn London
1940 191 203, 208) Alter his captme ol Baghdad
m 803/1400 Timur made a pilgi image to Nadjal
and Karbala' and presented gifts to the shrines lal-
'Azzawi op nt u 240)
In the 10th/ 16th century 'Iiak became an ob|ect
of dispute between the Safawids and the Ottomans
and both sides endowed and patronised the shnnes
of Nadjaf and Karbala' during; their periods of con-
tiol Shah Isma'il the Salawid visited and bestowed
gifts on the two shrines in 914/1508 as well as resid-
ing the canal at Nadjal dug in II Khanid times (al-
'Azzawi op at in 316 341) Sultan Sulayman Kanuni
made a similai pilgi image to Nadjal and Karbala'
alter his conquest of "Irak in 941/1534 and had a
new lrngation canal dug at Kaibala' called al nahi
al sulavmam altei him (al-'Azzawi op at iv 29 36-
7) Shah 'Abbas I lestored 'Irak and the 'atabat to
Salawid contiol in 1032/1623 this new occupation
teiminated bv Murad I\ in 1048/1638 led to a fur-
ther enriching and expansion of the shrines at both
Nadjaf and Karbala' Again in the years 1 156-9/1743-
6 paits of 'Irak including Nadjal and Karbala' weie
temporarily removed tiom Ottoman sovcieignty this
time by Nadir Shah he is vniouslv leported to have
had the main dome at Karbala' gilded and to have
plundered the treasury at the shnne This was the
last time that Ottoman rule oi 'Iiak was thieatened
from Iian but thioughout the 13th/ 19th century loyal
Iranian patronage ol both Nadjal and Karbala' con-
tinued and it is this that accounts for the largely
Iranian appearance of the shnnes in the present age
\gha Muhammad Khan the fust Kadjar monarch
had the dome at Karbala' legilded and endowed
the tomb at Nadjaf with a golden grill (H Algar
Rthoion and stati m ban 17 Hj 1906 thi wit of thi
Llama in the Qa/ai penod Berkeley and Los Angeles
1969 42) Following his example Fath 'Ah Shah
had the minaiets at Karbala' gilded as well as lecon-
structing the dome out of gold bricks Muhammad
Shah piovided foi the iepair of the damage inflict-
ed on Karbala' by the Wahhabis during their incur-
sion ol 12 16/ 1801 and Nasir al-Din Shah himself
visited the 'atabat in 1287/1870 and commissioned
various, work in Nadjaf, Karbala' and Kazimayn
lAlgar, up. cit., 48. 104, 167). Gifts, and endowments
Sh!T principalities in India, especially Oudh I J.N.
Hollister, The Shi'a of India. London 1953, 107, 112,
162-3).
Kazimayn (also known as Kazimiyya), the third
of the 'atabat. formerly a .separate city on the right
bank of the Tigris but now virtually a suburb of
Baghdad, is the site of the tombs of the seventh and
ninth Imams. Musa al-Kazim id. 186/802) and
Muhammad al-Tak! lor al-Djawadi id. 219/834). It
occupies a geographically central place among the
'atabat, being situated between Samarra to the north
and Nadjaf and Karbala' to the south, and has
always received a steadv How of pilgrims. Unlike
Nadjaf and Karbala', it did not escape the Mongol
fire during conquest of Baghdad in 656/1258. Mos
oft]
cistmg st
/1044);
f Mtis
al-Kaz
l, Isn
l-'Abid
Imam: Khadidja
Husayn (L. Mas
; Bagdad, in Optt
[' the
(d. 254/868) and Has;
Muhamma<
ah) v
) in 260/873 and where too he is des
to reappear at the beginning of his renewed r
festation at the end of time.
The 'atabat plav a role of great importance it
life of ShiT Islam, functioning almost as a secor
kibla. They are above all places of pilgrimage \zn
visited by countless Shi'is from Iran, the Indian
continent and elsewhere. Pilgrimage to the 'i.
while reading a
mu) and fervent
the tombs; one
g tile
cred t.
traditional p
in particular muc
i frequented
by pilg
ims, who after
the title
"Karbala'f to
their names. The
soil of Karb
ila', hav
ng been mois-
tened with the b
ood of Hus,
yn, is d
sess special prope
ties; from i
is gene
rally fashioned
the clay disc (mu
r) on whicl
the SI
!'a place their
foreheads when prostrating in
prayer.
When diluted
in water, the soil
also yields
ge iab-i turbati
thought to have theurgical anc
( urative
properties; the
sick, the dying, a
id women i
t labour
imbibe it, and it i
lightlv spri
kled ov
lips of the dead
H. Masse,
sane*. Paris 1938,
, 38, 96; B
■V Dona
ldson, Tin wild
rut; London 1938,
205). The d
tst accur
nulating on the
garded; it is carefully collected for its cur;
erties (Donaldson, op. at., 67 1, and is some
in India as a lining for tombs (Hollister, op
Burial at the 'atabat is considered highly desir
with a marked preference being shown foi
corpses are often transported for burial Iron
up, pari
t Nadjaf
and Karbala'. Traditionally
ilso gone to spend their
l the 'atabat as "neighbours" [mudjawhun)
at have also occupied an important place
ectual and theological life of Shi'Ism, the
lated there drawing scholars and students
itled Dar aPIlm, is the chief centre of
lay in the Shr'r world. In the 12th/ 18th
f Shah
with his patronage in Kazimayn because of his claim
to descent from the seventh Imam. The work begun
under his auspices was completed by Sultan Sulayman
in 941/1534 and restored and expanded bv several
Kadjar monarchs in the 19th centurv. The major
courtyard lW;«| at Kazimayn was built in 1298/1880
by Farhad Mlrza, a Kadjar prince. Also buried in
Kazimayn are two earlv ShiT scholars, Sharif al-
and Sharif al-Mt
vas there-
-above al
in Karbala
'—in
he last qu
of the c
the long-
g rontrm
the Akhb
"irr and U
s settled
n favour
if the latter. Altl
ough cen
religious
evived in
the Kac
riod, the
'atabat co
their att
i, and li-
ost leadin
g scholars
either
ght there
or studied for a tin
le bef
Iran. When in the
late 19th and ea
rly 20th c
Air al-Naki
Abdul-Hadi Ha'iri, Slii'ism and co
SO/873), as
a study of the tole played by the cl
elfth Imam,
in human fmhtin, Leiden 1977). Mu
of occulta-
has fulfilled a similar function i
■tant segment of the Irania
e Kadjar monarchy and s
il movement, the 'atabat — p
lions bevond the reach of til
of three great constitutiona
i Nadjaf— 'Abd Allah Mazand;
izim Khurasam and Mlrza "
-deserves particular menu
Husa
, fill-
ing the (
there
■m. The ShiT <i
have also exerted influence on the 20th centurv his-
tory of 'Irak; they played, for example, a directive
mandate on the country I 'Abd Allah Fahd al-Nafisi,
Daivr al-Shi'a ft tatawwu, al-'Irak al-nyau al-hadith,
Beirut 1973, 80 If.).
Finally, mention may be made of the fact that the
'atabat are of interest not only to the Ithna 'Ashari
Shi'a, but also to the adherents of various branches
of Isma'flism; although they hardly ever make the
hadjdj, they frequently perform pilgrimage to Nadjaf
and Karbala' fHollister, „/,. eit., 289, 391) and it is
probable that a number of Nizan Imams of the post-
Mongol period are buried in Nadjaf (W. Ivanow,
Tombs of some Peisian Ima'iti Imams, in JBBMS, xiv
11938), 49-52). The BektashTs, who in many ways may
be considered a crypto-Shfr sect, also used to main-
tain tekkes in Nadjaf, Karbala' and Kazimayn (al-
' ' 152-3; Murat Sertoglu, Bektaplik,
.tanbul 1
'oqraphy: In addition to references cited
text: "A. Noldeke, Das HeiUgtum al-Husams
btla. Berlin 1909; E. Herzfeld, Archaolo-
Riise im Euphrat- and Tigiiigebiet. Berlin
ii, 102 ft'., 145 ff.; Le Strange, Lands of the
Caliphate. 56, 76-9; D.M. Donaldson, The
religion, London 1933 (numerous refer-
Tmad al-Din Husavm Isfahan!, Ta'rikh-i
•AT ABM — \T\LIK
Djughiajna'i u harbala v Uu'alla Tehran
132b/1947 Dja'iar al-Shaykh Baku \1-Mahbuba
Madi al Kagjaj ua Hadnuha Nadjai 1955-7 3
vols 'Abd al-Djauad al-Kihddar Al-Ta'ma
Ta'nkh al Kaibala' ua ha i, al Husatn 'almhi I ittlam
Nadjai 1387/1957 Dja'lai al-Khahh Uausu'at
al'atabal Baghdad 1382-92/1969-72 vol i
Kaibala' vols n and in Nadjaf vol iv Samarra
ATAC, Nur Allah modem Turkish Nurull\h
Atac (1898-1957) prominent Tuikish essayist and ht-
eiary tntic the guiding spirit of the Turkish con-
temporary linguistic and hterarv renewal lor two
decades (1935-55) Born in Istanbul the son oi
Mehmed 'Ata' civil servant and wntei (1856-1919)
better known as the translatoi oi J von Hammers
GOR (irom the French version) Atac signed his wnt-
mgs as Nur Allah c Ata' until the introduction oi
iamilv names in 1934 when he changed 'Ata' into
Atac and latei diopped Nui Allah altogether Oi his
various pen-names the most irequentlv used one
was Kavafoglu Atac s education was inegulai He
attended various schools (including Galatasaray ior
foul veais and then the Facultv oi Letters) without
finishing either Although he spent some time in
Switzerland during the First World War his thor-
ough knowledge oi the Fiench language and hteia-
tuie was like all his accomplishments mainh
sell-acquired Atac made his living as a teachei trans-
lator and constant contributor to a gieat numbei oi
newspapeis and penodicals He tiught French liter-
Ankara and the provinces and served as a transla-
toi in govemment depaitmtnts including the ofiice
of the Piesident oi the Republic He died in Ankua
on 17 May 1957
Atac started his literaiv career in 1921 with poems
cutical leviews and theatucal ciiticism in the famous
fortnightly Daeflh to which all the leading writers
Dung talents were contnb-
t this
lod he
in the the
the daily i) \ham isee Metin And ita t tnatwda
Istanbul 1973) Later he concentrated on literary
criticism, and closely following the day-to-day devel-
opments of the literal y scene wrote articles oi cnt-
lcism untiringly in more than sixty newspapers and
penodicals, paiticularly in ikiham ikjam Haliminet
i millme Millnet \arlik hm adam Tan Son p 0i ta
Habei Ttnunu Ulku Turk dil, Lumhumel Pa at pmtasi
Duma and most frequently oi all I lus Isee Konur
Ertop itaf biblnogtqfiau in 4to{ ed Turk Dil hummu
Ankara 19b2) Atac developed the essay a much-
neglected field in Tuikish literature into an inde-
pendent %enn oi which he became a lecogmsed
mastei and had many followers He wrote thou-
sands oi essays on hteratuie classical and modern
on cultural change and problems oi culture in gen-
eial on individual writers etc with a very person-
al natuial concise and unadorned style In the eaily
1940s he espoused the language reioim movement
and gave it great support and impetus increasing
its piestige
v that
• the
ash pio
i his
was taken as thi
This prose was to supersede that of the pre- 1930
masters like Rkh Kaiav Reshad Nun Guntekin
[qcc] and others Although Atac s authority as a
according to his own tempeiament and personal
taste it is unanimously accepted that it is his sharp
young talents on to the literary scene (e g Orhan
\eliKamk FH Daglarci etc) Restless impatient
iggressive by temperament and equipped with a
piercing mind and armed with methodical doubt
Atac waged an umelenting war against fanaticism
intolerance sentimentality poetical artificiality
cliches and ready-made thoughts and ioimulae He
was a conscious extremist in language ieioim and
ists would nullify the harm caused by the ultia-con-
servatives Atac studied 15th centuiy prose works
particularly Merdjumek Ahmed s masterly transla
tion oi Kay Ka'us s habm nama [see ka\ k\'us b
iskmsidar] and used them as the model ioi a new
style He experimented successiully with a new syn-
tax which included inveision {dunk tumu) which nat-
urally exists in spoken Turkish and which was
frequently used in eaily Turkish writings before the
syntax of the written Turkish was frozen Atac
coined l number of neologisms some oi which sur-
vived and weie incorporated into the language (ioi
a list oi Atac s neologisms see itapn sn^iuklen ed
Turk Dil Kuiumu Ankara 1963) Atac left several
thousand essays and articles some oi which (most-
ly his post- 1940 writings) have been published m
book form in 10 volumes Gunlerm %itudie,i (1946)
Karalama dijttti (1952) Soda, so^e (1952) Irarlen
(1954) Diuhm 11954) S^ araunda (1957) Okuruma
mtktuplar (1958) Game (I960) Proipito lie Caliban
(1961) Smltultr 2 vols (1964) Atac s dianes cover
ing the years 1953-7 have been published in two
At ic also made perfect examples oi hteiary trans-
lation in Tuikish He translated more than 50 lit-
eraiv woiks iiom ancient Greek Latin and Russian
authors (via French) and in paiticulai, directly irom
French the most iamous oi which being his ti ab-
lation oi Stendhal s Le tou%t it It nov rendered as
KirmKi le uyah (1941i second edition as Kizil lie kara
Bibhoziaph) Tihn Alangu \tafa say?/
Ankara 1959 Konur Eitop Intioduction to his
complete woiks published by I at Id. Gunlain %itn
di S , laralama dijten Istanbul 1967 5-69 Asim
Beznci hundlah itaf, eltshn anlaufi t tazilari
Istanbul 19b8 Mehmed Sahhoglu 4% la mltn
Turk Dil kurumu led ) Olumunun 10 uldomimundt
itai'i am) Ankara 1968 (F^hir Iz)
ATALIK Turkic title which existed in Gential
Asia in the post-Mongol period, with the same orig-
inal meaning as the title atabig [see atabak]
In the ulm oi Djuci (the Golden Horde) and its
immediate successors as in the khanates oi Kazan
and Kmm and the ulus oi Shiban (Ak Orda) as well
as in the Caghatavid state in Moghohstan the atahk
was in the first place, a guaidian and tutor oi a
young prince and in this capacity an actual gover-
nor oi his appanage The soveieign himself (khan or
sultan) also had an atahk who was his close coun-
sellor and confidant often playing the iole of the
m mated from among
e Turki
the
that according to Turk
ruler should always have an atahk it was a kind oi
control ovei his conduct exeicised by the tribal aris-
tocracy Timurid and Shaybamd sources oiten
also use instead oi the term atahk and in the same
meaning the term ataka oi ataka (most piobably
aka, where aka is the elder brother which was
also a usual form of polite address in Eastern Turku
added to proper names and titles) The post oi ataka
(atahk) was entrusted often to a kokaltash foster-
biother (also anutdash) these persons were biought
up together with the primes oi the ruling d\nast\
which created a special relationship (kokaltash)
between the two sides (see Taixankh I gu^ida I nusrat
nama ed b\ AM Akramov Tashkent 1%7 fac-
simile 270 lines 4250-4 and 272 Russian tr from
the Shaybam nama b\ Bina'i in Matenati pa istorn
kazakhskikh khansti \l Mill lekm Alma-Ata 1969
98 100 VV Velyaminov-Zemov Isshdovaniye o
hanmoiskikh tsartakh i tsarauakh pt 2 St Petersburg
18b4 438 VV Bartold \ocmeniya n/2 212 G
Doerler Turknche und mongohsche Eltmente in
Niupasischin n 9 (No 419) 481 (No 343) in 402-
3 with further references)
In the Uzbek khanates of Central Asia the mean-
ing ol the title atahk was graduallv transfoimed In
Bukhira till the beginning of the 18th centuiv the
great atahk (atalik I bu^urs) was the
r (hence
In the Ashtar-khamd period he
often appears in historical sources together with the
diixan bigi [q i below] who was the second figure
in the government He could be at the same time
governor of a province atahk \ alangtush Biv who
was hakim of Samarkand in the fust half of the 17th
was a semi-independent ruler There was also besides
him, an atahk of the kh in s heir lesiding in Balkh
the reign of 'Ubavd Mlah Khan (1114-23/1702-11)
the kosh begi [q i ] became the head of the civil admin-
istration in Bukhira he being an official of mean
ongm — piobablv as an attempt oi the khan at cut-
ting down the influence of the Uzbek anstocracv
But the importance of the atahk did not diminish
alreadv earlier at the end of the 17th centurv the
atahk in Balkh became independent ruler of this
province and in the middle of the 18th centuiv
Muhammad Rahim Atahk of the Mangit [q i ] tribe
founded a new ruling dvnastv in Bukhira having
killed the last khan of the Ashtarkhamds Muhammad
Rahim was proclaimed khan in 1170/17% his uncle
and successor Damval Biv ( 1 172-99/1758-85) pre-
ferred to iemain atahk enthionmg puppet kh ins
of Cingizid origin but his son Shah Murad elimi-
nated these khans and proclaimed himself am;; which
later remained in Bukhara the title of the Mangit
iulers pai excellence In the administrative manual
Madftna' al arkam compiled under Shah Murad in
1212/1798 the post of atahk is defined as that oi
semoi amir who was charged specifitallv with over
sight of the irrigation of the Zarafshan vallev flom
Samarkand to Karakul and at the same time
was the mirab of the main citv canal of Bukhara
Rud-i Shahi as well as darugha [q i ] of the mbad
of Bukhara (see facsimile in Pis mtnmje pamyatmki
<<utoka 1968 Moscow 1970 50-1 cf A A Semenov
in \oiehkoye lostokoiedimg v [1948] 144-71 But
aheadv in the first half of the 19th centurv the
atalik became a purelv honorary lank (the highest
in the hieiarchv of 15 lanks in Bukhan) given verv
rarelv In 1 820 a semi-independent gov ernor of Hilar
father-in-law of the ami, had this rank (see
G Mevendorff \o-,ae_e d'Onnburg a Boukhara jait in
1820 Pans 182b 259 cf V L Vyatkin in
/ iesti}a 1rednta._iatskogo oldtla Russkoqo s,eogiafi
uskogo objhuitia xvin [1928] 20) in 1840 the atahk
was also a father-in-law of the ami, a rulei oi
Shahnsabz (see N Khamkov, Opuamye Bukhankoe,o
khansti a St Peteisburg 1843 185) Undei the last
two amirs onl\ the governor oi Hisar (who had also
the title kosh bey) was given the rank oi atalik
In the Khanate oi Khiwa atahk was onginalK
also a guardian and counselloi of the khan and oi
princes (sultans) who ruled in their appanages Abu
1-Ghazi [qi ] in his Shaajara u Tuik led Desmaisons
text 252 tr 269) sa\s about an atahk nn the mid-
dle of the 16th centuiv) that he was the mouth
tongue and will (aghij till na ikhtnan ) oi his suit m
Russian sources of the 17th centurv compare the
ataliki in Khiwa with the Russian bovars (see Uatmali
po utoni U bekskoy TadziLkoy i Turkminskoi SSR
Moscow Leningrad 1931 2bb) According to Mu'ms
[qi] (Firdaus alikbal MS of the Leningrad Branch
of the Institute of Oriental Studies C-571 f b5b)
Abu 1-Ghazi Khan reorganising the administration
of the khanate established posts of four atahks who
were members of the khan s council of 34 'amaldait,
Later thev were called the great atahk (ulugh atahk
cf ibid ff 112a 118b) thev represented four tribal
gioups (tupa) into which all Kh anzmian Uzbeks
were divided Uvghur and Navman Kungrat and
Kivat Mangit and Nukuz Kangh and Kipcak One
oi the great alahks was the atahk of the khan (see
ibid ff b9b 101b) In the first half of the 18th
centurv the atahk of the khan was a most powei-
ful figure in Khiwa but from the 1740s onwards
he was pushed somewhat into the backgiound bv
another digmtarv the inak [q i below] It is not
clear whether in the time of Abu 1-Ghazi there
existed onlv the four atahks mentioned bv Mu'ms
but in the middle of the 18th centuiv there was
f then
In 1740
inhabitants of Khiwa sent bv the Khiwan dignitanes
fiom the camp of Nadir Shih was signed bv eleven
atahks (see Giografuiskiy, Kiestna 1850 54b-7)
AppaientH alreadv at that time as in the 19th cen-
turv the title atahk wis given also to the chiefs of
the Uzbek tubes such an atahk was senior bn in
his tribe and his title was usuallv hereditarv though
it had to be confirmed bv the khan In the 19th
centurv this title was granted also as a purelv hon-
orarv distinction to some Tuikmen tubal chiefs (see
\u Bregel in Problimi lostokoiidemya 19t>0 No 1
171 cf idem Ahorcimkm twkmtm i \I\ uki Moscow
19bl 129) In 1859 this title was introduced also
foi the chiefs of the Karakalpak tubes isee \u
Biegel Dokuminti aikhua khiunskikh khanoi po istom i
itnogiafu kaiakalpakoi Moscow 1967 58) The num-
ber of the great atalik increased beioie 1873 fiom
lour to eight (see A L Kuhn s papers in the Archives
of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental
Studies file 1/13 105-b) As distinct fiom the other
tribal chiefs thev weie consideied among the umara
u 'a^am The atahk of the khin who in the 19th
centurv alwavs belonged to the khans tribe the
Kungrat [q i ] and was mostlv a relative of the kh in
was considered as the semoi amir m the khanate
in the first half of the 19th centurv he still exei-
cised some influence as the khans counsellor but
later this post lost its importance
Less is known about the lole of ataliki, in the
Khinate of Khokand [q z ] The ruler of Faighana
and the foundei of the Ming dvnastv of this khanate
Shihrukh Biv (earlv 18th centuiv) received the
title atahk from the khan of Bukhari (see V P
Nahvkin Hutoiu du khanat di Kliokand Pans 1889
ATALIK — ATAY
68). In the 19th century, governors of large provinces
(such as Tashkent and Khudjand) also sometimes
had this title; they could be not only Uzbeks:
Kana'at Shah Atalik, the governor of Tashkent in
1850s and early 1860s, was a Tadjik. Apparently,
the atalik in the Khanate of Khokand, as well as
in Bukhara of the same period, was considered
rather an honorary rank than an official post.
In Eastern Turkestan under the Caghatayids in
the 16th and 17th centuries, the title atalik pre-
served its original meaning. The governors of
provinces (princes of the ruling house), the khan's
heir and the khan himself had their ataliks, who
were always senior Turkic beks. The atalik of the
khan was at the same time the governor (hakim) of
Yarkand, and that of the heir the governor of Aksu
or Khotan (see Shah Mahmud Curas, Ta'rlkh, ed.
by O.F. Akimushkin, Moscow 1976, text 30, 52,
64 et passim). The ruler of the last independent
Muslim state in Eastern Turkestan \a'kub Bek
[q i ] stvled himself Atalik Ghazi apparently he
leceived the title of atalik on being sent fiom
Khokand to Kashghai as a counselloi ind guaidian
of Buzurg Kh adja
Bibliography In addition to the works men
tioned in the text see \ \ Baitold Soanemya
n/2 390 394 A A Semenov in Matenah po
istorn tadokoi I u^bekoi Sredney ioi n Stahnabad
1954 61 H Howorth The history of thi Mongols
n 869-70 G Doerfer Turkische und mongolnche
Elemente in Neupersisihen n 69 71 (No 490) MF
Kopiulu H art ita at the end
(\u Brecel)
ATAY Falih Rifki Tuikish writei journal
ist and politician (1894 1971) He was born in
Istanbul, the son of Khalfl Hilrm, an uncompromis-
ing traditionalist and imam of a mosque at Djibali on
the Golden Horn. He was educated at Merdjan high
school, where his teacher, the poet Djelal Sahir, encour-
aged him to publish his early poems, and at the Faculty
of Letters. His elder brother, a progressive officer, pro-
vided him with all the advanced literature from Namik
Kemal to Tewfik Fikret [q.iw.]. Falih Rifki began his
career as a journalist in 1912 in Husayn Djahid's [q.v.]
Tanin, the organ of the Committee of Union and
Progress (CUP), where he wrote once a week his
Istanbul mektublari ("Istanbul Letters)." These and his
later articles in the same paper during the Balkan War
were full of emotional, patriotic and anti-reactionary
spirit. After serving briefly in the chancery of the
Sublime Porte, he was appointed to the Private
Secretariat of Tal'at Pasha [q.v.], then Minister of the
Interior, whom he accompanied on his trip to
Bucharest, whence he sent his first travel notes, a genre
in which he would later excel. He was at the same
time contributing to various periodicals, particularly
Shehbal. At the outbreak of the First World War he
was called up as a reserve officer and accompanied
Djemal Pasha [q.v.], the Commander of the Fourth
Army in Syria, as his adjutant and private secretary.
When Djemal Pasha returned to Istanbul as Minister
of the Navy, he appointed him deputy-director of his
secretariat which he combined with instructor at the
naval N.C.O.s' school. When at the end of the War
the CUP leaders fled the country, Falih Rifki found-
ed, with three of his friends, the daily Ahham, becom-
ing known as a staunch defender of the Nationalist
movement in Anatolia (1918-22) versus the journalists
who backed the collaborationist Istanbul government.
In the autumn of 1922 he left for Izmir, which
had just been liberated on 9 September, to meet
Mustafa Kemal Pasha who had invited him togeth
er with other prominent journalists Mustafa Kemal
told them that "the real battle is beginning now
and urged them to enter political life Elected deputy
for Bolu in 1923 Falih Rifki became the leadei
writer of the daih semi-official Hakimiyyet i millne
(later re-named litis) founded b\ Mustafa Kemal
He remained in Parliament for 27 vears until the
defeat of the Republican People s Pai tv in the gen-
eral elections of 14 Mav 1950 when he mo\ed to
Istanbul and wrote a weekh column in Cumhunyet
until he founded his own daiK Dunya which he
published until his death in Istanbul on 20 March
1971.
Essentially a journalist and always concerned with
the "topical", Ata\ had liteiarv talents far beyond
those of a routine journalist He excelled in the
essay, sketches, tia\el notes and autobiogiaphical
writing. An anti-tiaditionahst and a dedicated
Kemahst he de\oted all his wilting caieei to defend
and support the lefoims achieved b\ the Republican
regime He fought relentlessly and uncompromis
inglv foi the suivival of a modern progressive and
seculai Turkev No mattei what he wiote about
the lesson which he diew iemained the same No
A great mastei of modern Turkish prose he used
like R Kh Karav and 'Oner Sevf el Din [qu ] the
spoken Turkish of ordinary people and wrote in a
concise but vivid colourful and verv personal stvle
caiefulK avoiding all artificialities of the earhei gen
eiations of writers Except for certain doubts towards
the end of his life Ata\ was a gieat suppoiter of
the language refoim movement revived by govern
ment support in the 1930s and his handling of the
reformed language became the model for young writ-
ers until the appearance of Nur Allah Atac [q.v.
above], the linguistic and literary "guru" of the gen-
erations between the 1940s and late 50s. It is per-
haps because of this fascinating style that his readers
are seldom worried about the lack of depth in some
of his writings, which brilliantly observe, describe
and report, but do this without much sophistication.
Atay is the author of more than thirty works, but
the great bulk of his essays and articles published
in newspapers and periodicals have not yet been
published in book form. His major works are: (1)
Atesh we gunesh (1918) and Zeyiindagi (1932), the two
published in one volume as ^evtindagi (1970), impres-
sions of the First World War 'in Palestine and Syria
which are powerful sketches of the end of the
Ottoman Empire; Deniza^in (1931), lent Rusya (1931),
Tqymis kiyilan (1934), Tuna kiyilan (1934), Hind (1944)
are evocative travel notes on respectively Brazil, Soviet
Russia, England, the Balkans and India; Gezerek gorduk-
lenm (1970), selections from travel notes; Qankaya (in
two vols., 1961, revised one volume edition, 1969)
is the most important and comprehensive of Atay's
many books on Ataturk and his achievements. It has
powerful sketches of Ataturk and interesting charac-
ter-studies of the many people of his time. The sec-
ond edition has been substantially altered in places
and anti-Inonu passages have been bor-rowed from
Y.K. Karaosmanoglu's political memoirs (Pohlikada
45 yil, 1968; and introduced here to discredit the
former Commander of the Western Front during the
War of Liberation, both writers having broken with
Ismet Inonu, for political reasons, towards the end
of their lives; Ba§veren mkilapfi (1954), a monograph
on 'All Su'avT (1839-78), the controversial writer and
revolutionary.
100
Bibliography. Baki Suha Ediboglu, Falih Rifh
ay konu;uyor, Istanbul 1945; B. Necatigil, Edebiyat-
izda isimler sozlugti, Istanbul 1975, s.v.; Tahir Alangu,
Turk esen, ii, Istanbul 1974, 1124-31
(Faf
: Iz)
ATHATH (a.), furniture. The Arabic language
lacks terms adequate to express the concept of fur-
niture. Taking into account the mutual overlapping
of the notions of "furniture", "table-ware", "carpets",
"household objects" and "utensils", Arabic frequently
has recourse to approximative terms and to broader
categories (combinations of two expressions, for exam-
ple (fanh - carpets, bedding and furniture; ala =
crockery and household objects; farsh and ala may be
literally, belongings, various household objects and
(especially in modern Arabic) furniture; fanh and athath
may be used in combination; mala' = personal prop-
In the mediaeval Muslim home, life was conducted
relatively close to the ground. Meals were served to
the diners in a kind of "serving-dish" with or with-
out legs (the receptacle being separable from its sup-
port or not, as the case might be) which was laid
on a carpet on the floor. The diners did not have
individual plates but served themselves directly from
the dish placed on a low table (khuwan, ma'ida. daybok,
majority of these terms indicating a very small round
table; some, like simat, a low oblong table) each of
them sitting on a "seat" adapted to the appropriate
height (a cushion [witada, mirfaka, luk'a, miuvara,
numiuk, and even mikhadda which was originally a
pillow], a pair of cushions super-imposed, a cushion
folded in two, the carpet itself, etc.). The table was
removed from the room as soon as the meal was
completed.
It is understandable that such scenes should have
misled western travellers and even some oriental-
ists who described the interior of the Muslim house-
hold as being "empty", "uninhabitable", etc.,
without considering that the dimensions of furni-
ture are frequently adapted to the wav of life, to
the manner of sitting, and to taste. However it
would be incorrect to suppose that all mediaeval
Arabic furniture was low. Carpenters and other
craftsmen constructed trestles and benches of a fair
height for various purposes outside the private
house; they also made chairs with legs of wood or
si] and throne-like seats [sarir, lakht),
rangerr
al in the Middle' Ages and it focussed attention on
the person seated there la prince, the head of the
family, sometimes an ordinary individual) in rela-
The hierarchy of heights in sitting (on a throne, on
a high stool, on two superimposed cushions, on one
cushion folded in two, on a single ordinary cushion,
on the carpet itself, on the ground, this last position
indicating humiliation, humility or mourning) only reflects
the categories and class-distinctions of etiquette. Another
aspect of the stratification of classes is reflected in the
range of materials and qualities: beds with legs, a sign
of luxury, beds without frames, and lower down the
scale the martaba, a good-quality mattress stuffed with
down, simple mattresses laid on the ground and serv-
ing as a bed at night, simple mattresses, mats and car-
pets for sleeping on, piles of rags and scraps of clothing
for the same purpose (only the poorest slept on the
ground); cushions and pillows stuffed and covered
with choice materials, silk for example, and at the other
end of the scale, rags or simply a stone serving as pil-
The very high "western style" thrones such as those
appearing in Umayyad iconography, seem to have
been copied from Byzantine models and do not reflect
true conditions in the court (see V. Strika, in AIUON
xiv/2 (1964), 729-59); but cf. O. Grabar, in Studin
in memory of Gaston Wirt, Jerusalem 1977, especially
53-6, who puts into perspective the remarkable devel-
opment of etiquette already taking place in the
Umayyad court). According to mediaexal texts,
another kind of throne, a long sofa for reclining, was
quite widely known in the courts of the Umayyads,
of the 'Abbasids and of local princes I such as the
Ikhshidids). The sovereign could invite a friend to sit
beside him, on the same sarir (hence quite a long
seat); he could alternatively recline on it. The over-
lapping of the concepts mattress-seat-throne-bed (for
example, from the Persian; lakht can mean any of
the following: board, seat, throne, sofa, bed, calcu-
lating tablet, chest or box) did not prevent the evo-
lution of ceremonial and the differentiation of functions
or for private audience, feasts etc.) from establishing
or re-establishing in usage thrones and narrow seats
(of Persian manufacture, for example) and long and
more elaborate thrones. Towards the end of the
3rd/9th and the beginning of th
the t
■ fashio
vith frai
able i
■ (for re.
high s
nd
sleeping)
among the bourgeoisie. The belief of
talists that the bed did not exist in the mediaeval
Muslim world is only partially correct: unsprung mat-
the Cairo Geniza, many mattresses are to be found
serving as relatively inexpensive beds; among the
dowries of young brides there is mention of a very
small number of beds with frames, extremely expen-
sive, and between these two categories is the marta-
ba, which would correspond in ' function with the
To return to the subject of tables: ma'ida, khuwan
and sufra are synonymous: they refer to the small east-
ern "table", the first two to a solid "table" (the attempts
on the part of mediaeval philologists to differentiate
between them were quite arbitrary) while the third
in the context of the Kur'an and its commentaries
and in certain passages in the literature of hadith) was
applied to a skin stretched out on the ground and
serving, not only among the early Bedouins, but also
in circles of sedentary Arabic civilisation, various func-
tions in the home and in the country (in dialect, sufra
is an ordinary table and mfiadjj is a waiter in a restau-
rant or a cafe). This is one of the characteristic cases
which raises the question whether the continuity of
sedentary habits (from the Persians, Byzantines, from
the ancient Syrian and Egyptian stocks, etc.) was an
exclusive characteristic of daily life in the mediaeval
Muslim world, in the sense that it is reflected in the
use of furniture, and if there was not here a mini-
mal contribution on the part of the Bedouin element,
betrayed in the spread of ancestral customs through
the disappearance of the high furniture of the By-
,-our of the low furniture
which t
isted i
■-Syrian and 'Iraki centres, as is re-
vealed by the mediaeval lexicographers and com-
mentators (tustkhuwan and fathiir, for example).
Nevertheless, specimens of wooden furniture from
ATHATH — ATHUR
the Middle Ages are available to us and we have
ceramic objects designed to imitate them (supports
sometimes containing cavities to accommodate jugs,
lesembling the supports-plus-shelves attested bv the
texts some of these still exist todav rmrja' or kitni-
plus-ilmyya, in various Muslim lands King far apart
from one anotherl, iconography also shows a ceitain
standaidisation, in spite of legional stvles of wav of
life and of taste thioughout the whole of the Muslim
world (household objects, such a:
poit
d froi
jntry t
another
The mediaeval Muslims made use of a whole iange
of chests, cases and boxes Uunduk, takht, kamtara,
mukaddima, sajat), as well as iecesses and racks (rufuf ),
but thev had no cupboards as such
The Mongols introduced the use of a higher type
of square table, but the essential nature of the "ori-
ental style" wav of life has been pieserved up to the
verv thieshold of the modern age (Turkish and Persian
miniatures attest this, grosso modo). Even in the 19th
and early 20th centuries, travellers, writers and ori-
entalists (E. Lane for Egypt, Lortet for Syria, E. Jaussen
for Palestine, for example) were still describing such
a way of life; some elements (such as beds with frames)
introduced from abroad, or under foreign influence,
were still called fiandji in certain semi-urban centres,
at the beginning of the present century. The modern
age has made fashionable the use of European style
furniture and the original form of the "oriental" way
of life, with its abundant taste and comfort, has
tended to disappear.
Bibliography: J. Sadan, Le mobilier au Proche-Orient
medieval, Leiden 1976 (esp. the bibliographical index,
155-691. (J. Sadan)
ATHUR, modern Kal'at SharkAt, a large
ancient mound on the west bank of the River
Tigris in the vilayet of Mawsil, about 250 km. north
of Baghdad and about 100 km. south of Mawsil, in
35° 30' N and 45° 15' E. It is strategically placed
on a spur of the Djabal Hamrm and is identified
with Ashur, one of the capital cities of ancient Assyria.
In the middle of the 3rd millennium, it was occu-
pied by migrator)' tribes coming either from the west
or the south, and was venerated as the religious and
sometime political centre of Assyria until it was
captured by the Babylonians in 614 B.C. This battle
devastated the city and it was not reoccupied as a
city again. Ashur is the name not only of the place
but also of the local deity, and it occurs in Akka-
dian, Aramaic and Greek sources. The site was known
by the Turks under the name Toprak Kal'e, "Earth
Citadel". The meaning of the element shmkat in the
Arabic name is not known, but it is probably to be
explained as an independent proper name. It is not
mentioned by Arab geographers; the earliest reference
to it is in the 18th century, and it is the name used
by later Western travellers.
The site was described by C.J. Rich, who visited
it in March 1821, and it was subsequently investi-
gated by J. Ross (1836), W. Ainsworth with E.L.
Mitford, A.H. Layard and H. Rassam (1840), and
again by Layard and Rassam (1847) on behalf of
the British Museum, when an important statue of
Shalmaneser III (858-825 B.C.) was found. In 1849,
after excavations by J. Talbot, J. Oppert, E. Hincks
and H.C. Rawlinson, an inscribed historical prism
recording the history of the reign of Tiglath Pilesar
III (744-727 B.C.) was found, and two duplicate
copies of this inscription were discovered by Rassam
in 1853 in further British Museum excavations under
the general supervision of Rawlinson. Several inscrip-
tions fiom the reign of Adad Nirari III (810-783
BC) were discovered by G. Smith in 1873. The
most rigorous excavation of the site was conducted
between 1903-13 by the Deutsche Orient Gesellschaft,
fust bv R. Koldewy and then by W. Andrae and
others, which followed the presentation of the site
to Kaiser Wilhelm II by Sultan <Abd al-Harmd II.
To the north and east the site is naturally pro-
tected by the river and the escarpment, and the only
necessary fortifications were buttressed walls. Sen-
nacherib (704-681 B.C.) records the building of a
semicircular sallyport tower of rusticated masonry
which is probably the earliest of its kind. To the
south and west it was more heavily fortified. After
an early period of dependence upon the south dur-
ing the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112-2004 B.C.), it
begins a separate history. Evidence about life in Ashur
lor the earliest period comes from the documents of
an Assyrian group of traders working in Anatolia at
the ancient city of Kanesh, modern Kultepe, in
Turkey, but the earliest palace is that of Shamshi
Adad I (1813-1781 B.C.), and spacious private hous-
es with family vaults beneath the floors have been
found in the north-western area. Much of the histo-
ry of this period has to be reconstructed from an
archive of the letters of Shamshi Adad which were
discovered at Mari (modern Tell Harm) in eastern
Syria. He controlled Ashur after it had been subject
to Naram Sin of Eshunna (modern Tell Asmar).
Although he did not use Ashur as his capital city,
preferring Shubat Enlil (modern Chagar Bazar), he
did build there a temple to Enlil, the local god of
Nippur (modern Niffar), and the one who tradition-
ally named the king and entrusted to him the sym-
bols of royal power.
During the period of Cassite domination in
Mesopotamia, Puzur Ashur III (ca. 1490 B.C.), made
a treaty with Burnaburiash I of Babylon, and in Ashur
he records rebuilding part of the Ishtar temple and
a section of the southern city wall. Building opera-
tions of this kind are often recorded on clay cones
which were inserted between the courses of the new
brickwork. Ashur Nadin Akhe II (1402-1393 B.C.)
secured Egyptian support for his country and received
gifts of gold from the Pharaoh.
Official lists of the Assyrian kings have been found
and these are an essential source for establishing a
framework of the classical history of the site. They
often contain more than fifty names and record the
length of each reign. Other lists record the names
of the temples there, but only a few of the 34
mentioned have actually been identified. The archi-
tectural features of these early buildings are similar
to those of Old Babylonian buildings, but the length-
ening of the sanctuary on its main axis and the posi-
deep recess are distinctively
The traditional founder of the Assyrian empire was
Ashur Uballit (1365-1330). At the beginning of his reign
he was subject to Tushratta of Mitanni, but in 1350,
with the help of Suppliluliumas, the Hittite king, he
was able to attack and annexe the Mitanni areas in
northeast Mesopotamia. Ashur Uballit called himself
sarru rabu, the great king, equal in status to the Pharaoh,
and was a severe threat to the Babylonians. Two of
his letters to Akhnaten have been preserved in the
famous archive from Tell al-Amarna, Egypt (see
Knudtzon (1915), nos. 15-16). He called his country
mat Auur, the Land of Ashur, while the older name of
Subartu was used by the Babylonians, possibly in a
deprecatory' sense. Even so, Assyrian royal inscriptions
are composed in the Babylonian dialect of Akkadian
because, presumably, such language had a traditional
air of refinement. His son Enlil Nirari (1329-1320 B.C.)
fought against Babvlon, and \iik Din Hi (1319-1308
BC) haiassed the \khlamu the Semitic tribes to the
west Adad Nnaii I (1307-1275 B C ) bv his battles
uith the Cassites and the Mitanm was e\entuallv able
to unite Mesopotamia into an empne but the ternto-
rv he gained was latei eioded because ot the use ot
the Hittites and the unsatisfactc m defences against the
tubes to the east
Shalmanesei I (1274-1245 BC) recoids building
a new loval citv in the north at kalkhu (modem
Birs Nimiud) and his son Tukulti Ninurta I (1244-
1208 BC) also built a new lesidente but much
neaier just to the noith-east which he named Kar
Tukulti Ninuita, the Quay of Tukulti Ninurta (mod-
em Tulul '\krl He lecoids having captuied Maiduk
god of Babvlon and a figure of pnmarv importance
in Babvloman mvthologv who was later to be
assimilated into Assyrian versions of lehgious texts
Despite these alternative capitals Ashur was still
10th century BC it was ovei shadowed bv Kalkhu
i Nmev
s from
chose these
to admimst
The citv was attacked and devastated bv the
Babvloman mlei Nabopolassai i625-605 B C i in 614
BC two vears befoie he destroyed Nineveh and
there is onlv scantv documentation fiom which to
reconstiuct the historv ot this impoitant site Undei
the Babvlomans, it was piobablv onlv sparselv inhab-
ited for Cvius the Gieat when he conquered Babvlon
in 5W
'To t
of the Til
tuanes of which have been mins for a long time I
leturned the images which used to live thenn and
established foi them permanent sanctuanes (horn the
Ctnu Cthndir, the basic histoncal source tot the Persian
conquest of Babvlon) The name occurs again in the
Old Persian text of the Bikistun Inscription but tht onlv
other insciiptional evidence tomes from Aramaic
documents from the site these used to be dated to
the Parthian period and taken as evidence that the
names ot the old Assyrian gods survived in the com-
munity until the 3rd century \D but thev are now
said to come fiom the 7th century BC As a geo-
graphical name Athura may refer simply to the
town but in Gieek souices it is clear that Aioupia
iefeis to the whole northern aiea The site seems def-
initely to have declined in impoitance undei the
Sasamds and Athor in Svnac indicates simply a parish
which continued until the late Middle Ages
The \iab geographers lefei to Athur (sometimes
written \kur) it is, howevei, defined bv them not as
modern Kal'at Shaikat but as an earhei name foi
Mawsil and also as the name of the province which
was later called al-DjazTra [q<)] The min associated
with the name is described as near to al-Salamiv-v a
4 km N\\ of Nimrud Thev also make the obser-
vation that al-Djazira which practically coincides in
area with Assyria is a name derived from Athur
^though it is clear that a ruin was still known at
this site the name Athur has been tiansfened eiro-
neously to the ruin neai al-Salamiyy a this tians-
position was influenced bv the fact that there weie
two famous capitals of Assyria in the north and is
similar to the case of Baghdad which travellers of
the Middle Ages until Pietro della Valle (1616-17)
considered to be the site of ancient Babylon. According
to Layard (1853), 165, the hill in the corner of the
mins of Nimrud was still called "Tell \thur"
tion ot the name Shaikat betoie the nanatives ol
Emopean traveller Rich (1821) mentions it and it
is descubed moie tullv by Lavard (1849) * who
says We enteied Mosul on 10th \pnl 1846 During
which have been geneiallv believed to be the remains
ol Nineveh We rode also into the deseit and
exploied the mound of Kalah Shergat a vast ruin
on the Tigns about hftv miles below its ]unction
with the Zab He did not identify it with \shui
all he could sav was \ few fragments of potteiy
and inscribed bucks discoveied aftei a careful seaich
amongst the mbbish which had accumulated aiound
the base of the gieat mound seived to prove that
founded the citv ot which Nimrod is the lemains
\tot at) But latei dining the river trip tiom Mawsil
to Baghdad he was told of a connection in folk-
dam in the nvei The Aiab explained the con-
nection between the dam and the citv built bv Athur
the lieutenant of Nimiod the vast mins of which
were then before us and its purpose as a causeway
foi the mighty hunter to cioss to the opposite palace
now repiesented by tht mound ot Hammam \h
villages
Today the site is situated on the edge ot the
rainfall zone so that aguculture iehes on artificial
nngation Local inhabitants often iely on employ
ment outside the village to supplement then income
and some of the men and bovs have become
particularly skilful assistants for archaeological exca-
vations Most of the settled population belong to
the Djubur tribe although the shmlh of this bianch
lives at Kavvaia tuither up the valley there is a
mansion at Shaikat 8 km north of the site belong-
ing to Shavkh Adjil al-\awir ot the Shammar The
n densit
f the a
i per
km
Bibliogiaphy Foi i geneial topographical
description of tht area see Admiralty Intelligence
Division Geographical Handbook Iraq and tht Pirsicm
Gulf London 1944 R Dussaud Topographic histonqui
de la S,nc antiqui ct midinak Pans 1927 and G
Ichalenko I illaga, antique!, di la >nne du \oid Pans
1953 The site itself is tullv described by E Unger
m E Ebehng and B Meissnei Rcallcxicon de,
iwiologti Leipzig 1928 170-96 but for an accu-
late histoncal assessment more modem woiks
should be consulted See in geneial IES Edwards
(/ alii leds ) Cambridge •inatnt Hi\ton Cambndge
1973 Pait n Ch 1 (bv JR Kupperj Ch 2 (bv
MS Drower) and Ch 5 (by C J Gadd) and more
specifically D Oates Audits m thi amunt hnton of
\orthim Iraq London 19b8
The othcial reports of the excavations are given
bv W \ndiae with others as indicated in the fol-
lowing volumes of Mitteilungcn da Deuhihin Omni
Cnselhchajt xx (1903 R Koldewy) xxi xxii xxv (1904)
xxvi-xxix(1905) xxxi-xxxmfl90b), xxxin xvxvi xxxvn
(with J Jordan) (1908) xl xln (1909, with J Jordan)
xlm-xhv (1910) xlv xlvii(1911) xlvm-xlix (1912 with
J Joidan) h (19M with P Maiesch) liv 1 1014
ATHUR — AWRABA
with H. Luhrs and H. Lucke); lxi (1921); lxiii (1924);
lxxi (1932, HJ. Lenzen); lxxii (1935) and lxxvi (1938).
A series of monographs by Andrae and others have
been published in the following volumes of
Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen
Onentgesellschaft: x (1909); xxiii (1913); xxiv (1913); xxxix
(1922); lvii (with HJ. Lenzen, 1933); lviii (1935); xlvi
(1924); liii(1931).
In the same series, editions of the cuneiform
texts discovered at the site have been published
as follows: xvi (1911) and xxxvii (1922) by
L. Messerschmidt and O. Schroeder; xxviii and
xxiv (1915-23) by E. Ebeling; xxxv (1920) by
Schroeder; lxiv (1954) and lxvi (1955) by C. Preusser;
lxv (1954) and lxvii (1955) by A. Haller; lxii (1956)
by F. Wetzel and others. The Aramaic ostraca and
tablets were published originally by M.M. Lidz-
barsky, also in the same series, xxxviii (1921), but
the more recent edition by H. Donner and
\V. Rollig, Kanaandische und ammaische Inschriften, 2nd
ed., Wiesbaden 1969, Texts 233 and 234-6, should
The Arab geographers referring to the site are
as follows: Ibn Rustih, 104, tr. Wiet, 115, equat-
ing Athur with Mawsil; and Yakut, i, 119, 16; 340,
5; 1
(. For E
it Akur
e ibid..
, 72, 13;
al-Mukaddasi, 20, 3 (see also 27, 10, and
For [Djazlrat] Akur as an older name for the
Djazlra. see also Le Strange, Tlie lands of the Eastern
Caliphate, 86.
For the records of early travellers, see C.J.
Rich, .Narrative of a residence in Koordistan, London
1836, ii, 137 ff.;J. Ross, in JRGS, ix (1839), 451-
3; W. Ainsworth with A.H. Layard and EX.
Mitford, in JRGS, xi (1842), 4-8; Layard, Nineveh
and its remains, London 1849, ii, 45-63, 245, 581;
idem, Discoveries in the rums of Nineveh and Babylon,
London 1853; V. Place, Ninive et VAssyrie, Paris
1867-70; H. Rassam, Asshur and the land of Nimrod,
New York 1897. (M.E.J. Richardson)
ATISH, Khwadja Haydar <AlI (d. 1263/1847),
Urdu poet, was born in Faizabad (Faydabad [q.i'.~\j
probably around 1191/1778, according to A.L.
Siddtkl (see Bib/., below). His ancestors are said to
have originated in Baghdad, whence they came to
Dihlr. His father moved from there to Faydabad and
died during the poet's youth. As a result, Atish's for-
mal education was curtailed, though he supplemented
it by avid reading. In early manhood, he led the
life of a fop and a roue, and carried a sword. But
his aptitude for poetry was noticed, and he was taken
to Lucknow. There he was trained by the poet
Shaykh Ghulam Hamadanl MushafT, and was soon
recognised as a leading ghazal poet, along with his
chief rival, Shaykh Imam Bakhsh Nasikh. Such poet-
ical rivalries were a familiar feature of Lucknow cul-
tural and social life, but — as we see in the case of
Atish — they did not always involve personal ani-
mosity. Indeed, he ceased to write poetry after the
death of his rival.
Modern critics regard Atish as the greater poet of
the two. Urdu ghazal, as he found it, tended to be
rich in vocabulary and ornate in style, with sim-
iles, metaphors, and other rhetorical devices which
were at times far-fetched and exaggerated. Ideas were
largely stereotyped, with much concentration on the
physical features of the beloved such as tresses
(zulf) and face (rukhsar) as in Persian models. Atish
seems to have been an independent-minded eccentric
in his private life, and this is reflected in his poetry
to some extent. He would not write poetry for patron-
age, though he accepted a small pension from the
King of Oudh (Awadh [q.r.]). He spurned wealth, liv-
ing like a dervish in a broken-down house. He was
humble to the poor but haughty to the wealthy. In
his verse, he was not a great innovator, but neither
was he a slavish imitator of time-honoured poetical
techniques. Thus while he did not radically change
the form and style of ghazal, he frequently appears
less artificial than his predecessors and contemporaries,
writing in a more natural language nearer to every-
day speech as used by the educated of Lucknow; per-
haps his lack of formal education encouraged this
tendency. He was criticised for using non-literary turns
of phrase, and mis-spelling Arabic words — the latter
perhaps deliberately, in the interests of rules of prosody,
or to reflect actual pronunciation of these words in
Urdu. In short, we at times sense spontaneity and
even sincerity in his verse, and his literary language
became accepted as a model. His poetical output of
over 8,000 verses is practically entirely composed of
Bibliography: Atish's poetry was published orig-
inally in two dtwans — the first in 1845 in Lucknow
under the poet's supervision; the second, which con-
tains many of his best poems, was published in the
same city after his death by his pupil, Mir Dust
'Air KhaM in 1268/1851. Many editions of his
collected poetry have since been published, for
example the Kulliyyat in Cawnpore 1871 and 1884.
There is a useful introduction by Zahir Ahmad
Siddlki in Kulliyyal-i Atish, Allahabad' 1972. Short
critical accounts of the poetry will be found in
Muhammad Husayn Azad, Ab-i hayat, 379-93 in
the Lahore edition of 1950; Abu '1-Layth Siddlki,
Lakhnau ka dabistdn-i-sha'irl, Lahore 1955, 525-41;
Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu literature, London
1964, 138; and Ram Babu Saksena, History of Urdu
literature, Allahabad 1927, 111-13; Further" informa-
tion may be found in Shaykh Ghulam Hamadani
MushafT, Riyad al-fusaha', Dihll 1934, 4-9; Karim
al-Din and Fallon, Tadhkira-i-shu'ard'-i-Hind, Dihlr
1838, 354; SafTr Balgraim, Qjalwa-i-khidir, 2 vols.,
Ara, Bihar 1882, ii, 106 f; KVadja 'Abd al-Ra'Of
'Ishrat LakhnawT, Ab-i bakd", Lucknow 1918, 11-
19, 170-7; Memoirs of Delhi and Faizabad, English tr.
of Fayd Bakhsh, Ta'rikh-i-farah bakhsh, Allahabad
1889, 266-302; and I'djaz Husayn, Kalam-i-Atish,
Allahabad 1955; For a general picture of Lucknow
cultural life in the first half of the 19th century,
see Abdul Halim Sharar, tr. E.S. Harcourt and
Fakhir Husain, Lucknow: the last phase of an oriental
culture, London 1975.
For further bibliographical material, see Khalll
al-Rahman A'zami and Murtada Husayn Fadil, art.
Atish, in Urdu 'Encyclopaedia of Islam, Lahore 1962 flf.,
i, 10-14. (J.A. Haywood)
ATLANTIC [see al-bahr al-muhit].
AVARICE [see bukhl].
AVRAM CAMONDO [see camondo].
AWRABA, a Berber tribe of Morocco. Ibn
Khaldun, 'Ibar, Fr. tr. de Slane, i, 286, provides all
the information which we have on the early history
of this tribe, which formed part of the sedentary
Baranis [q.v.]. Certain of these appear to have been
Christians. At the time of the Muslim conquest, they
held the premier place among the North African
Berber tribes because of their forcefulness and the
bravery of their warriors. Ibn Khaldun also gives us
the names of the tribe's main branches and those
AWRABA — AYATULLAH
of the most outstanding chiefs whom thev had before
the Arabs' arrival. The celebrated Kusayla [q.v.], who
was probably a Christian, is said to have been their
amir, as of all the Baranis. He rebelled, and was
defeated and killed in 62/682, and it was after his
death that the Awraba (or Awriba?) no longer directed
The tribe makes its real appearance in the history
of Morocco by making Shr'r doctrines triumphant
there, even though these were contrary to the Kharidji
ones embraced by the Berbers in the preceding cen-
tury. It was indeed under the protection of the Awraba
chief, Abu Layla Ishak b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-
HamTd, that the '.Mid fugitive Id'rTs I [q.v.] established
himself in 172/788 at Wallla, the ancient Roman
town (the present Volubilis), situated in the little moun-
tain massif of Zarhun, north of Meknes.
These mountain folk called themselves descendants
of the Awraba of the Aures, driven out of the cen-
tral Maghrib after Kusayla's death, as also were those
elements of the Awraba to be found in the regions
of the Zab [q.v.] and the Ouarsenis [q.v.].
Like several of the northern Moroccan tribes, the
Awraba professed Mu'tazili doctrines; they were
accordingly favourable to the 'Alids and regarded
the nomination of an imam as a necessary obliga-
tion for the community. This is why Abu Layla
could without difficulty have himself proclaimed sov-
ereign imam of his own tribe and of the neigh-
bouring tribes (4 Ramadan 172/5 February 789) a
few months after Idns's arrival in the Zarhun. The
Awraba then successfully took part in Idrls I's work
of Islamisation. Idrls II showed his gratitude badly
towards his father's benefactor, since he had him
/ith the .
al-Kay
t Idrls
s death (213/828) and after the disas-
trous division of Morocco between his sons, troubles
broke out within the principalities thereby established.
The Awraba and the Berber coalition put an end to
them (221/836) by giving allegiance to the nine-years
old 'All b. Muhammad, ruler of Fas, assuring tute-
lage over the kingdom till the young /mam's majority.
'Ali died after a peaceful reign of 13 years. New dis-
putes now divided Morocco between rival factions,
and finally, in 251/866, the Awraba recognised 'Air a
cousin, 'Air b. 'Umar.
Awraba were still in contact with the principality
of NukQr [q.v.], and in mediaeval times, they were to
be found in Algeria, at Nikaws (N'gaous) and in the
region of Bone. They never disappeared completely,
and re-appear in the historical texts, e.g. under the
Almohads; at first (559/1164) they espoused the cause
of a rebel and were opposed to the Almohads, but
then in 580/1184 rallied to them in order to go and
fight in Spain. They appear further under the
Mannids, being specially mentioned in the texts con-
cerning the meetings for the holy war in al-Andalus,
and one of them commanded the renowned "volun-
teers for the faith". In 707/1308, some Awraba chiefs
involved in the revolt of a pretender, were executed
on the orders of the sultan Abu Thabit, and their
bodies exposed in crucifixion on the encircling walls
of Marrakesh.
At the present time, some of their former tribes
(the Ladjaya, Mazyata and Raghiwa) are established
on the banks of the Wadr Wargha, to the north of
the Zarhun.
Bibliography: al-Nasin
Allah Gannun, al-Umara'
Maghnb, No. 33; and se.
;. Dev
A'YAS, a component group of the Meccan
clan of Umayya or 'Abd Shams, the term being
a plural of the founder's name, a son of Umayya
b. 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf b. Kusayy called al-
Ts or Abu 'l-'Is or al-'As(D or Abu 'l-'Asm or
'Uways, these being given in the genealogical works
as separate individuals, but doubtless in fact one
person (on the two orthographies al-'As and al-'Asi,
the former explicable as an apocopated Hidjazr form,
see K. Vollers, Volkspraihe itnd Schufhprachi im alien
Arabien, Strassburg 1906, 139-40). The group formed
a branch of the clan parallel to that of Harb b.
Umayya, from whom descended Abu Sufyan,
Mu'awiya [q.vv.] and the Sufyanids. Amongst the
sons of al-'As, etc., were 'Affan, father of the caliph
'Uthman [q.v.]: al-Hakam, father of the caliph
Marwan I [q.v.] and progenitor of the subsequent
Marwanids; Sa'rd [q.v.], governor of Kufa under
'Uthman and of Medina under Mu'awiya b. AbT
Sufyan; and al-Mughira, whose son Mu'awiya was
the mutilator of the Prophet's uncle Hamza b. 'Abd
al-Muttalib and the father of 'Abd al-Malik b.
Marwan's mother 'A'isha.
Because of the strenuous hostility shown to the
Prophet by al-'As ihe was killed, a pagan, at Badr)
and his son Mu'awiya, and because of al-Hakam 's
ambiguous role in the first years of Islam (as the
"accursed one" banished by the Prophet), the family
was often regarded by later Islamic sources with espe-
■mporai
-s of 'P
the Hashiim clan and the
nens, Mn'aivia I", in MFOB,
supporte
i (1906), 27-8.
Bibliography: see Ibn al-Kalbr-Caskel, Gamharat
an-nasab, i, Tab. 8, 9, ii, Register, 202; ZubayrT, Aasab
Kuwvsh, ed. Levi-Proven v al, 98-9; Ibn Duravd,
hhtikdk, ed. Wustenfeld, 45 ff, 103, ed. Cairo
1378/1958, 73 ff., 166; See also umayya b. 'abd
SHAMS. _ (C.E. BOSWORTH)
AYATULLAH iAyat Allah, current orthography
Ayatollah), a title with an hierarchical significance
used by the Imami, Twelver ShrTs, and mean-
ing literally "Miraculous sign lava [q.v.]) of God".
consider the
orked o
y the
been dictated by the doctrine that all political power —
even if exercised by a ShiT — is illegitimate during
the occultation of the Hidden Imam, it has only
been comparatively late, from the Saiawid period
(907-1135/1501-1722) onwards, that political theories
have taken shape and an hierarchy within the top
ranks of the muajtahids [q.v.] has been formed. After
their long disputes against the AkhbarTs [see
akhbariyya in Suppl.] and Sufis, the Usulrs [q.v.] in
the course of the 19th century elaborated the theory
according to which at every given moment there could
only be one unique mardia'-i taklid [q.v] "source of
imitation" (see Algar [1969], 5-11, 34-6, 162-5, etc.;
Binder, 124 ff.). This title of mardja'-i taklid [q.v.] was
subsequently applied retrospectively to numerous
mudiiahids (for lists of the na'ib-i 'amrrn, of the Hidden
Imam going back to Muhammad Kulayni, d. 329/940,
see Bagley [1972], 31; Fisher, 34-5; Hairi, 62-3).
During the 1960s, several discussions took place
Ayatullah — 'ayn al-kudAt al-hamadhanI
concei rung the manner of selectron and the functrons
of the mardfa' i laklid at the very time when the Avat
ullah Burudjirdi (d 1961) recognised as the sole
mardfa' I laklid bv the mass of Imami Shfis disap
peared (Algar [1972] 242 for some ieser\es about
this recognition see Binder 132) Dr
s leaders
and 1;
work c
Bahthi dar bara n mardia'iyyat la ruhamyyat dealing
in particular with Imami institutions and on links
with the political authority appeared at Teheran
in Decembei 19b2 (a brief analysis bv Lambton
121 35) After the disappearance of Burudjirdi — whose
attitude to politics had been one of quietism — the
institution of the mardjaiyyat seems to have spread out
widely (in 1976 there were six mardja i takhd: of hist
rank including the Ayatullah Khumavm Fisher 32)
Howe
fior
19b3 c
3und the Ayatullah
khumavm the mam religious opponent of the Pahlavi
regime (Algar [1972] 243) but it also seems that the
consensus over the mardja'mat I lull of the Ayatullah
Muhsin Hakim Tabataba i of Nadjaf (d 1970) was
at least partially leahsed in ca 196b (Baglev [1970]
78 n 7 this ayatullah enjoyed the favour of the Shah
see Algai [1972] 242 3)
From the time of the protest against the Tobacco
Concession (1891-2) the mard±a' i laklid— who at that
period resided in the holy places of Irak the "Atabat
[q t in Suppl ] —often took the lead in the fight of
opposition to h.adjar autocracv and to foreign dom
ination This association of the mudjtahids with poht
ical opposition seems to ha\e been clearer with the
grant of the title ayatullah In practice this lakab
seems first of all to ha\e designated the two great
leaders of the constitutional resolution the sayyidi,
'Abd Allah Bihbaham and Muhammad Tabataba'i
(Lughal nama yi Dihkhuda sv Ayatullah) It has since
been applied to numerous great muiitahidh (some-
:tivelv) independently it appears of
then
poht]
titude
It i
ent usage (but n
3t in the actual hierarchv) certain
nv and everv akhund (this latter
rm tending desf
ite its pejorative character to sup
plant that of mulla)
As with that of mardja' i laklid attribution of the
title is abo\e all a question of opinion In effect above
the title of mudjtahid the lev el of respect accorded and
the religious chief s charisma depend on the consen
sus of the mass of faithful The ayatullah is placed at
the top of the hieiarchv amongst the elite of the
great mudjtahidi, <\t the summit of all is to be found
the ayatullah al u^ma (the greatest miraculous sign of
God ) the supieme mard}a' i laklid oi mudjtahid This
rank seems to ha\e been first of all accorded to
Burudjirdi (Binder 132) There seems also to be at
kum a limited soit of college which makes decisions
about the title (ibid 134) This clearly reinforces the
position of kurn which has become the symbolic
capital of Iian since the Ayatullah khumaym s leturn
(the title Imam sometimes applied to him seems to be
taken fiom 'Iraki usage)
Although thev aie sometimes of modest ongin
the gieat majontv oi ayatullah are now sayyids (where-
as the great 'ulama' of the past were not alwavs
fiom this class) Marriages and alliances tradition-
ally reinfoice the strength of religious leadership (see
Fischer genealogical tables 33-4) Whethei he be
mardia' i takhd oi not the ayatullah exceicises a dou
ble role of manage! within his sphere of activity
On the administrative level he tontiols the levying
of various lehgious taxes the direction of pious gifts
and property in mortmain (uakj [q i ] controlled bv
the state under the Pahlavi regime) the distribution
of various grants and alms the administration of
centres of learning etc on the intellectual and spir
ltual level he is responsible for education His influ-
ence on the social level is limited bv his faithful
followers the students and those who bring their
financial support to him (Fisher 41)
The role and influence of the Iranian ayatullah are
now very diverse Their prerogatives have increased
through the progressive installation of an Islamic
Republic since the events of winter 1978-9 But despite
the abolition of the monarchv thev are inevitablv
subject to all the hazards of political power and to
the pressures of antagonistic forces (secularism com
munism the growth of nationalisms religious partic
ulansms etc ) There is at least one ayatullah in each
province and several in each main centre of religious
teaching (haudayi 'dmi) Thus there are 14 tradi-
tional madrasah at kum directed bv ayatullah of whom
some have attained the rank of mardja' I takhd (Fisber
table 23)
Bibliography (for works in Persian difficult to
find outside Iian see the bibliographies cited bv
Algar Baglev Fisher and Hain) \ K S Lambton
i monsidiration of the position oj the marja' al taqlid and
the religious institution in St hi xx (19b4) 115-35
L Binder The proofs of Islam religion and politus in
Iran in Arabic and Islamic studies in honor oj Hamilton
1R Gibb ed G Makdis! Leiden 1%5 118 40
H Algar Religion and state in Iran 1785 1906
Berkelev Los Angeles 1 9b9 idem The oppositional
role of the Ulama ,n tiienlielh century Iran in Scholars
saints and Sufis ed N R keddie Berkelev Los
Angeles 1972 23155 (see also NR keddie The
roots of the Ulama s pouer m modem Iran in ibid 211-
29 first published in St hi xxix [1969] 31 53)
F R C Baglev Religion and the state in modem Iran
I in Attes du I Congres international d arabisants el
islamisants Brussels 1970 75-88 // in Proceedings of
tht Mth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies \ lsbv-
Stockholm 1972 ed F Rundgren Uppsala 1975
31 44 MJ Fisher The Qum report an anthropologi
cat account oj contemporary Shiism draft (typewritten
leport) Julv 1976 Abdul Hadi Hain Shi'ism and
constitutionalism in Iran Leiden 1977
_(J_ Calmard)
'AYN al-KUPAT u. HAMADHANI Abd Allah
b \bi Bakr al Mi\anadji Shafi'i junst and
Sufi maitvr born at Hamadhan in 492/1098
Bom of a line of scholars he studied Aiabic gram
mar theology philosophy and law and as an already
precocious scholar began writing his books at the
age of 14 Also at the approach of pubertv he
became a convert to Sufism In 517/1123 at the
age of 25 he seems to have met <\hmad al Ghazah
brother of the great theologian Muhammad al
Ghazah who initiated him into Sufi meditation and
e Muhammad b Hammuya
His spiritual reputation soon gained him manv
disciples and he spent all his time in oial and writ-
ten teaching sometimes going beyond the limits of
his phvsical stiength foi this and having then to
letire for two or three months for lecupeiation
His activities soon pro\oked the hostility of the
orthodox theologians Provoked bv his teachings on
the natuie of sainthood and prophethood and on
submission to the Sufi shaykh and objecting to his
'AYN al-KUDAT al-HAMADHANI — 'AYN al-MULK MULTANl
usage of Sufi terminology which gave the impres-
sion that he himself laid claim to prophetic powers,
they brought an accusation of heresy against him
before the Saldjuk vizier in 'Irak, who imprisoned
him in Baghdad. It was there that he wrote his
apologia, the Shakwa 'l-gharlb. Some months later he
was set free and returned to Hamadhan, but short-
ly afterwards, at the time of the Saldjuk sultan
Mahmud's arrival (reigned 511-25/1118-31), he was
executed in a barbarous manner during the night of
6-7 Djumada II 526/6-7 May 1131 'at the age of
33. His premature death seems to have prevented
Hamadhani from founding a Sufi monastery, setting
up a Sufi group and designating a successor; nev-
ertheless, his numerous works, written in a line style,
have always found an audience.
His published works include his Shakwa 1-gharTb 'an
al-awtan ild 'ulama' al-buldan, an apologia in Arabic
(ed. and Fr. tr. Mohammed ben Abd-el-Jalil, in JA
(1930), 1-76, 193-297; ed. 'Afif 'Usayran, Musannafat-
i 'Ayn al-Kudat al-Hamadhanl, Tehran 1341/1962; Eng.
tr. AJ. Arberrv, A Sufi martyr, the apologia of 'Am al-
Qudat al-Hamadhanl, London 1969); Risala-yi Lawa'ih,
on mystic love, in Persian, ed. Rahim Farmanish,
Tehran 1337/1958; Z^dal al-haka'ik, in Arabic, ed.
'Usayran, in op. at.; Tamhldat or ^ubdat al-haka'ik ft
kashf al-daka'ik, in Persian, ed. 'Usayran, in op. cit.,
twice tr. into Turkish; Namaha or Makttibat, Makatlb,
letters, in Persian, ed. 'Alinaki Munzawi and 'Usayran,
2 vols., Beirut and Tehran 1390/1971; Risala-yi
yazdanshi-nakht, ed. Bahman Karimi, Tehran 1327/
1948; and Ahmal u athar, ed. Farmanish, Tehran
1338/1959.
Bibliography: Sandilahi, Makhian al-ghara'ib,
Bodl. Pers. ms. 395, 1523; Brockelmann, I, 490,
S I, 674-5; F. Meier, Stambuler Handschnften dreier
persischer Mystiker, in hi, xxiv (1937), 1-9.
(J.K. Teubner)
'AYN al-MULK MULTANl, official and mil-
itary commander under the Dihlr sultans of India.
His actual name and early career are not known.
Contemporary writers mention him by his honorific
title, 'Ayn al-Mulk, with the msba Multani because he
hailed from Multan; the 9th/ 15th century chronicler
Yahya Sirhindi calls him 'Ayn al-Mulk-i ' Shihab sig-
nifying that his father's name was Shihab. However,
'Ayn al-Mulk Multani started his career in the reign
ofSultan 'Ala' al-Din Khaldji (695-715/1296-1316),
and soon attained to an important position in the
official hierarchy, showing excellence in both pen-
manship and military generalship. Amir Khusraw
showers praises on him in his works, depicting him
as a learned statesman in peace time and a \eteran
general on the battlefield. Diya' al-Din Barani speaks
of him as one who was wise in counsel, widely tia\-
elled, ripe in experience and much distinguished for
his sagacity and successful tackling of complicated
His first important assignment was his posting in
Malwa as the mukta' or governor of Dhar and Udjdja\n
in 704/1305. In Malwa, he not only consolidated the
sultan's rule, but also subdued the recalcitrant zammdars
of Central India. In 716/1316, he held the temtor> of
Deogiri (in modern Maharashtra), when he was tecalled
to Dihlr by Malik Na'ib just after Sultan 'Ala' al-Din
had died. En route he received another order from
Dihlr directing him to proceed to Gudjarat, where tebels
had captured the province. In compliance to Malik
Na'ib's order, 'Ayn al-Mulk turned aside, but had to
halt in Citor as many fellow-nobles in the ro\al arm\
refused to march after Malik Na'ib had been killed
and the policy of the new ruler, Sultan Kutb al-Din
Mubarak Shah, was not known. After a few days, the
new Sultan sent him and other nobles farrnans order-
ing them all to go to Gudjarat and establish peace and
order there.
On arrival, 'Ayn al-Mulk tried to solve the prob-
lem diplomatically. He wrote to the leaders of the
rebellion that the murder of their leader Alp Khan
had already been avenged, as the culprit (Malik Na'ib)
was now dead, and for this reason they should not
persist in rebellion. He also warned them of the
serious consequences if they did not submit to the
rebels joined his camp. Only Haydar and Zirak fought
against the royal army and they were easily routed.
Having settled the affairs of Gudjarat, he then returned
to Dihlr.
In 718/1318, he was sent to Deoglrl when Malik
Yak Lakhi, the local mukta', rose in rebellion. This
time he was appointed as wazlr, with Malik Tadj al-
Din, son of Kh"adja 'Ata' as Mushrif and Mudjir al-
Din Aburdja as military commandant. In 720/1320,
he was present in Dihli when Sultan Kutb al-Din
Mubarak Shah was killed by the allies of Khusraw
Khan. Though 'Ayn al-Mulk was not in alliance with
Khusraw Khan, the latter honoured him with the title
of 'Alam Khan in order to win him over to his side.
Soon afterwards, Ghazi Malik, the mukta' of Depalpur,
organised a movement against Khusraw Khan aim-
ing at revenge for the murder of Kutb al-Din Mubarak
Shah, persuading all the important nobles, including
'Ayn al-Mulk, to help him against the regicide. 'Ayn
al-Mulk, afraid of Khusraw Khan's agents, showed
Malik Ghazi's letter to the usurper, and thus assured
him of his own loyalty. Ghazi Malik, anxious to win
him over, again wrote a letter to him. This time 'Ayn
al-Mulk expressed his sympathy with Ghazi Malik's
undertaking and promised not to participate in the
battle against any party because he was in Dihli, sur-
rounded by the allies of Khusraw, and could not take
up arms against him. On achieving the throne, Ghazi
Malik, who assumed the title of^Sultan Ghiyath al-
Din, and apparently retained 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani
in his service.
According to 'Isaml, 'Ayn al-Mulk joined Ulugh
Khan (later Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk) on the
Warangal expedition of 722/1322. Since the siege of
Warangal became prolonged and Ulugh Khan in-
sisted on capturing the citadel, the officers got tired
and many of them mutinied, although 'Ayn al-Mulk
remained loyal. This was the last expedition that he
had joined for we do not hear of him afterwards.
Certain mediae\al as well as modem scholars have
confused 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani with 'Ayn al-Mulk
Mahiu who is the author of the famous work,
Injia' i \Iahru Mahru was a noble of Muhammad
b Tughluk s and Firuz Shah s entourage. Tsami
distinguishes 'Ayn al-Mulk Multani from Malim
by calling the latter '\yn al-Din Di\a' al-Din Barani
differentiates between them b\ making different
statements about then qualities stating that 'Ayn al-
Mulk Multani could not only wield the sword suc-
cessful but was also adept in diplomacy and
penmanship while Mahru had no experience of mili-
tar) genfialshrp since he belonged to the class of scribes
and clerks Shams al-Din Snadj '\fif presents Mahru
as the creature of Muhammad b Tughluk. Further,
most of the letteis and documents contained in the
Insha' t Mahru were drafted in Fnuz Shah's reign, and
only a few belong to the time of Muhammad b.
Tughluk there is no letter wntten by Mahru during
'AYN al-MULK MULTANl — AZAD
the reigns of the latter's predecessors. In short, 'Ayn
al-Mulk Multam and 'Ayn al-Mulk Mahru were two
different persons belonging to different generations.
Bibliography: Shams al-Dln Siradj 'AfTf,
Ta'rikh-i Firuz Shahl, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1890; Amir
Khusraw, Dewal Rani Khidr Khan, Aligarh 1917,
idem, Tughluk-nama, Hyderabad, Deccan 1933; Diya'
al-Dln Barani, Ta'rikh-i Firuz Shahi, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1862; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, iii, 341-54, tr.
Gibb, iii, 720-6; Tsarm, Futuh al-salatln, ed. Usha,
Madras 1948; Muhammad Bihamad-Khant,
Ta'rikh-i Muhammadl, MS. British Museum, Or. 137;
Yahya Sirhindi, Ta'rikh-i Mubaiak- Shahi, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1931; 'Ayn al-Mulk Mahru, Insha'-i Mahru,
ed. Shaykh 'Abd al-Rashid, Lahore 1965.
(I.H. SlDDIQJJl)
AYTAKH al-TURKI (d. 235/849), a Khazar
military slave or ghulam [q.v.] who had been bought
in 199/815 by the future caliph al-Mu'tasim, and who
played an important role in the reigns of his master,
of al-Wathik and of al-Mutawakkil. At the opening
of al-Wathik's caliphate, he was, with Ashnas, the
"mainstay of the caliphate". After being commander
of the guard in Samarra, in 233/847 he was made
governor of Egypt, but delegated his powers there to
Harthama b. Nasr (Ibn Taghribardi, Nullum, ii, 265;
al-Makrizi, Khitat, ed. Wiet, v, 136). It was he who,
in this
r al-Zay
e year,
. At thi
functions of haa^ib, co:
intendant of the palac
intelligence system; bt
234/848 in order
e the •
ing the
nander of the caliphal guard,
tnd director of the postal and
he laid these duties down in
the Pilgrimage. When he
returned, he was arrested by Ishak b. Ibrahlr
Mus'ab, and he died of thirst in prison the follow-
ing year. It is said that al-Mutawakkil confiscated from
his house a million dinars.
Bibliography: Tabari, index; Ya'kQbi, Hhtonae,
ii, 586; idem, Bulkdn, 256, tr. Wiet, 45; Mas'Qdr,
Murudi, index, Ghars al-Ni'ma, Hafawat, 80, 362-
5; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, ii, 80 (under year 234);
Ibn al-Athir, vii, 29; Tanukhl, Nishwar, index;
Sourdel, Le vizirat 'abbaside, index. (Ed.1
AZAD, Abu 'l-Kalam, reviver of Muslim
thought in India and influential politician of the
first half of the 20th century. Born in Mecca in 1888,
he received in Calcutta, where his family settled in
1898, an austere and rigorously orthodox education.
With great precocity he made his debut in the liter-
ary world at the age of fourteen with an article pub-
lished in the Urdu language magazine Makhzan. At
the age of sixteen he made the acquaintance of the
remarkable poet Altaf Husayn Hall [q.v.], on whom
he made a strong impression, and shortly after he
met Mawlam Shibli Nu'mani who immediately recog-
nised his exceptional qualities and took him to
Lucknow to teach him journalism, entrusting to him
the editing of his journal al-Nadwa.
In July 1912 Abu 'l-Kalam Azad published the first
issue of his journal al-Hilal, which very quickly earned
him a vast audience, thanks to the original composi-
tion of the publication, to its articles dealing with sub-
jects of the most burning relevance, and to the fiery
and poetic style of the author. This enterprise was
suspended by the British government at the start of
the 1914-18 war, and Abu 'l-Kalam Azad then
launched, in 1915, another periodical, al-Balagh, which
had only a short existence since the writer was expelled
from Bengal in 1916. The texts published in al-Hilal
and al-Baldgh have been collected in two volumes
bearing the title Makalat-i-Azdd.
Abu 'l-Kalam Azad continued and extended the
work begun by Shibli with the object of encouraging
the 'ulama' to participate in the most modern devel-
opments of civilisation. As a theologian experienced
in the disciplines of the most traditional religious
thought, he provoked the 'ulama' into an increasingly
sharp awareness of social and political problems. In
1920 he rejoined the ranks of the Indian Congress
Party and participated more or less overtly in the
Djam'iyyat al-'ulamd' -i-Hind [see djam'iyya. India and
Pakistan] , an Indian association of Muslim theologians
which showed itself always sympathetic to a political
scheme of nationalistic tendency, with the object of
driving the British colonial power from Indian terri-
tory. An ardent opponent of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan
(1817-1898 [q.v]) and of the movement which the lat-
ter launched in founding the university of 'Aligarh,
Abu 'l-Kalam Azad revived the pan-Islamic propo-
sals of the great reformist Djamal al-Dln al-Afghanl
and exhorted the Muslims of India not to remain
passive observers of the upheavals which were trans-
forming the world, but to associate themselves with
the struggle whose primary object was to free them
from the foreign yoke, so that they could subsequently
participate actively in the complex and fruitful changes
which, in the modern era, contribute to the pros-
perous life of free nations. But was there not in this
attitude a contradiction between pan-Islamism, ideally
asserted, and nationalism as constantly practised in a
context where, in the event, India, once independent,
could not be other than a nation dominated by the
Hindu community?
In the_ more strictly theological sphere, Abu
'l-Kalam Azad expressed his opposition to Sir Sayyid
in numerous articles in al-Hilal and especially in the
introduction to his celebrated work Taidjuman al-Kur'an,
a project which he had conceived when he estab-
lished himself at RancI after his expulsion from Bengal
in 1916, but of which the first part was not pub-
lished until 1931. According to Abu 'l-Kalam Azad,
the Kur'an must be disencumbered of all artificial
interpretations founded on a philosophy and a ter-
minology more or less borrowed from the Greeks; it
is necessary also to resist the temptation of wishing
to consider the Holy Book only from the point of
view of its conformity with newly-discovered scientific
laws. If we wish to restore to the Kur'an its original
atmosphere, the exercise of idfihad must become a
vital experience, in the course of which each article
of faith will be confronted by the abrasive forces of
scepticism so that the individual will emerge from the
process more positive in his belief and more enthu-
siastic in his actions.
When in 1947 the Indian sub-continent was divided
to permit the creation of Pakistan, Abu 'l-Kalam Azad
chose to stay in India, and he became minister of
National Education in the Central Government, a post
which he held until his death in 1958.
Attention should also be drawn to two other
important works by this author, who contributed
much to the development of the Urdu language:
Tadhkira (published in 1920), a selection of autobi-
ographical memories, and especially Ghubar-i Khatir,
which has the form of a collection of letters addressed
to a friend by Abu 'l-Kalam Azad during his impris-
onment in the fort of Ahmadnagar between 9 August
1942 and 15 June 1945. Finally, the work which
the author wrote in English, India wins freedom
(Calcutta 1959) constitutes a valuable document for
the historian.
Bibliography: Badr al-Hasan, Madamin-i-Abu
AZAD — AZADI
'l-Kalam Azad, Delhi 1944; A.H. Alberuni, Makers
of Pakistan and modem Muslim India, Lahore 1950;
S.M. Ikram, Mawdj-i Kawthar, Lahore 1954; Abu
'l-Kalam Azad, Speeches of Mauldnd Azad,
Government of India 1956; Aawd-i-Azddi, Bombay
1957; W. Cantwell Smith, Islam in modern histo-
ry, Princeton 1957; Abu l-Kalam Azad, a memori-
al volume, New York 1959; Khalid bin Sayeed,
Pakistan: the formative phase, Karachi 1960; A.
Guimbretiere, Le reformisme musulman en lnde, in
Orient, nos. 16, 18 (Paris 1961); Ziya ul-Hasan
Faruqi, The Deoband school and the demand for
Pakistan, London 1963; Abu Sa'id Bazml, Abu
'l-Kalam Azad, Lahore N.D.; Aziz Ahmad, Islamic
modernism in India and Pakistan 1857-1964, London
1967, 175-85; P. Hardy, Partners in freedom— and
true Muslims, the political thought of some Muslim
scholais in British India 1912-1947, Lund 1971.
(A. Guimbretiere)
AZAD, Muhammad Husayn (1830-1910), Urdu
writer, was a leading exponent of "new" Urdu
r of tl
against
sis on ghazal and its preoccupation with ornate,
stylised language.
Born in DihlT, he was the son of one of the first
leading journalists of north India. He was educated
at Delhi College, and acquired a mastery of both
Arabic and Persian. By 1854, he was editor of his
father's newspaper, the Dihli Urdu Akhbdr. A love of
poetry was fostered in him by the poet Dhawk (1789-
1854), who was a friend of his father's. However, the
Indian Mutiny of 1857 and its aftermath completely
changed his life, and its effect probably never left
him. His father was executed for treason bv the British
authorities, and he himself fled and became a wan-
derer. In 1864 he arrived in Lahore, where he was
to reside for the remainder of his life. He obtained
a minor post in the Panjab Ministry of Public
Instruction. He twice visited Persia, and in 1865 he
accompanied an Indian Government secret mission to
Bukhara, aimed at investigating Russian penetration
In his early years in Lahore, he quickly won the
confidence of local British dignatories, including Colonel
Holroyd, Director of Public Instruction. He wrote sev-
eral educational works, including a Persian course in
two books, and, in Urdu, Volume ii of Kisas-i-Hmd,
a three-volume series of Indian historical stories.
Though designed for students, the latter book won
style. In 1865 Dr. G.W. Leitner, 'Principal of
Government College, founded the And}umdn-i Pandjah,
a literarv society, and Azad was appointed secretary
in 1867.' One project of the Society was to encour-
age the reform of Urdu poetry, and Azad threw him-
self whole-heartedly into this. For nearly a year,
monthly musha'aras (poetical contests) were held, a set
theme being specified in advance for each meeting.
These themes, which included "the rainy season",
"winter" and "patriotism", were chosen to discourage
the use of antique poetical diction. Azad opened the
series with a lecture on the nature of poetic art, and
wrote poems for the meetings. Nevertheless, even allow-
ing for criticism based on prejudice or personal ani-
mosity, Azad's poetry hardly enhanced his reputation;
and it was not he, but Altaf Husayn Hall, [q.v.] who
also took part in the mushd'aras, who came to be recog-
nised as the pioneer of the "new" poetry, both for
his verse and his critical writings. Nevertheless, a reap-
praisement of Azad's verse is overdue. It is uneven
in quality; but there is strength and drive behind a
poem like Olu l-'azmi (Resolution).
Azad wrote some important prose works, which
were better received than his verse, and indeed ulti-
mately gained him recognition as a great— some
would say the greatest— master of Urdu prose. Yet
he was destined never to be free from some hos-
tile, even carping, criticism. Nayrang-i khaydl (1880)
is a collection of thirteen allegorical essays, trans-
lated — with minor changes and interpolations — from
the English of Samuel Johnson, Addison and their
contemporaries. Sukhanddn-i-Fdrs, based on his lec-
tures on Persian language and literature, dates from
1872, but was not published until 1907. However,
his fame rests chiefly on his long critical account
of Urdu poetry, Ab-i-haydt (1881). His last major
work, Darbar-i-akbari (1898), is a dazzling account
of the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar [q.v.],
but, despite its rich style, it is often described as
a failure. Azad's prose is imaginative and colour-
ful, far removed from the straightforward style of
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Hair. Muhammad
Sadiq {History of Urdu literature, 300) says that it
"recalls old patterns in its syntactical peculiarities
and word-arrangement", and adds, perhaps with a
little exaggeration, that its syntax seems Persian.
Azad was not directly involved in the 'Aligafh
Movement, but was highly respected by its leaders.
Half wrote complimentary reviews of Aayrang-i-khaydl
The
of A
Personal tragedies, and overwork — including his edi-
tion of Dhawk's Dlwan — have been blamed for this.
He died in Lahore in 1910.
Bibliography: In addition to information given
above, some of the many reprints of Azad's works
may be mentioned; thus for Ah-i-harat, Lahore 1950,
Faizabad 1966. As for Darbar-i-akbari, Muhammad
Ibrahim, editor of the Lahore edition of 1910,
plete and more in keeping with Azad's intentions
than the original (1898) edition of Mir Mumtaz
'All. There is a Lucknow edition n.d., but ca. 1965.
For .Kayrang-i-khayal, there is a Karachi edition of
1961. Agha Muhammad Bakir has edited selected
articles by Azad (Makdldt Mawland M.H. Azad,
Lahore 1966). Kisas-i-Hind was reprinted in Lahore
(1961) and Karachi (1962). Selected letters have
been published: Maktubdt-r-Azdd, Lahore 1907, and
Makatib-i-Azad, Lahore 1966. The collected poetry
was published as Nazm-i-Azad, Lahore 1910.
Among critical biographies, Muhammad Sadiq's
Muhammad Husain Azad — his life and work, Lahore
1965, is of prime importance. The same author's
shorter account in his History of Urdu literature,
London 1964, 288-302, includes a conveniently
brief analysis of Azad's prose style (297-301 ), with
extracts. In Urdu, there is Djahan Banu Begum's
Muhammad Husayn A z ad, Hyderabad Deccan, "l940.
Among detailed studies of Ah-i-harat, mention
must be made of Ridawf Mas'ud Hasan's Ah-i-
harat kd tankid mutdla'a, Lucknow 1953. Hall's
reviews of Nayrang-i-khayal and Ab-i-haydt, origi-
nally published in the 'Aligarh University Gazette,
are available in Kulliyydt-i-nathr-i-HdlT, Lahore
1968, ii, 176-83 and 184-94.
(J.A. Haywood)
AZADI (p.), freedom, synonymous with Arabic
hurriyya [q.v.]. Deriving from the Avestan word d-
Zdta and the Pahlavi word dzat (noble), the word
azadi has as long a history as Persian literature itself.
It was employed by Persian writers and poets such
as Firdawsi, Farrukhf Slstanf, Gurganf, Rumf,
KhakanI, Nasir-i Khusraw, and Zahfr Fariyabi in
a variety of meanings including, for instance, choice,
separation, happiness, relaxation, thanksgiving, praise,
deliverance, non-slavery, and so on (see Dihkhuda,
art Azadi, in Lughat nama, ii/1, 86-7). In modern
times, the idea of social and political liberty has
also been expressed by the term azadi (and some-
times by the term ikhtiiar), the latter sense of which
will be dealt with below in reference to the Iranian
world
Fiom its verv nature, the modern connotation of
azadi has been associated with the process of Western
impact on Persian culture and therefore its history.
Considering the fact that the activities of the British
East India Company (fiom 1600) coincided with the
mass migration of Persian writers and poets to India,
plus the information brought to India by travellers
such as I'fisam al-Dfn, who recorded his impression
of Europe in 1767, it would be logical to conclude
that the Persian emigrants to India were among the
first eastern people to have been exposed to European
new ideas. It seems, however, that no noticeable
Western influence can be observed in the Persian writ-
ings of the 17th century. The earliest favourable, but
brief, account known to us of Europe is that of
Muhammad 'Air Hazm (d. 1 766), who wrote in 1 732
that some of the European countries enjoyed laws,
a better way of life, and more stable systems of
government, and regretted not to have taken a trip
to Europe, as was suggested to him by an English
captain (Hazm, Ta'rikh-i Hazin, Tehran, 1953, 92-3,
110-11).
One of the earliest, and relatively detailed, accounts
in the Persian language of European social and polit-
ical institutions belongs to a Shushtarf-born emigre
of India, 'Abd al-Latif Musawi Djaza'irl, who learnt
about the new ideas which had developed among the
newly-born middle class of Europe and had been
imported to India. Writing in 1801, 'Abd al-Latif dealt
with modern topics such as freemasonry, equality, lib-
erty and the function of the administration of justice
in England. He also made reference to the British
system of mixed government, i.e. the division of power
among the king, the lords, and the subjects {ra'aya),
the latter being obviously considered as the proper-
' re entitled to elect and be elected.
For i
s of n
including that of azadi, one may look into the eyewit-
ness accounts, the most widely quoted of which are
those of Mlrza Abu Talib Isfahan!, son of another emi-
gre to India, and Mlrza Salih Shrrazi of Iran. Both
Abu Talib, who travelled and lived in Europe from
1798 till 1803, and Mirza Salih, who studied in England
from 1815 till 1819, wrote in detail about the type of
liberty which then existed in England. Some differences,
however, may be observed in their accounts: Abu Talib
seems more critical of the British system; he found, for
instance, freedom of the press somewhat harmful, and
refused to accept membership of freemasonry (cf. his
Masir-i Talibi, Tehran 1974, 152, 195-6). Mlrza Salih,
on the contrary, called England with admiration vilay-
at-i azadi (land of freedom), and joined freemasonry
with great interest (Sqfar-nama-yi Mirza Salih Shimzi,
Tehran 1968, 189, 207, 374). As a matter of fact,
most, if not all, of the Persians who went to Europe
throughout the 19th century became freemasons,
and learnt there to propagate the type of freedom
which was understood by the masons and included
in their famous slogan of liberie, egalite. fratemite (Isma'il
Ra'in, Faramushkhana va Faramasunri dar Iran, i-iii,
Tehran 1968; Mahmud Katira'i, Faramasunri dar Iran,
Tehran 1968).
In Europe, such ideas as liberty, equality, laissez-
faire and so on, were developed in the course of the
struggles between the old feudal system and the newly-
born capitalism, so that for the "Third Estate", lib-
erty meant freedom from the yoke of feudalism and
the freedom for private enterprise. Accordingly, this
concept of liberty expressed could have had little
meaning for the Persian audiences who were still
experiencing their own type of "feudalism" at that
time, and it must have appeared as an entertaining
One of the
sequences of the developim
: of
capitalism in the West was the latter'
other things, of raw materials, cheap labour and prof-
itable investments in other parts of the world. At the
turn of the 19th century, Iran appeared to the then
great powers, i.e. England, France and Russia, as
important both strategically and economically. Since
Iran found itself too weak to survive Western encroach-
ments, the Persian government saw it as indispensa-
ble to take certain measures for strengthening of the
country through modernisation, so that students such
as Mfrza Salih were dispatched to Europe to acquire
modern sciences. Although the internal and external
forces supporting the old regime of Iran were still
strong, the process of modernisation did not come to
a standstill. In addition to sending students abroad,
there were several diplomatic missions to Europe dur-
ing the reigns both of Fath 'All Shah (1797-1834)
and Muhammad Shah (1834-48). Missions such as
those of Mlrza Abu '1-Hasan Ilcl (England, 1814),
Khusraw Mlrza (Russia, 1829), and Adjudanbashi
(Austria, France, and England, 1834) helped the
Iranian ruling circles to obtain more information about
the European ideas and ii
, such as Khusr;
/Min
s, do indie;
understanding by s
ligent ;
of the Iranian diplomats of
i'er, there appeared also intel-
In the outset of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign (1848-
96), a wide range of modernising measures were ini-
tiated by the Amir Kabir. In 1858 Mlrza Dja'far
Khan Mushfr al-Dawla formed his government, mod-
elled roughly on European cabinet systems. Believing
in Dja'far Khan's progressive thought, Mfrza Malkam,
another modernist, wrote to him a long letter urging
him to reform the system of government and to sep-
arate the powers. He declared the opinions of the
Iranian people to be free, azad. Shortly after the
appearance of Malkam's letter, an anonymous author
touched upon the necessity for free elections and
freedom of the press (MS. Madjlis library, Tehran
No. 31856/4147, Dqftar-i Tanzimdt, in Madjmu'a-yi
athar-i Mirza Malkam Khan, Tehran 1948, 24-6). In
the same year (1858), when an Italian nationalist,
Orsini, attempted the life of Napoleon III, Farrukh
Khan Amfn al-Dawla was on a diplomatic mission
to Paris. He wrote not only of the French parliament,
but he also described with favour the remarks made
in a letter to the Emperor by Orsini on patriotism,
liberty, and the freedom of Italy, for whose sake he
had taken that action; Farrukh included a Persian
translation of that letter in his memoires (Husayn b.
'Abd Allah Sarabf, Makhzan al-wakayi': Sharh-i ma'-
munyyat va musafarat-i Farrukh Khan Amin al-Dawla,
Tehran 1965, 354-86).
In 1866 an anonymous author wrote a treatise on
social and political affairs, and paid special attention
to the ideas of freedom and equality and their appli-
cability to Islamic teachings. He classified "com-
mendable freedom" tikhtiyai-i mamduh) into six types
which included freedom of speech, assembly and pub-
lication (Ms. Madjlis Library 137; for an account of
this exceptionally interesting work, see Abdol Hossein
Haeri, Fihrist-i kitabkhana-yi Madihs-i shura-yi millf, xxi,
Tehran 1974, 135-8).
The last few decades of the 19th century witnessed
a number of important changes from within and from
European and some Asian countries; more efforts
were made by powerful and industrially advanced
nations to colonise other countries; and Anglo-Russian
together with other factors, exposed Iran to new ideas
and predisposed towards the establishment of a new
order involving a degree of political freedom for the
subjects. The modernising measures undertaken by
Mirza Husayn Khan Sipahsalar (d. 1881), and the
'adliyya, Watan, Ki-amu 'Ilml, and Mmlkh in' the 1870s,
and the emergence ofwriters and social critics such
as Mirza Fath 'Air Akhund-zada (d. 1878), Yusuf
Khan Mustashar al-Dawla Tabriz! (d. 1895) and
Malkam Khan (d. 1908), may be studied against the
background of those developments. The critics fought
earnestly for the establishment of a free enterprise
system and the destruction of the old social struc-
ture, and this involved agitation for a limited freedom
of election, freedom of speech, etc. Some of the mod-
ernists like Malkam and Sipahsalar went as far as
not only to advocate foreign investment in Iran, but
also played an active role in encouraging it. They
seem to have understood the concept of liberty as
defined in Europe. Akhund-zada, for instance, pro-
pounded the view that no reconciliation is possible
between liberty and Islam. He also saw freedom as
preserved through freemasonry activities (FarldQn
Adamiyyat, Andlshaha-yi Mirza Fath 'All Akhund-zada,
Tehran 1970, 148-9). Out of expediency, however,
most of the writers gave their definition of liberty
some Islamic colouring; they likened, for instance,
freedom of speech with the Islamic concept of at-amr
bi 'l-ma'ruf wa 'l-nahv 'an al-munkar lAbdul-Hadi Hairi,
The idea of constitutionalism in Persian literature prior to the
1906 Revolution, in Akten des VII. /Congresses fur Arabistik
und Istamwissenschaft, Gottmgen, 1974, Gottingen 1976,
189-207).
At the same time, there appeared two more groups
of intellectuals who also wrote about freedom. Writers
such as Mumtahin al-Dawla (d. 1921), an
experienced diplomat, and Mirza Husayn Khan
FarahanI, who visited Russia, Turkey, and the Hidjaz
from 1884-5, found azadl to be quite harmful. In
1870, while sitting at the place reserved for the diplo-
matic corps in the British parliament, Mumtahin al-
Dawla witnessed a serious attack waged by one of
the members on the Queen and the institution of
monarchy in Britain. At this point, Mumtahin envied
the British members of parliament their freedom of
speech, but did not believe that the Persians could
have the same privilege in the near future; accord-
ingly, he flatly discredited the Iranians' struggles for
freedom during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906-
11 (Mahdl Khan Mumtahin al-Dawla ShakakI,
Khatirat-i Mumtahin al-Dawla, Tehran 1974, 188-9,
210-11). To FarahanI, freedom appeared to be a
destructive element in history; he held that no system
could survive unless it was based on one-man rul
(Safar-nama-yi Mlizd Husayn Khan FarahanI, Tehra
1963, 139-46).
A third group of intellectuals, which also include
l from the first group, t
) the
of forei
, the
read
and above
all the concessions made to foreigners. The works of
Hadjdj Sayyah (d. 1925), Zayn al-'Abidln Maragha'I
(d. 1911), Mirza <Abd al-Rahlm Tabrlzl Talibov
(d. 1911), Mirza Aka Khan KirmanI (d. 1896), and
some of the writings of Malkam and Afghani (d.
1896), are the best representative expressions of the
people's response to the existing political and eco-
nomic situation in Iran. To Afghani, freedom meant
the replacement of the existing tyrannical regime by
a benevolent government. Other writers especially
Talibov, however, attached more meanings to the idea
of freedom. The latter defined it in full details as
involving the franchise and freedom of the press,
assembly, and opinion. All of the men in this group
opposed the existing "feudally" based social system
and advocated a free enterprise system not depend-
It was during the same period that a number of
reformist intellectuals, headed by Ahmad Danish
id. 1897), also began to emerge in Bukhara. Danish's
most important political and philosophical work
Aawadir al-wakayi (written 1875-82), was devoted to
the necessity of social reforms and freedom of the
people from the tyranny of the then Bukharan Amir.
His disciples such as Shahln, Sawda, Aslrl, 'Aynl, and
many others followed his steps (Jiri Becka. Tajik lite-
ratuie from the 16th century to the pievnt, in J. Rypka
et alii. History of banian liteiature, Dordrecht 1968, 485-
605). In a later period we also see revolutionary pieces
of poetry such as "Surud-i Azadl" by 'Aynl and "Bi
Sharaf-i Inkilab-i Bukhara" by 'AkkasbashI (Sadr al-
Dln 'Aynl, Namuna-yi adabiyyat-i Tadjik 300-1200 hidjti,
Moscow 1926).
This period also coincided with some measures of
modernisation in Afghanistan. To the Afghans, be-
cause of the Anglo-Russian rivalries throughout the
19th century, political azadl simply came to mean
the independence of their country from foreign
encroachments, in connection with which a number
of short-lived periodical papers such as Kabul (1867)
and Shams at-Nahai (1875) came into being. The
Afghans' approach to the idea of freedom was best
represented in their first important weekly paper,
Siradj al-Akhbar-i Afghaniyya (1911), where problems of
with in a highly sophisticated manner. Its chief editor,
Mahmud Tarzl, argued that "genuine national
development and progress were possible only when a
society enjoyed complete independence, sovereignty,
and freedom" (Vartan Gregorian, The emergence of
modem Afghanistan, Stanford 1969, 178). This type of
argument about liberty was pursued by later papers
such as Arnan-i Afghan, Ittihdd-i mashnkl and many-
others (Said Qassim Reshtia, Journalism in Afghanistan,
in Afghanistan, ii (1948), 72-7).
In the course of the Persian Constitutional
Revolution of 1905-11, the idea of freedom was
approached by the factions involved in the Revolution
in three different ways. One of the groups, influenced
principally by Islamic teachings, was in favour of
freedom, but a type of freedom consonant with Islam.
Mirza Muhammad Husayn Na'Inl (d. 1936), for
•, defined freedom
but like Montesquieu (De I esprit dts lots 1 1 ill ch
vui) held that living under despotism was itself equal
to slavery therefore freedom may be achieved only
by the replacement of the existing tyrannical regime
of Iran (Hain Shi ism and constitutionalism in Iran [see
Bibl] 173 80 218 19) The second group to which
belonged the Tabriz res olutionanes had a bettei
insight into European ideas together with a close
association with the Russian res olutionanes so that
they interpreted freedom in a more western sense In
their approach both gioups emphasised particularly
the downfall of despotic rule in Persia and the end
ing of foreign intervention as being integral parts of
ft eedom The third group i e the supporters of the
old regime under the leadership of Shaykh Fadl Allah
Nui i (d 1909) opposed any principles of democracy
and especially the concepts of liberty and equality
which appeared to the Shaykh as detnmental to
Islam (\bdulHadi Hani Shaykh FaJ Allah Nuns
Refutation of the Idea of Constitutionalism to appear in
Middle East Studies) The latter group e\en organised
many mob demonstrations in which the people
chanted We want no liberty we want the Prophets
religion
The Anglo Russian agreements of 1907 and 1915
and the Anglo Persian treaty of 1919 ga\e rise to a
number of nationalist movements such as those led
by Kucak Khan [qi] Khiyabani [q i ] and Muham
mad Taki Khan Pisyan \fter the 1917 Russian
Revolution the Soviets withdiew the claims of the
Tsais against Iian so that freedom meant exclusively
the abolition of the 1919 treaty and the fi eedom of
Iran from any foreign intervention which could limit
its independence The newly established Communist
Party of Iran (1920) which co opeiated with some of
these movements added a socialist colouimg to the
idea of freedom by propagating the idea of fi eedom
of the peasants fiom the landowners through divid
ing up the lattei s lands among the former
Towards the end of the Kadjar dynasty a num
ber of poets and writers such as Mirzada Tshki
Muhammad Farrukhi Yazdi Muhammad Taki Bahai
and Abu 1 Kasim Lahutr wrote very critically about
the freedom of the Persian people both from inter
nal tyranny and from external influences some of
them met an untoward fate Under Rida Shah s reign
(1925-41) the term azadi was used only in rare cases
foi instance the newspaper Ittila'at used a<_adi in the
sense of the freedom from the Kadjar dynasty or from
the movements and rebellions which had existed in
Iran In 1932 Rida Shah outlawed the Communist
Party but the activities of some of the communists
led by Di Taki \rani (d 1939) continued In their
literature e g in Duma social and political concepts
including liberty were defined from the socialist point
of view Some other intellectuals such as the woman
poet Parwin I'tisami (d 1941) wrote about freedom
in a symbolic and subtle way but then general mes
sage was the freedom fiom the existing situation
The period following Rida Shah s abdication (1941-
53) witnessed a campaign for the nationalisation of
the \nglo-Persian Oil Company The new Communist
party now calling itself hi^b I tuda yi ban (founded in
September 1941) held freedom to be the nationah
sation of the oil However it also saw freedom in
the establishment of better relations with the Soviet
Union so that Iran might evolve a Communist gov-
ernment To the nationalists on the other band
freedom depended not only on the nationalisation of
the oil but also on the extinguishing of Russian and
all other foieign influences in Iran These ideological
conflicts culminated under Dr Muhammad
Musaddik s 28 month rule a period referred to by
his supporters as daura yi a^adi ( the epoch of
freedom ) during which foi the first time popular
involvement in politics was allowed to a certain
extent and the activities of opposing political par-
ties plus the campaigns of the press belonging to
different political wings were some what tolerated
This period came to an end in \ugust 1953 when
Musaddik s government was overthrown by the
Bibliography Abdul Hadi Hain Shi ism and
constitutionalism in ban a study of tht role played by
the Persian residents of Iraq in Iranian politics Leiden
1970 idem European and \sian influences on the
Persian Reiolution of 1906 in Asian Affairs N S vi
(1975) 155 04 idem Why did the 'Llama partia
pate in tht Persian Constitutional Reiolution of 1906
1909? in HI xvn (1976) 127 54 idem Afghani
on the decline of Islam in HI xm (1971) 121 5
and xi\ (1973) 116 22 idem Sukham piramun i
vajiayi mashruta in \ahid xn (1974) 287 300
idem Sukham piramun i oazha yi istibad dai adabiyyat
i inki/ab i mashrutiyyat i Iran in ( ahid xn (1974)
539 49 M Ridwam Kadimtann dhikr i dimokrasi
dar Niwishtaha yi parsi in Rahnama yi Kitab v
(1902) 257 03 367-70 Abd al Latif Musawi
Shushtan Djaza in Tuhfat al alam Haydarabad
1846 Mudjtaba Minuwi Awiiahn kaman i ma r
ifat m his Ta nkh lafaihang Tehian 1973 Husayn
Mahbubi Ardakani Ta nkh i mu assasat I tamad
duni yi djadid dar Iran l Tehran 1975 idem
Duitwumin Kaman i Ma'rifat in iaghma xvm
(1965) 592 5 Mustafa \fshar Safar nama yi
Khusrau, Mir^a Tehran 1970 Muhammad
Mushin Sharh i ma munyyat i Aq^udanbashi Tehran
1968 Faridun Adamiyyat Makalat i ta nkhi
Tehran 1973 idem Amir Kabir ta Iran Tehran
1969 idem Fikr i a^adi Tehran 1901 idem
Andisha yi tarakki la hukumat I kanun Asr I
Sipahsalar Tehran 1972 idem Andishaha yi Taliboi
in Sukhan xvi (1966) 454 64 549-04 091701
815 35 idem Andishaha yi Mir^a Aka Khan Kirmani
Tehian 1967 idem Fikr i dimukrasi yi iqjlima i dar
nahdat i mashrutiyyat i Iran Tehran 1975 Malkam
Khan Maa\mu'a yi athar Tehran 1948 idem
Kanun 1889 ca 1898 idem [Risalaha] ed Hashim
Rabi c zada Tehran 1907 Hamid Algar Mu^a
Malkum Khan a biographical study in Iranian mod
ernism Beikeley 1973 Fath <\h Akhund-Zada
Altfba yi djadid ua maktubat Baku 1903 Yusuf
Mustashar al Dawla Yak kahma Pans 1870 Nikki
R Keddie Sayyid Jamal ad Din Afghani a poht
ual biography Berkeley 1972 MM Tabataba i
hlaksh i Sayyid Djamal al Dm Asadabadl dar bidan yi
mashnk^amin Kum 1971 \ka Khan Kirmani
Hasht bihisht Tehran 1960 Mangol Bayat Phihpp
The concepts of religion and government in the thought
ofMir^a Aqa Khan Kirmani a nintteenth lentun Persian
revolutionary in IJMES v (1974) 381 400 Manucihr
Kamah Taha Andisha yi kanunkh ah dar Iran i sada
yi nujah Tehran 1974 Farzami Djang i 'akayid
Tehran 1941 Mnza '\bd al Rahim Tabnzi
Tahbov Saflna yi Tahbi ya Kitab I Ahmad i n
Istanbul 1889 1894 idem Masa il al hayat Tiflis
1906 idem Masalik al muhsinin Tehian 1968 idem
Idahat dar khusus i a^adi Tehran 1906 idem
Siyasat i Tahbi Tehran 1911 Zayn al '\bidin
Maragha'i Siyahat nama yi Ibrahim Bayk i m Tehran
Calcutta 1906 9 Haajdi Sayyah (Muhammad 'All)
Khatirati Haqjd} Sayyah Tehran 1967 Muham
AZADl — 'AZAFI
mad Rida Fashahi <U Gatha ta mashrutiy,
n^fi'udal, M Iran Tehran 1975 Savvid Ha;
Taki-zada 4khdh i tamaddun i khandfi la a^c
uatan millat tasahul Tehian I960 idem, Ta'n
ikilab
i Ira,
Tehia
1959 "iahva Dawlatabadi Hau
Tehian 1949-57 Ahmad Kasrawi Ta'nkh ,
mashruta u Iran Tehian 1951 idem Mashruta
bihtann shakl i hukumat id akhinn natigja yi andisha
yi mzhad i adamist Tehian 195b idem
Inkilab csP Tehran 1957 Gholam Hosevn
"iousofi Dehkhoda s place in the Iranian constitution
al moiement in ^ZM/G cxxv (1975) 117-32, EG
Browne The Persian raolution of 1905 1909
Cambridge 1910 idem The press and poetry oj
modun Persia Cambridge 1914 Muham-mad
Husavn Na'ini Tanbih al umma ua tanzih al nulla
Tehran 1954 'Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi
Taba'i' al istibad tr 'Abd al-Husa\n Kadjar
Tehian 1908 Mahdf Kuli Hidavat, hhatuat la
Tehian 19b5 Rida SafTniva Ta'nkh i
in Sal,
.1 Duny,
v 75-84 Ahmad K;
mashruta yi ban Milan 1974 MB Mu'mini ban
dar astanayi inkilab, mashrutmat Tehran 1973
idem idabnyat i mashruta Tehrin 1975
Muhammad Nazim al-Islam kirmam Ta'nkh I
bidan n Iramyan i-n Tehian 1953 1970 'Ah
GharawT Nun Hizb i Dimukrat i Iran da, daitra
yi duudum , madjhs i shura y, mdh Tehian 1973
Danvush Ashari and Rahim Ra'ismva Zimma
yi iktisadi la idftima'i yi mkilabi , mashutiyyat i Iran
Tabriz 1953 (sic) 'Ah \dhan hiyam i kuluml
Muhammad Taki Khan Pisyan Tehran 1965 'All
Akbar Mushir Salimi Kulliyiat i musaua,a, i 'Ishki
Tehian 1971 'Abd al-Husavn Zamnkub Bahar
sitayishgar i azad, in his Ba kara,an i bulla Tehran
1964 Muhammad Fanukh \azdiDiuan,
Farrukh, ed Husavn Makki Tehran 1949 'Abd
al-Hamid 'Man Sharh i ahual la athai i Malik
al Shu'ara' Muhammad Taki Bahar Tehran 195b
Husavn Makki Ta'nkh i b,st sala yi Iran i-ni
Tehran 1944-b Manshui Curiam Siyasat i
shuraiti dar han i-u, Tehran 1947 Hizb-i Tuda-
vi Iian Inkilab i Uktubr la Iran 19b7 Mazdak,
\snad i ta nkhi \i dfunbish I kargar
i Ira,
Floi
1970-
6, 'Abd al-Samad Kambakhsh \a^an bi djunbi:
i kargan la kumumst, dar ban i-n Stassfuit 1972-4
Parv.in I'tisami Dm an i kasa'id va mathnauiyyat
la tamthilat m mukatta'at Tehran 1954 Abu 1-
Fadl Azmuda tr Hajt makala a Z Iranshmasan i
shuraui Tehran nd 'Abbas Mas'udi Ittila'at
dar yak rub' i karn Tehran 1950 \ah\a Anvan-
pur iz saba ta nlma 1-11 Tehran 1971 Husavn
Kav Ustuwan Siyasat i muua^ana vi manji dar
mad}hs i tahardahum i-n Tehran 1948 1950
R\\ Cottam \ationahsm in Iran, Pittsbuigh
19b4 Bakhtar i imruz 1950-3 Mustafa Rahimi
Insansalan, in his Didgahha Tehian 1973 A
hmad Danish itharha )i muntakhab Stalinabad
1957, idem, Panaha a^ \aa,ad,r al ixakayi'
Stahnabad 1957, irnana da', rat al ma'anj i-iv
Kabul 1949-62 L \\ Adamec, ij^hamstan
1900 1923 Berkeley 19b7 Savvid Djamal
al-Din Asadabadi Afghani' Makalat I
djamalnya Tehran 1933 I bpector, The fust
Russian Reiolutwn its impact on Asia Englewood
Cliffs, N.J. 19b2, See also andjuman, dustur,
b and H
(Abd
.-Hai
Hai
'AZAFI Banu l- famiH of notables promim
in the annals ol medieval Ceuta (Sabta [qv]) a
descended liom a Ceutan fakih bv the name
Abu l-'Abbas Ahmad b al kadi Abi 'Abd All
Muhammad b Ahmad al-Lakhmi whose ances
Muhammad al-Lakhmi was known as Ibn Abi 'Az<:
whence Azaff There is no reason to suppose tl
ids were descended fiom Madjkasa Berb<
me 8th/ 14
ury Ceu
mptioi
Abu l-'Abbas was born on 17 Ramadan 557/ W
August llb2 and died on 7 Ramadan bWlb Mav
1236 Fiom all accounts he was a man ol profound
pietv and throughout his adult life he taught hadith
and fikh in the Gieat Mosque of Ceuta It wis on
his initiative that the fesmal of the Prophets natmtv
[maulid vulgar mulud milud) was introduced into
the Maghrib and it was undoubtedly his example
that in aftei times inspned his son Abu 1-kasim to
adopt the custom ol celebrating the maulid as a pub-
lic festiv al on a grand scale At the time of his death
Abu l-'Abbas was writing and had possiblv almost
completed his A al Durr al munazzam ji maulid al \abi
I mu'az^am the purpose of which was to piomote his
idea of celebiating the maulid and putting an end to
the celebration of non-Islamic festivals The Durr which
is extant and has been carefullv studied bv F de la
Cranja Isee 41 4ndalus xxxiv (1969) 1-5?) is ascribed
bv some to Abu 1-kasim who actualK seems onl\
to have put the finishing touches to a largely com-
pleted work Abu l-'Abbas was also the author of a
the time of his death in 123b both he and his familv
must alreadv have achieved a position of eminence
in Ceuta for not long before the loss of Seville to
Ferdinand III (end of 1248) one of that cit\ s most
notable families the Banu Khaldun anticipated the
disaster bv emigrating to Ceuta where the\ conti acted
matiimomal alliances with the sons and daughters of
al-'Azaff
The First Daula Foi thirteen veais aftei the
death of Abu l-'Abbas the history of the 'Azafid
familv is shiouded in obscuntv Not so the tioubled
history of their native Ceuta The period was one
of Almohad decline Hafsid intervention in the
Muslim West and spettaculai Christian triumphs in
Spain which cost Islam both Cordova and Seville
to sav nothing ol Valencia Murcia Jaen and Jativa
In 1243 the governoi of Ceuta a certain Abu ''Ui
b Khalas withdrew his allegiance to the -Vlmohad
caliph and shortly afterwards acknowledged the sov-
eieigntv of the Hafsid Abu Zakanyya' Aftei the
death of Ibn Khalas which more oi less coincided
with the fall of Seville the Ceutans were in no mood
to tolerate his successor Ibn Shalnd an ineffectual
cousin of Abu Zakanvva' The Sevillan disastei
loomed large in their pieoccupations their ships had
fought on the Guadalquivn and their haibouis had
witnessed a sizeable influx of Sevillan refugees —
among them Shakkaf the hated ka'id who had actu-
alK surrendered the ke\s of Seville to Ferdinand
Theie was too one aspect of Hafsid admimstiation
which this mei can tile people deepK lesented — the
exactions of its customs officer Ibn Abi Khalid Such
was the position when news of Abu Zakanyya' s death
reached Ceuta (29 Radjab b47/7 November 1249
or, more probably, 27 Ramadan 647/3 January 1250j.
This was the signal for action. As the most widely
respected notable, Abu '1-Kasim al-'AzafT was
approached by Ceuta's ka'id al-bahr, Abu 'l-'Abbas
HadjbQn al-Randahi, and persuaded to consent to
the overthrow of the regime and, in the event of
success, to assume leadership of the community. The
plan, as executed by al-Randahi, but not quite as
envisaged by Abu '1-Kasim, resulted in the decapi-
tation of Shakkaf and' Ibn Abr Khalid. Ibn Shahld
was deported, and the 'Azafid, after assuming con-
trol, declared Ceuta's allegiance to the Almohad
Caliph al-Murtada (reg. 646-65/1248-66), who duly
appointed a governor. The Almohad governor's stay
was short: after only a few months in Ceuta, Abu
'1-Kasim expelled him and sent the caliph a letter of
explanation which he accepted.
What arrangement followed is unclear. We are only
told that in 654/1256-7 the 'Azafid became absolute
ruler of Ceuta, which he took over and administered
with great application and total devotion to the inter-
ests of its inhabitants. What is certain is that, despite
his de facto autonomy, he remained loyal to the tot-
tering throne of al-Murtada and even defended his
interests when the occasion demanded.
Considering that Abu '1-Kasim was, in his day, a
key figure in the western Mediterranean, specific infor-
mation on his life and rule is so sparse that most of
what can be said of him must be deduced from his
ascertainable policies. Born between 606/1209-10 and
609/1212-13, he was around forty when he came to
power and seems to have had a maturity of judg-
ment to match his years and such as to militate against
rash ventures. His primary aim was to create and
maintain a strong and prosperous Ceuta at a time
when it was fast becoming not only a prime military
objective for Castile, but also a target for ambitious
Marlnids seeking control of Morocco. He therefore
set about strengthening Ceuta's defences and evid-
ently profited from a truce with Castile against hand-
f? 1251-5). At the same time he aimed at stabilising,
conserving and developing Ceuta's already extensive
trans-Mediterranean trade, notably with Barcelona,
Genoa and Marseille. Within about ten years, Ceuta
seems to have gained real naval and economic strength.
In 659/1261 her first real test came when the prospect
of a Nasrid Ceuta lured Ibn al-Ahmar of Granada
into launching a naval assault on the place — a ven-
ture that ended in disaster for Granada. As long as
he lived, Abu '1-Kasim remained keenly alive to the
dangers threatening Islam in the West and always
took whatever measures were necessary to combat
them. Thus, in 662/1263-4 we find him co-operating
with the Marlnids as they launch their first djfhad
in Spain. In the years immediately following, we find
him endeavouring to achieve and maintain stability
between Ceuta and the Atlantic coast and, to that
end, bringing a weak and divided Tangier (665/1266-
7) under his control. Then, at the end of 1274 or
early in 1275 we see him apparently sacrificing his
autonomy to the MarTnid Abu Yusuf, but in fact skil-
fully extricating him from an alliance concluded with
Aragon and potentially dangerous to Islam. In prac-
tice he sacrificed little: a yearly "gift" to the Mannid
assured him virtual independence. Thereafter he made
common cause with the ruler in prosecuting the djihad
in Spain. Abu '1-Kasim died on 13 Dhu '1-Hidjdja
677/27 April 1279, leaving Ceuta rich and powerful
man, who was content to leave the administration of
Ceuta to his elder brother Abu Talib 'Abd Allah.
Little is known of a third brother, Abu Muhammad
Kasim, but he may have been a senior military offi-
cer, since he commanded a Ceutan expeditionary force
in Spain in 1285. Abu Talib carried his father's pol-
icy of co-operation with the Mannids a stage further
by proclaiming all territory under 'Azafid jurisdiction
to be Mannid and by abandoning the trappings of
royal authority enjoyed by his father. He also active-
ly participated in the djihad, and in July 1279 at the
relief of Algeciras, then blockaded by Alfonso X, it
was 'Azafid ships that formed the backbone of the
Mannid fleet which utterly routed the Castilians. But
gradually the certain rewards of peaceful trade, notably
with the Crown of Aragon, began to have greater
appeal than the uncertainties of the djihad. Mannid
setbacks in Spain in the 1290s and commitments in
the Maghrib encouraged the 'Azafids first to withhold
their dues to Fez and then, in 1304, to rebel against
the sultan Abu Ya'kub, who, without Aragonese naval
assistance, was powerless to impose his will. But 'Azafid
independence was short-lived: in May 1305 Nasrid
forces were enabled by a disaffected garrison com-
mander to seize Ceuta. All members of the 'Azafid
family were deported to Granada, where they re-
mained, royally treated by Muhammad III until his
deposition in March 1309.
The Second Dawla. In July 1309 Nasrid Ceuta,
following an internal rising, capitulated to the Mannid
Abu '1-Rabi', who then allowed the 'Azafids to return
from Spain and settle in Fez. There Yahya, a son of
Abu Talib, met and found favour with Abu SaTd
'Uthman, the very prince who was to gain the throne
on Abu '1-Rabi"s death (November 1310). In 710/
1310-11 Yahya was made governor of Ceuta and re-
turned with the family to his native city. His brothers
Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman and Abu '1-Hasan 'Air
were appointed, respectively, ka'id al-bahr and super-
intendent of the naval shipyard. However, the tem-
porary success of the sultan's rebel son Abu 'All
resulted in their recall to Fez late in 1314, and dur-
ing their stay there the ageing Abu Talib died. In
715/1315-16 Yahya returned to Ceuta as Abu SaTd's
governor, leaving his son Muhammad as a guarantee
of his continuing allegiance to Fez, but accompanied
by the rest of the family. Soon after, Abu Hatim died
and was survived by at least one son, Ibrahim.
Once back in Ceuta, Yahya soon put himself at
the head of a council of notables (shura) and, with
the aid of a Mannid pretender, succeeded both in
retrieving his son and in proclaiming and maintain-
ing Ceuta's autonomy. In 719/1319, however, he
chose to effect a reconciliation with Abu Sa'rd and
to remit taxes in exchange for recognition as Mannid
governor. His motive in so doing was probably grow-
ing apprehension at the popularity, in Ceuta, of an
ambitious Husaynid sharif who bore him a personal
grudge and was, at the same time, respected by Abu
SaTd. When Yahya died at some date in or after
722/1322-3, he was succeeded by his apparently in-
effectual son, Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad, who
governed under the tutelage of his cousin Muhammad
b. 'All, admiral of the fleet (ka'id al-asatll). Details
of the situation that in due course culminated in the
'Azafids' downfall are unclear; we know only that
their authority collapsed, that Abu SaTd marched
on Ceuta in 728/1327-8, and that disaffected nota-
bles surrendered the 'Azafids to him. The reasons
for the 'Azafids' downfall are complex, but, as their
enemy, the Husaynid sharif Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad,
'AZAFI — AZRU
of then
ning
Circumstantial evidence suggests that the Azihds
were ill taken to Fez where they w.e usefully
employed — under surveillance — in the administrition
The Muimds bore the family no ill will ind indeed
Muhimmid b All reappeais as admn il of Abu
1 Has ins fleet which in 1340 almost anmhihted the
Castilnn fleet ofl Algeciras Ten yeais 1 itet he wis
still idmiril of the fleet when he tell in action light
ing the Abd alWadids [q i J in the Chehf plun
Bibliography JD Litham Vie me of the i^afieh
of Ceuta in S 1/ Stern mimanal lolumt {= h,ad Oriental
Studus n (1972) 263 87) idem Vu lata 4 afids
in Melons h Tomneau (= Ra de lUeueknt musul
man it de la Uediterramt \v \u (1473) 104 2a) ion
p 125 the death of A.bu Za\d Abd il Rahman
can now be given in the genealogy 717/1317)
M Habib Hill Qudquis Itthis di la ihamillini di
Ctuta au timps dis i^afides in Actus II wloquio his
pane, tunumn Madrid 1472 42 7
(JD Latham)
'AZAMIYYA (tanka) [see abu l aza im]
al AZDI msba formed from the tribal name of
A.zd ind boine bv a family of Mihkite fad* of
Bighdad who will be treated under ibn dirham the
mm. of their ancestor
m. AZDI Isma il b Ishak b Ism<v il b Hammad
b Zvn> Abu Ishak ai Kadi 1 144 2S2/S14 95) Maliki
fakih originally trom Basia who in 24b/8b0 sue
ceeded Savvwar b 'Abd \llah as ladi of Baghd td
East Alter having been removed from office in 255
b/369 70 he was icstortd to oilice trinsfened to
Baghdad West in 258/871 2 and then given chuge
ot both hahes ot the city irom 202/876 till his death
he w is then supreme kadi without having the official
title although tunentK described as kadi I kudat He
was also sent as an en\o\ to the Siffitnd who hid
invaded the piovince of A.hw tz in 262/875 6
This ladi was equally a specialist in the Kui an
hadith fikh ind kalam ind knowledgeable about giam
mar ind adab He wis \erv opposed to ill mnov i
Hon refuting il Shah i and Abu Himfi ind spieading
Mahkism thiough Ink He wis the authoi ol t ton
siderable numbei of woiks the A \hkam al Km an
A alhimat A \Iaam I Km an A al Ihtidjadf bi I
Km an al Mabsut ft Ifikh A al initial na I magha^i
A al Shafi a A al Salat ala I nabi (ms Koprulu 428)
alFaraid A all sal Shanahid al Uuaatta A al Sunan
ii\e Vusnad^ A al Shuf a and sevenl refutitions
His works were known in Spun piobablv thanks
to his nephew AJimad ilDuhivm b Khilil I -'78
338/891 949) and aie often cited (see Ibn il Faiadi
BAH vu No 110 Ibn khiyi Fahrasa BiH i\ 51
2 148 247 8 303 4) Inpaiticulu his A Ah/am al
kuSan (cited elsewheie onlv in the Fihrist ed C uro
57) wis copied by kisim b Asbigh [q , ] see Ch
Pellat in al ind Wl (1954) 77
Bibliography Tabin index Mis udi Murud}
index Khitib Bighdidi Ta nkh \i 284 90
Dhihibi Hujja^ n 180 ft Ibn ilTmtd Shadhamt
n 178 Tvtd Madanl ed Baku m 168 81 Ibn
Faihun Dibaaj 42 3 \akut I daba \i 124 40
Suh ikhba, al Radi ua IMuttah ti M C mud
107 8 Suvuti Bughya 193 Brockelminn SI 273
(C h Pellat)
AZOV Sei of [see bahr m^uiis]
AZRU Berber stone pebble and above ill
lock the nime of numeious villages in Noith
toot on its slopes or on its summit One
of these in Moiocto in the middle of the ancient
province of the Fazaz ind King at 1 200 m height
his become a small town of 15 000 inhabit mts In
1901 the Marquis de Segonzn estimited the popu
lation at only 1 400 (woodcutters including 200 4.U
Musa Jews) and in 1940 there weie still only 3 500
A.zru is well-phced at the |unction of two gicit
lmpenilhighwavs now modernised F ts to Man ikesh
tnd Meknes to the Tatil tit and has become in impol
tint muket lor livestock Two further facts have con
tnbuted to its growth firstlv in 1914 a Fiench militarv
post wis set up there to control the great Berber con
federation ot the Bini Mgfld (who speik i Timizighl
dialect and are of Sanhtdja origin) and this mide it
an tdmimstritne tentie ind setondlv in 1927 a
Berber secondary college wis founded theie ton
turning its demographic development ind making it
a lively ind enduiing tultunl focus
Aziu s stritegit position Ins resulted in its frequent
ippenance on the piges ot Moroccin historv In
534/1140 the Almohads under the oiders of the
tihph A.bd al Mu mm and after a check which hid
scittered them established themselves there hrmlv
and the ami, took i wife there who wis to be the
mother of the prince Abd 'Ulah the futuie govei
noi of Bougie In 674/1274 under the Mtiimds one
ol the natuial unties of sultan 1 1 kub rebelled against
him ind entienched himsell in the A.zru mountain
the ruler besieged him there i educed him to sub
ind pirdoned him In 1074/lbb3 4 Miwhy
il Shan
i The i.
Afn,
ted bv
>ck or
uilt
tme to him there and pioclaimed
him lulei but the pnnte prudently l em lined at
Aziu for that summei In 1093/1684 Miwhy Ism t il
]ouineved in foite into the Faztz mountuns m
order to subjugate the Ayt Idiasen tube who hid
been committing ill soits ol depiedations in the phm
of the Sa is On his ippioach the tribe fled tow irds
the upper put of the \ alley of the Wddi Muluya
md the suit in piohted by then ibsente to build
it A.zru i kasaba gunsoned bv 1000 tivalrymen
Pushed back into the highlands ind cut off fiom
then agricultuial lands the A.yt Idiasen sued for peace
and obtuned it in letuin for harsh conditions of aman
In 1226/1811 sultin Miwlay Suhymtn at the held
of an nmy fiom all the piovinces of the empue
md of those Berbers who hid remuned faithful to
him in his misfortunes mirched against the tribes
ot the Igerwan and the Ayt lust His ill led tioops
suffered a bloody and humihiting dcteit before
Azru md weie onlv kept safe through the piotection
ot the Ayt Idnsen the toes of 1093/lb84 The A.ziu
aftan Ind widespiead repercussions throughout
Morocco ind deprived the sultan of all his piestige
he never recoveied and died soon after
The kasaba ot Miwhv Ismail is moie or less in
ruins todav but the modern town is developing i ip
idly and is fimous toi its woollen caipets woven bv
1 piospeious workeis cooperative Thinks to the
beauty ot its lot ition ind to the magnificent cedai
foiests in the vicinity Aziu his ilso become 1 floui
ishing tounst centre
One should be tueful not to confuse the lbove
Aziu — is do the luthois ind interpolators of the
Kutui ind the Dhakhna -with the place of the sime
i the c
intry c
the Bim Tuzin in noithem Morotcc
that undei the Mannids Talhi b lahy t took refuge
ind then left it attei getting in luthonsation to make
the Pilgrim ige to Mecca See il Badisi al Maksad
AZRU — BABUNADJ
Fr ti &S Colin he dts saints du Rij in -W \\\i
1192b) 209 n 4
Bibliography Zayvani al Turdfuman al mu'nb
extract ed and ti O Houdas U \Iaioc dt 1631 a
1812 Pans 1886 mde\, Nasiri A al hliksa Caito
1312/ 1894 tr of vol iv b) E Fume) Chromque
de la dynastu Alaouit au Mam in AM ix-x index
Marquis de Segonzac loyagts au \Iaioc (1899 1901),
Pans 1903 index E Levi-Piovencal Documents inedits
dhisloirt almohadt Pans 1928 144-5 H Teirasse
Hntoue du Mam Casablanca 1950 index and see
arts ATLAS BERBERS and MOROCCO
iG Deverdun)
BA HMAD Moi ocean giand \izier whose real
name was Ahmad b Musi b Ahmad al-Bukhan
His grandfather was a blaik sla\e belonging to the
sultan Mawla) Sula>man (1206-38/1792-1823)
whose hadfib he had become [see hadjib in Suppl ]
His fathei likewise became ha&ib to Sa»idi
Muhammad b c -\bd il-Rahmin [ 1276-90/ 1859-73)
and then became grand \iziei during the reign ot
Maw la> al-Hasan (1290-1311/1873-94) he enjo)ed
a miseiable reputation but his immense lortune
allowed him to connect his name with the Bahi)a
palace m Marrakush whose building he undertook
linsciiption of 1283/1866-7 in & Deveidun
Inscriptions No 206) He himself was said to be the
offspring of a Spanish mother and he had se\eral
children amongst whom are mentioned Sa'id
Idns— who both held important offices— and Ahmad,
tailed Ba Hnnd The lattei was born in 1257/1841-
2 and was first ol all hadfib to Mawll) Isma'il who
was the khalija in Fis ol his bi other MawU) al-
Hasan He then occupied the same office foi that
sultan Since he had been icsponsible lor the edu-
cation ol l Abd al-'Aziz b al-Hasan he fa\ouied
the accession to the throne of that prince then 14
)ears old (1894' he took the title of grand vizier
and, leaving the )oung sultan to amuse himself with
childish pleasmes exercised real powei in the state
with sufficient political astuteness and authont) to
pre\ent Morocco falling into anaich) Ba Hmad
whose strong personaht) has left behind a lasting
impression, constructed in Marrakush the reservon
of the Agdal which beais his name, undertook vai-
ious public works in the towns and abo\e all con-
tmued his lathers woik he enlaiged the Bahi)a
appaientl) without an) preconceived plan on the
site of some 60 houses and he purchased 16 gar-
dens to form its paikland He died on 17 Muhanam
1318/17 Ma) 1900 and was buried in the io>al
mausoleum ol Maw la) 'Ah al-Shanf (poetic epitaph
in Deveidun Insaiptions No 176)
Bibliography IbnZa)dan Maf al nas Rabat
1929 ff i 372-96 n 511 is 370-81 '\bbas b
Ibuhim 1'lam Fas 1926-39 n, 209-10 255-bl
L Arnaud Au temps dts Mehallas Casablanca 1951
128 & Deverdun, Inunptions mabes dt Marraketh
Rabat 195b idem, Marmkech des orpines a 1912
index (Ed )
BABA NUR al-DIN RISffl the son of Sha)kh Salai
al-Din an Indian hoi) man was born in the vil-
lage of Bidjbehaia 28 miles south-east of Snnagar in
about 779/1377 Mthough a Muslim he has been called
nshi because he was moie influenced b) the ideas and
piactices of the Hindu Sadhus and Rishis than b) those
of Muslim 9«/Ts and saints From the age ol thirt) Nur
al-Dih began to withdiaw to caves loi meditation and
pra)eis He finall) ienounced the world and its pleas-
ures and left his wile and childien In his last da)s he
subsisted only on one cup ol milk, and towards the end
he took nothing except watei, d)ing at the age of
b3 in 842/1438 He is the patron saint ol the
\alle), and is greatl) revered b) its people His
sa)ings and nrystical veises, like those ol Lalla Ded
ate sung and recited all over Kashmir His tomb
in C rir 20 miles south-west of Snnagai attracts
thousands ol people both Muslims and Hindus
The tendent) to asceticism became moie pro-
nounced among the followers of Nui al-Din Rishi
tailed Rishis alter him The) did not marrv thev
abstained from meat and subsisted on dr) bread and
wild fruits, and the) lived aw a) from human habita-
tions leading a life of piet) self-denial and simphci-
t) The) moved from place to place planting shad)
and Iruit-bearmg trees for the benefit of the people
Atcoiding to Abu 1-Fadl the Rishis were looked
upon as the most respectable class in the \ alle) But
in recent )ears owing to their worldliness and greed
lespect lor them has declined except among the ver)
ignoiant
Bibliography Abu 1 Fadl A'm i Akban n tr
Blochmann Calcutta 1927 Hadjdji Mu'in al-
Din Miskln Ta'nkhihabn Amntsai 1322/1904
Mohibbul Hasan hashmn undei the Sultans
Calcutta 1959 (Mohibbul Hasan i
BABUNADI (Babunak) horn Pezsian babuna is
the common camomile piimanl) Anthemis nobihs L
(Compositae) also called Roman camomile but also
Matniana thamomilla L (Comp ) and other vaneties
The nomenclature is rathei confused it can indeed
haidl) be expected that the various kinds ol the
camomile weie kept apart with piecision The teim
is denved from xa\xa\]XT\kov ( apple of the earth )
and was known to the Arabs parti) in a transcribed
loim (khamamalun and variants) parti) as borrowed
translation (tuffah al ard) The lelativel) cleaiest detei-
mmation is perhaps offered b) an anonymous phai-
macobotamst of Spanish-Arabic origin (ver) probabl)
Abu 'Abbas al-Nabiti b al-Rumi»a 561-637/1166-
1240) There are thiee kinds ol al babunad} the
stalks leaves and general iorm of which are similai
to each othei The distinction between them is to
be found in the coloui of the blossom-leaves which
enclose the )ellow situated in the middle ol the blos-
soms lor the blossoms of these three kinds are ) el-
low in the middle In the white kind the) aie enclosed
b) s
s whicl
and o
in the purple-coloured kind b) s
are blue inside and outside, and in the >ello\v kind
b) small leaves which are )ellow inside and outside
The distinction between the white and the chr)san-
themum {al ukhuitan) lies m the scent, lor the chrysan-
themum assumes [extraneous] scents and all these
kinds have a pleasant scent (Nuiuosmani)e 3589
fols 108b 23-109a, 4) In general, babunad^ corre-
sponds to the avOeun; ol Dioscondes ( Materia med
ua ed M Wellmann, u Beihn 1906 145-7 = lib
m 137) and appeals therefore also tianscnbed as
anthamis (and valiants) Ikhuuan just mentioned, which
is uncommonl) often equated with babunaqj, is oth-
ei wise used b) the Arabs to render the wxpOeviov
tbaithamyun, and variants) ol Dioscondes \op at lib
in, 138) b) which we should piobabl) understand
the medical Matniana ehamomilla still m use toda)
Ibn al-Ba)tar, on the othei hand sa)s that the
white kind of camomile desenbed b) Dioscondes
and called ukhuuan b) the -\iabs has been leplaced
b) babunad} [Djami' i 73 11-13 = Lecleic no 220
at the beginning)
The blossoms of the camomile which contain an
B VBLiN \DJ - B \DH \M B \DH \N
checks inflammations \
(\rabic tr Istifan b Bis
Tetuan 1952 299 t
■iqrabadbin of al Kindi ti
196b no 29 Biruni
kaiachi 1973 \ribi
iukhuutn) GJiihki D,arr
k 155 i folb 8ji84a '
)1 5 with bibhographv
ntdua de Diosumdis n
ed Dubler ind Tries
thit st
>i the \nuent Near Eist such is those c
Egvpt and Babvlon In medi ie\ ll \ribn
v\ is known bv the teim badahandf or i
bised from the alternative Persian ten
bad handf (see Doz\ Supplant nt l 47) M
enlv \bbisid palace of Ukhivdn lr
\Rt HITLC T1IRE I (3) The
ind the word badgu ippears
seems piobable that It ik lot
\bbisid caliphat
tion shafts in the
n Iiak is bai
led the inteim
Egvpt The badahandf wis ilreidv t featuie of the
landsc xpe in enl\ Fitimid times toi the lstionomei
Ibn \unus (d J99/1008 9) [q ]| discusses the cor
k i 2b4 f Ibn Hub il
;>71 i 08 f Nuwi\
I9« 28b 91 umportu
1 \rabic poetiv) HG
;>0 W
Mahna
I Rabban
BACTROMANCY [see
BADAJOZ [see B«yu'
BADGIR (P ) hteralK
mlK bv thin r
petitions ind
VIVing bad*,* I
? Gulf c
isrepan
i the adve
e been
examined scientific lib, to ascertain exactlv how the
difference in air pressure required to ueate 1 down
draught is achieved See H E V\ ulfl Tk tradi
twnal (rafts of Pirsia Cambridge Mass 19bb 15
10b and E Beazlev Sorm icrnaiular building of the
Iranian plateau in Iran Jnal oj the British Inst of
Persian Studies xv (1977) 100 1 (both with illustia
tions) Marco Polo mentions the badi>in> of Hormuz
on the Pel si in Gulf coast is the onlv things which
mike life beanble theie m summei ind other
ti -Hellers such as Pietro delh \ alle ind Figueioi
hive left good descriptions of them (see H \ ule
Tk book oj Ser Marco Polo the \ tnttian London 1871
383 4
equallv
Iala'i (555/llbdi see k \ C Creswell Til, Muslim
anhikitiin of Eg>pt Oxtoid 1952 9 i 284 5 The
' idahandf is mentioned tn tl ""
ind the 1
,1 Din ;
Ghuzt,
[q i ] devotes a chaptei of his inthol
ogv the Matah al budur to the badahandi in poetiv
ind hteiature (see F Rosenthal Pottn and ankhi
tun tk Badhan, in jnal of Irabu Likiatun mii [1978]
1 19) In modem Fgvpt the usuil teim foi the ton
tiivmce becime m«//«/ [wind] catchei noted b\
I ine in his Manners and customs of tk modun Ejptians
ch xxi\ ind still m use (see S Spno in 4iabit
English dictwnan of tk lolloquial irabu of Ejpt C xno
1895 544 ventilxtor nr shift wind sul ) in
domestic houses the m shift usuilh led down to
the public rooms of the la a or mandara oi else to
inothei chimber used foi sleeping (see \ Lezine
dEg\ph in BED xxi\ [1971] 12 15)
Biblio^iaphi In iddition to ieteiences given in
the aiticle see \ Bidiwv inkteitural pro ision against
J\ES xvn ,1958)
i Figs
BADHAM, BADHAN Persia
\emen tow aids
Muhammids hiet
(C E I
r 570 \D when then
Sivf b Dhi i
nson with i
mihta
It wa
officiils ind
soldie
local \rab p,
\bm [q ]
1 he ■Xrab s
pul Itl
occupition of
the
the succession
of Pe
Vvahnz and r
is des
with Badham
who
nected with Uahin
BADHAM, BADHAN -
1960, 64; al-Mas'udi, Murudj, iii, 162-7 = ed. Pellat,
§§ 1015-20; Ibn al-Athir, ed. Beirut, i, 447-51).
Badham seems to have been governor in San'a'
dming Muhammad's Medinan period and when
Muslim contiol began to be extended towards South
Aiabia at a time just aitei Heiachus s defeat oi the
Sasamds the Persian community s position must
ha\e become increasinglv isolated and vulnerable
oi se\eial local groups contending loi masteiv in
the \emen Badham and the Abna' may accoid-
mgh have been inclined to ieceive Muhammad s
ovtitun sympathetic allv but whether this invoked
anvthing moie than an acknowledgement oi distant
political suzerainty is uncertain The sources recoid
Badham s conversion to Islam undei the vear
10/631-2 togethei with that oi other Abna' lead-
eis such as Fituz al-Davlami and the Abnawi schol-
ar Wahb b Munabbih [q i ] (al Taban i 17b3
Ibn al-Athir n 304 Caetani, innah u/1 358 3b9)
Western scholars have howevei been suspicious oi
this stoiv oi the conversion oi Badham and the
Abna' and Caetani described it as a pious fiction
oi the Muslim tnditiomsts in ordei to give a flavour
oi orthodox v to Badham s nominal submission to
Islam [ibid n/ 1 371) The first Ridda War in the
\emen under 'Avhala b Ka'b called al-Aswad or
Dh u 1-Khimar [see «.-<vsw \d] now supervened
Badham died at this point, his son Shahr succeeded
temporarily to some of his powei in the \emen in
11/632-3 (al-Taban i 1864) but was killed bv al-
Aswad Muslim political authority was piobablv not
imposed in the \emen bv Abu Bakr s generals till
12/633-4 In anv case these events maiked the end
oi anv degree oi Persian control in the \emen
though the Abna' continued is a distinct social
group well into the earlv Islamic period (ci al-
Sam'ani imab iacs if 17b- 18a ed Hvdeiabad
Bibliography In addition to the ieierences
given m the article see Noldeke-Taban Oaihuhte
dei Push und iraber, 220 ff Caetani Annali u/1,
358 369-71 661-85 idem Chionogiaphia is/ami
ca i 113 123 A Chnstensen Limn som les
Sassamdci, Copenhagen 1944 368-70 373 W
Montgomery Watt Muhammad at Medina CKfoid
1956 118 128-30 (CE Bosworth)
4L-BADHDH a distnct and ioitiess oi north-
ern Adhaibavdjan famous as being the headquar-
ters oi the Khurrami rebel Babak [q < ] in the first
decades of the 3id/9th centurv The exact site is
uncertain but it must have lain in the modem
Karadja-Dagh older Mavmad the ancient Aimeman
legion of P'avtakaran, to the north oi Ahar and
south oi the Araxes Rivei neai Mount Hashtad-Sai
at some spot between the modern distncts oi Harand
Kalavbar and Garmaduz (\ Minoiskv Studies m
Camasian hntor, London 1953 lib and addenda et
comgenda slip) Babak s fortress there was stormed
bv the cahphal general the Afshin Havdai [qi] in
222/837 (Taban m 1198 if tr E Mann The map
oj al Mu'taum (8jj 642) New Haven 1951 29 if)
The onlv earlv Islamic geographei or tiaveller to
give first-hand information about al-Badhdh is Abu
Dulaf al-khazradji [q,] who tiayelled from Tiflis
to Ardabil via al-Badhdhavn (this ostensiblv dual
foim iefleaing an onginal Badhin ?; piobablv leav-
ing the Aiaxes vallev and going up the Kalavbar
River He speaks in his Second Ruala of a mine of
red lamam alum theie whose product was called
Badhdhi he also mentions that local traditions about
Babak were still strong a century or more later, with
Khurrami sympathisers in the area expecting
the return of a Mahdi (Abu-Dulqf Mis'ar ibn Muhalhil's
traiels in Iran (circa AD 950) ed and tr Minoiskv
Cairo 1955 !) 15 tr 35-b comm 75) A later
source mentioning al-Badhdh Kazwini s \thai al
bilad Beirut 1380/1960 511 lepeats Abu Dulaf s
information and Yakuts entiv Buldan, l 529 is
laconic and umnformative
Biblwgiaphy Given in the article
(C E Bosworth)
BADHL M.-KUBRA songstress and rauna in
eailv 'Abbasid times died befoie 227/842 probablv
in 224/839 She was boin as a mulatto (muuallada
iafia') in Medina and bi ought up in Basia Dja'far
a son of the caliph al-Hadi acquired her and after
193/809 she became a favouied djama of al-Amin
and gave birth to a son of his Being a pupil of Ibn
Djami' Fulavh and Ibiahim al-Mawsih she preserved
the classical hid^azi stvle oi Arab music preferring
verses bv hidjazi poets also for her own compositions
She was a good songstress and lutenist (danba) a
^anja and was famous for having a repertoire of
about 30 000 songs For 'All b Hisham she compiled
a Kitab ft I ogham which contained 12 000 song texts
(without musical indications) and this became one of
the sources of Abu 1-Faiadj al-Isbaham (22 quota-
tions) 'Ah b Hisham rewarded her with 10 000 dinars
and when she died she left a fortune which was
inherited bv the descendants of 'Abd Allah b al-
Amin Among hei pupils weie Dananir and Mutavvam
al-Hashimiv\a
Bibliography igham' xvn 75-80 (see also
indices) Shabushti Dnaiat' 28-9 43 Nuwavn
Niha\a v 85-8 HG Farmer History of Arabian
mum 134 K al-Bustam al \isa al 'arabmat, Benut
1964 104-7 Kh Maidam DjamJiaiat al mughanmn
Damascus 1964 148-50 (E Neubwter)
^L-BADl' [see M^RRAkUSIl]
BADIYA i\j meant in the Umavvad period a
residence in the countryside (whence the
verb tabadda] an estate in the environs of a settle-
ment or a ruial landed piopertv in the Sv ro-Joi daman
For Musil, the badna was the successoi to the sum-
mer encampment called bv the old Svnan Bedouin
name of al lura At the opening oi the 20th cen-
turv the sense was restncted bv archaeologists to the
desert castles Thev went so far as to construct the-
ories about the attraction of the Bedouin wav oi hie
ior the Umavvads and about the conservatory role
of the desert in upholding certain verv persistent tia-
ditions stronger than those oi the nascent Islam Since
the Umawads weie of urban Meccan origin it is
hardlv necessary to look ior an atavistic Bedouimsm
in ordei to explain their preferences foi the badiw
The new masters of Syria leplaced in the towns as
in the countryside the old landholder, whose teni-
tones abandoned at the time of the Islamic con-
quest were part oi the plunder distributed to the
great men It was said that they sought outside
Damascus, then official capital purer air the hesh-
ness of summer nights piotection against epidemics
and vast open spaces foi hunting in fact the
Umawads had a keen sense of the value of the land
and the possibilities of financial return iiom fertile
agncultuial propeities
The agncultuial development of Syna goes back
well into Roman times Exploitation of the soil
developed in legions where the water supply was
difficult necessitating an elaborate system of nn-
BADR al-MU'TADIDI
which o
Llld o
, be |
undertaken uith state aid (ir the injection of pri-
vate capital and which was not to survive the down-
tall ol the Umawads One verv often finds an
adaptation ol earlier Romano-Bvzantine or Ghassa-
nid installations as at karvatavn the Bvzantme
Nazala at Kutavfa Ptolcmv s Ateia at the Roman
station of Usavs 01 at the classical and Bvzantme
centre ol Bavt Ras [,/ i ] Alternative^ there w.ie
new buildings erected as at the two Kasi al-Ha\is
[ ?l ] or at kasi al-Hallabat These were not desert
ered as essentiallv Umawad and constructed on the
plan ol the small forts inherited Irom the lastia ol
the /mi which had themselves been replaced bv
the imal foundations of the Ghassamds Theie is
vntuallv no Umawad construction which does not
> be I.
tnev aie all built in a zone within the hints
had been cultivated and populated since Hel
times and had been protected against an\ i
occupation bv Bedouins who might
After
>wed t
rang t:
lands, which then benefited from their di
The badna* aie gtnerallv to be found where theie
is a watei supplv eithei on a line ol tianshumance
thus peimitting contacts with the Bedouin tnbt s or
else neai some gieat artcrv of communu ation like the
loutes Irom Damascus and Bosia towaids Tavma'
the road fiom Damascus to kaikisiva [,/.], and the
ioute which iuns alone; the cultivable maigin ol the
Hamad fiom Rusafa ol al-Nu'man as fai as Tavma'
passing through Tadmur 01 Palmvra Bakhra' [</ c ]
Djabal Savs [q i below] and kasi Btnku' |see burki '
below] Their construct
[?'!
The Umawads liked to stav to the south ol
Damascus on the Ghassamd sites of Djabiva and
Djilhk [qa ], and often spent the winter in the Joidan
vallev at al-Smnabia or in the palaces built at khubat
al-Minva and khubat al-Maldjar [qiv] Their move-
:>und w
[ten diet
agncultuiallv pioductive centies Thev had a speci
liking loi the legion of the Balka' [q < ] wheie the
residences among the mild oases aie numerous arour
Mshatta [i;<] an unfinished woik of the caliph a
Wahd II [qc] which maiks the end ol the auh
tectural evolution ol the badi) as
Badita can be a svnonvm ol kasi [q i
and a bath as at Djabal Savs Certain badnat, vseie
used as centies for hunting tmutasanad\ like Aba 'ii
01 kusavr 'Arara A good picture ol the architec-
tural activities ol the Umawads in the badna is
given bv Abu 1-Fiiadj al-Isfaham in his A al
ighan,
Bibliography ighani Tables alphabetiques
H Lammens La «Badia» tt la «Hira» sous Its
Omanada in \1F0B iv il910i 91-112 = Ftudis
ated
a quest
n ol a
•sidenct
enclosuie with dimensic
small foits The walls are piovidec
towers unknown in Roman and Bvza
uthin a
the e
e pote
1 The
flanked bv monumental towers is an audience
chambei usuallv basihcal in plan with apse at the
end ol gieatei 01 lessei lmpoitance On the floois
to the same plan as those on the giound tlooi These
last aie decorated with maible slabs stucco woik
liescoes and mosaics In the immediate vicimtv ol
F Her
i Omar
\Isfu
Hiri,
•md Badna in Jah,
Jaussen and Sivignac Us thattaux arabis di Qim
'imra Haianah el Tuba Pans 1422 -\ Mus
Palrmuna New i ork 1928 \ppx i\ 277-89
Poidebaid La trait dt Rami dans It distil situ
Pans 1934 J Sauvaget Rtmaiquis sin Its man
mints ommadn inji I Jan -Mai ch 1939) 1-5
H Stern hotis sui '
Islam,
[1941)1
omanadt Vcmcf 19bb 235-48 A Miquel L Islam
tt sa luilisation Paris 19h8 504 D and J
Souidel La inilisatian di t Islam ilassiqut Pans
19b8 ?48-5r> kAC Cieswell Earh Umliin
tanate A native of C 5c (Shash Tashkent) he
, nugiated to India and lose to lav our at the couit of
Sultan Muhammad b Tughluk [</»] who confened
j on him the stvle of Fakhi al ~aman His kasa id which
contain lefeiences to a numbei of contempoiarv events
with the dates often expiessed in clnonograms con-
stitute an impoitant source lor a penod which is noto-
nouslv obscuie and contioveisial It is all the moie
unfoitunate theiefoie that his Shah nama an epic
chiomcle ol Muhammad s leign completed in
74V 1344-5 has not survived it was still extant in
the late 10th/ Kith centurv when the Mughal histo-
rian Bada'um [MuntaUlab al tanaukh ed M Ahmad
'Ah Calcutta 18b4-9 3 vols BM Indua i 241 1
describes it as a tic asm e
BibIio%iaph) Badi i Can hasa'id lith ed M
Hadi 'Mi kanpui nd lith ed and comm M
'Uthman khan Rampui 1872-3 2 vols extiacts
tr in Elliot and Dowson Histon aj India in 5b7-
73 Rieu (atalogut »/ tht Ptiuan USS in tin Bntish
\lusium London 1879-8? m 10 32
BADR al-MU'TADIDI Abu l Nadjm com-
mandei-in-chiel of the aimies of the caliph al-Mu'tadid
(279-89/892-902) He was the son ol one ol al-
Mutawakkils mmuili whose name cannot be estab-
lished with ceitaintv ikhun oi khavr?) and was fust
in seivice as an equerrv to al-Muwaffak gaining fiom
that time the lavoui ol the future caliph ai-Mu'tadid
who whilst still regent altei al-Muwaflak s death (Salai
278/Junc 891) made him chiel of police in Baghdad
and then altei his accession com-mandei of all the
loices Badi led seveial expeditions into vanous legions
(Fais al-Djaziia Tiak etc i m ordei to le-cstablish
the mihtan, situation which had been lendeud inse-
(uit bv the kaiamita [qi] At the same time he
the caliph exeicising a veto over even, thing He gave
BADR al-MU'TADIDI — BAHA' al-DAWLA WA-DIYA' al-MILLA, ABU NASR FlRUZ
one of his daughters in marriage to al-Mu'tadid's son,
the future al-Muktadir, increasing his influence still
further. He had the right to be addressed by his kunya,
and the poets, and Abu Bakr al-Sulr in particular,
did not fail to include him in their eulogies of the
caliph. It was because of his exceptional position that
he acquired the name of "al-Mu'taciidi", distinguish-
ing him moreover from several homonyms.
In 288/901 he pleaded in favour of al-Kasim b.
'Ubayd .Allah [see sulayman b. wahb] who was made
vizier thanks to his intervention, but who failed to
show him much gratitude for it. In fact, Badr refuse
to take part in his machinations against the sons of
al-Mu'tadid, so that al-Kasim, fearing denunciation,
took care immediately on the accession of al-Muktafi
(289-95/902-8) to blacken Badr in the eyes of the
new caliph and probably to profit also by the hos-
tility towards Badr of certain other commanders. Badr
fled to Wasit, but was imited to return to Baghdad
under a guarantee of amart; in the course of his trip
up the Tigris, he was attacked on the heights of al-
Mada'in by al-Kasim's agents, who cut off his head
whilst he was at prayer and sent it to al-Muktafi (6
Ramadan 289/14 August 902). His body was left on
the spot and was later carried away by his family for
burial at Mecca. This murder was denounced by the
poets and imputed to the caliph, who might have
been expected to heave a sigh of relief at seeing the
head of the once-powerful general whom he had at
first honoured on accession, but who seems however
to have reproached his vizier for it.
Bibliography: Tabarl, iii, 2209-15 and index;
Mas'Qdl, Murud^, viii, 114, 216 ff. = § § 3242,
3360-6 and index; Hilal al-Sabi', Rusum dar al-
khilafa, 94; idem, Wuzaia'. passim; Tanukhi, Nishwai,
Cairo 1392/1972, i, 172, 316-17, v, 110, viii, 114;
Ghars al-Ni c ma, Hafawat, 206; Ibn al-Abbar,
I'tab al-kuttab, Nos. 49, 50, 52; Ibn al-Athir, vii,
170-1, 357-9; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadharat, ii, 201;
Ibn Taghribirdi, Nudjum, iii, 129; Ibn al-Djawzf,
Muntazam, vi, 34-6; Sourdel, Vizirat, index, and bibl.
cited there. (Ch. Pellat)
BAGHR [see marid].
BAHA' al-DAWLA WA-DIYA' al-MILLA, ABU
NASR FIRUZ Kharshadh b. 'Adud al-Dawla
Fana-Khusraw, Buyid supreme amir, who ruled
in 'Irak and then in southern Persia also from
379/989 to 403/1012) after 381/992 with the fur-
ther honorific, granted by the caliph al-Kadir, of
Ghiyath al-Umma, and towards the end of his life,
those of Kiwam al-Dawla and Sail Ami
Mu'mi
I. He
third s
1, after
Dawla Marzuban and Sharaf al-Dawla ShTrzfl, of
the great amir 'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.], who had built
up the Buyid confederation into the mightiest empire
of its time in the Islamic east.
On 'Adud al-Dawla's death in Shawwal 372/March
983, Samsam al-Dawla, as the eldest son, succeed-
ed as amir al-umara', but his succession was disput-
ed by Sharaf al-Dawla, and internecine warfare
followed, in which the young Baha' al-Dawla was
also involved. Finally, in Ramadan 376/January 387
Samsam al-Dawla's position in Baghdad became par-
lous;' he submitted to Sharaf al-Dawla, who now
became the supreme amir, and was partially blinded
and im-prisoned at Slraf. However, Sharaf al-Dawla
died in Djumada II 379/September 989, and Baha'
al-Dawla, whom Sharaf al-Dawla had nominated
before his death as his successor, assumed power
in Baghdad as amir al-umara' at the age of 19. He
thus began a reign of 23 years, long by Buyid stand-
ards. This reign falls into two roughly equal parts,
the first filled with warfare against rivals like his
uncle Fakhr al-Dawla 'All of Ray and Djibal and
Samsam al-Dawla, now escaped from incarceration,
until by ca. 1000 he had consolidated his power in
Fars and Kirman and was able to make Shiraz, his
father's old capital, the centre of his own dominions
for the rest of his lifetime, acknowledged by all the
Buyid princes as supreme amir.
At the outset of his reign, Baha' al-Dawla recog-
nised Samsam al-Dawla in Shiraz as an equal ruler
controlling Fars, Kirman and 'Uman. In 381/991
he deposed the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ta'i' [q.v.] in
favour of his cousin al-Kadir [q.v.], whom he hoped
to find more tractable; this proved in fact the case,
and the new caliph agreed subsequently in 383/994
to become betrothed to Baha' al-Dawla's own daugh-
ter, though she died before the marriage could take
place. The amir also secured from the caliph at this
time a fresh grant of titles; and it is from this year
that the ancient Iranian title Shahanshah, used unof-
ficially by his father, appears on his coins (cf. W.
Madelung, The assumption of the title Shahanshah by the
Buyids and "The reign of the Daylam (Dawlat al-
Daylam)", in JJVES, xxviii [1969], 174-5). Baha' al-
Dawla now had to defend 'Irak and Ahwaz against
the ambitions of Fakhr al-Dawla (who, urged on by
his vizier the Sahib Isma'il b. 'Abbad [see ibn 'ab-
bad], had on 'Adud al-Dawla's death himself assumed
the title of Shahanshah and the implied headship of
the Buyid family), and northern 'Irak against vari-
ous local Arab and Kurdish chiefs. Samsam al-
Dawla, after his escape, took advantage of unrest
in 'Irak and of Baha' al-Dawla's preoccupation with
internal strife in Baghdad — the divisions of the Sunm
and Shi'I populace and of the Turkish and Daylaml
elements in the Buyid army — and seized Ahw3z and
Basra. Baha' al-Dawla secured the alliance of the
ruler of the Batiha, Muhadhdhib al-Dawla 'AIT b.
Nasr, and of the Kurdish prince Badr b. Hasanuya
[see hasanawayh]. Even so, his vizier and general
Abu 'All b. Isma'fl al-Muwaffak could make little
headway against Samsam al-Dawla's skilful com-
mander Abu 'Ali ai-Hasan b. Ustadh-Hurmuz. After
several oscillations in the fortunes of war, Samsam
al-Dawla was in 388/998 assassinated near Isfahan
by Abu Nasr Shah-Firuz, a son of 'Adud al-Dawla's
cousin and former rival Tzz al-Dawla Bakhtiyar.
AbO 'All b. Ustadh-Hurmuz now came over to Baha'
al-Dawla's side with the remnants of Samsam al-
Dawla's Daylami troops. Once Abu Nasr Shah-Firuz
had been killed in Kirman, Baha' al-Dawla was sole
master of the southern provinces of Persia, Fars and
Kirman, and of their dependency 'Uman. Two years
later, his implacable enemy Fakhr al-Dawla died,
and his successors in Ray and Hamadhan, the young
and inexperienced Madjd al-Dawla Rustam and
Shams al-Dawla Abu Tahir respectively, acknowl-
edged Baha' al-Dawla's supreme overlordship, as
coins minted at Ray from 400/1009-10 and at
Hamadhan from 401/1010-11 attest.
Baha' al-Dawla now moved his capital from
'Irak to Shiraz, captured from the temporary con-
trol' of the sons of Tzz al-Dawla, and never
returned from it to Baghdad. The move eastwards
showed that he regarded southern Persia as the
heartland of the Buyid dominions, and except for
the brief occupation in 390-1/1000-1 of Kirman
by the Saffarid Tahir b. Khalaf, the Persian lands
remained generally peaceful. But the relinquishing
of Baghdad as capital meant a distinct relaxation
l-DAWLA WA-DIYA'
iSR ITRUZ - BAHRIYYA
orth e
usted
to governors ffor much of this period, until his death
in 401/1010-11, to the 'Amid al-Djuyush Abu 'Air
b. Ustadh-Hurmuz) at a time when powerful ene-
mies were rearing their heads there. Baha' al-Dawla's
departure for Fars allowed the caliph al-Kadir to
enjoy ]
of a
authority, especia
SunnI interests against ShT'i policies of the Buyid
amir [see al-kadir biYlah for details]. Above all, the
contused situation in 'Irak after 'Adud al-Dawla's
death and the squabbling of his sons in Fars over
control of the empire had allowed local Arab poten-
tates in 'Irak to extend their power at Buyid expense,
so that direct Buyid authority was to be for much
of Baha' al-Dawla's reign confined to Baghdad and
Wash and their immediate vicinities. In northern
'Irak there were the 'Ukaylids \q.v.] of Mawsil; Baha'
al-Dawla sent against the ami) Abu '1-Dhawwad
Muhammad several expeditions, but could not entirely
quash his power, and after Abu '1-Dhawwad's death
in 386/996, his nephew Kirwash b. al-Mukallad (after
391/1001) carried on the struggle. In central 'Irak,
the Asadi amir 'All b. Mazyad was ever ready to
stir up the Bedouins of the Khafadja and Muntafik
groups [q.vu.] against Buyid rule, whilst in the south
of the country a rebel called Abu 'l-'Abbas b. Wasil
in 393/1003 seized Basra and invaded Ahwaz, hav-
ing driven out from the Batiha Muhadhdhib al-
Dawla. In 396/1006 a coalition of Badr b.
to besiege Baghdad, but the capital was saved by
Ibn Wasil's being captured and then executed
1 397 /100b). An attempt was made to conciliate the
Arab amirs of 'Irak, so that the 'Ukaylid Kirwash b.
al-Mukallad was in 396/1005-6 awarded the lakab
of Mu'tamid al-Dawla and the Mazyadid 'Air in
397/1007 that of Sanad al-Dawla. Also, the new
governor for Baha 1 al-Dawla in Baghdad after
401/1010, Fakhr al-Mulk Muhammad b. 'All, defeat-
ed the 'Ukaylids, drove oil" the Khafadja and man-
aged to make peace with the Kurds, who in fact
ceased to be such a threat to the Buyid position in
'Irak after Badr's murder in 405/1014-15.
In Djumada II 403/December 1012 Baha' al-
Dawla died at Arradjan, probably en route for
Baghdad. His corpse was taken to Baghdad and then,
like that of his father, interred near the grave of the
Imam 'All b. Abr Talib at Nadjaf near Kufa. It
appears that during his lifetime, Baha' al-Dawla's
(eldest?) son Abu Mansur had been the wall al-'ahd,
for his name, with the title of amir al-umaia', appears
on an inscription at Persepolis dated 392/1002, but
this son had died in 398/1008. Hence just before
his death, he had nominated his 19-year old son
Sultan al-Dawla Abu Shudja' as supreme amir, the
latter after his accession appointed his brothers Djalal
al-Dawla and Kiwam al-Dawl ' "
the Buyid fa
the recurren
of the later Buyids and
loney and for fresh iktii'
philosopher Miskawayh [q.v.] served as a secretar
nd despite the absence of n
, of o
tandini
: Shir;
I Tha'alibr in his Tatimmat al-latima. ed. Eghbal,
18, 26-30, mentions only two poets of note, Abu
'Abd Allah al-Husayn al-Mughallis and Abu Sa'd 'All
al-Hamadham), there is reason to suppose that Baha'
al-Dawla continued the tradition of patronage of
Arabic learning established by 'Adud al-Dawla before
him. Certainly, Samsam al-Dawla had as his vizier
for two years Abu 'Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Ahmad,
Ibn Sa'dan [q.v.
through t
d Shai '
tl-Dawla
s of Abu Hav
amongst Baha' al-Dav
ambitions of the Arab
sure from the Ghazna'
The <
itruggles
;ons, combined with the
in 'Irak and distant pres-
old then the Saldjuks in
the east, were soon to destroy the precarious unity
of the Buyid empire inherited by Baha' al-Dawla
from his father.
It is not easy to form a clear picture of Baha' al-
Dawla's character and personality, and he suffers in
the sources by comparison with his father. They
describe him as tyrannical to his entourage, avid for
gold and niggardly over its disbursement, but these
distinguished astronomer Abu Sahl al-Kuhi [q.v.]. Abu
Nasr Shapur b. Ardashir id. 416/1025 [see sabur b.
ARDAsnlR in EI']], who served Baha' al-Dawla as
vizier on several brief occasions during the first part
of his amu-ate, seems to have been a scholar of out-
standing calibre, considered by Tha'alibr as worthy
of a separate section in his anthology because of the
amount of poetry dedicated to him by such figures
as Abu '1-Faradj al-Babbagha, Ibn Lu'lu' and Abu
'l-'Ala' al-Ma'arn (latlmat al-dahr. ed. Damascus, ii,
290-7, ed. Cairo 1375-7/1956-8, iii, 129-30j; whilst
the governor for Baha' al-Dawla in Baghdad land
subsequently for his successor Sultan al-Dawla i Fakhr
al-Mulk was the patron of the poet Mihvar al-Davlaml
[</.r.] and of the mathematician of Baghdad Abu Bakr
Muhammad al-Karadji [q.v.; the msha to be correct-
ed thus
es], the
il-Kark
: Miskawa
r dedic;
requcni
ihudja' al-Rudhrawarl iup to 389/999) and ii
urviving fragment of Hilal al-Sabi"s Ta'rikh
■ring 389-93/999-1003 (both sources forming
Jth and Amedroz's Eclipse r.
'Abbas
leing
Amedroz for his study Tine,
of Buwaihal rule in Baghdad. A.H. 389-393. in JRAS
[19011, 501-36, 749-86). These specifically Buyid
sources can be filled out and supplemented by ihe
general chronicles of Ibn al-Athir, ix, Ibn al-
DjawzT, vii, and Sibt Ibn al-DjawzT, the latter two
especially important for events in Baghdad and
Of s.
accounts of Baha' al-Dawla's amirate and of the
cultural life of the period in Mafizullah Kabir, The
Buwailud drnasty of Baghdad [334/ '946-447/ 1055).
Calcutta 1964, 77-91, 179 ffi; in H. Busse, Clialif
mid (Jwsflcomg, die Buriden im Iraq 1945-1055). Beirut-
Wiesbaden 1969, 67 ff. and index; and in idem,
ch. Iran imdei the Buyids. in Camb. hist, oj hall, iv,
ed. R.N. Frye, Cambridge 1975, 289-96; The
extensive bibliography in Busse's book expands and
brings up-to-date that of the article buwayhids [q.v.].
(C.E. Bosworthi
BAHRIYYA. I. The navy of the Arabs up
o 1250. Although Near Eastern writers in mediaeval
times did not address themselves specifically to
the subject of bahriyya, references to seafaring activi-
ties made by Arab, Byzantine, southern and western
European chroniclers, geographers and travellers, as
well as pertinent details found in the Arabic papyri
and the Geniza documents, provide a considerable
body of information concerning the rise and fall of
the Arab navy.
The naval requirements of the Arabs were dictated
by the necessity of defending their Mediterranean ter-
ritories — stretching from Cilicia and Syria in the East
to the Spanish Levante seaboard in the West — and
of protecting their shipping, as well as by their offen-
Mediterranean. Until the appearance of aggressive
Italian fleets and the coming of the Crusaders, Muslim
sea power, along with that of the Byzantines, consti-
tuted the dominant factor in mediaeval Mediterranean
naval history.
The organisation and command structure of the
bahriyya were affected by the policy and strategy of
the caliphate. In the beginning of the 2nd/8th cen-
tury, the naval organisation involved several naval
districts and distinct, self-controlled fleets. The naval
districts, with their strategic ports (thaghr, pi. thughur
[q.r.]) and warships, remained under the jurisdiction
of commanders appointed by the caliph and respon-
sible for the supervision of the construction and equip-
ment of the ships; for their safety in the winter bases;
for the selection of the entire naval personnel; for
gathering and analysing naval intelligence; and for
giving operational orders. With the decline of the
caliphate, the organisational logistic, and operational
responsibility for the bahriyya rested with those dyna-
mic regimes whose power was based on the coastal
provinces, whether they enjoyed a sovereign status, as
was the case of the Fatimids, or that of local dynas-
ties, like the Aghlabids, the Tulunids, the Ikhshldids
and the Ayyubids [q.vr.].
An essential feature of the bahriyya were the dur
al-sina'a (sing, dar al-sina'a [</.;>.]). These naval instal-
lations served not only as operational bases, but
also as shipyards, naval arsenals and as the man-
power centres supplying sailors and combat per-
sonnel. The number and activity of these installations
depended on the degree of concern for naval mat-
ters of individual regimes. The latter ensured the
operations of the installations by raising taxes specif-
ically earmarked for naval expenditure; by procur-
ing raw materials needed for the construction and
fitting of warships; and by conscripting the neces-
sary manpower. The Muslim naval inventory
involved a great diversity of combat and support-
ive vessels. In fact "the Muslim navy not only had
a variety of names for a single type, but a single
name for a variety of types" (A.M. Fahmy, Muslim
A fleet [al-ustul [q.v.]) was commanded by the ra'is
al-ustid (commander of the fleet) selected from among
the top naval officers (al-kuawad), but the care of
weapons and direction of naval action were discharged
by the chief sailor (ka'id al-naivatiya). The crews of the
warships were made up of sailors (nuti, pi. namatiya);
oarsmen {kadhdhaf)\ craftsmen and workmen (dhamu
'l-sma'a wa 'l-mihan); as well as of the fighting men,
such as the naphtha throwers (al-najfatun) and the
marines. The actual fighting involved both the bom-
bardment with combustible projectiles, and the sub-
sequent ramming, boarding and hand-to-hand combat
of the marines. The latter were employed also for
landing raids.
The early history of the bahriyya was highlighted
by the raids against Cyprus in 28/649 and 33/655;
by the victory over a Byzantine armada in the Battle
of the Masts (Dhat al-Sawan [q.r. in Suppl.]) in
34/655; and by the two sieges of Constantinople in
54-69/763-9 and 98-9/717-18), during which the
Muslim fleets attempted to blockade maritime access
to the imperial capital, and supported logistically the
Arab land forces. In that period Muslim squadrons
raided Sicily in 32-3/652 and 46/666-7, temporar-
ily occupied Rhodes in 52/672 or 53/673 and Arwad
(Cyzikus) in 54/673, and raided Crete in 55/674.
In the first half of the 3rd/9th century, the position
of the bahriyya was enhanced by the reassertion of
Muslim influence over Cyprus [see kubrus] and the
conquest of Crete [see ikritish]; both these strate-
gic islands facilitated offensive operations against
Byzantine possessions. Regular Muslim fleets were
stationed at Alexandria, Rosetta, Damietta, 'Akka,
Tyre, Sidon and Tarsus. In the Western
Mediterranean, the navy of the Aghlabids engaged
in relentless attacks against Sicily [see sikilliyya] and
the southern and western shores of Italy from the
naval base of Tunis.
The pursuit of ambitious political goals in Egypt
and Syria by Ahmad b. Tulun (254-70/868-84) entailed
both an expansion of naval installations, especially
those of 'Akka, and the strengthening of naval squad-
rons. His example was emulated by Muhammad b.
Tughdj al-Ikhshrd (323-34/935-46); but neither the
fleet of the Tulunids nor that of the Ikhshldids proved
to be very effective. The former was annihilated in
293/905 by a small 'Abbasid fleet, the latter was un-
able to support Crete and Cyprus against the resurgent
Byzantine navy. On the other hand, in 291/902 the
Muslim bahriyya achieved a great success when Aghlabid
naval forces conquered Sicily.
Following the Byzantine re-conquest of Crete
(350/961) and Cyprus (352/963), the difficult task of
upholding the prestige of the bahriyya was taken over
by the Fatimids. Having inherited strong naval tra-
ditions from the Aghlabids, the Fatimids undertook
a major expansion of the fleet. Their powerful
naval squadrons proved instrumental in contesting
supremacy in the western Mediterranean. Malta,
Sardinia, Corsica, the Balearic and other islands
were attacked. In 324-5/934-5 a Fatimid fleet har-
ried the southern coast of France, took Genoa, and
coasted along Calabria, carrying off slaves and other
booty. In 344/955 another Fatimid fleet raided the
coasts of Umayyad Spain. In 358/969 a power-
ful Fatimid armada participated in the conquest of
Egypt. Concerned with the offensive operations of
the Byzantines, as well as with the need for pre-
serving the unity of their realm, which stretched from
North Africa to Syria, the Fatimids attached great
importance to the status of their navy. They found-
ed a "Department of the Holy War or of Maritime
Constructions": (Dlwan al-Djihad aw Dlwan al-'Ama'ir).
Ships were built in Alexandria, Damietta, at the island
of Rawda, in Misr, and in the new dockyards of
al-Maks, which alone is credited with producing
600 vessels. Availability of the services of the Syrian
thughur, such as Tyre and Tripoli, extended the oper-
ational capacity of the Fatimid fleet in the eastern
Mediterranean.
In the 5th/ 1 1th century the power of the bahriyya
began to decline. The North African provinces
slipped away from the Fatimids. The fleets of the
Italian mercantile republics asserted their prepon-
derance in the western Mediterranean and began
- BAKI billah
to raid with vntual impunitv the Algerian and
Tunisian shores The dvnamic Normans conqueied
Sicih and Southein Ital\ and then began piepar-
In the first half ot the bth/12th centurv the vic-
tories ot the C rusaders were facilitated b\ the decline
of Fatimid naval foices and resulted in the loss of
all Islamic coastal towns uilh the exception of
'\skalan Alter the sunendei of that lortiess in
548/1 15^ the coast of Egvpt became an eas\ tar-
An attempt to challenge the Christian na\al power
was made b\ Salah al-Din i5b7 80/1 171-031 the
supplanter of the Fatimids He increased the salaries
of the sailois re-toitified Egvptnn na\al bases and
cieated a special office ot the fleet [diuan aluitul)
to which se\eral blanches of Egvptian itvenue con
tnbuted In 574-5/117° his fleet counted 80 ves-
sels of which bO were gallcvs ind 20 transports
Mthough the revitalised navy achieved some suc-
cess during Salah al Din s struggle tgamst the
Ciusaders (including an effective counter-attack in
Dhu 1-Hidjdja 578/Fcbruarv 1183 agamst a dar-
ing Frankish penetiation of the hitherto immune
Red Sea waters) it proved impotent to prevent the
movement of Christian fleets bringing new hosts of
European warnois eager to fight against the Muslim
conqueiors of Jeiusalem The Thud Crusade (585-
7/1180-91) did not recover the Hol\ Cm but it
delivered a mortal blow to the Egyptian navy whose
squadrons tried smcidalh to suppoit the garrison
of 'Akka blockaded b\ a tiemendous concentrition
of Euiopean fleets According to al-Maknzi (7bb-
845/ Hb4- 1442), \ftcr the death of Silah al-Din
the affairs of the fleet weie given little attention
Service in the nav\ was considered to be a dis-
grace to such an extent that to call at an Eg\ptian
\ou sailoi 1 was tieated as an insult What a change
fiom the da\s when the names of the sailois were
invoked in the pra\crs of the people and from the
times when these ven sailors had been called the
soldiers of God waging the Hol\ War against the
foes of ■Ulah''
Bibliography AM < \bbadi Ta'nUl al
bahnyva al islamiyyaji \hsr na I Sham Cairo 1072
M Canard Lis npiditions des irabes tontrt
Constantinople dans Vhistoire it dam la legtnde in J4
ccvm (102b), bl-121, AS Ehrenkieutz The plait
in the Middle igis in JWS Kxv |1055) 100-lb
E Eickhoff Setkntg und Sitpohtik zaiuhen Islam und
[650 1040] Saarbtucken 1054 '"'
Fahnr
Muii
; Eastttn
Meditu
lObb W Hoenerbach irabtr und Uittdmiei in/any
und Problemt arabisihtr Seegtsihichtt in Zjh lelidi
Togan irmagam Istanbul 1050-5 370-Ob Dj
Khanki Ta'nkh al bahnyya al misnyya Cauo 1048
S Mahir al Bahnna fi Mm al islamma Cano
10b7 \ lewis \aial pouer and tiade in tin
Mediterranean ID 500 1100 1051 al-Makrm, al
Maaa'i ua I I'tibar Pans 1853 11 104 L -R
Menager imiratus Au,T|pSi; I Emu at it lis ongrnes
di limiraute ( \I Mil siettis) 10b0 Kudama b
Dja'fai \uskhat 'afid bi ailayat thaghi al bahi in M
Hamidullah Muslim londuit oj statt Kaiachi 1053
310-21 MA Shaban Islamic history AD 600 750
[4H 112) Cambndge 1071 M Talbi LEmnat
aghlabidi Pans lObb ^84-524
[\S Ehre
II, III [See Vol I. 045 fl]
BAKHIT al-MUTII al-HANAFI Muhammad
mup of Eg\pt horn 1014 until 1021 He was
boin m the village of al-Muti'a in the province ot
\s\ut on 10 Muhairam 1271/24 September 1854
\ftei completion ot his studies at al-Azhar in
1202/1875 he remained attached to that institu-
tion as a teacher until 1297/1880 when he was
appointed kadi of al-Kal\ubi\\a piovince This was
the beginning of his caieei in the judician in which
he seived as provincial judge in various lesorts as
kadi of Alexandria as kadi ot Cairo and in a num-
bei ot othei high positions such as the oflite of
Inspectoi ind the office of mujti in the Ministn of
Justice pnor to his appointment as mufti of Egvpt
on 21 December 1014 In the course of his caieer
he was involved either directh or indnecth in
notable events of the da\ such as the intrigues
against reform in al-\zhai as sponsored b\
Muhammad 'Abduh lef \hmad Shaflk Mudhakkirat,
fl msf lam Cano 103b 11 part 2 35), the compli-
cations surrounding the marriage of 'All lusuf [ibid
fall and the events of 1021 pieceeding Egvptian
independence (cf Shaffk 111 275 fl ) He was a mem
ber of al-Rabita al-Sharkivy a [qi], but resigned horn
this association in 1025 in protest to the effoits of
some of its members to bring about the annulment
of the intended tnal of 'Ah 'Abd al-Razik )cf \hmad
The
s Man.
sul ai
.ised bv Muhammad Bakhit in his Haiti at al Islam
uausul at hukm, Cairo H44/1025-b This book as
well as publications with suggestive titles such as al
Murhajat I yamamyy 1 fl 'unuk man lata hi butlan al nakf
'a/a Idhunyya Cano 1344/1025-b Ii shad al Ian' u a
I sami' ila anna il talal idha lam yudif ila al mafa ghayr
iiah' Cairo 1348/1029-30 Hudjdjat Allah 'ala
khali/atihi fi bayan hakikat al hui'an ua hikam Kitaba
tihi Cairo 1932 icflect Muhammad Bakhit s active
intellectual involvement with the various issues of his
time such as the disputts pettaming to the transla-
tion of the Kui'an the position of women and the
campaign toi abolition of the uakf ahli Othei pub-
lications such as his Tanbih al'ukul al msanma lima
raruyya Cairo 1344/1025-b Taixftk al Rahman li tauftk
bain ma lalahu 'ulama' al hay'a ua bayn ma dfa' Ji
ahadith al sahiha ua ayat al Kufan Cairo 1341/1922-
3 and al Djauab al shaft ft ibahat al tasix ir al jutughraft
Cairo nd and Risala ft \hkam lira' at al funughraj
Cano 1324/190b-7 show his concern with pioblems
msing out of the confiontantion of Islam with the
results of Western science and technologv
Muhammad Bakhit died on 20 Radjab 1354/18
October 1935
Bibliography For biographies see Zaki Fahmi
Sqfuat al'asi fi ta'nlji rusum mashahir ndjal Misr
Cairo 1320/1008-0, 501 ff Ilvas Zakhuia \Iifat
al 'asi Ji ta'nkh rusum alabir rigjal hi Mist Cairo
101b 11 4b7 Sulav man al-Zav van Kan alcanna?
Ji ta'nlh al 4Jar Cano nd 172 fl and the
weeklv alhlam Cairo ed Amin < \bd al-
Rahman) iv (1035) 30 38 f (an obituarv con-
taining biographical data)
BAKlBI'LLAH Khadja, Sufi saint ol Muslim
India bom in Kabul in 971/15b3-4 His tathei
Kadi 'Abd al-Salam Khaldji Samarkandi was a
scholaih Sufi and his mothei a descendant of
Shavkh 'Ubavd \llah Ahrai id 80b/1401) the dis-
tinguished saint of the Nakshbandi oidei [see
ahrar, kh adja, abov e] . He completed his earl}
BAKI BI'LLAH —
education and then studied the religious sciences under
the guidance of Mawlana Sadik Halwa'T, who had
stayed in Kabul at the persuasion of Mirza Hakim
in 978/1570-1 on his way back from the Hidjaz
to Samarkand. After some time, he accompanied
Halwa'T to Transoxiana, and there he outshone
other students of his in Islamic theology. As he
was inclined towards piety and Sufism, he visited
the famous Sufis and developed a desire for spir-
itual perfection. Hence he turned to India and
wandered about here and there in the Pandjab,
spending nights in vigil and performing mystical
exercises, to the point that his health was adversely
affected.
Having spent sometime in the Pandjab and
Kashmir, Baki bi'llah again went to Transoxiana in
1000/1592 in search of a spiritual guide. In Samar-
kand, he became the disciple of the Nakshbandi saint
Mawlana Kh"adjagi, who acquainted him with the
teachings and philosophy of his order. He adopted
the teachings of Shaykh Ahrar and returned to India
towards 1007/1599, settling down in Dihli as a founder
of the Nakshbandi order there and gathering a num-
ber of disciples, including some of the leading grandees
and scholars. Shaykh Farid Bukhari, one of Akbar's
prominent nobles, also became his disciple, and met
all the expenses of his khankah in Dihli. As regards
his teachings, he emphasised the importance of right
faith, strict adherence to the Islamic Shari'a, constant
meditation and the service of man; to him, this was
the essence of Sufism, and no importance was attached
to other mystic experiences. He considered Ibn
al-'Arabfs philosophy of wahdat al-wudjud ("unity of
being'") as a narrow lane, while 'Ala' al-Dawla
Simnanfs concept of wahdat al-shuhud he declared to
be a wider road.
Baki bi'llah died in 1011/1603 leaving a number
of distinguished disciples to further his work. It was
largely due to him that the Nakshbandi order sub-
sequently gained popularity in India and became one
of the important orders there, making an impact on
the religious life of the Indian Muslims which can be
felt even today.
Bibliography: Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat-i
Rabbanl, i, ed. Mawlana Yar Muhammad Djadld
Badakhshi, Kanpur 1877; Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk
Muhaddith, Akhbar al-akhyar, Dihli 1914; Athar
'Abbas Rizvi, Muslim revivalist movements in India
in the 16th and 17th centuries, Lucknow 1965; Mu-
hammad Hashim Badakhshani, ^ttbdat al-makamat,
Lucknow 1885. (I.H. Siddiqui)
BAKR b. AL-NATTAH, Abu 'l-Wa'il, minor
poet of Basra, who belonged to the tribe of Bakr
b. Wa'il and who eulogised Rabi'a; but it is not
known for certain whether he was descended from
Hanifa b. Ludjaym or from his brother Tdjl (Ibn
al-Kalbi-Caskel, Tab. 141), so that he is sometimes
given the nisba of Hanafi and sometimes that of
'Idjll. He spent part of his life in Baghdad, and
according to information given in the Aghani (xix,
38), he is even said to have received for some time
a stipend from the diwan of al-Rashid. However, he
seems to have led a fairly restless life in search of
patrons, being avid for rewards. He is moreover
made into a su'luk, a brigand of the highways, because
he boasted of using his sword in order to earn his
living; but the only relevant episode here mentioned
in the sources is an attack by the hordes of
Abu Dulaf al-Kasim b. Tsa al-TdjlI (d. 225/840
[q.v.]) after the latter had remarked to Ibn al-Nattah
that he was always boasting of his bravery but never
put it to the test. For the rest, his relations with
Abu Dulaf are unclear; according to one tradition,
he was recruited into his army and received a stipend
until the end of his life, whilst another tradition
describes him as coming every year to the master
of al-Karadj asking for money to buy an estate
allegedly adjacent to his own existing one. Whatever
the truth, he eulogised his benefactor, above all in
a fine kasida of 90 verses which has been preserved
by Ibn al-Mu'tazz. Abu Dulaf's brother, Ma'kil b.
'Isa, interceded on his behalf for the prince to par-
don Ibn al-Nattah's indiscretions, which led to sim-
ilar eulogies on Ma'kil and an elegy on his death.
Ibn al-Nattah also mourned the death of Malik b.
'Ali al-Khuza'i, at whose side he had fought in cam-
paigns against the Kharidjis of the district of Hulwan.
He is also found in Kirman, where he received a
regular stipend, and at the side of Malik b. Tawk
[see al-rahba], to whom he dedicated some pane-
gyrics. However, the chronology of all these events
is far from certain, and it is most unlikely that he
could have praised the latter person (who died in
260/874), at least if he himself died in 192/808,
which an allusion to his loss in the Diwan of Abu
VAtahiya (ed. Beirut 1964, 105, rhyme -ata, metre
sari') seems to support.
The critics recognised that he handled with talent
the various poetical genres, though at the same time
criticising him for certain exaggerations on occasion.
His eulogies and elegies remain within the Bedouin
tradition, but several poems in which he hymns a
dfariya called Durra have a more modernist form; it
was because these were set to music that Bakr b. al-
Nattah merited a notice in the Aghani. Out of his
total poetic production, which ran to a hundred or
so leaves tFihrist, 232), Ahmad b. Abi Tahir Tayfur
made a selection {Ikhtiyar shi'r Bakr b. al-Nattah) which
Yakut cites (Udaba', iii, 92).
Bibliography: Djahiz, Hayawan, iii, 196, iv, 232;
Ibn Kutayba, 'Uyun, index; Mubarrad, Kdmil, 561-
2, 708-9, 853; "ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabakat, 99-103;
Abu Tammam, Hamasa, ii, 88-9; Kali, Amali, i,
227; Bakri, Stmt al-la'ali, 520; Mas'Qdl, Murudi,
vii, 140 = § 2824; Aghani, xix, 36-52; Ibn 'Abd
Rabbih, 'Ikd, ed. Cairo 1940, i, 275; Tawhldi,
Imta', iii, 50; Marzubani, Muwashshah, 298; 'Askari,
Sina'atayn, index; Ibn Khallikan, Wqfayat, in the
notice "no. 511; Ibn Shakir, Fawat, no. 62; Ibn
Rashik, 'Utnda, ii, 53, 145; Khatib Baghdad!,
Ta'rikh, vii, 90; HusrT, £aAr al-adab, 596, 966-7,
1017; Nuwayrl, Maya, ii, 18; J.E. Bencheikh, Les
voies d'une creation, Sorbonne thesis 1971 (unpub-
lished), index; WahhabI, Mara§i', iii, 114-5;
BustanI, DM, iv, 105-6; Zirikll, A'lam, ii, 46.
(Ch. Pellat)
al-BAKRI, Muhammad Tawfik b. 'AlI b.
Muhammad, Egyptian religious dignitary. He was
born in Cairo on 27 Djumada II 1287/24 August
1870, and was appointed nakib al-ashraf [q.v.], shaykh
mashayikh al-turuk al-sujiyya (head of the tarikas [q.v.]),
and head of al-Bakriyya [q.v.] in January 1892 in suc-
cession to his deceased brother 'Abd al-Bakl, obtain-
ing life-membership of the maqjlis shura al-kawanin
(Legislative Council) and of the q^am'iyya al-'umumiyya
(General Assembly; in that very same year. During the
period in which he held the office of shaykh mashayikh
al-turuk al-sujiyya, various regulations for the Sufi orders
in Egypt were introduced. These regulations, which
were in force until 1976, allowed him to re-establish
the authority over the orders to which the head of al-
Bakriyya had been legally entitled since 1812, and
l-B-XKRI — \l-BALATI, A.BU l-F-YIH 'UTHMAN
which had declined dramaticalK undei his piedecessoi
<Abd al-Baki
■\s naktb al ashraj he was forced to abdicate in
]anuar\ 1895 b\ the Khedi\e 'Abbas Hilmi, who
must have aimed at cuibing al-Bakri s aspirations
to political significance as was suggested b\ Mahir
Hasan Fahmi (92 fl see bibhogi aphv ) Following
this event relations between il-Bakn and the
sought to mobilise Ottoman support in his attempts
to assert his position over Loid C romei the British
proconsul This was totallv unacceptable to al-Baku
since it ran counter to the unadulterated Egyptian
nationalism which he advocated In consequence he
showed himself to be aggressivelv antagonistic to
'Abbas Hilmi s polio, to a degree which brought
him close to being faced with legal prosecution for
lese-ma|este (cf Ahmad ShafTk Mudhakkirati ft nnf
lam Cairo 193b, u/ 1 248 1 Muhammad Husavn
al lltidjahat al uatamyya fl I adab al mu'asu Cairo
1954 i 94) When the Khedive changed his
pohcv and turned to the Egvptian nationalists in his
efloit to achieve freedom from Bntish tutelage rela-
tions improved considerablv and in carlv 1903
Muhammad Tawfik was again installed as naktb
al ashraj in succession to 'All al-Biblawi [q ]
who had been appointed Shay/Ji of
930 fl w 44 fl )— and he published a selection from
the works of eight poets from the 'Abbasid period
{Fuhul al balagha Cano 1313/1895-6) in addition to
a collection of poems and makamas in the style of al-
Hanri written bv himself [Sahandi al lu'lu' Cairo 1907
\ selection fiom this woik was published bv 'Uthman
Shakir undei the title al Lu'lu' ft I adab Cairo 1927)
As a poet he is consideied as one of the last rep-
resentatives of the classical tiadition
Bibliography The most extensive biogiaphv
Mahir Hasan Fahmi Muhammad Tanfik <'
Baku
1967
It
raphv is to
be lou
nd in h
s Bay
al Siddik Cairc
1323/1905
11 ff
Foi a d
m of tr
of his auth
ntv o
ver the
Sufi orders
n Egypt
and of the
mpac
of the
regula
tioducec
under his a
uspice
and of
his political
see F de ]
ong
of the
/ Mashay
,kh al
in 1
Baknyy
a and th
un Egyp
in A Dietr
d ) ikttn
dts
n Ron
aitiHi ju
irabntik und
Islamu.
isunuhaf
Got
ingen
976 22
ff , and ide
i Tu
mqli
tutions i
19th untun
Egypt
Leiden
1978
wher
the i
t this
xind
piochement between the Khedive 'Abbas Hi
Muhammad Tawfik the lattei became graduallv
more implicated in the Khedives pohcv notablv in
his efforts aimed at the deposition of the mufti of
Egvpt Muhammad 'Abduh who was a piotege of
Ciomers when the Khedive called upon him for
mediation on vanous occasions (cf ShafTk
Mudhakkuati n/1 348 u/2 34 fl 95 f Fahmi
103 fl ) On the political scene he manifested him-
ernment for which he campaigned in the Legislative
Council as well as in the Press He was committed
to pan-Islamism and was activelv involved in the
meetings for the foundation of the Umveisal Islamic
Congress \al Mu'tamar al hlanu al 'imma) proposed
bv Isma'il Gaspnnskv [q } held in the palace of
the Bakns in Cairo at the end of 1907 From the
latter veai onwards telations between al-Bakri and
the Khedive again become strained when Eldon
Goist who had succeeded Cromer to the procon-
sulate at the beginning of that veai managed to
win 'Abbas Hilmi awav from the nationalists and
obtained his support foi British policies This c lused
the relationship between al-Bakri and the Khedive
hostihtv which must have contubuted to the severe
paianoia which forced al-Bakri to abdicate al the
end of 1911 In 1912 he left Egvpt for Benut
wheie he was confined to a mental hospital until
earlv 1928 when he returned He died in Cairo in
August 1932
In addition to Muhammad Tawfik al-Bakri s signil-
lcance foi the Sufi orders in Egypt which have been
under the lasting impact of an administration which
was at least paitialh designed b\ him and which was
instituted under his auspices he is also notable for his
hterarv activities He founded a short-lived piedecessor
of the Academv of the Aiabic Language he compiled
an anthology of raa^a^ poetrv (\iadn al'iiab Cairo
1313/1895-6)— about which it was rumoured that it
had not been compiled bv him at all but bv Ahmad
b \min al-Shinkiti (cf al Muktataf xi\ (Cairo 1895)
EjON
BALANCE [see mintakat al-burudj mizan]
al-BALATI ABU l-FATH UTHMAN
b M-vnsur b Muhammad T^dj *l-Din gra
lan poet and adib onginallv tiom the 1
Balad on the Tigns which also had the n
Balat (see \ akut i 721 1 whence his msba of al-Balati
sometimes given in the diminutive ioim of al-Bulavti
Abu 1-Fath went fust ot all to teach in Svn;
then when Saladin assumed power in Egvpt
of
1171)
to Cai
e the
sultan
a fixed stipend and appointed him
mosques of the town He icmained theie till his
death on 19 Safar 599/7 November 1202 his corpse
was not discovered till three davs after his death
because the people of Cairo were preoccupied bv
each other
Thanks to 'Imad al-Din al-Isfaham (519-97/1125-
1201 [qi]i who knew him personallv, and to a tianj
called Abu Dja'far al-Idnsi (apparentlv not to be
confused with the famous geogiapher) who had been
habits He was tall corpulent with a loftv foiehead,
a long beard and a ruddv complexion he was verv
susceptible to cold alwavs wrapped himself up took
ind haidlv went outside in winter He had the lep-
utation of being extiemelv learned in all the liteiarv
fields but his personal conduct left something to be
desned he apparentlv sought the companv ot dis-
solute pei sons and sometimes got drunk
The examples which have been preseived trom
his poetiv show that it was of traditional type and
some poems show l special aptitude lor verbal
kasida a difleiing word in each verse which could
be read equallv well in the thiee giammatical cases
a lhvme in unu which exhausts the lexicons pos-
sibilities a schema maj'ala arbitranlv constiucted,
etc ) Neveitheless he also wiote a long poem in
l-BALATI, ABU 'l-FATH 'UTHMAN — BALYUNASH, ,
praise of al-Kadi al-Fadil [qi] in which Saladin s
secretary is placed above al-Djahiz Ibn "Abbad and
Ibn al-'Amid as well as a muixashshaha whose kjiard}a
is not however in accordance with the lules since
Al-Balatf i:
ofv;
a Kita
3 his peetrv, the author
al 'irud at
I Arud
1 A al Nanu
ikhbar al Mutanabh a A al Mustazad 'ala I mustazad
mm Ja'alat al adjuad, a A 'Urn ashkal al khatt a A al
Tashij ixa I tahnj and a A Ta'hl al 'ibadat
Bibliography \akut Udaba' xn 141-67 idem,
Buldan, 1 721 n 735 Tmad al-Din hhandat al
kasr A;™ shu'ara' al Sham u 383 Kutubi Fauat
n, no 279 Ibn Hadjar Lisan al Mizan iv 150-
1 Stryiiti Bughya, 323-4 Hadjdji Khalifa ed
Istanbul passim Brockelmann S I 530 Bustam
DM \ 24-5 MZ Enam h. muuassah en Orunl
Sorbonne thesis 1973 (unpublished) 90-1
(Ch Pellat)
BALBAN Ghfvath al-Din Ulucjj Khan the most
piominent of the slave Sultans of Dihh was
originalf, a Turkish slave of the Ilbari clan A mem-
ber of the famous corps of Fort, Slaves or C ihikam
raised b\ Sultan Iltutmish Balban lose b\ dint of
sheer merit and ability to be the mimstei and deputy
(na'ib i mamlakat) of the ascetic king Nasir al-Din
Mahmud Shah (644-64/ 124b-b5) to whom he had
given his daughter in mainage As de Jaito ruler dur-
ing Mahmud s reign he checked the forces of dis-
integration and infused vigour into the admimstiation
The experience which he earned during his deputy-
ship stood him m good stead when he mauguiated
his own reign in bb4/12b6 as Ghryath al-Dm Balban
following the death of the childless Mahmud Many
and varied were the problems which beset Balban
as he set to administer the country ruined b\ mtei-
nal anarclry and threatened with foreign invasion
The tieacheious manoeuv rings of the Turkish nobil-
ity the growing intensity of the Hindu resistance
and the mounting menace of the Mongol inroads
combined to create a situation which called foi leal-
lstic approach, coupled with a will to take bold
As a typical oriental monauh he advocated the
theory of the divine right of the king and ngidl\
insisted on the observance of court ceremonial Foi
iefiactoiy nobles he thought the assassins dagger oi
poison to be the only remed\ and he got rid of most
of them by a hbeial use of both With firm deter-
mination and concentrated drive he brought the
Mewati insurgents to then knees and suppiessed
the uprising of the Hindus of the Doab For repelling
the Mongol maraudeis, he put his able and trusted
son Muhammad Khan in command of an elaborate
defence anangement along the north-western fron-
tieis and as a result the advance oi the Mongols
was effectively halted At home the army was re-
organised an efficient espionage s\stem perfected
and art and literature liberally patronised The cele-
brated Amfi Khusraw [q v] was one of the liter-
vigorous administration peifect peace and prosperi-
ty prevailed over his kingdom, except for an insur-
rection in distant Bengal After peisistent flouting of
the kings will by the goveinor of that province
Toghiil Khan Balban had to take peisonal charge
of a strong military expedition which resulted in the
rebellious goveinoi being caught and slain His adhei-
ents were taken by the Sultan to Lakhnawti [iji ] where
they weie publicly punished by impalement This
exemplary chastisement was also intended to be served
he appointed goveinor of Bengal befoie letuming to
Dihh
Balban s beloved son Pnnce Muhammad whom
he had designated his heir, was killed earh, in
b85/128b in a fierce engagement with the Mongols
This bereavement eventually brought about his own
death a year later in b8b/1287 this sounded the
death-knell of the Slave-King dv nasty for the Khaldjis
took over the reins of the Dihli sultanate only three
vears later
Bibliography Diya al-Din Baram Ta'nkh i Firu^
Shahi Calcutta 18b0-b Shams-i Snadj 'AfTf
Ta'nkh i Firu*. Shahi Calcutta 1888-9 Elliott and
Dow son History oj India m Sir Wolseley Haig
Cambndge history oj India m, Cambridge 1928, ABM
Habrbullah Foundation oj Muslim tule in India Lahore
1945 AL Snvastava Tht sultanah of Delhi Agra
1953, P Hardy Historians oj media al India London
1%0 index G Hambly Who uere tht (luhileam
thtjoity skits oj Sultan Shams al Dm Iltutmish oj Ddhp
in Iran Jnal oj tht British Inst oj Posian Studits x
(1972) 57-b2, Muhammad 'Aziz Ahmad Political
history and institutions oj the earl) Turkish empm oj Delhi
(1206 1290) Indian edition Delhi 1972
(Abdus Subhan)
Sidi BALLA, Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah Ibn
'Azzuz al-Kurashi al-Shadhili al-Marrakushi a
cobbler of Marrakesh to whom thaumaturgic gifts
were attributed and who died in an odour of sanc-
tity in 1204/1789 His tomb, situated in his own
residence at Bab Ay Ian has been continuously vis-
ited because of its reputation of curing the sick
Although he had not received a very advanced edu-
cation Ibn 'Azzuz nevertheless succeeded in leav-
ing behind ap abundant body of works, dealing
mainly with mysticism and the occult sciences but
also with medicine However his works display
hardly any originality and none of them has inter-
ested a publisher despite the success in Moiocco of
his Dhahab al kusuj ma najy al zulumat ji 'Urn al tibb
ixa I taba'i' ma I hikma a popular collection of ther-
apeutic formulae (see L Leclerc La ihirure.it
dAbulcasis Pans 1861, n 307-8 H PJ Renaud in
Initiation au Maroc Pans 1945 183-4) his hasty al
rumu^ concerning medicinal plants is equally well-
known Out of his thiee works on mysticism the
Tanbih al tilmidh al muhtad} is perhaps the most ong-
the hakika [q i ] Finally in the field oflhe occult
sciences his Lubab al hikma ft 'dm al huruj ua 'dm
survives is a treatise on practical magic and di\-
inatory magic
Bibhoe,,aphy On the manuscripts of Sidi
Ballas works see Brockelmann S II 704 713
M Lakhdar \u htkram 253-b see also Ibn
Suda Dahl Mu'amkh al Maghrib al Aksa Casa-
blanca I960 n, 446 449 <A Gannun al Nubugh
al Maghribi Beirut 1961 i 304-5 310
(Edi
BALYUNASH, also B NYUN SH (in Leo
Afncanus i ,e.nones, in Marmol I aldtvmom s)
Poituguese Bulhoes, Spanish Bullones site of a once-
important karya 8 km \\ N \\ of Ceuta beneath
Sierra Bullones (Djabal Musa) Its name is from
the Spanish Romance bunyohi vine\aids not Bu
or Bern \unus/-ash etc Sunounded on land by
mountains Balyunash lies in a small valle\ drop-
ping shaipl\ to a creek in a ba\ set in a nanow part
BALYtJNASH, also B.NYUN.SH — BARDALLA, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD
In Islam the aiea s history m i\ well have begun
with Musa b Nusayr [q i } who is said to ha\e
ciossed to Algecnas in 9V712 from uhit became
Marsa Musa latti within the oibit of Balvunash
Levi-Pio\encal \Hnt Esp mus n 260) associates the
emeigence of Bahunash pioper with a palace built
iraong gardens bv Ibn Abi ' \mir 'Almanzoi) and
piotected b\ a fortress on the shoie In the 5th/ 11th
centuiv Balvunash was ceitainlv known to the geog-
lapher al-Bakn as a laige feitile and populous place
Ther
mport
1342 it witnessed a battle between ships fiom a
Mannid-Nasiid fleet and \esstls from l C istilian
fleet covering Altonso \I as he besieged Algttiras
The hevday of Bahunash- lauded as an Eden bv
Mediaeval Ceuta a i datively ban en isolated and
and peninsula can be seen as the laison d ttrt of
Balvunash A resoit foi pnntes and the nch who
had fortified villas there the latter was certainly i
nth souite of tresh food ind ibove all flowing watei
which in Mannid times it least must hue been fed
roveinor of Balkh from 2W847-8 onwaids being
;till theie when the Saffind \ a'knb b al-Lavth cap-
ured the city tempoianh in 258/872 Dawud fled
o Samnkind in Samamd temtorv Isc to refuge with
us suzeiains >) but letumed to Balkh shoitlv aftei-
*aids and died theie in 259/87 5 (Barthold Turhstan
ioun to thi Mongol imasion 77-8) It was probablv this
Diwud (thus accoiding to \ asmer op at 50 pan
rquart) and not the Dawud b Abi Dawud of the
Khuttal local lulers isee below) who at one point in
career made a laid south ot the Hindu Kush
against the local luler Fiiuz b Kabk who was piob-
abh fiom the famih ot Zunbils of Zabuhstan ilbn
Khunadadhbih 180 cf Mas'udi Murudi vm 42
127-8)
Dawud b al-' Abbas s kinsman I ■> nephew) Abu
Dawud Muhammad b Ahmad mled in Balkh fiom
260/874 onwards after having already contiolled
Andaraba and Pandjhn in Badakhshan the lattei
place impoitant for its silver mines during the veais
259-61/873-5 \a'kub b al Layth took ovei Pandjhir
and minted coins theie but m 261/875 Abu Dawud
Muhammad was once more able to issue his own
coins fiom theie (\ asmer I bit du Murium dtr
Sajfandin und ihitt (n^nti in Fan und Hurasan m \um
Zntvhr NF xxm [1930) 1 »-4) If the inhumation
ot the local histonin ot Bukhaia Narshakhi is coi-
rect Abu Dawud Muhammad was still luhng in
Balkh in 285/898 oi 286/899 when 'Ami b al-
Layth summoned him togtthei with the Fanghumd
ami) of Guzgan and the Samamd Isma'il b Ahmad
to obedience iTa'tifh i Bulhata ti Frye Tht hitton
rallel 1
cf \a-.
ine of g
54-5)
and a
es Balbas L
1957) 275-9
text ot which see Hisfiim \n (1931) Tetuan
11959) and ed A Ben Mansour Rabat 1969
see also J \alhes ti in it indalus xxvn (1962))
B Pavon Maldonado -irtt hupanomusiilman in
(tula in Cuadanos di la Mhambra vi (1970) 69
107 plus plates G Ay ache Bdiounuh it U dis
tin di Ciula in Hupim Tamuda Mil |1972) 5-36
R Ruird Etudes sur I histoin dti Pmtugms au
Maroe passim GS Colin Fhmolo°it> ma^nbints
(J D Latham)
BANIDIURIDS or Abu Davvudids a minoi
dv nasty probably of Iiaman but conceivably of
Turkish origin which ruled in Tukhuistan and
Badakhshan sc in what is now Afghan Turkestan
with i possible panllel bianch m khuttil st in what
is now the Tidzhik SSR during the latei 5rd/9th
and eaily 4th/ 10th tentunes
The genealogy and historv of the Binidjunds aie
veiv imperfectly known despite the attempts of
J Marquait in his Eiamah, 300-2 and R \ asmei
in his Bntiage ur muhammidanuehen Munzlunde I Dit
UwKtn dei \bu Da'udidoi in \unmmatnehe ~eiti<hi N F
win (1925) 49-62 to elucidate them through the spaise
historical ieferences and the meagie numismatic evi
dence It setms that thev sprang fiom one B imdjui
a contemporary of the earlv 'Abb isid caliphs al-Mansur
and al-Mahdi who had connections with Farghan i,
and his son Hashim (d. 243/857-8) was ruler of the
mountain districts of Wakhsh and Halaward on the
upper Oxus. But the first member of the family known
with any certainty is Dawud b. al-'Abbas, who was
Oxus in Khut
Ibn Khurradadhbih hi at describes the rukr of
Khuttil in ea 272/885-6 al-Hanth b Asad as the
kinsman of Dawud b il- c Abbas governoi of Balkh
was still I uhng in 293/906-7 Neveitheless \ asmer
thought that the appaientation of al-Hanth b Asad s
line to the main stock ot the Bamdjunds was dubi-
ous These Khuttal princelings minted coins in the
eaily 4th/ 10th century and the rebellious gover-
noi of Khurasan Abu 'Ah C agham in 33b/947
ed help fiom the amir Ahmad b Dja'fai
who
n \ asm(
ached t.
off
spring of Abu Dawud Muhammad b Ahmad
[Bntratt 59 ff , cf Gaidizi ~a)n al alhbai ed
Nazim 36 ed 'Abd al-Havv Habtbi 157 and
Barthold Tuit titan 248 We do not know how
oflocal rulers in Khuttal during the earlv Ghaznaw
id penod and a sister of Mahmud of Ghazna the
Hurra yi Khuttah of Bavhaki was possibly man led
to one ot these lulers cf Boswoith Till Ghajiaudi
thin impvt in Afghanistan and tasttrn Iran 1 58 237
and idem Tin later (rha^nands splendour and dam
The dynasty in A^hamstan and noithirn India 1040 1186
Edinburgh 1977 148
Bibliography Given in the aiticle \ ismei
Batmge 5 5 has a conjectural genealogical table fol
lowed bv Zimbaui in his Manuel 202 204
(C E BOSWORTH)
BARBER [see celebi hall^k, in Suppl J
BARDALLA, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAM-
MAD al-'ArabI b. Ahmad al-Andalusi, prominent
Moroccan kadi in the reign of Mawlay Isma'il [q.u.].
Born in Fas on 2 Djumada II 1042/15 December
1632, he died there on 15 Radjab 1133/12 May 1721
BARDALLA, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD — BARHA SAYYIDS
and was interred outside Bab Gisa (al-Djisa) on the
leit or Karawiwin bank of the Wadi Fas
Mainh because of its non-Arabic origin Bardalla
is vocalised differentl\ in the Aiabit sources and in
some one encounters coirupt forms such as in Bin
Dalla Understandabh we find inconsistencies in
European spellings (Bordola Bordala Berdella etc )
This last ioim most nearh represents the pronun-
ciation of the familv name as found in 20th centurv
Fas and it closeh accords with the onlv two forms
which — on the basis of scrutinv of manuscripts
and inquiry from informed local souues — can be
consideied acceptable viz Bardalla Bui dalla The
Andalusian origin of Muhammad al 'Arabi s iamilv
suggests that the etvmology is to be sought in a
Romance diminutive in elk oi an epithet 101 respon-
ding to sa> the modem Castihan panto blown
duskv Such a name is quite probable isee filaha
vol in 901 col 2 and if Nghialh < Negrello
and on uh > a (ta> ma, but a) cf also Ibn Sida [q i ]
< Ibn Siduh)
A respected jurist and teacher Muhammad al-
' \rabi seems to have been a popular and influential
religious leader Dunng the fust half oi the 17th cen-
turv and the first half oi the 18th notablv between
1088/1677 and 1118/1706-7 we see him against
the background of the mosque of al-Karawiw in [q i]
semng in various religious capacities — mujti supei-
mtendent of religious endowments (nazii al
aitkajlahbas) khatib and imam and last but not least
kadi of Fas (kadi I ajama'a) In this last office his
caieei was somewhat erratic because of dismissals
and reinstatements bv the sultan Thus from
1088/Decembei 1677 when he replaced one
Muhammad b al-Hasan al-Madjdjasi, he had at least
five or six separate terms of office. His initial trou-
bles seem to have stemmed from the attempts of al-
Madjdjasi to cling to office and his later ones from
the effects of local politics and rivalries. In 1116/1704
he was denounced to Mawlay Isma'il for perform-
ing the salat over his dead rebel son, Mawlay
Muhammad al-'Alim, but the sultan's wrath can have
done him little harm, for we find him leading the
Eclipse Prayer at al-Karawiyyln in 1 1 18/1706. A man
of evident integrity, he is described in one source as
"the last just kadi of Fez".
Bibliography. In addition to Levi-Provencal,
Chorfa, 306 (see references in n. 1), 309, 312, 403,
see the new edition and English translation, by
Norman Cigar, of al-Kadiri's Mashr al-mathani
(= part I of a D. Phil, thesis, Oxford 1976 (details
in Bulletin of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies,
3 (1976), 43 f.)), i (tr.), 23 and n. 8, 26, 29, 30
f, 35, 46, 54 f; ii, 94, etc.; Mawlay Sulayman,
A". 'Inayat uli 'l-mad^d k-dhikr al al-Fasi b. al'fyadd,
Fas 1347, 27, 26, 40, etc.; al-Nasin, A'. al-Istiksd',
vii, Casablanca 1957, 54, 91, 106, 107, 113; In
Ibn Suda, Datil mu'amkh al-Maghrib al-Aksa there
are references to parts of two works preserved in
the private library of Muhammad b. Ahmad
Bardalla in Fas, one dealing with the early 'Alawids,
the other treating of the sulaha' of Fas, but they
seem to be the work of Muhammad al-'Arabi's
son despite the index reference (DalJl, Casablanca
1960, 1965, i, 42 (no. 69), 145 (no. 525), n 608
(index), cf. ii, 441 (no. 2034)). (J.D. Latham)
BARHA SAYYIDS (Barha from the Hindi
numeral barah "twelve"), the name applied fiom
Akbar's reign onwards to those in possession of
a certain group of twelve villages in the
Do '5b (Muzaffarnagar district, U.P.).
Aitei the establishment oi the Ilkhamd Mongol king-
dom in Persia and Tiak in ia 65b/ 1258 manv Saw id
families rmgiated to India and obtained grants oi vil-
lages in the aiea extending from the Pandjab to Bihar
Some of them weie endowed with qualities of leadei-
ship and not onlv exercised effective control over their
own villages but l allied the support oi the neigh-
bouring village leaders generallv Hindus The authen-
ticitv oi their claims to be Sayvids was always suspect
but their chivalrv and heroic achievements made them
indispensable to the Dihh iultans The ancestoi oi the
Barha Saw ids Abu 1-Farah left his original home
m Wasit [qi\ in 'Irak with his twelve sons at the
end of the 7th/ 13th oi m the 8th/ 14th centurv and
migrated to India where he obtained iour villages in
Snhind [qi] Bv the lOth/lhth centurv some oi Abu
1-Farah s descendants had taken ov ei the Barha vil-
lages in Muzaflarnagai In the reign oi Akbar the
Barha Savyids occupied a place of distinction and
nine oi them held mamafc [qi] ranging irom 2 000
to 250 the total family tnansab being 8 550 a verv
high position in the Mughal hierarchv Natuiallv with
the Baiha villages as a nucleus the Saw ids owned
extensive d/agin [qi] m the region Their pride in
their Indian birth gieatlv appealed to the local Hindu
leaders who helped them to raise the strong contin-
gents thev led m the Mughal imperial wars Occupy-
ing a distinguished place in the vanguard like
many Radjput warriors they preferred to fight as
footsoldiers
Bv the reign of Awrangzlb although ostensibly
they maintained their traditional lovaltv thev weie
impelled bv ambition to join in the scramble for
political power For example Saw id Hasan 'Air
(afterwards 'Abd Allah Kutb al-Mulk) and his voungei
brother Husayn 'Air, known as the Sayyid brothers,
by helping Farrukh-Siyar [q.v.] succeed to the throne
in 1124/1712, obtained for themselves the highest
puppet emperor. They abolished the ajizya and tried
to conciliate the Radjputs; but by giving too much
administrative power to their favourite, Lala Ratan
C and, a Vaishya, they dislocated the entire admin-
istrative machinery. Finally, in 9 Djumada II 1131/29
April 1719, they deposed and strangled Farrukh-
Siyar. They then raised four puppet rulers to the
throne, one after the other. However, early in the
reign of the fourth puppet emperor, Nasir al-Dfn
Muhammad Shah [q.v.], they and their supporters
were defeated by an opposition party under the lead-
ership of Nizam al-Mulk [q.v]. On 6 Dhu '1-Hidjdja
1132/9 October 1720, Husayn 'Air was assassinat-
ed, and, on 14 Muharram 1133/15 November 1720,
'Abd Allah was defeated near Agra, taken captive
and killed in his Dihll prison on 1 Muharram
1135/12 October 1722.
The Barha Savyids were ShiTs, and many Sunni
Sayyid families, such as that of Shah Wall Allah
Dihlawl [q.v.], who lived in their neighbourhood,
exerted themselves to ensure that the Barha Sayyids
did not recover their political power.
Bibliography: Besides the works cited in
Bahadur Shah I, Djahandar Shah and Farrukh-
Siyar, see Munawwar 'All Khan (ed.), Istisal-i
Sadat i Barha, India Office Ms. 4002; H. Blochmann
(tr ) and D C Phillot (ed.), A'ln-i Akbarl, Calcutta
1939 i Shah Wall Allah, Maktubat-i Shah Wall
illah Rada Library, Rampur (U.P.), Suluk Farsl no.
b04 SAA Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history of
the Muslims in ikbar's reign, Delhi 1975.
(S.A.A. Rizvi)
apparentK wooded region of the
ance m Iran, described b\ the medi-
geographers as the haunt of
the Kufitis or Kufs and the
s tec
steepsided giamte chain running in a NW-SE duec-
(sc the massif which culminates in such peaks as
the Kuh-i Hazai and the KQh-i Lalazar), to the
south of the towns of Bam [q <, J and Fahradj the
geographers count it as amongst tht garmsvat 01
Djabal Bauz uses to"! 2 450 feet, and the Hudud al
'Slam states that it possessed mines of lead toppei
and lodestone
The actual name appears variously in the sources
as Bauz, Bandjan, etc the modem foim being
tions riaptKdvioi who paid tnbute to Darius and
supplied infantry foi Xerxes' aim\ (it Mai quart,
ErSnsahr 51), and Tabari, i 894 sa\s that Khusiaw
AnQshirwan le-estabhshed Sasamd control over the
people of al-Banz aftei the anarch\ of Kubadh s
last \eais Until the earl\ 'Abbasid period, the Djabal
Banz lemained a stionghold of Zoioastnanism The
Kuficis or 'mountaineers" of the legion iesisted the
attempts of Ya'kub b Layth to assert Saftand con-
tiol o\er Kirman, and it was piobabK onK after
this time (sc the later 3id/9th century) that Islam
began to penetrate there The geographers of the
following centurv describe the people of tht moun-
tain as savage iobbeis and bngands whom the puni-
tive expeditions of Ya'kub b Layth, the Buyids
Mu'izz al-Dawla and 'Adud al-Dawla, and the
Saldjuk Kawuid b d'aghn Beg quelled onlv tem-
~ "" "osworth. The hufiti~
son Khalid, who was still a child, the son of this
last, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (correcting Yakut
l daba', lot at) would appear to be the fust mem-
ber of this tamilv to paititrpate in the transmission
of Shfr tradition A supporter of 'AIT al-Rida (d
203/818 [qi]) and of his son Muhammad al-Djawad
(d 219/834) whom he ceitainlv visited, he was the
author (if we are to believe Ibn al-Nadim, Filunl,
Cairo ed 309-10 cf al-TusT, Fihust, 153) of a num-
ber ol works, st the Kitab al 'Aius A al Tabsira A
alRidial (on tiansmitters of traditions ascribed to
"Ali b \bi rahbl and the A al Uahasin, which
attribution If we are to |udge bv the details sup-
plied bv Ibn al-Nadim this A al Mahasin would be
constituting a soit of encvclopaedia of knowledge
which a good Shfi would be obliged to possess in
ordei to conform to tradition Km" '
Pirn
\ hai
of ft
'i Inst
Persian Studus, xiv (197b), 9-17) OnK
tvaftar and Dihak, are mentioned as market centres
oi the mountain The Djabal Ban? long remained
m inaccessible place and Sn Peicv Sykes descnbes
t as still being a haunt of thieves when he was
British Consul in Knman \A fifth journn in Persia, in
r M0tri Jnal, xxv in (1906) 4»)
Bihlwgiaph In addition to the refeiemes given
in the aiticle, see Muhammad b Ibrahim, Ta'rikh
i Saldjuhnan i human, ed M BastanT-PanzI, Tehran
1%4, 6 n 1, Hudud al 'Slam ti Minoiskv, 65,
125, Le Stiange Tht lands of tht Eastern Caliphatt,
316-17 Admiralh handbook, Persia, London 1945 88,
95 98, 106, 391, For Euiopean tiavellers in the
region, see A Gabriel Du Eijonthung Ptrsitns,
1952
(C E 1
al-BARKI
membei, Abu Dja'fai ahmad b muhammad b Khahd
b 'Abd al-Rahman b Muhammad b 'All, enjoys
a consideiable tenown in Iraami tncles When the
ancestor of the family, Muhammad b 'All, was
imprisoned and put to death by Yusuf b. 'Umar al-
Thakafi (governor of 'Irak from 120/738 to 126/744
[?.».]) following the suppression of" the revolt of Zayd
b. 'Alt (122/740 [q.v.]), his son 'Abd al-Rahman
escaped and established himself at Barka, in the
region of Kumm, whence the ethnic name al-Barkl,
to which there is sometimes added, for the purpose
of avoiding confusion, the name al-Kumrm (Yakut,
Buldan, i, 572, s.v. "Barka", gives the nisba precise-
ly, but in the Egyptian edition of his Mu'dfam al-
udaba', iv, 132, al-Barkr becomes al-Rakkr). 'Abd
al-Rahman b. Muhammad was accompanied by his
raphv,
Howe
Ibn al-Nadim who probabK did not \
eightv of them and adds that the son of Muhammad
Abu Dja'fai Ahmad, composed thiee works of his
own the A al Ihtidjad) (a subject alieadv dealt with
bv the preceding), A al Safar and A al Buldan more
developed than that of his fathei '
Now the authoi of the Fihrist is tunouslv, the
onlv one to attribute a fust veision of the A al
Mahasin to Muhammad b Khahd Yakut totalis
ignoies this individual, whom he mentions neither
in the Mu'iiam al buldan, noi in the section of the
Uu'diam aludaba' Uv, 132-6) devoted exclusivelv to
Ahmad b Muhammad and probably incomplete, bas-
ing himself, without admitting it, on the Fihrist ol
specifying that thev constitute the A al MahSsin men-
tioned above, but giving the impiession all the same
that the number of these kutub is vanable and assert-
ing that he has personal knowledge of those that he
enumeiates, he judges this Baikr 'woithv of cre-
dence, reliable {thika) although he repioaches him
hadlth'i transmitted directly bv rep-
The san
I the s,
ond s
reproach is directed at him — and in
tire same teims — bv Shfl writers who describe how
he was temporarily expelled from Kumm because of
the defects of his methods, these authors ignore too
the father of Ahmad, they declare that this last was
very wise and learned composed veise and had many
disciples (although the ones that they mention bv
name mostly belong to a later penodj, they make
him an associate of Muhammad ai-Djawad (which
would seem haid to accept) or of 'Air al-Hadi (d
254/868; and a contemporary of al-Mu'tasim (218-
27/833-42), they make no mention of his successor
and they suggest that he died in 274/887-8 or in
280/893-4
The articles which the Shi*! n&aliyym devote to
him are conveniently reproduced by Muhsin al-Amin
al-'Amili in his A'yan al-Sht'a (ix, 266) and most com-
pletely by al-Sayyid Muhammad Sadik Bahr al-'Ulum,
who was responsible for the second edition of the
Kitab al-MahSsin (Nadjaf 1384/1964, two volumes
I bound in one; the first edition, by Djalal al-Din al-
Husayni, Tehran 1370 (?) remained inaccessible to
the author of the present article).
It must in fact be said that this celebrated K. al-
I MahSsin, which appears to have enjoyed great influ-
I ence over a long period, has not survived in an
l-BARKI — BASBAS
integral form, although it has not totally disappeared,
and eleven of its "books" have been preserved: (1)
al-Ashkal wa 1 km a' in (11 tabs); (2) Thawab al-a'mal
(123 tabs); (3) 'Mb al-a'mal (70 babs); (4) al-Sajwa wa
•l-nur wa 'l-rahma (47 babs); (5) Masablh al-zulam (49
babs); (6) al-'Ilal 1 1 bab); (?) al-Safar (39 bah); (8) al-
Ma'akil [136 babs), (9) al-Ma' (20 babs); (10) al-Manafi'
(6 iafc); (11) al-Marafik (16 Aafa). These titles almost
all appear, in the same form, in the ancient lists,
where there is also reference to htabs derived from
babs in the published chapters. So we possess one-
sixth or one-seventh of the original work, which is
essentially a collection of hadiths attributed to the
Prophet and to the Ahl al-Bayt, in paiticular to al-
Husayn b. '.Air b. AM Talib, simply classified and
reproduced without any interference on the part of
the compiler. To judge by what has survived, the
collection constituted a sou of musannaf of a partic-
ulai type grouping together all the traditional ele-
ments that the Imami considered to be essential, both
in matters relating to the faith and in questions of
everyday life. .All the same, a certain lack of order
dominates the classification of traditions, so for exam-
ple we find hadlths concerning bread in the chaptet
devoted to water (no. 9), whereas we would expect
to find them in the preceding chapter (al-Ma'akil),
which is extensive and contains references to a long
list of foodstuffs. The titles enumerated in the lists
give the impression that the author did not neglect
literary formation, poetry and other cultural fields,
which makes the more regrettable the loss of so many
chapters, no doubt considered less indispensable by
posterity. It is probable that the htabs formed inde-
pendent fascicules, which would explain both how
they could be so easily lost and why authors cannot
agree either on their number or their order.
A comparison between Ibn al-Nadim's list and
all the others might perhaps allow an insight into
the respective roles of the father and of the son in
the compilation of the hitab al-Mahasin, but this
would be a hazardous enterprise and ultimately of
doubtful benefit. In othet respects, the presentation
of these lists is such that it is impossible to see
clearh whether Muhammad or his son wrote works
that were not included in the composition of the
A. al-Mahaun; it is however possible that one or the
other left biographies of ndial, and al-Mas'udr
(Murudj, l, 12 = § 8) mentions among the sources,
attributing it to Ahmad, a hitab al-Tabyan which
no doubt had a historical or a hieio-historical
character.
Bibhogi aphy: (in addition to references in the
article): Khatib Baghdadi, Ta'rikh, v, 4; Kumrm,
Ta'nkh-i hum, 277; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-Mlzan, i,
262; Shfr authors (including those whose notices aie
given in the introd. of the A. al-Mahasin): Nadjashl,
Ridjal, 55; Nun, Mustadiak al-uma'd, iii, 552;
Karbala'I, Muntaha 'l-makal, lith. 1302, 41, 42; Mirza
Muh. AstarabadT, Manhad} aimakal, lith. Tehran 1307;
Mamakam, Tanklh al-makal, 82-4; Kh"ansan, Rawdat
al-djannat, lith. Tehian 1306, 13; Modern biogra-
phers: Kahhala, ii, 97; Ziriklr, i 195; see also F.
Rosenthal, A fusion' of Muslim historiography-, 501.
(Ch. Pellat)
BARSAWMA al-ZAMIR, Ishak, famous flute
player in early 'Abbasid times, died after 188/804.
He was a dark-coloured muwallad of humble origin,
son of a "Nabataean" woman from Kiifa. Ibrahim
al-MawsilT brought him to Baghdad, gave him an
, belonging firsl
educa
introduced him
3 Haiur
al-Rashrd. He accompanied
to the second class (tabaka) of court musicians, and
later on was promoted by the caliph to the first
class. Ishak al-Mawsili knew "nobody being more
competent in their profession than four persons' al-
Asma'I" as an expert in poetry, al-Kisa'i in gram-
mar, Mansur Zalzal as a lute player and Barsawma
as a flautist".
Bibliography: Aghanf, v, 176, 227, 241, 255,
vi, 164-5, 297," 303, 304, xix, 294, xx, 358; Djahiz,
Hayawan, vi, 17; Ibn 'Abd Rabbih, 'Ikd, vi, Cairo
1949, 31-2, 37; Pseudo-Djahiz, Taaj, 39, 41; Ibn
al-Kifti, Inbali al-iuwat, ii, 272-73; H.G. Farmer,
History of Arabian musu, 94, 116.
(E. Neubauer)
BASBAS is the fennel (Foenuulum vulgare), belong-
ing to the family of umbellal plants. The term
bnbas, used in the Maghrib for fennel, indicates in
the Eastern countries the red seed-shell of the nut-
meg (Mynstica Jragram), known as Macis, while the
teim basbasa, not to be confused with the two other
terms, indicates only nutmeg in the entire Arab world.
The most often used synonym of basbas is raziyanad},
borrowed from the Persian. The complete nomencla-
ture, also taken from other oriental languages, has
been brought together by I. Low, Die Flora dei
Juden, iii, 460-5. The Greek term ucipa8(p)ov is
found as marathun (and variants) in the Arabic med-
ical inventories. Like in Dioscorides, this term indi-
cates the garden fennel (basbas bustani), Anethum
joemculum, while 'utrcoudpctSov (ibbumarathun, and vari-
ants, strictly speaking "horse fennel"), which is most-
ly mentioned in connection with the garden fennel,
apparently stands for the wild fennel. The term bas-
bas djabati, likewise used for the latter, is confusing,
for the "mountain fennel" (Seseh) does not belong to
the genus Foemculum. Other kinds mentioned can-
not as yet be determined.
The volatile oil extracted from the fruits of the
fennel has a strongly fragrant scent and a bitter,
camphor-like smell. It loosens phlegm and was, in
the form of fennel-tea or fennel-honey, used, as it is
now, against coughs and flatulence. A decoction of the
flower stalk was considered to be a diuretic and to
further menstruation; mixed with wine it was used as
a medicament against snake bites, while the pressed
juice is praised as an ophthalmic remedy. The leaves
and fruits were added to food as a spice. AsmaT
counts them among the precious spices {.habat, ed.
Ghunaym, Cairo 1392/1972, 13 ff.). Abu Hanifa al-
Dinawari praises their aroma, remarks that the plant
thrives on wild soil and proves both observations with
verses (SabSI. The Book of Plants, ed. B. Lewin, 59 f.).
Fennel has been used as spice from Old Egyptian
times until today. Ibn al-'Awwam consecrates a spe-
cial chaptei to the cultivation of the fennel (hitab al-
Filaha, tr. Clement-Mullet, ii, Paris 1866, 250 f.).
Curious is the assertion of NuwayrI [hihaya, xi, 82),
that vipers and snakes, when leaving theii holes in
spring, rub their eyes at the fennel shrub in older to
be able to see again; the same is mentioned repeat-
edly by Kazwinf (see Wiedemann, Aujsatze zm arab.
Wissenschaftsgesihiihte, ii, 336, 386).
Bibliography: Dioscurides, Materia medua,
ed. Wellmann^ ii, Berlin 1906, 81 f. (= lib. ni,
I 70, 71); La "Materia mediea" de Diosiondes, ii
(Arabic tr.) ed. Dubler and Teres, Tetuan 1952,
271; The medical formulary or Aqrabadhin of
al-hmdl, tr. M. Levey, Madison etc. 1966, 242;
Suwaydf, Simal, Ms. Palis ar. 3004, fols. 49a,
256a; Ibn Biklarish, Musla'im, Ms. Naples, Bibl.
BASBAS — BATRIYYA o
Naz. iii, F. 65, fol. 82b; Ibn al-Djazzar, I'timdd
Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fol. 58a-b; Maimonides, Shark
asmd' al-'ukkdr, ed. Meyerhof, no. 351; Anonymous
[Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Nabati b. al-Rumiyya?], Ms
Nuruosmaniye 3589, fol. 102a-b; Ibn al-Baytar
Djdmi', Bulak 1291, i, 93, ii, 134 f, tr. Leclerc
nos. 286, 1019; Ghassanl, Mu'tamad, ed M al-
Sakka', Beirut 1975, 23 f. and 182-4; Die phar-
makolog. Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . . Harawi, tr.
A. Achundow, Halle 1893, 167, 210; Tuhfa't al-
ahbab, ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934, no. 358;
Razf, Hawl, xx, Haydarabad 1387, 535-9 (no'
378); Ibn Sina, Kdnun, Bulak, i, 277, and 429 f;
Ibn Hubal, Mukhtdrdt, Haydarabad 1362, ii, 178-
DawQd al-Antakr, Tadhkira, Cairo 1371,'i, 74 f'
165; H.G. Kircher, Die "einfachen Heilmittel" cms dem
"Handbuch der Chirurgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967,
no. 34; W. Schmucker, Die pjknrjiche und mineralische
Materia medica im Firdaus al-hikma des All ibn Sahl
Rabban at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 318; F.A.
Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie <fo Pflanzenreiches, Berlin
1891, 948-50. - (A . Dietrich)
BASHKARD, BASHAKARD, Europeanised
form Bashkardia, a region of south-eastern
Iran, falling administratively today within the 8th
or province of Kirman and in the shahrastan
the
t of t^iruft, of which
d 4 ughrafiy
Tehra
an/id).
ln - -- - .. ■--, -., 1332/1953,
49. It is the mountainous hinterland of western
Makran, lying to the east of Mlnab near the Straits
of Hormuz and bounded on the north by the south-
ern fringes of the Djaz-Muryan depression; the peaks
of the Manz range within it rise to just over 7,000
feet. The whole region has been, and still is, extremely-
remote and inaccessible, and only in recent decades
has a measure of control from Tehran been extended
over a people formerly much given to raiding and
brigandage. The main settlement is at Angohran, but
the population is everywhere sparse; the Admiralty
handbook, Persia, London 1945, mentions 100 reed's
huts at Angohran, and a total population for Bashkar-
dia of an estimated 8,000 families; the Farhctng, hi. at,
mentions 108 settlements [dbadi], with a population
of ca. 6,700. ' H
The people of Bashkardia are ethnically Iranian
and Shr'i in madhhab; at least until very recently,
included a slave elen
. Irani;
ulated by Tomaschek that the modern Bashkardfs
could be the descendants of the mediaeval Islamic
Kudos or Kufs, the predatory people of Kirman
and Makran provinces often linked in the sources
with the Baltic [see balO-cistan and kufs]; for a
discussion of this, see C.E. Bosworth, The KufuhJs
or Qitfs in Persian history, in Iran. Jnal. of the British
Institute of Persian Studies, xiv (1976), 9 ft The actu-
al name Bashkard (Bashakard is a form apparently-
exhibiting a pseudo-Arabic broken plural) is unat-
tested till the mid- 19th century, when the first
Europeans, Col. E. Mockler and E.A. Floyer visii
th(
Bashkardia for some months in
theless suggested that the name might derive from
the dominant Persian tribe, to which the Achaemenids
themselves belonged, of the Pasargadae, located
by Ptolemy in Carmania (= Kirman). The Bash-
inguage is
orthen
t New Persi;
and a
e.g. the hardwood
;sible in prii
djag or djakh, identifiable with the O. Pers. yakd-
wood used in the construction of Darius's palace at
Susa, see Gershevitch, Sissoo at Susa (O. Pers. yaka =
Dalbergia Sissoo Roxb.), in PSOAS, xix (1957), 317-20
xx (1958), 174.
Bibliography: The main items in the exigu-
ous bibliography of Bashkardia are given by
Bosworth in art. cit., 11, n. 13; of special note
are the works of Floyer and A. Gabriel, and
most recently, of Gershevitch, Travels in Bashkardia,
mjnal. of the Royal Central Asian Society, xlvi (1959),
213-24, and F. Balsan, Etrange Baloutchistan, Paris
1969; Linguistic material was collected bv
Gershevitch, but has not y
toto.; for sections of it so ft
see Bosworth, art. cit., 13,
(C.E. Bosworth)
BASHKUT, Djewad FehmI, modern Turkish
Cevat FEHMi Baskut, Turkish playwright
and journalist (1905-71). He was born in Edirne
and educated at an Istanbul high school, choosing
journalism as his career when he was still a very-
young man. He began to write plays in the early
1940s and became very popular. Of his 23 plays,
most of which were performed in the city theatre
{Sehu tiyatrosu) of Istanbul, the best known are Kuptk
sehir ("Little town") 1946; Paydo- ("Break") 1949;
Harput'ta bir Amerikah ("An American in Kharput")
1956; and Buzlai (ozulmeden ("Before the thaw")
1964. His plays are sentimental and unsophisticated
renderings of human dramas and comic situations,
with an edifying approach. He writes in an easy-
style at times tending to be somewhat literary and
Bibliography: Metin And, Elli yilin Turk tiyatrosu
Istanbul 1973, 438 and index; Behcet Necatigil'
Edebiyatimizda isimlei sozlugu', 1975, s.v.
BASQUES [see bashkunish]. lFAHIR ^
BATRIYYA or BUTRIYYA, the pejorative des-
ignation for a group of moderate ShrTs in the
time of Muhammad al-Bakir (d. 117/735) and for
the moderate wing of the early Zaydiyya [q.v.] who
did not repudiate the caliphates of Abu Bakr and
'Umar. Their position was opposed to the more rad-
ical Shi r stand of the Djarudi>-ya [q.v.], who con-
sidered 'Air the only legitimate immediate successor
of the Prophet. The name is most often derived in
the sources from the nickname al-Abtar of Kathrr al-
Nawwa' and explained as referring to their "muti-
lating" (batr), either of the legitimate rights of the
family of the Prophet, or of the recitation of the bas-
mala in the prayer which they performed only with
a subdued voire, or of the caliphate of 'Uthman,
which they repudiated for the last six years of his
reign. The first of these explanations is clearly the
most plausible one and points to an origin of the
name in internal Shi'i controversy.
Imami sources name the Kufans Kathrr al-Nawwa'
Sahm b. Abi Hafsa (d. 137/754-5), al-Hakam
b. Utayba (d. 112/730 or 115/733), Salama b
Kuhayl (d. 122/740), and Abu '1-Mikdad Thabit al-
Haddad as the chiefs of the Batriyya in the
time of Muhammad al-Bakir, and describe them
as not recognising his full rank as imam and sole
mbigumes in his teaching. 'Umar b. Riyah,
rst recognised the imamate of al-Bakir, iat.
-nounred him and joined the Batriyya
, for
* BUTRIYYA — BAWRAK
Though only a few of the leaders of the Batriyya
are expressly mentioned as participants in the rising
of Zayd b. 'All in 122/740, it may be assumed that
the early Batriyya generally inclined towards sup-
porting him, as his attitude toward the first caliphs
was close to their own. The Zaydl Batriyya held
that 'All was the most excellent of men after the
Prophet, but admitted the legitimacy of the ima-
mates of Abu Bakr and 'Umar, since 'All had vol-
untarily pledged allegiance to them. Concerning
'Uthman, they either abstained from judgment or
renounced him for the last six years of his reign.
Unlike the Djarudiyya, they did not ascribe a supe-
rior knowledge in religious matters to the descen-
dants of 'All, but accepted the hadith transmitted in
the Muslim community and admitted the use of indi-
vidual reasoning {idjtihad, ra'y) in order to close gaps
in the Shatl'a. Thus they did not adopt the specifi-
cally ShrT theses in various points of the ritual and
law and belonged to the traditionalist school of Kufa
in their fikh doctrine. A leader of the Batriyya in
the revolts of Zayd and of Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah
(145/762-3) was the traditionist and Jakih Harun b.
Sa'Id al-Tdjlr, whose supporters, known as the
'Idjliyya, were probably recruited from among his
tribesmen. Equally prominent among the Zaydl
Batriyya was the traditionist and theologian al-Hasan
b. Salih b. Hayy [q.v] (d. ca. 168/784-5), who sup-
ported the candidacy of Zayd's son 'Isa to the ima-
mate and concealed him from the 'Abbasid
authorities. 'Isa b. Zayd, in spite of his preference
of the Shi'I position in some ritual matters (see L.
Veccia Vaglieri, Divagaziom su due Rwolte Alidi, in A
Ftancesco Gabrieh, Rome 1964, 328 if.), generally
inclined to Batri views. A son of al-Hasan b. Salih
b. Hayy led a group of Kufan Batriyya in the revolt
of Yahva b. 'Abd Allah in the mountains of
Daylaman [see daylam] (ca. 176/792), but was soon
alienated by Yahya, who, espousing strictly Shi'i rit-
ual, disapproved of some of his practices. Also to
be counted among the chiefs of the Batriyya is the
kalam theologian Sulayman b. Djarfr al-Rakkr [q.c],
although his supporters were often mentioned as a
group separate from the Batriyya. He participated
in the debate about the imamate in the circle of
the Barmakids, and a community of his followers
survived in 'Anat for some decades. In the 3rd/9th
century, the Batriyya quickly disintegrated as the
Kufan traditionalist school was absorbed in Sunnism,
while within the Zaydiyya, the DjarudI views con-
cerning the imamate prevailed and Zaydl" fikh was
elaborated on the basis of the doctrine of the family
of the Prophet.
Bibliography: Al-Nashi', Masa'il al-imama, ed.
J. van Ess, Beirut 1971, 43-5; al-Nawbakhtl, Firak
al-shi'a, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931, see index;
al-Ash'ari, Makalat at-istamhyin, ed. Ritter, Istanbul
1929-31, 68 f.; al-KashshT," 'ikhtnar ma'ufat al-riajal,
ed. Hasan al-Mustafawi, Mashhad 1348/1969,
232-8, 390-2; Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanf, Makatil
al-talibinin, ed. Ahmad Sakr, Cairo 1368/1949,
468; Nashwan al-Himyarl, al-Hur al-'ln, Cairo
1367/1948, 150 f., 155; Shahrastanl, 120 f.; R.
Strothmann, Das Staatsrecht der jjiiditen, Strassburg
1912, 31-4; idem, Kultm der £aiditen, Strassburg
1912, 56 f; C. van Arendonk, Les debuts de 1'ima-
mai Zaidite au Yemen, tr. J. Ryckmans, Leiden 1960,
see index; W. Madelung, Der Imam al-Qasim ibn
Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, see index.
(W. Madelung)
al-BATTI [see abu 'l-hasan al-battI, in Suppl.].
BAWRAK (buiak) is natron, sesqui-carbonate of
soda, a compound of various salts containing mainly
sodium carbonate (soda). Derived from the Persian
bum, the term does not indicate borax in the mod-
ern sense (Natrium biboracicum), but has given its
name to it. The Arabic lexicographers know the
bawrak ma'i, b. ajabali, b. armanl, b. misri (= naiiun),
b. al-sagha ("borax of the goldsmiths", Chrysocolla),
b. al-khabbazin (or: al-khubz) and b. ifiiki. Since unbi-
ased elucidations of these terms are almost com-
pletely lacking, this enumeration is almost valueless.
Al-Khwarazmi (Mafatih, ed. van Vloten, 260) men-
tions, furthermore, the bawrak zardwandi and also the
tinkar which is made artificially; both are known as
tincal until today. Further information about the
nomenclature, also in other languages, is given in
Moattar, Isma'il Gorgani (see Bibl). In his cosmog-
raphy, Dimashkr distinguishes between bawrak and
tmkar. he says that both have a natural and an arti-
ficial kind and that both kinds of the latter were
used in melting and purifying minerals (Wiedemann,
Aufsatze zur arab. IVissenschqftsgeschuhte, i, 713). The
fact that there existed a class of borax-traders
(baicraki) indicates that trade in these various sodi-
um compounds required specialised knowledge. This
trade was apparently lucrative: Ibn Hawkal J , 346
(tr. Kramers-Wiet, ii, 339) mentions a borate (milh
al-bawrak) which was delivered from Lake Van to
the bakers in 'Irak and Mesopotamia (bawrak al-
khabbazin, see above); this denomination comes from
the bakers who used to coat the bread with borate
in order to give it a prettier and more shiny appear-
ance. The particularly valuable bawrak al-sagha (see
above) was exported with great profit from
Kabudhan to 'Irak and Syria.
The books on mineralogy mention the numerous
find-spots and kinds of bawiak. Like salt it is found
either as a liquid in water or as a solid on the sur-
face of the soil. It is white, grey or red, and causes
all kinds of solid substances to melt. Natrun, a kind
of bawrak, cleanses the body and beautifies the skin;
it is also used in chemistry as a reagent against impu-
rities (J. Ruska, Das Steinbuch des Ansloleles, Heidelberg
1912, Arab, text 118, tr. 173).
In antiquity bawrak (natruri) was known as vixpov,
which is different from our saltpetre (Nitrum). At
that time, as in Islamic times and nowadays, it was
gained from lakes which have no discharge, in which
it was left behind as a gleaming crust as a result of
evaporation. According to Ghassam and Ibn al-Kuff
(see Bibl.), nattun is "Armenian borax", but they also
say that the best natiun comes from the Egyptian
saltlakes. It was widely used in therapeutics, espe-
cially to treat skin-diseases like itching, scaly erup-
tions, scabies, pimples and boils, and also to cleanse
fresh wounds. Dissolved in wine, honey or water, it
purifies dirty and purulent sores. Taken internally,
it has a loosening effect, softens the bowel motions
and dispels flatulence. In al-Kindi's collection of pre-
scriptions, it is an ingredient of various tooth-pow-
ders. Spread on the eyes, it removes the so-called
hard white spot (baydd al-'ayn al-ghaliz)\ however, espe-
cially in the treatment of the eyes, quackery took
possession of this substance (according to Djawban,
al-Mukhtar fi kashf al-asrat. cf. Wiedemann, Aufidtze,
i, 765 IT.).
Bibliography: Dioscurides, Materia medica,
ed. Wellmann, iii, Berlin 1914, 83 f. (= lib.
v, 113); La "Materia medica" de Dioscondes, ii
(Arabic tr.) ed. Dubler and Teres, Tetuan 1952,
BAWRAK — BAYHAKI SAYYIDS
42b t The midical formulary or iqrabadhin oj al
hindi tr M Leve\ Madison etc 19bb 248 Bnuni
Smdala ed HM Slid Karachi 1973 'Vrab 102
f and 3b3 tr 79 j22 Ibn Biklansh Uuitaim
Ms Naples Bibl Naz m F b5 fol 25b
Maimomdes Sharh asma al ukkai ed Me\erhof
no 51 Ibn al Bavtai Djami Bulak 1291 i 125
7 tr Leclerc no 381 with raw quotuions from
sources Ghassam Mu'tamad Beirut 1975 41 t
F Moattai hma'il Gori,ani und sunt Bideutung )u>
die iramsche Heilkunde imbesondere Pharma le M irburg
1971 299 f (no 135) Die pharmakoh^ G, und at t
des ibu Varum Haram tr \ \chundow Halle
189j 162 f 31b Tuhfat al ahbab td Renaud and
Colin Pins 1934 no 92 Razi Ham xx
Havdarabad 1387 134 7 Ibn Sina hanun i
Buhk 2b7 f Dawud al Antaki Tadhkua Cairo
1371 i 87 f El Libro igrega dt Serapiom ed G
Ineichen n \ emce 19bb 77 H G Kncher
Du im/achtn Htilmitttl aus dem Handbuth dti
Chirurgit des Ibn al Quff Bonn 1967 no 39 \\
Schmucker Du pflanjuhe und mineralische Materia
medua mi Firdaus al hikma da. ill ibn Sahl Rabban
at Taban Bonn 19b9 no 153 M Berthelot La
with r
1893 (r
1967)
Die
BAY'AT al RIDWAN the mm
exacted b\ the Prophet from some of his followers
during the Medimn penod
During the expedition to il Hudavbiva [q t \ in
Dhu 1 Ka'da of the veu b (March b28) a lepoit
leached Muhammad tint the Meet ins had killed
Uthman b '\ffan who hid gone into Mecca to
negotiate a tiuce Muhimraid realised that he
would lose face unless Uthmins death was
avenged and summoned the membeis of the expe
dition to take an oath of allegiance to himself
There are different versions of the content of the
oath Some held it was i pledge not to flee oth
ers that it was a pledge to the death {'ala I
maut) and one man (Sinan) is said to have pledged
himself to do what was in Muhammad s mind
(ala ma fi najiika) To fight the M<
Oxford 195b 50 f
(imoidanci sv bau.
AJ Wen
ihaajaia
iW Montcoi
BAYHAKI SAYYIDS a icligio political
gioup active in the political life ot t arlv Islamic
Kashmn The Bavhaki Saw ids migiated to Kashmir
from Dihh m the time of Sultan Sik indar (791
81b/1389 141j) and plaved a verv important pait
in the social and political lite ol the \ allev until
its conquest bv the Mughals m 99b/ 1588 Owing
to their descent fiom Prophet Muhammad through
his daughter Fatnm thev weie treated with gieat
respect b\ the Sultans who gave them ajagirs and
high offices and enteied into matrimonial relations
with them \t first thev were unpopular and aioused
both the anger and |ealousv of the Kashmiri nobks
because conscious of their high bnth thev behaved
irrogantlv and ]omed those elements who were
allien of Hindu piactiees and ceiemomes ind
wanted the enfoicement of the Shan a and the
Islamic wav ot life But gnduallv thev began to
ldcntifv themselves with the aims and aspnations of
the Kashmiris who then upon accepted them as
their leaden
pilgur
v dange
hghtlv
! Mush
ind this was doubt
;s whv Muhammad asked for the pledge and whv
it is described as a pledge not to flee or to the
death If the third version is eoneet it indicates
a formal increase in Muhammad s autoci Uic power
which is known to have been increasing inforrmllv
about this penod One man al Djidd b Kavs
refused to take the oath and appens to have shoitlv
afterwards been deposed bv Muhimmad from being
chief of the \nsari clan of Sahma The incident
is mentioned in Kuran xlvm 18 God was well
pleased (radna) with the believers when thev pledged
themselves to vou under the tiee From this is
derived the name Bay at al uduan which mav be
tianslated the pledge of good pleasure or the
pledge which pleased (Godi It is also known is
the pledge of the tiee and those who made the
pledge heie were later honoured as the \shab al
ihad^aia the men of the tree It has been sug
gested that the tree might have been a saeied one
in pre-Islamic times At a later period there was
a mosque on the spot (Bukhan m 113 = Magha j,
35; Wellhausen, Reste 1 , 104).
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld,
746; al-Wakidi, ed. Marsden Jones, ii, 603 f.;
W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina,
tv ed a
The c
soldiei
xagge
Btvhaki Sayvid howevei tbout whom anv reliable
evidence exists was Sawd Muhammad who gave his
daughter Tidj Khitun in marriage to Sultan Za\n
al \bidin (823 74/1420 70) and latei his grandson
Saw id Has in wis married to the Sultans daughtei
On the death of 7a\n al '\bidins son and successor
Havdar Shih (874 b/1470 72) Hasan Shah who sue
ceeded him made Sawid Hasan his llaji and since
Saw id Hasan succeeded in setting up Muhammad
Shah Hasan Shih s minor son as Sultan in 889/1484
he continued as Ha^ir But his arrogance and his
opposition to Hindu customs and practices aioused
the angei of the Kashmir nobles who plotted against
him and earlv one morning thev entered the fort of
Nawshahr in Snnagar where thev were holding court
and killed him and his thirteen followers His two
sons Sawid Hashim and Sawid Muhammad who
weie not in the fort at the time cimed on the strug
gle against the enemies of then father but thev were
followers But after two vears the Saw ids were re
called and under the leadership of Sawid Muhammad
thev once again became active in the struggle for the
throne between Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah
intriguing with and making alliances with different
groups as suited then interests In the end Sawid
Muhammad succeeded in 898/1493 in becoming
Ha^ir of Muhammad Shah but in 910/1505 he was
defeated and killed bv his rivals This however did
not demonhse the Savvids Instead when Mirza
Havdar Dughlat established his powei in Kashmir
(948 58/154151; Sayjid Ibi ihim the son of Sayjid
Muhammad |Oined the Kashmir nobles in over
thi owing him
Undei the C ak Sultans also the Bavhaki Savvids
continued to plav an impoitant pait \li Shah
Cak (978 8b/1570 78) appointed Sa^id Mubarak
the son of Sav>id Ibrahim is tfa^ir and took his
advice on all important matteis But on Ah Shahs
death, Sayyid Mubarak set aside the latter's son
Yusuf Shah on grounds of incompetence and
declared himself Sultan (986/1578). Yet, after a few
months he was overthrown by the nobles, who were
BAYHAKI SAYYIDS
denied by him any share in the government In
spite of this, he joined Ya'kub Shah, Yusuf Shah s
son and successor, in the struggle against the Mughal
armies sent by the Emperor Akbar to conquer
Kashmir. Finding resistance to the Mughals huit
less, he submitted to the Mughal commander Kasim
Khan Mir Bahr on 27 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 994/9
December 1586, and was sent to Agra. Akbar wanted
Sayyid Mubarak to accompany Yusuf Khan Ridwi
who was ordered by him to proceed to Kashmir
to relieve Kasim Khan. But Sayyid Mubarak refused
so he was imprisoned and sent to Bengal. His son,
Abu '1-Ma'alT, also fought side by side with Ya'kub
Shah against the Mughals, but he was taken pris-
oner. This was the end of the significant role which
the Bayhakl Sayyids had played for over 150 years
of Kashmir history.
Bibliography: G.M.D. Sufi, K'ashir, i, Lahore
1948-9; Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the Sultans,
Calcutta 1959; Baharistan-i Shahi, anonymous ms.
I.O. 509. (Mohibbul Hasan)
BAYRAK [see 'alam].
al-BAZDAW! [see al-nasafI].
BEDOUINS [see badw].
BEERSHEBA [see bir al-sab'].
BEHZAD [see bihzad].
BEKAA. [see bika'].
BELOMANCY [see istiksam].
BELUCHISTAN. [see balucistan].
BENI MELLAL, formerly Kasaba Beni Mellal
ifrom the name of the tribe living around it), or some-
times Kasaba B. Kush, a town of Morocco roughly
equidistant from Casablanca, Marrakesh and Fas. It
lies on one of the slopes of the Dir [q.v. in Suppl.],
at an altitude of 620 m./ 1,980 feet, in this piedmont
region between the Middle Atlas and the wide, his-
toric plain of the Tadla, of which it has recently
become the official chef-lieu.
The town is built around the fortress or kasaba built
towards 1099/1688 by Mawlay Isma'Il, restored in the
19th century by Mawlay Sulayman and since once again
restored. The Vauclusian spring of Asardun to the south
of the town leads one to think that Beni Mellal, like
all the other centres of the Dir, e.g. Aghmat, Damnat
[q.vi\], etc., goes back to ancient times, but no traces
of prehistoric life have as yet been discovered there. It
is possible that Bern Mellal is Hisn Dal, the little cap-
ital which Yahya b. Idns inherited in the 3rd/9th cen-
tury at the time of the division of his father's kingdom.
It is mentioned by the Arab geographers as a fortress
and an important market centre. In 534/1140 or
535/1141 it was occupied by the Almohads.
The demographic explosion of the town has been
remarkable. In 1918 it had an estimated 3,000 inhab-
itants; now it has 60,000, and the increase between
the 1952 and I960 censuses has been 81%. This un-
doubtedly stems from its administrative role today,
one of the results of agricultural development of the
great alluvial plain of the Tadla or else of the very
important hydrauli<
r the last 30 y
Mellal's importance has grown still further from its
role as a market centre for provisions of the Berber
tribes in the Middle Atlas valleys, and also those of
the central Grand Atlas (especially the Wad! Tadghat).
A very lively fair is held in the town centre every
week, where curious coverlets of thin rugs (hanbal) in
gaudy and evanescent shades of colour are sold, and
are much appreciated.
Superb gardens, rich olive-groves and flourishing
orchards of mulberry trees, oranges and pome-
giamtes extend as fai as the scarp out of which
gush six abundant and pure springs of water In the
midst of this oasis is the ^attiya of Sidi Ahmad b
Kasim whose minaiet is attributed to the great
Almoravid \iwjf b Tashfir, (it is more probable that
it was the work of his grandson Tashfin who passed
thiough Bern Mellal befoie going on to die in Orama)
The town has now become a centie foi torn 1st excur
sions into the mountains and has promise of a great
futuie
Bibliography al Bakn ed and tr de Slane
Description de I'AJnque Septentrional*, Algiers 1913,
index; H. Terrasse, Histmre du Maroc, Casablanca
1949, index; P. Ricard, Guide Bleu, Maroc 1 , 1950,
index; J. Pourtauborde, L'office de I'irrigation aux Beni
Amir-Bent Moussa, in Encycbpedie d'Outre-Mer, Paris
(June 1954), document No. 28; H. Awad, Djughrd-
fiyyat al-mudun al-maghnbiyya, Rabat 1964, index.
(G. Deverdun)
BESTIARY [see hayawan].
the BEYOND [see akhira].
al-BIBLAWI, 'Ali b. Muhammad, 26th
shaykh of al-Azhar. He was born in the village
of Biblaw near Dayrut in Upper Egypt in Radjab
1251 /November 1835. After a period of study and
teaching at al-Azhar [q.v.], he was employed at the
Khedivial Library and became its Director (nagir)
for a short period in 1881 and 1882. In the wake
of the 'Urabi insurrection in 1882, he was removed
from this office, to which he had been appointed
thanks to the help of his friend Mahmud Sam! al-
Barudi [q.v.], one of the insurrection's principal pro-
tagonists. Subsequently he held the office of khatib,
and from 2 Safar 1311/14 August 1893 onwards
the office of shaykh khidma of the Husayn mosque
in Cairo. In addition to the latter' office he was
appointed naklb al-ashmf [q.v.] on 6 Shawwal 1312/1
April 1895, following the abdication of the former
naklb, Muhammad TawfTk al-Bakn [q.v.]. During his
term of office, which was to last until the end of
1320/March 1902, a set of regulations was prom-
ulgated, the so-called la'ihat nikabat al-ashraf (cf. al-
Waka't al-Misriyya, 17 June 1895, no. 67), which
made the incumbent to this office virtually an offi-
cial within the Ministry of Wakfe and a subordinate
to its napr. His appointment as shaykh of al-Azhar
on 2 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1320/1 March 1903 in suc-
cession to Salfm al-Bishn, who had been deposed
because of his efforts to frustrate implementation of
the reforms provided for in the law of 20 Muharram
1314/1 July 1896, was the result of a compromise
between the Khedive and his ministers, who had
originally favoured other candidates. Only two years
later, on 9 Muharram 1323/15 March 1905, he
found himself compelled to resign when his inabil-
ity to deal with the obstruction of his efforts to
implement reforms had reduced his authority to a
unacceptably low level. He died shortly afterwards
on 30 December 1905.
Bibliography: Biographies may be found in
Ahmad Taymur, Taradjim
'ashar
1940, ;
ind Mahmud b. 'All al-Biblawi, al-Ta'rih
Husayni, Cairo 1324, 57 ff.; The biographi
Khayr al-Dln al-Zirikll, al-ATam, v, 171 f., ana
by Muhammad Zaki Mudjahid, al-A'lam al
sharkiyya, Cairo 1950, ii, 140, are mainly based
upon Taymur's. For additional data see 'Abd al-
Muta'al al-Sa'rdi, Ta'rikh al-islah fi 'l-Azhar ma-
safahat min al-djihad fi 1-islah, Cairo n.d., 67 f.:
and Ahmad Shafik, Mudhakkirati fi msf karn.
by
l-BIBLAWI — BIGH/V
Cano n
(19(,5)
■e Jong
BIBLIOMANCY [see klr'a]
BIGHA' the kur'inic teim (XXI\ 33) for
prostitution Piostitute is tendered bv baghm (pi
a more vulvar term although we have here a euphe-
mism is kahba (pi hhab) which the lexicogiapheis
professional piostitutes used to cough in order to
\lthough M &audefrov-Demombvnes ( Mahomet
Pans 19b9 48) saw in the legend ot Isaf and Nd'ila
regions
.ulai
amongst
lar with the woilds oldest profession which was at
least in the laigei centres oi population earned on
bv free women spinsters widows or divorced women
reduced bv miseiv to trafficking in then own bod-
ies but mainlv bv slaves working for then mas-
ters These women weie recognisable as elsewhere
bv the banneis which thev flew at the doors oi then
dwellings thev accepted all comeis as clients ll thev
produced a child the latter was entrusted to the offi-
cial responsibility oi the man whom the physiogno-
mists (kafa [see kivafa]) designated as the lathei the
latter not ha\ing the right to iefuse These items oi
information aie grven on the authonty nf ' Visha
bv al-Bukhin (Sahih A al \ikah bab 3b, vn 19-20
tr O Houdas La tiaditwrn islanuqun in, 5()i-(i) who
mentions the preceding usages as one of the three
forms of mkah foi bidden bv the Prophet the two
others being the istibda' and a kind of polyandry
Iihbda' consisted of a man who feared th it he him-
self could not sue a robust offspring placing his wife
in the hands of a better piogenitor In the mkah al
bands (less than ten) and if she has a child attributes
the paternity to one of this group who is unable to
refuse it \1-Bukhiri does not m this passage cite
temporal v man rage mufa [q . ] which was likewise
prohibited In his A al Bukhala' led Hadjni 112 tr
Pellat 179) al-Djahiz uses the expression ^audj nahan
husband bv day the sense of which is hard to
determine but may allude to a very fleeting type of
tempoiaiy marriage
ir less disguised pi
, the 1
• of the
ached to haunts of plei
should be noted that the m
brothel makhui comes
ure ind t,
keeper (khammat) whe
\bu Sufvan the won
Zivad b \bihi the t
nition of the latter s
Mu'awiva re\eal the
tei of the courtesans
i al-IYif ot i
particulai by slave girls belonging to the famous
physician ot the \iabs al-Hanth b kalada [qi
Mus'udi Minudj. v 21 ft = ^ 1778 ft ) is was the
or employed by thud paities The Mcdinan '\bd
\llah b Ubaw [q I ] is also said to have piactised
this same form of exploitation this being allegedly
the origin isce the Kur'an commentaries on xxiv
ii al-laban Tafur win 132-4 al-Kuitubi Tajw
\n 254-5 etc) of the veise condemning this prac-
tice \nd do not tonstiain youi maidseivants
[jatayat] to prostitution ibigha') it thev wish to live
in leputable mainage itahaaun) in order that vou
anyone compels them thus [he will bear the sole
responsibility for it] toi God who is merciful and
compassionate will pirdon them after compulsion
has been laid upon them Thus the Kur'an does
not expiessly condemn piostitution and is content
to foibid any woman being compelled to practise it
For his part the Prophet must ceitamlv have spo-
ken about the prostitutes examples of whom he must
have seen in Mecca and Medina (sec Wensmck
204
t the
in which he foibids
payment foi the sen ices (if the word mahi is correctly
inteipreted here) of the piostitute and the gains ikaib)
fiom prostitution lal-Bukhan Sahih A al Talak bab
51 ti Houdas in b42) It was a ioundabout wav of
prohibiting what was considered as a dishonourable
activity but one m the end adjudged bv postentv as
In practice despite pious peisons who inveighed
liom time to time against an institution which was
regaided as incompatible with Muslim ethics prosti-
tution has always flourished in Muslim lands keep-
ing itself, undei necessity discieet as in Fas whcie
at certain periods the police authorities suppiessed it
having paiading them through the streets of the town
and then expelling them ind insisting on their being
buried in a special pait of the cemetery (R Le
Tourneau Fis a ant le Pwtatorat Casablanca 1949
580) This seems to have been a special case md
pletely successful Although tiavellers and historians
tion testifying to the existence ot more or less free-
in the various Islamic cities Thus al-Mukaddasi [4hsem
al takaum 407) saw a biothel at Sus near the mosque
whilst Leo \fncanus speaks ot taverns at Fas with
whores residing in them (ti Epaulaid 191) and pios-
titution at Tunis (385) \c cording to al-Kifti iHukama'
<d Lippert 298) the muhtasib ot Latakia put up for
ilk tion the tavouis of the public women and issued
to the successful bidders a nng which thev had to
show if thev weic met at night with one ot the
all ti
s prosti
ut even iecognised officially and very
subject to a tax payable to the public
t Fis the headman of the quarter had
ing disorders, but in general, it was the muhtasib
who fulfilled this function (see P. Chalmeta, El "senor
del zoco" en Espana, Madrid 1973, index, s.v. pros-
titutas). However, the manuals of hisba do not men-
tion the existence of a precise regulatory scheme,
and Ibn 'Abdun, for instance, is content to forbid
the denizens of places of public resort to show them-
selves bareheaded outside the house (E. Levi-
Provencal, Trots traites hispaniques de hisba, Cairo 1955;
idem, Seville musulmane, Paris 1947, § 168). In al-
Andalus, the tax imposed on them was curiously
called kharadj ("land tax" [q.v.]) and the brothels
called dav al-kharadj (or ddr al-banat), whilst the pros-
titutes themselves were called kharddjiyydt (Ibn
Bassam, Dhakhua, i/1, 207, where the text should
be corrected) or even kharad^ayrdt (Levi-Provencal,
Hist. Esp. Mus., iii, 445-6). It is further known that
'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.] imposed a tax on the whores
of Fars (al-MukaddasI, 441) and that the Fatimids
did likewise in Egypt (al-Maknzi, Khitat, i, 89).
As in many other lands, various categories of
night be distinguished. At the bottom of
the
e the s.
tched v
hired rooms in caravanserais by th(
near the centre, and in addition to the rent, paid
a due to the keeper of the caravanserai; but there
were also procurers who brought them clients,
mainly strangers visiting the town; peasants, seasonal
workers, soldiers, etc. Some of these women cer-
tainly sank to the level of the rogues and vagabonds
whose various activities have been described by C.E.
Bosworth in his The mediaeval Islamic underwoild (Leiden
1976, 2 vols.). At a higher level, brothels proper
catered for a more affluent clientele. As in pre-
Islamic al-Ta'if, special quarters were reserved for
prostitution, which the authorities were thereby more
easily able to control. This system has remained
down to our own time, and a visit to these locali-
which a
resque
may e
n be
nended to tourists, male and female, by guides
and travel agents; this is especially the case in regard
to Bousbir (< Prosper) at Casablanca and the street
of "dancing girls" of the Ouled Nail at Bou Saada
(Algeria).
The practice of early marriage among the Muslims,
who can take four legitimate wives and as many
concubines as they can afford to keep, ought in
the natural course of things to have set bounds to
venal love-making. However, many young men from
the modest levels of society were unable to find their
sexual initiation otherwise than by recourse to
prostitutes, and legal marriage entailed financial bur-
dens which men from the masses of people were not
always in a position to undertake, especially if they
had to migrate away from their original home.
Furthermore, the Kur'anic prohibition could always
be easily circumvented by procurers and procuresses
lured on by the prospect of gain, whilst the easy facil-
ities for husbands in regard to the repudiation of their
wives [see talak] threw on to the streets women who
did not always have the possibility of returning to
their families.
Bibliography: There does not seem to have
been produced any monograph on prostitution
in mediaeval Islam. In the list of writings of Abu
VAnbas al-Sayman [q.v. above] a K. Nawddh
al-kuwwad (?) and a K. al-Rdha, wa-mandfi' al-
kiyada, which may possibly have dealt with
pimps, are to be found, but these have not sur-
vived. In addition to sources cited in the article,
see A. Mez, Renaissance, Eng. tr. 361-4; A. Maza-
heri, La vie quohdienne des Musulmans au moyen age,
Paris 1947, 64-5; R. Le Tourneau, Fes avant le
Protectorat, Casablanca 1949, 557-9 and index;
al-Markaz al-kawmi li '1-buhuth al-idjtima'iyya,
al-Bighd' f, 'l-Kdhua, Cairo 1961; a fairly well-
developed study by a sociologist is that of
A. Bouhdiba, La sexuahte en Islam, Paris 1975,
228-39 and the bibl. cited there. On male pros-
titution, see liwat. (Ed.)
BIHBIHANI, Aka Sayyid Muhammad Bakir,
Shi'T mudjtahid and proponent of the Usulr [q.v.]
madhhab, often entitled Wahid-i Bihbihani or
Muhakkik-i Bihbihani, and commonly regarded by
his Shf l contemporaries as the "renewer" (mudjaddid)
of the 12th Hidjri century. He was born in Isfahan
some time between the years 1116/1704-5 and
1118/1706-7. After a brief period spent in Bihbihan,
he was taken to Karbala' by his father, Mulla
Muhammad Akmal, whose principal student he
became, while studying also under Sayyid Sadr al-
Din Kummi. Mulla Muhammad Akmal had studied
under Mulla Muhammad Bakir Madjlisi, the great
divine who had dominated Iranian Shi'ism in the
late 1 1th/ 1 7th century, and had also married his
niece. The young Bihbihani, who came to exercise
a similar dominant role at the end of the 12th/ 18th
century, was thus both spiritually and genealogically
related to Madjlisi. It is related that after complet-
ing his studies in Karbala', Bihbihani intended to
leave the city, but was dissuaded from doing so by
the appearance of the Imam Husayn to him in a
dream, instructing him to stay (Muhammad Bakir
Kh*ansarl, Rawdat al-dfatmat ft ahwdl al-'ulama' wa'l-
saddt, Tehran 1304/1887, 122). In obedience to the
dream, he stayed on, and engaged in fierce contro-
versy with adherents of the Akhbarl school of fikh,
which at that time was predominant in Karbala' as
well as the other 'atabdt [see akhbariyya above]. The
controversy between the Akhbaris and the UsQlis,
centering on various questions of usul al-fikh and par-
ticularly on the permissibility of idjtihdd, was an ancient
one, but had become particularly acute in the late
Safawid period and the middle part of the 12th/ 18th
century. Before the appearance of Bihbihani, the
Akhbaris were so assured in their dominance of the
'atabdt that anyone carrying with him books of Usull
fikh was obliged to cover them up for fear of pro-
voking attack. By the end of his life, however,
Bihbihani had been able almost completely to uproot
Akhbari influence from the 'atabdt and to establish
the Usuli position as normative for all of the Twelver
Shl'a. He accomplished this change partly by debate,
polemic and the composition of written refutations of
the AkhbarT school, the most important of which was
Kitdb al-iajtihad wa 'l-akhbar. Hardly less effective was
the demonstration of the prerogatives of mudjtahid that
he provided. One of his pupils, Shaykh Dja'far Nadjafi
(d. 1227/1812), records that he was constantly accom-
panied by a number of armed men who would imme-
diately execute any judgement that he passed. The
example that he thus gave was to be followed by
numerous Iranian 'ulama' of the Kadjar period.
Another target of Bihbihanl's hostility was the
Ni'matallahi Sufi order; such was the enmity that he
nurtured for them that he gained the title of sufikush
(Sufi-killer). He died in 1206/1791-2 or 1208/1793-
4, and was buried near the tomb of the Imam
Husayn in Karbala'. Bihbihani is credited with more
than sixty works; the titles of twenty of them are list-
ed in Muhammad 'All Mudarris, Rayhdnat al-adab,
new ed., Tabriz n.d„ i, 52, and a further fourteen
,ughly si
titles arc preserved in autograph in the library of
Bihbihanl's descendants in Kirmanshah (see Muhsin
al-Amln, A'yan al-shi'a, Beirut 1378/1959, xliv, 96).
It is said that his writings on usul al-fikh were com- Tehra
piled into a single work by one of his pupils, Sayyid
Mahdl KazwInT. The number of his pupils was very
his sons, Aka Muhammad 'All, who settled in
Kirmanshah and inherited his father's violent hatred
of the Sufis, and Aka c Abd al-Husayn; Shaykh Dja'far
Nadjaff, author of a number of important works on
Usull fikh; and three mudjtahidt, who dominated the
life of Isfahan in the first quarter of the 19th cen-
tury— Hadjdj Muhammad Ibrahim KalbasI, Sayyid
Muhammad Bakir Shaftl, and Sayyid Mahdl Bahr
al-'Ulum. But his influence extended far beyond the
generation of mudjtahid*. he trained; through his the-
oretical vindication of the Usui! position and his prac-
tical demonstration of the function of muditahid, he
was in effect the ancestor of all those mudjtahid>, who
have sought since his time to assert a guiding role
in Iranian society.
Bibliography: Muhammad b. Sulayman Tunu-
kabuni, K'isa\ al-'ulamd', Tehran 1304/1887,
147-8; Muhammad Bakir Kffansarl, Rawdat al-
djannat 123; 'Abbas b. Muhammad Rida Kumml,
Hadiyat al-ahbdb, Nadjaf 1349/1930, iO(); Mlrza
Muhammad 'All Mudarris, Rayhanat al-adab, i, 51-
2; Muhammad 'AIT BidabadI, Makanm al-athclr
dm ahwal-i ntgal-i dawra-yi kacffai, Isfahan
1337/i958, i, 220-5; Muhsin al-Amin, A'yan al-
shi'a, xliv, 94-6; Muhammad Hirz al-Din, ' Ma'anf
al-riajal ft taradjim al-'ulamd' wa 1-udaba', Nadjaf
1384/1964, i, 121-3; H. Algar, Religion and slate
in Iran, 1785-1906: the wle of the Ulama in the Qcijai
period, Berkeley & Los Angeles 1969, 34-6; 'All
DawwanI, Ustdd-i kull Aka Muhammad Baku
Bihbihdni b. Muhammad Akmal ma'iuf ba Wahid-i
Bihbihani, Kumm n.d.; H. Algar, Religious Jones
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in Cambridge
history of Iran, vii, ch. xiv (forthcoming).
(H. Algar)
BIHRANGI, Samad, Persian prosewriter
(1939-68). Bihrangi's birth in a lower-class, Turkish-
speaking family in Tabriz and his eleven-years'
employment as a primary schoolteacher in rural
Adharbaydjan are attested in the greater part of
his farsl writings. These, both fictional and non-
fictional, largely deal with village life in his native
province and with the specific problems of a cul-
tural minority region. His concern for the plight of
Adharbaydjanl peasant youth prompted a series of
educational essays, as well as some twenty children's
I's essays, notably the
ard, firmly committed wi
itist pseudo-intellec
. The
s of his
ced by t!
Al-i Ahmad [q.v. abovej
a writer like himself; rejecting the unquestioned
adoption of American teaching methods and find-
ing the current textbooks inapplicable in a class-
room with Azeri Turkish-speaking pupils, BihrangI
designed an alternative "textbook for village chil-
dren": the completed but yet unpublished Alif-bd
bara-yi kudakdn-i tusta'T.
Bibliography: The greater part of Bihrangi's
writings first appeared in newspapers and periodi-
, the chief foundation o
Notable for their "ideological" content rather than
for strictly literary merits, Bihrangi's children's
stories no longer recommend the conventional virtues
of obedience, cleanliness and modesty, but aim at
imparting "a correct view of the dark, bitter reali-
ties of adult society". Accordingly, his stories picture
the needy, powerless village children, their search for
freedom and their revolt against ignorant parents,
local landlords or urban aristocracy. The political
commitment felt in most of these stories contributed
to Bihrangi's considerable popularity among the
dissident intelligentsia; at the same time, it gave
writings by the Iranian authorities and to a vast
wave of rumours at his sudden death in September
1968, reportedly a drowning accident. More explicit
views on society and literature are present in Bih-
rankus
. Thir
of h
ere posthumouslv <
Maajmu'a-yi kissaha, Tabriz 1348 sh., which also
contains a chapter on Adahiyydt-i kudakan ; originally
published as part of a review-article in Rahnamd-
yi Kitab xi (1347-53 sh.), 48-5i, outlining the
author's conception of children's literature. Not
included in this volume are his most successful
story, the internationally awarded Malu-yi uydh-i
kuculu, separately published in Tehran 1347 sh.,
and the collection Talkhun wa cand kissa-t dlgar.
Tehran 1349 sh. A number of his educational
essays appeared as h'and-u-kaw dar masail-i tarbiyatj-
vi Iran, Tabriz 1344 sh.-', while other articles on
"various subjects were posthumously edited as
Madjmri'a-yi'makalaha, Tabriz 1348 sh.; this col-
lection contains several chapters on Adharbaydjanl
listed in Afshar's Index iianuus ii, Tehran 1348 sh.,
84, 415. An anthology of translated folktales was
separately edited in collaboration with B. DihkanI;
Ajsanahayi Adharbaydjan, i: Tabriz 1344 sh.. ii:
Tehran 1347 sh. Finally, BihrangI prepared some
Persian translations from modern Turkish poetry
and prose.
BihrangI issue of Aiash,' ii/5 (Adhar 1347 sh.).;
for additional information, cf 'A.A. Darwishiyan's
short monograph Samad djawidana shud, Tehran
1352 sh. J and G.R. Sabri-Tabrizi, Human val-
d'Orie,
(1970,,
8. Bihrangi's political role as a "totally involved
revolutionary artist" is stressed by Th. Ricks in
The little black fish and other modem stories,
Washington, D.C. 1976, 95-126; his folklore stud-
ies are passingly mentioned by L.P. Elwell-Sutton
in Iran and Islam, in memory of the late Vladimn
Minor iky, Edinburgh 1971, 253-4; Of the chil-
dren's stories, a German translation has appeared
in B. Nirumand ed„ Feuer unteim Pfauenthron, Berlin
1974, 19-35; English translations include two dif-
ferent renderings of Mahl-yi shah ... in The Literary
Review, xviii/1 (Rutherford, NJ. 1974), 69-84, and
in The little black fish . . ., op. at., 1-19. For other
translated stories, cf. M.C. Hillmann, ed., Majo,
voices in conlempoiary Persian literatuie, and M.A.
Jazayeri, ed., Literature East and West.
(GJJ. de Vriesi
BINN, a term of the Druze religion. In this,
the Binn were conceived of as one of a number of
earlier races or sects whose names are also mentioned
in the Druze writings, such as the Rimm and the
Timm. The Binn were said to have been a group of
inhabitants of Hadjar in the Yemen who believed in
the message of Shatnll, the incarnation of Hamza
BINN — BISAT
in the Age of Adam. According to the Druzes,
city was originally called Surna (meaning "Mirac
according to Hamza), and Shatnil came there from
India. He called on the people to renounce polythe-
ism and worship al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah [q.v.] as
their sole deity. Those who accepted his message
he commanded to "be separate" (yablnun) from the
polytheists; as a consequence they were known as al-
Binn. This etymology is clearly unsatisfactory, and it
is possible that a Persian origin should be sought for
this term.
One of the Druze da'i% al-Harith b. Tirmah of Isfahan
refused to obey Shatnil, and was expelled from the
number of the da'is, being dubbed "Iblfs". He became
the imam of the polytheists in Surna (the dfinn in the
Druze account). When one of the Binn met another,
he would say: "Flee from (uhdfui) Iblis and his party!".
As a result, Surna acquired the name of Hadjar.
Bibliography. H. Guys, Theogome des Druses, Paris
1863, 35 and n. 70, 104; C.F. Seybold, Die
Drusenschrift: Kitab Alnoqat waldawair. Das Buch der
Punkte und Kreise, Kirchhain 1902, 71; Muhammad
Kamil Husayn, Ta'ifat al-Duruz, Cairo 1962, 116;
D.R.W. Bryer, The Origins of the Druze Religion, in
IsL, liii (1976), 8.
(R.Y. Ebied and MJ.L. Young)
BISAT (a.), pis. bust/busut, absita, which implies the
general meaning of extensiveness (thus in Kur'an,
IAXI 18) is a generic term for carpet, more
specifically one of fairly large dimensions Any kind
of carpet with a pile is called a tmfisa if it is deco-
rated with multicolouied bands, a zarbiyya (zitbiyva,
zurbiyya pi zaiabi cf kur'an LXXXVIII 16); if it
is decorated with a relief design a mahfira whilst a
prayer carpet is called a sadfdjada (modern Turkish
seaade), and the collective sadfdjad is sometimes used
as a generic term (on the numerous Arabic terms,
see WH Worrell On certain Arabic terms for "rug", in
in hlamica, i (1934) 219-22, n (1935) 65-8). The
word kilim, applied to a woollen rug generally long
and narrow in shape, is often taken to be of Turkish
origin (see e.g. Lokotsch, No. 1176), but seems rather
to be Iranian (Persian gillm). Sumak, not far from
Baku, and the districts of Verne and Sile in the south-
ern Caucasus, have given their name to a type of
flatwoven carpets. The etymology of kali (vars. ghali,
khali, modern Turkish hali) is unclear; Yakut, Buldan,
iv, 20, remarks that the carpets (busut) called kali are
manufactured at Kallkala (= Erzerum [q.v.]), but since
this word was difficult to pronounce, the nisba has
been shortened. Although this particular term is
generally considered to be Turkish in origin, it is
unattested in ancient Turkish texts; it is, however,
used by GardizF [q.v.] and may therefore be of Iranian
origin (detailed study in Doerfer, No. 1405).
(Ed.,
1. Technique
For the manufacture of oriental carpets, sheep's
wool, cotton, silk, goat-hair and camel-hair are used,
which are prepared, spun and partly wound The
foundation consists of warp-threads (Fr.: ihaine
Ger.: Kette) stretched the length of the loom and
weft-threads (Fr.: trame, Ger.: Sehusse) run in hori-
zontally. For knotted carpets which form the bulk
of the products, one or several weft rows are
inserted between knot rows, the latter forming the
pile. In Turkey, the Caucasus and the regions of
northwestern Persia inhabited by the Kurds, the
Turkish or Gordes knot (so called after the Turkish
town of Gordes [q.v.]), has been commonly used.
But whilst the Persian or Senneh-knot (so-called after
the Persian town of Senneh, today called Sanandadj
[q.v.]) is commonly associated with Persia, India and
Turkestan, the Gordes knot is also found in Persian
rugs and the commonly-accepted geographical
demarcation must be treated with reserve (for dia-
grams of these two knots see I A, v/1, 137). Kilims,
and Sumak, Verne and Sile rugs are flat woven,
with no pile. Until aniline and chromate dyes were
introduced in the eighties of the 19th century, only
natural dyes were used (see C.E.C. Tattersall, Notes
on taipet-knotting and weaving, Victoria and Albert
Museum, 1961; A.N. Landreau and W.R. Pickering,
Fiom the Bosporus to Samarkand, flat-woven rugs, The
Textile Museum, Washington 1969).
2. History
a. Early Stages
The oldest known knotted carpet was discovered
in 1949 in the tomb of a local prince in Pazyryk, in
the Altai Mountains. By means of other finds in the
tomb, it may be dated to the 4th century B.C. There
are as yet no indications as to the place of its man-
ufacture, but the suggestion of its manufacture in
Achaemenid Persia has been put forward. Its tech-
nique (3,600 Turkish knots to the square decimetre)
and its design, in Achaemenid style, are of a remark-
able perfection; it is one of, and the most important
of, the three extant pieces of evidence for a highly-
developed art of knotting of this early date. It shows
in a developed form the composition of a central field
surrounded by borders, which consist of a wide main
border and several subsidiary or guard borders, char-
acteristic of all oriental carpets.
Very small fragments of carpets, conjecturally dated
between the 3rd and 6th centuries A.D., were dis-
covered by Sir Aurel Stein during his Turfan expe-
ditions (at Lop Nor). These, however, are not knotted
carpets but napped fabrics, in which the pile is pro-
duced by the wefts, introduced first as loops and
later split (see A. Stein, Ruins of desert Cathay, London
1912, 380, plate 116, 4). The "Spanish "knot", on
the other hand, always tied around a single warp,
is used in a fragment discovered by Le Coq in Kucha
during the fourth Turfan expedition, the earliest pos-
sible date of which is the 5th-6th century (see F.
Sarre, Em fruhes Knupfteppich-Fragment aus chinesisch-
Turkestan, in Berliner Museen (1920-1), 110). The piece
is too small and the design too faint to permit any
conclusions about the carpets of this period. The
many small fragments of knotted carpets from Fustat
can hardly be dated (see M.S. Dimand, An early cut-
pile rug fom Egypt, in Metropolitan Museum Studies, iv
(1933), 151 ff, SY. Rudenko, The world's oldest knot-
ted carpets and fabrics, Moscow 1968 (in Russian); R.B.
Serjeant, Material for a history of Islamic textiles up to
the Mongol conquest, in Ars hlamica, ix (1942), 54 and
xv-xvi (1951), 29).
b Turkey
homa carpets
The development of oriental knotted carpets can
be traced to a certain extent onlv from the 7th/
13th century onwards The oldest coherent group
comes from Anatolia In 1907 FR Martin discov-
ered three large and several small fragments in the
'Ala' al-Din mosque at Konya, to which were
given the generic name "Konya carpets". Shortly
afterwards, smaller fragments of the same type
were found in the Esrefoglu mosque at Beysehir.
The date of the enlargement of the 'Ala' al-Din
mosque, 1218-20, provides a date post quern for
these carpets, but they do not necessarily belong
to the 7th/ 13th century. Their designs and tech-
nical execution are simple and the knots are not
very close. Where they survive, the borders with
their heavy Kufic character or large stars pre-
dominate over the inner motifs, which have small,
all-over, repeat patterns. See F.R. Martin, A his-
tory of oriental carpets before 1800, i, 113, ii, plate
xxx; K. Erdmann, Siebenhundert Jahre Onentteppich,
Herford 1966, 117; R.M. Riefstahl, Primitive rugs
of the "Konya " type in the mosque of Beyshehir, in The
Art Bulletin, xiii/2 1 1931), 16 ff.; E. Kiihnel, Islamic
, London 1966, 94 and PI. 37b;
d PI. I.
The
Anatolian carpets of the 8th/ 14th
and 9th/ 15th centuries are attested by reproductions
in Italian paintings of the period. They are charac-
terised by a series of square or octagonal motifs filled
with stylised animals. The best known fragment of
such a carpet, which is in the Islamic Museum of
Berlin, shows on a yellow ground two octagons, set
in squares, in which are found a dragon and a
phoenix, the pair borrowed from Chinese mythology
(Kiihnel, Islamic art..., 109-10 and pi. 42b). A fres-
co of Domenico di Bartolo, dated between 1440 and
a church in Marby, preserved in the Statens Historiska
Museet in Stockholm, is closely connected in design,
technique and colouring with the Berlin fragment.
See CJ. Lamm, The Marby rug and some fragments of
carpets found in Egypt, in Svenska Orienlsdllskapets Arsbok,
1937, 51 ff.; K. Erdmann, Der Turkiuhe Teppich des
IS.Jahrhunderts, Istanbul n.d. [1957]; R. Ettinghausen,
Neiv light on early animal carpets, in Aus der Welt der
islamischen Kunst,' Festschrift E. Kiihnel, Berlin 1959, 93;
and PI. II.
"Holbein"
"Lotto" carpets.
On the portrait of the merchant Gisze, painted
by Hans Holbein the Younger in 1532 and kept
in the Picture Gallery of the Staatlichen Museen,
Berlin, can be seen a carpet that serves as table-
cloth. It represents a further group of Anatolian
carpets which appear frequently on paintings from
the middle of the 15th century until the end of the
16th century; these are characterised as "small-pat-
terned Holbein carpets", and a fair number of them
have survived. Their design, too, is based on squares
with inset octagons in vertical and horizontal rows.
The octagons are formed by bands knotted sever-
al times and the corners of the squares are filled
by stylised arabesque leaves, which, joined together,
merge into diamond-shaped linking motifs. Variety
of colours within the squares of some specimens
produces a kind of chessboard effect. In the details,
these carpets correspond with the so-called large
partitioned Holbein-carpets, the pattern of which
is limited to a few broad, clearly separated
motifs which are ranged only lengthwise. The decora-
tion of the borders is mostly based on Kufic charac-
ters. In the earlier designs the vertical strokes which
have been directed to the edging of the carpet are
clearly recognisable. Later on they develop into a
twined band without definite orientation. Red, with
brownish shades, blue, yellow, white and green are
dominant. The large-partitioned Holbein-carpets are
believed to have been made in Bergama, the small
partitioned ones in Usak. See Pis. Ill, IV.
The fourth type of early Ottoman carpets is also
localised in Usak. These are the so-called Lotto-car-
pets, because they appear among others, on the paint-
ings by the Italian painter Lorenzo Lotto. They are
also called "carpets with arabesque tendrils", since all
specimens of this group show a red foundation cov-
ered with a yellow net of tendrils, arabesque leaves
and palmettes. As is the case with the small patterned
Holbein-carpets, their arrangement is basically deter-
mined by a system of octagons set in squares, while
the fillings of the spandrels form also diamond-shaped
figures. More often than the Kufic-borders, those of
the Lotto-carpets are made up of undulating tendrils,
mukifoiled lozenges and later on, alternating cloud
bands. See PI. V.
Medalh
r U§aks.
In the 11th/ 17th century the early Ottoman pat-
terns are replaced by Persian-influenced arrange-
ments of motifs which characterise the Medallion and
Star-Usaks. The centre of the Medallion-Usaks
is usually marked by a pointed oval-shaped medal-
lion with a flamboyant outline and a floral inner-
design. Lengthwise on both sides shield-shaped
pendants are attached to the medallion. In the cor-
ners of the field quadrants of a differently shaped
medallion appear. The composition can be understood
medallions. Examples showing greater parts of the pat-
tern prove this. The usually red ground colour between
the medallions is traversed with entangled, angularly
drawn tendrils. The Star-Usak, with staggered star-
shaped medallions, connected by lozenges, is a vari-
ant of the Medallion-Usak. Both types occur frequently
on Dutch 17th centurv paintings. Like the Lotto-car-
pets, the Usaks were' manufactured in coarse, mis-
construed versions far into the 18th and 19th century
(see K. Erdmann, Weniger bekannte Uschak-Muster, in
Kunst des Orients, iv, 79 ff.; and Pis. VI, VII).
"Bird" and "Tschintamam" carpets.
U§ak-carpets with a white ground both in field
and border are rare. Two simple patterns can here
be distinguished: the "Tschintamani" and the "Bird"
motifs. The first, in all-over repeat, consists of two
parallel undulating lines and three balls arranged in
a triangle over them. This motif is undoubtedly of
Far Eastern origin. From the 15th century onwards
it is known as a pattern for clothing in Persian and
Turkish miniatures, and from the 16th century it
was popular on Turkish textile fabrics. The "Bird"-
motif consists of horizontal and vertical running stripes
crossing each other, and is composed of rosettes and
leaves, the form of which superficially looks like birds.
Both patterns have often been copied in the 20th
carpet*.
An important group of small-sized Anatolian
pets from the 17th to 19th centuries, showing ;
ogy with the U.5ak-carpets, are the Transylva
carpets, so-called because they have survive!
great number in the churches of Transylv;
Besides some smaller versions of the Lotto-, ]
and Tschintamani-patterns, they are mainly pn
138
rugs, the inner-fields of which are arch-shaped to
represent the mihrab, often in connection with one
or more pairs of columns. They form a link with
the Turkish prayer rugs of the 18th and 19th cen-
turies from Gordes, Ladik and Milas (see E.
Schmutzler, Altorientalische Teppuhe in Siebenburgen,
Leipzig 1933; J. de Vegh and Ch. Layer, Tapis lures
provenant des eglises et collections de Tiansylvanie, Paris
1925; M. Mostafa, Turkish prayer mgs,'Cairo 1953;
Turkish Rugs, The Washington Hajji Baba, The Textile
Museum, Washington 1968).
c. Egypt
Mamluk, Ottoman and Chess-board
arpets.
Fifteenth-century Mamluk Egypt saw the origin of
clearly recognisable carpets with a kaleidoscopic design,
consisting of stars, rectangles and triangles, filled with
small leaves, shrubs and cypresses. Their wool is soft
and glossy, and the colours normally range between
cherry-red, vivid green and bright blue. The many-
sided star-like ornaments and the arrangement of the
motifs towards the centre show a stylistic connection
with the inlaid metal-work, the wood and the leather
fabrics and the book-illuminations of the Mamluk
period. Only a few large-sized Mamluk carpets have
survived, among which one with a silk pile counts as
one of the most beautiful carpets in the world (Vienna,
Museum fur Angewandte Kunst). More numerous are
small specimens with a medallion that takes up the
entire width of the carpet, to the upper side and bot-
tom of which a tightly patterned rectangular field is
attached. An essential distinction between the Mamluk
and the Anatolian carpets lies in the fact that the
former are characterised by groups of patterns and
not by regular repeat patterns from which, within a
constant internal relation as far as size is concerned,
variable formats can be chosen. In the borders rosettes
usually alternate with oblong cartouches. European
and Oriental sources mention Cairo as an important
centre of the knotting industry at least from 1474
After Egypt was conquered by the Ottomans in
1517, the Mamluk carpets were replaced by carpets
manufactured in the Ottoman court-style. Their luxu-
riant floral decoration presents a sharp contrast to the
geometrical patterns of the Mamluk carpets. The pal-
mettes and rosettes, the feathered lanceolate leaves and
the naturalistically treated tulips, pinks and hyacinths
are also to be found on the contemporary textiles and
on pottery and tiles of Iznik. It would therefore seem
obvious to deduce that the carpets also were manu-
factured in Turkey. However, in their fineness, tech-
nique and colour-scheme, they differ completely from
the rest of the Anatolian carpets, but match to a con-
siderable extent the Mamluk carpets. It is therefore
plausible that they were manufactured in the Cairene
workshops after models made by Ottoman artists. This
theory is supported by some hybrid types, i.e. Mamluk
carpets with elements of Ottoman carpets, and vice
versa. The products of the Cairene workshops were of
a special quality, as may be seen from the fact that
Murad III in 1585 summoned eleven master carpet-
makers together with their materials from Cairo to
Istanbul. It is as yet unknown whether they carried
out there a special order or established a local weav-
ing-industry. Among the Ottoman carpets are some
prayer rugs. Ewliya Celebi mentions the use of Egyptian
prayer rugs in Anatolia in the middle of the 1 7th cen-
tury. See Pis. VIII, IX.
The chess-board carpets hold an intermediate
position between the Mamluk and the Anatolian
carpets. Their basic motifs are clearly Mamluk in
character: a star with eight rays on which small cypres-
ses, blossoms and rosettes are radially directed, stands
in a hexagon or octagon which is itself placed in a
square. The way in which this motif is dealt with,
the use of various-sized sections of the pattern, the
coarse wool, and the weft (which is always red) point
however at Anatolia. The colours are restricted to
bright blue, vivid green and red, and thus come near
to the Mamluk carpets. Moreover, these chessboard
carpets have the Persian knot in common with the
Mamluk and Ottoman carpets. As their place of ori-
gin E. Ktihnel proposed the area around Adana in
Anatolia; Rhodes and Damascus have also been sug-
gested. They can be considered to have originated
between the middle of the 10th/ 16th and the end
of the 11th/ 17th centuries (see E. Kuhnel and
L. Bellinger, Cairene rugs and others technically related, 15th-
17th cent, Washington 1957; K. Erdmann, Kauener
Teppiche, i, Europaische und islamische Quellen des 15.-18.
Jh., in Ars Islamica, v (1938), 179; idem, Mamluken- und
Osmanenteppiche, in Ars Islamica, vii (1940), 55; idem,
Neuere Untersuchungen zur Frage der Kairener Teppiche, in
Ars Orientalis, iv (1961), 65).
a. Timurid caipets.
The oldest Persian carpets which have been pre-
served date from the first half of the 10th/16th cen-
tury. They represent culminating points of the art of
carpet knotting which are inconceivable without ear-
lier stages. Timurid miniatures of the 9th/ 15th cen-
tury represent indeed with great accuracy various
genres of carpets. Roughly, two basic types can be
distinguished. First a small-pattern group with geo-
metrical design, consisting of repeating squares,
stars and crosses, hexagons, octagons or circles. They
resemble contemporary tile-patterns. The motifs are
framed by bright, small bands which interlace into
stars or crosses and in between into knots. The cen-
tral field is monochrome or is divided in chess-board
style with contrasting colours. In the borders a Kufic-
like writing stands out from a dark background. The
relation to the small-patterned Holbein carpets is
unmistakable.
This type is replaced by arabesque and flower pat-
terns towards the end of the 9th/ 15th century. The
finest specimens are to be found in the miniatures of
the painter Bihzad [q.v.]. He belonged to the school
of Herat and was in 1522 entrusted with the direc-
tion of the library of Shah Isma'il I in Tabriz. A
direct influence on the royal carpet manufacturies is
thus possible. In this new style with arabesque-pat-
terns, construed lines cross the field — symmetrical to
both axes — and outline semi-circles, circles, multi-foils,
cartouches and ellipses. These forms intersect, creat-
ing segments which are emphasised by their colour
and by their arabesque tendril decoration. There are
also carpets in which medallions are arranged over
arabesques, and others with a simple decoration of
scrolls on a monochrome ground. Instead of the stiff
Kufic borders, elegantly twisted tendrils are used.
These general principles and individual motifs form
the bases of the Safawid carpets of the 10th/ 16th and
11th/ 17th centuries (see A. Briggs, Timurid carpets, in
Ars Islamica, vii, 20, and xi-xii, 146).
P. Safawid carpets.
Dating. Four carpets with a date inserted and some
i provide the basis for dating the carpets
which were manufactured in the 10th/ 16th and
11th/ 17th centuries under the Safawids: (1) the car-
pet with the hunting scene, designed by Ghiyath al-
Din Djarm and now in the Museo Poldi Pezzoli,
Milan, with the date 929/1522, occasionally also read
949/1542; (2) the famous Ardabrl carpet by MaksQd
Kashanl, dated 946/1539-40, manufactured together
with one or even two others for the tomb mosque
of Shaykh Safi; then, after a gap of more than 100
years, (3) a "vase" carpet in the museum of Sarajevo,
1067/1656, by Ustadh Mu'min b. Kutb al-Dln
Mahani; and finally (4) a silk carpet by Ni'mat Allah
Djawshakam, dated 1082/1671, from the mausoleum
of Shah 'Abbas II in Kum. Other inscriptions are of
A group of silk carpets with larger fields, executed
with gold and silver threads, the so-called "Polish"-
carpets, represent the style prevalent around 1600
and in the first half of the 17th century (PI. XV).
With the aid of documentary evidence they can be
dated as follows. In 1601 the Polish king Sigismund
Vasa III ordered such a carpet in Kashan. In 1603
and 1621 Shah 'Abbas I had five specimens sent as
gifts accompanying an embassy to the Signoria of
Venice. Besides, contemporary reports of European
travellers contain many references to these carpets.
European paintings, which contribute to the dating
of Anatolian carpets, are of no help in this respect
as far as the Persian carpets are concerned. Only
the "Herat" carpets occur frequently on Dutch paint-
ings of the 17th century. The Safawid miniatures
show that at the beginning of the 10th/ 16th century
the basic types of carpets had been developed. The
reproductions are, however, not sufficiently differen-
of painting about periods of their origin and locali-
sation. Dates are to a high degree determined by
stylistic aspects, the quality of the design and reali-
sation and the shape and various degrees of devel-
opment of the singular forms being weighed one
against another. The margin for a subjective judg-
ment remains thus relatively large.
Localisation. Because of their patterns and technical
singularities, the Safawid carpets, with some excep-
tions, can be divided into clearly discernible groups.
It is however difficult to see the relations of these
groups with the histoncally -established knotting cen-
tres. Undoubtedly the successive capitrls Tabnz
(from 1502), Kazwin (from 1548) and Isfahan (from
1596-7) had their court weaving manufactories It is
possible that the early Safawid carpets came into
being in Tabriz undei the influence ot Bihzad It
is surprising that no attempts have been made to
localise carpets at Kazwin The woik-shops of Isfahan
are sufficiently documented Jean-Baptiste Tavemiei
describes even their exact localttv in the Watdan area
The manufacturing of silk so-called Polish carpets
and woollen carpets is proved to have taken place in
Isfahan. Apparently Kashan was known before Isfahan
for its silk weaving Pedro Teixeira mentions alieady
in 1604 carpets from Kashan with gold and silk beau-
tiful brocades and velvets and the fame of the town
was evident in 1601 when King Sigismund \ asa III
ordered from theie silk carpets worked with gold So
late as 1670 Chevalier Chaidin calls Kashan the cen-
tre of the silk-industry See PI XI\
The woollen carpets however cannot be classi-
fied since they are onlv verv summaiilv dealt with in
travellers' accounts In his appraisal ot the quality
of Persian carpets Pedro Teixeira who left Goa in
1604 and travelled to Europe through Persia, puts
those from Yazd in the first place, those from
Kirman— further characterised in 1684-5 by Engel-
bert Kaempfer as carpets with animal patterns made
from the best wool — in the second place, and those
from Khurasan in the third. Thadaus Krusinski
Gilan, the towns of KashanrKirman, Mashhad!
1 and the capital Isfahan as localities in
which c
Shah 'Abbas I. Tabi
ing the 16th century, but in the 17th cc
hardly mentioned any more. Indicatic
regions of origin, like north-western Persi
southern Persia (Kirman) and
etc.), which have become qui
■port;
ern Persi
i the lit
rather ;
description of a particular type than
localisation. The discovery of oriental sources like
town chronicles, descriptions of weaving manufac-
tories or patterns for designs, might clear up this
problem.
Compartment rugs. The "Compartment rugs" of the
Safawids are derived from the carpets with arabesque
pattern of the Tlmurid period. The early specimens
resemble their painted examples so closely that one
is tempted to give them an earlier date. A Com-
partment rug in the Metropolitan Museum. New
York, and its companion in the Musee historique
des tissus, Lyons, thus belong entirely to the Timurid
tradition; the net-like pattern consisting of eight-lobed
rosettes surrounded by shield-shaped motifs formed
by interlaced bands and the East Asian motifs which
fill these fields, such as the dragon, the phoenix and
cloud bands as well as the arabesque tendrils in the
miniatures. If dated to the beginning of the Safawid
period, both carpets could have been manufactured
in Tabriz. To this pair of carpets belong some later
variants with a raised medallion, establishing the tran-
sition to the medallion carpets of North-West Persia,
j and other variations with shields and quatre-foils in
] alternating rows. The overlapping fields, found in
the carpets in Bihzad's miniatures, are seen again
on several 17th century "Polish" carpets.
Cutpets with hunting uenes and animals. The influence
of miniatuie-pamting is most evident on the carpets
with hunting scenes and animals Except for a few
carpets with figures arranged asymmetrically the scenes
aie adjusted symmetrica^ on the background both
in horizontal and veitical dnections An anangement
ot medallions is put above this usually with one
medallion in the centre and quai ters of medallions in
the coiners ot the field The hunters on loot or hoise-
back attack lions leopards gazelles deei and hares
with spears swords and arrows Together with a great
variety of birds these animals appear also on the cai-
pets with only animals on which tights between deer
or bull and lion or between the <h'i Im or Chinese
unicorn and diagon aie in the foregiound The
Chelsea carpet of the Wtoiia and Albert Museum
London (pi Xl with its net of medallions connected
by diagonally ai ranged pointed ovals holds a middle
position between the Compartment rugs and the tradi-
tional carpets with medallions and animals \n upwaid
and downward string ol arabesque leaves divides the
boidei m interlocking parts of contrasting colours
\s reciprocal pinnacle border it was in a simpler
form very popular on the later Safawid carpets
Among the carpets which aie close t<
two large, silk carpets with hunting scenes, in Vienna
and Boston (see below), are conspicuous. To these
are closely connected some silk woven carpets and
about 12 woollen carpets (the so-called "Sanguszko"
Carpets with figures flourished in the 10th/ 16th
century under Shah Tahmasp I. Apart from the mas-
tery of the designs, their technical realisation is exem-
plary. They are an expression of court luxury. Such
carpets were undoubtedly manufactured in Tabriz,
but the stylistic and technical differences point to other
weaving centres as well. Under Shah 'Abbas I car-
pets with figures lose their importance, so that the
few specimens of the 11th/ 17th century are mere off-
shoots of the 1 0th / 1 6th century carpets.
North-west Persian Medallion-carpets. Together with a
series of medallion carpets with figures, a restricted
group of carpets which have in common a medal-
lion on a background that is filled with tendrils is
localised in north-western Persia, including Tabriz.
The most conspicious specimen is the Ardabil carpet,
according to its inscription dated 946/1539-40. A star-
shaped medallion, with corresponding quarter medal-
lions in the corners of the field, appears above a
fourfold symmetrical double system consisting of ele-
gant spiral tendrils (see Rexford Stead, The Ardabil ear-
pets, J. Paul Getty Museum, California 1974). More
characteristic is a simpler class of carpets with medal-
lions on a continuous, somewhat clumsily designed
pattern of scrolls with small repeat. Here too the
medallions are star-shaped and, as in the case with
all medallion carpets of the 10th/ 16th century, they
clearly stand out from the pattern of the background.
Often secondary designs are added of a vertical car-
touche and a shield-pendant, mostly to be found
lengthwise on both sides. Border patterns consist of
alternating cartouches and rosettes or a continuous,
mirrored repeat of short, interlaced arabesque ten-
drils. Particularly striking in these carpets is their rel-
atively long format. See PI. XI.
Herat carpets. The Herat carpets normally have no
medallion. They are characterised by a variety of large
palmettes with flamboyant contours, which cover the
points where most delicate spiral scrolls split and touch
the symmetrical axes. The colour of the field is almost
always purple, that of the borders dark green or deep
blue. On the specimens of the 10th/ 16th century the
spiral scrolls are tightly connected. The design is dense,
with many bizarre cloud bands and often inter-
mingled with animals and scenes of animal fights. The
rich use of East Asiatic motifs has led scholars to
localise these carpets in eastern Persia; it is indeed
proved that high-quality carpets were manufactured
in Khurasan and its capital Herat.
In a later type, the arrangement of tendrils is
looser and wider, the cloud bands are less frequent
and more clumsy, and animals are completely absent.
The pattern is determined by palmettes and long,
often two-coloured lanceolate leaves, also simplified.
The details and borders show parallels with the
"Polish" carpets, and therefore this type of Herat
carpets too can be dated to the 11th/ 17th century.
It is as yet undetermined whether these are identi-
cal with the woollen carpets manufactured in Isfahan.
Such "Herat" carpets were exported to India and
there imitated. It is difficult to distinguish between
Persian and Indian workmanship. So far unambigu-
ous criteria are lacking (see below). These carpets
are the only type of classical Persian carpets which
appear frequently on European paintings, especially
the Dutch genre-paintings of the 1 7th century. These
"Herat" carpets were evidently a valuable commod-
ity to Europeans, for they have been preserved in
great quantity mainly in Portugal and Holland, coun-
tries which through their East India Companies had
close commercial relations with Persia and India. See
PI. XII.
"Vase" carpets. In contrast with the medallion and
"Herat" carpets, the "vase" carpets have mostly a ris-
ing pattern which is mirrored only with respect to
the longitudinal axis. The direction is determined by
blossoming shrubs and, on many of these carpets, by
receptacles which have the form of vases of Chinese
porcelain, filled with flowers, from which the name
of this group of carpets is derived. Typical is the divi-
sion of the field by means of oval lozenges. Three
groups of lozenges, pushed one against the other, are
mostly intersected. They arise from undulating pairs
of tendrils which touch each other and retreat behind
magnificent flowers. The lozenges may however also
be outlined clearly by tendrils or broad lanceolate
leaves and be filled up with various colours.
Occasionally, the arrangement of lozenges is absent
and there remain entangled rows of flower-vases or
shrubs arranged in a staggered pattern. Sometimes
also patterns of arabesques occur, intermingled with
shrubs and in connection with medallions. Striking
are the wealth of colours, especially conspicious in
large-sized rosettes and palmettes, and the combina-
tion of these stylised flowers with naturalistic bushes.
The borders are relatively small and the inner or
outer guards are often lacking.
Opinions differ about the date of the "vase" car-
pets. Some fragments with very luxuriant decor
and vivid lineation recall stylistically the best "Polish"
carpets, with which they can be dated to the begin-
ning of the 17th century. It is still under discussion
whether the pieces of the main group, which are
designed in a clearer and stiffer way, originated before
or after these fragments. Some are of later date, as
is shown by the impoverishment of the pattern. More
difficult is the decision about others, which are rich
in details notwithstanding the rather simple pattern.
The "vase" carpet of the museum of Sarajevo, dated
1656, is not typical. Its extraordinary well-executed
design and the fact that figurative motifs are in gen-
eral lacking, favours the opinion that most of the
"vase" carpets originated in the 11th/ 17th century.
Southern Persia (Kirman) is regarded as the region
of their manufacture (see K. Erdmann, review of A
survey of Persian art, in Ars Islamica, viii, 174 «.). See
PI. XIII.
Garden carpets. Safawid gardens with their geometrical
division by rectilinear canals, as e.g. Hazar Djarib near
Isfahan, and the garden at Ashraf, laid out by Shah
'Abbas I in 1612, are reflected in the garden carpets.
With their canals and basins with fish and ducks, bor-
dered by trees and bushes in which birds and other
creatures frolic, these carpets represent "portable gar-
dens" which are accessible all year round. The earliest
specimen is probably a garden carpet in the Jaipur
Museum. According to an inscription on the back, this
"foreign carpet" arrived at the palace in Jaipur on 29
August 1632, probably by order or as a gift. Apart
from this one, only two other garden-carpets from the
Safawid period have survived. The type lives on in a
later, restricted group which can be distinguished from
its Safawid predecessors by the schematic outline of the
details, although the general principle remains the same.
They may have been manufactured in north-western
Persia from the second half of the 18th century until
sometime in the 19th century (see M.S. Dimand,
A Persian garden carpet m the Jaipur Museum, in Ais Islamua,
vu (1940), 93 and PI XVI, no 17)
'Portuguese ' carpets The ten to fifteen 'Portuguese"
carpets all go back to the same model and form thus
the most coherent group Thev owe their name to the
repiesentahons ot sailing ships with Euiopean-dressed
persons on board and a man who emerges horn the
watei among fishes and sea monsters The represen-
tation is repeated four times in the coiners and recalls
the ornamental motifs on Euiopean maps One ol the
interpretations ot that scene is that it depicts the arrival
of Poituguese ambassadors in the Persian Gulf From
was further concluded that these carpets were intended
for Portuguese in Goa The lest of the filling of the
fields is also unusual It consists of a lozenge-shaped
middle field with four small, pointed oval medallions
and irregularis notched and feathered outline, sur-
and irregularis forked in the later ones thev aie rec-
tilinear, paiallel and regular While theie is no doubt
about dating them to the 17th centurv, their place of
origin still lemains uncertain Foimeilv these carpets
weie considered to ha\e originated in southern or cen-
tial Persia but now some scholais have proposed India
Neither hypothesis is supported bv convincing proofs
isee C G Ellis Tie Portuguese carpets of Giqamt in Islamic
art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, ed R Ettmghausen,
New York 1973, 267)
Silk carpets The change in stvle which the Safawid
caipets underwent between the lOth/lbth and the
1 lth/1 7th centunes, is espeuallv recognisable in the
silk carpets The most famous and largest carpet of
this kind is the so-called Vienna hunting caipet which
was in the possession ot the Austnan imperial house
and is now in the Museum fur angewandte Kunst
in Vienna The use of silk for pile, warp and weft
produces a verv fine textuie and gives the possibil-
ity foi an extremelv precise design So it is not onlv
bee ause of its costlv material that this carpet heads
the figuiatne medallion caipets oriented towards the
miniature painting and dating from the period of
Shah Tahmasp Its size ol t) 93 X 3 23 m coi re-
sponds with that of the laige woollen knotted car-
pets Manv details are executed in gold and silvei
brocade It is said to have onginated from Tabriz
or, more probablv fiom Kashan, known for its silk
of Baron M de Rothschild, which can be compared
Fine Arts in Boston Some thirteen small-sized silk
carpets, which K Eidmann called the 'small silk
caipets ot Kashan I Siebcnhundcrl Jatrn Omntteppuhe
143), are related to these two Apart from foui cai-
pets with animals and animal fights in a rising, svm-
metncal anangement thev also lepiesent the tvpe
of the earh medallion caipets Repiesentations of
persons and pens are lacking Thev return on some
woven silk carpets, also mostlv of small size, which
fit in stvhsticallv with the figuiative woollen carpets
of the "Sanguszko' gioup and among which a frag-
mentary hunting caipet in the Residenzmuseum at
Munich stands out Because of its size, theme and
quahtv of delineation it is dnetth related to the
Viennese hunting carpet It must howevei, be taken
into account that the technique of a woven caipet
does not permit the elegant hneation of a knotted
one All these woven carpets have pointed oval
alternating cai touches and quatrefoils In comparison
with the knotted silk carpets the use of gold and
silver brocade on laige fields is new, and not onlv
with respect to the emphasising ot details It the
making ot the Vienna hunting carpet, which undoubt-
cdlv figures at the beginning ot the development, is
dated to about the middle of the loth centurv then
the 'small silk carpets of Kashan', the figuiative
woven carpets and the woollen c
t the
•cond
carpets with puiel
Sanguszko -group present the
halt ot the loth ccntuiv
Contrasting with the new figt
thtu is a large group ot wove
floral decor, in which a coaisening ot tne Hneation
is iecogmsable In two of these carpets — one com-
pleters preserved m the Residenzmuseum in Munich
(PI XI) and the lengthwise half of another in the
Textile Museum in Washington — the arms of the
Polish king Sigismund Vasa III have been woven As
is known from documents the king ordered in 1601
silk carpets woiked with gold from Kashan In a bill
ot 12 Septembei 1502 pairs of carpets are mentioned,
together with the sum of five crowns for the weav-
ing of the roval arms In lb42 an undefined num-
the Elector Philip William of the Palatinate bv his
daughtei ot Sigismund III Among these carpets weie
undoubtedlv not onlv the woven carpets with the arms
but certainlv also the othei woven carpets and the
"Polish' carpets, now in the Residenzmuseum The
carpets with the arms thus lllustiate the stvle of woven
carpets about lbOO Thev form the staiting point foi
a chronological otdei of the floial woven carpets,
which with their latest specimens mav reach as tar
as the second half ot the 17th centurv In the shape
ot then medallions, however thev lemain related to
the eailv Safawid carpets
The view that carpets with figurative lepresenta-
is confirmed bv the knotted silk carpets, the large
fields of which aie brocaded with gold and silver
threads and the manufacturing of which flourished
under Shah 'Abbas I At first these carpets weie
thought to be of Polish origin and therefore were
called "Polish carpets' The gioup includes now
about 230 specimens which came into the posses-
sion of European couits or churches as gifts of
ambassadors oi on older Thev were however not
onlv intended foi export but weie also m Persia a
sign ot wealth and luxurv, and bear witness to the
the beginning of the 17th centuiv
? thes,
iepre<
tamed that the mam gioup was pioduced in the
court manufattoiv in the Matdan Jiea of Isfahan
In the 'Polish' carpets the relaxation of the 10th
takable This is shown bv the shifting fiom lines to
fields which finds expression in the abandoning of
the monochiome foundation and m the loss of the
clear delineation of the medallions against the back-
ground Characteristic is further a luxuriant, merelv
floial decor
Production in gieat quantities biought about a ratio-
nalisation of the design, as can easilv be shown from
the manv specimens known This kind of produc-
v be seen fiom the piefc
■ foi smaller
and above all from the use of cotton besides silk in
The patterns can be reduced to about a dozen
basic systems, mostly present in the few large-sized
carpets. Variety is brought about by a difference in
choice of various details, by different medallions and
borders and by variations of colours. Apparently
these carpets were preferably knotted in pairs,
because until today 25 exact pairs are known, har-
monising even in the borders and the division of
colours. Continuing the tradition of Kashan, where
the earliest of these carpets may have originated,
the uniform style of the "Polish" carpets was prob-
ably developed in Isfahan at the beginning of the
17th century, after the court was transferred there
in 1005/1596-7 The - Polish" carpets characterised
by an obvious negligence in the discipline of the
drawing, may date from the second half of the 17th
century. The destruction of the Safawid dynasty by
the Afghans in 1722 put an end to the manufac-
tuie of brocade textile (see K Eidmann, Persische
\\ irkteppiche der Safau idinzeit, in Pantheon (1932) 227
F Spuhler, Der figurali Kaschan Hirkteppich aus den Sign
Orients v/1 (1968), 55, T Mankowski, Note on the
tost of hashan carpets at the beginning of the 17th tentury,
in Bull of the American Inst for Persian Art and
Archaeology, iv (1936), 152, MS Dimand, Loan e\hi
bition of Persian rugs of thi so called Polish type,
Metropolitan Museum New York 1930 F Spuhler,
Bin neuemorbener "Polenteppich' des Museums fur Istamisihe
hunst, in Berliner Museen, N F , xx/1, 27, idem, Seidene
Reprasentationsteppiche der mittleren bis spaten Safauidenznt
inaugural thesis Berlin 1968, to be published by
Faber and Faber, London)
y 18th and 19th Centuries
The few carpets from the 18th century abandon
to a great extent the tradition of the two preced-
ing centuries Simpler repeated patterns with plant
motifs like trees, shrubs forked leaves, palmettes and
rosettes are preferred In the 19th century produc-
tion levives The old centres of Tabriz, Isfahan
Kashan, Kirman and Khurasan with Herat gain new
importance with mostly laige carpets In Tabnz and
Kashan small-sized silk carpets aie knotted too, also
as prayer rugs The airangement of the medallions
on a monochrome or small-patterned backgiound is
prefeired A typical design of the 19th century is
the "Herat!"' pattern spread all ov( " rT "
l element of it
zenge
lanceolate leaves which run paiallel to the sides and
a rosette in the centie The botih or almondstone
pattern is equally populai The figural carpets have
their origin m the hunting and animal caipets of
the 10th/ 16th century and came mainly from Tehran
and Kirman Elements of the classical pattern aie
geometnsed and distorted Peculiarity and liveliness
cannot be denied to the pioducts of the 19th cen-
tury This is especially true for the carpets from the
surroundings of the town of Bidjar, which are,
moreover, of outstanding quality Charactenstic is
an extremely fine carpet, dated 1209/1794 (formerly
in the McMullan collection, now in the Metropoli-
tan Museum, New York) which in colouration and
structure belongs to the Bidjar carpets and for the
drawing of which a pattern of ;
used ,
this <
s of la
n be c
ected K
carpets from the manufactories, but also carpets that
were made by tribes and villages for their personal
use, and village products of cottage industries, mar-
keted in the larger towns. They are usually small-
sized. Their charm lies in their originality. To these
belong carpets from the towns of Hamadan, Saruk,
Bidjar, Herlz, Senneh and Kirmanshah and from
the Kurdish tribes in the neighbourhood. Some of
the patterns of the Bakhtiyaris living to the west of
Isfahan are based on the Isfahan-style. The Kashka'i
nomads around Shfraz use both purely geometrical
forms and flowers and animals (see A.C. Edwards,
The Persian tarpel, London 1953) (see further on tribal
carpets. Section iii below),
e. India
During the 16th and 17th centuries carpets some-
times of very high perfection were manufactured in
the towns of Agra, Lahore and Jaipur, evidently with-
out any pieceding Indian tradition in this field of
handcraft The stimuli surely came fiom Peisia Under
the Mughal Akbar I (1556-1605) a strong tendency
towards Safawid taste was developing This led to
the summoning of Persian artists and craftsmen and
affected all the artistic activities under Akbar 's suc-
cesses Djahangir, Shah Djahan and Awrangzib until
about 1700 Between lb25 and 1630 European influ-
ences too made themselves felt In the present state
of research it is not possible to establish a chronology
of the Indian carpets of the Mughal penod It is
plausible that the separate groups did not replace
one another but existed contemporaneously Some
fragments with grotesque animal patterns which are
rooted in Indian mythology are to be placed at the
beginning of the development and dated perhaps as
early as the lbth century The miniatures in the
Akbar nama of Abu '1-Fadl [qi], dated 1602-5, give
us an idea of the carpets ta 1600 With their ogi-
val medallions, scrolls and cloud-bands, they cone-
spond to the Persian carpets of the 16th century, so
that the actual origin remains obscure In the same
way the Indian carpets of the later "Herat" type can-
not with certainty be separated from their Peisian
predecessors A gioup with pattern of scrolls stands
out more clearly, it is characterised by lanceolate
leaves at the ends of the scrolls, formed by leaves of
blossoms which oveilap like scales This group is rep-
lesented by a carpet which was ordered in Lahoie
and presented in lb34 by Mr Robert Bell, now in
the possession of the Girdlers' Company of the City
of London Also authentically Indian is a carpet with
scenes of animal fights, cairying the arms of the
Fremlin family (now in the Victoria and Albeit
Museum in London), which helps to distinguish the
Indian animal carpets from the Peisian ones R
Skelton has proved convincingly that a naturalistic
flower style arises in miniature painting between lb20
and 1627, towards the end of the reign of Djahangn
This style, encouraged by the import of European
botanical works, spread to carpets and textile fabrics
and did not hesitate to employ plastic effects in its
design, produced by gradations of colour A carpet
with rows of blossoming shrubs lies underneath
Awrangzib's throne on a portrait painted around
lb60 A date post quern is thus available for quite a
number of extant carpets of this kind with cherry-
red background and a fine arrangement of colours
Such a date is valid too for the extraordinarily tight-
knotted prayer rugs with a central blossoming bush,
standing out from a flat landscape Apparently both
types did not originate before the second quarter of
the 17th centurv a:
ot populantv about
differing qualitv in
V ha\e reached their peak
iddle ot that century Then
that thev were manutac-
In the 18th and 19th cen-
seem to ha\e been made
onlv for expoit and are artistic allv without conse-
quence (see R Skelton, 4 dtcoiatue motij in Mughal ait
in ispats of Indian Art Papers presented in a symposium
at the Los Angdes Country Musium of Art October 1970
Leiden 1972 147, and Pis \VI WII)
f The Caucasus
The stvlised archaising representations ot pairs ot
animals dragons trees bushes etc on the Caucasian
dragon and tree carpets caused FR Marquait in
1908, in the first chronology of Oriental carpets to
place these carpets at the beginning ot the develop-
ment and to date them to the 13th/ 14th centuries
This opinion howevei is contiadicted b\ the evident
influence the Satawid caipets have had on these
dragon' carpets as is shown bv the tloial motifs
animals and scenes of animal lights These carpets
got then name fiom the diagons which aie mostlv
distorted until thev are unrecognisable The dragons
are inserted into a using lo7enge-shaped design made
fiom diagonal stupes This airangement and the nai-
pets According to modern opinion only a few of
these carpets date back to the 17th century Togethei
with their Caucasian versions most of them aie derived
from the 18th century tree-carpets and floral carpets
with spital tendrils and have their ongin in the
Shirwan/Karabagh area Some of the Caucasian car
pets of the 17th and 18th centuries are of consider-
able size, which indicated that they were manufactured
in uiban manufactories In accordanie with the sense
of decoration of the rural population a piofusion of
bright patterns with large fields m lively colouration
developed in the 19th centuiv fiom the above-
mentioned wealth of foims With then geometucal
design these small carpets and runners — there are no
more large-sized carpets in this penod— stand out
clearlv from the Persian carpets of the 19th century
The most impoitant knotting centres were Kazak
ShirwSn Dagtustan Karabagh Mughan lahsh
Gandja and Kuba (see <\ Sakisian homeaux doiu
merits sur les tapis armtnuns in Syria xvn (1936) 177
M \gaoglu Diagon rugs a loan inhibition The Textile
Museum Washington 1948 U Sthuimann Teppuhe
aus dem kaukasus Brunswick n d Eng tr Grainge
Basingstoke 1974 Catalogues haukasisihe Tippuhi
Museum fur kunsthandwerk Fiankfurt 1962 C G
Ellis Caucasian caipds in the Textili Museum in Foisehun^in
zui Kunst isuns in Mimimam Kuit Eidmann Istanbul
1969, 194, and PI X\II no 20)
g. Spain
In a survey of knotted carpets as expiessions of
Islamic handicraft, the eaily Spanish carpets should
also be mentioned. The so-called synagogue carpet
of the Islamisches Museum, Berlin (I 27) is proba-
bly the oldest and may belong to the 14th- 15th cen-
turies. They are often laige-sized pieces in a style
which prefigures the later "Holbein" carpets. The
colours of the Spanish carpets are marked by stronger
contrasts. The "Turkish" group may date from the
15th /16th centuries and is succeeded by works with
Renaissance elements. Alcaraz, Letur, Guenca and
Valencia are known as knotting centres. The tech-
nical peculiarity of the Spanish carpets consists in the
fact that the knot is always twisted about a warp
(see J Ferrandis Tones Exposition dt aljombras antwuas
tspanolas Madnd 1933 E Kuhnel Maunsiht Tippuhi
aus Altam^ Pantheon 1930 41b E Kuhnel and L
Belhngei, Catalog oj Spanish rugs 12th ant to 19th
lent The Textile Museum Washington 1953)
h Tuikestan
The varieties of the Turkoman pioductions aie
detei mined bv the use that is made of them espe-
tiallv as furnishing of the tent [see kha\ma iv
Central <\sia] Small carpets serve as floor-coverings,
mit and design with a praver rug as tent-bands
\anous bags to store supplies saddlebags and camel-
omaments are also knotted Thev all have in com-
mon a deep-red to daik-purple giound and an
all-over geometric repeat design in blight red blue
white and (rarelv) gieen and vellow The wav m
which the gul, the stai -shaped to octagonal leading
motif which has the function of a tribal sign is exe-
cuted mav indicate the particulai nomadic tribes
Tekke Tuikomans tomtits Cavdirs (Tchodovsi
Ersaris and banks to whom can be linked the Baltic
in the west and the \tghans in the south The way
in which tiansposed lows of pnncipal and suboidi-
nate guls ate ai ranged already existent on carpets
to be seen on Timund miniatures and on 'Holbein
carpets suggests a long tradition in the knotting art
Since however any suppoit for an accurate dating
is lacking one hesitates to date single specimens to
the 18th centuiy (see <\ Bogolubow Tapis serus dt
Hsu
<e fan
t parti.
St Petersburg 1908 (new edition A \
Bogolyubov Carptts of Central Asia, ed JM\
Thompson London 1973), H Clark, Bokhaia
Tin} oman and lfghan rugs, London 1922 \ Thachei
Turhman rugs New ^oik 1940 U Schuimann
Zinhal Asiatisihe Teppuhe Frankfuit 1969 Eng tr
Cinhal Asian rugs London 1970 \ G Moshkova
Koin narodoi sndim isu Aun.a V) 20 a Tashkent
1970 Ger tr Du Tppuhe dn \olhn Mittilasiens
Hamburg 1974
3 Public Collec
> of On.
1 Ca
Europe The most impoitant collections are in
\ienna Osterreichisches Museum fur angewandte
Kunst London \ictona and Albeit Museum Istanbul
lurk ve Islam Eserlei Muzesi Berlin Islamisches
Museum Staathche Museen zu Beilin (East Beilin)
and Museum fui Islamische Kunst Staathche Museen
Stiftung Preussischer Kultuibesitz (West Berlin) Mso
in Amsterdam Ri]ksmuseum Florence Museo Bardim
Hambuig Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe
Leningrad Hermitage Lisbon Fondation Calouste
Gulbenkian; Lyons, Musee Historique des Tissus;
Milan, Museo Poldi Pezzoli; Munich, Residenzmuseum
and Bayerisches Nationalmuseum; Paris, Musee des
Arts Decoratifs.
U.SA. The most important collections are in New
York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, and
Washington, The Textile Museum. Also in Boston,
Museum of Fine Arts; Cleveland, The Cleveland
Museum of Arts; Detroit, The Detroit Institute of
Arts; Los Angeles, County Museum; Philadelphia,
Philadelphia Museum of Art; St. Louis, City Art
Museum of St. Louis.
The most extensive bibliography is in K. Erdmann,
Der orientalische Knupfteppich, Tubingen 1955 (several
editions) arranged according to areas and within
these chronologically by the year of publication
(English tr. C.G. Ellis, Oriental carpets, London 1960,
2nd impression, Fishguard 1976); K.A.C. Creswell,
A bibliography of the architecture, arts and crafts of Islam
to 1st Jan. 1960, London 1961, Oxford 1973, 1139-
1204, alphabetically arranged by authors (Supplement,
Jan. 1960 to Jan. 1972, Cairo 1974 (329-37)); J.D.
Pearson, Index islamicus; R. Ettinghausen art. Kail,
in EI' Suppl.
Bibliography: In addition to the works men-
tioned in the article, see Tafelwerk zur Ausstellung ori-
entalischer Teppiche, Orientalische Teppiche, Wien, London,
Paris 1892-1896, 3 vols.; Supplement, Altorientalische
Teppiche, Leipzig 1908, ed. A. von Scala; F.R.
Martin, A history of oriental carpels befoie 1800, Vienna
1908; Die Ausstellung von Meisterwerken muhammedani-
scher Kunst in Munchen 1910, ed. F. Sarre and F.R.
Martin; F. Sarre and H. Trenkwald, Altorientalische
Teppiche, i, Vienna and Leipzig 1926; ii, 1928; A
survey of Persian a,t, London, New York 1938, ed.
A.U. Pope (reprint 1967).
Exhibitions and Museum publications: LArt de
IVrient Islamique, Collection de la Fondation Calouste
Gulbenkian, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon
1963; Meisterstucke onentalischei Knupjkunst, Collection
A. Danker, Stadtisches Museum Wiesbaden, 1966;
The Keimkian Foundation collection of rare and magnifi-
cent oriental carpets. Special Loan Exhibition, a guide and
catalogue, by M.S. Dimand, Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York 1966; Islamische Teppiche, The
Joseph V. McMullan collection. Mew Toik, Museum
fur Kunst-handwerk Frankfurt 1968, catalogue by
U. Schiirmann; Alte Onent-Teppiche, Museum fur
Kunst und Gewebe Hamburg 1970, ed. R. Hempel
and M. Preysing; Arts de VIslam des origines a 1700,
Orangerie des Tuileries, Paris 1971; Islamic carpets
from the collection of Joseph V. McMullan, Hayward
Gallery, London 1972; M.S. Dimand and Jean
Mailey, Oriental rugs in the Metropolitan Museum of Ait,
New York 1973.
Private collections and handbooks: J.V.
McMullan, Islamic carpets. New York 1965; M.H.
Beattie, Die orientalische Teppiche in dei Sammlung
Thyssen-Bornemisza, Castagnola 1972; P.M. Cam-
pana, // tappeto orientate, Milan 1962; G. Cohen, //
fascino del tappeto orientate, Milan 1968; R. Hubel,
Ullstein Teppichbuch, Berlin, Frankfurt, Vienna 1965;
K. Erdmann, Skbenhundert Jahre Orientteppich, Herford
1966 (Eng. tr. M.H. Beattie and H. Herzog, Seven
hundred years of oriental carpets, London 1970).
(F. Spuhler)
,. In t
i Musl
: West
In the Muslim West, the term bisat, pi. busut is
attested, notably by Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, who
uses it to describe the revenues paid every year by
the Aghlabids to the 'Abbasid caliphs; under the
caliphate of al-Ma'mun, there is mention of 120
carpets (busut). It may thus be supposed that these
were precious objects of real artistic value and one's
natural inclination is to think of "the carpet on
which the sovereign and his ministers are seated"
(Dozy, Suppl. i, 85, col. 2). Unfortunately, nothing
is known of these carpets which were presumably
manufactured in the large cities, al-Kayrawan and
its satellites 'Abbasiyya or Rakkada, in particular.
Does the fact that these products were intended for
the highest dignitaries permit us to suppose that, as
early as this period, there was at least one tiraz [
q.v.] in Ifrikiya? A workshop of this kind is attested
at Mahdiyya in the period of the Fatimid al-Mansur
(Diawdhar, tr. Canard, 75), and there is mention of
the manufacture of carpets there. It would seem
legitimate to suppose that, under the Aghlabids, there
was the capacity for weaving luxury carpets (no
doubt inspired by the carpets of the East) intended
for the caliphs and for the most senior officials of
the Muslim world.
The term bisat is also employed by Yakut (7th/ 13th
century), who mentions busut in the region of Tebessa
and describes them as sumptuous, well-made and long-
lasting. Should these carpets be seen as the ancestors
of the lock-stitched carpets which, until recently, still
constituted one of the principal items of tent furni-
ture, especially in the region of Tebessa: the tribes of
the Nememsha, the Harakta, the Mahadba and the
Hamama? The most ancient of these products, with
strictly geometric decoration, appear to perpetuate the
old local traditions such are still to be found in the
Djebel Amour, as well as in the Moroccan Middle
and High Atlas.
Bisat is not at the present time employed in any
part of North Africa, where various other Arabic
words are used to designate these long, polychrome,
woven fabrics: ktlf or katifa, matrah, fash, farrashiyya,
while in Morroco, Berber or Berberised words are
also used (P. Ricard, Coipus); as for the carpets manu
factured in the towns (al-Kayrawan, Guergour,
Nedroma, Rabat, Mediounaj, they are called zarbiyya,
pi. zrabi, or sadjdjada, pi. sadjdjadat. These carpets are
strongly influenced by the carpets of Anatolia and of
old Andalusia.
The existence of busut carpets in Muslim Spain is
attested by various authors, in particular at Murcia.
These products were much valued in the Orient (al-
Makkarl, Nafh al-tib, i, 123). Yakut speaks of the busut
of Eiche (Alsh) (i, 350); but the expression wata' is
preferred when describing the carpets of Chinchilla
or of Baza, the reputation of which extended as far
as the Orient.
In the modern and contemporary period, the cen-
ing in North Africa
tributec
s follov
!)Carpe
ally ,
rsually by r
(reggam).
gene
Tunisia: the Hamama, the Mahadba, the Durayd,
the Ouled bou Ghanem tribes.
Algeria: the Nemensha, the Harakta, the Maadid,
the Hodna tribes. See PI. XVIII.
All these carpets are characterised by ancient, essen-
tially geometric patterns, with compositions that vary
little, and a colour scheme reduced to two or three
shades, and by apparently more recent patterns inspired
by the carpets of Anatolia, characterised by one or
several central polygonal motifs (mibab) framed by
orthogonal fillets. The multiplication of mihrdbi, per-
mits the creation of carpets of large dimensions. They
are all polychrome, red being the dominant back-
ground colour.
The carpets of the Djebel Amour (Algeria) have
remained faithful to geometric decor and to ancient
local compositions; there are only two dominant colours,
red for the background and dark blue for the motifs
(recently replaced by black). At the edges there are
fringes woven with a polychrome geometric design.
These carpets are comparable with certain Moroccan
woven products of the Middle Atlas. See pi. XLX.
Morocco: carpets of the High Atlas: Haouz of
Marrakesh, Ouled bou Sbaa, Alt Ouaouzguit, etc.;
carpets of the Middle Atlas: Zemmour, Zaian, Beni
M'tir, Beni Mguild, Ait Youssi, Marmoucha, Ai
rouchen, Beni Alaham, Beni Ouaram, etc. pro\
All these carpets manufactured among Berber trib
are of geometric design and employ only a limited
Tunisia: al-K.ayrawan, Tunis, and various coastal
cities where the influence of al-Kayrawan has been
local types with a fair degree of originality, iBizerta
Algeria: Cuergour and Setif (at this present time in
the process of disappearing!, Souf, Qal a of the Banu
Rached (influenced by Andalusian products).
Mnmcw: Rabat-Sale, Casablanca, Mediouna (also
influenced by Andalusia;.
All these carpets were, or still are, woven in the
home, as a family business.
In the contemporary period, the manufacture of
carpets, an export product, is tending to become an
industry, especially in the major cities such as al-
i, Tunis,' Tlemcen, Rabat-Sale, Casablai
and a
so in the
,, Tebes;
, Cher,
s Nabei
'iogiaphr: Giacobetti, Les tapis et tissages du
Djebel Amour, 1932; P. Ricard, Chi pus des tapis maw-
cains, 4 vols. 1923-24; L. Poinssot and J. Revault,
Tapis tumsiens, 4 vols. 1937-57; L. Golvin, Lis aits
populaiies en Algerie, 6 vols. 19.50-6. (L. Gui.viNI
carpet history except, perhaps, A.C. Edwards (77;?
Persian carpet, London 1975), distinguished between the
output of cities, villages and tribal groups, and only
of Central Asia's pastoral nomads attracted anthro-
pologists, making it possible to isolate and study their
The
i the
own has obfust
and tribes in its hinterland, while Bukhara is still the
popular label for the rugs of the Tekke Turkmen.
Such misleading i ^
-seded 1:
ssification. Similarly, confusini
h variants in different counti
lology, based
i the
modern Sanandadj the Turkish knot predon
Consequently, although the so-called Turkish knot is
the most commonly used in Turkey, both knots are
found in Iran and both have been found in the same
rug. Classification by knot only, therefore, should be
regarded with caution. Each has different charac-
teristics: the Turkish knot is symmetrical, the two
tufts lying evenly on either side of the warps, and
it is suited to a longer pile, while the Persian knot
is asymmetrical, the tufts slanting to the left or right
of the warps, and is favoured where clear definition
of a complex pattern is required. Some scholars have
now adopted the term symmetncal for the Turkish
knot and asymmetrical for the Persian.
Description of designs is also prone to variation
and many names ha\e been arbitrarily coined by
Europeans. A floor carpet can be described as fol-
lows: first, the central field and its ornament (some
German writers, however, use the word field to define
the motifs), while the borders are numbered starting
from the inner one and specifying the main, or largest,
border and the guards or narrow bands which divide
them. This system may be adapted to describe saddle-
bags, tent-bags and animal trappings.
In city workshops, fixed vertical looms make large
pieces possible, and women blotters work from a car-
toon under male supervision. Villagers use both ver-
tical and horizontal looms, while among the tribes
the latter is normal. The tribal loom (PI. XX), evolved
xind. It i
light, f
varp
is difficult to control sinc<
rug is being made. While
' ' ' and villages, tril
knot.
ool v
on warps are favoured
tgs until recently were
n theii
echnica
■ being replaced
[The primary structure of fabrics, Washington, D.C. 1966).
In the past the words carpet and rug (and in French
the word tapis) have been used synonymously, lead-
ing to difficulty in the study of documentary evidence.
Carpet is now used to define a knotted article of
some size, say, 300 by 240 cm. and upwards, while
a >ug, also of knotted pile, is smaller, measuring up
to about 300 by 200 cm. Both words have been used
to define flat-weave articles as well, and these are
now named after their technique, for instance, kilim
or gelim, which is tapestry-woven, and sumak, after
sumak weft-wrapping. Only knotted pilework is dis-
2. Technique. There are a number of knots of
which, as noted in Section i. 1 above, the two most
common are the Gordes or Turkish knot and the
Senneh or Persian knot. Both are of known anti-
quity; the Pazyryk rug, dating from the 4th to 3rd
century B.C., was made with the Turkish knot, while
the Basadar fragments, possibly a century older.
... istic suppleness.
Tribal wool is of fine quality, carefully selected and
dyed. Vegetable dyes were retained longer by the
tribes than by settled weavers, and a much-admired
feature is the variations in tone, known as abrash, due
to the dyeing of small batches of wool as required.
Most of the dye plants like madder, weld and indigo
are common, and it is the recipes which give colours
their individuality.
The technique of knotting varies. In southern Iran
knots are tied with the fingers and cut with a knife,
while up in the north-west the wool is pulled through
he warps
vhich is tl
vith a
of flat-
hooked
rg-blade
. Hav
known
ng b
fS
d of
up
the
between these inse
\efts, packing then
PI. XXI) to hold
down
irmly
ts in
vith a
fplain-vv
1. The c
ord-
ng at the
Tribal wea
ters wil
put it
use an
as th
old r
e work progre
ug as a model
and
s finished
orm the
improv
vith an
th'er "e
Clippin
dally
nd" ar
d the
tail. The
le, requ
rug
arps
ring
while in city workshops the knots are roughly
slashed and the finished carpet, looking like an
unkempt hedge, is clipped by a specialist. Tribal
knotting varies from the coarse, shaggy pile of
Yiiriik rugs to the fine, velvety surface of Turkmen
bags. Each has its own attraction, since the design
is evolved to enhance the quality of the wool.
3. History. The carpet from Barrow 5 at Pazyryk
(see S.I. Rudenko, Naseleniya gornogo Altaya v Skfskoe
Vremya, Moscow-Leningrad 1953. Eng. tr. M.W.
Thompson, Frozen tombs of Siberia, London 1970, 298-
304) pushed back the beginnings of carpet history
from the 6th century A.D. to the late 3rd century
B.C. It is, however, a sophisticated piece, both in
technique and design, arguing a long-developed tra-
dition. It is unlikely that it was made by the Altai
people, and it more plausibly reflects an eclectic
taste for exotic imports. The Pazyryk burials, how-
ever, provide invaluable evidence of the life style of
these Central Asian pastoral nomads, putative ances-
tors of later tribal groups, which was notable then,
as now, for the major part played by textiles in
their economy and cultural heritage. With their
wealth based on their animals, and their sources of
conflict pasturage and water, they made seasonal
migrations, as do the Bakhtiyari, the Kashka'i and
Khamseh in Iran today. They produced a class of
mounted warriors who revolutionised warfare for
both the Romans and the Chinese, gave rise to innu-
merable legends and bred distrust and fear among
urban dwellers. It is likely that the women under-
took the spinning and weaving, and even today these
activities are considered effeminate by tribesmen with
the memory of an elite warrior caste (PI. XX). It
can be surmised that knotting originated among even
earlier pastoral nomads living in a harsh winter cli-
ilaughter thei
■ to flee
volved a
warm, tufted fabric. K. Erdmann and others believed
that knotting may have developed among Turkic
peoples in West Turkestan, (Erdmann, Der orientali-
se Knupfieppuhe, Tubingen 1955, Eng. tr. C.G. Ellis,
Oriental tarpets, Fishguard 1976, 14-16) and it would
seem likely that it arrived in Anatolia with the
Saldjuks in the 11th century A.D., where it was
established by the 13th century as is attested by the
Saldjuk pieces from the mosque of 'Ala' al-Din in
Konya (now in the Turk ve Islam Muzesi, Istanbul,
illustr. in O. Aslanapa, Turkish art and architecture,
London 1971). Also, Marco Polo, writing of his visit
to Anatolia in 1271-2, says that the finest carpets
in the world were made in Konya, Sivas and Kayseri,
while Abu '1-Fida, quoting Ibn SaTd, who died in
1274, says that Aksaray's carpets were exported "to
all countries", and Ibn Battuta in the 14th century
mentions that Turkish carpets were widely exported.
Since many tribes surviving into modern times claim
Turkic descent, it is no surprise to find design ele-
ments which are traceable to Saldjuk pilework. The
all-over geometricised repeat, found in the Konya
pieces, is a characteristic of Turkmen floor rugs,
while octagons, hooked medallions and eight-pointed
stars, together with border motifs (always the
most conservative element in rug design), like the
angular scrolling stem, key fret and arrowhead, are
ubiquitous in tribal rugs and village rugs from
Turkey, the Caucasus and Iran. Some of the crea-
tures which appear frequently on Akstafa, KashkaT
and Khamseh rugs also have a long pedigree, for
their distant ancestors appear in Italian paintings of
the 13th to 15th centuries, copied from rugs imported
to Italy from Asia Minor (for a detailed discussion
of painting evidence see Bibl.) The marriage of the
Virgin, painted in the early 14th century by Niccolo
di Buonacorso, in the National Gallery, London,
shows a carpet with repeating octagons, each en-
closing a large-tailed bird, precursor of the fantastic
birds knotted into 19th century rugs from south-west-
ern Iran; while of surviving knotted examples, sim-
ilar birds appear in one of the Konya fragments,
and the Marby rug, of early 15th century date, now
in the Statens Historiska Museet, Stockholm, has two
octagons, each (
either side of a
Marby Rug and some other fragments of carpets found in
Egypl (see above section i. 2. 6. for full reft.
Since they were subjected to continuous wear,
very few tribal rugs of a pre-19th century date have
survived 1 although notable exceptions are the
Turkmen rugs in the Ethnographic Museum,
Leningrad, unpublished in the West), making it
impossible to write a coherent history. It can be
inferred, however, that these ancient patterns per-
sisted in spite of the revolutionary changes in 16th
century Iran under royal patronage, emulated in
Ottoman court workshops, where the influence of
illuminators and bookbinders emphasised the centre
of the carpet and introduced a large new repertoire
of motifs. The village and tribal traditions seem to
have developed independently of the cities but,
although they were inevitably more conservative,
there is evidence of borrowing and of organic growth;
and 19th century rugs show considerable diversity
in the treatment of old themes.
The 19th century, which saw the earliest European
documentation of the Central Asian tribes, also marked
a watershed, for the definition of the national fron-
tiers of Iran. Russia and Afghanistan dealt a major
blow to pastoral nomadism, and this century has seen
wholesale settlement.
The ethnically most homogeneous tribal confed-
eracy was the Turkmen, who retained their exclu-
sivity until their territory on the Trans-Caspian
steppes was split up in the 1880s. Modern study
has demon-strated major shifts of influence within
the confederacy, however, with tribes like the Salur
and Sarik, powerful in the 17th and 18th centuiies,
being overtaken in the 19th by the Tekke and
becoming extinct as tribal entities (see S. Azadi,
Tuikmenische Teppiehe, exhibition cat.. Hamburg, Eng.
tr. 1970, Turkoman carpets, London 1975, 13-14 for
detailed lists of tribes and ta'ifeh).
Turkmen pilework is justly famous for its hard,
glossy wool, excellent vegetable dyes and fine knot-
ting, normally using the asymmetrical or Persian
knot (but see M.H. Beattie, in The Timoman of ban
[see Bibl.], 38-41, for exceptions), and Turkmen rugs
are unmistakable with their ground and borders of
the same colour, always red, but varying from
the clear tones of Salur and Tekke to the ox-blood
of the Sarik and aubergine of the Vomut, and hav-
ing in the central field an all-over repeat of guls
which, when t '
tamgha.
exclusk
to the
which
used it. Tekke floor rugs (PL XXII) h
guls quartered by a lattice to enclose tritohate
forms identified by Moskova as birds (see Azadi.
op. lit., 20-41) and also of totemic significance, while
the Vomut owned a number of guls including
the kepv, based on plant forms, and the dirnak, a
hooked diamond enclosing birds (illustr. in Azadi,
op. cil„ and U. Schurmann, Central Asian carpet*,
London 1969, pis. 15-25). It is known, however,
that the Sarik and Tekke used older forms of the
gul than those featuring in 19th century rugs, while
secondary guls and border patterns pose complex
More.
s pnnr
S U b,Ugated £
tube having
possibH tun
like bags while the victe
ing 1mm Turkmen C luc isnn and Atshu
absoibed and iepioduced in a chaiacten
nei Floor iugs show octagons ind "lomu
might lncoipoi ite tht weakei tribe s piimarv orna
ment in its own smallei pieces Lis in iugs lie
in addition to classic Tuikmen motits large (en
tnl medallions lie lntioduced to bigs while floor
iugs md piavet rugs nn\ have llonl pitteins Heated
semi naturalisticallv and in a higher ton ll ke\
(illustr in Azadi >p at pis 7 ') and iu and
Schuiminn op at pis 41 r ib) As well is flooi iugs
the Turkmen women used to knot minv ai tides tor
then own use including the tent b ind Miami bit
)Up which encircled the tent httice with the knot
ted pattern on i white plamwene ground ficing
inwards the tngu or cnu a handsome ing with l
crucifoim design which Kted is i tent dooi tht
kapumk a lunged deeontion hung over the inside
dooiwa\ and a v metv of bags irom siddle bigs
tlwrdiin hige stonge bags coal to smillci ones
iting it
dies etc Thes
storing the household equipment
telt rooted tent an appeinnce oi tapesti\ hung
splendour
The finest knotting was ic served toi co\eis tainaltsha
toi the much % alued ho!ses and the lomut who
made the widest \ inet\ oi irtiiles ind pitterns used
to knot i set ot trippings tor the bridal camel con
sisting ot pentigonal flank hangings mmalik (discussed
in detail in R Pinnei and M Fianses Tuihman stud
u i London l')7 c > tiequentK pitterned with hooked
s oi lozenges (PI Willi and mitching knee
e the
when c
jundles
Tuik
; shaped covei ut bah
ends
■ins ha\e been influent! i
vould
1 the t
tnllv li
gioups which hue bonowed m<
them being the Afghan and the Baluc Modern Afghar
rugs ire knotted in the towns ot Pikistin Old ones
howe\ei mide b\ tubes i elated to the Eisin in
northem Afghanistan had quihties ot then own With
1 medium high pile using the isvmmetiicil oi Peisim
knot their centril fields show an idaptition of the
Tekke S}il without the lattice although the squnish
octagons aie qunteied and enclose tntoliitt stems
ind lea\es Thc\ hive moie minoi ornament thin
modem examples ind then eolouis which include
blues \ellows and biowns on i led ground aie in
1 higher ke\ Boideis include geometiicised phut
forms ilso bonowed horn the Turkmen md ingu
hi nbbon Commeiciil success has lesulted in the
stand n disation of pitterns and rolouis and rugs lie
often chemuallv wished to produce the golden
Afghans populu in the West
A black tented people the Biluc nomidise to md
countn now iormmg pirts ot li m Aighamstin ind
Pakistin The\ utilise the good but undui ible wool
oi then sheep ind und\ed c lmel hur for w irps
wefts ind knotting the Turkish oi s\mmetiical knot
being moie fa\ouied to pioduce i long medium
coarse pile Distinctive teatuies ut the ehbontelv
beautiful ends in l \anet\ ot tl it weaves aid l hm
ited ringe of daik coloms blues blaikish biowns
se\ci ll reds ind white Their patterns leflect boirow
prod
Ct 1
the sma
1 praver
us with
1 st
hsed
Tiee
oi Lite
in an undved camel hair
gioi
nd
It an
the
the seve
Bikhtiv
n Jn
of Lui
ligiate t
veailv
" * r
diftic
alt
ountiv l
n the Z
unt
ins i
i the
of othei
Lurs anc
oi Man
m Kashka i
nseh Tev
of the s
called
Bakhtivan
iugs
lie t
ibal
pieces but were
made b\
villagers i
n the
Ciha
r Mahall ai
Isfahan
e Edv
uds
,p a
309 U pis
3a4 64)
The Bakhti
ni do
verv
little
1 fl
mque to
but st
11 make
d b
vpe o
ck ot
pping
bag
vhich
Jong
the
ind up tl
e sides
ipof
ather
igg\ pile
n the Tu
kish or
This
isualh pleisi
ng whe
slicked
n the te
nt Favo
Spot
nted
stirs m
octagons
losettes
the
Zbott
md
bold
is o
f sciollin
, stem v
hile the
flat
weave
aieas
• thes,
1 have
saddle 1
bedding big mafia A ind stoi ige b igs whieh c
loided on to pack inimals rukati to smill lavishlv
dccoi ited bigs namak dan with ninow necks foi poui
ing C olours ire rich dark reds browns ind blues
hudh known in the West ut often bought bv the
Khimseh ind Kashki i ind c in be seen in their tents
The Afshais anothei tube oi Tuikic descent lie
believed to hive been deported tiom \dhnbiv
bv Shih Ism ill m the lnth
anded b
i then
difiict
tmguish i nomid tiom a village Atsh it lug Both
knots lie found Old tubal pieces show a toloui
scheme of nch mid blues i cleu red vellow ind
ivoiv ind t iv our the dnmond medilhon hvout but
the Persnn botth is oiten used is in ill over iepeit
known is dehath ind the chicken muishi found ill
floul designs hive been borrowed fiom Rinnan
c irpets Boiders which ne tinelv oigamsed ringt
ind anguhi sciolling stem
1 floi
The
s piov
auth
l Iian his long been a complex r
is nomad countn pa) txulltnu with the Zagios mom
tains ind hill vallevs in the noith and wnmer plan
south oi Shu iz so that the migiation loutes of
number oi tubes hive impinged on one anothe
The two largest tubal coniedeiacies the Kashka
ind the Khamseh v\ere iounded toi political re-
sons the Kishki'i dunng the 18th centurv and tr
Khimseh in 1 8b 1 2 Ihe major ta ifihs oi
Kishki'i are Turkic with some Luis Atshus
Pei si ins while the Khimseh consists ot five ti
ot Tuikic Peisnn ind Arib stock Some tr
people howevci lie settled m v ill iges while of r
groups like the Bolv iidi smill sections belong tc
Kashki 1 ind the rest aie villageis with no tubil
alkgiince Then his been wholesale bonowing ot
pitteins md since both knots are used consequent
difhcultv m rug cl issific ation The Kasjika 1 have i
leputition tor the finest rugs lhen most tvpical
composition tlnec stepped oi hooked medallions m
he
the
the cential field is shared by the Khamseh and other
skin but more likely a st>hsed phnt form (PI VXIII)
This simple scheme is girmshed with detail hooked
octagons losettes the Persnn boteh the Chinese knot
ind flower sprigs as well is a memgene ot creatures
like stylised peicocks poicupines gizelles goats (PI
\\I\a, hiwks chickens ind bees powdering the
ground with a nice sense ot spice Another type has
lepeatmg botch all o\er the central held a la\out
shared b\ the Afshars Main borders include the calyx
and scrolling stems of cit\ carpets t Pl VXIII) but the
narrow guild bands often retain older forms like the
oblique stripe and reciprocal diamond Skilled dyeing
for which the Shesh Boluki Reshkuli md Bullu were
tenowned pioduced a sharp cleai led several blues
1 rich ueimv \ellow apricot and soft dark brown
md green skiltulh juxtiposed against ivory Rug pat-
terns ire repeated on saddlebags ot fine workmanship
I PI \\I\b) chickens are shown here drinking at a
tountun Tent bigs are generally made in flat-weave
but the Kashka'i have lavished sumptuous trippings
on their horses including saddle covers ind horse-
cloths to cover the animals when they are tetheied
which have knotted patterns on a plain-weave giound
while fringed chest and rump bands ate still made
often embellished with blue beads against the Evil Eye
Some attributions ot designs to specific la'ifehs have
been made (J Allgrove in The Qashqa'i of Iran exl
bition cit Manchestet 1976 64-95 pis 5-8 37-41
but the ethnic complexity ot all the Fars tubes and
the eclectic nature of their patterns are barriers
precise classification
The role of the tnbeswomen who have ilways been
responsible for the textile crafts extends into other
areas tor since their rugs are the visual mamtestat
of tribal culture the women hive been the artists
the tnbe and custodians of tnbil tiaditions i p
uation artists are not a specialist class but have made
tor their own use artefacts both functional and ot great
beaut) bunging to mind Rudenko s comment con-
cerning the Pazvrvk textiles on the istomshing skill
and care lavished on the most tiifling of irbcles
These are powerful reisons tor studying tribal knot-
Bibliographi (in iddition to references given in
the text and in the Bibl to Section i above)
1 Genenl \\ von Bode and E Kuhuel
I orderasiatischt knupfttppiche Leipzig 190! revised ed
and tr C Grant Ellis Antique rugs from the \em
East London 1970 W Grote-Hisenbalg Die
Oruntteppuh stint Gtschuhtt und seine hultur Berlin
1922 CJD May Hon to identify Ptrsian and other
oriental rugi London 1969 H Hubel A book of tar
pets London 1971
2 Technique H Ling Roth Studies in primi
tu e looms Hihfax 1950 HL Wulft Tht traditional
crafts of Persia Cimbndge Miss 1%6
3 Earlv carpets O \slanapi and \ Durtil
Selfuklu halilan Istanbul 1973
4. Carpets in paintings. J. von Lessing,
Altorientalische Teppiche, Berlin 1877.
5. General works on the tribes of
Persia, Afghanistan and Central Asia (see
also the Bibls. to Iran. ii. Demography and
ethnography, Kashkay, Turkistan, Turkmen
and Turks. History and ethnography). H.
Pottinger, Travels in Belochistan and Sinde, London
1816; A. Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, London
1834 C Masson \arrali t of lanous journeys in
Balochistan Afghanistan and the Punjab London 1842
idem \arratue of carious journeys in Balochistan
Afghanistan tht Punjab and halat London 1844
J Wolff \arratiie of a mission to Bokhara London
1845 \ \imberv Travels in Central Asia London
1864 idem Das Turkmtnvolk Leipzig 1885
F Burnaby i ride to Khiva London 1877
E O Donovan Tht Men oasis London 1882
AT Wilson Report on Fars Simla 191b O
Ginod The nomadu tnbts of Persia today and Tht
Qashqai Ink of Fars in Jnal Royal Ctntral Asian
Sot xxxm (1946) MT Ullens de Schoc ' '
London 1956 GE Markov Di
Turkmtnen lor ihrer Lbersitdlung in dit Mittelasiatischen
Oasen im 18 und 19 Jahrhundtrt in Ethnographisch
Arthaologische Forsthungen Berlin 1958 iv/1-2 163
ft F Birth \omads of South Persia the Basstn
tnbt of the Khamseh confederacy Oslo 1961 W
Barthold A histon of the Turkmen peop/t in Four
studies on the history of Ctntral Asia m Leiden
1962 P Obeihng The Turku ptoplts of southern
Iran Cleveland 1964 idem The Qashqa'i nomads
of Fats The Hague 1974 K Jettmar Di, fiuhen
Stepptmolker Baden Baden 19b4 tr \ E Keep
Art of the steppes London 1964 \ Monteil Lis
tubus di Fars it le sedentansation des nomads Pans
19b6 E Sunderland ch Pastoialism nomadism and
tht sonal anthropology of Iran m Camb histon of
Iran l Cimbndge 1968 D Musden Tht
Qashqa'i nomadu pastorahsts of Fars proi met in The
Qashqa'i of ban exhibition cat Manchester 197b
9-18
b Tnbil rugs AN Ponomerev Motifs in
Turkoman ornamtnt [in Russian] in Turkmen
oiedeme No 7-9 Ashkabad 1931 A Leix Tu,
kestan and its textile trafts in C IB A Reueu Basle
1941 and Basingstoke 1974 \ G Moskova
Tribal gols m Turkoman tarfets [in Russian] m
SE (194b) 145-62 Ger tr A Kuntschik Gals
auf turkmemsthen Ttppithe in Archil fur I olkeikunde
in (\ienna 1948) 24-43 MS Dimand Ptasant
and nomad rugs exhib cat New \ork 1961
C D Reed, Turkoman rugs exhib cat Cam-
bridge Mass 1966 \ N Pnkulyeva Turkoman
ttoven carpets of tht central Amu Dana alley [in
Russian] in c SSR Academy of Sciemes Mattnal
on tht tulturt of the peoples of Ctntral Asia and
Kazakstan Moscow 1966 SA Milhoter
Zenhalasiati sthe Teppuhe Hanover 1968 H
McCov Jones Tilt Eisan and their uta ings exhib
cat Washington DC 19b9 idem and J \\
Boucher Rugs of tht lomud tnbts ibid 1970
idem Weaimgs of the tribes of Afghanistan ibid
1972 idem ind RS Yohe Ullage and nomadu
aeacings af Persia ibid 1971, \bbot Hall Gallery
Kendal The Turcoman of Iran exhib cat (con
tnbs bv P and M \ndrews MH Beattie and
others) Kendal 1971 J Frinses Tribal rugs from
Afghanistan and Tuikestan London 1973 \
de Franchis and J Housego Tribal animal
covin from ban, exhib. cat., Tehran 1975,
idem, Lon and Bakhtian flatweaves, exhib.
cat., Tehran 1976; L. Beresnova, ed., The dec-
orative and applied arts of Turkmenia, Leningrad
1976; D. Black and C. Loveless, eds., Rugs
of the wandering Baluchi, London 1976; J.
Housego, Tribal rugs, London 1978.
(j. Allgrove)
BITUMEN [see katran].
2. Carpet with "dragon-phoenix" pattern, Anatolia, 14th century, Islamisches Museum,
East Berlin, No. 74.
k Ottoman. "Holbein" carpet, small type. Museum fur Is!. Kunst, No. 82,8!
53£&£3&
5. Ottoman. Lotto carpet. Museum fur Isl. Kunst, Berlin, No. 82,707.
V i 1 73"» -4"! JHKlfHf *>
n 'Ushak carpet. Victoria and Albert Museum, London,
i. Publ in Guidi to 1 olkction of carpets,
i A. Museum, 1920, pi. XVI.
7. Ottoman. Star pattern 'Ushak carpet. Metropolitan Museum of Art, N
No. 58.63. Gift of Joseph McMullan, 1958. Pub! b> J.\ McMullan, hlam.
No. 67.
. Mamluk. Silk carpet, Osterreichisches Museum fur angewandte Kunst, Vienna. Publ. by
S. Troll, Altorimtaluche Teppicke, 1951, pi. 40.
t Bibliotheque des Arts Decoratil
. Publ. in Arts de I'lsla
10. Safawid. "Chelsea" carpet, V. and A. Museum, No. 589/1890.
. Safawid. Medallion pattern carpet from north- 12. Safawid. Woven silk carpet (389 X 152 cm.,
;stcrn Persia. Museu National de Arte antiga, Lisbon. fragment). Residenzmuseum, Munich. Publ. by
lbl. in L'Art de I'orient islamique, 1963, No. 72 K Lul nun Siebenhundert Jahrt Orienttepf i 1966
(Collection of the Gulbenkian Foundation). pi. 1, fig. 24 (complete view).
.. Safawid. Herat carpet, Osterreichisches Museum fiir angewandte Kunst. Publ. by Troll, op. at, No. 24.
Safawid. Carpet with "vase" pattern, V. and A. Museum (17' 1" X 10' 10"). Publ. by A U Pope
A .survey of Persian art, pi. 1227.
15. Kashan. Silk carpet, Muse.
mm-
16. Safawid. So-called "Polish" carpet, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ace
No. 45.106. Gift of John D. Rockefeller Jr., 1945.
18. India. "Girdler" carpet, The Girdlers' Company,
London. Publ. by Kendrick-Tattersall,
Handwoven carpels, 1922, pi. 33.
".■r.,gjggl
21. Carpet of the Harakta (Algeria
22. Carpet from Guergour (Algeria
23. Carpet of the Nememsha (Algeria).
24. Carpet of Djebel Amour (Algeria) (
.
i. KashkaT tent with loom at Ktfasjjeh Djamakh, 1944 (Photo: Dr. O. Garrod).
I
26. KashkaT woman spinning (Photo: P. Wallum;
29. Floor rug, Tekke Turkmen (Sotheby's, London).
PLATE XXIII
PLATE XXIV
'*%&•■ sW
32. a, b. Saddle-bag faces, KashkaT (David Black Oriental Carpets).
BIYAR, al-BIYAR — BOLUKBASHI
BIYAR al BIYAR n wells spring) modern
Bivaidjumand a small town on the noithein edges
ol the Gieit Dese.t the D isht i kavir ol Peisn
The mediaeval geogi ipheis desciibe it is being
three divs ]oume\ 1mm Bist im md 25 /ana/As
horn Dimghin ind as falling idmimstiativelv
within the province oi kumis \q i ] llthough in
Simamd times [4th/10th eenturv, it seems to ha\e
been attached to Nishipm in khuiasan It wis the
tei minus of in onlv modenteh fiequented route Hioss
the noitheastem tornei of the deseit to Tuishiz in
kuhistan
We have m Mukaddasi s5b 7 j72 in rspc
ciallv detailed descnption ot the town considenng
its moderitt sue and impoitince Kins; is it did
oil the greit highw iv connecting western Peisn
with khuiasan this is explicable bv the tut that
Mukaddasi s mitemil grind! ither had emulated
theme to Jeiusalem He mentions tint Bi\ u had
good cultivated fields ind oiehuds md gi izing
grounds for sheep and camels the i ithtr scantv watei
supply was caietullv conti oiled in uiigition clnnnels
Theie wis an inner citadel appro idled thiough i
single gatew i\ but theie were three lion gates
m the outer w ills There wis no Fndav mosque and
the mhibitants weie all H inafTs stionglv opposed to
the karranuwa [q ] neveitheless Mukiddisi stites
elseuheit I }b5) that the kirrmuwa had a Hianal all
in Bivar He turthei stresses the building skills of (he
Bivans above all in the medium of mud buck
Politic allv it came within the S mi mid dominions at
ind c
i 298/91
ind
^b9/979 80 i i oin is il
tiom the veai 42b/ 1035, the eve of the pissing of
the provinces of khuiasan ind kumis into Sildjuk
hands (E von Zambiui Dit \lun pia a imgen dts Islams
_eitluh and oitluh gemdnd i Wiesbaden 1%8 83)
i ikut Buldan ed Be nut i 517 mentions seveial
scholais pioduced b\ Bivai amongst whom weie
some noted HinifT ones Must iw IT \ujiat allutub
ti Le Strange 148 refeis to the towns good ceieals
A few Eutopean tiivellers beginning with Foistei
tow nds the end of the 18th < entur\ began to cross
the northern edge of the Gieit Deseit ind to piss
through Bivar bv now known is Biv iidjummd (the
Benjemund ot Capt C Clerk m Jnal of tlu
Geogmphual Sue xvullbbl) 53) Theie u en m C lei k s
time some 200 houses theie with i (rood w iter sup
plv fiom I anaS ind gaidens and fields m the neai
bv hills the kuhi Bivaidjunnnd copper galena ind
marble were obt lined ct W Tom isc hek ~«; lusto
nsihi Topogmphu ion Pimen II Dii Wtge dunh die pu
sisihi Husk in SBU -fit Phil Hist CI evm (1885)
bo2 3 At the piesent dav Bivirdjumind is the chef
lieu oi the baljsh ot the same name in the shahrast in
of Shahrud in the second list in oi Iran its popuh
Hon is ta 2 bOO see Rizmni Faihang i djughwfna yi
ban in 54
Bibliography (in iddition to ieteiences given in
the nuclei Le Strange The lands of tlu Eastern
Cahphah %b %8 Schwarz ban un Mittibiltu 82^
b A. Gabnel Dunh Persuns It listen Stuttgnt 19s5
11^ 20 idem Dit Bfoisihun^ Peisiens \ lenna 1952
s(H H Hum Du iusbnitun^ der Safi ittsihn
RuhUsihule ion da Anjangin bis urn 3/ 14 Jahthundert
Wiesbiden 1974 12o ( C E Busworthi
BIYIKLI [see mehmed p«_ha]
BLAZON [see rank]
BLESSING [see bar^ka]
BOAT [see safiH
BOLUKBASHI Rida Tevvfik modem Turkish
orthogiaphv Riza Tevfik Bolukb\si Tuikish poet
ind wntei (18bb 1949) He was born in Dusi 1
Mustafa Pisha in Rumelia (Dimitiovgi id m present
div Bulgaria iormerlv C anbrodl while his fatht r
khodja Mehmed TewfTk Eiendi i civil serv int ind
teicher was I aumal am theie His mothei i
Cntassian slue girl died when Rida was eleven
vens old His gundfathei Ahmed Durmush
Bolukbishi was a guenlli le idei tiom Debi l in
Albania who had (ought igunst the Greeks duung
the using in the Morel ([Fendun] kandemir haidi
ag^indan Ri^a Ti fik ( Riz i Tevfik from his own
mouth ) Istmbul 1943 94 7 109) After mending
vinous schools (including the Allnnce Isi lehte school
ind Gahtasuiv) in Istmbul he finished m the
nishdnu thigh school) of Gehbolu (Gallipoli) his familv
town ind enteied the school of political science
[\UHibi Uulhnul whence he wis howtvei expelled
ioi political activities ind insuboidination He
suspensions gradu ited in 1899 He woiked is gov
emment doctoi at the Customs Office m Istanbul
until the restoiation oi the Constitution m Jul) 1908
when he |omed politic il lite An enthusiastic mem
bei oi the ruling C ommittee ot Union and Progress
'CUP) [see ITTIHAD WE TER^KKI DIEM IV-\ETl] he WIS
elected deputv ioi Fdnnc but soon bioke with the
CUP leadeis ind joined the opposition md bee ime
one oi the leading figures ot the I ibei il Union [see
HURRr,\ET M itilvf firkasi] (Relik Halid kai iv
Mmelbib ihhnilv lb Istmbul 19b4 / assim) He taught
philosophv at the Umversitv ot Istanbul and Tmkish
liter ituie at the American Robert College He seived
, Mini
[ Educa
)f the
d the ti
ura u Dm
lomst Ottor
mide
1920) which sealed his
Nationalists Student piotests loiced him to give up
his chin in the Univcisitv (1921) ind he fled the
countrv following the Nationalist victoiv in Anatoli 1
(September 1922) His mine wis 1 itei included in
the list oi the 150 undesirables [see \ uzellilikler]
Aitei i bnet stav in Egvpt he served toi seven veais
m the government ot imn Abd All ill (a former fel
low deputv m the Ottoman Paihiment) m Jordan
spent i veil m the USA and eventuallv settled in
Pjunivvi m Lebinon wheie he lived with his wife
live veirs attei the geneial imnestv of 19,8 He
died m Istmbul on 31 December 1949 Although
Rida TewfTk is known bv the nickname Fait «/ ( The
nmnlv woiks oi eompihticm (but which gieitlv con
tnbuted to the tc le lung of modem philosophv in
Tuikev) his icil contiibution to Fulkish htentuie
is is i poet In the lite 1890s a voting poet Mehmed
Ennn liurdikul) \q ] suddc nlv ippe lied on the
spoken luikish sv liable metie ind the use of pop
ulu subjects He wis gieeted as a guide and inno
v ltoi but did not have inv following as his poetrv
wis uninspired iwkwnd in stvle ind totilK lick
ing in music il eilect In contrast Rida TewfTk who
stirted his eueer in the sime penod bv writing
poems on the line oi Abd il H ikk Himid and
IeufTk Fikiet \q ] found in the eulv 1900s the
BOLUKBASHI — BORNEO
keyt<
i regene
of Turkish poetry; he v\
'inguage
and ii
as able
mth of
leading poets and popular mystic (dervish) poets
without blindly imitating them, but re-creating their
warm and lively atmosphere in a modern garb [see
KARADJAOGHLAN, KAYGHUSUZ ABDAL and YUNT.IS EMRE] .
His success ushered in a new trend which was later
moulded into a school by Diya' (Ziya) Gokalp, that
of the Mill! edebiyyat ("National literature"). Rida
Tewfik did not abandon the 'arid like most of his
younger colleagues of the new school, but used it
in parallel with the he§e. His influence on succeed-
ing generations of poets continued in the 1920s and
early 1930s and his style began to date only with
the appearance of Orkhan Well (Orhan Veli) Kanik
and Fadil Husni (Fazil Hiisnu) Daglarca, who rev-
olutionised all concepts in Turkish poetry.
Rida Tewfik Boliikbashi is the author of the fol-
lowing major works: 'AM al-Hakk Hamid we mulsha^at-i
felsejiyyesi ("A.H. and his philosophic reflections"),
Istanbul 1329 rumi/m3; Felsefe deislen ("A course of
philosophy"), i, Istanbul 1330 rfimf/1914; Mufassal
Kamus-i felsefe I "A comprehensive dictionary of phi-
losophy"), i, Istanbul 1330 rumi/ \9U; Etude sur la
religion des Houroufis, in CI. Huart, Textes persons idat-
ifs a la seek des Houroufis, Leiden 1909; Serabi omrum
("Mirage of my life"), Lefkose (Nicosia) 1934, 2nd
ed. Istanbul 1949, (contains all his poems, except
some political satires); Omer Hayyam ve rubailerr,
Istanbul 1945, Introd.
Bibliography: Rushen Eshref, Diyorlarki (inter-
views with leading writers) Istanbul 1918, 133-54
and passim: Halide Edib, Memoirs, New York 1926,
passim; R. Gokalp Arkin, R.T.B., hayati re siirleri-,
Istanbul 1939; Vahyi Olmez, R.T., Istanbul 1945;
R.C. Ulunay, R.T., siirlen re mektuplan, Istanbul n.d.
[1943]; Hilmi Yiicebas, Butun eepheleriyle R.T.,
Istanbul 1950; Hilmi Ziya Ulken, Tiirkiye'de cagdas
dusimce tarihi, i, Istanbul-Konya 1966, 406-24.
(Fahjr Iz)
BOOTY [see fay', ghanIma].
BORNEO, a large island (area 292,000 sq.
miles/755,000 kirr) straddling the equator in the
Indonesian archipelago, and mainly covered with
tropical rain forest. The spinal range of mountains
rises to 13,455 ft./4,100 m. in Mount Kinabalu in
the northeastern tip of the island. Politically, the greater
part of the island has since 1949 formed the Indonesian
region of Kalimantan (a name which Indonesia also
applies to the whole island); along the northern coast
lie Sabah, the former British crown colony of British
North Borneo and Sarawak, both of whom joined the
Malaysian Federation in 1963, and the British-
protected sultanate of Brunei [q.v. in Suppl.]. The
following article deals only with the Indonesian part
of the island; see also Borneo in Ef.
Indonesian Kalimantan is divided into four prov-
inces (daerah tingkat I): Kalimantan Barat (Western
Kalimantan, 157,066 sq. km., 2,019,936 inhabitants,
capital: Pontianak), Kalimantan Tengah (Central
Kalimantan, 156,552 sq. km., 699,589 inhabitants,
capital: Palangka Raya), Kalimantan Selatan (Southern
Kalimantan, 34,611 sq. km., 1,699,105 inhabitants,
capital: Banjarmasin), and Kalimantan Timur (Eastern
Kalimantan. 202,619 sq. km., 733,536 inhabitants,
capital: Samarinda). South and Central Kalimantan
originally formed one province, until on 23 May 1957,
the area was divided because of the opposition of the
Dayak people against the "Malays" (Muslims) in the
1. Earlier History. In Sambas (north-western
antan), which had been a Buddhist cultural
already in the 6th century A.D., a descen-
dant of the sultan's family of Johore established a
it the
e of B
(between 1514 and 1521), and Malays began to set-
tle in the area. Chinese workers were brought to
work in the gold mines, but in 1770 they revolted
and formed semi-independent "republics" (kung n).
Islam had little influence on them, and only after
1965, when they were required to confess one of
the acknowledged religions in Indonesia, did a few
of them become Muslims. Sambas has remained a
stronghold of Malay culture. The area of Lawei, an
old Javanese colony, and Matan on the Pawan river,
turned to Islam soon after the conversion of the sea
ports in northern Java. Sukadana, having—like
Sambas— experienced the influence of Buddhist Sri
Vijaya, was islamised mainly by Malay and Arab
traders from Palembang, which at that time (first
half of 16th century) was under the rule of Demak.
In 1608-9 Surabaya imposed its dominance, until
in 1622 Sultan Agung of Mataram wiped out the
influence of his main rival. Only in these areas of
south-western Kalimantan Barat, did classical
Javanese (Kawi) remain "the sultan's language", in
Ketapang e.g. until this century, although in this
place only a panembahan resided. The 18th century
saw the rise of the sultanate of Pontianak, founded
in 1771 by an Arab adventurer, Sharif 'Abd al-
Rahman, the son of a Hadramawti and a princess
of Matan. Pontianak always stressed its Arabic back-
ground and claimed that its understanding of Islam
According to tradition, Demak initiated the spread
of Islam in southern Kalimantan, seizing the op-
portunity for this when at the beginning of the 16th
century a conflict occurred between two pretenders,
Pangeran Samudra and Pangeran Tumenggung, in
the course of which the former appealed to the help
of Demak. This was granted, and Samudra became
the founder of the Muslim sultanate of Banjarmasin,
acknowledging the supremacy of Demak (1520). His
successors ruled until 1860, when the Dutch colonial
government abolished the sultanate after the revolt of
Hidayat, the legal heir to Sultan Adam (d. 1857).
Like other revolts in 19th century Indonesia, his
movement was inspired by the idea of djihad. At pres-
ent, the area of the former sultanate is part of the
province of South Kalimantan, with the kabupaten of
Hulu Sungai (east of the Barito river) as one of the
j strongest Muslim areas on the island. In the earlier
days of the sultanate, its ruler exercised his influence
like Sampit, Kota Waringin, etc., which became cen-
tres for the propagation of Islam among the neigh-
bouring Dayak tribes; some of them, however, further
withdrew to the interior. Although the impact of
Javanese customs and manners was strong, the liter-
ary language was Malay, influenced by local idioms
and Javanese. J.J. Ras emphasises that in spite of its
particularities, even basa Banjar (Banjarese colloquial)
should be counted among the numerous Malay dialects
(Hikajat Bandjar, 7-12). This explains also why the
Banjarese Muslims and above all their 'ulama', felt a
special obligation to present themselves as authentic
teachers of Malay Islam after the bahasa Indonesia was
proclaimed the offical medium of communication
in the archipelago (1928). On the other hand, they
distinctively separated themselves linguistically and,
as a consequence, culturally, from the Dayak tribes,
for whom the term "Malay" and "Muslim" became
BORNEO — BRUNEI
demit al Becoming > Muslim i= Malav I means (01 a
3avak to loose his social relationships Onlv a few
)avak tribes became Muslims eg tht Bakumpai a
oimei sub-tube of the Ngaju Da\ak iDanand]a|a
134 in consent with Mallinckiodtl
In East Kalimantan Pasn and kutai [q t ] saw the
lse ot colonies ot Buginese traders and ship-buildeis
iom South Sulawesi soon aitei then homeland had
(lti05-ll) \t cording to tiadi-
the fust
>i Isla
in Pasi
while Makass
ulous Tuan Tunggang Paiangan wci< acme m kutai
Like in South Sulawesi Islam in kutai seems to ha\e
been mixed with manv animistic sui\i\als and
remained weak thioughout the 18th tenturv The sul-
Samannda where most oi the Buginese settled and
the Davak aiea Then stoiv is told m the Salasila
Kutai wntten m Malav
2 \lndtin duibipmenh \s the sultans both in East
and West Kalimantan dining the times oi Dutch
internal lunsdictton Islamic law mou oi less mod-
ified b\ the local tustomaiv ladat) law plaved a
significant lole Couits weie tloselv attached to the
palace -\ttei independence the Indonesian gov-
n-Mus
the
■ of t
i Dav
Pontianak and Banjarmasin ha\e been caught up '
in Islamic model mst movements The Malav pen- |
odical ill Imam Ismce 1*105) paitlv inspiied bv
Rash id Ridas al Manai was distnbutcd in
Pontianak and Sambas The Scukat Islam , the
oldest nationalist move-ment held a congiess in
Kalimantan in 142 5 In 1430 the traditionalist
"Nahdlatul Llama ' established us first blanches m
Ban]armasin and Maitapura and South Kalimantan
lemained besides East Java a stionghold ol this
partv until 1942 The model mst Muhammachvah
became active in 1427 its fust bianch being opened
in Banjaimasin Muhallighun oi piopagandists fiom
Java and Minangkabau weie sent there, some ot
them being ioimer ittendants of the Thawahb
schools in West Sumatia Then piogiess seems to
have been slow it the Muhammadivah s national
congress m 1424 no participant trom Kalimantan
was noted In 1435 the movement had 24 branches
and educational woik bv building schools (limes
and distributing pamphlets and books its activities
reaching now the Hulu (up-nvei) areas and the
boidei districts between West Kalimantan and
Sarawak In Baniarmasin a gov emment-i elated
Tnstitut \gama Islam Negen (I M N ) has been
established wheieas m Pontianak a branch ol the
Fukutttn Tarhnah of the I MN Jakaita C iputat is
active \ blanch ot the same I \IN s I akullas
I shuluddin now in Singkawang is to lie moved to
Pontianak
Bibliograpln Remaiks on Islam in Kaliman-
tan aie tound in geneial woiks on Islam in In-
donesia [see bibhographv to indonesix \ -
islam in Indonesia] turther BJ Boland The
struggle of Islam in modem Indonesia i= \ el
handelmgen tan htt Komnkli/k Instiluut tool
Taal Land tn \ olkenkundt Vh The Hague
1471 Dehai Noei Tin modernist Muslim mou
mtnt in Indontsia 1900 1942 Smgapoit -Kuala
Lumpui 1473 -Histonogiaphv \ \ Cense
De Kiomtk tan Ban,armasm Santpoort 1428 C \
Mees, Dt hionuk ion hmtai Santpooit 1435 W
Kem (ommintaar op dt Salasilah tan Koetai (= \ KI
I The Hague 145b JJ Ras Hika/al Bandjai
4 ■
Mali
•raph
Bibho
The Hague
bibhographv ) —Languages \ \ Cense and EM
Uhlenbeck (ritual tan of studits on tht language*
of Bointo i= Bibhogiaphical Series 2) The Hague
1458 (Malav dialects pp 7-Hl \B Hudson
4 nott on Silako Malaut Da\ak and Land Daiak
Bonn
Tht
Law
Mustum J„„
Taal Land- en \ olkenkunde The Hague, xm
i!417) wvi il42b) xxxvi |1433) xhv il452i M
Malhnckiodt Het \datreiht tan Borneo Leiden
1428 Daniel S Lev hlanm eourts in Indonesia
Beikelev-Los Angeles-London 1472 —Islam and
the cultuie aiound it F Lkm Tuaiann,a suns,
gull banjak Bandjarmasm-D|akaita 1%0 (especiallv
121 it) J Danand|a]a Kthuda/aan penduduk
Kalimantan ttngah in Koentjaiamngrat led I
Manusia dan Kthuda,aan Indontsia D)akaita 1471
114-44 \B Hudson Pad)ua tpat tht Ma am an
of Indonesian Botnto New V>ik 1472 200 Tahun
Kota Pontianak Diterbitkan oleh Pemenntah
Daeiah Kotamadva Pontianak, Pontianak 1471
] F Gaiang \dat and Gtstlhihafl Eint so-jo
ethnologist ht Inttisuthung ^ur Daisttllung des Castes
und Kulturlehtns dtr Da,ak in Kalimantan 1= Beitrage
zm Sudasien-Foi schung Sudasien-Institut del
Limvcisitat Hcidelbeig 4) W lesbaden 1974 lespe-
eiallv pp 109-281 toi a short account ot the
development of Muslim Highei education until
the toundation oi the I M N at Banjarmasm
see \nahansvah Proses Lahuma /4/\ Antasan in
Paii)i Mastarakat No 148 il \piil 1<,7 "*l ~
Statistics Slatistik Indontsia 1970 1971 ed bv Bno
Pusat Statistik Djakaita 1472
(O '
BRAHMANS [
BRICK [see i \
BRIGAND [see
BRUNEI a sul
)t Kalimantan
n the noithem c.
, [?.]> 5 7b5 sq km
145,01
inhabi-
tants The capital is Bandai Sen Beg
1470 called Bandar Biunei or Biunei Town) with
ta 45 000 inhabitants Its pnncipal landmaik is the
great Mespd Omar -\h Saiiuddm built aitei Woild
War II Since the bth eentutv \D trade lelations
existed with China Oecasionallv tnbute uas paid
not onlv to China but also to Buddhist Sn \i,ava
I South Sumatia) and Maiapahit (Java) where it was
mentioned among othei Boinean tnbutaues in ta
1565 Tht Sha'n iMing Simaun piobablv the oldest
of B
i \wang
\h
k Bet
When
if Sulu sh
as abd
eri
ai The s
ilta
ihiallv
of aftans
and
install
d
\1
ak Bet
Muhammad he
1415. His sue
an Aiab f.o
became the ancestor of the later sultans of Brunei.
There seems to have existed, however, a rival
pagan kingdom besides the Muslim sultanate, which
gave the impression, in 1514, to the Portuguese that
Brunei was still heathen. When Antonio Pigafetta,
an Italian member of Magellan's expedition, visited
Brunei in 1521, he mentioned that the sultan (Bulkiah
I, the fifth of his dynasty) was waging heavy war-
fare against a rival pagan kingdom in the same
harbour. Finally, Sultan Bulkiah succeeded in safe-
guaiding his supremacy and brought Brunei to the
climax of its glory, ruling over most of "Borneo"
(hence its name), the Sulu Islands and parts of
Mindanao and Luzon. It was the Spaniards, how-
ever, who, since 1578, from their stronghold in
Manila, successfully began to confine Brunei's strength
to the northern coasts of Borneo, from where,' in
their tutn, pirates intimidated the Spanish, and other,
fleets. During the 19th century, the territory of Brunei
was encircled decisively. In 1841 most of Sarawak
was ceded to Sir James Brooke. In 1888, Brunei
became a British protectorate. Later, in 1906, the
which concern Religious (Islamic) and Customary
Law {ailat-\m'\. In 1959, howevei, when a new con-
stitution was introduced — the first written one in
Brunei's history — his juridical functions were turned
over to the courts. Nevertheless, his internal posi-
tion was also strengthened considerably, as a num-
ber of rights of the former resident were transferred
into his 'hands. Brunei became "an internally self-
and himself, Azahari, as Prime Minister. With British
help, however, the revolt was soon suppressed, Azahari
stayed in exile abroad, but the strong opposition of
Indonesia and the Philippines against the formation of
Malaysia, which probably inspired Azahari's polio,, now
came into the open. Finally, the sultan in July 1963
decided that Brunei should not join Malaysia, officially
because of his dispute with Sarawak about the Limbang
valley which nearly divides his territory into two
enclaves; but problems about the distribution of the
profit of Brunei's rich oil fields (exploited since 1929
by the British Shell Company) may also have affected
Since 1974, the question of Brunei's independence
has become acute again. Sultan Sir Hassanal Bulkiah,
gove
glsk
Only security and foreign affairs were still handled
by the British, who from now on were represented
by a High Commisionary.
New perspecthes for Brunei's future opened when
in Mav 1961, Tengku Abdul Rahman as the Prime
Minister of the Malayan Federation, forwarded the
plan for a new federation, Malaysia, which was to
include, besides the Malayan Federation, Singapore,
Sarawak, British North Borneo (now Sabah), and
Brunei. At the beginning. Sultan Sir Omar Ali
Saifuddin's attitude was a positive one, in the hope
that he would be able to join the collegium of the nine
Malayan sultans who were to elect the Yang Diper-
tuan Agung from among themselves as the nominal
Head of State for a period of five years. In a memo-
randum, prepared b> the Malaysia Consultative
Committee in February 1962, it was further stated
that Islam was to be the official religion in the
Federation (Gullick, 64), another matter favourably
received by Brunei with its outspoken Malay tradi-
tion, contrasting to the other North Bornean territo-
ries where Islam is followed only by minorities and
where the Malays were not acknowledged as burrn-
putera (indigenous).
But the sultan met with opposition from the "Party
Ra'yat" (People's Parrs'), led by Shaikh A.M. Azahari,
which had gained 22 out of 23 possible seats when the
Legislative Council of Brunei was elected in October
1962. Azahari himself had not run for a seat, and there
is some doubt whether he is a Brunei citizen (Brown,
127); he is known to have fought against the Dutch in
the Indonesian Independence War. On 6 December
1962, his followers staged a revolt, somewhat untime-
ly, because Azahari at that time happened to be in
Manila. His aim was to form a Negara Kalimantan
Utara ("State of North Borneo"), including Sarawak,
Brunei and Sabah, with the sultan as nominal ruler
opposed by I
abdic;
1967, :
again
opts for a more demo-
etely independent Brunei (now
without Sarawak and Sabah), with the sultan as the
mere symbolic head of state. Azahari, still in exile,
sees the future of Brunei based on a Tmila ("Three
Pillars", obviously in distinction to Malaysia's and
Indonesia's Pancasila or "Five Pillars") of (a) the Islamic
Religion, (b) Nationalism, and (cl Democracy. The
national colours he proposes are still those of the for-
mer "State of North Borneo", sc. red and white (like
Singapore and Indonesia), with a green triangle sym-
bolising Islam.
Bibliography: J.M. Gullick, Malaysia and its neigh-
bours', London"l967; D.G.E. Hall, A History of South-
East Asia, New York 1968; D.E. Brown, Brunei:
Monogiaph of the Brunei Museum Journal, ii/2!
Brunei 1970 (with extensive bibliography).
ABU v
ZA].
(BOBASTRO), also spelt
BuB.sn.T.R., Bab.sii.t.r. and, frequently from the
5th/llth century, Bash.t.r. or Bush.t.r., a moun-
of 'Ulnar b. Hafsun [q.v.], leader of Andalusian'resist-
ininly i
>uth of Cordov
o the Urrurj
267/880-1 until his death in 305/917, ;
his sons until 315/928. The piecise location of
Bobastio, often confused (as in El- i, 1250) with Bar-
bastro (Barbashturu) in Huesca piovince, has proved
a thorny problem. Erroneously identified by Dozy with
Castillon, neai Teba (Malaga province), it was believed
by Simonet to be situated 6 km. east of Ardales in
the Mesas of Yillaverde (Malaga province). His view
pievailed, and in the 1920s it was identified with a
site excavated above the Hoyo de Chorro near the
railway running from Cordova to Malaga via Bobadilla.
This identification was accepted by Levi-Provencal
[Hist. Esp. mm. i, 303 n. 1), and it lemains accept-
able to some. It has, however, been challenged by
J. Vallve Bermejo, who, aftei meticulous examina-
tion of all available evidence, some of it new, has
cogently aigued that the facts of the Bobastro cam-
paigns as reported by oui souices point to a site
much furthei to the south-east. This site, he sub-
mits, is to be sought not far from the present Cortijo
de Auta in the Sierra del Rey, north of Riogordo
(Malaga province) and the name Bobastro to be seen
in a toponym refolded in a 15th-centuiy source, viz.
Postuero, otherwise Corral del Encina (Repartimiento
de Comares). The origin of the name— which sur-
vives in one form or another elsewhere in Spain —
is very likely Iberian.
During the anti-Umayyad lebellion, Bobastro
was fiequently the scene of military activity, and
BUDUH — BUK'A
cessor <Abd Allah tnec
Subsequent attempts
(280/894) and Aban 1241/904 and
316/928 was Bobastro finallv subdued aitei a decade
of slow but sure pohcv pursued bv 'Abd il-Rahman
III So tai as ue can glean Bobastio theieafter
lemamed an important Umay>ad garrison until it fell
to the Berbers who defeated Muh mimad lis troops
on the banks of the Guadiaro in 400/1010 loi the
veais 1039 and 1047 we have passing references to
Bobastro undei the Hammudid partv kings of
Malaga and in 1147 we find it sheltenng al-Mmdis
brotheis aftei a rising m Seville against the Almohads
ho had ]ust occupied the titv Bv the 7th/ 13th cen-
r il-Mimdhir died in
(J40S XX
1 1 3 Goldzihei
Lt Inn de I
In 278/891 his sut-
Touti
al 15 fl)
Anothei suggeste
d oiigm is t
the place but failed
Arar
leo-Persian
name of the pla
let and godd
his sons Mutamf
id 294/907) to attnn
o nothing Not until
\en
us Bidukht
Kwo-Un ^^
& Hoffman
■ius*.
ii>e aus !
nsihai iklai per
iulu> Martv
y Maknzi
al anbna'
hhitat 1324/1
1314/189b-7
90b 1 8 T
29— both
t appears
n lit. ratui
South Ai
ropei nar
\ et the name
abic became
jsed theie
mimne epi
the fori
V aph
Ml the n
tamed ,n J
alhe Beimc|o Dt \m o sobn Bobastro
in 41 indalu
\\\ (19b5) 139-74 \pait from a
studv of the
boundaries of Ray>a loughlv Malaga
piovince) th
s monograph provides a good index
of place-nam
es ( J D Latham)
BUDUH ar
aitificial tahsmanu wold formed
elements of the
Other groups of letters from that sc
but not see geneiallv used e g
togcthei ^lj g* jjk. Fiom some also
squares are built up as a foui-fold on ^.
fold
eg Star,
aim
tompaiativelv minor pait but aftei it was taken up
bv al-Ghazah and ( ited in his Munkidh nun al dalal
led Cano 1303/1886, 4b 50 tr \\ Montgomery
Watt Tht Jaitli and praam oj al Olta^ah I ondon
'953 77 74-80) as an inexplicable but ceitain
fat and was confused with the loot £ju lL.4 m
484 sub C jb ) Othei standing in Arabic it does not
hive Furthei when Buduh is associated with a par-
ticular planet it is with Saturn [~uhal) and its metal
is lead (Zaikaui Mqfatih 170) not coppei as \ enus
would lequue Haidlv woithv ol mention is \ on
Hammer s fancv that Buduh is one of the names of
Allah I J4 1830 72) though it mav have a Turkish
basis (and see too de Sacv below ) and the dei nation
he suggests oi the ston told bv Michel Sabbagh to
de Sacv [Chitst arab, m 3b4 ft) that it was the
name of a pious mei chant whose packages and let-
though that mav well be a
ion In magical books there
cases even ol persomfving the word le g la
in al Path al tahmam bv Hadjdj Sa'dun 21)
the populu mind Buduh has become a Djtnni
'c seemed bv wiitmg his name
imbeis 1/4 Sci 4 mi 521 ff
(olloqmal Epptian 3b Doutte
with hanum as though a name
Ippn Eppt 387) The uses of
nious to invoke both good and
Doutte \op lit] against men-
st puns in the stomach (229)
sallv know
)f difficu
is the three fold talisman
seal or table of al-Ghazih \al nakf al Utah
al dxadnal al muthallath li I Oha all) and fma
has become the foundation and staiting point
the v\hole Science of Letteis ['dm al huiuf I
Ghazah is said to have developed the foimula une
divine inspiration ilham) from the combinations
isnnns and it is inscribed a
Ls (like habikadj) as a piesei
aldfahl Tunis 1290 But b
letter
and
\I\ and \LII of the Km 'an and which bv them-
selves are also used as talismans iReinaud \lonununh
mumlmans n 23b) Foi the piocess see the Ua/utih
alghayb ted Cano 1327/1909 170 ft) of Ahmad
Musa al-Zarkawi a tontempotarv Egvplian magi-
cian and on the sub]ect in generil the sixth and
seventh Risalas in that volume Otheis trace the
foimula back to Adam fiom whom it passed down
to al-Ghazah (cf the al 'Inaya al rabbanna 44
and al Avar al tabbanna lb of \usuf Muhammad
al-Hindi an eailv 20th centuiv Lgvptian wnter
on magic) In all this al-Ghazah s established rep-
utation as a custodian of mvsticil knowledge and
especiallv of the book al Djafr evidentlv plaved a
25b \\ Alliens Studun
da iraht, in hi
W-ll E Wiede
al Bun,
i hi
Du
,a^lun Quadwten
n |141Ki 94-7 G Beigstrasser ~u de;
Quadiahn m hi xm (1923) 227-55
n Tht dtaphernunt oj itubu talisman* n
(1937i 100 ft \\ Pax Da ma^ih
Sput>d da Spratht in Foisthune,ai urn
\ni (1937) 380 Carra de \aux in
dl IhlstoiH dlS
atmi
s i il948) 20b-
her ~u> Dtutun
' des
nia^iuhen Qiiadratt
\1FIE\C0LI4
I in
ZD\I(, cm (19
H Hermehnk, habisthe magisihe Qimdratts mil 25
Zellen, in Sudlioff s irtlm fur Gesihuhtt der Medizw
xlm (1959), 351-4 (DB Macdonald*)
BUFFALO [see djamus in Suppl]
BUGHAT [see marid]
BUK'A means etv mologicallv 'a patch of giound
maiked out fiom adjoining land bv a difTeience in
coloui etc ' 01 'a low-lving legion with stagnant
water (see Lane, si) the latter sense is obviouslv
at the base of the plmal Bika' [qi] to designate the
(onginalh) marshv vallev between the Lebanon and
\nti-Lebanon langes in Svna and doubtless at that
of the name al-Bukas'a for a settlement near the
Lake of Hims [q i] (see Le Strange Palestim under
tht Modems, 352) Fiom these senses it acqunes the
broader one of "piovince region tract of land' as
in the classical Arabic geographers (for Mukaddasi
31 tr Miquel 70 buk'a is a simple svnonvm for
mtmdi') and this seems to ha\e been the farthest
development of the teim m the Muslim West (see
Dozv, Supplement l 103b, who registeis this latter
Hov
, in the
lal a
'the
Islamic world, buk'a acquned apparenth duimg the
Saldjuk period the sense of 'dervish convent',
pious, educational or chantable purposes"
The transition heie in sense clearlv anses from the
Kur'amc phrase al buk'a al mubaraka (XXVIII 30),
traditionallv interpreted as 'the blessed hollow",
the place where God spoke to Moses fiom the
burning bush From Saldjuk times onwards buk'a
appears in epigiaphic phiaseologv Thus an inscrip-
tion of Yaghi-basan b Ghazi b Damshmand (537-
60/ 1142-65) fiom Niksar and dated 552/1157-8
describes the constiuction of a buk'a mubaraka, piob-
ablv to be interpreted as a dervish convent (see
M Van Berchem, Epigraphu dts Dtim\hmtndidts, in
~A, \\Mi [1912], 87 = Opera minom Geneva 1978,
u, 703 with further refeiences to CM. l Egyptt
459, ;
( Mint
> 24)
wise used in the Svro-Palestiman region from
Avvubid times onwaids, eg in 595/1198 to
describe at Jerusalem a school imaklab) onginalh
endowed bv Saladin and Van Beichem noted that
in this same cm, a Djami' al-Nisa' ad]acent to the
Haram was still called al-Buk'a al-Bavda' perhaps
horn its white tough-cast walls (CM, u Syne du
Sud Jerusalem \ilh i/2, 110, 112 no 39, n/1, 130,
no 17b) Some thiee-and-a-hall centuries later, we
find the Ottoman Sultan Sulevman I described on
maynua I buk'a al akdasma \ibid i/iTlil no 45)
In these instances, there still appears to be an
ambivalence of meaning with the double sense of
the land on which the building stood and that of
the building itself, one intended foi icligious or
chantable uses
Nevertheless, in the Turco-Iraman world the
connection of the term buk'a with dervish convents
and with mausolea, especially those of Sufi
440/967 104% Wukliehkeit und Legendt, Tehran-Liege
1976, 305, n 75, 310 and n 115) B O'kane has
gathered together instances of buildings described
uallv 1
nptioi
in legion (after the Danishmandid instance,
see above for the penods of the Rum Saldjuks and
the Sd/iJi) and from the Iianian one (8th-<W14th-
15th centuries extending as far eastwards as the
Tfrnund Shah-i Zinda in Samaikand) and has noted
that the term seemed eventuallv found more favour
in those legions than in the Arab one, see his
Taybad Turbat i Jam and Timund taultmg in Iran
Jnal of tht Bull ' ' " " '
94-b
i the a
Bibliography give
(CE Bosworth)
BUKRAT Hippocrates the most famous phvsi-
cian of antiquitv was born ta 460 B C on the
island of Cos, and died ta 375 in Lanssa iThessah
He sprang fiom the Asclepiads, an old native familv
of phvsicians where the name Hippociates occurred
repeatedlv \lreadv in antiquitv he was considered
an exceptional and model phvsician This piestige
was due to Galen [see djalInus] in the first place
who brought to its culmination the 'Hippocrates-
revival" which had started in the 2nd centurv AD
and thus determined the image of Hippocrates foi
the whole period to come, in Islam as in Europe,
Hippocrates became the svmbol of 'the Hue phvsi-
cian It is the moie astonishing that hardlv am of
the mam wntings transmitted under his name can
be traced back to him with full certaintv Dependent
' " ' jf this "Coipus
Hip
. but i
,t bO
•r theii
architectural form and plan, would always be felt as
"blessed places" in the Kur'anic sense. In the
biography of the SufT Shaykh Abu SaTd al-Mayhani,
the Astat al-tau.hld of Muhammad b. al-Munawwar
(wntten in the last quarter of the 6th/12th century),
buk'a, in one place buk'a-i az khayr, is synonymous
with khdnakah [q i ] in the sense of "dervish convent"
(ed Dhabrh Allah Saft, Tehran 1332/1953, 44,
146, 331, ct. F. Meiei, Abu Sa'ld-i Abu l-Hayr [357-
To the Arabs Hippocrates was well
his name appears as Bukrat, with suppression ol
the Greek ending like in Sukrat (Socratesi and
Dimukiat (Demokntos) and also as Ibukrat and
Abukrat The forms Ibukiatfs, Abukiatls, etc are
older Svnac influence is still present in Hifukratis
Ifukratis
Theie is no lack ol biogiaphical information about
Bukrat among the Arabs, the longest section is found
mlbn AbrUsavbi'a 'Vyun al anba' i 24-33 Bukrat s
teachers aie mentioned here (24 11 lb-17) his father
Iiaklldis (Heiacleidesj and his giandfather Bukiat
besides his lather, the ancient souices name also oth-
eis like Herodicos ol Selvmbna (Paulv-Wissowa-Kroll
Rial Entyklopadxe dir dass illeHummisstmihaft, viu 1912
978 f) He is said to have lived up to the age of
95 The Arab biographeis, to be suie, often present
misleading information e g Ibn Abi VJsavbi'a lop at
l 24, 11 22-i) savs that Bukiat was tiained on
Rhodes Cnidos and Cos while Ibn al-Kitti (Hukama'
ed Lippert 90 at the end to 91 1) makes him stav
for a while in Firuha d e Bepota = \leppo in the
text identified with Hims see also Barhebraeus
Ta'nkh Mukhtasai al dtmal, ed Cheikho 85) and
Damascus, both pieces of information perhaps mean
no more than that Bukrat travelled far and wide,
as was already known in antiquity. On the other
hand, one may assume that the Arabs retained scat-
tered biographical data which are not found else-
where. They were also right in stating that the Corpus
Hippocratium does not go back to one single author
and that there have been several physicians of this
name: the mathematician Thabit b. Kurra names
four Bakdrita or Bukratun ("Hippocraticians", one
might say), the first of whom (in fact the second)
would have been the famous Bukrat (Ibn al-Nadim,
Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 293 f.; Ibn al-Kiftl, op. at, 100).
The \nbs ilso kntw about the unconfiimed si
ment of Gilen ictording to which Hippoci
declined a lunitive otter ot \rtaxeixes I to c
to the Peisian court (P Bachmann in \4J\C P
Hist Kl 1%5 20 f
nended
f the
allcgedh w is the tirst to found a hos
pital llbn \bi Usivbi'a i 27 II I 2) Evidentlv
the Hippocratir oith wis also known to the
Muslims nituiallv in i somewhat diffeient form
it can be found in Ibn Abi Usavbi'a i 25 t ind
has been tunshted bv F Rosenthil Das Fortleben
del hitike mi Islam Zunch 1965 250-2 But Buki a
wis ldmired not onlv as the gieat phvsicim but
ilso as the mastei ot ilchemv istiologv ind m igic
(M Ullminn Du \atu, mid Cthtimuisstnsehafltn mi
Islam Leiden Gologne 1472 155 288 t 389) is,
such he give his name to the h indbook ot
Hellenistic migic which has become 1 imous and
notorious undei the n ime Puatm (distorted horn
Bikiatis Hippoci ites )
cannon of Hippocntic writings coincides with the
Greek one We would piobabK have more ittu
rite inform ition it hid come down to us G Jen s
work now lost tltpi tcov yvncncov kou voGcov
[jijioKpaxoui, CTuyypanuaTCov which existed in Ishik
b Hunavns translation as kitab ft kutub Bubal al
mhiha ia ghaxr al sahiha (G Beigstusser Hunain ibn
Ishaq ube, du svisthen mid arabisehen Calm I bout un
gin in 4AU xvn/2 Leipzig 142} no 104) \\t
ous size The fust to be mentioned is the valuible
survev of the tollowing 10 woiks ,a 259/972 com-
piled b\ the historian al i a'kubi iTa'nkh ed
Houtsmi i 107 29 A al Fits id Acpopiauoi A al
Buldan ia I nmah ia lahina Ikpt a£pcov u8cctcov
xoTicov A \Ia al ska'ir rkpi imcavnc, A TaUimal
al man/a npoyvcoatiKov A al Djanm tl^pi yovn^ flepi
flEpi cpuaios avGpcojiou A al Chidha Ikpi tpocpni,
A al isabi rkpt £p5oita8cov A htdja al msa
iruvaiKEta cf however M Ullmann "un sfiatan
tikt kommmtare ^u del hippokratisthtn Sthnji Di mm
bis mulubnbus in Utduin lustonsilus Journal xn
[1977] 245-b2) A Abiejhimna EjuSnuiai This text
has a specific \ Jut in so far as i a'kubi has added
more or less detiiled indices to six ot these titles
so that then identification tan bt issured thiout,h
comparison with texts that hate been preseited
(cf M khmioth ibn du his ug, aits jieelu
sehen Scknftstellan bti al Ja'aubi in ~DMC xl [1886]
189 20 5)
■\nother canon of 10 works ill commented upon
b\ Gilen is given b\ Ibn al-Nadim Fihrisl 288
who also names the tianslatois Thev partlv coin
cide with those given above but instead of A \la
al sha'ir A al Djamn A al Chidha A al isabi' ind
A 4ud}a' al mm' we find here A al'Ahd Opko s
A al Amrad al hadda ITepi Statini, o^ecov A al Kan
nepi cryucoY A al Akhlat Ilepi %\>yi&v ind A
hatatnun (read hattatn\un\ Keel inxpEtov
Birhebiaeus {Duual ed C heikho 35l nimes 9
Hippocratital works ill of which appeir in both
of the inventoiies given above while there is idded
the A Shig^ad^ al ra's IlEpi tcov ev KEcpaXn xpcotia
the manusci
lpts as
well is
in the lists of titles it
cinnot alwi
\s be
stabhsh
ed with certaintt who
weie the \
of the woiks In am
tise Huni\
n b Ishak and
his school weie it the
head But
entoiv of tianslitions
trom Hippc
crates s
woiks
diawn up b\ Huna\n
is the
his translations from
G liens wn
extiemeh fiequcnth
quoted b\
the \i
lb phv
icnns The following
woiks of the -\iabi
s have been published
so lai 1 A
// Thi
Aphorisms of Hippoe rates
transited u
to \ri
bic bv Honain Ben Ishik ed
] Tvtle, C
A Takdimat al ma'nfa
ed M Klar
i ZDUC
xl (188b) 204 l 1 , 3
A Tadbir a
amrad
al hadda
Hippoe rates legimtn in
mull disease
s ed
and ti
MC L\ons [habit
Ttihnual and Seitnti
fit Texts
il Cambndge 1 9hb
4 Kahuhm
n Hipp
In the Surge,) ed ind
ti In L\on
s ubid
in) C
ambndge 1968 5 A
Habal 'ala
aba! Hippoaah
On suptifottatwn ed
ind ti JN
M itto
rk \ibid
in) Cambridge l')b8
(ct Ullman
n Du
Iberliefeiung da hip
pokratisihin
Sehrtft
De sup
Relatione in Sudhof)
behu Km
1974]
254-75)
b A Tabi at al insan
Hippocrates
n the na
an ed and ti Mittock
ind Lvons
v) Cm
bridge 1968 7 K j
/ ami ad al
iladma
Hippo,
alts on endemu disease
and pla
«s> ed
and ti Mittock ind
L\ons ahid
\| Cir
196') 8 A Ji I Uhlal
Hippouahs de humor
bus ed
and ti Mittock lihid
\il Cambridge 197
9 A
di alimtnto
ed
ind tr
MaTtock ubid vi)
C imbridge
1971
A a
idimna Hippotrates on
tmbnos tOn
the span
tht Mature of the thld\
ed ind trai
si MC
Lvons
and J N Mattock {ibid
, be joined the
ind woiks of Hippoe
together bv M Ullmann Du Mtdi in im Islam
Leiden C ologne 1970 25-35 and F Sezgin G4S
in Leiden 1970 23 47 Further importint are
M Stcmschneidei Die mab I herself
i 298 3
The b
Ibn \bi Usai
\iound 30 of them
most detuled c
H Diels Du Hi.
pait Hippobates lend Caltnos in Abh P,
Phil -Hist Kl (1905) \bh in G Ben
Hunmn ibn Ishal tend seme St huh Sp,ath
era^tsihithtluhe Intasuchun^tn „h den t
Hippokratts und Calm Lbeis-eKungtn Leiden
H Rittei and R Ualzei habistht I btrstt^u
gritthistha h It in Stambuler Bibhothtktn in S
U It Phil -Hist Kl (1934) xxvi -Gene
'abisthi
consideied luthentic h
L Leclc
187b
His to
i medetu
1 6 Handbm h
dtr Gtse
uhte del \Iedui
Th Pusihma
1.1 hg v
in M Neuburge
BUKRAT — al-BUNI
undj. Pagel, i, Jena 1902, 196-268; P. Diepgen,
Geschichte der Medizin, i, Berlin 1949, 77-94.
(A. Dietrich)
AL-BULAYTI [see AL-BALATI, in Suppl.].
BULBUL SHAH, SUji saint of mediaeval
India. Bulbul Shah, whose ieal name was Sayvid
Sharaf al-Dm, was a Musawi Sayyid and a disciple
of Shah Ni'mat Allah Farsi, belonging to the
Suhrawardiyya order. He entered the Valley of
Kashmir in the reign of Radja Suhadeva (1301-20)
from Turkistan with 1,000 fugitives, fleeing before the
Mongol invasion. Rincana, a Ladakhi prince, who
seized power from Suhadeva, possessed an inquisitive
and a restless mind and was dissatisfied with both
Buddhism, his own religion, and Hinduism, the
religion of his subjects. Having come into contact
with Bulbul Shah, and learning from him about Islam,
he was so much impressed by its teachings which,
unlike those of Buddhism and Hinduism, were sim-
ple and free from caste, priesthood and ceremonies,
that he became a Muslim and adopted the name of
Sadr al-Din on the advice of the saint. The next
person to embrace Islam was Rawancandra, Rin-
cana's brother-in-law; and according to one tradition
Bulbul Shah was able to conveit nearly 10,000 peo-
ple to his faith.
Rincana built for Bulbul Shah a khanakah [q.v] on
the bank of the river Jehlam and endowed it with a
number of villages, from the income of which a lan-
gar (free kitchen) was opened. Bulbul Langar has dis-
appeared, but a quaiter of Srinagar, bearing the name
of the hospice still exists. Rincana also built near the
hospice a mosque, the fust evei to have been built
in Kashmir. It was destioyed by fire, and a smaller
mosque was built in its place. Bulbul Shah died in
728/1327 and was buried near it.
Bibliography: Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under
the Sultans, Calcutta 1959; R.K. Parmu, History
oj Muslim rule in Kashmir, Delhi 1969; Mufti
Muhammad Shah Sa'adat, Bulbul Shah Sahib (Urdu),
Lahore 1360/1941; Hadjdjr Mu'In al-Din Miskin,
Ta'nkh-i Kabli, Amiitsar 1322/1904.
(Moh
l Has
al-BUNI, Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad
al-Kurashi al-SCfi Muhyi 'l-Din (variants Taki
al-Din, Shihab al-Din), Arab author who wrote
around forty works on magic. Hardly anything is
known about his life; the date of his death (622/1225)
was found by the present writer only in HadjdjT
Khalifa [Kashf al-zunun, passim, cf. Kahhala, Mu%am
al-mu'alhjin, ii, 26; Bagdath Ismail Pasa, Hadiyvat al-
'anfin, i, 90 f). He came originally from Buna CAnnaba
[q.v.]). It is doubtful that he transmitted information
on the construction in 425/1033 of the Sidi Bu
Marwan mosque in that place, in a work called al-
Durra al-malnuna (cf. G. Marcais, in Melanges William
Marfais, Paris 1950, 234), since this work does not
appear in the catalogues of his writings. He is said
to have died in Cairo and to have been buried in
the Karafa cemetery near the tomb of 'Abd al-Djalil
al-Tahawi (d. 649/1251) (Ibn al-Zayyat, al-Kawakib
al-sayyara Jt taitlb al-zivara Ji 1-Kaiafatayn al-kubra iva
'l-sughra [written in 804/1401], Baghdad n.d., 268).
Al-Buni's main work is the Kitab Shams al-ma'arif
zva-lata'if al-'awanf, published in 4 volumes, Cairo
n.d. [1905]. In 40 chapters, the headings of which
are clearly ai ranged in Ahlwardt's Catalogue no.
i a collection both muddled and
of n
r the
magia
e of n
•s, the r
the production of amulets, for the magical use of
scripts etc , all matteis belonging to the field of
the huruj [q i ] oi awjak In ch 7 appear e\en the
words with which Jesus is supposed to have resus-
citated the dead The work exists in three forms,
a short one which is the oldest, a long one and
a middle-sized one (cf HA Winkler, Siegil und
1930, 67 ibid, b8-8b contains the translation with
commentan ot the chapters on the "se\en seals"
and the "highest name oi Allah' ) The number of
manuscripts which became known in the couise of
time is consideiable, the oldest — ii the colophon is
authentic— dates from 618/1221, thus hom the
author's lifetime (Mamsa, Genel Kut 1445, cf
T. Fahd, La divination arabe, Leiden 1966, 230-3).
The v
s than c
off hardships, by trying to influeri
poweis which cannot be giasped by the intellect
therefore
:nd of t
it the mysteries of the letters (al-
huruj) cannot be prosed by logical intellect, but
only by insight into divine wisdom. He expresses
himself in the same way in anothei work, the Kitab
Lata'ij al-vkaratjt asrar al-huruj al-'ulwiyyat (the title
is variable; I did not have access to the lithogra-
phy of Cairo 1317), quoted by Ibn Khaldun,
Mukaddima, iii, 140 (Engl. tr. Rosenthal, iii, 174;
Fr. tr. Monteil, iii, 1106). In his Risalat al-Shifa'
h-adwa' al-waba (cf. M. Ullmann, Die Medium im
Islam, Leiden 1970, 249), Tashkopiuzade (d.
968/1560) copied much of al-Bum's magic to ward-
ing off the plague.
Most of the other works circulating under the
extracts from the Shams al-ma'anj; their relation to
one another and to the main work is still to be
investigated. We may mention here the Kitab al-
l's ul wa 1-daivabit, a kind of introduction to the
shanfa on the consonants tL dj. Ml, z, 'sA, Z, f, which
t Sura
il-Lumc
on the" divine names (enumerated in Fahd, op. eil,
237 f). In addition to Goldzihei's earlier studies,
G. Yajda has pointed to Jewish and pseudo-Jewish
regard to the names of God, the angels the idea
ofthakufa (fiom Hebrew tekiifa, something like "quar-
ter of a year" and several other derived meanings):
.S'«/ quelques elements jmfs et pseudo-jmfs dans Vencyclopedie
magique de Buni, in Goldziher Memorial Volume, i,
Budapest 1948, 387-92. J. Ruska deserves the credit
foi having drawn attention to the abstruse chapter
on alchemy in the Shams and its sources; since this
chapter fits somewhat unnaturally in the woik, it
may indeed have been added by a later author who
was familiar with al-Razfs Kitab al-Asrai (cf. />/.,
xxii [1934], 307-10).
quoted in the article) : the excellent study of
W. Ahrens, Die "magisehen Quadrate" Al-Bunfs, in
Isi, xii (1922), 157-77; in addition, G.
Bergstrasser, ^u den magiuhen Quadraten, in ibid.,
xiii (1923), 227-35, and again, Ahrens, ibid., xiv
(1925), 104-10; E. Doutte, Magie et religion dans
I'AJrique du Nord, Algiers 1909, passim; Brockel-
l-BUNI — BURUDJIRDI
mmn I 655 t SI 010 t M Ullnnnn i)«
Wur mrf Gthum ti^innhaften im Islam Leiden
1972 234 3')0 f 415 lA Dietrich)
*l BURAK al SARJMl iSurwmi in Ibn al Kilbi'
iai iHadjdjadj b Abd Allah (d 40/660) ikhandji
who is siid to ha\e betn the tirst to proclaim that
ludgement belongs onK to God itahhrn ct
alMubarrad hamil Cano edn 017) but who is
limed in histon because of his being one of the
thiee plotters swoin to kill simult ineousK All b Abi
Tilib [see ibn muldjam] Ami b al \s [tjt] ind
Mu'awiva b Abi Suf\ m Al Bunk niordingK pio
ceeded to Damascus and stabbed Mu iwi\a whilst h<
was pnving but onK managed to wound him in the
sequences firstK the mairnge \ein Ink al nihil)
was severed so that Mu'awrva was umble to beget
an\ more children md secondK the httei decided
thit in luture he would pra\ inside a mat sum I but
see the uonical remnk of al Djdhiz Haya tan 11
Ibl where a dog is said to ha\e ltd him to take
When ll Burak was inested he immediitel\ told
Mu iwi\a about the plot hatched ignnst the three
persons He asked him to await news of the ittack
on 'Mi and pioposed to Mu iwm tint he should
go and kill the caliph if Ibn Muldj im had lulfd
and then return and thiow himself on Mu iwi\ i s
meicv From this point the accounts dneige
According to some Mu'iwrva hid him executed on
the spot according to othcis he thiew him into prison
and heed him when he heaid of 'All s death
Atcoiding to the apparently most cunent account he
had his hands and feel (or one hand md one toot)
cut off and sent him to Basia where /i\ id b Abihi
put him to deith when he lennt that he had Ind 1
child bom to him whilst Mu iwi\a remained hence
foith sterile
Bibhosrapln Mubarnd hamil W Taban i
5456 7 54b! Djiluz Bayan n 20b Ibn al Kalbi
Caskel Diamhaia n 220 Mas udi Minud^ n 427
4 567 = ^1730 1750 iCh Pellat)
BURKU' or KASR BURKU' i ruin situUed
in noithern Joidan about 25 km noithwest ot
the pumping station H 4 now a smill village on the
road from Mafnk to Baghdad Here one of the eir
hest Islamic inscriptions dated 81/700 is presei\(d
A harm plain of about b50 m iltitude sunounds the
imn which lies on the northeast bmk of the W idi
Mink id About 2 km noithwest of Burku the u idi
s blocked b\ a modem d
and outei fices with a filling of lumps
of basalt and cli\) Howe\ei a thoiough techm
cal examination peimits the isolation of the dif
terent stages of building acti\it\ which can parth
be connected with chronologic ll evidences pro\ided
b\ inscriptions lound at the spot These insciip
tions aie a Gieek inscnption from the 3id cen
tui\ AD (Field op til 161 11) a Gieek inscnption
from Bvzantme times (Giube op til 07) an Arabic
litei caliph Walid I) dated 81/700 [RCEi no 12
Field 154 1 Gaube 07^ an Aiabic inscnption
dated 782/1380 Gaube 07) and an Arabic mstnp
tion dated 812/1400 (Gaube 07 f)
In the course ot its centuries long use Kisr
Burku sened diffeient purposes The nucleus ot
the site the lectinguhi tower m the com t\ aid was
a Roman Bwantine watch towei conti oiling one of
the mun cancan 10 ids from Aiabn to S\m All
instillations to secuic the water suppK of the place
ibl\ contemporuv with the tower In the 5th or
the bth centuiv AD this advanced post was trans
foimed into a monastic settlement and sonic looms
weie built to the southe tst of the towei Bv ttalids
order iooms noithetst ind southeast ot the towei
and the enclosure weie added At this time Burku
sened as a modest countrv residence It pio\es that
impoitant members of the rul
j famif
a than
ind i
ind wa<
lenod the
rnbl\ used
lo^iaphy &n<n in the uticle
(H Gaube)
BURNOUS [see libasJ
BURUDIIRDI Hadjdji \ka Husayn Tabataba i
(1875 1061i the gieatest lehgious authontv
{mardia I taUid i mutlak) of the Sh i ' 1 world in his
time He belonged to a well established and wealthv
1 familv irom which emeiged distingtnshed hg
rl Mah
1 Ulum
1707)
whicl
The alignment of the foundations ot the southwtst
pait of the fast suggests that i similat dam < xisted
there in the 7th centurv AD
The building was tirst nsited in 1028 An
archaeologic ll report on the site was published in
1060 ,H Field \orth irabum dt eil tmhaeoloiiiul sur
it) 1920 1910 Cambridge Mass 10b0 04 0) The
building was re studied in 1074 bx H Gaube in
examination of the nun of Qa-.r Burqu in \nnual of the
Departmtnt of 4nliquitu of Jordan xix i!074) 03 100
and 207 14
The remnns consist of a pi mi enclosure will at
the northwest and the southwest sides and ranges
northeast sides (six rooms) enclosing a courtv ltd
where thei.
After piiman, educ ition in his home town Buiudjird
he moved to Lsfahui in 1802 and studied fikh uuil
philosophv and mathematics undei sevenl specialists
including Savwd Muhammad Bikir Duira'i In 1002
he Hint to Nidjai md attended the lectures ot
khurisam [q J and others until 1010 when he went
back to Buiudjird with the intention ot returning to
Nidjaf but the death both ot his tathei and Rhuid
Sim m 1911 made him icraim in Burudjiid Despite
the fact tint Buiudjndi was closeK associated with
" ring the Peisnn Constitutional Revolu
1905 1
i between Burudjirdi
stitution ihst camoai
Buiudjndis
> presej
i Khu. ii
This is an inditat
the field ot politics
itselt dunng Buiudjirdi
i open
ivhicl
i repeited iepm
plan a
| leidership fiom 1947 6
I While in Buiudjird he was recognised as a les
pected religious authontc in the western pait ot
Inn He was so popular in his legion that in 1926
when he was tempoi lriK Irving in kum he was
urged bv the Buiudjndis to ictuin to Burudjiid he
heed theie until 1944 At this time the Kum Circle
for Reh-gious Studies whuh had been founded bv
Shavkh Abd alKanm Hun \q in Suppl ] in
1021 wis being run b\ thiee men iSadr Hudjdjat
ind khwansin [q ]l It was envisaged that due to
lehgious leidership Buiudjirdi would be lble to
BURUDJIRDI -
reorganise the Circle which, under the government's
pressures, and especially after Ha'irfs death in 1937,
hadbeen greatly diminished. To this end Burudjirdi
was cordially invited to Kum in December 1944.
After the death of Sayyid Abu '1-Hasan Isfahanl
and Hadjdji Aka Husayn Kumml in Nadjaf in
1 946 and 1 947 respectively, Burudjirdi was unques-
tionably acknowledged as the sole mardja'-i taklld in
the whole Shl'I woild and held this title until his
death.
During his leadership, many religious activities were
undertaken: several libraries, hospitals, mosques, and
religious schools were established or revived in dif-
ferent locations in Iran and other countries, includ-
ing 'Irak and Germany; the publication of a number
of religious books weie subsidised; religious emissaries
were dispatched to Europe, USA, Pakistan, Saudi
Arabia and Africa. The Kum Circle for Religious
Studies, which had become only a convenient alter-
native to that of Nadjaf during Ha'irfs leadership,
now proved to be the most important clerical centie
in the Shfl world. Thanks to this centrality, many
students and specialists of ShfTsm formerly living in
Nadjaf and elsewhere joined the Kum Circle, to the
extent that their number exceeded 5,000, and for the
first time the Nadjaf Circle looked to Burudjirdi for
assistance, financial or otherwise.
In the field of scholarship, Burudjirdi made notice-
able contributions; in addition to regular teaching and
handling religious affairs, Burudjirdi wrote a number
of books on fikh and usul, seveial of which were never
published; one speciality of his was hadlth. He has
been widely acknowledged as the initiator of a new
scheme which facilitates the piocess of determining
the number and the extent of authority of the hadlth
transmitters; it determines the time gap existing along
the chain of transmitters, so that the classification of
the hadlth into mwsal and musnad becomes easy. His
scheme also helps to identify the identical names which
appear in the chain of hadlth transmitters and to dis-
close any distortions or alterations theie. Finally, it
classifies the transmitters into 36 groups, each with
distinguishable characteristics.
Anothei aiea of Buiudjirdfs concern was Sunnl-
Shl'I relations; to this end, Burudjiidl closely coop-
erated with the Cairo Dai al-Takilb bayn al-Madhahib
al-hlamiyya and entered into correspondence with
the Azhar lectors such as Shaykh Mahmud Shaltut.
This relationship, it is believed, resulted in the issu-
ing of a fatwa in which Shaltut declared Shl'Ism
to be as true a Muslim creed imadhhab) as other
madhhah which have been followed by the Sunnls,
and invited all Muslims to recognise it (see the Peer
Mahomed Ebrahim Trust, Shiaism explained, Karachi
1972, pp. x ff.).
In the arena of politics Burudjiidl remained rather
inactive. At times, however, he favoured the Shah
of Iran and some of the factions tied to the Royal
Court. On a certain occasion, the Shah even went
to Kum and visited Burudjirdi at home. In 1952,
during the general election for the 17 th Iranian
Parliament, Burudjirdi was consideied as a supporter
of a Kum feudal candidate, Abu '1-Fadl Tawliyat,
who was also supported by the Court. In the Shah-
Musaddik stiuggles, Burudjirdi was widely recog-
nised as being opposed to some of the measures
taken by the lattei and was happy over Musaddik's
downfall in 1953. In 1952 a member 'of the
Fida'iyyan-i Islam [q.v.] and then a friend of Musaddik,
Khalll Tahmasbl, who was accused of the assassi-
nation of the former prime minister 'All Razmara,
went to Kum to visit Burudjirdi, but he refused to
meet with Tahmasibl. In other political matters,
which did not foim Burudjirdf s immediate concern,
he was very reluctant to interfere. During the
Palestine movement of 1947-8, foi instance, a demon-
stration was organised in front of his house urging
him to condemn Israel, to which he did not respond;
howevei, in the end he played for the victory of
the Palestinians and anathematised the Israelis
(according to a leaflet picked up by the present
writer on the street in Kum at the time).
Bibliography: Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Sharh-i hal-i
Ayat Allah al-'Uzma Hadj.djl Aka Husayn Tabatabd'i
Burudjirdi, in Madialla-yi Mushmi'n, i (1951);
Mahdi Bamdad, Shaih'-i hal-i ridjal-i Iran, i,
Tehian 1968; Muhammad Husayn Nasir al-
Sharl'a, Ta'rlkh-i hum, Kum 197 1; Muhammad
Husayn Tabataba'I et alii, Bahthl dar bara-yi
maraja'iyyat va ruhamyyat, Tehran 1962; 'All
Wa'Iz KhiyabanI, hitdb-i 'Ulama'-i mu'Ssirin,
Tabriz 1947; Abu Muhammad, IVakill, Hawza-
yi 'ilmtyya-yi hum, Tehran 1969; Salih al-
Shahrastanl, Kum wa didmi'atuha al-'ilmiyya
al-dlnma wa-sayyiduha al-Maraja' al-Akbar ' al-
Buiitdjirdi, in a/'-irjan, vi (1968), 729-60; A.K.S.
Lambton, .4 leconsideiation of the position of the
Marja' al-Taqlld and the religious institution, in SI,
xx (1964), 115-35; Muhammad [Sharif] RazI,
Athar al-hudjdja, i, Kum 1954; idem, Gandjina-yi
damshmandan, i-ii, Tehran 1973; 'All DawwanI,
Zjndigani-yi Ay at Allah Burudjirdi, Kum 1961;
Burudjirdi, Khatirdt-i zmdiganl-yi
Aya
1961;
Mus
Allah
l-'Uzm
Aka-
, Tehra
;, Tehia
-Shaykh Kazim al-Halfi, al-
■dl, Nadjaf 1961; R.W. Cottam,
m in ban, Pittsburgh 1967; Khanbaba
Muallifln-i kutub-t tapi-vi farsi ' '~
1961.
. Ira
'Abdul-Hadi Hairi i
BURUSHASKI is the language of the
Burusho, who foim the majority of the population
of the isolated principalities of Hunza and Nagir
[q.v.] in the western Karakoram. It is probably used
by about 20,000 persons. A closely related dialect,
called Wercikwar, is spoken in the Yasin valley fur-
ther west towards Citral. The language was no doubt
formerly current over a larger territory than at pres-
ent. Al-though it shares much vocabulary with the
Dai die languages Shina of Gilgit and Khowar of
Citral [see dardig and KAFIR languages], Burushaski
has no known genetic relationship either with the
neighbouring Aryan, Turkic, or Sino-Tibetan lan-
guages oi with any other group, e.g. Causasian,
Dravidian, etc. This may be' shown by the numei-
als 1-10: hi, alti, Iski, walti, hindt, mis in, tale, altam.
hunti, tonmi. Characteristic features are (i) the divi-
sion of nouns into four classes, appi oximately: human,
animate and objects conceived as units, and (y) inan-
imate, amorphous and abstract, (ii) the occurrence
of a plethora of plural suffixes, and (iii) the peiva-
sive use of "possessive" personal pronoun prefixes
with both nouns and veibs.
Bibliography: D.L.R. Lorimer, The Burushaski
language, 3 vols., Oslo 1935-8; idem, Umhikwai-
Engluh vocabulary, Oslo 1962; G.A. Klimov and D.I.
Edel'man, Yazi'k Burushaski, Moscow 1970; H. Berger,
Das Tasin-Burushaski, Wiesbaden 1974.
(D.N. Mackenzie)
AL-BUSIRI, Sharaf al-Din Abu 'Abd Allah
Muhammad b. Sa'Id b. Hammad al-Sanhadji, an
Shawwal 608/7 Marrh 1212 at Busir {,/.:'.] or ne;
to Dalas (see Yakut, i.v.) in Upper Egypt. He w;
in fact known also by the nuba of Dal" " ' ' '
said that one of his parents originated from Dala;
and the other from BusTr; he also had
ite nuba, al-Dalasiri, but this last was
current. He fol
-'Abbas Ahmad al-Mi
leing
? Sufi Abu
Sha'
P. Nw)
, Ibn 'Att
il-kubtS, (
Allah, Beii
i the
1972, index
Shadhiliyya order [<j.v.]. He spent ten years it
Jerusalem, and then resided at Medina and Mcca
before settling at Bilbays [tj.v.], where he held .
kashandl, Subh, i, 451). He died at Alexandra;'
which v
.1 the s.
the foo
694 t(
696/1294-7, and was buried a
Mukattam, near to al-ShafiT [,j.v.].
Al-Busin was a skilled calligrapher, a traditionist
and a celebrated reciter of the Kur'an, but his name
the Prophet, the Binda ode [g.r.], upon which a host
of commentaries have been written and which has
enjoyed up to the present time an extraordinary suc-
cess. It has not, however, thrown wholly into the
shade another work of his on the same theme, al-
Kaslda al-hamzhvaf, 1-madS'ih al-nabaivma or I' mm al-
Kura fi mada "khan al-warS, printed and commented
upon several times. Al-Busin is furthermore the author
of a Lamma in praise of the Prophet, of al-hafida al-
mudarma'fi 'l-salat 'ala khan al-bamva, of the Dhukhi
al-ma'Sd 'ala wazn Banal Su'ad, of a Ta'ma, of al-hmlda
al-khanmvya and of some secular pieces more or less
ten for
Bibliogiaphr. Kutubi, Fawa,
■ ■-■ Cairt —
Hum
'1876,
HI; Suyut
R. Basset, Introd. to his tr. of the Bit
1894, I-XII; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhatat, v, 432;
G. Gabrieli, al-Burdatavn, Florence 1901, 24-9;
Brockelmann, I, 264-5, "S I, 467-72. iEd.i
al-BUSTANI, name of a Lebanese family dis-
tinguished in the field of Arabic literature, which from
represents the various stages of the nahda and marks
the
• Arab
so, from the old Erin
al-Bustani to the present-day Dd'irat al-ma'Snj of
F.E. al-Bustani, a period of a century embraces the
wide range of activities covered by Lebanese and Aralj
scholars in the sphere of general culture. A detailed
comparison of these two generations of writers and
of their methods of investigation and eiudition shows
more plainly than by any other means, the long road
that the Lebanese travelled in their quest to acquire
and to benefit from the knowledge and the methods
of the West. The Bustanis, in waves that were suc-
Arabic language.
AV • -
Lebanc
!l the
■f the
family
ose cradle was in northern
t the end of the 16th cen-
tury, in the time of the amir Fakhr al-Din II, towards
Dayr al-Kamar, to take advantage of the Ma'nid peace
and the commercial prosperity of the region. The
descendants of this prolific family were not slow to
settle in other districts of the Shuf, such as Dibbiyya,
Ibkishtin and Mardj.
In a period of less than a hundred vears, we see
that dozens of representatives of this' family have
occupied posts of supreme importance in the ad-
is they who took the initiativ.
e of them finally that the Leba
g the Lebanese Univer
t- shall confine ourselves to mentic
:ample, and in alphabetical orde
imes among the Bustanis of the
teacher
rapher
: Dibl
distinguished shavLhs: Nasif al-Yazidji and Yusuf al-
Athfr. After founding, in Cyprus, with Iskandar
'Ammun, a review Djimqrnat al-akhbar which had lit-
tle success, he devoted his energies to education. In
a career spanning forty years, he acquired high
renown and formed, at the College of Wisdom and
the Patriarchal College, an elite of poets iWadf 'Akl,
Bishara al-Khun, ShiblT al-Mallat, Amin Taki al-
Din, etc./ and of journalists iDawud Barakat, Yusuf
al-Bustani, etc.) and of writers (Shakrb Arslan, Is'af
Nashashibr, etc.). It was in the course of this career,
and mainl> for the benefit of his disciples, that 'Abd
Allah al-Bustani composed the majority of his writ-
ings. To assist in the teaching of Arabic, he pre-
pared a dictionary, al-Buttan (2 vols. Beirut 1927-30),
t that he composed a number of play
Daahir, Masadir ai
A. al-Djundi, A' IS
Kahhala, Mu'ifram
2. Butrus b. Bulus al-Bustan
at Dibbiyya and first attended tl
the college of <Avn Warka, whe
between 1830 and 1840. In ord.
.'ho had just lost her husband, i
nieh 1968, 154-8; Y.A.
and supportini
rother:
refused the offe
taly
■mplet.
College ii
it-ems that he applied himself to learning English w
future contacts with the Protestant missionaries,
settled finally in Beirut where he lived for forty-tl
a pursi
,ued a
inguished career. His
arrival coincided with the troubles caused by the depar-
ture of the amir Bas_hir II and the withdrawal of
Egyptian troops. He made the acquaintance of some
American missionaries, with whom he formed a friend-
period that he met the doctor Cornelius Van Dyck,
who was then a young physician working with the
missionaries; he had just established himself in Beirut
and was eager to learn the language of the country
Fiom 184b to 1848 having tempoianlv left the citv
he helped his friend in the school at 'Ubey which
the latter founded and which enjoyed a high reputa-
tion in this period It was there foi the benefit of his,
pupils thit Bustim composed his two educational
manuals hasjtf al higjab ji 'ilm al hisab and Bulugh al
atab ft nahu al'hab it was also there that his eldest
son Sahm was born On his return to Beirut m 1848
the American Consulate employed him as an
mterpieter a post that he held until 1862 Dunn?
Euiopean and Semitic languages with the object of
assisting Dr Smith in his venture of translating the
Protestant Bible His energ> was also leflected in a
laige coipus of lectures, articles and pamphlets In
18b0 he published his magazine \ajit Surna ( The
Syrian bugle ) then in 1863 he founded his famous
National School which continued to opeiate until 1875
and lendeied the country veiv valuable service In
1870 he undertook the publication of his two perio-
dicals a! Djman and alcanna followed a veai later by
al Djunatna The major achievements of Butrus al-
Bustim were besides his school and his reviews, his
contribution to the transhtion of the Bible his large:
dictionary \luhrt al mulilt edited in 1870 and tht
Emyclopaidw the first volume of which appealed in
1876 He died while involved with this task and ht
was able to produce only six volumes His son Sahm
applied himself to this work and added two further
volumes The encyclopedia in question came finally
to a halt with the eleventh volume and was never
completed
The influence of al-Bustim at his apogee was very
deep Lucid far-sighted and sincere he made accu-
rate judgements of the state of his country fiom a
national cultural and moral point of view then he
set to work applying himself to piojects the achieve-
ment of which would seem impossible for one man
alone He saw clearly in a setting of considerable
obstacles of a confused political situation of intoler-
ance and of opposition to Tuikish rule the long path
that must be tiavelled m the quest for an authentic
social and cultural lenaissance \n indefatigable crafts-
man of bold and piogressive spirit he devoted him-
self to his work and was involved with it to the verv
last days of his life
Bibliography M '-\bbud Ruuuad al nahda al
haditha Beirut 1952 P -\ndraos alMuallimB al
Buitam (dissertation submitted to the Lebanese
Umveisitv 1070) FE al-Bustani al Raua't' no
22 Beirut 1050 M al-Bustani al Miabil Djounieh
1068 142-8 alHilal ol 15th January 1806
'U Kahhala Mu'djam al mu'allijin iv 48-0 Sh al-
khun Uadjma'al Mawrrat Beirut 1008 al AMtatqf
of 1st August 1883 N Nassar \afma mudjtama'
djadJd Beirut 1060 M Sawaya al Uu'alhm Butrrn
alBustam, Beuut 1063 L Shaykhu al Adah al 'ma
bina n Beirut 1010 Ph Tarrazi Ta nkh al sihaja
i and n Beirut 1013 Dj ZaydSn Taradfim mashahr
al Walk n, Cairo 1011
lObO) bom at Dayr al-Kamai where he baiely com-
pleted his primary studies and went to live in Beirut
with his brothel kaiam I see below 4) Sell-taught
his thorough linguistic and hteiarv education was
the fruit of assiduous personal effort He first
achieved distinction with his grammatical knowledge
and his understanding of ancient texts which he
analysed and annotated to make them accessible
to his readers In 1023 he founded his review al
Bay an which he edited until 1030 Here he dealt
with literaiy and social themes analysed new works
appearing in the Lebinon and m the Arab coun-
tries and encouraged the study of comparative lit-
erature In the course of its publication al Baian
was both a mignet and a support foi voung
Lebanese w liters The world economic crisis forced
Butrus to give a different direction to his vocation
Henceforward he devoted his efforts to education
and to all that might facilitate his task as teacher
It was to introduce his pupils from the Brothers
and the College of Wisdom to Aiabic literature that
he composed in thiee volumes his valuable text-
book Lei autiurs arabes The fust of these volumes
(1031 covers the period from the pre-Islamic age
to the Umavyads the second (1034) deals with the
'<\bbasid age the third with ahAndalus and the
nahda Later in 1043, this series was ci owned by
fourth v
anthole
though s
entific method is not respected sciupulous
writings Butrus excels through the purity of his
style and the accuiacy of his comments The last
Bibliography I
00-206
Karam al-Busta
r al-kamai, studied in the Ji
' iettled in Beirut
[06b)
uith 1
Butrus (see above 3 ) heie he applied himself simul-
taneously to a numbei of tasks teaching journal-
ism and cntical editing of ancient texts Over a
number of years he was associated with C itholic
missionary establishments I Jesuits Franciscans Sacre
Coeur, Friars etc) where he taught Aiabic litera-
ture \t this time he was collaborating in vanous
Lebinese reviews and journals that were then in
fashion al Bark Limn al hal al \r al Makshuj etc )
and he gave generous assistance to his brother Butrus
in the editing of his review al Batan His thorough
knowledge of Arabic and his erudition are shown
Ibn
of al
of p.
■v IDiu,
al
• (Ltgtm
nentalis Prim
Bibhosriapfo M al-Bustani al Msabil 106-8
5 Sa'id b Sahm al-Bustani (1022-77) born at
March (in the Shut) studied in Beuut at the
College of Jesuit Fathers then at the Institute of
Oriental Liteiature and pursued his studies in
France where he obtained a State Diploma in
Aiabic and a Doctorate of Letters On his return
the Lebanese University In 1074 he v\as appointed
Dean of the Faculty of Administration then in
1077 Dean of the Faculty of Liteiature In the
couise of his brief university caieer, he published
his thesis Ibn ai Rami sa ut it wn oeuue (Beirut 1067)
In addition he contributed to the Eniulopatdia
oj Islam and to the Da',
with b
Sa'id al-Bus
ture, and he defended his positions of principle
vigoiously The hope of the Lebanese elite he
died in mid-stiuggle earned off suddenly by an
incurable disease leaving a number of important
works unfinished
6. Salrm h. Butrus (1846-84) journalist and
novelist, born at 'Ubey. He studied in the centres
established in the north of the Lebanon by Protestant
missionaries recently arrived from America to com-
pete with the propaganda diffused over two centuries
by the Catholic missionaries. As teachers, he also
had his father Butrus and Nasif al-Yazidji, who intro-
duced him to the subtleties of Arabic. At the age
of sixteen (in 1862) he entered the service of the
erican Consulate
t that he held for t
i Beiri
. Then his fall
M n him
collabon
with him
especially in the running of the National
School, the editing of his reviews and the elabora-
tion of the Encyclopaedia. Thanks to his knowledge of
foreign languages, his civic sense and his literary and
philosophical training, Salim gave a new impetus to
the Renaissance, and turned it in directions other
than those pursued by the generation of his father,
of N. Yazidji, Athir, Ahdab and others. The West
influenced his thinking and his conception of
society. He went far beyond the cultural level deemed
sufficient by his contemporaries and tackled new and
original genres in vogue in the West. He displayed
this tendency towards innovation in several spheres.
First, in participating in the activities of literary soci-
eties and cultural associations, in particular in belong-
ing to the Syrian Scientific Society in which he
played a significant role; he occupied the post of
vice-president, and for the benefit of members and
friends, he composed some plays, most notably
Madjnun Lay la, in six acts, performed on the 11th
May 1869, and greeted by Beirut audiences as a
masterpiece. Later, he was tempted to pursue this
line of activity further and he composed more plays
in which prose and poetry lie side-by-side and blend
harmoniously. Later, he found in his father's vari-
ous reviews a useful medium for dealing with sub-
jects fashionable in the western press. The columns
tions never dealt with before in Arabic journals of
Salmi's articles from a thinker fired with civic con-
cern and patriotism, believing sincerely in his mis-
sion as social reformer. The titles of his surveys and
articles suffice by themselves to reveal the breadth
of the spectrum of social, moral, economic and polit-
ical problems that he studied. We shall quote, by
way of example, the following titles: Birth and evolu-
tion of nations. Factors of progress, Methods of education.
The role of economic-; in the evolution of society, etc. In
addition, he blazed the first trail of the modern
Arabic novel. Taking the ancient heritage as a base,
he tackled subjects with a historical theme and thus
sketched the path later to be followed by Nakhla al-
Mudawwar and Dj. Zaydan.
Among his works we shall mention the following:
(a) Nine novels published in serial form in al-Djinan
between 1870 and 1879;
Arabic or translated from French or English (pub-
lished at the same period in the same review);
(d) A history of Napoleon Bonaparte in Egypt and Syria;
These three last were also published in al-Djinan.
(f) Volumes vii and viii of the Encyclopaedia (and
valuable participation in the editing of the first six
al-Djinan, au eours de sa publication (/ 870-1 886),
see in particular articles signed by Salim (type-
script thesis, the Lebanese University); M. al-
Bustani, al-Sahabil, 152-3; Y. Daghir, Masadir,
ii, 186; Dj. Khattar, Salim al-Bustam: vie et oeu-
vre (manuscript essay submitted to the Lebanese
University, 1970). See also Lisan al-hal, no. 712
(1884); al-Muktataj, i 11884); Tarrazi, Ta'rikh al-
sihafa, i, ii; Kahhala, Mu'djam; Zaydan, Mashahii,
i; Ziriklr.
7. Sulayman b. Khattar al-Bustani (1856-
1925), politician and writer, horn at Ibkishtin, a
small village in the neighbourhood of Dibbiyya (Shuf).
He studied at the National School, attending the
Arabic classes of Nasif al-Yazidji and Yusuf al-Athir,
and gaining a knowledge of the French, English and
Turkish languages, as well as the sciences that were
then in vogue. His artistic temperament was noticed
by Butrus, his illustrious father, who took care of
him and invited him to collaborate in his educa-
tional work, the editing of his reviews al-Djinan, al-
Djanna and al-Djunavna, and the preparation of the
Encyclopaedia. Invited to Basra, Sulayman founded
there a modern-style educational establishment, then
he spent eight years in Baghdad where he occupied
some very important administrative posts. A tireless
traveller, Sulayman visited many countries, notably
Turkey, Egypt, India and Iran, as well as European
and American states. Resuming his work on the
Encyclopaedia, he settled in 1896 in Cairo and he
contributed substantially to the editing of the tenth
and eleventh volumes. In 1904, he accomplished his
greatest work, a translation of the Iliad into Arabic
verse (1260 pages of introduction and text). From
this time onward he devoted his energies to poli-
tics, participating in the activities of various parties
that were then proliferating in the Arab countries.
His attitude was, initially, favourable towards the
Ottomans, and this earned him, in 1908, when the
Constitution was put into effect, election as repre-
sentative of the vilayet of Beirut in the Ottoman par-
liament, and later, in 1913, appointment to the post
of Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry.
The change in policy on the part of the Sultan 'Abd
al-Hamld II (1876-1909), and the opposition of
Sulayman to Turkey's entry into the First World
War against the Allies, obliged him to retire from
the government and leave Istanbul, going into exile
first in Switzerland (1914-19) then in Egypt (1919-
24) and finally in New York where he died a year
later, totally blind.
In general, the literary output of Sulayman is
hardly extensive and does not appear to equal that
of Butrus or Salim; but thanks to his political involve-
, his r
the a
circles and reformist parties, and his innumerable
articles in the Arabic press, his work had a pro-
found influence on the development of Arab aspi-
rations and democratic views in regard to Ottoman
rule. Setting aside his translation of the Iliad, the
thorough research that he conducted by way of intro-
duction to the translation, reveals to the Arabic
reader, for the first time, a cultivated mind, famil-
iar with Greek, Latin and modern sources, and
involved in considerations related to comparative lit—
, published in Egypt (1908),
l-BUSTANI — cac-nama
Sulayman shows himself as a reformer, following the
path blazed by his predecessors, and he expresses, in
a clear and direct style, his ideas concerning differ-
ent styles of government, liberty, tyranny, and the
means of exploiting the resources of the Ottoman
caliphate, as well as various procedures to be adopted
for the modernisation of the state. In addition, a num-
ber of manuscript works are attributed to him, includ-
ing I'Histoire des Arabes, and a book of Memoirs in
English. In the Lebanese civil war of 1975-6, the
house where Sulayman was born in Ibkishtfn was not
spared; it was plundered and partially destroyed, and
his library suffered the same fate.
Bibliography: G. Baz, Sulayman al-Bustani, Beirut
n.d.; F. al-Bustani, ar-Raiva'i', nos. 44-6; G. Ghuray-
yib, Sulayman al-Bustani et Vintioduction de I'lliade, Beirut
n.d.; Dj. al-Hashim, Sulayman al-Bustani et I'lliade,
Beirut 1960; M. Sawaya, Sulayman al-Bustani et I'lliade
d'Homhe, Beirut 1948; A. Hamori, Reality and con-
vention in Book Six of Bustani's Iliad, in ' JSS, xxiii
1 1978;, 95-101. See also the other authors men-
tioned in articles concerning the Bustams.
8. Wadr' al-Bustani (1836-1954), born at Dib-
biyya, studied at the American school of Suk al-arb,
then at the American University of Beirut where he
obtained his B.A. in 1907. He was involved in an
astonishing range of activities. Following in the tracks
of previous and contemporary members of the Bustani
family, he applied himself to literature and to travels
in Arabia, especially to the Yemen (1909) and to the
Far East (1912) where he became a friend of Tagore.
He returned to Egypt, then, after 1917, occupied some
very important administrative posts in Palestine, at
that time under British Mandate. In 1953, he left
Haifa to return to his native country and there he
spent the last year of his life. Two major principles
dominated his long career. The first was reflected in
his participation in all the efforts to preserve the Arab
identity of Palestine. The second, more important, and
more fortunate in its results, consisted essentially in
a long list of Hindu or Western books translated from
English, a language which he knew thoroughly. Thanks
to him, the major works of Lord Avebury came to
be known in Arabic, notably The pleasure of life
(Khartoum 1904), The meaning of life (Beirut 1909) The
fruits of life (Cairo 1910) and The beauties of nature (Cairo
1913). Other authors, too, attracted his attention, he
translated The Quatrains of Khayyam (Cairo 1912), and
some poems of Tagore which he published under the
title The sardine fisher (Cairo 1917). His most remark-
able and successful achievement was without doubt
the translation of the Sanskrit epic of the Mahabharaiata
(Beirut 1952), as well as other epic or semi-epic woiks
from ancient India,
Other than translations, his principal works aie
(a) Lyrics of the War (Poems, Johannesburg 1915),
(b) The absurdity of the Palestine Mandate (Beirut 1936),
(c) Palestinian poena (Beirut 1946);
(d) The Quatrains of Abu 'l-'Ala' (manuscript).
Bibliography: M. al-Bustani, Kawthar al-nufus,
362-75; idem, al-Salsabil, 189-96; Y. Daghir, Masadir,
ii, 196-9; A. al-Djundi, A'lam al-adab wa'l-fann, ii,
263-5; <U. Kahhala, Mu'djam, xiii, 163; Y. Sarkis,
Mu'djam al-mat'bu'at, 561; L. Shaykhu, Ta'rikh al-
adab al-'arabiyya, 166; Zirikli, A'lam, ix, 127-8.
(J. Abdel-Nour)
BUTRUS KARAMA, Christian Arab official
and writer, the son of Ibrahim Karama, was born
in Hims in 1774. Together with his father he was
converted from the Greek Orthodox faith of the
Karama family to Greek Catholicism. As a result
they were forced to migrate to Acre, where Butrus
entered the service of the Pasha 'Alt al-As'ad (1806).
In 1811 he moved to Lebanon, where he was
employed by the amir Bashir al-Shihabi [see bashir
shihab ii] as a tutor to his sons and as head of his
chancellery. After Bashir's deposition in 1840, Butrus
accompanied him to Malta, and later to
Constantinople, where he became a secretary of the
Sultan and court interpreter, thanks to his mastery
of both Arabic and Turkish. He died in Istanbul in
1851.
Butrus composed many poems in Arabic, the major-
ity of which were collected in his diwan entitled Sadf
al-hamama fi Diwan al-Mu'allim Butrus Karama.
When one of his Arabic compositions was attacked
by a Muslim critic, he replied with a spirited makama
in which he maintained the proposition that excel-
lence in Arabic letters and mastery of the Arabic lan-
guage was not dependent on being a Muslim.
Notwithstanding the point of this dispute, it was con-
ducted along thoroughly Islamic lines, with opposing
views being expressed in verse, and Butrus himself
uses forms of expression which differ very little from
standard Islamic formulae, e.g. his makama begins "In
the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds: Ruler of
the Day of Judgement .. ."
Fair-minded Muslim critics appreciated the worth
of Butrus's poetry, and one, 'Abd al-Djalil al-Basri
(1776-1854), composed a poem in whuh he adjudi-
cated between Butrus and his chief detractor finding
in fasoui of the foimer
Bibliography Djurdji Zaydan Taradjim mashahir
alshaikfi 'Ikatn al tasi' 'ashar, Cano 1903, u 189-
92 L Cheikho al \dab al'arabma J, 'I karn al tasi'
'ashar, m Al Machnq x H907)-946-8, 1039-44, Sarkis
Mu'djam cols 1550-1, G Graf, Geuhuhte der
chnstluhtn arabmhtn hteratur, i\, 303-5 Kahhala
Mu'djam almu allifm, m 47-8 R\ Ebied and
MJ L Young, The Khahyyah ode of Butrm Karamah
a nineteenth antun literary dispute, m JSS, xxn (1977),
b9-80 (R\ Ebied and MJ L Young)
BUZZARD [see bv>zu^]
c
AMA, a Persian history of the Arab I of the province on the eve of the Arab conquest (ed.
into Sind in the lst/7th and 8th centuries, Da'udpota, New Delhi 1939, 14-72) and an epilogue
ltroductory chapter concerning the history I describing the tragic end of the Arab commander
CAC-NAMA — CAD
Muhammad b al-kasim and of the two daughteis ol
Dahir the defeated king of Sind [ibid, 243-7;
According to the author 'Air b Hamid b Abi Bakr
KufT (about whom see Stoies, 1, 650) the ( ac Kama
is t translation of an Aiabic book which KufT found
some time after 613/1216-17 in the possession of the
Aarfi of Alor Isma'il b 'All b 'Uthman al-Thakafl
(ibid 9-10) No details about the authoi and name
of that book aie given Howe\er a comparison
between the ( at \dma and \rab histonans such as
Baladhun (Futtih, 431-46) bears out the \rab pro\e-
nance of those parts ot the book that describe the
battles leading to the conquest of Sind KufT might
well ha\e used Mada'ims Kitab Thaghr al Hind and
hitab 'Immal lor i'mal) al Hind (Fihmt 100 \ akut
Udaba' % 315, cf A behimmel hlamit literatutts of
India Wiesbaden 1973 12) The (at \ama seems to
ha\e presened Mada'ims tradition concerning India
in a much luller fashion than classic il Arab histories
On the other hand the book also (ompnses a con-
siderable amount ol material which piobabh reflects
a local Indian historical tiadition The part dealing
with the use of the Cac dvnastv (14-72) the story ol
Darohar Djavsinha and D|anki (229-234) and some
tiaditions attributed to a Brahman called Ramsisa
(179) and to some Biahman eldeis iba'di mashayikh i
baiahima) (197 cf also 206" desene to be mentioned
m this context
The extensile ic count of the relationship that
de\ eloped between the Aiab conqueiors and the
b\ Da'udpota, New Delhi 1939 Manustnpts
British Libraiv Or 1787 India Office Ethe 435
cf btorev 650-1 Translations Mk Fredunbeg
Tlu thaih \amah an ancient hutory of Sind giung the
Hindu pirwd doun to tht Arab conquest, Karachi 1900
Elliot and Dowson The history of India as told by
n huto
i Londc
1867 i
and paitial tianslation) Makhdum Amu
Ahmad and Nabi Bakhsji Khan Baloc Fath 'vamau
Sind Havdarabad (bind) 1966 (Smdi tianslation
and commentaiv not used b\ the piesent authoi)
cl Stoiev l 651 \nalvses IH Qureshi 77k
Muslim tommumh of the Indo Pakistan subcontinent The
Hague 1962 37 ff F Gabneh Muhammad ibn
Qasim ath Tliaqafi and the Arab conquest of Sind in
East and West \\ (1964-5) 281-95 P Haidv Is
h \amc
ntdhgu
to the ,
politic
1 popul;
icflect
n Indian tradition is perhaps the
ingful and fascinating part of the ( ai Kama 1 208 ff)
Here Muhammad b al-Kasim is said to ha%e given
his unqualified blessing to the social characteristics
of India and to ha\e sanctioned both the privileges
of the higher classes and the degradations of the
lower ones He upheld the central and indispensa-
ble function ot the Brahmans and confirmed the
pi iv lieges accorded to them bv ancient tradition As
for the lower classes repiesented in the ( ac \ama
bv the Djats [qi] (al-Zutt in Arab histonogiaphv)
Muhammad b al-Kasim confnmed the disabilities
imposed upon them bv the deposed Cac dsnastv
(208 ff) borne of these disabilities beai a striking
similantv to the discnminatorv measures emploved
against the ahl al dhimma according to Islamic law
It is fascinating to observe the wa\ in which the
shaft injunctions weie transposed into the Indian
milieu and probablv blended with local custom E\en
tions themselves the\ aie not applied to all non-
Muslims irrespective of class because of their refusal
to embiace Islam thev sene rather as an instru-
ment to demonstrate and perpetuate the inferior
social status of an ethnic group The (a, \ama occa-
sional sounds like a document intended to accord
Islamic legitimacv to the Indian social stiuctuie to
sanction the privileges of the Brahmans and to con-
firm the degraded status of the lower classes It
seems to be a historical and even religious justifi-
svstem which is in sharp conflict with the Islamic
world \iew It mav be considered an illustration of
Imtiaz \hmad s statement that if the formal
Islamic ideology rejects caste the actual beliefs held
bv the Muslims not onlv recognise caste distinctions
but also seek to rationalise them in religious teims
(Caste and social stratijicatwn among tht Mm/ims, New
Delhi 197 3, p \\\in)
Bibliography. The Cac ,\ama was published
theory' in Hamida Khuhro (ed ) Sind thioush the
centuries Karachi 1978 \ Fnedman -1 contnbu
twn to the early history of Islam in India m M Rosen-
Avalon ed Studies in memory of Gaston Hut
Jeiusalem 1977 309-33 idem Tht orpins and sig
mfuance of tilt Chach \ama (forthcoming)
(Y Friedmanni
CAD Chad a legion of Inner Ainca The
Republic of Chad (area 1 284 000 km population
about 4 000 000 in 1975) is one of the foui states
which emeiged from the former Fiench Equatonal
\fnca The country stretches o\ei 1 bOO km from
south of 1 ltitude 8° N to the north of latitude li°
N C onsequentlv climate and vegetation \ary from
savannah woodland with an annual rainfall of moie
than 1 000 mm in the south to the and deseit of
the Sahaia in the north Chad is toin between two
conflicting ouentations between North and Equatorial
Islam has created a measure of cultural umt\ in
the not them and cent.al parts of Chad but it has
also contributed to the alienation ol the region south
of latitude 11° N which remains almost untouched
bv Islam
About one million membeis of the Saia tribe foim
the main element among the Bantu population of
the bettei -watered south The Saia are also the laigest
single ethnic group m Chad as a whole For cen-
turies the bara together with other peoples of the
south were the target for slave raiding irom the
north
12° and 15° N attracted waves of migrants mainlv
nomads from the north (the Tubu) and from the
east (Arabs and Arabised groups The nomads
plaved an impoitant lole in the historv of that
legion which saw the emergence of islamised
African states
Kanim the earliest state in this region [see
kanlm] was first mentioned bv al-\a'kubi (Ta'nkh
ed Houtsma, 219) m the second hall ol the 3rd/9th
centurv The state ot Kanim and its Kanembu peo-
ruleis of nomad origin (probablv Tubu from Tibesti)
and the indigenous population at the northeastern
coiner of Lake Chad An interpretation ol the
\rabic sources (Ibn ba'id ed V ernet 1958 28
al-Maknzi ed Hamaker 1820 206 a mahram in
Palmer Sudanese memoirs in 3 suggests that the
rulers of Kanim became comerted to Islam in the
5th/ 1 lth centurv undoubtedlv thiough the influ-
ence of Muslims who moved along the tiade mute
from Tripoli via Fazzan [q i ] to Lake Chad Bv
the 7th/ 13th century Islam had spread to other
sectors of the population. People from Kanim went
on pilgrimage to Mecca and came to study in
Cairo, where a madrasa for Kanimi students was
established in the 640s/ 1240s (al-Makrizt, Klutat,
ed. Wiet, 1922, iii, 266).
The ruling dynasty of Kanim claimed descent from
Sayf b. Dhl Yazan [q.v.], and became known as the
Saifawa. In the second half of the 8th/ 14th century
the Saifawa were forced to evacuate Kanim because
of harassment by the Bulala. The Bulala were prob-
ably an offshoot of the same dynasty who had min-
gled with one of the earliest Arab nomad groups
coming from the east. The Saifawa moved to Bornu
[q.v.] at the south-western corner of Lake Chad (now
in Nigeiiai. After a transitory period the Saifawa rebuilt
a state in Bornu, which towards the end of the
10th/ 16th centuiy, under the reign of Idrls AlawSma,
regained its hegemony over the Chad basin. Kanim
was reconquered by the Saifawa, who preferred to
stay in Bornu. The Bulala rulers of Kanim became
vassals to Bornu. About the middle of the 17th cen-
tury the Bulala were removed from Kanim by the
Tundjur, who had been themselves pushed out of
Waday [q.v.]. Authority o\er Kanim rested with the
ahfa (from the Arabic khalifa), who was nominally a
deputy of the Saifawa rulers of Bornu. In the first
half of the 19th centuiy the ahja paid allegiance to
the sultan of Waday, but in the second half of the
century he came undei the pationage of the Arab
Awlad Sulayman.
Arab nomads made their impact on Chad since
the 14th century, when offshoots of Arab tribes which
had penetrated the Nilotic Sudan advanced westwards
across Kordofan and Dar Fur. In the Chadian sahil,
on the fringes of the Sahara, the Arabs maintained
their tiaditional way of life as camel breedeis, but
those who had to seek pasture farther south aban-
doned the camel and became cattle pastoralists
(bakkara). They mixed with the local population but
retained their Arabic dialect. Though they are divided
into many tribes, these Chadian Arabs are geneially
refeired to as Shuwa Arabs [q.v.]. To the south, the
Arabs reached as fai as 11° N., and through their
contact with the local population contributed to the
spiead of Islam. In most cases the Arabs accepted
the authority of local ruleis though they became
invoked in intra-state and inter-state politics.
Waday, on the western boundary of Dar Fur
[q.v.], lay on the mute of the Arab nomads. The first
Muslim rulers of Waday were the arabised Tundjur,
but they did little to spread Islam among the local
population. The spiead of Islam is associated with
'Abd al-Kanm b. Djami', of the Arab Dja'aliyym
[q.v.]. He had propagated Islam among the Maba of
Waday and then mobilised them in a djihad against
the Tundjur rulers. The Tundjur had been ousted
and 'Abd al-Karim established a new dynasty which
has survived to the present time. Until the middle
of the 18th centuiy Waday had been considered
vassal to Dar Fur, but then its sultans asserted
their independence and expanded south and west to
reach the peak of their power in the 19th centuiy.
In 1850 the capital of Waday moved from Wara
to Abeshe lAbeche). In 1851 H. Baith [Travels, 1857,
iii, 566) wrote: "The Wadawy faqihs and 'ulama' are
the most famous of all the nations of the Sudan for
their knowledge of the Kuran, the Fulbe or Fellani
not excepted."
In its westward expansion, Waday came into
conflict with Bornu, mainly over the kingdom of
Baghirmi [q.v.]. The latter emerged at the begin-
ning of the 16th century southeast of Lake Chad
on the right bank of the Shari river, in a region
which had formerly been raided for slaves. Under
the influence of Bornu, its rulers adopted Islam, but
the islamisation of the population of Baghirmi was
a longer process, as remarked by Barth iTraveh,
1857, ii, 561): "Their adoption of Islam is very
recent, and the greater part of them may, even at
the present day, with more justice be called pagans
than Mohammedans". During the 18th centuiy, when
the power of Bornu declined, Baghirmi prospered
mainly on trade in slaves procured in raids to the
south and the south-east. But in the 19th century
both Bornu (which had recovered under the shaikh
Muhammad al-Amfn al-Kanimi) and Waday claimed
Baghirmi as tributaiy. Pressed between her two pow-
erful neighbours and exposed to raids and exactions
from both directions as well as from Fazzan, the
kingdom of Baghirmi disintegrated. Its destruction
was completed in 1892 and 1897 by Rabih.
Rabih b. Fadl Allah [q.v.], one of the flag-
bearers of the slave trader Zubayr Pasha in the
Sudan, retreated westwards after his master had been
defeated by Gessi Pasha. At the head of a slave army
he skirted the powerful Waday and occupied the
disintegrating Baghirmi in 1892. He then invaded
Bornu, which had been caught unaware, sacked its
capital Kukawa [q.v.] and became master of the whole
Chad basin. He wrought destruction by his sla\e raids
and punitive expeditions until he was overcome in
1900 by the advancing colonial tioops of France,
Germany and Britain. Though Rabih had considered
himself for some time a follower of the mahdl of the
Sudan, he had little interest in religious affairs. Only
in one corner of Chad does he seem to have con-
tributed to the spread of Islam. Dar Runga, south
of Waday, had been for centuries a hunting ground
for slaves, separated from the Muslim north by a
hostile boundary. The absence of Muslim settlements
or even itinerant traders beyond this boundary inhib-
ited the spread of Islam. Rabih made Dar Runga a
base for slave raiding farthei to the south, and it
was during this period that people adopted some
Arab customs, Arabic garb and rudiments of an
Arabic dialect. This process of accultuiation, which
brought also the spread of Islam, was most evident
among chiefs and in the trading villages which devel-
Most of the Arab tribes in Chad came from the
Nilotic Sudan. The northern approaches through the
Sahara had always been blocked by the Tubu and
the Tuareg. But in 1842 a section of the Awlad
Sulayman, who had been defeated by the Ottomans
in Fazzan, migrated south to the region just north of
Kanim. During the second half of the 19th century,
the Awlad Sulayman fought against the Tubu and
Tuareg. Feuds among those nomads weie somewhat
mitigated towards the end of the century when the
Sanusiyya [q.v.] became established among both the
Tubu and Awlad Sulayman as well as in Waday.
In 1835 Muhammad al-Sharlf, who later became
the mltan of Waday, met Muhammad b. 'Air al-
Sanusi [q.v.] in Mecca. Closer relations between the
leadeis of the Sanusiyya and the sultans of Waday
developed during the reign of 'All b. Muhammad
al-Sharif (1858-74), when the two parties cooperated
in reviving trade along the route from Benghazi to
Waday via Kufia. Sanusi traders enjoyed \irtually
a monopoly over this trade, and the influence of
the Sanusiyya among the Saharan nomads con-
tributed to greater security foi the caravans. Successive
centres of the Sanusiyya— Djaghbub (1850-95), Kufra
(1895-9) and Kuril in Borku (1899-1902)— were along
this route. The southward shift of the centres of the
Sanusiyya indicates the growing importance of this
In 1874 the Sanusi leader Muhammad al-Mahdi
(1859-1902) exerted his influence to settle a suc-
cession dispute in Waday. The successful candidate
Vusuf (1874-98) became a devoted adherent of the
Sanusiyya. In 1909 the SanOsis encouraged the sultan
of Waday to resist the French colonial occupation.
In Kanim, the Sanusi zawba of Bi'r 'Mali led resist-
ance to the French from November 1901 to June
1902. Because of their involvement in anti-colonial
resistance, the activities of the Sanusiyya came to an
end after tile French occupation. The Sanusiyya still
have some adherents in Kanim and Waday, but the
predominant tanka in Chad is the Tidjan'iyya. The
rulers of Wadav and Baghirmi, as well as' the alija
of Mao (Kanim I, are Tidjanls. The Sanusiyya, how-
ever, still maintain their influence among the Tubu
of Tibesti.
Though the Tubu had been nominally Muslims for
a long period, Islam had had little impact on their
life until their exposure to the Sanusiyya. The Tubu
who had successfully resisted outside cultural and polit-
ical influences, accepted the Sanusi traders and teach-
ers. Traditionally the Derde, the spiritual and temporal
head of the Tubu in Tibesti, had only limited author-
ity over his tribesmen, and Derde Shay (d. 1939)
believed that greater commitment to Islam and the
application of the Shari'a would enhance his personal
authority. He invited Sanusi teachers to teach the
Tubu the ways of Islam. Though there is still con-
siderable laxity in observing Islamic rituals and cus-
toms, the Tubu have become aware of their Islamic
identity. Tubu elders often refer to the pre-Sanusiyya
period as their (tjuhilbya.
The Tubu are dhided into two main groups: the
live in Borku and Ennedi. The latter were exposed
to the influence of 'ulama' from Bornu and Waday
and seem to practise Islam with greater conformity.
With greater security under colonial rule, traders
and teachers were able to move more freely and
farther away. The growing number of pilgrims
from Nigeria and other parts of West Africa who
passed through Chad as well as foreign merchants
from Nigeria, Fazzan and the Sudan who operate in
Chad, added to the impact of Islam on public and
Some ethnic groups which in the past had sought
refuge from the agression of the islamised states grad-
ually came out of their isolation, mixed with other
groups and adopted Islam. In 1910 Islam had reached
only a few notables among the Buduma on the island;
of Lake Chad, but in the middle of the century all
the Buduma were considered Muslims. Though there
In 1920 Chad was also constituted into a sepa-
crucial decision was made to include the Sara and
other Bantu tribes south of 11° N. in Chad rather
than in Oubangui-Chari (the present Central African
Republic), where culturally-related ethnic groups live.
It was this decision which gave Chad its bipolar struc-
ture of the non-Muslim Bantu south and the Muslim,
partly arabised, north. Hence Chad is internally divid-
ed—there are no clear boundaries with its neigh-
bours. Ethnic groups in Chad often feel closer to
their own kins, or to related groups beyond the inter-
national boundary, than to other ethnic groups in
Chad. In the colonial period and after independence,
the authorities had to withstand powerful centrifugal
In 1929 the French introduced the cultivation of
cotton as a cash crop in the south, and the Sara
were the first to integrate into the modern sector of
the economy and to reap its benefits. It was also
their colonial army, and the Sara continue to dom-
inate the army also after independence. Protestant
and Catholic missionaries opened schools in the south
and an educated elite emerged among the Sara.
The Muslims in the central and northern parts of
Chad had their own system of Islamic education and
were reluctant to send their children to French
schools' Only a few sons of Muslim chiefs were sent
to study in French schools in the first years of colo-
nial rule. They returned to hold positions in the
figure:
:■ than
half of the population of Chad are Mu.
Chad was of great strategic importance tor France
as the link between its African possessions of French
Equatorial Africa, French West Africa and French
North Africa. In the heartland of Africa and remote,
ports, the conquest of Chad, and subsequently its
administration and development, posed numerous
logistic problems. Only in 1920 did the French com-
plete the "pacification" of Chad, when they overcame
the resistance of the Tubu, who had been inspired
by the Sanusiyya.
and v
Khai
e of tl
of Fre
ics. Young Mus
d studies to C:
thev discov,
could
tration, combined with Islamic militancy which they
had acquired in the Arab countries, led to their
being considered a threat both to the colonial admin-
istration and to their own traditional authorities. As
a remedy, an Arabic-French school was opened in
Abeshe in 1952, under the patronage of the sultan
of Waday, in ordei to keep students away from Arab
The
French pref
erred to rule the central and
rthe
f Chad through their sultan), anc
rraa
Following th
sultans of Waday, the alifa of
he Derde of t
te Tubu and lesser rulers, coop-
did the French introdr,
i of reforms in local
■rnment which imposed some limitations on the
er of the traditional rulers. But the latter faced
■ven greater threat with the introduction of elec-
, to representatives assembies and with the emer-
e of political parties. With the support of the
end their own men to the territorial assembly.
1957,
f the a
and the declin.
educated, more advanced economically and more
articulated politically. The PPT exploited divisions
among Muslim politicians, some of whom repre-
others, who had been exposed to influences from
Cairo, North Africa and the Sudan, followed a more
radical orientation.
When the Republic of Chad became independent
in August 1960, the PPT had a marginal majority in
coalition with minor political groups and individual
politicians. Its leader, Francois Tombalabaye, became
the first president of the republic. In the following
years, Tombalabaye consolidated his power by grad-
ually eliminating political rivals as well as ambitious
allies. He relied on the support of the Sara, his own
tribesmen, who dominated the armed forces. Most of
the university graduates in Chad were also from among
the Sara and they were appointed to senior political
and administrative positions. But Tombalabaye sought
also the cooperation of the traditional rulers, such as
the sultan of Waday and the alifa of Mao. In order
to appease them, he restored some of the powers that
the sultans had lost in the reforms during the last
years of colonial rule. In order to maintain a sem-
blance of national unity, he had Muslim ministers in
his cabinet, some of whom were brought back to the
government after periods of isolation in prison or in
the political wilderness.
Muslims in Chad felt humiliated when they found
themselves ruled by the people of the south, whom
they had considered for centuries savage infidels and
a fair game for slave raids. The Muslims found it
hard to adjust to the change in the balance of pow-
ers, and resentment increased when Sara officials
replaced the French not only in the capital but also
in the territorial administration.
Since 1966 sporadic clashes between the govern-
ment forces and dissidents spread from the south-
eastern provinces of Salamat to the provinces of
Waday, Batha and Baghirmi. Disturbances occurred
simultaneously also farther north in Borku, Ennedi
and Tibesti. Widespread unrest was channelled into
a co-ordinated rebellion by the FROLINAT [Front
de Liberation Nationale), a radical movement which
sought to overthrow the regime of Tombalabaye, to
eradicate survivals of French colonialism and to fos-
ter closer relations with the Arab countries. Though
couched in ideological terms, the rebellion was really
an escalation of the conflict between north and
south, in which the historical, cultural and reli-
gious background had current economic and polit-
Until February 1972, FROLINAT operated almost
freely from Libyan and Sudanese territories. Since
then the Sudan has effectively sealed its border with
Chad. In the middle of 1972 Libya also agreed to
withdraw its support from the rebels, but it still
harbours the leaders of FROLINAT and does not
stop the supply of provisions and arms into Chad
from Libya. French troops were sent to Chad,
and they succeeded in establishing a measure of
security in the eastern and central provinces. But
following the withdrawal of the French troops the
government's control of the countryside remained
rather fragile.
In Tibesti there is not a clear line between Tubu
tribesmen who support FROLINAT and those who
fought in the name of the Derde, their spiritual and
temporal leader. Through most of the colonial period
the Tubu nomads of the farthest north were under
French military administration. By agreement with
President Tombalabaye this military administration
continued after independence until 1964, when
French troops have been replaced by Chadian
troops who were mainly from among the Sara.
These troops had hardly been prepared for the
subtle task of governing the non-compliant Tubu
nomads, and the situation has been aggravated by
mutual distrust. Following a violent confrontation
between troops and tribesmen, the military com-
mand resorted to collective punishment and detained
for some time the Derde and his sons. In defiance
of the government, the Tubu nomads deserted the
oases and moved with their herds into the desert,
as they had done also in the first years of colo-
nial rule. The Derde and his sons took refuge in
Libya, and from there directed the resistance of
the Tubu.
On 13 April 1975 a
nilitary coup brought to
power General Malloum
who, like the deposed
President Tombalabaye, wa
s a member of the south-
partial success in achieving national reconciliation
whereas the military situation deteriorated even fur-
ther. In February 1978 a northern offensive extended
the area controlled by FROLINAT to a point only
250 km from the capital Ndjamena (the former Fort
Lamy). Their advance was checked only by French
troops who had hastily been flown in. The internal
conflict had international implications, and Libya,
together with Chad's two other neighbours — Niger
and Sudan — brought the representatives of FROLI-
NAT and the Chadian government to agree on a
cease-fire. For the first time, after twelve years of
fighting, there were at least formal arrangements for
negotiations aiming at the rebuilding of Chad on
the basis of equality between the north and the
south. These negotiations, how-ever, are bound to
be difficult and lengthy [See also the Addenda and
Corrigenda] .
Bibliography: al-Ya'kubl, al-Muhallabl (quot-
ed in Yakut), al-ldnsl, Ibn Sa'Td, Ibn Fadl Allah
al-'Uman, Ibn Khaldun, al-Kalkashandi, and al-
Makrlzl are the most important Arabic sources
for the study of the history of Kanim. They are
to be collated with local Arabic documents (like
:holarly
analysis
f thes.
e J. Marqua
useumsfur Volkerkunde in
Leiden, Leiden 1913; H.R. Palmer, The Bornu,
Sahara and Sudan, London 1936; Y. Urvoy, Histoire
de I'empire du Bornou, Paris 1949; J.S. Trimingham,
A history of Islam in West Africa, London 1962; A.
Smith, The early states of the Central Sudan, in Ajayi
and Crowder, eds.. History of West Africa, London
1971, i, 120-221; D. Lange, Le Diwan des sultans
de [Kanetn-]Bornu. Chronologic et histoire d'un royaume
africain, Wiesbaden 1977.
On the peoples of Chad and their pre-
colonial history see M. el-Tounsy, Voyage au
Ouaday, trad, de l'arabe par Perron, Paris 1851;
H. Barth, Travels and discoveries in North and Central
Africa, London 1857-8; G. Nachtigal, Sahara und
Sudan, Berlin and Leipzig 1879-89, Eng. tr. A.G.B.
Fisher and H.J. Fisher, i and iv, London 1971-
4; H. Carbou, La region du Tchad et du Ouadai,
Paris 1912; E.E Evans-Pntchard, The Sanusi of
Cyrenaica, Oxford 1949, J Chapelle, Nomades noirs
du Sahara, Paris 1957, AMD Lebeuf, Les popula-
tions du Tchad nord du lOe parallele, Paris 1959; M.J.
Tubiana, Un document medit sur lis sultans du Wadday,
in Cahiers d'Etudes Ajncams, n (1960), 49-112; A.
Le Rouvreur, Sahanens et Sahehens du Tchad, Paris
1962; M.J. Tubiana, Survuame pre-islamique en pays
Zajuma Pant. 1%4 JC Zeltnei Histom des
irabcs su, Ics ruts du lac Tchad in innales dt
Umirsitt d Ibid/an n (1970) 101237 DD
Cordell Eastern I ib\a Uadai and th, Sanusna a
tanqa and a trade toutt in J oj ifruan Histon win
(1077) 21 36
On
ompso
R \dlofl The emerging states oj French Equatorial ifrua
Stanfoid I960 J Le Cornec Histom politique du
Tchad 1900 1972 Pans 1963 C Casteran La ubd
lion au Tchad in Rei Ft d Et Politiques ifruaims
no 73 (Jin 1971) 35 53 JM Cuoq Us musul
mam en ifiiquc Pins, 1975 275 j04 see also the
annual lecoid oi events in the volumes of ifnea
Conttmpoian Record ed C Legum
(N Levtzion)
CAKS a tubil group which emigrated to
Kashmir lrom Dardistan under their leadei Linku
Cak duimg the reign oi Radja Suhadeva (1301 20)
Shams al Din (7j9 42/1339 42) the foundei oi the
Sultanate in Kashmn made Linkar Cak his com
mandei in chiei pationismg the C iks in order to toun
teiact the powei oi the ieudil chiefs
During the earh part oi Sultan Za\n al-'Mjidin s
reign Pindu the leader oi the Caks organised a
against
labour
to the Suit in
ings As a punishment the Sultin oideied the destruc
Hon of all the houses of the Caks in Trahgim 25
miles north west of B u imula Pindu escaped but was
captured Hid executed along with ill the membeis
of his famiK fit to beai aims Thus suppiesstd the
lamed quiet foi some veils But tilung adv;
, the
if the
-iknes.
red then
ruggle
I \bidin
ged themseKe
Migies When Mirzi Havdai Dughht i845 55/1441
51 1 established his lule m Kashmn the\ suffered in
eclipse But b\ making common cause with the nobles
against him the) bi ought about his downfall and in
the struggle which followed his deith thev succeeded
in securing lor thtmseh.es large diagin md the
ui arat from the reigning Sultans The\ bee ime so
powerful that in 968/15bl Ghizi Khan Cak sit aside
Habib Shih and declaied himself king becoming the
first Cak Sultan He was a good administrate gen-
erous toleiant and just but ilso at times ruthless he
was the hist Kashmn Sultan to introduce the prac
tice of blinding and mutilating the limbs oi political
The Caks ruled Kashmn fiom 968/1561 to
996/1588 The outstanding lulei of the d\nist\ was
Husavn Shih who was generous and although a
good Shi'i hbeial towards both the Sunms and
Hindi
o\ed tl
learned men of ill religions His brother Mi Shah
succeeded him iollowing his policies ind ruling from
978/1570 to 987/1579
The weakest rulei among the Cak Suit ins wis
"iusuf Shah It was he who suirendeied to Ridja
Bhagwan Das Emperoi <\kbar s commandei without
offering an\ lesistance (24 Safar 994/14 February
158b) and made 1 tieatv with him accoiding to
which his kingdom wis to be restored to him But
Akbar denounced the dead, and impiisoned him
Later \usuf Shah was given a mansab of 500 and
sent to Bihar He died on 14 Dhu 1 Hidjdja 1000/22
September 1592 and was buned it Biswak in the
\i'
a disti
i Shah the son of r usui Shah denounced
the treatv and declared himself sultan He earned
on the struggle against the Mughals and inflicted
defeats on the Mughal commandei Kisim Khan
Meanwhile "Va'kubs intolerance towards the Sunms
who weie compelled to recite the name of \h in
the public praters antagonised their leideis who
appealtd to Akbar for help The empeior sent \ usui
Khin Ridwi to Kashmn accompanied b\ some
Kashmir chieis who icted as guides "iusuf Khan
bv adopting a polio, oi conciliation won over mmv
Kashmir nobles ind at the same time sent a ioite
against \ a kub The latter continued to resist but
hndmg himseli ilone and isolated he surrendered
when \kbar arrived in the \ allev earlv in Radjab
996/June 1 188 He was imprisoned ind died in
Muhanam 1001/Octobei 1592 ind was buned like
his fathei in Biswak
Mthough ltaderless the Caks continued to resist
the Mughals but were ruthlessK ciushed Djah ingn s
go\ernor oi Kashmir Ttikid Khan (1032 7/1623 7)
hunted them down and killed them eventualK thev
The Cak rule though shoit lived ,968 96/1561 88)
was cultuiallv important for the Cak Sultans like the
shah Mirs encouraged educ ltion patiomsed poets
and schohis and piomoted irts ind crafts Two out
standing poets and scholais of the penod were Bibi
Diwud Khiki and Shavkh la kub SutT and the most
noted calhgiaphist was Muhammad Hasan who
tntered Akbn s service and was given the title of
arnn kalam Lndei Djahangir and Shih Djahin also
Kishmni oiigm
Biblwgiaphy NizimalDin Tabalati ikban m
ed B De and Hidavat Hosain Bibl Ind ti in
the same senes B De and Barm Piashad Abu
1 Fadl 4kba, noma m Bibl Ind tr in the same
idge Muhammad A zam Dida
Ila
I Kashmi
Hasan Ta nlji I Hasan n ed Hasan
Shih Snnagu 1954 Mohibbul Hasan Kashmi,
unda the Sultans C ilcutta 1959 GMD SufT
hash, Lahoie 1948 9 (Mohibbul Hasani
CAMLIBEL 1 aruk Nafidh modern Turkish Faruk
Mafiz Camlibel Turkish poet and plavwnght
1898 1973) He was born in Istanbul the son oi
5ulev m in N ifidh a civil sen ant in the Ministrv ol
Forests and Mining (Oimin we Ma idm Neziretn
\fter high school he began to studv medicine but
He
ught Tuikish
and t,
latuie in Kavsen (1922 41
ibul high schools md the
\mencan Robert College (19j2 46) He was elected
a deputv ior Istmbul of the Democratic Pirrv (DP)
ind seived 14 consecutive veais 1946 60) in Paihament
until his an est with other DP deputies bv the
Committee of National Umtv ( Mill, Bvhk Komilesi) which
c lined out the Revolution of 27 Mav I960 He was
detuned on a Maimai 1 island {lassiada) until his icquit
tal 16 months liter He died on 8 Novembei 197j
on board ship during i cruise m the Mediterranean
Tamk Nafidh (is he was known until 1934 when he
added C imlibel) began to wnte poetry at the age of
17 using the tradition il cuud metre His eailv works
Sharkin sultanlan ( The Sultans of the East ) 1st inbul
1918 md Gonuldcn zonule ( From heait to heait )
Istanbul 1919 reveal the stiong influence of i ahv i
Kemal [qc] who wis the dominant literan, figuie of
the penod The impact upon him of Diva iZiva)
Gokalp s teaching was most maiked and fiom then
camlibel — Cawdor
on he wrote in the line oi the popular bards [saz
sJxa'ukn) becoming the most important membei of
the group called Besh hed^edp. sha'v (live poets using
sellable metre the otheis being Yusuf Diya', Orkhan
SeyfT, Ems Behfdj and Khahd Fakhn) Dinle neyden
("Listen to the flute') Istanbul 1919, and Coban ashmen
('Shepherd's fountain' , Istanbul 1926 But he did
not completely abandon the 'mud which he used (like
his contemporaries) whenever he thought the subject
matter lent itself better to this metre, as his Suda
halkala, ("Circles on the water') published in 1928
m 'mud, shows In 1933 Faruk Nafidh published a
selection of his poems under the title Bir omur boyle
gt{ti ('A whole life gone by like this') He collected
his humorous poems Tath ml i Bitter sweet") in 1938
and his epic poems ikina tmkulen ("Raider's songs")
in 1939 Then followed a long silence until the pub-
lication of his ^jndatt dmarlan ('Prison walls") in 1967
These are impressions of his puson days, in a rather
outdated and hackneyed style, in the form of kit'a
(and not ruba'i as stated by Mehmed Kaplan
Cumhunyet dan Turk sun Istanbul 1975, 31-3,
passim) An anthology selected fiom all his works was
published by the Ministry of Education in 1969 Han
dm at Ian ('Inn walls', which is the title of his most
popular poem) A master of form, Camlibel wrote
unsophisticated lomantic and sentimental poems of
love with no particular depth of feeling, but in an
easy, flowing polished and haimonious style which
made him one of the most popular poets of the
1920s Following the trend of the period he also
wrote patriotic and epic-historic poems, and many
poems eulogising Anatolia (and its people), these being
increasingly populai subject-matter foi liteiature undei
the inspiration of the Nationalist movement follow-
ing the First World War C amlibel is also the author
of a number of verse plays, mostly inspired by polit-
ical motives (eg ikin ( 'Raid") Istanbul 1932) except
for his powerful Qanauar ( The monstei") Istanbul
1926, a vivid poitiayal of the chronic conflict between
peasants and landowners in -\natolia Camlibel also
attempted one novel hldK vagmuru f'Rain of stars '),
Istanbul 193b
Bibliography Kenan Akyuz Bah tesmnde Tuik
jim antolo/isi 3 Ankara 1970, 842, 876, Mehmed
Kaplan op eit , 13-33 (should be used critically,
since it is often politically biased) Behcet Necatigil,
Edebivatmnzda isimler soJugu\ Istanbul 1975 Cevdet
Kudret, Turk edebiyatindan wpne parfalai Istanbul,
1973 367-74 (Fahir Iz)
CAMONDO, Avram. financier, philanthro-
pist, and reformer active amongst Istanbul's Jewish
community (d. 1873). Born in Venice, he arrived in
Istanbul and entered the banking business midway
through the reign of Sultan Mahmud II (1808-39).
As his influence and power increased, Camondo
became the sarraf (personal banker) of a number of
Ottoman officials, most notably of the Grand Vizier
Mustafa Reshrd Pasha, with whom he established
extremely close ties. Camondo later became financial
representative of the Baron Hirsch interests and at
times acted in concert with the firms of Rothschild
and Bleichroder.
In 1854 Camondo became a member of the
Intizam-'i Shehir Commission, a body charged with
advising the central government on measures neces-
sary for the modernisation of Istanbul [see bal-
adiyya]. To carry out the extensive plans of this
commission, the Ottoman government in 1858 cre-
ated an autonomous municipal council in Ghalata
[q.v. in Suppl.], the European district of the capital.
From 1858 until 1861 Camondo was a leading mem-
ber of this council which marked the first system-
atic effort to provide Istanbul with the services and
amenities of a modern European city.
Camondo s efforts at modernisation were also
directed toward the Jewish community of Istanbul,
which by the 19th century was marked by extreme
ignorance and fanaticism In 1854 he founded a
modern school at Pin Pasha where Turkish and
French were studied in addition to scripture. The
resulting attempt by conseivatives to excommunicate
him provoked a serious conflict in the Jewish com-
munity, which was resolved in favoui of the liberal
faction only because of the intervention of the Otto-
man government Camondo then became head of the
Jewish Community Council and continued the task of
educational refoim In 1870 he took up permanent
residence in Pans but continued to provide Istanbul's
Jewish community with synagogues and educational
institutions After his death, his body in accordance
with his will was returned to Istanbul and buried in
Sutludje
Bibliography M Franco, Essai sur I'histoire des
Israelites de I empin Ottoman depuis hs origines jusqu'a
nos jours, Pans 1897, 153-5 162-6, 180, 187;
'Othman Nun (Ergm) Ahdjdh i Umur-i Belediyye,
i (Istanbul 1922) 1412-13 Abraham Galante,
Histoire des Juijs d'htanbul i Istanbul 1941, 31,
63 78 185-6 206 Similar information can be
found in idem, Role eionomique des Juifs d'Istanbul,
Istanbul 1942, 20-1 44-5
(S Rosenthal)
CAWDOR, or Cawdir, one of the major tribes
of the Tuikmen [qi]
It appears already in the lists of 24 Oghuz tribes
given by Mahmud al-Kashghan (i, 57; Djuwaldar)
and Rashid al-Dm (ed A \li-zade Moscow 1965,
80, 122 Djawuldur) The tribe participated in
the Saldjuk movement, the famous amir Caka, who
founded an independent Turkmen principality on the
Aegean coast at the end of the 1 1 th century, is said
to be a Cawdor The tribal name (in the form
Cawundur) was registered in Anatolia in the 16th
century (see F Sumer, Ogzlar Ankara 1967, 315-17).
The main part of the tube however, remained in
Central Asia or leturned to it from the west. In the
Shadfaia yi Tarakima by Abu 1-Ghazi [q.v] (ed. A.N.
Kononov, text 61, Russian tr 68), the Cawdor are
Mangishlak [q i ] after disturbances m the Oghuz ll.
It remained on Mangishlak till the 19th century, longer
than any other Turkmen tribe. In his Shadfara-yi
Turk (ed. Desmaisons, text, 210, tr. 224) Abu '1-Ghazi
mentions the Cawdor only once, in the account of
the Turkmen tribes which paid tribute to the Uzbek
khans of Kh"arazm at the beginning of the 16th cen-
tury. The Cawdor are mentioned in this connection
together with another old Oghuz tribe, the Igdir (in
a form "Igdir Djawuldur"); together they are said to
pay three-fourths of the tribute imposed on Hasan-
ili. The term Hasan-ili (Esen-ili in the Turkmen pro-
nunciation; also Esen-Khan-ili) has continued to exist
till the present time, but its exact meaning is not
quite clear; it seems that latterly it has been applied
mainly to the Cawdors themselves and sometimes
only to one of their main clans, the Kara-Cawdor.
Besides the Cawdor and the Igdir, the Hasan-ili group
included also the tribes of the Abdal, Buzaci
(Boz Hadji), Burundjik and Soyinadji (Soyin Hadji).
In the 1 9th century all of them, except the last one,
were mostly considered only as different clans of the
Cawdor — cay-khana
they appear as separate tribes.
In the 16th and 17th centuries, the dwellings of
the Cawdor were located mainly in the northern
part of Mangishlak, where the Buzaci peninsula still
preserves the name of one of the above-mentioned
clans. From the early 1 7th century, they were exposed
to a strong pressure both from the north, by the
Kalmuks [q.v.], and from the south, by the Khanate
of Khiwa. As a result of this pressure in the late
17th and the early 18th century, a part of the Cawdor
and the Igdir as well as all the Soyinadji migrated
to the region of the Volga Kalmuks, and, together
with the Kalmuks, they became Russian subjects (see
V.V. Bartol'd, Soememya, ii/1, 613-14). At the end
of the 18th century, they moved to the Northern
Caucasus, and now they live on the rivers Manic
and Kuma in the region {bay) of Stavropol; in 1960
their total number was estimated as more than 5,000.
The greater part of the Cawdor moved however in
the first half of the 18th century to Kh"arazm. At
the end of this century their main centre, Cawdor-
kala, was in Aral, in the north of Kh"arazm, and
they were the allies of the independent Uzbek rulers
of the town of Kungrat in their wars with the khans
of Khrwa. After the victory of Khiwa over the
Kungrat [q.v.] in 1810, part of the Cawdor returned
to Mangishlak, but in the 1830s and 1840s they
finally left Mangishlak for Kh"arazm under the pres-
sure of the Aday Kazaks, and since then their cen-
tre has become the town of Porsi (now Kalinin),
about 30 miles to the east from Old Urgenc. Only
an insignificant number of Cawdors still remain on
Mangishlak.
On Mangishlak the Cawdor were nomads, though
the number of their cattle was relatively small and
an important part of their economy was fishing and
seal-hunting on the Caspian sea. In Kh^arazm they
became sedentarised farmers. Their exact number is
unknown; the estimations of the late 19th and the
early 20th century vary between 3,500 and 17,000
families.
Bibliography. A. Culoshnikov, in Material! po
istorii Uzbekskoy. Tadzikskoy i Turkmmskoy SSR,
Leningrad 1932, 73-5; Yu. Bregel, Khorezmskiye lurk-
mem v XlXveke, Moscow 1961, 23-5, 29-31 et passim
(see index); G.E. Markov, Ocerk istorii formirovamya
severnikh turkmen, Moscow 1961; R. Karutz, ['titer
Kirgisen und Turkmenen, Leipzig 1911, chs. 1-2; K.
Niyazklicev, in Ocerki po istorii khozyaystva i kul'tun
i Insti,
\shkhabad 1973, 87-9!
v SSR, i
. Dzikiev,
'nografu .
ii (Ashkhabad 1963), 197-
201. On the relations between the Cawdor on
Mangishlak and Russia in the 18th and early 19th
century, see Russko-turkmenskiye otno.shemya v XVIII-
XIX w., Ashkhabad 1963, esp. 67, 115, 138, 142,
159, 194. On the Cawdor in Northern Caucasus,
see P. Nebol'sin, in ?umal Ministerstva vnutrennikh
del, xxxix/7 (1852), 50-71; and A.A. Volodin, in
Sbornik materialov dlya opisaniya mestnostey i piemen
Kavkaza, xxxviii (1908), pt. i, 1-98.
(Yu. Bregel)
CAY-KHANA, lit. "tea-house", a term covering
a range of establishments in Iran serving tea
and light refreshments, and patronised mainly by
the working and lower middle classes. The term
kahwa-khana, "coffee-house", is used almost synony-
mously, though coffee is never served. This latter
name, however, tells us something of the history of
this institution, for most of which we have to rely
n the
the
of the Europea
t Chai
aveller
One of
(ii, 321 1, where in his description of Isfahan in
about 1670 he speaks of "les cabarets a cafe, a
tabac, et pour ces boissons fortes qu'on fait avec
le sue du pavot." There is no mention of tea here,
nor in Hanway's Journal of Travels, written nearly a
hundred years later, nor even in Malcolm's History
of Persia compiled at the beginning of the 19th cen-
tury. LTp to this point it seems that coffee remained
the popular drink, but by 1866 Lycklama a Nijeholt
was able to write that tea "forme la boisson ordi-
naire des divers habitants de la Perse" (ii, 105),
though elsewhere he mentions that coffee as well
as tea was served to him by the Imam Djum'a of
Isfahan. Yet even he does not use the term cay-
khana, though he does mention that the word kahwa-
khiina was applied to part of the servants' quarters
records a stop at "a little roadside tea-house" near
Tehran, and adds, "Many such tea-houses formerly
existed in the capital, but most of them were closed
some time ago by order of the Shah. The reason
commonly alleged for this proceeding is that they
were supposed to encourage extravagance and idle-
ness, and, as I have also heard said, "evils of a more
serious kind. Outside the town, however, some of
them are still permitted to continue their trade and
provide the bona fide traveller' with refreshment,
which, need-less to say, does not include wine or
spirits." (.4 year amongst the Persians, 82). Elsewhere
private entertainments, but never coffee.
Evidently, then, a fairly sudden change of habit
took place during the first half of the 19th century,
though why tea should suddenly have been pre-
ferred to coffee (neither of which grew in Iran at
that
-. It i;
tea first became known to the Iranians. Birum's
Kitab al-Saydana, written in the first half of the
5th/ 11th century, gives a detailed account of cay,
but only as a plant grown and used in China.
According to a Safawid manuscript referred to with-
out quotation by Farldun Adamiyyat in his Amlr-i
Kabir wa Iran, tea was drunk in Iran in Safawid
times; but the same author suggests that the wide-
spread introduction of tea-drinking into Iran was
due to Amir-i Kabir [q.v. in Suppl.], who in 1849
received gifts of silver samovars from the Russian
and French governments on the occasion of the
coronation of Nasir al-Din Shah, and encouraged
the craftsmen of Isfahan to copy them. From then
on, tea began to be imported in significant and
increasing quantities, mainly the black tea of India,
which was preferred to the milder Chinese. Tea was
not actually grown in Iran, and specifically in the
Caspian area, until 1896.
The first dictionary appearance of the word kahwa-
khana is in Francis Johnson's, published in 1852; but
s not appear
1 the r
?nt dictionaries (e.g. Dihkhuda, pt. 41, 1338/1959).
Even the omniscient Haim (1935; does not list it, but
under kahwa-khana adds the definition "[in Persia] a
tea-house". However, the word cay-khana was certainly
in common use by that time; indeed A.V. Williams
Jackson met it as early as 1903, when he found along
his route "mud cabins which served as tea-houses (chai
khdnahf (Persia past and present, 34).
kahwa-khana are to some extent interchangeable, but
the former tends to be used for the small way-
CAy-khAna — Ceh
side establishments catering primarily for travellers
fcf. Dihkhuda's definition "places on the highways
and caravan routes where formerly carriage horses
were changed"). Since the coming of motor trans-
port most of these have disappeared, while others
have acquired a degree of sophistication appropri-
ate to the bus passengers who now constitute their
main clientele. By contrast the word kahwa-khana
usually designates the tea-shops in the towns and
large villages, which serve as meeting-places for the
local (male) community (a very few have curtained-
off compartments for women). Both types of estab-
lishment serve much the same fare — tea, prepared
with the aid of a large samovar, bread and cheese,
eggs, perhaps ab-i gusht or some other such simple
dish, and of course the kalyan (water-pipe). (Coffee
is obtainably only in the more sophisticated,
European-style cafe (kafd), patronised by wealthier
clients, where tea, ice-cream, soft drinks, and French
pastries are also to be had). For entertainment, there
is the takhta-yi nard (backgammon board), and often
the nakkdl, who recites long dramatic episodes from
the Shah-nama, or traditional epics and folktales in
prose or verse. In Adharbaydjan a similar role
is often filled by the 'ashik, who recites mystical
poetry in Turkish, Arabic or Persian, accompanying
himself on a stringed instrument. Dervish fortune-
tellers (rammal) are also commonly to be seen. In
times of high political activity the kahwa-khana may
serve as a centre for the dissemination of news and
views. Browne, in The Persian revolution, 143, quotes
an unnamed Persian correspondent, writing on 19
June 1907: "In many of the Qahwa-khanas profes-
sional readers are engaged, who, instead of reciting
the legendary tales of the Shah-nama, now regale
their clients with political news."
Many of the older kahwa-khanas are decorated with
paintings and frescoes dating from Kadjar times. These
may depict religious scenes (the martyrdom of Husayn,
for instance, or the Mi'radj of the Prophet), Shah-nama
episodes (the death of Rustam, the court of Dahhak,
the fight between Bizhan and Human), love-stories
(Layla and Madjnun, Shirin bathing), and dancing
'Bibliography: al-Birum, Kitab al-Saydana, ed.
and tr. Hakim Mohammed Said, Karachi 1973,
i (introduction), 84-5, ii, (translation), 128-9
(Arabic), 105-6 (English); Voyages du Chevalier
Chardin en Peise, Paris 1686; Jonas Hanway, An
historical account of the British trade over the Caspian
Sea with a journal of travels, London 1753; Sir John
Malcolm, The history of Persia, London 1815; ibid..
Sketches of Persia, London 1828; T.M. Chevalier
Lycklama a Nijeholt, Voyage en Russie, au Caucase
et en Perse, Paris 1872; Faridun Adamiyyat, Amir-
i Kabir wa Iran, Tehran 1323/1944, ii, 248-50;
E.G. Browne, A year amongst the Peisians, London
1893; idem. The Persian revolution, Cambridge 1910;
A.V. Williams Jackson, Persia past and present. New
York 1906; Iradj Nabawi, Tablu-ha-yi kahwa-
khana'J, Tehran N.D. lea. 1973).
(L.P. Elwell-Sutton)
CAYLAK TEWFIK, modern Turkish Qaylak
Tevfjk, Turkish writer and journalist (1843-
92). A self-taught man, he was born in Istanbul
and became a civil servant. He started his career
in Bursa and continued in Istanbul where he pub-
lished the papers 'Asir ("Century", later renamed
Lets' if-i athar) and Terakki ("Progress"). In February
1876 he published his best-known paper, the humor-
ous Caylak ("The Kite"), which became his nick-name
and which ceased publication in June 1877 after
162 numbers. In 1877 he went, with a delegation,
to Hungary for a month and on his return he pub-
lished his impressions as Yadigar-i Madfaristan
("Souvenir of Hungary"). Caylak Tewfik is the author
of the following works: Kafile-i shu'ara', alphabeti-
cally arranged biographies of poets (which stop at
the letter dal); Istanbul'da bir sene ("A year in
Istanbul"), Istanbul 1297-9 RumI/1881-3, his best
known work, the general title of a series of five
books, consisting of realistic descriptions of every-
day life in Istanbul. The subtitles of the work are
(1) Tandir, (2) Mahalte kahwesi; (3) Kaghidkhane; (4)
Ramadan gedje/eri; and (5) Meykhane. Caylak Tewfik
pioneered the Nasr al-Din Khodja literature in mod-
ern Turkish, and published three volumes contain-
ing about 200 stories on him, Leta'f-i Nasi al-Dln.
Bu Adem (1883) and Khazine-i Lets' if (1885).
Bibliography: Turk Ansiklopedisi, xi (1961-3),
407-8; Behcet Necatigil, Edebiyatimizda isimler
sozlugu", Istanbul 1975. (Fahir Iz)
<5EH, the Ottoman term for the inhabitants of
present-day Czechochoslovakia, mainly Bohemia
and Moravia, but partly also Slovakia. The Arabs did
not use this term, although the territory was known
to them at least since the end of the 3rd/9th century.
In the so-called "Anonymous relation" on East Euro-
pean and Turkish peoples, preserved by a group of
early and later Muslim geographers (Ibn Rusta,
Hudud al-'alam, Gardizi, al-Bakri, Marwazi, 'Awfi), the
name of Svatopluk (spelled variously as Sw.n.t.b.l.k.,
Sw.y.t.m.l.k., etc.) ruler of the Great Moravian Empire
(871-94), is mentioned. The name of his land (Mirwat,
M.r.dat) is also given in some sources, but its local-
isation is erroneously shifted too far to the east (cf.
Ibn Rusta, 142-5, tr. Wiet, 160-3; Hudud al-'alam, tr.
Minorsky, §§ 42, 46; Gardizi, ed. Barthold, 99-100,
ed. 'Abd. al-Hayy Habibl, Tehran 1347/1968, 275;
Marwazi, ed. Minorsky, 22, 35).
Al-Mas'udi must have had an excellent informant
(probably a Slavonic slave from this region) on the
ethnic and political situation in Central Europe,
since his relation is entirely independent of other
sources and rich in detail not to be found else-
where. In the list of Slavonic tribes and their rulers
we find also the name of Wenceslaus (Prince of
Bohemia, 926-35), spelled as Wan.dj Slaw, but only
as ruler of the Dudlebs (Dulaba), one of the many
Czech tribes at this period (Murudj, iii, 62-3 = §§
905-6; Marquart, Strefzuge, 102 ff., wanted to read
another ethnic name in the list Sasin as Cahin [=
Czechs], but this is unlikely as the context points
rather to the Saxons). In his Tanbih, 62, al-Mas'Odi
describes the Danube (Danuba) and the Morava
(Malawa) rivers and mentions also the Slavonic peo-
ples Bahrnln (Bohemians; this can be read also as
Namdjin, the Slavonic term for the Germans), and
Murawa (Moravians).
The most copious and detailed information about
the territory of Czechoslavakia and its peoples is
to be found in Ibrahim b. Ya'kub's [q.v.] narration,
who visited these countries in the sixties of the 10th
century and could well be called the discoverer
of Central Europe. He names the successor and
brother of Wenceslaus, Boleslav I (935-67) as the rul-
ing prince over Prague (Fragh), Bohemia (Buyama)
and Cracovia (Krakuwa). His detailed account is full
of precious information about the economic and com-
mercial situation, and brings many facts about
the life, manners and customs of the people, as well
as a few Slavonic words. His description of Prague is
the oldest extant in the hteratuie and the whole
account belongs to the most \aluable sources of eail>
Czech histor> Unfoitunatel) his i elation is not con-
Bakris al \lamahk ua I masahk some fragments aie
preserved b> al-Kazwim and b\ the late Maghribi
geographei Ibn 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Him>an in his
Kilab alRaixd al mi'lar (Bibl Nat Rabat, Ms no
238)
After the 4th/10th centui\ the countiv oi the
Czechs and Slovaks wanes from the horizon oi
Arab and Peisian geogiapheis The onh exception
is al-Idnsi who in two sections (\i 2 and 3) men-
tions Bu'amiwa (Bohemia) but under this name
he understood two diffeient countries as is to be
seen from the list of towns belonging to it His
hrst Bu'amiwa represents Slovakia (and pirth
northern Hungarv) with the towns of Basu (either
Biatislava formerh Poszon or\aco\) Akra (Jager
Erlau) Butash or * -nsin (either Bites in Moravia
or Trencin in Slovakia), Shubruna (Sopron) Nitram
eing
unable t
ham
Lewicki
Pohkc
The next time the Muslim peoples came into con-
tact with the temtoi) of modem Czechoslovakia was
undei the Ottoman Empne The Ottoman expan-
sion in the 11th/ 17th centurv touched also some
southern regions oi present-da) Czechoslovakia these
legions then forming a part of the Hungarian king-
dom Following the Battle of Mohacs in 1526 the
Turks successivel) conquered Buda in 1541 and
Esztergom in 1543 and occupied the village of Kakat
(todav Sturovo) where the) built a small fortiess
called Cigerdelen Parkani this was the beginning of
Ottoman mle over Czechoslovak terntorv In 1544
thev conquered the fortress FiPakovo in eastern
Slovakia and Nogiad and Szecsenv in northern
Hungarv This terntorv was then organized into four
sandjah those oi Esztergom Nograd Szecsenv and
FiPakovo where moie than 90 villages and hamlets
on the terntorv of present-dav Czechoslovakia were
located
Dunng the so-called Fifteen-Y ears War of 1593-
1000 the Ottomans lost the largei pait of this legion
so that afterwards onl> about 200 villages remained
under their rule
The greatest military enterprise of the 11th/ 17th
centurv the campaign of Kopiulu Ahmed Pasha
against the Hapsbuig monaichv in 1663-4 touched
again Czechoslovak terntorv In 1663 the Tuikish
aimv conquered the important iorti esses of Nove
Zamkv (Uvvar Neuhausel, Ersekujvai) Nitia and
Levice as well as mam smaller foi tifications <\fter the
peace of \asvar of 14 August lbb4 the fortress of
Nove Zamkv togethei with 780 villages and hamlets
in southern Slovakia iemained in Ottoman hands (cf
Deftir i mujassal i naht i Uuar Basbakanhk Arsivi Tapu
Defterlen Nos 11 5-69 W Out of this terntorv a new
etalet was constituted with its headquaiteis in Ijyvar
Ottoman rule lasted heie until the leconquest oi Nove
Zamkv m 1685 wheieas in the eastern legions of
Slovakia it persisted till a vear latei, when the town-
ship of Rimavska Sobota paid for the last time taxes
to the Ottomans
Since the treaties between the Ottomans and the
paiti
rg monarchy weie hequentl) infringed t
i remained unstable and underwent ma
The Ottoman administration considei
The ii
on the disputed temtoiv led to incessant lighting
and plundermgs oi villages as well as to dragging-
awav oi peoples into captivitv or slaverv The main
raids occuned against Roznava andjelsava in 155b
Gemei in 1 569 \iable in 1584 and 16 30 Krupina
in 1654 Zarnovice m 1654 etc The marauding
raids chieflv bv Tatar troops devastated man) times
the whole legion oi the \ ah and Nitra rivers (1543
1552 1575) as well as eastern Moravn (1530 1599
1663)
The onh Turkish traveller who visited the terntorv
of Czechoslovakia was Ewliva Celebi who travelled
in the southern regions in 1660-6 and also took part
in the campaign oi 1663-4 He visited and described
the following towns and forti esses Nove Zamkv
(Uvvar) komarno (Komaian) Parkan-Sturovo
(Cigerdelen Parkani) Suranv Kosice (Kashsha)
FiPakovo (Filek) Hlohovec (Galgofca) and Bratislava
(Podjon) cf Siyahatnami \i 46-51 278-392, vu 133-
6 335-45
Two participants in the same campaign have also
left accounts Mustafa Zuhdi in the Ta'nkh i I i a>
(Hahs Efendi Ktph No 2230) and Mehmed Nedjati
m the Ta'nkh i sefer i iyiar iRevan Ktph No 1308)
both written in 1665 In the Turkish historical
hteiatuie the events of wai on Czechoslovak tern-
tor) were desciibed in some detail b) Ibrahim
Pec ewi (conquest of FiPakovo Ta'nkh i 139-40 of
Sobotka n 140 the siege of Komarno n 154-b)
Katib C elebi gave an account of events of the
Fifteen-Yeais Wai in his Ftdhlekt i 19-20 132-6
261-2
Bibliography liable accounts J Maiquart
Osteuropaisihe and ostasiatische Streif^ugi Leipzig 1903
95-160 T Kowalski Relaqa Ibrahima ibn Ja'kuba
i igo Cracow 1946 T Lewie ki Pohka i kiaje sased
nu u \uietle hmgi Rogera geografa arabshtgo z
Ml a alldrmega 2 paits Ciacow-\\ aisaw 1945-
j 54 I Hrbek in Uagnat Mmauat fontn hnloriu
I in Brno 1969 Ottoman penod L Fekete ^
Es-'teigomi ^ands^ak 1570 ai adoos\^emn\a Budapest
I 1943 J Blaskovic Some notes on the history of the
I Turkish ottupatwn oj Sim aha in Ua Una Carol
Oruntahs Pragenua Prague 1960 41-57 idem
j Rimaiska Sobota i last osmamkatureekeho panstia
(Rimaiska Sobota al the lime of Ottoman Turkish rult)
Bratislava 1975 (= Tuikish documents transla-
(I Hrbek - J Blaskovic i
CITRUS [see muhammadat]
COBAN-OGHULLARI a familv of dnebni,
[qi]m Ottoman Anatolia who controlled the dis-
tricts \nahnes) of Ti)ek Ekbez and Hacilai in the
eastern parts of the <\manus Mountains or Gavui
Dagi (in the hinterland of Iskenderun [see iskan-
darun] in modern Tuike)) Thev c"
Murad I\ ( 1032-49/ lb23-40) when t
; of <
against the Persians i
C OBAN-OGHULLARI — al-DABBAGH, ABU ZAYD 'ABD al-RAHMAN
Baghdad, granted these districts to a local shepherd
(coban). By the 19th century, the family was divided
into two branches, one controlling Tiyek and Ekbez
and the other Hacilar. The Coban-oghullari played
the attempts of the more powerful derebey
fan
of tl
region ti
r local
D
DABBAGH (a ) 'tannei frequent as a nnba in
mediaeval and modern Arabic In pre-Islamic Arabia
the tanners were Jewish craftsmen During the life-
time of the Piophet his Companions, such as al-
Hanth b Sabna Sawda Asma' bint 'Amis and others,
were associated with tanning Sa'd b ' Vidh al-Karaz
one of the Companions of Muhammad, was busy
trading in fiuit of the acacia [karaz) which was wide-
ly used as a matenal foi the ptocessing of
leathei During the Umayvad 'Abbasid and Mamluk
periods, there were many Jewish and Arab tiadesmen
al-Sam'ani and Ibn al-Athir on the othei hand cite
numetous names of Arabs who were well-known not
only as dabbaghb but also as tiansmitters of traditions
and religious lore
The tannets worked and lived in the subuibs of
towns and villages and had their sepaiate lanes (datb)
in the markets known as darb al dabbaghin They had
their shops close to the camel-market of Mirbad in
Basra during the Umayvad penod The shops of
dabbaghun together with those of fishmongers were
situated in the maikets of Kaikh in Baghdad away
ftom the shops of the peifumeis ('attaruri) The muhtasib
supeivised the aitisans woiks and pievented the
dabbagh from using oak galls ['afi) instead of acacia
fruits (karaz) for leather processing and cautioned the
tanners not to mi\ hides ot ntually -slaughtered cows
with those of animals like horses mules and donkeys
which had died natural deaths without being prop-
erly slaughtered
The dabbagh does not appear prominently in Arabic
anecdotes and humorous tales, whereas the weaver
(ha'ik) and the cupper (hadidjam) was often portrayed
as a comic character in Arabic Uteiature The relative
silence ot Arabic udaba' about tanners was partly due
to the social isolation in which the dabbaghun worked
and lived Al-Raghib al-Istahanl expresses the accepted
view about the dabbagh the ha'ik and the hadfdfam
that they are siflat al nas men ot mean status The
'Abbasid government, trom time to time imposed
extraordinary taxes (maks) on skilled aitisans including
tanners but these fiscal measuies were temporary We
find some evidence which suggest that the
witness (shahadd) of crattsmen ot low status like the
sweepei (kannas), tanner, cupper and weaver was
Maliki ji
not acceptable
pleaded in tav
t the v
ce of their shahada Ibn 'Abidin and
some other jurists, while discussing the law of kafa'a
debated the question whether the tanners were eligi-
ble to contract marriages outside their own social
group and Arab prejudices against the dabbaghs
clearly hindered upward social mobility among tanners
through marriages with families of higher status
Bibliography Djahiz Thalath rasa'il ed J
Fmkel Cairo 1926 17 Abu Tahb al-Makki, hut
alkulub Cairo 1310/1892, n, 279 Ibn al-Djawzi,
Manakib Baghdad Baghdad 1342/1923,4 28 idem
alMuntazam Hyderabad 1358 x 194 al-Raghib
al-Isfaham Muhadarat al udaba' Beirut 19b 1 n
459-60, Ibn Bassam, Nthayat al mtba fi talab al hisba
Baghdad 19b8 204-6 Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim
alkurba, London 1938, 229-30 al-Sam'am, al -Insab
(sv al dabbagh) Hydeiabad 1966, v 300-2 Ibn al-
Athn, al Lubab fi tahdhib al amab (s v\ al dabbagh
and alkaraj Benut nd i 488-9 in 2b 'Ala'
al-Din al-Lubudi Fadl al iktimb Chester Beatty Ms
4791, f 57b Ibn "Abidin Radd al Muhtar 'ala dun
alMukhtar Cairo 1877 n 496-7 al-Kattam Nizam
al hukuma al nabattma, known as al Taratib al utarma
Beirut n d ii, 56-7 64 92, A Mez Rtnaissame of
Islam Eng tr 39 R Biunschvig Metiers ills en
Islam in * H, xvi (1962) 48 58
(MAJ BegI
al-DABBAGH ABU ZAYD "ABD al-RAHMAN
b Mlhammad b 'Ali b ' \bd Allah al-Ansari al-
Usaydi b 605/1208-9 d 699/1300 was, according
to the eyewitness and probably interested testimony
of al-'Abdan the unique true scholai in al-
Kayrawan of his time If one can believe an anec-
dote which states that he owed his cognomen of
al-Dabbagh to the fact that his great-gtandtathei dis-
guised himself as a tanner in order to avoid the office
of kadi he must hav e stemmed from an ancient family
ot kayiawam fakihs Al-'Abdan, who visited him in
688/1289 and received from him a general id}aza for
the transmission of his whole work praises his hos-
pitality fine appearance amiability lofty mind and
breadth of knowledge He was well-versed m all the
traditional Islamic sciences was a felicitous poet and
excelled above all in hadith His masters had been
numerous (over 80), and he devoted to them, in the
fashion of the time a barnamadf or catalogue which
has survived He also wrote a work on hafith al
ihadith al arba'ln fi 'umum rahrnat Allah It sa'ir al 'alarum
a history, Ta'nkh Muluk al Islam and a collection of
editying utat D^ala' al afkar fi manakib al an\ar, none
of these works has come down to us
However al-Dabbagh owed his reputation above all
to his tabakat devoted in a chronological order by dates
of death, to the saints and scholai s who had either lived
in al-Kayrawan or had visited it According to al-'Abdari
this was called Ma'alim al iman ua raudat al nditan fi
manakib al mashhunn mm mlaha' al hawaixan, and was in
two big volumes He drew substantially on the oldest
souices and especially on the Tabalat ot Abu l-'Arab
and the Ri\ad of al-Maliki Al-Dabbagh s work was in
turn copied and enlarged firstly by Ibrahim al-'Awwam
(d ca 719/1320) and above all bv another Kayra-
l-DABBAGH, ABU ZAYD 'ABD al-RAHMAN — DABU'
nam Ibn Nadu id alter 839/1435) who completed
it b\ adding biographical notices ol the scholars ol
his own centur\ and bv interpolating all through
the earlier texts peisonal lemarks generallv introduced
b\ the \eib Lullu I sav Hence al-Dabbagh s work
is only known to us thiough this definitive work in
lour volumes given to us bv Ibn Nadji with the title
Ma'ahm al imam fi ma'nfat ahl al Kayrauan In sum
we have heie a collective work which bv means ol
anecdotes and edifying stones brings to hie belore
our verv eves and in successive laveis the highlv
diverse world oi piety and fikh The Tunis edition ol
this (1320-5) is verv poor but has been re-edited in
a more ciitical wav bv Ibrahim Shabbuh (i Cairo
1968) which has howevei now stopped alter the hrst
volume and seems unlikeh to continue Foi his pait
MH al-Hila has made a verv useful index which is
unfoitunateh onlv available in roneotvped form and
has had little cnculation
Al-Dabbagh was buned in al-kaviawan at the
Tunis Gate, in the enclosure reserved for his ances-
tor and called the Silsilat al-Dhahab ( Golden chain )
He was m fact the descendant ol a famous line of
Ansar
Bibliogtaphy "Abdan al RMa al maghnbma ed
M al-Fasi Rabat 1968 bb-7, Ibn Nadji Ma'ahm
iv 89-92 al-Wazir al-Saiiadj Hulal ed MH al-
Hila, Tunis 1970 i 262-70 (laigelv icpeats 'Abdan)
R Brunschvig Hafsidis Pans 1947 n 382-1
(M Talbi)
DABIR [P ) scribe secretarv the term gen-
eralK used in the Peisian cultural world including
the Indo-Mushm one [although in the latei centuries
it tended to be supplanted b\ the term muns/u so
that \ule-Bumell Hobionjobson a gossan of Anglo
Indian colloquial uords and phrasts London 1886 328
recoid dubeei as being in their time quite obso-
lete in Indian usage ) as the equivalent ol \nbic
katib and Turkish ta^tdji The word appears as
dipir/dibu (Pahlavi oithogtaphv <//»(«)» see DN
Mackenzie 4 tonmi Pahlau dictionary London 1971
26) in Sasamd Persia to denote the secretanes ot the
goveinment depaitments an influential bodv in
the state and a chief secretaiv Eran dibirpat oi
dibiran nuhisht is mentioned in such souices as the
Kamamas,i irdashir see for instance Mas'udi Tanbi/i
104 ti Carra de \ aux 148 giving the dafirbadh as
the louith ol the five great dignitaries in the Sasamd
state A knowledge of writing and sec retarv ship was
considered part ol a gentleman s education and the
Aarnamai lecords that Aidashir leaint dibinh at Babak s
couit (see M Bovce T/it Parthian gosan and Iranian
mimtrtl tradition in JR-IS [1957] 32-3) from Sasamd
wheie
■ find r
tioned a chief secietarv draptt Areai' (H Hubschmann,
irmimuht Grammahk, i, Leipzig 1897 145) The on-
gin ol the word is seen in Old Iranian *dipibara beai-
ei ol wilting and this onginallv Iranian word passed
during pre-Islamic times into moie westerh languages
such as Aiamaic and Aimeman for etymological
details see \V Eileis Itamuhi\ Lthngut im arabisihtn
Lrnkori ukr amqi Berufsnamin und Titel in Indo Iranian
Jnal v (19bl-2) 216-17
For the functions ol dabiran in Islamic times see
DABU 1 , Dab' (A dub' dubu' diha' adbu' madba'a,
grammatically feminine singulai nouns designating
the hvena (Peisian kaftar Turkish wtlan Berber
ifu pi ijiun) irrespective ol sex oi species (see Ch
Pellat, bur qutlquts noms d animaux in atabi dawiqut in
GLECS mii 95-9) Fiom this vague genenc teim
additional forms have been derived to difft lentiate
the sexes dib'an pi daba'm loi the male (alongside
dhikh pi dhuyukh) and dib'ana pi at toi the It male
The woid dabu' (piefeiable to dab') is of Sumeio-
Akkadian origin and is found in seveial languages
of the Semitic group most notablv in Hebrew with
sebu'a (Jeiemiah, \n 9) and its pluial (vbu'im in the
Biblical toponvm ol the \ alley of the Seboim oi
\allcv of the Hvenas (I Samuel, xm 18) currentK
the vallev ol the Wadi Abu Dab'a tnbutar\ ol the
Wadi al-kilt to the west of Jencho The Aiabic
dialects of the present da\ have all retained the ong-
mal name of the animal in the lorms dba' and dab '
(fern dab'a pi dbu'a)
The hvena lamiK compnses lour species dis-
tnbuted geogiaphuallv throughout Africa and tiom
Arabia to Bengal, this means that the majontv oi
Muslim peoples and especiallv all \iabic and Beiber
sive cainon-eatei closely related to the dogfamilv
The species that is most widely distnbuted Irom the
hyena [Hyaena hyatna oi Htaina ihiata) which lives
up t
1 500 n
■ntiallv
ished by its hide i
gie\ to a dingv shade ol vellow and by its erect
of the mam epithets applied to the animal Its den
[uidj_ar hidn tudjma 'iran) is usualK a deep vaulted
ot five oi six cubs ( fui'ul fur'u/an pi fara'il and in
poetry bahdal jartana hubayra hinbar hinnabi hunbu')
In Africa the southem limit of its habitat is the
mid-Sahaia, wheie it is called in Tamahak
trktni/ttrlenit pi tiktnittn/tirktmtin The Arab nomads
ol the Sahara legions loi leasons ol superstitious
euphemism refei to it as bab marzuk lucky doc
The ^
spotted h\e
ond s
Kind c
i Aim
, the
[Hyina uoiuta) in Arabic dabu' rakta
more ferocious than the former this
hyena has no mane and its hide is reddish with
black speckles It is found thioughout Afuca south
nd its habitat oveilaps that ol its
n the c
d also D
Bibliography (in addition to icferences given
in the article) Noldeke-Taban, Gtvhuhte dtr
Perser und Araber zur %it der Sasaniden, Leiden 1879,
444-5; Christensen, L'Iran sous Us Sassani-
der, Copenhagen 1944, index.
(C.E. Bosworth)
.lied tahun, pi tihuryauin it is common in the
>udan and Entiea undei the name marfa'm/mar
j fa'ill 'marfa'ib Its behavioui differs considerabh fiom
that of the stuped hvena a strong gregarious instinct
I causes it to live in packs (in dialect mdab'a pi
mdabi'), each one ol which mav include more than
a dozen members Hunting in groups both bv day
ind night the members of a pack pose a iormida-
ble thieat to cattle and deei and thev have been
known to attack isolated tia\elleis within the pack
a strict law legulates the distribution ol raptured
prev Much less piohfic than the stuped hvena, the
spotted hvena has no moie than one or two cubs
to a litter The other two species of hvena, the brown
hvena (Hyaina brunma) and the aard-wolf (Protihs
Arab countnes, being confined to cential and south-
ern Africa
The Greeks who knew of the hvena thiough the
writings of Aristotle (Hut imm vi, 32) and Hero-
dotus (lv 192) had onlv two words for the animal
uoava and yhxvvc, while the Arabs many centuries
before Islam employed a wide \ocabularv of terms
to describe both the physical appearance and behav-
iour of the hyena (see Ibn Siduh Uukhauas vni
69-72) ancient Arabic poetry contains the bulk of
this terminology which has virtually disappeared
from contemporary speech The first thing which
stiuck the Bedouin about the appearance of the hyena
was its swaying and limping gait (hanbala hunbu'a)
owed to the fact that its forequarters are higher and
more powerful than its hindquarters This trait earned
the animal a whole range ot pejorative epithets with
the general sense of lame such as dhay'al/d}_ayal
'ardia' math'a' khami'a khuta' khala'la' k±ajal, etc The
effect of this ignominious gait is aggra\ated bv the
animal s bandv forelegs on account of which it was
called 'aythum 'athami fashahi and na'thal while its
thick matted and mangy coat ga\e rise to the names
bah' a'tha'/'attita'/'ithtan umm 'ithyal and gjiunafn
Because of its black jowls and muzzle it was known
as raihma' and umm lastam and because ol its un-
gainlv and misshapen bodv hadadjii 'afitahl umm
n'm and umm dabkai Its nocturnal habits and appetite
for carrion earned it a number of epithets with the
general sense of vileness filth such as djay'arl
d}a'an kuthamlkathami kash' Mian'm and madia It has
alwavs inspired disgust with its necrophagous instinct
and its habit ot raiding cemeteries and unearth
ing and consuming freshly -interred corpses as a
result of this repugnant behaviour the hvena earned
uncomplimentary nicknames such as umm al kubui
mother of the tombs and nabbash al kubur 01 nakathi,
gra\e-digger
Al-Djahiz amassed a considerable quantity of infor-
mation on the hyena by LolleUing legends relating
to the animal m Bedouin circles and he mentions
this reprehensible behaviour without himself believ-
ing in it in connection with the coupling with swollen
unbuned corpses of enemies slain in battle or of
executed criminals (Hainan v 117 vi 450) He
also mentions the fact that like the hare the hvena
was alleged to be a hermaphrodite Furthermore this
hermaphroditism was believed to be alternate, not
simultaneous the same individual being male one
vear female the next In reality such legends may
have arisen from the fact that the female hyena is
seen to possess a strangely hypertrophied extemal
genital oigan allowing it to be mistaken for a male
On i
: of II
rual cvcle the hyena was regarded in the super-
stitious minds of the nomads as something essentially
unclean and for this reason could not serve as a
mount for the gemes (Hayauan vi 46) According
to another fable it was believed that by penetrat-
ing the shadow cast bv a dog in the moonlight the
hyena could make the animal fall from the wall or
the terrace where it was standing, the dog would
All in all, the hyena was regarded as a totally
reprehensible and ill-omened beast as is suggested
by epithets with the sense of mother of calamity'
(umm kaih'am umm khinnatir umm naitjal), while its
nocturnal rallying crv (kta(f khafkhaja) resembling a
sardonic laugh, and its raucous growl of anger (nauf
kuiha'), have alwavs been of a type calculated to ter-
rify the traveller stranded in the countryside, looking
anxiouslv for the reassuring lights of an en-
campment or a village To meet at night the animal
known in different regions as the crier (al khqffuj ),
the growler (umm 'attab) the host of the road'
(umm al tank) mother of the sands (umm al nmal)
and the mother ot the hill (umm al kalada) is a sign
of bad luck, striking a light is the onlv wav of ban-
ishing this unwelcome companion this animal which
joins forces with the wolf (akhu nahshal), the jackal
and the vulture in consuming the sciaps left behind
by the lion the panther the leopard or the caracal
lvnx Another more empirical means of protecting
oneself against anv possibility of attack trom the
hyena was to carrv on ones person pieces of colo-
cvnth (hernial) oi sea-onion (unsul) or to iub the skin
with black nightshade ('inab al tha'lab) plants whose
smell is repellent to the hvena On the other hand
the underground cave where the hyena sleeps dur-
ing the day is often shared by some snake or other
large reptile with which it coexists peaceablv this
explains the hyenas most widely -spread nickname
umm 'amv mother of the serpent
In spite of its ferocious and foi midable appeal ance
the hyena is in fact characterised bv cowardice once
captured and muzzled and seen in dav light the ani-
mal is so terrified that it giv es the impi ession of total
bewilderment and stupidity This well known behav-
ioui led the Bedouin to coin the phrase ahmak mm
dabu' more foolish than a hvena and the epithet
daba'ta/ dabaglita/ dabaglitara stupid described the
animal before being used as a word of reproof for
sillv or mischievous children In the Maghrib a
brutal or foolish person is contemptuously described
as madbu' or mdabba' implying that in the woids of
the proverb kla ras dba' he has eaten a hyena s
head ' Although the voung of the species if caught
before the age of weaning is easily domesticated and
proves verv much attached to its master the adult is
quite untamable as is shown bv the tragic story of
the kind Bedouin who gave refuge to a hunted hvena
and was eaten in his sleep as a reward for his benev-
olence, an episode which gave rise to the proverbial
expression mudfir umm 'amit protector of the hvena
applied to excessive hospitality shown towards a
stranger The incorrigible and unsociable temperament
of the adult hyena and its latent malevolence gave
rise to the metaphorical sense of the word dabu' as
used by the Arabs to descube yeais of drought and
the distress and misery which accompanied them
(Hayauan, vi 446-7) Still more explicit was the old
adage khan'at bayna hum al diba' the hyenas have
defecated between them used in reference to rival
tribes divided by implacable hatred Comparison to
the hyena as to the monkey [see urd] and the pig
[see khinzir] was a grievous insult in Arabic as in
Persian m the latter, ru yi kajtar face of a hyena
was used to describe repulsive features inspiring dis-
trust (Havauan vi 45 2)
Belief in hybrid forms produced bv maUngs of the
hyena and the wolf was firmly entrenched in the Arab
mentality, and al-Djahiz was the first to dare to refute
it categorically (Hayauan n 181-3) According to the
latter copulation of a male hyena with a she-wolf
would have produced the sim' a creature renowned
for its agilitv (see al-Damin Hayat 11 27-8) identified
by modern naturalists with the Cape hunting-dog (Lycaon
putus) a canine An inverse crossing would have pro-
duced the 'isbar (see al-Damin op al u 1 15-6) prob
ably to be identified with the aard-wolf a species of
hyena mentioned above According to another legend
dating from the early years of Islam the sim' and the
'abar, offspring of the hyena and the wolf were in
fact the progeny of two tax-collectors transformed into
these two carnivores bv Allah as a punishment for
their greed (Hayauan v 80 148-50) this alleged pu-
nishment gives historical force to the unfortunate rep-
utation for usury acquired in this period by tax-col-
lectors and money-changers. Still more extravagant was
the idea of the evolution of the giraffe (zarSfa), accord-
ing to the following process: in Abyssinia, a male hyena
mates with a "wild" she-camel, producing a hybrid
(unknown and unnamed!) which, mating in its turn
with, according to its sex, a male or a female oryx,
gives birth to the giraffe as a definite product. Although
this comical explanation defies all the laws of genet-
ics, it does, for the simple-minded, account for the
physique of the giraffe; it has the low hindquarters of
the hyena, the long neck of the camel and the thin
legs and cloven hooves of the antelope. Taking into
consideration the colour of its hide, orange speckled
with black, we can understand its compound name in
Persian: ushtmgav-i palang "camel-bovine-panther" and
its current scientific name, borrowed from the pre-
ceding, Giraffa camelopmdalis L.
In pre-Islamic Arabia the hyena does not seem to
have been the object of a taboo. It was considered
a game-animal and there was no objection to its meat
being eaten in times of hardship; there was even a
trade in the animal, and according to some compil-
ers of tradition (see al-Darmn, op. at., ii, 82, and al-
Kazwinl, 'Aga'ib, same edition, ii, 235), it was sold
between al-Safa and al-Marwa, on the Pilgrims' Route.
In later times, the question of the legality of the con-
sumption of the meat of this canine-toothed carnivore
was answered differently by the four judicial schools
of orthodox Islam. This is understandable, since the
Prophet Muhammad, when asked to give a ruling on
this vexed question, replied in an ambiguous fashion,
saying that he himself did not eat it, but that it was
a form of game (sayd) and could therefore lie con-
length, arguing that the hyena does not hunt living
prey as predatory animals do, an argument which
holds good only for the striped hyena, the sole species
known in Arabia. As a result, consumption of the
meat of the hyena is regarded as permissible by the
Shafi'is and the Hanbalis (see H. Laoust, Le preen de
droit d'Ibn Qudama, Beirut 1950, 224; al-Kalkashandr,
Subh al-a'sha, ii, 47-8; E. Graf, Jagdbeute und Sehlaehttier
im islamischen Recht. Bonn 1959, 143, 233). Malik b.
Anas and his followers were more reticent, consider-
ing the consumption of the meat of this scavenger
"worthy of reproof (makruh). As for Abu Hamfa, he
maintains categorically that this meat is absolutely
impermissible, on the basis of the formal prohibition
applying to all carnivores equipped with canine teeth.
Whatever the motive, consumption or destruction,
the capture of the hyena was a practice that always
according to the time and the place. In Islamic coun-
tries, the simplest and oldest method of hunting, no
doubt dating back to prehistoric times, was to trap
the animal with cords in the burrow itself. The brave
man who had the audacity to confront this adver-
sary, in spite of its terrible bite, was obliged, as a
preliminary, to undress and to arm himself with cords
tied into slip-knots; he would then approach his
quarry as stealthily and silently as possible and muz-
zle and hobble the creature without, apparently,
encountering any resistance. In this delicate opera-
but also, and most of all, on the magic power of
formulae proclaimed in a loud voice at the moment
of contact with the beast; in the East, the most effica-
cious formula was: Umm 'Amir na'ima\ "Umm 'Amir
is asleep!" Another injunction was more distateful
/ katla. "Go h
(see Li under '
djtardd 'a^la wa-k
'Amir, go and play with mating grasshoppers and
the penis of slain men!" In the Maghrib, the hunter,
having invoked the local saint, said, with more del-
icacy: hdti veddek nehennlhd. "give me your foot and
I shall dye" it with henna." It should be emphasised
that the first condition for success was, before
embarking on the enterprise, to seal up the small-
est fissure capable of shedding light into the bur-
row; the hunter was obliged to operate in total
darkness, as in indicated by al-Djahiz (Havawan, vi,
48); he could, for his personal safety, arm himself
with a short dagger (see L. Mercier, La chaise el lei
spnrls chez les Arabes, Paris 1927, 29-30). Arab authors
who have described hunting, like the poet Kushadjim
[q.v.] in his Kitab al-Masavid wa 'l-matand (ed. A.
Talas, Baghdad 1954, 103, 213-15) from the
4th/ 10th century, or the encyclopaedist of fieldsports
Tsa al-Asadi, in his monumental I^amhara ft 'ulum
al-bayzara from the 7th/ 13th century (ms. Escurial
903," fols. 162b-163b), have given accounts of vari-
ous procedures, other than that described above, for
the capture of the hyena; these include the hunt-
ing-trap, using a ditch fenced in with stakes, the
kennel-trap with a guillotine-style door (ndaha, rida'a)
or the snare (kiffa) with a running knot to catch the
paw. Each of these devices was accompanied by a
bait (nmma) consisting of the carcase of some ani-
mal. In more recent periods, metal traps with tongues
have replaced all devices previously in use. Such
traps should be large and very powerful, because in
many case the hvena's vice-like jaws are strong
enough to bend steel. The Mamluk Ibn Mangli,
summarising the works of al-Asadi in his Kitab Urn
al-mala' bi-wahih al-fala, in the 8th/ 14th century,
gives the following advice, the fruit of his personal
experience, to the mounted hunter: "When pursu-
ing the hyena on horseback, the animal should be
approached from the left-hand side; an archer, if
right-handed, should overtake it on the left flank.
If the hunter is armed with a lance or a sabre, he
should attack at very close quarters. Nevertheless, it
is said that if the hyena charges at you from the
right, you will be unable to strike it, although if it
approaches you on the left, it is vulnerable and
you will have it at your mercy, if Allah wills."
With much less style and finesse, the general prac-
tice in the Maghrib is simply to stun the hyena with
a club, having first smoked it out of its lair, the
same procedure as is used in Europe for the fox,
the badger and the polecat. Heavy and sudden rain-
fall can sometimes force the hyena to evacuate its
flooded burrow; a fact illustrated by the old Arabic
expression used to describe torrential rain iavl d}5rr
al-dabu' "a flood to drive the hyena outside".
The truth is that the hyena has never enjoyed any-
kind of favour on the part of Muslim communities
because the animal, while alive, is of absolutely no
use to them. At the very most, in ancient Arabia the
shepherd could hope for its presence when his flock
was threatened by a wolf since, according to his not
illogical reasoning, so long as these two carnivores
were in violent competition with each other, his sheep
were safe, which explains the shepherd's prayer
Allahumma dab'"" wa-dhi'b m \ "Oh Allah, [send me at the
same time] a hyena and a wolf." There was a time
when, in certain regions, the hyena could play the
role of the Hebrew scapegoat; in cases of persistent
drought where all other propitiatory rites had failed,
the procedure of last recourse was to tie the hyena
DABU' — DAGH U TASHlHA
to a wall by its tail and to set dogs on it, torturing
it for three days before killing and burying it; with
the evil destiny thus exorcised, rain was sure to come
soon. Such is the interpretation laid on these obscure
ritual practices by the mythologists.
In spite of everything, the hyena should not be
unjustly abused because, wherever it lives in proxim-
ity to man it is, with the jackal and the vulture, a
factor in biological equilibrium, contributing to the
elimination of decomposing organic matter, the source
of all diseases and epidemics. In Islamic countries, the
rural populations willingly accept the presence of the
hyena in spite of its unpleasant instinct for digging
(djayyaf); at night, the animal is present in large num-
bers on the outskirts of encampments and villages,
disposing of the garbage and waste products thrown
out without any regard for hygiene.
In ancient medicine, as practised by the Greeks
and later by the Arabs, the hide of the hyena, in
all its forms, offered a wide range of therapeutic
properties, the most valued being the supposed aphro-
disiac quality of its brains and genital organs when
dried and made into powder; but this drug only
i gener
• effect
i the
nind the mutual
frigidity
hostility between the live hyena
quite logical to extend this hostility beyond death and
also, carrying in one's person a piece of hyena's skin
or its dried tongue gave protection against dog-bites
and, consequently, rabies. Similarly, anointing one-
self with grease from a hyena would prevent dogs
from barking at one's approach; this practice was
well-known to burglars. Applying the same grease to
a placid dog would immediately transform it into a
ferocious animal. A hyena skin buried at the entrance
to a house was a permanent means of denying access
to all dogs and, hung up outside a village, it kept
all pestilence at bay. Wrapped round the sieve or
the measure used in the handling of grain, this skin
preserved the seed against depredation by grass-hop-
pers and birds; with fruit trees, the same effect could
be achieved by the use of the animal's claws. In
addition, the head and the tongue of the hyena were
lucky talismans; the former promoted fertility in a
dovecote and the latter, hung in a room where a
banquet or a wedding feast was to take place, guar-
anteed enjoyment and was a protection against
unpleasantness. On the basis of the hyena's power
of vision in the darkness, its gall, used as an eye-
wash, was believed to prevent cataract and make nyc-
talops. Finally, the dried heart of a hyena, hung as
a talisman round at a child's neck, was a sure means
of improving spirit and intelligence; and the right
paw of the animal, attached to the arm or the leg
of a woman in labour, assuaged the pains of child-
birth and guaranteed a successful birth. To this list
of major qualities a large number of secondary prop-
erties could be added, and one might conclude that
the hyena, for which the Arabs had no sympathy in
its lifetime, the outlaw al-Shanfara excepted (see his
Ldmiyyat al-Arab, w. 5, 59), was reconsideied and
enjoyed a measure of favour aftet its death, on account
of its numerous beneficial contributions to medicine
and magic, two areas which weie then regarded as
being one.
Bibliography (in addition to leterences gi\en
in the article); A. Ma'lQf, Mu%am al hayaudn,
Cairo 1932, 129 (Hyaena), E Ghaleb, al Mausii'a
ft 'ulum al-tabi'a, Beirut 19b5, n, 83, P Bouigouin,
Ammaux de chasse d'Afnque, Pans 1955 170-3,
J. Ellerman and T.C.S. Morrison, Checklist of
Palaearctic and Indian mammals, London 1951, s.v.
Hyaenidae; Ffruz Iskandar, Rahnama-yi pistSndaran-i
Iran. Guide to mammals of It an, Tehran 1977; L.
Guyot and P. Gibassier, Les noms des ammaux tet-
restres, Paris 1967, 19-20; L. Lavauden, Les vertebres
du Sahaia, Tunis 1926, 35-6; idem, La chasse et la
fame cynegetique en Tumsie, Tunis 1920, 10;
V. Monteil, Faune du Sahara occidental, Paris 1951;
J. Renaud and G.S. Colin, Tuhfat al-ahbab, Paris
1934. 146, no. 332. See also dhi>b, ibn awa and
ibn "irs. (F. Vire)
DABUSIYYA, a town of mediaeval Trans-
oxania, in the region of Soghdia, and lying on a
canal which led southwaids from the Nahr Sughd
and on the Samaikand-Karmlniyya-Bukhara road.
The site is marked by the ruins of Kal'a-yi Dabus
near the modern ullage of Ziyaudin (= Diya' al-
Din), according to Barthold, Turkestan 1 , 97. It lay
in a prospeious and well-watered area, say the medi-
aeval geographers, and MukaddasT, 324, cf. R.B.
Serjeant, Islamic textiles, material for a history up to the
Mongol conquest, Beirut 101, mentions in particular
the brocade cloth known as Wadharl produced
Dabusiyya's main significance in history was as
the place of a victory in 394/1094 of the last Samanid
Isma'Il al-Muntasir [see isma'Il b. nuh] over the
Karakhanids before his final defeat and death, and
also the scene of a sharp but indecisive battle between
the Karakhanid 'Alitigin or 'All b. Hasan Bughra
Khan [see ilek-khans] and his Saldjuk allies on one
side and the Ghaznawid governor of Kh"arazm,
Altuntash [q.v. and also kh"arazm-shahs] on the
other, in which the latter was mortally wounded (see
Barthold, op. eit., 270, 295-6). Dabusiyya apparently
flourished at this time and was a mint-town of the
early Karakhanids (see Zambaur, Die Miinzpragun-
gen des Hams zeitlich und brtlich geordnet, i, Wiesbaden
in early 617/1220 (Djuwaynl-Boyle, i, 102, 107, 117),
and operations around it between warring Ozbeg
princes are recorded by Babur in the opening years
of the 10th/ 16th century (Babur-nama, tr. Beveridge,
40,
137).
caliphate
ibliography (in addition to referen
above): Le Strange, The lands of the easier
468, 471; Hudud al-'alam, tr. Minorsky,
(C.E. Bosworth)
DACTYLONOMY [see hisab al-'akd].
DAGH U TASHlHA, "branding and verification",
a term used in Muslim India for the branding of
horses and compilation of muster rolls for
soldiers. The system of dagh (horse branding) was first
introduced in India by 'Ala' al-Dln Khaldji (695-
715/1296-1316), and was revived by Sher Shah Suri
(947-52/1540-5). The system of double ranks (dhat and
suwar) made its appearance during the second half of
Akbar's reign The moti\e piobabh was to compel e\ery
mansabdar actually to maintain the number of horses
and ca\alry men expected of him for imperial service
But dishonesn among the nobles was found to be so
widespread that a mere paper edict could not remo\e
it Theiefoie, to check all e\asions of military obliga-
tions, Akbai introduced dagh (branding) for the horses
and the cihra (desenptne rolls) tor the men Detailed
rules were framed for dagh u tashiha Each mansabdar
had to bring his horses and men e\ery year for
branding and inspection, in case of delay, assignment
of one-tenth of his djagli was withheld Nobles whose
D\CH U TASHIH\ D \HIS
t xpected to bring their
twche yeais but alter
ter ont -tenth oi their
tabdar was promoted to
rs elapsed since he last
allowin
e of salary but w
jwed to dia<
.r the
eased n
Tiber ,
his i
■ He then obtained a
signments
alter the fust n
against his old and new men
The entire machinery ol branding and inspection
was controlled b> the Bakjiihi u mamahk (01 Mir bakhshi]
in the central administration He had undei him bakhshis
posted at the capitals oi subm or proyinces The
actual woik ol branding and inspection was done b\
an officer known as the Darugha 11 dagh u tashiha who
reported to the bakhshi This depaitment was yery
impoitant for maintaining the Mughal aimy up to pre-
scribed standards and the decline m the quality ol
Mughal troops m the 12th/ 18th century was wideK
ascnbed to the collapse oi the (lagh u tashtha system
Bibliography Abu 1-Fadl -1 in i ikban i Bibl
Ind Calcutta 1867-77, Seluted documents of Shah
Jakarta reign Daftar , Deuam Hyderabad 1950
M Athar Mi The Mughal nobility ' '
Bombay 1966 Ibn Ha;
Mughal empire and its pradi
1657 Oxioid 1936 and ■
The anhal struclu
I iLudms up to
• IsTl
(M Athar t\
DAHIS the name i
waged during the latter hall of the bth century A ]
between two closely related tribes oi Ghatafan, t.
Banu 'Abs and the Banu Dhubyan or moie ace
rately the Banu Fazara a sub-tribe oi Dhubyan T
war took its name from a stallion called Dahis oy
which the quarrel arose and which became pioye
1 foi
i luck
kai are probably to be
sought in the enmity genet ated by the domination by
'\bs of all Ghatafan as well as Hawazin which had
reached its peak around the middle of the century
but had begun to decline with the death oi 7uhayi
b Djadhima the chieftain of '\bs [see ghatafan]
The war which is said to haye lasted foirv years
continued until some yeais aftei the Day oi Shi'b
Djabala on which 'Abs ]omed with ' \mir against
Dhubyan and Tamim this battle is traditionally dated
in the yeai of the Prophet Muhammad s birth
The major eyents oi the war as well as then pioper
sequence, are clear irom oui sources, although
shows signs of a
e the
j the
lain pnr
sting te
ir> s
eadeis Kays b Zuhay
added
1 Hudhay
Djadhima
oi Dhubyan
The most detailed study oi the first part oi the
wai down to the Day oi al-Haba'a is by E Meyer
Der hutomche Gehalt der \iyam al'Arab Wiesbaden 1970
50-65 who giyes a full bibhogiaphy The main pri-
mary soui ce is the commentary on the haka id i 83-
108 which is a continuous narratne on the authority
oi al-kalbi (piobably the son Hisham d 206/821 2)
igham', xm 24-33, xvn 187-208 giyes the same
account almost yeibatim on the authority oi Muham-
mad b Habib (d 245/8b0) \bu 'Ubayda (d 209/824-
5), Muhammad b Sa'dan ( fl 3rd/9th century)
but stops with the death oi Hudhayfa on the Day
oi the Well of al-Haba'a omitting the latter half of
the war and the final conclusion oi peace Other
accounts die those oi al-Muiaddal b Salama al Fakhir
Cairo 1380/19b0, 219-35 quoted yeibatim by
Maydam Madpna' al amihal Cairo 1959, n 110-211
and Ibn al-Athir Beirut 1965 i 56b-83 neither oi
whom cites his authonties The latter yeision is con-
siderably curtailed and at the same time is eked out
by the addition oi dialogue and transitional passages
in the nairatne A much shoiter account also from
Abu 'Ubayda in Ibn 'Abd Rabbih al'Ikd al fand \
Cano 194b, 150-b0 is druded into anam
AJ1 the pumary accounts differ considerably one
from anothei We shall first summarise the mam eyents
oi the wai as they are lelated in the \aka'id and
then point out the more important differences in the
Dahis was ill omened eyen befoie his birth since
the ownei of his sue tried but failed to recoyer the
seed deposited in the womb of the dam because the
pan had mated without his knowledge oi consent
The stallion grew up to be a swift lunner and eyen-
tually became the propeity of Kays b Zuhayr of '\bs
who seized him in a laid (83-5)
Different reasons are giyen tor the ill-will between
Kays and Hudhay fa but whateyei the cause it
betwc
nally ,
Kays ran Dahis
entries ol Hudhayfa were
and al-Hanfa' To make si
i stalho:
id al-Ghabra :
il-Khattar (or Kurzulj
oi winning Hudhayfa
se who seized and held
Dahis until the othei horses passed When leleased
Dahis oyertook the two horses oi Hudhayfa and
would haye come in second behind al-Ghabia' but
again the Banu Fazara lntenened and beat off the
leideis pieyentmg them from finishing fust Both
sides claimed yictoiy and the wagei was not paid
■ j (85-8,1
Fust blood in the conflict was drawn by Kays who
while on a laid killed <\wl b Badi the bi other oi
Hudhayia The bloodwit oi 100 camels was paid by
al Rabi' b 7iyad al- <\bsi Despite this Hudhayfa
letahated by sending a gioup of men among whom
was his bi other Hamal b Badr against Malik b
Zuhayr the brother of Kays who was married to a
woman of Tazaia and hying in the yicimty Hamal
kills Malik and when al-Rabi' hears of this he leayes
the ajmar oi Hudhayia which he had enjoyed up to
this time and joins Kays (88-92
At this point theie is a digiession to explain an
estrangement that had occuned between Kays and
al-Rabf who had stolen a coat of mail belonging to
Kays The murdei of Malik howeyei reconciles the
two men who combine their iorces against Hudhayfa
(90) They demand the leturn of the camels that had
been paid as blood money ioi 'Awf but Hudhayia
refuses Then anothei brother of Hudhayfa Malik b
Badr is killed by i ceitam Djunaydib akhu Bam
Rawaha a distant relatiye oi Kays (93 4)
Peace is then sought by al-Asla' b '\bd Allah al-
'Absi who giyes seyeral young boys to Fazaia as
hostages Hudhayfa howeyei is implacable He gets
possession oi the boys and kills them one by one
ioicing them to call on then lathers ior help as he
shoots them to death with arrows <\mong the boys
weie Wakid b Djunaydib and 'Utba the son oi Kays
b Zuhay i (93-4)
Next follows a senes of battles in which 'Abs aie
yictonous On the Day oi Khathira at which
Hudhayia was not present Hzan lost seyeial promi-
nent men among them al-Hanth another bi other
of Hudhayfa (94) Hudhayia mustered his ioices and
set out in pursuit oi 'Abs, but fell into a tiap laid
by Kays, who sent off the animals and non-coml
went m another As he expected, Hudhayfa and
Dhubyan followed the animals, and, as they scattered
to gather in the plundei, 'Abs fell on them unex-
pectedly and wreaked such slaughter that al-Rabi' b
Ziyad and his brothers begged him to desist This
battle was known as the Day of Dhu Husa (04-5)
Hudhayfa and his brother Hamal escaped the car-
nage, and with a few companions came to the Well
ol al-Haba'a, where they were finally hunted down
by a group of 'Abs, among whom was Shadddd, the
father of the poet 'Antara Both Hudhayfa and Hamal
were killed The Aaka'id adds as an after-thought that
it was said that Hudhayfa killed the mother of Kays,
whom he found among the animals, on the Day of
Dhu Husa (95-b)
From this point, the fortunes of war change The
rest of the chronicle is gi\en over to the wanderings
of 'Abs, who hard-pressed by the combined forces of
Dhubyan, leave their homeland in an attempt to find
allies 01 dfiuai among the Arabs who were not of
Ghatafan They first defeat the Banu Kalb on the
Day of 'Ura'ir, then they go to the Banu Sa'd b
Zayd Manat, who give them a pledge ol security for
three davs, but attack them later and are defeated
on the Day of Faruk Then 'Abs go to the Banu
Hanifa in al-Yamama, but find no support with them
They finally find dpuar with 'Amir b Sa'sa'a, but it
is given grudgingly and 'Abs aie subjected to indig-
nities It is during this period that they paiticipate m
the Day of Shi'b Djabala ieferred to above Thereafter
they leave 'Amu and go to the Banu Taghhb Taghhb
react favorably to their request and send a delega-
tion to consult with 'Abs, but among the delegates
Kays recognises an old enemy, Ibn Kmms al-Taghhbi,
who had killed al-Hanth b Zdhm, the man who had
avenged the murder of Kays's father Kays slays Ibn
Khims and the chances for djiwar with the Banu
Taghhb aie ruined (98-104)
Thereafter, weary of war, Kays sends his tribe home
to tr\ to make peace with Dhubyan After some dif-
ficulties this is accomplished, but Kays himself leluses
ever again to be a mud^awir of any house of Ghatafan
and departs for 'Uman, where he later dies Peace is
concluded with Dhubyan by al-Rabi' b Ziyad and
the rest of the Banu 'Abs (104-8)
It is clear that whoever put together this account oi
the war — al-Kalbi or his informants - was a partisan
of 'Abs Kays is made to appeal as a paragon ol for-
bearance (hilm) and Hudhavla an unmitigated villain
Kays in the beginning attempts to call off the wager
which was made without his consent because he
realises that it can only lead to trouble Hudhavla insists
on running the race and then wins it only by cheat-
ing He later on sends Hamal to kill Malik b Zuhavr
although he had previously accepted the bloodwit for
his brother 'Awf and now refuses to return the camels
Kays lets one of his sons go as a hostage in an eflort
to bring about peace and Hudhavla kills him with the
other children in a barbarous manner Later on he
kills Kays's mother Finally at the end at the Well of
al-Haba'a, Hudhavla shows himself a coward and has
to be pushed into the fray by his brother Hamal Kay:
who was not present expresses in verses his regret -
the incident and refers to Hamal as the best of men
and says he would weep for him forever were it nc
that he had behaved unjustly
In the other sources Kays does not appear in sue
a good fight, noi is Hudhayla so wicked According
each other and not as a team The wagei was between
Kays and Hamal b Badr, the owner of al-Ghabra'.
who arranged the deception, and thus appears as insti-
gator of the war instead of his brother
Kays is said to have killed not the brother, but
Malik (or Nadba), the son of Hudhayfa, whom his
father had sent as a messenger to ask for payment
of the wager As a messenger his person should have
been sacred, but Kays said grimly, "I'll pay you later",
and then thrust his spear through his back ('Ikd, v,
152, Ibn al-Athir, i, 572)
The killing of the children is told in two separate
episodes Ravyan b al-Asla' is taken prisoner, but is
released by Hudhayfa and gives his two sons and
nephew as hostages Kays kills Malik b Badr and
only then does Hudhayfa in retaliation kill the two
sons of Ravyan, who die calling for their father He
is prevented from killing the nephew by the boy's
maternal uncles, who were apparently of Fazara (Ibn
al-Athir l, 57b) Later, 'Abs agree to pay Hudhayfa
ten bloodwits for his losses and give as hostages a
son ol Kays and a son of al-Rabi* b Ziyad Hudhayfa
is only able to get his hands on the son of Kays, but
captures two other 'Absis and kills the thiee of them
together It is not actually stated that this last group
were children (ibid, 577) In still another account of
this incident, Kays is made to bear the blame for
foolishly insisting on giving hostages against the advice
of al-Rabi' b Ziyad, who wished to stand and fight
(Maydani, n, 114) In general, the other sources give
much more importance to al-Rabi' than does the nar-
rator in the .haka'id
According to the haka'id, Kays was not present at
al-Habd'a when Hudhayfa and Hamal were slain, but
he is there in the othei versions, egging his comrades
on with the cry labbaykum in answer to the cries of
the children as they w'ere murdered ('Ikd, vi, 157, Ibn
al-Athir,
'Abs and Dhubyan wei
and the war of Dahis had
affected the course of event
For later Muslims, the mc
permanently reconciled,
10 political aftermath that
after the adv ent of Islam
[ important results of the
s the best-documented of
all the wars of the pagan Arab tubes Several famous
poets paiticipated in it or allude to it m their poetr\
Among them aie 'Antara b Shaddad, Nabigha al-
Dhubyani, Labid, whose mothei was of 'Abs, and the
'Absi leaders Kays and al-Rabi' The memory of the
major events m the struggle was doubtless still fresh
when scholars began to collect the poetr\ and anec-
dotal material connected with it, though it is likely
that the minor incidents, the personalities of the pai-
ticipants and the real causes of the quarrel had already
been invested with an aura ol romanticism Probably
the very quantity of data facilitated this proces'
appar.
t in the
iving a,
) 'Ikd, \
Dahis
al-Ghab
Umayyad period, the war was exploited for jakhr
and hidfa themes several Arabic pioverbs and provei-
bial expressions are said to have originated in the
dialogue between Hudhayfa and Kays (Maydani, nos.
537 bl3 821 and 1530), and Dahis became a per-
manent part of Arabic folklore and literature as a
symbol ol bad luck and enduring enmity, embodied
in the proverbs ash' am min Dahis and kad waka'a bay-
nahum haib Dahn wa 'l-Ghabra' '(ibid, nos. 2033, 2925).
Bibliography: in addition to the works men-
tioned in the text, see al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi,
imthal al Arab Istanbul 1300, 26 ff (not seen);
al Nuwayn Nihayat al-arab, xv, Cairo 1949, 356-
63 (copies 'Ikd); G.W. Freytag, Arabum proverbia,
n 275 83 (= Maydani); Abu Tammam, Hamasae
DAHIS -
carmma ed Fieytag, i 222-1 212 449 450-1 (all
quite brief), Ibn al-Kalbi, Hisham b Muhammad
hasab alkjiayl ed G Levi della Vida Leiden
1928 index genealogies of Dahis and the other
horses) W C askel Camharat an nasab l Tateln
130 132 genealogies ol Dhubvan-Fazara and
<\bs)
4i)am
1 'Arab
Is la
(Supplement, 19301 1-99 (hterarv aspects of ayyam-
hterature) (JA BelL4M\)
DA'IRA SANIYYA the teim used loi the
administration of ciown lands m the Ottoman
Lmpire during the last quarter ot the 19th centu-
ry Saniyya lands weie the mulK (private freehold) of
the Sultan They were administered by a well-organ-
ised establishment the Da'ira Saniyya which had
blanch offices m aieas wheie these lands were abun-
dant After the revolution of 1908 Sultan '\bd al-
Hamid II ceded his pnvate ptopcri
The
lansferred to the newry-foimed department of
al 4mlak al mudauuara
Within months of the accession to the thione of
'\bd al-Hamid II, vast areas of the richest agricul-
tural lands in 'Irak had been legistered as his pn-
vate propertv Most of these land*
Hill;
i The\
acquued b\ all possibles means horn expro-
priation by imperial order to bona jidi puuhases with
the sultan's monev The Saniyya Land Department
in Tiak had close ties with the aimy the onl\ source
of trained engineers and survevois able to collect the
levenues The lands continued to be faimed out b\
ilti^am tribes occupving ianiyya lands persisted in ion-
sidenng them as then tribal lazma The Sultan
pi iv lieges in order to induce them to lemain on
these lands
In Egypt the term was related to the Muhammad
'All d\nastv Land given by Muhammad '<\h and his
successors to themselves or to membeis of their tamiK
onginallv was called djiflik ipl d}afalik) and IsmS'il
adopted the teim qjajalik saniyya oi qjajalik al da'na al
ianma B\ 1880 the Da'im Sanma lands amounted to
503 b99 feddans most of them in Upper and Middle
Egypt This land was pledged as secuntv for two loans
contracted bv IsmaTl in 1865 and 1870 and eonsol-
idated and unified m 1877 and 1880 \fter Isma'il s
deposition and in the couise of the liquidation ot
Egypt s debt the Da'ira lands passed into the contiol
of the state and oni\ a small part was latei restored
to the princes in a final settlement in 1893 oi repui-
chased b\ them The bulk was sold to land compa-
nies and pnv ate persons In 1 898 Bi ltish capital loi med
the syndicate which later became the Dana Sameh
Company and disposed of all Da'ira lands on behalt
of Egypt s ci editors The operation was completed by
March 190b lesulting inter aha in a considerable
increase in the area owned in large estates
Bibliography \ Jwaideh Ih Samya lands' of
Sultan \bdul Hanud II in Iraq in G Makdisi (ed )
-irabic and Islamic studies in honor of Hamilton 4 R
Gibb Leiden 1965 326-36 'Mt Pasha Mubarak
alhhitat altmifikiyya al djadida Bulak 1304-5/1887-8
Rapport presinte pin le Consul dt Diteitmn dt la Dana
Sameh a S 4 Le Khedue sur la situation dt lannet 1880,
Cano 1881, G Baer 4 history of landoumrship m
modern Egypt 1809 19V) London 1962
i,G Baer)
DAKAR, the capital of Senegal is situated
at the tip of the C ape Verde peninsula Its position
is the westemmost outpost ot the ancient woild (its
longitude reaches 17° lb' W at the point of the
-Umadies) The legion ot Dakar which covers almost
parts (1) \n eastern highland aiea (more than 100
m in altitude) the N Diass range uses some 70 m
above lake Tanma to the east the relief consists ot
hills oi low plateaux with very gentle slopes not exceed-
ing 40 to 50 m (2) the tip of the peninsula from
Fann Point to Bel-\n Point the coastline is very
jagged numerous capes (Fann Point C ape Manuel
Bel-\ir Point) define the ba\s iSoumbedioune the
Madeleines Bernard Port of Dakar etc ) the alti-
tude is very modest except at Cape Manuel (40 m )
(3) In the north-west of the region the coast-line is
more oi less jagged with a series of capes the Cape
of Yotl Cape of the Almadies Hen by contrast, the
contours aie higher with the Mamelles (100 mj and
with plateaux at altitudes ot between 30 and 50 m
V vast plain links the two mountainous regions ot the
irshy a
;tabk
In the :
nth a
oidon of dm
ers and isolates a whole senes ot lakes lake
lake Tanma lake Retba lake Mbebeusse etc T
south there is a coidon of shifting dunes
The peninsula of Cape Verde has a special c]
totally different from that of the interior of the
Dunr
lasts fiom mid-June to October, temperatuies reach
25° to 27° C the an is humid and there is an aver-
age of bOO to b50 mm of lainfall, the maximum being
in the month of \ugust The singular feature of the
climate is the length of the good season oi dry sea-
son which lasts fiom November to mid-June
Temperatuies aie mild (19° to 21"), owing to the prox-
imity ot the sea but especiallv to the cold cuirent of
the Canaries which hugs the Senegal-Mauietaman coast
and to the ahje, the sea-wind ot the Azores which
bars the wav to the harmattan (a hot and dry wind)
Histontallv the peninsula ot Cape Verde was pait
of the kingdom of Kavor It was visited in 1444 bv
the Portuguese Denis Diaz While Goree an island
King 3 km to the east pronded a tiansit centre for
European navigators and for the slave tiade, and was
the residence of governois conn oiling the whole of
the coastline as tar as Gabon Dakar was nothing
more than a tinv village occupied bv fishermen ot
the Lebou tribe la blanch of the Wolof) It was on
25 Mav 1857 that the captain of the vessel Profit in
agreement with the leadeis of the theocratic Republic
of the Lebou othciallv hoisted the French flag at
Dakar which henceforward became a port of call on
imperial communications routes to south Amenca In
1895 a general government was foimed charged with
co-ordinating the policy of the governments of the
diffeient colonies constituting French West Africa
|\OF lAfuque Occidental Fiancaisel The govei-
nor of Senegal was however actually installed at
Samt-Louis, capital ol the \ O F
It became a naval base in 18'
AOF i
1902 v
the foe;
of the r
the \ O F and metropolitan Frant e, and the seat of
the Giand Fedeial Council in 1957 Dakai also be-
came the capital of the colony ol Senegal ftom 1957
onwaids then that ot the Fedeiation of Mall (com-
pusing Senegal and the former French terntones
of the Sudan) and finally that of Senegal after the
accession of the country to international sovereigntv
in I960
Officially the administrative, economic and religious
capital, Dakar comprises urban sectors with remark-
ably clear-cut divisions, regulated bv the plans of 1946
and 1961. The former established four zones: |1) A
mixed African and European residential zone on the
western sea-board as far as Yoff (the airport); (2) A
commercial and administrative zone centred on the
southern region, bordering on the commercial port;
(3) An industrial zone, from the main jetty to Thiaroye;
and (4) Finally, a group of reserved territories, non
aedificandi sectors.
The 1961 plan modified the earlier ver> little; the
only changes were the specialisation of the industrial
zone, the constitution of an important university cen-
tre, and the designation of the new urban centre of
Dagoudane-Pikine as the co-ordination centre for the
Witr
)f Dakai
ip of t
t plan.
to the urban structure, the town
occupies the south-eastern extremity of the
■ peninsula. It is the region which has
l the
plateaux and on the southern part of the plain where
is situated the Medina. The essential characteristic
of this urban zone is that it is almost the only area
having buildings of solid construction. Grouped with-
in it are the national organisations of a political
all the
or triangles:
centric type
streets, whi
advanced.
The town of Dal
its centre the Kerm
hall, <
;. The plan c
nogeneous unity; the port s ,
s in the form of rectangles, sq
mth-eastern sector is of the .
a series of roundabouts; the
whole-
impa-
i the 5
■r-boa
uth,
I form
everal quarters: the
il old admin-
lam pos
y busy i
-office
the t
ing a
[ night;
the Place de lTndependance, very modern and full
of activity (banks, estate agencies, travel agencies and
insurance offices); the heterogeneous central quarter
which consists rather of services establishments and
of wholesale houses, and is a centre of the textile
trade and of traditional commerce; the human pop-
ulation is very mixed there, with Lebanese and
Syrians, French, Portuguese Cape Verdeans, Moors,
Toucouleurs, etc.; and the administrative quarter with
high-rise public buildings: the National Assembly, the
Presidency of the Republic, the government min-
istries building, the embassies, hospitals, the Palais
I the Mandel maternity hospital and dispensary, muni-
cipal nurser), etc.); Fas, barely urbanised, with very-
few asphalted roads, dotted with shanties giving place
more and more to modern developments (the O.H.
L.M. Centre). It is there that the Independence mon-
ument and the Kennedy girls' lycee are situated;
Colobane, a quarter identical to Fas; Gibraltar, entirely
residential, with some stylish villas constructed bv the
O.H.L.M.
Grand-Dakar constitutes the most recent, the most
extensive and the most populous zone of urban devel-
opment of Dakar. A very modern urbanisation exists
alongside patches of shanty-town. It consists of the fol-
lowing quarters: Fann-Hock, Fann-Residence, Mermoz,
Point E and Zone B, a superior residential zone (the
University, the Ecole normale superieure, the Ecole
nationale d'economie appliquee, the Blaise Diagne and
Delafosse Lycees, numerous embassies and luxury vil-
las for governement ministers). In the centre of Grand-
Dakar there are some small self-contained estates: Zone
A, Cite du Port de Commerce et des Douanes, the
estates of Bopp and of Wagouniaye.
The allotments of the north encompass, between
the Avenue Bouguiba and the Route du Front de
Terre: the Cite de Police, the Karak, the simple or
multistoreved villas of the Sicap, the quarters of the
Castors, of Derkle and of the Cite des Eaux, some vil-
las of the O.H.L.M. I and II.
The Grand-Dakar with its shanty-towns is the
ith the
The don
s be-
and 13. SICAP and the O.H.L.M.
■ influence
of Dak.
de Just
ce. It i
also a residen
al quarter
The
norther
sector of the
town of Dakar com-
prises a
n easier
n section with sc
me buildings of solid
shantie
(Rebeuss) a central section, with waste-ground and
some large buildings (Colis Postaux, the Ecole Malik
Sy, the Great Mosque, the Institut Islamique, the
Polvclinique) and some industrial establishments:
Huilerie Petersen, Brosette. Air Liquide, etc.
The third industrial zone contains export and import
industries (oil-works, large mills, maritime industries
and light industries). This zone is not built up: it is
mostly waste-ground with some market-gardens and
shanty-towns (Darou Kip, Maka-Colobane, etc.).
The Grande-Medina comprises several quarters: the
Gueule-Tapee, relatively urbanised with many solidly-
built houses, and some large modern establishments
of industrial establishments as far as MBao where
there is a petrol refiner) and where there begins the
free industrial zone of Dakar-marine; the military
camps of Quakam and of Camberene, the interna-
tional airport of Yoff and its technical buildings; the
major telecommunications establishments grouped at
Yeumbel and to the north of Rufisque, a military
conglomeration situated 30 km. from the capital; the
presence of residential estates accommodating the work-
ers of Dakar; the estates of the Almadies, of Ngor,
of the airport, of Sabe, of Grand-Yoff, of the Patte
d'Oie, the villas of the O.H.L.M., Guediawaye, Pikine,
Thiaroye and Diaksaw.
Dakar also maintains reciprocal trading relations
j with certain villages in its close vicinity, providing the
villages with fish and vegetables and furniture in
exchange for various types of merchandise. These vil-
I lages are Hann-Pecheur, Oukam, Ngor and Yoff.
j Demography. Dakar, which had only 20,000 inhabi-
tants at the beginning of the centur>, today numbers
more than 350^000. The census of 1961 gave a total
j population of 302,920 for the town of Dakar and
71,780 for the surrounding area. The same investi-
gation listed 45,000 non-Africans, of whom 29,180
I were French, 9.900 Lebano-Syrians. 5,800 Metis, 500
j Antillese and about a hundred North Africans. With
the exception of the Lebanese community, this non-
African population has tended to diminish as a result
| of the Africanisation of cadres and the reduction of
the French military- presence.
j The African population in 1961 numbered in total
i 398,060, or 9/10 of the population of Cape Verde
j (443,560). There are some thirty tribes represented,
I but five predominate: the Wolof'i 203,840 or 51.2'V
the Toucouleurs (50,480 or 12.6%), the Lebou (36,
860), the Sereres (25,980), and the Peul and Foula
(23,900), a total of 341,060.
The Lebano-Syrians deal in commercial activities.
The Africans practise fishing and agriculture (the
Lebou), or are agents in public services (functionar-
ies and members of the security forces), workers in
personal services (the Toucouleur, Peul, young Sereres
and Diola) or members of the liberal professions
(lawyers, bailiffs, experts in various fields). Industries
employ as many people as do the services. Commerce
involve the employees of European commerce (clerks,
bookkeepers, administrators), tradesmen based in the
African quarters and vendors in the markets with a
strong colony of Foula from Guinea (Konakry).
Religions. The two main religions practised in Senegal
are Islam and Christianity (both Catholic and
Protestant), and it is at Dakar that they are officially
represented.
The primary religion of Senegal, after the virtual
disappearance of animism, is Islam. In fact, 90% of
Senegalese are Muslims, as are 4/5 of the popula-
tion of Dakar. Unlike Christianity, Islam in Senegal
takes on a traditional, even local, character. The
Muslims of Senegal, of the Maliki rite, belong, in a
a marabout, their spiritual chief. As a result of the
rural exodus, Dakar is the meeting-point of all the
fraternities existing in the country. From Dakar thou-
sands and thousands of pilgrims travel once a year
towards Touba, capital of Mundism [j.c], a frater-
nity founded by Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba Mbacke in
ca. 1895, or towards Tivaouane, capital of the
Tldjaniyya order. These two towns are certainly reli-
gious capitals, but it is at Dakar that contacts between
the temporal (the secular state) and the spiritual take
place. Periodically, the various religious leaders leave
their respective capitals to meet the governmental
authorities in Dakar.
The different fraternities represented in Dakar are:
(a) The Tldjaniyya [}.».], of which the present spir-
itual chief is the "caliph" (khalifa) El-Hadji Abdoul
Aziz Sy, the third son of the late El-Hadji Malick
Sy (1850-1922). The khalifa has his official residence
at Tivouane, a zawiya founded by his father; how-
ever, he possesses houses in Dakar which provide
him with a pied a lerre and serve as accomodation
for the talibs, disciples who generally conduct Kur'anic
schools. These residences are constantly changing
when the khalifa is moving through the capital. A
large number of the members of the Sy family reside
in Dakar, and each one, in his home, has his fol-
lowing of talibs.
While speaking of the Tidjani at Dakar, one can-
not ignore El-Hadji Seydou Nourou Tall, grandson
of El-Hadji Omar Tall (1796-1864), a man of the
first importance both in the religious and the politi-
cal sphere, whose residence is constantly full of
Senegalese Toucouleur and Malian disciples.
(b) The Murids. With the rural exodus of the
peasants from the Baol, where are situated Touba
and the zawiya of Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba, Dakar
contains a significant number of Murids, who every
year make the Magal, or pilgrimage to Touba. Almost
all the members of the MBacke family reside either
at Touba, at MBacke, at Diourbel or in the neigh-
bouring villages, and to our knowledge, only Serigne
Shaykh MBacke, grandson of Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba,
representing the industrialist tendency of Mundism,
resides permanently in Dakar. He owns many houses
there and a quarter bears his name (Sicap Serigne
Cheikh); his residence is remarkable for the dailv
crowds of talibs and of dependents. When the khalifa
is on his way to Dakar, the crowds become more
numerous, each man pressing forward to express his
allegiance to his spiritual leader; the talibs sing poems
by the founder of Murldism or recite the Kur'an for
the whole length of the journey. Dakar becomes a
sort of Touba during the entire visit of the khalifa,
the Shaykh Abdul Ahad MBacke.
(c) The Kadiriyya, who have several important
centres in Senegal. Senegalese pilgrims often travel to
Baghdad, where there is the tomb of Shaykh 'Abd
al-Kadir al-Djrlani [q.v.], founder of the fraternity, but
every year thousands of Kadin adherents make their
way to Nimzat, in Mauretania, where the order arose.
NDiassane in Senegal is the most important centre
of the Kadin fraternity. As in the case of the oth-
ers, many associations of Kadiri talibs exist in Dakar.
They are very active, especially during \isits of their
khalifa, grandson of Shaykh Sa'd Buh, one of the
propagators of the sect in Senegal. In Dakar, the
Kadiriyya has its own quarter in the Gueule-Tapee
on street 6.
(d) Of recent creation (1890), the fraternity of the
Laye is less widespread than the pre\ious three groups.
The Layes take their name from Libasse (a corrup-
tion of al-'Abbas), better known as Limamou Laye
(Imam Allah) (1843-1909), marabout and founder of
the order whose influence remains limited to the Cape
Verde peninsula, more particularly among the Lebou.
It was from a base at Yoff that the founder preached
The present khalifa is Shaykh Sidina Mandione
Laye; he lives in Camberence, a village not far from
Dakar.
(e) The Trdjam sub-group of the Niassenes is based
at Kaolack. In Dakar, Maryama Niasse (daughter of
the late El-Hadji Ibrahima Niasse, founder of the sub-
sect) lives in Malik Sy Avenue and receives visitors
coming from all parts of Senegal, as well as from
Nigeria, Egypt, Ghana, Dahomey, etc. Her brother,
also in Dakar, supervises an important Kur'anic school
whose renown stretches beyond the frontiers of the
In addition to its role as a capital, Dakar is the
meeting-point of all the fraternities existing in Senegal,
where the Muslim religion, because of its importance,
enjoys a number of official institutional benefits con-
ferred by the secular state.
At the University of Dakar, in the Faculty of
Literature, there is an Arabic section, and there is a
department of Islamology at the I. F.A.N. (Institut
Fondamental d'Afrique Noire).
The Great Mosque of Dakar is a religious institu-
tion of an official nature. Its construction was 90%
financed by the state. The Imam is appointed by the
Lebou community, but paid and housed by the gov-
ernment. The Friday prayer in the Great Mosque is
transmitted only by the radio-masts of the O.R.T.S.
and on the occasion of major Muslim festivals, the
head of state is always officially represented by the
Prime Minister. In the precinct of the Great Mosque
is the Islamic Institute of Dakar, which was inaugu-
rated in 1974 by the President of the Republic and
which has as its purpose basic research, education
and Islamic instruction.
Catholicism is under by a Senegalese archbishop
who has his seat in Dakar, the centre of the activ-
ities of the Catholic Church in Senegal. The Church
contributes very effectively to education; it admin-
isters infant, primary and secondary schools which
Eduta
uring a
nufae ■
i on Dakai The onl> Senegalese Lnivei-
sit>— with its Faculties and Institutes the I F \ N
and its maior schools of which the Ecole Noimale
Supeneuie pro\ides highei education basic lescarch
and the foimation of higher cadies — is situated
in Dakar The Institutes of Applied Reseaich (Insti-
tute of Nuttitional Technology the ORSTOM
the Institute of De\elopment and of Inteinational
Oigamsations the Institute of Oceanographic Studies
of Thiaio>e the B\N\S the Pasteur Institute
the Institute of Ps\chiatnc research the Institute oi
\pplied Lepiolog\ and the National Institute of \its
are also based on the capital There are m Dakai
12 centres of technical professional industiial and
cateung training 112 pnman and secondary schools
and centies of Geneial Education without counting
the Customs Seivice Mihtarv Health Gendaimenc
and Police tiaming schools 411 the museums aie sit-
uated in Dakai oi in Goree
\n admimstiative, economic human cultuial and
lehgious focus, foiced brutallv into contact with con-
tiaduton elements generating conflict between the
modem and the tiaditional anxious to o\eicomt these
contradictions and reduce these tensions so is to
piogiess towards an integial and harmonious de\el
opment Dakai tends to be concerned not onK with
its own destinv but moie lealisticallv with that of
the whole of Senegal
Bibhogiaphy \P \ngrand Us lebou dt la
Prtsquik du Capltrt Dakar 194b \ Hauser Us
industries dt transjoimatwn de Dakar IF\N Etudes sene
galaises No 5 Dakar 1954 J Richard Molard
hilts difiiqut /Vein Ftance Outie-mer No 255
Presence Afncaine Pans 1958 R Pasquici Us
iillts du Stntgal ait 19 siedt in Ram dhistom des
lolomes (1960) M Jodoin Zti mduslms mtmufattunerts
de la legion dakaroise DFS Uni\ersit\ of Monti eal
19b3 \ssane Seek Dakar mitrupale nueit ajrauamt
IF\N Memoire N 85 Dakar 1970 \ Samb Essai
arabe IF\N Memone No 87 Dakai 1972 innuam
ofjiael de la Republique du Senegal ed La Socute
\fnca Dakar 197b J Charfv La fondahon dt Dakar
{1845 1857 1889 Pans ND
DAKHALIEH [see dakahliyya]
al-DALAL \bi Zayd Namd mania of the Fahm
tribe musician and zanj in Medina bom about
70/b90 died about 145/762 Like his teachei Tuwa\s
(d 92/7 10; he was a mukhannath— hence the pimeib
moie effeminate than al-Dalal —and is said to
have been castiated b> order of one of the caliphs
either Sula\man or Hisham [but see KhasiI His
musical gifts and iead\ wits he used as an enter-
tainer of Quiavsh women and a singei at weddings
composed highh artistic (katjiv al'amal) melodies in
a st\le called ghma' mud'aj most of them on veises
b\ contempoiar\ poets \unus al-Katib lecoided one
Ibiahim al Mawsih 19 and \bu 1-Faradj al-Isbaham
30 of his song texts m then kutub al agham the lat-
ter using souices like the songbooks of al-Hishami
and Habash and the \khbar al Dalai b\ Ishak al-
Mawsih
Bibhograpln igham i\ 2b9-99 (mam source
see indices) Ibn Khui radadhbih Mukhtai mm Kitab
allaha it a I mala hi ed I C A Khalifa Beirut 19bl
30-1 Djahiz Hawaiian i 121 Ibn "\bd Rabbih
'Ikd vi Cairo 1949 27 29 Fihnst 141 Tad, al
'arus ™ 324-5 HG Faimer Histon of babian
DALMATIA (Dalmacija in Seibocroat a histoiu
irovince of Jugoslavia foimerK coveimg parts
if the Federal Republics of Croatia (the temton of
ontempoiarv Dalmatia) of Montenegro and a veiy
a-Hei
/ (
Skirted b\
a noith-west-
Dinu
Dali
Aduatic
n-east dnection at the foot of the
[anges \ elebit Svila|a Biokovo)
from the peninsula of Istna (acce)iding to some authois
onl\ fiom the island of Pag) to the \lbaman fion-
tiei marked b\ the river Bojana
But in fact the temtor> designated b\ historians
and geogiapheis under the name Dalmatia is an aiea
without stnctlv defined borders these borders ha\e
indeed changed a numbei of times o\ei the centuries
Duung the periods when the hinteiland was conti oiled
b\ poweiful states (Cioatia Zeta Bosnia Hungary
undei the \ngevins and the Ottoman Empne at its
zenith) the territory of Dalmatia was limited to the
■\dnatic islands and to a few stionglv foitified towns
In times of dismtegiation among the continental states
Dalm.tia extended fuithe
into tl
e intenoi of the
Balkan Pemnsul
oadK coveis the
central pait of
he Jugoslav \dn
tic coast that is
the censt-hne fi
f \ elebi
to the source of
the nvei Zrm ,r
|i and fiom theie
trl\ direction
o the fro
ltiei of Montenegio The
of the J
side Stumo Prm
orjt (the n
ithem 1
toial) the pemn-
sula of Istm t
lie gulf of
kvarne
as well is part
south-ea
teilv due
etion and on the
othei side Crno
torsko Pun
o,,t (the
Montenegun lit
toral) the col
t betwee
i Herce
g Novi and the
\lbanian frontie
Dalmatia con
pi 1st s tin
e geogiaphical legions
a) the littoia
1 flat in
phces
others indented
with dee
p gulfs a
nd well shekel ed
Dalm;
) the
■ up t
f Dalmatia is Meditenanean although
it is coldei to the north ol Split on account of the
wind known as bum (called Popeac; oi Poppac; by the
Gieeks uquilo bv the Romans
In the past the economv depended most of all on
fishing on the reanng of sheep, the glowing oi cere-
als e>hves vines and fnut-trees todav additional
j souices of income aie industrv shipbuilding and
tounsm Ports woithv of mention include Split Sibenik
j Zadai Ploce Giuz (the poit of Dubrovmk formeilv
Ragusaj and with regard to the Montenegun littoral
Bai (foi the contemporaiv period) without forgetting
j the bav of Kotoi with Tivat Kotor Peiast Risan
and Heiceg Novi wheieas Ri|eka (foimeilv Fiumei
the ptmeipal port of Jugoslavia situated at the end
of the gulf of Kvarner is not generallv legaided as
| a cm of Dalmatia the tennorv of which as stated
above is reckoned to lie fuithei to the south but as
I i citv of the ■Xdnatic coast
A. The
e-Ott,
riod.
Inhabited since Neolithic times, Dalmatia was pop-
ulated in the Bronze Age by Illyrian tribes, one of
which would seem to have born the name Delmates/
Dalmates. (This was in any case the name given by
the Romans, after the 1st century, to their province
of Illyricum or Hilluricum.)
From the time of the 5th and 4th centuries B.C.,
the Greek began establishing trading-posts (and later,
colonies) on a numbei of islands (Vis, Hvar, Korcula,
etc.) as well as in some of the coastal towns (Solin,
Trogir, etc.). In the 3td century B.C., there are records
of raids by Celtic tribes.
The Ulyrians of Dalmatia subsequently underwent
conquest by the Romans, a conquest which was
accomplished in stages, provoking wars of resistance
revolts on the part of the indigenous
popt
Jatioi
t the
. Six c
n 297 A.D., the enormous Roman province of Dalr
(which stretched from Istiia to Skadar, and from the
Adriatic to Sava, Kolubara and Zaprada Morava) was
divided by Diocletian into two regions: Dalmatia and
Praevalis (Provmcia Praevahtana), the latter approximately
covering the territory of present-day Montenegro, with
part of Albania, of Macedonia and of Serbia.
Under Byzantine rule from the 5th century on
wards, Dalmatia also suffered invasion and temporary
subjugation at the hands of various barbararian
peoples, first the Ostrogoths, then the Avars; sub-
sequendy, it was swamped by the influx of Sla\ic
tribes, who arrived in the Balkans in the 6th and 7th
During the following centuries, the various regions
of Dalmatia passed successively (although belonging
effectively, or nominally at least, to the Byzantine
Empire) undei the domination of the Franks, the dif-
ferent Croatian and Serbian states (Hrvatska, the
Principality of Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunija, Duklja,
etc.) and the Normans.
In the intervening period (in the 3rd/9th century),
there are records of raids by the Aiabs against the
Dalmatian coast, in particular an unsuccessful siege
of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), which seems to have lasted
fifteen months, in 252/866-7 (cf. Theophanes Con-
;, Histc
ca, I'm
ed. I.
uralo di
i EP).
From the 11th century onwards, domination of the
northern part of Dalmatia was contested by the
Venetians, the Croats {Regnum Croatiae et Dalmahae),
and the Hungarians, and domination of the southern
part by the various local Bosnian and Serbian prin-
cipalities and kingdoms.
Between 1205 and 1358 a large portion of
Dalmatian territory was held by Venice. During this
period, there was a raid by the Mongols, who, while
in hot pursuit of King Bela of Hungary, devastated
the suburbs of Split and ransacked the town of Kotor
in March 1242 (cf. R. Grousset, L'Empire des steppes,
Paris 1948, 332-3).
Between 1358 and 1409 Dalmatia fell under the
domination of Angevin Hungary (regna Dalmahae el
Croatiae) then under that of Venice (1409 and 1420-
1797), although for a long time previously, many of
the towns had often existed in a more or less (or
totally) autonomous state, as was the case of Dubrovnik
in particular (cf M Novak, Autonomija dalmatimkih
homuna pod Venea/om, Zadar 1965).
B. The Ottoman period.
(For the Republic of Dubrovnik, see ragusa;
for the history of the coastal region to the south
of Dubrovnik, see kara daoj, i.e. Montenegro
(Crnogorsko Primorje).
The conquest of the Balkan Peninsula by the
Ottomans, and their break-through in the direction
of Vienna, changed the map of Dalmatia yet again.
In fact, throughout the period of the Ottoman Empire's
greatest power, Venice controlled only the Adriatic
islands, the cities of the coast and a narrow coastal
strip stretching as far as Omis, while the littoral
between the rivers of Cetina and Neretva (Makarsko
Primorje), and the entire hinterland, weie in the hands
of the Turks (sandjak Lika, sandjak Klis, and sandjak
Heuegovina). It was only after the beginning of the
decline of Ottoman power (end of the 17th centurv),
that Venetian Dalmatia began once more to extend
into the interior of the peninsula.
Venetian rule in Dalmatia in the 15th and 16th
centuries operated on a feudal pattern. The land
belonged to the nobility, the majority of whom were
of foreign stock. In the towns the artisans and trades-
men were not permitted to take part in municipal
councils. There are records of numerous popular
rebellions against the feudal landlords. Maritime
commeice was reduced to the advantage of that of
Venice. Agriculture, on the other hand, became
rather more prosperous (especially on the islands),
mainly as a result of the influx of peoples fleeing
from the Turks. In the course of the next two cen-
turies, there is evidence of a major transformation of
Dalmatian society, a transformation which coincided
with the decline of Venice. Finally, we should take
note of the emergence of a Dalmatian culture of a
very high level.
(a) From the arrival of the Turks to 1570
The first Ottoman raids against northern Croatia
began in 820/1417, those against Dalmatia a little
later. In 1432 the Tuiks invaded the region of Zadar,
and soon after 1463 that of Senj; subsequently, in
September 1468, they mounted attacks against Zadar,
Sibenik and Split, then they once more devastated the
region of Zadar in 1470, those of Split and of Trogir
in 1471, of Modrusa (in the region of Lika not far
from Senj) in 1486, etc. But it was the region of
Makarska (at the foot of the mountain of Biokovo)
which was most exposed to the Ottoman attacks. From
the years 1465-70 onwards, the Turks were in con-
trol of the entire hinterland, with the towns of Ljubuski,
Vrgorac and Imotski. A little further to the north,
Omis (which was to keep up a valiant resistance
throughout the Ottoman period) repelled the first attack,
that of 1498. (On the frontiers of Venice in Dalmatia
in the 15th century, see M. Sunjie, Pomjeranje mletack-
ih graraca u Dalmaaji i odnosi sa susjedima tokom XV stoljeia,
in Godisnjak Drustva Istoncara B.i.H., xv [1964], 47-62.)
The pressure on Dalmatia became still more intense
after the decisive defeat inflicted on the Croats by
the Tuiks (cladu croatua) at Krbavsko Polje near Udbina
(1493), and especially during the Venetian-Turkish war
of 1499-1503. Having once again devastated the ter-
ritories of Split, Trogir, Sibenik, Zadar and Nin, the
Ottomans took control of the whole of Makarsko
Primorje (from Cetina to Neretva) (on the conquest
of Makarska, see V. Tipkovic, Vilajet Primorje, in
Godisnjak Drustva Istoncara B. i. H., xiv [1963], 229-37),
as well as the salient of Bosiljina (Busoljina?) lying
between Trogii and Sibenik (1501).
The peace treaty signed at the beginning of 1503
had little effect on the situation on the ground with
Turkish troops continuing to attack and devastate
Dalmatian territories an attack on Split in 1507 on
Omis in 1509 on Skradin in HI 2 the capture ot
Cacvina (in Posus]e) of Nut]ak (on the river Cetinal
and of Vir (near Imotski) in HI 3 in HI 4 attacks
on Skradin and Kmn and the capture of Kann in
HI 5 an attack on the tortress of Klis in H20 the
plunder ot the region of Split in 1 522 a fresh siege
of Klis (bv Khosiew Beg [q i ] the illustrious sandiakbig
of Bosnia) the capture of Kmn icf \ KJaic, hnm za
turskoga iladan/a (1522 1688) in Serta Brunsmidiana 1928
257-62) and of Skiadm in H23 the capture of
Ostrovica (an important stiong-pomt controlling sec-
ondai\ stiategic areas to the south of Velebit) the
destruction of Nadin and of Vrana in H24 the cap-
ture of Sin] (accoiding to some authors the town of
Sin, was taken in Mav -June 1513 cf H Sabanovic
EJi,a (thbi Putopis Sarajevo Svjetlost 1%7 151 n
14), in H2b the captme of Gabela etc
Thus after the vear 1524 the Turks held all of
the hinteiland between the rivers Cetina and Zrman]a
with the exception of the foitresses of Klis (besieged
again in 1531 finallv taken in 15371 and of Obiovac
(taken in its turn in 1527) while Venetian Dal-
matia was limited to the islands a narrow coastal
strip to the south of Velebit and the terntoiv King
between Omis and Novigiad (minus the salitnt ot
Bosiljina)
Also to be noted in this period are a number of
popular revolts (levolts of the pucam against the feu-
dal landlords) which we mav add to the long list of
similai revolts of the pieceedmg centuries Worth men-
tioning aie the revolt at Sibemk of 1510 and most
impoitant of all the great rebellion of the island of
Hvar (1510-14; which had repercussions not onlv in
Split Sibemk and Zadar but also in manv other
regions of Dalmatia
The Venetian-Turkish war of 1537-40 which fol-
lowed the capture of the fortress of Klis (1537) and
the siege of Omis bv the Turks brought ruin once
again to the regions of Split (which was henceforth
to have the nvei Jadro as its frontier) Trogir Sibemk
and Zadar and led to the destruction of Vrana
(on the town of Vrana under the Ottoman domi-
nation see SM Tral|ic Irana pod tunkom upraiom
mRadouJiZl ix [Zadai 1%2] 337-58 idem \rana
win [Zadar 1971] 343-77) and of Nadin (1537-8),
while the Venetians brieffv regained control of
Skradin and ransacked the town Shortlv after in
1540 the teintoiv (zupa) of Poljica passed into
A Suceska, po/oza/u Poljua u Osmansko] di aoi, in
Pnlozi za onjentalnu jilologiju xvi-xvn [Sara|evo 1966-
7 (1970)], 77-91 idem drzavno prainom polo^api
Poljua pod tunkom dascu in Zbomk Piainog fakulttta u
Zagnbu, xvu/3-4 [1967], 386-94 idem po/oza/u
Poljua u osmansko} drzaa in Poljiiki Z DOml ^ u [Zagreb
1971] 61-72, idem pos/idovnim odnosima u Poljicama
u sijetlu poljhkilt turskih isprava in Godim/ak Pracnog
Fakulteta, xxu [Sarajevo 1974], 411-22) It was prob-
ablv in the same period certainlv during the first
half of the 16th centurv that the little town of
Jablanac (to the south of Sen) opposite the island
of Rab) was ia7ed to the giound It was not until
the following centuiv that the ruined town began to
recovei (on the geneial situation see & Stanojevic.
Dalmanja I crnogorsko pnmorjc u irtjime mletaikoturskog rata
1537 39 godine in Iston/ski Glasmk Belgrade 1960/3-
4, 87-112)
The peace signed in Octobei 1540 (attei a sus-
pension ot hostilities foi three months in 1539) had
the eflect ot ceding to the Ottomans all the territo-
ries which thev had previouslv occupied In addition
the Turks were given war repaiations
The truce lasted for thirtv >ears Dunng this
period efforts were made to heal the ravages caused
\gnculture and stock-rearing which had been verv
severelv affected, improved mainlv as a result ot the
influx of people fleeing the occupied regions Fishing
also prospered but commerce and craftsmanship weie
But it was a fragile time broken dailv bv the
laids of the famous f skoa on Ottoman terntoiv
These were commando bands ot guerrillas based in
Dalmatia (pnnupallv in Senj) and conducting mih-
taiv operations within the conquered territories at
sea thev committed acts of pnatv which did not onlv
atlect the Turks In addition thev did not hesitate
to engage in conflict with the Venetians who hunted
them most eneigeticallv but would appeal to them
for help when the occasion aiose (cf V Vinaver
Senjski i skoci I leneaja do hipaisko^ lata in Istonph
Glasmk 1954/3-4 43-66 & Stano]evic Prtloo ^a
istouju Senjskih ( skoka in 1st 01 1960/1-2 111-141
idem Jtdan dokumenat o senjskim I skoama in lesrnk
lojno? Muzeja J/V4 vi-vu [Belgrade 1962] 97-108
and naturallv the same author s ma]Oi work Senjskt
Ihkm Belgrade 1973 as well as the two volumes of
archive material published bv B Desmca, Istonja
Kotarshh Uskoka, Belgrade S^NU 1950-1 and S
Paviuc Rasiljmanjt <;tawi>a stanoimstia Sen/a I okohce nas
[Sen] 1967-8] 324-70)
In the towns there was a remarkable florescence
of Dalmatian culture of hteratuie especiallv written
either in Latin oi in the language of the countiv
the most significant writers being Marko Maiuhc
(1450-1524) Hambal Lucie (1485-1553) Petar
Hektorovic (1487-1572) and others Three othei
authois equallv celebrated deserve greater attention
because thev devoted manv of then works to studv
of the Tuiks, and mav therefore be legaided as the
ancestors of i ugoslav orientalism' Thev are Fehks
Petancic (Felix Brutus Petancius de Petancns
Petanuus Ragusinus Dalmata) [ta 1455-rfl 1517) of
Ragusa Ludovik Cri]evic Tuberon (Ludovicus
Movsius de Cerva de Cneva Cervanus Tubero)
(1459-1527) also of Ragusa, and <Vntun Vrancic
(Verantius Vrantius Wrantius Vrancich) (1504-73)
of Sibemk
The writings of the first of these include a Histona
tmpaatomm ngni Tunta (or Histona Turcica) the manu-
suipt of which is in Nuremberg De itmenbus m
Tuiciani (oi Quibus itmeribus Turn \mt aggredien
di ) ed Vienna 1522 Ginealogia tunorum imperato
rum (or Dismptio Turuiae) the manuscript of which
is in Budapest (see D Kmewald Fthh Pttancu i njt
goia d)tla Belgrade SANU 1961 M Kurelac Emiklo
pidija Jugoskoije \i 474 1
The writings ot the second include Dt Tun arum
ongim monbus et rebus gutis lommintanw, ed Floience
1590 (omminlanorum dt rebus quae temponbus ems in
ilia Europut park quam Panrwnni et Tunat torumqut
finitimi mcolunt gistai sunt libn xi 1st ed Fiankfurt
1603 2nd ed (under the title Syndromus mum Tutnco
Pannonuaium) Fiankfuit 1627 3rd ed in J G
Schwandtner Senptores nrum Hungamum n, 107-381,
4th ed Dubrovmk 1784 (see K Krstic in Em Jug
n, 390-1).
The third (who personally visited Turkey on a num-
ber of occasions and lived there for four years) wrote:
Iter Buda Hadrianopolim anno MDLIII . . . ed. Venice 1774;
Diarium legatwnis nomine Maximiliani II . . . ad portam
ottomanicam suscepta a.C. 1567, ed. in M.G. Kovacich,
Scriptures remm Hungancarum, Budae 1798; Ratio itineris in
Turciam jacti per Danubiam, ed. in ibid.; Expeditions Solymani
in Moldavian! et Transylvaniam . . . ed. Budapest 1 934 (see
M. Kurelac, in Enc. Jug., viii, 534-5).
Having refused to cede the island of Cyprus to the
Ottoman Empire in 1569, Venice found itself engaged
in another war against the Turks, which lasted from
1570 to 1573. The effects of this war were to the
detriment of Dalmatia, in spite of the crushing defeat
inflicted on the Ottoman fleet at the battle of Lepanto
(October 1571), a battle in which a number of
Dalmatian ships, with local crews, also took part (see
Lepantska bitka. Udio hwatskih pomoraca u Lepantskoj bitki
1571 godine, Zadar JAZU, 1974). In fact, Venetian
successes in Dalmatia were ineffectual; Klis was
besieged in 1571 and occupied briefly in 1572, as
was Skradin, which the Venetians evacuated after
demolishing part of its fortifications. Makarska was
also besieged, but without success.
The Ottomans, on the other hand, ransacked the
island of Mljet (1572), attacked the island of Korcula
(cf V. Foretic, Turska opsada Korcule godine 1571, in
Vesnik Vojnog Muzeja, v/2 [Belgrade 1958], 61-91),
burned the island of Hvar (1571) devastated the region
of Split on a number of occasions (taking Solin and
Kamen (according to H. Sabanovic, op. at., 155, n.
37, the city of Kamen was taken as early as 1537),
also the regions of Trogir, of Sibenik and of Zadar
where they took Zemunik (which according to other
sources had been captured in 1539, cf. H. Sabanovic,
op. cit., 162, n. 92), besieged Novigrad, and occupied
Nin for some time (for the town of Nin, see S.M.
Traljic, Km pod udarom tursko-mlatckih ratova, in Radovi . . .,
Zadar 1969, 529-48). The peace treaty of March 1573
restored the situation that had existed before the hos-
tilities, but the Turks retained Zemunik and strategic
positions around Solin. Mention should also be made
of the unexpected capture of the fortress of Klis by
a combined group of Uskoks, and people of Split (7
April-31 May 1596), an exploit which had significant
repercussions throughout Dalmatia.
After these distressing events, and in spite of con-
tinual border skirmishes, relations between the two
Dalmatian territories (Turkish territory and Venetian
territory), became gradually more correct and increas-
ingly normalised. Trade with the Turkish-occupied
hinterland developed, as did an important trans-Balkan
commerce, in which, especially after 1592, the port
of Split played a dominant role (see V. Morpurgo,
Daniel Rodriguez i osnivanje splitske skele u XVI stoljecu, in
Starine JAZU, liii [1966] 364-415).
But there were other towns, Trogir and Zadar for
example, which established close commercial relations
with the Ottomans, for the most part selling salt, and
buying wheat, meat, cheese and wool (see S. Traljic,
Trgovina Bosne i Hercegovine s lukama Dalmacije i Dubrovmka
u XVII i XVIII stoljecu, in Pomorski Z b «mik, i [Zadar
1962], 341-71). This normalisation of relations lasted
more than seventy years, from 1573 to 1645, in other
words, until the war of Crete.
(c) From the War of Crete {1645-69) to 1683
This long period of peace was broken in the spring
of 1645 by a new Venetian-Turkish war which lasted
a quarter of a century. Many things had changed
in the meantime, both within the Ottoman Empire (the
heyday of which was now long past), and in Europe.
But the outcome of the war was once again favourable
to the Ottomans, except however in Dalmatia.
On Dalmatian soil, the most significant military
actions took place between 1646 and 1649. In 1646
the Ottomans mounted a lightning raid into north-
ern Dalmatia, in the regions of Sibenik and Zadar.
The town of Novigrad was taken (3 July 1646) as
were Biograd and Nin, but an attack on Sibenik
was repelled (October 1646). In the course of their
counter-attack, the Venetians and Dalmatians laid
siege to Skradin, and recaptured it briefly in 1647.
In 1646 the region of Poljica, and, in February
1647, that of Makarsko Primorje (the littoral be-
tween the rivers Cetina and Neretva), severed their
ties with the Ottoman Empire and allied themselves
to Venice (Poljica nevertheless was compelled for
some time to pay a kharddj to the Ottomans). (On
the position of Poljica in the 17th century, see V.
Mosin, Poljicke konstitucije iz 1620 i 1688, in Radovi
Staroslovenskog Instituta JAZU, i [Zagreb 1952],
175-206.)
In 1647 the Venetians (the bulk of whose army
was made up of Dalmatians and of Slavs who had
fled from the regions under Ottoman rule) recaptured
the towns of Zemunik, of Novigrad, of Vrana and of
Nadin, before inflicting a further defeat on the Turks
outside Sibenik (August 1647). Recovering Ostrovica,
Obrovac, and for a brief period Drnis (where all the
Turkish fortifications and monuments were demol-
ished), the Venetians attacked Knin and Vrlika, and
regained definitive control of Biograd (1648), and,
most significant of all, of the famous stronghold of
Klis (30 March 1648). The Ottoman reaction was not
slow in coming; shortly afterwards, Turkish troops
devastated the region of Poljica and that of Ravni
Kotari in the vicinity of Biograd.
Finally, in 1649, major military operations came to
an end, when there was an outbreak of plague in
Dalmatia, especially in Sibenik and in Zadar, followed
by a period of widespread famine (see G. Stanojevic,
Dalmacija u doba Kandijskog rata 1645-1669, in Vesnik
Vojnog Muzeja JNA, v [Belgrade 1958], 93-182; idem,
Trgovina robljem u doba Kandijshog rata, 1645-1669, in
htorijski Glasnik, 1958/3-4, 105-112, D Keckemet, Dva
odlomka iz "Povijesti Kandijskog rata u Dalmaciji" Sibenkanina
Franje Divnica {Dijnika) in Mogmnosti, xx [Split 1973],
876-88; S.M. Traljic, Turskomletacke granice u Dalmaciji
u XVI i XVII stoljecu, m Radon Inst JAZU, xx [Zadar
1973], 447-58).
For some time previous to this, there are records
of a large-scale migration of Slavic peoples known as
llasi (sing. Hah) or Morlaci (sing. Morlak) — these are
clearly to be understood as being armed men — towards
Dalmatian territory, daily swelling the ranks of the
guerrilla commando bands (hajduci, sing, hajduk, and
uskoci, sing, uskok). The latter made constant invasions
of Ottoman territory (Lika, Bosnia, Herzegovina),
mounting attacks and ambushes far into the interior,
pillaging, killing, burning and kidnapping on their way.
At the same time, Hadjuci and Uskoci conducted a
polity sometimes favouring Venice, sometimes Austria,
but more often the latter. A state of permanent minor
war was thus perpetuated on both sides of the fron-
tier, a situation well described in Yugoslav popular
epic poetry (from both the Christian and the Muslim
side), with a full gallery of heroes, all of whom are
well-known historical figures. (There are a great
many publications dealing with the hajduks. Par-
ticularly worth mentioning are the works of
D. Popovic, hajducima, Belgrade 1930-1, 2 vols.,
and R. Samardzic, Hajducke boibe ptotiv Turaka u XVI
i XVII veku, Belgrade 1952.1
In the context of larger-scale battles, mention could
be made of the defeat of a Venetian-Dalmatian force
outside Knin (1654), and the ravages perpetrated by
Ottoman troops in 1657-8 in the regions of Split,
Sibenik and Zadar, with a raid on the island of Brae,
following an attack on Split (16571.
The peace treaty was signed in 1671. In Dalmatia,
the position of the Venetians was then more favour-
able, since they retained KJis and its surrounding area,
the region of Poljica, and the littoral to the south of
Omis (Makarsko Primorje) (it may be noted that de
jure, this last territory should have remained under
Ottoman control, but it belonged de facto to Venice).
The whole of Dalmatian territory under Venetian rule
was henceforward known as acquisto vecchh, and the
frontier with Turkey became a fortified line called
hnea Nani (1671) (see I. Grcic, Jedna mletacka agrama
operacija u Dalmaaji, in ^adarska Revija, ii [Zadar 1953],
65-76; V. Omasic, Mletacko-tursko razgranuenje na tro-
girskom podmeju nakon Ciparskog i Kandijskog rata i njegove
posledke, Trogir 1971).
The brief period of peace which followed lasted
some fifteen years. It was not long enough to allow
Dalmatia to recover from the ruin caused by long
years of war, nor to revive its shattered agriculture
and commerce, not to mention the epidemics and
famines which had weakened the country to a con-
siderable extent. Split quickly regained its status as
the leading port for commerce between Italy and the
Balkans. The port of Zadar was then of secondary
The Ottoman military operations and the situation
in Dalmatia in this period are documented in a some-
times whimsical but entirely first-hand account written
by the famous Turkish traveller Ewliya Celebi, who
visited these areas in about 1660; the Seyahat-name, v,
458-72, 476-78, 480-91, 494-500 (see 'the excellent
annotated translation by H. Sabanovic, E.G., Putapis,
Sarajevo. Svjetlost 1967. 149-67, 175-91, 195-2041.
(d) Fmm 1683 to the Treaty of Sremski Karlovci
(26 January 1699)
The decisive defeat of the Ottomans beneath the
walls of Vienna (September 1683) signalled the end
of their presence in Dalmatia, where a large-scale pop-
ular insurrection broke out. The Muslims of the area
panicked and fled towards the interior of the empire.
Within a short time the whole of northern Dalmatia
had been liberated; even before the end of the year
1683, Skradin, Karin, Vrana, Benkovac, Obrovac and
Drnic were in the hands of the rebels, the Turks
retaining only the cities of Knin and Sinj.
Venice entered the war in the spring of the fol-
lowing year (1684), and Dalmatia was the scene of a
large number of military operations; Sinj was recap-
tured from the Ottomans in September 1686, Knin,
Vrlika and Zvonigrad in 1688, Vrgorac between 1690
and 1694, Gabela in 1693, while the territories of
Trogir, Sibenik and Zadar were finally liberated.
The peace treaty was signed at Sremski Karlovci
in January 1699. Venice retained the areas she had
conquered, and her territory in Dalmatia (which
bore the name acquisto nuovo) extended as far as the
new fortified frontier (lima Gnmam), in other words,
Knin-Vrlika-Sinj-Zadvarje-Vrgorac-Gabela. In add-
ition, each of these strategic points was surrounded by
a neutral zone covering the range of a day's march.
In return, Venice ceded to the Ottomans the terri-
tories conquered in Herzegovina. In turn, the Republic
of Dubrovnik was enabled, with Austrian support, to
free itself from Venetian influence; Turkey thus had
row corridors, that of Sutorina (near Herceg Novi)
in the south, and that of Neum-Klek in the north.
The latter, nine kilometres long, is nothing more than
a tiny gulf, situated to the south of the mouth of
the river Neretva (on this period in general, see
G. Stanojevic, Dalmacija u doba Morejskog rata 1684-
1699, Belgrade, Vojno Delo, 1962; on the new fron-
tier between Dalmatia and the pashalik of Bosnia, see
E. Kovacevic, Granice bosanskog pasaluka prema Austriji i
Mletackoj republui piema odredbama Karlovackog mira,
Sarajevo 1973.)
ie) From 1699 to the Peace of Poianvac [21 July 1718)
At the end of the 1 7th century and the beginning
of the 18th one, Venetian Dalmatia witnessed a spate
of popular uprisings (such as, for example, that of the
region of Vrana in 1692, and that of Bukovica and
Ravni Kotari in 1704), caused in part by the penu-
rious economic state of the peasantry, in part by the
aggressive policy of the Roman Catholic church
towards the Orthodox one.
On the military level, a new war against the Turks
broke out in December 1714. Thanks largely to indi-
rect aid from Austria, Venice scored a number of
successes in Dalmatia; in 1715 Sinj repulsed the final
siege by the Ottomans, and in 1717 Venetian-
Dalmatian troops definitively recaptured the town
cesses achieved in Herzegovina, where the Venetians
took the town of Mostar in 1717 (cf. G. Stanojevic.
Dalmacija za vreme mletacko-tuiskog rata 1714-1718, in
Istorijsb Glasnik, 1962/1-4, 11-49; S.M. Traljic, Tmsko-
mletacko susjedstvo na ^jidarskqj Kiajini XVIII sto/jeca, in
j Radovi JAZU, iv-v [Zadar 1959], 409-24; M.
Perojevic — T. Macan, Odjek Beckog rata na Makatskom
Primorju i u Heuegovim 1683-1723, in Historijski Zbomik,
xxiii-xxiv [Zagreb 1970-1], 179-214).
eaty of Pozarevac (July 1718) obliged
Venice
e up a
i in Her
uding the town of Gabela. In Dalmatia, however,
her territory was enlarged through the addition of
the region of Imotski, which led to some minor
adjustments to the frontier of 1699. Thus the whole
of Dalmatia was liberated from the Ottomans and
came under Venetian control, with the exception
of the two corridors of Neum-Klek and Sutorina
(see the monograph by G. Skrivanic, Dnevnik
Dubrovcanina Mihajla Pesica o Pozarcmckom mirovnom
kongusu 1718 godinc, Belgrade 1952; L. Katie, Prihke
u splitskoj okolici poslije odlaska Turaka, in Stanne JAZU,
xlvii [1957], 237-77).
The new frontier, tinea Mocemgo (1721-3), passed to
the east of the cities of Metkovic, Imotski, Sinj, Vrlika
and Knin and extended as far as Klek and Zabska
Gora, and all Dalmatian territory belonging to Venice
was henceforward knowns as acquisto nuoviuimo.
The Muslim inhabitants who had not succeeded
soon forcibly converted, mostly by the Franciscans
(cf. J. Cvijic, Balkansko Poluostwo\ Belgrade 1966, 337
which gives details borrowed from S. Zlatovic,
Franocci drfave presvetog otkupilelja i Hrvatski puk u
Dalmaciji, Zagreb 1888, 233-4, 236-7. and from
M.V. Batinic, Djelovanje franjevaca u Bosni i Heicegovmi
za prvih sat viekova njihova boravka, Zagreb 1881-7,
ii, 147). On the Muslim inhabitants of Dalmatia
who emigrated to Bosnia-Herzegovina, see M. Petric,
migraajama stanovmstva u Bosm i Hercegovmi Doseljavanja
i unutrasnja kretanja, in Glasnik ^emaljskog Muzeja, xviii
(Etnog.) [Sarajevo 1963], 10-11.
C. After the Ottomans
Dalmatia remained under Venetian rule until the
dissolution of the Republic in 1797. It was subse-
quently part of the Austrian Empire (1797-1805), the
French Empire (1805-9), then one of the Illyrian
Provinces (1809-13), before returning to the Austrian
Empire (1815-1918).
After 1878 a number of Muslims from Herzegovina
(which in that year became part of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire) came and settled in Dalmatia.
After a certain period of time they had grown con-
siderably in number, and as a result the Muslim reli-
gious community (Hanaff rite) of Dalmatia was officially
recognised by the Austro-Hungarian government, on
15 July 1912 (see Reichgesetzblatt fur Oesterreich 1912,
875, paras. 1-7; M. Begovic, Orgamzaaja Islamske verske
zajednice u Kraljevim Jugoslavyi, in Arhiv za praime I drustvene
nauke, god. xxiii, drugo kolo, knjiga xxvii (xliv) br. 5,
25 November 1933, p. 379; the same, hlamka verska
zqjedmca, in Enciklopedya Jugoslavije, iv, 372).
From 1920 to 1941 Dalmatia was part of the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia, then from 1941 to 1945 it
was divided between fascist Italy and the Ustachi
Croatian State Mzavisna Drzava Hwatska), finally, since
1945, it has belonged to the People's Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia (as part of the People's Republic of
Croatia).
In 1971, there were roughly 4,000 Muslims in
Dalmatia (the total number of Yugoslav Muslims at
18,457 lived in Croatia; see K. Hadzic', Brojnost i
rasproitranjeno5t muslimana u Jugoslavtji, in Takinm [Sarajevo
1975], 119-34).
Bibliography: There has as yet been no study
of Dalmatia in the Ottoman period (15th to 18th
century) which takes into account simultaneously
local, Turkish and Venetian sources. It is true that
the existing documentation is indeed enormous, and
that a large portion of this (archive documents in
particular) is accessible only to a very small num-
ber of specialised researchers. Naturally, emphasis
should be laid on the writings of Yugoslav histori-
ans and Turcologists who have in the past pro-
duced an impressive number of studies, monographs
and articles on this subject. It should be noted
however that the bulk of these publications have
been primarily concerned with the Republic of
Dubrovnik, and that consequently it is most diffi-
cult to present a bibliography concentrating exclu-
sively on the history of the territory of Dalmatia
as strictly defined.
An excellent general survey by J. Tadic is to be
found in Istorya naroda Jugoslavije, ii, Belgrade 1960,
247-74, 519-30, 595-601, 1145-60. This work also
contains a wise and intelligent analysis of the sources
(the Ottoman sources are simply mentioned) and
the entire bibliography available at that date fcf.
266 ff„ 528 ff„ 1159 ff.).
For a convenient list of Yugoslav publica-
tions on Dalmatia since 1945, see J. Tadic (ed.),
Dix amies d'histonographie yougoslave 1945-1955,
Belgrade 1955 (see especially 217-55. 268-71, 374-
84, 410-15, 540-54, 566); J. Tadic (ed.), His-
toriographs yougoslave 1955-1965, Belgrade 1965
(especially 113-42, 201-20 and passim); D. Jankovic
(ed.), The histonogi aphy oj Jugoslavia 1965-1975,
Belgrade 1975, (esp. 136-59, 185-96 and passim).
In addition to the Ottoman historians (Na'ima,
Reshld, PecewT, etc.) and the major histories of
the Ottoman Empire (those of von Hammer,
Zinkeisen, Iorga, etc.), special attention should be
drawn to the following works: G. Cattalinich,
Stona della Dalmazia, 3 vols., Zadar 1834-5;
S. Ljubic, Pregled hmalske pomjesti, Rijeka 1864;
V. Lago, Memone sulla Dalmazia, Venice 1869;
V. Lamansky, Secrets d'Etat de Yemse, St. Petersburg
1884; J.N. Tomic, Grad Kits u 1596 godim, Belgrade
1908; J. Tadic, Spanija i Dubrovnik u XVI veku,
Belgrade 1932; L. Voinovitch, Histoire de Dalmatie,
2 vols., Paris 1934; J. Ravlic, Makarska i njeno
Pnmorje, Split 1934; B. Poparic, Pomjest seryskih
uskoka, Zagreb 1936; G. Novak, Proslost Dalmacije,
2 vols., Zagreb 1944; A. de Benvenuti, Stona di
Zara, 2 vols., Milan 1944-53; J. Radonic, Rimska
Kurija i juinoslovemke zemlje od XVI do XIX veka,
Belgrade 1950; I. Bozic, Dubrovnik i Twska u XIV
i XV veku, Belgrade 1952; A. Ujevic, Imotska
Krajina, Split 1953; G. Praga, Stona di Dalmazia',
Padua 1954; L. Katie, Solin od VII do XX stoljeca,
Split 1956; G. Novak, Pomjest Splita, 2 vols., Split
1957-61; V. Vinaver, Dubrovnik , Turska u XVIII
veku, Belgrade 1960; R. Samardzic, Veliki vek
Dubrovnika, Belgrade 1962; B. Djurdjev and M.
Vasic, Jugoslovenske zemlje pod turskom vlas'cu do kraja
XVIII stoljeca, Zagreb 1962; G. Novak, Jadransko
more u sukobima I borbama kroz stoljeca, Belgrade
1962; E. Albrecht, Das Turkenbild in der ragusamsch-
dalmatinischen Literatur des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Munich
1965; Grad Zadar, presjek kwz pomjest, Zadar 1966;
M. Sunjic, Dalmaaja u XV stoljecu, Sarajevo 1967;
G. Stanojevic, Jugoslovenske zemlje u mletacko-tui skim
ratovima XVI-XVIII veka, Belgrade 1970; T.
Popovic, Turska i Dubrovnik u XVI veku, Belgrade
1973.
Finally, one should add those articles already
cited in the present article: A. Strgacic, Upadi
osmanskih gusara u predjele Z aa "arskih otoka, in Zadarska
Revija, ii/4 (1953), 195-204, iii/1 (1954), 44-53;
S.M. Traljic, Z°dar ' turska pozadina od XV do potkraj
XIX stoljeca, in Giad Zadar (Zadar 1966), 206-28;
A.J. Soldo, Pnlozi proucavanju agrarno-drustvenih odnosa
u Gornjem primorju od XVI do polovine XIX stoljeca,
in Makaiski Z^ormk (1970), 337-80; A. Rube-
Filipi, Biogradsko-vransko pnmorje u doba mleialko-
turshh tatova s osvrtom na povijest naselenja, in Radovi
Inst. JAZU xix (Zadar 1972), 405-98.
(A. Popovic.)
DAM (A.), pi. dimd' "blood", also "blood-guilt"
[see diya, katl]. In the present article it will be
appropriate to mention the numerous blood sacrifices
offered by the Muslims, but we will not concern our-
selves with the theory, nor is it our intention to list
them [see dhabiha, hadjoj, 'id al-adha]. We will
confine ourselves to a brief survey of the beliefs rel-
ative to blood and the uses to which it is put or to
which it may be put by Muslims in the various cir-
cumstances where the sacrifice of an animal is
required, and the role attributed to it in magic and
therapy.
Arabic texts of the Middle Ages speak of four
cardinal humours: black bile [sawda'}, phlegm
(balgham), yellow bile (softs') and blood, associating
this last with joy and with the second string (mathna)
of the lute (see al-Djahiz, TarbT, § 152), and assert-
ing that it is dominant in March, April and May
(al-Mas'udl, Almudj, iii, 425 = § 1313). But these ideas
are late and unknown to the Kur'an, which setting
aside the stotv oi the creation ot man lepresented
b\ a clot of blood ['alaka XXII "5 XXIII 14 XL
69/67 LXX\ 38) and the dietarv prohibition (see
below) makes onlv one bnel lefeience (VII 130/133)
to the miracle ol the n\er turned into blood (Exodus
vn 17-21) and does not even mention the bleeding
of the nose [lu'af ) among the suftenngs inflicted b\
God upon the anuent peoples of \rabia as punish-
ment lot then impietv (see al-Djahiz Tarbi' !j 47
and index) The Kur'an gives no information as to
the place occupied bv blood during the Djahrlivya
wheie however gorv sacrifices were not lacking (see
J Chelhod Satnfitt passim) nor as to the conception
that the Arabs had of it Howe\ti foi them as for
the Hebiews (Genesis ix 4, Leviticus xui 11 14)
the soul of all flesh was in the blood and oaths were
sworn on the dam oi the dima' as well as on the
pagan deities (see U i\ dm}) A distinction was
drawn between mil air cnculatmg within the bodv
and nafs the soul foi which blood itself sometimts
designated bv the same word (cf al-Mas'udi \lurudj
m , 309-10 = §!) 1190-1 LA sv n j i ), is the vehi-
cle onlv animals possessing a nafs sa'ila that is to
sav blood lender impure the water in which thev
die The soul of a murdeied man leaving the bodv
with the spilt blood (see Ghelhod op laud 102-3)
then took the form of a bud {hama mda) which did
not cease to haunt the tomb of the victim and could
not be set at rest until the blood of an enemv had
been shed the.e thus J Chelhod also sees in blood-
vengeance a human sacrifice owed to the spun of
the deceased An analogous belief pei -persists in vai-
ious parts of the Mediterranean aiea throwing stones
upon the scene of the crime has the effect of cov-
ering the voice of the blood appealing foi vengeance
and contnbutes to the immobilising of the soul of
the deceased (rf Westermarck Ritual i 549 Jaussen
Moab 335-b Serviei Partes de lamia 33-4 [sec also
karkur radjm] If blood that has been spilt thus
appeals for vengeance it is because the earth has no
longei absoibed it since the muidei of Abel (Kur'an
V 30-5/27-32) and the ten punishments that it
incurred for hiding him from view (cf al-Djahiz,
Hawaiian, iv 201) the eaith therefore feels the utmost
aversion for blood except perhaps foi that of the
camel (ibid m 13b, iv 201), but this last idea is
bonowed from Aristotle And if aftei some sacri-
fices, the blood that has been shed disappe irs the
next dav it is because it has been diunk bv en ant
souls (Servier op laud, 325) Even m the view of
Muslims who do not believe in the hama the blood
of the victims of an unjustified murder does not cease
to stop seething until propel vengeance has been
taken that of John the Baptist has become piover-
bial in this respect (al-Djahiz, habita in UhO Algei,
x (1952) 312 Bal'ami-Zotenberg i 5b9)
Since the blood is the vehicle for the soul it is
understandable that among the Hebrews, its con-
sumption was forbidden (Genesis ix 4 Leviticus
in 17 vn, 2b xvn 10 12, xix 26 Deuteronomv
xn, lb, xv 2S, I Samuel, xvi 33) and it is prob-
able that even before the piohibition enunciated bv
the Kur'an (II 168/173 V 4/3 VI 146/145 XVI,
116/115), the pagan Arabs — but not the Ghnstians —
generallv abstained fiom it Nevertheless if we
believe the commentators thev used to eat a sort
of black pudding made from camels blood (al-
Bavdawi on Kur'an II, 173, Ghelhod op laud 175)
and, according to al-Djahiz (Hayawan iv 9b) thev
used to dunk as a tonic the blood extracted bv the
phlebotomist, the free-thinkers asserting that meat is
oniv blood transformed In this regaid it will be
recalled that one oi the reason invoked as a justifi-
cation for the refusal to pa\ a salarv to the blood-
letter is that betoie Islam he used to sell the blood
to thud paities and that this type ol sale was for-
bidden bv a hadith (cf R Brunschvig \htim ah in
Islam, in St hi xvi (19b2) 47) In another con-
nection a group of Kuiaysh was given the name
La'akat al dam [q i ] hckeis of blood because of their
practice of licking their fingers after dipping their
hands into a receptacle containing the blood of a
camel as a means of sealing an alliance There are
scarcelv anv attestations of the practice consisting
in cases of the adoption bv the tube of a foieign
element of mixing the blood of the adopted man
southern Turkev theie still exists the frateimtv of
blood' effected bv the making on the wrist a gash
' ' sucked bv the tontiactants (J-P Roux
Tradit
i, 324)
The ancient Arabs considered the blood of kings
to be a specific lemedv for rabies (kalab) and posses-
sion Ik/iabal) and it mav have happened that it was
preserved foi this purpose (cf al-Djahiz Hatawan l
5 310 idem Tarbi' § b9 al-Mas'udi Murudj m
192-3 = 5 1049 see also the legend of Djadhima
[qi] in which blood plavs a certain role) this belief
is still alive (cf Wellhausen Resk 139-40 Doutte
Uapi tt ribbon 85)
Al-Djahiz mentions iBukJiala' ed Hadjin 198
200) somewhat as an exception, the pi at tic e of
Bedouins who dying of thnst in the desert, were
constiained aftei exhausting the contents of the fust
to provide them with watei to slaughter another
thev collected its blood, which thev beat carefullv
so as to sepai ate the sediment (/A«/7> fiom the serum
dunk was tailed madduh (cf LA, sv df d h Ghelhod
Sacrijiu 175)
Drinking the blood of an enemv does not seem to
have been a cunent practice in spite of the hatred
which tribes sometimes held foi one another theie is
indeed a recent attestation of it (Jaussen Moab 177,
n 1| but it is exceptional On the other hand, an
airow stained with the blood of an enemv (sahm
mudamm ) and returned to the aichei who had dis-
patched it was retained as l luckv talisman Uabanuk )
bv the latter |U s\ d m >)
Without being obsessed bv blood the ancient Aiabs
weie especially superstitious about menstruation [see
havd] and considered the woman thus indisposed
(ha'id) as impuie and disqualified fiom performing cer-
tain acts After Islam the notion of impuiitv lemamed
but the Kur'an ill 222) confined to sexual relations
the prohibition affecting women during the period of
menstruation and it is said that if this prohibition is
infringed Satan interposes between the partneis Fiom
another point of view it is not impossible that the
prohibition regarding the consumption of the haie
and the labbit differently justified bv Deuteionomy,
in part at least fiom the fact that the doe, which is
believed to menstiuate naturallv does not purify itself,
the hvena is a similai case, and as a result these two
animals cannot serve as mounts for the djmn (al-
Djahiz Hayauan m 529 vi, 46)
Once it has left the veins of a living being blood
is at the same time impuie and taboo for it is
through blood that a link is established between
man and God, where it is a case of canonical sac-
rifices, between men and the invisible powers in the
case of immolations which, although permitted, have
retained a pagan character. Once it begins to flow,
it is the blood which "gives to the ceremony its
, of purification and of pro-
" (Ser
., 83;.
Although the Kur'an (XXII, 38/7) states with regard
to sacrifices, "neither their flesh nor their blood shall
reach Allah, but only the piety coming from you shall
reach Him" (cf. Amos, v, 21-2), a hadith, retained
only by al-Tirmidhr and Ibn Madja (no. 3126) but
often quoted, proclaims: "the blood [of the victim sac-
rificed for the Great Feast] finds its place in the pres-
ence of Allah even before it has touched the ground"
(al-Ghazali, Iha>, ed. 1278, i, 252; Westermarck,
Survivances, 199; Chelhod, Sacrifice, 59), and such is
doubtless the belief of the Muslims. The more abun-
dant it is, the greater its power, and it is essential
that the victim has been completely emptied of blood
before dying (besides, it is this total effusion which
renders legitimate the consumption of the butcher's
animals, and the list of dietary prohibitions which fig-
ures in the Kur'an (II, 168/173 and especially V,
4/3) is instructive in this regard, since it declares illic-
it all animals killed accidentally and not ritually bled
to death, except in cases of necessity).
Independently of the role played by the blood of
the sacrifice of the Great Feast in actually conveying
the sacred offering from the Believer to God, it pos-
put to profitable use. It is thus that in Iran a piece
of cotton is dipped in the blood of a sheep that has
been immolated and allowed to dry; if a child has
pains in the throat, a morsel of this cotton is put
into water which he is made to drink (H. Masse,
Croyances, 142). In Kabylia, blood is mixed with cat-
tle dung which is smeared on a sheltered wall and
administered in fumigations (Fichier de Documentation
berbere, 1964/4, 12); in the same region a woman takes
a little blood to mark the forehead of a child less
than one year old (ibid.). In certain tribes, the mis-
tress of the house still smears the posts and the lin-
tel of the door with it to protect her home (Servier,
op. laud., 346); it is also poured over a ploughshare
to consecrate it (ibid., III-2; among the Zaghawa
(M.-J. Tubiana, 149) it is the hoes that are sprinkled
with the blood of a he-goat, but in different circum-
stances). On the occasion of the feast of 'Ashura' [q.v.]
it is the practice to dip in the blood of a sacrificed
animal branches of rose-laurel which are hung between
the stable and the living-quarters (Servier 370);
elsewhere blood is sprinkled on the threshing floor
(Roller, 325).
In the few examples mentioned above, magical
practices have come to be grafted on to rites con-
sidered orthodox; more numerous and more obvious
are the vestiges of paganism which appear in the
multifarious sacrifices offered to the djinn [see djinn],
those invisible powers whose existence orthodoxy
was obliged to admit. Just as during the Djahiliyya
one became united with the divinity by pouring
blood over the rocks which were their home (cf.
T. Fahd, Le Pantheon de I 'Arable centrale, Paris 1968,
103, on Isaf and Na'ila [q.v.]), similarly, one enters
into communication with the protective genies or
wards off the maleficent spirits by means of blood
poured on the altar of the home or on high places
especially frequented by spirits. Although it is diffi-
cult to arm oneself against the hostile attentions
of the djinn which haunt the places, very dangerous
for men, where blood flows abundantly, especially
abattoirs (see Doutte, op. laud., 86; Westermarck,
Survivances, 14, 165; Servier op. laud, 60-1), it is
very easy to protect oneself against invisible spirits
by means of the blood of sacrifices which, while
attracting them, also annuls their maleficent power.
This is why the life of superficially Islamised popu-
lations is marked by immolations, often modest
in scale, which are followed by anointings and
sprinklings with the purpose of gaining protection
from enemy spirits of the nether world, and of
obtaining in some measure the goodwill of
the protective genies of the house or of the tent
or of those who can assure the prosperity of fields
The threshold or the door (cf. Jaussen, Moab, 343),
the central pole of a tent, the mill or the hearth (cf.
J.-P. Roux, Tiadilwns, 255) are the true domestic altars;
but every new object is likewise consecrated by offer-
ing the blood of an animal to the protective genies
of the home. When a tent is constructed, or an old
one enlarged or a part of it replaced, the central pole
is smeared with blood (Jaussen, 399). In Morocco, a
woman smears a pole of the tent with the blood of
an animal when her first child is born (E. Laoust,
Transhumants, 58) to assure herself of numerous prog-
eny. In the land of Moab, marriages are the occa-
sion for a number of successive immolations, and in
the course of the last at any rate, the bride is sprin-
kled with the blood of the victim. In the present day,
in Iran [see khayr], masons still sacrifice an animal
before starting to build, so that its blood may pro-
tect them against any accident which might cause
their own to be shed. There seems little purpose in
recording further examples of this type which the eth-
nologists have noted in the course of their inquiries.
A problem of a different order is posed by the
blood sacrifices which, in agricultural areas, accom-
pany all work in the fields: ploughing, harvesting,
threshing, etc. It seems that blood is not encountered
tin [see istiska'], but the
>rinkle
i the fields
beds (M.-J. Tubiana, index) can hardly be the only
ones who do so. E. Laoust (Mots et choses berberes, 315)
has noticed in one Moroccan tribe an interesting an-
nual custom which takes place on a Wednesday or a
Thursday before ploughing begins: in a hole dug in
the first piece of land to be sown and then ploughed,
the farmer slaughters a sheep and smears with the
blood his own right foot, then the left foot of the
khammas responsible for the ploughing; on to the pool
which forms at the base of the hole, a little earth is
thrown and on this the farmer scatters grains which
he thrusts into the ground with his hand; this place
is henceforward sacred. E. Laoust suggests two inter-
pretations of this rite: to ward off the evil influences
of the djinn, or to restore to the soil the vital forces
of growth. The two explanations are, it seems, both
to be accepted, for they are confirmed on the one
hand, by the practice which consists of fixing with
blood, after the harvest, the force liberated by the
work in the fields, on the other hand the practice of
sprinkling the sheaves with it, of spreading it in var-
ious places and of smearing it on the clogs of the
beasts that tread the grain on the threshing-floor (ibid.
391). After the harvest, the jars containing the grain
are also smeared with blood (Senier, op. laud., 254).
As for livestock, it too is protected by anointings, as
is done in the land of Moab, to a newly-bought mare
or to a new-born filly (Jaussen, 354).
In the times when it was still possible to hunt
.l-DAMAGHANI, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD b. 'ALl
big game, in the Moroccan Rff, some of the blood
of each animal killed was set aside to be offered to
the spirits of the rocks with the object of lessening
the ferocity of the lions i Roller, 331).
Springs are also haunted by djinn. At Sefrou,
Morocco, in the autumn, a black or seven-coloured
goat or a white cockerel is slaughtered beside one of
them, and the blood of the animal is poured into the
water (H. Basset, Grottes, 89). In the case of hot springs,
the bathers arm themselves against evil spirits by sprin-
kling the basin with the blood of a victim (Jaussen,
359-360).
As well as djinn, deceased saints must be appeased
by immolations (See Servier, op. laud., 179). In the
land of Moab, for example, blood is cast on to the
lintel of a sanctuary (Jaussen, 356). Blood still serves
as the vehicle for the conditional malediction imposed
upon a saint or another man, or for the transfer of
responsibility in the practice of 'ar [q.v. in Suppl.]
and, on the contrary, for the honour done to the
host for whom an animal has been slaughtered
(Chelhod, Sacrifice, 185).
In another context, it plays a particul
the ti
virginit
and it
II knov
the day after a wedding, a cloth stained with the
blood of the bride must be exhibited. In Kabylia, the
water used to wash it is poured out at the foot of a
pomegranate tree, the symbol of fertility (Senier, op.
laud., 144).
The preceding topic brings us back to menstrual
blood, which possesses particular properties. In folk-
medicine, it is recommended as an antidote for dog-
bites, scurvy and freckles and serves also to preserve
the firmness of the breasts, but it also possesses a
magical power since seafarers can protect themselves
against the dangers of tempests and against the threat
of a sea monster called expressively hut al-hayd "fish
of the menses", by fixing to the stern of their ship
a cloth stained with this blood. Al-DamTri, in his
rowed (s.v. insan) provides in every account, under
the heading of kjiawdss "properties" data concerning
the use of the blood of animals in magic and med-
icine. By its very nature, its uses in the preparation
of philtres are fairly limited in number. These are a
few examples: the blood of the parrot ibabbagha'),
dried, powdered and spread between friends trans-
forms their friendship into hatred. Sprinkling a mix-
ture of the blood of a weasel {ibn 'irs) and of a rat
or a mouse (fa'r) and water brings discord to fami-
lies. The blood of a shemule \baghla) buried under
the threshold of a house prevents rats and mice from
entering. If a man can keep about his person a quan-
tity of the blood of a fox (tha'lab), he is safe from
all forms of trickery.
Virility can be improved or restored thanks to the
blood of the tinnin [sic [q.v.]), of the frog [dijdd] of
the sparrow Cusfur) or of the hedgehog (kunfudh), while
that of the cat (sinnawr) and of a kind of pigeon
(shafnin) is a guarantee against feminine infidelity; that
of the swallow (khullaf) even deprives a woman of all
sexual desire. If the blood of the frog prevents the
growth of hair and causes the teeth to fall out, that
of the fox encourages growth of the children's hair,
and that of the lizard called samm abras prevents loss
of hair; against the re-growth of eyebrows (though al-
Damiri speaks of eye-lashes), the blood of the
chameleon (hirba'), of the bear (dubb) and of the jer-
boa (yarbu') is efficacious.
In folk-medicine, again, the blood of the tortoise
(sulahfdt) is effective against pains in the joints
and stiffneck. That of the hare (amah) causes scurvy
and freckles to disappear; like that of the horse (or
of the mare, faras), it has contraceptive properties.
To cure maladies of the eyes, the blood of the
viper lafa), of the mole (khuld), of the cockerel (dlk)
or of the wood-pigeon (warshan) may be used; that
of the cockerel is also a remedy for insect-bites
and that of the mole or the weasel seems to be
supremely efficacious against scrofula. The blood of
the stag (ayyil) is efficacious against bladder-stones
and that of the bull against haemorrhages; that of
the pigeon (hamam) cures styes, stops nose-bleeds
and, with oil, soothes the pain caused by burns;
the effects of a dog-bite are alleviated by means of
the blood of the hedgehog. Deafness can be cured
with the blood of the wolf {dhi'b), while that of the
monkey {kird) has salutary effects in treating dumb-
ness. A leper benefits from anointing himself with
the blood of a ewe [da'n] or of a ringed pigeon
[fakhitay, abscesses are treated with the blood of the
peacock (tawus), when they are serious, of the star-
ling (zurzui) if they are benign. The blood of the
beaver (kundus, kalb al-ma') is effective against incon-
tinence of urine, that of the ichneumon [nims) restores
lucidity to a man who is possessed and finally, that
of the crow (ghurab) cures habitual drunkenness if it
is mixed with wine, for which it inspires a defini-
tive distaste. This is one of the few cases where
the blood of an animal is imbibed; in the majori-
ty of cases mentioned above, it is used in the form
r the r,
is utilised, it must, in principle
not the case with some of the animals mentioned,
come from a licit animal, which has been ritually
slaughtered (al-Kayrawani, Risala, ed. and tr.
Bercher, Algiers 1949, 321).
Bibliography. Wellhausen, Reste aiabischen
Heidentums', Berlin 1897; E. Doutte, Magie et reli-
gion dans I'Afrique du JVord, Algiers 1909;
W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and maniage in early
Arabia, London 1903; idem, Lectures on the religion
of the Semites', London 1927; A. Jaussen, Coutumes
des Arabes au pays de Moab, Paris 1908, J 1948;
E. Laoust, Mots et choses berberes, Paris 1920;
H. Basset, Le culte des grottes au Maroc, Algiers
1920; E. Westermarck, Ritual and belief in Morocco,
London 1926; idem, Pagan survivals in Mohammedan
civilisation, London 1933 (Fr. tr. Survwances paiennes
dans la civilisation mahomelane, Paris 1935);
H. Masse, Cwvances et coutumes persatm, Paris 1938;
A. Roller, Essai sur Vesprit du Berbere marocairi',
Fribourg 1949; J. Chelhod, Le sacrifice chez les
Arabes, Paris 1955 (very important); idem, Les
structures du sacie chez les Arabes, Paris 1964;
J. Servier, Les partes de Vannee, Paris 1962
(very important); M.-J. Tubiana, Survwances p,m-
lamiques en pays zaghawa, Paris 1964; Fichier
de Documentation berbere, No. 94 (1964/4),
Valem du sang; J. -P. Roux Les traditions des nomades
de la Tuiquie mendionale, Paris 1970.
(Ch. Pellat)
AL-DAMAGHANi, ABU ABD ALLAH MUHAM-
MAD b. 'ALI b. Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Muhammad
b. al-Husayn b. 'Abd al-Malik b. 'Abd al-Wahhab
b. HammOya b. Hasanawayh, Hanaff jurist who, as
Chief Kadi of Baghdad, stands at the head of a family
dynasty holding the positions of kadi or kadi 'l-kudat
down through the years. The following sketch is based
mostly on al-Diawahir al-mudiyya ft tabakdt al-Hanafiyya
by 'Abd al-Kadir b. Abi '1-Wafa' al-Kurashi (d. 775/
1373). The best way to distinguish between them is
l-DAMAGHANI, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD b
by the use of their patronymic (kunya) and first name
(urn) Among the eighteen identifiable members of
this family, three distinguished themselves from
among the others, namely, the eponym Abu 'Abd
Allah Muhammad (no 1), his son Abu '1-Hasan "All
(no 2), and one of their last descendants Abu 1-
Kasim 'All (no 15) The eponyms kunm and ism
are also those of the lattei's brother (no 16), and
as al habit, the Elder, this was m order to distin-
guish him from all the rest, not merely from his
much later descendants who were too fai removed
to cause confusion and who had the same kunya and
ism (nos 4 and 16), but of whom none was referred
to as al Saghir
1 DamaghanI the Elder was born in 398/1007 m
Damghan in the province of kumis [qqv], where he
was first educated and pursued his initial studies in
law He then came to Baghdad in 419/1029 at the
age of 21 Here he continued his studies of law under
the two great masters of Hanafi law, al-Kudun (d
428/1037) and al-Saymari id 436/1045) The juriscon-
sult Kuduri, famous for his work on law, known espe-
cially by his name, Mukhtasar al Kuduri, with numerous
commentaries (see a list in GAL, I, 183, Suppl I,
295), was also one of his teachers of hadlth (see the
certificate or sama' dated Dhu '1-Ka'da 423 in the
Koprulu Library (Istanbul) no 1584 fol 41b)
Coming from humble beginnings, Abu 'Abd Allah
experienced material difficulties in pursuing his
studies in the gieat capital The madrasas had not
yet begun to flourish in Baghdad, with their endow-
ments foi the benefit of students as well as the
teaching staff He had therefore to work, as other
need} students did, and pursue his studies at the same
time He took a job as night guard which also allowed
him to study by the light of the guard s lamp He
studied hard and learned by heart the current text-
books on law One night he was surprised by a
son of the cahph al-Muktadn, now an old pnnce
who, admiring his knowledge of the law, invited him
to come to his residence on Thursdays and aided him
When the Chief Kadi of the caliph al-Ka'im died
in 447/1055, the year that the Saldjuks defeated the
Buwayhids, the caliph consulted with the wealthy
Hanbali merchant Abu Mansur b. Yusuf [q.v.] regard-
ing his replacement. He wanted someone who was
more knowledgeable in the field of law than the
deceased. Abu Mansur suggested al-Damagham, who
was thus qualified, but whose appointment would also
please the wazir of the Saldjuk Toghril Beg, 'Amid
al-Mulk al-Kunduri [q.v.]. Previously, the post of chief
magistrate had been particularly reserved for adher-
ents of the Shafi'i law school. Assigning it to a mem-
ber of the Hanafi school, which was also that of the
Saldjuk Sultan and his wazir, was an act dictated by
political expediency, not by al-Damagham's superior
knowledge of the law; for there were other juriscon-
sults of the ShafiT school, from which previous chief
magistrates were chosen to serve, who were more
highly qualified than he was, namely Abu '1-Tayyib
al-Tabari (d. 450/1058), the great ShafiT jurisconsult
of the period; al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), the celebrated
author of al-Ahkam al-sultamyva; Abu Ishak al-Shirazi"
(d. 476/1083), disciple of Abu '1-Tayyib al-Taban, his
repetitor {mu'id), and first professor at the Madrasa
Nizamiyya of Baghdad; and Abu Nasr b. al-Sabbagh
(d.' 477/1084), disciple of Abu '1-Tayyib al-Taban,
classmate and later colleague and rival of Abu Ishaq
al-ShfiazT, and believed by Ibn Khallikan to be even
more knowledgeable m Shafi'i law than al-Shfrazi
After his appointment, the fortunes of al-Damaghani
changed Only three years after his appointment, his
residence was rich enough to attract the attention of
burglars, and again later, in 493/1100, when his son
Abu '1-Hasan 'All was the occupant
Damaghani the Elder was considered in his day
as one of the leaders of his legal school, with some
reputation in the field of disputation (munazara) He
continued in his post as had! 'I hudat for thirty years,
under the caliphs al-Ka'im (d 467/1075) and al-
Muktadl (d 487/1094) He served as a substitute-
uazlr under both caliphs, lefusmg to accept the
vizierate itself and not wanting to exceed his posi-
tion as Kadi 'I hudat (Ibn al-Djawzi [also apud Ibn
•Aqil], Muntazam, ix, 210 11 15- lb fa aba ta'addiw
rutbah '/ kada') This genuine modesty was perhaps
due to a gentle peisonahty as well as to his humble
beginnings The period of his life when he lived
in poverty, haidly having enough to eat, was also
perhaps the cause \of his becoming a voracious
eater when he could afford to buy all the food he
wanted One anecdote (Muntazam ix 24, 1 1 iff)
tells of his finishing off a thirty -pound (rati) plate of
pastry at the end of a copious meal at a banquet
given by the caliph's aazir Fakhr al-Dawla b Djahlr
He died in 478/1085
Only one work on law has come down to us from
al-Damaghani, the hitab Masa'd al hitan na I turuk
(Berlin Ms 4982) His biographers do not cite any
works foi him Among his students was Abu Tahir
Ilyas al-Daylami (d 461/1069), who was the first
piofessor of law at the great Madrasa of Abu Hamfa
founded the same year as the Nizamivya of Baghdad
(see GAL, I, 460, Suppl I, 637, and bibliography
cited, G Makdisi, Ibn 'Aqil, 171 ff n 6, and index,
s v Abu 'Abd Allah al-Damaghani)
Here follows a list of his descendants with
below, all of whom were known by the msba of al-
2 Abu '1-Ha<
belov
'Air b Muhammad [qv
3. Abu Dja'far <Abd Allah b. Muhammad,
Muhadhdhib al-Dawla (d. 518/1 124); became a shahid-
notary under his father (no. I); appointed as kadi of
the East Side quarter of Bab al-Tak in Baghdad,
and of the stretch from upper Baghdad to Mawsil,
by his brother (no. 2) when the latter became Kadi
'l-Kudat (23 Sha'ban 488/28 August 1095) (Qawahir,
i, 287-8).
4. Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'All,
Tadj al-Kudat (d. 516/1122); became shahid-notary
under his father (no. 2), who appointed him as his
representative magistrate in Baghdad and elsewhere;
when his father died, he was put up as candidate for
the post of Kadi 'l-Kudat to succeed his father, but
was not appointed; was sent as ambassador of the
caliph to Transoxania and died during the mission at
38 years of age (L^awahir, ii, 96).
5. Abu '1-Husayn Ahmad b. All (d. 540/
1 1 45); was appointed kadi of the West Side quarter
of Karkh in Baghdad, and later of the whole of the
West Side quarter of Bab al-Azadj (Djawahir, i, 82;
al-Tamiim al-Dari al-Ghazzf, Muntazam, ix, 117; al-
Tabakat al-sanma fi taradjim al-hanafiyya, i, 473).
6. Abu Nasr al-Hasan b. 'All (d. 555/1160);
substituted for his brother (no. 5) as kadi of the West
Side quarter of Karkh {Qawahrr, i, 199-200).
7. Abu 'Abd Allah al-Husayn b. 'Air (d. 561/
.l-DAMAGHANI, ABU 'ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD b. 'ALl
1166) (see Djawahir, i, 214-5, where the year of death
is given as 461, erroneously, because (a) the day of
death is given as Friday 1 1 Radjab, and 1 1 Radjab
was a Friday for 561, but a Wednesday for 461, and
(b) the biographical notice cites him as a brother of
"Abu Nasr al-Hasan" (no. 6), who died in 555/1160.
One more discrepancy appears at the end of the
notice where the author of the Djawahir quotes Ibn
al-Nadjdjar (d. 643/1245) as citing the father (no. 2)
of this Damagham as his informant r«
which is
ssible).
8. Abu Mansur Dja'far b. 'Abd Allah (d.
568/1172-3); born in 490/1097, he studied hadith
under the two HanbalTs Abu '1-Khattab al-Kalwadham
(d. 510/1116), 'known for both hadith and jikh, and
Yahya b. Manda (d. 51 1/1 1 18), the great hadith-txptrt
(Diawahir, i, 179).
9. Abu Sa'Td al-Hasan b. <Abd Allah (d.
575/1179); studied hadith under the great Wffrexpert
Abu '1-Kasim Hibat Allah b. Muhammad al-Shaybani
al-Baghdadi (d. 524/1130) (Djawahir, i, 196).
10. Abu '1-Muzaffar al-Husayn b. Ahmad
(d. 579/1183); his brother (no. 12) accepted him as
shahid-notary in 552/1157 and appointed him as
his representative magistrate in the quarter of the
Caliphal Palace on the East Side of Baghdad (Diawahir,
i, 207-8).
11. Abu Muhammad al-Hasan b. Ahmad
(d. 582/1186); his brother (no. 12) accepted him as
shahid-notary in 552/1157 and appointed him kadi in
the West Side quarter of Karkh in Baghdad, then
also in Wash; he spent a lifetime in his career as
kadi, in Wasit and Baghdad, between dismissals and
reappointments (Djawahir, i, 188-89).
12. Abu '1-Hasan 'All b. Ahmad (d. 583/1188);
was appointed kadi in the Karkh quarter of Baghdad's
West Side in 540/1145 following his father's (no. 5)
death. Then when the Kadi 'l-Kudat Abu '1-Kasim 'All
b. al-Husayn al-Zaynabr died in 543/1149, he was
appointed Kadi 'l-Kudat in his place, at the age of
thirty, by the caliph al-MuktafT. He was confirmed
in his appointment under the caliph al-Mustandjid,
who then dismissed him. The caliph al-Mustadf
reappointed him, and, the appointment being con-
firmed later by the caliph al-Nasir, Abu '1-Hasan
continued to serve until he died. When he was dis-
missed by al-Mustandjid, he kept to his home, where
he pursued his study of the religious sciences, con-
sidering himself as still the Kadi 'l-Kudat, and all
the kadis as his authorised representatives, "because
a kadi, unless guilty of moral depravity, may not
be dismissed" (li-anna 'l-kadiya idhd lam yaihar fiskuh,
lam yadjuz 'azluh, Djawahir,' i, 351, if. 9-10) (Ibn
Kathir, al-Bidaya wa 'l-nihaya ft 'l-tarikh, xii, 329;
Djawahir, i, 350-2; Ibn Taghnbirdi, al-Nuajum al-
zahira
104).
13. Abu '1-Fath Muhammad b. 'Air (d. 575/
1 180); was accepted as shahid-notary by his father
(no. 12) on Monday, 12 Radjab 575/Thursday 13
December 1 1 79), who made him his assistant magis-
trate in the city of Baghdad; he died at the age of
29, less than three months after his appointment
(Djawahir, ii, 91).
14. Abu '1-Fadl Muhammad b. al-Hasan
(d. 592/1196); was accepted as shahid-notary by his
uncle (no. 12) on 12 Shawwdl 5 75 /Tuesday 11 March
1180), three months after his cousin (no. 13), and was
entrusted with the controllership of the caliphal bur-
ial grounds in the East Side quarter of al-Rusafa. He
died young (Djawahir, ii, 40).
15. Abu '1-Kasim <Abd Allah b. al-Husayn
(died Sunday 30 Dhu '1-Ka'da 615/17 February
1219); was appointed kadi in 586/1190, and dis-
missed in 594/1198; was reappointed as Kadi 7-
Kudat in 603/ 1207, and dismissed once again in
611/1214; was highly esteemed for his knowledge
of the law according to the various schools of juridi-
cal thought, as well as for belles-lettres (Abu Shama,
Taradjim ridjal al-karnayn al-sadis wa 'l-sabi', 110-11;
Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa 'l-nihaya fi 'l-tarikh, xiii, 82;
194 al-DAMAGHANI, ABU 'ABD ALLAH — al-DAMAGHANI, ABU 'l-HASAN 'ALl b. MUHAMMAD
Djawahir, i, 273-4; Ibn Taghrlbirdl, al-.Nudjum al-
zahira, vi, 223).
16. Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. al-
ii usayn died Wednesday 16 Sha'ban 615/7
November 1218, three and-a-half months before his
brother (no. 15); was accepted as shdhid-notary by his
brother mo. 15) on 20 Shawwal 603/20 May 1207,
who appointed him as his representative magistrate
in Baghdad, a post he kept until his brother's dis-
missal on 12 Radjab 611/17 November 1214 which
entailed his own dismissal; he died four years later
without reappointment (Djawahir, ii, 48).
17. Abu Dja'far Yahya b. Dja'far (d. 630/
1232-3); he is known to have learned liadith from
his father (no. 8) and to have taught the subject,
according to al-Mundhirl (Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-
'Azlm b. 'Abd al-KawI, d. 656/1258), who received
Dja'far. on more than one occasion, to teach on his
authority, one in particular arriving from Aleppo
in Shawwal 620/October-November 1223). (Djawahir,
ii, 211).
The author of the Djawahir gives the orthography
of the ethnic name al-Damagham and says that it is
the name of Kadi 1-Kudal Abu 'Abd Allah al-
Damagham (no. 1) and of a group of his descendants
(see ibid., ii, 306). The author cites a nephew (the son
of a sister) of DamaghanI (of no. 1), 'Ubayd Allah b.
Muhammad b. Talha I). al-Husayn, Abu Muhammad
al-Damagham (d. 502/1108), who was accepted by
the uncle as a stated-notary (Djawahir, i, 340-1).
Another Damagham (fl. 494/1102), 'Abd Allah b.
al-Husayn b. 'Abd Allah, was also accepted as Mhid-
notary by Abu 'Abd Allah (no. 1), but his identifi-
cation as a member of the family is not certain
[Djawahir, i. 274,.
There are other persons noted with this name, but
no apparent relationship to this family.
Bibliography: Ibn al-Djawzi, al-Muntazam; Abu
Shama al-Makdisi, Taradjim ridjal al-karnavn al-sadis
tea 1-sabi', Cairo 1366/1947; Ibn Kathr r ; al-Bidaya
iva 'l-nihava; 'Abd al-Kadir b. Abl '1-Wafa' al-
Kurashi, ai-Djawahir al-mudma ft tabakal al-hanafiyya,
Haydarabad 1332/1914; Ibn Taghrlbirdl, al-Nudjum
Cairo 1383/1963; G. Makdisi, Ibn Aqil el
with
/'Is/am
XI'
Damascus 1963,
'1-Hasan al-Damaghanl and Abu 'Abd Allah al-
Damagham; Brockelmann, I, 460, S I, 637.
(G. Makdisi)
al-DAMAGHANI, ABU l-HASAN 'ALI b.
MUHAMMAD b. 'Ali b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan
b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Hammuya, son of Abu 'Abd
Allah Muhammad al-Damaghanl [q.v.]. He was
born in 449/1057, studied law, and was accepted as
shahid-notary by his father in 466/1073-4, and was
appointed by him kadi of the East Side quarter of
Bab al-Tak in Baghdad and of a part of the coun-
tryside, a jurisdiction which was that of his maternal
grand-father Abu '1-Hasan Ahmad al-Simnam, who
had just died in 466/1074 (see Djawahir, ii, 95-6). In
the year of these two appointments, Abu '1-Hasan al-
Damagham was only 16 years of age; such appoint-
ments at that age were unheard of.
He held the post of kadi first under the two caliphs
al-Ka'im and al-Muktadr, until his father died
in 478/1085, and was succeeded by the ShafiT juris-
consult Abu Bakr al-Shaml. Upon the latter's
death in 488/1095, Abu '1-Hasan was appointed as
Kadi 'l-kuddt and held the post under the caliphs
al-Mustazhir and al-Mustarshid until his death in
513/1119. He held also the post of substitute-zrac'r
under these two caliphs, sharing the post with others.
There are some anecdotes regarding Abu '1-Hasan
al-Damaghanl which shed light on how he was
regarded by some of his contemporaries among the
jurisconsults. In one of these, he is said to have
refused to accept the testimony of a person who came
to him at the behest of the caliph al-Mustazhir. When
the latter asked for an explanation, he replied that
on the Day of the Last Judgment God would hold
him responsible for his actions, not the caliph who
appointed him. Another anecdote concerns the Shafi'I
jurisconsult Abu Bakr al-Shashl (d. 504/1110) who
came to Damagham to pay him a visit. The Kadi
'l-kuddt did not show him respect by rising for him,
so Shashi turned on his heels and left. That was in
the 480s. It was not until after the year 500/1106-7
that they came together again on the occasion of a
ceremony for mourning over a fellow jurisconsult's
death. Shashi arrived first and took his seat. When
the Kadi 'l-Kudat entered, everyone rose except Shashi,
who did not budge. DamaghanI wrote to the caliph
Mustazhir complaining that Shashi did not respect
the representative of the religious law. The caliph
wrote back: "What do you expect me to say to him?
He is your senior in age, a more excellent [juriscon-
sult], and more pious. Had you risen for him, he
would have done the same for you". Shashi also wrote
to the caliph complaining of Damaghanl's disdainful
treatment of men of religious science, and included
the following two verses: "A partitioning screen, con-
ceit, and excessive vainglory / and painstaking reach-
ing for the heights / If all this had come as a result
of ability / it would be easy to accept, but it comes
as a result of coming from behind (meaning that he
succeeded his father, riding on his coat tails)". The
caliph finally brought the two jurisconsults together
and they made up their quarrel. But the anecdote
ends on a note which shows that Shashi had not
quite forgiven the magistrate. DamaghanI sat with
Shashi, presumably in the presence of other learned
men, and began to give a list of the questions of law
that his father, DamaghanI the Elder [q.v.], had dis-
cussed in sessions of disputation, together with the
names of his fellow disputants in each case. When
DamaghanI had mentioned several of these questions,
Shashi made the following remark, laden with subtle
sarcasm: "How excellently you have memorised the
titles of these disputed questions!" — meaning that
Shashi was good for superficial memorisation, but not
good enough for even memorising the disputations
themselves, let alone understanding them.
Ibn 'Akil [q.v.], who had a great respect for
DamaghanI the Elder as one of his teachers of dis-
putation, had no respect at all for the son Abu
'1-Hasan, to whom he addressed two letters which
appear to be open ones written, not in the second,
but in the third person (see the French tr. of both
letters in Makdisi, Ibn 'Aqil, 467-71). In these, Ibn
'Akil compares father and son, laying stress on the
inferior qualities of the son. He held against the son
the fact that, at one of his sessions as chief magis-
trate, he cried at the top of his voice that there were
no longer any jurisconsults of the rank of mudjtahid
[q.v.]. Ibn 'Akil considered this a thoughtless attack
against the doctrine of consensus or idjma' [q.v.], a
doctrine which God had instituted above that of
prophecy, since the Prophet of Islam was the seal of
the prophets, not to be followed by other prophets.
God thus instituted the doctrine of the c
the place of the s
l-DAMAGHANI, ABU 'l-HASAN 'ALl b. MUHAMMAD— DAR a
prophets. He also held against Abu '1-Hasan his neg-
lect of the learned men of Baghdad in favour of those
from Khurasan. He accused him of doing so for the
purpose of gaining a broader reputation, presumably
because these men would spread his name far and
wide on their travels back and forth to their home
provinces.
Ibn al-Djawzi (d. 597/1200), who .gives a lengthy
biography of Abu '1-Hasan and is our source for Ibn
'Akrl's two letters, nevertheless speaks well of him,
stating that he was a religious man, with a sense of
honour, with generosity and integrity, and that he
was knowledgeable in the field of jhurut, i.e. the writ-
ing of formal documents. Among his teachers, the
HanbalT Kadi Abu Ya'la b. al-Farra' (d. 458/1066),
Abu Bakr al-Khatib (d. 463/1071), al-SarifTm (d.
469/1076), and Ibn al-Nakur (d. 470/1078) are cited
as those who taught him haditjh, and is said to have
related traditions in turn. He studied law under his
father and his brother [see under damaghani, abu
'abd allah, Nos. 1 and 3],
Abu '1-Hasan died in 513/1119 after having served
for close on 30 years as magistrate and chief magis-
trate. He was buried at his home in the quarter of"
Nahr al-Kalla'In on the West Side of Baghdad where
his father was buried, and the remains of his father
were transferred to the shrine of Abu Hanffa on the
East Side. (G. Makdisi)
DAMASCENING [see ma'din].
DANDANKAN, Dandanakan, a small town in
the sand desert between Marw and Sarakhs in
mediaeval Khurasan and 10 farsakhs or 40 miles from
the former city. The site of the settlement is now
in the Turkmenistan SSR, see V.A. Zhukovsky,
Razvalini Stamgn Merva, St. Petersburg 1894, 38. The
geographers of the 4th/ 10th century mention that it
was well-fortified and was surrounded by a wall 500
.i lying outside this wall (Ibn Hawkal-', 436-7,
456,
s-Wiet
422, ■i
■ Hud
establishments set up in Syria, 'Irak, Egypt and
Palestine during the Zangid, Ayyubid and Mamluk
periods. Unfortunately, this particular building is now
virtually a ruin. The facade is completely disfigured
by little shops built on the site of the rooms situated
to the north of the courtyard. Of the building as
a whole, some traces still exist: the walls of a prayer
room with some vestiges of the mihrab decoration; the
facade of this prayer room, made up of three bays;
the cotirtyard on to which it opened; and the basin
in its centre. These few remains have nevertheless
allowed Jean Sauvaget to reconstruct the plan of the
building (Le Dai al-hadith de Mom al-din, in Les monu-
ments ayyoubides de Damas, i, Paris 1938, 15-25). This
plan fitted into a small, almost square rectangle (16.3(1
X 17.20 m. overall). It comprised a room with a
mihrab ranging all along the south wall, which opened
on to a central, square courtyard through a large,
high central bay flanked by two other bays of more
modest dimensions. Each of these bays was made up
of a rectangular opening surmounted by a lintel and
a curved, pointed arch. The central arch was sup-
ported on two rectangular pillars, whilst the lateral
ones were supported on the piers of the doorway.
Two rectangular and symmetrical rooms, one of them
the
)rsky, 105). When Yal
7th/ 13th century, it was ruinous and abandoned, with
only the ribat, the minaret and the walls outstanding,
apparently because of the encroaching sands, though
he quotes a work of Sam'anl's, the Kitab al-Tahbir,
that its ruin dated from a sacking by the Ghuzz in
Shawvval 553/November 1158 (Buldan, ed. Beirut, ii,
477). Both Yakut and Sam'am (Amab, ed. Hyderabad,
v, 381-3) list many scholars who stemmed from
Dandankan.
The place's main claim to historical fame arises
from the fact that, outside Dandankan's walls in the
parched and largely waterless desert, there took place
one of the decisive battles of eastern Islamic history.
In Ramadan 431 /May 1040 a force of highly-mobile
Tiirkmens under the Saldjuk leaders Toghril and
Caghri Beg defeated a more heavily-armed but largely
demoralised Ghaznawid army under Sultan Mas'ud
b. Mahmud, and this victory gave the Saldjuks con-
trol of the former Ghaznawid province of Khurasan
(see B.N. Zakhoder, Dendanekan, in Belleten, xviii (1954),
581-7, and Bosworth, The Ghaznavid^, their empire in
Afghanistan and eastern Iran, index).
Bibliography. Given in the article.
(C.E. Bosworth)
DANIEL [see danival]
DAR AL-HADITH.
I. Architecture.
The first da, al-hadith [q.v.] founded by Nur al-Din
in Damascus served as a prototype for similar
Ming
vith the
prayer
iteral facades
tnicated with a little vaulted room making up the
it and west angles of the northern facade of the
ildings as a whole. The central part of this last was
ide up of a passage way which led both to the
ltral courtyard and also to two further small, vaulted
>ms which themselves led to the courtyard. In the
ltre of the courtyard was a basin for ablutions.
The arrangement here, simple and functional, allows
? to identify exactly the role of each of the v
■ prayer
and possibly, the janitc
aching
; lodg-
and tl
Damascus, the difference being essentially in a reduc-
tion of the dimensions and the replacement of the
iwans — specific features of madrasas — by lateral rooms.
Even so, the distinction between the two types of
building was not always clearly made. To cite only
one example, the Diya'ivya, founded in Damascus by
Diya' al-Din al-Makdisi' before 643/1245, is given as
a da, al-hadith by Ibn Tiilun [al-Kala'id al-ajawhanvva
Ji ta'nkh al-madam, Damascus, 1949, 76) and as' a
madrasa bv al-Nu'aymi [al-Daris fi ta'rikh al-madam,
Damascus 1948, i, 80).
The opening of the first
da, a
l-ha
dith, V
as fol-
lowed by the founding of n
tions based on Nur al-Din's
buildi
!ffi
unfort
nately,
these have almost all disapp
eared.
Of
the lfc
lishments listed by al-Nu'ay
mi, D
ma
scus h
as now
only the remnants of Nur a
-Din's
da
al-hadith; the
fine doorway with stalactites
Ting
in 739/1338 and whose inter
lor ha
ipletely
rebuilt [cf. Sauvaget, Les monu
merits h
ques de
Beirut 1932, 69, no. 44); a
walls incorporated in shops
or ho
uses
As a
result,
e for.
ler to get information about the architecture of
da, al-hadiths; but these are very laconic on this
ticular aspect, and the passages on these insti-
ions concern themselves almost wholly with the
•s of the teachers there. Alone of them Ibn Tulun
rotes a few lines to the buildings themselves, and
m him we learn that certain of them were mere
DAR al-HADITH
II. Historical development [see ii, 125 6].
N< — I-
Fig. 1. Plan of Nur al-Dm's dar al-hadlth, after J. Sauvaget.
Fig. 2 riesation of Nur al-Din's dar al-hadlth, after J. Sauvaget.
DAR al-HADITH— DAR SlNl
rooms within the house of the shaykh who was giv-
ing out instruction. Thus the Shaklshakiyya, found-
ed in Damascus by Ibn Shaklshaka in 656/1258,
was only the modest dwelling of this master (cf. al-
Nu'ayml, Dtiris, i, 81). The Diya'iyya (see above)
had a plan resembling that of the Nuriyya, but the
rooms meant for students were spread over two
floors (Ibn Tulun, Kala'id, 83). The Kalanisiyya,
founded in ca. 729/1328 by the vizier Ibn al-Kalanisi
(not to be confused with the historian of the same
three large windows looking on to the Nahr YazTd,
several doors giving access to it, a paved courtyard
and a minaret (Ibn Tulun, op. eit.. 86). The
Nizamiyva, founded towards the middle of the
9th/ 15th century by the kadi 'l-kuddt Nizam al-Dm
'Umar, showed a structure even more close to that
of the madrasas. Three Iwans opened on to a court
in whose centre was an ablutions cistern. The south-
ern Iwan had a rmhrdb. and the eastern side was
provided with a riwak reserved for women [ibid.. 88).
Sometimes the dar al-hadith had a nbat or khankah
[(/.v.] annexed to it, or else the founder's own tomb
or turba might be adjacent to it. This was the case
with the Nasiri>ya, founded by al-Malik al-Nasir Yusuf
on the southern slopes of Mount Kasiyun [q.v.] some
time before 659/1261. This imposing architectural
complex, built on the banks of the Nahr Yazld and
decked out with yellow and white stones, was topped
by a minaret and also included a mill. According to
Ibn Tulun, op. cit., 94, it was one of the finest houses
in Damascus; but by his time, it had been entirely
destroyed and even its site had vanished.
In Aleppo, there are still some remains of the dar
al-hadith founded bv Ibn Shaddad Yusuf (the biogra-
pher of Salah al-Din) in 618/1221, as attested by the
text of a foundation inscription carved on a stone
block inserted in a modern wall of the reconstructed
building. According to the summary plan deduced by
Herzfeld, there remains a rectangular room 16.50 X
6 m. overall, with a mihrab and three openings. In
the room's north wall and at the beginning of another
wall perpendicular to the latter gives on to what was
possibly the dar al-hadith'?. courtyard (Herzfeld, Material*
uments d'Alep. ii, pi. CXXXVIIa).
The Kamiliyya of Cairo, founded there bv al-Malik
al-Kamil Nasir al-Din in 622/1225 on the' model of
the Nuri>ya, is chronologicallv the second of the dar
al-hadiths |cf. al Makrlzi, Khitat, ed. Bulak, ii, 375).
Some remains of this building still exist, in particu-
lar, an iwan, whose pointed-arched vault is faced
in fired brick and is supported on the walls and on
stone piers (photograph bv J.C. Garcin, in Annates
Islamologiques, vii [1967], pi.' XII).
These various examples suffice to show how the
architecture of the dar al-hadith remained dependent
on that of the madram, when indeed it was not included
in it. (S. Ory)
II. History [see Vol. II, 125-6].
DAR SINI, or DarsIni (Persian dar cini "Chinese
wood") is the Chinese cinnamon (Cinnamomum
cassia), next to the Ceylonese cinnamon (Cirm. -eylani-
cum) the most valuable spice from plants of the cin-
namon species, of the family of the Lauraceae, perhaps
the oldest spice altogether. The rind of the branch
of the cinnamon-tree was used in China as medicine,
aromatic substance and spice already in the 3rd mil-
lennium B.C., and reached the Near East and the
Mediterranean countries in the 2nd millennium. It
cannot be established with certainty with what
original plant darsini is to be associated, since in the
pharmacognosy texts Cinn. cassia is also rendered by
salikha, which allegedly is not identical with darsini.
The Greeks (Dioscorides) called the class Kiv ( v)du(o-
uov, and the rind of the Chinese Kaooia; the Arabs
speak accordingly of kinnamumun (and variants) and
kasiyd (kassiya); in Spanish-Arabic texts it even appears
in the Romance form djinnamu Icinamomo). cf. M. Asin
Palacios, Glosario de voces romances, Madrid Granada
1943, no. 196. Since Ceylonese cinnamon was export-
ed rather late from the island, hardly before the 14th
century A.D., darsini, according to its name, can only
indicate Chinese cinnamon during the whole previ-
The older Arab botanists (Abu Hanifa al-Dinawan,
The book of plants, ed. B. Lewin, Wiesbaden 1974, no.
814) did not know what to do with the term iini and
associated it with an unidentified drug sinin mentioned
bv al-A'shS iDiwan, ed. Geyer, 201). Ishak b. Sulavman
ai-Isra'Ilr (d. ca. 320/932) was perhaps the first to
perceive that cinnamon came indeed from China, see
al-Ghalikr [q.v. below], al-Adwiya al-mufrada. Ms. Rabat,
Bibl. Gen. k 155 i, tbl. 130a, 11. Like the numerous
other Asiatic spices, cinnamon was imported mainly
bv the sea route, the most important transit-port being
'Adan (W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant an Moycn
Age, Leipzig 1885-6, index s.v. Cannelle).
The Arabs knew a whole range of kinds of darsini
Chinese cinnamon" (darsini al-Sin), an inferior kind
1-hakika), the "clove-rind" ikirfat al-kurunful). the "pun-
gent cinnamon" [al-hadd al-madhak), etc. As spice
for food, there served not only the tubular rind of
the cinnamon-tree, but also its leaves, blossoms and
the volatile oil extracted from the rind. Taken as a
medicine, cinnamon reduces and softens thick sub-
stances, strengthens the stomach, liver and spleen
and counteracts their sluggishness, quickens the activ-
ity of the heart, invigorates the eyesight and is effec-
tive against poisonous bites and stings of scorpions.
Spread on excrement and urine, it does away with
their nastv smell.
Bibliography: Dioscurides, De materia mtdica, ed.
M. Wellmann, i, Berlin 1907, 18-20 (= lib. i, 14);
La 'Materia medica' de Dioscorides, ii (Arabic tr. Istafan
b. Basil), ed. C.E. Dubler and E. Teres, Tetuan
1952, 22 f.; The medical formulary or Aqrabadhin of
al-hindi. tr. M. Leve\, Madison etc. 1966, 265 f.
(no. 96 ); BTriim, Saydala. ed. Hakim Muh. Sa'Id,
Karachi 1973, Arab. 189 f., Engl. tr. 156;
Barhebraeus, The abridged version of -'Vie Book of sim-
ple drugs" of. . . al-Ghqfiqi. ed. M. Meverhof and
G.P. Sobhv, Cairo 1932, no. 232; Suwavdl, Simat,
Ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol. 71b; Ibn Biklarish; Musta'ini,
Ms. Naples, Bibl. Naz. iii, F. 65, fol. 32b; Ibn al-
Djazzar, I'timad, Ms. Avasofva 3564, fols. 66b-67a;
Zahrawl, Tasrif Ms. Besir Aga 502, fol. 503a-b;
Maimonides, Sharh asrna' al-'ukkar, ed. Meverhof,
Cairo 1940, no. 95; Ibn al-Bavtar. Djami',' Bulak
1291, ii, 83-5, tr. Leclerc, noi 841, with many
quotations from sources; Ghassam, Mu'tamad, ed.
M. al-Sakka', Beirut 1395/1975, 145-7; Die phar-
makolog. Grundsdtzt des Abu Mansur Muwaffak bin Ali
Haraivi. tr. A.Ch. Achundow. Halle 1893, 305;
Tuhfat al-ahbab. ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934,
no. 112; RazF, Hawi. xx, Havdarabad 1387, 490-6
(no. 345); Ibn Slna, Aa»K« (Bulak), i, 288 f.; Dawud
DAR SlNl — DARB ZUBAYDA
al-Antaki, Tadhkira, Cairo 1371, i, 149; Ibn 'AbdOn,
'Vmdat al-tabib, Ms. Rabat. Bibl. Gen. 3505 D,
fols. 61b-62a; El Libro Agrega de Serapiom, ed. G.
Ineichen, ii, Venice 1966, 89 f.; F. Moattar, Ismail
Gorganl und seine Bedeutungfur die iranisehen Heilkunde,
Diss. rer. nat. Marburg 1971, no. 64; H.G. Kircher,
Die "em-fachen Heilmiltel" aus dem "Handbuch der
Chirurgie" des Ibn al-Quff, Bonn 1967, no. 99; W.
Schmucker, Die pjlanzliche und mmeralische Materia
medica im Firdaus al-hikma des 'Alt ibn Saht Rabban
at-Tabari, Bonn 1969, no. 292; F.A. Fliickiger,
Pharmakognosie des Pftan Z enreiches\ Berlin 1891, 592-
8; I. Low, Die Flora de, Juden, ii, 1924, 107-13.
(A. Dietrich)
DARAK (A.), daman al-darak, in Islamic law the
guarantee against a fault in ownership. As
the most important of the various guarantees aimed
at protecting the new legal status brought about by
the conclusion of a contract of sale, the daman al-
darak ensures that the seller will make good should
the buyer's title be contested by a third party. It is
possible, for instance, that prior to the conclusion
of the contract and without the knowledge of the
two contracting parties, a third party had inherited
all or part of the property sold, it had been given
in wakf a neighbour had exercised his right of pre-
emption, or a creditor had claimed the property
in settlement of a debt against the seller. Thus the
darak rises from a rightful claim of ownership (istih-
kak) before the contract has come into being, while
a claim established after this (because a defect is dis-
covered, or the object sold perishes before delivery,
for instance) is not covered by the darak guarantee.
Further, the seller is liable to the buyer only and not
to another person to whom the property may have
been transferred.
There is a difference of opinion on how the seller
discharges his obligation; return of the price was
the norm, but arguments are made for the return
of the property itself, or its equivalent, if it is fun-
gible, or its value together with the value of such
improvements as had been made by the buyer at
the time the claim was raised. The daman al-darak
is usually confined to contracts for the sale of immov-
able property, but in the formularies for written
contracts we see that the guarantee could be given
for movables of value as well, such as slaves, walls
(considered movable because they could be dis-
mantled for their materials), and palm trees (sold
separately from the land and perhaps uprooted). It
is not included in contracts in which the property
is delivered at a later date, but rather, a separate
witnessed document containing the guarantee is
drawn up after delivery takes place. Nor is the guar-
antee given in conveyances in which the alienor
receives no consideration, as in a deed of gift. The
importance of this guarantee and the variety of for-
mulas employed to express it reflect the concern of
Islamic law for the protection of ownership and
bona fide acquisition.
Bibliography. The term darak is defined in
Lane, iii, 874; Dozy, Suppl., i, 436-7; J. Schacht,
An introduction to Islamic law, London 1964, 139;
al-Sarakhsi, A - . al-Mabsut fl-furu', Cairo 1324-
31/1906-13, xxx, 173-4, 180, 183, 187-8;
Discussion of various aspects of the legal status
and the formulae is to be found in the shurut
works, e.g., J.A. Wakin, The function of document* in
Islamic law: the chapters on sale from TahawT's "Kitab
al-Shurut al-Kabir'\ New York 1972, index, s.v.; al-
SayrafT, al-Mukatabat al-badi'a fima yuktab min umur
al-Sharl'a, in al-Nuwayn, Nihdyat al-arab fi funun
al-adab, ix, 12; Marghlnanf, al'-Fatdwa al-gahtriyya,
MS British Museum, Rieu Suppl. 4305, fol. 19a;
al-Fatawa al-'Alamgiriyya, Calcutta 1251, vi, 424-
the contract, examples of its use in practice are
found frequently in the extant deeds of sale.
For examples, see A. Grohmann, ed., Arabic papyri
in the Egyptian Library, i, 146, 162, 169, 175, 182,
187 and passim; J. Sourdel-Thomine and
D. Sourdel, Trois actes de vent damascains du debut
du IV/X Steele, in JESHO, viii (1965), 173;
W. Hoenerbach, Spanisch-islamische Urkunden aus der
Zeit der Nasriden und Moriscos, Berkeley 1965, 41-
2, 272; for earlier Near Eastern parallels, see
R. Yaron, On defension clauses of wme oriental deeds
of sale and lease, from Mesopotamia, in Bibliotheca
Onentalis, xv, 15-22. See also daman.
(J.A. Wakin)
DARB ZUBAYDA, the pilgrim highway run-
ning from al-Trak to the Holy Cities of the Hidjaz,
named after Zubayda bint Dja'far [q.r.], the wife of
Harun al-Rashid.
The main section of the Darb Zubayda, from Kufa
to Mecca, is something over 1,400 km. in length. The
branch to Medina leaves the main road at Ma'din al-
Nakira, which is also the point at which the road
from Basra joins it. From Ma'din al-Nakira to Mecca
the distance is about 500 km., and from the same
point to Medina it is about 250 km. Between Ma'din
al-Nakira and Mecca, the section of the road lying
between Ma'din BanI Sulaym and al-Mislah has an
alternative route which runs: Ma'din Bam Sulaym-
Sufayna-Hadha-al-Mislah. This latter route lies across
the Harrat Rahat, and was used for the sake of its
superior water resources. For the most part, the prepa-
ration of the track of the road consisted in clearing
the ground of boulders, rocks, etc., but at least one
stretch (near Batn al-Agharr) was paved, at the expense
of Khalisa, the lady-in-waiting of the mother of al-
Rashrd (al-Harbi, A~. al-Manasik, Riyad 1389/1969, 305).
Fayd, the midway station of the road, was the seat
of the amir al-hadjdj and the road superintendent Camil
al-tarik or watt al tank) [see further, fayd, below] and
was provided with fortifications (husuri) and markets.
The main route of the Darb Zubayda had 54 recog-
nised stations (manazil). Stopping places for the evening
meal were known as muta'ashsha.
There is no archaeological evidence for the use of
the Darb Zubayda route before the Umayyad
period, but it must have been in use at least from
the time of the foundation of Kufa in the reign of
Al-Harbi (al-Manasik, 3091 states that 'Uthman had
wells dug at Fayd, and Tabarl mentions that among
the places at which 'All stopped on his way from
Medina to Kufa in 36/656 were al-Rabadha, Fayd
and al-Tha'labiyya. Similarly, Husayn b. 'All stopped
at inter alia al-Hadjir, Zarud, Zubala and al-'Akaba.
These are all major stations of the Darb Zubayda.
The 'Irak-Mecca road was a leading concern of
the 'Abbasid caliphs, to the extent that as a well-
maintained, reliable highway it may be regarded as
an 'Abbasid foundation. Al-Saffah set up milestones
and established fire-beacons (mandr) along the whole
route from Kufa to Mecca (Tabarl, iii, 81; Ibn al-
Athir, Cairo edn., iv, 344), and he also constructed
forts (kusur) along the northern section from al-
Kadisiyya to Zubala. Al-Mansur provided the road
with hostels, and under this caliph the first road
superintendent was appointed. The names of at
D\RB ZUBAYD\
least 21 of these supenntendents ha\e been pre-
served Al-Mahdi enlarged the forts constructed watei
tanks, sunk wells and renewed the milebtones It was
during his reign that \aktin b Musa the most out-
standing of the road superintendents was appointed
(lbl/777) His incumbencv lasted ten vears during
which time the pilgrim road was noted ioi its con-
venience comfoit and safetv (Ibn Kathn at Bidma
ltd Imhina Benin and Rivad l%b x H3|
Al-Rashid constructed cisterns sunk wells and built
forts along the load but he was outshone in these
works b\ his wife Zubavda whose contribution is men-
tioned in laudator) terms bv manv mediaeval
wnteis \1-Harbi refers to at least eleven places
r tvpe [bit/ a mudaitaaia) was
known as a Zubavdiwa (al Manual 288) Much of
Zubavda s work was devoted to the smaller stations
at intermediate points between the larger stopping
places which suggests that her objective was to min-
lstei to the needs of poorei pilgrims who had to make
their long journev on foot For the upkeep of the
water installations in Mecca she left endowments with
a weld of 30 000 dinars per annum and it is proba-
ble that she piovided funds foi the upkeep of the road
itself m the same wav It mav be noted that the medi-
aeval writers iecord the names of manv wealthv indi-
viduals both men and women who made the upkeep
of the road the ob]ect of then benefactions
■\mong the later caliphs al-\\athik, al-Mutaw akkil
and al-Muktadir were partnularlv active in maintain
mg and improving the road Evidence of the contn-
bution of al-Muktadu is piovided b\ a Kufic insciiption
on stone dated 304/917-17 which refers to imple-
ments being carried out under the supervision of '<\h
b <Isa [ai]
From the ird/Sth centurv the secuntv of the road
was increasinglv disturbed bv tribal raids beginning
with that of the Banu Sulavm in 230/844 In 244/
90b occuned the first of manv attacks on pilgnm
traffic bv the Karmatis [q i ] and these were to con-
1243
d under an '\bbasid caliph was that of t
il-Must.
the pilgi image taking with her 120 000
(al-Nahiawah A al flam h a'lam baU Utah al Haiam
ed Wustenfeld m Du Chiom/un de, \tadt Me/ /a in
Leipzig 1857 178)
After the fall of Baghdad in 656/1258 pilgnm traf-
fic was often diveited tluough Damascus but the
Daib Zubavda continued to be used intermittentk in
later centuries the iiequencv of traffic depending
largeh upon the presence or otherwise of a stable
administration in Baghdad The use of the load in
the 19th centurv is attested b\ European travellers
such as Ladv \nne Blunt, Huber and Musil
The coming of motor transport in the 20th cen-
turv had led to the final abandonment of the Darb
Zubavda although its cleared track is still everywheie
visible as aie manv of the wavmaiks \a'lam) which
usuallv consist of cairns of stones of ovei 2 m in
height Two undamaged milestones from the '\bbasid
period have survived and ale now preserved in the
Rivad Museum of Antiquities One of these uses the
svstem of the post-stage [band [q i ]) the other that
of miles Most of the water facilities of the load can
still be identified even though manv of these aie
sanded up, thev include square iectangular and cir-
cular tanks some of which are connected with set-
tling tanks and flood diversion walls Manv of the
- still u
it-hous.
e bv local tribesmen The
s ma) still be sc
manv points along the road and in sc
Kasr Zubala, Hisn Favd and al-'Akik) more substan-
tial ruins testifv to the high level of woikmanship
bestowed on the public facilities of the road
Bibltoarapfu see in addition to the woiks
mentioned in the text Ibn Khurradadhbih 125-
8 131-2 IbnRusta 174-80 al-Ya'kubi Musha/alat
al nas h ^amamhim ed W Millward Benut 1962
24-6 Ibn Djubavr Rihla ed de Goeje Leiden
1907, 203-13 'Anb al-Kurtubi Si/at Ta'n/h al
Taban Leiden 1897 54 59 123-4 130-1 Ladv
Anne Blunt -1 pilgrimage to ^ejd repi 1969 ii
b4 57-8 70-1 84 C Huber lo^agi dans I iiabu
Lentrale Hamad Sammar Qa^m Htd^K in Bull
Sw Gionraphu \ II series (1885) No b 104-48
■\ Musil Wrt,™ \ (? rf New Yoik 1928 205-36
and passim N Abbott, Tuo Queins of Baghdad
Chicago 194b 2W-9 245-6 250 258 9 Said \
al-Rashid 4 intual sW> of tilt Pilyim Road bttuan
kuja and \l,ua [Darb Z«bmdah) itith tht aid of field
uork Leeds PhD thesis, unpublished (includes
plans and illustrations)
iSaad \ al-Rashid and MJ L ^oun&)
DARlBA [li-|b| See \ ol II 142-58
(7)-Indonesia The classical Malav chiomcles are
not verv eloquent about matters of taxes and tolls
and the collections of undam, undans, or laws are more
concerned with couit rituals than with legal or fiscal
questions Moie matenals aie available foi the tax
tegulations under the Dutch admmistiation Thus
F de Haans eminent work on Planum Dt Piane,,i
Rtgentsthappin ondti fit! \idirlandsth Bislmir tot lhll
4 vols Batavia-The Hague 1911 ft contains a lot
of valuable infoimatioii But with regard to the Islamic
kingdoms and sultanates in the archipelago which
flourished in the lbth and 17th centuries similar
detailed studies although probablv less voluminous
aie still a desideiatum In this article the official
orthographv lor Malav and Indonesiin is used except
in quotations and the more geneiallv known teim ot
ihahbandar (not siahbandar)
The use of the Islamic kingdoms and sultanates
developed in two diflerent settings there aie lai the
maritime centres starting with Pasai (1202) and
Mahkka (1403i liter being continued bv \ceh (eailv
Deimk (1478-1546) Banten
Tern.
15th cc
, Tidon
) Mak
Ban]ain
Pontnnak (1771) which based their economics mamlv
on sea trade wheieas (b) Mataram (1582) retained
an outspoken agnnan chaiacter although in the
course ot time it gained suzeraintv over a number
of impoitant seapoits in Java and some oversea
provinces on othei islands
(a) Foi the maiitime sultanates the backbone
of their welfare was the haiboui and its adminis-
tration had to be handled with special caie The
most important functionarv in the haiboui admmis-
tiation was the shalibandai oi haiboui mastei He
was usuallv appointed bv the local ruler oi sultan
and chosen from among the foreign tiadeis who had
settled in the port No salaiv was given to him In
big haibours moie than one shahbandar were some-
times active Ihus Malakka is tepoited to have had
toui of them it the same time during the period ot
its florescence before the Poituguese conquest (151 li
The same holds tiue for Banda Aceh Darussalam
during the reign of Iskandar Muda (1607 3b) In such
i case each shahbanda) was responsible tor ceitain
national groups, including the one from which he
originated himself. In Malakka, one shahbandar had
to take care of the Gujarati traders, another one
looked after the other "western" traders from India,
Persia, Arabia, Pegu (Burma) and North Sumatra, a
third one dealt with those originating "east" of
Malakka like Palembang, Java, the Moluccas or the
Philippine islands, and the fourth one was responsi-
ble for the Chinese.
The shahbandar had to supervise the merchandise,
take care of its transport and storage, inspect the mar-
kets and guarantee the security of the ships and the
well-being of their crew, passengers, and tradesmen.
When a ship entered the harbour, he had at once
to inspect it and estimate the value of the goods.
Based on his estimation, tolls were fixed and those
objects chosen which had to be presented as gifts to
the sultan or ruler and other high officials. The owner
of the chosen gift, however, had to give his consent.
Otherwise, according to the .Navigation and commercial
law of Amanna Gappa (Codex 130, chapter xxxv, see
below), this gift would have a personal character and
the captain had to pay for it. The collected tolls had
to be handed over by the shahbandar to the tumeng-
gung who headed the civil administration of the whole
city, including the harbour.
The import tax which was demanded in Malakka
was not the same for all traders. Those originating
"from above the wind", i.e. the West, had to pay 6%
of the value of their merchandise. Only food supplies
from Siam, Pegu (Burma), the western coast of the
Malay peninsula and northern Sumatra were exempted.
Besides this import tax, 1 to 2% of the value had
and the tumenggung. After the shahbandar had reached
agreement with the captain and the traders, he was
to bring his gifts to their destinates. Tome Pires
observed that the Gujarati traders in particular, who
were sailing with considerably sized vessels, used
another procedure to pay their taxes. They asked a
delegation of ten traders to re-estimate the whole
merchandise loaded on their boat, take 6% of its
total value and present it directly to the tumenggung.
Thus all duties were paid at once, including the
different kinds of gifts for the ruler and his officials.
On the other side, the shahbandar responsible for
the Chinese, Siamese and the people from Liu Kiu,
on his turn, sometimes freed his clients from all
kinds of taxes, but then he expected an appropriate
"gift", choosing himself those goods he thought to be
suitable.
If a trader wanted to settle at Malakka, he had to
pay 3% as taxes, and in addition to this another 6%
as royal taxes. For Malays, however, this latter sum
was reduced to 3% only (Tjandrasasmita, 74 ff.).
Other regulations were valid for tradesmen origi-
nating from lands "below the wind", i.e. in the East.
Formerly, they seem to have been free from ;
of t<
is just
ted that their gifts to the
■r and high officials should be appr
could mean at least as high as the official taxes and
tolls for the traders from the West. Later on, they
also had to pay 5% for their goods, except again for
food supplies.
In Banda Aceh, the shahbandars together with their
secretaries (keureukon, Malay: karkun) and other
personnel were responsible to the Balai Furdah. This
was a special office for levying the harbour dues,
linked to the Bayt al-Mal (Z. Ahmad, 92), which was
headed by the Sri Maharaja Lela and the penghulu
kawal, or supervisor of the guard. These officials.
too, were not real employees of the sultan, but it
was expected that they should gain their living from
the gifts the merchants had to deliver.
In relation to sea trade, the following kinds of tolls
and taxes (adat wase) were known in Aceh: the hadia
langgar: a gift for the permission to cast the anchor;
the adat Ihok, for those ships anchoring in the har-
bour; the adat memohon kunci, to "ask for the key", i.e.
to get permission for disembarkment after the other
taxes have been paid; the adat mengawal, a donation
for those Acehnese who guarded the ship during its
stay in the harbour; the adat hakk al-kalam, a kind of
registration fee; the wase kuala, demanded by the shah-
bandar for disembarking or loading certain goods, for
preserving the water supply for departing ships, and
help for those stranded; the adat cap, to be paid with
goods or in money to get the seal or permission of
the sultan for sailing; the adat kain, a roll of textiles
to be presented by the Indian and European mer-
chants when getting the adat cap; the adat kain yang
ke dalam, i.e. textiles destined for the court; etc.
(Tjandrasasmita, 77 ff.; Hoesin, 116 f).
From the time of Iskandar Muda, every merchant
had to pay an additional tax, the usur (A. 'ushr), for
the sultan. Differences between the taxes to be paid
by Muslim and Christian merchants are mentioned
but not explained.
Of equally high importance for the income of the
ruler and his functionaries was the market. Here, the
hariya was in charge of securing the payment of a
number of duties claimed by the adat; the adat hariya,
a rent to be paid by merchants who kept their goods
in a storehouse which had to be prepared by the
as an insurance against robbery; the adat tandi, a fee
for the clerk weighing the goods in the market; and
the adat peukan, demanded from people going to the
market.
All these taxes and tolls mentioned above had to
be transferred either by the shahbandar or the hariya
to the ule'e balang, or district chief, who at the same
time served as the local military commander. He
distributed part of this money to some of his civil
servants, whilst another part had to be presented
annually to the court. Like the shahbandar. hariya, or
other senior officials, the ule'e balangs did not receive
For the people living in the villages, some other
kinds of taxes were known. Those farmers who received
irrigation waters for their rice fields had to pay the
adat blang, or adat bu'et umong. Rent rates to be paid
by tenants ranged from 50% to 20% of the yields
and depended on the situation of the land. If some-
one had a cause to be settled, he had first to pay
the adat peutoe which permitted him to bring his cause
to the court (hak ganceng). The judge {kali, kadi) and
ither elders sitting in the court session were entitled
e the a
t tuha.
Besides paying their taxes either in kind or money,
the villagers had also to give their services volun-
tarily to the ule'e balang or the keutjhik, or village chief,
e.g. in preparing their rice fields. This had to be done
in gotong royong (cooperation) by the villagers, with-
out recehing any compensation but being pro\ided
with food.
Taxes which were not under the competence of
the ule'e balang were those levied on forest products
(adat gle) and the adat peutuha for bringing the pepper
to the market; trade with pepper was a major con-
cern of the sultan himself.
Complementary to these duties, which were more
or less based on customary law [adat), the obligations
imposed by the shari'a according to the Shafi'i madhhab
had also to be fullfilled. Special attention was given
to the handing-over of zakat. If someone was reluc-
tant, he had to be admonished either by the keutjhik
or the teungku meunasah who was specifically in charge
of supervising those aspects of village life related to
the shari'a.
In the port of Banten, West-Java, which was,
besides Jambi, one of the main trading places for
pepper, taxes were usually fixed incidentally, vary-
ing from ship to ship. Chinese traders usually had
to pay 5% of the value of their goods, but the Dutch
ships in particular often were faced with discrimi-
natory high fees, which inter alia, stimulated them to
strengthen their own new port of Batavia (1619).
Besides the import taxes, a fee for anchoring had
to be paid. Two-thirds of the whole sum were to
be delivered to the sultan, the rest was for the shah-
bandar. Export taxes for local products, including pep-
per, were lower than those for products of foreign
origin.
Since the rise of the first Muslim kingdom in Java
with its centre in Demak (1478/1546), the seaport of
Japara became the dominant trading centre of the
island. It was able to maintain this position under the
rule of the first rulers of Mataram, who were usually
their main interests in the agrarian interior of Java.
Under Sultan Agung (1613-46) and the susuhunan
Amengku Rat I (1646-77), Japara was for some
time the capital of Mataram's East-coast province,
headed by the wedana bupati, with the title lumenggung.
The city itself, as well as the other ports, was gov-
erned by the kyai lurah. It is not clear whether it was
to him or to the wedana bupati that the shahbandar and
another official met by a Dutch visitor in 1631, the
inated all the river mouths", were responsible. At all
events, it was in the end the main task of the wedana
bupati to collect all custom duties from the ports, all
taxes from his coastal province and those overseas
tributaries (daerah upeti) which were directly under the
supervision of one of the bupatis in his province, e.g.
Palembang which was under Demak, Sukadana under
Semarang, or Jambi which was directly under Japara.
Part of the collected deliveries, especially those from
the export trade of rice, which was the monopoly of
the susuhunan himself and until 1657 was allowed to
be traded only in Japara, had to be transferred to
the court.
In the later years of Amengku Rat's I reign, and
especially after the introduction of his policy of
centralisation, the higher provincial functionaries
were displaced, and the ports directly ruled by the
shahbandars as quasi-govexnom. They were now direct-
ly responsible to the court, i.e. to the wedana gedong
as the royal treasurer and storekeeper and had to
spend much of their time there, which made it eas-
ier to control them. Simultaneously, Amengku Rat I
introduced a new form of taxation, i.e. money taxa-
tion, in exchange for the formerly-used system of tax-
ation which was based on natural and craft products.
To increase the income of the court, he also farmed
out the provincial revenues out to the officials and
then demanded a specific annual sum to be deliv-
ered. In the course of time, the whole foreign trade,
not only the export of rice, became a state monop-
oly (Schrieke, i, 184 (.).
Since the days of the Hindu empire of Majapahit,
the tolls to be paid in the central and east Javanese
ports on the north coast had been very low. and were
sometimes completely unknown, as in Gresik before
1612. Only Tuban formed an exception, and this was
severely criticised by the Chinese. Moreover, certain
nationalities could be exempted from fees, like the
Dutch in Japara under Sultan Agung, or the Chinese,
the latter certainly profiting from the fact that a num-
ber of shahbandars in the north Javanese port were of
Chinese descent. But again, gifts were expected to be
forwarded by them.
Another commercial centre attractive for merchants
from the East as well as from the West was Makassar
(Ujung Pandang), which since pre-Islamic days was
known too for its free and open attitudes towards
trade and its small demands of tolls. Although not
directly dealing with questions of taxes and tolls,
the Navigation and commercial law of Amanita Gappa, a
Buginese codex compiled around 1676 and edited by
Ph.O.L. Tobing in 1962 ( 2 1977), gives interesting
hints about the financial obligations and rewards of
the community living together for some time on the
same ship. During the journey, the traders are not
considered as passengers, but are divided into three
or four classes of crew members with special tasks
and duties given to each of them. Those categorised
as "regular crew" may leave the vessel only after hav-
ing bailed the water from the vessel and paid a fee
for "descending" from the ship. The "casual crew"
members, however, are free to leave the vessel
whereever they want, without paying anything. For
each class, the volume of merchandise as well as the
part of the hold in which to put their goods are fixed.
The freight rate is determined by the distance between
the home port and the port of destination, for which
detailed data are given.
The sum collected with the freight rates determines
the income of the owner of the ship and its senior
crew, i.e. the captain, the coxswain, and the jurubatu
who has to take soundings and cast the anchor: if
neither the captain nor the other two are friends of
the owner of the ship, than the proceeds have to be
one for the other three. If one of them is a friend
of the owner, than two-thirds are for the owner.
A number of regulations deals with the sharing of
profit or loss between the dealer and the owner of
the goods. According to the principle of bagi laba.
profit or loss have to be divided equally between both
of them, if, in case of a loss, this is not due to neg-
ligence on part of the dealer. Otherwise, he has to
compensate for it. Another principle states that the
family of the dealer, if the goods get damaged because
of his negligence, cannot be claimed to participate in
compensating for the loss (ch. vii). The principle of
bagi laba knows, however, some modifications. When
the dealer has not yet returned and the owner has
good reason to assume to that his partner is dead,
he may claim a certain sum from his partner's family,
but not more than half of the original capital. After
that, he loses any right on the goods, even if his part-
ner eventually reappears and has been succesful. If
the dealer in fact has died and suffered a loss by his
own fault, then his family has to compensate in full
(ch. xii).
Debts, too, demand special regulations. If a debtor
has sold his properties but cannot yet repay his debts,
he has for some time to serve as a slave with his
creditor until his debts are extinguished. After that,
no claim may be made, even if the debtor becomes
a wealthy man (ch. xiv).
If a passenger-tradesman dies on the way and his
heirs cannot be found, his goods have to be turned
over to the captain who may trade with them and
enjoy the profits. Returning to the domicile of the
deceased, however, his property must be handed over
to his family, either in money or in kind (ch. xvi).
All these regulations are very similar to those relat-
ing to land tenure in the village (desa), and as a mat-
ter of fact, during its voyage the vessel is considered
ashore, representing the cosmic order which has to
be preserved through harmonious relationships among
its inhabitants. The "owner" of this microcosmos stays
outside of it, but he is represented by his deputy and
his deputy's helpers. This deputy does not receive a
salary, but has to live , like his helpers, from what he
(b) Ma tar am, as the most powerful Islamic king-
dom in Indonesia, did not base its economics on sea
trade but on the products of its agrarian interior in
Java. It continued the main spiritual and administra-
tive traditions of the last Hindu empire of Majapahit
which was destroyed by Demak in 1478. The student
of its taxation system has to note with regret, how-
ever, that the late B. Schrieke did not live to imple-
ment his plan of writing a history of Javanese taxation
(Schrieke, i, 26). The data collected and evaluated in
such a study would not only have been helpful in
obtaining a clearer picture about the fiscal and eco-
nomic development of the Javanese kingdoms, and
especially of Mataram, but might also have provided
a well-documented basis for studies on the rehgio-
cultural currents in Javanese society which con-
tinually gave rise to millenarian movements among
the peasantry, caused by the deteriorating economic
situation which again was mainly the result of the
burden of taxes levied on the farmers.
Basically, the structure of the village (desa) and the
kingdom were not much different. The village chief,
and similarly the ruler in the greater context, were
considered as the representatives of the deity and thus
entitled to consider the land of the desa, or the main
lands of the kingdom, as their own property, which
they then rented out to the people. In some village
societies, this conviction was modified: not the village
chief himself, but the village community, owned the
land, and the council of the elders had to decide who
of the villagers might farm a certain piece ol land
Thus in Kediri, East Java, all the land was named
haqullah, whereas in Banten and Krawang, West Java,
only uncultivated land was considered as haqullah,
whereas cultivated land became haquladam (Karto-
hadikoesoemo, 238). If someone died or moved to
another desa without leaving an heir behind, his land
fell back under the authority of the desa. In some
places, land was redistributed after a certain time
cycle. Someone who wanted to sell "his" land had
to notify the village government and pay the uang
paseks'en.
The communal understanding of land ownership is
evident in the Law Codex of Majapahit, which was,
on the whole, still used in Mataram. Para. 259 states
that anyone who had asked for permission to farm a
rice field but afterwards leaves it uncultivated, has to
restore by other means the value of the rice he might
have yielded. In para. 261, anyone who leaves an
already cultivated rice field on its own, with the result
that the crop get spoiled or is eaten by animals, is
categorised as a thief, and that could mean capital
punishment (Slametmuljana, 37, 165).
The relationship between the village and the
central authority was maintained mainly via the
taxes and labour obligations. As the land was never
in fact considered as being the property of the
farmer, he had to pay the upeti, which means trib-
ute. This tax might rise to 50% of the harvest, but
it could always be changed, according to the gen-
eral situation. Besides this, a capitation tax, hous-
ing taxes, dues for different kinds of offences against
the laws, etc. were known. Special taxes had to be
delivered at occasions like child birth, wedding cer-
emonies and services for a deceased person. These
could sometimes, if they coincided with warfare or
other disasters, bring the villagers to the edge of
ruin (cf. the report by C. van Maseyck, quoted by
Schrieke, ii, 147). The special war tax which Sultan
Agung raised mainly among the foreigners during
his military operations in East Java (Surabaya) in
1625, is recorded as follows: all married Chinese
had to pay 22 x li reals, unmarried Chinese 18 reals,
married Javanese in the coastal regions who had
been his subjects for many years 4'/2 reals, unmar-
ried and young men V>i reals, all recently-acquired
slaves from Madura and Surabaya 'A real. This tax
was repeated in the following year (Schrieke, ii, 148
f). At times it was compulsory to purchase some
kinds of spices, rattan, and cotton, and above all
rice, the trade with which was, as already men-
tioned, a state monopoly under Amengku Rat. I. A
major occasion to deliver the collected taxes at the
court was the 'Id al-Fitr.
Labour obligations due to the ruler included the
building of the baton (palace), important streets or
other state projects, and, in times of war, help the
army mainly as carriers. The village chief and other
district potentates, too, were entitled to summon the
villagers for forced labour. Thus the principle of gotong
royong, or cooperativeness, became more and more
abused Eventually, a desa could also be exempted
from taxes but instead it was charged with the main-
Another source of income for the district rulers
were the toll gates on streets and rivers which, espe-
cially since the middle of the 1 8th century when their
number increased enormously, did great damage to
inland trade, and therefore time and again contributed
to the rise of social unrest.
Upeti, or tribute, had also to be delivered by a
vassal or a dependency as a sign of loyalty, or by
an allv as reward for any kind of help received
before It could be delivered in kind or money and
could also comprise beautiful girls, rare animals or
plants Another way of fulfilling the duties towards
the ruler was to send man-power. The annual trib-
ute imposed, e.g., on Palembang in 1668, was one
nx-dollar per capita (Daghregister 1668-9, quoted by
Schrieke, ii, 227).
Bibliography: C. Snouck Hurgronje, De Atjehers,
Leiden 1893-4; J.D. van Leur, The Indonesian
trade and society. Essay in Asian social and economic
history, The Hague-Bandung 1955; B. Schrieke,
Indonesian sociological studies, The Hague-Bandung
1955-7; W.P. Groeneveldt, Historical notes on
Indonesia and Malaya compiled from Chinese sources,
Jakarta 1960; M.A.P. Meilink-Roeloefsz, Asian trade
and European influence in the Indonesian archipelago
bitueen 1500 and about 1630, The Hague 1962;
G WJ. Drewes, Atjehse douanetarieven in het begin van
de oonge eeuw, in BKI, cxix (1963), 406-11; Soetardjo
Kartoha-dikoesoemo, Desa, Bandung 2 1965;
Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants' revolt of Banten
in 1888, The Hague 1966; idem, Protest move-
ments in rural Java, Oxford-Singapore 1973; idem,
DARIBA — DAWAT
et alii (eds.), Sejatah .National Indonesia, iii. Jaman
Pertumbuhan dan Peikembangan kerajaan-kerajaan Islam
di Indonesia, ed. Uka Tjandrasasmita. Jakarta 1975;
D. Lombard, Le sultanat d'Atjeh au temps d'Iskandar
Muda, 1607-1636, Paris 1967; Slametmuljana,
Pirundang-undangan Majapahit, Jakarta 1967; Ailsa
Zainu'ddin, A short history of Indonesia, Melbourne
1968; Moehammad Hoesin, Adat Atjeh, Aceh
1970; F.A. Sutjipto, Some remarks on the harbour
air oj Japara m the seventeenth century, in Pton.
of the Fifth Conjeience oj Asian History, Manila
1971; Zakaria Ahmad, Sekitar haadjaan Atjeh
dalam tahun 1520-1675, Medan 1972; Philip
O.L. Tobing, Hukum pelayaran dan petdagangan
Amanna Gappa {The navigation and commercial law of
Amanna Gappa), with an abbreviated English ver-
sion, Ujung Pandang -1977; Onghokham,
(Jakarta), vi (1977, no. 1), 10-23.
(O. Schumann)
DARYA KHAN NOHANI, local governor in
Bihar under the Dihli sultans. His original name is
not known, Masnad-i 'Air Daiya Khan being his
honoiific title. He was the third son of Masnad-i
'Air Mubarak Khan Nohani, Sultan Bahlul's mukla'
or governor of the province of Kara and Mamkpur.
Darya Khan Nohani attached himself to Prince
Nizam Khan (latei Sultan Sikandar Shah) during the
reign of Sultan Bahlul Lodr. The first important
event of his life was the battle of Ambala, fought
between Prince Nizam Khan and Tatar Khan Yusuf
Khayl. the .ebel mukta' of the Pandjab in 890/1485.
In 895/1490 he again fought on the side of Sultan
Sikandar Shah against his own father, who had joined
the camp of the rival prince, Barbak Shah, and in
901/1496, Sikandar Lodi appointed him as mukta'
of Bihar in rewa.d for his services.
In Bihar, Daiya Khan found that the Afghans'
captuie of the eastern territories was easiei than
tetaining control over them, foi the rule of the over-
thrown Shark! dynasty [q.v.] had struck deep roots,
and the Muslim 'ulamd', the Hindu zamlndars and
the common people had been deeply attached to the
Shark! house for generations. But he giadually suc-
ceeded in consolidating Afghan
gener.
ronage
suppoi
. He c-
ended
landgrants
old educational institutions were maintained, while
tombs and mosques were repaired. Thus the town
of Bihar grew into a metiopolitan centre under his
governorship.
During the reign of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, ceitain
political events caused an estrangement between him
and the sultan, although he had fought against his
own son-in-law, Islam Khan Sarwani, the rebel in
Kara in 925/1519. In 930/1524, Nasir Khan Nohani,
the elder brother of Daiya Khan, icbelled against
the sultan in the Ghazlpur sarkar, and his flight to
Bihar turned the sultan against Daiya Khan. In an
attempt to save himself, Daiya Khan himself rebelled
against the sultan and strengthened the defences of
Bihar fort; but soon afteiwards he died, leaving his
son, Bahar Khan, as his successor. His son and
grandson ruled over Bihar till the year 936/1530,
when Sher Khan Sur supplanted the Nohani rule
by his own.
Bibliography: 'Abd Allah, Ta'rlkh-i Dawudi, ed.
Shaykh 'Abd al-Rashid, Aligarh 1969; 'Abd al-
Kadir Bada'unT, Muntakhab al-tawarikh, Bibl. Ind.,
Calcutta 1869; Shaykh Kabir Batinl, Afsdna-
yi Shahan-i Hind, MS Biitish Museum, Ni'mat
Allah Harawi, Ta'rikh-i hhan-i Djahani, ed. 'Imam
al-Din, Dacca 1950; Nizam al-Din Ahmad,
Tabakat-i Akbarl, i, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1927;
Shaykh Rizk Allah Mushtaki, IVdki'dt-i Mushtakl,
British Museum MS. Add. 11, 633; Epigraphia
Indica, Arabic-Persian Supplement 1965, ed. Z.A.
Desai, Dihli 1966. (I.H. SiDDiom)
DASHT-I KIPCAK, the Kipcak Steppe, was the
Islamic name of the teiritoiy called Comania by
Christian writers: the great plains of what is now
Southern Russia and Western Kazakhstan. Both
names were given while this region was still domi-
nated by the Kipcak or Comans (the Dasht-i Kipcak
is mentioned in the Diwan of Nasir-i Khusraw, who
died between 465/1072 and 470/1077): they were
retained when it passed under the control of the
Golden Horde [see batu'ids], who subjected and
absoibed the Kipcak whilst adopting their speech in
place of their native Mongolian. John de Piano
Carpini and William of Rubruck travelled through
the Dasht-i Kipcak during the reign of Batu [q.v.].
Carpini, who traversed it fiom end to end, supplied
for the first time the modern names of the great
rivers he crossed: the Don and the Volga. Rubruck,
who entered the steppe via the Crimea, described
it as a "vast wilderness" extending in places over
thirty days in breadth, in which there was "neither
forest, nor hill, nor stone, but only the finest pas-
turage". Ibn Battuta's visit to the region occurred
during the reign' of Ozbeg (712-42/1313-41). Like
Rubruck he approached it from the south, through
the Ciimea; from Saray he proceeded in a wester-
ly direction until he reached Byzantine territoiy.
What little we know about social conditions in the
Dasht-i Kipcak is derived almost entirely from
Rubruck and Ibn Battuta.
Bibliography: W.W. Rockhill, The journey oj
Wxlham oj Rubruck to the eastern part oj the world,
London 1900, 8-9, 12-13, 91-94; Ibn Battuta, Rihla,
ii, 356 ff, tr. Gibb, ii, 470 ff; B. Spuler, Die Goldene
Horde 1 , Wiesbaden 1965, 5-6, 274-80.
(J.A. Boyle)
DATES [see tamr].
DAVID [see dawud].
DAWAT, ink holder, a synonym for mihbata,
"inkwell". The teim is also used for miklama, a place
for keeping the kalam or pen, and more generally for
kalamdan, penbox.
Islamic treatises desc ribe the various ways of prepar-
ing ink and give different accounts of inkwells, milibaia
oi dawdt, that were used in their time. The dawat is,
according to al-Kalkashandi, "the mother of all writ-
ing tools", and "a scribe without an inkpot resembles
a man who entei s a fight without a weapon". Following
traditional religious relationships between the art of
writing, meaning the transcribing of the "Word of
God", the Kur'an and the tools used for writing, var-
ious Islamic writers prohibit the use of inkwells made
of precious metals, and call for the omission of human
and animal forms in theii decoiation. However, the
4th/ 10th century poet al-Kushadjim already accused
the learned men of his time of being proud of their
gold-and-silver-decorated inkpots. The religious prohi-
bition of depicting human and animal foims was also
disregarded.
The use of glass pots and the preference for the
round shape, as suggested by al-Kalkashandi, are
documented by some" 3rd/9th to 4th/ 10th century
inkpots that have been preserved (Baer, Inkwell,
n. 4; The aits of Islam, Hayward Gallery, 1976,
DAWAT — DAWIYYA and ISBITARIYYA
nos 117 8 with octagonal outer form) A frag
mentaiy cylindncil cast bionze \essel found at
Nishapur suggests that this type of inkwell was used
in Eastern Iran as early as the Samamd period
In the course ot the 6th/ 12th century particularly
during its second hall cylindrical bionze inkwells
were produced m different Iranian workshops They
were ot comparatn ely srrnll size and eich was ong
inally covered with a sepirite lid with a domed cen
tre Lid and body were generally provided with srrnll
loops or hmdles tor fastening the pot to the hand of
the scribe and they weie decorated with traced and
inlaid sihei ind copper ornaments Se\eral signed
inkwells from the mid bth/12th to the early 7th/ 13th
centunes including some of Khurasiman workman
ship ha\e been presened On two ot them the
decoration includes i humin figure presumably the
owner of the inkwell proudly presenting a cylindn
cal object of the sime type is the vessel itself (Toronto
Royal Ontino Museum ex Kofler collection ind
London \ictona and Albert Museum) The co\ers of
the Iranian inkwells are surmounted by a lobed dome
that rests on a flit cylindrical collar In the Syrian
specimen i hemisphencil dome rests dnectly on the
horizontal nm and is surmounted by a pear shiped
finial terminating in a round knob Both traditions
blend in an early 7th/ 13th century inkpot in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art (Baer Inkwell) Three
West Irannn early Sifawid inkpots signed by Mirak
Husayn \azdi point to the continuation of this type
in the 10th/ 16th century Apart from cylindrical cas
with s
eceptac
s for
and c
writing implements penboxes
partment foi the kalam were used since early times
The earliest known so fai is a bronze kalamdan dated
542/1148 in the Heimitage which has the shipe of
a pnallelepiped It is closed and has two openings
on opposite ends one for the ink and the other
for the kalam More common is the open originally
East Iranian wedge shaped type made m two pirts
in which the inner compartmented box could be
entirely remo\ed These penboxes were probably
placed in a belt ind were commonly used in the
Ottoman empire
Rectmgulir open boxes with a hinged or separate
co\er are apparently bised on wooden models The
eirhest known metal penboxes from the middle of the
6th/ 1 2th century ire round ended and these contm
ued to be popular ifter the Mongol conquest but in
Mamluk and Ottoman times the rectangular penbox
was more common It was imitated by the Chinese
in blue and white porcelain for export to the Near
Eist and by Izmk potters working in the eirly
lOth/lbth century \ good example of its kind
detonted with i pseudo Kufic inscription and floral
scrolls m pale blue on white is kept in the Godmin
collection in England
Dauat ind kalamdan ire depicted in miniatures as
eirly as the lite bth/12th centuiy (A at Dinak Bishr
Fues Le lure de la thenaque Cairo 1953 Pis "VII
I\) A round ended penbox is shown in the Diami
al tauankh copy m the Unnersity Library on
Edinburgh I Sunn PI 827 A) while a small inkpot
attached to a penbox of the easily portible type is
punted by Behzid in a mosque scene of the Bustan
ofSidi in Cmo dated 893/1488 (Prop kunstgeschuhte
no 333)
Bibliography General information based on
literary sources can be found in A Grohmann
Arabuihe Palaographie i \ienm 1967 117 27
There is no comprehensne study of the danat in
\isual art For a short sui\e\ see E Runnel
hlamische Vhuftkunst Berlin Leipzig 1942 80 4
One type of inkwell has been studied by E Baer
in hlamic inkittll in the Metropolitan Mmeum of irt
m R Ettmghausen (ed ) Islamic art in the
Metropolitan Museum of irt New \ ork 1972 199
211 The writer is preparing a comprehensne
study of the dauat in Islamic art and cmhsation
Representations of the different types ire includ
ed in general books on Islamic ind Persian irt
and in exhibition catalogues A U Pope (ed )
4 suney of Persian art London New \ork 1939
64 J Sourdel Thomine and B Spulei (eds )
Die hunst des Islam Propylaen Kunstgeschichte
Bd 4 Berlin 1973 The arts of Islam Hiy
ward Gallery 8 April 4 July 1976 The Arts
Council of Great Britain 1976 \S Mehkian
Chin am Le bronze Iranun Musee des Arts
Decoratifs Pans 1973 Signed metal inkwells ind
penboxes ire listed in L A Mayer Islamic metal
corkers and their uorks Genevi 1959 (incomplete)
(E Baer)
DAWIYYA and ISBITARIYYA the Arabic name
for the Knights Templars ind the Knights
Hospitallers respecti\ely With the partnl and \ery
late exception of the Teutonic Knights (see below)
the other military ordeis established in Syria during
the Crusades went unnoticed (or at least unnamed)
by Aribic writers Since it is impossible to gi\e here
even a summary history of these extraordinary
organisations which in any else belong more to
European than to Ishmic civilisation we shall restrict
our consideration to two questions (1) when and by
whit chinnels did the terms da viyya and isktanyya
enter the \rabic hnguage and (2) how fully did
Muslim historians understand and attempt to describe
the orders'
Isbita
plv arabised forms of Latin hospitahs lodging place
for wayfarers perhips influenced by hospitalanus
hospitaller in a literal sense (For the Latin terms
see J Riley Smith knights of it John 111 n 5 et
passim) Two other variants istibai and istibanyya
which seem especially chiractenstic of later writers
beginning with Ibn Wasil [/»] plainly represent the
assimilition of 1 foreign word to the \rabic masdai
pattern iftial Though the etymology is clear we do
not howe\er know precisely when the Muslims of
Sym first became awire of the Hospitallers as a
distinct group in the Frankish irmy The first record
ed mention of them is in Ibn al Kalimsi (Dfiayl ta nkh
Dimashk ed Amedroz 339) who simply lists them
without further exphnation as members of i Frinkish
force o\erwhelmed neir Bamyas m 552/1157 We
must therefore issume that by this dite the term
isbitanyya wis in common use among Syrian Muslims
It had doubtless become cuirent only recently since
the Hospitillers did not pliy i rmjor mihtiry role
before 530/1136 when they were assigned the strong
hold of Bayt Djibrin (Bethgibehn) by King Fulk
while the real foundations of their power were laid
only in 539/1144 with the cession to them of Hisn
il Akiad [q i ] (Cue des Che\ihers) by Count
Raymond II of Tripoli
In the passage just mentioned Ibn al Kalimsi ilso
names the Templars is members of the defeited
Frankish detachment as with the Hospitallers this
is the oldest Aribic reference to the Templars and
again the term used for them Daniyya is left unex
pinned Hence we must issume that by 552/
1157 the Temphrs ilso were commonly percei\ed
. Inkwell with domed cover. Bronze, engraved and decorated with interlacings, the signs of the
: and blessings. East Iran, probably late 6th/ 12th century. Philadelphia Museum of Art, no. 30.1.
45 A & B. Photograph E. Baer.
PLATE XXVI
1|
PLATE XXVII
PLATE XXVIII
*h3
as a familial and distinct element within the Frankish
aimy Indeed, Usama b Munkidh, writing some
thiee decades after the e\ent, iecords a visit to the
Aksa Mosque in Jerusalem in the years 532/8-1138-
44, it was then partially occupied by the Templars,
whom he calls 'my friends' [asdika'i) (A al I'hbar,
ed Hitti, Pnnceton 1930, 134-5) At the time of
Usama s visit, the Templars had been foimally iecog-
msed as an ordei of the Church foi only ten yeais
oi so (at the Council of Troyes, 1128', and their
origins went back onK to 1119 As in the case of
the Hospitalleis, therefore, the Muslims of S\na weie
not slow to become aware of this new element in
Frankish society
On the othei hand, the use of the woid Daitma
for the Templars laises leal problems For many rea-
sons one cannot accept Hitti s suggestion that dau.i\\a
is a conuption ol a Svnac word lor 'poor, the
original name ol the oidei in Latin being Paupere
Commihtones C hnsti' [Huton of the Arabs , 644 n 3'
Rathei it seems best to derive the word fiom Latin
dhotus, Old French diiot 'one who has sowed him-
self to God's seiMce" Phonetically this etymology
seems to fit both dauma and its variant daw ma
reasonablv well Moieover, though it is tiue that the
Templars did not oidinanlv call themselves dhoti
this term accuratelv characterises their status and
outlook, and ma\ well have been the wav in which
thev were described to the Muslims by local inform-
ants (CI the descriptions of them bv William ol
Tvre, RHC, hist occ , i 520, Chromque dt Muh,l I,
Svnen, ed and tt J B Chabot, Pans 1890-1914, m,
201-3, 207-8)
As to the undei standing of the oiders displaved
bv the Muslim writers ol the bth/12th and 7th/ 13th
centunes, we should not expect any full or accuiate
descriptions, foi this would have required an insight
the Muslims did not possess (cl c rusades and ifrandj)
The Fianks are often perceived and characterised as
individuals in the Arabic texts, but thev are verv larelv
Munkidh, Ibn Djubavi', and Ibn Wasil [Mufamd/, iv,
248-51 1 icpresem the lurthest limit of Muslim knowl-
edge and concern in this penod Nevertheless, it
remains cunous that the Templars and Hospitallers
weie perceived earlv on as a group apart Irom other
Frankish warriors and vet their precise nature was
never investigated
Throughout the Saldjuk and Zangid periods notices
on the oideis are extremelv raie in the Arabic texts
it is onlv in the time ol Salah al-Din, especiallv in
the vears of the reconquest and the Thud Crusade
(583-8/1187-92) that they become lanlv common
This new piominence is certainly due in part to the
orders' greatlv increased militarv and political impor-
tance dunng and alter the 1170s, but it is equallv
owed to the writings of Tmad al-Din al-Katib al-
Isfaham, which were the chiel source lor Salah al-
Din s r
ign e'
n contemporai
; Ibn
able liteiatuie, unique in its gloating and
surely that which he devotes to Salah al-
lcre of Templar and Hospitaller prisoners
Ibn al-Athlr uses Tmad al-Dln's infor-
nake a point of his own — the orders' bold-
e then
g thie,
the Muslims, and sound public policy
extermination Indeed, he sharply criticises Salah al-
Din on those occasions when he decides to release
Templar and Hospitaller pnsoneis instead of sum-
marily executing them (Ibn al-Athn [Beirut lepnnt
19bb], xi, 531, 538, 558, xu, 22-3)
For the AyyQbid penod aftei Salah al-Din (589-
658/1193-1260), there are onlv scattered repoits on
the orders, but the language used suggests a rising
level of knowledge and sophistication In a long
report on al-Mansur Muhammad ol Hamat s cam-
paign against the Hospitallers in 599/1203 (Mufamdj,
m, 141-50), Ibn Wasil refers to them for the first
time as bayt al istibai (domu\ hospitahs), an expression
which is henceforth common foi both orders and
which seems to impiv some sense ol their corpoiate
natuie Likewise for the first time they are called
al ikhna t flattest, a term suggesting a similar conclu-
sion Fmallv all officeis of the oideis had pieuous
been named simply mukaddam, whatever their real
rank, now, however, Ibn Wasil distinguishes two sub-
ordinate officeis mukaddam al tuikublma (Turcopoher)
and kumis mm al bahrma (perhaps C ommandei of the
Ship, ti Riley -Smith, op at, 329-30) Though Muslim
wnteis nevei display a svstematic knowledge ol the
oideis internal structure, this passage at least sig-
nals increased contact and famihantv On a differ-
ent level, theie is a remarkable passage in Ibn al-Athir
ixn, 465-b, anno b23) which suggests some compre-
hension ol the special tie which bound the Templais
ind Hospitallers to the Papac • ■ ■ ■
i mfori
t Mus
its for then
luthoi
had i
Chris
things
The Mamluk chronicles per st seem to add little
that is new to the Avyubid texts, but thev do repro-
duce a numbei of treaties between the Mamluk
sultan and various European rulers which reveal
a sound assessment of the place of the oiders in
the Mediterranean balance ol power, and whose
pi ease terminology suggests a lairlv accurate knowl-
edge ol their internal organisation Thus in a treatv
of 68b/ 1287 between al-Mansui Kalawun and the
King ol Aiagon, the orders are identified as poten-
tial enemies of Egvpt and Aragon equal to the
Papacv, to the Genoese and Venetians, and to the
Bvzantines (Aman Biblwteca arabo suula Leipzig
1857, 345) Again when Kalawun dictated the terms
of a tiuce with Acre m 682/1283, he recognised
that the loyal bailh could no longer command the
obedience of all the Franks theie, and so the chiefs
rong tl
signal.
Abi Tavyi', Ibn al-Athir) Tmad al-Din's
kussl shows him to be rather well-miormed on the
ordeis and suggests some piogress in the Muslims
understanding of them, he knows which castles belong
to which, he can give an accuiate description ol their |
buildings in Acre and Jerusalem, he seems to have I
never discusses it exphcitlv) He respects the military
qualities oi both oiders, but leserves his fiercest
invective foi the Templais One oi the ugliest pas- ]
to the treatv
Espec
allv stnki
ig is^the
precise and
mukaddam al
djalil
fwr [Ter
nplais],
al mukaddam
ijmi [Hospit.
lleis],
/ marshan
1 adfall if
av na'ib
mukaddam [T
utomc
Knights]
It is in
this docu-
Teutc
mc Knights appear
tified ioi the
epaiate e
ntitv, under
the name bay! al isbitar al amn
the last
word doubt-
less being a
error
ior alal
nan) (Makrizi, Suluk,
i, 985-b,^995) Wha
fledge o
the orders
bed tc
the hist
oi the earlv
Qk penoc
develop no f
ithei
Foi with
he tall oi
Acre (b90/
206
DAWIYYA
1291), the dissolution of the Templars (1307-14),
and the transfer of Hospitaller headquarters to
Rhodes (1306-10), Syro-Egyptian Muslims no longer
had any real reason to take note of the orders.
Henceforth, only the Hospitallers of Rhodes were
to play any part in Islamic history, sc. that of the
Ottomans.
Bibliography: The literature and published doc-
whelming, but the bulk of it refers to their
European branches rather than to Syria. (This is
especially true of the Templars, whose central
archives were destroyed when the order was abol-
ished in the years 1307-14.) The best general his-
tory of the orders remains H. Prutz, Die geistlichen
Ritterorden, Berlin 1908; For the Hospitallers in
Syria, we have an excellent recent study by
J. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem
and Cyprus, t. 1050-1310, London 1967. For the
Hospitallers in Rhodes (1306-1523), the most
recent overviews are the chapters by A. Luttrell
and E. Rossi in K.M. Setton, ed., A history of the
Crusades, Madison, Wise. 1975, iii, 278-339. Due
to the lack of archival materials, there is no seri-
ous modern work which focuses on the Templars
in Syria; however, A.J. Forey, The Templars in the
Corona de Aragon, London 1973, is a detailed study
of their role in Spain during the reconquista. The
political and diplomatic role of the orders in the
East is of course presented in the standard works
on the Crusades. Archival materials can be
approached through two major collections:
Caitulaue genet al de I'ordre des Hospitallers de St-Jean
de Jerusalem (1100-1310), ed. J. Delaville le Roulx,
Paris 1894-1906; and Caitulaue general de I'ordre du
Temple, 1119?-1150, ed. Marquis d'Albon, Paris
1913. An extremely rich source for the Hospital's
Rhodian period is the Catalogue of the records of the
Order of St. John of Jerusalem m the Royal Malta
Library, ed. J. Mizzi, V. Borg, A.Z. Gabarretta,
Malta 1964. As suggested in the text, the Arabic
sources all but ignore the orders during the Saldjuk
and Zangid periods. For the Ayyubid period, the
most interesting references aie in 'Imad al-Dln
al-Katib al-Isfaham, al-Fath al-kussi fi 'l-fath al-
Kudsi, ed. Landberg, Leiden 1888; tr. H. Masse,
Paris 1972; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil; Ibn Wasil,
Mufamdj al-kurub, ed. al-Shayyal et al, Cairo 1953.
In the early Mamluk period, valuable informa-
tion is yielded by Ibn 'Abd al-Zahii, al-Rawd al-
zahir (on Baybars), ed. A.A. Khowaiter (SOAS
thesis, 1960); idem, Tashrif al-ayyam (on Kalawun),
ed. M. Kamil, Cairo 1961; al-'Aym, 'Ikd al-dfuman,
fragments publ. in RHC, Hist, or., ii; Baybars al-
Mansuri, Z^bdat al-fiha, unpubl. (see Brockelmann,
II, 44, S II, 43). In general, Ibn al-Furat, T. al-
duwal wa'l-muluk, vii-viii, ed. Zurayk and 'Izz al-
Din, Beirut 1936-8, gives the most reliable extracts
of unpublished 7th/ 13th century materials.
MakrizI, Suluk, i, ed. M.M. Ziyada, Cairo 1934,
though late and of little use in itself, is impoi-
tant because of the editor's careful indexes and
cross-references. Among Eastern Christian sources,
Kinnamos (Greek), Matthew of Edessa (Armenian),
Bar Hebraeus and (of highest importance) Michael
the Syrian (Syriac) may be mentioned.
(R. Stephen Humphreys)
DAWLAT KHAN LODI, 27th ruler of the
Dihli sultanate, was the son of Mahmud Khan
Lodi and a cousin of MallQ Ikbal Khan. Native
Persian chroniclers say nothing about the early
history of this Afghan nobleman of Dihli who
emerged as a dominant figure during the early years
of the 9th/ 15th century when Tughlukid authority
was on the verge of dissolution. He served Sultan
Nasir al-Dln Mahmud II, the last ruler of the dynasty,
both as private secretary with the title Aziz al-Mamalik
("Great one of the State") and as military governor
of the D5'ab. On the death of the Sultan in
815/1412, the amirs offered the throne of Dihli to
Dawlat Khan Lodi, who thus assumed power, but
without the honours of royalty, as incorrectly men-
tioned by Firishta, ii, 292; for the Tughlukid monar-
chy after Firuz Shah's death in 790/1388 had become
his Muntakhab al-tawari'kh, i, 266, where he speaks of
Sultan Mahmud's writ as extending only from Dihli
to Palam, a suburb of the capital.
The first act of Dawlat Khan Lodi on becoming
ruler was to move out of the capital towards Katahr,
where he received the allegiance of Narsingh Ray and
other Hindu landlords. But he had to retreat from
Kalpi in the face of fierce onslaughts by Ibrahim
Shah, the Shark! ruler of Djawnpur [see sharkids].
Dawlat Khan's downfall came at the hands of his
arch-rival Khidr Khan of Multan, who taking advan-
tage of the prevailing disorder in and around Dihli,
attacked the capital in 816/1414. Dawlat Khan took
refuge in the fortress of Siri, which was invested by
Khidr Khan for four months. At last, he capitulated,
and was sent prisoner to Hisar-Firuzshah, where he
soon died. The Dihlr Sultanate henceforth enjoyed a
fresh lease of life for a little more than a century,
with Khidr Khan becoming the first ruler of the
Sayyid dynasty.
Bibliography: Mahdi Husayn, The Tughluq
dynasty, Calcutta 1963; E. Thomas, 77k chronicles of
the Pathan Kings of Delhi, 2nd enlarged edition, Delhi
1967; Yahya al-Sarhindl, Ta'rlk±-i Mubarakshahl,
Calcutta 1931. (Abdus Subhan)
DAWR (A. pi. adwar), "revolution, period"; the
periodic movement of the stars, often coupled
with kawr (pi. akwar), "great period" (see Risala no.
35 of the Rasa'il Ikhwan al-Safa', [q.v.]: Fi'l-adwar wa
'l-akwar). In the doctrines of the extreme Shfr sects,
the period of manifestation or concealment
of God or the secret wisdom.
The Isma'iliyya [q.v.]; According to the earli-
est Isma'ih doctrine, history is composed of seven
adwar of seven "speaking" (natik) prophets, each of
whom reveals a new religious law (shari'a): Adam
Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad and
the Mahdi or Ka'im. Each natik has his trustee (wasl)
who reveals the innei (batiri) meaning of the respec-
tive shari'a. The seventh natik, the Ka'im, will abro-
gate Muhammad's shari'a and restore the pure tawhid
[q.v.] of the times before Adam's fall. The period
between each two natiks is called "the little period"
(al-dawi al-saghtr). The whole cycle from Adam to
the Ka'im (al-dawr al-kabir) is also called "period of
the concealment" {dawr al-satr), because the gnosis
{'ilm) is concealed by the outward (zdhir) law and is
only known by the initiates. During the period of
concealment, the seven planets rule the world. Before
the dawr al-satr, there was a period of manifestation
or revelation (dawr al-kashf) during which the twelve
angels of the Zodiac kept the unadulterated pure
tawhid; at the end of time, the Ka'im will bring forth
a new dawr al-kashf. In the literature of the Tayyi-
biyya [q.v.], an eternal alternation of satr and kashf
; [see duruz]: In the Dru:
The Drt
- DEHKHUDA
the periods of reincarnati
called adwar. The 13th t
of 70 X 70 X 1000 years.
The Nusayris [g.v.]: Like the Isma'IlTs, the
Nusayris assume a cycle of seven adwar, in which the
Dhine "Sense" (ma'na) incarnated himself in Abel,
Seth, Joseph, Joshua, Asaf (the vizier of Solomon),
Simon Peter and 'All, while his "Name" {ism}, i.e. his
prophet, was incarnated in Adam, Noah, Jacob, Moses,
Solomon, Jesus and Muhammad.
The conception of the seven periods of revelation
seems to derive from old Jewish-Christian traditions
like those preserved in the Pseudo-Clementine
Homilies; it is a well-known topic in the speculations
of certain Gnostics and Manichaeans I see T. Andrae,
Die Person Muhammads in Lehe und Glauben seiner Gemeinde,
Stockholm 1918, 322 ff.; H.H. Schaeder, Die islami-
sche Lehe von vollkommenm Menschen, in ~ftU(V, lxxix
(1925), 213 ff.).
Bibliography. Abu Ya'kub al-Sidjistam, A'.
Ithbat al-nubuwwat, ed. 'A. Tamir, 181 ff.; C.F.
Seybold, Die Drusenschrift Kitab Alnoqat waldawau,
Kirchhain 1902, 84; R. Dussaud, Hisloire et reli-
gion des Mosairis, Paris 1900, 42 f.; H. Corbin,
Le temps cydiqui dans le mazdeisme el dans I'ismaelismt ,
in Erano's Jahrbuch, xx (1952), 149 IT.).
[H. Halm)
DAYN (A.), like obligatio in Latin, means literally
"debt", but also expresses the idea of "claim". This
predominance of the passive aspect makes it neces-
sary to specify the sense of the relationship; hence
when one says lahu dayn, this means that an obliga-
tion is due to someone, i.e. he is a creditor, where-
as with 'alayhi dayn, this means someone has an
obligation to fulfil, i.e. he is a debtor. Claim and
indebtedness are thus two aspects of the obligation,
according to whether the active or the passive side
is in mind, and this is why it seems more exact to
speak of "obligation" for dayn.
The obligation I dayn) which is a personal right is
opposed to that in an object (hakk ft l-'ayn). The
idea of dayn rests on that of dhimma, a word which
has a very wide sphere of applicability: it is the
capacity of being subject to the law, in fact the
basis of an obligation. Hence patrimony and dhimma
come together in practice. It is thus easily under-
standable why the dayn is classified by Muslim authors
among goods or chattels (see al-Mawardi, Adah al-
kadt); in effect, it is an incorporeal possession belong-
ing to the creditor and existing in the patrimony
or personal estate of the debtor, so that this pos-
part (see Abu Hanlfa's definition of the dayn: that
it is an action required (mutalaba)). But this con-
necting obligation, this link, is often thrust into the
background, and authors confuse the right and the
thing which is the object of the right (cf. the anal-
ogy of the distinction of Schuld and Haftung in
German for the obligation, and dayn and mutalaba
in Arabic). The obligation (dayn) must be distin-
guished from its object ('ayn) or personal action
[dhimma). The obligation which has as its object a
non-fungible, determinate thing (dayn ft l-'ayn) is dif-
ferent from the obligation which has as its object
a personal action (dayn fi dhimma). In regard to obli-
gations which have a determinate thing ('ayn I as
object, the expression dhimma is not used; if the
debtor refuses to hand it over, his personal patri-
mony is not responsible for it.
The sources of obligation (dayn). Obligation
iage),
t of a
Obligatio:
reparation.
lements of obligation (shurut al-dayn).
l necessarily presupposes (a) at least two
e. a person who is required to perform a
certain act, the debtor [madin, matlub), and a second
person to whom the fulfilment of this performance
is due, the claimant (mbb al-dayn, talib). The word
ghatim indicates the two of them (Latin reus). But
there can be several principals involved, claimant or
debtors, as when there is joint responsibility for the
obligation, (b) An object, i.e. the performance which
is obligatory and which the other party is legally
entitled to exact; a multiplicity of objects is possible
(the case of alternative obligation), (c) A cause; Muslim
authors often understand by this the origin of the
obligation.
The effects of the obligation. This last can
be completed or not completed. Where it is com-
pleted, see below, there results the extinguishing of
the obligation. If it is not completed, the claimant
has a right to recover damages because of loss suf-
fered through the non-completion of the obligation.
A formal notice is not necessary: Dies inttrpellat pro
homint. From the very fact of non-performance, the
debtor is presumed to be at fault, and must prove
either force-majeure or act of God [ami al-sultan, darura.
Modalities of the obligation sc. settlement
and stipulations. In principle, only monetary claims
can be affected by a settlement. This last is always
presumed in the interest of the debtor. The stipula-
tions can be suspensive or resolutory, but there is a
reluctance to validate conditional obligations.
Extinguishing of the obligation. The usual
method here is through payment, but there are other
ways, e.g. dation in payment (istibdal), extinction of
the debt through one debtor or creditor succeeding
to the estate of another, substitution of a new obli-
gation, compensation, etc.
Modern legal phraseology translates dayn by "claim",
and to this are added several epithets: an assigned or
assignable claim, a certain one, an unsecured, simple
rcial c
which i;
i dubioi
l gua
-anteed one,
in the Dictionnaire de.
infais-Arabe, by Mam
the translations of thesi
douh Hakki, s.v. "crear
Bibliography. Chafik Chehata, Thiorie generate de
/'obligation en droit musulman, i, Cairo 1936; Ibn 'Asim
al-Maliki al-Gharnati, al-'Asmuna, 117; al-
Kayrawani, Risala, 133, 210, 211, 267; Kasani, \ii.
174. For modern works in Arabic, see SubhT
Mahmasam, al-Mizarijya al-'amma li l-mudjabdt wa
l-'ukud, Beirut 1948." (A.M. Delcambre)
DEBT [see dayn].
DECLAMATION [see shi'r].
DECLENSION [see i'rab].
DECORATION [see fann].
DEED (juridical) [see 'akd].
DEFAULT OF HEIRS [see mIrath],
DEHKHUDA, 'AlI Akbar (1297-1375/1879-
1955), poet, satirist and lexicographer of
modern Iran. During the constitutional revolution
(1905-9), he acquired a reputation as poet and
satirist. But later, with the rise of Rida Shah PahlavT
[?.».], he gave up all political activities, devoting
himself to literature and philolo_gy. Besides the
satirical pieces, the so-called Carand u parand,
in which his very sarcastic humour secured vast
popularity for the journal Sur-i IstafTl, his literary
DEHKHUDA — DEMIRDASHIYYA
output includes a Persian translation of Montes-
quieu's Esprit des Lois (unpublished), a review of
Nasir-i Khusraw's Diwan (ed. S.N. Takawl and
M. MinQwi, Tehran 1307/1928), a four-volume col-
lection of Persian proverbs and aphorisms, called
Amthal u hikam (Madams' al-amthal, as cited in E.E.
Bertels's Ocerki, is not the correct title of the pub-
lished volumes), and the extensive lexicon, Lughat-
ndma, which has had to be published mainly as a
posthumous work and is still in progress. While
Dehkhuda is generally considered a pioneer in mod-
ern, simple prose-writing, his poetical work — except
for a few pieces published in popular periodicals —
seems rather of a turgid and pedantic character,
though often well-spiced with humour.
Bibliography: The Lughat-ndma-yi Dehkhuda, of
which 203 fascicules in about 22,796 pages, in folio,
of 3 columns each, have so far (March 1976) been
cule 40) in which more details on the author's life
and work are given, (cf also Diwan-i Dehkhuda, ed.
M. MuTn, Tehran 1334/1955; Dehkhuda, Amthal
u hikam, 4 vols., Tehran 1308-10/1929-30; V. Aryan-
Pur, Az saba la nimd, Tehran 1350/1931, ii, 77-
105; Browne, LHP, iv, 469-82; idem, The press and
poetry of modern Persia, Cambridge 1914, index;
E.E. Bertels, Ocerki istarii persidskov literaturi (with pen-
etrating critical remarks), Leningrad 1928, 125-27);
P. Avery, Modern Iran, London 1965, 129-30;
A. Bausani and A. Pagliaro, Storia delta letteratura
persiana, Milan 1960, indices; J. Rypka et alii, History
of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968, index;
Gh. Youssofi, in ZDMG (1975), 117-32.
(A.H. Zarrinkoob)
DEMESNE [see day' a].
DEMIRDASHIYYA, a branch of the Khal-
watiyya [q.v.] Sufi order named after Muhammad
Demirdash al-Muhammadi, an Azeri Turk as is
suggested by his name. According to 'Abd al-
Wahhab al-Sha'rani, al-Tabakat al-kubra, Cairo 1954,
ii, 147 ff. (cf. Mahmud RabT' and Hasan Kasim
(eds.), Abu '1-Hasan Nur al-Dln al-Sakhawi, Tuhfat
al-albab wa-bughyat al-tulldb fi 'l-khitat wa 'l-mazdrdt
15 f), he had belonged to the community of mys-
tics which had gathered around 'Umar al-Rusham
(d. 892/1486), a protege of the Ak Koyunlu [q.v.]
ruler Uzun Hasan and a khalifa [q.v.] of the sec-
ond pir [q.v.] of the order Yahya al-Shirwanl
(d. 869/1464).
The biographies written in the late 19th and early
20th century by Yusuf b. IsmaTl al-Nabaham, Djami'
karamat al-awliyd, Cairo 1329, ii, 9 f, and Muhammad
Zahid al-Kawthan, Nabrds al-muhtadi ft idftild' anba'
al-'Arif bi-Alldh Demirdash al-Muhammadi, Cairo
1364/1944-5, state that Muhammad Demirdash had
originally been a mamluk of the Sultan al-Ashraf Sayf
al-Dln Kayit Bay [q.v.] and the murid [q.v.] of Ahmad
b. 'Ukba al-Hadraml (d. 895/1489-90) before he joined
the disciples of al-Rusham in Tabriz, from where he
is said to have returned to Egypt towards the end of
Kayit Bay's reign. This version is in accordance
with the contents of the official biographies pub-
lished on behalf of the tarika [q.v.] at the beginning
of the 20th century (appended to Muhammad
Demirdash al-Muhammadi, Risdla fi ma'nfat al-hakd'ik
wa 'l-ma'dni min kawlihi "Wa lakad dtayndka sab"" min
al-mathani", Cairo n.d., 27-34 and 55-63), which are
mainly based upon unpublished sections of 'Abd al-
Ra'uf al-Munawf s al-Kawdkib al-durriyya fi taradfim al-
sada al-sufiyya.
t of Ibn
Muhammad Demirdash was a
al-'Arabr's metaphysics, and he must have been influ-
enced by the teachings of the Shadhiliyya order in
which he had been initiated by his first spiritual
master Ahmad b. 'Ukba (cf. Demirdash, Risdla fi
Ma'rifat al-hakd'ik. 32 f, 62), as appears in his
treatises al-Kawl alfarid fi ma'rifat al-tawhid, Cairo
n.d., and in Risdla fi Ma'nfat al-haka'ik, mentioned
earlier in the article. The liturgy of the order refers
in no way to any special kind of mystical theology,
as was noted by E. Bannerth, in It<7.M, lxii (1969),
20, who described the tarika's hadra [q.v.]—mahya in
the terminology of the order — and the ceremonial
surrounding the yearly occasion of retreat (khalwa)
for a period of three days at the end of Sha'ban,
as it was practiced in the 1960s (see bibliography).
It is not unlikely, however, that the liturgy may
have mirrored the influence of Ibn al-'Arabl's
thinking upon Muhammad Demirdash at an earlier
stage, since we have no evidence of a fixed ritual
until about a century after his death in 929/1524,
when his great-grandson and khalifa Muhammad al-
Saghir composed a treatise in ragjab metre, entitled
Tuhfat al-tulldb al-rd'imln hadrat al-wahhdb wa-usul
al-tarik, Cairo n.d., which codified the ritual and
has been the principal manual of the order ever
Among others, this manual gives the rules for the
so-called huwiyya, the most characteristic part of the
ritual in which the head of the order, a number of
nukaba' (sing, nakib [q.v.]) and some members form a
circle turning anti-clockwise (or occasionally two
circles, one moving clockwise and the other circle
moving anti-clockwise), while calling "hu, hu". This
part of Demirdash! ritual has been subject to outside
criticism in the past (cf. 'Abd al-KSdir b. Muhyi
al-Din al-Arbill, Hudfdjat al-dhdkinn wa-radd al-
munkarin, Alexandria 1299/1881-2, 43 ff., and 'Abd
al-Gham al-NabulusI, Kitab al-Hakika wa 'l-madfdz fi
rihlal al-Sha'm wa-Misr wa l-Hia^az, ms. Berlin 6146,
fols. 242a ff.).
From the days of Muhammad Demirdash al-
Muhammadi until the present, ceremonial gatherings
have been confined to the only existing zawiya [q.v.]
of the order, situated in the present-day 'Abbasiyya
quarter of Cairo. The original establishment and the
rounding land had been donated to Muhammad
Seyahat-name, Istanbul 1971, xiv, 206) as well as by
'Abd al-Ghani al-NabulusT (cf. Kitab al-Hakika, fol.
224) towards the end of the 17th century, which
suggests that the establishment must have been of
some importance at that time. The zawiya complex
with its khalwa cells has been described by 'Air
Mubarak, Khitat, iv, 112 f, as it was in the 1860s
and by E. Bannerth a century later.
The order experienced a severe setback at the end
of the 18th century when it was plundered by French
troops (cf. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Djabarti, Adfd'ib al-
dthar, Cairo 1297/1879-80, iii, 95), and continued
to rank among the less prominent tarikas in Cairo
until the 1880s, when it experienced a re\ival under
the leadership of 'Abd al-Rahman Mustafa al-
Demirdash Basha, the founder of the Cairene hos-
pital named after him. After his death in 1929, a
dispute about the succession occurred, in which the
then mufti of Egypt 'Abd al-Madjid Salim intervened
(cf. Mahmud Abu Rayya, al-Savvid al-Badawi,
Cairo n.d. 182). This dispute ended in the formal
investiture of 'Abd al-Rahim's six-year old grandson,
DLMIRD \SHI\ \ \ DLMOGRAPH\
pqu )11\ nimed \bd il Rihim in
ol the pnncipal nahb ■Xmin il Si
>r recent specific ill\ clmged with
itring the tcrnlas ifliiis The httei
the ippomtrr
wad is his l
s son Husivn
akil
held of the ordei in the 1970s
\etive membeiship of the older
id
mtside C1110 This Ins been the d
nect conseque
nee
tvtne'XnTrmembe^p h
potenti il m
the
weeklv liadras of the ordei held i
en the shnn
ts foundei foi 1 period of it
3unng this penod he hid to b
\eilhnce of one of the ordei s n
it aba who v
ilwivs lesidents of C liro The li
ttc i hid to judge
e id of the o
dei
cf Ziki Muhimmid Mudjahid a
n 110)
Tnditionillv theie weie nevei
moie thin tw
ml aba it one time New nukaba
weie elected
the held of the oidei in cons
ultition with
the
nut aba iheidv in office let Muh
rmmid Suhv
nin
Tuhfat
' albab
il tullub
1 1 004 5
81 fi
The mosque ind shrine ol Demndash lie the
scene ol in importiiit weeklv nam div Id F De
Jons; Lamm ^lyara days 4 contribution to thi study of
saint mention in hlam in 11/ ™ 1 147b) ,4 IT I ind
ol maulid celebntions in the sec
(1909) 129l
Bibliogiaphy Foi luithei detnl ind idditionil
ideiences see E Bmneith La hnahatnya in E$ptt
Qiielquis aspeih de la xu dune wnfnru in VIDEO
vm (1964 b) 3 7 idem I bit den Stifta
und Sondabramli de, Dtmudasiyya Sufi in hairo in
[1~AU Ku (19(19) lib 32 (which contiins i
Germin tunshtion ol the section ibout khalna in
the taut as minuil Tuhfat at tullab) idem hlanusdu
Wallfahtsstatten hairos Cairo 1907 74 1 and M
Gilsenin Saint and Sufi in modim Egypt in i say m
tht soaotogy of iihgwn Oxford 1973 passim The see
tion on il DemirdashivM m BG Mirtin 4 lint
nNR Keddie
Sih<
Muslim
liOO Beikelev London 1972 290 5 is I
hrgelv bised upon Buineiths woik
The tititises bv Muhimmid Demird ish il
Muhimmidi ind bv Muhunmid Demndish al
Sighn mentioned in the uticle hue been published j
togethei with mother uevtise bv the tankas foundei
Kitab alDaiaaja al uha fi ma audi aladna b\
Muhimmid Nur Salih il Sird/im undci the title {
al Uadjmua al Demndashiyya C mo 1^48/1929,0 I
This collection contiins ilso i section with biog
i ipliic il d it i on i numbei ol ihayfhi ol tile ordei
ind i biognphv ol \bd d Rihim Mustifi il j
Demiidash Bisha compiled b\ Mustifi \dhtm Bek
Munn 52 IT
Foi othei biogi iphies ol \bd >l R t him see
Z t ki Muhtmimd Mudjahid al 4 lam al shaikiyya
Cmo 1955 in 109 fl which gi\es dso t ddi I
tionil infoimition diout the oide. s religious pne
tiee ind Muh unmid Suhvmm Bidiwi \abdtia
yasua mm hayat ustadhina al fadil ibd al Ralwn
n d Othei
public/
ind n
ind Muhimmid Nui S il
ilDem
19th c«
tur\ Egvpt see F Dc Jong Twuq and twuq linked
institutions in l')th itritun Egypt leiden 1978 passim
\dditionil dm on the lnstorv of the oidei ran
ulah i ti tin Sufi iidns in Egypt m Biblwthua Oritntahs
\x\n (197i) 180 90 Imei Behmn SipoKo
\hjhpltr tankatlai tanhi 1st inbul 1904 19, is
full of conflicting clctul (F df Joni
DEMOGRAPHY Demognphers who studv
ten This is due to the nituie ol the studv Though
raim of the bisie pnnciples ol demogi vphv hive been
known ten centimes demogiaphv is l held of studv
this htc development minv demogi iphic topics hue
been little studied ind foi some Muslim countries no
There lie tew demognphic studies of Muslim pop
ulition is such md dcmognpheis hive most often
of books of the demogi iphv of Ishmic countries
the words Isl em oi iehgion eithei do not ippe n
countiies with signihc int Muslim popuhtions hive
become ofhcullv mdifleient oi even hostile to leh
gi >n The communist countiies ol F t stem Euiope md
censuses This mikes histonc il or eompiiitive miK
sis of Muslim populition extiemelv difficult Those m
1 •• ' in the 1897 Russi in Impel nl
vimple
se Totil Populition md Musi
in effect the sime For other cot
especnllv those m South \sn )
till studies of the Muslim popul it)
,uillv
lerlihtv )
i pioduce high qu lhtv
nphic simple
isk the
md n
t whid
For these reisons much of the demognphic mite
ml discussed below zs not d it i oi maizes ol Muslim
population but of the populition ol Muslim conn
tnes The distinction is leil ind impoit int
In histonc il documents ind colonnl records teims
ible to define exictlv whit is meint bv the woids
used to destube bisie demogi iphic stitistics The foi
lowing ire definitions of the foui souices of demo
gnphic dill is thev lie usuilfv defined md is the
DEMOGRAPHY
s based on incomplete
shghtlv
Registration In Muslim lands legation data
ha\e alua\s been kept b\ governments Idealh a pop-
ulation legister records a person b\ age and se\ and
lists his date ot bnth md death and perhaps (vents
such as marriage and consctiption Moie usualK bnths
deaths and othei events aie legisteied separateK tolal
attempt is made to keep a record oi each individual
The toimei is usualK called a Population Registei the
latter a Register of \ ital Events
Sample survevs Survevs ask demographic ques-
Censuses The census is the basi,
t\ demogiaphic data To be a cens
:ion must be intended to be an acti
nembeis ot the population of an a
leld in a short period of time Evei
jtheis aie usuallv included also Collect!
Though the census and registration
ach Muslim countiv have ditleied some
ia\e been universal In a Muslim natior
of a nations population sta
advances Feu Muslim natior
toucal demogiaphv depends e
Onlv bv examining modem ai
little interested in population numbers for their own
sake Fuithermore the Muslim world felt no need to
keep religious statistics and so it possesses no analo-
gies to the baptismal and mamage records oi Western
Europe Though the great geogiapheis and travelleis
ol mediaeval Islam olten mentioned the great size
of cities the large number oi people in an area
or gave ianciiul estimates of the size oi armies, thev
did not often ofier even lough estimates of popula-
tion numbeis This was reasonable because there
was no wav geographeis, tiavelleis or others could
have known population numbers No one had counted
the population and as has been proven bv the
multitudes oi enoneous estimates oi population
made in all areas of the world the onh wa\ accu-
latelv to know the size oi a population is to count
it The enumerations needed foi population analvsis
were not made m the Islamic woild 01 at least
have not been found prior to the second gieat period
oi Islamic expansion the Tuikish empues In the
empires, the keeping oi population statistics was the
pi ov nice of the state Beginning in the late 14th cen-
turv the Ottoman government began to keep accu-
rate counts e>f households in the Empire foi taxation
puiposes Similai counts were taken b\ the empeior
Ubai in Mughal India and mav, have been taken
in Saiawid Iian
While demogiaplrv is
knov
and nati
if fell
and moitahtv that he needs to
oids
descnptions of the demographv
inanged b\ geogiaphtc region
,orts of works are considered—
and analvtical/desenptive stud-
■d bv vear in which thev weie
taken not b\ issuing agenev oi publication vear tor
reasons oi space The articles and books cited deal
with population and demographv as a whole not with
specihc subjects such as migration 01 ieitilrtv Those
inteiested m studies ot specihc demogiaphic topics will
find ample rcsouues in the bibhogiaphies oi the works i
discussed below I
There is no ieliable demogiaphv oi Medieval Islam
Matetials irom which demogiaphic calculations could
be made, such as tax registeis and militarv pav rolls
,tudv, r
V for
used to illuminate aieas oi population histot
ch statistics aie unavailable The most obvious
a hull this is true is migiation Large-scale migia-
i oi \iabs Mongols and Turks m Islamic times
e recorded bv geogiapheis and histonans The
populations oi cities can be at least roughK estimated
iugh archaeological evidence and thiough meas-
ments of contempoianes such as Ibn BattOta who
plv measured the size ot citv walls to gain a pic-
oi the citv s size and (bv analogv I its compara-
mnge
Land
Then
\n example oi this tvpe oi material is al-Maknzi on
the plagues and iamines oi Egypt whose material is
I analvsed bv Michael Dols [The Black Death in the \liddli
Eait Punceton 1977), foi a translation oi al-Maknzis
work seeG Wiet in JESHO v/1 (1%2) Vuh souices
give estimates ot numbers dving being born oi leav-
ing a citv or an area It should be stiessed that such
| sources can be used to gain an impiession of the
I scope of demographic events no more Then popu-
lation numbers aie usuallv suspect Much infoimation
mav be available iiom analvses oi geographeis
accounts oi the a
I this
? done
the Muslim eommentatois who often knew
well the aieas ot which thev spoken are much to be
pieterred to Euiopean sources
One source ot mediaeval Islamic demogiaplrv is
the svstem oi letoids oi Islamic law The codes ot
the schools and tiagmentarv suiviving judicial deci-
rehgiouslv -accepted in mamage and divoice and in
matters that afiect tertilitv such as lactation
polvgamv and contraception Basim Musallam has
made good use ot this tvpe ot material in his woik
turn and nudieial techniques oj birth control (diss Haivaid
Umveisitv 1973) Unioitunatelv legal codes and
couit decisions do not necessanlv leflect actual
pi at tic e ot the majority oi Muslim society, and tor
DEMOGRAPHY
this
i legal
ted usei
demogiaph
The fact that demogi aphir evidente on mediaeval
estimates of ut\ sizes and poll tax re\enues to amve
at population totals (See Latt anutnt and niidinul pop
illation Philadelphia 1<)58 Latt mtdiaal Saltan and isia
Minor population in JESHO in/3 [1960] 265-74 77«
population of medinal Eg\pt in Journal oj tilt Ami man
Renault Ctnkr in Egtpt v [l%b] 69-82 and others i
Russell s woik is often based howevei on unveiiti-
able seeondarv souues vague estimates ol aim\ sizes
and taxation b\ histonans who lived tentunes alter
the tact the calm acceptance of population tiguies
diaun without examination horn souues such as la
Grandi Entuloptdit and Entuhpaedia Biittaniia and
incredible logical |umps that i
when n
Rus<
( dans I
Pans
welded population data on the empire as r uh
jle
Geneial studies Balkan Osmanli imparatoilus,
nda
stik
dtjtiiltn m Istanbul L'imenitisi Iktisat Falultesi Main
n (1940; 20-59, 214-57 idem Taiilii demo
Hlfl
il<)51) 1-27 idem Risiaith on tin Ottoman jistal sm
m Studus in tltt uonomu Imton of tin Middlt East
U\ Cook London 1970
Regional studies Cook Population pitssu,
it
mral Inatnlia 14l<) 11,00 London 1972 \\
-D
Hutteioth and kamal Abdullaltah Histoiual «
tot;
thi
late 10th itntun Eilangen 1<)77 \ C ohen and
B
m tilt snlttnth itntun Pnnceton 1<)78 B Mi Gov
an
, Mufass
; Lu a
does show that estimates are poss
tan evidente but this evidence must be murh more I
caiefulK anaKsed than he and those who haw fol-
lowed him have done I
The use of non-demographic evidence to hnd pop-
ulation totals seems to woik bettei for uiban than i
lural aieas \ good example of this tvpe of anaKsis j
though foi a later penod than mediaeval Islam is
turn des pandit allts tirabts a I tpoqut uttomant m BEO
xxwi (1974) 183-93 Ch Pellat has made a demo-
graphic studv out of unusual material m Ptut on ton
naitre le taux de natalitt au hmps du Piophttt in JFSHO
xiv/2 (1971i 107-35 which shows that an exceptional
amount of infoimation can be diawn horn limited
data ^lso his Quelquis thiffres mi la tit nmtnnt dum
taUt-oni dt Musulmam in Milan^s d Islamalospi Leiden
1974 233-4h is a pioneenng studv in the use of
their descnptions Foi examples of
studies bv Elivahu \shtoi Huh,
it n it'll oj Selim II diss Columbia
L'mveisitv 1967 Halil Inalcik FI ait arnauut-
iuk Lula Erder and Suiaiva faioghi Population
nsi and jail in Anatolia in Middlt Easttm Studus xv/3
(1979) 322-45
Uiban studies H Lowtv Hit Ottoman tahui dtfttis
Tmbjm tttt NHGIlSh diss UCLA 1977 Inakik
EI art Istanbul R Jennings f than population in
inatolia m tht snlttnth itntun a stud) oj kmstri hiiraman
imtina Tiab'jm and F> unmi in IJMES vn/1 11976)
21-57
Tht dejttis themselves aic destubed and discussed
dtjttis
ji Facsi
, Cohen and Lew
Co<
and
Otter
1954
i dtjttn
2 38 272 and 273 and -
oj tht Ntar East in tht Middlt 4 ? o Beikel.v-Los
\ngeles-London 1976 esp 290 and 291 set also
ESC (1972/1, 185-214)
II Ottoman Empire i
The lbth and 17th lenturv Ottoman population I
iegisters \dejtt,s) wtie among the hist Euiopean state I
iecoids that can be used as population sources
Since the recoids weie not kept primanlv as data
eiable manipulation betoie thev can weld total
population estimates and thev do not piovide infoi-
mation on othei demogiaphic valuables such as fer-
tilitv and mortahtv
The studv of Ottoman dtjtirs was eflectivelv
begun bv Omei Lutfi Barkan who analvsed the i ex-
change (see especiallv Essai sm Its donna-, stalls
uux xt et xti wilts in JESHO i/l (1957) 9-36)
Manv othei scholais have used the diftiis found in I
the Ottoman ait hives and local collections in foi- |
id mihtarv lecords and it
tonsidti them to be highlv lehable demogiaphic
souues Ceitain gioups weie not t minted (Balkan
Commtnt on Proftssoi Bin I an s tstmialt oj tht population of
tht Ottoman Eniput in 1)10 -,0 in JESHO i/3 [October
1958] 329-33) The it gisters weie usuallv household
counts and compansons between household num-
e pent
Ntv
1 demogiaphv of tht Middle East espetial
ev aie used as pait of a detailed investig.
ocal as opposed to empne-wide populatioi
\ttel
hi 170(1 tht
dtjte, itcoids
cease
this being
the
In th
tan Mahmud
II the
Otto
-mpiie
inie again be
gan to collet t
popula
ion st
atis-
egistm 1
ike the lbth a
ion was the
nd 17th centt
rv dtftt
s the
new
-onset i|
turn Eath n
ale in the e
npire
vas to
be
irst bv
geneial age
roup ( vouth
and
adult
or
adult , and
ng to
840s
lough the ie
nsteis weie b
mg ke
Dt at
molded bv age, household and his ielationship to
the head of the household The tahnrs weie penodic-
allv updated thiough events \itul u'at) registeis in
which weie i eroided bnths deaths t onsenptions and
migration Dunng the leign ot <A.bd al-Hamid II
DEMOGRAPHY
sections of the emptre (see Envei 7i\a Kuial Osmanh
imparatoilugunda ill nufus sayimi Ankara 1940 Fazila
Ikbal 1831 tanhmde Oimanli imparatoilugunda idan till si
J McCarthv Agt famih and migration in mmteinth
eentury Blad Sea prounces of the Ottoman Empire in IJMES
x [1979] 309-23)
The totals collected from the Ottoman legislation
s\stem in provinces were published at mtcnals in the
piovinual \earbooks (sal nanus) listing population b\
province, sub-piovince and distnct and often b\ reli-
gious gioup and sex At vanous times the cential gov-
ernment updated the data acioss the empne and
published the data in what have been erroneousK
been (ailed censuses Thiee of the censuses have
been tianslated and leproduced iKural Kemal Karpat
Ottoman population rtcoids and tin ttnsus of 1881/82 189)
in IJMES ix [1978] 237-74 McCaith\ Inlunatumal
historical statistic thi late Ottoman tmpm Boston 1981)
It should be noted that the Ottoman population totals
b\ province unrioimry undei estimate the numbei of
women and children m the piovince and thus totals
must be augmented b\, from 10",, to 30% depend-
ing on the province
The uses of Ottoman figuies for the stud\ of the
histoncal population ol the Middle East aie obvious
SimpH stated no one but the Ottoman government
counted the population and no one but the Ottoman
Data
e popi
Jatioi
studies It is however the aichival iecords of popu-
lation that hold the greatest promise When these
iecords are available and utilised accurate studies on
leitihtv moitahtv and population change in the
Ottoman Empire will be possible
The 19th centurv Ottoman registration svstem has
been described b\ Kaipat [Ottoman population) and S
J Shaw [The Ottoman eerisus astern and population 1811
1914 in IJMES, ix/3 [1978] 325-371 For exam-
ples ol the uses of sal nami and census population
records see \ edat Eldem Osmanh imparatorlugunim
iktisadi fartlan hakkinda bir tetkil Ankaia 1970 Leila
Eidei From tradt to manufaetitrt m Buna diss
1978
Contemporaiv Euiopean souices on Middle
Eastern population m Ottoman times will onlv be
mentioned bneflv here Those that were accurate
were drawn from Ottoman data and thus are onK
valuable if the\ piovide population statistics of aieas
foi which the original Ottoman data is unavailable
The most valuable ol the Euiopean souices aie the
books ol Cuinet \La Tuiquu dim 4 vols, Pans
1890-4 Sine Liban it Paltstim Pans 189b) C mint
collected amended and published Ottoman popu-
lation statistics as well as data on the social and
economic life ol Ottoman Asia No othc
I grapheis weie not greatl) supenoi to the Emopeans
Though the) often used data from Ottoman govern-
ment lecoids the geogiapheis had little appreciation
of the proper use of population statistics The one
exception is the hamus al a'lam of Shams al-Dm Sami
Frashen (b vols Istanbul 1889-99) which is demo-
graphicallv supenor to the others
III Middle E*st
Demogiaph\ is dependent on government statis-
tics which are produced b\ individual political units
Perhaps for that leason, there have been few woiks
on Middle Eastern demogiaphv that cross national
boundaries in their analvsis and even fewei that tieat
the Middle East or even the Arab world as a unit
\olumes on Middle Eastern demogiaphv (such as
J I Clarke and \\ B I ishei Populations «/ the \liddh
East and \orth lfnea New \ork 1972) aie usualK
collections of chapter;, or ai tides that studv each
tountrv individualH This is unfoitunate since main
phenomena such ai nomadism pohgamv folk beliefs
on contiaception and fertility levels would be best
studied for the Middle East in geneial as well as
for individual aieas (Two examples of the bioader
approach lllustiate its benefits Muslim attitudts toward
family planning, ed Olivia Sthiefrdin New \oik 1967
Oladele Olawavi Aiowolo, Correlates of fa tilth m Muslim
populations disseitation Univeisitv of Pennsvlvama
1973)
Some studies of the population of the Arab Woild
have been made though these are usualh divided
inteinallv b\ national boundanes Of them studies
b\ G Baei Population and muty in thi Arab East West-
port Conn 1964 and M A el-Badiv, Triads in tin
wmponinh of population groieth in tht Arab tountrits of thi
MiddU East in Demography n (1965) 140-86, aie valu-
able but now out of date A moie recent article bv
Youssef Couibage and Philippe Fargues is an intro-
duction to the demography ol the Arab states, La
population dn pats arahts d Ontnt in Population \\\ no
6 (Nov -Dec ' " '
with Cm
.Those
inteiested in European souices should consult N
MicholT La population di la Turquit it dt la Bulgana
an Will et \I\ uecles ntherchts bibliogiaphuo stalls
tiquts 4 voks , Sofia 1919-35 and the various vol-
, of Dit Baolkerung del Erde a supplement ol
Pettrn
5-25)
s Mitte
i Goth,
lalh v
Nineteenth and eail\ 20th c
i the
V ofdat.
the Arab states Tht dtmogiaphu
tries 4 comparatm analysis in Cairo Demogiaphic
Gentle Demographie mtasuits and population gronth in Arab
wuntnts Cano 1970 279-326 (See also the interna-
tional anahsis of demogiaphic problems in Pan I of
lrab"and Afruan lountnes ed S A Huzavvin and TE
Smith Cairo 1974 and G Sabagh Vu demography
of tht Middle Eait in MESA Bulletin iv/2 [15 Ma\
1970] 1-19)
Population studies for Middle Eastern nations aie
published in the international sources listed below
and foi 1968 and 1973 m the Population bullttm of
the United Nations Economic C ommission foi Western
Asia noi 10 and 11 (Januaiv to Julv 1976 Beirut
13-261
Gi eater Sviia Issavvi has collected Euiopean
statements on the population of Greater S\na in
the 19th tentuiv [The etonomic history of tht Middle
East 1800 1914, Chicago 19b6 209-10) the best ol
which weie based on Ottoman figuies Foi the peri-
od pnor to 1918 the best souices on Svnan pop-
ulation aie the state records of Ottoman S\,na Of
these the punted population iecords of Ottoman
Gieatei S\na have been analysed bv J McCaithv
[Population of the Ottoman Ftrtilt Cnstent in Pioes of
the Congress on the Eeonomu History of the Middle East
1800 1914 Haifa 1980) After 1918 Gieater S\na
was divided into Svna Lebanon and Palestine and
DEMOGRAPHY
lage 1
aders
Its totals
aie t
oo 1<
w as we
the fn
epend
t-nt S\na in 1
did i
ads
Moc
in 19b0 and
070
The
punted m
addition
o the
lesu
Its of the
1970
tself
>1 the le
b\ KE \a
ldvanatha
nl F<
an
anahsis
S\nan
pop
latum ai
d de
TlOgl
aplm \a
Moun
a Liha
an La
pop,
latum tit It
gto dm
neiaph
a,« Pans
1078
mman m
se of
zzat Nou
ss, La
pop,,
tphiqm
Pans V
Th
pop
latum of
Leba
ion
n the 1<
nailed 1
\ \o
Combat;
Faigu
-s La
ituahon dt
wgraphiqut
uLtban B
D C
I
Eu.opra
i La sou
Mont
Lebanese population The Fiench mandate
Lebanon m 1921 19?> and 1941 Even tl
these counts that of 1032 was deficient a
counted the Muslim population For politic
no modem census has been taken and or
eudence exists on demotnaphic vanables si
tiht\ and moitalm is., D Yaukev hitiht
in a madam jus, tountn Pnnceton 1%1| \
described in iaulablt dmmyaphi, data in tl
Rtpublu, in Papulation Bullttin of the I ml.
Economic Commission loi Western \sia i
.Jan-juK 197b, 240- ? j C hamie R,hg,o,
edlandei and C Goldsc I
tl New \oik 1979 an
■s published In the Isiael
pes of data -
Ottoma
l statistic
s .is piesen
estimat
s and th
e Tiakr ten
and none ,
1 these
an be c
nsideied ac
"s'made^up 1 '
of pies
nt-da\ Tiak
Baghdad an
1 Basra
Onh in
Baghdad u
n population
statisti
s lanl\
accurati a
Baghdad the
nt und.itoi
en and child
undcicot
nt lefletted
Euiopean sou
lies had no idea
what the p
■s published
See also Kldil
1970
the 1948 Wai and the division of Palestine ^ , ______ ......
taken censuses in 19bl and 1972 begun a iegistri- <_lr Djewad Mtmtihk i 'Otjimanmm
tion s\stem in 1048 (often listed as the Census of Istanbul 1895 and J G Loiimci f
1948'), and held numerous sample survevs of th. Gulf, C ale utta 1 908- 1 9 1 . The fust
population Joidan has taken censuses in 1952 1901 based on th. iepoits of Ottomai
1971 and 1979 and a feitihtv sun.v in 1970 The uals th. thud ofleis the estimates
lesults of the 1 9 1 > Jo, daman census aie vei\ dell- ' and intelligence offiteis t_i\ell.r
Estimate
s and census data foi Palestine ha\. been
hi 1947 Nellolaml
n di published what he stated
piesented
n gieat detail b\ R Bachi Th, population
wue population figuics
taken from _ emeni govein-
«/W,Je
usalem 197b Bachi s volume which is an
valuable souue, must be used with caie
in OM xxvn/7 9 iJuK-Sept
loi the pe
lod 1880-1922 Foi that penod he avoids
1947) 14.-b2 The st
tistics appeal to have been
using actu
stitutes Bi
tish and othei estimates without justifica-
\ undertount.d but no fig-
tion C el-
ain othei events with large demogiaphic
tires b\ age and sex
veie kept so the extent of
imination
s such as the 1948 and 1907 Wais ait
b, det.immtd The Yemeni
lpletelv and as iegaids dtmogiaphv
data aie tin onK data
foi South \iabia b.toie the
DEMOGRAPHY
1970s. The British did keep a register of births and
deaths in Aden, but the undercount, especially of
mortality, was great.
In most parts of the Arabian Peninsula, no accu-
rate census was taken before the 1970s. Only Kuwait
and Bahrain were statistically advanced at an ear-
lier date. The Gulf States have held censuses in the
following years: Kuwait— 1957, 1961, 1965, 1970,
1975; Bahrain— 1941, 1950, 1959, 1965, 1971;
Qatar— 1970; United Arab Emirates— 1968, 1975.
Oman expects to take a census in 1981. South
Yemen took a census in 1973 followed b V North
Yemen in 1975 Saudi Aiabia discarded ;
1962-3
i of ;
taken i
Zachar
as ne\er published the
■d in -\bdel Rahman al-Madam and Muhamed
la in Population BuIUtm 185-89) See also
, Trend', and components of population erouth
in Dimographc measures 81-114 Fisher
Southern Arabia in Glaike and Fisher op at, 274-
90 AG Hill Tfit demography of the Kim aiti population
of Kuwait in Demography \n/3 (Aug 1975| 537-48
and The dimograph of the population of Kimait in
Population Bullttm xm (Jul\ 1977| 42-55 Population
Division of the United Nations Economic
r Wes
i Population Bullttu
pop
(June 1978) 57-69
Turkev Rathei than continue the Ottoman leg-
islation svstem the Tuikish Republic decided to
censuses which followed the Western model In this
it emulated the Balkan countries each oi which had
Ottoman Empire
Tuikev held its first complete census in 1927
and has held quinquennial censuses since 1935
(Foi a description of the Turkish censuses see 4
ititual taint of demoeraphu data obtained by Turkish
population censuses in Turkish demography Proceedings oj
a Conjtrenee ed G Shorter and Bozkurt Guvenc
Ankara 1969) The 1927 census is deficient espe-
ciallv for the eastein pi ounces of Turkev but pro-
vides useful information and can be ad]ustt d
(McGarthv Muslim population, 1 85-223 1 From 1935
the Tuikish censuses are along with the Egvptian
censuses the best source of demographic mfoima-
tion in the Middle East Tuikev has also held a
series of sample demographic sur\e\s of which the
most valuable is the Turkish Demogiaphic Survev
See Nusret Fisek Demographic suneys in Turkey in
Turlish demography, 1-18 and the volumes of the
Turkish Demographic Survev Ankara 1965- The
modem Turkish registration svstem has onlv pro-
duced published stitistics for births deaths and
■mplet.
les of piov
mgiat
The best short intioduction to Turkish demogra-
phv is an article bv Shoitei Information on ftrtilih
mortality and population gionth in Turkey in Turkish dimos,
raphy 19-42 and in Population index xxxiv/1 More
detailed coverage is in Figen Karadavi it alu Thi
population of Turlty Ankara 1974 Turkev s demogra-
phers have produced a large and detailed literature
in Turkish French German and English on Turkish
demogiaphv This work is listed and sometimes anno-
tated in the fine bibliographies edited bv Behire
Balkan Turkiyi nufus bibliyograjyasi Ankara 19b7 con-
tinuing. See also Necdet Tuncdilek and Erol
Tiimertekin, Tiirkiye niifusu, Istanbul 1959; Yakut
Bulutoglu, La structure par age el la mortaliti de la pop-
ulation de la Turquie, Paris 1970; and Ilhan Tekeli,
Evolution of spatial organization in the Ottoman Empire
and Turkish Republic, in From Medina to Metropolis, ed.
L. Carl Brown, Princeton 1973, 244-73.
Iran and Afghanistan. There are no reliable demo-
graphic statistics extant for Iran until well into the
20th century. In fact, the only contemporary state-
ments on Persian population before World War I
that have been published are European estimates,
5 m ca 1900 The Safawi and Kadjar
regist.
: least
inalvsed and published However G G. Gilbar has
studied cnticallv European estimates of the popu-
lation of Kadjai Iran and the effects of epidemics
and wars on the population and has made projec-
tions of population size in his Dtmographic develop-
ments in late Qajar Persia 1870 1906, in Asian and
African Studies xi (Haifa 1976) 125-56 See the com-
ments and reports on Iranian population by Issawi
in his Economic history of Iran 1800 1914, 26-35, and
in his Population and resources m tht Ottoman Empire
and ban in Studies m eighteenth century Islamic history,
ed T Naff and R Owen London 1977, and J.
Bhaner 4 noh on the population of Iran, in Population
Studies, xxn, 274-5
The Iranian government made unsuccessful attempts
at population registration from 1928 onwards, and
carried out an urban head count' between 1939
and 1941 in 25 cities (B D Clark Iran changing
population patterns in Claike and Fishei 68-96)
Censuses were held in 1956 and 1966 but the
censuses while providing the first fairlv reasonable
population data on manv parts of Iian included sig-
nificant undercountmg of women and of certain geo-
graphic areas and mmontv groups especiallv nomadic
Kurds and Turks
Bhaner has projected the population of Iian from
1900 to 1970 in his Economic development oj Iran
1900 1970 Oxford 1971, 24-8 which incorporates
material from his 4 note and other articles bv
Bhaner D|amchid Momeni The population of
Iran a dynamic analysis Tehian 1975 25-30 gives
a shghtlv different set of estimates for the same
period Of the two Bhaner s analv sis and estimates
are superior His estimates of total population size
rural and urban populations and migration give a
broad idea of population change in Iian horn 1900
Given the paucity of the data no more can be
The following can seive as an introduction to the
modern population and demographv of Ii an The pop
ulahon oj Iran a selecwn of reading*, ed D]amshid A
Momeni Honolulu 1977 D|amshid Behnam and
Mehdi Amam, La population de I Iran Pans 1974, and
vanous publications of the Institute foi Social Studies
and Research in Tehran
Afghanistan s geographical featuies and the noma-
dic nature of manv of its people have made even
the rough estimation of population in Afghanistan a
gieat task Population sample survev s of Afghanistan
weie taken in Afghanistan in 1960 and 1968-9 the
latter providing detailed information on demographic
variables
These survev s have been described bv L Dupree
Population reelect 1970 Afghanistan in American
Innersities Field Staff Reports South Asia Series
xv /l (Dec 1970) and Hamidullah Amin and
Goidon B Schib 4 ideograph) of Ajehamstan Omaha,
DEMOGRAPHY
Demogmplui and famih guidam, sunn of thi stttlid p,<pu
lation of Afghanistan 4 vols 197 5) Tht smvev piovidtd
tht- first act mate dat t on the majontv ot the popu-
lation It was followed hv a census in 1979 the lesults
of which are not available Government it ^stratum
if males was be^tin in Afghanistan in 1952 but has
p best
of the Afghan populati
appe.
19)0 a 1971 in Population >
3 35-07 La population du
basic demogiaphic
disippomtm, in ,t>
ihosnaphv
» iMnch-\pnl 197")
„„ In tht Instltl
I conomie Applique
National Demof/iaphic and Family Guidance Smvcv
Afghanistan in Fuld Staff R, ports South Asi i Seius
xiv II (\piil 1979), and Stttltmmt and migiatwn pattnns
in Afghanistan a tentatut stahmint in Modim Asian \tudus
i\/3 (Julv 1975) 397-41? J -Ch Blanc L Afghanistan
it sis populations Biussels 1977 J Tiusscl and Lit nior
Brown 1 dost look at tlu dtmograpln of Afghanistan in
Dimogmpfo xi/1 (Febi 1979) 137-51 For Russian
ai tides on Afghanistan see I I Kukhtma Bibliogiafim
Afgamstana Most cm 1965
I\ North Afric 4
lttempted attua
nt and the d
am othti paits
»1 the pop-
us undei-tnum
la dimogiaphii i
i llgmi n
Mi,™ 1974 '
1-3 Iiom
1921 to 19?l)
the Fiench
sts ol Alalia
\ftci tin
;ond Woild War
Afnc
1 popul.
a pic tin e
Mahmoud S
/.me du Maghrib 19,0 1960 m Riuu Tunisian,
Siuntu Soualis vi/17-18 June 1909) 29-51
J Vallon Us population, d, I Afnqm au \ord du S«
Mam Algtm Turns,, Lihu Epptt m Populations ^
1 Nov -Dec 1970i 1212-35 Amoi Benvoi
Population du Maghrd
)t>7
wpula
Unlike the Middle Easi
the Maghnl
the Maghnb
s with nomads and with
Alarum census md tht
19th ttntuiv, though one can hope loi the
Intuit
impioved to 10-1 > " , ol vital events uniegisteied see
distoveiv and use ot Ottoman letristcis loi
ML fans Population gioatl, and so, w uononm d, dof,
penods
mint in llgina m Diniogiaphu as/mts 398-9i The ceiun
Moiotco The political and statistic il situa
tr\ took a ma|oi Nilional Demogiaplnc Suivev m
colonial Moiocco was so hasmiented that no
1909-71 whi.h has piovided tht btst estimates ol lei
ablv ate mate statistics for the entiit counu
beloie 1909 Pnoi to Moiotco s independent
In addition to the ai tie Its mentioned ibove tht
unification in 195b the Spanish colonial powt
i onlv
follow ins; can be tonsulted as basic dest upturns ot
attempted one tensus in 1950 vvhilt the Fit
ich m
Algenan population and dtmogiaphv AM Balm
their zone took counts in 1921 192b 193b
1947
Population it politiqut in Algnu m Rum Tunisnnn, vi/17-
and 1951-2 All extept the Fiench 1947 census
18, (.5-88, /achanah Basu ihrnogiaphu nuasims of A/gena
undercounts In 1947 the government counted
latum
m Dimographn nuasuns 1-25 A Bouisn and I de
caids to establish population numbers and w
r-timc
Lama/e /,, population ,1 llgin, d apns 1, moismnnt ,li
illegalities stem to have caused an at tiidl ou
e ount
1 ')(,(> in Population, xxvi numeio special Maich 1971)
ste GH Blake Mmouo mbanuatum and tonu
25-40 G N,gadi ( /fl/« Situation dmioguiphiqm di 1 Algau
of population in Uaikt and Iisher 404-5
The
and the othet aitieles and the bibliogiaphv m Ij, pop
Moroctan tensusts ot 19h0 and 1971 gau mo
illation d, I Algol, in Population xxvm/b Nov -Dee
sonable totals, and the undei count of worm
i and
1973 1079-1107
childien seen in other censuses ol Muslim ,c
lunisia Both l In Ottoman omcnim.nl and the
was slight in Moiotto in 1971 I wo sample
UIVIVS
Tunisian Btvhk kept registeis ot population mainlv
ol Moroccan population have been held m
9bl-3
and 1971-3
legisteis and deduttd horn th< m tilt population
hi population iiiiah du Mann bv D Norn i_
vols
ol lunisia ui 1800 set la population di la Tunis,,
DEMOGRAPHY
eers 1800 Eisai devaluation d apies Its registres jistaux
in Etudes Maghrtbines Pans 1%4 lb5-98 and in
Population xxi/ r i i Sept -Oct 19bb) 857-b2l \s is usu-
alK the case the local records are fai superior as
souiies of demogiaphit information than an\ esti-
mates b\ tra\ellers or consuls (Foi a brief summary
ol early estimates see Mahmoud Seklam La papula
Hon de la Timisie, Tunis 1974 13-22 I
The Fienth government of Tunisia and latei the
Republic held censuses in 1921, 192b 1931, eveiy
ten \ears from 193b to 19bb and in 1975 (Censuses
of the Euiopean population ot Tunisia were held eai-
hei than 1921 ) The fust census seems to have under-
tion patttim plenum and polities in C larke and Fisher
350 Seklam
prope
udtd a moie dt tailed demographic picture than seen
in the censuses especialK the Tunisian Demographic
Survey of 19b8 I J \ alhn and G Paulet Quelquts
1 ' rrwerapluque tumsienne in
e Turin
'17-1
227-4
Though death iegistration in Tunisia is very incom-
plete since 1958 births seem to have been bettei
recorded see & Zaghloul Dtmographrc paiametm of
Tunma m Dtmoyaphu measures 231 ^33
Tunisia has a well-developed statistical svstem
M
, the
ailable da
graphn tunisienne a I tpoque contemporamt Tunis 1972
The population itself is descnbed, from the 19th
centuiv to 1990 in Seklam s La population dt la Tumsie
See also Hachemi C hlioui La troissame dt la popu
lation it des lesources en Tumsie pindant la penodt tola
male in Rum Tumsitnm vi/17-18 53-b4 \ Marcoux
La trmssantt de la population dt la Tumsu in Population
xxvi numero special (March 1971) 105-24 and the
various publication of the Centie d Etudes et de
Ret here lies Economiques et Souales of the Umveisitv
of Tunis and of the Tunisian Institut National de
Libv a The fust population statistics for Libva weie
the Ottoman registiation (males onlv) records for the
Provinces of Benghazi and Tnpoh The Italians took
censuses m 1931 and 1935 which under-enumerated
the nomadic population but counted the citv regions
with greater accuiacv set Pan Chia-Lin Vie popula
tmn of Libia in Population Studies in/1 100-25 Inde-
pendent Libva has held thiee censuses 1954 19b4
and 1973 Statistics have impioved with time and an
undercount in 1954 had gieatlv improved bv 197 }
though the 1973 census was still probablv incomplete
m coverage of nomads
Compared to the other North Mi it an countries
ven, little has been wntten on the demogiaphv ol
Libva RG Hartlev Libya uonomu developments and
dtmogiaphu responses in Claike and Fischer 315-47
describes population and etonomv but piovides veiv
little analysis of Libvan demogiaphit data The best
destinations of the Libvan demography aie the shoit
Dtmoeraphu pammthis oj Libya bv S Zaghloul in
Dtmogtaphic measures, 1 15-3b and a monograph bv the
Libvan census department Population youth jertihty and
mortality based on the 1973 Populations Census -\ddis
■\bbaba (UNEC \) 1979
Egvpt Egyptian population beloie 1800 has been
estimated on the basis of taxes paid land tulti
temporal
? of
which have lesulted in anything but veiv rough
appioximations On these estimates see W Cleland
Tht population pwblem in Egypt Lancaster, Penn 1936
5-6 The first attempt at scientifically counting
the Egyptian population was made bv members of
the French Expedition in 1800 It was followed bv
an enumeration based on tax legisteis made bv
Muhammad ' \h in 1821 Both of these early
attempts resulted in considerable undertounts The
fust relatively accurate population count in Egyptian
history was taken by Muhammad ' \\i in 1846 this
time drawn from household iegisters similar to those
mentioned above foi the Ottoman Empire in tht
same pcnod \ census along modern lines was taken
in 1882 but its figuies were once again too low
See J McCarthy \meteenth tentun Egyptian popula
Hon in Middle Eastern Studies, xn/3 (Oct 197b) 1-
40 which includes correction fat tors foi the 1882
The Butish took decennial censuses from 1897 to
1947 Except foi a large undertount in the 1917
lation ret oids The amount of undei counting dimin-
ished as the census series went on \ttempts to take
a tensus of the new Egyptian Republic were frus-
tiated in 1957 by uai conditions though prehminaiv
results were reported The Egyptian government ear-
ned out successful censuses in I960 and 197b and
a sample census in 19bb Registration of births and
deaths has been done sinte the middle of the 19th
tentury and though it has nevei been complete the
registration of vital events m the 20th century has
been act ui ate enough to piovide a general pictuie of
fertility and mortality pattems By the standaids of
the developing world Egypt has an excellent senes
of demogiaphic statistics
\n ai title by A B Mountjov Egypt population and
resources in Clarke and Fisher 291-314 is a read-
able and non-techmtal summary of the Egyptian
population after 19b6 For more analytic treatments
see MS Khodaiv, Lse of ttnsus age distributions for
estimating baste demographic parameters of the I \R in
Demographic measures 249-78, and \ G \ alaoras
Population analysis of Egypt [1935 1970) Cano Demo-
graphic Centre, Oteasional Paper no 1 Cano 1972
■\tef M Khalifa, The population of the Arab Republic
of Egypt Cairo 1973, is the best compiehensive
description of the population See also Issaui
Population and Health in Egypt in Demographic analysis
selee ted readings ed J Spengler and OD Duncan
Glencoe 111 1957, Egvpt Cential -\gencv for Public
Mobilisation and Statistics Tht incrtast of population
m the United Arab Republic and its impact on deitlopment
Cairo 19b9 esp 1-30 Janet L \bu-Lughod Cairo
Pnnceton 1971, Egypt Djihaz tanzim al-Usra wa
1-sukkan, al Atlas al sukkam h Djumhunyyat Mnr al
'irabnya, Cairo 1977
The geneial woiks on Middle Eastein population
cited above usually include the demogiaphv of Egvpt
among their studies Many monographs on the pop-
ulations of the Middle East and Lgvpt are published
by the Cano Demographit Centre
\ Sub-Saharan Africa
Islam is dominant at loss North-Central "\fnta from
Mauritania to Somalia and theie are significant
Muslim minorities in both East and West \fnta
Demographic knowledge of this aiea onlv begins with
the penod of colonial domination Though a few
tiavellers accounts of the populations of small areas
exist for an eaiher penod theie art no accurate
DEMOGRAPHY
Onlv at the verv end oi i
the English censuses lem
population Before that
,mple
can pop
statistics available foi
i depends on whethti
t. as England oi Fiance
ion The
tics of areas that had been enumeiated witl
that had not and estimating that similar aie
similar population numbeis Both estimates ai
suses made in Bntish \fiica aie tonsideied n
and thoroughly analysed bv R R Kuczvnski
graphic sunn of the British Colonial Empue 2 \ols
1948 Kuczvnski collected censuses, estimate
othci data and diew from them accmate estin
iulatioi
itihtv
taht\
While r
analvs,
Kuczvnski s
AOlk si
tands
aieful s.
The first reliable population data fiom East
Afntan censuses come fiom the British East \frican
censuses of 1948 These were lolloped bv censuses
taken in Kenva in 1962 19b9 and 1979 in
Tanzania m 1957-8 1967 and 1978 and m Luanda
m 1959 and 1969 Sample survevs have not been
as important m East Africa as in West Africa and
effective
Foi an introc
Lganda TalzJiTa"
Parveen Walji
Uppsala 1978 gc
uction to the demographv of East
m Ommde Vie population of Kenya
Nanobi 1975 Melte Monsted and
ire decpk n
raphi, '
phenon
. analvsis
bv JGC Bleekei Demography m East Ajiua its
people and resources ed WTW Moigan Nairobi
London and New \oik 1972 41-58 and the ch on
population m RMA van Zvvanenberg and Anne
King An economic luston of Kenya and Lganda Nan obi
1975, W2 aie both brief summaries of the known
population histoiv of the area To date the most
complete and detailed analvses of anv countrv in East
Africa are in The demography of Tan .crnia ed Rushdi
A Henm Dar es Salaam nd whose ai tides analvse
the lesults of the demogiaplnc survev of Tinzama
On pre-1970 censuses and icgistiation of bnths and
deaths in the aiea see the bnef destnption and bib-
hographv bv D A Lurv Population data oj East ifnea
in The population oj Topical 4ft „ a ed J C Caldwell
and Chukuka Okonjo New \ork 1966 44-70
In West Afnca no complete census was ever
taken in Nigena Ghana oi Siena Leone while thev
were undei Bntish colonial rule though in-exact
counts weie taken in Ghana in 1948 Ghana has
held decennial censuses since 1%() and Siena Leone
censuses beginning in 186b the Bntish took a cen-
sus in 1952-3 that was lelativelv lehable Since then
each Nigenan census has pieced to be me.ie
unreliable than the last See Rk Udo Population
and politics in Algeria, in Caldwell and Okonjo 97-
1(15 Nigeria has held censuses in 1952-3 19b2 1963
and 1973
Unlike Nigeria the censuses of Ghana and Siena
Leone have proved to be lehable Siena Leone
censuses have exhibited onlv a slight, ea 5 ° > under-
count and the Ghana censuies aie of a similar level
of lehabihtv See 1 E Dow Jr and E Benjamin
Demogiaphu trends and implications and S K Gaisie
Population giouth and its components m Population grouth
and socioeconomic change in West Africa, ed Caldwell New
\oik 1975 427-54 and 346-b6
S K Gaisie and K T de Graft-Johnson Tile pop
illation of Ghana Legon Ghana 197b have sum-
maiised the demographv of modern Ghana but
thev mention little on historical population For his-
toncal data see Manon Johnson Census map and
m Aft u an historical demot;iapln Edmbmgh 1977 'see
also r E Hilton, Ghana population atlas, London
opment m Ghana ed N O Addo et alu Legon
19b8 Iritirdiseiplinaiy appioaehes to population studies
Pioceedings of the West African Seminar on
Population Studies Legon 1972 and the thiee ai ti-
des bv Gaisie in Population giouth
Anv studies of Siena Leone should begin with
G M K Kpedekpo and G John A hihhogiaphy on popu
lalion and deielnpmint planning in Siena hone Fieetown
1979 The best shoit descnption of the Siena Leone
population are J I Claike Population grouth in Siena
hone m Caldwell and Okonjo 270-7 and MF
Haivev Vie nature of moienient of the population in Popu
lotion youth 455-72
PO Olunsava has bneflv summansed historical
and modern data on Nigeria in his Population giouth
and its components the nature and direction of the popula
twn in Population change 254-74 It is svmptomatic
ol the dedciences of the Nigenan census svstem that
the onlv geneial book on Nigenan population is
mamlv a studv oi sample survevs (FL Mott and
Olamewaju J Fapohunda The population of Nigena
Lagos 1975) II Ekanem The 1963 higcnan census
a cntical appiaisal, Benin C it) 1972 has a good bnel
mtioduction 1 30-45 to the statistical historv of
Nigeria See also H O Lmezi higenan population and
urham atwn 1911 1974 a bibliography Occasional
Paper no 10 of the UCLA Afncan Studies C entei
1975
The Sudan has held three demogiaphu sample
survevs 1955-b 1 964-6 and 1967-8— and one cen-
sus in 1973 (The 1955-6 smvev is often eironeouslv
called a census I Registration of births and deaths is
extremelv deficient Despite mcieasing accuracv over
time all statements on Sudan s population have been
undercounts especially undeicounts of nomads Be-
cause of flaws in census and survev matenals much
ol what is known ot Sudan s population comes
horn demographic analvses of defective data Foi
such analvses see especiallv P Dcmenv The demog
laphy oj the Sudan in W Brass et alu The demoyaphy
of Topical Afnca Princeton 1968, 466-514 and Zacha-
nah ['« of population and housing suncy data of the Sudan
for estimating its anient demogiaphu measures in Demogiaphu
measures 169-93 The most complete picture of the
Sudanese population is given in Tile population of Su
dan Khartoum 1958 but the book too often idles
on defective data from the 1955-6 survev and even
this data is out-ofdate The articles listed above
and KS Sectharam and \ Faiah Population trends
DEMOGRAPHY
and economic development in Sudan, in Demographic
aspects, 149-69, give a more accurate picture of the
population.
That the French in Africa were not as active as
the British in taking censuses was largely a function
of the type of colonial territory which they held. The
countries of the Sahel— Chad, Niger, Mali, and
Mauritania — are ones in which holding an accurate
census historically proved to be near impossible.
Complete counts of population were hindered by the
problems of counting nomads, lack of trained census
takers, and the prohibitively high costs of censuses
in what were extremely poor nations. Chad has never
had a census, and the other three countries only held
their first censuses in 1976-7, with uncertain results.
Instead of censuses, demographers of the Sahel have
relied on "sample censuses" of 5 to 10 % of the
population. These have vielded the onlv fairlv reli-
able data on fertility and mortality of the area. See
S.P. Reyna, Chad, and Issaka Pankoussa, et alii, Niger,
in Population growth. A similar, though more statisti-
cally reliable, set of sample surveys and post- 1975
censuses has been held in other areas of formerlv
French Africa. Pre-independence "censuses" of French
Equatorial Africa were actually either estimates or
what are called administrative censuses. The latter
are counts drawn from tax registers, administrative
records, or attempts to assemble the population at
market towns to be counted and have proved to be
uniformlv incorrect.
L. Verriere has described Senegal in 1965 (La
population du Senegal, Dakar 1965), basing his work on
the 1960-1 sample survey, which was highly deficient.
See also P. Metge, he peuplement du Senegal, Dakar 1966.
The article by B. Lacombe, B. Lawry, and J. Vau-
gelade, Senegal, in Population growth, 701-19, is a bet-
ter description of the population. A. Podlewski has
described the population of Cameroon in Population
growth, 543-64, but little else has been written on the
country's population. See also J.-M. Cohen et alii,
Afrique Noire, Madagascar, Comores — Demographic comparee,
Paris 1967; Demographic transition and cultural continuity in
the Sahel, ed. D.I. Pool and S.P. Coulihaly, Ithaca,
N.Y. 1977.
Historical demography of Africa is necessarilv hin-
dered by the lack of sources. Unfortunately, the
Muslim areas of Africa are often those with the
worst potential for historical population statistics,
since no "parish registers" or missionary records of
conversions exist for African Muslims. Nevertheless,
the application of sophisticated techniques of demo-
graphic and historical analysis is producing data on
African Muslim populations of the past, particular-
ly in the 19th century. An example of scholarly
effort on African population, African historical popula-
tion. Proceedings of a Seminar' at the University of
Edinburgh 1977, includes studies on the Sudan, the
Ivory Coast, and French Equatorial Africa, all areas
of significant Muslim population, and analyses of
population statistics of East and West Africa. G.
Avoub Balamoan, Migration policies in the Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan, 1884-1956, Cambridge, Mass. 1977, has
demonstrated that limited African data can be used
to establish sound historical knowledge on migra-
tion, demographic change, Muslim topics such as
the Pilgrimage, and even political events. Many of
the works mentioned above on modern African
demography have sections on historical demography
as well. The volumes by Kuczynski are particularly
important for identifying historical statistics and their
Most of the new nations of Africa have taken cen-
suses since independence. F. Gendreau has published
a list of censuses, and sample surveys, taken in all
the countries of Africa between 1946 and 1975, see
La demographic des pars dAfrique, revue et srnthese, in
Population, xxxii/4-5 (July-6ct. 1977), 930-l" (Some of
the censuses listed by Gendrean were not complete
or accurate enough to be listed as censuses by the
United Nations.) More recent censuses are listed in
the United Nations Demographic vearbook (described
below).
There are not many general works on the demog-
raphy of sub-Saharan Africa. The demography of Tropical
Africa, ed. Brass el alii, Princeton 1968, is a pioneer
work, not only in African demography, but in the
studv of the populations of developing nations. E. van
de Walle's Characteristics of African demographic data in
the volume (12-87) is an excellent summary of the
types of errors found in African censuses and surveys.
Gendreau lists the populations of cities and countries
in his article La demographic, and considers the accu-
" data-gathering techniques
, admi
. For
a geographic approach to African populatioi
W.A. Hance, Population, migration, and urbanization in
Africa, New York 1970. The best source on West
Africa is Population growth and socioeconomic change in West
Africa, the articles of which consider first the demo-
graphic variables for the region as a whole, then for
specific nations. Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Ghana
are particularly well represented.
For a brief introduction to sub-Saharan African
population, see the chapter bv J.C. Caldwell in
General history of Africa, ed. A.H. Boahele, Paris 1975,
or Chantal and Yves Blayo, The size and structure of
African population*, in Population in African development,
ed. P. Cantrelle, Liege n.d. (The other articles in
the Cantrelle volume, papers from a 1971 confer-
ence, are detailed studies of specific problems in
African demography.) The United Nations Eco-
nomic Commission for Africa (Addis Ababa) pub-
lishes continuing series on African demography, espe-
cially the Demographic handbook for Africa and the
African Population Studies Series. The bibliography
bv the United States Librarv of Congress, Islam in
Sub-Saharan Africa (Washington 1978) mentions few
articles specifically on population, but a number of
articles cited as ethnographic have demographic uses.
See also: Essays on African population, ed. K.M. Barbour
ind R.M. Prothero, London 1961, which should be
used o
e of r.
arly dat;
the articles accept inferior, usually colonial,
data in their analvses; Population growth and economic
development in Africa, ed. S.H. Ominde and C.N.
Ejiogu, London, Nairobi, Ibadan 1972; D. Morrison
et alii. Black Africa, a comparative handbook, New York
and London 1972.
VI. Cavcj
a Central /
;ian Mus
s of the
of Centra
U.S.S.R. until the 19th century. Barthold, Turk
ch. 1, mentions a few Chinese and Arab statements
on the populations of cities and numbers in armies,
but these are no more than improbable guesses,
e.g. the citv of Samarkand having 500,000 citizens.
In the late' 19th centurv, travellers such as Curzon
(Russia in Central Asia, London 1889) and Schuyler
(Turkistan, New York 1877) occasionally reported
city sizes, taken from Russian records, fairly accu-
DEMOGRAPHY
atelv
A /e
ki Vehdi lo
The
bv th
khiwa
first census
and Bukhai
Easkm huropt ed LA
114 Baibaia Andeis
detailed list ot Russia
ctordinglv onlv kno
The t
i Tht i
contempo-
a Bukhamn nationality it,
ih quLstvm in Sonet Cmtial Asia td E \llwoith New
\ork 1973 l")l-8 Estimates of the population ot
Bukhaia and klma ha\e been discussed and anahsed
b\ F Lonmer in The population of the Smut I mon
completeh b\ L Kiodei Pmplts of Central Asia
Bloommgton Ind H»b3 172-3 Like
•rn states of Banglades
i long and detailed stati
nstituted a populai
i demographic
ion froi
the Mughal period and pel
local archives in the subcontinent I \jit Das Gupta
Studi of tin hntomal dimogjraph of India in D V
Glass and R Revelle Population and sonal ihang,
London 1972 42^) Little use has been made
1897 t
plete espeuallv toi Muslim
dien Nevertheless its data aie e
tompaied to the t\pe ot poor estim
sene tor pievious periods
The fust complete census ot Russian
\sian Muslims was taken m 192b to
suses in 1939 19W 1970 and 197'
b\ the imperial government in 1911
government in 19% /Kiodei 178 19
and %
s the\
appeal
tnd chio
which som.
Since
and the c
ethnic
groups wr
tecec
ents were A
lushms
cs on Mush
ns with
Soviet
s is verv difficult as
sis of Soviet
Muslin
ulation Mos
graphic
analvses of
\sia
or the Cauc
dsus aie
multi-ethnic c
tehgiou
s subdivisions
or b\
ethn
c oi linguistic
gioups
IM
Matlev s Th
papula
id the land l
Ltntral
Asia a
ttntun of Rm
Allwoith Nt
w \oik
and L
ondon 19b 7
geneial ar
Imperial and So\ie
Centr
ll As
an populatio
n as is
ch 7
Demosraph o
1 Kiad
ei s P,oples of Cen
al Am
Geneia
h as 77
Asia and R
V Lewi
and pop
ulatwn
/ and tht I SSft New 10
k 197b
contain
laige set tin
ns on
Mus
lm populati
ns and
helptul
bibliographi
s The
bes
demo-
graphic
vanables in
C enti
1 \s
a and the C
\J Coale i
feitilih m Rit
the mm
Prince
in 1
979 ch >,
rhough
demogiaphi
Benmgsen a
id Ch
Lemerc
lei-Quelque,
v Ma
h, Sot ut lm
\oik 1%7 should
ulted
on the
Muslim
familv and
bibhogi
aphv
Demogiaph
c mtor-
total
pop
throng
out the ait
cles on
the
Tuikish pe
,ples ot
C entra
\sia and the
Cauca
Tuik dumasi
\nkaia
197b Artie
les on
pop
ulation and
modem
the
es diew o
ords
The hist t(
make use ot these populatioi
was \\ H
Moieland India at tht death o
Ak
who based his population esti
rm
tes oi
the relatio
of total population to iepoit
the a
vated land and to iepoits o
the
size
of aimies
His figures tor total popula
i hav
e been imr
roved on and geneiallv sup
po
ted r
\ JM Da
ta Re ixammatwn of \toreland
matt o
/ the populati
n of India at the dtath of Akbai
Indiar
Population Bullttin i/l (Delhi \pril 19b0)
wh
.se r
d demogiaphic methodologv
that ot Moieland K Davis
Th
popu
ation of Indu
and Pakistan New Wk 19 SI
24
d Moieland
s figures as did Das Gupta
't mediaeval Indian Muslim population
retulK catalogued bv K S Lai Gwuth
datum in mtdu ml India AD 1000 1800
19th t
made n
,t thev
o devic
y bv set numbti but latei censuses ot ceitai
iuch as Bombav and Madras weie taken an
oimed the basis of Bntish population estimate
, (Das Gupta 419-3^1 Lai i224A
plet,
mmbei ot e
timates but the
tht EaiS India
London 18M
complete Bntr
was taken in 1
in 1871 Figt
tish cer
,t complete
i81 tollov
i the 1881
demogiaphv appear in the |ouinaf I estnik Statntiki
(Moscow)
For sources of demographic inhumation and bibli-
ographv see U S S R , Akademiya Nauk, Geogiadceskoe
Obshestvo Soyuza SSR, Ctopafiya msehmya i SSSft
ostwtmt pioblemi, Moscow 19b4, chs 2-4 GJ Demko
Dcmosraphu itstanh on Russia and the Soutt I mon a bib
adjusted b\ PC
Mahalonobis and D Bhattachaiva Couth of the
Population of India and Pakistan 1801 19bl in Artha
\ijnana \\m/\ iMauh 197b) 1-10 and bv K Davis,
ch 4 Up to 1931 British censuses ot the subcon-
tinent giadualK impioved until bv the 1931 and
long tht best in the colo-
oild
On e
DEMOGRAPHY
Government of India, Report on the population estimates
of India, 1820-1930, Delhi 1975; T.G. Kessinger,
Historical demography of India, in Peasant Studies, v/3
(July 1976), 2-8.
After independence, the Indian and Pakistani gov-
ernments continued the censuses. India kept to the
British decennial census plan and held censuses in
1951, 1961, 1971, and is planning a 1981 census.
Pakistan took censuses in 1951, 1961, and 1972;
Bangladesh in 1974 Of the thiet countries India's
census totals seem to be the closest to correct
Pakistan s census probably undercounts b> 7-8 °o
D Natarapn, Indian census through a hundred years New
Delhi nd gives a detailed Mew ol the Indian
censuses \11 three countries have held sample sur-
vevs which have been especially valuable in evalu-
ating lettility See foi example Bangladesh Census
Commission Report on the 1974 Bangladesh retrospective
sum\ of fertility and mortality Dacca 1977 and World
Fertility Survey Pakistan fertility simey First report
India
ts long s
1976
and c
turies, Euiopean colonial agents estimated the popu-
lation of Java, basing their figmes on records of the
Dutch East India C ompany These estimates the hist
of their kind, were gross underestimates The hrst
attempts at accurate enumeration ol the population
were made by the Bntish dunng then bnef mle in
Indonesia (1811-16), when population registeis were
made. The Dutch seem to have maintained these reg-
isters fitfully until 1880 \t that time they enloned
more complete registiation to be used as conscrip-
tion recotds toi compulsoiy labor Probably because
all who could do so naturally avoided such a regis-
tration these iegisteis also produced a laige undei-
count ol population Wid|0|o Nitisastro has analysed
eaily material on the population of Indonesia in his
Population trends in Indonesia Ithaca and London 1970
and has concluded that the Dutch figures on total
population are gene l ally useless Then main use should
ol complete analyses of small demo-
Biam Pepei has concuired in Wid|0|o
nalysis and has used alternative demo-
ods to calculate the population ol 19th
liable
t the
19th a
studied bv demogiaphe
Hundteds ot ai tides are wntten each vear on facets
ol Indian demographv, and it is impossible to con-
sidei this vast hteiature heie Kingsley Davis s vol-
ume mentioned above is a good introduction to the
demographv of India up to independence The Indian
Registrai General's Office has published a genet al
introduction to Indian population The population of
India Delhi 197+ and a Bibliography of census pub lieu
tion of India Delhi 1972 Foi a mole complete icview
ol the Indian statistical tradition population and
demographv see \sok Mitra India s population aspects
of quality and control 2 vols New Delln 1978 Set also
RH Cassen, India population economy and society New
\ork 1978
Information on modern censuses and surveys of
Pakistan and its demogiaphv is well summarised
in Mohammad \fzal The population of Pakistan
Islamabad 197+ L Bean has written a short intro-
duction to the subject in The population of Pakistan
(1974), 177-84 Though the area ol Pakistan has
been included in studies on the historical demog-
raphy ol India studies ol puielv Pakistani histori-
cal demography have been done as well \SM
Mohiuddin The population oj Pakistan past and pies
cut, diss Duke University 1962 and Pakistan
Institute ol Development Economics District Boundary
changes and population giouth for Pakistan 1881 1961
Dacca n d Earlier studies ol Pakistani demographv
all include Bangladesh as East Pakistan
See also Studies in the demogiaphy of Pakistan, ed
WC Robinson, Kaiachi 1965 \D Bhatti 4 biblio
graphy oj Pakistan demography Karachi 1965 Sultan S
Hashmi, Main features of the demographic condition in
Pakistan, Karachi 1963;' T.P. Schultz and Julie da
Vanzo, Analysis of demographic change in East Pakistan,
United States Agency for International Development
Report by the Rand Corporation, Santa Monica, Cal.
1970; KJ. Krotki and Khalida Parveen, Population size
and growth in Pakistan based on early reports of the 1972
census, in 77;? Pakistan Development Revieiv, xv/3 (Autumn
1976), 290-318.
(Mat.
1970)
VIII. Souw
71-8+
The Dutch colonial government took a census in
1920 injava but included few other areas of Indonesia
and undercounted Java \nother colonial census was
held in 1930 with widei coveiage and better lesults
Independent Indonesia has taken censuses in 1961
and 1971 Some areas were estimated rathei than
enumerated in 1961 and the 1971 census is supenor
\ number ol sample survevs have also been taken m
the l%0s and 1970s
Wid|0|os volume is the most complete description
of the Indonesian population (to 1970, but it must
depend on the 1961 census The population of Indonesia
by the Demogiaphic Section ol the Universitv of
Indonesia (Lembago Demograti) is moie complete lor
the later penod G McNeill and Si Gde Made Mamus
The demographic situation in Indonesia Papers of the East-
West Institute no 28 Honolulu 1973 accuiatelv sum-
manse the available demogiaphic infoimation on the
See also J M van der Kroef The Arabs m Indonesia
in UEJ, vii/3 (Summer 1953) 300-23 (Van der Kioef
too leadilv accepts Dutch colonial estimates of pop-
ulation as accurate), J N Bhatta 4 social science biblio
graph of Indonesia, Djakarta 1965 N Iskandai Some
monographic studies on the population of Indonesia Djakarta
1970 and Masn Smganmbun The population of Indonesia
a bibliography \ogvakarta 197+
Singapoie-Malavsia The Bntish began to take
population counts in the areas of Singapoie-Malavsia
m 1824, and made 1+ enumerations between 1824
and 1860 none ol which can be called reliable
Modern censuses weie taken in Singapore in 1871
and 1881 and in both Singapore and the Malayan
colonial power expanded ovei new areas of Malavsia
the new areas were brought into the census see
Saw Swee-Hock, The development of Population statistics
in Singapore in Singapore Statistical Bulletin 1/2 iDec
1972), 87-93 \lter World War Two the British
took censuses m 19+7 and 1957 The independent
federation of Malaysia held a census in 1970 as
did Singapore, which had seceded liom the feder-
ation in 1965 Though registration ol deaths and
births in Malavsia has onlv been leasonablv com-
plete since ca 1970 the census results since 1921
have been reliable On legislation data see J \
l)LMOGRAPH\ - DH\T al-S\W\RI
Palmnie t t ah, Tin dimogiaphu situation m Malaysia,
in Population and duttopmtnt in Souttuast hia ed J F
Kanter and L McCaitiev New \oik 1975 b4-b
Sample suivevs have been taken in the l%()s and
1170s
graphit Imtonqut (Pans) Rutin of popul
(Pans] and Inkmational population unsus I
b \ols and suppl , Austin, Texas 19G5-8
e-Hoc
populat
Histon, x/1 (March 19b9), 30-49 and given a more
complete description <>t Singapore s demogiaphv in
Smgapoii population in tiansition Philadelphia 1970
acctuate pic tine ot Muslim demographv i c- the
demogiaphv of the Muslim peoples ol Singapoie
Doioth\ Z Fernandez it alu Th, population of Malaysia
is a good mtioduition to demographic statistics on
Malavsia though it contains little mahsis ot the
population Those mteiested in histoncal population
should consult C \ Micland 4 upoit on til, 19 U
unsus and uttain piobhms of , Hal statistus London 1932
esp chs 3 13
See also TE Smith Population youth in Malaya
an analysis of mint Hindi, London 1952 L \\ Jones
Th population of Boimo London 19bb Mam mono-
graphs and aiticles on modem Southeast Asian
population aie published b\ the United Nations
Economic and Social Commission foi Asia and the
Pa< ific
I\ General
included as pait ot the estimates in woiks on woild
as \M Cair-Saunders World population past youth
and pustiit hinds Oxford 193b oi M Reinhaid's Histom
gtmralt d, la population mondiah twith A \rmengaud
and J Dupaquiei 3id ed , Pans 19b8) contain fanlv
extensive statements on the populations ot Muslim
lands It must be lemembered that these estimates
has been done on the \anous geographic areas ol the
woild bv otheis so that lesearchers might be bettei
served bv consulting the mole piimaiv works which
estimates foi legions and times lor which population
numbus aie actuallv unknown As has been seen
above Muslim lands aie often among those whose
books must be used with caution In addition to C.an-
Saundeis and Reinhard see the summarv article bv
JD Duiand, Histomal tstmiatts of amid population an
aaluation Univeisitv ol Pennsvlvama Population Stud-
ies Centei, Philadelphia 1974, and United Nations,
Depaitment ot Economic and Social Affairs, Tin
dttirmmants and lonstqutnits of population tnndi 1, New
101k 1973, ch 2 ivol n is a bibliographv on world
the demogiaphv ol the Islamic Woild do not
appear in the standaid bibhogiaphies on Islam
such as Indix islamuus since the bibliographies do
not usuallv include technical demog.aphic |omnals
within their puiview The best source oi nitor-
most thorough and valuable bibhogiaphies in the
social sciences In addition to hundreds ol lour-
nals the Mix examines all relevant bibhogra-
Ge
s The b.
v the
estimates m the nations statistical veaibook The
United Nations Dtmogiaphu naihooh (New \ ork,
annual) summames statistics on population, leitilitv
moitahtv and othei demogiaphic topics toi all
nations Each veai s edition ot the Dimoeiaphu \cai
book also teatmes detailed statistics on special top-
ics such as marriage or international migiation See
also the United Nations Population and atal statistus
itpott, published quaiterlv (New \oiki which con-
tains topical information
Fiom 19b9 to 1978 the Population Council ot
the United States published shoit desu rations and
statistics on the demographv ot vanous nations in
its (ountiy piofiks (New \ork 19b9-78) The United
States Buieau ol the Census publishes brief
the senes Country d,mo K rapliu piofilts
(J McCarthy)
DEMON [see djinn, siia\tan|
DERBOUKA [see darabukka]
DERIVATION [see isiitikak]
DESERT [see badw sahra']
DESK WRITING [see kit aba]
DESTINY FATE [sec al-kada< v\a- l-kadar]
DEVIL [see reus sha^tan]
DHABlHA means both the sacntices ot a vic-
tim and the victim ilselt In addition to the
religious saciifices studied in the art dhabiha
theie exist a host ot otheis meant toi special occa-
sions [dbiha m Maghiibf Arabic, Beibei tanughrust
etc ) which have been treated at length in the ait
dam above On the blood sauifices piactised betoie
nadhr, and also J Chelhod Le sainju, ilnz lis irahts
Pans 1955, and the bibhogiaphv cited there
(Ed i
the Arabs and Bvzantines in the latter pait of
'Uthman's caliphate The locale ot the engagement is
not whollv certain but was probablv oil the coast ot
Lvcia in southem Anatolia near the place Phoenix
imodein Tuikish Fimke i lief hi u ot the kaza ot that
As governor ot Svna Mu'awiva [q i ] seems to
have mauguiated a pohev ol building up \iab naval
powci in oidei to counter Bvzantine contiol ot the
Eastern Meditenanean and in 28/G48-9 Cvprus had
been attacked [see kubrus] The Muslim fleet at
Dhat al-Sawan comprised ships from the Svnan
coastal ports and horn llexandna and was under
Allah b Abl Sarh [see <ABD allah b sa'd] or ot
a certain \bu '1-Vwai the Bvzantine fleet was com-
manded b\ the Empeioi Constans II Pogonatus m
peison The exact date ol this is unsure but was
either 31/b51-2 oi U/054-5 (both dates in al-Taban,
i 28b5 but 34/055 in ai-Baladhun, \nsab v 50),
noi aie the details ot the battle ileal, whilst those
legendaiv touches Howevei, the Muslim forces
gained a decisive victorv, and Constans had to flee
to Sicily, where he was assassinated in 668 That
the Arabs tailed immediately to tollow up this tn-
umph, and did not attack Constantinople itself until
Mu'dwiyas reign (in 52-8/672-8), was probably the
culminating in 'Uthman's muider in 35/656 although
they weie able to sack Rhodes in 33/653-4, just
after Dhat al-Sawdii, ll we adopt the eaihei chionol-
ogv loi the battle
Bibliography Foi the Arabic S>nac and Greek
sources, see Caetani, Chionographia islamua, n, 360,
See also J Wellhausen, Dtt hampjt der irabtr mil
den Romern in del ^itt del Umaijiden, in \achruhttn
der homgl Qstll dei Hiss zu Gottingtn Ph -Hist
Kl, i\ (19011, 414-47, C H Beckei, in Cambndge
mediaeval hnton, n = hlamstudien, l, %-7 M Canaid,
Us expeditions cits Arabes lontn Constantinople dam
I'hislom it dans la legende, in J4 ccvm (192b), 61-
121, PK Hitti, History oj the Arabs, 200-1 GF
Horn am, Arab siajanng in the Indian Ocean in ancient
andearh midiaaal tmus Princeton 1951, 57-9, Y 'A
Hashrm Oiatu \ Saltan a naial engagement bitueen
the Arabs and Byzantines, in IQ_ iv 1 1961), 55-64,
E Eickhoft, Seikneg und Supohtik zuischin Islam und
ibtndlc
s \Iitte
r Hege
for the eflec
e [650 1040) Berl
? point of view
' this ' '
1%6,
J policy, see H Ahrweiler, Byzami
tutwns mantimes de Byzame aux VII' AT sutlis. Pans
1966 17 fl
(C E Bosworth)
DHIKRIS, ZikrIs a Muslim sect of southern
Balucistan, especially stiong amongst the Baltic of
derives trom the fact that its adherents exalted the
liturgical recitations of foimulae including the name
and titles of God, sc dhib [ ?l ], above the formal
Muslim worship, the salat or namaz
The Dhikris weie believed b> Hughes-Buller
to stem fiom the North Indian heteiodox move-
ment ol the Mahdawiyya the followeis of Sayyid
Muhammad Mahdr ol DjawnpOr (847-910/1443-
1505) who claimed to be an imam with a revela-
tion supeisedmg that of Muhammad the Prophet
[see al-dtavmsturI and EI' art mahdavms] Adherents
of the Mahdawiyya would have bi ought their doc-
trines to the remote region ol Makrdn via Faiah
in eastern Afghanistan, where Muhammad Mahdf
DjawnpuiT was buried The rise of the Dhikris in
Makian is apparently contempoianeous with that of
the local line of Boleday Baltic maliks in Makian
(eaiH 17th century), both they and their successors
after ca 1740, the Gickis were stiong adherents ol
the Dhikiis. and their heterodoxy brought down
upon them several attacks by the orthodox Sunni
Khan of Kalat, Mir Nasir Khan (d 1795) [see kilat
and G P Tate History of tht ihmad^ai Khans of Kalat]
Because as with other unoithodox sects in Islam
its opponents spread slanderous repoits about the
immorality ol the Dhikn sect (incestuous piactices
community of goods etc J the Dhikn adheients were
often driven to practice dissimulation in religion or
taknya [q ] and it is accoidingly not easy to obtain
a cleai picture of their doctrines and piactices It
seems that these were consolidated in the early 18th
century by Mulla Gicki and that they included the
idea of ta'iul of the Kur'an by the Mahdi, whose
interpi etation had leplaced Muhammad ol Mecca s
literal one, the non-necessity ol observing the
Ramadan last and the superiority ol dhtki over salat
These lormulae ol dhiki are to be recited six times
daily in special huts called zikrana% which aie not ori-
entated towards the kibla Instead of pilgrimage to
Arabia, the Dhikiis established a Ka'ba or shnne of
their own at the Koh-i Muidd near Tuibat, in the
distnct of Kec in central Makian, with a sacred well
ol its own, the cah i zamzam Bntish obseivers noted
that the mullat, ol the Dhikn communities had con-
sideiable influence
Hughes-Bullei s information i elates to the fust
decades of this centuiy when he noted that the sect
seemed to be on the decline, and it is difficult to
asceitain the present status of the sect, if indeed it
sumves at all in Balucistdn now, the 1961 Pakistan
population census ieports mention the existence of
Dhikris in Makran and Las Bela [q c], but they may
be lepeating information stemming fiom Bntish Indian
Bibliography R Hughes-Bullei, Baluchistan
Distrut gaztteers serus vn Makian, Bombay 1906 48-
50 116-21,304 Imperial gaziteei of India vi 27b-
80, and see M Longwoith Dames, EI ait Balocistan
Religion education, etc (C E Bosworthi
DIALECT [see 'arabi-aa and othei languages]
DIAMOND [see almas]
DICTIONARY [see kamus, mu'djam]
DIGITAL COMPUTER [see hisab al-'^kd]
DIKE [see ma<]
al-DIKDAN, a tortiess situated on that pait of
the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf called the Slf
'Umara, not tar tiom the island ot Kays [q i ] and
famous in the 4th/ 10th century It was known undei
thiee designations, Kal'at al-Dikdan, Hisn Dikbaya
and Hisn Ibn 'Umara, as well as the Persian one
Diz-i Pisai-i 'Umaia (Hudud at 'Slam, tr 126) It stood
guard over a village of fishermen and a poit which
juld s
= 20 s
) Ibn
Hawkal (ti Kram
rs a
d Wret, 268-9) tollowing
Istakhil (140), no-o
uld get up to it unaided,
ted up bv means of cables
and a kind of cran
wist He adds that it was
foi the Banu 'Umar
i, an
observation post from which
could w
■mg it
The name
of this fortress (= 'tripod", "trivet ', see Ibn Khurra-
dadhbih, Glossary, 211), which al-Mas'Qdi considered
as one of the wondeis of the world tMurudi n, 69 =
^ 501), is to be explained by the configuration of the
land on which it was perched
The geogiaphers connect it with al-Djulanda b
Kan'an (Ibn Hawkal) or K rk r (Hudud, tr 143, cf
Abu 'l-Kasim al-Azdi, Hikaxa, 138 1 3 but it is
probable that these two names are a deformation
of al-Mustaku see Ibn al-Kalbi-Caskel Tab 21b
and n, 264) The Banu 'Umara claimed to be descen-
dants of al-Djulanda and stated that their ancestors
had established themselves in the district in the time
of Moses Now al-Djulanda and his family are known
to have been kings in \eraen (Muhammad b. Habrb,
Muhabbar 265 266 Ibn Hadjar,' lsdba, No. 1295;
M Hamidullah Li Prophite de I'Islam, index; etc.);
on this basis they levied dues on all merchandise
and probably indulged too in piracy, since the
Kur'amc verse (X\II 78/79) ". . . a king who was
behind them taking every ship by force" was applied
to them In reality the Banu 'Umara were proba-
bly a family of the Azd [q v.] of 'Uman who had
settled in Fars at an unknown date and who con-
trolled the Srf 'Umara during a period difficult I
define precisely Yakut (ii, 711) certainly .states th;
the Al al-Djuianda ithe name of several lords ,
Fars) were still powerful in his own time, but r
only cites lii, 966), after al-Mas'udi [lac. eit.l, 'Ah
Allah b. 'Umara who died in 309/921-2 after ha'
ing reigned over the island of Zirbadh for 25 year
his brother (.■>! Dja'far b. Hamza who reigned s:
months; and his son Battal b. 'Abd Allah who su
ceeded his uncle (.'I, who had been assassinated 1
his ghilman. At all events, the fortress was in ruil
at the time of al-Kalkashandl [Subh. iii, 242).
Bihliogiaphr: In addition to the sources mei
tioned above, see Marquart, Eraniah,. 45; Schwar
al-DILA', an ancient place in the Middle
Atlas region of Morocco which owed its exis-
tence to the foundation in the last quarter of the
10th/ 16th century of a zawiya [q.v.]. a "cultural-
centre meant for teaching the Islamic sciences and
Arab letters, and at the same time spreading the
doctrine of the Shadhilivya [q.v.) order, more pre-
cisely the branch known as the Djaziiliyya [see Al.-
sheltering the needy and travellers. In 1048/1638,
name, Shaykh Abu Bakr Ibn" Muhammad) was moved
a dozen kilometres and gave birth to a new com-
plex, enjoying a certain importance, in a spot now
occupied by the zawiya of the Ayt Ishak, 35 km.
southwest of Khnifra and 64 km. northeast of Rasbat
Tadla. Impelled by the founder's drive, who belonged
to a family possessing vast estates and rich revenues,
the zawiya developed considerably, especially after
1012/1603, for during the troubled period which
followed the death of the Sa'did sultan al-MansOr
[q.
Hov
e of the
decadence o
the Sa'dic
[?•"•]■
mbatted,
in 1048/1638,
in this same \e
and the head of the
ar and on the banks
Abld. a Sa'did arm\ ser
h. Two >
ears later, afte
various ad\
managed
to establish hi
ver the
rter of Moro
co and, on
10.56/
reached
as far as Tafil
It. In 1061/
651 he
ed himsel
sultan of Mo
occo and est
ablished
c relatio
s with variou
s European
powers.
other clain
to power and over the Spanish, he was finally beatc
in 1079/1668 by the 'AlawT sultan Mawlay al-Rash:
[q.r.]. He was forced to submit to the latter, wl
merely exiled him with his family to Tlemren, b
allowed his troops to plunder the riches of the zaui
dila'iyya and then had the complex — who:
ltified — razed to the ground.
has
The Dila
-stablished then
to for
.ind of r.
it Fas,
Suppl.].
• Fas
Only a gtandsor
b. 'Abd Allah
088/1677 to rebel agair
he region of al-Dila', but he was
icxt vear on the banks of the wadi
>f Abu Bakr's descendants still live
ms towns of Morocco, in part
Casablanca and Rabat (see Hadjdji
■ ■ ~ cal, Charja, 299,
1 al-Hadjdj,
.. 1091/1680) tried in
Mawlay IsmaTl [q.v.] in
from
aided by s
e Dila
s which
quite appreciable. The subjects taug
prised, in addition to SQfism, the Kur'anic readings,
hadith. jikh, logic, grammar, adab and a little astron-
omy for determining the hours of prayer.
Abu Bakr Id. 102 1/16 12) seems to have limited
himself to dispensing his teaching to students of the
zawiya. but his descendants have left behind a fairly
important work which has been partly reviewed bv
M. Hadjdji (al-Zawna al-dda'iyya. 251-3). His succes-
sor Mahammad b. Abr Bakr id. 1046/1636) was in
particular the author of a Fahrasa (of which one ms.
exists in a private library) and of a collection of hadith^
Arba'un hadith"" (ms. Rabat 1295 Dj.i. At his death
the direction of the zawiya passed to his son
Mahammad al-Hadjdj (d. 1082/1671), who very soon
transferred the centre to its new site and brought it
to its full development. Scholars and literary figures
like al-Makkari and Ibn al-Kadi [q.vr] had already
stayed at al-Dila', but the new zawiya attracted quite
cal tables
al-rn.
. Abi Bakr (
Aata'idj al-tahsil j"i shark a
Egypt), Fath al-Latif'ala 1-bast wa 1-tanf ft 'Urn «
(grammar; lith. Fas 1316), and other works (<
Vajda, in Hespem. xlviii [1956], 215-16). This
manan survived the destruction of al-Dila' an,
in Fas in 1089/1678. Two other members
famih became especially well-known in Fas. Th
Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad al-Masnawi b. /
b. Muhammad al-Masnawi b. Abr Bakr b. Muha
b. Mahammad b. Abr Bakr (1072-1 136/1061-
was a preacher and imam at the Abu Tnanivya rr,
mufti and shaykh a
. He
left behind s
the des,
lotably ;
of 'Abe
scholars.
a numerous group <
remarkable was certainly al-YusF [q.v].
Mahammad al-Hadjdj took part in the renaissance
of Arabic culture in Morocco which was owed to the
zawiya dila'iyya. although he did not participate very
actively in this intellectual movement. Already in his
father's lifetime he had undertaken minor expedi-
tions which had been crowned with success, and he
now turned resolutely towards military action, taking
al-K.5dir al-DjTlam [q.v], the .\atidjat al-tahkik fi ba'd
ahl al-sharaf al-wathik (lith. Fas 1309/1891; ed. Tunis
1296/1879; partial' Eng. tr. T.H. Weir, The fust
part of the Natijatu '1-tahqiq. Edinburgh 1903); his out-
put comprises, in additior
v and n
of 4
eek God's pardon
Provencal, C'/to>,301-2; M. Lakhdar, I
and bibl.). The other DilaT worthy
'Abd Allah Muhammad al-Hadjdj b.
Abd al-Rahman b. Abr Bakr, who c
between Mecca and Medina after having made the
Pilgrimage (1141/1729) Several of his work;, have
been preserved poems glorifying the Prophet ^jilu
alhada'ik (ms Rabat 306 K) and al Zfihi al nadi
fi Ikhuluk al muhammadi (ms Rabat 157 D) an
urdju^a on the Ghoifa Durrat al tidjan (mss Rabat
4% 522 1180 1244 K hth Fas) etc (see Lakhdar
Bibliography The basic Arabic somces are still
unpublished \azighi Hada'ik al azhar al nadina fi
ms Rabat 2bl D) Tazi huzhat al akhyai "al'
mardmin fi manakib al 'ulama' al dila'nyin al bakmvin
(ms Rabat 1264 K) Hawwat al Budur al dauiya
fi I la'nf hi I iadat ahl al zauna al dila'nya (ms
Rabat 201 D) These somces the Moroccan his-
torians in general and the documents of various
origin which are concerned with the political diplo-
matic and mihtarv events dining the period of
Mahammad al-Hadjdj have been utilised bv M
Hadjdjr for his excellent monograph al ^auiya al
dila'ma ua dauruha al dim ua I'llrm ua I snasi
'Rabat 1384/1904) to which one should in the
first place dnect the enquirer who will hnd there
both biographies of the main members of the
Dila'iyyun and also a detailed bibliography In his
thesis on Ladiute intelleituelk au Maroc a I epoqm sa'
didi (Rabat 1970-7 2 vols ,, this same author has
devoted a section to the ^auna (551-7) and the
index svv Dila' Dila'i and Dila'idts enables one
to track down various items of scattered infor-
mation For the penod after the destruction of
the ^auna at al-Dila' see E Levi-Provencal Ici
Imtonens des Chorja Pans 1922 298-303 and
M Lakhdar La iu litttraue au \Iaroi sous la dynas
tu 'alauidi Rabat 1971 index sv Dila'i
|Ch Pellati
DINET Alphonse Etumit (1861-1429), Fienth
of c
subjec
issumed the name Nacir Ed Dine (Nasir al-Dm)
when he became a convert to Islam.
He was born in Paris on 28 March 1861, and
studied under several well-known painters (Galland,
Bouguereau, Robert-Fleury). After a first trip to
Algeria (1884), he won a scholarship which allowed
him to return there in 1885, and from then onwards
he led a nomadic life there for several months of
each year, until he settled at Bou Saada (Bu Sa'ada)
in 1907. It was in this region of the southern part
of Constantine province that he met in 1889 an
educated Algerian, Sliman ben Ibrahim (d. 1953),
who having rescued him, at the risk of his own life,
during a local disturbance, became an inseparable
friend and constant collaborator of his, even in Paris.
Contact with Muslims gradually detached Dinet from
the Christian faith, which he renounced in 1913
and discreetly embraced Islam; he renewed publicly
his profession of faith in the New Mosque of Algiers
in 1927.
His artistic output, considerable in quantity and
of high quality, comprises mainly Algerian and Arab
scenes and landscapes, which very quickly brought
him wide celebrity, even beyond the ranks of the
Societe des Orientalistes founded in 1887 by Leonce
Benedite, which he. immediately joined. Before the
end of the 19th century, several of his tableaux
de Laghouat (Luxembourg Museum), Vue de M'sila
(Pau Museum), Charmeurs de serpents (Sydney
Museum), etc. After having illustrated the 1898 edi-
tion of Devic's Us aventures d'Antar, he enhanced
is texts gathered togethei
i Ibrahim and tianslated
articular Rabia ,1 houloub
le la Lie atabt
oi edited by Shman
bv his own hands
[Rabi' alkulub] ou
Saharan legends, Pans 1902) Tableaux
(Pans 1904 1928) which contain fine leproduc-
tions of 24 oil paintings (including his own por-
trait and that of Sliman) accompanied bv a
lated into French Mirages sienes de la ae aiabe Pans
1960, El Fiafi mia el hifar [al Fayafi ua I kifar] ou
It dtsat (Pans 191 1, and hliadra, danstust Ouhd \ail
(Pans 1909 1926) His most famous work again
wntten in collaboration with Sliman and published
simultaneouslv in two paiallel veisions French and
English at Pans in 1918 lemains nevertheless La
lie di Mohammed Prophttt d Allah The Algerian
paintei Mohammed Racim (Rasim) also contnbuted
to illustrating this luxury work which has nevei
been re-published in its entnetv (a recent reim-
Racim s aquaielles a standaid edition umllustrated
has appeared in Pans 1927 1937 1947 1961
1975 and 1977)
Two vears after his official conversion Dinet and
Sliman ben Ibrahim made together the Pilgrimage to
the holv places of Islam Although he claimed to
have taken no notes no drawing no photographs
during his stav in Arabia there appeared magnifi-
cent plates showing scenes of the Pilgrimage as illus-
trations for the nhla which appealed in French from
El Hadj Nacn ed-Dine E Dinet et El Had)
Sliman ben Ibiahim Baamer' and with the double
title al Hadfd} da Bayt Allah al Haram (in Arabic scupt)
and U Pdmnagi a la Maison Satree d Wall togethei
with the date 1347 In fact this narrative written
on the return from the pilgrimage of 1347 and com-
pleted on b (su lead 25) Rabf II 1348/30 September
1929 came ofl the pi ess in Pans at the beginning
of 1430 (2nd edn 1962) just a few weeks after its
principal authors death (24 Decembei 1929) His
funeral took place on 28 December at the Gieat
Mosque in Pans (in whose foundation he had him-
self been concerned) in the presence of leading per-
sonalities and of the repiesentatives of several Muslim
governments His corpse was taken to Bou Saada
and buned m the tomb which he had made there
and which tourists are still today invited to visit (see
Guides Bleus Mgene s v Bou Saada) the house there
he lived has been made into a Dinet Museum bv
Shman ben Ibrahim
This highlv -talented paintei of onental topics
deserves a notice in the Encyclopaedia of Nam not onlv
because he died a Muslim but also because he can
be considered as a fervent apologist foi the faith
which he had assumed Several of his written works
caused a certain stir m the Islamic world especially
in Egvpt thanks to his fnend Rashid Rustum who
in 1924 published at Cairo ishi"a khassa nun nur al
Islam the translation of a lecture by Dinet called
1900) Tawiik Ahmad was to translate in the Madfallat
D/am'iyyat al hhubban al Mushmin, the lattei pait of his
Pelerinage, and_ <Umar Fakhurl was to issue at
Damascus, in Ara' gharbiyya fi masa'il sharkiyya, a ver-
sion of his L'Orient vu de I'Occident (Paris n.d.) under
the title al-Shark kama yarahu al-Gharb. This last is a
very detailed critique of the studies of Lammens,
Noldeke, De Goeje, Sprenger, Snouck Hurgronje,
Grimme, Margoliouth, etc., which was subsequently
to be extensively used by the Azharl shaykh 'Abd
DINET — DIRAR b
al-HalTm Mahmud in the substantial introduction
prefaced to his translation of La Vie de Mohammed,
Prophete d'Allah, made, in conjunction with his son
Muhammad, from the original edition as Muhammad
RasBl Allah (Cairo 1956). It is rather surprising that
Dinet's Sira which, as we have seen, had a lively
success among French-reading circles, did not draw
the attention of the Egyptians during the 1930s, at
a time when Haykal was in part inspired, in his
Hayat Muhammad, by La Vie de Mahomet of E. Der-
menghem published at Paris in 1929; possibly, like
this last author (p. IV), they regarded it as too tra-
ditionalist. It is a fact that Dinet and Sliman ben
Ibrahim affirmed that they had based themselves
exclusively on the works of Ibn Hisham, Ibn Sa'd,
etc. and on the Sira halahiyya, and they remark that
"the study of innovations" introduced by "modern
orientalists" into the Prophet's biography have led
them "to assert that, at times, they were inspired by
an Islamophobia hard to reconcile with science and
little worthy of our age".
It can easily be seen that the detailed criticism
which n
s up e
i UOrie,
* theit
nine
it and an encouragement to the whole world to
follow his example. His viewpoint is very clearly
summed up in a paragraph of his Pelerinage, where
he affirms that Islam responds "to all the aspira-
tions of different kinds of believers. Having a
supreme simplicity with Mu'tazilism, wildly mysti-
tepping
on the
• fre.
i of his
<Abd al-HalTm Mahmud valuable arguments
against the "orientalists" and in favour of a sira of
traditional character which must have been pleas-
ing to its readers, since a second edition of his
translation appeared in 1958. The translator analy-
ses Nasir al-Drn's apologetical methods and, basing
superiority of Islam over Christianity. As opposed
to the works of the Arabists whose researches tend
only to set forth the reality of Islam, without any
polemical intentions, Dinet's principal Islamological
thought, as much as to a Sudanese negro whom it
snatches away from the superstitious worship of
fetishes. It exalts the soul of the practically-minded
English merchant, for whom "time is money", as
much as that of the deist philosopher, and that of
the contemplative of the East as much as that of
the Westerner carried away by art and poetry. It
will even seduce the modern medical man by the
logic of its repeated ablutions and the rhythm of
its bowings and prostrations equally salutary to the
care of the body as to the health of the mind. The
freethinker himself, who is not inevitably an athe-
ist, will be able to consider the Islamic revelation
as a sublime manifestation of that mysterious force
called 'inspiration' and will admit it without diffi-
missible by reason".
Bibliography: F. Arnaudies, E. Dinet et el-
Had} Sliman hen Ibrahim, Algiers 1933; J. Dinet-
Rollince (the painter's sister), La vie de E. Dinet,
Paris 1938 (with ills.); Rashid Rustum, obituary
art. in al-Ahram of 29 December 1929; introd.
to the Arabic tr. of La vie de Mohammed; See
also A.E. Dinet, Us jliaux de la peinture, Paris
1904, 1905, 1926; as an official hommage to
Dinet Un maitre de la peinture algerienne, Nasreddin
Dinet (Ar. and Fr. texts, numerous ills.) was pub-
lished in Algiers in 1977. (Ch. Pellat)
DIRAR b. 'AMR, Abu 'Amr al-GhatafanI al-
KufI [ca. 110-200/ra. 728-815), important Mu'tazili
theologian, disciple of Wasil b. 'Ata' (d. 131/749).
In contrast to many other early Mu'tazills, he was
of pure Arab extraction; he belonged to the 'Abd
Allah b. Ghatafan in Kufa. He founded his pres-
tige, however, through his teaching in Basra where
Wasil had lived. By profession he is said to have
been a kadi. After 170/786 we find him in Baghdad
in the circle of the Barmakids, where he took
part, together with Hisham b. al-Hakam, the Ibadi
scholar 'Abd Allah b. Yazld, the Zaydl Sulayman
b. Djarir, and others, including non-Muslim theolo-
gians, in the famous debates arranged by Yahya b.
Khalid al-Barmaki, the wazir of Harun al-Rashid.
This position exposed him to certain suspicions: the
kadi Sa'id b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Djumahi (d.
174/790 or 176/792) outlawed him because of
zandaka. But, in the presence of Barmaki protection,
this seems to have been a mere verbal menace. In
reality, Dirar had attacked the zanadika and the
mulhidun in several books; he seems to have lent
intellectual support to the governmental measure-
MahdT (158-69/775-85). He not only applied the
methods of dialectical theology ikalam); he also
analysed them and tried to propagate them among
the masses, through a mala ila 'l-'amma (cf. Malati,
Tanhih, ed. Dedering 31, 11. 10 ff.), which may have
been identical with his A". Addb al-mutakallimin or his A)
ila man balagha min al-muslimin. He was an extremely
prolific writer: 57 titles of books are listed in the
Fihrisl, more than those of any other Mu'tazilr.
This is all the more astonishing as neither Ka'bi
in his Makalat al-islamiyyin nor the kadi 'Abd al-
Djabbar in his Fadl al-i'tizal (nor, consequently, Ibn
al-Murtada in his Tabakat al-Mu'laz'da) allow him a
biography; they did not consider him a Mu'tazili.
Nor did al-Khayyat, when Ibn al-Rawandl identi-
fied the Mu'tazila with Dirar's ideas. But Ibn al-
only with non-Mu'tazili
al-Dhahabr,
Ibn al-Nadii
Di
al-Nav
and £
akhti
with Mu'tazili authors
-Nasi
who c
who did
established in the usid al-khamsa. These five princi-
ples were apparently first formulated by Abu '1-
Hudhayl, and it is with Abu '1-Hudhayl and Bishr
b. al-Mu'tamir that opposition against Dirar emerged.
Their verdict determined the later school tradition,
but it did not succeed in suppressing Dirar's
writings. Those who avowed their indebtedness
to his ideas are therefore mostly found outside
the Mu'tazila: Hafs al-Fard in Egypt and other
HanafTs in Basra and elsewhere. A Dirariyya group
is attested in Armenia by Nashwan al-Himyari (al-
Hur al-'in, 212, 1. 3). His influence in theology as
well as in jurisprudence (mul al-fikh) can be ascer-
tained during at least two generations, although the
opposition, Mu'ta "" " "
■ntly ,
rred,
such
talk z
"Djahmis" instead of Din
This was an old reproach: Bishr b. al-Mu'tamir
had claimed, in his Urdjuza written in prison under
Harun al-Rashrd, that Dirar and his school had
succumbed to the influence of Djahm b. Safwan.
What was true in this was that Dirar had reacted
against Djahm's rigid determinism: he had conceded
that God d
-s (thalahi
also
ery thing inch
1 that mm
be responsible for his
them himself either immediatel\ 01 through gen
ention taahd) In oidei to describe mans share
m them he used the kur'amc term hasaba or iktasa
ba which does not \et mean acquisition here but
iathei the meie peifoimance of the act (cf M
Schwarz in Islamu philosophy and the classical tradition
essay, pmented to R Hal ir Oxford 1972 a67 f) he
stressed rmn s fieedom ot choice (ikhtiyar) b\ assum
ing a capacity (istita'a) already btfort the act The
concept is dearly synergistic Dirar openly talked
about two agents God and man This is wheie
Abu 1 Hudhayl and Bishr b al Mu tamir saw a sin
against the spirit of the school they eliminated the
idea that God cieates anything in humtn actions
Dnai could however argue convincingly with an
example like the Kur'an when somebody recites
the Kur an not only his leutttion kur an is heatd
but also the Kur an as cieated by God The eqmv
ocalness ot the woid (hur an and Kui'an) added to
the suggestiveness of the theory
Outside the sphere ot man Dirai supported God s
omnipotence by an elaborate metaphysical system
based on the exclusively accidental structure ot the
creation Each body consists of a network ot indis
pensible accidents le qualities without which it
would not exist but which may be realised in a
spectium ot varieties best described by then exti ernes
temperature ( hot or cold ) extension ( long or
shoit I weight ( light or heavy ) consistence ( humid
or dry ) mture of its surface ( lough oi sott )
oi idftmia ) they form its nucleus there is nothing
like a substance But they do not have a separate
existence eithei isolated they are a mere abstrac
Hon Other accidents which are not indispensable
like movement pain (in human beings) etc may
occur but they do not form part ot the body
They do not possess any enduiance (baka ) and are
therefore cieated anew in every moment (cf Ash an
\lakalat al islamiyym 305 11 1 1 f and aV) ult ff)
A body foi long does not lose its individuality as
less thin half of its basic qualities have been replaced
by then contrary Change of ' '
explained through this process here Dnai and his
ldherents seem to have absoibed certain AnstoK
ideas especially the concept of aXXoieaoii, (alt,
cf M xlm (1^67) 254 ff) The entire model i:
couist not Aristotelian Dirar criticised Anstotk
his doctrine of substances and accidents in a sepa-
tate treatise Icf Fihmt ed Fuck in Shaft c
ume 69 title no 14) The system does not
any sell determining and independent nature ot things
(tabi a) this is why it was rejected offhand by Dirar s
contemporary Mu ammar and later on by an-
Nazzam who joined a tndition which was more
colouied by Stoic ideas [see klmln] The conse
qutnces were especially visible in the definition ot
man he is a conglomeiate of colour taste odoui
capacity etc but there is no independent and
immortal soul
Using two surprisingly elaborate philosophical terms
which v\ere never applied again by the Mu'tazila
Dnar diffeientnted in everything which exists between
its anmyya existence and its mahiyya quiddity
Opposition arose when he transferred this distinc
tion to God we know God s anmyya but we ignore
the plenitude of His mahnya For we can infer the
aspects oi his essence only through rational
of then
) the s
urselve
This
why ,
fied with negative theology God is omniscient
merely means that He is not ignorant Full knowl
edge will be attained only in the Hereafter then
God s essence will be recognised not through the
tu'ya bi I absar as many non Mu'tazili theologians
believed but through a sixth sense created for this
purpose by God This theory seems to have been
prepared by Abu Hamta and was taken over by a
number of Hanaffs during the following two gen-
erations Later Mu'tazihs may have seen in it too
strong a limitation of ievelationary evidence and of
the intellectual potential ot kalam the theory still
depended on Djahm s concept of the total tran
scendence ot God
They may have felt more familiar with Dirar s
idea to differentiate between two aspects of Gods
will Gods will may be identical with what hap
pens but also with what He only wants to happen
m His commandments The latter alternative leaves
room tor man s iktisab sin the crucial problem of
Dirar s theory of the two creators seems to have
been explained by him through khidlilan abandon-
ment (by God ) (eyKata^eiyii,) On the other hand
God would always be able to make all unbelievers
believe by His gnce (lutf cf Ibn Hazm Fisal m
165 11 7 ff and iv 192 11 9 ff) This may have
been a meie theoretical assumption The idea was
given up by most later Mu'tazihs in favour ot the
concept of al aslah but Dirar was still followed in it
by Bishr b al-Mu tamir
Djahmi spirit may also survive in Dirar s denial
of the punishment in the tomb alieady Shahham
Abu 1 Hudhayl s youngest disciple could pretend
that no Mu tazih evei shared this radicalism (ct Ibn
al Murtada Tabakat al \h'ta_ila 72 11 3 t also
Kadi <Abd al Djabbar Fad I alitXjal ed Fu ad Sayvid
201 11 17 ff) Dirar s doctrine however that Paradise
and Hell do not yet exist but will be cieated dur
ing the Last Judgment and that Adam therefore
lived in a terrestrial garden was accepted by many
latei Mu'tazihs like Hisham al Fuwati 'Abbad b
Sulayman Abu Hashim etc It looks like an inver
sion ot Djahm s thesis that Paradise and Hell are
finite a path post but its immediate intention may
have been to avoid certain pre-destinanan arguments
which interred from the actual existence of Hell the
predetermined necessity ot Evil (ct Melanges
dlslanwlogie Ulume dedie a A Abel Leiden 1974 108
ff with leteience to a longei passage of Diran theo
logy preserved in Ibn Hisham s K al Tidjan) Dirar s
thesis created difficulties not only in Kur'amc exe
gesis but also with iespect to several well known
(mi radj) of the Prophet or about the martyrs enter-
ing Paiadise immediately after their death
This latter point however did not bother him
very much he did not accept isolated tiaditions
{akhbar ahad) as a proof in theological questions
[ahkam al din) and in his time most ahadith still
had this charactei of ahad The only epistemolog
ical cntenon which besides the Kur'an he found
sate enough to base upon it religious tiuth after
the death ot the Piophet was consensus (idima' )
in this he was followed by al Asamm (q i ] who took
over the Mu'tazili circle in Basn after him Dirar s
attack against hadith had been formulated in his
K al Tahnsh na I ighra he had pointed to the
DlWAN-BEGI
fact that all sects used to rely on different and
mutually contradicting ahddith. It is possible, though
unprovable, that the beginning of Ibn Kutayba's
To' veil mukhtalij al-hadith reflects Dirar's argumen-
tation (cf. Der Orient in der Forsihung. Festschrift
0. Spies, Wiesbaden 1967, 184 f.).
Belief was, according to Dirar, closely linked to
intellectual understanding; it begins therefore only
with mental maturity \kamal al-'akl). Simple people
who do not rationalise their convictions may always
live in unrecognised unbelief (cf. Ash'arf, Makdldt,
282, 11. 2 ff.). But true belief from a Nabataean counts
higher than from an Arab, because the Arabs were
distinguished by the fact that the Prophet was elect-
ed from among them, whereas the Nabataeans always
have to transgress the barrier of contempt for not
having produced any prophet. If a Nabataean there-
fore ever entered into competition with a Kurashr
concerning the caliphate, preference should be given
to the Nabataean as the more appropriate [afdal) can-
didate. This would have the additional advantage that
a Nabataean does not have a powerful clientele and
could therefore more easily be deposed if necessary.
The Kuraysh thus do not possess the monopoly of
the caliphate, according to Dirar; long before him
the superiority of neo-Muslims had been defended by
similar arguments (cf. A. Noth in hi., xlvii (1971),
178 {.). Nevertheless, Dirar did not doubt that the
first four caliphs were afdal in the moment of their
election. Judgment becomes difficult only with the
Battle of the Camel. In this case, renowned Com-
panions with equally good reputation stood against
each other. The result was that both factions for ever
lost their trustworthiness, even if met separately. Dirar
compared this situation with two believing Muslims
entering a house and one of them being heard from
but both of them being found dead afterwards; there
would be no criterion then to find out the unbe-
liever among them, and both of them would have to
be treated as such. In the context of the simile, the
death of the two opponents stood for the impossi-
bility of getting reliable historical information about
the events of the First Civil War. This neutralistic
attitude had been prepared by Wasil b. 'Ata' and
was continued, with slight variations and a different
comparison, by Abu '1-Hudhayl (cf. al-Nashi' al-akbar,
Usui al-mhal, § 90 and introduction, 46). The Shfa
i a critique of 'Alt; in later times,
i repori
Dirar had been defeated concerning the problem of
imama by Hisham b. al-Hakam or 'All b. Mitham
(cf. al-Shanf al-Murtada, al-Fusul al-mukjitara, -'9, 11.
i ff.,
-6 ff.).
Dirar rejected 'Abd Allah b. Mas'Qd's and Ubayy
b. Ka'b's recension of the Kur'an on the ground that
their harj was not revealed (cf. Noldeke-Schwally,
Geschichte des Qorans, iii, 107).
Bibliography: Sources and further detail are
given in J. van Ess, Diidi b. 'Arm und die "Cahmha"
in IsL, xliii il967), 241 ff. and xliv (1968), 1 'ff.;
Scattered reports are also found in Kadi 'Abd
al-Djabbar, Fad! al-i'tizal, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Tunis
1974, index s.v.; Ya'kubi, Mushakalat al-nas h-
zamamhim, ed. W. Milward, Beirut 1962, 25, 1.
4; Abu Rashid al-Naysabun, Fil-tawtud, ed. Abu
Rrda, Cairo 1385/1965, 591, 11. 5 ff.; Abu Ya'la
b. al-Farra', ul-Mu'tamad fl usul al-din, ed.
Haddad, Beirut 1974, 101, 11. 8 ff.; al-Sabuni,
al-Bidaya min al-hjaya, ed. Khulayf, Cairo 1969,
107, 11. 7 ff; Murtada b. al-DaT, Tabsirat al-
'aivamm, ed. Ikbal, index s.v. None of them brings
new material. For studies see also M. Horten,
Die philosophisihen Systeme der spekulatwen Theobgen
im Islam, Bonn 1912, 139 ff; L. Massignon, La
Passion de Hallaj, new ed. Paris 1975, index s.v.;
A.S. Tritton, Muslim theology, London 1947,
69 ff.; W.M. Watt, in JRAS (1943), 234 ff.;
idem, in M\V, xl (1950), 97 ff; idem. The
formative period oj Islamic thought, Edinburgh 1973,
189 ff. and index s.v.; W. Madelung, Der
Imam al-Qaum ibn Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, index
s.v.; L. Gardet, Etudes de philosophic et de mystique
compaiee, Paris 1972, 102 ff; H. Daiber, Das tht-
ologisch-philosophiuhe System des Mu'ammar ibn 'Abbad
, Bein
1975, i
DISSOLUTION [see faskh].
DITCH [see khandak].
DIVINE DECREE [see al-kada' wa-'l-kadar] .
DIWAN-BEGI, the title of high officials in
the Central Asian khanates in the 16th- 19th centuries.
The title appears first, apparently, in the Timurid
period, when its bearer, a Turkic amir of one of the
tribes of the Caghatays, was in charge of military-
affairs and of the affairs of the Turkic subjects, and
stood at the head of dlwdn-i imaiat (or diwan-i a'la)
(see H.R. Roemer, Staatssihreiben dei Timundenzeit,
Wiesbaden 1952, 169-71). The title had the same
meaning in the state of the Ak Koyunlu [q.v.] \see
J.E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu, Minneapolis-Chicago 1976,
11). In the Safawl state in Iran, the diwan-begi
was one of the seven atkan-i dawlat (members of the
madjlis-i a'la) and was the high justiciar, who tried,
jointly with the sadr al-sudur, the major crimes, as
well as civil cases, controlled all Shari'a courts and
was a court of appeal for the whole kingdom Isee
Tadhkhat al-muluk, ed. V. Minorsky, text, 20b-22b, tr.
50-1, comm. 119-20). There is very little information
about the diwan-begi in the Shaybanid [q.v.] state in
the 16th century, besides the fact that this title did
exist; in the 'Abd Al/ah-nama by Hafiz Tanish [q.v.
below] it appears very rarely and without definition
of its functions.
More detailed information comes only from the
time of the Ashtarkhanids [see DtANlDs]. The Bahi ah
asrar by Mahmud b. Wall (second quarter of the 17th
century) mentions the diwan-begi in a description of
the ceremonial at the court of the Ashtarkhanids in
Balkh as being among the officials who were sitting
on the left side of the khan, near the tripod (? si
paya; see V.V. Bartol'd, Socinemya, ii/2, 391, 396;
cf. M.A. Abduraimov, Ocerki agiarnikh otnoshemy r
Bukharskom khanstve v XVI — pervoy polovine XIX veka, i,
Tashkent 1966, 73, where a reference is made to
an account of a Russian ambassador to Bukhara in
the 17th century, who mentions that the throne of
the khan of Bukhara was raised above the level
of the floor of the reception room by six steps; prob-
ably, the throne of the ruler of Balkh was raised above
the level of the floor by three steps, and the expres-
sion ba-kurb-i n paya can mean "near the three steps
[leading to the throne]". This interpretation, how-
ever, remains dubious. Cf. also Quatremere, in Notices
et extraits, xiv/1, 496, where si paya is explained as
"une charpente"). In the administrative manual Madjma'
al-arkam compiled in Bukhara in 1212/1798, the ctiwan-
begi-yi kalan is described as an official second in the
rank after the atcilik [q.v. above]; he was entrusted with
the state finance, mainly with the collection of khaiadi
[q.v.], as well as with the supervision of the irrigation
in the region of Kara-kul (see facsimile in Pis'menniye-
DlWAN-BEGI — DJABAL SAYS
pammtmh lostoka 1968 Moscow 1170 55 Russian
ti b> \ A Semenov in Soi etskoye i ostokoi edeniye v
[1948] 147) Russian ambassadois in Bukhaia in
1661 also descube the dman begi as the second high-
ranking ofticial aftei the atahk and mention that he
ieceived the credentials fiom the ambassadois and
passed them to the khan (see \aka^ Bonsu i Semenu
Pa„ukhinim St Petersburg 1814 49 55 76) The
Ashtaikhanid chronicles confirm that one of the duties
isee Ta'nkh i \lukrm Mam bv Muhammad \ Qsui
Munshi Russian tr b> A \ Semeno\ Tashkent
195b 89) In the 19th and earlv 20th <
under the Mangit [q i ] d\nastv in Bukhar
duan btgi had similar functions though he w;
the second figuie alter the kosh begi [q i ] ai
' itahk He was called also kosh begi M paw
becai
: his 1
sidenc
t the
loot oi the aik (the citadel) of Bukhara and ^akai
11 kalan ( head oi the collectors of ^akat [qv]) He
was the deputv ol the great kosh begi (kull i kosh
bigi I and in the absence oi during an illness oi the
amir he governed the countiv togethei with the kosh
begi Both under the Ashtaikhanids and the Mangits
besides this dm an begi residing in Bukhaia theie weie
also dm an btgis oi main provincial rulers such as
those oi Balkh Cardjuv Hisar with similar (unc-
tions Under the Mangits the honorary rank oi dman
begi (the thud iiom the top in the hierarchy oi
Bukhara) was given also to various officials not nec-
essaiilv connected with financial affans such as gov-
ernors of some towns In karatigin [q i ] both under
the independent shahs and under the domination of
Bukhaia dman begi was the first deputv of the rulei,
and he was in charge of state finance as well as oi
the rulers estate (see NA kislyakov Oarki po istom
Karategma Stahnabad-Leningrad 1941 183) In the
semi-independent piincrpahtv oi Ura-Tuba [q t ] in
the 19th centui> dman btgi!, weie low officials^local
tax-collectors subordinate to the sarkar who was in
charge oi the collection oi kharad) and oi nngation
in the principality (see A Mukhtarov Omk istom
I ra Tyubmskogo dadtniya i \I\ i Dushanbe 19b4
53) The title dman begi could be given also to super-
visee oi finance in large private estates such as
those oi the Djuvbm shaikh*, m the lbth centurv
Mo
irskikh ,
Moscow-Lemngiad 1954 60)
In the Khanate of khiwa the post of dman begi
was probablv established onl> in the earlv 19th
centurv In anv case neither the local historian
Mu'nis [q v] in his Firdaus al ikbal not other sources
mention this title earhei and it is not included in
the list oi 34 dignitaries \'amaldar) established bv
Abu l-&hazi khan [qi] (ci Firdaus al ikbal MS
of the Leningrad Blanch oi the Institute oi Oriental
Studies C-571 1 b5b) This title is mentioned bv
Mu'nis lor the first time in his account of the
events oi 1222/1808 when two dman begu appear
simultaneously libid 1 272a) Also latei, there
were at least two dman bigib in khiwa Thev are
mentioned among the high oificials of the state
along with the kosh begi and the mehtet [q i ]
thev were usuallv of mean origin often Peisian
slaves N Murav vev (1821) mentions dman hgn, as
unimportant officials subordinate to the kosh bigi
and the nuhter [see N Muiav vev Pukshestuye i
Turkmmiyu i hhi u Moscow 1822 u, b3, none ot
other Russian descriptions oi the khanate compiled
in the first half oi the 19th centuiv mentions them
at all. In the reign ot Allah-kuh khan (1240-58/
825-42) the chief dman begi was entrusted with
he collection of ^akat and customs (see N Zalesov
n Xoiennh sbormk xxu [1861] No 11 65j and it
emamed his main dutv till the end of the 19th
enturv Besides him there was a dman btgi in
harge of khan s estates and a dman btgi of the
;overnoi of Hazarasp (a senior relative of khan or
us heir) In the reign of Savvid Muhammad Rahim
vhan II (1281-1328/1864-1910) the chief dman
tgi Muhammad Murad ( Mat-Murad oi Russian
e the
t influe
isidered z
>ng
the khiwan digml
first ministei b> Western observers (ct eg H
Moser -1 trait rs I isie ctntrale Pans 1885 238)
In the khanate of khokand [q t ] the title dman
bigi is also attested though no explanation is avail-
able about the duties oi its beaiei It seems howevei
that it was more a rank than an administrative post
and its position was the same as that of dman begi
in the hierarchy of Bukhaia (between the ranks oi
pamanaa [qv] and atahk) Radjab Diwan-begi
executed in 1236/1820 is said to have had the high-
est title in the khanate uazn al au^ara (see V P
Nahvkin Histoire du khanat di Khokand Pans 1889
140-1) which indicates apparently that he was con-
sideied the head oi the civil administration but beiore
that he is mentioned as a governor (hakmi) oi Tashkent
[ibid
25 135)
Bibliography in addition to the works cited in
the text see A A Semenov in Matetiali po istom
tadzikoi i uzbekoi Srtdney Azn n Stahnabad 1954,
57 61 66 M \u \uldashev Khma khanliglda feo
dal ur egahgi ua daulat tujhshi [in Uzbek] Tashkent
1959 263-4 (\u Bregel)
DIABAL SAYS the name of a volcanic
mountain in Svna situated ca 105 km southeast
oi Damascus Around its west and south sides runs
a small vallev opening to the southeast into a large
volcanic ciater In vears with normal rainiall this
ciater is filled with water lor about eight months \
leservon near its centie makes Djabal Savs one oi
the iew secure waterplaces in the region where some-
times more than a hundred nomad families camp in
autumn \t the mouth of the valle> on the south-
east-slope of Djabal Sa\s and opposite to it on the
innge of another slope, remains oi numerous build-
ings are preserved The site was fust visited in 18b2
bv M de Vogue and excavated horn 1962 to 19b4
bv k Bnsch The turns consist oi a considerable
number
houses
i church ;
khan^ ar
The palace is situated on the south side oi the val-
s It consists of a rectangular enclosure ta b7 m X
? m fiom which eight towers (lour at the corners
le m the middle oi each side) pioject Entrance is
ven through a door in the central tower oi the north-
de Behind the door one enters a tunnel-
lulted vestibule at the back oi which is a doorwav
gieat entrance hall which leads t<
lard, <
31 r
i This
rounded bv ianges oi rooms (54 excluding the small
rooms in the hollow towels and the entrance hall) most
oi which are organised into eight groups (buyut) of five
or six rooms In addition to this, theie are three pairs
oi looms and four isolated looms two of which served
probablv as staii cases \a aicade ran around the paved
courtyard in front ot the rooms In the centre of the
courtyard is a cistern The lowei parts ot the walls
consist oi basalt blocks on the mnet and outet faces
with fillings of lumps oi basalt and moi tar rising up at
DJABAL SAYS — DJABALA b
.some plac
height of ca. 2 m. The upper parts
tion is the entrance tower, the upper parts of which
are also of basalt. Most of the basalt sections and
some of the brick .sections of the walls are pre-
served. No traces of ceilings were found. De Vogue,
who visited Djabal Says more than a hundred years
ago, saw brick vaultings. The building had origi-
nally two floors and is stylistically linked with two
other palaces, Minya (see khirbat al-minya] and
Kharrana [q.v.].
-' ■ ' . 150 m. east of the palace, meas-
17 r.
s of a
micircular exedra
in the north. Its south side opens into two rooms,
ca. 3.5 m. deep. The east room can be entered by
a door from the east. At its west side, it is con-
nected with four smaller rooms, three of which served
as the apodyterium, tepidarium and calidarium of
the bath. The lower parts of the walls resemble those
of the palace. The upper sections are built of burnt
brick. All rooms with the exception of the west room
seem to have been covered by vaultings or domes
of burnt brick. The west room was probably not
covered at all. The building resembles closely
Hammam al-Sarakh [q.v.] in Jordan.
The musque, ca. 70 m. west of the palace, is a
square building "
. It c
s of i
walls
> froi
the
on wall piers. Here, as in the palace, th
f upper parts
of the walls seem to have been built o
mud bricks.
If this was the case, they could only h
ive carried a
wooden roof.
Other buildings. Probably the most in
cresting fea-
ture of Djabal Says is that, in addition
nber of more
south-side of
the valley in an area stretching from
the hammam
(the e
. 300 r
s of more than 15 other buildings can be
seen. The majority of them are of almost square
shape and consist of ranges of rooms around three
or four sides of a central courtyard. They are of
poorer architectural quality than the palace, the
hammam and the mosque. Some of these buildings
were doubtlessly built at the same time as the palace
and served as storehouses and barracks or khans.
whereas some are obviously later. The latter seem
to be contemporary with a few smaller buildings
whose plans resemble those of simple farmhouses
(one range of rooms with a courtyard in front of
it). Opposite the valley, at the southeastern foot of
Djabal Says, in an area stretching ca. 400 m. from
southwest to northeast and ca. 100 m. from south-
east to northwest, some thirty other buildings are to
' e found. Almost all of them have courtyz
., thre.
. The
conspicuous structures among them are: a building
with towers at its corners looking like a palace in
was a mosque, and a one-naved church resembling
the large room of the hammam.
Literary sources lal-Bakri" and Yakut) tell us that
the caliph al-Walfd (86-96/705-15) had a residence
at Usays, a waterplace east of Damascus, which is
doubtlessly identical with our site. This conclusion
is supported by inscriptions found on the spot. One
of them bears the name Usays, in some others the
names of sons of al-Walfd are mentioned. Hence the
palace, the hammam, the mosque (which Brisch thinks
to be later than the palace) and some of the build-
ings next to the palace, can be attributed to al-
Walfd. Some other buildings are definitely later than
the palace, because building material from the palace
was used in their construction. It is hard to deter-
mine whether there were only two periods of build-
ing activity or more. Around the south side of the
church a group of very small houses with rather
irregular plans is clustered. These differ from the
plans of most of the buildings at Djabal Says and
might represent a third period of building activity,
earlier or later than the two already isolated. A pre-
Islamic date is suggested by the church (but we also
find a church in the Umayyad settlement of 'Andjar
[see 'ayn al-djarr] in Lebanon), by an inscription
found at Djabal Says with the name of the Ghassanid
ruler Harith b. Djabala, dated 528, and by a Roman
Bibliugiaphy: K. Brisch, Das omqnadische Schlon
in I'mis: I. in Mitteilimgeri da Deutvhen Auhdoloeischen
Institutes, Abteilung Kairo, ix (1963) 141-87; 7/. in
ibid., xx (1965) 138-77; K.A.C. Creswell, Early
Muslim aichiteduu, Oxford 1969, 472-7; M. de Vogue,
Syne centrale, Paris 1865-77, 71, figs. 26-8, pi. 25;
J. Sauvaget, Lis Raines omiyyades du D/ebel Sets, in
,V>™, xx 11939), 239-56; Yakut, Mu'djam, i, 272.
(H. Gaube)
DIABALAb. al-HARITH, Ghassanid chieftain
his deb
n Ghas:
!. 500
when he i
iffensive against Palesti
lertia but was beaten by Komanus, the dux of that
province. Shortly afterwards in 502, Byzantium con-
cluded a treaty with the Ghassanids and recognised
them as its new allies [focdemti). Throughout the
(491-518), the sources are silent on Djabala, who was
probably not yet the Ghassanid king but was acting
as the general of his father, al-Harith b. Tha'laba.
In the reign of the emperor Justin (518-27), Djabala
i the
! - the
Ghassanid federates, whom he ruled from al-Djabi)
[q.v.], his seat in the Djawlan. By that time, the
Ghassanids had been won over to Monophvsite
Christianity and had become its staunch sup-
Ghalcedonian position and Justin's expulsion of the
Monophysite bishops alienated the Ghassanids and
their king, who consequently would not take part in
the defence of the oriental provinces against the
Persians and their Lakhmid allies, and could not
come to the succour of their coreligionists in South
Arabia during the reign of Yusuf Dhu Nuuas [q.v.].
But in all probability,^ was he who enabled al-Aws
and al-Khazradj of Medina to achieve an ascen-
dancy over the Jewish tribes there, Abu Djubayla of
the Arabic sources being none other than Djabala
himself or one of his relatives.
With the accession of the emperor Justinian (527-
65 1, there was a reconciliation with the Monop-
hysites; the Ghassanids under Djabala returned to
Persians and the Lakhmids. but Djabala" was not
destined to live much longer. His more illustrious
son, al-Harith b. Djabala, is attested as king already
in 529, and the presumption is that Djabala died
at the battle of Thannuris in Mesopotamia in 528,
commanding the Ghassanid contingent in the
DJABALA b. al-HARITH — DJABIR b. 'ABD ALLAH
Byzantine army against the Persians; the Syriac
authors remember him under the nickname of Atfar.
In the list of Ghassanid buildings, three are attrib-
uted to Djabala, sc. al-Kanatir, Adhruh, and al-Kastal.
Bibliography: Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de
, Hist,
47;
Malalas, Chronographia, ed. Bonn, 441-2; Zachariah
Continuatus, Ecclesiastical history, CSCO, lxxxviii,
64; Ibn al-'Ibri, Ta'rikh Mukhtasa, al-duwal, ed. A.
Salham, Beirut 1890, 87; Yakut, Mu'djam al-buldan,
iv, 463-5; Hamza al-Isfahani, Ta'rikh, Beirut 1961,
100; Th. Noldeke, Die Ghassanischen Fiirsten aus
dem Hause Gafna's, 1887, 7, 8, 10; I. Shahid
(Kawar), The last days of Sallh, in Arabica, v (1958),
145-58; idem, Ghassan and Byzantium: a new ter-
minus a quo, in Isl., xxxii/3, 232-55; idem, The
Martyrs of Najran, Subsidia Hagiographica, xlix,
Brussels 1971, 272-6 and index, 296.
(I. A. Shahid)
DJABIR b. 'ABD ALLAH b. 'Amr b. Haram
b. Ka'b b. Ghanm b. Salima, Abu 'Abd Allah (or
Abu 'Abd al-Rahman, or Abu Muhammad) al-
SalamI al-KhazradjI al-AnsarI, Companion of
the Prophet. His father, 'Abd Allah, was one of
the seventy men of Aws and Khazradj who gave the
Prophet the oath of allegiance at the 'Akaba Meeting
[see al-'akaba] and committed themselves to defend
him. His father is also recorded in the list of the
twelve nukabd', the chosen group from among the sev-
enty; Djabir himself had attended the Meeting as a
very young boy, and is therefore counted in the list
of "the Seventy" and in the honourable list of those
who embraced Islam together with their fathers. His
father prevented him from taking part in the two
encounters at Badr and Uhud, leaving him at home
to look after his seven (or nine) sisters. A report
according to which he attended the battle of Badr
and drew water for the warriors is denied authentic-
ity by al-Wakidi and marked by him as an 'Iraki tra-
dition. On the Day of Uhud, Djabir lost his father,
his mother's brother 'Amr b. al-Djamuh and his cousin
Khallad. Djabir's father distinguished himself in the
fight and was the first Muslim warrior killed in this
battle. The Prophet did not object to Djabir mourn-
ing for him, and gave him permission to uncover his
face. 'Abd Allah was buried according to the Prophet's
ruling as a martyr on the spot where he fell, clad in
his garment, with his wounds still bleeding. The
Prophet personally suggested that he should act as
father to Djabir and put 'A'isha in his mother's place.
On the day following the battle of Uhud, Djabir
asked, and was granted permission to join the force
dispatched by the Prophet to Hamra' al-Asad. After
that, Djabir accompanied the Prophet on 18 or so
The Prophet showed great concern for Djabir
and his family and often came to his dwelling.
Djabir's family, who were familiar with his tastes,
used to prepare for the Prophet his favourite kind of
meal. On one such visit the Prophet blessed the
family of Djabir and their abode, on another he
cured Djabir of fever by sprinkling on him water
which he had used for ablution. The Prophet gave
his approval for Djabir to marry a woman who was
not a virgin, and who would take care of his sisters.
By his blessing, he helped Djabir to pay a debt which
his father owed to the Jew Abu Shahma, and he
invoked God's forgiveness for him when he bought
his camel (laylat al-ba'li).
After the death of the Prophet, 'Umar appointed
Djabir chief ('arlf) of his clan. During the military
operations of the conquest of Damascus he was sent
as a member of an auxiliary force dispatched to
Khalid b. al-Walid. On another occasion he was dis-
patched by 'Umar with a small group to al-Kufa.
When the rebellious Egyptian troops advanced to
Medina in order to besiege the house of 'Uthman,
Djabir was among the group sent by the caliph to
negotiate with them and appease them. He is said
to have fought on the side of 'All at Siffln (37/657)
and then to have returned to Medina. During the
expedition of Busr b. Artat (40/660), Djabir was com-
pelled to swear allegiance to Mu'awiya; this he did
in precautionary dissimulation (takiyya [q.v.]), after
having consulted Umm Salama, the wife of the
Prophet. This is a new trait of character, indicating
Shi'i sympathies, and is one of the earliest cases of
takiyya mentioned in the texts. As an indication of
Djabir's attachment to Medina and to the relics of
the Prophet, one may adduce the report that he and
Abu Hurayra prevailed upon Mu'awiya to leave the
minbar of the Prophet in Medina and not to trans-
fer it to Syria. He is said to have visited the court
of 'Abd al-Malik and to have asked him for some
grants for the people of Medina. When the force
sent by Yazld b. Mu'awiya against Medina (63/683)
entered the city, Djabir openly voiced his objection,
circulating an utterance of the Prophet about the
punishment which would befall people who affrighted
the city. He was saved from death by Marwan when
a man, enraged by his words, attacked him intend-
ing to kill him. After the victory of al-Hadjdjadj over
Ibn al-Zubayr (73/692), al-Hadjdjadj ordered the
hands of some of the opponents of the Umayyad
rule to be stamped in the same way as was done
to the dhimmis and Djabir was among those oppo-
nents. Djabir's sharp criticism and unkind words with
regard to the rulers, especially al-Hadjdjadj, provoked
the latter's caustic remark that Djabir displayed the
same pride as the Jews (by which, of course, the
Ansar were meant).
DjSbii died at 78/697 at the age of 94 (other
reports, however, give varying dates). He is said to
have been the last survivor of the group of 70 Ansar
who attended the 'Akaba Meeting, thus fulfilling a
prediction of the Prophet. The prayer over his grave
was pei formed by the governor of Medina, Aban b.
'Uthman, or according to another tradition, by al-
Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf when he came to Medina after
his victory over 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr.
Djabir is noted as a most prolific narrator of tra-
ditions from the Prophet. The number of those going
back to him is estimated at 1,540; al-Bukharl and
Muslim recorded 210 hadlths transmitted by him in
their compilations, and the subject-range of his trans-
mission is extremely wide. Of special interest are
Djabir's reports about events which he witnessed and
details furnished by him about expeditions in which
he took part. Djabir was highly respected by the schol-
ars of hadlth and is counted in the lists of reliable
transmitters and the ashab al-futya. He used to recite
his traditions in the mosque of Medina; his sessions
of A<7<#?A-transmission were attended by a wide circle
of students, who would discuss the traditions of their
master after leaving the mosque. A composition known
as sahlfat Djabir contained a great number of tradi-
tions recorded by him. Scholars of hadlth were eager
to circulate traditions on his authority, without always
observing the necessary rules of hadlth transmission.
Even a distinguished pious scholar like al-Hasan al-
BasrT was suspected of reporting some traditions on
the direct authority of Djabir, although he never was
DJABIR b. 'ABD ALLAH
his disciple. The impressive list of those who trans-
mitted his traditions includes the names of three of
his sons: 'Abd al-Rahman, <Akfl and Muhammad. His
descendants are said to have settled in North Africa,
in a place called al-Ansariyya.
In Shr'r tradition, Djabir was granted an excep-
tionally high rank. The hadiths recorded in Shr'r
sources on his authority touch upon the fundamen-
tal tenets of ShiT belief: the mission of "Air, his qual-
ities, his authority over the believers, the graces
granted him by God, the divine virtues of his descen-
dants and the duties of allegiance and obedience
incumbent upon the believers. It was the imam al-
Bakir who asked Djabir about the Tablet which God
sent down to Fatima and which Djabir got permis-
sion to copy. In this Tablet God named the imams
and established their order of succession. It is note-
compared the copy of Djabir with the Tablet in his
possession and stated that the copy is a reliable and
accurate one. In another story, Djabir confirms the
accuracy of the unusual report about the hidpa as
told him by the imam. Djabir is credited with the
hadlth about the appointment of 'Air as wait, which
forms the base of the Shr'r interpretation of Sura
LIII, 1-4. It was he who reported the utterance of
the Prophet that 'All is the sirat mustakim, the right
path to be followed. The imam al-Bakir stressed that
Djab
s knov
■tation of Sura XXVIII, 85, which,
ance of the Prophet and <Alr. Among further ShiT
traditions reported on Djabir's authority is the one
which states that there are two weighty things left
by the Prophet for the Muslim community: the
Kur'an and his Family (al-'itrai. Another tradition
has it that the angel Djibrfl bade the Prophet pro-
claim the vocation of 'Air and his descendants, the
imams, and tell the Muslim community about 'Air's
distinguished position on the Day of Resurrection
and in Paradise. The Sunni version of Djabir's report
that the first thing created by God was the Light
of Muhammad had its ShTT counterpart, traced back
to Djabir, which said that this Light was split into
two parts: the Light of Muhammad and the Light
of 'Ah, and that it was later transferred to the suc-
ceeding imams. It is on the authority of Djabir that
the significant tradition which states that the last per-
sons to be with the Prophet when he died were 'Air
the i
'Air
ended
> Heav
rebellion of the wicked djimi,
and a luminous angel prayed
in his place in the mosque. Another miracle hap-
pened when 'Air walked with Djabir on the bank
of the Euphrates: a very high wave covered 'Air;
when he reappeared completely dry after a short
time, he explained that it had been the Angel of
the Water who greeted and embraced him.
Djabir is distinguished in the Shr'T tradition by a
significant mission entrusted to him by the Prophet:
he was ordered to meet the imam al-Bakir and to
convey to him the greetings of the Prophet, which
he did. This created a peculiar relationship between
the elderly bearer of the good tidings and the young
recipient, the imam al-Bakir. According to tradition,
the two used to meet, and some of the traditions
transmitted by al-Bakir are told on the authority of
Djabir and traced back to the Prophet. It is evident
that the idea that the imam might have derived his
knowledge from a human being is opposed to the
principles of the ShT'a. It had thus to be justified
that it was merely done in order to put an end to
the accusations of the Medinans, who blamed al-
Bakir for transmitting hadith on the authority of the
Prophet, whom he had never seen. As the traditions
reported by Djabir and those independently reported
by the imam and revealed to him by God were in
fact identical, the insertion of Djabir's name between
the name of the imam and that of the Prophet was
quite a formal act, with no significance. A few tra-
ditions are indeed reported with names of some
Companions inserted between the imam and the
Prophet. In one of the traditions it is explained that
this :
hadlth r
people, although it is obvious that the
more than that Companion whose name was inserted
between the imam and the Prophet.
The close relationship of Djabir with the family of
'Air is also exposed in the story relating that Fatima
bint 'Air asked Djabir to intervene and to persuade
Zayn al-'Abidm to cease his excessive devotional prac-
tices which might be harming for his health. It was
a sign of respect and faith that, when Husayn asked
his enemies on the battle-field of Karbala' to save his
life, quoting the utterance of the Prophet that he and
his brother were the lords of the youths of Paradise
[wmda shabab ahl al-dfanna), he referred to Djabir who
would vouch for the truth of the utterance. Djabir is
said to have been present at the grave of Husayn
shortly after he was killed and to have met there the
ily of Hus
Mu'i
her Shr'r
e of Hus
report
about 1
ing spec
e grave
Djabir had intimate relations with the family of
'Air and especially with the two imams, Zayn al-
'Abidin and al-Bakir. There are some ShiT attempts
to link him with Dja'far al-Sadik and to fix the
tury A.H.
Finally, the high position
tion is expressed by the fat
the list of the four persons
faith and in the list of the n
i Shr'r
rised t
t they
3uld be
1 Paradise
Bibliography: Ibn Kudama al-Makdisi, al-Mhar
ft nasab al-sa/iaba mm al-amar, Cairo 1392/1972,
index; 'Abd ai-Malik b. Habrb, al-Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodl.
Marsh 288, p. 126; Abu 'Abd Allah al-Stiri, I£, K \
Ms. Leiden Or. 2465, fols. 4b-5a; Abu 'l-'Arab,
A'. al-Mihan, Ms. Cambridge Oq 235, fol. 162a;
'Abd al-Gham al-Nabulusi, Dhafcha'ir al-mawanth ft
■l-dilala 'ala mawddi' rhadlth, Cairo 1352/1934, i,
125-76, nos. 1139-1599; Ahmad b. 'Air al-Tabarsr,
al-Ihtidiadj, Nadjaf 1386/1966, i, 84-8, 291; Ahmad
b. al-Husayn al-Bayhakr, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hy-
derabad 1344, i-x, index; Akhtab Kh"warizm, al-
Manakib, Nadjaf 1385/1965, 27, 36, 60, 62, 8(1,
82, 88, 106-7, 195, 219, 227, 266; Ahmad b.
Hanbal, A: al-'Ilal wa-ma'rifat al-ria^ah ed. Talat
Kocvigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963, i,
index; idem, Musnad, Bulak, iii, 292-400; al-Madim,
al-'Ilal, Beirut 1392/1972, index; anon., Ta'rTkh al-
Khulafa'. ed. P.A. Gryaznyevic, Mostow 1967, fol.
42a, 1. 1, 213b, 11. 4-5; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-
awlira', repr. Beirut 1387/1967, ii, 4-5, iii, 189-
91, 200-2; al-Baladhun, Amab, i, ed. Hamidallah,
Cairo 1959, index, v. ed. S.D. Goitein, Jerusalem
1936, index, Ms. fol. 1215b; al-Dhahabr, Sivar a'lam
al-nuhala', Cairo 1956 f, i, 235-7 led". Salah
al-Din al-Munadjdjid), iii, 126-9 led. As'ad Talasi;
DJABIR b. 'ABD ALLAH — DjABIR al-DJU'FI
idem, Ta'rikh al-Isldm, Cairo 1367, iii, 143-5; idem,
Huffdz, Hyderabad 1375/1955, i, 43-4; al-Fadl b.
al-Hasan al-Tabarsi, Flam al-ward bi-a'lam al-huda,
ed. 'All Akbar al-Ghaffarl, Tehran 1338, 58, 210,
253, 262-3; Furat al-Kuft, Tafslr, Nadjaf n.d., 77,
101, 174, 175, 176, 192-3, 205, 220; al-Hakim,
al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, iii, 202-4, 564-6;
Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawball al-
KatakanT, al-Burhdn fi tafslr al-Kur'an, Kumm 1394,
i, 305, 522, 563, ii, 127-8, 442, iii, 146-7, 239-
40, iv, 148, 245, 490, 491; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,
al-Istl'db, Cairo 1380/1960, i, 219-20, no. 286;
Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, A". al-Futuh, Hyderabad
1391/1971, iv, 57; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh [tahdhlb),
Damascus 1329 f., iii, 386-91; Ibn al-Athfr, Usd
al-ghdba, Cairo 1280, i, 256-8; Ibn Babawayh,
Amdll, Nadjaf 1389/1970, 16, 19-20, 47, 68, 79,
85, 108, 110, 119, 215-16, 244, 297, 315-16; Ibn
Hadjar, Tahdhlb al-Tahdhlb, Hyderabad 1325, ii,
42-3, no. 67, vi, 153, no. 309, vii, 253, no. 461,
ix, 90, no. 117; idem, al-Isaba, Cairo 1392/1972,
i, 434-5, no. 1027, iv. 189-90, no. 4841; Ibn
Hisham, Cairo 1355/1936, indices; Ibn Hazm,
Qawdmi' al-slra, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas and Nasir al-
Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d., index; idem, l^amharat
ansdb al-'arab, Cairo 1962, 359; Ibn al-Tmad,
Shadhardt al-dhahab, Cairo 1350, i, 84; Ibn Sa'd,
Tabakdt, index; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif, Cairo 1960,
index; Pseudo-Ibn Kutayba, al-Imdma wa 'l-shdsa,
Cairo 1378/1967, i,'l83; Ibn Shahrashub, Manakib
al-Abl Tdlib, Nadjaf 1376/1956, passim- Ibn Tawus,
al-Luhuf 'aid katld 'l-tufuf, Tehran 1348, 196;
Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaki, al-Mahdsin wa
1-masdwl, Cairo 1380/1961, index; Ibrahim b.
Mar'i al-ShabrakhitT, Sharh 'aid 'l-arba'ln hadith{\)
al-nawawivva, Beirut n.d., 86; Isma'Il b. Mu-
hammad" al-'Adjluni al-Djarrahi, Kashf al-khafa'
alsinat~ al-nds, Cairo 135T (repr.), i, 265! no7827;
al-Tsaml, Simt al-nudjum al-'awdll, Cairo 1380, ii,
331, 423, 475, 482, 485, 492, iii, 91-2, 144; al-
Khatfb al-Baghdadr, Aludih awhdm al-djam' wa'l-
tafrlk, Hyderabad 1378/1959, i, 395, 398; Khalifa
b. Khayyat, Ta'ilkh, ed. al-'Uman, Nadjaf
1386/1967, index; Khalll b. Aybak al-Safadl, Nakt
al-himyan, Cairo 1329/1911, 132-3; al-Kishshi,
Ridjal, Nadjaf n.d., 42-5, 113-4; al-Kulayni, al-
Kafi (al-usul), Tehran 1388, i, 242, 442-4; al-
Mamakani, Tanklh al-makdl fi ahwdl al-riajdl,
Nadjaf 1349, 199-200, no. 1569; al-MadjlisI, Bihar
dl-anwdr, Tehran 1 385 f, passim; al-Mas'udl, Ithbat
al-wasma, Nadjaf 1374/1955, 165-6, 173; al-
Djahshiyarl, A", al-wuzara' wa'l-kuttab, Cairo 1938,
21; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Ahdal al-Husayni
al-Marawi'i, Bughyat ahl al-athar flman ittqfaka lahu
wa-li-abihi suhbat sayyid al-bashar, Cairo 1347, 36,
1. 2; Muhammad b. al-Fattal al-Naysabun, Rawdat
al-im'izln, Nadjaf 1386/1966, 202-3, 206, 271;
Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Muhabbar, Hyderabad
1361/1942, index; Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-
'Amili, al-Qj.awdhir al-saninafi 1-ahddith al-kudsirta,
Nadjaf 1384/1964, 20l"-9, 242-3, 256-7, 265-6,
304 (see the tradition on p. 304 in Daylamfs
Firdaivs al-akhbdr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol.
167a, 11. 8-9); Muhammad b. Abi '1-K.asim al-
Tabari, Bishdrat al-mustajd li-shl'at al-murtadd, Nadjaf
1383/1963, 19-20, 23, 40, 65, 66-7, 74, 101, 133,
137-9, 145, 158, 183, 187, 190-2; Muhammad
Nawawi b. 'Umar al-Djawi, Targhib al-mushtdkin
li-baydn maniumal al-sayyid al-barzandji £ayn al-
'Abidln, Cairo n.d., 40; Muhammad b. Yahya al-
Malakf, al-Tamhid wa 'l-bayan ft maktal al-shahld
'Uthmdn, Beirut 1964, index; al-Muhibb al-Tabari,
al-Riydd al-nadira Ji manakib al-'ashara, Cairo
1372/1953, ii, 203, 222, 265, 296; idem, Dhakha'ir
al-'ukba JT manakib dhawi 'l-kurbd, Cairo 1 356, 66,
70-1, 85, 91, 95, 96, 119, 129, 176; Nur al-Dln
al-Haythami, Madjma' al-zawd'id wamanba' al-
fawd'id, Beirut 1967 (reprint) ix, 7, 11-12, 87, 88,
172, 317, x, 9-10; Safl al-Dfn al-Khazradji,
Khulasat tadhhib Tahdhlb al-kamal ft asmd' al-ri(gdU
Cairo 1391/1971, i, 156, no. 973; al-Shaykh al-
MufTd, al-Ikhtisds, Nadjaf 1390/1971, 2, 56-7, 195,
196, 205-6; idem, al-Irshad, Nadjaf 1381/1962,
254 inf., 262; idem, al-Amall, Nadjaf n.d., 39, 41,
48, 74, 98, 100, 111, 112; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh,
index; al-Tayalisi, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 232-
48, nos. 1667-1801; al-Wakidi, Maghazl, ed.
Marsden Jones, Oxford 1966, index; Ya'kub b.
Sufyan al-Fasawr, al-Ma'rifa wa 'l-ta'rlkh, Ms. Esad
Ef. 2391, fols. 5b, 13b; al-Ya'kubl, Ta'rikh, index;
E. Kohlberg, An unusual Shl'l isndd, in Israel Oriental
Studies, v (1975), 142-9; U. Rubin, Pre-exislence and
light, in ibid., 99, n. 86, 115 n. 22; Sezgin, GAS,
i, 85, no. 3. _ (M.J. Kister)
DIABIR al-DIU'FI, Abu 'Abd Allah or Abu
Muhammad b. Yazid b. al-Harith, Kufan Shl'l
traditionist of Arab descent. His chief teacher seems
to have been al-Sha'bl [q.v.] (d. 100/718-19). Among
other well-known traditionists, from whom he re-
lated, were 'Ikrima, 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah and Tawus.
Initially, he held the moderate Shl'l views widespread
among the Kufan traditionists. Later he joined the
more radical ShiT circles looking to Muhammad al-
Bakir (d. ca. 117/735) and his son Dja'far al-Sadik
for religious guidance. According to some Sunn! here-
siologists, he became the leader of the extremist Shf I
followers of al-Mughlra b. Sa'Id after the latter was
killed by Khalid al-Kasri, governor of Kufa, in
119/737. Imami sources, on the other hand, report
a statement of Dja'far al-Sadik commending him for
having said the truth about the imams while con-
demning al-Mughira for lying about them. This makes
it appear unlikely that Djabir actually belonged to the
Mughmyya, who recognised the Hasanid Muhammad
b. 'Abd Allah as their imam, but does point to some
relationship between him and al-Mughlra. Accord-
ing to another Imami report, Djabir first aroused the
suspicions of Yusuf b. 'Umar, governor of Kufa
(120-6/738-44), and then incited the people of Kufa
against his successor, Mansur b. Djumhur (126/744).
According to most sources, he died in 128/745-6.
Other death dates given for him are 127/744-5 and
132/749-50.
Sunni hadlth criticism was divided concerning his
trustworthiness. His transmission was evidendy accepted
at first as reliable and highly accurate but later,
as his Shl'l attitude became more radical, he was
shunned. Thus Sufyan al-Thawrl and Shu'ba related
on his authority and noted his reliability, though crit-
ical judgments are also reported from them. Abu
Hamfa is said to have condemned him as a notori-
ous liar who claimed to have a hadlth for every legal
question. Among the authors of the canonical collec-
tions of hadlth, Abu Dawud, al-Tirmidhr, and Ibn
Madja quoted a few traditions in which he appears
in the chain of transmitters. Al-Bukhan and Muslim
excluded him, the latter quoting negative reports about
him in the introduction to his Sahih (Cairo [1963?],
i, 15). The standard accusations against him were that
he believed in the radj'a [q.v.] and that he claimed
secret knowledge of many thousands of hadlths which
DJABIR al-DJU'FI — DJABR
he would not divulge. The Imarm attitude to him
was also ambiguous. While he was considered a loyal
supporter of the imam?, al-Bakir and al-Sadik, he was
described as "mixed-up" (mukhtalit) by scholars
opposed to extremist tendencies. Several IraamI tra-
ditionists who related from him, 'Amr b. Shimr,
Mufaddal b. Salih, Munakhkhal b. DjamTl and Yusuf
b. Ya'kQb, were accused of extremism and consid-
ered weak transmitters. The ghulat, on the other
hand, recognised him as the most intimate disciple
of Muhammad al-Bakir, who was fully initiated into
the mysteries of the gnostic knowledge and super-
human nature of the imam, and they ascribed mirac-
ulous qualities and powers to him. It is uncertain to
what extent reports later circulating under his name
among the ghulat go back to Djabir, whatever his
relations with the contemporary Shi'I extremists. An
early Imami source states that 'Abd Allah b. al-
Harith, leader of the extremist followers of 'Abd
Allah b. Mu'awiya [q.v], after the latter's death in
131/748-9, spread extremist doctrines about
metempsychosis, pre-existence of the human souls as
shadows (axilla) and cyclical history (dawr [t/.u. in
Suppl.J), ascribing them to Djabir b. 'Abd Allah al-
Ansari and Djabir al-Dju'fT "who were innocent of
them" (see al-Nawbakhti, Firak al-sht'a, ed. H. Ritter,
Istanbul 1931, 31).
The Imam, scholar al-Nadjashf (d. 450/1058) men-
tions the following books of Djabir as still avail-
able to him: A". al-Tafsir, K. al-Nawadir, K. al-Fada'il,
K. al-Djamal, A". Siffin, A". al-.Nahrawan. K. Maktal Amir
al-Mu'minin, and A'. Maktal al-Hmayn. Djabir occa-
sionally appears in al-Tabari's Kur'an commentary
and his Ta'nkh as a transmitter of Kur'an exegesis
and in the latter work also as a transmitter of reports
on the caliphate of 'All and the death of al-Husayn
(see TabarT, index s.v. Djabir al-RawI). It is unlikely,
however, that al-Taban was quoting directly from
any works of Djabir. Extensive quotations of his
reports concerning the battle of Siffin and the
caliphate of 'All are contained in the A". Wak'at Siffin
of Nasr b. Muzahim. Nasr's authority for them was,
however, 'Amr b. Shimr, who is accused by the
Shaykh al-TusT of having made additions to Djabir's
books.
Bibliography. Ibn Sa'd, vi, 240; al-Bukhan, al-
Ta'nkh al-kabn, Haydarabad 1360-77/1941-58, i/2,
210 f; al-Ash'an, Makalat al-islammin, ed. H. Rit-
ter, Istanbul 1939-31, i, 8; al-Kashshr, Ikhtirar ma'n-
fat al-ndjal, ed. Hasan al-Mustafawi, Mashhad
1348/1970, 191-8, 373; al-Muffd, al-Ikhtisas, ed.
Hasan al-Kharsan, Nadjaf 1390/1971, 62; al-TQsi,
Fihtist kutub al-shi'a, ed. A. Sprenger, Calcutta 1853-
5, 73; al-Nadjashr, al-Ridjal, Tehran n.d., 99-101;
Nashwan al-Himyan, al-Hur al-'in, Cairo 1367/
1948, 168; ai-Dhahabl, Mizan al-ftidal, ed. 'All
Muhammad al-BidjawI, Cairo 1382/1963, i, 379-
84; Ibn Hadjar, TahdhJb al-tahdhib, Haydarabad
1325-7/1907-9, ii, 46-51; al-'Amilr, A'ran al-shi'a,
xv, Damascus 1359/1940, 199-226; For the Djabir
tradition among the ghulat and Nusayns, see A".
al-Haft wa 1-aplla, ed. 'A. Tamir and Ign.-A.
Khalife, Beirut 1960, 28, 128; al-Tabaram, Maigmu'
al-a'yad, ed. R. Strothmann, in hi, xxvii (1946),
index; Umm al-Kitab, ed. W. Ivanow, in hi, xxii
(1936), index; Goldziher, Muh. St., ii, 112 f. Eng.
tr., ii, 110-11; Sezgin GAS, i, 307; T. Nagel,
Rechtleitung und Kalijat, Bonn 1975, 216 f.
(VV. Madelung)
DJABR (A.), compulsion in marriage exer-
cised upon one or other of the prospective partners,
under conditions which vary according to the judi-
cial schools. The right of dfabr is foreseen neither by
the Kur'an nor by the Sunna, and a hadith (al-Bukhari,
.Nika'h, bdb 42) actually declares that neither the father
nor any other person may give in marriage without
her consent a virgin or a woman who has already
been under the authority of a husband; the Prophet
himself consulted his daughter Fatima before giving
her in marriage to 'Air, but it seems that the major-
ity of early Muslim jurists preferred to follow an
ancient Arab custom. Later traditions confirm their
point of view, and all the schools made dfabr a point
of doctrine, without always employing this term, which
does not appear with this particular sense in the clas-
In general, this right belongs to the master when
applied to slaves of both sexes, on condition that they
suffer no damage (see 'abd), or to the father, grand-
father or testamentary guardian [wasT] in other cases;
in principle, the wa/T [see wilaya] is only considered
to exercise this right by the HanafTs, and by the
MalikTs in the case of an orphan girl who does not
have a wasl. Except when subject to impediment [see
hadjr], boys normally acquired the right to consent
to their marriage after puberty [see baligh], so that
they escaped from djabr at an early age, in the legal
sense at least. So it is upon girls that the arrange-
;ion hav
the
most relevant effect in classical Muslim
According to the HanafTs. even the wall may
arrange a marriage in the name of children of
either sex who are below the age of puberty, and
in the case of the girl in particular, this applies
whether she is a virgin or not. On attaining puber-
ty boys and girls enjoy a right of choice {khv/ar) if
they have been married by their wall mudfbir, who
according to this school may be chosen from among
a wide range of agnatic relatives; if it is the father
or the grandfather who has exercised the right of
woman given in marriage by her master against
her will may also annul her marriage if she is
enfranchised.
According to the ShafiTs, the wall may not give a
virgin girl in marriage without her consent, at least
tacit; only the father or the grandfather in fact exer-
cises the right of djabt, but in this school, it is the
notion of virginity which is crucial, the loss of vir-
ginity, whether legal, accidental or illegal, conferring
upon the interested party the right to consent to her
marriage (or re-marriage) even if she is still below the
age of puberty.
For the Hanbalis, the conditions for the exercise
of the right of dfabi approximate to those of the
Malikis, who show themselves the most rigorous in
the
argin-
ity. In fact the father has the right to give his
daughter in marriage without her consent, not only
if she is subject to impediment, as in the other
schools, but also, with certain restrictions, if she is
a virgin, whether past the age of puberty (she may
even be an old maid) or below it; he exercises
the right of djabr equally over a pre-pubescent girl
deflowered after a legal marriage, and over a post-
pubescent girl deflowered accidentally or illegally.
There is no right of choice, but the father is obliged
to respect the principle according to which the part-
order to escape the paternal djabr, the daughter
must be past the age of puberty and legally de-
flowered (tharyib) or, if she has preserved her
DJABR — DJABRIDS
ied for
virginity after the age of puberty, she
cipated in respect of property, c
a year or less and divorced, or a widow whose
marriage has not been consummated. The wall other
than the father is never mudjbir, that is to say that
he only has the right to give a girl in marriage
when she is past puberty, but her consent, more
or less tacit, is then required; having become thayyib,
she must give an explicit consent through the inter-
mediary of her wall.
Among the Imami ShT'Ts, the right of djabr belongs
to the father, and, with certain reservations, to the
grandfather. In early times, it was applied to the vir-
gin daughter whatever her age, but ultimately it was
decided that the post-pubescent virgin is no longer
subject to it.
Such is the theory. In practice, the govern-
ments of the majority Muslim states, whether inde-
pendent or under foreign protectorate, have long ago
attempted to curb the right of djabr by fixing the age
of marriage at twelve and above for girls and by for-
bidding the kadis to conduct unduly premature wed-
>; but i
alw£
een pc
sible
a very strict control. In the states which have modern
legal systems, this right has been totally abolished or
restrained by the necessity of the mutual consent of
the parties, even if the mediation of the wall is still
required (if the latter refuses, it is possible to have
recourse to the judge). There remain, however, ves-
tiges of it in the most modern legal codes, such as
that of Morocco which provides (art. 12) that the
judge has the right to use compulsion in a case where
it is feared that a girl will misbehave if allowed to
remain a spinster.
Bibliography: The fikh works, chs. on marriage,
notably, for the Hanafls, Kudurl, Mukhtasai, ed.
and tr. G.H. Bousquet and L. Bercher, Tunis n.d.;
for the Shafi'Ts, ShafiT, K. al-Umm, Cairo 1325.
vii, 181-5; for the Malikis, Malik, Muwatta', Cairo
1951, ii, 525; KhalTl b. Ishak, Mukhtasar, tr.
Bousquet, ii, Algiers-Paris 1958, 17 ff.; for the
ShlTs, Kulaym, Kafi, Tehran 1391, v, 391 ff.; al-
SharTf al-Murtada, Intisar, Nadjaf 1971, 119-21;
See also Ibn Hazm, Muhalld, Cairo 1351, ix, 459
ff.; A. Querry, Droit musulman, Paris 1871-2, i, 650;
G. Stern, Marriage in early Islam, London 1939, 32-
3; J. Roussier-Theaux, La neutralisation du droit de
djebr, in Rev. Aft., lxxxi (1938), 161-8; E. Desportes,
Le droit de djebr, in ReiK de Legist, alg., 1949/1, 109-
19; G.H. Bousquet, Le droit de djebr et la com d'Alger,
in ibid, 1950/1, 211-15; idem, La morale de I'Islam
et son ethique sexuelle, Paris 1953, 90 ff.; L. Milliot,
Introduction a I'etude du droit musulman, Paris 1953,
295 ff.; R. Brunschvig, Considerations sociologiques sur
le droit musulman, in SI, iii (1965), 65-6; J. Schacht,
Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 161-2; Linant de
Bellefonds, Traite de droit musulman compare, Paris-
The Hague 1965, index; M. Borrmans, Statut per-
sonnel et famille au Maghreb de 1940 a nos jours,
Sorbonne thesis 1971, index. See also nikah.
(Ch. Pellat)
DJABRIDS, a dynasty based in al-Ahsa' [q.v.] in
eastern Arabia in the 9th-10th/15th-16th centuries.
The Banu Djabr descended from 'Amir b. Rabfa b.
'Ukayl.
The founder of the dynasty was Sayf b. Zamil b.
Djabr, who supplanted the Djarwanids of 'Ukayl [see
al-katif]. Sayf's brother and successor Adjwad was
born in the desert in the region of al-Ahsa' and al-
Katif in Ramadan 821 /October 1418. Adjwad in
his fifties was strong enough to become involved in
the politics of Hormuz on the other side of the
Gulf. He told the Medinan historian al-Samhudl
how he had visited the tomb of Kulayb, the hero
of the saga of the war of al-Basus, in Hima Dariyya
[q.v.], a tomb revered by a Bedouin cult. Adjwad
extended his authority westwards into Nadjd and
towards 'Uman in the east, where he gathered trib-
ute. He won fame as a captain who had suffered
many wounds in battle. At the same time he was
distinguished for his piety; he diligently collected
books of the Maliki law school to which he adhered,
a school with many followers in eastern Arabia.
Some of the Maliki judges whom he appointed were
converts from the Shl'a. He made frequent pil-
grimages, the last being in 912/1507, when he was
said to have led a throng of 30,000. His generos-
ity was such that the Bedouins of eastern Arabia
still remember him as a sort of latter-day Hatim
al-TaT. The traces of a fort near the village of al-
Munayzila in al-Ahsa' are known as Kasr Adjwad
b. Zamfl.
With the arrival of the Portuguese in the Persian
Gulf in 913/1507, Albuquerque learned of the
power of the Djabrids. Adjwad had just died, leav-
ing three sons, the eldest of whom was Mukrin.
The famous pilgrimage in 926/1520 by Mukrin,
whom the Egyptians visiting Mecca regarded as
"the lord of the Bedouins of the East", is described
Back from al-Hidjaz, Mukrin in Sha'ban 927/
July 1521 encountered a Portuguese force that had
descended on the island of al-Bahrayn. Having married
a daughter of the Amir of Mecca, Mukrin had brought
with him Turkish craftsmen and sailors to build and
man a fleet to oppose the Christian enemy and had
strengthened his army with 400 Persian archers and
20 Ottoman sharp-shooters. The battle took place on
land. After a heroic resistance, Mukrin fell gravely
wounded and died three days later.
In 928/1521 Husayn b. Sa'Td, the Djabrid field
commander in 'Uman, joined the Portuguese in
expelling the Persian garrison from Suhar on the coast
of the Gulf of 'Uman, and the Portuguese recognised
Husayn as the new governor there, describing him as
master of the whole stretch of territory southwards to
Zafar on the Arabian Sea.
As the 10th/ 16th century wore on, the Djabrids
grew weaker in the face of an Ottoman advance from
the north and incursions by the Sharif of Mecca from
the west. Rashid b. Mughamis of the Muntafik, an
Ottoman subject, dealt the Djabrids a crippling blow
in 931/1524-5. An inscription in Masdjid al-Dibs in
al-Hufuf, the capital of al-Ahsa', bears the name of
the first Ottoman governor, Mehmed Farrukh Pasha,
and the date 963/1556.
In 986/1578-9 the Sharif Hasan b. Abl Numayy,
while besieging Mi'kal in the oasis of al-Riyad,
captured a number of the leading figures there,
among whom there may have been members of Banu
Djabr. Three years later the same Sharif took towns
and forts in al-Khardj and al-Yamama. On the way
home, the Sharif was attacked by Bedouins of Banu
Khalid, whom he routed. This incident lends cre-
dence to the likelihood of a direct connection between
the Djabrids and this tribe, particularly its section
named the Djubur.
Bibliography: al-Samhudi, Wqfa' al-wafa' ,
Cairo 1326; al-Sakhawi, al-Daw' al-lami', i, Cairo
1353; 'Uthman b. Bishr, 'Unwan al-maajd, n. pi.
1391; A. de Albuquerque, Comentarios, Coimbra
1923; J. de Barros, Decades da Asia, Lisbon 1628;
DJABRIDS — DjADJARMl
M \on Oppenheim, Die Beduimn, 111/1, ed \V
Caskel, Wiesbaden 1952, \V Caskel Ein 'unbe
kannte" Dynastie in Arabien, in Oriens n (1949), bb-
<Abd al-Latit Nasn al-Humavdan, al Ta'rlLh
il Djubur
wa short
S20/1417 931/1525,
Tladjallat Kulhyyat al Adab, Djami'at al Basra, No
lb (1980) (detailed studv, includes, genealogical
table), idem, Nufudh al Djubur fi shark al ajazira
931/1525 1288/1871, in op at. No 17 (1980)
(G Rentz)
DIADJARM, a town in the western pait of medi-
ae\al Khurasan in Persia, now a town and also
a bakhsh or sub-district in the shahra\tan oi district of
Budjnurd in the Khuiasan uitan It lies at the west-
ern end of the elongated plain which stretches almost
fiom Bistam in the west almost to Nishapui in the
east, which is drained by the largely saline Kal-i Shur
stream, and which is now traversed by the Tehran-
Nishapur-Mashhad railway
The mediaeval geographers, up to and including
Hamd Allah MustawfT (see Le Strange, The lands of
the Eastern Caliphate, 392-3 430), advert to the fertility
of the legion of Djadjarm, which the\ describe as
a well-f ratified town with ceieals and fiuit, and with
watei fiom springs which was conveyed to the field
by kanah The Hudud al 'Slam (37 2/9821, tr Minoisky,
102, desuibes it as 'the emporium of Gurgan, Kumis
and Nishapui ' It lay on an important caravan route
which ran westward from Nishapur through Djuwayn
along the plain and then by the Dinar-Sari defile
thiough mountains down to the Caspian lowlands,
it was this route which Mas'Qd of Ghazna's army
took in 42b/ 1035 when that ruler marched against
the Ziyand prince of Gurgan and Tabanstan
Manucihr b Kabus, see Bayhaki Ta'rlkh i Mas'udT,
ed Ghani and Fawad, 448-9 In the Mongol and
Il-Khamd periods this route was particularly well-
tiaversed, and the Spanish envoy Clavijo gives a
detailed account of his journey via Djadjarm, see
Embassy to Tamerlane 1403 140b, tr Le Strange,
London 1928 17b
In Safawid and Kadjar times Djadjarm clearly
declined, and the eailier fertility largely disappeared
the region doubtless suffered until the later 19th cen-
tuiy from the insecurity engendeied by Tuikmen
incursions into northern Khurasan C E \ate in the
1890s estimated that Djadjarm had 500 houses,
B Spooner in 1 9b I estimated that the town had 800
households or ta 5 500 persons It seems, therefoie
that the town has leceived a modest amount of pios-
penty in recent decades, the main cash crop of the
district today is cotton
Bibliography In addition to the references
given in the te\t, see B Spooner, irghiyan Thi
area oj Ja,arm in western Khurasan, in Iran, Jnal of
the British Inst of Piman Studies, m (19b5j, 97-
107, and J Aubm Reseau pastoral et reseau lara
lamer, les grand'routes du Khurassan a Vipoqut mongok,
in U monde iramen tt Vlslam, i, Geneva-Pans 1971,
105-30 (conects certain enors of Le Stiange and
Spoonet, especially the wrongful identification ot
the mediaeval district of Arghiyan with Djadjaim)
For the 'ulama' of Djadjaim, see Sam'ani, 4nwb
ed Hyderabad, m, Ib0-1, and \akut Buldan,
ed Beirut, n, 92 (C E Bosworth)
DIADJARMl, a msba referring to Djadjaim [ai
above] in western Khurasan, the name of two Persian
poets, fathei and son, who flourished in the Mongol
1 The elder, Badr al-Dln b 'Umai, made
his career undei the pationage of the Djuwaynis [qv],
a clan onginating from the same area, which came
to political power under the early Il-Khans He was
in particular connected with the governor of Isfahan
Baha' al-Din Muhammad Djuwayni id b78/1279)
The contemporary poet Madjd-i Hamgar, who also
belonged to the aide of this patron, is said to have
been his teacher Badi al-Din used as his pen-name
either Badi or Badr-i Djadjarmi He wrote elegies on
the death of Baha' al-Din, of Shams al-Din Sahib-
Diwan and on the death of the mystic Sa'd al-Dm
HammG'i, another close relation of the Djuwavms
His own death otcuired in Djumada II b8b/August
1287 Fragments of his poetry have been pieseived
in the anthology compiled by his son, but he also
retained the attention of the tadhkira-v,nter^ (cf e g
Dawlatshah, 219 ft see furthei Safa, Ta'nUl, 558)
Although t
ched tc
it the
average of the poetry of his age Notable c
poems of a didactic nature a short mathnaai in the
metie khajif on palmoscopy {ikhtilddj [</r]) and a
kasida dealing with prognostics (ikhtnarat [qi]) based
on the position of the moon in the various burudj (cf
Mu'ms, n, 861-75 and 1218-21)
2 Muhammad b Badr, the son, is only known
thiough his extensive anthology of poetry entitled
Mu'nn al ahrar fi dakd'ik al ash'ar, which was com-
pleted in Ramadan 741 /February-Match 1341 It
is distinguished from the works of the tadhkna type
by the lack of any biogiaphical data concerning the
poets whose works are represented in the collection
as well as by its method of arrangement The col-
lection contains poems of about 200 different poets
8th/l 3th-14th centunes The anthologist fiequently
quotes his fathei, and has inserted some specimens
of his own woik as well Apart from that, the Isfahan!
poet Kamal al-Din Isma'il [q v], one of the eaily
masteis of the so-called 'Iraki style , appeals to be
a distinct favourite The poems have been arranged
into thnty chapters according to their subject-matter,
genre or poetical foim Most of them are unabridged
This anthology constitutes a valuable source for the
study of mediaeval Persian literature in many respects
It has preseived much material from the Il-Khamd
period, but also from earlier periods, that otherwise
would have been lost Chaptei wvu, on ruba'imat,
contains a special section devoted to 'Umai Khayyam,
with a gioup of thirteen quatrains (added as an appen-
dix to the edition of the Roba'mal e Hakim 'Omar
Khayyam by Fr Rosen Berlin 1925) The natuie of
its arrangement provides a number of starting-points
for the investigation of poetical genres
The Ah'nis al ahrar has already been used as a
source by Rida Kuli Khan Hidayat (cf Mad}ma' al
Jusaha', hth Tehran 1295, i, mukaddama) But it
became widely known only thiough the discoveiy of
an autograph, dated Ramadan 741 /February-March
1341, which formerly belonged to the Kevoikian
Collection This manuscript at fust attracted the
pictures illustrating, firstly, a poem entitled ash'ar i
musawwar, especially composed for illustration by
ustad Muhammad al-Rawandi, and, secondly, the
ikhtiyarati kamar by Badr al-Din The miniatures
have been attributed to the Indju school of paint-
ing at Shnaz The manuscript has been described
in detail in the catalogue of the Exhibition oj the
hivorkian Collection exhibited at the Galleries oj Charles
DJADJARMI — DJA'FAR b. MANSUR al-YAMAN
of London . . . New York, March-April 1914, no. 264.
After the auction of the collection in 1927, the six
folios containing these paintings were dispersed to
several public and private collections (cf K. Hiker,
Zentralblatt fur Bibliothekwesen, liv (1937), no. 48, and
H. Buchtal, O. Kurz and R. Ettinghausen, Ars
Islamica, vii (1940), 155, no. 48; see also Basil Gray,
La peinture persane, Geneva 1961, 60 ff., but the inter-
pretation of the pictures there is to be corrected).
The literary contents of the manuscript were exam-
ined by M. KazwTm (Bist makala, ed. by 'Abbas
Ikbal, Tehran 1313/1934', 138-55; ed. Tehran
1332/1953 2 , ii, 184-206; in English in BSOS, v (1928-
30), 97-108). Several other copies, all, however, of
a much later date, have since come to light (cf. e.g.
AJ. Arberry, in JRAS (1939), 380-1; M.-T.
Danisi
mh, Mad)
■ damshkad
Tihran viii (1339/1960), 504 ff.; Tablbi in the intro-
duction to the second volume of his edition). The
text has been edited by Mir Salih TabTbT (2 vols.,
Tehran 1337-50/1958-71), who has supplied most
of the lacunae in the autograph from the later man-
well
Bibliography
in the article, se
baden 1963,
, Tehran-Pari
Bruijn)
DIN ABU
In addition to the works quoted
5 F. Meier, Die scheme Mahsati, Wies-
7 f; G. Lazard, Les premiers poetes
964, 6; Dh. Safa, Ta'rtkh-i
, Tehran 1353/1 974-, 558-
67; Sotheby's Spring Islamic Catalogue, Monday
23rd April 1979, 84, no. 144.
(J.T.P. DE
DJA'FAR b. ABI YAHYA, SHAMS al-
l-FADL b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Salam b
Muhammad al-Buhluli al-Abnawi, Zaydi
and kadi. His ancestors, including his father, were
Isma'Tli kadis of San'a' under the Sulayhids and
Hatimids. His brother Yahya (d. 562/1167) served the
Isma'Ili Zuray'ids of 'Adan as a panegyrist and judge.
Dja'far converted to Zaydism at an unknown date
and at first adhered to the doctrine of the Mutarri-
fiyya [q.v.]. After the arrival of the Khurasanian Zaydi
scholar Zayd b. al-Hasan al-Bayhakr in Sa'da in
541/1146, Dja'far studied with him. Al-Bavhakr rep-
resented the doctrine of the Caspian Zavdivya and,
with the support of the Zaydr Imam al-Mutaw akkil
Ahmad b. Sulayman (d. 566/1170), who also studied
with him, vigorously fought the Mutarnfl heresv In
545/1151, when al-Mutawakkil temporanlv suc-
ceeded in wresting San'a' from Hatim b Ahmad, he
appointed Dja'far kadi of the town Kadi Dja'far
accompanied al-Bayhakl, when he left the Yaman, in
order to pursue further studies with him and, after
al-Bayhaki's unexpected death in al-Tihama, contin-
ued his journey alone. He is known to have studied
and received authorisation for the transmission ol
books in Mecca, in Ktifa, where he was present in
Dhu '1-Hidjdja 550/February 1156, and in Rayy,
where he received an idjaza on 1 Djumada I 552/13
June 1157. His chief teacher in Rav> was the Zavdr
scholar Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad al-Kanm, trom whom
he later transmitted numerous works in the Yaman
In 554/1159 he returned to the Yaman and renewed
his service to the Imam al-Mutawakkil In this vear
he stirred up Sunn! antagonism in Ibb bv propagat-
ing Mu'tazilT theology. He settled in Sana' near San'a'
and taught in his madrasa, atti acting numerous stu-
dents as well as the strong opposition ol the Mutarn-
fiyya, who built their own madrasa next to the mosque
of the town. In Wakash, the centre of Mutarriff learn-
ing, he debated with the prominent MutarriiT schol-
ars Muslim al-Lahdjr and Yahya b. al-Husayn al-Yahin.
In Djumada I 556/May 1161 he preached at the
funeral of the son of the Imam, who continued to
support him in his struggle against the Mutarrifiyya.
He died in 573/1177-8 and was buried in Sana'.
Kadi Dja'far played the most conspicuous role in
the introduction of the religious literature of the
Caspian Zaydi community to the Yaman. Through
his transmission of this literature as well as through
his own works, said to number more than thirty, in
all fields of religious learning, he became the founder
of a school which recognised the Caspian Zaydr Imams
as being equally authoritative teachers with the Yamani
Imams, and he espoused the Basran Mu'tazili doctrine
in theology and legal methodology already adopted
by most Zaydis outside the Yaman, thus restoring
ideological unity within the Zaydiyya. His school
became predominant in the Yamam community
under the Imam al-Mansur 'Abd Allah b. Hamza
(d. 614/1217), who supported its views in his own
many writings and waged a war of extermination
against the Mutarrifiyya.
Bibliography: Anonymous Yamani chronicle, ms.
Ambrosiana H 5, fols. 21b, 23b, 40b, 43b, 45; Ibn
Samura, Tabakatfukaha' al-Yaman, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid,
Cairo 1957, 180; Ibn Abi '1-Ridjal, Alalia' al-budur,
i, ms. Ambrosiana B 130, fol. 139; Yahya b. al-
Husayn b. al-Kasim, Ghavat al-amani, ed. SaTd 'Abd
al-Fattah 'Ashur, Cairo 1388/1968, i, 302; al-
Siyaghi, al-Rawd al-nadir, Cairo 1347-49/1928-30,
i, 12-14; al-Djundari, Tarddfim al-ri&dl, in Ibn
Miftah, al-Muntaza' al-mukhtar, i, Cairo 1332/1913,
9 f; Brockelmann, I, 508, S. 1 344, 699 f;
W. Madelung, Der Imam al-Qasim ibn Ibrahim, Berlin
1965, 204, 212-16. (W. Madelung)
DJA'FAR b. MANSUR al-YAMAN, IsmaTlr
author and partisan of the Fatimids [q.v.]. He was
the son of the first Isma'Tli missionary in Yaman, al-
Hasan b. Farah b. Hawshab b. Zadan al-KuiT, known
as Mansur al-Yaman [q.v]. When in the year 286/899
the chief of the Isma'Tli propaganda, 'Ubayd Allah,
claimed the imamate, Mansur al-Yaman acknowl-
edged him; the letter by which 'Ubayd Allah tried
to prove his 'Alid descent has been preserved in
Dja'far's al-Fara'id wa-hudud al-din (see H.F. Hamdani,
On the genealogy of Fatimid caliphs, Cairo 1958). When
after the death of Mansur al-Yaman (302/914-15) his
sons were excluded from the leadership of the com-
mumtv in Yaman, they fell away from allegiance to
the Fatimids, except Dja'far (see Malik al-Yamam,
KashfasrSr al-Batimyya, ed. al-Kawthari, 217). He came
to the Maghrib during the reign of the second Fatimid
caliph al-Ka'im (322-34/934-46); and under al-Mansur
(334-41/946-53) he fought against the Kharidjr rebel
Abu Yazfd [q i ] The merits of his father secured
him the financial support of the caliph al-Mu'izz
(341-65/953-75), when he was forced to pledge his
house in al-Mansuriyya (Sabra) to a creditor (see Sirat
al Ustddh Djawdhar, ed. M. Kamil Husayn and M.'A.
Sha'ira 126 f) The date of his death is not known;
possiblv he composed his Ta'zvil al-zakdt only in the
last vear ol al-Mu'izz (see W. Madelung, Imamat, 96).
The date 280/990 for his Asrar al-nutaka' has cer-
tainlv no solid basis (see Madelung, loc. cit); there is
therefore no reason to take him for a grandson of
Mansur al-Yaman, and all sources agree that he was
his son
Dja'far's works (see W. Ivanow, Ismaili literature,
Tehran 1963, 21 f; P. Kraus, in REI, vi (1932),
486 f.; F. Sezgin, GAS, i, 578 f.) mostly treat of
the allegorical exegesis (ta'wil) of the Kur'an and
of the ritual duties (e.g. al-Rida' ft 'l-batin; Ta'wil
DJA'FAR b. MANSUR al-YAMAN — DJALALABAD
al-huruf al-mu'djama; Ta'wil at-fara'id; Ta'wil al-zakat;
Ta'wil surat al-Msa"). His Asrar al-nutaka' is a collec-
tion of legends of the prophets from Adam to
Muhammad. The gist of the "Book of the intervals
and conjunctions" [K. al-Fatarat wa 1-kiranat) ascribed
to him, which P. Kraus (loc. cit.) incorrectly assigns
to the later Tayyibiyya [q.v.] literature, consists of
prophecies which expect as the Mahdr [q.v.] "the
Fourth, the Seventh of the second heptad" (sc. of the
three hidden Imams and the four Fatimid caliphs), i.e.
al-Mu'izz. The Kitab al-Kashf ascribed to Dja'far con-
tains six older treatises from early Fatimid times which
have been clearly put together in the time of al-Ka'im
(see Madelung, of. at, 52 ff.).
Bibliography (in addition to the works cited
in the article):" Dja'far b. Mansur al-Yaman, Kitab
al-Kashf, ed. R. Strothmann, London-Bombay
1952; W Madelung, Das Imamat m derfrtihen ismailiti-
schen Lehre, in IsC xxxvii (1961), 94-7; H. Halm,
Zur Datierung des isma'ilitischen "Bucks der ^wischen-
zeiten und der zehn Konjunktionen " (Kitab al-fatarat . . . I,
in Well des Orients, viii (1975), 91-107.
(H. Halm)
DJAGHATAY [see caojatay].
DIALAL al-DIN MANGUBIRTI [see djalal
al-dIn KH"arazm shah].
DIALALABAD, a town of eastern Afghanis-
tan, situated in lat. 34° 26' N. and long. 70° 27' E.
at an altitude of 620 m./l, 950 ft. It lies in the val-
ley of the Kabul River some 79 miles from Peshawar
to the east and 101 miles from Kabul city to the
west, and is on the right bank of the river. As well
as being roughly midway along the historic route con-
necting Kabul with the beginning of the plains of
northern India, Djalabad is also strategically situated
Nuristan) and today, routes run northwards from it
up to the Kanur and Alingar River valleys.
The area around Djalabad is that of the ancient
or Ningrahar; the name has now been revived, in the
latter version, as the name of a modern Afghan
province, see below), which was a flourishing region
culturally and religiously, forming part of the Gandhara
of the Sakas and then Kushans. Buddhism was strong
there, and the early 7th century Chinese Buddhist
pilgrim Hsuan-Tsang records it as Na-ka-lo-ho = *
Nagarahara; cf. G.H. Macgregor, in JASB, xiii (1844),
867-80, T. Walters, On Yuan Chwangs travels in India,
629-645 A.D., London 1904, 182-90, and Hudud al-
'alam, tr. Minorsky, comm. 252-3. The Buddhist antiq-
uities of the region have been exploited and looted
since the 19th century; serious archaeological investi-
gation dates from the work of the Delegation
Archeologique Franchise en Afghanistan 1923-8 at
Hadda a few miles south of Djalalabad, mainly at
Tepe Kalan stupa (J. Barthoux, Les fouilles de Hadda,
Mems. DAFA, iv, Paris 1933, and vi, Paris 1930),
and this has recently been continued by Sh.
Mustamandr (Muvelles fouilles a Hadda (1966-1967) par
I'Institut Afghane dArcheologie, in Arts Asiatiques, xix (1969),
15-36, cf. L. Dupree, Afghanistan, Princeton 1973, 306).
This region of Nangrahar has also at times been
included in the eastern part of that of Lamghan or
Lamghanat [g.v.].
The comparatively low-lying and sheltered val-
ley here of the Kabul River gives Djalabad what
Dupree has-called a "Mediterranean, dry-
than Hur
climate has meant that Djalalabad has for long been
a winter residence place for many Kabulis and a
winter haven for tribesmen of the climatically harsh
slopes of the Safid Kuh to the south of the river
valley and of the Kafiristan fringes. At present,
Djalalabad is the centre of a rich area for the grow-
ing of sugar cane by irrigation, rice, fruits, etc., and
a Ningrahar irrigation project, built around a dam
in the Darunta gorge, has recently been undertaken.
Ethnically, the Djalalabad region comprises some
Tadjik villagers but mainly Pushtuns of the Ghilzay,
Shinwari, Khugiyani, Mohmand and Safi tribes.
The actual town of Djalalabad only appears in
Islamic historv during the Mughal period, and Akbar
is said to have founded it in ca. 978/1570. Nadir
Shah Afshar campaigned in the district, and defeated
the Pushtun tribes at nearby Gandamak. It is during
the r
19th c
s then
;. The A
in ca. 18
1826-7, i
s that
r the
the contemporary town being the smalles
three. The then governor of Djalalabad was Nawab
Muhammad Zaman Khan b. As'ad Khan, a nephew
of Dost Muhammad [see dust muhammad], and the
revenue of the whole province of Djalalabad, includ-
ing that from the Tadjik villages and from Laghman,
amounted to three lakhs (i.e. 300,000) of rupees
(Narrative of various journeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan and
the Panjab, London 1842 (repr. Karachi 1974), i, 174-
80; Sir Thomas Holdich, The gates of India, London
1910, 352 ff.).
Shortly after Masson's visit, Djalalabad was seized
and sacked by Dost Muhammad in his expansion
from Kabul (1834). It then played a crucial role in
the First Afghan War (1839-42). It was occupied by
Major-General Sir Robert Sale's brigade of the Brit
("the illustr
') froi
Nov
king Afghan army of
Muhammad Akbar Khan, and fortified by the British
troops, despite a severe earthquake there in February
1842 which damaged the defences. It was Djalalabad
that the remnants of Major-General William El-
phinstone's ill-fated army straggled back from Kabul
in January 1842, the town being only relieved three
months later by Major-General George Pollock (see
J.A. Norris, The First Afghan War 1838-1842, Cam-
bridge 1967, 371 ff.). During the Second Afghan War
(1879-80), Djalalabad was again occupied by British
troops, who built a defence post, Fort Sale, one mile
to the east of the town. It had now become a favoured
winter residence of the amirs of Kabul, and in 1892
'Abd al-Rahman Khan [q.v.] built a palace and garden
near the western gate of the walled town. When in
1919 the amir Habib Allah [q.v.] was assassinated in
the Laghman district, his brother Nasr Allah was
briefly proclaimed king at Djalalabad, but abdicated
in favour of his nephew Aman Allah b. Habib Allah.
During the Third Afghan War, which followed these
events almost immediately, Djalalabad was bombed
from the air by the British (cf. L.W. Adamec,
Afghanistan 1900-1923, a diplomatic historv, Berkeley and
Los Angeles 1967, 107-8, 117, 122). It was amongst
the Shinwaris and other Pushtun tribes of the
Djalalabad region that the amirAman Allah [q.v., in
Suppl.] endeavoured in 1928 to exert his centralised
authority and to end the extortion of protection money
(badraku) from caravans travelling to Peshawar, pro-
voking a rising of the Shinwaris in which, amongst
other things, the rebels sacked the British consulate
in Djalalabad; this rising, and the poor performance
DJALALABAD — DJALALI
of the royal Afghan army against it, weie contribu-
tory causes of Aman Allah's downfall and abdication
in 1929 (cf. L.B. Poullada, Reform and rebellion in
Afghanistan. 1919-1929, King Amanullah's failure to
modernize a tribal society, Ithaca and London 1973,
162 ff).
The modern town has since 1964 been the provin-
cial capital of Ningrahar; its population was estimated
by J. Humlum at 20,000-30,000, swollen during the
winter by the influx of Kabulis and others {La geo-
graphic de I'Afghamstan, etude d'un pays ande, Copenhagen
1959, 140). It has by now lost the protective wall
and the bazaars of the old city, and the modern town
has expanded towards the west. Djalalabad also pos-
sesses a military airport, originally built with US aid
for civil purposes.
Bibliography (in addition to sources given in
the article): Imperial gazetter of India, Oxford 1908,
xiv, 11-13; Area handbook for Afghanistan, Washington
D.C. 1973, index; and the general histories of
Afghanistan (Fraser-Tytler, Masson and Romodin,
Klimburg, etc.), especially for the events of the 19th
The name Djalalabad occurs elsewhere in the
Central Asian and Indo-Afghan worlds. For the
Djalalabad in the modern Kirghiz SSR, see the arti-
cle s.v. in EI 2 . For the Djalalabad in Slstan (= Doshak),
see Holdich, op. at., 335, 497. For the Djalalabad in
the Shahdjahanpur District of Uttar Pradesh in India,
situated on the Ganges and in lat. 27° 43' N. and
long. 79° 40' E., said to have been founded by the
Tughlukid Djalal al-DTn Firuz Shah, and the
Djalalabad in the Muzaffarnagai District of Uttar
Pradesh, in lat. 29° 37' N. and long. 77° 27' E., said
to have been founded by one Djalal Khan under
Awrangzib, see Imperial gazetteer of India, xiv, 13-14.
(C.E. Bosworth)
DJALALI, a term in Ottoman Turkish used to
describe companies of brigands, led usually by
idle or dissident Ottoman army officers, widely-spread
throughout Anatolia from about 999/1590 but dimin-
ishing by 1030/1620. The term probably derives from
an earlier (925/1519) political and religious rebellion
in Amasya by a Shaykh Djalal. Official Ottoman use
appears in a petition (W) as early as 997/1588 (Divan-
i Kalemi 997-8-C), where the term identifies unchecked
rebels (ashkiya') engaging in brigandage. Analysis of
the three-decade period of Qaldli revolts indicates that
these leaders had in common certain objectives which
arose through deteriorating social and political con-
ditions in Anatolia.
First, constant warfare for decades on the Ottoman
boundaries expended men and treasure, leaving large
areas of the Anatolian heartland without proper pro-
tection from local outlaws. By the later 10th/ 16th
century, the Ottomans found themselves unable to
move militarily beyond the lines generally established
by Sultan Sulayman Kanuni, both in Hungary and
is Persia. Hostilities continued with the Habsburgs
from 1002/1593 until the Treaty of Zsitvatorok (11
November 1606); war in the east with the Safawid
Shah 'Abbas [q.v.] continued from 1012/1603 until
the Treaty of Amasya in 1021/1612.
Second, deterioration in the economic stability of
the Empire brought about serious imbalances.
Monetary inflation, due largely to Mexican silver
from Europe, caused a rapid increase in prices which
affected daily-wage soldiers who, when pay was in
arrears, increasingly either refused to fight or
revolted. When the central government found itself
without funds to disperse, it devised new sources
of cash: sale of offices to wealthy purchasers,
demands for increased tribute from subject nations,
the sale of lands formerly administered by cavalry-
men (timdrs [q.v.]). debasement of the coinage, and
the increase of peasant taxes. Food shortages, even
widespread famine, occurred due to limited agri-
cultural technology, a decade of drought (985-1577
to 993/1585), increase in population, heavy demands
by Ottoman armies in both Europe and Persia,
scorched-earth policies by the Ottoman and Persian
armies in eastern Anatolia, and illegal sale of grain
to European markets.
Third, as in other areas of the Mediterranean,
Ottoman lands experienced unrest and banditry
among classes normally quiescent. Peasants {re'dya)
on cavalry lands sold as iltizam [q.v.] found their
new absentee landlords interested more in profits
than traditional patronage. Legally tied to theii lands,
peasants felt the oppression of the new landowners,
whose excesses could not be bridled, and that
of the tax collectors, many of whom could hardly
be differentiated from brigands. With technological
changes in warfare, increased numbers of Muslim
re'dya enlisted as daily-wage musketeers (sekban).
returning to Anatolia after their campaigns jobless
but expert in the military arts. Another normally
tranquil group were students training in madrasas
[q.v.] for positions in the Ottoman bureaucracy.
Frustrated especially because their number far ex-
ceeded available positions, they wandered in gioups
across rural Anatolia, some preaching religious
revival, and most of them participating in anti-social
violence against small villages and lonely travelers
(Akdag, Celali isyanlan, 85-100).
Fourth, misguided leadership within the Ottoman
government kindled the great L^alali rebellions. After
the astonishing Ottoman victory over the Habsburgs
at Hac Owasi (Mezo-Keresztes [q.v.]) in Hungary
on 23 October 1596, the newly-appointed grand
vizier Cighala-zade Sinan Pasha [q.v.] declared for-
feit the property and the lives of all who deserted
(firarf) from the battle. The Firaris, whose several
thousands included many high-ranking officers, fled
to Anatolia where they joined the forces of the
Lfraldli leader Karayazidji 'Abd al-Halim and fought
successfully against Ottoman armies' for several years.
The unsuccessful actions of important Ottoman
generals, including Nasuh Pasha against the J^alall
Tawil Khalrl at Bolvadin (1014/1605), and Farhad
Pasha's [q.v.] anti-fyalali campaign of 1015/1606,
demonstrated the need for greater military organi-
sation and discipline in recognition of the serious-
ness of the rebellions.
Where Ottoman leadership often failed because of
personal incompetence, bureaucratic sluggishness, and
court intrigue, local L\alall chiefs proved themselves
master strategists and attractive leaders, with objec-
tives in many ways unique in Ottoman history. Unlike
most rebels, they did not attempt to establish a bureau-
cratic state and a taxation system, to coin money, or
to have their names read in the Friday mosque prayer
(khutbd). The Dialdti leaders primarily desired a place
for themselves in the established Ottoman order, usu-
ally accepting a pardon from the weak government,
leading to the offer of positions as iandjak begis or
beglerbegis. At such a time, their rank and file became
salaried and, as 'askerfs [q.v.], non-taxed. When they
failed to obtain governmental recognition, both leaders
and led lived on plunder, pillaging villages or outly-
ing city districts, demanding enormous ransoms of the
urban dwellers and incurring the hatred of the coun-
DJALALl — DJAMAL al-DIN ISFAHAN!
tryside. Djalali bands ruled wide areas of Anatolia
communicated with one another and occasionally
acted in unity. Though commonly bianded as pro
ponents of the Peisian Shah 'Abbas and of Shi'i
Islam, sectarian fervour pla>ed little put in their
activities. Neither the Persian monarch nor an) other
foreign power give them official recognition
A different kind ol lebelhon occurred contempo
raneously in northern S)iia and is often eironeousl)
considered to be a Djalali revolt possibls because ol
a short-lived alliime with some Djalali leiders (Shidsak
Akhbar al-a'yan, 133) Djinbuladoghli Ah Pashi bised
his revolt on the powei ol his well known Kurdish
family and Turkoman retainers as well is on re
gional loyalties in Aleppo ind Dunascus Oflicnl le-
cognition came in the lorm ol an illiance with the
Grand Duke of Tuscans (Fondo Archivisto Modiceo
No. 4275 is the Italian copy ol the tie«\) ind i
vague understanding with the Safiwid Shah (Wasiti
Talkhisat, f. lib)
The dangerous international implicitions ol
Djanbuladoghli s revolt were not missed bv the newlv
appointed (1015/ 160b) grand vizier the nonagenarian
Kuyudju Murad Pasha On the occasion ol peace in
Hungary, he immediately maiched toward Aleppo
established militirv discipline used a vanetv ol lovil
he paid promptlv tnd smashed the Svmn rebel
Djanbuladoghli at Oruc Owisi nen Lake 'Amik
(1016/1607). Six months later he turned against the
great Djalalis, took idvantage ol their fickle individ
ualism, pardoned some executed most and routed
of Kalendeioghh Mehmed at Goksun ^ ivhs
leSubhmi Porte Ankara 1952
though
i fled
r hter
<t leader
Murad Pasha e
Muslu Cawush
In the years following kuvudju Murad Pisha s
death (1020/1611) though Djalali fided fiom offi
cial use in the Uuhimme dtfterlen the term remained
in Ottoman histoncil wilting to identify certain
Anatolian rebels Ewhva Gelebi in the mid llth/mid
17th century mentions the Isaiah Pashis (Siyahat
name, viii, 104), and Na'ima (Ta nkh v 155) describes
the activities ol a 12th/18th-centurv icbel is Djalali
lik ("like a Djalali ) Today the memoiv ol the
Djalalis remains only in the folk songs ol the Anatolian
hero Koroghlu [q i ]
Bibliography Official documents found in the
Bas Vekalet Arsivi Istinbul contain Muhimme
defteri, lxx-lxxx zeyl 7 and 8 and Kamil Kepeci
Tasnifi lxxi covering the vears 1000 22/1591
1617, but with i hiatus between 1005 11/15%
1603; Ali Emm Tismfi nos 455-9 465 616
Fekete Tasnifi Bab i Asafi Di\ in i Kilemi nos
997-1014; Ibn ul-Emin Tasnifi nos 29 200 2
504, 506, 586 686 688 Eve witness accounts
include Wasiti Talkhisat da, ahd i Sultan \hmad
Khan, Esad Elendi kutuphanesi Sulevmin
Kutuphanesi no 2236 ft 5a-30a Topdjulai
Katibi <Abd il Kadn Tauankh i all Othman
Vienna Staats bibhothek no 1053 ff 21bb 262b
passim; T. de Gontaut Biron imbassade en Turquie
de Jean de Gontaut Biron Baron de Sahgnai 1605 a
1610 (Correspondame diplomatique el documints inedit)
in Archives Histonquts di la Gascogne fasc 19 Pins
1889; M. Brosset (ed ind tr ) Collection d histonem
Armemens. Th iid^roum \ s Histoirt des ird^roum
Arakel de Taunz XUI i Histoire d, Ughoiame St
Petersburg 1874 i 278 314 Iskindir Beg Munshi
Ta'rikh-i 'alamara n ibbasi Tehnn 1335/1957 n
764-805, passim O Burnn The report of Lillo third
rebels n
) be b
English ambassa
Naima Ta'rikh Isttnbul 1280/18b3 i 231474
n 1-50 Pecewi Ta nkh Isttnbul 1283/1866 n
24b-335 passim Hadjdji Khalifa Fedhleke I ha lib
Cdebi Istanbul 1286/1869 i 270 310 pas mi
Solak zide Mehmed Hamdam Ta nth Istanbul
1298/1880 670 96 and Mustah Pasha Nata idj
al nuku'at Isttnbul 1294/1877 n 14 31 The
rmjor modern stud) is M Akdag Buyul Celah
tan sikhHanmn baslamasi Erzurum 1963 and Celah
isyanlan Ankara 19b3 is well as irt Kara ya^ia
m M vi 339 43 MA Cook Population pressure
in rural inatolia 1450 1600 London 1972 F
Braudel La Meditencmee et le monde Uediterraneen a
lipoqut di Philippe II 2nd rev ed Pans 1966 i
517 48 n 62 8 75 92 G Beichet Relaxant del
Consoli leneti mlla Sina Turin 18bb 105 20
L L Bellan Chah Abbas I sa ue son histoire Pans
1932 133-47 IH Dimsmend I ahli osmanh tar
ihi kronolojisi m Istanbul 1950 219 4b passim
H Imlcik The Ottoman empire London New Wk
1973 46 52 idem Thi heyday and dulini of the
Ottoman Empire m The Cambndgi history oj Islam
i The Cintral Islamu lands London 1970 342 50
A Rafik Bilad al Sham rxa Misr mm al fath al
Othmam ila hamlat habihyun Bunabart 1316 1798
Damascus 1968 200-8 AS Tventinovi Josstame
Kara Ia^ydjii—Deli Hasana i Turtsn Moscow 1946
C Orhonlu ait \Iwad Pasa Kuyucu in li vm
6514 HD Andreasvin Polonyali Simeon un seya
hat name si 1608 1619 Istanbul 1964 passim S
Shaw Histon of the Ottoman empire and modern Turkey
i Empire of the Ga^is the rise and decline of tht
Ottoman empire 1280 1808 Cambridge 1976 171
91 references to the rebellion of Djanbuladoghli
'Ah Pashi mi) be found in Fondo Archivisto
Mediceo no 4275 ff 113 117b Tinnus il
Shid)ak \khbar al ayan J, Djabal Lubnan Beirut
1276/1859 130 35 Muhammad b Fidl Allah
al Muhibbi hhulasat al athar fi a'yan al karn al
hadi'ashar C uro 1284/1867 in 266 ff \ enezn
Aichivio di Stito Campo del Fnn FiUe 64
(1607) 65 (1607) and 6b (1608) al-Hasan b
Mehmed al Bunni Taradjim al ayan mm abna al
^aman Vienna Staatsbibhothek Codex Aiab 1190
Mixt 136 150a 152b tnd a modern study
P Cinh Fakhr ad Din II prinapi dil Libano e la
lorte Toscana 1605 1635 Rome 1936 i 139-49
(\\ J Griswold)
DIAMAL al-DIN ISFAHAN! Muhammad b
Abd al Razzak Peisian poet ol the later Saldjuk
period and father of a bettei known poet Kamal al
Din Isma ll [q i ] A goldsmith tnd miniature paintei
in his etrly veirs he left his workshop as his son
tells us to study acquiring extensive theologicil
knowledge tnces of which ire to be found as
chincteiistics in his Iraki styled poetry Continuous
eye troubles a speech impediment a large firmly
ol at least four sons and i short tour through
Adhaibaydjan tnd Mazandaran ver> likely in search
ol more generous pitrons constitute all the details
we know from his personal life Besides locil grind
tes of the Al l Sa'id and Al l Khudjand to whom
he dedicited flattering kasidas his othei pations
included some Sildjuk princes of 'Irak ind i num
ber of locil ruleis of Adharbaydjan and Mazindaran
Among contempoiary poets he paid equivocal lip
service to Khakam [q i ] held Inendl) c orrespon
dence with Zahir l Farvabi and wrote mordint sitires
igainst Mudjir i Ba>lakam He also paid homage to
DJAMAL al-DIN ISFAHANl — al-DJAMI'A al-'ARABIYYA
Anwari and Rashid-i Watwat [q.w.], who seem to
have ignored him rather disdainfully. Djamal al-
Dln's ascetic ideas — including the idea of renunci-
ation — are best presented in the kasidas which he
wrote in the fashion of Sana'!, though these are far
inferior to SanaT's ones. His Dlwan — comprising kasi-
das, quatrains, and ghazak — contains no less than
10,000 verses and displays the lucid and flowing
'Iraki style. Djamal al-Din is said to have died either
in 588/1192 or in 600/1203, the former being more
likely.
Bibliography: Wahid-i Dastgirdr, Dlwan-i Ustad
Djamal al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Razzak Isfahdni
(with biographical introduction), Tehran
1320/1941; 'Awfi, Lubdb al-adab, ed. Sa'id NafM,
Tehran 1335/1956, 759-60; Badi' al-Zaman
Furuzan-Far, Sukhan va sukhanvatan, 1 Tehran
1350/1971, 547-54; J. Rypka et alii, History of
Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968, 213-14; idem, in
Cambridge history of Iran, v, 584-5.
(A.H. Zarrinkoob)
DIAMAL KARSHl, sobriquet of Abu 'l-Fadl
Djamal al-Din Muhammad b. 'Umar b. Khalid,
scholar and administrator in Turkestan dur-
ing the Mongol era. He was born at Almaligh around
628/1230-1, his father a hqfe of Balasaghun and his
mother originating from Merw. He enjoyed the patron-
age of the local Turkish dynasty founded at Almaligh
[q.v.] by Buzar (or Uzar), and obtained a position in
the chancellery there. In 662/1264, however, he was
obliged to leave Almaligh, and for the remainder of
his life resided at Kashghar, though travelling widely
in western Turkestan.
In 681/1282 he composed a Persian commentary
{surah) on the great lexicon al-Sihah of Djawharl [q.v.],
subsequently adding to it a historical and biograph-
ical supplement. Djamal Karshi's Mulhakat al-Surah
is in fact the only historical source we possess ema-
nating from the Central Asian state founded by
Kaydu [q.v.]. Extracts of the work, which includes
particularly valuable sections on the Karakhanids [see
ilek-khans] and the Mongol rulers of Turkestan [see
cachatay khanate], surveys of various Central Asian
cities, and biographies of local divines, were edited
by Barthold in Turkestan, Russ. ed., i, 128-52. The
Mulhakat was completed soon after the access'
Kaydu's son C apar [q.v.] in 702/1303, the
date mentioned.
The date of Djamal Karshi's death
The si
vith the
of Almaligh (karshl = "palac
from Kuraysh as was formerly supposed.
Bibliography: V. V. Barthold, in ^apiski Vostocnogo
Otdeleniya Imperatotskogo Russkogo Arkheologiceskogo
Obshcestva, xi (1897-8), 283-7; idem, Turkestan', 51-
2; Brockelmann, I, 296, S I, 528; H. F. Hofman,
Turkish literature, iii/1, 3, Utrecht 1969, 84-9, with
full MS references. (P. Jackson)
al-SIAMI'A al-'ARABIYYA, the Arab League.
Established at the end of the Second World War, this
reflects the desire to renew the original unity, a desire
which has continued to be active in Muslim com-
munities following the decline and subsequent collapse
of the Arab-Islamic empire.
It was during the final years of the 19th century
and before the First World War that Arab national-
ists became aware of their national homogeneity, based
on a common language and destiny, and on a sim-
ilar way of life and culture (kawmiyya [q.v.]).
Egypt, reverting to the cause of Arabism between
the two World Wars, in order to put an obstacle in
the way of Hashimite designs (a plan for a Greater
Syria conceived at 'Amman, or for a Fertile Crescent,
put forward by Baghdad) took the initiative of assem-
bling in Alexandria representatives of the Arab States
regarded as being independent. This meeting, marked
by the signing of a protocol (7 October 1944), laid
the foundations of a unity which was ratified the
following year in Cairo, where on 22 March 1945
the Pact of the Arab League was signed by Saudi
Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Trans-jordan and
Yemen.
Subsequently, the League has been joined by the
following countries: Libya (1953), Sudan (1956), Tunisia
and Morocco (1958), Kuwait (1961), Algeria (1962),
South Yemen (1967), the United Arab Emirates, Katar,
Bahrayn and 'Uman (1971), Mauritania and Somalia
(1974) and Djibouti (1977). Furthermore, the Palestine
Liberation Organisation has been admitted, first in
the capacity of an observer (1965), then as a full
member (1976).
The text adopted by the founders after long dis-
cussion, is remarkable for its flexibility and its sim-
plicity. It specifies that the object of the League is
"the forging of links between the member States and
the coordination of their policies" with the aim of
collaboration in respect of each one of them.
The.
s oft
e Org
;ntly the following:
— The Council of the League, the supreme body,
which can meet at the level of Heads of State, Prime
Ministers or Foreign Ministers. Summit meetings com-
posed of Heads of State since 1964 have been:
1. Cairo (13-17 January 1964).
2. Alexandria (5-11 November 1964).
3. Casablanca ( 1 3- 1 8 January 1965).
4. Khartoum (29 August-2 September 1967).
5. Rabat (21-23 December 1969).
6. Algiers (24-29 November 1973).
7. Rabat (26-29 October 1974).
8. Cairo (25-26 October 1976).
The council decides questions of administration by
a simple majority, but in all important cases, deci-
sions are only binding if they have been taken unan-
imously. Conversely, they are binding only on the
States that have voted for them (art. 7).
— Five other councils, at ministerial level (common
defence, economics, information, health, youth) were
instituted in 1950.
— Ten permanent committees are charged with study-
ing various questions entrusted to them and submit-
ting i
projet
for
— An administrative tribunal and z
financial control are directly responsible to the Council
of the League.
— Seventeen specialised agencies have been institued
by particular agreements to investigate common tech-
nical problems.
— The permanent Secretariat-General, which is di-
rected by a Secretary-General elected by a two-thirds
majority, himself assisted by a number of additional
secretaries, comprises several departments and con-
trols specialised bureaux, institutes and social centres.
Three Egyptians have successively held the office of
Secretary General of the Arab League:
— 'Abd al-Rahman 'Azzam Pasha (March 1945-
October 1952), '
— 'Abd al-Khalik Hassuna (October 1952-May 1972).
— Mahmud Riyad (since 1 June 1972).
The Secretariat-General maintains permanent del-
egations to the United Nations in New York and
al-DJAMI'A al-'ARJ
Geneva, as well as Information Offices in the prin-
cipal foreign capitals (Washington, New York, Ottawa,
Paris, London, Bonn, Geneva,' Brussels, Rome, Madrid,
Buenos-Aires, Brasilia, Tokyo, New Delhi, Dakai,
Lagos, Nairobi and Addis Ababa).
for reform have been proposed by different states:
Syria (1951), Iraq (1954), Morocco (1959, 1963),
Algeria, Iraq and Syria (1964). These projects have
never come to fruition. Since June 1967 this subject
has only been tackled by experts.
Conflicts between member States have not been
lacking, leading to almost constant disputes between
two or more of the paitners. These have been moti-
version, differences over the choice of foreign policy,
differences of approach concerning the manner of con-
ducting the war or of obtaining peace in the Israeli-
Arab conflict, abortive attempts at union, ideological
livalries, personal antagonisms and a permanent strug-
gle for supremacy. Generally, the States concerned
have avoided referring their quarrels to the Council
of the League. They have preferred to solve their dif-
ferences by seeking the arbitration either of bilateral
diplomacy or of other, larger organisations, such as
the U.N.O. oi, since its inception in 1963, the O.A.U.
In a number of cases, certain members have failed
to attend meetings. Sometimes the tactics adopted by
Egypt, by the very fact that the latter is host to the
League, paralyse its activity. But to this day no deci-
sive schism has interfered with its workings.
The League, which has supplied a considerable
quantity of aid to liberation movements and has as-
sisted the emancipation of Arab nations, serves in
fact as a forum where mutual aggressions and rival-
ries may be diminished, and where, after the con-
frontation, a measure of co-existence develops.
In the economic sphere, it has given birth in 1948
to a bureau for the boycott of Israel, in 1950 to the
Union of Chambers of Arab Commerce, Industry and
Agriculture and in 1957 to the Council of Arab
Economic Unity. It has played a not inconsider-
able role in the matter of oil, organising congresses
and providing facilities for meeting and observation
attended by experts from all parts of the world, ses-
sions which have themselves led to the establishment
of groups of producing States such as O.P.E.C.
(Organisation of Petroleum Expoiting Countries) in
I960 and O.P.E.A.C. (Organisation of Petroleum
Exporting Arab Countries) in 1968.
It is in the name of the League that attempts have
been made since 1964 to organise an Arab Common
Market, which has never got beyond the stage of a
free-trade zone limited to Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Jordan.
More recently there have been founded the
A.F.E.S.D. (Arab Fund fot Economic and Social
Development) (1973), the Union of Arab Banks (1975),
the Aiab Institute for the Guarantee of Investments
(1975) and the Arab Bank for Economic Development
in Africa (1975). Since 1973 the League has played
a major role in the Arab-European dialogue and in
Arab-African co-operation.
Handicapped by the weight of mentalities whose
evolution remains very slow, paralysed by the politi-
cal rivalry of member States, affected by the turbu-
lence of an unstable international world, the League
nevertheless plays a role that often goes unnoticed as
Arabs may
[YYA — DJAMMU 241
Bibliography. Studies on the League are
liography, one may consult A.M. Gomaa, The foun-
dations oj the League oj Aiab States. Wartime diplomacy
and inter-Arab politics. 1941 to 1945, London-New
York 1977; R.W. McDonald, The League oj Arab
State*, a study in the dynamics oj tegwnal organisation,
Newjeisey 1965; A. el-Telawi, Le Seaetanat-general
de la Ligue des Etats Arabes, Paris II thesis (goes up
to 1971). The activities of the League may be fol-
lowed in specialist journals like Cahiers de I'Orient
tontemporain, Paris 1945-69; Orient, Paris 1957-69;
and Maghreb-Machrek, Paris, since 1964. An over-
all view is given in the Fiche t du monde arabe, Beirut.
A recent publication by the League in Cairo is
the monthly bulletin in Arabic, D,ami'at al-dmval
al-'atabiyya, from January 1978.
(R. Santuccd
DJAMMAL (A.) camel-driver or cameleer, also
here with mukarl) and a dealer in camels; Persian
During the pre-Islamic and post-Islamic periods
camel caravans travelled enormous distances between
the main centres of population and trade. Our sources
indicate that relatively high wages were earned by the
djammdlmi during the 'Abbasid period. The d^ammal,
it also seems, came under the jurisdiction of hisba
[q.v.] officials in Islamic towns. The conduct of the
camel-men came under some criticism from writers
like Djahiz and Ibn al-Djawzi. Ibn Sa'd cites a tra-
dition that 'Umar b. al-Khattab chastised a djammal
for overburdening a camel. However, the great expan-
sion of international trade between regions during the
'Abbasid period gave the camel-men a significant role
> play
f the
most important gioups ot
during this epoch of grea
that we find some djammdlun among the transmitters
of the Prophetic traditions [ahadith). Ibshlhr [q.v.] tells
a tale that the caliph al-Mu'tamid awarded a pious
djammal a monthly allowance of 30 dinars, besides a
royal gift of 500 dlnan, in cash. In contrast to their
regarded as demeaning and low {dam'), and on some
of the pilgrim roads to Mecca, one could hear a lot
djammalun until very recent times.
Bibliography. Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat. Beirut 1958,
vii, 127; al-Shaybam, al-Makharidj fi'l-hiyal. Leipzig
1930, 12; Djahiz, Hayawan, iii, 307-8; Tha'alibf,
Lata'ij al-ma'arif, Cairo 1960, 128; Ibn al-Djawzi,
Sijat al-sajifa, Cairo 1970, ii, 341, 408; Sam'ani,
Ansab, Hyderabad 1963, iii, 319-25; Ibshrhl,
Mustatiaf, Cairo 1952, ii, 81; Kalyubi, Hikayat,
Calcutta 1856, 168; M.S. al-Kasiml, Dutionnaire des
metiers damaseains, Paris 1960, i, 83.
(M.A.J. Beg)
DJAMMU, a region of northern India, lving
between lat. 32° and 33° N. and long. 74° and 76°
E. and extending east of the Genab. It is bounded
on the south by the Sialkot district of the Pandjab
and on the north by Kashmir, of which it now con-
stitutes a province, covering an area of 12,375 sq.
miles. Its capital, the town of the same name, is sit-
uated on the right bank of the Tavi.
The original name of this ancient principalitv,
" '. lay in the valleys of the Tavi and the Cenab,
differc
, Durg;
tions [See also the Addenda and Corrigenda].
DJAMMU — DJAMUS
in copper-plate grants of the early 10th century, and
Djammu appears to be referred to in Kalhana's
Radjatarangim as Babbapura (Babor). During the reign
of the great Kashmir king Kalasa (1063-89), Djammu
was tributary to Kashmir, and his subordination con-
tinued into the 12th century, when the decline of
their powerful neighbour enabled the radjas to assert
their independence.
At this time, Cakradeva, ruler of Djammu, played
a part in the struggle between the last Ghaznawid
sultan in the Pandjab, Khusraw Malik b. Khusraw
Shah (555-82/1160-86) and the rising power of the
Ghurids [q.v.]. Cakradeva allied with the Ghurid
Mu'izz al-Diri Muhammad against Khusraw Malik
and his Khokar allies, who had been harrying Djammu
and refusing allegiance to its ruler, their suzerain (see
C.E. Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, splendour and decay:
the dynasty in Afghanistan and northern India 1040-1186,
Edinburgh 1977, 129-30).
The vamsavali of the radjas of Djammu supplies a
long list of rulers, often with very few details of their
reigns, and the chronology can only occasionally be
fixed by reference to external sources. Timur, in the
course of his invasion of this region in 801/1398-9,
forcibly converted the radja of Djammu to Islam,
and this is probably the Bhim-dev (d. 1423) whom
we find on the throne over the next few decades;
but his successors reverted to Hinduism. This did
not preclude co-operation with Hasan Shah of
Kashmir in resisting the invasion of Tatar Khan
Ludi, governor of the Pandjab, around 1480, while
during the troubled reign of Muhammad Shah (1484-
7), Parasramdev of Djammu intervened in Kashmir's
sayyids.
In the 16th century Djammu was divided into two
states, Djammu and Bahu (Bao), separated by the
Tavi. Both principalities, which were reunited in the
next century, followed the other hill states in accept-
ing the suzerainty of the Mughal emperor Akbar, and
remained subject to his successors until the 18th cen-
tury. With the transfer of power in the Pandjab after
1165/1752 to the Afghans, ' ' '
able
v (d. ,
far
i the Rav
the ^
.tended a
beyond the Cenab. Randjit-dev himself, he
obliged to pay tribute to the Sikhs, and after his death
the disputes among his sons enabled him to consoli-
date their hold upon the region. In 1819 the Sikh
ruler Randjit Singh conquered Kashmir, and for his
services during the campaign Dulab Singh, a descen-
dant of Randjit-dev's brother, was in the following
year made Radja of Djammu. He embarked on an
energetic programme of conquest, reducing Ladakh
(1834) and Baltistan (1841). With the death of Randjit
Singh in 1839, the Sikh empire fell into decline, and
Gulab Singh stood aloof from the first war with the
British (1845-6), acting subsequently as mediator. By
the treaty of Amritsar of 16 March 1846 he received
from the British, for the sum of 75 lakhs, Kashmir
and all the mountainous territory between the Indus
and the Ravi. For the later history of Djammu, see
Kashmir.
Bibliography: F. Drew, The Jummoo and
Kashmir Territories, London 1875; Imperial
gazetteer of India, Oxford 1907-9, xv, 94 ff.; J.
Hutchison and J.P. Vogel, History of the Panjab
hill states, Lahore 1933, ii; G.M.D. Sufi, Kashlr:
a history of Kashmir, Lahore 1949, ii; R.K. Parmu,
. . (P.Jackson)
DJAMUS (Ar., fern, djamusa, pi. djawamh) desig-
nates the Indian buffalo or water buffalo
[Bubalus bubahs), with, in other regions, the species ami,
fulms and kerabau; it is the ftou; a-ypioi; or poiJ(k)(A.o<;
mentioned by Aristotle as found in the wild state in
Arachosia, the present-day Balucistan (see Hist. Amm.,
ii, 1 (4) and French translation by J. Tricot, Paris
1957, i, 115-6). The African buffalo (Syncerus coffer),
which is unsuitable for domestication and which the
Sudanese call djamus al-khala' "Buffalo of the wilder-
ness", is quite unknown to the Arab writers. The term
djamus (in Berber talhamust, pi. tilhamusin) is an arabi-
sation from the Islamic period of the Persian com-
posite noun gav-i mlsh "bull-sheep" (which al-Djahiz
transcribes as kdwmashl kawmish in Hayawan, i, 152, ii,
182, v, 459, vii, 243), given to this domesticated bovine
whose facial profile is reminiscent of that of the ram,
with the short and upturned muzzle, the narrow and
slightly arched forehead and the long, flat, ringed
horns, set very far apart and curving horizontally
towards the rear; the long tail has earned the beast,
in some localities, the dialectical name of dhunbub
(from dhanab "tail").
The domestication of the Indian buffalo took place
relatively recently in the historical era, since we note
that Aristotle speaks of it as a wild species which cor-
responded to the bull as the wild boar corresponds
to the pig. As for Europe, the historian Paul Warnefrid,
according to Paul the Deacon, states that it was in
596, during the reign of the Lombard king Agilulf,
that the first buffaloes appeared in Italy, in the Pontine
marshes; they had already been introduced some time
previously into Eastern Europe, notably in the lower
Danube valley, whence they rapidly spread towards
the North. In the time of Albert the Great, who
describes them perfectly, they were to be found not
only in Hungary where they had remained, but in
all the Slavonic regions and in the neighbouring
Germanic provinces. As for the Arabs, they did not
really discover the animal until after the lst/7th cen-
tury, with the Islamic expansion into Persia and
Afghanistan. As soon as the Muslim conquest reached
India, the new rulers were quick to exploit the buffalo,
a creature in which they discovered special qualities
not possessed by the bull, qualities which contributed
to a great extent to the cultivation of vast tracts of
low-lying and marshy ground that were hitherto un-
exploitable. The semi-aquatic nature of the Indian
buffalo, whose natural habitat is marshland, added to
a powerful physical constitution and a strong herd
instinct, made it the ideal instrument for clearing these
impenetrable areas of the ferocious animals, lions espe-
cially, which infested them. In fact, as al-Djahiz so
rightly says (Hayawan, vii, 119-120), the buffalo, the
elephant [see fil] and the rhinoceros [see karkad-
dan] are the three "great herbivores" (ru'asa' al-baha'im),
daring to confront and overpowering the "carnivorous
lords" (sadat al-siba'). In groups, buffaloes become for-
midable, posing to the danger that threatens them
the moving rampart of their massed horns, forming
a protective ring around the females, the calves, and
even their human masters (see al-Damiri, Hayat, i,
183). Moreover, the buffalo is an extremely distrust-
ful creature with a vigilance that cannot be cheated,
to such an extent that the ancients claimed that it
(see al-Kazwini, 'Adja'ib . . ., in the margin of al-
Damiri, op. cit., ii, 203). The intrepid r< '
Hay a t
142) v
d the
. to that ot the Muslim n
who taking advantage of this fighting instinct
intoned it by sheathing the horns of the animal
copper or iron thus improving their armament be
sending them <
Nuw
Hihaw
124)
The earliest introduction ot buffaloes into the Near
East is attubuted to the poweitul governoi of byna
Mu'awiya b \bi bufyan [q < ] who used his political
skill to transfer en massi the Zutt [q i ] and their large
heids of buffalo from the eastem fiontieis of the
Tigns to which point the\ had already penetrated
into the region of the '\waym [qi] and of the '\mk
[qi] of \ntioch which was infested by lions These
Zutt or Djat [qi] (pi Djitan see Hmauan \ 407
n 2) semi-nomadic Indo-\rvans from Smd a peo-
ple highly rebellious in the face of any constraint
weie at that time essentially breeders of buffaloes and
their steady piogress westward was to be an impor-
tant factor in the proliferation of these Indian bonnes
aiound the Meditenanean basin The northein fron-
tier legion of byna received a second influx ot buf-
faloes 4 000 according to Ibn al-Fakih (see ibngi du
Lure des pa)i French tr H Masse Damascus 1173
137) under the caliphate of al-V\ahd I and foi the
same leason sc danger and instability caused by lions
Then the caliph "iazid II repeated the operation foi
the benefit of Cilicia and the lower Orontes (see al
c asi) Finally it was again fiom these same legions
that the c \bbasid caliph al-Mu'tasim was obliged in
222/837 to deport the entne Zutt nation which was
settled along with its buffaloes in the vast Meso-
potamian lowland legion of al-Batiha [q < ] this dra-
coman measure came as a result of the laids and
acts of brigandage indulged in by these turbulent and
perpetually rebellious Indo-\ryans a large number of
whom had been transplanted thither by the energetic
Umayyad gov ernor al-Hadjdjadj b "\ usuf al- Thakaft
who transported them by sea from Day bul [q i ] , af tei
then captuie in 94/712 by the general Muhammad
b al-kasim al-ThakafT They weie to give their name
to the Nahr al-Zutt one of the maishes situated
between Wasit and Basra (see \akut Uu'djam iv 840
and Haiauan, v 399) these are the same people who
and were nicknamed according to the various coun-
tnes Tsiganes Bohemians Egvptians/&vpsies/
Gitanos Romanies etc \fter this deportation
buffaloes did not howevei disappear from Lowei
Mesopotamia since following the Zutt \rab tribes
including the Bahila [q i ] and the Banu 1-' \nbar
bovine prospered exceedingly and in the 4th/ 10th
centurv al-Mas'udi could write [Murua^ n § 870
\s for buffaloes m the Syrian border region they
draw chanots of the gieatest size like the bulls [of
al-Rayy/Rages] they beai m their nostrils a ring
of iron or of coppei The same custom is observed
in the province of \ntioch large numbeis of buffalo
are also found in Trak and especially in the tufuf of
kuia and of Basra in the Bata'ih and the neigh-
bouring regions In oui own times some Shi'i \rab
tubes including the M Bu Muhammad and the
Ma'dan still make then livelihood thiough the rear-
ing of the buffalo to the south of al-Tmara ( \mara)
on the appioaches to the Hawi al-Hammar and the
buttei which they produce supplies the market of
Baghdad
In Egypt the domesticated buffalo (in dialect qamm
gamma) guaranteed the prosperity of agriculture in
the Nile valley horn the Delta to \swan Its intio-
duction into the ancient kingdom ot the Phaiaohs
e Mush
and s.
bv Syna and
the '4wasim the majoi \iab historians make no
mention of the question but it mav be supposed
that the fust cieatures arrived there earning or draw
ing equipment in the learguard of military contm
gents coming to take up garrison duties Whatever
the cise mav be the fellah whose livelihood was
bound up with the periodic flooding and subsiding
of the great river found in the buffalo the ideal pait-
ner for the efficient agncultuial exploitation of the
muddy soil left bv the receding of the water there
as in the rice sw imps of the Fir East the buffalo
manoeuvres easily and its docility makes it the best
il foi t
kind o
1 Furtl
ible to defend itself against the lrntitions ot
mosquitoes by wallowing in the mud of the tribu-
taries in the mannei of the pachvderms and it spends
the hottest hours of the day agreeably submerged
up to the nostnls in the tidal waters its presence
along the banks of the Nile pioved decisive in the
ehm
ocodile
i infest
i then
1-h.azwim op at n 203) The number of buffaloes
in Fgvpt giew so quickly and so extensively that in
the 7th/ 13th century al-Maknzi tells us (hhitat l
ch xxxix) ceitain sultans in their constant quest foi
increased revenue imposed an excessive annual tax
of three to five dinars, per head which at that time
lepresented half of the value of the animal this
crushing buiden on the tellah was tortunatelv abol-
ished in the following centuiy It was in the course
of the 8th/ 14th century tint the intrepid Moroccan
tiaveller Ibn Battuta became acquainted with and
appreciated first at Damietta and then in the Indies
the excellent milk of the buffilo {Rihla Cairo 1928
i 17 n 121 In Ceylon [ibid n 1 3b) he consumed
buffalo steaks then putting into port at Kaylukan
(il 158) while on his way to China he was ofleied
among other presents two female buffaloes by the
To the many advantages offered by the buffalo to
the peasantry dependent on the gleat rivets of Islam
an additional asset that should be mentioned was the
use by ciaftsmen ot its hide which was paiticulaily
lesistant and ideal foi the manufacture of shields (see
Hat a i an vii 8b It was much m demand by the
savage Bedja herdsmen [q i ] for their nomadic |oui
nevs between the Uppei Nile and the Red bea (see
hhitat n ch xxxn) from teims such as buffletene
(French) buff-belts (English) we know of the high
value placed upon this leather foi the equipment of
European soldiers up until the last century In medi-
aeval oriental medicine fumigations making use of
this leather were recommended for the elimination of
house-bugs while the salted fat of the animal was
held to be an ointment effective m the pievention of
scabies and leprosy
In the Maghrib the buffalo (in dialect ^amus is
hardly known except in one small herd of about
fifty animals living wild on the banks of the Tunis-
ian lake of Ischkeul The ongm of this heid is
obscure the general opinion is that these bufiiloes
weie imported from Italy at the beginning of the
13th/19th century dunng the reign of \hmad Bey
[q i ] But the studies of L Joleaud and L Livauden
(see La cha^c tt la /aunt ctnegehque en Tumsu
Tunis 1920 14) tend to show that these animals aie
DJAMUS — DJAND
the
mid
the buffaloes once the piopertv of the Caithaginr
such a thesis seems e\tremel\ hazardous in spite
of even thing In Algeria hmll\ where the buffalo
lved fiom the homs of
the
aal
lefeiem
e authoi
Us
i Pai
^raphi Besides the souues quoted in the
?e R Thevemn Longine des animaux (tonus
1%0 78 L Guyot and P Gibassiei
1%4 38 9
\arkm Ibr BuffiLucht und Bujftltypt
Ann Inn Ankara 111(1948 9) 209 40
(F Vire)
al DIANBlHl Muhammad b 'Abd al Nabi (other
forms aie Djmbayhi and Djunbayhi) Egyptian
author of a vanet\ of tracts of which the majority
have as a cential theme the denunciation of what is
seen as the various manifestations of decay of Islamic
civilisation in Egypt
He was boin in 1842 in the village of Djinbiway
(Djinbaway Djimbaway) m the marla^ of Itdv al
Baiud in al Buhayra piovince Aftei a period of
study at al Azhar he held the office of khatib in al
Mutahhar mosque in Cano He resigned from this
office at an early age and returned to his village
if / tilaj al maan, na I nmbam f, talhmis lasidat Ah
Firas al Hamdam Cano nd lb) where he dt voted
himself to vshat he saw as his mission to stiuggle
for the victory of Tiuth le of Islam as conceived
by him and to exhoit the Islamic woild to this end
(if Taslnat al sadara ta stinhad al n^ara Cairo nd
13) These exhortations weie set foith in a number
of books and pamphlets permeated with a strong
mystical stiain and suppoited by quotations from
authors belonging to the Shadhihyya ordei [q i ] into
whuh al Djanbihi himself had been initiated They
v\ere direited against Christian missionary activity
lef Tashih al tard}ih bain Muhammad u a I \lasih Cairo
1321/1903 4 Uuthabbit al all na I dm ji I radd ala
sujaha al muhashshiiin Cano nd and \lasmum al
asinna la I shiham ji I radd ala man shaiiashu al
aflar bi daua tantir al afham Cairo nd) against
louinahsm lef kashf al i^ar an mushaiuahat al au^ar
Cairo 1902 passim al Sirad} al itahhadj ji I dalala ala
ashraj minhadj Cano n d 73 f isdak al nasa ih al
I lab
ih Cai
159)
against the foundation and charactei of the Egyptian
Lmveisitv (Balayabu*. al asrma tanshuruha al J))ami a
al Mismya Cairo nd) and against Western science
and scholaiship lif Risalat al Habib ta dalalat al
tahih Cairo nd 68 99 al Ra^aya at asmya hshubban
al umma al Uisrma np nd (appiox 1923) 32) In
addition he denounced the ulama foi not being
able to counter the decay envelopping Islamic
uvihsation (if Isdak al nasa ih 13 Hafi^at al adab
lamatiuat al albab Cano 131b/1898 9 30)
and condemned deminds for independenie as un
Islamic and politic il demonstrations as bida to which
in the past only the Khawandj [see kharidjis] had
dthveied themselves (cf al Ra^aya al asrma 52 f)
\t the same time he ciituised Lord Ciomer
is directed m the final resoit at establish
■ against the calls for islah of those belong
to the lefoimist mov ement— which he saw as not
being different from al Wahhabiy>a [q i cf al Ra^aia
al asnyya 60 ff 147]— and attacked and dt nounced
its mspirers Djamal al Din al Afghani and Mu
hamrmd Abduh (cf Z alt '~ anat "l ^a ighm an muna
Uahmud hhattab mentioned below 18 bi isdat al
nasaih 120 ff al Ra^a al asrma 46 fi ) as well
Muhammad Fand Wadjdi (cf Irshad al umam ila tan
hu alhikam Cairo 1338/1919 20 90 alimalal
mabrui 49 f \sdal al nasa ih 110 f) The most
provocative of his publications (whuh are still await
ing a pioper evaluation) is a book entitled Irshad al
Shaylh Uahmud hhattab ila tank al inaba na I matab
Cairo 1336/1817 8 It contains a lengthy and pro
found attaik upon Mahmud khattab al Subki [q ]
the (oundci of the Djam iyva al Shar iy>a h Ta awun
al \mihn bi 1 Kitab wa 1 Sunna al Muhammadiy>a
lommonly known as al Subkiyyun It must be con
sideied as one of the more significant treatises writ
ten against al Subki s conception of Islam (if F De
Jong Turuq and turuq opposition in 20th imtun Egypt
m F Rundgien (ed ) Proceedings of the Uth Concuss
oj irabu and Islamic Studies Stockholm-Leiden 1975
87 f) Muhammad al-Djanbihi died in 1927
Bibliography A biography by Badawi Taha
Allam is prefaced to Muhammad al Djanbihi
Hamm balm abatam Cano 1954 (2nd ed ) See
also the biogiaphical notes by Abd al-Kanm
Salman m the postscript to the edition of / tilaf
al ma am mentioned in the article This booklet is
the only one of al Djanbihi s publications men
tioned by Brockelmann S I 440 To the woiks
referred to in the article and the ones listed by
Sarkis 714 f must be added haram al ruhuhr>-,a
ta sharaf al ubudma Cairo 1927 and Aashr
alasmr al bash arm a mm tauaya al alhlaf al
muhammadma Cano 1319/1901 2
(F deJonc)
DIAND a mediaeval town on the lower reaches
of the Sir Dan a in C enti al Asia tow ards its debou
chure into the Aial Sea in what is now the Kazakhstan
SSR its fame was such that the Aral Sea was often
called the Sea of Djand
Djand is first mentioned by ceitain Muslim geo
gnpheis of the mid 4th/ 10th centun m particular
by Ibn Hawkal and following him by the anony
mous authoi of the Hudud al alam (wrote 372/982)
Ibn Hawkal mentions three settlements on the lowei
Sir Darya amongst the Oghuz Turks of that legion
Djand the New Settlement (al Karya al haditha
appearing in the Persian sources as Dih l Naw and
in later Tuikish contexts as \engikent fkashghan tr
Atalav m 149 50 Vnkend) or Shahr kent (eg m
the A alTaiassul ila I tarassul Nasawi s Slrat Sultan
Dfalal alDin and on certain coins) and Khuwaia
Of these al Karya al haditha was the laigest being
piovisioned with corn from Transoxama when there
was peace between the Turks and Muslims and lying
on the left bank of the river at 10 stages fiom
Kh arazm ai ross the Kizil Kum [q i ] at two stages
fiom the \ial Sea shoie and 20 stages from Faiab
or Paiab the later mediaeval town of Otrar [see
f arab] This town was the winter tesidence of the
mler of the Oghuz the \abghu The rums of al
Karya al haditha probably lie at the modem Djankent-
kal a near the old Khiwan fott of Djan-kal a and
22 km /14 miles downstream from Kazahnsk Djand
lay fuithei upstream on the light bank of the
nvei not fai from the modem Qvzvl-Orda (the
Perovik ofTsanst
1 old Kirghiz
station on the
tuck also of
■tallv i
t dlsl
) The s
.ppears
■ of
and Gir
Khuw
mention after the end of the 4th/ 10th
The three settlements were imporfinl
tor trade with the Inner \snn steppes
(mid 5th/ 11th centum mentions the route which nn
fiom Firab to \engi kent and thence to the hnds
of the Kimik [a c ] on the binks of the Iitvsh (^jnn
alakhbar ed Habibi 258) Ml three settlements hid
a popuhtion of Muslim tiaders in the 4th/ 10th
centun Barthold assumed that these Muslims had
themselves founded the settlements as trading posts
of the
indep
Samamds to extenc
their
power into tht pigm
Tuikish steppes (cf h
s Histo
m da Tuns dhu (oitrale
49 ind Four studia
i hnton of the Turknu
ptopl
92) Recentlv howevei
the tesults of investie
bv Soviet archaeologist;,
in the lower Sir D
rei hive suggested that
these places had a p
rt Isla
mil histoiv SP Tolstov
has spoken of these
in his
boroda (,u^n in S£ m
(1947) 55 102 as H
innoTuikish settlements icset
tied and retortihed n
tht 4th/l()th centun whence
the name New Settlement
\s well is these three
places on the lowei
Sn D
i\ a there is mention in
Turk
sh towns on the middle
course of the nver
such
as Sawian and Sighn ik
(the latter on the si
e of
he piesent div luins of
Sunaq qurghan) and
Idnsi
possiblv utilising mlor
n\mes\> C ver°ten settle
men"
»s before fiom Pjivhim
of the Oghuz on the Sir
Dim other sources
mentic
n that the Oghuz llrt adv
m the 4th/ 10th cent
luded both nomads and
sedentanes (see Tolst
n in
den Spurtn da altihorami
■,<hen hultur Beihn
1953
2b3 4 O Putsik Da
i ntergang di t Rtuhes da
Og,K,
(hen lab^u in Fuad hopnilu
aimagam Istanbul 1
953
99 401 Boswoith TIu
impne
i Afghan,
ts of Saldjuk
\t all events Djiiid was an
the Oghuz tow nds the end of
phvs i role in the semi legendar
origins those tailed in Mnkh and the Malik noma
Tht eponvmous founder of the familv S ildjuk b
Dukak is said to have come to Djind with his lol
lowers to have become 1 Muslim and to have relieved
the Muslim popuhtion ot the town of the tnbutt
levied on them bv the still pigan Oghuz l abghu
hnallv he was buried theie From these events dated
the hostihtv between the two blanches ot the Oghuz
that of Saldjuk and that of the i ibghu (Ibn il \thn
Mirk ind etc utilised in Baithold Turkman doun to
thi Mongol in anon 178 257 CI C ihen U Malik
i ongin,
uld,uk,
i Omm
(1949
43
4 and B
219 21) The
n o
the i
ibghu nevel'the
less followe
390/
and he
assumed the Isla
mi, name of
Gird
zi r
ecords
his conveision
under the
393/
003
s tint \h tont
illnn
th the
ist Stmamd I
mail alMu
fo']
■C«m
a! akhba
ed Nazim b4
ed Habibi
Pntsi
k, op
cit , 405 b)
Djind now became lot some 50 vears the centie
part in the diplomatic and mihtan policies of the gieat
poweis of the legion sc of the Ghaznawids who iftei
408/1017 conti oiled Rh aiazm and the Raia Rhimds
or Ilek Rh ins [a i ] of Transoxama \s for ^ engi kent
the onginal seat of the ^ abghu we tan onh assume
that it must have passed into the hands of the Kipcik
[ai] who weie it this time expanding then powei
within the steppes ind who came to contiol much of
the middle Sn Dan a is tar up as the IsfTdjab Sh lsh
legion which accordinglv long remained a pagan uta
The Ghizniwid historian Bavhaki in his Ta nkh i Uasudi
and a later source like \bu 1 Gh izi s Shadiara u
Tarakima mention the ruler in Djind Shah Malik b
All sc the son ind sutcessor of the ^ abghu and
the lotal histonan of Bavhik Ibn Funduk gives him
the full name of \bu 1 Fawn is Shih Malik b \li
il Bai im (concerning this nisha see Z \ Togan c nwnn
luik tanhim b im l Istanbul 194b 181) with the hon
tmfits of Husim il Diwla and Nizam il Milla The
hostihtv between the two brant lies ot tht Oghuz the
line of the i abghu in Djand and the Saldjuks m Ti in
soxania and tht northern lunges ol khuras in made
Shah Malik the nituial illv of Mas ud of Ghazni
rtbelho,
. Kh i
ignnst the Kar i Rh inids ind in 4
tin appointed Sh lh Mihk is his govemoi m Kh irazm
tnumphant and ottupied Rh aiazm Mas ud had
alreadv been deposed ind was dead (see Barthold
Turkman 297 30 3 C ahen Lt Malik \armh 49 i5
Bos worth Thi Gha^na idi 2 38 9 241)
The tortunes ot the Saldjuks weie howevei m the
iscendint attei then v it ton at Dandinkm in 4il/
1040 Bv 435/104,4 thev had secured Rh irazm
ind Shih Mihk wis forctd to flee from Djind which
llso passed under Saldjuk control "ret the subsequent
pre octupitions of the Saldjuks in Persia ind the west
ipparenth allowed Djind to slip horn then hinds
doubtless into those of the lotal Ripcak In 457/1005
Up \islan had to leid an expedition to Djand and
Saw r in the rulei of Djind submitted and wis ton
firmed there is governor on behalf of the Sildjuks
I Barthold op (it 298 302 Pntsak Der [ nkigan^ dt
Reicha da Ogu luhtn hibs,u 408)
Under the Rh ti izm Shahs [/ ] Dj ind and the
middle Sn Daiva ieaches together with the Man
ghishhk peninsula [/ ] to the east of the Caspian
Sea were regarded is importiiit frontiers (thujiurl
lgamst the pagan Ripcik \tsiz led a tampugn
fiom Djand into the steppes earlv m his reign piob
ablv ca 527/1133 Bet luse ot \tsiz s humiliation it
the hands oi his suzerain tht Saldjuk sultan Sandjai
who in the wintei of 542/1147 had mv ided
Kh irazm Djand was lost to the Sh ihs and ptssed
to Kamil al Din h \rshn Rhin Mihmud the grand
son of Sandjir s Ru i Kh mid nephew \islan Khan
Muhammid rulei of Samaikand Vcoiding to
Djuvvavni \tsiz ind his armv appeared at Dj ind in
the spring of 547/1152 on pretext of organising in
expedition igunst the Kipcik ind Kam il il Din
wis seized and deposed The Shihs eldest son II
\rslvn wis now appointed gov ei nor of Djind an
indication of the import inte ittithed to it ind the
illotting of this governorship to i Kh ai izmnn prime
becime henceforth frequent lekish was governoi it
his fither II \islan s deith and undei Tekish the
print e Malik Shih was governoi \ aiious expeditions
horn Djind against the Ripcak are ie ( oided in the
htei bth/12th and tail> 7th/13th centuries, e.g. in
246
DJAND — al-DJARADATAN 1
the winter of 577/1181-2 by Malik Shah b. Tekish,
in the wintei of 591/1194-5 by Tekish himself against
Sighnak and Kayir Buku Khan, chief of the Oran
tribe of the Kipcak, and in the autumn of 606/1209
by the Shall 'Ala' al-Dln Muhammad (Barthold,
Turkestan, 324, 328-9, 337, 340, 361-3). It was dur-
ing the course of an expedition northwards from
Djand into the Kipcak steppes that KrTarazmian
troops first clashed accidentally with Cingiz Khan's
Mongols, accoiding to Nasawl, in 612/1215-16,
although the exact chronology is uncertain here (see
Barthold, op. at., 369-71).
In the stiategy of their invasions, the Mongols
regarded Djand as an important point. The
Kh"arazm-Shah's governor in Djand and Shahr-kent
or Yengikent was Kutlugh Khan, who had 10,000
cavalrymen in the latter town. The Mongol com-
mander Cin-Temur was at first repulsed from Djand,
but returned in the spring of 617/1220. Djand sur-
rendered peacefull>, but was sacked, and the official
of the Mongols 'Air Kh u adja from Kizhduwan near
Bukhara was appointed governor, retaining this office,
according to Djuwaym. till his death. Yengi-kent (the
Iankint of John of Piano Carpini) was likewise taken,
apparently without resistance, as was the town of
Barcligh-kent or Barc-kent (Carpini's Barchin) at a
so-far unidentified spot on the Sir Darya between
Djand and Sighnak. Cingiz's eldest son Djoci then
used Djand as a base for the attack on Gurgandj in
Kh*arazm in the next year (Djuwaym-Boyle, i, 83,
86-90; Barthold, Turkestan, 415-16; Bretschneider,
op. nt, i, 277-8). It was around this time that Yakut
wrote about Djand, mentioning that its population
was of the HanafT madhhab and that one of its famous
men was the poet and stylist, resident in Kh"aiazm,
the Kadi Ya'kQb b. ShTnn al-Djandi, pupil of
Zamakhshan and contemporary of Sam'ani (cf.
Sam'ani, Ansab, ed. Hyderabad, iii, 350); Yakut noted
that the town was now in the hands of the Tatars,
and nothing was known of the fate of its inhabitants
(Buldan, ed. Beirut, ii, 168-9).
In fact, Djand continued to enjoy a modest pros-
perity under the Mongol Great Khans and then
under the Caghatayids, and it appears on an early
14th century Chinese map as Jan-di. An 8th/ 14th
century Caghatay source attiibutes the construction
of mosques, madrasas, etc. in Djand, Barc-kent, Otrar
and Sawran to the Ozbeg Khan Ergen, son of Sasi
Buka; but Djand and Barc-kent apparently ceased
to exist as towns towards the end of that century
(see Barthold, Four studies, ii. Ulugh Beg, 101).
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(C.E. Bosworth)
DIANDJIRA, the Maratha corruption of the
Arabic word djaym "island", is the name of a for-
mer native state in the heart of the Konkan on
the west coast of India. It actually owes its name
to the fortified island of Djandjira (lat. 17° 45' N.
and long. 73° 05' E.), lying at the entrance of the
Rajapuri creek, half a mile from the mainland on
the west and 48 km. south of Bombay. The impreg-
nable fort, which has an excellent command over
the Arabian Sea, rose to prominence under the
Nizam Shahi [q.v.] rulers of Ahmadnagar towards
the end of the 9th/ 15th century' when a HabshT or
Abyssinian adventurer named Srdi Yakut, in the
service of Ahmad Nizam Shah (892-915/1487-1509),
was made commander of the fortress island, which
was also consequently called Habsan. The ruler
of the island used to be a Sunni Muslim known as
Sidi, but later on he came to be known also as Wazir
and Nawab. The Sidis of Djandjira were a pros-
perous community of skilled seamen, noted for their
tenacity and fighting spirit, expressed in the wai-
fare and activities of a long and chequered career
extending over four-and-a-half centuries.
By the middle of the 11th/ 17th centuiy, the Sidis
of Djandjira were firmly established as an effective,
though small, naval power on the west coast main-
taining on behalf of the Sultan of Bidjapur a pow-
erful fleet for protecting the mantime trade and for
providing transport foi Muslim pilgrims bound for
Mecca. Later on, the Sidis transferred theii fleet to
the service of the Mughals, who were more willing
than the Sultans of Bidjapur to offer them protection
against the mounting menace of the Marathas. Hence
in 1080/1670 Awrangzib made the Sidi Admiral of
the Mughal navy and gave him an annual grant of
four lakhs of rupees (400,000) for the maintenance
of the fleet.
The most remarkable aspect of Djandjira's history
was its invincibility in the face of determined onslaughts
by the Marathas under three generations of their chief-
tains, i.e., Sahadji, Sivadjr and Sambhadji — father,
son and grandson — to whom conquest of the tiny
Djandjira was a matter of prestige. The concerted
attempts of the Peshwa and the Angres in the early
18th century failed to diminish Djandjira's power of
resistance. It survived all native challenges and con-
tinued to hold its own even as the country passed
under the British paramountcy, which adopted a
policy of non-interference in the Sidi's administration.
Moreover, the Djandjira ruling power obtained pos-
session of the port of Dja'farabad on the south coast
of Kathiawar. This singular independent status of the
state continued till 1287/1870 when, following a break-
down in law and order there, the Sldr had to con-
clude a treaty with the British government, resulting
in the introduction of a Resident British Officer.
The erstwhile state of Djandjira, which consisted
of three municipalities— Murud, Shriwardhan and
Dja'farabad— merged with the state of India when
the sub-continent attained independence in 1947. At
present, Djandjira proper is included in the Murud
municipality of the Kolaba district of Maharashtra
Bibliography: D.R. Banaji, Bombay and the Sidis,
London 1932; 'All Muhammad Khan, Mir'at-i-
Ahmadl, Baroda 1927-30; Maharashtra State Gazetteer
(Kolaba District), Bombay 1964.
(Abdus Subhan)
al-DIARADATAN 1 "the two locusts", the name
given to two slave singing girls who, according
to legend, lived in the time of the people of 'Ad
[q.v.] and belonged to a certain Mu'awiya b. Bakr
al-Tmlaki (see al-Tabari, i, 235-6 and al-Mas'udi,
Alurudi, index). When the delegates of the people of
'Ad came to make the pilgrimage to Mecca in order
to obtain rain, the two girls so charmed them that
Mu'awiya had to make up some verses to recall them
to the object of their mission; but they forgot in the
end to make the tawaf, and it was this failure of
duty which led to the destruction of the people of
'Ad. The names of these two legendary slave girls
vary considerably in the sources. According to al-
Tabari (Tafsh, Cairo 1315, ii, 250-1), one was called
Warda and the other Djarada; according to Ibn
Badrun (65), they were called Ka'adi and Thamadi
(or Nafadi and Ta'adi), but the sole point of inter-
est in these indications is the form C'a C 2 adi, char-
acteristic of a certain number of feminine names. It
is possible that just one of them was called Djarada,
l-DJARADATAN 1 — DJARlDA
since al-Djaiadji [Shija' 85) savs that this name wa
later applied to all singing gnls [see Kwna] am
that the dual was foimed according to a well-knowi
pimuple (cf al-Basratan' etc )
Bibliograph Djahiz Tarbi', § 151 laban i
234-b, Mas'udi \lmudj. index Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi
'Ikd vii 28, Kisa'i Kisas 107 Ma\dani i I38-«
(thiee pioverbs arising out of the gills) ighani index,
Ma'am 6to/m« index, Nasir al-Din al-Asad al Knan
ua Ighina' p I'm) al ajafiih Caiio 1%8 73-5
Also, 'Abd Allah b Djud'an [ ? i ] is said to have
possessed two singing girls known as al-Djaiadatan'
called Zabya and al-Ribab Ibn Djud'an allegedK gave
them to Umayya b Abi 1-Salt [,]c] as a reward foi
the poet s addressing eulogies to him
Bibliography Djahiz Tarbi' index Caussm de
Perceval, Essai l 351 Nasir al-Dm rl-Asad op at
84-5 and index See also Kavna
iCh Pell at i
djarIda
i-\i-Ve \ol II
This aiticle defines the Muslim pi ess as those news-
papeis both owned and edited by Muslims The def-
inition does not include eithei newspapeis in languages
and Uidu, with which Muslims have had nothing to
do oi newspapers edited by Muslims but owned by
men of othei faiths
The Muslim press onginated in the government
and private newsletteis of the Mughal penod There
' " confidential letter by which the
moie with local national and international affairs
Dunng the 19th tcnturv the Muslim piess
the Indian piess gtneiallv gicw in iesponse to
oild b
3nd his
lty Neveitheless nothing contnbt
foundation of new Muslim publications and to ma]oi
increases in the circulation of newspapeis aheadv in
existence than upheavals in the world of Islam Indian
Muslims had powerful pan-Islamic sympathies Tins
point is made graphicallv by the staking expansion
of the Muslim press which coincided with the last
years of the Ottoman empne in fact fiom the Italian
invasion of Tnpoli in 1911 to the abolition of the
caliphate in 1924 Newspapeis weie founded in 1911
Muhammad 'Alls Comrade in 1912 Abu 1-Kalam
Azads alHilal Hamid al-Ansan s \Iadma and 'Abd
al-Ban s Hamdam m 1913 Muhammad 'All s Hamdard
These new publications and established ones sold on
a hitheito unknown scale the weekly al Hilal achieved
a cnculation of 25,000 while Zafai 'All Khan con-
vened his Z«mtndai fiom a weekly selling 2 000 copies
into a daily selling 30 000 Theie was a dramatic
impiovement in the qualitv of pioduction both al
Hilal and Hamdard were punted rathei than litho-
graphed There was a similar impiovement m
]Ouinahsin al Hilal was wntten in new and foueiul
Uidu
a hilt
s infori
ofdeve
e akhbar a semi-public
, in his don
other groupings m Indian society based on common
circulated They were handwritten and several copies
of each weie produced Laige numbers were noted
leaving Dihh in the 1830s and they were influential
in Oudh fAwadh) up to 1857
Muslim newspapeis in modem foim began to emerge
in the 1830s Among the fust weie the Samachar
Sabharajandra a weekly in Bengali and Persan published
by Shavkh 'Alim Allah from Calcutta between 1831-5
and the Sa))ad al akhbar published in Uidu irom Dihh
m 1837 by Syed Mohammad Khan Sayyid
Muhammad Khan) the eldei biothei of Syed Ahmed
Khan (Sayyid Ahmad Khan [qi]) The introduction
ol Urdu lithography in 1837 gave a boost to the devel-
opment of the press in north India and bv the 1840s
seveial Muslim newspapers were being published
In the second half of the 19th century the Muslim
press grew steadily It flourished primarily in north India
though it had outposts in the Madias and Bombav
Presidencies Its ma|oi centres were Lahore Dihh
Lucknow and Calcutta and its major languages Urdu
and Bengali \ erv few specifically Muslim newspapeis
weie published in English, though the Punjab Obsmer is
worthy of note Most leading newspapers were weeklies
and onlv the Paua ikhbar lounded in Lahoie in 1888
sustained daily publication over a long period Among
the most influential newspapeis though not those with
the largest circulation weie the two edited by Syed
Ahmed Khan from 'Aligaih the Tahdhib al ■ikhlak and
the ■iligarh Inshhih Gazette The loimer educated its read-
eis primarily in the religious and social aims of the
'Aligaih movement and the latter instructed them in its
educational and political aims The lange ol subjects
temporary Anglo-Indian weekly These newspapus
gicrtlv stimulated and even treated political agita-
tions and government acknowledged then influence
bv gagging them Ihev also brought their editors
men such as 'Abu 1-Kalam Azad and Muhammad
'All to the foiefiont of Muslim politics
During the 1920s and 1930s the Muslim press
though nevei as stiong or as vocifeious as the Congiess
oi Hindu press continued to glow Some ot the gleat
newspapers ol the pan-Islamic era died for instance
al Hilal and (omradi but otheis such as ~amindar and
Uadma continued Flesh newspapeis were founded m
1922 Minimi Outlook the first English-language Muslim
dailv of importance and in 1927 Inkilab the leading
Urdu duly of the 1930s Both weie published in
Lahoi
It ■
, not until the 1940s that the Muslim
> compete on equal terms with that
, Muslim newspapers played a ma]or i
Leagi
in English fiom Dihh \aua' i U akt in Urdu
Lahore Hamdam in I rdu Irom Luc know and i^ad
in Bengali and Star oj India in English fiom Calcutta
Not all Muslim newspapers supported the League
foi instance al fyam'n,at the voice of Dtam'mat al
'ulama' and Madina weie distmctlv pro-Congiess but
bv the 1940s pro-League newspapeis both in nura-
beis and in cnculation far outstnpped their Congress
The partition of the subcontinent in 1947 m large
pait destioyed the Muslim piess as it had existed
In India despite the country s vast Muslim popula-
tion a specifically Muslim piess has been ummpoi-
tant among the leading Muslim newspapeis are
Radianu and al Qam'mat Pakistan on the other hand
has developed a press of considerable du
in English and in the various regional languages In
West Pakistan the leading newspapers m English aie
Dann and Pakistan Times and in Urdu Maua' i Uakt
and Mashnk, in East Pakistan up to 1971 the lead-
ing English newspaper was Morning Neus and the lead-
ing Bengali newspapei Azad By the late l%0s the
Pakistan pi ess was producing 800,000 newspaper
copies daily, of which moie than three-quarters were
in languages other than English This vigorous news-
paper industrv existed in spite of heavy restrictions
upon press iieedom imposed by government and in
spite of growing competition from commercial radio
and television
Bibliography Theie is no work devoted
cally f
t The
with
by JN Saikar in SP Sen, ed The Ind
Calcutta 1%7, AS Khurshid examines the giowth
of the Pakistan pi ess in his contnbutions to A S
Khurshid, ed, Press in Muslim ziorld, Lahore 1954,
and J A Lent, ed , 77k Asian neaspapers' reluctant
Hiolution, Iowa 1971 Aspects of the piovincial
Muslim press are treated in N Gerald Barnei
and Paul Wallace, Tht Punjab press 1800 1905, Ann
^ibor 1970, and MN Islam, Bengali Muslim pub
hi opinion as lejleded in thi Bengali puss 1901 1930,
Dacca 1973 Foi the Indian press generally, see
J Natarajan History of Indian journalism, Part n of
the Report of the Indian Puss Commission, Dihlr 1955,
and M Chalapathi Rau, The piess, Dihlr 1974
(FCR Robinson)
The history of the press and its development and
use among East Muslims is very brief The Muslim
intelligentsia, howevei, have received and read news-
papers and journals from othei parts of the Muslim
world, particularly from Egypt, fiom the closing yeais
of the 19th centurv until the present
It was such connections that helped develop the
fii st intel est in establishing local media The first
Muslim to do so was Shaykh al-Amln b 'Air b Nafi
Al-MazruT [see kenya, Muslims in], a Muslim scholar
of Mombasa who was familiar with the woiks and
publications of al-Afgham, Muhammad '\bduh and
Rashrd Rida Newspapers and journals like al Manar
were regularly read bv Shaykh al-Amln and a coterie
of Muslim scholars on the East African coast
Concerned about the low status of Muslims and Islam
in this legion, Shaykh al-^min decided to use the
press to raise the level of Muslim religious, cultural
and political consciousness, verv much along the lines
of the Middle Eastern reformers
First he founded a modest-sized paper called
simply al Sahifa Shortly afterwards, in 1932, he estab-
lished a more substantial paper, appi opnately called
al Islah The paper was financed by the iounder, with
contnbutions irom well-wishers, and was published in
two parts, a Swahili one and an Arabic one, the for-
mer being often a virtual translation of the latter
Thus a wider readership was achieved through the
use of Swahili, the lingua ftanca of Eastern Africa It
discussed issues relevant to the political, economic and
religious situation oi the East Afncan coast and reg-
ularly included news from the rest of the Muslim
world, with which the editor of the paper often called
for greatei solidanty
In 1932, Shaykh al-Amln was appointed Kadi oi
Mombasa His new duties compelled him to hand over
the running oi al Islah to another Muslim scholar,
Shaykh 'Abd Allah al-Has There developed a notice-
able difference in approach and style in the paper,
which was not now as popular and effective, so that
the paper declined and its publication ended soon
afterwards Shaykh al-Amln had continued to write
and pubhshed booklets on Islam after his appointment
as Kadi, and in 1937, as Chief Kadi or Shaykh al
Islam of Kenya One such booklet was a reproduction
of selected articles from al Islah which was published
under the title of Uuongozi (Swahili "Guidance")
Even so, it was left to the Ahmadivya sect [q i ,
and see kema Muslims in] to expand the publish-
ing of newspapers Their arrival in the 1930s had
earned them the immediate hostility of the ortho-
dox Muslim communities, and Shaykh al-Amiii him-
self earned out a campaign to discredit them in
East Africa Nevertheless, in Tanzania they founded
two newspapers, one in Swahili, Mapenzi la \Iungu
("The Love of God") and one in English, East Afman
Times Both papers reflected the chaiactenstic mili-
tant defence of Islam, lengthy exposition of its teach-
ings and their relevance to modem society and
regular theological challenges to Christians and
Christianity It is certain that these two papers have
contributed to the relative success of the Ahmadi
It was in Tanzania also that a Muslim monthly
journal, 77k Light, was founded in the 19b0s by the
Ithna '^shan community, modestly printed and com-
pletely financed by members of the community
A general comment to be made about these pub-
lications, including the other journal irregulaily pro-
that each one of them has a limited distribution
The two journals hardly go beyond the communi-
ties concerned The two Ahmadi newspapei s are
regarded as heretical propaganda, and thus not appre-
ciated by other Muslims as representing authentic
icligious views oi the ideal way of reflecting the
image of Islam in East Africa An acceptable pop-
ular Muslim press has yet to emeige
(A I Salim)
-Souti
Afri
The implantation of Islam in the extreme south of
the African continent took place in thiee stages The
fiist Muslims arrived there in 1667, Malayan slaves
whom the Dutch had imported as manual labour to
improve their new colony of the Cape Their slave
status prevented these Malays fiom practising their
Islamic religion and fiom possessing land and they
only obtained a place of worship in 1797 They were
unable also ireely to move about and weie compelled
to stay in the Cape, so that Islam was unable to
expand beyond this limit
However the importation aitei 1860 of a second
wave of manual labourers was necessitated by the
growing development of new crops in the territories
of the white settleis (Boeis) at the time of the "great
Trek" or migratory movement of 1834-9 Hence from
1860 until the beginning oi the 20th centurv, the own-
ers of sugar cane plantations, a crop which was very
prosperous in Natal, brought in Indian farm workers
some of whom were Muslims Islam w as thus implant-
ed at two points in what became after 1910 the Union
of South Africa, one in the south and one m the west
The economic crisis which began in 1929 threw a
considerable number of Indian iarm workers out of a
job and compelled them to seek another living Some
of them settled in Durban, the capital of Natal, whilst
the remainder spread throughout the land towards
the Cape, Johannesbut g Pretoria, Pott Elisabeth
DJARlDA — DJAWARS
and other South African towns Thus the third and
last phase ot the implantation of Islam in South Africa
The opening ot the 1960s was an important pe-
the beginning of ltl > organisation and its expansion
This process was inaugurated by certain Indian Muslim
diverse ethnic elements ot the Muslim community into
a consciousness that they were above ill Muslims and
that in the light of this the\ should woik for the
progress of the Muslim commumtv In efieu the
Mah\ and Indnn Muslims had previously thought of
themselves as belonging rather to then own ethnic
commumtv and their activities above ill those of the
very active Indians had taken place within the fiame-
This movement brought about the creation aftei
1960 of seveial Muslim organisations such as the
association of South ^fncan Muslim women 01
even the association of South Afucan Muslim butth-
eis It was also during this period of intense activity
that the Muslim press came into being thanks to its
launching b\ a Muslim of Indian oiigm M Savved
in the shape of a fortmghtK called Muslim hilt s Its
first number appeared at the beginning of January
1961 and had 12 pages eight in English and tour
in Urdu and was edited and printed at ^thlone a
district on the eastern edge of Cape Town wheie
manv Muslims live In 1971 the four Urdu pages
disappeared and since that date Mmlim l\ms has
contained only eight pages in English It styles itself
the only South African Muslim newspaper however
there exist two bulletins the Ramadan Annual and tht
Muslim Digest published both by one press group the
Makki one
Muslim Veus was meant essentially to infoim South
African Muslims about religious and cultural activi-
ties of the community and likewise to give exhoita-
tion on the practices ot the Islamic faith Without
departing fiom these original aims it evolved in 1973
in anothei direction by assuming a distinct political
aspect Condemnation of apaitha and of white domi-
nation was expiessed in the course ot articles which
became moie and more specific and violent in tone
a condemnation which arose fiom a lively denuncia-
tion of the very difficult living conditions of the non-
white population of South Africa ^fter the publication
of articles cnticising government policy on these top-
ics the diiection and editorship ot Muslim tints were
in December 1975 and again in March 197b biought
befoie the courts in the Cape but the journal has
nevertheless continued to appear
A perusal of Muslim hens allows one to appieciate
the effoits made by the Muslim community of South
Atnca to improve their precanous conditions of liv-
ing Great improvements have actually been achieved
in various fields such as health and education \n
orphanage has been built health seivices have been
set up in districts where they were lacking and finally
nnmeious mosques and madiasas, have been constructed
and a programme of Islamic studies organised All
this has come to fruition from contributions and from
the gifts of a few very rich Muslims
Finally Muslim Vms at times highlights in its
columns the lack ot unity within the Muslim com-
munity of South Africa one mainly due to dissen-
sions between the three great national Muslim
associations the Muslim Judicial Council the Muslim
Assembly and the Ashura (< shura) These are essen-
tially quan els between personalities trying to assert
then own pre-eminence They hive no effect it ill
on the South African Muslim community s sense of
solidarity and are in tact tending now to disappear
this can only strengthen the community s determina-
tion toi despite its numerical smallness (200 000 mem-
beis out ot a total population of 22 millions it is
certainly one ot the most vigorous Muslim commu-
nities of the southem hemisphere
(P GoROKHOFF.
x-The Umu [see klmuk]
DIAWARS (< Persian gait an) is millet Pamcum
miliaceum L (Gramineas) one ot the oldest cultivated
plants While in Europe it is now almost only used
as fodder millet plays a prominent role as cereal and
victuals in many areas ot ^sia and Afnca Although
the ancient Spartans ate millet Dioscondes consideis
millet as the least nutritious ot all cereals iDt matiria
mtdica ed Wellmann i 1907 171 f = lib n 97)
This is adopted by the Arab tianslatoi I La 'Materia
nudua di Dioseondis n ed Dublei and Teres Tetuan
1952 179) who renders the Gieek Kcvyxpoc; with
kanUiarus and vanantsj But already Ibn Massa a
contemporary of Humvn says that millet cooked in
milk oi broth mixed with millet flour and fat is an
excellent food (see Ibn al-Baytai Djami' Bulak 1291
l 156 15-16) On the nomenclatuie the following
can be remarked occasionally KanUiarus is understood
as both faitars and dhuia, and the first of these is
equated with the Mozarabic bamshuh cf Anonymous
llbn al-Rumryya?; Nuruosmamye 3589 fol 89b 21
on bamshuh (Romance pam^o) see M ^sin Palacios
Olosano di tons wmanus Madrid-Granada 1943 no
406 Others consider faitats as a kind of dukhn (also
alumus < etaittoi;) by which may be meant the small
Sudan and also called Moorish millet while dhuia
also called fauars fundi Indian millet indicates
the great sorghum {Soighum iidgan) In his book on
plants A.bu Hamfa equates duUin with fait an and
considers it as a kind of dhura (Tht boot of plants ed
B Lewin Uppsala-Wiesbaden 1953, no 405) In the
conise of time dhura has become the leading expies-
sion for millet Birum knows already the Tuikish
term dan for this (Sa\dala ed Hakim Muh Sa'id
Karachi 1973 A.rab 130 Engl 106) and names the
Indian s
■ of
causing constipation of being hard to digest and of
promoting unne but the constipation effect can be
removed by adding fat or puigatives and also by
diluted wine oi by baths On the other hand when
applied in a warm compress it proves to be a good
remedy against gripes and cramps It has an astrin-
gent effect and is therefore suitable to be used as
nourishment for those suffering from dropsy whose
stomachs should be contracted and whose bodies
should be desiccated
Bibliography (apart fiom the titles alieady men-
tioned) Razi Haiti, xx Haydarabad 1387/1967
248-51 (no 207) Du pharmakolog Gnmdtatj dts ibu
Mamm Haiaiti ti A Ch A.chundow Halle 1891
177 Zahrawi, Tasnf Ms Besir A.ga 502, fol 502a
7-8 Ibn Sina hamm (Bulak), i 288 Ibn 'Abdun
'Lmdat altabib Ms Rabat, Bibl Gen 3505 D tols
Ha 5-6 36a, 16-19 Ibn Biklansh Mmta'im Ms
Naples Bibl Naz m F b5 tol 29b Ghafiki al
iduna almufiada Ms Rabat Bibl Gen k 155 i,
fol 116a P Guigues Lis noms aiabes dam Serapwn in
Ji lOeme sene (1905) v sv hum (no 285) Mai-
DJAWARS — DJAWHAR
monides, Sharh asma' al'ukkar, ed Meyeihot, Cairo
1940, no. 70; Ibn al-Bavtar, Djdmi', 1, 15b, tr
Leclerc, no. 460; YQsul b 'Umai, Mu'tamad\ ed
M. al-Sakka, Beirut 1395/1975, b3, Suwavdi, Simat,
Ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol 59a (cl also A Dietrich,
in Melanges dulamologie dedies a A \bel, Leiden 1974,
105); Dawud al-Antaki, Tadhhra, Cairo 1371/1952,
i, 102 f.; Tuhfat al-ahbab, ed Renaud and Colin,
Paris 1934, no. 96; L Low, Die Flora der Juden, i
1928, 738-46; El Libra igrega de Serapiom, ed G
Ineichen, ii, Venice 1966, 137, sv locum
(A Dietrich)
al-DJAWBARI, <ABD al-RAHIM (not 'Abd
\l-Rahman) b. 'Umar b AbI Bakr Djamal al-dIn
ish
from
Damascus who travelled and wrote in the first hall
of the 7th/ 13th century. He spent some time in Egypt
(before 613/1216, and in 620/1223, 623/1226 and
624/1227) and in Northern Svna (Amid, Antakiva,
Harran, Konya, al-Ruha') and travelled through the
Bika' and the Hidjaz (Djidda, al-Madlnaj He claims
to have been also in Cyprus, Bahravn and India
Al-Djawban wrote between 629/1232 and 646/
1248-9 upon the request of the Artukid al-Mahk
al-Mas'ud (in 629/1232 ruler of Amid and Hisn
Kayfa) his book al-Mukhtar fi kashf al-asiar ("The
selection in the unveiling oi Secrets") This is a
concise encyclopedia of tricks, practices and devices
used by fraudulent Sufis, false alchemists, beggars,
impostors, drug-sellers, jugglers, quacks etc l e the
mediaeval Islamic underworld, known as the Banu
Sasan [see sasan, banu]. The book is modelled after
the Kashf al-dakk wa-ldah al shakk oi Ibn Shuha>d
[q.v.], which is lost. Al-Djawban lived mmselt b)
some of these practices, and the Mukhtar is a colour-
ful mine of first-hand information for the social and
cultural history of the Islamic Middle Ages. Al-
Djawbari's entertaining personality also caught the
interest of some of the political rulers of his time;
he proudly relates that he blackmailed a fraudulent
alchemist from the Maghrib out of 'Izz al-Din Aybak
al-Mu'-azzamfs (died 646/1248-49) court by threat-
ening to divulge the secret of his competitor's
method to make gold The book combines realism
and psychological insight a certain knowledge oi
mechanics medicine and botanv with a familnnty
with alchemistic and hermetic writings and an
enlightened, if naive scepticism towards many things
The Mukhtai falls outside the scope oi traditional
mediaeval Islamic literature and scholarship and is
written in careless Middle-Arabic full of jargon and
dialectical expressions It has been printed several times
(Damascus 1302/1885 Istanbul n d Cairo 1316/1898
and several times n d ) All printings are incomplete
expurgated and unreliable The author oi this article
is preparing an edition based on the available man
uscripts. Two further books of al-Djawban i treatise
on geomancy and al Sirat al mustakim ft 'dm al ruhamvya
ma 'l-tandjlm, a work on the occult sciences and astro-
logy, are lost. The hitab al Sihr al halal Ji I atab al
simawiyya wa-ba'd faita'id sina ma muqjarraba, pnnted
after some of the C airo editions has been erroneously
ascribed to al-Djawbarl and is in reahtv a translat
ed extract of a 19th century French treatise on magie
natureUe".
Bibliography All information concerning al
Djawbari has to be gathered from his Mukhtar
Al-Djawban s importance has already been noted
by M. Steinschneider Gauben v entdeckte Giheim
nisse, eine Quelle fur onentahsche Sittensihilderung
in ZDMG, \i\ (1865), 562-77; idem, Polemische
schen Mmlimen, Christen und Juden, Anhang II:
Gauben's "entdeckte Geheimnisse" , in Abhandlungen fur
d Kunde des Morgenlandes, vi/3, Leipzig 1877; and
MJ de Goeje, Gauban's "entdeckte Geheimnisse",
in ZDMG, xx, (1866), 484-510; A considerable
part of the Mukhtar has been translated by
E Wiedemann, who stressed, peihaps overmuch,
ences, ci the list oi translated passages in
S Wild, Jugglers and fraudulent Sujis, in Proceeding',
of the Mth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies
Visby 13 16 August, Stockholm 17 19 August 1972
= kungl Vitterhets Historic och Antikmtets Akademiens
Handlmgar Filologisk filosofiska senen 15, Uppsala
1975, 58-63, Ct iurthei C E Bosworth, The
mediaeval Islamic undemorld The Banu Sasan in
Arabic satiety and literature Part One The Banu
Sasan in Irabu life and lore, Leiden 1976, 14-15,
24, 106-18, and M Ullmann, Die Natur- und
Geheimuissemchaften im Islam (Handbuch der
Onentahstik, 1 Abteilung, Erganzungsband VI, 2.
Abschnitt), 254, 367 (S. Wild)
EflAWHAR
(i) Substance [see Vol. II].
(n) Jewel, jewelry
Whether or not diauhar had the meaning "jewel"
from the beginning oi this word's usage in the Arabic
language is uncertain, but this meaning is well-
attested from early in the Islamic era. For example,
both dj.au.har and the plural ajawahir are used in the
Pans manuscript oi the Kitab al-Ahd}dt li-Aristatdlis (publ.
in 1912 by J. Ruska as Das Steinbuch
p. 92 fc
a work which Ruska dated to some time before the
middle of the 3rd/9th century. The Arabic lexicogra-
phers from at least as early as the 4th/ 10th century
give "jewel" as a meaning for ajawhar (e.g. in the
Tahdhlb al-lugha of al-Azharl [q.v]). This usage con-
tinues throughout the centuries to the present day,
traceable both in historical literature and in for exam-
ple the 12th/ 18th century dictionary Tad} alarm
(lor a more complete listing oi the definitions bv the
Arabic lexicographers see Lane s Lexicon s v di h i)
The word diauhar makes no appeannce in the
Kur'an even though there are specific references to
both jew elr> (gold bracelets Will 31 and \LIII
53 silver bracelets L\\\ I 21 bracelets oi gold
and peirls XXII 23 and XXX\ ii) and precious
stones (yakut rub> L\ 58 mar&an small pearls or
coral L\ 22 and L\ 58 and lu'lu pearls XXII
2i XXXV ii and L\ 22) In tour of the five
passages mentioning the weanng of bracelets the
verb yuhallau.ua is used From its root which means
to adorn another common word tor jewelry in
general {hah) is derived (see Lane s v h I y)
However diauhar was cleirl} the most important
single term lor jewelry or jewels m the Arabic Ian
guage during its reign as the lingua franca of the
Islamic world
Let us now turn from the consideration of words
used for jewels to an ittempt to form a pictuie of
the objects themselves That is what kinds of jew
els did the peoples of the regions under considera-
tion make collect wear or otherwise use in the
various historical periods in which thev lived' This
art-historical question an extensive as opposed to
intensive definition of the word diauhar shall
llst-4th/7th-10th centuries)
Any history of Islamic jewelry ought to begin with
examples from the earliest centuries of Islam. How-
ever, to the best of our knowledge, there are very-
few extant pieces datable to before the first half of
the 5th/ 11th century in either the eastern or west-
ern parts of the Muslim world. Consequently, in
attempting to reconstruct a picture of the jewelry in
vogue during the first three hundred and seventy-five
years of the Islamic period we are forced to turn to
pictorial or sculptural representations in addition to
literary descriptions.
The available representations show that the jew-
elry and other body-adorning and costume elements
worn during the period were very strongly influenced
by the Roman, Byzantine and Sasanid ornaments
Muslims. A few examples should suffice to illustrate
The ball-shaped earrings depicted on the sculpture
from Khirbat al-Mafdjar (R. W. Hamilton, hhnbat al-
Majjar, Oxford 1959, PI. XXII, 4) and the teardrop
shaped examples in the paintings at Samarra'
(E. Herzfeld, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Berlin 1927,
PI. LXXI, top) compare very closely with those found
on Sasanid rock reliefs and coins (S. Fukai and
K. Horiuchi, Taq-i-Bustan, Tokyo 1972, ii, PI. IX and
A.U. Pope, A survey of Persian art, London and New
York 1938, iv, PI.' 251 F, H, J, K, N, O). Sasanid
prototypes (Fukai and Horiuchi, op. at. i, PI. XX)
can also be found for some of the head ornaments
depicted in a manuscript of al-Sufi of 399/1009
(E. Wellesz, An early al-Sufi manuscript in the Bodleian
Library in Oxford, in An Onentalis. iii, Fig. 10) and for
the belt fittings in a wall painting from Nishapur
datable to before 1000 A.D. (Fukai and Horiuchi,
op. at., i, PI. LXIV, and W. Hauser and C.K. Wilkin-
son, The Museum's- excavations at Nishapur, in Metropolitan
Museum of Art Bulletin [April 1943], Fig. 45).
Western influence, on the other hand, can read-
ily be seen in some of the jewelry depicted in the
wall paintings at Kusayr 'Amra. The heart-shaped
pendants worn by one of the female figures (M.
Almagro, L. Caballero, J. Zozaya and A. Almagro,
Qiisayi 'Amra, Madrid 1975, PI. XXVII, top) bear
very close comparison to Roman pieces (Allen Memorial
Art Museum Bulletin, xviii/2-3, Oberlin, Ohio— here-
inafter abbreviated Allen— Fig. 68), as does the shorter
necklace of oval elements worn by the same figure
(L. Pollak, Klassisch-Antike Gold-schnuedearbeiten, Leipzig
1903, PI. XVI, No. 396). A scalloped and jewelled
necklace worn by one of the male figures as well as
one consisting of a series of pendant elements adorn-
ing a female figure (Almagro et alii, op. (it., Pis. XI
and IX) have close Byzantine parallels (A.
Greifenhagen, Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetall, i, Berlin
1970, PI. 49, and Metropolitan Museum of Art No.
17.190.1667).
The vogue for breast ornaments held in place by
crossed straps, seen so often on the figures in Kusayr
'Amra, (Almagro et alii, PI. XVII, top) probably
entered the Islamic repertoire from the West also (for
a Greek example, see H. Hoffman and P. Davidson,
Greek gold, 1965, Fig. D), although the earliest exam-
ple known to these authors is from 2nd century
B.C. India, the country which also seems to be the
ultimate source for the waist ornaments seen in the
paintings in our late lst/early 8th century Jordanian
bath (S. Swarup, The arts and crafts of India and Pakistan,
Bombay 1957, PI. 88, left and 104 left).
Thus during the earliest centuries of the Muslim
era, the jewelry traditions of the Roman, Byzantine
and Sasanid realms seem to have been important as
models for Islamic jewelry. Having seen how close
the Islamic representations often are to their appar-
ent models, one is tempted to speculate that, to some
extent, the scarcity of early Islamic jewelry may be
due to our ignorance, and that many of the pieces
now classified as Roman, Byzantine and Sasanid are
in fact Islamic in date. Another major factor account-
ing for the "disappearance" of jewels, especially when
it comes to the larger and more valuable stones and
pearls, was their re-use in new stringings or settings
in accord with the taste of the times. From the remark-
able series of large stones, especially diamonds and
spinel "rubies", which were inscribed with the names
of Persian and Mughal rulers, we know that such
stones had considerable histories (discussed in greater
detail below); for example, the inscriptions in the name
of Nadir Shah in two large spinels and a teardrop-
shaped emerald show concretely how in these cases
stones from one treasure were re-used by a subse-
quent owner (in one case as an armband, and in the
other, on a string of prayer beads— see V. Ball, A
description of two large spinel rubies, with Persian characters
iii/3, 380-400 and PI. X; V.B. Meen and A.EX
Tushingham, Gown jewels of Iran, Toronto 1968, 46,
64-5 and 67).
We know from a number of literary accounts con-
cerning the period at present under discussion not
only that early Islamic rulers collected precious stones,
but that they also used them in ways similar to those
which we can verify from much later periods.
In one of the most informative and detail-laden
works among those which deal with notable treas-
ures, the Kitab al-Dhakha'ir wa 'l-tuhaf of al-Kadi al-
Rashid b. al-Zubayr (ed. M. Hamidullah, Kuwait
1959), we have in § 18 the following: "al-'Ala'I
recounted in the Kitab al-Adfwab that Sabrh, the sec-
retary, said that 'Umar b. Yusuf (i.e. Yusuf b. 'Umar)
al-Thakafi sent to Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik a red
ruby which was bigger than his palm and a pearl of
ssible
-. The
senger .
face of Hisham because
of the height of his throne and the number of cush-
ions. He took the stone and the pearl from him and
said: Has he written down their weight? Then he
said: Where are the likes of these two to be found?"
What is particularly interesting about the above
account is that it is such large stones and pearls which
were considered appropriate for the ruler and that
he was fully aware that the real way of recording
such items was by weight. Hisham 's questions become
even more meaningful when we know that, accord-
ing to al-Birum [q.v.], al-Rashid, who also received
many comparable gifts, was a great admirer of valu-
able stones and that he sent the jeweller Sabah, the
grandfather of al-Kindi [q.v.], to Ceylon to buy stones
(see Mohammad Jahia al-Haschmi, Die Quellen des Stein-
buihes des Beruni, Bonn 1935, 14). Not so incidentally,
these gifts (sc. the ruby and the pearl) were appro-
priate to kings not only because of their size but also
y the
cited are either red tourmalines or spinels, even though
there were those competent to differentiate. For an
example of methods used for such differentiation, we
may point to al-BlrunI who recorded the specific
weights of stones in relation to sapphire, which he
gave the arbitrary value of 100. Thus the pearl "is
65 and a third and a quarter" (see F. Krenkow, The
chapter on pearls in the book on ptecious Stones by al-Beruni.
Part II, in IC, xvi/1 [1942], 26-7).
Specific literary accounts and numerous recorded
gifts and purchases as well as pictorial evidence exist
which establish the prevailing hierarchy of value in
stones. According to al-Birum in his Kitab al-Diamahir
fi 'l-tgawdhir (as cited by E. Wiedemann, Ober den Wert
von Edelsteinen bei dm Muslimen, in hi, ii [1911], 348),
there are three outstanding precious gems, the ruby
(yakut), the emerald (zumurrud) and the pearl. Wiede-
mann (op. cit., 348 n. 1) also informs us that in f 5a
of the Steinhuch des Aristoteles it says that the pearl, the
yakut and the zabardjad (topaz) and their kind are pre-
ferred by people over other precious stones. For a
concrete example, we may cite another passage from
the A! al-Dhakha'ir (§ 33) which recounts gifts given
to al-Mutawakkil by a favourite slave girl consisting
of twenty tamed gazelles, with twenty Chinese sad-
dles with small saddle-bags containing musk and
ambergris and other perfumes, "And each gazelle had
a female slave attendant with a golden belt, having
in her hand a golden rod, at whose tip was a jewel,
a ruby or an emerald or some other from the jew-
els of high value."
It is hardly possible to estimate real prices; thus
that given for the famous Djabal (see al-Mas'Qdi, ed.
Pellat, index) varies considerably according to the
sources. Wiedemann states, in op. at., 346, and fol-
lowing al-Dimashkr, that it must have weighed 14'/2
mithkals (according to Kahle's conversion figures, in
Die Schatze der Fatimiden, in ^DA/G, N.F. xxxiv [1935],
336, this would amount to about 64 gr. or 320 carats)
for 80,000 dinars. Furthermore, according to the same
source, al-Rashld is said to have paid 90,000 dinars
for a pearl named al-1'atima, "the Orphan". The weight
is not given, although weights for pearls of this name
are mentioned in several other accounts of the early
Islamic period. In the light of the comments of al-
Blrum as cited by Krenkow (art. cit., Part I, 407) and
of the passage, also from al-Birum, cited below, it
would seem that this name, along with Farida,
"Unique", was given to any large pearl, perhaps espe-
cially to those pear- or teardrop-shaped, for which no
match could be found.
Further accounts of the early Islamic period indi-
cating the value placed on certain stones are the
following, all taken from the above-cited K. al-
Dhakha'ir.
(i) In the time of the caliph Hisham b. 'Abd al-
Malik, the "king of India" sent as a present to Djunayd
b. 'Abd al-Rahman, the then governor of Sind, a
jewel-studded camel mounted on a silver, wheeled
under-carriage, and its udders were full of pearls and
its throat was full of rubies, both of which could be
made to pour forth. Djunayd sent this on to Hisham,
who appreciated it highly. "It amazed Hisham and
everyone who was in his company, and it remained
in the Umayyad treasury until it passed to the
'Abbasids" (§ 15).
(ii) There is an account (§ 27) of a gift sent to al-
Rashrd, by "one of the kings of India", of "an emerald
rod longer than a cubit. At its head was the image of
a bird of red rubies, and it was invaluable." We are
told that this bauble passed down through the 'Ab-
basid family, sening for at least part of the time as a
plaything for royal children, to al-Mu'tasim, who ordered
a search for the (at that point) missing ruby-encrusted
bird (valued, we are told, at 100,000 dinars by one
'Abd Allah b. Muhammad) which had become sepa-
rated from it but which was found, under threats of
punishment, by the treasurers.
(iii) We read (§ 29) that al-Ma'mun corresponded
and exchanged gifts with a king of India, and that
the Indian king's letter to al-Ma'mun mentioned the
gifts he was sending: "And the gifts were a cup of
red ruby, the opening of which was one span wide
by one finger thick, full of pearls, each of which
weighed a mithkal They totalled 100 pearls ..."
For the actual use of precious stones in jewelry,
there is considerable e\idence that in this early Islamic
period, as in the previous Roman and Byzantine peri-
ods as well as in much later periods such as the
Mughal one in India, many of the larger precious
stones were bored and strung on cords, chains, wires
or whatever was appropriate. Remarkably graphic lit-
erary confirmation of this is afforded by al-Blrunfs
treatment of the emerald, as cited by Wiedemann
(op. cit., 351), when he says that emerald jewels or
beads (kharaza) are called reeds or tubes tkasaba) because
of their long form and because one bores through
them. This has a remarkable ring of veracity because
of what we know of the longish crystalline formation
of the emerald, as well as the great number of pre-
sumably Byzantine necklaces which incorporate just
such bored sections of emerald crystals. This practice
of boring and stringing precious stones as beads was
not confined to emeralds. The following passage from
the A! al-Dhakha'ir (§ 37) does not furnish certain proof
of this, but gives an indication of its likelihood. We
are told that when al-Mutawakkil was returning from
Damascus, in 244/858, he was met by his mother's
servant, with gifts from "al-Sayyida" Kabiha, the
mother of al-Mu'tazz. Their amount was 400,000
dinars." This enormous treasure included "a string of
beads of jewels of an unknown value." From the same
work (§ 14), we hear again of "beads of great jewels"
in a casket of jewels which had been brought by the
Fatimid caliph al-Mu'izz when he came to Cairo from
his previous capital in Tunisia.
Occasionally we are fortunate enough to find
passages which describe or unconsciously indicate
not only the precise kind of gem involved, but also
the arrangement or manner of stringing of these jew-
els. Once more from the A - . al-Dhakha'i, (§ 22) we
learn that "Mu'nisa, the slave girl of al-Ma'mun bil-
lah, gave to Mutayyam, the slave girl of 'All b.
Hisham . . . with the knowledge of al-Ma'mun, a neck-
lace whose central pearl was like an egg of a spar-
row, and black beads whose value was 10,000 dinars
(at this value the only imaginable black beads are
black pearls of fine quality — we know that, accord-
ing to al-Birum, on the authority of al-Hasan and
al-Husayn of Rayy, court jewellers to Mahmud of
Ghazna, Mahmud's treasury included black pearls —
see Haschmi, op. cit., 15), and four stones of red
rubies and four stones of emeralds on its right and
left, between them the precious beads of gold. The
continuing necklace had dates (balah — here surely
meant to indicate the shape of the beads) anointed
with perfume (ghaliya). Mutayyam found the dates
anointed with perfume (ghaliya) elegant and delight-
ful; her joy could not be increased by the remain-
ing jewels." Although we cannot be absolutely certain
of the arrangement here, the general picture is quite
clear; that called up in the imagination by this and
the passage t
How is amazinglv like that whic
accounts of the likes of Tax emit
ha, tr V Ball London 1889 i
»hat one actualh sees being woi
in their mimatuie paintings (se
on Mughal India) Another vei
the horseman
should be
pearl 'The pearl
mithkah and it was
its shell had gone
" 1 Likewi
ssing
before
bom
ills (Krenkow,
the egg-shaped
lorphan) because
[pearl] could be
was tailed Farid
be found and it
re of a necklace
was necessaiv to make it the i
which is called qilada Elsewhere in the same woik
(Krenkow, op at Part II, 55), al-Biium is arguing
against "coral" and foi "small peails" as being the
coiiect undeistanding of the teim mardjan, and we
get an idea of his sense of what is piopei as legaids
ibination ot stones with pearls He quotes a
'Cio
fro
Abu Nuw;
and then
d with peails and maijan like ;
iubv and the coral Such a
them, holding them
polish the iedness <
tompaied with the
mbies filling the plac
e betwi
s, emeialds and peails of vam
i, but perhaps those cited abo\
ate something of the natuie of a type of je-
seems to have had cuirentv thioughoul
ines in most of the Islamic world and oi v
the Topkapi in Istanbul) What
; with a bettei pictuie ol
horn period to penod
those few objects datal
a dependence on Roman, Bvzantim
models However these ob]ects alsc
nent awav from the oldei objects
vample
r puncipal designs an Is
.mil models Peihaps the
lulet c
ated at Nishapur which can be dated befoie
AD, on the basis of its epigraphic decoiation (Fig
1) Sasanid as well as Bvzantine piototvpes exist for
the general shape (M Negio Ponti, Jewtlry and mall
object* from Tell Mahuz (North Mesopotamia), m Meiofm
tamia, v-vi [1970-1] Fig 85, No 36, and W and
E Rudolph, Aiuunt jewcln from the collection oj Burton
1 Bern Bloomington, Indiana 1973, Fig 153), but
its elaborate vet beautiful integration of foim and
decoiation are pecuhailv Islamic as is its nielloed
Kufic inscription
Also datable to the same period on epigraphic
giounds are two belt fittings excavated at Nrshapur
one of which is shown in Fig 2 Unlike the smooth-
edged and undecoiated fittings on the depiction of
i the Nishapui wall painting discussed
to sculpted and decoited objects mav
of a set like that in Fig 3 The lat-
dated to the 3rd/9th centurv on the
• companson with the fittings depicted
om Samarra' (E Heizfeld oj, at PI
basis of its clo;
l painting 1
LXV, right)
Some of the finger lings fiom Nrshapur also seem
o be datable to this penod The silver as well as the
gold ung pictuied in Fig 4a and b both show a
dependance on Roman models (E H Marshall
Catalogue oj the jingei rings, Greek, Etruscan and Roman in
the Dejiartments of Antiquities, British Museum London
1407, PI XV, 526, PI XIII, 464), and as will be dis-
, the
ring c
of a type of Saldjuk Pen
Once
eailv r
pies than we did fin the earlv Islamic penod, but we
are also able to establish firmer dates for them The
reas( ms foi the surviv al of these relativ elv large groups
of objects, as well as the explanations of the lines of
development which bi ought the art to this bnlliant
flowering during the eailv mediaeval period, contin-
ue to elude us The ]ump fiom the few earlv ob]ects
just discussed to the objects we are about to present
is often a vers large one indeed
Pivotal pieces for the studv of eailv mediaeval jew-
elry in greater Iran are a pair of biacelets, which are
illustrated m Fig 5a-b Each of the four hemispheies
flanking the clasp of each bracelet bears a flat disk
of thin gold at its back which was decoiated bv
pouncing it over a coin, in this case a coin bearing
the name of the 'Abbasid caliph al-Kadir billah (381-
422/941-1031) The late Di Geoige Miles was of the
opinion that the stvle of the coins used was that of
those minted in 340/1000, 347/1007 and 414/1028,
dunng the rule of Mahmud of Ghazna, and that thev
were piobablv struck in the mint of Ntshapui As the
gold discs were most probably embossed over lela-
11th ce
Then
iting t(
e fnsi
of tr
5th/
gold a
mber of e-
though none are as fine oi as elaboiate The m;
laiactenstiis of this group of bracelets aie the k
hemispheres flanking the clasp the tapenng of i
shank toward the clasp and the twisted effect of I
foimei, oi alternatively, a non-tapeied shank is si
divided into ball-shaped sections
Pre-Islamic ]ewelrv has again seived as a mo
oi these biacelets which show a continued tonser
n and tiaditionalism in the medium Examples
r shanks
is and ir
the shar
with sir
No 45
Fig 61b) Those v
Roman nngs and b
The hollow gold
with stone settings
Its epigiaphic and
period and the twisted effect of
telv denv e from Greek bracelets
:Metiopohtan Museum of Ait,
Hoffman and Davidson, op at
ibdivided i
ith
have had as then
ind silver
eatlv
seen in Fig 6
in niello place
the 6th/ 12th or 7th/ 13th centuries
e the type of setting with its heaw
claws is very typical for Persian jewelry of this
period. The bracelet illustrated in Fig. 7a-b, whose
mate is in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, shares
many of the features seen in the last object discussed.
Four of its elements take the form of truncated pyr-
amids (as does the bezel of the ring), and bear the
heavy claws to hold the now-missing stones. It also
prominently features epigraphic decoration in niello.
The granulated treatment of the border on the
obverse of the pendant in Fig. 8a-b, the settings with
heavy claws and the niello-like decoration, relate this
object to the bracelet just discussed. A feature we
have not met with before, however, is that found on
the reverse — a double twisted wire decoration laid on
the gold sheet. This method of decorating a plain
gold surface was very popular in Iran during the peri-
od
in que
r of e
of which is shown in Fig. 9, which bear
close comparison with a pair found in Russian exca-
vations (in the region between the Sea of Azov and
Moscow) whose finds can be dated between the 1 1 70s
and 1240 (G.F. Korzukhina, Russkie kladi IX-XIIhv,
Moscow 1954, pi. LX). The open-work beads deco-
rating the upper part of these earrings were also an
important feature of Iranian jewelry at this time.
Another pair of earrings, seen in Fig. 10, are com-
posed of three such beads. There are many variations
of such three-bead earrings from 6th/ 12th and 7th/
13th century Iran, and a large number of similar ones
were found in the Russian excavations already
mentioned (for example, Korzukhina, op. at, pis. XLV,
XLVIII, XXXI, XXXIII, etc.).
Fig. 1 1 a-b illustrates a type of ring which seems
not to have been in vogue in the Islamic world before
the second half of the 6th/ 12th century. However,
once introduced, it enjoyed great popularity and vari-
ety. The most essential features of this ring type are
a cast shank, often with anthropomorphic terminals,
and polygonal bezels. The prototypes, again, are to
be found in Greek as well as Roman rings (Marshall,
op. at, fig. 61, and pi. XVI, 552). The ring chosen
to illustrate the type is a particularly fine example,
with four of the six corners of the bezel decorated
with human heads, the crown itself consisting of a
repeating geometric pattern executed in openwork fil-
igree and the shank bearing harpies and terminating
in double-bodied harpies. Although not as elaborate
as our example, many rings of this type were found
in the Russian excavations mentioned above whose
finds can be dated between the 1170s and 1240
(Korzukhina, pis. XXXVII, 3, XXXVIII, 3, XLV, 4,
etc.). The style of the animals as well as the tech-
nique employed on the belt fittings in Fig. 12 relate
this object very closely to the above ring.
Because the geometrical design and its mode of
execution on the two hair ornaments in Fig. 13 are
identical to that on the ring in Fig. 11 a-b, these
objects must be dated to the same time, if not to
the same workshop. Between the bronze core and
the gold exterior of these ornaments there was a
textile which was probably brightly coloured, and
this must have heightened the impact of these strik-
ing pieces. Hair ornaments had a long pre-Isl;
tubular
i the
Middle East today.
The earrings featuring polyhedral beads in Fig. 14
must also be similarly dated, since two hair orna-
ments with closely related beads were found in the
Russian excavations mentioned above (Korzukhina,
pi. OX). Their sophisticated and ingenious trans-
formation of the spherical bead into a pentagonal
dodecahedron is quite in keeping with the extra-
ordinary amount of sophistication at the time in the
usage of geometric solids as the forms of beads,
weights, etc., especially notable in the finds from the
Metropolitan Museum's excavations at Nfshapur.
A cache of jewelry and 82 gold coins found in
Tunisia about 50 years ago allows us to establish rel-
atively firm dates for certain types of jewelry executed
in the Fatimid realms (G. Marcais and L. Poinssot,
Objets kairouanau, notes et documents, xi/2, Tunis 1952,
467-93, and Marilyn Jenkins, Fatimid jewelry, its sub-
types and influences, in Kunst des Orients, in press); and
this in turn allows us to date certain closely related
objects from the Fertile Crescent.
Marcais and Poinssot have shown that the jewelry
in this cache was made before the end of the year
436/1045, and Jenkins has demonstrated that it
was very likely produced in Egypt. She has also de-
lineated a number of characteristic features of this
jewelry, thus permitting a considerable broadening of
the group. On the basis of these works, it seems like-
ly that the gold objects about to be discussed, as well
as many others closely related to them, were all pro-
duced in a relatively short period of time before
436/1045.
Each sub-type enumerated below will be introduced
by one or more Fatimid objects datable by means
of the Tunisian cache. These groupings grew out of
Marc Rosenberg's theory of "the battle of granula-
tion and filigree", in which he suggests an historical
progression proceeding from those pieces on which
granulation, consisting of grains of more than one
size — most often set on paired wires — was the domi-
nant decorative device, to those on which grains are
also placed on paired wires but on which the gran-
ulation and filigree could be said to be on an equal
footing. The third sub-type incorporates only a small
amount of granulation; and the final phase shows
the complete displacement of granulation by filigree
(see Rosenberg, Geschkhte der Goldschmiedekunst auf
technischei Gmndlage, Granulation, iii, Frankfurt 1918, 96-
104). The closely similarity among the objects com-
prising the various sub-groups makes it highly likely
that the "battle" was a quick one, at least in the case
of Fatimid Egypt.
Examples of the finest and most decoratively com-
plex type of Fatimid gold work are the openwork
biconical and spherical beads in Fig. 15 exhibiting
filigree work and granulation with grains of more
than one size. Another example of this particular
phase of Fatimid jewelry is a gold bracelet with a
tapered tubular shank and heart-shaped terminals in
the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul (G. Breitling
et alii, Das Buch vom Gold, Lucerne and Frankfurt 1975,
239, No. 6). The area where the shank meets the
terminals bears three large grains, or more properly,
shot. This bracelet bears close comparison with one
in the Damascus Museum, also with heart-shaped ter-
minals but with a twisted-wire shank [Catalogue du Musee
National de Damas, Damascus 1969, Fig. 119, right).
The latter may in turn be compared with several
excavated in Russia in finds datable to the 5th/ 11th
and turn of the 6th/ 12th centuries (Korzukhina,
op. at, pi. XIV). All this confirms that this group of
bracelets with tubular or twisted-wire shanks and heart-
shaped terminals, whether made in Egypt or some-
where in the Fertile Crescent (as is probably the case
with the bracelet in the Damascus Museum), were
contemporary with the beads illustrated in Fig. 15
(which are datable by means of the Tunisian cache)
and consequently must date before 436/1045.
Anothei bracelet which must be placed in this finest
and decoratively most complex phase is that seen in
Fig. 16a-b, which has a mate in the Damascus
Museum. The twisted effect of its tapered shank and
the four hemispheres flanking its clasp, as well as the
treatment of the area where the shank meets the clasp,
relate it very closely to the Persian bracelet illus-
trated in Fig. 5a-b, which is probably datable to the
eaily 5th/ 11th century. However, the type of bosses
on the clasp, the style of wirework on the back of
the clasp and the treatment of the shank relate the
Freer bracelet more closely to contemporary objects
made in Egypt. We therefoie attribute this bracelet
to a workshop in the Fertile Crescent, most probably
in Syria, where both Egyptian and Persian influences
would very likely be found.
Also contemporary and made either in Egypt or
the Fertile Crescent are a group of six bracelets with
twisted-wire shanks whose clasps bear granules in two
triangular arrangements, flanked on two sides by groups
of three contiguous shot, on either side of a set stone
[Catalogue du Musee National de Damas, Fig. 119, second
from right; Collection Helene Stathatos, iv. Bijoux et petits
objets, PI. XI, and p. 73, Figs. 11 and 12; and the
European art market). The manner of usage of the
grains on the clasps of these bracelets is closely related
to that on the "blimp-shaped" beads on the necklace
in Fig. 15.
The next Fatimid sub-type is illustrated in Fig.
17a-b. Unlike the beads discussed above, this pendant
bears grains of only one size, and the filigree and
granulation can be said to be equally important.
Those objects exhibiting filigree with only a very
sparse use of granulation, such as the bracelet in
Fig. 18 with repousseed shank, are examples of the
next sub-type. Bracelets with repousseed shanks
bearing geometric designs, sometimes filled with
human figures, were a later development of such
bracelets (Metropolitan Museum of Art No. 58.37,
and A. de Ridder, Collection de Clercq catalogue, vii/1,
pi. XII, No. 1279).
Another example of this phase is the pair of ear-
rings in Fig. 19. However, the use of undecorated
hollow hemispheres as well as the tapering of the
edges to a point take them out of the Egyptian
milieu and, as was the case with the bracelet in Fig.
16a-b and several other objects mentioned above,
perhaps a provenance in the Fertile Crescent should
be suggested for them (cf Zakiyya 'Umar al-'Ali,
Islamic jewelry acquired by the Iraq Museum [in Arabic],
in Sumer, xxx, PL 8; Paris, Grand Palais, L'Islam dans
les collections nationals, Paris 1977, No. 363; and
Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 95.16.2-3). Closer
to its Egyptian prototypes than the above, but incor-
porating Persian elements as well, is another earring
which also must have been made in the Fertile
Crescent (Hayward Gallery, The arts of Islam, London
1976, No. 239).
As we have said, the final phase in Fatimid jew-
elry is represented by those objects with no granu-
lation at all, their decoration being executed solely
in filigree or in filigree combined with a technique
other than granulation, such as cloisone enamelling.
Two examples can be seen in Figs. 20 and 21. The
latter may be compared with the biconical bead in
Fig. 15 (see also L.A. Mayer Memorial Institute for
Islamic Art, Jerusalem, No. J75, the wirework of
which is closely related to that on the back of the
clasp of the bracelet in Fig. 16a-b), but here three
biconical beads are combined to form a necklace spa-
cer, a type of combination also seen in the material
from Ur (C.L. Wooley, Ur excavatiom, ii. The Royal
Cemetery, Oxford 1934, pi. 146a), as well as fiom
Cyprus of the first half of the fust millenium B.C.
(Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 74.51.3297).
Another type of tripartite spacer can be seen on the
necklace in Fig. 15.
In the medium of silver, the earring shown in Fig.
22 has a shape and the box-like construction which
we have seen often in the jewelry from the Fertile
Crescent. These features, in addition to the style of
its nielloed vegetal and epigraphic decoration, place
it in the early part of the period under discussion.
Towards the end of what we have called the early
mediaeval period, one of the Islamic lands west of
Iran (probably Syria) produced the silver and gilt
bronze belt illustrated in Fig. 23, other elements of
which are in the Benaki Museum, Athens. According
to Mr. Benaki's records (see Berta Segall, Mmeum
Benaki, Katalog der Goldschmiede-Arbeiten, Athens 1938 No.
323, and p. 190) the inscription on the buckle is in
the name of al-Malik al-Salih Tmad al-Din IsmaTl,
who was twice the Ayyubid ruler of Damascus and
who was killed in battle at Cairo in 648/1250 (mis-
takenly said in Segall to have taken place in 1266).
Although there was a Mamluk sultan of the same
name who ruled in the 8th/ 14th century (743-6/
1342-5), the titular formulae which one can read on
the buckle do seem closer to those of the Ayyubid
ruler than of the Mamluk one.
ing t.
with a s
that in the early Islamic period. That is, there are
very few extant pieces from any part of the Muslim
world datable to this period, and therefore we are
again forced to turn to pictorial lepresentations in
addition to literary descriptions for our main picture
of the jewelry of this important four-hundred-yeai
It is probable that the representations of jewelry
in Persian miniatures do not give us a full and ade-
quate picture of the jewelry in vogue at the time,
even for the upper classes. This is partly due to the
terms of what it could show; and one gets the feel-
ing that convention played some part in what jew-
elry the painter chose to decorate his figures, just
as painters' conventions had a part in the architec-
tural forms and decoration represented in these minia-
tures. However, it does seem on the other hand that
the representations do reflect in a general way the
types and, as will be seen, the changing styles of
jewelry worn. With Mughal miniatures, the repre-
sentations are more detailed, and give a feeling of
being less fanciful, more indicative of a specific time,
The necklace in Fig. 24a-b is one of two extant
pieces of 8th/ 14th century gold jewelry known to
the present authors (the other is a head ornament
in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin-Dahlem, No. 565,
which is very closely related to the gilded silver
head ornament found in a 14th century tomb at
Novorossiisk, for which see R. Zahn, Sammlungen der
Galene Bachstitz, ii Berlin 1921, pi. 123). The shapes
used in the wire and stone work on the obverse
of the necklace's two principal elements, as well as
the contours of these elements themselves, relate it
closely to the crown of Anusbirwan in a page from
the Demotte Shah noma (Metropolitan Museum of
Art No 52 20 2 see I Stchoukine La peintun tram
trine sous les demurs ibbasides et les II Khans Bruges
193b ms no XV no 24) and the style of the
chased design as well as the motifs on the reveise
of these elements cleaiK point to the same period
In addition the overall Chinese feeling is in line
with what we might expect at this time
To come back to the miniature mentioned above
we might point out that both of the principal figures
wear simple gold hoop eai rings and that this fashion
can be seen m other repiesentations of the penod
Foi example in a miniature probablv painted in 'Irak
into 771 81/1370 80 (R Ettinghausen irab painting
New \ork 1962 1 78) we see very similar earrings
worn by the Archangel IsiafTl
We mav take this occasion to sa\ that the wearing
of earnngs by men is a custom with a very long his-
torv in the Near East being well attested in for
example Assyrian \chaememan and Sasamd leliefs
We have alreadv referred in section 1 above to a man
wearing earrings in a wall painting from Samaria
and we have literary evidence that earrings were worn
bv pre Islamic Arabs al Buuni in his chapter on pearls
(krenkow op at I 407) quotes an extract from al
Aswad b "Vafur [qi] which contains the phrase
runs a man with two pearls [in the lobes of his
ears] This custom continued in the Islamic world
although not umveisallv until the beginning of the
modem penod as attested by foi example paintings
of the Mongol Timund Safawid and Mughal schools
A belt of gilded sihei consisting of 62 elements
was found in the 14th century tomb at Novorossnsk
mentioned above (R Zahn op at pis 121 122)
The overall style of the belt as well as the decoration
on the tnangular and rectangular pieces relate it to
two earhei belts illustiated in Figs 12 and 2i
Turning to the moie western part of the Muslim
world several gold bracelets can be quite securelv
placed in 8th/14th century Mamluk Egvpt or Svna
Continuing the bracelet tradition in this part of the
world as discussed above these have hollow shanks —
plain or giving a twisted effect — but thev now ter
minate in animal heads The clasp is round and
tabular and the one in the Benaki Museum Athens
is decorated with an \iabic inscription (B Segall
op eit No 319 and Cano Islamic art in Egypt 969
1517 April 1%9 No 20)
At the turn of the 8th/ 14th and 9th/ 15th century
in Iran we not only see the continued use of the
type of belt ah eadv discussed (M S Ipsn oglu Painting
and tultute of the Mongols New \ork nd fig 47) but
we also begin to see the use of a new belt type con
sisting of a large gold roundel oi roundels on a cloth
or leather strap a type which appears soon to have
superseded the older style and which was to remain
in vogue in Iran for centunes to come (Metropolitan
Museum of Art No 57 5120 MAIA Bulletin NS
xvi [1957] 56 and No 33 113 \1A1A Bulletin xxix
[April 1934] 59-b0 fig 2)
One of these lattei miniatures (57 51 20) also shows
a new fashion in the decoration of the female vis
-ige strings of beads framing the face being secured
bv the headcloth at the top of the head and pass
ing under the chin As we shill see this type of
period This popular Timund fashion is also in evi
dence in two other miniatures one from ca 829/
142b and the other from between 1470 and 1480
which also show us examples of Timund eirnngs
These -ippear to be either plain gold hoops hoops
with a single pendant teai drop pearl (seen earlier
in paintings from Samaria ) oi gold hoops with four
pendant paired pearls (Metropolitan Museum of Art
No 13 22813 foi 17b sec New \ork Asia House
Gallery Muslim miniatun paintings from the MI to \I\
centun 1962 58 no 41 and No 57 5124 \t\IA
Bulletin NS xvi [April 1958] 232)
As regards the fashion in bracelets during the Timund
penod a miniature from a Haft paykar manuscnpt shows
bathing women weanng simple strings of beads at their
wrists (Metropolitan Museum of Art No 13 22813
foi 47a UMA Bulletin N S xxv [Mav 1967] 325 fig
lb) One of a pair of cast silver biacelets with dragon
headed terminals and beanng on the top an Arabic
inscnption can be seen in Fig 25 At least two other
examples of this type aie extant and it mav represent
a simpler and later version of the Mamluk biacelets
discussed above with animal heads flanking their clisps
The cast gold and jade seal ring illustrated in Fig
2b mav have developed out of the type of ring lllus
trated in Fig 1 1 a b as thev hav e sev eral impol tant
features in common the technique of casting followed
by a significant amount of chasing shanks which have
anthi opomorphic terminals and which are decoiated
with designs on two levels and a lozenge adorning
the centie of the shank (foi the universal importance
and use of the seal nng throughout Islamic history
The necklace seen on the woman in the detail of
a miniature fiom a manuscript dated 853/1450 1 in
Fig 27 points both backward and forwaid in time
The central element is related to one of those on the
necklace in Fig 24a b whereas the overall composinon
is identical to what we shall see is the most popular
type of Safawid necklace represented in miniatures
although the rosettes heie are two dimensional ele
ments instead of spherical beads as in the case of the
Safawid necklace
Nasnd Spain is better represented by extant jew
elry than other areas during this period The neck
lace illustrated in Fig 28 consists of five pendant
elements and five beads The pendant elements show
an indebtedness to Fatimid jewelry in their box like
construction the use of gold loops on their circum
feience for stringing pearls or semi-precious stones
and their combination of gold and cloisonne enamel
as well as of filigree and gianulation However thev
aie not as labonouslv executed as the best Fatimid
pieces and the work has been further decreased bv
simplv pouncing a gold sheet over the decorated front
side of the pendant to pioduce the decoration on the
back a peculiarity of Nasnd jewelry
A, indicated earlier the vogue for beads framing
the face continued in the Safawid penod but in addi
tion two other types of head ornament — whose sources
of inspii ation were probably earlier ciowns — were very
popular during this period Examples aie to be seen
in Figs 29 and 30 both of which appeal to be of
gold set with stones
The necklace shown in Fig 27 was the immedi
ate precursor of that worn by the woman in Fig 30
The elements and their irrangement are identical
except that the flat losettes set with a single stone in
the 853/1450 51 mimiture have seventy-five vears
htei become what appear to be granuhted spheres
set with multiple stones The central element has ilso
ch-inged fiom -in -ipparently carved or punted piece
to a gold pendant set with stones Another tvpe
of neckhce which we see represented in Safawid
p-untings worn as -i choker or close to the throit
consisted of a central tningular sometimes bejewel
led, gold element flanked b\ two smaller gold ele-
ments on a stung of peails, and we see Iianian
women in paintings of this penod wealing a senes
of stnngs of beads plain 01 healing a single pen-
dant (Metiopohtan Museum of Ait No 52 20 b,
unpublished, and a wall painting from the Cihil Sutun
(1057/1647) in Isfahan, unpublished) These paint-
ings also show a continued vogue foi bracelets con-
sisting of simple stnngs of beads
Also at the Cihil Sutun, we encounter on the stat-
ues at the edge of the pool an earl} example of the
be|ewelled tripartite aimband which was to have such
populant} in the Kadjai period (Fig 31)
The new belt tvpe, which was first observed in
Persian mimatuies dating to around 1400 AD, was
fuither elaboiated upon in the Safawid period The
elements are |ewelled and the numbei iepresented on
a gi\en belt is increased (Fig 32) Two complete
Safawid belts and a buckle are extant (Pope, Surm
of Persian art, vi, pi 13<Ma-c)
The types of earrings cunent in Safawid Iian show,
as far as the representations aie concerned We find
gold hoop earrings and gold hoops with a single shot
at the bottom or at the bottom and two sides There
are also variations on the tvpe of eamng consisting
of a gold hoop with a pendant pearl which in one
case consists of three pendant stones, blue, white and
led (Fig ii) In addition to these, we also see more
pearl
r garnet;
reralds o
composed of the afo
depicted in the miniatures in a wa> that is not detailed
enough to permit a description
Some of the ring types lepiesented in the minia-
tures of this period include archer s rings, usualh
indicated in black, seal rings and others repiesented
with white and green stones (we ma> mention the
one depicted with a white stone — in Metropolitan
Museum of Ait No 1 970 301 7, unpublished— which
\er\ much resembles in style that illustrated in Fig
2b), plain gold rings with rectangular bezels, and gold
thumb rings
Another Safawid fashion seen depicted is the weal-
ing oi bandoliers, an example of which can be seen
in Fig 33 This one mcoipoiates gold beads amulets,
a rosette and a gold pendant Others ol the period
beai jewelled elements (Metropolitan Museum of Art
No 12 224 4, mimatuie unpublished)
Recognisable representations oi |ewelr\ in Ottoman
shows Meh
•rained
II
weanng
a wh
te arrhei'
ring
and a nng
th
a blue
N Ataso
F gagman
Turk
h n
imiaturt /
aintmg
Istanbul
1974,
pi I) A h
he
Tavermer's
addition
the like en
nched
nds, r
eralds
and other
precio
tones), c
an be
had fron
a the
"But what is most precious in that Chamber and
tianscends all the rest, is a strong Coffer all oi Ironwork
which contains anothei, oi about a ioot and a hali
square, wherein theie is a vast Treasure When this
Coffei is open'd >ou see a kind of Gold-Smiths Jewel
Box, wheiein are ranked all sorts oi Jewels of highest
value, as Diamonds, Rubus, Emeralds, a huge numbei of
excellent Topazes and iour of those Gems, call'd Cah-
eya, which are so beautiful, that the> are not to be
\alu'd Having satisfy 'd >our curiosity with the formei
>ou come next to certain little Diawers full of several
Jewels, great Roses of Diamonds, Pendants, other Roses
of Rubies and Emeialds, Strings and Chains of Pearls
and Bracelets There stands aside b\ itself a Cabinet,
wheie aie the Sorgouges, oi the things wheiein aie
fasten'd the Heion-tops, which the Giand Seignoi
wears in this Tuibant The} are as it were little han-
dles, made in the fashion of Tulips, covefd over with
the most precious Stones of the Seraglio, and tis
into this that the Heron-top enters, that nch Plume
of Featheis . Of these Handles, some aie highei
and more piecious than otheis and mv Overseai of
the Tieasurv assur'd me, that, of all sorts of them,
gieat and small, theie aie above a hundied and fifty
The lesser ones seive onlv for the Campagne, and
the gieat ones, which are the nchest, are leserv d
for the Pomps and Magnificences of the Court, and
when the Grand Seignor marches in Geiemonv to
Constantinople If he has a desire to satisfie his sight
with the lustre of his piecious Jewels, he Oideis the
Coffer to be bi ought into his own Chamber but if
he calls foi some paiticular Piece of the Treasury,
he gives oidei to the Chasnadarbachu to fetch it, and
that Chief Officer of the Treasury cannot enter it,
without abundance of mvstenous precautions (The
wv images of John Baptista Taurnur (and) The
description of thi Seraglio, made English bv J P , London
1678, ch vm "A relation of the Giand Seignoi's
Seiagho", 46-8) Aside from the familiar strings of
tamed at this time a number of rose-cut diamonds,
rubies and emeialds
One such rose-cut diamond adorns the top of an
hexagonal box, at present in the Hazine the bodv
of which is formed from a huge hollowed-out emerald
crvstal According to an inscription on a mounting
for one of its suspension hooks, this box was made
bv ordei of Sultan Ahmed I in 1025/lblb The
settings emplo>ed in this piece are extremely simi-
lar to those used in contemporary western Euiope,
while other objects in the Topkapi Hazine bear close
comparison with Persian and Indian ob|ects as
regards techniques emplo>ed For example, a dag-
ger with a solid emerald handle which puipoitedlv
was presented to Mehemmed IV b) his mother
Turkhan Sultan during the consecration of the Yeni
Djami' in 1073/1663 exhibits not onl> enamelling
\ei) similar to that which we associate with Kadjar
which gives the impiession of the stones having been
pushed through the thin gold sheet fiom the back
\ furthei closer stud} of the jewel treasuies in the
Topkapi would no doubt piove instructive legaid-
mg the nature if not the origins of the Ottoman
stvle in jewelry
Although few major pieces of Mughal jewelry fiom
before the late 18th century, remain extant, we are
mulate an idea of the |ewelrv art of the earlier cen-
turies of the Mughal penod than we were in
attempting to amve at some picture of the |ewelry
of, for example, Timund and Safawid Iran or of
Ottoman Tuike> First of all, there is a large body
of extant matenal dating from the late 18th to the
20th centunes, which, given the amazing tenacity of
forms and tiaditions in Indian |ewelr\, gives us a
nch context in which to consider the bits of evidence
for the jewelry of the eailier centuries of the Mughal
penod Secondly, for those curious about the jewels
of this period, the mimatuies produced under the
Mughals are almost invanablv much more detailed
and therefore contain much more mfoimation for
those who stud} the ob|etts depicted And thiidry,
we have a wealth of precise verbal accounts of the
jewels, thrones, etc., of the Mughal court, especially
those of the sharp and knowledgeable J.B. Tavernier.
One real disadvantage for the would-be student
of Mughal jewelry is the lack of available informa-
tion about the jewelry of India during a very long
period prior to the one with which we are here con-
cerned. It may have been noticed that this article
has not include any discussion of jewelry made under
the Dihli Sultanate. Pieces must exist, perhaps
unrecognised or unpublished, in Indian museums or
private collections; but we do not know definitely
about such jewelry and have no real notion from
any source as to its nature. Despite the absence of
it seems safe to say, on the basis of observation of
recent and contemporary work and of study of such
pictorial records as the highly detailed sculptures,
that India has the longest unbroken
n of ai
s the
variety of jewelry forms, functions and techniques.
For the period from the beginning of British dom-
ination to the present, there are many studies of
particular regional and/or technical types and styles,
and we will make no attempt to survey or sum-
marise this material here. We shall content ourselves
rather with a presentation of some of the notable
features of the adornment associated with the peri-
od of the glory of the Mughal Empire, and their
continuation into the later period, namely the 18th
and 19th centuries.
Aside from whatever may have been the tradition
at the time of the Mughal conquest in the 10th/ 16th
century, we may safely assume that a considerable
amount of Timurid tradition passed southward with
the royal family, its treasures and entourage, and that
Timurid tradition in turn represented an amalgama-
tion of other Islamic, and to some extent Central
Asian and Chinese traditions.
Our best evidence for the jewelry styles of the peri-
ods of the emperors Akbar until Awrangzib (963-
1119/1556-1707) are the miniatures painted under
their patronage. A striking confirmation of the verac-
ity of these paintings is afforded by a statement of
Tavernier concerning what he saw during the reign
of Awrangzib (Travels in India, ii, 150), that there is
"no person of any quality that does not wear a Pearl
between two color'd stones in his Ear." Although the
following paintings are somewhat earlier (e.g.
Metropolitan Museum of Art No. 30.95.174, no. 11,
"Akbar giving audience . . .," ca. 1590-1600, unpub-
lished; and Metropolitan Museum of Art No. 55.
121.10.29, portraits of three nobles, all of whom have
this type of earrings, and a huntsman, from the Shah
Djahan Album, period of Djahangir, 1014-36/1605-
27, unpublished), they invariably show earrings with
a precious stone (ruby or emerald) between two pearls,
confirming the style of earring described by Tavernier.
The discrepancy of detail may be due to a change
in the arrangement by AwrangzTb's time, or may result
from a confusion on Tavernier's part, as he had
just been describing a pearl in the emperor's collec-
tion, the largest perfectly round one he had ever seen
and one for which the emperor was unable to find
a mate. If he could have paired it, Tavernier says,
he would have made of them earrings, each with a
pair of rubies or emeralds on each side, "according
to the custom of the Country" (toe. at.). This prefer-
ence for the combination of pearls, rubies and emer-
alds coincides with what was said above in section 1,
and one sees the combination everywhere in Mughal
(as indeed, in Timurid, Safawid and Kadjar) paint-
ings. The only other colour commonly seen is blue
(sapphire), but this latter occurs much less often than
the other three.
Of course, we know that from ancient times India
was the land of precious stones, and that even stones
which did not originate in India itself, such as the
rubies of Burma, often found their way to other coun-
tries by way of India. Furthermore, India herself w
najor ,
arket for :
I for
/hich had to come from considerable
distance, such as the emerald (coming from Egypt).
India and her immediate neighbours such as Ceylon,
"Indo-China" and the mountains of Badakhshan pro-
duced an amazingly large variety consisting of most
of the precious stones known up to this day. The
Ratnaparlksa, or "Appreciation of gems", a compila-
tion of Indian tradition about gemstones, their vari-
eties, qualities, sources, etc., which was apparently
compiled as a technical guide before the 6th centu-
ry A.D. (L. Finot, Les lapidaires mdxem, Paris 1896),
exhibits a surprising degree of knowledge and a sur-
prisingly systematic approach in dealing with a wide
variety of stones. In it, we find the canonisation of
the "nine gems": the ruby, the diamond, the cat's-
eye (chrysoberyl), the "hyacinth" (zircon?), the topaz,
the sapphire, the pearl, the coral and the emerald
(Finot, op. cit., 171). Despite this great variety, there
is already expressed in this compilation a strong hier-
archy of preferences, with the diamond considered
first among gems. The order of treatment of our
other major stones is: pearl, ruby, sapphire, and
emerald.
Thus it is not at all surprising that we see Mughal
rulers and noblemen represented as wearing earrings,
turban ornaments, bracelets and necklaces of a vari-
ety of lengths and arrangements consisting almost
solely of large pearls, rubies, sapphires and emer-
alds. For example, in Fig. 34 we see a painting from
the Shah Djahan Album which depicts Djahan with
his son Shudja'. Aside from the jewelry worn by the
pair, which consists of pearls, emeralds and rubies,
the painting is of additional interest as it shows
Djahan with a ruby between the fingers of his right
hand and other rubies and emeralds in a dish held
in his left hand. We are making no assumptions in
interpreting the red stones as rubies, the green as
emeralds, etc., as the following passage from
Tavernier (loc. cit.) shows. He describes and offers a
line drawing of a large pearl belonging to Awrangzib:
"Numb. 4. Is a great perfect pearl, as well for its
Water as for its form, which is like an Olive. It is
in the midst of a Chain of Emeraulds and Rubies,
which the Great Mogul wears; which being put on,
the Pearl dangles at the lower part of his Breast."
Perhaps something should be said here about the
diamond, in light of its mention in connection with
the Ratnaparlksa as well as Tavernier's ample testi-
mony not only to the presence of diamonds in the
Ottoman Treasury (see above), but the great amount
of mining, cutting and use of diamonds in India in
e (op. (
of
well known, India was the great
diamonds up until their discovery in Brazil and South
Africa, and as the Ratnaparlksa and other early Indian
texts indicate, the Indians were using the diamond
as a jewel well before Muhammad's time. Indeed,
even as early an author as Pliny (Book xxxvii, 15)
seems to speak of the diamond under the term adamas
and he calls it the most valued of human posses-
sions, having been for long only known to kings.
But he also s
legend. He does speak of its use to engrave other
stones and such usage probably has a more ancient
history than we shall ever be able to establish.
According to Finot {up. cit., p. xxxj, certain of the
early Indian texts with which he deals indicate that
it is undesirable to cut diamonds and that the ideal
form is the perfect octahedral crystal (op. cit.. p. xxvii).
What is most important to notice here, however, is
that the practice of cutting the diamond was known
to them. Even as late as Tavernier's time (see ii, 56,
of Ball's translation), such an expert on gems as he
could say of cleaving diamonds fto avoid wastage by
simply grinding away material) that the Indians "are
much more accomplished than we are."
Al-Brrum, cited by Wiedemann top. cit, 352), seems
to offer contradictory information regarding the use
of the diamond in the early Islamic period. He says
on the one hand, that the people of Khurasan and
'Irak only use the diamond for drilling (and cutting)
and poisoning, and on the other, that a "drachme"
of diamond in one piece costs one thousand dinars,,
whereas if in small pieces the price is one hundred
dinars. This price quotation seems to clearly indicate
a gemstone usage, not an abrasive one, where only
small pieces are used anyway. In any case, accord-
ing to al-Bfruni in another place in his stone book
(as cited in Haschmi, op. at., 28-9), the diamond is
mentioned by poets of the Djahiliyya and the
Umayyad period (Imru' al-Qays and Abu '1-Nadjm
respectively). Again from al-Biruni (Haschmi, op. cit.,
13), in citing a treatise by Nasr b. Ya'kub al-Dlnawari
comes much more solid and detailed information,
according to which the Buwayhid Mu'izz al-Dawla
Ahmad b. Buwayh (ruler in 'Irak 334-56/945-67)
gave his brother Rukn al-Dawla a ringstone of
diamond which weighed three mithka/s. Furthermore,
he says (foe. cit.) that Mansur b. Nuh al-Samani (either
Mansur I 350-65/961-76 or Mansur II 387-9/997-
9) had several ringstones, of which one was a diamond,
and that "one never saw a larger diamond".
Thus it seems fairly certain that the diamond was
known as a gemstone throughout the Islamic Middle
Ages. How these diamonds were cut and set we do
not know. Even the Mughal miniatures show noth-
ing which to our knowledge can be identified as a
diamond. The earliest inscription on a diamond of
which we are aware is one in the name of Nizam
Shah with the date 1000/1591-2, now in the Iranian
crown jewels (Meen and Tushingham, op. at., 46,
unpictured "rose-cut" diamond, 22.93 ct.l.
To return to our discussion of the forms of Mughal
jewels, another ubiquitous item in Mughal paintings
is finger rings which come in some variety, although
their details are generally not possible to ascertain,
except for the colour (and by deduction, the type)
of the gemstones. One well-known type of ring that
is identifiable is the archer's ring (discussed above
under Safawid Iran), which we know from many
extant examples, usually of jade and often inlaid with
gold and precious stones. Another form of jewel usu-
ally associated with men is the wbka or string of
prayer beads. These beads were of course made of
every variety of material from wood and bone to
stones of all sorts. The passage cited above (in sec-
tion 1) about the inscribed 'stones in the Iranian
crown jewels shows that Nadir Shah had a subha
with emeralds, and there are in fact representations
in Mughal miniatures of precious stone subah. For
example, a painting of Akbar done in the period of
Djahanglr (1014-36/1605-27), a detail from which is
seen in Fig. 35, shows Akbar fingering a string of
prayer beads consisting of large rubies, sapphires and
pearls. Although the number of beads is not correct
for Muslim prayer beads (being neither 33 nor 99),
this must be attributed to a mistake, casual or oth-
erwise, on the part of the artist.
Certain fashions already noted in 9th/ 15th to
13th/ 19th century Iran are also to be seen in the
Mughal miniatures. Among these are the bandolier,
which passes over one shoulder and down under the
opposite arm, on which is strung various jewelled
charms, including amulet cases of a form similar to
that from Nishapur (Fig. 1) and those in Iranian
miniatures (see Fig. 33) and of which numerous Mughal
examples from the 18th and 19th centuries exist (e.g.
Metropolitan Museum of Art No. 15.95.137 and 138,
unpublished).
In another miniature in which we can observe such
bandoliers (Fig. 36), we see a profusion of clearly-
depicted jewelry. Most of the ladies shown have chok-
ers fitting high on the neck which consist of a central
jewel (a large ruby or emerald set in a square or rec-
tangular gold "box") held by three rows of pearls
which complete the circuit of the neck. Another type
of choker seen is one consisting of a series
of closely-placed rectangular gold and stone jewels
forming a continuous band bordered on top and bot-
tom by a single row of pearls. Most persons also have
intermediate-length pendants, apparently held by silk
cords, which also consist of large central stones (rubies
or emeralds) set in a simple rectangular or elliptical
gold box, with pendant pearls. In addition, one sees
the strings of large and small stone beads and pearls
which are universally represented and described. We
see here also a lady wearing the type of jewelled
tripartite armband discussed above as seen on a statue
from the Cihil Sutun (extant Mughal examples
from the 18th and 19th centuries include Metropolitan
Museum of Art No. 15.95.40, 41 and 41.100.118,
both unpublished). Other types of arm decorations
seen in this rich miniature include: apparently solid
gold armbands which fit at the elbow; a wide tapered
close-fitting bracelet set with pearls, sapphires and
rubies; another bracelet very similar to a choker
described above, with a large ruby set in gold and
held by two rows of pearls; and an upper-arm band
which is similar to another of the chokers, with a
bordered with rows of pearls. Finally, we may men-
tion some of the types of ear and more nose rings
seen. There are several examples of the type of ear-
ring with the stone between two pearls discussed above,
but there they have also a pendant teardrop-shaped
pearl. The same type of ring, but without the pen-
dant pearl, occurs as a nose ring. The other major
type of earring is a large, disc-like one of gold set
with stones large and small and sometimes with a
pendant pearl. Some of these (particularly that on the
lady in the centre) bear a rather close resemblance
to the star-like element on the head-ornament (Fig.
37a). The position also was similar since this element
rested at the side of the head at the ear.
The detail of this piece (Fig. 37b) shows that
granulation was an art which continued at a high
has existed in India from at least the lst-2nd cen-
turies A.D., as the jewelry excavated at Sirkap,
Taxila, now in the Central Asian Antiquities
Museum, DihlT, shows (see The art of India and Pakistan,
catalogue of an exhibition held at the Royal Academy
of Arts, London 1947-8, ed. Sir Leigh Ashton, New
York [1948?], figs. 180 and 186).
The way in which the elements in the necklace
from Taxila (Ashton, up. cit, fig. 180) fit together
almost in the manner of a jigsaw puzzle has striking
parallels in any number of 18th and 19th century
Indian necklaces, (one example of which is shown in
Fig. 38j. In these and a myriad of other ways, the
jewelry art of India displays an astounding tenacity
for the preservation of traditions.
Another striking demonstration of this traditional-
ism is to be found in the pair of bracelets in Fig.
39. Bracelets of this type are well-known and ex-
hibit an ingenious type of pivoting clasp closed with
a threaded pin. The universally-used type of clasp pin
in Islamic jewelry outside India and in one or two
isolated examples of the 8th/ 14th century, is one
which is held in place by friction. But a pair of
bracelets found at Puszta Bakod in Hungary (now in
the National Museum, Budapest, see Franz M.
Feldhaus, Die Technik der Antike und des Mittelalters,
Potsdam 1931, 221-2 and Figs. 252 and 254; and M.
Rosenberg, op. cit, i, 123 and Figs. 141-3) and dat-
ing from the period of the tribal migrations (perhaps
5th-7th centuries A.D.), displays not only terminals of
snout-to-snout beasts in a manner very reminiscent of
our Indian ones, but they, like the Indian ones, are
closed by a counter-clockwise threaded screw. This
of Indian jewelry, and almost invariably the threads
are made not by cutting but, like those on the much
earlier bracelets just mentioned, by soldering on to
the pin and into the hole which receives it coils of
wire with regular spaces between (Feldhaus, op. cit.,
221-2, traces the screw closure in jewelry back to at
least the 5th century A.D., as it is found in a fibu-
la from the grave of Childerich, d. 481). It should
be noted that all of the above mentioned jewelry
found in Europe which exhibits the screw closure is
of the type with hammered-in garnets, a type which
was widespread in Europe and Asia between about
the 4th and (depending on the region) the 10th or
11th c
. The s
India with some of these migrating people
Our pair of bracelets exhibits two other features for
which Mughal and post-Mughal India is justly cele-
brated. The white jade shanks are inlaid with gold
forming graceful floral patterns, the leaves and flow-
ers of which are formed by stones set into the gold.
Although sporadically practised in Turkey and Iran,
possibly under Mughal influence, this art in those areas
did not rival that in India either in level of technique
and artistry or in longevity.
The gold terminals of these bracelets are covered
with brilliant enamels which demonstrate a masterful
control of the medium. Jaipur is best known for this
type of enamelling, which is perhaps best described as
''encrusted", in which three-dimensional forms are cov-
ered. Additionally, details are sometimes cut into the
metal under transparent enamels to contribute to the
liveliness of the effect. The literature on the subject of
Indian arts and crafts from the 18th to the present cen-
tury contains much information on Indian enamelling,
and we will not dwell upon it, beyond saying that the
art here reached one of its greatest consummations.
These enamels, of course, like other precious techniques
from time immemorial, adorned and bejewelled a whole
array of objects which were not jewelry in the mod-
ern sense such as arms, thrones, utensils and the like,
and as such they constitute a branch of jewelry.
As we suggested at the outset, the subject of Indian
jewelry is an enormous and complex one, especially
because of the wealth of evidence in the sculptures
and paintings and the variety of recent and contem-
porary forms. And this situation, combined with the
great dearth of known pre- 18th century pieces, leaves
one in a great state of puzzlement about where all
the older pieces went. We can of course explain this
to some extent by remembering that even within fam-
ilies it was customary to reset stones in the latest style,
especially after passage from one owner to another,
and in the process to melt down the precious met-
als for re-use. To cite a particularly notorious case
of radical and wholesale change of ownership, that
of the Mughal royal treasures, we know that most of
what was on hand when Nadir Shah took Dihlr was
immediately transformed into ingots for ease of trans-
port (Meen and Tushingham, op. cit., 11); and of
course the stones and pearls were hauled away, either
to be remounted or simply deposited in the Iranian
treasury. Such "radical and wholesale changes of own-
ership" have of course been taking place throughout
Islamic (and other) history, and we can well imagine
that many of the stones that were in the Mughal
treasury at the time of Nadir Shah's visit had in turn
formed part of the treasuries of various earlier houses.
The Mughal treasury may for instance have included
stones that had once belonged to some 'Abbasid or
Fatimid caliph. Such would be impossible to prove
in the absence of inscriptions on the stones; but there
are tantalising bits of information to be found. For
example, when one compares the weight reported (23
mithkals, which by Kahle's precise formula of one
mithkal - 4.414 gr. — and not 4.5 gr., to which he
rounds it off — gives 101.5 gr. or 507.5 carats) for a
large balas ruby which was part of the enormous loot
dispersed from the Fatimid treasury during the chaotic
period in al-Mustansir's reign (see Kahle, op. at, 336,
356) with that of the largest known balas ruby in the
world, now in the Iranian crown jewels (reported as
500 ct. by Meen and Tushingham, op. at., 46, 47,
67), one is struck by the agreement in weight. Of
course it may be a coincidence, but the embers of
hypothesis are fanned when we know that Nasir al-
Dfn Shah told Dr. Feuvrier, his physician in the i890s,
that "the hole . . . was pierced to take a cord by
which it hung around the neck of the Golden Calf"
and that "this ruby came from a king of Abyssinia,
and had been brought back from India by Nadir
Shah" (Meen and Tushingham, op. at, 67).
Despite the various reasons for and the mechnisms
of the transformation and transfer of jewels from one
period and region to another, one is still left in a
quandary. In the case at hand, where are all the
pieces of the period which were not in the Mughal
royal treasury? Surely some were kept as family heir-
looms or got buried, to be found later?
We must believe that future excavations, in con-
junction with heightened awareness on the part of
researchers in museums and on historical texts, will
continue to provide information on this as well as
other periods where we are faced with these hard-to-
explain lacunae.
4. The final phase of the tradition
(18th and 19th centuries)
The conservatism in style which has been noted as
a major characteristic of the three broad periods cov-
ered so far continues in the final phase of the Islamic
jewelry tradition which is to be treated here.
In Kadjar Iran, bandoliers were still fashionable
tor men and women (S J Falk Qajar paintings London
1972, pis 2 2b 4b 47) although instead ot the
seen on the Safawid examples the Kadjai ones seem
to ha\e consisted solelv ot pearls or of elements com-
posed ot pearls and/or precious stones The stvle of
the belts in Iian during this period remained essen-
, which can be attub-
uted to Istanbul (Collection Heltni Stathatos u Les
zantins it post byzantim Limoges 1957 pi
79 80 82 and pi XIII nos 107-9) with
the gold jewehv fiom Morocco of the same pen-
mg that the piovin-
the s;
n the w
pis
e diav
.t least
ind 43) in addition to biacelets composed of
stones set into square bezels hinged one to
the other as well as plain gold bangles (Falk, pis 17
23 25)
One of the latter paintings reieired to above (that
in pi 17) also shows a continuation of the vogue ioi
a string of peails framing the face In the Kadjar
period, however the pearls onh appear to have
extended from ear and the strings are longer so as
to serve as necklaces (Falk pis 19 20) There was
also an elaboiation ot |ewelled head ornaments espe-
ciallv tor women in the Kadjar period These were
worn either pendant from their head cloths or in
combinations serving as simple oi elaboiate head-
dresses (Falk pis 5-7 18-21) An example of one oi
these pendant elements can be seen in Fig 40a-b
The small and large elements aie hinged togethei and
a ring is attached to the top oi the former The two
projecting ornaments aie removable for decorating
the top ot a feather (Falk, pis 5, 20) A similai ob|ect
in this case used to decorate the ioieheads ol Jewish
and Muslim brides in the region ot Bukhara, can be
seen in Fig 41a-b Influence from the Indian sub-
Kadjar |ewelry, particularlv in the mannei oi setting
the stones
A very popular type of earring in Iran during the
spheies or cones hung one below the other with
pendant elements (Falk fig 1) These were execu
in enamel, sheet metal or in filigiee with either p
dant pearls or balls repousse- or wire-dec orated metal
sheets oi a combination of both (see Fig 42) A pro-
totype for this kind oi eaning is to be found in 1st
or 2nd century India (The Roval Academv ot Arts
London, The art of India and Pakistan pi 22 No 185)
Another popular eainng type can be seen in Fig 43
This vanetv consists ot a semi-cnculai lowei part often
decorated with dragon-headed terminals and spheii
cal or knob-like protrusions around its circumieienc
(Falk, figs 3 4) Again these were executed alteina
tn eh in enamel, sheet metal and filigree
A very fine example of the ubiquitous Kadjai arm
band ieierred to earlier in connection with the Sata
wid example can be seen in Fig 44a-b here execute
in gold enamel and precious stones
Aside from a continued vogue foi strings ot bead
at the neck (Falk pis 14 38), pendants oi loundel
set with precious stones on strings ot pearls or beads
were a populai necklace type duung the Kadjai pe-
riod (Falk, fig 7 pis 17-19) The last painting also
shows a necklace beanng a cential element very sim-
ilar in shape to that seen in Fig 27
To the best oi our knowledge aside fiom the new
pieces in the Topkapi Hazme (most oi which aie
either turban ornaments or belt buckles oi well-known
types) very little Ottoman jewelrv oi anv significance
made and used in Turkev itself has sunned from the
erable amount about fine Ottoman |ewelry oi this
period from that made in the moie distant legions
of the Ottoman empire and even fiom Moiocco
inspiration fiom the Tuikish capital The similan-
t\ is so great in fact, that one can safeh use such
Moroccan pieces to fill in the laige gaps in the
Istanbul |ewelrv
The stvle of the gold work on the Moioccan held
ornaments in Fig 45 is \er\ close to that on the dia-
dem and the oval pendant in the Stathatos collet -
on the necklace in Fig 4b The double-headed bud
whose bodv is set with stones and from whose tail
extend pendants of pearls and precious stones is verv
close to a pendant in the Stathatos collection The
two enamelled cvlindncal beads on this necklace, how-
ever are descendants of those seen on the Nasnd
necklace in Fig 28
The necklace in Fig 47a-b combines precious stones
on the obverse with enamelling on the leverse which
is another teatuie ot the Istanbul jewelrv
The largest bodv of Muslim Noith Atncan mate-
nal howevei has a series of stvles all its own
assuming a mvnad of forms and drawing its inspi-
ration from a vanetv of penods and aieas Theie
is a lather detailed hteiatuie on the sub|ect which
(see BM below) A studv of the literature on this
) the 20th c
d the
inous earhei pieces and tvpes weie
and gives an idea of their oveiall effect The
can be said foi ethnographic studies which
provide the best documentation of iecent and
mporarv jewelrv fiom the vanous iegions whose
•r jewelrv pioductions have been discussed
Bibliography (in addition to references given
in the article) CI C ahen Documents relatifs a
iLHohl di lOi dt lira,/) in irs Islamua xv-xvi
(1951), 23-8 DM Dunlop Souices of gold and sihc
in Islam according to al Hamdani in SI vm (1957)
AS Ehrenkreutz EI ait dhahab, HC Beck
Classification and nomaulaturt of btads and pendants
in irchaeology lxxvn A Lucas indent Egyptian
materials and industries' icvised J R Hams London
1962 H Man on Meteilieoik and enamelling a piai
tual tnatne on gold and siha smith s uoik and thtir
allied crafts New York 1971 O Untracht \Ittal
techniques foi aaftsmin New York 19b8 R Webster
Washington 19b2 HE Wulff The haditional ciafts
oj Ptisia Cambudge Mass and London 19bb
JG Hawthorne and CS Smith trs On diieis-
aits th treatise of Theophilus-, Chicago 19b3 R
Hendne ti and notes in essay upon lanous arts
b) Tlieophilus- London 1847 Sn John Hill
and ed Theoph,as~tus s History of stones' London
1774 JHF Notion -indent Egyptian gold u fining
a itpioduetion of eaily techniques- in Gold Bulletin
mi/2 (Apnl 1974) \ Ball Thi Hue history oj the
Koh i \ui in The English Illustrated \laga jne ( 1 89 1 ,
B K Ismail and M Tosi i tuiquoise neekstone of
King \uuirta ipal Ekui in Siiinei xxxn (197b) al-
Bfrum al Djamahn ji ma'njat al d^aitahir ed F Kren-
kow Havdarabad 193b GF Kunz The eunoiis
DJAWHAR — DJAWHARI, TANTAWl
lore of precious stones, Philadelphia and London
1913; B. Laufer, Notes on turquoise in the East,
Chicago 1913; N.F. Moore, Ancient mineralogy,
New York 1859; Pliny, Natural history, (English
tr. D.E. Eichholz) vol. x, Libri XXXVI-XXXVII,
London 1962; H. Ritter, Orientalische Stemhucher,
in H. Ritter, J. Ruska, F. Sarre and R Wmderlich,
Orientalische Steinbiicher und Persische Fayencetechnik,
Istanbul 1935; J. Ruska, Die Mmeralogie in der
arabischen Literatur, in Isis, i (1913-14), idem, Uber
Nachahmung von Edelsteinen, in Quellen und Studien
zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaft und Medizin,
1933; E. Wiedemann, Beitrage zur Mmeralogie usw
bei den Arabern, in Festgabe Lippmann, 1927,
48-54; idem, %ur Mineralogie bei den Mushmen,
in Archiv Gesch. Naturw Techn , i (1909), 208-11,
idem, Z. ur Mineralogie im Islam, in SPMSE, xhv
(1912), 205-56; P. Ackerman, Jewellery in the
Islamic period, in Pope, Survey of Persian art, in,
Oxford 1938-9, 2664-72, M" Aga-Oglu, Remarks
on the character of Islamic art, in Art Bulletin, \xxvi
(1954) (esp. 180-90, "Opposition to luxury"), J
Allan, EI- art. khatam, Allen Memorial Art Museum
Bulletin, xviii/2-3; Catalogue oj the Melvin Gutman
collection of ancient and medieval gold, Oberhn, Ohio
n.d.; P. Amandry, Collection Helene Stathatos i
Les bijoux antiques, Strasbourg 1953, idem.
Collection Helene Stathatos in Objets antiques et
byzantins, Strasbourg 1963, J Besancenot, Bijoux
arabes et berberes du Maroc, Casablanca n d , J B
Bhushan, Indian jewellery, ornaments, and decorative
designs, Bombay 1964; PC Birch, Ancient Persian
necklaces, Pforzheim n d , \V Born, Small objects
of semiprecious stone from the Mughal period, in An
Islamica, vii (1940), 101-4, M Boyer, Mongol jew-
ellery, Copenhagen 1952, AP Charles, A mono-
graph on gold and silver ware pioduied in the United
Provinces, Allahabad 1905, OM Dalton, Franks
Bequest. Catalogue of the finger rings, early Christian,
Byzantine, Teutonic, Medieval and later , British
Museum, London 1912, J Deny, EI'- art muhr,
M.S. Dimand, and H E McAllister, The Metio-
politan Museum of Art, Near Eastern jewelry, a
picture book, New York 1944; R. Ettinghausen,
Originality and conformity in Islamic art, in
Individualism and conformity in classical Islam, A.
Banani and S. Vryonis, eds., Wiesbaden 1977
(esp. 104-5); P. Eudel, Dictionnaire des bijoux de
I'Afrique du JVord, Paris 1906; idem, L'orfevrene
algerienne et tunisienne, Algiers 1902; F. Falk,
Jewelry from Persia: the collection of Patti Birch,
(Catalogue of an exhibition at the Schmuckmuseum
Pforzheim n.d., privately print-ed); M. Gerlach,
ed., Primitive and folk jewelry, New York 1971;
M. Gomez-Moreno, Joyas arabes de la Reina
Catolica, in al-Andalus, viii (1943), 473-5; Ruy de
Gonzales de Clavijo, Embassy to Tamerlane, 1403-
1406, tr. G. Le Strange, London 1928; J.
Goudard, Bijoux d'argent de la "Tache de Taza",
in Hesperis, viii (1928), 285-94; O. Grabar, The
Umayyad Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, in Ars
Onentalis, iii (1959) (esp. 46-52); Z.M. Hasan,
Kunuz al-Fatimiyyin, Cairo 1356/1937; J. Herber,
Note sur I'influence de la bijouterie soudanaise
sur la bijouterie marocaine, in Hesperis, xxxvii
(1950), 5-10; W.L. Hildburgh, A Hispano-Arabic
silver-gilt and crystal casket, in The Antiquaries'
Journal, xxi (1941), 211-31; idem, Medieval
Spanish enamels, London 1936; S.S. Jacob and
T.H. Hendley, Jeypore enamels, London 1886;
J.L. Kipling, The industries of the Punjab, in The
Journal of Indian Art, ii (London 1888); CJ. Lamm,
EI- art. billawr, ballur; A. Lancet-Miiller, La
vie juive au Maroc, Musee d'Israel, Jerusalem 1973,
Catalogue no. 103 [in Hebrew]; idem, Bokhara
(Israel Museum cat. no. 39) Jerusalem 1967; E.W.
Lane, An account of the manners and customs of the
modern Egyptians^ London 1871, Appendix A,
Female ornaments; S. Lane-Poole, A history of Egypt
in the Middle Ages' 1 , London 1925 (esp. 110-11, 145-
9), RJ Mehta, The handicrafts and industrial arts of
India, Bombay 1960; R.N. Mukharji, Art-manufac-
tures of India, New Delhi 1974; M. Rosen-Ayalon,
A silver ring from Medieval Islamic times, in Studies in
memory of Gaston Wiet, Jerusalem 1977, 195-201;
M C Ross, An Egypto-Arabic cloisonne enamel, in Ars
Islamica, vn (1940), 165-7; Ch. Schefer, Sefer Nameh:
relation du voyage de Nassiri Khosrau, Paris 1881; J.B.
Tavernier, Travels; S. Weir, The Bedouin (see
•Jewellery", 59-72) London 1976; L. Williams, The
arti and irafts of older Spain, i. Gold, silver and jewel
work, London and Edinburgh 1907; K. Benda,
Mittelalterluher Schmuck, Prague 1966 (Slavic finds
highly comparable to mediaeval Islamic jewelry);
O von Falke, Der Mainzer Goldschmuck der Kaiserin
Gisela, Berlin 1913.
(M. Keene and M. Jenkins)
DIAWHARI, TANTAWI, modernist Egyptian
theologian He was born in 1278/1862 in the vil-
lage of Kafr 'Awad Allah Hidjazi in the Nile Delta
to the south-east of al-Zakazik. He studied at al-
Azhar [qv] and at Dar al-'Ulum [q.v] from 1889
until 1893 when he graduated. After his graduation,
he worked as a school-teacher at various primary
and secondary schools until his retirement in 1922,
except for the period between 1908 and 1914 when
he taught at Dar al-'Ulum (ethics, tafsir, hadith and
grammar) and at the Egyptian University (Islamic
philosophy)
He is the author of an impressive oeuvre of nearly
thirty published books — some of which were trans-
lated into a number of other Oriental languages —
and numerous articles on a variety of subjects
published in different periodicals throughout the
Islamic world. The majority of his writings consti-
tute an effort to show how the teachings of Islam,
and in particular, the contents of the Kur'an, were
in accordance with human nature, and with method,
theory and findings of Western modern (19th and
early 20th century) science, with which he had famil-
Engllh. ImSe
His principal work is his Kur'an commentary, al-
Djawahirfi tafsii al-Kur'an al-karlm, Cairo 1923-35,
in 26 volumes, which was analysed extensively by
J. Jomier, Le Cheikh Tantawi Jawhan [1862-1940) et
son Commentaire du Coran, in MIDEO, v (1958), 115-
74. The scope and nature of Tantawi' s writings and
the extensive learning displayed by him, drew the
attention of European orientalists like D. Santillana,
M. Hartmann and Carra de Vaux, who gave mostly
eulogising analytical accounts of some items (cf.
Carra de Vaux, Les penseurs de Vhlam, Paris 1926,
v, 275-284; M. Hartmann, Schaich Tantawi Dschauhari.
Ein modemer egyptischer Theolog und Naturfreund, in Beitrage
zur Kenntnis des Orients, xiii (1916), 54-82; D.
Santillana, Kitab ayna Unsan (review), in RSO, iv
(1911), 762-3).
Throughout his life, Tantawi Djawhan showed a
theoretical as well as practical interest in spiritism,
as appears from passages in many of his writings
and in particular from his books Kitab al-Arwah,
PLATE XXIX
6
Meti polit n \)n ;um ..i \.t u NT-,hipu. Rogers Fund, I 'J ""4 Probably NishapOi probably lil.-lfili . enuiry
Tehran, Muzeh-i Iran-i Bastan.
1 ft ni If Mr fitt II , ra»i ll J II tt e XCa Jfl '. u tlV \trtK p >l|rm Mu
Fund, 1939. Probably Nishapur, probably 4th/ 10th century. The Metropolita
Rogers Fund 1939.
. Probably 'Irak or Iran, 3rd/9th century. Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Everett
Hut mil ma k ri wiili m i "risk ai j ! ot H[lh i >uii>' <1 Put (. -i ii
Birch.)
4a-b. (a) Silver ring, hollow, fabricated from sheet. From the excavations of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
at Nishapur, Rogers Fund, 1939. Probably Nishapur, probably 4th/ 10th century. Tehran, Muzeh-i Iran-i
Bastan.
(b) Gold ling 1 ill t 'mi -it d turn te t Tion th< exca ti< if ( ti> M ' oj Am Mi seum ol Art at
Nishapur, Rogers Fund, 1939. Probably Nishapur, probably 4th/ 10th century. The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, No. 40.170.156.
PLATE XXX
5a-b. Pair of gold bracelets, fabricated from sheet with applied twisted wire and
granulation. Eastern Iran, probably early 5th/ 11th century, (a) Freer Gallery of
Art, No. 58.6. Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art,
Washington D.C.
(b) Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 57.88, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1957
(detail of underside of clasp).
7a-b. Gold bracelet, hollow, fabricated from sheet, decorated with niello and
granulation. Iran, 6th-7th/ 12th- 13th centuries. Freer Gallery of Art, No. 50.21.
Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C*
8a-b. Gold pendant, fabricated from sheet, decorated with engraving, twisted
wire and granulation, set with garnets, turquoise and other precious stones. Iran,
6th-7th/ 12th- 13th centuries. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 1977.9,
Purchase, Richard Perkins Gift, 1977.
9. Gold earring, one of a pair, fabricated from sheet, decorated with twisted
wire and granulation and incorporating loop-in-loop chains. Iran, 6th-7th/12th-
13th centuries Suatlitlie \l«i een Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum fur Islamische
Kunst, Takustrasse 40, 1 Berlin 33-Dahlem, No. J 57/71.*
PLATE XXXI
*
10. Pair of gold earrings, fabricated entirely from wire and granuk
Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 52.4.5-6, I
lla-b. Gold ring, c
12. Set of silver-gil
e, decorated with twisted wire and granulation and (formerly)
i. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 52.32.9,10, Rogers
14. Pair of gold car in« '■bivitf-d roil Ji* et i orat d >vilr tn sti ' inf .ml or.imUt «>t
Iran, 6th-7th/12th-13th centuries. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 1979.7.3ab, Purchase
Richard S. Perkins Gift, Rogers Fund, Louis E. and Therea S. Seley Purchase Fund for
Islamic Art, Norberl Sdniiiinfl. Ja<k A Jovphsosi, and EJw <id Ablat Gifts.
e decorated with granulat
PLATE XXXIII
PLATE XXXIV
16a-b. Gold bracelet, fabricated from sheet and
twisted wire, decorated in repousse and granulation.
Probably Syria, 5th/ 11th century. Freer Gallery of
Art, No. 48.25. Courtesy of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.*
18. Gold bracelet, fabricated from sheet and
decorated with twisted wire, repousse and shot. Egypt,
5th/ 11th century. L.A. Mayer Memorial Institute
for Islamic Art, Jerusalem.
1 9. Pair of gold earrings, fabricated of wire and decorated with shot and hollow hemispheres. Probably Syria
or 'Irak, 5th/ 11th century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 39.157.1,2, Rogers Fund, 1939.
20. Gold pendant, fabricated from wire and strips of sheet, set with cloisonne enamel and unidentified green
stone. Egypt, 5th/ 11th century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 30.95.37, The Theodore M. Davis
Collection, Bequest of Theodore M. Davis, 1915.
PLATE XXXV
. Gold "spacer" bead, constructed of wire. Egypt, 5th/ 11th c
PLATE XXXVI
^■s J » i
PLATE XXXVII
27. Detail from a miniature from a manuscript of the Khawar-nama, 1450-51. The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, No. 55.125.2, Rogers Fund, 1955.
29. Detail from "Bahram Gur in the Red Palace", page from the Khamsa of Nizami, 931/1524-5.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 13.228.7, fol. 220a, Gift of Alexander Smith Cochran, 1913.
PLATE XXXVII
28. Elements from a gold necklace, fabricated from sheet and wire, d
enamel. Spain, probably 9th/ 15th century. The Metropolitan Mu:
J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917.
PLATE XXXIX
30. Detail from "Bahram Gur in the Yellow Palace", page from (he Khamsa of Nizarm, 931/1524-5. The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 13.228.7, tol. 213a, Gift of Alexander Smith Cochran, 1913.
31. Detail from arm of statue, Cihil Sutun, Isfahan, Safawid period.
33. Detail from a drawing of a youth. Kazwm,
ca. 988/1580. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No.
1973.92, Fletcher Fund, 1971 and Rogers Fund, 1972.
34. Detail from a miniature painting depicting
Shah Djahan and his son Shudja', from the Shah
Djahan Album, India, period of Djahanglr (1014-37/
1605-27). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No.
55.121.10.36, Rogers Fund and the Kevorkian
Foundation gift, 1955.
35. Detail from a miniature painting depicting "The glorification of Akbar", from the Shah Djahan Album,
India, period of Djahanglr. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 55.121.10.22, Purchase, Rogers Fund and
the Kevorkian Foundation gift, 1955.
n h Mughal P 1 of Shah Dj 1 I ( /I DM 1
i, No. 30.95.174, no. 26, The Theodore Davis Collection, Bequest of Theodore M. Davis, 191
37a-b. Gold head ornament, fabricated of wire and sheet, decorated
with granulation and set with various stones. Northwestern India, 18th-
19th centuries. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 15.95.105,
Kennedy Fund, 1915.
38. Gold necklace s
, back enameled, probably
Jaipur work, 18th century. The Metropolita
19.111.3, Rogers Fund, 1919.
40a-b. Gold head ornament, set with precious stones and pearls,
back enamelled. Iran, 19th century. Collection of Joseph BenyaminoiT,
New York.
30. Pair of bracelets, shanks of white jade, inlaid with gold and set with
s, terminals gold with enamel luJia, 1 1 th- 1 2th/ 1 7th- 1 8th centuries.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 02.18.770,771, Gift of Heber R. Bishop.
a-b. Gold head ornament fabricated from sheet, shot and wire, back worked
repousse, set with precious stones. Bukhara, 19th century. Collection of
Joseph BenvaminofF.
PLATE XLIV
a-b. Gold armband, set with p
3ack enamelled. Iran, 19th century. Negarestan Mus
45. Pair of gold head ornaments, set with precious stones
and pearls. Morocco, 18th- 19th centuries. Collection of
Joseph Benyaminoff.
46. Gold necklace, with enamelled elements and strung
with (probably original) pearls, set with precious stones.
Morocco, 18th- 19th centuries. Collection of Joseph
Benyaminoff.
PLATE XLVI
,g0&*"
m
m
V
i^ <§© m
DJAWHARl, TANTAWl — DjAWIDHAN KHIRAD
Cairo 1910 1920 1931 Barn' at al ' Abba
Jkh
al Rashid Cauo 1936 which is a defer,
al
Abbasa s innocence of adulterv in defian
the
contentions piesented bv Djirdji Za\dan l
his
im
on el
i fiom
an all-
the spirit of Harun al-Rashid and Ahlc
ua kmfa yatahakkak al salam al 'a mm Ca
which he piesents in a series of revela
entolding \iew of the fundamental ord
dance with which human existence should ideally
be Tantawl Djawhan was an acme membei of
the spiritistic association ot Ahmad Fahmi Abu 1-
Khayr (d I960) known as Qam'tnat al Ahram al
Ruhma Decause of this profound commitment to
by Azhar circles (tf < \bd al-Latif Muhammad al-
Dimyati at Uisata al ruhiyya Cairo 1368/ 1949 57-
9) but no formal action aimed at the prohibition
of any of his books has e\ei been taken Outside
Egypt however his works were forbidden for some
time at the end of the 1920s by the Dutch cen-
sor in the Netheilands Indies (cf Mir'at al shark
Madjatla adabiyya akhlakiyya tdjtima'ma (Djok|akarta)
i\-\ (Oct -Nov 1928), 63-5) while his unconven-
tional Kur'an commentary was banned in Saudi
Arabia (cf Muh;
Tafu,
174)
mu/ass
vols
is the official Egyptia
Prize (c( alRisala (Caiio) vi
he died in January 1940
Bibliogiaphy In add
» the
the article by Jomier The latter article contains
a biography of Tantawi pieced together from the
biographical matenal scattered throughout the
tafsit and supplemented by oral information
obtained by Jomiei fiom membei s of Tantawi s
family in the early 1950s See for additional biog-
raphical matenal F dejong Tht uorks of Tantaui
Jauhan {1862 1940) Some bibliographical and bwg
raphual notes m Biblwthtea Orientals xxxiv/5-b
(1977) This article also gives details about
GAL, S III 329 ft and in the article by Jomier
In addition see Ilyas Zakhuia Mir 1 at
akabir
I Mis,
1897
225-8 C C Adams Islam and modernism in Egypt
A study of the modern reform moiement inaugurated In
Muhammad 'Abdul, London 1933 245-7 (based
upon M Hartmanns article mentioned in the
text) 'Ah al-Djanbalati Ft dhikra Tantaui
Qauhan, Cairo 1962 and Ra'uf 'Ubavd al Insan
ruh la djasad Cano nd, 299 ff
... IF DeJoNC,)
PTAWIDHAN KHIRAD (P i eternal wisdom
the title of a kind of Iranian Fursttnspitgtl whose
earliest known mention, occurs in a work by al-
Djahiz, now lost, containing the memorable sayings
of wise men and poets (see al-Khaiadji Tiraz 108)
the Istitalat al fahm Judging by an extract which has
been preserved thi '
il-Wal
the
Dnditio:
tht
L^awldhan khirad, the spmtual tes
aftei the Flood ' by the mythical king; Hushang [a i ]
foi his sons and sutcessois was allegedly rediscovered
When al-Ma'mun was proclaimed caliph in Khurasan
the king of Kabuhstan sent to him a shaikh called
Dhuban beanng a letter in which the ruler stated
that he was sending; him the most magmfittnt pres-
ent in the world in the peison of this wise man
who adds al-Djahiz, used the sad}' of the divmeis
(') and gave apposite replies to questions put to
him When al-Ma'mun armed in Baghdad Dhuban
pointed out to him the hiding-place at Ctesiphon/al
Mada'in ot a casket of black glass containing a
dred leaves Dhuban infoimed the caliphs setie-
tary al-Hasan b Sahl [ ? 1 ] that it was the
D^auidhan khirad tianslated fiom the language of
Hushang into Persian 1= Pahlavi) bv Candjvar b
Isfandiyai vizier of the king ot Iianshahr Al-Hasan
b Sahl had each leal lead out and explained one
alter the other by a certain al-Khidi/al-Khadn b
'Ah then put the text into Arabic Howe
3ider 1
,s by a
tiadition adds that al-Ma'i
this t
of dis-
•m The
>uld I
lien he heard about
Such is the legend concerning the discov
the Qauidhan khirad the fate of whose Pahlav
inal is unknown Neither is anything known
vhat happened to al-Hasan b Sahl s Arabit
which r
.ulatioi
ranslated into Persian R
kenning (m ~AU6 evi [1956] 73-7) thinks that it
could possibly have been preserved in the latimat
al sultan attributed to Ibn al-Mukafta' led Kurd 'Ah
in Rasa',1 al bulagha Cano 1365/1946 145-72)
which displays several points m common with the
Diauidhan khirad ot the histonan-philosophei
Miskawayh [,, i \
Diaiudhan khnad by al-Djahiz he telt compelled to
lesearches at last enabled him to find a copy with
" " " mceding that this
has
table
indication a
guage it was written in It might be supposed a
p,,o,i that it was a copy ot the Pahlavi onginal but
such a hypothesis seems haidly plausible it one gives
between the woiding ot an important number ot
sentences ot the latimat al sultan and this authors
Miskawayh certainly did not retianslate a Pahlavi
text even though he was capable of this as his
usage of other Iiaman texts inacessible in -\rabic
demonstrates
The interest of this anthology of Miskawayh led
'A Badawi Cano 1952 undei the title al Hikma al
khalida) consists essentially in the authors
all t
intellig,
. of i
n follown
; the
ay and neithei differ attoid
tries involved noi change with the elapsing of time
aftei having pinpointed many lesemblantes between
the wisdom of the ancient Iranians illustrated by
tht document which he claims to have rediscovered
and the Pahlavi texts which he has utilised and
•abs and Gieeks In order to
achieve hi
bling succ
discoui ses
the libran
[q , ] had
he t
3 wed tr
1 Ibn ;
i philosophical
ind 'Adud al-Dawla
i ] had enabled him to find easy access (on these
:rces see M Aikoun Contribution a I humanism, arabt
m I\ /\ Steele Miskauayh philosoplu tt histonen Pans
.970 146-58 fiom a more genet al point ol view
DJAWIDHAN KHIRAD — DJAWZ
Arkoun has de\oted an extended studv to
Miskawavh's work. Introduction a la lecture du Kitdb
"Jdvidan Uiirad", as a preface to the Persian version
of Shushtari, in Wisdom of Perm, xvi, Tehran 197b,
1-24) Miskawavh's extensive readings piovided him
with a rich documentation on the wisdom of the
Persians (5-88), the Indians (89-100), the ancient
Arabs (101-208), the Greeks (282-4) and the "mod-
ern Muslims" (285-342) Especially worthy of note is
the Table oi Cebes (229-62), and this Arabic adap-
tation has since a long time back attracted the atten-
tion of orientalists (Span tr P Lozano v Casela,
Parajrasis arabe de la Tabla de Cebe>, Madnd 1793, ed
and tr Suavi, Le Tableau de Cebes ou I'lmagi de la lie
humaint, Pans 1873, R Basset, Le Tableau de Cebes,
Pans 1898, and see Arkoun, Contribution a I'human
ume arabe, 158-bO)
Bibliography (in addition to works cited
above) S de Sacy, Mimoire mr le Djamdan Mired,
in Mem Acad des Inun d B L , ix (1831), 1-
31, Ethe, in G, Iran Phil, n, 346, 'Abd al-
'AzTz Mavmani, in MMIA, ix |1929), 129-39,
193-200 (reprinted in Kurd 'Air, op at, 469-
85), Brockelmann I, 242, S I 584, AJ Arberrv,
Jamdhan khiradh, in JSS, vin (1963), 145-58 for
a more detailed analysis see miskawavh
(Ch Pellat)
DJAWZ is the nut in general and in particular
the class of the walnut ljuglans regia L) nch in
varieties Term and object are oi Persian origin
(gawz), as correctly recognised bv the early Arab
botanists (Abu Hanlla al-Dlnawarl, The book oj plants,
ed B Lewin, Uppsala- Wiesbaden 1953, 86, 1 14)
Thev also relate that the walnut-tree is widespread
in the Arab peninsula especially in the Yemen, and
that its wood is appreciated because of its firmness,
shields made from wood oi the walnut-tree are men-
tioned also in poetry because oi then hardness
sahijatu tursin qjawzuha lam yuthakkabi {op at, lb, 1
2 and 86, 1 17, Dhayl Diwan Ibn Mukbil, ed Tzzat
Hasan, Damascus 1381/1962, no 4) In Islamic
times, Iran remained an important area foi the cul-
tivation of the walnut-tree Geographers occasion-
ally describe the differences in climate in view oi
the trees that are found walnut-trees grow in cold
regions, date-palms in hot regions, according to
Mukaddasi, 459, 4b3 For the cultivation aieas in
particular, see P Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter nach
den arabischen Geographen, new impr Hildesheim 1969,
29, 38, 72, 98, 159, 272, 421, 882, and B Spuler,
Iran in jruh islamischer &', Wiesbaden 1952, 402,
406 In Andalusia the walnut was also called bv
Nuruosmamve 3589, foi 88a, 1 24, nudjij) in U
Asin Palacios, Gbiaiio di notes romances, Madnd-
Granada 1943, no 383
Since the walnut had allegedly been imported by
the Persian kings, the Greeks called it Kcipua paai-
A.iKa (plur), Lama bdsilikd (and variants) in the Arabic
translation oi Stephanos It was considered hard to
digest and noxious to the stomach when taken on an
empty stomach, it causes nausea, expels tape-woims
and, when taken with figs and rue, it is effective against
deadly poisons In the course oi the centunes, the Arab
physicians and pharmacists acquired considerable new
knowledge about the healing powei oi the nut, the
iresh fruit, crushed and mixed with honey, is a proved
collvnum against the dimness of the eyesight, shell and
leaves are astringent and therefore effective against the
trickling oi urine By applying a mixture oi walnuts
and onions, the poison introduced bv the bite of a
rabid dog can be extracted Blonde hair can be d\ed
black b\ a mixture of pulvensed iron and the fresh
nut shells, crushed while still green Other prepara-
tions are effective against
psoriasis, b\ washing the
mouth with decoctions, sc
it gums are strengthened
The juice oi the leaf rer
ear, the ashes of the shell
launch internal and exter-
nal bleedings, and the iru
t pulp of old, grilled nuts
is effective against boils on
the head Walnut oil acts
as a solvent and alleviates pain Certain noxious sec-
ondary effects oi the walnut, such as headaches and
vellow gall, can be avoided bv taking oxvmel or bv
sucking sour pomegianates, etc It was generallv
believed that sleeping under a nut-tree had a slim-
ming effect
In a more general sense, djauz is synonymous with
thamar and indicates the fruits of a whole range of
plants oi oriental origin The latin nu\ may have
taken this meaning from Arabic pharmacology in the
same way as granum took the meaning of habb, one
might compare the combinations of these terms in
Dozv, Suppl, i, 233 and 239-41 respectively Here
may be enumerated aiter Ibn al-Bavtar, Djami', i,
175-8, tr Leclerc, nos 52b-38, only the irmts most
irequentlv combined with d)awz 1 Djaaz bawwa or
djawz al tib, the nutmeg, Nux moschata — 2 Djawz
mathil the thorn-apple, Datura stramonium L —3 Djawz
kind of mix vomica, Elcata lemanenm Forsk—5 Djawz
al khums an Indian nut which is not further defin-
able —6 Djawz 'abhar, undefined —7 Djawz al-kata,
a kind of succulent herb, Sedum icpaea — 8 Djawz al
zandj (perhaps to be read al rih because it is said
that the iruit is effective against al kawlandj al nhi,
the windy colic), probably Stenulia acuminata — 9 Djawz
al anhar, probablv synonymous with djawr al kata,
above no 7 — 10 Djawz al shark, the Abyssinian nut,
Unona aethiopica (?) — 11 Djawz al kawthal, an Indian
nut. Gardenia dumetorum (?) — 12 Djawz armannus, the
Abvssinian nut, = 10 (?)— 13 Djauz djundum, fruit
of the Gamma mangostana For further material, see
Dozy i, 233, M Meverhof's commentary on
Maimomdes, Sharh asma' al 'ukkar, no 82, F A
Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie des Pjlanzenreuhes\ Berlin
1891, Index sv Nux
Bibliography (besides the titles alreadv mentioned)
Dioscundes, De materia medica, ed Wellmann, i,
Berlin 1907, 114 = lib i, 125, La "Materia medua"
de Dioscondc, n (Arab tr ) ed Dubler and Teres,
Tetuan 1952, 118, 'All b Rabban al-Taban,
Firdaws al hkma ed Siddrkr, Berlin 1928, 383, RazI,
Hawi, xx, Havdarabad 1387/1967, 267-71, Die
pharmakolog Grundsatzt des Abu Mansur Harawi,
tr ACh Achundow, Halle 1893, 178, 198, Ibn
Slna, Kaniin (Bulak), i, 280 f , Blrum, Saydala, ed
HM Sa'Td, Karachi 1973 Aiab 144, Engl 114,
Ibn Biklansh, Mmta' ml, Ms Naples, Bibl Naz m,
F 65, foi 29b Ghafiki, al Adwiya al mujrada, Ms
Rabat, Bibl Gen k 155 1, fols 11 4a- 115a, Ibn
Hubal, Mukhtarat, Havdarabad 13b2, n, 50, P
Guigues, Us noms arabes dans Serapion, in J 4, 10™
sene (1905) vi, sv Leuz (no 337), Maimomdes
Sharh asma' al 'ukkar, ed Meverhof, Cairo 1940,
no 82, Ibn al-Baytar, Djami', Bulak 1291, i, 173-
5, tr Leclerc, no 525, Yusuf b 'Umar, Mu'tamad,
ed M al-Sakka', Beirut 1395/1975, 7b, Ibn al-
Kuff, 'Umda, Havdarabad 135b i, 226, Nuwavn,
Nihaya, xi, Cairo 1935, 89 f, Dawud al-Antaki,
Tadhkira, Cairo 1371/1952, i, 109 f, I Low, Du
Flora der Juden, n, 1924, 29-59
(A Dietrich)
l-DJAWZA' — al-DJAYHAnI
al-DIAWZA' [see mintakat al-bitrOd,].
al-DIAYHANI, surname of vizier, of the
Samanids [q.v.], of whom one at least wrote a
famous Kitab al-Masatik wa 1-mamahk which has never
been found in spite of the hopes raised by S. Janicsek
(al-Djaihani's lost Kitab al-masalik valmamalik: is it to
be found at Mashhad? in BSOS, v/1 ! 1926), 14-25; see
also V. Minorsky, A false Javhani , in BSOAS, xiii (1949),
89-96). The identity of the author of this work poses
a problem difficult to solve.
Ibn Fadlan (Risala, ed. A.Z.V. Togan, Ibn Fadlans
Reisebericht, Leipzig 1939, text § 4, tr. 6, tr. M.
Canard, in AIEO Alger, xvi (1958), 54) relates that
a Djayhani, who bore the title al-s/taykh al-'amid,
obtained for him an audience with the young
Samanid Nasr b. Ahmad (301-31/913-43 [q.v.]) and
arranged for his lodging at the time of his journey
to Bukhara in 309/922; he refers only to the nisba
of this individual and makes no mention of any lit-
erary activity whatsoever. In 336/947, when revis-
ing the Murudj, al-Mas'udr as yet had no knowledge
of the Kitab al-Masalik, but he mentions it in the
Tanbih (ed. SawT, 65) some years later (before
346/957), and summarises its contents: a descrip-
tion of the world, marvels, cities, capitals, seas, rivers,
peoples and the places that they inhabit, without
reference to the relevant itineraries (cf. Yakut, Buldan,
i, 7), and without passing judgment; for him, the
name of the author is Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad
b. Ahmad.
Ibn al-Nadim, in 377/987-8, four times mentions
a Djayhani (Fihrist, Cairo ed. 198 J , 219, 473). In the
first passage, Abu 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. Nasr,
vizier of an unspecified ruler {whib) of Khurasan, is
the author of the K. al-Masalik, of a A". al-Rasa'il
written wholly on behalf of a secretary of state, and
of two other works, the titles of which are unclear;
without doubt the titles that should be expected (cf.
Dodge's translation, i, 302) are: K al-'Uhud h 7-
khulafa' wa'l-umara' (which was apparently a formu-
lary) and A'. al-~iyadat fl A". al-Nashi' fi 'l-Makaldt
(which might have been a supplement to the Makalat
of al-Nashi' al-Akbar, a text of which has been pub-
lished and annotated by J. van Ess in Friihe mu'tazili-
tische Hdreuogmphie, Beirut 1971). Immediately after,
Ibn al-Nadim devotes to al-Balkhi (d. 322/934 [q.v.])
quite a long article in which he describes the cir-
tion of the vizier of Nasr b. Ahmad, Abu 'All
al-Djayhani, who was a dualist I but Abu 'Air was
no longer vizier at the time of the death of al-Balkhi;
see below); D.M. Dunlop, (EP art. al-Balkhi) makes
this Djayhani "the son of the geographer".
Subsequently (219) Ibn al-Nadim accuses Ibn al-
Fakih [q.v.] of having plagiarised al-Djayhani's book;
apparently it is the A" al-Masalik which is in ques-
tion, but this source is not mentioned in the A", al-
Buldan, which is extant, and it is impossible to assess
the degree of truth in an assertion of this kind.
Finally, in the fourth passage (473), it is Muhammad
b. Ahmad al-Djayhani who appears among those
ostensible Muslims who were secretly zmdih [q.v];
it is not impossible that this Djayhani is the same
as the one previously described as a dualist and also
the same as the one whom al-Tawhidi (d. 414/1023)
quotes (Imta', i, 78-90) in order to refute the opin-
ions violently hostile to the Arabs which this writer
had expressed "in his book".
So far, we possess only a date (309/922), two kun-
jias, Abu Allah and Abu 'All, and two names,
Muhammad b. Ahmad and Ahmad b. Muhammad.
With the same kunya and the same name as those in
the Tanbih of al-Mas'udl, Yakut (Udaba', xvii, 156-9)
introduces the Djayhani who exercised to some extent
the functions of regent at the court of the Samanid
Nasr b. Ahmad from the time of his accession in
301/913; it is evidently of this vizier that Ibn Fadlan
speaks (see above). Yakut, who was well acquainted
with the A: al-Masalik (Buldan. i, 7 and 394, with ref-
erence to Soghdia), does not mention its title and
confines himself to indicating the kunya of the author,
Abu 'Abd Allah; it is in any case "remarkable that,
in his article on Djayhan (ii, 181), he mentions only
one Djayhani, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad,
vizier of the Samanids at Bukhara and the author of
works, in regard to which he refers the reader to his
A; al-Akhbar. It is nevertheless under the name of Abu
'Abd Allah Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Nasr that, copy-
ing Ibn al-Nadim, he places, in his Mu'djam al-udabd'
(iv, 190-2), the biographical article regarding the
Djayhani who wrote the A". al-Masalik; he borrows
from a A) Farid al-ta'rikh on the history of Khurasan
whom
3 that
r Man
Nuh (350-65/961-76 [q.v.]), he was dismissed by NQh
b. Mansur (366-87/977-97 [q.v.]) in 367/978. For the
first time, we have two dates: 301 and 367. Al-Safadi
(IVafi, ii, 80-1, no. 389, and viii, 53-4, no. 3463)
copies, under the same headings (in other words,
respectively, Ahmad and Muhammad) the two arti-
cles of Yakut which he nevertheless considers suspect;
the correct reading seems to him to be Ahmad b.
Muhammad. Hadjdjr Khalifa (no. 1664) opts for Abu
'Abd Allah Ahmad b. Muhammad, but Kahhala, while
following this last biographer (Mu'djam al-mu' allifin, ii,
165) and attributing to Ahmad, who was still alive in
367/978, the K al-Masalik, the K al-Rasa'il and the
A". al-'Uhud, has no scruples about a contradiction and
makes Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad (ix,
25) the author of the Rasa', I and the Masaiik, fol-
lowing the A; Hadivvat al-'anfm of IsmaTl Pasha al-
Baghdadi.
It is not unusual for the commonness of names
such as Muhammad and Ahmad to lead writers and
their copyists astray, but here, we have the clear
impression that the Samanids employed three viziers
bearing the nisba of al-Djayham: the first (I), who
served in the entourage of Nasr b. Ahmad at his
Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Nasr; he was replaced, no
doubt in about 310/922, by Bal'arm [q.v], Abu 1-
Fadl Muhammad b. 'Ubayd Allah, whose successor
was AbC 'AlI Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Djayhani
(II); this last was vizier from 326 to his death in
330/937-42 (Ibn al-Athir, viii, 283), that is, at the
end of the reign of Nasr b. Ahmad, and there is no
reason to suppose that he was not the son of (I); no
doubt it was his own son, Abu 'Abd Allah Ahmad
b. Muhammad b. Nasr (III) who was deprived of his
office, according to Yakut, in 367/978, and replaced
by al-'Utbi.
Among these three individuals, who clearly seem
to belong to the same family, one should attempt
to ascertain which is the author of the K al-Masdlik
(the other three works mentioned are too little
known to be taken into consideration). V. Minorsky
(preface to the Hudud al-'Slam, xvii), V.V. Barthold
(ibid., 16, 23) and A. Miquel (La geographic humaine
du monde musulman", Paris-The Hague 1973, xiii-xxiv)
opt, with D.M. Dunlop and Sarton (History of
science, i, 635-6), for no. I, which seems however
unlikely, since it is probable that his book would
I.-DJAYHANI — al-DJAZARI
have been known to al-Mas'Qdl — who is in fact the
only one to refer to the name of Muhammad b.
Ahmad— before the revision of the Muruaj (332/943).
The association of no. II with al-Balkhr would incline
us to attribute the K. al-Masalik to him, but his
kunya of Abu 'All rules out such an identification,
since the author of this work is always Abu 'Abd
Allah.
as a hypothesis, that the A'. al-Masalik is a family
work, perhaps begun by Muhammad b. Ahmad
(I), continued by his son Muhammad b. Muhammad
(II) and completed by his grandson Ahmad b.
Muhammad (III) in the years immediately following
330/941-2. Examples of this kind are not rare in
Arabic literature (see al-barki in Suppl., ibn sa'Id al-
maghribi, etc.) and it is probably the plurality of
authors which gives rise to confusions which the other
exploitable sources do not enable us to solve, although
they supply some information regarding the work in
question.
Ibn Hawkal (writing in ca. 375/985) declares (Sural
al-arf, text 329, tr. Kramers-Wiet, 322) that he
took with him in the course of his travels, which
certainly began in 331/943 but stretched over a long
period, the books of Ibn Khurradadhbih, of al-
Djayham and of Kudama, but he regrets possessing
the first two which have monopolised too much of
his attention, and he does not seem to rate them very
highly, although he does not hesitate to exploit al-
Djayham (453/438) insofar as regards Khurasan,
visited by him in the third quarter of the 4th cen-
tury. Al-Mukaddasi (375/985), who also utilises him
on a number of occasions, is more explicit; in his
Ahsan al-takasim (3-4; tr. Miquel, Damascus 1963, §§
10-1 1), he describes Abu 'Abd Allah al-Djayham (with-
out further qualification) as a philosopher, astronomer
and astrologer and adds that he gathered together
people "who were acquainted with foreign countries
in order to inquire from them concerning the differ-
ent states, their resources, their access routes, the
height at which the stars revolve there, and the posi-
tion occupied there by the shadow . . . For him this
was a means of conquering these countries, of get-
ting to know their resources and of perfecting his
knowledge of the stars and of the celestial sphere".
While acknowledging his merits, al-Mukaddasi seems
subsequently to reproach al-Djayham for having devel-
oped at length the physical geography of the coun-
tries described, thus neglecting some important facts.
Finally, Gardlzi, who was writing between 440 and
443/1049-52, confirms al-Mukaddasfs suggestion by
declaring (<avn al-akhbar, ed. Nazim, Berlin-London
1928, 28-9) that al-Djayham was in contact with cor-
respondents residing in areas stretching from Byzantium
to China, obtaining written information and making
selective use of the material.
The K. al-Masalik perhaps consisted of seven vol-
umes (cf. note on ms. C. of al-Mukaddasi, tr. Miquel,
op. laud., 14), but the information supplied by this
note is confusing and should be treated with all
the more caution seeing that it is hardly likely
that Ibn Hawkal would have encumbered himself
with such a voluminous work (unless, of course, it
was an abridged version that he carried about with
him). It must in fact have supplemented the A'. al-
Masalik of Ibn Khurradadhbih, with which moreover
it appears sometimes to be confused. On account
of this, some authors attribute to this work a par-
abov
inforn
all of purely geographical data, unpublished
and difficult to obtain otherwise, which must have
been of interest to other writers, and we cannot but
be astonished as the disappearance of a work so
widely exploited. The debt of the author of the
Hudud al-'alam, of Gardizi and others to al-Djayham
has been the object of scholarly speculation on the
part of Minorsky and of Barthold (see prefaces to
the Hudud, xvii-xviii and 23-6), but it is clear that
too many uncertainties remain for absolutely firm
conclusions to be reached.
Bibliography: in addition to the sources men-
tioned in the article, see also Marquart, Streifiuge,
xxxi-xxxii and passim; A. Miquel, Geographic
humaine, xxiii-xxv, 92-5, and index.
(Ch. Pellat)
al-DJAZARI, BadI' al-Zaman Abu 'l-Tzz Isma'Il
b. al-Razzaz, engineer who worked in al-Djazira dur-
ing the latter part of the 6th/ 12th century. His rep-
utation rests upon his book, Kitab ft ma'nfat al-hiyal
al-handasiyya (ed. and tr. D.R. Hill, The book of knowl-
edge of ingenious mechanical dances, Dordrecht 1974),
which he composed in 602/1206 on the orders of
his master Nasir al-Dfn Mahmud, a prince of the
Artukid dynasty [q.v.] of Diyar Bakr. All that we
know of his life is what he tells us in the introduc-
tion to his book, namely that at the time of writing
he had been in the service of the ruling family for
twenty-five years. The book is divided into six cate-
gories (now'), the first four of which each contains
ten chapters [shakl), but the last two only five each.
The categories are as follows: (1) water-clocks and
candle-clocks; (2) vessels and pitchers for use in
carousals; (3) vessels and basins for hand-washing and
phlebotomy; (4) fountains and musical automata; (5)
water-lifting machines; and (6) miscellaneous. There
are many illustrations, both of general arrangements
and detailed drawings, and these are of considerable
assistance in understanding the text, which contains
many technical expressions that have since fallen into
disuse. Some thirteen manuscript copies, made
between the 7th/ 13th and the 12th/18th centuries,
are extant to bear witness to the widespread appre-
ciation of the book in the Islamic world (listed in
Hill, 3-6; to which must be added Topkapi Saray
mss. H 414 and A 3350). There are, however, no
references to al-Djazari in the standard Arabic biog-
raphical works of the Middle Ages, and there is no
known translation into a European language before
the 20th century.
Only one of the complete machines, a twin-cylinder
pump driven by a paddle-wheel, can be said to have
direct relevance to the development of mechanical
technology. Many of the devices, however, embody
techniques and mechanisms that are of great signif-
icance, since a number of them entered the general
vocabulary of European engineering at various times
from the 7th/ 13th century onwards. Some of these
ideas may have been received directly from al-Djazan's
work, but evidence is lacking. Indeed, it seems prob-
able that a large part of the Islamic mechanical tra-
dition — especially water-clocks and their associated
mechanisms and automata — had been transmitted to
Europe before al-Djazarfs book was composed [see
hiyal, in Suppl.]. Even leaving aside the question of
direct transmission, we still have a document of the
greatest historical importance. First, it confirms the
existence of a tradition of mechanical engineering in
the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East from
Hellenistic times up to the 7th/ 13th century. Al-
Djazarl was well aware that he was continuing this
tradition and was scrupulous in acknowledging the
l-DJAZARI — DJAZZAR
work of his predecessors, including Apollonius of
Byzantium (?), the Pseudo-Archimedes, the Banu Musa
(3rd/9th century), Hibat Allah b. al-Husayn (d.
534/1139-40), and a certain Yunus al-Asturlabi. Other
writings and constructions, whose originators were
unknown to al-Djazari, are also mentioned. Secondly,
his use of and improvement upon the earlier works,
together with his meticulous descriptions of the con-
struction and operation of each device, enables us to
ment reached by the Arabs in mechanical technolo-
gy by the close of the 6th/ 12th century.
Bibliography: Eight valuable articles on al-
Djazarfs work were published in the eaily years
of this century by E. Wiedemann and F. Hauser,
listed in Der Islam, xi (1921), 214; see also Wiede-
mann, Aufsdtze zur arabischen W'issenschaftsgeschichte,
Hildesheim 1970, ii, index, 846; The miniature
paintings from two of the manuscripts are
discussed in A.K. Coomaraswamy, The treatise of
al-Jazarl on automata, Boston 1924; See also
Brockelmann, S I, 902. For the other writers
mentioned, see hiyal, in Suppl.
(D.R. Hill)
al-DJAZARI, Shams al-Milla wa l-DIn Abu
l-Nada Ma'add b. Nasr Allah, 'Iraki composer of
makamat; a native of Djazlrat al-'Umar, he died in
701/1301. His al-Makamat al-Zaymyya, which were
written in 672/1273 for the author's son Zayn al-
Din Abu'1-Fath Nasr Allah, are a good example of
the imitations' of the Makamat of al-Hann. The
external form of the work follows that of al-Harin
precisely: there are 50 makamat, most of which are
named after towns. The various episodes are linked
together by a common hero, Abu Nasr al-Misri,
and a common narrator, called al-Kasim b. Djiryal
al-Dimashki. The narratives of al-Djazarf s makamat
are overwhelmed with the ingenious puns, elaborate
rhymes and other forms of wordplay for which they
provide the vehicle. The lavish use of rare words
to provide long series of phrases ending in the same
rhyme makes an immediate understanding of the
makamat difficult. They copy the form of their famous
model to the point of exaggeration, but do not have
the inspired wit of its contents.
Brockelmann records six surviving MSS of al-
Makamat al-Zaynma (II, 205, S II, 199). In addi-
tion there are" 13" selections from al-Djazan's work
in the Leeds Ar. MS 169, whose principal contents
are the Makamat al-Harin. The selections from al-
Djazari are from the following makamat: al-Kudsiyya,
al-'Amyya, al-L^imiyya al-Shlraziyya, al-Iskandariyya'al-
Khayfa', al-Dimashkiyya, al-Dabta' , al-Qjamaliyya al-
DfSniyya.
Bibliography: HadjdjT Khalifa, ii, col. 1785;
Brockelmann, he. cit.; for some specimens of
Djazari's rhymed prose and verse, together with
English translations, and a full list of the 50 titles
of his makamat, see R.Y. Ebied and MJ.L. Young,
Shams al-Djn al-Jazari and his Al-Maqamat al-£ayniyyak,
in The Annual of Leeds University Oriental Society, vii
(1975), 54-60.
(R.Y. Ebied and MJ.L. Young)
DJAZZAR (a.), "slaughterer", of camels,
sheep, goats and other animals. These formed a
distinct group of workers in mediaeval Arab soci-
ety, quite apart from the kassab and lahham, the
two terms used for the butcher. In modern times,
however, the dfazzar is synonymous with the latter
terms. Djahiz and other writers use the words
dfazzdrun and kassabun alongside each other to
show them as separate groups; there were dar al-
dfazzdrin in Medina and Mecca during the 1st cen-
tury A. H.; while there were many suk al-dfazzdnn
as well as suk al-kassabln in Baghdad and other
Islamic cities throughout the Middle Ages. The
word dfazzar seldom appears as a msba with Arabic
names, though kassab is often used as an occupa-
The dfazzar was required to be an adult {baligh)
and a sane i'akil) Muslim who would utter the name
of God at the time of each slaughter. The muhtaub
saw to it that the dfazzar slaughtered animals free
from illness or detects. The non-Muslim (dhimmi) butch-
ers practised their trade side-by-side with their Arab
colleagues in the Middle East and North Africa. Friday
was the weekday when most slaughtering of animals
took place, according to Djahiz.
Unlike craftsmen of low prestige like tanners and
cuppers, the slaughterers and butchers were not
socially ostracised in Arab society. The Prophet for-
bade one of his relatives to employ a khadim [q.v.]
in the trades of a slaughter (dfazzar), or butcher
(kassab), cupper (hadfdfdm) or goldsmith {sa'igh), (al-
Kattani, al-Taratib, ii, 106). The dfazzar was usually
a free person ihurr). The slaughterers were disliked
by Arabs for the uncleanliness (naajasa) of their work.
Ibn al-'Imad cites a case of an unscrupulous dfazzar
who utilised a dead animal for selling its meat, and
the case was perhaps not untypical. Some Arab udaba'
discussed the professions of the nobility (sina'at al-
ashraf) and cited the names of many Kuraysh [q.v.]
like al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam, 'Amr b. al-'As, 'Amir
b. Kurayz, and Khalid b. AsTd, among dfazzdrun in
their early careers. The dfazzdrun, according to Djahiz,
could never be rich, and their economic condition
remained unchanged in Arab society over a long
period. During the Buwayhid period, the slaughter-
ers, butchers and other tradesmen had to pay addi-
tional imposts (maks), although they were usually
exempt from taxation. The daily earnings of a dfazzar
in Egypt during the reign of al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah
(386-411/996-1020) was one dinar, which was an
exceptionally high income for a worker.
The slaughterers and butchers are portrayed in
Arabic history books as groups of persons with vio-
lent tempers. The butchers were expelled from the
Round City of Baghdad by Abu Dja'far al-Mansur
for their tendency towards violence. Tabari records
that the dfazzdrun rioted in Mecca in 262/875-6,
producing 17 casualties and jeopardising the pil-
grimage of many people. For this and other rea-
sons, a minor Arab poet echoed the sentiments of
the public by saying that he did not wish to live
in a locality where a slaughterer would be his neigh-
bour. Al-Lubudr, a jurist of the Mamluk period,
came to the conclusion that the occupation of the
dfazzar was undesirable (makruh), because it bred
hard-heartedness among men. Despite these criti-
cisms, however, one gets the impression that the
slaughterers were not generally despised in Islamic
Bibliography: Djahiz, al-Hayawan, Cairo 1938-40,
iv, 430-2; v, 389; idem, al-Bukhala', Cairo 1963,
111; Ibn Kutayba, al-Ma'anf, Beirut 1970, 249-50;
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidr, al-Basd'ir iva'l-dhakha'ir,
Damascus 1966-7, ii/1, 41-5; Tabari, Ta'nkh, iii,
1908; al-Wakf, Akhbar al-kudat, Cairo 1947, i, 102;
al-Bayhakl, al-Mahasin wa'l-masawT, Beirut 1960, 103;
al-Khatrb al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, Cairo 1931,
i, 80; idem, al-Bukhala', Baghdad 1964, 188; Ibn al-
Djawzi, al-Muntazam, vii, 15; viii, 181; al-Sam'anl, al-
l-DJAZZAR PASHA
Amah, Hyderabad 1963, iii, 268; Ibn al-Athir, al-
Lubab fl tahdhlb al-ansab, Beirut n.d., i, 276; Ibn
Bassam, Mhayat al-tutba fl talab al-hisba, Baghdad
1968, 34-36;" Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim al-kurba,
London 1938, 97-105; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat al-
dhahab, iv, 208; al-Samhudr, Waja' al-wafa', Beirut
1971, ii, 765; al-Kattanl, Nizam al-hukuma al-nabawiya
(known as al-Taiatib al-idariyya), Beirut n.d., ii, 105-
6; H.H. Abdul Wahab, TVarakat, Tunis 1965, i,
238-41 (writes about a Banu 1-Djazzar, of Tunis,
in the 4th/ 10th century, who bore the msba of al-
ajazzar, but they ceased to be slaughterers; instead
they became famous by practising medicine (tibb));
'Abbas al-Azzawi, Ta'nkh al-data'ib al-'bakiyya,
Baghdad 1959, 25-7; Alf layla wa-layla, Beirut 1909,
iii, 16-19; "Ala' al-Dln al-Lubudi, Fadl al-iktisab,
Chester Beatty Ms., 4791, f. 57b.
(M.A.J. Beg)
al-DIAZZAR PASHA, Ahmad, the dominant
political figure in southern Syria (the eyalets
of Sidon and Damascus) during the last quarter of
the 18th century and the early years of the 19th. A
Bosnian by origin (some sources assert that he was
of Christian parenthood), he was born ca. 1722; the
story of his early life is confused with legend. He
apparently began his career at the age of sixteen as
a soldier of fortune in Istanbul, where he entered the
service of the Grand Vizier Haklm-Oghlu "All Pasha.
In 1756, when his master was sent to attend to the
affairs of Egypt for two years, he accompanied him
there and stayed behind to attach himself to the local
Mamluk military system. His Mamluk patron, 'Abd
Allah Bey, was administering the Buhayra district in
the Delta region as kashif when he was murdered by
the local Bedouins in the course of a rising. The
shaykh al-balad 'All Bey (1760-73) appointed Djazzar
to succeed his master as kashif of the district, raising
him to the rank of Bey. It is alleged that Djazzar
came to be so-called [djazzar — "butcher") as a result
of the ferocity with which he proceeded to subdue
the Bedouins of the Delta; it is possible, however,
that Djazzar was his original surname, or that it was
a nom de guerre which he adopted at the start of his
career to promote his image as a competent profes-
sional soldier.
Djazzar remained attached to 'Air Bey in Egypt
for several years. By 1768, however, he had become
dangerously compromised in Mamluk political intrigues.
Fleeing Cairo, he returned for a short while to Istanbul;
it was probably then that he first became officially
attached to the Ottoman state as an agent. He then
proceeded to settle in Syria, where he set out to estab-
lish for himself a large mamluk household and a pri-
vate army of Bosnian, Albanian, North African and
other mercenaries which became the basis of his per-
with Russia; in the course of the hostilities, a Rus-
sian naval squadron appeared in the eastern Mediter-
ranean, and Russian agents were sent to Acre ('Akka)
to encourage the powerful chieftain of Galilee, Dahir
al-'Umar, to join 'All Bey of Egypt in a revolt
against the Porte (Dahir had successfully usurped
power in the southern parts of the eyalet of Sidon,
with Ottoman acquiescence, since the 1730). It was
after Dahir rose in revolt that Djazzar was sent in
1772 by the governor of Damascus to defend Beirut,
which had shortly before been bombarded and pil-
laged by Dahir's Russian allies. Since 1749, Beirut
had been controlled by the Shihab amirs of Mount
Lebanon; technically, however, it was part of the
eyalet of Sidon (as was, indeed, the whole of the Shihab
domain). The ruling Lebanese emit, YQsuf Shihab
(1770-88), was opposed to Dahir, and happy at first
to see Djazzar established in Beirut. However, when
Djazzar refused to honour the Shihab claim of
suzerainty over Beirut, Yusuf Shihab turned to his
old adversary Dahir for help, and the latter sum-
moned the services of the Russian squadron against
Djazzar. Beirut was bombarded for a second time in
1773 and besieged by land and sea for four months
before its garrison was starved into surrender. Djazzar
fled the town and was given refuge for a time by
Dahir in Acre. Betraying his host at the first oppor-
tunity, he fled to Damascus, smuggling out with him
a convoy of Dahir's munitions. Delighted by his per-
sistent loyalty, the Porte raised him to the rank of
Pasha and appointed him beylerbeyi of Rumelia, then
mutesarrif of the sandjak of Kara Hisar in Anatolia In
1775. Later in that same year, when Dahir al-'Umar
was finally defeated and killed by his own men, Djazzar
was appointed beylerbeyi of the eyalet of Sidon, and
established the seat of his government in Acre. In the
following year, he was confirmed in the government
of the eyalet with the rank of wazir, and continued in
the office and rank until his death in 1804.
In Acre, Djazzar used his mamluk household and
his private army to set up a regime of remarkable
stability; his policy of ruthless repression, and the cru-
elty with which he meted out punishments, made
him the object of general fear. On one occasion, in
1790, a group of his officers and mamluh, support-
ed and possibly prompted by his political enemies in
Istanbul and by the French traders in Acre, staged
a rebellion against him which was almost successful,
but the rebellion was crushed by a surprise action
and never repeated. Despite the constant intrigues
against him in Istanbul, Djazzar's mandate in the
eyalet of Sidon was annually renewed, without inter-
ruption, for twenty-nine years — a record without
precedent in the his-tory of Ottoman provincial
administration. On four different occasions (in 1785,
1790, 1799 and 1803), the eyalet of Damascus was
also entrusted to his care. At a time when the gen-
eral decline of the Ottoman state was encouraging
rebellion and the usurpation of power in the provinces,
an efficient and loyal governor in Syria, which was
an area particularly prone to insubordination, was
badly needed, and Djazzar was just the man for the
job. In the coastal eyalet of Sidon, which was already
overshadowing the inland eyalet of Damascus in impor-
tance because of the increasing European (and par-
ticularly French) maritime trade with the Levant,
Djazzar suppressed the unruly Mitwalls (Twelver
Shfis) and other tribes of the hill country of Galilee
and northern Palestine, and established his adminis-
tration firmly in the area. While he was not able to
destroy the Shihab emirate in Mount Lebanon, he
did manage to exploit the Maronite-Druze con-
fessional jealousies and the political factionalism pre-
vailing there to reduce the Shihab amirs, who had
once fought successful wars against the governors of
Damascus, into docile and subservient fiscal agents. In
Acre, Sidon and Beirut, he was careful to keep the
jvity going, but a
•s of cc
e the n
profit from it for himself. He established a per-
sonal monopoly over the cotton and grain trade in
his territory, and also made heavy impositions on the
which contributed to the perpetuation of his power.
His payments of the required tribute to the Ottoman
l-DJAZZAR PASHA — DJEZZAR
tieasurv, though at times unpunctual, were always
correct In 1799, when Geneial Bonapaite advanced
noithwards from Egypt to occupy Syria, Djazzar,
assisted bv the Bntish, successfully iepelled his attack
on Acre and forced him to letreat, he thereby set
the seal on the failure of Bonapaite's eastern ven-
ture, and paved the way for the final expulsion of
the French fiom Egypt two years later
Despite the great power which he came to wield
in southern Svna, Djazzai administered the eyaltt of
Sidon in stuct lovaltv to the Porte, and not in the
mannei of the mutaghalhba — the tribal chieftains and
militarv adventuieis who seued the opportunity of
Ottoman decline to establish autonomous principali-
ties in the provinces In Svna, the mutaghalhba (like
Dahir in Galilee, and the Shihabs in Mount Lebanon)
normally sought to promote then powei bv catering
politically to the fierce particularism of the local tubes
and sects, of whom the Maromtes and Druzes of
Mount Lebanon and the MitwalT and other tribes-
men of Galilee and northern Palestine were prime
examples The\ also tended to identify themselves with
the interests of the new and predominantlv Chustian
merchant class which thrived on the import-e\poi t
trade with Euiope In Mount Lebanon and Beirut,
the close association of the Shihab amirs with the
Maronite silk merchants was icflected bv the con-
veision of an mci easing number of the amirs from
Sunni Islam to Chnstianitv m Acie Dahir had
favoured the Christians generally, and surrounded him-
self with Christian agents and advisers Like Dahn,
Djazzar bv necessitv emploved competent Christians
(of the Sakiudj, Iddi, Kalush and Martin families) as
secietanes, tieasurers and stewaids, he was careful,
however, not to pamper the Chustians as a commu-
nity, and most Christians who served him ended up
in prison, in the torture chambei, or on the gallows
with their foi tunes confiscated and then families
ieduced to destitution Likewise, Djazzai cared little
foi the support of the tnbesmen and peasants of the
mountain hinteiland, whom he knew to be venal and
fickle, and ultimately undependable Instead, he appears
to have sought popularity among the Sunni Muslim
populace ot the towns bv appealing to their instinc-
tive sentiments At a time when the Ottoman state,
as the universal Muslim state was suffenng lepeated
defeats and humiliations at the hands ot Christian
powers, the high-handed manner in which Djazzar
dealt with the local Chustian bouigeoisie, and with
the French and other Euiopean tiaders in Acre and
Sidon could onlv have met with strong approval
among the uiban Muslims, particularly those of the
lower classes The Pasha's repressive policy towards
the crvpto-Maronite Shihabs and the heteiodo\ Diuzes
and Mitwalis must certainly have had the same effect
As governoi of Beuut in 1772-3, Djazzar had armed
the Sunni Muslims of the town to help in its defence
against the Russians As luler of the eyalet of Sidon,
his unwavering championship of the Ottoman cause,
which was the cause of Islam, probablv secuied loi
him some populantv among the lower Muslim class-
es of the coastal towns Whatever the extent of this
popularity was, it has remained unrecorded, because
the available accounts ol his regime were not written
bv his supporters but bv the Christians, the foieign-
ers and the Muslim notables who, as communities
and sometimes possibly as individuals, had suffeied at
his hands and weie unanimous in branding him as
a bloodthirsty tyrant
On the whole, the Djazzai regime lepresents the
last reasseition of the Ottoman imperial pierogative
in the traditional manner against the particulars ten-
dencies in Svtia, before the radical social and
political changes of the 19th century His determined
efforts to break the stubborn local autonomies foie-
shadowed the policy of centralisation of the Tan
Bibliography <Abd al-Razzak al-Bitai, Hulyat al
bashar ft ta'rikh al Lam al tjialith 'ashar, Damascus
19bl-3 Muhammad Kuid 'Air, hhitat al Sham,
Beirut 19b9, Tannus al-Shidvak, Akhbat al a' \an
ft Dtabal Lubnan, Beirut 1954, Havdar Shihab (al-
Shihabl), Ta'rikh Ahmad Basha al L^azzar Beirut
1955, idem, al Qhurar al hisan ft ta'rikh hauadith
al zaman (published as Lubnan ft 'ahd al Umara' al
Shihabmin, Beirut 1933), E Lockrov, Ahmtd It
Boucher la \yru it lEg)ptc au 18 such, Pans 1888,
Volnev, Voyage in Egypti it en Sync, Pans 1959,
Amnon Cohen, Palestine in tk eighteenth century, pat
HAR Gibb and Haiold Bowcn, Llamu society
and the Hist 1/ 1 and 2 London 1950-7, PM
Holt, Egypt and the Firtih Cresunt, 1516 1922,
London 19b6 (Kam^vl S S^vlibi)
DJEBEDJI (T 'armouier'), the name given to a
Sublime Poite ' [fyebedjiyan i dergah i 'all) a Kapi Kulu
[qu] Coips closely associated with the Janissaries
[qv] Their function was to manufactuie and repan
all aims ammunition and other equipment belong-
ing to the Janissaries and on campaign to tians-
poit this equipment to the fiont distribute it to the
paign, keeping a record of losses and repairing dam-
aged items
The Corps was piesumably founded shortly after
the Janissanes and, until the late lOth/lbth centurv,
its recruits came from the pindj \ek, the principle bv
which the state took one in five of pnsoneis of war
and the deushirme [qi] Howevei, the system broke
down when the djtbtdjis, like the Jan
pern
and r
t then
childiei
Muslim to the Coi.
Like the other Kapi Kulu Corps, the djcbedjis were
divided into thntv -eight divisions (orta), the first of
which was divided into 59 sections (boluk) Each orta
represented a diffeient ciaft in the lepair oi manu-
facture of guns gunpowder and other war materials
The chief officer of the Corps was the djebtdii bashi,
under whom came the bash kitkhuda who usually suc-
ceeded him ii his post fell vacant, and four othei
ketkhudas Anothc
tushu A k
i the
chief c
and under
called usta The central barracks of the Corps was in
Istanbul but its members served in turn in the fron-
tier fortresses of the Ottoman Empire A group of
djibedjK would alwavs accompanv a Jamssarv garrison
Their total stiength varied according to the size of
the Jamssarv Coips, theie were about 500 djebcdjis
in the mid- 10th/ loth centuiv and then numbers fluc-
tuated between about 2,500 and 5,000 in the 12th/
18th centur)
The Corps was abolished, together with the
Janissaries, in 1241 /182b
Bibliography see I H Uzuncaisih Osmanh duhh
te^ilatinda kapukulu ocaklan, n, 3-21, of which the
foiegoing is a summarv (Ed 1
DJEBEL [see djuwl]
DJELAL ED-DIN ROUMI [see djmAl «.-d!n
rijmI]
DJEZZAR [see djazzar].
l-DJILDAKI — DJUDHAM
who died :
al-DIILDAKI, <Izz ai
Aydamir, Egyptian a]
743/1342 or later. He was the last outstanding
Muslim adept of his art, of encyclopaedic, though
rather uncritical, learning. Almost nothing is known
of his life; he himself, however, tells that he spent
more than 17 years on extensive travels, which lead
him to 'Irak, Asia Minor, the Maghrib, Yemen,
Hidjaz, Syria, and Egypt, where he ultimately set-
tled. Al-Djildaki represents the mystical and allegor-
ical trend in Muslim alchemy, but there is evidence
that he had real experience in practical operations
and chemical substances. His interests extend also to
the khawass, i.e. the magic properties of things, and
to pharmacology, medicine and astrology, especially
the attribution of metals and other substances to the
seven planets. He often reflects on the parallels
between natural and alchemical processes, and he
attacks Ibn Sma who denied the possibility of arti-
ficial transmutation (see Avicennae De congelation et con-
glutatione lapidum, ed. E.J. Holmyard and D.C.
Mandeville, Paris 1927, 6-7). His very numerous
works, which still exist in many manuscripts, are
valuable for the history of alchemy through his philo-
logically-accurate quotations from his predecessors.
He is familiar with Djabir b. Hayyan's theory of
balances as well as with his biography (see P. Kraus,
Jabir ibn Hayyan, in Mems. de I'Inst. d'Egypte, xliv
(1943), xlv (1942), indexes). Among other Greek,
Indian and Persian authorities he refers to Hermes
[see hirmis], Cleopatra (see M. Ullmann, in W^KM,
lxiii-lxiv (1972), 161-73), the caliph 'All and Khalid
b. Yazld [q.v.], and he also composed lengthy com-
mentaries on writings of Apollonius (see balInus),
Ibn Umayl [q.v.], Ibn Arfa< Ra's, and al-Simawi.
Bibliography: Brockelmann, II, 173-4, S II,
171-2; E. Wiedemann, Zur Alchemie bei
denArabern, Erlangen 1922, 17-8, 20-4,29-31;
E.J. Holmyard, Aidamir al-Jildaki, in Iraq, iv
(1937), 47-53; idem, Alchemy, Harmondsworth
1957, 100-1; J. Ruska and W. Hartner, Katalog
do otientalischen und lateinischen Otiginalhand-
schnften .... in Quellen u. Stud, z- Gesch. d. Nalurw.
u. d. Medizin, vii (1940), 263-8; A. Siggel, Katalog
der arabischen alchemistischen Handschrijten
Deutschlands, Berlin 1949, 1950, 1956 (valuable
analysis of many works); A.A. Semenov, Sobranie
vostocnikh rukopisei akad. nauk Uzb. SSR, i,
Tashkent 1952, no. 536; F. Sezgin, GAS, iv,
Leiden 1971, index; M. Ullmann, Die Medizin
im Islam, Leiden-Cologne 1970; idem, Die Natur-
und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam, Leiden 1972,
indexes; idem, Katalog der arabischen alchemistischen
Handschrijten der Chester Beatty Library, i,
Wiesbaden 1974, index. (G. Strohmaier)
DPSR MANBIDI [see kal'at nadjm],
DflRGA (Pashto; cf. H.G. Raverty, A dictionary of
the Pukhto, Pushto, or language of the Afghans, London
1867, 330b), an informal tribal assembly of the
Pafhans in what are now Afghanistan and Pakistan,
with competence to intervene and to adjudicate in
practically all aspects of private and public life among
the Pafhans.
In the course of his abortive mission to Shah
Shu-dja' and the Durrani court of Kabul in 1809
[see Afghanistan, v. History (3) (A)], Mountstuart
Elphinstone described the djirga system as alive and
vital, with assemblies at various levels, from the vil-
lage at the bottom up through the clan or khel to
the tribe or ulus at the top, with a djirga of sub-
ordinate chiefs around the tribal khan; but he
observed that it was a model frequently modified
or disrupted rather than a neat hierarchy of insti-
tutions. He noted too that the djirga was the prin-
cipal means of administering criminal justice, where
an offended party had not already avenged his
wrongs in blood, and of determining amounts of
compensation due to a victim; and he adjudged
it a useful and tolerably impartial institution (An
account of the kingdom of CaubulK London 1839, i,
215-26). At the very apex of the system, the Amir
of Afghanistan might summon a "great (loya)
djirga" of leading chiefs for consultation at critical
The political division of the Pathans in the course
of the 19th century into those to the east of what
became the Durand Line and in British India and
those to the west in the independent kingdom of
Afghanistan eliminated the loya djirga as an effective
expression of feelings of the whole Pathan nation,
although the institution was eventually incorporated
into the political structure of modern Afghanistan as
a representation of all ethnic and social groups with
the state, and not merely of the Pathans; for the djirga
in Afghanistan of the last two centuries, see madjlis.
2. Afghanistan.
On the British side of the Frontier, the djirga has
continued as an instrument of democratic tribal
expression; it was, for instance, tribal djirgas which
in November 1947 signified the adhesion of the
North-West Frontier Province to the nascent Pakistan,
and in February 1980 a djirga of Pathan and Baltic
chiefs and notables met at Sibi in northern Balucistan
to affirm opposition to further Soviet Russian
encroachment after the latter power's occupation of
Afghanistan towards the end of 1979. As far back
as the second half of the 19th century, a modified
and less authentic type of djirga had been made part
of the Frontier Crimes Regulations, originally prom-
ulgated in 1872. Under this arrangement, cases involv-
ing tribal honour, blood feuds and women could be
withdrawn from the magistrates' courts and arbi-
trated upon by a djirga, which was however in this
case a group of tribal elders appointed by the mag-
istrate and acceptable to both parties. Here the djirga
was an ancillary of British Indian law, though after
ca. 1880 in the recently-pacified parts of northern
Balucistan and the newly-administered tribal areas
of the North-West Frontier Province, the djirga was
adopted as a substitute for the formal legal system,
thus in effect enshrining Pathan custom.
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article): Sir Olaf Caroe, The Pathans 550 BC-
AD 1957, London 1958, 353-6, 435; J.W.
Spain, The Pathan borderland, The Hague 1963,
69-72, 145-7. (C.E. Bosworth)
DTUDHAM (a.), leprosy or Hansen's disease.
I. Terminology. A number of Arabic terms that
may refer to leprosy were created on the basis of
the symptomatology of the disease. Aside from the
distinctive symptoms of advanced lepromatous lep-
rosy, various terms were adopted that were descrip-
tive of leprous lesions, but they were not restricted
exclusively to leprosy. No clinical cases of leprosy
are reported in the mediaeval medical literature
that might clarify the terminology. There can be
little doubt, however, that djudham referred to lep-
rosy, particularly of the lepromatous type. The
term was used in pre-Islamic Arabia; it was derived
from the Arabic root of the word, meaning "to
mutilate" or "to cut off," and is descriptive of seri-
ous disfigurement that occurs in cases of lepro-
al-faw
leprosy. Thus, aajdham (pi. djadhmaj may
nutilated" from having an arm or foot cut
"leper" and "leprous" (al-Murtada, Ghurar
d. Cairo 1954, i, 5). Conversely, the use
■oot would strongly suggest that the lepro-
matous form of the disease existed in pre-Islamic
Arabia. Considerable confusion exists concerning
terms other than djudham; the difficulty is certainly
due to the numerous forms that leprosy may take,
particularly in its early stages and its mimicry of
other skin diseases. The term baras was definitely
used to name leprosy, but it could be applied to
other skin disorders. This term was also used in
pre-Islamic Arabia. It was derived from the Arabic
Emphasis on the whiteness of the skin in the Arabic
medical accounts of baras and bahak may have
referred to the hypo-pigmentation occurring in the
Depending on the context, white and black baras.
I blac
wadah.
kawabi \
often used to name leprous symptoms. In addition,
the following terms could apply to leprosy, but they
were rarely used — some are clearly euphemistic:
abka', akshar, arkat, ask' (sul'), barash, bayad (bayda"),
da' al-asad, da' al-ku'tdl, murakka', su' [aswa').
II. Medical history. There is no persuasive evi-
dence that true leprosy occurred in ancient Egypt,
Mesopotamia, or Persia before the time of Alexander
the Great. It must have existed much earlier in India,
the Far East, and probably central Africa. Sora'at, the
so-called leprosy of Leviticus, does not correspond to
any modern diagnosis of the disease; it was a non-
specific condition and essentially a non-medical notion.
The lepra (Gr. lepras, "scaly") mentioned in some of
the Hippocratic writings was also a skin ailment that
cannot be identified and was probably not related
to leprosy. It was not before 300 B.C. that true lep-
rosy entered the sphere of medical science. At that
time, physicians of Alexandria became acquainted
with its lepromatous form and named it elephantiasis
because of the thickening and corrugation of the skin.
The tuberculoid type, however, was not yet clearly
distinguished from other, non-specific skin eruptions.
Galen [see djalInus], in the 2nd century A.D.,
inadequately described what he called elephantiasis
graecmum and lepra (Ad glauconem). The earliest and
best description of leprosy was given by a contem-
porary of Galen, Aretaeus of Cappadocia (Extant works,
ed. and tr. F. Adams, London 1856, 123-9/366-73,
236-40/494-7); Aretaeus' pathology and treatment of
the disease were important because they strongly
influenced later Greek physicians whose works were
translated into Arabic. With the single exception of
Aretaeus, however, the pathogenesis of leprosy was
explained in late Roman medicine by the theory of
humours. Leprosy was due primarily to a predomi-
nance of black bile, the melancholic humour, in
the body. The disease was considered by the Greek
doctors to be both contagious and hereditary.
The victims were believed to be unclean and specif-
ically marked by strong venereal desires. There was
an increasing recognition of the polymorphous char-
acter of leprosy, particularly of the milder tubercu-
loid type. The disease in advanced stages was
considered incurable. All the ancient authors failed
to mention the loss of sensation, which is a con-
spicuous symptom of the disease. The treatment of
the diseased consisted of bloodletting, cauterisation,
purgation, baths, fomentations, diets, and invariably
•nts entered
c medical science.
The earliest indisputable proof of leprosy in the
Middle East has been found by Moller-Christensen
in two skeletons from Egypt (Aswan) that date from
about A.D. 500. Therefore, there can be little doubt
that genuine leprosy existed from the early Islamic
period and that Muslim doctors had sufficient oppor-
tunity to observe it. Practically every Arabic writer
on medicine discussed leprosy. The earliest account
seems to have been the A', fi 'l-djudhdm by YOhanna
b. Masawayh [?.».]. The work is apparently lost,
but it was frequently quoted by later Arabic authors;
an anonymous treatise does exist that contains the
opinions of Ibn Masawayh as well as those of al-
Razi and Ibn Slna (A.Z. Iskandar, Catalogue of Arabic
manuscripts, London 1967, 70 fi, 126). The first full
account of leprosy in Arabic medicine is to be
found in al-Tabari's Fhdausu 'l-Hikmat (ed. Siddiqi,
Berlin 1928,' 318-25); the pathoiogy and therapeu-
tics of the disease are largely consistent with the
earlier Greek medical texts. Arabic writers who dis-
cussed leprosy include the following: al-Kindr (Fihrist,
tr. Dodge, New York 1970, ii, 621; Medical formu-
lary, tr. Levy, Madison 1966, 60, 158, 233 et pas-
sim), Yuhanna b. Sarabiyun, Thabit b. Kurra (K.
al-Dhakhira, ed. Sobhy, Cairo 1928, 7, 29, 138-41;
M. Ullmann. Die Median im Ham, Leiden 1970,
124), al-Razi (A'. al-Hawi, Hyderabad 1970, iv, 59
fi, 65, 73, 93, xxiii/2, 1-33, 47-72, 88-120), Ibn
Abi '1-Ash'ath (Ullmann, Die Median, 139), 'All b.
al-'Abbas al-Madjusi (Kamil, Cairo 1877, i, 310 fi,
ii, 194-6), Abu Mansur Kumri, Abu '1-Kasim al-
Zahrawi, Ibn Sina (Kaniin fi 'l-tibb, Bulak 1877, iii,
"" " ' "jurdjam, Ibn Abi
(Albuc
, On .
ngery c
and t
Spink and Lewis, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1973,
142-9), Ibn al-Kuff (A'. al-'Umda, Hyderabad
1356/1937, i 155 fi, ii, 48-51), Ibn Mas'ud al-
Shirazi, al-Azrakl (Tashil al-mandfi', Cairo 1304/
1887, 275 fi, 291-4), Nafis b. <Iwad and Ghiyath
b. Muhammad.
The medical textbook of al-Madjusi [q.v.] is quite
important because it was one of the first Arabic works
to be translated into Latin (Liber pantegni). Its trans-
lation by Constantinus Africanus [q.v.] was decisive
for the Western terminology of leprosy. The transla-
tor could not use the word elephantiasis in translating
al-Madjusi's account of leprosy because in Arabic the
term (da' al-ftl) was already used for the present-day
disease of that name. In this situation, Constantinus
seized upon Biblical usage, where the Latin transla-
tion of Hebrew and Greek was lepra; he therefore
translated djudham as lepia rather than mutilatio, which
would have been more precise and would have
avoided the stigma attached to lepra. As it was, the
for leprosy in general caused c
vith the Hi
ippocra
e of the word and extended
the application of the r
tions to a wider range of skin disorders. Al-ZahrawT's
work was also translated into Latin and became well-
known in Europe. In his discussion of leprosy, al-
ZahrawT made a significant contribution to medicine
by describing, for the first time apparently, the neu-
rological symptoms of the disease. It is difficult to
believe that local anaesthesia had not been observed
among lepers much earlier. In the Middle East, the
loss of sensation caused by leprosy was noticed by
Ibn al-Kuff; the source of his observation is unclear.
(The leprosy of Baldwin IV [d. 1206], king of the
Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, is described by William,
bishop of Tyre; the narrative contains the only incon-
trovertible clinical evidence of the anaesthetic symp-
toms of leprosy in the Middle East [A history of deeds,
tr. Babcock and Krey, New York 1934, ii, 296, 460].)
The description of insensitivity by al-Zahrawi was
repeated in the Western medical literature, at least
from the 12th century. It served as a means of dis-
tinguishing lepers and excluding them from society.
As opposed to the Galenic tradition of the other
works, al-Azrakfs work may be regarded as a good
example of "Prophetic medicine" (al-tibb al-nabawl).
Al-Azrakfs quasi-medical discussion of leprosy may
well reflect popular beliefs and practices that per-
sisted throughout the mediaeval period alongside those
of professional medicine. Moreover, it was a com-
mon practice during the mediaeval period to attrib-
ute to stones the ability to ward off disease; for
leprosy, topaz (zabardj.ad) was reputed to have this
property (M. Ullmann, .Heues zum Steinbuch des Xenohates,
in Medizmhistomch.es Journal vii [1973], 71).
In sum, the Arabic medical writers borrowed
heavily from Hellenistic sources, but their works
were not entirely imitative. The description of lep-
rosy in the Arabic medical textbooks followed the
encyclopaedic form of ancient manuals; the descrip-
tions of leprosy were brief, non-clinical, and large-
ly theoretical. The Muslim understanding of the
disease was most clearly indebted to the earlier
sources in its adoption of the humoural theory to
explain the illness. Care and treatment were also
consistent with Hellenistic practices; however, Arabic
medicine introduced a greater variety of simple and
compound medications. Furthermore, the Arabic
doctors adopted the view that leprosy was conta-
gious and hereditary. Yet they did not view the
disease as fiercely contagious, and their writings lack
any element of moral censorship of the diseased.
Moreover, the medical texts did not recommend
flight from the leper or his isolation from the com-
munity. The influence of this non-condemnatory
attitude toward the disease and its victims in Muslim
society is impossible to gauge, but it would be rea-
sonable to assume that through the activity of
Muslim doctors it weighed against the selective dis-
crimination and segregation of lepers. Generally,
the Arabic writers paid greater attention to leprosy
than the Hellenistic doctors. In the classification
and description of the disease Muslim doctors made
significant advances. The earlier writers distin-
guished, for the most part, between elephantiasis and
leprosy. The Arabic writers tended to regard ele-
phantiasis-djudham as one form of leprosy. Concerning
the symptomatology of leprosy, the Arabic doctors
refined the description of the skin lesions and called
attention to the neurological signs. Despite its own
inherent difficulties, the Arabic terminology was
more appropriate and detailed than that of the clas-
sical authors. It is probable that Arabic terminolo-
gy influenced Byzantine nomenclature. Finally,
Arabic medical understanding of leprosy was impor-
tant because it was conveyed to the West and
formed the basis for European knowledge of the
disease until the 17th century.
III. Social history. The Arabs in pre-Islamic
Arabia were afflicted by leprosy, along with a large
number of other communicable diseases. Leprosy is
attested by the famous Arabic poets of the period.
The first important figure in the history of the
Arabs before Islam who probably suffered from some
form of leprosy was Djadhima al-Abrash [g.v.]
or al-Waddah, the king of al-Hira, who played a
dominant role in the politics of Syria and 'Irak in
the second quarter of the 3rd century A.D. Two
famous pre-Islamic poets may also have been strick-
en by the illness. The first, 'Abld b. al-Abra§, on
the basis of his name, may have been leprous.
Leprosy would account for his wife's aversion from
him, which is mentioned in his poetry (C. Lyall,
The Diwan, Leiden-London 1913, 6, 33-6, 38 f).
The second and more famous was al-Harith b.
Hilliza al-Yashkuri [g.v.], who wrote the seventh of
the Mu'allakat.
The Kur'an mentions in two places the healing
of the lepers (al-abras) by Jesus (III, 48 and V, 110).
More important for their influence on Muslim society
are the ahadltjx that were attributed to the Prophet
concerning leprosy. The best-known of these tradi-
tions is the statement that a Muslim should flee
from the leper as he would flee from the lion.
Similarly, another familiar tradition asserts that a
healthy person should not associate with lepers for
a prolonged period and should keep a spear's dis-
tance from them (Wensinck, Handbook, al-Bukhari,
al-Sahih, Bulak ed., viii, 443; Ibn Kutayba, 'Uyun
al-akhbar, Cairo 1925-30, iv, 69; LA, xiv, 354" f).
The two pious traditions are prescriptions for social
behaviour and appear to deal with both moral and
medical difficulties posed by the leper. The tradi-
tions may have strengthened the desire of Muslims
to avoid those individuals who were conspicuously
afflicted by the disease because it was morally as
well as physically offensive. Leprosy was believed by
some to be a punishment by God for immorality.
Consequently, leprosy was often invoked as a curse
on a Muslim for his immoral behaviour. Medically,
both traditions seem to express an implicit belief
in contagion. The idea of contagion is also found
in other traditions that are unrelated to leprosy
and in the medical and non-medical literature.
Nevertheless, the belief in contagion was denied by
the Prophet in a number of other traditions which
state that disease comes directly from God. The tra-
dition advising flight from the leper is, in fact, pre-
ceded by a complete denial of contagion in the
collection of al-Bukhari. Thus the issue of conta-
gion is quite contradictory; it was the subject from
an early time of religio-legal discussion that attempt-
ed to harmonise these traditions. The contradiction
was not resolved; it would appear that many wit-
nessed contagion and found justification for it in
the traditions, while the more religiously inclined
may have adhered to the principle of non-conta-
gion. The latter were partially justified in the case
of leprosy because it is only moderately contagious
and some individuals are not predisposed to it at
all. There were also traditions that recommended
supplication to God for relief from leprosy, for the
matter should not be left entirely to fate.
The legal status of the leper was directly related
to the pious traditions. Leprosy is not discussed in
the Arabic legal texts as a separate subject, but it
is treated as a disability within such broad areas as
marriage, divorce, inheritance, guardianship, and
interdiction of one's legal capacity [see hadjr].
Because leprosy was considered a mortal illness, the
leper was limited in his legal rights and obligations —
along with the minor, the bankrupt, the insane, and
the slave. The leper's status seems to have been
particularly close to that of the insane in legal mat-
ters, especially in regard to marriage and divorce:
a marriage could be dissolved by either person
cohabiting with his slave wives and still moie so
with his free wives which is consistent with a belief
in the hereditar> nature of the malad> \lso, Mahki
at the expense of the seller of slaves against anv
one veai in case of leprosv In addition the devel-
opment of leprosv in a slave might be a cause for
his manumission
In geneial the differing rehgio-legal tiaditions
seived as the bases for various inteipretations of the
disease These tiaditions account for the wide spec-
tium of behaviour bv and toward the lepei rang-
ing from his total iieedom of action to segregation
in lep-iosana The lange of popular iesponses to
the leper is leflected in eailv \iabic hteratuie that
deals with leprosv and other skin megularities \1
Djahiz and Ibn Kuta>ba [qq i ] collected poetrv and
narrative accounts on this subject Al-Djahiz s com-
pilation of material is to be found in his al Bursan
wa I 'urdian (Cairo 1972 8-110) which is concerned
s and per
chaia
The
show that phvsical infirmities and pec
not hinder an individual horn being a tulfy active
member of the community or bar him from impor-
tant offices \1-Djahiz maintained that such ailments
aie not social stigmas but are what ma> be called
signs of divine blessing or iavoui The afflicted were
spmtuallv compensated by God ind special meiit
should be attached to then lives Thus he coun-
tered the contrary opinion that the infiim should
be disparaged or satirised for their afflictions Most
of the poets quoted bv Ibn kutavba also appeal to
sa-y that skin disorders should not be the cause of
scoin and revilement but should prompt the suffer-
er to repentance ('{/)«« al alhbai iv b 3-7) Ibn
kuta\ba and al-Djahiz cite numerous references to
leprosy in \rabic poetry as in the fierce poetic
duels of Djanr and al-Farazdak and mention those
poets who were themselves leprous such as \vman
b Khurav m [q c ] There are other historical leports
of probable instances of the disease in eailv Islamic
history such as that of Ibn Muhnz [q i ]
The most important political figure in earry Islam
who was probably afflicted bv leprosv. was <Abd al-
<\ziz b Marwan [q i ] It is repoited that he suffeied
from lion-sickness le ajudham He was given manv
medications for the ailment but thev were ineffective
Theiefore his phvsicians advised him to move to
Hulwan [q i ] because of the sulphurous springs there
and he built his lesidence theie (\bu Sahh The churches
and monasteries of Egypt ed and tr B Evetts in inccdota
Oxomimm vu, Oxford 1895 154) Shortly after the
time of 'Abd al-'Aziz we have the brief but signifi-
cant statement of al-Taban that the caliph aI-\ Valid
I was in Svna probablv Damascus in 88/707 and
confeired a number of benefits upon the people Al-
Tabari savs He awarded the lepers [al mudjcidhdhamin]
and said Do not beg from the people And he
awarded even, invalid a servant and every blind man
a leadei' (Ta'rM vi Cairo 1964 496) As with the
invalids and the blind the caliph apparently made
provisions for the lepers in some manner The passage
is ambiguous but it seems that he had the lepeis
separated from the lest of the population (E Browne
Arabian medicine, repr Cambridge 19b2 16 f) This
act of al-\ Valid is tiaditionallv considered by \rabu
historians to be the institution of the first hospital
in Islam (ci S Hamaineh Dailopment of hospitals in
Islam in Journal of the Hilton of Medium and Allied
Somen xvn [1962] 367) The first hospital is alleged
b> al-Maknzi to have been built bv al-WalTd in the
\ear 88/707 and the caliph provided for doctors
and others in the manstan and he ordeied the lestramt
of the lepers [al dj_adhma\ lest the> go out and stipends
foi them and prov lsions foi the blind (al hhitat repr
Cairo 1970 n 405 see also bimaristan and \ Tssa
Histoire des Bimanstans Cauo 1928 95) One may well
imagine that the caliph created a hospice — dai al
maida latei called a manstan or bimaristan in the
'\bbasid period— foi the afflicted of the citv com-
parable to Bvzantine practice (see D Constantelos
Bi^anlme philanthrope and social ue/fart New Brunswick
NJ 1968 78 tt passim) The later hospitals of the
'Abbasid period treated lepiosv and othei chionu ail-
ments in special quarters (S Hamarneh Mtdual tdu
cation and practice in mtdwaal Islam in The history of
mcdual education ed C O Mallev Berkelev and Los
Angeles 1970 41)
Leprosv certainly existed in the Middle East dur-
ing the mediaeval period but there is no wa-y of
determining its extent Individual cases of Iepios\ are
occasionally mentioned in the historical hteiatuie
such as that of Abu 1-Baiakat al-Baghdadi [q i ]
who died of leprosv about 560/1164 We know as
well that leprosy afflicted the Jews because there is
especially in letters fiom Tibenas, wheie thev sought
healing in the hot springs and the air of the place
(J Mann Tke Jeus in Eg>pt and ,n Palestu ~ ' '
> f
192-5i
) Ibn a
Ukhuwwa (Ma'alim al/urba ed R Lew 1938 ch
xhi) the muhtasib or market inspector [see hisba]
must not allow people suffering from lepios\ to visit
the baths \lso from Egypt, a naif of the Mamluk
sultan Barsbav [q c ] states that those afflicted espe-
cially with leprosy (djudham aw haws) should not be
employed (A Darrag ed Laitt dc waqj de Barsbai
Cairo 1963 56) The specific disci imination against
lepers in these two instances appears to show that
the theological proscription of contagion had verv
little practical effect (see M Ullmann Islamic mcdi
line Edinbuigh 1978 ch vu Furtheimore lepeis
commonly begged in the streets of the cities despite
jn then behalf and laws
lendiu
\\ hue
■ been
genuinely lepious, it was not unusual during the
mediaeval penod lor men and women to feign the
disease bv intentional disfiguiement in ordei to leceive
public chant> fC E Bosworth The median al Islamic
underworld i Leiden 1976 24 84 100) Deception
of the opposite kind was also common in the slave
a buver had to be on his guard against
the
f lepro
; During the latei Middle \ges the reappear-
ance of plague must have destroved large numbers
of lepeis because of then exceptional vulnerability
to diseases other than lepios> The Black Death in
the mid-8th/14th centuiv and the serious iecurrences
of plague thereafter mav account foi the particular
depopulation of lepers among a generallv -diminished
population
In the Islamic West lepiosana were established
and special quaiters were designated lor lepers The
quarters seem generallv to have been located out-
side the walls of many Muslim cities, often m con-
lunction with leper cemeteries (Leo Afncanus
Description de I ifnquc ed ind tr A Epaulard
Pans 1956 i 60 f 229 n 399 E Levi-Provencal
DJUDHAM — DJULFA
Histoire de VEspagne musulmane, i, 188, iii 335, 382,
434). The first Muslim hospital appears to have been
built in al-Kayrawan, and near it was situated a
separate building called the dar al-djudhama, where
lepers received medical treatment (Hamarneh,
Development of hospitals, 375). Further west, the
Almohad sultan Ya'kub al-Mansur founded hospi-
tals ior lepers (see bimaristan and R. Le Tourneau,
Fes avant le Proteiloiat, Casablanca 1949, 72, 110).
Sulphur springs were considered to be particularly
beneficial for lepers in North Africa as they were
in the Middle East (E. Westermarck, Ritual and belief
in Morocco, London 1926, ii, 44, 484 ff„ 497 ff.;
Legey, Essai de folklore marocain, Paris 1926, 158; C.
Grey, ed. and tr.. Travels of Venetians in Persia, London
1873, 144; Leo Africanus, op. at.).
In Anatolia, the Ottomans built hospitals in the
later Middle Ages, similar to the Byzantine xen-
odochia. A leper house was built at Edirne in the
time of Murad II (d. 855/1451) and functioned for
almost two centuries. Before this foundation, the
Turks had constructed others in Sivas, Kastamonu,
and Kayseri. In 936/1530 Sulayman II built a lep-
rosarium in Scutari, which survived until modern
times. An important leper house was founded as a
waff by Sultan Selim I in 920/1514 near Istanbul,
which operated until 1920; it is described by A.
Siiheyl Onver in his article, About the history of
the lepromies in Turkey, in Neuburger Festschrift (1948),
447-50.
The traditional ways of dealing with lepers in
Muslim society lasted well into the 19th century.
Lepers and leprosaria were particularly noticed by
Western travellers, and their accounts add to our
knowledge about the plight of the diseased (U/rich
J. Seet Z en\ Reiser), Berlin 1854-9, i, 120 f, 277 f;
Klingmuller, op. cit., 49; D.L. Zambaco, Voyages chez
les lepreux, Paris 1891; Aus einem Brief des Herrn Conml
U'etzstein an Prof. Fleischer, in ± Di \[G, xxiii (1869),
309-13). There is no reliable observation of true lep-
rosy by Western travellers in the Middle East dur-
ing the mediaeval or early modern periods. The
only exception is the report of leprosy in Egypt by
Prosper Alpini in his Medicina Aegvptowm [1719], 56).
Europeans' concern about the disease was often
heightened by their belief in its highly contagious
nature (M. Clerget, Le Caire, ii, Cairo 1934, 16;
Description de VEgypte, i, Paris 1809, 492-8, ii/2, Paris
1822, 697; Clot-Bey, Apercu general sur VEgypte, ii,
Paris 1840, 356 f). Leprosy was also probably com-
mon in the countryside, but most of our docu-
mentation comes from the urban centres. Leprosy
as well as syphilis and elephantiasis frequently
occurred in Egyptian villages in the 19th century
and were poorly treated (J. Walker, Folk medicine in
modern Egypt, London 1934, 23). Today leprosy
remains a health problem in the Middle East and
North Africa.
Bibliography:
I. Terminology: The technical vocabulary for
leprosy has been discussed by mediaeval and mod-
ern scholars: E. Seidel, Die Medizin im Kitab Mafatih
al 'Ulum, in SBPMS Erlg., xlvii (1915), 10, 16 f;
Li, iii, 474 ff., viii, 151, 270, xi, 311, xiv, 353-7;
Lane, Lexicon, 188, 267, 298; P. Richter, Beitrage zur
Geschichte des Auswtze^, in Sudhoff's Archiv fur Geschichte
der Medizin, iv (1911), 328-52; F. Adams, Vie Seven
Books of Paulus Aegineta, London 1846, ii, 12-5, 21-
3; C. Elgood, On the significance of al-Bara< and al-
Bahaq, in JASB, xxvii (1931), 177-81; A.
Stettler-Schar, Leprologie im Mittelalter und im del fruhen
1972, 55-72.
II. Medica
n additi.
o the
: Galeni opera omnia, ed. by Ktihn,
1821-33, xiv, 757; Caelius Aurelianus, On acute
diseases, ed. and tr. I. Drabkin, Chicago 1950,
816-9; Oribasius, Collectio medica, tr. C.
Daremberg, Paris 1851, iv, 59 ff.; H. Carlowitz,
Der Lepmabschmtt aus Bernard von Gordons "Lillium
medicinae", Leipzig 1913, 9; D. L. Zambaco, La
lepre a travers les siecles et les contrees, Paris 1914;
V. Klingmuller, Die Lepra, Berlin 1930; H.A.
Lichtwardt, Leprosy in Afghanistan, in International
Jnal. of Leprosy, ii (1935), 75 f; M. el-Dalgamouni,
The antileprosy campaign in Egypt, in IJL, vi (1938),
1-11; L. Rogers and E. Muir, Leprosy, Baltimore
1946; R. Cochrane and T. Davey, eds., Leprosy
in theory and practice', Bristol 1964; V. Moller-
Christensen, Evidence of leprosy in earlier peoples, in
D. Brothwell and A. Sandison, eds., Diseases in
antiquity, Springfield, 111. 1967, 295-306; idem,
Evidence of tuberculosis, leprosy and syphilis in Antiquity
and the Middle Ages, in Proceedings of the 19th
International Congress of the History of Medicine (Basel
1964), Basel-New York 1966, 229-34; H.
Koelbing and A. Stettler-Schar, Aussatz, Lepra,
Elephantiasis Graecorum — zur Geschichte der Lepra in
Altertum, in Beitrage zur Geschichte der Lepra, 34-54;
O. Skinenes, Motes from the history of leprosy, in
IJL, xli (1973), 220-37; E. Kohout, T. Hushangi,
B. Azadeh, Leprosy in Iran, in IJL, xli (1973),
102-11.
III. Social history: In addition to the works
cited above, see: Ibn Hawkal, Configuration de la
terre, tr. Kramers and Wiet, Paris-Beirut 1964,
ii, 30, 35; C. Niebuhr, Travels, Edinburgh 1792,
ii, 276 f; C. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta,
London 1936, i, 436 f, 655, ii, 18; W. Wittmann,
Travels, repr. New York 1971, 352, 446, 452 f;
K. Opitz, Die Medizin im Koran, Stuttgart 1906,
22 f, 27, 39 f.; E. Seidel, Die Lehre von der
Contagion bei den Arabern, in AGM, vi (1912), 81-
93; K. Gron, Lepra in Literatur und Kunst, in
Klingmuller, op. cit., 806-42; Y.L. de Bellefonds,
Twite de droit musulman compare, Paris 1965, 245-
69; R. Eshraghi, Social aspects of leprosy, in Meshed
Medical Journal, iii (1969), 381-9; N.A. Stillman,
Charity and social services in medieval Islam, in Societas,
v (1975), 105-15; M.W. Dols, The Black Death in
the Middle East, Princeton 1977, 23 et passim.
(M.W. Dols)
DflJHAYNA [see kuda'a].
DIULFA (in Armenian, julay), a t
Araxe
border
Adharbaydjan, once in Armenia and now in the
U.S.S.R. Also, in 1014/1605, Shah 'Abbas I founded
a suburb of Isfahan bearing the same name, to
accommodate the Armenians transferred by him from
the original town.
I. Djulfa in Adharbaydjan is situated in lat. 38°
58' N, long. 45° 39' E, and is built on the northern
bank of the Araxes besides an old bridge (Sharaf
al-Din 'Ali Yazdi", The history of Timur-Bec, London
1723, 265-6); it lies in the ancient canton of Goh'n,
mentioned in Armenian literature as early as the
History of Moses of Khoren (J.A. Saint-Martin,
Memoires historiques et geographiques mr VArmenie, Paris
1818, i, 1267, 133, 237, ii, 365, 423). Lying on the
edge of a volcanic belt extending south-east into
Iran, the surrounding land is rocky and barren,
although suitable for the cultivation of the vine —
Moses of Khoren refer;, to Goh'n as gineuet ( wine
nch ) On the mam route northwards from Tabriz
to Nakhidjevan and Tiflis m the lOth/lbth centu-
iv Djulfa became the centre of a flourishing com-
munity of \imeman merchants trading as far afield
as Europe, India and Central Mia and with a spe-
cial inteiest in the traffic of silk According to
Cartw light at the end of the centurv the popula-
tion was 10 000 with 2,000 houses (John Cartw right
The Punch, s Travels London lbll 35-6)
Mter his successful campaigns against the Ottoman
Tuiks Shah c \bbas I resohed to depopulate eastern
Mmema and to create an emptv tiau between him-
self and his enemv To this end he transfened tht
majoi pait of the population to Peisia estimated at
some bO 000 tamihes including numbers of Georgians
and Jews besides Armenians The exodus is descnbed
bv the Armenian chronicler Mak'el of Tabuz who
refers to it as the gieat mt^un ( exile expulsion )
(Mak'el of Tabnz Lure d histoms St Petersburg 1874
ti M Brosset) it was consideied disastious m the
eves of the Armenians who composed main bittei
folk-songs lamenting their eviction from a piosperous
area Shah 'Abbas I captured Djulfa in 1013/1604
and lecogmsmg the useful role that the merchants
might plav in his own economv tiansfened them to
Isfahan, he gave them thiee davs to gathei their pos-
sessions and then destroved the town and budge
Although Djulfa was ruined a few Armenians made
their wav back later in the 1 1th/ 1 7th centurv Remains
of chinches and the ancient cemeterv still survive
The extension of the Russian lailwav system to Tabriz
through Djulfa and its establishment befoie the first
World War as a stage on the Indo-European tele-
graph line led to an increase m its importance it
now serves as a frontiei post between Iran and the
USSR
II New Djulfa (in Armenian, Not Julavl is situ-
ated in lat i2° 40' N long 51° 41' E and forms
a suburb ol Isfahan built on the south bank of the
Zavanda-rud river linked to the C ahar Bagh in
Isfahan bv the Mlahwardi Khan bridge It was cre-
ated in 1014/lb05 bv Shah "\bbas I to house the
Armenians transferred from old Djulfa on the praxes
Other Armenian emigrants were settled in Islahan
itself but subsequentlv moved to New Djulfa in 1065-
b/1654-5 where the mixed geographical origin of
the population was reflected in the names of the dif-
ferent quarters such as Hinanh (Eievan) \akshnanli
(Nakhidjevan) (Ghardm n 97 The population ol
New Djulfa has been estimated at 1 5 000-20 000 to
start with rising to 30 000 bv lb30 Some 50 000
more Armenians were settled in 24 villages in the
countrvside around Isfahan The spiritual head of
the commumtv was a Bishop owing allegiance to the
Cathohcos at Etchrmadzin and lesponsible foi
Armenians throughout Persia as well as those in
Basra and Baghdad (Gregorian op at, 667)
Shah 'Mibas I helped the newcomeis to estab-
lish themselves in New Djulfa even assigning Persian
masons and engineers to assist them His support
of the Djulfa merchants in international tiade was
of immense consequence both of tbe Persian econ-
omv and then own good fortune The strength of
their position was assuied in 1027/1618 when the
\iracnian merchants secuied the monopolv of the
silk trade abroad wresting the privilege from the
British \ measure of the significance of this mono-
polv is the estimated volume of the silk crop in Persia
more than 4 million pounds in the earlv 11th/ 17th
centurv rising to 6 million pounds bv the lb70s
(G Issawi The iconomu luston of ban 1600 1914
Chicago 1971 12) \ luither advantage was gained
in Russia in 1078/ 16b7 when Gzai Meksei
Mikhailovich gi anted the Armenians special pnvi-
leges including the right to travel north from
Astrakhan and deal directlv with European buvers
The main advantage to Shah <M)bas I was the skill
of the merchants in foieign tiade coupled with their
reputation for honest, and diligence With New
Djulfa at tht centre an international tiade network
tabhsl
i chants
ettled a
fai afield as Tonkin Siam, Java the Phihppm,
India the Near East Holland France England
Germanv Italv Poland Sweden and Spain Spices
cotton goods and porcelain were bi ought from the
Fai East and India silk was exported from Peisia
to Europe in retuin a large vanetv of European
goods was imported into Persia including cloth
glass clocks and watches metal-woik and oil paint-
ings M one traveller observed, Ml the commodi-
ties of the East weie made known to the West and
those of the West serve as new ornaments foi the
East in the midst of Persia is now Ua 1112/1700)
seen even, thing that is curious throughout all the
countries where the merchants have extended then
conespondence ( J P de Toumefort Relation dun
toyage du Leiant Pans 1717 m H2-il
Shah 'M>bas I accorded the Armenians something
close to equal status with his Muslim subjects New
Djulfa was oiganised as a sepaiate entitv within the
citv under the jurisdiction of its own kalantar [at]
lesponsible fot the collection of taxes, and a kadkhuda
foi the maintenance of civic older [see Isfahan Vol
IV p 103] Foreign embassies and missions were gen-
eiallv housed in New Djulfa as the Armenians were
skilled linguists and often acted as interpieteis and
mtei mediai ies this gave them a double advantage in
the conduct of exchanges between the foreigners and
the Persian court Foieign missionaries such as the
Jesuits, Dominicans and Carmelites were also estab-
lished in New Djulfa so were foreign craftsmen like
lewellers gunsmiths and watchmakeis who often took
Armenian wives Shah c \bbas I took a personal inter-
est in the affairs of the Armenian commumtv visit-
ing them in New Djulfa and even attending religious
festivals such as Ghnstmas and Easter In 1029/1619
he took part in a special ceremonv on the banks of
the Zavandarud afterwaids dining and spending the
night with his Armenian hosts (P della Valle linages
m 100-13)
The increasing wealth of the Mmeman com-
mumtv was reflected in the erection of numerous
churches and private houses erected in New Djulfa
m the first half of the 11th/ 17th centurv The
churches of which thirteen still suivive combine
Aimeman plans with Persian construction brick
replacing the Mmeman traditional use of dressed
stone two of the churches have omon-shaped domes
with double shells The decoration is an eclectic
mixture of Armenian, European and Persian ele-
ments The inteiiors of the two largest churches
Surb Mnenaperkitc h (Ml Savioui s Cathedial) and
Mevdam Betghahem (Bethlehem Ghurch) contain
carved gilt stucco cuerda seta tile panels, and wall-
ablv the woik of Western artists and Armenian
assistants New Djulfa was also a centre for copv-
are among the collection of almost 700 Mmeman
manuscnpts in the Museum adjacent to the Cathe-
dral which also contains other items of historical
Safawid period either built round a central court
yard or in the middle oi a walled garden with
separate quarteis lor men and women Several are
dtcoiated with wall-paintings in European manner
as well as in more comentional Persian style When
Sir Thomas Herbert MSited the house ol the kalan
la, Kh adja Nazar in 1038/1628 the impropnety
of the wall-paintings earned his disappro\al
The Aimenians weie iesponsible lor introducing
a number oi Western innovations the most signif
icant oi which was the pnnting-piess using cast metal
type the first Aimeman work printed in New DjulfS
was the Book ol Psalms ISaghmos), which appeared
m 1638
Shah 'Abbas Is friendly policy towards the
Armenian minority continued undei his successors
Shah SafT and Shah 'Abbas II but by the second
hali ol the 11th/ 17th century during the reign of
Shah Sulavman relations between the Persians and
the Aimenians became strained In the 12th/ 18th
centurv under Nadir Shah the Armenians suffered
Armenians emigrated paiticularly to India At pies
ent the Aimeman communis is i educed to less than
500 iamihes A large Armenian cemeter\ with sev-
eral thousand carved giavestones including those oi
a number oi Euiopeans lies to the south of the
Bibliography I Old Djulia The Armenian
sources include a description of the area attnb
uted to Moses Khorenac'i (Moses of Khoien)
Geographic de Moi.se de Corene d'apres Ptolemee, \ emce
1881, Armenian text, tr. A. Soukry: see also \
Langlois, Collection des historiens anciens et modernes
de VArmenie, Paris 1869-80, ii. The major source
17th c
:tzi (Arak'el
s Armera
,f Tabriz
Lmre d
: M. 1
t, St.
Petersburg 1874; a ms. by Pere Badjet
details of the forced migration, see JA (1837), tr.
Brosset; see also R. Gulbenkian, L'ambassade en
Perse de Luis Pereira de Lacerda, et des Peres Portugais
de I Oidre de Saint Augustm Belchw, do, injo s et
Gmlherme de Santo Agostino 1604 1605 Lisbon 1972
and L Ahshan Siumk' kam Sisakan \ emce 1893
For a description oi the bridge across the Araxes
in the 14th centuiv Sharai al-Din 'Ah ^ azdi
The history of Timur Bti London 1723 \ anous
European travelleis mention the town in the 17th
and 18th centuries J Cartw right Ttu Puachers
Traiels London lb 11 A de Gouvea Relation
des grandes gutrrts et nctoirts obtenuts par Chah
Abbas Rouen lb46 JB Tavermei Les
six lavages Pans lb82 Sir John Chaidin
Voyage in Past it au\ Indes Orientates Amsterdam
168b Pere J \ lllotte I oyages d un missionaue
en Turquie en Post in Armtnu en Ar able et en Barbani
Pans 1730 In the 19th centurv. the ruined town
is described bv Sn W Ouselev Ttaiils in lanous
country oj the tast London 1819-23 m Sn
R Kei Potter Travels in Geo> S m Persia Aimtnia
Ancient Babylonia London 1821 2 F Dubois
de Montpereux Uyagi autour du Cautase Pans
1839-43 iv idem itlas Neuchatel 1843 n Plate
XVSAII E Biavley Hodgetts Round about
Armenia London 1896 The most recent histori-
cal study is that oi \ Gregorian Minorities oj
Isjahan the Armenian tommumty of Isfahan
1587 1722 in Studies on Isjahan II m Jnal of
the Soatty jo, Iranian Studus vn (1974) See also
Russian tmbassies to the Georgian Kings [1589 1605)
ed W Allen tr A Mango Cambridge 1970
For Armenian remains in the aiea see Jurgis
Baltrusaitis Etudes sur I art medieial en Georgie it in
irmeme Pans 1929 Muhammad Jav ad Mashkur
ha<_ar, bih tankh i Adharbaydjan la athar i bastam
la djam'iyyat shinasi an Tehran 1349 sh L Azanan
and A Manoukian Khatchka, documents oj Armenian
architecture 2 Milan 19b9
II New Djulia The leading Armenian source
is \ Ter "iovhamantz Patmut'mn Mor Jutayi or
yispahani (History oj \iw Djulja in Isjahan) New
Djulia 1880 see also \ Giegonan op cit On
the special dialect oi Djulfa see K Patkanov
Lshdoiame o dialektakh armnanskago ia^ika St
Peteisbuig 1869 76-103 Isma'il Ra'in Iraniyan
armam Tehran 1350 sh gives a general his
tory of Aimemans in Iran The history of the
community in New Djulfa is richly document
ed in the works of European travellers in addi
tion to those already mentioned see Pietro della
\alle Delia conditiom di Abbas Ri di Persia \ emce
lb28 idem \iaggi de P delta I \ emce 1661
G de Silva y Figueroa L ambassade de D G de
Silva y Figuetoa in Perse Pans 1667 Sir Thomas
Herbert A relation oj somi ytaits haiaille
London 1634 and 3id ed 1665 Adam Oleanus
The i oyages and travels oj Ihi Ambassador sent by
Fndtrick Dukt oj Holstein London lb62 Pere
Raiael Du Mans Estat dt la Perse en 1660
Pans 1890 Gabriel de Ghinon Relations nomelles
et des coutumes des Perses dts Armtnitns et des
Games 1671 Jean de Thevenot Relation d un
loyage Jait au Levant Paris 1664-84 Andre
Daulier Deslandes, Les beautez de la Perse
Paris 1673; Jan Struys, Dne aanmerkelijke en seer
ramspoedige Reysen door Italien, Griekenlandt, Lijflandt,
Moscovien, Tartarian, Meden, Persien, Oost-Indien,
Japan . . ., Amsterdam 1676; John Fryer, A new
account of East-India and Persia . . ., London 1698;
Sir William Hedges, The diary of W.H dur-
ing his agency in Bengal . . ., Hakluyt Society,
London 1887; Cornelius de Bruyn, Reizen van
C. de Bruyn . . ., Delft 1698. Important mate-
rial concerning the Catholic missions and the
Armenians is contained in A chronicle of the
Carmelites in Persia, London 1939; For Armenian
trade, R.W. Ferrier, The Armenians and the East
India Company in Persia, in Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd
ser., i (1973); N. Steensgaard, Carracks, caravans
and companies, Copenhagen 1973; For the 18th
century and later history of New Djulfa, The
chronicles of Petros di Sarkis Gilanentz, tr. C.
Minasian, Lisbon 1959; and L. Lockhart, The
fall of the Safavi dynasty and the Ajghan onupation
of Persia, Cambridge 1958 For Djulfaites abroad
see M. Seth, The Armenians in India Calcutta
1937; and J.M. Dos Santos Simoes Carreaux
ceramiques Hollandais au Portugal it in Espagne
The Hague 1959; For the churches domestic
architecture, and crafts, see John Caiswell N'eu
Julfa, the Armenian churches and other buildings
Oxford 1968; K. Karapetian Isjahan /Via Julfa
le case degli Armem/The homes of the Armenians
Rome 1974; A.U. Pope, ed A sune\ of Persian
art, Oxford 1939; T.S.R. Boase A seanlunth ten
tury typological cycle oj paintings- in the Armenian
Cathedral in Julfa, in Journal oj the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes, xiii (1950) Foi details of the
cemetery, see T.W. Haig Graies of Europeans in
DJULFA — a
the iimtman timtkn at Uj ah an in JRAS xi (1919)
,J CASWELL)
DJULLANAR is the blossom of the pomegran-
ate (< Persian gul i anar), in Greek prAccurmov
according balaaustiiun (with variants) in the
Stephanos-Hunavn ti inslation It is the blossom of
the wild pomegianate tiee (rumman ban!) llso c llled
al maz^ b\ the Arab botanists It is mentioned m
passing b\ Asma'i (A al Vabat ed 'Abd Allih il-
Ghunivm Cairo 1392/1972 3b and described in
detnl b\ Abu Hamta al-Dinawan (Le dutionnmit
botamque ed M Hamidullah Cairo 1973 no 1028
i this
the t
(ai is helling effecl
emphasised b\ Dioscondes in the respective
thev have in astnngent effect and are gooc
trie complaints dvsenterv and enteric ulc
.readv
thev
Erethei i
lunds s
nka) applied on the held in compresses with vinegar
thev check congestion oi the blood to the brim In
the absence ot blossoms one c in also use the shells
ot the pomegranate
Bibliography Dioscundes Dt materia midua ed
Wellmann i Berlin 1907 104 t = lib i 111 La
•\latena mediea dt Dwswridts n (Arabic ti ) ed
Dublei and Teres Tetuan 1952 108 Razi Haul
xx Hivdarabad 1387/1967 254-6 no 210 Die
pharmakolog Grundsat^t des ibu Mansui Haiaai
ti ACh Achundow Halle 1893 361 373 Ibn
al-Djazzar I'timad Ms Av isoha 3564 (ol 61a
b, Zahnwi Tasrij Ms Besir Agi 502 fol 502a
4 Ibn Sina hanun Bulak i 284 t Ibn Biklarish
Musta'iiu Ms Naples Bibl Niz m F 65 (ol
29b Ghafiki al U,na al mujrada Ms Rabat Bibl
Gen k 155 i tol 113a-b, Ibn Hubil Mukhtarat
Hivdnabad 1362 n 54 P Gunnies /«, norm
mabts dans Strapwn in Ji lOeme sene (19051 v
s v lulma, (no 293) Maimonides Sharh asma' al
'ukkar ed Meveihof Cmo 1940 no 75 Ibn al-
B iv tar Djami' Bulak 1291 i 164 tr Lee lei c no
494 \usutb 'Umai Mu'tamad ed M al Sikka'
Beirut 1395/1975 69 ( Ibn al-kutt 'Umda
Havdaiabad 1356 i 226 Suwavdi Simat Ms
Pans ar 3004 tol 65b, Nuwivn \\ha\a xi Cano
1935 100 5 (with nrinv examples horn poetiv)
Ghassim Hadikat al ajiar Ms Hasin Husm 'Abd
al-Wahhab lol 32a-b Dawud al-Antaki Tadhkira
Cairo 1371/1952 1, 106 Tuhjat al ahbab ed
Remud and Colin Pans 1934 no 94 I Low
Du Flora der Judm in 95 The medical formulan or
iqrabadhin of al kmdi, ti M Levev Madison etc
1966 253 t (no 65) (A Dietrich)
al-DIURDIANI Abu Bakr 'Abd al-Kahir b
'Abd al-Rahman (d 471/1078) philologist and
hteraiv theorist was bom in Gurgan wheie he
spent
which i
studied giammai with Muhar
al-riasan al-Fansi a nephew ol Abu 'Ah ,
\akut alone (Irshad, v 249) jeports that
also tutoied bv al-kadi al-Djurdjam but
little
imad b
mpoi i:
al-Djurdjam was
:luded s
"lemen highlands puts toith blossoms \djullanat)
does not beai truit ind his l hard infhmma
wood The outei lavers ot the seedshell and
the blossoms themselves as the texts hive it — vield
i jellv-like tastv juice which pioduces a
effect and is used as i medicine Diullana,
occasionallv put together oi compared with the
Hvpokistis [lubukistidhas = tmoMo-Tiooc,) a pulpv heib
growing in the loots ol the Cistus and also used
■ Both also higel
popuhi manuils as Wat 'amil and A al Diurnal as
well is alMughm |i commentirv in 30 volumes on
Abu 'All al-Fansis A al Idali) and a short veision ot
it cilled al Uuktawd He llso wiote on I'd^a^ (the inim-
ltabilitv ot the kui'in) etymology ind piosodv and
he compiled in anthology oi the poetiv ot Abu
Tammim al-Buhtun and il-Mutinibbi
However to later generations and especialK to mod-
ern scholais al-Djuidjam s reputation rests on his
poweitul and sophisticated theo
; have
which n
ma'am ind 'dm al baum He him
; two independent blanches ot li
Al-Djuidjam s exploiation ot poetic structme o
mated as an inquirv into the mvstenes ot i'dia^
soon developed into a comprehensive theorv on
poetic imagerv Going bevond the dualism oi nh
(meaning) and laf^ (words) he aigues that eloque
and expiessiveness aie functions neithei ot mean
oi woids but oi the construction (na m\ oi
t (lit
r )
At the roots oi al-Djurdjam s theorv oi construe -
ar\ cieation He believes that the linguistic stiucture
ot experience and that the older ot words in the toi
mer follows the oidei ot meanings m the psvche (nafs)
which is presupposed b\ the intellect i'akl) Identifying
some ot the basic svntictic stiuttuies in Aiabic he
explores the conespondence in them between the
stiuctuie ot language and the stiuctuie of thought
He then outlines a svmbolic theorv of language accoid-
mg to which language is a svstem oi relations la con-
cept fundamental to modem linguistics) governed b\
two principles the aibiturv nature of linguistic signs
and the conventional nituie ot language itself The
fust pnnciple me ins that theie is no mheient lela-
Oon between a word and its leierent and theretoie
which rendei it better or woise than an\ othei woid
In fact a word does not me in much until it Ins
the s
.mng c
t be
expiessed in two different
in a composition generates changes on the semantic
level Thus the unit oi linguistic anahsis ceases to be
the single word and becomes the iulK meaningful toi-
muhtion in which everv element is an oigimt part
ol the total structure No element is extraneous oi
superfluous This applies to all aspects of stiuctuie
including imagerv
Al-Djuidjam identifies two distinct wavs of expres-
sion one direct the othei lndnect The content ol
the first he calls 'meaning thit of the second the
meaning of meaning Meaning is comeved b\ lit
eral statement the meaning of meaning b\ meti-
L-DJURDJANI -
phoncal language, kinaya and one t\pe of tamthll An
image is thus \iewed not as an alternate, e to, 01 orna-
mentation of literal statement (as widek believed in
both Arabic and western criticism until this century),
but as a distinct act of imaginative creation which
e\pi esses a meaning otheiwise impossible to express
The israr is de\oted to the study of imagery, its
natuie, function, lelationship to thought and vari-
ous foims Al-Djuidjam identifies two types of madjaz,
one pertaining to language (lughawi), the other to
the intellect ('akll) and differentiates the types of
madjaz based on transference from those involving
no transference, distinguishing sharpK between two
fundamental lelationships, contiguity and similarity
The latter he asseits to be the tatson d'etre of tsti
'ara [qv] Refining the concept of isti'ara fuither,
he denies the dominant view that isti'ara invokes
transference One t\pe ol isti'ara he shows cleaik
to be based on proportional analogy and to imoke
no transfeience of a single woid at all, the othei
type (invoking the usage of a single word) he defines
using a word to refei to a thing other than its orig-
inal refeient, on the basis of some similarity levealed
between the refeients, while however still possessing
its original meaning and thus becoming a double-
unit underlined by tension In this fashion he antic-
ipates I A Richard's work which has revolutionised
the study of metaphor
All types of imagery, except kinaya, ouginate in
similarity, and similarity, al-Djuidjani argues, is a
sharing (ishtirak) of
which I
either
the attribute itself (fi 'I sifa nafstha ua haklkat djinsi
ha, or in something presupposed by or resultant
fiom the attribute (ft hukm" laha ua muktada )
ty fiom one image to another Al-DjurdjanI uses
these basic distinctions to classify the various types
of imagery and explore their imaginame and sty-
listic lole He thus establishes two inseparable cri-
teria to define an image the imaginatne basis
undeilying it and the linguistic appaiatus in which
it is foimulated Tashbih is thus differentiated from
and t
biguou
involving the copula "Zaid is a lion" is descnbed
as an intensified simile (tashbih baligh) rathei than
an uti'ara (a distinction not yet made sufficiently
clearly in modem European criticism) Consequently,
al-Djuidjani" denies the interchangeabilitv of tashbih,
tamthll and isti'ara
The central piece of al-Djuidjam's work on
isti'ara is his classification of its types according
to the natuie of the dominant trait or point of
similarity in each type This fundamentally anti-
isificat
n repie:
e of tl
est de\elopments in the analysis of metaphor in
Euiopean studies (cf K Abu Deeb, Al Jurjam's das
classification of metaphor, in Journal of Arabic Literatim,
11 (1971))
Thioughout his analysis, al-Djurdjani uses psycho-
logical cntena of a strong Gestaltian natuie He also
hints at an organic approach to poetry according to
which a poem is to be studied as an oiganic whole
whose parts interact with, and modify, each other,
then interaction being determined by the dominant
emotion underlying the poem His piactical criticism
is a fine example of the power of this approach to
illuminate aspects of the poem which would remain
otherwise hidden.
Bibliography 1 al-Djurdjani's published
works israr al balagha, ed H Ritter, Istanbul
1954, Dala'il al-i'djaz, ed Rashid Rida', Cairo
1366/1946, hitdb alQumal, ed 'Air Haydar,
Damascus 1972, Mt'at 'ami/ (also known as al
'iwamil almi'a, Bulak 1247/1831, al Muhhtar mm
shi'r al Mutanabbi ua 'l-Buhturf wa ibi Tammam, in
al-Tara'if al adabma, ed A A. al-Maymam Cairo
1937, alRisala al shafiya fi t'djaz al Kur'an, in
Thalath rasa'il fi t'djaz al Kur'an, ed M Khala-
falla and MZ Sallam, Cairo 1956
2 Works with biographical information
on al-Djuidjani al-Bakhaizi Dumyat al kasr, ed
al-Hilu, Cairo 1388/1968, Ibn al-Anbari, Nuzhat al-
alibba', Baghdad 1294/1877, al-Kiftr, Inbah al ruwat,
Cairo 1955, Brockelmann, I, 114. 287, S I, 503
3 Modem studies on al-Djurdjani
K Abu Deeb, 41 Jurjam's theory of poetic imagery,
London 1978, idem, Studies in irabu literary enh
asm, the tomept of organic unity, in Edebiyat, in,
Philadelphia 1977, MZ al-' Ashmawf, Kadaya al
nakd al adabi ua 1 balagha, Cairo 1967?," A A
Badawl, 'Abd al Kahir alDjurdjant, Cairo 1962 ? , M
Khalafalla 'ibd al kahir 's theory in hu "Stents of
Eloquence" a psychologtial approach in JNES, xiv (1955)
N Mandur, Fi 'I mizan al djadid , Cairo n d , A.
Matlub, 'ibd al-Kahtr al L^urdjani, Beirut 1973,
Rittei Introd to his edn of the Asrar al-balagha
(K. Abu Deeb)
DOG [see kalb]
DOGMA [see 'akjda]
DOMAIN [see day 'a]
DOME OF THE ROCK [see kubbat al-sakhra]
DONATION [see hiba]
DOVE [see hamam]
DRAFSH-I KAWIYAN [see kawa]
DRAGOMAN [see turdjuman]
DRAGON [see tinnIn]
DROMEDARY [see ibil]
DRUGGIST [see 'attar]
al-DUWAYHI, Ibrahim al-Rashid b Salih al-
Dunkulawi al-^ia^ki, Sufi shaykh of Nubian exti ac-
tion and belonging to the Shadhiliyva order, and a
disciple and thalffa [qv] of Ahmad b Idrls [q , ]
He was born in 1228/1813 in Duwayh near Dunkula
(Dongola) on the Nubian Nile and belonged to the
tube of the Sha'ikiyya He joined the lehgious com-
munity of Ahmad b Idils m 1246/1830 in the town
of Sabya in 'Asir [q i ], wheie the latter had sought
refuge from prosecution for heresy by the Meccan
'ulama', and succeeded him as leader of the
Ahmadiyya (al-Idnsiyva) tarlka upon his death in
1254/1837 Rivalnes about the tarika leadership,
which imoked the two most notable of Ahmad b
Idris's disciples, Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani
[q <. ] and Muhammad b 'All al-Sanusr [?<-], caused
him to lea\e Sabya He went first to Egypt and
later to the Sudan where he propagated the order
Finally, he settled in Mecca where he faced charges
of heiesv on two occasions in 1273/1856-7 brought
against him at the instigation of competing factions
from among Ahmad b Idris's disciples These
charges were dropped due to intervention by the
Ottoman go\einor of the Hidjaz, and on the sec-
ond occasion due to intervention by the shaykh al
'ulama' of Mecca Le Chateher (see Bibliography)
reports that he was one of the most popular shaykhi
of Mecca, in paiticular with Indian pilgnms who
flocked to his zautya [ji] and from whom he
received substantial donations After his death in
1291/1874, when the tarika, which had by then
l-DUWAYHI — ELICPUR
become known as al-Rashidiwa and had obtained
a membership in S\na, Egypt, Sudan and Yem
has passed under the leadeiship of his succes
Muhammad b Sahh (d 1909), his nephew, a decl
set in A distinct branch al-Sahhrvya [a i ] dev
oped in Somalia undei the lattel s disciple Muha
mad Guled al-Rashidi (d 1918, cf E Ceiu
Somalia Scritti ian edit, ed medit, Rome 1957, i 187
and allegiance to the Meccan zauiya as the tarll
principal centie teased to be paid by Ibiahn
khulafa' in Egypt In the latter counttv an in.
pendent branch known as al-Dandaiawi\y a emen
under the leadeiship of the son of one of Ibiah
al-Rashid's khulaja', Abu 1-' Abbas al-Dandaravu
1950) which obtained membership in Egypt and
Somalia in paiticular (cf al-Mirghani al-Idrisi Da'
' hakk ji 7 tanka al Dandaiduma al IdrUina Ca
nushld f
mhld v
"ft
rika Sidl
1952
The claims by members of al-Rashidivy a that their
tanka embodied the purest foi m of Ahmad b Idris s
teachings were disa\owed by Amin al-RThani, Muluk
al'irab, Beirut 1951', i, 285 ft , who based his con-
clusions upon personal observations of religious prac-
tice of a Rashidiyva group m Aden
Bibliography In addition to the references
given in the article, see J S Tnmingham, Mam
m the Sudan, Oxford 1949 230 f, idem, hi
in Ethiopia, Oxford 1952, 235, 243 f idem, :
Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford 1971, 120 f, w
draws heavily upon the account given b\ A
Chateher, Lis lonjrcrus musulmanes du Hid/az, Pa
1887, 92-7; Muhammad Khalil al-Hadjra
Ibrahim al Rashid, Cano 1314/189b-7, contains
the most extensive biography in Arabic and biog-
raphical data on some of his khulafa' in Egypt
(98 ft ) This biogiaphy ma\ be found back m
an abbieuated foim in Muhammad al-Bashli
Zafn, al lauaklt al thamlna ft a'yan madhhab 'ahm
al Madlna Cairo 1324-5/1906-7, 94, For names
of Ibrahim al-Rashid al-Duwayhi's khulafa' in
Somalia, see also 'Aydarus b 'All al-'AydaiQs
al-Nadiri al-'Alawi, Bughyat al amal ft ta'rlkh al
\umal, Mogadishu 1954, 22i f , Ibrahim al-
Rashid himself wrote a biography of his teacher
Ahmad b Idris entitled al 'Ikd al dun al najls of
which only sections were published by Sahh b
Muhammad al-Madani in al Uuntaka al nafls fl
manakib kutb da'uat al takdls Ahmad b Idris
Cairo 1960 39 ff
Foi publications of the Older, see Muhammad
b Ahmad al-Dandaiawi, Sanad al tanka al ihmadma
al Idiisnva al Raihidiyya al Uuhammadma,
Alexandria, n d , Musa Agha Rasim (ed I Au rad
Ibrahim al-Rashid, Alexandria 1309/1891-2,
Publications of al-Rashidivy a al-Dandaiawiy\a are
Muhammad Ibrahim Nasr al-Hanri ( ed ), iurad
al \hmadiyya, Cairo n d , Faradj Ahmad al-Salimi,
al Durar al nakivva ft aurad al tanka al Dandaiaunva
al Idrhma Alexandria n d , 'Abd Allah al-Yamani
al Aurad al Ahmadiyya al Rashidnva al Dandareluiita
alsalat al'azlnuyya,' ^Benut 1387/1967-8
DYNASTY [:
EJO>
E
EAGLE [see 'ukab].
EBONY [see abanus].
EBLIS [see iblis].
EBRO [see ibruh].
ECLIPSE [see kusuf].
ECONOMIC LIFE [see filaha, mal, sina'a,
djara, etc.].
EDICT [see farman]-
EKINCI b. Kockar, Turkish slave co
mander of the Saldjuks and governor for them
KVarazm with the traditional title of Kh"ara;
Shah [a.v.] in 490/1097. He was the successor
this office of Anushtigin Gharca'i, the founder of the
subsequent line of Kh"arazm-Shahs who made their
province the centre of a great military empire in
period preceeding the Mongol invasions. According
to Ibn al-Athir, x, 181-2, Ekenci was one of Sultan
Berk-Yaruk's slaves (but according to Djuwayni, ii,
3, tr. Boyle, i, 278, one of Sandjar's slaves), and was
appointed to Kh"arazm by Berk-Yaruk's representa-
tive in the east, the Dad-Beg Habashi, probably when
Berk-Yaruk came himself to Khurasan early in
490/1097. Ekinci did not enjoy power there for long,
however, being killed later that year by a conspira-
cy of ghuldms, his successor as Kh u arazm-Shah then
being Anushtigin's son Kutb al-Din Muhammad.
Ekinci's son Toghril-tigin is mentioned also by Ibn
al-Athir as a subsequent rebel against Kutb al-Din.
Ekinci came from the Kun tribe [q.v.] of Turks,
and Minorsky surmised that he was the transmitter
of information about that group in Marwazi's Taba'f
al-hayawan (Sliaraf al-^aman Taliir Marrazi un China, the
Turks and India, London 1942, tr. 29-30, comm. 98,
101-2), noting that he must have been a person expe-
rienced in and knowledgeable about Central Asian
affairs in order to have been appointed governor in
Kh"arazm.
Bibliography (in addition to works cited in the
article): Marquart, Uber das Yolkstum der Komanen, 48-
52, 202; Barthold, Turke«an\ 324; I. Kafesoglu,
Harezmiahlar devleti tanhi [485-617/ 1092-1229), Ankara
1956, 37-8; C.E. Bosworth, in Cambridge history if
Iran, v, 107, 142-3. (C.E. Bosworth)
ELECTUARY [see adwiya].
ELICPUR, Ilicpur, modern Acalpur, a town of
the mediaeval Islamic province of Berar [<j.r.] in
southern Central India, lying near the headwaters of
the Puma constituent of the Tapti River in lat. 21°
16' N. and long. 77° 33' E. Up to 1853, Elicpur
was generally regarded as the capital of Berar, after
when Amraoti became the administrative centre.
The pre-Islamic history of Elicpur is semi-leg-
endary, its foundation being attributed to a Jain
Radja called II in the 10th century. By Barani's
time ( later 7th/ 13th century), it could be described
as one of the famous towns of the northern Deccan.
The Dihli Sultan 'Ala' al-Din Khaldji captured it
in 695/1296 during his first expedition against the
Radja of Deogiri Ramacandra [see dawlatabad],
who was made tributary to the Sultans; and when
ELICPUR — ERSARI
DeoglrT finally fell in 719/1318, Elicpur and Berar
came under direct Muslim rule. Under the Bahmams
[g.v.], it was the capital of Berar province, and fea-
tured prominently in the campaignings of the KhaldjI
ruler of Malwa [g.v.], Mahmud Shah (839-65/1436-
62) against the Bahmams, being sacked in 870/1466,
so that the Bahmani Sultan Muhammad III Lashkarl
was compelled to cede to Malwa Berar as far as
Elicpur [see also kherla]. From 890/1485 to
980/1572 Elicpur was under the Bahmams' epigo-
ni, the 'Imad-Shahis [g.v.]. Under the Mughals, it
was at first placed in the shade by the new centre
of Balapui, but soon regained its importance as the
capital of the suba of Berai, with a fort being built
there of brick and stone; according to the A'in-i
Akbari of Abu '1-Fadl, the revenue of Elicpur (which
came within the sarkar of Gawil, see below) amount-
ed to 14 million dams (ii, tr. H.S. Jarrett, Calcutta
1949, 237, 240).
But after the rise of the first independent ruler in
Haydarabad, the Asaf Djan Nizam al-Mulk (d.
1161/1748 [see haydarabad. b. Haydarabad State],
Elicpur sank to only local significance under gover-
nors of the Nizams. The governor Salabat Khan
erected various public buildings in the town in the
early yeais of the 19th century, and he and his son
Namdar Khan held the title of Nawwab of Berar till
the latter's death in 1843 and the subsequent extinc-
tion of the line.
In later British India, Berar was taken over in 1853
from the Nizam as the "Hyderabad Assigned Distiicts",
nominally on perpetual lease, and then it became de
Jacto part of the Central Indian Province. Elicpur, by
v the 1;
1901,
26,082, including 18,500 Hindus and 7,250 Mus
gave its name at first to one of the Districts of Berar,
but in 1905 it was incorporated in the Amraoti
(Amravati) District. In the present Indian Union,
Elicpur is now called Acalpur and falls within the
Amravati District of the Nagpur Division of Maha-
rashtra State. The 1971 census gave population
figures of 43,326 for Acalpur town and 24,125 foi
Acalpu camp.
The monuments of Elicpur include a famous shrine
or dargah of the Muslim warrior 'Abd al-Rahman
Ghazi, described as a kinsman of Mahmud of Ghazna
dike the much more celebrated Salar Mas'Qd, buried
at Bahralc in Uttar Pradesh [see ghaz! miyan]), but
more probably a commander of Ffruz Shah Khaldjfs.
To the south of Elicpur is the hill fortress of Gawilgafh
[g.v.], and there is a group of Jain temples at Muktagiri
Bibliography. Cambridge history oj India, iii, index;
Imperial Gazetteer oj India-, xii," 10-21; A.C. Lyall,
ed., Gazeteer jor the Haidarabad Assigned Districts,
eommonly called Berar, Bombay 1870, 144-8; s.v.;
Fitzgerald and A.E. Nelson, eds., Central Provinces
District Gazeteers, Amiaoti District, Bombay 1911,
30-100 passim, and 394-401.
(C.E. Bosworth)
ELLORA [see elura].
EMANCIPATION [see tahrir].
EMERALD [see djawhar, zumurrud].
ENCYCLOPAEDIA [see mawsO'a].
ENSIGN [see <alam].
EPITHET [see na't, sifa].
ERG [see sahra'].
ERGUN, Sa'd al-DIn Nuzhet, modem Turkish
Sadettin Nuzhet Ergun, Turkish scholar and lit-
erary historian (1901-46). Born in Bursa, he was
educated at the Faculty of Letters of Istanbul
University and taught Turkish literature in various
secondary schools in Anatolia and later in Istanbul,
where he also worked as a librarian. He started his
icher
the
Konya lycee, with a book on the folk-lore of Konya.
A hard-working and prolific scholar, his works are
based on first-hand research into what is mostly
original manuscript material, this being presented
with only limited criticism. He is the author of a
great number of studies and monographs on many
classical and folk poets and on some modern writ-
ers. His major works are Konya khalkiyyat we
harthiyyali, (with Mehmed Fetid)", Istanbul" 1926;
Khalk M'ulen, 3 vols, Istanbul 1926-7; Karacaoglan,
hayati ve surlen, Istanbul 1932 (a pioneer work on
the great folk poet); Baki dwam, Istanbul 1935; Turk
sairlen, 3 vols., Istanbul 1936-45 (his most impor-
tant woik, published in fascicules comprising alpha-
betical biographies of poets, together with examples,
which stopped at the letter F, in the 96th fasci-
cule); Turk musikisi antolojisi 2 vols, Istanbul 1943;
Cenap $ehabettin, Istanbul 1934 (a pioneer work on
C. S., whose poetical works are put together for
the first time in this monograph); and Bektasi sair-
len ve nefeslen, Istanbul 1944.
Bibliography: Ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Turk
me}hurlari, Istanbul n.d. (1946) s.v.; Turk an-
siklopedm, Ankara 1968, s.v.; Behcet Necatigil,
Edebiyatimizda tumler sozlugu", Istanbul 1975.
(Fahjr Iz)
ERMINE [see farw].
ERSARI, one of the major tribes of the
Turkmen [g.v.] in Central Asia.
The name is not mentioned in the lists of the
Oghuz tribes by Mahmud al-Kashghan and Rashrd
al-Din. It appears for the first time in historical
works of Abu '1-GhazT [q.v.] written in the 1 7th cen-
tury. According to the Turkmen tradition as ren-
dered by Abu 'l-Ghazi (Shaajara-yi Tarahma, ed. A.N.
Kononov, text, 67-9, Russian tr., 72-3), Ersari Bay
(the eponym of the tribe?) was the great-grandson
of Oghurdjik Alp, a descendant of Salur Kazan (cf.
left 'Irak after a quarrel with Bayandur Bek and
came to Mangishlak [q.v.] with a part of the Salur
tribe. Thus this tradition indicates the genealogical
kinship of Ersari with the well-known Oghuz tribe
Salur (Salghir of Mahmud al-Kashghan). In an-
other place of the same work (text, 73-4, tr., 75),
Abu '1-Ghazi tells that Ersari Bay, who lived in the
Balkhan [g.v.] mountains, was a contemporary of
Shaykh Sharaf Klf adja of Urgenc, who wrote for
him, on his request, the Alu'tn al-murld, a religious
and didactic treatise in verse, in Turki (about the
book, written in 713/1313-4, and the author, see;
A.N. Samoylovic, in Mir-Ah-Shir, Leningrad 1928,
138; A.Z. Velid, [Togan], in Turhyat mecmuasi, ii
[1928], 315-30; J. Eckmann, in Philologiae turcicae jun-
damenta, iii 279 f). Ersari Bay appears also in an-
other place of Shadjara-yi Tamhma (text, 78, tr.,
77-8) as an ancestor (ulugh ata "great-grandfather") of
the tribe Ersari, which owned a number of springs
in the Great and Little Balkhan mountains. The
Turkmen tradition, as related by Abu 'l-Ghazi, places
this story in the middle or the second half of the
14th century (after the death of the khan of the
Golden Horde Berdi Bek, 1359); the same tradition
shows that the tribe Ersari was already rather numer-
ous by that time, so that its origin must be related
to some earlier period rather than the beginning of
the same century, when Ersari Bay allegedly lived.
ERSARI — ES'AD PASHA
Ersari Bay was probably an historical figure; his
tomb, known as Ersari Baba, is situated near the
south-eastern corner of the Kara-Boghaz gulf, on the
heights bearing the same name Ersari Baba, and was
described by Russian traveller N. Murav'yev in the
early 19th century, as well as by modern archeolo-
gists. The latest archeological researches in western
Turkmenia, apparently, confirm also the Turkmen
genealogical tradition connecting the Ersari with
the Salur (see S.P. Polyakov, Etmc'eskaya htoriya
Severn- ^apadnoy Turkmenii v tredniye veka, Moscow 1973,
122-3, 102-4).
At the beginning of the 16th century, the Ersari
were spread over a vast territory in western Turkmenia,
from Mangishlak to the Little Balkhan mountains. Not
only the tribe itself, but also its main clans are men-
tioned in the Sha&ara-yi Turk by Abu '1-Ghazi (ed.
Desmaisons, text, 237, 267, 315, tr., 254, 286, 337)
in connection with the history of the Khanate of
Khiwa in the 16th century. At the beginning of this
century, the Ersari were at the head of the tribal
group known as the "outer Salur" [Taskki Salur, ibid.,
text, 209, tr., 223), which included also the tribes
Teke [q i ] Sarik [q i ] and Yomut [q z ] nomadising
between Mangishlak and noithern Khurasan while
the innei Salur' (Idi Salur) or the Salui ptoper
remained in the north-west of Mangishlak Howes er
alreadv bv the end of the same century the Ersari
began to move eastwards paitlv as a result of
pressure from the north bv the Mangit [q i ] but
mamlv because oi growing desiccation oi western
Turkmenia sahmsation ot wells and shortage oi pas-
ture At the beginning oi the 17th century at least
part oi Ersari ieturned to Mangishlak but in the sec-
ond quaiter oi the same century the\ were finally
dm en out oi this region, this time bv the Kalmuks
[g i ] For a short time during the reign oi Isiandivar
Khan (1032-52/lb23-42) Ersari apparently played
some role togethei with the Salur in the Khanate
of Khiwa, but they had to leave it as a result of the
military campaigns of Abu '1-Ghazi and his son Anusha
against the Turkmens described in Shadjarayi Turk.
Apparently, at that time the Ersari migrated to the
middle course of the Amu Darya [q.v.], the Labab
(cf. A. Vambery, Travels in Central Asm, London 1864,
231), where they have remained till the present time.
There are also, probably, some indications of anoth-
er route of their migration, through Marw (either
directly from Mangishlak and Balkhan or from
Kh w arazm) and MarQcak to the Afghan Turkestan.
In 1740 they fled before the army of Nadir Shah
which marched on Bukhara along the Amu Darya,
and came again to Mangishlak (Muhammad Kazim,
Mma-i 'alam-ara-yi Nadirl, facsimile ed., Moscow 1965,
ii, f. 257a), but in the next year they returned to
their homes.
On the Amu Darya, the Ersari became mostly
sedentarised and settled in a narrow strip of land
(from 4 to 20 miles wide) along the river, mainly
on its left bank from Denau in the north to Kalif
in the south, where they were occupied with farm-
ing based on irrigation. This territory formed a
part of two wilayats of the Khanate of Bukhara,
those of Cardjuy [see amul] and Karkl; now it
forms the Cardjou region (oblast') of the Turkmen
Soviet Republic. Shortage of land suitable for cul-
tivation caused permanent emigration during the
19th century, especially to Afghan Turkestan, where
Ersari settled in the regions of Andkhuy [q.v.],
Akca and Mazar-i Sharif [q.v.]. It seems that cattle-
breeding was for these groups of Ersari of greater
mber of Ersari has never been known,
iv 19th century tra\ellers vary great-
110 thousand iamihes); at present,
Soviet Union nor in Afghanistan are
istical data on individual Turkmen
Bibliography in addition to the works cited
in the text see Capt Biko\ Ocerk dolini
imuDar'i, Tashkent 1880 A\ Komarov, in
Sbormk geografictskikh topografueskikh i statistices-
kikh mater raloi po izn, xx\ (St Petersburg 1887),
278-93 M\ Giulev, in Luslija Turkestanskogo
oldtla Imp Russkogo Gtografu'tikogo obshcestva,
ii/1 (Tashkent 1900), 65-7; G. Jarring, On the
distribution of Turk tribes in Afghanistan, Lund 1939,
45-7; A. Karriyev, V.G. Moshkova, A.N.
Nasonov, A. Yu. Yakubovskiy, Ocerki iz istorn
turkmenskogo naroda i Turkmenistana v VIII-XIX vv,
Ashkhabad 1954, esp. 130-2, 167-8, 181, 184-
5, 188, 192-3, 198, 206-8, 217-21, 223-7, 232-
3, 236, 246; Yu. Bregel', in Kratkiye soobshcemya
Instituta etnografu Akademii nauk SSSR, xxxi
(Moscow 1959), 14-26 (abridged English tr. in
Central Asiatic review, viii/3 [1960], 264-72); Ya.
R. Vinnikov, in Trudi Instituta istorn, arkheologii i
etnografii Akademii nauk Turkmenskoy SSR, vi
(Ashkhabad 1962), 5-22, 42-9, 101-10; M.
Annanepesov, Khozyaystvo turkmen v XVIII-XIX vv,
Ashkhabad 1972, 40-2, 87-90, 94-103.
(Yu. Bregel)
ES'AD PASHA, SakIzli Ahmed, twice Ottoman
Grand Vizier and holder of various high offices,
military and civil, born in Scios (Tkish. Sakiz) in
1244/1828-9, son of Mehmed Agha, locally known
as Kule aghast. A graduate of the War College at
Istanbul (Harbiyye [q.v.]), Es'ad was appointed aide-
de-camp to Fu'ad Pasha [q.v.], who, when Grand
Vizier, appointed him as director of the Ottoman
military school in Paris as well as military attache.
Es'ad in 1868 became lieutenant-general (ferlk) com-
manding Bosnia-Herzegovina and governor-general
(wait) of Scutari (Ishkodra). His career, military and
civil, was a succession of appointment, dismissal and
reappointment, characteristic of this period: field-
marshal or commander (mushir) of the First Army
(Istanbul), wall of Yemen, minister of war and com-
mander-in-chief (ser'asker), commander-in-chief of the
Fourth Army and wall of Erzurum, wall of Ankara
(for one day onlv), wall of Sivas, Minister of Marine,
again ser'asker Grand \izier from 15 February till
15 April 1873 wall oi Konva, field-marshal com-
manding the Filth Army in Svna and aah oi
Damascus again Minister oi Marine and horn 2b
April till 29 August 1875 again Grand \izier then
Minister oi Woiks, and uali oi \vdin He \isited
his birthplace Scios again and he died at Izmn in
the same vear oi 1875 Es'ad Pasha was chosen for
the suite oi Sultan 'Abd al-'Aziz on his European
tour in 1867 But his lack oi political experience
caused him to stay onlv a short while at the top
thus he could not deal enetmelv with the revolt
in Herzegovina (July 1875) In politics, Es'ad
seems not to hase belonged to a leading group He
was a young militaiy man enjoying the Sultan s
favours up to a point but was a mere figurehead
Bibliography Sami Ramus al a'lam n 910
Sidjill i 'Othmaru i 342 i I H Damsmend
Izahli Osmanh tank kronolojisi, Istanbul 1971,
ES'AD PASHA — ESHREFOGHLU
iv, 243 f., 247 f., 249 f., 251, v, 86 f., Ibnulemin
Mahmud Kemal Inal, Osmanli devrinde son sadri-
azamlar, Istanbul 1940-53; For the general back-
ground, see F Bamberg, Geschichte der Orientalise/ten
Angelegenheit. , Berlin 1888, 424-44, 448; E.Z.
Karal, Osmanli tartht, vn, 72, 74 IT., 133 f., 136;
R.H. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman empire 1856-
76, Princeton 1963 (repr New York 1973),
292 ff., 297, 306 f, Tartar.
974, 976, portrait on plate
xnbul 1940,
I pol.t
■ an (1(
irkish short story
3-1952). He was born
on of Kahyabeyoghlu
n immigrj
in Corlu in Eastern Thr
Shewket, a modest farmer of
Turkish family from the Balkans. He did
any regular schooling but was self-taught; then when
his father died in 1907, he looked after the family
until 1912 when the Balkan War broke out and the
family moved to Istanbul. He had joined the
Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) in 1907;
at the outbreak of the First World War he was
appointed inspector of the CUP, so that he was able
to get to know at first-hand conditions of life in
Anatolia and in Thrace. In 1919 he fled to Italy to
avoid arrest by the occupying forces, but soon after
he was invited to Ankara by Mustafa Kemal Pasha,
who sent him as the representative of the Nationalist
government to Adharbaydjan. He continued with
mainly a diplomatic career (with short intervals as
teacher or member of Parliament; and served as
ambassador in Tehran (1925-30), Kabul (1932) and
Moscow (1932-8), and as Secretary-General of the
Republican People's Party for four years (1941-5).
He was elected deputy for Bilecik in 1946 and served
until 1950. He died in Ankara on 16 May 1952.
Because of his absorbing political and diplomatic
engagements, he wrote very irregularly and at lengthy
intervals and generally signed his writings with the
initials M. Sh. and later (after 1934) M. §. E.; occa-
sionally he used pen-names such as Mustafa Yalinkat
and M. Ogulcuk. Although a contemporary of the
pioneer short story writer 'Omcr Seyf al-Dfn [q.v.],
he did not begin to publish his short stories (writ-
ten mostly much earlier) until 1925 in the periodi-
cal Meslek. Esendal's short stories differ substantially,
in subject matter, plot and style from the "classi-
cal", Maupassant-type short stories preferred by most
of his contemporaries. There is hardly any plot in
them; they aie character studies or sketches of the
moods of ordinary people with emphasis on women,
written in spoken Turkish, in a most natural, and
spontaneous manner, without any elaboration or
embellishment, and imbued with human warmth and
optimism. Only a small number of his short stories
have been published in book form. Some remain in
the collection of periodicals and newspapers, some
have never been published and are in the hands of
his heirs. The published volumes are Hikayeler I and
// (1945). Some stories, with the addition of new
ones, were post-humously published under the titles
Temiz sevgile, (1965) and Ev ona yakish (1972). Esendal
is the author of three novels which have the same
characteristics of his short stories: Mirath, serialised
in Meslek (1925) but not published in book form;
W'assaf Bey, never published; and Ayasli ve Kiranlan
(1934), an interesting and realistic series of sketches
of characters in the early days of Ankara as the new
soma hikaye ve roman, ii, Istanbul 1965, 1063-84; S.K.
Karaalioglu, Resimli Turk edebiyatfilan sozlugu, Istanbul
1974, 143-4; Turk ansiklopedisi, xv, Ankara 1967, s.v.
(Fah
: Iz)
capital.
Bibliography
Tahir
Alangu, Cum
ESHREF, Mehmed, modern Turkish Mehme
Esref, Turkish satirical poet (1846-1912). He was
born in Gelenbe, near Manisa, in Western Anatolia
the son of Hafiz Mustafa, of the Usuoghullari family.
He attended for a while a madrasa in Manisa, where
he learnt Arabic and Persian, and after serving as a
government official in neighbouring provinces, went
to Istanbul (1878), where he passed the required exam-
ination to become a Kayim-makam and served as such
in various parts of Anatolia, including in distant kadds
in the East and Eastern Black Sea region. By this
time, his virulent satires imbued with anger against
the injustice, tyranny and corruption of the Hamidian
regime, which were known all over the country,
reached the ears of the Palace. When he was semng
at Gordes, near Manisa, following a zhumal (report),
his house in Izmir was seaiched and he was arrested
(1902), brought to Istanbul and detained for seven
months and then sentenced to one year's imprisonment.
On the completion of his term, he was allowed to
go to Izmir (1903) where he became a very popular
character, although under strict supervision. In 1904
he fled to Egypt where he continued to write his
satirical poems against <Abd al-Hamid II and his
regime.
Eshref is the author of the following works, all pub-
lished in Cairo: Dedidjal ("Antichrist"), 2 vols. 1904-
7; Islimdad ("S.O.S."), 1906; Hasb-i ha I ("Friendly talk"),
1908; Shah we padishah, 1908; and Iranda yangin var
("Iran is burning"), 1908. Returning to Istanbul after
the restoration of the Constitution in July 1908, Eshref
began to publish a weekly humorous paper Eshref,
where he re -published poems of his Egyptian period
as well as new ones. He died in Kara-aghac near
Manisa on 22 May 1912.
Eshref had a passionate temperament and a
boundless satirical power, but he lacked a sense of
balance in his literary expression and skill in verse
technique. His satires, like those of the 17th cen-
tury poet Nef'i [q.v.], are often unrefined and even
vulgar. However, he wrote many unforgettable satir-
ical lines which are still frequently quoted with sat-
isfaction, even though the language and style are
antiquated.
Bibliography. Mustafa Satim (Eshref s son),
Meshur sair Esref 'm hayati, Izmir 1943;
Cevdet Kudret, Esref, hicvheler\ Istanbul 1970;
Turk ansiklopedisi, xv, Ankara 1967, 473; Tahir
Alangu, 100 Unlu Turk esen, s.v.
(FahiR Iz)
ESPARTO [see halfA'].
ESHREFOGHLU c Abd Allah, also known as
Eshref-i RumI, Turkish poet and mystic, the
founder of the Eshrefiyye branch of the Kadiriyya
Sufi tanka (d. 873/1469). His father Eshref left
Egypt as a young man and settled in Iznik (Nicea).
Eshrefoghlu himself was educated in Bursa where
he was introduced to the famous 9th/ 15th centu-
ry saint Emir Sultan [q.v.], on whose recommen-
dation he went to Ankara where he joined the
famous shaykh and mystical poet Hadjdji Bayram,
who liked him and gave him his daughter in mar-
riage. On Hadjdji Bayram's instructions, Eshrefoghlu
went first to Izmit, and then to Hama, where he
worked with Kadin shaykhs, and then returned to
Iznik, where he set up a convent. His reputation
soon spread as far as Istanbul, and Mahmud Pasha
ESHREFOGHLU — EYYUBOGHLU
(Well) (d. 878/1474), the famous wazit of Mehemmed
II, became one of his disciples. Eshrefoghlu died in
Iznik, where he is buried. The Eshrefiyye tarika
which he founded is a blend of the Kadiriyya [q.i:]
and the Bayramiyya, with special emphasis on iso-
Eshrefoghlu's poems are written in a warm and
flowing style where both 'arid and hedje metres are
used, following the poetic and mystic traditions of
Yunus Emre [q.r.]. His diwdn was printed in Istanbul
in 1280/1864 and in Roman script in 1944 (edited
with an introduction by Asaf Halet Celebi). A fur-
ther popular edition was published in 1972.
Eshrefoghlu is also the author of many popular
mystic works on an edifying nature, the most famous
of which is Muzakki -l-nufii ("The Purifier of souls"),
which remained a practical manual of dervish life for
centuries and is a masterpiece of 9th/ 15th century
Turkish prose; it was printed in Istanbul in 1281/1865
(for a good MS see Kon\a Archeol Libr no 5452
for specimens based on MSS see Fahir Iz, Eski Turk
idtbnatmda nesir Istanbul 1964 70 92)
Bibliography Ismet Parmaksizoglu in Turk
ansiklopedui \v 1967 477-8 \ Golpmarh
Turknede mejiepler it tankatlar 1969 passim (with
furthei bibliography (F^hir Iz)
ESRAR DEDE Tuikish Mewlewi poet of
the 18th century a close friend and protege of
the great poet Ghalib Dede [q i ] Born in Istanbul
Esrar was trained as a Mewlewi deivish in the Galata
consent under the supei vision of Ghalib Dede its
shaykh He died in 1211/1796-7 befoie his mastu
(who wrote a famous elegv fot him) and was buned
Esrar wiote m\stical poems in the line of Ghalib
Dede His little Dm an has not been edited Esiai
Dede is also the author of an incomplete Tedhkire w
Mara' i meuleixme which contains the biographies
of more than 200 Mewlewi poets The work which
has also not been edited is based on Sahib Dede s
Sefine i meultume and was published in a shortentd
foim b\ 'All Enwer undei the title of Sema'khane i tdeb
(Istanbul 1309 Rumi/1893)
Bibliography Gibb HOP i\ 207-11 A
Golpmarh Malaria dan soma maleiihk Istanbul
195 3 passim SN Ergun Turk sairlen sv
ETHICS ETHOLOGY [see ^khluc]
ETYMOLOGY [see ishtikak]
EUBOEA [see egriboz]
EULOGY [see madih]
EXCHANGE VALUE [see 'iw^d]
EXPIATORY OFFERING [see kaffu^]
EYYUBOGHLU BedrI Rahmi modem Turkish
Bedri Rahmi E\uboglu Turkish poet wntei and
painter (1913-75) younger brothel ol the following
He was born in Gorele neai Tiabzon on the Black
Sea Educated at Trabzon lvcee and the Istanbul
'Vcademv of Fine "\i ts he spent two Years m Pans
foi further studv in painting On his letum (1933) he
was appointed to the stall of the Istanbul Academy
of Fine Arts wheie he taught until his death from
cancer on 21 September 1975
His writings and sketches began to appeal in lent
adam in 19 33 As a painter he became interested in
lolk arts and crafts and studied popular motifs in
rugs scar\es socks and colour patterns and was
gieatlv mspned b\ them In his predominantly des-
criptne poetrv which bi ought a new tone to con
temporar\ Turkish \eise he used the same colourful
technique, strongly influenced bv folk poetiv and
music. His first volume of verse was published in
1941: Yaradana mektuplar ("Letters to the Creator"),
followed by Karadut ("Black mulberry") in 1948.
Then several volumes followed which were all put
together in Dot karabakir dot (1974). His essays, writ-
ten in an informal small-talk style, were posthu-
usly published in book form, Delifi§ek (1975) and
Tezek
1976).
Bibliography: Asim Bezirci, Dunden bugune tiirk
siiri, Istanbul 1968; Behcet Necatigil, Edebiyatimizda
tsimler sozlugii", Istanbul 1978, s.v.
(FAHiR Iz)
EYYUBOGHLU, abah al-Din Rahmi, modern
Turkish, until 1934 Sabahattin Rahmj, afterwards
Sabahattin Eyuboglu, Turkish essayist, writer and
translator (1908-73). Born in Akcaabat (Polathane)
near Trabzon, the son of Rahmi Eyyuboghlu, a civil
servant, he was educated in trabzon. He then went
to France on a government scholarship and studied
French literature and aesthetics in Dijon Lvon and
Pans universities (1928-32) Becoming lecturer (do(ent)
in Fiench hteiature in the University of Istanbul
(1933-9) he was invited together with some of his
colleagues bv Hasan 'Ah "rudjel (Yucel) the reform-
ing Minister of Education (1938-46; to Ankara where
he served respectively as member of the Advisory
Board (Talim le terbiu kurulu) deputy chairman of
the Office of Translation [of woild classics] and
teacher at the Hasanoglan Higher Village Institute
[see ko\ enstituleri] Back in Istanbul aftei one
vear s studv leave in Fiance he taught in Istanbul
Technical University (1951-8) Because of his libei-
al ideas he was arrested and detained for several
months in 1971 during the emergencv regime of
1971-2 He died in Istanbul of a heait attack on
13 January 197 3
Sabah al-Din Eyyuboghlu developed a theory of
nationalism which is mainlv based on Kemahsm
with paiticulai emphasis on seculansm and pop-
ulism (halkcihk) and with the addition of the notion
of an ' \natohan people accepting as ours all the
peoples arts and cultures which have flourished on
Anatolian soil (without distinction of lace language
and faith) Manv of his essavs elaboiate on this
Tura
rejec
and Westerner
His
lapra) and regularly in hm ufut
lar and thev cover a great range of subjects from
literatuie language and cultuial change to ait tolk-
loie and politics He always laid special emphasis
on the need for the fusion and identification ol intel-
lectuals with ordmai y people in oidei to develop
Eyyuboghlu writes in a simple stiaightforward
style and is considered together with \tac as a
t of contemporary Turkish prose Howe
he 1
s Atac
ginahty
often shallow and lepetitne His major contribution
is his translations from the French some of which
are masterpieces of the genre (see below) Sabah
al-Din Eyyuboghlu is the author of the following
majoi works Man lit kara ( Blue and Black ,
Istanbul 1 9b 1 enlaiged edition 1967 a selection of
his essays Sana! upturn dentmeler ('Essays on ait ),
Istanbul 1974 published posthumously contains most
of the essays omitted from the previous work lunus
the 13th century Turkish poet and Tuian yolunda
( On the way to Turan ) Istanbul 1967 which
satirises Pan-Turamsm and is based on a misreading
EYYUBOGHLU — FAKHR-I MUDABBIR
of the allegory in Andre Malraux's autobiogra
cal work Les noyers de I'Altenberg. Among more
fifty titles of his translations, the following are
standing: Montaigne's Essaii, Rabelais' Gm
tua, verse translations of La Fontaine's Fables
preparation of several art books and in the making
3f films on early Anatolian culture.
Bibliography. Mehmed Seyda, Edebiyat dostlan,
Istanbul 1970 (contains autobiographical notes); Teni
ufuklar, special number, March 1973; Millivet wn'at
dergisi, no. 17 (26 January 1973) (complete list of
his works and translations). (Fahir Iz)
FABLE [see mathal].
al-FADL b. al-HUBAB b. Abi Khalifa Muham-
mad b. Shu'ayd b. Sakhr al-Djumahi, (d. 305/917-
Basra. He was a mawld of Djumah of Kuraysh and
the nephew, on his mother's side, of Ibn Sallam [q.v.] .
He was born in and died at Basra, where he made
himself the transmitter of a fairly extensive number
of religious, historical, literary and genealogical tra-
ditions. He also received a legal training sufficient
for him to act as the kadi of Basra towards 294/907
with functions delegated by the Malik! kadi Abu
Muhammad Yusuf b. Ya'kQb b. Isma'il al-Azdl, whose
seat of office was in eastern Baghdad (L. Massignon,
in U'ZKM [1948], 108) but who also had jurisdic-
tion over southern 'Irak (WakT, Akjtbar al-kudat, Cairo
1366/1947, ii, 182).
At this time, Abu Khalifa was already famous in
his native town, where he was in contact with well-
known personages, especially the Tanukhis [q.v]; he
had a particularly deep knowledge of Arabic poetry,
taught the works of his maternal uncle and was him-
self the author of a Kitab Tabakat al-shu'ara' al-dfihihyyln
and a Kitab al-Fursdn. He also gathered into a dlwan
the poetry of 'Imran b. Hittan [q.v.], which brought
him accusations of KharidjT sympathies, but ShR ten-
dencies were also imputed to him, and one verse
implies that in fikh he was a Hanafi. His works do
not seem to have survived, and his verses only exist
in part, but his name is often cited in adab works.
He is, moreover, the hero of a certain number of
anecdotes in which his tendency to express himself in
rhymed prose is ridiculed. One of these, if it is authen-
tic, allows one to affirm the survival at the end of
the 3rd century of a Basran tradition which sent as
delegates to the caliphal court orators charged with
expressing, in rhymed prose, the people's complaints,
who had always cause to lament the hardness of the
times and the arbitrary ways of the local authorities.
Abu Khalffa, as the mouth-piece of a delegation sent
to al Mu'tadid (279-98/892-902), was able to obtain
satisfaction through provoking his audience to mirth
because of the aftected nature of his speech (al Mas udi
Murudj vui 128 34 = §§ 3264 70) His biographeis
classitv him amongst the blind scholars
Bibliography Fihnsl Cairo edn 165 Sub
ikhbar alRadi ita I Uuttaki tr M Canard
Algiers 1946 50 29 208 Tanukhi NuhiLar u
27-8 iv 183 Mas'udi Murud, index Ibn al
Djazan Tabakat al kurra n 8 no 2557 Khatib
Baghdadi Ta'nkh n 429 Husn Zahr al adab
825 Zubavdi Nahwmin index \ akut Udaba'
xu 204 14 and index Safadi Nakt al htmyan
226 Suvuti Bughya 373 Ibn Hadjar Lisan al
Mlidn, iv, 373, Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, ii, 246;
Bustanl, DM, iv, 285. (Ch. Pellat)
FADL al-SHA'IRA, al-Yamamiyya al-'Abdiyya,
Mawlat al-Mutawakkil, Arab poetess, died in
257/871 (or 260/874). Born probably as a muwallada
and brought up in Basra, she was presented to and
later on freed by al-Mutawakkil. She was called the
"most gifted poetess of her time" by Ibn al-Sa'I and,
being a good songstress and lute player too, held a
famous literary circle in Baghdad. Amongst her admir-
ers were the poet Sa'id b. Humayd and the musi-
cian Bunan b. 'Amr al-Darib.' Ibn al-Djarrah (quoted
by Ibn al-Nadim) knew a small collection of her poet-
Her
: by s
temporary c
Bibliography. Aghant, xix, 300-13 (see also
indices); Ibn al-Mu'tazz, TabakaV, 426-7; Fihust,
164; Ibn al-Sa'I, Nisa' al-khulafa\ 84-90; Kutubl.
Fawat, ii, Cairo 1951, 253-5; Suyuti, Mustazraf, 50-
6; CI. Huart, La poetesse Fadhl, in JA, ser. 7, xvii
(1881), 5-43; F. Sezgin, GAS, ii, 623-4; M. Stigel-
Du Sangerinnen am Abbasidt
Kahfen
\l-Mutc
■akkil, Viei
1975, 3
(E. Neubauer)
FAITH, BELIEF (in God) [see 'akIda].
FAKHR-I MUDABBIR, the shuhra of Fakhr al-
Din Muhammad b. MansOr Mubarak Shah al-
Kurashi, Persian author in India during the
time of the last Ghaznawids, the Ghurids and the
first Slave Kings of Dihli (later 6th/ 12th century-
early 7th/ 13th century).
His birth date and place are both unknown, but
he was a descendant, so he says, on his father's side
from the caliph Abu Bakr and on his mother's from
the Turkish amir Bilgetigin, the immediate predeces-
sor in Ghazna of Sebuktigin and father-in-law of
Mahmud of Ghazna; he may well have been born
and reared in Ghazna itself. He first appears in Multan
as a youth during the reign of the last Ghaznawid
sultan in the Pandjab Khusraw Malik b. Khusraw
Shah. After the defeat and deposition of this last in
582/1186 by the Ghurid Mu'izz al-Din or Shihab al-
Din Muhammad b. Sam, Fakhr-i Mudabbir went to
Lahore and undertook genealogical researches there
tor thirteen years The fruits of all this work were his
extensive genealogical tables, extending from the
Piophet to the Ghurids' slave commanders in India,
the Shadfara yi amab, extant in a unique British Museum
ms this book was brought to the attention of Kutb
alDin A>bak [qv.], and led to Fakhr-i Mudabbir
becoming persona grata in court circles. It was to the
Dihh sultan Shams al-Din Iltutmish [see iltutmish]
that he dedicated his other great Persian prose work,
the idab al harb (see on this, below), and since he des-
FAKHR-I MUDABBIR -
cribes himself as being by then an infirm old man
(pir-i da'if), he probably died before the end of that
sultan's reign in 633/1236.
There is some uncertainty over the possjble
identification of our Fakhr-i Mudabbir with a Fakhr
al-Dawla wal-Din Mubank Shah b al-Husayn al-
Marwarrudhi mentioned b\ the hteiarv biognphei
'AwfT in his Lubab al albab ed Sa'id Naftsi Tehran
1335/ 195b 113-17 as a good poet in Arabic and
Peisian and a nadim or contidant of the Ghund
Ghivath al-Din Muhammad b Sam (558-99/1163-
1203) E Demson Ross in his edition ol the intro-
duction and early part of the Shadjara u ansab
London 1927 accepted this identification Stoiey
however lejected this despite a similantv of names
adducing detailed arguments in his Persian littraturt
poet Mubarak Shah al-Maiwairudhi seems to ha\e
been the author also ol works on astionomy and
The main claim of fame of Fakhi i Mudabbu him-
self is his authoiship of the Adab al harb ita I shadia'a
or as the name appears in one of the extant mss
the idab al muluk uahfayat al mamluk (edition by
Ahmad Suhayh Kh ansan, Tehran 1346/1967 unfor-
tunately based on the shorter mss and not on the
fullei India Office one, which has 40 abuab oi chap-
ters as opposed to only 36) This is both a treatise
on kingship and statetiaft (hence paitaking of the
Mirrois for princes genre) and also a rathei
theoretical and idealised consideiation oi the art oi
tion of troops the use of vanous weapons etc the
book is liberalK interspersed with histoncal anec-
dotes giving it a distinct value as a historical doc-
ument above all for the development of the eastern
Islamic world The eighteen anecdotes l elating to the
Ghaznawids have been tianslated into English b\
Miss Iqbal M Shaft as Frtsh light on tht Ghaznauds
m IC \n (1938) 189-234 thev furnish useful infor-
mation on the dynasty not found elsewhere A trans-
lation oi the whole work into a western language
would be welcome
Bibliography Storey i llb4-7 CE Bosworth
Early sources Jor tht history of tht first jom Ohaznaud
sultans (977 1041) in IQ_ vn (1963) 16 also in
The medieial history of ban Afghanistan and Central
Asia London 1977 idem 77ic Ghaznauds thnr impm
in Afghanistan and eastern Iran 994 1040 Edinburgh
1963 20-1 [C E Bosworth)
FAKIR OF IPI the name given in popular par
lame to Hadjdji Mirza 'Ah Khan Pathan mul
lah and agitator along the Noithwestern Fiontiei
of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent in both the latei
Bntish Indian and the eaily Pakistani periods d
I960
A member of the Ton Khel gioup of the
'Uthmanzay \\ azirs of North Wazmstan probably
one of the most unreconciled of the Pathan tubes
of the Frontier in Bntish times he came to espe-
cial prominence in 1936-7 inflaming the Ton Khels
and the Mahsuds of the Tochi valley against the
Bntish mihtaiy presence and then retreating to a
senes of caves at Gorwekht neai Razmak not far
from the Afghan fiontier which served as his
headquarteis lor the rest of his life In 1941 he was
appaiently contacted by Axis agents from the Geiman
and Italian embassies in Kabul with a view to rais-
ing the frontiei against Britain but nothing much
materialised After the Partition of 1947 between
India and Pakistan the Fakir actively identified
himself with the Afghan-sponsored 'Pashtumstan"
movement, and aftei 1950 became president oi a
southern "Pashtumstan' local assembly based on
Gorwekht where stocks ol food and arms and a
small Pashto printing press were kept He died in
19b0
Bibliography J \\ Spain Tht Pathan borderland
The Hague 1963 51 76 160 184-b, 202 237
\\ K Fiaser-Tvtlei Afghanistan a study oj political
dmlopmtnts in Ctnlral and Southirn Asia London
1967 310 [C E Bosworth)
FAMILY [see Vila]
FA'R I A pi firan fi'ara fu'ar) masculine sub-
stantive with the value ol a collective (noun of sin
gulanty Ja rat designates like the Persian mush firstly
among the Rodents [kauand kauadim) the majonty
of types and species of the sub-ordei of the
Myomoiphs (with the Dipodids Glnids Munds
Spalacids and Cncetida) secondly among the
Insectivoies (ahlat al hasharat) the family of the
Soncids The term is applied equally well to the
largest rats as to the smallest shrews and geibils The
adjectives of abundant t fa'rr fa'ua mafara and muf'i
ra which are derived from it contain the same gen-
eral idea so that in texts ja'r and fi'ran always
present a problem of discrimination between iats and
mice this lack of piecision persists with the dialec-
tal form Jar pi firan as well as with its Berbei equiv-
alent aghtrda pi ighirdayin
Howevei jointly with this collective of broad
eial r
. help t
■ piec
in gen
s foitu
ables by leason of the depredations to which their
way of life foites them Without pietendmg to be
able to apply with the existing Arabic philological
plicated it is nevertheless, possible to give a glimpse
by dividing these species undei one ol the four fol-
lowing most significant lubncs druradh fa ra Ihuld
and yarbu'
A Djuradfj (pi q^irdhan djurdhan) and its deriv-
ative ajirdhann, with the dialectal forms drrtd ajured
in the Maghrib and drardun in Syria defines all
Among the numeious strains oi iats, the oidinaiy
man of eveiy people has foi long lecogmsed two
categories according to their ethology the town-
mg between the town iat (hadan) and the country
rat (rifii lemains one of the themes of fables com-
mon to all literatures The majonty of iats whose
pi idlan) the Blown rat I Mus duumanus) oi Sewer
rat which is giey-biown hence his name marnab
(Maghrib tubba Tamahak taghulit pi tighuhtin] and
the Black rat [Mus rattus), both oi which owed then
rapid extension of their aiea oi distnbution to the
maritime commercial tiaffic in the Meditenanean
basin since the high Middle Ages It was the same
foi the Alexandnan rat (Mus ahxandrmus) also called
palm rat or loof iat (Mus tedorum) and whose
chosen habitat is in high places (granaries ten aces
the tops of date-palms) and not in the infrastruc-
ture of buildings Piopei to Egypt this rat was
introduced into Italy by mei chant shipping it makes
a nest at the top of palms and when it is hunt-
ed is able to let itself fall to the ground without
injury by blowing himself up like a balloon In the
large oases it is confused with the
(Saharan: tunba, Tamahak akkolen),
name of a small ground squirrel (Euxerus erythropus)
which feeds on dates. Still included among the
"true rats", so the naturalists say, there must also
be cited the large burrower rat of Egypt and Arabia
called the Fat sand rat (Ps. obesus) which is cream-
coloured. All the Maghrib used to know the Striped
rat or "Barbarian rat" (Arvicanthus barbarus) by the
name of zurdani (Tamahak akundet, pi. ikundeten).
Numerous geographical strains, such as the Mus
calopus and Mus peregrinus, still remain to be stud-
ied
i Moro
i the
) of c
farmers and habitual nourishment of :
ators, the Voles and Field-mice (types Arvisola,
Microtus and Apodemus), confused under the name
of 'akbar (Hebrew 'akbar, in I. Sam. vi, 4-5; Isaiah
ii, 20, lxvi, 17; Levit. xi, 29), have had since the
most ancient antiquity the just reputation of being
terribly harmful. The most common, the Common
vole (Microtus arvalis) 'akbar hakli, Ja'rat al-ghayt, is
present in all the cultivated zones, along with the
strains Mus micrurus in Persia and Hypudoeus syria-
cus in Syria; a close neighbour in Egypt is the
semi-aquatic "Nile rat", djuradh al-Ml (Atvicanthis
niloticus), while the Sudan has its opposite number
in the "Khartoum rat", djuradh al-khartum (Arvicanthis
testkularis). The Field mouse (Apodemus sylvaticus),
dathlma, Ja'rat al-hiradj (in Syria, djurdhan) prefers
living in trees, and is found in company with the
Dormouse, the Garden dormouse (types Glis, Myoxus,
Eliomys), djuradh sindjabi, karkadun, and the Small
dormouse (Muscardinus), zughba. On the Saharan
borders lives Munby's dormouse (Eliomys munbianus
lerotinus), thadghagalh in Berber, which the Tuareg
eat on occasion, as well as the Goundis (types
Ctenodactylus and Massouleria), kundi/gundl, Tamahak
suspici
>ving
rodents rather similar to the Cobaye (Ca
lus). It is perhaps to the latter as well as to the
Hamsters that the Arab philologists attribute the
name of yahyarr, defined as being "the largest of
all the rats"".
Al-Djahiz was happy to record all the informa-
tion that he had been able to glean on the sub-
ject of rats (Hayawan, v, 245 ff. and passim). Regarded
as noxious creatures, he tells us that in Khurasan
and Antioch the rats are particularly aggressive,
holding their own against cats and going as far as
nibbling the ears of sleeping persons; the frightful
trench wars with their train of rats which our cen-
tury has known, alas, only confirm these sayings.
Their depredations and their less engaging aspects
arouse in every man repulsion, as nothing resists
their inexorable incisors, unless it is metal. On the
other hand, al-Djahiz shows, out of concern for jus-
tice, a positive aspect in the presence of these par-
asite hosts; if they invade a dwelling, it is because
they find there something to satisfy their appetites
and so it is a sign that it enjoys a certain pros-
perity. Hence the wish expressed in this old adage
is understandable: akthar" 'Hah" djurdhan" baytik"
"may Allah multiply the rats of your house". With
the same intention, a storyteller of Medina used to
offer up this prayer; Allahumm" akthir djurdhanana
wa-akill" sibyanana "O Allah, give us many rats
and few children", evoking implicitly the danger of
misery which overpopulation could bring about.
On the contrary, the expression tafarrakat djirdhan"
baytihi "the rats of his house have dispersed" may
wrecked by poverty; i
be an image of being
days and with the
sign of the inescapable los:
rats desert it. Furthermore,
of ingenuity; faced with an oil container, the rat
will know how to sample the contents by dipping
in its tail a number of times. Caught in a cage, it
soon manages to escape with the help of its sharp
teeth. In the countryside, rats take care not to dig
their hole (khabar) on roads in order to avoid the
danger of being trampled by beasts of burden. Some
rats may be attracted, like the so-called "thieving"
Magpie ('ak'akj, by anything which shines and steal
jewels and money, and the adage asrak min djuradh
"more thieving than a rat" is truly spoken; al-
Damln records, with reference to this, (Hayat al-
hayawan, i, 191-2) the discovery, in the time of the
Prophet, of a cache concealing several dinars thanks
to a rat, and the one who discovered it had full
possession of the find, which was attributed to divine
Before Islam, certain rats, especially the country
ones, were hunted for their flesh, as were the uro-
mastix lizard [see dabb], the hedgehog and the por-
cupine [see kunfudh] and the jerboa (see below).
These primitive tastes did not disappear immediate-
ly with Islam since, according to Abu Zayd al-Nahwi
(Hayawan, iv, 44, v, 253, vi, 385), the famous radjaz
poet Ru'ba b. al-'Adjdjadj [q.v.], of the 2nd/8th cen-
house.
In the Hidjaz, the palm rat used to be so com-
mon that the expression umm djirdhan "mother of rats"
designated metaphorically the top of the date palm
where the animal chose to live, and djurdhana became
the name of a variety of date. Finally, authorities on
horses gave the name al-djuradhan' "the two rats" to
two symmetrical dorsal muscles of the horse because
of their shape.
B. Fa'ra, while being the noun of singularity of
fa'r, designates more especially the mouse and every
small rodent which resembles it. The Common mouse
or "grey" mouse (Mus musculus), Ja'rat al-bayt, present
wherever there is man, numbers numerous geo-
graphical strains, of which M. m. gentilis, algirus, far
and Hayii are to be found in the Maghrib, M m.
variegalus in Egypt, M. m. pretextus in Syria and M. m.
At every time, the mouse was at the origin of mis-
deeds, seen as catastrophes, coming unexpectedly
to disturb daily life. Already in the Ark of Noah,
according to the legend, its depredations excited the
complaints of the women, from which resulted the
creation of the pair of cats, then that of the pair of
pigs [see khinzir]. The Prophet Muhammad himself
had set a trap to get rid of this "little rascal" (Jkwaysika)
which, according to several traditions, had only just
missed setting fire to his house by pulling, in order
to nibble it, the wick of the lighted lamp; thanks to
the immediate intervention of the master of the house,
the only damage it did was to make a hole in his
prayer carpet. From this episode, which was no doubt
authentic and not the first of its kind, an irrevocable
curse fell upon the mouse, which was then added to
the list of the four execrable species (fawasik), i.e. the
crow, [see ghurab], the kite, hidd', the scorpion [see
'akrab] and the biting dog [see kalb], a list to which
Malik b. Anas added the lion [see asad], the pan-
ther, namir, nimr, the leopard [see fahd] and the wolf
[see dhi'b], to be destroyed at all times and every-
where in Islam, even by the pilgrim in a sacralised
state. It was, furthermore, enjoined on the young com-
munity to extinguish every lamp at night, in theii
homes and in the mosques, and not to do as the
Christians who imprudently left permanently lighted
a sanctuary night-light in their churches and chapels
(Hayawan, v, 121, 269, 319).
Before Islam, the mouse scarcely enjoyed, among
the Arabs, any greater credit, since it passed as
being the metamorphosis of a Jewish sorceress to
some and that of a dishonest ciow to others
(Hayawan, vi, 477). In addition, some pioverbs such
as alass mm ja'ra "more thieving than a mouse",
aksab mm ja'ra ''moie hoarding than a mouse" pre-
sented it as a pilferer and an inveterate miser. In
the climate of such a reputation one can under-
stand the energetic refutation with which al-Djahiz
opposes (Hayawan, iv, 298 ff.) the words of the Avesta
which propose that the mouse was a creation of
Ormuzd, genius of Good, while the cat was that of
Ahriman, genius of Evil.
The words ja'ra and birr include, apart from the
Common mouse, all the other species of small
rodents such as the Dwarf mouse (Micromys mwu-
tus) also called zubana, the Arian mouse (Mus
ananus) called siktun, the Desert mouse (Mm ba,
bams) or jas'a' and ja'rat al-sahra' and all the rep-
resentatives of the Aiomvs type or Spiny mouse,
kunju' / kinfi' , with A. viatot in Tripolitania, A.
" ' ' ' i Egypt, A. Chudeau in Maui'
A. dim
the s
all ii
. Fa'rc
.vith a
also e
jnds t
which form the Shrews (of types Sorex, Croadura,
Suncus, Elephantulus). More precisely, the Shrew is
called zabdba and the Arab authors speak of it as
deaf because of the absence in it of an external
ear [Hayawan, vi, 317). It bears in addition the
names ja'rat al-bish "wolf's-bane mouse" and ja'
of il
suppos.
oots it nibbles at the time when inse
s plants, whose
upply.
Arab poets and prose writers have
he atavistic hostility of the cat tow
rds the mouse.
vhich it makes its favourite prev th
nd-mouse antagonism is well set in
cat from a mouse" being applied
elief bv the old
completely ignor
There should also be mentioned an extension of
the use of ja'r and ja'ra to designate other animals
having the appearance of rats and mice \lso to be
found is ja'r al-bus "tannaies rat given to the aula-
tode (Aulacodus) as well as kuba', the>V al Lhayl horses
I at" is the Polecat, the ja'rat al khayl the horses s
mouse" is the Weasel [see ibn 'irs] the fa r jir'aun
"Phaiaoh's mt" is the Ichneumon (nuns) and the Ja i
al-thayyil "Stutth-grass rat' is the Golunda a coun-
tryside predator of the rice-plantations Finally b>
contamination between the roots F ' R and F U R
ja'ia is wrongly substituted ioi fara odour in the
names Fa' rat al-ibil (ioi jarat al ibd) a special odour
which camels emit once thev are watered alter being
satiated with fragrant plants and ja'rat al misk odour
of musk" (and not "musk rat ) a name given to the
contents of the musk vesicle (najiq^a) of a small ani-
mal" (duuaybba) hunted in Tibet ind which, despite
its false name djuradh al-misk musk iat is not a rat
(Hayawan, iii, 514, v, 301-4 vi 27 vn 210-11) Al-
Djahiz adds that the name of ja'r al misk is given to
certain house rats which emit a tharacteiistic odour
similar to musk.
C. Khuld (pi. khildan and dial, khluda) and its
doublet d^uldh (pi. ma&alidh, manadjidh), of Aramaic
origin (Hebrew holed in Levit. xi, 29), is the name
of the Mole rat or Blind iat (Spalax typhlus) a veg-
etarian rodent and burrower widespread in Egypt,
in the Near East and in Aiabia, especially in Yemen;
it there takes the place of the common mole (Talpa
europaea) which does not exist there. This Mole rat
is also called abu a'ma, ja'r a'md "blind rat" because
its very small eyeball disappears beneath a cuta-
neous fold; similarly, the absence in it of an exter-
nal ear made it said (Hayawan, ii, 112, iv, 410;
Hayat al-hayawdn, i, 297 ft.) that it was also deaf
and that it only guided itself underground by its
sense of smell. Fuithermore, its gieat distrust is at
the oiigin of the proverbial expression asma' mm
khuld "with hearing finei than that of the Mole rat".
So believing it blind, deaf and an insectivoie. the
ancients supposed that it fed itself by staying with
its mouth open at the entrance of its hole and swal-
lowing the flies which came to settle on its tongue
(Hayau
112).
■nt antiquity, the Blind
Mole rat (the dejtda.a£, of Aristotle) was howevei
the sayings of all the Muslim authors, the direct
agent of Allah in the breaking of the famous dam
of Ma'rib [see ma'rib] around the year 542 A.D. It
was said to have provoked by its labyrinth of gal-
leries the fatal fissures through which the mass of
devastating waters burst forth, the sayl al-'anm men-
tioned in the Kur'an (XXXIV, 15-16). With the
word 'anm, probably of Himyarite origin, the Arab
philologists tentatively saw in it a plural (sing, 'art-
ma) signifying at once "dikes", "rats" and "torrential
rains" (LA, s.v. '-R-At). Although aichaeologists have
established the majority of the combined causes of
this catastrophe (poor maintenance, silting up and
hence raising of the level, flooding of the wadi and
perhaps simultaneous earth tremors) which brought
about a diaspora of the local tribes, it is the Mole
rat which, in the general opinion, remains the instru-
ment of this divine chastisement. It is not, how-
ever to be ruled out that it played its pait in the
collapse of the gigantic earth dike, magnificently link-
ing the works at the two ends of the dam, for this
eager borer of the soil lives in sizable colonies and
is particularly prolific the proverb ajsad mm khuld
more lav aging than a Mole-rat" is there to con-
firm its misdeeds
As foi the mole (of the two strains europaea and
romana) it is only known in the Maghrib, and it is
in Hispano-Moonsh (cf Spanish topo) and tubba in
the modern dialects compared to a rodent, it is also
named fara 'amya blind rat". By failing to distin-
guish between the mole and Mole rat, the majority
of Arab lexicographers with khuld, maintained the
contusion between these two quite different species.
For a good system it seems that in modern Arabic
khuldiyyat defines tleailv the Spalacids and tawbiyyat
the Talpids
D \\RBiMfem a pi yarabl) having passed to dfarbu'
pi djrabi in dialects (Pers mush do pa, Tamahak, edewi,
pi idatan) designates at once the jerboa in general
(types Dipus Jaculus ilaitagalus, Alactaga), and the gerbil
and the ]iid (types Gerhllm Merwnes, Psammonm and
Pachyuromys) \11 these small rodents and leapers of desert
and steppe are very similar in appearance, gait and
ways, each of them can be compared with a miniature
kangaroo with a long tail ending in a brush rather
a spear and its head, hen
ies. The .
i the
1 spea
give
>, nevertheless, distinguished
the jerboa and gerbil, calling the former yarbu' shufari
"the great" and the latter yarbu' tadmuri "the small";
in our own time, the Marazig of Tunisia make the
same difference with shahl and far ahmar. From
Africa to Arabia, as many geographical strains of
jerboas are enumerated as of gerbils and jirds, but,
without attempting a system for the most part com-
plicated, it is to be maintained that the most com-
mon jerboa is that said to be of Egypt (Jaculus
jaculus or Jaculus aegyptius) which is to be found from
Mauritania to the Arabo-Persian Gulf; it is this of
which the Arab authors speak and al-Djahiz
(Hayawan, v, 260, v, 385) then al-DamirT (Hayat . . .,
ii, 409) mention some similarities between its behav-
iour and that of the hare [see arnab, above], notably
of only resting, in light soil, on the shaggy pads
[Zama'at) of the heels in order to leave the faintest
possible tracks. But it is especially for its genius at
escaping (nifik, tanfik) when it is hunted that the
jerboa is famous among the Bedouins who, at all
times, eagerly hunted it as choice game. By day,
the jerboa lies asleep at the bottom of its under-
ground lair with many obstructed outlets, with a
small pile of spoil earth showing them on the out-
side. The hunter who, in order to dislodge it, sounds
the corridors of the burrow with a long stick can-
not divine the exit from which the animal is going
to spring out; if it finally comes out, it is with such
bounds and such abrupt swerves that it very often
keeps in check the most alert saluki. After tens of
metres of frantic running, it soon seeks to plunge
back into the ground. These retreat outlets of the
jerboa bear the names nafika' , kasi'a', tahita', dam-
ma' (see Ibn Sfduh, Mukhassas, viii, 92), and it is
from the first of these words (root .N-F-K) that there
is derived (according to the philologists and exegetes)
the Kur'anic meaning of nifak "dissimulation, duplic-
ity, hypocrisy" in the matter of faith (al-Damm,
Hayat . . ., ii, 408-9).
In the pre-Islamic period, the Bedouins used to
refrain from hunting the jerboa by night for, like
the hedgehog and porcupine [see kunfudh], it passed
for a mount of the ajinn. Jerboas, gerbils and jirds
live in small societies, of which each one colonises
a sector (cad marba'a), and it was also believed that,
as with the monkeys [see kird], they each had a
chief in the role of nocturnal sentinel of the group
and ensuring a permanent surveillance for the secu-
rity of the young (dirs, pi. adras, durus) who could
easily stray, as the proverb says adall min walad al-
yarbu' "straying more than the young of the jerboa";
if the chief relaxed his vigilance, he was hunted and
replaced.
Finally, the great round, jet black eye of the jer-
boa is used as an image in the Maghrib, where 'ayn
al-dfarbu' designates a large buck-shot for shooting large
game and, in Tunis, the colour "mouse grey" is called
djarbu'l "jerboa grey".
Of all these small creatures of the soil (hasharat al-
ard) which fa'r represents, only the jerboa, in Kur'anic
law, was recognised as legal for consumption by three
of the four juridical schools of orthodoxy, the Hanaffs
contesting this legality. For all the other rodents, the
prohibition of consumption relates not only to their
flesh, but also to every commodity in which they have
put their teeth (su'r al-fa'r) "rats, mice scraps") and every
alimentary liquid (oil, milk, honey, vinegar, etc.) in
which one of them has fallen (fa'ir); also any product
"contaminated" cannot be put on sale.
In urban areas, the destruction of invading rats
and mice has always been a permanent necessity
and the means employed, in mediaeval Islam, were
very varied, but their absolute efficacy was rarely
assured. The most widespread method was poison-
ing with the aid of baits prepared for the purpose;
the poisons which they contained were either of veg-
etable or chemical origin. As toxic plants they used
the sea-onion (scilla mantima), 'unsul bahn called basal
al-fa'r "rat onion", the rose bay (nerium oleander), difla,
samm al-himdr "donkey's poison" and the hyoscyamus
(hyoscyamus albus), and band}. Among chemical prod-
ucts they had vitriol (kalkand), sulphur of arsenic
(shakk, shubha, rayb, rahadf) or "ratsbane" (samm al-
fa'r), called in Irak turab halik "killer earth", which
was extracted in Khurasan, and litharge (murtak, mur-
dasandj); oxgall, donkey's urine and iron filings were
also included in these preparations. Another practice
was to smoke out the holes of the rodents by burn-
ing cumin, horn of horse's hoof and natron (natruri).
Cages were made with several systems of fall-traps
and box-traps in pottery, whose patterns are still in
use, but the simplest and most effective was that
which al-Asadi (Djamfiara ms. Escurial, Ar. 903,
fols. 165b- 166a) advocates in the 7th/ 13th century
and which consists of a basin filled with water and
on which is placed a rolling-pin (s±awbak), baited in
the middle with some dripping or cheese; attracted,
the greedy rodent, creeping along this unsteady pole,
makes it shake unavoidably with its own weight from
one side to the other and ends up by drowning.
Complementing all these stratagems, a permanent
hunt was assured in homes and shops by small domes-
tic carnivores such as the cat, the aforementioned
weasel, the civet (zabad) and the genet (djarnlt). The
which preyed on the eggs consists, in our own time
still, of encircling the outside of the flight grilles with
a covering of completely varnished ceramic squares
at the bottom of a slope; sometimes the exit holes
consisted of pottery pipes going well outside in order
to place an insurmountable obstacle in the way of
every climber, and this is a method constantly
employed in the pigeon-houses which adorn the Nile
Valley. To all these direct means of defence must
be added the rich arsenal of magic formulas, talis-
mans and conjuring practices which serve to rein-
force in the imagination the chances of success; of
these, one of the most widespread was to kill a
mouse, cut off its tail and bury it in the communal
room of the house.
In ancient healing, the specific virtues attributed
to the corporeal elements of rodents were relatively
limited. The head of a mouse placed in a linen cloth
and applied to the head was used to dispel migraine
and headache. The eye of a rat carried as a talis-
man allayed malaria; the upper lip of a Mole rat
had the same effect, while the blood of the latter
was a beneficial eye-lotion for all ocular troubles.
The spoil earth of its galleries and its brain mixed
with rose water made a good plaster against gout.
Finally, one of the most curious and useful proper-
ties was that of the urine of a mouse which, it
appears, perfectly erases ink on parchments. It is to
be supposed that the difficulty was in procuring a
little of this precious liquid, but it could be achieved
by capturing in a small cage-trap, one or a number
of mice and rigging up at the bottom of the device
a small spout leading to a bottle. It was then suffi-
cient to provoke a sudden irruption of the house eat
in order to achieve, under the effect of the terror,
among the captives, the awaited physiological reac-
tion of urination; it is this, at least, which al-Damiri
[op. at., ii, 2009 suggests, who seems to have exper-
imented with this stratagem with the aim of reusing
parchments, this material being always very highly
valued in the Middle Ages.
From this glimpse of the manner in which Muslim
opinion treated rats and mice, these terrible carriers
of plague and cholera, it is evident that in Islam they
scarcely enjoyed any more credit than in Christianity
and that there was no good to be expected from
this race of parasites on the fruits of man's labour;
the experience which this old Moroccan adage con-
ceals: el-far ma kayuled gher haffar "the rat/mouse can
only beget a grave-digger" sums up well this general
contempt.
Bibliography (apart from the references cited in
the text): Amin al-Ma'luf, Mu'd}am al-hayawan. An
Arabic zoological dictionary, Cairo 1932; E. Ghaleb, al-
Mawsu'afi 'ulum al-tabT'a, Dictionary of natural sciences,
Beirut 1965; L. Lavauden, Les vertebres du Sahara,
Tunis 1926; M. Lhote, La chaise chei les Touareg,
Paris 1951; Firuz Iskandar, Rahnama-yi pistandaran-i
Iran, Guide to mammals of Iran, Tehran 1977.
(F. Vire)
al-FARABI, Abu Ibrahim Ishak b. Ibrahim, lex-
icographer. The early sources are sparse in regard
to him. Only Yakut gives him a whole notice (Udaba',
vi, 61-5 = Irshad, ii, 226-9); al-Suyuti reproduces a
few extracts from this adding nothing (Bughya, i,
437-8); and al-Kifti speaks of him only incidental-
ly in his Inba' (i, 52-3), in his notice on Abu 'l-'Ala'
al-Ma'arn.
His date of birth is unknown, but he probably
died in 350/961 (the date given by Brockelmann,
F, 133, and Kraemer, 212). He was the maternal
uncle of al-Djawhari, author of the Sihah id. ca.
400/1009 [q.n]), which keeps al-Farabi within the
4th/ 10th century and exludes the date of 450/1058
(Yakut, vi, 62; cf. al-Kifti, Inba', i, 53). He lived in
his natal town of Farab [q.v.]. Yakut, he. cit., reports,
however, on the authority of the kadi Yusuf b.
Ibrahim al-Kifti (father of the author of the Inba')
from the Yemen, where he resided, that al-Farabi
went to the Yemen, lived in Zabid, composed there
his Diwan al-adab and died there also, before he had
been able to teach it, at a date ca. 450 A.H.; but
Yakut himself, on the basis of all the historical details
which he had brought together (vi, 63-5), rejects the
reports of the kadi Yusuf (vi, 65). Yakut bases him-
self here on, in particular (vi, 63), the fact that he
had read as follows, written in al-Djawharfs own
hand, kara'tuhu 'aid Ibrahim, rahimahu Allah, bi-Farab
"I read it [sc. the Diwan al-adab] at Farab with
[Abu] Ibrahim [the author]". Elsewhere Yakut says
(vi, 159, notice on al-Djawhari), "I found at Tibriz
a copy of the Diwan al-adab, written in al-Djawharfs
hand (bi-khatt al-Dj.) in the year 383". It is also
appropriate to consider the old mss. to be men-
For his part, al-Kifti (Inba', i, 52) repeats an anec-
dote which brings in Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma'arri in order
to explain how the Yemenis were able to believe
that al-Farabi had come to the Yemen, as they
asserted; this anecdote has pungency, but hardly any
value.
The Diuan al adaFs editor, Ahmad Mukhtar
'Umar, in his sketch of the author (i 3-10), also
rejects this alleged tup to \emen (b) and considers
it reasonable to think that he went to Bukhara and
Baghdad, especially as he would only have been able
to find in the latter city the necessary material for
the composition of the Diwan al-adab; hence it is
very probable that it was put together in Baghdad.
' >n only of probabilities.
,1-Far
? ibid,
31.
lght his book at Farab and it became known
in neighbouring regions (i, 7), and it was there that
the earliest study on his work appeared, in the shape
of the Tahdhib Diwan al-adab of al-Hasan b. al-Muzaffar
al-Naysabun, a lughawi who lived in Kh"arazm and
died in 442/1050-1 (ibid.).
The Diwan al-adab [ft bay an lughat al-'Arab], accord-
ing to the complete title in the Oxford ms. (Kraemer,
212) is an original dictionary. The vocabulary is set
forth according to the forms (wain); under each wazn,
in the alphabetical order of the last radical consonant.
This innovation had a great renown in Arabic lexi-
cography; al-Djawhari adopted this arrangement for
his Sihah, and it became widespread. Al-Farabi never-
theless retained something of al-Khalfl's way: he
dhided the subject-matter up into six kutub (1) the
Kitab al-salim; (2) the A", al-muda'af, (3) the A", al-mithal;
(4) the A: dhaivat al-thalatha [the adjmaf\; (5) the A".
dhaivdt al-arba'a; and (6) the A', al-hamza. In each kitab
there came first the nouns and then the verbs, strictly
This dictionary arranged by wazn is a precious
aid for Arabic philological studies, for it permits one
to study these wazris. But for practical consultation
it is not easy. Ahmad Mukhtar 'Umar's edition is
with the muradja'a of Ibrahim Anis, who opens the
first volume with a tasdir. So far, three volumes have
appeared at Cairo (1394/1974 and each following
year), and a fourth will give the Kitabs 5 and 6 and
indices. Brockelmann lists 30 mss. (F, 133, S I, 195-
6, III, 1196); the editor cites 23 of these (i, 31-2),
but has based his text on five, and especially on
the two oldest, from 391 and from before 390 (i,
57-60).
Hadjdji Khalifa in his Kashf al-zunun confused the
Diwan al-adab with al-Zamakhsharfs Mukaddimat al-
adab, see the editor's mukaddima (p. /), and there is
also a confusion between al-Farabi the lexicographer
and al-Farabi the philosopher (ibid.).
The Diwan al-adab had a deep influence on al-
Djawharfs dictionary, which not only followed the
arrangement by the last radical, but also took over
the same subject matter, making Kopf observe justty
[see al-D|awharT] that the latter's own contribution
was minimal. Al-Farabfs work also had an influence,
in regard to method, on the Shams al-'ulum of Nashwan
al-Himyari, according to the editor (i, 52-3), and on
two Arabic-Persian dictionaries, those of Abu 'Abd
Allah al-Husayn al-Zawzani (d. 486/1093) and of Abu
Dja'far Ahmad al-Bayhaki (d. 504/1110-11). It was
further the model, in regard to form, of the Turkish
dictionary by Mahmud al-Kashghari, the Diwan lughat
al-turk (Kraemer, 212).
Lost works of al-Farabi include a Bayan al-i'iab and
a Shark Adab al-katib, mentioned by Yakut (vi, 63).
Al-Suyuti, Muzhir, i, 211, gives an extract from a
A) al-Alfiz wa 'l-huruf on the value of the tribes for
their 'arabiyya. He begins it thus: kdla Abu Nasr al-
Farabi, which was the kunya of the philosopher, and
the editor, following Ibrahim Anis, sees here an error
by al-Suyuti (as earlier by Abu Hayyan) and prefers
to connect the work with Abu Ibrahim al-Farabi the
lexicographer. Both these scholars are unaware of the
A: al-Hurufoi Abu Nasr al-Farabi, published in Beirut
al-FARABI — FARAMUSH-KHANA
1969 (Recherches, Serie 1, vol. 46) and edited by
Muhsin Mahdi. A'. al-Hurufis the oldest title by which
the work has been known, but since Ibn Abi Usaybi'a
it has been known as the K. al-Alfdz wa ''l-huruf
(mukaddima, 34). Al-Suyuti's citation is indeed there
(147, and not at the beginning), but not word-for-
word; it seems that al-Suyuti made a resume of what
al-Farabi said and then added something of his own,
according to the editor's explanation (mukad-dima, 40).
Hence there is no reason for attributing to the lex-
icographer al-Farabr an allegedly lost K. al-Alfdz wa
'1-humf.
Bibliography: J. Kraemer, Studien zur altarabi-
vhen Lexikographie, in Oriens, vi (1953), 201-38; al-
Kiftl, Inbd' al-tuwdt 'aid anbdh al-nuhat, i, Cairo
1369/1950; al-Suyuti, Bughyat al-wu'at ft tabakal al-
nuhat, i, Cairo 1384/1964^ There is a description
of the Dlwan al-adab by Husayn Nassar, in al-
Mu'djam al-'arabi. nash'atuhu watatawwuruhu, i, Cairo
1375/1956, 176-81, exposition by the editor at i,
10-53; See also the authors cited in the text.
(H. Fleisch)
FARAMUSH-KHANA (P.fardmush "forgotten" and
khdna "house"), the word used in Iran to designate a
centre of masonic activities. The term seems to have
originated in India, where a masonic lodge was first
founded by the British in 1730. The earliest known
references in Persian sources to the idea of freemasonry
in general and to Indian masonic activity in particu-
lar can be found in the writings of 'Abd al-Latif
ShOshtari Djaza'iri, a Persian emigre to India. Writing
in 1801, 'Abd al-Latif believed that the reason why
the Indians and the Persian-speaking people of India
call the freemasons fardmush was that whatever ques-
tions were put to them — many of whom were
Muslim— they answered: "It is not in my memory"
[Tuhfat al-'dlam, Haydarabad 1846, 292). The usage
might have easily passed from India to Iran, as, in
the opinion of 'Abd al-Ghani Mirzayev, it also passed
from there to the Persians of Central Asia, where
Ahmad Makhdum Danish of Bukhara saw elements
of absolute happiness for mankind in the idea of a
fardmush-khdna, see his Asndd-i djadid rdd}i' bi fardmush-
khdna va ba'di az makdsid-i ahl-i an. in Djashn-ndma-yi
Muhammad Parwin Gundbddi, ed. Muhsin Abu '1-Kasimi,
Tehran 1975, 409-20).
One of the early Persian-speaking travellers to
Europe who gave an account of freemasonry was
Mirza Abu Talib Isfahani, son of another Persian
emigre to India. He travelled and lived in Europe
from 1798 till 1803. While in London (21 January
1800 to 7 June 1802), AbO Talib, who was in close
association with a number of distinguished English
men and women, was urged to join "the freemasons
who are being called fardmushan by foreigners". Being
somewhat critical of freemasonry, Abu Talib claims
to have refused the offer, but he describes in detail
a high-class and colourful party to which "no one
but the freemasons" were invited (Masir-i Tdlibi, Tehran
1973, 151-2).
The first Iranian person known to have joined
freemasonry in Europe was 'Askar Khan Afshar
Arumi, a high-ranking dignitary of the Kadjar
royal court. 'Askar Khan, who was on a diplomat-
ic mission to the court of Napoleon, was initiated
into the lodge of the Philosophic Scottish Rite in
Paris in 1808. The second initiate is known to
have been Mrrza Abu '1-Hasan Khan Ilci, the first
Iranian ambassador to England. He was initiated in
London in 1810 under the guidance of Sir Gore
Ouseley who, after Ilci's initiation became the British
Ambassador to Iran. Ilci's friendly relations with
the British were so close that he received a month-
ly payment from the East India Company from
1810 till his death in 1846. Another early Iranian
man to have been happily initiated into freemasonry
was Mlrza Salih Shirazi, one of the students sent
to England in 1815. Mlrza Salih joined ihe fardmush-
khdna in London in 1817. A "Mr. Harris" who was
known to Mlrza Salih as "the chief of the fardmush-
khdna" had honoured him with two masonic ranks.
A week before his departure from London, Mlrza
Salih was urged by Mr. Harris to attend their
masonic lodge in order to receive the rank of a
master in masonic hierarchy; "otherwise", Harris
said to Salih, "you will go back to Iran with defects"
t MIrza Salih, Safai-ndma, Tehran 1968, 189, 372,
374).
Generally speaking, almost all the Iranian nota-
bles who went abroad in the 19th century, either as
exiles like Rida-kuli, Nadjaf-kuli, and TaymOr, three
Kadjar princes (in 1835), or as diplomatic repre-
sentatives such as 'Abd Allah Garmrudi (in 1839),
Farrukh Khan Amin al-Dawla (in 1857), and many
others, were initiated into freemasonry lodges.
According to some reports, the Iranians were very
curious to find out about freemasonry; they were
given the impression that freemasonry had an ori-
ental origin and that the Persians should revive this
ancient tradition. Masonic activity particularly
appealed to Iranian modernist thinkers because of
the attachment of the impressive and generally mis-
leading slogan "liberie, egalite, fraternite" to conti-
nental freemasonry. Thus we see spokesmen of
modernism such as Sayyid Djamal al-Din Asadabadi
"Afghani" and Mlrza Fath 'All Akhund-Zada well-
inclined to freemasonry. It seems, however, that
Adjudanbashi, who believed that the fardmush-khdna
"lacks anything which may bring benefit to religion
few
ceptions
-« Adju-
(Muhammad Mushiri, Sharh
ddnbdsM Tehran 1968, 398).
Despite their existence in Iran, the Iranian masons
do not seem to have carried on any noticeable
masonic activity during the first half of the 19th cen-
tury. However, in 1858 Mlrza Malkam Khan Nazim
al-Dawla who had been initiated into the Sincere ami-
tie, a masonic lodge in Paris, in 1857, established
for the first time a fardmush-khdna in Tehran. Malkam
had reportedly secured Nasir al-Din Shah's full con-
sent for this, but his fardmush-khdna was not recog-
Many distinguished individuals joined the fardmush-
khdna. Accounts of the motives behind the estab-
lishment of the fardmush-khdna are abundant, but it
seems clear that through this secret organisation,
Malkam was able to introduce his audiences to mod-
ern social and political ideas. However, some inter-
nal forces, including traditionalist conservatives, and
external elements such as the Russians, turned Nasir
al-Din Shah against it, so that he declared its abo-
lition in 1861 in these words: "From now on, if the
phrase fardmush-khdna comes out of anyone's mouth,
let alone his possible involvement in its organisation,
he will be most severely punished by the govern-
ment" (Mahmud Katira'i, Faramdsunri dar Iran,
Tehran 1968, 74).
Malkam Khan's fardmush-khdna was accordingly
closed, but the secret activities did not entirely die
out. Those who were acquainted with the fard-
mush-khdna gathered together secretly and, after the
" " " 1896 of Nasir al-Din Shah, they
FARAMUSH-KHANA
founded a secret societv called the Djam,' i adamiyy
at I I eague of Humamtv ) on the basis of Malkam s
faramush khana and propagated Malkam s ideas This
secret societv was headed bv 'Abbas-kuli Khan
\damiwat and composed of distinguished Iiamans
it was acti\el\ involved in the Persian Constitutional
Revolution of 1906 Ce.tam members of this soci-
according to Isma'il Ra'in the societv itself con-
tributed to the forward-ing of British policv in
Tehran 1968 ~~576-7) This societv was banned bv
Muhammad 'Ah Shah in 1908 The anajuman i
ukhuuuat which began to operate openK in 1899
and was acme in the Constitutional Resolution is
dient to the intei national masonic lodges
Although Sn Arthui Hardinge speaks of a certain
amount of masonic actrvm in Iian at the turn ol
the piesent centurv (Isma'il Ra'in, Andfumanha yi sim
da, mhilab i masjhrutiyyat i Iran Tehian 1%7 45 fl I
it seems that the first international -recognised
masonic lodge was established in Tehian in 1907 b\
the Grand Onent de France and called Loge du
lev
Reve
of the ]
o this
lodge were among the most acme participants in the
Persian Constitutional Revolution and some of them
like the Sardar As'ad (Hadjdji 'Ah-kuh Khan
Bakhman) were regarded as pro-British (Abdul-Hadi
Hani Why did the 'ulama' pattuipate m the Persian
Revolution of 190b 1009' in (1/ x\n ^1976) 127-54)
Later on, more masonic lodges were established in
Shiraz (1919) Abadan (1920; Masdjid-i Sulavman
(1924) and Tehian (1951 1957) Also an American
lodge was founded m Tehran in 1962 to this lodge
were repoitedlv affiliated the Rotaiv Club World
Brothers Club and Moral Re-aimament (Ra'in
Faramas
Due
. the s.
i of free
was quite
e on Pe:
and fragmentary until lecentK Some
written for and against the Malkam Faramush khana
in the 1860s, but the\ were not then published (for
159-93) ApparentK the fust
wholh devoted to the subjei
in 1874 For more elaborate
is published in India
Hints of Persian free-
ntil the 1960s when
a number of informativ e books
although most of them were largelv inaccurate and
poorh -documented The most infoimative ol all is
Rains above-quoted three-volume work (1%8) which
contains among other things the names of mam liv -
ing Iranians who have been affiliated to masonic
lodges The author s own name howev er was omit-
ted despite his alleged membership of an American
affiliated lodge (Hamid Algal An introduction to tht his
ton of Freemasonry m ban, in Middle Eastern Studm vi
(1970) 293)
Bibliography Abu 1-kasim b Zavn al-'\bidin
Fihrist i kutub i Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa'i wa sayir
i mashayikh , Kirman n d Findun A.dt
Fikr
mukaa
n 196 1 idem Andisha yi tarakki
la hukumat i kanun 'Asr i Sipahsala, Tehran
1972, Adib al-Mamahk Faiaham Dm an
Tehran 1933, Iiadj Afshar Asnad i marbui i bi
Farrukh khan in laghma win (1956) Fath 'Ah
Akhund-Zada Ahjba n diadid m maktubat, Baku
1963, Hamid Algar Mir^a Malkum Khan a study
in the history of Iranian modernism Beikelev and
1973 \
sulfa
i In
Hus
aitto per
Han
Moqaddam Agudanbasi in Europa negh anm 1254
55 AH \AD 1838 1839) in Oriente Moderno
xxxm (1953) 485-505, WS Blunt Secret history
of the English occupation of Egypt I ondon 1903
RW Cottam \ationalism m Iran Pittsburgh 1964
Yahva Dawlatabadi, Ta'rikh I mu'asir ya hayal i
lahya i Tehran 1957 c Abd al-Razzak Maftun
Dunbuh, Ma'athi, al sultanma ta'rikh i djangha
It Iran ca Rus Tehran 1972 J B Fiaser \arratae
of the lesidence of the Persian princes m London in
18j5 and 18j6 lepr New York 1973 idem
Narratue of a /ourney into Khorasan m the years 1821
and 1822 London 1825 Comte de Gobmeau
Les religions et philosophies dans I Asie Centralt Pans
1928 RF Gould History of Freemasonry though
out the world iv New York 1936 Abdul-Hadi
Hani Shi'ism and constitutionalism m Iran a study
of the role played by the Persian residents of Iraq in
Iranian politics Leiden 1977 Sir Arthui Hardinge
4 diplomatist in the East London 1928 Mahdi-
kuh Hidavat Safar noma y, tasharruj bi Makka yi
mu'a^zama a^ tank i ( in ^hapun Amnka Tehran
1945 idem khatirat ca khatarat Tehian 1963
5 Hutin, Les Francs Masons, Pans 1961 Mahmud
'Irfan Faiamasunha in laghma n (1949)
Muhammad Hasan I'timad al-Saltana Ruz nama
yi khatirat Tehran 1966 Hasan I'zam Kudsi
hitab i khatirat i man i-n Tehran 1963-4 AKS
Lambton Secret societies and the Persian Raolutwn
of 1903 6 in St Antonys Papers, no 4 Middle
Eastern Aifans no 1 1 1958) 43-60 idem Persian
political societies 190b 11 in St Antony s Papers
no 16 Middle Eastern Affairs no 3 (1963) 41-
89 A Lantoine Asrar i Faramush khana tr
Dja'tai Shahid Tehran n d AG Mackav
Encyclopedia of freemasonry Philadelphia 190l
Husavn Mahbubi Ardakam Ta nkh i Mu'assasal
i tamad dum yi djadid da, Iran Telnan 1975
Asghar Mahdawi and Iradj Afshar Machmu'a y,
asnad a madarik i capnashuda dar bara yi Sayyid
Djamal al Dm mash.hu) b, Afghani Tehran 1963
Mahmud Mahmud Ta nkh i rauabit i siyasi yi
Iran oa Ingilis dar ham i nu^dahum i miladi
vi-vn Tehian 1952-3 Mahdi Mahk-Zada
Ta'rikh i inkilab I mashrutiyyat i Iran i, Tehran
1949 Malkam Khan kanun 41 issues from
1889 onwards idem Machmu'a yi athar Tehran
1948 idem [Risalaha] Tehian 1907 Murtada
Mudarnsi Cahaidihi Zmdigam ca falsafa yi
idltima'i ca siyasi yi Sayyid Djamal al Din Afghani
Sa'id NafTsi
Tehra
Mill
Naz
Kirma
1953 Feieshteh M Nouiaie Tahkik dar afkar i
Mir^a Malkam khan \a^tm al Dawla Tehian
1973 Pir-Zadi Na'im Safar nama Tehran 1964
J E Polak Persien das Land und seme Bewohntr l
Leipzig 1865 Djahangir Ka'immakami Ta'ri"
uulat
< Ira
Tehra
Isr
nush khana dar Iran in laghma \vi(19(
i'iI Ra'in, Mirza Malkam khan zindigi
c Ah Rida
Saba, Illila'ati da, bara yi Mahmud khan Malik al
Shu'ara' in Rahnama yi kitab xn (1969) Husavn
b 'Abd Allah Sarabi, Makhzan al uaka'i' Tehian
19b6 Khan Malik Sasam Siyasatgman i daitra
yi ka&a, i-n Tehran 1959-6b, A Sepsis Qitelques
relive
■i Perse
i Reiue
FARAMUSH-KHANA — FARANGI MAHALL
de /'Orient, iii (1844); 'Air Asghar Shamlm, Iran
da, dawia-yi saltanat-i hadjar, Tehran 1963;
Sir Percy Sykes, A history of Persia, ii, London
1963; Ibrahim TaymQrl, 'Asr-i blkhaban yd ta'rlkh-
i imtiyazat da, Iran, Tehran 1953; Vahid, ii
(1965) la series of articles on Rida-kuli
Mlrza's memoirs); Mas'ud Mlrza Zill al-Sultan,
Sarguzasht-i Mas'udl, Tehran 1907; see esp. on
the "Loge du Reveil de lTran", P. Sabatiennes,
Iran, in Revue de /'Univ. de Bruxelles, special issue,
1977, 414-42; See also Farmasuniyya, below.
(Abdul-Hadi Hairi)
FARANGI MAHALL, a family of prominent
Indian Hanafi theologians and mystics flour-
ishing from the 12th/ 18th century to the present
day. The family traces its ancestry through the great
scholar and mystic Kh"adja 'Abd Allah Ansari of
Harfit to Ayyub Ansari, the Prophet's host in
Medina. It is not known when the family migrated
to India but, according to the family biographers,
one 'Ala' al-Din settled in Sihall of the Awadh [q.v.]
province of north India during the 8th/ 14th cen-
tury. His descendant, Mulla Hafiz, was acknowl-
edged as a distinguished 'Slim by the emperor Akbar
nade c
i 967/1559 (Ansari, A very early farman of
Akbar, see Bibl). In 1103/1692 the great-great-grand-
son of Mulla Hafiz, Mulla Kutb al-Din, who was
also hailed as a leading 'Slim of his time, was mur-
dered in a squabble over land and his library burned.
The emperor Awrangzlb recompensed his four sons
by assigning to them a European indigo merchant's
palace in Lucknow and by granting pensions to sup-
port their scholarly work. Around 1106/1695 the
family moved from Sihall to the palace which was
known as FarangI Mahall.
The descendants of Kutb al-Din made Farangi
Mahall into a centre of learning which for 250 years
attracted scholars not only from all parts of India
but also from places as far away as Arabia and
China. Teaching was the profession of most Farangi
Mahallrs and the man who first established their
reputation was Mulla Nizam al-Din [q.v.], the third
son of Kutb al-Din. In the early 12th/ 18th centu-
ry he made Farangi Mahall into the biggest centre
of learning in north India. Students from outside
Lucknow were boarded at the city's Tila mosque,
which had room for 700, and the expenses involved
were met in part by the Mughal emperors (Ansari,
Bani-i Dars-i Nizaml, 88-9). Yet there was at this
time no madrasa in Farangi Mahall, and no central
organising institution; members of the family simply
taught in their homes those who came to them.
This remained the pattern of teaching for over 200
years. Attempts were made to found a madrasa in
the 19th century, but only in 1323/1905 did one
Farangi Mahalli, 'Abd al-Bari [q.v. in Suppl.], coor-
dinate the efforts of his relatives and bring them
within an institutional framework. This Madrasa-yi
'Aliya Nizamiyya continued its work until the
1380s/1960s.
Although Farangi Mahall always remained their
base, many of the descendants of Kutb al-Din trav-
elled widely as teachers. Some like 'Abd al-Bari
and 'Abd al-Baki (b. 1286/1869-70) taught in
Medina; others taught and set up madrasas in India.
Notable amongst these are: the great logician, Mulla
Hasan (d. 1209/1794-5), who left a reputation in
Rampur capable of winning respect and support for
the teaching efforts of the Farangi Mahall family
nearly 200 years later; the extremely successful Malik
al-'Ulama' Mulla Haydar (d. 1256/1840-1), who
established the Hyderabad branch of the family and
brought Farangi Mahall into a continuing association
with India's most powerful Muslim state; but most
important of all, 'Abd al-'Ali Bahr al-'Ulum [q.v.]
who in the sixty years before his death in
1225/1810-1 taught in Lucknow, Shahdjahanpur,
Rampur, Buhar and finally in Madras where,
through his teaching and through the madrasa which
he set up in the Waladjahl mosque, he inspired a
revival of learning in South India.
In Lucknow and wherever they travelled, the
Farangi Mahall family pioneered a new curriculum
known as the Dars-i Nizamiyya. Till recently this cur-
in India, including that of the Dar al-'ulum at Deo-
band. The Dars-i Nizamiyya was created by Mulla
Nizam al-Din. It is designed to direct the student
only to the most difficult or most comprehensive
books on each subject, so that he is both forced to
think and has a chance of finishing his education by
the age of sixteen or seventeen. The curriculum has
been criticised for placing to much emphasis on the
rational sciences. This seems unjustified. It stipulates
no specific bias and insists on no particular books.
It is at bottom a way of teaching and the emphasis
is left to those who use it.
Members of the Farangi Mahall family also wrote
much, and amongst the most prolific were Mulla
Mubin (d. 1225/1810-1 1) and 'Abd al-Bari who wrote
1 1 1 books. Of course, many of their books were
glosses and super-glosses on the classical texts they
taught, but there were also works on mysticism and
collections of poetry; there were biographies like
Tnayat Allah's Tadhkira-yi 'ulama'-i Farangi Mahall which
is the major source of family history; and then there
was a variety of work from versatile scholars like
Wall Allah (1182-1270/1768-1853) who ranged from
, Adab
i. Works whicl
should be noted in particular are; Mulla Hasa:
on logic which has been popular for nearly 200 years
amongst those teaching the Dars-i Mzamiyya, Bahr al-
'Ulum's study of Rumi's Mathnawi, and Mulla Nizam
al-Dln's work on the life and deeds of his friend and
plr, Sayyid 'Abd al-Razzak of Bansa, Manakib-i
Razzakiyya. The works of one prolific scholar, who
wrote almost entirely in Arabic, stand before all. 'Abd
al-Hayy al-LakhnawI's al-Si'ayafi kashf ma fi sharh al-
wikdya, his n\-Ta'lik al-mumad^d^ad and his Zflfar al-
amani establish him as one of the greatest scholars
of recent times [see 'abd al-hayy]. These books,
together with his collection of fatawa, are still much
used by Muslims both inside and outside India and
have led to Lucknow being known as the "city of
'Abd al-Hayy".
The scholarship of the Farangi Mahall family-
placed particular emphasis on jurisprudence and
logic, which was to be expected from 'ulama', many
of whose pupils were initially destined to become
government servants and who with this in mind
were patronised by the Mughal emperors. They
represented a distinctly different tradition to that
founded by Shah Wall Allah [q.v.] of DihlT in the
12th/18th century and sustained by the Deoband
school from the 13th/ 19th century. The Farangi
Mahallls fostered the skills designed to support
Muslim states; the followers of Wall Allah were con-
cerned to develop the resources to enable Muslims
to cope with the loss of political power. They looked
FARANGl MAHALL
rship the Kur'an
emphasising in their schol-
the Hadtth. Followers of the
;e crossed swords. 'Abd al-
Hayy had a notable exchange with Nawwab Siddlk
Hasan Khan [g.v.], the leader of the AM al-Hadith
(Saeedullah, 93-101), while 'Abd al-'AH debated so
successfully with 'Abd al-'AzIz of Dihlr, Shah Wall
'Abd ;
i Bahr
-'Ulum
"Sea (
edge" ('Inayat Allah, Tadhkira, 141). A further fea-
ture of the Farangi Mahall tradition was tolerance,
and though Lucknow is renowned for its Shi'I-Sunnl
quarrels, many Shl'Is sat at the feet of these learned
Sunnis. Their independence of mind was another
il-Dln, for instance, gave
fitai
with n
■ those
i the g
legal guide of his time, the Fatawa AlamgM (Ansarl,
Banl-i Dms-i Mizaml 163-4), while the great strength
of 'Abd al-Hayy as a scholar was his capacity to
cast aside precedent and go back to first principles
in promoting an understanding of Islam. Much work
needs to be done before the scholarly achievement
of the Farangi Mahall family can be' fully appreci-
ated, but Shibll Nu'mani did not exaggerate when,
after visiting Farangi Mahall in 1313-14/1896, he
summed it up in these words: "This is the Cambridge
of India" (ShiblT, 99).
The Farangi Mahallis, however, were not just schol-
ars; they were also, to a man, mystics. Even 'Abd
al-Hayy, whose grave is one of bare earth open to
the skies, stressed the benefits of visiting the shrine
at Bansa and in his will urged his relatives to study
Imam al-Ghazalls's Ihya' 'ulum al-dln. As in their schol-
arship, the mysticism of the Farangi Mahallis with
its heavy concentration on the saint's tomb and the
celebration of 'uis contrasted strikingly with the later
Wall Allah-Deobandi tradition which eschewed such
practices. Moderate supporters of the doctrine of
wahdat al-uwdjud, they continued to study and to teach
the works of Ibn ai-'Arabl up to the 20th century.
Sayyid 'Abd al-Razzak (d. 5 Shawwal 1136/27 June
1724), the illiterate pit of the Kadiri order, was the
saint to whom all members of this learned Farangi
Mahall family looked. They regarded their association
with 'Abd al-Razzak as crucial to their spiritual well-
being, while the sadjdjadta of his shrine at Bansa some
30 miles from Lucknow were careful to pay the schol-
ars of Farangi Mahall especial respect. There are
also three important centres of devotion within the
family. The shrine of Mulla Nizam al-Din in Lucknow,
which is renowned for the benefit it can bring the
mentally disturbed and scholars in difficulty; the shrine
of Shah Anwar al-Hakk, and his successors and fol-
lowers, which is also in Lucknow; and the shrine of
Mawlana 'Abd al-'Ali Bahr al-'Ulum which is in the
Waladjahr Mosque at Triplicane, Madras. There are,
furthermore, three important sibilas which run through
the family: the Kadiri flowing from Sayyid 'Abd al-
Razzak of Bansa, the Cishti-Nizami from Shah Kudrat
Allah Nizami of Safipur, and the Cishtl-Sabirl which
goes back through Mulla Kutb al-Din' to Shavkh
Muhibb Allah of Allahabad, the great proponent of
Ibn al-'Arabi, to Shah Ahmad 'Abd al-Hakk of
Radawli.
By the present century, the springs of Indian
mysticism were failing, but where they still flowed,
the Farangi Mahall family were often prominent.
They had connections with many of the major
shrines in North India. They taught the sons of
many sa^Sdas at the Madrasa-yi 'Aliya Nizamiyya,
the calendar of which was arranged to enable stu-
dents to attend importar
Farangi Mahallis were giv
. Conse
t. The
ras 'Abd al-Bar
ly throughout North
Indian society, where his disciples ranged from the
cadets of great landed families to politicians such
as Muhammad and Shawkat 'All and to relatives
of the sadjdjddas of the most important shrine in
India, that of Mu'in al-Din Cishti at Adjmlr. His
influence, and that of Farangi Mahall, was demon-
strated when at the ',irs of Mu'in al-Din Cishti in
1334/1916 he played the leading role in founding
the Bazm-i Sufiyya-yi Hind, which aimed to revive
and to reform Indian mysticism.
From the time when they were established in
Farangi Mahall, the descendants of Kutb al-Din,
through the expansion of the family, through teach-
ing, through writing, through giving fatawa and
through providing spiritual leadership, made v\ide
connections throughout Indo-Muslim society. As mod-
ed a :
ignih.
irachi to Chitt;
gfro,
Lucknow to Madras and from
When the Farangi Mahallis
India-wide movement, as in the campaign to pro-
tect the holy places of Islam embodied in the
Andjuman-i Khuddam-i Ka'ba [ij.v. in Suppl.] found-
ed in 1331/1913, or in the campaign to support the
Sharif Husayn against Ibn Sa'ud in 1343-4/1925-6,
their activities were based on this network. Moreover,
it played a similar role when Farangi Mahallis joined
"modern" politicians in the great religio-political
movements of the period. They were in the fore-
front of those driving forward the Indian Khilafat
movement up to the end of 1338/1920, while they
were again prominent in the revival of the All-India
Muslim League after 1356/1937. In all these cam-
paigns Farangi Mahall 'ulama' promoted policies
which, as in most other things, Deobandi 'ultima'
either found difficult to support or opposed outright.
This Deobandi opposition only serves to illuminate
the point that the Farangi Mahallis were the first
as 'Abd al-Barl, Salamat Allah and 'Inayat Allah,
orators, writers and builders of organisations, were
important channels through which modern politicians
based in Dihli and Lucknow made contact with the
Muslim masses.
The contributions of the Farangi Mahallis to Muslim
education, learning and politics over three centuries
make them remarkable among Indo-Muslim families.
Family tradition itself helps to explain this record of
sustained achievement. Each generation has placed
great emphasis on maintaining the family's standards
of learning and mystical knowledge. And this process
has been helped by the way in which the family has
kept together; however far Farangi Mahallis strayed
in search of a living, most returned to Lucknow to
marry, to find solace in times of difficulty and to die.
Moreover, the family has remained united except for
one division which developed over the succession to
Bahr al-'Ulum in Madras. Only from the middle of
the present century, as Islamic education has retreated
before western education and as the partition of the
subcontinent has divided the family between India
and Pakistan, has the hold of family tradition weak-
ened, and the record of achievement declined.
Bibliogiaphy: Much biographical material
relating to members of the Farangi Mahall family
may be found in: Wall Allah Farangi Mahalll,
al-Aghsan al-arba'a, Nadwa ms., Lucknow;
FARANGI MAHALL — FARAS al-MA'
Mawlawl Haflz Allah, Kanz al-barakdt, n.d.; Altaf
al-Rahman Kidwai, Ahwal-i 'ulama'-i Farangi
Mahail, 1907;' 'Abd al-Bari, Athar al-uwal, n.d.;
Mawlawi 'Inayat Allah, Tadhkira-yi 'ulama'-i
Farangi Mahail, Lucknow 1928; Mawlawi 'Inayat
Allah, Risala-i hasrat al-afak ba wafit madimu'at
al-akhlak, Lucknow 1929; Sibghat Allah Shahld
Ansari, Sadr al-mudarrisin, Lucknow 1941. The
following works offer information primarily on
the educational activities of the family:
Muhammad Rada Ansari, Bani-i Dars-i Mzami,
Lucknow 1973; Shibll Nu'manl, Makalat-i Shibli,
A'zamgafh 1955, 91-123; Altaf al-Rahman
Kidwai, Kiyam-i mzam-i ta'llm, Lucknow 1924;
G.M.D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj, Lahore 1941, chs. ii and
iii. For the Farangi Mahalll interest in mysti-
cism, in addition to the biographical works
above, see: Nur al-Hasan Adjmirl, Khadimana
guzansh, Lucknow 1923; 'Abd al-Bari, <Urs Hadrat
Bansa, Lucknow n.d.; and for their political activ-
ities, see: F. Robinson, Separatism among Indian
Muslims: the politics of the United Provinces' Muslims
1860-1923, Cambridge 1974 chs. vii-ix. Light is
shed on other aspects of the family's history and
activities by Muhammad Rada Ansari, A very
early farman of Akbar, cyclostyled paper, Centre
of Advanced Study, Aligarh Muslim University,
and Saeedullah, The life and works of Muhammad
Siddiq Hasan Khan Nawab of Bhopal 1248-
1307/1832-1899, Lahore 1973, 93-101.
(F.C.R. Robinson)
FARAS al-MA' (A., pi. khayl al-ma', khuyul al-ma')
and synonyms faras, al-bahr faros al-nahr, faros nahri,
hisan al-bahr, denoting the hippopotamus, are nothing
other than Arabic translations of its Greek name 6
utrcoi; 6 itOT&u.io<; in the works of Herodotus, then
iititoit6rau.o<; in the works of Galen and Aristotle;
Herodotus also calls it 6 I'ltitoi; xox> Neitam, whence
faras al-.Nil "horse of the Nile" and Pliny simply trans-
lated the Greek as equus fluviatilis. In Nubia it bears
the name bimik and in the Touareg country, agamba
(pi. igambaten) and bango (pi. bangotm). The epithets
khinzir al-ma' (Kazimirski) and djamus al-bahr (Amln
al-Ma'luf) attributed to the hippopotamus seem to be
errors of definition.
Belonging to the order of non-ruminant artiodacty-
lae, this bulky African pachyderm (Hippopotamus
amphibius) forms, with its dwarf relative from Liberia,
the recently-discovered pygmy hippopotamus (Choerop-
sis libenensis), the family of hippopotamids, which is
closely related to the suids and whose habitat at the
present stretches over central and south-eastern Africa,
from Senegal to Ethiopia and the Transvaal. In the
mid-Quaternary period it was present in large num-
bers in Europe and North Africa, as is proved by fos-
sile remains. It was widespread throughout the Sahara
in the Neolithic period and at the dawn of recorded
history; Hannon, in the course of his famous journey,
came across the animal in a river which was proba-
bly the Saguiet-el-Hamra flowing to the north of the
Rio de Oro. The Nile was a home for these crea-
tures the whole length of its course, including the
Delta, until very recent times, since the Neapolitan
doctor Zerenghi captured a pair of them in a ditch-
trap, in 1609, near Damietta. At the beginning of the
19th century, according to Riippel, the hippopotamus
was still common in Nubia, but today, in order to
find it, one must travel down the Nile to a point well
beyond Khartoum; the shrinking of its habitat and the
rapid drop in its numbers are due to the combined
action of the progressive drying-up of the Sahara
and associated regions and uncontrolled destruction on
the part of man, black as well as white.
The first mention of the hippopotamus appears
to be Biblical, since exegetes identify it with the
Behemoth, the brute beast (arabised as bahimut, asso-
ciated with the root B-H-M) described in the Book
of Job (xl, 10-19), as being one of the first works
of God and as embodying blind force along-side the
"Leviathan" (possibly the crocodile); whatever the
case may be, it is very probable that the waters of
the Jordan were acquainted with the creature in
those remote times. Common throughout ancient
Egypt, the hippopotamus, the walking scourge of
crops, was the incarnation, in local mythology, of
the maleficent goddess Thoueris, partner in evil to
the crocodile god Sobek; a statuette in varnished
blue ceramic (Paris, Museum of the Louvre) dating
from the 11th Dynasty, or about two thousand years
before the Christian era, definitely constitutes one
of the most ancient representations of the pachy-
derm. After the Bible, it is in the works of Herodotus
[Histories, ii, 71) that we find the oldest description
of the "horse of the Nile" based on information,
now lost, given by Hecate of Miletus (6th century
B.C.); Aristotle was to reproduce this account (Natural
history), tr. J. Tricot, Paris 1957, i, 127) and after
him, a number of authors including Plutarch,
Diodorus of Sicily, Strabo, Pausanias and Pliny. For
all of them, the image of the hippopotamus is that
of a cloven-footed beast like the cow, with a mane
and with a horse's whinny, but with a very large
and snub nose, and with the tail and tusks of the
wild boar. It kills and eats the crocodile and dev-
astates crops on the banks of the river; it is the
size "of a donkey" and its hide, impenetrable so
long as it is kept dry, is used to make javelins,
shields and helmets. In spite of the exhibition of
hippopotami at Rome on the occasion of triumphs,
and especially at that of Augustus after his victory
over Cleopatra, in spite of the presence of a spec-
imen in the menageries of Heliogabalus, and in
spite, finally, of a precise description of the animal
given by Achilles Tatius and repeated, in the
year 325 of the present era, by Eusthatus of
Cappadocia, the western world was to remain until
the Renaissance in almost complete ignorance of the
hippopotamus, to the extent that in his Treasury, the
Florentine Brunetto Latini (13th century) could still
write: "l'ypopotame est un peissons qui est apelez
cheval fluviel por ce que il naist el Hun de Nile."
The creature only began to be known with the
accounts, in 1544, of P. Gilles and P. Belon who
were able to observe at leisure, in Constantinople,
one of these animals kept in captivity. In the East,
Arab authors, cosmographers and encyclopaedists,
while retaining the assertions of Aristotle, were able
nevertheless to collect, from Nubia and Abyssinia,
more precise information. Thus al-Djahiz, without
himself knowing the animal, reproduces on the sub-
ject (Hayawan, vii, 129-45, 250) some interesting
details supplied by travelling merchants. He declares
notably that the traces left by the hippopotamus, in
the course of its nocturnal sorties, on the muddy
banks of the Nile, shows to the river farmers the
farthest limit to which the river will rise when in
flood, and that, if captured young, the hippopotamus
is easily domesticated and used to be kept in homes
in close proximity to women and children; this was
said to be an effective means of protecting them
from the jaws of the ever-lurking crocodile. When
it leaves the river to graze, adds al-Djahiz, the hippo-
FARAS al-MA'
potamus goes a considerable distance and only starts
browsing while returning to the water, as if it has
calculated in advance the quantity of food that will
be necessary for it during the night. Its teeth had
the power, among the Nubians, to soothe their fre-
tomach ailmen
au.sed by
■v fish and their habit of drinking muddy wat
the invalid would wear one of these teeth ove
stomach. Besides, the internal organs of
hippopotamus were regarded by them as a good
remedy against the periodical seizures of epileptics
at the time of new moons [sat' al-ahilla). To these
observations, al-Mas'iidi adds (Murudj, § 805) that
while feeding, the hippopotamus deposits its excre-
ment here and there and that the intact seeds that
regrowth of the vegetation.
gable Moroccan globe-trotter I
with his own eyes in its Nigeri
habitat. In fact, having left Sidjilmasa and cros:
Mauretania and the \ast desert of the Touaregs.
1 the course of the year 754/1353, to
kingdom of Mali [a. v.] on the
How<
-, this r
little t<
for the havoc wreaked in the planted fields,
iwners were often obliged to suppress the
s that were to blame for the damage; ir
s portions of lupins {turmus, tirmis) offered tc
he greedy pachyderms, which would gorge them-
eturning to the water anc
gen.
Thos
with n
all n
the Nile. Then
e\ed tc
i the \
a bran
t of
Bambara, in Malinka and in Mandingo. His first
encounter with the animals took place in the vicinity
of a broad bay (klialldi) in the river (possibly Lake
Debo) which he had to cross by boat with his car-
avan (Rihla, Cairo 1346/1928, ii, 201). -'...There
quadrupeds
lished m
v of tl
and v
i 1 took t.
i this
i of the hippopotamus were content to repeat
what had previously been said. It is, however, curi-
ous to find that al-ldnsT, describing the Nile and
Nubia {Nuzhat, climate I, section 4), devotes only two
lines to the animal, stating that it has webbed feet.
Still more astonishing is the lack of attention paid
to it by al-Makrlzi [khitat, oh. xx) in the context of
"wonders of the Nile"; repeating al-Mas'udi, he adds
only that the animal is present in large numbers in
the mining district of the ShankFr, on the double
bend of the river. Al-Damin completes all the pre-
ceding with his customary rubrics about the per-
missibility of eating it, the particular qualities of its
organs and the animal's role in oneiromancy. Thus
we know [Hayat al-hayawan al-kubra, Cairo 1356/1937,
ii, 221-2) that according to the scheme of Kur'anic
law, the flesh of the hippopotamus may be consumed
because it is a wild herbivore "resembling" a horse.
We also learn that the skin of the pachyderm, buried
in the middle of a village, protects the latter from
every scourge; that after burning, the ashes of this
skin mixed in a paste with flour of the vetch [kir-
sanna) makes a plaster which, in three days, cures
abcesses; and that the gall, after prolonged soaking,
is dried to make a powder for treating eyes affect-
ed with the dark cataract (al-ma' al-aswad). What al-
DamirT omits to mention is the high value accorded
to the ivory of the teeth and tusks of the
hippopotamus. In fact, this ivory was exported from
East Africa along with that of the elephant [see 'adj
and fil] and the "horn" of the rhinoceros [see
superiority of its grain, of which the pure white does
not grow yellow in the course of time; confused with
(Nordic in origin), the West imported it as a high-
quality material for craftsmen of inlaid goods, of
high-class cutlery, and, most of all, of artificial den-
tures; the production of synthetic materials with resin
base destroyed this market to some extent.
In short, all these mediaeval texts relating to the
hippopotamus are nothing more than echoes of
accounts where imagination frequently prevails over
reality; also, the only true Arab testimony of real
ing the animal remains
phant
" e. Then I saw them plunge
river and I consulted Abu Bakr b. Ya'kub (the
ivan guide) about these huge creatures. They are
explained to me, "horses of the river" [khayl al
I that have left the water to graze on dry land
They are larger than horses, but they have the mane
t tail and the head, although their foot is that o
- elephant. I had occasion to see these hippopotam
' ' /elled down the Nile (= th< ""
of
Timbuktu
sKuk
formerly called Gogo); they v
middle of the river, lifting their heads above the sur-
face and breathing noisily. For fear of these animals
the canoists moved closer to the bank lest they cap-
size us. The natives have a cunning method for fight-
ing these beasts; they use javelins of which the
•ough which
■ throwi
ords. They
capons and
■ spear :
mbedded; all the hunt
s then
drag
ropes;
dispatch him and feed on his ilesh. Hence the abun-
dance of bones strewn the whole length of the banks
of the river." We may add that, since then, the mas-
sacre has not ceased and has intensified with the
coming of the Whites to Africa; the hippopotamus
provided, to a considerable extent, the subsistence
of the armies fighting in the Cameroon* at the time
of the First World War, and it has since paid a
heavy tribute to suppliers of shipyards and to local
militia chiefs, without counting "safari" enthusiasts
)f spectacular trophies. Some partial meas-
tely i,
.1 the a
ards the
tique
see L.
Paris
, Geo,
1959, 96; P.
urgoin.
: de chaise d'Ajnque, Paris 1955, 73-5; R.
Fiasson, Llwmme tontre I'animah Paris 1957, 77;
L. Guyot and P. Gibassier, Les noms des ammaux
tenesties, Paris 1967, 74-6; Th. Haltenorth and
W. Trense, Das Grosswild der Erde, Bonn-Munich-
Vienna 1956; B. Heuvelmans, S„r la juste des
betes ignorecs, Paris 1955, ii, 115-16; L. Lavauden,
Les grands animaux de chaae de VAfnque Ftancane
(collection Faune des colonies francaises, i/7), Paris
1934, 416-20; H. Lhote, La (haste chez les Touaregs;
Paris 1951, 68-9; I.T. Sanderson, Lirmg mammals
FARMASUNIYYA
of the world, Fr. tr. Les Mammiferes vwants du monde,
Paris 1957. (F. Vire)
FARMASUNIYYA (a.), freemasonry (also in
Arabic: Firmasumyya, Masumyya and Binaya Hurra; in
Turkish, Franmasonluk, Farma'sonluk. Masonluk).
I. In the Ottoman empire and its succes-
Freemansonry first penetrated the Empire via
lodges (Arabic mahftl; Turkish mahfel, loca) es-
tablished by Europeans. As many of the lodges were
established without the authority of organised
freemasonry, they were frequently short-lived. Several
lodges were reported in Aleppo, Izmir and Corfu
in 1738, in Alexandretta in the early 1740s, in the
Armenian parts of Eastern Turkey in 1762 and in
Istanbul in 1768 or 1769. Individual freemasons—
although not lodges — were reported in Tunisia in
1784 (Jews of Livornese origin) and a year later
in Algeria (local Muslims). In Egypt, lodges were
allegedly set up by French officers during the
Napoleonic Occupation. Despite the small number
and limited activities of freemasons in the 18th cen-
tury, the Ottoman authorities restricted them, with
only moderate success, as early as 1748. More infor-
mation is available on masonic activity since the
1820s, especially among foreigners and local
Christians and Jews in Istanbul, Izmir, Syria, Thrace,
Macedonia, Epirus and other parts of the Empire.
From the mid- 19th century onwards, more and more
international freemasonic organisations founded
lodges in the main population centres of the Empire,
through their European residents. The spread of
freemasonry was indeed a facet of European influ-
ence; it progressed more rapidly in areas under
European political control, e.g. in Algeria after 1830
(1851: 842 freemasons in 14 lodges), Tunisia after
1881 (1910: more than 300 freemasons) and Egypt
after 1882. European economic penetration had an
impact as well; the first lodge in Jaffa was set up
by French railway engineers in 1891. Robert Morris,
an American freemason who toured Asia Minor in
1868 and founded the first lodge in Jerusalem, in
that year calculated that 17 English, 15 French and
8 Italian lodges were active throughout the Empire.
Actually there were more; by the end of the century,
there was hardly a city or town of importance with-
out at least one lodge. Christians, Muslims and Jews
mingled freely in these lodges (although certain
lodges were preponderantly of one faith, such as
Sion's Lodge, founded among the Izmir Jews in
1870), which were among the few meeting-places
for members of different faiths, as well as for for-
eigners and natives. This created a language prob-
lem, and the ritual was sometimes performed in
more than one language. Membership figures were
generally modest — between approximately one dozen
and one hundred per lodge — but the importance of
freemasonry was enhanced by such important per-
sons as the Algerian amir 'Abd al-Kadir (1864),
Mehmed Rashid, wall of Syria (1868), Djamal al-
Dm al-Afgham [q.v.], Muhammad 'Abduh [q.v.\ and
several members of the Khedivial family (from the
1860s onwards). Moreover, many local freemasons
were people-of-means — generally of the upper mid-
dle classes — because of the relatively high mem-
bership dues. This remains true, to a great extent,
to this very day.
It was perhaps inevitable that the lodges would
serve, at times, as nuclei for anti-establishment
and even revolutionary political activity, owing to
their clandestine nature. Prince Hallm, Grand
Master of the Grand Orient of Egypt in 1867-8,
attempted to use the freemasons in his struggle
against the Khedive IsmaTl. In 1876, the deposed
Sultan Murad V unsuccessfully sought to enlist the
assistance of the freemasons in Istanbul to ensure
his safety from 'Abd al-Hamid IPs designs and
probably even for launching a counter-coup. Early
in the 20th century, masonic lodges, mostly those
in Salonica, served as a cover for the meetings of
leaders of the Young Turks, of whom at least one,
Tal'at, was an active freemason. There is, howev-
er, no conclusive evidence that freemasonry as such
played a role in the preparation and implementa-
tion of the Young Turk Revolution. True,
freemasonry could — and did — operate more freely
in the post-Hamidian era (it had been proscribed
during <Abd al-Hamid IPs reign), although only for
a short period, as Enwer forbade its activities soon
after World War I broke out. Persistent rumours
about freemansonry have nonetheless discredited it
in Republican Turkey and some of the Arab states
(in Syria and Egypt freemasonry is prohibited; in
several others, it is severely limited). This is hard-
ly due to the number of freemasons: There were
about 500 freemasons in Turkey in 1923 and ca.
2000-2400 between 1930 and 1935— when all lodges
were closed down. They reopened in 1948 as an
Association of the Masons of Turkey (Turkiye Mason
Dernegi) which has been publishing since January
1951 a periodical, Turk Mason Dergisi, renamed Mason
Dergisi in July 1973. Turkish membership reached
2,367 in 1966; figures for other Middle Eastern
states are not available, but seem to be equally
modest (e.g. in 1931, there were ca. 1500 in Palestine
and ca. 1000 in Tunisia) and declining since the
disappearance of the Mandates and Protectorates.
Rather, freemasonry's universalist and internation-
al character, partly beyond the state's immediate
control, awakened suspicion in nationalist circles,
while the non-Muslim origins of its founders and
the marked secularist spirit in many of the lodges
aroused animosity among devout Muslims.
Freemasonry's social and educational philanthropy
has been resented, as well, which may explain why
many, if not most published works on freemasonry,
in both Arabic and Turkish, tend to attack rather
than defend it. Several of those printed in the Arab
states link freemasonry and Zionism (without tan-
gible proof), denigrating both. Such works have
been published in Turkey, too, where the most pro-
lific exponent of anti-freemasonry was Cevat Rifat
Atilhan. Recently, Turkish organs sympathetic to
the Nationalist Action and National Salvation Parties
have systematically been presenting freemasonry as
evil and hostile to both Turkey and Islam. These
attitudes notwithstanding, masonic activity contin-
ues in Turkey and nearly all the Arab states, with
varying degrees of success.
Bibliography: Precis des travaux de la R.: des amis
de Napoleon le Grand a IV.: d'Alexandrie relatifs a une
fete de la paix, celebree le 19 j.: du 9. m. de I'an de
la V.: L.\ 5809, Alexandria 1809. De Belisaire,
Orient d'Alger. Proies verbal de {'inauguration du nouveau
temple, 8' jour du 9' mois de l'an de la V.'. L.:
5837, Marseilles 1838; R. Morris, Freemasonry in the
Holy Land, or the handmarks of Hiram's builders, New
York 1872; Raffaele Scarozza, Alia massonena uni-
versale generalmente ed a tutte le potenze massonuhe par-
ticolarmente sulla legale regolare esistenza del Grande Oriente
Egiziano contra la guerra fatta degh oppositon questo
povero lavoro a tutti inditiuta-imente un massone dedica.
FARMASUNIYYA — FARRUKHAN
Alexandria 1874; Ed. St. J. Fairman, Prince Halim
Pacha, of Egypt— a freemason, London 1884; R.F.
Gould, The history of freemasonry: its antiquities,
symbols, constitutions, customs, etc., iii, London
1887, esp. 320 ff.; D. Cazes, Essai sur I'histohe
des Israelites de Tunisie, Paris 1888, 14(1-1; F.G.
de Nichichievich, ed., Annuaire maconnique uni-
versel pour 1889-1890, Alexandria 1889; DjurdjI
Zaydan, Ta'rikk al-masuniyya al-'amm mundhu
nash'atiha Ha hddhd 'l-'am, Cairo 1889; Ilyas
Munsi, Dustur al-mahafil al-misriyya al-wataniyya
al-tabi'a li-'ash'irat al-banna'in al-abrar dhawi 'l-'ahd
1893; Shahln 'Makarivus, Kitab ' al-addb al-
masuniyya, Cairo 1895; idem, Kitab al-asrar al-
khafiyya fi 'l-djam'iyya al-masuniyya, Cairo 1900;
Iliya '1-Hadjdj, al-Khulasa al-masuniyya, Cairo
1900; anon., al-Hakika al-afaliyva fi 'l-shl'a al-
masuniyya, Cairo 1907; N. Nic/olaides, LEmpiie
ottoman, une annee de constitution, Brussels 1909,
150-3; L. Shaykho, al-Sirr al-masun fi shi'at
al-farmasun, Beirut 1909-11; Grand Orient
Ottoman, Instruction pour le premier grade symbol-
ique, Istanbul 1910; idem, Reglement general du
Grand Orient Ottoman pour les ateliers du 1" au 3""'
degre, Istanbul n.d. [1910]; Joseph Sakakini,
Incident avec la grande loge d'Egypte. Rapport du (sic)
Joseph Sakakini, de Virregulariie de la grande loge
d'Egypte presidee par Idris Ragheb Memphitique,
Istanbul 1910; R.F. Gould et alii, eds., A library
of freemasonry, iv, London 1911, 124-6, 145-7;
anon Le lun noir I anarchie dan-, la grande loge
nationah d Egypte Caire nd [1912 1 j] Djurdj
Ashkar and Wadi' Hanna al Kanun at umunu
li I mahjal al akbar al hkutlandi I amil hi tankat
albannain al ahrar al kadima at makbula Benut
192b Kemalettin Apak Turkne masonluk tanhi
Izmir 1932 Eugen Lennhoff and Oskai Posnei
Internationales Fnimaurerlexikon Munich 1932
anon Turhye buyuk memkmin 193j butf, ni^am
namesi pro^esi Istanbul 1934 R Chajim Josef
Da\id Asulai Ma gal tab ha salem Itineranum
(17j3 1794) ed Aron Freiman Jerusalem
1934 bl \usut al Hadjdj Fi sabil al hakk haykal
Sulayman an al uatan al kaumi li I lahud Beirut
1934 Sulevman Kulce Turkiye de masonlul
Izmir 1948 'Abd al Rahman Simi 'Ismat al
Sahyumna ua I masunma Alexandria 1950 M
Rail Ogan Turkntdeki masonluk i ( >«_« u si, Ian
Istanbul 1951 JM Landau Parliaments and pai
His in Egypt Tel Aviv 1953 80 3 r= Arabic tr
Cairo 1975, 84-6); Z.H. Velibe § e, Turkiyede frari-
masonluk, Ankara 195b; E.E. Ramsaur, The Young
Turks: prelude to the revolution of 1908, Princeton
1957, 103-10; Kemalettin Apak, Ana [izgitenyle
Turkiyedeki masonluk tanhi, Istanbul 1958; Sayf al-
Din al-Bustani, Awkifu hadha 'l-saratan: hakikat
al-masuniyya wa-ahdafuha, n.p. [Damascus], n.d.
[1959]; Cevat Rifat Atilhan, Farmasonluk insanhgin
kanseri, Istanbul 19b0; B. Lewis, The emergence of
modern Turkey, London 1961, 172-4, 207-8; J. M.
Landau, Prolegomena to a study of secret societies in
modern Egypt, in Middle Eastern Studies, London,
1 (Jan. 1965), esp. 4 IT.; Ahmad Ghalwash, al-
Djam'iyya al-masuniyya: haka'ikuha wa-khafayaha,
Cairo 1966; X. Yacono, Un Steele de franc -macon-
nene atgerunne (1785-1884), Paris 1969; Mehmet
Vedat Onat, Yakin tarihimizde masonluk iizerme bir
deneme, Istanbul 1971; Cevat Rifat Atilhan, Turk,
tste dusmamn, Istanbul 1971; Necdet Sevinc,
Ordular, masonlar, Komunistler, Istanbul 1971;
E. Kedourie, Young Turks, freemasons and Jews, in
Middle East Studies, vii (1971), 89-104; Sultan
Abdulhamit, Siyasi hatirlanm, Istanbul 1974, 97-8;
Daniel Ligou, ed., Dictionnaire universel de la franc-
matonnerie', i-ii, n.p. [Paris] 1974; J.M. Landau,
Radical politics in modern Turkey, Leiden 1974, 182-
96, 277 (= Turkish tr., Ankara 1978, 261 ff.);
Necdet Sevinc, Ordular, masonlar, Komunistler* ,
Istanbul 1975; anon., Masonik faaliyetler iizerindeki
peidesi kalkmmalidir, n.p. 1975; Hasan Cem, Dunyada
ve Turkiyede masonluk, Istanbul 1976; Hikmet
Tanyu, Tarih boyunca Yahudiler ve Tiirkler, i-ii,
Istanbul 1 976-7; Feroz Ahmad, The Turkish exper-
iment in democracy 1950-1975, London 1977, 235,
367, 376-8, 384; M. Ertugrul Diizdag, Turkiye'de
masonluk meselesi, Istanbul" 1977; Ilhami Soysal,
Turkiye ve dunyada masonluk ve masonlar, Istanbul
1978, 165 IT.; David Farhi, Yehudey Saloniki be-
mahpekhat ha-Turkim hatse'lrim ("The Jews of
l the Young Turk i
Sefunol, Jen
(1978), :
35-52; i
n., Usui
; n.d.; Cevat Rifat Atilhan,
2. In Persia. For this,
above.
FAROUK [see faruk].
FARRUKHAN, the name of two ispahbadhs of
Tabaristan: Farrukhan Djilanshah, ancestor of the
DabQyid dynasty of Tabaristan and of the Badhuspanid
dynasty of Ruyan, and Farrukhan the Great, his great-
giandson and the second Dabuud ispahbadh ol
Tabaristan
1 Farrukhan Djilanshah ispahbadh ol Tabaristan
it the time of the Arab conquest in about 22/64j
He claimed to be the gi eat grandson ol Djamasp
brother of the Sasamd king Kawadh I (488-531) at
least accoiding to Ibn Isfandoai 97 who asserts
that he ruled over the south C aspian piovinces
(Tabaristan Djilan Davlam) and the land ol the
Khazais and the Slavs but his titles contradict these
assertions in fact according to Bal ami m 493 Ibn
Khurradadhbih 119 tr 91 al Tiban i 2659 he
adopted the pompous titles Djil Djilan Ispahbadh
Ispihbadhan Ispahbadh Khurasan Padhish
khwardjushah which are to be translated as King
of the people of Djilan chief of the ispahbadh-; (of
Tabanstan) (holding his office fiom the) ispahbadh of
Khunsan king of the mountain regions lot
Tabaristan) II then control of the land of the Khazars
and Slavs is to be excluded, there is no reason to
suppose that Farrukhan exercised effective control of
Daylam and Djilan, in spite of his title of Djrlanshah,
which simply indicates that he was a native of Djilan,
as is confirmed by Bal'ami, iii, 493. In fact, Daylam
and Djflan are not mentioned among Farrukhan's
possessions in the treaty of capitulations which he
concluded with the general Suwayd b. Mukarrin, in
22/643 (al-Tabari, i, 2659-60). All that is attested
by the sources is that Farrukhan, profiting from the
decline of the central Sasanid power, enjoyed auton-
omy over Tabaristan, and occupied a senior posi-
tion with regard to the other local chieftains. His
allegiance to the Sasanids is shown by the fact that
he sent military contingents to the battle of Nihawand
(21/642) which decided the fate of the Iranian plateau
(al-Baladhun, 280; al-Dmawan, 141).
After their victory, the Arab armies marched
against the northern provinces of Persia and took
control of al-Rayy (in spite of the intervention of
troops sent from Tabaristan, Bal'amr, iii, 489), of
FARRUKHAN
Dunbawand, KOmis and Djurdjan, thus encircling
Tabaristan. Also, "when the ispahbadh of Tabaristan
became aware of these facts, they went to consult
their suzerain, upon whom they all depended, and
who lived at Amul, in the centre of the province.
This was a powerful man, a Gilani", his name was
Farrukhan and he was called ispahbadh of the ispah-
badhs . . ." (Bal'ami, iii, 493). Farrukhan advised sub-
mission with the payment of a meagre 500,000 dirhams
in tribute for Tabaristan (Bal'ami, iii, 493-4; al-Tabari,
i, 2659-60), which was far less than the sum paid to
the Sasanids, according to Ibn Isfandiyar, 1 1 8. This
submission was to prove purely formal, hence this
led in 30/651 to an expedition by Sa'id b. al-'As,
which initially met with fierce resistance (al-Tabarl,
i, 2836, ii, 1322; Bal'ami iv, 334-5; al-Baladhuri,
334-5; Ibn Isfandiyar, 98). The local historians indi-
cate neither the length of the reign of Farrukhan,
nor the date of his death, but state that his son Djil
Djawbara seized control of Daylam and Djflan (which
were reckoned to form part of the possessions of
Farrukhan Djilanshah), raised an army there and
threatened to invade Tabaristan (another of his father's
territories). The King of Kings Yazdgird III (632-51)
was obliged to accept the fail accompli and to invest
Djil Djawbara with the title Djil Djllan, Padhish-
khwardjarshah (Ibn Isfandiyar, 97; Zahir al-Din, 42).
Now these events are placed in the 35th year of
the new Persian era, which corresponds to 667 A.D.,
if the era in question is that of Yazdgird III, who
fled from his capital, Ctesiphon-Seleucia, in 637 A.D.,
and was assassinated in 31/651. One might suppose
that Farrukhan Djilanshah had been deposed, which
would explain the reconquest by his son, but the
strangest thing is that Ibn Isfandiyar, 97, claims that
Djil Djawbara established his capital at Fuman, in
Djllan, reigned 15 years and divided his
among his elder son Dabuya (eponyr
of the Dabuyids) and his younger sc
(eponymous ancestor of the Badhuspanids [q.v.]; the
Dabuyids continued to dominate the other local
princes of Tabaristan (the Zarmihrids of Miyandurud
near Sariya; the Karinids of the Karin mountains;
Bawandids of the Sharwin mountains; the Marzbans
of Tamlsha; etc.) and had their capital at Amul,
while the Badhuspanids controlled Ruyan. On the
other hand, the death of Djil Djawbara is placed
by the local historians in the year 50 of the new
era of the Persians, which corresponds to 682
A.D., if the era in question is that of Yazdgird III.
Now Tabaristan inaugurated its own era on the 1st
Farvardin I/27th Shawwal 31/1 lth June 652, and
the year 50 of the era of Tabaristan corresponds to
82-3/701-2. This shows that the exploits attributed
to Djil Djawbara are probably a legendary account,
inspired by the etymology of his name Djawbara,
which means "he who rides a bull"; according to
the local sources, Djil Djawbara disguised himself,
for a reconnaissance of Tabaristan, by pushing in
front of himself two cows from Djilan (Zahir al-Din,
39; Rehatsek, in JBBRAS (1876), 438). As for the
new era of the Persians, it is the era of Tabaristan
(since the length of the reigns of the Dabuybid ispah-
badhs, as given by the local historians, corresponds
within a few years to the dates shown by the Dabuyid
coinage discovered up to the present) rather than
that of Yazdgird III (which differs by 20 years
from the era of Tabaristan). So we have a reign of
Farrukhan Djilanshah lasting until roughly 61/680;
his successors were his son Djil Djawbara who
reigned 15 years (ca. 62-77, 681-96), then Dabuya
who "reigned over Tabaristan in a severe and inflex-
ible manner" (Ibn Isfandiyar, 98) for 16 years, that
is ca. 77-92/696-710, and finally Farrukhan the
Great, surnamed Dhu 'l-Mandkib ("the Virtuous"),
who reigned for 17 years according to the local
2. Farrukhan the Great, great-grandson of
Farrukhan Djilanshah, and second ispahbadh of the
Dabuyid dynasty of Tabaristan. His reign begins with
the issue of coinage in the name of the Dabuyid
ispahbadhs, dating fiom the year 60 of the era of
Tabaristan 93/711 The coinage consists of silver
half-drachmas, of the same type as the Sasanid
dirhams of Khusraw II (590-628), but their original-
ity lies in the fact that they are dated by the era of
Tabaristan, which begins on the 1st Farvardin 21 of
the era of Yazdgird III, corresponding to the 11th
June 652 (according to Mordtmann, in ZDMG, viii
(1854), 173-4, and not 651 as is supposed by
Marquart, Eraniahr, 133). The year of issue is indi-
cated on the left on the reverse side of the coins, in
Pahlavi, of which the writing is ambiguous, which
explains how its interpretation may be difficult and
sometimes uncertain. It is thus that Unvala insists
that theie are two princes: Farrox' (the Farrukhan
the Great of the local sources) who reigned 10-11
years, from 60 to 70 T., and another prince, whom
he calls Farrox'an, who would be the son of Farrox 1 ,
and who would have reigned 8-9 years, from 72 to
79 T. (reproduction of the coinage of Farrukhan the
Great, of the years 60, 63 65-70 75, 77 T. in Unvala,
Plate). To justify this distinction, he stresses the dif-
ference in the orthography of the names: Farrox 1 and
Farrox^an, which is also found in Ibn Isfandiyar, 114.
This historian mentions m the reign of the last
Dabuyid, Khurshid, a Fakhran and a Farrukhan, both
sons of Djusnas. Furthermore, Unvala declares that
the coins of Farrox' have no marginal inscription on
the right, whereas those of Farrox'an bear the words
apd and nwak (= "miraculous, marvellous, good"), after
the year 72 T. (Unvala: 7, § 3; 8, § 4, 5, 7, 9, 10;
30, § 10; n. 6; 31, § 11, 15). These arguments did
not convince J. Walker (according to Unvala, 7-8,
§ 4), who thinks that the reference is to the same
individual, Farrukhan the Great, of whom the local
historians speak (reproduction of the coinage from
60-2, 65-70, 75, 77, in Walker, i, PI. xxiii), but does
not give reasons.
In our opinion, there are important objections to
Unvala's hypothesis: seeing that Ibn Isfandiyar dis-
tinguishes so carefully the sons of Djusnas, there is
no reason why he should confuse Farrox v and
Farrox v an. On the other hand, Unvala (8, § 4; 31,
§ 15) makes Farrox'an the son of Farrox' "as the
patronymic indicates", which is not" conclusive, for
Fakhran and Farrukhan are two brothers, and not
father and son. Finally, the supplementary marginal
inscriptions do not imply ipso facto the existence of
two persons: in fact the coins of the governor of
Tabaristan Hani' b. Hani' have marginal inscriptions
on the right, which vary (reproduction in Walker, i,
PI. xxv, 12-15, xxxviii, 12-15); some of them men-
tion only the name of the governor, other bear the
initial ^ of Jjtt (= "justice") above the name (accord
ing to Unvala: 12, § 6). There is no question here
in Unvala's mind of two distinct governors.
On the other hand, the anonymous coinages of
134 T, 135 T., and 137 T. are of three varieties:
the first are marked nwak(u), nwak. ^f- (= "very, good");
the second Dfarlr, nwakfu), t-; the third apd
FARRUKHAN — FARUK
and nwak[u), apd and nwak, apd and f (according to
Unvala: 12, § 9; 10, § 25; reproduction in Walker,
iv, PI. xxvi, 15-17, xx«i, 1-9, 13, xxxviii, ii, 14). The
Pahlavi words apd and nwak are thus homologues of
the initial j- of J-ic, and it is clear therefore that a
Farrox 1 ana a Farrox'an cannot be distinguished in
the manner employed by Unvala.
According to Ibn Isfandiyar, 27, Farrukhan the
Great took control of the territories lying between
Tabaristan and Nishapur, and put an end to the
'' rsions by the Turks of Dihistan with whom he
•. This
when hostilhi
einforcing hi;
were resumed, the Turks were crushed at 1 uran-
car or Tunsha. This narrative in fact recalls an
episode of the reign of Khusraw I (Christensen,
Sassanides, 380), which was associated elsewhere with
the grandfather of Farrukhan the Great, Djfl
Djawbara. This story is not to be believed, espe-
cially since Ibn Isfandiyar states elsewhere 1 105) that
Farrukhan maintained friendly relations with the
governor of Khurasan, Kutayba b. Muslim (86-
96/702-15) [q.v.]. All these errors are explained by
the fact that the local historians claim that the
Dabuyids ruled over Tabaristan, Gllan and Daylam
because they bore the title Gil Gllan, Ispahbadh
Ispahbadhan (king of the Gils, Ispahbadh of the
Ispabadhs). Now, neither Gllan nor Daylam was
under the rule of Farrukhan the Great, for Ibn
Isfandiyar, 99-100, mentions an attack made by the
Daylamls against Tabaristan, an attack which was
frustrated by a trick. Similarly, when Yazid b. al-
Muhallab tried to conquer Tabaristan in 97/717,
Farrukhan the Great "appealed for help to the King
of Daylam who sent him 10,000 men" (Bal'amT, iv,
228). These Daylami reinforcements and the nature
of the terrain, suitable for ambushes, saved the ispah-
badh from annexation of his territory, but he was
obliged to consent to a heavy tribute to obtain the
withdrawal of Yazid's troops (al-Tabari, ii, 1320-1,
1327-9; al-Baladhun, 336-8; Ibn Isfandiyar, 105-7,
presents a different version, which cannot be
accepted). Farrukhan the Great concerned himself
with the development of Tabaristan until his death,
ca. 110-12/728-30. He was succeeded by his son
Dadhburzmihr who reigned for 12 years (Ibn
Isfandiyar, 108) until la. 122/739.
Bibliography: In addition to the Arabic sources
(Baladhun, ' Futuh; Ibn al-Fakih; Ya'kubl, Ta'rikh;
Tabarl; Ibn ai-Athlr) and the Persian ones
(Bal'ami; Ibn Isfandiyar, abridged tr. E.G. Browne;
Zahlr al-Dln, Ta'rtkh-i Tabaristan, ed. B. Dorn,
St. Petersburg 1850; E. Rehatsek, The Baw and
Gaobarah Sepahbuds along the southern shores of the
Caspian, in JBBRAS, xii (1876), 410-45, there should
be added J. Marquart, Eransahi; Mordtmann,
Erkldrung der Munzen mil Pehlevi Legenden, in. Abteilung,
Miinzen von Tabaristan, in ~ftU<7, viii (1854), 173-
80; H.L. Rabino di Borgomale, Les dynasties de
Mazandaran de Van 50 H. a Van 1006 H [672-
1597/98) d'apfes les sources locales, in JA, ccxxviii
(1938); J.M. Unvala, Mmismatique du Tabaristan,
Paris 1938; J. Walker, A catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian
coins in the British Museum, London 1941; M. Rekaya,
Les provinces sud-caspiennes de la nmquete aiabe au milieu
du III' slide de VH.1 642-864, typed memoire, Paris-
Sorbonne 1968, abridged in RSO, xlviii (1973-4),
(M. Rekaya)
son of King Fu'ad
and Queen Nazli
117-52.
{nee Sabri), grandson of the Khedive Isma'Tl (1863-79)
[see isma'il Pasha], was born in Cairo on 21 Djumada
al-ula 1338/11 February 1920. He was proclaimed
Crown Prince on 13 April 1922, officially named
Prince of the SaTd (Upper Egypt) on 12 December
1933, and proclaimed King of Egypt on 28 April
1936 in succession to his father who died on that
day. He officially ascended the throne on 6 May 1936.
On 20 January 1938 he married Saflnaz Dhu '1-Fikar,
daughter of Judge Yusuf Dhu 1-Fikar, Vice-President
of the Alexandria Mixed Court of Appeals. Saffnaz
was given the name and title of Queen Farida of
Egypt. There were three daughters from the mar-
riage, before it was dissolved in November 1948, when
Faruk divorced Farida. On 6 May 1951 Faruk, at
thirty-one, married Nariman Sadik, the seventeen-year
old daughter of Husayn Fahmi Sadik, who was already
betrothed to ZakT Hashim, an Egyptian official of the
United Nations Secretariat. She bore him a son. Crown
Prince Ahmad Fu'ad, who was born in Cairo on 16
January 1952.
Faruk's intended education was suddenly cut short
at sixteen when his father died. It is, however, unlikely
that he would have taken to serious study in prepa-
ration for his royal duties even had his father lived
longer. Until he was fifteen, Faruk was tutored at
home. His English governess, Mrs Ina Taylor, was
generally in charge. She tried to impart the main
features of a typically English formative education
into a prince living in ornate, European-modelled
palaces, but in which much of court life, practice
and behaviour remained a mixture of imported
European formalities and native Ottoman oriental
standards. His father tried gradually to introduce the
young prince to his future royal duties. Thus Faruk
was made Chief Scout of Egypt in 1933 at the ten-
der age of thirteen. A year before that he had made
his first appearance in a public function. The fol-
lowing year, 1934, he deputised for his father at the
> in Heli
,t fourtc
fifteen he cut a dashing young figure of a handsome,
polite prince. King Fu'ad, however, was a political-
ly-involved monarch. Between 1930 and 1935, cru-
cial years in Faruk's life, Fu'ad was involved in one
constitutional or political crisis after another, an eco-
nomic depression, and mounting opposition from the
so-called popular political parties such as the Wafd.
He hardly had much time to devote to his son.
Consequently, Faruk spent those crucial formative
years mostly with his three sisters, his governess, his
mother and her female relatives. His only frequent
male companions were palace servants, guards and
his French gymnastics master. It is not known, for
male friends of his age.
Faruk failed to gain a place at Eton. Nevertheless,
his father sent him to England in 1935 with a view
to entering the Royal Military College, Woolwich.
He was accompanied by his officially-designated
tutor Ahmad Hasanayn (Pasha), a Balliol man.
champion fencer and famous explorer, who was
later to have a great influence over the young king,
especially in the period from 1941 to 1945. The
notoriously anti-British General 'Aziz All al-Masri
accompanied Faruk as his military tutor. Faruk
failed the entrance examination to Woolwich, but
he was allowed to attend some lessons two after-
noons a week. The rest of the time he spent at
Kenry House, Kingston Hill, Surrey, where he set-
tled with his entourage in October 1935. Sgt.-Major
W.H. Parker looked after his physical fitness train-
ing, including fencing. Faruk's six-month sojourn in
England was short and of limited education value
since he attended no formal or regular course of
study. He did, however, acquire a taste for London's
Returning to Egypt upon the death of his father,
Faruk could not assume his full royal duties until he
had attained his majority which, by the Hijra calen-
dar reckoning, was to be in August 1937. Until then
a Regency Council, consisting of his uncle Prince
Muhammad 'Air, 'Aziz Pasha 'Izzat and his mater-
nal uncle Sharif Pasha Sabrf, acted for him. 'All
Mahir, a man close to King Fu'ad, had been Prime
Minister since January of that year, and generally
exerted a direct influence over the new young
monarch. Subsequently, as Chief of his Royal Cabinet
and Prime Minister again in 1939-40, he was to com-
plicate Faruk's relations with the more popular leader
of the Wafd, Mustafa Nahh as Pasha, embroil him
in contacts with the Axis powers and thus further
exacerbate his relations with the British Ambassador
Sir Miles Lampson especially, and the British gener-
ally. Another early, dubious influence on the young
inexperienced king was that of Shaykh Mustafa al-
Maraghi, Shaykh of the Azhar, a man who was also
close to his father and who harboured anti-Wafdist,
anti-British sympathies. Both these men, as well as
others among his courtiers, were to involve Faruk in
the treacherous shoals of Egyptian politics from 1936
to 1952. They seemed to counter the influence of his
mentor, Ahmad Heiubareiodot;asanayn, an ambitious
though dexterous and consummate politician, who
somehow tried to smooth relations between the king,
the political parties and the British.
Faruk, however, began his reign quite auspiciously
as a highly-popular young monarch. His month's
tour of Upper Egypt in January-February 1937 was
a great success and the envy of the politicians. A
second tour of Europe in April-July 1937 seemed to
initiate Faruk into the less edifying delights of
European capitals. By 1940, before he was 21, the
men around him, led by 'Air Mahir, had fully
acquainted him with the need jealously to guard his
political prerogatives against the Wafd and the British.
Thus he tacitly approved of Mahir's use of certain
new radical youth movements, such as the Young
Egypt Society, and of the Azhar in order to push
forward his leadership of a national Islamic regener-
ation. When, at the insistence of the British, 'All
Mahir was dismissed as Prime Minister in June 1940,
Faruk was left at the mercy of the politicians and
Britain's war needs. In fact, as early as 29 November
1937, Sir Miles Lampson, who did not particularly
like Faruk and whose relationship with him resem-
bled that between Cromer and the young Khedive
'Abbas (Hilmi) II [q.v.] from 1892 to 1914, cabled
to the Foreign Office in London:
HM by all indications is shaping for the role of
traditional oriental despot . . . His ultimate over-
throw will occur when Nahhas goes. . . .
Lampson was forty years older than Faruk and his
opinion of the young Egyptian king may have been
influenced accordingly. What is certain, however, is
that Lampson did not appreciate Faruk's flouting
of British war interests in his persistence appoint-
ed governments of his choice, his refusal to deal
firmly with several crises in 1940-1, occasioned
by Italy's entry into the war and the collapse of
France, and his continued connections with 'All
Mahir and his anti-British agitation through the use
of extremist political groups such as the National
party, the Muslim Brethren, the Young Egypt
Society and the Azhar. It seems that he took
Ahmad Hasanayn's advice in appointing both the
Hasan Sabri and Husayn Sirri coalition govern-
ments (June 1940-january 1942). But neither of
these governments was strong enough to deal with
the exigencies of war. Both were open to the
machinations of the palace and to the attacks of
the majority Wafd party. Actually, the latter began
to agitate against them in order to recapture the
initiative in the nationalist cause. Nahhas Pasha
in June 1941, when the British were being pressed
by Rommel's forces practically at the gates of
Alexandria, approached the British with a view to
his returning to power. The timing was crucial,
for Britain was in a most difficult military posi-
tion in Greece and the Western Desert. When
Nahhas threatened to foment popular agitation in
the country, Lampson felt he must act. It was the
concatenation of these events that suggested vig-
orous British intervention in Egyptian affairs. The
intervention was to prove fateful for the career
and future of Faruk.
Amidst anti-government and anti-British demonstra-
tions in January 1942, largely inspired and organised
by pro-'AlI Mahir elements, the King procrastinated
over severing diplomatic relations with Vichy France.
When his Prime Minister Husayn Sim, did so, the
King dismissed his Foreign Minister, a move against
which the British protested vehemently, leading to
the resignation of the Sirri" government on 1 February.
A British request that Nahhas be invited to form a
government went unheeded for three days, while
Faruk gathered the leaders of all the political parties
in his palace to discuss the crisis. As Lampson did
not specify in his Note to the King what kind of
government Nahhas might lead, Faruk invited him
to lead a national coalition government. But Nahhas
insisted on a purely Wafdist cabinet, which the King
would not accept.
When Lampson marched into 'Abdln Palace at 9
p.m. to confront Faruk, accompanied by General
Stone, GOC British Land Forces, and backed up by
a battalion of armoured troops that had surrounded
the Palace, he did not do so with the intention of
imposing on the King a purely Wafdist government.
Rather, the ultimatum he read to the King demanded
his abdication. Faruk, however, on Hasanayn's advice,
offered with alacrity the compromise formula of a
purely Wafdist government headed by Nahhas.
The so-called Palace Incident of 4 February 1942
had paradoxical consequences. It made Faruk, tem-
porarily at least, very popular with Egyptian nation-
alists as well as with the Egyptian officer corps, but
created a permanent rift between him and Nahhas
of the Wafd, whom he planned to dismiss at the ear-
liest opportunity. It also deepened the incurable antipa-
thy between him and Lampson. In fact, Faruk acquired
a deep resentment for the British in general. A motor
accident in al-KassasIn on 15 November 1943 added
to his fears, fantasies and resentments. Yet after the
Battle of Alamein, he had no choice but to affect an
overtly pro-British attitude.
Immediately after the War, Faruk faced serious
political problems in the country, made even more
difficult by the greatly strengthened violent move-
ment of the Muslim Brethren [see al-ikhwan-al-
Muslimin], army officer conspiracies, Communist and
other extremist groups. He escaped annually to
Cyprus or Europe on prolonged summer holidays.
He grew corpulent, lazy and coarse. He seemed to
sleep most of the day and wander at night, accom-
panied by his trusted servants Antonio Pulli, Ernesto
Verucci, Pietro Garo, his ADC 'Umar Fathr and his
Albanian bodyguards. He divided his time between
the Auberges des Pyramides and the Helmia Palace
nightclubs, his various private garconnieres in Cairo
and Alexandria, and the Royal Automobile Club gam-
bling table in the centre of modern Cairo. The inse-
curity and unhappiness of his childhood, and his
interrupted or nonexistent education, added to his
inferiority complex and inability to concentrate. He
was estranged from his wife and mother and sought
escapist pleasures in the company of women procured
for him by his servants. He became addicted to all
kinds of pills, hormonal preparations, a variety of
elixirs, food and gambling. He acquired a mania for
collecting coins, stamps, pornographic literature, aids
and ephemera. He became more elusive, unpunctual
and socially impossible, with his coarse practical jokes,
kleptomania, compulsive boasting and bad sports-
manship, characterised by a streak of cruelty. He could
neither lead — and thus mitigate the internecine war-
fare between Egyptian politicians — nor be led by any-
one other than by sycophantic courtiers like his Press
Adviser, Kanm Thabit, or his Business Adviser, Elias
Andrawus. He lived in the gilded cages that were
'Abdin, Kubba, Muntazah and Ra's al-Tin palaces,
or in his fortress-like estate at Inshas, 35 miles from
Cairo, where 2,500 feddans of the best agricultural
land produced citrus fruits and housed a model poul-
try farm. He coveted everything which he did not
own, including other men's women and possessions.
Faruk's scandalous European holiday from August
to October 1950 prompted a petition signed by most
opposition party leaders and politicians protesting
against his shameful behaviour. At the same time,
extremist groups led by Young Egypt, and other under-
ground organisations such as the new Free Officers
and the Marxists, openly called for the overthrow of
his regime. Considered widely to have committed the
ill-equipped and unprepared Egyptian army to the
war in Palestine in order to indulge his rivalry with
King 'Abd Allah of Jordan, and openly accused of
having profited from arms purchases connected
with that war, his marriage to Nariman in 1951 and
the birth of the Crown Prince in January 1952 did
not improve Faruk's image or fortunes. The rot was
too advanced. By autumn 1951 Faruk was set on a
collision course with the stirring forces in the coun-
try, chief among them the Free Officers. He appointed
the pro-British Hafiz 'AfTfi Pasha as Chief of
his Royal Cabinet and recalled his ambassador
to Britain, 'Abd al-Fattah 'Aim, to serve as his
political adviser. More significant was his attempt
such as General Haydar, the Chief of Staff, and
General Husayn Sim 'Amir, who replaced General
Muhammad Nadjib (Naguib) as Commander of the
Frontier Defence Force.
The violent events which accompanied the prob-
lems of Anglo-Egyptian relations since 1946 cul-
minated in the Wafd's demagogic but fateful
unilateral abrogation of the 1936"Anglo-Egyptian
Treaty in October 1951 and the explosion of the
mob that burned the centre of modern Cairo on
26 January 1952, Black Saturday, and these gave
Faruk the pretext to dismiss Nahhas and the Wafd
from power. A succession of palace-appointed
ephemeral governments, including one led by his
old mentor 'Air Mahir, were unable to deal with the
drifting, explosive political situation. In the mean-
time, Faruk had himself proclaimed a Sayyid, or
descendant of the Prophet, a most unlikely genealog-
ical claim in view of his Macedonian-Albanian fore-
fathers. Neither Lampson nor his successors were
able or willing either to deal with Faruk firmly or
Nor was
i for-n
Consei
after 1951 willing to play an imper:
barely four years after leaving India.
Yet Faruk's security agents had uncovered the real
threat to his throne, namely, the Free Officers. His
courtiers, however, were suspicious of each other as
always, ever-solicitous and sycophantic, but were inca-
pable of concerted action. Equally, the politicians were
sunk in their petty quarrels, all anxious to keep the
Wafd, by now weakened and relatively corrupt, out
of power at any cost. On the very day when Faruk
in Alexandria ordered the arrest of the Free Officer
conspirators at 9 p.m. (22 July 1952), the latter seized
powc
Faruk believed that the British \
army conspiracy. Even though he tried to contact
British GHQ, in the Canal for help, he did not trust
them. Instead he sought the help of the Americans
with a view to saving his and his family's lives.
Ironically, his father's old friend and his own erst-
while mentor and adviser, 'All Mahir, brought Faruk
the army officers' demands, signed by Naguib, requir-
ing the dismissal of his immediate entourage of
courtiers. Two days later on 26 July 'All Mahir
returned as Prime Minister of the new military regime
with the order for Faruk to abdicate in favour of his
infant son. Crown Prince Ahmad Fu'ad, and to leave
the country permanently by 6 p.m. Less than a year
later in June 1953, the monarchy in Egypt was abol-
ished in favour of a republic.
Like his grandfather the Khedive Isma'Tl, Faruk
sailed off to^Naples on the Royal Yacht "Mahrusa"
with his family, gold ingots and over two hundred
pieces of luggage. He had been depositing money
in Switzerland, Italy and the United Stated for many
years, at least since the end of the Second World
War. What he could not take with him were the
vast tracts of land (over 30,000 feddans) and palaces,
and his remarkable coin, stamp and pornographic
collections. He finally settled in Rome. His daugh-
ters from his marriage to Farlda were packed off to
Switzerland, and his second wife Nariman soon
returned to Egypt with her mother. She was divorced
from Faruk and remarried a Dr. Adham Nakrb.
Faruk reverted to his life of girlfriends and night-
clubs, a familiar massive and rotund figure in the
bistros and nightspots of Rome, interspersed with
occasional visits to Switzerland and to the gambling
tables of Monaco, which principality had granted
Two weeks after he had left a heart clinic in
Switzerland, he drove one of his Italian girl friends
to a roadside inn, the "lie de France", for dinner
around midnight. He suffered a heart attack while
just starting to enjoy the Havana cigar which he
had lit after a gargantuan dinner. He died two hours
later at 2.08 a.m. on 18 March 1965 in a Rome
hospital, aged 45 years, 2 months and 7 days. At
the request of his family and according to his will,
he was buried in Cairo two days later very quietly
and in the dead of night, alongside his forefathers.
His was the last effective reign of the Muhammad
founded by that soldier of fortune from
Kava
1805.
Bibliography: J. Bernard-Derosne, Farouk, la
decheance dun roi, Paris 1953; T.E. Evans (ed.). The
Killearn diaries, London 1972; B.St.C. McBride, Farouq
of Egypt, a biography, London 1967.
(P.J. VATIK.OT.S)
FASA'I, HadjdjI Mirza Hasan, Persian scholar
of the 19th century and author of a historical-
geographical work on his native province of Fars,
the Farsnama-yi Nasiri (the latter part of the book's
title being a reference to the Kadjar sultan Nasir al-
Dm Shah, in whose reign Hasan Fasa'f wrote).
He was born, according to the autobiography
inserted into his book, in 1237/1821-2 in the small
town of Fasa [q.v.] in Fars, of a family which had
been prominent in the intellectual and religious life
of Shiraz for at least four centuries; various mem-
bers of it had been famed for their scholarship or
their administrative expertise, and one of his fore-
bears, Nizam al-Din Mirza Ahmad, had been vizier
to the Kutb-Shahi ruler of Golconda in the Deccan,
'Abd Allah b. Muhammad (1020-83/1611-72) [see
kutb-shahIs] . Hasan Fasa'T himself studied theology
and then medicine, practising in Shiraz as a physi-
cian and becoming involved in a protracted legal
dispute over his family's ancestral pious foundations
or awkaf
In 1289/1872 the governor of Fars, Mirza
Mas'ud Zill al-Sultan, commissioned him to use
earlier cartographical work of his to make a gen-
eral map of the province. Subsequently, he came
to enjoy the favour and patronage of another gov-
ernor, the reformist Farhad Mirza Mu'tamad al-
Dawla (on whose draconian measures in Fars see
E.G. Browne, A year amongst the Persians', London
1950, 115-18, and also Storey, i, 204), travelling
extensively around southern Persia in the entourage
of the governor's son Ihtisham al-Dawla. Then in
1296/1879 Farhad Mirza ordered him to compose
a geography of Fars on the basis of his maps. This
eventually became the Farsnama \i Nasiri, in two
volumes, one on the history of Fars from the begin-
ning of Islam till his own days (in fact up to
1300/1883), and one on its geography and topog-
raphy A lithographed edition was printed at Tehran
in 1313-14/1895-6 the authors own death took
place at some unknown date after this The his-
torical section is written on the traditional Islamic
annahstic pattern The author utilises earlier his-
tories of Persia and of Fars and for his especi-
ally valuable treatment of the Kadjar period, he
quotes archival material including diplomatic
s well a
s of
events All in all, the Fars nama w Nasiri may be
regarded as the culmination of the long tradition
of annahstic historiography in Persia much as
Djabarti's chronicle was tor that science m Egypt
Bibliography The Fars nama u Nasiri has been
recently reprinted at Tehran in 1965, the section
on the Kadjar dynasty and Fars under its rule has
now been translated into English by H Busse,
History of Persia under Qajar rule New 'iork 1972
with a useful introduction See also Stoiey l, 353,
and Storey-Bregel, u, 1031-5
(C E Bosworth)
al-FASI individual nisba of the members of a promi-
nent family of Moroccan scholars Descended from the
Kurayshite clan of the Banu Fihr, originally established
in Spain but settling in Fas at the end of the 10th/16th
century, this family is known collectively under the
name Fasiyyun, while the citizens of the town are called
rather Ahl/Al Fas. In view of the fact that the article
al-fasiyyun in Volume II of the EI deals with the
population of Fas in general, it has been considered
useful to collect in this Supplement the basic facts relat-
ing to the members of this line who have contributed
the most actively, over the last four centuries, to reli-
gious, intellectual and literary life, without limiting them-
selves simply to passing on a varied, and still highly
appreciated, form of teaching.
In general, the genealogical tree drawn by E. Levi-
Provencal {Chorfa, 242) continues to be valid, and
we shall confine ourselves to referring the reader to
it; the accounts devoted by the learned historian to
the most notable personalities of the Fasiyyun have
lost none of their value, but they can be consider-
ably enlarged and made more accurate in the light
of documents, mostly manuscripts, that are now
available. The work of Muhammad al-Fasi and
M. Hajji in Arabic or in French, of 'A. Gannun in
Arabic, of M. Lakhdar in French and of still others,
enables us to acquire an increasingly clear view of
the merits of a group of eminent scholars who could,
however, be better served by a detailed monograph
in view of the extensive documentation provided by
biographical sources, whether long-established or
recently discovered.
I. — Abu 'l-Mahasin [q.v.] Yusuf (d. 18 Rabf I
1013/14 August 1604) was the founder, in Fas, in
the district of the Kalkaliyyun (see Le Tourneau, Fes,
Casablanca 1949, index), of the zawiya of the Fasiyyun,
which was given the name Sidi 'Abd al-Kadir al-Fasi.
II. — His brother Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman b.
Muhammad (d. 1036/1626) founded a second zawiya
of religious works; a number of these have
been published, notably al-Anwar al-lami'at ft sharh
Dala'il al-khayral, lith. Fas 1317/1899.
III. — Among the four sons of Abu 'l-Mahasin,
Ahmad al-Hafiz (971-1021/1564-1612) also wrote
commentaries on works relating to liturgical pieces (al-
dj.ahr bi 'I dhikr hth. Fas) or ecstatic dancing (hukm al-
sama" ua 'I raks, hth. Fas).
IV — The brother of the latter, Abu 'Abd
Allah/Hamid Muhammad al-'ArbI (988-1052/1580-
1642) was the author of a number of works, among
which the Mir'at al-mahasin min akhbar al-Shaykh Abi
7 Mahasm (hth Fas 1324) is important for the account
that it gives of his father and the early history of the
family
V — The following generation is represented
most notably by 'Abd al-Kadir (1007-91/1599-1680)
[qi] b 'All (960-1030/1553-1621) b. Abi 'l-Mahasin
who left only some responsa, but whose prodigious
scholarship and teaching inspired his son 'Abd al-
Rahman (no VI) to write two hagiographic pieces
{Tuhfat alakabir ft manakib al-Shaykh 'Abd al-Kadir and
Bustan al a^ahir) and a treatise relating to his disciples
(Ibtihadj al baia'ir); this last has been studied by
M Ben C heneb, in Actes du XIV" Congres des Orient.,
vi, Pans 1907)
VI — The son of the preceding, Abu Zayd 'Abd
al-Rahman (1042-96/1631-85), has been made the
subject of an article in vol. I of the EI; add to the
bibliography M Lakhdar, La vie litteraire, 88-95, and
bibliography cited, see also 'Amal, 3.
VII — Another great-grandson of Abu l-Mahasin,
Abu Tsa/'Abd Allah Muhammad al-Mahdi (1033-
1109/1624-98) b. Ahmad (d. 1062/1653) b. 'All b.
Yusuf, was the author of a number of important
works some of which have survived, on the Kur'anic
l-FASI — FASSAD, HADJDJAM
Djawahir al-safma (ms Rabat D 1234) an abridge-
ment of his Raudat al mahann al zahiwa
VIII. — Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad al-T\y\ib
(d. 1113/1701) b Muhammad id 1 1 lb/1704) b 'Abd
al-Kadir (no. V) left no works o( importance but his
cousin Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (1058 1134/
1648-1722) b. 'Abd al-Rahman (no VI) was the author
of several works among which attention should be
drawn to a fahrasa [qi] entitled al \hnah al badma
fi 'l-asanld al-'dhyya and used by al-Ifiam [a l ] (ms
Rabat K 1249 see also al-Maknasi lhamm masadu
121-2).
IX. — Abu Mad\*n Muhammad (1112-81/1701-
68) b. Ahmad b Mahammad b 'Abd al-Kadn (no
V), preacher and teacher at the Karawiyvin wrote
positions of which the titles are sufficiently revealing
al-Muhkam fi 7 amthal wa I hikam Tuhjat al anb ua
nuzhat al-labib Ims Rabat D 590 fols 81 b - 144 b
summarily edited and translated into Latin b> Fr de
Dombay, Vienna 1805; \ladjmu' al zuiaj wa djami' al
turaf (ms. Rabat K 1717 fol 2-93) these are adah
compilations.
X. — Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (1118-79/1706-
65) b. Ahmad b Mahammad brothei of the pre-
ceding, was the author of biographical woiks of which
a short treatise on the C horia of Morocco
ould
ipP ear
a have
rvived
1 the preceding Abu 1 -'Abbas
Ahmad (1166-1213/1753-99) composed on his return
from the Pilgrimage (121 1/1 79b) a nhla of which
a number of manuscripts exist and which has recent-
ly been published b> M El Fasi (Rabat) this
story of a journey is remarkable among works of
the genre on account of the simplicity of the style
the detail of the description and the accuracy of
observation.
XII. — His brother Abu Malik 'Abd ^l Wahid
(1172-1213/1758-99) was a poet who wrote a jahrasa
partially in verse a monograph on the Sikilhy\un
Chorfa (ms. Rabat G 97) and an wdju_a on the
Kadiriyyun (ed Tunis)
' XIII. — A descendant of Muhammad al-'Arbi (no
IV), Abu Hafs 'Um^r (1125-88/1713-74) b 'Abd Allah
b. 'Umar b. \usuf b Muhammad al-'Aibi was a
polygraph who composed various commentaiies anno-
tations, letters of a judicial nature and a Dman con-
poems on subjects generally of a mystical llavoui
XIV. — A distant cousin of the preceding
Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (1130-1214/1718-99) b
'Abd al-Salam b Mahammad b 'Abd al-Salam b
Muhammad al 'Arbi (no IV) specialised in the
Kur'anic readings to which he devoted a numbei of
writings that have in part survived
XV. — Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad m T\hir
(1246-85/1830-68) b 'Abd al-Rahman is considered
to be one of the most brilliant members of the family
although he went against the example of his par-
ents and entered government service as Palace sec-
retary he was a member in 1276/1860 of a
diplomatic mission sent to London to the court of
Queen Victoria by Sultan Sidi Muhammad (1276-
90/1859-73) and on his retum composed an account
of his journey which has |ust been published by M
El Fasi. As usual the traveller expresses his wonder
at the novelties that he has seen and relates his
experiences in language that is simple and devoid
of all pretension
XVI. — Finally one should mention 'Abd u.-
KabIr (d. 129b/ 1879) b al-Madjdhub (d 12b()/1844)
b 'Abd al-Hafiz b Muhammad (no IX) a prea
of Fas who is said to have been the author
chronological index entitled Tadhhrat
which i
mssing
We.e c
tnbution of
mpt to asse
the Fasiyyun to Arabic cultuie and literature it would
appear from their impiessive corpus of writings that
they contributed most of all as much by their teach-
ing as by the commentaries and annotations that they
composed to the maintenance of the classical tradi-
tion in the intellectual capital of Morocco some of
them were composers of verse but not one of them
proved to be a true poet Hence we can doubtless
declare without in|ustice that their most tangible con-
tribution consists in then Jahrawi their accounts of
journeys and their monographs on their family or on
Bibliography In addition to the general biogia-
phical woiks see especially Muhammad al-Fasi
(no IV) Mn'at at mahasm hth Fas 1324
Sulayman al-'Alawi 'Inayat uh I mad}d hi dhikr al
al Fasi h al Dfadd Fas 1347/1928 E Levi-
Provental Chorfa index M El Fasi in H (i p ( m
xxix (1942) 65-81 'A Gannun al Vuhugh al
maghnhi Beirut 1961 index M Lakhdar La u
littemm index M Ha u i Laitwite intelleitudle au
Mawi a lepoque sa'dide Rabat 1976-7 index
(Ch Pellat)
FASSAD HA DJDI AM (A) two teims denoting
blood-letter ( faisad lit phlebotomist and hadjdfam
lit cupper ) Al-Djahiz indicates that hidfama (cup-
ping) and Jaid (phlebotomy) aie similai professions
Some pseudo-scientific books on phlebotomy and
blood-letting weie wntten by reputable physicians
in 'Abbasid Baghdad and Aghlabid Kayiawan in
the 3rd/9th century eg \uhanna b Masawayh
(d 243 H/857) wrote a hitab al Fa}d ualhidjama
( Book of phlebotomy and blood-letting ) and Ishak
b 'Umran (d 279/892i wrote in Kavrawan a med-
ical treatise called hitab al Fasd (cf Ibn Djuldjul
Tabakat al atibba' ual hulama' Cairo 1955 65 85)
The phlebotomist was required by customaiy law
to be learned and reliable in the anatomy of organs
veins muscles and arteries and he practised his
craft in consultation with a physician They bled
veins of the human body and also performed cir-
cumcision (khitan) for men as well as women in Aiab
society Phlebotomy involved some hazards Many
persons actually died as a result of improper vene
section according to Ibn Bassam al-Muhtasib Aiab
customary law made the jauad liable to pay com-
pensation in the event of in|ury or death of a patient
resulting from careless opening of veins This was
probably the reason why the muhtasib stipulated that
the jauadun should piactise their craft in public
places and that they must keep a number of then
instruments including lancets in good condition
Among Muslim jurists Abu Hamfa reckoned phle-
botomy as a lecommendable practice (sunna) and
not a compulsory duty but others regarded it as a
compulsory duty Available evidence suggests that
the fa^ad had a better social position than the
had±dxam and that there was no stigma attached to
the phlebotomist s piofession
Hidjama (cupping) was a less hazardous piofession
than fasd but it was also a less popular work than
phlebotomy The hadjdjam existed in pre-Islamic
Arabian society and continued to rendei service to
Islamic society until recent times The cupper is a
much-satirised character in Arabic tales and had a
FASSAD, HADJDJAM — FAYD
very low status Unlike the phlebotomist, the cupper
practised blood-letting on parts of the human body
other than veins, and used his cup for relief of pain
Abu Tayyiba was a hadfdfam who served the Prophet
Muhammad and was much honoured in early Islamic
society He performed hidfdma on men as well as
women Although hidfdma was permitted by the mnna,
there are conflicting Islamic traditions about it A say-
ing attributed to the Prophet described the earnings
of a cupper as evil (khabith), analogous to the earn-
ings of a whore Some other traditions state that the
cupper was paid in cash and kind by the Prophet
The anti-hadfdfdm traditions aie likely to be apoc-
ryphal and they only express the prejudices of the
Arabs of the Umayyad and 'Abbasid penods Arab
writers cite instances of cuppers, including the
poet Abu 'l-'Atahiya, who did not accept any fee for
hidfdma from their clients Tuesday and Saturday weie
regarded as auspicious days of the week for hidfdma,
according to an Arab taboo of the 'Abbasid and
Mamluk periods
A proverbial saying of the 3rd/9th century crys-
tallised public opinion "A look in the minor of
the hadfdfam is demeaning (dana'a) " The cuppei was
said to be given to gossip, and the allegation was
illustrated by anecdotes about Abu Hanifa [q v ]
and a cuppei, and also about Harun al-Rashid [q i ]
and a talkative hadfdfam The social isolation of cup-
pers probably led some of them to nairate tradi-
tions (ahadlth) on chains of nanations fiom one
hadfdfam to another only, says al-Sam'ani The prej-
udice against the cupper may be explained in part
by the fact that body services were generally con-
sideied repugnant, and also partly by the fact that
most cuppers were men of inferior social origins,
such as mawdli and slaves The cupper was dis-
qualified from giving valid testimony (shahada) in a
couit of law, and the hadfdfam was deemed unfit
to marry a woman from a social group outside his
profession, one source furthe
of a
hadfdfdn
espect
e of h
natically unsuitable to be a boon-companion (nadim)
of the sovereign
Bibliography Ahmad b Hanbal, Musnad, Cairo
1313/1896, m, 464, Aslam b Sahl al-Razzaz al-
Wasiti, known as Bahshal, Ta'nkh Want, ed
Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1967, 171, al-Djahiz,
Rasa' it, ed Sandubi, Cairo 1933, 127, idem, al
Bukhald', Cairo 1963, 118, idem, Havawan, Cairo
1938, m, 32, Ps-Djahiz, hitah al-Tadf, Cairo 1914,
23-4, Waki', Akhbd) al-kudat, Cairo 1947, n, 54,
al-Tanukhl, Antiwar al-muhadara, London 1921, i,
174, al-Tha'ahbi, Mann rasa'il, Istanbul 1301/1883,
131, idem, Arba' raw'il, Istanbul 1883, 204, al-
Khatib al-Baghdadi, Kitdb al-Tatjil, Damascus
134b/1927, 83-4, Bad!" al-Zaman al-Hamadham,
Makdmat, Beirut 1924, 180, al-Sam'ani, al-Amab,
Hyderabad 19b4, iv, b9, al-Zamakhshari, al-
Mustaksd, Hyderabad 1962, l, 40, 270, Ibn Bassam,
ttihayat al-mtbafl talab al-hnba, Baghdad 1968, 1 10-
18, Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim al-kmba, London
1938, 159-64, al-Raghib al-Isfaham, Muhadarat al-
udabd" (basic), Beirut 1961, n, 462-3, Bar-Hebraeus,
Tht laughable itonei, tr E A W Budge, London
1897, 122-8, Synac text, 98-103, Ibshlhi, al-
Mmtatiaj, Cairo 1308-10/1890-2. i, bb, Ibn Tulun,
Raj' al-malama 'amma kllafil hidfama, Chester Beatty
ms, 3317, ff 59a-66b, Ahmad Ibrahim al-Sharif,
Makka wal-Madlna fi'l-dfdhilma wa 'ahd al-Rasul,
1965,
221-
schvig.
Melius oils en Islam, in SI, xvi (1962), 49 ff
(MAT Beg)
FATE [see al-kada' wa-'l-kadar]
FAYD, an important settlement in Nadjd during
mediaeval times, now a village, situated in lat 27°
8' N and long 42° 28" E It lies on a plain in the
borderlands between the two legions of the Djabal
Shammar to the north-west and al-Kasim [q o ] to
the south-east, some 80 miles/ 130 km south-ea^t of
Ha'il [q i ] The early Islamic geographers locate it
in the territory where the pastuie grounds of the B
Tayyi' and the B Asad marched togethei, near to
the frequently-mentioned "two mountains of Tayyi"',
sc Salma and Adja' Bakil, followed by Samhudi,
describes it as a famous himd [q o] of pie-Islamic
times, and they and Harbi mention that when the
chief of Tayyi' Zayd al-Khayl b Muhalhil became
a Muslim, the Prophet lenamed him Zayd al-Khayr
and awarded him Fayd as a kati'a Apparently there
was a popular belief that its full name was Fayd
b Ham b 'Amalrk after the first dweller there
Accordingly, the settlement probably existed in some
foim during the Djahihyya, especially as it is men-
tioned in early poets like Zuhayr b Abi Sulma and
al-Shammakh (Ibrahim b Ishak al-Harbi, A al-Manasik
Hamad al-Djasir, Riyadh 1389/1969, 306-9, Bakri,
Mu'dfam ma 'sta'dfam, m, 1032-5, Samhudi, Waja> al-
waja', m 1102)
Fayd's importance under Islam came fiom its
position being loughly half-way along the pilgrim-
age route from Kufa in 'Irak to Mecca and Medina,
that route known subsequently as the Darb Zubayda
[q v in Suppl ] Already in the earliest decades of
Islam, the caliph 'Uthman is said to have done
irrigation works there (Harbi, op at , 309, Samhudi,
lot nl ), in the early 'Abbasid period, similar char-
itable works are attributed to al-Mansur, al-Mahdi
and the vizier al-Fadl b al-Rabf, whilst in the
4th/ 10th century, the Buyid amu 'Adud al-Dawla
made further improvements, according to Mukaddasi
(see below) It now became a place of fair impor-
tance, and the Arabic geographers and travellers
describe it as possessing two well-fortified citadels,
ties It had ample supplies of running water from
springs and from wells, used to irrigate date palm
groves and stored in cisterns Supplies of food and
fodder were kept there for the pilgrims, and heavy
baggage could be deposited there with reliable agents
and recovered when the pilgrims returned from the
Haramayn It was consequently the headquarters of
the state-appointed warden of the pilgrimage and
its route across Arabia, the amir al-hadfdf or 'amil
al-tarik, and his contingent of guards (see Harbi,
loc at, Ibn Khurradadhbih, 127, Ibn Rusta, 176,
tr Wiet, 204, Ya'kubi, Bulddn, 312, tr Wiet, 146,
Mukaddasi, 108, 254, Ibn Djubayi, Rihla, 205-6,
tr RJC Broadhurst, 214, Yakut, Bulddn, Beirut
1374-6/1955-7, iv, 282-3) The arts of peace must
also have been cultivated to some extent, since
Yakut, lot at, lists certain 'ulamd' stemming from
The stationing of the amir al-hadfdf at Fayd was
vital, for travel along the pilgrimage route was
always fraught with dangers from the predatory
Bedouins or from schismatics, and the historical
annals abound with accounts of attacks [see had[dj
m The Islamic Hadjdj] Thus in 294/906-7 the
Tayyi' besieged al-Muktafi's amir al-hadfdf Wasif b
Suwartigm in Fayd for three days (Tabari, m, 2278,
'ABD al-'AZIZ
Ibn al-Athlr, Beirut 1385-7/1965-7, vii, 553); in
312/924 the Carmathians under Abu Tahir al-
Djannabr massacred near there a large part of the
pilgrimage caravan of the East and elsewhere ('Arlb,
Silat T. al-Tabatl, 118-19; Hamadam, Takmilat T al-
Tabari, ed. A.Y. Kan'an, Beirut 1961, i, 43); whilst
in 412/1021-2 the Nabhan of Tayyi', under their
chief Hammad b 'Udayv, besieged in Fayd the pil-
grimage from Khurasan financed by Mahmud of
Ghazna alter leceiving alread\ a payment of 5,000
dinars as piotection-money [see rhuwwa], but were
finally repelled (Ibn al-Djawzi al-Munta^am. viii, 2;
Ibn al-Athir ix 325) Ibn Djubayr, lot: cit., and Ibn
Battuta Rihla i 409-10 tr Gibb, i, 252-3, record
that m their time the pilgrims entered Fayd in war-
like arra\ in order to ward oft the Bedouins.
In later times Fayd began to lose its importance
in fa\our of Ha'il when the pilgi image route began
via the oasis of al-'Adwa (cf A Musil, Northern Negd.
a topographical itinerary New \ork 1928. 66). It is first
described in its more modest circumstances by
European travellers in the later 19th century. W.G.
Palgrave passed through it en route from Ha'il to
al-Kasim ( hairatit t of a year s journey through Central and
Easkm Arabia (1862 63) London and Cambridge 1865,
i 227-30) as did C M Doughtv when Fayd was in
the territories of Ibn Rashrd, amir of Ha'il [Travels in
Arabia Deserla, London 1921, ii, 19). Musil says that
it comprised only 35 huts, inhabited by Tamrmls. It
is now a large village, with date palms, pasture for
beasts and a good supply of fresh water. The mediae-
val settlement lies about one mile/1' 2 km. to the
north, and has remains of buildings and cisterns, and
possibly of a mosque, together with deep wells; these
constructions have been much reduced in ieient times
by stone-plundeiers
Bibliography Given substanti;
the
geographical mloimation in Musil, hi at App\
IV, The station of Fejd in histoiy 21b-20 and
now the doctoral thesis ol S'A'A al-Rashid, 4
critical study of the Pilgrim Road betueen hufa and
Mecca (Darb ^ubaydah) lath tht aid of field it o,k
Leeds 1977 (unpublished) with a lull descuption
(C E Bosworth)
FAYD-I KASHANl the pseudonvm by which
Muhammad b Murtada called Mawla Muhsin
one of the most prolific Shi'T theologians ol his
time, is better-known He was 1 poet philosophei,
expert on hadith and skilled authontv on Shi'i law
his mind dominated most ol the religious sciences of
his time, and his writings touched on several difter-
The exact date ol his birth is unknown but he
died in 1091/1680 at an advanced age so that he
must have been bom in the town of kum(m) in
ca. 1007/1598. Alter initial studies in his natal town
he left for Shiraz to hear the lectures of the lamous
philosopher Sadr al-Din Shnazi who gave to him
one of his daughteis in marriage His incisive mind
allowed him to assimilate a large lange ol subjects
but he was generallv leiogmsed as one ol those
theologians especiallv attached to the traditions of
the Prophet and the Imams, and as a traditionalist
scholar, was the adversarv ol the philosopher and
founder of the Shayktn trend of thought Shaykh
Ahmad AhsaT [a 1 } However he incurred equallv
the hostility ol some traditionalist theologians who
opposed certain ol his mystical ideas He was in
fact, a poet who also excelled at the philosophical
sciences. His main work is undoubtedly the Abwab
al-djman ("Gates of paradise"), written in 1055/1645;
mind made him close to al-Ghazali. His other works
include the 'Ilm al-yakin fi usul al-din, which is an
exposition of the principles of Shi'i faith, apparently
modelled philosophically on Ibn Sing's Ishaiat, since
it is made up of a series of usul or principles just
as Ibn Sina's work is a series of isharat or indica-
tions. His second important work here is the Minhadj
al-nadjat, in which Kasham deals with the practice
of the principles of ShlT faith. It is divided into
chapters corresponding to the five articles of faith,
(1) the divine unity; (2) the divine justice; (3) prophet-
hood; (4) the imamate; and (5) the resurrection.
Kashanf s abundant output comprises over 90 works
in Persian and Arabic, in all of which is discernible
his predilection for poetry; all of his prose is sprin-
kled with his own verses or with those of the great
Persian and Arabic poets, e.g. the Arabic text of his
Kalimat makniina is full of Arabic and Persian quat-
rains. Several others of his family were noted as schol-
and especially his brother, the author of several
ethic.
ibliography: KJY'ansarl, Rawdat al-ajannat.
522-42; Fayd-i" Kasham, Mh 'at al-akhirat, introd.,
1; Ma'sum 'Air Shah, Taia'ik al-haka'ik, i, 177,
179, 181, 183. (M. Achena)
FAYOUM [see al-fayyumL
FAYSAL b. 'ABD al-'AZIZ b. 'Abd al-Rahman
al Su'ud {ca. 1323-95/ra. 1906-75), king of Su'Qdi
Arabia_ (regn. 1385-96/1964-75). His mother was
Turfa Al al-Shaykh. Educated traditionally, the young
prince rode in battle at the age of 1 3 and soon
became his lathers stalwart commander at the same
age he began his diplomatic career when in 1337-
8/1919 his lather deputed him to congratulate the
English king on the defeat ol Germanv Abroad he
made characteristic allv acute independent observa-
tions of \\t stern society and most exceptional
ultimately learned English and French pnvatelv Soon
after 'Abd al-'Aziz [q 1 in Suppl ] conqueied al-
Hidjaz (1345/1925) he appointed Faysal viceiov ol
the new piovinte and foreign minister He lived
most of the next thntv yeais in al-Hidjaz but
diplomacv took him to Europe Irequentlv and fol-
lowing the establishment of diplomatic relations
with the United States (1359/1940) to that countrv
Faysal had a total of loui wives First was Sultana
b Ahmad al-Sudavn by whom he had 'Abd Allah
In 1350-1 he mained 'Mat b Ahmad Al Thunayvan
a relative raised in Turkey Thev had six sons
Muhammad Su'ud Turki Sa'd 'Abd al-Rahman
and Bandar Aiound 1559/1940 he married Hayva
b Turki b Djalwi and thev had Khalid All the
sons were educated in the United States and England
as leportedlv weie several ol his six ( ? ) daughters
Ol his wives two were divorced yeais before his
death and one died 'Mat iemained his constant help-
mate and encouraged him to more libeial attitudes
toward women
Beloie King 'Abd al-'Aziz died in 1373/1953
he had ananged that his eldest living son Su'ud,
should succeed him and he had designated Faysal
part
>u'0d s
s foieign mimstei
I In 137b-7/1957
The reign did
Favsal had !
Llmted States and when he returned home he found
the kingdom in some disorder and near bank-
ruptcy. Senior members of the royal family decided
to ease out Su'Od, who in 1377/1958 "voluntarily"
surrendered power to Faysal while remaining king
nominally. By 1379-8/1960 Su'Od reasserted him-
self, but the family will prevailed, and in 1384/1964
Faysal was proclaimed king.
Intelligent and equally at home in Bedouin tent
or Western capital, King Faysal proved a masterful
ruler. Domestically, he faced with considerable suc-
cess the challenge of leading a very conservative tra-
ditional society, propelled by unprecedented oil-based
revenues, into the modern world. Externally, he
opposed Israel and communism, headed the conser-
vative Muslim bloc, and maintained friendship with
the United States. After 'Abd al-Nasir's [q.v. in Suppl.]
death in 1390/1970, Faysal reached an understand-
ing with the new Egyptian leader al-Sadat, financed
Egypt and Syria in the Arab-Israeli war of 1393/1973
and participated fully in the subsequent oil embargo
and in the phenomenal OPEC-sponsored oil price
When shot down in mollis [q.v.] on 26 March
1975 at the age of 70 by a youthful royal assas-
sin, King Faysal's country had been set on a peace-
ful course of modernisation and was a major force
in Arab and world affairs. Personally, he enjoyed
wide respect for his astute politics, his piety, and
his simple ways. He was succeeded by his brother
Khalid.
Bibliography: H.St.J. Philby, Sa'udi Arabia,
London 1955, passim (also other works by Philby);
Amin Sa'fd, Faysal al-'Azlm, Beirut 1385/1965;
G. de Gaury, Faisal: King of Saudi Arabia. London
1966; M. Khadduri, The traditional {idealistic) school—
the moderate: King Faysal of Saudi Arabia, in Arab con-
temporaries: the role of personalities, Baltimore and
London 1973; id Mas'ud Djuham, al-Malik al-
Batal, Cairo 1974; P.L. Montgomery, Faisal . . . led
Saudis . . ., in 77k New lotk Times, 26 March 1975,
10; Faisal: monarch, statesman and patriarch: 1905-
1975. in Aramco World Magazine, xxvi/4 (1975), 18-
23; V. Sheean, Faisal: the King and his kingdom,
Tavistock, England 1975 (not serious); H. TantawF,
al-Faysal: al-insan wa 'l-istardtiajiyya, Cairo 1975; al-
Dara, i/3 (1395/1975), 1-293 ("memorial number",
devoted to memorials, documents, speeches, and
appreciations of Faysal); al-Dara, i/4 (1395/1975),
210-62 (an index of all Faysaliana in the gazette
Umm al-Kura). See also Procs. of the conference
held at Santa Barbara under the auspices of the
Univ. of Southern California, May 1978.
(R. Bayly Winder)
al-FAZARI, Abu 'l-Kasim (?) Muhammad, SunnI
poet of al-Kayrawan and contemporary of the
first four Fatimids. His life, like that of many of
his contemporaries in Ifnkiya, is very little known.
Thus there is no notice of him in the ancient
sources, unlike his grandfather Ibrahim (?), classed
by al-Khushani amongst the Mu'tazila; convicted
of ta'til, the "stripping away of God's attributes",
he was executed for it. As for his father, 'Amir,
'Abd Allah or 'Air, he is classed by al-Zubaydr
amongst the grammarians of the Ifnkiyan capital;
he is said to have appropriated the sums of the
kharaaj which he had collected in the Sahel of
Tunisia on behalf of the Shr'r caliphs and to have
taken refuge in Egypt. These two "stains" on Abu
'1-Kasim's lineage brought him the gibes of a cer-
tain Muhammad al-Tunisi, who may have been,
we think, his pro-Shi'i compatriot al-Iyadi [q.v.].
Nearer our own time, H.H. Abdul Wahab has given
a brief notice of him, from which it appears that
the poet was born and lived at al-Kayrawan and
that he died in 345/956, but these 'are pieces of
information of little reliability since they are not
based on any explicit source.
Some 1 1 2 verses only of al-Fazarfs poetry, scat-
tered in the Riyad al-nufus of al-Malikl, have been
recovered and put together by M. Valaoui: a kasida
against the '"Ubaydis", but largely made up of a
lively eulogy of al-Kayrawan and its scholars; a frag-
ment of another satire against the Fatimids, but more
violent in its language; and an elegy in memory of
al-Mammasr, one of the "85 martyrs" of al-Kayrawan
who fell in the ranks of Abu Yazid [q.v.]. To these
gleanings should be added the 63 verses of the Kasida
Fazanyya dedicated to al-Mansur [q.v.] after his vic-
tory over the Kharldji. This poem seems to owe its
fame not so much to the originality of its laudatory
themes as to its curious prologue, viz. 33 verses in
which the poet passes in re\iew the legendary heroes
of the Arabic knightly tradition, in a laboured paral-
lel between these great names and that of the dedi-
catee, as if the poet, ashamed of his palinode, were
reducing to a strict minimum the eulogy of a recent
In sum, al-Fazan is a minor poet, but a repre-
sentative one, at the side of his compatriot Sahl al-
Warrak. of the MalikT current in urban Ifnkiya, divided
between his hatred of the Fatimids and his distrust
of the revolutionary tendencies of the "man on the
donkey", Abu Yazid.
Bibliography: The poetry of al-Fazan has been
edited by Yalaoui in the Annals of the University
of Tunis (Hawliyyat [1973], 119 ff.); see also al-
Khushani, Classes des savants de Vlfriqiya, ed. Ben
Cheneb, 220; al-Maliki, Riyad al-nufus, B.N. Paris
ms. 2153; Ibn Nadjr al-Dabbagh, Ma'alim oi-
lman, Tunis 1320; al-Zubaydl, Tabakat al-
nahwiyyln wa 'l-lughawiyyin, Cairo 1954, 272;
al-Kifti, Inbah al-ruwat, No. 531; Brockelmann,
S I, 148; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 659; H.H. Abdul
Wahab, Mufimal ta'rikh al-adab al-tunisi.
(M. Yalaoui)
FEISAL [see faysal].
FENNEC [see fanak],
FERGHANA [see farghana].
FIBRE, NET [see sayd].
FIDA' (a., pi. afdiya) "redemption, repurchase, ran-
soming". The dictionaries give several meanings for
fidd' and its derivatives, amongst which fidd'l offers
Another word derived from the same root, fidya,
appears in the Kur'an to denote the fast which com-
pensates for the days of Ramadan in which fasting
has not been practised (II, 180/184, 192/196) or the
impossibility of purchasing a place in paradise (LVII,
14/15). The verbal forms fada, tafada and iftada are
more common there (e.g. fadayna-hu in regard to the
ransoming of IsmaTl, XXXVII, 107), but the sole
occurrence of fidd' (XLVII, 4-5/4) concerns the ran-
soming of captives of war taken from Muhammad's
enemies; "When you come up against the infidels,
smite their necks, then, when you have made wide
slaughter among them, tie fast the bonds; then either
set them free as an act of grace or by ransom until
the war lays down its burdens". The present article
deals with the ransoming of Muslims, prisoners or
slaves held by unbelievers, in the West. For the East,
see lamas-su. (Ed.)
The most perfect form of fidd', recommended in
the West by the Malik! fukaha' as a means of redeem-
ing believers held captive in Christian territory, is
the payment of this ransom in the form of pigs and
wine previously submitted by dhimmis to the Islamic
community, this contribution then being reckoned
acceptable as an element of the payment of the
djizya owed by these tributaries. But this did not
often happen.
More frequently, fida' operates on a financial basis.
obligation to provide the necessary money, deduct-
ing it from public funds; however, the ransom is
usually put together by relations or friends of the
captives, and it consists of contributions made for
this purpose by individuals. In 578/1182, for exam-
ple, in the time of the Almohad caliph Abu Ya'kiib
Yusuf, the town of Seville ransomed, at a price of
2,700 dinars, seven hundred of its citizens who had
been captured by Alfonso VIII of Castille; this money
had been raised by appeals made for this fida' in
the mosques of Seville.
The devout individual who devotes himself total-
ly or episodically to the ransoming of Muslims held
captive by infidels is called al-fakkak. It is not often
that such an agent is able to travel alone and spon-
taneously in Christian territory for the purpose of
arranging the release of captives; the "infidel" power
tends to be uncooperative. In 1318, for example,
the king of Aragon rejected a request from his sub-
jects in Lorca, asking him to grant safe-condurts
authorising the free movement of "alfaqueques mows"
across his estates (Regislre de Chancellerie no. 244, of
the Archives de la Couronne dAragon, Barcelona, fo.
234).
In practice, fida' is often linked to a reciprocal act
of compensation; the liberation or ransom of Christian
prisoners or slaves in the hands of Muslims. In fact,
in a case where the infidel refuses to allow the Muslims
whom he holds to be ransomed in any other way,
Islam permits these men to be exchanged for Christian
captives, even if the latter are subsequently likely to
take up arms against the dar al-Islam.
At the same time, one should note the appear-
ance in a Christian context of an equivalent of the
Muslim "redeemer": he is called alfaqueque in
Castillian, exea in Catalan (from the Latin exire "to
go out"). To some extent, members of the Trinitarian
and Mercedarian religious orders, of which the for-
mer arose at the end of the 12th century, the lat-
ter at the beginning of the 13th, may be regarded
as Christian alfiaqueques. The term al-fakkak thus comes
his brothers, but, in a more general sense, the man
who liberates a captive.
In principle, every fakkak is respected by the oppos-
ing side: neither his liberty of his dignity is com-
promised. Sometimes, however, this rule is not
followed. In 772/1371, for example, a Catalan
"alfaquech" or "exea", from the island of Ibiza, was
detained in Granada, although he arrived there armed
with a safe-conduct from the Nasrid sovereign; he
was acting as guide to a group of Granadans whom
he had ransomed in the Balearic Isles and whom
he was in the process of returning to their compa-
triots. The sultan ordered his release once he was
satisfied as to the authenticity of the official safe-
conduct with which had been given to the Catalan,
but he refused to set free some other Christians,
who had accompanied this accredited "alfaquech" to
Granada.
In the liberations thus effected, the fida' is clearly
supplemented by a commercial enterprise, where
the operative is inspired by the profit-motive. The
agents who used their own funds to ransom Muslim
slaves held in Christian lands and subsequently nego-
tiated their return to Muslim territory, sought to profit
by the operation; on their return, they repeated
the process elsewhere, in the opposite direction. Very
often, Jews took on the role of commercial alfaque-
ques: in 1004, for example, the Count of Barcelona
granted to four Jews the right to ransom and to
restore to Islamic territory Muslim captives held in
Catalonia.
Most often, liberations were effected in the course
of diplomatic transactions, claims and exchange of
ambassadors; normally, an ambassador acted as
"redeemer", where necessary retaining a specialist fakkak
in his entourage. Examples of liberations by exchange
made in the context of these missions and negotia-
tions are: in 713/1313, between Bougiots held as slaves
in Majorca, and Majorcan slaves in Bougie; in 1321,
between Catalan slaves in the Nasrid kingdom and
Granadans held captive in the lands of the Crown of
Aragon; also, in 837/1434-5 between subjects of Alfonso
the Magnanimous. King of Aragon and Sicily, held
prisoner in Hafsid territory, and Tunisian slaves in the
lands of King Alfonso; etc.
There were other ways in which the fida' could
operate; sometimes, a Muslim captive sends for a
number of co-religionists from his own land and makes
them hostages, as a guarantee for the ransom which
he has promised and which he himself goes to raise.
This was the course followed by, for example, in
Oviedo, ca. 287/900, by an important member of the
court of Cordova, who left in his place one of his
sons, two of his brothers and a nephew, who had
come to the Asturias for this purpose. Sometimes, a
slave concludes a "contract of liberation" (contract of
"talliage") with his proprietor: either because he is
authorised to collect money, or because he is hired
out to a third party and is allowed to keep the
supplementary payments given him by the latter
when the occasion arises, or because he makes his
living in one way or another, or because he receives
money from home, such a captive is free from the
day that he succeeds in remitting to his master the
sum required within a period determined under
the contract. In 703/1303, for example, two Muslim
slaves in the kingdom of Valencia were authorised by
their proprietor to travel round the country to raise
a certain sum within ten months, demanding from
their co-religionists (the free Muslims of the kingdom)
"alms of precept" and "supplementary gifts". This fact
is known to us from a deed drawn up by a kadi of
Valencia in Rabf I 703, preserved in the archives of
the Kingdom of Aragon in Barcelona; this is a doc-
ument designed to facilitate fundraising on the part
of slaves who were bearers of it. introducing them to
all fukaha', 'ulama', imams, shaykhs, administrators, nota-
bles and other Muslims living in the territory of the
King of Aragon.
Bibliography: Alarcon Santon and Garcia de
Linares, Los documenlos arabes dip/omdlicos del Archive
de la Corona de Aragon, Madrid-Granada, 1940, doc.
157, 402-3; Ch.-E. Dufourcq, Catalogue du Regislre
1389 de la Chancellerie de la Couronne d'Aragon (1360-
1386], in Misceldnea de textos medievales, ii, Barcelona
1974, doc. nos. 151, 163, 167 and 169; idem. La
vie quotidienne dans lei ports mediten anient au mown age,
Paris 1975, ch. vii; Gazulla, La redencion de cautkos
entre los musulmanes, in Boletin de la Real Academia
de Buenas Letras (Barcelona 1928), 321-42; Ver-
linden, L'esclavage dans I'Europe mediterraneenne, i,
Bruges 1955; il Ghent 1977.
A remarkable work inspired by a ransom mis-
sion is that of Ibn 'Uthman [q.v. in Suppl], al-lkslr
fjfikdk al-asir, ed. Muhammad al-FasI, Rabat 1965.
(Ch.-E. Dufourcq)
FIGS [see tin].
FJNDJKOGHLU, Diva' al-Din FakhrI, modern
Turkish ZiyaeddIn Fahri Findikoglu (1901-74) (he
also occasionally used his original name Ahmed
KhalIl), Turkish sociologist and writer. He
was born in Tortum near Erzurum in Eastern Ana-
tolia, and graduated fiom the School of Posts and
Telegraph \Poita-Tdgraj mekteb-i 'alhi) in 1922, and also
from the Department of Philosophy of Istanbul
Univeisity (1925). He taught philosophy and sociol-
ogy in various schools in Erzuium, Sivas and Ankara,
until in 1930 he went to France on a government
scholaiship and obtained a Ph.D. in philosophy
from the Univeisity of Strasbourg (1936), being then
appointed lectuier [do(ent) in the University of Istan-
bul. In 1937 he transferred to the Faculty of Eco-
nomics, where he became Professoi in 1941. He died
in Istanbul on 16 November 1974.
Flndikoghlu became interested at an early stage in
literature and folk-lore, and published poems and
studies on folk poets (e.g. Bayburtlu zihm, 1928). Later,
he concentrated on research about Diya' (Ziya) Gokalp
and Ibn Khaldun and on problems of social change
in their legal and sociological implications, and also
on the co-operative movements, making considerable
contributions to both these fields. From being a mod-
erate liberal, he developed into an extreme conser-
vative and traditionalist, and in his many articles
in various periodicals, paiticularly in his own Is
["Action"), he waged a relentless wai against reformist
tendencies and against all innovations (e.g. he signed
Findikoglu Ziyaeddin Fahri instead of Ziyaeddin Fahri
Findikoglu, as the formei was more in keeping with
old Tuikish usage). He joined the opponents of the
language reform movement and carefully avoided all
neologisms in his writings.
Findikoghlu is the author of the following majoi
woiks: Zm Gokalp, sa vie et sa sociology Nancy 1935;
Essai sur la transformation du code jamilial en Tuiquie,
Paris 1935; Ibn' Haldun'un hukuka ait fikirhn ve tesin
("Ibn Khaldun's ideas on law and their impact"),
1939; Ahlak tank, 3 vols., 1945-6; Sosyahznr (1965);
Kooperasyon sosyolojisi (1967).
Bibliography: Findikoglu btbliyograjyasi 1918-
1958, Istanbul 1959; Hilmi Ziya Ulken,
Turkiye'de cagdas, dusume tanhi, ii, Konya 1966,
804-9; Turk Ansiklopedisi, xvi, 1968, 287.
(Fah
Izl
FINDIRISKI, Mir Abu 'l-Kasim b. Mirza Hu;
Astarabadi, known in Persia as Mir Findiriski, Persian
scholai and philosopher. He was probably born
in Isfahan, where he studied and spent much of his
life. He also travelled extensively in India, and died in
Isfahan in 1050/1640-1. His tomb is located in the
Takht-i Fulad cemetery, and this shrine is visited by
many devotees throughout the year. Mir Findiriski was
one of the most famous of the philosophers and sci-
entists of the Safawid period, respected by both Shah
'Abbas and the Mughal court in India, yet little is
known of the details of his life. In Isfahan he taught
the sciences, and especially the philosophy of Ibn Sina,
above all the Shija' and the Kanun, and such well-
known figures as Aka Husayn Kh"ansarl, Muhammad
Bakii Sabzawarl, Radjab 'Air Tabrlzl, and possibly
Mulla Sadra, studied with him. Yet he was far
from being merely a rationalistically-oriented philoso-
pher; he was also a Sufi, an alchemist, a profound stu-
dent of Hinduism, a gifted poet and one who was
believed by his contemporaries to possess supernatural
powers. Besides being, along with Mir Damad and
Baha' al-Din 'Amill, one of the main figures of the
"School of Isfahan", Mir Findiriski was also the most
notable intellectual link between the tradition of Islamic
philosophy in Persia and the movement for the trans-
lation of Sanskrit texts into Persian in India which is
usually associated with the name of Dara Shukoh [q.v.].
Few works survive fiom Mir Findiriski's pen,
but those which do are all of exceptional interest.
Perhaps the most important of his works, which is
also unusual in both its theme and treatment in the
annals of Islamic philosophy, is the Persian Risala-
yi sma'iyya, which concerns the metaphysical study
and professions in society are placed in a hierarchy
corresponding to the hierarchy of knowledge and
also of being. Anothei of this treatises, Risala-yi
harakat, again in Persian, deals with a lefutation of
the Platonic ideas upon the basis of Aristotelian
physics. This is quite surprising, because Mir
Findiriski is the author of one of the most famous
philosophical kasidai of the Persian language, begin-
ning with the verse:
Heaven with these stars is lucid,
pleasing, and beautiful;
Whatever exists in the world above,
has in the world below a form.
These verses clearly confirm the reality of the arche-
typal world.
As a matter of fact, this kasida is the best-known
of Mir Findiriski's works in Persia, and one upon
which his philosophical reputation rests. It was com-
mented upon by such later figures as Muhammad
Salih Khalkhall and Hakim 'Abbas Darabl. In his
Persian answer to the question of Aka Muzaffar
Kashani on whether there is analogy in quiddities,
he follows those who believe in the principality of
quiddity, and is far from the position of a meta-
physician of being such as Mulla Sadra. Mir Findi-
riski, this contemporary of Michael Meier and Robert
Fludd, was also widely known as an alchemist, and
in fact was buried in an iron coffin to prevent his
body from being stolen. He is thus the author of an
Aiabic treatise on alchemy, as well as a Persian poem
on the royal art, both of which have been discov-
ered recently but remain unedited. Finally, he is the
author of a summary of the logo Vasistha and a volu-
minous commentary upon the Persian translation of
this work by Nizam al-Din Panipati, both of which
are also still unedited. This commentary is without
doubt one of the peaks of the intellectual encounter
between Islam and Hinduism. Although only these
few works survive from Mir Findiriski, and the man-
uscript of the Usui al-jusul on Hinduism and a his-
tory of the Safawids attributed to him have never
been discovered, he remains a vivid and lively figure
in the later history of Islamic philosophy in Persia
and survives to this day, even in the consciousness of
the common people, as one of the greatest sages of
the Safawid period.
'Bibliography: H. Corbin and S.Dj. Ashtiyanl,
Anthologu des philosophes iraniens, i, Tehran-Paris
1972, 62-97 (Persian and Arabic text), 31-47
(French text); Rida Kull Khan Hidayat, Riyad
al-'anfin, Tehian 1344 A.H.S., 267-9; Mir
Findiriski, Risala-yi sma'iyya, ed. 'A. ShihabI,
FINDIRISKI — FUDHANDJ
Tehran, 1317 A.H.S.; idem, Sharh-i Kasida, with
commentary by M.S. Khalkhali, Tehran
1325/1907; F. Mudjtaba'T, Ph.D. thesis on the
commentaries of Mir Findiriskr upon the Yoga
Vasistha, Center for the Study of World Religion,
Harvard University, 1976 (unpublished); S.H.
Nasr, The School of Isfahan, in M.M. Sharif, ed.,
A history of Muslim Philosophy, ii, Wiesbaden 1966,
922-6; Muhammad 'All Tabrizi, Rayhanat al-
adab, Tehran 1311-3 A.H.S., iii, 231-2; M.
Fisharaki, Mir Findinskl, in M. Abu '1-KasimT
(ed.), Diashnnama-yi Muhammad Parwin Gunabadi,
Tehran 1975, 343-58.
(Sey
) HOS:
v Nasi
FIRDOUSI [see fird
FIROUZ [see firiz]
FIRRIM Pirrim a stronghold in the Elburz
Mountains mentioned in mediae\ ii Islamic times is
held b\ the Iranian name pnnces ol the Caspnn
region fnstly the kanmds and then the Biwandids
[qa] Its exact position is unfoi tun vtely not fixed in
the itineraries of the geographeis and an luthontv
like Ibn Hawkal ed Kramers 377 tr Kramers
Wiet 367 following Istakhn mereK mentions it as
the capital of the kanmds since pre Islamu times
■ then
ired \akut adds
and r
infom
e from I
f Taba
89(1 ed Beirut iv 260) The
information that Fimm was the fortress of the Kin
since the execution of Mazvai b kann in 225/840
passed soon after then to the kiwusiyya line of the
Bawandids who »cie certainly installed th(ie in the
4th/ 10th centurv
In the Hudud al alam (372/982) we have quite a
detailed description of the kuh-i kinn the distnct
in which Fimm was situated and ol the town itself
vations Much of the population of the district was
still Zoioastnan but Fimm contained Muslim immi
grants merchants and artis ins the Baw indid
Ispahbads mihtarv camp was hall ajarsalh outside the
town itself (tr Minorskv 135 6 \ certain imount of
Muslim settlement ma\ have taken place from early
\bbasid times onw rids since Ibn Isfandivai in his
Tankhi Tabamtan abridged tr EG Biowne Leiden
London 1905 122 3 recoids that al Mansur s go\er
nor \bu khuzavma al Tamimi 143 4/7b0 1 placed
a garrison in Fimm ol 500 men under khalifa b
Bahram It is also recorded tint Mizvai established
a mosque in Fimm (Ibn al Fikih 306 tr Masse
362 Fiom mentions in the sources on the confused
fighting in northern Persia amongst Davlami md othei
adventuieis dunng the Buyid period it seems th it
the Bawandids continued to hold Fimm The\ minted
coins there with legends of Shfi tvpe usually acknowl
edging on them the Abbasid caliphs and the Buvids
of Ra\ as their suzeiains during the second half of
the 4th/ 10th centun coins ol Rustan b Sharwin
reigned ca 353 69/<a 964 80 and ol Shihrmi b
Dna reigned en 358 96/<a 969 1006 the first per
haps with his powei contested though their extant
issues from 499/1105 onwards are ill horn the Sin
mint (see GC Miles Th cunag of tht Ba tandids oj
Tabamtan in Iran and hlam m memory >f tht late I ladumr
Minonh ed C E Boswoith Edmbuigh 1971 443
60 and idem in Cambndgt hi ton oj ban iv 373 :>75
None of these pieces of infoimrtion enables us
to fix with sureness the exict location of Fimm
P. Casanova, in Les Ispehbeds de Firim, in 'Ajabndma,
A volume of oriental studies presented to Edward G. Browne,
ed. T.W. Arnold and R.A. Nicholson, Cambridge
1922, 117-21, argued for an identification with the
mediaeval and modern town of Flruzkuh [q.v.] on
the Tehran-Sari highway. Minorsky, on the other
hand, in Hudud alhlam, comm. 387, thought that
Fimm must have lain on the wes
Tidjin-Rud, to the south-s
of Simnan. Certainly, the
whether it should be at
>uth-e
it of San and north
3Uth-
n slopes of the Elburz, cf. Hamd Allah MustawfT,
izhat al-kulub, ed. Le Strange, 162, tr. 158. The
rt that in early 20th century Persia there was a
luk or district called Farim in the laiger division
Hazardjanb HL Rabino di Borgomile
'a^andaian and htmabad London 1928 56 7 miy
•ngthen the lattei identification but is is pioba
ealK a
explo.a
which c.
Bibliogiaph) In addition to ieference
s given in
the text see for the coins minted at Fun
m E von
vn (1914)
no 472 (discusses all issues then extant
md idem
Du Mun^ragungm dts Islam titlich und o
tluh gioid
mt Wiesbaden 19b8 i 185 6 (coins fior
a 225 84(
( Abbisid) to 746/lo45 6 Ilkhimd))
C E Bo
FIRUZ SHAH KHALDlI [see khaldjis
FISH [see s«^k]
FLOOD [see mv]
FLUTE [see n«]
FONDOUK [see findik]
FOSTAT [see y.FtsTvr]
FOUAD [see Ft ad]
FOULBE [see filbe]
FREEDOM [see DjtMHiRiv^ HtRRrvv.
FREEMASONRY [see famish kh
FRIEZE [see khirka sif]
FUDHANDJ (Jaudanttj jautandj. etc
is mm
Mentha L (Labntae The term is of Pe
ultimately of Indian origin < / udana wine
Ii explun
the various uavs of transcription in the \
denng Under the name habal mint was w
ell known
to the \rab botanists \sma i A al \abat
ed \bd
\llih al Ghuniym Cano 1392/1972
7) They
describe it is l fi rgunt plant with an a
nd tiste
square sectioned stalk ind leaves similai t
i those o
the
It
ed nammam The Beduins
considered it as l me ins to check in both man and
ammil the longing foi coitus \bu Hinifi il
Dinawan The b 10k of planh ed D Lewin Uppsala
Wiesbaden 1953 no 247 and L, dutiomiain botampi
ed M Hamidullah C uro 1973 no 840
The \nbic nomenclature of the mint is abundint
as was already the Gieek one but it is rather con
fused and so the identification of the individual kinds
is made consideiably difficult Ibn Djuldjul [q ] of
Cordoba equates the ratauiivOri of Dioscoi ides which
appeals as kalaminthi ind variants in Stephanos
Hunavn with Judhand} see \non\mous Nuiuosmamve
3589 fol 99i b) and knows the following three kinds
of it (a) judhandf nahn the nvei mint also called
daumaian appaientlv Mentha aquatua L (b judhandf
diabah the mount nn mint also c ailed nabuta < Latin
mptta cf FJ Simonet Glosano dt i xe iberuas \ latinas
uadas intn h mo^aiak Madrid 1888 397 1 with
Mozaiabic complementary forms probably Mtntha
.L-MADlNA al-SAB'A
This simple basic pattern was completed and dif-
ferentiated by later pharmacologists. For the river-
mint there appear the Arabic terms nammam, habak
al-ma' and habak nahri, in Egypt habak al-timsah, in
Andalusia the Mozarabic mantarashtaruh (mastranto,
etc., see Simonet, op. tit., 359); the last term indi-
cates in fact another kind, namely Mentha rotundifo-
lia L. In the literature of translations the river-mint
probably corresponds with GiO"U|ippiOV = sisinbaryun
(and variants). The mountain-mint is later mostly
equated with the "rocky" {al-sakhri) and with the
wild mint (according to Ibn al-Wahshiyya in
Nuwayn, Nihaya, xi, Cairo 1935, 69, 7). In
Mozarabic the wild mint is called bulavuh, fulayuh
[poleo < Latin pulegium, German Polei, see Simonet,
op. fit., 452), and also ghubayra" or 'irmid. To this
should be added above all the "cultivated mint"
(fudhandf bustani), that is, the pepper-mint, Mentha
piperita, the f|8iL>oa|iov Idiyasmun of the literature of
translation, well-known and favoured as na'na' or
nu'nu'. Other kinds are also mentioned, which can
be omitted here; they are not at all to be connected
with the genus mint (like faytal), or only with some
As still today, mint had a many-sided medicinal
effect, above all from the menthol contained in the
volatile oil of the leaves of the peppermint. For the
preparation of fragrant peppermint tea, Ibn
Wahshiyya (in Nuwayn, op. tit, 70) recommends a
method which is based upon all kinds of supersti-
tious notions. The juice of the river-mint, taken with
honey, has a strong heating and sweat-producing
effect; taken with water, it helps against shooting
pains and sciatica, promotes menstruation, drives off
the tape-worm and is useful against jaundice since
it opens up the sluggishness of the liver. Mountain-
' ■" s thick and stickly fluids which
, the
lungs,
5 them.
Peppermint, taken with vinegar, does away
sea and vomiting and checks haemorrhages. On the
specific effect of menthol is based its use, common
until now, for diarrhoea, gripes, flatulence and, above
all, catarrh of the respiratory tubes. A few verses
ing the fragrant peppermint tea are found in
Nm
<ayri.
, 71
Bibliography: (besides the titles already men-
tioned): Dioscorides, De materia medica, ed. Wellmann,
ii, Berlin 1906, 40-8 = lib. iii, 31-5; La 'Materia
medica" de Dioscorides (Arabic tr. and ed. Dubler and
Teres, Tetuan 1952, 253-6; Razi, Hawi, xxi,
Haydarabad 1388/1968, 243-51 (no. 621), with
many quotations and recipes; Die pharmakolog.
Grundsatze des Abu Mansur . . . Harawi, tr. A.Ch.
Achundow, Halle 1893, 238 f.; Ibn al-Djazzar,
I'timad, Ms. Ayasofya 3564, fols. 83a-84a; Zahrawl,
Tasrif Ms. Be§ir Aga 502, fol. 508b, 29-32; Ibn
Sma, Kanun (Bulakj i, 409 f.; Birum, Savdala, ed.
H.M. SaTd, Karachi 1973, Arab. 296, Engl. 256;
Ibn 'Abdun, 'Umda, Ms. Rabat, Bibl. Gen. 3505
D, fols. 130a, 19-131a, 2; Ibn Biklarish, Musla'inT,
Ms. Naples, Bibl. Naz., iii, F. 65, fol. 78b; Ibn
Hubal, Mukhtarat, Haydarabad 1362, ii, 157 f.; P.
Guigues, Les norm arabes dam Serapion, in JA, lOeme
serie (1905), v, s.v. Jandenegi (no. 175); Maimonides,
Sharh asma' al-'ukkar, ed. Meyerhof, Cairo
1940, no. 309; Ibn al-Baytar, Djamf, Bulak 1291,
iii, 170-2, tr. Leclerc, no. 1712; Yusuf b. <Umar,
Mu'tamad, ed. M. al-Sakka', Beirut 1395/1975, 372-
4; Suwaydf, Simat, Ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol. 22 la-
ta; Ghassam, Hadikat al-azhSr, Ms. Hasan Husnl
'Abd al-Wahhab, fol. 93a; Dawud al-Antakr,
Tadhkira, Cairo 1371/1952, i, 252 f.; Tuhfat al-
ahbab, ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934, no. 283,
325; F.A. Fltickiger, Phamiakognosie des Pflanzenreiches 3 ,
Berlin 1891, 722-9; I. Low, Die Flora der Juden, ii,
1924, 75-8; The medical formulary or Aqrabadhln of
al-Kindi, tr. M. Levey, Madison" etc., 1966, 312 f.
(A. Dietrich)
FUKAHA' al-MADINA al-SAB'A, the seven
"jurists" of Medina, to whom tradition attributes
a significant role in the formation of fikh. J. Schacht,
who was especially interested in these fukaha',
wrote (Esquisse d'une histoire du droit musulman, Paris
1952, 28; cf. idem. An introduction to Islamic law,
Oxford 1964, 31): "The Medinans . . . traced back the
origin of their special brand of legal teaching to a
number of ancient authorities, who died in the final
years of the first and the early years of the second
century of the Hegira. In a later period, seven of
them were chosen as representatives; these are the
'seven jurisconsults of Medina' . . . Almost none of the
doctrines attributed to these ancient authorities
can be considered as authentic. The transmission
of the judicial doctrine of Medina only becomes
historically verifiable at the same period, approxi-
mately, as in Iraq, with Zuhrl (died in the year 124
of the Hegira)." It may further be noted, in this con-
text, that the name of al-Zuhri [q.v.] figures promi-
nently in the enumeration, by the biographers, of
those who supposedly formed the audience of the
seven fukaha'. J. Schacht (The origins of Muhammadan
jurisprudence, Oxford 1950, 22 IT.; 243 ff.) is also able
to show that the list of these jurisconsults, to some
extent variable, but finally fixed ne varietur, rests on
no foundation, and he considered that in fact it is a
question of a conventional group of tabi'un mentioned
for the first time in definitive form by al-Tahawi
(d. 321/933) in his Sharh ma'am l-athar (Lucknow
1301-2, i, 163), then by Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahani
(d. 356/967) in the Aghani (ed. Beirut, ix, 136, 145).
He recognises, however, that this list was definitely
drawn up at an earlier date, although he cites no ref-
erence in this context. Now the Fihrist (ed. Cairo, 315)
mentions a work of Ibn Abi '1-Zinad (d. 174/790-1
[q.v. in Suppl.]) entitled Ra'v al-fukaha' al-sab'a min
ahl al-Madlna wa-ma khtalafi flhi, which creates the
impression that this group — whose composition had
been probably already fixed — was felt, towards the
middle of the 2nd century A.H. not only as a his-
torical reality, but also as early evidence of the
doctrinal pluralism accepted by Islam, since it was
possible to find out divergencies of opinion from
among equally-respected "scholars". The fact remains,
however, that the seven fukaha' chosen would appear
above all else to be purveyors of tradition, for whom
the sources are, in the nature of things, almost all
the same. In addition, it may justifiably be sup-
posed that their reputation was established con-
siderably later than the time of their disappearance,
since the date of death of the majority of them is
not known with certainty; one might however expect
it to be fixed in the year 94/712-13, designated pre-
cisely by the name sanat al-fukaha', since according to
tradition a number of them are said to have died in
Whatever the case may be, the definitely-adopted
list comprises the following personalities, with regard
to whom it has not been judged beneficial, following
FUKAHA' al-MADINA al-SAB'A
the studies of J. Schacht, to undertake researches into
the works offikh:
I. — Abu Bakr b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Harith
b. Hisham b. al-Mughira al-Makhzumi, a prominent
Kurayshite who became blind and was surnamed al-
Rahib or Rahib Kuraysh on account of his piety.
Al-Tabari (ii, 272) is the only one to give him the
name of 'Umar, and Ibn al-Kalbi-Caskel (Tab. 23)
mentions only two other sons of 'Abd al-Rahman b.
al-Harith. Too young to serve as a combatant at
the'Battle of the Camel [see al-djamal], he remained
in Medina, where he became intimate with 'Abd al-
Malik b. Marwan, who commended him to the care
of his son al-Walid. He passed on some hadiths of
Abu Hurayra and of the wives of the Prophet to a
number of traditionists, among whom the most
notable would appear to be al-Zuhn. He died in
94/712-13.
Bibliography: Mus'ab al-Zubayn, Nasab Kuraysh,
303-4; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif 282, 588, 599; Ibn
Khallikan, IVafayat, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut, no.
117; Ibn Sa'd, 'Tabakat, ed. Beirut 1388/1968, ii,
383; Mas'udi, Muruaj, v, 132-4 = §§ 1889-90; Ibn
al-Tmad, Shadharat, i, 104; Nawawi, Tahdhib, 672-
3; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhih al-Tahdhib, xii, 30-2; Safadi,
Nakt al-hxmyan, 131.
II. — Kharidja b. Zayd b. Thabit al-Ansari, Abu
Zayd (d. 99 or 100/717-19) son of the Prophet's sec-
retary. Appointed mufti of Medina, he collected tra-
ditions from his father and passed them on, most
notably to al-Zuhn.
Bibliography. Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat, index; Ibn
Khallikan, no. 211; Nawawi, Tahdhih, 223; Ibn
Hadjar, Tahdhih al-Tahdhib, iii, 74-5; idem, Isaba,
no. 2136; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh Dmiashk, vi, 24-5;
Ibn al-Tmad, Shadharat, i, 118.
III. — 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam, Abu
'Abd Allah (b. ca. 23/644, d. between 91 and
99/709-18), grandson of the first caliph through
Asma' bint Abi Bakr [q.v.]. He was considerably
younger than his brother 'Abd Allah [q.v.], in whose
activities he played no part; in fact, he avoided
involvement in politics, but it was he who is said
to have brought to 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, in
73/692, the news of the defeat and death of the
anti-caliph. He lived subsequent in Medina, where
he is said to have written, on the instruction of
'Abd al-Malik, a series of epistles on the beginnings
of Islam. He collected traditions from his aunt
'A'isha, from his mother, from his father (?) and
from Abu Hurayra and passed them on notably to
his own sons, to Sulayman b. Yasar (see below) and
to al-Zuhn. The biographers tell that he was most
courageous and that he endured in silence the ampu-
Bibliography. Mus'ab al-Zubayn, .Nasah Kuraysh,
245 and index; Tabari, i, 1180, ii, 1266; Ibn Sa'd,
Tabakat, index; Ibn al-Kalbi-Caskel, Tab. 19 and
ii, 575; Ibn Khallikan, no. 416; Nawawi, Tahdhih,
420-1; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhih al-Tahdhib, vii, 180-5;
Ibn Kutayba, Ma'anf index; I. Goldziher, Muh.
Studien, ii, 20.
IV. — Sulayman b. Yasar al-HilalT, Abu
Ayyub/Abu 'Abd al-Rahman/Abu 'Abd Allah (d. la.
100/718-9) mawla of Maymuna, wife of the Prophet,
who passed on traditions acquired from 'A'isha, Ibn
(al-)'Abbas, Abu Hurayra and others and whose audi-
ence included notably al-Zuhn.
Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif 459; Tabari,
index; Baladhun, Futuh, 266; Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat,
index; Ibn Khallikan, no. 270; Nawawi, Tahdhih,
134.
.. 'Utb
Mas'ud al-Hudhali, Abu 'Abd Allah, great-nephew of
'Abd Allah b. Mas'ud [q.v.], who collected traditions
from his lather, from Ibn ial-)'Abbas, from Abu
Hurayra and other Companions and had a num-
ber of transmitters, in particular al-Zuhri. He was
extremely learned, according to his biographers, and
he is said to have been the teacher of 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-Aziz at Medina. He is known as a Murdji'ite. He
owes to his skill as a poet his inclusion in the Aghdni
(ed. Beirut, ix, 135-47) and it is in the chapter devot-
ed to him that Abu '1-Faradj enumerates twice (135,
145) the seven fukaha', the second time with refer-
ence to a passage in which 'Ubayd Allah is sup-
posed to cite his six colleagues; Schacht lOngins, 244)
believes with some justification that this is a fabrica-
tion invented for the requirements of circumstances;
verses (with rhyme-rfj'oA) quoted by Ibn Khallikan in
the article on Abu Bakr b. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Ubayd
Allah, who was blind, died in about 98/716-7 and
was buried at al-Baki'.
iphy: Djahiz, Bayan, i, 356 and index;
, Have
; Tabar
Abu Tammam, Hamasa, ii, 126-7; Ibn Kutayba,
Ma'anf, 250, 251, 588; Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat, index;
Mas'udi, Murudf, v, 376 = § 2129; Husrl, Qam' al-
gjawahii, 4; Harawl, ~ivii,dt, 94/215; Ibn Khallikan,
no. 356; Nawawi, tahdhib, 400-1; Ibn Hadjar,
Tahdhih al-Tahdhib, vii, 180-5; Dhahabr, fadhknat
al-hujfaz, i, 74; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-aivliva', ii,
188; Safadi, Xakt, 197-8; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhauit,
i, 114; Zirikli, iv, 360.
VI. — Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab b. Hazn al-Makhzumi,
Abu Muhammad. A true Kurayshite, this oil mer-
chant coliected traditions from his father-in-law Abu
Hurayra and from other Companions and acquired
a great reputation for piety and knowledge in the
domain of hadilh, ofjikli, and of tajiir. Given the title
Sayyid al-Tabi'in, he seems to have been preferred
to the other fukaha' by the Medinans, who subse-
quently abandoned his doctrine, which was different
from that of Malik (cf. Schacht, Origins, 7) but was
judged sufficiently important to merit a monograph
by al-Dhahabi. Politically, he affirmed his desire for
independence by refusing to recognise Ibn al-Zubayr,
which cost him sixty strokes of the lash, then refus-
ing to pay allegiance to the sons of 'Abd al-Malik,
flogging. His biographers also speak of his ability to
iterprei
i. The
siderably in the sources, but it is possible to pinpoint
the year 94/712-13. He was buried at al-Bakf.
Bibliography: Ibn al-Kalbi-Caskel, Tab. 22 and
ii, 501; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'anf, index; Ibn Hisham,
Sira, index; Taban, index; Baladhun, Futuh, index;
Ibn Sa'd, index; Mus'ab al-Zubavri, .Vasab Kuraysh,
345; Ya'kubf, Histonae, ii, 276; Mas'udi, Muiudf,
iv, 148, 254, 255, v, 118 = §§ 1479, 1581, 1874;
Ibn Tiktaka, Fakhri, ed. Derenbourg, 167, 168;
H. Laoust, Ibn Batta, 51; Harawl, ^lidrdt, 94/125;
Makdisi, Creation, index; Ibn Khallikan, no. 262;
Nawawi, Tahdhib, 283-5; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib al-
Tahdhib, iv, 84-8; Dhahabr, Tadhkhat al-huffdz, i, 51-
3; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, i, 102-3; Ibn Taghrfbardi,
.Wudjum, i, 228; Goldziher, Muh. Studien, ii, 31, 97.
VII. — al-Kasim b. Muhammad b. AbI Bakr,
Abu 'Abd al-Rahman/Abu Muhammad. Grandson of
FUKAHA' al-MADINA al-SAB'A
the first caliph, and, as the story goes, of the last
Sasanid, because his mother was allegedly one of
the three daughters of Yazdadjird (see al-Mas'udi,
Murud}, index, s.v. Shahrbanu), he was adopted by
his aunt 'A'isha after the death of his father in
38/658. He transmitted to al-Zuhrl and to a num-
ber of other recipients tiaditions from his aunt and
from several Companions, including Abu Hurayra.
He died in ca. 106/724-5 at Kudayd and was buried
at al-Abwa' [<?.».].
Bibliography: Djahiz, Bayan, ii, 322; Ibn
Kutayba, Ma'anf 175, 588; Mus'ab al-Zubayrl.
Nasab Kmavsh, 279; Ibn al-Kalbl-Caskel, Tab, 21;
Ibn Sa'd, index; Abu Nu'aym, Hilwt al-awhva', ii,
183; Mas'Qdl, Murud)., v, 463 = §"2214; MakdisI,
Creation, vi, 80; Ibn Khallikan, no. 533; Harawi,
Zivarat, 89/205; Nawawl, Tahdhlb, 507-8; Ibn
Hadjar, Tadhlb al-Tahdhlb, viii, 333-5; Safadl, Nakt,
230; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhatat, i, 135.
(Ch. Pellat)
FUNERAL OBSEQUIES [see djanaza].
FUR [see farw].
GADA'I KAMBO, Shaykh, Sufi saint of Muslim
He was the eldest son of Shaykh Djamall Kambo
(d. 941/1535), an important Suhrawardr Sufi saint,
who enjoyed the status of poet-laureate at Sikandar
Lodl's court and later served the Mughal emperors,
Babur and Humayun as their courtier. Having com-
pleted the customary education, Shaykh Gada'I per-
fected himself in the exoteric as well as esoteric
sciences of the Sufi. His father then made him his
khalifa or spiritual successor, with permission to enrol
murids or disciples in the SuhrawardI order. On
Shaykh Djamall's death, he inherited half of his
father's huge fortune as the remaining half going to
his younger brother, Shaykh 'Abd al-Hayy, known
as Hayatl. In recognition of his father's services,
Humayun made Gada'I his courtier in place of
Djamall. Gada'I was also a gifted poet and musi-
cian, composing verses both in Persian and Hindi,
his musical compositions in Hindi being famous dur-
ing Akbar's reign.
After Humayun's defeat by Sher Shah Sur near
Kanawdj in 947/1540, Gada'I fled to Gudjarat out
of fear of the Afghans, for the Indian allies of the
Mughals had to be punished, and from there went
to Arabia for the pilgrimage. On his return he
remained in Gudjarat where he was joined by his
murids, some of whom belonged even to Afghan fam-
s, and he became famous in Gudjarat for his opu-
s of st
With the restoration of Mughal rule in India in
962/1555, the political situation changed, and
Gada'I again joined Akbar's court in the Pandjab
some time before the second battle of Panlpat took
place in Muharram 964/November 1556. Bayram
Khan Khan-i Khanan, who had become the regent,
appointed Gada'I as Sadr of the Mughal empire
for old friendship's sake as well as for political rea-
sons, hoping that Gada'I would act as a liaison
between the Mughals and the Indian elite. But the
Mughal historians of Akbar's reign, who generally
compiled their works after the fall of Bayram Khan,
are critical of Shaykh Gada'I, accusing him of arro-
gance, high-handedness and favouritism in the dis-
tribution of land-grants and stipends among the
Shaykhs, Sayyids, scholars and other deserving per-
sons. Akbar also complains in his farman to Bayram
Khan, issued at the time of the latter's dismissal,
that one of his misdeeds was the elevation of Shaykh
Gada'I to the Saddrat in preference to Sayyids and
'ulamd' of nobler origin. In fact, all such complaints
and grievances were concocted to provide Akbar
t for
ving I
l Khan from
with a
power.
According to Shaykh Rizk Allah MushtakI, the
earliest source, Gada'I played an important role at
the beginning of Akbar's reign, and the regent con-
sulted him on every matter because of his famil-
iarity with Indian affairs. The Turanl nobles got
annoyed with him when he did not join hands
with them against the ShI'I Bayram Khan, in spite
of the fact that he himself was an orthodox Sunnl.
He retired largely from politics after Bayram Khan's
dismissal and settled in Djaysalmer. After a few
years, Gada'I came back to Dihll and spent his
last years as a Sufi there. On his return, Akbar
showed him much respect, most probably for his
past services at the crucial time of his reign, and
his land was also restored to him. Being wealthy,
Gada'I led a luxurious life; he was very fond of
participating in the 'urs ceremonies of the past saints
of Dihll, and spent much money on arranging sama'
sessions. He also acquired a number of beautiful
slave girls and enjoyed their company in his old
age. He died at Dihll in 976/1568-9 and was
buried inside the tomb of Shaykh Djamall in
Mihrawll.
Bibliography. 'Ala' al-Dawla Kazwlnl, Nafd'is
al-ma'athir, MS. Mawlana Azad Library, Aligarh;
'Arif Kandaharl, Ta'rikh-i Akbarl, also known as
the Ta'rikh-i Kandaharl, ed. Imtiyaz 'All 'ArshI,
Rampur 1962; 'Abd al-Hakk, Akhba, al-akhwr,
Delhi 1914; 'Abd al-Kadir Bada'unI, Muntakhab
al-tawarlkh, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1869; Abu 1-
Fadl, Akbar-ndma, ii, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta; Ni'mat
Allah Harawi, Ta'rikh-i Khdn-i Djahani, ii, ed.
Imam al-Dln, Dacca 1950; Nizam al-Dln,
Tabakat-i Akbarl, ii, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta; Rizk
Allah MushtakI, Waki'at-i MushtakI, MS. British
Museum Add. 11,633; S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and
intellectual history of the Muslims in Akbar's reign,
New Delhi 1975, 53-4, 233, 228.
(I.H. Siddicjui)
GALENA [see al-kuhl].
GALLEY [see safIna, shaniya].
GANGES [see ganga].
GANGOHI, 'Abd al-Kuddus, a prominent
Sufi saint of Gangoh (Saharanpur district, Uttar
Pradesh, India). Kutb al-'Alam 'Abd al-Kuddus b.
Isma'Il b. Safl al-Dln Hanafl Gangohl was born ca.
860/1456 and received his Sufi formation at Rudawli,
a Cishtl centre [khankah) in the region of Awadh
that was organised by Ahmad 'Abd al-Hakk Ru-
dawlawl (d. 837/1434) and is supposed to derive its
GANGOHl — al-GHAFIKI
tradition from Ma al Din Mi b Ahmad al Sabir
(d. 690/1291) of Kalyar the founder figure of the
Sabiriyya branch of the Cishtiyya Though norm
nallv the disciple and successor {khalifa) of his broth
er-in-law, Muhammad b Anf b Ahmad Abd
al-Hakk, 'Abd al Kuddus appeals to ha\e been mi
tiated into Sufi practices by Shaykh Piyaie an old
servant at the khankah In 89b/ 1491 Abd il Kuddus
migrated to Shahabad (midway between Sirhind ind
Panlpat) at the suggestion of Sikandar Lodi s ami)
'Umar Khan Kasi When Babui sacked Shahabad
in 932/1526, 'Abd al Kuddus mo\ed uross the
Djamna River to Gangoh wheie he died m 944/1537
(not in 950/1543 as noted in A in i Akbari) and is
rated a
shrine
His most important disciples are his son Rukn
al-Din Muhammad (d 982/1574) who collected the
anecdotes about his father in the Lata if i hudduu
(Dihlr 1311/1894 including the reminiscences of the
Afghan soldier Dattu Sarwam) his chief khalifa
Djalal al-Din Muhammad b Mahmud Thanesan
(d. 989/1582), the author of Tahkik aradi al Hind
(Karaci 1383/1963) to whom Akbai paid a \ is.it
(Storey, i, 17, no 25 1198) and Abd al Ahad (d
986/1578), the fathei of Ahmad Suhindi [gv] His
grandson 'Abd al Nabi b Ahmad (d 990/1582)
known as the author of two Aiabic treatises (GAL
S II, 602), held for some time the oflice of sadr al
t Akbar
il Kudd
al-'Arabl's Fusus al hikam The scope of his mflu
ence as a spiritual guide during the period of tran
sition from Lodi rule to the Timurid empire is
reflected in the collection of his letteis Maktubat i
kuddusiyya (Dihh 1287/1870 abridged Dihli
1312/1895), some of which were addressed to
Sikandar Lodi", Babur and Humayun as well as to
various Afghan and Mughal nobles. His works
also include the Anwar al-'uyun ft asrar al-maknun
(Lakhna'u 1295/1878; 'Aligafh 1323/1905; Lakhna'u
1327/1909) which records the sayings of Ahmad
'Abd al-Hakk RudawlawT; a Sufi tract, Ghara'ib al-
fawa'id (Djah'djdjar 1314/1897?); and two mystical
treatises entitled Nur al huda and hunat al ayun (MS
Ethe 1924 14 and lb) His brief compendium of
Sufi principles Rushd nama (Djadjdjar 1314/1897)
advocates a popularised \ersion of uahdat al uudfud
[q.i\] alludes to Nathapanthi \ogic practices and
includes a senes of Hindi verses (added in the mar
gin of MS Princeton 113) Abd al Kuddus was
renowned for mystic states undei the spell of dhikr
[q.e.] which were induced by his fervent practice of
sama [go] and salat i makusa [q v]
Bibliography Abu 1 Fadl Miami 4 in i Akbari
tr. Janett Calcutta 1943 m 417 Abd al Hakk
Dihlawi Akhbar al akhyar Dihh 1332/1914 2214
Muhammad b Hasan Ghawthi Mandawi GuLar ,
abrar (= Adhkar i abrar ti Urdu) Lahawr 1395/
1975 239 40 Muhammad Hashim Kishmi Badakh
sham Z"bdat al makamat Kanpur 1303/ 1390 96
101 Dara Shikoh Safmat al auhya Kanpul
1301/1 334 101 (no 118) Abd al Rahman Cishti
Mifat al asrar labaka 23 Muhammad Akram
Barasawi Iktibai al anuar (= Sauati al anuai) Lahawi
1313/1895 no 30 Ghulam Saiwar Lahawn
Kha^inat alasfiya Kanpur 1312/1894 i 416 13
Muhammad Husayn Muradabadi Anuai al anf in
Bareilly 1290/1873 349 53 Lakhna u 1293/1376
411 20 Storey i 967 f no 1279 S Nuiul Hasan
Lata if i huddusi a contemporary Afghan wutei in
Mtdiaal India Quarterly l (1950) 49 57 I'djaz
,1 Hakk Kuddusi Shaykh Abd al Kuddus Gangohi
■u> unki talimat [Urdu] Kaiaci 19bl S Digby
Dnams and reminiscences of Dattu bam am in The
Indian
Hist
19b5) 52 80 178 94 Aziz al Rahman Tadhkira
Uakhdum Ah Ahmad Sabir halyan Dihh 1391/1972
(quoting an anonymous Sawanih I Kuddusi) S
Digby Abd al A uddus Gangohi in Medieoal India
a miseellany in Aligarh 1975 1 bb
(G BOWERINC)
GARDEN [see bustan]
GAZ a measuie of length in use in Muslim
India considered equal to the dhna which was
treated as a synonym foi it Sixty ga^ formed the
side of the square bigha a traditional measure of
area Five thousand ga^ made the length of a kuwh
(Persian) or hosa (Sanskrit) the traditional measure
of road length
The length of the ga^ vaned often accoiding to
locility and also according to the subject of meas
urement (land cloth etc) There is no way of know
mg the standard length of the ga^ under the Dihh
Sultans But under Sikandai Lodi (894 923/1489 1517)
the measure known as ga^ I Sikandan was about 30
inches long The Mughal Empeior Humayun inci eased
it to 30 06 inches This measure continued in use
until 994/1586 when Akbar instituted the ga^ i ilahl
equal to la 32 32' 2 inches
The ga^ 1 ilahl was the standard unit of meas
urement during the reign of Akbar and continued
to be so during the leign of Djahangir During the
reign of Shah Djahan a slightly longer measure
the dhna 1 Shah Djaham of about 32 80 inches was
intioduted for calculating road lengths while a
much smallei ga^ was brought into use for meas
uring area.
Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl, A'ln-i Akbari, i, Bibl.
Ind., Calcutta 1867-77; Irfan Habib, The agrarian
system of Mughal India, Bombay 1963, Appendix A;
W.H. Moreland, India at the death of Akbar, London
1920, 54; see also dhira'. (M. Athar Ali)
GEHENNA [see djahannam).
GEMINI, TWINS [5
GENESIS [see takwin]
al GHAFIKI Abu Dja far Ahmad b Muham
mad b Ahmad Ibn al Saw id Spanish Arabic phar
maco botanist native of the foitiess Ghafik near
Cordovi His dates are not known but he may
have died around the middle of the 6th/ 12th cen
tury He was considered to be the best expert on
drugs of his time he elaborated thoroughly the mate
rial transmitted from Dioscundes and Galen and
presented it in a concise but appropriately com
plete form in his Kitab al Aduiya al mufrada According
to Ibn Abi Usaybi a ( lyun al anba 11 133 14) Ibn
al Baytai was accustomed to take this woik contin
uously with him on his scientific journeys together
with a few otheis Othei wntings of al Ghafiki are
not known
M Meyerhof repeatedly expiessed as his belief
that al Ghahki was the most important pharmaco
botanist of the Islamic Middle Ages (latterly
Mature mediealt eompoie pat Maimomdi Cairo 1940
intiod xxix f) In accordance with our actual
knowledge Ibn Samadjun and Ibn al Rumryya both
also Spaniards will have to be put on the same
level as al Ghafiki The three of them especially
Ibn al Rumiyya were primarily not pharmacists
but botanists because of their exact descnption of
al-GHAFIKI — GHALATA
plants they were copied by Ibn al-Baytar, not
entirely — as Meyerhof thought — but to a great
extent. The Arabic text of al-Ghafikr has become
known only in recent times; until then one had
to depend on a Latin translation from which M.
Steinschneider compiled a list of drugs, Gafiki's
Verzeichnis einfacher Heilmittel, in Virchow's Archiv fur
pathologische Anatomie and Physiologic, lxxvii (1879),
507-48; lxxxv (1881), 132-71. To the manuscripts
enumerated in M. Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, 277,
should be added a valuable copy, found in
Tamgrut and now preserved in Rabat, which con-
tains the first part of the work (up to the letter
Zdy) (cf. Shaykh Muhammad al-FasI, in Trudy 15.
Mezdunarodnogo Kongresa Yostokovedov, ii, Moscow
1963, 19).
Al-Ghafikr arranged his collection according to
the abdfad alphabet. Names of drugs beginning with
the same letter appear twice under this letter: first-
ly as heading of a khm ft 'l-kalam 'ala 'l-adwiya, in
which the drugs are described in detail and the
sources relating to this are mentioned, then again in
a kism fl sharh al-asma" , i.e. a short list of synonyms
from various languages. As sources are mentioned
Dioscurides, Galen, al-Razi, Abu Hanlfa al-Dinawan,
Ibn Samadjun, Ishak b. Tmran, Masih (al-Dimashkl),
al-Taban ('All b. Rabban), Ibn Wafid, Ibn Sma, an
unknown person (madjhul, often), Ibn Massa, Ibn
Masawayh, al-Isra'flr (Ishak b. SulaymSn), al-Filaha
al-nabatiyya — to name only those who occur most;
personal observations of the author often form the
conclusion. The status of the manuscripts now known
is sufficient to justify a critical edition of this impor-
A century after al-Ghafiki, Barhebraeus [see ibn
al-'ibrI] composed an extract from his book on
drugs under the title Muntakhab Kitab Djami' al-
mufradat li-Ahmad . . . al-Ghafiki, available in an edi-
tion, with translation and valuable commentary, by
M. Meyerhof and G.P. Sobhy, that unfortunately
reaches only as far as the letter dhal, The abridged
version of "The book of simple drugs" of Ahmad ibn
Muhammad al-Ghdfiqi by Gregorius abu 'l-Farag
{Barhebraeus), fascs. 1-3, Cairo 1932, 1933, 1938.
The discovery of the Ghafiki manuscripts was the
reason for the interruption of the edition of the
Muntakhab.
Bibliography (apart from the works mentioned
in the article)": Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, 'Vyun, ii, 52;
Safadi, al-Wa.fi k 'l-Wafayat, vii, ed I 'Abbas,
Wiesbaden 1969, 350; al-Marrakushr, al-Dhqyl wa'l-
takmila h-kitabay al-Mawsul wa'l-Sila, ed. Muhammad
b. Shanfa, i/1, Beirut n.d., 389; Makkarl, Najh al-
tib, Analeites . . ., ed. Dozy et aln, Leiden 1855-61,
i, 934, 1. 14, ii, 125, 18 = ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut
1968, ii, 691, iii, 185; Dimashki, Nukhbat al-dahr,
ed. Mehren, St. Petersburg 1866, 242; Brockelmann,
I- 643, S I 891; M. Levey, Early Arabic pharmacol-
ogy, Leiden 1973, 109-12, 152-4;" M Ullmann, Die
Medizin im Islam, Leiden 1970, 276 f, with a bib-
liography of Meyerhof's numerous studies.
(A. Dietrich)
al-GHAFIKI, Abu 'l-Kasim [see al-kabtawrI] .
GHALATA, a district, now called Beyoglu,
of Istanbul [<?■».], which occupies the broad angle
of land between the lower northern shore of
the Golden Horn (Khalidj) and the Bosphorus.
Historically, Ghalata comprises more particularly
(a) the quarters intra muros, i.e. the site of the (for-
merly) walled Genoese colony of Pera which sur-
rendered on terms (vire lie) to Mehemmed II in
1453; and (b) the post-conquest
"Frankish" and Greek settlement e;
to the Ottomans from the early 16th century as
Beyoghlu and to non-Muslims as Pera. "Greater"
Ghalata — i.e. the area of at least partial "Frankish"
settlement — in the 16th to 18th centuries and sub-
sequently was bounded by what were commonly
regarded as its suburbs: on the Golden Horn the
Muslim quarter of Kasim Pasha, the site of
the Ottoman arsenal [tersane-yi 'amire) and, on the
Bosphorus, that of Topkhane, which developed
after the conquest around the state cannon-foundry
(topkhane-yi 'amire) outside the Porta de li Bombarde/
Topkhane kapisi.
Ghalata (from the quarter "of the Galatians" in
the early Byzantine settlement of Sykai) was of lit-
tle significance until the aftermath of the Fourth
Crusade and the restoration of Byzantine rule in
Constantinople. The original concession situated in
a locus apud Galatham, granted to Genoa in 1267,
lay along the lower shore of the Golden Horn,
between the present-day Atatiirk bridge and the ferry
terminus at Karakoy, with its landward limits marked
by what is now Voyvoda Djaddesi and Yanik Kapi
Sokaghi. This settlement was burned by the
Venetians in 1296; rebuilt and surrounded by a
ditch; delimited by an Imperial edict of 1 May 1303
(translation in Belin, Latinite, 129); destroyed once
more by fire in 1315 (accessit . . . igne accidental! quasi
tota Peyre combusta est); and, despite a Byzantine inter-
diction, fortified on the land side and rebuilt in the
following year. Thus established, Ghalata intra muros,
the "communita de Peyre", self-governing under the
authority of a podesta sent out annually from Genoa,
developed rapidly to reach its final form and extent
in the years immediately preceding the Ottoman
conquest of Constantinople. The first extension to
the original enceinte was constructed in 1348-9, enclos-
ing a triangle of steeply rising ground with its base
formed by the eastern half of the long land-wall
and its apex marked by the massive circular Torre
di Christi, i.e. the Ghalata Kulesi which has ever
since been the major landmark and symbol of the
From this time, i.e. from the middle of the 8th/ 14th
century, the Republic of Genoa and its colony of Pera
cultivated close relations with the rising power of the
Ottomans — cf. the letter of the Signoria dated 21
March 1356 to "Messer Orcham, grande amiraio (i.e.
amiri kabiri) de la Turchia", from which it is clear
that the Genoese of Ghalata — "li nostri de Peyra
closely involved in commercial relations with the
Ottomans and acting as their political allies against
Venice and Byzantium. By the latter part of the same
century, if not earlier, Muslim merchants must have
been a familiar sight on the streets of Pera: the agree-
ment concluded in 789/1387 between Murad I and
Genoa (Belgrano, 146-9) provided for the partial
exemption from customs dues of "Turks" who were
engaged in commercial activities in Ghalata, and in
the reign of Bayezld I Ottoman envoys were received
by the podesta, and members of leading Perote fami-
lies were sent to the Ottoman court as ambassadors
(Belgrano, 153, 160).
In the late 14th/early 15th centuries, almost cer-
tainly in response to the first Ottoman siege of
Constantinople by Bayezid I, Ghalata intra mums took
on its final form. The districts which lay immedi-
ately to the west of the original concession and the
extension of 1348-9 were enclosed by a wall which
i an fiom the Towei to the Golden Horn, and slightly
latei the entne eastern quarter of Ghalata, fronting
the Bosphorus, was also enclosed by a wall The total
area of Ghalata intra muros w as thus brought to approx-
imately 370,000 square metres, the circuit of the
outer wall being approximately 2,800 metres (cl
J Gottwald Die Stadtmautm son Galata, in Bospoms,
NFn [1907], 22)
The fortifications of Ghalata weie fuithei stiength-
ened and improved by the eftoits of successive
podestas in the last decades of Genoese rule Most
of the surviving or iecorded inscriptions date horn
this penod (ci the collections, made from the 17th
century onwards, by Covel, de Mas Latne, Belgrano,
Gottwald, etc , listed in the Bibliography) The Genoese
colony at this time played an ambiguous role
between the Ottomans and the Christian powers,
e g in 1444 field-guns ("canons et cullevnnes ') were
supplied from Ghalata to Muiad II (Wa
Viener BildlexuXon zur Topographs Istanbuls, Tubingen
977, passim), and both western and Islamic hteiary
ources are largely known (foi a survey of the latter
ee E Rossi, Galata e i geografi turchi, in Studi bizantmi,
i [1^27], 67-74) Detailed work on the demographic,
social and administrative history of Ghalata in the high
Ottoman penod must await the full exploitanon of the
"" ' ' rchival materials (cf the list for
i ET\ iv, 244-5 by H Inalcik)
i the Ottoman con-
t and the late Tanzlmat penod weie marked in
Ghalata by a slow but steady process of demographic
, 49 1 Eve
t the
the fate of Constantinople was sealed the authori-
ties in Pera made desperate attempts to avoid the
inevitable conquest by the Ottomans In 1452 a
semi-circular cuitain-wall was built on the uphill
side of the Tower in order to provide protection
from artillery bombardment, but in the new era of
gunpowder and greatly -improved siege guns Ghalata
and its defences were vulnerable from the heights
to the north of the Towei On 30 May 1453, the
day following the fall of Constantinople, Ghalata
surrendered The last podata and the principal cit-
izens were allowed to depart and the colony passed
into Ottoman hands
The preliminary agreement to sunendei Ghalata
had been concluded in the Ottoman camp on 28
or 29 May, by the terms of the capitulation itself
(cf N Ioiga, Le privilege de Mohamnud II pour la idle
de Pera (lerjinn 1453), in Academic Roumaine, BullUin
de la ititwn histonque, 11 [1913-14], 11-32, E d'Allegio
d Alessio, Ttaite entre les Genois di Galata it Mehmit II
[ler ,uin 1451) in Echo* dVuent xxxix [1940],
161-75) Ghalata, urbtm nostiahum pulcheinmam et
smgulaiem (Adam de Montaldo, Genuensis, "de
Constantinopohtano excidio" ed C Desimom, Am
Soc Ltgm Patria, x [1874], 342) was placed undei
the authontv of an Ottoman zowoda The inhabi-
tants were permitted to retain "their property and
houses, their shops and their vineyards their mills
and their ships, their boats and their merchandise
entire, and their women and children according to
their wishes' The property of the inhabitants who
had fled was confiscated by the state The inhabi-
tants were given freedom to trade in the Ottoman
Empire and to come and go by land and sea with-
out paying any taxes except the poll-tax The exist-
ing churches were to remain in the hands of the
inhabitants, who might hold services in them, but
without sounding bells or clappers No new church-
es weie to be built Fuither conditions excluded the
male children of the inhabitants of Ghalata from
the devihmne [qi] "we shall not take their childien
as janissaries' and prohibited the settlement of
Muslims in Ghalata
Under Ottoman rule, "greater" Ghalata came to be
constituted one of the three important kaditiks oi the
bilad al lhalatha 1 e Eyvub, Ghalata and Uskudar, much
of the area appears rapidly to have been established
as nakj The topography of Ghalata intra mum in the
Ottoman penod has received considerable attention (cf
in particular A M Schneider and M Is Nomidis, Galata
Topographiuhauhaologischer Plan, Istanbul 1944, W Muller-
Unl
' hichtmuslimt im osmanuchen Reich
da lb Jahrhunderts, Munich 1977, 128-46 The guar-
antees given by Mehemmed II foi the security of
the churches and the reservation of the area intra
mmos to non-Muslims were soon disiegarded le g by
the conversion of the church of S Paolo (e S
Domemco) la 880-3/1475-8 and the subsequent (late
9th/ 15th century) settlement around what theieby
came to be called the 'Aiab Djarm'i of large num-
bers of Muslim lefugees from Spain (B Palazzo, Amp
Djami ou Eglm Saint Paul a Galata Istanbul 1946
Muller-Wiener 79 f) Partly -Muslim quarteis also
lapidly came into existence in the parts of Ghalata
which weie not covered by the capitulation of 1453
le the strips of land outside the walls along the
Bosphoius and the Golden Horn and the hilly area
to the north of the Tower Two centuries after the
conquest, Ewliya Celebi noted [Seiahat nam, i,
Istanbul 1314 42b-3b) that in the reign of Murad
IV, Ghalata possessed 60,000 Muslim and 200,000
non-Muslim inhabitants, divided amongst eight
Muslim, seventy Greek, three Tiank", le Latin,
and two Jewish quarteis (mahalle)
Simultaneously with the establishment and growth
of Muslim settlement occuned changes in the com-
position of the Christian population of Ghalata
Elements of the Latin population were enumerated
in 1580-1 as 500 Lharadj-pa\ms, subjects of the sul-
tan, 5,000 hbeiated slaves, 2,000 slaves 'of all
: hundred "etrangers de pas-
i Spa:
, Sicily :
hundred staff of embassies and a furthei six oi
seven thousand slaves (? including the labour corps
oi the arsenals at Topkhane and Kasim Pasha)
Many of these post-conquest Latin elements in
Ghalata later came to claim a moie exalted pre-
conquest lineage
After 1453 the walls of Ghalata lost most of their
significance, and from the early lOth/lbth century,
settlement on the heights of Pera e g by the "bey s
son" Luigi Gntti, son of a doge of Venice and con-
fidant of the Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha from
I whom the district took its name of Beyoghlu,
int leased The envoys of Venice established them-
selves there early in the reign of Suleyman I, send-
ing then despatches "da h vigne di Pera' Peia in
this period was thinly populated a salubrious local-
ity foiming an easy lefuge fiom the plague-infested
alleys within the walls (cf T Bertele // Palazzo dtgli
I ambasaator, di Vtntzia in Caitamnapali, Bologna 1932,
81) In the building of an embassy in this quarter,
\enice was to be followed in the lbth century by
France and England and later, by Holland and
other European states which sent envoys to leside
at the Ottoman touit, a fact which above all oth-
Beyoghlu its special character until the
20th cen
The a
t change s
e the
conquest
GHALATA — GHANAM
Ghalata occurred in the middle of the 19th century
In 1844 de Mas I atne could still describe Ghalata
Tows
the v
■ fra;
with the
•xceptic
ragments weie demolished and
the land wall ditch filled in This act together with
the constiuction of one later two bridges across the
Golden Horn the rapid expansion of Pera/Beyoghlu
to the north m the latter part of the 19th century
the granting of a degree of municipal autonomy to
Bevoghlu and the construction ol a short under
ground railway (1884) from Karakoy to the heights
of Pera and of tramways began the final effacement
of Genoese and Ottoman Ghalata intra muros as an
identifiable entity Since then the process has
accelerated and the development of a new economic
centre of gravity in Beyoghlu on the axis of Taksim-
Harbiye when coupled with the decline into insignil
icance of the non Muslim indigenous population of
Beyoghlu and the demolition of older quarteis for
urban renewal and road widening has tended to
erase further the differences between Ghalata and
the rest of Istanbul
Bibliography Besides the bibliography of
works on Istanbul many of which deal mci
dentally or in part with Ghalata cf in partic
ular F W Hasluck Di Covel s notes on Galata in
Annual of the British School at Athens xi (1904 5)
50-62 E dAllegio d Alessio Galata et ses enu
iv (194b) 218-37 idem Traiti entre Us Gtnois di
Galata et Mehmet II (\ir jutn 1453) in Ethos d Orient
xxxix (1940) 161 75 idem La lommunaute Mine
de Constantinople au lendtmain de la tonquete ottomane
in Ethos dOntnt xxxm (1937) 309 17 J Sauvaget
Notes sur la colonit gtnoise di Ptra in Syria xv
(1934) 252 ff JMJL de Mas Latne Notes d un
loiage artheologique in Orient m Bibl de I Ecole des
a/2 (1845 b) 489 544 J Gottwald Du
Stadtma
n Galata
. Mith
ungen d
dtutsthin Ausflugierems G Albert N F n (1907)
I 72 V Promis Statuti dtlla colonia Genoitse di
Pera in Misctllanea di stona itahana xi (1870)
513 780 E Rossi Galata t i geografi tun hi in
Studi bKanhm n (1927) 67-80 Corneho Desimom
Mtmoria sui quartien da Genoiesi a Constan/mopoli
nel sec xu in Giornale hgustuo di Arthaeologia sto
na e belle aiti i (1874) 137 80 (in Constantinople
proper) idem / Genoiesi e i loro quartun m
C onstanhnopoh ml sttolo xm in ibid in (1870)
217-76 (deals with the original Genoese conces-
sion in Ghalata); V. Promis, ed., Continuazione
della Cronaca di Jacopo di Voragine, in Atti Soc.
lig. di storia patria, x (1874), 493 ff.; Rossi, Le
lapidi genovesi delle mura di Galata, in ibid.,
lvi (1928), 143-67; M. de Launay, Notices sur
les fortifications de Galata, Constantinople 1864
(not seen); idem, Notice sur le vieux Galata,
in Unwers (Constantinople), Nov. 1874; Dec.
1974, Feb 1875, Mar 1875 (not seen); G.I.
met noire au xm' sietle, Pans 1929, 89-114;
idem, Actes da notaires genois de Pera et de Caffa de
la fin du xm s , Bucharest 1927; L.T. Belgrano,
Dotumenti nguardanti la colonia di Pera. Prima serie,
in Atti soc kg di storia patna, xiii (1877-84),
97-336, 2a serie, 931-1004; G. Hofman, S.J.,
II Vuanato apostolico di Conslantinopoli, 1453-1830,
Rome 1935 (Onentalia Christiana Analecta, no.
103), M.A. Behn, Histoire de la Latinite de Con-
stantinople Pans 1894 Djelal Esad Eski Ghalata
Istanbul 1913 S Eyice Galata ve Kuleu Istanbul
19b9 AM Schneider and M Is Nomidis Galata
topographisth archaolo gist her Plan Istanbul 1944
OL BarkanandEH Ay\erdi Istanbul lakiflan
tahnr defteri 953 (1546) tanhli Istanbul 1970 pas
Sim Ewhya Gelebi Set ahat name i Istanbul 1314
426 36 Huseyn Aywansarayi Hadikat al
djawami' Istanbul 1282 n passim W Muller
Wiener Bildleuhn zur Topographic Istanbuls
Tubingen 1977 EI art Istanbul (H Inalcik)
I A art Istanbul Galata (S Eyice) both with
extensive bibliographies Historical plans of
Ghalata in de Launay (reproduced in Belgrano
Atti xm ad finem) Schneider and Nomidis Djelal
Esad and Muller Wiener 321
(CJ Hfiwood)
GHANAM (A) a femine singular noun with the
value of a collective (with the plurals aghnam ghunum
designates the class of small livestock
with a
jredom:
3 the c
, of
either sheep (sha al da n shnah c
goats (shiyah alma^ maiza) Like the two other col
lectives ibil [qv] camehdae and Ihayl [q i ]
equidae ghanam defines one of the three aspects of
nomadic pastoral life covered by the teim badw [q i ]
as well as an important activity of the sedentary agn
culturalist countryfolk [see fil-vha] who may be pen
odic migrants small livestock constitute for the one
group a direct and unique source of subsistence (fam
al ghanam) with the milk fleece hide and rarely the
meat and for the others an extra product negotiable
the fairs through the intermedial-) of the sheep
rchant (djallab)
The root gh n m
.mphe S
i of goods
ind purchase
the acquisi
JanimTlqV
trophy set in relief this idea excluding Irom it any
allusion to the means of illegal and immoral appro
priation Also ghanam (dialect ghneml ghlem) is under
stood m the sense of sheep-goat patrimony (see
Kur'an VI 14b/ 147 XX 19/18 XXI 78) com
pleting with bafar [qv} cattle the full meaning of
naam livestock (pi an am used 32 times in the
Kur an) In Arabic it is the equiv alent of the Latin
nouns pecuhum and pecuma derived from petus herd
Parallel with ghanam and with the same meaning
one finds especially in the Maghrib the terms mal
[qi] and lasb/kisb [q i ] whence the dialectal
hiballsib flock of sheep (cf Berber ulli from the
radical / to possess )
Although the Kur'anic verse (VI, al-An'am,
144/143) saying: "[Allah has provided you] with eight
species of animals in pairs, two for the sheep and
two for the goats . . ." does not make any dis-
crimination between the two species, a long polemic
between intellectuals reported by al-Djahiz (Hayawdn,
v, 455 ff.) brought into opposition the partisans of
the sheep and those of the goat. However, this sheep-
goat duality was not new, since echoes of it are found
in the two monotheistic religions prior to Islam. In
fact, to the degradation of the goats, the Jews had
their rite of the "scapegoat" at the time of their
Festival of Atonement, while Christian demonology
saw in this animal an incarnation of the devil. By
contrast, sheep enjoyed the favour of the two com-
munities, as they were favourites of God; there is the
ram of Abraham, the paschal lamb, the symbol of
the mystical lamb applied to Christ and the parable
of the "good shepherd" wisely leading his "sheep"
(Vulgar Latin ovicula, from ons). The Arabs, long
before
in the month of Radjab whem
ot raa^abnya by »av of prayer and as an act oi
thanksgiv ins; while in tht Maghrib and Tunisia in
particulai the cult of the lam was widespread rem-
iniscent oi the Egyptun cult of \mmon Ra and it
was onl\ detiniti\el\ abolished b\ the energetic repres
sions of the \ghlabid amm in the 3rd/9th centurv
(see T Lewicki Culte du belter dans la Tumsu musul
mam in REI [1935] 195-200 & Germain Lt talk
du belur in ifnqm du Nord in He\pim xxxv [1948]
93 124) In veneration ior Abraham Islam preserves
the rite oi the sacrifice oi the sheep on the 10th of
the month oi Dhu 1 Hidjdja the dav of the pil-
grimage [see hadjdj] culminating it Mini [q i ] cilled
yaum al nahr da> oi slaughter for all the Muslim
countries it is the feist oi the sacrificial \ictims
{'id al adha) or ieast oi the offeimgs (id al kurban)
and in the Maghrib the gieat feast (al id al kabir)
Engaging in histonco-rehgious irguments the ipol
ogist for the sheep would point out the supenontv
of the foimer o\er the goat on account of its wool
its milk and its flesh iurtheimore in glazing the
sheep does not have the acid tooth oi the goat
which upioots the plants damages the bushes by
devouring the buds and breaks down buildings by
its need to climb o\er everything whence the proverb
al mi' ..a tubhi ua la tubm the goat destroys and does
not build Finally the sheep with his thick fleece
and covenng till decently conceals his postenoi
whereas the stump of tail of the goats shamelessly
raised is i defiance to modesty not to mention the
goitish odour which makes the company of the tanas
goat held shunned Linguistically to call someone
1 tays (pi tuyus dialect lis) was a greit insult and
notably in the expression ma huua ilia tays fi safina
he is only a goat in a boat alluding to the nau
seous and peisistent smell which the animal leaves
wherever it has staved On the contiarv the nick
name kabsh ram was eulogistic and flattering espe-
cially in the metaphoi huua kabsh mm al kibash he
is 1 chief ram synonymous with huua fahl mm al
fuhul he is a chief stallion l e he is a champi-
on \gainst these notions is the defcndei of the
goats sahib al ma'i in whom one should see at the
time either the Hidjazi or the \emem their lespec
ti\e homelands being particularly abundant in goats
for such a person the goat outel isses the sheep as
much by the vmed products which it supplies as
by its vitality and resistance In the society of goat-
herds one would say of in eneigc
a goit
long rr
would snub the incapable weakling with n
a ilia
\pait f
om the
important
phce
iccupied
by goat
smooth
(sabad) as
flock
of wool [labad s
uf) among
weive
s goats
hide wa
and still
is the pnncipil mi
eml for contai
eis bag
straps
shoes cloths and
(see the list i
Hayaua
y 485
although
amel bleeders
he tribes
Mudir
emained f
aithful
to then
red ten
of goats
hide
In fa
ct this
polemic p
jenle
as it ma
v appea
solely
terny for
the lef
ection o
in old
intagom
sm dividing the t
nbes ace
ording t
the kinds of hus
t thev
practised a sene
of more
oi less
authentic
Proph
■tic trad
tions tes
this an
Damin
Hayat
i 18b-9_
326 7
da n~ n
b 80
and Ha
503-8)
and one
of the n
lost typical sa
s Pud
roughne
lafa ) of the owners of
) of the owners of sm;
:k \mong the great nomadic cimel b
rn for the smill nomadic sheep breed<
y the ri
nels 1
r the she camel-
.mall livestock
by
to them this meant leally a descent since al ^ilf
la yura ma al khuff the cloven hoof [of the small
livestock] is not seen alongside the hoof [of the
camel] Ml these tribal oppositions arising fiom
the kinds of husbindry were to vanish with Islam
for the position of the Prophet in favour of small
livestock was very clen having been a shepherd
himself he was pleased to say Among all things
modesty ind an
and pomp prophet'
.e pove
, lea
iside g
e paste
for these animils aie 1
advising the shepheid
the fold Small hvesto
ipeiu
Persi
of si
In the linguistic domain sheep and goats
defined by a considerable number of terms which
the great \rab philologists of the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th
centuries attempted to gather together in specialised
works of which veiy lew have been preserved foi
us One of the fust seems to be al Nadr b Shumayl
(d 203/818) [qi] with his Kilab al Ghanam the fouith
volume of his huge encyclopaedia of Bedouin life
the hitab al Sifat At a latei date there ne i Kitab
\a't al ghanam and a Kitab al Ibil ua I sha of \bu
Zayd al-\nsan (d 214/829) [q i ] a Kitab al Ghanam
ascnbed to il-\khfash al Awsat (d ta 215/830 or
221/835) [qi] the Kitab al Sha' (ed Hiffnei 1895)
of al <ysma l i (d 213/828) [qi] and finally a Kitab
al Ghanam ua nu'utiha ol Abu 'Ubayd al kasim b
Sallam (d 224/838) [qi] Ibn Siduh gives an idea
of the extent of ancient terminology concerning goats
ind sheep in his \tukhassas ivn 17b-95 vm 2 20) in
the chapter kitab al ghanam consisting of about forty
pages To this ancient base must be idded the othei
mass of miteml contained m the different \rab and
Berbei dialects fiom 'Irak as fai as the Atlantic
Ocean of the tribes devoted to the husbandry of
The s
mng t
eial 1
dedicited to these dialects such as that of & Boris
for South Tunisian iParlir arabe dts \larazm Pails
1958) or that of CI Demzeau (Pailirs arabes di Syne
Liban it Palestine Pans I960) illows the eviluation of
a minimum of two hundred terms the elementary
woid stoie which eich tribal gioup uses in the exei-
cise of its pistoial activity this approximate tiguie
still remains well below the reality for some sections
Such an ibundance of vocabulary sets in relief the
vital character which the husbandry of sheep and
a mass of Muslim populatioi
this
nchne
specifically that ol the Arabic language but
found among Tuikish speaking shepherds
well as Persian-speaking ones and Berber speak
In spite of this plethora of terminology, it rer
hard to define precisely the many strains of sheep
and goats belonging to the Arabs and other Islamised
peoples, just as in the West the zootechnicians ha\
had some difficulty in unravelling the skeins of the
domestic strains of the sheep (Ovis aries), undoubtedly
descended from an oriental wild sheep (Ovis ammori),
as well as those of the goat (Capra hhcus), possibly a
descendant of the Aegagrus or Pasang (Capra ibex aega-
grus), as these two species are naturally polymorphs.
Among the sheep one can distinguish, according to
the language and in a very general manner, the
strains with a large fatty tail (aha) or Barbary sheep
(= from Barbary or the Maghrib), those with a long,
non-fatty tail, those with long hoofs peculiar to India
and Guinea and from which derive the strains of
Northern Europe and, finally, those of Spain with
the "merinos" introduced from the Maghrib under
the dynasty of the Marinids whose Hispanicised n
it has kept. All these strains are subdivided, ace
ing to the desired aim of their breeding, into wool
sheep and dairy sheep; the sheep kept for i
despite the absolute legality of the consumption of
its flesh, has not attained in the lands of Islam the
importance that it has attained in feeding Western
Christendom.
On the subject of zoological strains, the Arab
authors and al-Djahiz in particular (Hayawan, v, and
vi, passim, see index), speak only of a few, especially
in Arabia, the most widespread being distinguished
by some typical anatomical anomaly
dwarfish ness. Also among the species witl
foreshortened shape there is the hadhaf "the docked
one" of the Hidjaz and Yemen with a black fleece
and almost without a tail and ears; similar was the
kahd, but with a russet-coloured fleece. Bahrayn had
y beast", a stunted shec
whose
) the
al-nakad "slighter than the dwarf
sheep". In Yemen the' haballak is still bred, itself a
dwarf, and the timtim with shorn ears and with a
woolly dewlap under the throat; whereas the sadjisl
was large and its wool of a pure white, while the
djalam of Ta'if, very high on its hooves, had a fleece
so smooth that it appeared bald; it was of African
origin. Among the strains with a fatty caudal wen,
apart from the Barbary sheep (dial, mazmuzi), the
be omitted, with its long wavy black fleece whose
lambs were frequently sacrified for their precious
coat called ("breitschwanz" or "astrakhan" [see
As for the goats, it can be maintained that the
majority of the strains of Arabia and the Near East
were of African origin. The nubiyya "Nubian" and the
habashiyya "Abyssinian" goat were distinguished from
each other, both large with broad, hanging ears and
a short fleece. Quite similar was the hadaniyya (from
Mount Hadan) in Nadjd and whose hair was black
or deep red. The shamiyya "Syrian" strain was long-
haired, being related to the strains of Asia whose most
renowned representative across the centuries remains
the "angora" (ankan) [see Ankara] from the name of
the great Turkish commercial centre where its "flock"
(mir'izz, mh'izza, mit'izza', see Li under r-'-z; Hayawan,
v, 483; Kitab al-Tabassur, tr. in Arabica, i [1954], 158,
§§ 10-11) was woven (thawb mumar'az) and exported,
but which came, in fact, from the herds of Armenia
and the Causacus of Tibetan stock. The success
which the textile "mohair" (an Arabo-English term
derived from mukhayyat "chosen" with the complement
of "hair") still has on the world market and the dif-
ferent "camelots" (diapered, waved, moire and watered)
testifies to the high quality of the goat fleeces and
confers on them an equal rank in value to that of
the best sheep's wools. It is the same with the goats
of Kashmir and Tibet, whose silky down covered with
long gander is collected daily by carding and woven
and gives the shawls of India their renown.
Among the pastoral peoples, nomadic and seden-
tary, the methods of husbandry of each species have
hardly varied since antiquity, having attained by
experience a degree of adaptation which would be
hard to improve upon. For the former, the rhythm
of the seasons unfolds in a permanent quest for
even only slightly green pastures (mara'l) and unpol-
luted watering places, in the steppes bordering the
great deserts, for access to the luxuriant, jealously-
guarded oases is forbidden to them just as that to
the private hima was forbidden to them in pre-
Islamic times. In Africa as well as in the East and
in Asia, these movements are apparently organised,
i.e. codified, according to ancestral agreements in
the manner of customary right based on group
precedence; there is no need to dwell on the inter-
minable conflicts which these questions of pasturage
can lead to, especially in the period of drought. At
tbe beginnings of the agricultural zones and after
the cereal harvests, contracts of location of pasture
(sarha) on the stubble and fallow can be conclud-
ed between cultivating owners and wandering or
migratory shepherds ('uzzab). The encampment or
dawar [q.v.] "circle of tents" is placed as near as
possible to a well [see bi'r], a spring or a pool
offering the watering place (mawrid) indispensable
for the animals. The circular area delimited by the
tents (murah), whose enclosure is completed by a
barrier of thorny brushwood, assures the flock of a
relative nocturnal security reinforced by the vigi-
lance of these half-wild dogs called with precision
"camp dogs" [see kalb]. The twice-daily milking
takes place after the separation of the unweaned
young, before the morning departure of the flock
for pasturage and in the evening on its return from
the watering place; in the East it is mostly the men
who perform it, whereas in the Maghrib it is one
of the numerous women's chores (see G.S. Colin,
Chrestomathie marocaine, Paris 1939, 214-18). The fresh
milk (fialib) is immediately churned by swinging in
the goatskin container (shakuia) hung on posts; there
is derived from it, on the one hand, buttermilk
(labari) consumed immediately either as a drink or
as a food or put to curdle with the rennet (infaha)
to make a mild cheese (djubn) whose residual whey
(ma' al-djubn) is given to the lambs and kids or
incorporated in culinary preparations. On the other
hand, the fresh butter (zubda), unwashed and sep-
arated from the buttermilk, is immediately put in
the goatskin, sometimes salted, to obtain, after it
has become rancid, preserved butter (samn), a sub-
stance based on the fat and used in all foods [see
ghiejha']. To consume the fresh milk and the but-
ter as it comes from the churn would be, in the
eyes of the Bedouin, an unthinkable waste in view
of the three or four sub-products present in the
milk; hence comes the interest shown in the goatskin
churn and its contents in this dialectal metaphor
from the Maghrib yeddoh Jt sh-shekwa idha ma djbed
el-lben yedfbed ez~zebda\ "He has his hand in the
churn; if he does not draw out buttermilk, he will
vho has
Apart from the two daily necessities of the water-
ing and the milking, the shepherd's year numbers
several major activities for the life and survival of
men and beasts. First, at the beginning of winter,
there is the shearing (djazza) of the wool-bearers and
the shearer (djazzdz) has to know how to manage the
shears (djalam) with dexterity and rapidity on the ani-
mal, while it is held on the ground; the mass of wool
obtained tdjaziza) will serve as exchange currency in
the oases for utensils and durable foodstuffs (dates,
sugar, flour etc.). Another crucial period and, per-
haps, the most harrassing for those responsible for
the flock who have to stay awake day and night, is
that of the parturition (mtadj) of the pregnant females
with all the care demanded by mothers and new-
born, lambs and kids being confused at the begin-
ning under the names sakhla (pi. sakhl, sikhal, sukhlan)
and bahma (pi. baham, biham). The latter, as they grow,
take on different names whose system of nomencla-
ture will not be treated exhaustively here, as it varies
from one region to another. If a birth threatens to
be difficult and may endanger the life of the female
hundred, one speaks of kind of sheep and ghma or
t of goats. With two hundred, it is the khitr and
above that the wakir without distinction of species.
The joining together, for common needs, of sever-
al wakir with their dogs and carrier donkeys forms
:housand head; such a moving mass can be described
urther as a ghanam mug/iannama (comp. "a sea of
iheep and goats") and with this idea of multitude
t will be said, ad'ana 'l-kawm wa-am'aza "the group
s very rich in sheep and goats".
Equally highly variable is the condition of the pas-
:or (m'i, dial, sarih, Berber ameksa, amadan), shepherd
3r goatherd, or most often, both at once, according
:o the framework of the society in which he is inte-
grated. Among the sedentaries, a youth suffices to
guard the few beasts of the family circle, but, in
some villages, the livestock of each is gathered into
a single flock which may be quite large, each ani-
mal bearing the mark of its owner, and they also
have recourse to a professional shepherd. He is
engaged under a renewable seasonal c
labour ;
i that
n section and the off-
spring saved is" called hullan, hullam. In ancient
terminology, the distinction between lamb and kid
only appeared clearly at the age of weaning {fitam)
around four or five months. Until then, the young
lamb-kid (badhadj, Jam, furar, fwfur), is left to its moth-
er, but when it is over three months, the teats are
progressively taken from it, ending by their being for-
bidden it, the maternal mammaries being enclosed
in a bag [shamla, shimal), which may be made of a
hedgehog skin [see kunfudh]; a gag (fattdma) is also
used, applied to the muzzle of the young in the com-
pany of its mother. In the hours of milking the young
are kept apart. After weaning, the kid becomes a
djajr (pi. djifir) and the lamb khmuf (pi. khufan) and,
before it is one year old, the sex is distinguished,
with djady and 'ut'ut for the he-kid, 'anak for the she-
kid, hamal and immar (dial, 'allush) for the he-lamb
and rikhl and immara for the she-lamb. When one
year has passed, with the goats, the male is the 'atud
or the 'arid, then, arc
toys, whereas the fema
gressively each of them are called thani, rabd'i, sadis
and after seven years, saligli. The he-goat sire is,
in the dialects, the 'atriis. As for the sheep, by a
similar terminological graduation, one arrives at the
kabsh for the ram and the na'dja for the reproductive
ewe; castration of the males is not always practised,
for it is proscribed by Kur'anic law and the he-lambs
and kids remaining are taken, in the care of the
djallab, to the abattoirs (madjzar pi. madfizir) of the
urban centres or delivered directly to the butcher
(kassab) of the nearest village. Those which supply
the feasts and ceremonies of the tribal group are only
an infinitesimal part.
According to the social organisations peculiar to
each Muslim people, the groupings of sheep and
goats can be very variable as to the number of
heads of livestock; also, the term "troupeau" (French)
and "flock" (English), without numerical precision,
do not have a direct correspondent in Arabic. The
small family flock of ten to forty animals (kati', dial.
msla, kai'a, nuba) is called fizr, if there are only
sheep, and subba, if there are only goats. With the
ing f
s (kama
-spring) and he is paid mainly in kind. On the
day of his engagement he receives a small sum as a
deposit, the outer garment ('aba', bumus, Morocco sel-
ham) indispensable against inclement weather, a large
woollen haversack [kurz, 'amara) to carry his person-
al possessions and, also, for those of the newborn
who may arrive during the journey for pasture, and
a crook Cukkaz, hanfa) which can be a strong club as
a defensive weapon. He is assured of daily food and
at the expiry of his contract, he has the right to
twenty lambs and kids [ridaya). In the case of his
contract not being renewed, he gives back the deposit,
the cloak and the haversack. In fact, the good shep-
herd is automatically re-employed and his services for
employer can last a lifetime (see Colin.
Ches.
mathie
nail a flock
216 ff).
the shepherd has
to be vigilant at all times; he must prevent the ani-
mals from trespassing on the cultivated lands, round
up the stragglers, ward off every danger from preda-
labour and take care of the newborn. He is bound
to compensate for every animal that dies through
his negligence, but if a wolf or lion or panther kills
it despite his intervention, he is cleared, if he can
bring the carcase (bitana) to justify himself. This last
clause hardly functions nowadays where governments
have practically eliminated the insecurity reigning in
the isolated regions, but the danger from thefts has
not entirely disappeared. In addition to his dog, the
shepherd may have the help of a youngster {vassal)
to keep the young apart while their mothers are
milked or to lead the animals in small groups to the
watering place. It is in this school that the boys
learn the craft. Even among his flock the shepherd
finds auxiliary help with, on the one hand, the
"leader" (dalul, man', maw) wearing the chief's alfa
collar (shabbah. shaband), and old ram or billy-goat
whom the flock follows blindly in ranks fleece against
fleece and, on the other hand, the "haversack bear-
er" (karrdz), whose solid horns scarcely suffer from
this extra burden. In the evening, the flock having
returned to its covered or open fold \zarb, zariba,
markad, hazita, sira), the shepherd goes to eat with
his master and returns to sleep among his animals.
They, confident in the man, obey his orders expressed
by fixed onomatopaeic calls such as birbiA to gather
them together, sikk\, ikht\, herr\, titV., ten*, to urge them
on, hishl, kahkah'., lahtahl, to stop them and hirhi
Chris
endom, the animals of flocks, i
r bells.
i, do not
In the mountainous regions (the Atlas, Lebanon,
Sinai, etc.) an annual migration takes place following
the periods of the growth of herbage at high altitude.
For these fixed migrations the flocks of several clans
or \illages are joined together and the long line of
horns and undulating chines slowly climbs the slopes
accompanied by the cohort of dogs, mules and don-
keys charged with the food and necessary impedi-
menta for camps of several months. For this occasion,
each owner delegates a man in charge (ka"ad) to coor-
dinate and control the movements of the group and
to ensure the feeding of the shepherds. This putting
out to grass (tatbl') can be prolonged for four or five
months according to the atmospheric conditions
encountered at the high altitudes. During the hot
hours and the night, the animals are put under cover
in caves (dial kallln, ma'zab, shakif) and other natural
Among the small sheep nomads, all the men are
shepherds and their life is much harder than that of
the sedentary shepherds, for it is linked to a constant
quest for pastures and drinkable water, while ha\ing
to face the merciless competition of the great camel
nomads.
The condition of the shepherd of small livestock,
nothwithstanding the eulogistic Prophetic traditions,
concerning him, seems always to have been the
object of disrepute in general Muslim opinion; to
be a shawl still retains a pejorative nuance (see W.
Marcais and A. Guiga, Textes arabes de Takrouna, i,
Paris 1925, 257-9, nn. 37 and 39). In the eyes of
the cultivator, the shepherd passes for a pilferer,
when he is not reproached with particularly shame-
ful practices with his animal (Hayawdn, v, 458). In
pre-Islamic Arabia the protection of the livestock
was often the task of slaves and, in the Middle Ages,
this scorn for the pastor might also be reinforced
by racial oppositions (see Ibn KhaldOn, Berbers, i,
106). Al-Djahiz cites (Bukhala', French tr. Ch. Pellat,
Le lime des avaies, Paris 1951, 198) this Bedouin's
curse hurled at his adversary: "If you lie, may you
draw milk seated" (= may Allah change your noble
she-camels into vile ewes). In the Maghrib, the shep-
herd is in the lowest rank of the country proletariat,
writes W. Marcais (op. laud.), lower than the khammas
and the jobbing workman and, in the mouth of the
countrywomen with their unpolished language, the
supreme insult hurled at a rival is that of "maid
In spite of so much disgrace and by force of cir-
cumstances, the pastor of small livestock remains,
in all the lands of Islam, one of the indispensable arti-
sans, ensuring the subsistence of the rural and chic
populations. Furthermore, the shepherds, constantly
observing nature and the sky, and this since the domes-
tication of the goat and sheep (the verb ra'a means at
the same time "to pasture the flock" and "to observe
the stars"), have made a great contribution through
their experience acquired in the progress of the astron-
omy and meteorology proper to each season. To be
convinced, one has only to consider the sum of pre-
cise evidence preserved, in a concise form, in the rhymed
sayings that these contemplators of the heavenly vault
composed for each of the twenty-eight anwa' of the
year (see Pellat, Dictons rimes, anwa' el mansions lunaites
chez les Arabes, in Arabica, ii [1955], 17-41); these sayings
mention the notable influences on the flocks of the
evolution of time in the course of the twelve months;
for the craftsman, their laconicness is very telling. By
way of example, two of these sayings taken from the
fifty best known will suffice to sketch the rough con-
trasts of climate which the shepherd had to endure.
The first evokes the dog-days and the scarcity of
water (Pellat, No. 14) in these brief terms, "When
Sirius rises [at the end of June] in the morning
(safard), if you do not see rain (matara), do not give
food to the she-lambs or he-lambs (immara) . . ." [for
they will risk dying of thirst]. The second relates to
mid-December when the water becomes ice (Pellat,
No. 32), "When al-Na'a'im ("the Ostriches", i.e. y, 5,
e, 11, o, cp, x, C, Sagitarii) rise, the animals stay
motionless (al-baha'im) because of the constant (ai-
ds' im) ice, and the cold awakens every sleeper (na'im)".
With this monthly guide to the constellations the
shepherds regulate their migrations which, far from
straying, lead them where their flocks will find the
' subsist
: arising from the harsh
weather to which the animals of the flock are
exposed, they can also be the victims of accidents
and individual or collective illnesses. In the past,
with the lack of effective therapeutics, the shep-
herds had to lament a percentage of certainly high
losses. Epi-demics (waba', mawtan) would occur peri-
odically with their terrible consequences; sponta-
neous abortion (ikhdadj. iskat, ikhfad), agalactia (shisds)
and sterility i'ukr). The causes were attributable espe-
cially to many neighbouring viruses of the brucel-
la type entailing brucellosis or Maltese fever (humma
malitiyya) and foot-and-mouth disease (djildkh, humma
kuld'iyya). The sheep pox (amiha, nabkh) also ravaged
them, as did coccidiosis {dju'am), bringing on diar-
rhoea and anaemia. Sarcoptic mange or "black-
muzzle" [naghaf), psoroptic mange [kuhal, dial, bu
tagga), gastro-intestinal strongylosis and flukeworm
due to the small fluke of the liver (Dicrocoelium lance-
destroyed a good number of animals. Microbial
infections of the feet and hooves such as foot rot
(iltihab al-fawl) and hoof inflammation (kuwam), which
could lead to the dropping-off of the horn cover
and decalcification of the instep ('ukab, khumal), con-
demned their immobilised victims to enforced slaugh-
ter. Infections of the respiratory tubes were endemic,
with pleuropneumonia of goats (kasaba, dial, bu jarda),
pulmonary strongylosis provoking sneezing (kudds,
nathit) and mucus or glanders (mukhat, cUthtit, rugham),
attested by the Prophetic tradition cited above.
Finally, cases of cenurosis or turnsick (thawal, dial.
bu nshinish) were frequent, as were swellings (hubat)
of the oesophagus (dial, farms) due
to dehydra
mies constituted by t
would find himself t(
despite everything, soi
ally
crobes, the shepherd
unarmed, attempting.
mpinca
i for
terised with a red-hot iron (kayy), and mange (djarab)
and ringworm (kara') are, even nowadays, treated
by the application of tar (katran, kit). It is with tar
also that the waters of the brackish or magnesian
watering place are purified (mashadj) and, in Syria,
a billy-goat or ram carries around his neck a cow-
horn (battal) full of this substance to provide for
the hour of watering. Many other therapeutics,
magical practice
:onjur
of each state and competent services penodicallv
bring effective prophylactic measures to the coun-
tivside bv means of vaccination {talkih) disinfec-
tion (tathir) of contaminated sites and bv injection
{hakn) of poweiful medications absorbed into the
bodv of the sick patients, it can also be confirmed
that at present the flocks of sheep and goats of
the Muslim countries are almost freed fiom the
scourge of the great epidemics
Man has veiv often known how to exploit to his
profit the natural gentleness and doulitv of sheep
and goats and the servilitv in which he keeps them
makes them the object of griefs with which the ram
leproaches him in the course of the whole philo-
sophical colloquium which the Ikhwan al-Safa' [q i ]
hold with the domestic animals in their memorable
Epistles (see Rasa'il ed Beirut 1957 n, 215) In fact
sheep and goats had not onlv to feed their domi-
nator but also to amuse him jugglers and circus
performers would be seen distracting the market
crowds with their knowledgeable {lahna) sheep and
goats in a:
with dogs and r
jnkevs [se<
5 of balance and da
sheep (shat makknya) passed as particularly gifted in
this kind of exercise (Hayauan vn 218) In the East
and the Near East the public still shows an inde-
fatigable taste for ram fights (mtah) giving use to
bets which can reach large sums the oigamsation
of these fights is the affair of the kabbash breeder-
selector of rams whose luciative profession was not
besmnched with the disfavour of that of the goatherd
tals for the game
The names taken from the vast \rabic terminology
concerning small livestock aie numerous m the fields
of zoology and astronomv In the former are found
'anj'an^a designating at the same time the females
of the vulture the eagle and the houbara bustard
it is also the name of the reef heron (Egrttta gulans)
while the glossv ibis (Plcgadis Jalcmellus) is nicknamed
alma' is also the tugger fish (Batistes capnscus) and
'annaz 'goatherd used to designate the black stork
(Cuonia nigra) one of fouiteen homologous birds (tuyui
al uadfib) for the sporting bands of crossbow shoot-
ers (rumat al bunduk) until the 7th/ 13th centurv \s
for the naa^a the sea ewe (na'ajat al bahr) repre-
sents both the turnstone (Aienana intcrpres) and the
ovster-catcher (Haematopus ostmlegus) which are gen-
eiallv contused The great white orvx and addax
antelopes [see maha] are nicknamed ru'aaj al rami
ewes of the sands and the diminutive nu'ayaja is
applied the wood ibis (Ibis ibis) The manatee (\lanatus)
is called sea lamb and finally the tattle egiet
(Bubulius ibis) is nicknamed abu ghanarn because of its
svmbiosis with the flocks which it clears of flies and
paiasites of the fleece
In astronomv the shepheid is the constellation
of Ophiuchus (or Serpentanus) with the star hatf al
ra'i the shepherds shoulder (= |3 Ophiuchi) called
wronglv Celbalrai' (kalb al ra'i the shepherds dog j
\ similai erroi is that of some authors who named
ra'i and kalb al ra'i the stars y Gphti and p K C ipha
the same applies to Rigel ((3 Ononis) which is najl
al d}au^a 'Onons foot and not ra'i al d}au^a' Bv
contrast ra'i al na'a'im the shepherd of the ostriches
corresponds to X Sagittam The constellation of the
C oac hman ( Auriga) is named 'annaz goathei d a name
confused with 'anak al ard ground lvnx or cara-
col designating the star y Andromcdae In the
Coachman the star Capella (rx Aurigac) answers
to the names al'ayyuk the she kid (= Mhavoc)
(= Mhatod) In the same constellation belong al
djadyan the two kids (£, n iungat) with the for-
mer (mukaddam) and the lattei (mu'akhkhat) The first
zodiacal constellation the Ram (al hamal) compris-
es al nath or al natih that which butts (= a Arutis)
which with (3 Arietis represents the two horns of
the Ram (Kama I hamal) Finally al djady the kid
applies on the one hand to the tenth zodiacal con-
stellation Capricorn with the star Mgiedi (= o
Capricorm) ind on the other to the polai star or
\lgedi (= o c ,sae minons) an abbieviation of djady
al farkadayn kid of the two voung orvx ie the
kid of the legion of (3 and y Lrsae minnns One
must not foiget that foi a thousand vears the Pole
Star was not X but (3 lrsae minora (for all these
stars see \ Benhamouda Lis nonis arabes des etoiles
in AIEO \lgei ix [1951] 76-210 P Kumtzsch
[ ntc i sue hungen ^u, Slernnomenklatur dcr Araber
Wiesbaden 1%1)
the text see \ General Les debuts de I elcvage
du moulim (C olloque d Ethnozootechme) Elhnu
-ootahme No 21 Pans-Mfort 1977 130 pp B
North \fnca Li pays du moutori (public Genei il
Government of Mgena) Mger 1893 J Ballet
Lailage in IBLA xn (Tunis 1949) 203-7 L de
Barbier Li \Ia,oi agncole Pans 1927 P Bardin
1BLA Tunis 1944 idem La at dun douar (essav
on lural life in the great plains of the High
Medjerda) (Rech Meditei doc 2) Tunis 19b5
\ Bernard Leleia«e dans 1 Afnquc du \ord d apres
HG Saint-Hillaire in inn Otoe? x\vm(1919)
147-50 idem Lihvagi du mnulon darn la region
dOued^em in Rens Col (1927) 349-bl J Berque
Structures soaales du Haul Atlas Pans 1955 idem
Aspeils du contra! pastoral a Sidi Aissa in R Ap
Ixxix 1 193b) 899-911 G Boris Documents Im
aurstiquts it ithnogiaphiquis sur line ugwn du Sud
Tumsien (Nefzaoua) Pans 1951 R Capot-Rcv
PC, \hrmr in Ann Geogr xlvm (1939) 184-90
Cir
i AIEA v
La h
/35 (1955) 57-67 J Celenei
(1927i 53-68 R Chudeau L elevage it le torn
des moutons au Tidikelt in Ann Geogr xxvi (1
147-9 J Clarke Summer nomadism in Tunisi
Geogr xxxi (1955) 157-67 J Despor
La
Orientate in RT (1935) 347-59 and it Ajr lxxvi
(1935) 71-4 \ Djedou Lelaage du mouton dans
la region di Bou Saada in AIEO Mgei xvi (1958)
257-351 idem Lt travail de la laini a Bou Saada
in R Ajr cm (1959) 348-55 G Douillet
ah du Sud Oranais (unpubl memoir) E F Gautier
\omad and sedentary Jolks of Northern Africa in Geogr
Rei \i (1921) 3-15 \atwi lijc in French North
Ajnca, in Giog, Rei xm (1923) 27-39 \
Geoffiov Arabes pasteurs nomades dc la tubu des
Larbas (Mgenan Sahara) Pans 1887 Hamv,
Lahoureurs et pasteurs berbercs (29th Conference ses-
f the
Pans 1900
Hug
Id Oulad Nail
GHANAM — GHASSAL
pasterns, in Rev. Ec. Anthiop., xvi (1906), 102-4;
A. Leriche, Coutumes maures relatives a I'e/evagc, in
BIFAN, xv (1953), 1216-30; W. Marcais and
A. Guiga, Textes arabes de Tahoina, Paris 1925,
257-9 nn. 37, 39 and p. 337, n. 2; H. Menouil-
lard, Moeuis indigenes en Tumsie: la tonte des mou-
tons, in ST (1906), 117-21; idem, Uannee agruole
chcz lei indigenes de Vextreme Sud Tunmen, in ibid.
(1911), 428-33; Dr. Miegeville, Le probleme du
mouton au Maroc. in Rem. Col. (1929), 505-20; A.
de Montalembert, L'agnculture el I'elevage au Maroc.
in ibid. (1910), 71-6; E. Payen, Le mouton et la
lame de VAjnque du Nord, in ibid. (1927), 349-61;
A. Roux, La vie berbere par les textes {Parhs du
md-ouest maiocain), Paris 1955; C. Delia Valle,
L'allevamento del bestiame nel Marocco francese, in
Boll. Soc. Geogr. Ital. ser. 8-9 (1956), 158-79; C.
Egypt. L. Keimer, Les moutons arabes a grande
queue d'Hhodote {m. 13). et ceux d'Egvpte. in BFA,
xii/2 (1950), 27-33; D. Syria. A. de Bourheman,
.Vote su> la nvalite de deux tnbus moutonmeres de
Syne, les "Mawali" et les "Hadidyin", in REI, viii
("1934), 11-58; L. Krader, The' ecology oj nomadic
pastoialism, in Bull. Inst. Soi. Scient.. xi (1959),
499-510; T. Lewicki, Medieval Arab and Persian
sources on the keeping of domestic animals among the
earh Slavs [in Russian], in Kwartalmk historh kul-
tury materially, ii (1954), 444-68; E. Iran. C.G.
Feilberg, L'elevage et I'agniultuie d'autrefois en
Lourestan (Cong. Inst. Scient. Anthrop. Ethnol.
2), 1939, 239-41; W. Haas, The transformation of
the nomadism of the Iranian tubes into sedentary life
(Cong. Inst. Scient. Anthrop. Ethnol. 2), 1939,
238-9; F. Turkey. Bilgemre Kadri, Sheep raising
in Turkey, in Ann. Umv. Ankara, iii (1948-9), 245-
73. (F. Vire)
GHANIMAT KUNDIAHI, Muhammad Akram,
poet of Mughal India and exponent of the "Indian
style" [sabk-i hindi [q.v.]) in the Persian poetiy of the
subcontinent.
He was born at an unknown date in the first half
of the 11th/ 17th century at Kundjah, a small vil-
lage in the Gudjrat district of the northern Pandjab
(now in Pakistan). He was an adherent of the Sufi
order of the Kadiriyya [q.v.], but apart from stays
in Kashmir, DihlT and Lahore, did not go very far
from his native village, where he died in ca.
1106/1695. His works comprise a Diitan, mainly of
ghazak, and a mathnawi poem written in 1092/1681
called the Nayrang-i 'ishk "Talisman of love", a
romance set in contemporary India with mystical
and symbolical overtones (Diwan, ed. Ghulam
Rabbam 'Aziz, Lahore 1958; .Vqyiang-i 'ishk, ed. idem,
Lahore 1962, replacing Nawal Kishore texts). Aziz
Ahmad has detected in the mathnawi\ sensuousness
and sentimentality signs of Mughal decadence (Studies
in Islamic culture in the Indian environment. Oxford 1964,
227). A. Bausani, whilst conceding this charge, has
pointed out the interest of Ghanfmat's poetry as
examples of the peculiarly "Indian style", and has
suggested that his fondness for lengthy compound
expressions echoes the enormous compound epithets
of Sanskrit poetry of the hairya style, especially as
Ghanlmat's century was one of considerable Muslim-
Hindu cultural interaction, in which, for instance,
several Sanskrit works were translated into Persian
at the Mughal court (Indian elements in the Indo-Persian
poetry: the style of Gammat Kungahi, in Onentaha hispan-
ica sive studia F.M. Pare/a oitogenano dicata, ed. J.M.
Barral, Volumen I Arabtca-Islamua, pars prior, Leiden
1974, 105-19).
Bibliography (in addition to references given
above): Bausani, Le letteratuie del Pakistane e la lette-
ratura Afgane 1 , Florence-Milan 1968. (Ed.)
GHARUKA, a system whereby a debtor land-
owner transfers part of his plot, and the right to
cultivate it, as security on a loan until redemption.
Other Arabic terms for the same system were vahn
hiydzi and bay' biTiitighlal, and in Ottoman Turkey
is'tighlal (Pakalin, ii, 97). This is the French antichrese.
It is not identical with al-bay' bil-waja' (the French
vente a remere), i.e. a "conditional sale" to the lender
to be nullified as soon as the debt is redeemed, a
system prefeired by fellahs who hesitate to part with
the material possession of their land. In fact, how-
ever, the difference was small, since according to the
latter contract too the creditor often "leased" the land
to his debtor, i.e. the yield of the land served as inter-
est on the loan in the form of "rent". Both systems
were rather common prior to the 19th century because
Islamic and Ottoman law did not provide for mort-
gages, but they did not disappear after the introduc-
tion of mortgages, because of administrative difficulties
involved in the latter.
Qhdruka is a form of usury, and as such prohibited
by the shari'a. According to all four law schools or
madhdhib, a profit derived from a pledge belongs to
the debtor and the creditor is not allowed to gain
from it. A Malik! Azharl has even stated explicitly
wa-md taf'aluhu al-'amma mm al-gharuka haram (Shenouda,
39 n. 1). The HanafT school, however, has created a
loophole by making it lawful for the debtor to cede
of his own free will the piofit from the pledge to the
creditor (Multaka al-abhur, fasl entitled rahana radfulun
'asiran; Hiddya, book xlviii, ch. 4).
Early this century, gharuka seems to have been com-
mon usage in Egypt. One of the customary systems
of pledging land in 'Irak was identical with the
Egyptian gharuka (S.M. Sallm, al-Cibdyish, Baghdad
1957, :
281).
Bibliography: J.F. Nahas, Situation economique
et sonale du fellah egyptien, Paris 1901, 183-4;
W. Shenouda, De /'expropriation par vote de saisie immo-
bile, Cairo 1914, 36-9; G. Baer, A history of landown-
ership in modem Egypt 1800-1950, London 1962, 34-5.
(G. Baer)
GHASSAL (A.), lit. "a washer of clothes and
also of the dead", is nearly synonymous with the
word kassiir (al-Khatib, cf. Ta'nkh Baghdad, vi, 127).
In classical Arabic there are a number of terms for
corpse-washer such as ghassal al-mawta, ghasil al-mawta
and simple ghasil. The modern Arabic term for a
washer of clothes is ghassal, but the corpse-washer
(ghasil) in Syria is also called mughassil.
The act of washing the corpse, putting a shroud
on it, attending the funeral prayers and burying the
deceased are some of the obligations on all Muslims,
according to the Shari'a. The minimum qualification
of the ghasil is that he must be well-versed in the
Kitab al-L^ana'iz (the book of funeral rituals) in
Islamic jurisprudence. The corpse-washer is required
to wash the dead body three times according to
standard Islamic practices. In the case of a female
corpse, the daughter of the deceased, a near rela-
lle corpse-washer (ghasila) is employed
for ,
htng.
The o
rpse-w
the genitals of the deceased or divulge any knowl-
edge of physical deformities of the mayyit. It is, there-
fore, necessary that the ghasil should be a trusted
(amiri), reliable (thika) and an honest (sahh) Muslim,
says Ibn Kudama. A tradition of the Prophet reads:
"Let the trustworthy persons wash your corpse" (al-
- GHAZAL
323
Mughm n, 379) Some individuals performed the
sunna wrote Khatib al-Baghdadi
Under normal circumstances the male as well as
female corpse-washers performed their work with-
out an> interference fiom government officials But
during the Fatimid rule in Egypt the caliph al-
Hakim imposed a number of restrictions on outdoor
activities of women who were prevented Irom going
out of then house fiom entering a public bath
(hammam) and fiom asking a cobblei to make shoes
loi them Consequently every female corpse-washei
(ghasda) had to seek a special permission or license
from the sahib al ma'una and judicial authorities to
practise her trade from the yeai 405/1014 onwaids
(cf al Uuntazam vn, 269) However some writers tend
to surest that a similai ban on female corpse-wash-
eis was enforced for the first time m the year 253/8b7
in Egypt under ' \bbasid administration The gha sil s
work was probably a part-time oc< upation it usually
earned him an adequate wage which of course
varied according to capability of payment of hirers
who naturally came from all strata ol society At least
in one untypical case a ghasil sold off gaiments like
a kamis and a djubba worn by a deceased person and
thereby earned an e\tia sum of eight dinars besides
his usual wage in the hte Mamluk period {ia
905/1500) The profession of the corpse-washei has
tended to become hereditary in some countries ol the
Middle East until very lerent times but in nnn-Aiab
Muslim countries we do not find the existence ol a
piofessional group of corpse-washers
The ghassal washer of clothes has bee n one of a
group of manual workers since early Islamic civilisa-
tion serving mostly the middle and the upper classes
of society He had to adhere to a code of conduct
outlined by hiiba officials The washeiman was asked
not to beat more than one set of clothes on his wash-
ing stone and not to press garments against wooden
tools in order to avoid damage They weie advised
one customers garments with another's However the
washerman (ghassal) and the bleacher often ignored
this code of conduct and gained widespread notori-
ety for their untrustworthiness in mediaeval \rab soci-
ety according to one hisba official and writer The
ghaual it appeals not only washed dothes ol cus-
tomers but also cleaned up dilapidated sites of the
'Abbasid city of Baghdad Dunng the Buwayhid penod
Fakhr al-Dawla bought at a pn< e of three dinars some
old stones from rings fiom a ghaual who had found
the precious objects while cleaning up the ruined sites
ol the city One ol these stones turned out to be a
ruby and another a turquoise and both were set into
a gold ring which fetched 20 000 dinars (Ibn Tiktaka
alFakhn, Beirut 196b 293-4) During the Saldjuk
period some ghasmlun were anested lor their alleged
dishonesty The ghassal says Djahiz, did not have any
surplus income but he lived on his meagre earnings
all of which he spent daily
In the modern period the work of washing clothes
has been performed in Syria and Egypt by the washei-
woman, ghassala These poor women workers visit the
houses of the wealthy to wash and clean clothes and
earn between three and six piasters (kirsh) foi each
garment they wash They supply soap washing tools
and their labour and in return get a cash wage as
well as food from their employeis The wages of
ghassalat in Egypt were lower than those of Syria
during the early decades of the 20th century
The social position of the corpse-washer (ghasil)
has been higher than that of the washer of clothes
(ghassal) This difference has been influenced by Aiab
and Islamic traditions \ number of statements attnb-
uted to the Prophet Muhammad describe corpse
washing as a mentoiious work which delivers the
ghasil from sin (cf al Uughm n 379) In contrast
with this favourable position of corpse-washer the wash-
er of clothes had a low status due to the
servile nature of his work The word ghassal was rarely
used as a name indicating piofession dunng the
classical period of Islamic civilisation Moreovei the
ghassal like other woikeis of despised status such as
the cupper (had}d}am) the veteiinanan (bailor) the sweep-
er (Kannas\ the watchman (hans) the fishmongei (\am
mak) and the tanner (dabbagh), weie denied the honour
of being addressed by their patronymic (kmya) in \iab
societv icf Tawhidi Basa'ir, Damascus 1964-b l 355)
Bibliography Ibn Sa'd Tabaiat Beirut 1958
v n, 503 Djahiz al Bayan ual tabnn Cairo 1950 in
191, \a'kubi Ta'nIJi Beirut 1970, n 281 Abu
Nu'aym ikhbar Isbahan Leiden 1934 u 299 Ibn
al-Djawzi al Uuntazam vii 2b9 x 68 Ibn Kudama
al Uughm Cano nd n 378-82 Ibn Bassam al-
Muhtasib Niha\at al rutba ji talab al hisba Baghdad
1968 81 83 179 Ibn al-Ukhuwwa Ua'alim
alkurba ed Levy London 1937-8 36-51 Ibn
Taymiyya al Hisba fi I Islam Cairo nd U al-
Bundan Z"bdat al nusra Cano 1900 202 Ibn Tulun
Uufakahat al khillan ft hauadith aUaman (Ta'nIJi Uisr
italiham) Cairo 19bb i 301-2 Djamal al-Dm al-
kasimi — Khahl al-'\zam Dutionnant dis metiers
Damascains Pans 19b0 n 239 459 al-kattam al
khuza'i) \ Mez Die Renaissance des Islams 341-42
Eng ti 3b2 Lane irabu English lexicon vi 2259
R Le Toumeau tes 551 (M \J Beg)
GHAWTH (a ) literally succom, deliverance an
epithet of the hutb [q ] or head of the Sun-
hierarchy of saints It is used of him only when he
is thought of as one whose help is sought but that
fiom the nature of the hutb is practically always thus
it is a normal sequent to hutb Other however say
that the Ghauth is immediately below the hutb in the
Sufi hierarchy In Sunm Islam such a figure as al-
Hasan al-Basn [q i ] came to be thought of as the
institutor of Sunnism and the Ghauth of his time and
we also find an allusion to the term in the title of
one of the pseudepigraphia of ' Abd al-kadn al-Dulam
[qi], sc the Ghauthnya or Wraajma a questionnaire
on Sufi teiminology
Bibliography Djurdjani Ta'nfat Cano 1321/
1903-4 109 Dictionary oj technical terms 1091 1167
Lane Ltuwn sv TP Hughes \ dictionary oj Islam
139 sv Ghaus Hudjwin hashf al mahe^ub tr
Nicholson 214 L Massignon Essai sur les cmgines
1954 133 199 J S Tiimmgham 77k 'Sufi orders in
Islam Oxford 1971 160 164
(DB Macdonald*)
GHAZAL
In Ott.
- See \ol II s
lan Turkish 1
After then conversion to Islam, the Turks adopted
and assimilated Arabo-Persian cultural institutions,
but in hteratuie they tended to follow the Persian
type Thus it was the Persian ghazal rather than the
\iabic one which became a model both in Eastern
(Caghatay) and Western (Ottoman) Turkish litera-
GHAZAL — GHAZl KHAN
ture. The Turkish ghazal, which became the most
popular poetical form after the mathnawi [q.v.], is
very similar to the Persian ghazal from the point of
view of technique [see ghazal. ii. In Persian litera-
ture]. It is a short poem of 5-15 bayh, with a sin-
gle rhyme. In the first bayt, called the mat/a', both
misia's rhyme together; the last bayt, in which the
author mentions his makhlas ("pen-name") is called
makta'. The content is of love, mystical or real, the
joys of life, wine, the beauties of natuie, etc. There
are also edifying and didactic ghazah which concen-
trate on hikmtt [see hikma], philosophical statements
on the woild, human destiny and actions, such as
the majority of the ghazah of the 11th/ 17th cen-
tury poet NabT [q.i'.]. Each bayt of a ghazal is an
independent unit in content, and need not be con-
nected with the pieceding and following bayt except
by lhyme. Occasionally a ghazal may have a unity
of subject, in which case it is called yek-dvdz ("one
harmony"). The most commonly-used metres in the
Turkish ghazal are hazadf, ramal, radjaz, mudan' and
mutakanb. One shortcoming of Turkish poets writing
This is imale Umala) (the reading of a short vowel as
a long one in Turkish, which has no long vowels,
simply for the sake of metre), which no master of
versification evei succeeded in completely avoiding,
so much so that the male (considered by some as a
proof of the existence of long vowels in Turkish, see
Bibl.) ended up by being considered as an embel-
lishment during the post-classical period. Most folk
poets {Saz sha'iileri), with rare exceptions [see
karadjaoghlan] occasionally used 'and and also wrote
ghazah in imitation of dtwdn poets (M. Fuad Koprulu,
Saz sairleri', Istanbul 1962, Introd.). The ghazal form
was cultivated in Turkish literature from the 7th/ 1 3th
century until the second half of the 19th one, and
then only sporadically by some modernist and neo-
classicists (see Kopriilu-zade Mehmed Fu'ad, turks
III. Ottoman Turkish literature, in EI'). Turkish biog-
raphies of poets (tedhkbe-yi shu'ara') list the names of
several hundred poets who each produced a dlwan
[the bulk of which, as a rule, consists of ghazah), but
only half a dozen outstanding and about a dozen
minor poets wrote ghazah which rise above the level
of mediocrity and have a claim to art. Although
Turkish poets (both Caghatay and Ottoman) were
inspired and influenced by classical Persian poets, it
would be a superficial judgment to consider the for-
A common technique and limited vocabulary, and
the same world of imagery and subject matter based
mainly on Islamic sources, were shared by all poets
of Islamic literatures (see Fahir Iz, Eski Tiiik edebiya-
ttnda narjm, ii, Istanbul 1967, Introd.), and a mere
parallelism of these in poets of the same or diverse
languages might easily tempt one to draw easy and
misleading conclusions (as e.g. by Hasibe Mazioglu,
Fuzuli-Hafiz, Istanbul 1962). A closer study reveals
that outstanding Turkish poets of the early periods
such as Kadi Burhan al-Dln, Nestor [q.v.], 'Air Shir
Newa'I, Nedjatf, and many of the classical era like
Fudull, Bakl, Shaykh al-Islam Yahya, NefT, Na'ill
and particularly Nedim [q.vv.] and others, wrote,
with a strong personal flavour (for a chronological
selection of Ottoman Turkish ghazah, see Fahir Iz,
op. eit., i). Many Turkish dlwan poets, particularly
Nef f and Nedim, were conscious of this originality
and they expressed their own feelings in many of
their ghazah and fakhiiyyes. It is fair to say that
outstanding Turkish classical authors managed to
retain their peisonal and their Turkish character,
even though using Persian set themes, figures, con-
ceits and imagery, in the same way that Corneille
and Racine remained French in spite of their use
of Greek and Latin poetical conventions, characters
and plots. During the literary Tanzimat movement of
the mid- 19th century, the ghazal continued to be cul-
tivated partly by modernists like Diya* (Ziya) Pasha,
Namik Kemal and others, and exclusively by the
"neo-classicists" of the so-called Endjumen-, shu'ara'
group (Leskofcali Ghalib, Yenishehirli 'AwnT, etc.).
In contemporary Turkish literature the ghazal form
was revived by Yahya Kemal Beyatli (1884-1958
[q.v.]), who from 1918 until his death wrote a num-
ber of ghazah in the language and style of some 17th
and 18th century poets (particularly Na'ill and Nedim)
which were posthumously collected in a book as Eski
jimn ruzgdriyle ("With the breath of past poetry").
These very popular and successful pastiches did not
go beyond being curiosities, and the ghazal form was
not practised after the 1920s except by an occasional
es (e.g. in Khalil Nihad Boztepe's Siham-i Mam (1921)
and Faruk Nafiz gamhbel's Tath sert (1938).
Bibliography: M. Fuad Koprulu, art. Aruz in
IA; Ahmed Ates, art. Gazel, in IA, Mu'allim NadjI,
Ltilahal-l edtbiyye, Istanbul 1307 rumi/1894, 166-78;
Gibb, HOP, 'i, 80; Ahmed Tal'at, hhalk shi'irlmnm
shekil we newi'kn, Istanbul 1928; Talat Tekin, Ana
Turk^ede asli urjm unluler, Ankai;
(FAHi
Iz)
GHAZI KHAN, Indo-Muslii
Known to Kashmir chroniclers as Sultan Ghazi
Shah Cak, he was the son of Kadji Cak, the leader
of the Caks [q.v.] and a powerful chief. Nothing is
known of Ghazi Khan's early life except that in
933/1527 Ghazr with other chiefs defeated the
Mughals sent by Babur to help Sikandar, son of Sultan
Fath Shah, against Muhammad Shah the reigning
Sultan of Kashmir. Next year, however, the Caks
were defeated, and Ghazi Khan, who fought under
his father, was taken prisoner. In the middle of
959/1552, he joined the Kashmir nobles to defeat
Haybat Khan NiyazI and his Afghan followers.
Towards the end of 962/1555, he became Wazlr of
Sultan Isma'U Shah by setting aside his cousin Dawlat
Cak and blinding him. Early in 963/1556, Abu
'1-Ma'alI, a turbulent Mughal noble, having escaped
from the wrath of Akbar, invaded Kashmir, but Ghazi
Khan defeated him, and then suppressed the rebel-
lion of Kashmir nobles, who were against him. In
the summer of 967/1560, Akbar sent Kara Bahadur,
a cousin of Mlrza Haydar Dughlat, with an army to
invade Kashmir, but the latter was defeated at
Radjaurl and then at Danaor.
In 968/1561, under the pretext that Hablb Shah
(964-8/1557-61), grandson of Muhammad Shah and
his own nephew, was incompetent, Ghazi Khan set
him aside and himself ascended the throne, assuming
the title of Sultan Naslr al-Din_ Ghazi Cak and thus
laying the foundation of the Cak dynasty. He was
brave, able and a man of strong will. He suppressed
rebellions, established law and order and successfully
defended Kashmir against the Mughals. He was a
cultured man and a poet and patronised learned men;
but he was also the first Kashmir ruler to introduce
the practice of blinding his political rivals and cut-
ting off their limbs. In his old age he suffered from
leprosy, which impaired both his health and eye-
sight; hence he entrusted the work of the govern-
GHAZl KHAN -
Chan deposed hi
m and h
mself ascended the
throne
Ghazi Shah died
aftei fo
jr \eais in 974/1566-7 a
he age of 58
Bibhogtaph
the be
st accounts of Gha
r Sha
are in the anon
Hiious Bahamian I Shahi, Indi
lOffu
ms 509 and
n Havda
Malik's Ta'rikh ,
IO ms 510,
see also
Mohibbul Hasan
kaihm
under the Suttam
1974, GMD Sufi
hash!
Lahoie 1948-9
(Mohibbul H
GHAZIPUR I
area 1473 sq m ), a Dist
he eastemmobt
Utta
Piadesh in Indi
a It lies
in the great alius lal plain
3f the Ganges an
I extends
in equal portions o
n eithe
ide of the mer
Though
one of the smallest
in si/e
t is, one of the
most tin
kl\ -populated and
closclv
ultrvated distncts
of the st
ate Foi admimstrat
ve pu
lis I'm i ikban speaks in detail of Ghazipui as
is; a flounshing saikai in the suba of Allahabad
Sadat Khan the fust Nawvvab-Wazli of Awadh oi
Oudh [</<], placed Ghazipui m chaise oi 'Abd Allah
Khan, a native of the district who has left his impiint
on the cit\ b\ his magnificent buildings whose rums
11 exist With the taking o\ei of the distntt b\ the
ltish in 1781, Ghazipur enjoved undisturbed peace
1 the outbieak of the Sepo\ Mutin\ of 1857 which
ok a heav\ toll of life and propel t\ in the east-
n part of the district, boidenng Bihai Normalcv
infusion had elapsed
Ghazipui town, which is the headquarters of the
istmt of the tahiil of the same name, sti etches along
e noith bank of the Gai
For the greater pait of the 9th/ 15th eentuiv,
Ghazipur remained part of the dominions of the
Sharkis [q v] of Djawpur after whose decline it
ie\eited to the possession of the Dihli Sultan After
the battle of Panlpat in 932/1526, the Mughal
emperoi Babur [qv] annexed Ghazipur to his con-
quests of northern and eastern India Ten \eais later
it went out of Mughal hands following Humavuns
defeat b\ Shii Shah in the decisis e engagement
fought at Baxar, close to the southern boideis of
the distnct Ghazipur iemamed under the peaceful
administration of the Afghans till it was leeoveied
foi the Mughals in 974/1569 b\ 'Ah KulT Khan
Khan-i Zaman governor oi DjawnpQr fiom whom
the town Zamamy>a demes its name Abu 1-Fadl
itioducti
1 the r
■tiaffic
used
g the
poses, it is divided into four ta/m/s, nameK Ghazipui
Muhammadabad, Sa'Idpui and Zamaniwa Paddv,
wheat, cotton sugar and tobacco aie the tiaditional
pioducts of the district
Ghazipur is obvioush, a name of Muslim ongin,
and the Hindu tradition, which ascubes the foun-
dation of Ghazipur town to the eponvmous hero
Radja Gadhl, who called his stronghold Ghazipur,
histor\ going as far back as the davs of earh Indo-
Ar\an colonisation, the town was not realK found-
ed until about the middle of the 8th/ 14th centun
According to lehable local records duimg the reign
of Sultan Firuz Shah, one Cakawa Mandhata a
descendant of the famous Radja Pnthiwiiadj of Dihli,
obtained a large tiact oi land at Kathawat neai the
present \illage of Ghausegunj in the tahsil of
Muhammadabad and later building a foi tress there,
declaied himself independent of the Dihli Sultan II
is said that once his nephew and heir seized a Muslim
girl, whose widowed mothei appealed to the Sultan
for the redress of the affront Responding prompt-
1\, the then lulmg Sultan Muhammad Tughlut
despatched a band of 40 w amors under one Sawid
Mas'ud, who reached the place in 730/1330, and
in a battle fought on the site of Ghazipui town
Mas'ud slew the rebellious Radja The Sultan thete-
upon gi anted Mas'ud the estates of his vanquished
enemv, with the title oi Malik al-Sadat GhazI which
ga\e the name to the newh-founded cit\ Mas'ud
Ghazi left behind six sons, one of whom. Saw id
Kutb al-Din was married to the daughter of Saw id
Muhammad and had himself two sons Sawid Dusi
Muhammad and Sawid \ah\a the descendants oi
the ioimei settled in the village of Paia while those
of the latter m Nonheia, both situated in the tahil
.f Ghazipui
of the Cihil Sutun or Hall of the Foitv Pillais'
which was the palace of the above-mentioned 'Abd
Allah Khan who lies buried in the garden known
as \aiiab kT ( ahdr Diaari Another landmark is the
tomb of Lord Comwalhs, who died there in 1805
. domed structuie suppoited on
? Don
marbk bust
cuted bv
Flax
Bibliugiaphy Thi mipmal gaytteei of India xi
1908, Ghazipur District aaztttai, Allahabad 1909, (ens,
of India 1961 x\/4, Delhi 1965
iAbdus Subhan)
'lL-GHAZZAL Abu l-'Abb^s Ahm^d b u
M^HDl «lI-Gh«lZZ\L AL-AnD«lLUSI al-Malaki tl
secretarv of the sultan oi Morocco Sidi Mi
hammad b 'Abd Allah (1 171-1204/1757-8 1
ho
usted t
a deleg
In 1179/1766 he was the head n
to negotiate an exchange of captives with C hailes
III of Spain he was ieceived with great honour in
Madnd, and was able to return to Morocco with a
Spanish mission which made a peace tieatv with the
sultan and an agreement lbout the exchange of
prisoners In 1182/1768 he was sent to Algiers to
oversee the exchange oi Algerian with Spanish pris-
oner and accomplished this with success However
the Spanish king after the sultan had besieged
Mehlla in 1185/1771, had to i enounce the terms of
the treatv made between the two rulers and drawn
up b\ al-Ghazzal so that the latter fell into disgrace
He retired to Fas where he died in 1191/1777 and
was buned in the ;au»a of '-\bd al-Kadir al-Fasi [see
^l-fasI, above]
This diplomatist left behind an account of his joui-
resume was made b\ Bodin in -LI/ in (1918) 145-
85, and it was published b\ A Bustani at Tetuan in
1941 Al-Ghazzal's nhla is doubK interesting From
the historical aspect, it is a valuable document since
the author gives details about the aim of his mission
and lists the names of the Muslim pnsoneis, from the
hterai-v point of view although it is written in rhvmed
prose, it describes the stages of the journev and gives
a picture of Spain undei C harles III He notes like
othei tiavellers in Euiope the things which weie new
to him, but shows himself somewhat partial, insisting
on the superionrv oi his own countrv
He is fuitheimoie, the author notabh, of epistles
in praise of his sultan and of a biographv of the head
of the 'Is3wa leligious oidei al \Qt al thamil led C airo
1348/1929;.
.l-GHAZZAL — al-GHITRIF b. 'ATA'
Bibliography. E. Levi-Provencal, Chotfa, 327-30;
H. Peres, L'Espagne vue par les voyageurs musulmans,
Paris 1937, 23; Ibn Suda, Dalil mu'amkh al-Maghrib
al-aksa, Casablanca 1960, i, 124, 167, 174, 234,
ii, 366-7; Brockelmann, S II, 712; M. Lakhdar,
Vie littiraire, 249-52 and bibl. given there.
(Ed.)
al-GHAZZI, Abu Ishak Ibrahim [b. Yahya?] b.
'Uthman b. 'Abbas al-KalbI al-AshhabI (441-524/
1049-1129), Arabic poet of the Saldjuk period.
He was born in Ghazza [q.v.] at a time when that
town was still under Fatimid rule, but as a Shafi'i
Sunnr and as a person especially proud of emanat-
ing from the Imam al-Shafi'i's own birthplace, his life
was to be orientated towards the East, where the
establishment of the Saldjuks favoured a resurgence
of Sunni orthodoxy. He was studying in Damascus
in 481/1088 as a pupil of the traditionist Nasr b.
Ibrahim al-Makdisi (d. 490/1096, see Brockelmann,
S I, 603), but then left for "Irak. Disappointed at
Hilla in his expectations of the Mazyadid Sayf al-
Dawla Sadaka, he spent some time at the Nizamiyya
madrasa in Baghdad during the caliphate of al-
Mustazhir, but then departed for Persia, where he
spent the remainder of his long life, travelling exten-
sively in search of congenial patrons.
He was in Adharbaydjan and Shirwan, where he
was again disappointed, this time by the Yazldid
Shlrwan-Shah Fanburz b. Salar; in Isfahan, where
he stayed with a member of the BanQ Fadluya, the
ShabankaraT Atabegs of Fars; in Kirman, where he
enjoyed the patronage of the vizier of the local
Saldjuk amirs Nasir al-Din Mukram b. 'Ala'; and
also i
Khur.
: he
i far i
Samarkand and the court of the Karakhanids. He
in the farther east of the Saldjuk empire he seems
to have found favour with the Sultan Sandjar at
Marw, and it was there that the scholar 'Abd al-
Karlm b. Muhammad al-Sam'am [q.v.] met him at
the end of al-Ghazzi's life when he had, so al-
Sam'anT says, reached 90 years of age but had
apparently fallen into poverty. Al-Sam'am, in his
Mudhayyal to the Ta'rlkh Baghdad of al-Khatib [q.v.],
cited by 'Imad al-Din al-Isfahani, met him in Marw,
where al-Ghazzi" was staying at the local Nizamiyya
madrasa. When al-Ghazzi left for Balkh on his last
journey, he sold about ten rills' weight of the auto-
graphy manuscripts of his poems, which al-Sam'ani
was subsequently able to acquire and to copy out
from them over 5,000 verses; the remainder of his
verses, however, al-Ghazzi also sold, and these later
perished in a fire at Balkh. Al-GhazzF died before
he could reach Balkh, and his body was taken there
for burial.
Nearly 5,450 verses of his diwan survive, in a con-
siderable number of manuscripts, but clearly in the
course of a long life as a panegyric poet al-Ghazzi
must have written much more than this; al-Sam'am
says that he was "sparing" (damn) of recording his poet-
ry. It seems probable that the extant manuscripts stem
ultimately from al-Sam'ani' s copy. The great majority
of his verses are in the genre of eulogy, addressed to
58 different mamduhun; it seems that al-Ghazzi was
willing to travel anywhere in the hope of reward. The
rest of his poetry can be classified as satire, 'itab, etc.,
with some erotic poems addressed more lemporis to boys.
Al-Ghazzi enjoyed considerable contemporary renown,
at a time when Arabic poetry was still in its post-
'Abbasid period of florescence, so that Tmad al-Din
could say that his poetry became proverbial in
its time and that he was one of the quadrumvirate
of great contemporary poets, together with his
friend and correspondent Abu Isma'il al-Husayn
al-Tughra'I and with Abu '1-Muzaffar Muhammad
al-Abiwardi and Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Arradjani
[q.v.].
Bibliography: 'Imad al-Din al-Isfahani. Khari-
dat al-kasr, kism shu'ard' al-Sham, ed, Shukri Faysal,
Damascus 1375/1955, i, 3-75 (the principal
source); Sibt b. al-Djawzi, Mir 'SI, viii, 133-4; Ibn
al-Djawzi, Munta^am, xi, 15-16; Ibn Khallikan, ed.
Ihsan 'Abbas, i, 57-62, No. 18, tr. de Slane, i,
38-42; Zirikll, A'lam, i, 44; Brockelmann, V, 294,
S I, 448; 'Ali Djawad Al Tahir, al-Shi'r al-'arabi
fi 'l-'hak wa bilad al-'Adjam ft 7-W al-salajuki,
Baghdad 1961, i, 177-84.
(C.E. Bosworth)
al-GHITRIF b. 'ATA' al-DjurashI, 'Abbasid
governor. He was the brother of the famous
Khayzuran [q.v.], the Yemeni girl of slave origin
who married the caliph al-Mahdl and was mother
of the two successive caliphs al-Hadi and al-Rashid.
Al-Ghitrif is also given the msba of "al-Kindi" in
the biography of him by Gardlzi (probably stem-
ming from al-Sallaml's lost Ta'rlkh Wulat Khurasan)
and by al-Sam'ani, and may accordingly have been
a mawla of the great South Arabian tribe of Kinda
[q.v.] (Zayn al-akhbar, ed. 'Abd al-Hayy Habibt,
Tehran 1347/1968, 96, 129-30). From complete
obscurity, as a slave who watched over vineyards at
Djurash in the Yemen, his fortunes rose with
Khayzuran's great influence in the state and from
his position as khal, maternal uncle, of the caliphs.
A daughter of his, 'Aziza, married Harun al-Rashid.
In 170/786-7 he was appointed governor of the
Yemen (Khalifa b. Khayyat, Ta'rlkh, ed. Zakkar, ii,
742; al-Ya'kubi, Historiae, ii, 481; Aghant , xiii, 13),
and then in 175/791-2 governor of Khurasan, Slstan
and Gurgan in succession to al-'Abbas b. Dja'far,
an office which he held until he was replaced in
177/793 by Hamza b. Malik al-Khuza'I (Khalifa,
ii, 745; al-Ya'kubi, ii, 488; al-Dinawan, al-Akhbar
al-tiwal, Cairo 1960, 387; al-Tabarl, iii, 590-1, 612,
626, 740; Hamza al-Isfahani, Ta'rikh sini muluk al-
ard, Beirut 1961, 164-5; al-Azdr, Ta'rlkh Mawsil, 277).
Establishing himself at Bukhara in order to deal
with the disturbed situation in Transoxania, with
internal threats and threats from the Turks of the
Central Asian steppes (cf Barthold, Turkestan down
to the Mongol invasion', 198 ff.), al-Ghitrif despatched
an expedition in 175/791-2 under 'Amr b. Djamil
into Farghana against the labghu of the Karluk [q.v.]
and one under his deputy Dawud b. YazTd b. Hatim
against the Kharidjite rebel in Sistan al-Hudayn of
Ok (Gardlzi, 129-30; Ta'nkh-i Sistan, 153-4,' tr. M.
Gold, Rome 1976, 121-2; Bosworth, Sistan under the
Arabs..., Rome 1968, 85). The sources are silent
concerning al-Ghitrlf's career after his dismissal from
Khurasan, but a scion of his, one Muhammad b.
Ahmad al-GhitnfT, is mentioned in one later source
on Transoxanian history, see R.N. Frye, City chron-
icles of Central Asia and Khurasan: a history of Nasaf?,
in Fuad Kbprulu armagam, Istanbul 1953, 167 = Islamic
Iran and Central Asia (7th-12th centuries), London 1979,
XXXII; presumably this last is the traditionist Abu
Ahmad Muhammad b. Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-
Ribati al-Ghitnfi of Gurgan mentioned by al-
Sam'am, Ansab, f. 410a.
The most enduring legacy of al-Ghitrif's governor-
ship in the East was, however, his role in introduc-
ing a new coinage into Bukhara. The story is given
in detail by NarshakhT in his Ta'rikh-i Bukhara, ed.
al-GHITRIF b. 'ATA' — GILGIT
Mudarns Ridawi Tehran 1939, 42-5 tr Frve
Cambridge Mass 1954 35-7 and more bneflv bv al-
Sam'anT he nt , cf also Barthold Turkestan' 203-b
The old silver coinage of the pre-Islamic Iiaman rulers
of the citv the Bukhar-Khudas had largelv disap-
peared irom emulation, and Kh aiazmian siher coins
had had to be imported Hence at the icquest of the
local people al-Ghitnf coined dirhams fiom an allo\
of six metals henceforth known as black or
GhitrifT/GhidufT dirhams and meant onlv lor local
circulation Taxation lequisitions were now fixed it
the rate ot six of these GhitiTfT dnharrh for one sihtr
dirham but the exchange subsequenth fluctuated caus-
ing haidship toi those paying kharad} at the levised
rate The position was in the end stabilised (oi allo\
dirhams GhitnfT Muhammadi (aftei a financial offi-
cial Muhammad b ?Dahda) and Musav^abi (aftei a
preceding go\ernoi of Khuiasan al-Musa\\ab b
Zuha\r al-Dabbi) ones continued to be used spond-
icalh in Iransoxama lor a long time to come Ibn
Hawkal ed Kiamers 490 tr 470 desenbes GhitnfT
dirhams as circulating in the region of Havtal
Bactna and the eastern fringes of Khur isan [see
H^atila] al-Mukaddasi 340 speaks of them as
emulating in Bukhaia and ceitain other localities
of Tiansoxama and the translator into Persian of
Narshakhis histon, states that in his time (522/1128)
100 pure sihei dirhams equalled 70 GhitnfT duhams
and the gold mithkal equalled 7' i GhitnfT dirham*, See
further Frve \<rfn on the eaih coinage of Tiarnoxama
Amer Numism Soc Notes and Monographs 1 1 3 New
\ork 1949 41-9
Bibliography Given in the article, but note that
Zambaur Manuel 48 gives al-Ghitnf s name and
the date of his gov ernoi ship wionglv
(C E Bosworth)
GHIYATH Ai-DIN BALBAN [See baiban in
Suppl]
GHUBAYRA site of an eirlv Islamic citv
in Knman Province in Iian It is situated some 70
km south of Kirman the provincial capital in the
Baid Sn \allev, at the confluence of the Can and
Ghubavia nveis \t the time of the \rab conquest
the provincial capital was at Sirdjan some 200 km
to the south The mam caiavan loute from Sirdjan
to Bam iuns considerably to the south of Kirman
citv Ibn Khurradadhbih 49 describes the statio
on this route and Ghubavia is mentioned as t
hfth fiom Sirdjan towards Bam \c cording
Istakhn, the stations between Sirdjan and Bam were
as follows Shamat Ghai or Bahar Khinnab
Ghubavia, Kughun Ravin Sarvistan and Dare in
modern Daizin (ed Iradj \fshar Tehran 1 9b 1 140 f
and map lacing p 139) \ detailed account oi the
town is given bv Mukaddasi 402-3 who writes
that it is a small town sui rounded bv villages
with a fortress in its midst while outside was the
market recentlv built bv Ibn Ilvas Both this place
and Kughun have tine mosques and the water tomes
from kanah Duung the 8th/ 14th centurv Ghubavra
belonged to the Muzaffand lealm The town was
looted and destroved bv Timur s armv in 795/1393
It appears that Ghubavia as a town ceased to exist
at that time although archaeological evidence indi-
cates that there was a small settlement on the site in
Safawid times
The rums of Ghubavra were first reported in
modern times in J.R. Caldwell's excavation report
of Tall-i IblTs (Caldwell, Chase and Fehervari, in
Investigations at Tal-i Mis, ed. J.R. Caldwell,
Springfield, 111. 1967, chs. vi, viii). Subsequently,
site undo the direction of \ D H Bivar and G
Fehcivan (brief excavation reports were published bv
\DH BivarandG Feheivan in Iran under Survev
of excavations x(1972), 108-9 pis II-III xi(1973)
194 5 pis IV-VIb viu (1975 180-1 pis V-\ I and
xv (19771 173 4 pis II i-b also in the Prouedings oj
Hit 1st 3rd and 4th Annual Symposia oj Archaeological
Rt'ttmh m Iran Tehran 1972 1974 1975 The hist
interim repoit was published in JRAS (1974) 107-41
Bibliography given m the aiticle
GHULDTA [see kildj^]
GIAFAR [see dj^W]
GIFT [sec hibO
GILGIT i town in the northwest ol
Pakistan with l population ol 4b71 situated on
the right bank ol the Gilgit nvei a tubman oi the
Indus 4 890 ft above sea level Owing to its geo-
nto the
id bevond to Sinkiang and
wavs been an important trad-
Gilgit s ancient name was Saigin which owing to
reisons unknown was changed to Gilgit But its peo-
ple call then countn, Shinakos and then language
Shina Ihev aie of \nan oiigin ol fair complexion
well-built but unwuhke theerv honest trugil and
industrious given to polo and dancing
Gilgit was noticed bv the Chinese ti ivelleis
J l-hien and Hiuen-Tsang as well as bv the Muslim
scholai il-Birum who savs thit its rulers name was
Bhatta-Shah Howevei Gilgit s earlv historv is leg-
endarv In 751 \ D the Chinese who hid occupied
it weie defeated and dnven out bv the \rabs Eailv
in the twelfth centurv Shamshn the youngest son of
<\zar a ^aikandi Tuik belonging to the Tiakane
(Tara Khan) fimilv invaded Gilgit and hiving over
thiown its Buddhist ruler Shn Budat established his
familv s lule It was dining his reign that according
to tradition six Sufi saints whose tombs still exist
convened the Buddhist inhabitants of Gilgit to Islam
Latei Tara Khan (b89 735/1290-1335) tried to intro-
duce the Ismi'ih creed but Mnza Khan (972-
1008/15b5-lb00) ie|eeted it in favour of Imami
Shi'ism which is still the mi|ontv faith of Gilgit
The Trakane familv s rule came to an end m 1822
with 'Abbas Khan, after which Gilgit was in turn
ruled bv the chiefs of Pumal Nagar and \ >sin In
1842 Kanm Khan of Nagai having seized Gilgit from
Giwhai \man of \_asin with the help of the "
when r
i Kashn
w is tianslened to Mahaiadja Gulab Singh of Djami
bv the Butish clums to Gilgit weie also made over
to him In 1889 however the British in face of
Russian aggression took contiol of Gilgit and the sur-
lounding aiea and placed it under a British \gent
But before the giant of independence to the subcon-
tinent in August 1947 it was restored to Maharadja
Han Singh In Nenembei 1947 the local people with
the support of the Gilgit Scouts imprisoned his gov-
ernoi Gansaia Singh and proclaimed Gilgit s acces-
sion to Pakistan which readilv took contiol of the
area Recentlv the Chinese have constructed a road
which links it with Rawalpindi ind Sinkiang This
has enhanced Gilgit s both military and commeicial
Bibliography: Major C.E. Bates, A gazeteer
of Kashmir and the adjoining districts of Kishtawar,
etc., Calcutta 1873; E.F. Knight, Where three
GILGIT — GOVSA
empires meet, London 1893; F. Drew, The Djammu
and Kashmir territories, London 1875; GJ. Adler,
India's northern frontier, London 1963; Mawlvi
Hashmat Allah Khan, Ta'rikh-i Djammu va
riyasatha-i maftuha Mahaiadja Gulab Singh, Lucknow
1939. (Mohibbul Hasan)
GIRL [see k!z].
GLOBE, TERRESTIAL [see kurrat al-ard],
GLOSS [see hAshiyya].
GOAT [see ma'z].
GOD [see ALLAH],
GORGAN [see gurgan].
GOURARA (GurSra), oasis group of the central
Sahara, in Algerian territory, contained within the
southern fringe of the Great Western Erg to the north
(the border on this side may be located at the fur-
thest centres of permanent settlement), the north-west
flank of the plateau of Tadmait to the south-east, and
Oued Saoura to the west (the border on this side
being the last centre of Berber-speakers, Bahammou,
as opposed to the exclusively Arabic-speaking popu-
lation of the Saoura). To the south, on the Touat
side, the border was traditionally imprecise, the oases
allying themselves to Timimoun (Gourara) or to Adrar
(Touat) by means of soff agreements. The French
administration created an artificial border here, defin-
itively fixed in 1944.
Physical geography. Between the plateaux of the reg
of Meguiden to the east (altitude 325 m.l, a mound
of clays and red sandstones of Continental Intercalary,
and the Villefranchian hamada (silicified limestone I of
Ouled Aissa to the west (350 m.), the heart of
Gourara is constituted by a depression, the base of
which is occupied by plains of salinated clay (sebkha),
unsuitable for any crop other than palm-trees, of
which the biggest is the sebkha of Timimoun, a huge
channel 80 km. in length and varying in width
between 2 and 15 km., lying on a north-north-east
to south-south-west axis at the foot of the Meguiden,
the base of which dips to an altitude of 192 m. At
its extremities, the sebkha adjoins sectors of more
abundant vegetation, bearing the name "oued", which
seems to be synonymous with "pasturage". The sebkha
towards the south, founded on the hamadian sur-
face along a pre-tertiary rib, but the erosions of the
quaternary periods of humidity have eaten more
deeply than pre-tertiary erosion. No importance need
be attached to the remarks of Ibn Khaldun {Histoire
des Berberes, tr. de Slane, 2nd ed., Paris 1925, i, 196),
who did not know the region personally, on a river
"flowing from west to east". No doubt this arises
from a confusion with the Saoura. Between the sebkha
and the plateau of Ouled Aissa, there stretches a
complex morphological zone, where the substratum
of carboniferous sandstone and limestone, modified
by interwoven pleats giving rise to appalachian reliefs
(the mound of Timimoun, east-west), partially fos-
silised by deposits of Continental Intercalary and
Tertiary formed into projecting hillocks, is invaded
by various dunary formations, branches of erg and
Human geography. In severe climatic conditions
(15 mm. annual rainfall), there has persisted a seden-
tary population, descendants of an ancient stock of
judaised Zenatas, which remains for the most part
Berber-speaking. In 1952, out of a total of 25,000
habitants, the Gourara consisted of 61% Berber-
speakers and 39% Arabic-speakers. The Arab ele-
ments, of Hilalian origin (Meharza and Khenafsa)
arrived in the 6th/ 12th century, and it is this period
I which saw the first appearance of the Arabic-speak-
ing ksour, present only in the north in the Tinerkouk
and in the south in the Deldoul and the Aouguerout,
although the recent settlement of Chaanba nomads
has joined an important Arab nucleus to the old
Berber centre of Timimoun. This settlement process
is actively continuing at the present day, and the
sedentary population, which has grown steadily over
the past three decades in spite of a considerable
level of emigration towards the Tell, must current-
ly be approaching the figure of 40,000, with a pro-
portion of Arabic-speakers certainly superior to that
of 1952. In addition, the dark-skinned Haratm (see
hartani), either Berber-speaking or Arabic-speaking
according to the language of their masters, in 1952
constituted nearly a half (46%) of the population
(compared with estimates of 29% "Zenatas" and
25%
rabs").
This population lives today in concentrated groups
in villages (ksour), of which the largest is Timimoun
(5,000 inhabitants), often dominated by a kasba con-
taining the individual granaries where the people's
crops are preserved (in other cases, granaries are
attached to private houses). It seems that the habitat
was formerly more dispersed, as is indicated by the
existence of numerous small ruins, in a period of
domination on the part of large semi-nomadic Zenata
or Arab tribes on whom the sedentary population was
strictly-speaking dependent. The progressive concen-
tration of the habitat would testify simultaneously to
a trend towards sedentary living and to a renewal of
instability in the 19th century. The economic basis is
provided by palm-trees (about 400,000), of which the
surplus production (5 to 6,000 tonnes of dates) par-
tially compensates for the inadequacy of cereal pro-
duction (300 tonnes of wheat and barley), and permits
the purchase of wool used in the weaving of dokkali,
dyed materials manufactured by the women (350
looms) and partially marketed abroad. Small-holdini
s the r,
, and ir
: exploita
i. Palm;
i the northern region at
r, Timimun. ^ur Anthw-
■ Algenschen Sahaia, in
i Gesellschaft Wiei
and gardens are irrigated largely by subterran
drainage channels (foggara) in the sebkha of the e
sometimes combined with hoisting machinery to r;
the water of the channel when the level is too
for irrigation purposes, and w
raised by balanced arn
the fringe of the Erg.
Bibliography: K. Sut
pogeographie einer Oase d
Mitteilungen del Geographisa
(1952), 31-54; R. Capot-Rey, Le Sahara /ran
Paris 1953, passim; J. Bisson, Le Gouraia, etude ae
geographic humaine, Algiers 1956 (Universite d'Alger,
Institut de Recherches Sahanennes, Memoire no. 3), 222
pp. (basic; contains all the preceding bibliography
and refers to the sources), to be supplemented by
H. Schilfers (ed.), Die Sahara und ihre Randgebiete.
Munich 1971-3, passim.
(Xavier de Planhol)
G6VSA, Ibrahim 'Ala' al-DIn, modern Turkish
Ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Turkish author, bio-
grapher and poet (1889-1949), was born
in Istanbul, the son of Mustafa 'Asim, a civil servant,
from a Turkish family of Filibe (Plovdiv in present-
day Bulgaria). Educated at the Wefa lycee, Istanbul,
and in Trabzon, where his father was chief secretary
(meklubgju) of the province, he studied in Istanbul
University (1907-10), subsequently taught in Trabzon
lycee and in 1913 went to Switzerland with a gov-
scholarship, where he studied psychology and
the University of Geneva and at the
GOVSA — GUMULDJINE
he taught at the Istanbul Teachers Ti amine; College
(Dar al mu'alhmin) where later he also became Director
Appointed in 1926 as a member of the Advisory
Boaid (Ta'lim iu terbmt da'irtsi) of the Mimstrv of
Education in Republican Turkey he was later elected
a member of Parliament (1927) where he seived until
1946 with a brief interval in 1935 when he was an
inspectoi ioi the Mimstrv of Education He died in
Ankaia on 29 Octobei 1949
Govsa staited his caieei as a poet published
his fust poems in the traditional 'arud metre in the
Thenut i funun [qi] (1908) but later switched to syl-
labic metre [hiaje uezm) following the new hteiary
trend in lent medjmu'a (1917 onwards) One of the
pioneeis oi childiens verse {( odjuk sfu'irlin 1910)
Govsa continued to write poetrv until 1940 on lyric
and epic {( anakkate ijeri 1926) topics using alter
nateK both metres Though not outstanding as a poet
he occasionally reaches a level above the average
when he is inspiied bv an unusual event (eg his
famous elegy lor Ataturk, Taiqf 1938) He also wiote
humorous verse and prose and successful pastiches
(eg Nazij ten Hamide ahiretten mtktuplai 1932) But
Govsa is particularly known as a biographei and ency-
clopaedist A meticulous and iesponsible collectoi ol
greatly to contemporary biographical hteiatuie in
Turkey Apart irom his great shaie in the planning
and pieparation oi the Turkish Encyclopaedia [I norm
Ansiklopedisi latei Turk Ansiklopedisi ) irom 1941 onwards
oi which he was also Secretary -General (1943-5) Govsa
is the authoi oi the following majoi works in this
field Meshur adamlar ( Famous men ) 4 vols 1933-8
Ka S ifler it muatler ( Exploreis and mventois ) 1939
Turk mtjhurlan ansikloptdtsi ( Encyclopaedia oi iamous
Turks') nd [1946] and Resimh yem lugat e ansiklo
pedi ( New illustrated encyclopaedic, dictionary ) 1947-
9 (up to the lettei L)
Bibliography Turf- ansiklopedisi xvn Ankara 1970,
sv Behcet Necatigil Edtbiyatimizda tumler so lugu
Istanbul 1975, sv (Fahir Iz)
GUIDE [see za'im]
GUILD [see sinf]
GUITAR [see kTtara]
GUJARAT GUJERAT [see gud|arat]
GUJARATI GUZARATI [see gudjarati]
GUL KHATUN the queen oi Sultan Hay dar
Shah oi Kashmir (874-b/1470-2) The chronicles do
not say whethei she belonged to a Muslim iamily
oi ioreign origin or to a Kashmin iamily It is more
than hkelv that she was the daughter oi a Bayhaki
Sayyid [q ] ioi the Kashmii lulers were always
very eager to marry in the family of these descen-
dants of the Prophet and regaided such an alliance
with pnde Howevei stiangely enough unlike the
royal ladies oi ioieign ongin Gul Khatun accoid-
mg to Djonaradja s Radjatawngim iavouied Hindu
customs and ceremonies Gul Khatun was active in
the politics oi the kingdom and played an impor-
tant role in securing the thione ioi her son Hasan
Shah She was also interested in gnls education and
established madrasas at her own expense She was
much respected and loved by her son who con-
structed a bridge oi boats in her memory ovei the
Djehlam in Snnagar
Bibliography anon BahansUn-i Shahi
India Oflice ms 509, Haydai Malik Ta'nhh i
Kashmir IO ms 310 Djonaradja Radjatacan
gim tr JC Dutt Kings of Kashmir Calcutta
1877-98 Mohibbul Hasan Kashmir undir th<
Sultans
Lahor
1974 GMD Suii Kashu
(Mo*
L HASA
GUMAL Gonial a river of the Indus v alley sys-
tem and the North-West Frontier iegion of the Indo-
Pakistan subcontinent It uses in eastern Afghanistan
some 40 miles/62 km east of the \b-i Istada lake
Flowing eastwards it is ]omed from the south by the
Kundar and Zhob rivers and forms the southern
boundary oi the South Wazmstan tribal agency of
the ioimer Noith-West Frontier Province of British
India (now Pakistan) Below the settlement oi Murtada
it leaves the mountains and enters the lower-lying
lands oi the Dei a Isma'il Khan distnct [see deradjat]
and is diverted into many lmgation channels iiom
this point also it is known as the Luni River The
bed oi the river is often largely dry in rainless pen-
ods and only in times oi flooding do its wateis actu-
ally reach the Indus itseli
Where the river emerges from the northern end oi
the Sulayman Mountains into the lower terrain we
have the Gomal Pass a defile some iour miles long
and one oi the loutes fiom Afghanistan to the Indus
valley although much used bv nomadic Ghalzays [q l ]
and other Pathan tribes bringing merchandise down
to the plains, its comparative isolation and wildness
have not made it such a historic route for the pas-
sage of armies as the routes further north of the
Kurram [q.v.] valley and the Khyber Pass [see
khaybar], although in the spring of 910/1505 Babur
used part of the track along the swollen Gomal River
when travelling from Bannu to Ghazna (Baburnama,
tr. Beveridge, 235-6).
During the 19th century, Sarwar Khan, chief of
Tank in Bannu, dammed the Gomal
Edwardes
ua, on the Punjab
1851 i 414-15) Towards the
Robert Sandeman the pacific
to open up the Gomal Pass
the plaii
: H.B.
r in 1848 9 London
■ oi Balucistan planned
foi general access and
tnus gain an altei native route to the one irom Multan
into the Zhob valley oi north-eastem Balucistan occu-
pied in 1889 In that same yeai as part oi the
Foi w aid Policy the Viceroy oi India Lord Lans-
downe authorised subsidies ioi the Waznis and other
tribesmen Tribal mahk, and dfirgas weie summoned
to a durbar at Apozai in Zhob and military posts
established m the Gomal valley in oidei to command
the route and in the hope to exerting some influence
in Wazmstan The system worked for some time but
in the long run hopes oi making the Gomal Pass gen-
accessible have pioved vain ior both the
Gove
i India and H
r Pakistr
Bibliography Mountstuart Elphinstc
of the hngdom of CaubuV London 1839 i 135-6
TH Thornton Colonel Sir Robert Sandeman his hjt
and itork on our Indian frontier a memoir London 1895
223-4 230-3 241 C Collin Davies The problem oj
the North Uest Frontier 1890 1908 London 1975 71-
3 and index Sn Olai Caroe, Tlie Pathans 550 B(
AD 1947 London 1958 375-b JW Spain The
Pathan borderland The Hague 19b 3 2b-7
D Dichter The North Hist p oritur of M«r Pahstan
a itudy m regional geography, Oxiord 19b7, index.
(C.E. Bosworth)
GUMULDJINE, the Ottoman Turkish form of the
Greek Komotene, Komotini, a town of over 30,000
inhabitants in Western Thrace, the modern Greek
province of Rhodope, which from the sixties of the
14th century until 1912 was without interruption a
part of the Ottoman Empire.
The name Komotene is the academic version of
Koumoutsinas, which was already used by Cantacu-
sinos in the mid- 14th century. The Destan of Umur
Pasha (ed. Melikoff, 101, 124) appears to be the first
Turkish source to use the form "Gumuldjune" when
relating Umur Aydinoghlu's actions in Thrace in and
after 745/1344.
Komotene emerged as a small uiban centie (polls-
ma) after the Bulganan invasion of Czar Kaloyan in
1207, during which the old city of Mosynopolis was
thoroughly destroyed. The remaining inhabitants of
Mosynopolis fled within the walls of an uninhabited
but rather well-preserved stronghold, Komotene. This
new town is mentioned in connection with the actions
of the Empeior Andronicus III against the Turkish
pirates and during the Byzantine civil war of the 1 4th
century, which were catastrophic for the lowland pop-
ulation of Thrace.
The old Ottoman chroniclers ('Ashikpashazade,
Neshri, Oruc, Anonymus Giese, Idns-Destan IV) unan-
imously place the conquest of Komotene by the Otto-
mans in or around 762/1361, after the capture of
Zaghra (Stara Zagora) and Filibe (Plovdiv) and before
the conquest of Biga. Feridun Ahmed Beg, in his
Munshe'at al-selatln, has a letter from the ruler of
Karaman to Murad I, congratulating him on the con-
quest of Filibe, Zaghra and Gumuldjine, and also the
answer of Murad, dated 764/1362-3. Almost all the
sources mention Ghazi Ewrenos Beg as conqueror.
Between 763/1361-2 and 785/1383 (capture of Serres
or Siroz), Komotene was the seat of an udj confronting
Serbian-controlled Macedonia, and stood under com-
mand of Ewrenos Beg. Somewhere in these two
decades, Ewrenos Beg erected in his residence a large
domed mesdiid, an 'imaret. a hammdm and a large num-
ber of shops, and added the revenue of the villages
of Anbarkoy and Kucuk Koy to this wakf. These
buildings formed the nucleus of Islamic life in Western
Thrace. The buildings were situated outside the old
walled enclosure of Koumoutsinas, where the original
Greek population continued to live. The colonisation
of Muslim Turkish citizens in Komotene, and of large
numbers of Turkish farmers in the deserted plains
around the town, appears to be also connected with
Ewrenos Beg. The toponymy of villages, hills, mead-
ows and brooks is overwhelmingly Turkish, which may
be an indication that the newcomers found little or
no autochthonous inhabitants to transmit the existing
toponyms. The fragmentarily-published registers of the
9th/15th and 10th/16th century Ottoman censuses
point in the same direction, and show clearly the
heavy preponderance of the Muslim Turkish popula-
tion in these districts.
When in 785/1383 Ewrenos Beg moved the seat
of his udj. closer to the chief field of action (Western
Macedonia), Komotene remained a relatively small
town with a predominantly Muslim population. The
Burgundian knight Bertrandon de la Broquiere passed
"Caumussin" in 1433 on his way to Serres. He called
it a "fairly good little town", which was "well-enclosed
by walls and situated on a little river in a lovely
According to the census of 925/1519, Komotene
numbered 393 Muslim households, 197 unmarried
Muslims, 42 Christian households, six unmarried
Christians and eight Christian widows, as well as
19 Jewish households and five unmarried Jews. This
gives a total of 2,500 souls, which is roughly the
average of a local Balkan town of that time. It was
by then the second urban centre in size of Western
Thrace (after Xanthi or Iskece). According to the
census of 936/1530, Komotene had 17 mahalles
which all bore Turkish names. The same source
mentions the names of all religious and education-
al institutions of the town: one mosque, 16 mesdjids,
four zawivas, four schools and one church. When
in the middle of the 16th century the French trav-
eller Pierre Belon du Mans (Observations des plusieurs
singularities, etc., Paris 1588, ch. lx) passed the "petite
bourgarde Commercine", he mentions the "ruines
d'un petit chastelet, dedans lequel est l'Eglise Grecs
Chrestiens". His remark that the town was "habite
des Grecs, et peu de Turcs" is curious and cer-
tainly not in accordance with the real situation.
The Ottoman geographer Mehmed-i 'Ashik visited
Komotene in ca. 998/1590 and noted that' "There
are there [in Komotene] Friday mosques, baths and
markets. The had^dii and ghazi Ewrenos Beg con-
structed in Gumuldjine a public kitchen and din-
ing hall for the travellers (sc. an 'imaret)". Shortly
afterwards, in the first decade of the 17th century,
Komotene shared the attention of the defterdar of
Ahmed I, Ekmekdjizade Ahmed Pasha, who dotted
most of Thrace with buildings for the promotion
of Islamic culture. In Komotene he erected a small
but exquisite mosque, a double hammam, a domed
and lead-covered mekteb, a medrese and an 'imaret.
The mosque is the only Ottoman structure on Greek
territory which has a number of multi-colouied tile
panels dating from the best period of the Iznik kilns
(988-98/1580-90).
Most of the information on Ottoman Komotene is
contained in vol. viii of the Sevahat-name of Ewliya
Celebi, who visited the town "in 1078/1667-8. By
then, the place had apparently enjoyed a great expan-
sion. Ewliya numbers "4,000 prosperous, stone-built
houses", 1 6 mahalles and 5 Friday mosques, 1 1 mesdfids,
two 'imarets, two hammams, five medreses, seven mektebs,
1 7 khans and 400 shops. A number of his figures can
still be checked and are correct, others look suspi-
ciously high (viz. the figure foi the houses). This source
especially sings the praises of the pious foundations
of Ewrenos and Ahmed Pasha. His description of
the latter's mosque is very accurate, and in no way
exaggerated.
In the 18th century, epidemics of plague ravaged
the Thracian lowlands and led to the disappearance
of whole villages. (A lonely minaret in the fields 4
miles/7 km. of Komotene pathetically marks the site
of the village of Eski Gumuldjine.) In the 19th cen-
tury, the town witnessed again a considerable revival.
Entire new quarters arose on its periphery, and espe-
cially on the eastern side. During that century, a num-
ber of Ottoman buildings were restored and new ones
erected. The Eski Djami' (the old mesdtid of Ewrenos
Beg) was greatly enlarged by enveloping it by a spa-
cious prayer hall in the Ottoman "empire" style. The
Yeni Djami' (of Ekmekdjizade Ahmed) was enlarged
in the same manner. In the time of 'Abd al-Harmd
II the town was linked with Istanbul and Salonica by
a railway. The same sultan erected a large clock tower
in the town as well as a medrese. Ottoman inscrip-
tions, still preserved, record these actions.
Since the reorganisation of the provincial admin-
istration of the empire in the sixties of the 19th
century, Komotene was the chef-lieu of a sand^ak in
the wtlaiet of Edirne. In the eighties of the last
century, the town is reported to have contained
13,560 inhabitants, ten Friday mosques, 15 mesqjids,
two Greek and one Armenian churches, one syna-
gogue, four medreses, two schools for higher educa-
tion, ten mektebs and various schools for the educa-
tion of the non-Muslim part of the population. The
GUMULDJINE — GURCANl
salname of the wilayet of Edirne of 1310/1892 has
substantially the same numbers, but adds details on
individual buildings.
During the First Balkan War (1912), Komotene suf-
fered a Bulgarian occupation. In the few months
between Balkan War II and World War I, Komotene
was the capital of a short-lived Muslim "Republic of
Gumuldjine", as no Balkan power was then master
of the territory. It was again occupied by the Bulgarians
in World War I. After the Treaty of Lausanne (1923),
town and territory were ceded to Greece, which prom-
ised to respect the ethnic-religious composition of its
population (around 1900, 149,230 Turks (including a
group of 20,000 Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, the
Pomaks); 58,357 Greeks; and 35,122 Bulgarians).
Under Greek administration, the Muslim element
dwindled down to 112,665 in 1961, but the Greek
element had mounted to 243,889 for all of Western
Thrace. The Bulgarians disappeared during and after
the two world wars.
Today Komotene is a mixed Muslim Turkish-Greek
Orthodox town, roughly fifty-fifty between both
groups. In 1961 the total number of inhabitants was
28,355. The town is the largest urban centre of
Western Thrace. It is the seat of the mufti of all
Muslims in Greece and has a Turkish high school,
twenty mosques and mesdjids, and is the place were
some Turkish and Islamic periodicals and newspapers
are issued. Among the preserved monuments of
Ottoman architecture are both mosques mentioned
above, the Clock Tower, the turba of Fatima Khanim,
wife of the Grand Vizier Ruscuklu Sherif Hasan Pasha,
dating from 1195/1781, and the
;. The 1;
ronfisc;
■ Greek
after 1923 and used
1974, when some minor repairs were carried out, and
a new purpose was sought for it (as a Museum of
Turkish Folklore). In the time of the Colonels (1970),
the hammam of Ghazi Ewrenos was destroyed by-
dynamite; its 8th/ 14th-century Arabic inscription
was already smashed in 1923. On the edge of the
town is the Poshposh Tekke with a graveyard with a
number of interesting steles belonging to local a'yan
and members of various dervish orders (Nakshbandi,
Rifa'i etc.). Until the early seventies, the town faith-
fully preserved its Ottoman physiognomy from the
Harmdian age.
Bibliography: For a survey of the early history,
see G.I. Theocharides - summary of three lectures
on The bistort of the Thracians and the cities of Komotine
and Xanthi as given by Stilpon Kyriakides, in Balkan
Studies, ii (Salonica 1961), 323-9.
For the material from Ottoman census materials
concerning town and district, see OX. Barkan, Les
deportations comme methode de peupkment et de colonisation
dans I'Empire Ottoman, in Revue de la Faculte des Sciences
Economiques de Wniversite d'Istanbul, No. 11 (1956),
with map, .giving the ethno-religious composition of
the area in detail; Turski Izvon za Balgarskata Isiorya,
ii, Sofia 1966, 468-80; Turski Izvon, iii, Sofia 1972,
38-42, 359-74, 412-26, 474-83; Muhiddin Kocabiyik,
Gumukine tdrih hakkinda bh arastirma, in A. Dede,
Rumeli'nde krahlanlar, Istanbul 1975, 13-51, with
numerous details on 10th/ 16th century Komotene;
Mehmed-i 'Ashik, Mendziru 'l-'awalim, autograph ms.,
Halet Efendi no. 616, vol. ii f. 20 v.
For the description of Thrace by Ewliya, Seyahat-
name, viii, Istanbul 1928, 85-90; see also HJ. Kissling,
Beitrage zur Kenntnis Thrahens im 17. Jahrhundert, in
Abhandlungen fir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, xxxii/3,
Wiesbaden 1956.
For the Tanzimat period, see H.H. Kornrumpf,
Die Temtorialverwaltung im dstlichen Teil der europaischen
Tiirkei vom Erlass der Yilayetsordnung bis zum Berliner
Kongress naih amtliche osmamschen Verqffentlicliungen,
Freiburg 1976.
The numbers given for the inhabitants, and for
population, vary in various publications. Compare
Adil Ozguc, Bad Trakya Turkleri, Istanbul 1974, and
K.G. Andreadis, The Moslem minority in Western
Thrace, Salonica 1956, where the Turkish and the
Greek views are set forth. For the minutes of the
Lausanne Conference, see for example Lozan Ban S
konfeiansi {tutanaklar, belgeler), in Siyasal Bil. Fak. nesr.
Ankara 1969.
For the monuments of Ottoman architecture
and epigraphy, see for the time being M. Kiel,
Observation on the history of Northern Greece during the
Turkish rule, in Balkan' Studies, xii/2 (Salonica 1971),
415-62, and also in Abdurrahim Dede, Rumeli'nde
birahlanlar, 53-74; A more comprehensne account
is forthcoming by Kiel, The Ottoman Balkans, a sur-
vey of monuments of Turkish architecture in Albania, Bulgaria
and Greece.
For the Republic of Gumuldjine, with illustia-
tions of its flag, stamps and coins, see Adil Ozguc,
op. cit. (M Kiel)
GURAN, Shaykh Abu 'l-Fath b. Shaykh
Muhammad, official and commander in 1 0th/ 1 6th
(shaykhzada), he took service under Ibrahim Lodi" (923-
32/1517-26) and was posted at Koyl [q.p.] (modern
'Aligarh). After the battle of Panipat [q.v.] (932/1526),
Babur sent Mulla Apak to Koyl for enlisting troops.
Shaykh Guran came over with two to three thousand
men. He subsequently occupied Sambhal on behalf
of his new master, and shortly afterwards seized
Gwalior from Tatar Khan. In the Battle of Kanwa
(933/1527) he was one of the commanders of the
right wing, and after the battle, he was sent to Koyl
to expel the rebel Ilyas Khan. In Muharram 934/
October 1527), at the imitation of Shaykh Guran,
Babur paid a visit to his house at Pilakhna (12 miles
south of Koyl) and was entertained there hospitably.
He participated in the siege of Candm (934/1528).
In 936/1529-30 he was appointed Kifadar or castel-
lan of Gwalior, a post which he held till Babur's
death (937/1530).
During the reign of Humayun, he was appointed
governor of Malwa, and held this post till his death
in 943/1536-7. He died in Mandsore and his dead
body was brought from Mandsore to Koyl, where he
lies buried in an identified grave.
Shaykh Guran is said to have been an accom-
plished musician. He was usually referred to as
Hindustani Beg.
Bibliography: Babur-nama, tr. A.S. Beveridge,
London 1922, index; Rizk Allah Mushtakr, Waki'at-
iMushtaki, Br. Mus. MS. Add. 11633 and Or. 1929
(see on this. Storey, i, 512-13); RadjI Muhammad
KolvT, Akhbar al-djamal, MS. Habib Ganj Collection,
No. 22/30, Aligarh Muslim University.
(M. Athar Ali)
GURARA [see gourara, in Suppl.].
GURCAM, a Baltic tribe of modern Pakistan,
living partly in the Indus valley plains of the Dera
Ghazi Khan District of the Pandjab [see deradjat],
and partly in the Marl and Dragal hills of the
Sulayman Mountains range and the upland plateaux
of Sham and Paylawagh, extending as far west as the
modern Loralai District of northeastern Balucistan.
GURCANl — HABBA KHATUN
The tribe is of mixed origin, some sections being
Dodais of mingled BalQc-Sindh Radjput extraction,
whilst others are pure-blooded Baltic of the Rind and
Lashari groups; the chief's family belongs to one of
the Dodai sections.
In the early 19th century, the Gurcanis had a repu-
tation for turbulence and bellicosity, so that Edwardes
could call them "troublesome" and "a vain and cap-
tious race, ever ready to take offence and never to
be relied on". After 1819 the Sikh ruler Randjit Singh
extended Sikh power across the Indus and by 1827
had overrun all the Dera GhazI Khan district, this
last being from 1832 to 1844 under the governorship
(/cardan) of Diwan Sawan Mai of Multan. He expe-
rienced much trouble from the Gurcams, and was
compelled to build a fort in their country at Harand.
This fort was in fact successfully defended for the
Sikh cause by Muhkam Cand against Lt. (afterwards
Sir) H.B. Edwardes during the Second Sikh War of
1848-9, although the Gurcams, who controlled the
surrounding countryside, joined the Baltic and Pathan
levies of the British forces against their old opponents
the Sikhs. Subsequently, in British India, the eastern
part of the Gurcam country came within the tribal
area of Dera Ghazi Khan administered from the
Pandjab, and the western part within the tribal agency
areas of Balucistan and the khanate of Kalat [see
kilat]; a complaint of the Gurcams in the later part
of the 19th century- was that these administrative divi-
sions weakened the unity of the tribe and exposed
them to depredations of their enemies in the adjacent
territory of Kalat, the Bugfis and the Marris (see T.H.
Thornton, Colonel Sn Robert Sandeman, his life and work
on our Indian frontier, a memoir, London 1895, 337-8).
Bibliography: H.B. Edwardes, A year on the Punjab
frontier in 1848-9, London 1851, ii, 6-7, 275 IT.,
294-5, 305-6; M. Longworth Dames, The Baloch race,
a historical and ethnological sketch, London 1904, 49,
58, 64-6, 84; Imperial gazeteer of India 2 , xi, 251.
(C.E. Bosworth)
GWADAR, a town and district on the
Makran coast, formerly a dependency of the sul-
tanate of 'Uman and since 1378/1958 a territorial
possession of Pakistan. The district of Gwadar extends
for 40 miles along the shoreline of Gwadar West Bay,
from Cape Pishkan to Gwadar Head, and some 14
miles inland. The town stands on a sandy isthmus,
about a mile wide, at the foot of a seaward, ham-
mer-head promontory rising to 400 feet. Its inhabi-
tants, numbering perhaps 5,000, are mostly Makrani
tribesmen of the Bulayday Maliki and Gicki groups,
along with small groups of Balucis, Arabs, Khodjas
and descendants of African slaves. They live mainly
by fishing.
Until the mid-12th/18th century Gwadar, like the
rest of Makran, was in the hands of tribes who
seldom recognised any paramount authority. There-
after Makran fell under the sway of Mir Nasir
Khan of Kalat (regn. 1168-1209/1750 to 1794-5),
the head of the Brahui confederation of the Baluc,
who in turn acknowledged the Durrani Shah of
Afghanistan as his suzerain [see kilat]. Naslr Khan
gave Gwadar to Sayyid Sultan b. Ahmad of Maskat
in 1198/1784 when the latter sought refuge at his
court after being driven from 'Uman. Whether the
grant was in perpetuity is unclear; for while the Al
Bu Sa'id apparently continued to pay tribute for
Gwadar to successive khans of Kalat, in the form of
occasional gifts of slaves, until ca. 1274/1857-8, in
1277/1860-1 the ruling khan suggested that the gov-
ernment of India might purchase Gwadar from 'Uman
and make it over to him.
The completion in 1279/1862-3 of the first section
of the Indo-European telegraph from Karachi to
Gwadar coincided with the assertion of Persian
claims to Makran, including Gwadar, and led the gov-
ernment of India to depute Colonel FJ. Goldsmid
to investigate the nature of the 'Umani title to Gwadar.
He reported the right of possession to be prescriptive
and indefeasible and the Persian claim to be ground-
less. The frontier of Persia with Kalat was subse-
quently (1288/1871) fixed as starting at Gwatar Bay,
some 50 miles west of Gwadar town.
The incorporation of Gwadai into Kalat, which
was under British protection, was suggested by the
viceroy, Lord Curzon, in 1320/1902, both to prevent
the smuggling of arms through the port to Pei sia and
Afghanistan, and to preclude any possible French or
Russian designs upon it. The suggestion was not acted
of 1278-9/1862 on the integrity of the 'Umani domin-
ions. Gwadar remained an 'Umani possession until it
was ceded to Pakistan in 1378/1958, reputedly for
the sum of 3 million sterling.
Bibliography: Capt. N.P. Grant, Journal of a
route through the western parts of Makran, in JR.1S, v
(1839), Capt EC. Ross, Memorandum on Mekran, in
Selections from the Bombay Government Records, cxi,
Bombay 1868, Col. FJ. Goldsmid, Notes on Eastern
Persia and Western Baluchistan, in JRGS (1867); J.A.
Saldanha, Precis of Mekran Affairs, Calcutta 1905,
87-117; R. Hughes-Buller, Baluchistan District
Gazeteers, series vii, vii A, Makran and Khardn, Bombay
1907, 25-6, 46, 51, 53-4; J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of
the Persian Gulf 'Oman and Central Arabia, Calcutta
1908-15, i, 601-22, 2150-2204, ii, 585-90.
(J.B. Kelly)
GYROMANCY [see raml].
H
HABBA KHATUN, Kashmiri singer and poetess.
Called Zun ("moon") before her marriage, she is a
semi-legendary figure in the Valley of Kashmir.
Daughter of a peasant of the village of Candahar,
near Pampur, 8 miles to the south-east of Srinagar,
she was unhappy with her husband who ill-treated
her, so she left him. Birbal Kacru in his Waki'at-i
Kashmir, which he wrote in the middle of the 19th
century, says that, being a good singer and possessed
of a melodious voice, she captivated the heart of
Yusuf Shah Cak (986-94/1578-86), who married her.
But this account appears to be apocryphal, for it is
not supported by any earlier authority. Neither the
historian Haydar Malik nor the author of the Bahd-
HABBA KHATUN — HABSIYYA
ristdn-i Shahl, who were contemporaries of Yusuf
Shah, refer to her, although they mention all the
prominent queens of the mediaeval period. This,
however, does not mean that she did not exist, as
some writers have begun to say in recent years. In
the first place, there is a strong tradition, which is
impossible to ignore, in Kashmir that Habba Khatun
lived in the second half of the 10th/ 16th century;
and in the second, there is a large body of her songs
and poems in Kashmiri which are attributed to
her and to no one else. What seems more probable
is that she was a mistress of Yusuf Shah (Ta'rikh-i
Hasan, ii, 296), and Birbal wove round her all kinds
of romantic stories. After Yusuf Shah surrendered to
Akbar's general, Radja Man Singh, at the end of
Safar 994/middle of February 1586, and he left
Kashmir with Radja Man Singh, never to return,
Habba Khatun retired to the village of Pandacuk,
about 5 miles to the south-east of Snnagar. She con-
tinued to live quietly in a cottage close to the mosque,
both of which she had built, and died at the age of
about 55 years.
Habba Khatun appears to have been a cultured
woman interested in music and the education of girls,
for whom she opened madrasas. She was a poetess
and introduced lols or love lyrics in Kashmiri poetry.
The songs which she composed are even to this day
sung by the common people of Kashmir; and it was
she who is said to have introduced the melody known
as rast Kashmiri.
Bibliography: Birbal Kacru, Madjma' al-lawdrlkh
(mss. in Punjab University Library, Lahore; Kashmir
University Library, Snnagar; and Bodleian Library,
Oxford); Pir Ghulam Hasan, Ta'nkh-i Hasan, ii, ed.
Hasan Shah, Snnagar 1954; G.M.D. Sufi, Kashlr,
ii, Lahore 1949; Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the
is, Srinagar 1974; R.K. Parmu, History of Muslim
n has.
, Dell
1969.
(Mohibbul Hasan i
HABSIYYA, a poem dealing with the theme of
imprisonment. The term occurs in the Persian tradi-
tion for the first time about the middle of the 6th/ 12th
century in NizamT 'ArudT's Cahar makala (ed. Kazwini-
Mu'Tn, Tehran 1955-7, matn 72). It is applied there
to poems that were written by Mas'ud-i Sa'd-i Salman
[q.v.] more than half-a-century earlier and which were
still greatly admired as the sincere expression of the
poet's sufferings. Although several Persian poets have
composed poetry of this nature, the habsiyyat of Mas'ud
have remained both exceptional and exemplary. Not
only was he the first to write them, but the theme
itself was a characteristic of his work. It is developed
by Mas'ud to an extent that has not been equalled
There is a very close link between the prison-
poetry of Mas'ud and the story of his life. Twice in
the course of his career he became involved in the
political downfall of his patrons at the provincial
court of the Ghaznawids at Lahore. Consequently, he
had to spend almost two decades, 480/1087-8 to
500/1106-7, banished to a number of remote fortresses
(see C.E. Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, splendour and
decay. The dynasty m Afghanistan and .Northern India 1040-
1186, Edinburgh 1977, 16, 67-8, 72, 74, 88). The
habsiyyat are, therefore, fust of all topical poems, by
means of which the poet tried to evoke the clemency
of the Sultan of Ghazna, either directly oi through
the inteimediary of influential friends.
Poems of various forms could serve this purpose.
The structure of the panegyrical kasida offered the
possibility to take the theme as the subject of the
prologue (cf. e.g. Dlwan, 19, 335 f, 356 f, 515).
More often, however, a section especially devoted to
an account of the poet's condition (hasb-i hal) was
added to the panegyrical address of the patron (Diwdn,
58 f, 93 f, 107 f, 312 ff., 349 f, 489 f, 526 f).
In one instance, the two variants are combined
[Diwdn, 427 ff.). There are also several non-pane-
gyrical kasidas among the habsiyyat of Mas'ud (e.g.
Dlwan, 63 f, 67 ff., 106, 329" f, 331 f, 351 ff.,
354 ff., 486 ff., 493, 503 f, 552 f). Sometimes
tally in poems dealing mainly with other themes. Other
forms besides the kasida lent themselves for the use
of a prison-poem.
The contents of the poems vary from complaints
of the prisoner's misery in more or less general terms,
hardly to be distinguished from the wider category of
poetical complaints about any grievance whatsoever,
to the specific portrayal of his life in the dungeon.
In spite of the close relation between these latter
poems and the reality to which they refer, there is a
certain amount of conventionalisation to be noticed
in the representation of the poet's condition. Recurrent
motifs are the description of the physical and men-
tal state of the prisoner, of the dungeon, the chains
and the jailers, of the darkness and the long sleep-
less nights during which the poet contemplates the
stars through the narrow window of his cell, and of
the suffering on account of his long separation from
relatives and friends. Mostly, the heavenly powers,
instead of the Sultan, are blamed for the misfortune
that has befallen the poet. But Mas'ud sometimes
admits that the real cause is to be sought in the fact
that he, being only a poet, has aspired to political
and military office Icf. especially Dlwan, 153 f, a kasida
addressed to a certain Muhammad-i Khatibi who had
nected with passages in which the poet speaks about
his profession. These statements usually contain the
conventional boast about the artistic abilities of the
author, undoubtedly intended as an argument in favour
of his release. But there are also utterances that are
more specifically related to the habsiyya theme: writ-
ing poetry is the sole comfort left to the prisoner; the
poet resents the favours bestowed in his absence on
worthless flatterers; and he becomes disgusted with
the poetry of the court and pronounces his intention
to abandon it altogether after he will be released (e.g.
Diwdn, 109, 516, 526). Religious elements are only
rarely mingled with these ruminations.
The models for prison-poetry set by Mas'ud-i
Salman have continuously influenced other poets
who for one reason or another have had to under-
go a period of confinement. Two poets of Shirwan,
Falakr and Khakam [q.v], who both flourished in
the middle and later part of the 6th/ 12th century,
are among the earliest imitators of Mas'ud's habsiyyat.
odes' in which he addressed Christian princes,
although in these poems the display of the poet's
exceptional knowledge of Christian terms and con-
cepts overshadows \he AaA«>'y<7-elements (cf. V.
Minorsky, in BSOAS, xi [1945], 550-78). With
Khakam, the motif of imprisonment is often only
a metaphoi. He likes to refei to Shirwan as his
"place of imprisonment" [habtgah) where he has to
y against his will like a "captive" (shahrband '
s parti
arly e
1 kas
i the
l-HADI ILA 'l-HAKK
Khurasan (cf Dman 155 ft see also 45 282 and
Tuhfat al Irakayn ed by \ ahya Karib Tehran
1333/1954 29 30 108 (damgah i Shiruan) 2 1 2 J )
The close connection with actual experiences of
imprisonment has made the conventional pattern of
the Persian habsiyyat adaptable for use in later cen
tunes m spite of changing circumstances In the Indian
tradition of Persian poetry prison-poems ha\e been
written up to the present day Among the poets who
resorted to it was Mirza Ghahb [q v ] who composed
1848 Habsiyyat have also been written in Urdu (cf
Annemane Schimmel The Islamic literatures of India
Wiesbaden 1973 11)
As far as modern Persian poetry in Iran is con
cerned the best examples of prison poetry are to
be found in the works of Muhammad Taki Bahar
[q v ] who was imprisoned for political reasons on
three occasions Most of his habsmat came into being
during the last two periods which occurred respec
lively in 1929 and 1933 4 It is evident that Bahar
was inspired directly by the mediaeval habsiyyat
although he introduced many contemporary elements
such as a complaint about the traffic noise outside
his Tehran prison Like Mas ud l Sa d l Salman he
used various forms of poetry His most interesting
work of this kind is a mathnam entitled hamama i
^indan (Dman i ashar u 2 126) in which the theme
of the habsmat is combined with a wide range of
other subjects The poem has been designed to the
model of ancient Persian didactical poetry Bahar
has made this influence explicit by inserting the nar
ration of a dream about a meeting with the poet
Sana l [q i ]
Modern Persian prose has also become a vehicle
for the expression of the experiences of political pns
oners Outstanding examples of this new branch of
the habsmat are iyyam i mahbas by All Dashti and
Uarakparaha yi zmdan by Buzurg Alawi
Bibliography Mas ud l Sa d i Salman Dman
ed Rashid \asimi Tehran 1330/1951 passim
Falaki i Shirwani Dman ed Hadi Hasan
London 1929 57 f khakam Dman ed Diya
al Din Sadjdjadi Tehran 1338/1959 23 8 60
2 155 8 173 4 320 4 Mirza Asad Allah khan
Ghahb hitaat etc ed Ghulam Rasul Mihr
Lahore 1969 184 92 idem hasa id etc ed
Mihr Lahore 1969 441 6 Muhammad Taki
Bahar Malik al Shu ara Dman i ash ar Tehran
1344 5/1965 6 passim See further M Dj
Mahdjub Sabk i hhurasam dar shi r i farsi Tehran
1345/1966 656 9 F Machalski La htteiature
de I Iran contemporain n Wroclaw Warszawa-
Krakow 1967 45 48 51 H Kamshad Modem
Persian prose literature Cambridge 1966 69 f 116-
19 Abd al Husayn Zarnnkub Ba kaman i hulla
Tehran 2535/1976 83 95
(JTP de Bruijn)
al-HADDAD al-TAHIR nationalist and
reformist Tunisian writer considered as the pioneer
of the movement for feminine liberation in his
country
Born in Tunis la 1899 into a family of modest
status originally from the Hama of Gabes he stud
led at the Zaytuna [q i ] from 1911 to 1920 and
gained the tatwi (corresponding to the diploma for
completing secondary education) He then took part
in the tiade union movement and was put in
charge of propaganda in an organisation founded
in 1924 the Djamiat umum al amala al tunmyya
whose chief promoters were hunted down and ban
ished in 1925 His experiences and his reflections
inspired him to write an important work al Ummal
al tumsiyyun aa zuhur al haraka al nikabiyya (Tunis 1927
2nd ed Tunis 1966) in which he gave an historical
characterisation of trade unionism in Tunisia and of
the Djami'a mentioned above studied at length the
social situation in Tunisia (but without trying to apply
Marxian analyses since his own country was too dif
ferent from Europe and moreover under foreign dom
ination) and put forward certain reforms
However he very soon affirmed that the first
reform which should be put into practice concerned
woman and the family and m 1 930 published Imra atuna
ji Ishanaaa I mudjtama (2nd ed Tunis 1972) m which
he endeavoured to prove that his own liberal ideas were
not in contradiction to the teachings of Islam which
had been the first to give dignity to the Arab woman
but should now develop progressively further In this
work he inv eighs against polygamy the wearing of v eils
(assimilated to muzzles) the marriage of Tunisian males
with foreigners divorce which is a calamity and final
ly the ignorance in which women are kept The first
remedy for the ills of society is thus the education of
girls and consequently the setting up of schools m which
they can receive an education complete in every sphere
so that once they reach adult years they will be on
the way to organising more rationally the life of their
family and to sharing in nauonal activities just like the
menfolk Inevitably there were criticisms The main one
directed at him was that of Muhammad al Salih b
Murad in his al Hidad ala mra at al Haddad aa radd al
kjtata aa I kufr aa I bida' allati hauaha kitab Imra atuna
ji Ishanaaa lmud±lama (Tunis 1931) see also Umar
b Ibrahim al Barn al Madam Sayf al hakk ala man la
yam al hakk Tunis 1931
Al Tahir al Haddad who died at Tunis on 7
December 1935 left also behind a certain amount of
poetry in which he expressed some of his social ideas
Finally in 1975 a collection of his reflections was
published in Tunis under the title of al hhauatir
Bibliography The personality and work of al
Tahir al Haddad are beginning to be the subject
of studies and monographs since he is now con
sidered to some extent a figure of national pnde
See in particular al Djilani b al Hadjdj \ ahya and
Muhammad al Marzuki al Tahir al Haddad haya
tuhu turathuhu Tunis 1963 (in which his poetry is
to be found already gathered together by Zayn al
Abidin al Sanusi Ta nkji al adab al tunm Ji I kam
al rah ashar Tunis 1928) Ahmad khalid al Tahir
al Haddad aa Ibia al tunmyya ji I thuluth al anaal
mm alkam al ishnn Tunis 1967 Djafar Madjid al
Tahir al Haddad Tunis 1979 (study followed by
selected passages and v erse and some of the hhaaatir)
Mutafarnj [= L Bercher] in REI (1935) 201 30
J Berque in Etudes dorwntahsme Lai Provencal n
Pans 1962 487 8 C Lamourette Polemique autour
du statut de la femme musulmane en Tunisie en 1930 m
BEO Damns xxx (1978) 12 31 (Ed)
al HAD! ILA l HAKK Am. l Husayn \ahya b
al Hlsayn b al-Kasim b Ibrahim al Hasani the
founder of the Zaydi imamate in \aman was
born in al Madma in 245/859 His mother was Umm
al Hasan Fatima bint al Hasan b Muhammad b
Sulayman b Dawud b al Hasan b al Hasan He
excelled early in religious learning and by the age of
seventeen is said to have reached the level of ren
denng independent judgments m fikh and composing
treatises Because of his erudition physical strength
bravery and asceticism he soon came to be considered
l-HADI ILA 'l-HAKK — HA DTDT l al-DABIR
by his family, including his fathers and uncles, as the
most suitable candidate for the Zaydl imamate. Between
270/884 and 275/889 he visited with his family Amul
in Tabaristan, then under the tule of the Zaydl 'Alid
Muhammad b. Zayd, evidently in order to seek the
support of the adherents of the doctrine of his grand-
father al-Kasim b. Ibrahim [q.v.] theie. His activity
soon aroused the suspicions of Muhammad b. Zayd
and he was forced to leave piecipitately. He also seems
to have visited Baghdad briefly. In 280/893-4 he came
to northern Yaman for the first time, invited by tribes
in the region of Sa'da who were hoping that he might
put an end to their feuds. He led a campaign as far
south as al-Sharafa near San'a', but meeting much
disobedience among his followers, decided to return
to al-Faia', a day's trip southwest of al-Madlna. Three
Safar 284/15 March 897 entered Sa'da which became
his capital and permanent base of opera-tion. Shoitly
aftei his ai rival, he issued his formal call (da'wa) for
suppoit as the imam and assumed the title amir al-niu'-
minin with the caliphal name al-Hadl ila '1-Hakk.
After consolidating his control over the area of
Sa'da, he extended his rule over Nadjran in Djumada
II 284/July 897, where he concluded a special treaty
with the large community of Dhimmfs. In the fol-
lowing year he conquered the towns of Khavwan and
Athafit south of Sa'da. His effoits to gain possession
of San'a' were only temporarily successful. The town
was voluntarily turned over to him by its ruler, Abu
'l-'Atahiya of the Al Tarif, who had already previ-
ously supported him, and he occupied it for the first
time on 22 Muharram 288/19 January 901 and then
pushed his conquests south as far_ as Dhamar and
Djayshan. The opposition of the ,\1 Yu'fir and the
Al Tarif, who had been entrenched in these legions,
was strong, and he quickly lost them again and def-
initely relinquished San'a' in Djumada II 289/May
902 n
e of sc
campaign to take the town ended in failure and the
captuie of his son Muhammad by the enemy.
In Djumada II 293/Apnl 90b he again entered
San'a', inuted by a coalition of YamanI chiefs opposed
to the Karmatr leader 'All b. al-Fadl. After a quar-
rel with As'ad b. Abi Yu'fir, he left voluntarily in
Muharram 294/November 906, and the Karmaus
took possession of the town. Only during a campaign
of 'Ali b. al-Fadl to Tihama, an army of al-Hadi
once more occupied San'a' from 19 Radjab — 12
Shawwal 297/7 April— 23 June 910. Also abortive
was a campaign of al-Hadi to Tihama, probably early
in 293/autumn 905. Even his rule in northern Yaman
was shaken by numerous tribal rebellions, especially
in Nadjran, where the Banu '1-Harith revolted on
every occasion. In 296/908 they succeeded in killing
his governor, and al-Hadi, already plagued by illness,
was apparently unable to restore his rule over the
province. His most loyal supporters were, besides mem-
bers of his family and various other 'Alids a small
troop of Tibans l e Zaydl volunteers from
Daylaman and Kalai who aimed in two groups in
285/898 and 289/902 He died on 19 Dhu 1 Hidjdja
298/18 August 911 His tomb in the mosque of Sa da
became a place of pilgrimage for the Zaydis
■\1 Hadi s doctrine in fikh laid down chiefly in his
unfinished A al ihkam and the A al Muntafhab col
lected by his follower Muhunmad b Suhyman al
KufT became authoritative among the Zaydis in
\aman as well as part of the Caspian Zaydl com
mumty It was based on the doctrine of his grand
father al Kasim b Ibiahim though in some points
al-Hadi adopted more strictly ShfT views, and was
further elaborated, in Yaman, by al-Hadl's sons
Muhammad al-Murtada (d. 310/922) and Ahmad al-
Nasir (d. 322/934), and, in the Caspian community,
by the (mams al-Mu'ayyad bi'llah (d. 411/1020) and
Abu Talib al-Natik (d. 424/1033). In his theological
works, al-Hadi generally espoused the doctrine of the
Mu'tazili school of Baghdad rathei than that of his
grandfather. It is unlikely, however, that he ever was
a student of Abu '1-Kasim al-Balkhi, the contempo-
rary head of this school, as some late sources state.
Concerning the imamate, he took a radically Shi'i
position, sharply condemning Abu Bakr and 'Umar
as usurpers.
Bibliography: 'All b. Muhammad b. 'Ubayd
Allah, Sirat al-Hadi da 1-Hakk Yafoa b. al-Hmayn,
ed. Suhayl Zakkar, Beirut 1392/1972; shoit bio-
graphies of al-Hadr are also contained in the fol-
lowing, unedited works: Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Hasanf,
al-Masabih, Abu Talib al-Natik, al-Ifada, and al-
Muhalll, al-Hada'ik al-wardiyya, ii; Fihnst, 194; Yahya
b. al-Husayn b. al-Mu'ayyad bi'llah, Ghdyat al-amdni,
ed. SaTd 'Abd al-Fattah 'Ashur, Cairo"l388/1968,
i, 166-201; R. Strothmann, Dai Staatsmht der ^aiditen,
Strassburg 1912, 53 f, 58 f; C. van Arendonk, Us
debuh de I'imamat zaidite au Yemen, tr. J. Ryckmans,
Leiden 1960, 127-305; W. Madelung, Der Imam al-
Qasim ibn Ibrahim, Beilin 1965, esp. 163-6; Sezgin,
GAS I, 563-6. Several theological treatises of al-
HadT have been edited by Muhammad 'Im3ia in
Rasa'il al-'adl wa'l-tawhtd, Cairo 1971, ii.
l\V. Madelung)
HADJ [se_e hadjdj].
HA PIDT AM [see fassad, in Suppl.].
HADJI [see hadjdjIJ.
HA DIPT I al-DABIR, sobiiquet of 'Abd Allah
Muhammad b. Siradj al-Din 'Umar al-Nahrwali b.
Kamal al-DIn Muhammad al-Makki al-AsafI Ulugh
Khan!, histoiian in Gudjaiat under the Muzaf-
farid dynasty. He was born in Mecca in 946/
1540, the son of a Gudjarati official who had been
sent there in 941/1535 with the treasure of the
Muzaffarid Bahadur Shah Gudjarati [q.v.] and who
returned to India in 962/1555, settling in Ahmadabad.
In 965/1559 HadjdjI al-Dablr entered the service of
Muhammad Ulugh Khan, a noble in the party of
Tmad al-Mulk, who opposed I'timad al-Mulk [see
gudjarat] . After the invasion and conquest of Gudjarat
by Akbar in 980/1572-3, his father was entrusted with
the wakfe under the Mughal administration, and
Hadjdji al-Dabir himself with the duty of conveying
the funds to Mecca and Medina. He lost this post,
however, in 983/1576, the year of his father's death.
Subsequently we find him in the employ of another
Gudjarati noble, Sayf al-Muluk, in Khandesh, and
finally in that of the Khandesh noble Fulad Khan,
who died in 1014/1605.
This is the latest date mentioned in his Arabic
chronicle Z a f ar al-walih bi-muzqffar wa-alih, in two daf-
tars (1) an account of the Muzaffarids of Gudjarat
and of the neighbouring rulers in Khandesh and the
Deccan and (2) a general history of Muslim rule in
northern India Of the lost authorities he quotes, the
most important is the Ta'rikji (or Tabakatyi Balmdurshahi
of Husam Khan which covered the period down to
940/1535 The date of composition of Hadjdjr al-
Dabir s own work is problematical, since he mentions
the Mifat i Sikandari, which was presented to the world
only in 1020/1611. Ross therefore hypothesised that
he began to write in 1015/1606.
Bibliography. Z«f" r al-wahh bi-muzaffar
HADJDJI al-DABIR — HADRAMAWT
wa-alih, ed. Sir E. Denison Ross, An Arabic history
of Gujarat, London 1910-28, i, pp. vii-viii, and ii,
pp. xvii ff.; Brockelmann, S II, 599-600.
. . . (P- Jackson)
HA DTDT I IBRAHIM KHAN KALANTAR,
Persian statesman, was the third son of Hadjdji
Hashim, the headman, or kadkhuda-bashi, of the
Haydarikhana quarters of Shiraz in the reign of
Nadir Shah. His ancestors were said to have been
converts to Islam from Judaism. One of them emi-
grated from Kazwin to Isfahan and is said to have
married into the family of Hadjdji Qawam al-Dln
Shirazl. Hadjdji Mahmud 'All, Hadjdji Ibrahim's
grandfather, was a wealthy merchant of Shiraz. After
the death of Mirza Muhammad, the kalantar of Shiraz
in 1200/1786, Dja'far Khan Zand made Hadjdjr
Ibrahim kalantar of Shiraz, which office he contin-
ued to hold under Dja'far Khan's successor, Lutf
'All Khan. He appears to have enjoyed a position
of considerable influence in the city and among the
tribal leaders and governors of the surrounding dis-
tricts. Although his relations with Lutf 'All Khan
were disturbed by mutual suspicion already
1204/1789-90, when Lutf 'All set out to atta
Isfahan in 1205/1790-1 he left Hadjdji Ibrahim
charge of affairs in Shiraz. The latter seized the c
during Lutf 'All's absence. Disorders meanwhile broke
out in Lutf 'All's camp. He escaped and fled to
Shiraz, thinking that the city was still in his hands.
After Hadjdji Ibrahim had refused him access, he
retired to the south. Hadjdji Ibrahim sent an army
after him, but this was defeated in Tangistan.
Meanwhile, Hadjdji Ibrahim entered into negotia-
tions with Aka Muhammad Khan Kadjar and was
appointed beglarbeg or governor of Fars. Zand resist-
ance, however, continued and was not finally over-
come until 1208/1794 [see ka^ar].
In 1209/1794 Aka Muhammad Khan made Hadjdji
Ibrahim sadr-i a'zam, in succession to Mirza ShafT
MazandaranI, with the title I'timad al-Dawla, which
office he held for seven years, first under Aka
Muhammad Khan and then under Fath 'All Shah.
He appears to have been a competent administrator
and \irtually to have presided over every department
of state. His brothers and sons also held governments.
His power, however, aroused jealousy. His enemies
persuaded Fath 'All Shah that he was plotting to
overthrow him, and on 1 Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 1215/15
April 1801 he was arrested in Tehran. Those of his
relatives who held pro\incial governments were also
seized. He was blinded and exiled to Kazwin, where
he died, and his estates were confiscated. Only two
of his sons, twins, 'All Rida and 'All Akbar Kawam
al-Mulk (b. 1203/ 1788-9), 'survived.
Bibliography: Hadjdji Mirza Hasan Fasa'I,
Farsnama-yi nasi'n, Tehran lith.; Mihdl Bamdad, Sharh-
i hal-i ridfal-i Iran dar kam-i dawazdahum wa nzda/ium
wa cahardahum-i hidfri, Tehran 1968-9, i, 21-8;
Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timad al-Saltana, Sadr-
i tawarikh, ed.' Muhammad Mushlri, Tehran 1349,
12-44; idem, Khalsa, ed. Mahmud Katlra'I, Tehran
1348, 22-3; Rida Kull Hidayat, Ta'rikh-i Rawdat al-
safayi nasiri, Tehran 1339, ix, 367-70, x, 114-15,
and index; 'Abd Allah Mustawft, Sharh-yi hal zmdagT-
yi man, Tehran 1945-6, i, 38-9, 50-2; Sir John
Malcolm, History of Persia, London 1829, ii, 107 if.,
184, 206-9, 213-14, 309; idem, Sketches of Persia,
London 1845, 202-6, 217-18, 222-4; Sir Harford
Jones Brydges, The dynasty of the Kajars, London
1833, cxlii if., 22, 25, 28, 128-33; C.R. Markham,
A general sketch of the history of Persia, London 1874,
330 if., 369-70; E. Scott Wari
London 1807, 93-4.
HADJIB.
This office, which existed already in the Almohad
organisation, though with a very modest role, appears
again under the Marlnids (J. Temporal, translator of
Leo Africanus, calls the hadfib "chief of the menials",
and A. Epaulard, another translator, makes him "a
chamberlain", head of the "court attendants") and
was still alive under the Sa'dids.
Under the 'Alawids, the hadfib was for long the
most important official of the Sharlfian palace. He was
specifically designated as the intermediary between the
sovereign and the high officials on the Makhzan [q.v],
and it was through him that they were given their
orders and commissioned for missions. He kept the
seal or stamp for fixing to all official documents ema-
nating from the ruler, and he had under his com-
mand all the internal professional groups (hinta, pi.
hndti) of the palace servants, e.g. tapestry-weavers,
cooks, etc. In the protocol list, the chief minister came
after him, and he himself had the place immediately
behind the ruler, whom he followed like a shadow.
The office seemed so necessary that the pretender al-
Hlba [q.v. in Suppl.], almost immediately when he was
proclaimed sultan in the Sus in 1912, nominated some-
one as his hadfib. The Hadjib Ahmad b. Musa known
as Ba Hmad [q.v. above] was remembered as a great
man in' Morocco at the end of the 19th century.
However, since the recovery of independence in
1956, the hadfib has lost his importance, and many
of his responsibilities have passed into the hands of
the Director of Protocol appointed by the Ministry
of the Royal Palaces.
Bibliography: Leo Africanus, Description de I'Afrique,
tr. Temporal, Paris 1896, tr. Epaulard, Paris 1956,
indices; L. Massignon, Le Maroc d'apres Leon VAfricain,
Paris 1906; H. Gaillard, Le Makhzen, in Bull, de la
Soc. de Geogr. d'Algers (1908), 438-70; E. Levi-
Provencal, Les historiens des Chorfa, Paris 1922, Appx.
II, Liste des fonctionnaires imperiaux des dynasties
cherifiennes; al-'Umarl, Masalik al-absar, tr.
Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Paris 1927, index; G.S.
Colin, Chrestomathie marocame, Paris 1939, part ii, 208-
9 (on the internal services of the palace); G.
Deverdun, Inscriptions arabes de Marrakech, Rabat 1956,
index; Ibn Zaydan, al-'Izz wa 'l-sula fi ma'alim nazm
al-dawla, Rabat 1961, index; See also ba hmad above.
(G. Deverdun)
HADRAMAWT
The opportunity is taken of prefixing to the main
body of the article, on Hadramawt in the Islamic
period, some important recent items of information
on the region in the pre-Islamic time.
. Pre-Isl.
In 1974 a French archaeological mission under the
direction of J. Pirenne began work at Shabwa, which
is still continuing. The most significant result has been
the tracing of a very extensive town site to the north-
east of the rectangular sacral enclosure which the ear-
liest visitors had noted; included in this are some
impressive ruins of what was probably the royal place,
and there were large tracts of cultivated ground in
In 1973 Mutahhar al-Iryanl published a series of
Sabaean votive texts from Ma'rib which add much to
HADRAMAWT
our knowledge of relations between Saba and Hadra-
mawt. These were sometimes peaceful, as in the case
when a Sabaean mission was sent to Shabwa to take
part in the festival of the Hadramite national deity (Ft
ta'rikh al-laman, 184). At other times relations were
hostile, and the most striking text of this kind (no. 13)
shows that while the main Sabaean and Hadramite
armies were engaged in battle in the WadT Bayhan,
a small Sabaean flying column, aimed at "rescuing"
the queen of Hadramawt who was sister to the Sabaean
king, managed to capture the royal palace in Shabwa
and hold out there for 15 days until relieved by the
arrival of the main Sabaean army after it had deci-
sively defeated the Hadramite force; the king of
Hadramawt was sent back as a prisoner to Ma'rib.
Subsequently, the Sabaean forces raided the port of
Cane and destroyed a number of ships there — evi-
dence that the later fame of the Hadrarms as seafar-
ers goes back to early times.
In 1974-6 Garbini has plausibly argued that the
view (up to then almost universally accepted) of the
nature of the South Arabian pantheon is devoid of
serious evidence in favour of it, and exposed to vital
evidence contradicting it. Hence the reference in the
earlier entry to "the astral triad of moon, sun and
Venus-star", and the identification of the Hadramite
national deity as a moon god, must be treated now
as out-of-date. Garbini's re-evaluation of the Sabaean
national deity as essentially a Dionysiac vegetation
deity, having also affinities with a Herakles figure and
solar associations, must extend to the Hadramite deity
Significant new facts are now available about the
foundation of a Hadramite settlement on the coast
east of Salala; this Pirenne identifies as the classical
This opportunity may also be taken of saying
that the spelling of the name of the sand-desert
between Ma'rib and Shabwa as Sab'atayn (a spelling
deriving from Philby) seems to be mistaken; modern
maps record it in the spelling Sab'atayn. It is what
Yakut and other mediaeval Arab geographers call the
Sayhad desert.
Bibliogiaphy: A.F.L. Beeston, Warfare in ancient
South Arabia, London 1976; idem. The Himyante prob-
lem, in Proa, of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, v (1975),
1-7; idem, Vu sdthment at hhoi Ron, in Jnai of Oman
Studus, ii (1976), 39-42; Mutahhar al-Iryam, Fi ta'nkk
al-laman, San'a' 1973; G. Garbini, // dm sabeo
Almaqah, in RSO, xlviii (1974), 15-22; idem, Sur
quelques aspects de la religion sud-arabe pre-islamique, in
Abh. GAY. Gott., Phil.-Hist. Kl., iii. Folge, Nr. 98
(1976), 182-8; J. Pirenne, The incense port at Moscha,
Khor Ron, in Jnai of Oman Studies, i (1975), 81-90.
(A.F.L. Beeston)
i Islamic Period
ii. In t
In Islamic tradition, the name is derived either from
the personal name Hadramawt b. Himyar, or from
hadir mayyit, or some such expression.
The name is applied to the wadi, the area and
the kabila of South Arabia. The wadr runs roughly
west-east along the 16° line about 48° 15' to 49° 15',
at which point it becomes the Wadr al-Masila, as it
turns south-east and then due south to flow into
the sea between Havrldj and Say hut on the Indian
Ocean coast.
The area of Hadramawt begins in the west at a line
drawn between Shabwa in the north to the sea at
Mayfa' on the WadT Hadji and extends south of Wadi
Hadramawt as far as Wadi al-Masila in the east The
main towns oi the area which covers the temtones oi
the pre-independence h.u'a\ti and Kathiri sultanates
and now tails within the iouith and tilth govemoiates
ot the Peoples Demociatic Republic ot \emen aie in
the north and along the Wadi Shabwa Hurayda
Shibam Say'un Tanm Tnat [q l below] and Kabi
Hud The chiet southern coastal towns are al-Mukalla
al-Shihi (though see below on history) and &ha\l Ba
Wizir Hadramawt is thus bounded by the sea in the
south, Mihra country the sixth govemorate in the east
the desert the Empty Quarter in the north and the
western halt ot the touith governorite in the west
The tribal gioup named Hadramawt is supposed
to inhabit the east and central areas ot the Wadi
itself Shibam being descubed as the beginning of its
territory Its membeis aie descended through Saba'
al-\sghar from Himyai
1 History
It is difficult to build up a comprehensive pictuie
of the eirly and mediaeval history of Hadramawt
This is due to the relative inaccessibility and lack of
exploitation of local Hadrami chronicles, still with few
exceptions in manuscnpt and to the extiemeh. cur-
sory tieatment ot the aiea in the lemem histories
in which Hadnmawt appeals onlv as a distant province
of the \eraen
First contacts with Islam were made directly with
the Prophet, rather than through the Yemen, how-
ever, and there was correspondence between him and
the local Kinda leaders of Hadramawt, resulting in
the visit of al-Ash'ath b. Kays (or perhaps Wa'il b.
Hadjr) to Medina. There he was well received by
the Prophet, who acceded to his request and appointed
Ziyad b. Labid al-Ansan as ruler of Hadramawt. The
latter remained there until attei the Prophet's death
There can be no doubt that the conversion of the
Hadramis to Islam was not carried out as simply and
as speedily as the Muslim souices insist and the role
of Ziyad and his successors in the aiea must have
ical leader Indeed, Hadramawt, like the Yemen with
its appallingly difficult problems of communication
must have entered the Islamic told very gradually over
an extended penod ot time
The Prophet, the Orthodox, Umawad and 'Abbasid
caliphs until the 3rd/9th century all appointed gov-
ernors to San'a' al-Djanad and Hadramawt It is
clear that the governor of the first always ieported
directly to the seat of Islamic government and that
occasionally the latter two did also For the most part,
however, the governor of Hadramawt was meiely a
junior assistant of the governor of San'a', and thus
Hadramawt became a province \mikhlaj) ot the Yemen
It should be mentioned at this juncture that al-Shihr,
perhaps because of the independence of strong local
rulers, during the eaily and mediaeval penods invari-
ably figures as a separate political entity not part of
Hadramawt at all and always mentioned alongside it
Probably due to the steady exodus of many promi-
nent Hadramis from their native land to other parts
of the empue duung the Orthodox caliphate, the aiea
sank into relative obscurity in the Umayvad and
'Abbasid eras
The veai 130/747 saw the intioduction into
Hadramawt of IbadT doctrines by Abu Hamza al-
Mukhtar b 'Awf al-Azdi al-HarOiI, a close follower
of 'Abd Allah b. Ibad, from whom the Ibadiyya
derived its name, and a Hadrami, <Abd Allah b.
Yahya al-Kindl. Kharidji ideas had in fact penetrated
Hadiamawt as early as 66/685, when a party of
338
HADRAMAWT
Nadjdiyya, the followers of Nadjda b. 'Amir al-Hanafr,
arrived. It is possible therefore that the area was still
receptive to Ibadr ideas in the 2nd/8th century. Al-
Mukhtar b. 'Awf was a native of Basra and met 'Abd
Allah b. Yahya during the pilgrimage of 128/745. He
was persuaded to return to Hadramawt with 'Abd
Allah two years later. To what extent the Ibadiyya
though al-Mas'udi, writing of the position in 332/943,
states that they were predominant in the area and
that there was no difference between them and the
Ibadfs of 'Uman. Certainly, the final blow to the
movement in Hadramawt did not come until the inter-
vention from the Yemen of the Sulayhids, staunchly
ShlT and maintaining close ties with Fatimid Egypt,
in the mid-5th/llth century.
It is evident that the Ibadiyya did not exercise pol-
itical control over the entire area of Hadramawt,
however. The Banu Ziyad, originally 'Abbasid re-
presentatives in the Yemen in the early 3rd/9th cen-
tury, operating from their headquarters in ZabTd,
conquered Tihama and ruled independently. They
then for some unknown reason became involved in
Hadramawt also. The founder of the dynasty himself,
Muhammad b. Ziyad, had been appointed governor
of the Yemen by the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun. It
was he who brought about Ziyadid rule in Hadramawt,
rule which was to continue after his death in 245/859
until after the fall of the Ziyadids in 407/1016.
In fact, Hadramawt fell into Sulayhid hands after
their capture of Aden in 454/1062. Aden, Lahdj,
Abyan, al-Shihr and Hadramawt were all at the time
in the hands of the Banu Ma'n, the little-known
descendants of Ma'n b. Za'ida [q.v.], who were at
first left to administer the territories on behalf of their
conquerors. In 473/1080, however, after the Ma'nids'
refusal to pay the agreed khatadj to the Sulayhids, the
latter installed their ShiT proteges, the Banu Zuray',
to run the affairs of the area, including Hadramawt,
on their behalf. Thus the situation remained until
after the entry of the Ayyubids into the Yemen in
569/1171.
It is difficult at this stage to work out the exact
chronology of events in Hadramawt. Certainly, with
Sulayhid control of Hadramawt through their clients,
the Zuray'ids, lost, three powerful local dynasties
appeared on the scene. Centred on Tanm, the Banu
Kahtan took over much of the area, while the remain-
der fell to the Banu '1-Da"ar in Shibam and the Al
Ikbal on the coast in al-Shihr. The greater part of
Hadramawt was taken by 'Uthman al-Zandjfli, the
Ayyubid na'ib, in 576/1180 after the departure for
the north of the first Ayyubid ruler, Turan-Shah b.
Ayyub, however, though pockets of local rule con-
tinued into the 10th/ 16th century, for the Ayyubids
were never in a position to pay much attention to
Hadramawt; the demands of the troubled local situa-
tion on the Ayyubid administration in the Yemen
proper were too great to allow the luxury of firm
control there. Other local dynasties followed: the Al
Yamam, for example, from 621/1224 in Tanm, sur-
viving into the 10th/ 16th century.
The Ayyubids' efforts in pacifying almost the
whole of the Yemen proper and in putting an end
to all local dynasties, with the exception of the Zaydls
north of San'a', ensured for their successors, the
Rasulids, a peaceful and stable country. The brilliant
Rasulid administration, which had assumed power
through bloodless change, was not only able to
consolidate the efforts of their erstwhile masters,
the Ayyubids, but was also able to think of eastwards
expansion and the recapture of Hadramawt, in any
case a province of the Yemen. There was, therefore,
considerable Rasulid activity along the south coast,
even during the reign of the first sultan, al-Malik
al-Mansur 'Umar who died in 647/1249. During
that of his son and successor, al-Muzaffar Yusuf,
who died in 694/1295, Rasulid power was first em-
planted as far along the coast as the port of Zafar,
which under the Rasulids marked the eastern limit
of their control.
Possibly the only, and certainly the greatest chal-
lenge to Rasulid authority in Hadramawt was that of
the Habudis. Though originally from HabQda in
Hadramawt, the dynasty was founded in Zafar by
Muhammad b. Ahmad (d. 620/1223). The family
continued on the coast through Ahmad b. Muham-
mad (d. 628/1230) and Idrls b. Ahmad (d. 670/1271).
The latter's son, Salim b. Idns, seized the opportu-
nity to take Hadramawt in 673/1274. Despite the
cries of help to the Rasulids from the local popula-
tion in Hadramawt, it took the plundering by the
Habudis of a Rasulid ship off Zafar and the Habudis'
urging the Rasulid vassals of al-Shihr to cast off their
allegiance to their masters to bring the latter with all
speed eastwards from their Yemeni capital, Ta'izz.
Zafar was recaptured and Hadramawt recovered. The
HabudI house was destroyed.
It was the Tahirids who succeeded in the mid-
9th/ 15th century to most of the territories held by the
Rasulids, particularly those in the south and
east, though they were never strong in the Yemen
north of Ta'izz. Although much less is known of this
dynasty than of the Rasulids, their predecessors, it
is possible to assert that Hadramawt for a time
came under their control. By the latter half of the
9th/ 15th century, however, the Kathlns, a tribal
group originating from Zafar, had taken over some of
the interior of the country. They also controlled al-
Shihr which they had at first held for the Tahirids.
Possibly as early as the beginning of the 10th/ 16th cen-
tury, a new political force was introduced into the area,
for with the Kathlns quarrelling among themselves, one
faction brought into Hadramawt to assist it a .group of
YafiTs, a large tribal unit inhabiting the area to the
north-east of Aden. YafiT influence lingered on after
this dispute, particularly in the seaports of al-Mukalla
and al-Shihr. From now on down to the 20th centu-
ry, the political history of Hadramawt is nothing more
than the chronicle of disputes between the Kathfris and
at least two YafiT tribal factions, though of course from
the early 10th/ 16th century both the infidel Portuguese
and the Turks had shown an interest in the seaports
along the South Arabian coast and had at times attacked
and even occupied them.
In the 20th century, under the British Protectorate
Hadramawt was divided between the KathTn sultanate
with its capital in Say'un and the Ku'ayti sultanate,
originally a YafiT tribal group, centered on al-Mukalla.
Both sultanates were thus part of the Eastern Aden
Protectorate until the independence of the whole of
South Arabia in 1967.
In general terms HadramT society can be divided
into four classes: the sayyids, the mashayikh, the kabd'il
(tribesmen) and the masaktn or du'afa' ("poor").
It is interesting to note that the pre-Islamic South
Arabian inscriptions refer to an aristocratic group
of muwwwads, a word used to this day in Hadra-
mawt to denote the sayyids. The latter are the
descendants of the Prophet, while the mashayikh are
HADRAMAWT
those noble families with the right to the hereditan
title of shaykh a word denoting class distinction
not a tribal chief The stmuk reached Hadramawt
in the early bth/12th centun, where thev found
many scholars, particularly in Tarim and mainly
of the mashayilh class Petty jealousies and quarrels
between the sayyids and mashayilh ha\e continued
from the time of the amval of the forme i in
Hadramawt, though these ha\e never pre\ented the
transmission of knowledge and learning between the
two social strata B\ the close ot the bth/Uth cen-
tury only the 'Alawi group of sayyidb iemained to
give their name to them — the 'Alawi sayyick
In an area ot constant warfare and hostilities
the institution of the neutral territory was essential
Thus in Hadramawt the hauta [ ? i ] came into being
at an early date A saint in his own life-time would
demarcate the area of the hauta and ai range for
the agreement ot the tribes and, if necessary
the authorities in the area that a particular hauta
should remain inviolate and undei the control ol
a mansab. Before the arrival of the sayyidi in Hadia-
mawt, the hawtas were in the hands of the mashayilh
It was only then that the sayyid hantah were grad-
ually established leading to the general decline oi
the mashayikh ones
3 Geography
Hadramawt is a hot and with the exclusion ot the
coastal strip, dr\ land The coastal plain is naturally
extremely humid as well as hot Again it one excludes
the coastal areas it is mountainous too and this
together with the extremely low rainfall throughout
little of the
ncultur
the c
Agncu
have traditionally formed th(
modify also. Local grain crops inch
either by the perennial flow of w.
(ghayl) or by wells
4 The people
The inhabitants of Hadramawt a
As
Dates
The chief language of Hadiamawt is of course
Arabic Until the most recent times howeyer the lit-
erary Aiabic of most regions of Arabia would include
some non-hteran, vocabulan These items were for
the most part technical words of various trades and
professions and, indeed even at the present day there
are often no literan equivalents for such technical
words and expressions, except in the domain of com-
merce Landberg and Serjeant ha\e well docu-
mented the technical vocabulan of such trades as
fishing and building Some dictionnaires of Classical
Arabic such as the Tadj al 'aius and Nashwan s Shams
al 'ulum gi\e southern Arabian terms not appearing in
the earhei lexical sources
The Hadrami dialect does however have a lim-
ited liteiary application in \anous gemes ot populai
poetn This dialect is in any case faiily close m
phonology, moiphology and syntax to literan, (that is
to say modern Classical) Arabic This poetn, has been
difficult to record in the past though Seijeant made
a most useful collection because it is often of such
a satirical or personal nature that the poet would pre-
iei its circulation to be circumscribed It may be nev-
ertheless that this kind of poetry will find its way
increasingly into print in much the same way as
nabah poetry is now widely printed and read in north-
ern Aiabia
The Mahra [q i ] make up a considerable linguis-
tic minority in Hadramawt in that pait adjoining
Dhofai (Zafar) and it is undoubtedly true that Mahn
the pnncipal language of the whole or most of the
South though even in pie-Islamic times Arabic would
been an important language for the
e Shah
.uqmsing in such a poor area thev have
always been piepaied to tiavel abroad in search of
earning their livelihood Manv tiavelled to the East
Indies, in particulai to Java, and their financial gains
remitted home have alwavs been the mainstav ot the
Bibliography Sahh b Hamid al-'\lawi Ta'nLh
Hadramawt, Jedda 1%8 Government of Bombav
An account of thi Arab tnbes in the i limit} of Aden
Bombay 190°, AS Bujra 77k politic* of stratijua
Hon, Oxford 1971 Hamdam Sifat djaorat al'Arab
H.C. Kay, laman its eaily mtdnial history London
1882; Comte de Landberg Etudes su, les dialedts di
V Arable mendionale i Hadiamout Leiden 1901
O. Lofgren, Aiabmhe Tixtt _« Kenntms der Stadt Aden
in Mittelalter, Uppsala 193b-50 Sir J Redhouse and
Muhammad 'Asal El Khazrap \ hislon of the Result
dynasty of lemen CMS Lev den-London 1906-18
R.B. Serjeant The Portuguese oft the South Aiabian
Coast, Oxford 1953 idem 77k Saiyids of Hadramaiit
London 1957 idem South Arabian Hunt London
1976; G.R. Smith The Ayyubids and larly Rasulids
in the Yemen, QMS London 1974-8 \akut Buldan
s.v.; T. Lewicki Us Ibadiks dans I Arable du Sud au
moyen age, in Fol Or i (1959) 3-17
(G.R. Smith)
A foil
s poeti
The Mahn ot Hadramawt is fairlv well-documented
m the publications of the Austrian South Arabian
Expedition which are to all intents and purposes
confined to this dialect of Mahn The Hadrami dialect
of Mahn is less conservative than that of Dhofar and
a good deal more penetrated bv Arabic Indeed, manv
Mahra in Hadramawt now speak onlv Arabic and
this is particulailv tiue of the settled elements In
Dhofar on the contran man) Mahra have adopted
Djibbah (or Shen) the language of the mountain area
Most of the dialects ot Mahn or languages closelv
related to it aie spoken in Dhofar but theie is in
Hadramawt, close to the border a language spoken
namelv Hobvot whose existence has not previouslv
been reported On the basis of the little information
available Hobvot seems to be a Mahn dialed with
a consideiable intei mixture of Djibbah Another hith-
erto unreported language or dialect spoken not far
over the Dhofar border, called Whebvot mav in fact
be the same as Hobvot with peihaps a greater admix-
ture ot Djibbah
Bibliography C Landberg Etudes sur lis dialedes de
I Arabu mendionale i Hadramout Leiden 1 90 1 idem
Glossane datinon l-ui Leiden 1920-42 RB Serjeant
Prose and poetn from Hadiamaut London 1951 (tor
his manv artnles on related topics seeJD Pearson,
Index islamuus) al-Zubavdi Tad} al 'arus Kuwait 19b5-
74 'Azimuddin Ahmad Du auj Sudarabun be^usluhtn
Angabin hasuan s im Sams al 'ulum Leiden and London
191b DH Muller Sudaiabiscfu Exptdition ix Mihn
und Hadrami Tixte \ienna 1909 (and m bv A
Jahn iv vi vu bv D H Mullerj M Bittner Studien
<ja Laut und Fomienlehre der Mehn-Spiache in Sudarabun,
HADRAMAWT — HA'IK
m SBU'AIV (1909-15); A. Jahn, Grammatik der Mthn-
Spuuhe in SudAiabien, Vienna 1905; E. Wagner gives
a useful bibliography for Southern Mahri in his
Syntax der Mehn-Sprache, Berlin 1953.
(T.M. Johnstone)
HAFIZ TANfSH b. Mm Muhammad al-BukharT,
with the poetical name Nakhli, histoiian of 'Abd
Allah Khan [q.v.], the Shaybanid ruler of Bukhara.
His father was close to 'Ubayd Allah Khan (940-
6/1533-40). Hafiz Tanish mentions in his histoiical
work that he began to write it, being 36 yeais old,
when 'Abd Allah Khan established his rule ovet
Transoxania and made Bukhara his capital. It was
believed for a long time (including by the present
author) that he means the official accession to the
throne of 'Abd Allah Khan, which took place in
991/1583, and therefore the date of his birth was
supposed to be 956/1549 |36 years before the date
of the beginning of his work, cf. below). However,
Hafiz Tanish mentions also that he wrote a kaslda on
the accession to the throne of Iskandar Khan, the
father of "Abd Allah Khan (968/1560), which must
place the date of his birth much earlier — probably,
in the 1530s or even 1520s. In that case, Hafiz Tanish
may have meant by the establishment of the rule of
'Abd Allah Khan over Transoxania the capture of
Bukhara (964/1557), or the accession of Iskandar
Khan (under whom 'Abd Allah was the actual ruler),
or the capture of Samarkand (986/1578). Hasan
Nitharl in his anthology Mudhakki, al-ahbab, written
in 974/1566-7 (see Storey, 802, no. 1102), mentions
a poet Nakhli among those poets who had not yet
reached an advanced age and lived in Bukhara (MS.
of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental
Studies, B-4020, ff. 126-7); this person may very prob-
ably be Hafiz Tanish.
He began to write probably his Persian history of
•Abd Allah Khan in the 1570s or 1560s; it was known
already in 993/1585, when his contemporary Mir
Saw id Muhammad praised it in his Adhkar al azkiya'
(see B ■\hmedov and K Mumrov Hafz Tanish Bukhan
[in Uzbek] Tashkent 1963 55) Aftei '\bd \llah
Khan had been proclaimed the supreme khan of all
the Lzbeks (991/1583) Hafiz Tanish was introduced
to his court bv the historian s patron an influential
amir Kul-Baba Kokaltash and became an official his-
toriographer usualh also accompanying the khan in
his numerous militaiy campaigns In 992/1584 he
began to re-write his history according to a new plan,
and gave it the title Sharaj nama u Shahl (a chiono-
giam = the date 992) both in Cential V,ian historio-
graphy and in modem scholailv hteiatuie it became
known also as the 'Abd Allah nama \ccording to the
initial plan of this second version as laid down in
authors preface it was to be divided into a mukad
dima (the genealogv of 'Abd 'yiah Khan and a shoit
histon, of the Djucids and the Shavbamds, his pre-
decessors) two makala* (ll fiom '\bd Allah Khans
birth in 940/1533 to his accession and (2) fiom his
accession onwaids and a khahma (on the outstanding
qualities of the khan the famous people of his reign
his buildings etc ) The hist makala was appaientlv
finished not earlier than 995/1586-7 (mentioned as
the current date m the text) and befoie 998/1589-90
(mentioned as the cunent date in the pieface to the
second makala found onh in one of the existing man-
uscripts) He carried his work up to 997/1588-9 (the
date of the last event which he mentioned the con-
quest of Haiat bv the Uzbeks) but then the plan of
the work was changed and Hafiz Tanish included
the whole material in the first makala The khahma
absent in all existing manuscripts, was most probably
not written at all. It is not known when the author
finished the work in its existing form.
The Sharafnama-yi Shahl is based mainly on per-
sonal observations of the author, reports of other eye-
witnesses and official documents. In his mukaddima,
Hafiz Tanish used various literary sources, which he
partially named, as well as oral tradition. The work
and numerous verses (their total number is 4,760),
both by Tanish himself and other poets. The main
deficiency of the work, besides its pompous style, is
the frequent absence of precise dates. Neveitheless, it
is one of the major works of Central Asian historio-
graphy and the most important histoiical source for
the Shaybani peiiod.
The further career of Hafiz Tanish is not clear.
Nothing is known about his life in the last several
years of the reign of 'Abd Allah Khan, nor during
the short ieign of his son 'Abd al-Mu'min. Some
sources mention a poet with the same poetical name
of Nakhli at the court of the Ashtarkhanid Imam-
Kull Khan (1020-51/1611-42) (see Tadhkira-vi Tahir-
iNasrabadl, Tehran 1316-17/1937-8, 435; fadhkira-yi
Muklm-Khanl by Muhammad Yusuf Munshl, Russian
tr. by A.A. Semenov, 83, 90); according to
Nasrabadi, after the death of Imam-KulT Khan
(1054/1644-5) this Nakhli went to Balkh', where he
died. Two manuscripts of the dlwan of Nakhli are
preserved in Tashkent and Dushanbe; one of the
kasTdas in this dlwan is dated 1045/1635-6. If this
Nakhli is identical with Hafiz Tanish, it must mean
that the latter was still active at an age of about
100 or more. Even more doubts are thrown upon
this identification by the fact that none of the poems
belonging to Hafiz Tanish and cited in Sharaf-nama-
yi Shahl is included in the dlwan of Nakhli. Some
scholars, nevertheless, accept the identification with-
Bibhographv. biographical information about
Hafiz Tanish is discussed especially in the following
works: B. Ahmedov, in his preface to the first vol-
ume of the Uzbek tianslation of the Sharaf-nama-
yi Shahl (see below) and in his woik, together with
K Munirov, cited above; V.P. Yudin, in Material!
po ntoni kazakhskikh khanstv AT -AT 7/7 vtkov, Alma-
\ta 1969, 237-40; M.A. Salakhetdinova, in 177
godicnaya naucnaya sessiya LO IVAN (kratkiye
soobshcemya), Moscow 1971, 111-3, and in VIII god-
unaya naucnaya sessiya LO IVAN, Moscow 1972, 48-
52 N.D. Miklukho-Mayklay, Opisaniye persidskikh i
tad^ikskikh rukopisey Instituta Vostokovedeniya, vipusk 3,
Moscow 1975, 295-6; The text of the Sharafnama-
M Shahl remains unpublished. Concerning the man-
usuipts and publications of short extracts, as well
as Russian translations of extracts, see Storey-
Biegel, 1130-3, no. 990; The publication of a full
Uzbek translation begun in 1966 is still not fin-
ished only two volumes (out of four) were pub-
lished in 1966-9 (see Storey-Bregel, 1132).
(Yu. Bregel)
HAGIOGRAPHY [see manakib].
HAIFA [see hayfa].
HA'IK (a.), pi. haka, also hayyak (synonym, nassadj),
weavei. Given the supreme importance of textiles
in mediaeval Islamic life and economy [see e.g.
harir and bisat in Suppl.], the class of weavers
was probably the most numerous and certainly one
of the most important groups of artisans. The
weaveis of Damascus, Baghdad, Egypt, the Yemen,
and a host of other towns throughout the Islamic
world wove fabrics tanging fiom tht toaise and worka-
da\ types to the finest and most delicate (ci RB
Serjeant hlamu textile* material for a Imton up ti tht
\lmgpl lonquut Beirut 1972 passim) Especially high-
ly-skilled workers were to be found in the taa^ [at]
factories producing foi the couit and for the stite
during the Umayyad 'Abbasid and Fatimid periods
and these were probablv somewhat better-paid than
the n
ofte
i The .
-whelmi
of these last worked m their own homes foi deal-
ers or middlemen 01 in small workshops situated in
the markets of cloth merchants On the whole the
of the Neai East an exploited and ill-paid class woik-
mg in vile conditions and this fait no doubt con-
tributed to their image in mediaeval Islamic times as
a turbulent and sociallv -v olatile group easilv swayed
b\ heterodox religious and political doctrines one
recalls the similar image of weaveis in mediae\al
Fiance Flanders and England when in the first two
mous with heietic Certainly it the beginning of
the 3rd/9th century the Coptic weaveis of the Nile
delta in Egypt earned onh. ha\f-a-dnham per day
insufficient for the bread of then mouths as they
complained to the Patriarch Dionysios of Tell-Mahre
(see Mez Renausanu 433-4 Eng ti 4bl)
The materials used included cotton wool linen and
silk Some |unsts recommended that a wea\tr should
not weave silken cloth which is forbidden for mens
wear The legality of whether i cloth should be woven
in silk mixed with other material foims the subject
ofjunstic discussion If the warp of the fabnc [sada)
is ibnsm and its weft [luhma) is kutn or kha^ (floss silk)
it was permissible (cf Ibn Tulun Nakd al tahb Chester
Beatty Ms 3317 foi 50) Weaving wis earned on
by men as well as women but spinning was done by
womenfolk only
In mediaeval Islamic times opinion was in gen-
eral condemnatory of the manners and habits of the
Typical anti-ha'it opinions
The
intellige
Whc
a that
3 legend told
by many \rab and Synac wnteis Jesus mother Mary
(Maryam) once lost her way in search of her son and
she asked the weavei to guide hei to the Sepulchre
but the ha'ik misguided her she then asked a tailoi
it hay-fat) who showed her the light path There
upon Mary cuised the weaver but blessed the tailor
This is why the weavei is alleged to be damned for
ever This legend seived as the basis for piejudice
furthei epitomised m Djahiz s words The weavers
measure foiblts such as short temper stupidity igno-
rance and iniquity
In Islamic tradition literature (hadith) the tiade
of the ha'ik is often linked with othei noisome and
unplea
talhn:
thos,
of t
n Suppl ] the tanner [see d\bb\gh in Suppl ]
and the sweeper This condemnation was noted by
Goldzihei, who pointed out that the hxtoi in Roman
times was despised and that in the eailv Ishmic
period manv of the weavers both male and female
weie slaves [Die Handutike bei den habern in
Olobui lxvi [1894] 205 = Gesammelte Sthnfttn m
Hildesheim 1969 318) R Brunschug sub,ected the
low status of the weaver to a detailed examination in
weavers as the otlspimg of Sat in (cf also the storv
of Miry and the ha il above) However the giad-
ual spintuahsation ol Islamic society by the 'Abbasid
penod the notion of the equality of all beheveis
ind the evident high < c onomic value ol the textile
trade did eventually contribute to an melioration
Thus Islamic society adopted paradoxical attitudes
towards the weaver and his ciaft The weavei is
despised but weaving {h rial a) as a handicrift is praised
Ibn kutavba Tha'ahbi and Bavhaki include hnaka
m a list of the crafts of the nobilitv [sina'at al ashraf)
and Ibn Taymiyya Ibn Tulun and othei scholars
uphold the theory that weaving is one of tht oblig-
ator duties of the collective bodv of the Muslims
[jard kfaya [see f-vrd]) Ghazah and al-Lubudi say
that weaving is a highly beneficial and indispensable
cralt Weaving and tailoring ire two essential crafts
.mfoit
public in\
ditional I,
The k
aigued Ibn khaldun also In spite
es agiinst the weaveis persisted in ti
othei
i thei,
their 'adala then piobitv ind their admissibihtv as
[see '\dl] The attitudes of the law schools vaned
somewhat The Hamfis were inclined to admit the
plaved superior religious ind moral qualities the
Malikis weie the most rigorous onlv admitting it
wheie necessity had compelled adoption of the tiade
in question the Shafi'is and Hanbahs took up inter
mediate positions The Imami Shi'i attitude was moie
on the doc tune of kafa a [c/i], comparability of sta-
tus in maniage Social restraints notwithstanding eailv
Islamic civilisation pioduced learned men among sons
of weavers eg \bu Hiraza Madjma' b Sam'an al
Ha'ik an Islamic traditiomst and Ibn al-Ha'ik the
authoi ol Kitab D)a^irat al Arab
Bibliography In addition to lefeiences given in
the aiticle Djmrz Hmaiian Cum 1948 n 105
idem Rasa'd Cairo 193 5 127 Ibn kutavba
Ua'artf Beirut 1970 249-50 Bavhiki al Mahasin
a a Imasaii Benut 19b0 103 Shavbam hitab al
hasb in Kitab al \labsut Cairo 1900-13 xxx 2b0
Tha'dibi iiba' rasa'il Istanbul 1883-4 203 idem
Lata' if al ma'arif Cano I960 129 \bu Nu'avm
ikhbai hbahan Leiden 19 34 n 117 al-khatib al
Baghdadi Ta'ukh Bagdad in b7 idem al Tatfil
Damascus 1340 83 Tawhidi Basa'it Damascus
l%b iv 14b-7 Ghizih Iha' 'ulum al din Cairo
134b l 12 Raghib al-Isfiham Muhadarat Benut
19bl n 459-bl Ibrihim b '\h al-Shiradji al
Tanbihji Ijilh Leiden 1879 23b-7 Ibn il-Djaw/i
ikhbai al hamka Damiscus 1345 112 il-Sam'am
imab Hyderabad 19b4 iv ii Bar-Hebraeus Tht
laughable itoriet tr E\W Budge London 1897
123, al-Lubudi Fad! al iktuab Chester Be ittv
Ms 4791 foi 57a Ibn Tavmivva al Hisba ji
I Islam Cairo nd 21 "i akut I, shad vi 1 9
Ibshihi al Umtatraf Cairo 1952 l b5 Ibn Tulun
HVIK - HVIRI
Daw' al suadj ft ma kila ji 7 nauagj, Chester Bealty
Ms 3317, fols 127-9, Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima,
Cano nd, 2bb-7, 4U0, 411, MS al-Kasim,
Dictionnaiu dis mitun damascaim, Pans i, 86-8,
KattanI Taratib Beirut iid.n 58-bO
(MAJ Beg)
HA'IRI, SHA-iKH '^BD U.-KARIM Yazdi (1859-1937),
a Persian religious leader with whom the his-
tory of the ShI'I clergy entered a new phase
After preliminary education in Ardakan and Yazd,
Ha'iri left (or 'Irak in 1877 and studied mainly
undei Sayyid Muhammad Fisharaki (d 1898) in
Samarra' and Nadjaf In 1900, upon the invitation
of his colleague, Sayyid Mustafa and the latter's
lather Hadjdji Aka Muhsin Ha'iri moved to \rak
(Irani and established the Aiak Circle ioi Religious
Studies Ha'iri argued that politics in the Muslim
world were being controlled by Western powers and
were consequently hostile to Islam In order to
present the extinction of Islam, therefoie, a respon-
sible religious leader must not interfere in politics
This tvpe of approach by Ha'iri to politics, which
was pursued throughout his life, began to be noticed
in \rak and resulted in his depaituie from that
city, where his host, Hadjdji Aka Muhsin, was fight-
ing against the Persian Constitutional Resolution of
1906 (Ahmad Kasravl, Tarikh i Mashruta v Iran,
Tehian 1951 281-5 409) and naturally expected
Ha'nis cooperation Ha'nl then went to Nadjaf, but
he found it also seriously invoked in the Persian
Revolution, therefoie he moved to Kaibala where he
limited himself to religious activities, including teach-
ing fikh and usul Ha'iri again moved to Arak and
lived there 1913-22, during which time he enjoyed a
large body of disciples
Meanwhile, in 1920, because of the death of two
great mudjtahidt,, Mirza Muhammad TakI ShlrazI
and Shaykh al-Sharfa Isfahani, the office of mardfa'
i taklid was divided among Sayyid \bu '1-Hasan
Isfahani and Mirza Muhammad Husayn Na'Inl in
Nadjaf and Ha'iri in Iran By then, Ha'irl's apoliti-
cal character was widely known, and turned out to
play a role not only in his own life but also in the
fate of the clerical world of the Shi'a To see this
role, one must keep in mind that the British, having
a variety of interests in the ShI'I world, had faced
many difficulties caused by the ShI'I 'ulama' of 'Irak,
such as their involvement in the Persian Revolution,
their declaration of djihdd in World War I, and their
struggle for the independence of 'Irak m 1919-22
After the imposition of the British mandatory rule in
'Irak in 1920, efloits were made to curtail the influ-
ence of the 'ulama' This policy resulted, among other
things, in the banishment in 1923 of Na'Ini, Isfahani,
Shaykh Mahdr KhalisI and many other 'ulama', which
injured the prestige and centrality of the ShI'I msti-
In the meantime, we see Ha'iri receiving particu-
lar attention in Iian Upon the invitation of the nota-
bles of Kum, Ha'iri, in March 1922, went to Kum
to establish the Circle for Religious Studies of that
city, where he received a warm reception, the then
monarch, Ahmad Shah, personally went to Kum to
greet him Through Ha'irl's efforts, the attention of
the Shi'a was directed to the Kum Circle, solutions
for religious problems were sought in Kum and
the students of religion, whose number at a time ex-
ceeded 1,000 found Kum a convenient alternative to
Nadjaf and Karbala The latter development bore
fruits favourable to the British policy in the area, the
clerical institution of 'Irak was paitially transferred
to Iran whose then strongest man the Sardar
Sipah (later Rida Shah), was in fact to curtail it,
there was created in Iran a strong religious base
which would by its nature weaken the young
Persian Communist movement and finally (perhaps
the most important of all), clerical leadership came
in part to the hands of Ha'iri who, unlike his Nadjaf
colleagues, would not intervene in politics Ha'iri only
once was drawn into these in 1924 the Sardar Sipah
attempted a iepubhcan form of government which
gave nse to a popular uprising and involved the clei-
gy, including the banished 'ulama' then lesiding in
Kum On this subject, meetings were held by the
'ulama' of the exodus and chaired by Ha'iri m Kum
(FO 416/74, 26 March 1924, no 126) and finally,
to terminate the confusion, Ha'ni and other 'ulama'
were urged to declare that they requested the Saidar
Sipah to dispense with republicanism In other cases,
howevei, Ha'iri i ejected politics, he did not fully iden-
tify his position with that of the 'ulama' of the exo-
dus Measures taken by Rida Shah aioused clerical
opposition led by Hadjdji Aka Nut Allah Isfahani in
1927 and Hadjdji \ka Husayn Kumml in 1935, to
neither of which Ha'iri gave a noticeable response
Even the Circle founded by Ha'iri became the tar-
get of governmental pressures, to the extent that his
special assistant. Shaykh Muhammad TakI Bafkl, was
arrested in 1927 (Muhammad RazI, Risdlat al Takua
ita ma adraka ma al takwa Sharh % hal i Shaykh Muhammad
TakI Bdjki, Tehran 1948), but no reaction was elicit-
ed h
i Ha']
Ha'irl's biographers give him credit for his type
of approach to politics at that specific period 'he
protected religion in the light of his patience pru-
dence and wisdom" (■\gha Buzurg TihranI, Tabakat
a'lam al Shi'a, i/3 Tehran 1962, llbl-4; These pres-
sures however, did not preclude Ha'iri from under-
taking with great interest cultural activities such as
establishing a library hospital, religious schools pub-
lic cemetery and mortuary, housing for the poor and
so on It is interesting to note that he tiained many
disciples who later on became religious leaders, some
of whom, unlike Ha'iri, undertook political activities,
Ay at Allah Sayyid Ruh Allah Musawl Khumaynl,
who was living in exile in Pans until his return to
Iran in January 1979, may be mentioned as the best-
known example
Bibliography Abdul-Hadi Ham, Shi'ism and con
stttutionalam in Iran a study of the role played by the
Persian residents of Iraq in Iranian pohtus, Leiden 1977,
Muhammad 'All Mudarns, Rayhdnat al adab, i
Tabriz 1967, Mulla 'All Wa'iz, kMb i 'Ulama' i
mu'asirin, Tabriz 1947, Muhammad RazI, Athar
at hudfdia, l-u, Kum 1954-5, Sayyid 'All Rida
Rayhan Yazdi, A'Tna yi damshwaran, Tehran 1967,
Muhammad Hirz al-Dln, Ma'arij al riajdl, u, Nadjaf
1964, Mahdl Bamdad, Sharh i hal i riq^dl i Iran, n,
iv, Tehran 1968, Sayyid Muhammad Mahdl al-
Musawl, Ahsan al nadi'a, u, Nadjaf 1%8, Amir
Mas'ud Sipihrun Ta'rlkh i barguzidagan, Tehran
1962, Ghulam Husayn Musahib, ed , Da'ira al
ma'anfijarsl i, Tehran 1966, Yahya DawlatabadI,
Haydli laha, iv, Tehran 1952, Hasan I'zam
Kudsl, Kitab i khatirat i man, n, 1964, Muhammad
Husayn Nasir al-Shan'a, Ta'nkh i hum, Kum
1971, Husayn Makkl, Ta'nkh i bistsala yi Iran,
n-ui, Tehran 1944-6, 'Abd Allah Mustawfi,
Sharh i zmdigam yi man, in, Tehran 1964, Agha
Buzurg TihranI, al Dhan'a ila tasanlj al Shi'a, iv,
Tehran 1941, Hadjdji Sayyid Ahmad ShubayrI
I ZandjanI, al Kalam jadjur al kalam, l, Kum 1951,
Ustuwdr, spring 1950; Ittild'dt, 1934; Sayyid
Muhammad Husayn Tabataba'T, et alii, Bahthi dar
bdia-yi mardja'iyyat va ruhdniyyat, Tehran 1962;
Mahdl KulT Hidavat, Math at wa khatardt, Tehran
1965; 'Abbas Fayd, Kurn wa ruhdniyyat, i. Rum
1938; Abbas Mas'OdT, Ittild'dt dar yak mb'-i karri,
Tehran 1950; Muhammad Hasan HiravT, al-
Hadlka al-radawiyya, Mashhad 1947; Ghassan R.
Atiyvah, Iraq 1908-1921: a political study, Beirut
1973; 'Abd Allah Fahd al-NaiTsi, Dawr al-Shi'a ft
tatawwur al-'bdk al-sfydsj al-hadlth, Beirut 1973;
[Muhammad al-Khalisi], Mazahm-i Ingills, Tehran,
n.d. For divergent views on the republican move-
ment, cf. inter alia, Husayn Ruhr Kirmam, Baigf
az ta'rfkh-i mu'dsir-i Iran yd ghawghd-yi djumhurl,
Tehran 1952; Shafak-i sur'kh, Jan. 22." 1924; Habl
al-matin, Oct. 6,' i3, 27, and Nov. 3, 1924;
Irdnsjiahr, ii, nos. 5-7 (1924), 274-7, 372-4, 432;
'All Akbar MushTr SalTmT, Kulliyydt-i musawivar-i
'Ishkl, Tehran 1971; Sayyid Mahdf Farrukh,
Khdtirdt-ijlydsi-yi Farrukh, Tehran 1968; Abu '1-
Kasim 'Arif KazwTnT, Kullmat-i Diwdn, Tehran
1963; Munlb al-Rahman, Po'st-i evolution Persian vers-
es, Aligarh 1955; I'zaz Nikpay, Takdir ya tadbii:
khatirdt, Tehran 1969; For an incomplete picture
of the problem, see with caution, D.N. Wilber,
Riza Shah Pahlavi, New York 1975.
(Abdul-Hadi Hairi)
HAKARI [see hakkarI].
al-HAKIM al-DIUSHAMI, Abu Sa'd al-Muhsin
B. MtlHAMMAD B. KaRAMA AL-BaYHAKI AL-BaRAWKANI,
Mu'tazilr, later ZaydT, scholar, was born in
Ramadan 413/December 1022 in Djusham (Persian:
Djishum), a village in the region of Bayhak. According
to Ibn Funduk, 'he was a descendant of Muhammad
b. al-Hanafiyya, but the family was not known by
the ms'ba of al-'AlawI. His first teacher was Abu Hamicl
Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Nadjdjar, a student of the
Mu'tazilr kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, who taught him
Mu'tazill theology, mid al-fikh, and hadith. After Abu
Hamid's death in 433/1041-2, he continued his stud-
ies with Abu '1-Hasan 'Air b. 'Abd Allah (d. 457/1067),
a student of the ZaydT imam Abu Talib al-Natik, in
Bayhak. He also studied and taught in Naysabur,
where he read HanafT fikh works with the famous
HanafT scholar Abu Muhammad al-NasihT, kadi al-
kudat of Bukhara, in 434-6/1043-5. Other well-known
scholars whom he heard in Naysabur were the amir
Abu '1-Fadl al-Mrkalr, Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulami,
and 'Abd al-Ghafir al-FarisT. Later he taught in the
mosque of his native village Djusham, where he read
the sixty lectures contained in his A: Djala' al-absar,
in the years 478-81/1086-8. Among his students was
Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ishak al-KlTarazmT, the
teacher of al-Zamakhshari. He died in Mecca in
Radjab 484/May 1101, allegedly killed by religious
opponents because he had written a fictitious "Epistle
of the devil to his fatalist brethren" (Rhdlat Iblh ila
ikhwdnilii al-mud}bira) and because he publicly propa-
gated ZaydT doctrine.
During most of his life, al-Hakim al-DjushamT
actively supported the Mu'tazilr theology of the
school of 'Abd al-Djabbar and adhered to the HanafT
school o{fikli. Though expressing philo-'Alid sentiments
and recognising the imamate of the ZaydT
imams, he did so on the basis of Mu'tazilr doctrine on
the imamate, and equally espoused the legitimacy of
the imamate of Abu Bakr, TJmar and 'Uthman. Only
late in his life does he appear to have completely
turned to Zaydism and to have written works on the
ZaydT doctrine of the imamate and on ZaydT fikh.
He is said to have composed 42 books, several of
them in Persian. Many of his writings were brought
to the Yaman, where they gained high esteem among
the Zavdi scholars, who frequently referred to the
author merely as al-Hakim. His extant Kur'an com-
Mu'tazili doctrine ' more consistently ' than al-
Zamakhshan's al-hitihshSJ and contains numerous quo-
tations from earlier, lost Mu'tazilr commentaries. It
was later twice abridged. His continuation of 'Abd
al-Djabbar's Tabakdt al-Mu'tazila, contained in his
Sharh al-'uyun, has been edited (by Fu'ad Sayvid, Fad!
al-i'tizal wa-tubakat al-Mu'tazila, Tunis 1393/1974, 365-
93). His A: Qalii' al-ahar, a collection of wide-rang-
ing lectures and narrations, was quoted by Ibn
Isfandiyar for its reports on the Caspian 'Alids (see
Ta'iikh-i Tabaristan, ed. 'Abbas Ikbal, Tehran
[1320/1942], i, 101).
Bibliography. al-Hakim al-DjushamT, Sharh al-
'uyun, i, ms. Leiden Or. 2584, fols. 151b-152a; Ibn
[ Funduk al-Bayhakr, Tankh-i Bayhak, ed. A. Bah-
| manyar, Tehran 1317/1938, 212 f; Ibn Shah-
rashub, Ma'alim al-'ulama' , ed. 'Abbas Ikbal,
Tehran 1353/1934, 83; al-SanlTnT, al-Muntakhab
mm kitab al-siyak li-ta'rlkh .Xaysabui, in R.N. Frve,
Vie histories of .Vishapur. The Hague 1965, fol.
133b; Sarim al-Din Ibrahim b. al-Kasim, Tabakat
al-Zavdiyya, ms. photocopy no. 290, Cairo, Dai
al-h'utu'b'pp. 344 f; al-Djundan, Taiadjim al-iidjal,
in Ibn Miftah, al-Muntaza' al-mukhtar, i, Cairo
1332/1913, 32; M. KazwTnT, Yadda.Jithd-yi
Kazu'im, ed. Iradj Afshar, Tehran 1333/1954, ii,
157-62; Brockelmann, I, 524, S I, 731 f; M. T.
Danishpazhuh, in Rev. Fac. Lett. Tabriz, xvii
(1344/1965), 299 n. 3; W. Madelung, Dei Iman
al-Qasim ibn Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, 186-91;
F. Savvid, Fad I al-i'tizal, Tunis 1393/1974, 353-8.
i\V. Madelung)
HAL tpl. ahival; hdl is normally fern, but often in
Ash'arT texts is taken as masc; the form hdla is occa-
sionally found in both Mu'tazill and Ash'arT sources),
a technical term of philosophy employed by some of
the Basran mutakallimun of the 4th/ 10th century and
the 5th/ 11th one to signify certain "attributes" that
are predicated of beings, the term was taken over
Djubba'T [q.v.] and subsequently used in two basic-
ways, one by Abu Hashim and his followers in the
Basran Mu'tazila and the other by al-Bakillam and
al-Djuwaym [q.vv.] in the Ash'arT school. The treat-
ment of the hdl within the contexts of the two school
differs
r Ash'ai
cepts. The distu
tl-Shah
of the
Fakhr al-Dm al-RazT), though t
marily on the preoccupations of their own predeces-
sors in the Ash'arT tradition, does not keep the two
conceptions clearly distinct, and certain modern stud-
ies based chiefly on these sources have tended to
' the problem, particularly in regard to the
Mu'ta
Mu'l
traditi.
•ived
to be an ontologically real and distinguishable per-
fection of a being or essential entity (shay', nafs, dhat).
In the works of the classical Mu'tazila, accordingly,
the hdl is most commonly designated by the term
sij'a (sifa, as defined below). In order to understand
the concept it is necessary to clarify the verbal and
conceptual context of its formulation and of its occur-
rence within the texts. Most importantly, there occurred
in the development of the Basran kalam from the
3rd/9th century until the 5th/ 11th an accretion of
new formal meanings for the terms sifa. wasf, and
hukm (some of them peculiar to the Mu'tazila or to
the Ash'ans, and others shared by the two schools)
that must be distinguished if the ontology of the ahwdl,
as treated in the texts, is to be understood.
So far as concerns the discussion of the nature of
things, the teaching of the Basran kalam was from
the outset explicitly cast in terms of an analysis of
the predicates that are said of them: of the predi-
cates (the Arabic nouns and adjectives: al-asma' wa
1-awsaf) that are predicated of beings and those par-
ticularly that are said of God in the Kur'an. The
word sifa, in its first and probably original sense in
the theology of the Basrans, is taken over and adapt-
ed from its use by the grammarians with the mean-
ing "a descriptive term". In this sense, then {sifaj,
it refers to any general or descriptive predicate term
and so combines the grammarians' categories of noun
and adjective (verbs being paraphrased into adjec-
tives) (see e.g. 'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Mughni, v, 198).
Sifa is thus virtually synonymous with avw/j: the
expression (kaivl) employed in describing (wasafa)
something, i.e. in formulating the sentence in which
the particular word is predicated of a subject noun
which is taken to denote some concrete entity {shay').
In another sense (sifa.,), the predicate expression (sifa { )
may be considered from the standpoint of its mean-
ing (al-ma'na t : what is meant as opposed to the word
or material utterance: al-'ibdra. al-lafi) and so as sig-
nified by any of several expressions (aivsdf, asmd')
that are considered to be synonymous in their strict
sense (haklka) as they are said of a particular entity
(e.g. "kadi?" = "kawl" = " r azTz'\ as said of God). A
proposition affirming a particular sifa, as true of
something may be thus formulated, employing any
one of a number of sifat l (= awsdf, asmd') (see e.g.
'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Madjmu' al-muhit bi 'l-takllf 172).
Within the Basran tradition of the kalam, then, the
question, whether to affirm a given predicate as true
of an entity (wasafahu biha), is or is not to assert
(athbata) the reality of an "attribute" belonging to it
and that of the ontological status of such an attrib-
ute, if any is held to be asserted by the sifa v are
questions in terms of their various responses to which
the major schools may be distinguished, and on the
basis of which their conceptions of the ahwal are
divided.
For Abu 'Alt al-DjubbaT, an entity (shay') or essence
{nafs, dhdt) is an object of knowing (ma'lum) that strictly
speaking exists (wudjida) or does not exist ('udima) and
which, as an object of knowing, may be directly
referred to (dhakara) and may be made the subject of
a predication (ukhbira 'anhu) (see, e.g. al-Ash'arl, Makaldt
al-Isldmiyyin, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1929-30, 519). It
is not, however, said of something else. Sifal { are
employed in describe entities, i.e. to express what is
known about them. According to the mature teach-
ing of al-Djubba'f and of the Basran Mu'tazila after
him, sifdt ] are those expressions that name the "essence"
or essential entity as such or that describe it as it is
in some particular way distinguished from entities essen-
tially similar to it. Generic terms, i.e. those which des-
ignate broader classes of beings, embracing several
kinds of essential entities, they do not consider to be
sifdt l in the strict sense but rather as quasi-alkdb
(terms whose use to name or describe something is
in part arbitrary). As predicate expressions or terms
(thus excluding the use of an expression to name an
position), the sifdt ] are not, as such, directly refer-
ential. They are, however, understood to have
implicit reference when said of a particular being.
That is to say, when predicated of a particular being,
most sijat., implicitly assert the entitative reality either
of the being denoted by the subject term or of
another being, and accordingly the various predi-
cate expressions are systematically paraphrased in
order to make explicit what ontological assertion
(ithbdt) is implicit in each particular affirmation. Thus
for example, to say "Zayd strikes" is to assert that
there exists an act of striking (darb) that has occurred
on his part (ddrib = waka'a minhu darb"") or to say
"Zayd knows" is to assert that there exists an act
of knowing that belongs to him ('dlim = lahu 'Urn"").
In these instances, the entities whose reality is assert-
ed in the affirmation of the propositions are termed
the "cause" ('ilia, pi., 'Hal or ma'nd.,, pi. ma'dnt) of
the proposition or judgement (hukmj that the thing
is so, and the predicate term comes, therefore, to
be called sifal t ma'nan (i.e. a term whose affirmation
of the subject implies the reality of a ma'nd,; ma'nd
originally meant the "sense" of the predicate or
judgement: hukm the "sense" or "meaning" being
contextually understood by the Basran mutakallimun
as the reality of that entity the presence of which,
in a given relationship to the subject, is asserted by
the particular predicate. By the time of al-Djubba'i,
the two words 'ilia and ma'nd are employed as syn-
onyms, being used interchangeably in most contexts,
and within a century the semantic origin of this
sense of ma'na seems to have been forgotten). As
conceived by the Basran mutakallimun, the ma'dnl., are
not, however, attributes. They are, rather, entities
in the strict sense: beings that are themselves dis-
tinct objects and that as such are not predicable of
something else. In al-Djubba'fs analysis, then, since
God is absolutely one and undivided, when one says
"God knows" (Allah" 'dlim) there is no assertion of
the reality of any entity other than God's self (naf
suhu) and accordingly the predicate term is, in this
instance, called an "essential predicate" (sfat l nafs"':
a predicate expression whose affirmation of the sub-
ject implicitly refers to and asserts the reality only
of the self or essence of the entity denoted by the
subject term). All terms that name or describe the
self or essence of a thing as such are, when used pred-
icatively, sfat'' nafs. Thus al-Djubba'i nowhere speaks
of attributes, if we understand "attribute" in its usual
sense (as, e.g. a property, characteristic, or quality
of a thing, as when we speak of a figure's "being
triangular" or "triangularity" as a property belong-
ing to it); he has no term for such a concept and
uses no formal expression that would imply the real-
ity of such a thing.
The concept of the attribute as an ontologically
real perfection, property, or state of the being of an
entity was introduced into the Basran kalam by Abu
Hashim. Though most often referred to in the
Mu'tazili texts by the term sifa.,, the attribute, thus
conceived, is also referred to by the word hal (state).
This latter term Abu Hashim apparently took from
the grammarians of the Basran school (the Kufans
employ a different expression reflecting their own
grammatical analysis), and it is likely that he formed
the philosophical concept partially in terms of a
reflection on the significance of hal expressions as
these are understood and analysed by them. When
explicitly discussing Abu Hashim's conception of the
attribute (sifa v hdl) for the purpose of refuting it.
the Ash'ans (e g al-Bakillam and al-Shahrastam) most
often speak of it as hal probabh to avoid the ambiva-
lence of the word sifa though in othei contexts where
the doctrine of Abu Hashim and his followers is dis-
cussed one often finds sifa m the Ash'ari texts and
occasionalK also u_asf the lattei repiesenting more
pecuharlv Ash'ari usage
The attribute (sifa hal) is not an essential entit\
(shai' dhat) as this is stinth defined and understood
It is not therefore considered to be an object or en-
tity that can be known m isolation [bi njimdiha bi
mudjarradiha) Rather the entitv of which it is an
attribute is known as qualified b\ it ( yu'tam 'alay ha)
(tf 'Abd al-Djabbai Shaih al usul al khamsa 184 9-
14 and 3bb 9-11) Thus though not a distinct ob]ect
sense of this term the attribute oi state is nonethe-
less grasped and understood (ma'kula) as one knows
a thing is speuhcallv qualified bv it (mukhtass hha)
Furthermore since the attribute or state is not an
entitv it cannot be said to be existent [mauajuda) or
non-existent (ma'duma) because these piedicates aie
pioperlv used onlv of entitles In that it is howev-
er, an ontologicallv leal perfection or state of the
being of an entitv the attnbute (sifa) does have utu-
alitv (tahsul) and so is said to be actual (hasila) as
also one mav propeilv speak of its non-presence
(zaualuha) or non-actuahtv (inhfa'uha) in a thing
Likewise one does not speak of its coming to be
(huduthiiha j since coming to be (al huduth) refers prop
erlv to the initiation of existence (tadjaddud al uudjud)
one speaks, rather of the initiation of the attribute
(taajadduduha) In concitte instances then the attrib-
ute (sifa^ hal) is indicated bv the expression the
thing s being thus and so , as one speaks for exam-
ple of its being existent (kaixnuhu maixdiud I oi of
its being living (kaixnuhu han ) oi of a bodv s being
m motion' (kaiinuhu mutahamk ) Piopositions such
as he is alive (huita han) are thus considered bv
Abu Hishim and his followers in the Mu'tazih school
to assert the actuahtv of the attribute [husul al sifa i
husul al hal) viz in this instance of his being alive
or being living or the bodv s being in motion and
tt is to the attribute or state thus that such a pied
icate \sifa t ) implicitiv lefers
Though thev disagiee in certain matters of detail
(some of which are philosophicallv impoitant) Abu
Hashim and his successors classifv the attributes (sifat ^
ahual) into five basic categories according to the
grounds to which then actuahtv is
■logic
allv i
(it is thalnt al qjawa^, in that it is a paiticular and dis-
tinguishable object of God s povvei d e insofar as it
is makdur 'alayhT)
2 The essential attributes (commonlv teimed sifat
al nafs al sifat al dhatnya or al muktada 'amma huwa
'alayhi fi dhahhi l e the attnbute that is entailed bv
the wav the thing is in itself ) these attnbutes are
those whose actuahtv is entailed bv the Attribute of
(bv the wav the thing is in itself) given
the ac
tributes that
■ Thes:
i the nat.
of the
with the das;
(Not.
that
Thes<
, thosi
ion of piedic.
sert the i
ualitv <
3 The attnbutes whos,
■1\ from (sadaia 'an an er
'a ma'na ) and which a
roidinglv
med si
[ma'lula) Included under thi
pie a human individuals being knowing (launuhu
'ahm ) an attnbute whose aUuihtv is asserted in
the sentence Zavd knows (^aid 'ahm) and whose
actuahtv anses immediatelv from the presence of the
ict of knowing [al 'dm) that exists as a conciete entitv
in his heart The ittnbute (sifa hal) in this instance
is a perfection that specifically qualifies (takhtass-) not
its immediate phvsical locus (al mahalh but rather the
living corpoital whole (al djumla al haiya) that is the
individual and it is for this reason that Urn Hashim
and his successois sav that the piedicate knowing
is said of the whole and not of the organ or sub-
strate Moving on the other hand is predicated
of being in motion (k<
belon
J the 1.
of the
of
aahtv
Lttnbutes whose actuahtv depends upon the
it that effects the existence of the thing and which
efoie, are said to be bi Ija'il Though manv char-
nstics lahkam ) of temporal entities are ascribed to
re concerned
Utribute of the Essence (most often tc 1 med
sifat al dhat though other expiessions are frequentlv
emploved cf Frank Bangs 80 n 1) this is the things
being itself what it is in itself It is asserted for exam-
ple in the statement the atom is an atom (al djawhar
ajamhai) What is lefened to here is the wav the
thing is in itself (ma hima 'alayhi fi dhahhi) 1 ht attnb-
ute of the essence is thus lneducible (cf e g 'Abd
al-Djabbar, al Madjmu' al muhit bi I takhf 61 9 if and
Abu Rashid ^lyadat al shaih 192 1 1 flf and 278 11
ff), and is actual (hasila) even in the possible foi to
posit the entitv is to posit the actuahtv of the Attnbute
of the Essence That is to sav God knows out of
an infinite number of beings of evei> class, each par-
ticular individual that He can create thus although
an individual entitv whose existence is possible (al
'i 'ilia would si
(«/-«/,
o have
I nafs
'All al-Djubba'i Because of the basic difference of
his analvsis and ontologv fiom that of the later school
however the piedicates that he so classed are not the
same as those so classed b\ Abu Hashim and his suc-
ctssois What piedicates (sifat t ) and what attributes
(sijatj Abu Hashim mav have classed undei this head-
ing if anv indeed is at piesent uncertain His fol-
loweis however assign the attribute (sifa hal) of
being perceiving {kaiumhu mudnk ) to this categorv
since perception accoiding to then view anses di-
rectlv from the perceivers being living on the con-
dition of the appiopnate piesence of the peiceptible
(Perceiving is heie distinguished fiom sensation — al
hiss — since the piedicate sensing' — muhiss—is taken
to indicate not a true attnbute but onlv the func-
tioning of the sense organ ) It mav be that being
perceiving is the onlv true attribute which thev class
thus; predicates (sifat^ which are implicitly negative
are said to be la li 'l-nafs wa-la li-'illa, but they do
not indicate ontologically real attributes.
For us the essential reality of a thing (its hakika)
is its essential attributes, for what we understand
and refer to when we speak of it is its being as it
according to the classical Mu'tazila, are said of essen-
tial entities that are known (ma'luma) and distin-
guished as such; the predicates that refer to a thing's
essential attributes (al-sifit^l-dhdtiyya) are those which
we employ to define it. According to Abu Hashim
and his followers in the Basran Mu'tazila, it is thus
that through their essential attributes we know enti-
ties, i.e. in that they are so manifested to us as
belonging to the same essential class (flirts) or to dif-
ferent classes, for beings that share (ishtaraka) in one
essential attribute must be alike (tamathala) in that
which entails (iktada) the actuality of the attribute,
and so must share in all their essential attributes.
(See, e.g., 'Abd al-Djabbar, Sharh al-usul al-khamsa,
108, 9-12 and 199, 3-5; al-Mughm, iv, 270 f. and
252, 8-10).
One speaks also of the "modality" of an attrib-
ute (kayfiyyat al-srfaf Existence (a thing's being exis-
tent; wudjuduhu = kawnuhu mawqjud""), for example,
is an attribute that is common to all existent enti-
ties. Some entities, however, (sc. God) are eternally
existent (lam yazal mawdfuda"") while others (sc. all
beings other than God) are temporally existent
(muhdath). The terms "eternal" (kadlm) and "tempo-
ral" (muhdath) refer to the modality of the attribute
of being existent. Similarly the term "inherent" (hall)
used of the accident's inherence in its substrate
(kawnuhu hall"" ft mahallihl) refers to a modality of
its existence. (See e.g., 'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Maflmu'
al-muhlt hi VtakUf 163, 4-7 and Abu Rashid, gradat
al-sharh, 384, 14 f).
Not all predicates that may be affirmed as true of
an object imply the presence of an ontologically real
attribute (sifa v hal). Some terms, for example, refer
to the "characteristics" (ahkam,) of attributes; others
(e.g. ethical terms) refer to contingent characteristics
(ahkam.,) of acts which, determined by one or an-
other of the states of the agent (ahwdl al-fa'il) (see,
e.g., 'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Mughm, viii, 159 and al-
Madpnu' al-muhlt hi 1-takllf 352), derive immediately
from the manner of its coming to be (wadjh al-huduth
= wadjh wuku'ihi) and others to the modality (kayfiyya)
of an attribute. Some, viz. those that describe a thing
in its perceptible qualities, refer not to sifat t (ahwdl)
but to dispositions (hay' at) of the material substrate;
some descriptive terms are implicitly negative (e.g.
"inanimate", "other", "dissimilar" and the like) and
so refer to no real attribute; some refer primarily to
a being other than that denoted in the subject, viz.
the "derived predicates" (al-sifaf al-mushtakka) (see, e.g.,
'Abd al-Djabbar, al-Mughm, vii, 58, 3-7 and for the
term of Ibn Faris, al-Sahibi fl fikh al-lugha, ed. M. el-
Chouemi, Beirut 1383/1964, 86 ff.), i.e. those that
assert the actuality of an action performed by the
subject and those that assert the actuality of the state
(hal) or act of another (e.g. "known" or "commanded").
Generic terms, finally, are not considered to be truly
descriptive terms (sijatj by the Basran Mu'tazila, as
was noted above. Accordingly, one must distinguish
those instances where the expression kawnuhu . . .
("its being . . .") is employed to denote an onto-
logically real attribute (sifa v hal) and those in which
it is employed merely as a nominal periphrasis for a
sentence (e.g. kawnuhu aswad as a periphrasis for huwa
aswad "it is black") that does not assert the actuality
of an attribute (sifa , hal) of the being that is denoted
by the subject term. The differences in the under-
standing of these terms by the Mu'tazila and the
Ash'ans are characteristic of those in their concep-
tion of the ahwdl.
B. The Ash'aris. Among the Ash'ans, the concept
of the "attribute" (hal) as conceived by Abu Hashim
was borrowed, adapted, and employed by al-Bakillani
and al-Djuwaynl and, it would seem, by no others
(see, e.g., al-Shahrastam, al-.Nihaya, 131). Al-Bakillanfs
acceptance and use of the concept was, however,
inconsistent; in some works (among them his two
published compendia, al-Insaf and al-Tamhld) he
expressly denied the validity of the concept (though
it implicitly underlies the discussion in a number of
important passages in both al-Insaf and al-Tamhld)
while in others, including his last major kalam work,
al-Hidaya, he is reported to have asserted its validi-
ty and to have integrated it into his treatment of
the predicates of being and of the divine attributes
(see, e.g., al-Djuwayni, al-Shamil, 294, 629). Al-
Djuwaynl, on the other hand, seems to have express-
ly employed the concept in most if not all of his
kalam works, though he is reported to have reject-
ed it in his late juridical writing (see, e.g., Abu '1-
Kasim Sulayman b. Nasir al-Ansari, Sharh al-Irshad,
Princeton University ms. ELS 634, fol. 356). In the
present absence of any direct, adequate evidence con-
cerning al-Bakillani's treatment and use of the ahwdl
concept, the present outline reflects strictly only the
discussion and terminology of al-Djuwaynl. The
sources, however, indicate no major difference
between al-Djuwayni's understanding and use of the
concept and those of al-Bakillani; one may therefore
suppose that their teaching in this respect was sub-
stantially the same.
Like Abu Hashim, the Ash'aris who employed the
concept of the "attribute" as hal describe it as "the
thing's being such and so" (kawn al-shay). The con-
text to which the concept was adapted and into whose
overall structure it had to be integrated differs, how-
ever, in several important respects from that of the
Mu'tazili tradition of Basra, even though the Ash'arl
analysis of the predicates that are said of beings is in
some ways analogous to that of al-Djubba'i. Omitting
those predicates that refer to actions (sifat t al-qf'al) and
so to an entity essentially extrinsic to that denoted by
the subject term, al-Ash'arl and his followers, in con-
trast to the Mu'tazila, recognise only two categories
of descriptive predicates (asma', awsaf, sifdt^), since they
divide the entities which constitute the ontological basis
for the truth of the predication [tstihkak al-wasf. the
thing's "deserving to be so described") and whose real-
ity, accordingly is asserted (muthbat) as that which
requires its affirmation (ma awdjaba 'l-wasf) into (1)
the "self (nafs) of the being denoted by the subject,
as when one says of a being that it is "existent"
(mawdjud) or "temporal" (muhdath) or is a "colour"
(lawn) or of God that He is "eternal" (kadlm) or "majes-
tic" {'a£m)\ and (2) those that assert the reality of an
.e (mt
Ha) s,
the subject, as when one says of a being that it is
"living" ("living" = "life belongs to it": hayy = lahu
hayat) or "knowing" ("knowing" = "an act of know-
ing belongs to it": 'Slim = lahu 'Urn) and the like. In
addition to the words ma'nd, and 'ilia, the Ash'aris
often (and in some contexts almost always) refer
to these entities (al-ma'am.) as sifat y (This, in fact, is
the only sense in which al-Ash'ari himself employs
the word sifa.) Against al-Djubba'i and others, the
ing" and the like always imply the presence of an
entitative determinant {ma'na,, 'ilia, sifa J in the sub-
ject, whethei they be said of a material being 01 of
God, who is immaterial Again, wheieas the masters
of the Basran Mu'tazila take descriptive predicates
to be said of individual entities which, known and
recognised as particular essences, are described bv
the predicate (aai/,, Ji/a,), the Ash'arls understand
the subject term to denote an individual entity sim-
ply as an object as an existent [maadjud) whose exis-
tence is its "self" (nafi) (Thus s±m' = maudjud =
iiudjud = nafi. dhat, whilst the non-existent is simply
the unreal subject spoken of in a negated proposition
"it is not tiue that there exists an object such
that ") Thus, wheie the Basran Mu'tazila alter
al-Djubba'i distinguished expressions that thev con-
sider to be descnptne (sifat x t strictly speaking, le
those which name the essence as such or describe
it in some particular way, horn those thev consider
to be quasi-aMaA, le those which we emplov to
assign an essence to various broader, generic class-
es and which, therefore, are said umvocallv of beings
that are essentiallv different the Ash'arls make no
such distinction, but rather consider both kinds of
terms to be trulv descriptive, classing the second of
the Mu'tazili categories amongst the "essential pred-
icates" (al-sifdt l al-nafima), viz those that assert as
the basis of the vahditv of their affirmation of the
subject onlv the ieahtv of the ob|ect (nafs al-mawdjiid
= uudjuduhu) of which thev are said No more than
al-Djubba'i, however, does al-Ash'an speak of "attrib-
utes" as this word is commonlv understood, noi does
his analvsis, or that of most of his followeis in the
two centuries immediatelv succeeding, make place
for such a concept The sija t is simplv a ma'na ('ilia,
Thev agree that the being of God's nfat l differs from
that of those belonging to creatures and there is
some question as to the exact ontological status of
the foimer, 1 e as to whether God's sifat t are valid-
K termed asjna' or mamdjiida or if thev are denu-
merable, but it is nevertheless clear that sifat l are
though not of a sort that nowadavs we should teim
attributes (Al-Bakillani, cited in al-Kiya al-HarasI,
Usui al-din, fols 114a and 123a, says that, in con-
beings, dhat, shot', t
) One r
ceptio,
s that with but
the
mployed in the
writings of al-Ash'an and of the ma|ontv of his fol-
lowers until the 5th/ 1 1th century and that the expres-
sion kaunuhu is almost everywhere shunned, chiefly
for accuracy of expression but also, no doubt in
order to avoid the semblance of accepting Abu
Hashim's ontology
Al-Djuwayni rejects the common Ash'an thesis that
all the "essential predicates" (ufat^l-nafs, al-sijat^ al
nafima) assert simply the being of the "self of the
subject and that what is asserted [al hukrn^) in affirm-
simply the reality of the being of the ma'na (sijaj as
belonging to the subject For every positive piedicate
(uavf { , «/«,) he lecogmses an "attribute" (was/, \ifa),
which he designates by the expression kawnuhu
e g the atom's "being an atom" (kawnuhu djawhaf"),
being existent" (kawnuhu mawdjud""), "its occupying
the
by the latter being o
, the ;
-ned ahkdm
as sifdt,, ausaj,, (see e g al Iishdd, 30, al Shanul, 308,
et alibi) He holds, moreover, in regard to those
predicates which do not refer simplv to the exis-
one must posit the reahtv (thubut) of the attribute
(uasj,, sifa , hukm I as a state (hal) This, he savs,
is necessaiv in order to have an ontological basis
for the true sense of the common or universal pred-
icate terms and their definitions (viz al hakd'ik it a
'l-hudud) (see e g al-SJxdmil, 633, and the citation
of al-Bakillani in al-Kiva al-Harasi, op at, fols
n order to explain
d be ti
in the
n order to explain
of the ma'am, (ahkam
the entitv to which the ma'na ('ilia) belongs as the
effect (ma'lul, mudjab) of the latter (see e g al-Shdmil,
629 ff and al Irshad, 80 ft ) In these cases what is
known ('ulima) of something is not the thing itself
(al nafs = wudjuduhu) but an ontologicallv real attrib-
ute (sifa thabita) or state (hal) of it, and it is this
that the descnptive piedicate stnctlv speaking refers
to and asserts as real (lhabit) Regarding the "essen-
tial attributes", al-Djuwayni savs "Even attribute
(uasj,) that is not understood negatively and the
ignorance of which is not contradicted bv the knowl-
edge of the existence of the being that is denoted
bv the sub|ect (al maitsuf), is a state (hal)" (al-Shdmil,
030, 17 1, cf also al Irshad, 80) Thus when one
savs of a being that it is a (unit or quantum of)
ad) or that it is a coloui (lawn) oi an
cident I
all ft mahall), the
colour
s being blac
»'", "its being an accident" (kaunuhu 'aiad'"), and
"its being inherent' (kawnuhu hall'") its "blackhood '
(as sauadnta), "accidentahtv ' (al-' at ad ma), etc Each
object of knowing (ma'lum) Likewise the knowledge
of an entity's being knowing I kaunuhu 'dhm"") is dis-
tinct from the knowledge that the act of knowing
(al-'ilm) by virtue of whose subsistence in it is know-
ing, exists (kawnuhu mawdjud'" = najsuhu) and is an
these attributes (sifat j, as an ontologicallv real state
'hal) or characteristic (hukm ) of the subject, is a
distinct ob|ect (ma'lum), known in a distinct act of
knowing dim) As the attribute (hal, sifa ) is other
than the entity to which it belongs (the sifa is other
than the mausuf), so al-Djuwayni holds that exis-
tence lal-ituajud = nafi al-maua^ud) is not a hal (see
eg at-Irshad, 31) Though it is an object insofar as
(al-Shamil, 640, 679)'and so is not described as Exis-
tent (mauajud) or non-existent (ma'dum, muntafi) (See
also the citations ot al-Bakillani in al-Kiya al-Haiasi,
op nt, fols 114a and 115a )
The "sell" as such is undei stood and conceived
not as an essence but as an ob|ect, and the predicates
which assert the entitative reality of the "self" as such
(eg shaV, dhat, nafi, mawdfud) neither are synonymous
with those which assert the actuality of its ahudl (e g
djawhai, 'arad laun, 'ilm, haraka) nor do they imply the
assertion of its ahudl Since, then, the ahwdl are nei-
ther identical with nor derived from the Self" as such
of the being of which they are attributes and are
known separately from the knowledge of its existence,
that a being should have one essential attubute (sijat,
nafi) does not necessarily entail its having another
Beings that aie essentiallv diverse (mukhtahfa) may share
- HALIKARNAS BALIKCISI
pie a hurr
itial ai
s for <
of knowing film) and a motion of
an atom share in accidentality (al-'aradiyya, i.e.
kawnuhuma 'aradayn) and a human act of knowing (a
ma'na, which is an accident) and God's eternal act
of knowing (a ma'na,, which is not an accident, i.e.
is not a contingent entity inherent in a material sub-
strate) have in common (idjtama'a fi) their being acts
of knowing [kawnuhuma 'ilmayn = al-'ilmiyya) and so
are, both, correctly denoted and described by 'Urn.
Like entities (al-mithlan, al-mutamatkilan) are alike in
and by virtue of their selves {li-anfusihima) (see e.g.
al-Shamil, 312); they are therefore those beings that
are analogous (sadda ahaduhuma masadda 'l-akhar) or
are equivalent (mustawiyan) in all their essential attrib-
utes [ftjat, al-nafs, al-fjjat, al-nafsiyya) (cf. e.g. al-Shamil,
292, 313 f).
In no sense does al-Djuwaym take up the ontol-
ogy of Abu Hashim and his Mu'tazilr followers.
Nowhere does al-Djuwaym treat the attribute (hal,
sifaj as an ontologically real perfection of a being
in terms of which other perfections, properties, char-
;, qualiti,
stood and explained. He does not speak of
attribute's entailing (iktada) the actuality of another
attribute or of its effecting (aththara) a characteristic
or quality of a thing, nor does he regard any attrib-
ute as constituting the immediate ground of the pos-
sibility (sahhaha) of some qualification of an entity or
as the condition (shait) of its actuality. Similarly, he
does not speak of attributes (si/at s , ahwal) as having
modality (kayfiyya) nor of the characteristics (ahkam.,)
of attributes" Finally, where the Mu'tazilTs distinguish
four categories of ma'am,, one as effecting no hal
whatsoever, either of its immediate substrate of inher-
ence or of the whole of which the latter is a part,
and others as producing one or another qualification
(hal) either of the immediate substrate or of the
whole composite (al-d)umla), al-Djuwaynl makes no
distinction whatsoever, asserting simply that every
ma'na., causes a hal (those of material entities only in
their immediate substrate of inherence) (see e.g. 'Abd
al-Djabbar, al-Mughm, vi/2, 162 and ix, 87, and al-
Djuwaym, al-Shamil, 629 ff.). Though there may be
found sometimes a certain parallelism of argumen-
tation (cf. e.g. ibid., 637 f. and c Abd al-Djabbar, al-
Madjmu' al-muhit bi 'l-taklif 188 f.) the conception of
the ahwal and their role within the integrated con-
texts of the systems is significantly different in the
teaching of the Ash'arls and in the thought of Abu
Hashim and his followers. Al-Djuwaym employs Abu
Hashim's distinction between the Attribute of the
Essence and the essential attribute (categories 1 and
2 in A above) together with the concept of the hal
in order to found a distinction in the Ash'arl essen-
tial predicates in terms of their denotation. Thus
although he speaks of "attributes" in both instances,
he distinguishes those predicates (awsaf, sifat^) that
denote or assert simply the existence (i.e. the "self")
of an entity as such from the rest, which assert dis-
tinct attributes that are states (ahwal). Similarly,
he posits the reality (thubut) of the "states" as real
attributes (sifat t thabita) or characteristics (ahkam i thabita)
as the effect (ma'lul, mudjab) of the ma'dni,, in order
to distinguish ontologically the assertion of the
sifdt j ma'nawiyya from that of those expressions which
refer to the ma'am, and describe them as such (e.g.
to distinguish the reference of 'ahm from that of
'Urn), a distinction effectively denied by most of
the earlier Ash'ans (see e.g. al-Bakillam, al-Tamhid,
§ 97, and al-Djuwaym, al-Shamil, 631). Al-Djuwaym,
in short, (and the same is clearly true of al-Bakillam
when he used the ahwal) posits the ahwal only in
order to supply referents for certain predicates and
concomitantly to resolve certain difficulties of logical
reference and extension, particularly in predicates that
are said both of God and creatures; the ahwal serve
no other function within the system. Whereas the con-
cept of the hal constitutes the very foundation and
core of the metaphysics of the Basran Mu'tazila from
the time of Abu Hashim, al-Bakillam and al-Djuwaym
employ it without introducing any essential alteration
into the tradition of Ash'an metaphysics. Finally,
by the explicit introduction of purely intentional ref-
erents (viz. concepts thematically understood as
entia rationis) into the Ash'arl kalam along with the
Aristotelian logic, al-Ghazali [q.v.] was able to resolve
in a much less awkward manner the problem that
his master, al-Djuwaym, had sought to deal with by
Bibliography: 'Abd al-Djabbar al-Hamadham
al-Mughm, various editors, Cairo 1959-65, passim;
idem, al-Madfmu' al-muhit bi l-taklif ed. 'U. 'Azmi,
Cairo n.d., passim; idem, Sharh at-usul khamsa, ed.
A. 'Uthman, Cairo 1384/1965, passim; Abu Rashid
al-Nrsaburi, A: al-Masa'il, ed. A. Biram, Berlin 1902,
passim; idem, ^iyadat al-sharh (an extensive fragment
of the first part of the work published by M. Abu
RTda under the title Fi 'l-Tawhld, Cairo 1969),
passim; al-Bakillam, al-Tamhid, ed. R. McCarthy,
Beirut 1957, §§ 339-44, 200-3 et alibi; al-Djuwaym,
al-hshad, ed. M. Musa and A. 'Abd al-Hamid,
Cairo 1369/1950, 79-84 et alibi; idem, al-Shamil,
ed. A.S. al-Nashar, Alexandria 1969, 629-42 et alibi;
al-Kiya al-Harasr, Usui al-din, Cairo ms. Kalam 290,
passim, and esp. fo'ls. 11 4a- 120b; al-Shahrastam,
Kihayat al-ikdam fi 'Urn al-kalam, ed. A. Guillaume,
Oxford 1934, 131-49; Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, al-
Muhassal, Cairo 1323, 41-2; R. Frank, Abu Hashim's
theory of "states", its structure and function, in Adas do
Congresso de Estudos Arabes e Isldmicos, Coimbra Lisboa
1 a 8 de setembro de 1968, Leiden 1971, 85-100;
idem, Beings and their attributes, Albany, N.Y. 1978;
D. Gimaret, La theorie des ahwal dAbu Hasim
al-Gubbd'i d'apres des sources as'arites, in JA (1970),
47-86; M. Horten, Die Modus-Theorie des Abu
Haschim, in ZDMG, lxiii (1909), 303 ff.
(R.M. Frank)
HALIKARNAS BALIKfilSi pseudonym of
Djewad Shakir, modern Turkish form Cevat Shakjr
Kabaaga£LI, Turkish novelist and short story
writer (1886-1973).
Born in Istanbul, the son of the general, diplomat
and writer Mehmed Shakir Pasha (1855-1914) (brother
of the grand vizier Ahmed Pasha [q.v.]), he stemmed
from a prominent family from Afyonkarahisar. He
was educated at the American Robert College in
Istanbul and at Oxford University, where he gradu-
ated in Modern History in 1908. He started his
story writer, translator, graphic artist
rting t
periodicals which mushroomed following the restora-
tion of the Constitution. He spent several years in
prison for killing his father in a crime passionnel in
Afyonkarahisar (1914). During the turbulent early
years of the Republic, a short story about the hang-
ing of deserters without trial, based on his prison
reminiscences, which he published, under the pen-
name Huseyn Ken'an, in the Resimli hafta ("The Weekly
Illustrated", No. 35, 13 April 1925) got him into trou-
ble. He was arrested and tried by the Tribunal of
Independence (Istiklal mahkemesi) of Ankara, which
H<\LIKARN4.S B4.LIK.ClSI — H4.LIL4.DJ
sentenced him to three \eais banishment in the foi-
tiess sea port of Bodium (ancient Hihcarnassus)
for anti-mihtarv ind defeatist piopaganda (bee lust
at thit junctuie tioops were being sent to quell 1
term was o\ei Djew id Shakir decided to settle in
this small town which had c iptured his heart and
he labouied inceasingh, to dc\elop it He assumed
the pen name of Hahkarnas Bahkisi ( The Fisher
man of Haluainassus i hung there until 1947
when he mo\ed to Izmir to woik is ajoumilist ind
expeit tourist guide ind for his children s education
He died in Izmn on 13 Octobei 1973 and is buried
in Bodium honoured b\ its people tor his opening
up of this isolated cits to the world
Hahkarnas Bahkcisi began to write regularl) m
Bodrum altet the age of lift) and de\oted his entire
ait to the sei and to seamen He spent his dnh life
among sea lolk hshermen sponge fishers dneis ind
boatmen and shared then h\es struggles woines
and jo\s most of the chai icters in his shoit stories
and no\els ire leal people whom he had met in
the Aegean region Exuberint and expansi\e b\
tempeiament he writes with uncontrolled lomantic
impetus works which def) all sense of discipline in
technique ind st\le But he c iptured his reader with
his jou dt tare w n m sense of humanity and deep
undeistanding of his fellow-men Hahkamis Bahkcisi
is the author of the following major works Short sto
nes Mtrhaba ikdttiK 1 1947) Egt mn dibi (1952) lapm
<fa»^(1954) No\els iganta bunna bunnala (1946| Okkrm
imugu (195b) Llui Rets '1962) Turgut Rtii ' 1955) Dtnu.
guibit(iliri (1969) Memons Man sun,un (1961) He also
w rote se\ et al populat books on \natoli in m) thologv
ind made man\ translations (For a bibliogiaph) of
his publications see lent yayinlar of Octobei 1974)
Bibhogiaphy Tahir ■Uangu Cumlmmetttn soma
hikayt u toman n Istanbul 19b5 301 2b Ce\det
Kudret Turk edebnatmda hikau e mman 11 Istanbul
1970 352-61 idem Man migun olmi in V™ lakfi
yilligi 1966 567-92 M Zekema Sertel Hatir
ladiklanm Istanbul 1968 134-7 Behcet Necatigil
Edtbnatimija isimlti sojugu 1st inbul 1975 s \ Azra
Eihat Mtktuplamlt Halikarnai Bahk(i i Istanbul 1976
F^HIR Iz)
HALILADI is m>robalinus the plum like fruit
of the Teiminaha chebul i-tree a Combratacea of
South- 4.sia and the Mala) an archipelago Being i
useful and cheap substitute [badal] for gall or oak
apples ('afsj the\ were used alread\ in antiquity foi
The
term appeals also as ahlilad} or ihliladj and goes
through Peisian hahla back to Sanskrit hantaki
S\non)ms are harsar (indicated as Indian ind prob-
ably to be demed from the Sanskrit term mentioned
abo\e) and mufarfah [with \anants) These truits were
allegedh unknown to the earlier Gieeks the podexvo.,
Ltnp£yiKT| of Dioscondes [Dt makna medica ed
M Wellmann n Berlin 1906 301 f = lib i\ 157)
is the fruit of a kind of Mennga known to the \iabs
is behen-nut lAanl The latei Greeks called this
uvupotaxXoivoi, ( 'sahe-acorn ) and when the 'Viabs
impoited from India the leal m) robalanus both were
confounded notwithstanding their complete!) differ
ent medical efiect
The A.iabs knew h\e kinds of m)robalanus all of
which had leiched Euiope perhips alread\ at the
time of the School of Salemo, but the\ were imported
in gieat quantities and used m the Western phar-
macies onl) through the trade of the Poituguese The
following kinds are undei discussion. (1) the )ellow
(hah
asja,
■fleet and puiges \ellou
gill \s in ointment it dries up wound boils and
burns (2) the muobahnus of Kabul [hahlad} kabult]
the ripe fruit of Temunaha (htbula is considered as
the hnest Its effect is like that of the Inst one and
besides it has the piopeit\ of conferring a lucid intel-
lect (3) the black muobahn (hahladj asitad) the un-
ripe fruit of the Ttrminalia ihtbula as large as a
sm ill nine (4) bahladj Terminaha btlhrua ind (5) amlad}
useful agnnst hemorrhoids in the Eastern and
Western Middle A.ges considered as a kind of muo
different fimih of pi ints nameh the Phllanthm
emblua (Euphoibiaceae) HoweNer the nomenclature
is not established with certiint)
The fiuits weie hanested at \ nious stages of
ripeness small unripe dried the) sened as medi
cine the npe fruits of the size of walnuts were used
for the preparition of tannin which was in high
demand In Indu where the m)iobalanus tiee is
indigenous the fruits were widel) used as medicine
especialh as stomachics and pui games the Tirplula
oi Tnphala ( tn-juiced medicine ) consisting pioba
bl) of three ol the kind mentioned abo\e was in pai
ticular esteemed icf il-Kh arazmi Mafatih al ulum
ed \ in Vloten Leiden 1895 186 tan abhal ay thalathat
akhlat uahiya ahhlad} asjar u.a balilad} il a amlad}) The
their digestne efiect The ni)robalanus has now dis
appeared fiom the pharmacopoeias in the West but
ma\ still be used here ind there in the East onl\
foi the prepaiation of tinnin is it still to be found
on the
aiket
nathemat
s the •
of the I
ciall) ihhtad} weie also used to designate an ellipse
(M Souissi Lu langut its mathimahques tn aiabt Tunis
19b8 Nos 35 37)
Bibliography '\li b Rabban al Tabari Firdaus
alhikma ed Siddiki Be.hn 1928 417 see
W Schmucker Die pflari lithe und miruralistht Mattna
mtdua an Firdaus alhikma dts at Tabari Bonn
1969 no 787 Razi Ha a xxi Ha\danbad 1388/
1958 b35 8 (no 898) Dn pharmahlog QrundsaU
dts 4bu Mansur Haram ti A. Ch A.chundow Halle
1893 145 f 337 f Ibn al Djazzar I'tunad Ms
A)asof\a 3564 fols 4b-5a Zahrawi Tamf Ms
Besir A.ga 502 lol 512a // 3-4 Ibn Sma hanun
Bulak i 297 f Birum Saydala ed HM Sa'id
Karachi 1973 \iab 377 f Engl 329 f Ibn
Biklaush Musta'im Ms Naples Bib] Naz m
F 65 foi 37b Ghahki al iduna al mufiada Ms
Rabat Bibl Gen k 155 i fols 152b-154b Ibn
Hubal Mukhtarat Ha\darabad 1362 u 68 f
P Guigues Us noms arabts dam Saapwn in J\
10 sene (1905) \ 496 (no 71) Btllileg 530 (no
226) Hahlig Maimomdes \ha>h amia' al 'ukkar ed
Me)erhol Cano 1940 no 112 Ibn al-Ba\tar
Diami' Bulak 1291 n 195-8 ti Lecleic no 2261
(with mam quotations from souices) \ usuf
b 'Umar Mu'tamad' ed M al-Sakka' Beirut
1395/1975 5 3b-9 Ibn al-Kufi 'Lmda Ha)darabad
1356 l 125 f see HG Kircher Dit tmfaihen
Heilmittil am dim Handbuih dtr Chirurgit dts Ibn al
Quff, Bonn 1967 no 2 3 Suwa\di Smiat Ms Pans
ar 3004 foi 80b Barhebraeus The abridged union
of The Book of simplt drugs of al Ghafiqi ed
Me)erhof and Sobh\ Cairo 1932 no 264
Ghassam Hadikat al ajiai Ms Hasan H ! \bdal-
Wahhab, lols. 123b-124a, Dawud al-Antaki,
HALlLADJ — HAMADISHA, or HMADSHA
Tadhkira, Cairo 1371/1952, i, 62; Tuhfat al-ahbab,
ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934, nos. 43, 126;
W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-dge,
ii, Leipzig 1886, 640-3; F.A. Fluckiger, Phar-
makognosie des Pflanzenreichei , Berlin 1891, 269 f.;
The medical formulary or Aqrabadhin of al-Kindi, tr.
M. Levey, Madison, etc. 1966, 342 (no. 314);
F. Moattar, Isma'il Gorgani und seine Bedeutung fur die
iranische Heilkunde, Diss. rer. nat. Marburg 1971,
no. 115. (A. Dietrich)
HALKEVI [see khalkevi].
HALLAK (a.), lit. "barber", "hairdresser", syn-
onymous with muzayyin; the hadjdjam ("cupper") [see
fassad, in Suppl.] also used to be a part-time barber.
The hallaks formed a group of skilled workers, of
mixed social oiigins The well known barbel in the
Islamic society of Medina was Khirash b Umayva
who shaved the Prophet Muhammad s hair The
Prophet had his hair shaved at Mina at the time of
the hadjdj and Muslims have followed this practice
during the Greater and Lesser Pilgrimages ever since
Some barber s work at the time of the Pilgrimage
received attention from the Arab writers who re
corded unusual events For instance a hallak while
shaving the hair of Abu Sufvan [q i ] accidentallv
cut the wart (thulul) on his head and this report
edlv caused his sickness and death in 20/640 savs
%l Samhudi During the Umayvad period another
hallak became widelv known at the time of the hadjdf
of \ azid b al Muhallab [q i ] who paid 5 000 dirhams
to the hallak after ritual shaving of his hair The
event illustrates that some barbers received chantv
from pilgrims in addition to their usual fee Some
Muslims used to have a vearlv hair cut on the Dav
of Sacrifice (yaum al nahr) as was the practice of
Hasan al-Basn [?.».], and Muslims even today observe
The hallak worked at market places and also in
public baths in Islamic cities on specific days of the
week. During the 'Abbasid period, the hairdresser was
one of the five regular attendants at every hammam.
The muhtasib demanded expertise from each hallak,
who could neither shave a child's hair without his
guardian's permission nor cut a slave's hair without
i approv;
I. Usuall
a hallak received a damk
ach hair-cut. It was also customary
for the hallak to give free hair-cuts to the poorer
members of society during the Mamluk period, writes
al-Ibshihi. In spite of their useful services, the barber
was a person of very humble status, ridiculed by writ-
ers. A hallak could marry only within his own social
group, according to the customary law of kafa'a, which
imposed similar restrictions on sweepers, weavers, cup-
pers and grocers. Seldom did a barber attain promi-
nence in early Islamic society, either by acquiring
knowledge of Islamic sciences or otherwise. The only
known exception to this was Abu '1-Hasan 'All b.
Muhammad al-Sufi al-Muzayyin, the barber who dis-
tinguished himself as a practising mystic and a close
friend of al-Djunayd [?•».]■
Bibliography: al-Rabf b. Habib, al-Djami' al-sahih,
Jerusalem 1381/1961, 40; Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat, Beirut
1958, vii, 176; viii, 139, 429 (basic source).; AbO
Nu'aim, Geschichte Isbahans, Leiden 1934, i, 17; al-
Sabi', Rusum dar al-khilafa, Baghdad 1964, 19-20;
Rasa'il Ikhwan ahsafa', Cairo 1928, i, 213, 215; al-
Sulaml, Tabakat al-Sufiyya, Cairo 1969, 382-5;
al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Kitdb al-TatJil, Damascus
1346/1927, 83-4; Ibn Bassam, Miayat al-rutbafi talab
al-hisba, Baghdad 1968, 71; Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim
al-kurba, London 1938, 156; Ibn al-Athir, al-Lubab ft
tahdlub al-ansab, Beirut n.d., iii, 205; idem, al-Xmaya
ft gharib al-hadith wa 'l-athar, Cairo 1963, i, 426-8;
al-Ibshihi, al-Mmlatraf Cairo 1952, i, 143, 161 (use-
ful source); al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-wafa' bi-akhbar dar
al-Mustafa, Beirut 1973, iii, 911; Ibn 'Abidin, Raid
al-muhtar 'aid dun al-mukhtar, Cairo 1877, 496-7; al-
Kattam, Nizam al-hukuma al-nabawiyya, Beirut n.d., ii,
104-5; cf. also M. Abdul Jabbar Beg, Workers in me
hammamat in the Arab Orient in the early Middle Ages, in
RSO, xlvii (1972), 77-80.
(M.AJ. Beg)
AL-HAMADHANJ, 'Ayn al-Kudat [see 'A™ al-
Kudat, in Suppl.].
HAMADISHA, or HMADSHA as they are
locally called, are the members of a loosely and
diverselv organised religious confraternity or
path (tanka) which traces its spiritual heritage back
to two Moroccan saints (walls or sayyids) of the late
17th and eailv 18th centuries, Sidl Abu '1-Hasan 'Air
b Hamdush (d 1131/1718-9 or 1 135/1722-3), popu-
larlv called Sidl ^r and Sidl Ahmad Dghughi (?).
Although little is known historically of the two saints,
their lives like the lives of other popular North African
saints are rich in legend. These legends stress the
saints acquisition possession, and passing on of blessing
or baraka [q ii] Sidl 'All, who is generally recognised
as the master of Sidl Ahmad, is thought to have
derived his teachings from 'Abd al-Salam b. Mashish
[q i ] and his student Abu '1-Hasan al-Shadhilr.
(Members of the confraternity recite on occasion a
hij> which thev trace to al-Shadhilr.) Sidl 'Air spent
vetrs at the Karawiyyln University in Fas, and, accord-
ing to the Saluat al anfas of Dja'far al-Kattani, he is
to be classed among the shaykhs of the mystical tra-
dition in which the trance (hal) is powerful. He would
occasionally fall into lion-like rages. Both Srdr 'Air and
Sidl Ahmad are buried on the south face of the Djebel
Zarhun some sixteen miles from the city of Miknas;
Srdi 'All in the village of Bani Rashid, Sidl Ahmad
in Ban! Warad. Their sanctuaries (kubbas), which are
under the charge of their (putative) descendants (awlad
al-sayyid), are the object of individual and collective
pilgrimages. The latter, the musem (mawsim), takes place
each year on the sixth and seventh day after the mulud
(mawhd), the Feast of the Prophet's Birthday, and is
attended not only by the Hmadsha but by tens of
thousands of devotees of the saints.
The Hmadsha are in fact members of one or
the other of two distinct confraternities which are
closely related and often confused. The 'Allaliyyin
are the followers of Srdi 'All and the Dghughiyyin of
Sidl Ahmad. Both brotherhoods have a network of
lodges (zawiyas) and teams (ta'ifas) that extend through-
out the principal towns and cities or northern Morocco
and through the Gharb and Zarhun areas. The
Hmadsha brotherhoods, which have neither the mem-
bership nor the fame of such popular orders as the
Tsawa [?■»■], do not extend across the Moroccan
frontier. In a figure that is undoubtedly too low,
Draque estimated their membership in 1938 at 3,400.
Today, despite a marked decrease in the popularity
of the confraternities in Morocco, the Hmadsha's num-
ber is considerably greater than Draque's estimate.
The members themselves fall into three distinct
classes: the awlad al-sayyid, who trace their descent
back to their ancestral saint, live principally in the
village in which he is buried, and do not usu-
ally participate in his ecstatic ceremonies; the
fukara' who are members of lodges (zawiyas) or teams
(ta'ifas); and the devotees, or muhibbun who are
simply attracted to the saint and his cult. Each of
HAMADISHA, i
the brotherhoods is in the charge of the head, the
The ' Hmadsha are notorious for" their practice
during trance of slashing their heads with knives or
halberds (shakna) or beating them with water jugs,
iron balls, or clubs studded with nails. The principal
ceremony {sadaka, layla, or hadra) of the brotherhood
is not dissimilar in form to the ceremonies of the
Tsawa, the Djilala [see kadiriyya], and other popu-
lar Maghribi brotherhoods. (It tends to be more sim-
ply organised, and more frenetic, in the shanty towns
and countryside than in the urban zdwiyas.) The cer-
emony usually begins with at least a perfunctory chant-
ing of popular litanies — there is no standard dhih or
hizb for the brotherhood — and continues with the hadra
or trance-dance. Men and women dance first to the
music of drums (tabl and gwal) and oboe [ghayta] and
then to that of the drums and either a reed recorder
(nira) or a guitar {ganbrt); they fall first into a light,
somnambulistic trance called hal and then into a
deeper, wilder trance called djedhba. It is during
djedhba that acts of self-mutilation (by men, rarely by
women) are performed and animals (pigs and camels]
The hadra is not understood in terms of a mystical
union or communion with God. Rather, the baraka
of the saint is held responsible for the hal; djedhba is
usually interpreted as possession by a djmn (djinni) or
more frequently by a d}mniyya. The most common pos-
sessing spirit is the djinmyya or ghula 'A'isha Kandisha
[q.v. above] who is said to manifest herself as either
a beauty or a hag, always with the foot of a camel or
some other hooved animal. The possessing spirit is
thought to respond to a particular musical phrase
(rih), often accompanied by words, which it finds
pleasing. The Hmadsha themselves serve primarily as
curers of the rf^Vm-struck and the rfjm/i-possessed. Their
aim is less to exorcise permanently the possessing
spirit than to establish a symbiotic relationship between
the spirit and its victim. Often membership in the
brotherhood occurs after a Hmadsba cure. Their cer-
emonies are thought also to bring baraka to their
sponsor, to those in attendance, and to the ceremo-
nial area itself.
Bibliography: J. Herber, Les Hamadcha et les
Dghoughimn, in Haperis (1923); G. Draque, Esqume
d'histoiie rehgieuse du Maroc, Paris n.d.; E. Der-
menghem, Le culte des taints dans t'lslam maghrebin,
Paris 1954; V. Crapanzano, The Hamadsha, in
N. Keddie (ed.). Saints, scholars, and Sufis, Berkeley
1972; idem. The Hamadsha: a study in Moroccan
ethnopsychiahy, Berkeley 1973; idem, 'Mohammed and
Dawia, in V. Crapanzano and V. Garrison (eds.l,
Case studies in spirit possession, New York 1976.
(V. Crapanzano;
al-HAMAL [see mintakat al-bitrudj].
HAMASA, '
genre
. In Swah]
the
In Swahili literature, the word hamasa oo
rarely and has the meaning of "virtue, cour
energy". The normal words for "courage, vak
in Swahili literature are ushujaa, ujasiri, usabiti
uhodari, all words of Arabic version, and so is
word for virtue, fadhila. There are only a few non
narrative heroic poems known in Swahili literature
most of them self-praises in true African fashion
The most famous of these is the Ukawafi of Liongo
praising himself, and at the same time an Ode tc
Freedom: "I am a young eagle. When this iron i:
broken, I will soai up into the skies, higher than
all", [see madIh. 5. In Swahili].
The vast majority of heroic poetry in Swahili is
narrative and composed in the utenzi metre of lines
of eight syllables; every four lines form a stanza ubeh
(the word is formed on the basis of bayt). The rhyme
scheme is a a a b, in which b represents the rhyme
of the last line of every stanza throughout the whole
poem; there are in Swahili more than a thousand
words ending in ya, n, etc. Rhyme in Swahili means
the identity of the last syllable, so that amba, imba,
omba, umba are rhyme-words.
About the life of the semi-mythical poet-hero
Liongo we possess a few epic fragments which how-
ever, are certainly not contemporary (he lived pre-
sumably ca. 1010/1600). The oldest datable Swahili
epic in Swahili is also the finest ever written in it;
the ms. in Hamburg is dated 1141/1728. Its theme
is the myth of the Prophet Muhammad's expedition
to Tabuk where according to this legend, he encoun-
tered and defeated the Emperor of Constantinople,
Heraclius I, hence the epic's title, Utendi wa Herekah,
or Chuo cha Tambuka. The published text (1958) has
1,145 stanzas. The sophisticated structure, the com-
pact language, the intense style and the rich imagery
show that it stands at the end of a long evolution
of epic poetry of which we have no documentation.
All we know is that the Heiekah had many imita-
tors, none of whom ever reached the powerful dic-
tion and the visionary heights of this first epic. The
author, Bwana Mwengo b. Athumani, worked for a
time at the court of the sultan of Pate, who request-
ed him to versify the Arabic legend [hadithi I, in
"Swahili." Mwengo's son Abu Bakari composed at
[q.v.] tradition, the Katirifu, i.e. the expedition of
Muhammad against king Ghitrif (ms. in SOAS,
undated, but probably ca. 1750-60). Here follows a
list of the major heroic-narrative poems in Swahili.
Abdu-Rahmam. This adventurous son of Abu Bakr,
whose bride is a daughter of the infamous Abu
Sufyan, fights numerous battles which made him so
popular that there are two epic poems about him
in Swahili.
Ali. 'Air is by far the most popular hero in Swahili
epics literature, but so far no complete epic about his
life has come to light. His exploits are celebrated in
the Utenzi wa Anzarum in which he defeats the shavtan
Anzurni (cf. Kur'an, VII, 14); in the Utenzi wa Her'ekah;
in the Katirifu; in the Ran'l-Ghuh (ca. 1870), a Swahili
versification of the Futuh al-Yaman, one of the longest
Swahili epics (4,300 stanzas) and of course in the epic
of Haibara, on the battle of Khaybar [q.r.], of which
only an incomplete ms. survives. The Utenzi wa
Muhamadi contains among others the episode of the
Battle of the Trench (Handaki [see khandak]); this epic
of the life of Muhammad is the longest in Swahili
literature, and with that, the longest epic ever com-
posed in an African language. The Utenzi wa Badiri,
the Epic of the Battle of Badr [q.v.] is the next in
length, with 4,500 stanzas; yet it is not length that
makes an epic great literature.
Hajji Chum of Zanzibar (Jl. ca. 1920) wrote an epic
on the Battle of Uhud which contains some
beautifully dramatic scenes; it was edited by H.E.
Lambert (East African Literature Bureau in Nairobi;
739 stanzas). Hemedi b. Abdallah al-Buhriy (d. 1922)
wrote, apart from the long version of the Abdu-
Rahmani mentioned above, an equally long epic
about the German conquest of the Swahili Coast in
1884. For the pious Swahili, this was a Holy War
HAMASA — HAMID KALANDAR
against Chnstian invaders who bombed women
and children from their safe warships It is by far
the best modern epic 1 e one that deals with recent
historical events instead of the mainly mythical events
set during the hie oi the Prophet The only epic set
after his life are the three known veisions oi the
life and death of Huseni (i e al Husayn [qi]) which
shows (as do the Swahih traditions about Ah) that
there must have been consideiable Mil l influence
on the East African Coast The epics that deal with
the lives of the piophets before Muhammad (Adam
Ay>ub Musa \ unus 1 usuf) and those on the lives
of the first Muslim women (Khadidja Fatima A isha)
aie not heioic in the tiue sense of chivalresque and
are left outside the scope of this article
Bibliography A complete list oi titles mss and
editions can be found in Knappert The canon oj
Suahili literature in B R Bloomfield ed Middle
East Studies and Librams jor Pioj JD Piarwn
London 1980 85 102 Epic poetry is discussed in
Knappert Fout teutons oj Sziahih arte London 1979
chs 3 5 8 idem Traditional Suahili poetry Leiden
1967 ch 3 text editions idem Suahili Islamic poetry
Leiden 1971 in Uteruj ua Muraji see \fnka und
leberste xlvm (1964) 241 74 Katmfu in ibid lin
81 104 264 313 The two great works on the
Swahili epic are E Dammann Dichtungen in der
Lamu Mundart des Suaheli Hamburg 1940 and
JWT Allen Tendi London 1971
(J Knappert)
al HAMDAWI Abi Ali Isma il b Ibrahim
b Hamdawayhi bettei known as al Hamduni (this
nisba being due to a defective reading cf al Sam am
insab ed Hyderabad iv 241) minoi poet of
Basra in the 3id/9th century Fiom his piofession
(that oi katib Ibn Kutayba lyun iv 89) and his
origin he belonged to the chss of high officials of
Persian ongin in the Abbasid administration his
grandfather had been anj al ^anadika undei al Mahdi
from 168/784-5 (Goldziher, Soldi b 'Abd al huddus
und das ^tndikthum itahnnd der Regierung des Chahjen
al-Mahdi, in Trans Congress oj Orientalists, London, n,
1892, 108).
Nothing is known of his youth, the Aghant, \n, 61-
2, mentions his relations with the libertine poets of
Basra 'Abd al-Samad b al-Mu'adhdhal and Madratan
Like them, he does not seem ever to have left Basia
to seek his fortune in Baghdad Amongst his pations,
especially notable was Muhammad b al-Mughira b
Harb (genealogv in Ibn Hazm, Djamhara , 3b9) known
as Ibn Harb. This scion of the Muhallabids, gover-
nor of Nahr Tira and a lover of bacchic sessions,
offered a slightly worn taylasan to the poet, who was
angered and launched a series of ten epigrams at Ibn
Harb. Their success— al-Mubarrad's circle seems to
have appreciated them, accoiding to al-Husri, ^ahi
al-adab, 550— led al-Hamdawi to make the taylasan
the central motif of his poetry Other fragments of
his attack a descendant of Sulayman b 'All, the gov-
ernor of Basra and outstanding pation, al-Husayn b
Dja'far (Aghant \x, 37) and al-Hasan b Rabah, an
aristocratic Basian of whom al-Djahiz thought highly
Towards the end of al-Hamdawfs life theie took
place the episode of Sa'id b Sabandad, a skinny and
bony ewe triggered ofl an incident similar to that of
the taylasan. The only biographical detail attested is
provided by a particulaily lancoious distich directed
against Sa'id b Humayd aftei his appointment in
248/862 as head of the Conespondence Department
(al-Tabari, iii, 1515) But aftei this date, al-Hamdawi
Al Hamdawi was essentially a satirist One epigram
of his was so boldly drawn that it was attributed
from its high quality to Abu Nuwas (Ibn al-Hidjdja
Tahilalghanb n 249 Abu Nuwas Dm an ed Wagner
u 152) The interest of his poetry lies in its treat
ment oi themes here we have a taylasan and an ewe
laised to the level of liteiary types (al Tha alibi Thimai
alkulub Cairo 1965 376 601 673) and providing
points of reference for scholars Ibn al Rumi Ibn
Sukkara and Ibn Sarah evoke this famous taylasan
and m the 9th/ 15th century al-Suyuti follows the
same path in his al ihadith al hisan ji jadl al taylasan
(ms Escunal 1972 fols 27b 29b 30a b) This hidja
of insinuation is thrown into relief by an effort of
poetic style which is extiemely bravura tadmin and
metaphors (Ibn Abi Awn Tashbihal cites him twelve
times) brought great delight to the scholars (al
Djurdjam Kmayat 123)
Bibliography As well as references given above
see Ibn al Mu tazz Tabakat index Ibn Abd
Rabbihi Ikd index Mas udi Mmud} vm 89 =
§ 3213 and index sv Hamduni Hush Djam al
d^auahir index Ibn al Djarrah Uaraka 62 Bayhaki
al Mahasin ua I masaui 304 4b3 Askari \laam
index al Khalidiyy an al Tuhaj u a I hadaya index
Abd Allah b Muhammad al Abdalkam Hamasat
aUuraja ms Istanbul University 1455 fol Ilia
Ibn Hamdun Tadhkira ms Ra is al kuttab 7b9 v
154a 159 b lbl a Aydamir al Dun aljand ua
bayt alkasid ms Fatih 3761 26 b 193 a 354 a
Husayn Sabih al Allak al Shuara al kuttab ji I Irak
ji Ikam althahth alhdjri Beirut 1975 index Ibn
Khalhkan Bulak n 472 3 ed Ihsan Abbas vn
95 98 Safadi no 3994 The poets dluan has
been brought togethei and published in the Iiaqi
loumal al \laund m/1 (1974) (additions in iv/1
1975) by A Dj al Nadjdi it has been studied by
A Arazi Themes et style d al Hamdaui in Ji cclxvu
(1979), 261 307 (A Arazi)
HAMDUN IBN al-HADJDJ [see ibn al-hadjdj].
HAMID KALANDAR, Sufi mystic and poet
of Muslim India.
He was born in Kiloghari (Dihll) some time towards
the close of Khaldji period. His father, Mawlana Tadj
al-DTn, was a devout disciple of Shaykh Nizam al-Din
Awliya', and Hamld Kalandar visited the Shaykh along
with his father when he was a mere child. His father
made proper arrangements for Hamid's education, and
he completed his studies according to the traditions
oi his age. When Muslim families were forcibly trans-
planted by the order of Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk
from Dihll to Deogln, Hamld also had to move to
the Deccan. In Dawlatabad (Deogiri) he benefited from
the company of Mawlana Burhan al-Dih Gharib, the
khalifa of Shaykh Nizam al-Dln Awliya', and then in
753/1352-3 returned to Dihli. In 754/1353 he paid
a visit to Shaykh Nasir al-Din, the successor of Nizam
al-Din Awliya'. Being informed about his father's
association with his master, Shaykh Nasir showed him
much regard, asking "Mawlana, how can I address
you as Kalandar?" (sc. because he was a scholarly
man) He told him that once Nizam al-Din Awliya'
had told his father that the child would live in the
fashion of a Kalandar [q.v]; he accordingly shaved his
head, eye-brows, moustaches, beard, and wore saffron
clothes like the Kalandars.
HamTd Kalandar compiled the Maljuzdt or sayings
of Shaykh Nasir al-Din of Dihli in Persian, depicting
the great Shaykh, inter alia, as talking to different peo-
ple who belonged to the various strata of society and
came to the Shaykh's khankah with their manifold
HAMlD KALANDAR — HAMZA MAKHDUM
problems. The work is characterised by clarify of thought
and is free from miracles and other mystical lucubra-
tions. He also left a LKwan of poetry which is not
extant, although Shaykh <Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith says
that his verses were of poor quality and unimportant.
The Maqjmu'a-yi lata' if ' wa-safina, an early 9th/ 15th cen-
tury anthology (B.M. Or. 4110), contains a number of
kasidas composed by Hamid Kalandar in praise of
Sultan FTrQz Shah of Dilhi, showing that he was a
courtier also. The statement of Sayyid Muhammad
Gisu Daraz [q.v.] contains some truth that Mawlana
Harmd and his companions, Mawlana Adam, Mawlana
Ladhu Shah and Mawlana Sharaf al-Din had no gen-
uine aptitude for Sufism, but it is nevertheless correct
that Harmd possessed neither a house, nor a wife or
a child, and always lived as a Kalandar.
Bibliography. 'Abd al-Hakk, Akhbar al-akhydr,
Dihlr 1914; Harmd Kalandar, Khavr al-ma<jfalii, ed.
K.A. Nizami, Aligarh 1960; Sayyid Muhammad
Husayni, ^awami' al-kalim (sayings of Shaykh
Muhammad Gisu Daraz) ed. Muhammad Hamid
Siddiqui, Kanpur 1356/1937-8; Mir Khurd, Siyat
al-awliya', Dihlr 1302/1885. _ (I.H. Siddiqui?
HAMID AL-DIN KADI NAGAWRI, Muhammad
b. 'Ata\ Sufi saint and scholar of Muslim
India. On becoming a SufT he came to be known
as Shaykh Hamid al-Din. Having travelled to differ-
ent Muslim countries, he came to Dihli during the
reign of Iltutmish (607-33/1211-36 [q.v.]) and soon
developed an intimacy with Shaykh Kutb al-Din
Bakhtiyar Kaki, the leading Cishti saint of Dihli.
He himself belonged to the Suhrawardi order and
was the khalifa or chief disciple of Shaykh Shihab al-
Din Suhrawardi (539-632/1145-1234). Being fond of
sama' (songs sung for the spiritual entertainment of
the Sufis), he made it popular in Dihli. He is reported
to have served in Nagawr as kadi, thereby acquiring
the nisba of Nagawri. "Towards the end of his life he
came to Dihli "and died there in 641/1244, being
buried near the grave of his friend, Shaykh Kutb at
Din Kaki.
Hamid al-Din Nagawri was learned in both Arabic
and Persian and wrote a number of popular books
on religion and Sufism, as well as composing verses.
Once Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya' quoted to his
disciples the opinion of a certain leading scholar of
the 7th/ 13th century who used to tell his pupils
"Whatever you study is available in these pages [sc.
in the works of the kadi], and whatever you do not
know is also contained herein. Whatever (knowledge)
I have acquired is based on I his works) and what
I do not know is also in his I works)." Amongst
his numerous works, only the T await' al-shumus and
Sharh-i Arba'in (mss. of both in the Habib Gandj
Collection, Mawlana Azad Library, Aligarh) are extant.
The former explains the meanings of the names of
God, while the latter is a commentary on the select-
ed forty traditions of the Prophet relating to gnosis
and the love of God. There are extracts from his
famous works, the Lawa'ih and the Laivami', contained
in the Akhbar al-akhyat, and there is a quatrain com-
posed by Shaykh Hamid al-Din in praise of Shaykh
Farid al-Din Gandj-i Shakar of Adjodhan quoted in
the Ta'rlkh-i Muhammadl of Bihamad Khanl.
Bibliography. 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith Dih-
lawi, Akhbar al'-akhyar, Dilhi 1309/1891-2; Ghawthl
Shattari, Gulcar-i abrar (a 17th century work),
ms. Habib Gandj Collection, Mawlana Azad
Library, Aligarh.; Muhammad Mubarak KirmanI,
known as Mir Khurd, Siyar al-awliya', Dihli
1302/1885; Muhammad Bih'amad-Khani, Ta'fikh-
i Muhammadl, ms. British Museum Or. 137; Mir
Hasan Sidjzi, Fawa'id al-fu'ad (collection of the table
talk of Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya 1 ), Newal
Kishore 1302/1885; Storey, i, 5.
(I.H. Siddiqui)
HAMID al-DIN SUFI NAGAWRI SIWALI, Sufi
saint of Muslim India. He was the post-humous son
of Shaykh Muhammad al-Sufi, and allegedly the first
child to be born in a Muslim family associated with
the ruling class in Dihli after its conquest by the Turks.
When he was a grown-up young man, he became
fond of a voluptuous life, but soon became disgusted
with it and then decided to devote himself to religion
and piety. He entered the circle of the disciples of
Shaykh Mu'In al-Din Cishti in Adjmer and soon
became a devoted Sufi, repenting of his past sins and
adopting a life of poverty. Being impressed by his sin-
cerity and devotion, his fir gave him the title of Sultan
a khildfat-nama, i.e. permission to enrol disciples.
Shaykh Hamid al-Din finally settled down in Siwal,
a small village adjacent to Nagawr, where he lived in
a thatched house and dressed" himself like a peasant,
using two sheets of cloth to cover the upper and the
lower parts of the body; he lived frugally and earned
his livelihood by ploughing the land, never establish-
ing any contact with the members of the ruling class
nor accepting any aid from the state. He owned a cow
that he milked himself, and was a strict vegetarian. His
death took place in 674/1276 at an advanced age.
He was of the early Cishti saints who made the
order popular and widely-known in India. It is inter-
esting to note that he lived and worked as a Sufi
in rural surroundings, while all the leading Sufis
tended to live in the urban centres. He composed
verses and wrote on religious problems, and his let-
ters, addressed to Shaykh Baha' al-Din Zakariyya'
Suhrawardi of Multan and other persons were very
famous during mediaeval times. He wrote treatises also
on Sufism, the extracts from which are to be found
in Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Dihlawfs Akhbar al-akhyar.
Bibliography. 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith Dihlawi,
Akhbar al-akhyar, Dihli 1309/1891-2; Sayyid
Muhammad Mubarak Kirmani, known as Mir
Khurd, Siyai al-awliya', Dihli 1302/1885; Surur al-
huditr, an anonymous work, but certainly written
bv one of the grandsons of Hamid al-Din Sufi
Nagawri, as the contents reveal, ms. Habib Gandj
Collection, Mawlana Azad Library, Aligarh.;
Storey, i, 6, 1192. (I.H. Siddiqui)
HAMZA MAKHDUM, Sufi saint of the
Kubrawiyya. He was the son of Baba 'Uthman, of
Radjput descent, and was born in about 900/1494-5.
He studied in the famous madrasa in Srinagar known
as Dar al-Shifa', which was founded bv Sultan Hasan
Shah (876-89/1472-84). He studied the Kur'an, hadith,
fikh and Sufism under able teachers like Baba Isma'Il
Kubr
i, the
prmcip;
1 of the ,
ar of his time, his "son Mulla Fath Allah Shin
Mulla Lutf Allah. After completing his education, Hamza
Makhdum became a follower of the Kubrawi order.
He exhorted the Muslims to adhere to the SharT'a and
to give up all un-Islamic beliefs and practices which
they had borrowed from the non-Muslims. He was also
one of the leaders of the movement against Shfism,
which had begun to spread in the Valley in the first
half of the 10th/ 16th century due to the efforts of Mir
Shams al-Din 'Iraki and his followers. Hamza Makhdum,
therefore, undertook tours in the Valley to prevent the
spread of Shfism and also to propagate Islamic fun-
damentalism. Ghazi Shah Cak (968-70/1561-3), the first
HAMZA MAKHDUM -
ruler of the Cak dynasty, being a staunch Shi'i, ban-
ished him from Srinagar to Blru, a village 20 miles
away. He was allowed to return to Srinagar by Sultan
Husayn Shah (970-8/1563-70), who was a liberal ruler.
But Hamza Makhdum did not give up his anti-Shfr
activities and was a party to imiting the Emperor
Akbar to conquer Kashmir and save Sunnism. He
died at the age of 84 and was buried on the slope
of the Hariparbat hillock in Srinagar, below Akbar's
fort. He is greatly revered by the Kashmiris, who
hold his anniversary every year and visit his tomb in
large numbers.
Bibliography: G.D.H. Sufi, Kashh, Lahore
1948-9; Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the Sultans,
Calcutta 1959; Kh"adja Ishak Karl, Hilyat al-'anfin,
ms. B.M. Or. 1868, a life of Shaykh Hamza
Makhdum; Hadjdji Mu'In al-Din, Ta'nkh-i kabh,
Amritsar 1322/1904. (Mohibbul Hasan)
HANAFITES [see hanafiyya].
HAND ASA [see 'ilm al-handasa] .
HANDZIC (al-KHANDJI), Muhammad b.
Muhammad b. Salih b. Muhammad, a leading
Bosnian Muslim and Arabic author who was
born in Saray Bosna about 1909. He received his
early education in Bosnia, and his higher education
at al-Azhar in Cairo, where he was admitted to the
degree of al-'dlimiyya. After this he performed the hagjdj
with his father, and returned to his native country to
teach. He belonged to the HanafT madhhab, and fol-
lowed the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya in fikh. He died
at Saray Bosna on 29 July, 1944.
During his short literary career he contributed
both to the international literature of Islam, with
his various works on theology, and to the Arabic
literature of Yugoslavia with his poetry, his works
dealing with various aspects of the local history of
the Muslims in Bosnia, and his literary study al-
In addition to the latter work his published writ-
ings include a commentary on Risalat Hayat al-anbiya'
by Ahmad al-Bayhaki, a commentary' on al-Kalim
al-tayyib of Ahmad b. Taymiyya and Risalat al-Hakk
al-sahlh fl ithbat nuzul Sayyidina al-Masih. A number
of his works remain unpublished, including some
Arabic poems and a supplement to Hadjdji Khalifa's
Bibliography: Zakl Muhammad Mudjahid, al-
A'lam al-sharkiyya fi 'l-mi'a al-rdbi'a 'ashra al-hidjriyya,
ii, Cairo 1950~ 174; <Umar Rida Kahhala, Mu%am
al-mu'allfln, xi, Damascus 1960, 280; for his unpub-
lished works, see K. Dobraca, Fihns al-makhtutat al-
'arabiyya wal-turkiyya wa'lfansiyya, i, Sarajevo 1963,
passim; R.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Young, An exposi-
tion of the Islamic doctrine of Christ's Second Coming, as
presented by a Bosnian Muslim icholar, in Orientaha
Lovaniensia Periodica, v (1974), 127-37.
(R.Y. Ebied and M.J.L. Young)
al-HARITH b. KALADA b. 'Amr b. 'Iladj al-
Thakaf! (d. 13/634-5), traditionally considered as the
oldest known Arab physician.
It is nevertheless difficult to pin down his person-
ality. He came originally from al-Ta'if, where he
was probably born a few years after the middle of
the 6th century A.D., and is said to have been a
lute-player (trained in Persia?) before studying medi-
cine at Gondeshapur [q.v.] and, adds Sa'id al-Andalusi
{Jabakat al-umam, ed. Cheikho, Beirut 1912, 47, tr.
Blachere, Paris 1935, 99) with small probability, in
the Yemen. He became the "physician of the Arabs",
acquiring great fame, and according to some late
sources had relations with the Persians, even to the
point that he is supposed to have had with one of
the Kisras — unhesitatingly identified with Khusraw
Anushirwan, who however died in 579 A.D. — a long
:h the principles behind his
medical treatments (see especially, Ibn Khallikan,
Wafayat, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1965, vi, 373-6; Ibn
Abl Usaybi', Atibba', ed. Miiller, i, 110-11). A docu-
ment of this kind, which leads one to believe that
Ibn Kalada was the author of a treatise on hygiene
(see also al-GhuzulI, Matali' al-budur, ii, 101-3), is clear-
ly apocryphal, but it undoubtedly contains some of
the aphorisms current among the Arabs of the time,
remembrance of which has not entirely disappeared.
It is mainly a question of pieces of advice on food
and sexual hygiene which investigators of the 2nd-
3rd/8th-9th centuries were able to gather together.
Since al-Harith also practised at Mecca, on vari-
ous occasions he tended Muhammad, it is related,
before his mission, and there are naturally attributed
to him some spectacular cures of a patently folkloric
nature. Among these figures his treatment of a youth
whose illness, difficult to diagnose, was simply an
impossible love which he felt for his sister-in-law (Ibn
Kayyim al-Djawziyya, Akhbar al-nisa', Cairo 1319, 21-
2, citing al-Asma'I; cf. R. Basset, Milk et un conks,
etc., Paris 1926, ii, 74-5, who brings forward several
variants of this tale and points out its resemblance to
the intervention of the physician Erasistratos with
Antiochus). According to a legend of anti-LImayyad
origin, when the wife of Yusuf al-Thakaff, who had
had al-Harith as her first husband, brought al-
Hadjdjadj [q.v.] into the world, Satan appeared amidst
the family in the form of Ibn Kalada and made the
baby drink some blood because he was refusing his
mother's breast; this was the origin of the bloodthirsty
nature of the great governor (al-Mas'udi, Murudj, v,
288-9 = §§ 2052-3). "
The biographers also lay emphasis on one of his
cures which had far-reaching consequences, that per-
formed at al-Ta'if on a person described as a king of
Yemen called Abu '1-Khayr (Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif, 288)
or else al-Nushadjan [b. Wahriz] (Yakut, s.v.
Zandaward), or even simply a Yashkuri of Kaskar (al-
Baladhurl, Ansab, iv/a, 163); the sick man, now cured
of leprosy, showed his gratitude by presenting to al-
Harith the famous Sumayya, who came originally from
Zandaward and had belonged to the Persian emper-
or. This explicatory story is already fairly suspect, but
may contain a basis of truth; it is difficult to make
out subsequent events because of the anti-LImayyad
traditions which have obscured things. This Sumayya,
who is moreover sometimes mixed up with the moth-
er of 'Ammar b. Yasir [q.v.], Summayya bint Khubat
(Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif 256), had several children: the
third one, Ziyad [q.v.], gave rise to the well-known
controversies; the second, Nufay', known historically
by his kunya of Abu Bakra [q.v.], was not recognised
by al-Harith, who gave out that his father was one
his slaves called Masruh; as for the first child, Nafi',
several sources (in particular, al-Baladhuri, be. cit.) make
him the son of al-Harith, but Ibn al-Kalbi (-Caskel,
Tab. 1 18) only mentions a Nafi' b. Kalada, who would
accordingly be the brother of the physician. Without
becoming aware of a contradiction, since he affirms
that al-Harith was childless, Ibn Kutayba (loc. cit.)
attributes to him a daughter Azda who was the wife
of 'Utba b. Ghazwan [q.v.]; the latter brought his
three brothers-in-law to Basra and employed Ziyad as
a secretary (see also ai-Baladhurl, Ansab, iv/a,
164). Complicating the situation even further, Ibn
l-HARITH b. KALADA — al-HARITHI
Hablb [Muhabbar, 4b(J) fuither cites another daughtei
of al-Hanth Kilaba who married a distant cousin,
<Amr b 'Umavi b 'Awf (Ibn al-KalbT-Caskel, Tab
118;
It can be seen that this familv history is \erv
difficult to disentangle and it offeis a characteristic
example of the confusions brought about bv the
efforts of many mauall to pro\ide themsehes with
an Arab genealogv and, in this particular case by
the fierce political propaganda aimed at blackening
the Umawad's names Accoiding to the informa-
tion mentioned abo\e, Sumawa was appaiently mar-
ried at least once, since it was her husband 'Ubayd
who was the alleged father of Ziyad Now the his-
toncal sources reflect, in legard to Mu'awiva s recog-
nition of Zrvad's position as collateral relati\e (istilhak)
an anti-Umavvad tradition according to which
Sumawa was a prostitute, which makes this 'physi-
cian of the Arabs" a procure!, since sht had been
installed at his instigation m the karat al baghmd in
al-Ta'if in return lor paving him a share of her earn-
ings (al-Mas'Odr Murud}, v, 22, 24 = § 1778 1781)
Logically the physiognomists ought to have intei-
\ened and pronounced upon the father of each of
her children [see bicjja', above] but the sources sav
nothing about this
Al-Hanth b Kalada probablv gave up this latter
activity— if indeed the information about it is authen-
tic—after he was converted to Islam and had acquired
the status of one of the Prophet's Companions
Accoiding to a tradition which has clearlv been
reshaped (see al-Taban, i, 2127-8, al-Mas'OdT, Murudi,
iv, 184 = !) 1518 ci alFakhn, ed Derenbourg, 133),
Abu Bakr was poisoned bv the Jews, and al-Hanth
who had shared his meal lost his sight and died soon
altera aids
One discerns that, if the histoncal existence of the
"physician oi the Arabs" cannot be put in doubt, his
personality is surrounded bv a host of legends which
have secured a foothold in the historical and biogra-
phical literature and which make verv difficult all
attempts to disentangle the tiue fiom the false
As well as the treatise on hvgiene attributed to
him, there aie some veises given under his name
notablv the following (al-'Askan, Sma'ataw, 123)
"There are some people who showei sti angers with
their beneficence, whilst thev afflict their ielatives with
unhappmess right till death '
Bibliography (in addition to references given m
the aiticle) Djahrz, Bukhala' ed Hadjin 98, ti
Pellat 159, Ibn Kutavba, 'Uyun, index, Baladhun,
Futuh, 343, Ibn Djuldjul, Tabakat al atibba' Cairo
1955, 54 Kiftr, Hukama', ed Lippeit, Leipzig 1903
lb 1-2, Ibn Abr Usavbi'a Atibba' i, 1U9-13, Ibn al-
Athlr, n, 231, in, 37U, Ibn 'Abd Rabbih, 'Ikd, index,
MaizubanT, Mu'djam 172 Ibn Hadjai, Isaba, no
1475, Tabrlzl Shark al Hamasa, 252, Leclerc,
Medeane arabt, i, 26-8, Hamidullah, Lt Pmphete dc
llslam, 41, 317, 505, L Massignon and R Ainaldez
La amice arabt, Paris 1957, i, 444, DM Dunlop,
Amhc science in tht Hnf, Karachi nd, 2 Mb
Belguedj, La medecme traditwnntlle dans le (onstantinois,
Strasbourg 1966, 9 (Ch Pellat)
al-HARITHI, Salih b 'Alt (125U-1314/1834-9b),
prominent IbadT leader oi the second hall of the
19th centurv and paramount shaykh (tamima) oi the
confederation oi tribes of Eastern 'Uman known as
the Sharkiwa HinawTs
This regional grouping began to crystallise under
Hnth leadership during the civil war that maiked
the collapse of the Ya'anba Imamate in the fust half
of the 18th centurv and continued to develop as one
of the ma]or political groupings around which the
loyalties of the tubal moiety divisions within 'Uman
tended to polarise in times of cusis the so-called
HinawF and Ghafin staffs (alliances) Within the Hnth
clan itself, leadeiship was shaied bv three family group-
ings the senior to which Salih belonged with its 'cap-
ital ' \'asma) at al-Kabil, a cadet branch (the Al
Humavd) at neaiby al-Mudaynb and the third con-
ti oiling the original clan settlement oi Lowei Ibia
(whence the msba Barnaul, var Barvani, in East African
sources) These divisions were particularly impoitant
in the politics of Zanzibai where members oi the Hirth
tended to dispute the leadeiship oi the old-established
'Umam settlers (most oi whom originated in the
Sharkiwa) but at home the paramount leadeiship of
the Kabil branch seems to have been firmly estab-
lished bv at least the beginning of the 19th century
foi Tsa b Salih Salih s great-grandfather is mentioned
in the sources as being leader of the Sharkiwa HinawTs
from the beginning until the middle oi the century
sition to Sawid SaTd b Sultan (sultan <a 18U4-5b)
in 'Uman His giandson, 'All b Nasir (Salih s father)
on the other hand, was a strong support ei of Saw id
SaTd in his East African domain, at one time he was
SaTd's governoi in Mombasa, later his envoy to
England He was killed in SaTd's service at the battle
of Siu during the campaign against the MazatT' of
Pate (wmtei 1844-5)
Salih himself seems to have come stionglv under
the influence of his gieat-grandfathei and was
brought up in the tribal environment at al-Kabil It
was Tsa who was also presumably responsible ior
sending him to study with Sa'Td b Khalfan al-Khalili
(182CP-71), one of the IbadT 'ulama' with whom he
had been involved in the abortive attempts to pro-
mote HumQd b Azzan as Imam during the mid-
184Us Following the death oi Saw id Sa'id the Ibadi
movement piofited iiom the succession disputes and
tended to cultivate the aspirations of members of the
Kays b al-Imam Ahmad branch ot the Al Bu Sa'id
fiom Rustak in 'Uman and oi Saw id Barghash b
Sa'Td in Zanzibar Salih s fust appearance in this
political scene was during his sole recorded visit to
Zanzibar in Sawid Madjid b SaTd's time (sultan
185b-70), there he became involved m Sawid
Barghash's attempt to depose his brothei with the
help of the Hirth and other IbadT leaders After the
failuie of this coup in 1859 Sahd took leiuge in
Somalia foi a couple oi years during which time he
completed his foimal studies
Upon his return to 'Uman, he immediately be-
came involved in the increasingly complex political
situation which revolved aiound the Al Bu SaTd dynas-
tic struggle by now exacerbated bv the Canning
award oi 18bl which divided Zanzibar fiom 'Uman,
the IbadT movement which tended to look ioi tribal
support iiom the Hinawi faction in central 'L'mam,
Wahhabr expansionism and inci easing British lntei-
vention in 'Umani affans Eventually in September
18b8, the parnude sultan, Salim b ThuwaynT (sul-
tan 18b6-81, was evicted irom Muscat bv a tribal ioice
drawn irom the Rustak and Banna HinawTs under
'Azzan b Qavs and the Shaikiwa Hinawis led by
Salih b 'AlT thereupon 'Azzan was elected an Imam
with limited power (a da'if Imam) under the sponsor-
ship oi the then leading 'ulama', SaTd b Khalfan al-
KhalllT (who was also paramount leader of the HinawT
Bam Ruwaha), Muhammad b Sulawim al-GhanbT
(irom the Batma Yal Sa'd) and Salih.
In 1871 Tuikf b SaTd re-established the sultanate
with a Ghafiil tribal aimy encouraged by the British
and financially aided by his brother Madjid from
Zanzibai 'Azzan was killed in the siege of the cap-
ital and SaTd b Khalfan al-Khalili muideied aftei
he had eventually been petsuaded to suirendei by
the Bntish Agent in Muscat Fiom then onwaids,
Sahh directed the Ibadi movement until his death in
18%
integiitv to lead and advise the Mush
until such time as an Imam can be piopeilv elected
It was in this guise that he continued his attacks, with
the suppoit of the Shaikiyya Hmawls and their badu.
Wahlba allies on the sultans in Muscat (1874 1877,
IS"} 1 }) and against dissident tubesmen, notablv the
campaign m 1894 against the BanI Shuhavm of
the \\5dr Dama who weie the shaikhly clan of the
Masakira, the Hirth's great nvals in Ibia and in 18%
against the Banu Djabn, leadeis ot the Ghafin con-
fedeiation of cential 'Umin who were harrying the
Rahbiyyan allies of the Shaikiyya Hinawis It was
dining the lattei attack that he met his death, struck
by a bullet in the thigh at al-Djavla
Duimg the first part of this penod, Salih's mam
position of Tuikr b SaTd (Sultan 1871-88), but after
the failure of the 1877 attack he largely confined his
activities to intriguing against the regime at Muscat
and m maintaining his political authority in the mte-
nor In Favsal b Turki's time, on the other hand,
he does seem to hav e had ideas of sponsoring Sa'ud,
a son of 'Azzan b Kavs as a candidate for the
Imamate Sahh was succeeded bv his eldest son 'Isa
(d 1946) who with another of his foi mer pupils, 'Abd
Mlah b Humavd al-Sahml (d 1914), were to play a
major part in lestonng the Imamate in central 'Uman
Salih's suivivmg literarv work is a collection of
djauabat, ananged in 19 lb- 17 by A Walld SaTd b
Humavd b KhalTfayn al-Hanthr, later kadi of the
Imam Muhammad b 'Abd Allah al-Khallll (Imam
1920-54), undei the title '4>« al ma.dlih (see
Bibhographv)
Bibliography 1 'Umani souices al-Hanthi,
'Isa b Sahh b 'Air hhulawt al ucua'il fi tartlb al
masa'il Damascus n d , introduction, al-Hanthi
Sahh b 'Mi, '4i« al masahh, Damascus nd Ibn
Ruzavk/Raztk, ti G P Badgei, Histor, of tht Imami
and Smids of 'Oman , Book 3 Hakluyt Societv
1871 al-Sahmi, 'Abd Mlah b Humavd, Tuhfat al
aSan bi mat ahl 'Uman, Cairo 1%1, n, 218-97, al-
Salimi, Muhammad b 'Abd Allah, \ahdat al-aSan
bi hurrmat 'Uman, Cairo nd, 71-4, al-Sivabi, Sahm
b Humud h'af al aSan fi ansdb ahl 'Uman, Beirut
19b5 21-2, 114-15 2 Works incorporating
most of the relevant contemporarv Euio-
pean souice material R Coupland East \frua
and ih imadirs, Oxford 1938, idem, 77ft exploitation
of East ifnia 1856 1890, London 1939, J B Kellv,
Britain and thi Ptnian Gulf 1795 1880, Oxfoid 19b8,
RG Landen, Oman smu 1856 , Punceton 1%7,
J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, 'Oman and
Central Arabia, Calcutta 1908-15; C.S. Nicholls, The
Swahili Coast..., London 1971; See also J.C. Wil-
kinson, The Ibadi Imama, in BSOAS, xxxix (1976).
(J.C. Wilkinson)
HARNESS, TRAPPINGS [see khayl].
HARPOON [see sayd].
al-HASAN b. al-KASIM b. al-Hasan b. 'AlI
l-Has
l-Rahman b
l-Kasik
VBl TiL
l-H^s.
.l-D^<:
i Muhammad, Zaydi
tistdn, was born in 263 ot 264/876-8, probably m
north-western Iran
Nothing is known about his life before he joined
the Zaydr imam al-Hasan al-Utrush [q i ] al-Nasir Ii
1-Hakk while the latter was active in convening the
Daylamls and GUIs east of the Safid-rQd to Islam
He was commander of the vanguaid of al-Ndsir's
army in the great victory over the Samanid army
under Abu VAbbas Su'luk on the nver Buirudh,
west of Shalus in Djumada II 301/Januaiv 914
which led to the conquest of Tabanstan bv al-Nasir
Al-Hasan b al-Kasim put sued the fleeing enemy
and on his return ordeied the massacre of some
5 000 Khurasaman soldiers descending from the
fortress of Shalus, denying knowledge of a promise of
safetv which al-Nasir had given them During the
reign of al-N3sn in Tabanstan, he remained in con-
tiol of the army though a nvalry and enmitv devel-
oped between him and al-Nasir s son Abu '1-Kasim
Dja'fai, especially after the latter was appointed gov-
ernor of Sanva in 302/914-15 M-Hasan conspned
to depose al-Nasn with some Gill and DavlamI chiefs,
whom he had been sent to recruit with their tribes
When they aimed in Amul, he arrested al-Nasir and
imprisoned him in a castle in Landjan Shortly aftei -
wards however the Gilr chief Lili b al-Nu'man
armed fiom Sanya calling for support of al-Nasir,
and al-Hasan was deserted bv most of his support-
ed As al-Nasir was restoied to the rule, he tried to
flee but was appiehended and biought befoie the
imam, who paidoned him and peimitted him to leave
for Gilan Some time latei al-Nasn, upon the inter-
cession of his son Abu 1-Husavn Ahmad, recalled
him, gi anted him the title al Da'i da 7 Hakk and mar-
ried a daughter of Ahmad to him Earhei he had
apparently been married to a daughtei of al-Nasir
Then al-Nasir appointed him gov ernor of Gurgan and
oideied his son Dja'fai to assist him The lattei, how-
ever, woiked against him and deseited him when he
was attacked by a (Samanid 3 ) aimy of Tuiks M-DaT
was foiced to letieat and then besieged in a fortiess
neai Astaiabad probably in wintei 304/916-17
Eventually he escaped with a handful of men and
went to Amul and from theie to Gilan
Aftei the death of al-Nasir in Sha'ban 304/Februarv
917, Ahmad in accoidance with the wishes of his
fathei recalled him fiom Gilan and surrendered the
rule to him Dja'fai, however, reproached his brother
foi this and defected, first joining the Samanid gover-
noi of Rayy and then going to Gilan to gather sup-
ported Ahmad lemamed loyal and subdued the
Bawandid Ispahbad Sharwin b Rustam and the Kaiimd
Shahnyar, rulers of the highlands of Tabanstan, foic-
mg them to pay a higher tubute to al-DaT, but he
prevented him from putting them to death Then he
was sent against the Samanid general Ilvas b Ilvasa',
who had seized Gurgan, and defeated him Al-DaT and
Ahmad occupied Gurgan but were forced to withdraw
to Tamrsha before another Samanid army undet Kaia-
takin Ahmad now deserted al-DaT and joined Dja'far
in Gilan.' On 5 Dhu '1-Ka'da 306/12 April 919 Dja'far
defeated al-DaT and took possession of Tabanstan, whilst
al-DaT sought refuge with the Ispahbad Muhammad
b. Shahriyar in the mountains. The latter seized him
and sent him to the Djustanid 'All b. Wahsudan,
'Abbasid governor of Rayy, who imprisoned him in
the fortress of Alamut. He was released after the
murder of 'All b. Wahsudan by the latter's brother
;. MUHAMMAD b
Khusiaw FTruz and went to &Han to seek suppoit In
Djumada II 307/November 919 he tetook \mul while
the two sons of il-Nasir were absent m Gurgan He
defeated \hmid near Astaiabad and then won him
o\er b\ offenng to shaie the iule with him Dja'tar
who had iemained in Guigan and was deserted b\ his
armv fled to Gilan In 308/921 Lih b il-Nu'man il
Da'is governoi of Guigan conqueied Damghan
Nishapur and eventuillv Mirw introducing the ihutba
for the 'Alid He was defeated b\ a large Samamd
armv and killed neai Tus in RabP I 3IW/Jiil\-\uc[ust
When the defeated arm\ ietumed to Gurgan a gioup
of Davlimi and Gill leadeis (onspired to depose al-
Da'i and to put \hmad on the thione Infoimed about
the plot il-Da'i histened to Gurgan and dunng a
leception killed se\en of them among them Harusindan
b Tirdadh the king of the Gil This iuthless punish-
ment of the plotteis led to a defection ot manv Davhmis
and Gills to the Samamds and e\entuall\ caused his
In 310
il Da'i
Uimad v
e detea
b\ the Samamd general Simdjur al-Daw iti at Dj:
in the region of Gurgan and were forced to ietieat
to Tamisha \hmad recovered Gurgan on 1 Dh u 1-
Hidjdja 310/22 Maich 923 and was entrusted with
the government of the town while al-Da'i luled in
Amul ShoitH afterwaids however \hmad made again
common cause with his biothei Dja'fai who had
revolted in Gilan against al-Da'i Ahmid attacked
al-Da'i in Vmul but was defeated and joined Dja'f lr
in Gilan The two biotheis then inv ided Tabanstan
suppoited bv seveial Davhmi and Gih leaders among
them Makan b Kaki [,/i] and Asfai b Shiruva [see
\sfar b shirawa-thi]] Al-Da'i fled hi st to Sanva
and then into the highlands while \hmad took ovei
the rule in \mul on 28 Djumada I 311/11 September
92 3 \tter \hmad s death two months later and thf
sue cession of Dja'fai al-Da'i atta ( Led \mul but w is
deserted bv his supporteis and sought again icluge in
the mountains and later in Gilan Onlv aftei Makan
from Tabanstan did al-Da'i gain again a poweiful
supportei Earlv in 314/spnng 92b Makan seized
Amul expelling the luling '\lid \hmad s son \bu
Dja'far Muhammad and bi ought al-Da'i from Gilan
to iestore him to powei \t this time the Samamd
•\hmad b Nasr tried to inv ide Tabmstan but was
encircled in the mountains and foued to pav a lan-
som of 20 000 dinar, to al Da'i tor his lelease
Disappioving ot the conduct of Makan il-Da'i once
moie lett foi Gilan Makan kept urging him to leturn
and on his protest immediatelv leleased Abu Dja'tn
Muhammad al-Da'i s brothei -in-law whom he had
seized and imprisoned Eventualh al-D i'i iejoined
Makan in \mul and in 310/920 thev set out on an
ambitious campaign of conquest and took Raw trom
its Samamd governoi earlv in Sha'ban/lattei half of
September Then absence fiom Tabanstan was used
bv Asfai who was iuling Guigan undei Samamd
overlordship to invade that countiv Al-DVi quicklv
ietumed to Wul with 500 men but tailed to get
the support of the people theie on which he had
counted He was defeated outside \mul and on his
flight was killed bv Maidawidj b Zivar who thus
avenged the death of his uncle Harusindan on 24
Ramadan 315/11 Novembei 928
Al-Da'i was popular as a rulei in Tabanstan and
was clearlv preferred to his rivals ot the descendants
ot al-Nasir He is highlv praised in the account of
Ibn Isfandivai and in othei sources toi his justice
for lestiaming the Davlami and Gih aimv horn
toi building madias and khanaf a/is The Kufan Zavdi
supporteis of al-Nasir also piefeired him to the sons
of the imam and pressed the lattei to lppoint him
as his successoi He never gained however lecog-
mtion as a Zavdi imam evidentlv because he lacked
the necessaiv qualifications of religious schohiship
The ienuncntion of anv claim to the Zavdi lma-
mite mav have been expiessed in the title al Da i
I Hah
al-Nas:
I see \\ Madelung Dei Imam al Qanm ibn Ibrahim
Beilin 19b5 154 f
Bihlwzraph, Mas'udi Murudf i\ 3-8 \bu
Ishak al-Sabi A al Tad}, ms San<a> fols 9a-llb
\bu Tahb tl-Natik al Ifada mss in the biogra-
phv of al-Utrush al Nasir Ibn Isfandivai Ta'nkh i
Tabamtan ed '\bbas Ikbal Tehran 1941 1 2b9
272-92 Ibn al-\thir vm b2 74 90 f 121 f
138 1 Ibn Tniba I mdat al tahb ed Muhammad
Hasan \\ al-Tilikani Nadjaf 1380/19bl 83 t
91 309 R Strothmann Da, Staahreiht del ~aiditoi
Strassburg 1912 55 t W Madelung Abu hhaq
al ^ab, on tfu ilids of Tabamtan and Clan in J\£S
\xvi Il9b7) 31-41 S M Stem The wim of Amul
in \C 7th ser vn 1907) 210-20
W MODELING
al-HASAN b MUHAMMAD b al HANAFIYYA
grandson ot ' \h and half-brothei of \bu Hashim
[q i ] important membei of the Hashimi c Ian in
Medina authoi ot the two earliest texts so fai known
of Islamic tr.
a Kufa
il crisis of Mukhta:
(07/b87) he decided to join the movement he aimed
howevei too late and went on to Nisibis wheie a
ceitain Abu Kanb Budavi b \b\ Sakhr directed
the last pocket of Khashabi resistance against the
troups ot al-Muhallab b \b\ Sufra who suppoited
Mus'ab b al-Zubavr (cf for this episode igham vi
50 11 9 fl where the name of Budtvr is misread ts
\azid rnd the Svnac author John of Phenek in
\ Mingana Souitis s\naquts Leipzig 1907 l 183*
fl also the sources given bv W al-kadi in -if tm dt
MI Konyuus fur iiabnhk und Islam u.u\enuhaft Cwttins,in
1974 297 n 9) He was captuied and impiisoned
bv '■Mud Allah b al-Zubavi but managed to escape
to his tathei Muhammad b al Hanahyva in Mina
When aftei the collapse ot Ibn al-Zubavr s anti-
caliphate Muhammad b al-Hanafiyv a decided to pav
illegiance to <Abd U-Mahk in 7 3/09 3 al-H isan
imongst all membei s of the clan diew the most spec-
taculai consequences fiom this step he wiote an open
implicitiv declared Mukhtai s allegiance to his tathei
to have been nothing more than intrusion and impos-
ture and wheie he pleaded foi postponing \udfa ) anv
judgment upon those who hist participated in the
schist
of the
upon 'Uthman md his own grandfathei 'Ml This
astonishing attitude against the claims ot his familv
seems to have been bom out of the insight that '\bd
al-Malik s ieeoneiliatoiv policv towaids dissident polit-
ical gioups deserved some iecogmtion and that the
daemomsing view of historv pioterred bv the few
remaining follow eis of Mukhtai it Kufa who were
known as Sabi'iw i at this time and not vet as
future Whethei th
caliph exeited anv pressu
e espe-
to the weak financial situ
the '\lids is difhc
ult to substantiate Al Hi
an hid
his lettei recited in
difleient places bv \bd a
1-W ahid
al-HASAN b. MUHAMMAD b. al-HANAFIYYA — HASAN, MlR GHULAM
friendly terms, but he also personally made propa-
ganda for his ideas in Kufa. In spite of a certain suc-
cess, he could not avoid criticism, and only a few
years later those who were considered to be
"Murdji'ites" in Kufa gave up the political passivity
intended by al-Hasan's notion of irdja' and joined the
uprising of Ibn al-Ash'ath, especially in its final phase
(82/701). Al-Hasan seems, however, to have been
responsible for the invention of this term, which was
to have a rather multifacetted history in early Islam.
In addition to the K al-Irajd : ', he appears as the
author of an extensive refutation of the Kadariyya
which may have been composed only shortly after-
wards, perhaps during the religious discussions
preceding and accompanying the revolt of Ibn al-
Ash'ath. The treatise does not yet refer to the Risala
written by al-Hasan al-Basrl to 'Abd al-Malik, and
it is ignorant of certain Kadarl doctrines developed
supposes the t
Kadar
theol,
which i
acks i
s well as on exegetical grounds. Aga
opponents, al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya
stresses the omnipotence of God also with respect to
human actions, but he does not say that God forces
man to act against his will (only this would be
djabr in his view). With al-Hasan al-Basrl and other
Kadarls, he shares a synergistic concept, but whereas
the Kadariyya interpreted God's "leading astray" as
a mere secondary reaction which is justified by man's
sin, al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya sees sin
as the result of the withdrawal of God's "support"
(tawfik). In his discussion of omnipotence he does not
yet differentiate between divine predestination and
dhine foreknowledge. The treatise is structured in
the form of hypothetical questions and answers (in
kala . . . kulna) and as such represents the earliest exam-
ple of Mam literarure in Islam. It is not preserved
in its entirety, but in extensive fragments embedded
in a later refutation written by the Zaydi imam al-
Hadl ila '1-Hakk (245-98/859-911; cf. the edition in
Muhammad Tmara, Rasa'il al-'adl wa '1-tawhid. Cairo
1971, ii, 118 ff.).
Al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya also
enjoyed a high reputation as a jurist. A few fatwas
of his are mentioned in later sources: on the appro-
priate distribution of the kjiums (which was a politi-
cal problem because of the definition of the dhu
l-kurba), on mut'a marriage (which he prohibited,
fulness of having more than four wives at the same
time (cf. Makhul al-Nasafi, al-Radd 'ala ahl al-bida',
Ms. Oxford, Pococke 271, fol. 45a, 11. 4 ff.), and on
the unlawfulness of eating the meat of the domesti-
cated donkey (against 'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas). Ibn Ishak
[q.v.] took over from him some traditions about the
life of the Prophet; al-Zuhrl seems to have been closely
associated with him. He died at an uncertain date;
but this must have been either during the caliphate
of 'Abd al-Malik (i.e. before 86/705), in 95/714 or
during the caliphate of 'Umar II (99-101/717-20) at
the latest.
Bibliography: W. Madelung, Der Imam al Qasim
ibn Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, 228 9 Wadad al-Kadl, al
Kaysdniyya ji 'l-ta'nkh ma 'I adab, Betrut 1974 rndex
s.v.; J. van Ess, Das Kitab al Irga' des Hasan b Muhammad
b. al-Hanafiyya, in Arabica, \xi (1974) 20 (cl the
additions in Arabica, xxii [1975] 48 ft ) , rdem, Tfie
beginnings of Islamic theology in JE Murdoch and ED
Sylla (eds.), The cultural context of medieval Laming,
Dordrecht 1975, 87 0, idem, Anfange mushmiuher
Theologie, Beirut 1977 edition, translation, and
of the fragments of al-Hasan's refuta-
tion of the Kadariyya, and collection of the biogra-
phical material (with further references).
(j. VAN ESS)
HASAN B. NUH b. YOsuf b. Muhammad b. Adam
al-Bhar06T al-Hindi, Musta'll-Tayyibl Isma'ili savant.
According to his own statement he was born and
brought up in Khambhat (Cambay) in India, and
received his early education there. It is not known
when and by whom the surname "Bharucr", sc. from
Bharuc or Broach, [see Bharoc], was given to him.
Urged on by a thirst for knowledge, he states, he
renounced family, left his country, travelled to Yaman,
and became a student of Hasan b. Idrls, the twentieth
da'i mutlak. The books read by him with his teacher
in various branches of the 'ulum al-da'wa are fully
described in the introduction to his Kitab al-Azhar. He
was also closely associated with '■AIT b. Husayn b.
Idrls and Muhammad b. Hasan b. Idrls, who later
became the twenty-second and twenty-third da'i mutlah.
He was the mentor of Yusuf b. Sulayman, the twen-
ty-fourth da'i mutlak, and died on 11 Dhu '1-Ka'da
939/4 June 1533.
His claim to fame is rightly based on his volumi-
nous work Kitab al-Azhar wa-madjma' al-anwar al-malkuta
min basatin al-asrar. It is a chrestomathy of Isma'ili
literature in seven volumes wherein many earlier works,
otherwise lost, are preserved either in full or in part.
It also contains extensive excerpts from SunnI and
Zaydi works, especially on the life and character of
'All b. Abl Talib [q.v.]. Volume one was edited by
'Adil al-'Awwa in Muntakhabat Isma'Ihyya, Damascus
1958, 181-250, whereas the remaining volumes are in
manuscript. Major subjects of each volume are de-
scribed in I. Poonawala, Bibliography of Isma'TlT literature,
Malibu, Calif. 1977, 178-83.
Bibliography: The main biographical source is
the author's own work Kitab al-Azhar, i, 186 ff.;
Isma'Il b. 'Abd al-Rasul al-MadjdQ', Fihnst, ed. 'All
NakI Munzawl, Tehran 1966, 77-88.
(I. Poonawala)
HASAN, MIR GHULAM (1140-1201/1727-86),
Urdu poet noted for his mathnawis, was born
in Dihll, the son of Mir Dahik, a poet of modest
attainments who was satirised by Sawda. Mir Hasan
had a liberal education, which included the Persian
language, but apparently not Arabic. He learned
the poetic art from his father and from Mir Dard.
After the sack of Dihll in 1739 by Nadir Shah, he
emigrated with his father to Faizabad (or Faydabad
[q.v.]), the capital of Oudh or Awadh [q.v.]. En
route, they stayed at Dig, near Bharatpur, and joined
the pilgrimage procession to the festival of the
saint Shah Madar at Makanpur. The poet was to
describe this journey and festival in a colourful
mathnawi, Gulzar-i ham, composed about nine years
before his death. In Faizabad, Mir Hasan joined the
service of the Nawwab. In 1189/1775 the new
Nawwab, Asaf al-Dawla, transferred the capital to
Lucknow, so the poet moved there also Here he
composed his longest and best-known mathnaui, Sihr
al bayan ( 'The enchantment of eloquence"), which won
immediate acclaim, and is frequently known merely
as "Mir Hasan's MathnauT' This was finished in
1199/1785, less than two years beloie the poet's death
Mir Hasan s complete poetical woi ks do not seem
to have been published He is known to have written
both ghazah and marthiyas, and he was the
giandfathei of Anls [qv], the famous Urdu elegist But
it is lor his mathnauis that he is chiefly remembered
Yet of the eleven with which he is credited only
HASAN, MIR GHUL\M HASAN NI7 \MI
Sihi al bayan is widelv known uid it ma\ justh be
described as the onginal model of the L'rdu nan am e
mathnaui, and one of the two or three greatest exam-
ples of the foim It runs to about 2 000 couplets in
mutakanb metre and tells in some detail a storv of
lovalrv love and magic of the kind cuitent in India
The central plot concerns the lo\e between Pnnce
Binazir and Pnncess Badi-i Munn There is a sub-
sidiary lo\e plot involving Nadjm al-Nisa' the (ttf^)s
daughter and Flioz Shah son of the King of the Jinn
A magic living horse plavs an impoitant pait in the
events of the storv But the supernatural elements in
the storv are no more important than in — s iv — Central
European ^aubeiopei 01 ^aubeipmw in the 18th and 19th
centunes The elements which laisc an incredible storv
to the level of greit literatuic aie manv and varied
but thev include the c haractei lsition which i elates the
characters to oidinarv human bungs the vivid md
colourful description of people and places the effective
use of rhetoncal devices such as woid-plav the time-
less language which seems remaikiblv up-to-date two
centunes later and the numerous examples of s
mic verse which embodv simple philosophising and
lend themselves to quotation in eveidav life In fact
tew Uidu poets since have had his facihtv toi saving
things so simplv vet efteciivelv often with internal
lhvme Sihr al baton has been adverselv criticised chiefly
tor its unnecessarv length But apart from the senes of
intioduetions devoted to God the Piophet the Imam
c Mi and otheis ending with erne to the Nawwdb
\saf al-Dawla the length is dulv chieflv to the
' ' ' ' ption, without which it would lose most
charn
s abou
h,s poe
l the
It is a new type, and the language is new
It is not a [noimal kind of] mathnaui it is the
enchantment of eloquence
Fiom it mv tame will enduie throughout the world
Foi wherevei these wolds aie is a memorial
of the
the va
aculai'
e popul.
the v
n the diamatic
implv Mathnaui
--, well £
Mathnau.
Lucknow 1945 is lecommended bee.
includes OuLar i ham and Rumu^
ind his a useful introduction with nun
otnotes explaining difficult voeabul
Thai
ed Hanud Allah Al
.eid and bad qualities
Tadhhu
Mathnaui u Mi, Has,
Allahabad 1925 has a shoit intio
14) and a glossarv Mn Hasan
shu'ara )i lidu was published it 'A
For accounts of Mir Hasm partieularlv Sihi al
bayan mentiem must first be made ot R Russell
and Khurshidul Ishm Vine Mughal potts Mu Sauda
Mir Hasan London 1969 69-94 This account is
devoted chieflv to le-tellmg the storv but also
includes a useful critical assessment Sakseni gives
a general account of the poet in his Histon of lidu
htaatun All ihabad 1927 67-70 See also Muham-
mad Sadiq Histon of lidu literature London 1964
108-11 Uidu it counts of the poet include the tol-
Muh
Hus
ib i
, Thus m Bengali there is
tion of 1863 and i plav entitled
of 1876 Mn Bahadur 'Alls Uidi
completed undei the auspices of rort Willi im Colli
Calcutta was printed theie in 1803 and has si
been trequentlv repnnted It contains manv poet
quotations horn Mir Hasan s original The stenv f
vided 1 favourite plot tor eailv Urdu drima in the
late 19th centurv
The qualities tound in iihr al bayan — apart from the
involved storv aie present in his other mathnaui'.
Thus GuLan ham includes a vivid descnption ot a
crowded market anothei Rumu^ al'anjin has a Sufi-
background
Mn Hasans other claim to lame is his acceiunt
in Persian, ot Uidu poets including his contempo-
lanes the Tadhkna u shu'ara' u I ,du which has become
a standaid leference work
Bibliography Theie ire numerous editions
1950 249-51 Mahmud Paiuki Mi
Hasan aiu khandan le dusn shu'ara Lahore 1952
Wahid kuiavshi Mn Hasan aui un ka amana
Lahore 1959 For Mir Bahadur 'All s piose veision
see Majoi Henrv Couits English tr Tht nas,
Binaoi Cilcutta 1871 2nd ed 1889
,JA H.YWOOD,
HASAN BEDR U.-DIN latei ?\%i\ (1831-1912
Ottoman Turkish soldier ind plavv. right chieflv tamee
as the collaboiator duung the vears 1875-9 of his fel
low-oflicei and friend the author and diarmtist Manastii]
Mehmed Rifat [ji] m the wilting ot some 16 plav 1
some translations from the Fiench and some original
which were pioduced it the dedik Pasha Theatie u
Istanbul see MAmsiiRLi mehmfd rif \t foi full detuls
He was born it Simaw near Kutahv i the son c
an n mv offitei wis educated it the militarv scheic
{I'dadtj in Dimascus and then at the Istanbul \\ i
College (Harbiyyq where he giaduited the first c
his class ind was the contempoiarv ind clissmat
of his future colhboiator Manastii h Mehmed He serve,
bneflv in the Imperial &i
lv iepressive atmospheie of Sultan Abd al-H imid 1
reign he was soon banished from Istanbul to the ei
em provinces and served in Svni and Palestine w
the rank ol colonel Howevei he was soon stnpped
ton report and tiught in Damascus school*
he returned to Istanbul was rehabilitated under th
piomoted to bngadi
,ing-
ith
908
i genei;
ind v
timllv
i and governor of Ishkodra [q i in Suppl 1
oi -.email (modem Shkodei in northern Albania Alter
ill-health letuined to Istanbul and died there in 1912
Bibliography See that for mm-jvstirli mehmed
rifSt (F^hir Iz)
HASAN NIZAMI histonan of the Dihh sul
tanate in Muslim India
He was the son ot Nizami 'Arudi Samarkandi the
famous Persian littei ateui [q i ] but left his home-
tow n Nishapur sometime towards the elose of the
6th/12th centurv bee nise of political instability
there In Dihh he made h lends with high ofhceis ol
Sultan kutb il-Din Avbak (602-7/1206-10 [ ?l ])
including the Sadi Shaiat al-Mulk Impressed b\ his
learning his h lends idvised him to produce a litci-
irv woik so thit he might get ioval patronage hence
Hisan Nizami decided to compile the historv of
Avbak s aehievements in Aiabie But his friends pei-
suaded him to write it in Peisian since theie weie
in India few people literate in Aiabie In the mean-
time the roval faiman was proelaimed that Avbiks
conquests in India should be recorded bv seholais
HASAN NIZAMI — HASRAT MOHANl
along with those of his master, Sultan Mu'izz al-Din
Muhammad b. Sam [see cajURiDs]. Hence the com-
pilation of the Tadj al-ma'athir.
The first part contains a description of Sultans
Mu'izz al-Din Muhammad and Kutb al-Din Aybak.
On Sultan Aybak's death Hasan Nizami continued
his work under Iltutmish, and according to Sir Henry
Elliot, brought it up to the year 626/1229; but the
extant copies of the work end with the description of
the occupation of Lahore by Iltutmish in 614/1217.
Since Iltutmish was his last patron, the author is not
impaitial in his criticism of his master's rivals such
as Tadj al Din ^ lldiz and Sultan Nasir al-Din Kubaca
He omits mention ol Aiam Shah the son oi kutb
al Din Avbak because Iltutmish has usurped the throne
and killed him Moreover there is no space devoted
to the description of the nobles ol the eailv sultans
ol Dihh who had helped the sultans in stabilising
Muslim rule in noithem India at its very beginning
In lact Hasan Nizami fails to produce a historv in
the real sense ol the word his work reads like a mere
Fath noma
It was moreover written in an ornate and florid
stvle full ol verbosity and rhetorics The historical
details are interspersed with the Kur'amc verses and
Arabic and Persian poems more than hall of the
woik comprises onlv veises Despite these delects the
Tadf al ma'athn enjoved fame b
and n
ited subsequently
Bibltogiaphy Storev 1 493-5 1310 HM
Elliot and J Dowson Thi histon of India as
told h its oun historians, n 204-43 Hasan 'Askari
Ta, alMa'athir of Hasan \izami in Patna
Umnrsih Journal xvm/3 (1963)
(I H SiDDiqn)
HASRAT MOHANl Smm F^dl 4L-H*s*n
prominent Indian journalist poet and politician was
born most probablv m 1297/1880 in the small town
ol Mohan in Uttar Pradesh His family which num-
beied raanv scholars phvsicians and mvstics claimed
descent from Say) id Mahmud who migrated from
Nishapur in Iran and founded Mohan in bl5/1218
One recent ancestoi had been royal physician to the
Kings of Awadh another had been minister ol reli-
gious affairs in the Hvderabad state Hasrat was edu-
cated at government schools and pnvatelv in Arabic
and Persian In 1316/1899 he headed the piovmcial
list in the matriculation examination and won a gov-
ernment scholarship to the Muhammadan Anglo-
Oriental College at \ligarh
From his student days Hasrat was a prominent
figure in the political and cultural activities of North
Indian Muslims He fought for Islamic causes in India
and abroad In 1903 he started an Urdu weekly Urdu
i mu'alla which appeared mtei mittentlv until 1938 its
pan-Islamist and virulently anti-Bntish views strongly
influenced voung educated Muslims In 1909 he was
jailed for a vear for publishing an article critical oi
British educational policv in Egypt and he was promi-
nent in the explosion ol pan-Islamic protest which pre-
ceded World Wai One In 1916 he was interned lor
the duration of the War aftei he was found to be
connected with 'Ubavd \llah Sindhi s [ji] plan the
Silk Letters Conspiracy to raise the Frontier tnbes
against the Butish Duung the hhilafat movement he
associated increasingly with the 'ularna' coming to be
called our mad mulla bv Muhammad and Shawkat
'Mi [qi] and tried continuallv to drive the agitation
t the policv oi the hhilafat r
at its conference of Nov-ember 1919, declaring his
support for an Afghan invasion of India at the
Congress-Ktilafat meetings of June 1920, and attempt-
ing to make complete independence for India the aim
of the Congress and the Muslim League at their ses-
sions in 1921. He was imprisoned from 1922 to 1924.
On his release he startled many by declaring himself
a Communist as well as a Muslim, and he chaired
the reception committee of the first Indian Communist
Conference at Kanpur in 1925. From this point
Hasrat's influence in Indian politics declined. He
"ad support
the Muslim
League of which he had been a member from its
foundation and President in 1921 but he was out oi
haimonv with the direction it was taking He opposed
the League s demand lor Pakistan and devoted much
oi his time from 1942 to 1947 to promoting his own
plan lor a three-tiered Indian confederation to solve
the communal pioblem In 194b he was elected as a
Muslim League candidate to the UP Legislative Council
and to the Indian Constituent Assemblv He died in
Lucknow in 1951
Although vigorouslv engaged in politics Hasrat
maintained a considerable literary output His
mporto
? his c
i the
13th/ 19th centurv poet Ghahb Sharh i Ghahb and his
discussion oi the conventions of Urdu poetry Nikat i
sukhan Pnmanlv however he was a poet He con-
tributed much to the refinement oi the Urdu ghazal
and was the onlv ghazal wnter of modern times to
become a classic while still alive Djamal Mivan
Farangi Mahalh has edited the most complete edi-
tion of his works Kullnat 2nd ed , Lahore 1959
Evidently several somewhat contradictory themes
mingle in Hasrat s ' "' - • -
public
\ pui
nctil-
ious observer oi praver and lasting he also p
the Haqjdx at least eleven times between 1932 and his
death He was moieover in the tradition of his ances-
tors a mystic and a follower of the Farangi Mahall
iamilv [qi above] of Lucknow becoming a murid oi
Mawlana <Abd al Wahhab (d 1321/1903-4) in 1894
and being made a khatlfa in both Kadin-Razzaki and
Cishti-Nizarm silsilat, by Mawlana 'Abd al-Ban [q c
above] in 1917 There is his imperviousness to the
communal attitudes which influenced so many of his
contemporaries hence he opposed Pakistan admiied
Hindus of a revolutionarv caste of mind like Tilak
Aurobindo Chose and Subhas Bose and wrote poems
in Hindi praising Krishna and expressing his longing
for Hindu holy places Then there is his Communism
though it is unhkelv that his understanding of
Communist theory and practice would have withstood
ngoroi
Its at
imed
in part from a verv Muslim love oi egalita
part from a hatred of British imperialism and in part
from the fact that it took no account of communal-
ism Invanablv Hasrat propounded his position with
sincenty and without fear Such independence of mind
invited conflict with others He was expelled two times
from \ligarh College imprisoned at least three times
bv the Butish had memorable confrontations with
both Gandhi and Jmnah led the party which stormed
the Congress session at Kanpur in 1925 and refused
to sign the Indian constitution because he did not
think it brought the freedom for which Indians had
fought Above all things a rugged individualist he was
received with great respect throughout his life though
heard increasingly bv few
Bibliographt Khahd Hasan Qadiri Hasrat
HASRAT MOHANl -
\loham a study of his lift and pottn London Univeisrfv
Ph D thesis 1971 (unpublished) Francis Robinson
Separatism among Indian Muslims the politics of th United
Proimes Muslims 1360 19^ C unbridle 1974
(FC R Robinson)
HASSANI [see hasani]
HASSU TAYLI the oilmin a idigious de\ o
tee ot Muslim India was born at an unknown date
some time in the 10th/ 16th century at Makhiwal on
the bank ol the Chenab in the Pandjdb
A critical change in Hassu s hie c une when he
was twelve He met one ol the living nine niths
ot Gorakhnath The latter iecogmsed in him his
si\t\ first ind premier disciple who had spent 82
years in se\eie lustenties belore his bnth Hassu
arked c
He
to Lahore where he worked is i porter but sub
sequently became a gram merchant and opened i
grim store at Lahon Mandi A devout admirer ot
his Suiat Singh paints him as a met chant ol 1 cmi
ous tvpe — knowing evervthing about the tutuie puces
he bought deai and sold cheap' He died it Lahore
in 1104/lb03 His tomb still survives an object ol
some veneiation the spot is ilso remembered wheie
he used to sell grim
To his deith Hassu Tavli appens to have lemained
lormalK a Muslim though he did not lollow the live
basic observances ol Islam For this lattei his disci
pie Sunt Singh his ieidv exphnations he pnyed ill
the time so why should he hive pnyed in public'
Whv should he have pud K akat oi kept dulv lasts
when he never had anv thine; stoied up and never
broke his fast? Why should he have gone on
Pilgiimige to circumambulate the Ki bi when he
went iound the Ka ba ol his heart a hundied times
in one breath? His chiel disciple Shaykh Kamal used
the term Malamatma [a c ] to designate his m ister s
school with considerable aptness
The significance ot this religious sect lies in the
lict thit it openlv drew its disciples horn amongst
both Hindus ind Muslims and declaied its connec
tions with iscetic ind mvstu predecessois in both ieh
gions Noi did the lolloweis ol this sect make anv
attempt to hide the rather modest origins ot then
Bibliography Sural Singh Tadhhra u Pii Hassu
Tayh unique Ms in Depaitment of Histoiy
\hgarh Muslim Umversitv M \thar Ah Sidelight
into ideological and religious attitudes in the Punjab dur
mg the 17th antun in Mtdieial India—a miscellany
n Bomb iv 1972 (M Athar AliI
L HATIMl \BU ALI MlHMMAD B *L Has^N B
which al Hitimi wiote tor the vizier Abu Abd Alhh
[al Husavn b Ahmad] b Sa dan [see ibn s* d^n
below] who held office trom 373/983 till 374/985
see Ibn Miskawavh Tadfanb al umam m 85 102
107) In this note al Hatimi claims that he served
Siyt alDaula at the age oi nineteen It we assume
that al Hitimi did not join the cncle oi Sayt al
Dawla before the latter had established himself turn
1\ in Meppo in 33b/947 he could not have been
born betore S 1 7 The question is whether al Hatimi s
dc sorption ol his chaiactei b\ contempoiary authors
(see Abu Hiyvin al Tawhidi al Imta a. a I mu anasa
i 135 m 126 7l and the tone ot man\ ot his own
remarks in the Mudiha see below suggest that he
was given to unbi idled self glonhc ition A luithei
reason lor questioning the repoit in the Hilbadja is
thit he quotes in the Hiha see below) Ah b
Sulavman il Akhiash who died is early as 315/927
ct Bonebikkei Materials Jor the histon of irabu ihtt
on, in 4IU0N Suppl no 4 \wv [1975] tasc 3
p 88) The autobiogiaphical lepoit quoted by i ikut
goes on to siv that at the court ol Savl al Dawh
il Hatimi wis tieited as the equil ot the grammai
mils Abu All al Fansi Ibn Khahwavh [a ] and
Abu 1 Tayvib alLughiwi [q i ibove] Since Abu
Ah al Fansi joined Siyt al Diwla in 341 al Hatimi
cannot have given up his caieei with Sivt al Diwla
beloie thit dite lgnn issuming thit his iepoit cin
be trusted It is ilso likeH that al Hatimi lelt Meppo
not htei than Dhu 1 Ka da 351/Decembei 9b2 the
date ol the attack on Aleppo bv Nicephorus Phocas
Abu 1 Tayvib al Lughawi died in the massacie that
lollowed accoiding to the editor ol \bu lTvyvibs
Mamtib Cano 1375/1955 H] In anv case we hnd
him in Baghdad in the summei ol 352/963 (oi pos
siblv 351/962 cf MS Kiktev in Likmtura \ostoka
[1969] 81 note) involved in a discussion with the
poet al Mutanabbi whom he miy well hive known
aheady at the court ot Sayt al Dawla The latimat
al dahr ol Tha ihbi (ed M M \bd al Hamid Cairo
1375 7/195b8 m 108 11 131 3) quotes verses bv
al Hatimi on the Ziv ind ruler Shams il Mi ih [Kabus
b Wushmagii] [qi] on the Buwivhid vizier Sabui
b Aidashir and on the caliph al Kidir bi lhh but
these do not throw a ' ' ' "
l Muz«
the 4th/10th century who died in Baghdid on 27
Rabi II 388/26 \piil 998
Though the name of his father is sometimes given
as al-Husayn, the testimony of Abu 'AIT al-Muhassin
al-TanukhT (Nishwar al-muhadara, ed. 'A. al-Shalidji,
Beirut 1391-3/1971-3, iii, 14) and of al-Khatlb al-
Baghdadf, who received traditions from al-Hatiml
through Abu 'All's son, Abu '1-Kasim al-TanukhT (see
Ta'rikh Baghdad, ii, 214, 356, xi, 231) can probably be
trusted. All biographers agree that he was a pupil of
Ghulam Tha'lab [q.v.], but fail to mention other teach-
ers, except Yakut (Udaba', vi, 501), who states that al-
Hatimi was born early enough to have been a pupil
of Ibn Durayd [q.v.]. Since Ibn Durayd died in
321/933, this information, if correct, would indicate
that al-Hatimr was born around 310/922 or even ear-
lier. Yakut however also quotes an autobiographi-
cal note from al-Hatimfs [Takri j al-hilbadja, a book
cond h
(the 1
al Hitimi unless one follows the text in i ikut vi
501 2 assuming at the sime time that this text con
tains in a brut paicnthesis two lines by al Hatimi s
lather ind thit l dkut should have lead hbnihi as in
the latima ed )
From the introduction ot a storv in il Tanukhi s
al Faradi bad al shidda Cano 1903 n 85 = Cairo
1375/1955, 305), it appears that al-Hatiml visited
Egypt, but unfortunately there is no indication at
which period of his life this visit took place. Nor do
we know any details about his career as a katib, though
he is qualified as such by several biographers.
Al-Hatimf chiefly owes his fame to two risdlas
on the poet al-Mutanabbi which go under various names.
The first of the two is known as al-Risala al-mudiha [fi
dhikr sarikat Abi 'l-Tayyib al-Mutanabbi wa-sdkit shi'rih],
T^abhal al-adab, Muna^arat Abi 'Atl al-Hatiml li-Abi 'l-Tajryib,
or simply al-Risala al-Hdtimijya. The correct title, at least
of the longer version of this risala which is preserved
in the ms. Escurial 772 (and quoted in part by Ibn
Khallikan and, following him, al-Yafi'T, MiYat, Hyderabad
1337-9, repr. Beirut 1390/1970, ii, 437-41), is undoubt-
edly al-Mudiha. This title is explained by the author
362
as referring to a type of wound inflicted on the head
(Lane, s.v. shadjdja), and may be a double entendre,
since mudiha means also "making apparent", "dis-
closing", i.e. the defects of al-Mutanabbfs poetry. The
title DJabhat al-adab must be the result of a wrong
interpretation of a sentence in the preface, though it
appears in several mediaeval biographies (see the ed.
of the Mudiha by M.Y. Nadjm, Beirut 1385/1965,
3, 11. 12-3, 4, 1. 18, and 6, note 1 of the intro-
duction). The risala is a caricature of al-Mutanabbr
and a condemnation of his poetry, in the framework
of a discussion between the poet and al-Hatiml. The
attack was instigated by the Buwayhid vizier al-
Muhallabr and reflected the rivalry between the
Buwayhid Mu'izz al-Dawla and the Hamdanid Sayf
al-Dawla (see R. Blachere, Un poek arabe du IV'"" sie-
cle de l'Hegire, Paris 1935, 223-5, 228). It ended,
according to al-Hatiml, in al-Mutanabbfs flight to
Kufa. A shorter version of the same risala exists in
Yakut's Udaba' fvi, 504-18), in Yusuf al-Badffs al-
Subh al-munabbi (ed. M. al-Sakka et alii, Cairo 1963,
128-42), in the MS Cairo, Dar al-Kutub 2039 (ed.
I. al-Dasuki al-Bisat I, Cairo 1961, as an appendix
to the Ibana 'an sarikat al-Mutanabbi of Abu Sa'd
Muhammad b. Ahmad al-'Amidr) and in at least two
other manuscripts. There is a Russian translation in
the above mentioned article by Kiktev. An even shorter
version is preserved in Shihab al-Dln al-KhatadjT (ed.
'A.M. al-Hulw, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 421-7), which
does not make any mention of Muhallabl and Mu'izz
al-Dawla. These shorter versions end in a reconcili-
ation, after which al-Mutanabbf and al-Hatiml part
as good friends. Al-Badffs text, KhatadjI and the
text published by al-Bisatl (but not the text in Yakut)
even add a last sentence to the effect that al-Hatirm
became so much convinced of al-Mutanabbfs merits
as a poet that be decided to write another Risala
Hatimiyya. This second Risala Hatimiyya to which the
shorter versions of the first allude may be the list of
parallels between verses by al-Mutanabbr and pseu-
do-Aristotelian sententiae whicb is preserved not only
in a considerable number of manuscripts, but also in
the Kitab al-Badl'fl nakd al-shi'i by Usama b. Munkidh
(ed. A.A. Badawf et alii, Cairo 1380/1960, 264-83)
and in quotations in the Mutanabbi commentary by
al-'Ukban (see Blachere, op. cit., 268-9, and the exam-
ples translated by F. Rosenthal in Das Fortleben der
Antike im Islam, Zurich 1965, 352-4, and cf. 118). Yet
there may be some doubt about the authentity of
this second risala, since biographies such as those by
Yakut and al-Suyuti, which offer a detailed list of al-
description of the risala appears in al-Muhammadun min
al-shu'ara' by Ibn al-Kifti (ed. H. Ma'mari, Cairo
1390/1970, 231), though Ibn al-Kifti fails to men-
tion it in his Hatimi biography in the Inbah al-ruwdt.
A second description occurs in al-Safadfs Wafi bi 7-
wafayat, ii, 343; but several unpublished manuscripts
of the risala have only a descriptive title with no
indication of the origin of the work. Nor does al-
Hatimfs name (as far as the author of the article
knows) appear in the above-mentioned Mutanabbi
commentary and in Usama's Bad!'. Mention should
be made of a curious manuscript in the Ambrosiana
(F 300) which brings together a somewhat more
elaborate rendering of the short version of the first
Risala and the second Risala claiming (not very
convincingly) that both were based on a verbal
account given by al-Hatiml in 369/979-80. The best
edition of the second Risala Hatimiyya is that by
F.A. al-Bustanl in Machriq, xxix (1931), 132-9,
196-204, 273-80, 348-55, 461-4, 623-32, 759-67, 854-
9, 925-34, and in a separate ed. published in the
same year. A facsimile edition with translation was
published by O. Rescher in Islamica, ii (1926), 439-
73; other editions can be disregarded.
As a
of n
rary c
the longer version of the Mudiha is by far the
most interesting of the three texts, not only because
of its penetrating and often rightful criticism of
al-Mutanabbfs poetry, but also because of its lucid
analysis of the distinction between slavish imitation of
themes from ancient poetry and the subtle metamor-
phosis of such themes as he finds it in the work of
truly gifted poets. This analysis goes beyond the orig-
inal aim of the risala, which sets out to be a satire
against al-Mutanabbr and a grotesque picture of his
character and habits. The first encounter between al-
Hatiml and al-Mutanabbi is followed, in the Mudiha
but not in its shorter version, by a description of
three further encounters at the house of al-Muhallabr
in the presence of scholars of note, such as Abu Sa'Id
al-Sirafi, "Air b. Tsa al-Rummam and 'Alt b. Harun
al-Munadjdjim. In the preface to his edition (11-12),
Nadjm raises the question whether the meetings at
the home of al-Muhallabi actually took place and
were not invented in order to find a suitable form
for an elaboration of the theme of discussion of the
first meeting. It is indeed un-likely that al-Mutanabbr
would have allowed himself to be publicly humiliat-
ed on four different occasions.
Al-Hatirm is frequently quoted in mediaeval hand-
books on literary theory as an authority on definitions
of figures of speech by early critics. Many of these quo-
tations can be traced in al-Hatimfs Hilyat al-muhadara.
The Hilya is not, however, a work on literary theory,
but rather an anthology on poetry with short sections
on literary theory. A work specifically dealing with this
subject is quoted by al-HatimT himself in the Hilya and
was known to Usama (see Bad!', 8) and perhaps to
others (see Materials, 14-6, 20, 27). The survival of the
Hilya in two Maghribr manuscripts (one of which has
a marginal note indicating that a small portion of the
book had already circulated in Spain before the rest
arrived) and Ibn Hazm's [q.v.] recommendation of "the
books of al-Hatimf' as manuals on poetry (al-Takilb
hhadd al-mantik, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1959, 207), as well
as other evidence (see Materials, 18) indicate that al-
Hatiml enjoyed a considerable reputation in Spain.
Other writings by al-Hatirm have not apparently
survived. As far as one can judge from the lists given
by Yakut and by others, al-Hatimfs main interest was
literary criticism, though he wrote also books on lex-
icography and grammar.
Bibliography: in addition to the texts and studies
mentioned in the article, see Ta'rikh Baghdad, ii, 214;
Ibn al-Kifti, Inbah al-ruwdt, Cairo 1369-
93/1950-73, iii, 103-4; Ibn Khallikan, ed. M.M.
'Abd al-Hamfd, Cairo 1367/1948, iii, 482-6 (no.
621); al-Suyuti, Bughya, Cairo 1326, 35-6; Hadjdji
Khalrfa, ed. Flugel, iii, 112, 312, 596, v, 79, vi,
166 (there are numerous other biographies, but they
do not add anything of substance to the above);
Brockelmann, G I, 88, S I, 141, 193; M.'A. Shu'ayb,
al-Mutanabbi bayn nakidlhi, Cairo 1964, index; I.
'Abbas, Ta'rikh al-nakd al-adabl 'ind al-'Arab, Beirut
1391/1971, 243-70 et passim; A. Matlub, IttidfS/ult
al-nakd al-adabl ji 'l-kam al-rabf li l-hid^ra, Beirut
1393/1973, 258-65; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 488; S. A.
Bonebakker, A biographical skekh of Abu 'All Muh b.
al-Hasan al-Hatiml, in AIUON, forthcoming.
(S.A. Bonebakker)
HAWKING - HAYDAR-I \MULl
HAWKING [see bavzara]
HAWSAM, the eailier Aiabic name oi the mod-
em town of Rudisar in eastern Gilan on the coast of
the Caspian Sea It is an Arabisation of the local
name, which appears to have been Khosham or
Khosham Thus the name is given bv al-Mukaddasi
(51, 355, 360) and piobablv b> Abu Dulaf b Muhalhil
(ed Minorskv, ibu Dulaj Mis'a, b Muhalhil's Traiels in
Iran, Cano 1955, 23j as Kh-sh-m, b> al-Buunl (al
hanun al Mas'udl, Hvdeiabad 1954-6, 569) as Khawsam
and bv Asil al-Dih ZawzanI (ed H L Rabmo, in J\
(1950) 327, 330) as Hawsham The rendering ol the
initial kh as h in Arabic tonesponded to the pionun-
ciation ol Aiabic ha' by the Gil as kha' and the shift
of Persian shin to Aiabic sin occuired frequently The
identity ol al-MukaddasI's Kh-sh-m with Hawsam,
rejected by Muhammad Kazwini and Minorskv, is
ascertained b> his relerence to it (360) as 'the town
ol the da'V The itinerary given b> him elsewhere
(372), which places a Kh-sh-m at a two da>s' trip west
01 the Saiid-iud, appears to ieier to a diffeient town
also mentioned by Asil al-Din ZawzanT (3i2)
Hawsam is generally described as the eastern-
most town ol Gilan, located at the bordei between
the Gfl and the Davlam, whose territories extended
west ol it to the coast It is first mentioned as a res-
idence of the Zaydi imam al-Hasan al-Utiush [»»] al-
Nasir li'1-Hakk, who was active in the region during
the last decade of the 3rd century/903-13 converting
the Gil and Daylam to Islam. After the collapse of
the Zaydi 'Alid reign in Tabaristan in 316/928, it
became the chief seat of 'Alid rule in the Caspian
region and the centre of scholarship of the Nasiriyya,
the school of al-Nasir in fikh and theology. It was
ruled from ca. 319/931 to 350/961 by Abu '1-Fadl
Dja'far al-Tha'ir li 'Hah [see al-tha'ir fi 'llah], grand-
son of a brother of al-Nasir and, through his mother,
of al-Nasir himself. His descendants remained in con-
trol of the town during much of the time until
and beyond the end of the century, though often
in contention with descendants of al-Nasir and
other 'Alids, which also involved efforts by the Ziyarids
and Buwayhids to secure their suzerainty over the
region. The Tha'irids, though Zaydis of the Nasiriyya
school, ruled as amirs without claiming the Zaydi
imamate. In 353 or 354/964-5, the Zaydi imam
Abu 'Abd Allah al-Mahdl li-Dln Allah took the town
from al-Hasan Amlrka, son of Abu '1-Fadl al-Tha'ir,
and ruled there, with a short interruption, until his
death in 359/970. Ca. 380/990 the imam Ahmad b.
al-Husayn al-Mu'ayyad bi'-llah stayed in Hawsam for
a year, and some time later for another period of over
two years. He eventually took his residence in Langa,
west of Hawsam, leaving that town to the Tha'irid
Kiya Abu '1-Fadl who nominally recognised his ima-
mate. In the early 5th/ 11th century, Abu Dja'far al-
Hawsaml, the most famous collector and commentator
of the works of al-Nasir, was active there. Ca. 432/1041-
2 the Nasirl 'ulama' of Hawsam set up al-Husayn al-
Nasir, a descendant of al-Utrush al-Nasir, as imam,
and he reigned in the town until his death in 472/1079-
80. He was buried next to Abu 'Abd Allah al-Mahdl,
and their tombs became a place of pilgrimage for the
Caspian Zaydis. Thereafter, Hawsam came under the
rule of the imams Abu Rida al-Klsumi (d. after
493/1100) and Abu Talib al-Akhlr (502-20/1108-28),
though they did not take their permanent residence
there. The town evidently declined in the latter part
of the 5th/ 11th century and lost its rank as the chief
town of eastern Gilan to Lahldjan [q.v.]. Around the
turn of the century, the Bawandid Ispahbad Husam
al-Dawla Shahnvar, after surrendering control ol
Tabaristan to his son Nadjm al-Din Kann retired to
Hawsam, where he built a khanakah foi himself He
bought much land in the region and oideied the con-
stiuction of a market and shops Alter he fell ill and
was brought back to Tabaristan bv his son, he put a
formei sen ant in chaige of his piopertv in Hawsam
(Ibn Isfandiyar, Ta'rikh i Tabaristan, ed 'Abbas Ikbal,
Tehian 1941, n, 37 f) The report leflects both the
decline ol the town and its continued attraction as a
religious centre The general decline continued during
the following century In a lettei sent to the Yaman
in 607/1210-11, a Zaydi scholar ol Lahldjan men-
tioned the deploiable condition of the two
shrines of Abu 'Abd Allah al-Mahdl and al-Husavn
al-Nasir in Hawsam expressing his hope that the
YamanI imam al-Mansur 'Abd Allah b Hamza would
restore them In the early 8th /14th century, Hawsam
seems to have legained some impoitance as an
lor the Ilkhan Abu' Sa'Id between 733/1332 and
736/1335 if the restoiation ol the name ol the mint
proposed by Fraehn De Ilchanoium seu Chulaguida
rum numis, in Mem icad Imp 'sciences St Petersbourg,
6th sei , n [1834], 530, 548, is correct Zahlr al-
Dln Mai'ashI (Ta'rikh i Gilan, ed M SutQda Tehian
1347, 143 1), however, describes the town as having
long fallen into ruin when Sayyid RadI Kiya (789-
829/1387-1426) of the Amir Kiya'I dynasty of Lahldjan
ordered its rebuilding and gave it the name Rudisar.
RadI Kiya granted tax exemptions in order to attract
people to the town, brought shipbuilders
to the harbour, built a congregational mosque in a
large square, a market with shops, a bath, palace, sta-
ble and hotel. The shrine and cemetry of al-Husayn
al-Nasir were preserved from the former town, and
several royal personages were buried there in the
0th/ 15th and 10th/ 16th centuries.
Bibliography: In addition to the references
given in the article, see Hudud al-'alam, 136, 388;
Yakut, iv, 996; H.L. Rabino, Le Guilan, in RMM,
xxxii (1916-17), 336-9; Muhammad Kazwini,
notes to edition of Djuwaynl, iii, 422-4; S.M. Stern,
The coins of Amid, in NC, 7th ser., vii (1967),
269-78; W. Madelung, Abu Ishaq al-Sabl on the Alids
ofTabamtan and Gilan, in JAES, xxvi (1967), 20£,
45-51; idem, The Alid rulers of Tabaristan, Dayla-
man and Gilan, in Atti del III Congresso di Studi
Arabi e Islamici, Naples 1967, 488-90; idem, 77«
minor dynasties of Northern Iran, in Cambridge History of
Iran, iv, Cambridge 1975, 219-22; Manucihr Sutuda,
,4c Astara ta Astarabad, ii, Tehran 1351, 216-9,
304-8. (W. Madelung)
HAYDAR-I AMULI, Baha' al-Din Haydar b.
'AlI b. Haydar al-'Ubayd! (719/1319 or 720/1320—
after 787/1385), early representative of Persian
theosophy and commentator on Ibn 'Arabi.
Our knowledge about his life is based on two auto-
biographical passages written in 777/1375-6 and
782/1380 respectively. He originated from a family of
Husaynl sayyids in Amul, Mazandaran, whose
population had been known for its Shi'I leanings
for a long time. During his studies he left his home-
town for Astarabad and Isfahan. But in his late twen-
ties he returned and became a confidant, and afterwards
a minister of Fakhr al-Dawla Hasan b. Shah
Kaykhusraw b. Yazdagird, the last ruler of Tabaristan
belonging to the Klnakh"ariyya branch of the Bawan-
did dynasty [q.v.]. This period seems to have been
rather short, because in 748/1347 he was still in
Khurasan, as is attested by a vision which he had
HAYDAR-I AMULI
there and which he reports in his works, whereas
two years later, in 750/1349, shortly before Fakhr
al-Dawla's assassination by members of his own family,
he experienced a religious crisis which made him give
up his courtly life, in spite of his reverence for his
master, and perform the hadjaj. For the rest of his
life, at least during the documented part of it, he
stayed in 'Irak. In Baghdad he studied with Naslr
al-Dln al-Kashanl al-HillT (d. 755/1354) and Fakhr
al-Dln Muhammad b. Hasan, the son of the famous
'Allama al-Hilll, two Shfl scholars who enjoyed the
patronage of the Djala'irids [q.v.]. With the latter one
he exchanged a theological and juridical correspon-
al-Amuliyya, dated 762/1361; ms. Tehran University
no. 1022, fols. 71b-76b). He also wrote for him his
Risalat Rafi'at al-khilaf 'an wadjh sukut Amir al-Mu'mimn,
an apology for 'All's passive attitude towards the first
The number of Haydar-i Amulfs works which are
known to us, by title at least, amounts to 34. The
earliest book preserved is his
(1) L^ami' al-asrar wa-manba' al-anwar, an exposition
of the deeper meaning of the shari'a by means of ta'-
mil (ed. Osman Yahya and Henri Corbin, in Sayyed
Haydar Amoli, La philosophic shi'ite, Bibl. Iran. 16,
Tehran-Paris 1969, 2 ff.; for an analysis of its con-
tents, cf. Corbin in Eranos-Jahrbuch, xxx, (1961), 90
ff. and xxxi (1963), 80 ff., also in En Islam iranien,
Paris 1972, iii, 149 ff.; P. Antes, $ir Theologte der
Schi'a. Eine Untersuchung des Garni al-asrar.. ., Freiburg
1971). It was finished about 752/1351; in the intro-
duction, eight other works, obviously of smaller size,
are mentioned, some of which may date back to the
time before Amuli settled in Irak. In one of them,
his Risalat al-arkan, he had treated the same subject
as in his L^ami', restricted only to the five "pillars"
of Islam.— After 760/1359 he wrote his
(21 Risalat al-H'udjud fl ma'rifat al-ma'bud which in
itself has not been rediscovered yet, but a summary
of which, finished at Nadjaf in 768/1367 under the
title Risalat Nakd al-nukiid fi ma'nfat al-mudjud, has
been edited by Yahya and Corbin (ibid, 620 ff.). The
problem of being is treated under the aspects of its
unity and multiplicity (i.e. its epiphany, luhur), more
in correspondence with the ideas of Ibn 'Arabi than
with the tradition of Ibn Slna.— In 777/1375-6 he
finished his
(3) al-Muhit al-a'iam, a huge commentary on the
Kur'an in seven volumes written after the model of
the Bohr al-hakd'ik ma 'l-daka'ik, the tqfsir by Nadjm
al-Dln-i Daya (d. 654/1256). For its structure, cf.
H. Corbin, in La philosophic shi'ite, French introd.,
46 ff— Between 781/1379 and 782/1380 he wrote
(4) Mass al-nusus, a commentary on Ibn 'Arabi's Fusus
al-hikam to which he added, after the model set by
earlier commentators like Dawud b. Mahmud al-Kaysari
(d. 751/1350), voluminous prolegomena (ed. Yahya
and Corbin, in Bibl. Iran. 22, Tehran-Paris 1975). In
them, he proved the insuperability of Muhammad
among the prophets and of Ibn 'Arabi among the
mystics. Muhammad and Ibn 'Arabi are connected
historically by the revelalio continuata through the Shfl
imams and phenomenologically by the mundo imaginalis
('alam al-mithal), the world of spiritual being from which
emanated the vision in which Ibn 'Arabi claimed to
have received the Fusus from the Prophet himself dur-
ing his stay in Damascus in 627/1230. In spite of all
reverence, however, Amulr deviates from Ibn 'Arabi
in the question of the khdtam al-milaya, the "seal of
sainthood". Whereas Ibn 'Arabi saw this ideal realised
in an absolute sense in Jesus (= wilaya mutlaka), and
whereas many of his adherents believed that, in momen-
taneous limitation, it had been represented by Ibn
'Arabi himself (= wilaya mukayyada), Haydar-i Amuli
puts 'Alt and the twelfth imam in their place, his orig-
inality thus merging with his Shfl conviction. He crit-
icises Dawud al-Kaysari, who had been of Anatolian
descent and had lived in Sunn! Egypt, for his unclear,
i.e. non-Shfl, attitude in this problem (which came
closer to Ibn 'Arabi's intention). Two other commen-
tators, both of them of Iranian origin, Mu'ayyad al-
Dln al-Khudjandl (d. 690/1291) and Kamal al-Dln
'Abd al-Razzak al-Kashani (d. 730/1330) are men-
tioned with respect. Complicated numerical specula-
tions concerning the imams and the prophets are clarified
through diagrams_(treated by Corbin in Eranos-Jb., xlii
[1973], 79 ff.).— Amulfs latest attested work is his (5)
Risalat al-'Ulum al-ilahiyya which he composed in
787/1385 at the age of 65. The autograph is pre-
served in Nadjaf —A full list of Amulfs works is found
in La philosophy shi'ite, French introd. 37 ff. (H. Corbin),
Arabic introd. 19 ff. (O. Yahya).
Haydar-i Amulr combined Shfl convictions
hereditary in his family with an 'Irak? and Persian
Sufi tradition strongly imbued with the ideas of Ibn
'Arabi [q.v.]. In this high esteem for the sjiaykh al-
akbar he follows earlier mystics of Persian descent
like Sa'd al-DTn-i Hammuya (587-650/1191-1252) and
Nadjm al-Dln-i Daya (d. 654/1256), both of whom
he quotes quite frequently. Like them, he was a spec-
ulative type; in contrast to two other famous Iranian
Sufis who were his exact contemporaries, 'All al-
Hamadhanl (714-86/1314-85), equally originating from
a family of sayyids, and the SunnI Baha' al-Dln al-
Nakshbandl (7 _ 1 7-91/ 1318-89), he did not found a
separate tarika nor did he adhere to any of them.
More strongly than anybody else before him, he
insisted on the common origin of Shf Ism and Sufism,
thus laying the ground for a dogma held by Iranian
mystical orders until today. This is why he pleaded
for a transcending of the normal juridical approach
to Islam by a union of shari'a, tarika, and hakika;
the Muslim who combines these three aspects is not
only a believer {mu'miri), but a believer put to test
(mu'min mumtahan), equally remote from literalist
Shl'Ism as from antinomian Sufism. ShI'ism is thus
understood as the esoteric side of Islam, but not in
an extremist sense. It may be noted, in this connec-
tion, that the term mu'min mumtahan was also used by
extremists like the Nusayrfs; Haydar Amuli may have
reinterpreted it in opposition to radical tendencies in
popular Islam.
All knowledge (ma'rifa) is derived from the imams;
they represent the Shfl nur Muhammad! as well as
Ibn 'Arabi's hakika Muhammadiyya, this latter entity
being understood by Amuli as consisting of 14 light
aeons which correspond to the metaphysical persons
of the 14 "sinless ones" {ma'sum): Muhammad,
Fatima, and the 12 Imams. The 12 Imams and the
7 Prophets are summed up in the mystical number
19 which pervades revelation and universe (the
Basmala has 19 letters; the universe consists of the
Universal Intellect + the Universal Soul + 9 spheres
+ 4 elements + 3 realms of nature + man; more
about numerical speculations of this kind in the arti-
cle by Corbin in Eranos-Jb., xlii [1973], 79 ff.). God
as the mubdi' of the universe is •U7t£po\)aioc 1 ; He can
only be recognised in His epiphanies. This leads to
a metaphysics of the divine names and attributes;
the normal monotheism propagated by Muhammad
is differentiated, as tamhid uluhi, from the tamhid
HA\D\RI \MULI — HAVDAR kH\N \UV UGHLI
', admi
that God
:ered h
the
the
„f the word Ir
Hivdn i \muhs think
ing represents in open system which is based on
medintion and pneumatic exegesis moie thin in
Bibliography Given in the article but see ilso
amongst so urc es Nui "\11 ih al Shushtm Madia lis
almumimn Tehran 137 VW5 n 51 ff Muham
mad b Mi il Tabnzi Raihanat al adah i 30 (no
54) and n 498 (no 892) Kh ins in Randal al
d^annal Tehian 130b Mo f Ma sum All Shih
Tarn il al hala il ed Muhammad Dji lar Mihbub
in indexes sv \mili itan al Shi'a xxix 25 11
kihhila Mud^am almuallifin iv 91 Biockelminn
S II 209 and III 1266 ad 209 Studies
H Coibin in Melange i d omntahsme offtih a Horn
Masit Tehun 19b3 72 il idem in Ecoli Pratiqui
des Hautes Etudes- \ section innuaiie 1961 62 75
ff 1962 6j 72 ff 1%j 64 77 ff 197j 74 283
ff kamil Mustiii alShavbi al Filr al shi i net I
hidjii Bighdid lo8b/19bb 120 ff R Or
, Dent is
Zweil
Glauhe und Lthie Wiesbiden 1976 in.
(J. van Ess,
HAYDAR KHAN 'AMU UGHLI originally
known as Tarn erdiov (1880-1921 Persian revolu-
tionary and activist He was born into a Persian
family living in \rmema and brought up there He
began his education in \lexandropol (Lenmakanj
Armenia and studied at a higher level in Envan and
Tiflis receiving a degiee in electrical engineering in
1899 from the lattei place He then began to work
foi a companv in Baku In 1900 Havdar joined the
Caucasian Social Democratic Partv led bv Nanman
Nanmanov and soon aftenvaids he helped to estab
hsh the Committee ior the Peisian Social Democrats
in Caucasia
In 1902 at the invitation oi the Persian govtrn-
ment Havdar went to Mashhad to supervise the Powei
Station installed foi the Shnne oi Imam Rida where
he however staved foi onlv eleven months seeing it
as unfertile ground for political activism and finding
both the goveinoi oi Khuiasan and the custodian oi
the Shrine oppiessive During his short stav nevei-
theless Havdar plaved a pan in an uprising against
the Shnne custodian Siham al-Mulk who was believed
to have been a grain hoaider He then leit Mashad
for Tehran in 1903
While working for the iailwav and later on ior the
\min al-Daib Powei Station in Tehran Havdar prop
agated constitutionalism and when theie was wide-
spread opposition to the Belgian financial adviser
M Naus Hivdai encouraged the clerical students oi
the Sipahsahi Mosque to take refuge in the Bntish
Legation at Tehran bv giving each oi them a certain
\fter the fust paihamentarv election in Tehian
Havdar established the first branch there of the
Social Democratic Paitv the aim of which was
Since the Paitv believed in aimed stiuggle Havdai
planned a numbei of bomb explosions In June
1907 he himself exploded a bomb at the house oi
Maza \hmad Khan 'Wn' al-Dawla a prominent
membei of the andjuman i khidmat and the paitv
also threatened '\li \sghai Khan \tabak the Giand
Viziei Thus in Septembei 1907 \tibak was killed
bv '\bbas \ka Sanai a paitv comrade of Havdai
Towards the end oi 1907 Havdar planned the
of Muh
h Shih
who w
^ then
attempting to extinguish the Persian constitutioml svs
tem established in 1906 This phn however misfired
the Shih himself remimed saie ind Hivdn wis
ai rested though ieleased subsequently
Upon Muhammad All Shih s bombudment of the
Persnn Pirlnment in 1908 ind his repression oi the
constitutionalists Havdir fled to Biku W hile in Russia
he continued his cimpaign bv publishing articles in
the Georgian press against the Shah s iegime He ilso
recimted some 700 Geoigim volunteers for the con
stitutionahsts amp in Tabriz ind liter he himself
]oined the Tabnz movement led bv Sittn Khan
Havdai took an ictive part in the constitutiomlists
victorious actions in Mil and ind khuv md he ilso
helped to estiblish 1 school and a newspaper m Khuv
where he appeared as a heio in the poetn, produced
When he heaid about the use of the constitu
tiomlists in Gikn and Isfahan he went to the latter
citv and closelv co operated with the inti Shih
forces In 1909 together with Shiykh Muhimmad
Khiv lbam ind others he estibhshed the Democrat
Putv in Tehi in He also iounded a blanch oi the
same Putv in Mishhid in 1910 In the meantime
Hivdar was lecused of the issassinition on 15 July
1910 oi Sayyid \bd \llih Bihbahim a clencal leader
of the Peisian Constitutional Revolution who was
tions Havdar was intenogated but released later
In retaliation ioi Bihbaham s murder some membei s
oi the Ftidahnun Paitv made an attempt on Havdai s
hie (Mahdi Mahk-zada Ta'iilh I Inhlah i mashrutmat
vi Tehran 1953 219)
In 1910 Sattar Khan and his iellow mud}ahidin
moved to Tehran The various revolutionary factions
now fell into coniused internecine struggles there
ensued seveial assassinations among the mudjahidin
and othei revolutionary groups and finally the gov-
ernment forces defeated Sattar Khan In this bloody
waiiare Haydai, at one time a good fnend of Sattai
Khan is said to have iought against him
Mea
Haydai
under
oined Lenin the Russian
in 1911 On his wav to
inend Sadekov received
n Muhammad '-Mi the
ised himseli by
i to 1 educe the
ruption ( '\bd
Bakhtiy,
Iran tied the count
Bolshevik leadei m
Euiope Haydar thi
ex-Shih oi Iran having falsely F
regain his throne Latei Haydai c
saying that he took the money in o
souice of the ex-Shahs power anc
al-Husayn Nawa'i Haydar 'imu Ughh
imm RasuUada in ladgai v/1-2 (1948) 43-b7)
While m Euiope with Lenin Havdai was also in
touch with the Iiaman exiles in Pans and Beilin In
1915 he joined the anti-\lhed Committee organised
by Sayyid Hasan Taki-zada and otheis and was com-
lse an aimed ioice against the Bntish, this mission
was not howevei successful He then leturned to Beilin
and shoitly aftenvaids went to Moscow where he took
pait in the 1917 Soviet Revolution In September
1920 Haydar paiticipated in the Congiess oi the
People oi the East held in Baku and togethei with
Avetis Sultan-zada represented Iran in the Publicity
Council oi the Congiess
\iming at pioiound structural changes in Iian
Haydar wiote an essay analysing the political and
social situation oi Iian and proposing certain revo-
lutionary measuies to be tamed out bv the newly-
HAYDAR KHAN "AMU UGHLI — HAYS
born Communist Party of Iran; this essay, which was
written in January-March 1921, is known as "Haydar
Khan 'Amu Ughll's theses" (Mazdak, Asnad-i ta'rlkhl-
•" ™ ~~ 1972, 45-53.).
He
v made
:ssful a
ionary forces organised by
Muhammad TakI Pisyan in Khurasan, by Khiya-
banl in Adharbaydjan, and by Kucak Khan in Gilan,
and also made a strenuous effort to create peace
between the rival factions within the Djangali move-
ment in the north of Persia [see kucak khan djangali].
He then was invited by Kucak Khan and other
Djangalls to Gilan, and joined the revolutionary Re-
public of Gilan as Foreign Commissioner. However,
factional hostilities and ideological conflicts within
the Djangali forces finally resulted in the murder of
Haydar and in the extinction of the Djangali move-
ment in 1921.
Bibliography: For Haydar Khan's own writings
and political speeches, consult Mazdak, Asnad, i,
iii, vi, 1970-6, and Nasrollah Saifpour Fatemi,
Diplomatic history of Persia 1917-1923, New York
1952; Haydar's autobiography was dictated to
Ibrahim Munshl-zada, a Russian dissident in Iran,
and appeared in 'Abbas Ikbal, Haydar Khan Amu
Ughll, in Yadgar, iii, no. 5 (1947), 61-80; an English
translation of the autobiography is given in A.
Reza Sheikholeslami and Dunning Wilson, The
memoirs of Haydar Khan 'Amu Ughlu, in Iranian Studies,
vi (1973), 21-51; Because of Haydar's involvement
in the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1906-
1 1 and subsequent political developments in Iran,
all the woiks concerned with the period provide
extensive information and ample references about
Havdar, See especially the articles djam'iyya;
dustOr, hukuma, khiyabani, Shavkh Muhammad;
khurasanI, Mulla Muhammad Kazim, kucak khan
djangali, Mlrza, (in Suppl ) aka nadjafI, HadjdjI
Shavkh Muhammad TakI Isfahan!, azadi; ha'iri,
Shaykh 'Abd al-Karlm Yazdl , See also <Abd al-
Husavn NawaT, Inkilab i Gilan aguna aghaz shucR,
in yadgar, iv, no 3 (1947), 41-55, idem, Sattar
Khan Sardar-i milli hahraman-i Adharbaydjan, in
Ittild'dt-i Mahana, no 9 (1948) , 'Abbas Ikbal, Katil-
i haklki-yi Mlrza 'All Asghar Khan Atabak, in Yadgar,
in, no 4 0946), 47-51, Rahim Ridazada Malik,
Caklda-yi inkilab Haydar Khan 'Amu Ughll, Tehran
1973, Hasan Mahk-zada Hlrbud, Sarguzasht-i
hlratanglz, Tehran 1949, Hafez Faiman Farmayan,
Kitabshinasl-yi Mashruta, Tehran 19b6, Isma'Il Ra'In,
Haydar Khan 'Amu Ughll, Tehran, Bisuyi ayanda,
Apnl-Mav 1951, Muhammad Kazwlnl, Wafayat-i
mu'asmn, in ladgar, m (1947), 38-49, Ahmad HisabI,
Mudjahid-i buzurg Haydar 'Amu Ughll, Tehran 1949;
Mahdl Bamdad, Sharh-i hal i nd^dl-i Iran, i, Tehran
1968 (under Haydar)
(Abdul-Hadi Hairi)
HAYDAR MALIK, Kashmiri soldier, scholar
and engineer. He was the son of Hasan Malik
of Cadura, a village about 10 miles south of Srl-
nagar, and descended from Ramcandra, the com-
mander-in-chief of Radja Suhadeva (1301-20). His
family seemed to have gone into eclipse during the
early period of the Sultanate, but with its conversion
to Shl'Ism early in the 10th/ 16th century, it became
active in the social and political life of Kashmir.
Haydar Malik's grandfather, Malik Muhammad NadjI,
played an important role in bringing about the over-
throw of Mlrza Haydar Dughlat in 958/1551; and
his father, Hasan Malik fought against the Mughal
army sent by Emperor Akbar to conquer Kashmir.
Haydar Malik also took up arms against the Mughals.
He served Yusuf Khan Cak, son of Sultan Husayn
Shah (970-8/1563-70), for 24 years, and accompa-
nied him in exile to Hindustan. He fought side-by-
side with Yusuf Khan, who was sent by Akbar to
suppress the refactory zamlndars; and when Djahanglr
sent Yusuf Khan with Kutb al-Dln, go\ernor of
Bengal, to suppress Shir Afkan, who held a djaglr in
Burdwan, for being in league with the Afghan rebels,
and Shir Afkan was killed, Haydar Malik gave pro-
tection to his widow, Mihr al-Nisa', the future
Nurdjahan, and sent her safely to Agra. On Yusuf
Khan's death, Haydar Malik entered the service of
Djahanglr, who conferred upon him the titles of
Caghatay and Ra'is al-Mulk.
Haydar Malik was versatile, being not only a sol-
dier but also a histoiian, an architect and an engi-
neer His Ta'rlkh-i Kashmir, wiitten in simple, lucid
Persian in 1031/1620-1, describes the history of
Kashmir from the earliest times to 1027/1617, the
twelfth year of Djahanglr's reign. Although a ShI'I,
he wiote objectively, and his work is an important
source for the history of the Sultanate in Kashmir
When the Djami' Masdjid of Srlnagar was de-
stroyed by fire, Haydar Malik's father was accused
of having set fire to it. Djahanglr sent Haydar Malik
to rebuild it, which he did at his own expense. He
also rebuilt the tomb of Shams al-Dln 'Iraki, the
Nurbakhshiyya saint, which had been destroyed by
the Sunnls as a reprisal for the destruction of the
Djami' Masdjid. Later, Haydar Malik constructed by
order of Djahanglr a canal from the river Sind to
irrigate the Nur Afza garden. He was also entrusted
with the supervision of the construction of the water-
fall at Vernag. He died in Kashmir at a ripe old age
in the reign of Shahdjahan, who had in 1036/1627
appointed him as superintendent of buildings to be
built around Vernag.
Bibliography: Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the
Sultans, Calcutta 1959; idem, A note on the assassi-
nation of Shir Afkan, in Ghulam Yazdam commemoration
volume, ed. H.K. Sherwani, Hyderabad 1966; R.K.
Parmu, History of Muslim rule in Kashmir, Delhi 1969;
Haydar Malik, Ta'nkh-i Kashmir, ms. India Office
510, so far unpublished. (Mohibbul Hasan)
HAYS (a.; noun of unity, haysa), an Arab dish
made from dates (of the variety called barm) crushed
and then kneaded with some preserved butter; to this
is added skimmed, dried and crumbly camels' milk
cheese, or some flour, or even some crumbled bread.
The invention of this mixture of ingredients is attrib-
uted traditionnally (see al-Djahiz, Bukhala", ed. Hadjirl,
211; tr. in Arabua, ii/3 [1955]', 336) to a prominent
member of Makhzum called Suwayd al-Haraml (Ibn
al-Kalbl-Caskel, Djamhara, Tab. 22), who is also said
to have been the first to serve milk as a drink in
Mecca (Mus'ab al-Zubayrl, Masab Kuraysh, 342).
Judging by some anecdotes (e.g. in Bukhala', 65,
112, 163, tr. 106, 180, 259) and by a frequently-
cited verse (metre kamil, rhyme -bu; Bukhala', 211; Ibn
Kutayba, 'Uyun, iii, 19; al-Marzubanl, Mu'&am, 215;
al-Kall, Am'dll, iii, 86; al-Baghdadl, Khizdna, ed. Bulak,
i, 242 = ed. Cairo, ii, 32; LA and TA, root h - y - s),
it was a much-appreciated foodstuff, especially
suitable for travellers (al-Baghdadl, Kitdb al-Tablkh,
Mawsil 1353/1934, 82), but equally favoured by seden-
tary peoples. However, this dish was not considered
worthy of "being included in the haute cuisine"
(M. Rodinson, Recheuhes sur les documents arabes relatife
a la cuisine, in REI [1949], 148).
HAYS — HAZARAS
Furthermore, the idea of a mixture or melange
contained in the root led to the word hays being used
in a pejorative sense. Indeed, there was a saying
hadha 'l-amr hays "this is a wretched affair", and a
proverb, 'ada 'l-hays yuhas "the hays has been remixed",
that
bad.
become worse", utters
second person who has performed his task badly, but
himself fails to do it any better (al-Mavdam, Madfma'
al-amthal, i, 484).
Bibliography: In addition to references given
in the article, "see De Goeje, BGA, iv, 222.
(Ed.)
HAZARADIAT, a region of central Af-
ghanistan spanning the modern (post- 1964 reorganis-
ation) provinces of Bamiyan, Wardak, Ghaznl, Ghor
and Uruzgan. The region is almost wholly mountain-
ous, its northern backbone being formed by the
Kuh-i Baba range [q.v.] and its outliers. There are
consequently very few towns and these tend to lie in
the river vallevs, e.g. Dawlatyar on the upper Hen
Rud and Pandjab or Pandjao on the Pandjab trib-
utary of the upper Helmand. The sedentary agricul-
turist Hazaras [q.v. below] are the main ethnic element
of the region, but there are also PashtQn or Afghan
nomads, e.g. Ghalzays [q.v.], who have moved in
from the east and who have clearly-defined grazing
grounds.
Bibliography: J. Humlum, La geographic de
['Afghanistan, etude d'un pays ande, Copenhagen 1959.
86-8, _1 14-16, 156-7. " (C.E. Bosworth)
HAZARAS, the name of a group of peoples inhab-
one of the principal population elements of the coun-
try, amounting perhaps to 900,000.
The Hazaras are almost certainly an ethnically
mixed group, whose components may or may not be
related to each other. In appearance, Hazaras are
predominantly brachycephalous, with Mongoloid
facial features, though this is by no means universal.
There is therefore much in favour of Schurmann's
hypothesis that the Hazaras of the core region, the
Hazaradjat [q.v. above], at least, are a mixed popu-
lation formed from a fusion of an aboriginal Iranian
mountain people with incoming Mongol-Turkish
elements. The Hazaras early attracted the attention
of 19th century western travellers and scholars be-
cause of persistent legends that the Hazaras are descen-
dants of Mongol soldiers, the human debris of Cingiz
Khan's campaigns in the early 13th century — these
traditions were retailed, for instance, by Mountstuart
Elphinstone at the beginning of the 19th century—
and because it was believed, on the basis of linguis-
tic material collected in the 1830s amongst the Aymaks
by E. Leech, that the Hazaras still substantially spoke
Mongol at that time. It now seems more probable
that Mongol-Turkish elements infiltrated into central
Afghanistan, via the more low-lying and open river
valleys of the south and west rather than across the
mountain barriers to the north, in the Caghatayid
and Tlmurid periods, mingling with the indigenous
Iranian population there; whilst the vestigial commu-
nities of ethnic and linguistic Mongols have now been
shown to be centred on the Ghdrat region to the
west of the Hazara ones, cf. Schurmann, The Mongols
of Afghanistan. The name Hazara "group of 1,000 men"
(P. hazar "1,000") is certainly reminiscent of the mil-
itary-tribal system of the Mongols, with its contingents
of 1,000 cavalry-men (MgL mingan "1,000", Tk.
bin/min), but the Hazaras themselves must have become
essentially Iranian speakers by ca. 1500; their language
does, it is true, include a considerable admixture of
Turkish and Mongol words [see IRAN. iii. Languages,
in Suppl.].
guished amongst those peoples included under the
blanket designation of Hazaras. The main body is
that of the Hazaradjat or Day Kundi Hazaras, who
are sedentary agriculturists with only small herds,
lhing in fortified stone villages (kal'as). Their agri-
culture is necessarily a limited, irrigation one, restrict-
ed by the altitude and the climate, with short
summers and snow for 4-6 months of the year. Until
the later 19th century and the extension to the
Hazaradjat of the central power in Kabul (see below),
the power of the Dawlat-Begs, an upper class of
.ained si
after that time. The Kuh-:
the north of that range, and stock rearing, with tran-
shumance to summer pastures of yaylaka, plays a
great part in their economy. The Shaykh 'All
Hazaras occupy the region around Bamiyan and the
Ghorband valley northwards to the foothills of Afghan
Turkistan, and are unusual among the Hazaras
for their use of summer yurMype tents, whereas the
tents used by the more southerly Hazara groups are
of the "black tent" variety [see khayma. iv. In Central
ksia]. There
i group
of Haza
Badakhshan; amongst the Taymanms of the Ghorat
is a small group of Hazaras; and there are the Berberf
Hazaras in northeastern Persia, in the Turbat-i Djam
district south of Mashhad, apparently immigrants
from Afghanistan during the disturbances of the 19th
century. Finally, there are the so-called Hazara Aymaks
of northwestern Afghanistan, in the western section
of the Paropamisus Mountains, including the medi-
aeval Islamic regions of Badglus and Guzgan. These
are mainly semi-nomads, with vart-type tents, but with
some non-irrigation agriculture; they are Persian-speak-
ing, but their Persian has affinities with Khurasanf
Persian, whereas that of the Hazaradjat and the more
easterly Hazaras is close to the Dan of Kabul ;
r the
. of
Afghanistan. Also, they and the Tayn
are distinguished from other Hazara groups by their
adherence to the Sunn! madhhab. Perhaps one should
note, too, the place-name Hazara [q.v.] for a district
in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan.
The Shr'ism of the majority of the Hazaras dis-
tinguishes them from the predominant, strongly Sunni
milieu of the rest of Afghanistan. The Hazaradjat
been suggested that this intrusive Shr'ism came dur-
ing the Safawid period of Persian history, when the
expanding Safawid state intermittently controlled
Kandahar and southern Afghanistan; the remnants of
the Mongols in the Ghorat are Sunms. Today, these
Hazaras have no mosques in their villages, but takiya-
khanab instead. Amongst the northeastern Hazaras,
the Shaykh 'Alls and Badakhshan ones, IsmaTli
Shr'ism is widespread; there were doubtless connec-
tions between these groups and the IsmaTlism of the
upper Oxus districts and the Hunza-Gilgit region.
Within Afghanistan, the Hazaras have tended to
suffer discrimation on account of their Shi'ism and
supposedly C ingizid origins, and they still suffer
today from imputations of stupidity and simple-
mindedness. As an isolated and independent-mind-
ed mountain people under their own khans and mirs,
they resented the centralising policies of the Afghan
rulers of Kabul. Dust Muhammad [q.v.] whipped
up SunnT sentiment against the Hazaras; in 1888
HAZARAIs - HIkR
the Hazaras rebelled against the authont> of c Abd
al-Rahman khan [qc], and m 1891 the khan
organised the suppiession of Hazara unrest as a
djihad bv SunnI fighteis for the faith or ghazis against
Shr'i political enemies It was after this fierce fight-
ing that man) Hazaias emigiated to Persian
Khurasan and the Quetta region of British
BalQastan, and mam Hazaias were also lesettled
in Afghan Turkistan Alreadv Elphinstone noted that
theie were manv Hazaias in Kabul, including 500
m the ro>al guaid, and m the earlv 20th centurv,
Habfb Allah Khan recruited a labour force of sev-
eral thousand Hazaras foi his load-building and
public woiks policies Todav, there aie Hazara
immigrant colonies in all the main towns of
Afghanistan, sending remittances back to then fam-
ilies, in Kabul, the> aie, in particular, building and
general labourers and wood sellers
Bibliography Mountstuart Elphinstone in
account oj the Kingdom oj Caubul and its dependencies ,
London 1842 n, 203-14, and see also the other
19th centun writers and travellers in Afghanistan,
such as Ferner and Bellew Elizabeth E Bacon,
in inquiry into the history oj the Hazara Mongols of
ijghamstan, in Southwestern Jnal oj inthropology, vn
(1951), 230-54 HF Schuimann, The Mongols oj
ijghamstan, an ethnography oj the Moghols and related
ptoplts of ifghanistan, The Hague 1962 K Ferdinand,
Ethnographical notes on the Chahai iimaq, Hazara and
Moghuls, in AO, xxv m (1964-5), 175-203,
M Khmburg Afghanistan, das Land mi histonsihen
Spannungsjtld Mitttlasuns, Vienna 19bb, 130-1, W K
Fraser-Tvtler, AJghamstan London 1967, 56-7,
V Gregonan, The emergtme oj modern Afghanistan, pol
itits of njomi and modernization, 1880 1946, Stanford
1969, 77, 79-80 L Dupree, Afghanistan, Princeton
1973 5b, 58, 161, On language, see now & K
Dulling The Hazaragi dialect oj Afghan Persian, Central
Asian Monographs No 1, London 1973
(C E Bosworth)
HEART [see kalb]
HEDJAZ [see al-hidj^z]
HELM [see sating]
HELMEND [see hilm\nd]
HEMP (Indian) [see hashish]
HERCULES, PILLARS OF [see kadis]
U.-HIBA [see ahmad *l-hib* above]
HIDJRA in fikh. For Muslims residing in the Dar
al-Harb, emigration to the Dar al-Islam (hidjia) is a
recommendable act. If they cannot perform their
religious duties in freedom, emigration becomes oblig-
atory. These prescriptions are founded on Kur'an, IV,
97-100 and some traditions, like Muhammad's say-
ing: "I have nothing to do with Muslims residing
amongst the polytheists" (Abu Dawud, djihad, 95;
NasaT, kasama, 27). The Malikfs hold that emigration
is always obligatory and that the tradition: "No emi-
gration after the Conquest [of Mecca]" (Bukhari, djihad,
1, 27, man, 41, sayd, 10, maghazl 35; Muslim, imara,
85-6; Abu Dawud, djihad, 2; Tirmidhi, styar, 32; NasaT,
bay'a, 15**), which other madhhah consider as an
abrogation of the general command to emigrate, only
applied to the Muslims abiding in or around Mecca,
who were no longer obliged to emigrate, as their ter-
ritory had become Dar al-Islam. During the 19th and
the beginning of the 20th century, as a reaction against
colonial expansion, some Islamic politico-religious
movements gave this doctrine a new lease of life,
inducing their followers to leave Islamic territory which
had fallen under foreign domination; see e.g. khilafa,
Bibliography Muhammad b Ahmad al-Sarakhsr,
Sharh Kitab al styar al kabxr ed Salah al-Din al-
Munadjdjid Cairo 1971, i, 94-5, Abu Bakr b 'All
al-Razi al-Djassas, ihkam al A ufan, ed Muhammad
al-Sadik kamhawT, Cairo nd, iv, 262, Abu Bakr
Muhammad b c Abd Allah b al-'Arabi, ihkam al
Kur'an, ed 'Air Muhammad al-Badjawi, Cairo
1387/1967, ii, 876, Abu '1-WalTd Muhammad b
Rushd, Kitab al Mukaddamat, Cairo 1325/1907, n,
285 'Abd al-Harmd al-Shirwam Hashiya 'ala tuhfat
al muhtadj Mecca 1304-5/1886-8, vm, 62, Abii
Muhammad 'Abd Allah b Ahmad b Kudama, al
Mughni ed Taha Muhammad al-Zavni Cairo
1388-9/1968-9, ix, 293-5, Muhammad Rashid
Rida, al Hidjra ua hukm muslimi 7 Busna fiha, in al
Manar, \n (1909), 410-15, Rudolph Peters, Dar al
Harb, Dar al Islam und der Koloniahsmus, in 1/1
Deutscher Onentahstentag Urtrage, Wiesbaden 1977
579-89 "Ulnar al-Naqai, The pilgrimage tradition in
West ifnca, Khaitoum 1972, 82-92
(R Peters)
HIERARCHY OF SAINTS [see abdal, ikhw™
al-saf^]
HIEROGLYPHS [see barb*]
HIKR, one of the v anous forms of long-term lease
of wakf propertv Onginallv, the aim of these con-
and ameliorate dilapidated wakf pioperties, which are
inalienable In exchange, the tenant is granted — accoid-
mg to different schools of law or interpretations — pn-
onty of lease, the nght of permanent lease, the usufruct
of the propertv or even co-propnetorship with the
wakf Hikr contracts, which were common in Egypt
and Svna, are perpetual or made for a long dura-
tion The tenant mav eiect buildings or plant tiees,
which become his full private property He is enti-
tled to transfer and sell the piopertv and the right
of perpetual lease to anv other person and thev are
inherited according to the ihari'a The tenant pavs a
vearlv rent which varies according to the cunent value
of the land (ad}r al mithl) According to the pievalent
view, hih of a itakf propertv has to be authorised bv
a kadi, and he is supposed to do so onlv if there is
no other wav in accoi dance with makf law to secuie
income for the itakf
Theoreticallv , hih rights mav be acquired on mulk
property as well, and indeed there seem to have been
such cases (cf Mubarak, Khitat, m, 11), but in gen-
eral, hikr was confined to aakf — probabl> because the
interest shown bv private owners m then propertv
generally was gi eater than the administrator' inter-
est in their nakfo
Anatolia and in all countries formerlv part of the
Ottoman Empire, apparently since the 16th or 17th
century (for Ottoman Egypt see, e.g. 'Abd al-Rahman
al-Djabartl, 'Adja'ib al-athar, Bulak, 1297/1880, iv,
94; M.-A. Lancret, Memoire sur le systeme d'imposition
tenitoiiale, Description de I'Egypte, Etat moderne, i, Paris
1809, 239). Idjaratayn contracts involve immediate
payment of a lump sum, mu'adfdjal, as well as year-
ly, variable, rather low rents, mu'adjdfal. For repairs
and setting up of installations in Egypt and Palestine,
a system called khuluww al-mtifa' was used, whose
main features were a loan made to the wakf (mursad)
and the right of the wakf at any time to repurchase
the property and repay the tenant the added value.
Khuluww, according to Maliki law, in Algeria and
Tunis, was rather like hikr and involved perpetual
usufruct or even "co-proprietorship" with the
wakf. The same is true for the Tunisian enzel {in-
i but also
on mii/k propertieb In Moiotco, the
tern ol peipetual lease bv the hubui
shops and workshops was the di<d\
i, 207) The tenant makes the net
ual usufruct of the propel ty \asha
gidik m Egvpt weie similai arrangen
in addition to peipetual kase, the
use of tools and installations ot sin
shops However there was a m;
between all the Maliki— North Afnc,
those which weie pitvaleut in Egvpt Syna and
Turkey atcoidmg to HanatT law in the Maghrib
the lessee paid a fixed annual rent while the \ear
lv rents paid in the East weie supposed to vary
avoiding to maiket fluctuations [adl> almithl) (For
ul-\khir 1280, c
Mill]
s othei
Abu Zahra
K)
Anothei
■, the
,, the ]
entitled to become
propne
nptio
id 'Aziz KhankI at Uakf it
\ladiallat d-kanun ua I Iktimd \i [l'HO] 779-829)
Moreen ei in all penods hib and similai piat-
tices have been used b\ dishonest M: jis as a con-
venient means ol liaud In Palestine, 'the e onveision
of Wakfs held as nare wahide into yaietein pro-
ceeded at a lapid iate m the nineteenth centun, main-
K thiough the dishonesty of the local Kadis and
Mudirs ol Awkaf, who weu often interested paities
in such ti ansae tions It was an easy mattei loi a
Mudn to advance the plea that a piopertv had been
, the Wakf being
■ttived a consid-
.avv ol 19 jemaz
, the number of ]
23t> f) and n
19 30s
e Mmist
[Pre
kaf alone ldmimsteied n
Zahia 135) Hib contracts were made pie-
lantlv on kha)?i (public) aakfs le those whose
is dedicated to hospitals mosques the pool
stei 141-2 Milhot 3bi Man ' ~
:, 55 11 ,
centurv (cf SD Goitein Cum an Idamu ,
light of tht CnnKa doiummh in IM Lapidus Middle
Eastirn ntw, Berkelev and Los Angeles 1909 92
Hassanein Rabie Smm Jmamial aspnts of tht uaqf in
km m miduiul Eppt in at Maa^alla al Ta'nkhma at
Misima win [1971] 1-24) Hib and similar practices
of perpetual lease flourished after penods of decline
m the powei of the cential government which in-
volved detenoration of uakfs This is what happened
in vanous parts ol Cano after tht decline ol the
Fatimids (Mubaiak hhdat m, 2, 102) and in the
Maghnb with the decline of the Marfmd dvnastv and
the disorders under the Shanfians which brought about
the dilapidation ol the aakfs (Milhot 45) The lecur-
nng fires in Istanbul and othei Anatolian towns have
been considered as a primary leason foi the spread-
ing of idiarataui contiacts in Ottoman Turkev The
hib served as a useful expedient to develop deteno-
In the second half ol the 19th e enturv in Egypt 'Ali
Pasha Mubarak the Mimstei of \wkaf granted a
laige amount ot hihn, to private persons to develop
~ and otheis towns iMubaiak hhdat
had t
•xatfi U
pav
v lulr ren
lie pi open
m, appaie
:Mubaiak khitat n 28 51
1) Recentlv -discovered do,
veiv large parts ol Can
s had been consideied pr
■«°m
mkaf declined tiom 2 "59 "„ in 1899 and 1 8
1904 to abeiut 1 ". fiom 1908 onwards mit
few e
hlghe
ceptions of lower oi highei percentages i Th
t percentage was obtained in the Wakf al-Han
Zkj?
Peice
and 07 respcctivelv in the 1928-9 budget
tages of lull income in the total luikf levent
onginallv paid 1>\ the n
light to tianslei their piopertv but it could i
touched bv their creditois iJH Scott The Lau
ingjoingmn in Egipt Edinburgh 1907 120-1) H
often been used as a wav to encioaeh upon aa//
propeitv Frequentlv admimstiatois ne: '
lect the lent, and aftei some time the
is the lessee s pi opeitv Usurpei
m Palestine were similai m 1927 the Supreme
Moslem Council estimated hib income at 1 95 "„ of
stituted onlv 1 10 "o of the total uakf levenue (Israel
State Archives, K/102/34 24) rhough legally theie
should be no difieience between hib lates and the
rent ot the same land pnoi to the impiovements
made b\ the lessee the report ol an ofhcial com-
mittee appointed in Egvpt m the 1930s put average
Courts calculated the value ot uakf lands encumbered
Admi
i had d
898 tl
, sell tl
nth the tost of collecting it Tht
pi obit m was that theoieticallv it is forbidden to sell
naif piopertv and that it was too complicated to
exchange the gieat number of lub\ Attempts made
to do this during the first vears ot the centurv had
tailed H,h on uakf ahh was abolished tt.gethei with
such uakf, in Egvpt m 1952 bv art 7 of Law no
180 ot that vear and Law no 049 of 1915 and no
295 ot 1954 puiyided lot the voluntary sale and tei-
mination ot tubs on aaff khavi The ovvnei ol the
lakaha (the an// I was to leeeive thiee-fifths of the price
paid and the holdei ol the lukr the lest Appaientlv
these
tftectiv
(no 92 1 was mailed avoiding to whiih all hi/ is
were to be liquid ited the holder wis givm the
option to bu\ the piopertv horn thi aa/f foi three-
auction and the proieeds di\ided between the ua/f
ind the holder in a latio ol 3 to 2 In Turke\
idjaiatmn and mukala'a i= hit,) were liquidated b\
the \akiflai Kanunu ol 5 June 1935 Miording to
and e
of si
, th<
(koprulu 24b 11 ) In 'liak
V) law of Waqf Mimimstiation had ahead\
id lul, and tajaratayn but lppirently not
elv In l')b() and 1%2 new laws tailed Ufa'
hi/ 1 weie enacted iciording to which admin-
s and othn people lonierned wtit entitled
l\ to a hu lourt foi the dissolution ol hik,
Tin
xild f
au/fm geneial see in particular Eug Cla\el Lt
ttalf o„ habous Cano 18% u ih 12 U Pace
md \ Sisto Codi annott du \\ akf Alexandria
8-59 J \bi - - -
n ptrptti
in Ram ile,tr,innt
it Turns,,,,,,, di halation it di Jurisprudent i xvn
1 1 901) 12151 L Milhot Demembitmtnts du /whom
Pans 1918 E Probster Pmahigtntum und
hollt/tnnmus im mohammtdamsihtn Litgtnsiliaftirtiht
imksondtrt tits Uajmb I erpzig 1931 <Mi Pasha
Mubuak al Milt at til tnn.fiki\\a al dfadida Buhk
1304-5 passim Muhammad \hu Zahia al Ht/r
m Uadiatlat al hanun tut 1 IUuad x (1940) 93-
151 B kopiulu Hulki liukukiimuja uilij neintt
tin fisill\ Itaittnnli takiflai in htunbul I nutisittsi
Hu/uk Fakulksi Mumitasi x\m (1952) 215-57 al
l/uam 3 August 1954 b May 19b2
(G B*ER)
^L-HILALI Mh L-'MjBV, \UMK> B <M>D *L-<\ZIZ
ownedlns msbti to Ibrahim b Hilal id 903/1497 see
Brockelmann S II 348) the aniestoi of a iamih
of mtellictii-ds in Sidjilmassa He was born m that
town in 1113/1701 and began his studies theie
going on to Fas foi them and then returning to the
Tifilalt where lit gatheied round himself numerous
pupils Hi ilso obtained igja as fiom \anous east-
ern scholais on the oicasions of two pilgrimages He
died it Madaghia (Tafilalti on 21 Rabf I 1175/20
Oitobei 17bl
M Hihh owed his fame to the quality of his teaih-
entitle him to be consideied as one of the greatest
Moioican siholars of the 12th /18th century His
work is putnlh preserved (see the list of mss in
Likhdar) and includes some fahrtistn a nlila whiih
fikh on the sub]tit of the kur'amt kira at on lex-
iiogiaph\ and on logii and finally some poetry
His piet\ is disph\ed in a kasida on the asma' husna
[a ] and ibove all in a poem of 129 veises in
which he sums up the rule of life foi the true belies -
Biblio.
i Mora
kadin
\aJti
Fas
1310/1892 n 273-5 Kattani Fihm a/Jaham, Fas
134b-7/1927-8 n 421-3 Mukhtai Susi al Ma'sul
Casablanca 1370/1950 is 32-52, Makhluf Shadjamt
alnuial a/ma Cairo 1349/1930-1 i 355 E Levi-
Pi menial Choija 310-17 Brockelmann II 456
S II 390 M Lakhdai Ut htttram 221-4 and bibl
(Ed)
the cultivated
HINDIBA' endue Cuhorium en
form ol a spenes of the hgulal
Thiough Synac antubna, both terms hindiba' and
endive go back to Greek ivtdPoc; which is recorded
onlv spoiadually normally the plant is called aepK,
in the Mabic tianslations ians or saris The nomen-
clatuie nch and confused can be summansed as fol-
lows the wild endne {hindiba' barn) was aheady known
to the earlier Mab botanists under vanous names
'alath oi ghalath I Mm Hamfa al-Dinawan Lt diction
naue hotamqut ed M Hamidullah Cano 1973 nos
735 804) lurther yi'did ba/la murrii tmUiashkuk and
\anants [op at no 1115) As indiiated by the lait
but one name it is a bittei vegetable and is there-
fore also tailed amarun (and \anants) The latter term
is not oi Greek origin as the books on medicine ha\e
it but is to be derived fiom Latin amaium The lul-
tivated endne usualh called hindiba' (also by al-
Dinawan, op at nos 1103 1104) is the popular
tasty salad-plant paiticulaily widespiead in the Mab
West and known there under the Mozarabu name
shtmalna oi its aiabiused lorm sanakh (Castihan sar
raja, il FJ Simonet Glosarw dt toces ihtncas ) latinos
ttt Madrid 1888 584) while in Moron o the Beibei
The medicinal effect oi endive was exceptionally
extensive as i in be seen in Ibn al-Baytai s long
eflec
their initial stage and it stiengthens the h\er and
stomal h The root helps against scorpion-stings and
the ]uice against laundiie tonstipation peisistent
fever and suppurations The tarkhaihkuk mentioned
abc i\ e is taraxacum the dandelic in used in pc ipular med-
uine beiause of its bitter substance On the cultiva-
tion of endne in Spanish agncultuie in particular on
sowing planting out and lmgation ample informa-
tion based on several sources is given by Ibn al-
'Mvvvam, A al Filaha tr J -J Clement-Mullet n Pans
18bb 146-9
Bibliography Diosiundes Dt materia mtdica ed
M Uellmann i Beilin 1907 203 i (= lib n
132) La Maltrw niedua dt Diostondts n Mabii
tr Istafan b Basil ed C E Dubler and E Teies,
Tetuan 1952 200 f 'Ml b Rabban al-Taban
Fudaus alhikma ed Siddiki, Berlin 1928 377
Razi Hani xxi Havdarabad 1388/19b8, b32-5
(no 89b) Du phaimakolog GrundsaUt dts \bu
Mans,,, Htirmti, tr \ Ch Mhundow Halle
1893 282 408 Ibn al-Djazzar I'timad Ms
\yasoiya 35b4 foi 19a-b Zahiawi Tasnf Ms Besn
M?a 502, foi 512a 4-b Ibn Sma hanun Bulak
l 298 Biruni Saydala ed HM Said Karachi
1973 Mab 378 Engl 330, Ibn 'Mbdun 'Umdtit
alttib,b,Ms Rabat Bibl Gen 3505 D fols lb7b
14- 168a 22 Ibn Biklansh Musta'im Ms Naples,
Bibl Naz in F b5 foi 3bb Ghafiki al iduna
almujrada Ms Rabat Bibl Gen k 155 l fols
151a-152b P Guigues Lei norm arabts dans Sua
HINDIBA'
p,»n m J\ Htae sene ,
905) \ sv Dundibi
(no 165) Maimomdes S//«
Meyeihot Cano 1040 no
114 Ibn al-Bavtai
Djami' Bulak 1291 iv 1%
-200 ti Leclerc no
2263 ^usuf b TTmar Wto
nad ed M al-Sakka'
Beirut 1395/1975 539-41
Ibn il-kufi 'f mda
Haydarabad 1556 i 264
Suwavdi Simat Ms
Pans ii 301)4 tol 81a-b
Nuwavn \iha\a xi
Cano 1935 67-9 Ghassam
Hudikat al ajai Ms
Hasan H 'Abd al-Wahhab 1
)ls 122b- 12 3a Dawud
ai-Antaki r«#M»« Cano
571/1952 i 335 1
X«A/«( a/ ahbab ed Renaud
nd Colm Puis 1934
no 124 I Low Du Floia d
/ Judtn l 1928 43 5-
bell
1966 121 Vu n
hindi ti M Le^
40) 30
HINN an mfen
Umudj n 11=1
that the Hi
e ol a we.
88)
sub-speue
s a deli
ion Belief
dermis the belief i
the Hinn is however accepted by the Diuzes (see
H Gins Tha^m, dn Diusf, Pans 1863 n 78 p
106 Takum Djabal Iubnan 1 1 teds Aiab MS 178
fol 14b) C F Sevbold Du Druunuhnft Kitab Alnoqut
1902 71) and thev aie ocrasionallv mentioned els, -
where in Arabic hteiatuie e g al-Djahiz Bu/Jala
Benut 1%() 58
Bibliography in addition to the woiks min-
tioned m the aiticle see D R \\ Bryer Thi oiigim
uf tht DriK( nh«i,m in Der frlarn lm |1976) 8 and
the hteiature theie uted
iR\ Ebied and MJL \oungi
HIPPOCRATES [see bukrat abovej
HIPPOPOTAMUS [see PARAS AL-MA abo\e]
AL-HISAFI Hasana\n foundei ol the al-
Hisafivva al-Shadhrlrvvi tan/a He was bom m
12b5/ 1848-9 in the ullage ol Kafr il-Hisah kalvu-
bryya province Een.pt
Onginally he was i [hah/a [g , J of an oflshoot of
the Madanryya bnnch of the Daikawa [qi\ known
ah al-Makkryya al-Fa-,m a He had been initiated into
this tan) a bv its foundei Muhammad b Muhammad
al-Fasi id 1288/1872) when in Mecca foi the pil
gi image in the yeai ol the httei s death He defied
of the tan/ a and introduced into it ceitain elements
of teaching and ntual peculiai to al-lidjarnyya \q i ]
This brought about a conflict within al-Makkiy\
which i.
pendent and distinct tan/ i
al-Hisahyya al-Shadhiliyy i
Aftei Hasanayns death m 1910 when the tan/as
son Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahhab id 1949) vanous
' allegian ■ ...
mnder
e ol t
bv Muhammad Ahmad ll-Tukhawi id 1361/1942)
known as al-Tukhawivv i Another faction m al-
Mahmudivva iBuhavra province) led bv Ahmad il-
ol the tan/ a when it was organised into tht Dram 'ryya
al-Hrsafryya al-khayrrvva an organrsition which
was the loot and toieiunnei ol the Ikhw m al-
Mushmun [qi\
afT v\a
s bulled
n Oar
mn
iui wheie
ated
I? J
^
celebiated
'All
al-Dja'f-
rawi
al
Uanhal al
id Ha<.an
Hi
umbe
nS of Ul his P 's
ncipa
bi
>graphv m
71 87) and
Is ol
hich he
grves
ms
date's' 1 h'i's
spect
to dhll,
(61 1
This sec-
vlnch is Hasan
1951 Othei w
i biogiaphv b
il Dja'fata
:hc tan/as
n F dt t
. Eppt Leiden
HIYAL ia) with the basic
ubtci luges has had its sense
lallv the ■
exceptional posit:
entury Egvi>t ma
•nd tuniq lin/id u
e the
- the pie-
? Hiv
a with
Arable woiks descrrbmg them
and with the tiadition ol which the\ aie the most
iemarkable expressron
The mediaeval Arabic books on machines an often
called automata tieatises bv modem wnteis but the
designation is somewhat misleading The books deal
\qi\ which in one of its
echani
widei
n the
t"™^'
orrnta The descnptio
ldenc e enables us to list the
ms watei -flocks and c indle-
and liquid dispense is mcasui-
vs Accordmg to Abu 'Abd Allah
who compiled his stientific
h al'ulum towards the end of
tiebuehets Unandjanil ) lie also
Leiden 1895 247) The wold
ilK am mechanrcal connivance
ge machines Hnal mav indeed
|Aa;a
a) which is used lrequentlv b\ the writers
eg
il-Djazan [,/ 1 above] ind Ibn al-Nadim (Fhrnt
397)
Olten a vanetv of haiakat is destnbed loi the
moi
complex devices and the ciaftsman is instiucted
to St
lect those that suit his tastes and puipos.es The
eonc
rn of this uticle is mainly with the contnv mtes
that incoipoiated mtom itic eflect
us including hitab al Hnal by the Binu Mus
wntten m Baghdad ca 236/850 (H nisei Witd
maim and Hausei \\ H 1) hitab 'imal al sa'at i
I'amal biha) by Ridwan written m 600/1203 descn
by his lathei Muhimmid llSi'atr in Damascus .
545/1150 (W.H. 2); Kitab fii ma'nfat al-hival al-
handasivya by al-Djazan, written in 602/1206 (Hill 1);
and a treatise on clocks written by Takr al-Dln b.
Ma'rQf 1932-72/1526-65), namely al-Kawakib al-dawnvva
(ed. and tr. with commentary by S. Tekeli, The docks
in [the] Ottoman Empire in [the] sixteenth centun; Ankara
1966). A second work by TakI al-Dln, dealing with
yarious types of machines, entitled al-Turuk al-saniyya
ft 'l-alat al-ruhaniyya has recently been edited in Arabic
(Ahmad Y. al-Hasan, .Aleppo University 1976).
.Almost certainly there are manuscripts yet to be
discovered, and there are known manuscripts that
await close study. Perhaps the most important of
these is a manuscript in the Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana in Florence. Numbered 152 (formerly
The section of the work that concerns us here is
entitled Kitab al-Asrar Jl nata'idj al-qfkdr and occurs
amid a number of mathematical treatises attributed
to Abu c Abd Allah, known as Ibn Mu'adh, who
worked in Cordoba in the 5th/ 11th century. (For
Ibn Mu'Sdh, see the article al-Jayyani in the Dictionary
of Scientific Biography.) It has not yet been possible to
make a close study of this treatise, which is dated
664/1266. It is unfortunately in poor condition, with
several of its pages torn, but it is written in a clear
Maghrib! script and it may be possible to decipher
large parts of it. An examination of photographs of
some of the leaves indicates that it describes water-
clocks, and other machines. The drawings are well-
of the machinery. This work, even if its authorship
cannot be established with certainty, may prove to
be of considerable importance for the study of medi-
Apart from the treatises themselves, there are
other attestations to support the existence of a thriv-
Isiam. Al-Djazan mentions a candle-clock built by
a certain Yunus al-Asturlabl (Hill 1, 87) and a musi-
cal automaton constructed by Hibat Allah b. al-
Husayn (Hill 1, 170), otherwise known to us as an
astrolabist (Suter, 117). There are also references to
be found in the works of geographers and histori-
erning mechanical devices which they had
for
triking \
with
Harun al-Rashid (Eginhard, Annates Ftaneorum in
Monumenta German. Script, i, 194), and the silver tree
with whistling birds in the garden of the Caliph al-
Muktadir [see Baghdad, History]. Remains of two
water-clocks built in the 8th/ 14th century are still
to be seen in Fas (D. de Solla Price, Mechanical water
clocks of the Nth centun in Fez. Morocco, in Ithaca. 26
VIII-2 XI [1962], 599-602). It cannot be doubted,
therefore, that there was a tradition of mechanical
engineering in Islam that probably originated in the
2nd/8th century and continued until it merged with
the developing European engineering in the
10th/ 16th century. It was a tradition that was con-
cerned mainly with devices to provide amusement
and aesthetic pleasure, with some utilitarian ele-
ments, and almost certainly reached the peak of its
achievements in the work of al-Djazan.
One impetus for the establishment of this tradition
was undoubtedly the availability in Baghdad in the
3rd/9th centun- of Arabic translations of Greek trea-
tises, especially those of Philo (ca. 230 B.C.) and Hero
1 //. ca. 60 A.D.). The works of Hero, in particular,
were highly regarded in mediaeval Islam— several.
are mentioned by Ibn al-
Nadfm iFihrist. 397). A number of the Banu Musas
devices closely resemble devices described by Philo
and Hero, and there seems little doubt that the broth-
ers had access to the Greek treatises. It would be
incorrect, however, to assume that Philo and Hero
were the sole inspiration for the Banu Musa and their
From the time of Archimedes c
n that
echanic;
enginee
practical than that represented by the known works
of Philo and Hero, had spread throughout the east-
ern Mediterranean and western Asia. Monumental
water-clocks, for instance, had been built in Syria in
Byzantine times [H. Diels, Uber die con Prokop beschriebene
Uhr von Gaza, in Abh. Preuss. Akad. Wus. Berlin. Phil.-
Hist. Klasse [1917], No. 7). According to Ridwan
I W.H. 2, 179-80), this tradition was continued in
Damascus in the Umavyad period and remained unbro-
ken up to the time of his father. Ridwan, in the same
passage, also mentions a two-way transmission of ideas
between Byzantium and Sasanid Iran. It is indeed
highly probable that mechanised technology developed
in Iran in the Sasanid period and continued into
Islamic times: from the Banu Musa onwards many of
the technical expressions used are of Persian origin.
Nor can a similar interchange between Iran and India
be left out of account.
written in Byzantium in the lst/7th or 2nd/8th cen-
tury, was described by al-Djazan (Hill 1-170), see
E. Wiedemann, Aufidtze zur arahischen Wissenschafh-
geschichte, Hildesheim 1970, ii, 50). Three Arabic ver-
sions of this treatise, ascribed to a certain Apollonius,
water-clock, exists in several Arabic mss. Both Ridwan
and al-Djazan acknowledge that the basic water-
machinery of their monumental clocks was derived
from the "Archimedes" treatise (Hill 2, W.H. 3). The
origins of this work are still somewhat obscure. It may
have contained basic ideas from Archimedes, devel-
oped by Philo, with later accretions from Byzantine
and Islamic writers. Indeed, this treatise exemplifies
the problems that arise when we try to identify the
various cultural elements in the Arabic "translations".
The "Philonic" corpus, to cite another example, has
been transmitted in Latin versions, a Greek fragment,
and a late Arabic version. The last-named certainly
includes later Hellenistic and Islamic additions, and it
is difficult to isolate Philo's own contributions.
For the present, we can make the following
hypotheses for the origins and development of Islamic
mechanical technology: (1) At the time of the Islamic
conquests, there was an established tradition for the
manufacture of water-clocks and other mechanical
devices in an area that stretched from the eastern
Mediterranean to India. Chinese influence cannot be
excluded. This tradition was recorded not only in
documentary form, but in the experience of crafts-
men, and in the existence of earlier constructions.
(21 This tradition was continued in Islam, but no
Musa in the 3rd/9th centun-. The Banu Musa drew
upon ti
ations from Grei
the
experience of craftsmen, adding many refinements of
their own. (3) Later writers, such as al-Djazan, were
able to exercise an eclectic judgement, using ele-
ments from Greek works and from the established
Islamic corpus as they saw tit. Because al-Djazan in
he vvoiks of other i raftsmen astio-labist;
Mights, irrigation specialists metalwoikeis
eis, and the makeis of ai tides foi domestic i
h\dro
Then
included timbei sheet brass and coppe
non (for small components, nails and axlesi non and
coppei wire lope and stung Fiom these the> fash-
ioned the deuces and mechanisms to pioduce the
desned eflects \essels of vanotis shapes hguies of
concentnc siphons pulle\s trpping-butkets axles and
bearings pipes conical \al\es taps with multipk boi-
mgs gears, and special mechanisms designed foi mdi-
Mdual machines Orifices, giaduated for a gi\en How
Eight\-fi\e of the Banu Musa's one hundred devices
and about twentv of al-Djazans fitt\, aie tuck ves-
sels of vanous kinds Ihev demonstrate a bewildei-
when tilted, a pitcher could be allowed to discharge
vent dischaige he coveied a concealed oil -hole with
iepertoire of about ten basrc motrfs togethei with
components designed toi individual machines These
components weie assembled inside the main container
often with gieat ingenuitv In all the cases, the ves-
sel itself was the automaton and the visible effect was
the discharge of liquid The fountains descnbed bv
the Banu Musa and al-Djazan, in which the dischaige
Undoubtedly the laige watei -clocks are the most
bahst— who pel foi m at the sixth ninth and twelfth
houis \bove these figures is a semicircle of glass
loundels at the side of which aie the figuies of biass
falcons \bove the apex of the semicncle are two rows
of twelve doors each in hont of which a small lep-
resentation of the m< ion men es at a steadv speed The
clock opeiates on ' solai' or temporal hours obtained
bv dividing the houis of dav light bv twehe Even,
ure one lower door revolves to show a different coloui
each of the falcons diops a bionze ball fiom its beak
on to a cvmbal, and one of the glass loundels becomes
fullv illuminated The clock is e
enginee
ileal engineenng Twe
3 4) are operated b-
ivith a gr
float, the tar^ahai a b
in its underside that submeiges in a given pc
The tmdxahai is an ancient device foi measuring
but these clocks are the onlv instance we kno
in which the tmdfahdr is incorporated in wo
maelunerv The\ have the additional feature m
simph loi displav
also
the o
The standard t\pe of monur.
exemplified b\ the first two descnbed b\ a
and b\ the clock constructed bv Muhar
il-Djaza
glas*
and hav
isitions m the Zodiac The aide i.
a constant speed thioughout the da\ Ml the .11
except the musicians aie opeiated b\ the ste:
t bv 1
.ophrstr
n bv the"" sudden release ot
collected in a special tank
? ma\ distinguish the woik
rom that ol then pic dec es-
confiden
with .
ank 111
stmg metals Mam ot th
e components and tech-
ques of this ldentifiablv
tei incoipoiated into Luio
)ean machine technologv
ut we have as vet little c
ertain knowledge of how
id when the tiansmission
took place As tai as we
ted into a European langu
age befoi, modem times
iapid and until recentK
ithout documentaiv assist
nice Tiavellei s lepoits
nen of machines built bv then picdeo
sula tow aids the close of the bth/12th centt
the adoption b\ Chiistian Spain ol Islamic id
taken
was reconstiucted in the Science Museum London,
toi the Wb World ot Islam Festival it is quite I
beautiful, and works peitectlv The displav scieen is
about H50 metres bv 1 bO meties 111 width \t the
bottom ot the machine aie the figures ot live musi-
cians — two trumpeters, two diummeis and a c\m-
used
b\ Islamic
Sa'a
T and al-Dj,
eloek
operating
and the e
do s
These e
ing
float with
then
the media
al v
atei-c
ock
which itself
The L
icorpe
he
\rc hrmedes
the
Ihn
Mu'adh tieatise
the
clirec
an
cestois ot the
repk
CCS th
ste
adih descend-
HFyAL - HOISFIN DJ \J \DININGR VT
technology and the witei clock is therefore dnectlv
iele\ant to this development Islamic components and
techniques wete also incoiporated into European engi-
neering from the 7th/ 13th centurv onwards and were
an important element in the establishment of mod-
em machine design particularly in the helds ol del-
Kate mechanisms and control sv stems
Theie were less tangible influences ot the Islamic
automata tradition Culturalh they are related to the
as Pinocchio and the doll Olvmpia in one of the Talcs
of Hoffman The cultivation of aesthetic delight exem-
plified bv the fountains ot the Banu Musa and al-
Djazari was continued in Euiope b\ men such as
Tom iso da Siena who cieated the watei gardens at
the \ ilia d Este and Bagnaia Moie nnportantK the
representation of cosmological and biological phe-
ie of the factors that led men to adopt
Dri
r the
nselv huitful in the devel-
echan
attitude that has been
opment of modem science
Bibhogiaph\ (in addition to works mentioned
in the text) There are as vet no Aiabic editions
of anv of the hnal tieatises and one must there-
foie have iecourse to translations (An edition of
al-Djazan s work is however being piepared b\
A \ Hasan and will be published b\ Aleppo
tht \iabu ms is given) Descriptions of thirteen
of the Banu Musa devices with illustrations and
notes are given b\ E Wiedemann and F Hauser
in Lber Trinlgijasse mid Tafelaufsat e in hi, vm
(1918) 268-91 (\\ H 1) the remaindei are dealt
with bv Hauser m i be, das hitab al Hi
He
•J Musa
in Abhandl -jo Gcsch der \atumissenschaften unit dtt
Vidian Erlangen 1922 ( \ fullv innotated English
translation of the entne woik is cunentK being
prepared b\ the writer) For al-Djazan see DR
Hill The Book oj knouhdgt of ingenious dams
Dordrecht 1975 a fullv annotated English ver-
(Hill
Ridwc
ailable
abbreviated translation with :
tions bv Wiedemann and Hauser I bcr dit I hi en
in Bciach do Islamischen hultur in hoca Acta del
Raised hop Carol Diutuhtn Akad der hatmjo, sella
c (Halle 1915) 169-272 (W H 2) Two transla-
tions of the pseudo-Archimedes aie available both
with notes and illustiations Wiedemann and
Hiusei lb dts bchimedes and ^mei andere
lomchtungin m V« Ada cm (1918) No 2 164-
202 (\\ H3iDR Hill On the constiudwn oj water
doih London 1976 (Hill 2) For the Arabic version
ot Heros Mechanics and Philo s Pneumatics theie
are edited Aiabic texts with French translations
both bv Cana de \ aux Lcs mccamqucs ou I tlna
Urn de Ha on d Alexandnc sur la union atabe de Qosta
ibi, Luqa in J A 9 Sene (1893) i 386-472 n
152-92 193-269 420-514, and Le hue des appamls
pnamiatiques d des machines hdmuliques pa, Philon
de Btzance in Academe des Inscriptions d Belles
Lettres xxxvui (1903) Pt 1 A lecent woik on
Philo is FD Prager Philo of Byzantium in
Pneumatica Wiesbaden 1974, theie is useful dis-
cussion of the Latin and Gieek versions but the
Aiabic section is inadequate and infeiioi m even
wav to Carra de \ aux s edition Foi Heio s pneu-
matics there is an English ttanslation B
Woodcroft The Pneumatics of Hew of Alexandria
London 1851 re-issued with an introduction bv
MB Hall London 1971 The studies ot \ G
classical tradition notablv Tht mechanical technology
of Gietl and Roman antiquity Copenhagen-Madison-
London 1936 and Kttsibios Philon and Hewn a
stud-, in am lent pneumatics in Ada Histonca Saentarmm
haturalium d Midianalium Bibhotheca Universalis
Haumensis Copenhagen iv (1946) 1-197 For
automata in geneial see \ Chapius and E Droz,
Automata ti A Reid Neuchatel-London 1958
D de Solla Price Automata and tht origins oj muh
amsm and mechanistic philosophy in Technology and
Culture v/1 (1964) 9-23 On the influence of the
Greek tradition there is a valuable survev bv Price
in Gears from the Greeks Science Historv Publications
New \ork 1975 51-62 The Indian tiadition of
mechanical devices and its connections with Greek
and Islamic ideas is described bv \ Raghaven in
lantras or mechanical contmances m Ancient India in
The Indian Institute oj Culture Basavangudi
Banglaloie Transaction No 10 (1952i 1-31 The
index to J Needham s Seicnct and utilisation in China
iv /l Cambudge 1965 should be consulted for
transmission from and into China partic ularlv the
entiles under Automata Clocks Clock-woik'
and Water-power iD R Hili)
HOESEIN DJAJADININGRAT Pwgerw Ari-v
Muslim scholai and Indonesian statesman
historian and linguist (1886-1960)
Bom at Kramat Watu the chief town ot a sub-
distnct in the residence Bantam iBanten) m West
Java wheie his father was a government official
he sprang from an old piomment familv which was
related to the formei Sultans of Bantam [see Indone-
sia iv] In his eailv vouth Hoesein s histoncal inter-
est must have been evoked bv reminiscences of the
penod ot the Bantam Sultans kept alive through
stories and legends and through old buildings such
as the monumental mosque in the former town
of Bantam the lemains of the Sultan s residence
(Kraton) and pleasure gardens More than anv other
legion ot Java Bantam is also the area of centuries-
old Muslim pietv there are manv ptsantrens (reli-
gious schools) where the Muslim sciences are studied
village theie are people who have performed the
pilgrimage to Mecca at least once \t an eailv stage
Hoesein was destined for a Euiopean education and
academic caieei bv his progiessive father who had
been promoted to be Regent of Serang After previ-
ous training in Batavia and at the gymnasium in
Leiden Hoesein was matriculated into Leiden
Um-versitv in 1905 as the first Indonesian student
of the section Languages and Literatures of the
East-Indian Aichipelago He read Sansknt with
J S Spevei and Aiabic first with MJ de Goeje and
from 190b onwards with the latter s successor
C Snouck Hurgionje When a prize was offered
for the best essav on data preserved in Malav works
concerning the historv ot the sultanate of Atjeh he
was distinguished with a golden medal of honour In
1913 he leceived his PhD degree foi the thesis
Cntische bcschnping van dc Sad/arah Banten ( Critical exam-
ination ot the Sajarah Banten ) a Javanese chronicle
dealing with tht histoiv of Banten but containing
and the penod of its conveision to Islam Back in
Indonesia Hoesein was appointed to the academic
func tion of official tor the studv of Indian (l e
Indonesian) languages and commissioned to devote
himself to the Achinese language At the beginning
ot 1914 he went to Atjeh and aftei his return to
HOESEIN DJAJADININGRAT — HUBAYSH b. al-HASAN al-DIMASHKI
literature pi
continued his studies with the
manuscript, and with the assis-
tants. His At/ehseh-.\ederlanduh
U'omdenbnek ("Aehinese-Dutch Dictionary") was pub-
Hoese
.piled b> Atja,
volun
1934.
Being the only Indonesian Ph.D.,
tad to sit on various official com
1916 he was appointed as assista
£aJ. Haz "
: affaii
nt-Advis
mid then
r Nati
Affair:
i appoii
Batav
a, where he
taught Musi
Indon
sian languages
From this perk
aTure"'
articles on Ii
Islamic and
ndonesian hilt
graph
were publish
d: De Mnhmnme
tesleven de, lndu
esisehe Muhamim
lau a
d spiritual life
of the Indone
(1925)
and: De mag,
che athteignnd i
iG.R Pin.™
HOGGAR [see ahac;c,ar|.
HOMONYM [see addad|.
HOMS [see hims].
HOOPOE [see minm-D].
HORN [see buk].
HORSEMAN [see faris].
HORTICULTURE [set bustan].
HOSPITALERS, KNIGHTS [see dawiya, abo
HOURI [see HfiR|.
HUBAYSH b. ai -HASAN ai-DIMASHKI,
lamed al-A'sam "the one with the withered lim
)f the opinion that the nan
mbership of the Council of Dutch
1946). When in 1948 the pro
ivernment was formed, he becar
been awarded bv the Banu '1-Munadjdjim
ithly salary ol „,. f>()() dinars [Fdinst, ed.
n Galen-rbend-uns.en, ed. and tr. G. Bergstras
, xui/2, Leipzig 1925, index, +5). His langu
r 1949, Hoes,
University
Hubaysh; addition.-
'Piems. Akad. Urn.,
sion to Tslam. He published some more articles ar
\V. Morgan, Islam— the Straight Path: Mam interpreted .
Muslim* (New York 1958), in which are treated tl
origin of Islam in Indonesia, religious education, tl
ing to the concepts shari'a, dogma, Sufism and reforii
and finally a characterisation of Indonesian Islar.
He died in 1960.
of Mangkunagara, and the first Indonesian to devo
himself to the study of Islam after a Western ac;
demic education, Hoesein Djajadiningrat remained
devout Muslim throughout his life and as such enjovt
the confidence of his co-religionists. Through h
uprightness and justice he was hold in reverence 1
Indonesians, Arabs and Dutch alike.
Bibliography, given in the article. A list <
tandard work which w
litomists. Other v
A". al-Aghdhira- u
Ji 1-nabd. Only
' al-Kafl fi 'l-kuhl
; der Ahh. /Vim. .
1,-HASAN al-DIMASHKI — HUNAYN
H;m, Berlin 1905 13 20 1 and idem Die ara
bischen htz-enarzlt n Leipzig 1905 158) and (7) a
dispensatonum [akiabadhm), possibly composed not
by Hubaysh but by Hunayn
Bibliography (besides the works quoted in the
article) Ibn al-Nadim Fihnst ed Flugel 297 Ibn
al-Kilti Hukama' 177 Ibn Abi Usaybi'a 'Ihun i
202 and passim Barhebraeus Duual ed Salham
Beirut 1890 252 1 idem Chromcon s\nacum ed
P Bedjan Pans 1890 163 M Meyeihof in hit
\in (1926) 690-702 708 H Putter and R Walzei
Autbischt UbmiKimt>in s-nechischo -irjt in Stambiilir
Bibhothtken in 4bh Prtuss Akad Jim Phil -hist
Kl Berlin 1934, 829 & Bergstrasser \tue
Uatettalun .« Human ibn hhuq s Gahn Bibliographw
in UW xix/2 Leipzig 1932 i2 (lists) and pas
urn, L Leclerc Histout dt la mideam arabt 1 Pans
1876, 154-7 M Steinschneider Du aiabistkn Uber
1960 266 & Graf GCiL n 1947 130 f
Bnxkelmann I 227 f S I 369 M Ullmann
Die \hdizin im Islam Leiden 1970 119 and pas
urn, F Sezgin (A S m Leiden 1970 265 t
of Ibn Khurradadhbih [q i ] and apparently 'Abd
Allah Muhammad al-Djayham [see AL-g«nwi
above] except foi the immediate region of his home
in northern Afghamsta '
HUDHAYFA b 'ABD b Fuk/>
,ASJ
'Adi [see
Persian prose ct & La;
runs monumtnts dt la piost r .. .
Original features of the authi
HUDUD al-'ALAM The limits of the woild
the title of a conuse but \ery important anon\mous
Persian geogiaphv of the world Islamic and non-
Islamic composed towards the end of the 4th/ 10th
centuiy in Guzman [qi] in what is now northern
Afghanistan The work exists in a unique manuscript
of the 7th/ 13th century (the "Toumanskv manu-
scnpt") which came to light in Bukhara in 1892
The Persian text was first edited and published b\
W Barthold at Leningrad in 1930 as Hudud al-'altm,
mkopisi Tumanskago, with an important piefate (this
last lepunted in his Soc'mtnja, un, 504-46, an English
tr of this was included by Minorskv in his tiansla-
tion of the whole woik, see below), and subsequently
bv Djalal al-Din Tihiani, Tehran 1314/1935, and
Manucihr Sutiida, Tehran 1340/1962 Soon alter
Baithold's edition appeared, V Minorsky produced
an English translation, together with a lengthv com-
mentarv of immense erudition, Hudud al-'Alam, "Tht
legions oj the amid", a Persian giograph 372 AH— 982
AD, GMS, N& xi, London 1937 A second edi-
tion (London 1970) includes Minorsky's own
"Addenda to the Hudud al-'Alam", ongmalh pub-
lished in BSOAS, xvn (1955), 250-76, and also a sec-
ond senes of addenda
The authorship of the work still remains a puz-
zle, though it was dedicated to the amir of Guzgan,
ol the Farlghumd line, Abu '1-Hanth Muhammad
b Ahmad b Fanghun [see farichunids] Minorskv
suggested the possibility,, though the evidence is mdi-
lect and requires luithei investigation, that the
author might have been the Sha'ya b Fanghun
encyclopaedia ol the sciences, the Djawami' al-'ulum,
foi an ami, ol Caghamyan [171'] on the uppei Oxus
in the middle years ol the 4th/_10th centurv, cf his
Ibn Fanghun and tht Hudud al-'Alam, in ,4 lotust's leg,
studus m honour oj S H Taqizadth, London 1962, 189-
96, lepunted in his Iramta tittnty articles, Tehran
The foim ol the Hudud al-'dlam is concise and
pithy Unlike such contemporary geographers as Ibn
Hawkal and MukaddasI, the author does not per-
sonalis seem to have been a traveller, but he relied
instead on earlier sources and reports such as those
La I
-vidence
arly
appi
jach ;
jon of physic-
(the seven seas rivers lakes islands etc ) of the inhab-
ited world his division of this last into thiee main
parts, Asia, Euiope and Libva (= Africa) his enu-
meration of 45 distinct countnes (nahnat) lving to the
north of the equatoi, and the unusuallv large pro-
poition ol space allotted to the non-Islamic lands
even though the Muslim ones suiveved loughh horn
east to west naturally occupv the greater part ol the
woik The infoimation on the local topographv ol
Afghanistan is probablv first-hand with special empha-
sis on Guzgan Ghaicistan Ghur etc the material
on the Euiasian and Turkish steppes and their peo-
ples is likewise verv significant Finally the authoi
furnishes useful details about local pioducts and trade
Bibliography In addition to refeiences given in
the article see I \u Krackovskiv irabskma get,
Ziafictskaya liltiatura in Sotmtnya iv Moscow-
Leningrad 1957 224-6, paitial Aiabic ti Cairo
1963 223-4 A Miquel La g,tos,raphit humaine du
mondt musulman jusqu au miluu du \I sieclt Pans 1967
xxxin, 398-9 see also djughrafiw iv c 1
(CE BOSWORTH)
HUNAYN, site of a mediaeval seaport in
westein Algeria, not far west of Bem-Saf (B Saf)
and, as the crow flies, about 45 km N W of Tlemcen
Within a walled aiea (41,000 sq m) are ruins of a
kasba and tiaces of a mosque's, and possiblv also a
hammam'%, foundations On drv land below the kasba
he the lemains of a rectangular interior dock (4,250
entered', seeminglv via achannel, by a large arch of
caived stone of the kind characteristic of certain paits
of Muslim Spain Most of what remains is in the
Manmd architectuial tiadition and thought attribut-
able to the sultan Abu '1-Hasan
Words in Ibn Abr Zar"s Rand al-kutSi must not be
taken as nnplving the existence of Hunavn as
the port of Tlemcen in 237/851-2 Hunavn finds no
place in Ibn Hawkal's 4th/ 10th centurv description of
the Oian-Melilla coast, but it was known to al-Bakrl
in the 5th/llth centurv as a fortiess [hum with a good
and busv anchorage Inhabited bv Kumivva Berbers,
it had moie orchards and varieties of fruit than any
neighbouring coastal hisn A centurv latei al-ldnsfs
description is "a charming and piospeious small town
with solid wall, market and tiace" Extra mums, large
tracts of land weie farmed Undei the Almohads its
importance grew, for not only was 'Abd al-Mu'min
[qv] fiom the Kumivva, but he also championed the
djihdd in Spain And so he made Hunavn — onlv two
days' sailing awav fiom Albena — a naval shipvard
Thereaftei it graduallv emerged as the new port of
Tlemcen, whollv ousting Arshgul, the old In the
7th/13th centurv Tlemcen became the capital of the
'Abd al-Wadids [q v ] and a great commerc ml metrop-
olis As the northem terminal of the ma]or trans-
Sahaian trade axis running from sub-Saharan Afnca,
it was ideally placed for exchanges with Meditei 1 anean
Europe In its brisk trade with Christian and Muslim
Spain and elsewhere, Hunayn played a major role
and prospered, even during the long 'Abd al-\\adid-
HUNAYN — al-HUSAYMA
MarTmd stiuggle In 698/1298 it wiselv submitted to
the Mai mid \bu x a'kub and emei ged unst athed when
his eight-veai siege of Tlemcen ended with his death
in 1307 In 7i6/1335-b it again fell into Mai Trad
hands, this time foi ten \eais undei \bu 1-Hasan
and then to a Kumiyya rebel hom whom the c \bd
al-W'adid Abu Thabit letovertd it in 1348 It was at
Hunavn that Ibn Khaldun was anested b\ Mannids
in li70 and to Hunavn that ht was depoited from
Spain in 1 574
Aftei the Spanish seizuie of Chan in 1509 \ enetian
tiade was diverted theme to Hunavn Aiound the
fact whuh eventuallv led to its seizure m 1531 'bv
the Spaniards who chose howevei to abandon it in
1534, piesumablv after lendenng tht poit unseivue-
able Huna\n ne\er legained its old piospentv
Bthhograph G Marcais Honain m RAJ}, Kix
(1928), 333-50 (contains most of the refeiences to
Aiabic souices illustrated! R Basset, \idmmah tt
Its Tiaras, Pans 1901 95-105 (useful foi post-
mediaeval histoiM, R von Thodcn, iki, I Hasan
All Mmmdenpohtik zaisihin \orcl tijuka unci
Spamtn 1310 1351 Fieiburg-im-Breisgau 1973
index (foi mediaeval European spellings ol
Hunavn, see 185, n S), Ch-E Dufounq, LEspaent
tatalant it It Maghrib at, \m el \n sucks Pans l%b
\asndts Pans 1973 index
(JD Latham)
al-HUSAYMA is the name which since the
independence of Morocco in 195b has been given to
a bav and small aichipelago on the coast of the Rrf
between the Cape of Quilates on the East and the
Moie headland to the West It is known also bv tht
name of Alhucemas as well as bv that of San Juno,
it is the
The o
of the
the old plat
, to hav
for the Ilintran of Antonius merelv indicates the
groups of three islets ad \i\ msulas The Marquis
Segonzac in 1901 passed thiough the ttniton, ot
Bam \\ai\5ghal (Uivaghill and speaks ot the bav
Nukur [see nakur, nakur], a town and famous p
' ' ' ave been destroved
the
past
nch tiac
on the banks
miles from the sea This seems acceptable because
the Arab geographeis and the Moron, an government
have alwavs given the name Hadjrat al-Nukiir to the
small aichipelago, and another Frenth traveller in
1904 Ch Rene Letlert, tonfnms tht cxistente ot
the name then Although in Spanish the word alhmt
ma "lavendei' is denved from Arabic al khirjima,
with the same meaning, the plate name is not derived
fiom the plant name Al khuzama is nevei encoun-
tered in ancient geogiaphital oi historical texts in
the Western Arabic somtes noi in old maps of the
strait of Gibraltar Howevei lecentlv al-Bu'awdshi,
with some other scholais supporting him, admits that
the name Alhucemas has an unquestionablv Aiabit
ongin and that the new name al-Husa\ma which has
been adopted bv the Moroctans is no more than an
arabised foim of the Hispano- Arabic woid Others
like the author of the voluminous encvtlopaedia
Eipasa Calpt, sav that the name Alhutema is a cor-
ruption ol al-Mazimma, but this suggestion needs f Hi-
ther discussion, see below
The laigest islet of the aithipelago which is
fiom the toast it was ceded with the others to Spain
in about 1554 bv the Sa'did Maw lav <Abd Allah
[qo] This was to pi event the Turks who had tem-
poianlv taken the Penon de \ elez fiom Spam
from seizing them in a similai mannei But Spain
did not considei it netessaiv to follow up this
attion bv even a svmbohc ottupation of these strate-
gic islands The afian was conducted so well that
Fiance was not awaie of the cession, and m lbb5
exploiting the possibilities of the coast of the Rif
decided to set up an establishment in the bav of
Nukur undei the name of the Compagme d'Albou-
zeme In contempoiaiv sources sometimes the term
Albouzeme' is used but otherwise it is "Les
Albouzems or valiants The fust term denotes the
earhei town called m Aiabic al-Mazimmai which the
'Alawi sultan Maw lav RashTd [qt] was to destrov
Ihe second teim denotes the town together with its
port and its islands, but the words aie often inter-
changed There are liequent ieferences to the name
al-Mazimma m ant lent and mo
in the Dtsinptmn uj ifma of Leo A
But where is al-Mazimma' 1 Al-Badisi, writing at the
end of the 19th centurv m his \laksad speaks of ram-
pal is with gates overshadowed bv a iotk At the begin-
ning of the 20th centurv, Rene Lecleit noted the
several rums, this was piobablv Nukur, and al-
Mazimma seems to have been the poit associated
with it Wherever the town and the port mav have
been exattlv it was Cardinal Mazann who first
planned to set up a commercial establishment 'on
the islands of Albouzeme ' He went as lar as appoint-
pro]ect was abandoned However, the plan was not
loi gotten and on 4 November lbb4 a decree from
the Flench C onseil d Etat authorised the creation of
a companv to be conducted bv two biothers fiom
Maiseilles Michel and Roland Fre]us Roland did not
i each Morocco until lbbb and although his journev
the RTl delighted '
■ Maw
» Ras]
.t pioc
- The
? the
panv was declared bankrupt, and was repl;
Compagme du Levant (on all this episode see J
Caille Rtpiesenlatiu diphmatiqm 31)
It was not until 1073 that Spain occupied these
islands [ptnons), on one of them the largest, she set
up a pmidm (pemtentiarv ) and a cemeterv on another
pelago see J Cazenave Prtsidts tspagmils 457-507
The Penon d'Alhutemas like Mehlla and the Penon
de \elez, was besieged bv the troops of Muhammad
the Great in December 1774 The Spanish lesisted
the bombaidments biavelv and on 19 March 1775
the siege was lilted It was also in the bav of
Alhutemas that Spanish troops disembarked on 8
September 1925 to end the violent revolt ot 'Abd
al-karfm [q < ] whose headquarters were at \djdir
The art hipelago, like the iest of the Spanish zone
of the piotettorate, was it-turned to the Morottan
authorities aftei Moiocto regained her independence
The new provmtial capital, al-Husa\ma (pop 5,000)
is a voting modern citv, aiming at bet oming a pros-
peious torn ist tentie and seaside iesoit
al-HUSAYMA — 'IBADAT KHANA
A Mouhens Le \Iaroi intonnu tingt deux ans d ex
ploration i Pans 1895 91 101 Tnbu des Bern
Ounarel 91 101 with mip Maiquis de Segonzac
loyages an Marot Pans 1903 56 B Meikin The
Land of the Moors London 1901 336 9 M Besmer
Geojaphie anaenne du Marot in Ul in (1904)
C R Leclerc Le Marot Septentrional somemrs et mipres
sions Algiers 1905 E Doutte art ilhucemas in
EL I Bauer El Rif y la Kabila de Btnl I mantel
in Altmonai dt la Sonetad upanola dt antropotoja etno
grajia y prehistona i (Madrid 1921 21 Col H de
C istnes Sourcts meditts Filahens i Puis 1922 8b
J Cazemrve Lei Prtsidts- Espagnole d Afnqut hur
organisational! Will such m ft if 1922/2 255
69 and 1922/3 457 507 A Steiger Contribution
a la fonetuti del hispano arabe y de los eipanola Madrid
1922 ilBidisi El mag tad (tic, dts saints du Rif)
annotated French tr GS Colin in AM \\\i
(1926) Rif tt Jbala (a communication) in Bullttm
de lensagnement publu du Marot Km (Jan 1296)
(with bibl) Ibn Zavdan IthaJ Rabat 1911 346
7 (Haajrat al Nukur) J C aille La representation diplo
matique de la Frame au Maroc PIHEM Notes et
Documents \m Pans 1951 with a complete bibl
oi the Compagme d Albouzeme Leo Aim anus
ifritae descnptio French tr \ Epaulard Pans 1956
277 8 P Schmitt Le Maioc dapra la gtojaphu dt
Ptolenue Centre de Recherches Pigamol Tours
1973 A al Bu'awashi Harb al RiJ al tahnrma
Tangier 1974 i 112 4
(G De\erdun)
HUSAYN b 'ALl b HANZALA [see ali b
hanzala abo\e]
HUSAYN DJAJADININGRAD [see hoesein dja
jadiningrat abo\ e]
al-HUSAYNI, Sadr al-DIn Abu 'l-Hasan 'AlI
b. Nasir b. 'AlI, author of the late Saldjuk
period and early decades of the 7th/ 13th century,
whose work is known to us through its incorpora-
tion within an anonymous history of the Saldjuks and
succeeding Atabegs of Adharbaydjan, the Akjibar al-
Dawla al-saldjukiyya (ed. Muhammad Iqbal, Lahore
1933 Tkish tr Neciti Lugal Ankan 1943 c(
Brockelmann I 392 Suppl I 554 5) Al Husavni
apparently composed the ^iibdat al taitan/Ji alhbai al
umara uti I muluk al salajuknya which (orms the first
part oi the longer anonymous work The ^iibda was
in turn based on the history oi the Saldjuks bv Imad
al Din al Katib al Isiaham [,/ 1 ] continued up to
590/1193 4 the date ol the death oi the last Great
Saldjuk sultan Toghril III The author oi the ikhbar
al daula al saldju/ ma then continued his own work
with the historv oi the Atabegs oi \dharba\djdn
either up to 620/1223 4 or 622/1225 6 the latter
being the date oi the deaths ol the caliph al Nisir
[tji] and oi Ozbeg b Pahlawan [see ildenizids]
There are considerable problems regaiding both
al Husavni and the anonymous author and their
respective woiks which have been discussed by K
Museum ^u London teruahrten Chromk dts Stldsthuqischen
Reithts- Leipzig 1911 bv MT Houtsma Somt rtmarh,
on tht history of tlu Salfuh in 40 m (1925) 145 ft
bv Lugal in the Introd to his translation oi the
Akhbar by CI C ihen Le Mali! nameh tt I histom dts
ongims seljuhdes in Oriens n (1949) 32-7 and bv
Angehka Hartmann an hasir It Din illah (1130 122o)
Pohtik Religion Kultur in del spaten ibbasidtiKeit Berlin
1975 17 18
It seems that al Husaym s name became attached
to the ikhbar through a copyist s mistake the real
authoi being in Hartmann s \iew an official in the
administration at Baghdad As lor al Husaym he
remains an enigmatic figure he was ipparently an
'Mid and may conceivably be identical with the il
Sadr al Adjall Sadt al Milla wa 1 Din oi Nishipur
histomn and poet whom AwfT [q i ] mentions and
knew personally in the early 7th/ 13th century, see
his Lubab al-albab, ed. SaTd Nairn, Tehran 1335/1956,
125-7.
Bibliography: Given in the article.
IATROMANCY [see fir.
'IBADAT KHANA literally House ol \\ orship
the name oi the chambei or building where reh-
held under the patronage oi the Mughal Emperor
Akbai It was constructed by Akbar at Fathpui Sikn
[qi] the seat ol his court in 983/1575 He was
then interested in finding a common inteipretation
oi Muslim law and invited Muslim jurists and the-
ologians to hold discussions with a view to iesolv-
mg then disputes he was himselt present at manv
oi these It was discoveied during the course ol
discussions that Muslim orthodoxy was divided not
only on the fine points oi law but also on basic
punciples Akbar s subsequent disenchantment with
Muslim orthodoxy were ascribed by Bada'um to the
effects oi the open and bittei theological disputes
oi the 'Ibadat Khana Akbai then enlarged the scope
ol the debate by inviting non-Muslim divines to dis-
cussions in the 'Ibadat Khana and Hindus
Christians and Paisees could now explain articles oi
then iaith and engage in controversy with Muslim
dmnes The Dabistan i madhahib contains an inter-
esting iecord ol these discussions among represen
tatives ol \anous iehgions
With the mahdai oi 987/1579 when Muslim the-
ologians set lorth high claims lor Akbar as an
interpieter and enlorcer oi Muslim law the 'Ibadat
Khana sessions seem to ha\e ended The mahdai did
not win much support among Muslims and Akbar
himselt began to hold larger ieligious views Moreover
he leit Fathpur Sikn soon aiteiwards and his ses-
sions with such ieligious divines as appealed at his
court were held elsewheie
The actual building ol the Tbadat Khana at
Kathpur Sikn has not been propeily identified
Bibliography Abu 1-Fadl i'in i ikban ed
Blochmann Bibl Ind Calcutta 1867-77 idem
ikbarnama Bibl Ind Calcutta 1873-87 'Abd
al-Kadn Bada'um Muntiikhab al tauankh Bibl
B\D\1 kH\N<\ - IBN \BI L-\SH<\rH
Ind Calcutta 1864-9 anonvmous Dabistam
madhahib Nawal Kibhoie Luc know 1904 Sn Ram
Shaima Tht relu>inui polui of the Mughal Emptrors
Bomba\ 1962 \ziz \hmad Studus in hlamu tul
tun in tht Mian tmuonment Oxtoid 1964 168-9
idem An intilleitual histon of Islam in India
Edinburgh 1969 29 S \ \ Rizvi Rtln-ious and
inkllettual histon of tin Muslims in Akbai s n, m New
Delhi 1975 111 1 and index
IB'ADIYYA oi \b'
used in 19th centurv Egypt toi .
1813 under Muhammad 'AJi I
iM
a'ld) w
1 These
and r
lands e
75 t(
Mu
million ftddans la fiddnn amounted it the end o
id '\h s rule to 4 416 5 squire meties) T<
rease the country s wealth he made tree grints o
idnia to high officials and notables exempting then
m taxes on condition that the\ impioved the lane
d piepared it tor cultivation The hist iclevan
Lree was issued on 1 December 1829 after uhicl
ints lapidK mc leased \t first recipients onl\ <njo\ec
■nt Muhammad 'AJi wis compelled in 1836 t<
:ree these lands as being inheiitable bv eldest son<
d on 16 Jebruaiv 1842 to giant almost complete
hts ol owneiship including the light ot sale anc
nsler Sa'id who needed monev to implement the
ib'adnia and similai ca
egor
es of hnd gr
nted is pn
\ite property ill ot \
d horn then
ands
d however
piopeitv lights to thes
e Ian
ds Clause 25
ol his 1858
Land Lm explicitly s
ated
le the lull
piopeitv of whomsoev
cened them
he might deal with th
m ir
eveiy lespec
is a prop-
then onwards to endow these hnds
bequeath them in then wills \ major
grints of ib'adnia hnd after Muhamm
Culm
lands
ireed 1:
- and c
end e.
mg locusts This attracted the tellahs ot neighbouring
lands thus enriching e\en moie the notables own-
ing ib'adnia-, and eneouiigmg difieientiition in
landowneiship
In Fiyyum ib'adnia lands weit glinted to Western
Deseit Bedouin tubes in older to encouiage their set-
tlement In contiast to other aba'id the tubes did not
e legal title to then hnd but gamtd exemption
\atmg it The experiment did I
success and mam Bedoums farmed the land out to
fellahs loi hall the \ield Deciees issued m 1837 1846
and 1851 outlawing this pnetice md mam thieats
issued to the tubes that the\ would lose their ib'adnia
were not implemented Sa'id turned Bedouin aba'id
trom granting the Bedouin lull private owneiship Full
ownership was achieved b\ Bedouin owneis ol aba'id
iobkn
land undei the Capitulations [see IMTn-vz-VT] weie
sohed bv Tanjmat legislation and the establishment
ol the Mixed Couits in Egypt in 1876
Biblio^iaphi \ \itin La piopntti fonaut in
Egiptt Cano 1883 <\h Pasha Mubaiak id hhitat
al tuufikina id d+udida Buhk 13U4-5 G Baei 4
histon of landon net ship in modem Egipt 1800 19 jO
London 1962 (& B-vlr)
IBEX [see «th]
IBN ABI 'L-ASH'ATH \bv Dj^'f^r Ahm-vd
b Muhwuhd b Muh\mm4D Aiab phys
'Ubavd \llah b Djibril b Bakhtisl
Ibn \bi Usavbi'i Ibn \bi l-\sh'ath o
lais Having been onginallv an admi
b pi* si,
had
ncurred m
sadaia
nd reache
I Me
Sill 1
l a
wretched conditie
n There
he treated
with
succe
ss a
the Hamd
mid Nas
i il-Diwla
who
had 1
ill Having
thus use
he st
ved
in M
he had n
and
he
died
Jvanced
ge shoitlv
3667970
He w
is considei
ed to be
t spe
ciahs
on
Galen
[see DI, li
him he had pre
his
knowl
edge in a
logical a
nd svstemat
V 11
hei
than on the basi
of peise
lal observa
the s
ment
eg accor
ding to v
vhieh he te
ted
epeat
edlv
rial topos
which
is often 1
und in
he mtrodu
turns
\pirt from i theological work finished in 355/
966 and onlv known bv its title [hitab fi I 'dm al
tin hi I and apait irom the explanation ol unnamed
\iistotellian works Ibn <\bi l-Ash'ath wrerte books on
medicine zoologv and vetenniiv science some ot
which have been pieserved in manusciipt but none
ol which has been published so lai Theie aie in the
lust jihee ievisions ot some <j>1 Galen s works (1) llepl
xcov koc6 IititoKpaxTjv axotxeicov A al e stukmsat 'a/a
uii Abitbtit [2) riEpt KpaaEtov A al Mi^adi l^i flepi
avcottodou Suakpaatai, \lukala fi Sit al mi^ad) til
miikhtalif (4) llepl apia-tni, KaxaaKeufji, xo\> acouaxoi,
nuiov \lukala fi ifdal hai'at al badan (5) llepl EUE^lCd,
\lukala fi hhisb al badun \mong his own woiks there
should be mentioned above all (6) A huaa id adana
til mufruda i book on the powers ol simple medica-
ments written in -S53/964 at the request ol some
is mainlv bised on Galen s 0£pcui£UXlKX| u.£0o8oi,
would deserve in edition Fuithei have been pre-
served (7) On tood and those who leed themselves
(A al CJiudhi it a I mughtiidhit a dietarv work wntten
in \imenn m 348/960 (8i On sleeping and being
make iUakala fi I \aam ui I yaUn and i9) a
A al Haiauan, evide ntlv lemarkable beciuse ot its pie-
ire onlv known bv title oi horn isolated quotations
jileunsv (A fi / Susain an I buvim) in thiee ehipteis
wntten in 355/966 ind fuithei of commentanes on
Galen s llepl atpeaecov A al Fnak and llepl Siacpop&e;
Jiupexcov A al Hummaiat and also ol in explanation
it the 1
.s ol Ga
gi anted 1
Mu-
IBN ABI 'l-ASH'ATH — IBN al-ADJDABI
M. Ullmann, Die Medizm im hlam, Leiden 1970,
138 f.; idem. Die Natur- und Geheimwissensihaften im
Islam, Leiden 1972, 25. (A. Dietrich)
IBN ABl DIUM'A [see kuthayyirL
IBN ABI DJUMHUR al-AHSA'I, Muhammad
b. 'Ali b. IbrahIm b. Hasan b. Ibrahim b. Hasan al-
Hadjari, Imami scholar, was born in al-Ahsa ca.
837/1433-4 into a family with a scholaily tiadition.
He studied first in al-Ahsa with his father
and later in al-Nadjaf with various scholars, among
them al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Karlm al-Fattal. In 877/1472-
3 he \iiited Kaiak Nuh in Svna in older to hear tra-
ditions from 'Ali b Hilal al-Dja
) Mecc
, horn,
jntr> ;
3 the
i Baghdad, he tn
Mashhad in 878/1473-4 where he staved in the house
of the Savyid Mutism b Muhammad al-RidawI al-
Kumml and engaged in debates with a SunnI schol-
ar from Harat described in an extant Risala Dunng
the
o decades,
,ostlv b
teaching in Mashhad, al-Nadjaf and
known to have been in Mashhad in 888/1483 and,
for a third visit, in 896-7/1490-2 In 893/1488 he
was in al-Ahsa and, after a visit to Mecca, he taught
in al-Nadjaf in 894-5/1493-4 where he completed his
A al-Muajli In 898-9/1493-4 he staved in the region
of Astarabad and dedicated one of his works to the
Amir Tmad al-Dln A commentary on al-'Allama al-
Hilll's ci eed al-Bab al-hadi 'ashar was c ompleted bv him
on 25 Dhu '1-Ka'da 904/4 Julv 1499 in Medina The
date and place of his death are unknown
Ibn Abl Djumhur's numerous extant writings,
mostlv still unpublished, include treatises and books
on ritual, law, legal methodology tradition, theology,
and controveisv about the imamate His lame rests,
however, on his A al-MuajlT or Mudjli mir'at al-nur
al-mundfi (lith eds Tehran 1324 and 1329) Formallv
a supercommentarv on his own kalam work A Maslak
(masalik) al-afham Jt 'dm al-kalam, it offers a theosoph-
ic svnthesis of Imami scholastic theology, philosophv
of the school of Ibn Sma, llluminatiomst thought of
al-Suhrawardr and Sufism, chieflv of Ibn al-'Arabl
and his school His work anticipated the endeavours
of the philosophical school of Isfahan of the Safaw-
ld age to svnthesise the thought of the same school
traditions, though it seems to have had little direct
influence on them Later Imami opinion about Ibn
Abl Djumhur was generallv favourable, though some
criticised his A" alMudj.li as excessivelv Sufi in tone
Bibliography Nur Allah Shushtarl, Madfdlis al-
mu'mmln, Tehran 1299/1882, 250-4, al-Hurr al-
'\mill, Amal al-amil, ed Ahmad al-Husavnl, Baghdad
1385/1965, n, 253, 280 f, al-Bahianl, Lu'lu'at al-
Bahiain, ed Muhammad Sadik Bahr al-'Ulum,
Nadjaf 1386/ 1966, 166-8 al-Kh"ansarI, Rawdat al-
djannat, ed Asad Allah Isma'Ilivan, Kumm 1390-
2/1970-2, \ii, 126-34, al-Nurl al-Tabaisi, Mustadrak
al-wasa'il, Tehran 1318/1900, m, 361-5, 405,
H Coibin, L'ldtt du Patmlet en philosophic iramenne,
in La Persia nel Mtdiotio, Rome 1971, 53-56,
W Madelung, Ibn Abi Jumhur al Ahsa'Vs ynthtw of
kalam, philosophy, and Sufism (forthcoming)
(\V Madelung)
IBN ABI 'l- ZINAD, Abu Muhammad c Abd al-
Rahman b 'Abd Allah b Dhakwan, Medinan
t of the 2nd/8th century.
Zinad (d.
zroafifamily. His father Abu
30/747-8) had been ma
le head of the
Irak, and he himself was
appointed to a
e at Medina. He then we
nt to Baghdad,
ied in 174/790-1 at the
age of 74. His
brother Abu '1-Kasim and his son Muhammad also
transmitted hadlths. Goldziher [Muh. Studien, i, 24-
32-3, Eng. tr. i, 31, 38) noted that 'Abd al-Rahman
at least spread, in order to buttress the prohibi-
tion of wine, a tradition which said that 'Abd Allah
b. Djud'an [q.v.] abstained from wine. He was
the contemporary and also opponent of Malik
(d. 179/795-6 [q.v.]\, and seems to have tried to
found a peisonal legal rite. The Fihrnt, ed. Cairo
315, attributed to him two works of fikh, one on
successions (A al-Fara'id) and the othei on the
divergencies of the fukaha' of Medina [q v above],
the Ra'i al-fukaha' al-wb'a mm ahl al-Madina wa ma
khtalafu' fihi, this last would doubtless have been of
first-rate importance for the studv of the origins of
Islamic law
Bibliography Ibn Kutavba, Ma'anf, 220, 464-
6, idem, 'LSunal-akhbar, i 44, Djahshivarl, IVuzara',
20, 54-5, Khatib BaghdadI, Ta'rlkh, \, 228,
Nawawl, 718-19, Ibn Hadjai, Tahdhib al-Tahdhlb,
vi, 170-2, Bustanl. DM, n, Zinkll, A'ldm, iv, 85
(Ed)
IBN AL-ADpABl, Abu Ishak Ibrahim b Isma'Il
al-Tarabulusi, Arab philologist from a familv
onginallv stemming from Adjdabiva (Libva), he him-
self lived at Tripoli, where he died at an uncertain
date, piobablv in the first half oi the 7th/ 13th cen-
tury Hardlv anv thing further is known about his life,
and the biographers limit themselves to emphasising
the breadth of his knowledge and his contribution to
the technical literature of scholais of his time Thev
attribute to him some eight works, whose titles show
that he was interested in lexicographv , metrics, the
anwa' [qv] and genealogies (he is in particular,
the author of an abridgement of the Aaiai Kuratsh
of Mus'ab al-Zubavn [qv]) Fiom amongst his writ-
ings, Yakut ll'daba', i, 130, and Buldan, sv Adjdabiva)
and al-Suvutl (Bugfria, 178) preserve the titles of onlv
two, the Kiprtat al mutahaffiz ua mhaiat al mutalaffiz ft
7 lugha al-'arabma and the Kitab al Anwa' , and it mav
be that these aie the onlv ones to have survived The
first one, a lexicographical compendium, seems to
have en]oved wide success, to judge bv the number
ipts (cf Brockelmann, I, 308 S
put into veise and seveial edi-
1305/1887)
appa
entlv I
1285/1868 and Bein
The second work
itv Libi
manuscript which he published in 1964 at Damascus
(in the collection Ihya' al-turatli al-kadim, lx) This
work, which has the title A al-Azmma u.a 1-anwa', is
often mentioned in the list of kutub al anwa' compiled
bv the Arab philologists (cf Ch Pellat, Dictions
rimes , in Arabua, n/1 [1955], 37) It is slenderer
in size than Ibn Kutavba's book (ed Hamidullah-
Pellat, Havdarabad 1956), but is more svstematic and
less involved It deals with the vanous calendais
(Arabic, Roman, Svnac), describes the main stars or
astensms as well as the planets, defines the seasons,
the zodiac signs and the lunar mansions, explains
how to calculate the hours for piavei and to deter-
mine the direction of Mecca, and lists the various
winds It then goes on to define the naw' and fol-
lows the order of the months of the Julian calendar,
giving the Svio-Aiabic and Latin names, in ordei to
point out the varying astronomical phenomena which
show the wav to them [see anwa'], without forget-
ting too to note the beginning of the corresponding
Coptic month Its details on the agricultural round aie
IBN al-ADJDABI — IBN 'ASKAR
traditional in nature.
as are
its maxim
and sayings,
though these are som
etimes
different, i
those which the pre
ithor of tl
is article has
gathered together. O
e pec
iliarity woi
h mentioning
is the indicating of t
n which pass-
es to the meridian at
, midnight
and the time
of the morning praye
r. Altogether, thi
little treatise
on popular a.stronon
ly an
meteorol
,gy, although
chronologically quite
id marred
le place in
the series of
Biblingiaphy: I
addi
ion to the
sources men-
tioned in the arti
e 'Izzat H
to his edition; H
adjdjl
Khalrfa, \
, 54; ZiriklT,
A'lam, i, 25; Busta
nl, D
/, ii, 328.
iC
H. Pellat)
IBN al-AKFANI
refernng t
o the seller of
shrouds, akfiin), cf. a
Mil, A", al-.
nsab, f. 47b).
Several persons were
know
by this i
ame, amongst
1. al-KadI Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah b.
Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b. Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah
b. al-Husayn b. 'All b. Dja'far b. 'Amir b. al-
AkfanI al-AsadI, jurist. Born in 316/928, and dying
in 405/1014 in Baghdad, he was kadi m al-Madma,
then in Bab al-Tak, then in Suk al-Thulatha' (both
in Baghdad), and from 396/1005-ti kadi for the
whole of Baghdad. He was weak in relating tradi-
tions, but a liberal patron to traditionists (if. al-
Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'iikh Baghdad, x, 141-2, no.
5284).
2. Hibat Allah b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-
AnsarF al-Dimashki, Abu Muhammad al-Akfani, his-
torian, who died in 524/1129 as an octogenarian
in Damascus and was the author of biographical
works: Dfdmi' al-icafayat (now lost), and Tatimmat
(cf. S" al-Munadjdjid, ' Mu'djam al-mu'auikhin al-
Dimashkmin . . ., Beirut 1978, 31-2, and the sources
quoted there, especially Ibn al-Tmad, Shadharat, iv,
73, and also Makkan, .\afh al-lib, ed. Dozy tl alii.
.. Sa'id, Sham
Din
, 562).
3. Muhammad b. Ibrah
Abu 'Abd Allah al-Ansari, known as Ibn al-Akfani.
physician and encyclopaedist. Born in Sindjar.
he died in 749/1348 in Cairo of the plague. A schol-
is employed in al-Bim
J-Mar
ial positi
and v
n Cai
influen-
•■ al-Safadi
Ibn al-Akfam are quoted in al-Safadfs Alhdn al-mwadji'
(ms. Berlin, cat. Ahlwardt, 8631, iii, 33a ff.). Other
biographical accounts (Ibn Hadjar, Durar, iii. 279-80;
al-Maknzi, al-Mukqffa, ms. Leiden Or. 1366a, ff. 38b-
40a; al-Shawkani, al-Badi al-lalf, ii, 79-80; al-Zirikli,
al-A'ldm, vi, 189) are all, directly or indirectly, derived
from al-Safadfs account.
or treatises by lb
i half
f thcsi
-ned with medicine and related sc
Others treat of logic, tqfsii, Jhavi [see aflimPn],
astronomy, the aiba'in, mathematics and gemmolo-
gy. None of these is remarkable for great original-
ity. Ibn al-Akfanl's fame rests mainly on his
encyclopaedia lrshad al-kaud ilii ama al-makasid. In
this he deals with 60 sciences, along the lines of al-
Farabi's lh\a' al-'uliim. After two introductory chap-
ters on education in general and the division of the
:es, Ibn al-Akfani tl
, al-mantik (9 subdi
with heresiology).
a (5 s,
'adadO subdivisions,!
Added to these are al-siySia, al-akhlak, and tadhh al-
manzil, comprising the practical sciences [al-'uliim al-
'amalbya). All sections have a bibliography. The book
concludes with a short list of philosophical terms
and their definitions. The hshad al-kasid stood as a
model for the Miftah al-sa'dda bv Tash-kopriizada
|,y.r.], as can be seen easily from the table of con-
tents of both works and from the arrangement of
Bibliography:
additi.
the hshad al-kasid, dispersed in lib
to Rampur. Editions: A. Sprenger, Calcutta 18
and Mahmud Abu '1-Nasr, Cairo 1900 (both i
satisfactory). For a .survey of the life, works a
influence of Ibn al-Afkam, see the introduct:
of the forthcoming edition of hshad al-kasid
E. Wiedemann, the historian of Arabic science,
W. Fischer, Hildesheim 1970, index s.\
The chapter on music was published and
(1968), 221-48.
Rabai
. Afkanf
171,
9-70.
(JJ. Witkam)
IBN 'AMR al-RIBATI, Abu 'Abd Allah Mu-
hammad b. Muhammad b. 'Amr al-AnsarI, Moroc-
can poet and fakih, of Andalusian origin, who
,vas born at Rabat, fulfilled the office of kadi for
iome time, and from 1224/1809 taught at Marrakush.
iVhilst making the Pilgrimage, he stopped at Tunis,
ind received there some idja'zas- he died in the Hidjaz
•" " ■"' I 1243/1 October '""
Ibn *.
. His
-ither
lude in
diwan, a fahrasa and a rihla, ha
ve not been pre
essentially on a
imita-tion of the S/wmakmakivva
>f Ibn al-Wanna
hy.i'.J, a kafiyya known by the n
ame of al-'Amim
red hirr
Bibliographr: Marrakushr, al-Flam bi-man halla
Marrakush, no. 509; Kattani, Fihris al-fahdris. Fas
1346/1927, i, 202-5; Sa'ih, al-Muntakhabdt al-
'abkanyva, Rabat 1920, 95-100; M. Lakhdar, Vie lit-
thaue, 306-9, and bibliography cited. (Ed.i
IBN 'ASKAR, Muhammad b. 'AlI b. Khadir
philologist, poet and man of letters, who '
[' Mai,
this
important sea-port ca. 584/1188-9, he was later to
hold high judicial office there. Between 626/1229
and 631/1234 he served as deputy of Ibn Hud's
[see hudids] kadi, Abu 'Abd Allah b. al-Hasan al-
Judharm. In 635/1238 he was appointed kadi of
Nasrid Malaga by Muhammad I, and he continued
in that office until his death on 4 Djumada II 636/12
January 1239. As a young man Ibn 'Askar was a
pupil of Abu '1-Hadjdjadj b. al-Shavkh (d. 604/1207),
author of the A', alif ba' , to which M. Asin Palacios
l-BAZZAZ al-ARDABILI
devoted the well-known stud\ El ibiudarw ' de
lusuj Btnaxey (Madrid 1932) His own pupils includ-
ed his nephew, biographei and continuator, Abu
Bakr b al-Kharms, and the celebrated Ibn al-Abbar
Ibn 'Askar b historv nl Malaga is liequentK men-
tinned and quoted bv Andalusian authors ol the
7 th/ 13th and 8th/ 14th centuries Its title is al Ikmal
wa h'lamJT silat al flam bi mahasin al a'lam mm ahl
Malaka al kuam, suggesting that it is a continuation of
the flam oi the Malagan scholai Asbagh b al-' Abbas
(d 592/11%! Bv Ibn al-Khatlb [qv], however lor
whom the work was a main souice oi the lhata, it
is called Matla' al anuar a a nuzhat al absai, etc There
are other vanants including the simple and commonlv
used title Ta'rlkh Malaka At the time oi the author's
death the work was unfinished, and the task oi com-
pleting it iell to Ibn Khamis (see above), who seems
to have flourished somewhere around the middle oi
the first half oi the 7th/ 13th centurv The one extant
manuscript which we have oi the Ikmal (in private
hands) is incomplete, but a large part has fortunatelv
oi its literarv and historical value The biographies
oi Malayan notables included in it have a distinct
literarv value in that thev offei, in addition to bio-
graphical data, worthwhile specimens oi biogra-
phees' poem (uniortunatelv , no account is taken oi
mimajhJiahdt and the zadfal) On the histoncal side it
contains material that can be utilised to supplement
complement and control our existing accounts irom
the 8th to the 13th centuries AD
Ibn 'Askar was the author oi a number oi othei
works, namelv (i) al Mashra' al rani, a supplement to
al-Harawis works on unusual terms in the Kur'an
and hadM (n) \uzhat al-ndzu fl manakib 'immdr b
lasir a work dedicated to the Banu Sa'Td oi Alcala
la Real and devoted to the hie oi the fust member
oi the iamilv to come to Spain (Ibn 'Askar was a
close inend oi the iamilv), (in) al Djuz' al mukhtasai
'an dhahab al basar, a work on blindness written to
console a blind inend, (iv ) Idjidhikhar al sabr an asce-
tic work, (v) alArba'ln al hadllh, and (vij al Takniil wa
and supplement to a work bv al-Suhavlr oi Fuengirola
(507-81/1113-85) on proper names not occurring in
the Kui'an
Bibliography All important reierences are given
in J Vallve Bermejo, Una /mute important* de la his
tona de a! Andalus la "Histona" de Ibn 'Askar in Al
Andalus, xxxi (l%b) 237-80 (includes translations of
some oi the most notable histoncal passages)
(JD Latham)
IBN 'AZZUZ, called SIDI BALLA, Abu Mu-
hammad 'Abd Allah al-Kurashi al-Shadhili al-
Marrakushi, a cobbler oi Marrakesh to whom thau-
matuigic gilts weie attributed and who died in an
odour oi sanctitv in 1204/1789 His tomb, situated
in his own lesidence at Bab Avian, has been con-
tinuouslv visited because oi its ieputation oi curing
the sick Although he had nc
, Ibn '
eitheles;
ceeded in leaving behind an abundant bodv oi works,
dealing mainlv with mvsticism and the occult sci-
ences but also with medicine However, his woiks
displav hardlv anv onginalitv, and none oi them
has interested a pubhshei despite the success in
Moiocco oi his Dhahab al kusuf ua naf, a! zulumat
ji 'dm al tibb a a 'I tabs' J' wa 7 lukma, a populai
collection oi therapeutic ioimulae (see L Lecleu,
La ihirurgie d'Abukasn, Pans 1861, n, 307-8,
HPJ Renaud, in Initiation au Maroi Pans 1945,
183-4), his hashf al rumuz concerning medicinal plants
is equallv well-known Out oi his three woiks on
mvsticism, the Tanbih al tdmidh at muhtadf is perhaps
the most original since it endeavours to reconcile
the sharl'a with the haklka [q i ] Finallv in the field
oi the occult sciences, his Lubab al hikma fl 'dm al
huruj ua'dm al asma' al dahiua, oi which at least
one manuscript survives, is a treatise on practical
Bibliography On the manusciipts oi Sldi
Balla's works, see Brockelmann, S II 704, 713
M Lakhdar, Vu litleram, 253-b, see also Ibn Suda
Dalll mu'arnkh a 1 Maghrib al Mia, Casablanca, 1%0,
n, 44b, 449, <A Gannun, al \ubugh al Maghnbl ,
Beirut lObl, i, 304-5 310 (Ld )
IBN BABA al-KASHANI [see al-kashani]
IBN AL-BALKHI, Persian author oi the Saldjuk
penod who wrote a local histoiv and topographical
account oi his native province Fars, the Fars nama
Nothing is known oi him save what can be gleaned
irom his book, nor is the exact ioim oi his name
known, but his ancestors came irom Balkh His grand-
Berk-varuk b Malik Shah's governor there, the
Atabeg Rukn al-Dawla oi Nadjm al-Dawla Khumai-
tigin and Ibn al-Balkhi acquned his extensive local
knowledge oi Fars through accompanving his grand-
father in his woik He was accoidingh asked bv sul-
tan Muhammad b Malik Shah to compose a
historical and geographical account oi the piovmce,
since he mentions the Atabeg oi Fais Fakhi al-Dm
Cawh as being still alive, the composition oi the
Fan nama must be placed between Muhammad's
accession in 498/1105 and Caw lis death in
510/lllb
The fust two-thnds oi the Fars nama on the pre-
Islamic historv oi Persia and the Arab conquest of
Fars are entirelv derivative, being based on Hamza
Isfahan!, but the remainder is a v en impoitant account
of the province's topographs and notabiha, conclud-
ing with a section on the Shabankaia Kuids and con-
taining details of contemporarv happenings This last
third of the book was much used in the 8th/ 14th
centurv bv Hamd Allah MustawtT [q i ] for the geo-
graphical part of his \uzhat al kulub
Biblw ? raph G Le Strange and R A Nichol-
son edited the last third of the Persian text, The
Farmama of Ibnul Balkhi GMS, N S l, London
1921, Le Strange had previouslv tianslated this
in Jft-tS (1912) also as a separate monograph,
Description oj the pioume of Fars in Persia, London
1912 See also Stoiev, l, 350-1 and Storev-
Bregel, n, 1027-8
(C E Bosworth)
IBN al-BAZZAZ al-ARDABILI, TawakkulI
(Tukli) B Isma'Il, murid oi Shavkh Sadr al-Din al-
Ardablli (d 794/1391-2), son and first successor
of Shavkh SaiT al-Din al-Ardabili (d 735/1334)
the founder of the Sufi oidei of the Safawivva
and, as ancestor of Shah Isma'il I (d 930/1524
[qi]), the eponvm of the Safaw.ds \q i , see also
ardabil] The exact dates of Ibn al-Bazzaz aie
unknown At the stimulus oi Shavkh Sadi al-Din
he composed a biographv oi Sbavkh SaiT al-Diii,
with the title Safaa) al safa' or Mawdhib a! sanina
fl manakib al safauma Wntten in a simple stvle
without rhetoncal ballast, this voluminous work gives
first oi all information on the miracles (karamat) and
SufT doc tune of the Shavkh, but describes also in
IBN al-BAZZAZ al-ARDABILI — IBN DARUST
ind gives an ic count ot the lehtions ol the Shivkh
contiins fuithei detnls and move til the souites
with the secuhr mleis in the penod of the Ilkh ms
The order of the total of 704 diugs follows the
h 1
abdj_ad alphabet in its Maghribi torm In Europe
Fiom the colophon of the minusciipt Indu Office
no 1842 (Fthe Cat of Pas mss i col 1008)
to the thud column (svnonvma) it contains impoi
piobiblv erroneousH descnbed is an autograph it
tant vocabulaiv mitcrnl especnllv of the Romance
follows tint Ibn al Bazziz finished his woik in
Sha'bin 759/Julv August 1358 The numeious man
foi his Obiuno and in pirttculai bv Dozv for his
uscnpts of the Safuat al safa ini,m ? which then
Supplement H PJ Renuid made several investiga
exist also Turkish tnnslitions piove the populan
lions into the Mustaim the last in Hi spots x [19 30
1) 13) 50 he planned in edition with tnnshtion
edition is not vet ivaihble i hthogi iph wis pub
ind commcntirv but this did not come to tiuition
hshed bv \hmad b Kanm labrizi in Bombiv in
1329/1911
Of othti wilting of Ibn Bikluish onlv one woik
In the l()th/lbth centurv the clnomdeis ot the
on dietetics is known bv its title in the introduction
Satawid dvnistv used the Saftutt al sofa is th, ir
to the Mustaim it is quoted twice is Risalat al Tahiti
main souue lor the eirlv period of tht Satawrw i
oidei and foi the geneilogv of the Sifavuds who
Btbhogtaph Ibn Abi Usavbi'a I tun n j2
claimed descent from th< seventh Im im Musi il
M Steinschneider Du main (h Lilnalui do Judtn
Kizim This geneilogv is however veiv much dis
147 1 M Meveihot In Jossam dt matut, mtdualt
puted because the pedigiee of the Safivuds it 1c 1st
compost pin Maimomdi Cano 1940 xxvin Biockel
mann I b40 S I 889 M Ullmann Die Mtdt^tn
woik onlv bv Abu 1 Fath il Husivm who icvised the
mi Islam Leiden 1970 201 275
Sa/iat alutfa (Stoiev i/l 13 11 md i/2 11% 111
(A Dietrich)
it the ordei ol the Sat iwid Sh ih Tihnnsp I Id
IBN DAKIK al'ID Taki al Din Abu l Fath
984/1j7o)
Muhammad b 'Ali b \\ ahb b Muti' b Abi lTa'a
BiblwiiHipIn Storev i/2 939 ff Biowne LHP
|unst and tiaditiomst who was bom m Shi ban
u iv 34 40 Nikitine Earn d analyst du Saf tat m
safa in Ji (1957) 385 94 Z\ Togin Stir I on
gme dis Safaadts in \hlangts Mas i^non in Dimascus
1057 34j 57 Hanna Sohiweide Do Sieg do Safa I
tidin in Ptrsun und stine Rutkiuikunyn auf die Shi ttin
inatuluns im lb Jahthundot in hi \h (19b5l 97
IT Mihmud Bim Mothgh Sihtuh Sufi von Aidahl
diss Gottingen 1%9 19 22 mdpasum Enka
Glassen Du fruhtn Safauidtn nach Qa^i Ihmad Omni
Islimkundhche Untersuc hungen 5 freibuig l Bi
1970 18 1 21 52 MM Mizzaoui The oti^irn of
Islan
Shi i.
b2i/Julv 1228 in i inbu' in the Hidjiz (not in Lowei
Egypt is stated bv Brockelmannj although his pai
ents came horn Mintilut in Uppei Egypt He wis
biought up m Kus in Upper Egypt and travelled to
C mo and Dimascus to heai hadtths He latei taught
junsprudence iccoiding to the Mihki and Shah l
schools He becime i judge in b75/1295 and died
in C inc. on 11 Sitii 702/b Octobei 1302
He wiote a numbei ot books on ftkh and hadith
including i woik in twentv volumes entitled al llmam
and l collection of seimons He was deeplv mtei
ested in ilchemv a tact mentioned bv Tishkopm
zide m his Mi/tah aluiada ua misbah al snada l
Hvdenbad 1911 281 ilthough he ippens to hive
left no writings on this subject However an inonv
I in tht
lE Gla
SIN)
IBN
BIKLARISH lUsiF
IHNUs') B Ish
Ak AL
Is
RAILI
Judieo
Aiab phvsu,
n ind phai
w
ho hv
ed in Al
\D Theie h
th
e A
it Musta'
m loi ilMusti
m bilhh Abu
Djatar
rimid
at al Mu tamin
billah ireigne
d 478
50 VI 085 1109)
the Hudid uilei of Sartgos
sa [see
DlDs]
horn the work
The
book m
cted ittentic.il
d
foi it
s often quoted bv il Ghafi
i [at
gei contempo
uv ot Ibn Bi
Llaush
!> n
his
the
k al idt
litter u
Buclans oi E
™
m Bull
o>) It is ilso
icmirkible th
thois
most the simt
souices After
a the
etic i
explini
ion of pharma
cologv which 1
essen
ti
llv
ased o
Gilen the
Mustaim .on
uns a
The
md chai
colun
of tl
■ the
pie medicines the thud [tafsmtha b, khttlaf al lughat)
rontuns then explmition together with then Gieek
Svnac Persnn Latin ind Mozmlm sviionvms
the fourth the Suecedine i tabdal) ind the fifth
then utihtv specific effect ind legion ol apphc l
The c
uppei
fidda
rved i
.ethods use
lansmute qi
ilvei md a
Btblto^iaph) Dhihibi Huffa iv 2b2 IT
kuttibi Fan at Bulak 1283 SOj t /inUi allium
in 949 Biockelmann II 75 S II b(. Kahhala
Mudjam almualhfin xi 70 1 Ri Fbied and
MJL loung In a
1970)
100 9
(R i Ebied and MJL i.iiNt)
IBN DARUST 1 adj al Mulk \bu l Ghana im
VIar/uban b Khisravv Firuz Shirazi (4'38 8b/104b
)3) high olficul in the Greit Sildjuk idmimstia
ion under Suit in Malik Shah [q ] Und hit rulers
limilv u
Firs
f piomi
■ ot the shve comminder
Milik Shah made him
superintendent of the educ
ious of his sons then oveiseei ot the iov il pilace and
its incilhnes and fmallv head ot the Sildjuk chine erv
the Dm an ul Insha ua I Tughta [see div\ \n iv Iran]
Much ol the inteiml lustoiv ot Mihk Shah s leign
leflects a stiuggle tor luthontv in the admimstia
tion (the dittany md it touit (the datsflh] in which
IBN DARUST — IBN DIRHAM
unous officials were ranged against the gieat vizier
Nizam al-Mulk [gi], his sons and his paitisans, the
so-called Nizamiyya, in this Ibn Darust placed him-
self on the side oi the viziers enemies Heme when
Nizam al-Mulk was assassinated in Ramadan
485/October 1092, mam contemporanes assumed
that the leal instigators oi the murder, in which the
Isma'flT fida' 1 was a mere tool, were Ibn Darust and
e\en the sultan himseli, suspicious oi the viziei s
Mahk Shah now appointed Ibn Daiust as his
vizier, but the lattefs tnumph was short-h\ed, ioi
the sultan himseli died next month (mid-Shawwal
485/mid-Novembei 1092) Ibn Darust now allied
with Malik Shah's wile, the Karakhamd pnmess
Terkcn Khatun to place the latter's son Mahmud
on the throne m Baghdad, even though Mahmud
was onl\ a small child, and on giounds of experi-
ence and potential, was ob\iousl\ inierioi to Berk-
varuk Mahk Shah's son b\ anothei wiie and, at
twehe or thirteen years old, on the threshhold oi
adulthood \lthough Ibn Da.ust and Te.ken Khatun
managed to seize Isfahan then torces weie defeat-
ed bv those oi Berk-vaiuk's partisans, with the
Nizamiyya as then drrung-force, at the battle oi
Burudjird at the end oi Dhu '1-Hidjdja 485/end oi
January 1093 Ibn Daiust was captured, and although
Berk-\aruk, mindful of Ibn Darust's administrati\e
expertise, was inclined to take him as his own vizier,
the Nizamiwa insisted on exacting vengeance lor
and s
red his
Muhanam 48b/Febiuarv 1093
Ibn Darust was the mamduh of various Saldjuk poets
like Mu'izzi and he was also one oi several great
men in the Saldjuk state both civilian and military
who were active in iounding colleges and othei chai-
ltable and educational works his Tadjivya madrasa was
begun in 480/1089 in Baghdad at the Bab \bi lz as
a Shafi'i college rivalling Nizam al-Mulk s own more
iamous ioundation the celebiated scholais Abu Bakr
al-Shashi and \bu Hamid al-GhazJi s biother \bu
1-Futuh taught there
Bibliography There aie verv brief biognplnes
in Ibn al-Djawzi s Muntazam ix 74 and Sa\i al-
Din Fadli 'Ukavh s 4/Aar al wu^aia' ed Uimawi
Tehian 1337/1959 but ioi the lest see scattered
releiences in the historical souices lor the Saldjuk
period (Sadi al-Din Husavni Raw audi Bund in
Ibn al-Djawzi Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi Ibn al-\thn)
utilised m Bosworth Cambridge history of Iran v 74
il 82 93 102-5 21b MF Sanaullah Vie decline
of the Sal)uqid empire Calcutta 1938 9 40-1 83 I
Kaiesoglu Sultan Mehl sah darmdt Buyul SelfuUu
imparatorlutru Istanbul 1953 169 200 il \bbas
Eghbal H K arat dar 'ahd 1 salatin I biKiug i Saldjuki
Tehran 1338/1959 93-100 C L Klausnet The
Stl/uk leziratt a study of cud administration 1055 1114
Cambridge Mass 1973,28-9 52 Foi Ibn Darust s
educational foundations see G Makdisi Muslim
of I
BS04S xxiv (19bl) 25-b ind idem Ibn 'iqil et la
resurgence de 1 Islam traditionalists au XI sieilt Damascus
19b3 137-41 209-10 225-b
(C E Bosworth)
IBN DIRHAM seldom used pationvm of an em i-
rtih
Mil
JUll
mginally of Basra who beai the ethnic name al-
\zdi in some souices but since the members of
this family are most often cited undei then personal
name or simplv bv then luma and since the line
oi paientage which connects them is consequentlv
difficult to determine, it has been judged expedient
to assemble them here undei this somewhat artifi-
cial appellation, following the example of F al-
Bustam who, in the Da'irat al ma'arif (in bl) adopted
it lor one oi them the tenth of those listed below
These kadli,, who ioi the most pait held office in
Baghdad in the 3id and 4th/9th and 10th centuries
are cited bv L Massignon [Cadis it naqibf baghdadi
ens, in (I ~AA/, h/1-2 [1948], 108, where Isma'Tl b
Ishak should be read in place oi b Hammad), fol-
lowing the articles devoted to them bv al-Khatib
al-Baghdadi {Ta'rlkh Baghdad), alter Wakr' (ALhbai
al hidat) and especiallv al-Tanukhi who gives them
considerable space in al Faiaaj ba'd al shidda and par-
ticularly in the Aishwar al muhadara
The following table, which cannot be regaided as
?xhaustr
is the
. the
penc
t this
s unhkelv that the
e pnn-
mid-4th/10th
eased tc
more eminent practitioners to the legal pioiession
I — Abu Isma'il Hammad b Zayd b Dirham
(98-179/717-95) is the first member oi the iamilv to
have made a mark on history \ blind slave of
Hazim b Zavd al-Djahdarm (Azd), he was aflran-
chised bv his two sons, Djarfr and \azid (see Ibn
Kutavba, Ma'arif, index), devoted himseli to the
studv oi hadith and passed on his knowledge to a
numbei of traditiomsts including Bishi al-Hafi
[q i ] He is to a certain extent regarded as the iounder
oi an independent madhhab and accorded the same
status as al-Thawn in Kuia Malik in the Hidjaz
and al-Awza'i m Damascus he thus iepresented
Basra his home-town but in spite oi the respect
with which he was Heated he does not seem to have
iounded a school since his descendants were them
selves Mahkis
Bibliography Ibn Sa'd Tabal at vn/2 42
BaUdhun Futuh 283 Ibn Kutavba Ma'anf
502 3 525 Taban index Mas'udi Muruaj vi
294 = § 2500 Ibn Batta-Laoust index Ibn al-
Djazaii hurra', i 258 Makdisi Creation n 52
145 \bu Nu'avm Hihat al awlna vi 257-b7
'Ivad Tarlib al madank index Nawawi Tahdhib
al asma' 217-8 Dhahabi Tadhhrat al hujja^ i
211-2 Ibn al-'Imad Shadharat i 292 Saiadi
\akt al hrnnan 147 Massignon Lexiqut teihnique
lb8 197 243
II — \bu \a'kub Ishak b Isma'il b Hamm<id
(17b-230/792-845) giandson of the preceding, was
lesponsible lor mazalim in Egypt under the caliphate
of al-Ma'mun (in 215/830; then in Basia undei that
oi al-Mu c tasim ('had Madanl n 558-9 Ibn
Taghnbaidi Auburn n 212)
III — \bu \usui \<v'kub b Isma'il b Hammed
(d 24b/8b0) biothei of Ishak was it seems the first
kadi oi the family having served in this office at
Medina he made his way to Baghdad where he he-
quented the court oi al-Mu'tasim and tiansmitted
hadiths Subsequently al-Mutaw akkil appointed him lor
the second time ladi oi Medina then oi Fais wheie
he iesided until his death (al-Tanukhi Aishuar vn,
lb- 18 Tvad Madanl n 5b0)
I\ — \bu Ism i'il Hammad b Ishak b Isma'il
( 1 99-267/81 5-8 lj was described in a general sense as
being ladi oi Baghdid (Khatib Baghdadi vm 159)
but theie can be no doubt that the area in question
was the Round City of al-Mansur (in 251/865,
actoiding to Massignon Cadis, 108). He is mentioned
among the companions oi al-Muwaifak, and to him
are attnbuted a hitab al Muhddana and a Radd 'aid
IBN DIRHAM
r
i
Sa'id Hammad (I)
I
Isma'il
i '
Ishak (II)
I
Hammad (IV) Isma'il (VII)
I , I .
Muhammad (V) Ibrahim (VI)
Yusuf (VIII)
1
Ahmad Muhammad (IX) al-Husayn
I
suf (XI)
ll-Hus
yn (XII)
l-Shqfi'i (al-Tanukhi, Mshwar, vi, 21, vii, 51; Tyad,
Madank, iii, 181-2).
V. — Muhammad b. hammad b. Ishak (d. 276/889)
was appointed kadi of Basra by al-Muwaffak (Wak?,
ii, 191-2).
VI. — Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. Hammad (240-323/854-
935), who survived his brother by many years, is con-
sidered principally as a traditionist. According to
al-Khatib al-Baghdadr (vi, 61-2), he was also a kadi,
but at what date, or in what town, is not known; he
died howev er in Baghdad (al-Suli ikhbar ar Radl etc
tr M Canaid Algiers 194b 107 see also Ibn Farhun
Dibarh 85 Ibn Taghnbaidi Nu&um m 249)
MI — Abu Ishak Ismail b Ishak b Ismail b
Hammad [see <vl-azdi in Suppl]
On his son \bu '\h al-H A SAN who was a cele-
brated wit and an adib see Tanukhi hishuar vi 326
Khatib Baghdadi vu 284
Mil — \hu Muhammad \tstr b \a < rlb b
Isma'il b Hammad (208-97/823-910) was the first
member of the other branch of the family to seive
as kadi in Baghdad, where he first assumed charge
of the hisba (271/884-5) and of the nafakat oi al-
Muwaffak This lattei on the death oi Muhammad
b Hammad (No \) appointed as his successor \usuf
b "Va'kub, who lemained titular kadi oi Basra oi
Wasit and oi the districts oi the Tigns fiom 276/883
to 296/909 but he was lepresented there bv a deputy
for he was then living in Baghdad wheie the juris-
diction oi ma^ahm was entrusted to him in 277 On
the death oi Isma'il b Ishak (No VII) he was gi\en
the post oi kadi oi East Baghdad which he combined
with that oi Basra having as na'ib in the capital his
son Muhammad from 289/902 onwaid When in
296/908 the lattei gave his support to Ibn al-Mu'tazz
[q i ] his fathei was dismissed and he spent the hst
veai of his long hie in letirement He passed on some
hadiths handed down bv his cousin Isma'il b Ishak
(No VII) and wrote a numhei oi works Fada'il a^uadj
al Nabi A al Siyam ua I du'a' ua I zakat and a Musnad
oi Shu'ha h al-Hadjdjadj [qi]
Bibliography Waki' n 182 Tanukhi
Mshwar, v, vi, vii, viii, indices; Tyad, Madarik, iii,
182-7; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadharat, ii, 227; Ibn
Taghnbardr, Nudjum, iii, 171.
IX. — Abu 'Umar Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Ya'kub
(243-320/857-932) is the most celebrated member of
the entire family, and his kunya alone is sufficient to
identify him. Born in Basra, he followed his father to
the capital and held the office of kadi over the Round
City of al-Mansur from 284/897 to 292/905, then
over al-Sharkiyya from 292 to 296. Dismissed after
the Ibn al-Mu'tazz affair he lemained unemploved
lor a lew vears but was lemstated in 301/914 m
East Baghdad and ai-Sharkiwa wheie he remained
until his death ifter receiving in 317/929 juiisdu-
tion over the entire capital and being given the title
of s,\and-kadt \hu 'Umar played an important
political role under the caliphate of al-Muktadir
in particular it was he who m 309/922 issued a
fatua against al-Halladj [qc] whom he ultimately
condemned L Massignon paints a severe portrait
[ the r
• obediei
i him
o the i
phshed couinei he wiote with a magnificent com-
mand oi manneis which will always be legendary
and cunously devoted to the use of perfumes he
was able to contradict himself with the most dis-
concerting cynicism he compensated lor the imper-
fect subtlety oi his Mahki rite in matteis oi hadith
and of knas with a fastidious concern for the form
in canonical casuistry he must have been very proud
oi having finally succeeded lor the common good
in concluding such an arduous case with such an
ingenious solution (Le to, de Hallaj in Optra minora
the doctnne oi al-Halladj concerning the seven turns
him one with the Caimathian laiders who sought to
destroy the Temple oi Mecca (ibid 178)
In 310 his name was also put forward for the post
oi viziei and m 317 he officiated when al-Muktadir
agreed to abdicate although he destroyed the lecords
IBN DIRHAM — IBN FARlGHUN
Biblios,iaph\ Tibari index Arib index Suh
Cmiid 40 103 107 1 jf) Mas udi Muiudj vm
217 9 2jb 284 = ^33612 3394 34j7 idem
Tankh ed Sawi 322 329 Tanukhi \ishaai m
index v 208 11 and index \i vn indites vm
10b 18b 8 khatib Bighd idi m 4014 Ibn
Taghnbirdi \ud}um m 2j5 Ibn il Im id
Shadhaiat n 280 7 IbnilDjiwzi Mimta^am vi
222 M issignon Passion index Sourdel It^uat
index
\ Abu lHusavn UmR b Muhammad Id 328/
940 1 his lithe rs naib in East Baghdad hom 311/923
emu lrds succeeded him in the office of gnnd kadi
u20 8) In the court of il Rddi who is said to have
wept when he died he icted as vizier md undertook
numerous politic il missions m 323/935 he pirtici
pited m the cise of Ibn Shinnibud [a ] although
he did not pieside o\ei the tribuml Al Suh who hid
., his death
ud 219) H<
is of fam id of hadith
Shi bin 328/27 Miv 940
oiks a
? iplTV
nm a Musnad i A CJianb al hadith md i A al Faradi
md al shidda which was the first of this genre
Bibliography Suh Canud index Miskawav
passim Tinukhi \ish tar in \i \n indues khitib
Bighdadi vn 284 \akut I dab a xvi 67 70
IbnilDnuzi Miinta am vi 307 Suvuti Bughya
3b4 5
\I — Abu Nisr \usuf b Umar (305 56/918 b7l
vis llieidv deputising ioi his lather and istomshing
tent of his knowledge when he
i the
as had
i the r
Rusifi (East Baghdad) on 25 Muhimrn j27/22
Novtmbci 938 As kadi of West Bighdad in 328/940
it was he who recited the pnver for the dead over
alRadi on lb Ribi I 329/19 December 940 He
wis retained in office b\ al Muttiki then dismissed
and reinstited on 24 Shi bin 329/24 Ma\ 941 but
the sequence ol events is not deal theie is no doubt
tint he wis soon dismissed once more making his
vviv to Ishhin at his deith he was kadi ol "iazd
In the meantime he had adopted the 7ihni doctune
Bibliography Suh-Camrd 177 220 Tanukhi
\ishiai iv 2i i and index v 2bl vi 14 vn lb
khitib Bighdadi xiv 322 4 Ibn al Djawzi
Muni
i 300 v
4.bu Muhammad al Husa\n b Um*r (d
lftei jbO/97 1 1 succeeded his lather togethei with his
brothei md wis given E ist Bighdad in i2t then
the following \eir he took on the duties of Abu Nisi
e did not retain them ioi long
-c all tuc
Bibliography
203 4
74 v
17 1;
227 Tinukhi
It would certiinrv be verv mteiesting to puisue tin
thei stud\ of this eminent fimilv and to examine in
i moie exhaustive minner its links with luthonrv on
the one hind ind on the othei with the contem
ponrv Bmu Abi 1 Shaw mb (Ch Pellet)
IBN DJUMAY* Abu i Makarim Hibat Allah b
Za^n b Hasan see the aiticle Ibn Djami wheie
should be read Ibn Dj^mi at present Ibn Djuma^
is _,enerilK considered as the light lorm of the namt
IBN DIURAYDI <\bu l\\*lid/<\bl
Kh^lid A.bd al M^lik b A.bd m Aziz B
DjURA^PJ AL RUMI AL kURASHI ALMAKKI (80
150/099 767) Mecc in tnditiomst ol Gieek shve
descent (the mcestoi being called Gie^onos) md
piobiblv i mada ol the 1 imilv of khahd b <\sid
Altci having lirst ol ill become mteiested in gath
enng together traditions ol philological htenrv and
histoncal interest he brought togethei hadith', lrom
the mouths ol Ata b Abi Ribah al Zuhn
Muddjahid Ikumi and othei limous peisons and
passed them on notabl> to \\ iki Ibn al Mubarik
and Sufvan b Uvavna his emdition wis such that
he wis consideied as the imam of the Hidjaz
Little is known of his hie except that he iccom
pamed Ma n b Za ida to the "\ emen soon returned
hom there and tow aids the end of his life made
his wiv to Iiak ind al Mansui s court His name
is connected on one hand with the question of the
lcgihtv of the transmission of hadith b\ letter and
not b\ soma ind on the other with the writing
down of tiaditions Like Slid b Abi Aruba [qi]
in Irak he wis iegnded as having been the first
in the Hidjaz md even in the whole Ishmic empire
gathei togethei hadith into 1 work Ji I at'
thes,
scholar:
cited
together especiallv b\ al Dhihibi m Ibn Tighnbirdi
\udjum 1 j51 veil 143) who enumerates with some
regret the authors of the oldest collections Goldziher
in Muh Studun n 211 12 Eng tr n 19b 7 has
shown tint the pnontv accorded to Ibn Djunvdj
of hadith lie mentioned at in enhei period it ill
inchssihed form is the Fihmt ed Cairo 31b notes
giouped b\ chapteis on legal puntv the praver the
Bibliography Djihiz Bayan m 28j idem
Hayatan index Ibn Kutavbi Maanf 488 9 519
Ibn khallikan Ua/ayat no 348 ed Ihsan
Abbas in lb3 4 khatib Bighdadi Tankh x
400 7 Ibn Taghnbirdi \uqjum i 351 Ibn al
Imad Shadharat i 22b 7 Nawiwi Tahdhib 787
Ibn Hidjai Tahdhib al Tahdhib vi 402 b
Dhihibi Tadhkirat al huffa^ i lbO Goldzihei
Muh Studun index Biockelmann SI 25 1 and
bibl given theie Bustim Da nat almaanj n
404 5 Znikh iv 305
(Ch Pellat)
IBN FARlGHUN Sha\a (?) authoi in the
4th/10th centurv of i concise Anbic encvclopiedia
of the sciences the Djauami al ulum Connections ol
the sciences The luthoi wiote in the upper Oxus
hnds ind dedicated his woik to the Muhtadjid ainn
ol Cighanivm [q ] <\bu All Ahmid b Muhammad
b al Muzaftai (d j44/955) Minoiskv smmised hom
he was a scion of the Fanghumds [q i ] in noithein
Afghanistan iuleis of the distnct of Guzgan [q i ] as
tiibutmes of the Samanids ind latterlv of the
Ghvznawids a connection too with the unknown
authoi ol the Persian geognphv the Hudud al a/am
[qv above] is not impossible though is \et unprov en
(see \ Minoiskv Ibn Fanjiun and the Hudud al Ham
in 4 locusts fe s studus in honow of S H Taqi adih
London 19b2 189 9b)
The luthoi ol the Djauami was lirst identitied b\
DM Dunlop in his n tic le Tht Gawami al ulum of Ibn
Fanqun m ^jki Itluii Toiftna armaean Istinbul 1950 5
348 53 He was cleailv a pupil of Abu Zi\d al Balkhi
piesumiblv the mthor of the geogiaphv Suuai al akahm
i e edited ind completed b\ il Istikhn [see al balkhi
ind dju&hrafi\a I\ c u] d 322/934 who hid him
sell wntten i A Aksam al ulum Book of the divisions
of the sciences Ibn Fanghun used the tashgjir svstem
in his inmgement of the sciences le that of trees
md bunches ioi the gioups ind sub groups The
IBN FARlGHUN
Djaaami' resembles the slightfv later
Abu 'Abd Allah al-kJYaiazmi [qi]
ed rn the first place rnto two makalas
the w
Dublin
Bibliography In addition to leierences gi\en
above see H Rittcr Philoloyka Mil in (huns in
(1950) 85-5 F Rosenthal i histan of Muslim his
tonoyapfo Leiden 1%8, 54-0 Brockclmann, S I
4 55 Sezgin (A S, i 584 388 (leading the authoi
of the Djanami'\ name as Mutaghabbi
I'Mubtaghai b Furav'Qn )
ICE Bosworth)
IBN GH I DH AHUM! usual Irench spelling Ben
Ghedahem) '-kin Muhammad leadei ol the 1864
s the s
i ol J
Badaw
doc-
al-'Aibr (Larbi) Bakknsh then kadi, but
b\ the latter \\ hen the khaznadai gov
ed (December
in the
of Mai
Ibn Ghidhahum was
pioclaimed 'Be\ of the People' b\ the Madjn and
thanks to his religious prestige las an alleged shatif
and maia-bout of the Tidjamvva) as well as to his
pi onuses He killed the ka id Bakkush and his
appealed
tion His m.
b\ Julv he a.
t and a
•d an oiler of amnesty and obtained
self and tribal commands for his
aides On 20 JuK 400 shmkh^ and notables surien-
dered m the noithwest after the government had
promised to halve the 'itjhr tax appoint nati\e ku'ids
instead of MamlOks and abolish the constitution let
the khaznadai having meielv plaved loi time Ibn
Ghidhahum took up arms again in the autumn, but
in Januaiv his foices were crushed neai Tcbessa He
nossed into Algeria and was interned till January
1800 The chief of the Tidjamvva lecommended him
to the Fiench as one of his best ahbab and as a
learned man who had nevei mixed in politics Hoping
foi the Tidjani s intercession with the Be\ Ibn
Ghidhahum slipped back to Tunisia but was caught
and died m pnson (1(1 Octobei 1807) The signifi-
cance of the rebellion and the pcisonahtv and lole
of Ibn Ghidhahum ha\e been leconsidered since the
thirties M Ement sees the formei as an episode
in the peienmal struggle of the Badu against the set-
tled population and be\lical authoi it\ in general'
(RT [1959] 227) In A Tcmimis Mew Ibn
Ghidhahum lacked \ision resohe and a plan he
was earned along b\ the e\ents rather than shaped
them and failed to embod\ the aspnalions ot the
ie\olution he betraved them and dealt the latter a
death blow (R0M\1 mi [1970] 17b)
Biblwgtuph further to leferences in the text
Ch Monchicourt, La ngion du Haul Tell tn Tumsu
Pans 1915,230 298 518 M Gandolphe U> aent
mints di 1864 dans U Solid tic m /tT (1918), 158-
55 P Grandchamp Doiuminh lelatifs a la uiolulwn
di 1864 en Tunuu Tunis 1935 J Carnage Us
[1861 1881)
Pans 1959 22b f,
Abi 1-Divaf, Ilhaf al
248 f
, Ibn
- IBN HATIM
387
ita 'and al aman Ti
ns 1904 5 11-
-55
50 108-
71 B Salama Thtmuit Ibn Undhahu
n Ti
nis 1907
Kh Chatei lmum
a Tumsie
du XIX sudt la m
au Sa
il 1864)
Tunis 1978
|P S
IBN al-HADTDJ
Hamdun b ' A
-Rahman
AI-SuLAMI VL-MlRDASI
al-FasIi 1174-1.
52/1700-1817)
one of the most outs
anding scholais
of the
Mawlav Sulavman
1200-58/1792-16
2 5)
ice ending
to E Levi-Piovencal
Us histomns d
S OlU
fa Pans
As the fakih appointed to the Moioccan sultan he
filled the office of muhtasib ot Fas then of ka'id of
the Ghaib betoie de\oting a gieat pait ot his activ-
ities to hteiatuie He is the authoi ot serial com-
mentanes and glosses of epistles ot a religious charactei
and of an account ot the pilgnmage which he made,
but also the authoi of a maksuia [// 1 ] ot a poetic
version of the Hikam of Ibn 'Au' Allah al-Iskandaii
[qi], of a poem of nearK 4 000 '
the Prophet
nth ,
ies of e
Levr-Prov encal Zei /
|5| 305 557 558
k K 90 5 and k 2707) h
537 and 338 a
Lakhdar 1 1 u htteraa
rhvming in di and in the
metie basil
of which
hemistich is divided into
sivclv in led black blue
ind black t
the blue
n is removed the metie
numanh resu
is if the
nd the red, mukladab and
f the led al
ne madid
The genealogv and the manakib \q i ] of Hamdun
Ibn al-Hadjdj weie the subject of a monograph b\
his son Muhammad al-Talib isee Levi-Piovencal Uiotja
542-51 called the Rnad al uard (ms Rabat 390)
Biblwgraph) Nasm A al Istiksa m 151,
Kattam Sal* at al an/as lith Fas
1, Fudav
i 327
tl Dim a ,
al Muntakhah
/189b,
257 282-7 Ibn Sue
Dahl mu'anikh a
Uaghnb al aksi
Casal
lanca 1
900
i 215 n 34
9 590 421-
al-Dji
Muuashihahat m
aghnbina Casj
Wane a
1975
182-
5, M Lakhdar
lit litttram .
81-4
iEd)
IBN HATIM
Badr al-DI
M Muh
AMMAD
HamdanI, state o
iicial and h
n unde
the
sec ond Rasuhd sultan ol the \ emt
i al-Mt
zaffar \
(047-94/1249-95)
Ibn Hatims na
me appears no
where
n the
nog-
raphual hteiaturt
of mediaeval i
and ne
thel
the date of his birth noi that of his death is kn
The last reference
to him falls u
nder the veai
02/
1302-3 However
from his histo
r\ of the Ay\
bids
and eaih Rasulids
in the \emen
, al Sin
i al
thaman fi akhbai
UliKZ
b, 11
(ed G R Smith
Thi 4nubids
and ta
rh Ras
ulids
,h GMS NS
xxm/1 Tin ,
tabu t
xt Lor
don
1974) it is possible to cull som
e infor
nation
eon-
cerning the man a
id his official
fe He
belonge
d to
the Banii Hatim
if \am of Hj
mdan
the
time of the Avv
bid conquest
of the
\erne
i m
n bi akhbar
chief town. He was thus an IsmaTlT, though this
proved no handicap to his rise to a high position
in the staunchly Sunn! Rasulid state under al-
Muzaffar Yusuf. He was a member of the small
cadre of some four or five officials employed by the
sultan in the capacity of roving ambassador, per-
sonally representing him wherever in the country he
was needed, now negotiating with recalcitrant tribes,
now conveying a personal message from the sultan,
His official state position, however, did not
>T hamper his historical writing in any w,
. His
it of the Ayyubid and ft]
tans is a refreshingly impartial one, perhaps slight-
ly biased towards his own family, the Band Hatim,
tion on this crucial period of Yemeni history, when
the country was beginning to form a political unit
after centuries of rule bv numerous petty dynas-
ties. He writes in the Simt of al-Muzaffar Yusuf s
that he wrote al-'Ikd al-ihamin fi akhbdi muluk al-
laman al-muta'akhkhmn, though this remains undis-
covered. It was clearly a more general history of
Bibliography: see the edition mentioned above
and Smith, The Ayyubids, etc., Part 2, London 1978;
idem, The Ayyubids and Rasuhds — the transfer of power
in 7th/13th"century Yemen, in IC, xliii (1969). 175-
88; Sir J. Redhouse and Muhammad Asal, el-
Khazraji's Hiitory of the Reuili Dynasty of Yemen, GMS,
iii, Levden and London 1906-18.
(G.R. Smith)
IBN HISHAM al-LAKHMI al-Sabti, Abu <Abd
Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Hisham b. Ibrahim
b. Khalaf. lexicographer, grammarian, adib
and versifier. He was probably born at Seville, and
certainlv died in that city in 577/1182, after having
We know v?ry little of his life, but his biogra-
phers list his masters and his pupils and indicate
the titles of his works, amongst which one notes
several commentaries; one may merely remark that
these included a sharh on the Maksura of Ibn Durayd,
which was especially appreciated by al-Safadi
[Waft, ii, 1301) and al-Baghdadl [Mkana, Bulak, i,
490 = Cairo, iii, 105), al-Fawa'id al-mahsum fi
sharh al-Maksura (of which several mss. exist; see
Brockelmann, S I, 172; partial ed. bv Boysen, in
1828 [see maksura]) and a sharh on the Faith of
Tha'lab which already shows up Ibn Hisham's taste
for the purity of the language icf. al-Suyutl, Bughya,
20l There are extant a small quantity of 'verses 'on
the various senses of the word khdl and above all,
a treatise on the latin al-'dmma, given this title by
Ibn al-Abbar and al-Suyutr (for m.h.n. read lahn),
but otherwise called Takivim al-lisan by al-Marrakustn,
and given two different titles in the Escorial ms. 46,
A'. al-Radd 'ala 'l-^ubavdl JT lahn al-'awamm, and ms.
99, A'. al-Madkhal/al-Mudkhal ila takwim al-ludn wa-
ta'lhn al-bayan. This work, which provides precious
information on Spanish and Moroccan Arabic, com-
prises two basic sections: in the first one, the author
Zubaydr and Ibn Makkr [q.vv.], defending at the
same time actual usages with arguments drawn from
the old lexicographers. The transitional part is
brought about by means of an exposition of the
iich provide dialectical variants (lughdt),
rongst
the less good one and thus end up committing faults.
The second section, now thereby introduced, deals
with current faulty expressions caused by phonetic,
morphological or semantic changes; unnecessary bor-
rowings are mercilessly tracked down and replaced
by the corresponding Arabic words. Incorrect forms
are introduced by the formula "they say . . .", fol-
lowed by "whilst the correct usage requires one to
say . . ." or by an equivalent formula. The treatise
ends with a series of proverbs drawn from classi-
cal poetry, but corrupted and deformed by the
<; the
of this
orks, ;
i pose;
which <
The last chapter has been edited by 'Abd al-
'Azlz al-Ahwanl in Melanges Taha Husain (Cairo
1962, 273-94); this same scholar had already pub-
lished a study on the work and its author followed
by a selection of western terms (alfiz maghribiyya)
appearing in the second section (see RIAIA, iii/1
[1376/1956], 133-57, and iii/2, 285-321). The
remainder of this same section has been edited crit-
ically, with abundant annotation, and presented by
M. El-Hannach as a these du 3' cycle at the
University of Paris IV in 1977, but this has not
yet been published.
It may be of interest to note that the Madkhal
was put together as part of a fairly common process
of which it is possible, for once, to follow the details.
Thus the treatises of al-Zubaydr and Ibn Makkr
inspired in Ibn Hisham various observations which
he communicated to his pupils without actually put-
ting them together in the form of a book; the notes
which he left behind or which his pupils took were
brought together in 607/1210 for a man named Ibn
al-Shari under the title of A'. al-Madkhal fi takwim
al-lisan; at the beginning of the 8th/ 14th century,
Muhammad b. 'Air b. Hani' al-Lakhmi al-Sabti (d.
733/1332; see al-Suyuti, Bughya, 82, and Pons
Boigues, Ensayo, 319) arranged "all these materials
and "published" them under the title of Inshad al-
daivaM) wa-irshad al-su"dl; in the course of this same
century, this latter work was in its turn worked on
by Ibn KhStima (d. 770/1365 [q.v.]), who called the
resume which he had made the had al-la'al min
Inshad al-dawdlll ); finally, an unknown author extract-
ed from this last avatar a section which G.S. Colin
thought worthy of publication as a document (in
Hespem, xii/2 [1931], ' "~ ' ' ' ' ' '
allow
ack this
Bibliography: In addition to works already men-
tioned, see Ibn al-Abbar, Taknula, no. 1053; Ibn
Dihva, Mutnb, Cairo 1954, 183; Ibn 'Abd al-Malik
al-MarrSkushl, al-Dhayl wa 'l-takmila, ms. B. N. Paris
1256, f 25; Suyutr, Bughya, 20-1; H. Derenbourg,
Catalogue, i, 58; Pons Boigues, Ensayo, 280;
Brockelmann, I, 308, I J . 113, 375, S I, 541.
(Ch. Pellat)
IBN KABAR, Abu l-Barakat, Shams al-Ri'asa
al-Nasrani, Copt from Egypt (d. between 720
and 727/1320-7) who was secretary to Baybars al-
Mansun [q.v.], author of the ^itbdat al-fikra. Certain
historians, e.g. al-Safadi, followed by Ibn Hadjar and
al-MakrizT, allege that Ibn Kabar helped him com-
pile his book. It is difficult, impossible even, to eval-
uate the importance of this help, for Baybars
undeniably had a talent as historian and a most
lively taste for books and chronicles, as attests clearly
al-Mufaddal b. Abf Fada'il, Ibn Kabar's contempo-
- IBN KAYSAN
ran and co-religionist, and
Abu '1-Mahasin Ibn Taghril
resume of Baybars al-Mansi
the r
na collection of Milan (Ms
nn of the Fatimids, together with part of
of al-MansOr' Kals " '
■r only eight months' rule. Lea\
/1 224. Ibn al-Kattan was abL
but in fact he seems never again 1
-ed to lead as.
.crept, ;
I the
jptly i
702/1302.
Ibn Kabar's main work is a book
astieal sciences of the Copts, Kitab Misb
idah al-khidrna. This has been edited and translated I
by Dom Louis Yillecourt, with the collaboration of ;
Mgr. E. Tisserant and Gaston Wiet, in Patrohgia
Orientalis, xx/iv, Paris 1928. Ibn Kabar also left behind
a Coptic-Arabic dictionary, published by Athanasius
works r,
r unptibl
;, Paris
Bibliography: al-Mufaddal b. Abi
Manhadj al-sadid, ed. Blochet, PO, xiii,
1919-28; Makrlzi, Suluk, ed. Ziyfida, ii/1, 269; Ibn
Hadjar, al-Durar al-kamina, Cairo 1966, ii, 43; Ibn
f aghrlbardl, al-Manhal al-safi, BN Paris ms., Fonds
arabe 2069, f. 106a; Sakhawi, Flan, tr. F. Rosenthal,
in A history of Muslim historiography, Leiden 1952, 418;
Lingua uegyptiai
E. Tiss.
, 55 i
: Bekr
and G.
i vie de Abul Barakat Ibn hub,, in
ROC, xxii (1921-2), 373-94; Graf, (ICAL, ii, 438-
44; O. Lofgren and Renato Traini, Arabic manu-
script* m the Bibliotheca Ambrosiana, i lAntieo Fondo
and Medio Fondo), Vicenza 1975, 71.
(Abdel Hamid Saleh)
IBN al-KATTAN, a name well-known to histori-
ans of the mediaeval Muslim West and, as such, long
thought to have been borne by only one person.
There is, however, no doubt that it was the name
of two different people who, in all probability,
were father and son. Since nothing further can be
said of this putative relationship, it seems prudent to
speak of the two persons as the "Elder" and the
1. Ibn al-Kattan the Elder. This person is to
be identified with one Abu '1-Hasan 'All b. Muham-
mad b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Vahya
s schol;
1 Fas
r whon
we have only the date of his death, viz. 1 Rabi'
628/7 January 1231. As all his biographers agre.
that he died in A.H. 628, he can hardly have beei
the author (as supposed by Levi-Provencal and oth
ers after himi of the A'. Aazm al-djumana [see below)
caliph al-Murtada {reg. 64(5-65/ 1248-66). Of the earh
background of this Ibn al-Kattan, all we know i
that he was of Cordovan origin. We ran only assumi
that either he or his father and family had emi
grated from Andalusia to Fas. In later life his impor
tance seems to have lain in the prominence of hi
position in the Almohad hierarchy, for we are tok
that he was head of the talaha in Marrakesh ant
that he enjoyed great prosperity in the service o
the ruler (on the tulaba as a high-ranking class o
Almohad dignitaries, and on Ibn al-Kattan in par
ticular, see ' Hopkins, Medieval Muslim government i,
Barbaiv, 104 f. and 108, respectively). After the deatl
of the caliph Abu Ya'kOb Yusuf al-Mustansir, Ibi
al-Kattan the Elder fell victim to the Almohad powe
struggle which ended in the victory of Muhammac
'Abd Allah (al-*Adil) over the caliph 'Abd al-Wahi(
e reigning caliph. Among
'Abd a'l-Hakk al-Ishbil
,- then
2. I
bn al-Kattan
he Yo
ER, Ot
ter
wise
'Air i
Abu M
uhamn
ad
al-H
Husav
Kattai
•
traditi
nist.' V
rlikc the
Elder,
this
Ibn a
-K
attan
surpris
ugly, f
und no
place
vnown
bi
igrap
If "b.
'All b.
al-Katta
right
i suppi
sing hin
l to hi
ve
been
ng Ibn
al-Kattf
n. The
es of
birth
llouris
led in
he reig
n of a
-M
jrtada
ise
e ab
whose
favour
he enjo
fo
by Ibi
Tdhar
to hav
writte
histor
ntitle
tstit, a: ,
. a: ._
Ufa' ,
I these
7A), A'. al-Munadjat,
• writings, only a
urvived. Until this
3 rk was onh known
Maghribi writers had
ibly Ibn
was, so far as can be gleaned, a large encyclopaedic
work covering the history, and to some extent the
geography, of North Africa and Spain from the Arab
conquest to the author's own time. The extant por-
tion, dealing with the period 500-33/1106-7 to 1138-
9, bespeaks a tendentious "palace" chronicle, but it
is valuable as it not only reproduces original offi-
cial documents and
: also r.
' Egypt,
(Muhammad V Unii
and in Makkl
i Abu
l-Has;
e I. '
■ of th
Almo
o fhi
edition);
onlubu
ions to th,
as por
rayed by a
2f!/ 1230),
airgraph of Abu al-Havin Ibn n/-A',
in Akten des VII. Kongresw fin Arabntik und .
ZLwenuliafi, Gottingen 1976, 15-38.
(J.D. La™
IBN KAYSAN, Abu 'l-Hasan Miihamma
Ahmad b. Ibrahim, Baghdadi philologist who ac
mg t
• know
., died i
299/
br
ught
together the
sch
ref
rence
f both Basra
IBN KAYSAN
and eat' In another unspecified woik, the same
author (uted m particular b\ Yakut and al-Suvuti)
desuibes the prolamine of his lecture couises and
describes the crowd which suirounded him, leaving
about a hundred mounts in front of the gate of
the mosque where he was teaching;, but Yakut does
not seem to take \bu Havvan's account at its face
value In addition to the A al Masa'il, Ibn al-Nadim
attributes the following works to Ibn Kaysan al
Muhadhdhab fi 7 nahw A al ShddhdnJ fi 7 nahu , al
Mudhakkar ua Imu'annath, al Maksur ua 7 mamdud,
Mukhtasar al nahu al Mukhtar fi 'dal al nahu, al Hidja'
ua 7 Khali, al [I ak/ ua 7 ibtida', al Haka'ik, al Buihan,
al Kird'at, Ma'am al Kur'an and Gharlb al hadilh, to
which one should peihaps add Ghalat adab al katib,
al Lamat al Tasanf al Fa'il ua 7 maf'ul bihi cited
by Yakut, Shaih al tin a I (al-\nbati) and a Talkib
al kaudfJ u a talkib harakatiha which is doubtfully
authentic The Kitab Masabih al kitab (read the lat-
ter word thus) ascnbed bv \] \rberiy, Chester Beatt)
Libran Handlist o/ the -Irabu manminph, Dublin 1955
to Ibn Kaysan seems to be in fact b\ an author
of Shf'i sympathies the well-known \bu '1-Kasim
al-Husavn al-Wazir al-Maghnbr [see al-ma&hribI],
see U Y Ismail, .-I cntual edition of al-Masabrh ft
tafsTr al-Qui'an al-'azlm attributed to Ibn Kaysan al
hahuJ , Manchestei PhD thesis 1979, unpub-
lished
Bibliography Ibn al-Nadim, Fihnst, 81 (ed
Caiio 120), Khatib, Baghdadr, Ta'ilkh Baghdad i,
325, Kitti, Inbah, ed Cairo 1369-74/1950-5, in,
57-9, Zubaydi Tabakat al nahuiyyln, ed Cairo
137V1954, 170-1, \nban, Muzha ed \ \mer,
Stockholm 1963, 143, Yakut, Udaba', \vn 137-41
Suvuti Bughya, 8, F Bustani, Da'uat al ma'arif, n,
484, Brockelmann, I 111, S I, 170
iCh Pellat)
IBN KHALAF, the name of a family, of whom
the best-known two members aie
1 Abu Ghalib Muhammad b Hu b Khalaf,
called Fakhr al-Mulk, vizier of the Buy ids, born at
Wasit on Thursday 22 Rabf II 354/27 Apnl 965,
and killed b\ Sultan al-Dawla <\bu Shudja' Fana-
Khusraw on 27 Rabf I 407/3 Septembei 1016 The
poets and scholais, to whom he had been evtiemelv
generous composed foi him a great numbei of poetic
eulogies, and al-Karadji [q i ] dedicated his Fakhri and
his haft to him
2 Abu Sjjudja' Muhammad al-Ashrai b
Muhammad b 'Ali b Khalaf, son of the preceding,
whose date ot biith is unknown, but he was killed in
466/107 3-4 bv Badi al-Djamali [qi], at the time
when this lattei aimed in Egypt at the summons of
the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir Abu Shudja' was this
onlv, in Muhanam 457/Decembei 1064-January 1065,
and secondly at the end ot the same month in the
same \ear, and this tenure oi office lasted till mid-
Rabi' I ot the same \ear/February 1065
It seems that this ministei should not be confused
with 'All b Khalaf al-Katib [see the following arti-
cle] despite some recent attempts at this identifica-
tion which are conjectuial and unjustifiable
Bibliography Ibn Khalhkan, Ha/ayat, u 85, Ibn
al-SavrafT hhara, 53 Sabi' al Wuzara' , ed
Fairadj, passim, Ibn Muvassar Taiikh Misr ed
Masse n 15, 23 33 SuvQti, Hum al muhadara,
n, 203, Dawadarl, Kanz al durai, vi 382, Makrizi,
Itti'az, n, 271 313 333, Ibn al-Kalamsi, Dhayl,
64 Safadi, Haft, i\ 118, Yakut, L'dabd' \m,
260, win 234, idem, Buldan v, 350, Ibn Sa'Id,
Mughrib, section al-Kahira, ed Nassai, 359, Ibn
Taghnbaidl i\ud)um, iv, 242, 257, G Shayval,
Ma&mu'a, i 114-5, \H Saleh, Une source dt
QalqaSandl, Maw add al-Bavan, el ion auteur, 'All b
Hal,,/, in irabica, \\/2 (1973) 192-200 I \bdel
Hamid Salehj
IBN KHALAF, \bu 'l-Hasan c \lI b Khalaf b
\bd al-Wahhab al-Katib one ot the great sec-
etanes (kuttab) ot the Fatimids of Egypt (al-
Kalkashandi, Subh \i 432 idem Dan' 402) The
date ot his bnth is unknown, but it is known that
in 437/1045-6 he was living in Egvpt where he
wiote his woik tor the secietanes ot the diwan al
insha', his manual called the Mauadd al bayan which
contains in particular model letters and official doc-
uments \n incomplete manuscupt of this work has
iccently been identified in the Suleymamve Libran
in Istanbul (Fatih 4128)
Ibn Khalaf was also the author ot two works
which he cites m his Mauadd, the Hat al kuttab (fols
lb2b and lb6a) and a Kitab al kharad} [fols 16a and
25b), but these have not come to light The date of
his death is uncertain Al-Habbal al-Misrl recoids, m
his Wafayat al Mwiyyin fi 7 W al Faliml, in Shawwal
455 the death of a certain \bu '1-Hasan 'All b Khalaf
al-Zawat (cf RIM, ii/2 [1956] 336-7) who could
be our secretarv
Bibliography In addition to references given
in the article, see Hadjdji Khalifa, n 559, G
Shayval, Madimu'at, i 14-15, SM Stern, Fatimid
deems, 105, \H Saleh, I'm sount de Qalqasandt
Maw add al-Bavan, el ion auteur, 'All b Hala/, m
Aiabua, \\/2 (19731 192-200
(Abdel Hamid Salehi
IBN KIRAN, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad al-
Tay\ ib b 'Abd al-Madjid b 'Abd al-Salam b KIran
(1172-1227/1758-1812) /aklh and litterateui of
Fas He received a traditional education trom the local
scholais, and himself taught rhetoric to numerous
pupils, including Ibn al-Hadjdj [q i ], Hamdun, Ibn
'Adjiba, al-Kuhin [qn] and the sultan Maw lav
Sulavman (1205-38/1792-1823), who continually
showed his high opinion of Ibn Kuan bv consulting
him and bv entiusting to him, with other fukaha' the
applying ot his ordinances His work is largely pie-
served and compnses commentaries on various suias
and othei wntings (mss Rabat K 1373, K 1379,
K 1673 K 2534), notably al Murshid al mu'in 'aid
•IdarM mm 'dm al din of Ibn 'Ashir llith Fas 1296,
ms Rabat K 81), and also an urdiitza on the logic
ot his pupil Ibn al-Hadjdj (ms Rabat 434) He also
wrote glosses to Ibn Hisham's commentary on the
Alftna ot Ibn Malik (Fas 1315) and, in collaboration
with thiee othei scholais a commentary on the forty
hadltM of al-NawawT (ms Rabat 55) Amongst his
original woiks, one might mention two short gram-
matical works on law (ms Rabat D 938) and kala
(K 1072 1373), an uiajtiza on metaphoi (Fas 1310,
the commentary of al-Bun in ms Rabat D 921), and
a short woik meant to exhoit the faithful (K 1072
His biother Muhammad b Abd al-Madjid (d 2
Muhanam 1214/b June 1799) has left behind an
urdfilza on I'rdb (ms D 1348, with comm ), and his
son Abu Baki (d 4 Dmmada II 12b7/16 \piil 1851)
was an imam at Fas
Bibliography Nasni, Istiksa, lv , 149,
Kattani, Salitat al anfa i, lith Fas 1316/1898,
in, 2 ff E Levi-Piovencal, Chor/a, index,
Ibn Suda, Dalil mu'amkh al Maghrib al Aksd,
i, 374 Biockelmann, S II, 875, Bustanl, DM,
IBN KlRAN — IBN KULLAB
iii, 484; M. Lakhdar
bibl.
, 275-7 an
(Ed.)
IBN al-KUFF, Amin al-Dawla Abu 'l-Faradj b.
Muwaffak al-DIn Ya'kOb b. Ishak, known as AL-
Maliki al-Masihi (the Melkite Christiani al-Karaki,
phy.sician and surgeon.
He was born at Karak [rj.v.] in 630/1233. His
father, Muwaffak al-Dtn Ya'kQb, was a learned court
clerk under the AyyQbids, who excelled his peers
in Arabic philology, literature, calligraphy, poetry
and history. Ibn Abl Usavbi'a, in his Tvun al-anbd\
Cairo 1882, ii, 273-4, gives tlie first and only com-
plete, contemporary biography of Ibn al-Kuff, brief
though it is. From it we learn that the family moved
o Sarkhad in southt
■ fathei
r the
possibly c«. 643/1245. Becoming acquainted with Ibn
Abr Usavbi'a, the father's relationship with the latter
Ibn Abi Usavbi'a gladly accepted to be Abu '1-Faradj's
first medical teacher, finding the latter a very intelli-
gent sttident. Under this master, Abu '1-Faradj mas-
tered first of all the basic courses and doctrines of
the healing art. He then took the advanced subjects
of therapeutics and clinical medicine. When towards
the middle of the c enturv, the father again moved to
Damascus for a new job' there, Abu '1-Faradj accom-
panied the family and continued his education at the
Syrian capital. Besides medicine, he studied philoso-
. Her
hospitals. Duri
ilah al-Dlh Yus
1648-58/1250
the Ayvubid al-N;
60), Ibn al-Kuff was appointed as the first known mil-
itary physician-surgeon at 'Adjltin [</.<.]. There he
staved for several years, until he was summoned dur-
ing the reign of the Mamluk al-Zahir Baybars 1 658-
76/1260-77) to become the physician-surgeon at the
Damascus citadel.
Ibn al-Kuff's fame seems to have spread widely,
and he gained the respect of his colleagues and med-
ical students. Upon requests from a number of them,
he composed several works, including his best-known
, ed. Hyde
■Shqfi.fi 'l-tihk his commentary on Ibn J-
,n Hippo'clau
al-K',
Aphon
al-K.
il-l\u
n independent investigation; and his
compendium on health care and the treatment of dis-
eases, Djami' al-gharad ft hif~ al-uhha wa-daf al-maiad.
He died at Damascus in 685/1286 at a relatively
' Bibliography: In addition to Ibn Abr Usav-
bi'a's 'Uyun al-anba' see Hadjdjr Khalifa, KashJ,
ed. Istanbul 565, 1023; Leclerc, Hhtoire, ii,
203-4; Brockelmann, GAL, I, 649, S, I, 899; E.
Wiedemann, Besehreibung von Sehlangen ba Ibn Kaff,
in SPMSE, xlviii-xlix (1916-17), 61-4; G. Sobhv,
Ibn 1-KuJf, an Arabian surgeon »J the VII tentury al-
Nigra, in Jnal. nf the Egyptian Medical Asmiatwn, xx
(1937), 349-57; O. Spies, Beitrage zni aiabisihen
Zahnheilkunde, in Sudhojfs Arthiv, xlvi (1962), 153-
77; G. Kircher, Die einfaehen Heilmittel am den,
Handbueh der Chimrgie de's Ibn al-Qiiff diss. Bonn
1967; S. Hamarneh, Tl,e physician, therapist and sur-
geon Ibn al-Qiiff, Cairo 1974; idem. Catalogue of
Library, Cairo 1975, 189-93.
iS.K. Hamarneh)
IBN KULLAB, 'Abo Allah b. Sa'Id
Muhammad al-Kattan al-BasrI (died 241/855
foremost representative of a compromising theolci
about" his life. He contradicted the Mii'toili dc
trine of khaik iil-Ku,'an by introducing a distinrti
between the speech of God [kaldm Allah] and its re
' ■ >n; God is eternally speaking
body, if this addre-
addre-
self t
,. Spc,
Holv
s thus misleading: it is true insofar a;
ikdya) in historical reality, especially
formed by man; but it does not allow for the con-
clusion drawn by the Mu'tazila that God is only
speaking through temporal speech and not pet sc.
That there is uncreated speech is proved b\ the
word kun "Be", • • - - ■
This
.ted spec
information about how Ibn Kullab explained this
I but by the eternin of God's essence. God's attrib-
utes are related to each other ill a most intimate
1 way: they are "neither identical nor not identical".
different from Him, but also not completely iden-
tical with Him, i.e. no mere "names" in the sense
of 'Abbad b. Sulavman [q.v.], the Mu'tazilT with
whom Ibn Kullab held frequent discussions. There
between sifdt al-'dhdt and sijat affi'i: God's will, which
Kullab,' likewise His ' kindness ,kaiam) and His
generosity «£«</]. His friendship iicaldra, and His
enmity ('adawei, sakht). The formula was also applied
to the sijat khaharhva, attributes which are only
the anthropomorphisms: God's face. His hands,' His
eye, etc., are "neither identical with Him nor not
meant exactly, but we hear that God is "sitting on
His throne" with His essence, not as a bod\ and
not in a definite place.
Ibn Kullab did not restrict God's attributes to
God. But there are some of then/which do not
j the
s pos-
IBN KULLAB — IBN MANGLl
directh, identicil with Him beciuse nothing eteinal
exists besides Him Similailv His being can in no
wi v be not identical with Him The chincter of
Gods divinity was discussed among Ibn Kull ib s
follow eis
In other theological pioblems Ibn Kulhb sup
ported the view of the ashab al hadith He behe\ed
ill Muslims in spite of their sins ind in i mod-
erate form of predestination Min his no imminent
capacit\ of acting {kudia) he onlv recei\es it in the
moment ol the performince He mav use it lor the
contrin ol his iction i e foi sin is well is foi obe
dience but this heedom ol choice does not influence
the sihitional stitus determined bv God from the
beginning
Ibn Kull lbs sifat theon wis prepired b\ eirhei
specuhtions inside ind outside the Mu tizila espe
cnllv bv discussions between Abu 1 Hudhayl [q ]
ind Hisham b ll Hikim [q ] ind bv the ideis of
the eirlv Zivdi theolognn Suhvman b Djuii il
Rikki (loi whom cl W Midelung Dir Imam al Qasim
ibn Ibialum bl fl ) He wis however the first to
ehbonte them into i coherent svstem which corre
sponded to the tenets of the aihab al hadith He ilso
ippirentlv put them on i bi older bisis bv idding
eg a theon, ol human speech which worked with
the sime differentiation between speech is such ind
its repioduction thiough letteis ind sounds He wrote
se\enl books imong them i A al Sifat ind i refu
tition of the Mu tizila Onlv i smill Irigment of
one of them his been iound up to now (cf Chitns
xvnixix [1%5 b] 138 f I Among his idheients in
Bighdad wis the mvstic al Hinth il Muhasibi (died
243/857) in Nishipur his doctune seems to hive
been suppoited bv al-Husi\n b il Fidl il Badjili a
contemporm who was munlv known is i commen
tator of the Kur in The orthodox reiction under
il Mutiwikkil ind the prohibition ol kalam in 238/
852 3 senouslv himpered the expansion of the
school Theolognns who held simihi ideis were
ittacked bv Ahrnid b Hinbil and his disciples is
Laf ma people who behe\ed in the creitedness ol
the pionuncntion (/a/o le the leutition of the
Kur in But two geneiations liter Ibn Kulhb s ideas
weie renewed bv Ahmad b Abd il Rihmin il-
197b index s\ RM Funk Rings and thar attnb
uks Albiny 1^78 index (J vajv Ess)
IBN MANGLl Muhammad al Nasiri i Mimluk
officei of the guaid [see Halka] of Sultan al-Milik
il Ashnf Shi'ban (7b4 78/1362 77 [ ? zp known is
the luthor of se\enl woiks on the irt of wir ind
bv Ibn Mingh himsell he must have been boin
in C uro it the opening of the 8th/ 14th centun
between the vens 70U ind 705/130U6 \s his an
bised mme shows (perhips onginillv Mongli) his fither
wis i Kipcik [qi] who hid been brought at 1 ten
der age to the Mamluk truning school and recruited
to the corps of the Bihnvya [q i ] undei Sultin al
Milik il Nasir Nasir al Din Muhimmid [qi] who
held three sepinte penods of powei between 693/1293
ind 741/1341 this is the origin of the title ol ifTili
ation al Nisiri ipphed to him Our author fell there
fore into the diss of an lad al nas [qi] sons of the
people of high rink which illowed him to become
l membei of the sultin s guird ol honour After ha\
mg undeigone the wide langing militin educition of
the vouths of good fimilv he ended his long cueer
is a militin min in this same elite corps with the
high i ink of mukaddam (= colonel oi bngidier?) ensur
ing him tomfoit of life ind lespect To his culturil
inteiests Ibn Mingh added a deep religious sense
ilmost isceticism at the end ol his treitise on hunt
ing he thinks God foi illowing him not to take i
wife the source of unhippmess It is unknown whether
his own death pieceded or followed the ignominious
end oi his mister stringled to deith
Ibn Mingh s works on the lit ol w ir ind on
Kahn
fior
-Wan (died 324/936 [qi]) The Kadi Abd
ilDjibbar (died 41i/lU2i>) still polemicises much
moie ignnst the Kullibiwi than ignnst il Ash in
ind seems not ilwavs to distinguish shiqjly between
them But il Mukiddisi notes ilreidv in ca 375/985
tint the Ash inwi school wis superseding its piede
cessor The last ti ac< s of the school disappear in the
5th/ 11th centun
Bibliography The mun information about Ibn
Kulhb s doctune is iound in Ash in s Maialat al
Islanmun cf index sv Abd Allah b Slid cf also
Ibn alNidim Fihnst ed R Tidjiddud Tehnn
1973 23U 11 6 fl These ind other souices lie
analvsed in J \an Ess Ibn Kullab und du Mihna in
Onens xvin xix (1965-6) 92 fl See ilso M Allaid
Lt problem des attribute dums Beirut 1965 146 fl
\\ M Witt Thi jormah t period of hlamu thought
Edinburgh 1973 28b fl FE Peters Allah s
(ommonuealth New \oik 1973 index s v H Duber
Das theologisih philosophische Astern des Mu'ammai ibn
Abbad as Sulami Beirut 1975 index s\ HA
Wolison The philosophy of the halam Cambridge Miss
1976 248 fl J Peters Gods aeakd sptich Leiden
iv il t
knov
on hunt
through titles ind c
ing put together in 773/1371 2 is piesened in a
unique manuscript (Pins B N Ar 2832 fl 53) called
Ins a/ma/a bi uahsh al fala The socnble contict
of the elite people with the wild beist ol the open
deseit The luthor did not intend to compile an
onginil woik but so he sivs conceived the idei of
it is in ibndgement [mukhtasar) of the great encv
clopiedia on \enen al Djamhaia fl 'ulum al bai^ara
Compendium on the irts oi filconrv (Escunil
Ai 9U3 Istinbul A\i Solvi 3813 C ilcutti Asntic
Soc Ai 865 M9) written in 638/124U bv the
Baghdddi authoi Abu 1 Ruh Isi b All b Hiss in
ll Asadi To the basic libnc of il Asadi s woik Ibn
Mangh wis ible to idd in iddition to the huits oi
his own long expenence on the subject leierences to
the best luthors such is il Dimni il-Djihiz Ibn
Kutavbi Ibn Wihshiyyi Ibn Zuhi il Rizi ind
manv others One is gi iteiul to him for not hiving
conceived of it is in adab [qi] work his cleir pre
cis< ind cuit stvle leflects the militarv man whilst
certun dialecticil expiessions show the contemporirv
languige
In 1880 one Flomn Phuaon i person oi Levantine
ongin biought out in edition ind trinshtion undei
the title Traitt dt lenini (Pans pp 154 text 143 tr )
oi Ibn Mangh s woik but the rmnusurpt which he
used ven licking ind deiective is not the Pins one
As 1 result one wondeis whether this Phirion knew
Aribic and anv thing about hunting at all since the
woik of the Mimluk luthor is so mingled
As well is the gieit interest which Ibn Mangh s
treitise holds lor the devotee oi the chase ind the
speenhst on inimals the histomn cm glein irom
it a host oi detiils on the horses the stvle of nding
ind the handling oi weapons as known imongst
IBN MANGLI — IBN MlTHAM
luks of the 8th/ 14th <
b. DawC'D b
al-'Attar /
265/878-9 i.
vIuKRl' AL-NAH
I 354/965, was
a; D. Moller,
Ahtege de cynegetique d'lbn
ManglJ, anno
IBN MATTAWAYH, Abu Muh
iF. Vir
i. Virtually
nothing certain is known about his life beyond that
he was a student of Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar Id. 415/
1025) in Rayy and survived him. His grandfather
Mattawayh has been erroneously identified, on the
basis of the title page of Houben's edition of his
nl-Mud}mu' fi 1-muhlt bi TtaklJj; as 'Air b. 'Abd Allah
b. 'Utba (read 'Atiyya) b. Muhammad b. Ahmad
al-Nadjram, who was rather the scribe of one
the manuscripts of this book. The death dates giv<
without mention of a source, bv Houben (469/10;
and by 'Abd al-Karlm 'Uthman (468/1075) do r
appear reliable. Ther
t he s
eacher for
d-Tadhh)
'Abd al-Djabba
dents except Abu Muhammad b. al-Labbad
is mentioned in it, while Abu Rashid al-Navsabun
(who cannot have survived 'Abd al-Djabbar very long)
bility that he is identical with, or related to, the Ibn
Mattawavh or "Sibt Mattuva" lampooned bv the \izier
al-Sahib'b. 'Abbad id. 385/995), 'Abd a'l-Djabbar's
patron in Rayy, in some obscene verses, especially
since one of the verses seems to allude to his belong-
o the Ml
Yak
i, 342).
Ibn Mattawavh generally set forth the doctrine of
his teacher 'Abd al-Djabbar, whose A'. al-Muhll bi
'l-takllf, a comprehensive Mu'tazili theology, he par-
aphrased, commented upon and, in a few points, crit-
icised in his A'. al-Madjmu' ft 1-muhlt bi 1-taklif (vol. i
edited bv J J. Houben, Beirut 1965, and by 'Umar
al-Sayyid 'Azmi, Cairo 1965). Also extant is his A'.
al-Tadhkira, a work in two volumes on the nature of
substances and accidents Ivol. i edited by Sami Nasr
Lutf and Faysal BadTr'un, Cairo 1975). A commen-
tary on it by an anonymous author writing ui.
570/1174-5 is preserved in manuscript (see S.M.
Danishpazhuh, in Mashnyya-yi Kitabkhanayi Markazi-vi
Danishgah-, Tihran, ii [1341/1962], 156 f'l. His A - , al-
Kifdya is quoted in Ibn Abi '1-Hadid's Shcuh .Nahdj al-
of 'All .
s Mu'
r Abu Bak
Goii
f positi
aflirr
yond any
e impec-
ImamT Shf'T doctrine, that impeccability was no pre-
requisite for the validity of the imamate. A A', al-
Tahw by him is quoted in Mahmud b. al-Malahimfs
d-Mu'h
idjl x
: al-Hakim al-Djusharm, Sharh al-
'uyitn, in Fadl al-i'tizdl wa-tabakdt al-Mu'tazila, ed.
Fu'ad Sayx-icl, Tunis 1393/1974, 389; Ibn al-
Murtada, Tabakdt al-Mu'tazila, ed. S. Diwald-Wilzer,
Wiesbaden 1961, 119; Sezgin, GAS, i, 627; 'Abd
al-Karim 'Uthman, Kadi 1-kudat 'Abd al-Djabbar b.
Ahmad al-Hamadham, Beirut 1386/1967, 51.
(\V. Madelung)
IBN MIKSAM, Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. Va'kub
3. al-Hasan b. al-Husayn b. Muhammad b. Sulavman
days 'udjmd'l. Thus, ii
he read nudjaba'a, whi
context. He tried to ji
with grammatical argt
of other Kur'an teache
to the attention of tl
he recant. Ibn Miksai
who demanded that
il his c
. Apparently this
' ' s of his
i the then
> those ignorant people who were taken with his
>achings and. subsequently, led astray. The whole
pisode bears a strong resemblance to what happened
ne year later to Ibn Shanabudh (d. 329/939 [</.;•.]).
akut mentions the titles of eighteen books attributed
> Ibn Miksam, mainly dealing with Kur'an and the
? Mu'ta
Qoiatu, index s.v.; al-Khatrb al-Baghdadr, Ta'ukh
Baghdad, ii, 206 IT.; Yakut, Vdaba', vi, 498-501;
Ibn al-Djazari, Ghayat al-nihaya, ii, 123 fT; Ibn
al-Anbari, Nuzhat al-alibba', 360-3; Ibn Hadjar,
(G.H.A. Juynb
IBN MITHAM
Abu 'l
Hasan
Siiu'av
B B. MlTHA
M (
ften
read
s al-Haytha
Yahya
(W
the le
for hin
i, Ibn al-Tah
-AsadI
al-Sabum, a
Ibn Hazm,
Fisa
181),
Imdml theo
of the
2nd/8th cer
tun
MTtham was a Companion of the Prophet (Ibn
Hadjar, haba, no. 8472) who had adopted the cause
of 'Air b. Abi Talib and had settled at Kufa, where
is the date of his death known. Having left his 'natal
town for Basra, 'All b. Isma'il frequented the great
Mu'tazili scholars of the time, especially Abu
•1-Hudhayl and al-Nazzam [</.«<.], with whom he
engaged in rontro\ersy, but apparently without great
success (cf. al-Khayyat, Intisdr, index, who states that
he was under the influence of the voting [ahdath)
Mu'tazills). Al-Mas'udr, in Mimldi, vi, 369 = § 2566,
mentions him at the head of the theologians who took
part in a colloquium organised bv Yahva b. Khalid
b. Barmak on 'ishk [q.r), and records ivi, 371 = §
2569) the presence there of Hisham b. al-Hakam [,/.v.].
The latter, who died in 179/795-6, is considered as
the main representative of Imamf theology in his time,
and Ibn Mrtham did not enjoy a parallel fame; but
it is probable that Ibn Mitham was his elder, since
he is cited before him by Ibn al-Nadim, Filnht, ed.
Cairo, 249, who states that he was the first to for-
mulate the doctrine of the imamate, and attributes to
him a Kitdb al-Imama (called al-Kamil) and a A", al-
Istihkak. If al-Nawbakhti \Fhak al-ShJ'a. 9) is to be
believed, this political doctrine mav be summed up
in the following manner: 'Air was the most meritori-
ous [afdal) after the Prophet, and the community com-
mitted an error in choosing Abu Bakr and 'Umar,
but did not however tall into sin; on the other hand,
'Uthman was to be rejected \tukflt). For his part.
IBN MlTHAM — IBN NADJI
al-Ash'ari, Makalat, 42, 54, 516, delineates the main
outlines of his theological doctrine: the Divine Will is,
for him, as for Hisham, a moving force (harakd), but
for him, a moving force external to God, which moves
Him. In regard to faith, this consists essentially in
respect for the divine obligations; whoever infringes
them loses the quality of mu'min and becomes a fasik,
without however being wholly excluded from the com-
munity, since he can marry within it and inherit.
Bibliography. In addition to the sources men-
tioned above, see TOsi, Fihrist, 212, no. 458;
Nadjashi, Ridjal, 176; Abu 'Air al-Karbala'i,
Munlaha 'l-makal, 207-8; Mamakani, Tanklh al-makal,
ii, 270; Baghdad!, Hadiyyat al-'anfin, i, 669; Kahhala,
Mu'fiam, vii, 37; W.M. Watt, in St. hi, xxi, 289,
291; idem, The formative period) of Islamie thought,
Edinburgh 1973, 158-9, 188. _ (Ed.)
IBN al-MUBARAK al-LAMATI [see al-lamatI].
IBN MUKBIL, Abu KVb (Abu '1-Hurra in Ibn
Durayd's Ishtikak, 12) Tamim b. Ubayy b. Mukbil
b. al-'Adjlan al-'Amin (i.e. the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a;'see
Ibn al-Kalbi-Caskel, Tab. 101), Bedouin poet of
the mukhadram, who is said, like many other peo-
ple of his age, to have lived 120 years (although al-
Sidjistani does not cite him in his K. al-Mu'ammailn).
He died after the battle of SiflTn (37/657), to which
he alludes in one of his poems [Dlwan, 345), prob-
ably in Mu'awiya's reign and in any case, at a time
when al-Akhtal [q.v.] had already made himself known
Ibn Mukbil seems to have led the rather monoto-
nous life of the Bedouins of his time, and his biog-
raphers, eager for pieces of information, record hardly
any striking facts. They give prominence to his mar-
riage to his father's widow, al-Dahma', whom he had
to divorce in conformity with the laws of Islam (Ibn
Habib, Muhabbai, 325-6), but he long regretted this,
judging by the numerous verses where her name is
mentioned (see Dlwan, index). When he had reached
an advanced age, he asked for hospitality from a cer-
tain 'Asar al-'UkaylT, who had two daughters; these
so their father compelled one of them, Sulayma, to
Ibn Mukbil mentions several women in the naslb
of his poems, and in particular a certain Kabsha/
Kubaysha (see Dlwan, index), but of course, no pre-
cise information can be drawn from this. Although
Ibn al-Kalbr does not mention any progeny of his,
he is said to have had a dozen children (Ibn Rashik,
'Vmda, ii, 291), all poets in their turn, and al-Bakn
{Mu'djam ma sta'djam, i, 131) adds the name of an
1 Shari
who i:
) have
nitted I
Another fact lacking from his life story is an
exchange of hidja' [q.v.] verses with a poet who was
a partisan of 'Air b. Abl Talib, al-Nadjashr [q.v.];
the latter had attacked his tribe in the time of
'Umar b. al-Khattab, and the dispute was brought
before the caliph, who first of all shrank back from
delivering a judgment but was subsequently forced
to throw al-Nadjashr into jail (this happening is
recorded by numerous authors, in particular, Ibn
Kutayba, Shi'r, 290; al-Bakrl, Fail al-makal ft shmh
Kitab al-amthal, Beirut 1391/1971, 310-11; Ibn
Rashik, 'Umda, i, 37-8; al-Husn, ~aAr al-adab, i, 19-
20; al-BaghdSdr, Mkana. Buiak, i, 113 = Cairo, i,
214-15; etc.). The two poets exchanged insults over
a period of years, and once again one sees Ibn
Mukbil replying to his enemy, who had attacked
Mu'awiya after' the battle of Siflin (Diwan, No. 42).
He had previously expressed pro-Umayyad senti-
ments in an elegy inspired by the murder of
•Uthman (Diwan, no. 3), but apart from his polemics
with al-Nadjashr, he seems to have been uninter-
ested in political affairs and to have held
aloof from addressing eulogies to highly-placed per-
sonages. Hence if madih [q.v.] is little represented
in his diwan, boasting poetry (fakhr), personal or
tribal, abound on the other hand. As a Bedouin
poet, he defends naturally the Bedouin qualities
such as generosity, contempt for riches, courage
is indeed description (wasf), of the desert, atmos-
pheric phenomena, the camel, wild animals, and
especially, the arrows (kidah) used in the gambling
game called may sir [q.v.], to such a point that he
became proverbial for them and one spoke of the
kidh Ibn Mukbil (Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 427). His work
was exploited by the philologists (Slbawayh cites
him ten times; see also, e.g., al-Mubarrad, Kamil,
498; al-Baghdadl, Khizana, Bulak, i, 111-13 = Cairo,
i, 211-15, shahid 32, etc.), and because of the num-
ber of place names in his poetry, he was a source
for the compilers of geographical dictionaries (Yakut
cites him 142 times in the Mu'qjam al-buldan).
He was reproached basically because he regretted
too much the pre-Islamic times and found himself ill
at ease (Ibn Sallam, Tabakat, 125; see Dlwan, 129-
41), and it may be because of this that the judg-
ments of the critics on him differ considerably. Ibn
Sallam, 119, places him in the fifth class of the
Djahiliyya poets with Khidash b. Zuhayr, al-Aswad
b. Ya'fur and al-Mukhabbal b. Rabfa, who are not
remarkable as poets. Most curiously, al-Akhtal, whom
he had in fact attacked [Dlwan, 109-12, 312-14), is
said to have delivered a verv favourable verdict on
him (Tha'lab, MadjalU, 481;' Ibn Rashik, 'Umda, i,
80), whilst al-Asma'i [q.v.] did not consider him at
all as one of the fuhul (al-Marzubani, Muwashshah,
80); this severe judgment did not however prevent
this same scholar from collecting together his Dlwan,
of which other recensions were made by Abu 'Amr
al-Shaybani, al-TQsi, Ibn al-Sikklt and al-Sukkari
(Fihrht, ed. Cairo, 224) and a commentary written
by Muhammad b. al-Mu'alla al-Azdi (Yakut, Udaba',
xix, 55). One at least of these recensions was known
in Ifrikiya, as the 'Umda of Ibn Rashik and the Masa'il
al-intikad of Ibn Sharaf (who adjudged Ibn Mukbil's
alidly c
:ted) a
al-Andalus (see Ibn Khayr.
Fahmta, 397), but it is only recently that there has
been discovered at Corum [see gorum] the manu-
script of an unidentified recension. A very careful
edition of the Dlwan has been done by Tzzat Hasan
(Damascus 1381/1962), to which he has appended a
Dhavl and various highly useful indices; another ed.
by Ahmet I. Titrek, Ankara 1965.
Bibliography: The main sources have been
given in the article; Tzzat Hasan's introduction to
the Dlwan contains the sparse biographical details
which are known and a study of Ibn Mukbil's
works. See further Zirikli, A'lam, s.v.; Wahhabi,
Maraqji', i, 123-5, where some new references may
be found. (Ch. Peixa-h
IBN NADII, Abu Y-Kasim/Abu 'l-Fadl b. Tsa
b. Nadji al-TanCkhi, kadi, preacher and biog-
rapher, who was born and who died at al-Kayrawan
(ca. 762-837 or 839/ra. 1361-1433 or 1435).' He stud-
ied in his natal town and in Tunis, and then filled
various posts as kadi and as khatib (in Djarba, Beja,
Lorbeus, Sousse, Gabes, Tebessa and al-Kayra-
IBN N \DJI IBN N \ZIR ai DJ \\ SH
fikh v
in partRuhi cm the Risala oi Ibn Abi Zivd al
KaMWim (this. jjflr/i was punted it C mo 1914 2
vols ) Howcvei his lame stemmed especialh, trom
a colletion of biogiaphies of religious sehohrs oi his
nitil town horn its origins till th< 9th/ 15th tentu
i> the Maalim al imam fi manfat ahl al kavauan
onh the part with the notiees on the 8th/ 14th an
tun being completed, horn his own pen all the
opening is in ieahtv l boi rowing horn i collection
b\ i prcdec.ssoi al Dabbigh [q ibove]
Bibliography Ahmad Baba W al ibtihadi 22S
Ibn al Kadi Dmrat al hiatal No 1330 Introd to
Ibrahim Shibbuhs ed of the \taahm see also the
Blhl t()_AL DABBA&H i E D )
IBN NASIR tht nirae nowidivs repined bv al
Nasiri of 1 Moi ocean famih who founded the
bianch of the SJiadhihvva ordei [q i ] known ts
Nasinyva and founded its headqu liters at the ,««/)«
of Tamgiut [q ] in southern Moron o [he numer
ous biogriphuil sourcts pubhslud and unedited as
well is l monograph on the tamilv th( Tat at al
mitotan (fas 1309) bv Ahmad al Nisni il Salawi allow
its histor\ to be faced eisriv md allow l genealog
ical tiee to be constituted the reider will find infor
mation on this m the nticle al Nasiriyv a ind thcie
will mere
membeis
spieuous
the last f
1 AL
Muhamrr
]f the Banu Nasn who
k put i
Iusavn b Muhammad b Ahm id b
d b Husivn b Nisir b Arm b Uthmm
il Dai i id 1091/lboO) succeeded his fathei
(d 1052/1042) as held of the ^auna of Ighlin (a few
miles trom Zagora) This anna was howevei defin
ltivelv abandoned aitei m outbre lk ol pi igue
which broke out in 1091 /10M) of which iIHusimi
was himself i victim he hid made tluee lournevs tc
the Eist and had composed i Falnasa e\t ml at Ribal
(ms 50b))
2 His eldei biothei Abu 'Abd All ih Mahammad
b Muhammad (1015 85/lbOO 74) hid left the Ighhn
anna in 1040/1531 in order to settle in the one il
Tamgiut which he now headed ace oi ding to the
' ' mnded the
Nisi
ml a
)f fikh s
i points
3 Mihimmidss (
sue (ceded his fither is head of the order H
the pilgnmige four times and utilised these o
to establish branches of the oidei in \anous
Noith Africa as fu as Egypt ind compos'
ccrning his pilgnmage of 1121/1709 10 i voli
Rihla (lull Fis 1320 partial ti -\ Beibiui
Exploration Menhjique de I ilgiru ix 1840 105
on the
hgious peis.
j his n
niges whom he n
which ma\ be noted the Fath al mahi al \asti ft
lOja^at mammal bam \asir (ms Rabat i2i K) on
al Dmar^al muraua a ji akhhar a\an Dai a oi the has/if
al ran a ft I ta nf hi sulaha Dai a imss Rabat K 2b5
and 88 G 84 110) finished in 1152/1739 which
tuces the histoiv of the Nisirma oidei He died
1170/1750
Abu Abd Allih Muhaiv
Abd >
Muh
who
died in 1239/1823 He midc the pilgnmige to Mecea
giaph ms of the first al Rihla al fuhia is extint in
the Ro\il Libnrv it Rabat I no 5b58) the authoi
to eontradut his predecessor (notibh al Aw ishi
ind al Abd in [q ]) He fuithei left behind al Ma^a
fi ma hadathal 'uhditha mm al hida bi I mm al „>ea>ei
i Fahrasa ims Ribit 3289 Kl 1 commentuv on
the 40 hadiuhy of Mihammad al Djawhan (ms Rib it
137 Qj ind some iisponsa on some < lses m point
the hat al latm mm al mank fi I din (ms R ibat 1079
D fols 107 15)
b It is convenient linillv to note thit the fimous
author of the A al IstiLa Ahmad al Nasiri [see al
salawi] wis i direct descend ant ot Ibn Nasn
Biblw^iapln To the woiks bv members of the
fimilv cited above one should add the great biog
uphieal collections of Moioccin authors like
Hi am Safaat man mtashar hth Fis n d Kadni
\aslir at inatjiani Fas 1310/1892 Muhammad
llKittim Saluat al anfas hth Fis 1310 'Abd
al Haw ilkattini Fihm al fahain Fas 1340
7/1927 9 the manuals of Moioccan hteratuie
Ibn Sudi Dahl mu anikh al Maghrib al it ■.a
C lsiblane i 1900 5 Leu Piovcncal Ctimfa index
sv Ibn Nisn M Iakhdn La n hthraiu an
Mara ions la duiaitit alauidt Rabat 1971 index
s\ Ibn Nisn and the bibl cited theie
(Ed i
IBN NAZIR ai DJAYSH Taki l Din Abd al
Rahman fadi ofiicial and authoi ot the Mamluk
period in Egvpt His precise dates ire unknown but
he wis lppiienth the son of inothei kadi who had
been tontrollei ot the um\ in the time of Suit in
alNisir Nasir al Din Muhimmid b Kahwun and
he himself scived in the Di tan al Iiujia undei such
nileis is alMmsur Sal ih al Din Muhammad (7b2
4/1301 ol md his successor al Ashiaf Nasir al Din
Shaban (704 78/1 3bo 70) His c onespondenee was
ippirentlv collected into 1 madjmu ioi al kilkishindi
[qi ] quotes foui letteis fiom it to external ruleis
m his \ubh alasha Ibn Nazn il Djivsh wis ilso in
a well est iblished Mimluk ti adition the authoi of i
mmual foi chanecrv seeietmes the TathkiJ al Ta r,J
in improved version of the well known guide of
Shihab alDin Ibn Fidl Allah il Urn in [see Kdl
ih] al Tanf hi I mustalah al ihanf the Tathlif his
ivived u
route Since Ahnnd left behind no ehildien tht he id ]
ship of the anna pissed to the deseendints ot his
biothei Muhammid al k ibir
4 Abu Abd Alhh Mih\mmad (al Mikku b
Musa b Muhimmid (al Kabirl b Mihimmid sue
t ceded his fithei who died in 1142/1729 The t isk I
towns of Moioceo led him to wnte a travel nun ,
tive al Ratahin al naidiwa fi I nhla al Marratuihma
(ms Rabat 88 & 1 83) but he ilso left behind j
some poetrv ind seve r il biogriphieal works amongst
etoided in Biockelminn) and
ral times bv il kilkishindi
bibhograph M Giudefiov Demombvnes
La S\nc a I epoqut dis Manulouks d apia lei
aiihuis arahn Pans 1923 pp XII XIII W
Bjorkman Beitrai,c ^ur Get huhk da Uaahkanjn
im nlamnititn ■ijptcn Hambuig 1928 b9 75
129 CE Boswoith Chmtian and Jeiust, reli a ioin
diziutaius in \lamlut tgtpt and Syna Qalqashandi t
ment in IfUES m (1972 07
(C E Bosworth)
IBN al-RAHIB — IBN al-RUMIYYA
IBN al-RAHIB, Coptic polygraph, born between
1200-10 and died between 1290-5. Known principal-
ly as a historiographer on account of the Chronicon
orimtalc, which has been falsely attributed to him since
the 17th century, NushO' al-Khilafa (or simply al-
NushO') Abu Shakir b. al-Sana (abbreviation of Sana'
al-Dawla) al-Rahib Abu 'l-Karam (alias Abu '1-Madjd)
Butrus b. al-Muhadhdhib in fact represents, with Abu
Ishak b. al-'Assal [q.v.] and Abu '1-Barakat Ibn Kabar
[q.v.], the leading encyclopaedist of the golden age of
Christian Arabic literature, in the 7th/ 13th century.
He wrote about all the disciplines of human knowl-
edge which an Arab Christian of the period was in
a position to cultivate: chronology and astronomy, his-
tory, philology and hermeneutics, philosophy and the-
ology- (in the full spectrum of their ramifications). But
it is not this fact alone which confers upon his work
an encyclopaedic character; such versatility was not
unusual in his milieu. The decisive factor is most of
all his method of working, the very dimensions of his
studies and finally, the abundant wealth of
and ,
Musli
Christian, which he quotes or incorporates to a large
extent in his own works. It is in this work of com-
pilation, besides, even more than in original thought,
that the value of his writings seems to reside.
Ibn al-Rahib was born into a large and distin-
guished Coptic family of Old Cairo, all of them
churchmen as well as senior officials of the Ayyubid
state. His father, known at the time under the name
al-Sana al-Rahib or al-Rahib Anba Butrus (he became
a monk at an advanced age), enjoyed a considerable
reputation both in public administration, where for
two periods he was responsible for state finance,
and in ecclesiastical circles, where he virtually played
the role of interim patriarch in the latter part of the
long period during which the diocese of Alexandria
was vacant (1216-35), before becoming spokesman
for the opposition under the much-contested patriar-
chate of Cyrillus b. Laklak (1235-43). His son, al-
Nushu' Abu Shakir, was, for his part, deacon of the
renowned church of al-Mu'allaka and played a sen-
ior role in the administration, apparently in the dhuan
al-djuyush [q.v.].
It was relatively late, probably after leaving public
senice in the wake of political repercussions which
accompanied the rise to power of the Mamluks, that
he began his literary activity. It is in fact confined
to the period between the vears 655/1257 and 669/
1270-1. Beyond the latter date, Ibn al-Rahib limited
himself to reproducing and improving his works.
Extremely extensive and hitherto unedited, these are,
in chronological order:
(a) A". al-Tawarikh. Recently identified in three
manuscripts, this is the work on which, in reality,
Ibn al-Rahib's renown is based. It comprises three
distinct parts, unequally divided into fifty-one chap-
ters: a study of astronomy and chronology (chs.
1-47); a history of the world (ch. 48), of Islam (ch.
49) and of the Church (in the form of a history of
the patriarchs of Alexandria — ch. 50); and finally, a
brief account of the Seven Ecumenical Councils of
the Orient (ch. 51). The celebrated Chronicon orientate
represents, in fact, only a mediocre abstract of the
long chronographical section (chs. 48-50). The A', al-
Tawarikh was, in addition, exploited to a large extent
by the Christian historiographer, al-Makin b. al-
'Amld [q.v.] and — through the latter, apparently —
constantly mentioned by al-Makriz! and Ibn Khaldun
[q.iw.]. In the first half of the 16th century it was
translated into classical Ethiopic (Ge'ez) by no less
a person than the Etcheguie Enbaqom, which
acquired for it a position of considerable eminence
in Ethiopian literature. For this the manual of the
ecclesiastical year and of universal chronology, enti-
tled Abushaker, is not the least of the evidence.
(b) The study of Coptic philology-, completed in
1263, includes a rhymed vocabulary [sullam mukajja)
according to the method used by the Arab lexicog-
raphers, preceded by a grammar (mukaddima [q.v.])
which, through its originality, is distinguished from
the series of Coptic prefaces of the Middle Ages.
Although the vocabulary itself hitherto seems to be
lost, an attentive reading of the prologue — which
is available to us along with the grammar and in
which the author sets out his project in detail —
enables us to see there a work of lexicography far
superior to the Scala rimata of his contemporary Ibn
al-'Assal [see sullam].
(cj A". al-Shifa (1267-8). A work of Biblical
Christology, of an exclusively exegetical character.
Conceived according to massive proportions, it was
originally structured on the basis of the image of the
Tree of Life, consisting of a triple trunk (asl), each
part bearing three branches (far') loaded with innu-
merable fruits [thamara). The abundance and the vari-
ety of patristic and other commentaries (especially the
Fitdaws al-nasraniyya of the Nestorian Ibn al-Tayyib
[q.v.], which are dotted throughout the work, make
it an interesting Arabic florilegium of Biblical com-
mentaries relating to the person of Christ.
(d) A". al-Bmhan (1270-1). An extensive theologico-
philosophical summa in fifty chapters (mas'a/au deal-
ing with almost all the questions of philosophy,
theology, ethics and culture likely to be of interest
to an educated Copt of the period. It is particularly
to be noted that the theodicy of the A'. al-Burhan
(chs. 28-40) hinges entirely on that of the A". al-Aiba'Tn
of the great Persian theologian Fakhr al-Din al-
Razi [q,,].
Bibliography. Graf, GCAL, ii, 428-35; Adel
Y. Sidarus, Ibn al-Rahibs Leben und Werk. Ein
koptisch-arabischer Enzyklopadist des 7./ 13. Jahrhundeits
(Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 36), Freiburg
1975, with detailed analysis of sources and com-
plete bibl.
(A. Sidarus)
IBN al-RUMIYYA, Abu 'l-'Abbas (sporadically:
Abu Dja'far) Ahmad b. AbI 'Abd Allah Muhammad
B. MUFARRIDJ B. ABI 'l-KhaLIL 'AbD ALLAH AL-UmaWI
al-HazmI al-ZahirI al-NabatI al-'Ashshab, Spanish-
Arabic pharmacobotanist. He was born in Seville in
561/1166 (according to others, 567/1172) and died
there in 637/1240. His allegedly Byzantine origin on
the maternal side may have procured him the nick-
name by which he became known, but which he did
not like hearing. In any case, he was a freedman of
the Umayyads. He was educated as a Malikr tradi-
tionist and jurist, but then joined the Zahiriyya and
became an ardent adherent of Ibn Hazm [q.v.] . None
of his writings bearing upon this activity seems to
have survived; some ridjal-works may be mentioned
here: al-Mu'lim bi-zawa'id (or: bi-ma zddahu), al-Bukharl
'aid Muslim, Ikhtisar Ghara'ib hadith Malik (li+Daral
mJT-r
tqfarr
i Musli,
further an abstract from Ibn al-Kattan's (d. 360/971;
A'. al-Kdmil ft 'l-du'afd' tea l-matrukhi, and a supple-
ment to this work under the title al-Hafil ft tadlll al-
Kamil, finally legal investigations on the performance
of the prayer, like Huhn al-dit'd" fi adbar al-salaivat
and Kayfiyyat al-adhan yaivm al-djum'a. The knowledge
related to these subjects he acquired during an
IBN al-RUMIYYA — IBN RUSHD
extensive study-tour, made in connection with the
pilgrimage which he undertook in 613/1216, and
which led him through North Africa, Egypt, al-
Hidjaz, Syria and 'Irak. His extraordinary long biog-
raphy in MarrakushT's Dhayl (see Bibl.) can be
explained by the fact that this author cites most, if
not all, of the traditionists and jurists whose lectures I
Ibn al-Rumiyya attended and who were his author-
His real renown, however, is based on his achieve-
ments as a pharmacobotanist. As he himself relates,
he was initiated into pharmacology in 583/1187 in
Marrakush bv 'Abd Allah b. Salih, one of Ibn al-
Baytar's teachers. With him he studied three works:
(1) the Materia medica of Dioscorides; (2) the work by
Ibn Djuldjul [g.r.] in which the latter explains the
simple medicines named by Dioscorides I Tafur anna'
brief treatise of the same author on medicines not
mentioned bv Dioscorides iMakala ft dhib al-adww
allati lam yadhkmha DivuskuiJdis ilkh.). Seventeen years
later (601)7 1204l, Ibn al-Rumiwa in his turn taught
the works mentioned, also in Marrakush. The short-
comings and inaccuracies which meanwhile had
struck him in the works of Ibn Djuldjul induced
him now to write a corresponding book by himself,
namely Tafsit anna' al-adwiya al-mujtada rnin kitab
Diyuskuridii (the title thus being identical with that of
Ibn Djuldjul). In all probability, bordering on cer-
tainty', it is this work which exists in an anonymous
text of the madjmu'a Nuruosmaniye 3589; the pres-
an annotated German translation. Ibn al-Rumiyya
shortened considerably the contents of Dioscorides'
work, to the extent that he left out almost completely
the therapeutic uses of the medicinal herbs; instead,
he did, however, give much space to their botanical
description. The nomenclature of the
Ji adwiyatihi (quoted by Marrakushr, Dhayl, 1/2, 513)
has been unfortunately lost, as is also a treatise on
compound drugs IMakala ft taiktb al-adwiya), mentioned
by Ibn Abr Usaybi'a.
Bibliography: Ibn Abr Usaybi'a, 'Vyun, ii, 81;
Ibn al-Abbar, al-Takmila li-Kitab al-Sila, Cairo 1955,
i, 121; Abu Shama, Taradjim ridjdl al-kamayn al-sadis
"" Cairo 1366/1947, 170; Ibn SaTd, Ikhtisai
al-kidh a
I'rlkh a
. Ibr.
parti
arlv
t offer;
r the
iwled
personal i:
f Moza:
and r
: [se<
ALjAl'
1 and
i and
cognisable here, to gain a solid
basis, particularly by examining nature itself, has to
be rated highly.
It is reasonable to assume that Ibn al-Rumiwa wrote
down the Tap) before he started on the journey to
the Orient mentioned above. The second botanical
extracts by Ibn al-Baytar, turns out to 'be the richly
scientific result of this journey which lasted about two
years. Of particular interest for the his-tory of civili-
sation is the description of the manufacture of papyrus,
the oldest one since Pliny (for this and the other Arabic-
accounts, see A. Grohmann, Altgememt Emj'uhrung in die
aiabivhen Papyri, Vienna 1924, 3.5 f). The Rihla is of
high quality and has led both L. Leclerc {Histmre de
la mcdecine arabe, ii 244) and M. Meycrhof {Maimonide,
xxxiii) to the judgement that Ibn al-Rumiyya is the
botanist par excellence among the Arabs and that he
can only be compared with al-Ghafiki [q.v. above] as
far as independence of scientific method is concerned.
With the latter, Ibn al-Rumiyya found moreover
many faults; his work al-Tanbih 'all aghlat al-Ghafiki
Ibyan, Cairo 1959, 181; al-Marrakushr, al-Dhayl wa
•l-takmila, ed. Shanfa, i/2, 487-518; Dhahabi,
Tadhkuat al-lwffaz. Havdarabad 1377/1958, iv, 210;
Safadt, al-lVSJi hi iwajayat, viii, 45 (no. 3451); Ibn
Rafi', Muntakhtab ai-Muklitar, Baghdad 1357, 8; Ibn
al-Khafib, al-Ihata ft akhbai CJhamata, Cairo 1319,
i, 88-93; Ibn Farhun, Dibadj, Cairo 1351, 42 f;
Makkari, Mafli al-tlb, ed. I. 'Abbas, ii, 596, hi, 135,
139, 185; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhaiat al-dhahab, v, 184;
A. Dietrich, Medianaha aiabiea, Gottingen 1966, 183-
7; idem, in Act. .Xaz. Lincei. Convegno Interna-. 9-15
Aprile 1969 [Oriente e (he. nel Medwero: Filosojia e
science), Rome 1971, 375-90; M. Ullmann, Die Medi-
an mi Islam, Leiden 1970, 279 f.
I A. Dietrich)
IBN RUSHD, Abu Y-WalId Muhammad b.
Ahmad, ai.-Djadd ("the grandfather" of the celeb-
rated philosopher Averroes or Ibn Rushd [</.;'.]), the
most prominent Malikr jurist of his day in the Muslim
West, whose very real merits as an exponent of Malik
have been eclipsed by his grandson's fame as an
exponent of Aristotle. Born in 450/1058-9, he died
on 21 Dhu '1-Ka'da 520/8 December 1126 and was
buried in the cemetery of (Ibn) 'Abbas in east
Cordova, his native citv!
From 511/1117 until 515/1121 Ibn Rushd was,
as kadi l-djama'a in Cordova, holder of the highest
office in the Andalusian judiciary. For some reason
that is not very clear, he either resigned or, less prob-
ably, was dismissed. What is clear is his important
520/1!:
Alfonso I of Aragon (El Batallador
Arniswal i? Anzul). Until his defeat, Alfonso hac
An
dalus for
Chris
endo
n and
had gained wide-
sp
ead Mo-
arab
symp
nd collaboration.
0.
the d
Isl
thin, Ibn R
shd has
tened to Marrakesh
st) March
1126
Umoravid ruler 'Air
Yiisuf b.
Tash
„.?.] a
d to advise him.
Ex
Dressing h
slega
opim
the Mozarabs had.
b>
their trea
hery.
1 right
to protected status.
he
prevailed
upon
'All
> have
po
rted, and
sequel
Sale, Met
id ot
er plac
es in Morocco. At
th
e, he
advised the r
onstruction of walls
und And
Dwns as well as a
wall around
Marr
kesh
Al
™smd d to a
lave r
ecomr
on the
tended
ir own soil. He is
the replacement of
'A
Abu
Tahir
Tamim
as Almoravid rep-
entative in
Spair
, pos
ibly be
ause of his inabili-
slam
tere.
-ive months after his return
to
Spain he
died-
in th
same
vear as his famous
gr
ndson wa
born
Abu '1-Walrd K
r Ibn Rushd was
kn
own, was
a grea
t teac
ter of Malikr fikh and the
hot of c
impendia of basic
w<
rks. One
of hi
impor
tant commentaries
s that on the Mu
ja of al-
'Utbr id. 255/869),
. K. al-Ba
a Ji 1-Mustakhraja,
et
. (in 110
parts
Bett
er knov
■n today is his K.
IBN RUSHD — IBN al-SARRADJ
al-Mukaddimat al-mumahhadat li-baran ma 'ktadathu rusum
al-Mudaw-wana (Cairo 1324; Muthanna repr. Baghdad,
n.d. but 1960s). To his pupil Ibn al-Wazzan (not -
Warrak) we owe an important— historically and oth-
erwise—collection of falwas entitled Mawazil Ibn Rushd,
a selection of which, together with an illuminating
introduction, has been published by Ihsan 'Abbas in
Al-Abhath, xxii (Beirut 1969), 3-63). In such of Ibn
Rushd's writings as have come down to us, one per-
ceives an incisive and logical mind and clarity of
thought matched by lucidity of expression.
Bibliography: All the essential references have
been brought together in Ihsan 'Abbas 's introduc-
(J.D. Latham)
IBN SA'DAN, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Husayn b.
Ahmad, official and vizier of the Buyids in
the second half of the 4th/ 10th century and patron
of scholars, d. 374/984-5.
Virtually nothing is known of his origins, but he
served the great amir 'Adud al-Dawla Fana-Khusraw
[q.v.] as one of his two inspectors of the army ('and
al-djaysh) in Baghdad, the 'arid responsible for the
Turkish, Arab and Kurdish troops. Then when 'Adud
al-Dawla died in 372/983 and his son Samsam al-
Dawla Marzuban assumed power in Baghdad as
supreme amh, he nominated Ibn Sa'dan as his
vizier. He occupied this post for two years, and seems
to have made it his policy to reverse some of the
trends of the previous reign; thus according to Abu
Hayyan al-Tawhidi [q.r.], he favoured the release in
the new reign of the historian Ibrahim b. Hilal al-
Sabi' [see al-sabi'] and took charge of the pioper
burial of the corpse of Ibn Bakiyya [q.v.], the former
vizier of Tzz al-Dawla Bakhtiyar executed by 'Adud
al-Dawla. However, his enemy Abu 1-Kasim 'Abd al-
'Aziz b. Yusuf [q.v. above], formerly katib al-insha' to
'Adud al-Dawla, secured his dismissal on what was,
according to Rudhrawarl, a trumped-up charge of
complicity in the military revolt in Baghdad of Asfar
b. Kurduya in support of Samsam al-Dawla's broth-
er and rival for power, Sharaf al-Dawla Shirzil. Ibn
Sa'dan was accordingly imprisoned and then execut-
ed in 374/984-5.
The sources say of him that he was liberal to his
dependants, but kept himself inaccessible from the
populace of Baghdad — in Rudhrawarfs phrase, bddhil""
li-'atd'ihi, mani'"" li-lika'ihi — thus incurring unpopu-
larity to the point that his personal boat on the Tigris
(zabzab) was once stoned. His claim to lasting fame
lies in his role as a Maecenas — he renewed the pen-
sions of scholars which had lapsed on 'Adud al-Dawla's
death — and as the organiser of a circle of literati in
Baghdad embracing both Muslims and Christians and
at which all kinds of speculative and philosophical
questions were discussed. He was the friend and patron
of Tanukhi (see the latter's Mshwai al-muhadara, ed.
'Abbud al-Shaldji, Beirut 1391-2/1971-2. iv, 96-7).
Tawhidi was one of his nudama', and dedicated to
Ibn Sa'dan his epistle on friendship, the A'. al-Sadaka
wa 'l-sadlk, although this was not completed for
another 30 years (cf. M. Berge, Une anthologie mi farm-
US d'Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, in BEO. xvi [1958-60],
15-60). He was intimate enough with Ibn Sa'dan to
address to the vizier an epistle on statecraft (in his
K. al-Imta' wa 'l-mu'dnasa, ed. Ahmad Amin and Ahmad
al-Zayn, Cairo 1953, iii, 210-25, tr. by Berge, Cornells
politique* a un ministre. Epitre d'Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi
au vizir Ibn Sa'dan al-'And, in Arabica, xvi [1969], 269-
78). In both the K. al-Imta' and the K. al-Sadaka
Tawhidi gives us a picture of these scholarly sessions;
the participants included the Muslim philosopher Abu
Sulayman al-Mantiki [q.v.], the Christian ones Yahya
b. 'Adl and Tsa b. Zur'a [see ibn zur'a], Ibrahim
al-Sabi', Miskawayh [q.r.], the engineer and mathe-
matician Abu 'l-Wala' al-Buzadjanl [q.v.], the madjm
poet Ibn al-Hadjdjadj [q.v.], and several others. It was
at the request of Abu '1-Wafa' that Tawhidi com-
posed a record of 37 of the sessions, forming his A".
al-Imta'; and Tawhidi' s collection of philosophical dis-
siderable extent from these meetings.
Bibliography: (in addition to references given
in the text): For the scanty details of Ibn Sa'dan's
life, see Abu Shudja' al-Rudhrawari's Dhayl to
Miskawayh, ed. Amedroz, in Eclipse of the 'Abbasid
caliphate, iii, 40, 85, 102-3, 107, and Ibn al-Athn,
ix, 27, 29. Concerning Tawhidi's information,
cf. D.S. Maigoliouth, Some extracts Jiom the Kitab
al-Imta' wal-Mu'anasah oj Abu Hayyan Tauhldi, in
hlamica, ii (1926), 380-90; For the text of a let-
tei of Ibn Sa'dan's to the Buyid Fakhr al-Dawla
[q.v.], see Kalkashandi, Subh al-a'sha, viii, 137.
Of secondary literature, see Ibrahim Keilani,
Abu Hayyan at-Tawhldi, essayiste arabe du IV s.
de I'Hegm, Beirut 1950, 42-3; Mafizullah Kabir,
The Buwayhid dynasty oj Baghdad, Calcutta 1964,
156, 179;J.Chr. Biirgel, Dit Hojkonespondenz 'Adud
al-Daulas, Wiesbaden 1965, 118-19; H. Busse,
Chalif and Grosskorug, die Buyiden im Iraq [945-1055),
Beirut-Wiesbaden 1969, 65", 239, 509-10; M. Berge,
Pour un humamsme veeu: Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi,
Damascus 1979, index, s.v. al-'And.
(C.E. Bosworth)
IBN al-SARRADJ, appellative of a family pro-
minent in the 9th/ 15th century history of the Nasrid
kingdom of Granada. Passing into Spanish literature
as "Abencerraje" in the 16th century ("Bencerraje"
may date from the end of the 15th), the name appears
more than a century later in French as "Abencerage"
(which, pace Levi-Provencal [Hist. Eip. Mus., i, 351)
does not derive fiom Siradj), and finally in English
as "Abencer(r)-age".
The patronymic "b. al-Sarradj" is known well
before the 9th/ 15th century. It is borne, for exam-
ple, by an Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad of Malaga,
a 5th/ 11th century panegyrist of the Hammudids
[q.v.], and in the 7th/ 13th century both by a gram-
marian of Pechina lmng in Almeria and by yet
another Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad, a faklh and
khatlb of the Great Mosque of Granada. Early in
the next centuiy we find an Abu 'Abd Allah
Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. al-Sarradj, a Granadan
doctor and botanist whose works, now lost, were
esteemed in their day.
Up to the beginning of the 8th/ 14th century the
patronymic is borne by isolated figures whose con-
nexions with one another are really indeterminate. If,
as claimed, the B. al-Sarradj were of noble Arab line-
age — seemingly of old Yemenf stock — it is strange to
find no mention of them in the great Hispano-Arab
genealogical treatises.
From the mid-8th/14th century we begin to dis-
cern in Granada the emergence of a clearly defin-
able family, militarily successful and incieasingly
influential. One notable member was Abu Ishak
Ibrahim b. Abl 'Abd Allah b. al-Sarradj (d. 766/1364),
commander of the kasaba of Ronda and governor of
its highly important military district. By the early
9th/ 15th century the family was playing a vital part
in defending Nasrid frontiers and enjoyed a reputa-
tion for valour in the djihdd. Before mid-century it
IBN al-SARRADJ — IBN SHAKRUN al-MIKNASI
aheadv constituted a poweiful ind iuthlfs>>l\ ambi
nous political party
In 1419 the partv staged tts first rebellion through
members in command of Guadix ind Illori Resentlul
of Ah al Amin then regent for the I\isnd minoi
Muhimmad Mil El Peqiuno thcv slew the lormer ind
repliced the litter bv Muhimmid IX El Z'«i° i
grxndson of Muhimmid \ Hit ijmd viziente fell
to Abu lHidjdjadj \usuf b J Sxriddj orgimser of
the coup ind theieiftet loi eight vexrs the Aben
tenxjes held swav in Granada
When in Octobci 1427 Muhimmid wis restond
bv lovihsts led bv Ridwan Bannigash (Bxnegxs
\usuf b il Sanadj ind his iolloweis opted not to
Hifsid Abu Fans in Tunis but to lie low and sp\ i
chine e loi pudon This once _, amed thev plotted ind
achieved the lestontion ol Muhammid IX with the
aid ol Jum II ol Cistile md Abu Fins B\ Decembei
1429 Wuf b al Siindj xnd his sultin were back m
powei m Gnnada and so remained till Decembei 14->1
when the former tell at Lop lighting x ]Oint Castilnn
and lovalist Grinadan lone whose success put i usuf
I\ on the thione But i usuf s reign w is brief bv Apnl
14->2 Muhimmid IX wis bick on the throne ind
i usuf deid Thioughout Muhammid IX s thud ieign
up to 1445 — prominent positions weie assigned to the
sc ins of l usuf b il S lrradj Muhammid md Abu 1
kasim) md other membeis of then fimilv ind pirtv
The penod 1445 60 on the other hind wis one of
vicissitudes is the Nisnd thione fell successivelv to
Muhimmid X El Coji xnd i usui \ md then ie\eit
ed fust to Muhimmid X and tht n to Muhimmad
IX who reigned till the end of 145 -> or eirh 1454
Since the sultin Sid (( itku! Muln ~<7//(aA itt,
1454 62 1462 4 owed his thione to the B il
Sarradj— now led bv one Abu 1 Suiui il Muiirndj
the fimilv enpved his favour for a time In 1460 we
find the son of Abu 1 kasim (ibove) mothei Abu
lHidjdjidj lusuf is one of the most influential
laid-; of the leilm and vet inothei i usut b il
Siiradj is i na^ir in Muiiiridj s admimstntion But
.1 of h
All iMulev Hicen supphnt him Si d hid
Mxifimdj ind the ua^ir l usuf summinlv executed
m the Alhambra (Julv 1462) Muhammid ind Ah
b il Sinadj fled to Malaga ind set up lusuf \
(Aben Ismiel who wis assuied of Castilnn sup
port— is countei clumant His premiture deith
brought Abu 1 His in Ah to the foie i^nn and
in August 1464 the litter in conceit with the B
il Siiradj ovei threw Sid ind seized the throne
The B il Sirradj were back m power m Ibiahim
b il Ash ir an influential laid who hid m irned
into the fimilv bti ime gnnd ua n ind his idmin
istiation included Abu Abd All ih Muhimmid
son of Muhammad b i usuf al Sanadj (ibove A
stringe cucumstance was soon to undo them In 1419
All had mimed Fatima daughter of Muhammad
IX On his death the venention in which thev held
him is then patron shifted to Fatima And so Mi s
peisonal afliont and thev drifted into rebellion Su ige
letnbution followed Those who fsciped with then
lives fled some to asvlum m the noble houses
of Medini Sidonn ind Aguihr other to \anous
Castilnn bordei towns In 1482 thev then slipped
bick to supphnt Ah bv his eldest son bv Fitima-
Abu Abd Allah Muhammid (XII) the famous Boib
dil. Till the end of Boabdil s reign and of Muslim
Granada the famih s partv held supreme politic
power Granada once in Christian hands 1492) t
\bencen ajes sold up and moved to the Alpujar:
then in March 149-> emigr ited almost en m isse
the Mighnb Ironic allv the fxmilv thit hid on
defended Ishm in Spain so well had bv then p
Thei
told n
novel which moulded r
atment of mores de Gra
? the model of ill chi\a
Perez de Hit i s Histona di
nunait li95 1619 is he
uth In this celebrat
ipphe.
•t poll
i Maghnbi ,
' cillv '
spent
i Spur
the 9th/ 15th c
of dishonouring Boabdil and plotting against him
the leading Abentcria]es are unsuspectingh, sum
moned to the Alhambi i and assassin ited Not all
pensh the woid gets out and insunection follows
\ftei i heice stiuggle Mulev Hicen is proclaimed
but hnillv the lebels are pacified and Boabdil is
icstored The \bencerra]es aie banished and tike
iefuge in Castile wheie thev convert to Chnstiimtv
The honour of Boabdil s wife— brsmnched bv the
Zcgnes it the beginning of the whole saga to turn
Abencen ljes— is tinallv \indi
and the
Duung the
the Vbence
17th xnd
rues wis
18th centune
tiken up bv
other Europei
mthors no
tablv Chi
eaubnand in
his La a intu
of
e Alhambi
denv
i Abenc
Muhimmid X oi as otheis sav Mulev Hxcen o
Boabdil The fiction ippears to have its roots in i
Sids xss issination of Mufamdj ind i usuf (above
and fh Hermndo dc Biezis xccount of the muide
of Muhammad IX ind his sons bv S i d and Abu 1
Hisan All in the Cuaito de los Leones
Biblut,iaph\ L Seco de Luceni Paredes U
ibim
> kwida t hi k.
I960 u
hogriphv (73 5
hmp da \amdes Pins 197 -> 1 ->0 fl
J D Latham)
IBN SHAKRUN (pronounced Shukiun) al
MIKNASI Abi Mihammad oi Abl Nasr Abd al
kvDIR B Al ARABI ALMCNABBAHI AL MaDAOHRI
Moioicin phvsiciin ind poet who was con
temponrv with sultin Mawlav Ismail 1082
11W167-, 1727 ind who died iftet 1140/1727 8
He received a traditional education it Fds studied
medicine under \dnrdk [q i ibove] Ahm id b Mu
himmid performed the pilgrim ige and piohted bv
the opportumtv to follow couiscs in medicine at
Alexandm ind Cano He then returned to settle at
Meknes where he enteied the sultans service but
led a fanlv austere ind cloisteied life
As well as i commentan, on i grammatical woik
ind vanous poems which reveil i certain talent tor
veisifving Ibn Shakrun owes mainlv his fame to an
urdfu^a ot b73 veises on food hvgiene the Shahmma
which has ilwavs been highlv populai among the
on food practices ot the time (ed Tunis 1323/1905
hth Fas 1 -,21/1906 ms Rabat k 1613 He was
also the author of a mala called al .hajha al ibardiyya
IBN SHAKRUN a
ft 1 ushba alhindma on sarsapanlh and the ti
of syphilis this text has been studied ind n
of HJP Remud ind GS Colin in their Down
1 Ihuto.
■nal jian
Pins
Bibhoziaphv Ibn Zavdan Ithafalam alms
Rabat 1347-52/1929 .« i 264 \ 320 jO \hmi
al 4nn al mutub lith Fas 1315 19 3 Levi Provencal
Chorfa 297 Remud \hdeane it mtdams mamams
in 4IEO 4lgir in (1937) 90 9 M Lakhdar La u
intellectuelle au \Iaroc Rabat 1971 lbl fa and bibl
cited there (Ed )
IBN alSUKA'I (vars Suka i Sakti Sakka i)
AL MuWAFFAfc. FaDL \LLAH B \BI L FaKHR AL KATIB
al Nasrani oflicial of the Mamluk administration
who died almost a centenarian in Damascus in
726/1325, leaving behind the reputation of having
been a good Christian and a chronicler worthy of
trust. He composed a Harmony of the four gospels
(a work which corresponds to the description of ms.
1029 in the Sbath collection, at present inaccessi-
ble) in Hebrew, Syriac, Coptic and Latin, and as
well as a biographical work on singers (Wafayat al-
ike Ta'rikh of al-Makin Ibn al-'Amld, a resume of
the Wafayat al-'aydn of Ibn Khallikan whose title is
unknown to us, and a continuation of this last, the
Tali Kitdb Wafayat al-a'yan. The historian al-Safadr
acquired for his personal library the copy of the
Tali at present in the Bibliotheque Nationale in
Paris as arabe 2061.
The Tall is thus the sole work of Ibn al-SukaT
which has survived. It is in the conventional form of
a biographical collection containing entries, arranged
in alphabetical order, of persons who died between
657/1258 and 725/1324. Beyond the apparently
monotonous nature of the compilation, it is from the
choice of persons covered, the terms used to describe
them and the anecdotes retailed about them, that the
personality of the author emerges. He appears as a
Christian firmly attached above all to moral standards,
a skilful diplomat who knew how to retain the friend-
ship of his contemporaries at a time of violent changes
when the Mongol invasions led to a deterioration of
relations between Muslims and Dhimmis, and a trusty
official who held the posts of katib in the diwan al-
murtadta', the diwan al-birr and the diwan al-mawarith.
The exercise of his functions in the matter of frauds
and inheritances gave him access to the records of
several financial scandals which the authorities had
probably stifled, since the chroniclers contemporary
with Ibn al-SukaT, although very fond of retailing
these matters, do not mention them. However, his
frequenting of Damascene intellectual circles where
tasty anecdotes were passed round by word of mouth,
gave him the subject-matter for several stories which
he gives and which can also be found, with variants,
in al-Dhahabl, al-Yumm and al-Djazarl, and which
al-Safadr was to insert in his own work after the text
of the Tali.
Ibn al-Suka'fs moderation in depicting his con-
temporaries was not merely dictated by prudence. One
should see in it rather the indulgence of a person
who had reached an advanced age and who, although
he allowed himself some lively and ironical comment
on those who had, either at close hand or from a
distance, made up part of his life, prided himself that
in the eventide of his life he had as a Christian been
able to come to terms with his Muslim environment,
to gain confidence and attract confidences, and to
behave as a well-balanced individual without losing
an\ of his personal dignity and without compromis-
ing his faith.
Bibliography: Ibn Kadi Shuhba, al-Tldm bi-
ta'rikh al-Isldm, ms. Oxford, Or. Marsh 143, fol.
200b, Ibn Hadjar, Durar, iii, No. 591; Ibn al-Tmad,
Shadharat, vi, 75; Brockelmann, P, 400 (with the
name given incorrectly); S. al-Munadjdjid, in RIMA,
n/ 1 (1956), 99; Zirikli, A'lam, v, 358; Kahhala,
Mu'djam, viii, 76; Tali Kitab Wafayat al-a'yan (un
and tr. J. Sublet, Damascus 1974.
(J. Sublet)
IBN al-TAMMAR [see ibn mItham, above].
IBN UKDA, Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad
b. Sa'id b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Ibrahim b. Ziyad
b. 'Abd Allah (b. Ziyad?) b. 'Adjlan al-Hamdani
al-Hafiz, Kufan traditionist, was born on 15
Muharram 249/10 March 863. His ancestors, •Adjlan
and Ziyad were clients of 'Abd al-Rahman b. SaTd
b. Kays al-Sabi'I al-Hamdam (d. 66/686) and 'Abd
al-Wahid b. Tsa b. Musa al-Hashimi respectively. His
father was a Kufan Zaydi making a living by copy-
ing books and teaching the Kur'an, literature and
grammar, and was given the nickname 'Ukda be-
I cause of his knowledge of the intricacies of Arabic
grammar and inflection. Ibn 'Ukda visited Baghdad
| three times. The f "
272/886, he heard hi
juth befi
traditi,
. The
cond t
likely i
the
ry (913-22 A.D.),
inc urred the enmity of the popular traditionist Yahya
b. Sa'id id. 318/930) by contesting the reliability of
the hnad of one of his hadiljis. According to one
account, he was briefly imprisoned by the vizier 'Air
b. Tsa [q.p.] at the instigation of the followers of Ibn
Sa'id until his criticism was proved correct. This detail
A third time, he visited Baghdad towards the end
of his life and taught in the mosque of al-Rusafa,
where he is known to have transmitted hadith in
Safar 330/November 941, and in the ShiT mosque
of Baratha. His only other trip was to the Hidjaz.
Thus he transmitted mostly from Kufans and visitors
to Kufa. He died on 7 Dhu '1-Ka'da 332/1 July 944
in Kufa.
Ibn 'Ukda was generally recognised as the great-
est traditionist of Kufa in his time. Fabulous stories
were related about his prodigious memory and the
hundreds of thousands of traditions collected and
memorised by him and the camel-loads of books
which his library contained. His transmission spanned
the whole gamut of Kufan traditions, Sunru, ImamI,
and Zaydi, and Sunnl and ShiT traditionists were
equally eager to hear from him. Among his promi-
nent Sunnl students were al-Darakutm, Ibn 'Adi,
al-Tabarani, and Abu 'Ubayd Allah al-Marzubam.
Though he was criticised for relating objectionable
imunkar) hadiths, reports on the blemishes (malhalib)
of Abu Bakr and 'Umar, and traditions from
newly-discovered books (widjada), and on this basis
was accused of having spoiled the hadith of Kufa,
he was considered a faithful transmitter. Among the
Imamis, Harun b. Musa al-Talla'ukbari and Ahmad
b. Muhammad b. al-Salt transmitted from him.
He appears frequently as the only Kufan transmit-
ter of early Kufan Imami traditions in his time
complementing the common ImamI transmission
of the school of Kumm. The Imami ri§al
books hold him in high esteem as a transmitter,
though emphasising that he remained a Djarudr
Zaydi until his death. Actually, he seems to have
IBN 'UKDA
- I
suppo
ted the
\ie\\
of
the la
hbivva «h
) (or
eied i
n pnnci
ole a
1 de
scenda
ts of Abu
Tali
foi the
lathe
than tho
an Zavd
Df h
ted
the de-
scendan
s of
Ali
and Fa
tima He a
ppeai
an im
of Abu
■Ma
in his
A Mak
atll a
I Ta
mitted
in paiti
ulai
the
A \aj«
b Al Abi Ta
lib o
<Ahd
iahva b
al-Hasa
b Dj
Ibn
'Ukda s
u oi-
Ls wh<
the Iir
ami nd.
ks i
ncludtd
the
lts oi kufa (A
Fadl
7/ A*
-normous A
a Ku
All al-H
asan
al-H
usavn
on the tr
'All Zavn a
l'Tb
Muha
nmad al
Baki
Za
vd b
All Dja'fai
IBN <UTHM\N *l-MIKN\SI
al Iks,, Ji fikak al asn published b\ M El Fas
~ ' : in 1%5 with a lone; introduction descnt
the life and woik ot the diplomat
>n his leturn he was appointed viziei but
ess of his hist mission induced the sultan to ent
with a second to Malta and Naples to se.
out in 11%/ 1782 was also made the sub|ec
iceount entitled al Bad) al sap fi fttlal a! asaia
aladmai all apt (this has been summansed bv
dan Ithaf m 320-0 and a numbei of manusci
: in Rabat and Meknesl
r Ibn 'Uthman v
Abu Hamta, as well as mmnads, ol 'All Za\d b 'All
and Abu Hamla A hagment of his A Dhili al nabt
has been published Irom a papvius iN Abbott Audits
in irabu hteran pafnn i Chicago 1057 1(10-8) His
' ■ ' " n Zavd b 'Mi was the
he kufan
chief sc
Zavdi
bu 'Abd A
1053)
■wztapfo
ah Muhammad b
al Tusi Fihmt luti
A Spienger Calcutta 1853-5 42-4 idem Ridjal
al Tu«, ed Muhammad Sadik M Bahi al-'ulum
Nadjai 1381/1%1 441 1 al-Nadjashi al Ridjal
Tehiannd 73 f Ta'nkh Baghdad x 14-23 Ibn
Shahrashub Ma'ahm al 'ulama' ed 'Abbas Ikbal
1353/10 34
Ibn
il-Dhahabi Tad[
l-Djaw
al \lun
al huffa
i Hivdaiabad 1320
; Dt, Imam al Qasi
30
i\\ NUdelct
Muh,
L-\\At
At the
Moroccan diplomat
ing ol ties between his countiv and Sp£
stait ol his careei he followed his tathei as pi each
ei in one ol the mosques ol Meknes heie he came
to the attention ol the Sultan Sidi Muhammad b
'Abd Allah (1 171-1204/ 1757-80 who at a date dif-
ficult to deteimine took him into his «mce as a
secietaiv In 1103/1700 he was sent to the couit
of King Chailes III ot Spain with the ob]ect ol
obtaining the led
of If
lendlv re
which -
and led t.
the
'</ Talk Sidi Mnhamtd
Btn Otoman in 1780 in Hnpania \m 11043) 508-
011 idem, Politna martoqui dt (atlas III Madrid
104b 285-300 M Ainbas Palau El tutu atabt dil
(onumo di Atan/ut^ dt 1780 in Tamuda \i |1058i
idem Carta aiabts dt Mau.lat Muhammad b '\bd Allah
nlatnas a la tmbtqada dt Ibn '( tman di 1780 in
H,sptm Tamuda n/2-3 (1001) 327-351 and Ibn
'Uthman has left a detailed ae count ot his mission
this
'Abd a
ith
Hamid I in Istanbul with the ob]ee
with the Ottoman sultan a conflict provoked b\
Tuikish soldieis on the boideis of Algena and
Moioeco The diplomat set out on the 1st Muhanam
120O/4th of Novembei 1785 and did not letum to
Morocco until 20th Sha'ban 1202 /4th of June 1788
he had in fact taken advantage of his sta\ m the
Onent to make the Pilgrimage which piovided him
with the mattnal for a third tifila with a more elab
oiate title than the pieceding two Ihra^ al mu'alla ua
liahb ft hadidi BaU Allah al haram ua narat al Audi
al shatij aa I Khaltl aa I tabanul bi lab) al Habib (see
Ibn 7avdan Ithaj m 30-5 an edition bv M El Fasi
has been in the couise of piepaiation foi a consid-
eiable length of time)
On his return he was sent to escort to Algena
the captives leleased bv Spain On the death of
Muhammad b 'Abd Allah he continued m the serv-
ice ol Mawlav al-\ izid 11204-0/1780-02) who sent
him on to the couit oi Chailes I\ of Spam setting
out at the end of Decembei 1700 he was leceived
bv the sovereign in Madrid on the 27th of Januarv
1701 but his mission was unsuccessful and he set
out toi home on the 18th of August the following
dav Charles IV declaied wai on Moioeco Ibn
'Uthman was however permitted to letum to Madrid
wheie he lived as a private citizen until Apnl 1702
Some verv inteiesting documents concerning his stav
in Spain have been discovered and published bv
M Arnbas Palau [La tstancia ,n Espatla dt Muhammad
ibn 'I tman [17<ll 1792) in Hisp,ns Tamuda iv/1-2 (1003)
120-02 ct the same Caitas atabis dt Maituaus tn turn
pn di Maulai al la^id [1790 1792) Tetuan 1001 1 On
the death of al-\azid Ibn 'Uthman returned to
Moioeco and enteied the service ol Mawlav Sulavman
11200-38/1702-18231 who had alreadv written to him
in Spain entiusting him with a diplomatic mission
The new sultan did not hesitate to appoint him gov-
mgs with toieign consuls in residence in Tangiei (see
M Ambas Palau Muhammad ibn 'I tman dunmada gob
imado dt Tduan a /malts dt 1792 m Htiptm Tamuda
n/1 (1001) 113-27) Because of his talents as a diplo-
mat he was also given the task of re '
nd
uadmg m 1707 the go
achieve:
i Nasn
suppoit
efused i
Iving n
nts was per-
'Abd al-Rahman
the lat-
Mawlav
Sulavman His last impoitaiit diplc
signing on 22 Ramadan 1212/2 Maich 1700 of the
treatv between Moioeco ind Spain (see M Ambas
Palau El k\to atabt dtl hatado d, 1790 tntn Espana >
Manunos in Tamuda vn (1050, 0-51) He died soon
aftei at Manakesh uheie he was travelling in the
Sultans entourage (beginning of 1214/mid-1709| and
it was his nval al-Zavvani [qt] who was entiusted
with the task oi letuimng his belongings to Meknes
IBN 'UTHMAN ai.-MIK.NAsI IBN ZAKRI
also historical document nf great value, Ibn 'Uthman
is the signatory of a considerable corpus of diplo-
matic conespondence which has lor the most part
been published and translated b> M Ambas Palau
He has also left a numbei of poems which beai wit-
ness to a consideiable poetic talent and confitm what
one might be entitled to expect oi a Moi ocean with
a stiong grounding in traditional cultuie His account
oi the joumev to Istanbul and the Hol> Places also
reflects the education that he had ieceived and it
ihvmed prose rich with religious and liteiarv ierm-
niscences On the othei hand, his othei writings are
composed in a simpler and more natuial style, a
number of dialectical ioims are encounteied heie,
and the authoi does not hesitate to transcnbe Spanish
woids when he talks about Spain and describes, not
without precision and coloui the no\ cities that he
rved n
ltion to the fundamental
IBN WAHB, i
SuLAVMAN B \\^
distinguished sec
remarkable ShrT
l-Hus
■ml t
B,bhog,ap/n
works oi M Ambas Palau given in the article
see Marrakushi, al I'lam bi man halla Marrdkush wa
Aghmdt nun al a'lam, Fas 1 355-8/ 1936-9, v, 142-
3, Ibn Zavdan Ithaf a'lam al nas, Rabat
1 347-52/ 1929-33 m, 301-5, 318-30 n, 159-68
Zavvani Tu,dj_uman, ed and tr O Houdas
he Mam dt lbU a 1812, Pans 1886, index, H
Peies, L'Espagnt im pat le\ lotageun musulmans Pans
1137. 17-29, M al-Fasr Muhammad b 'Uthman
al Uiknasi, Rabat l%l-2 M Lakhdar, lie lit
ttraue 266-71, and bibl cited there
(Ed,
>, scion of an old and
nlv and authoi oi a
irk on Arabic rhetonc, stvle and
the A al Burhan ji uudjuh al
ba\an His grandfather Sulavman was vizier to al-
MuhtadT and al-Mu'tamid, fell in disgiace under
al-Muwaffak and died in his pnson in 292/905
About his father and himself we know almost noth-
ing His floruit belongs to the first half of the 4th/ 10th
centurv His book must ha\e been composed in or
after 335/946-7, since it mentions the \izier 'All b
TsJ [q, ] as alreadv dead He is thus a contempo-
laiv of Kudama b Dja'far [//<], under whose
authorship the work was placed b\ the editois oi
the truncated Esconal ms , 'AH 'Abbadi and T
Husavn, despite stiong doubts oi the lattei and
published undei the title \akd al nathi (Cano
1351/193 3) The discovery b\ 'Air Hasan 'Abd al-
Kadu oi a complete copv of the work in the Chester
Beam Collection led A Matlub and Kh Hadrthr,
Baghdad 1387/1976) made possible the coirect iden-
tification oi author and title
The Burhan represents an interesting attempt to
appK Greek, Mu'tazili and Imarm doctnnes to Arabic
rhetoric The latter tiend is evidenced bv positive ref-
erences to some imams of the Tweher line, including
the eighth, and bv the use of principles such as takina,
'isma, zalur/bdtin, ta'nll rumuz (in the Kur'an), kitmdn
and badd' It also shows some influence of Djahiz's
Baton, but is stronglv critical of it Whethet he was
also influenced bv Kudama has not vet been con-
clusivelv proved The author also cites four wntings
oi his own, the A al-Huqjdja. A al-Idah, A al Ta'abbud
j A Asr
r has
None
Bibliography. T. Husa;
j havf
'A.H. 'Abbadi
[eds, A \akd al nathi, Cairo 1941, Intiod 20-4
'\H 'Abd al-Kadir in al Risala, xvi (1948), 1257
a and in R.4.4D, xxn (1949) 73-81 B Tabana,
Kudama b D,a'Jar ua V nakd al adabl Cairo 1373/
1954, 94-108 SA Bonebakkei (ed ), A \<M al
ihi'r, Leiden 195b, 16-20, Sh Davi al Baldgha
Mannar ua ta'nkh, Cairo 1965, 93-102, Matlub and
Hadithl I eds I, A al Burhan, Intiod 1-41, iFoi his
conception of the teim baton, see ait u in i,
1 1 1 5a) (P Shinir)
IBN WARSAND, 'AlI b al-Husavn al-Badjm.1,
ioundei oi a Shl'I sect in the Maghnb known as
the Badjahwa [see ^l-badjali] His books (kutub), in
which he gathered Shi'i legal traditions, aie quoted
bv the Kadi al-Nu'man in his A al Iddh These quo-
tations indicate that he wrote in the fust hali oi the
3rd/9th centuiv and belonged to the Musawf Shr'a,
who lecogmsed MusJ al-Kazim as their last imam
and as the Mahdl He lived and taught in Naita in
Kastfliva His doctrine seems to have been piopa-
gated first bv his son al-Hasan [see ^l-badjalI]
in Dai 'a and then, still beioie 280/89 3 bv a
Muhammad Ibn Warsand quite likelv a son oi al-
Hasan in the Sus al-Aksa There the Badjahwa
come to constitute one oi the two factions into which
the population oi Tarudant was divided and engaged
in constant fighting with the other Sunm Malik!
(action Thev supported and were led bv the Idrlsid
amir, oi the legion who were themselves converts to
then doctrine Their close association with them
piobablv lies behind the, evidentlv mistaken asser-
mate to the Hasamd descendants oi 'All to the
exclusion oi Husavmds The Badjalivva were wiped
out in Tarudant aiter the Almoiavid conquest oi the
town in 458/1066 The sect suivived however, in
Tivuywin, the second major town oi the Sus It was
most likelv absorbed or extinguished alter the mid-
dle oi the 6th/ 13th centuiv bv the Almohad move-
Bibliogiaph (in addition to the sources men-
Dtunption dt FAfrique \eptentrionalt tt saharnnm ed
H Peres, Algiers 1957, 39, Ibn Abi Zar' Rand al
kuISs ed CH Tornberg, Uppsala 1834 82,
M Talbi, L'Emirat Aghlabidi, Pans 1966 571-3,
\\ Madelung Some notes on non hmu'lli Shmm in the
Maghrib, in Stud hi xhv (1976), 87-97, Widad al-
Kadl, al Shi'a al Badjalma ji I Maghrib al \ksd, in
i ihgh al almu'tamar al auual h la'rikh al Maghnb ua
hadarahhi, i, Tunis 1979 165-94
(\\ Madelung)
IBN ZAKRi, a name oi at least two Maghnbl
scholars, one irom Tlemcen oi the 9th/15th cen-
tuiv, the other irom Fas oi the 12th/18th centuiv
As well as Zakanva' m the Kur'an (III, 37, 38, VI,
85, XIX 2, 7, XXI, 89, 90), an Arabic ioim oi the
Zachanas oi Luke d, 5-25), Maghnbl nomenclature
recognised and still recognises, among Muslims and
Jews, the name Zakri (orthographv Zekn, and, as a
patronvm, Benzekn, Benzecn and Ibnou-Zekn)
These two scholars aie
1 Ibn ZakrI (Abu "l-'Abbas Ahmad b Muhammad
al-MaghrawT al-Tihmsam) born at the beginning oi
the 9th/ 15th centurv and died in Salai 900/1494
at Tlemcen, whence his nnba Brosselard (315-16)
put an end to the uncertainties oi the Arabic biog-
raphical sources which placed the date oi his birth
sometimes in 899/1493 and sometimes in 906/
1505, and to the errors oi oial tradition which locat-
ed his burial place at Yabdar three leagues irom
21 45/1710 79
il Ubbid in
Abu M id\ in
il Sanusi the
id the tu„ si
ns of the Im
- studv the \oung Ibn Zak
l he was able to the mosque
■n 111 Ubbid al\ ikubivvai
I Ubbidi id 871/
Hidjdji ktiahta attnbutes to him enoneoush some
works ol his homomm fiom Fas
Tlemcen had a mosque bearing his name nailed
Djami Sidi Zegn [;<]) to which Biosselaid de\oted
(ontained in in ict of hubs dited 1154/1741 Foi its
put populai belief made of him a uah oi sunt ind
i Sufi ( ip ible ol perfoiming mn icles {laramat) and
ot oveuoming bv the gift of ubiquitv ttnestiial dis
tances {tiny al aid] FimlK speaking ot the uluma
ot Tlemcen in Andalusiin mthor s ud Knowledge
is with il T imsi \iitue with il Sanusi and pre
eminent e \masa) with Ibn Zikn whom anothei
described as ibn dhna I hi I son ot his urns oi son
ot Ins works
It should be added that Ibnou Zekn iMulnmmad
al Sa id b Ahmad ilZiwiwi al Djannidi piofessor
of fiih in the uppei drusion ot the Algieis madrasa
and mufti of Algiers orignnlh horn the tube ot A\t_h
ZeknotGieit kjbvlii(12b7 1522/1851 1914) authoi
'idfub ulah al^ataya bi bilad
■ Ugie
1521/
counts report some anecdotil det ills which show
i descend int of Ibn Zaku il lilimsim is al Hainiwi
him is studious obliging ind moreover gitted with
iemaiks who with a note of scepticism dechies In
the matter ol genealog\ people have to be t iken it
Hiving become in his turn a doctor ol religious
Bibhat-iaphy Ibn Minim al Bustan fi dhih
Kur mic exegesis theolog\ ind \i ibic gnmmir
al aulna nalulama bt Tihmsan Algiers 132b/
1908 Ahmad Baba \«>/ al iblihagj In tatu al
mufti and protessoi and hid tutuie m isteis as
dibadi C mo 1551/1952 170 Ibn al Kadi
disciples including Znruk 1 Ahm id b Muhimmid
Djadhtat al iktibas fi man hall mm al a lam madi
b IsailBumusi ilFisi 84b 79/ 1442 95 see Ben
nut Fas hth Fis 1509/1891 Ibn \skai Da thai
Cheneb no al Biockelmmn S II 361) who was
al nashu hth Fis 1509/1391 , 38 Ifr mi Safaat
i cobbler Ibn Maizuk ( Abm id b Muhimmid liafid
man intasjiai ed H idjdji Ribat 1396/ 192b 119
al Hafif [q ] d 925/1519) A.bu Abd All ih
21 Kidni I Muhimmid b il 1 ivvibl \ashi al
Muhimmid b Muhammad b al Abb is d
niatham hth Fis 1510/1392 \\ arthil ini \ujat
•120/ 151 j see Ibn Mai \ am 259) Ahmid b
al aiKai Algiers 1j26/1908 Brosselaid Lis
Muhimmid b il Hadjdj ilManniwild 9,0/1521
insniptwns aiabts dt Tltnutn in R.A (1358 61)
see Ibn Maivam 8 17 13 2,1
Abbe Barges Lomplimint a I hislom d,s Btm ~man
His biognphers have also noted that he had i
wis dt Tltnutn Pins 1887 Hafnawi Tan] al
memoi ible contio\eis\ doubtless theological with his
hhalaf bi ridjal al salaf Algiers 1 524/ 1906 i 58
rival ilSmusi (Muhimmid b 1 usut b Umai b
41 Ben Cheneb Etudi sui Its' posunna^ts mtntionms
Shinvb 8j0 95/1427 90 [q ]) and that he is the
dans' Udia a du ( htilh Abd El hadu ,1 Fan Pans
author ot the following writings
1907 218 244
2 Ibn Zvkri (Abu \bd Allah Muhimmid b
la) Bughyat al tahb ft shaih ihdat Ibn al Hadjib (Esc
Abd alRmmin UFisi) bom it in unknown d ite
2 1558 Fis kanwiwin 1594 see Biockelmann I
in Fis when he llw i\s lived ind where he died in
ibi al Man^uma al labia fi ibn allalam i theologi
c il tieitise ot mote thin 1500 veises in tadja metr,
also entitled Muhasul (or \Mammil) al mat and (Fsc 2
1561 Rabat 89 Fis Karawmin 15b9 1571 1587)
which wis made the ob]ect ot a comment irv in two
veisions one long md one short entitled \«^ra al
faia id is mubdi I faixa id II muhassil al makasid b\ Ahmid
ilMindjui (926 95/1579 87 [q ])
!d Comm on al Uaralat fi u ul al fikh of al Djuw ivm
(Abu 1 Ma ill A.bd ilMihkb AbdAlhh c illed
Imim alHanmavn [a ] entitled Qhayal al maiam
bishaih mukaddimal al imam Cairo i 590 see Biockel
mann S I 672
bbagh] n
a this
35
classes given b\ the litters fnend Abu Abd Allih
Mihimmad b Abd al Rahmin b Abd al Kadir
alFisi [see u r«i in Suppl ] He also tollowed the
lee Hues given b\ Abu Abd Allah Muhimmad othei
wise known as il H idjdj il Khivv it il Ruk i
(d 1115/170 5 see ilkidin n 172 ilKittim i
2 50) ilw i\s stiving shvlv at the reai ot the uidito
num One oi the other or both ot these two sjiayljs
noticed the pertinenc e of the questions th it he asked
them ind the active p irt th it he took in discussions
ind the\ immediatelv suggested tc
(d) al Mast,
(f) Masail
(gi IntiiKa
' almalasid
i the
ind
ved The
ipon them
ition Then idvice was tol
-ompleted his education with
A.bu Abd AllihMuhammid
b Abd ilRidn UFisi [see al fasi in Suppl ]
Ahmid Ibn ilHidjdj (d 1109/1697 see Lakhdai
107 8 and Index) Mm Abd -\llah Muhimmad
b Ahmad ilMisniwi 1 1072 1 1 5b/lb0l 1724 see
ilKidin n 204 ilk mini m 44 Ben C heneb !}
•; Levi-Prove
, 301). He
veller:
i Sufi:
that he was well
cology, metrics,
biography, histor
explana
■very Thursday and
-ding to the Hikam
ch success that the
ipidly-growing audi-
in this context his biographers
ing that he was unrivalled, and
ed in other branches of scl
effort a
, epist.
i and deduc
, genealogy.
=; those who attended his lectures were: his
own master al-Masnawi, mentioned above; Mas'Qd al-
Tahiri al-Djuti (d. 1150/1737, see al-Kattani, i, 326);
Abu'l-Hasan 'Air b. Muhammad al-ManalT al-Zabadi
(d. 1163/1750, see al-Kattani, ii, 187); al-Wazir al-
Ghassani (1063-1146/1653-1733, Lakhdar, 122-5)
who wrote his biography in a pamphlet entitled al-
'Arf al-sihn ji ba'd Jada'il Ibn ^abT, of which a man-
uscript copy is to be found in the Ahmadiyya library
in Fas (see Ibn Suda, i, no. 724, p. 189); Gannun,
288, attributes it, probably mistakenly, to the above-
mentioned al-Zabadi.
In 1140/1727 he performed the duty of haaidj.
and noticing, while passing through Cairo, the peo-
ple's addiction to tobacco, he took it upon himself
to embark on a campaign for the prohibition of
this, which he regarded as a vice. The result of this
campaign was the convening, at the University of
colloqc
i the
which
his arguments commanded respect, although the
objection was raised that he was speaking as a
Maliki, whereas in Egypt one was either a HanafT
or a Shafi'i. He asked his opponents: "Would you
smoke in the presence of the Prophet?" — "No," was
the reply, "abstinence would be imposed by decen-
cy and by respect for the Prophet".— "Well then,"
he added abruptly, "should not anything that can-
not be done in the presence of the Prophet be for-
bidden? To abstain from the performance of a
duty is a bid'a (culpable innovation) and bid'a and
indeo
tside the v
of the Prophet and believe oneself bla
hypocrisy!" Disconcerted, the 'ulama' of al-Azhar
Ibn ZakrF al-Fasi enjoyed visiting the chorfa of
Wazzan, in particular Mawlay al-Tayyib (d. 1089/
1679), and was associated with their disciple and biog-
rapher al-Hadjdj al-Khayyat al-Ruk'i, whose pupil
he was. He was ultimately regarded as a miracle-
worker who believed that, when wide-awake, he had
seen the Prophet. It is also said that, endowed with
a considerable fortune, he used it to render aid to
the disinherited.
His writings, dealing with various subjects, were, it
is said, "numerous, read and studied to advantage
almost everywhere." These are, on the one hand,
commentaries on works of grammar, theology and
mysticism composed by Muslim authors of East and
West, and annotations and glosses which have for the
most part been left incomplete, and on the other
hand, didactic poems concerning various matters,
and at least one original prose work. Kattani, i, 158,
supplies the following list:
Sharh al-Farida fi 1-nahw wa'1-tasrlf wa'l-khatt of
al-Suyuti (lith. Fas 1319/1901); Sharh al-Hikam
;iosses by " Zarruk (Ahmad b. Ahmad b. Tsa
il-BurnusI al-Fasi (846-99/1442-93 [ ? .».]), not to
nention other commentaries, of which the most
mportant would seem to be that of the Spanish
nystic Ibn 'Abbad al-Rundi entitled Ghayth
'l-mawahib al-'aliyya, Bulak,
ockelm.
, 143-4:
145-7, ]
thf
-Rundi and Ibn 'Ata' Allah; Sharh al-kawa'id fi
'asawivuf by Zarruk, considered the most impor-
lt and the best known of the ratter's writings,
.iro 1318/1900 (see Brockelmann, S II, 326); Sharh
Nasiha al-kafiya li-man khaiia-hu Allah bi'l-'SJha by
; same Zarruk (see Brockelmann, S II, 361~, who
Sharh Salat 'Abd al-Salam b. Masltish, also known as
al-Salat al-mashishiyya (see its text in al-Fasi (Abu
'Abd Allah and Abu Hamid Muhammad al-'Arabi
b. Yusuf, 988-1052/1580-1643), 63; in Gannun, 356,
and in Hadjdji, 1 75) which has been the object of
146; Levi-Provencal, 312); notes (ta'atlk) on al-
Bukhari's compilation, exegesis of Kur'anic verses,
an incomplete marginal gloss (hdshiva) on the com-
mentary by Ibn Hisham on the Alfiyya of Ibn Malik,
poems on various subjects, miscellanea mentioned
by al-Kadiri and al-Kattani" whose continued e
t be
-rified;
Ham;
- of
the Prophet, modelled on that of al-Busin [q.v.
Suppl.], with a commentary in two volumes (mss.
Rabat K. 1372 and 1245); an original work which,
after his death, seems to have caused a sensation
in Morocco and which bears two titles, al-Sayf
al-sarim fi'l-radd 'ala'l-mubtadf al-zalim and al-Fawa'id
al-muttaba'a fi'l-'awa'id al-mublada'a; in these he pro-
pounds the thesis according to which "merit is a
matter of piety, not of genealogy." This work exists
in a manuscript volume in the library of 'Abd al-
Rahman b. Zaydan at Meknes (see Ibn Suda, i,
no. 418, p. 118). It aroused among the Moroccan
'ulama' a polemic which lasted for almost a centu-
ry, on the problem of racism and anti-racism. Al-
Kadirl, who could have known Ibn Zakn at the
age of twenty, since he died only forty-two years
later than him, at the age of sixty, claims that he
heard a very widespread rumour (muslaflda) that the
latter had been responsible for the publication of a
book in support of the Shu'iibiyya, which asserted
the superiority of non-Arabs over Arabs; he adds
that all the contemporary men of religion reproached
him for this and vilified him ruthlessly and justly.
In the long biographical notice which he devotes
to him, al-Kadiri invokes the authority of more than
twenty teachers, and derives support from many
Kur'anic verses and hadiths in the attempt, first to
give a definition of the Shu'ubiyya, those who put
non-Arabs and Arabs on the same le\-el and those
who put non-Arabs above Arabs, and then to lay-
emphasis on the merits of the Arabs, who gave
birth to the Prophet Muhammad and supported him
in his noble mission, finally concluding that, as
regards Muslim law, all Muslims, irrespective of
race and irrespective of the period in which they
embraced Islam, enjoy equal rights. However, a
careful reading of this article gives the impression
that, according to al-Kadin, Ibn Zakrl had appoint-
ed himself the spokesman of Muslims of Jewish ori-
gin, then very numerous in Fas, who did not care
for the Arabs, to whom they denied any distinctive
merit, making no exceptions in this regard even for
IBN ZAKRl — IBRAHIM SHlRAZl
the in\ai the kuiavsh and the paients ot the
exphcith gave a privileged status Fuithermoie these
neo-Mushms puded themsehes on being the descen-
dants of the Banu Isia'il and of the piophets Musa
Harun Zakamva and otheis and on this account
thev considered themselves superior to the \iabs
Bv his action attain in the woids of al-kidm Ibn
Zakn had committed a repiehensible deviation and
cut himself ofl fiom the faith thus deserving the
selves to be led astiav bv passion Moieover had
he not spent his time anions; gioups of men ot
his own kind men hv 11115 m east ancl opulence who
arranged perioimanccs of musi< al enteitainment 111
his presence and whose svmpathv he made great
became his disuples ?
More than halt a centuiv betoie Mawaia al-
\kbar (Abu Abd Allah Muhammad al-Fasi 999-
1072/1590-1662 see al-kadin 235 al-kattam 1, 105
Levi-Provcneal 259 n 4 7°i had also wntten a
book dealing with this problem and entitled \asihal
al mughtanin fi I ladd 'ala dhaui I tafnka bmn al Mmlimm
(Roval Lib Rabat ms 7248 fols 7 la- 123b) its
authoi accoidmg to al-kadin had a valid excuse
the neo-Mushms were the victims of haiassment and
even persecution on the pait of Muslim \rabs
Mayvaia took their part ai 3111113 in favoui ol the
umtv of the Muslim commumtv
Ninetv veais alter Ibn Zakn Abu 1- Abbas
\hmad b Abd al-Salam b Muhammad al-Bannam
(d 1234/1818)— the Bannini familv is known to
• been of Jewish origin- took up the defence
\hfat al mahami mm akhba, al shaikh Ml I Uahaun
lith Fis 1324/19(1(1 iusi Muhadarat hth Fas
1317/1899 Ifnni Safixat man mlashai Hth Fas n d
al-kadin \a±i al matham hth Fas 1310/1892 al-
kattam Salaal al'anfas hth Fas 3 vols 131b/ 1898
al-Nasm A al Isliha li a/Jba, al \Iaghnb al Iksa
Cano 1312/1894 and Casablanca 1956 Ben
Cheneb Elude su> In ptisonnaqei mintiomun dans I Id/aza
du ChuUi 'Ud alkadn a/Fan Pans 19(17 Levi-
Piovencal Climja Pans 1922 Gannun (Abd Allah)
al \iibugh al maghnbi fi I adab al 'aiabi Tetuan
1350/1837 3 vols Ibn Suda Dalil mu'aiiikh al
\lajinb al lha Casablanca 1 19bU 11 19b5
M Hadjdji al ~<mna al dila'ma Rabat H84/1964
M Lakhdar \ie lithiam 169-71 and index
3 H al-kattim 11 lbll devotes a brief biogia-
phrcal notrce to another Ibn Z\kri i <\bu 1- Abbas
\hmad d 1154/1741 in Fis) who is none othei
than the son ol the pieceding and who lrved an
ascetic life 111 the khalua ot the well-known Moiotcan
saint Sidi Bushta Abu 1-Shita 5 )
(M rUDj-S^DOh)
IBRAHIM SHlRAZl better known as Hadjdji
Ibrahim Shirazi was a Persian Pnme Minister
of the eailv kadjar period and a most influential
His tathei the one-eved Hadjdji Hashim repoit-
edlv ot Jewish stock had seemed him a position of
■-■■■■ [qi](A
: per
lod v
il-Zakn
; objec
followed the death ot kanm
terrng attitude which he took tow aids his chiet Mnza
Muhammad kalantai eained him the tavoui ot the
Zand 1 tiler Dja'tar khan who subsequentlv on the
wrthdrawal and death ot Mirza Muhammad offered
him the office ot the kalantar ot Shnaz (1200/1782)
Lutf Ah khan Zand the vouthtul son and suc-
cessor ot Dja'tar khan added his iather unthinking
suppoit
a this
titles as iollows Tahlnat al adhan it a 1 niasanu' b,
ot his ensuing stiuggle against the kadi 11 \ka
Muhammad khan he entrusted the holding ot his
almadjam,' al \lanhal al'adhb al mumi fi nusiat al
capital to this uathei dubious lalantai
'a/lama Ibn ~«A» Buslan al fan a' id al muhdalhat al
Hidjdji Ibnhim howevei eithei in oidei to
bada'i' Raskj al daiab hi tafdil Bam hia'il ual'iiab
protect his tellow-t ltizens against the consequences
1 these five titles aie those ot the first book which
compnses two volumes the hist of which still exists
fiom a losing cause was brought to betiav his
in pi iv ate hands in Fas see Ibn Suda no 250
biave but tM annual soveieign Thus in 1205/1791
p 84) allladfh al mughn 'ala nuwat al 'alia ma Ibn
while Luti Ah and his soldieis had camped out-
Zakn al Tadhyil »« hhifa al ghalil ta 1 alat da' al
side Shiraz and the capital was entrusted to Hadjdji
Ibrahim an incident in the Zand camp plotted bv
Minna for the second book completed in 1222/1807
the Hadjdji togethei with a surpnse coup d etat
111 one volume which still exists in the fo.m of an
autogiaph manustiipt bv Muhammad b Abd al-
Shmz lesulted 111 Lutt Airs fleeing upon which
Sallam Bannam and which wis appaienth a kind
Shiriz was lost for ever to the Zand Meanwhile
of commentarv on a lasida of about thiee hundied
as Hidjdji Ibrahrm probablv due to hrs tear ot a
verses composed bv \\m 'Umai 'Uthman b Ah
Zand revanche made an appeal to the kadjars
al-iusi Id 1084/1674 see al-Itiam 113 al-kadin
Aka Muhammad khan occupied Shrraz and
11 13 al-iusi in Jim Ben Cheneb !) a) in replv
appomted — not without some reservation — the old
to those who denrgrate the ments of the Banu Isra'il
lalantai as the Gov einoi -General ot the whole
and who maintain wronglv that Islam owes them
piovince ot Pars (1206/1791) Neveitheless when
nothing (see Ibn Suda no 427 and 1954 pp
aftei the extnpation of the Zands and piobablv
120 and 426)
in oidei to cuib the local influence ot Hadjdji
This controversv ovei racism ind anti-racism at
Ibrahim Shnaz and the whole province ot Fais
the end of the 12th/ 18th centuiv and at the begin-
weie granted to the kadjar Ciown Punce Baba
ning of the 13th/ 18th centurv thiows an unexpected
khan lie the later Fath Ah Shah) the Hadjdji
light on the ideas and pie-oct upations of the
was given 111 honoiific title of I'timad al-Dawla
Moioccan thinkers ot that time and on their atti-
[</ t ] with a lathei nominal piemieiship to keep
tude towaids non-\iabs and Jews convened to
him as an attendant in the Shah s letmue
11209/1795)
Biblw V apln Fasi (Muhammad il Aiabi)
Under fath ' \h Shah who owed his accession
IBRAHIM SHIRAZI - IBRIK
s made bv the ol
.ns biotheis an
, thioughout the Per
i of h
romance along with the ol
presented to the Shah
foiled or authentic — to prove his involvement in
treasonable activities -\ roval decree issued in great
and prosecute Hadjdji Ibiahim and all his lela-
ti\es at one time on a previouslv fixed date in
Tehran and the provinces (1215/1801) Of all
his male descendants onlv two small bo\s were
Hadjdji Ibrahim s downfall in which his rival
Mirza ShafT Mazandarani had an important role
was later deplored bv Fath 'All Shah His political
opponents however did not cease to criticise him
severelv foi his so-called treacherous character his
selfish impetuositv and his lack of tact in diplomatic
affairs
Bibliography '\bd al-Razzak b Nadjaf-Kuh
Ma'athir i sultamna 71-4 DhaU i Mir ' Ibd al Kanm
i a \ka Muhammad Rida bar la'nkh i Giti Gusha\ ed
Sa'id Nafisi Tehran 1319 339-95 Ptimad al-
Saltana M Hasan Khan Sadr al tauankh Tehran
1349 12-43 Hadjdji Mirza Hasan-i Fasa'i Fan
nama m Mann Tehian 1314 249-50 \hmad Mirza
<\dud al-Dawla Ta'rikh i '\dudi ed H Kuhi-i
Kirmam Tehran 1328 51 Rida kuli Khan-i
Hidavat Raudat al safa' i havn new ed Tehran
1339 ix 367-70 Mahdi-vi Bamdad Ta'nkh i na\al
i ban ham i 12 13 14 Tehian i 21-8 Sir J
Malcolm Histon of Ptrsia London 1861 n 217-
24 Sn HJ Brvdges The dwash of tht Kadjars
London 1833 p cxli R& Watson 4 histon of
Ptrsia London 1886 P Horn Gesihichte ham m
islamuhet ^tit, in Or b Phil n index, Sn P S\kes
i histon of Persia" London 1930 n 295-b 302 see
also the Bibl to karim khan zw
( \ H Z \rrinkoob)
IBRlK (in Islamic art) a term used for anv kind
of ewei lnespective of function oi material but
geneiallv a vessel foi pouring water oi wine Together
with a basin it is also used for washing hands and
feet Other terms for specific kinds of ewers are kubra
or bulbula (see \bu Nuwas Dman ed Wagner i
Beirut 1958 54 3)
The chionologv and geographical origin of earlv
metal eweis up to the 4th/ 10th centuiv have not
vet been defimtelv established The\ can be classi-
fied tvpologicallv into five groups representing a
slow departuie fiom mainl\ Sasamd and Soghdian
iwards the forma
shapes The
r bodies with an emphasis on
the lowei part of the bod\ in the earlier phases
shifting to the foimation of shoulders a develop-
ment of shapes in which the tiansition between bodv
neck mouth and foot is dearlv marked and set off,
and a preference for faceted shapes One group is
chaiactensed bv a bipartite neck which is contract-
ed in its lower pait and is cvlindncal and faceted
in the upper half The ovoid or cvlindncal bodv
lests on three small feet i Sunn PI 244\) \nothei
gioup is best known fiom the Marwan ewer in
Cairo {Suney Pis 245-6) but its traditional association
with the Umawad caliph Maivvan has to be dis-
caided The chronologicallv latest tvpe has an ovoid
bodv a low footling and a straight shghtlv flaring
neck with a fiat lip It is well-balanced in piopor-
tion and its shape was letained up to Saldjuk times
Except foi one gioup (the 'Marwan ewer) the han-
dles meet the neck bv its lip Popular tvpes of thumb
rests are a pomegianate or a full palmette
Between the earlv 5th/ 11th and the beginning of
the 7th/ 13th centurv workshops in Khurasan and
Transoxama produced bionze ewers which carrv an
oil lamp-shaped spout Earlv examples have been
found in •Uhsikath in ancient Faighana and in
Shahrastan ancient Ushiusana Late 6th/ 12th to
earlv 7th/ 13th centurv specimens are inlaid with sil-
vei and copper One ewei in Pans is dated
58b/ 1 190-1 (Sunn PI 1309*) Khuiasaman work-
shops active in the late 5th/ 11th and bth/12th cen-
turies also produced ewers with a high raised spout
Some have spherical bodies while in other cases
the bodv is either melon-shaped faceted or fluted
One of the fluted ewers is signed bv Mahmud b
Muhammad al-Harawi and dated 577/1181 (Maver
Islamu mtlahiorkirs 1959 59 for the whole group
see -\bu 1 Faradj al-'Ush 4 bron-t aur mth a high
spout The dates suggested bv the authoi aie debat-
able)
In the 7th/ 13th centurv Mosul Damascus and
Cairo workshops produced nchlv decoiated inlaid
biass ewers with a pear-shaped plain oi faceted
bodv cvlindncal neck and straight spout Dated and
signed specimen are the Blacas ewer in the Bntish
Museum (Barrett Islamic rmtaluork 1949 pis 12-13)
and two ewers in Pans (Rice, Inlaid brasses appen-
nd 21) The pear-shaped bodv and
aight
fea
of
8th/ 14th centurv Mamluk ewers Thev have
bodv which is contracted in its lower part and the
neck is surmounted bv a top-heav\ cup (The arts of
Islam Havward Gallerv 1976 no 216| Ewers with
a stronglv swelling bodv curving spout and handle
a contracted oi funnel-shaped neck and a high
splaved foot occui in 9th/ 15th centuiv Egvpt and
Iran simultaneouslv (J Caiswell Six tiles) Their
occurrence on painted tiles from Cano and Damascus
suggests a wider distribution than that attested to
bv preseived objects Eweis depicted on contempo-
tinuation of this tvpe in the lOth/lbth and later
Ceiamic eweis follow the metal shapes veiv
closelv Some earlv ceramic rendenngs even imitate
solder-ing marks Ewers with a fluted or cvlindncal
bodv and a raised spout are particulailv common
among Persian monochiome glazed lehef wares of
the 6th/12th and 7th/13th centunes
Wine ewers and washing services are frequentlv
depicted in miniatures and other media (for 8th/ 14th
centurv washing sets see M S Ip?iroglu, Saiat
alben Diez sche Klebebande aus den Berhnei
Sammlungen, Wiesbaden 19b4 pis \\ II and
Will)
Bibliography Geneial books * U Pope
(ed) 4 sunn oj Pirsian ait Oxfoid 1938-9 & Wiet
Obiets- en luan Cat Gen du Musee \iabe du C aire
1932 Monographs on single objects K
Erdmann Mamischi Guss-gefasv dts 11 Jafohundtits-
m Pantheon, xxn (Jul v -Dec 1938) 251-4 DS Rice
Studies in Islamu mttahork II in BS04S xv/1 ^935)
66-79 idem in unpublished Mosul liter dahd
627/1229 in BS04S, xv/2 (1953) 22^-2,2 idem
Inlaid brass-es jrom the workshop oj \hmad al Dhaki
alUausih in in aruntahs n 11957) U VfrnUi
Oggitti mitalhci di da hlamua in Afghanistan 11 11
Riposhglmdi \taimana m ■UL<>\ NS \i\/2 Niples
1%4 \S Mehkiin Chir\im Cm Hi medits dt I epnqut
di Qa itbat in hunst da (hunts \i/2 ( lQb^) 110
24 B Mil sink Btmui eiet from Sammfant in
\ \ I\ino\ ind SS Sorokm (eds ) SieinyaiH
i^iia i ban I C entnl \sn ind Ii m i Lemngi id
1472 bl 40 (with English sumimrvl \bn 1 Find)
il Ush -1 bron^t tu.it nth a high spout in the \hhopolitan
\Iusnim of ht in Islamu lit in tht Metmpnhtan \lusium
of in ed R Ettinghiusen New \< " '""
1 fl Foi
IDRIS b al HUSAYN b \bi Numavi \
jhirit ot Mecci in the eirh 1 1th/ 1 7
ur\ He wis born in 474/1 5b6 ind bet u
t Ish
his brothei \bu Ti
lb ni
d in
roniunrtio
1 with his
nephew Muhsin Th
s dm
ion o
powei ended how
appirenth
o\ei Iduss retinue
illowe
rs {khudda
i) md in
1034/1624 5 the tin
uh d
posed
Idus fion
i the gov
ernship of the Hidj rz m f
if Muhsin
dining th
Mecn
The ion
which Idus piomis
ed t<
Ten
ilto™t*her
He now fell ill ind died
is buiied
t \ itib in
the Djibil Shimrr
7 Dj
imidi II
11)34/25
ICHTHYOLOGY
ICOGLAN [see
jjii\sh which he ided the Musti li 1-mibi daua
* the beginning of the 7th/ 1 ith tentun He w is
i in 744/1342 in the fortiess of Shib mi i high
, ot Mount Hmz ind i stionghold ot the
nhs In 832/1428 he succeeded his uncle \h
\bd \llih is the nineteenth da i Besides being
i di therein i eg lining control of sexenl Ism i ill
He died cm 14 Dhu 1 ki da 872/10 June
ted hist.
14b8
He is consideied the
the daua His tluee hi>
5th/llth c
15th centu
, The h
, until the
■ Isn
• the nv
1 half ot the c
rv of the Ism nh imams md the F itimid d\mst\ It
also contuns wlu ible infoimition on the beginning
of the daua in \imin md m the Suh\hids [/ ]
The second woik \ujat al aflat in two \olumes
deils with the Ism i ill histon m \ imin tspeciilh
ittei the colhpse of the Sulnhids until the \eu
853/1444 ind is consideied to be the most impoi
tint souice for the thiee bundled \en histon, ot the
Auatheie The thud woik entitled Raudat al alhlat
ein the
Billing,
iph-i Th
e mnn
biogr
iphll
il notice is
in Muhibb
Mulai
a, C
1284/lSb7
8 i 380 4
see ilso
Uthn"
in b
Bish
al Nidjdi
Inuan al
nadld fi
taulh
\ad l d
Ri
idh 1385
/!%:> 3
ii \hn
ndb
Znni
Dili
in hhulasa
allalam fl
balad
ram Cino
1 505/185-7
!- 64 b
Zinkli
al \
am
2bb
iEd i
al IDRISl
Diam.
L AL
Din
DjAFAR
Muhammad
l Kasim (d
b44/1251) uppei Eg
ptnn
lUtl
oi ofMoioccin
bukgiound w
ho wiote
undei
the \
v\ub
d suit in il
Otton
in philologist \bd il Ki
dn b Un
mi il
Bigjid
idi id 104j/1W2
[q ] wh
compiled — on the
bisis
oi Idnsi s writing
A \Iahad
/' «dl
,1 alahiam
Idi
sis ti Kt on th
P\i imid
i ind ht
s is distin
nnshed
subiec
t b\ its s\stemit
c ind co
lose stiuct
me its
comp
ehensneness ind
the ngoi
his ipphci
Hon ot
the te
chmques ind sti
ndnds ol
hadith sch(
hi ship
to his
piesentition Ei
h ot the
of the
is i complete sh
iph Ch
deils
with the geme of the pi^in aaja
tb ind the
p itibi
of Ishm
ronsidenbl
oted to the que
the PMim
iminH r
nentioned
Kur
1 Idnsi \igoiou
1\ defends
the p.otec
tion ot
events ire biought up to the \en 87(l/14b5 Both
the Phaiaomi monuments He n imes is witnesses
the litter woiks ne of gieit impoitmce since the\
foi his stindpoint the Sahaba who wiote pious gr if
deil with contempoi n\ events met shed light on in
liti on the P\nmids settled ind died in Djizi in
obscuie penod ot \imim histon
the shidow ot these pigin stiuetuies ind whose
In iddition to pineguus of the (mams md the
hinds were not stietched out to them (se the
dais his poetic Dman contuns some histoncil mloi
P\nmids) in bid intent Ims Munich \umei 417
mition His work on Isrrn lb doctnne entitled ~aht
tol 32i) He even contrives to dechie Djizi b\
alma a til is leguded is the highest ichuvement on
vntue of the Sahabas piesence i hol\ 1 md \atd
hala il [q ] evei reiched b\ the \inraii daua He
mukaddasa) ind i inks the ^iyam to these adja ib-
ilso composed se\ei il lefutitions ot Sunni /ndi
tokens of Gods m uest\ ind w lining— is obhgitions
md Mu tizih doctrines Most of his works hi\e sui
lneumbent upon e\ei\ scholn coming to the nei
\ived ind hi\e been piesened m pin itt collec
signs of l stiong locil pioEg\ptnn qu isi Shu ubi
Bibliugtap/n The mun biognphie il souues
bus Idnsi tikes up the tapas ot the legendm intel
hgence of the Eg\ptnns md skilfulb intel twines it
ilso Ism nl b \bd ilRisul ilMidjdu Fihtist
tustK with the tndition (horn I hitat Masisun
ed Mi Niki Munziwi Tehnn 19bb -.4 44 7 5
al Rahib) th it the dust ot Djizi ind of \nsini/
7 85 47 10-, 150 1 259 42 270 275 7 foi i
detnled descnption ot his woiks md souices see
i tihsmm which gnes the people of Eg\pt then
Ismul Poomwili BMiograph of Isma ill htoatuti
Mihbu Cihf 1477 lb4 75
Heimes [see hirmiz] whom he intioduted is the
function as one builder of the Pyramids In the late
13th and the 14th century we observe the dra-
matic widening oi this chasm between iconoclastic
Muslim zealots and the moderates oi Idrisi s kind
who point at the unadulteiable place ol these 'adja'ib
within Muslim Heils^esihuhh
In chs 2 to b Idnsi gives \aluable data on the
sites ol Djiza many ol which aie not lepeated by
later compilers He gives a detailed descnption
also architectural oi the way the travellei takes from
the Bab Zuwayla the south gate of the Fatimid utv
ol Cairo to the Pyramids He mentions all the
holders ol high oflite who between the da\s ol
al-Ma'mun and his own came to the Pyramids
often in seaich foi tieasmes matahb as the Egyptians
say The Fatimid period saw the apogee oi activities
aiound the Pyramids in al-Afdal b Badr al-Djamah s
days hres were lit on top ol the Great Pyramid in
certain nights Idrisi gi\es a list oi contemporary schol-
ais who saw or wiote on the Pyramids among them
Ibn al-Djawzi 'Abd al-Latil al-Baghdadi (whose
description ol the Pyramids and the Sphinx he faith-
tully reproduces) and Ibn Mammati (who composed
a book on the Pyramids which Idnsi counts among
his souices) but also mm ghaii ahl at I ibla horn among
the non-Mushms the emoy oi Fiedenck II to al-
Kamil (Count Thomas oi Acerra') who showed gieat
zeal in deciphering a Latin insciiption on the Pyramid
of Cheops
Idns
devo
■ whether the Pyramids were built betoie or after
the Deluge He piesents the arguments ol those who
held the latter position (among them a Jewish authoi
who claims Aristotle as buildei oi the two great
Pyiamids) yet in an uncompiomising tashion letutes
their theones toi the othei antediluvian even pre-
Adamite theory Untortunately the sphinx \bu I
Haul [qi] is given only passing mention Too many
stones circulated about it as he complains
Bibliography Brockelmann I 478-9 S I 879
f Hadjdji khalifa hashf al zumm i 1833 482
4j 1412 U Haaimann Die Sphinx Sinkretistisiht
( olksrehyositat im spatmittdatterluhen islamisihen igtpten
in Saetulum (1978) passim idem Da SehaU mi
Hauptt da Sphinx in Die islamisthi Wilt zu-isihen
Mttklalta und \w^eit Beirut 1979 passim
(U HERMANN)
al-'IDWI al-HAMZAWI Has*n one ol the pnn-
cipal piotagonists ol the events pieceeding
the Butish occupation ol Egypt in 1882 was
born in the village oi 'Idwa neai Maghagha in al-
Minya province, Upper Egypt in 1221/1806
He studied at al-Azhar [q.v.] and taught theie trom
1242/1826-7 onwards. He was a man of consider-
able wealth, which allowed him to spend geneiously
on pious works and the publication of his wntings
However, his inability adequately to regulate his finan-
cial affairs led to solvency problems and to a case
raised against him in Court by the owner of the print-
ing press, al-Matba'a al-Kastiliyya, where he had most
of his books printed (cf. al-Afukatu katiski (ed ),
Risala ... 'an al-da'wa allati bayn . . . Musa Kastill a a
'l-Shaykh Hasan al-'Idwl, Cairo 1287/1870-1). In these
works, which are listed in Brockelmann, GAL, II, 486,
S II, 729, he concerns himself mainly with Jikh and
related issues, while in addition he wrote on hadith
tawhld and tasawwuf. His writings pertaining to the lat-
ter field reflect his adherence to al-Shadhiliyv a older
[q.v.]. He had been initiated into various branches of
this tonka, amongst others into al-'Afifiyya [see \l-
'afIfI above].
He was among the idigious notables who actively
suppoited the khedive Isma'il in his effoits to countei
the dangei of increasing international control and
played a significant role in the events pieceeding the
khedive s deposition in 1879
His role dining the 'Uiabi [q L ] insuirection when
he sided with the 'Uiabiyyun and publicly demanded
the deposition of the khedive Tawftk caused his an est
following the British occupation ol Cano in Septem-
ber 1882 He was set dee in the course of the sub-
sequent court proceedings against those involved in
the n
t he i.
? e of 'Idwa He died in Cairo on 17
Ramadan 1303/19 June 1885 and was buried in
the now -demolished mosque which had been con-
structed by him neai the mosque oi al-Husayn (ci
'Mi Mubarak, Khitat v 48) and close to the newly-
eiected mosque named altei him where his shnne
may be lound today (cl the monthly al Muslim, xix
(Cano 1969) 9 4)
Bibliography For biographies see 'Mi Mubarak
Khitat xiv 37 where al-Tdwi s role in the 'Urabi
insurrection is omitted (ct G Baei Studus in the
soaal history of modem Egypt Chicago-London 1969
243) Zaki Muhammad Mudjahid al i'lam al
shall ma Cairo 1950 n 98 Muhammad al-Bashir
Zafir al-Azhan al 1 anal it al thamina ji a') an madhhab
'ahm alMadina Cano 1324-5/1906-7 i 126 1
khavr al-Dm al-Zmkli al i'lam n 214 For addi-
tional biogiaphical data see Ilyas al-'Ayvubi Ta'nlh
Mis, ji I 'ahd al Khidin Isma'il Basha mm sanat 1663
ila ■.anal 1879 Cano 1923 i 42 1 and AM
Bioadley Hon ut defended itabi and his fnend% London
1884 365 ff 369 f On his tan! a allegiance see
Muhammad Zaki Ibrahim Dalit al mudjmal ila al
tanlaal Mi/hammadma al Shadhilma Cairo 19b9 49
For al-'Idwi s role in the events refened to in the
aiticle see A Scholch \gypten din \gtphrn Die poll
tisih, und gesellsihaftluht Arise da Jahie 1679 1662 in
iglpkn Zunch-Fieibuig i Br nd passim wheie fur-
ther ieferences may be found
(F deJong)
IKA '(form IV fiom it I ') literally to let fall
the wand (kadib) in order to maik the rhythm in
ihvthm
, denot
the sense
notes The early Islamic ila' can be considered as a
ioreiunner oi mediaeval European mensura Based on
onental practices inheiited by the Arabs it shows
elements oi Gieek rhythmos and similarities to Indian
tala Accoiding to Saff al-Din al-Urmawi the loots
of ika" go back to Sasamd Iian, where Indian musi-
The internal structure of Ika' is obviously oi Arab
ongin being built up in analogy to the piosodic rules
oi Aiab poetry One ika' consists oi two "cycles"
(adaai), each ol them being composed oi seveial "basic '
notes [usul) and a pause ( fasila) In modifying the
basic notes, the musician gets at the metrical patterns
oi the chosen 'iorm' (djms) oi ika' The early music
schools knew seven oi eight torms, namely al thakil
al auiLttl al thakil al thani, at ramal, al hazaqj and then
'quick" \khafif) ioims
Al-khalil b Ahmad (d 175/791) author of a lost
hitab al Ika' is regarded as the "inventor' oi this sci-
mtormation about the Sa'-theones oi more than ten
authoi s up to the 5th/ 11th century, the most impor-
tant being al-Farabi, who dedicated two chapteis oi
his Kitab al Musiki al kabli and two rcmaikable mono-
graphs to this subject
IKA< — IKHTIYARIYYA
The ika tradition of the Mawsih school piesei\ed
n the Kitab al ighani oi \bu 1 F.iadj .1 Isbaham
.eisisted ioi a long time, in Spain whilst the de\el
ipment in the Eastern caliphate had .head) gnen
311th to moie ehbonte systems The meties described
n SaiT alDin alUimawi id <><1V12Q4) led to the
msic musical piacticc of the last intemation il school
>i \bd al kidii alMaraghi (d 8i8/l455 as well as
o the Usui au^an dutub 01 aduar \al it a ) of the sue
I the
The
oppose
Bibliot,
dealing u
Viabi u
theo
ee F Dicte
hrhundtrt Bei]
Propaidtutd dtr Awbir im 10 Ja
112 17 HG Faimei Saaduih Oaon on the mflutmi
of mum London 194 1 78 84 \ Shilo ill Lipetri
(l%b) 170 8 E Neubuier Du Thtom 10m iqa
I IbineKuni, du hitab at Iqa at ion \bu \asi al
Furabi in Onim \\i wii (1%8 9) 1%2 52 H
\%rnii) Tht Htbim lasion of \bu trails tnatist
on muM in lu al (Jerus.lem) m il<»74l b8 71
Foi later \iabnn theones uid modem practice
see R dEilanger La miisiqm arabt Puis 1<H(> 5<)
For Tuikish toims see Suphi (Ezgi) \a an n amtli
Turk mi ■ " " "
nul
Mala,
Mitluli
ns.tn da Dtutsi
,n Gail
sihaft f,n Musi
Orunts
\i 1 1472 j)
b'l S
Hepei Tuik n
sulla in Musik
7 ,Jun
e Sept l')78)
IE Neubui*
IKHTISAN Muham
1\D S\D
and i.u
hoi undei the
Dihli si
ltanate
He w
s the son of
\hmad
Hasan a natn
Dihh and enteied his
piotession of
i) in the Dita
n al Iml
some tun
e tow aids the
dose of
the khJdji pe
On his i.
n 720/1j2() S
Ghryath
.1 Din Tughlu
k Sh.h
i used him t(
position
of Dabir i khasi
in reeogmtron of his 1
ing whils
t he was still i
thwcpi
it) he accomp
mied th
sultan on in
dition to
Bengal \tter
the conquest of Bengal
sultan o
to Dihl
termor) of Tirhut seiz
its chirg
e to Ahmad \
ilbtigh.
In Tuhut IkL
tell ill because of the
\erwhel
confined
to bed tor qu
te I Ion
g time during
The Basa
m al urn shows ILhtis.n s mast, i) ot the
Person lane
unge It contains in intiodu. Hon gi\
mation .bout his own careei ind the
gi indeui ot
suit m Muruimmid b Tughluk so th i
this intiodu
tion is a document of consider ible his
torn .1 sign,
ic .nee supplementing Bai ini s Ta nl/i
i Finu S/m
i with regird to the r.d.cal ueus o
Sultan Mu
hamm.d b Tughluk Like B.rini
ILhtistn als
belonged to the sultans f.ction and
subscribed
o his utionihst mcus about rehgioi
Being in intellectual well versed in
ces the suit in emph lsised the need fo
leinteipreti
ag the Islamic Shan a iccordin^ to the
hbeia
tlunkeis like
ILhtisan suppoited him in this iespect ILhtisa
Muhammad b Tughluk Nu man l Tham while the
oithodox Sufis and 'ulama condemned him as a
t)imt and oppressor (gjabbar and kahhai)
On Muhammad b Tughluk s de.th his confidmts
weie eithei killed oi thiown into lail Fortunatel)
ILhtisan happened to be m ban at that time ha\
ing been sent theie b) the late sultan as an ambas
s.do. to the IiLhamd Couit He mu have got
intoi mation ot his pations death and the accession
of Sultan Fnuz Sh.h III to the th.one (752/H51)
m Multan then i boidei nt) It was there tint he
fell ill and died aftei . shoit illness Thus ILhtisan
the Ta nkh i Fiiu Shahi underwent it as . lesult
of the le.ction .g unst Muhammad b TughluL s
Bibl,oe,taph Rieu Catalog of tht Pas:
,„pts
Uustun
Ikhtm
British Museum \dd 7717 Sa\)id
Muh.mnnd Mubaiak Kiim.m known as Mn
khuid Snaralanlna Delhi la02/ 1885 Muh.m
mid Bih.madkhani Ta nkh , Muhammadi
ms Bntish Museum Oi la7
(I H SlDDICRTI)
IKHTIYARIYYA the thte oi \etenns of an
Ottomin guild oi uni) unit todial)
Ikhtnai choice in \rabic hid acquned the
meining ot old both in Tuikish and in modem
\iabic .nd thus erne to designate the chosen «id
the eldeis of ceitain units two attnbutes which m
tiaditional society were \irtuall) identical The ogjaf
ikhtnarlan in Ottoman Egypt consisted of letned ofli
mainl) ceiemonnl and advisoiv The) were
heided b) l bash ikhtnai In the guilds the infoimal
gioup of ikhtnamta wis also designated b) i laige
\anet) ot othei simil.i teims let B.ei Fg\ptian
guilds 5a ind ■itnutwi of Tuikish gnldi 183) Theie
when -
it this
'oup
Similail) its members had no well defined
Onginalh as long is futima tuditions sum\ee
the guilds the\ ph)ed an impoit.nt lole m
ceiemomes ot initiation Litei it wis then pnncip i
function to support the head ot the guild in hr
relations with the authonties and thus to demon
stute th.t he was acting in the guilds name I
lend Uion that the head of the
Lhe
uild w
runted b
e kad
d the
.nt ot the Ittkhudu [q ] of the Tuikish guilds the
\igit bashi was chosen horn among them and appar
■nth b\ them but then choice had to be confirmed
In 19th centur\ Fg\pt the tradition il teim ten
Pterin masteis in the guilds ms ieplaced b) the
erni 'itmda (pi umad i but the chuictei ind tunc
lions of this gioup i em uned the surne Documents
Torn th it penod show tint the) p.iticipited in the
rontiol of prices ot comestibles and the distnbu
lion ot the tax buiden among the membeis of the
Biblwgiaph H Thorning Beibatf ui hmntms dts
ilamiyhtn latmsueuns Berlin 1Q13 11a 14 233 5
S Sh.w Ottoman Ee)pt in tht 13th antun Cambndge
Mass 1%2 21 .0 5 idem Ottoman Egypt in tht age
of tin Fttmh Raolution C.mb.idge Mass 1%4 «
40 G Baer Egyptian a iuldi in modtm hmu Jeiusulem
IKHTIYARIYYA — ILAHl ERA
d Hume
183-4
(G Baer)
IKLIL al-MALIK is the melilot, Melilotus off in
nahs (Leguminosae) (Greek \izX\Kmioc, French
melilot German Honigklee I a plant of the
Papihonaceae family of which about lb kinds are
or were used as medicine The Aiabic term ( royal
infrequently -used synonyms are nafal hantam shadfarat
al hubh ( love-tree ) etc In general distinction is
made between the yellow-blossomed plants which
grow one m high and the white-blossomed plants
growing still higher Both are slendei biennial herbs
which are indigenous to uncultivated lands in Europe
and Asia but not in the North One of these
kinds — or still another one' — is the Mil al mahk al
ehlot thus known bee
s bios
mble
S\na into the Arab West under the name 'i
hayya ( setpent s root ) and used there as an;
against poisonous snakebites are said to be root
of the melilot Finally, it may be remarked that th<
Spain
Rom;
e km
nomlla c
FJ i
Madrid 1888
135 f) The Arab translator describe it of course,
undei mahlutus
In conformity with its Gieek name it was already
known in antiquity that the melilot is a honey -pi o-
ducing plant The Arabs adopted its therapeutic
use largely horn the Gieeks The aromatic herb
es In waim compi esses it is also useful lor artic-
ular pains ll beloie a successful purification of
the body takes place (through purging blood-
■ Togethei with other mgie-
the
■hlot
he c
leadaches Taken internally it proci
harge of mine menstiuation and the loetus and
mtigates the nntation ol itching with diseases of
Bibliography A full chapter on Mil al mahk
is given in A. Dietrich £<"" Dros,enhandel im islamu
chert igtpttn Heidelbeig 1954 49-51 See luither
Dioscundes De materia mtdua ed M Wellmann
n Beihn 1906 52 f (= lib in 40) La Materia
medica de Dcoscondcs u (Aiab tr Istalan b Basil]
ed Dubler and Teres Tetuan 1952 258 Razi
Haw, xx Haydarabad 1387/1967 125 1 (no
140) Die pharmakolog Grundsatze des \hu \lan\m
Harawi, ti A. Ch Achundow Halle 1893 ISO,
340 Ibn al-Djazzar I'timad ms Ayasolya 3564
lol 12b Ibn Sina hanun Bulak i 243 Bnuni
Saydala ed HM Sa'id Kaiachi 1973 Aiab 62
I Engl 41 Ibn Biklansh Mmta'im ms Naples
Bibl Naz in F 65 lol 12b Ghaiiki al \dwna
almufrada Ms Rabat Bibl Gen k 155 i lol
21a-22a Ibn Hubal Mukhtarat Haydanbad
1362 u 20 Anonymous [Abu l-< Abbas al-Nabati
Ibn al-Rumivva?] ms Nuruosmamye 3589 fols
99b- 100a (with precise descuption ol the plant)
Ibn al-Bavtar Djami' Bui ik 1291 50 1 ti
Leclerc no 128 ^usul b "Urnar Mu'tamad ed
M al-Sakka 1 Beirut 1395/1975 6 Ibn al-Kufl
'Imda Havdaiabad 1356, i, 211 cl HG
Knchei Du tmfachtn Hulmittel am dim Handbuih
dei Chirurgie dis Ibn al Qufj Bonn 1967, no 3
Suuaydi Simat ms Pans ar 3004 fols 10a
13-14 164a 3-8 Barhebraeus The abridged a
won of The Book of simple drills of al Ghafiqi
ed Meveihof and Sobhy Cano 1932 no 30
DawOd al-Antaki Tadhkira Cano 1371/1952 i
55 I Low Du Flora da Judin n 1924 465 I
M Asm Palacios Glosano de ioccs romances
Madnd-Gianada 1943 no 168
I A DlI-TRICHI
IKRAH (a) a legal term denoting duress
The jurists distinguish two kinds unlawful dkrah ghav
mashru') and lawful (ikrah bihalk) Only the first of
these is recognised by the Kur'an (la ikrah ji I din
II 256) and has legal effects
Unlawful duress may be ol two degrees being giave
[ikrah tamm oi mulad^dj_i'j ll it involves severe bodily
haim or slight (ikrah nakis or ghav mu/aajdfi') ll it only
involves verbal threats or minor buffets Lawful duress
which has no legal effect may take the form, foi
example ol a judge exerting duress on a debtor to
discharge his debt by selling property surplus to his
personal needs
The authonties diftei regarding the degree ol valid-
the effect ol duress m civil law is to make a decla-
v Umc
the i
the right umlateially either to cancel oi to latily the
contract In criminal law the effect oi duiess is to
diminish responsibility to the point ol iemoving the
penal sanction and making the act itsell allowable
thus drinking wine under threat of death oi mutila-
tion is permissible
Consequently the attestation ol absence ol duress
is an important element in the dialting of deeds ol
sale and othei legal documents involving contractual
obligations and such absence ol duiess may be
declared in phrases such as hi la ibah wa la id 4 bai
Bibliography Subhi Mahmasam al \azarma
islamma Beirut 1948 J Schacht in introduction
to Islamic law Oxloid 1964 117-18 Mustafa Ahmad
al-Zaika' al Fikh al islami fi thawbih al djadid
Damascus 1968 and bibliography there cited
R ^ Ebied and M J L ^ oung Some irabic legal
documents of the Ottoman period Leiden 1976 (see doc-
uments on pp 15 16 24 etc)
(R^i Ebied and MJ L \oun&)
ILAHI ERA also known as Ta nkh i Ilahi Divine
Eia was intioduced by the Mughal Emperor Akbar
in 992/1584 The first yeai ol this eia was the yeai
ol Akbar s accession 963/1555-6 and it was a solar
yeai beginning with Nawruz (the day ol vernal equi-
nox about 20 March) The names ol the months
weie the same as those ol the ancient Persian cal
endar The number ol days in a month vaned from
29 to i2 The calculations were made and rules lor
the era drawn up by Fath Allah Shirazi Abu 1-Fadl
justified the introduction ol Ilahi era on the giound
that the Islamic lunai eia being ancient should be
replaced by some othei era commencing from a recent
epoch-making event As the accession ol Akbar was
such an event so the Ilahi eia was set to commence
iiom that date The Ilahi eia made it possible to
keep a regular account ol the officers allowances
ol bookkeeping and ol audit In 1069/1658-9
Awiangzib [qi] abolished the observation oi the
Nawiuz festival but did not prohibit the use oi the
Ilahi months in the official records He oideied that
the Indjra months and years should be written before
the Ilahi months In 1079/1668-9 he piohibited the
publication oi almanacs but the officials protested
ble
v betwi
lahi cilendir piopeilv
the mitnl div of the offi,
ippened in couise of time Mirzi Ridja Dji'i Singh s
id} i Muhammad Shahi in the next ccntuiv wis in
attempt to e\ol\e i new sohr iilendu for officul
use bised lngclv on the sime pimciples is the Ilahi
cilendir
Bibliography Abu llidl ilbarnama m Bibl
Ind Cilcutti 187:, 87 idem 4 in i 4) ban i Bibl
Ind Cilcutti 1867 77 Muhimmid Hashim
kh iff khin Muntaihab al lubah Bibl Ind
Cilcutti 18t>0 74 SH Hodivili Histmual studus
in Mughal numismatics The Numism itic Souetv ot
Indn Calcutti 142-
IL\HI ERA ILM u HAND ASA
it wis not possi
mimfest in his writing
encompisses the mijont
tionil Muslim lcirmng
al ah I maM fi 1 Jatu
-the scope oi
of the fields of
ala madhhab al
iM ,
l AlI)
ILAK the
legion
ot
Tr
1I1SOX
mn Iv
ng
with
in
the greit
ds
of th
middl
r
lines
oi
theJiMrte
s n\ ci-
ind
to
he so
nth ot t
right
nk iffluent
tric Mil
Russn
n
er It thus
i\ betw
een
the
provin
res oi Shis
h [see
thw
ind F
rghani
[?
] on
th
e~~eist The
ind
Pei
ognphe
ot the
3rd 5th/9th 1
th cent
de
IS 1 fl
ishing
P r
ovince with
its mot
nti
ns p
roduc l
g aKer
in
d silt
Thev give the
of
theie
titified
bv
s 50 m
les (90 km ) ir
n Tishkent
be
In eirlv Is
tvveen the
bode o
Isl
Ih
ind tl
on the
C pigll
T
urkish
g the Sim
mid
peno
\ ind i
pnnces
en tl
c title
ot dihkai
CO
nsidei ible p
ind
mm
ed then own <
oin
sdui
mg the period ot Samimd tolhpse eg in 388/998
ind j99/1008 9 The luthoi ot the Hudud al alam
describes the people ot Ilak is idhtients of those
who wen white piesunnblv the suppoiters ot the
veiled piophet il Mukinm [q ] whose rising took
pi ice in the litt 2nd/8th centurv This informition
ran be m ichiomstic foi his own time but we do
ieid thit in the penod oi the Sinnnid ami) Nisi b
Ahmid C>01 }1/91443) the loul dM an wis svmpi
thetic to the Ism i ill piopigmdi current thtn
Btblio^iaph Le Stnnge The lands of th, ant
an Cahphati 482 j Birthold Tmfistan doiin to th,
Mongol iniaswn 162 16') 75 23 1 24? 307 Hudud
al alam tr Minorskv 117 356 7
(C E BoswoRra)
ILICPUR [see ELiauR ibove]
'ILLAYSH MlHUlMW B VHMAD B MUH\M
mad onetime Mihki mujti oi Egvpt ind one of
the pnnupil protigomsts in the events prci ceding
the Butish onupition oi Egvpt m 1882 He wis
bom in C nro in Ridjib 1217/Oitobei Novembei
1802 into i fimilv of Moiou in extraction Aiter a
penod of studv it il Azhir [q i ] trom 1232/181b7
until 1245/1829 30 he wis engigcd m Inching it
this institution is well is it the Husivn mosque
In 1270/1854 he w is ippointed to the office ot shaUJ
alsada al Ma/ihna [q ] in succession to Mulnmm id
Hubivsh ind iemnntd in oilice until the end ot
his hie
Concominntlv he held supiemc leideiship ot a
Shidhihyvi [q ] tarda thit ot il 'Anbiy^i in which
position notible Azhm schohrs such as Muhamnnd
al Amir al Kabn ind Muhammid il Amir il Saghir
hid been his piedeces'
Hov
which
the
t hive idhen
, shmfh
ind oi
agiin
.ill t
Mub u
of d}ihad— resulted
>n following the Butish occupition oi
i September 1882 He died in prison on
■ho^raphi Biogriphies miv be tound in -Mi
nk Khttat iv 4144 Ilvis Zikhuri Mir at
al as) ft ta nlh ua msum afabir nd}al Misr i 196 1
khivi il Din il Znikli al Mam vi 244 ind prei
iced to Muhimmid Illivsh Path al all I maid ft
Ifatua ala madhhab al Imam Mall/ 2 vols C nro
1319 21/19014 See dso Abu 1 \V if! il Mmghi
Mm alam al Mali) ma al Misnua in al Ha,h al hlami
Bivdi vui/ 1 (Much 1969) 76 8 For i shoit dis
cussion oi the position ot il Ai ibiyvi il Shadhiliw i
undo the leidership oi Muhimmid Illivsh sei
F de Jong Twuq and Tuiuq hnltd institutions m 1 9th
nntun Eppt Ieiden 1978 11:, 14 For iddition il
biognphicil diti sec All Mub ink hhita
i Ta) li
al Y
! 519 t
Muh imm id R ishid Rid i Ta nlh al I st,
i 13:, f Ahmad Shafik Mudhalhiati fl msf lain
i 152 178 Muhimmid Abd il Djiw id il kiv ati
\afhat al bisham Ji nhlat al Sham C nro 1319/1901
2 6 i ind Suhvmin il HimfT il Ziw iti han^
al d}auha) f, ta nlh al \ har C mo n d 162 f
IF DEJONl)
'ILM m. AKTAF [see katif]
'ILM M.HANDASA i\ \ geometrv From the
3id/9th icnturv onw uds the Ai lbs were introduied
to geometrv through the tr inshtion ot Gieek works
i Thev then idopted
- Ore i
under the t
t with
on (3id/9th icntui
V)
A The fi,
tpluebe
longs
to
the Elem
ents of Co
tetn
rut lid (A
tab al I s
A
al \r)ai
the
>st trinshtcd ind
i books
ID We
ntion two
tnnsl itio
as ow
ed
to H idjdjadj b \
Mitar
he
Ha run
the ot
Jie piense
\ tl insl
tion bv
JV th
\
Hun iv r
the Man
icvised
ind
rrected bv
Th abit
ki.
ot Ha
88/
4 901) (il
il \bbas
a Si
id
il Drawl
m 1214/829
i hiding
ngs l 111
mbei oi
figur
and pi
ticuhr c
added to the fust proposition of these EUmints (d)
A commentarv on the fifth proposition b> \bu c \h
Muhammad b Tsa al-Mahani (between 239 and
270/853-84) comprises 2b figures and is concemed
principally with proofs that do not make use of rea-
soning b> absurdit> (e) A commentar> b> Abu '1-
'\bbas al-Fadl b Hdtim al-Na>nzi ,d 310/922-3)
(1) A commentarv b> Abu Dja'iar al-khazin of
Khuiasan (d 310/922-3) (g) Abu l-\\afa' al-
Buzdjam (323-88/934-98) has kit an incomplete
commentary on it (h 1 al-Kindi (184-259/800-73)
de\otes a nsala to the objectives oi the work of
Euclid (Aghrad A Ikhdn) he comments here in
particular that the work is in ieaht> a compendium
oi ancient knowledge set in order and annotated bv
Euclid and that one of his follow eis Hvpsicles
added on the fourteenth and fifteenth propositions
B The Data (Mu'ttnat) ol Euclid, translated bv Ishak
and revised b> Thabit
We must mention at this point — and we shall
have occasion to ieturn to it — the criticisms made of
Euclid s postulates b> al-Na>nzi in his Risala fi
I musadaia al mashhuia h lkhdis Letter relating to
the famous postulate oi Euclid b\ al-Hasan b
al-Havtham (354-430/965-1038) bv 'Umar al-
khawim (467-517/1074-1123) in his Risala ft shaih
ma ashkala mm musadarat lkhdis Letter explaining
some difficulties raised b\ the postulates oi Euclid
and bv Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (597-672/1201-74) m his
Tahru usul lkhdis Restatement oi the Elements oi
Euclid and his Tahnr musadawt lkhdis Obseivations
on the postulates oi Euclid
C The Conn sedwns (al Kutu' at makhruhna) oi
Apollomus a woik which apparentlv compnsed 8
propositions the hist four were tianslated under the
supei vision oi Ahmad b Musa b Shakir b> Hilal b
Abi Hilal al-Himsi (d 218/833) and the last three
b\ Thabit b Kuira
D The Elements of geometry of Menelaus Thabit
translated three oi its propositions An unknown trans-
lator ievised the chapters relating to triangles The
problem oi transveisals and their applications in the
stud) oi conic ioims inspired Thabit to compose his
( Suivev oi the tiansversal and harmonic division )
a woik translated into Latin bv Gerard oi Cremona
(Libtr Thabit de fie,ura ahhata) Nasir al-Dm al-Tusi also
made this work the basis oi his tieatise Kitab al Shakl
al katta' in w hich he set out to establish the funda-
mental principles of spherical tngonometrv
E The work oi Pappus (the Colleihon of mathematus)
notabl} a tianslation b\ Thabit oi his commentarv
on the Book oi Ptolemv i elating to the area oi the
sphere and his commentarv on the tenth pioposition
F The geometncal woik of Aichimedes (a) His
woik On the sphere and the cylinder translated b\ the
Banu Musa later b> Thabit and b> Ishak b Hunavn
A translation b> Kusta b Lukd (299/912) saved as
the basis ior the Hebiew translation of Kalommos b
kalommos (728/1328) (b) On thi squaring of the irnle
(Fi taksir al da'ua Tarbi' al da'ira Misahat al da'ira)
translated b\ Thabit and bv Huna>n b Ishak, a
translation ievised b> Nasi! al-Din al-Tusi (ed
Hyderabad 1359/1940) (c) The Lemmata {al ma khudhat)
translated b> Thabit and annotated b> Abu 1-Hasan
<\h b Ahmad al-Nasawi (370-431/980-1040) Tusi
makes use of it in his studv published in 1940 at
Hvderabad (d) Measuring the side of a regular heptagon
in particular, Abu Sahl al-Kuhi.
& The work of Hero of Alexandria notablv the
A Hall shukuk lkhdis ( Resolution of doubts con-
cerning Euclid ) and the A al Hnal al ruhanma
( Pneumatics )
\\ e mav note finallv the ti anslation of the Sindhantas
which familiarised the Arabs with problems of sui-
veving and oi the measuring of surfaces and volumes
and in a general manner with the various apphca-
, (4th-9th/10th-15th
II The period oi ciec
The translated material was as we have noted
pi ogressiv elv annotated discussed and corrected
From the 3rd/9th centurv but especiallv aftei the
4th/ 10th one the specific contribution oi the \iabs
became moie important The latter supplemented the
ancient works in a number of disciplines (astronomv
optics algebta) with new proois and with the leso-
lution oi geometrical problems new applications came
into being especiallv in sculptuie and in architecture
tngonometrv was discovered and codified, impoitant
theoretical questions were raised the authority oi
ancient masters was contested and the wav was open
for the progress oi geometrv in hitherto unknown
But beioie ie\iewing certain oi the most celebrated
Arab contributions to geometrv here follow centurv
bv centurv the authors and the works which mav
be mentioned
3rd/ Oth iintury al-kh aiazmi (d ta 232/84b)
Bab almisaha— al-Djawhan (214-15/839-30) Kitab
tajsir A lkhdis Commentaiv on the Book of
Euclid A al Ashkal allati ^adaha fi I makala
al ula mm I klidis On the figures that he has
added to the first proposition oi Euclid ^ivadat
fi I makala al khamisa mm A lkhdis Supplement
to the fifth pioposition of Euclid ci Fihnst Cairo
1348/1930 379 and Suter 21 —the Banu Musa
b Shakir (Muhammad d 259/873) Ma'rifat misahat
al ashkal al basita zia I kurnta Inioimation on the
surfaces of plane and spherical figures (mss
Carullah 1475 3 1502 9 Koprulu 930 14
931 14 Rampur 311 Bodl l 960) Mukaddimat
a makhrutat Introduction to the conical ioims (mss
Bodl l 943 5 Leiden 979 Sarton 193) Kismat
aUauaya hi thalatha aksam mutasauna Tnsection of
angles (cf Fihnst 379 — al-Mahani Risala fi
Imsba Tieatise on propoitions (Fihnst 379 mss
Bodl 6009 Pans 3467 1 ) R fi I mushkil mm al
msba Epistle on complex proportions (ms Pans
2457, 39) R j, 2h shakl mm al makala alula
mm lkhdis (Fihnst 379 Thabit b Kurra see D
above) A al Shakl al katta (Fihnst 380 mss Pans
2457 37 2467, 13 Esc 971 2 Algieis 1446 5)
A /( misahat kat' al makhiut alladhi tusamma
I mukaji' Surface of the conical iorm known as the
parabola (mss Pans 2437 25 Cairo vi 197) —
al-Battam (244-317/858-929) we note in particular
his contribution to tngonometr) and his elegant
solutions to pioblems of spherical trigonometiv
bv means of orthographical projection solutions
known and partiall} imitated b) Regiomontanus
(1436-76)
4th/ 10th untun al-Na>nzi Sharh Uklidis (Fihnst
389 S 363) R Ji I musadara al mashhura h I khdis —
al-Buzdjam A fima tahtaaj ihyhi al'ummal ua
I kuttab mm sina'at al hisab Elements oi calculus
essential for the accountant and the secretaiv
3rd part /; a'mal almisaha Methods lelating to
surfaces — al-Sidjzi (358-89/969-99) one of the
gieatest Muslim geometnsts, R Ji ikhraaj al khutut
given points (mi Pans 2458 1 Sedillot Aottas
et Extratts Mil 143) R ji I diauab 'an al masa'tl
allati su'ilu 'anha ji ba'd al ashkal al ma'khudha nun
A al ma'khitdhat li iisjiamidts (ms Pans 2458 8
Sedillot lib) Tahstl al kauamn al handasma al
mahduda ims Pans 2458 2 Sedillot 1 Wi al-Sidjzi
e the
'Um
alanba' ed Beirut 1377/1957 in 154 fl i
lull Lkltdis fl I handasa ua I'adad ua tallhisuliu
I Commentaiv and summan of the Eltmints ol
Euclid A al Tahiti ua I tarkib al handasinaim
( \nalvsis and svnthesis in geometiv Malala fl hall
shall radd ala Ukhdis h 1-makala al-khamisa kit ibih
li 1-Usul al n\ idiyya \nalvsis ol a doubt in iesponse
to Euclid in the 5th proposition ot his work Elements
of mathematics \lakala ji misahat al mudjassam
al mulaff On the surface ol the paiaboloid \lakala
ft khawass al I at' at mill aft On the pioptities ol
the parabola Makala fl Uiawass at kat' al a'td
'On the piopeities ol the h\peibola Malala ft
hall shukul al makala alula mm A I Hidis \nalvsis
of doubts concerning the 1st proposition of the Book
ot Euclid Let it be idded thit Ibn alHavthim
besides his theoietital work tiled to find pnttital
applications foi his results It is sufficient to i e c all
149 150) concerning his attempt to construct a bar-
rage on the cataracts of the Nile near \swan with
the object of i emulating the couise of the n\er
6th/ J 2th untim 'Umar al-khav^am R ft ■hath ma
aihlala mm musadarat A I lltdis Explanation of difli-
culties laised b\ the postulates of the Book of Euclid
(mss Leiden 967 Pans 494b) Makala ft I a\abr ua
Imukabala imss Leiden 1021) Pans 2458 7 24bl)
in particular geometncal solutions of second-degree
equations
7th/ 13th untim Nasir al-Din al-Tusi R al shall al
latta' heie he expounds the theoiv ol trins\ersals
horn which he deduces onginal connections enabling
him to la\ the foundations of spherical tngonome-
trv Tahiti 'I sill Lllidts Examination ol the Elements
ol Euclid I mss Tunis 56R 58R Latin tr Rome
1594) Tahnr mitsadaiat U lidis (ms Tunis 47b 1) the
method emplo\ed in these studies is adopted 1>\ a
cialK Shams al-Din al-Samaikandi ishkal al ta sis
and the commentarv b\ Musa b Muhamm id Kidi-
zada al-Rumi (815/1412) (mss Tunis 27(15 223R
274b Esc 952 Pans b853) commentaiv b\ Hisan
b Muhammad Nazzam al-Nisabun (81 1/1408) m his
Taudth of the Tadhhra ol Tusi 'ms Tunis 2 5b topv
dating lrom 8WI/1398)
9th/ 15th untim Al kishi id 832/1429) al Rtsala
almuhitmajt stilhradf mithit al da ua Determination
ol the perimeter ol the cncle
\ brief analysis ol the contribution of the
Muslims towaids the progiess of geometr\
\ inahsis — 1 Fust one ma\ note in the guise
ol mtioduttion to books on \anous disciplines l
numbei ol geometrical questions the solution ol
which is necessarv lor the explanation ol the ideas
studied subsequenth in these works this is the case
with the opening chapteis of treatises on astionomv
where the pioperties of cncles diawn on spheres aie
pioblems ot distances \olumes ot solids, plane oi
sphencal tngonometiv
On the othei hand in spite ot the dualitv of origin
oi geometry and ot anthmetic or ot algebia the two
lattei being initially disciete sciences, the former of con-
tinuous scope the Muslims since al-Kh arazmi have
used algebia for the solving of gcometiic problems the\
have also made use of geometry tor the solving oi new
lecall the solution bv al-Khawam ot cubic equations
bv means ot intersection ot clicks parabolas or hyper-
bolas we mav also cite al-Maham s problem concern
ing the plane sections ot the sphere which led him to
the thnd-degiee equation x + b = bx
2 It is impossibU to overestimate the impoitance of
the revolution bi ought about in astronomical calcula-
tions in particular or in phvsics bv a sistei science ot
geometry developed and codified bv the Muslims who
made ol it an independent discipline sc tngonometrv
Thanks to this new science a whole lange ol problems
v\is completelv solved and with a piecision depending
sin \
~~ sin B
sin C
Ibn \ ur
us (958/1
009) author ot
the Htkimi table
dem
onstia
ed the to
mula
pern
utting
OS b = '
ge from a sr
+ cos (l - b)]
peiati
mportance in the
loga
calculation ir
vented later
Ir
the
nth/ 12th
centurv Djab
i b \flah knew
the
equati
In short \iabic
tngo
r\ was al
readv a long-
stablished science
1 Fibo
toi the measuring
and when ,a 14b4 Re
giomontanus put-
ting
al-Tu
is work
o good use t
omposed the hist
3
'Geo
tngonome
trv published l
luither appl
n Emope in 1485
ed b\ the Aiabs
nits executed!
n check the ancient
prop
and to ve
nfv the tonclus
ons ot the -ilma^i st
ol Ptolemv
the Banu Shakir
12/8_
7 m the
legion ol Pi
mvra ind Rakka
then
in the
neighbou
lood of Sindj i
the Latin Singula
with
the o
bject of n
■U-B
attam
fixed the
geographical c
ooidinates ol 310
including
30 in the \\
est al Hasan al-
Mai
rikush
cooidinates o
1 55 locations ot
whic
h 71
belong to
the western Meditenanean Al-
But
u dea
t with th
pioblem ol ,
irtogiaphv and ot
the
l a plane surface ot the celestial
1 sphere
He reviewed v
anotis methods ot
pio|
rrtion
cvhndncil
lithographic al or
TLM al-HANDASA — TMAD al-DIN <ALl, FAKlH-I KIRMANl
steieographica] the lines oi the sphere being repre-
sented b\ ellipses parabolas or hyperbolas
4 Geometry wrote the Ikhwan al-Saia' has as
its principal held ol apphcatic
landowi
1 lor svuv
is the collection
oi property tax the drainage oi watei -courses the
5 \n impoitant aiea in the application oi geo-
metry is that ol architecture and sculpture Muslim
art mspned b\ geometry invented the extended arch
cupolas iesting on regular pol\gons corbellings sta-
lactites groups oi pol\hedrons oi stucco and light
The work oi the sculptoi in stone oi m stucco was
designed b\ the mathematician
ten b\ the Muslims Sutel mentions only two trea-
tises m the 3id/ Q th century the book by the Banu
Shakir (Wa'nfat al ashkal al batita zta I kunyya) and in
the 4th /10th century the Geomttn ol \bu l-\\ala
which has come down to us in a Peisian edition owed
to one ol his pupils [cl F Woepcke in J-L [1855]
218-5b and 309-59)
However it is possible to take account oi other
wiitings which in out view aie ol gieat impoitance
The ms oi T habit b Kuna mentioned above Ft
misahal kaf al makhrut alladhi yusamma I mukaji' wheie
following the example oi Aichimedes the iormei uses
a method ol mtegial calculus in the quest lot the limit
ol the equivalent on integial sums lot the detenm-
nanon ol the suilace oi a segment ol a paiabola oi
the volume oi a paraboloid revolving around iti axis oi
aiound an\ other straight line passing through the locus
\n impoitant fact deserves to be remembeied this
is the attitude oi a group oi Muslim scholars towaids
the principle oi authority and the enormous piestige
enjo\ed b\ the name oi Euclid sinie ancient times
a piestige which has not ceased to be immense up
to a period close to the piesent da\ In the list whuh
we have piesented it is notable thit since the 3rd/9th
serious leservations in regard
postulates and in paiticular the iamous 5 th p<
concerning paiallel lines
In a closely -aigued discussion the\ hist in
the fact that Euclid himseli not entnelv cor
b\ his proposition does not see it as a iirst
or an axiom but a postulate which he simply
the reader to adopt Thus thev attempt to go
and construct the theorv oi parallels bv usins
axioms and postulates and emploving the metl
and \ichimede-
Euclid s
The n
aikable
(3id/9th c
century), of Ibn al-Haytham and Khayyam (5th/ 1
century) and of TusT (7th/ 13th centurv) These wo
were translated into Latin and Hebrew then mi
ence is evident in the work Commentaries to tht in
dudion of Euclid's elements by Levi ben Gerson (1-
century), in Rectifier of wrong by Alfonso (14th-15th o
1 the
i the Elen
s oi
Euclid by Clavius (16th century).
The demonstration of the 5 th postulate b\ Tusi
(published in Rome in 1594 and in London in 1657)
was known to John Wallis (1616-1703; and to
Saccheri (1667-1733). The essential point oi the
demonstration of Khayyam and of Tusi lests on the
possibility of constructing a quadnlateral \BCD
(made famous later through the work ol Sacchen)
such that AB = CD, ABC = ID, BCD = ID thus
entailing that BAD = ADC Three cases are theo-
letically possible ior these angles they can be nght-
angles acute or obtuse Khayyam and Tusi concluded
that only the iirst case is ieally practicable It is
known that subsequently the basic theorems oi non-
Euchdian geometry oi Lobachevski and ol Bolyai rest
essentially on the hypothesis oi the acute angle, the
obtuse-angle hypothesis corresponds to the geometry
In conclusion it may be said that the studies oi
the Muslims constituted an important milestone in
the sequence oi progiess ol geometry they posed
some essential questions irom a scientific as well as
Irom a philosophical point oi view They had the
excellent idea oi not limiting geometry to continu
ous scales They were remaikably adept at holding
the balance between theoretical abstiact thought and
piactical art le concrete ipphcation II they were
to a great extent the disciples ol Euclid and ol othei
misteis oi Greek geometry they had the couiage
to criticise the woiks that they had inherited and
to expiess senous doubts on their subject and
their theoretical sciuples were gieat They thus pre-
pared the way ior the subsequent development oi
Bibliography \lionso Meyashenqub BM ms
Add 26894, Russian tr in pieparation by GM
Gluskma Chi Clavius Emhdis Elementorum hbn
\\ Cologne 1596 Euchdis Elementorum geometruo
rum hbn liedulm ex traditwm doitissmu \assmddim
Tusim nunc pnmum arabice impiessi Rome 1594 J
Wallis De postulato quinto it dejimtiom quinta lib 6
Emhdis in Optra mathematita n Oxiord 1693 669-
73 G Sacchen Euclidts ab omnt name undua
tus Milan 1733 F Woepcke I ilgebrt d Omar
ilkhayyami Pans 1851 Saiton Introduction DE
Smith Euclid Khanam and Sacchen in Sinpta math
ematica, n/1 (Jan 1935) 5-10 A Mieh La sa
cmc aiabt Leiden 1938 EB Plooij Euclid s
conception oj ratio and his definition oj proportional mag
mtudes as criticised by Arabian commentators
Rotterdam 1950 B \ Rosenleld and \ P
\ushckevic Omar at Khanam Moscow 1962
Rosenleld The theory of parallel lines m tht \lidiual
East
in iete
\I
, \ushckevic Geschichtc dec Mathematik im
Mittelalter, Basle 1964 288-95 idem Les mathe
matiquis aiabes tr M Cazenove and K Jaouiche
Pans 1976 R Taton Histoin generate des sciences
i Pans 1966 440-525 Kh Jaouiche De la Jeeon
dite mathtmatique d Omar Khayyam a 6 Sacchen in
Dwgene lvu (1967) 97-113 SH Nasr Islamic set
tnce an illustrated win London 1976
(M Souissi) _
'IMAD ^L-DlN 'ALl FAKIH-I KIRMANl
Peisian mystical poet oi the 8th/14th century
was born at Kirman about b90/1291-2
In the Sofa' noma he ielates that when his iathel
died in 705/1305 he and a brothei took ovel the
direction oi a khanakah which had been iounded
in Knman by his lathei s shaykh Nizam al-Din
Mahmud, ior the benefit ol the followers ol the
kuth alaktab Zayn al-Dm <Abd al-Salam Kamuyi
Thiough this line oi mystical tradition Tmad al-
Din was connected with the teaching oi \bu Hais
'Umar al-Suhiawaidi [q i ] Besides his occupation
as the shaykh ol a convent he was also a doctoi
ol Islamic law as his lakab suggests Little reliable
iniormation concerning his hie can be diawn
irom the traditional biogiaphies Accoiding to a
irequently letold anecdote appearing lor the fust
TMAD al-DIN <ALl, FAKlH-I KIRMANl
e Hab,
the <_
ilDin
could imintf his nnster m the peifoim nil e of his
piavcis The ongin ot the stoiv cm be tiaced to
i line in one of the poems of H lfiz which his
been inteipreted is 1 lefeience to 1 nvalrv between
the two poets tor the tivouis of the Muzaftuid nilei
Shah Shudja let Hum nun Fiiiukh Intioduction
81 ft) Minv pinegvncil lefeienees in the poems
ot Imad il Din indicate tint he wis on good teims
His
.1 ot t
Muzaftands Though Shih Shudji floured him n
puticuhr Imid al Din ilreadv wiote poems dcd
Kited to Mubinz il Din Muhiraraid Oct isionallv
he pi used then opponent Abu Ishik Indju of Shir 1/
, possi
t he si
s he v
< the
lives ot Sidi md Hihz The torn
bv Iimd is in ldmiied piedecessor
short piec
\p,r,
e poem
pleted in 7j1/13j0 1 It w is dedicated to
of the II khan Ghivath il Din Muh ir
Rishid alDin Fidl \lhh In ten discou
3 The Muhabbat nama i sahibdilan i short mathna
e<eded b\ a piose intioduction containing tl
die ition to the II kh mid na^u kh idj i Tiki
in Inki The metre used in the second pait
selt His poetiv wis also appictntcd
it the court of the II Kh m \bu S i id
Most ot Imid ilDins lite wis ippncntlv s]
it kirmin wheie itcording to Dawl it Shih he.
in 77 3/W1 2 The iltei native but less piobible .
of 7c»j/1 3'U is mentioned b\ Tiki kishi let Spien
Oudh latalogiu Cilcutti 18S4 43b 8) The convent
the tomb of Iimd il Din were still visited ill the
Wi/lith tenturv
The known works ot Im id il Dm consist e\
sivelv of poetrv \s i pen nime he used the t
Imid oi more i neK Imad i Fikih The Dm an i
opment of the Per
m
mil kin
gdom
Th
illustrative
H
\\ Dud i Ft
had
and Si hum
the s
of the fifth
"
d) Th
ing thi
title
ot t
H&n
ma
comp.
sed in
the
same metre
.mplet
7W134 .
hidde
F
urukh
cgaid
the
rk beh
een 7M '
le duimg
bv some modern reseirchers lei; II m i usuf Shin/i
Muhimmid Mu in ind Hum iv un f urukh) On th,
other hind the stvle of Imid is cle irlv distinguish
ible from that of H ihz on ic count of tilt foimers
gie itei simplicitv ot language ind the more coherent
structuic of his ghn «/s The tentril theme is the long
ing ot the lover foi the tunscendental Beloved
ing ire onlv subordinate motives The mvstic il inten
those cases where the poem serves as the piologue
to i shoit panegyrical iddress The poet used to i elite
Djami tells us in the Bahamian From tlurnotice the
conclusion miv be dnwn tint he used them is i
hive been inalvsed bv k Stolz **~Dtr Oman dis
Imaduddin Faqih in II ~AU \h\ 11442) jl 70
The second pait ot Imidis h
lines but Hur
one of the list ve irs ot the reign ot Munanz il
Dm Muhimmid to whom it is dedicated The sub
|e<t of the poem is in idipt ition of the \hsbah
ul hidaya the Pel si in transl ition bv Izz al Din
Mihmud Kishini (died 7ja/lj34o) ot the iuanf
almaanfot \bu Hits Urn u alSuhriwardi (foi l
list of the ten clnptei hi idings see Munzawi iv
2004 a)
a The Dak nama (in the ms Ava Sofv i no 4131
dited 841 AH the work is c died \auhat namai
belongs superticiallv to a genre of mathnauis in the
e letters See fuither T Ginjei Tht t
lis no 10301 mav be in autogriph
eis of the beginning ot the Oth/lSth
ind \dh in highlv praised the poet
It wis completed in 7bb/13b4a ind dedmted to
Shih Shudja One ot its oiigiml feituies is i destnp
tion of Shinz The text his been edited b\ Muhim
mad Ikbal m Omntal ( olhj Ua^ajm v vm 11020 32)
his been edited b\ Rukn il Din Humivun i urukh
Ithrin lo48/l%q with in extensive introduction
shoit poem entitled Humaiunnama hive been edited
bv the simc in Panaj zandi Tehr in 2537/1078
Foi descnptions ot the most important mmusciipts
see fuitliei Sn G Ouselev Bwt>iaplnial notice* of
Posian pints London 184b l'b 200 Suhiu Ethe
116 TMAD al-DIN 'ALI FAKTH-I KIRMANl — al-IMARAT al-'ARABIYYA al-MUTTAHIDA
Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the Bodleian
Library, Part i, Oxford 1889, cols. 572-3; Maulavi
Abdul Muqtadir, Catalogue.… Bankipore, Persian
poets: Firdausi to Hqfiz, Patna 1908, 217-9; Blochet,
Catalogue des manuscrits persons de la Bibliotheque
Nationals iii, Paris 1928, 217-8; H.W. Duda, Ferhdd
und Schlrin, Prague 1933, 191-2; idem, in ArO,
vi (1934), 113-4; Ibn Yusuf ShLrazi, Fihrist-yi
kttabkhana-yi madrasa-yi 'All Sipahsalar, ii, Tehran
1318/1939, 643-4; idem, Fihrist-i kitabkhana-i
Mad,lis-i ShurS-yi milli, iii, Tehran 1321/1942, 359-
63; Ahmed Ate§, Istanbul kutiiphanelerinde fars{a
manzum eserler, i, Istanbul 1968, 273-8; Auskhaha-yi
khatti, vi, Tehran 1348/1969, 683; A. MunzawF,
Fihrist-i nuskhahd-yi khatti-yi farsT, iii, Tehran
1350/1971 188b "2450 1 tv Tehran 1351/1972
2819, 2985 f 2990 2994 f 3174 3327, The
main biographical sources aie Dawlat-Shah,
254-b Djami Bahamian Vienna 184b, 101
Kh andamn Habib al snar Bombav 1857 iu/2,
37 (see also '^bd al-Husayn Nawa'i Ridial i Kitab
Habib alsiyat Tehran 1324/1945 83) ■Xmin
'Uimad Razi Haft ikhm Tehran 1 340/1 9b 1 i
275-7 Lull-' Mi Beg \dhai itashkada Tehran
1337/1958, 124 Rida-Kuh Khan Hidavat Rnad
al'anfin Tehran 1305/1887-8 109-10 See also
Browne, LHP m 258-9 and passim, Iradj \fshar
Fihnsti makalati farsi l Tehran 1339/1960, 460
591b (JTP de Bruijn)
'IMADI is the pen name of a Persian poet of
the bth/12th century whose personal name has not
been tiansmitted Sometimes the title \rnir is added
poet of the court in his own days ■Xnothei msba
often attached to the name Tmadi is Shahnyan
The biographical sources interpret the lattei differ-
ently According to some it is denved iiom the name
oi a district oi Raw implying that Tmadi originat-
ed irom that area which is not unlikely Others
howtvei have connected it with the founder of the
Islamic branch oi the Bawandid dynasty [q ] oi
Mazandaian It is certain anyhow that the formei
msba refers to the poet s allegiance to a membei oi
that family, Sayi al-Din Tmad al-Din Faramurz des-
ignated as shah I Mazandaran {Rabat al sudur 210)
although he cannot be identified definitely with any
ruler known from other historical sources (cf M
Kazwmi Mamduh i 'Imadi in But makala Tehran
1332/1953 n 343-51) 'Imadi appaiently started his
hteiarv careei under the protection oi this ruler on
whose death he wiote an elegy (Rahat al sudur 371-
2 ci especially the note by the editor) ^fteiwards
'Imadi went ovei to the service of the Saldjuk court
and composed several panegvncs foi Sultan Rukn
al-Din Toghnl II (52b-9/l 132-4) Many other patrons
aie mentioned in the poems of Tmadi one of the
latest may have been the Eldiguzid atabak Djihan-
Pahlawan Muhammad (570-81/1175-86) (ci the dif-
ferent opinion of kazwini, op. at., 348). It is less
certain that he also praised Sultan Toghnl III (571-
90/1176-94), as is sometimes asserted (for the full
list of the patrons of Tmadi, see S. NafTsr, Ta'likat-
i Lubab al-albdb, 724 f). Of the two dates mentioned
for his death, 573/1177-8 (Takr Kashi) and
582/1186-7 (Atashkada), the former seems to be the
most probable.
'AwfT has entered a few of 'Imadfs poems under
the name of Tmad al-Dm Ghaznawl. This has led
to speculations about an eastern origin of Tmadi.
Later biographers mention the Ghaznawid poet
Mukhtan as his father. According to a notice given
by TakI Kashi, Tmadi studied treatises on lasawwuf
with SanaT at Balkh. The same writer proposes the
possibility that there might have been two different,
but contemporaneous, poets by this name. This
assumption was rejected already in the Haft iklim.
There is no evidence known from his own works that
could corroborate the theory of his connection with
Ghazna.
Although 'Imadi was first of all renowned as a poet
of the court, he also wrote religious poetry. He recites
poems of this nature during the sessions held by the
famous preacher Ibn 'Abbadi (Rahat al-sudur, 209). In
one of his ghazals, Tmadi clearly refers to the tran-
scendental meaning that should be read into the con-
ventional imagery (cf. e.g. Djadjarmr, Mu'nis al-ahrar,
n Tehran 1350/1971 1108 1)
There are some indications that point to a fanly
high esteem for Tmadi s poetry in his own time
Hasan Ghaznawi <\shiaf even recommended his
(Rahat al sudur 57) Tmadi exchanged poems full of
mutual praise with another poet of Raw Kiwarm
Both poets were in many respects imitators of the
style of Sana'i Tmadi even went so far that he
(Shams-i Kays 464 fi ) \ modern critic (Furuzan-
balance between subtlety of concepts and simplicity
Quite soon howevei, Tmadi s poetry appears to
have lost the interest of the public No complete
copy of his Dm an is now known to exist The laigest
collection now extant is the British Museum ms Or
298 containing moie than 1400 lines most oi which
belong to kasida% More material is scattered over
a great number oi sources but a comprehensive
collection is still lacking
Bibliography Rawandi Rahat al sudur ed
Muhammad Iqbal London 1921 '^wfT ed
Browne n 257-67 ed S NafTsi 430-6 cf Ta'hkat
722-8 Shams-i Kays al Mu'djam ft ma'ayir ash'at al
'adium Tehran 1338/1959 passim Taki Kashi
hhulawt alash'ar (ci Blochet Catalogue des manuscrits
persons dt la Bibliotheque \ationale m Pans 1928 50
and NafTsi op at ) ^min \hmad Razi Haft ikhm
Tehian 1 340/1 9b 1 m 23-31 Luti-'Ali Beg \dhar
itashkada Tehran 1337/1958 ii 117 170 220
Rida-kuh Khan Hidayat U«<£m«' al fusaha' Tehran
1295/1878 l 350-2 Ch Rieu Catalogue of the
Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum London
1881 n 557-8 Badi' al-Zaman Fuiuzaniarr, Sukhan
ua sukhanuaran' Tehran 1312/1933 n, 166-77
Tehran 1350/1971 517-32 Dh Safa Ta'nkh i
dar Iran n Tehran 1339/19W) 743-50
Munz
, Fihnst
mskhak
i khatt
rjan
Tehian 1350/1971 2451
(JTP de Bruijn)
al-IMARAT al-'ARABIYYA al-MUTTAHIDA
(the United Arab Amirates), the iederation of seven
shaykhdoms of the lower Gulf, formerly known
as the Trucial States, inaugurated on 14 Shawwal
1391/2 December 1971. The member states are Abu
Zabl (Abu Dhabi), Dubayy, al-Sharika (Shardja),
'Adjman, Umm al-Kaywayn, Ra's al-Khayma and
Fudjayra. The federation's total area is about 30,000
square miles and its population (180,226 at the 1968
census) has been variously estimated, in the absence
of reliable statistics, at anything between 320,000 and
700,000, mostly concentrated in Abu Zabl and Dubayy
shaykhdoms.
Until December 1971, the seven shaykhdoms were
.-'ARABIYYA al-MUTTAHIDA
linked to Great Britain by a series of treaties, the old-
est dating back to 1236/1820, whereby Britain exer-
cised responsibility for the conduct of the shaykhdoms'
foreign relations and ensured their observance of the
engagements they had entered into over the years to
respect the maritime truce and to abstain from piracy
and slave-trading. It was generally accepted that an
implicit reciprocal obligation devolved upon Britain
from these engagements to defend the Trucial
Shaykhdoms against their enemies. A first step towards
promoting some form of association among the
shaykhdoms was taken in 1371-2/1952 with the estab-
lishment of the Trucial States Council, made up of
the rulers of the seven shaykhdoms. Further steps were
the setting up of the Trucial States Development
Council to assist economic, and especially agricul-
tural, progress, and the organisation of the Trucial
Oman Scouts (first formed as the Trucial Oman Levies
in 1950 on the model of the Jordanian Arab Legion)
to keep the peace throughout the shaykhdoms and
along their borders. The definition of these borders
was, for the most part, accomplished in the years
between 1374-5/1955 and 1380-1/1961.
In Shawwal 1387/January 1968 the British govern-
ment announced that it intended to withdraw from
its special position in the Gulf by the end of 1971
(Dhu '1-K.a'da 1390), and at the same time to termi-
nate its treaty relationship with the Trucial States,
Bahrayn and Katar. A month after the statement
was made the rulers of Abu Zabi" and Dubayy
announced (on 19 Dhu '1-Ka'da 1387/18 February
1968) that they were forming a union of their two
shaykhdoms with the intention of co-ordinating their
foreign and defence policies, and of co-operating over
such matters as internal security, education, health
services and immigration. At their instigation a con-
ference of the Trucial Shaykhs and the rulers of
Bahrayn and Katar was held at Dubayy the follow-
ing week, and on 28 Dhu 'l-Ka'da/27 February a
decision was reached in principle to create a federa-
tion of the nine shaykhdoms. Ultimate power in the
federation would reside in a supreme council made
up of the nine rulers,
. The
agree
establish the federatio
"Federation of Arab Amirates" (Ittihad al-Imarat al-
'Arabiyya), was to come into force on the last day of
Dhu '1-Ka'da 1387/30 March 1968.
Over the next two years, little discernible progress
was made towards the creation of the federation.
Much of the preliminary work — on a common cur-
rency, a unified educational system, federal commu-
etc. — was delegated to committees, whose effectiveness
was hampered by their lack of authority and their
dilatoriness. The chief obstacles, however, were polit-
ical. For nearly two centuries the shaykhdoms con-
cerned had been at odds — and frequently in open
conflict — with one another over territorial disputes,
dynastic rivalries and tribal dissensions. These under-
lying and enduring sources of discord found an out-
let during the negotiations towards federation in
acrimonious disagreements over the site of the provi-
sional federal capital, the selection and term of office
of the federation's president, and, most seriously of
all, the distribution of power in the supreme and fed-
eral councils and representation in the proposed con-
Bahrayn and Katar were insistent that they,
Abu Zabi and Dubayy should have one vote each
on the supreme council, while the remaining five
Trucial States were to be confined to one collective
vote. They further insisted that all decisions taken by
the council should be unanimous. For their part, the
Trucial States wanted equality of voting rights, though
they were divided over the question of unanimous
or majority decisions, with Abu Zabi pushing most
strongly for the principle of majority decisions. Perhaps
the greatest disagreement of all was over the alloca-
tion of seats in the proposed consultative assembly.
Bahrayn wanted representation to be on the basis of
population, which would have given her twice as
many seats as the other eight states combined. They
in turn, and for this very reason, wanted equal rep-
resentation for all states. Fear of Bahrayn's predom-
inance in the federation, not only because of her
numerical strength but also because of the superior
skills and educational attainments of her people, was
perhaps the most potent single reason why the fed-
eration of nine shaykhdoms languished and eventually
Another important reason was the uneasiness
engendered among some of the shaykhdoms' rulers
by the overhanging threat of major territorial claims
against two of their number — the Persian claim to
sovereignty over Bahrayn, and Sa'udi Arabia's claim
to a considerable portion of Abu Zabi shaykhdom,
including the Buraymi oasis on its border with
'Uman. It was her desire for support in resisting
the Persian claim that had greatly influenced
Bahrayn's decision to participate in the federation.
The other states, however, were reluctant to risk
offending Persia by according Bahrayn the support
she sought. Dubayy, for instance, because of her
close commercial ties with Persia, was most averse
to becoming embroiled in the dispute. There was a
similar aversion on the part of most of the
shaykhdoms to being drawn into Abu Zabi's fron-
tier disagreement with Sa'udi Arabia. Katar's rela-
tions with the Sa'udis had been intimate for many
years, whereas those with Abu Zabi had been dis-
tant, and at times hostile, for generations. Bahrayn
the Persians, while Dubayy had for years been locked
in a contest with Abu Zabi for political influence
in Trucial 'Uman.
A fateful stage in the negotiations towards a fed-
eration of the nine shaykhdoms was reached in Rabi'
I 1390/May 1970, when a resolution of the Perso-
Bahrayni dispute was achieved. At the request of both
parties, and of Britain as the protecting power, the
UN secretary-general had appointed a personal rep-
resentative in Muharram 1390/March 1970 to ascer-
tain the wishes of the people of Bahrayn regarding
the future political status of the shaykhdom and its
relationship to Persia. The secretary-general's repre-
sentative reported at the beginning of May that the
Bahraynis were "virtually unanimous" in wanting a
fully independent, sovereign state, and that "the great
majority" desired it to be an Arab state. The UN
security council unanimously endorsed the report on
II May, and later that month (Rabr' I 1390) the
Persian government accepted it. The renunciation of
the Persian claim to Bahrayn, although it was hence-
forth to determine Bahrayn's attitude to the Federation
of Arab Amirates, had no effect upon the other threats
to the federation's territorial integrity. In the first week
of May, Sa'udi Arabia reasserted her claim to the
western and southern areas of Abu Zabi and to the
Buraymi oasis. A fortnight later Persia put forward a
claim to the islands of Abu Musa and the Greater
and Lesser Tunbs (Tunb-i Buzurk and Nahiyy Tunb),
.-'ARABIYYA al-MUTTAHIDA
situated a few miles inside the Gulf to the west of
the Straits of Hurmuz. Abu Musa had up to this time
been regarded as a possession of the Trucial Shaykh-
dom of al-Sharika, and the Tunbs as belonging to
Ra's al-Khayma.
Having secured the abandonment of the Persian
claim, the Bahrayms had no wish to create a fresh
source of friction with the Persians by taking the part
of al-Sharika and Ra's al-Khayma in the controversy
over Abu Musa and the Tunbs. This caution,
combined with the resentment felt over what was
considered to be the insufficient weight given to
Bahrayn's interests and importance in the projected
federation and the aversion to siding with Abu Zabl
in its resistance to the Sa'Qdis, served to set Bahrayn
after May 1970 on a political course that took it
steadily away from the federation and towards
independence. Where Bahrayn led, Katar was bound
to follow, as much for reasons of amour propre (its
ruling family had been at feud with that of Bahrayn
for over a century) as out of considerations of polit-
ical advantage and prudence. The final spur was
applied by the decision of the Conservative govern-
ment in Britain, which had been elected to power in
June 1970, to adhere to its predecessor's policy of
withdrawal from the Gulf by the end of 1971. (The
decision was announced in March 1971 but there
is evidence that it had been reached some time pre-
viously.) Bahrayn declared its independence on 22
Djumada II 1391/14 August 1971, and Katar fol-
lowed suit on 11 Radjab 1391/1 September 1971.
A few weeks earlier, six of the seven Trucial States,
having concluded that a federation of the nine
shaykhdoms was no longer feasible, had decided to
form a federation of their own. The Trucial federa-
tion, entitled the "United Arab Amirates" [al-Imarat al-
'Arabina al-Muttahida], was proclaimed at Dubayy on
25 Djumada I 1391/18 July 1971. The ruler of Ra's
al-Khayma. Shaykh Sakr b. Muhammad al-Kasimi,
refused to join the federation, partly because its mem-
bers showed no anxiety to assist him actively in oppos-
ing the Persian claim to the Tunbs, partly because of
his jealousy of the position and power which the rulers
of Abu Zabl and Dubayy commanded within the fed-
eration. His fellow Kasirm ruler, Shaykh Khalid b.
Muhammad of al-Sharika, proved more pliable over
the extension of Persian authority over Abu Musa
Island. His acquiescence in a Persian occupation was
obtained in late November in return for an annual
subsidy and an equal share in the exploitation of the
submarine oilfields located off Abu Musa. On 12
Shawwal 1391/30 November 1971, the day before
Britain's special treaty relationship with the Trucial
States was due to end officially, Persian troops occu-
pied Abu Musa and the Tunbs, meeting with armed
resistance on the Greater Tunb from the retainers of
the ruler of Ra's al-Khayma. There were a number
of repercussions from the Persian occupation of the
islands, among them the expulsion of several thousand
Persians from Trak and the nationalisation by the
Libyan government of the British Petroleum Company's
assets in Libya. The most violent individual reprisal
was the murder in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1391 /late January
1972 of the ruler of al-Sharika, Shaykh Khalid b.
Muhammad al-Kasirm, by his cousin the ex-ruler,
Shaykh Sakr b. Sultan al-Kasirm, ostensibly in revenge
for the alienation of Abu Musa to Persia. Shaykh Sakr
b. Muhammad of Ra's al-Khayma was so shaken by
the assassination that at the end of Dhu '1-Hidjdja
1391 /mid-February 1972 he joined the federation.
The treaties between Britain and the Trucial
States were abrogated on 13 Shawwal 1391/1
December 1971, and the United Arab Amirates was
formerly inaugurated the following day. Its president
was Shaykh Zayid b. Sultan al-Nihayyan, the ruler
of Abu Zabi, and the vice-president, Shaykh Rashid
b. Sa'id al-Maktum, the ruler of Dubayy. Under the
terms of the provisional constitution drawn up over
the previous two vears in consultation with an Egyptian
jurist, Dr Wahid al-Rifa'at, they were to hold 'office
for five years and be eligible for reappointment at
the end of that time. The capital of the UAA was
temporarily established at Abu Zabl until a perma-
nent capital had been built on a site on the border
of Abu Zabr and Dubayy.
The Jons et ongo of executive and legislative power
within the federation is the supreme federal council,
composed of the rulers of the seven constituent
shaykhdoms or amirates. Decisions of the council are
by majority vote, with Abu ZabT and Dubayy both
possessing the power of veto. The president appoints
the prime minister, the deputy minister and the other
ministers (some two dozen) who together make up
the federal council or cabinet. The cabinet's prime
function is to carry into effect the decisions of the
supreme council and the instructions of the presiden
The
pro™
which n
152 art]
cles, also established a federal national council tc
as a consultative assembly. It consists of forty dele-
gates appointed for a term of two years by the rulers
of the amirates, Abu Zabi and Dubayy each having
eight delegates, al-Sharika and Ra's al-Khayma. six,
and the other three amirates, four. Although the
constitution would appear to empower the national
council to initiate legislation, its principal task is clearly
to discuss and approve the budget and draft legisla-
tion presented to it by the council of ministers. The
constitution also provides for the establishment of a
supreme court for the federation and a number of
courts of first instance. Responsibility for the defence
of the federation is vested in a higher defence coun-
cil, headed by the president and consisting of the
vice-president, the prime minister, the minister of
defence and the interior, and the commander of the
Union Defence Force, which has been formed around
the nucleus of the Trucial Oman Scouts.
The constitution of the UAA, both in its pro-
visions and in its operation, reflects the primacy
within the federation of Abu Zabi and Dubayy, the
end of their term as president and vice-president in
1396/1976, Shaykh Zayid of Abu Zabi and Shaykh
Rashid of Dubayy were re-elected to their respec-
tive offices for a further five years. Members of their
families and close adherents hold the chief portfo-
lios in the council of ministers. The federal budget
is provided almost exclusively by Abu Zabi from its
large oil revenues. (Dubayy, although deriving a sub-
stantial income from oil and commerce, refuses to
contribute more than a token amount.) Abu Zabi
also has a defence force considerably larger and bet-
ter equipped than that of the union. Naturally, the
wealth and political predominance of the two
shaykhdoms has inspired envy and some resentment
among the less fortunate members of the federation,
with the exception perhaps of al-Sharika, which
enjoys a moderate degree of affluence from oil rev-
enues. The arbitrariness of fortune which has blessed
Abu Zabi and Dubayy has teuded to perpetuate and
even to intensify the longstanding rivalries and ani-
mosities among the shaykhdoms, more particularly
those between the northern Kasimi tribal confedera-
l-IMARAT al-ARABIYYA al-MUTTAHIDA — INAK
on and the so
ith
Ban! Yas confed
eratioi
There
ith
n the
federation
hesid
lused by the
ha
anre
of weak]
ibal and dyn
asti
v
ndett
s Social
and e
changes in recent vears ha\e been iapid and pro-
foundly unsettling A huge influx of immigrants of
all kinds has broken the traditional mould of soci-
ety Unearned affluence of an unreal magnitude has
corroded customary morals, values and restraints
Alien ideological notions have undermined the old
political certainties, with what eventual consequences
it is impossible to toretell The basis of the UAA
was, and remains, a coalition of interests among its
member states, especially the need foi some kind of
mutual security against the larger Gulf powers
Whether the federal structure erected thus far will
prove sturdv enough to withstand the fissiparous
pressures within it remains to be seen
Bibliography Wahid al-Riia'at, The Union of
Arabian Gulf Amirati.
(1970),
- UAA,
in Middh East Journal, xxvn/3 (1972), 307-25
] D Anthonv , Arab statu of tht Lowei Gulf,
Washington, D C 1475, 47-122, Middle Eait Record,
iv ll%8) Jerusalem 1973, bb7-7, and v (1969-
70;, Jerusalem 1477, 942-1004
(JB Kell\)
IMPECCABILITY, SINLESSNESS [see isma]
IMPROVISATION [see irtidjal]
INAK (spelt mak, inagh and mat), a title which
existed in various Turkic and Mongol states
The word is evidentlv a deverbal noun from the
Turkic verb man- [*ina] "to trust, to relv on" etc
with the basic meaning "close friend, confidant, trust-
worthy person" (The spelling 'inak, with initial 'ayn,
very often found in the Central Asian souices of the
19th century, is most piobably only an indication of
the initial back vowel, an explanation of this spelling
Arabic 'ma
>rd from
ham" "reliance", "trust", is registeied in the Tuikic
texts of the 10th century and later as a title or rank
of persons belonging to the close retinue of the ruler
(ct especiallv inane beg in Mahmud Kashgharl, l, 119,
and Kutadgu bihg, Farghana MS 293), this title
was used thiough the whole SaldjQk period (cf also
such titles as inane payghu, inane" bilge etc , see Sir G
Clauson, An etymological dictionan of pre-thirteenth-centun
Turkish, Oxtoid 1472. 187) The same meaning, piob-
ablv, had also the title mal (anothei deverbal noun
from the same stem), found alreadv in the tunic
inscriptions of the Yemsev Isee DmnetyurLkn sloiar',
Leningrad 14b9, 218, SE Malov, ienisnskaya pis'-
>' Tjurkov, Moscow -Leningrad 1952, 38, 45, 49)
The titles inal, i
maleuk
widelv used during the Karakhanid and SaldjQk pe
ods (see G Clauson, op nt , 184-5) theie is he
ever, another reading and explanation of this
tiom mal "deputy" [?], found in the Oikhon insc
tions and in Chinese souices of the same period (sec
Dranetyurkskn dovar', 209, 218, G Doerfei, Turkisih
und mongolische Elemente im \euperuuhen, iv, 19b-4, No
1400, cf, howevei, P Pelliot, Motes w I'histoire de I,
Horde d'Or, Pans 1444, 182-3, n 2) The word mak
which is not found in runic inscriptions and appear
first onlv in the texts written in the Uvghui chaiac
teis, was boirowed into Mongolian from Turkic alread^
befoie the end of the 12th centurv, it existed m the
time of Cingiz-Khan as a title of close companion
[nukers [qi]) of the khan
After the Mongol conquests this title, probably
under the Mongol influence, superseded other deriv-
atives of inan-aho among the Tuiks It is mentioned
in Persian historical sources of the Mongol and
Tlmurid periods, without a definition of its meaning,
but clearh, as a title of high-ranking persons espe-
cially close to the rulei (examples given bv Quatremere,
Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, i, pp L-LI, n 84, see
also the ^afar-nama bv Nizam al-Din Sham!, ed
the inak% (inakan, inaknan) are mentioned in these
special categorv of the retainers of the
inaknan [of an amir], etc ) ' The* tei m
neaning also in the \L Kovunlu [q < ]
g the
mukamban
had the s;
V Minoisky in Bi,OAi>, x/1 [1440-2], 170-1)
It seems that in the post-Timund period this title
was used onh, in the Uzbek khanates of Cential Asia
It is not mentioned bv Mahmud b Wall, the author
of Bahr al asidr, m his descuption of the ceremonial
at the court of the Ashtaikhamd ruler in Balkh icf
VV Baitol'd, Soimemja n/2, 390-3), though it cer-
tamlv existed during the Ashtarkhanid penod, accord-
ing to the 'I bayd Allah-nama bv Muhammad Amm
Bukhari (earlv 18th century, see Russian tr bv A A
Semenov, Tashkent 1457, ii), a person in the lank
of mak was keepei of the ioval seal (cf above, under
the Ak Koyunlu) in the reign of Subhan-Kull Khan
(d 1114/1702) A retainer of 'Ubavd Allah Khan
(1114-24/1702-11), a Kalmuk le a peison of slave
ongin), was promoted simultaneously to the post
(oi rank') of inak and to the post of the fust mims-
tei kosh begi m kull [see kosh-be&i] (see ibid, 45, 191),
he was also the keepei of the seal I ibid , 204) His
the rank of inak togethei with the post of the great
kosh-begi {ibid, 230, 27b) The administiative manual
Madjma' al-arkam compiled in Bukhara in 1212/
1798 mentions two inaks first, "the great I" ['mak i
kalan), who was the third (aftei the kosh-begi) among
the four dignitaries especiallv close to the sovereign,
and whose duty was to pass the roval orders to pei-
sons under the rank of amli, and second, "the little
I " ('inak-i khurd], who kept the box with the roval
seals and also had to receive all ieports from the
province and messages brought bv foreign ambassa-
dors, to open them and to pass them to the munshi
foi reading (see facsimile in Pa'menniye pamyatmki \ostoka
1968, Moscow 1970, 5b, 57) N Khamkov [Opisamyt
Bukharskogo khansba, St Petersburg 1843, 183-5, 187)
mentions onh, one mak, whose duty was to set his
seal on the reveise of the diplomas giantmg the ranks
of mir-i akhur, ishik aghast and i"aghatav-begi, apparenth
this was the office of the foimer inak-i khurd At the
time of the last Mangits [qv], however, the title inak,
as well as some othei titles, became simplv a hon-
orary rank — the fifth fiom the top in the hierarchv
of Bukhara, between dadkh"dh and paruanaa — given
to vanous officials
In the Khanate of Khiwa, the title mak was given
to the leadeis of the Uzbek tribes, and it was ongi-
nallv the second in importance after the title atalik
[qv, above] The historian of Khiwa Mu'ms [qt],
in his account of the administrative reform of Abu
'1-Ghazi [qi] (1 053-79/ Ib43-b3), mentions that the
khan's council of 34 'amaldan established bv Abu '1-
GhazI included four inah and four "C aghatav inah"
{Firdau* al-ikbal, ms of the Leningrad Branch of the
TNAYAT KHAN
Institute of Oriental Studies, C-571, f. 65b). There
was one inak from each of four tupa, into which all
Uzbek tribes in Kh"arazm were apparently divided
already in the 16th century: Uyghur and Nayman,
Kungrat and Kiyat, Mangit and Nukuz, Kangli and
Kipcak; the meaning of the title Caghatay inak is not
clear. Mu'nis (ibid., f. 101a) claims that already in the
reign of Abu '1-GhazT, Umbay Inak, the ancestor of
the Kungrat [q.v.] dynasty became the khan's power-
ful first minister in reward for the service rendered
by him previously. In the concluding part of the
Shadjara-yi Turk written on behalf of Abu 'l-Ghazi's
son Anusha (ed. Desmaisons, text, 327, tr., 351) there
is mentioned a Yadigar Inak brought by Abu '1-GhazT
from Hazarasp to Khlwa and given the inaklik, though
he certainly already held the title inak before (cf. ibid.,
text, 326, tr., 349); this may be interpreted as a
promotion of one of the Uzbek inaks to the post of
the "great I.", like that which Umbay Inak held
(later?). The reports of the Russian ambassadors,
who were in Khlwa in the reign of Anusha Khan,
show, however, that the inaks were still on the sec-
ond place after the atalth (see Nakaz Borisu i Semenu
Pazukhinim . . ., St. Petersburg 1894, 43-4). Artuk Inak,
from the Mangit tribe, became actual ruler of the
Khanate of Khlwa after its conquest by Nadir Shah
(1740).
In the third quarter of the 18th century,
Muhammad Amin Inak, chief of the Kungrat tribe,
became the ruler of the khanate and the founder of
the dynasty, which remained in power till 1920 and
is called sometimes in scholarly literature "Inakids".
The third ruler from this dynasty, Eltuzar Inak, pro-
claimed himself khan in 1219/1804. After that, inak
became the highest title for the Uzbek nobility in
Khiwa (the historians of Khlwa mention cases of pro-
motion from the rank of atalik to the rank of inak
see e.g. Firdaws al-ikbal (ms. cit., ff. 317b 578a)
During the reign of Muhammad Rahim Khan (1220-
40/1806-25), his elder brother Kutlugh Murad had
the title inak-bek and was styled amir al-umaia' (ibid
f. 316a; but the atalik was still considered as senior
Uzbek amir); he was called also biy-inak and inak aka
In the middle of the 19th centurv the title of inak
bek (that is senior I) was given to the khans heir
who was mostlv governor of the town of Hazarasp
before the Russian conquest (187 i) howe\er this title
was applied not to the heir but to one of senioi rel
atives oi the khan (ci AL Kuhn s papers in the
Archives of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute oi
Onental Studies file 1/H ff 3ba 18b) Besides him
and the lour malt, oi the Uzbek tribes the title was
granted sometimes to the tribal chiefs oi the
Turk
.ted also in the Khan
The title
Khokand [q
cial (oi officials) in charge of the provision for the
court and for the khan s bodyguards they supervised
also the personal domains of the khan \t the same
time appaiently it was here also as in Bukhara an
honoiary rank gnen to \anous dignitanes such as
provincial governors (ci \ P Nahvkm Histoire du
klwnat de Khokand Pans 1889 104)
Bibliography in addition to the works cited in
the text see B Vj Vladirmrtsos Obshieshmmv stroy
mongolov Leningrad 1934 93 P Pelliot Vofei w I his
torn de la Horde dOr Pans 1949 182 3 n 2 A A
Semenov in Soiihkqyi lostokmedemyi \ (1948) 148 9
idem in Maknah po wtoni Uidjkoi I uj>ikm Sredrm izn
u Stahnabad 1954 61 AL Troitskaya kalalog
arkhwa Kokandshkh khanov XIX veka, Moscow 1968, 545,
idem. Material! po istorii Kokandskogo kharutna XIX v.,
Moscow 1969, 5, 21; Radloff, Wbrterbuch, i, 1361-3;
G. Doerfer, Turkische und mongolische Ele-mente in
Neupershchen, ii, 217-20, nos. 668-9; E.V. Sevortyan,
Etimologiceskiy slovar' tyurkshkh yazikov, Moscow 1974,
6_54-6. (Yu. Bregelj
WAT, a town in Hadramawt, about 10 miles/ 15
km. due east of Tarim, and situated at the conflu-
ence of the Wadls <In5t and Hadramawt.
The holy family of Tnat is the Al Bu Bakr b. Shaykh
and the illustrious mansab, Shaykh Bu Bakr b. Salim,
known as Mawla 'Inat, is buried in the town. The
family has been subjected to severe criticism from
other Sayyid groups because of its bearing arms.
Tnat has become one of the most important hawtas
[q.v.] in Hadramawt. It is famous for its own breed
of hunting dogs which seem to be indistinguishable
from the common "pie-dog". With these dogs the
inhabitants participate in the ibex hunt under the
direction of the Mansab. The number of the inhab-
itants of the town was greatly reduced after the war-
time famine in Wadi Hadramawt, and a fairly recent
figure suggests a population of about 1,300. The
old quarter organisation has in reality disappeared,
though originally there were several quarters.
Landberg employs the spelling 'Eynat ('Aynat),
though it seems that all other European forms pro-
Bibliography: H. von Wissmann, Map of
Southern Arabia, Royal Geographical Society,
London 1958; Le Comte de Landberg, Arabica, v,
Leiden 1898, 206; R.B. Serjeant, Saiyids of
Hadramawt, London 1957, 17-18; idem, South
Arabian hunt, London 1976, 32-3. (G.R. Smith)
"INAYAT KHAN, a noble of the Indian
Mughal emperor Awrangzib He stemmed from
Kh'al [qi] in Khurasan, but no information about
his earlv career is available In 1077/1666-7 he was
appointed head of the diuan i khaltsa (diuan of ciown
lands) In 1079/1668-9 he was promoted to the lank
oi 900 dhat and 100 suuar In 1080/1669-70 he
reported that the expenditure had increased since the
time oi Shah Djahan and that there was a large
deficit Awrangzib thereupon ordered an enlargement
of the khahsa lands and a reduction in expenditure
In 1082/16712 he was appointed fanajdar [qi]
(commandant) oi Cakla Barelr and in 1086/1675-6
Jaud}dar of Khavrabad In 1088/1677-8 he was again
appointed pishdast I daftar i khalisa, and was promoted
to the rank of 1000 dhat and 100 suwar. In 1092/
1681 2 he was promoted to be head of the diwdn-i
buyutat (in charge oi the Imperial Household accounts),
and shortly alter at his own request, was appointed
governor of Adjmer He took part in a campaign
against the Rathors but died in 1093/1682. He was
not apparently implicated in the conspiracy of Padshah
Kuh Khan his son-in law who was killed at about
this time
Bibliography Musta id Khan, Ma'dtMr-i 'Alamgiri,
Bib Ind Calcutta 1871; Shah Nawaz Khan,
Maathiral umara Bib Ind., Calcutta 1888, ii;
Kh"afT Khan Muntakhab al-lubdb, Bib. Ind., Calcutta
(M. ,
i Ali)
TNAYAT KHAN an obscure general of the Mughal
Emperoi Awrangzib [q i ] He was the father-in-law
oi Tahawwur Khan one of the principal supporters
oi Awrangzib s son Akbar during the rebellion of 109 1-
2/1680 1 When in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1091/January
1681 Awrangzib advanced to Do-raha, in the Adjmer
region Inavat Khan was ordered to write to Tahaw-
wur Khan inducing him to desert the prince's army,
TNAYAT KHAN — INSTITUT DES HAUTES ETUDES MAROCAINES
r Khan complied but o
which he Ms killed
Bibliography Sir Jadunath Saikar History o
4mang-ib' Calcutta 1912-24 m 411-12
(P j.CKSON)
INCENSE [see lub*n]
INDEPENDENCE [see istimal]
INFALLIBILITY [see 'i<jm\]
INHISAR or in Ottoman Tuikish also Hv>Ir wen
the woids used tor monopolies and lestnctive prac
tices of Ottoman guilds the full teim being inhisar
bey'i le ihira These monopolies included restriction
concerning the number or kind oi people allowed t(
perk
, well a
Restr
oi this kind were considered necessary and beneficial
to society As against this, monopolistic hoirding 01
cornering was condemned and prohibited by the gc
einment To distinguish between the two kinc'
second was called in Turkey ihtikai but this ter
used in -\rabic tor both kinds oi monopolies (ct
Monopolies 145-6 Egyptian guilds 107 n 11 It
Documents relating to Istanbul and Cairo
from the 18th and 19th centuries show that a
ment orders and entoiced by the officers of the
e Attei some unsuccessful attempts to abolish
n in Fgypt in the middle of the 19th centuiy
y gradually disappeared in Egvpt as well as in
tr paits of the Ottoman Empire in the couise of
second half ot the centuiy On 9 Januaiy 1890
vas decreed in Egvpt that e\ery ptrson was tree
tiade except loi dangerous occupations or tor those
which weic go\ernment monopolies
Bibliography 'Othman Nun, Medjellt yi umur i
belednye i Istanbul 1922 C White Vim yean in
Constantmoplt London 1845 & Baei Monopolies
and restnctiu piactices of Turhsh guilds in JESHO
\m/2 1 1970) 145 b5 idem Egyptian guilds in mod
im timis Jerusalem 1964 105-12
l& B\eri
INIMITABLENESS OF THE KUR'AN [see
the
, to hav
Kted though the
the 17th century Cairo craftsmen in \anous branches
acquire an idfaza without which the\ weie not
allowed to practice their uaft One of the main
purposes oi these iestnctions was to limit the num-
ber oi shops or people occupied in a trade or ciaft
Such limitations are indeed documented tor Istanbul
from the lbth century onwards well into the 19th
In addition efforts were made to prevent the estab-
lishment ot wildcat enterprises and especially to
eliminate the illicit trade of hawkeis and pedlais
\koltukcular)
n was the limitation ot
lhng specific goods only
The aim oi such measuies was to eliminate external
and internal competition and thus to prevent social
upheavals and uniest Foi the same purpose it was
ordeied in some cases that specific pioduction oi
particular dresses was limited to specific communities
uilds
specii
c place*
markets which often be
the trade
gidik svstem Gidik hterallv means breach and hence
acquired the meaning of privilege Thus a ifdik was
the right to exercise a crait or a trade eithei in gen-
et al oi moie irequentlv at l special place oi in l
specific shop Most gidiks included the right to the
tools of a woikshop or a business The numbei ot
gidiks in each ciaft was fixed though it could be
changed irom time to time Since nobody was allowed
to become a mastei oi open a shop without owning
a gidik, new masters could be accepted onlv when a
\acancv occurred Gedih were inheiitable it the hen
fulfilled all other conditions foi becoming a master
in the ciaft, otherwise the rule was that they be tians-
tened to appientices oi journeymen ot the guild not
INSPECTION OF TROOPS [
.1 the
Jlld v
INSTITUT DES HAUTES ETUDES MARO-
CAINES (IHEM, al Ma'had k I 'ulum al <ulya al
itellectual hie in Moiocco o\er a penod ot ioitv
years beaung in mind the fact that it followed on
n the Ecole Supeneure de Langue Arabe et des
Dialectes Berberes opened in Rabat in 1915 foi the
tiainmg of highly -qualified civilian interpreters
The I H E M was established bv decree oi the
grand \iziei on 11 Februaiy 1920/20 Dtumada I
1338 with the object oi instigating and encoui lg-
dmating them and tentiahsing the results It wis
replaced in 1956 aftei Moroccan independent e b\
the Faiulte des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines
of Rabat
[f the Ecole Supeneure had been directed bv inter-
preters of distinction like M Nehlil and I Hamet
the IHEM was headed bv a succession oi pioies-
i ot high i enow n sc H Basset E Ievi-Piovenc,al
Biunot and H Teirasse The staff of duectois
dead F Ann A Basset E Biarnay R Blacheie
H Bruno H de Castnes J Celenei P de Cemval
I Chatelain GS Colin J de C osse-Bnssic
R Homier M Bendaoud E Laoust C Le Cneur
R Le Tourneau \ Loubignac & and W Marcais
G Mauv P Mauchausse J Meume R Montagne
L Pive H Renaud, P Ricaid J Riche and
A Roux Many of these ha\e been contnbutois to
this Encyclopaedia
The achievement oi the IHEM has been con-
sideiable Moiocco has witnessed the emeigence oi l
stiong school that has addressed itself with eneigy
and enthusiasm to the scientific studv ot the country
and has almost entnely le-eviluated our knowledge
ot the Maghrib and Muslim Spain The Institute fust
published as successoi to the review Its in huts Berbeits
i Bulletin di II HEM which aftei the fust issue took
on the splendid title Hespens which it kept until it
ceased publication The scientific authontv and excep-
tion il documentai y inteiest oi this publication were
such that in 1972 1 complete facsimile edition was
published (compnsing the Archney Buberts and the
Heipim published among its ai tides a Biblw
graphu Maioeame of a \eiy wide-ranging chaiacter
since it embraces undei some forty headings all that
is known concerning Moiocco and its successive
422 INSTITUT DES HAUTES ETUDES MAROCAINES — INSTITUT DES HAUTES ETUDES DE TUNIS
civilisations. Edited by specialists from the Bibliotheque
Generale of Rabat, it has made an unrivalled con-
tribution to any methodical study of the Maghrib.
This bibliography was published between 1923 and
1953.
Hesperis merged in 1960 with the review Tamuda,
born in Tetuan in the last years of the Spanish
Protectorate, and it continues in this form to serve
Morocco and the pursuit of knowledge.
Besides Hetpem, the I.H.E.M. has published sev-
eral collections comprising the complete Hesperis
(15 volumes); collected Arabic texts (12 volumes);
Publications of the I.H.E.M. (62 volumes); collected
articles of the Centres d'Etudes Juridiques (45 vol-
umes); Proceedings of the Congresses of the I.H.E.M.
(9 volumes); some extra-mural publications, includ-
ing Initiation au Maroc (3 editions), a Notice sur lei regies
d'editwn des travaux and some Brefs conseils pratiques for
the transcription and printing of Spanish and
Portuguese words (R. Ricard); collected Notes and
Documents (21 volumes); and collected Moroccan
Berber Texts (2 volumes).
In addition to research, publications, public sources
in Arabic (classical and dialectal), in Berber and in
Moroccan civilisation, the I.H.E.M. provided train-
ing for the various degrees in arts and the law degree
awarded by French universities. It thus enabled many
young people to start and complete their higher stud-
' l Arabic and in law without the obligation to
go t.
t Scienti-
Also worthy of mention is the
fique Cherifien, founded in 1920,
higher education devoted exclusively to the study
of scientific problems related to Morocco. Very
advanced for its time, it was awarded the patron-
age of the Academic des Sciences of Paris. It con-
tinues to produce admirable work and numerous
publications.
Bibliography: Direction generale de Instruc-
tion publique, des beaux arts et des antiquites:
Histonque (1912-1930), Rabat 1931, chs. ii, xii;
Bull, de I 'Inst, des Hautes Etudes Marocaines,
No. 1 (Dec. 1920), text of the vizieral decree
setting up the establishment and the inaugural
speech of the first Congress of the I.H.E.M.
delivered by G. Hardy, setting forth the scien-
tific and humanistic programme of the Institute.;
Publication de 1'I.H.E.M. (1915-1935), tables et
index, suppl. to Hesperis, 1936, 3rd term (pp.
82).; Publications de 1'I.H.E.M. et de la Section
Historique du Maroc, Rabat 1954 (p. 17);
M. Hosotte-Raynaud, Publications de 1'I.H.E.M.,
1936-1954, Tables et repertoires, Rabat 1956 (pp.
145); P. Morin, Bibliography analytique des Sciences
de la Terre. Maroc et regions limitrophes, depuis le
debut des recherches geolo-giques a 1964 (Notes et
memoires au Service Geologique No. 182),
Rabat 1965, 2 vols.; A. Adam, Bibliographic cri-
tique de sociologie, d 'ethnographic et de geographic
humaine du Maroc, Memoires du Centre de recher-
ches anthr pologiques, prehistoriques et ethno-
graphiques d'Alger, Algiers 1972, Introd.
(G. Deverdun)
INSTITUT DES HAUTES ETUDES DE
TUNIS, an institution of higher learning founded in
1945, by the amalgamation of the Centre d'Etudes
Juridiques, a subsidiary- of the University of Algiers,
and the Ecole Superieure de Langue et Litterature
Arabes. This Institute benefited from its inception
from an administration arranged under the patron-
age of the University of Paris and supervised by the
Department of Public Education of Tunis under the
Protectorate, later by the Minister or Secretary- of
State for National Education of the Tunisian gov-
ernment. This administration was not altered by the
Franco-Tunisian Cultural Convention of 1 September
1955: the latter in particular maintained the patron-
age of the University of Paris. Thus the Institute has
continued to prepare students for degrees and diplo-
mas offered by the French state and, simultaneous-
ly, to award Tunisian diplomas.
The Institut des Hautes Etudes of Tunis was
directed by a president, assisted by a deputy presi-
dent, resident in Tunis. The presidents have succes-
sively been William Marcais and Jean Roche, the
deputy presidents Jacques Flour, Roger Jambu-Merlin
and Pierre Marthelot. It comprised four sections, later
to become faculties: legal and economic studies, sci-
ence, literature and arts, philology and linguistics.
Instruction was provided by French and Tunisian
professors and lecturers, with qualifications entitling
them to teach to the standards of French higher edu-
sors appointed on the recommendation of the heads
of section.
These studies were pursued by students registered
in the normal way and also, after the independence
of Tunisia, by the pupils of the Ecole Normale
Superieure, of the Ecole Nationale d'Administration
and of the Centre d'Etudes Economiques, attending
a number of joint courses. Thus, in 1958-9, the total
strength numbered 1,522, of whom 382 were girls.
Tunisians numbered 44.7 % of the total.
Apart from routine education, the Institut des
Hautes Etudes included a number of laboratories and
study centres, providing and co-ordinating specialised
equipment and research facilities for the students of
the various departments. Similarly, a university library
offered its resources to the students, resources that in
time were added to the study facilities provided by
the General Library of Suk al-'Attarfn.
Finally, the Institut des Hautes Etudes was respon-
sible for the creation of two reviews: the Cahiers de
Tunisie, a quarterly review of the arts, replacing the
former Revue tunisienne, and the Revue de droit, also quar-
terly. A certain number of volumes were published
in the form of specialised collections: a Library of
Law and Economics, Publications of the Science
Section and the Literature Section (Paris, P.U.F.).
Thus there operated for some fifteen years an
institution of modern higher education, equivalent to
that of the French universities. The patronage of the
University of Paris, reinforced by numerous visits
from French professors, ensured that a high standard
It was by virtue of these high standards that the
Institut des Hautes Etudes of Tunis became the
University of Tunis, by the decree of 31 March 1960.
If the patronage of the University of Paris
has disappeared, along with an obsolete administra-
tive council, links with the French university have
remained very strong, although not institutional, and,
naturally, not exclusive, since progressively with their
acquisition of State doctorates, Tunisian professors
hav<
adva
mber i
sity. The guardianship of the
Tunisian state was established with the least risk
of friction when one of the heads of department,
a Tunisian, Mahmoud Messadi, became Secretary
of State for National Education; the pro-rector, for
his part, was none other than a former professor
of the Institute and director of the Ecole Normale
INSTITUL DES HALITES E1UDFS DE TUNIS
Supene
it then
intel
Thus the Universitv of Tunis totillv and piogi
siveh integrated with the countn ind totalh in
pendent in its fortunes in the fnmework of the
stiaightiwav, in spite of its relative \outh ind in spite
with the French um\ersit\ one ol the most distin
guished ind effective umveisities ol the Arab world
IP MariheiutI
INSULT [see siiatm]
INTERPRETER [see turdjuman]
INTERROGATION [see istifham]
INVECTIVE [see hidja']
INZAL (French spelling enzel trom an^ala tc
lodge give hosprtilitv) ti edition il tvpe ofle ise pec u
liar to Tunisia Presumablv a survival of the Rom li-
the
ilitv ol pioui
foundations The Mai:
lulled n
it enabled the color
ings without pnoi
Bibliography (
iv e hnd hold
s m the text)
de location perpduelk \lgieis 1902 G Del Mir
Fnjitam id In al in L Africa Itahana N S vi 1 192
16 21 H de Montetv Urn hi agram m Tun,
Cihors 1927 F Vilenzi // ontratto di tn^el
Tunisia
i 0\i ^
(1954) 540 8
i Sultan Hasan Shah (877 89/1472 84) of kishmn
)n inning m the \ illev where he stived foi eight
cars he bee ime the disciple of Bibi Ismail i
vubriwi sunt ind then secretlv won over B iba
di Nadjdjn one of his most devoted followers to
. Nur
ind ^
■ned b\ Suff panthe
lted because being
openlv, Besides the
ind compelled him t
to Hai u but is he lc
,t the
? kis_hm:
He r
if Sultm Hus
define it as a
ease i
i peipeti
itv [him
mil
abb
rf)of
a piopert\ to a
n engagi
elf t
lid a
house or anv o
diiice or
phnt t
pi\ i peipetu
ted bv
the
month (D Sa
tillan
htitiKi
maluhita Rome
1925
i 441)
E Cla
els
deti
distinguished be
the twe
domn
spe
the estite Le
nzel e
pit
lequel le w ikf c
ule
lopneti
e dun
bien m
Ik s.
depouille a perpetuit
e du doma
ne
itile
dun
\ int que
le don
nen,
i dnrge pn le
temn
iv ei un
cm
in i
nnuel
fi\e [Le Uakf
u Hal
ous Can
e 189b
88)
Hi,
lights of the le
e so wic
pla
a> hi
lid pi in
mike
imp
ove
nents
ins^^gh'rT
his p
The
in^al le
cmbles
<h<°
lu
nsfer
unorthodox beliefs he left
for Ra\ to live with Shah kisim the son of Sayvid
Muhtmmid Nur Bikhsh
While he wis m Ri> Shims il Din heird th it
those whom he hid c onverted in Kashmir had iehpsed
into orthodow so on the advice of Shm kisim he
decided to proceed to the \ illev, He left Ra\ m
Ribi 1 907 /September 1501 Tiavellmg via Mashlnd
kindahir Multin he enteicd kishmir in the spnng
of 1502 through the Punc B uimuli route On urn
But the most import int tonveit wis Must Rivm i
powerful noble who supported him in his ittivities
uid give him monev to build l than/ah [/i] at
Djiddibil in Snnigir But on account of the oppo
sition of the orthodox ulama ind of Savud Muham
mid Bivhiki the ua^ii of Sultm Muhimmad Shih
h, left kisjimir He went to Baltistm to the noitli
e 1st of k ishmir ind c irried on missiomn, work
. He
Buddhisi
inhib
ind the Egvptian hill but diffeis from both
r points (1) it his lost its origin il purpose
> iendei uakf propertv productive thus pio
income to its beneficiaries (2) it is no longer
I to uakf but includes pnvite propertv is well
t the
ve] ,
with u
'1505 md i
f Mus
Riv
Me
•rful During the r
Ravna was ua u Shims il-Dm carried o
les without am hindrance The conveisio
I lk and other C lk nobles furthci enible
msolidate his work
hile i gieit c hinge hid come ovei th
bikhshivva which under the influence e
iwid Ii in increasinglv begin to identifv Use
i Shi ism b\ shedding those of its doctrine
:h it had borrowed horn Suhsm and Sunni Islm
ms ilDm I
> the
openlv pie.
e he died in 9 32/ 152b Shir
:> tint
Din k
l belief, sumved
- onlv biographv of Shams al
is i Tuhfat al ahbab bv i con
al 'IRAKI Sawid Shams al Din lehgious
leider ictive in the ev angehs ition ot kish
mn He was the son ot Siyvid Ibnhim i Musiwi
Sayvid ind wis bom in the smill town of kund
He received 1 good education ind while still voung
came undei the influence ol Say>id Muhammad Nui
Bakhsh (795-869/1393-1464), the founder of the
Nurbakhshiyya Order [see kubra, nadjm al-din].
Impressed by his eloquence and learning, Sultan
Husayn Mirza Baykara (873-911/1469-1506) took
consulted z
r work is with Siyvid Mu
>hi l mudjtatiid ol kishmn
Shims ilDin Othei woiks
Pn His in Shah Tankh i
Hasan n Sunigir 1954 Mnzi Havdu Dughht
Ta rikh i Rashidi t. ED Ross and N Ellis London
1895 Nui Alhh Shushtui Uadjalis almuminm
Tehun 1299/1882 Mohibbul Hasan has/mm
under thi Sultans Snnigii 1974 Oriental Collect
\Ia a a^im Lihoie (Febunrv, ind Miv,
August
I929j.
(Men
L HASA
IRAN
in Languages
(a) Pashto [see Afghan
(n) The Pasht
language]
(b) Km dish [see Kurds
'. anguage]
(c)Zaza [qi]
(d) Kh arazmian
(e) Sogdian and BaLtna
n in the earl\ Is
(f) New Persian
(g) New Persian vuitte
i in Hebtew cha
racters [see
jud<veo-persim<i 11 Language]
(d) Kh arazmian
Kh arazmian last attested late in the 8th/ 14th
century (before yielding to Turkish) belonged to the
Eastern bianch of the Iranian language famiK being
most closeK i elated to Sogdian its southeastern neigh
bour Pre-Islamic recoids are limited to coin legends
and other inscriptions in a regional paitlv ideographic
development oi the Aiamaic script found on wooden
tablets ossuaries and silver \essels and some docu-
ments on leather Surviving Islamic souues consist
quoted in Arabic books oi case-law and (b) the
Kh aiazmian glosses (in one tase almost complete! in
difleient copies oi al-Zamakhshan s Arabic dictionary
Will aiiimat al adab Thev use the Arabo-Persian script
augmented bv two letters (A and j | with triple dots
above producing < (for both allocates Is md dz as
onginallv in Pashto) and /3 li e i distinct horn it)
iespectivelv While p c dj ()) kh (vl gh (y) ih Is)
Ji U) k [t and g) and the emphatics ' h k (?) s d
(C), t z piesumablv had then Persian values the
remaining letters including th dh (fricative 9 5) evi
dentlv kept then original pionunciation The letters
aie, however oiten unpointed and ior the most pait
unvowelled Remaikable is the distinct spelling oi
woids in pause position with a presumably stiessed
vowel y beloie the last consonant eg ark [*urg]
woll in pause W [*ureg] The basic numeials
< Oroya
also 30 n
< Or
hiSs <
*0ndasa
ci Paithi
n hry ds)
i cfi
(<
aOfaio
ci Paith ij'i,
"j pne (<
pama) b
uas) 1
'fid (as
a] 9
J d'(
e bu
19 na'Ss)
10 8s (<
daitt)
20
\>M «
unati)
100 s
The morphology was charactenstically Eastern
Middle Iranian Nominal iorms distinguished two
grammatical genders two numbeis and in combin i-
tion with pre- and postpositions five variously inflected
ablative and locative A complex system oi personal
and demonstiative pionouns included many suffixed
foims There was a definite aiticle masc y lem y'
plui 'y oiten coalescing with piepositions Adjectives
mainly pieceded nouns Examples 'y k'm the mouth
< y k'm' h irom his mouth fy k'm' h in into his
mouth j\ pcayu j % k'm'n in the coinei [*piwyek]
oi the mouth y' (B^ryibril) fam the (grassy) eaith
y' famy' S'r the eaith (dnect ob|ecti c ' farm from
the earth 'y bjmnk 'y famn'n 'Creator of the eaiths
y' psl the back 'y h't y' psky the load oi the back
pi ' psk' h on his back adnk pxtyk old wine (p\tk)
y' udnc bda the old piopeity adncy ft old veins
(flf The verbal system was based on a present stem
and an impeiiect formed irom it marked in polysyl-
labic stems by an a substituted ior the vowel oi the
fust syllable verbs with an initial vowel took l pre-
fix m instead Through the use oi vanous stem or
final suffixes ioui tenses (present imperfect inac-
tive and futuie) six moods (indicative, subjunctive
conditional optative potential and imperative) and a
peimansive aspect were all distinguishable Compound
tenses formed with the past participle and the aux-
iliary b'ry to have are only iarelv attested Notable
besides the third-peison singulai present endings
in < (< ti\ aie the third-peison plurals in 'r The
most striking syntactic leatuie was that of anticipa-
pieposttion
appea
suffixe
the b<
.hen thev appeared later as
independent forms e g hySd' hy n' d' br y sl'm he
recited the gieetmgs before him (liteiallv he iead-
him-them-ofl-upon the greetings )
Bibliography AZ Wahdi (Zeki \elidi Togan)
Hmau-muche <sat^e m einem arabisihtn Fiqh Ueile in
lslamita m (1<U7| 190-213 \\ [B] Henmng, Lbe>
du Spmiht der Ouarezmur in ^DMG xc (1936)
*30*-*34* (= Silnttd papers l 401-")) Togan
/ Muqaddimat al adab
' Khon
tanbul 1
Henmng The Khvauzmian languagi in ^tli I didi
Togan' a armagan Istanbul 1955 421 -3b (= Sel papers
i 485-500) idem Tht stmtture of the khuarcjnian
ie,b in Asia Major NS v (19%) 43-9 (= Set papas
n 449-5b) idem Tht Choresmian documents in ibid
x (196")) lbb-79 (= %/ papers n, b45-58) J Benzing
Das thwaitsmiseht Sprathmatmal einer Handuhnft dtr
Muqaddimat al Adab ion ^amaxsan Wiesbaden 19b8
DN MacKenzie Tht Khuait mian glossary I in
£9049 xxxm (1970) 540-58 // in xxxiv (1971)
74-90, /// 314-30 I\ "521-36 I in xxxv (1972)
56-74 (= Iranua dunsa n 459-550) Henmng 4
fragment of a Khuanzmian dictionary ed MacKenzie
London 1971 M Samadi Das chime misthe \trbum
Wiesbaden 1986 MacKenzie Tht Khwarijman elt
merit in tht Qunyat al-munya London 1990
(D N MacKenzie)
(ei Sogdian and Bactnan in the early
Islamic period
1 Sogdian (oi Soghdian) was the Middle Iranian
language oi Sughd [q i ] and adjacent areas As an
Eastern Iranian language Sogdian is related ianly
closely to Choresmian (Kh arazmian see (d) above)
and Bactnan, more distantly to Middle Peisian
(Pahlavt) The iotm oi Sogdian known fiom texts
seems to be based on the language oi the capital
Samatkand but the limited evidence available indi-
cates that the dialects spoken in aieas such as Bukhara
and Cac (Shash Tashkent) weie quite similar and no
doubt mutually compiehensible with Sogdian pioper
Most oi the surviving Sogdian manuscripts date
irom the 4th to 10th centuries AD in addition to
seculai texts such as letters and business documents
they include a mass of Buddhist Christian and
Mamchaean literature written in four difleient scnpts
Almost all of this material was found fai to the east
of the Sogdian homeland in aieas where Sogdian
merchants had founded tiading colonies in particu-
lar the Tut fan [qi] oasis in Chinese Tuikistan (Xin-
jiang) and Dunhuang in western China The most
impoitant Sogdian texts found in Sughd itself are the
so-called 'Mug documents' (published by Liv shits and
Bogolyubov-Smunova) These date fiom the penod of
the Islamic conquest of Sughd under Kutayba b
Muslim [qi] at the beginning of the 2nd/8th cen-
tury and represent part of the admimsti ativ e archives
of its last independent iulers Of particular interest is
a letter in Sogdian fiom an Aiab official named <Abd
al-Rahman b Subh to the Sogdian king Dhewashtic
(see I \akubovich Mugh 11 leusittd forthcoming in
Studio Iranica, xxxi [2002], 215-30). The Sogdian docu-
ments from the eastern colonies also contain a few
references to the people and events of the Muslim
world: a life of the Christian saint John of Daylam
mentions al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf, the amir of Khurasan
(d. 95/714) (see W. Sundermann, in Acta Antigua
Aiademiae Saentiarum Hungaruae, xxiv/1 [1976], 95-101),
while the trilingual (Sogdian-Turkish-Chinese) inscrip-
tion of Karabalgasun in Mongolia possibly alludes to
events connected with the rebellion of Rafi' b. Layth
[q.v.] of Samarkand in 190-4/806-10 (according to
Y. Yoshida, in Documents et archives provenant de VAsie
Centrale, ed. A. Haneda, Kyoto 1990, 119-20).
As a result of the important role of the Sogdian
merchants in the long-distance trade between China,
India and the West, Sogdian came to be used as a
lingua franca of the Central Asian trade routes and
many Sogdian documents may have been written by
and for non-native speakers. This is particularly obvi-
ous in the latest Sogdian documents (3rd-4th/9th-10th
centuries), some of which display strong influence from
Turkish. Soon after the heginning of the 5th/ 11th
century, Sogdian seems to have gone out of use as
a written language, having been superseded by Turkish
and in Sughd itself by Persian. Although New Persian
is in origin the language of the south
of Fan
guage had begun in the east of the Ira
especially in Transoxania, with the result that the lan-
guage of the earliest Persian poets is full of Sogdian
and other Eastem Iranian words (see W.B. Henning,
Sogdian loan-words m Mew Persian, in BSOS, x/1 [1939],
93-106). A certain amount of Sogdian linguistic mate-
rial is also preserved in the writings of Muslim schol-
ars such as al-Birunl, who gives both the standard
Sogdian and the Bukharan names of many months,
festivals, plants, etc. (see Henning, Mittehranisch, 84-6).
Particularly remarkable is the philosopher al-Farabfs
discussion in his Kitab al-Hurufo{ the means for express-
ing the notion of existence in Sogdian (see A. Tafazzoli,
Three Sogdian words m the Kitab al-Huruf in Bull, of the
Iranian Culture Foundation, i/2 [1973], 7-8).
The disappearance of Sogdian as a language of
culture and administration did not immediately lead
to its disappearance as a spoken language. Indeed,
one Sogdian dialect has sunived to this day as a
result of its speakers' location in a remote mountain
valley in northern Tajikistan. N ow known as Yaghnobi,
this language was estimated in 1975 to be spoken by
some 2,000 persons, mostly Sunnl Muslims.
Bibliography: I. Gershevitch, A grammar of
Manuhean Sogdian, Oxford 1954; W.B. Henning,
Mittehranisch, in Hdb. d. Or., ed. B. Spuler, I/IV/1,
Leiden-Cologne 1958, 20-130; Sogdinkie dokumentis
gory Mug. II. lundiceskie dohmenti i pis'ma (ed. V.A.
Livshits). ///. Khozvavstvennie dokumenli, ed. M.N.
Bogolyubov and O. Smirnova, Moscow 1962-3; N.
Sims-Williams, Sogdian, in Compendium hnguarum irani-
carum, ed. R. Schmitt, Wiesbaden 1989, 173-92;
R. Bielmeier, laghnobT, in ibid., 480-8.
2. Bactrian was the Middle Iranian language of
ancient Bactria with its capital Bactra, later Balkh
[q.v.]. Bactrian is generally reckoned as an Eastern
Iranian language, but it is now becoming clear that it
has almost as much in common with Western Iranian,
especially Parthian, as with Eastern Iranian languages
such as Sogdian and Choresmian (Klfarazmian).
Unlike other Middle Iranian languages, Bactrian
was usually written in the Greek script, a legacy of
the conquest of Bactria by Alexander the Great. It
is chiefly known from short inscriptions on coins and
seals from Afghanistan and the north-west of the
Indian sub-continent; a few more substantial monu-
mental inscriptions (mostly found in Afghanistan, but
also in the neighbouring areas of Uzbekistan and
Pakistan); a handful of manuscript fragments from
Chinese Turkistan (Xinjiang), including a unique folio
in Manichaean script; and a recently-discovered group
of more than 150 documents, including letters, legal
and economic documents and a couple of fragmen-
tary Buddhist texts, most of which appear to originate
from the principality of Rob (al-Taban's Ru'b, modern
ROT in the northern Hindukush). These documents
now form by far the largest part of the surviving cor-
pus of Bactrian, so that all surveys of the material
written before they began to come to light in the
1990s must be regarded as seriously out of date.
The earliest Bactrian inscriptions date from the 1st
to the 2nd centuries A.D., when Bactria was the cen-
tre of the Kushan empire, the latest to the 3rd/9th
century. The documents belong to the intervening
period, from the 4th century A.D. to the 2nd/8th
century, during which time Bactria was subject to a
succession of foreign rulers: the Sasanid dynasty of
Iran, the Chionites, Hephthalites (Arabic Hartal [see
hayatila]), Turks and finally Arabs. By the middle
of the 2nd/8th century, the area was substantially
under Muslim control. Some of the latest Bactrian
documents refer to the use of "Arab silver dirhams"
and to taxes payable to the Arabs (the word used
being Taiig), while the very last (dated in the year
549 of the local era, probably corresponding to
164/781) seems to have been written by a Muslim
ruler, who prefaces the text with a Bactrian version
A number of Bactrian woids and titles are cited
by Muslim writers, who refer to the language as al-
balkhiyya (the language of Balkh) oi al-tukhanyya (the
language of Tukharistan [q.v.], a term commonly used
in Islamic sources but first attested in two Bactrian
documents of the Hephthalite period, ca. 6th century
A.D.). A list of Bactrian month-names is found in
some manuscripts of al-Bfrunfs Chronology, for exam-
ple, though this does not seem to have the authority
of al-Blrum himself (see N. Sims-Williams and F. de
Blois, The Bactrian calendar, in Bull, of the Asia Institute,
x [1996 (1998)], 149-65).
Bibliography: N. Sims-Williams, Mew light on
ancient Afghanistan: the decipherment of Bactrian, London
1997; idem, From the Kushan-shahs to the Arabs. Mew
Bactrian documents dated in the era of the Tochi inscrip-
tions, in Coins, art and chronology. Essays on the pre-
Islamic history of the Indo-Iraman borderlands, ed. M.
Alram and D.E. Klimburg-Salter, Vienna 1999,
245-58; idem, Bactrian documents from Morthern
Afghanistan. I. Legal and economic documents, Oxford
2000. (N. Sims-Williams;
(f) New Persian.
i. General introduction: definition, position, perio-
disation, denominations
ii. History of the language, scripts
iii. Phonology, grammar, word formation, vocabul-
iv. History of gi
indigenous
1. Studies on Persian in Europe
2. Persian grammars by indigenous authors
i. General introduction
1. Definition
New Persian is the name given by Western schol-
lrs to the language written in modified Arabic script.
'riting: Western-type and
which has been used roughly in the past millennium,
from the 9th century A.D. up to the present day,
that is, historically, in the Islamic period of the Persian-
speaking population. Geographically, it was first spo-
ken in western Iran, with the south-western province
Pars or Fars (Arabicised form; Lat. Persis) acting as
a centre in mediaeval times. However, the bulk of its
earliest literary documents (9th- 10th centuries) origi-
nated from the north-east (Khurasan, including
Nlshapur, Marw, Harat, etc. I and Central Asia; but
from the late 10th century, it became the literary lan-
guage in Western Iran as well. In the subsequent cen-
turies, parallel with the Islamisation of the neighbouring
countries, Persian as a language of culture, adminis-
tration and everyday communication dominated vast
territories ranging from Anatolia to the Indian sub-
continent (North India), including Transoxania and
Afghanistan, developing various written and spoken
standards and dialects. Shortly after its emergence.
Classical Persian became the culturally-dominant lan-
guage of the area in question. Its latest representa-
tive, Modern Persian, called Farsi by native speakers,
with its closely related dialects and variations is spo-
ken by approximately 50 million people as their mother
tongue or their second standard language. Today,
Modern Persian is the official language of Iran, spo-
ken as a mother tongue by 50% of the population
(ca. 30 million). Its closest relatives are Tadjik! [q.v.],
the official language of Tadjikistan, written in modi-
fied Cyrillic script, and Afghan or Kabulr Dan [q.i.],
the second official language after Pa\hto (which was
declared to be the first in 1 936) [see Afghan, ii] in
Afghanistan (ca. 5 million) and, in Central Asia, in the
modern republics of the former Soviet Union (ca. 5
million). These three languages, Modern Persian,
Tadjik! and Dan, regard Classical Persian as their
common ancestor with which unbroken continuity is
supposed to have been maintained. Therefore the lat-
ter two are sometimes described as the varieties or
dialects of Persian (see G. Lazard, Lc persan, in
Compendium linguarum hamcarum (= CLI). ed. R. Schmitt,
Wiesbaden 1989, 289; J. Wei, Dialectal differences between
thee standard varieties of Persian, Teheran, Kabul, and Tajik,
Center for Applied Linguistics of the Modern Language
Association of America, Washington D.G. 1962;
G.L. Windfuhr, Persian, in The world's major languages,
ed. B. Comrie, London and Sidney 1987, 523). Small
segregated Persian-speaking communities can be found
in neighbouring multilingual areas as well.
2. The position of New Persian among the
New Iranian languages
New Persian is a member of the South Western
group of the New Iranian languages within the Indo-
Iranian branch of the Indo-European language fam-
ily. From among the Western New Iranian languages
(e.g. Kurdish dialects, BalSci", etc.) New Persian is the
major representative, sharing a series of phonological
and grammatical features with them while also exhibit-
ing innovations. See, for instance, the preservation of
the Old Iranian initial voiced plosives b, d, g both in
the South-West Iranian New Persian bnada, < Middle
Persian brddar < Old Iranian *bratar- "brother" and
in the North-West Iranian BalSci biat vs. Eastern
Middle Iranian Sogdian >'r and Eastern New Iranian
Pashto wror (cf. D.N. MacKenzie, Pashto, in Comrie,
op. at., 548). New Persian is the only New Iranian
language which is documented in all three of its his-
torical periods (Old, Middle and New Persian), dis-
playing various local dialects as well. After an
approximately two-century period of cultural and lin-
guistic dominance of Arabic between the collapse of
the Sasanid empire (7th century-) and the emergence
of a new literary Persian language (ca. mid-9th cen-
tury), it became the culturally dominant language in
subsequent centuries. Its first documents appeared in
the eastern provinces after its having supplanted Middle
Persian and Arabic in the written medium and other
Middle Western and Eastern Iranian languages such
as Parthian in Khurasan, and Sogdian, Bactrian and
Kh"arazmian in Transoxanian (cf. Lazard, The use of
the .New Persian language, in CHIr, iv, Cambridge 1975,
595-632).
Genetically, New Persian derives from Middle
Persian, although not without breaks in the contin-
uum. Geographically, the two preceding phases. Old
Persian and Middle Persian, are linked to the regions
of the southwest of Iran (i.e. the province of Pars),
while New Persian appears to have emerged first as
a language of literature in the East. Typologically,
however, the differences between Old Persian and
Middle Persian are very considerable (especially in
phonology and grammar), but less so between Middle
Persian and New Persian (see H. Jensen, heupeisische
Grammatik, Heidelberg 1931, 4; Lazard 1975, 596;
in Middle Iranian studies, ed. W." Skalmowski and
A. van Tongerloo, Leuven 1984, 1-13). The changes
concerned mainly the exponents of inflectional
morphology which induced alterations in the language
type. Old Persian, like manv other old Indo-European
(Greek, Latin) and Indo-Iranian (Sanskrit, Avestan)
languages, was inflectional, while Middle and New
Persian became a language of a mixed type display-
ing less inflectional and more agglutinative character-
istics. That is to say, grammatical categories earlier
expressed by inflection and conjugation were parti-
ally preserved, even though with significant restructur-
ing in the verbal paradigm, but some of them were
completely abandoned (see W. Sundermann, IVest-
mittelhanische Sprachen, in CLI, 110-11). In nominal
morphology, for instance, the old case system was
supplanted by new ways of expressing grammatical
categories such as by pre- and postpositions, idafa
structure or word order, supposedly due, among
other factors, to stress placement. As a result, ana-
lytic structures began to be dominant in New Persian
morphology, while inherited Old Iranian synthetic
structures came to be gradually, but not completely,
abandoned. Simultaneously, the vocabulary incorpo-
rated a large number of northwestern and eastern
Iranian elements (see W. Lentz, Die nordiramsihen
Elemente in det neupeisischen Liter aim spr ache bei Fudosu in
~eitschnft fur Indologie und Immstik, iv [1926], 251-316,
and W.B. Henning, Sogdian loan nmds m .Nkv Persian, in
BSOAS, x [1939-42], 93-106) and. in increasing pro-
portion, Arabic lexical items. More recently, there has
been considerable borrowing from various Turkic lan-
guages and neologisms from such Western languages
as French, English and Russian.
3. Periodisation
New Persian, which spans more than a thousand
years, has undergone considerable changes. Persian as
it appears today is markedly different from the lan-
guage of the classical authors, displaying considerable
variations in both the spoken and written standards.
Traditionally, the periods of Persian, especially those
of its written variants, are linked to the alternation
of the ruling dynasties (cf. Old Persian as the official
language of the Achaemenids in the 6th-4th centuries
B.C., or Middle Persian, the language of the Sasanids
in the 3rd-7th centuries, and further used by the
Zoroastrian clergy in religious writings in the 8th- 10th
centuries; see J. de Menasce, Zoroastnan literature after
the Muslim conquest, in CHIr, iv, 543-65.). Similarly, the
emergence of New Persian is connected with the fall
of the Sasanid empire and the Arab conquest. The
transition periods, however, appear to be the most
tangible if they are accompanied by a change in the
writing system, or in close connection with it, a change
in faith. Nevertheless, neither Middle Persian and New
Persian nor the various stages of the last thousand
years' history of New Persian in the Islamic era can
easily be separated. It is well known from the more
recent periods of Persian how much written and spo-
ken varieties can differ from each other. Certain spo-
ken forms were used in Persian for centuries without
being incorporated in the literary language, or else
they were taken over with a certain delay, sometimes
centuries later, under social pressure, as a result of
literary and political movements. As a consequence,
the various linguistic stages can only be set up post
hoc and always with a certain degree of idealisation
and oversimplification. This is the more so since the
transmission of all ancient texts was very uncertain
because the copyists often "normalised" them by intro-
ducing or abolishing archaisms and dialecticisms.
Consequently, the actual use of the language, which
must have been marked by individual features and
plenty of idiosyncrasies, often fails to be accounted for.
According to generally accepted views, after its
emergence in the spoken registers (ca. 7th-9th cen-
turies) New Persian is divided into Early Classical
(9th- 12th centuries), Classical Persian (from the 13th
century on), and Modern Persian (from the 19th cen-
tury on), which is supposed to be based on the local
dialect of Tehran. Windfuhr provides a classification
into five periods such as "formative" (7 th- 10th cen-
turies), "heroic" (10th- 12th centuries), "classical" (13th-
15th centuries), "post-classical" (15th- 19th centuries)
and finally "contemporary" Persian, following a pre-
dominantly literary periodisation (Persian grammar. History
and state of its study, The Hague 1979, 166).
Other views, found especially in former Soviet stud-
ies written in Russian, ascribe the splitting of Classical
Persian into three new, closely related literary lan-
guages such as the Modern Persian of Iran (Farsi)
and Afghan (or Kabul!) Dan and TadjitS to the begin-
ning of the 16th century when the disintegration of
the earlier common classical heritage and the first
steps towards developing new local standards might
have begun (see L.S. Peysikov, Problema yazika dam v
trudakh sovremennikh iranskikh uconnikh, in Voprosi yazikoz-
naniya 1960, 120-5; V.A. Yefimov, V.S. Rastorgueva
and" Y.N. Sharova, Persidskiy, tadjikskiy, dan in Osnovi
iranskogo yazikeznaniya (= 0I1~); Novoiranskiye yaziki, zapad-
naya gruppa, eds. V.A. Abaev, M.N. Bogolyubov, V.S.
Rastorgueva, 1982, 7 Tdajiki, by I. Steblin-Kamensky;
Zs. Telegdi, Beitrage zw historischen Grammatik des
Meupersischen. I. Uber die Partikelkomposition im Meupersischen,
in Acta Linguistica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, v
[1955], 68 n. 1). In earlier Soviet publications the
denomination "klassiceskiy persidsko-(dari-)-tadjikskiy"
(OIT 1982, 20) or simply "Tajik" (Rastorgueva, A short
sketch of Tajik grammar, Bloomington, Ind. 1963, 1) was
used to refer to the common origin, claiming an
unbroken continuity with the Classical Persian lan-
guage and literature {OIT, 1982, 9, 13). Another peri-
odisation marks off the last (19th-20th) centuries, when
the emergence of the three modern languages was
supposed to have begun (A. Pisowicz, Origins of the
New and Middle Persian phonological systems, Cracow 1985,
9 n. 1; Lazard 1989, 289). The divergent opinions
on the periodisation can be attributed to the differ-
ent ways of evaluating spoken and written forms. The
new written varieties, Dart and Tadjiki, are obviously
based on ancient local spoken dialects (Lazard, La
langue des plus anciens monuments de la prose persane, Paris
1963, 15), but the characteristic features of these
dialects were first observed in written media only in
the last century (see W. Geiger, Bemerkungen uber das
Tadschiki, in Grundriss der iranischen Philologie (= GIPh),
ed. W. Geiger and E. Kuhn, Strassburg 1895-1904,
i, 2, 407-8; I.M. Oranskij, Die neuitanUchen Sprachen dei
Sowjetunion, The Hague 1975, i, 22; A. Farhadi, '
re du Kdb,
, Paris 1955,
2; L.N. Dorofeeva, lazik farsi-kabuli, M.
9-10). Meanwhile, the overall cultural dominance of
Persian, both as a common Hofsprache and as a spoken
language continued also to prevail in the former
Persian-speaking area.
As the periodisation indicates, the division between
the classical language and its modern continuations
presents peculiar difficulties, reflected in the denomi-
nations of Persian in Western scholarship and in the
native tradition. The two main varieties of New Persian
are generally called Classical and Modern Persian in
the West with further subdivisions into diachronic,
local and style or register variants. In linguistic liter-
ature, both scientific and popular. New Persian is
sometimes called Modern Persian (e.g. J. Darmesteter,
Etudes iraniennes, 2 vols, Paris 1883; H. Paper, in
Current Trends in Linguistics (= CTL), vi [1970], In-
troduction, or Windfuhr 1979, 7) vs. contemporary
Persian or contemporary colloquial or Neo-Persian
(see F. de Blois in Persian literature. A bio-bibliographical
survey begun by the late CA. Storey (= PL), v, part 1,
London 1992, part 2, 1994 or in French, neopersan
(Lazard 1989, 263). Native speakers use the name
Parsi or its Arabicised form, Farsi, or both, without
distinction (see M.T. Bahar, Sabk-shinasi ya tatawwur-i
nathr-i farsi, 2 Tehran 1337/1958, i, 2), denoting all
varieties of New Persian. In scholarly publications, the
denomination farsi-i bastani vs. farsi-i nam distinguish-
ing an "old archaic" and a "new" variety of [New]
Persian, can also be found in Iran (see Lughat-nama
(= LN) by Dihkhuda). Farsi is the name of the offi-
cial language of today's Iran, which has come to be
used as an equivalent of Modern Persian, or simply
Persian in modern text and grammar books outside
Iran as well (A.K.S. Lambton, Persian grammar,
Cambridge 1967, p. xi n. 1; D. Crystal, The Cambridge
encyclopedia of language, Cambridge 1987, 301; similarly
Lazard, Le pasan, 1989, 263). In native sources the
name Dari [q.v.] or Farsi-i dari is also used, referring
to the oldest and most respected variety of the
[Classical] literary Persian or, simply as an equivalent
of Parsi or Farsi. The speakers of TadjitS, which is
very closely connected to Persian, use also Farsi to
designate their mother tongue (Fdrsiwan, Fdrsibdn, or
Farsi-gufy]) Tadjik.
ii. History of the language
I. The emergence of New Persian; Pahlawi,
Parsi, Dari
1. The native tradition
The complexity of the linguistic situation in Iran
is clearly indicated by the wide range of names used
for Persian since the time of its emergence, either as
common names, synonyms or denominations, with or
without clear distinctions being made. Therefore the
history of the language starts here with investigations
into the early native tradition as a source of language
history. The early history of the names applied to the
various forms of Persian and the alleged change of
their references mat elucidate the eclectic use of these
denominations in more recent periods and the diffi-
culties of the penodisation of the language histor\ as
well It must be emphasised though that the authors
of these earlv Islamic sources who spoke about the
1 Persi
last categon, poets Hence the information thev gave
about the dialects once spoken 01 still spoken in the
age thev lived in was more nairative than tech-
nical and it was often embedded in nrvths with
much folklore and obscure details The pictuie
coheient \ tiulv technical treitment of linguistu
The i
roblems
ansition period
i Middle Persian and New Persian |7th-9th
centunes) has been extensivelv treated bv G Lazard
in a series of studies based on the anahsis of medi-
aeval Arabic sources Earlv and Classical New Peisian
texts as well as Persian and non-Persian dialects (see
199;)) One of the earliest sources mentioning the
names Pahlait, Pars, and Dan, which denoted the lan-
guages used in Iian at the end of the Sasamd peuod
was attributed to Ibn al-Mukafla' Id 757 [ ?1 ]) bv
Ibn al-Nadim (d 987) in his Fihmt and repeated b\
Kh"arazmi id 985) and bv \akut id 1229) through
Hamza al-Isfaham (d 970) (see Bahar 1958 i 19
Lazard Pahlavi Pant Dan Lis lanepes dt I Iran d aprts
Ibn al Muqafja' in Iran and Islam In memory of the lah
lladimir \hnorsh ed C E Bosworth Edinburgh 1971
361-91 idem art Dan in EIr \n 1994 34-5) These
descnptions continued to be lepeated bv Peisian lex-
lcographeis until the 19th centurv albeit with certain
modifications (cf EM Jeremias Pahlau Parsi and Dan
in Persian lexicography in icta Int Hunt; xxxvm [1998]
175-83)
In the following some shifts in the meanings of
these teims will be shown through some chaiactens-
tic passages quoted from this native tradition \ftei
talking about Pahlaix, as the language of Fahla (i e
the ancient Media) the earliest informant Ibn al-
Mukaffa', savs that Dan is the language of the cities
of Mada'in it is spoken bv those who aie at the
kings couit [Its name] is connected with piesence
at court \mong the languages of the people of
Khoiasan and the east, the language of the people
of Balk is predominant He continues on to sav that
Parsi is the language spoken bv the mouhds (pnests)
scholais and the like it is the language of the peo-
ple of Fais (translated bv Lazard in his art Dan
34) This lathei incoheient descuption can be bettei
elucidated bv Aiabic and Peisian souices originating
horn the subsequent (10th- 11th) centuries eg al-
Mas'udi and al-Mukaddasi oi Firdawsi Bal'ami
Hakim Mavsan Kavkawus b Iskandar etc As evi-
denced bv these texts the denominations Pahlaix, Parsi
and Dan mav have changed their reteiences to varv-
lng degrees during the first centuries of the Islamic
era denoting various written and spoken varieties
depending on the text wheie thev appealed
Accordinglv Pahlaui or Pahlauan, lliterallv meaning
Parthian originating from Pahlaw < Patthava
Parthia' ) appears to have referred at one time to
Parthian and Middle Persian but also to the local
dialect of the noithem legion called Fahla in an
\rabicised form (see the poems written in this dnlect
and called Fahlaaiyya cf EIr ix 158 and the most
recent publications on this topic in \Iadj_alla i
^abanshmau xv [1379/2000], no 1) Part, the ancient
language' fust denoted Middle Persian (Pa,s, ? ) as
described bv Ibn al-Mukafla' but with a shift of mean-
ing it came to mean New Persian and has continued
to denote New Persian of whatevei kind until todav
(seeM art Parsi / Farsi) Dan (etvmologieallv belong-
ing to the roval court ) also denoted the Persian lan-
guage which was supposed to be spoken both in the
capital of the Sasamd empire (Gtesiphon) and in the
East It was the name of the language of literature
which appealed in the eastern part of Iran sc
Khurasan and has been used in Persian texts since
the 10th centurv All the quotations in Arabic sources
attributed to Persian kings or their subjects were
thought to have been in Dan (cf Bahar 1957 i 19)
and the language of all the ancient texts was called
Dan oi Parsi i Dan (Lazaid 1989 2b4), sometimes
contrasted with Palilau, when the latter denoted Middle
Persian or Pars, (Lazaid 1994) The expression Pan,
, Dan (in Arabic aljars,yya al donna) indicates that
occasionally it might have been distinguished from
Pars, as a special vanetv the Dan form of Pars, (eg
al-Mukaddasi and Kavkawus b Iskandar ia 1082-
83 cf Lazaid 1994 34) Othei than that it was
often used as a svnonvm for Pars, The expression
Pars, u Dan (in the Shah noma bv Firdawsi ed Moscow
vin 254) seems to be a distoition IseePN Khanlan
Tankh i aban i fars, 3 vols new ed Tehran 13b5/
273)
In his eailiei studies G Lazaid explained the lin-
guistic situation of the post-Sasanid peuod bv con-
testing Pars, and Dan as the wntten and spoken form
of the same language \ccoiding to his interpretation
it was the spoken language that spread to the east-
ern region as Ibn al-Mukaffa' s lepoit suggested aftei
having graduallv supplanted the local dialects (e g
Parthian) As a spoken vanetv it was supposed to
have been used in the whole empire but it was in
Khurasan that it was first used foi literarv pui poses
and became the new hteiarv language of the subse-
3 Earh dialettal somas (8th 11th centimes) the endina
Recentlv published souices on local dialects and on
the Judaeo-Peisian texts howevei have helped throw
new light on the linguistic situation and the rise of
the new hteian, language in the fust centuries of the
■■■■-■ Lumieres nou
r la fom
t la ,
dialectal ct sis afjimtis am le ]udto pel
san in Irano Judaic a n ed Sh Shaked and \ Netzer
Jeiusalem 1990 184 98 = 1995 107-21) \ manu-
script discovered in Mashhad which contained an
anonvmous and undated Kur'an translation {Am 'an 1
Kuds hthantarm baisardan , Kur'an ba jars, ed 'A
Rawaki Tehran 1362/1984) was wntten m a local
dialec t of SFstan in the 1 1 th centurv as supposed bv
Lazard This text shaies a senes of dialectal features
with Judaeo-Peisian texts (mainlv Bible tianslations
and paraphrasesj and both show common peculiari-
ties with Middle Persian mainlv regarding words and
certain morphological features The properties which
Persian which induced Lazaid to develop a new
hvpothesis that at the beginning of the Islamic period
there weie impoitant difleiences between the com-
mon language spoken in the south and that in use
in the north The foimei as repiesented bv liteiaiv
Middle Peisian letained most of its ancient foims
the latter evolved fiom the same Peisian language
which had spread throughout the north, but evinced
the influence of the dialects that it had supplanted
there, particularly Parthian. It thus diverged notice-
ably from the original form. Both were called Parsl
(Persian), but it is very likely that the language of the
north, that is, the Persian used on former Parthian
territory and also in the Sasanian capital, was dis-
tinguished from its congener by a new name, Dan
( Panguage] of the court). It was only natural that sev-
eral centuries later, literary Persian, based on the
speech of the Northeast, bore the same name" (1994,
35; see also 1989, 263 n. 1).
This hypothetical reconstruction might be extended
in the future by investigating other Persian sources as
well, the text editions of which are far from being
completed, and these may help clarify some more
details. True, there are other interpretations also. For
instance, Khanlarl has developed the (unlikely) hypoth-
esis, relying on al-Mukaddasfs report (10th century),
that Darl, the chancery language of Bukhara, had
been transported there from the royal court of the
Sasanids by the state officials (1986, i, 280-1).
4. More recent native sounes on the languages of Iran: lex-
icography and grammar from the 17th- 19th centimes
Extensive descriptions of the languages used in Iran,
like those of Ibn al-Mukaffa' and his compatriots, can
only be found much later, in the huge Hindustani
lexicographic compilations written in and after the
17th century. These works, of which the most famous
are the Farhang-i Djahangm (= FDJ), 1608-9, ed. R.
'Alifi, Mashhad 1351/1972; Burkan-i kati' (= BK), 1652,
ed. M. MuTn, Tehran 1341/1962; and Farhang-i
Rashidi (= FR), 1654, ed. M. 'Abbasi, Tehran
1337/1958 (see ramus. 2. Persian lexicography), partly
preserved the old heritage and partly added some
more information on language varieties, grammar, style
of letter writing, etc. These accounts about the gram-
mar, dialects, history and vocabulary of Persian, which
occasionally bear witness to fantasy at work, were col-
lected in chapters and placed as an introductory part
to the faihangs, serving as a kind of grammatical intro-
duction. The very first chapters usually dealt with the
varieties of Persian (Pant) which were supposed to be
of seven guna "species": four of them (harawl, sagzl,
zawuli and sughdt] were regarded as obsolete (matruk),
in which "letter, book and verse cannot be written"
(FDj 15; FR 46) and three others as currently used
tmutadawil), these being Dan, Pahlawl and Parsl. Apart
from the suprising fact that these languages were
treated as the variations of Parsl still in living use in
Iran in the 1 7th century (e.g. Pdisi was described as
the common language of Iran, with Istakhr as its cap-
ital), they covered slightly or markedly different notions
as compared to earlier sources, but also contained
ideas similar to those found in the first grammatical
compilations that relied heavily on lexicography, e.g.
'Abd al-Wasi' Hansawfs Risala from 18th-century India
(lith. Kanpur 1872) or Irawanfs Kawa'id (lith. [Tabriz]
1262/1846; see Jeremias, Tradition and innovation in the
native grammatical literature of Persian, in Histmie, Episte-
mologie, langage (Paris), xv [1993], 51-68). The three
denominations were treated fairly consistently in these
recent sources, differences existing only in detail,
emphasis and arrangement. In comparison with older
sources, however, the authors of these compilations
did not bother to reconcile the most contradictory
and fabulous accounts in the description of the sin-
gle languages; they simply quoted them as differing
opinions on the same subject (e.g. on Dan: "some
said that it was spoken in Balkh, Marw, Bukhara,
Badakhshan . . ., but according to others it was spo-
ken in the Kayanian court, and then there were those
who regarded it as the purest, unmixed language"
(see FR 47; FDj 16; BK 20, 500). Entirely new motives
also appeared in these descriptions: one was some-
thing like "ideological", and another might be called
a "linguistic argument". Both concerned the reputa-
tion of Persian among the languages spoken by Islamic
peoples. The eminence of Persian as the second lan-
guage after Arabic was illustrated by various stories
and supported by a tafsir [q.v.] called Daylaml with
the intention of symbolising the role of Parsl as a
common language in the whole empire (BK 500;
Irawam, fol. 4b, see Jeremias 1998, 181). The supe-
riority or dignity of the Islamic languages like Arabic,
Persian or Ottoman Turkish appears to have been a
matter of debate since the 15th century, enthusiasti-
cally treated by Mir 'Air Shir Nawa'I and Kemal
Pasha-zada [q.vv.] (see R. Brunschvig, Kemal Pash&zdde
et le persan, in Melanges d'onentalisme offerts a Henn Masse,
Tehran 1963, 48-64 (= Eludes d'islamologie, Paris 1976,
i, 379-95); B.G. Fragner, Mir 'AIT Shir .Nava'l: the
"Judgement" reconsidered, in Irano-Turkic cultural contacts in
the llth-17th centuries, ed. E. Jeremias, Budapest 2002;
idem. Die "Persophonie". Regionahtat, Identitat and Spraih-
hontalt in der Geschuhte Asiens, in Anor, v, Halle-Berlin
1999).
This linguistic argument was even more clearly
spelled out in the 17th-century lexicography where
Dan was treated. The compilators declared that "Dan
is the language in which there is no deficiency [nuksani]"
(see FDj, 16; FR 47; BK, 20). The idea of nuksani
seemed to denote something missing from the "author-
ised" (sahlh) word form. As examples, the authors
quoted two lists of doublets: nouns with the same mean-
ing, but written with or without the initial ahf which
represented the vocalic onset, e.g. abnshuml banshum
"silk", ispidl 'sapid or sipld 'white', ishkaml ' shikam "belly",
ushtur / shutur "camel" etc. and imperative verbal forms
with or without the verbal prefix h-, e.g. bi-rawlraw
"go"; k-snaw/snaw "listen", etc. According to the com-
mentary, the "defective" words are not correct Dan
forms. The sources say almost unanimously that Persian
is regarded as "correct, uncorrupted" ifaslh) only if
there is no nuksani in it.
This very peculiar interpretation of Darl goes back
to the traditional treatment of lexical and gram-
matical doublets based on a peculiar analysis of the
(morphological) structure of the word. Ancient lexi-
cographers and prosodists listed all the so-called "mean-
ingful letters" (hurufi ma'anl) occurring in different
positions in the word, first at the end where rhymes
appeared (see Shams-i Kays's rhyme science in al-
Mu'ajamfl ma'avir ash'ar al-'aajam, ed. Mudarris RadawT,
2 Tehran 1338/1959, in the 13th century), and later,
as an extension of this practice, at the beginning and
in the middle of the word. The technical terms denot-
ing the base (cult) and the extension (wasli or za'id),
were borrowed from the Arabic grammatical and lit-
erary tradition, but they were adapted to Persian with
a special connotation. Asli denoted the base which
always appeared as a word, while za'id marked any
additional element, mainly inflectional and derivational
morphemes attached to this base form. Later, the
term z&'id came to be used in a somewhat different
meaning in lexicography denoting any letter which
was added to or removed from the base form with-
out changing its meaning (cf. Jeremias, ^a'a/ and ad
in early Persian prosody, in JSAI, xxi [1997], 167-86).
All the sources from the 17th century seemed to agree
that these doublets were used only in poetry as required
by prosody but never in common speech. However,
talking about Dari, the author of FR (47) added that
the "defective" forms were also used in towns, by
which he probably meant that these forms were used
both in poetry and the spoken idiom. The problem
with the doublets of the imperative forms is some-
what different. Imperative forms may appear with or
without the verbal prefix bi- in literary texts. But it
was obligatory for the imperative in genuine sahlh dari
forms, as Shams-i Kavs remarked (232). Prestigious
authors such as Ni'm'at Allah (ca. 1540, cf. A.M.
Piemontese, Catalog/, del manoscntti persiani comewat, nelle
biblwtheche d'ltalia, Rome 1989, no. 403, fol. 296) or
even earlier, Muhammad b. Hindushah NakhciwanI
[?.».], the author of Sihdh al-Furs (1328), seems to
share this opinion (cf. a ["come" imperat.] ba-ma'm
dar-a wa biya', ed. 'A. Ta'ati, Tehran 1341/1962,
19). Moreover, BK and FDj make a clear distinction
between the two functions of the verbal prefix bi-: it
was regarded as obligatory in the imperative but obso-
lete in past forms, where it was used as embellish-
ment. This usage may have indicated a change in
native sources, however, this distinction seems to have
become dimmed and the verbal prefix bi-, in both
present and past forms, was called zd'id in most cases,
that is, an element which onlv has an aesthetic func-
tion (cf. FR, 15; Hansawi, 3; 'irawani, fol. 22b). This
topic was also dealt with by Irawani ( 1846), who used
a strange "linguistic" argument prosing the eminence
of Persian against other Islamic languages; this argu-
ment rests on its [grammatical] simplicity; there is no
i'rab, no dual and no feminine gender which would
(fol. 3b).
These scattered references on language and its dif-
ferent variations may help one to draw the following
conclusions. It seems to be a communis opinio that from
the very beginnings the most highly respected liter-
ary variety of Persian was called Dan in indigenous
an equivalent of Pars! or FarsT, and this view con-
tinued to prevail in subsequent centuries. More recent
sources, however, tend to talk about the "rules of
Pan," or FarsT (see Ni'mat Allah, 'Abd al-Wasi'
Hansawi, Rawshan 'Air Djawnpuri, Irawani, Talakani,
Habib Isfahani, to mention onlv a few, cf. the ref-
erences in PL, iii/1, 1984, 123fr.|. But despite this
preference for the name Dan in older sources, the
denominations ParsT, FarsT or FaisT-i Dan or Dan seem
to have been used almost interchangeably. One must
not forget that these eclectic sources did not use well-
defined terms when they talked about language. On
the contrary, literary persons {ahl-i zaban) usually
thought of the language in terms of "ancient" or
"modern" and "common (spoken)" or "dialectal" forms.
The reason for that was quite obvious; there was no
grammatical tradition in Persian, "no exact norm
(mikyds) of the rules (kawanTn) of Persian (Dari) on the
basis of which the correct [sahib.) and corrupt (fasid)
usage could be defined and on which one could rely
when defining what was right (sawab) and wrong (khata)
in Persian speech (kalam-i ParsT), to which one could
turn in case of need", thus noted by Shams-i Kays
in the 13th centurv (op. at., 205) and repeated almost
word for word by Shams-i Fakhrl in the 14th cen-
tury (Lexicon persicum id est libri Mi'vdr i G'amdli pars
quarta, ed. C. Salesmann, Kazan 1887, 3) and the
author of FDj in the 17th century- (4). But even if
writers were unaware of the fine grammatical dis-
tinctions of social or historical dimensions, they must
have had some knowledge of the differences between
the usage of the "ancient" (mutakaddimm) and "mod-
ern" (muta'akhkhirin) poets (see Shams-i Kays, 208-9)
or of the language of literary or common speech
(muhdwarat-i parsT, in FDj 40; BK 26; Habib Isfahani,
Dastur-i sukhan, [Istanbul] 1289, 54) or poetry and
prose (see <Abd al-Wasi' Hansawi, 41; Habib Isfahani,
15). Scattered hints at some "virtual" norm in Shams's
alised, or the lists of doublets and denominations such
as Furs-, kadTm (FDj 8; FR 47), PdrsT-i bastam (FDj 4;
BK 500) in lexicography might serve as proofs (cf.
Jeremias, Gramma? and linguistic consciousness in Persian,
in Proceedings of the Third European Conference if Iranian
Studies, ii, ed. C. Melville, Wiesbaden 1999, 19-31).
The 1
model
■e of tr
a being
liforrr
This dis-
guage, which was tar tror
crepancy between linguist;
be the very reason for the lack of clarity and the
contradictions in the sources (see the definition of Dari
cial Persian language used today"), which makes the
separation of FarsT and Dari almost impossible. Para-
doxically, however, the lack of a strictly regulated
norm preserved more of the linguistic reality of the
previous periods in comparison with the Arabic gram-
matical literature which often dealt with an idealised
construct which differed considerably from actual
speech (see K. Versteegh. Landmarks in linguistic thought.
III. The Arabic linguistic tradition, London 1997, 156).
:. The
Witt
l few
impac
Perso-Arabic script (the earliest manus
the beginning of the 10th century,
Sutton, Arabic influences in Persian liter
233-7). It was not only the script that
but Arabic became the medium of wr
V. !
ripts, 2),
n expre;
rn areas (Khurasan and Transoxania) in the first
two centuries after the Muslim conquest. As a con-
sequence, the supreme dominance of the Arabic lan-
guage and culture almost completely supplanted Persian
in the written medium during this period. Even though
the western part of Iran preserved longer the ancient
culture, as the Pahlawl writings from the 9th- 10th
centuries attest, the knowledge of the "old" language,
that is, Middle Persian, and its insurmountable script
abandoned but was allowed to thrive in the spoken
idiom and from the mid-9th century in the East, and
from the end of the 10th century in the West, it
(cf. IRAN. v. History (a)). Moreover, Persian not only
survived as a spoken idiom, and began to appear
in the written documents, but was also imported
by Muslim conquerors into further eastern areas, un-
like the other territories of the caliphate, and a con-
siderable proportion of the Arab population which
had settled in the towns of Iran were assimilated
rapidly. In the subsequent centuries, in Transoxania,
Afghanistan, North India (and later also westwards to
Anatolia), Persian became the main literary language.
But this new literary language, which is called New
Persian and was based on the spoken variety of the
East, showed essentially new characteristics due to the
impact of Arabic and the culture imported by this
language. Despite the Persians' increasing national
identity, Arabic as the language of science became
gradually adopted and cultivated by a growing num-
ber of significant scholars of Iranian origin (cf. C.E.
Bosworth, The political and dynastic history of the Iranian
world (4D 1000 1217) in CHIr v 4) Contem-
poraneously, models ol Arabic scientific thinking began
to be adapted to Persian The sphere of literature
adduces a good example ol this development although
Iranians retained and cherished the ancient tradition
in mind and memory as Firdawsl s Shah nama shows
Persian poets tned to follow the rules ol the Arabic
prosod\ from the early beginnings ol New Persian
poetrv in sharp contrast to the previous literary canons
As a consequence, the following centuries saw the
infiltration ol a large number ol Arabic loan words
into New Persian (ca 30% in the 10th century and
50% in the 12th centurv ci Lazard Les imprunts arabes
dans la (arose persant du X au XII aecle apercu statis
tiqui, in Revue de I Eeole natwnale des langues oruntales h
[1965], 53-67 "A A Sadiki The Irabu element m Persian
m EIr, n, 229-31) As a result, Persian as a new lit-
erary language "appears to have been from the start
a mixed language, based on the Persian dialect but
bearing marked traces of other Iranian dialects and
infiltrated with Arabic words (Lazard 1975 597)
This mixed nature ol Persian and the fact that their
language is essentially different fiom those of their
neighbours was well known to the Iranians them-
selves from the start as evidenced by the first works
in literary sciences (prosody and lexicography), which
made a clear distinction between the Arabic and
Persian letters, words and vyord formation in most
cases Moreover, this knowledge subsisted until quite
recently in the native tradition (see 'the [fam] lan-
guage is a mixture ol two languages (murakkab az du
zaban) written by Hablb Isfaham op at preface 4
in the 19th century)
The script religion and literary models [e g the
new system ol versification) are the most decisive char-
acteristics which distinguish the period of New Persian
from the previous ones (see also W B Henmng Die
Schrijt als Symbol der Emheit des Mittehramschen, in
Mittehramsih, Hdb d Or I iv Iramstik Linguistik,
Leiden-Koln 1958, 21) Despite its bewildering vari-
ety at the outset— Khurasan and Sistan especially dis-
played markedly distinctive features — New Persian
appears to have become a surprisingly 'unified' lit-
erary language alter the 13th century (Lazard 1963,
23-4) and continued to be regarded as such during
indicates But this was an apparent homogeneity which
might be attributed to at least two main factors the
highly conservative script vyhich remained practically
unchanged over the last thousand years and the pres-
tige of Classical Persian literature Due to its Semitic
character, the Arabic script by its very nature dis-
guised changes in the pronunciation of words or in
the meaning in most cases of the grammatical mor-
phemes giving the impression of a static language
situation On the other hand, the general respect and
admiration surrounding the classical literature espe-
cially poetry helped keep the language of the classi-
cal authors alive for centuries until fairly recently
It does not mean, however that men of letters and
scholars were oi are not aware how significantly speech
and writing differ in Persian (see for instance PN
Khanlan, ^aban u lahdia in Dai bara i zaban i jarsi,
Tehran 1340/1961, 75-85, MR Batmi, Tausij i
sakhtimani dastur I zaban I jam, Tehran 1348/1969,
11, 'A A Sadiki, ^aban i jam wa gunaha i mukhtahj i
an in Farhang u zmdagi u [1349/1970], 61-6
T W ahidryan, Dastur i ^aban i 'amiyana i Jam Tehran
1343/1964) However, the first attempts to include
linguistic expressions closer to the colloquial style in
text and giammar books (e g Sadiki and Gh Aizhang
Dastur Sal i duwitum, Tehian 2535/1976) were received
with sharp criticism at first (see MS Mawla'i in
laghma xxx [253b/ 1977] 245-51), though it was com-
mon experience that the characteristic features ol clas-
sical and modern standards even the least formal or
vulgar forms could appear in literature either inter-
mingled in the same work or clearly distinguished
This might also explain why the language is simply
called Falsi that is Peisian implying all the van-
ants The differences between the diachiomc ('les
formes anciennes Lazard 1989 288) and synchronic
variants (formal and colloquial standards, local usage
or the new literary standards like Tadjih and Afghan
Dan) in phonology giammar and vocabulary came
to be described by linguists although much remains
to be done It must be emphasised however that the
apparent variations in the grammar ol Persian do not
always reflect ongoing changes in the language but
rather the standardisation process of the literary lan-
guage As the formation of the Classical Persian lit-
erary language clearly testifies dialectal or colloquial
forms may have disappeared or become incorporated
in the written language occasionally or else in vary-
ing degrees depending on the literary genre Poetry
lor instance, preserved more of the earlier archaic
forms supposedly due to the requirements of prosody
while prose displayed considerable variation in the
same genre (see, for instance, the early lajsirs in
Jeremias Some grammatical problems oj early Neu Persian
syntax in Proceedings oj the second European conference of
Iranian studies Rome 1995, 325-34) This linguistic
diversity was occasionally associated with divergent
stylistic values For instance some recurrent patterns
could be classified either as archaic dialectal or col-
loquial oi as social variants This was mainly due to
the lack oi a firmly established linguistic norm based
on a highly respected canon such as the Kur'an in
Arabic on the basis oi which the giammar of the
language might have been worked out Paradoxically
this diversity inside Classical Persian or between clas-
sical and modern usage and the maintenance oi the
classical literary norm causes difficulties in defining
stages in the linguistic history of Persian (see A V
Rossi Sprachubergange und historuthe Ubergange m der nam
sehtn Literatur, in Transition periods in Iranian history Studia
Iramca, Cahier 5 1987)
IV Modern Persian spoken and written
This phenomenon gives a special status to Persian
the fact that even today native speakers can under-
stand (though not always in the strictly linguistic sense
of the word) ancient texts and by reading and mem-
orising them thev become acquainted with some
giammatical charactenstics of the ancient language
sometimes dating from a thousand years back The
message oi the novels or poems written occasionally
(not typically) by modern authors in the style oi the
ancient language seems to be fully understood (see
for instance Parizad u Panman by Sadik Cubak in the
collection oi short stories, Caragh i akhir Tehran 1948)
In these literary works, the ancient language is imi-
tated by using classicising' grammatical archaisms
like obsolete prepositions or verbal forms The main-
tenance of this very formal style as a literary norm
has been backed by social institutions this language
was taught m school as the norm of Persian The
same divergence between the newly-arising spoken
variant and its acceptance as a literary (written) stan-
dard is likely to have existed throughout the modern
period which makes it almost impossible to tell the
exact point in time of the beginnings. But Modern
Persian, as it appears today, is distinctly different from
the classical language, displaying also a wide range
Style, therefore, seems to be the most essential factor
in the definition of Modern Persian (see C.T. Hodge,
Some aspects of Persian style, in Language, xxxiii [1957],
355-69).
The crucial question is, therefore, in what sense
the term Modern Persian is used. It is generally linked
with the spoken dialect of Tehran (see Iran, vii.
Literature; J. Towhidi, Studies in the phomtiis and phonol-
ogy of Modem Persian, Hamburg 1974; Peysikov 1960;
Wahrdiyan 1964; etc.). This view is a consequence of
the periodisation which marks the beginning of the
modern period with the rule of the Kadjar dynasty,
with the capital Tehran as a centre from the 19th
century- onwards. It must be emphasised, however,
that, on the one hand, certain t\-pical characteristics
of Modern Persian's formal and informal standards
in the
other,
rolloqui;
Th;
be traced back in
is, not all the typical features of Modern Persian
be restricted topographically to Tehran and
chronologically to the 19th century, though there are
nany belonging to them. For instance, from the 15th
fixe
> haml- instead of ml- or hi- with past
n-guft and certain preposition like fata,
ibination of the pre- and postposit:
verbal p
morphology: (a) «.<Y > u, o (Zukovskiv, Matenalidlya
izueemya peisidskikh naieciy, i, St. Petersburg, 1888, 212;
V.W. Geiger, Kleineie Dialekte und Dialektgruppetu in GIPh,
i, 2, 357, 422; K. Hadank, Die Mundaitm von Khunsai . . ..
in Kurdiseh-Pershihe Foisehungen, 1926, iii, 1, XXXIX;
A. Christensen, Iranivhe Dialektaufzciehnungen aus dem
Naehlass von F.C. Andreas, zusammen mit Kaj Barr und
W.B. Henning, in Ahhandl. Gottinzen, Phil.-Hist. KL,
Dritte Folge, Nr. 11, 1939, 15; Lambton, Three Persian
dialects. London 1938, 44; O.I. Smirnova, hfakhanskiy
goror, Moscow 1978, 13); (b) the colloquial variations
of the verbal personal affixes in Sing. 3. -ad > -e
H. -e, etc.) (Geiger in GIPh, 411; Mann, Die Mundait
del Alukn Kurden, in Kurdisch-Permche Foisehungen, iv. III,
1, 1906, LXXV; idem. Die Tajik- Mundai ten del Piovtnz
Fdis, in KPF, i, 1909, 24; Ghristensen, op. lit., 267),
in PI. 2. -id > -In. -1(1) and in PL 3. -and > -an, -in
(Mann, op. nt., 1909, 25); (c) the progressive verbal
forms constructed with the auxiliary dashtan collected
in Isfahan in 1885 (see Zukovskiy, Osobennoe znaeeme
glagola dathtan v peisidskom razgovotnom yazike, in (^VORAO
" [1888], 376-77; A.Z. Rozenfefd, VospomogateVnaya
in Sovetskm )'ostokovedeniye, v ([1948], 305-310) and also
used in the Central dialects and MSzandaram (see
the bibl. in Jeremias, On the genesis of the periphrastic
progressive in banian languages, in Medioiianica [1993], 104
n. IOi; (d) colloquialisms in the nominal morphology:
the omission of the iddfa vowel (Zukovskiy, 1888, 214)
or the determinative morpheme, the stressed suffix
-it - ii(h), -e (Hadank, op at, 10-13, Ghristensen,
and labelled
as embellishment (zlnat tahsln) by native lexicographe
[Lughat-, .Xi'mat Allah: FDj; BK; FR), clearly indicatii
op. eit, 42,,
This selec
Modern Persian, 1
/ kitahT] and its on
,f the i
prepositic
„ had c
erbal 1
mndantly use.
e and served only as a "d(
ration" of style for their age [see Telegdi 1955, 134
n. 133; M. Bakir, Ba-i zlnat bar sai-i Ji'l ("The orna-
mental verbal prefix bi-"), in MDATeh, viii [1961], 1-
10; Jeremias 1993, 63, 1997, 183). Similarly, in some
of the earliest descriptions of Persian in the West —
though not in all of them — the verbal morpheme hi-
prefixed to simple past forms was characterised as
redundant or pleonastic l\V. Jones, A gramma, of the
Persian language, "London 1828, 49; J. Platts, A gram-
mar of the Persian language, London 1894, 174; C.
Salemann and V. Shukovski [Zukovskiy |, Persisihe
Grammatik. Berlin 1889. 60). Beyond doubt, these gram-
mars were intended to describe the language of the
Classical texts, but occasionally hints were made at
the lhing usage, which might have differed from the
classical forms in many ways. Early evidence for this
may be the first collections of Persian and non-Persian
spoken local dialects from the last century. Zukovskiy,
one of the first dialectologies of Persian patois, imme-
diately recognised the richness of the non-standard
Persian local varieties during his first field trip (1883-
86) along the Tehran-Shiraz-Isfahan route. In his
materials of Persian and non-Persian dialects, and in
those of his later followers such as O. Mann (1901-
3, 1906-7), K. Hadank and A. Christensen, a set of
ten and spoken in Tehran [farsl-i 'Smiyana], the
present capital of Iran, which is becoming the com-
i spoken standard all over Iran through the mod-
mass media (cfi Lazard 1989, 289; Pisowicz, 9).
e the s;
to those of the spoken (colloquial) language of Tehran
appears. See some examples from the phonology and
ers
an
inc
ludi
ig its chrono
ogica
and dialec-
ts
us
d
n 1
an, Afghani
nd Central
Pt
T5
d,i
i \1
v.]) in the 20
que
en predominantly
abi
npt
augmented w
th 11
ur modified
en.
pe
uhar Persian
pho
lemes (p v ,
,ted froi
their
:. The?
alent letters lb v . j £, z j. k Jl, and both series con-
tinued to be used in the manuscript tradition until
the 12th century and beyond (for the details of adap-
tation from the time of Sibawayhi (8th centurv [q.i:]i
see P. Horn, Meupenische Schriftsprache. in GIPh. i/2, 12;
Lazard 1963, passim; F. Meier, Ausspiaehefragen de\
alleien neupersisch, in Oram, xxvii-xxviii (1981), 71;
Khanlan, I Vuzn-i shi'r-i fiirsl, Tehran 1354/1975, 117,
etc.). The Arabic writing being a Semitic, consonan-
tal alphabet, it was not designed for an Indo-European
language like Persian, consisting as it did only of con-
i this s
only partially and in various ways: by cor
ters, orthographic devices and superscript
script, therefore, there is no one-to-on.
dence between graphemes and phonerr
sented
with one half with
the superscript sign (ailed tashdid as hm'm = hammam
'bath" in most cases), although theie is a regulantv
in denoting or omitting certain phonemes Tht
Peisians, while having tor the most part, adapted the
letteis and the principles of the Arabic writing, devel-
oped innovations in order to denote the peculiarities
of the Persian language In the Semitic system, three
letters Iharfs), all), yd' and wan aie used to mark long
vowels a, f, u and the sequences a} aw (traditionally
called diphthongs), wheieas short vowels remain nor-
mallv unwritten Exceptions aie the wold intial and
are represented graphic allv by the letter ahf and their
long equivalents with ahf and the conesponding hatj%
(}&' 01 uaw) Furtheimore, the lettei ahf is the sign
of the glottal stop which is practically used as an
orthographic device following the pi maples of the
Arabic (Semitic) orthography which do not allow a
s\ liable to start with vowels and do not allow a
sequence of two vowels (cl & Endless, Die arabische
thrift in Grundnss dei mabischen Philologie, 1, ed W
Fischei, Wiesbaden 1982, lb5-97), eg 'knwn = aknun
"now" 'jfdan = ujtadan "to fall" and 'sfh'n = Isfahan
"Isfahan", 'it = u "he/she' and 'u'n = nan 'Iran"
Initial long a is rendered with ahf sui mounted b\ the
superscript sign madd I
The Perso-Arabic script giaduallv developed a spe-
cial svstem of denoting word final short vowels (a i,
u in the Classical Persian tianscnption svstem and c,
n the Modern svstem) bv the "silent" letters (ba)an
abic
, t , j = /gh/, ;
= Shah ,
!, kh --
and uau
and ti
callv short vowels {a , u) can be denoted
optionallv in all positions bv superscnpt signs (zabar
or ztbar in Modem Peisian) = Ar fatha zir = Ar
the eailv classical long vowels (madjhuh T and o weie
distinguished occasionallv bv special supeiscnpt signs
on the letteis \a' and nau (eg Codex Ymdoboncnsis
ed FR Sehgmann, Vienna 1859, and Bukharan
Jewish-Peisian texts, cl Horn, in GIPh, i/2, ii the
Lahore Tajsh (madjhul e), cl MacKenzie, Tht ,ocabu
laily of the Lahore Tajsir, in Iran and Nam In memory oj
the late Vladimir Minorsh, 419 n 7, and see fuithei
Meier 1981, 86 and Windfuhr 1979 150) The
orthogiaphv ot ah] and hamza lepresenting phonemes
oi serving as orthographical devices displav intricate
problems both in Arabic and Peisian The complex-
be ascribed to the double adaptation (first of the
Nabatean Aiamaic writing to Aiabic in the late 7th
century then the Arabic sc npt to Persian) and to its
relativelv late standardisation Its orthogiaphv was not
vet fixed in the 9th century (see Endress, 189) A
Peisian characteristic of the oithographv is that hamza,
the sign of the glottal stop in Aiabic, does not nec-
essanlv appeal as a sepaiate letter, but it is used as
a hiatus svmbol (Windfuhr 1979, 139) on svllabic or
morphene boundaries (there is a disagreement on this
point, see hamza. Lazaid 1957 = 1992, 48, Windfuhr
1987, 527) The %abic loans, however, can follow or
disregard the rules of the classical Arabic orthogra-
phv (eg the vocalic restriction lules) according to
registers and contexts wheie thev appear
The Pei so-Arabic script which is wntten from right
to left, contains i2 letteis 28 letters are taken ovei
from Arabic plus four special Persian letters supplied
with three dots But not all the letters distinguish
phonemes in Persian (see below, m Phonology) These
letters (allogiaphs) came mainly, but not exclusively
occur in words of Peisian origin due to various rea-
sons, eg as reflexes of eaiher linguistic periods
oi the unfixed and wavering orthographv (see for
instance, padhimftan, in Modern Peisian pionunciation
paztroftan, Tahmurath vs Tahmuras/ Tahmurat, sad oi sad
"hundred", Tihran oi Tihian 'Tehran' (see Horn, in
GIPh, 12, Meier 1981, 105) The digraph khVkh'
(= /kh/) is a remnant of the archaic spelling of a
labiahsed fricative (Pisowicz 121) Ancient manuscripts
show sporadically the spellings of the earlv New Peisian
period E g the triple-dotted letter fa' (,_> B) denoted
the postvocalic spirant labiodental A/ (see also some
sparse examples in word-initial position in Lazard
1963, 137-8 idem, 1989 264 Meiei 1981, 72
Pisowicz, 119) and the dotted dal (j) denoted the spi-
transenbed with the Gieek letter S) in words of Peisian
ongin (see the wavering manusuipt tradition in Meier
1981, 105) While the lettei fa' was abandoned early,
the use of the lettei ;, which appears to have been
moie widespread (except in Tiansoxama, Balkh and
Ghazna, see Shams-i Kavs, 221) continued to be pie-
served through the old poets piactice of selecting
rhyme long after its disappearance from the living
usage (ca 13th century, see Rempis, in Lazard 1963,
144, n 1) This phenomenon was included in the tia-
ditional lexicogiaphv as "the lule of dhal and zal"
until the 19th centur, (see Shams-i Kavs, 254-b Bh,
21, Irawam, fol 6b, cf Lazaid 1963, 143, Meier 103
111, Pisowicz, 107) Some words have preserved the
archaic spelling, but the pi onunciation of this letter has
merged with /z/ in Modern Persian, e g in paziroftan
The first attempts to put Peisian texts into Arabic
script originate from the 9th century After some fluc-
tuation and instability (see Meier 1981 Lazaid 1963,
4) a standard svstem of scnpt appears to have devel-
oped bv the 12th centurv and has lemained almost
unchanged until recently The lack of punctuation and
appaient inconsistency in the orthogiaphv of certain
culties m reading Persian texts 'Vjthough in the most
recent penod theie are some attempts to impiove
orthographv this question is fai fiom being settled
(see Windfuhi 1979, 150)
Foi the \ annus styles of handwriting, see khatt n
2 NonArabu scripts used jot Aia Persian texts (for a
summary, see Meier, 88-9, Lazard 1989, 264-5)
(a) Hebiew characters have been used from the 8th
century onwards bv Jewish communities to denote
their own dialect called Judaeo-Pei sian [qi], related
very closelv to the southem dialect of early New
lb) An undated bilingual Psalm-fragment written bv
Chnstians in New Persian with Svnac chaiacters has
been preserved in the materials found in Chinese
Turkestan (see FWK Mullei, Em synsch neupersisches
Psalmenbruchstuck aus Chinesisch Turkestan, m Festschrift
Eduard Sachau, ed G Weil Berlin 1915 215-22,
W Sundermann, Eimge Bemerkungtn zum sinsih muper
sischen Psalmenbruchstuck am Chimsisih Turkestan, in
Memorial Jean de Menasce ed Ph Gignoux et A
Tafazzoh, Louvain 1974, 441-52)
(c) Among the fragments wntten in Mamchean
script there are also some New Persian texts (see
M Boyce, A catalogue oj the Iranian manuscripts in
Mamchean script in the German Turjan collection, Berlin
1960, 150, W.B. Hennmg, Persian poetical manuscripts
horn the time of Rudaki in i lotust i Ug Studies in I
mr of SH Tatpzadth Lundun 1902 89-104)
(d) Religious untings and a hagmentarv dictiun
md it
Peisi
supposedlv oldest one in the
in the 13th centurv (see D Monchi-zadeh Das Ptnisint
im Codtx Comanitus Lppsalal909 \ Bodiogligeti The
Persian lotabulan of the Codtx ( umanum Budapest 1971
Pisowiez 73 11) Glosses giammais and vocabulanes
compiled especiallv foi piaetical puiposes tan bt
tound abundantlv horn the loth- 17th centimes onwaids
in 4I10\ xhv [1984] 41-81 JeiemiaC hammatual
Latin (Wllth i) m Italia id Euiopa ndla linguistua dil
Rinasamtnto ed M Tavom Ferrara 199b 509-80)
Though these texts can give some uselul information
on the pionunration ol Peisian as i whole thev must
be regarded as unreliable sources osn < ruiial points
ol the histon, of Persian phonologv (see Pisowiez 79)
(i) \pait fiom modern Tadjiki the CmiIIk alpha-
ol his ]ournevings to denote some Peisian woids in
the 15th renturv isee Pisowiez 79)
m Phonology grammar word formation and loiabulan
In spite of its apparent homogeneitv owing to man\
factois New Peisian of the Muslim penod undeivvent
vocabulan The distinction therefore between the
various stages ol Persian is necessarv but is the pen-
odisation indicated (see above i) it cannot tasilv be
tion ol linguistic phenomena in Iranian studies Dia-
chromc or historical studies trace the changes that
took place between various phases while svnchronic
description is concerned with the Persian used at a
given time But while Modem Peisian can be described
tion ol Classical Peisian can onlv be carried out with
limitations due to the absence ol a standardised
Classical Persian Otheiwisc comparisons can be made
between the language stsle used bv Fndawsi (10th c )
s,x\
called diphthon
mels ol Mode
high
/i u/ a mid
oidm
Dngue
position Histor
oppos
tion between
Djam:
ofCla
(13th c)
■nal Pel si
linguistic studies the dominance of the diachronic
approach is clearh, felt wheieas svnclnonic studies
have onlv recentlv begun to emerge
II Phonologv
The phonemic status and the exact phonetic char-
ceitaintv lor the most recent penod the following
analvsis thereloie staits with formal Modem Persian
and aims to identitv the chaiactenstic leatures of the
previous phases in comparison with it (ct Windtuhr
1979 7 Lazaid 1989 205 Pisowuz 9)
The sound svstem of the foimal Modern Persian
consists of b vowels and 24 consonants There is
however a considerable disagreement on the phone-
mic status of ceitain phonetic sequences or the con-
reduce or me i ease the numbei ol phonemes de-
pending on the currentK applied theorv of analvsis
or the legistei examined The phonemic status of the
glottal stop or that ol the sequences [el] and [ou]
the modern period (/a/ - /a/ hi - hi lul -
loll although it has been ietained in certain posi-
tions as l redundant phonetic piopeitv Thereloie a
i u are occasionallv distinguished as long oi stable
in the desenptions of Modern Persian (ct Lazard
1989 205| The diphthongs [ei] and [ou] oecumng
within one wold are eommonlv analvsed as the com-
bination oi two phonemes a vowel and a consonant
hi + hi and hi + hi in Modern Persnn Isee
the summan including the histon of the mono-
phonemic interpretation in Windfuhi 1979 137-8
Pisowiez 22 7 and Lazard 1989 205) The biphone-
mic interpretation of the sequence /ow/ entails the
population of a phoneme I v. I in Modem Persian lef
the phonemic inventorv in Classical Peisian) which
after hi and in woid final position (see Pisowiez 24)
As tor the distribution of vowels theie is no iestnc-
tion except for the finil position there is no final
/a/ (see Classical Persian final /a/ > hi) except in
two uoids l»« non- m and ) and /<>/ occuis larelv
(see the studies on experimental phonetics in Lazard
1970 07 esp SG Gaprmdasv ill and D] S Giunasvili
Fomtika persidsko S o utzika Tbilisi 1904 i, J Towhidi
Win in the phomtus and phonology of \Iodtm Pa van
Forum Phoneticum 2 Hamburg 1974)
The most significant characteristics ol the phono-
logical development ill New Peisian aie the loss ol
contrast between long and short vowels and the lou-
eung of the histoneallv shoit high vowels hi > hi
and lul > hi Eailv Classical Peisian contained two
moie long vowels hi hi which merged with hi
and lul bv the Classical penod (see F Meiei
iussprathtjragen dts alttrtn heupemsth in Ontns xxvu-
xxvui [1981] 70-170) hut weie pieserved bv the mles
ol classical rhvming long after their disappearance
from living use For allophonic variations and fluctua
tions in vowels see M Shaki Tfu probkm of the zouil
phonemes in the Persian language in \r0 xxv [1957] 45-
55 Pisowiez 13-lb Lazard i grammar of tontemporar,
Persian Costa Mesa 1992 19-22
The consonants ol Modem Peisian include the
voiceless and voiced plosives and affricates /p/ hi
hi hi Iql hi hi IAI /]/ /g/ the voiceless
and voiced incatives III, hi, hi l\l hi hi
hi hi, the nasals Iml h\l the liquids hi hi
and the semivowels hi hi (See the transcription
Iql = k /,/ = dj hi = sh hi = kh hi = ± [y]
= Sh ) The phoneme Iql lepresents three conditioned
allophones the uvulai voiceless plosive [q] in the
the medial geminate sequence (bukkal [baqqal] gro-
cer ) the voiced fricative [y] in intervocalic position
ters (taghui [tayvn] change) and the uvulai voiced
plosive [G[ after h\l Theie is howevei a disagree-
ment about the place of Iql in the svstem of
phonemes whethel it is a plosive Iql oi tncativc
/y/ due to its c onsiderable fluctuations m pronunci-
ation (see the details m Pisowiez 42-7)
phoneme is restricted to certain medial and final
positions before and after consonants in careful speech
represented with the letter 'ayn and the signs hamza
or atef, such as nw'foffl/ma'lum "known", <z/-'an/aPan
"now" or rob' /robb' "quarter". It can also occur in
intervocalic position in words of Arabic origin in place
of the genuine 'ayn as in sa'at /sa'at "hour". Its rise
was due to the impact of two separate Arabic
phonemes /'/ and /'/ transmitted by loans, but the
' pronunciation of the Arabic voiced pharyngeal /'/
merged entirely with the glottal stop. The phonemicity
of the initial glottal stop is questioned (cf. Pisowicz,
50-1). Besides," there is a non-phonemic indigenous
glottal articulation represented by the signs hamza or
alef (which may have helped the incorporation of the
glottal stop of Arabic origin into Persian), e.g. in a
vocalic onset before any initial vowel after a pause
/emruz/ -> ['emruz] "today", before any internal
vowel preceded by a vowel /paiz/ -> [pa'iz] "autumn"
or at a morpheme boundary between vowels /bi-
aram/ -> [bi'aram] "restless". In various registers of
Modern Persian the glottal stop can alternate with
zero (hiatus) or an intrusive element like the glide y
(rarely re or A), e.g. /xaen/ -> [xa'en] ~ [xayen] "trai-
tor" or /xane-i/ -► [xane'i] ~ [xaneyi] "a house",
except when the glottal stop represents an etymolog-
ical pharyngeal spirant. The latter can be replaced
by a hiatus, but never by a glide, e.g. sd'at /sa'at/
-► [saat] (Pisowicz, 49). In general, its appearance or
disappearance, occasionally with a compensatory
lengthening of the preceding vowel or, more rarely,
ing to register under certain conditions (see the details
in Windfuhr 1979, 139-40; Pisowicz, 20-2, 47-51;
Lazard 1992, 11-4, 31-4). In the spoken register, the
glottal stop does not exist at all (Lazard 1992, 12),
but according to others it is pronounced at a mor-
pheme boundary after a consonant before the fol-
lowing vowel in all styles (see [mano] "I and . . ." vs.
[man'o] "prohibition and . . ." in Pisowicz, 48). For
other characteristics of the colloquial style such as
assimilation, contraction, the dropping of h's, etc. see
Hodge 1957; E. Provasi, Some notes on Tehran, Persian
phonology, in Iranica, ed. Gh. Gnoli and A.V. Rossi,
Naples 1979, 257-80; Pisowicz, 57-8; Lazard 1992,
passim. On the impact of Arabic loans, see Ali-Ashraf
Sadeghi, L'injluence de I'arabe sur le systeme phonobgique du
person, in La linguistique, ii (1975), 145-52.
Characteristic of Classical Persian is the full phone-
mic status of the semivowel /w/ with the labioden-
tal fricative [v] as an allophone (preserved in Afghan
Dari, cf. Farhadi, 37-8). The reconstruction of phoneme
/w/ for the early Classical Persian and the fact that
there is no initial cluster in Persian (see syllable struc-
ture) make the postulation of the phoneme /x"/ plau-
sible. But the labial articulation disappeared gradually
l/x"/ > /x/) with an accompanying labialisation of
the following short vowel (/x"as/ > Mod. Pers. /xos/
"happy", but /x"astan/ > Mod. Pers. /xastan/ "to
wish"), while the archaic spelling has been retained
(cf. Meier, 75; Pisowicz, 121). Another characteristic
of Classical Persian is that /q/ and lyl were sepa-
rate phonemes, as they still are in certain modern
dialects, such as TadjIkT. Another remarkable feature
is the distinct spellings of certain allophones, such as
the labiodental fricative [v] (written with the triple-
dotted /), the spirant pronunciation of the phoneme
/d/ in intervocalic or final postvocalic positions [8]
(written with the dotted d), originally a dialectal fea-
ture in central and southern Iran in early Classical
Persian. The former disappeared early, but the latter
the spellings of the ancient manuscripts testify. The
fluctuations of dialectal origin such as b ~ f (abzdr -
afzdr) or b ~ w inabard - naward) are also attested in
manuscripts (cf. Lazard 1963, 137 and passim).
The syllable structures are V, CV, VC, CVC, VCC
and CVCC, if initial glottal stop is disregarded. But
their types are CV, CVC and CVCC if it is regarded
as a separate phoneme. There are no genuine clus-
ters in initial position in New Persian. Old and Middle
Persian initial clusters were replaced by syllables con-
taining prothetic or anathyptic vowels (Middle Persian
sped > Classical Persian ispld or siped I s'tfed > Modern
Persian sefid "white"). For details, see J. Kramsky, A
study in the phonology of Modern Persian, in ArO, xi [1939],
66-83; C.T. Scott, Syllable structure in Tehran Persian, in
Anthropological Linguistics, v [1964], 27-30; Windfuhr
1979, 143-4; Lazard 1989, 266.
Stress in Modern Persian is expiratory and non-
phonemic. In general it falls on the final syllable of
non-verbal forms (nouns, adjectives, adverbs). Certain
conjunctions, adverbs and particles have initial stress,
such as vdli "but", dri "yes", dyd "whether", etc. Nouns
(incl. infinitives, participles or verbal nouns) retain
their final stress if the following suffixes are attached
to them; the indefinite marker -i, the object suffix
-rd, the connecting vowel of the idafa -e, the con-
ind", ham "also" or one of the pronom-
e of
the clitical forms of the verb "
im, -i. -and). By contrast, the plural markers -ha and
-an carry the stress (ketdb-hd "books", zan-dn "women")
and forms in apostrophe (vocative) preserve an archaic
initial stress (pedar (voc.) vs. peddr (nom.) "father". On
the other hand, all verbal forms have non-final stress
(except for the form of the 3rd person singular in the
simple past, which carries the stress on the final syl-
lable, e.g. kharid "he bought"). It may fall on the stem
(kharid-am "I bought"), on the verbal prefixes [mi-khar-
am "I am buying/I buy", be-khar-am "[that] I buy"),
on the preverbs [bar mi-andaz-ad "he abolishes") or on
the nominal part of the verbal phrase [hdrf mizan-am
"I am speaking/I speak"). The verbal prefixes of nega-
tion or prohibition [na-, ne-. ma-) are always stressed
(nemi-khar-am "I am not buying/I do not buy", nd-
kharid-am "I did not buy", md-khar "don't buy"). In
true compounds or in compound nominal phrases, a
secondary (weaker) stress may occur on the first nom-
inal part in addition to the main or primary stress,
e.g. dtes-pardst "fire-worshipper", kitdb-e peddr "the
father's book".
As the examples attest, stress is relatively fixed in
words and phrases. However, it may be weakened,
shifted or completely disappear according to the
speaker's purport, if there is emphasis upon one seg-
ment, e.g. hdrf mi-zan-am vs. harf mi-zan-um.
In a typical sentence, the primary stress falls on
the last syntagm, which is normally a verb or verbal
phrase. At the beginning, a conjunction, an adverb
or a vocative may appear with initial accent followed
by nominal phrases with final or nearly final accent.
Affirmative sentences have a falling intonation, but in
interrogative sentences the pitch rises.
Although stress is non-phonemic, certain phonemic
sequences may appear as contrasting minimal pairs,
such as mdhi "fish" vs. mdh-i "a moon" or shdh-i "king-
ship" vs. shdh-i "a king", but this contrast as a dis-
tinctive feature does not exist in the lexicon (cf. mdhi
- mdh, shdhi - shah/ ■ In colloquial Persian there are
several such minimal pairs originated from contracted
fori
: khand
lought
:i do -> kaid ill,
vs khand am I bought
Foi furthei detuls see M Lucidi Lauinto ml pa
siano mudemo in Riarchi hnguistuht n [1911] 108 40
GE N\e The phonemes and morphmus of \lodtm Piman
a dtsaiptwe study Doct Diss Senes no 11 •Vnn Arboi
1955 Ch\ Ferguson Word stuss in Pasian m Ltmzuam
xxxm [1957] 123 35 Towhidi 1974 Windtuhi 1979
144 9 Lizaid 1970 67-8 1992 37 4b 19o9 26b 7
III The pioblems of tunsliteiition ind
tiinscnption
Peisnn scupt disguises pronuncntion thereioie l
certnn extent of inteipietition in ti inscription with
Litm (or Cvnllic etc ) chincteis is necessvrv Mole
thm one s\stem his been concerned iepiesenting hi'
toiKil etv mologic il oi stvhstic lictois Foi nistince
the difleiences between the phonologic il inventoiie
ot Chssuil ind Modem Peisnn ippen to be s.
essential that the\ mi\ be lepresented b\ diflerer
s\ stems of trinscuption Se< the ti insurption c
Chssicil Peisnn phonemes a I u (i o) a i u j
t (oi (1,11 loi q) ioi ') b d dj j j s (oi i
= \nbic th) iA kh kh h (oi h) .. (or .. = \nbic
dht J gh m n I i u } and tint of Modem Peisnn
a I u a t o p t i k k (or q gh) (or I b d dj
y t i (or s s) sh kh (oi kh ) A mi h) ,. (or
J J m n I r u. I The ti inscription ot Classical
texts accoiding to modern pionuncntion is ilso |tis
tilled because that is the wav the\ aie ie id todiv
Foi practical leisons howevei here the ti inscription
used throughout in the EI which lepiesents Chssuil
Peisnn consonants in in \iabicised form lefletting
the wiitten forms closeK (e g idafa but diss Pers
hjifa Mod Pers ,,«/,) Occisionillv Modern Pel sum
pronunciation is mdicited is well \ichue ind dnlec
til spellings (except for the dignph kh ) lie omitted
and the morphologic il structures in the eximples lie
phonemic ilK lepiesentcd which meins th it non-et\
mologic al glides or intrusive elements leg khana I i
house in C lassie il Persnn or khant I in Modern
Pel sum oi aphieresis (eg damsdju ast > dannd^u st
I\ Giimmir morphologv ind svntix
In this section first i formal classification of word
chsses will be gi\en with decisional tefeienccs to then
(words phrises) ind then to then functionil clissiti
The morphologv of \eibs is deal ind trinspnent
peison (hist second third) tense (present pist future
etc) mood (indicative conjunctive lmpeiative) ispee
tuil nuinces (imperfect perfect progiessi\e infeicn
till etc» ind voice I ie live passive) Simple verbs hue
1 elen cut morphological pattern the minim il verbtl
torm consists ot a stem ind 1 person il suffix but the
mi]ont\ of simple \erbs hue ilso i \eibil prefix
These forms aie bised on two stems ie piesent ill
oi pist (II) Past stems ilw i\s end m dentil plosives
from infinitives bv dropping the ending an Present
stems c in be either reguhi or megulai The fust
id eg Ihandan to bu\ -^ khand ill) > khai (I)
stem
e g khand) plus a
ixihaiv verbs like the
types
of the verb to be
lie the full veib hua
clitic toims like a
tan
h ah to wish/wil
oi sodan soi to b
The
the luxilmv \dastan
hive
) are conjugated
orms [dai ad mi kon a
mi la
d dash mi laid, a
eieh
other b\ other vv
ird(s) The use of th
phn
tic progressive is i
estncted in several vv
ed with a specnl morphologv
i kh ah to wish I the piesent
without the veibil piefix ml
• of the mini veib eg kh ah
context The verbil piefix mi l< C
hami < FnK Chssical ind Middle Pen
with both simplt and complex forms
tive torms m Modern Persian bised on the pieseni
stem such is subjunctive present [bt Ion ad) ind niiper
itive (Ac Aon) All simple and complex verb loims lr
the indie itive ire negated with na It is piehxed to the
finite loims of simple mun veibs {na kaid o) oi to the
participles of complex verbs ma kaidt ast na kardt bud,
ast etc i except for the future ind passive toims wheie
it is prefixed to the luxilnrv [na kh ah ad kaid kaid,
na sod o) In the prohibitive the prefix na Ina kon na
kon id) is used g " ' ' '
,tvle whe
.phone m ot the
morpheme
3V mi e g m nil ko
ad) but
Persnn Is
l Chssical Persiml
pandigm of the
erb kardai
kon am I
e (simple or ions
ic pist)
proves
in the J
(in the
i the ac
oing
kard am I was (in the act of) doing (pi<
iect karde am I have done , etc past peiiect (or
pluperfect) kardt budam I had done etc theie are
thiee moie ( double ) complex forms based on the
perfect ml karde am 'I ha\e been doing (inferential)
karde bude am I had done (infeiential) and dask mikardt
am I ha\e been doing' dnleiential) periphrastic future
I will/shall do subjunctive mood pre-
'I r
r am I may h
t I do
Dught
subjuncti
hat I did
I I pi) Nominal forms (traditionally called participles
r participle adjective used as modiheis or agential
oun) are based on two stems nais andt (present stem
(past
i plus
ing (see neiesk ha neieste jat writings ) Nominal forms
derived from verbs are the full (or long) infinitive kar
stiictly limited apart fiom future foims it appears
after impersonal expressions only (batad tap one must
go ) The two participles neas ande writing or
above) can be used as verbal adjective eg sal e ayande
\e Bahar B s writings The paiticiples neusk kardt
etc are suggested to have active meaning in mod-
ern Persian I see Telegdi 1901 18b Humay unfarrukh
78-4 sec also £A neieste = neitstt sodt) in contrast to
ancient usage in which it was regarded as having pas-
sive meaning \ homophone foim of the past par-
ticiple of certain transitive verbs (actually nonhnite
verb foimsj has been distinguished by Lazard (geron
dif ) expiessing co-ordinated circumstantial comple-
foim perfect like baste ast he has closed and na
baste ast he has not closed (cf Lazard 1489 273
281 1992 168-4 see also Ji'l i uasji in Huma'i in
£A, Muqaddima, 120, and Humayunlarrukh, 519)
Similarly, forms denved from present stem with (non-
pioductive) an or a with limited ioice e g raian
'running" or dana "learned wise" are suggested to be
also called 'gerund' (see gtrondif in Lazard 1989, 273,
idem 1992, 107-8) This distinction itself and the true
nature of these forms, however, remain to be clari-
fied The participle of obligation or possibihtv is formed
by the full infinite plus a suffix i like didan i "[things
ought] to be seen'
Passive formation certain verbs can express the
passive with the fully conjugated ioims of the auxil-
iary sodan (oi qastan, gardidan in formal style or amadan
in veiy formal style and in the classical language)
attached to the past participle oi the main verb, e g
khande ml savad ' is being bought' , khande sod 'w as
bought", khande sode ast 'has been bought", khandt
kh ah ad sode 'will be bought" khandt saiad ' be bought '
(subj ), etc The agent of the action is laiely expressed
by circumlocutions such as be taoassot e "by (lit the
intermediation of )", az dast e ' by (lit by the hand
' \ az tatafe "on behalf of", "by (lit from the side
; Hasa,
' \hma
'H '
killed by AJimad", etc The spoken style avoids pas-
sive formation The place oi passive ioims in the ver-
bal paradigm and the details oi its morphology and
semantics, especially those oi veibal compound phrases
(locutions) need fuither investigations (cf taqsim kard
he divided (something among some peisons) — taqsim
sod it was divided (into sg ) but tonzih dad he
explained (sg ) — lonzih dade sod explanation was
given (on the passive see J \ Moyne The so called
pas snt in Persian in Foundations of Language xn (1974)
249-07)
Note some additional featuies of verbal morphol-
ogy the so-called primary verbs like to be to
exist or to have have a special sometimes defected
morphology eg the notion of the substantial veib
is expressed with full forms (a) defective forms (b) oi
with clitics (c) a) forms based on bud (II) has (I)
(or its aichaic variant boi ) to be eg indie pie-
sent mi has am I am (lit) past budam I was (it
never takes the pieiix mi except in hypothetical clauses]
and in present subj has am may I be etc imper-
ative has be (these two forms nevei take the prefix
k 1 old optative (used in formulas only) bad oi bada
tive) dastan to have never takes the piehxes mi and
bt (it may take in certain verbal phrases eg dust
mi daram I love (so) ) For othei defective forms of
modal auxiliaries such as kh astan kh ah to wish
will (mi )ba)tst bayad (inc such archaic forms as
(mi )ba)esh it is necessary, one must see Lazaid 1492
137-42 On the other hand the auxihaiy laiamstan
tavan can' has a regulai conjugation On the mod-
ern usage of auxiliary expressions see Parwiz Natil
Khanlan Dai bara i aban i falsi Tehran 134U/19bl
(passim), Batim \lasa il i ^abanshmasi i nauin Tehran
1354/1975 191
This rathei poor inventorv oi veibal morphology
does not reveal all the underlying semantic distinc-
tions which veib forms can covei The overlap of
tense and aspect or mood and aspect cause consid-
erable difficulties whose details have not been wholly
explored In addition the syntactic realisation of aspect
can be limited by further facts e g by social context
or lexical choice Thereiore the main oppositions mav
difler to some extent in formal and informal stan-
dards the use oi the so-called progressive forms for
instance can alter aspectual oppositions (on this nov-
elty in colloquial Persian see Salemann and Shukovski
1888, Rozenfeld 1948, Lazaid 1957 151 = 1992
100, K Kishavarz, Muddn' ua madi i malmus, ,n Rah
namayi kitab v (19b2l, 087-94, S Obolensky, Persian
basu wuise, Washington 1903, 8 253 MR Batim
Sakhtunan i dastun i zaban i first, Tehran 1348/1909
15 Jeremias, Dufossia m Pusian, in Ada Lmgiiistiia Aiad
Stunt Hung, xxxiv (1983) 280-3) The most essential
points of the semantics oi verb forms are as follows
the piesent forms mi kon am 'I do' and be kon am ' that
I do" (meaning obligation, possibility, etc ) express a
clear opposition oi moods between indicative and sub-
junctive expressed by verbal prefixes (mi , be ) On the
other hand, mi kon am "I do" and dar am mi kon am "I
am (in act oi ) doing ' are contrasted with reference
to aspect the first form is unmarked foi aspect and
mi simply indicates indicative, but the periphrastic
construction expi esses a piogressive ongoing action
This latter construction is stylistically marked it occurs
in the wntten and spoken informal standard only In
addition, its use is morphologically and also lexically
limited verbs ioim two disjoint sets according to their
inherent aspectual properties those which can appear
in the progiessive and those which cannot The lat-
ter group called 'stative" or 'non-progressiv
o die"
the present progressive by means of perfec
am ' I am sitting') and the past piogiessive 1:
ot pluperfect [ntsaste budam 'I was sitting ) These sta-
tue \eibs have also progiessive forms convening
another modal implication, the so-called 'ingressne
duiative meaning of the imp
dm am mi ntsin am 'I am going to sit down ' (ct SadikT-
tionship with equivalent Tadf
\rzang 2535/1976 40 Wahrdivan 68) Because of
denied (cl Lazard (araitins A
this lestncted use ot piogressive toims the piesent
jik in Bulk tin dt la Sutuh Lin
raditionalK called si
The pas
pe
'I had c
one
betote ar
oth
uutd sod
hi
I ah ead\ )
goi
,e written the lett
im of the perfect
n the simple past
ess in (m) Phonolo
also plupeilect) kt
is taking place {aujl
'When H arnvc
19b3 295) On the
l Modem and Classi
of Persian as
al devices the
m the subsequent pen-
ding highlv foimahsed
vlt Such i difference
I Persian appears m the
amng and iules of then
-ach othei and the two
■d widelv e g the clas-
^xpiessed mainlv aspec-
mbme with both stems
aiacter It also l
live' a well-known aspectual tategon m Tadjik and
was a prevtib attached insepaiable to the veib while
Turkic languages I 'non-evident veib torms) These
harm < eatlv Classical and Middle Peisian hame
teims indicate that the speaker is lepoitmg an event
alwavs being an adveib moved tieelv, and its place
which he has not witnessed himself and his knowl-
edge is from second hand ( repotted speech ) \ senes
On the othei hand the minimal veibal toim con-
sisting ot the piesent stem ,oined bv peisonal suffixes
ast dash ml kaidt ast kardi budi ast) be^an to be inter-
Hat ad\ was used widelv as an aonstic unmaiked
preted as inferential" in the Modern Peisian paia-
neutial torm Thus with some ov c-i simplilic ation the
digm onl\ ietentH (see Windiuhi The aihal iatts,nn
set of ptehxes and suffixes attached to veibal stems
of inftunie in Persian, in iita hanna xxn (1982) 2b S-
lemamed unchanged almost totalH in the past millen
87 Lazaid Linftrentul ou passe distantu in persein m
mum but the meaning and oidcnng ot moiphemes
Stud It xiv 11985) 27-42 idem 198') 27?) It should
be noted however, that in earliei descriptions ol
led signihcantlv throughout historv Foi the details of
Peisian giammai (Horn in OIPli, 154 Jensen 1931
the combinations ot the veibal piefixes \ha)mi and bi
158 Rastorgueva 19b4 58 Lazard 1957 = 1992
idem 1963 295) the 'double ' compound vet b tot ms
peiative and nominal ioims or hi ptefixtd to toims
(sometimes mentioned onl\ emsoiilv) uerc inteipieted
m the simple past complex veibal foims oi nominal
on the basis ot their moiphologv as extended toims
forms, ete see Lazard l°6a 274- 52b, 4hmadr Gnvi
ot the perlect the impeifect oi the past piogressive
Dastui i tankjii i fi'l passim on the pte-classi, al use ot
(see mi kaidi ast the compound imperfect in Lazard
the pieveib hi see J Josephson Tht pieuih hi and
the uth kardan in Book Pahlan Tuts m Ptoi„din«s oj tht
43 mfti budi ast the double compound past or ' the
Second European (onfmmt oflianiun Studies ed B G
completed past ot the perfect m Lazard 1992, 15b
Fiagner it al Rome 1995 a35-46
dash mi kaide ast 'the completed past of the pio
EarH Classical Peisian texts have pieseived a gioup
giessive in Lazaid 1992 lbO) and according, the\
of aichaic elements ot veibal moiphologv (see the
ancient forms of personal suffixes or verb forms with-
of this early period are: the morpheme -T < e{d)
attached to conjugated forms (incl. the clitic forms of
the verb "to be" or rarely, stem forms) was used in
differing functions in present and past forms express-
ing various values of mood (optative, conditional or
irreal modality), but in the past it could also convey
the habitual, durative, etc., nuances of aspect (simi-
larly to [ha)mf-). In old prose it appears to have been
a productive morpheme and was used simultaneously
with the verbal prefixes hi- and (ha)me-, but subse-
quently it fell into disuse and its function was taken
over gradually by the verbal prefix mi- even though
not completely — the morphology and semantic values
of these forms or the differing use of -e and -ed have
not been fully explored, see the examples in Ahmadr
Gfwi, 337-42, and Lazard 1963, 327-38, e.g. agar man
dnja na-budam-e . . . "If I had not been there . . ." (irreal),
or cun pes-i payghambar amad-e guft-e "when he used to
come to the Prophet he used to say . . ." (habitual).
For other archaic elements occurring in ancient texts
such as the old precative or optative (dar-ad, rasdn-dd,
kun-ad), the imperative formed by -e (dih-e, bi-firist-e),
the type of the perfect (kardast-am), or verbal (and also
nominal) forms followed by the morpheme -a con-
veying the vocative or exclamative iguft-d), and for the
verbal morphology and syntax of ancient texts, con-
sult Lazard 1963; Bahar, Sabk-shinasT, Tehran -1337/
1958; Ahmadr GTwi, Tehran 1380/2001.
2. Nouns and noun phrase*
Generalities: Nouns, adjectives and partly adverbs are
forms which do not exhibit any specific morphologi-
cal feature (e.g. ending) that would indicate their word
class individually. They easily enter into another word-
class while materially they remain the same and may
occur in various syntactic functions. See the examples
pir "old" and "old : "
(cf. mar,
kheyli mar
"he is
'idld used as an adverb {bald dmadan
up(wards)") or as an attributive (otdq-e bald "the upper
room", cf. bald -tar comp.) or as a noun (bdld-ye khiydbdn
"the upper part of the street"); or khub "good" and
"well" (doklitar-e khub "good girl" and khub mi-kk'dnad
"he reads well").
sitional phrases in the sentence. These syntactic roles
particles or post-positions) and by determiners of var-
ious types; occasionally they can also remain unmarked.
The markers attached to the noun (phrase) display a
set of stressed and unstressed grammatical morphemes
of various natures {idafa, plural- or object-markers and
articles). A striking characteristic of Persian is that the
noun and its marker(s) are not closely knit; markers
do not constitute inseparable elements of the word
they are joined to. They can move relatively freely,
although to varying degrees, and can be attached to
a whole. The sequence of these markers, their pho-
netic forms (allomorphs) or even the rules of their
presence or absence are not always firmly fixed. Their
use is governed by stylistic factors and vary also in
different phases of Persian. In ancient texts their place
and sequence were freer than in more recent sources,
where they tend to move towards the end of the
noun phrase in an ordered sequence (esp. the object
marker -rd) if there is more than one marker. This
sort of "group inflection" (a traditional, but not quite
appropriate term) is a characteristic of New Persian
which, in this point, differs significantly from the
behaviour of the formatives of the agglutinating lan-
guages or from the nominal inflection of the ancient
Indo-European languages. In the latter, word-classes,
traditionally called parts of speech, are morphologi-
cally recognisable and the basic syntactic relations are
expressed by case endings attached to specific stem-
forms and only to those. In Persian this old type of
nominal inflection was gradually abandoned and the
new way of marking morpho-syntactic categories devel-
oped by the Islamic period (see Telegdi, ^ur Morphologie
des Neupersisehen, in AO Hung., xii (1961), 183-99; idem,
Beitrdge zur historischen Grammatik des Neupersisehen. I. Uber
die Partikelkomposition im Neupersisehen, in AO Hung., v
(1955), 75); Lazard 1992, 262-4.
Gender, number and other categories (the morphemes -i,
-e, -rd): Gender is not marked morphologically in
Persian. Female and male can be expressed lexically
by the words made "female" and nar(re) "male" pre-
or postponed (the latter, which is more colloquial, is
constructed with idafa), such as made-sir or sir-e made
"lioness" and nar-sir or sir-e nar "I male) lion". The
feminine ending of the Arabic loans -at > Class. Pers.
-a > Mod. Per. -e [malek "king", maleke "queen", but
also -at as in w'at "hour") is rarely used with words
of Persian origin, such as hamsir — hamsire "brothel —
sister" (formal). In a very formal style an adjectival
modifier following an Arabic broken plural may appear
in an Arabicised feminim " "
itandard
ixpressed by t\
«0)-
?ssed n
Plural is
or -ran according to the word's final vowel) with human
beings, such as ketdb-hd "books", zan-dn "women" or
bande-gdn "servants" (exceptions are numerous, e.g. der-
akht-dn "trees", akhtar-dn "stars", etc.). The stressed
plural marker has a firmly fixed position immediately
following the noun. Sometimes it may also be added
to constructions consisting of two nouns in juxtaposi-
tion or adjectival phrase, such as [kot-o salvdr\-hd "coat-
In Modern Persian, except in very formal styles,
tain Arabic loans have preserved their original plural
formation, both regular (-at, -jdt, -iydt, -in, -yun, -dial)
or irregular ("broken plural"), such as e.g. kalema
"word" and kakmdt "words" or vazir "minister" and
vozard "ministers". In the formal language, the plural
marker -at or -jat occur with non-Arabic words as
well, e.g. farmdres-dt "instructions" or mwe-jdt "fruits".
Arabic broken plurals were widely used in Classical
Persian and continue to be retained in modern formal
style. Sometimes Persian plural markers are also added
to Arabic broken plurals cumulating the two types of
plural formation, such as zarf "vessel", z»ruf or zoruf-
hd "vessels". In the classical period, certain Persian
words were re-borrowed from Arabic with their bro-
ken plurals modelled on patterns of Arabic morphol-
ogy (where they are in use to this day), such asfarmdn
"order" and faramm "orders", bostdn "garden" and
basdtin "gardens", etc. Certain nouns have double plu-
rals, each with its separate meaning, such as sar-dn
"chiefs" and sai-hd "heads" or harf-ha "letters" and
horuf "speeches". Selection from among the alternative
plural forms is mainly governed by stylistic factors.
There is a special use of the plural marker -ha
occurring in adverbial expressions conveying a shade
of meaning "approximation" (cf. ba'd-ha "afterwards"
in Lazard 1992, 93; birun-hd "somewhere outside",
143-60).
Historically, both -an (< Old Iranian pi. gen.
*-anam) and -ha (< Book Pahlavi -ilia) had their roots
in Middle Persian. The former was older and more
widely used with all sorts of nouns, but the latter
took its place gradually (see W. Sundermann, Ahttel-
permch, in CU, 155). For further details cf Jensen,
38-41; Lazard 196.3, 195-9; idem 1992, 57-66;
R. Humayunfarrukh, Dastur-i gjami'-i zaban-i font,
-Tehran n.d. ('1337/1958), 25.3-74; M. Mu'in, Mujiad
wa ajam', Tehran '1369/1991; Hincha 1961, 141-60.
Ida/a [possessive and attnbutire constructions): The mod-
ification of a noun with a following modifier is
expressed by a clitic vowel -e or after vowels -ye (Class.
Pers. -i or -vi) attached to the head noun(s). the con-
struction is called idafa (Class. Pers. izdfa. Mod. Pers.
ezqfe) "annexation" (cf. the similar but not wholly
equivalent construction in Arabic). The head nountsl
in singular or plural is (are) followed by one or more
modifiers, which can be an adjective las in most cases)
or a noun, a pronoun, or more complex spatial and
prepositions, etc. Two main types can be distinguished
according to their inner structures: ketdb-e bozorg "the
big book" and ketab-e pedar "the book of the father"
(called Ez. I and Ez. II by Hincha, 148-51, or tarkib-e
rasfi "descriptive composition" and taikib-e ezqfi "pos-
sessive c." by native grammarians). If the first type is
extended by another adjective, the new modifier refers
to the head noun i[ketdb]-e bozorg-e fdni "the big Persian
book"), while in the second case the new modifier
refers to the second noun-member of the construc-
tion (ketab-e [pedar]-e fdni "the book of the Persian
father" which itself functions as a head as well. More
complex noun-phrase structures may contain a long
chain of modifiers {tadvm-e dastur-e zabdn-e fdrsi "the
codification of the grammar of the Persian language"
or [Ferdowsi,] sokhanguy-e piiuzi-ye niki bar badi "[F.J
an orator of the victory of goodness over badness"),
sometimes representing a reduced relative clause
(kaleme-hdye makhtum be hd-ye gheyi-e malfuz-e fai si ("words
with non-spoken final It"). Theoretically, noun phrases
can be indefinitely extended, but their complexity is
constrained by perception factors. Depending on the
semantic relation between the head and its modifier(s),
several subtypes can be listed: e.g. qualification by a
noun indicating origin (db-e ie.sme "well-water") or mate-
rial [ketdb-e adabivdt "the book of literature"! or spec-
ification [Mthi-e fihran "the city of T.", mazhab-e esldm
"the religion of Islam" etc.). Detailed descriptions of
these types in rhetorical terms as haqiqi "literal" vs.
majdzi "metaphorical" etc., can be found in native lit-
erature (see Mu'in, I is fa {the genitive ease), Tehran
''1370/1991). Titles and other designations may occur
either with idafa (dqd "mister", jandb, haziat "excel-
lence, honour, dignity", marhum "late") or without idafa
idoktoi, hakim, seykh). If a head noun is suffixed by the
indefinite -i, the adjective attributive follows it with-
out idafa (ketdb-i buz«rg "a big book"). This construc-
tion is characteristic of formal Modern Persian only,
but it was commonly used in Classical Persian. Another
characteristic of the ancient language is that modi-
fiers (both nouns and adjectives) often precede the
head noun. In this case there is no idafa construc-
;tand in juxtapc
and in modern dialects or in colloquial styles (in rapid
speech), especially in frequently used expressions (pedai-
bozoig "grandfather", jandb-'dli "Sir", etc.).
Historically, the idafa construction developed fully
by the New Persian period (see the use of the partly
equivalent and scarcely occurring Middle Persian rel-
i. the :
1 brav
, Iran
"the
e of I
Lazard 1963, 200-3). The connecting vowt
sical transcription -/) may be dropped both
e multiple idafa s
tures, which are characteristic of the formal written
style, remain unresolved (see L.S. Peysikov, Vopiosi sin-
taksisa persidskogo yazika, Moscow 1959, 41-108 (the
most detailed description); M.R. Batini, TawsTf-i dasturi-
i zaban-i fdni, Tehran 1348/1969, 1.37-52; Lazard
1992, 66-71; idem 1989, 275).
Definitiness—indifimteness: The unstressed clitic -i
(< Class,. Pers. -I, < early Class. Pers. -I < Old Persian
awa- "one") traditionally called "indefinite article" or
"article of unity" is joined to a noun in singular or
plural or to a noun phrase, e.g. ketdb-i "a book" or
ketdb-hd-i "some, certain books" (vs. ketdb-hd "books")
or ketdb-e bozoig-i "a big book". In the colloquial lan-
guage indefiniteness is often expressed by the numeral
yek "one" which precedes the noun (yek ketdb "a book")
and may be used simultaneously with the clitic -/ (yek
ketdb-i). Although the expressions yek ketdb and yek ketdb-
i appear to be equivalent in certain contexts, they
may also have different stylistic values. There are, for
able; see the terms "Kennzeichnung der Individuali-
sierheit" ("the sign of individualisation") for yek and
"Restriktion" ("restriction") for -/ by Hincha," 169-70,
e.g. yek tuz "eines (bestimmten) Tages" ("a particular
day") vs. iuz-i "pro Tag, ein einzelner Tag" ("daily,
every day"). Although the fine points of the use of
the clitic -;' have not been wholly explored, there can
be a restricting function, which appears to make the
reference of the noun phrase more precise. In addi-
tion, its relatively independent character are mani-
fested in phrases like in the following examples by
Hidjazi (quoted from Telegdi, 1961, 192): javdn-e tekaste
va ndkhos-i "a tired (lit. broken) and sick young man"
(Hidayatl or hat jdhel-e az donyd bikhabar-i "each igno-
ramus who does not understand the world", or dar
domd-i dis,ai "einer anderen Welt" "in a different world"
(Cubak)." This latter type was especially common in
Classical Persian, where the clitic -( tended to be
joined to the first head noun.
The same clitic morpheme -/ with a restricting func-
tion can be attached to the antecedent of a restrictive
relative clause Imaid-i ke tu-ye otdq ait "the man who
is in the room"). (This morpheme is called yd-ye esdre
by native grammarians.) The antecedent noun may
be preceded by a demonstrative pronoun and is com-
patible with the stressed object suffix -rd {an maid-i-rd
ke . . . "that man whom...") and the stressed mor-
pheme -e which is used only in colloquial style (an
maid-e-i ke . . . "that man who . . ."i. According to
Hincha, the clitic -i is in complementary distribution
with Ez. II and the pronominal possessive suffix -ai
in each position (171). There is considerable dis-
agreement, however, on whether these two functions
of the clitic -I with different distributions are to be
regarded as one or two morphemes. Native speakers
seem to distinguish the two functions (cf. Lazard, L'en
n person:
mpliem
li (1966), 249-64; idem, 1989, 275-6). Ft
see Meier, 139-44; Windfuhr, 3-40; Ch. Lehm
id-ye esaiat. ^jii Grammatik del penivhen Relativsatze
Indogermamsche Forsehungen, lxxxii (1977), 97-106.
A stressed morpheme -e is used after noun
n BSL,
details
singular (hotel-e "the hotel [in question])" as if it was
a definite article (Hincha's term is "Punktualisierung",
176), but its use is restricted to the colloquial style
in Modern Persian only. In formal language there is
no direct way of expressing definiteness, but it is pos-
sible to indicate the definite or indefinite nature of
the noun acting as an object in the sentence (see the
object suffix -ra). The morpheme -e has a limited dis-
tribution as it may occur with demonstrative pronouns
(an pesat-e), but never with the so-called indefinite
"article" -i (for a different view, see Hincha, 176). If
the -e is joined to a noun phrase (Ez. I) the ezqfe
vowel -e is dropped, e.g. ketdb-bozorg-e (cf. 'A.A. Sadiki,
Dastur. Sal-i duwwum, Tehran 2535/1976, 131). Appa-
rently its occurrence is widespread in both Persian
and non-Persian dialects ^see Christensen 1939, 42,
and also Windfuhr, 41).
The object marker -td: The unstressed morpheme -ra
(also called particle or postposition, which indicates
its relatively independent or word-like character) is
attached to a noun in singular or plural, or to a noun
phrase of whatever length, indicating direct object
under certain conditions. These "conditions" are a
matter of debate and are impossible to grasp by hard
and fast rules: its place, functions, appearance or dis-
appearance seem to be dependent on grammatical,
semantic and stylistic factors. In the sequence of the
postponed morphemes which can follow a noun or a
noun phrase, -ra is always the last in the sequence
in Modern Persian (e.g. ketdb-hd-i-rd). It is said to mark
the direct object in the sentence if it is made "defi-
nite" by pre- and postponed determiners, modifiers
u-ra "his book (ace.)", ketdb-id kh'dndam "I read the
book". There are cases, however, where the direct
object can also be followed both by the morpheme
-i and by -ra. In these cases the morpheme -i appears
to make the object not indefinite, but rather restric-
tive or "individuated", e.g. keldb-i-rd "a certain book
(ace.)". On the other hand, the object marker is not
used if the object is generic, e.g. sab-ha ketdb mi-kk'dn-
am "in the evenings I read book(s)" (cf. Lazard 1989,
280). The rationale for its occurrence is far from clear.
It may be connected with the semantic nature of the
noun acting as object or with the relationship between
object and predicate ("caractere humain de robjet"
or "absence d'affinite semantique entre le verbe et
l'objet") or, with the complexity of the expression (cf.
Lazard 1989, 280; idem 1992, 74-6, 183-90). Its use
in the colloquial language is very unsteady: it is often
missing where formal language would use it.
In Modern Persian -ra sometimes appears where a
direct object marker is not expected to occur. Some
of the instances of these "uncommon" uses of the
morpheme -ra do occur in both formal and informal
Modern Persian, while others may be seen only in
the very formal (literary) style. The first group includes
elliptic exclamative phrases, such as khodd-rd sokr "thanks
to God", to-ra be-khodd "I swear you by God" or khodd-
td "for God's sake!" or qazd-td (= az qaza) "by chance".
An emphatic use of the morpheme -ra introducing a
topic at the beginning of the sentence occurs in the
less formal style, such as to-ra ce kdr konam? "What
am I to do with you?" (lit. "As for you, what shall
I do?"). Sometimes it is used with adverbial expres-
sions denoting time (zohr-rd "at noon" quoted by
Lazard from Sadik Hidayat). The second group whose
construction is characteristic of the very formal (lit-
erary) style in Modern Persian consists of expressions
where the noun followed by -ra features as indirect
object, like to-ra goftam [= be to goftam] "I told you"
speak to you". In these examples -rd is substituted by
prepositions in the equivalent expressions which are
equivalent grammatically but not stylistically. Another
archaic and very formal use of this morpheme is the
construction where -rd is attached to the complement
of the existential verb "to be" expressing possession
(that is, to the possessor noun), such as u-ra pewr-i
bud "he had a son", an equivalent of the sentence u
pesar-i ddst (cf. Lazard 1992, 191; Hincha, 186). These
latter two functions are obviously remnants of old
usage. Not only these two points but the whole domain
of its use (place, functions, distribution, etc.) show dif-
ferences between Modern and Classical Persian dis-
playing also dialectal variations (cf. its use with the
proposed particle mar]. See further details in Telegdi
1961, 194; Lazard 1963, 356-84; idem, Le morpheme
rd en persan et les relations actancielles, in BSL. lxxvii
(1982), 177-207; I.K. Ovtsinnikova, Funklm posleloga m
v sovremennon literatumom persidskom vazike, in Tmdi Instituta
yazikoznaniya, vi (1956), 356-391; idem, Ispol'zovanie
posleloga ra v proizvedeniyakh tadjikskikh i persidshkh klas-
siceskikh avtorov (XI-XV'w.), in TIT, vi 1 19561, 392-408.
3. Adjectives and adjective phrases
Adjectives are invariable words in Persian showing
no distinction of gender, number or case. Comparative
adjectives are formed by the suffixes -tat and -tarin
(boland-tar "high" boland-tatin "highest", note that the
same suffix can be attached to adverbs as well). There
are certain adjectives which have suppletive compar-
ative and superlative forms, see beh, and beh-tar
("better"), beh-tann ("best") in relation to khub "good"
"much, many", etc. These doublets can be used in
different social contexts in Modern Persian. The com-
parison between two gradable adjectives are made by
the preposition az (in pesar az an boland-tai ast "this
boy is taller than that"). Superlative forms usually pre-
cede the head noun (qadim-tarin ketab "the oldest book"),
similarly to certain adjectives with special semantic
value (khub pesar-i ("a good boy", see Lazard 1989,
277). Adjectives may be preceded by adverbs or adverb
phrases. The most commonly used premodifiers of
this type are besyar, kheyh "very", 'ajab "strange" (mas'ale-
ye kheyli mohem(m) "very important problem").
" ' iparative and superlative forrr
r, greati
), beh, b
n ("belt
', best'
the doublets khub
of their use or modes of intensification in both Modern
and Classical Persian, see Lazard 1992, 81-9; idem
1963, 201-14.
Because of their "unmarked" nature, adjectives easily
change their word-class membership without any mor-
phological modification — for instance, a large part of
them can be used as nouns or adverbs (see above,
I. Generalities). The syntactic behaviour of these words,
which obtain their new meaning via transposition, is
similar to the other members of the same word-class
even though their original word-class attributes do not
disappear completely. For instance, nominalised adjec-
tives take the same exponents as the noun proper
while preserving some features of their own in cer-
tain constructions (e.g. in idafa or in compounds such
as deltang and tangdel, see Telegdi, £ur Unterscheidung
von Substantiv und Adjektiv im Neupersischen, in AO Hung..
xv 11962), 325-36).
4. Adverbs and adverb phrases
This heterogeneous class overlaps with other word
classes such as nouns, adjectives or prepositions, etc.
The group of words which are traditionally regarded
as adverbs are konun/aknun "now", emruz "today", fatdd
norrow", z>r "under", zebar "above", nazdik or i
ar", dur "far", 'aqab "behind", pis "before",
er", birun "outside", bald "up", pain "down", >
ry", etc., in addition to the morphologically der:
b by the still c
.g. etlejSqan
whole-heartedly".
erbs, hov*
c. The :
jeddan
. For i
-, pis, pas,
combination with verbs of
toft bald "he went up" in modern colloquial); used in
noun phrase they appear as attributives [otaq-e bald
"the upper room, mansard", sab-e pis "the previous
night"); used in adverb phrases, thev behave as nouns
(called "adverbes-substantifs" by lizard 1957, 84 =
1992, 90; for a different view see Telegdi 1961, 187-
9) displaying nearly all the properties nouns have
though to varying degrees. That is, they may occur
with or without prepositions, with certain determin-
ers (e.g. demonstrative pronouns) and plural markers
indicating "approximation" (cf. Telegdi 1961, 189;
Lazard J992, 65). They also occur in idaja construc-
tions, but they never appear with articles (see bald
"the upper part, top, height" in the examples dar bald-
re "above, over s.th.", bdld-ye hull "at the top of the
. Actually,
'. Telegdi
her with or without
"behind the wall",
prepositional phrases). Similarly, most of the adjectives
may function as adverbials (of manner in most cases,
called "adjectifs-adverbes" by Lazard 1957, 7!
90, (
lickly").
1992, 90-5).
The mani
fold behaviour of ce
tain ad
be explained
by their historical de
velopme
nt: e.g. bala
re originally nouns
but tl
adverbs whil
preserving some fea
heir former
class-member
ship. By contrast, so
ne old j
clverbs (bat.
dar, foru. fata
became fixed in pre
erbal p
osition used
formally as
dverbs) and
formed a single lexical item with t
he verb
doning their
ndependent meaning
as adve
bs (e.g. MP
aba, amadan
> Class. P. bar dmad
Mod. P. bat
amadan "to cope, r
se [dough]" i. Note
' them became obso
mage and were su
by "new"
adverbs, e.g.
foru bv pain "down'
or dat
others merge
d into one single uc
rd (see
he modern
homophones
of various origins.
e.g. CI
ss. Persian
in" (adv.) and dar "c
sical phrases
such as dar amadan
"to cor
ne in" and
(ba-)dar amada
n "to come out" > N
od. Pers
dar amadan
" — for substitution, s
e Class
Persian bat
amadan -> Mod. Pers. bala raftan
'to rise.
go up").
In additio
tin adverbs
wholly lost their ai
caning, e.g.
pis or pas v.
ere local-temporal a
n Classical
Persian, but
thev have onlv ten
iporal r
eference in
Modern Per
an, or bar in bat as
soflan "flare
up, agitate"
see also the modern
continu
rtion of the
old homoph
nes; MP abar > CI.
Pers. b
it "up, on"
and MP wai
> CI. Pers. bat "bre
st" [no
n] > Mod.
P. {ai) bari-e) "over, upon, on [prep.]"). For
details of these highly heterogeneous, somei
obscure groups of words called adverbs or some
particles, see Telegdi 1955; idem, 1961.
5. Prepositions or prepositional phrases
There are only a few true prepositions in P(
"from,
into (lit-
with", bi
"without", ta "until", joz
They can precede the noun (dat otdq "in the room"),
the noun phrase {dar otaq-e bozorg "in the big room")
or the co-ordinated nouns {dar otdq va aspazkhdne "in
the room and the kitchen"). These prepositions are
never followed by tddfa.
In addition, there are various types of "compound"
prepositions: e.g. adverbs followed by prepositions [pit
az "before (of time)", qabl az "before", pas az "after"),
nouns (or substantivised adverbs) with or without
prepositions connected to another noun via idafa {dar
post-e dirdr "behind the wall", az taraf-e "from the side
of" be-taraj-e "towards", be tavassot-e "bv Ithe inter-
vening of)" (dat) tu-ye "in(side)", az zi>-e "from under"
Both true prepositions and the , '
idaja may be dropped in colloqui;
1992, 76-9).
There were some more prepositions in Classical
Persian, but they became obsolete in post-classical
Persian as early lexicographic sources indicate, e.g.
andar, Joiu, fata, etc. Another characteristic of Classical
bar) and certain postpositions (bat, (an)dai, bdz), e.g. be
Yaman dat "in V." icf. Lazard 1963, 399-421; KhTLh.
Rahbar, Dastfir-i zaban-i falsi. Kitab-i huruf-i idafa «'«
rabt, -'Tehran 1367/1988, 69-396).
e Lazard
The cardinal
"30",
1 and 20 (yek "
"40", p
jdh "50", etc.), hundreds (sad "100", delist "200".
"300", etc.) and thousand (hezdr) are single words. The
other numbers consist of either two or three or more
words connected b\ o "and" (e.g. hist-o yek "21", hezar-
o vek "1001", do hezdr-o but-o rek "2021", etc.). Nouns
ardinal
gular
books"). Characteristic of Persian
■d "numeratives" words, a certain
type ol tlassih
noun. The most used "numeratives" are naj'ar, tan, ta,
dast, etc. (do nafar ddnesju "two (persons) students", do
td ketab "two (pieces) books"). Ordinals are derived
from cardinals with the suffixes -om or -omin (cahdi-om
or cahdt-omm "fourth" I. If they consist of more than
e.g. [yek hezdr-o' panjdli-o hast}-om "1058". The two
series of ordinal numerals (panj-om or panj-omin "fifth")
The first type used as an attributive follows the head
noun with idafa (fwtdb-e panjom "the fifth book") but
the second precedes it \panjonun ketab). For their dif-
fering semantic values, see Lazard 1992, 101. The
first cardinal numerals have a varietv of forms ( yekom
I avvall 'nokhost "first", dovvoml dcyyom "second", semvin
/seyvotn "third"). For various numerical expressions,
see'Lazard 1992, 102-5.
7. Pronouns: petsonal, possessive, rejlexivt, reciprocal, demon-
sttative, interrogative and indefinite
Personal and some other pronouns can be expressed
in two different ways: by stressed independent words
or by clitic morphemes. The members of the two sets
positions. The choice of clitic pronouns is heavily
dependent on stylistic factors.
Stressed personal pronouns have the distinction of
number (singular and plural), person (1st, 2nd and
3rd), and gender with a strictly limited force (animate
and inanimate in the 3rd person): man "I", to "you",
u, vey (lit.) or an (denoting inanimate things in most
cases) "he/she/it", ma "we", soma "you", isan or anha
"they". There is a variety of forms and meanings in
polite or colloquial usage. For instance, characteristic
of modern colloquial is the occurrence of plural forms
with a singular value or the forms ma-ha "we, us",
somd-hd" "you". Isan (coll. isun) is often used as a polite
equivalent of the third person singular pronoun.
Similarly, in polite speech, the first or second person
pronouns in singular may be substituted by various
forms, e.g. bande "servant", in jdneb "this side" (lit.),
jandb-e 'dli/'dli jandb "Your Excellency" (see further
Personal pronouns, as usual, share the functions of
nouns, but not all of them. For instance, they may
be preceded by prepositions, e.g. bd ma "with us", or
postponed by object markers, e.g. md-rd "us (ace)" (but
see man-rd > ma-rd "me (ace.)"). Having determining
function they are used with idafa (ketdb-e ma "our
book") acting as a quasi-possessive pronoun. But in
this function pronouns do not exhibit exactly the same
ifiers. For instance, they do not allow any further
extension of the noun phrase, but they terminate the
chain of noun(s) and adjective(s) (cf. keldb-e bozorg-e ma
"our big books", ketdb-e pedar-e ma "the book of my
father" or ketab-e pedar-e bozorg-e ma "the book of my
grandfather").
Clitic
(coll.),
'-« (c
in the singular and -emdn, -etdn, esdn in the plural. As
a matter of fact, these clitic morphemes are personal
suffixes used in two differing functions: if they are
attached to the noun phrase acting as determiner they
refer to the possessor as a kind of "determinative pos-
sessives" or, if they are used as complements in ver-
bal phrases they refer to the direct or indirect object,
rarely (and redundantly) the subject. These clitics,
although their phonological shapes and allophones are
the same in both functions, differ as for their modi-
fication or complementation: clitics used in determi-
native functions appear to be suffix-morphemes and
the word so produced has a complex morpheme struc-
ture (ketdb-as = ketdb-e u "his book") which can take
the object marker (ketdb-as-rd "his book (ace.)"). In the
second case, where clitics are used to denote com-
plements of verbs or verbal phrases, the verb and its
complement appear to be rather a syntactic con-
struction that cannot be extended (didam-as [= u-rd
dtdam] "I saw him", dddam-as [= be-u dddam] "I gave
him (s.th.)" or nist-es [= u nisi] "he is out (coll.)"). This
itself is
•ather
n that
n be
expressive of both the predicate and the objei
(more rarely) the subject (cf E. Jeremias, Some gram-
matical problems of early New Persian syntax, in Proceedings
of the Second European Conference of Iranian Studies, ed.
Fragner et alii, Rome 1995, 325-34.)
Other more peripheral functions (partitive, ana-
phoric, emphatic or pleonastic) of these clitic pronouns
(especially the form -es) are very common in informal
registers (see more details in Lazard 1992, 109-16).
Certain constructions, e.g. if prepositions are followed
by such clitics [az-es - az u "from him") or they are
attached to the non-verbal part of compound verbs
ardly «
in forrr.
rf ddrar
I love
ityle. The use of pronominal
clitics in earlier periods of Persian was not exactly
the same as in Modern Persian. Its occurrence as
possessive affix is an innovation of New Persian shared
by most of the West Iranian languages. The posses-
sive affixes rigidly attached to the correlative words
must have been fully developed in earliest prose. There
is, however, a significant difference in frequency in
comparison with modern usage. They are used less
frequently and in most cases with a limited set of
words (e.g. pedar, mddai, pesar, khodd).
On the other hand, their use as verbal comple-
ment continues an old tradition, which itself has not
however remained unchanged. In old texts their place
was not rigidly fixed; they appeared in various posi-
tions in the sentence, although a tendency can be
seen to attach them to verbs or to the nominal part
of verbal phrases. In some rare examples they appeared
after words already extended by other grammatical
morphemes (e.g. Class. Pers. par-e-s "one of his
feather(s)", cf. Jeremias 1995, 328). This very archaic
usage disappeared later.
Reflexive pronouns are khod, khistan "oneself" and
khis "his, her". The first two are pronouns used in
formal language having no distinction of number or
person, but they can be constructed with prepositions,
followed by the object suffix -td or used as a deter-
minative possessive word with idafa (bd khod. khod-rd,
pedar-e khod). In colloquial language they are always
used with determinative possessive affixes (khod-am.
khod-et, khod-es, etc.). Khis is an adjective acting as
determiner (mddar-e khis-rd dust ddiad "she loves her
mother") and in this function it may be regarded as
a formal equivalent of khod and khistan. In Classical
Persian khis (< early Class. Pers. khis) was also used
as pronoun beside khod and khistan (cf. Lazard 1963,
230).
Reciprocal pronouns are yekdxgai, hamdigar "each
other, one another" with the same distinctions as the
reflexive pronouns obtain {yekdigar-rd dust ddrand "they
love each other"). See also the independent use of
ham (bd ham "together"), which is not to be confused
with the particle ham "also, even" or the copulative
conjunction ham . . . va ham "and . . . and".
Demonstrative pronouns distinguish singular and
plural and can be simple (in "this" and in-hd "these",
an "that" and dn-hd "those") or compounded with the
particle ham "same, very" (hamin "this same one",
"that
e") o
'like this", etc.). Simple demonstratives pre-
?de the noun and remain invariable in the plural if
ised as determiners (m zan "this woman",
"these
i (coll.)
kehd/ki(h)d (coll.) I pi.)- "Ici (coll.) "what', Ceha/eitia
(coll.) (pi.), koddm(hd) "which one(s)". The latter two
pronouns can be used as adjectives as well. Cand/ random
"how much/many" shares the syntax with cardinals:
it precedes the noun in singular (cand ruz "how many
days"), but its other form follows it with idafa [ruz-e
random). Interrogative pronouns can act as determin-
ers with definitive or indefinite references, but their
syntax is still to be investigated.
Indefinite pronouns and determiners: There is a relatively
small number of simple indefinite pronouns which can
be compounded with various nominal morphemes, like
kas. sakhs "person", az "thing", jd "place", qadr "quan-
tity" or the pronoun koddm "which (one)" to produce
a large set of expressions acting as determiners and
fulfilling various syntactic functions. Occasionally they
can be followed by the indefinite -/, but the syntax
of its use is not wholly explored [hie kas or hie kas-i
o one hit t
■ nothing
, hu
taqt
ed with the
deh
mantle ally the
leTgative
bel(
ng to v
like ha
ann mi
nvbodv similarly nj s
(i) anything
hit id hu
koda
n neit
ther details s
ee Lazaid
<m
124-1
8 bntax
sonal v
ssible
erbs (,
■> phiv
tomken
In another common type of simple sentences the log
leal subject is expressed by the clitic pronoun attached
to the piedicative ad|ective eg said am ast I am
cold The concord (01 agreement) between the sub
ject and the piedicate is nonmllv simple a singulai
1 singular objec "
the sub|ec
.ainly <
collective
stvhst
> the piedicate is in singular in
elected style hononfic addiesses m used with pied-
icate in pluial e g loma euftid you (sing ) told aqa
(sing ) nutand (pi ) the mastei is not it home (foi
more details see abo\e 2 and Lazard 1<W2 178-82
Mu'in \oun Singular and pluial Tehran 1 3b l t/19')l )
The two ma|oi constituents ot the simple sentence
cm be iuithei extended b\ dnect oi indued ob|ects
and adverbial phiases [foi the details ot then use see
previous sections) Genei al characteristics of the behav-
ioui of the constituents in the smallei oi laigei units
of the sentence aie mobility and optionahty even
though the constituents show these featuies in varying
degrees This means that grammatical expe
■i flexil
Nor
.1 the s.
t (SO\) Other complements come eithel befoic
ter the object but tempoial expressions often
■ at the initial position (e g sabha kelab ml lhand
in the evenings he used to read a book ) Generally
objects
mpar
ae tie features vary consider
ably (see the unstable use of grammatical moiphemes
like the ob|ect suffix la oi the dropping of prepositions
in less formal styles in above 4 ef also Lazaid l°-92
183-212) .meliorative sentences have the same word
order as affirmative ones diffenng only in intonation
Juxtaposed units (phrases or clauses) are cooidi-
nated by ni loi by the clitic fl in special cases) ham
(mi) ham and also ( ham also used as a clitic e g
told
i ah
/h ah either
■ connected by the conjunction kt m i
,p in intormal styles eg spft kt ptsar ai ,
1 that his son arrived Normally this
simply mdic ates subordination The most c
It that until that
. (tempoial casual) ai
[ the c
boidina-
) There
lelatively wide fieedom m selecting the
indicative oi in subjunctive depending on the speakers
of the predicate in conditional clauses aie moie (but
not wholly) fixed the selection of the verb foim in
the main lor matrix ) clause and in the conditional
clause is dnectly connected with fulfilment of a leal
condition or a hypothetical one with present oi past
refeience See some examples by Sadiki aqai Hiuanq
kar konad mwajfaq mi saiad if H woiks he succeeds
aeai Husang bi )a\ad ba u bt gardes mi taoam (oi Ih aham
raft) !f H should come I (will) go walk with him
at>a> diriK baif ntml band haia sard nemisod if yesteiday
the snow had not fallen (or there had not been snow)
more examples in his Dastii) 103-bl Relative clauses
are constructed in a special way due to the lack of
relative pronouns such clauses aie introduced bv the
conjunction kt and the head noun can be (optionally)
lejaeated in the clause by a pionoun )ek maid tartd
stnakhtam a man entered whom
if
with a
>t know
supplied by the morphen
e head n
e rehti
n the a
This
a of the
,mplex
does not covei all the possibilities that occur in Modern
Peisian (see moie details in Lazarda 1<W2 218-57
and for earlier usage idem 1%3 455-92 Bahar Sabl
shinasi passim) This field of Persian gi ammai how-
evei, has remained unexplored
\ Word toimation and vocabulaiy
1 There are various ways of word tormation in
Persian such as transposition denv ation by suffixation
or prehxation and composition, some cases of which
have been alieady treated in the morphology ot the
veib noun and prepositional phrase Transposition is
one of the most common and productive processes
which makes new words without adding any mor-
phological maikei eg adjective
ing
gated forms can be used as nouns [eg khand [stem
II = simple past tense 3rd person sing] he pui-
chased puichase ma gu [prohib 2nd peison sing]
complex corn-
sound tc
nadeo
the st
(II+II) of different vctbsfamarf o/«// inteicouise famil
lanty = lit coming and going ) etc
Woid foimation via derivation displays a laige se
of suffixes some ot which aie still productive whils
certain others aie stylistically colouied (eg colloquial
obsolete oi archaic) The most common suffixes o
nominal derivations are - i (or gi attel final ei whicl
sen ant -► bandegi senitude nrm sweet -> sinm
sweetness sweets [ci pi sirmijat]) another ( forms
ak torms diminutives iiom nouns (dokhtai girl ->
dokhlarak little girl ) The next series of derivations
forming nouns and ad]ectives ( a ce ban dan estan
in mand tar lar nak) has various levels of produc-
tivitv in Modern Persian [ma'dan a miner' , kitab ce
booklet bagh ban 'gardener qalam dan ' pen-holder
narenj estan orangerv pasm in woollen ar^is mand
valuable nam lai famous omid lar hopeful nam
nak humid etc) Another group of nouns is denv ed
fiom verbal stems (I 01 II) bv the suffixes es ak
ar (raftan rmt to go -* raie% method Uiordan khor
to eat -> khorak nourishment raftan rai to go
->■ raftar behaviour etc) Foi other sorts of deriva-
tions h\ suffixation which are not productive any-
more see causative forms in veibal morphologv
{senakhtan senas to recognise -> senasan I ' senasan(i)d
na mada step-mother ) ham [ham catan compatriot )
and por [por harf loquacious )
Composition is a frequently used process of word
tormation in Persian The pnncipal tvpes ot com-
pound words according to the syntactic and seman-
tic relations between their two constituents and
according to the word class pioduced bv the com-
position aie determinative (endocentnc) compounds
made up of two nominal paits {kar work + kham
house -► karkhant work-shop factory ) possessive
(exocentnc) compound ( far a Peisian + zaban lan-
guage' -> farsKaban Pel sian-speaking le a person
whose language is Persian' ) a noun followed bv a
verbal stem (I) whose relation is equivalent to a verb
and an object 01 a verb and another verbal com-
plement and the compound so produced can have an
active (01 passive or locative etc ) meaning e g atas
tire + parastidan/ parast to adore -+ atasparast fire-
worshipper dast hand + neitstanl nevis to write
->■ dastnens hand-written manuscript (lit written bv
hand) , a noun followed bv a verbal stem (II) torms
kham 'house + zadanl za\ ^ad to be born ->
Uiantzad born at home These compounds represent
onlv a few of the possible tvpes In certain cases
however one cannot ]udge with certainty whether
thev iepiesent phonological sequences held togethei
b\ stress and intonation or whether thev have become
lexicahzed compositions (see Lazard 1992 251-91)
Their exact nature and status however are still to
be scrutinised although much has been done in this
held (see the discussion of the tvpes deltang heart-
tight(ened) and tangdel tight-heat t(ed) in Telegdi
- Int
i Substa
'. idftkt
persmhen 325-3b)
A paiticular type of veibal expiession is represented
bv two large groups called verbs with preveibs and
verbal phrases (or compound veibs Fi 'locutions
verbales ), whose use appears to be one of the main
chai actenstics of Persian vocabulary since earliest times
The two sets piesent different types of lexical items
with regard to their syntactic and semantic proper-
ties The hist group also consists of at least two sub-
groups which are verv similar to each other, but onlv
on the surface thev displav two different tvpes de-
pending on their inner semantic structure the first
subgroup lepresents an ancient proceduie of verbal
composition where verbs aie pieceded bv true liv-
ing adverbs of place (eg pis before , pas after
birun outside bata up pa in (payin) down ) as in
bala raftan to go up pa in amadan to come down
buun bordan to take out The meaning of such a
phrase is made up of the meaning of the two con-
In the other subgioup the hist member is also an
adverb of place but m this kind of verbal phrase the
adveib ceases to behave as an adverb (losing its origi-
nal adverbial meaning) and the sequence acquires a
new secondarv meaning e g faia gereftan to learn
font raftan to plunge' (verv formal) bar gastan to
stand (note that bar and dar are formally identical
to the piepositions bar dar) In Classical Persian this
type of new veib formation was a living procedure
but ovei the course of time these verbs with pieverbs
have acquired a secondarv meaning e g bar amadan
( to overcome result rise (dough) ) and their origi-
nal meaning began to be expiessed bv a new phrase
eg to come up > bala raftan (see details in Telegdi
Batragt ^ur histonsihen Orammatik da hiuptrsischen I Lber
die Partikelkomposition im heupimschen 67-1831
The most developed svstem of enlarging verbal
vocabulary was howevei the formation of com-
pound verbs This heterogeneous gioup including
sometimes very peculiar verbal constructions consisted
base veib The most common tvpe is formed with
verbs of exclusively Persian origin such as kardan to
do ^adan to strike cut dadan to give dastan to
have following a nominal form ot Aiabic ongin in
speak dust dastan to love bidar kardan to waken
bidar sodan to wake up etc Even though this tvpe
of compound verb constitutes a semanticallv mde-
ponents are not inflected separately sometimes their
sequence is broken up and the non-veibal parts fol-
low the syntactic behaviour of their original word
class e g harf i ^ad he spoke (s th ) birun is kard (in-
formal) = « ra birun kard (he] expelled him Theiefore
sometimes the question whether thev should be
lexicalised items is difficult to answer (see for more
details Lazard 1989 285-87 idem 1992 291-301)
2 Loan uords in Persian
New Persian in the past millennium has absorbed
a large amount of foreign words During its first cen-
tunes these loans were borrowed from various north-
western and eastern Itiman dialects in most cases (see
abov e l General introduction) Despite this relativ elv large
group of loans (e g Pai thian Sogdian etc see the
citations of Henmng Lentz Sundermann in the General
introduction) which weie taken over either via cultuial
channels oi from substrata the most effective and
influential lenders weie the Aiabs The infiltration of
Arabic loans began in the earliest foimative period
(8th-9th centuries) of the Islamic period increased
heavily in the 10th- 12th centunes and has continued
until quite lecentlv Its linguistic influence is most
clearlv detectable in the lexicon, and somewhat less
so in morphologv Loan words fiom Arabic consti-
tute moie than 50% of the contemporary Persian
vocabulary but in elevated styles it may exceed even
80% (Pisowicz 19) Among these loans, for instance
words with the feminine ending (ta' marbuta) the largest
class of Arabic borrowings in Persian make up about
7% (see J R Pern Form and mtaning in Persian locabu
Ian Costa Mesa 1991) Their quantity however
varies according to media literary genres and lin-
guistic styles The ma]ontv of these words including
also bioken plurals 01 genitive stiuctuies appear a*
lexical boi rowings That is these loans though then
Arabic moiphological stiuctures are clear ha\e nol
usuallv become integrated into the morpholc
ieied s<
s reli-
xcept 11
mostlv
t highlv
lemained pait ol the \ocabulai\ signallins
elevated stvle in the majoiitv ol cases This means
that apait from some raie examples the liable gram-
supplied with liable teminine ending , [maid t
queen hamsu t sister ), 01 a feminine ad|ecti\al
torm governed b\ a broken plural which aie present
in these loans do not lepresent creative moiphologi-
cal categones in Peisian Thev do not genemllv tunc
tion in order to ueate Persian stiuctuies analogical
even though thev occur spoiadicallv in highl\ elevated
I\
espe-
ciallv participles used in P
modification of vanous degiees in oithographv pio-
nunciation and meaning Sec Meier 1481 passim
Dj Matim Tahauv.nl I talaffu^ i kahmal , farsi m
Manila , damshkada i adabmat i Mashhad 1 1 350/1971)
244-83 Ah-'Wiiai Sadeghi Lmfhun,, d, I arabt sw le
system, phonologique du ptrsar, 145-52 Pisowicz passim
ii Rau
i X c
\U s
apercu
Halts
(1965 i
53-b7 Telegdi Remarque sm
san in icta Iranua n 11174) 337-45 Pevsikov
Ltksikologna soirtmtnnogo peisidskogo ra^ika Moscow 1975
W Skalmowski Em Bating ^ur Statiihk da auihsilun
Lehmtortei im Ptrsischtn in Folia Ontntalia in il'Jbl)
171-5 Kh Farshidaid '\mbi dai feast 1367/1088
MD Mointar Le loiabulam arabt dans It lurt dts Rois
dt Firdaus, Wiesbaden 1470 For bonowings othei
than Arabic see G Doeriei Turkistht und mongohsihi
Eltmente im \iupaststhtn i-iv Wiesbaden l%Wi and
M \ Jazaverv Western mfluente in tonUmpman Persian
a genual ilia, in fiSO-lS, xxix (l%b) 79-96 Wmdtuhr
able) hints about the spoken vanetv but then sub-
ject ol linguistic description was the wntten (literarv
oi formal) language (cl P Orsatti Giammatua t
Umiogiafia Peruana mil opera di P Igiiazio di Gesu in
RSO lv (19811 55-85 Jeiemias Grammalual rule and
standaid in tk fust Ptrsian giammars mitten in Latin (Ullth
cintun) mTavoni(ed) op at n 5b9-8() eadem Tin
impatt of Stmitu linguistics on the first Ptisian giammais
laitttn in Europt in hano Judaita lv ed Shaul Shaked
and tamon Netzei Jeiusalem 1990 159-71)
Podesta (1091) stands pre-eminent in teims ot qual-
ity and quantitv lei Jeiemias Tht knoiekdg, of Pasian
b, JB Podnta 1691 Uitn in W xlvin [1995] 71-
80) On the tamous Gazophlaauin , an eailv lexic o-
giaphu work containing also a meagre description oi
Persian see M Bastiaensen La Persia Safin id, ista da
un kssuogiajo tuiopio Piesentahone del in RSO xlvin (1973-
4) 175-203 The eaihest ieall\ good description wnt-
ten in a modem language was made bv the tamous
Sn William Jones (see & H Cannon Sir U,ll,„m Jones s
Pasian linguists in JiOS lxxvm [1958] 202-7 3
Jeiemias Tilt Ptrsian iiammai of Sir William Jones m
History "J Linguistic: ed D Cram it ill Wteidam
1999 277-88) The 19th centurv saw a proliferation
Euiope (see C Salemann - \ Shukovski 1888 106-
9 Wmdfuhi passim and below Bibh
155-8
Horn in GIPh i 2
2-9 Jensen 4-5 and Bahai
itinas-i passim)
Persian as the c
utuiallv dominant language
area has influence
d considerablv both the na
ding temtories This mfluen
been exeuised bot
i bv literature and through
Theie is some inioimati
the influence made
scantv infoimation
oi Hindi (see Haic
ev Bahn Pa sum mfluen, e on
Allahabad 19b0 c
1 Windiuhr 1979 219 a
iuithei the genera
bibliographies on linguisti
languages)
Sabk
. Histe
of gran
* Uisi
in Fui
n typ, t.
The fust giammatical descnptions of Persian
appeared irom the 18th century onwaids m Europe,
although theie were scattered refeiences on Peisian
in the previous centuries as well (the oldest such
source is the Persian part oi the Codex tumanuus see
D Monchi-Zadeh Das Ptrsistlu im Codtx Cumamtus
Uppsala 1909, \ Bodrogligeti Tht Peisian wcabulary
oj the Codex Cumunuus Budapest 1971 P Oisatti
Pwdiomi dtgh stud, tump,, sul pusiano net Rinasamento in
Italia id Eumpa ntlla linguistua del Rinasamtnto ed
M Tavom Ferrara 1990 n 551-07) I hese fust
descnptions written bv missionaries theologians, schol
de Dieu [1628] John Greaves [1049] Ignazio di Gesu
[1661]) weie meagie collections oi paiadigms in most
s offering data o
nentific works si
r philosophv (logic
The eailiest Persian s
guistic thinking came fio
Shams-i Kavss al Ah'ajam f, ,
Ibn Smas Damshnama Nasir al-Din Tusi s htab "isas
al ikttbas or Shanf Djurdjam s logical works (see
Jeiemias Atabu mfluen,, on Pasian Imgmstus in Histm
I\ Tht establishment of iiabu hnguistus ch 49 Berlin
2000 329-34 eadem Rabita m tht dassual Pa sum lit
nan tradition tht impait of Arabic logu on Peisian in JSil
xxvu [2002] 550-741 Mter some abortive beginnings,
the earliest descnption oi Persian was wntten bv Kemal
Pasha-zada oi Ibn Kemal Pasha in the eailv lbth
centuiv m Arabic 'see Biunschvig Kemal Pashazad, et
It ptrsan Jcremias hamalpasazada as a linguist in hano
Tmku cultural contacts in tht 11th 17th untunes ed
Jeremias Budapest [2002] 2003 79-110) In addition
to lexic ogi aphic souices which contained chapteis on
issues ot linguistic mtciest (see above BQ FDJ FR)
one oi the first Peisian compilations based on such
sources appeired in Tabriz b\ Iiawani (see Jeiemias
Tiadition and inno atwn in the nutue giammatical literatim
oj Pasian in Histoir, Episttmologit Langasf (Pans) xv
[1993] 51-08) On the historv of Peisian see Khanlan
Tankh i _aban i falsi Tehian and on the histoiv ot
wilting giammai in Iian see Dj Huraa'i Dastur I
zaban , jaisi in Lughatnama i Dihkhuda Mukaddima
Tehian 1337/1458 110-47 I Mshar Kitubshmas, ,
dastui i zaban i falsi in Farhang i Imnzamm n (1954)
19-45 MB Sam* Saw da, dastui , ^aban , faisi Tehran
1371/1992 On lexicographv see kamus 2 Peisian
Lexic ogi aphv S NafTsi tt alu Farhang ha i Jai si in
lughatnama , Dihkhuda Mukaddima 1 78-378
Biblwgiaph) Valuable grammatical studies on
certain stages of the historv oi the language aie
numeious but toi some other fields leseauh has
onlv |ust begun \ concise descriptive grammai
or a detailed and iehable descnption of the lan-
guage histoiv is still missing In addition to the
references given above, for a general c
see Lazard, Persian and Tajik, in CTL, vi, The Hague-
Paris 1970, 64-96 (bibl. from 1950 until 1968 at
77-96); Ehsan Yar-Shater, Iran and Afghanistan, in
ibid., 669-89; Windfuhr 1979; CU, ed. Schmitt,
1989. For the best bibliographical journal for Iranian
studies, see Abstracta Iranica, supplement to Studia
Iranica published by Llnstitut Francais de Recherche
en Iran, Paris-Tehran. In Iran there is an increas-
ing number of general and specific bibliography
and periodicals, e.g. M. Gulbun, KitabshinasT-i
zaban u hhatt. Tehran 2536; Afshar, ~abanshinasT,
in Fihrist-i makaldt-i firsi, iv, Tehran 1369/1990;
see also the studies published in Madjalla-i zabdn-
shinasi (Iran University Press).
(Eva M. Jeremias)
viii. Art and Architecture
(a) Art.
The arts of Iran will be analysed according to five
broad periods; the first stretches from the Islamic con-
quest to the rise of the Saldjukids in the mid- 11th
century, a period characterised by the lingering effects
of Sasanid rule, and strong cultural, artistic and eco-
nomic ties between Iran and 'Irak. The second, which
ruled by the Saldjukids and their successors, is char-
acterised by an expansion in the quality and quan-
tity of goods manufactured in the cities of Iran. The
third, which stretches from the consolidation of Mongol
conquests in the mid- 13th century to the rise of the
Safawids in the early 16th century, is dominated by
the artistic patronage of various courts. The fourth
period coincides with Safawid rule (1501-1722); their
contribution was to unify Iran under a single gov-
ernment which facilitated a diffusion of court culture
to a broader spectrum of the population. Some mem-
bers of the dynasty also fostered a more commercial
focus in the works of art produced within the court
itself. The concluding phase of traditional Iranian
art lasted from the fall of the Safawids in 1722 to
the end of the Kadjars in 1925. During this time,
Iran was subjected to new pressures that brought it
into ever closer contact with other regions such as
India and Europe. Some aspects of artistic culture
suffered from external competition but others were
reinvigorated, particularly court portraiture and the
commercial production of carpets. The weaving, sale
and collecting of carpets involved a wider spectrum
of Iran's population than had earlier phases of artis-
tic production and patronage.
1 . The Sasanid heritage and the beginnings of Mamie art
650-1050
The abrupt demise of the Sasanid Empire in the
mid-7th century A.D. helped to shape artistic devel-
opment of Iran under Islam. The hasty departure of
the Sasanid court from the royal palace at Ctesiphon
allowed the conquering Muslim armies to witness the
sumptuous surroundings in which those rulers had
lived. Sasanid defeats between 637 and 642 led the
Muslim victors to acquire gold and silver vessels,
bejewelled crowns and ornaments, silken garments
ornamented with gems and precious metals and a
jewel-encrusted carpet. The actual booty was distrib-
uted among the troops and soon disappeared from
view, but its description in literary accounts helped
to preserve an association of the Sasanids with an
opulent court culture and in turn, generated later
emulations. The court regalia or ceremonials of some
Muslim rulers such as the Ziyarids [q.v.] and Buyids
[see buwayhids] appear to have reflected Sasanid tra-
ditions. The Islamic conquest's rapidity and the fact
that it was not accompanied by large-scale destruc-
tion probably helped to maintain continuity of pro-
duction among textile-, glass- and metalworkers in
most regions of Iran. Popularised versions of Sasanid
court culture survived in aristocratic circles, particu-
larly in the Caspian region. This broader tradition is
evident in the continuity between the pre-Islamic and
Islamic periods in the shape and decoration of objects
used for festivals and feasts. These include ewers,
boat-shaped drinking vessels and zoomorphic contain-
ers (A.S. Melikian-Chirvani, he rhyton wlon les sources per-
sanes, in St. Ir., xi [1982], 263-92; idem. From the royal
boat to the beggar's bowl, in Islamic Art, iv [1990-1], 3-112).
The most public form of Sasanid art, their rock-
cut reliefs, were largely ignored in the Islamic era
until the advent of the Kadjar dynasty in the late
18th century when they began to serve as models for
reliefs portraying those rulers I see below, 5). Never-
theless, images depicting Sasanid rulers in character-
istic poses continued to be replicated in several media.
Literary references mention the post-Sasanid use of
textiles bearing the likenesses of these monarchs, and
depictions of "Bahrain Gur at the hunt" appear on
both metalwork and ceramic vessels of Islamic date
(Maria Vittoria Fontana, La Leggenda di Bahram Gure
Azada, Naples 1986). Memories of Sasanid life were
also transmitted through texts such as the Shah-nama
of Firdawsr [q.v.] completed in 404/1010, describing
the accomplishments of Iran's pre-Islamic rulers. Its
themes were popularised through wall-paintings and
eventually by illustrated copies.
In Iran there appears also to have been a sub-
stantial continuity in textile production between the
pre-Islamic and Islamic era. The ties between a ruler
and the textiles produced in his territory codified in
the tiraz [q.v.] system continued from the Sasanid to
Islamic periods, although there was a shift from the
figural designs that included portraits of the rulers
themselves in the pre-Islamic period to inscriptions
giving the titles and epithets of Muslim rulers. The
production of figural textiles did not, however, end
with the Sasanids. Some silks ornamented with roundels
containing birds or animals that survive in European
collections, or have been discovered through archae-
ology, appear to postdate the Islamic conquest.
Included among them are fabrics showing a com-
posite creature that combines the legs and head of a
feline with the wings and tail of a bird. One of these,
made into a man's khaftan and now preserved in the
Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg, appears to date
from the 10th century (Anna Jeroussalimskaja, Soieries
sassanides, in Splendeur des Sasmmdes, Brussels 1993, 1 13-
26, figs. 127-8). Melikian-Chirvani has identified this
type of textile with a silk fabric known as parand that
is associated with Khuzistan in Persian sources (Parand
and Parniyan identified, in Bull, of the Asia Institute, N.S.,
v [1991], 175-9). Older textile practices may also have
lingered along the southern coast of the Caspian, an
area noted for both its conservatism and its produc-
tion of silk fabrics. These included green silk brocades
known as tabari after their place of production,
Tabaristan. They were highly valued as carpets and
may have had both figural ornament and Arabic
inscriptions (R.B. Serjeant, Islamic textiles. Materials for
a history up to the Mongol conquest, Beirut 1972, 74-80).
Iran's integration into the wider Islamic polity
ensured that major changes also occurred in other
artistic media such as calligraphy, bookmaking and
ceramics. In all three cases, Iranian developments
mirror those in 'Irak at the centre of the 'Abbasid
caliphate. The rise of local lines of rulers such as the
Buyids of central Iran or the Samanids of Khurasan
and Transoxania Ma wara' al-nahr [q.z:]) probably
encouraged artistic production in their provincial cap-
itals, but surviving examples testify more to the per-
vasive impact of 'Iraki culture than to the strength
of any independent cultural developments. This is par-
ticularly true of the arts associated with Buyid patron-
age. The theory that the Buvid dvnastv represented
an "Iranian" phase in the history of Islamic Iran,
popularised in the 1940s and 1950s, was followed by
the "discovery" of silks, metalwork, and even a manu-
script, the Andurz-ndmu, all attributed to Buyid patron-
age. Today much of this corpus of "Buyid" art has
been identified as of modern origin (Sheila S. Blair,
J.M. Bloom, and Anne E. Wardwell, Reevaluating the
date of the "Buyid" silks by epigraphu and ladiocarbon analysis,
eless, objects j
gion of Buyid d
g the titles of A
[1992],
duced dur
penr
Kur 5 an copied at Isfahan in 972, and an early copy
of 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sufi's Suwar al-kawakib al-thabita
("Book of constellations") dated to 400/1009-10, in
Oxford, all of which have a solid claim to authen-
ticitv (E. Wellesz, An early al-Sufl manuscript in Oxford,
in Ars Orientally iii [1959"], 1-26).
The artistic currents manifested in Khurasan dur-
ing the 9th, 10th and early 1 1th centuries, and broadly
associated with the Samanids [q.v.], combine local tra-
ditions linked to the region's pre-Islamic past with
innovations deriving largely from 'Irak. The high qual-
ity of locally produced ceramics, metalwork and glass,
region s
cultur
. Glass
it Nishapur exhibits close parallels to specimens
found in 'Irak (J. Kroger, Mbhapur. Glass of tin early
Islamic period. New York 1995). The collection of twenty
glass objects excavated at the Famen Temple in
Shaanxi province, China, that were buried before
874, is a notable case of objects with parallels among
finds from Iran and 'Irak (An Jivao, Dated Islamic gluts
in China,
123-371.
, N.S.
/ [19
is Samarkand, i
. Some
emulate types popular in 'Irak which in tu
Chinese prototypes, whereas others exhibit local tech
niques, shapes and decoration. The most original, pro
duced from the mid-9th to early 11th centuries, consis
of plates, dishes and jugs embellished in slip-paintini
with both Arabic inscriptions, generally aphorisms, am
patterns reflective of the local metalwork tradition
These handsome vessels with their well-written text
on a stark white ground often bear a striking resem
blance to manuscript pages (C.K. Wilkinson, .Kishapm
Potteiy of the early Islamic period. New York [1973?]
Terres secretes de Samarcande. Ceramiques el
s 1992). Although no dated
refiec
KM
thi;
period
appeal
o have
1, the
Mansur b. Nuh I [r. 961-76) initiated the translation
of two major works in Arabic composed b\ Abu
Dja'far al-Taban [q.v.]: his chronicle of early Islamic
history, a task assigned to Abu 'All al-Bal'ami [see
bal'amI. 2], and his Kur'anic commentary. The lat-
ter';, abridged translation into Persian, accomplished
by a group of religious scholars
Kur'ans
een pro-
nples of
12th centuries suggest that local calligraphers favoured
variants of the '"Abbasid" scripts used in contemporary
'Irak (F. Richard, Splendeurs penanes, Paris 1997, 33-8).
2. Iranian art under the Saldjukids and their successors
11)50-1220
The gradual westward expansion of the Saldjukids
[r. 1040-1194 [q.v.] during the 11th century allowed
them to unify the eastern and western sections of Iran
and to create a more homogeneous culture over the
region as a whole. Paradoxically, even though these
Turks were of tribal nomadic origin, the principal
artistic consequences of their dominion appeared in
Iran's urban centres. The Saldjukids ruled from a
series of cities including Nishapur, Ravy, Isfahan,
Hamadan, Kirman and Marw, but their zone of infiu-
ence was also extended by alliances with other rulers
including the Kh"arazm Shahs and the Ghaznawids.
In addition to the absence of a single administrative
centre, the fissiparous character of the Saldjukid state
stemmed from their tradition of dividing their domain
among various family members, including minor
princes who ruled with the assistance of a guardian
the mid- 12th century, effective power passed to a
number of local rulers who had previously been
Saldjukid tributaries or atahegh for various princes.
Despite this political fragmentation, crafts flourished
in towns from Harat and Nishapur in the east to
Kashan, Isfahan and Tabriz in the west.
Members of the Saldjukid dynasty are known prin-
cipally as patrons of architecture I see (b), below), but
prosperit
rulus
of
>rk and ceramic objects pro-
are noted for their innovative decorative techniques
and their excellent craftsmanship. The strong foun-
dations of this period's artistic culture also allowed it
to .survive for several decades after the demise of the
Saldjukid dynasty itself. Dated and inscribed objects
ceramics, reached a peak of quality in the first two
decades of the 13th century just prior to the devas-
tation brought about by the Mongol conquests of
the 1220s iR. Ettinghausen, Vie flowering of Seljuq art,
in Metropolitan Museum Journal, iii [1970], 1 13-31;
R. Hillenbrand (ed.l. Vie art of the Saljuqs in Iran and
Anatolia, Costa Mesa 1994).
The practice of inlaying objects of brass or bronze
with copper, silver and gold was developed with par-
■ skill ii
dKhur
i. Dur
ing tl
12th centun this technique was associated with the
city of Harat, where some of the finest pieces are
known to have been made, including a bath-bucket
known as the "Bobrinsky Bucket" dated to 1186 and
now in the Hermitage Museum. Objects given this
distinctive and painstaking form of embellishment
include ewers, bowls and trays intended for use in
celebrations and implements such as pen cases and
inkwells that were part of the paraphernalia of gov-
ernment officials. This technique was also practised
b\ craftsmen in the western sections of Iran, and by
the first quarter of the 1 3th century it had spread to
the city of Mawsil in 'Irak. Melikian-C'hirvani has sug-
gested that the pieces made in western Iran drew
their inspiration from the Khurasanian tradition, but
it is unclear whether such connections would have
been established through trade or because of the
migration of craftsmen ' from east to west tMetalwo,k
from the Iranian world, Hth-lHth centuries, London 1982,
23-54, 136-42).
Although utilitanan cei amies continued to be pio-
duced in manv placet, the rnikt ambitious objects arc
associated with the workshops of the central Iiaman
town of Kashan This centre was well endowed with
the raw materials needed for the pioduction of a new
type of bod\ based on the use of ciushed quaitz and
othei forms of silicon which could be shaped to
an unparalleled thinness and e\en to create white
bodies that were tianslucent Although the ultimate
inspiration foi these changes is thought to ha\e derived
fiom a desire to imitate the thin and translucent
bodies of Chinese porcelain the Kashan potters em-
bellished their waies with painting executed m sev-
eril different techniques (Ettinghausen Eudtnie for thi
idtntifuation of Kashan pottin in in Mamua in [103b]
44-75
The best-known decoiative mode emploved bv the
Kashan potteis is that of o\ei -glaze painting in metal
oxides and other pigments The resulting lustie-paint-
mg [see khazaf] ga\e the objects a metallic sheen
and brilliance This technique had been applied to
ceramics alreadv in 9th-centurv Trak and in Egypt
during the 10th and 11th centuries Its use at Kashan
appeus to date fiom the late 12th centurv and the
the
llapse o
nth this
potters of Kashan made this technique their own
applying it both to \essels destined for household use
and to tiles used in the embellishment of architec-
ture They also employed other decora ti\e techniques
such as the use of moulded ornament or painting in
these techniques known as se\ en-colour ware could
be executed with great finesse and allowed the ceram-
ics to beai designs of increasing intiicacy Notable
examples decorated m this technique include cups
which narrate heroic tales or a large platter that
depicts the siege of a forties (O Watson Persian lus
trt v. are London 1985 Mananna S Simpson Thi nar
rah e struiltm of a mtduial Iiaman hcafur in in Omntalis
xn [1981] 15-24 J Soustiel La uramique islamiqut
Freibuig 1985 77-105)
The 11th and 12th centuries also witnessed the
expansion of manuscript production in Iran propor-
tioned scripts developed in Trak duung the late 10th
centurv and 11th tcnturv were adopted by calhgia-
pheis woiking in Iran (D James, The mastir scribes
London 1992 22-57) The most elaborate decoiation
occurs in Kur'an manuscripts such as the one copied
and illuminated at Hamadan in llb4 but similai
embellishments appear in a few seculai manuscripts
and some illustrated books weie produced in Iran and
Saldjukid \natoha (Ettinghausen Manuscript illumina
turn m Sunn of Pasian ait 1037-54 Melikian-C hirv am
L, lomandi \arqt it Golsah in irts asiatiquis xxn [1970]]
3 Iranian ait of thi Mongol and Timurid pinods
The initial devastation of the Mongol invasion of
Central \sia and Iran (1218-23) was followed by
a second less destructive wave of conquests in the
1250s which biought the remainder of Iian under
Mongol contiol \lthough skilled ciaftsmen were
usually exempted fiom the general slaughter that en-
sued when a city oi town lesisted Mongol foices the
population and artistic productivity of the most dev-
lstated regions, such as Khuiasan plummeted and
would not lecover until the 15th centurv By way of
contrast the cities and towns of western and south-
ern Iran including Kashan Tabuz and Shnaz not
onh escaped destruction but even piovided the cat-
alyst foi a levival of artistic production in the latei
13th and 14th centunes Two ma]or changes helped
Iran and East <Wa especially China and the grow-
ing importance of the princely courts as loci of artis-
This gave Iians rulers a greatei iole in shaping its
artistic traditions than they had previously exercised
The fust of the arts to revive may have been ce-
ramics led by the production of lustie-painted tiles
and vessels at Kashan \n important group of such
tiles was produced to embellish a palate constructed
by Abaka Khan (r 12b5-82) at Takht-i Sulayman in
north-west Iran (R Naumann Du Rumtn ion Tacht i
Suluman und ~indan e Suluman Berlin 1977) Heie for
the first time vegetal and animal themes of Chinese
origin such as lotus and prunus blossoms many -clawed
diagons and birds with extiavagant plumage became
part of the lepeitoire of Iranian craftsmen Many of
thest
also
1 the h
nous silk textiles embellished with gold and pioduced
under Mongol patronage in various sections of their
domain some of which have recently come to light
among objects taken from Tibet Even befoie their
arrival in the Near East the Mongols had demon-
strated that they placed a high value on textiles
paiticularly those of silk brocaded with gold and took
pains to ensure their access to a stead} supply Those
measures included seizing skilled weaveis and moving
them fiom one legion to another to establish work-
shops where they would produce textiles for their
Mongol masters (M Rossabi Thi Silk trade in
JC ^ Watt and Ann Wardwell (eds ) When silk a as
gpld New \ork 1997 14-19) Although it is difficult
to link surviving fabncs with any specific production
centie textiles depicted in Peisian manuscnpts of the
late 13th and eaily 14th centuries demonstrate that
textiles designs of Far Eastern origin were in use there
as well
The historv of Shiraz shows a difleient aspect of
this eia Its rulers the Salghunds [gi] forged an
alliance with the Ilkhanid Mongols which ensured the
city s survival and local traditions helped to shape its
artistic production \ long-standing association of the
nearby monumental ruins of Persepohs with a myth-
ical past in which deeds of the Biblical ruler Solomon
and the Iiaman hero Djamshid were interwoven, pro-
vided the basis for a distinctive local titulature used
by the city s Islamic rulers who declaied themselves
to be heirs to the Kingdom of Solomon These
titles appeal in a group of brass vessels inlaid with
silver pioduced in Shnaz during the 14th centurv
Although Khuiasam typologies of shape and decora-
tion from the pre-Mongol eia appear in some of them
other metalwoik from Fars displays complex faceted
fluted and imbricated shapes The new emphasis on
figural compositions in their decoiation is akin to those
used in illustrated manuscripts of the penod (Melikian-
Chirvam Mitaluork from the Iranian uorld 136-230)
Ghazan Khans acceptance of Islam in 1295 helped
to integrate the traditional arts of Islamic Iran with
the new cultural modes of the Mongol period This
is evident in two main areas — the creation of sump-
tuous large-scale Kur'anic manuscripts and the piepa-
ration of illustrated copies of Peisian texts Ghazan s
interests included mediune and various scientific dis-
ciplines, and he commissioned the translation of Ibn
Bukhtishu' s Manafi' al hayauan into Persian \n illus-
trated copy of it dated to either 1297 oi 1299, now
in the Pierpont Morgan Librarv , New ^ < irk was prob-
ably prepared for him (Barbara Schmitz, Islamu and
Indian manuscripts and paintings in the Pierpont Morgan
Library, New York 1997, 9-23). Ghazan also ordered
his vizier Rashid al-Dfn to compile a history of the
Turks and Mongols, a project that during the reign
of Ghazan's brother and successor, Oldjeytu (;. 1316-
35) ■
ass the
f the
it of Eurasia. Some copies of the resulting text, the
Qiami' al-tawarikh i "Compendium of chronicles"), were
illustrated. The earliest and most important of these,
now divided between the Edinburgh University Lib-
rary and the Khalili Collection, London, was com-
pleted in 1314, probably for presentation to Oldjeytu
(Sheila S. Blair, A Compendium of chronicles, London
1995, 16-31). As befits the text's wide-ranging sour-
pictorial traditions available in Mongol Iran, inc
, Nesi
The gradual assimilation of the Mongols to Islamic
culture was also marked by the creation of large-scale
richly illuminated copies of the Kur'an. The most
impressive, executed by the period's leading calligra-
phers and embellished with full-page illuminations,
were commissioned by Oldjeytu, most probably for
the religious complex at Sultaniyya which became his
in three cities: one was made in Baghdad, another
in Mawsil, and the third in Hamadan. All shared
with the manuscripts of Rashid al-Dln's history an
unusually large size, measuring 5(1 X 37 cm, and all
were adorned with extensive gilded ornamentation
|D. James, Quians of the MamluU New York 1988, 92
• Kur
were also produced at Shlraz for local di
including female patrons such as Tashr Khatun, i
mother of Abu Ishak Indju I;. 1343-57;, and his :
ter Fars Malik Khatun. Their manuscripts comb
well-executed gold calligraphy in 'Iraki modes witl
local stvle of illumination {ibid., \&2-Ti: James, '
master scribes, London 1992, 122-35).
The Mongol period also marks the beginning
the
' illustr
f Firdav
and a
ndma, a text often regarded
of edification for rulers. Copies produced betwi
the late 13th and mid- 14th centuries exhibit diverse
features, suggesting that they were commissioned by
a variety of patrons. Some, although lavishly illus-
trated, are compact in size, whereas others are on
the scale of large Kur'an manuscripts. One such large
copy has been linked to the reign of the last im-
portant Mongol ruler, Abu Sa'Td (>. 1316-35), and may
have been commissioned either by him or bv his
vizier, Rashid al-Dln's son Ghivath al-Din Muhammad
(O. Grabar and Sheila Blair, Epu imagei and content-
Chicago 198(1).
The death of Abu Sa'Id in 1335, without an heir,
set the stage for conflicts between rival Mongol fac-
tions for control of his domain. The most influential
the Djalavirids [q.r.]. They seized the region of Tabriz
as well as much of 'Irak including Baghdad, and
embraced manuscript patronage with particular en-
thusiasm. Shaykh Uways (r. 1356-74) [see iiways. 1]
and his son Sultan Ahmad (r. 1382-1410) gave paint-
ing and manuscript production a high prioritv within
their courts The Muzaffands [q , ], who ruled Kirman,
Shir az, Yazd and Isfahan, continued to patiomse the
metalworkers and the Kui'amc calhgraphers ol Fars,
and also commissioned lllustiated (opies ol impor-
tant Persian texts, including Firdawsfs Shah-nama and
Nizaml's Khamsa. The concern of these dynasties with
artistic patronage was emulated bv the Timurid and
Turkman dynasties that followed them.
Timur's (';. 1370-1405) own relentless and destruc-
tive military campaigns left little time for cultivation
of the arts, other than architecture which he appar-
ently viewed as a tangible embodiment of his power,
but many of his descendants made artistic patronage
an integral part of their life. This activity came
naturally to them, for it reflected an integration of craft
production into the physical fabric of court life, a
process which had begun with the mobile camp-
cities of the Mongols. In the course of the 15th cen-
tury, Timur's feuding descendants gradually lost
control over the territory which he had painstakingly
assembled, but along the way they embraced the idea
that a princely court should be a catalyst for con-
noisseurship in the visual arts. Craftsmen connected
with Timurid courts produced a variety of goods rang-
ing from the accoutrements of nomadic prestige I tents,
decorated saddles, embroidered silks, and jade drink-
ing vessels) to manuscripts so lavishly ornamented that
some were even written on gold-embellished paper
and bound in bejewelled covers.
The list of Timurid patrons of the book stretches
from the incorrigibly rebellious Iskandar b. 'Umar
Shaykh to Shah Rukh and his sons Baysonghor and
Ibrahim Sultan, who were both noted calligraphers
who had their own book-producing workshops. This
ruler, Sultan Husayn Baykara (1470-1506). His court
at Harat, enriched by the intellectual power of '.All
Shir Nawa'I, included the talented calligrapher Sultan
'.All Mashhadl and the painter Bihzad [</.!'.], whose
fame later reached legendary proportions. It is a fit-
ting expression of the interlocking realms of personal
experience and aesthetic pleasure at Timurid courts
their own manuscripts either directly in a frontispiece,
or indirectly in the guise of participants in a literary
narrative (T.W. Lentz and G. Lowry, Timur and the
primely vision, Washington, D.C. 1989).
Despite the relatively short duration and intrinsic
fragility of Timurid control over Iran, the dynasty's
legacy of combining patronage of the arts with other
more obvious forms of royal prestige was also adopted
bv several of their rivals among the Kara Kovunlu
and Ak Kovunlu dynasties, notably Plr Budak Kara
Koyuniu and Ya'kub Ak Koyuniu. Relatively few-
works of art associated with these patrons are extant,
ipts that have :
for their
• blue
;. Both of the.<
l and
featui
expressionistic style of paintin^
continued to be popular under the Safawids.
It is generally believed that during the 15th cen-
tury patterns and decorative schemes created by court
workshops were first used in the design of textiles and
carpets. Although literary references to carpets indi-
cate that they were produced in Iran from the Sasanid
period onward, those descriptions are inadequate for
reconstructing either their technical characteristics or
their appearance. It seems that in Iran the produc-
tion of knotted pile carpets only became common
after the- influx of Turkish nomads that began in the
11th century. Depictions of carpets in Persian manu-
scripts of the 14th and 15th centuries suggest that
small-scale repet-
o thos.
used ii
arpets
lied
on a central medallion that ma\ be round, 01
star-shaped Often the carpet's corners contain
ter-medalhons while the lemainder of its field is
with vegetal ornament usually in the iorm of spiral-
mg vines with a variety of blossoms placed alone; them
at inteivals (Am\ Bnggs, Timund eaiptts I, in Ar\
htamua, vu [1940], // in ibid, \i-\n [194b]) These
lainted <
upet;
■mble
carpets
■ finesi
■signs
illumination and book bindings [see also bisat, in
Suppl]
4 human oil oj t/u Safamd pmod
The Saiawid cieation of a kingdom whose bound-
anes resemble those of the modern Iranian state served
to encourage a more homogenous artistic tiadmon
within the region as a whole, a process also furthered
by two of the d\nast\'s most influential rulers, Shah
Tahmasp I (r 1524-76) and Shah 'Abbas I (i 1587-
1629) Shah Tahmasp \ appioach to the aits is an
late Timund Harat in the period of Sultan Husayn
Bavkara, a connection that is undeistandable since Tah-
masp spent much oi his \outh in that city The prince
showed an aptitude lor painting as well as calligra-
phy, so that when he letumed to Tabriz to ascend
the thione, he gave a great importance to the book
arts During the first decades of his leign, the roval
woikshop was engaged in the pioduction oi manu-
scripts particularly copies oi the classics oi Persian
literatuie The most important manuscript associated
with his pationage is a cop\ oi FudawsT's Shah-nama
which is almost a picture album, ioi its 759 folios con-
tain 258 lllustiations and most oi these occupv almost
the entire surface of a page As might be expected
from a project oi this size, it gives evidence oi hav-
ings show a range oi styles and quahtv B\ and large,
the most impressive paintings are those situated in
the manuscupt's eaihest sections wheie some oi them
continue trends originating in Timund Haiat while
others echo featuies of westein Iianian art under the
complex architectural structures the divisions of which
aie used to sepaiate an event into nanative compo-
nents (MB Dickson and SC Welch, The Houghton
Shahnama, 2 vols, Cambridge, Mass 1981) The im-
pact of court etiquette and activities on the lllustiative
piograms oi a manuscript is particularly striking in
the case oi a manuscript oi Nizamfs hhamsa also pre-
paied ior Shah Tahmasp and now in the British Li-
• (Welch, Pusian painting, New Yoik 1976, 70-97)
for a widening circle of patrons Workshops in the
citv oi Shiraz were particularly active in the book-
trade During the 16th century, in addition to the
evei-popular poems by Firdawsi and Nizami, texts
by several wnteis active m the late Timund period
continued to be both widely copied and iiequently
illustrated, including the poetry oi Djami, Hatiii and
the prose oi Husayn Gawzaigahi (F Richard, Splen
deurs persanes. Pans 1997, 157-204) By the early 17th
century, however, the attention oi artists and collectors
had shifted to single-page paintings, especially por-
traits, which weie often gathered m murakka's [q v]
(albums) (Sheila R Canby, Tht rebellious reformer, London
1996)
The Safawid court was also involved m the pro-
duction oi various other kinds of artiiacts, particularly
silk textiles embellished with gold and silver and cai-
pets with complex patterns which echo the intricate
designs of book illumination oi even of book illus-
tration Annually on the occasion oi Nawiuz [qi],
following a well-established Islamic practice, Saiawid
lulers were expected to provide then courtiers and
Tahm,
a for n
echoed by other members of the dynasty, notably
his biotheis Sam Mirza and Bahiam Mirza as well
as his nephew Sultan Ibrahim Miiza The last-named
devoted consideiable time and eneigy to artistic pur-
suits and employed a substantial number of calhgra-
phers, painteis and illuminators A copy oi Djami's
Haft an tang produced ior him between 1556 and 1565,
and now in the Freei Gallery oi Art, shows the man-
nei in which an illustrated manuscript could become
a "world unto itself" Every folio provides a feast for
the eve, contrasting finely executed calligraphy with
colourful gold-decorated borders, while its paintings
habited by people of various ages and social stations
(Mananna S Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim Mir Z a\ Haft anrang.
New Haven 1997)
Dunng the Safawid eia, the populanty of illustrated
manuscripts spread beyond the confines of the couit,
and they were produced also in non-ioyal workshops
with g
o their
appropnate
position Some garments worn by the lulei and his
close associates were made oi silk woven or embroi-
dered in intricate patterns and embellished with gold
and silvei, used textiles weie routinely destroyed in
order to recover the metal which they contained
Safawid rulers sent luxury textiles as diplomatic giits
to then rivals, the Ottomans and the Mughals
Histoncal accounts confirm that several towns in Iran
produced luxuiy textiles and mgs, including Kashan,
Yazd, Kirman and Isfahan, although it is difficult to
link surviving examples with any particulai centre
(Carol Bier (ed ), Woven from the soul, spun from the heart,
Washington, DC 1987, May Beattie, The carpets of
Central
The
landscape c
then
>, Westei
1976)
ugs iiom 16th-century Iran iol-
V professionally named design-
e have elaborate figural and
iulti-h
i of
egetc
Shal
I is known to have taken
est in the production of carpets and Shah 'Abbas
is even said to have practised the weavei's
During his reign, weaveis worked in the groui
the loyal palace at Isiahan, although producti
luxury textiles and lugs also continued in othei
aft
. The
g desigi
and gold that ch
carpets and textiles preserved in shnnes or sent as
diplomatic gifts suggest that couit production was
viewed as an index of royal piestige, rathei than as a
commercial venture (M Aga Oghlu, Safamd rugs and
ttxtdts, New Yoik 1941, Bier and Bencaid, The Persian
ulvets at Rosenborg, Copenhagen 1995, F Spuhlei tt al ,
Dinmaik\ coronation larptts, Copenhagen 1987)
5 Iranian art from 1722 to 1925 tk 4/shand ~and
and hadjar penodi
Although the penod fiom the effective end of the
Safawid dynasty in 1722 to the emeigence of the
Kadfars in 1794 was marked by chiomc political insta-
bility, aitistic patronage still continued on an inter-
mittent basis largely echoing tiends oi the late 17th
century Lacquerwoik (actually varnished watercolour
paintings, usually on a papiei-mache suiface), which
had eailier been used ioi bookbindings, was also used
foi pen-boxes, mirroi cases and caskets A few paint-
ings and luxury textiles can be linked to Nadir Shah
(r 1736-47), and his seizure of Mughal tieasures dui-
mg his invasion of India piovided Iran's luleis with
ter used with great effect bv the Kadjars in
.irt regalia. Kanm Khan Zand's reign (1751-
canvas that were used to embellish buildings.
:e expanded under the Kadjars. It was that
i second ruler, Fath 'All Shah, who made the
s for
e policy. He
s of h
self and (
mpositi
portable objects such as lacquerwork bookbindings or
mirror cases. Enthusiasm for large-scale figural paint-
ing was not limited to the Kadjar court. Itinerant
identified as "Coffee-house paintings"! as an adjunct
to the recitation of stories and to performances of the
passion play or ta'ziya [g.c] (see Layla S. Diba and
Manam Ekhtian (eds.). Royal Persian painting. The Qujai
epoch 1785-1925, Brooklyn 1999.
The second half of the 19th century witnessed a
decline in most local crafts due to the competition
created by imports from Europe and India. One excep-
tion was the production of carpets, which were much
in demand both within Iran and abroad. The old
system of court production was replaced by corn-
urban c
s Istr
duced standardised carpets to the specifications of a
mostly foreign clientele. Smaller production centres,
situated in villages, the homes of private citizens or
even in nomadic encampments, created more varied
wares which often combined traditional schemes with
idiosyncratic embellishments. This broadly based "folk-
tradition that carried it into the 20th centurv (A.C.
Edwards, The Persian carpet, 1953).
Bibliography. Survey of Pel stem art: J.W. Allan,
Persian metal 'technology 700-1300. London 1979;
O. Grabar, The art of the object, in Camb. hist, of Iran,
iv, 351-63; Grabar, The visual arts, 1050-1350, in
ibid., v, 641-58; B. Gray, The pictorial arts in the
Timurid period, and The aits in the Safarid period, in
ibid, vi. 843-76, 877-912; F. Spuhler, Carpets and
textiles, in ibid., 698-727; B.W. Robinson, Persian
painting under the zjind and Qajat dynasties, in ibid., vii,
870-89; J. Scarce, The arts oj the eighteenth to twenti-
eth centuries, in ibid., 930-58; R.W. Ferrier (ed.). The
arts of Persia, New Haven 1989; A. Soudavar, Alt
of the Persian couth, New York
(bi ;
i Prisc
The buildings erected in Iran during the Islamic
period are some of the finest constructed anywhere
in the Muslim lands. They are noteworthy for their
sophisticated vaulting systems and their sublime use
Both traits may have been encouraged by the mate-
rials available for construction. Although large sup-
plies of wood grow near the Caspian Sea and good
stone for masonry is found in Fars and Adharbaydjan,
brick is the predominant building material in most of
the region. Already in pre-Islamic times, builders in
Iran had devised ways of roofing their structures with
domes supported on squinches, arches thrown over
tained the tripartite elevation of wall, squinch and
vault, but divided the zone of transition into increas-
ting in the mukarnas [q.r.~\. At the same time, they
carved and painted the stucco covering interior sur-
faces and developed several methods of glazing ti
in a full range of colours, so that brick surfaces c<
ered with brilliantly coloured tiles became a hallm;
of Ir
a Islan
The following discussion surveys the development
chronological periods. Within each period, a short
assessment precedes discussions of the major building
types and of form, materials and decoration. The arti-
cle considers Iran in the broadest sense, comprising
the plateau between the Tigris and Oxus rivers, and
occasionally includes sites beyond these confines, such
as Baghdad or Samarkand. Naturally, more buildings
and more types of buildings survive from the later
period, making it possible to sketch a fuller picture
from the extant record. By contrast, relatively few
buildings survive from earlier times, and the evidence
for early Islamic architecture in Iran has to be pieced
together from widely scattered remains and snippets
of information gleaned from texts.
1. Before 900
Virtually nothing is known about buildings from
the period of Umayyad rule when the Islamic capi-
tals were in Syria, but, as befits Iran's position as one
of the most important provinces in the 'Abbasid em-
pire, most of the buildings erected there in the 3rd/
9th century reflect the forms and styles used in the
porary buildings in Iran are generally smaller, but
and mortar, fired brick, mud brick (particularly in
northeast Iran and the adjacent regions of Central
Asiai and wood. Many are decorated with the styles
of carved stucco development at the 'Abbasid capital
of Samarra' [,/.;.].
The most important building type known from earlv
Islamic times in Iran is the congregational mosque.
Congregational mosques built in Iran resemble those
constructed elsewhere in the 'Abbasid domains, for
virtually all of them are (or were) large buildings with
a central courtyard surrounded by porticos or arcades
and a large covered prayer hall on the kibla side (in
Iran, the southwest!. The prayer hall was a hypostyle
room, in which the roof was supported on a multi-
tude of single supports, either piers or columns. The
best standing example of a hypostyle congregational
mosque is the one known as the Tan Khana, erected
at Damghan in the 3rd/9th century. The remains of
others have been excavated at several sites, including
SusS in Khuzistan in southwestern Iran and at Siraf
on the Persian Gulf (dateable A.D. 815-25), but the
largest and most important of these hypostyle con-
gregational mosques was the one erected at Isfahan.
Founded in. 771, it was expanded under the 'Abbasid
caliph al-Mu'tasim (,. 218-27/833-42) and served as
the basis for the present Friday Mosque I Masdjid-i
Djum'ai in the city.
In addition to the hypostyle congregational mosque,
there were other types of small mosques. One type
had an attached courtyard leading to a rectangular
prayer hall (measuring between 5 and 10 m on a
side) dhided by one or more transverse arcades, with
least ten examples were excavated in the residential
quarters at Siraf, and some may date as early as the
3rd/9th century. Another type of small mosque is a
square covered with nine domes. The one that sur-
vives at Balkh is about four times the area of the
and was elaborately decorated on the interior with
The same foims and decoration were used on a
smallei scale in domestic aichitecture Vaulted and
domed houses excavated at Marw (now in Turk-
Houses excavated at Nishapur also had stucco dados
elaborately carved in a similar style (several are now
on displav in the National Museum in Tehian and
the Metropolitan Museum in New York)
Caiavanseiais [see khan] erected along the major
trade routes across Iran and Cential Asia also reflect
the plans of those lound elsewheie in the 'Abbasid
lands Thiee mud-buck forts erected at Daizln in
Kiiman piovince, lor example, are squaie buildings
vaulted chambers
0-12 ->()
This
Islam
is the m
and all o
• of fine-quahtv baked
' ' and
decoiation, the development ol glazed tile as an rni-
poitant medium of both inteiioi and exterior decoia-
tion, the ioui -lit an plan, mausolea, minarets, the
tripartite elevation of dome chambers, the subdivision
of the squinch into incieasinglv smallei units and the
mukarnm — appear lor the fust time dunng this period
Most of these leatures are commonlv associated with
the pationage of the Saldjuk dvnastv (4 52-590/ 1040-
1194), whose territories stretched horn Central Asia
to Tiak, but manv weie introduced earlier and were
not limited to the Saldjuk domains
New congregational mosques weie built to suit the
need ol the growing Muslim commumtv Those elected
in the 4th/ 10th centurv, as at Na'In and Aidistan,
continued to use the hypostvle plan, but the ma]or
featuie ol this period was the development of a new
plan having a courtyard surrounded bv aicades hnk-
jlted r,
open K
at one end The transioi mation from the hvpostvle
to the ioui-man plan is best seen in the mosque at
Isfahan, an early capital of the Saldjuk domains In
485/1086-7, the twentv-foui columns in front of the
miluab were replaced with a fiee-standing domed pavil-
ion supported on giant polylobed piers Then, later,
probably in the early 6th/ 12th century, foui mans
were added around the court This combination of
four iwans plus dome chamber was soon lepeated in
congregational mosques in nearby towns such as
Ardistan, whose hypostvle mosque was levamped
between 553 and 555 (1158-601
Despite the occasional use of other tvpes of con-
gregational mosque, the four-fuan plan became the
standard for congregational mosques erected all ovei
Iran from this period onwards Scholais have long
debated why this change occuned Although the lea-
sons are not entirely cleai it mav have been simple
practicality and utility. This plan had alieadv been
used in many pre-Islamic buildings in Tiak and Iian,
ranging from the Parthian palace at Ashui (1st cen-
tury A.D.) to Sasanid houses at Ctesiphon (6th centurv
A.D.). It provided a suitable setting of monumentahtv ,
without any rigid princelv or cultic associations
From the 6th/ 12th centurv the torn -Jwan plan also
became standard for many other tvpes of buildings
To judge from later examples, this plan may have
been used for madruias, which began to piohfeiate at
this time. This plan was also used toi caiavanserais,
such as Ribat-i Sharaf, built m 508/1114-15 bv the
Saldjuk vizier Sharaf al-Dm Kumml on the old loute
north from Nishapur to Marw Building civil stiuc-
tures was considered an act of pietv and a sign of
sovereigntv, and manv local rulers embellished their
domains in this way The Kurdish pimce Badr b
Hasanawavh (r 370-404/980-101 3), for example, erec-
neai Khurramabad, Kakuvid amm added iron gates
to the mud-brick walls aiound the city of Yazd in
432/1040-1 as did the Shaddadid amir Shawur I b
Fadl at Gandja in 455/1063
From the 5th/ 11th centurv onwaids, minaiets be-
gan to piohferate thoughout Iran Most aie tapering
buck cvlinders about 30 m tall, decorated with hori-
zontal bands of elaborate buck patterns and elegant
inscriptions In eaihei 'Abbasid times minaiets had
been attached to congregational mosques and nor-
mally set opposite the miluab In this period thev were
elected by a broader spectium of people, including
viziers, judges and private individuals, and sometimes
set as isolated, fiee-standing constructions Then pro-
liferation mav also indicate a revolution in technique
which made these tall baked-bnck towers resilient to
earthquakes
The monumental tomb [see kubb\, turb\] was
another ma]or type of building erected in this period
Tomb towers were popular along the Caspian littoial
as exemplified bv the Gunbad-i KabQs (597/ 1006-7),
the earliest and also the most spectaculai example to
survive The classic example of the domed tomb is
the mausoleum of the Samamds at Bukhara (310s/
plaster and baked buck bespeak a long tiadition The
domed tomb became the most populai type Three
fine examples were erected at Maragha in the bth/12th
centurv, but the largest and most splendid is the one
foi the Saldjuk sultan Sandjai (r 511-
52/11
3-57)
Dmb complexes also developed during the
penod Some, such as those at Mashhad or Kumm,
surrounded the graves of Shi' I mam', They were
underwritten not onlv bv wealthy Shi'is but also bv
government officials seeking to gainer the suppoit of
heterodox segments of the local population Othei
complexes grew up around the graves of such learned
figures as al-Haklm al-Tnmidhl oi such mystics as
Abu Yazid al-Bistaml [qiv] These shrine complexes
were often agglomerative, and the specific stages of
construction can onlv be levealed by detailed archae-
ological investigations usuallv impossible because of
the sacred nature of the sites
Texts mention laige palaces and elaboiate houses
for the upper classes in the Buvid capitals at Baghdad
and Slilraz and the Saldjuk capitals at Isfahan,
Baghdad and Marw Excavations have levealed only
tantalising fragments from minor sites, such as lime-
stone panels horn the palace of the Hasanawavhids
at Sarmadj in southwest Iran or carved stucco pan-
els from Tirmidh on the Oxus Contemporarv houses
excavated at Nishapur were lavishlv decorated with
Domes were elaborated and articulated dunng this
period In order to lighten the domical mass, both
phvsically and visuallv builders developed the double
dome, in which two shells of slightlv vaned profile
are connected by intermittent ties Nizam al-Mulk s
inSial noma (ed H Dai ke, Tehian 1340/ 1%2 211,
tr idem, London 1978, 167) mentions that one of
the 4th/10th-centurv tombs of the Buy ids at Raw
extant examples survive horn the end of the 5th/ 1 1 th
centurv (eg the tomb at Kharrakan dated 486/1093-
4) Ribs weie used to facilitate constiuction in a land
wheie wood was unavailable foi centnng As the dome
was built, the ribs were bonded into the construction
and often exploited for decorative effect. The inven-
tiveness Iranian builders displayed in the manipula- [
don of domed spaces is clear from the Friday Mosque j
at Isfahan, where over two hundred examples cover
the individual bays, although the exact chronology of
unclear what percentage can be assigned to this period.
Dome chambers typically show a tripartite eleva-
tion, with the dome supported on an octagonal zone
of transition, in which four squinches alternate with
four blind arches, in turn supported on four walls
arranged in a square. In more elaborate examples,
builders inserted an intermediary sixteen-sided zone
or squinch net between the dome and the octagonal
zone. In a single example, the north dome at Isfahan,
the parts are aligned vertically. In all other cases, the
three parts are distinguished visually.
In addition to vaults, builders also manipulated
arches. Mihtabs from this period, the earliest to sur-
vive in the region, consist of concentric niches within
rectangular frames, as at the 4th/ 10th-century con-
gregational mosque at Na'In. Builders also developed |
the pishtak [</.!'.], an arched opening surrounded by a
free-standing rectangular frame. The ruined building i
at Sarwistan, which Bier has recently re-attributed to |
the early Islamic period, had a pishtak in the middle |
of the facade, and by the 4th/ 10th century builders
used this form in Iranian mosques and mausoleums
le.g. the Arab-Ata mausoleum at Tim in the Zarafshan
Valley dated 367/977). The pishtak soon became one
of the most distinctive features of Iranian architecture,
used in a variety of building types including cara-
vanserais (e.g. Ribat-i Malik, rebuilt in 471/1078-9,
and Ribat-i Sharaf) and mausolea (e.g. Uzgand and
Sarakhs, 5th-6th/l lth- 12th centuries).
Builders in this period also displayed their inven-
tiveness by varying the shape of the arch, from round
to keel-shaped, trilobed and polylobed, and by com-
bining squinches of different shape in thf
e differe:
tmplr.
squinch, builders seem to have developed the mukamas.
tiers of niche-like elements that project out from the
row below. Already at the Gunbad-i Kabus, a few
tiers of mukamas decorate the half-vault over the door,
and mukamas corbels were used to support the cor-
nices of tomb towers, as at the Gunbad-i 'Air (448/
1056-71 in Abarkuh or the balconies of minarets, as
at Bistam (514/1 120-1 j. Mukamas was clearly used to
mains to be documented. '
During this period, line baked brick was the pre-
eminent material for the construction of important
buildings, while mud brick, pise and stone were used
for subsidiary structures or in specific areas. By the
6th/ 12th century, a standard baked brick measuring
ca. 25 X 25 X 5 cm had replaced the large rectan-
gular bricks used in the early period and the smaller
bricks associated with Buyid buildings in the Isfahan
region. Bricks were laid in a variety of flush or bas-
ket bonds, from common and double bond to diaper
patterns, or in combinations of recessed and project-
ing bricks.
Builders also exploited the spaces between the bricks
for decorative effect. Builders in northeastern Iran
often laid bricks in double bond so that the vertical
joints created a pattern of light and shade across the
wall. Builders sometimes filled the joints with plaster
endplugs, which were stamped or carved with geo-
metric, floral or epigraphic, patterns, or with pieces
of glazed tile, which contrasted with the matte, red-
dish or yellowish brick. Holes in the brickwork on
the earlier tomb tower erected at Kharrakan in
460/1067-8 were probably filled with these glazed
pieces, and small fragments are still preserved in the
dome chamber in the congregational mosque at
Gulpayagan erected under the SaldjQk Muhammad
b. Malikshah \r. 498-511/1105-18 [q.v.]). From the
6th/ 12th century onwards, builders commonly set out
glazed bricks which spelled out sacred words and
phrases in the technique known as banna'i "builder's
[technique]".
Builders or decorators (the distinction is unclear in
this period) also realised the potential of other meth-
ods for adding colour to their brick buildings. The
most labour-intensive and therefore the most expen-
sive method was to cut the glazed tiles into small
pieces to form geometric designs, strapwork or in-
scriptions. The most common glaze was light or
turquoise blue, easy to prepare from copper. The
tomb chamber at Natanz (389/998-9) has small pieces
of glazed tile inset in the plaster decoration. The
minaret at Sin (526/1132) has a complete inscription
made up of pieces of glazed tile. Two tombs at
Maragha, the Gunbad-i Surkh (542/1 147-8] and the
Gunbad-i Kabud (593/1196-7), have elaborate strap-
work patterns. One monument erected shortly before
the Mongol invasions, the madrasa at Zawzan (616/
1219). displays two additional colours of glazed tile,
white and dark blue.
From ca. 1200, builders also decorated the interior
of buildings with expensive lustre tiles. At major shrines
such as Kumm and Mashhad, hundreds of individ-
ual tiles, 'some specially made to fit the site, were
used to cover the cenotaphs, mihtabs and walls of the
tomb chambers. These tile revetments were signed by
the most famous potters of the day, Muhammad b.
AbT Tahir and Abu Zayd, both members of promi-
nent lustre-potting families from Kashan, home to this
speciality. As the city of Kashan, located near impor-
tant mines, had a monopoly on tile production, the
term kashi [q.v.] came to refer to glazed tile.
Similarly, builders often painted the stucco coating
interior surfaces. Traces of red, blue and green paint
are often \isible on mihtabs, and walls were sometimes
painted to imitate brick bonding patterns. Other sub-
jects include geometric and vegetal ornament as well
as figures, animals, and birds. The increased use of
surfaces foreshadow later developments, but at this
time structure and decoration were kept in balance.
3. 1250-1500
This period marked the triumph of coloured deco-
ration. Builders elaborated thf technique of tile mo-
saic so that it covered the entire surface. They also
expanded the palette to a full range of seven colours
(dark and light blue, white, black, yellow and green,
in addition to unglazcd brick). They added other tech-
niques of tile decoration, including cueula seia and
lidjitwrfina, overglaze painting. This period also saw
an increase in the height, verticality and size of build-
ings, and the enormous complexes ordered by Mongol
period of trans-Asian trade. Individual buildings were
often incorporated into complexes, which combined a
mosque, madrasa, khankah and other service buildings
around a tomb, either for the founder las in Oldjeytu's
Mir at Samarkand) or for a Sufi saint (as at Natanz,
Bistam and Gazur Gah outside Herat).
Congregational mosques followed the standard
.emplifits Ilkhanid work but the most im
he elephantine one eietttd bv I imur i
ita! at Samarkand Known as the Mosq
i the Ilkhan \baka 1
atunk mow lakht-i
' pat
tht :
be delmeittd The madrasas
built 1
>v Shah
Rukhs
son Ulugh Beg in Bukh.
tra a
nd on
tht Riai'
,tan in
Samaikand iboth 82(1-3/
\ similar plan was also
often tinted alone; majo
r trat
ie loutt
-s as part
of the
flourishing ovtiland tiad( C
built within dties Oik o
il the few ui
buildings to survive is tin
Kh.
in al-M
Iidjan 0,
Khan
alTitma in B lg hdad (
7 "18/
nvi,
its soph,.
,tit ated
em wl
nth allow
to flood the mttiioi sho
vvs th
tat tht
ernor of Baghdad ioi thi
~W
ilavmds
tonsideied tht
taia\anserai as lmportan
tomplex
Both tht tomb town a
nd the dom.
ber continued to be use
■d fo
Mausoka built loi It ssei
ndants
of the Imams or minm pi
HUPS
01 pnr
itessts, wt
ie lel-
ati\eh small fiee-standmg
built
g tht lira
imzada
Dja'fai at Isfahan 72Vlr
1 he m<.
.st stnkmg
IVffll
pies notable foi their fir
' dttol
found
imarkand known
as tht
Shah-i Zinda whtie m;
tn\ c
Joined
stmctuits
lining
andemncd the buildmi
(.1
rvings
a the lus-
'lit
tt the
Mo
has been
tht
anon'
mid
empeiors
ene
s illu.s
tiati;
tig themes
, for their
1 kings
hip
Tht rums
spared no exptnse Both tht
I identified as the plate where
had been crowned and the dt
1 tie tiles with quotations and st
J of the \k Saiav limurspalac
18/1 379-% 1 show the same concerns foi size and fine
tile detoiation
Moie often howtvei, the Mongols lived m elabo-
.att tents [see MI^M\ ,v] Ghazan s summe. palate
1 tissue which' took two \eais to make and the Spanish
ambassador Ruv Gonzalez dt Clavno dc-stnbtd the
Ihese t.nts were often set 111 gaidtns and the
TTmunds tonstiutted several tanals outside Harat to
watei then extensive suburban estates set m gardens
with suth tvotative names as the Bagh-i Djahan-ara
'iWoild-adoming gaiden ) Observatories are the most
Tht tint oideied b\ Hulegu ill 758/1258 foi the tel-
ebiatetl astronomei Nasir al-Din TusI [ ?t ] on a hill
noith of his tapital at Maiagha seived as the model
for the one that Llugh Bt g built at Samaikand m
823/1420 foi Ghivath al-Din Kasha [ ?l |
I Builders in this pt nod shifted then attention from
stiueture to spate developing new and inventive wa\s
of tovenng both squaie and icttangulai areas The
solid walls ol eaihei buildings were pierced with open-
ings and ba\s and several tvpts of transvtise vault-
1 ing weie developtd to admit light and air Experiments
with tiansvtrse vaulting ovtr iectangulai spaces in the
8th/ 14th centurv led tt) the development of sqmnch-
I net vaulting in the 9th/ l r )th Builders
oad rati
1 squan
with
1 Shavkh Djam and j
arv complexes The best example to survive hom the
Ilkhanid pt nod is the mausoleum of tht Khan Oldjcytu
at Sultamv\a but the foundations established b\
Ghazan Khan and his vizier Rashid al Urn at Tabriz
were equallv laige Laigt complexes were also built
aiound the tombs of SufT saints A. few honoured con-
ttmpoiarv jAfliAAs such as tht tomplex built at Natanz
in the opening decade of the 8th/ 14th eintuiv for
the Suhrawaith shi kit '\bd al-Samad d nW/12"<>-
1300 but more commonlv thev honoured saints long
sinte dead as at the complex of vbii \a/id Bistami
than
Ihest
.mplexe
it the g
I lmui trtcled on the steppe foi \hmad \asa-
e that
squat .
rather than walls as 111 Gothic aichiteeture so that
the walls tan be opentd up with windows or filled
with staiuuscs and subsidiarv rooms
Buildcis also alteied tht pioportions used in this
penod making looms tallei aiehes more pointed and
ealitv and iefinement of foim aie tht monumental
poitals with soanng double mmaiets piesened m
Isfahan \azd and \baikuh Manv of these soanng
vaults are decorated with plaster mukarncu sht Us that
aie suspended from the outei shell bv lopes Those
used at Natanz 111 the eailv 8th/ 14th centurv are lel-
ativeh simple but the ones ei tried a centurv latei
at Tuikestan aie of unpaialleled complexitv
Dec.
d, becan
-e complex Entue
with banna'I, the
enveloping the building
Tile mosaic became moie common with floral and
her Intenoi plaster suifaces weie often coveied with
intricate moulded and painted designs, often derived
from book painting and theieb\ suggesting the exist-
ence of a cential design studio in this period
4 1500 1800
The budding
)t the rr
it allunri!
„ then
bian architecture In pan, their fame is a mattei of
sumval, for a large and impressive ensemble of build-
ings is easilv accessible in Isfahan [«< ] the third cap-
ital of the Safawids, and Shnaz [qi] capital of the
Saiawid legent Muhammad Kaiim Khan Zand \r
1164-93/1751-79) In part, the attractn eness of this
architectnie is due to its open and eas\ design with
simple compositions based on addition and s^mme-
tr\ These buildings show little stiuctuial or formal
innovation ioi buildeis needed to build and decorate
\ast structuies in the shortest time hence colouiful
tile ie\etments sometimes conceal stiuctural banality
The greatest strength lies in the planning and exe-
cution of laige urban ensembles, m which a \anet\
the penod when builders, like contemporary painters
de\ eloped an interest in the history of their art lie
it the Timuiid tradition of dynastK architectuie in
Khuiasan or the local building traditions oi Isfahan
and Shnaz
In general, buildings, especially ieligious ones use
the same type of plans found in earliei penods The
four-man plan foi example, continued to be standaid
foi congiegational mosques as in the splendid one
now called the Masdjid-i Imam that Shah 'Abbas
(/ 995-1038/1587-1629) ordered for his new capital
at Isfahan The same plan was also used foi madrmas
and khangdlr, So, too, the domed tomb iemained popu-
lar The tomb of Kh"adja Rabi' at Mashhad (1030/
1620i is a domed octagon whereas that for 1 ahmasp s
fathei Shaykh DjibiaTl m the village of Kalkhuian
near Aidabll, is a square surmounted by a tall bul-
bous dome lecallmg Timund tombs of Cential Asia
si\e system of handh [qi], subteiranean aqueducts
directly linked to aquifers were dug to supply new
settlements Bridges weie set up along important roads,
as in the supeib examples o\ei the Zayanda Rud
[qc] at Isfahan Difleient types ol buildings for col-
lecting and storing water weie developed such as the
water stoiage tank (Pe.s ' ■"
These many buildings weie often integiated into
fine ensembles centred around a laige maydan [q t ]
oi public square In Isfahan 'Abbas had ioui new
buildings strategically and symbolically positioned
around the mtndan the bazaai entiance on the north
faced the congregational mosque, and a small mosque
known as the Masdjid-i Shaykh Lutf Allah on the
east laced the 'All Kapu the entrance to the palace
precinct Between 1596 and 1606, ' Abbas s governor
Gandj 'All Khan laid out a similai complex in the
provincial capital oi Kirman with a bath caravanseiai
mint watei towei, mosque and other public build-
ings connected by a continuous poitico around a large
lectangulai mmddn (100 X 50 m) Many oi these urban
developments continued under Muhammad Karlm
Khan Zand at Shfiaz who glonfied his capital with
broad avenues and moie than 25 public buildings -\s
in Isfahan and Kirman the most impoitant struc-
tuies including the citadel or me,, the congiegational
mosque known as the Masdjid-i \ Vakil (begun in 1766)
a public bath and a vaulted bazaar, were grouped
around a mmdan
This was also the period when the majoi shrine
complexes in Iian took on their definitive shape To
mark then claims oi soveieignty and establish then
legitimacy, the Saiavvids expanded and rebnilt the fam-
ily shune at Aidabrl, making it one of the largest m
the country matched only by the shrine around the
tomb of the eighth Imam al-Rida at Mashhad Both
shrines received substantial endowments not only prop-
erty and chattels but also piecious objects particulaily
books 'Abbas also endowed a staggeung 1,162 pieces
of Chinese poicelam to the shrine at Ardabfl, and
had a new building, the CfnT-Khana, built to house it
Other shrines developed for Sufi &aykhs One of the
most jiictuiesque is that foi Shaykh Ni'mat Allah Wall
at Mahan outside Kirman whose sequence of court-
vaids and nrhly -carpeted and splendidly -vaulted halls
evokes the wealth and authontv accorded these bi othei -
hoods in Safawid Iran
Town planning and building on such a wide scale
necessitated the employment of dozens of aichitects
and mastei -builders assisted by calligiapheis, tile-mak-
ers plastereis, woodwoikeis and painteis The woik-
foice, especially at the top, was highly mobile and
dominated by the Isfahan school, which atti acted the
finest talent from thioughout the Safawid domains
The vast scale of architectuie dunng this period led
with structuie They perfected the system of nbbed
vaults developed during the 9th/15th century by empm-
cal study of the strength of materials For example,
spanned by nbbed aiches with forked
dated t
s of
pipes
badgu [q < in Suppl ] I To make and store it e buildei
developed ingenious mud-brick structures iPeis
lakhtal), often decorated with inventive brukwoik
'Abbas also encouiaged the constiuction ol thousands
of pigeon toweis (Pers burdj i kabutar) on the fertile
plain around Isfahan so that he could heavily tax the
guano har\est Similaily the city of Bukhara one of
the Shavbamd capitals in Cential Asia was dotted
with caravanserais (Pers hm) and domed markets [Pers
cahai iu).
uch dist
mted tl
eight o
xuctural expenments
have only been revealed during the course of restoia-
tion, as m the upper two floois of the 'All Kapu
palace at Isfahan New foims include the talar the
pillared hall known fiom Achamaemd times and
adopted during this penod for audience halls
Flat walls were often decoiated with paintings of
varied subjects Some illustrate cuirent events such
as the senes ol embassies and battles depicted on the
walls oi the Cihil Sutun palace at Isfahan Othei s
evoked classic Persian themes, such as the iomance
oi Khusraw and Shirin A few, such as the murals
in the Imamzada Shah Zavd m Isfahan, depict reli-
gious scenes and some others such as a gioup of oil
paintings, depict foreigners In many cases these wall
paintings seem to be the work of the same artists
who illustrated manuscripts and single-page paintings
IRAN — IRTISH
Architecture in this period can be seen as a struggle
between tradition and inno\ation Under the Kadjars
[q i ] new Europeamsing features were grafted on to
tiaditional ones Thus congiegational mosques, erec-
ted at Kazvm Zandjan Simnan and Tehran, fol-
lowed the now-classic plan of an open court with two
or four mans but interior facades were articulated
with such new features as kiosks windcatchers or
clocktoweis The increasing acceptance of European
architecture especiall\ under Nasn al-Din Shah
(r 1264-1313/1848-% [qi]) is especially clear in secu-
lar architecture exemplified b\ several palaces in
and neai Tehran such as the Guhstan Palace and
the Kasr-i Kadjai Traditional forms such as the talar
are combined with such European elements as tall
windows, engaged pilasters and grand staircases The
mixture of traditions is also evident in the decora-
tion in which tile mosaic underglaze-painted tiles and
mosaic mnror-work mingle with floial figural and
landscape scenes in the Victorian stvle
These experiments with European modernism con-
tinued in the 20th tenturv undei the Pahlawis as the
best architects linked an appreciation of tiaditional
values with such modern requirements as waste dis-
posal Nadei Ardalan s C enti e for Management Studies
in Tehran (1972) followed the form of a traditional
madrasa and used local construction methods and labour
(see fui thei on modern buildings in the capital, tihran
I 3(b) (c)) Similarly, the enormous tomb constiucted
at Ravy for \yatullah khumaym [q i in SuppI ] in
1989 used the tiaditional form of domed tomb sur-
rounded by minarets although it was executed using
relatively inexpensive materials and techniques of mdus-
Bibliography The bibliography on Iranian ar-
chitecture is enormous and expanding rapidly The
following includes only books and other major
studies Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo, Embassy to Tamer
lane 14011406, tr G Le Strange London 1928
E Diez Churasamsche Baudenkmaler Beihn 1918 Suney
of Persian ait ithar e Iran i-i\ (1936-49) M Siroux
Caraianserails d Iran et petitts constructions routieres Cairo
1949, DN Wilber The anhitectmt of hlamic Iran
Thi II Khamd period New \.ork 1955 D Hill (pho-
tographer) Islamic anhiticture and its decoration i D
800 1500 Chicago 1964 \ Godaid The art of Iran
ed J M Rogers London 1 9b5 Lisa Golombek The
Timurid shrint at Cazur Oah, Toronto 1969 Wilbei,
The Masjidi 'itiq of Shira^ Shiraz 1972 Nader
■\rdalan and Laleh Bakhtiar Tht sense of umh Thi
Sufi tradition in Pirsian arthiktture Chicago 1973
R Naumann Die Rumen ion Taiht e Sultiman und
Zendane Suleiman, Berlin 1977 MuhammadA usuf
Kiam, Iranian caraianserails tilth particular reference to
the Sqfaiid period Tokyo 1978 D Whitehouse Siraf
HI Tht Congregational Mosque and other mosques from
the ninth to thi tntlfth centuries London 1980
T \llen Timurid Herat Wiesbaden 1983 E Galdien,
Isfahan Masgid i gum'a III Rome 1984, C K
Wilkinson Nuhapur Some iarh Islamu buildings and
thar duorahon New \.ork 198b \bbas Daneshvan,
Mediaal tomb toners of Iran in icorwgraphual study
Lexington K\ 1986 L Bier Samstan 4 study m
iarh Iranian anhitecturt University Park, PA and
London 1986 Sheila S Blair The IlUiamd shrine
complex at hatan^ Iran Cambridge M\ 1986
R Ettinghausen and O Grabar The art and art hi
tetture oj Islam 650 1250 Haimondswortb 1987
B OKane Timurid architecture in Khurasan Costa
Mesa C A 1987 Golombek and Wilber The Timurid
anhitecturt oj Iran and Turan, Pnnceton 1988 JM
Bloom Minaret symbol oj Islam Oxford 1989 Grabar
The Great Mosqut oj Isfahan New \ork 1990 Blair
The monumental inscriptions from earh Islamic Iran and
Transoxiana Leiden 1992 eadem and Bloom The
art and architecture oj Islam 1250 1800, London and
New Haven 1994 Barbara Finster, Fruhe iramsche
qischer Herrschajl Berlin 1994 R Hillenbrand, Islamic
architetture Form function and meaning Edinburgh 1994
idem (ed ) The art of the Saljuqs in Iran and Anatolia
Proteedings oj a symposium held in Edinburgh in 1982
Costa Mesa, C\ 1994 OKane, Studies m Persian
art and archiutun Cairo 1995, Muhammad Kanm
Pirnia ishna yi ba mi'man yi islami yi Iran Tehran
1374/1995 Mosques in encyclopedia of the Iranian his
tonal monuments in the Islamic era 2 [in Persian]
Tehran 1999
(Sheila S Blair and J M Bloom)
IRIC, also Eric Erac, on modern maps Erachh
a small town of north-centi al India situated
on the south bank of the Betwa nvei 65 km/40 miles
northeast of Jhansi and 100 km/62 miles southeast
of Gwalioi (lat 25° 47' N , long 79° 9' E ) It is
now in the Jhansi District in the extreme southwest
of Uttar Pradesh Province of the Indian Union
Although now within a region largely Hindu, the
area lound Inc is nch in Indo-Muslim remains and
monuments It was in Muslim hands by 709/1309
when the khaldjT commander Malik Kaffir [q i ] stayed
at Inc then lenamed Sultanpur en route southwards
for Warangal [q c ] The Djami' Masdjid there was
built by Ghazi Diya' al-Din in 815/1412 during the
time of the last Tughlukid Mahmud Shah II and was
added to in the time of Awrangzib There is also a
fort and five gates to the town Under the Mughals
it was the centre of a sarkar in the suba of Agra but
by the mid- 18th century was under Maratha control
until the legion passed to the British
Bibliography DL Drake-Biockman Distnct
Za^etteers of the United Produces xxiv Jhansi District
Allahabad 1909 254-6 JF Blakiston, The Jami
Maspd at Badaun and other buildings in the United
Protinccs, Memoirs \b\ xix Calcutta 1926 SH
Hodivala Studies m Indo Muslim history i Bombay
1939 252-3 P Jackson The Delhi Sultanate a potiti
cal and military history Cambridge 1999 199
(C E Bosworth)
IRTISH conventionally Iitysh a river of
Siberia and the main left-bank affluent of the Ob
[q i ] It rises from glaciers on the southern slopes of
the Altai mountains neai the modern frontier of the
Mongolian Republic and Chinese Turkestan or Sinki-
ang [}i] through the Zay san lake into the Kazakhstan
Republic then out of it into the Omsk oblast of the
Russian Federation and joins the Ob at Khanty
Mansiysk its complete course being 3 720 km/2 312
miles the gi eater part of it navigable
The Irtish is mentioned as artis in the Orkhon
inscriptions (Kultegin E37 Bilga Kagan E27) where
it is stated that the kaghan s armies crossed the Altai
and then the Irtish and attacked the Turgesh on its
farther lie western) side (cf Barthold ~ao// 'I orlesune,en
46 112) But the history of the Irtish basin in early
Islamic times is very obscure none of its peoples can
have become Muslim before the post-Mongol later
mediaev al period \ geogi aphy like the Hudud al 'alam
mentions the <\rtush [' r I sh) as located between the
Oghuz and Kimak tribes but the author was clearly
describing a river further west (possibly the \ayik
[qc], which rises in the Urals and flows into the
PLATE XLVII
> %'-jy^ r- W\"
PLATE XLVIII
PLATE XLIX
Isfahan, Masdjid-i Imam, formerly the Masdjid-i Shah, begun 1020/1611, courtyard.
Sangbast, tomb and adjacent
t. probably 6th/ 12th c
Nayin, Congregational Mosque. 4th/ 10th ■ eutup court jacide >4in •>.!)<• Ijm !■ ,<i>rl added during the Buyid
Mahan, Shrine of Ni'n
t Allah, vaulted hall adjacent to the
tomb, early 1 1 th/ 1 7th c
Yazd Congregati ml Vlosque I j r hall, la 14th c
Nayin, Congregational Mosque, 4th/ 10th c
IRTISH — ISFIDJAB
Caspian! since he sa-ys that it emptied into the lower
Volga (ti Minorskv 75 !)b 42 tomm 215) Mahmud
al-Kashghari mentions the Ettish sunt as a river in
the Yemak/Yemak steppes which flows so he savs
would appear to stem fiom the same source as the
Hudud al'alam since the Ait tit Ocean the Bahr al
Zulumat of Arabic ti ateliers can hardlv be meant
[DiKan iughat al turk ti Atalav i 97 tr Dankoft and
KelH i 129) The Islamic gcogiaphers seem to locate
the Kimak [q i ] ioughlv between the itrue) Irtish and
the Ob and Gardizi vvntes ol the tiade route which
led noithwaids from Transoxama to the land of the
Kimak on the Iitish (cf Barthold op at 112-15
but the lowei ionise of the nver bevond the Kimak
must have been the home of Ugnan peoples th<
ancestois of the peoples found theic m the loth ten-
tun, the Ostvaks or Khantv) Dining these latei medi-
aeval times the foimei lands ot the now -vanished
Kimak, weie appaientlv occupied b\ the Tatars (per-
haps including aboriginal Ugnans now Tuikicised)
and to their south the Kazakhs occupied this legion
(see J Foisvth -1 histnn of thi peoples of Sikria Russia i
\orth Asian tolom 1'>H1 1990 Cambndge 1992 10-lb
21-7)
It was on the banks of the Irtish that C ingiz Khan
in 1208 defeated the icmnants of his Mongohsed
Turkish rivals the Navman tube he halted in the
summei ot 1219 on the banks ot the Irtish before his
tioops appealed in Tiansoxania and towaids the end
of Cingiz Khans life, his son Djou established his
ordo on the river (Barthold Tmktstan 361 392-3 495
450 idem ~u.olf lorlesun^n 165, 180) I he Great
Khan Ogedev was buned when he died in 639/1241
on a mountain in Mongolia near the headwateis of
the Iitish (Rashid al-Din in Baithold Turhtstan 473)
Islam mav have appealed amongst Turkish nomadic
tubes in the legion when the Blue (oi White) Hoide
came to contiol its southem and western fringes In
792/1390 Timur despatched from Tashkent an armv
against a Khan called Kamai al-Din and this maiched
noith from the Issik-Kul [qi] nossed the 111 and
reached the Irtish (Shaiaf al-Din Yazch ~afar nama,
Bibhotheca Indica i, 495) and at the end of tht 15th
centurv the Khanate of Sibn [q i ] moved its centre
to Sibn or Kashhk oi Iskei neai the confluence of
the Irtish and its tnbutarv the Tobol The ovei-
w helming of the Khanate ot Sibir in the 1590s [see
kucum khan] however biought the greater part of
the couise ot the Iitish undei Russian contiol
Biblioi;raph\ Given in the article and see ob
and sibir iC E Bosvvorth)
ISFIDJAB a town and an extensive distnct
of mediaeval Islamic Central Asia identifiable
with the latei Islamic town of Saviam Popular etv-
mologising saw in the name the Peisian component
npid ispid 'white It lav on the \ns river a nght-
bank affluent of the Sir Daiva \q t 1 14 km/8 miles
to the east ot tht latei town of Chimkent (lat 42°
16' N long 69° 05' E) Chimkent itself now in the
southernmost pait of the Kazakhstan Republic, is men-
tioned in the histoncal sources from Timund times
onwaids, eg m Sharaf al-Din 'Mi \azdi
Isfidjab appaientlv had a pie-Islamic historv, though
nothing is known of this it mav have had a local
Iranian luler as did the ad|acent legions ot Ilak [q i
in Suppl] and UsiQshana \q i ] The mcuisions into
Transoxama of Kutavba b Muslim [qi] aie said to
have i cached as tai as Shash and Isfidjab but it
appears moie fnmlv in histoiv with a iepoit that in
225/840, the Samamd govemoi of Samarkand Null
Asad subdue
x wall i
vaids and cultivated lands (presumablv as protection
against raids bv the steppe Tuiks) [al-Baladhuii Futuh
422 al-Sam'ani, insab ed Havdaiabad vn 26) Being
on the northernmost edge of the Islamic lands in
Central Asia, Isfidjab was verv much a frontiei town
the resort of ghazis and other fighters for the faith
who congregated in nbafr [q<.] fortified against the
infidel Oghuz and Kimak Tuiks and numbeied bv
al-Mukaddasi 273 with palpable exaggeration at
1 700 Manv of these nbatb were built and financed
bv the people of the Transoxaman towns well behind
the frontiei and manned bv them in relavs ribah of
the men of Nakhshab Bukhara and Samaikand are
mentioned and anothei ribal was that financed bv
andei Karatigin al-Isfidjabi with
. Mansu
Mukaddasi, lot at Ibn al-Athir ed Beirut
That this Kaiatigin — obviouslv a Tuik — »J
ruler of Isfidjab in the earlv 4th/ 10th t
Baithold assumed, is bv no means sure At
i 492)
iia dar
aallv 1
•r post (thaghr djahl
and the local lulei paid onlv
a token tribute and forwarded piesents to the Samamd
ami, in Bukhara (Ibn Hawkal, 510 tr 488, al-
Mukaddasf 340 cf Baithold Turkestan 175-b 211-
12 and idem -1 luston of the Tuikman ptoph in Foui
studus mi tlu hisbm of (tnhal hia m 77-8)
The geogiaphers destube it at this time as thoi-
oughlv well defended with a citadel (luinous how-
ever in Ibn Hawkal s time) and walls lound the
ihahrntan and rabad iespettivelv As a place wheie the
piodutts of the steppes tould be ext hanged foi those
of the settled lands its markets were flounshing and
d-Mukaddasi
:hat of the cotton mei chants the icnts horn whose
,hops were a thantable ualf that vielded 7,000 dirhams
j month (Ibn Hawkal, 510 ti 487-8 al-Mukaddasi
27 5 ct Le Strange The lands of the Eastern Caliphate
483-4 and Barthold Tuiktstan 175-6)
We do not know what ultimatelv happened to the
otal lulers ol Isfidjab but in 582/992 the Karakhamd
-tiler of Balasaghun Bughia Khan Harun or Hasan
xcupied the town as he advanced into the Samamd
dominions and it is mentioned that a certain Abu
•Isfidjabi lebelled
,t Samai
dvnastv (387/997) and sum
moned help from
th
Karakhamd Ilig Nasi
In the eailv 7th/ 13th tei
tuiv the inhabitan
Isfidjab, togethei with those
)f Shash Faighana
KjYaiazm Shah
'Ab
al-Din Muhammad and the
and laid waste be
aus
unable
t them
n the
Mongol Kuclug [q i ] (Yakut, Buldan ed
Benut i 179 Ibn al-Athir mi, 271, Barthold
Turkfstan, 3b8-9) The second disastei which Isfidjab
sufteied according to Yakut, Im tit, was devastation
bv the Mongols of C ingiz Khan
It is around this time that the name Saviam begins
to leplace Isfidjab although alreadv m the latei
5th/l lth centuiv, Mahmud al-Kashghari, Dman Iughat
al tu,k, ti Atalav in 1 76 ti Dankoft and Kellv u
241 equated Savram/Saivam with the older Isfidjab
As suth, Saviam figuies m the histoiv of the west-
ern pait of what betame fiom the 8th/14th centuiv
onwards Moghohstan [q t ] eg in the histoiv of the
latei Caghatavids as letounted bv Mirza Muhammad
Havdai Khan Thus it is molded that Tsa Bugha
Khan devastated Saviam Tuikistan and Tashkent in
ISFIDJAB — TSHKI
855/1451, and latei in the century, Sa)iam was gov-
erned b> Yunus Khan the maternal grandiathei oi
Babur [qi] The Caghata)id MansQr Khan led an
expedition against the Kirghiz [see kir&iz] in 928/1522
because these Turks had been ia\ aging the lands irom
Sa>ram to Farghana (Tarlkh i RashTdl, tr Elias and
Ross, 79 358) Thereafter Sa>ram passed substan-
tial^ under the control oi the nomadic kingdom of
the Kazak In 1723 Sa)ram Turkistan and Tashkent
passed under the control oi the Kalmucks [see kalmuk]
and remained within then \ast nomadic empire until
the destruction of this b> the Chinese in 1758 Theie-
aiter the region ie\eited to Kazak lule, and then, in
the first half of the 19th century, passed under Russian
control, see kir&iz
Bibliography Given in the article
(CE Bosworth)
ISFIZARI, Mu'In al-Din Muhammad Zamcl epis-
tolarv stvhst and historian in Timund Khurasan
whose birth and death dates are unknown but who
flourished in the second half of the 8th/ 14th century
From what he sa>s in his own works, he armed
in Haiat, probabl) from Isfizar in what is now west-
ern Afghanistan, in 873/14b8-9, and was emploved
as a mumhi at the court of Sultan Husavn Bavkara
[see husayn at Vol III, b03a] under the patronage
of the vizier Kiwam al-Din Nizam al-Mulk (d 903/
1497-8) Isfizaii is most famous as the authoi of a
history and compendium of information on the at)
of Haiat, its topograph) and its jada'il, the Raudat
al dfanndt fl amaf madlnat Harat dedicated to Husa) n
Bavkara begun in Muhairam 897/November 1491
and completed two >ears later at the end of 899/
autumn 1494 Noteworthv heie is his use of eailier,
lost sources, such as a history of the Kart or Kurt
dvnastv of Haiat b> one Rabi'I Bushandji The his-
tory was edited b> Sayyid Muhammad Kazim Imam,
2 vols Tehran 1 338-9/ 1959-bO, also b> Muhammad
Ishak, Calcutta 1380/1961 (nan iidi), descnption and
analysis of contents bv Baibiei de Mevnard in J4,
5th ser, vol xvi lJulv-Dec I860), xvn (Jan -June
18bl), xx (Jul)-Dec 18b2) Isfizari's Rirnla \i hauanin,
an epistle in praise of Harat and its ruler is also
extant, as is also an uiiha' collection of his
Bibliography See also Browne, LHP m, 420-1,
Store>, i 355-b, 1296 m, 256-7, Store) -Bregel n
1045-8, Rvpka et alu, Hist of Iranian literature, 434,
447 (CE Bosworth)
ISHKASHIM a small settlement in the
modern Afghan province, and the mediaeval
Islamic region, of Badakhshan [qv]
It lies in lat 3b° 43' N, long 71° 34' E, and
should not be confused with Ishkamish, fuither west-
waids in the Kunduz or Kataghan district of
Badakhshan The historic Ishkashim is on the left oi
southein bank of the Pandj or upper Oxus liver (onl)
m Soviet times did a smaller settlement on the other
side of the river become the chef-lieu of the so-called
Ishkashim luman oi district of the Gorno-Badakh-
shan Autonomous Region within the Tadjik SSR, cf
badakhshan at Vol I 853b), and is at present con-
nected with the provincial capital oi the [Afghan]
wilayat of Badakhshan, Fa)dabad, b) a road across the
Sardab pass When Soviet Russia invaded Afghan-
istan, the Russian arm) in the earl) 1980s constructed
a bridge across the Oxus at Ishkashim for transport-
ing troops and materiel Ishkashim has in fact pla)ed
a part in history because oi its position along the
onl) winter route between Badakhshan and the trans-
Oxus regions of Shughnan and Wakhan [qvi], and
it was here that the British tiaveller John Wood crossed
the
1837 (■
eoj
»nd ed London 1872, 204-b:
The place existed m eail) Islam, and the Hudud
al'alam tr Minorsk), 121 makes Sikashim the chef-
lieu oi Wakhan and the residence oi its malik the
people comprised at that time (late 4th/ 10th century)
both Muslims and iniidels (gabrakan, 7 Zoroastnans)
Man) oi the local people, on both sides of the Pandj
heie, are Isma'ilis, locall) known as Mawla'is (see
F Daitar), The Isma'llls thin hutory and doctrines
Cambridge 1990, 544) The people of villages in the
vicimt) oi Ishkamish, also in one place on the right
bank of the Pandj perhaps totalling in all some 2,000,
speak a distinctive Eastern Iranian language of the
so-called "Pamir group", Ishkashmi (see the Bibl
to badakhsiian, and also J R Pa)ne, in R Schmitt
(ed). Compendium hnguarum iramcarum Wiesbaden 1989,
417-44)
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article) L W Adamec, Gazttttei of Afghanistan
Badakhhan piounce and Northeastern Afghanistan, Giaz
1972, 85-b, Muhammad Nadu Khan, Rahnama yi
Kataghan na Badakhshan, ed M Sutuda, Tehran
1367/ 1988, index (C E Bosworth)
"ISHKI, Muhammad Rida Mirzada modernist
poet pla)wnght, journalist and fervent
Iranian nationalist (b 5 June 1894, d 3 June
1924 = 12 Tlr ASH 1303)
Tshkis life is shrouded in legend because of his
ultra-patriotic pronouncements in his wntings and
speeches, his unconventional and often militant ideas
and a
death at the earl) age of thirt) from an assassin s
bullet He received his elementary education in his
native Hamadan attending the Ulfat and Al)ans
(Alliance) high schools, in the latter of which he learned
French and was introduced to Western civilisation
His knowledge of French helped him to gam emplo)-
Ham;
. Howe
d the
i chant
, before finishing school, he
e)es
thereb) opened t<
conditions of his country and countr)men At the
beginning of the First World War, Tshki was back
in Hamadan, where in ca 1915 he started his career
as a journalist b) publishing Noma yi 'Ishkl from the
start, he was an engage journalist with leftist leanings
As Iran became a theatie of war with the movement
of foreign armies, Tshki joined a group of expati lates
and settled ior several )ears in Istanbul It seems that
even befoie he left, Tshki was a Turcophile and was
interested in the activities of the reformist and nation-
alist group of the Young Turks According to some
writers, while in Istanbul he attended the Dar al Funun
foi courses in science and philosoph)
Tshkis poetic gift now suddenl) blossomed This
took place whilst travelling in Mesopotamia, m the
midst oi the ruins of the Sasamd ro)al palace at
Ctesiphon The remains of the palace, with its huge
luan, triggered off a poetic rapture in Tshki and he
composed Rastakhlz J shahnyaran I ban ( 'The resurrec-
tion of Iranian kings ') It became the iirst opera in
the Persian language and was first staged in Isfahan
on Tshkfs return to his homeland, to the tumultuous
reception of the audience Tshkr himself sang the pait
of the poet This one-act opera pla) is a mixtuie of
realism and fantas) and is full of patriotic pathos,
with dramatis personae including the poet (Tshki)
Khusraw-dukht (the Sasamd princess) Darius the
Great C)rus the Great, Anushirwan, Khusraw Parwiz
and his wife Shirin, and the prophet Zoioastei. The
TSHkl — ISHkODRA
uipost- of this opera was to juxtapose the glon
le ancient Iran with that oi the land of Tshki s
a\ the am lent kings accuse contemporary Iia
1 haying no entity and will and of leaying the c
y in a state of apathy and lethaif
( The black
shroud ) This is an epic poe
and Shinn and what was
s Kafan
and c
urned c
) be a
127 %
\ erf ill s
Tshki s ciiticism of the Iranian polity was earned
to its height upon his return to Iran horn his self-
imposed exile in Istanbul aftei the end of the War
He wrote his yehement opposition to the 1919 \nglo-
Iraman ticaty in a form of a patnotic kasida \lukhahf
at ba harardad i ban a a Inglis ( Opposition to the
Iiaii-England treaty) in which he ndiculed the Pnme
Mimstei Wuthuk al-Dawla [</,] as well is the pas-
su it\ of his compatriots and this lesulted m his being
sent to prison In 1920 he published a new journal
ham i bntum ( The twentieth century I His poetry
and prose now became moie and more inflammatory
as he demanded radical reforms from the goyei li-
the Russian Bolsheyik Reyolution of October
)17 hay
f the Iranian New \ca
posed a poem Id i
kaigaian ( Fest.y
al of the Woikers
In his poetry as
n his ]ournalisn
hi focused ume
lentingly on I, an
ocial pioblems Ii
his satmcal works
Tshki came to
use an inticasmgly
beis of the goyernment as well as against deputies in
the Madjlis and he rapidly moyed to the extreme
bath in order to cleanse Iran of corruption In 1924
model (archetype) of each held of endeayour to which
piominent thinkers weie myited to wnte and publish
\nsweimg that call he wiote his leyolutionary n u-
ratiye poem Sih tablu i; idnal I Three ideal tableaux )
\hmad Kanmi-Hakkak has written that this work was
Tshki s solitary attempt to break through the con
diction and to liberal
ze the concept
ter Since howe
er Tshki ends
his poem adyoc
ting a bloodbath
o cleanse the
country of all trai
ors Kanmi-Hakkak
adds that The
Thitt Tableaux m
ist ultimately be see
l as an angry
young mans fru
tiated outburst again
st the political
situation in Iran during the last years of Q_ajar iule
Tshki s next mgry outburst turned out to be fatal It
was the time when Rida Khan [see RIDA shah] was
preparing to become the hist Piesident of the Iranian
Republic and 'Ishki strongly opposed this idea for
two leasons being afraid that the piesident Rida
khan would establish a military dictatorship and also
that Iiamans were not yet ready foi a iepubhcan
democratic polity He opted therefoie for the contin-
uation oi the kadjar dynasty \ few days aftei the
publication of his attack on Rida khan Tshki was
assassinated in Tehian
Tshki s contubution to Peisian liteiatuie journal-
ism and political thought has yet to be lulh exam-
ined and descnbed but there is no doubt that had
he liyed longer he would haye betn iegaided as the
writer who laid the foundation of modern Peisian
Bibliogiaph '<\h Ubar Mushir Salimi hulln
,at I musauuar I MiKada 'Ishh Tehran 1324/1945
and subsequent eds F Machalski 'Eshh h camp
Ciacow 19b7 132-53, J Rypka el al History of
Iranian hkratuu Dordrecht 19b8 385-b Muhammad
'Mi Sipanlu Cahai sha'ir i a^adS Uppsala 1372/1994
121-249 \hmad kanmi-Hakkak Recasting Penian
poetry Sunarw, of poetit modernity in Iran, Salt Lake
City 1995 210-31 idem EIr ait 'Esqi Muhammad
ki'id \hizada 'Ishki Tehian 1377/1998
( P Chelkowskd
ISHKODRA the Tuikish foim of the name of
the town of Shkodei/Shkodia (Slayomc Skadar)
in the north of modern \lbania
The town is situated at an altitude oi lb m/52
feet near the banks of the lake of the same name
at the confluence of an aim of the Dim the
Buna/Bojana md the km and is dominated by
the foi tress of Rozafa and by Mt Tarabosh This
ancient uiban centre was founded m the 4th century
BC in the Illyiian period aiound the aciopohs It
was successiyeh dominated by the Romans un lb8
BC ) Byzantines Serbs (horn 1043) Byzantines again
Seibs again Ottomans (1393) and \enetians (fiom
139b) It became dehmtncly Ottoman after two sieges
(1474 and 1478-9) \iter the depaituie of the greatci
part of its population in accordance with the Ottoman-
\enetian peace treaty Ishkodra I equally called Isken-
denyve or Skutan) became the centre oi a \andiak oi
the same name and was gradually iepopulated and
Islamised The tax registers show that in addition to
the troops oi the garrison and their iamihes there
were m 1485 27 Muslim and 70 Christian hearths
in 1528 119 and 43 respectiyely and in 1570-1 217
) the
27 i
The t
20th c
c posit]
ircctly ,
km/ 12 miles
iway by watei) and the Italian ports plus its situa-
tion on important trade ioutes Inoithwaids to
Montenegro eastwards to the tentie oi the Balkan
peninsula i Ishkodra-Pnzren load) and southwards to
the plains oi the -\lbaman coastland \s the centre
of Montenegro and northern \lbama) Ishkodra
enjoyed its gieatest period oi florescence irom the
mid-18th century onwards when the office of wndiak
beyi passed into the hands of a local a'yan family that
oi Bushatli Theie they succeeded at the head of the
town and sanqjak which last they tned to enlarge
Mehmed Pasha then his three sons Mustafi Pasha
kara Mahmud Pasha [,/ i ] and Ibrilum Pasha and
finally Mustafi s grandson also Mustafi Pasha [q c ]
n the
831
In 18b2 Ishkodia became the tentie c
just one sanqjak then irom 1875 it was the capital of
the smallest Ottoman ailaytt with two \anqjah those
oi Ishkodia and Drac [</ r ] (Duires) Being on the
special chaiacter (mustithna) until the \oung Turk leyo-
lution Refoims were neyer completely introduced
The a ah was also the militaiy commander The
Muslim population did not peiioim military seryice
but went out on campaigns in bayiak*. (there being 15
in the town) No population census was made The
bore
During the last century of Ottoman occupation the
town expanded towaids the north Because oi epi-
demics flood pioblems (the Dim changed its course
in 18b5) and earthquakes ^notably in 1905) the old
quaiteis within and around the ioi tress CUibey Tabak
\yazma etc ) weie abandoned ioi new ones (Paiutsa
Rus, Pei ash, etc). According to the sdlname of 1310/
1892-3, Ishkodra had at this time 12 Muslim quar-
ters and 2 Christian ones, with a population of ca.
40,000 (almost all Albanians), two-thirds of these
being Muslims and the rest Roman Catholic Christians.
Some of the Muslims weie muhadjirun from Bosnia-
Hercegovina and Montenegro [see muhadjir. 2.]. There
was also a small community of Oithodox Christians
da. 600 persons, Slavs and Vlachs) and a quaiter
of Muslim gypsies. Towards the end of the 19th cen-
tury, the bazaar [see suk], which stretched between
the fortress and the new town, and trade in general,
lost their importance relative to that of Rumelia
because of the development of Salonica and the
construction of the Salonica-Mitrovica railway line.
The cultural and social development of Ishkodra
was the product of oriental, western and local influ-
ences which met theie. The importance of Islamic
culture is attested by the rate of Islamisation, the exis-
tence of mosques (almost 30, without much architec-
tural significance except for the "Leaden Mosque" in
the Tabak quarter, south of the citadel), the presence
of dervish tekkes (the Bektashis are said to have been
expelled at the opening of the 19th century by Mustafa
Pasha; the Rifa'iyya and Tidjaniyya [q.vv.] appeared
there at the beginning of the 20th century) and the
foundation of medreses. Though remote from the great
centres of Islamic culture, Ishkodra produced poets
writing in the oriental tongues (notably, members of
the Bushatli family and numerous 'ulama' who enjoyed
great authority in the town. "Catholic-Italian" culture
was brought by merchants and by missionary orders
(Franciscans and also Jesuits from the second half of
the 19th century onwards i. The consuls of France,
Britain, Russia, Greece and, above all, Austria-Hungary
and Italy (who oversaw educational establishments)
had an important influence; some of them, like A
Degrand and Th. Ippen, have left writings on the
town and its region. As for local influences, these
were the result of the weight of villagers of the plain
and, above all, the mountain people (Malisos), mostly
Christian and living according to customary law (kanun)
in the surrounding regions (in 1856 the Ottoman
authorities installed a Commission for the Mountains
(Qibal Komisyonu) at Ishkodra). At the end of the 19th
to the beginning of the 20th centuries theie began
to develop an Albanian literary culture under the
impulse of certain members of the religious ordeis
and the stimulus of the Austro-Hungarian and Italian
consuls.
Ottoman domination ended in 1913 after a long
siege by Montenegrin forces. After various occupa-
tions, the town and its region became part of the
new Albanian state in 1919-20. Although it was the
most important urban centre of the new state, Shkoder
was not chosen as the capital, to the gieat chagrin
of its people, because of its eccentric position on the
Montenegrin border. Its development was adversely
affected by this. It had only 28,500 people m 1942
and 71.000 in 1985. In this post-Ottoman period, the
town has remained both the centre of Albanian
Catholicism and of traditional Islam. Its 'ulama' have
been raised as opponents of the reforms introduced
when the Islamic community was restructured in the
new state. On the othei hand, it was at Shkodei that,
in November 1990, the first church and first mosque
were re-opened after 23 years of the prohibition of
all forms of religious activity by the Communist au-
thorities who had seized power in 1944. Since then,
several mosques have been restored or built. One of
them, opened in the mid-1990s, is one of the biggest
mosques in the Balkans. A medrese has opened and
an Islamic centre supported by an organisation based
on Birmingham is active. Hence Shkoder is today one
of the most important centres of Islam in Albania.
Bibliography Ewliya Celebi, Seyahatnamesi, vi,
107 ff.; J.G. von Hahn, Albanesmhe' Studien, i, Jena
1854, 94-111; Shems iil-Din Sami, Ramus al-a'lam,
ii, 977 ff.; A. Baldacci, Scutari dAlbama, Rome 1890;
A. Degrand, Souvenirs de la Haute-Albame, Pans 1901,
184 ff.; Th. Ippen, Skutan und die .Notdalbamsche
hustenebene, Saiajevo 1907; K. Jirecek, Gesihuhte
der Serben, Gotha 1911; idem, Skutan und sem Gebiet
im Mittelalkr, in L. von Thalloczy, Illynsih Albannche
Forsihungen, i, Vienna-Liepzig 1916, 94-124; M. von
Sufflay, Stadte und Burgen Albamens hauphachluh walirend
da Mittelalters, Vienna-Leipzig 1924; L. Rey, Guide
dAlbame, Paris 1930; Stavn N. Naci, Pashalleku i
Shkodres nen sundimin e Bushatllive ne gpsmen e dyte te
shekullit te XVIII (1757-1796), Tirana 1964;' H.J.
Kornrumpf, Ahmed Cevdit Pasa uber Albamen und
Montenegro. Am Tedere .\r. 18, in hi, xKii (1971),
93-135; Selami Pulaha, Le <adastre de Van 1485 du
sandjak de Shkoder, Tirana 1974, Zija Shkodra, Ojteti
shqiptai g/ate nhndjes kombetaie, Tirana 1984; art.
Shkodra, in Fjalon enaklopedik Shqiptar, Tirana 1985;
Naci, Pashalleku i Shkodres (1796-1831), Tirana 1986;
M. Kiel, Ottoman anhitecture m Albania, 1385-1912,
Istanbul 1990, 226-42; N. Clayei, LAlbame, pays des
dermches, Berlin-Wiesbaden 1990; Hakan T. Karateke
led.), Ijkodra jairlen ve Ah Emiri'mi diger eserleri, Istanbul
1995; N Clayer, .Note sur la sunwance du systeme des
timar dans hi region de Shkoder au debut du XX' siecle,
in Turcica, xxix (1997), 423-30; eadem, Islam, state
and society in post-tommumst Albania, in H. Poulton
and S. Taji-Farouki (eds.), Muslim identity and the
Balkan state, London 1997, 115-38; Faik Luli, Islam
Dizdari and Nexhmi Bushati, .Ne kujtim te brezave,
Shkoder 1997; Hamdi Bushati, Shkodra dhe motet,
2 vols. Shkoder 1998. (Nathalie Clayer)
ISHTIKHAN, IsiitIkhan, a town and district
of mediaeval Islamic Transoxania. It lay seven
jarsakhs north of Samarkand and was administratively
separate from it. There were many arable fields, irri-
gated by a canal taken off the Zarafshan river [q.v.].
In the 4th/ 10th century, the town had a citadel, a
shahmtan and a rabad or suburb; a village of the same
name exists on the site today.
When the Arabs took ovei Samarkand in the sec-
ond quarter of the 8th century A.D.,' the Ikhshids of
Sogdia transferred their capital to Ishtikhan. In the
3rd/9th century the district furnished a body of troops
for the 'Abbasid army, distinguished as al-Ishktikhaniyya
in al-Taban, iii, 1362, and at Baghdad these were
allotted, with other troops fiom the Iianian and Central
Asia East, a special quarter, whilst at Samarra' they
were allotted land grants [kata'i' ) (al-Ya'kubr, Buldan,
248, 262-3, tr. Wiet, 30, 55). The revenue of the
maiket in the town of Ishtikhan was granted to the
'Abbasid general 'Udjayf b. 'Anbasa [q.v.] , confiscated
by the caliph al-Mu'tasim on "Udjayf's fall in 223/838,
and subsequently granted to Muhammad b. Tahir b.
'Abd Allah.
Bibliography: See also Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut,
i, 196; Le Strange, The lands oj the Eastern Caliphate,
466 and Map IX; Barthold, Turkestan", 95-6; C.E.
Bosworth (tr.), The History oj al-Taban XXXIII. Storm
and stress along the northern frontiers of the 'Abbasid
caliphate, Albany 1991, 49 n. 159
(C.E. 1
[, Muhai
l-ISTRDI — ISKAN
dome
mosque
n poet Born m 619/1222 m Isnd 01 Surd
m Southeastern \natoha which he sentimen
emembeis in his Dman he h\ed in Bighdid
[sited Egvpt but most of his adult life was it
spent in Damascus (and al Silihiyyal Theie
it Sadi al Din Ibn Sam al Dawh (590 658/1194
for whom al Is lrdi expressed biting contempt
ited him one of the officii! witnesses (ittomevs)
business under the famous clock of the great
He won the hvour of al Malik il Nisn Sihh
alDin \usuf ruler of Aleppo (since 634 1 and oi
Damiscus (since 648) until his sad end in 658/1260
who made him his boon compimon He was in con
tict with rrnnv of the htterateuis and other impol
tint men of his time such as Djimil al Din Ibn
\aghmur (599 663/1203 64) and the unbissador
Nadjm alDin alBidam (594 655/1198 1257) \t
the end of his short life he suffered loss of vision
He died in 656/1258
His Dman is so far known to be pieserved onlv
in ms Esconal lr 472 (with the title pige bound into
ms ar 399) incomplete at the end In iddition to
the minv poems addressed to al Malik al Nisir on a
hige variety of peisoml and public events it includes
poems addiessed to among others the caliphs tl
Mustmsir and il Musti sim and al Malik al Mu az
zam as well as fellow poets dubmfr gha^ak riddles
ind the likt is one would expect in a dman of the
period Wine drinking plavs tluoughout its customary
hige lole The Dman ofleis viluible sidelights on the
political and cultural history of Syria and Egypt immc
diatelv before the coming ol the Mongols \nothei
work apparently lost Sulafal al ^ar(a)d}un fi I khala a
ua Imudjun dealt is the title indicates with lewd
verses of his own composition ind also bv otheis
Most of the verses quoted bv the biognpheis including
the Rangstmt poem of wine ind hashish lef F Rosenthil
The Htrh Leiden 1971 6 163 6) miv well go back
to this work as onlv a couple of them can be traced
m the extint minuscnpt ol the Di tan The same
applies to addition il veises quoted bv al Saladi in al
Ghatth al muiadjdjam ji shark Lammat al ad/am
\\ Is lrdi represents the lightheai ted side ch irac
end of the diys of joy in Dimiscus (Ibn il Suka i
ed J Sublet 168 ti 196) which came with al Malik
al Nasirs downtill and the Mongol invasion Little as
we know about him it seems cle u th it h< in com
ind enjoved an atmosphere in which despite ill the
ished is thev were scarcely ever to do aftcrwaids
Bibliography Satadi Uaf, ed H Ritter i 188
92 \
it the
biogi iphers also in i shghtlv shortened ind re
irnnged form in his \uhl al human Cano 1529/
1911 255 7 Kutubi Fauat C uro 1951 n 329
34 ed I \bbas C uro 1973 4 m 2716 Ibn
Kathir Bidaui xm 212 Ibn al Im id Shadhaiat
v 284 Hididji khihti ed laltkaya 995 Biockel
mann I 299 (where the wrong d ite of deith
652 goes back ultimatelv to Flugel s ed of H tdjdji
khalifa) (I Rosenthal!
ISKAF Iskafi U pi asaklfa) shoemakei the
tridesman who in pre-modern Isl imic times pioduced
ordinary shoes [khuff pi khifaf) nailed boots used bv
the common people (lalala pi laiLalik\ and also
shamushkat (sing ihamushk) a type of boots oi Coptic
Arab origin (ct il Subki Tatakat al shaft ma Cairo
1966 360) The shoemikeis use of leather gave rise
to 1 proverbial expiessi
house which looked like a house ot t
of the pieces of leather everywhere Like
shoemakers were subject to the pi ictice
[/ i ] enjoined to use good quality ma
dehvei goods on time
The asahja like other
skaf the shoemakei
emed
3.) hid a
low social status because their work was regaided is
uncle in ind until modern times they worked haid
foi low wages the pioverb al ulaft hafi ua I ha ik
unan the shoemaker goes barefoot md the weaver
is naked expresses this succinctly Often they woiked
on the stieet or at a street coiner because of their
nubility to rent a shop \bbisid Baghdad did how
ever have a dark al asaklfa 1 special lane for them
to plv their trade In Ottoman Istanbul the shoe
mikers had their own guild like the tanneis and other
workers with leather such as saddlers ind cobblers
Shoemakei s often died in indigency M Righib al
Isfihim describes a shoemakers legley Madjnun
was asked Whit do you say about an iskaf who dies
leaving behind his mothei and sistei? He lephed
His inheritance [mirath) belongs to the dogs and his
[funeral] expenses ire borne by the tinneis [dabtaghun)
there remains nothing lor his mothei and sister except
thiowing dust ind teinng their clothes (sc in despair
and anguish) Theie is little evidence of social mobil
lty imongst shoemakers in pre modern Islamic soci
ety llthough there were in the \bbasid ei 1 secietines
ind triditiomsts bearing the nuba of al Iskafi i[qt]
ind Ibn al \thir
t BiH
relates
aad plied this tnde is unclear
Bibliography Thaihbi Thmia, al I uluf Cairo
1326/1908 193 T ilakam Risalat amthal al
baghdadma Baghdid nd 14 Ibn al Djawzi
Manakib Baghdad Bighdid 1342/1923 14 Sim mi
A al insab ed Hiydirabad i 233 a iv 96 7 v
68 9 Ibn alAthn Iubat Beirut nd i 57 al
R tghib al Istah mi Muhadurat al udafa Beirut 1 96 1
n 463 Ibn Bisstm al Muhtasib \ihayat al ratba fi
talab al hisfa Baghd id 1968 130 E Fagnan
• Algiers 1923 159
Muh
aad Sa id a
ISKAN (^) lit coming into a peaceful st ite settle
ment the allocation of living quirters or space hence
in modern usage sedent iris ition is a stage
after a migratoiy or nomidu existence
Unlike radii [/ ] deseit people ot the desert
and hadar settled lands people ot the settled lands
islan is not a concept often used in the Ai ibnn penin
sula and its fringes In the recent past the Bedouin
of northern Aribn when talking ibout the town ol
Shiykh Miskin in the Hawran [q i ] ostensibly con
Semitic usage see
said to be descend in
therel
cope w
settled
m i quite sep ir ite incient
lin] these townspeople were
1 people who had been unable
, ot Bedouin lifestyle and had
equating iskan with sedent ins "toon pi ices
an undue emphasis on a nom id settler dichotomy
when town or villige and countryside were generally
enmeshed in multiple lelationships Hence in what
follows some sepuition ot contexts is attempted in
in otheiwise genenhsed discussion
The \rabian peninsula and its anullanes include
a great dnersity of physical emironments habitats
and natural lesouues Urban and rural settlements
diflei not only from each other but also between
themsehes and o\ei time Mo\ement patterns ire
similaily diierse and shift through time Factors affect-
ing settlement and nomadism o\er the legion can be
discussed in general terms only with legional and his-
torical examples indicated in the bibliographical ref-
erences Settling and settlement take place in economic
and political — often admimsti ati\ e — contexts religious
reasons ha\e been impoitant at some times and places
The economic context changes from the traditional
period when animals were an essential source of energy
and the more recent one stilting about the 1850s
or 1860s and imolving modern souices of eneigy
culminating with oil Irom regional oilfields [see i-kft
3] and electricity grids In traditional political
Hon tribute and booty most of which ultirr
depended on localised agricultural production
em nation states get wealth Irom oil directly or
recti) and participation in the global political econ
Envnonmental factois necessitate some sea
mobility in most modes ol li\ehhood agncultuial
social groups households were and are the produ
and consuming units, which may or may not
mbers present. They drew and drai
from
wing oi
ponents from herding, agriculture,
\ices. Towns and countrysides continue to be enmeshed
through a variety of networks which may change over
time but have features that continue.
hkan as "settling" has been a decision made by
households and families throughout millennia all over
the Arab world. For some groups, at some times and
in some places, the settling was permanent; for oth-
ers, it was temporary. The reasons for settling (and
its reverse) by individual households and families are
usually economic and social, but sometimes political.
When households provided their own shelter and
needs, moving or settling were not so different. The
ability to defend household persons and property,
which gives honour [see 'ird], could be achieved as
a settled person and as a nomad. Changing from no-
through existing and long-standing networks and a
variety of contracts or agreements, and some settling
by households in the present continues to function in
this manner.
With larger groups, "settlement" is more a response
to significantly changing political, religious or eco-
nomic events; governments may also decide on a pol-
icy of settlement to resolve perceived problems, while
fiscal policies may encourage or discourage settlement.
Whereas individual households decide all the time to
settle or to be nomadic, decisions by groups of house-
holds to settle or by governments to settle nomads
are more episodic. A well-known historical example
of a government settling nomads as a policy is that
of the early Islamic state, which recruited nomadic
tribesmen into the armies as mukatila and settled them
in garrison towns (Donner 1981, 264-7; Kennedy
1986, 62-9) as a method of control, these troops to
be financed by booty and tribute. Islam regards
nomadic life as incompatible with a truly Muslim way
of life [see ta'arrub]. A more recent example of gov-
ernment policy of settling nomads was the Ottoman
empire's Tan^imat [q.v.] reforms of the mid- 19th cen-
tury, which put legal, military and fiscal pressure on
pastoiahsts to settle and grow gram in Syria
Transjordan and Trak in order to replace supplies
horn the formei Ottoman lands in the Crimea and
the Balkans Between 1408 and 1914 <\bd al-'\ziz
Ibn Su'ud planted settlements of Ikhwan [q a] among
tribes unwilling to gi\e their allegiance to him and
so extended his influence (Musil 1928 283), although
he was latei unable to control Ikhwan forces During
the 1920s to the 1940s the Mandate gosernments
[see m^ndvtes] together with the new Su'ud: king-
dom lequired tubal sections to follow the go\ern-
whose
ntory e
n had it
.ehhood become unten-
able lor many these summer water points became
the bases for settlements first as storage depots and
then as \illages All model n nation states of the region
with the exception of Oman/'Uman apart fiom its
Dhofar/Zufar legion (Chatty 1996 9 188-9) regard
settlement ol nomads as a means ol imposing or
encouraging incorporation into the state and identity
as citizens States with potentially rich agncultuial
areas like 'Irak and Syria initially left the settlement
of nomads to market foices changes in land laws and
the provision of hydiauhc schemes Later their more
revolutionary go\ernments saw tribalism and nomadism
as primitiie sumials to be eradicated by social engi-
neering Saudi \rabia set up agricultural schemes m
the 1960s to settle nomads and established the National
Guard to provide employment for tribesmen after a
long series of drought years in the 1940s and 1950s
(H.H. Hamza 1982; W. and Fidelity Lancaster 1986,
1993). Later, state provision of water, electricity,
health and education services, and subsidies for agri-
culture and housing, distributed oil wealth to rural
areas (W. Lancaster 1997, 139-50, 166-80; 'A.-R.
al-Sudairi 1995). The UAE urged settlement in gov-
ernment-sponsored housing schemes and employment
as a way of forming a modern society. Oman, after
1970, provided services to all citizens without requir-
ing settlement.
Lhing quarters may be allocated by an individual
family with the agreement of the heads of other fam-
ilies of the place, by a shaykh or headman, or by a
government agent, depending on the nature of the
living place. Tent sites of nomad encampments arrange
themselves along lines of closeness and distance of
members; links through women influence the siting of
particular tents. Women's relationships similarly affect
those who live in small \illages and in house groups
throughout the peninsula. Some recent settlements
developed by state governments attempted to break
up traditional residence patterns and to form new
bonds of citizenship. Large hydraulic and agricultural
developments in Syria had, along with economic objec-
tives, the political aim of generating a "new class of
socialist peasants". Between the late 1950s and early
1960s, rural people from more than a hundred vil-
lages wanting to acquire land poured into one devel-
opment (Francoise Metral, 1984). The agricultural
reform service scattered populations with shared com-
mon origins, settling individual families in housing
along roads and canals. Twenty years later, these
housing groups had not become communities; many
households have rebuilt extended family structures
inside a homogenous village, others have left the area
and rent out their land. UAE government housing
was allocated on strictly patrilineal lines, ignoring tra-
ditional practices of having neighbours who are clos-
est through links through women.
Settlement by tribal groups occurred in the recent
past as a result of government changes in the land
law and of changing market forces From the 1860s
in 'Irak Svna and what is now Joidan as the value
of transit trade and deseit pioducts declined mam
nomadic and semi-nomadic groups mo\ed to agn-
cultuie 01 else to sheep-hei dine; rathei than camel
heiding Fiom the 1930s theie weie mass movements
trom the Tiaki countryside to towns and cities caused
by debt anion? agncultuial workers iepressive land
laws and the unceitainties oi agncultural pioduction
(H Batatu 1978 35) In Svna alter the Second Woi Id
War nomads especiallv camel heideis had to adapt
last to the fulh mechanised cultivation of grain and
cotton J Hannovei 1980, 294) latei moie grazing
lands were lost to irrigated vegetable and truit grow-
ing foi export to the oil states ot Saudi \rabia and
the Gull
Scholais trequentl) discuss settlement in teims ol
■ased ii
until the pr
was ieversed tiom the middle ot the 19th centurv
onwards \uhaeological and histoncal research has
shown that settlement continued with fluctuations, in
the countrysides of Svna Joidan and 'Irak although
fiom the 15th centurv to the late 18th centurv
(Beaumont, etc 1988 212-13) In the \rabian penin-
sula itself the fiontiei of settlement thesis was not
developed It seems that there was here more rural
settlement thin had been previouslv thought and that
dism with some settlements disappeanng and others
being tounded The general thesis linking strong gov-
ernment commercial agnculture and settlement is not
wholl\ consistent with actual historical examples since
it ignoies paiticular events and local cncumstinccs
along with gov
•s of la
rcial ag
ind the
Jished s<
ill pro
land
tnbution of goods bv means othei than an obvious
market, and the natuie of the household and multi
resouice livelihoods Such social piactices negate ideas
■\t the piesent the proportion ot nomads to set-
tled people in the states of the \rab Middle East has
declined as compared with 150 veils ago Percentages
are difficult but lor 'Irak nomadic tubes were esti
mated at 35% in 1870 17% m 1905 ind 5% in
1947 (Samiia Haj quoting Hasan 1997 157) foi
Saudi \iabia about 40% of the population weie
nomadic in the 1950s, 11% in 1970 and undei 5%
now lEickelman 1998 74) The basic reason foi this
hoods (herding togethei with processing and tiading
dairv and animal pioducts supplving services like
transport and protection or ciatts and animal prod
ucts tor gioups like the Sulavb [<j i ] have all become
less viable Profitable heiding has been mide moie
difficult bv the imposition of state boideis involving
the loss ot seasonal giazmg areas ind markets and
bv the loss ot glazing land to government agencies
and non-govemmental organisations The demand for
animals foi riding tarrving and draught ill agricul-
ture has virtuallv gone, states have taken over pio-
tection and mediation seivices in iural aieas entrv
to participation in administrative ind secuntv agen-
cies ot govemment now comes trom education which
sidence in a village oi town at least
■ Since modem states need educated
ictions thiough-
out then temtoiies Oil-nch states encourage settle-
ment bv giants oi b\ building housing with all modern
seivices, and the) provide schools and clinics Thiough-
out the whole legion manv toimer heiding tribes-
people aie emploved bv the state in secuntv toices
and othei official emplovment thev oi other mem-
beis ot their households mav have ungated land toi
vegetable oi hint cultivation and/oi sheep toi meat
oi dairv pioducts Camels continue to be heided tor
milk meat and racing in Saudi \iabia the Gull states
and Oman
Some authorities see a bieakdown ot tiaditional
n and emplov
settlemer
it Other
sider that
than nomadic as such customary social practice and
that these structuies aie resilient and adaptive
Thus the fact that the terms settled and
nomadic are of limited value has been indicated bv
some scholais (eg JC Wilkinson 1977 189 Soiava
Altoiki and DP Cole 1989 81 \\ and Fidelity
Lancastei 1999 54-61) who legaid them as simplis-
tic Linking settled and nomadic to the concep-
and hadai is according to these
tisfaci
e the (
icial detc
. is the
effoil
to get
emplov
in fact
dw impoitant to households l
it ind tiaditionallv -owned it
I Northtm
Older
i the countrv sides
Bibhopapfo \ Musil Northtm \,d New \ork
1928 I Lapidus Muslim atits in thi lata \hddk
Asfs Cambndge 1967 \\ -D Hutteroth and K
■' ' - ' Thi histomal eweraphy of Palestine
I Southm
n tht I,
16th u
Thi ,
and tl
' »J
Iraq Pnnceton 1978 J Hannovei
aiant In rtfonnis in \ Rivmond La Sira d aupur
dhui Pans 1980 FM Donnei Tlie tarh hlamu eon
quests Pnnceton 1981 U Fibietti Sedtntansation as
a mians of dttnbalisation, in T Niblork (ed ) Stall
soutt) and ttononn in Saudi irabia London 1982
HH Hamza Puhlu land administration in Arabia
London 1982 Fiauke Heard-Bev Fiom Tnuial Stahs
to I mtid \rab Emnaks London and New \oik 1982
1996 Fiancoisc Metial Statt and piasants in Syria
a hi al at* in Petnant Stiidus xi (1984) 69-90 Dawn
Chattv From eamd to huik thi Btdoimi in tin modtm
noild New \oik 1986, J Janzen \omads in tin
Sultanah oj Oman Tiadition and datlopment m Dhofar
Bouldei and London 1986 H Rennedv Th, Prophet
and tin age of tht ( aliphatts London 1986 W
Lancastei and Fidelitv Lancastei Tht wncipt of tir
ntonahh among, tht Raala Bidoian in \omadu Pio
pits xx (1986) 41-8 N Lewis Nomads and sttt/as
in S\na and Joidan 1800 1950 Cambridge 1987
P Beaumont GH Blake and J M Wagstaff Tht
Middlt East a s,io«raphical stud\ London 1988 Soiava
\ltoiki and DP Cole irabuin oasis eih the trans
Jomiation oj 'I nay a \ustin Texas 1989 papers
including that ot \\ and Fidelitv Lancastei Stthtrtsst
Joidame in R Botco R Jaubert and Francoise
Metral (eds ) Steppes durable Etat pasterns agncul
terns et commercants le deienir de\ -ones itches Pans
and Genes a 1993 papers in E Rogan and T Tell
(eds ) I illage steppe and state the origins of modern
Jordan, London 1994 Chattv Mobile pastorahsts
Development planning and \ocial change m Oman New
Y ork 1 996 Samira Haj The mabng of modem Iraq
1900 1963, \lbanv 1997 \\ Lancaster The Ruala
Bedouin today, Prospect Heights 111 1997 \ Meir
4i Nomadism ends Boulder and Oxford 1997 D F
Eickelman The Middle East and Central hia an anthro
pologual approaih 'New Jersev 1998 papers in
J Gmat and A Khazanov (eds ) Changing nomads
in a (hanging uoild Brighton 1998 \\ and Fidehtv
Lancaster Peoplt land and uatet m the Arab Middle
East Amsterdam 1999
(\\ and Fidelity Lancaster)
ISKANDAR KHAN b DIANI BEG ruler in
Transoxama irom his capital Bukhara oi the Tuico
Mongol Shibamd [q i ] or <\bu 1-R.havnd dvnastv
luled 968-91/1561-83 Iskandar was in iact a weak
and ineffective mler Real power was in the hands
of his son '<\bd M\\h who had shown his abilitv
against rival families in Transoxama as earlv as
958/1551 and who became the greatest of the
Shibanids alter his iathei s death he was to reign
unchallenged lor a further sixteen vears [see 'abd
allah b iskandar] For the course of events in these
decades see shibanids and RD McChesnev Eh art
Cental hia a In the 10th 12th/ 16th/ 18th centuries
Bibliography See those to the two arts men-
tioned above and also C E Bosworth The Neu
Islamic Dvnastus a chronological and gencalosical manual
Edinburgh 1996 288 no 153 (Ed )
ISKAT (\) a legal teim meaning relinquish-
ment , specificallv of a light {hakk) In general ioui
conditions must be met to make the relinquishment
oi a light valid la) that the right should exist at the
time it is relinquished (e g the light to collect a debt
to be incurred in the future miv not be ielinquished)
(b) that the right relinquished does not concern mill
al'avn (i e the owneiship of the substance oi a thing
whether movable or immovable is not subject to ielin-
quishment but onlv to transier nakl) (c) that the
interest of the person entitled to the right should be
absolute and not limited bv other intere
*«'/
propertv), and (d) that the relinquishment oi the right
does not involve an illegal result
Iskat mav be oi two kinds islat mahd (true relin-
quishment) and iskat ghavi mahd jquasi-relmquishment)
The first kind includes divorce {talak) manumission
of a slave (t'tak) and the lehnquishment oi the right oi
pre-emption (shuf'a) In the latter case short clauses
oi lehnquishment oi the right of pre-emption are often
added to deeds of sale of houses (e g kad askatna
shuj'atana mm dhalik) neighbouis of the vendor in Islamic
law having the right of pie emption [see shuf'-v]
The term iskat ghavi mahd includes legal transac
tions such as acquittance of debt (ibia 'an al davn)
which is not regarded as a pure relinquishment since
it partakes of the nature of a donation itabarru')
Bibliography <\dnan Kouatlv Etude comparati e
du droit di preemption Damascus 1948 424-45
Mustafa <\hmad al-Zarka' al Fikh al alarm fi thaubih
al djadid Damascus 1968 and bibliogiaphv there
cited, RY Ebied and MJ L Young Some habit
legal documents of the Ottoman period Leiden 197b (see
documents on pp 15 17 23)
(RY Ebied and MJ L Young)
ISLAH
basicallv understood in the sense
of the pie modern Ma wara' al-Nahr [qi]} notvnth
standing its regional peculanties historic allv is to be
regarded as an integral pait oi the Islamic world
Hence in one wav or another its Muslim commu
nitv — at least until the Russian October Revolution
oi 1917 — was influenced bv and/or contributed to
reiormist trends and movements current in other
Muslim iegions in particular those oi Russia Ottoman
Turkev the <\rab world and also India Basic fea-
tures of the religious discourse on islah in the 18th
20th centuries as described in the pievious sections
of this article (see Vol IV) are to be found in C entral
<\sia as well But because of the impact oi roughlv
seven decades of Soviet lule our knowledge about
the specific natuie of islah in Central <\sia and about
its vanous supporteis actual developments exchange
oi ideas etc is still rather poor m comparison to
that about othei iegions The inaccessibilitv oi rele-
vant souices during the Soviet penod as well as the
application oi Marxist-Leninist concepts oi histoiv
have led to a somewhat eclectic picture
As a result of the piolonged Soviet impact
reioimism in Cential Asia appears predominant^ as
a class-based (bourgeois) nation-cultural and finallv
political (nationalist) movement among Muslim intel-
lectuals emeiging around the turn of the 19th to the
20th centuries and considerably gaining strength
aftei 1905-7 when censorship in the Russian empire
was loosened and the pi ess could function more freelv
This
vas the
so-called Djadidism [see dj\did] but the usual seli-
designations of its lepiesentatives were different e g
islahatkh ah ( reformer ) tarakkipamar I progressive )
munaiiiiir ( enhghtener ) \ash oi d^auan ( voung )
It figures as a histoncallv more or less isolated phe-
nomenon directlv inspired bv an identical movement
which started somewhat earlier among Russia s Mus-
lims A kev role in these endeavours in the first place
directed to renewing the Muslim educational svstem
disseminating Westem-type knowledge and fighting
harmiul social conditions and customs ialls to the
well-known Crimean Tatar modernist Isma'il Gaspiah
[q ! ] and the influential newspaper Terdiuman founded
bv him in 1883 The leloimist or modernist efforts
of the Djadids at least to a ceitain extent are char-
acterised according to the Soviet jargon as progres-
stereotype of reactionary K.adimis
Even though such views of developments in islah
m Central <\sia cannot oi course be called entirelv
wrong thev neveitheless neglect some important traits
oi this phenomenon that are essential to an appio-
pnate understanding oi it This lack oi coheience is
especiallv revealed bv lecent research and concerns
in particulai the questions of (a) indigenous roots
and precursors oi the so-called Djadidism (b) inter-
relations with other Muslim and non-Muslim regions
with their influence on the background oi individual
thinkers and (c) iundamentals causes contents and
the course oi the debate with traditionalist 'ulama
labelled bv the modernists as K.adimis
Far irom our having comprehensive answeis to
these and related questions some salient hints will
have to suffice Besides the oft-repeated statement that
the Cential Asia oi the Khanates (Bukhara Khiwa
and Khokand [qu]) in the 18th-19th centunes re-
presented a bulwark of intellectual stagnation obscu-
rantism and religious dogmatism it must be noted
refor
in the Volga-Ural region as 'Mod al-NasIr
(1776-1812) and Shihab al-Dln al-Mardjam
(1818-89) both finished their studies in Bukhara,
Central Asia's most famous centre of Muslim learn-
ing. A decisive role in their taking up positions against
taklid and favouring idftihdd was played by Bukharan
mudamsun who were affiliated with the influential
Nakshbandiyya i Mudjaddidiyya) [</.;., and see ahmad
sirhindi, its founder, who based his teachings rigor-
ously on the " ' ' ~ --■•'-"•
colonial
onl\
toning
that Cen
with Chin;
larly Bukha
India, Russia, and also Western Siberia where, besides
Tatars, bukhdrlik played a major role in spreading
Islam and building up Muslim institutions, thereby in
some cases showing reformist approaches at a com-
paratively early date. "Critical erudition" also can be
found in 19th-century Bukhara itself, among what
might be called the teachers' generation of its later
the end of the first decade of the 20th century), such
as Ahmad Makhdum Danish 1 1827-97) [see azadI, in
Suppl.] who subsequently, under Soviet auspices, was
praised as a [Tadjik] "enlightener" (al-Kursawi and al-
Mardjam were removed from their Islamic context in
Mir;
'Abd a
ml (<■«. 1835-
umhl of the amirs Muzaffar
Muhammad Sharifdjan Makhdum
Diya' (1867-1932), from a well-knc
If being appointed 1917 for i
vi kaldi
them.
highes,
il officei
1 Bukhar;
cept !;
i Diya'. shared the c
All of
; stayed for some time abroad, either by trav-
elling to Russia or by performing the HadJdJ.
To be sure, all this does not mean that Bukhara
in the 18th- 19th centuries was a stronghold of islak.
On the contrary, al-Kursawi, for example, already met
with sharp opposition and even condemnation by the
overwhelming majority of Bukharan 'ulama\ including
the then ruling amir Haydar (1800-26), when he, in
regard to the question of the divine attributes [see
sifa. 2], opposed the generally accepted doctrine that
God possesses either seven or eight sifa I by arguing
that the only way to formulate a qualification of God
is His own word, the Kur'an, in which the sifiil are
not at all limited to a definite number of seven or
eight. Leaving aside that kind of subtle debates, it
can be stated at least that Bukhara was in constant
exchange with the outside world, and to some extent
participated in current Islamic developments, thereby
providing certain prerequisites for a more evident
happen only at the beginning of the 20th century, then
taking shape in Djadidism, current amongst Russia's
Muslims. The main impetus to Djadidism,'' the follow-
ers of which — beyond the basically regressive concept
islah— also
eved in Westf
thus came from outside. But in Central Asia it met
with an already existing specific spiritual basis of genu-
ine tsldh, namely, a critical attitude towards traditional
ways of rule, social life and religious learning which,
Islamic principles.
Unlike the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region, who
already for centuries had stood up against Russia's
rule and various policies of Russification, Central Asia
the second half ol the 19th ientur\ when it was con
quered b\ Russia (abolishing the Khanate of Khokand
finally in 1876, and reducing Bukhara in 1868 and
Khlwa in 1873 to protectorates). At that time Russia's
Muslim communities had for about one hundred years
received a slightly more favourable administrative sta-
tus through the institutions of a muftiyyat in Ufa (1782)
and the "Spiritual Assembly" in Orenburg (1788).
allowing them a certain self-determination which was
channelled particularly into strengthening and devel-
oping the Sharfa and their own educational system
(the maktab and madrasa). Within this framework, and
by r
rends f
of Wes
noder-
like education/which had
become fundamental to Muslim self-assertion. Given
such a partly common goal of reformist and tradi-
tionalist forces on the one hand, and limited resources
on the other hand — the Muslim educational system
in Russia was not state-sponsored — conflict, beyond
the level of the later, overemphasised purely ideolog-
ical controversies between Djadids and KadTmis, was
inevitable.
Though Centra
process in Russia
Central Asia had
Asia played no visible role in thi
which finally led to Djadidism
at least mediated the first reformis
were re-imported
)f Muslim modern
t which, roughly 200 years later
which indigenous society
had to cope with the
serious setback of Russian conquest and rule. Hence,
in addition to the existing traces of a "critical erudi-
tion" mentioned above, we find in the urban centres
of Russian Turkistan and of the protectorates of
Bukhara and Khlwa, evidently from around the turn
of the 20th century, small local circles of Muslim
modernists who were in touch with one another and
had a loose network of contacts with kindred spirits
stretching as far as Russia, the Caucasus, Turkey,
Egypt, the Hidjaz and India. The more or less simul-
ttroducti
vays, posta
a West
and telegraph, i
issian education, and finally, a considerable ntim-
r of them had fruitful experience of the outside
Jslim world. Another group of supporters of mod-
to welcoir
e efforts t
wards
reform orien
ted towards
interpretations of We
tern st
ndards of kn
owledge and
At the sa
of this kind
bined with
e or less con
scious hark-
ing back
to the fun
damen
als of the '
true", early
Islam. Th
if both
following th
the Kur'a
i and "keet
ing up
with the tim
es" in prac-
ISLAH — ISMAIL HAKKI MANAST1RL1
in which the Djadids largely shared the opinion of
the Kadlmrs).
These general characteristics are mirrored in the
basic biographical data of distinguished Central Asian
modernists (their backgrounds and their entire work
are, for the most part, not yet sufficiently studied),
such as: (1) Sayyid Ahmad Siddikl, named 'Adjzi
(Samarkand, 1864-1927, madrasa education, published
the first textbook for "new method" maklah [Ustad-i
auval, Tashkent 1901], ca. 1901-3 HadjdJ and resi-
dence in the Hidjaz, Egypt and Russia; then found-
ing "new method" maktabs, writing textbooks and
contributing to modernist pressj; (2) Mabmud Kh*adja
Bihbudr (Samarkand, 1875-1919, madrasa education,
1900 Hatgdj., 1903-4 stay in Cairo, Istanbul, Ufa and
Kazan; then founding a "new method" maktab, acting
as mufti, publisher, editor of the newspapers Samarkand
[1913-4] and A'ina [1914-5], writer of textbooks, the-
atrical plays); (3) 'Abd Allah Awlam (Tashkent, 1878-
1934, madrasa education, editor of newspapers Shuhrat
[1907], Asiya [1908] and Turan [1917], founder of
"new method" maktabs [1908, 1912], charitable society
[1909], writer [textbooks, anthology, theatrical plays],
organising [1913] a theatre group); (4j Munawwar
Kan 'Abd al-Rashid Khan (Tashkent, 1878-1931[?],
editor of newspapers Khurshid [1906], Sada-yi Turkislan
[1914] and Nad+at [1917], published textbooks); and
(5) 'Abd al-Ra'uf Fitrat [q.v.] (Bukhara, 1886-1938[?],
madrasa education, 1904 Hadjai, ca. 1910-14 studying
in Istanbul, the starting point of hi
theoris
f Centre
Within the Central Asian context, the activities of
these and other adherents of modernism represented
a remarkable phenomenon that to some extent chal-
lenged traditional society and colonial rule. But these
modernists were few in number and, beyond shared
basic ideas and goals, they seem to have formed a
rather disparate movement of limited success. They
lagged behind the modernist debate in other parts of
the Muslim world. Their influence did not apparently
reach beyond the borders of Central Asia, and even
in their homeland they had no firm socio-political
grounding. When finally, in the course of the Russian
Revolutions of 1917, some of the Central Asian mod-
ernists entered the political stage (striving for an autono-
my of Turkistan within a Russian federation, or for
an implementation of reforms in Bukhara), they were
quickly swept away and successively absorbed by var-
ious more firmly-based social and political forces and
realities (ranging from Soviet power to the armed
Bibliography: In addition to the Bibls. of the
articles mentioned in the text, see of more recent
special studies, D.R. Brower and E.J. Lazzerini
(eds.), Russia's Orient. Imperial borderlands and peoples,
1700-1917, Bloomington, Ind. 1997; S.A. Dudoignon,
D. Is'haqov and R. Mohammatshin (eds.), L'Islam
de Russic. Conscience communautaire et autonomic politique
chez les Tatars de la Volga et de I'Oural, depuis le XIII
siecle, Paris 1997; M. Kemper, Sufis und Gelehrte in
Tatarien und Baschkirien. 1789-1889. Dcr islamische
Diskurs unter russischer Herrschaft, Berlin 1998;
A. Khalid, The politics of Muslim cultural reform. Jadidism
in Tsarist Central Asia, Berkeley 1998; A. von
Kiigelgen et alii (eds.), Muslim culture in Russia and
Central Asia from the 18th to the early 20th centuries, i
ff., Berlin 1996-; Le reformisme Musulman en Asie
Centrale. Du «premier renouveau» a la sovietisation, 1788-
1937, Paris 1996 (= Colliers du Monde Russe, xxxvii/
1-2 [Jan.-June 1996]). (R. Eisenerj
ISMAlL HAKKl BALTADjtOGHLU ( 1 886- 1 978),
Turk
. He
born in Istanbul in 1886, the son of a _
ment official, Ibrahim Edhem, and Hamide. He fin-
ished his H'efa Tdadisi in 1903, and continued his
education in the Department of Natural Science in
the Dar ul-funun, graduating in 1908. During the same
year, he started his career as a teacher of calligra-
phy in the Dai ul-mu'allimin-i ibtida'iyye and was sent
to Europe in 1910 by the Ministry" of Education to
do research in pedagogy and handicrafts. After his
return to Turkey in 1911, IsmaTl Hakkr lectured on
handicrafts, calligraphy, aesthetics, pedagogy and
psychology in several schools and worked in cer-
tain administrative posts whereby he initiated various
reforms combating the traditional methods of educa-
tion. He was elected Dean of the Faculty of Letters
in the Dar ul-funun on several occasions between 1921-
4 and was President of the school in 1923, resigning
in 1927. He was removed from his position as a lec-
turer at the Dar ul-funun with its closure on 31 July
1933. Between 1941-2, IsmaTl Hakkl worked as a
professor of pedagogy in the Language and History-
Geography Faculty of Ankara University. He was
elected to the Parliament as the Afyon representa-
tive of the Halk Partisi in 1942 and the Kirsehir rep-
resentative in 1946. From 1950 until his death
in 1978, he continued his career as an author and
Besides publishing leni Adam, a journal mainly
devoted to pedagogy and culture, he wrote many-
books and articles for various newspapers and jour-
nals such as Ikdam, Yeni Filar, Aksam and Ulus through-
out his life. In his works, he mostly concentrated on
sociological and pedagological issues, but also showed
an interest in writing plays.
Bibliography: 1. Selected works. Ta'lim ve ter-
biyede inkilab, Istanbul 1912; Terbiye-i 'awamm, Istan-
bul 1914; Umumi pedagoji, Istanbul 1930; Demokrasi
ve sanat, Istanbul 1931; Ictimai mektep nazariyelen
ve premipleri, Istanbul 1932; Andaval palas, Istanbul
1934; Felstfe, Istanbul 1938; Toplu leans, Istanbul
1938; Dolap beygin, Istanbul 1940; h'afa tamircisi,
Istanbul 1940; Ruyamdaki okullar, Istanbul 1944;
Pedagojide ihtilal, Istanbul 1964.
2. Studies. H.Z. Ulken, Turkiye'de (agdaj dusunce
tarihi, Istanbul 1992, 450-6; N. fozlu, Ismqyil Hakkl
Baltaaoglu 'nun egitim sutemi uzerirw bir araslirma, Istanbul
1989; Ilhan Akar, Ismail Hakkl Baltaaoglu nun egitim
ve kultur goruslen uzenne bir arashmia, Ankara 1994;
A. Ferhan Oguzkan (ed.), /. Hakh Baltaaoglu yasami
ve hizmetleri. Turk Egitim Dernegi IV. anma toplanhsi 16
Ekim_1996, Ankara 1996. (Aylin Ozmaim)
ISMAlL HAKKl b. Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Wahhab,
MANASTIRLi (1846-1912), Ottoman religious
scholar and preacher. Born and raised in Manastir
in present-day Macedonia, he went to Istanbul as a
young man, took medrese courses and taught at the
Fatih" Mosque. In 1874 he became preacher \wa'iz)
at the Dolmabahce Mosque and then at the Aya
Sofya, where he drew large crowds. He began his
teaching career as professor of Arabic at the 'Askm
Rushdiyye in Eytib, and in 1884 became teacher of
jurisprudence in the Hukuk Mektebi, where he remained
until he became a senator [a'yan a'dasi) after the 1908
revolution. He taught courses on religious matters at
various institutions [Muhendiskhane, Mulknye, Darulfunun,
'Asktn Tihbiyye) and was also professor of exegesis at
the recently founded Preachers' Seminary [medreset
iil-wa'izln). On 5 December 1912 (25 Dhu '1-Hidjdja
1330), still a senator, he died at his waterfront resi-
ISM ML HA.KKI MA.N\STIRLI — ISMET INONU
terv next to the Fatih Mosque
In addition to Turkish he knew Arabic Peisr
and Bulguian His wilting;, include i
and c
al Kasia
aim
need bv Khidi Bee; [a ] Biyyinat , Ahmtdnu
(Istanbul 1329/1911) an annotated translation of
al Risala al Hamidiyya ji hakikat al dnana al islamiyya
ixa hahlmat al nsala al Muhammadiyya bv Husavn b
Muhammad al-Djasr or al Djisr al Tanbulusi id
1327/1909 the teacher ot Rashid Ridt [qi] tf
Bioekelminn S II 77b S III 321) and Hakk ut
hakikat a critique of Reinhart Dozv s Essai ml this
turn di I Islamismi itraduit du hollandais pir \ictoi
Cham in Leiden and Puis 1879 onginalh published
as Het hlamnme Haailem 18b3i translated b\
"Abdullah Djewdet Foi his other woiks
and Turkish
>eful m this
,bliographv
tides t
.vspipeis
Ibi
igraphy Isma il Pasha il Baghdadi Had,
at al'arifir, i 222 3 Ibrahim \laettm \l,)h
idamlar hayatlan-isirlen Istinbul 1933 3a n 79
ahim Maettm Govsa Tin! meshurlar, ansilhpdi
nbul nd [ca 1940] 193 Kahhal,
of Is
ilHak
\lmai
2bb
1324/ 190b 7 Kon
1327/1909 Isulufikh Istanbul 1328/1910 [text
book] Uauahib al Rahman ft manakib al imam ibi
Hamja al Au'man Istanbul 1310/1892 3 a tiansla
tion of Ibn Hadjar al Havtami [/ ] al hhauat al
huan ji Jada il al hu'man (Ed )
ISMA'IL PASHA BAGHDAD LI Ism* il e
Muhammad \min e Mir Salim al Babani al
Baghdadi in modem Turkish orthographv Bagdath
Ismail Pasa |1839 1920) Ottoman aimv officer
u il reference works
He was born in Baghdad in a tamilv originating
fiom Baban neir Sulavminryv 1 in 'Irak hence his
other msba (\ an ant Baban zide) In 1908 aftei the
\oung Tuik Revolution he became a genenl
his death in 1920 he was buned in Bakirkov near
Istanbul The most extensive notice on his life and
woik is bv Hulusi Kike in Tmkiyi diyanet akti islam
amikloptdisi i\ (1991) 447 8 (with porti ut and a spcu
men of handwriting and with further references
mostlv to Turkish sources) A short mention is given
bv Khavr al Dm ol-Znikh al i'lam + Beirut 1979 32b
The two woiks wherebv Ismi il il Baghdadi is still
remembeied todav are
1 Idah al maknun ft I dhayl ala hashj al jmun an
aiami al kutub ita Ifunun This work wntten mosth
in Aiabic was posthumouslv edited bv Muhammid
Shaiaf al Din \ altkava (Serefettin \altkava) and Rif'at
Bilka al Kihsi (Kilisli Rifat Bilge) and published m
two volumes (Istanbul 194a 7 with i poiti ut in vol i
several times iepimted) on the basis of the authoi s
copv which is now kept in the librar, ol the Head
Office of the \ api ve Kiedi Bankasi in Istanbul It
its gieat example the Kashf al ^unun bv the authoi s
famous piedecessoi Mustafi b Abd Mlah Hadjdji
Khalifa Katib Celcbi (d 10b7/lb57 [/ ]) The
authors descuption of the books contain the title the
name and life span of the authoi or the veai of
and occasional the opening woids ol the text is
well If that lattei featuie is av ill able it shows that
the authoi must have had a copv ol the text at hand
umerous
eferences to Peisian
veil and
he Idah al maknun is
well Itsn
which m
dudes the extensive
b His
in more than one lespect a supplement to the hashf
al .jmun It not onlv bridges the time gap of two and
a half centunes between the pievaous woik and the
supplement but it also adds to the bibliogiaplnc al
niatcml which was not known or available to Hidjdji
Khalifa Although the bibliographic:'
of the
with i
o the
i 10 000 titles makes it an indispensable
■t unsurpassed bibhogi aphic al tool for the
>f the late classical and eailv modern penod
jn of Peisian and Turkish works is witness
pe of the hterarv interests of the Ottoman
2 Hadiyyat al'anjin hma' al mu allifm ua athar
almusanmfm This is the monumental biographical
counterpart to the previous work It is a list of appiox
imatelv 9 000 authors of in all some 50 000 woiks
(vol i which mnges from alif to lam mentions a 398
authors and ta 25 000 woiks) It was edited bv Kihsh
Ritit Bilge and Ibnulemin Mahmud Kemal Inal (vol
l Istanbul 1951) and Ibnulemin Mahmud Kemal Inal
and Avm Aktue, (vol n Istanbul 1955. It has been
repnnted several times in Baghdad and Telu an Nail
Bavraktar has published a registei of the shiihia^.
mentioned in the Hadiyyat al anfin [Hedmdu I anfm
Istanbul 1990) The work is arranged bv ism of the
author followed bv the patronvms and other name
elements with peisonil details notablv the vear ot
demise and it then piovades the leader with the titles
of the books composed bv these authors
Bibliography Given in the aiticlt
iJJ Witkami
ISMET INONU (Ottoman form Ismeti b 1884
died 1973 Tuikish militarv commander md
statesman who seived on three occasions as Prime
Mimstei in the Turkish Republic (Octobei 1923
November 1924 Mirch 1925 Novembei 1937 and
Novembei 19bl February 1905) and once is Piesident
(19 38 50 1 He plaved an important pait in the Tuikish
Wai of Independence |1919 12l made siginticant con
Tuikish Republic
politics following the military inter
and 1971 3
of 19b0 1
Isn
191b and at the tr
an armv and during the Fust Woild
n the staff of Ahmed Tzzet Pas_ha in
nanded the Fouith Aimv in Svm m
iwuds joined the cause of Mustafi Kcmil
Ataturk [qi}\ in lesisting the Allied occu
: Anatolia and when the Gieeks invaded
Stiff of the Nitiomlist armv and lepelled i
at the two battles of Inonu to the west
1 January and V 1 ^\) from which e
he litei took his Euiopean tvpe surname
When the Giand National Assembly me
ISMET INONU -
in 1922, 'Ismet became Foreign Minister, and repre-
sented Turkey at the Lausanne peace confetence,
strongly opp< ising Britain and Franc e and gaining most
of what Mustafa Kemal wanted in the final Treaty
of Lausanne of 24 Jur> 1923. When the Turkish
Republic was proclaimed on 29 October 1923, 'Ismet
became Ataturk's Prime Minister, remaining in power
thus for nearly fourteen years. On Ataturk's death on
10 November 1938, he became President and pet-
manent chairman of the ruling Republican People's
Party [see djumhuriyyet khalk firkasi].
During this period, when westernising reforms
were being imposed from above on Turkish society,
and when in the 1920s there were rebellions in
southeastern Turke) b) traditionalist elements, Inonu
adopted a rather authoritarian position, but then, in
the 1939-45 period, he became much more flexible.
He had a large measure of self-confidence in himself
and in the future for Turkey. He believed that, together
with Ataturk, a threatened resurgence of conservative
Islam could be dealt with, when in 1930 man> ele-
ments of the population seemed to sympathise with
the Free Republican Party \Seibest Cumhunyet Firkasi
[see hizb. ii] of Ali Fethi Okyar [q.v.]). mistakenly
perceiving that party as a religiously-oriented one.
Similarly, during the 1939-45 years he oversaw the
eventual transition to a multi-party political system.
LInder his skillful leadership, Turkey remained neu-
tral in the Second World War, but the country became
strained internally and there were pressures from the
victorious Western powers for a more democratic poli-
tical regime. Inonu was now led towards the forma-
tion of a multi-party system, and in the reaction
against the RPP's authoritarian rule, the Democrat
Party [see demokrat parti], triumphed in the 1950
elections, entailing Inonu's replacement as President
b> Celal Bayar. He now became for a decade the
leader of the opposition and defender of democrat y
in the increasingly authoritarian climate of Adnan
Menderes' [q.v.] premiership in the late 1950s. After
the military intervention of 1960, he formed three
coalition governments between 1961 and 1965.
However, the RPP suffered heavy defeats in the 1965
and 1969 elections, and Inonu was criticised bv
Kemalist and socialist elements within his party for
the compromises he had made with his coalition part-
declared the ideology of the RPP as "left of centre",
this led in 1967 to the secession of centrist elements
in his party to form the Reliance Party (Giwen Pattisi).
In 1972 he was replaced as RPP leader b> the leader
of its leftist faction, Bulent Ecevit, and he died in the
following year.
Inonu was a pragmatist, always open to new expe-
riences and ready to learn. He came to conceive of
democracy as an exchange of views among the patri-
otic and knowledgeable sections of the population in
order to discover the best public polities, and he
thought that these last should be based on valued
ideas and not on particularist interests. In this respect,
he was an elitist. For him, the state as an entity rep-
resenting the general interest had priority over a
democracy perceived as responsiveness to the prefer-
ences of the people at large. Yet this elitism was tem-
pered by a genuine belief in the common sense of
the people and a belief in their potential for self-
improvement. He did not identify harmony with una-
nimity, and regarded politics as ideally an adversarial
process, since this produced exchanges of ideas and
evolved good policies. He remains, therefore, a some-
what enigmatic figure.
Bibliography. 1. Sources, hmet Pasa'nm siyasi ve
ijlimai nutuklan, 1920-1933, Ankara 1933; H. Mel-
zig (compiler), Inonu diyot ki: nutuk, hitabet, beyanat,
katbikaller, Istanbul 1944; K. Kop (comp.) Milh~$efin
soylev, demei ve mesajlan, 1938-1945, Ankara 1945;
Inonu'nun soyla< ve demeelen, T.B.M. Medm'nde ve C.H.P.
kurultaylarmda, 1919-1946, Istanbul 1946; S. Erdemir
(comp.) Muhaiefette hmet Inonu, 3 vols., Istanbul 1956-
62; idem (comp.), Ihtilalden soma Ismet Inonu, Istanbul
1962; A. Ipekci (comp.), Inonu Atatuik'u anlatiyor,
Istanbul 1976; S. Selek (comp.) Ismet Inonu. Hatualar,
2 vols., Istanbul 1985-7; S. Ozel (comp.), Baba Ino-
nu den Erdal Inonuye mektupla,, Ankara 1988; A.R.
Cihan (comp.), Ismet Inonu 'nun TBMM-ndeki konus-
malan, 1920-1973, 3 vols., Ankara 1992-3; N. Kal
(comp.), Televizyona anlatttklanm, Ankara 1993.
2. Studies! C. Bilsel, Ismet Inonu. Buyuk devlet
rem, Istanbul 1939; N.A. Banoglu, hmet Inonu,
Istanbul 1943; H. Melzig, Ismet Inonu. Millet ve ima-
myet, Istanbul 1943; E.B. Sapolyo, Inonu, Ankara
1945; F. Unat, Ismet Inonu. Biyografi, Ankara 1945;
I.H. Tokin, hmet Inonu. !iahsiyeti ve ulkusu, Ankara
1946; A.F. Erden, Ismet Inonu, Istanbul 1952;
H. Gokturk, Inonu, Ankara 1962; S. Avdemir, Ikina
adam, 3 vols. Istanbul 1966-8; A.R. Cihan and
A. Tekin, Qigdas devlet adami. hmet Inonu, Istanbul
1989; M. Toker, Demokmsmnzm Ismet Pasa'h yillan,
1944-1973, 7 vols. Ankara 1990-3; S. Kalkanoglu,
hmet Inonu, dm ve laikhk, Istanbul 1991; I. Artuc,
hmet Pasa: bir donemin perde arkasi, Istanbul 1993;
Gulsun Bilgehan, Mei'hibe, Ankara 1994; H. Derin,
Qankaya ozel kalemimi ammsarken, Istanbul 1995;
E. Inonu, Anilar ve dusunceler, 2 vols., Istanbul 1995-
8; N. Ugur, Ismet Inonu, Istanbul 1995; Bilgehan,
Mevhibe-II. Qankayanm hammejendisi, Ankara 1998;
M. Heper, hmet' Inonu. The making of a Turkish states
man, Leiden 1998; O.F. Logoglu, hmet Inonu and
the making of modem Turkey, Ankara n.d. [1999].
(Met
i Hep
ISTANBUL.
VIII. Monuments
The first and most important of the Ottoman mon-
uments of Istanbul is Saint Sophia. The only church
to be transformed into a mosque immediately after
the conquest of the city (others followed later, mostly
in the reign of Bayezld II), it remained symbolically
the model of imperial religious architecture. From the
reign of SelFm II onwards, it became a place of bur-
ial reserved exclusively for the Ottoman royal family
and was restored on numerous occasions between
1572-3 and 1847-9.
Ottoman building activity dates from 1458, when
Mehemmed II built the mosque of Eyyub and decided
to construct his own imperial complex (Fatih) at the
square of the Holy Apostles, and the Topkapi Palace
on the site of the ancient acropolis of Byzantium.
This plan, added to other decisions taken in the course
of the same reign — building of the bezjstan (1456), of
the first palace on the site of the Theodosian forum
(1453-5), of the barracks of the Janissaries (Eski odalar),
of the saddlers' market (Sarradj Khane, 1475), the
markets of the major and the minor Karaman (after
1467)— led to the formation of a monumental axis
which, while initially retracing the route of the By-
zantine Mesus (Diwan Yolu) from Saint Sophia to
the Old Palace, from this point follows a northerly
direction, across the complex of Fatih and extending
as far as the Adrianople Gate (Edirne Kapisi).
This activity also corresponded with the choice of
architects of non-Muslim origin, apparently in con-
trast to what is known of the builders of the first
period nt Ottomin nchitettuie that of Buisa and of
Ednne This practite could also he linked with the
policy of reuuiting from among nil the peoples ol the
Empne ind even beyond implemented broadly by
Mehemmed II in almost all sectors of public hie but
ilso with the search loi new stylistic and technical
solutions This lppears to have been the case in choict
ot Sin in the Elder ( \tik) a heedman ot Byzantine
origin supposed to hive built the Fitih mosque or
the model ot Sunt Sophia This wis also the tim<
of the introduction into Ottomin aiclutecture ol the
demi cupola is is mentioned in i passage horn luisur
Bee; {Tanfhi ibu I Fath fol 58) who applauds tht
outstirpping ol Saint Sophia ind mother trom tht
\nonvmous Giese ( ( )9) who de nounces the htter as
siciilege inviting companson with the lmpeiial |
Byzantine model
Parallel with the founding ol these imperi il edi
fices Mehemmed II encouiaged his entomage to lol
low his example This injunction was implemented to
van, me; degrees individuals suth as Mihmud Pash i
or Khass Mund Pasha ol Byzantine oiigin ind gild
uates of the Palate school built somt important
mosques their auhitetture paradoxic lllv mirroring
that of the first Ottoman mosques of Burst others j
like Gedik \hmed Pasha [see <vhm\d p<vsii<v gedik] or
Ishik Pasha contented themselves with constructing |
secondary buildings in the capital ind established thtir
majoi projects in the towns of \natoli i
The accession ol Bayezid II m 1481 mirks i hilt
in monumental construction in 1st infill
The soveieign initially built mosques and laige uli
spous complexes at Toku at \m isv i and it Ediinc
while other leading hguies ot the legime confined
themselves to i diverting the chuuhes ol the t ipitil
into mosques Seventeen of them aie known to hive
been adapted for Muslim woiship is opposed to four
dunng the ieign of Mehemmed II The only monu
ot the 15th century w !s tht mosque built by Dawud
Pasha <1485j It contoims to the model inaugunted
by Bayezid II in the piovinces with a simple tupoh
tube With i dm
1520 f
this i
the 1
I the v
mosques of the capital
Deciding at the opening of the lbth tenturv in
1500 4) to build a religious complex m the capital
Bayezid II borrowed the system of looting ol Sunt
Sophn with two demi tupolas fl inking the centnl
tupola but also followed the model of the mosquts
ot Bursa in iddmg tab Vham (lodgings loi demshesi
on both sides ot the pravtr hill The complex was
built on land letlumed in its entiretv from the Old
Palace and situited it the sti itegit point where the
Diwm Wu joins the Gieit Baza ir and Usun Carshi
the Mikios Embolos of the Bvzmtmes linking tht
tentnl ixis ot the titv to the poit \s is the c lse
with the Fatih mosque this axis traverses the torn
plex passing between tht mosque ind the medrtse thus
accentuiting its role as a triumph il thorough! lie
Other dignitaries of the period weie to follow this
eximple thus \tik \li Pisha built a tomplex on
both sides ol the Diwm lolu (150b on the site ol
the torum ot C onstantine around the Burnt C olumn
(Djemberh Tish)
The great eirthquake ol 1509 followed by the
umest in the htter put ot Baytzids ieign resulted
in another interruption in the monument il construe
tion ol the cipital Similarly Sehm I (1512 20) ind
his admimstiation too octupied m waging war left
lor the view that it offers of the Golden Horn over
looking the Guek quartei ot Fenei than for its ten
trility but the effett of monumental edifices on the
panorama ol the city for purposes ol seeing and being
setn seems henceforward to have been l decisive fai
tor it was to find its most absolute expiession with
the Suley m uiiy-ye The mosque known as that ol
Suit in Sehm (1522) is also the list impend edifitt
to repnse the model ol a single cupola iesting on a
cube it is inspiied direttly by that ol Bavezid II al
y apart the first t
rage wtre competing in the constitution
■s Suley man renov ited the Topkapi Palate a
t pal it e on the hippodrome loi his Grand \ iz
// shifu It is probible
i the s
1 the
numphal axis
Eski odalar
which he intended to lpproj
the pimce Mehemmed in 1543 this mosque w is dedi
ttttd to him md the tomplex probably lemamed
mi omplete suite it wis situ ited exclusively on the
noithein pail ot the ixis the baniiks situated to the
south being ietuned In this mosque his fust monu
mental pio]ett Sin in took to the very limit the
protess in whith Ottomin arthitecture had been
engaged suite 145 5 pioposing i system ot rooting in
perfeit symmetiv with foui demi tupolas But lfter
the peice tre itv concluded in 1547 with the Fmpeior
Charles \ Suley mm decided to commission l new
imperiil complex returning to the model of Sunt
Sophia and also ittempting to itt un its dimensions
I his wis to be the Suleymimyye ilj50 7l oveilook
ing the Golden Hoin ind likewise built on 1 ind
the Old Pilace competing with its
the
itahty
ind s
)1 1st-
which
surrounded
torwud the
nudns
im the Fitih tomplex
the Ottom
the highest le
vel o
religious edu
t ition in
Member
ot the Otto
mm
oyrl fimily
and then
entour ige
hired in this
y Mihi i
Mah Sulta
e L<7 ] dmghtei o
Sulevman i
ad Khui
i.m had
nd a ciiavm
ex c
onsisting ol i
built it the
mosque
quay of
Uskudar c
n the \siatic
bank
the pi ice v
Bosphorus
1548
Twenty y
ars latei
Smin completed lgun
>n be
hall ol Mihi
Mih a
mosque wi
the point w
heie the tiium
i mid
phil
<«■ at Ednne
ixis |oms the
kipi at
ind wall
In expenmenting with the
elv
lonpendentives which
iinin htie defimtiv elv
outstripped the model of Saint Sophia, achie\ing the
absolute unity and disengagement of interior space,
more in accordance with the Muslim tradition.
The Grand Viziei Rustem Pasha (in office 1544-53,
1555-61 [q.v.]), husband of Mihr-i Mah, chose for his
buildings the most densely populated areas of the
city and found himself obliged, no doubt for this
reason, to disperse them. He built a khan [ca. 1550)
at Ghalata [q.v., in Suppl.] on the site of the formei
Genoese cathedral dedicated to Saint Michael, a medme
with octagonal courtyard enclosed within a square, situ-
ated below the mosque of Mahmud Pasha (1550) and
a mosque facing the hammam of Taht al-kal'a, com-
pleted after his death in 1562. This mosque, built on
the site of that of 'Attai Khalil, the most ancient at-
tested in the city (1457), had interior surfaces entirely
covered with magnificent ceramics from Iznik, used
heie on a massive scale foi the first time. Sinan Pasha,
brother of Rustem, Grand Admiral of the Ottoman
fleet (1550-4), built in his tum a mosque with a court-
yard medme at Beshiktash, embarkation-point of the
fleet.
Kara Ahmed Pasha, Grand Vizier 1553-5, drew
up shortly before his execution in the latter year a
struction of a mosque with the sums bequeathed. His
steward, Ferrukh Ketkhuda, undeitook the search for
a site and acquired a piece of land close to the land
walls inside the gate of Topkapi, where in 1560 Sinan
completed a mosque with a courtyard medme.
While the successors of Suleyman, Selim II (1566-
74 [g.v.]) and Murad III (1574-95 [q.v.]) built theii
mosques respectively at Edirne and at Maghnisa,
Istanbul continued to be endowed with monumental
constructions undei the long vizierate of Sokollu
Mehmed Pasha (1565-79 [q.v.]), benefiting fiom the
energy of Sinan's workforce. Sokollu's first project in
the capital was a funeral monument, built in 1568-9
at Eyyub. This consisted of a mausoleum accom-
panied by a medme, a combination which became
standard from the end of the century onward, con-
tributing to the transfoi mation of the suburb of Eyyub
into a necropolis foi the military and religious digni-
taries of the empire. Sokollu subsequently built below
the hippodrome, near the docks used by galleys
(Kadirgha), a complex situated in proximity to his
palace. This consisted of a mosque with courtyard
medme, completed in 1572, to which a zawiya was
added. Another mosque was built by the same Grand
Vizier in 1577-8. outside the walls of Ghalata, beside
the Arsenal, to commemorate his service at the head
of the Admiralty (1546-50). Piyale Pasha [q.v.], High
Admiral 1554-68, commissioned fiom Sinan a mosque
situated behind the arsenal, in an area populated by
sailors and workers in the naval dockyaids. For this
building, completed in 1572, where solemn prayers
were to be offered before the departure of the fleet,
Sinan reverted to the hypostyle model with six cupo-
las, combined with open-air spaces for prayer capa-
ble of accommodating entire ships crews. It was
without doubt the same problem of capacity which
induced the architect to adopt foi the mosque of the
High Admiral Kilidj 'All Pasha (1571-87 [see 'ulCdj
'alt]), built in 1581 at Topkhane, a revival of the
model of Saint Sophia with lateral galleiies.
In the mid-1570s, Nur Banu Sultane [q.v.], mother
of Murad III, undertook the construction of an impor-
tant complex above Uskudar [q.v.], a transit depot for
caravans arriving from Anatolia. A caravanserai and
a zawiya enclosed a mosque and courtyard, with a
medme lower down. The whole was completed in 1583.
In the meantime, Sinan also constructed a little archi-
tectural jewel for Shemsl Pasha, on the banks of the
Bosphorus at Uskudar (1581), as well as a mosque
accompanied by two medreses on different levels for
Zal Mahmud Pasha at Eyyub (1580-81). Finally, among
the last works of this architect, completed by his suc-
cessor Dawud Agha, attention should be drawn to the
mosque of Meslh Mehmed Pasha [q.v.] (1586) at Kara
Gumruk and that of Nishandji Mehmed Pasha (1588)
on the main axis between Fatih and Edirne Kapi.
To complete the monumental landscape of Istanbul
and its emirons, also worth mentioning is the system
of water supply completed between 1554 and 1563,
comprising four monumental aqueducts upstream of
the Golden Horn, as well as the bridge of Buyiik
Cekmedje on the Edirne road.
The death of Sinan, in 1588, also coincided with
the beginning of the exhaustion of the financial
resouices of the empire, embroiled in a protracted war
against Persia and, befoie long, against Austria. Prestige
constructions weie to become more modest and their
functions modified. A surfeit of mosques was to be suc-
ceeded by complexes composed of a mausoleum and
a medrese, the latter accommodating a large number
of rural immigrants drawn by the functions of reli-
gious education and the judiciary — virtually the only
professions open to persons of Muslim birth.
In 1593-4 Djerrah Mehmed Pasha built the last
vizieral mosque to be completed befoie the 18th cen-
tury. The density of the city seems not to have
permitted monumental constructions without costly ex-
propriations. Thus in order to build her own mosque,
on her acquisition of the title of queen-mother with the
accession of her son Mehemmed III in 1595, Safiyye
Sultane [q.v.] made inroads on the Jewish quarters of
the city's port. Hampered by the death of the archi-
tect Dawud Agha in 1598, by technical problems aris-
ing fiom the digging of foundations at a site close to
the water, and by the death of Mehemmed III in
1603, relegating Safiyye Sultane to the Old Palace,
construction remained incomplete and was only to be
lesumed sixty years later by Khadldje Turkhan Sul-
tane, the mother of Mehemmed IV, being completed
in 1663 (Walide Djami'i
The new sultan, Ahmed I (1603-17 [q.v.]), was the
first since Suleyman to undertake the construction of
an imperial complex. The latter, situated above the
hippodrome, necessitated a massive expropriation of
the vizieral lesidences which were situated there. The
manner in which the buildings of the complex are
dispersed is testimony to the difficulties of expropria-
tion. The complex of the Blue Mosque, the name
given to the mosque of Ahmed I on account of its
extensive decoration in ceramics of this colour, marks
the end of the first period of monumental edifices of
Istanbul.
Ghadanfer Agha, senior eunuch of the palace, intio-
duced into the capital the combination of a medteie,
a mausoleum and a fountain. The latter, built in
1590-1 at the foot of the aqueduct of Valens (Boz-
doghan kemeri) rapidly started a trend. These more
modest combinations were moie easily integrated
into the dense urban fabric and contributed to the
\itality of the principal axes of the city. Thus the
combinations of this type built by Sinan Pasha (1592-
3), Kuyudju Murad Pasha (1610), Koprulu Mehmed
Pasha [ 1660-1 [see koprulu]), Merzifonlu Kara Mustafa
Pasha (1681-90 [see kara mustafa pasha]), Amdja-
zade Huseyin Pasha (1 700-1) and Damad Ibrahim Pasha
(1719-20 [q.v.]) were situated on the triumphal axis
of the city, while that of Ekmekdji-zade Ahmed Pasha
(before 1618) was located on the street joining this
axis to Weft and beyond to the Golden Horn A
moie complete complex, also containing a zauiya was
that of Bay ram Pasha 1 1 634-5 1 situated in the vicin-
ltv of the complex of Khun em Sultane
These combinations were virtually the sole mark-
structions — with the exception of the completion of
the Wahde mosque and the small mosque built bv
Kosem Sultane on the heights of Uskudai — were non-
existent The leturn of the sultans to Istanbul after a
penod of residence at Edirne, with the accession of
Ahmed III in 1703 maiked the stait of a new phase
of architectural activity iesponding to new needs and
new styles The needs resulted from the development
of the citv, where density of population led to mcieas-
mglv fiequent fires and epidemics These induced
the prosperous classes to take refuge in the periph-
ery, such as the Evyub, the northern shore and the
Bosphorus, where new
e foil
mosque
.t the
collections of pr
manuscripts fiom file iequired the construction of
hbranes as independent buildings, while the shoitage
of water resulting from o\ erpopulation led to new
piojects of water provision including monumental
fountains These seculai buildings, less hampered bv
the weight oi tradition, also ga\e opportunities for
new stylistic experiments, often described as Ottoman
baroque art, first coming to piominence in the 'Tulip
Penod" (1718-30) [see lale devri]
The fountains and the ubTl (places for the dis-
tribution of water see sabil) regulaiK accompanied
combinations of a midnsi and a mausoleum, but it
was to them that the first stylistic innovations weie ap-
plied These were already perceptible in the sebil of
Amdjazade Husevin Pasha, at the turn of the 18th
century and w ere dev eloped in that of Damad Ibrahim
Pasha twenty \ears later In anothei arrangement,
where stbil and fountain became the pnncipal ele-
ments in a small complex also containing a mau-
soleum, as well as a school no longei in existence
built at Dolma Baghce bv Hadjdji Mehmed Emm
Agha (1741), the baroque elements attained their fullest
expression The sebil or fountain was also to be found
situated on the upper level (fountain school of Re'Is
ul-Kuttab Isma'Tl Efendi at Kaiakov [1742] and sibil
school of RedjaT Mehmed Efendi at Weft [17751)
but this combination, frequently encountered in Otto-
il fountain standing alone in a cov-
eied space was first seen at the verv end of the Tulip
Penod, the first five known examples being vntuallv
contempoianeous Damad Ibrahim Pasha responsible
foi the di awing of water fiom Uskudar built the fust
of these foui-faced monumental fountains beside the
haibour of this suburb in 1728-9 The same vear
Ahmed III built the monumental fountain before the
main entrance of the Topkapi Palace His successor,
Mahmud I (1730-54) undertook the convevance of watei
from the northern shore of the Golden Horn (watei s
of Takslm) and three other monumental fountains
were built in 1732-3 on this network that of Top-
khane bv the sovereign himself, that of 'Azap Kapi
(in fiont of the Aisenal) bv the queen-mother Saliha
Sultane and that of Ka'ba Tash bv the Giand Vizier
Hekfm-oghlu 'All Pasha [see 'alT pasha hakim-ocjjh']
The first independent libiarv was built bv Kopiulu
Fadil Ahmed Pasha as an extension of the familial
complex on the Drwan Yolu (befoie 1676), and Shehid
'All Pasha also built a free-standing library behind
the mosque of Shah-zade in 1715. This type of build-
ing neveitheless acquired a monumental nature — while
ietaining modest dimensions — with the library built in
1719-20 bv Ahmed III in the third courtyard of the
Topkapi Palace New architectural experiments were
evident in that of 'Atif Efendi at Weft (1741) and
weie to be most fullv expressed in the libiarv of the
Nur-u 'Othmamvye complex (1755) Among later build-
ings those of Raghib Pasha (1762) at Laleh and of
Damad-zade Mehmed Murad Efendi — known as Muiad
Molla — (1775) at Gaishamba are woith mentioning
A new tvpe of building linked with projects lor the
piovision of water consisted of dams leservons placed
in the Belgrade foiest to the noith-west of the citv
"tappv combination c "
oldest,
V four I
»n bv the name of the Dark Dam (Kaianlik Bend)
dating lrom 1620 it was located on the netwoik set
up bv Sinan The Topluzu Bend, built in 1750 on
the network of Takshn, introduced cut-off corners,
1839 with the dam of Mahmud II.
The 18th century also marked a renewal in the
construction of religious buildings, but the first phase
was slow and hesitant. The mosque built by Ahmed
III for his mother Emetullah Giilnush Sultane at
Uskudai (1708-10) — a place apparently reserved for
the wives of the imperial family — revived the models
of the 16th century, albeit with some adjustments to
the lines of the sebil typical of the Tulip Period.
Similarly it was again the sebil, as well as the school
placed above the entry-gate, rather than the mosque,
which represented innovation in the monumental com-
plex built bv Hekrm-oghlu 'Air Pasha in 1734-5. This
makes even more surprising the full-scale renewal of
architectural motits in the Nur-u 'Othmaniyye com-
plex, begun in 1748 by Mahmud I and completed
in 1755 under 'Othman III. Even though the daring
solutions such as the horseshoe-shaped courtyard, were
repeated in subsequent centuries, the Nur-u
•Othmam
ing activity w
long as the e
aiked a
v phas,
3 be disc
(1757-74) built no fewer than three
aftei his mother in 1758-61 that of Laleh m 1760-3
and that of Fatih rebuilt in 1766-71 after the earth-
quake of 1765 His successoi 'Abd ul-Hamid I (1774-
89) dedicrted to the memory of his mothei Rabi'a
Sultane the mosque of Beylerbev on the \siatic shore
ot the Bosphorus and to the memory of his wife
Humashah Kadin that of Emirgan on the European
shore He also built near the poit his own funeral
and a mausoleum In this complex constructed in
stages between 1775 and 1789, what is obseived is
the transition fiom baroque in the sebil to Ottoman
neo-c lassie ism in the mausoleum.
The reign of SelTm III (1789-1807 [q.v.]) marked
the zenith of a flamboyant baroque which was ex-
pressed essentially through funereal monuments: the
complex composed of an 'imaret, a sebil and a mau-
soleum of the queen-mother Mihr-i Shah Sultane,
built at Eyyub in 1792-5, and the mausoleum' was
accompanied bv a school and a sebil of the sover-
eign's sistei Shah Sultane, also at Eyyub (1800). The
tendency continued beyond the reign with the mau-
soleum and si Ml of Nakshidil Sultane built by Mahmud
II in memory of his mother in the cemeter> of Fatih
in 1818. Finally, baroque and rococo decoration abun-
dantly present in those parts of the Topkapi Palace
dating from the second half of the 18th centur) also
infiltrated the zawiya, but it was onl\ in the mosque-
zawiya of Kucuk Efendi, completed in 1825, that the
oval form of the plan supplemented the decorative
effects. Selrm III also built in 1802-5 a mosque in
the proximity of the barracks designed to accommo-
date the new army which was to replace that of the
Janissaries. Built in the centre of a chequer-shaped plot,
it perpetuated the model of the Nur-u 'Othmamyye
while developing in the form of an annexe the impe-
rial pavilion which seems henceforward to have cor-
responded to new formal functions the sovereign
receiving dignitaries here after the Fndav pravei
During the reign of Mahmud II (1 808-3% baroque
was maintained but attempts were made to adopt a
more imperial style. This was manifested particulaily
in imperial edifices: a pavilion of ceremonies (\lay
koshkli) in the angle of the wall of the Topkapi Palace
(1810), a school of Djewri Kalfa on the Dlwan \olu
(1819) and, above all, the sovereign's mausoleum on the
same axis (1839). However, in the second half of his
reign the ascendancy of the Balyan familv imprinted on
monumental Ottoman architecture a stvle that despite
its boundless eclecticism, remained deeplv onginalmits
capacity for syntheses and infinitely vaned interpre-
tations of the historical forms of Ottoman architecture
The first work that can be attributed with con-
fidence to the Balvans is the Nusratiyye mosque sit-
uated in the quarter of Topkhane to the north of
the Golden Horn whithei aichitectural activity was
progressively transferred Thus the mosque of Khirka-
yi Shenf built in 1851 to accommodate the mantle
of the Piophet and that of Peitew Niyal Sultane
built in 1869-72 at the crossroads of \L Saray could
Tht activity of the Balyans was manifested essen-
tially through the imperial palaces built on the shores
of the Bosphoius Dolma Baghce (1846-55) Kucuk
Su (1856) Beyltrbey (1863-65) and Cnaghan (1864-
72), as well as the pavilion of Ihlamur (1855) in the
valley of the same name. The mosques elected dui-
ing this period beside the Bosphorus (Dolma Baghce
1855, Ortakoy, 1853), or in the vicinity (Medjidiyye
1848), belonged to same aesthetic movement with
interiors reminiscent of ballrooms. The fust buildings
of the palace of Yildiz on the heights of the Bosphorus
and the mosque built close by (1877) ate the last
manifestations of this architecture.
New functions resulting from the refbims of the
Tanzimdt (1839 onwards [q.v.]) entailed new aichitec-
tural forms most often undertaken by foreign or
Levantine architects. The Swiss brothers Gaspaie and
Giuseppe Fossati, sent from St. Petersburg to build
the new Russian embassy, also worked for the Ottoman
administration; Alexandre Vallaury son of a French
emigre, constructed a number of public buildings from
the Archeological Museum, in neo-classical style (1891-
1907), to the office of the Ottoman National Debt
(1897) and that of the Ottoman Bank (1890-2) Finally
the Italian Raimondo d'Aronco was invited bv 'Abd
ul-Harmd II to become the quasi-official architect of
the reign, constructing the last buildings of the palace
of Yildiz, and introducing the Viennese Secessionist
style to the Ottoman capital with the astonishing
mausoleum of Sheykh Zafir at Beshiktash The \ oung
Turk revolution of 1908 put an end to the activity
of these architects, and a national style was imposed
The latter is manifested in modem buildings such as
the mam Post Office or the office building built for the
benefit of wakjs (the fourth Wakif Khan) as much as
it is in mosques seeking classical inspiration from the
16th ceiitui-y (mosque of Bebek 1913)
Bibliogtaphy \hmed Efendi Tankh i Djami' i
shenj Muru 'Othmam in TOEU Suppl Istanbul
1335/1916-17 G Martiny Dit Piale Pasilia Moschee
in irs Islamica in (1936) \ Saim Ulgen Topkap da
ihmed Pam heyeti in I akflar Dergisi n (1942)
D Kuban Turk bank mimansi hakkinda bir deneme
Istanbul 1954 M Eidogan Mimar Daiud Again
hayat u eserlrn in Turkiyat Meimuas, mi (1955) EH
\yverdi Ga^anjer Asa manzumesi in Istanbul Umier
sitesi Edebnat Fakultesi Tanh Dergisi m (1957) RM
Menc Baye^id camu mimar II Sultan Batted dan
mimailar tie ba^ binalar, in Ankara Unnersitesi Ilahiyat
Fakultesi Turk le Islam Sanatlar Tarihi Enstilusu lillik
irastirmalar Dergisi n (1957) S \kahn Mi mar Dalgn
ilimtd Pa } a in Istanbul Umversitesi Edebnat Fakul
Tanh Dergisi \m (1958), D Kuban Besiktajta
Mint.
(1961)
M Erdogan Son inielemelere g
insa meselesi in \ akflar Dergisi v (1962) \ Kuran
Turk baiok mimansmde bat anlaminda bu tesebbus Kujuk
EJendi manzumesi in Bellcten wvn/107 (1963) S
Evice itik ill Pa § a lamnnm lurk mimansmdeh yen
in IUEFTD mv/19 (19b4) P Karahasan Istanbul
Sultan Stlim tamii hakkinda in Sana! Tarihi lilhgi i
(1965) \ Kuran Tht mosque in early Ottoman aithi
teiture Chicago 1968 D Kuban in Ottoman build
mg tomplex of the sixttenth tentun the Sokollu Mosqut
and it! dtptndtnat! in Istanbul in irs Orientahs vn
(1968) O Aksov Osmanh dan Istanbul sibyan mek
teplm uterine bir inieleme Istanbul 1968 E \ucel
imtazade Huseyin Pasa kullnesi in lakiflar Dergisi vni
(1968) C Palumbo-Fossati / fassati di Morcott
Bellmzona 1970 G Goodwin 4 history oj Ottoman
architteturt London 1971 IB \lpay / Sultan
ibdulhamid kullnesi le Hamidne medresesi in Sanat Tanh
hlhgi vm (19721 N \tasoy Ibrahim Pa$a sarav
Istanbul 1972 OL Barkan Suhmamye tami ve imareli
msaat 2 vols Ankara 1972 1979 \ Kuian \hmar
Sinan in il> tserlen in Belleten (1973), idem ~al Mahmud
Pasa Kullnesi, in Bo^ifi Umierstlesi Dugisi-Humaniter
Bihrnler, i (1973) G Guressevei Hastki Darussijasi
in Sanat Tarihi lilligi (1973) EH \yverdi Osmanh
mi mansmde Fatih de L n 855 886 (1451 1481), 2 vols
Istanbul 1973-4 SH Eldem Koskltr te kasulai
1 vols Istanbul 1974 \ Kuran Haseki kulhyesi in
BUDHB n (1974) idem Iskudarda \lihnmah Sultan
kullnesi, in ibid m(1975) A \rel 18 yuzyil htan
bul mimammdi batihlasma mnei Istanbul 1975
Z Nayir Osmanh mimansmde Sultan Ahmet kullnesi
te sonrasi 1609 1690 Istanbul 1975 idem Istanbul
Hastki de Bauam Pasa kulhyesi in Ord Prof Dr
Ismail Hakh Uzunfarsih ya armagan \nkara 197b
W Denny, Ceramics of the mosque of Rustem Pa^a
New \ork-London 1977 W Muller-W lenei Bild
Itxikon zui Topographic htanbuh Tubingen 1977 A
Kuran Tophant dt hiht, ill Pasa kulhytsi in BUDHB
vi (1978) SK \etkin <}emsi Pqsa kulhytsi in Sanat
Dunyasi \i\ (1980) P Tuglac, Osmanh mimarhginda
batihlasma donemi it Balyan ailtsi, Istanbul 1981 \
\avuz, Mimar Kemalettin ic bmnci ulusal mimaihk dommi
•\nkaia 1981 D Kuban Tarihi Cami i >n/ i Nut
i Osmam u 13 n Osmanh yap tekmge uzenne gozltm
lei in Turk le Islam Sanat uzenne denemeler Istanbul
1982 JM Rogers Tht state and tht aits in Ottoman
Turkey Part 1 The slants of Suhmamye Part 2 The
fumitur, and dttoration oj Suhmamye in IJMES \iv
ISTANBUL — IYAS b. KABlSA
11982) SH
Eldem and F Ak
ozan Topkapi Samyi
bit mimmi
1982 I \
\ uksel
risinde 11 Bayt^id 1
n (&&b
926/1481 1520) Istanbul 1983
M Cezar
Typual
comminial bu
ridings of tht Ottoma
n tlassieal p,
the Ottoman t
nstruetion system Istar
bul 1983 A Kuian
I skudar itik
\alidt kulliytsimn y
erltinu du^tn
it yap
in Sunt htmal letk
ne annagan
1984 H Sti
erlin Soliman et I aril
e Pans
1985 G Ne
cipoglu The Suhma
ly'etomplelin
Istanbul
in Muqarnas in 1 1985; A Kuian \hmar Smart
Hurn\rt\akf Istanbul 198b 7 Celik Tht nmuk
mg of Istanbul Seattle 198b H Crane (ed ) Risale
i mi'mamye Leiden 1987 K Ceten \hmar Sinan
it Itnktesmt hsisltn Istanbul 1988 G Erol (.mill
eami it kulhyes, in Sanat Tarthi irastirmalu, Deigisi in
(1988) S \erasimos Sman and his patrons Progiammt
Disign v (1987) Rome 1990 idem La fondation di
Constantinople it de Saintt Sophie dans Its traditions tuiquts
Pans 1990 S Eyite Istanbul da Sultan II BayeM
kulhyesi in ST AD vm (19901 H Crane Tin Ottoman
Sultans Mosques Ions of imptnal Itgitiniaty in Tht
Ottoman tity and its path ed I Bieiman D Pieziosi
andR Aboual-Haj New \ork 1991 G Necipoglu
\ithittetuie teitmomal and powa Tht Topkapi Palatt in
thirteenth and sixteenth tentunts New \oik 1991 K
(;ecen I skudar sular Istanbul 1991 idem Takiim
it Hanudiye mini Istanbul 1992 S Ogel 18 le 19
VKMldan osmanh lumiltnnde geltntkstl anlama katkila, in
A Egemen Istanbul un tesmt it ulillm Istanbul 199j
HO Bansta Istanbul (tsmeltri Kabatas Htkimoglu -ill
Ankaia
1993 iden
lejmtUn i^apkapi Sahha Sultan f esmesi Ankaia
D Banllan and E Godoli Istanbul 1900 hi
1997 S Wasimos Istanbul la mosqutt de S,
Pans 1997 C Katesuoglu Heaunh and un
splendid and artles s \lehm, dllsmos jut t omplt v in 1
■iptullah kuian ed C Kalescioglu and L Ihysei
Istanbul 1999 \erasimos ( onstantmoph tapital,
s- Pans 2000 idem Omianli 1 stanbul unun ku
in Omi
unginin
I Imhvu
inbul 2000 AH Polatkan hili( ill Pasa tamisi
,e hasofia bit lustonsist dtnemt in ibid \\ Kubilay
IS it 19 yu ill Istanbul x akf kiituphanden uterine hpolo
Ilk bu dtgeilindimu in ibid Vakitlar Genel Muduilugu
Istanbul lent Cami it Hunkai hasu np nd
(S \erasimos)
ISTILHAK ia) the veibal noun ol loim \ ol
the v
reach c
,ith has
attach .
iffili it
so to sth (see ]\bHS lettei lam 3 50) In eiilv
Islamic historv it was especnlh used foi the attempt
in 44/665 of the Umayvad caliph Mu'awiya I [q i ]
to attach the veiv able official Ziyad b Abihi [,/<]
to his own ruling ihn ot Umayva Ziyad was of
dubious paientage his mother Sumavva being appn-
entlv a slave and Mu'awiya aimed at linking Zi\ id
to his own family as the putative son ot his own
lather Abu Sufvan [q i ] Foi details ot this istilhak
ITHM (a
\LI\ 12
iEdi
and sinfulness in varving devices such as dhanb pi
dhunub, used in Kur'an III 129/135 and passim For
i discussion of the concept ol sin and its consequences
who
I'TISAM AL-DIN b Sh Tadj al-Din Shaikh a
.ident of Tadjpui in the Nadi\a distuct of Bengal
o England on a diplomatic mis-
17b9 z
Hila
his journe\ in his Shigaif nama u wilayat
noma I'tisam al-Din began his olTicial c
munshi in the service of Mir Dja'fai [see dja'far,
mir| During the time of Mir Kasim [q i ] he joined
the service of Ma,or Wke In 1177/1763 he fought
on the British side against Mn Kasim He served
General C irnac (1765-6) for a short period and later
enteied the service of the Mughal Shah 'Alam In
1 180/1759 he went to England with Captain Archibald
Swinton bunging a lettei (copv available m the Librarv
of Roval Asiatic Souetv no 134 \\ Morlev 128)
from Shah 'Alam to Geoige III Mumr al-Dawla
who accoidmg to Sarkai {Fall of the Mughal tmpiit n
402) was a devoted paitisan ot the Bntish at Shah
'Alams (ourt insisted on paving I'tisam al-Din 2 000
rupees towards his expenses In this letter Shah 'Alam
sought Bntish help m conducting him to Dihh and
placing him on the Mughal throne Ftisam al-Din
uturned horn England in 1883/17b9 In 1189/1775
he helped the Last India C ompanv s negotiations with
the Maiathas []i]
The Shiga? f nama is one ot the earliest at c ounts of
a |ournev to England wntten bv an Indian In about
8b chapteis he gave his impressions about the vari-
ous aspects of English societv — religious lite clubs
the judicial system public schools sports etc He also
visited CXtord University and the Bodleian Librarv
He describes London and its principal buildings as
giaphical references aie also given It appeals that
his lelations with Swinton did not remain cot dial to
the last ('Aligarh ms fols 100-5)
Foi mss ol the Shigarf nama see Stoiev i 1143
also "Ahgirh H ibib gandj Collection 35 7 \n
abridged Hindustani veision of it was made by Munshi
Shamshir Kban and was published bv J E Alexander
with an English tianslation London 1827
Bibliogtaphy Storey i 1142-3 Rieu BM
Catalogue i 38 3 ms Or 200 Gaicin de Tassv
Histom dt la htttiatuie hint/out i 4b3 Stanton family
rttords pnvatelv punted Edmbuigh 1906
(KA Nizami)
IYAS B KABISA al Ta'i a pie-Islamic indi
vidual who plaved I ceitain iole m the relations
between "\rabs ind Persians but whose biogiaphy is
not absolutelv cleat According to Ibn al-Kalbi-Caskel
{(ramharat an nasab Tab 252 and n 3b 1) his geneal
og\ appears to be as follows Iy is b Kabisa b "\bi
'Utr/'Mn b al-Numan b Hayva b Sa'na b al
Hanth b al-Huwaynth b Rabi'a b Malik b Sah
b Hin' b 'Ami b al-Ghawth b Tayvi' (thus his msba
is to be amended in the article dhu kar)
This Arab chieftain succeeded in gaming the favoui
ot Khusraw Apaiwiz (Kisra Abarwiz) who appaientlv
nonths b
■ the
al-Mundhir [; i ] the adminis-
tration of al-Hna nlTaban i 1017) It is difficult
to establish exactly in which period the king granted
him as a life possession 30 villages on the banks of
the Euphrates and appointed him idmimstiator of the
region of 'Ayn Tamr since the tiaditions are incon-
sistent It is possible that Khusiaw rew aided him in
this way for services rendeied when he was attacked
and forced to flee bv the usuiper \ahiam C ubin
(Bahrain [q i ] Djubin) Al-Nu'man III [q t ] the king
of al-Hin at this time did not come to the aid of
his suzeiain although a certain Ta'i had given him
IYAS b. KABlSA -
his horse to enable him to escape at a time when
he was in a perilous situation on the banks of the
Nahrawan Accoiding to some (e g al-Tabarl, 1, 1029),
the heio of this stop, is Ivas, (or others (Levi della
Vida, Limes de<, Chevaux, Leiden 1928, 32, al-Mas'Qdi,
Murudf, n, 216-7 = § 636), it was his nephew, Hassan
b Hamzala al-Ta'i, who gave the king his horse, al-
Dubavl, and subsequentlv received as a land grant
the tassud} of Khutarmiyva The chronicles mention
dama, but the most important event of his hie was
his appointment to succeed al-Nu'man III after the
Emperor of Persia had taken his revenge by putting
the latter to death Although the date ol this appoint-
ment is hard to establish, it mav be located between
A D b02 and b04/5, Khusraw Aparwiz appointed to
serve at his court a Peisian official whose title of
Nakhwiiaghan appears in vanous forms in the Arabic
sources (cf A Chnstensen, Sassamdes , 452) According
to the same sources, Ivas governed al-Hlra (or nine
vears, and it was in the eighth year of his reign that
the prophetic mission of Muhammad began He died
probablv m the year A D bll or bl2
It was during the penod when he governed al-Hii;
that theie took place the famous battle of Dhu Kar
[qv], in which he participated as leader of the Arab
warriors, the Arabo-Persian troops were defeated, but
Ivas was spared diastic punishment and letained his
responsibilities He was, essentiallv, the last Arab "king"
of al-Hlra since the town was subsequentlv placed in
the hands of exclusively Petsian officials until the
Islamic conquest Finally, the sources consider him a
talented poet, but very few of his verses have been
preserved (see, however, Abkaryus, 4b-9)
Bibliography Tabarl, l, 1029-32 and index,
Baladhun, Futuh, 243, Ibn Kutavba, Ma'anf, 605,
Abu Tammam, Hamasa, 73, Mas'udi, Alurud), u,
212 = $ 1073, idem, Tanblh, ed Sawi, 158, 208,
MakdisI, al-Bad' wa 1-ta'nkh, m, lb9 ff, 208, Ibn
"Abd Rabbih, 'ILd, index, Aghani, ed Benut, win,
220-41, passim, Noldeke, Gtschichte dm Petser und Amber,
311 ff , Cheikho, Shu'ara' at-Nasmmyya, 135-8, Roth-
stein, Lahmiden, 107 fl , Bibl to the art dhu kar
(Ch Pellat)
IZMID, modern form Izmit, a town of north-
western Turkev, lying at the head of the Gull of
Izmit (Izmit Korfezi) in lat 40° 47' N , long
29° 55' E
It is the classical Nicomedia, named after Nicomedes
I of Bithvma, who in 2b4 B C founded it as his new
capital The Roman empeioi Diocletian made it in
the late 3rd century A D his capital in the east, it
was there that he abdicated in 305 (see W Ruge,
ait Nikomedeia, in P\V, xvn/1, cols 4b8-92) The spell-
ing Nikumidiy-ya appears in such Arabic geographers
as Ibn Khurradadhbih and al-Idrfsi, and subsequently,
forms like Iznukurmd and Izmkmid aie found in
Islamic sources
It was captured from the Byzantines by the Saldjuks
when they swept through Asia Minor under Sulayman
b. Kutulmish (d. 479/1086 [?.».]) towards the end of
the 5th/ 11th century. Sulayman made his capital at
nearby Nicaea [see iznIk], but shortly after his death
Nicomedia was recaptured by Alexius I Connenus.
and apart from the brief period when the Latin em-
perors of Constantinople held the town (1204-7), it
remained in Byzantine hands until captured alter a
long siege by the Ottomans under Orkhan. The dates
for this vary in the Greek and Turkish sources, the
former placing this in 1338; at all events, it must
have been soon after the fall of Nicaea in 731/1331
(ci Pitcher, An historical geography of the Ottoman empire,
38) In 1402 the Turkish town was sacked bv a gioup
of Tlmui's troops In Ottoman times Izmid, in the
sanqjak of Kodja-eh [q v ] , became especially impor-
tant as a naval arsenal, repoitedlv founded bv the
Kopiulus, and for building small merchant vessels
using timber supplied bv the extensive forests of the
937/1530, the settlement is on record as one of the
five towns (nefs) of the province As it is mentioned
first in the list, it must have been the residence of
the local governor The town contained 589 men of
tax-paving age, 8b of whom were exempted from
certain dues Of the remainder, 351 were heads of
households and 152 were bachelois These figures
indicate a settlement of about 2,000-2,500 inhabitants
In the kada, there were two medusa and two chil-
dren's schools as well as two Fudav mosques, in addi-
tion to five public baths (Ahmet Ozkihnc et atn (eds ),
438 numarah muhasebe-i vilmet-i Anadolu dtftm (937/1530),
dizm ve tipkibasim, Devlet Arsrvlen Genel Mudurlugu
1994, n, b5-b)
In 9b2-3/1555, Hans Dernschwam saw a (oitiess
on a hill with a new mosque, which supposedlv had
been built in place of a previous church A sizeable
part of the town also was located on this hill At the
time of Dernschwam's passage, the classical ruins were
being quarried for stone This was sawn locallv into
the sizes requned bv Istanbul builders, presumablv for
use in the constiuction of the Sulevmanry-ye, then in
piogiess (Tagebmh einer Reist nach Konstantmopel und
Klemasien (1553/55), ed F Babingei, Munich and
Leipzig 1923, 153-4) The aiea's abundant water
resources also served lor the operation of mills grind-
ing flour for the consumption of Istanbul, including
the Janissary bakenes Due to its functional link with
the capital, Izmid formed an exception to the rule
that towns were to feed themselves from the product
of their own kadas For the hinterland was heavilv
sted rather than agricultural, with high-quality
pine
itable
abund
>nd hall of the 11th/ 17th o
Fiench ambassador was permitted to expoi
number lor the use of the French navy (R Mantran,
Istanbul dans la stconde moitie du XVII' siecle Evai d'his-
1962, 445)
The onlv surviving legistei enumeiating individual
taxpaveis (mufassal) and covering Izrmd dates from
1034/lb24-5 At this time, the town consisted of 29
fullv-fledged town quarteis or, in some cases, recent
accietions to older uiban waids The total tax-
pavmg population numbeied 849, no data on bach-
elors being available, our estimate of total population
cannot be very precise, but probablv the number of
inhabitants had about doubled since 937/1530 One
of the quaiters was named for the local Fndav mosque
Since another urban ward was called Djum'a, it is
likely that the town possessed two structures suitable
ioi Fndav pravers; possibly one of these was the
Sulevman Pasha mosque which, according to a rescript
dated 1171/1758, was recorded in the official regis-
ters of the time but has not been located in the sur-
viving tahrirs (Ahmet Kal'a et alii (eds.), Istanbul ahkcim
dtfterlen Istanbul lakif tarihi, Istanbul 1998, i, 238). Near
the port there was a Christian quarter; this may well
have grown in later years, as in llb5/1752 the town
boasted a metiopohd, albeit one who resided in Istanbul
(ibid, i, 338-9) During this same period, the town
also possessed some Jewish residents (ibid., i, 164). As
IZMID — IZMIR
the non-Muslim quaitei is described as Kin? under
the town' we ma\ assume that most of the Muslim
wards lav on the hill as thev had done in Dei ri-
se hw am s time (Ankara Tapu \e Kadastio Genel
Muduilugu Ku\udu Kadime no 49 fol 12b)
Ewhva Celebi visited Izmkmid about 1050/1640
describing the mined foitiess which in his opinion
had been destroved b\ Sultan 'Othman to present
its use bv the B\zantine nobles with whom this ruler
was at war Among the notable buildings Ewh\a
mentioned a mosque built b\ Peitew Pasha on the
seashore a work of Mim'ai Sinan alone; with a public
bath and hmansaia\ bv the same viziei A garden
palate with an extensive paik had been built foi Murad
I\ The town contained 23 quaiters three of which
were inhabited b\ C hnstians while one was settled
bv Jews There was no btdistan normalh the hill-
mark of a ma]oi commeicial centre but the exten-
sive depots located neai the port seem to have served
similar purposes Timber merchants formed a signi-
ficant pait of the uiban elite Seyahatnamtn Top/apt
Saini Bagdat 304 \azmasmm tiamhipwmu diom, Istanbul
1W 39-40)
In the 12th /18th centurv woodworking crafts such
as the manufactuie of combs and spoons appear to
hav e been of some significance Howevei the Izmkmid
craftsmen did not supplv themselves with wood dnecflv
from the forest villages, but pui chased it in Istanbul
\et there must have been economic oppoitumtits
available in the town itself as toward the end of the
centurv Izmid supposedlv held 30 000 people A D
Mordtmann Seni who saw the town shortlv after
the end of the Crimean Wai claims that it was mhab
ited bv 2 000 Turkish 1 000 Armenian and 200 Greek
families which means that he estimated a population
size of about 15 000 [inatohen Sh^tn und Rmebneft
•n (1850 1859) ed Babmgei Hanovei 1925,
282-3
ocal harl
loned 1
) Mordi
Ewhv
t pan
e building a warship for
the Ottoman navv Further development of the town
was however impeded bv the prevalence of malana
In the closing vears oi the 19th centuiv Izmid ioimed
the centre of the mutuainflU of the same name
i\ Cuinet La Tiuqiae d int Pans 1890-4 iv 301-
400 1 Uiban giowth had piobabh been ptomoted bv
the railroad linking Istanbul to Ankaia and the town s
population now amounted to about 25 000 living in
5 857 houses and purchasing their dailv needs in 1 140
shops Stone quaines and a sawmill were still active
two state-owned factories had been established, mak-
ing fezzes and woollen cloth foi uniforms anothei
such factorv producing tine silk fabncs and located
in Heieke administrate eh was situated in the uilayet
of Istanbul but geographicallv much closer to Izmid
In the immediate vicimtv the townlet of Armach
(Cuinet s spelling) was inhabited bv Armenians who
in 1019-20/1611 had immigiated Irom Iran Housing
\ for Gregoiian priests this locahtv special-
cultiv.
Howevei Izmit s transfoimation into a major mdus-
tnal centre has come undei the Republic and espe-
ciallv after the Second World War with the town
benetmng fiom its easv access to Istanbul Until 1970,
a state-owned papei mill opened in 1936 produced
practicallv all the paper used in Turkev (ait kocaeh
in luit amiHopediu Istanbul 1982-3 vn 5037) Since
the 1960s car tvres petrochemicals and liquid petrol
gas (the majoi fuel for cooking in Turkev) have been
developed theie and since theie is now an autoioute
oithein shore of the Gul:
sufleied badlv from the 1999 earthquake when
amongst manv otheis buildings of the recentlv-
estabhshed provincial umversitv were destroved \et
despite this industrialisation awav fiom the coastline
including the c hemes of \anmca, known to Ewhv a
Celebi and also tobacco sunilowei
log, a
in the
article see J B Moidtmann s £/' art sv Cuinet
op nt i\ 357 ft Naval Intelligence Division
Admiraltv Handbooks Tw to London 1942-3 n
555 and index (Surah \ F-vroqhi)
IZMIR the Tuikish foim of the ancient Greek
name Sm\rn^ one of the great mercantile
cities of the Eastein Mediten anean It lies in
western Anatolia at the head of the Gulf of Izmir
and the pre-modern cit\ lav mainh on the small delta
plain of the kazilcullu (ancient Melas) nvei
Izmir has a historv going back live millennia archae-
ological excavations having revealed the eaihest level
of occupation as contemporarv with the first citv of
Trov at the beginning oi the Bionze Age [ta 3 000
BC I Greek settlement is indicated from ca 1000
BC and Herodotus savs that the citv was founded
bv Aeohans but then seized b\ Iomans It became a
line citv possiblv re-founded bv Alexander the Gieat
in 3 34 BC Under the Romans it was the centre of
a civil diocese of the province of Asia and was one
inued as a metiopohtan see and was the cap-
il then
of S
With the invasions of Turkmens acioss Anatolia
towards the end oi the 11th centuiv the Turkish
chief Caka/Tzachas established himself at Smvrna in
1081 and fiom there i aided the Aegean islands But
after the Turks were driven out of Nicaea in 1097
inSuppl], Smv.na
1098 It v
5 befon
Turkish control a:
quered bv the Av dinoghullari [see A\ din-oghlu] (716-
17/1317 Kadife Kal c e 729 30/1329 Ashagh! kal'e)
(Tuncer Bavkaia I mi, jehn Lt tank Bomova-Izmir
1974 28 foi shghtlv vauant dates see Irene Melikof,-
Savar U distan d I mm Pacha Pans 1954 40) On his
visit in ,a 7 31/13 31 Ibn Battuta found a larger,
luinous place whose upper fortress was held bv the
Av dinoghullai i and which possessed at least one zaune
(Rihla u 310-12 tr Gibb u 445-7) The citv was
captured bv the knights of Rhodes on 28 October
1344 although the Av dinoghullari and later the
Ottomans held on to the citadel or upper fortress
The Knights were finallv expelled bv Timui in 804-
5/1402 when he took the lowei foitiess and the
Av dinoghullari bneflv r
Hov
-15 Izn
n Otto-
man possession after the last Avdinoghlu to rule
Djunevd, known as Izmii oghlu, had been defeated
bv Sultan Mehemmed I (Himmet Akin hdmogullan
tanhi hakkinda bir aia}tirma Ankara 1968 80 for a
later date of the final Ottoman conquest namelv 828-
9/1425 see D Golfman I-jnn Fiom villag, to colonial
port ah in Ethem Eldem Goflman and B Masters
Vie Ottoman nty betuan East and Wed Cambndge 1999
86) As the new gov ei nor an Islamised son of the
foimer Bulghar Tsar Shishman was appointed but
the first extant tahrir describing the town only dates
from 935/1528-9 (physical damage to earlier registers
accounts for this absence: Basbakanhk Arsivi, Istanbul,
Tapu Tahrir no. 148).
In the 9th-10th/15th-16th centuries, Izmir was a
small settlement; in 937/1530, 304 adult males, both
tax-paying and tax-exempt, were on record; 42 of
these were Christians (Ismet Binark et alu (eds.), 166
numarah muhdsebe-i vilaret-i Anadolu {937/1530), Ankara
1995, 392). There were no more than five urban
wards, one of them situated in the immediate vicin-
ity of the port, rather active in spite of the town's
small size. By 983/1575-6, Izmir had grown to house
492 taxpayers in eight urban wards; in addition, a
group of former Izmirlis had settled in the nearby
village of Boynuzsekisi, but continued to pay their
taxes with the town's population (Tapu ve Kadastro
Genel Mudurlugu, Ankara, Kuyudu Kadime no. 167,
fols. 3b ff.). One of the port's major functions was
the supply of Istanbul with grain, raisins, cotton and
other agricultural products (Zeki Ankan, A Mediterranean
port. Izmir in the 15th and 16th centuries, in Three ages of
knur, palimpsest of cultures, ed. Enis Batur, ti. Virginia
T. Sachoglu, Istanbul 1993, 59-70).
But Izmir's remarkable growth really begins in the
later 10th/ 16th century, when the cotton, cotton yarn
and other products of the region began to attract
French, English, Dutch and Venetian traders. Izmir
thus took over the role of mediaeval Ayatholugh
(Ephesus, Altiluogo), which was losing its commer-
cial significance due to the silting up of its port
(D. Goffman, Izmir and the Levantine world, 1550-1650
(Seattle and London 1990). At first illegal, the expor-
tation of cotton was legalised in 1033/1623 (Suraiya
Faroqhi, Towns and townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia,
Cambridge 1984, 136-7) In the llth/17th century
Izmir and the surrounding region were settled by
numerous migrants from other provinces, including
Jews from Salonika who fled the mounting exactions
and diminishing rewards of the Macedonian woollen
industry (Goffman op tit, 97-102) Toward the cen-
tury's end, J -B Tavermer estimated the population
at about 90,000 (Us six images en Turqute & en Perse,
ed St Yerasimos, Pans 1981, l, 138, for a geneial
oveiview of the descnptions of Izmir by 17th-century
Euiopeans, see Soma Andeison, An English consul in
Turkn, Oxford 1989, 1-18) TuiL, formed the vast
majority (about 60,000), while theie were also 15,000
Greeks, 8,000 Aimemans and 6,000 to 7,000 Jews
A major earthquake destioved the citv in 1099/1688,
with the heaviest damage in the seaside quaitei, but
it was soon rebuilt (N N Ambraseys and C F Finkel,
The seismictty of Turkey and adjacent areas a historical renew
1500-1800, Istanbul 1995, 90-1) To a large extent,
the exportation of Persian raw silk to Europe passed
through Izmir, thus this port had entered into a suc-
cessful competition with the much oldei mart of Aleppo
(Necmi Ulker, The emergence of Izmir as a Mediterranean
commercial tenter for French and English interests, 1698 1740,
in Intemat Jnal of Turkish Studies 1 [1987], 1-37) How-
e\ei the regular passage of caravans through a plague-
infested mountain area on the Ottoman-Persian border
meant that the city was exposed to contagion not
only through ships' crews and cargoes, but also on
account of overland trade (D Panzac, La peste a Smyme,
in Annates ESC [1973], 1071-93)
In the early 18th century, Persian silk was less fre-
quently seen m Izmir as wars accompanying the decay
of the Safawids impeded cultivation, moreover, English
traders gained access to alternative sources in Bengal
and China While English merchants, specialised in
the commercialisation of silk, largely gave up trading
in the Levant, French merchants, in particular, con-
tinued their activities. At the beginning of the 17th
century, Izmir and Iskenderun constituted the major
exporting centres as far as the Marseilles trade was
concerned, while at the century's end, Iskenderun had
fallen far behind, and Izmir uncontestably handled
the vast majority of French exports (Elena Frangakis-
Syrett, The commerce of Smyrna in the eighteenth century
(1700-1820), Athens 1992" 257-9). In certain years,
over 45% of all Ottoman goods shipped to Marseilles
passed through Izmir. Exports included mohair yarn
from Ankara, silk, cotton, both spun and raw, and
wool. Among imports, the only manufactured item
were Languedoc woollen fabrics, produced exclusively
for the Ottoman market (CI. Marquie, L'wdustne
textile carcassonnaise au XVIII' slide.. ., Carcassonne 1993).
In addition, Izmir imported coffee from the Caribbean,
sugar and indigo.
Of the numerous public buildings of Ottoman Izmir,
very little survives. Ewliya Celebi, who visited the town
in 1081-2/1671 and admired the relief of a female
face at the entrance to the seaside fortress, praises
the Blyiklioghlu Djami'i, later destroyed in the earth-
quake of 1099/1688, and also mentions the Fa'ik
Pasha Djami'i, one of the oldest mosques in town
(Seyahatnamesi, Istanbul 1935, ix, 88-100). His descrip-
tions in part reflect the data collected by the officials
who, in 1068/1657-8, put together a tahrir under the
orders of a certain Isma'rl Pasha (for further infor-
mation on this document, see Faroqhi, Towns, 276).
At different times in Izmii's history, 25 mtdreses were
active (Munir Aktepe, Ottoman medreses in Izmir, in Three
ages of Izmir, 85-99). Ewliya also mentioned the mul-
titude of khans (Aktepe, Izmir hanlan ve jar plan hakkinda
on bilgi, in Tanh Dergisi, xxv [1971] 105-54, \V Mullei-
Wiener, Der Bazar von Izmir, in Mitteilungen der Frankisthen
Geographischen Geselhchajt, xxv n-xxvin, [1980-1], 420-54)
In the late 18th and eaily 19th centuries, certain
Izmir buildings weie decorated with elaboiate reliefs,
featuring slightly stylised views of local mosques and
othei buildings The popularity of this decoration may
indicate the donors pride in the piospenty of then
city (Ayda Arel, Image architectural et image urbaine dans
une senc de bos reliefs ottomans de la region egeenne, in
Turcica, xvm [1986], 83-118)
An active tiade resulted in the lesidence of foieign
consuls, the English historian Paul Rycaut officiating
as Charles IPs' representative between 1077-8/1667
and 1089/1678 (Anderson, An English consul, passim)
By contrast, the Ottoman cential administi ation was
merely represented by the kadi and the tax farmers
collecting customs and other dues Unlike in many
other Ottoman commeicial centres, foreign traders
were not obliged to reside in the khans but could
inhabit houses by the seashore, many of them with
landing stages of their own Houses for rent, known
as frcnk khane, were built by Ottoman notables as an
dations Thus the seaside quaiter became known as
the "street of the Franks" The latter also were per-
mitted their own churches, the French worshipping
at St Polycarpe, whose parish registers suivive from
the 18th century onwaids (Mane Carmen Smyrnelis,
Colonies europeennes et communautes ethnico confessionelles a
Snnme coexistence ct reseaux de sociabihte, in \ivre dans
VEmpire ottoman, ed F Georgeon and P Dumont, Pans
1997, 173, 194) Entertainments might take on a semi-
pubhc character, with plays performed in the French
consulate even in the llth/17th century, while a hun-
dred years later, the Jewish community also staged
plays (Eftal SeMnt.li, Theata in knur in Three agis of
/emu, 370) Officially -.peaking, neither Fiench nor
English mei chants weie expected to bung then wives
much less marrv local Christian women, for this would
ha\e made them subjects of the Sultan sojourn in
the Ottoman Empire was expected to be a tempo-
iar\ afian In piactice certain French and English
families lived in the cit\ ioi geneiations and mar-
nages ol Frenchmen to Roman Catholics of Greek
Ewhva Celebi vaunted the enormous revenues which
the kadi ol Izmir enjoyed in his own time partly due
to iegular emoluments and partK due to the presents
which he could expect (ix, 89) But in the 18th cen-
tury the major Ottoman presence in the area was
not the kadl% but a family of tax faimers and dues
collectors acting foi absentee governors and known as
the Kara 'Othmanoghullaii The economic power ol
these personages derived fiom the fact that the> mar-
keted the cotton and other agncultural produce they
collected fiom local peasants to foieign expoiters
(G Veinstein, "Aydn" dt la region d Izmir it It lommau
du La ant (diuxume moitu du Will sieile,, m RUMM
xx [1975], 131-46, loi a contiarv position emphasis-
ing the iole of the family as actual landholders see
Vuzo Nagata Tanhtt ayanlar haiaosmanogullaii ujrindt
bit imehmi, Ankara 1997, 89-142) Political power and
status allowed the Kaia 'Othmanoghullan to dnve
with the goods they wished to sell on then own behalf
numerous pious foundations this family established in
the legion for which the two khan* constructed m
Izmir by different kaia 'Othmanoghullan weie meant
sine ait nuniati imhi Ankara 1992' with extensive bibl I
In the 19th century Izmir continued to funct.on
as a city specialising in foieign tiade Howevei with
the Ottoman Empire's inc teasing integration into
a tianscontinental econom> dominated b> Euiope,
(at the end of the century by lar the single most valu-
able ciop), the tanning agents sumach and valonia,
and opium, all ai lived in the depots of Izmn s 'gentle-
men traders' many but not all of them non-Muslims
Ottoman mei chants operated as middlemen dependent
on exporting Euiopean merchants fHalit Ziva Usakligil,
citing a passage fiom hirk til 5 vols, Istanbul 1930,
cited in English ti in C Issawi The ewnomu history
of Turkic 1800 1914, Chicago and London 1980
72-3, V Cuinet, La Turqme d'hie, Pans 1892-4, in,
362 ft)
of the fust Anatolian lailways linked Izmir to Turgutlu,
then known as Kasaba, and another line connected
Ay din and Izmir However, the onentation of these
railwa>s accoiding to the needs ol import and export
meichants limited their overall economic usefulness
(Orhan Kuimus, Imptryalizmm Tuikne'te geh}i, Istanbul
1974) Between 1867 and 1875, the poit of Izmn was
modernised, with quays and a breakwater constructed
(Mubahat Kutukoglu Izmn nhtitmmn injaati vt islttmt
imtnazu in Tanh Dergisi, xxxn [1979] 495-558) A few
industrial enterprises served the picparation ol agri-
cultural goods lor expoit While most of the olive,
sesame and other vegetable oils weie still pressed in
old-style mills, theie weie a few ventuies, undertaken
by membeis of the Ottoman minorities but also by
the occasional Englishman, to found modem-style fac-
tories (Abdullah Martal, Degijim sweande Izmudt sana
viltime, 10 yuznl Izmn 1999, 144-5) In the impoit
sectoi, textiles assumed a gieatei importance aftei
about 1840 At that time the output of English cot-
ton lactones began to flood the Izmn market unim-
peded by any protective dut> since the Anglo-Ottoman
commercial treaty fixed custom dues at a low level
and prohibited monopolies (Martal, 'sanarnlejme, 123-5)
This did not, howevei, pi event the emergence ol a
flounshing textile industry specialising in home furnish-
ings (Cuinet, in 429)
Moieovei, rising standards of living among the
European middle classes, as well as the stylistic pref-
led t
ased
demand lor carpets What had previously been a lux-
ury trade expanded to cater for mass markets which
around 1900, came to include the more affluent sec-
tors of the working class While these carpets weie
notably Usak [see 'usnAk], they became known as
Smyrna iugs in Euiope, not only because they came
out through the city's poit but also because the mer-
pying a prominent position, weie frequently based in
Izmn (D Quataert Maihint breaking and the ihanging
impel tndustn of utsttrn \natnha 1860 1908 repi in
Horktri peasants and tionomu ihangt in tht Ottoman Empirt
17 W 1914, Istanbul 1993, 117-36
Trade and an active public admmistiation had by
the end of the 19th century stimulated urban giowth,
the population of Izmir propel i caching the 200 000
maik About 89 000 weie Muslim Turks and 59,000
Orthodox Gieeks while ovei 3b 000 inhabitants
carried foreign passports (Cuinet, m 440 for fuither
statistical inioimation laigel> culled horn the salnamv,,
see the anonymous art Izmn, in lint ansiklopuhsi Turkni
d ,1 dunu bugunu, mini, 4271-87) Steamboat lines and
a tiam assuied intia-urban communication and, in
1905, electricity was introduced The city became
an educational centre with nine state schools on the
secondaiy level Foi the Gieeks, theie was the
' Evangelical Si hool ' famed foi its high level of mstiuc-
tion, in addition to numeious foreign, especially French
educational establishments
Izmir was not dnectly affected dunng Woild War
I, although many young men weie drafted into the
aimv oi into laboui bataillons But in 1919, with the
Ottoman Empire defeated and Istanbul occupied by
of the British Prime Mimstei Lloyd George, landed
tioops in Izmn and occupied the city until 1922,
when the invaders weie dnven out by the Nationalist
aimy undei the command of Mustafa Kemal [Atatuik]
Both the Greek occupation and the latei withdiawal
of the Gieek foices weie accompanied by large-scale
flight fiom Izmn, which in Septembei 1922 was moie-
ovei destroyed by a major conflagiation iML Smith,
Ionian usion, Greece in Uia Minor 1919 1022, lev ed
London 1998) The exchange of populations decided
upon m the Tieaty of Lausanne 1 1923) involved the
exodus of the remaining Gieek population whose
places were taken by Tuiks who had been loiced to
vacate Gieek terntory
In the 19b()s, Izmir began to add new functions
to its traditional iole as an export-import centie serv-
ing an agncultuial hinterland Small-scale industry
developed, and in automotive transportation, numei-
ous minute undei capitalised entiepieneurs were also
active As m all laige Tuiktsh cities, migiation Irom
rural areas led to the hast> construction of shanty -
town housing and the emergence of a large 'intoimal
480
IZMIR — JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA
sector" (Mubeccel Kiray, Orgutlesemeven kent, Jzmir'de
is hayatmm yapw, Ankara 1972). By 1980, Izmir had
developed into a city of over half a million inhabit-
ants, surrounded by highly urbanised suburbs. Apart
from the beginnings of an investment goods industry,
factories processing tobacco, olives and fruits continue
to be a local specialty, and tourism also plays an
important role in the urban economy. With two uni-
versities, the city also has become one of the educa-
tional centres of Turkey.
Bibliography: Given in the article. See also J.H.
Mordtmann,_£/' art. s.v. (Suraiya Faroqhi)
'IZZET HOLO (al-)'Abid, Ahmad b. Muhyi
•1-Din Abu 1-Hawl b. <Umar b. 'Abd al-Kadir, popu-
larly known as 'ARAB 'IZZET Pasha (1272-1343/
1855-1924), late Ottoman statesman and close
counselor of Sultan 'Abd al-Hamid II [q.v.].
Born in Damascus (hence ' his nickname '"Arab"]
as the son of a wealthy local notable. Hold Pasha,
he was educated in his hometown and in Beirut and
became proficient in Turkish and French. Counted
among the reformers, he edited a weekly in Arabic
and Turkish, named Dimashk. Moving to Istanbul, he
eventually joined the ranks of the chamberlains [kurena)
of 'Abd al-Hamid and then became a Second Secretary
(ikindji katib) of the Mabeyn [q.v.]. He gained great in-
fluence at court and was finally appointed Vizier.
In May 1900 he was made head of the supervisory
committee for the Hidjaz Railway [q.v.]. Fiom gifts
of the Sultan and from kickbacks paid to him by for-
eign companies he acquired great wealth, and became
the object of public outrage. The then famous satirist
Sha'ir Eshref (1847-1912), in a lampoon against 'Abd
al-Hamid, wrote:
Besmele gush eyleyen sheylan gibx,
Korkuyursun "hot" dese bir edjnebf.
Pddishahm mile alcaksin ki sen
'kzet-i nefsm 'A,ab 'heel g,b,.'
Like Satan, when he hears the bismillah,
you panic, if a foreigner says "hum".
My Lord, you are so lowly that your soul's nobil-
ity is like unto 'Arab Tzzet.
At the outbreak of the 1908 revolution he fled to
London and thenceforward lived outside his own coun-
try, mainly in England, Switzerland and France. He
died in Egypt, where he had gone for medical treat-
ment, and was buried in Damascus.
Bibliography, ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Turk
meshurlan ansikbpedisi, Istanbul n.d. [ca. 1940], 198;
Zirikll, A'lam\ i, 163; H. Yucebas, $air Epef butun
siirlen ve 80 ydlik hatiralan, Istanbul 1978, 5.
(Ed.)
JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA (al-Djami'a al-
MiLLmAAL-IsLAMin^a Muslim LTnnersity for-
merly in British India and now in the Indian LTnion
In September 1920 the Indian National Congiess
adopted the non-coopeiation resolution against the
British gosemment Thejamia Milha Islamia (National
Muslim Unnersity) was the lustv child of the non-
cooperation da\s according to Jawaharlal Nehiu,
independent India s hrst Prime Minister 1947-b4
Mawlana Mahmud Hasan (1851-1920) the 'aim at
the Dai al'ulum in Deoband, perfoimed the opening
ceremony on 29 Octobei 1920 Thejamias pnncipal
aichitects were the Oxford-educated Mawlana Muham-
mad 'Mi (1878-1931) the pan-Islamic leadei Dr
Mukhtai Mrmad Ansan (1880-1936) an Edinburgh-
tiained medical doctor and Hakim '\djmal Khan
(18b3-1927) a leading practitioner of the unam system
of education and one of Dihh s well-known citizens
Among its piominent vice-chancellors ha\e been Dr
Zakii Husavn (1879-1969) and Muhammad Mudjib
(1902-85)
In its nascent stages thejamias raison delre was to
keep Muslim education fiee fiom go\ernment aid and
control and to evolve a philosophy of education that
would be in keeping with national chaiactenstics and
in consonance with the Islamic spuit The foundeis
behe\ed that communal peace and religious under-
standing weie the fruits of true education Conse-
quently the\ devised a cumculum to end religious
discord between all faiths to familiarise \outh with
their own cultural heritage without rejecting what was
tiue and useful in the cultuie of others, and to e\ohe
an organic thesis of traditional and modern educa-
tion The hrst 4mir i Djami'a (Chancellor) Hakim
Adjmal Khan expected students to know each other s
cultuie The hrm foundation of a united Indian
nationhood depends on this mutual understanding
M K Gandhi the main inspiration behind the
founding of the Jamia hoped that this r
would interpret Muslim culture in a mai
with tiuth and the iequirements of a people dnerse
in culture He hoped that it would produce good
Muslims who would be men of refinement and charac-
ter living according to the highest moral standards and
serving the people with devotion and sincentv
In 1935 Hahde Edib Hanum the Turkish author
[see khalide edib] lectured at the Jamia Vcording
to her the institutions chief objective was to create
a harmonious nationhood and she observed that, in
its aim if not always in its piocedure it was neaier
to the Gandhian movement than an\ other Muslim
institution she had come across in India In 1943
W C Smith the historian of Islam commented that
the Jamia has been constanth gi owing, ever lefui-
bishing its methods, and blanching out from time to
time to meet new needs Its education has aimed at
being and has been piogressive Indian and Muslim
The puisuit of such ideals ran into iough weather
owing to paucitv of funds and yet dedicated teach-
eis kept the Jamn going under adveise circumstances
The\ did not have money and worked amidst and
thiough poveitv The\ did not even have the shekel
of houses so the\ taught undei the open sk\ \et
the\ cheeifulh faced the hard trials m an atmosphere
of enthusiasm and optimism Zakii Husavn, vice-chan-
celloi from 1926 to 1948 remembered those \ears of
depnv ation as ' da\ s of jo\
In the 1930s the All-India Muslim League staked its
political claims as the sole spokesman of the Muslim
Muhammad Mudjib the histonan at Jamia
J AMI A MILLIA ISLAMIA — KABADU
told Muhammad Ikbal (1870-1938 [qi]) t
Indian Islam that his plei for a Muslim state in
noith western India was opposed to then chenshed
ideal that Muslims live and woik with non-Muslims
March 1940 Muhammad 'All Djinah (1876-1948 [q ])
put forward the two-nation theorv to legitimise his
demind tor a Muslim homeland Unlike the umversitv
at 'Aligaih which turned into an arsenal of Muslim
India the two nation theorv lound no supporters
)f turned into a quasi-religious or quasi-communal msti-
ltion but this did not happen, and the Jamia s his-
jik character has iemained unchanged I look on
us claimed Mudjib as a seculai school
In the mid- 1920s the total enrolment of the schools
nd colleges was about eightv with 25 to 30 teach-
is Todav the Jamn is a cential umversitv admin-
tered bv an act of Parliament Ovei 5 bOO students
tiuld n
escape the tun, ot the
pendent India s c apita
The J lmia s property
it lived through this c
ingrv n
)s that
aftei the countrv s Paitition
as looted and destroved But
penence to provide the heil-
i of Gandhi like
The
: in the Sahara
umversitv in seauh ot moral and political
attei independence in August 1447 could have
Fiom ;
lupees in the 1930s its maintenance budget in 2000 1
is lppioximatelv 30 11 crores
Bibliography Mushnul Hasan Ltgan of a {haded
nation India i Muslims sime mdependime London 1997
idem 4 nationals consume e Mi insari tht Concuss
and tht Rq New Delhi 1987 See also W C Smith
\Iodan Islam m India a social anahsa Lahore 1943
Hahde Edib Insidt India London
(Mist
l Hasa:
K
authoi ot the celebm
After having learnt the Kur'an Aiabic language
and the rudiments of jikh, he left the huttab oi kur'an
school and plunged into individual leadings ot the
mvstics and especiallv, the writings ot Ibn al-'Arabr
[qi] Under this influence he spent his vouthful lite
as a dervish At the age ot 18, his wandcnngs took
him as tai as Libva, wheie at Misrata he met a famed
Sufi mastei, the shaikh Muhammad Zafii al-Madanl
(d 1854) In this shaikhs companv he regained his
desire for studv Thiee vears later he left him with
the license, idjaza [ ? r], to tiansmit his teachings On
his return to Tunis he attended the lectuies ot sev-
eral sAaiMs of the Zavtuna [q < ] including Muhammad
Baviam al-Thalith, Ahmad b Tahn al-Lutayvit and
Muhammad b Muluka At the same time he taught
the Zavtuna students abridgements ot grammai logic
and lhetonc One of his masters recommended him
to the mimstei Sulavman kahiva as a tutor toi his
sons The ministers death in 1838 led him into exile
foi a second time and he went to Istanbul and
remained theie till 1842 According to Ibn Abr Divaf
who met him at the time ot a mission to the Sublime
Porte and who led him to ieturn to Tunis he spent
these vears in studv and teaching as he had done at
the Zavtuna One ot his biographeis Zavn al-'AbidTn
al-Sanusi states that he followed couises in mathe-
matics at the Mihtarv College in Istanbul
Back in Tunis Kabadu was appointed piotessor at
the Mihtarv Polvtechmc School ot Bardo the first
Tunisian to teach thus in this institution, whose direc-
tor and teachers had been till then exclusivelv Euro-
peans During the veais spent theie (1842-55) he
plaved a decisive lole m the education ot an elite
which was to be a speaihead ot the leforms achieved
between 1840 and 1875 Amongst his students who
also became his friends and piotcctois, was the great
statesman and letormei Khavi al-Din (d 1889 [,/;])
into Arabic
tor otheis
Kabadu was appointed to the Zavtuna on
mendation of the Hanafi mufti Bav tan-
as a teaching shaikh ot the first class ic
position till the vear of his death m 187
mg it with the offices of kadi of the Baid
that of Mahki mufti ihom 1808 onwards) '
tions enabled him to letain his influence a
enlarge his audience Whilst teaching rl
logic he stimulated the formation of cir
vlnch he introduced sub]ects i
the ^
ardo Schoo
he
Louraged students who had a
meal education to take an mteiest in the hteratuie
and historv of Aiab Muslim civilisation At the
Zavtuna, he led students seeking a traditional educa-
tion towards the modem sciences and the studv ot
other civilisations, thus contributing to the forming of
a generation of Zavtuna giaduates open to the spmt
ot retoims which bi ought a lehgious legitimisation to
the movement for modernisation bv the Bardo-tiained
elite he had himself taught His most notable disci-
ples at the Zavtuna weie the shaikh Salim Buhadjib
(1828-1924) and Bavram al-Khamis 1 1839-89) The
first ot these was hailed bv Muhammad "Abduh [q t ]
as one ot the minds most open to the retoim he and
al-Aigham preached, he later became Malik! mufti and
KABADU — KABBANI
Hanafis and president ni the Consultative Council
The second held various offices with the refoimist
mimsteis before going into exile aftei Khavi al-Din s
tall at Istanbul and then Cairo, where he instigated
a reioi mist newspaper al I'lam and a leiorm movement
If Muhammad Kabadu is considered as a precur-
sor ot leform in Tunisia this stems mainlv from his
role in the education oi a political and leligious elite
the reform of institutions in 19th-centur\ Tunisia At
the Baido School as at the Zavtuna he inculcated,
those reformist ideas which had begun to be known
within the Muslim world at the end oi the 18th cen-
turv This spirit which Kabadu defended in his writ-
ings and in his official duties iested on the will
to reconcile the Ai ab-Islamic hentage with the ideas
and knowledge that had brought about progress
Not all of his woik has come down to us and
what he wiote befoie 1842 is essentialh lost Even
of his latei works at least a commentarv on the
poems of al-Mutanabbi is lost His extant work is
available in thiee editions bv M al-Sanusi (1877) bv
the Tunisian Publishing Societv (1972) and bv th.
Univeisitv piofessoi Amoi Ben Salem, based on schol-
arlv reseaich and published bv the CERES at Tunis
(1984) His oeuvre contains a section on poetrv (=
Ben Salem s first vol) which is moie impoitant than
the prose works (= the second vol with vanous
annexes) His poetrv lefleits the different stages of his
career His political ideas aie especiallv to be found
in his eulogies of the thiee Bevs whom he knew
between 1842 and 1871 and of the vizieis and influ-
ential figures of the same period as also in his poems
hailing such events as the piomulgation oi the Fun-
damental Pact in 184b and the Constitution oi 1 8b 1
the publication oi Khavr al-Din s book etc His
closeness to the ruling powers explains the limits
of his
efoim
like
those where he hails the suspension of the icfor
after the rebellion of '<\h b &hidhahum [see IBN
ohidh^hum in Suppl] in 1864 His religious feeling
is lefiected in his invocations addresses to saints and
poems composed to gloniv the great Sufi" leadeis the
Piophet and his descendants to which his own shaii-
fian origins attached him Filled with classical culture
he was interested in the vanous foims of the Arabic
poetic tiadition and his stvle and the forms adopted
bv him show a lespect for classical canons of liteia-
tuie These chaiactenstits surface also in his non-
poetic works within which rhvmed prose is dominant
This pait of his work includes his letters the edito-
nals ot the first 25 numbeis ot the Journal Offiiul his
xi tides within that journal the preface of the Arabic
translation of Jommier s book on war an epilogue to
the Official Press ot Tunisia s edition of the Muuatta'
a panegvnc addiessed to Khavr al-Din s book and
the prefaces to his poems
Kabadu s life and work have attracted much atten-
tion from those who consider him as a precuisor of
ieform in Tunisia the most complete and the most
ngorouslv scholarlv edition of his work remains that
of Ben Salem
Biblwsrapht Dman Kabadu 1-11 ed Amor Ben
Salem Univeisitv of Tunis 1984 Dman Kabadu,
STD Tunis 1972 al Ra'id al wsmi al tumsi I Journal
Officiel Tumsien) nos 1-25 1860-1 nos 27-8 1871
Ben Salem Kabadu ha\atuhu atharuhu tia tajh
ruhu alislahi Univeisitv ot Tunis 1975 idem art
Kabadu m Da'irat al ma'anf al tumsma fasc 1
Carthage 1990 47-52 Rashid al-Dahdah Kimatrat
tauamir Pans 1880 Ibn Abi 1-Divaf IthaJ ahl
al zaman bi akhbar muluk Tumi ua 'ahd al aman Mm
AtT Cult Tunis 19b3-6 n 36-7, bl v 46-50 5b
Muh Makhlui Shad^arat al nw al zakina jt labakal
almahhna Cairo 1929 i 393 Muh al-Navfar
'Unaan al anb 'amma nasha'a J, I mamlaha al tunuma
mm 'ahm ita adib Tunis 1932 i 127-30 Other
bibliographical sources Hasan Husm <Abd al-
V\ahhab Uudjmal ta'nkh al adab al tumsi, "Tunis
1968, 277-8 al-Hadi HammQda al-&huzzi al idab
al tumsi fi I'ahd alhmawi, STD Tunis 1972 177-
219 Muh al-Khidi Husavn Turin ua djami' al
zaUuna Cairo 1971 82-8 Muh al-Fadil Ibn "Ashur
irhan al nahda al tumsma Tunis 19b2 5-10 al
Haraha al adabma ua I fibma Jt Tunis Tunis 1972
29 (i Muh Mahfuz Tara&im al mu'alhjin al
tunumin 5 vols Beirut 198b iv, 47-52
IM Ch Ferjani)
KABBANI, Niz^r Twfik (1923-98) the most
widely read and with over 18 000 lines ot verse the
most prolific 20th-centuiv Aiabic poet an lmpor-
1 of it
1945 after fimsh-
i He
Kabbani
ing his law studies m his native
left the service in 1966 so as tc
full-time writing in Beirut where
publishing house (Dar Manshuiat
1967 He died in London where
in Geneva he had spent his last
Kabbani s highlv poetical and persuasiv e language
is eminentlv accessible and has been descnbed as a
thud language neither lexic ogi aphicallv classical nor
educated vernacular His departure fiom classical
noims is in the poets own words a delibeiate attack
on the haughtv history of Arabic rhetonc Still manv
of his poems are in a traditional Khahlian metre with
monorhvme and a fixed line-length (but often printed
in a modem lav-out) However more than a fifth of
his poems (19b out of a total of 8b3) aie non-
metrical In between aie manv poems in the tradi
tion of shi'r huir (lit fiee poetrv ) with varied rhvmes
and variable line-length (brought about bv the fact
that the constituent metucal foot — or tafila — is
repeated a different number of times in different lines)
An earlv example ot this alieadv in his first dlitan
Kalat Ina I iamra' (1944) is the poem Indija'
Kabbani s linguistic rebellion operates within a wider
militant vision that defies a stagnant underdeveloped
and inhuman Arab societv with its taboos on sexu-
ahtv religion and political power This disposition is
artistically expiessed in hundreds of love poems and
some 140 oveitlv political poems His Notes on the
book of the defeat (Haitamish 'ala daftar al naksa) the
angnest poem in contemporary Aiabic (S Javyusi)
which appeared in the aftei math ot the June 1967
iderhned in the
' \o\x
formed me/from a poet of love and veammg/to a
poet writing with a knife ' Through the unity ot his
poetic vision however love and politics in Kabbani
are not compartmentalised Much of his love poetiv
can in fact be read as political and the political
poems resonate with his love poetrv
His detractors tend to lead his love poetrv as a
naicissistic Don Juanesque catalogue of amoious
exploits and accuse the poet of supeificiahtv His social
and political criticism has been read as sadistic nest
fouling and his writings have been banned moie than
once "\et his poetrv is popular with the masses and
is memorised bv millions to which the sung versions
ot some twentv poems bv singeis such as Umm
Kulthumh/i] Favruz <Abd al-Hahm Hafiz (d 1977)
Madjida al-Rumi lb 1057) Kazim al-Sahn, Nadjat
al-Saghira and otheis ha\e also contributed
His prose works include statements on poetrv and
the autobiographical hissati ma' a I shi'r (1973] and Mm
auraki I madjhula sira dhatma thanna (2000 not seen)
Kabbani s contacts with Spain (with a professional
sta\ at the S\nan embassv irom 1053 till l%b) ha\e
contributed to a focus on Andalusian themes and
se\eial poems ha\e been translated into Spanish
notablv three \olumes b\ P Martinez Monta\ez
Poemas amorosos arabts Madrid 1905 1988 Poitnas
pohtuos Madrid 1975 Tu amoi Madud 1987 \n
Italian collection Poesit ti bv & Canova it al was
published in Rome 197b \ olumes m English aie
Arabian hie poems tr b\ B Frangieh and C R Brown
Colorado Springs 1992 with the original te\ts in the
poets own hand tnd On enltnng the sta the twin and
olhtr pottn of \kiit Qabbam ti b\ L Jawusi it al
New \oik 199b, with an introduction b\ Salma K
Jayyusi Seveial translated poems are mcludtd in sur-
\e\s of modern Arabic poetiv
Bibliogiaphy 1 Woiks The collected woiks
published in nine volumes Benut 1997 The\ lack
' vnd aie entitled al a'mal al shi'rma
st\le in a mediaeval Hindi dulect and sung
nelodies these compositions have been an
art ol oial iehgious hteiatuie in Noith India
ited b\ Muslims and Hindus alike Selections
.1 Kabirs verses have been incoipoiated into the \di
r, the
the
1 the
nkh c
The Kabir Panth:
the Dadupanthi sect
the followers ot the path of
lation of his poetrv called the
ses like most mediaeval Indian
initially transmitted orallv and
expounded bv the Nath vogis is regarded as the pic
neer poet of the sunt movement that swept aero:
North India in the 15th tenturv Th,
ted the v
alkan
and v
ship of multiple deities
whose goal was union with the one attnbuteless imrguna)
God Thev also questioned the efficacv ot religious
rituals and validitv ot scriptural authontv Expressing
themselves in
ol the humai
the
■iv ed
lonship
<l nathrma
al kanula ivols vn and vm) [earlier editions in eight
volumes] Indexes ol titles first lines metres and
vocabularv are in Burhan Bukhan Mudkhal ila
I maiLsu'a al shamila li I sha'ir \i*.ar kabbani
[kuwavt] Dar Su'ad al Sabah 1999
2 Cntical studies & Canova \i Z m Qabbam
point damore i di lotto in 0\l In (1972i 451-bb
idem \izar Qabbam La mia stona ion la poesia in
OM \i\ (1974) 204-13 A Lova Pottn as a social
doiument Till sonal position of the Arab uoman as refluttd
in the poitn of \ K ai Qabbam in MU lxm (1973)
39-52 Z Gabav Vicar Qabbam th, poit and his
pottn, in UES ix (197 3) 207-22 Muhvi 1-Din
Subhi alhaun al shi'n 'inda \ K ar habbam Benut
1977 Khnsto Nadjm al \arajisma fi adab \ K a>
Kabbani Beirut 1983 S Wild \^ar Qabbam s auto
biography imagts of sexuality death and pottn in R
Allen H Kilpatnck and L de Mooi feds ) Ion
and si\uaht\ in modem Arabu littraturt London 1995
200-9 P Martinez Montavez M indulus y \i Z ai
habbam la tragtdia in ( uadtmos Ilu l (1998) 9-24
it habbam sha'ir h hull al adpal (= \i^ai Qabbam
a pott ,
r all g
bv ;
under Su'ad Muhammad al-Sab,
1 73 items see review bv <
[2000J 221-3) (W Stoe
1998
KABIR Noith Indi
(d ca 1448) Although Kabir is regarded as one of
the most influential saint-poets of mediaeval Noithein
India there is verv little authentic information con-
cerning his hie We can lehablv state that he was
bom in Benares to a famirv of low -caste Muslim
weavers called diulahas probablv in the opening \ears
of the 9th/ 15th ccnturv Bevond this various hagiogra-
phies of Kabir depending on the authors sectarian
affiliation make competing claims that he was a
Muslim Sufi a Hindu with liberal \aisnava leanings
or a champion of Hindu-Muslim umtv who reacted
institutionalised forms of both Islam and Hinduism
Kabir s lame is based on the numerous couplets [dohai]
and songs [padai] attubuted to him and tailed
habmams or words of Kabir Written in a caustic
? love Union with the Divine could
be attained bv anvone regardless of caste through
meditation on the divine name and with the guid-
ance ot a guru In poems attubuted to him Kabu is
particularh harsh in his attacks on the representatives
of institutionalised religion the Hindu brahmin and the
Muslim mulla or kadi, whose bookish learning and
rituals he considered entirelv useless in the spiritual
quest Attei his death some of Kabir s disciples organ-
ised themselves into a sect the Kabir Panth Not-
withstanding Kabir s anti institutional and anti-ritualistic
monks and lav people engage in a ritualised recitation
ot Kabir s poems and make offerings to an image ot
Bibliography & H W estcott habu and tht kabn
Panth Calcutta 1953 Aziz Ahmad, Studits in Islamu
\ lulturt m the Indian enuronment Oxford 19b4 143-7
Charlotte \audeville habu Oxford 19b4 eadem,
habit and the intenoi religion in Histon oj Rtligtons m
ll%4) Linda Hess and Sukhdev Singh Tht Bi/ak
of habu San Fiancisco 1983 JS Hawlev and
M Juergensmever Songs of saints of India Oxford
1988 JR Hinnells (id), Wio s nho of uoild nli
gions London 1991 204 (S C R Weightman)
(Ali S As and
KABIRA (a pi kaba'ir) a term of Islamic
heologv meaning grave [sin] oeeumng in Kur'an
:i 42/39 138/143 and passim It was the stimulus
oi much discussion amongst theologians and sectaries
ike the Khandjites \ijv] on what constituted a grave
,in and how committing one affected a mans salva-
.l-KABK
His
ind Tin
Isl
rid per
Mongol
343-50
2 The penod 1500-1800
C ompared to previous and later epochs these three
centuries are among the least studied periods in the
historv of the Caucasus The main reason for that
lies not in the unav ailabilitv ol souices but rather in
then inaccessibility until the recent past The Russian
been tulh stiutimsed In the Ottoman arthises, onl\
the surface has been scratched, chiefh due to the
efforts of Fiench scholais (A Benmgsen, Ch Lemer-
ctei -Quelqueja\ , & Veinstein et al ) The rich local
collections, or rather those that ha\e sur\i\ed wais,
depoi tations, confiscation and deliberate destruction,
ha\e onl\ begun to be intensi\el\ collected, catalogued
and studied in the 1980s, mainh by Daghistani schol-
ars l A Shikhsaido^, Kh Omaiov G Oiazaes et al)
Then works, published mainh locally, are not easih
obtainable, howe\er The result is that most of the
information a\ailable on this period is fiom the view-
pomt ol the neighbounng Great Poweis (abo\e all,
" ' competing foi mastery o\er the C;
Yet
i the s
inform
■ importance of the mtei nal processes that
occurred during these thiee centunes To stait with,
this seems to be the time when the Northern Cauca-
sus was conserted to Islam In the lbth and 17th
centuries, the Adighe peoples I know n c ollectn eh as
Cerkes [qv]) and the Kabaita\ [see kabaras] ol the
north-western and central Caucasus respectnely, were
Islamised b\ the Cnmean Tatars and the Ottomans
In the east, the Islamisation oi Daghistan, as well as
of the Ghumiks [see kumuk] in the foothills to the
north had been completed around the lbth century,
to be followed b\ that of the Cecens [qv] (the
Islamisation of the Cecens would be completed onh
in the first half of the 19th century) Contiary to the
established view, Islam seems to ha\e spread among
the Ghumiks from the "Golden Hoide" rather than
from Daghistan, and it was the\, not the Daghistanls,
who staited to Islamise the Cecens This is hinted at
b\ the lact that these two peoples adhere to the
Hanaff madhhab, while the Daghistanls belong to the
ShafiT one
This diffeience in madhhab notwithstanding, Daghis-
tan, a majoi centre of Islamic scholarship since the
5th/ 11th century, supplied religious leadeiship to the
north-eastern Caucasus well into the 20th century
This meant mtei aha that, in this area, the main lit-
eiary language had remained Aiabic, which facilitated
ties with the major Shafi'T centre of Zabid in the
Yemen (I Yu Kiacko\ski\, Dagestan i Iemen, in Izbianme
socinemya, Moscow and Leningrad I960, \i, 574-84)
Ne\ertheless, the daih life of the Muslims in Daghistan,
as all o^er the Northern Caucasus, continued to be
regulated b\ the local 'ada (pronounced 'adat) rather
than by the Sharfa (pionounced shan'at) On some
occasions the local 'adauat were written down, usu-
ally in the local idiom (foi an example in Russian
tr , see Kh -M O Khashaes (ed ), Kodeh ummu-khanna
auaiskogo (spiavedlnogo), Moscow 1948) A serious attempt
to inforce the Sharfa and eiadicate 'ada would be
made only in the 19th century
Another major process was that of foimmg a new
social stiucture in paits of the north-eastem Caucasus
The Adighe and the Kabaita\ seem to ha\e letained
their stiatified ordei, dividing society into nobles and
commoners The Cecens, on the other hand, seem to
ha\e forced out the nobility in the lbth century and
established a society based on the equality of free
men Each communirv/clan was run b\ a council,
khcl, of its elders and pan-Cecen matteis weie dis-
cussed and decided in the mehk khel ' the council of
the land" In the eastein and northern parts of Daghis-
tan all the principalities known from pre\ious pen-
ods continued to exist, then rulers bearing diffeient
titles the Shamkhal of Taighl, the 'L\mJ (pronounced
'utsmlj of Karakytak, the Ma'sum of Tabaisaian, the
Sultan ol Ihsu and the Khans of Ghazr Ghumuk,
Mekhtuli and A\anstan The extent of their control,
teintory and influence depended on the personal qual-
ities, powei and charisma ol each indrudual luler
To this period belong, howe\ei, the first testimonies
a\ailable to us concerning djama'as (pronounced dfa-
ma'al) in the inner and westein parts of Daghistan,
independent of the pi inupalities to the east and north
(and thus dubbed b\ Russian sources "free commu-
The dfama'a, a community of se\eral \illages, usu-
alh confined within natuial boundaries, was the basic
political, social and economic unit in the country It
had most piobabh existed in pre\ious times as well
Each djama'a was headed b\ an elected kadi, who
chaired the council of the elders The most \ital mat-
teis, howeser, weie decided b\ a general assembly
of the djamd'a All men, whether noble, u-Jeni (free
men) oi d}anka% idescendents of noble fatheis and com-
mon mothers) were equal membeis of the dfamd'a
The principalities weie, in fact, a confederation of
djamd'a',, each deciding whether to accept a luler's
authontv The free dfamd'ab did not recognise an\ out-
side authont\ o\er them, though on some occasions
the\ formed permanent loose confederations The most
prominent of these was the confederation of 'Akusha
(known also as Darghl) which headed the alliance that
defeated the troops ol the Persian luler Nadu Shah
Afshar [qv]
The external affairs ol the Caucasus ha\e
: froi
The
part of the last major :
Great Powers in the Muslim Woild sc that of the
first two decades of the lbth century In fact it be-
came the main battle ground between two ol them,
the SunnI Ottomans and Shr'r Safawids After three
Ottoman (1534-6, 1548-9 and 1554-5) and one Safawid
(1552) majoi campaigns, the peace of Amas\a (1555)
di\ided Trans-Caucasia between the two Ottoman
oseiloidship was recognised o\er the westein pan of
Georgia d e the kingdom of Imeret'i and its "\assal"
pnncipalities of Gun, S\anet'i and Abkhazia), while
Salawid o\erlordship was recognised o\er its east-
ern parts (the kingdoms of K'artl'i and Kakhet'i), and
present-day Armenia (Em an and Nakhdjnan), Adhar-
baydjan (Shirvan, annexed in 153b) and the south-
ernmost coiner of Daghistan (Derbend, annexed in
1509) This line of diusion would remain in force
throughout the period with two notable exceptions
(1578-lb02 and 1723-35), when the Ottomans took
ad\antage on the fust occasion of internal struggles
within the Safawid house, and on the second occa-
sion, of the disintegiation of Safawid power tempo-
lanly to seize contiol o^er the entne Caucasus
North of the main mountain lange, the Sunni
Muslims habitually recognised the Ottoman Sultan's
authonrs This, howe\ei, was far from constituting
e\en a shadowv Ottoman mle In the west and cen-
tre, the Ottomans exeicised a \ery limited, indirect
and lneffectrve control o\er the Cerkes and Kabartay,
mainh \ia the Crimean Khans In the east, in the
\anous polities of Daghistan (remote, cut off and
claimed b\ the Safawids and their successois), the
Ottomans usualh enjo\ed nothing more substantial
than sympatlvs Ne\ ertheless, then Sunn! identity added
to the obstinate resistance b\ some DaghistanI poli-
ties to the muafid, i e the ShiT Persians Seveial frag-
ments on the maigins of manuscripts testifying of such
i diffeiei
published b\ Shikhsaido\ in 1991 (in Russian ti , i:
A.A. Isae\ (ed.), Rukopimaya i peeatnaya kniga v Dagestan*
Makhackala 1991 128-9) On main <x casing the
mountain dwelleis managed to beat the invading
armies the most resounding defeat being that dealt
in 1744 to Nadu Shahs troops b\ the joint foices of
the confederation of 'AkQsha and other d^ama'at, The
futility of the attempts to conquer the mountains gave
rise to a Peisian pro\eib to the effect that when
Allah wants to punish a Shah He inculcates into his
head the idea of campaigning in Daghistan
The collapse of Nadu Shah s empne after his assas-
sination in 1747 was not followed b\ anv Ottoman
attempts to seize the aiea This granted the kings of
eastein Geoigia half a centur) of freedom and allowed
for de facto independent khanates to be established in
Dei bend Kubbah Baku Shekki Shiivan Gandja
Kaiabagh, Em an Nakhdjivan and Talish The result-
ferent Daghistani com
and raid the lowlands, mainlv into eastern Ueoigia
The boldest i aids were earned out bv 'Umar (pio-
nounced 'Ummal Khan of Parisian (1774-1801)
Once the KJdjars staited to bring together the lands
of the Safawids the\ tuined towaids the Caucasus
In 1795 after the local ruleis had ignored a senes
of demands to acknowledge his suzerainty Agha Khan
Muhammad the founder of the dvnastv led a cam-
paign into Tians-Caucasia which culminated in the
ack of Tiflis However the Kadjais' attempts to rein-
oiporal
e Cau
in the shape of Imperial Russia
Muscovite Russia had shown interest in the affans
of the Caucasus aheadv in the second half of the
16th centurv Having seized contiol o\ei the entire
Itil ( Volga) basin b\ conquering the khanates of Kazan
and Astrakhan [t/u] (1552 and 1556 lespectiveh)
Tsar han IV ("the Temble'1 tried immediatelv to
expand south into the Caucasus For that purpose he
pursued thiee goals (1) the settlement of Cossacks on
the Terek mei (2) alliances with local chiefs in the
aiea the most important of which was his marriage
in 1561 to the daugther of a Kabartav prince and
(3) an attempt to help his coiehgiomsts, the kings of
Georgia who had appealed foi help to the new
Orthodox power in the north The Ottomans, though
unsuccessful in capturing Astrakhan (1569), were nev-
ertheless stiong enough to thwait the attempts b\ han
as well as b\ his two successors Feodor (in 1 594| and
Bons Goduno\ I in 1604;
Weakened by the 'time of tioubles of the eaiK
17th century Russia was deterred foi more than a
centun, and a half b\ the might of both the Otto-
mans and the Safawids from any initiatives in that
dnection Nevertheless additional Cossacks settled on
the Terek and were mcoiporated b\ Petei I ( the
Great') into a continuous line of defence facing the
eastern Caucasus It was he also who ventured a cam-
paign to the south In 1722 following the Afghan
invasion of Persia he mauhed with an aimv and
navy along the western and southern shoies of the
Caspian as fai as Astarabad "i et he did not dare to
challenge the Ottomans bv advancing inland bevond
the littoral, and the campaign achieved nothing tan-
gible OnK Catherine II ( the Gieat ) successful
iesumed Russia s advance southwards with a double-
pi onged policv
In the Northern Caucasus the erection of the
tortiess of Mozdok (1763) was the immediate cause
of the 1768-74 wai with the Ottomans and of a foui-
teen-\ear long stiuggle with the Kabaitav Following
the peace of Kucuk Kavnaica [i/l] Cossacks weie
the 19th centur) as 'the Caucasian Line Tin
events were the trigger for the ten-\ear long ies
ance (1785-94i led bv Mansur Ushuima [ ? < ] a Cec
who assumed the title al Imam al Mamm and cal
on all the Muslims of the Caucasus to return to
Sha/fa and to unite against Russian encroachment
this he provided a foretaste of the events of the 1
.t the
same time Catherine re-established Rus
the king of K'aitl'o-Kakhet i n e Geoi
irdjI and during the wai of 1768-74 a Rus
and then opeiated agai
st the Ottomans in Geoigi
In 178} the tieatv of
Geoigicvsk made K'artl'
Kakhet'i a Russian piot
stationed in Tiflis and
i paved road the Geoigi
militarv highuav was c
ut across the mountain iang
Howevei the Russian
force was soon withdiav
(1784) which left K'artl'o-Kakhet'i exposed to the
Kadjais while the king confident in Russian pi elec-
tion piovoked the 1795 sack of Tiflis bv his refusal
to accept Agha Khan Muhammad s overloidship The
Empeioi Paul Catherine s son and successoi was
averse horn involvement in the affairs of the Caucasus
\et in 1799 he found himself obliged to protect
K'artro-Kakhet'i against the thieats of Fath <Ali Shah
Agha Khan Muhammad s successoi Finallv on his
deathbed Gioigi \II the last king of K'artl'o-Kakhet'i
asked the Russian Empeioi to take his kingdom under
the Tsais protection On 30 Decembei 1800 NS
Paul issued a manifesto intorpoiating K'art'h and
Kakhet'i into the Russian Empne
Alexandei I Pauls son and successoi confirmed
his fathei s decision on 24 Septembei 1801 N S Unlike
Paul Alexander used the annexation of K'ait'll and
Kakhet'i as the hist step in Russia s expansion into
and bevond the Caucasus Thus began the sixtv-iive
vears long stiuggle to conquei the Caucasus known
in Russian histonographv as the Caucasian War
one that would diasticallv altei the political iehgious
economic social ethnic and demographic composi-
tion of the Caucasus
tograph
i have
tioned in the text Among the ver) levy published
Daghistani chionicles is Mirza Hasan b <Abd
Allah al-Kadaii al-Daghistani Kitab 4thar i Daghhtan
Baku 1903 Foi a list of Daghistani souices pub-
lished in the 1980s, usualh m Russian tianslation
see the bibl of A A Isaev (comp ) and A R Shikh-
saidov (ed ) Rukopisnaya i picatnaya kniga i Dagataru
(Sbomik statu) [Manuscript and punted books in
Daghistan (a collection of articles)] Makhackala
1991 183-8
\ N Gamrekeh (ed i Dokuminti po tzmmootnn
shinnam Oru-a s Siurmm ha,La Z om < Mill i
[Documents on the mutual ielations of Geoigia
and the Northern Caucasus in the 18th centurv]
.1 1968 i<
i chives 1
Tbilisi
ished documents horn the Russi
aichives include SA Belokuiov (ed ) S™#;
Ro\m i ha,ka-r,m 1578 lbli [Russia's ielations w
the Caucasus 1578-1613] Moscow 1889
Butkov Matmah dha mum istom haika~a s 1722 j
1801 s, [Souices foi the modern histor) ol tl
Caucasus 1722-1803] St Peteisbuig 1869 Kh
MO Khashaev led I Pamiatmki ohunot/i praa Dagt
tana M II XI\ n iikhunu matinali [Souic
customarv law of Daghistan loth- 19th
Archival souices] Moscow 1965 MO Kc
PG
in the
Kh. V. Khashaev (eds.), Ltoma. geografiya i etnogmfiya
Dagestana XVIII-XIX vv. Arkhwnh mate'ryatt [History,
geography and etnography of Daghistan in the 1 8th-
19th centuries. Archival sources], Moscow 1958;
T.Kh. Kumikov and E.N. Kusheva (eds.), Kabardmo-
Russkie otnoshemya v XVI-XVII vv. [Kabaitay-Russian
relations in the 16th-17th centuries], Moscow 1957;
R.G. Marshaev, Russko-Dagestanskie otnoshemya XVII-
pervoy polovini XVIII vv. (dokumenti i matenyali) [Russo-
Daghistam relations in the 17th and first half of
the 18th centuries (documents and sources)], Makhac-
kala 1958; Kh.Kh- Ramazanov and A.R. Shikh-
saidov (eds.), Ocerki istom yuzhnogo Dagestana. Materyali
k islerii narodov Dagestana s drevney shikh vremen do nacala
XX veka [An outline of the history of southern
Daghistan. Sources for the history of the peoples
of Daghistan from antiquity to the beginning of the
20th century], Makhackala 1964.
Among the latest collections from the Ottoman
archives is Mehmet Saiay et al. (eds.), Kajkas aras-
tirmalan, i, Istanbul 1988. (M. Gammer)
3. The period 1800 to the present day.
a. Introduction
Any attempt to furnish a coherent and objective
overview of the history of the Caucasus in the mod-
ern period is hampered by the scarcity of local sources
and by the inherent biases of the historical accounts
generated by its colonisers, the Ottomans, Persians
and Russians, who, for more than a century, were
vying with one another for sovereignty over this strate-
gically important area. The same goes for European
historiography of the region, which was likewise shaped
by political agendas of the European states and their
colonial designs. This is especially true of the works
of 19th-century British writers, both lay and acade-
mic, who viewed Russia as its principal colonial rival
in the East. Following the Russian Communist
Revolution of 1917, Russian colonial prejudices and
steieotypes were superseded by Marxist axioms of class
struggle and of the five historical socio-economic for-
mations and modes of production specific to each of
them. After World War II, these axioms were further
aggravated by the ideological cliches of the Cold War
epoch. From the 1920s until the disintegration of the
Soviet Union in 1991, the aiea remained piactically
inaccessible to Western reseat chers. Most, therefore,
had to rely on Soviet studies of the area, which were
shaped by the official Marxist views of history. With
the fall of the Soviet regime, a large body of histo-
riography has emerged pioduced by scholars of
Caucasian background. Colouied by a wide spectrum
of nationalist agendas, this new historiography offers
drastic revisions of the Russian and Soviet concep-
tions of Caucasian history, and especially of the Russo-
Caucasian wars of 1829-64. The present account will
focus primarily on the historical evolution of the moun-
taineer communities of the northern Caucasus (Ka-
barda, Daghistan, Cecnya, Ingushetia, Cii cassia and
Abkhazia) with predominantly Muslim populations.
Historical events in the Christian aieas of the Caucasus
(Georgia, Armenia and the Christian areas of Ossetia
[see al-kurdj; armIniya; ossetes]) will be touched upon
briefly only in so far as they aie relevant to the his-
tory of their Muslim neighbours (for developments in
Transcaucasia, see adharbaydjan; shIrwan; gandja).
b. Russian expansion and Persian withdrawal
In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, three
major outside powers vied for control of the Caucasus:
the Ottomans, who maintained (largely nominal) con-
trol of the northwestern coast of the Black Sea
(Circassia [see cerkes]), parts of present-day Georgia
adjacent to the Black Sea and the western regions of
Tianscaucasia; Persia, which exercised sovereignty
(often only nominal) over several khanates in Adhar-
baydjan, Daghistan and the eastern aieas of Trans-
caucasia; and Russia. The first decades of the 19th
century witnessed a steady Russian military expan-
sion into the Caucasus regions formerly controlled
by Russia's Muslim imperial rivals. A large part of
present-day Georgia, the kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti,
recognised the sovereignty of the Russian Empire in
1801, when its last independent ruler, George XII,
handed the reins of government over to the Russians
in the face of an impending Persian invasion. Soon
afterwards, the Russian military authorities of the
Caucasus began the construction of the Georgian
Military Highway between the city of Vladikavkaz
(presently the capital of the Autonomous Republic of
North Ossetia) and Tiflls [q.v.] (presently Tbilisi, the
capital of the Republic of Georgia). This ambitious
project was intended to consolidate Russia's hold on
her new dependencies in the Central Caucasus. In
December 1802, the Russians convened a meeting of
the tulers of the mountaineer communities and prin-
cipalities of the northeastern Caucasus at the Russian
fortress of Georgievsk. During the meeting, the tuleis
agreed to sign a treaty granting Russia a special sta-
tus in Daghistan and adjacent lands. Some rulers,
including the powerful khan of Avaristan, recognised
Russian tutelage over their lands and pledged to join
forces with Russia in the event of a Persian invasion
of their lands. Between 1804 and 1813, the khanates
of Gandja, Baku, Karabagh, Shirwan, Darband [q.w.]
parts of Abkhazia [see abkhaz], the principalities of
Imereti and Akhalkhalaki, as well as several Muslim com-
munities of Daghistan, came under Russian mle. The
intermittent hostilities between the Russian Caucasian
Corps and Persian forces throughout 1804-13 were, as
a rule, favourable in outcome to the Russians. Russian
dynastic stiuggles within the Persian ruling elite, which
weakened its ability to resist Russian encroachments
on Persia's former dependencies in the region.
Russian claims to its new domains in the Caucasus
and Tianscaucasia weie fbimalised by the Gulistan
Treaty of 1813. This document decisively rediew the
map of the Caucasus in favour of the Russian Empire.
In 1826, the Persian aimy led by the KadjSr Crown
Prince 'Abbas Mirza [q.v.] invaded Karabagh in an
attempt to regain control of Persia's former depen-
dencies in the central Caucasus and Transcaucasia.
Despite initial successes, the Persian advance was
eventually repelled by the Russian army under the
command of Ivan Paskievic, who led the Russians to
victory over 'Abbas Mirza's forces at the battle of
Gandja (Elizavetpol) in September 1826. In 1828, after
two years of hostilities in which the Russians scored
one victory after the other, Persia was forced to sign
the humiliating treaty of Turkomancay [see Turkmen
cay (i)]. This document all but eliminated Persia's
influence in the northern Caucasus by denying it any
direct contact with its potential Muslim allies in
Daghistan. On the Ottoman front, in 1828-9, Russian
troops penetrated as far as Erzurum [q.v.] and Adjaria
(Adjaristan) and blockaded the stiategic Black Sea
poits of Pod and Anapa [q.v]. The Russian military
successes drastically reduced the Ottoman Empire's
(Adyghe [see c.erkes]) tribes of the northwestern
Caucasus, which even at the height of Ottoman power
weie Ottoman vassals in name only. Under the treaty
of Adrianople (Edirne [q.v.]) of 1829, the Ottomans
eampaigi
■ the '
rebuil
Much
Caucasus goes to the talented geneial Alexe
(\ ermolov) His mihtirv genius ind diplor
men helped the Russnn ( aucasiin Corps
the Persians and to bring most of their lorn
dencies in the C aucasus undei Russian rule
In Tsar \le\andei I as the mihtaiv gov en
Caucasus in 181b Eimolov consistently implemented
mties and local puncipalities His biutal tieatment ol
bieaking their will to lesist Russia s rule and to tow
them into submission Granted lull authority ovei the
aiea b\ the Tsar (in the Russian souucs ol the age
the Caucasus , his own personal memoirs ol the
Caucasus campaigns seem to hive been consciously
(,allu Urns
oops had left the
i the tal iepiession igainst a people unaccustomed t<
eign lule hied and sustained hatred toward
Russun administiation among the mountaineer
molo\ soon realised the inadequacy ol his pohc\
Iht
g Russi
l the
n the
patterned on Cae
ai s Comment
reflecting his desi
e to emulat
lessor) Eimolov i
jled o\ei Ru
an non list sparn
g neithei his
own troops, nor
ven the Rus
ation ol C aucasian tubes and principalities Ern
mb uked on a senes ot ambitious admimstiative
mlitarv tefoims that sought to c onsolid Ue Ru
olomal authontv o\ei the legion and encouiage n
;iation ol Russian settleis iCossaeks) to the are-
ome legions (eg kibarda) Ermolov also ir
replaced th
civil couits stafled by Russian colonial olhcials 11ns
measuie undermined the positions of the loc il aris-
totiacy and spaiked seveial nots thit had to be sup-
pressed with its usual brutality In the Russian
Caucasus Coips
Controlling this vast and rugged arei with just
49 000 troops (ot which onl\ 40 000 m untamed at
be a gieat challenge to Ermolov and his chiefs of
stall Their lesponses to the tiemendous difficulties
tlement of some tribes (Ossetes ind Noghay Tat irs
vices on others e g' the Cecens [,/c ] 'Vhesc' meisu,"
taineeis who retaliated b\ attacking Russnn foits and
settlements and earning oil prisoners and boon
Anothei source of lesentmtnt igainst the Russian mil-
tresses and fo
i b\ ne
c
t through the
virgin
ts ol C
ecnva the loads
v\t
le meant to se
paiate
pat
ihed ti
ibes and villages
tied
Russian rule In
th
piocess the
hostile
u
mmuni
les were pushed
ev
pi deepei into
the be
nen
mount
uns wheie thev
ed hudship and starv
Ihioughout F
molov
the Caucasus
nee 1816-27) in
eXal
paits
ol the
region iemained
sp
mtaneous uno
rganised and locali
ed Spoiadic ln-
st Ru
P 1
essed In the be
ter-equ
ppe
1 and d
sciplined Russian
power Despite their personal bnverv and in
ima
Ddghistan Kabarda Cetnva ind Ingushetn
unable to defeat the Russians due to a la
k
co-ordination ind oigamsation The local ruling
eh
were usuallv unable to piovide leadeiship sine
th
had been either bribed bv the Russians oi to
intern il strife In othei cases eg in C ecnva ind
democratic Cerkes Advghe tribes oi the
western C measus the mount uneei elite hid n
ot V
sc
nil
ng imple
mentitio
not
divide and
ule
led
the dec
led
t Russu
lie especial
\ in
in <■
om
e historu
ns ol the
Ca
leasus even
igue
mol,
\i
-wed the
n the idea c
local rulers
1 progiess
s biutal and
and
pots
wl
iheientlv
incapable ol embrac-
n the C
. He
rediting of the lot
them niele\ant and dispensable
al or not Ermolov s policies seem
considerable weakening and dis-
ll elites which ma\ explain wh\
9-50 e
i admi
s had b
, foi
) Ottc
sold I
rehants The captives were
then i e sold in Ottoman slave markets Initially
Russian effoits to eradicate the slave trade bore only
limited results It took the Russians seveial decades
of thorough policing and enforcement ol their anti
slavery edicts finally to put an end to this practice
The mountaineers lesponded to Russia s mterlei-
ence in their traditional occupations with armed up-
nsings They were biutally put down by the Russnn
Caucasus Corps The iebels villages and he Ids were
burned to the giound The hostile populations weie
ble backgrounds and relied loi the most part o
i fiee
peasant communities lor then suppoit Be this
as it
may it is obvious that Ermolov s iule perma
entlv
upset the earlier balance of powei in the iegioi
His
movement on its feet on an unprecedented scale
The
movement derived its vitality horn the idea ot
qual-
ity ol all Muslims beloie the Divine Law and
then
duty to actively resist infidel Russian rule Sin
e the
majoiity of the subjugated tubes and communit
the northern and ccntial ( aucasus piolessed Isl
wis only natural that resistance to Russian do
mini-
tion took the form ol Jjihad which in the lou
1 tia-
dition is usuallv referred to as ghazauat
d Thi ( mu a stan ghazawat and ;/t Uadiri
\s with many contempoiary Muslim moven
the leaders of C auc isian lesistanee often began
their
careers by preaching a strict adherence to the Sharfa
and fighting against such widespread "sices" as wine
drinking, smoking, lax observance of Islamic rituals,
dancing, singing and the free mingling of the sexes.
Simultaneously, these self-appointed enforcers of the
Sharfa often sought to reduce the sphere of, if not to
eradicate completely, the application of the custom-
ary law ('adat), which usually favoured local elites.
Such measures appealed to the poorer strata of the
mountaineer population, who hoped that the rule of
the Sharfa would improve their lot and reduce their
dependence on the nobles. Once the reputation of
the religious leader as an uncompromising enforcer
and advocate of the Sharfa had become firmly estab-
lished, he could use his popularity to rally his followers
communities, whose traditional values and lifestyle
were threatened by Russian colonial advances, a call
to a holy war against the infidel Russian enemy was
In any event, the careers of the Cecen Shaykh
Mansur Ushurma [g.v.] and the three Daghistam imams
of the northern Caucasus [see sjiamil] unfolded accord-
ing to this scenario. The extent of these leaders' affil-
iation with what the Russian writers of the age called
myuridizm, namely, the Nakshbandiyya-Mudjaddidiyya-
Khalidiyya Sufi order (in the case of Ushurma there
is no historical evidence of his association with any
Sufi silsila, while the three imams were at least nom-
inally Nakshbandi shavkhs) remains a moot point.
However, many Russian and Western historians of
the Caucasus continue to view myamfcm/NakshbandT
Sufism as the principal vehicle and source of inspi-
ration for the movements in question.
The events of the thirty-year war led by the three
imams of Daghistan and Cecnya, Ghazi Muhammad
(Kazi Mulla), Hamzat (Gamzat) Bek and Shamil
(Shamwil) are discussed in the article shamil and will
>t be detailed here. The war cost both sides dearly
sualties
and r
. Russi
military strategy, imported from the European theatre
of war, was geared to winning victories in pitched
battles through an orderly movement and deployment
of large military contingents. Much value was placed
by the Russian military command on besieging and
capturing enemy strongholds and headquarters. Such
strategic assumptions proved to be ineffective or out-
right counterproductive in the Caucasus, where the
Russian army faced a highly mobile and elusive oppo-
nent. The headquarters of the mountaineer levies could
be easily moved from one village to another without
impairing their ability to effectively fight the Russians
through swift night raids, ambushes, diversionary
tactics, misinformation and other forms of guerilla
warfare. These tactics were honed to perfection in
Daghistan and Cecnya under the talented leadership
of the Imam Shamil, who implemented it with remark-
able success from 1834 to the late 1840s, when the
Russians were finally compelled to reconsider their
military doctrine. Nevertheless, in spite of repeated
military setbacks, the Russian military command con-
tinued to cling stubbornly to the ineffective "one-
blow" strategy for over ten years. Its flaws culminated
in the disastrous expedition of 1845 against Shamil's
headquarters at Dargho (Darghiya, in present-day
Cecnya). Led by the newly-appointed viceroy of the
Caucasus Prince Mikhail Vorontsov, the Russian expe-
ditionary force lost almost 1,(1(10 men killed (includ-
ing three generals), almost 2,800 wounded, 179 missing
in action, three guns and all its baggage, including
the army war-chest.
Vorontsov realised his error and convinced Tsar
Nicholas I to implement the siege strategy that was
first introduced by Ermolov but had been abandoned
by his successors following his removal from office in
1827. Efforts were made to strengthen existing forti-
fications, to build new ones and to connect them with
a network of improved roads. These defence lines cut
through Shamil's domains in Daghistan and Cecnya,
gradually reducing his sphere of influence and de-
priving him of provisions and manpower. This slow
and less spectacular military strategy, which following
Vorontsov's retirement in 1854 was continued by his
successor, Prince Aleksandr Baryatinskiy, eventually
bore fruit. Deprived of the resources to wage war
against the superior Russian military machine and
abandoned by the majority of his former followers,
the third imam of the Caucasus surrendered to the
Russians in the summer of 1859. The bloodiest episode
of the Russo-Caucasian war came to an end, although
armed resistance to Russian rule continued through-
out the Caucasus for another decade.
nd Muh,
Shan
; long n
i Russi;
ranging repercussi
conqui
t had
ighout the Caucasus, includ-
hat remained formally under Russian
rtested by the Russian and Ottoman
empires, namely, Kabarda, Balkaria, Ossetia and the
western Caucasus (Circassia, Abkhazia, Curia, etc.).
Thirty-seven Kabardian princes and nobles went over
to Shamil in 1846, following his raid into Kabarda.
At the same time, the majority (around 200) remained
loyal to the Russians and were richly rewarded by the
Russian administration for their refusal to support
Sbamil's movement. Throughout Shamil's imamate,
the Transkuban region and Circassia (Adygheya)
remained, for the most part, outside his direct influ-
ence. However, news about his military successes
against the Russian forces periodically reinvigorated
local resistance. In 1840 four major Russian fortresses
along the coast of the Black Sea were captured and
destroyed by Cerkes tribes. In 1842, Shamil sent his
emissary, Hadjdjr Muhammad, to Circassia instruct-
ing him to spread ghazawat among the Muslim popu-
lations of the western Caucasus. After Hadjdji
Muhammad's death in 1845, he was succeeded by Sha-
mil's na'ib (militarv governor) named Sulayman Efendi.
On Shamil's instructions, he began to preach ghaza-
wat against the Russian garrisons stationed in the area
and attempted to recruit several Cerkes (Adyghe) tribes
to Shamil's cause. However, Sulayman Efendi soon
fell out with Shamil and defected to the Russians.
At the end of 1848, Shamil appointed Muhammad
Amm as his next na'ib in Circassia. The new na'ib,
who was not familiar with local realities, soon became
embroiled in a power struggle between the aristocracy
and free squires (tfokotles) of the Abadzekh, the largest
Adyghe (Cerkes) tribe. After flirting for some time
with the Abadzekh princes, Muhammad Amin even-
tually decided to throw in his lot with the peasants,
promising them independence from their aristocratic
masters and equality under the Sharfa law. His pop-
ulist politics alienated the nobility, who turned to the
Russians, hoping to retain their traditional privileges.
Throughout the 1850s, Muhammad Amin was able
to secure the loyalty of just one Adyghe tribe, the
Abadzekhs. He later extended his rule to some other
Adyghe (Cerkes) communities, such as the Natukhays
and Shapsugs. Muhammad Amin modelled his admin-
istration of the nascent Cerkes (Adyghe) state on that
of Shamil's imamate. The lands under his jurisdiction
were divided into a numbei of territorial units c
mahkama Ea< h mahkama consisted of around 100 hi
holds The administrate centre of the mahkama
located in a fortified Cerkes village taul) which u
V had a
t of k
i pnsr
and i
< The mahkama
oal [mufti] and a council of thiee Muslim judges (Wis)
Each Advghe (C"eikes) household was to supplv one
mounted wainor [muitazik) (or Muhammad Amin s
mihtarv force The murta iL constituted the mihtarv
foundation of Muhammad \min s i ule In all Muham-
mad \min s state at its height consisted of four
mahkama^ among the Abadzekhs one among the
Shapsugs and two among the Natukhavs
f The Crimean War and its impait on tht (autasm
The beginning of the Crimean War in 1853 gal-
sides of the Main Caucasian Range In the eastern
and central Caucasus Shamil was piepanng to iroade
Geoigia to cut the Russo-Geoi gian Mihtarv Highwav
and hnallv to effect a junctuie with an invading
Ottoman force at Tiflis The capital of the Caucasus
was expected to fall to the allied Muslim aimv within
a few davs In the western Caucasus Muhammad
\min and his Cerkes levies supported bv an Ottoman
sea-borne expeditionary force weie bound to disrupt
Russian communications and captuie the lands of the
Tuikic-speaking Ivaracay [q i ] on the northern slopes
of the Main Caucasus Range Muhammad \min was
then to march across kabarda and Ossetia and to
]oin Shamil s forces theie In Guna (a part of present-
day Georgia) which had been under Russian admin-
istiations since 1840 a hige Ottoman toice attacked
the fortiess of Shekvetili iSt Nicholas Port) on the
Black Sea and wiped out its small garnson which
consisted of a Russian detachment and pio-Russian
These developments awoke the Russian adminis-
tiation of the Caucasus to the possibility of a power
and then local supporters among the \dyghes In
lepeated pleas of 1
everal Ottoman brigades were defeated
bv the Russian armv in a series of bloodv engage-
expected the
Ottoman troops to help them in then unequal strug-
t the Russians were surprised to discover
Voroi
r Nicl
;reed t<
ments to the Caucasus In the hostilities that followed
the Ottomans expeditionaiy force (the so-called
\natolian Corps) was defeated by the Russians in sev-
eral pitched battles in the southern Caucasus The
Porte s plans sufTeied another ma]or setback in the
haibour of Sinop in Novembei 1853 when a Russian
naval foice lid by \dmiral Nakhimov attacked and
destroyed the Ottoman fleet that was to land at
Sukhum-lvare in order to )om forces with the Cerkes
levies In March 1854 a )oint \nglo-Fiench naval
squadion sailed into the Black Sea Its lppcaiance
forced the Russian mihtarv command to dismantle oi
to blow up a numbei of Russian fortresses along the
Circassian coast (the so-called Black Sea Defence
Line ) including Anapa Only those foitiessis deemed
able to withstand a prolonged siege from the sea were
preserved and leceived fresh reinforcements
These measuies and the absence of a Russian naval
piesence in the Black Sea gave the \nglo-French fleet
full control of sea communications off the Circassian
The
-tabhsl
Shamil and Muhammad \min in oider to bettei c
ordinate then mihtarv opeiations in the C
theatre of war While the \nglo-French ei
failed to leach Shamil they succeeded in
Muhammad \min s commitment to paiticipatc
Ottoman and \nglo-French operations aga
Russians The allied plans w.ie upset in the
with
that then
Ottor
e themselves
need of assistance These reversals mav explain
whv Sefer (Safai)-bev (beg) an \dvghe pi nice of the
Natukhav tribe whom the Ottomans had appointed
as govemoi of Sukhum-kal'e with the rank of pasha
was unable to lecrmt enough Cerkes fighteis to foim
a sepaiate corps under his command The Abkhaz
who had both Chnstian and Muslim pnnces were
divided with the Christian pait of the population
favouring the Russians The Ottoman cause was not
helped bv Shamil s inactivity Burdened bv the mtei-
n ll pioblems of his lmamate and incapable of under-
taking anv laige-scale mihtarv operations due to the
lack of resouices and growing wai fatigue among his
follow eis he was unable oi unwilling to lespond to
the Ottoman and \nglo-French pleas for a more
aggiessive strategy against the Russians
The next veai (1855) of the Crimean campaign did
not bung any diamatic changes to the stalemate on
the Caucasian front Shamil remained inactive while
neithei Sefer-bey noi Muhammad \min were able to
convince the Cerkes chiefs to foim a sepaiate corps
under Ottoman command Their eflorts were ham-
pered by their personal nvalrv and their dependence
on mutually hostile social gioups within the Ceikes
l\dyghe) communities While Sefei-bcv a Ceikes
prince represented the interests of the mountaineei
anstociacy Muhammad \min relied on the fiee
Ceikes peasantrv which was anxious to minimise its
feudal obligations tis a in the nobles \s a lesult the
often woiked at cioss-pui poses The
Russi
f kais
Bayazet and the lack of a
decisive allied vie ton m the Crimea hampered the
ein Caucasus With the fall of Sevastopol in September
1855 Muhammad \min attempted once again to
foim a Cerkes coips undei his command but to no
avail The Ceikes tubes weie not leadv to relinquish
their independence and to join the Ottoman-led mil-
Besides the plans of the Euiopean allies to mount a
massive offensive against the Russian troops stationed
in the Caucasus never materialised Without the sup-
poit from then Euiopean partners the Ottomans
ed unable to dislodge ~
the
t the
, with i
ma] or victories to
their ciedit they weie unable to
ltial allies among the Ceikes tribes
the Russians 'Urn
i I'Omer) Pashas initially success-
iul campaign agai
ast a Russian force near Zugdidi
(Georgia) in the at
tumn of 1855 failed to impress the
Ceikes and \bkha
z enough to )Oin his expeditionarv
foice In the end
he Euiopean poweis decision not
of hostilities fiom the Crimean
Peninsula to the w
stern Caucasus which would allow
the Ottomans to m
ake decisive advances in that aiea
worked to Russia s
advantage Despite the loss of its
naval power in the Black Sea Russia letamed her ovei-
all stiategic supeno
ntv in the legion which eventually
enabled her to bin
g it firmly under control
g Tht md of the
The allied plans
Cnmian Uar and the collapse oj mom
o invade the Caucasus were shelved
when the warring
parties began peace negotiations
and signed a peace treaty in Paris during the winter
of 1856. The results of the Crimean War, although
by no means favourable to the Russians, failed to
reverse Russia's inexorable expansion in the Caucasus
and to put an end to her domination over the
areas already conquered by Russian troops. If any-
thing, it confirmed for manv mountaineer leaders the
futility of resistance against Russian rule. If Russia
was able to withstand the attack of the greatest
European and Muslim powers of the age, how could
their small levies have any hope of defeating her on
their own? It is even more remarkable that, despite
the growing war fatigue and despondency among his
supporters and the overall devastation suffered by his
realm, Shamil was able to continue his struggle until
August 1859, when he surrendered to the Russian
forces at the village of Gunib in Daghistan.
Following the collapse of Shamil's movement, in
November 1859, Muhammad Amln started negotia-
tions with the Russian military command of the Kuban
military district. He pledged allegiance to the Russian
Empire, recognised its sovereignty over his lands, and
was thus able to keep his position as the spiritual and
political leader of the Abadzekh tribes. With the death
of Sefer-bey at the end of 1859, Cerkes resistance to
Russian rule was reduced to a few sporadic and unor-
ganised uprisings among the largest Adyghe tribes —
the Ubykhs [?.».], Shapsugs and Abadzekhs, who tried
to forge a military alliance, albeit unsuccessfully. Their
attempts to stem the Russian advance lasted until
1864, which is considered by many historians to be
the final year of the so-called Great Caucasian War
(as we have seen, it is probably more appropriate to
speak of a series of military conflicts of various inten-
sities throughout the Caucasus). At the beginning of
that year, a Russian expeditionary force conquered
the town of Tuapse, one of the last Cerkes strong-
holds on the Black Sea. In the following months, the
remaining sparks of resistance were extinguished by
the Russian expeditionary corps directed from Ekateri-
nodar, the capital of the Kuban military district. The
Russian military conquest of the Caucasus came to
an end.
During and after the Crimean War, Cerkes rebel-
lions against Russian rule were encouraged and assisted
by outside powers, especially Britain and, to a lesser
extent, France. The provisions of the Paris Peace
Treat)' seriously impaired Russia's ability to control
the Black Sea coast. In the absence of a Russian
naval force to patrol the coastal area (under the Paris
Treaty, Russia was allowed to have only six corvettes
in the entire Black Sea area), Britain and France
gained free access to the Cerkes populations of the
western Caucasus. Some elements within the British
government accepted the advice of the British diplo-
mat and Turkophile, David Urquhart, to assist the
Cerkes in establishing an independent state that would
serve as a buffer between the Ottoman lands and the
Russian colonial possessions in the western Caucasus.
To this end, the British and the French enlisted the
help of Polish emigrants to England and France who
had fled their country after the Russian crackdown
against Poland's bid for independence in 1830. In
addition, there were many Polish deserters from the
Russian Army stationed in the Caucasus who had
joined the Cerkes tribes to take an active part in anti-
Russian resistance. Throughout the late 1850s and
early 1860s, several Polish-led contingents of European
volunteers equipped by England and France landed
on the Circassian coast in an effort to encourage the
local tribes to rise against the Russians. However, they
were not always welcomed by the Cerkes, who were
wary of the motives of these self-appointed support-
ers of their independence. Moreover, the efforts of
the overall strategic situation in the Caucasian theatre
of war, which was dominated by Russian military
might. Faced with a lack of success and, consequently, a
lack of support from the local populations, all foreign
contingents gradually withdrew from the western Cau-
casus, leaving their Cerkes allies face-to-face with the
Russian Empire.
h. The tragedy of mass emigiatwn
In the early 1860s, the Russian administration of
the Kuban military district [oblasf) embarked on a
large-scale plan to resettle the Adyghe tribes. These
measures were proposed and implemented by the mil-
itary governor of the Kuban region, General Nikolai
Yevdokimov (Evdokimov), who was intent on pre-
venting the Adyghes from resuming their r
to Russian rule by undermining their e
geopolitical foundations. Unlike Daghistan with its bar-
ren mountains, the Kuban area with its extraordinary
fertile arable lands was quite suitable for resettlement
with Russian and Ukrainian peasants, who were con-
sidered to be much more "reliable" than the warlike
Cerkes tribes with their long history of anti-Russian
warfare. According to Yevdokimov's plan, the "hos-
tile" Cerkes tribes were to be resettled from the moun-
tains into the plains of Transkuban to live under the
watchful eye of the Russian military administration.
The lands vacated by the Cerkes were given to Russian
settlers, mostly Cossacks from Russia and Ukraine, in
return for their military service along Russia's new
borders. Another objective of Russian colonial policy
was to bar the Cerkes from any contacts with the
Ottomans or any hostile European powers by remov-
ing them from the coastal areas, which were still eas-
ily accessible from the sea. From 1861 to 1864, the
Russian authorities established 1 1 1 new Cossack settle-
ments (stanitsaa) with a population of 142,333 families.
These measures triggered a massive exodus of the
dislocated mountaineer populations to the Ottoman
lands. Encouraged and presided over by a few murky
and unscrupulous adventurers of dual loyalties (such
as Musa Kundukhov, a Russian general of Kabardian
origin with connections at the_ Ottoman court) and
some members of the local Cerkes and Kabardian
nobility anxious to preserve their influence over their
former bondsmen, the emigration turned out to be
a terrible tragedy for the mountaineer peoples. The
emigrants, known as muha§irun, came from practic-
ally every North Caucasian community: Kabardians,
Cecens, Ossetes, Natukhays, Abadzekhs, Shapsugs,
Ubykhs, Bzedukhs, Abazins, Karacays, Abkhaz,
Temirgoys, Noghay Tatars and a few others. During
the winter and spring of 1864 alone, 257,068 indi-
viduals departed for Anatolia from seven Black Sea
ports under Russian control. The refugees were moti-
vated by a variety of factors, such as the dislocation
and resentment produced by the Russian resettlement
schemes and oppressive rule, hopes for a happy life
under friendly Muslim rule in Anatolia (inspired in
part by Ottoman propaganda), and the religious rul-
ings issued by Muslim religious authorities, which
proclaimed living under infidel rule to be a grave sin
for any Muslim who had other options. Once the
emigrants found themselves on board ships headed
for Ottoman Turkey, they were readily preyed upon
by Ottoman slave-traders and greedy crews who
charged their passengers by the head and therefore
packed as many of them as possible into each ship.
Cramped conditions combined with various infectious
diseases took a heavy toll on the human caigo The
ships usuallv commercial craft not intended foi cai-
rving passengers quicklv turned into abodes of death
left hundieds of dead bodies in their wake The sui-
vivors found themselves at the mercv ot Ottoman
authorities at the ports of destination whuh, for the
most part were totallv unpiepaied foi such a mas-
sive influx of refugees The makeshift refugee camps
at Trabzon iTaiabzun [qi]) Samsun (Samsun [rjv])
and other Ottoman poits became abodes of human
suffering Reduced to starvation parents sold their
sons and daughters into slaven, dining the puce ot
a child to all-time lows (30 to 40 roubles for a 1(1-
to 12-\ ear-old) Unmarried voung men had the option
of joining the Ottoman arm\ but the ma]ont\ of
refugees especialK the sick and the elderlv were
doomed to a life of miserv and starvation Estimates
of the scale of the emigration and the death rate
among the refugees varv dramaticalh depending on
the political and ethnic background
> 15 n
speak ol half
survived the tragedv of mass resettlement The latter
figure appears to be more realistic although the real
scale of this human tragedv is vet to be determined
thiough a caietul examination of Russian and Ottoman
archives
The causes of the Caucasian hidira remain a mat-
ter of debate which has grown especiallv intense since
the tall of the Soviet Union It is cleai that the Russian
leaving then lands Thus the Russian governor ot the
Kuban obktst wilting in 1884 said that he saw no
particulai harm to the interest of the state in the
desne of the natives (tu^tmtn) to leave the aiea On
the contrarv [he saw] much benefit in the removal
from the area of this troublesome element No won-
dei that the Russian authorities not onlv did not trv
manv occasions paid then sea-faie The Ottomans
too had a vested interest in the emulation since thev
hoped to resettle the mountaineeis along the Ottoman-
Russian border and to use them as border-guards and
the two empires To these imperial interests one mav
add the sheer human de
Those mountaineers who lemamed weie tiansfeired
to the Tianskuban steppes and lesettled amidst the
Cossacks under constant Russian surveillance As envi-
sioned bv \evdokimov the resettlement effectivelv
undermined their lbihtv to launch large-scale lesis-
ainst Russian rule The deciee of
9 March 1873 issued bv the Russian administration
: the Caucasus stnctlv piohibited anv contacts
itween the Russian subjects of Ceikes background
and their relatives in the Ottoman Empire The foi-
nei Advghe lands remained under Russian militarv
idministration until 1871 when the Russians felt safe
-nough to replace it with civil rule throughout the
kuban region and the Black Sea area bv now thor-
oughlv Russified and practicalK cleansed of hostile
elements Nevertheless, the Russian militarv author-
1 major role in the evervdav
admimstiation of the legion The movements of the
Advghes were thoroughlv monitored and restricted bv
the Russian police and the Cossacks effectivelv con-
hmng the mountaineeis to their auk, The auh were
administered bv an elected or appointed headman
{starshma who had to be approved bv the local Cossack
chief { ataman \ At the same time during the Russo-
Ottoman war of 1877-8 Russian imperial authorities
were sufficientlv confident of the mountaineers lo\-
altv to the Russian government to enlist them as meg-
ulais to fight against the Ottoman armies in Bulgana
Romania and even Tianstaucasia The Russian expe-
ditionarv force in the Balkans and the southern
Caucasus also included manv irregular cavahv units
from the cential and eastern Caucasus namelv
Kabardia Daghistan Ingushetia Ossetia and Cecnva
Manv mountaineer hghteis distinguished themselves in
the battlefield and were decorated tor then braverv
bv the award of Russian medals At the same time
on the Caucasus tront manv C erkes and Abkhaz emi-
the Ottoman offensive against the Black Sea ports of
Batumi and Sukhumi (Sukhum-Kal'e Thev were dri-
ven in pait bv the desne to avenge themselves on
the Russian Empire tor the suffering inflicted upon
' While the Ottoman forces
trader
•ciallv tl
of the
Kabardian ones
able i
i make •
e potential 1
of then serfs alter the expec ted implementation of the
Russian anti-bondage laws The end result, howevei
is obvious to even, one The feitile plains south ot the
Kuban river and the coastal areas along the Black
Sea lost most of their indigenous population The land
wasgiaduallv resettled bv Cossacks Armenians Gieeks
and peasants from central Russia and Ukraine
Between 1867 and 1897 the Russian and Ukrainian
population of the Kuban and Stavropol ublast s had
grown bv 230° o and 15V»o respectivelv leaving the
local population in the minontv At the turn of the
20th centurv in the Kuban oblast Russians consti-
tuted more than 90° o of the population Bv contrast
the number ot natives had fallen to a mimscule
5 4% According to a modern Western researcher
'the lands of the Circassians and the Abkhaz once
overwhelminglv Muslim had become oveiwhelmingh
Christian (J McCarthv Tlu fak of thi Muslims apud
P Heinze Circassian nmtame to Rusua in M Bennigsen-
Broxup (ed ) Tlu \orth Caucasus barmr London 1992
104)
end the Russim successes in the Balkans deter-
mined the tavouiable outcome of the wai for the
Russian Empire which was reflected in the Treatv
of Berlin signed m the summer of 1878 (see further
i 77k mi of Dhiknsm m Curna Kunta Ha^aj.1 huhia
IlskhanAurt began to dissemimte a new spiritual
teaching among the wai-wearv Cecens and Ingush
Imtialh a follow ei of the Nakshbandi brotherhood
Kunta Hddjdji is said to have been initiated into the
Kidinyva tanha [qi~] during his visit to Mecca on
the hadldi in the hte 1850s The exact encumstances
of his lnitution into this biotheihood aie obscure
Accoiding to some of his follow eis he received the
teaching of the Kadiriyva directlv horn its foundei
Shavkh 'Abd al-Kadn al-Djilam [qi] who appeared
to him m a dream Contrarv to the activist precepts
of Shamil s nnimdijm which pi cached a holv war
against the Russians Kunta Hddjdji encouraged his
followers to engage in acts of penitence Itanbit) and
individual selt-punfication through frugalitv humihtv
abstention horn worldlv delights and withdrawal from
this world On the social plane the new preacher
emphasised solicitude for the needs of one's neigh-
bours, mutual assistance and the necessity to share
one's wealth with the poor and needy. Kunta Hadjdjr
also advocated peaceful co-existence with the Russians
as long as they allowed the Cecens and Ingush the free-
dom to practice their religion and follow their customs.
As mentioned above, Kunta Hadjdjfs pacifistic mes-
sage ran counter to Shamil's ideology of armed resis-
tance to Russian rule. Moreover, Shamil also saw in
Kunta Hadjdjr a rival in the struggle for the loyal-
already losing due to the growing war fatigue and
despondency among his supporters in the face of
Russian military superiority. Shamil is said to have
summoned the young preacher to his headquarters
and subjected him to a close interrogation. Upon wit-
nessing the vocal dhikr and dance that Kunta Hadjdjr
performed in accordance with the precepts of the
Kadin brotherhood, Shamil allegedly declared it con-
trary to Nakshbandl precepts and "orthodox" Islam.
He then ordered the preacher of zikrizm (a Russified
version of the Arabic dhikr [q.v.]) to leave the terri-
tory of his imamate to perform a second pilgrimage
and to gain a better knowledge of the intricacies of
Kunta Hadjdji reappeared in Cecnya after the col-
lapse of Shamil's imamate in either late 1861 or early
1862. With Shamil no longer on the scene, his mes-
sage received an eager hearing among the war-weary
Cecens and Ingush. Accounts of Kunta Hadjdji's ser-
mons indicate that, in addition to pacifism, his teach-
ing was tinged with millenarian expectations and a
doomsday mentality. He called upon his audiences to
prepare for the Day of Judgement by purifying their
souls, renouncing the transient allures of this life and
adhering strictly to the pious precepts of the Kadin
tarika. Articulated in a simple language easily under-
stood by the ordinary Cecens and Ingush, Kunta's
teaching soon acquired a broad popular following.
Initiation into the new tarika was very simple. Kunta
Hadjdji or one of his lieutenants took the new mem-
ber by the hand and asked him or her to acknowl-
edge the spiritual authority of the shaykh, to repeat
the shahada [q.v.] one hundred times a day, and to
participate in the ritual dance of the tarika. Kunta
Hadjdji's followers recognised him as their spiritual
master [ustadh) and considered themselves his faithful
disciples (muridun). Seeking to spread his teaching
among the masses, Kunta Hadjdjr
various Cecen and Ingush communities.
In the course of time, Kunta Hadjdjfs
acquired institutional dimensions and administrative
structure. Following Shamil's example, he appointed
a number of his foremost followers as his na'ih in
various areas of Cecnya and Ingushetia. According to
the Russian colonial authorities of the day, Kunta
Hadjdji divided Cecnya into five (according to some
sources eight) niyabats or na'ibsYirps. Each na'ib had
under his command several lieutenants (wakils), who
were entrusted with spreading the teaching of the new
dji's inner circle included his brother Mowsar (who
was the na'ib of the Avturkhan district), Myacik (the
na'ib of the area between Urus-Martan and Ackhoi-
Martan), Bamat-Girey Mitaev and Cim-Mirza Tau-
murzaev. The latter two were to found their own
branches of Kunta Hadjdji's tarika after his arrest and
exile. In all, Russian sources estimated the number
of Kunta Hadjdji's followers to be around 6,000 men
and women. Most of them resided in the villages of
Shali, Gekhi, Shaladji, Urus-Martan and Avtury.
Russian sources claim that, despite its pacifistic mes-
sage, some of Shamil's former fighters among the
Cecens came to see Kunta Hadjdji's teaching as a
new version of Shamil's ghazawat ideology. The Russian
authorities, ever suspicious of any popular religious
teaching that could mobilise the mountaineers for
a certain political cause, encouraged renowned local
scholars, such as 'Abd al-Kadir Khordaev and Mustafa
'Abdullaev, to condemn zikrizm as being contrary to
the Sharfa. In particular, the scholars denounced Kunta
Hadjdjfs loud dhikr techniques and musical instru-
ments that induced ecstatic states in the participants.
They also pointed out that Kunta Hadjdji had no
scholarly qualifications to substantiate his claims to
the spiritual leadership of the Cecens and Ingush.
Kunta Hadjdji responded with his usual humility. He
readily acknowledged the authority of his learned crit-
ics as interpreters of the outward aspects of the Islamic
revelation. However, he presented himself as an expo-
nent of its true essence, which was hidden from the
majority of believers. Later accounts, circulated by
Kunta Hadjdji's supporters, ascribe to him a number
of miracles that allegedly demonstrated the superior-
ity of his spiritual teaching over the dry scholasticism
of his detractors.
In early January 1863, after some hesitation, the
Russian authorities decided to put an end to Kunta
Hadjdjfs preaching. On the orders of the viceroy of
the Caucasus, the Grand Duke Mikhail Romanov,
Kunta Hadjdjr and fourteen of his closest followers
and wakils, including his brother Mowsar, were arrested
and sent to the Russian city of Novocerkassk. Several
months later, he was separated from his companions
and exiled to the town of Ustyuzno in the Novgorod
province of northern Russia. There he spent the rest
of his days in misery under police surveillance.
Throughout his exile he balanced on the brink of
starvation, as his daily six kopeks' allowance was barely
enough to buy a piece of bread. The Russian author-
ities ignored his repeated requests for an increase in
allowance; his letters with pleas for help addressed to
his wife and family were intercepted by the Russian
secret police and never reached their destination. In
any event, by that time, his wife and other members
of his family had already emigrated to Anatolia with
thousands of other muhadfirun. Kunta Hadjdjr died
around 1867, his health undermined by a life of
Kunta Hadjdjfs arrest in early 1863 triggered a
rebellion of his followers that became known as "The
Battle of Daggers" (Rus. kinzaVnyi boi). On 18 January
1863, a group of 3,000 to 4,000 of Kunta Hadjdji's
followers, armed only with daggers, sabres and sticks,
charged against a Russian detachment near the Cecen
village of Shali. As they found themselves within the
firing distance of the Russian troops, dancing and
singing Kadin litanies, they were mowed down by
Russian fire. The "dhikr army" dispersed, leaving
behind some 150 dead, including several women
dressed as men. The site of the Battle of Daggers
near Shali has become one of Cecnya's most sacred
places, along with the grave of Kunta Hadjdjfs mother
at the village of Guni, in the Vedan district of Cecnya.
It is said that Kunta Hadjdji's na'ib Myacik-Mulla
had persuaded the attackers that their ustadh would
miraculously protect them from Russian bullets and
cannon-fire. Following the massacre, the Russian
administration arrested and exiled to Russia many
members of the dhikr movement. Some of them man-
aged to escape and became abreks (that is, bandits of
honour, who vowed to fight the Russians to the death).
In May 1865, a Cecen shepherd of the Kharacoi
aid named Taza Ekmhza(e\l pioclaimed himself a new
imam and attempted to raise the population of a moun-
tainous part of Cecnya known as Ickeriya. Taza
claimed to have perfoimed an ascension to heaven
imi'rddf [q.i'.]l during which God himself had oidained
him as the new imam of Cecnya in the presence of
the Prophet and Shaykh Kunta Hadjdji. Taza's claims
were endoised by a numbei of former followers of
Kunta Hadjdji, especially Myacik-Mulla. The Russian
administration reacted strongly by sending three
infantry detachments, led by Colonel Golovacev,
against the rebels. Fearing Russian reprisals, the Cecen
population of Ickei '
port
and li
i them .
? Rus!
mand. Ta
hard labour and sent to Sibeiia. The spiing of 1865
witnessed a massive exodus of the Muslim popula-
tion, including many of Kunta Hadjdjf s formei sup-
poiters, from Cecnya and Ingushetia to Ottoman
Turkey. Scared by the iumours of impending foiced
resettlement and conversion to Chiistianity, some
23,000 Cecens boarded Ottoman ships bound foi
Anatolia. Of these, around 2,100 individuals latet
ieturned to the Caucasus, bringing with them stories
of hardship and deprivation. These stories stemmed
the tide of iefugees, although some families contin-
) the Dai al-ulam in the decades
Russi,
g up t(
authorit
e Russi
i of 1
its leaders from Russian persecu-
tions, the timik claiming descent from Kunta Hadjdji
and his lieutenants grew extremely secretive and frac-
tious. In 1877-8, some of their members took an active
part in the rebellion of 'Ali-bek Hadjdji" Aldanov, din-
ing which, foi the first time, the Kadins fought side
by side with the membeis of the Nakshbandl tarika
of Daghistan led by Hadjdji Muhammad of Sogiatl
(Thughur). His fathei, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Thughun (d.
1882), also took an active part in the rebellion. A
renowned scholar, 'Abd al-Rahman was consideied to
be the chief Nakshbandr iharkh of Daghistan and
Cecnya aftei the emigration to the Ottoman realm
of Shamil' s spiritual pieceptoi, Djamal al-Dln al-GhazI
Ghumukl. After the followers of Shaykh Muhammad
Hadjdjr pioclaimed him imam of Daghi "
Cec
send 1
and wakfls to
, imiting them to fight
is DaghistanI <
the Russians in th<
The revolt was tnggeied in part by the Russian pol-
icy aimed at limiting diastically the jurisdiction of the
Sharfa and replacing it with the customary law {'adat
[q-v.]). This fact explains the large number of ieli-
gious leaders among the rebels. Anothei impoitant
motive of the rebellion was Ottoman piopaganda,
which predicted an impending victory of the Ottoman
army in the Caucasus and the Balkans. Some of the
inflammatory flyeis that circulated among the moun-
taineei communities were signed by Shamil's second
son, GhazI Muhammad, now a general of the Ottoman
aimy. The lebellion lasted for a whole year, until it
was finally quashed by a Russian military force led
by Geneial Svistunov.
Following the suppression of 'Alr-bek Aldanov's
movement, the abolition of Hadjdjr Muhammad's
imamate and the execution of twenty-eight of its lead-
eis by the Russian military administration, theii sui-
viving supporters went underground. The eaily 1880s
witnessed the emeigence of three piincipal blanches
(known locally as hWs) of the Kadiriyya undei the
leadership of Bamat-Girey (Bamatgiri) Hadjdji Mitaev
and Cim-Mlrza in Cecnya and of Batalhadjdji
Belkhoroi(ev) in Ingushetia. Their influence on the
mountaineei communities was of gieat concern for
the Russian administiation, which suspected the lead-
ership of the new brothei hoods of trying to create an
alternative power structure completely outside Russian
whose members often practiced endogamy and weie
suspicious of outsiders. This is especially true of the
Batalhadjdji wird, which was c hai acterised by paitic-
ulaily stiict discipline and fear of outsiders. Each male
member of this brotherhood canied a long dagger,
which he did not hesitate to use to piotect his hon-
our oi to retaliate against any attack on the honour
of his uitadh. Each of the three wnds that emerged
from the Kunta Hadjdjr movement piacticed a dis-
tinctive type of dhih. Thus the members of the Bamat-
Girey wild are known for their high jumps (hence
their Russian sobiiquet, pryguny "jumpeis"); the
Batalhadjdji dhih is distinguished by the intensive clap-
ping of hands, while the Cim-Mirza brotherhood is
characterised by the use of drums (hence their Russian
name baiabanshah "drummers"). Many members of
the abiek movement, including the famous Cecen "ban-
dit of honour" Zelimkhan, were associated with one
or the other wird. Consequently, Russian attempts to
crack down on the abreks were often accompanied by
persecutions against the Kunta Hadjdji wild;. Thus
in 1911, the ihaykhi of the three Kunta Hadjdji uvds,
Bamat-Girey, Batalhadjdji and Cim-Mirza, together
with then closest followeis (thiity in all) were ai rested
and exiled to Kaluga.
These persecutions and the dire e
n Cecr
; food s
d Ingushetia, which w
triggert
sufferiii
,000 Cecen fam-
ilies left their homeland for Anatolia in search of a
better life. Paradoxically, similarly dire economic con-
ditions in neighbouring Daghistan did not prevent it
from retaining its position as the major centre of
Islamic learning and liteiacy in the noithem Caucasus.
In many areas of Daghistan, even after the Russian
conquest, Aiabic remained the piincipal language of
administiation and coirespondence among isolated
mountaineer communities, whose multilingual inhabi-
tants continued to use it as a lingua jiania up until
the late 1920s-eaily 1930s, when it was finally sup-
planted by Russian. Before the Russian Revolution
there were, according to different estimates, from 800
to 2,000 Kui'anic schools in Daghistan alone, enrolling
around 40,000 students. At the beginning of the 20th
century, Daghistan boasted five printing presses, includ-
ing the Mavraev Publishing House at Temrr-Khan-
Shura (Makhac-kal'e [q.v.]), which specialised in Arabic
books. It also produced books in major DaghistanI
languages: Avar, Daighin, Kumuk and Lak [q.ith]. In
1911 alone, it published 256 titles in these languages.
The strong position of Islamic learning in Daghistan
was recognised by the Russian administration, which
prohibited Russian Orthodox missionaries from pros-
elytising in the aiea, fearing popular umest among
the local Muslim population. Russian attempts to
replace local religiously-based education with Russian
schools had only limited success. The so-called "new
method" gymnasia and technical schools in the urban
centres of Daghistan. Cecnya and Ossetia were dom-
inated by non-native, Russian-speaking students and
faculty. At the same time, the last decade of the 19th
century and first decade of the 20th century witnessed
the steady growth of a small but active Russian-edu-
cated intelligentsia among the Caucasian ethnicities,
which became an important vehicle in spreading
Russian culture among their respective ethnic groups.
Oveiall, however, the literacy level among the moun-
taineers iemained relatively low throughout the
Caucasus. The Russian census of 1897 shows Daghistan
to be in the lead with 9.2%, followed by Adygheya
(7%), Karacay (4.6%), Kabarda (3.2%), and Balkariya
k. The Caucasus on the eve of the Russian Revolution
Following the discovery of commercial amounts of
oil in some areas of Cecnya in 1894, the region under-
went a rapid economic and social transformation and
by 1910 had become a major centre of oil produc-
tion in the Caucasus, second only to Baku. Radical
changes in the social and economic landscape of the
region were underway throughout the first decade of
the 20th century, as Cecnya and its neighbours were
becoming increasingly integrated into the world econ-
omy. This process is attested by the emeigence of a
European and Russian entrepreneurs and banks. They
presided ovei many local piojects, including the cre-
ation of the oil industry and attendant infiastructure
in and around Grozny. Several newly-built railways
linked central Russia to the major urban centres of
the Caucasus — Ekaterinodar, Vladikavkaz, Novorossisk
(former Sudjuk-Kal'e), Stavropol' and Baku. These
cities soon became centres of anti-government agita-
tion spearheaded by, for the most part, Russian rev-
olutionary intelligentsia and Russian-speaking industrial
and railway workers. While the majority of the moun-
taineeis of the northwestern and central Caucasus did
not benefit from these developments (in fact, due to
widespread land speculation, many local peasants lost
their already tiny lots of agricultural land and were
forced to migrate to the rapidly-growing cities), some
members of the Cerkes, Cecen and Ingush elites,
including some wealthy leadeis of Sufi wilds, profited
from this economic boom. The growing economic
inequality and abiding hostility between the Russian
settlers (Cossacks) and the mountaineers fuelled iural
unrest, especially in Cecnya and Ossetia. As usual,
the Russian administration resorted to the tactic of
deportation and exile to Russia and Sibeiia of real
or imaginary "tioublemakers". Among those deported
from Cecnya and Ingushetia in the first decade of
the 20th century were shaykhs of the Nakshbandiyya
(e.g. 'Abd al-'Aziz Shaptukaev, also known as Dokku
Shaykh and Deni Arsanov,) and ustadhs of the local
Kadiri tends, BatalhadjdjT Belkhoroev, Bamatgirey-
Hadjdjr and their closest followers. The Russian
revolution of 1905-6 galvanised local resistance move-
ments, which were driven in part by the forced
Russification of the rural population and the growth
of the number of Russian settlers and landlords. In
line with Marxist principles, the Russian Communist
agitators, who, for the most part, were based in the
industiial centres of the region, attempted to reach
out to the mountaineer masses and to rally them to
their cause. However, these attempts met with lim-
ited success among the majority of mountaineers, who
remained suspicious of the goals of the agitators, many
of whom espoused atheism. As a result, the revolu-
tionary movement in the Caucasus was for the most
part confined to the urban centres with a substantial
Russian population. Local disturbances continued
throughout the first decade of the 20th century, despite
severe repression. In 1914-15, the hardships and short-
ages of World War I triggered another wave of anti-
government protests both in cities and the country-
side. The military defeats of Russian armies on the
Western front and the wartime requisitions instituted
by the Russian administration resulted in acts of sab-
otage and mass desertions among mountaineer recruits.
1. The Russian Revolution and civil war
The victory of the democratic revolution in Russia
in February 1917 instilled in the Caucasian nations
a hope to finally rid themselves of the oppressive
imperial rule. In the heady days after the r
v their
pendence from Russia. Thioughout the Caucasus, there
mushroomed numerous "civil committees" and "rev-
olutionary councils", which represented a wide spec-
trum of political views from "Muslim Communism"
of various shades to bourgeois liberalism and parlia-
mentary democracy. At the same time, many moun-
taineer communities remained committed to the more
traditional religious values and leaders. Thus a "con-
gress of the Cecen people" that spontaneously as-
sembled in Grozny in Maich 1917 demanded the
reinstatement of the Sharfa as the law of the land
and the creation of the post of the chief mufti of the
Terek oblast' with wide-ranging jurisdiction. Such
demands were actively supported by local scholars,
many of whom were leaders of the Caucasian Kadiri"
inrds and the Nakshbandiyya, namely Sugaip-Mulla,
'All Mitaev, Deni Arsanov and 'Abd al-Wahhab
Hadjdji Aksayskii. The spiritual authority and eco-
nomic power (the individuals just mentioned were
wealthy landowners and successful entrepreneurs)
wielded by such traditional religious authorities made
them indispensable for the new crop of local politi-
cians, who lepresented the interests of the nascent
mountaineer bourgeoisie. Thus the famous Cecen oil
tycoon and politician 'Abd al-MadjId Cermoev was
anxious to secure the support of the influential Sufi
shaykhs Yusuf Hadjdji and Deni Arsanov.
On 1 May 1917, the "First Congress of the
Mountain Peoples" was convened at Vladikavkaz
(North Ossetia). Presided over by the Balkar intellec-
tual Basiyat Shakhanov, it lasted for ten days. Of its
400 participants many were authoritative religious
scholars and Sufi shaykhs, namejy, Deni Arsanov and
Sugaip-Mulla Gaysumov from Cecnya, Uzun Hadjdji
and Nadjm al-Din Efendi Gotsinskii from Daghistan,
Hamzat Hadjdji Urusov from Karacay, etc. The
Congress called for the formation of the Union of
the Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus, which, in turn,
was supposed to be part of a larger political struc-
ture called the "All-Caucasus Muslim Union". The
resolutions of the Congress included a demand for
the establishment of the office of Shaykh al-hlam at
the government of the Russian Federation, who would
preside over a consultative council of six representa-
tives of the three major schools of law on the terri-
tory of the former Russian Empire, namely, Shafi'I,
Hanafi and Dja'farl (Shl'I). Another iesolution called
for the creation of an "academy of Sharfa sciences"
at Vladikavkaz and the declaration of the Sharfa as
the only law of the land.
In June 1917, the famous Muslim scholar and
Nakshbandl shaykh of Daghistan, Uzun Hadjdji, arrived
in Cecnya. He had already acquired a reputation
there for piety and clairvoyance during his earlier
sojourn at the Cecen village of Shatoi, whose inhab-
itants had given him shelter from the persecution of
the Russian military police shortly before the Russian
Revolution. At a meeting of the inhabitants of the
Shatoi district, Uzun Hadjdji declared Nadjm al-Din
Gotsinskii, a respected scholar of liberal leanings and
son of a na'ib of Imam ShSmil, as imam of Cecnya
and Daghistan. The shaykh confirmed his nomination
by a display of his miraculous powers. According to
on his felt coat (burka) which he had spread in the
middle of lake Eyzen-Am.
In September 1917, the Second Congress of the
Mountain Peoples was assembled at Andy, on the
border between Daghistan and Cecnya. It attracted
some 20,000 participants from all over the Caucasus.
In addition to traditional religious and political lead-
ers and members of the nascent mountaineer bourgeoi-
sie, the Congress was attended by representatives of
leftist political parties, including the Bolshe\iks, and
a number of political emissaries from the Provisional
Government of Russia. Another congress took place
at Temlr-Khan-Shura, in Daghistan. Its participants
ignored Uzun Hadjdji's_ appointment of Gotsinskii as
imam of Daghistan and Cecnya. Instead, they bestowed
upon him the title of chief mufti, which carried less
political authority. This event upset Uzun Hadjdjr,
since it nullified his earlier appointment of Gotsinskii
as imam. Upon hearing the news, Uzun Hadjdjr with-
drew from Temlr-Khan-Shura together with some
10,000 of his supporters. Uzun Hadjdjr's departure
reflected his frustration with the growing influence of
leftist, "socialist" groups on the events in Daghistan
from the traditional mountaineer leadership and to
use it to their advantage. Gotsinskii's authority was
drastically reduced when a mass meeting of Daghistan!
villagers (apparently orchestrated by the opponents of
Gotsinskii) named the Nakshbandi shaykh 'All Hadjdjr
of AkQsha — a village in the Dargin region of
Daghistan — as the second mufti.
Similar tensions between various tribal, ethnic and
in evidence in other areas of the northern Caucasus.
Thus at a meeting of the Cecen National Council,
the munis of the Nakshbandi ihaykh Deni Arsanov
attacked and beat up the Council's chairman Ahmad-
Khan Mutushev. As a result, Arsanov became chair-
man "by default". The breakdown of centralised
authority resulted in chaos and political assassinations,
which had begun shortly after the February revolu-
tion of 1917 and which continued uninterrupted
throughout the rest of the year.
Against this background, the long-standing animosity
between the Russian and Ukrainian Cossacks and the
Cecens burst into the open, leading to a tit-for-tat
warfare between the two groups. Several Cecen and
Cossack settlements were plundered and put to the
torch. In the course of these hostilities, a Cossack
detachment murdered shaykh Deni Arsanov, along with
his 35 murids, after he "had attempted to broker a
peace agreement between the warring parties. This
tragic episode led to a further escalation of violence.
In December 1917 the members of the Cecen National
Council were forced to flee from Grozny, which had
fallen into the hands of revolutionary workers and
soldiers, most of whom were of Russian or Ukrainian
backgrounds. This event led to the isolation of the
capital from the rest of the country and the emergence
of two parallel power structures, the Russian-dominated
Sovdepi (councils of representatives of workers and
soldiers) and the one which was controlled by tradi-
tional Cecen leaders, such as ihaykh 'Air Mitaev and
the former chairman of the Cecen National Council,
Ahmad-Khan Mutushev, both of whom were affili-
ated with different branches of the Kunta Hadjdjr
tarika. Into this complex and near-chaotic political
iandscape came former officers of the "Wild Division"
of the Tsarist army, who tried to form a political
alliance with the traditional Cecen leaders against the
Bolsheviks in Grozny.
The situation grew even further confused after the
collapse in late October 1917 of the Provisional
Government of Russia and the seizure of power in
the Russian capital by the Bolsheviks and their radical
political allies. In the Caucasus, the power vacuum
created by the change of guard in St. Petersburg
(Petrograd) was filled in the early months of 1918 by
a series of short-lived "unions", "congresses" and
"councils", which were usually organised by ethnicity.
All these political bodies proved to be extremely frac-
tious and incapable of reaching consensus on any-
given proposal or policy. Under the circumstances,
leftist political parties, such as the Bolsheviks, Men-
sheviks, and Social Revolutionaries, which had been
cemented by a strict party discipline and decades of
struggle against the Russian imperial government,
turned out to be the only viable alternative to the
authority of the traditional religious leaders of moun-
taineer society. Steeped in the arts of political agita-
tion and revolutionary demagoguery, the leftist parties
soon gained the upper hand in the struggle to win
over the masses. Their clear and catchy political
slogans, promising social and ethnic equality and an
equitable distribution of land, resonated with the aspi-
rations of the impoverished Russian and mountaineer
classes. To enhance their influence even further, in
January 1918, a group of representatives of the left-
ist political parties of the northern Caucasus agreed
to form the so-called "Socialist Bloc".
After a period of political jockeying, the Bolsheviks,
led by Sergei Kirov, succeeded in wresting the lead-
ership of the Bloc from their rivals, the Mensheviks
and Socialist Revolutionaries. On 4 May 1918, the
leaders of the Socialist Bloc declared the creation of
the Terek Peoples' Republic, with its capital in
Vladikavkaz. The new republic was to be part of the
Russian Federation. It included Ossetia, Cecnya,
Ingushetia, Kabarda, Balkaria, and the lands of the
Kumuks and Noghay Tatars. As Russia descended
creating an independent state. In the early months of
1918, a group of politicians led by Tapo Cermoev,
Vassan-Girey Djabagi, Pshemakho Kotsev and several
other mountaineer leaders of a liberal slant, formed
the so-called "Mountain Government" at Tiflls. On
11 May 1918, they declared an independent "Moun-
tain Republic". The primary goal of the new state,
as envisaged by its founders, was the immediate cessa-
tion of civil war on its territory and the construction
of a new life on democratic principles.
This programme was, however, never implemented.
Soon after the tail of the Bolshevik-dominated Terek
Peoples' Republic, the country was occupied by the
White Army of General Denikin. Since Denikin's polit-
ical programme rested on the idea of the restoration
of Russian imperial rule and revival of a "one and
undivided Russia", he hurried to abolish the in-
dependent "Mountain Republic" and attacked its
supporters in Kabarda and North Ossetia. When the
White Army arrived in Cecnya and Ingushetia, it
unleashed a brutal punitive campaign against the local
population, burning down dozens of villages and exe-
cuting hundreds of their inhabitants. The protests of
the Mountain Republic's leadership addressed to the
Western powers, which had actively supported and
496
equipped Denikin, went unheeded. In the meantime,
the Bolsheviks of the Terek Peoples' Republic went
underground. Many Bolshevik ministers (commissars)
found refuge in the remote mountains of Ickeriya
(Cecnya). From there, they directed a campaign of
sabotage and agitation against the Whites. Their calls
to resist the White Army and expel it from the coun-
try found an eager reception among the mountaineers,
who had realised that Denikin's victory would lead
to the restoration of the oppressive Russian imperial
rule over their lands. Playing on such fears, the
Bolsheviks made a pact with the local religious lead-
ers, such the Kadin shaykh 'Air Mitaev and the
Nakshbandl elder shaykh Sugaip-Mulla, who enjoyed
wide support among the mountaineer masses. The
Bolsheviks did not hesitate to promise their allies, in
the case of victory, full political autonomy and free-
dom to practice their religion and to implement the
rule of the Sharfa.
In June 1919, the popular Cecen revolutionary
Aslanbek Sheripov and the Daghistam leader Uzun
Hadjdji agreed to form a unified front against the
occupying White Army. In September, Uzun HadjdjT
proclaimed himself imam and military commander (amir)
of the "North Caucasus Emirate" with the capital at
Vedeno (Vedan), the Cecen village that some 80 years
earlier had served as a headquarters of Shamil's ima-
mate. Simultaneously, Uzun Hadjdjr declared a "holy
war" (ghazawat) against the White legionnaires. Uzun
Hadjdjfs headquarters became the recruitment point
of mountaineer figbters from all over the northern
Caucasus, especially Kabarda, Balkaria, Ingushetia,
and Daghistan. Many volunteer detachments were led
by Sufi" shaykh, who often arrived in Vedeno accom-
panied by their murids. Some of them were given min-
isterial posts in the Emirate government. The leaders
of this new state, which they classified as a "Sharfa
monarchy" (Rus. shariatskaya monarkhia), declared their
primary aim to be full independence from Russia
under the rule of the Sharfa. The territory of the
Emirate was divided into seven provinces that were
administered by Uzun Hadjdjfs na'ibs. In addition,
he sent his ambassadors to the neighbouring states,
such as Adharbaydjan, with which he maintained close
ties throughout his political career.
Impressed by Uzun Hadjdjfs influence on the
mountaineers of different ethnic and tribal back-
grounds, the Bolsheviks endeavoured to secure his sup-
port in the struggle against their common enemy, the
Whites. On 4 February 1920, the Bolsheviks formed
a special "committee for the restoration of Soviet rule
in the Northern Caucasus" under the chairmanship
of Ordzonikidze with Kirov as his chief lieutenant.
They succeeded in convincing the mountaineer lead-
ership of the necessity to join forces against the White
Army. From then on, the Caucasian Red Partisans
and the Fifth Red Army led by the Bolshevik com-
mander Nikolai Gikalo fought alongside the murids of
Uzun Hadjdjr and of other local wirds. Some mem-
bers of the Cim Mirza wad of the Kunta Hadjdjr
tarlka even decorated their sheepskin hats (papakhas)
with red bands to demonstrate their solidarity with
the Bolsheviks.
In March 1920, after having suffered a series of
crushing defeats at the hands of the Muslim-Bolshevik
coalition, the White Army abandoned the major cities
of Cecnya and Daghistan and began to withdraw to
the coast of the Caspian Sea. The city of Darband
was liberated after a nineteen-day, street-by-street bat-
tle, giving the Whites no alternative but to put their
entire army on ships and sail from the port of Petrovsk.
Their departure ushered in a new stage of the war,
during which the former allies soon found themselves
locked in a life-and-death struggle for control of the
country they had just liberated. This, however, did
not happen overnight, as the Soviets initially did not
feel strong enough to turn against their Muslim com-
rades-in-arms. A cable from Vladimir Lenin addressed
to the Bolshevik Revolutionary Committee (revkom) of
Grozny instructed its members to respect the moun-
taineers' desire for religious and political autonomy
and independence. This was, however, apparently only
a temporary tactical manoeuvre that was to be sup-
planted by a more aggressive strategy on the part of
the Bolshevik party leadership, which was determined
under
-Soviet rebellion of 1920-1 in Upper Daghistan
The death of Uzun Hadjdji in May 1920 did not
lead to the dissolution of his Emirate. His functions
as head of a theocratic state were taken up by a
number of authoritative religious leaders, such as the
Sufi shaykh 'All Mitaev, who had about 10,000 fol-
lowers in Cecnya and Ingushetia. Like Uzun Hadjdji,
Mitaev maintained close relationships with Nadjm al-
Dln Gotsinskii, who was generally recognised as the
new imam of Cecnya and Daghistan. However, for
reasons that are not entirely clear, "All Mitaev did
not take an active part in Gotsinskii's bid for inde-
pendence from Soviet Russia in the months that fol-
lowed. Gotsinskii assembled under his command about
20,000 seasoned fighters, who were to become the
core of his rebel army.
Throughout 1920, tensions were mounting between
the former allies of the anti-White coalition in many
parts of Daghistan and Cecnya. They were fuelled by
the highhandedness of the Red Army's commanders
and political commissars, who were ignorant of the
customs, religious beliefs and social institutions of the
local populations and tended to dismiss them as con-
trary to Communist ideology. Steeped in atheistic pro-
paganda, they viewed the mountaineers' attachment
to the Islamic religion as a "reactionary superstition"
that had to be discouraged, if not uprooted altogether.
The constant influx of fervent revolutionary propa-
gandists and atheistic-minded political representatives
(upolnomocennye) from Rostov and other cities of south-
ern Russia added to the growing discontent with Soviet
rule among the mountaineers and their leaders. The
disaffected political groups established their base in
the rugged mountainous areas of western Daghistan,
from where they attempted to orchestrate resistance
to the Bolshevik authorities.
In August 1920, Nadjm al-Din Gotsinskii and
Colonel Kaitmas 'Allkhanov convened an assembly at
the remote village of Gidatl, during which 'Allkhanov
was proclaimed "war minister" of the newly formed
"Shan'a Army of the Mountain Peoples". The up-
rising spread quickly among the mountaineers of
Avaristan and the Andy range. The area's rugged ter-
rain made it a natural fortress for the rebel army. In
a matter of weeks, Soviet rule in Upper Daghistan
was effectively eliminated and replaced by authorities
loyal to Imam Gotsinskii, including Sa'Id-bek (a great-
grandson of Imam Shamil, who had joined the rebel-
lion at Gotsinskii's invitation), Colonel 'Allkhanov, a
few traditional leaders affiliated with Sufi" turuk and
some former officers of the Tsarist army, including
Colonel Dja'farov, who was appointed commander-
in-chief of the rebel military forces. Food and sup-
plies were provided by the local population, but each
fighter had to have his own weapons. The army was
divided into 100 strong infantry units, supported by
.1 the
\ detachments Throughout the rebelhc
and had to rely heavily on the suppl
>m the Red Army This disadvantage v
iced in part by the iebels intimate knoi
local terrain and then mastery oi the
The Bolsheviks initial reaction to the rebellion was
ineffective and contused Then detachments stationed
in the area suffeied heavy casualties and had to aban-
don then base at Bothkh, which was occupied by the
lebel tioops In less than si\ weeks, most of Upper
Daghistan on the border with Cecnya was cleansed
oi Red Army units and then local allies the Red
The only Red A
Daghistan were
within their
, To
relieve them during the first two weeks oi October
1920, Red Army reinioi cements weie sent to Temn-
Khan-Shura from Adhaibaydjan Upon arrival thev
weie dispatched to the iebel-conti oiled aieas with the
oideis to occupv the stiategic village oi Aiakanv
(Haiakan) As a 7UU-stiong Red Aimv expeditionary
force led bv the head "of the Daghistan CeKa
I 'Committee for Struggle Against Countei -Revolution
on 30 October 1920, it was enticed into a narrow
goige bv the tebcl levies under the command ol
Shaykh Muhammad of Balakhany and massacied to
19th c
,, the B
evik mill
mand of the Caucasus began to prepare a massive
mihtaiy expedition into the mountains of Uppei
Daghistan with the mission to ciush the rebellion once
and ioi all The new Red \irnv foice undei the com-
mand of Todoiskn was suppoited by the pro-Russian
and pro-Bolshevik mountameei fighteis (Red Partisans),
who had distinguished themselves in the stiuggle
against the White Aimy of General Denikm The Red
and w
n rehd
r the Red A
is besieged at Khunzakh and Gunib Intent
quelling the rebellion at anv cost, the Red Army o
mand continued to pour more reinforcements
Daghistan They were deployed against the lebel ai
at Ghimrah (Gimiv), Bothkh and Arakany wl
counted some 3 jOO fighteis among its ranks '
Red Armv detachments continued to sufler he
casualties (almost 400 men) at the hands of the le
throughout November 1920 during that month
Red Armv gamsons were effectivelv reduced to
mg then positions at Gunib and Khunzakh
occasional punitive foiavs into the mountains failed
to suppress the lebels instead arousing the hatied of
the local population, which actively supported the
iebels The loss of the elite 'Fust Model Revolution-
Discipline Rifle Regiment" neai Botlikh
hold-
Novembei 1920 v
: Red
well as the counterproductive natuie of its scorched-
earth policv against the civilian population On the
other hand, the reversals sufleied by the Red Aimy
infused the rebel foues with confidence, and gave
them much-needed supplies and ammunition In the
end the Red Army regiments led by Nadjm al-Dln
Sam,
skn v
seek i
remaining stiongholds
siege bv the rebel an
ing which the Red
it Gunib and Khunzakh Then
deprivations \t the end of 1920, the Red \rmy
command made anothei attempt to quash the iebel-
hon Fresh Red Aimv divisions from Russia and
•\dharbaydjan were dispatched into the legion with
the orders to cut the rebels off from then supply base
in Cecnya, to punish the local population ioi their
co-operation with the rebel foice and to sunound
and eliminate the enemy foice Valley after valley was
occupied by the fresh Red Army troops and a ienewcd
scoiched-eaith policy applied to the conquered vil-
the barren mountains Suppoited by armouied vehi-
cles, the Red Army scored an important victory in
early January 1921 at KhodThal-Makhi The lemain-
mg iebels some 1 000 men, retieated to the mil of
Gergebil where they took their final stand against the
supenor Red Aimv force In the course of the ail-
that began on 7 January, the Red Aimy
suffere
and w
cable
to captuie the well-fortified mil until 2b January 1921
In the couise of the siege, the Red Aimy units lost
a total of 877 men with the iebels casualties piob-
ably twice if not more that number The iemaining
lebel foues evacuated the area around Gergebil and
ietieated to Aiakanv and Ghimiah (Gimry) Arakany
was captuied by a Red Aimy unit on 14 February
1921 after a fierce hand-to-hand street battle, leaving
most of Uppei Daghistan undei Soviet control Gimry
an almost impiegnable mountain fortress and the birth-
place of Shamil remained the last rebel stionghold
Due to its natural defences it could only be loited
to surrendei by aiound-the-clock aitillery fire Within
a week 90" « of the buildings m the mil weie i educed
to rubble The iebels iesponded bv lightning night i aids
against the aitillery units positioned around the village
Aftei the captuie oi Gimry on 17 Febiuary 1921
its suiviving defendeis vuthdiew to western Daghistan
The Soviet victoiy was due in pait to the fall to the
Soviets of the independent Georgian Republic in late
February 1921, which leit the rebel forces exposed to
Red Army attacks fiom Geoigian terntoiy now fiimly
under Soviet control The last rebel detachment led
bv Colonel Dja'faiov counted some >W to 300 men
including a lew surviving leadeis ol the rebellion such
as the 'wai mimstei' Colonel 'Allkhanov and Lieu-
tenant Abakarov They assembled at the aul oi Gidatl
1921 The aid iell in May alter several days' oi fierce
fighting Some rebel commanders managed to escape,
only to be hunted down captuied and executed by
the Soviet interior troops within the next iew years
Of the principal figuies oi the Daghistan rebellion,
only SaTd-Bek great-gi andson ol Imam Shamil was
able to make his way to Turkey
The war between the Soviets and thtir Muslim
opponents was accompanied by atrocities on both
sides The bodies of the fallen Red \imy combatants
weie loutinely mutilated by the iebels in lesponse to
then indisciiminate violence against the population of
the aw/s suspected ol supporting the guerrillas As a
lesult ol several years of hostilities, most oi Daghistan
lay m rums it took more than a decade oi stienu-
ous effort to lebuild the country The biutal sup-
pression ol Daghistan's bid lor independence leit a
legacy ol mutual hatred between the local population
and the Soviets This hatred manifested itself in the
series of small-scale uprisings that continued thiough-
out the late 1920s and early 1930s
n "C/flu Urugglt" and Communis! piagis in Ciana and
Ingushetia 1920 jS
In Cecnya and Ingushetia, now fiimly under Soviet
control the Muslim population was in no position to
participate acta eh m the Daghistan re bellion llthough
some minor disturbances did take place on the bor-
der between Cecnva and the rebel-controlled parts of
Daghistan In Cecma, tensions between tnditional
leaders and pro-Communist elements came to the lore
m the course of public debates over the future of the
Autonomous Mountain Soviet Socialist Republic which
was proclaimed on 17 November 1920 It included the
territories oi present-dav Cecnva Ingushetia Ossetia
Kabarda Baikal la and karacav
The government of the infant republic was domi-
nated bv i evolutionarv -minded intellectuals who had
supported the Bolsheviks from the earlv davs oi the
Februarv Revolution in Russia and were willing to
co-opeiate with the Soviets in ieturn for domestic
autonomv Under Lenin the Russian political lead-
ership was leadv to accommodate their nationalist
agendis and giant them independence in a as the
Bolshevik legime in Moscow The seculansed i evolu-
tionarv leaders of the Mountain Republic faced op-
position fiom the more iehgiouslv -minded political
factions whom Bolshevik souices descubed as sup-
poiters oi the Sharfa (\hanalnti) At issue was the role
and scope oi the Shaifa legislation in the hie oi the
new state The ihunatnty demanded the lull and uncon
ditional implementation oi Sjmrfa legislation in all
spheres of public life whereas then leftist opponents
sought to lestnct it to the realm oi private convic-
tion and piohibit its public dissemination The left-
ists eventuallv tiiumphed ovei the suppoiteis of the
Shaifa and declared Communist values and secular
legislation to be the onlv law oi the land In August
1922, a deciee issued bv the Central Committee oi
the Soviet Mountain Republic offitiallv abolished local
Sharfa courts although in Cecnva and Ingushetia thev
remained active until 1926
Gradually the struggle against the Sharfa turned
into a conceited political campaign lgiinst its learned
exponents the 'ulama' Since bv vntue of their spe
v Musln
n the CVcen
and Ingush countrvside in September 1921 the Com-
munist Cential Committee based in Groznv issued a
deciee ieplacing local Soviets with Bolshevik-dominated
revolutionary committees [reikoms The anti-clerical
campaign unleashed bv the Bolsheviks was aimed at
reducing the influence oi tiaditional Muslim leadeis
on the masses and at isolating them politically Some
Muslim scholais sought to retain then social ioles bv
coopeiating with the Soviets Among them wis the
Sufi ±aykh 'All Mitaev As the son oi the lenowned
foundei of the Bamatgnev nird la branch oi the kunta
Hadjdji tanka) Mitaev enjoved wide popularity among
the tecens and Ingush A veteran of the revolution-
arv war against the White Army the Bolsheviks con-
sidered him reliable enough to appoint to the
Revolutionary Committee of the Cecen oblast' Once
a month he is said to have armed at its meetings
in Gioznv accompanied bv thirtv mounted disciples
(mund%) who patientlv waited foi him outside the
Communist Party headquai ters until the end of the
meeting 'All Mitaev s political agenda included the
demand ior an autonomous Mountain Republic undei
the lule oi the Sharfa
In 1 924 the Bolshevik pai tv now headed bv Stalin
embaiked on a campaign to cuitail national auto-
nomies and subject them to the direct rule of the Cen-
tial Committee of the Communist Paitv in Moscow
That year witnessed the dismantling oi the Soviet
Mountain Republic and the creation of a numbei of
Balkana Advghea Cecnva Ingushet:
Ossetia This political manoeuvre was
campaign to disarm the mountaineer
which was nghtlv seen bv the moun
lude to a new wave of repression To forestall anv
possibility of rebellion the communist security agencv
(O&PU the forerunnei oi the kGB) accused manv
former members of the governing bodies oi the
Mountain Republic oi dislovaltv to the Communist
paitv and oi fomenting^ an aimed rebellion against
the Soviet authorities oi Cecnva and Ingushetia Among
those implicated in the anti-partv activities was 'All
Mitaev He was enticed into a trap bv OGPU oper-
atives arrested and executed in 1925 The OGPU
also arrested the prominent Nakshbandi elder and
Islamic scholai Sugaip-Mulla Gavsumov His hie was
spared due in part to his old age and his active role
in the struggle against the White Armv However as
with most members oi the 'ulama' class he was to be
kept undei close police surveillance
From that time on the OGPU pursued a relent-
less campaign to isolate and neutialise the Muslim
clergv oi Cecnva Ingushetia and Daghistan as well
as othei autonomous republics of the noithem
Mar
Arabic and Islamic
up charges oi conspuatv espionage or membership
in the paities and tactions that had been condemned
bv the Cential Committee of the Russian Communist
Partv as deviant or dangerous Latei on in 1926
the local partv cadre including the Piesident oi the
Cential Executive Committee of Cecnva Tashtemir
Eldeikhanov and his several aides weie accused oi
geois nationalists and removed iiom their offices
They weie replaced with Russian paity apparatchiks
such as Ivanov and Cemoglaz whose wanton disre-
spect ior local customs and beliefs and fervid imple-
mentation of anti-religious policies triggered several
small-scale upusings which were biutallv suppressed
bv the Soviet interioi troops Manv participants oi
these movements including those responsible for the
assassination oi Ivanov and Cemoglaz belonged to
the local uirds piimanlv those oi Kunta Hadjdji and
Batalhadjdji In a sense the tankat conspiracv was
an invention oi ternoglaz who expected to receive
Committee oi the Soviet Communist Party ioi un-
masking it His assassination at the hands oi kunta
Hadjdji tanka members was an act of levenge ior his
dogged persecution oi its leaders and iuthless imple-
mentation oi anti-iehgious policies
This act tnggeied a series oi new peisecutions
against the members oi the implicated turuk and then
leaders whom the Soviet authorities viewed as the
bastions of iehgious fanaticism and reactionarv lde-
ologv In less than one month the OGPU iorces
anested 300 Cecens Ingush and Daghistams includ-
ing 39 religious leadeis and accused them oi plot-
ting an armed iebelhon under iehgious and nationalist
banners Simultaneously, the Soviet administration of
the northern Caucasus sought to undei mine the eco-
nomic foundations oi the 'ulama' class bv confiscating
local religious endowments and prohibiting the col-
lection of the zakat [q i ] These measures combined
with the mtioduction oi the hated kolkhon and crack-
down on the kulah (wealthy peasants) bv the Soviet
authonties provoked a wave oi local upusings and
unrest that continued throughout 1929-30 Some of
the upusings were led bv the formei Red Paitisans
such as Shita 1st;
village of Shah ir
Cecen-Ingush Autonomous Region [oblast') was up-
graded to the status of an autonomous lepubhc This
act was accompanied bv another wave of lepnsals
against the so-called anti-Soviet elements of local
societies In the piocess the NK\ D (the Peoples
Commissaiiat of Internal Affairs) toices rounded up
and nnpiisoned thousands of men and women Most
of the arrested were tried undei Article 58 of the
Soviet criminal code which envisaged punishments bv
death and haid labour foi such dimes as tieason
espionage fomenting an armed iebelhon sabotage
Siberia or concentiation camps Some Cecen and
Ingush men escaped into the mountains from wheie
thev launched levenge attacks against Nk\ D opera
of political puiges left the Cecen and Ingush popu-
lation demoralised and exhausted bv the unequal snug-
gle against the Soviet state and its giant appaiatus of
political repression The ranks o( the traditional ieli
s leader
d the ho
- thos
who s
were eithei forced underground or placed under the
o World Uar II and tk mas', deportation
\gamst all odds resistance to Soviet rule contin-
ued throughout the 19305 under the leadership of
some members of the Soviet-educated intelligentsia
whose goal was to free their countiv of the Sovitt
■yoke Inspired bv the Red Armv reversals during the
Finno-Soviet war of 1939 40 a former Cecen writer
and partv official Hasan Israilov started an armed
r Shatoi
n the n
A Galan
His
nved a
i Naz
Germany began a large-scale militarv opeiation against
the Soviets on the eastern front and in the Cau-
casus In Februarv 1942 when the German tioops
approached the Russian city of Taganrog approxi
matelv 350 miles from the Cecen-Ingush Republic
another rebel group headed bv Manbek Shenpov
]oined Isiailov s insurrection To suppiess it the Soviet
trol In 1943-4 Stalm and his Politbuio accomplished
what some Russian militaiv luleis iGeneial Ermolovl
and radical politicians (Pavel Pestel a leadei of the
Decembnst movement! had onlv dreamed ot a cen-
tui\ eaiher — a massive expulsion ol the hostile
mountain population to Russia and Sibena with the
intention of eiadicating its resistance to Russian rule
In 1943 a Communist Parr, deciee abolished the
Cecen-Ingush Republic along with the neighbouring
republics of kaiacav and Balkana The abolition was
justified b\ the fact that the population of these
iepubhcs had not only co-opeiated' with the Nazis
but also invited them to conquer their lands and
piomised them full support While the German troops
had indeed occupied bneflv the lands of the Karacavs
and Balkars thev had nevei set foot on Cecen-Ingush
temtoiv In anv event it made absolutelv no legal
sense to hold entile nations lesponsible foi tht co-
operation with Germanv of some of its iepresenta-
tives However the legal issues pertaining to the
to Stalin and his henchmen (the deportation of the
mountaineers was organised and executed bv the
NK\D chief Lavientn Beruu Thev weie determined
dence In late 1943-eirlv 1944 the population of four
Caucasian nations Cecens Ingush Baikal s and Kaia-
cavs — men women and childien — weie lounded up
en masse bv special Red Armv detachments placed in
height tars and transpoited to Cential Asia Onlv
three-quaiters (some sav 50%) of the deported Cecens
and Ingush are said to have i cached their destina-
tion The lest died en rouh of disease crowded con-
ditions ind starvation The survivois weie placed in
special settlements where thev remained under the
f Intel
I Affairs
>f the S
1 the end c
•t Mm
1957
Deprived of the benefits of c
nam members of the exiled n.
or consolation and guid,
nd Ingush
issassinating Red Army and police
and neighbouring republics engag-
ulture and education
Forr
and a
verful s(
uined to Islam
Islam became
iree of identity
le s attempts to
whicl
had I
the exiled Cec
ditional Suit
exile Moieove
Hddjdji a bi;
is said to hav
iition of traditional lehgious leader
n undermined bv two decades
and bv competition from secu
reinforced This is especiallv true
is and Ingush among whom the t
/</s remained active thioughc
f the Cim Mn 2
is (Uw;
Hadjdji uL
Jar
the
the 1%0
90% to <
support the oft-repeated clan
: the Ce.
a Central Asia
affiliated with a Suh lanka Given the fact that this
period coincided with Khrushcev s campaign to crack
down on religious superstitions in all Soviet republics
and that leadei s ot the atheist campaign tended to
provide grosslv inflated statistics in oidei to secure
additional iesources from the Communist Partv authoi
The exile lasted foi thnteen >eais foi the Cecens
and Ingush and fourteen for the Balkars and kaiatavs
In Januaiv 1957 the Twentieth Communist Party
Congress pi esided ovei bv Nikita Khrushcev declaied
the rehabilitation of the four depoited mountain
nations along with the othei victims of Stalin s ter-
roi namelv the kalmuks the Crimean Tatars and
the \ olga Geimans The Cecens Ingush, kaiacavs
and Baikal s weie allowed to leturn to their native
lands and then autonomous republics were i estab-
lished bv the Soviet government Upon arrival manv
exiles found their lands and houses occupied bv the
people who were lesettled there on Stalin s oiders
between the new settleis and the ieturning indigenous
population Thus m Ingushetia the lands that had
been vacated bv the exiled Ingush population were
occupied by the settleis from neighbounng Noith
Ossetia With the weakening of the Soviet state in
the late 1980s the long-standing conflict between these
two ethnic groups escalated into violence and blood-
shed to the extent that the Soviet government »ai
forced to send regiilai armv units to the area in order
to separate the combatants In Cecn\a the majontv
of neu settlers were Russian Cossacks horn the neigh-
bouiing Staviopol region (hat) The Russo-Cecen
mihtarv conflicts oi 1994-b and 1999-2002 led to an
upsurge of Cecen nationalism and anti-Russian senti-
ment As a result main Cossack families were forced
to flee to Russia along with thousands of Russian and
Ukrainian families that hid lesided in Cecn\as urban
centies espeuallv in Groznv and Gudermes
p Conclusion
The developments in the Caucasus following the
dissolution oi the Soviet Union in December 1991
of local social and political life are still in flux and
require a caieful analvsis In the absence of precise
data and oppoi tunnies for on-site iesearch anv gen-
eral conclusions ale at best piemature The old biases
and stereotypes ol Soviet histonogiaphv aie now being
leplaced bv new ones Thev spnng from the prolif-
eration of nationalist mvthologies associated with the
process of nation-building and foiging new lehgious
and national identities Unfoi tunatelv despite the open-
ing up of the area to Western scholars in the after-
math of the collapse of the Soviet regime the ongoing
waifare and continuing hostage-taking in vanous parts
of the Caucasus most notablv in Cecn\a Ingushetia
Daghistan kaiabagh Abkhazia and Ossetia make
leseaich tups to the area exriemelv dangerous In
manv senses the Caucasus has all tht typical char-
acteristics of the so-called post-Soviet political social
space
gener.
y fiom
neai -disastrous economic conditions
steep decline in industrial and agncultural output high
unemplovment and crime rates a feeling of nostalgia
foi the stability and certainties of the late Soviet era
of the
t Umoi
the
political landscape of the
bv several militarv conflicts of which the two Russo-
Cecen wars the war between Abkhazia and Georgia
and the struggle for [Nagorno-]karabagh [qi] be-
tween Aimenia and Adharbavdjan, deserve special
mention In all these cases religion plavs an important
ide at least on the rhetorical level as the paities to
the conflict adhere to different religious traditions i e
Christian Russia versus Muslim Cecnva, Muslim
Abkhazia versus Christian Geoigia, Chnstian
Armenia versus Muslim Adharbav djan As the poli-
tical space in the new ethnic foimations is being
contested bv multiple tones and factions Islam has
tome to serve as a powerful souice of rhetoric and
legitimacy foi the paititipants Fuithermoie diffeient
political factions uphold different interpretations of
Islam which fuithei complicates the local discuisive
landscape
So far the most prominent and consequential divide
has been between the supporters of traditional' Islam
and the so-called Wahhabis The former emphasise
lovaltv to the local version of Islamic idigion as
explained and maintained bv mountaineer 'ulama and
Sufi elders (ustadh*,) The traditionalists encouiage
the reverence of local saints the continuing use of
the local customs {'adat) participation in Sufi rituals
and respect for the traditional clan structure The
Wahhabis , who stvle themselves salafmun [see
salafiyia] claim to follow the teaching of Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab [q i ] and its modernised v ei sion upheld
bv Su'udi-based scholais Thev are particularly active
in Cecnva and Daghistan In 1996-9 in the Buvnaksk
legion of Daghistan seveial local Wahhabi groups
attempted to create small enclaves of Skarfa rule Their
leaders declared their independence of the official
Daghistam government at Makhac-kal'e [qi] In late
1999 thev fought against Russian troops which had
been sent to suppress them alongside the Cecen
Wahhabis led bv the field commandei Amir Shamil
Basaev According to the Caucasian 'Wahhabis their
teaching represents the pure and simple Islam of
the primaeval Muslim communitv Thev demand that
then followers and Muslims at laige stnctlv adhere
to their veision of the Islamic dress code (described
as Arab bv its opponents) for men and women
carefully observe the basic Muslim ntes and restric-
tions and participate in dfthad against the enemies
of the Muslim community worldwide The suppoiters
of Caucasian Wahhabism i eject as bufa [qi] manv
key elements of 'traditional' Caucasian Islam, namely
belief in the supernatural and intercessorv powers of
Sufi shmUii and ustadhi the practice of dhih and the
use of the local 'adat alongside the Shaifa
To what extent Wahhabism can be seen as a
mere foreign impoit (as argued bv its detractors) delib-
erately mtioduced into the Caucasus bv missionanes
and volunteer fighters (mudfahidun) from Su'udi Arabia
the Arab states of the Gulf, Afghanistan and Pakistan
and cultivated thiough an elaboiate system of mate-
rial incentives and sophisticated propaganda remains
unclear One cannot deny that Wahhabism has
found a wide following among the Cecen and Ingush
youth as well as some middle-aged men and women
whose lives have been shattered by the biutahty of
the Russo-Cecen wais Bv infusing its followers with
a sense of camaraderie and common cause that goes
bev ond the immediate goals of nationhood and inde-
pendence Wahhabism serves as a powerful source
of identity and mobilisation that renders it especially
well suited foi the trving times of war At the same
time bv its sweeping rejection of local customs and
practices Caucasian Wahhabism mevitablv creates
a lift between different groups of mountaineers Often
The fact that Wahhabism has been embraced bv
the vounger generation ol Cecen military and politi-
cal leaders (Shamil Basaev Mowladi Udugov Aibi
Baiaev etc ) m opposition to the Sufi Islam of the
suppoiters of President Maskhadov mav indicate that
the former are eagei to free themselves from the tra-
ditional sources of legitimacv and authority in order
to entei into a dialogue with and perhaps secure
assistance from the Muslim communitv woildwide
Bibliography See the Bibh to the ai tides
referred to in the text One mav also consult the
sources listed below
1 General historv Muriel Atkm Russian
expansion in tlu Caucasus to 1813, in M Rywkin
(ed) Russian colonial expansion to 1917 London and
New \oik 1900, 139-87 (a standard Western sur-
vey of the eai 1) stages of the conquest) M Autlev
Ad\gi i russikie Krasnodar 2000 (a review of the
history of the Ceikes-Russian lelations ovei the past
400 veais from a Communist vantage point)
M Benmgsen-Broxup (ed ), The \orth Caucasus bar
ner London 1992 (a collective monograph on var-
ious aspec ts of the history of the noi thern C aucasus
wntten fiom a viewpoint svmpathetic to the strug-
gle of the local population against the Russian
advance) V Degoev Bol'sha\a igia na havka_e
Moscow 2001 (a revisionist view of the military
conflicts in the Caucasus, which tries to place them
4L-KABK —
KADAMGAH
in a global cor
pmoi trill \I\ i
of the historv
text) \ Fadeev Rossia i ha.ka^ i
Moscow 1960 (a general overview
of the Caucisus until 1840 that
Cossacks in D
Russia s Oiunt E
227-48 (an illun
efiual tnde re]
Russian conquest), \a Gordin haika^ ^tmlia i kroi'
St Peteisbuig 2000 (an essiv on the monl and
ethical implications of the Caucasian w u foi Russn
and Russim history bv i hbeial Russim thinker)
G Mirfenderski 4 diplomatic hiskm of thi Caspian
Sea New \oik 2001 (a collection of essiys per
tuning to the Russo-Peisnn contacts in and iround
the Caspian Sei horn the 18th century to the pre
sent dav) kh M Ibragimbekov Kaikaz i Knmsloi
lomc (1853 1856) Moscow 1971 (a detailed account
of the impict of the C rimean Wai on the Cauc isus
which emphasises the role of the local population
in thwirting the Ottoman ldvance and condemns
the plotting of British agents in Circassia) \ N
Ratushmak et al (eds ), haika^skaia toina woki istom
i soinmimwst' Krasnodar 1995 (an lttempt to le
issess the history of the C mc isus in the light of
the political and ideological lgend is of post-
Communist Russim society ) D Mikirov Ofitsial'mi
i ntofitsial'mi islam I Dagtstanc Moscow 2002 (in
in the north C uicasus through the prism of the
conflict between the SilafTs and Sufis in post-So\iet
Daghistan) M Mamikaev Ccctnskn talp (rod) < ptnod
ego tajozheniva Gioznv 1973 (a standaid ic count
Marxist viewpoint) A Nirocmtskn (ed ) Istoua naro
doi Suimogo ha ka^a (konetj Willi 1917 z) Moscow
1988 (the most compuhensi\e Soviet ic count of
the history of the arei with special emphasis on
class struggle within Caucasian societies md the
piogiessive elements of Russian culture thit influ-
enced them) N Pokio\skn Kaila^skie omy i una
mam Shanula, Moscow 2000 la compiehensive studv
of the Caucasun societies ind Muslim stiuggle
against the Russian conquest bv an unoithodox
Soviet histomn who tieats Shimil ind his piede-
cessors as heroes of a national libention stiuggle)
\ Ro'i Islam in the Sonet Union New \ork 2000
(a well-documented studv of the stitus of the Muslim
minonties of the Soviet Union bised largely on the
NKXD/KGB ai chives it is somewhit mured bv
the luthoi s pooi knowledge of Islam ind its his-
tory) F Shcerbma Istoua hubanskogo lazae'iago toiska
n Ekiteimodii 1913 (a detailed iccount of the
Russim conquest of the noithern C iucisus bv l
Kub in Cossack histornn) A Smnnov Polttikci Rossn
na Kaika^c W I \I\ akakh Moscow 1958 (i studv
of the Russian expansion in the C au< asus in the
lbth 19th centunes from the perspective of a
Stalinist histomn) Osada Kai/aza St Petersbuig
2000 (l collection ol memons of seven Russian ofii
the C mcasus) \ Tishkov Obsheisho . loorujiennom
konfli/u Moscow 2001 (a nthei impiessionistic studv
of the lecent Russo-Cecen conflict bv the foimei
Minister for the Nation ihties of tht Russim
Fedei ition the authors promise in his introduc-
tion to piovide new theorem ll lpproaches to the
conflict and its c mses is not leihsed in the subse-
quent nirntivel
2 Studies ol individuil p< isonahties and
movements \ Akiev Shavkh Kunta Khadzhi dlW
i menu Gioznv i 1994 (i reassessment ol the tiguu
of Kunti Hidjdji bv a C ecen histonani T Birrett
Crossing thi boundaries Thi trading frontiers of tht Tnik
Brower and E Lazzenm leds I
loomington and Indianapolis 1997
uniting studv of the mutuillv ben-
itions between the Teiek Cossacks
and the mount uneers) \ Degoev Imam Shamil
prorok ilastitel' com Moscow 2001 (an attempt to
Shan
■ the
77i< Russ
Russi
I L Dei!
Thi unlikih abo
(1800 1864) Ph D diss SUN\ Bing-
hamton 1997 unpubl (a thorough ind infoimitive
ex munition of the slave trade in the C luc lsus and
the Russian attempts to abolish it) A knvsh Su/ism
as an explanatory paradigm The issue of the motuations
of Sufi moiimints in Russian and Western historiograph)
in HI xln/2 (2002) 1-35 (a critical eximiin-
tion of the role of Sufism m the Muslim resistance
to the Russian conquest of the Caucisus) Dz
Mesxidze Die Rolle dts Islams bam hamfif urn du
staatlithi Eigenstandigknt Tsehttsihenitns und Ingusehetiens
1917 1923 in A von kugelgen M Kemper ind
Frink (eds ) Muslim atltiiri in Russia and Central
18th tc
i 20th it
Berlin
1998 457-81 [a
studv
of the
led
disses o
Cecei
ind
Ingush
societies in nit
on
building
hanova
aftei tl
e Rus
id poll
Tinlh
olutionj G \e
\orth Caucasus
u
\ationahti
s Paper
4 (200
I 601-88 (i ic
en
attempt
, expla
in the
conflict
and power st
ug
itemporirv Daghistan
and C ecnv l bv
the
KABTUJ
of the
xNUH
ocal S
lift orde
fimib ^T
h/
Thi
Banu Sa'id
ompnsed three brothers who
the Aftisid prince of Bidijoz Abu
Hats 'Uiuar al-Mut iw ikkil (464 88/1072-95 [qi and
of the Almonvids The lakab of al-kabturnuh liccoid-
mg to other sources al-Kabturnah oi al-kubtumuh)
suggests an Hispanic origin probibh one stemming
from the Low Latin *capiturnus hiving l hrge head
The fust of the three biotheis Abu Muhammad Talha
Ibn al-\bbai no 259) is the author of sever il ft ig-
ments of m epicure in ind festive type as well as
three fragments elegising his wife Umm ll-Fidl The
second brothei Abu Bikr 'Abd il 'Aziz I Ibn al-Abbn
no 1743) is the best known of them he has left
behind the most substintnl written legicv including
a poem of 14 verses recounting nost llgicallv the davs
of his vouth at Coidova plus other poetic md prose
fi lgments including a shoit nsata in an artificial stvle
(ed Mikki in RIEIM vii-vm 186-8) Onlv a few
verv rue veises iemam fiom the thud biothei \bu
1 Has in Muhimmid The fimilv s poetrv is often
consideied is exemplifvmg the Andilusi poetrv of the
Taitis penod [see miluk ^l-twv^'if 2] hedonist in
tone ind in l bnlliant but rather minnered stvle
Bihhopaphi Ibn Bassam Dhallira ed Ihsan
'Abbis 8 vols Beirut 1979 n/2 752-73 Ibn
khakan Kala'id ed MT Ibn 'Ashui Tunis 1990
355-b9 (both essential) Ibn al-khatib lhata ed
'\\ Tnin 4 vols C mo 1973 i 520- \ Makkin
\afh altib ed 'Abbas 8 vols Benut 1968 i 634-9 F
\ el izquez Tin poitas dc Bada/o^ los Banu I Qabtumu
stgun la lhata dc Ibn al Jatib in innuauo dc Estu
dros Iilologieas (Ltihersidad dc Extrarnadura) xxi (1998)
441-6 1 1 FERR4NDOI
KADAMGAH [\ md p) literally place of the
[impiint of the] foot a village in khuiasan on
the highwiv to M ishhad and some 20 km/ 12 miles
KADAMGAH — KAFAN
east of Nishapur at the southern edge of the Kuh-i
Binalud ilat 36° 07' N , long 59° 00" E ) It is locally
famed as a znaratgah or place of pilgrimage since the
Eighth Imam oi the Shi'a 'Mi al-Rida [qi] is said
to ha\e halted there and left the imprint of his loot
on a stone henceforth to be regarded with reverence,
see Bess \ Donaldson, The add rue \ studi of Muham
madan magic and folklore in Iran, London 1938, 59, 148-9).
The concept of sacred imprints on rocks, on the
roof and walls of caves, etc., is widespread across the
Old World, certainly from the Middle East to South
and South-East Asia (in the latter regions, with e.g.
footprints of the Buddha, as at Adam's Peak, Ceylon).
In the Islamic lands, imprints of the Prophet Muham-
mad's foot are early found all over the Arab lands,
and subsequently in Ottoman Turkey, and are espe-
cial objects of veneration in Muslim India (as like-
wise are imprints of holy men in non-Muslim India);
see kadam Sharif and also Annemarie Schimmel, And
Muhammad is His Messenger. The veneration of the Prophet
in hlamie piety. Chapel Hill, N.C. 1985, 42-3.
There are in fact numerous similar kadamgahs or
shrines of saints and holy men, often but not always
'Alids, apart from the one mentioned above near
Nishapur, throughout Eastern Persia, Afghanistan and
Northwestern India, including a footprint of the caliph
"AIT b. 'Abl Talib at the (Sunnl) shrine of Mazar-i
Sharif [q.r.] in northern Afghanistan. One should also
mention pandjagahs, "places of the [imprint of the]
palm of the hand", impressions of the hands of holy
men. Thus in Kabul, to the east of the Bala Hisar
above the city, is the shrine of the Pandja-yi Shah
Mardan ("Lord of Mankind", i.e. the Prophet Muham-
mad) mentioned by the traveller Charles Masson
(Narrative of various journey j in Baloehhtan, Afghanistan, and
the Panjab, London 1842, ii, 236, iii, 93; and cf. R.D.
McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia. Four hundred years in
the hhton of a Muslim shrine, 1480-1889, Princeton 1991,
226).
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(C.E. Bosworth)
KADI-ZADE RUMI, Salah al-Din Musa b.
Muhammad b. Mahmud al-Rumi, usually referred to
as Kadi-zade al-Rumi or Musa Kadi-zade al-Rumi,
lived ca. 760-ra. 835/1359-1432, dates derived from
an early work written in 784/1382-3 and from his
having outlived Ghiyath al-Din al-Kashi (d. 832/1429
Bursa who played a substantial role in the Samarkand
observatory [see marsad] of Ulugh Beg [q.v.] 'and
?xtensively as teach-
s for r
athemai
After studying for a time in his native Bursa, where
his father Mahmud was a prominent judge at the
time of Sultan Mured I, Kadi-zade travelled to Persia
to pursue an education in the philosophical and math-
ematical sciences. There he studied with the famous
theologian al-Sayyid al-Sharif al-Djurdjani [q.v.] , prob-
ably at the court of TlmQr in Samarkand; this was,
however, an unhappy experience for both parties with
al-Djurdjani complaining of his student's infatuation
with the mathematical sciences while Kadi-zade made
it known that his teacher was deficient in those sub-
jects. After Timur's death, Kadi-zade found both a
student and patron in Timur's grandson Ulugh Beg,
also in Samarkand. He became the head of the large
madrasa there' and Ulugh Beg himself sometimes
attended his lectures. Sometime later, ca. 823/1420,
he collaborated with Ghiyath al-Din al-Kashi under
the directorship and patronage of Ulugh Beg to build
the famous Samarkand observatory and undertake its
observational programmes. After al-Kashl's death
in 1429, he no doubt assumed additional responsi-
bilities. By then he was assisted by the talented young
'All KushdjI [q.v.], who continued the observational
programme after Kadl-zade's death. KushdjI's daugh-
ter would marry Kadl-zade's son ' Shams al-Din;
a grandson of this union was the famous Ottoman
astronomer/mathematician Mlrim Celebl (d. 931/
1525).
Kadi-zade was not noted for his innovations or
creativity, and his works reflect this. He was most
famous for his commentaries on al-Djaghmim's [q.v.]
astronomical compendium al-Mulakhkhas ft 'l-har'a
(814/1412) and Shams al-Din al-Samarkandl's [q.v.]
geometrical tract Ashkal al-ta'sis (completed 815/1412);
the large number of extant manuscripts of both com-
mentaries indicates their enduring popularity as teach-
ing texts. A work on determining the value of Sin 1°
is heavily dependent on the more mathematically
accomplished al-Kashi. His supercommentary on Athlr
al-Din al-Abharl's [q.v.] Hidayat al-hikma seems to be
his only philosophical or theological work, though
he did intend to write a refutation of parts of al-
Djurdjanf s famous commentary on al-ldjl's Mawakif.
The common attribution to Kadi-zade of Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana or. MS 271, a commentary on
Naslr al-Din al-Tusfs astronomical work al-Tadhkira,
is incorrect; it is actually by al-Djurdjani.
Bibliography. Tashkopriizade, al-Shaka'ik al-
nu'manina, Istanbul 1985, 14-17 (main biographical
source); HadjdjI Khalifa, Istanbul 1941-3, 105, 137,
139, 859, 1819, 2029; Brockelmann, I, 468, 473,
511, II, 212, S I, 850, 865; G.P. Matvievskaya and
B.A. Rozenfeld, Matematiki i astronomi musulmanskogo
sredneivkoiya i ikh trudi (VIII-XVII vv.), Moscow 1983,
ii, 487-9; E. Ihsanoglu et al, Osmanh astronomi lite-
rature larihi, Istanbul 1997, i, 5-21 (full bibl.); idem,
Osmanh matematik literaturu tarihi, Istanbul 1999, i, 3-
18; H. Dilgan, art, QadJ ^ada al-Rumi, in Diet, of
Scientific Biography, xi, 227-9; E.S. Kennedy, A letter
of Jamshld al-Kashl to his father, in Otientalia, xxix
(1960), 191-213; A. Sayili, The obsermton in Islam,
Ankara 1960. (FJ. RagepI
KAFAN (a.), "shroud".
In the Islamic world, a dying person was often
forewarned of imminent death by a dream, or by a
dream that an inhabitant of his town had had dur-
ing the preceding days, to the effect that the Prophet
or some other great figure like Abu Bakr, 'Umar or
'All, was waiting for him and he should get ready
for the meeting. Since death is the natural goal of
life, its approach should be managed calmly. When
the death agony is imminent, the dying person pro-
nounces the shahada or profession of faith, whilst rais-
ing one finger of the right hand to re-affirm for the
last time his belief in the unity of God. If he is too
weak, someone close to him murmurs in his ear just
as his father murmured to him at his birth. The
corpse is washed, unless the dying person has washed
himself in preparation, and then wrapped in three
cloths, white shrouds, or cloths of any other colour
except red, fastened very tightly. A professional
enshrouder, kaffan, takes charge of this process using
cloths woven by an akfani. The shroud has often been
acquired long before death by the deceased, the sole
piece of property which he retains after his death,
since it does not figure in what he leaves behind as
inheritance. Only the corpse of a martyr killed in the
way of djihad is not washed, but buried where he has
fallen and in his bloodstained garments.
For great persons, the number of shrouds and their
\alue could increase consideiabh- \t his death the
Fatimid Mziei Ibn Kilhs [qi] was buned at the ex-
pense oi the caliph al-'Aziz in fitt\ perfumed shrouds
and cloths ot vanous fibies with a totil \alue ot
10 000 dinars (see al-Maknzi Itti'az al hunafa' ed Dj
Shav>al Cairo 1387/1%7 1 268-9 see also the stoie
ot Fatimid shrouds mentioned b\ al-Musabbihi 4Uiba>
\Iisi ed AF Sayvid and Th Bianqms C mo 1078
107) The fibies used in spinning these costh, shrouds
and also the inscriptions on them — a politico-religious
content in Fatimid Egvpt and often poetic al on the
theme of the inevitability ot death in Bu\td 'Irak —
ha\e been studied b\ both aichaeologists and museum
specialists (R Ga\raud al Qarafa al kubra dtnuere dtmtiirt
des Fatimides in M Barrucand (ed ) L Egtptt son alt
it son histom Pans 1999 443-b4 bibl and chanctei
istic texts in E Gaicin Le textile dam 1 1 dam media al
productions buyuies tl jatmudt\ diss DEA Lumierc-Lvon 2
1999 unpubl 59-b0)
The
on the •
ll-Musabbihi op at 108) b\ men who
llv to God and if I am bad get nd ot me quitklv
A praver was pronounced ovei the corpse neai a
mosque E\er\one would stand as the coipse passed
bv e\en toi the corpses of Jews and Chnstims (it
was usual to be piesent at tht funerals ot important
members ot the other idigious communities) out ot
wooden coffin [\anduk tabut also meaning ci
The chroniclers me
Jished s
espect
The corpse wrapped in the shioud is loweied into
a tomb dug out toi this purpost [see the detailed
description of the tvpes ot Muslim tombs in l Righib
Slruttme de la tombi dapns It droit miuulman in iiabua
vxxix [1992] 395-403) The shioud is then loosened
so that the dead pel son can be at his ease and the
tound skeletons with post mortim tractuies ot the cer-
vical vertebiae) Three handfuls of eaith ire thrown
ovei the corpse whilst pronouncing the words We
created vou with this [eaith] We give him back to
of ancient Mesopotamia and km 'an XXII 5 XXX
19 etc ) The cavitv is filled with eaith and pebbles
with an entice lett tor the deceased to get water
From this point onwaids and until the palms planted
on the tomb become dried up the deceased is given
o\ei to mtei location bv the ingels ot death piepai l-
Bibhogiaphy M Galal EssaiTobsmutions writs
rites Juneram in Egyptt actuelh in REI xi (1937) 131
299 H Laoust (ti ) Lt prais di droit d Ibn Qitdama
Beirut 1950 45-9 sv Les pratiques funeianes
a verv detailed description of the Sunni ritual toi
washing the corpse enshiouding and inhumation
a shioud depicted in a Christian illuminated ms
of the 13th centurv at Mausil in R C anavelli led )
La Mediterranu dts (roisadis Milan 2000 138 a biei
ind shroud depicted in the illustrations ot i Shall
nama f i om Tabriz 1330-b in B Grav Persian palatini,
Geneva 1951 32 See also dianaza kabr makbara
mawt and their Bibls (Th BiancjiiisI
KAFES (a t) cage the popular teim m
Ottoman Tuikish usage tor the area of the haiem
m to the svstem wheiebv the
rights ot claimant
the Ottoman thione were dete
the hw ot fratricide which it
\ is graduallv supei
ling dining this penod In the
ources the teim
late usage onh- id Ohsson use
s the woid in th
Tankh Istanbul n d
Omshiilik
the 1
ox shrub )
or Shu
ashnhk odasi
the
boxwood
himb
) the
little cc
\ard plant
d Wl
h box at
the no
rth-ea
t come
of
the eouitv
the Walide
Sultan
(Silahdar Ta
nkh
Istanbul 1
297 Uzuneaisih
Saiay
91 Rashid
Tankh Is
anbu
1282/18b5-b n
2 3
Necipr
glu
Topkapi Pa
ate figs 94 lbfc
178)
It c<
nsisted
set ot pav
ording
to d Ohsson
who
piesents ed
ch as
compnsin
ll roc
ms ind
hill
igh wall )
unted
)las
fitted with
chin
nevs and
window
s wh
eh toi
the
did
look
the haiem
were dee o
lated v
ith th
tvpical ot
the 1
th centurv
and w
ith m
aible n
dies
(Necipoglu
178)
angem
xisted in
the
palace of Edirne
lied thither
nude it h
s icsid
\dult sh
h ad
la began li
mg m
he in
enoi \in
kiwi
[,/,]) of Topkar
l horn the
n the
second
hilt
them with piovineral go\ernoiships in Anatolia was
partiallv and then totalh abandoned This then became
the exclusive pierogative of the son of the reignmg
so\eieign On the othei hand on the accession ot
Ahmed I while still a minoi (lb03i the leiding dig-
nitaries ot the state allowed his \ounger biothel
Mustafa to live instilled in a me he within the palace
Fuitheimore on the death o
'Oth
eed him
still \
athei than
1283/18bb-7 i
1281/1864-5 i 385) Hiv
e onfinement Mustafa I \
lan the fust this s,
rhese events were the harbingeis of impoitant
anted bv 'Othniin II and Muiad I\ against their
Ketive biotheis — outdated practices denounced bv
public opi
uon — the brothers of leigmng sovereigns
weie illow
ed to live but weie politic allv neutralised
bv ngorou
arei of the
Palace In parallel despite the inclination
the success
on the principle ot semontv made possi-
ble bv the
survival of the sultans brothers led b\
ges to the establishment of a successoiial
svstem in t
le Ottoman dvnistv in the eailv 18th cen-
tuiv the c
lromelci Rashid presents the eldest oi the
hi others o
Mehemmed I\ Sulevman II who suc-
eeeded the
deposed sultan in lb87 as the august
person wh
m his turn took charge oi the sultanate
wiladet u
ording to the order of birth"
e, Rash:
confirrr
y had become the rule when, on the
of the replacement of Mustafa II, deposed in 1 703,
Ahmed III, son of Mehemmed IV, was preferred
by the arbiters of the situation, on account of the
"order of succession" (tertib-i nobet), as well as the qual-
ities of the candidate, over the prince Ibrahim, a son
of Ahmed II who, furthermore, was still a minor
[Nusret-name, ed. I. Parmaksizoglu, Istanbul 1962, ii, 177).
Another consequence of the establishment of the
kafes was to promote, by constituting a reserve of legit-
imate candidates to the throne, the notion that the
solution to political crises was not to be found only
in the sacrifice of a number of senior dignitaries, serv-
ing as a "safety-fuse" for the reigning sultan; there
was also the option of a change of sultan, a new
accession (djulus): the sovereign himself became a safety-
fuse to the benefit of the superior entity constituted
by the dynasty, his throne, like other positions of emi-
nence in the empire, being nothing more than "an
This was indeed an eccentric preparation for an
eventual reign: total seclusion which could last sev-
eral decades (see in Alderson, 36, the table of peri-
ods spend in the kafes, before their accession and after
their eventual dethronement, by the twenty-three sul-
tans concerned, from Mustafa I to 'Abd ul-Medjid
II). However, a distinction should be drawn, follow-
ing the lead of d'Ohsson, between two categories of
sheh-zadeler. on the one hand, the sons of the reign-
ing sultan who, while stringently kept apart from any
political activity (and barred from procreation), were
not altogether excluded from public life: on the con-
trary they participated in festivals which, when the
case arose, were dedicated to them (circumcisions, the
beginnings of education, etc.; cf. S. Faroqhi, Crhis and
change, in H. Inalcik and D. Quataert (eds.), An eco-
nomic and social history of the Ottoman Empire, Cambridge
1994, 613-14), or 'in official functions (Ahmed III
received the French ambassador, Andrezel, surrounded
by his four sons; illustration byJ.-B. Van Mour, repro-
duced in A. Boppe, Les peintm du Bosphore au XVIII'
Steele, Paris 1989, 29); and on the other hand, the
other princes of the blood. To the latter alone the
regime of the kafes was applied in full rigour. Fur-
thermore, as soon as their father ceased to reign, the
princes of the first category were relegated to the sec-
ond: thus on leaving the prison where he had just
spent 39 years, to ascend the throne in place of his
deposed brother Mehemmed IV, Suleyman II issued a
khatt-i humayun ordering the transfer to the same place
of his displaced brother, the latter's two sons Mustafa
and Ahmed, as well as his own younger brother
Ahmed (the future Ahmed II) who had previously
shared his prison (Silahdar, Tarlkh, ii, 298). Reduced
to the company of their pages, their eunuchs and
concubines who were not permitted to give birth, to
male children in any case (on Akhiretlik Khanim,
fathered by 'Abd iil-Hamid I in the kafes, see Uzun-
carsili, 115), these princes were strictly cut off from
the exterior, deprived of any experience of the world
and of any useful education, neglected and despised
(on succeeding his brother, Suleyman II appeared
wearing an old 'anteri robe and shod in heavy cav-
alry boots; Silahdar, Tarlkh, ii, 298). Some coped with
their boredom by practising various manual occupa-
tions (Ohsson, vii, 102). Added to these inconveniences
was the fearful threat which the suspicions of the
reigning sultan constantly posed to the lives of his
potential rivals. The anxiety which could be thus
aroused among the latter is well illustrated by the
attitudes of Ibrahim or of Suleyman II when invited
to take the throne; both were convinced that this was
a trick on the part of their respective brothers, Murad
IV and Mehemmed rV, to have them executed, and
they stubbornly refused to leave their prison (Na'ima,
Tarlkh, iii, 450-2; Silahdar, Tankh, ii, 198). It may be
noted to what an extent the shadow of fratricide,
although in fact no longer practised, continued to
hang over the dynasty (as late as 1730, on leaving
the throne, Ahmed III entrusted to his nephew and
successor Mahmud I, as "a trustee of God" the pro-
tection of his children (FeraTdjizade, Gulshen-i ma'arif
Istanbul 1252/1836-7, ii, 1251; 'Abdr, 1730 Patrona
Halil hakkmdan bir eser. Abdx Tarihi, ed. F.R. Unat,
Ankara 1943, 42). The vigilance of the Janissaries,
anxious to maintain the freedom of manoeuvre guar-
anteed to them by a plethora of possible sultans, was
the best safeguard of the sequestered princes: in 1632,
rebellious Janissaries compelled Murad IV to show
them that his brothers were still alive (Uzuncarsili,
227-8). According to Bobovius, adapted by Girardin,
30-1,
Chroniclers have often stressed the negative effects
of the system on the competence and mental health
of the sovereigns produced by it (blaming it in par-
ticular for some of the psychological disorders asso-
ciated with Mustafa I or with Ibrahim), but this "black
legend" is doubtless to be treated with caution: the
stringency of confinement certainly varied according
to reigns and circumstances: only Mustafa I, after his
first deposition, or Ibrahim after his dethronement, are
presented as being immured alive, "already interred"
(NaTma, ii, 218, iii, 330). In other cases, the links
of princes with their reigning parent, between them-
selves and even with the outside world were not
entirely severed: "Sultan Soliman, brother of the cur-
rent emperor, has acquired universal esteem through-
out the empire . . . and his renown has induced all
ranks of the militia to declare themselves his protec-
tors," Bobovius noted (122-3), with regard to the future
Suleyman, disparaged as he was in other respects.
Worth noting, on the other hand, is the energy dis-
played by Ahmed II when, on emerging from 43
years of the kafes he inaugurated his brief reign (1691-5)
(Silahdar, ii,' 576-80). More generally, in the course
of time a progressive humanisation of the kafes is
observable, associated no doubt with the individual
personality of certain sultans, but especially with the
stabilisation of the new successorial system; during his
39 years on the throne, Mehemmed IV (1648-87)
made no further attempts to harm his two brothers,
even going sometimes to speak with them (Uzuncarsili,
96; Bobovius evokes "a fairly comfortable prison").
Several decades later, Ahmed III showed himself
respectful and amicable towards his brother Mustafa
II (1695-1703) whose place he took, not that this pre-
vented the latter dying 140 days later in the kafes,
"of nostalgia for the crown and for the throne"
(Defterdar Sari Mehmed Pasha, Zjibde-i wekayi'at, ed.
Ozcan, Ankara 1995, 815, 835). When in 1730 it was
the turn of Ahmed III to be overthrown, the trans-
fer of power between him and his nephew Mahmud
I took place very smoothly: he kissed him on the
forehead, while the other kissed his hand (Fera'idjizade,
1251). But it was not until the end of the 18th cen-
tury that the regime was definitively relaxed: on the
death of his father Mustafa III in 1774, the future
Selim III was granted a considerable degree of free-
dom by his uncle 'Abd iil-Hamid I, enabling him in
particular to correspond with Louis XVI (Uzuncarsili,
- KAHTANITE
Selim Ill'un Veliaht'iken Fransa Kiali Lw XVI lit muhaberelm
in Belleten, ii [1938], 191-24(i, S Mumr, Louis XII et
le sultan Selim III, in Remit d'Hutom diplomatique xxm
[1912], 516-48). Similarly 'Abd ul-Medjid (1839-bll
was to allow a free hand to his bi other 'Abd ul-'Aziz
(he fathered a son before becoming sultan, Yusuf Tzz
til-Din, born in 1857) and ha\ing ascended the thione
(1861-76) the latter showed the same latitude towards
his nephews, having two of them accompam him on
his journey to Paris and London in 1867 (Alderson
34-5).
Bibliography (besides the thiomclers cited in the
text): I.H. Uzuncarsili, Osmanli daeletmm raw) teshlah
Ankara 1945; A.D. Alderson Tht rtmitun of ttu
Ottoman dynasty, Oxford 1956, G Necipoglu iichi
tecture, ceremonial and ponei Tht Topkapi Patau in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuna, Cambridge, Mass 1941
L.P. Peirce, The Imperial haum Womtn and sootrngnty
in the Ottoman Empire, New \ork-Oxford 1993 \
Bobovius, Topkapi. Relation du Serail du Grand Sasntur
ed. A. Berthier and S \ erasimos, \iles 1999
(G Veinstfin)
al-KAFF (a.), verbal noun of the %erb kafja in the
sense of "to abstain, desist [from sth],' and 'to repel
[s.o. from s.th.]" (see U bKA<!, i, Lettu Kdf 23b-9)
a reigiopo.ica eon ex reels o^e
some Khandjr
called ka'ada "those
y-988/late 15th c
groups in eai
rebellion and warfare against the
further ku'ud.
KAHI (late
1580), the takhallus [q.v.] or pen-name of an Indo-
Muslim poet, Nadjm al-Din Abu '1-Kasim Muham-
mad, who wrote at the courts of the Mughal emperors
Humayun and Akbar [q.vv.].
Transoxania at Miyankal, a district situated between
Samarkand and Bukhara, but stayed a long time in
Kabul, whence he is also known as Kabuli. When
fifteen years old he is said to have visited Djami
(d. 898/1492 [q.v.]) at Harat, and spent some seven
years in the poet's company. Subsequently he went to
India on two separate occasions, once in ca. 936/1530
and then in 961/1554. In his first visit he travelled
to Bhakkar in Sind to meet the Sufi mystic Shah
Djahangir Hashimi (d. 946/1539-40) of Kirman,
author of the Persian mathnawi Mazhai al-athar, and
lived in Gudjarat writing for Bahadur Khan and
Muhammad Khan, who 'ruled that state from 932-
43/1525-36 and 943-61/1536-53 respectively. In ca.
956/1549 he returned to Kabul and entered the ser-
vice of prince Akbar. It was as a member of Akbar's
entourage that he made his second visit to India,
spending the remaining years of his life in that coun-
try. His patrons this time included, in addition to
Humayun and Akbar, the noblemen of Bauaras and
Djawnpur, Khan Zaman and his brother Bahadur
Khan, who were both slain in their abortive revolt
against Akbar in 975/1567. From 969/1561-2 onward
he lived in Agra, where he died in 988/1580 at an
advanced age of 110 or 120 years.
Kahr was an important figure of Akbar's reign,
noted for his poetry as well as other attainments.
Besides writing kasidas and ghazals, he displayed spe-
cial skill in composing chronograms and riddles. He
is also said to have written a mathnawi on the model
of Sa'di's Bustan entitled Gul-afihan. His other accom-
plishments included the study of Kur'anic exegesis,
scholastic theology, music, astronomy and mysticism.
Bibliography: 1. Sources. Ahmad 'Air Khan
Hashimi Sandilavu, Tadhkua i makhzan al ghaia'ib,
Bodleian MS 395, Abu 1-Fadl A'm i ikbari, i tr
H Blochmann, Calcutta 1868, Ghulam 'All Khan
Azad Bilgrami, hhizana i 'amua, Cawnpoie 1871,
Mir Husa\n Dust Sanbhali Tadhkua I Hmaim,
Lucknow 1875, Siddlk Hasan Khan Sham' i
andiuman Bhopal 1876, Amln Ahmad Razi Haft
iklJm, in ed Djawad Fadil Tehran n d , 'Abd al-
Kadn Bada'uni, Muntakhab al tactailkh, in, tr
Wolsele\ Haig, Calcutta 1925, Nizam al-Din
Ahmad Tabakat i Ikban, n, tr B De Calcutta
193b, Muhammad 'All Mudams Tabilzl, Rathanat
aladab, in, Tabriz 1369/1949-50, Mil 'Ml Shir
Kam' Tattawi, Maka/at al shu'ara' , ed Husam
al-Din Rashidl Karachi 1957 Kudrat AJlah
Gopamawi, Tadhkua I nata'idj, al ajkdr, Bomba\
1336/1957-8, Luti 'Mi Beg Adhai, Atash kada, ed
Sa>ud Dja'far Shahldi, Tehran 1337/1958
Bindraban Das Khushgu, Jaffna i Khushgu, Patna
1959, LachmT Naia>an Shafik Sham i ghariban, ed
Akbar al-Din SiddikT, Karachi 1977
2 Studies TW Beale in ontntal biographical
duhonan, London 1894, /C, \xvii/2-4 (1953) Indo
Iramia (Calcutta), \m/l, 4 ll955), and x\i/4 |1968)
J Rvpka Histon of Ii anion liteiature, Dordiecht 1968,
723-4 (Munibur Rahm\ni
KAHTANITE, Qxhtanite a name which has
been proposed for designating the ensemble
of graffiti found in pre-Islamic South Arabia
but whose use has not yet become generalised.
The numerous written documents found in Arabia
and dated from pre-Islamic times, may be classed
stone or other durable materials, meant to be exposed
and using varieties of the Arabian alphabet (South
Arabian, Dedanite, Lihyanite and Hasaean) or foreign
scripts (Aramaic, Greek, Latin and Ge'ez); (2) private
documents (correspondence, contracts, lists or writing
exercises), written in cursive South Arabian script on
wooden sticks or palm stalks, all of these having been
found in Yemen; and (3) very numerous graffiti written
on rocks in various forms of the Arabian alphabet.
The monumental inscriptions and the documents
in cursive South Arabian script can be divided into
several groups, to be defined by ranging over prove-
nance, dating and the political, linguistic, religious and
tribal information given in the text. For designating
these ensembles. Western scholars have devised names
derived from the political groupings where these writ-
ings have originated, or failing that, from the region
where they have been found. Thus in South Arabia,
there have been accordingly classified the Sabaic
inscriptions ifrom the kingdom of Saba' [?.».]; the
Madhabic (from the region of the WadI Madhab),
previously called Minaean [see ma'In]; Katabanic (from
the kingdom of Kataban [q.v.]; and Hadramitic (from
the kingdom of Hadramawt [q.v.]. In the oasis of al-
'Ula (ancient Dedan) and of Mada'in Salih (ancient
Hegra/al-Hidjr [q.v.] are recognised two successive
ensembles, called Dadanitic (after the ancient name
of the oasis) and Lihyanite (after the ancient tribe
[see lihyan]), which Michael Macdonald has recently
suggested should be grouped under the single term
Dadanitic (Macdonald, 2000, 29). Finally, on the
Arabian shores of the Perso-Arabian Gulf, a group
of some 50 texts has been called Hasaitic, after the
name of the region al-Hasa' [q.v.] or al-Ahsa'.
It is more difficult to classify the graffiti, which
number tens of thousands, because their content, often
poor and uninformative, gives hardly any indications
of their language or tribe or cults. Contributing to
KAHTANITE — KA'IMI
this difficulty is the fact that very few of them have
been rigorously studied. Their typology is based mainly
on adducing as evidence the various types of the
Arabic alphabet and, additionally, on examining the
distinct and homogeneous zones of their distribution.
It is further not very easy to give a name to the
various groups of graffiti at present recognised, since
the identity of their authors is unknown. At an early
stage, specialists isolated two groups, called Safaitic
[q.v.] (from the Djabal al-Safa to the southeast of
Damascus) and Thamudic [q.v.], making a connection
with the ancient tribe of Thamud [q.v.]. But it soon
became apparent that the Thamudic ensemble, in
which were grouped all the non-classified graffiti, was
a vast hold-all term for an extremely heterogeneous
group. A first tentative step to de\ise a new order
for them was made by F.V. Winnett, who adduced
five sub-groups, each defined by a variety of the
Arabian alphabet and called by letter of the Latin
alphabet. A, B, C, D and E. Later researches by this
same author, continued by those of M. Macdonald
and G. King (Macdonald-King, 2000), have shown
that two of these sub-groups belong to particular
regions, Hisma' (southern Jordan and northern Hidjaz)
and the ' district of the Tavma' oasis, whence the
names Hismaic (former Thamudic A) and Taymanitic
(former Thamudic E) have been proposed.
There remains to classify the numerous other
Thamudic graffiti, notably those found in the region
between the Hidjaz and Yemen, these being especially
numerous in the regions of Nadjran [q.v.] and Karyat
al-Faw [see fa'w] (the latter 280 km/ 165 miles to
the northeast of Nadjran (Jamme, 1973). For these,
the terms "Southern Thamudic" (see Macdonald-King,
2000, 44) or "Kahtanite" (Robin, 1978, 106-7) have
been proposed, but these terms remain provisional
whilst a typology of the whole ensemble remains to
be sketched out. The task is difficult because a num-
ber of these graffiti recall the proximity and prestige
of the South Arabian states by mixing together, in
varying proportions, the regular South Arabian script
letters and those reflecting local graphic forms.
This name "Kahtanite" stems from Kahtan, the
ancient eponym of the South Arabs, according to the
purveyors of traditions on the beginnings of Islam (see
especially, Ibn al-Kalbr's Qamharat al-nasab). The name
of this eponym probably comes from a tribe estab-
lished at Karyat al-Faw (the ancient Karyat""' dhat
Kahl"", sc. "the Karya of Kahl", Kahl being the name
of a god of the oasis). Two inscriptions mention this
tribe.' The first, found at al-Faw, is the tombstone of
"Mu'awivat, son of Rabi'at, of the line of M. . . .,
[the Kajhtanite, king of Kahtan and of Madhhig";
from the style of writing, this would date from the
1st century A.D. (Ansart-Qaryat al-Faw 2/1-2). The
second inscription, stemming from the temple of
Awwam at Ma'rib in Yemen, has a dedication to the
Sabaean god Almaqah in which the writer evokes an
expedition against "Rabi'at of the line of Thawr""
king of Kiddat [= Kinda] and of Kahtan", in the
reign of the Sabaean king Sha'r"" 1 Awtar, ca. 220-5
(Ja 635/26-7). Ptolemy probably mentions the same
tribe in the 2nd centurv A.D. in the form Kaxavirat
(VI. 7, 20 and 23).
The reason why Kahtan, the pre-Islamic tribe at
Karyat al-Faw, associated in the first place with
Madhhidj [q.v.] and then dominated by Kinda [q.v.],
has been chosen as an eponym for the South Arabs
has not yet been solved. It is likely that we have here
a tradition of Kind! origin, which would have been
imposed when the tribe of Kinda had a dominant
position in Central Arabia, in the 5th and 6th cen-
turies A.D. This hypothesis underlines once more that
Kinda is the source of the greater part of Arab tra-
ditions bearing the verifiable historical information on
pre-Islamic South Arabia.
Bibliography: 1. Inscriptions. Ansari-Qaryat
al-Faw 2 = 'A.R. al-T. al-Ansan, Adwa' djadida 'aid
daivlat Kinda min khilal athar Karyat al-Faw wa-
nukushiha, in Sources for the history of Arabia, Pt. 1
(Studies on the history of Arabia), vol. 1, Univ. of Riyad
Press 1979 (A.H. 1399), 2-11 of the Arabic part;
Chr. Robin, L'Arabie antique de Karib'll a Mahomet.
Nouvelles donnees sur I'histoire des Arabes grace aux in-
scriptions, in RMMM, lxi (1991-3), 121; Ja 635 =
A. Jamme, Sabaean inscriptions from Mahram Bilqis
(Mdrib), Publics, of the American Foundation for
the Study of Man, iii, Baltimore 1962, 136-8.
2. General. Jamme, Miscellanies d'anaent [sic]
arabe, Washington, private public. 1973 (this vol-
ume is almost entirely given over to the publica-
tion of the Karyat al-Faw graffiti, called "Sabaean"
by the author); M.C.A. Macdonald, Reflections on the
linguistic map of pre-Islamic South Arabia, in Arabian
Archaeology and Epigraphy, xi (2000), 28-79; idem and
G.M.H. King, EP art. thamudic; Robin, Quelques
graffiles preislamiques de al-Haza'in (Mord-Temen), in
Semkica, xxviii (1978), 103-28 and pis. III-IV;
J. Rvckmans, Aspects nouveaux du probleme thamoudeen,
in Stud, hi, v (1956), 5-17. (Ch. Robin)
KA'IMI, Hasan Baba (d. 1102/1691), Bosnian
Muslim poet of the llth/17th century.
After the Ottoman conquest of the 9th/ 15th cen-
tury, Slavs converted to Islam began to write in the
Islamic languages of Turkish, Persian and Arabic,
whilst some authors continued to write in Slavonic
Has;
i Baba, with the makhlas of Ka'imT, was the
ebrated poet of his time in Bosnia and the
Balkans in general. Little is known of his life, but he
seems to have been in easy circumstances and to have
lived most of his life in Sarajevo [q.v.], where he was
born by 1039/1630. He was apparently an adherent
of the Kadiriyya tarika, and sheykh of the tekke of Sinan
Agha in Sarajevo, and he dedicated poems to the
founder, 'Abd al-Kadir al-DjQanl. He seems to have left
Sarajevo towards the end of his life, perhaps driven out
of the Sarajevo rebellion of 1093/1682 and to have lived
in Zvornik, where he died and where he has his turbe.
He is the author of two DlwSns in Turkish, the
first one of mystical poetry and the second, smaller
one of kasidas only called Waridat ("incomings, gains"),
the whole comprising several thousand verses, extant
in a hundred mss., mostly copied in the 19th cen-
tury. In the Waridat, he touched upon political events,
such as the long campaign by the Ottomans for the
conquest of Crete from the Venetians, a war which
also affected Dalmatia and its coastal towns. In the
first kafida of this Diivan, comprising 174 bevts, he cor-
rectly foretold the date of the end of the war (1079/
1669), giving him great celebrity; and much of the
enthusiasm for copying Ka'imfs works arose after
1878 when the Austrians extended their protectorate
over Bosnia and Hercegovina, since the poet had
alluded to universal conquests by the Turks and the
universal triumph of Islam. Modern Bosnian scholars,
on the other hand, have claimed him as a Bosnian
patriot (although the concept of "patriotism" did not
exist in his time) or even as a proto-Marxist; at most,
one can note his evident love for Bosnia and, espe-
cially, for Sarajevo.
Ka'imi also wrote alhamiado poetry, including an
"ode against tobacco written when Murad IV banned
the use of tobacco [see tut™] in the Ottoman empire
and a second shorter ode on the Cretan War in
addition to the one in Tmkish
Bibliosraph See for full icferences Jasna Samic
Le Diaan di Ka'imi Pans 1986 with bibl at 251-
80 Jasna Samk)
KA'IN conventionally Qayen etc a town of
eastern Persia [lat 33° 43' N long 59° Ob' E)
now in the admimstiatne province of Khurasan but
in mediae\al Islamic times falling within the region
known as Kuhistan [qi] It lies on the road connect-
ing the in ban centres oi noithem Khurasan (Mashhad
Turbat-i Haydanyva etc ) with Bndjand Persian Sistan
and Zahidan
Ka'in must be an ancient town but viituallv noth-
ing is known oi it belore the descriptions oi the 4th/
10th centurv geographer The 8th centuiv Aimeman
geographv attributes its foundation to Lohiasp son
of Wishtasp of Iranian legendarv history ( Mai U art-
Messina 4 tataheu, of tht prounaal tapitah of Eranshahr
Rome 1931 12 53) In the 4th/ 1 0th c entur\ it appears
as tht administrate centre of Kuhistan with a cita
del, also containing the dar al imara and congregation ll
mosque sui rounded bv a tiench ind r impart and
an outei wall with three gates The watei supply came
y from kanati M-Mukaddasi considered it a place
of ft
; conditK
mum ( fur da) toi the tiade
of Khurasan passing southwards to the Gulf of Oman
and the \rabian Sea shoies (Ibn Hawkal 44b tr
Krameis and Wiet 431 al-Mukaddasi 321 Hudud
al-alam tr Minorsky 103) Nasir-i Khusraw passed
through it in 444/1052 and found it a large foiti-
fied town he marvelled at the great aich \taki of its
mosque (Safar narna ed M Dabir-Siyaki Tthian 1335/
1956 127 tr \V M Thackston New \ork 1986 102)
In the ensuing Saldjuk period Ka'in and foiti esses
in its sui rounding district became known as haunts
of the Isma ills an Isma'ih presence including within
the town of Ka'in has peisisted until today (see
F. Daftarv Tht Isma'ilis then histon and do, trim Cam-
bridge 1990 341 387 543 CE Bosworth Ihe Isma'ilis
ofQuhistan and tht Malik* of \imru. or Sistan m Daftarv
(ed.) Mediaaal Ismaih histon and thought C vmbndge
1996 221-9 and kuhistan)
It has often been assumed that the name of the
Persian principality Tunocain mentioned by Maico
Polo is a conflation of Ka'in and the town of Tun
[q.v.] some 18 tarsakhs noi th-north-w est of it (see \ule
Cordiei Tht Book of St; Man a Polo London 1903 l
83, 86, 127-8) certainly Babur two centuries latei
continued to link the towns thus t Babur noma ti
Bevendge 296 301] Two geneiations or so if to the
time of Mai co Polo the town was still laige and
flounshing on the evidence of H imd Mlah MustawfT
he mentions how most houses had tellais fiom which
they could tap into the adja
and fi
i ned a
e them l^uzhat al kulub 145-6 t
The subsequent history of Ka'in is s
of the local amiiate whose capital l
eady
istantiallv that
last was moved to the larger and more impoitaiit
town of Bndjand in the 19th century of the Khuzayma
family which tiaced its oiigms back to eaiK Islamic
Arab governors of Khuiasan It fully emerges into
history m Nadir Shah Mshai s time when tht monaich
bestowed the governorship of the Ka'inat the iegion
around Ka'in on Amu Isma'il Khan Khuzayma 111
the chaotit conditions after Nadu s assassination Mnn
'Alam Khan (d 1753) bnefly expanded his power
bevond its traditional boundanes of Ka'inat and Sistan
as far as Mashhad and Harat in the north and Persian
BalQcistan in the south 1 1 748-53) In the Kadjar period
of Persia against Mghan and Baluc maraudus Cuizon
described Amu Hishmat al-Mulk 'Mam Khan III
( d 1891) as probably the most poweiful sub|ect of
the Peisian ciown [Ptrsia and tht Persian qutstion i
200) and C E \ate who was at Ka'in in 1894 met
his second son Shaw kit al-Mulk Muhammad Isma'il
Khan, who became Amir of Ka'inat {Khurasan and
Sistan Edinburgh and London 1900 6b IT 76-7) The
Khuzayma family adopted the family name of 'Mam
when Rida Shah Pahlavi intioduced this requirement
in the 1930s and Asad Allah 'Alam (d 1978) had i
distinguished careei under the last Shah Muhammad
Rida beginning with his appointmtnt as the youth-
ful govemoi of Sistan and Balucistan in 1945 and
ending as Mimstei of the Imperial Court in 1966-77
his memons published in English as Assadollah Mam
Tht Shah and I London 1991 are a prime somce foi
the later \eais of the Shahs reign See foi the his-
uly and its role in the political and
Moujtahed-Zadeh Tht 4mirs of
Iranian holders London 1995
The region oi Ka'inat of rec
■d Easter
in the 1973
rattans that of Ka'in oi Ka'inat and that of "Bn-
djand L?'l This was modified in the 1980s undei
tht Islamic Republic when three shahrastanh weie
foimed Ka'inat Birdjand to its south and Nihbandan
in the fuithci south adjoining Sistan and Knman
Thus the town of Ka'in is at present the chef-lieu
Bakhsh-i Maikazi and eight dihistanb) The population
of Ka'in itself was in 198b 15 955 and that of the
whole ihahrastan 122 149 (Mou|tahed-Zadeh 50-5 this
infoimation on administiative anangements leplaces
tint given m the arts birdjand in \ ol I 1233b
and kuhistan in \ ol \ 355b)
Bibliography (in addition to lefeiences in the
article) Le Stiange Tht lands of tht Eastern Caliphate
352-3 Razmaiafed) Farhang i Iran ^armn ix 292-3
Barthold An histnrual jtography of Iran Pnnceton
1984 135-6 (C E Bosworth)
KAKAR a Gharghusht Pashtun tribe concen-
tiated in southeastern Afghanistan and Pakistani
Balucistan Though not prominent imong Afghan
[q i ] groups migrating to India dunng the eaily Dihh
Sultan ite [q i ] Kakars are notic eable among military
and political elites during the Lodi Sun and eaily
Mughal \qn] periods Hay bat Khan Kakar patron
and collectoi of mateuals foi Ni'mat Allah s Makh^an
i Afghani demonstrates Kakar participation in Mughal
literary production
Kakanstan designates teintory on and between the
Tuba and Sulayman mountain langes including the
micioregions of Bun Pishin Sibi [qi] and Zhub/
Zhob [q t ] \\ ithin this area Kakars incorporated non-
Pashtun minority groups such as Gadun and Watensi
speakeis in harnsata dependency relationships and theie
is a lack of consensus about whethei othei local
Pashtun groups including the Pann and Naghtr aie
Kakais Sunoundmg \cakzav Ghalzay [q l ] Tann
and Wazn Pashtuns and \anous Baluc [q i ] corn-
ton which is etonomitally linked to the gieater
Indo-Islamit woild thiough the markets of Kandahai
Kwatta, and the Deiadjat [ju]
Bibliography: Mountstuart Elphinstone An account
of the Kingdom of Caubul, London 1839, repr Karachi
1992, ii, 161-73; B. Dorn, History oj the Afghan-:,
London 1829-36, repr. Karachi 1976 (= tr ol
Ni'mat Allah Harawi, Makhzdn-i Afghani), part I,
pp. ix, 75, 93, 131, 167-8, part II pp m-\m, i2,
34, 36-8, 53, 56, 57, 122, 129, C MacGregor,
Central Asia. Part II. Afghanistan, London 1871, 473-
77; H. Priestly, Afghanistan and its inhabitants, Lahore
1874 (= tr. of S.M. Hayat Khan, Hayat i Afghani),
19, 76, 78, 148-56; H.G. Ravertv, Notts on Afghan
istan and parts of Baluchistan, Calcutta 1878 repr,
Quetta 1982; Yu\. Gankovski, The peoples of Pakistan,
Lahore n.d. [1971], 11, 135, 196
(Shah Mahmoud Hanifi)
KALANSUWA Kilansiia (a) the name (or a
tap worn by men either under the turban proper
or alone on the head
The word from which veibal lorms are denved as
denominame verbs is appaiently oi loieign origin
while it used to be commonly connected with the
Latin lalautua (for which however the form talantica
is difficult to quote and besides it means a head-
cloth tor women) Fraenkel wished to derive it thiough
the Aramaic kuls (cf Arabic kalis kalis Dozy
Supplement n 395) Irom k&v<k (conus) The Aiab gram
mamns ind lexicographeis found in the manifold
formation of the broken plural and the diminutive a
leason tor using kalansuua as a paradigm for substan
tives of more than thiee ndicals with such peculiarities
Caps oi different shapes were called kalansuua van
While it is related of the C ompamons oi the Prophet
that thev wore tight fitting kalansuuas later a long
peaked sugar cone shape supported within by pieces
of wood became fashionable tor which the name
iauila was usual It seems to have come from Peisia
(ct the head diesses in the Dura Sahhiyva 1st cen
tury A D paintings in J H Breasted Oriental fortrun
ntrs of By^antmi paintings Chicago 1924) for it was
regarded bv the pre-Ishmic Arabs as a noteworthv
feature of Persian dress (G Jacob Mtarabisihes
Beduinenleben Hildesheim 1967 237) and is said to
have been first adopted in the reign of the first
Umayvad by Abbad b Ziy^d irom the inhabitants
oi the town ot Kandahar conquered bv him (\akut
ed Wustenield iv 184) High black kalansuuai were
worn by the Abbasid caliphs from al-Mansur to al
Musta in and by their viziers and kadis The lattei
adhered longest to the kalansuua so that in the couise
ot the 3rd/9th century — this headgeai being also pop
ularly known as dannma pot hat or tauila — it became
their regular official headgeai together with the neck
veil or taylasan [qi] and at times was strictly forbid
den to other classes ot the commumtv ( il Kindi A
alKudat ed R Guest 460 586) On the other hand
criminals had a kalansuua put on their heads when
they weie led thiough the streets The kalansuua was
also worn among the Umayvads in Spam wheie
mukallas meant a mufti weaimg the kalis A headdress
itroduced bv Timur into his army was also known
The n
i Ibn
e kalansuua appears several times
Battuta according to whom (n 378 tr Gibb ii 481)
the Kipcaks for example called their kalansuuas by
the Persian name kulah Concerning the futuuua [qi]
societies in Anatolia [akhiwat al fityan) he says (n 264
tr Gibb n 421) that their members wore several
kalansuuas above one another a silk one on the head
above it a white woollen one to the top oi which
was tied a strip oi cloth two fingeis broad and one
ell long at meetings, only the woollen kalansuua was
taken off, the silk one remaining on the head A sim-
ilar pendant strip oi cloth is also part oi the dress oi
the Coptic priests oi modern Egypt and is there called
kallusa oi kalasuia here the name appears to have
been transierred irom the cap itself to its most strik-
ing and therefore better known part
At periods when, as in the 2nd/8th century, both
Muslims and Christians wore kalansuwa*, the latter had
to tie two knots of another colour to it (al-Tabarl,
m, 1389), but when the kalansuua went out of fash-
ion with the Muslims in the 3rd/9th centurv, it
remained the maik of the Chnstians The word is
therefore iiequently found in Arab authois meaning
the headdress worn by Christian monks and hermits,
Greek priests and even the Pope himself Through
the Crusades, the high cap with the veil seems to
have found its wav to Western Euiope as a woman's
dress
The ]
other
of similar shape k nuhas is the metal c
obelisk near Heliopohs ('Ayn Shams [qi]l, k turab in
modern Aiabic is used for a chemical sublimating ves-
sel k bukrat is used by surgeons for a particular kind
of head bandage, and kalis (kulis) is the name of a
plant which seemed to lepresent a human head with
a high cap Kalansuwa was also the name ot a fortress
near al-Ramla in Palestine, see G. Le Strange, Palestine
under the Moslems, London 1890, 476.
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article): Dozy, Dktionnaire detaille des noms des vete-
ments chez les Arabes, Amsterdam 1843, 365-71; idem,
Supplement, ii, 395, 401; S. Franekel, Die aramdi-
sihe Fremdworter im Arabischen, Leiden 1886, 53-4; H.
ur les mots francais derives d
■ Beiru
(supposes
influenc
calotte); A. Mez, Die Rene
des Isldms, Heidelberg 1922, 26, 45-6, 130, 217,
348-9 367; Yedida Stillman, Arab dress: a short his-
tory Leiden 2000, index and pis. 4, 14, 26, 44;
and see further, libas. (W. Bjorkman)
KALIKAT, locally Kolikodu (interpreted in
Malayalam as "cock fortress", see Yule and Burnell,
Hobson Jobson, a glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words
and phrases, -London 1903, 148), conventionally Calicut
and in modern Indian parlance, Kozhikode, a
the Wes
i Dec
r India
:land (lat. 11° 15' N., long. 75° 45' E.) :
was known in pre-modern times, and is still known,
as the Malabar coast [see ma'bar]. In British Indian
times it was the centre of a sub-district (taluk) of the
same name in the Malabar District of the Madras
Presidency, later Province; it is now the centre of the
Distnct of Kozhikode in the Kerala State of the Indian
Union
In pre-Muslim times, the region around Kalikat fell
within the powerful Hindu kingdom of the Colas. The
commander of the Khaldji sultans of Dihli, Malik
K^fur [q.v.], broke through the Deccan to the Malabar
coast tor the first time in the opening years of the
8th/ 14th century, although this success was short-lived
[see ma bar]. It was, however, probably as a result
of Muslim knowledge of the region that the traveller
Ibn Battuta was able ta 739/1338 to visit the Malabar
coast and specifically, Kalikat (which he spells as
Kahkut He describes the ruler theie as an infidel
having the title of Samarl, a rendering oi Malavalam
samun or samutm, a vernacular modification oi Skr
samandn 'sea king", which the Portuguese subsequently
lendered as Samonn or Zamonn There was already
a substantial community theie oi Muslim traders, who
had commercial connections with the Maldive Islands,
Ceylon, Java and China. There was a sjmhbandar [q.v.]
or head of the Muslim merchant community vis-a-vis
the ruler, called Ibrahim, who came from Bahrayn,
and also a kadi and the shaykh of a Sufi" zawiya or
hospice in the town. Ibn BattQta noted a large num-
ber of Chinese ships in the busy harbour, and it was
in one of these junks that he then embarked for China
(Rihla tv 88-44 tr Gibb and Beckingham tv 812-
14 if \ ule-C ordier Catha\ and tht am thither London
1914-15 n 24-6 on the Chinese presence at Kahkat
see \ule-Coidiei Tlie Bool of S« \Iano Polo London
1903 n 391-2 n 5
In 1370 the Malabar coast passed into the general
lontrol of the powerful Hindu kingdom ol Vidjavana
gar [q ] and remained undei non-Muslim lule with
the exception ol a shoit penod tow aids the end of
the 17th ccnturv when the Mughal emperor Awiangzib
oven an the Dei can As in Ibn Battuta s time Kahkat
itself remained under the rule ol its Zamonns till the
18th centurv
Anothei Muslim the historian <Abd il-Razzak [q i |
al-Samaikandi was sent as an envov to the Zamorm
of Kahkat bv the Timund Shah Rukh in 84b/ 1442
and mentions seeing ships horn the Horn ol Mm a
and Zanzibai in its harbour the numerous loial
Muslim commumtv had two mosques and a Shah l
kadi It was just alter this in 1444 that the hist Euio
pean to visit Kahkat Nnolo Conn i ame from C oi hm
The Zmionns extended their authontv with the help
of the Muslim tradeis and m the 15th ccnturv Kahkat
became the most impoitant town on the Malabai
coast Malabai was also a pait ol India wheie the
Portuguese endeavouied to establish lorts and trading
factories with Covilha at Kahkat in 148b and Vasio
da Gama there in 1498 A factorv was set up m
1500 but immediately destioved b\ the local Muslims
whose monopoK of trade was now seiiouslv and in
the end fatallv challenged a toit was built in 1511
but evacuated in 1525 the end ol Portuguese activ-
ities at Kahkat European settlements weie more sui
whose Ridjis were enemies of the Zamonns hene t
sought Euiopean help and support
The English hist appealed at Kahkat m 1615 when
thiee ships under Captain William Keeling ai lived
In lbb4 the English East India C ompanv opened a
factorv in lb98 the French C ompanv opened one
and in 1752 the Danish did likewise The extensive
trade in cotton cloths exported fieim Kahkat — Mareo
Polo mentions the line textiles ol Malabar — was the
ongin of the English term calico (see \ule and Burnell
Habson Jobson 147-8) Bv the latei 17th centuiv the
power of the Zamonns was in decline but thev eon
tinued to be hostile to loieigners Kahkat sufleied
badlv in the Mvsore Wars ol the later 18th eenturv
being sacked bv the Muslim aimies of Havdar <\li
[q ] ol Mvsore in 1773 and those of his son Tipu
Sultan [qc] in 1788 who tiled to establish a nval
eapital in Malabai on the south bank ol the nearbv
Beypoic rivu In 1790 Kahkat was onupied bv East
India C ompanv tioops and bv the Treatv ol
Senngapatam ol 1792 the town passed hnallv undei
Bntish contiol
A sigmhcant proportion of the towns population
lemained Muslim under then Hindu and then Bntish
luleis being part ol the Mappila communitv ol
Muslims on the Malabai coast [see m\ppila] In the
1901 census thev lormed 40% ol Kahkat s 77 000
population with ovei 40 mosques including the
Shekkinde Palh with the shrine and tomb ol Shavkh
- KALIMANTAN 509
Mamu Koya, said to have come from Egypt to Kalikat
in the 16th century. In 1970 the town had a popu-
lation of 330,000, and in 2003, 453,700.
Bibliography: C.A. Innes, Madras District gazetteers.
Malabar and Anjengo, Madras 1908, 45 fl, 380-9;
Imperial gazetteer of Indui 1 , ix, 289-91. For studies on
the history of the Malabar coast and the European
presence theie see the Bibh to mh'bur and m\ppiia
(C E Bosworth)
KALIMANTAN Pulai Kalimantan or Klemantan
ol Borneo [q i in Suppl ] one of the laiger Sunda
Islands in present-dav Indonesia and Malavsia The
name is offiualiv used in Indonesia loi the whole
island whereas in Malavsia the teim Borneo derived
bv the Portuguese from the name ol the old and once
powerful sultanate of Brunei [q i in Suppl] in the
north is still in ust About three-quarters ol the island
is pait of the Indonesian Republic being divided into
loui provinces West Ctntial South and East Kali-
mantan The noithern states of Sarawak and Sabah
[qic] are part of the Federation of Malavsia (sinie
19b3) while the Sultanate ol Biunei le-obtained its
independent Irom British proteition m 1984
The piesent aitiile dials essentiallv with the eth-
nn and social struetuies of the whole island for the
Indonesian part ol the island speciticallv see Borneo
in Suppl The whole island covtis an aiea of ia
755 000 km As most ol the arei is oi was cov-
eied bv tropical ram forest growing partlv on swampv
giound particulailv in the vast plains in the south
the peipulation densitv was verv thin an average ol
22 people per km was counted Bigger settlements
Irom then mouths thus piesenting themselves as strate-
gic places foi iule and commerce The people used
to live in villages or longhouses on the shores of the
huge nveis that until reientlv togethet with then
lation lor most parts ol the island except in the
•hippms
Ethnologists usuallv divide the indigei
tion of Kalimantan into two major
Malavs and the Davaks These ten
should not be taken necessanlv to deno
In both groups
ol ethnic
In verv
Mai;
Mam
individuals or groups \
Muslims ) and theielore either considered themselves
to have taken over Malav religion and adat (cus-
teims) or who weie consideied bv their ionner kins-
folk to have lelt their old lelationships and adopted
a new and strange identitv namelv the Malav one
Davak then covers all those indigenous tribes and
groups who did not become Muslim but eithei kept
to then traditional lehgious and eultuial identities or
e Chnst
Such ethnic switching ol the Malavs was not
granted Some of those gioups who turned to Islam
still maintained a number ol thtir traditions eg hv-
habits Thus eg the Bakumpai in the south Banto
districts in South Kalimantan did not take ovei Malav
habits although thev became strong propagatois of
Islam to the Davaks in the interior Othei tribal enti-
tuie and habits alter convening to Islam eg the
Bajau on the west coast of Sabah and the Bajau Laut
KALIMANTAN — KANTIMlR, DEMETRIUS
(Sea Bajau) in the Tawau region (who may, however,
originate from the Southern Philippines). The Islamic
Madurese who were transplanted from the island of
Madura and Eastern Java to West Kalimantan by the
Indonesian army after 1965 and settled there on land
owned formerly by Chinese refugees living there since
the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644, met with the
unanimous hostility of the Chinese (now partly Pro-
testant, Catholic or traditional Chinese), the Dayaks
(partly Christian or traditional), and the "Malays" from
the former sultanate of Sambas. After the collapse of
President Suharto and the power of his army who
had sheltered them, they suffered a severe series of
The first strongholds of Islam on Kalimantan were
those settlements that were already established as har-
bour and military watch stations under the Mari-
time Kingdom of Sri Vijaya which had its centre
near Palembang [q.v.] in south Sumatra, and which
vanished in the 14th century (particularly in West
Kalimantan, like Sukadana, Sambasi, or by the
Javanese Empire of Majapahit which decayed at the
end of the 15th century (e.g. Kutai [q.v.] in East
Kalimantan). Muslim sultans established their power,
and their seats of power continued their roles as trad-
ing and administrative centres. Other centres like
Brunei and Banjarmasin [see bandjarmasin] followed
suit, and these increased in importance for the "Malay"
or regional traders when, first the Portuguese and
later the Spaniards, and then the British and the
Dutch, attempted to promote their trading interests.
These traders, although only few among them were
ethnic Malays, continued to use Malay as their lin-
gua franca as they had done already in the times of
(Buddhist) Sri Vijaya, and they were also the main
foothold in the coastal and sub-coastal settlements and
froi
there
iting l
of t
of the island remained, however,
closed to them.
Bibliography: J.E. Garang, Adat und Gesellschaft,
Wiesbaden 1974, esp. 109 ff., 178 ff.; Judith Nagata,
In defense of ethnic boundaries. The changing myths and
charters of Malay identity, in C.F. Keyes (ed."), Ethnic
change, Seattle 1981, 88-116; R.L. Wadley, Reconsid-
ering an ethnic label in Borneo, in BTLV, clvi/1 (2000),
83-101, esp. 85. (O. Schumann)
KAMILIYYA, an early ShlT sect which is
normally mentioned for having criticised not only Abu
Bakr and 'Umar, as did the Rafida [q.v], but also
'Air. The founder, a certain Abu Kamil Mu'adh
b. Husayn al-Nabhanr, seems to have lived in Kufa
during the first decades of the 2nd century A.H., but
has left no traces in later sources. He supported Zayd
b. 'All [q.v.] and therefore did not acknowledge any-
body as imam who abstained from coming out for his
rights. This verdict applied to 'All as well as to his
son Hasan; only Husayn acted as an imam should do.
Apart from that, Abu Kamil seems to have shared
some of the gnostic ideas proffered by Abu Mansur
al-TdjlT (executed under Yusuf b. 'Umar al-Thaqaff
between 120/738 and 126/744 [see mansuriyya]), e.g.
metempsychosis. Among those who felt attracted to
him was the father of the poet Bashshar b. Burd [q.v.].
His adherents followed Zayd b. 'Air's sons, Yahya
first and then 'Air, but when the latter joined al-Nafs
al-Zakiyya (Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah [q.v.]) and
shared his defeat, they lost their orientation and faded
away. Later heresiographers failed to recognise the iden-
tity of the sect; they had to entirely rely on a few lines
of hidja" poetry. Malevolent reporters like Ma'dan al-
Shumaytl changed the name into Kumayliyya. In Shi'i
tradition, the group sometimes appears as al-Husayniyya
(al-Nawbakhti, al-Kumrm, Kadi al-Nu'man). '
Bibliography: Ash'ari, Makalat al-Islamiyyin, 17
11. 4 ft; Baghdad!, al-Fark bayn al-firak, 39 11. 3 ff.;
Nawbakhti, Firak al-Shfa, 51 11. 9 ff; Sa'd b. 'Abd
Allah al-Kumrm, al-Makalat wa 'l-firak, 14 1. 10 and
74 §145; Kadi Nu'man, al-Urdjuza al-mukhtara, ed.
Poonawala, 210 w. 2073 ff; Ch. Pellat, in Orims,
xvi (1963), 102-3; J. van Ess, Die Kamiliya, in \V1,
xxviii (1988), 141-53; idem, Theologie und Gesellschaft
im 2. und 3. Jh. Hidschra, i, Berlin 1991, 269-72.
(J. VAN ESS)
KANBO, Kambo, Shaykh Djamali, Suhrawardi
Sufi saint of early 10th/16th century Muslim India,
who died in 941/1534-5 during the reign of the
Mughal ruler Humayun [9.!'.] and was buried at
Mihrawli. His son Gada'T [see gada'I kambo, in
Suppl.], whom Djamali had in his lifetime made his
khalifa or spiritual successor within the Suhrawardi
order, achieved equal religious influence at the courts
of Humayun and then Akbar.
Bibliography: See that to gada'I kambo.
(Ed.)
KANTIMlR, DEMETRIUS (Cantemir, Kanti-
miroglu) (1673-1723), Hospodar (Rumanian "lord")
or tributary prince of Moldavia during Otto-
man times, and renowned musical practitioner and
theorist. Born on 26 October 1673 at Silisteni, he
was the son of Constantin, Prince of Moldavia (1685-
93). In 1687 he was sent as a princely hostage to
Istanbul, and was to stay there until 1691 and then
again from 1693 until 1710, when he was himself
appointed Boghdan beyi, i.e. governor of Moldavia [see
boghdan]. But he promptly formed an alliance with
Peter the Great, and was forced to flee as a result
of the unexpected Ottoman victory of 1711, there-
after Iking in Russia, attached to the court. In 1722
he took part in the Caucasian campaign, but fell ill,
and died on 21 August 1723.
Whatever the importance of his political role, it is
his prodigious scholarly and creative achievements that
justify his reputation as a major figure. As familiar
with Islamic as with classical and contemporary
European culture, he was a polymath who had inter-
ests in architecture, cartography and geography, and
also wrote on philosophy and theology. In Western
Europe he was considered important above all as
an authority on the history and current state of the
Ottoman Empire, and his Incrementa atque decrementa
aula Oihomanica, first published in 1 734-5 in an English
translation, was to remain the standard source on the
Ottomans for a century, and is still of interest for its
personal observations. A further important work that
remained undeservedly in its shadow is the Systema de
religione et statu Imperii turciai.
In Turkey, on the other hand, where he is known
as Kantemiroglu, it is for his musical accomplishments
that he is renowned. He was an outstanding tunbur
major influence on theoretical writing down to the
middle of the 19th century; and the modern reper-
toire preserves a considerable number of pieces attrib-
uted to him. Some are spurious, but it is evident from
those he included in his collection of notations, itself
invaluable as a comprehensive record of late 17th-
century Ottoman instrumental music, that he was a
skillful and innovative composer.
Bibliography: 1. Works of Cantemir. Descriptio
Moldavia, in Operele Principelui Demetriu Cantemiru, i,
Bucharest 1872; The history of the growth and decay of
kANTIMIR DEMETRIUS — KASIM ARSLAN
the Othman Empm tr N Tindal 2 vols London
1734-5 Sistema de rths,ione it statu Impel u timuu (Sisti
Buchaiest 1977 Kitab i 'Ilm i musiki 'ala uiajh ul
hurufat ms Turkiyat Enstitusu \ 2768
2 Studies on C antemir TT Bu.ada <scnerik
ale 1m Dimitne Canttmir m inalele iiademui Romane
\xxn (Memornle sect, literare) (1909-10) PP Panai-
tescu Dimitne Cantemu J ia(a si opera Bucharest 1958
M Guboglu Dimitne Cantemn-onentaliste in Sttulia tt
Ada Oruntalia in (I960) C Mac luca Dimitne
(antemir Buchaiest 19b2 E Popescu-Judet Dimihu
taha mi (19b8, E Popescu Judetz Dimitni (antemir
airtea s(mtei miKiiu Bucharest 197? idem Hindus
in oriental arts Pittsburgh 1981 idem \hanings in
Tuikish musual atttun Istanbul 199b & Cioranesco
La tontnbution de Demttn (ankmir au\ etudes orientates
in Tuuiia vi 11975) IB Suielsan Dimitne ( ankmn
(1673 1721) Ankaia 1975 S Faioqhi hulturund
illtag im osmamsihtn Ruth Munich 1995 \\ Feld-
m-m \luut of the Ottoman touit \lalam composition
and tht tarh Ottoman instrumental upertoue Berlin 1996
(O Wright)
KAPLAN MUSTAFA PASHA (d 1091/1680)
Ottoman viziei and kapudan pasha [qi] Edu-
cated in the palace school at Istanbul he made his
early careei in the private household of the sultan oi
endtrun [q i ] Launched afterwards into a mihtarv and
administrative careei Kaplin Mustafa Pasha v\ is
appointed begleibigi of Damascus befoie 1076/ 1666
Fmm 6 Febiuaiv 16b6 to April 1672 he seived as
Grand Admnal I kapudan pasha) Under the Giand
\mei and Commander-in-Chief Fadil Ahmed Pasha
Koprulu he commanded the mam squadion during
the War of Candia (Gind Sefen [see ikritish kandiy\|
In 1077/1666 his fleet of 47 galleys seived to trans-
port men and mitemls to Ciete On 30 October
1666 the Grand \ lzier boarded the admirals flag-
ship (baihtaidal at Teimis Iskelesi (the lortiess of Temis
Theimisia piesent-dav Ermioni) or at Moncmvisia
Menekshe [q i ] in order to go to the fiont in Ciete
In the next year he made a punitive raid on the
CV lades sacking the island of Paios [see p*H In
1672 he was made begltrbegi ol Aleppo and appointed
of tl
held am
Me hemmed I\ s Polish campaign and in the fol-
lowing vear he was made be°lerbegi oi Divai Bakr
Mustafa Pasha fought befoie Cehnn (C\h\rvn) the
seat ol the Ukrainian hetman Doioshenko at that
time an Ottoman allv in 1674/1085 and igain in
1089/1678 leconquenng that foitress on 2-3 Redjeb
1089/20-1 August 1678 Tiom 1678/1089 Mustafa
was Grand Admnal for the second time till his death
m the harbout oi Izmir on 10 Shawwal 1091/5
Dei ember 1680 while ciuising the Archipelago
Bibliography [kemal \ukep] Turk silahli kuint
Itn tanhi III t 3 k eki Gint se fin (1645 1669) Ankara
1977 65-8 73-9 RC Andeison haial uars in the
Leant 1359 185) Liverpool and Pnnceton 1952
178-81 IH Damsmend Osmanli tank bonoloim
Istanbul 1971-2 iv 441-3 448 v 198-9 Hammer-
Purgstall Histoire \i 234 296-8 306, 338 341
387-9 389 10 399 mi 27-9 32 46n BJ Slot
■irihiptla«us twbatus Leiden-Istanbul 1982 i 168 n
395-6 (AH de Grooii
KARAM
ie qualities
actei magnanimrty gen
making up the noble and vir
Letter haf Wiesbaden 1970 :
of honom and nobility, see 'i
1 the v
KARAMANLIDIKA [see turks II vi in Suppl]
KARATAY (or Kirtayj ^l-'Izzi al-Kh\zind\ri
an author ot the Mamluk penod about whom
ver\ little is known
His name would seem to indicate that he wis a
mamluk of a khajndai or treasurer Three fiagments
/; I an. a' il n a 7 awakhir have been preserved the most
interesting being that covering the yeais 626-89/1228-
90 [Goth! \ 1655) in whuh the author savs that he
was writing between 1293 and 1341 This latter part
is not fiee fiom tiults (c hionologieal errors anecdotes
whuh aie hard to verify and legends mixed with real
events) hence should be used only with care but its
vears of the Ayvubid penod such as Djamal ll-Din
Ibn Matiuh \i/i] and likewise some hagments of
the abridged and little-known historv of al-Nasn
Kalawuns leign composed by the kadi Shaiat al-Dm
Ibn al-Wihid The author was moreover largely
inspired by the well-known chronicle of Ibn Wasil
[i/i] and may have used a souiee common to him-
self and Ibn al-Diwadui [qc]
Bibhoaiaph Ed by the late H Hem Da Tenth
■ ■ Ami, Sdiab ad din Qaratay Bibl
Isk
in pies
UbKAS
Levi Delia \ ida Lin.
NS iv (1935) 353 7b Biockelmann II 54 S II
53 CI Cahen La chwmque de hirtay et lis Francs di
Sme in Jl cc\xix(1937l 140 5 R Irwin Tilt
linage of the Bt .online and the Flank in \rab popular lit
tratun in Meditmaman Historical Reiicie iv (1989)
226-42 Linda S Northiup From slan to sultan
Stuttgart 1998 33-4 47 (Anne-Marie Edde)
KASIM ARSLAN P-995/M587) Indo-Mushm
poet toutt panegvnst ol the Mughal emperoi <\kbai
[qi] m the later 10th/ 16th eenturv
Details iegaiding his life and eaieer aie scanty
Aecoiding to Uimtakhab al tawankh he was onginally
a native ot Tus but most other writers refer to him
as Mashhadi which would indicate that he might
have lived in Mashhad He was hi ought up in
Transoxima and went to India during Akbar s reign
It is i elated that he took Arslan as his pen-name
because his fathei claimed descent from Arslan
Djadhib a mihtaiv commandei of Mahmud of
Ghazna Kasim Aislan is described as a man of bioad
iehgious views enjoving a witty sociable and genei-
ous disposition Apart fiom his status as a poet he
was known in his time as 1 skilled talhgrapher spe-
cialising in the nasta'hk stvle His damn whieh is lare
composes various kinds of poems One of his kasida\
is addressed to the Eighth Imam 'All al-Rida and
expresses the poets devotion to the Shi'i leadei His
gha^ah mostly short describe amatoiv feelings in sim-
ple speeeh His chronograms for which he is espe-
cially noted are useful in providing dates of certain
histoneal events He died according to most accounts
at Lahore in 995/1587
Bibliography 1 Souiees Diuan Oriental
Public Librarv Bankipore 249 'All Kuh Khan
Wahh Daghistam Rnad al shu'ara' BM Add
lb 729 Amin Ahmad Razi Haft ikhm u ed Djawad
Fadil Tehran n d Siddik Hasan Khan Sham' i
antiunion Bhopal 1876 c Abd al-Kadir Bada'um
Muntakhab al tauankh m tr Wolseley Haig Calcutta
1925 Nizam al-Din Ahmad Tabakat i Akban n tr
B. De, Calcutta 1936, Abu 1-Fadl, A'm i Akban, i,
KASIM arslan -
tr. H. Blochmann, Calcutta 1868; Ahmad 'All Khan
Hashimi Sandflawi, Tadhkira-i makhzan al-ghara'ib, i,
ed. Muhammad Bakir, Lahore 1968.
2. Studies. Shams al-Dfn Sami, Kamus al-a'lam,
v, Istanbul 1889; T.W. Beale, An oriental biographi-
cal dictionary, London 1894; Indo-Iramca (Calcutta),
xii/1 (March 1959). (Munibur Rahman)
KASR (a.), pi. kusur, most probably from Grk. kas-
tron, Latin castrum, has the general sense of "a forti-
fied place", hence "residence of an amir or ruler,
house"'.
l.In the central and eastern Islamic lands.
See for this, saray, and note also that in the Persian
lands, a synonym for this in early mediaeval usage
(e.g. in Narshakhi, Bayhaki, Djuzdjani) is often kushk
(MP koshk), yielding Eng. and Ger. kiosk, Fr. Mosque.
2. In the Maghrib.
Here, from the vocalic changes frequent in Maghribi
dialects, we often find the pronunciation ksar, pi. ksur.
The term has here various semantic strata that have
to be illuminated by close examination of the vari-
ous texts available and by archaeological investiga-
tion, and in the light of the complex material factors
concerning the Maghribi habitat from mediaeval times
until long afterwards. Hence it denotes here: (a) a
palace, the place from which political authority is
place, a small fort or a full-scale fortress; (c) a forti-
fied complex for community habitation; and (d) a col-
lective granary or store house.
A. The evidence of mediaeval texts
The palace. The term is usually used in the texts to
denote a palace, a place of residence for a person
wielding authority, such as the kasi al-kadim which the
Aghlabid amir Ibrahim I had built in 184/800, on
the site of the princely town of al-'Abbasiyya, not far
from al-Kayrawan [q.v.] (al-Baladhuri, Futuh, 328; al-
Bakri, al-Masatik wa 1-mamalik, ed. and tr. de Slane,
repr. Paris 1965, 28/64), or the palaces (kusur) built
in 263/876 by the arriii Ibrahim II in his new princely
residence of Rakkada [q.v.] (al-Bakri, op. cit., 27/62,
147/135; Ibn Tdhan, i, 299). Al-Mahdiyya [q.v.], the
first royal residence founded by the Fatimids in Ifrikiya,
additionally included the palaces of 'Ubayd Allah and
Abu '1-Kasim (Ibn Hawkal, 71/67; al-Bakri, op. cit,
30/67-8). In the far Maghrib, the fortress built by
the Almoravids at the moment of the foundation of
Marrakush [q.v.] was called the Kasr al-Hadjar (Ibn
Tdhan, iii, 20). The term served to 'designate at one
and the same time palaces, including the governmental
headquarters or princely residence, and also the res-
idences (kusur) of the Almohad leaders, each of which
comprised houses (diyar), gardens (basatin), a bathhouse
(hammam) and stables (istablaf) (al-'Umari, Masatik al-
afoar fi mamalik al-amfai, B.N. Paris ms. No. 5868,
foi. 67b, tr. M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Paris 1927,
179).
Foitiesses, places foi garrisons and the fortified community
habitats. Although frequently used in texts from the
mediaeval period, the term kasr has no homogenous
geographical distribution. It is rare in the western
regions, from Tilimsan/Tlemcen to the Atlantic, where
toponyms like hisn and kata are very clearly pre-
;s denominated as kusur are numer-
lia to the region of Tahart, passing
where they often correspond to
instruction goes back to Byzantine
, Masatik, 31/69, 50/108; al-Idrisi,
dominant, but plac
ous from Tripolitai
through Ifrikiya,
fortresses whose c
times (al-Bakri,
appear to be, above all, places for garrisons but rather
centres for population, a role that certain fortresses
dating from Byzantine times already played at the
time of the Arab conquest (Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh,
224, 228, 239; al-Bakri, op. cit., 13/34). In Ifrikiya,
as in the far Maghrib, the term thus denotes a village
or a fortified town (ibid.. 47/101, 153/292), or a for-
tified place where the surrounding people come to
take refuge when necessary (al-Tidjani, Rihla, Tunis
and Tripoli 1981, 56, 119). Corresponding to an
agglomeration on a more important scale, the term
finally denotes nuclei of people, and these may be of
a pre-urban or an urban nature. Thus Tahart was in
origin made up of several kusui (B. Zerouki, L'imamat
de Tahait. piemier Hat musulman du Maghreb, i, Paris 1987,
132-3); it was probably similarly the case at Sidjilmasa
(Ibn Hawkal, 91/89).
B. The pre-modern ksur in the Maghrib
The fortified villages of the Sahaian wastes. In North
African toponomy, Arabic ksar frequently replaces its
Berber equivalent igherrn (pi. ighermari) when applied to
the fortified villages characteristic of a type of habi-
tat peculiar to the ante-Saharan zones: in Morocco,
in the valleys of the Ziz, Dades and Draa, from the
Sus in the west to Tafilalt in the east, and from the
Atlas from north of the Draa to the south; and in
Algeria, the regions of Tuwat [q.v.] and Gourara [q.v.
in Suppl.] and that of Mzab [q.v.]. In its "completed"
form, i.e. pre-modern one, such as one still finds in
Morocco, the Lai appears as a fortified village with
a rectangular plan, surrounded by a protective wall
flanked with towers and with angled bastions; the
space thus circumscribed, with a dense network of
contiguous houses, is criss-crossed by several narrow
streets whose pattern is based on more or less orthog-
onal axes. The regular form depends on the topo-
graphical conditions of the site; if the ksur of the
plains of southern Morocco most often show a regu-
lar pattern, the mountain villages are made up of
houses huddled together and presenting a continuous
front view, whilst in the Algerian Sahara, the over-
whelming majority of ksur simply consist of an agglom-
eration with a dense and complex pattern whose
general contours attest an organic pattern of growth.
As an economic centre and place of refuge, and as
a nucleus for sedentarisation, the ksar forms the basic
political unit of these regions. In the southeast of
Morocco, the management of the internal affairs of
the ksai is confided to two distinct political entities:
the chief (shaykh or amghar) elected once a year is
seconded by the chiefs of the quarters or the great
families (mzarig or amur) in order to avoid power being
gathered up into the hands of a single kinship group.
These balancing factors, which make up a small coun-
cil (djama'a [q.v.]), are guarantees of a social order
that is expressed by means of prescribed forms and
customary rules, often set down in writing.
The collective granary in the eastern Maghrib. In south-
eastern Tunisia, the" term ksar further denotes a col-
lective storehouse where the local people, living in the
valleys near to cultivated fields, come to store their
grain. The mountainous Tuniso-Libyan arc and its
outliers, some 150 km/95 miles long, contains a hun-
dred or so of these ksur, with similar ones in Algeria,
in the region of Gourara. Built on a hilltop with
escarpmented slopes, the ksar here generally has a
quadrangular plan, with its protective wall formed by
the placing together of narrow rooms (ghurfas) with
cradle vaulting, sometimes placed above each other
on two or three levels, access to them being by an
improvised outside ladder. Although nobody lives there.
kASR — kASR \BI D\NIS
the ksar is nonetheless a focus foi the social life of
peoples living a dispel sed or troglodvtir way of life
Sometimes it provides sheltei foi some artisanal activ-
ities and it forms the point near to which an impor-
tant market mav on occasion be held Likewise one
finds the mosque or musalla [q,] sometimes with a
cemetery associated with it at some distance away
from the ksar vet at the same time associated with it
The ovetall not It is extremeK difficult for ieasons
both historical and methodological to trace the evo-
lution of the habitat which finallv contributed to the
emergence of the completed foim of the ksar the
fortified village of the high plateaux of the Moi ocean
steppelands more characteristic of certain regions
which are in majority Berberophone than reallv typ-
ical — as has often been said — of a certain Berber
style of aichitecture \ anous influences ha\e been
suggested in this regard that of \fiita put foi ward
at the time of the first exploratory tray els has speed-
ily been foi gotten e\en it lerrasse perpetuated it in
a certain manner by finding in the ksur an imprint
ot Pharaomt Egypt The geometrical disposition of
the Moroccan Ksar above all the presence of a prin-
cipal axis which serves the groups of dwelling places
has geneiated as many aiguments in favour of the
thesis of an influence trom the Roman-Byzantine task I
turn whilst the brick decoration which often orna
ments the whole ensemble has raised the question ot
connections with the East and with Hispano-Moiesque
art Suffice it to say that these suggestions still today
do not go beyond simple foimal or stylistic likenesses
The problem of Hating the origin of the type is
turther exacerbated by the difficulty of dating these
groupings given the very fragmentary historical data
and the absence of archaeological lemams which tan
be firmly dated Thus although the Moi ocean ksar
consideied as an example
on plasterwork place,
n<e vaulting from wl
btai a date \ Louis
in the ai
ading of the
of a
foil
of a
lefore of an undateable
is not attested by any suie material piece of evidence
before at least the 17th and 18th centuries The uixei
tainty over the dating — or at least, over the relative
chronology — of these tortitied villages has given use
to two postulates fl) the pnor dating of those with
plans shows an organic growth compared with those
having geometrical plans — ksur with regular plans aie
where in the Sahara show in their plans no concern
for symmetry and (2) tern piset was substituted lor
stone — the ksur constructed of baked eaith is seen as
the end product of a process of change from the
more ancient fortresses built in stone These theories
even if they cannot be regarded as totally invalid
must, however be approached with great prudence
because of their neglect for the socio-economic and
topographical considerations which brought about the
conditions for the constiuction ot these sites and
because of the a prion definition of a lincai evolution
of the construction techniques which they presuppose
Studies on the typologies involved supported by the
most rigorous possible surface explorations are iequired
to undei stand the phenomenon of the ksai m all its
bieadth geogi aphic al and e hronological J -CI Echalher
has accordingly made an exploration and inventory
of over 300 km, in the Gourara-1 uw at legion Starting
from foimal cntena he pioposes classifying the ensem-
ble of these sites into six main groups iangmg from
stoiehouses used as refuges on rocky peaks (type I)
to regular walled enclosures in unfiled buck display-
ing a sense of care in the organisation of the interioi
spaces (type \ I) In southeastern Tunisia some msenp-
pubhshed
refuge the Ksar Zanata which in this way dates to
47V1082-5 whilst at the Ksai D|Ouama an inscrip-
tion dates either the building or the restoration of
this pan ot the building to 1178/17b4-5 The gap
between these two dates indicates the degiee of uncer-
tainty which still reigns in the studies on the evolu-
tion of these forms of habitation in the Maghnb
Often plated in connection with the general phe-
nomenon of a crisis which ruptured the complemen-
tary relationship between two types of economy the
nomadic and the sedentary and which led to pe-
riods of conflict and change it seems that the ksai of
southern Morocco and southern Algeria like the com-
munal storehouses of southeastern Tunisia can be
plated in a more global and moie nuanced way in
relationship to a situation ot transition between nomad-
ism and sedentansation This particular form ot a
place for keeping commodities and for refuge or
as a plate tor habitation would thus foim a nucleus
given human group becomes organised The ksar so
charactenstic ot certain North \fiitan landseapes is
an architectural form on the verge of disappearing
because of the major changes of recent decades in
social relations and techniques In these regions it is
now the village which has succeeded the ksar as the
basic element ot social cohesion
Bihlumrapln On the classical view of the
Moi ot can ksar see the basic works of E Laoust
I habitation cht Its transhumants du Marot antral (sink
tt fin) in Hnptm xviii(l<)34) 109-% H Terrasse
Kashas btrbens de I Mas tt da Oasis Pans 1938 and
birdj 4 On the storehouses of southeastern Tunisia
see \ Louis Tumsit du Slid Ksars it iillasfs d( inks
Pans 197") Foi typology and corpus of monuments
see D Jacques-Mcume Arthitatmis it habitats du
- ■ •- ■ - "- - JC1 Echallier
hll
s du Toua
1972 For
m
ethodologit al appio.
ch sec
WJR
Curtis, T\pt
n Beibti wilt
litres of
hi northutstan
Sahara in
Muqarnas l
1083)
181-209
L Mezzme
Li
■latitat
; thuto
>i du Mam au W II
Will
stales Raba
t 1987
ental woik)
V
Bonte
L habitat sedtntam
in Mauritame
sa
miennt
n H -P Fran
cfort (e
i ), \omac
istt sidtntams
lithnolo
1990 57-b7 I
Uatoc Ekmtnts de bibliosjaphu in inhwlosu islamiqut
v (1995) 163-96 203-4 J -P \ an Staevel)
KASR ABl DANIS a settlement of Islamic
Poitugal revealed by archaeological excavations on
r of Salacia to the south of Lisbon
the
1 the
of fl
icoeh
lodern Alcatei do Sal
It dates from the 3rd/9th century when coastal
fences were being erected against the \ iking attacks
[ which had begun in 2 50/844 [see al-m\djus] The
I fortress occupied a ma|or strategic site up-nver from
the mouth ot the Sado According to Ibn Hazm and
Ibn Haw an it was in the course of the fitna in this
century during the reign of the Umayyad ami) 'Abd
Allah that the Banu Dams Berbeis driven fiom the
region of Coimbra besieged the place which received
I then name When 'Abd al-Rahman III brought the
legion under his authority he confirmed the Banu
Dams as chiefs in the town which now became the
KASR \BI D\NIS — KAST\L
Ibn Abi Amir [see ^l-mansur bi ll<vh] mide it into
in important nival dockvard for lttacking the shiine
of St Jimes of Compostelli m 387/997 As, the raiin
miritime outlet foi the Aftisids [g i ] of Bidajoz Kisr
\bi Dims, letuned its role as 1 dockvard and arse
nal and ms ilso lctording to al Idnsi 1 prosperous
commeruil port After the fall of Lisbon in 542/1147
the town was first Uken bv Alonso Hennques but
lecovered bv the •Umohid caliph al Mansur m 587/
1191 before its definitive fall in b 14/1217 Immediatelv
liter this Muslim •Ucicei declined in favour of Setubal
Biblwziapln 1 Sources Ibn Hivvin Malta
bis reign of Abd il Rihman III Cionua del aihfa
Abd ar Rahman III an Naur tntn los anos 912 942
ed Clnlmeta Comente and Subh Madrid 1979
ti Vigueia and Comente Sangossi 1981 b9 lb7
329 Ibn Hazm Djamharat ansab al arab ed Levi
Provencal Cano 1948 4b6 Ibn Idhan Btnan ed
Dozv Leiden 1948 51 238-9 tr E Fagnin Histovi
dt lAfnqm et dt 1 Espagne Algiers 1901 4 394 Idnsi
Opm swgraphuum Naples Rome 1975 538 544 tr
Dozv and De Goeje Leiden 19b8 211 219 Him
v in Rau d ed ind tr Lev i Pi o\ eni il La peninsult
ibmqm an Moyen Age Leiden 1938 193 4 tr lbl 2
2 Studies C TivnesdiSilva</ato Estaiatots
arqutologicas no Casttlo di Heater do Sal (campanha di
1979) in Sdubal arquelogua vi vn (1980 1) 149 214
AC Paivio JC Fun ind AR Cirvilho
in /// Entonho di arquiolosu, urbana Braga 1994
Bratara Augusta \lv (1994) 97 (110) Ch Picard
almohadt Pins 1997 idem ind IC Fenein
Femandes La defense totieie a I ipoque musulmam
Ltxtmple de la presqu lie di Sttubal in Anhioloqit
islamique vni|1999) 67 94 (Ch Picard)
KASR ^lMUSHASH in Umiwad period
irchieological site in Joidan located 40 km/25
miles southeast of 'Amman. The core of the site con-
sists of a kail, a water reservoir and a bath, surveyed
by King in 1980-1 and excavated by Bisheh in 1982-
3. The kasr measures 26 m/85 feet square and con-
sists of rooms around an open central courtyard,
without any corner towers, and could accommodate
up to 40 people. Re-used in one wall is a stone with
a Kufic inscription asking for the forgiveness of the
sins of an unknown Radja b. Bashshar. Nearby is a
plastered cistern 4.8 m/16 feet in diameter once roofed
by stone slabs supported by arches, intended to sup-
ply the inhabitants of the kasr with drinking water.
At 400 m/1,312 feet west of the kasr is a plastered
water reservoir measuring 25 m/82 feet square. The
excavated bath house was a simple structure with four
rooms: an apodyterium, frigidarium, tepidarium and
caldarium with a furnace. The bath has none of the
lavish decorations characteristic of Kusayr 'Amra or
Hammam al-Sarakh [q.w.]. Other uninvestigated reser-
voirs, cisterns, walled enclosures and barrages dot the
site. The pottery at the site is predominantly Umayyad.
The function of the site, without a sizeable resident
population, was to serve as a watering stop for car-
avans travelling between 'Amman and the northern
Arabian Peninsula via the Wadi Sirhan. Reduced traf-
fic along that route after the 'Abbasid revolution soon
led to the abandonment of the site.
Bibliography: G. King, C. Lenzen, and G. Roll-
efson, in Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan,
xxvii (1983), 386-91; G. Bisheh, Qasr Mshash and
Qasr 'Ayn al-Sil. Two I 'mayyad situ in Jordan, in M.A.
Bakhit" and R. Schick"(eds.), Fourth International
Conference on the History of Bilad al Sham durine, the
I manad period English Stition u Amman 1989 81
104 (R Schick)
KASR TUBA one of the so cilled desert
castles in Jordan is locited ca 100 km/60 miles
southeast of Amman Since it is unfinished mlor
mition on the intended design of the elevations ind
the decorations aie limited The enclosure wills ind
the foundations were built of limestone the lemnn
mg pirts of buck The building has a rectinguhr
shape measuring ta 140 m feist west) bv ca 70 m
(noith south) ind is flanked bv five semiurcuhr tow
eis on the south side two on the eist ind west sides
There wis a lound tower at each corner In the north
the arrangement is different (see below) The stiuc
ture consists of two individual and identical hikes
divided bv i wall ind connected with each other bv
a small pissige Exh of the two buildings has a cen
tril couitvud of ca 30 m bv 30 m with rooms and/oi
smillei courtvards built iround it Entnnce is given
to eich of the buildings bv i gate flanked bv squire
towers in the middle of northern facades Between
the two gites a semicncular tower piojects from the
northern ficide Behind the gate pissiges ta 6 m
deep lead into the courtyards In t ich of the coiners
of the couitvaids tnces of typical Umavyad baits
le two rooms fhnkmg a central hall or courtvird
on two sides are to be found This feature in iddi
Hon to the use of brick the vaulting technique ind
the few decoritions preserved shows thit the build
ing must have been built in the lite Umivyid period
Most authors consider al Wahd II [q i ] is the pition
of this building
Bibliography A Musil Kusijr Amra Vienni
1907 14 lb Jiussen Siuvigmc Mission archeologique
en Arable in Pans 1922 29-50 GL Harding Tht
antiquities of Jordan London 19b7 1612 KAC
Creswell Earh Muslim arthitetture i/2 Oxford 1969
608 13 (H Gaube)
KASTAL, one of the so-called Umayyad
"desert castles", now in the Kingdom of Jordan.
It lies ca. 15 km south of the centre of 'Amman. Its
existence became known only at the beginning of the
20th centurv, following a publication by Briinnow and
von Domaszewski (see Bibi).
Until the 1970s, the period of its construction
remained speculative, but since then there is little
doubt that this desert castle was built in Umayyad
times. The site consists of a palace and a mosque,
the latter lying north of the palace. Changes in the
place was used in the Ayyubid-Mamluk period as well
as in later Ottoman times.
The palace is a square construction of ta. 59 X 59
m (without counting the towers), made of ashlars with
cast work between the surfaces, with round corner
the northern, southern and western sides each, while
the entrance was on the eastern side. The latter has
four semicircular intermediate towers, two of which
can be considered as part of the wings of the main
entrance. Through a ca. 2 m-wide gate one enters
into a space inside the tower, which is ca. 16 m deep
and leads to an inner court of ca. 28 X 28 m. Around
the inner court was a peristyle, behind which lay six
groups of rooms, arranged bayt-wise ( four on the east-
ern and western sides, with adjoining rooms in the
corners, two on the northern and southern sides).
Remains of an upper storey, which formerly sur-
rounded the entire building, are only found in the
neighbourhood of the tower room. The building thus
KASTAL — KATHlRl
resemble
s other Uma
yvad
sites, the palac
Says [q.
. in Suppl.],
Kha
ana and Kasr
Sharki [q.vv.] in part
A few
palace wall lies a co
tion which or
interpre
ed as a prae
-n, but which
edly a
rved
are the remai
tangular
surrounding
wall
of ca. 21 X 1
a prayer-house
western
corner enclo
es a
round tower \
■r of a
i. From the
ith a
uther
a door leads to a rectangular prayer-room with a
deeply vaulted mihrab [q.v] in the middle of the south-
ern wall. The mosque clearly shows three construc-
tion phases. The masonry of the earliest phase is the
same as that of the inside constructions of the palace.
It belongs to a mosque, which probably had a sad-
dle roof. To this mosque also belonged the round
to survive. It proves that rectangular as well as round
early Islami
vubid-Man
einforced, and tl
e Ottoi
s the
original
' replaced by a
-, the n
Bibliography: RE. Brunnow and A. von
Domaszewski, 'Die Pronncia Arabia, Strasburg 1905,
ii, 95-104, 676-85; H. Gaube, 'Amman, Harana und
Qastal, in ~DPV, xciii (1977), 52-86; P. Carrier and
F. Morin, Rechenhes archeologiques an chateau de Qastal,
in ADA 1 xxviii (1984), 343-83. (H. Gaube)
KATHIRI, a South Arabian tribal group
of the Eastern Aden Protectorate prior to the depar-
ture of the British from South Arabia in 1967. Theii
origins were in the area of Zafar [q.v] on the Indiar
Ocean, now within the Southern Region of the
Sultanate of Oman [see 'uman], and they appear sud-
denly on the stage of history in the 9th/ 15th cen-
tury. By the time the Eastern Aden Protectorate
collapsed in 1967 after the departure of the British,
the Kathiri sultanate was made up of the centre and
eastern end of the Wad! Hadramawt, tribal lands to
the north of the Wadi towards the Empty Quarter
[see al-rub' al-khali] and to the south in the moun-
towards the sea, although by this time
had n
o the s<
. Theii
Say'un [q.r.], the capital of the sultanate, Tanm [q.c],
the intellectual centre, al-Ghuraf, Bur and al-Ghurfa,
all within Wadi Hadramawt.
The Kathirl tribe was of Zanna (sometimes writ-
ten Danna in the Arabic sources) and, according to
al-Shatiri {Adwar, 234), Kahtanls of Saba', and not of
Hamdan. Al-Shatin adds (352) that Zanna are believed
to have come from Muscat (Maskatl and Zafar.
The Kathlrls first took Zafar in 807/1404 (al-'AlawI,
Ta'rikh, ii, 684). They took the important port of al-
Shihr [q.v] from the Tahirids [q.v.] in 867/1462. The
port, always vulnerable from the sea, was not only
the emporium of Indian trade in the area but also
handled the traffic of the pilgrims bound for Kabr
Hud in Wadi Hadramawt (Serjeant, Poituguese, 25' and
see also his Hud). Both trade and the pilgrimage traf-
is not clear, however, and it seems that the Kathlrls
on occasion held al-Shihr as governors of the Tahirids.
The expansionist policies of the KathTns are
associated with the famous Badr Bu Tuwayrik (r.
922-77/1516-70). He fought the Mahra [q.v.\ tribes
to the east of al-Shihr, and endeavoured to keep the
Portuguese and the Turks at bay as far as he could,
made use of the Turks and the Portuguese: with the
aid of the former in 926/1520 he took Shibam, and
with Portuguese musketeers he made gains in Wadi
■ladramawt in 945/1539 (al-Kindi, Ta'rikh, i, 164;
erjeant, Portuguese, 28). His successes in Hadramawt
Lay well have been because of his access to firearms
itroduced by the Turks in the expedition against
Shibam. He had no strong religious sentiment against
the Portuguese, but this earned him the resentment
of many Hadrarms who urged holy war against him
(Serjeant, Poituguese, 27-30, 57).
Al-Kindi in his Ta'rikh provides a whole catalogue
of Kathirl activities in mediaeval times in Hadramawt
and on the coast. In 926/1520, for example, Badr
went on to take both Tarim and al-Ghurfa. In
934/1527, he struck coins in al-Shihr. Under the year
942/1535, the killing of a number of Portuguese is
reported, others being shackled and plundered. The
Kathlrls were also in touch with the Turks and the
Egyptians. In 943/1536, Badr began the building of
the fortress of Ghayl Ba Wazir in the coastal area.
The year 944/1537 marked the arrival in al-Shihr of
a Turkish galley to assist Badr against the Portuguese.
It was announced that the khutba was to be pro-
nounced in the name of the Ottoman sultan, Sulayman
Ba Yazid (i.e. Suleyman the Magnificent). After Badr's
death in 977/1569, there was less stability in the
Kathiri house. Reports for the following years reflect
internecine squabbles (al-Kindi, Ta'rikh, i, 164, 165,
180, 182, 185, 215, 216 and passim).
The struggle in 1064/1653 between the two Badrs
of the Kathiri family, Badr b. 'Umar and Badr b.
'Abd Allah, brought the Zaydis [see zaydiyya] of the
Yemen into the affairs of Hadramawt (al-Wazir, Tabak
al-halwa, 135 ff). Badr b. 'Urnar al-Kathiri, lord of
Hadramawt, al-Shihr and Zafar, having already
embraced the Zaydi rite, had the khutba pronounced
in the name of the Zavdi Imam al-Mutawakkil (/.
1054-87/1644-76 [q.v.]). His nephew, Badr b. 'Abd
Allah al-Kathiri, had Badr b. 'Umar arrested and
imprisoned near Say'un (Serjeant, Omani naval activi-
ties 78). Al-Mutawakkil reacted swiftly to Badr b. 'Abd
Allah's action against his uncle. Much correspondence
passed between him and the Kathiri, and the latter
finally submitted, though Badr b. 'Abd Allah was
resentful of the Imam's intervention and his submis-
sion was clearly a sham. Badr b. 'Umar was obliged
to flee Zafar, where the Imam had secured his gov-
ernorship as part of his agreement with Badr b. 'Abd
Allah, and finally arrived at the Imam's court in
San'a' [q.v] in 1069/1659. This state of affairs now-
brought about a full-scale Zaydi military expedition
into Hadramawt under the command of Safi '1-Islam
Ahmad b. Hasan and accompanied by Badr b. 'Umar.
Safi '1-Islam was able to subdue Hadramawt itself,
but then experienced difficulties in supplying his large
Zaydi army. He was thus unable to deal with the
problem of Zafar, by this time under an 'UmanI amir.
He returned from Say'un to San'a' (Serjeant, Omani
naval actwitin, 79-80). By about 1080/1670, Zaydi influ-
ence in Hadramawt had declined and the Kathiri
sultans were in independent control there (ibid., 84).
Once again, sources provide a rather confused and
lengthy catalogue of Kathiri activities: military move-
ments, battles, tribal problems and agreements, these
involving also the Yafi'is [see yafi'], who had entered
the area, on occasion the Zaydis, and from the mid-
19th century onwards the Ku'aytis.
KATHIRI — al-KATIFI
The Government of Bombav s iaount of the irab
Inbts compiled at the beginning of the 20th century
indicates (123) that Kathin terntory had onginallv
been caived out oi '<\wlaki lands in the west and
Mahra in the east, and included al-Mukalla on the
coast until 1881 when it passed to the ku'avti and
al-Shihi The kathin sultanate lost much ground to
the "iafi'is and ku'avtis in the lattei hall of the 19th
centurv The iicount reporting on the kathin also
reports a total oi 7 000 fighting males Man> kathin
subjects weie scatteied o\er parts of India, Java
Singapoie and East Ulrica engaged in tiade
In 1883 Sultan Abd Allah b Sahh al-kathm vis-
ited the Bntish Resident in \den to assess the atti-
tude oi the British to his seizing al-Mukalla and
al-Shihi irom the Ku'avti The Bntish answer was
firm and to the point li the Kathin attacked the
ports the Bntish would come to the aid oi the Ku'avti
gunboat The kathins continued t
then
is oi a
3 the s.
(ieeoi
123)
1895, the Kathins
still at this time had designs on then native region
and the) took Zaiar although the) were unable to
hang on to it ior longer than two vears The iicount
also reports (124) that there was little contact between
the Kathin and the Aden Residencv in the 18b0s
and 70s and that there was none at all in the 80s
and 90s Unlike most oi the other Aden Protectorate
states the Kathin signed no 19th-tenturv ioimal
treatv oi protection with Bntain (Account 130) The)
are however listed f 154-5) among those states hav-
ing relations with Aden Residenc) Their annual
revenue is quoted as 24 000 rupees although there
was no stipend irom the Residenc) The sultan in
190b when the iicount was published was Mansui b
Ghahb
It was onlv dunng the 1930s that relations between
the Kathin and the British became closer the rap-
prochement occurring in the wake oi the famous
Ingiams Peace when the first Bntish political offi-
cer in Hadramawt Haiold Ingrams bi ought about a
geneial peace between the )ears 1937-40 in the tribal
lands of both Ku a)ti and Kathin (Ingrams irabia
10-191 This resulted in the political social agricul-
tural educational and medical development of both
sultanates including the completion oi a road irom
Tanm in Wadi Hadramawt to al-Shihr on the coast
and the increased British involvement in their atlaiis
culminating in the sepaiate British administration oi
the Kathin Ku'a)ti Mahra and WahidT [qi] sul-
tanates as the Eastern \den Piotectorate In Maich
1939 a treat) between the Kathin and the British
was finall) signed (Smith Inform Peace HadramaiU
1937 40 see Bibl ior the texts oi the treat) see
Records oj iden 239-40)
The sultanates of the Eastern Aden Protectorate
never enteied the Federation which was iormed and
iosteied b> the British in the Western Aden Protecto-
late At the time oi the withdrawal oi the British in
19b7 the Kathin sultanate became a part oi the
Peoples Democratic Republic oi \cmcn In 1990
with the unit) oi north and south "iemen the whole
ot what had been the Eastern Aden Protectorate be-
came a part oi the "iemen Republic [see al-\aman
3(b)] with its capital at San a'
Bibliography Government oi Bomba), in aaount
of tk irab tribes m the ucinity of iden Bomba) 1909
Muhammad b Hashim Hadramant Ta'nkh al dan la
alkathimya Cairo 1948 (occasional!) useful but
must be used with extreme care there are clear
errois) RB Serjeant Hud and other pre Islamic prophets
of Hadiamaut in Le \luseon lxvn (1954) 121-79
idem The Portuguese off thi Southern irabian coast
Oxford 1963 H Ingrams irabia and tht Mi
London 1966 Sahh b Hamid al-'Alawi Ta'nkh
Hadramaut 2 vols Jeddah 19b8 Seijeant Omam
naial actuities off the Southern irabian toast in tht lak
11th/ 17th antun from lenient chronicle* in Jnal of
Oman Studies vi (1983) 77-89 Muhammad b
Ahmad al-Shitin iditar al ta'nkh al hadrami Jeddah
1983 'Abd Allah b 'All al-Wazn Ta'nkh allaman
almusamma Tankh Tabak al hafoa ua sihaf al mam
ua Isaha ed Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim Djazim
San'a' 1985 Sahm b Muhammad al-Kindi Ta'nkh
Hadramant al musamma bi I 'Ldda al mujida al djami'a
litaaankh I adima ua hadltha ed 'Abd Allah al-
Habshi 2 vols San'a" 1991 Doreen and Leila
Ingiams (eds ) Records of ltmen 1798 1960 lb vols
[London] 1993 GR Smith Ingrams Pi ate Hadra
mant 1937 40 Some tonttmporan documents in JRAS
xn (2002J 1-30 (GR Smith)
al-KATIFI, Ibrahim b Sulaiman Imami Shi'i
jurist oi the 9th-10th/15th-lbth centuries
He is most famous ior his acrimonious dispute with
his supposed classmate (oi teathei) the influential 'All
b Abd al-'Ali al-Kaiaki (d 940/1534 [qi]) Al-Katifi
moved from his birthplace Bahravn to 'Irak to studv
(some date this move to 913/1507) Apart from a pil-
grimage to Mashhad supposedlv with al-Karaki at
some unknown date he appeals to have spent the
rest of his academic hie in southern Tiak (Nadjaf and
latei Hilla) teaching and writing His academic out-
put is mostlv mspned b) his personal and religious
ammosit) tow aids al-Karaki Al-karakT had gained
the iavour oi the Saiawid Shah Tahmasp I [qi ] and
al-katiff accused him of egotism and legal chicanery
aimed at peisonal enrichment Such accusations can
be iound thioughout al-Katifis most famous work
al Siradf al uahhadt a detailed refutation of al-kaiakls
A ati'at al ladfadf The debate here concerned the legit-
imac) of land-tax (kharadr) pavable to the rulei Whilst
al-Kaiaki benefiting personall) fiom [haradf revenue
argued that it was a peimitted tax during the occul-
tation (ghayba [qi]) of the Imam al-Katifi maintained
that Saiawid rule was (legall) speaking) illegitimate
no Saiawid tax could be legitimate and no giits
bestowed b) the Shah could be accepted In one inci-
dent in Karbala' al-Katifi pubhcl) refused to accept
a gift brought b) al-Karaki from Shah Tahmasp
Most of al-Katifi s works remain in manuscript and
nearl) all appeal to be ieiutations oi al-Karaki s views
on subjects such as the dfum'a pra)er iosterage and
lasting Some have linked al-Katifi to the emerging
Akhban school [see akhbariy^a, in Suppl] but his
juristic leasomng though conservative, appears within
the mainstream of Shi'i jurisprudence His date of
death is unknown but he is reported to have been
alive as late as 951/1544
Bibliography 1 Texts Ibrahim b Sula)inan
al-Katifi al Sir ad} al uahhad} h daf 'adjadi A ati'at al
laajaaj and al Risala ft I nda' in al Rida'inal aa
Ikharadjmat Tehran 1313/1895 \usui al-Bahiam
Lu'lu'at al bahrayn Beirut 140b/198b 159-66
Muhammad Bakir al-kh ansan Raudat al dj_annat
Beirut 1411/1991 i 35-9 'Abd Allah 'viandi al-Isba-
ham Rnad al'ulama' Kum 1403/1982 i 15-19
2 Studies W Madelung Shite discussions on
the legality of kharai in Proceedings of the Ninth Congress
of the I man Europeenne des irabisants et Islamisants
Leiden 1981 HM Tabataba'i Kliaraj m Islamic lait
London 1983 A Newman, The deielopmtnt and polit
significa,
of the n
honahst
- KAWA'ID FIKHIYYA
m Imarm Shi'i history PhD th<
unpubl
KAWA'ID FIKHIYYA (\) It
egal maxims generd legal
mese are madhhab interml legal guidelines
ipplu ible to a mimbei of partKulai cases
fields of the law wherebv the legal deter
J these
o the
that
legal
HistoncalK general rules cai
stiewn throughout eaiK fuiu' woiks Thev were fust
collected b\ HanafTs like Abu 1-Hasan al karkhi id
340/952) but undu the title of usul rathei than
suit the tei
readv
-told n
legall
t that has
readv
ind now
|2| a scriptuial pronouncement (kur'an
or Hadith) that is considered decisive for the legal
determination of a given act |3) a legil pnnciple
under which seveial individual cases aie subsumed
(4) a souue of the law such as the kur'an ) But this
earK start InrdK bore hint and it is onK around
the 7th/ 13th centurv that all the legal schools began
to produce books on kana'id (piedominantK with this
term in the title of their books) except \)) the HanafTs
This stiange gap in the latter s record is probablv not
to be attributed to a loss of their works because the
HanafT scholar Ibn Nudjavm (d 970/1563 [qi])
ing about benefits is a ka'ida kullma wheieas al ami
hal tunkad bi I ..ami am la can a piesumption be
canceled bv [mother] presumption or not'' is i ka'ida
aghlabnya The teim aghlabi refeis to the fact that
to the iule rather than constituting a competing la ida
The unmistakable blossoming of kaiaid literature
from the 7th/ 13th centurv onward expresses seveial
111 The focus of the fukaha is madhhab internal not
independent idftihad (i mutlak) A good command of
the lata id will qualifv the juiispiudent as a mudftahid
the basis of the kana'id of his school
(2) The school specific kaia'id were collected from
the fwu woiks or where the imams and othei ear
her authonties had not been explicit about then pnn-
ciples weie ai lived it bv induction from then juiu'
decisions ika ta'id ntikra ma\ Ibn al \\ ikil (d 716/1317,
and Abu 'Abd Allah al-MaUan (d 758/1357) aie said
to have done then own utt/ia of the ma]or Shafi l
and Mihki sources respectivelv fsee alBahusavn
haua'id 324 and 328)
(3) Iheie is a certain competitive!
school
t the Shafi' is
wilting l laua'id book on the model of the Shiti'i
Tadj al-Din al-Subki s (d 771/1370 [qi]) work Some
of the most influential kana'id works of the htei period
beai the title al \±bah na I na^a u such as those of
the Shah'is Ibn al Wikil (d 716/1317) Tidj al Dm
al Subki and al-Suvuti (d 911/1505) as well as that
of the HanafT Ibn Nudjavm Accoiding to the co
editor of Ibn al-\Vakils book Ahmad b Muhimmad
al 'Ankan ashbah iefers to cases that aie alike in
appearance (zahu) and legal status while na^a ir denotes
cases that are alike in appe nance but differ in legal
status Whethei this is geneiallv true remains to be
seen Look-alike cases of the lattei tvpe are dealt with
in the fmuk hteiatuie the fad being the decisive dif
teience that bungs about a difleient legal determina
tion Ihukm) Since sections nnjuiul do occm in ashbah
umbrel
e that
isider s
ch wor
)iises both the kataid deduced
and the fmuk indicating the
aidlv similai cases Logic allv
similitudes
am
mp
legal rules
xim
s ba
sed o
lecogmtion
of
tin
k as
obst
of cases u
de
a
single
rule
How
with I
is too simple Although generallv valid lules [al kana id
al kullma al fikhma) do exist, thev are outnumbered
bv rules tint ne onlv prepondei ant [al kana'id al
aghlabma/alaktharma) In the Idah al masahk ila kana'id
almam Malik of al-Wanshansi Id 914/1508 [q i ]) the
lelationship of the two tvpes is 17 to 101 and a
number of legal scholais assert that legal iulcs as
opposed to other rules lie alwavs piepondeiantlv
v alid The generallv valid lules aie couched in maxims
the piepondei antlv valid ones in double questions
w aiding ofl con upturns has the pnontv (
ssible
numbei The most extieme of these attempts is what
Tadj al-Dm al-Subki imputes to Izz al-Din Ibn \bd
al Salam (d 660/1262 [see al sulami]) that he
reduced the whole of the Law to one principle to
wit dfalb almasalih ia dm' al mafind bringing about
benefits and waidmg ofl coiruptions Isee al Subki
al hjibah i 12 refeirmg to Ibn 'Abd il Salam K ana id
al ihkani l 6 and 11) 1 hese attempts at keeping the
numbei small do not have anv practical importance
for the lawyer Ihcv are an outcome of the desne
Mthough the kana'id me mostlv school specific some
were geneiallv accepted bv all schools Paiticulailv
famous are the so called al kan 1'id al [hams Five
Principles Attested since the 8th/ 14th centurv thev
aie the following (there are variations in wording and
sequence I
thev aie thiough the intentions that bring them about
(2) aldaiai \u al Harm shall be lemoved
(3) al add muhakkama Custom is imde the arbitei
( 4) almaihalka' tadjlub I lay si, Hardship brings
about facilitation
(5) ahakin la ui^ul bi I shakk Ceitamtv is not
erased Isupeiseded) bv doubt/uncertainty
Restucting these punciples also called al kana'id al
kubia the Majoi Principles to the number five mav
3es bunna I hlam
Islam has 1
unit on
e [se the aikan] a
As for the position of the kana'id literatuie within
legal studies one mav quote the Miliki Shihib al
Din al-karafi { d 684/1285) who savs at the begin-
ning of his fmuk woik that there are two kinds oi
Fuiuk i 2) and the HanafT Ibn Nudjavm who made
the shocking statement that the kan a id aie the ieal
usul aljikh (al Mbah 15) While the latter statement
seems exaggeiated it is cleai that the I alt a' id weie
considered an import int thud phver alongside the
It should be mentioned that the «i«fc> foimulated
i bun
•I these
the kana'id fikhin
v scpar
d from
KAWA'ID FIKHIYYA — KAZAKSTAN
Bibliography: 1. Important kawa'id texts.
(a) MalikTs. Abu 'Abd Allah al-Makkari (d.
758/1357), al-Kawa'id, ed. Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah b.
Humayd, Mecca n.d.; Wansharisi (d. 914/1508),
tdah al-masalik ila kawa'id al-imam Malik, ed. Ahmad
Bu Tahir al-Khattabl, Rabat 1400 A.H.; ed. al-
Sadik b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-GhiryanT [?], Tripoli
(Libya) 1401/1991. (b) Hanafis. Abu '1-Hasan al-
Karkhr (d. 340/952), al-Usul (plus Dabiisi, Ta'sis
al-naiar), Cairo n.d.; Ibn Nudjaym (d. 970/1563),
al-Ashbah wa 'l-naza'ir, ed. 'Abd al-'AzIz Muhammad
al-Wakrl, Cairo 1387/1968. (c) Shafi'Ts. Ibn al-
Wakrl, al-Ashbah wa 'l-naza'ir, i, ed. Ahmad b.
Muhammad al-'Ankarl, ii, ed. 'Adil b. 'Abd Allah
al-Shuwayyikh, Riyad 1413/1993; Salah al-Din al-
'Ala'i(d. 761/1317), al-Madjmu' al-mudhhab fi kawa'id
al-madhhab, ed. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Ghaffar al-
Sharif, Kuwait 1414/1994; Tadj al-Dm al-Subkr,
al-Ashbah wa 'l-naza'ir, ed. 'Adil Ahmad 'Abd al-
MawdjQd and 'Air Muhammad Twad, 2 vols. Beirut
1411/1991; Badr al-Dm al-Zarkashi (d. 794/
1392), al-Manthur fi tartib al-kawa'id al-fikhiyya, ed.
Taysir Fa'ik Ahmad Mahmud, 3 parts, Kuwait
n.d. [1402/1982]; Suyuti, 'al-Ashbah wa 'l-naza'ir fi
kawa'id wa-furu'fikh al-Shafi'iyya, ed. Muhammad al-
Mu'tasim bi 'Uah al-Baghdadi, Beirut 1407/1987.
(d) Hanbalr. Ibn Radjab (d. 795/1393), Takrir
al-kawa'id wa-tahnr al-fawa'id, ed. Abu 'Ubayda
Mashhur b. Hasan Al Salman. 4 vols. Khubar
1419/1998. (e) Imamf. al-Shahld al-Awwal (d.
782/1389), al-Kawa'id wa 'l-fawa'id, ed. al-Sayyid
'Abd al-Hadi al-Hakim, 2 vols. Nadjaf 1980.
2. Contemporary kawa'id literature in
Arabic. Ya'kub b. 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Bahusayn,
al-Kawa'xd al-fikhiyya. al-Mabadi' - al-mukawwimat -
al-masadir - al-daljliyya - al-tatawwur. Dirasa nazariyya
tahlilivva ta'sJliyya 'ta'rikhiyya, Riyad 1418/1998;
Muhammad Sidki al-BurnQ, al-Wadfizfi idah kawa'id
al-fikh al-kullma, Beirut 1404/1983, and Riyad
1410/1990; 'AIT Ahmad al-Nadwi, al-Kawa'id al-
fikhiyya, majhumuha, nash'atuha, tatawwuruha, dirasat
mu'allafatiha. adillatuha. muhimmatuha , tatbtkatuha,
' "" '""-3; idem, al-Kawa'id wa 'l-dawdbit
mstakhlasc
it-Din
al-Hasirl (546-636 h), sharh al-Djami' al-kabh
imam Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybam, Cairo
1411/1991; Muhammad al-Rukl, Aazariiyat al-tak'Jd
al-fikhi wa-atharuha fi 'khtilaf al-fukaha', Riyad
1414/1994; Salih b. Ghanim al-Sadlan, al-Kawa'id
alfikhiyya al-kubra wa-ma tafarra'a 'anha, Riyad A.H.
1417; Ahmad Muhammad al-Zarka', Sharh al-kawa'id
al-fikhiyya, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Abu Ghudda, Beirut
1403/1983; Mustafa Ahmad al-Zarka', al-Madkhal
al-fikhi al-'amm - Ikhradi §adU, 2 vols. Damascus
1418/1998 [the third part is devoted to al-kawd'id
al-kulliyya, vol. ii, 965-1091]. Collections of
kawa'id. Muhammad Sidki al-Burnu, Mawsu'at al-
kawa'id alfikhiyya, 7 vols. Beirut 1416/1995 IT.;
Budjnurdi, al-Kawa'id al-fikhiyya, 6 vols. Nadjaf n.d.
3. Studies. W. Heinrichs, Structuring the law.
Remarks on the Furuq literature, in I.R. Netton (ed.),
Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth, i, Hunter
of the East. Arabic and Semitic studies, Leiden 2000,
332-44; idem, Qawa'id as a genre of legal literature,
in B.C. Weiss (ed.), Studies in Islamic legal theory,
Leiden 2002, 365-84 (with further bibl.).
(W.P. Heinrichs)
KAWIR, DASHT-I [see iran. i. 3].
KAYSUM (modern Tkish. Keysun; Grk. Kaison;
\rm. Kesun; Frankish Cressum and variants), a place
iituated to the south of Besni [q.v], in east-
ern modern Turkey on the Keysun-cay, an affluent
of the Siirfaz-cay, in the upper valley of the Euphrates.
Considered in the 9th century A.D. as one of the
marches of the Byzantine frontier, it commanded a
col on the Besni road. Its fortress served as a base
for the revolt of Nasr b. Shahath [q.v] but was dis-
mantled after Nasr's submission to al-Ma'mun in 209/
824-5.
Kaysum was re-occupied by the Byzantines ca. 958,
and at the end of the 1 1 th century became the cap-
ital of the Armenian lord Gogh Vasil (d. 1112). The
Franks annexed it in 1116 and it became part of the
lands of the lord of Mar'ash. Baldwin of Mar'ash (d.
1146) rebuilt the fortress in stone, but this has now
disappeared. During this Frankish occupation, Kaysum
was the seat of a Latin bishopiic An Armenian bish-
opric is mentioned up to 11 77 and a Jacobite one
till 1174. It was e\en the place ol residence of the
Jacobite patriarch foi a lew vears All this indicates
that there was living theie an important Christian
population
Between 545/1150 and 5b8/1173 the Saldjuks of
Rum and Nur al-Din b Zangl occupied it altemateH
During Ayyubid times it came within the territory of
Aleppo, but its strategic role declined, and after the
passage through it of the Mongols in 1260 it is men-
tioned only as a village under Armenian domination.
Bibliography: Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut, iv, 497;
Ibn Shaddad, A'lak, ed. and tr. A.-M. Edde, in
BEO, xxxii-xxxiii (1980-1), and see eadem, Description
de la Syrie du Nord, Damascus 1984, index; Ibn al-
'Adiiru Bughya, ed. S. Zakkar, Damascus 1988, i,
265; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, tr. J.-B. Chabot,
Paris 1899-1914, iii, 27, 55, 187, 269, 476; Matthew
of Edessa, Chronicle, tr. A.E. Dostorian. London
1993, index; CI. Cahen, La Syrie du .Nord, Paris
1940, index; M. Canard, H'amdamdes, Algiers 1951,
269; H. Hellenkemper, Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit in der
Grafschaft Edessa und im Konigreich Kleinarmenien, Bonn
1976, 67-71. (Anne-Marie Edde)
KAZAKSTAN, conventionally KAZAKHSTAN, a
region of Inner Asia lying essentially to the south
of Siberia and north of the older Islamic Transoxania
[see ma wara' al-nahr]; the southern part of what
is now the Kazakstan Republic includes what was in
mediaeval Islamic times rather vaguely known as
Mogholistan [q.v] ■ The modern Kazakstan Republic
(formally, Kazakstan Respublikasi) is the largest state
of Central Asia; it borders on its north and west with
the Russian Federation of States, on the east with
China and on the south with Kirgizstan [q.v. in Suppl.],
Uzbekistan [q.v.] and the northwestern tip of Turk-
menistan [q.v]. The capital since 1997 has been Astana
(formerly Akmola), although the former capital Almati
(older Russian name, Alma Ata [q.v]) remains the
largest city.
1. Topography and climate.
Kazakstan covers an area of 2,724,900 km 2 and
stretches from almost the lower Volga and the Caspian
Sea in the west to the Altai and Tien Shan Mountains
in the east. Deserts occupy the central and western
parts of the country, while the northern part is largely
covered by steppes. The highest point is Khantangiri
peak (6,995 m/22,944 feet) in the southeast. Main
rivers are the Sir Darya [q.v] which flows into the
/hich empties into Lake Balkash (Balkhash [q.v.]), and
the Oral (Ural [see yay!k]) river which drains into
the Caspian Sea.
The average January temperature rises from -17° C
KA7AKSTAN
in the north to 0° C in the south and the aveiage
Juh tempenture increases from 19 Cm the north to
28° C in the south Annual precipitation levels ire
generallv low ranging from ibout 100 mm in the
deserts to between 250 and 400 mm on the steppes
but highei levels oi pienpitition tie observed in the
foothills ind mountains eg in \lmiti it the foot ot
the Alatau Mountains it is b40 mm
2 Demographv and ethnogiaphv
According to the results of the census in 1099
Kazakstan has a population of 14 95? 100 giving it
in average popuhtion density of 5 5 peisons pei km
The propoition oi the uiban popuhtion is the high
est among the Cential Asian states (5b )
The ethnic composition oi the popuhtion undei
1897 roughK 81' oi the popuhtion oi the present
d-rv Kazakstan territory weie Kazaks and 11 were
Russians But due to continuous large influxes oi
Russians and other Euiopeans is well as miss stai
vation of Kazaks during collectivisation ind forcible
sedentuisation in the late 1920s 1950s the piopor
tion of Kazaks decieased to ?()' in 1959 while
Russians then occupied 42 7 o Deportation bv tht
Soviet authonties of tecens Geimans koieans and
otheis to kazakstan on the eve of and during Woild
Wai II also mide the ethnic composition oi the coun
tr\ diverse In the 1970s howevei reveise migiation
of Russians to Russn staited and the propoition of
Kazaks began increasing In 1999 K iz iks iormed
5 } 4' o of the population Russians ?() Germans
2 4 o Ukrainians !7. and Uzbeks 2 5 I he out
flow of Russians Geimins and Uki unians is so intense
that the total popuhtion
Mos
1993
Non
best foil
t before
diptat,
.hnologv
developed Todav moie thin one thud ot the kaz
live in cities whereas runl Kaziks engige m both
farming ind livestock breeding with limited se isonal
migiations In some areas during summei kazaks still
live in felt covered tents which aie also widelv used
Kaziks except for the nobihtv and slaves were
tiaditionallv divided into three luge tubil confedei
ations called Djuz (Kaz ik form 7huz the etvmologv
of the teim is unclear though one thinks oi Ar dfti^
part section ) Semoi (Uli Djuz Middle (Ort il Djuz
and Junior (Kishi) Djuz The semontv among the
Djuz was onlv nominal The Senior Djuz occupied
the southeastern part of Kazakstin while the Middle
Djuz occupied the eastern northern and cential paits
and the Junior Djuz occupied the western pait Each
Djuz was divided into numerous tribes and thus Al
though these tribal divisions were based on the nomi
die wav of life in the past mam kazaks aie still
conscious of belonging to a Djuz ind to tubes
Kazaks also live in Sinkiang m western China
(1257 000 in 199b) Uzbekistan Russia ind othe i
former Soviet countries Mongolia Afghanistan md
Tuikev
, Languages
The Kazak language belongs to the kipc ik group
of the Tuikie languages together with ktrikalpak
Noghay Tat H etc Dialectal difleiences are not gieit
The written language of premodem times was a Kazik
veision of Caghati\ Turkic though its use was hm
ited The Kizak htenrv language begin to develop
in the second half of the 19th centurv In the earlv
20th centurv Akhmet Bivtursinov and othei mtel
lectuals established the studv of Kazak linguistics and
iefoimed the Arabic alphabet so that it would fit the
phonetic characteristics oi Kazik In 1928 the Latin
ilphabet wis adopted to Ix leplaced m 1940 b\
the Cvnllic one [see fuithei TURKS II Languages
e the <
lingui
while
• in 1989 but n
a Russ
iussnn was c died a language tor mtei ethnic com
mimcation bv the language law in 1989 and the
(institution in 1995 stipulated that Russian is to be
ised ofnciallv on equal teims with kazik
4 Religion
The Kazaks are Sunni Muslims oi the HanafT madh
bablv
itioduc
sky [,,
popuhtion in southern kazakstin bt
Aiabs hum the 8th century onwaids
leople continued to woislup 1 inn (the
■ ind othei natural beings and spnits
estornn C hnstians also Because of the
athmtv between Sufism and local traditional beliefs
Sufis including Ahmad \ asiwi (109i?llbb [q ])
who lived in \asKpiesentdtv Tmkistan oi luikistar
in southern Kizakstm) greitlv contributed to tin
propigation ol Islam imong both the sedentaiv anc
the nomadic popul itions Attei the Mongol invasions
khans of the Djocid ulu^ md the C lghitivid ulus gnd
suppo
t Ish
zak khan
Ncv ci the less inimistic beliefs and shamamstit cus
toms weie stionglv muntained bv kazaks Socul
md political iflairs weie usu illy regulated bv cus
tomarv law adat not bv tht Shan a Although Tatn
mullah strengthened Islamic noims among the KazaLs
Kazak intellectuals in the 19th and the earlv 20th
centunes weie moie oriented tow nds Euiopean cul
ture than towards Ishm Soviet mti ieligious policies
lurthei weakened the influence of Ishm on kazaks
Ironi 104 a the Spintu il Directoiate of Muslims
ot Cential Asu md ka/akstan (known as SADUM)
which collaboiated with the Soviet government con
trolled mosques in Kazakstan In 1990 the Spiritual
Directonte of Muslims of kazakstan wis sepaiated
dom SADUM At the same time a ceitain degiee
oi Islamic levivil began both withm and outside the
fiamewoik of the Spiritual Direetoiate
5 Historv
From mtient times present div Kazakstan was the
temtoiv of vinous nomadic tribes and stites the
Sakae the Usun tht Kingvueh the West Turkic
Kaganate the Tui gesh k irluk and Oghuz Kaganates
the kankhanids the kankhitavs the kimaks the
kipcaks etc B ised on the Soviet theorv which stresses
the autochthonness of ethnogenetit processes most
kazak historians think that '"
t Wes
tcptit-
15th
VIongol invasions the Djocid aim and the
dm weie established theie In the mid
most of piesent da\ kizikstvn (the east
Kipcak) w is inhabited by the nomadic
:beks whose luler was Abu 1 khavr a descendant
Shibm Djoci s hfth son In <« 14b0 descendants
another son ot Djoci (the first son Orda or the
rteenth son Toki Temui I Djmibek and Girev
it from \bu 1 Khiva and moved to Mogholistan
KAZAKSTAN — KH U ADJAGAN
\q i ] (southeastern Kazakstan) Aftei the\ increased
then powei, the\ returned to the Dasht-i Kjpcak and
replaced the Ozbeks, who moved to the south of the
Sii Darya Their d\nast\ is known as the Kazak
Khanate, but its government structure and terntory
weie unstable, and there is a dispute among Kazakstam
scholars on whether the khanate can be called a
'state' or not In an\ case, there is scant evidence
of the ethnic consciousness of its inhabitants and it
is not cleai whether the woid "Kazak", which orig-
inally means a 'independent man ' or a 'wanderer",
meant at this time a distinctive ethnic group
In the late 17th and the early 18th centunes, fierce
battles occurred between the Kazaks and the Ovuads
or Omats (Kalmaks [see kalmuk]) of the so-called
Djungar Khanate (western Mongolia) This confuta-
tion, on the one hand consolidated the Kazaks' eth-
nic identity, and on the other hand induced some
Kazak kham to sweai lo\alt\ to the Russian Empress
independent In 'the 1820s Russia abolished the khan\
powei in the Middle and the Junior Djuz and started
to rule directlv most parts ol Kazakstan The terri-
tory ol the Senior Djuz, which was under the lule
of the Khokand [q i ] Khanate was incorporated into
Russia by the 1860s
Duung the 1917 October Revolution and the ensu-
ing civil warfare in Russia, Kazak intellectuals estab-
lished the 'Uash-Oida autonomous government Aftei
it collapsed, the Autonomous Kazak (mistakenh called
"Kngiz" in Russian usage until 1925) Socialist Soviet
Republic was formed inside Soviet Russia After receiv-
ing and abandoning some territories m 1925, it was
in 1936 upgraded to the Kazak SSR, one ol the fif-
teen constituent republics of the USSR
The 1920s and 1930s were especially hard times
lor Kazakstan purges, mass collectivisation and foicible
sedentansation killed a laige numbei ol politicians,
intellectuals, nomads and peasants But at the same
time, the Soviet govemment started the industrialisa-
tion ol Kazakstan, which was accelerated during \\ orld
War II, when factories weie evacuated from Central
Russia The ethnic Kazak cadre grew especiallv since
the 1960s under Dinmukhamed Konaev, who served
as fust secretary ol the Communist Partv of Kazakstan
for 25 vears When he resigned under pressure from
Moscow in Decembei 1986, Kazak vouths in Almati
and othei cities held demonstrations which were sup-
pressed violently
b Post-Soviet Kazakstan
Although the leadership of Kazakstan activelv ad-
vocated maintaining and renovating the USSR, it
declared independence in December 1991 when the
USSR collapsed. Nursultan Nazarbaev, who became
first secretary of the Communist Party in 1989 and
president in 1990, was known as a pragmatic and
semi-democratic reformist. But in 1995 he took dras-
tic measures to concentrate power in his own hands;
the parliament was suddenly dissolved, the constitu-
tion of 1993 was abolished, and the new constitution
increased the power of the president and restricted
the functions of the parliament. The opposition's sphere
of activity is very limited, though it has not been
physically liquidated as in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.
Although the country is undergoing economic hard-
ship, Kazakstan is rich in natural resources (especially
oil and metals), which have not yet been fully exploited.
Kazakstan's resources, as well as geopolitical impor-
tance, have drawn the attention of many foreign coun-
tries, and it maintains basically good relations with
all neighbouring countries including Russia and China,
as well as with the United States Japan and European
Bibhogiaphv GM Wheeler, The modem history
of Sonet Genital Asia, London 19b4 kazak Soi et
Entsiiloptdiyasi, 12 vols , Almati 1972-8, A Bennigsen
and SE Wimbush, Muslims of the Sonet empire A
guide, London 1985, 63-73, E 'Ulwoith (ed ), Central
Asia, 130 years of Russian dominance i historical overman,
'Durham NC and London 1993, Kazalhi Istonko
etnogiaficeskot issledomme, Almati 1995, MB Olcott,
The Kazakhs 2 Stanfoid, Calif 1995 Istonya Kazakh
stana s dreimeishikh iremen do nashikh dna, Almati 1996-
(to be publ in 4 vols) (Tomohiko Ui<vm<v)
KELANTAN, a state of northeastern
Malavsia
Lving on the coast adjoining the Malay areas of
southern Thailand, Kelantan has long been a centre
of devout Islamic scholarship and education, of Malav
cultural cieativitv, and assertive forms of Malav -Islamic
politics Kelantan s traditional religious boarding school
academies (pondok [see pesantren]) and their more
illustrious teachers were well known throughout the
Malav woild, together with Malays Irom neighbour-
ing Patani [q i ] (Pattam) in southern Thailand, the
Kelantanese constituted a sizeable component of the
so-called Dfaua or Southeast Asian Malay community
in 19th century Mecca Bv the earlv 20th century,
Kelantan was an important centre of publication ol
icligious and Malav vernacular works and the site ol
important innovations in the collection and manage-
ment of religious taxation (zaKat and Jitra) through its
state religious council (Majlis Ugama Islam)
With its people intenselv committed to their own
rated a
within the
• Mali
Islamic world It resisted Thai
century, succumbed to British rule in the first half ol
the 20th, and achieved independence in 1957 as part
of the Fedeiation of Malaya, latei Malavsia Since
1959 it has been the stronghold of PAS (Parti Islam
Se Malavsia [qi]), an avowedlv Islamist party which,
while plaving a leading opposition role in national
politics has held power at the state level in Kelantan
for much of the post-independence period (1959-78,
and 1990 to present)
Since the 1980s, and especiallv since its return to
powei in Kelantan in 1990, PAS has piomoted a
stronglv "SftariVminded" neo-traditionahstic Islam-
ism Since 1993 Kelantan has mounted a powerful
challenge to the ascendancv ol Malavsia s ruling multi-
ethnic coalition by questioning the national govern-
ment's Islamic credentials, most notably through its
efforts to secure constitutionally-required federal assent
to implement the Shatfa law, including the hudud pun-
ishmei
, in Kel;
Bibliography: W.A. Graham, Kelantan, a state of
the Malay Peninsula. A handbook of information, Glasgow
1908; C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the latter part
of the 19th century, Leiden 1931 (= Eng. tr. of orig.
Dutch edition, 1888); W.R. RofT (ed.), Kelantan.
Religion, society and politics in a Malay state, Kuala
Lumpur 1974 (esp. ch. by RofT, The origins and early
vears of the Majlis Ugama, 101-52); C.S. Kessler,
Islam and politics in a Malay state. Kelantan 1838-1969,
Ithaca 1978; Shahril Talib, History of Kelantan 1890-
1940, Kuala Lumpur 1995; Abdullah Alwi Haji
Hassan, Administration of Islamic km in Kelantan, Kuala
Lumpur 1996. (C.S. Kessler)
KH W ADTAGAN, a Sufi brotherhood of
The movement of the Klfadjagan belongs to the
proto-history of the Nakshbandiyya [q.v.] order, which
often combines the two groups as the Kh"adjagan-
Nakshbandiyya. This movement, whose first figure is
Abu Ya'kub Yusuf Hamadani id. 535/1140), took
over a Sufi tradition going back to the Prophet through
Bayazrd Bistami, Salman al-Farisi and the caliph Abu
Bakr. This Sufi tradition was at first known as the
Tarikat-i baknyya ("Abu Bakr's way") or Tmtkat-i
Siddikiyya, and then at the time of Bistami, as the
Tavfu'rivw (from another name of Bistami). The main
representatives of the Tayfuriyya were Abu '1-Hasan
Kharakam, Abu '1-Kasim Gurgam and Abu 'Air
Farmadr. It is only with Hamadam, a pupil of the
last-named, that the Tayfuriyya assumed the desig-
nation of Taiika-yi Kh"ddjagdn ("way of the masters").
Yusuf Hamadani, having studied fikh at Baghdad
and being connected with the Hanafi law school, spent
his time between the cities of Marw and Harat in
Khurasan. He was initiated into Sufism by Abu 'Air
Farmadr and founded a khdnakdh [//.v.] at Marw, which
became famous as "the Ka'ba of Khurasan". Also,
Hamadam politely refused the support of the tempo-
ral power, in his time represented by the powerful
Saldjuk sultan Sandjar [q.v.]. Conflicts over the man-
ner of performing dhikr — whether out loud, djahri, or
inwardly and silently, khafi— caused divisions in
Kh"adjagan circles and set these against the Yasawi
Sufis [see yasawiyya], just as this later permitted the
Nakshbandis to distinguish themselves from all other
Sufi brotherhoods. This conflict did not, however,
exist in the time of Hamadani, who practised dhih
of heart (dhikr-i dil) in preference to a public one
[dhih-i 'alanhva) but without rejecting this last; the
dhikr-i dil was accompanied by the prolonged holding
of the breath which made the Sufi break out in vio-
lent sweats. In a short treatise, the Rutbat al-hayut,
attributed to Yusuf Hamadam, it is stated that "dhikr
of the body", dhikr-i tan, which uses the tongue, zaban,
is inferior to the dhikr of the heart. Moreover, it is
averred, if dhikr-i dil is practised for forty days, lights
will be manifested and will fill the heart.
Following the model of the Prophet and his pre-
ceptor Farmadr, Hamadam named four of his disci-
ples as his successors. The first was 'Abd Allah Barakr,
originally from Kh"arazm, who died and left his posi-
, Has
Andak
eponym
Bukhara, who wa:
Ahmad [q.v.] Yasawi (d. 562,
founder of the Yasawiyya and a native ot Yasi (the
present-day Turkistan [q.v.] in Kazakhstan). The
hagiographies that later developed in Kh"adjagan and
Nakshband! circles played down the role of Ahmad
Yasawi, and relate that Ahmad, who had the repu-
tation of a great spiritual master amongst the nomads,
retired after having led the Kh u adjagan group for
some time and installed the fourth of Hamadani's dis-
ciples, c Abd al-Khalik Ghudjduwam (d. 617/1220
[q.v.]), who had not, however, apparently known
Hamadam himself. It is from this period that there
dates the opposition between the groups claiming to
stem from Ahmad Yasawr, affirming that Yusuf
Hamadam favoured dhih-i ajahri, and the Kh"adjagan.
who attribute to him dhikr-i khafi. According to the
Makamat-i Yusuf Hamadam, attributed to Ghudjduwam,
dhikr-i dil was transmitted from Abu Bakr to Hama-
dam's master Farmadr, with an uninterrupted chain,
and Hamadam is reported on his death bed to have
adjured his four disciples called to succeed him to
only practise dhikr-i dil and avoid dhikr-i djahii.
'Abd al-Khalik Ghudjduwam is the main figure in
the Kh"adjagan movement, called "the first in the
chain of the masters", sar-daftm-i tabaka-yi kti'dajagdn,
stu-sihila-ri Tn 'aozan, although this title goes back to
Yusuf Hamadam. Above all, he set forth and codi-
fied the main elements of Kh"adjagan doctrine, which
were taken up by certain disciples of his, above all,
by Baha> al-Dm Nakshband (d. 791/1389 [q.v.]), epony-
mous master of the Nakshbandiyya. Originally from
a family of eastern Anatolia, 'Abd al-Khalik was born
at Ghudjduwan in the Bukhara oasis, and studied in
Bukhara. He soon evinced an interest in silent dhikr,
to which he was initiated in a dream by the prophet
Khidr. The hagiographical traditions recount that he
then met Hamadam in Bukhara, becoming the lat-
ter's disciple, and Hamadani authorised him to con-
tinue in the way of silent dhikr. The great merit of
Ghudjduwam was to have stated succinctly and cod-
ified, in the form of the eight adages or rules called
"Holy Sayings", kalimat-i kudshva', the essentials of
Kh"adjagan doctrine and thought. Baha' al-Dfn
Nakshband enriched these eight rules with three new
ones, the whole making up his famous "Eleven Rules"
of the Nakshbandiyya, adopted and made the subject
of lengthy commentaries by adepts of the order right
up to the present day.
At the time of 'Abd al-Khalik, the "Holy Sayings"
had the form of eight rules which, if followed, enabled
the Suit to concentrate his attention and to organise
for himself the contemplative life. 'Abd al-Khalik seems
to have given preference to four of the rules, and
such a Nakshbandr author as Ahmad Kh"adja g r
Kasam (d. 949/1542; see his Rm'la-vi cahdr kalima,
ms. 501 /XVI, Blruni Institute of Oriental Studies,
Tashkentl. The four rules were: (1) "assuming aware-
ness in breathing", hush dar dam; (2) "observation of
one's steps", na^ar dar kadam; (3) "journeying in the
homeland", safai dar watan; and (4) "taking up a posi-
ory", yad kard, (6) "return [to God]", baz gashl; (7)
ing in mind", yad dasht.
Nevertheless, the Kh"adjagan movement had no
doctrinal unity or agreement regarding the mystical
exercises, and far from remaining united, Ghudjdu-
wani's disciples split into several rival groups after his
death. One of these groups became known as the 'Abd
al-Khalikiyan, "the founder's partisans". The main
Kh"adjagan who figure in the Nakshbandr order's silsila
after Ghudjduwam are: 'Arif Riwgari (d. 649/1251);
Mahmud Andjir Faghnawf (d. 710/1310); 'Air 'Azizan-i
RamltanI (d. 716/1316 or 721/1321); Muhammad
Baba-yi Sammasr (d. 755/1354); and Sayyid Armr
Kulal (d. 771/1370). Despite the importance laid
on it by Ghudjduwam, to be likewise stressed by Baha'
al-Dm Nakshband, silent dhik, was not followed by all
Kh"adjagan circles. These circles developed a strong
criticism of Sufi movements contemporary with them-
selves and which they used to describe as corrupt.
Above all, the Kh"adjagan held fast to a strict regard
for the traditions of Islam, as reported in the Rashahat
'ayn al-hayat, where it is stated that Ghurdjduwam
encouraged his disciples to study Islamic law and the
Hadith, to avoid ignorant Suits (\ufiran-i djahii), always
to observe the Muslim worship, not to create any
There are two precious manuscripts, only brought
to light and exploited in recent years, sc. the Maslak
al-'anfm of Muhammad b. As'ad al-Bukhari (mid-8th/
KH W ADJAGAN — KH»ADJAS
14th century) and the Manakib of Kh adja All
'Azizan-i Ramitam (ci D DeWeese and J Paul
below in BM) which are at the present time the
two main sources on the practices and doctrines oi
the Kh adjagan beioie Baha' al-Din Nakshband The
Kh adjagan were mainly divided by the questions oi
dhikr and pious retreat (khalaa) In Bukhara the group
headed by 'Arrf Riwgan had good rehtions with that
headed by Awhya 1 Kabi but these deteriorated after
the death of the former because his successor Mah
mud Andjir Faghnawi made the group adopt the
open vocal dhikr The souices also tell us that Baha
al Din Nakshband who had been initiated into dhih
khafi by Abd al Khahk Ghudjduwam in a dream
came into conflict with his own master Savyid Kulal
who was persomlry a proponent of dhikr dj.ahn
Ghudjduwam s followers practised dhih during which
they held their breath whilst concent! ating on then
shaykh% heait keeping their eyes closed lips pressed
togethei and tongue up against the palate Amongst
ceitain oi the Kh"adjagan music ind dancing weie
not foimally proscribed Likewise khalaa rejected by
Abd al Khalik as also i ejected later by Btha al
Dm Nakshband wis nevertheless adopted by some
membeis of the order it was done in a daikened
cell where the adept had to struggle with his self by
means oi dhih A famous expiession attributed to Abd
tl Khahk close your door to khalaa but open it to
spiritual companionship (suhba) shows the position of
the early Kh adjagan on this subject and further
reveals that Abd al Khalik attributed a majoi impor
tance to suhba mystical discourse with the spnitual
mastei which was to become an essential featuie for
the Nakshbandiyya Like All Azizan 1 Ramitam Abd
al Khalik was opposed to the institution of Sufi com
munal hie par excellence the khanalah but it is known
that there existed amongst Sayyid Amir Kulal s dis
not clear called a djamd 'at khana house for social
The Kh adjagan neveitheless remained essentially
united in face of the othei Sufi cui rents in Central
Asia against the Kalandars [q v ] and in particulai
against the \asawi groups whom they castigated ior
their lack of respect foi the piecepts of Islam In sum
everything which symbolised Suiism in geneial was
rejected iiom the khanakah to the deivish cloak [khirka]
The Kh adjagan weie little attracted by asceticism
even if some of them preached abandonment of the
seculai woild tark i durrya and encouraged khalaa and
Ramitam went so iar as to recommend that the Sufi
should have a trade thuja) a feature latei found
amongst the Nakshbandiyya In fact a famous for-
mula populaily attubuted to Baha' al Din Nakshband
the heart should be with God and the hand with
some piece of work dil ba yai u dart ba kai seems
to have been inherited iiom a very similar maxim
which one group of Kh adjagan held as a Fifth Holy
Saying added to the four first ones the heait should
be with God and the body in the market dil ba yar
aa tan ba ba^ai Anothei criticism of the Sufis on
which they were united was rejection of the heiedi-
tary succession of shaikhs This explains why aftei the
deaths of Abd al-Khahk and Baha' al-Din Nakshband
their communities of disciples split into several groups
In the 8th/ 14th century Baha' al-Din was unable to
unite the various Kh K adjagan groups and was only
the mastei of one group out oi many Even if he did
succeed in giving a more homogenous iorm to the
doc tunes and practices taught by 'Abd al-Khahk and
in letaining as vital principles for his own commu-
nity the one which was to become the Nakshbandiyya
the obligation oi a single silent dhikr the idea c
suhba adoption oi the eight Holy Sayings and rejec
tion of the practice oi khalaa or retreat it was onl
in the second half of the 9th/ 15th century a
Samarkand with Kh adja 'Ubayd Allah Ahrai [q i n
Suppl ] that the Kh adjagan Nakshbandiyya were t>
take the form of a powerful centralised Sufi biothet
io V apk
Souic
'Abd
Khahk
Farhang i Iran
'Abd al Khahk
bid n (1954)
Ghudjduwam Risala yi sahibiyya i
^arnin l/l (1953) idem Uakamt
Ghud}duu,ani aa 'inj i Riagan ir
idem Makamati lusuf Hamadam in nirm zade
Kemal ul-Din Efendi Tibyan v,asa il al haka ik
Suleymamye Ktph Ibrahim Ef collection ms 430
fols 379a 389b ed N Tosun Hayat nedir Istanbul
1998 "iusuf Hamadam Rutbat al hayat ed Muh
Amin Riyahi Tehran 1983 Tkish ti in Tosun
op at with information on Hamadam s writings
and Tkish tr of two other texts by this author
Fakhr al Din All Kashifi Rashahat 'ayn al hayat
Tehran 1978
2 Studies Kh"adja Muhammad Paisa Kudsiyya
Tehian 1975 W Madelung lusuf al Hamadam and
Naqsbandiyya in Qiiademi di studi arabi v-vi (1987 8)
H Algai A bnej history of the Naqshbandi order in
M Gaboneau A Popov ic and Th Zarcone (eds )
\aqshbandis Gheminement et situation aituelle dun ordre
mystique musulman Istanbul-Pans 1990 \lgar Political
aspects of \aqshbandi history m ibid D DeWeese
The Masha'ikh i Twk and the khoja^an Rethinking the
links between the lasau and \aqshbandi Sufi traditions
in JIS vn (1996) J Paul Doctrine and organisation
The Khn.ajagan \aqshbandiyya in the jnst generation after
Baha'uddin Halle Berlin 1998 F Schwarz Brudei
schafhn Gesellschaft Stoat im ulamischen Mittelasien
(Tmnsoxamen) im 16 Jahrhundeit Ph d diss Umv
of Tubingen 1998 DeWeese Khojagani origins and
the critique of Sufism The rhetoric of communal unique
ness in the Manaqib of Khoja 'Ah A^i^an Ramitam in
F de Jong and B Radtke (eds ) Islamic mysticism
contested Thirteen centuries of control ersm and polemics
Leiden 1999 I Togan The Khap Jahn controiersy m
Central A\ia revisited in E Ozdalga (ed ) \aqshbandis
in II estern and Central Asia change and continuity Istanbul
1999 Zarcone Le I oyage dans la patne (safar dai
watan) che^ les soups de I ordre naqshbandi in MA
Amir-Moezzi (ed ) Le loyasf mitiatique en terre d Islam
Ascensions alf,tes et itineratres spmtuels Louvain Pans
1999 (Th Zarcone)
KH W ADJAS Khodjas the designation of two hn
eages of spiritual and political leadeis in
Eastern Tuikestan the latei Smkiang [qi] and
more specifically in the \ltishahr ( six towns ) now
in the western and southwestern parts of Smkiang
wheie they played a decisive role from the late 10th/
lbth century to the last quarter of the 19th century
The lineages are distinguished as the White Mountain
(Afakiyya) line and the Black Mountain (Ishakiyya)
line [aktaghlik \s karataghlik, names possibly derived
from the Tien Shan and Pamir [q.n.] mountain ranges,
respectiv ely )
Both lines were descended from the Kh"adjagan-
Nakshbandi shaykh Ahmad Kh"adjagr-vi Kasani, known
as Makhdum-i A'zam (d. 949/1542) (Bakhtiyar
Babadzanov Polihceskaya deyatel'nosf shaikhov Nakshbandiya
i Maierannahhie (I polovina XVI v.). unpubl. diss.,
Tashkent 199bj who wielded considerable influence
in the Shibamd [q.v.] internal struggles. One of his
sons (the iouith or the seventh), Ishalj, had to leave
Transoxania and came to Altishahr at an unspecified
moment (between 990/1582 and 999/1591) where he
.stayed for some years; he died in Samarkand in
1007/1599. He left behind an already powerful organ-
isation that was to become the Black Mountain fac-
tion. Very much like their counterparts in Transoxania,
the representatives of Kh u adja Ishak acted as infer-
tile rulers, the begs and their subjects. They acquired
considerable wealth (pious foundations, wakf and dona-
tions, myazmandi) on which their influence rested as
well as "on the communal affiliations of settled and
nomadic communities. Almost from the start, they were
active promoters of Islam among the still shamanis-
tic Kirghiz [q.v.] and Kazakhs [see kazak] (J. Fletcher,
Confrontations between Muslim missionaries and nomad unbe-
lievers in the late sixteenth century: note-: on four passages from
the 'Diya' al-qulub', in Tractata Altaica, ed. W. Heissig,
Wiesbaden 1976, 167-74). These endeavours must have
gone on throughout. Later on, the White Mountain
faction was instrumental in spreading Islam to China
proper, beginning in the middle of the 17th century.
(Fletcher, The A'aqshbandiyya in northwest China, in his
Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia, ed. B. Manz,
Variorum, Aldershot 1995, no. XI, 1-46; this book
also contains reprints of other relevant published texts
by Fletcher).
It was unusual that a ruler came to occupy an ele-
vated position in the spiritual hierarchy. This was,
however, the case with Muhammad Khan Ir. 999-
1018/1591-1609), who is even said to have been the
Axis (kutb) (Shah Mahmud Curas, Tarikh (Khmnika),
ed. O.A. Akimushkin, Moscow 1976 [Pamyatniki pis'-
mennosti vostoka, 45] I. But apart from this, leader-
ship in the Black as well as White Mountain group
ing even to the khalifat, and sometimes to affiliations
as well. The spiritual organisation adapted itself to
the strongly localised political system of Altishahr: a
city oasis governed by members of the ruling family
nominal overlordship of the paramount khan. The
cities all had their khalifas. Whereas the centre of the
Black Mountain faction was at Yarkand [q.v], where
the khan also had his capital, the White Mountain
faction centred on Kashghar [q.v.].
The Ishakiyya Kh"adjas did not achieve a mono-
poly of spiritual guidance, however; at least in the
north and northeast of Altishahr and beyond in the
area where the Caghatayid rulers held sway, other
(sometimes local) groups were also active [in Kuldja:
see Masami Hamada, De I'autonte religieuse au pouvoir
politique: la revolte de hue's et Khwaja Rashidin, in M.
" ' ' u, G. Veinstein and Th. Zarcone (eds.), .Naqsh-
band
Chemi,
actuelle d
Istanbul 1990, 455-89; in Turfan, the
local shrine of Alpata/Alfata: see Akimushkin, op. cit..
165). To what extent other brotherhoods were active
in the region remains open to question.
The Ishakiyya supremacy did not last long.
Sometime before the middle of the 17th century,
another descendant of Makhdum-i A'zam made his
appearance in Altishahr in the person of Muhammad
Yusuf (d. 1063/1653), son of Muhammad Amln, the
eldest son of the Makhdum. He was able to gain a
foothold in Kashghar and soon became influential
with the Caghatayid khan. As a result of the rival-
ries that surrounded and followed his death, his son
Hidayat Allah, better known as Kjfadja Afak ("Master
of the Horizons", whence the name by which the
White Mountain faction was also known, sc. Atakiyya)
was compelled to take flight. The influence he had
gained may be seen from the fact that he was given
a Moghul (although not Cingisid) princess in mar-
riage. Afak then succeeded in persuading Galdan, the
Zunghar khan, to mount a campaign against Altishahr
(1090/1679, when Galdan was only beginning his
career as a conqueror). The report of Muhammad
Sadik that this was achieved due to a letter from the
Dalai Lama (the Zunghars had by then become
Lamaist Buddhists) should perhaps also be seen as
indicative of the view that spiritual leadership should
prevail over military (Muhammad Sadik, Tadhkim-yi
kh" adjagan, epitome by R. Shaw, A history of the Khojas
of Eastern Turkistan, in JASB [1897], extra number,
pp. i-vi and 1-67, at 36-7; German version by
M. Hartmann, Ein Heihgemtaat im Islam. Das Ende der
Caghataiden und die Herrschaft der Chogas m Kasgarien, in
Da islamische Onenl. Bemhte und Forsehungen, vi-ix, Berlin
1905, 195-374, at 210-2). The Zunghars conquered
Altishahr and reinstated Kh"adja Afak as their
vicegerent u. 1090-1105/1679-94). The White Moun-
tain faction now ruled with a degree of independence,
but acknowledged Zunghar overlordship, paying
them tribute (a comparatively heavy one, accord-
ing to Fletcher's figures, unpubl. ms., ch. 3, 149-
51) and accepting that members of their family be
held as hostages. The area under this kind of Kh"adja
authority cannot have extended much over the four
cities of Khotan, Yarkand, Kashghar and Aksu,
the Oirot Zunghars having established their rule over
the northeastern regions already in 1659. Nor had
Caghatayid rule come to an end; and even if the
newly appointed khan 'Abd al-Rashi"d (who married
his daughter to Afak, who thus became tied to the
Cingisid house) was a puppet of the Zunghars, he
was influential enough to build a faction together with
the ousted Black Mountain followers; his attempt at
a Moghul-Black Mountain revival was, however,
worsted in 1093-4/1682-3, and he was replaced by
his brother. The White Mountain faction then set out
to destroy their Black Mountain opponents, and after
the Caghatayid figurehead had died in 1103/1692,
they tried to make do without a Moghul khan. In
the ensuing strife, the deciding force in the south-
western pait of Altishahr came to be the Kirghiz, but
it was still a Moghul who called back Kh"adja Danival
of the Black Mountain faction. Daniyal established
himself with Kirghiz help, and until 1125/1713, when
the Zunghars re-established their rule under Tsewang
Rabtan, the oasis cities were under different nomad-
Kh"adja coalitions. After Daniyal had died ca. 1142/
1730, the cities of Yarkand, Khotan, Kashghar and
Aksu were divided up between his sons, thus further-
ing localisation. The next turn was induced by an
attempt of the Black Mountain faction to break loose
of the Zunghars, countered by their appeal to the
White Mountain group (1166/1753); fights ensued
between the two Kh"adja factions, some Kirghiz begs,
urban local begs, the nominal Zunghar ruler and his
opponent Amursana, who was backed by the Chinese.
As a result, the Zunghar empire was taken over by
the Manchu Emperors, who consequently also came
to be overlords of the Tarim [q.v.] basin as well.
The Kh"adjas failed because they were unable to
build up a unified leadership, but more important still
was their failure to gain a military basis of their own,
not easily achieved under the circumstances. The
resources available in the sedentary oasis economy
could hardly support a state apparatus for revenue
raising, and revenue was inadequate for building
enough military strength to keep the nomads out.
KH»ADJAS — KHAL'
Therefore, throughout this period, military power
rested not with the urban-based Kh"adjas, but essen-
tially with their mainly nomadic Zunghar overlords
and, as far as the region itself is concerned, with var-
ious Kirghiz groups.
It might appear that after the Chinese conquest of
Altishahr, the fate of the Kh"adjas was sealed, but
this was not the case. After the first attempts at restor-
ing White Mountain power had been crushed by the
Manchus and their representatives in Altishahr (Amm
Kh"adja of Turfan [q.v.], whose spiritual affiliation
is not altogether clear), a period of relative stability
ensued, which came to an end in 1820. By this period,
the Khokand [q.c] khanate had consolidated itself in
the Farghana basin, serving as a platform for repeated
Kh"adja incursions, the last of which occurred as late
as the 1860s when Buzurg Khan, together with Ya'kub
Beg [q.v.], invaded Kashgharia. It was only after the
short-lived state of Ya'kub Beg had been crushed in
1878 that the legion was incorporated into the Chinese
empire under the name of Sinkiang (1884) ( New do
minion [qi]) and this seems to ha\e been the end
of open Kh adja activitv
Bibliography Partlv given in the article Islamic
sources include hagiographic texts foi both lineages
as well as chronicles manv of them still remain-
ing in manuscript thev are best discussed bv
Akimushkin and Fletcher Chinese sources take
prime impol tance onlv after the middle of the 1 8th
century Tankh i Ka shgh ar jaksimile rukopin i^danu
tiksta uedinte i uka^atth OF -ikimushkina St
Petersburg 2001 (Pamvatniki kuPturi \ostoka no
8) Lauia J Newbv Thi begs of Xinjiang bttueen tuo
aorldi in BS04S Ki\ (1998) 278 97 Isenbike
Togan Islam in a changing south The Khojas of Eastern
Turkistan, in Jo- Ann Gross (ed.), Muslims in Cinhal
Asia. Expressions of identity and change. Durham N C
and London 1992, 134-48; H. Schwarz, The hhuajas
of Eastern Turkestan, in CAJ, xx (1976), 266 9b (to
be used with caution); J. Fletcher, China and Central
Asia, 1368-1884, in J.K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinesi
world order, Cambridge, Mass. 1968, 106-224, 337 68
Fletcher, Altishahr under the Khwqjas, unpubl ms
Harvard University (chs. 2-4, "The Khojas of East
em Turkestan", "The coming of the infidels and
"The triumph of the oasis nobility").
(J. Pall)
KHA'IR BEG (Khayir or Khayr Bey), the last
Mamluk governor of Aleppo, subsequently fust
Ottoman viceroy of Egypt.
He was the son of Malbay b. 'Abd Allah al-Djarkasi
(sic), a Muslim Abaza trader in Circassian mamluk,
He was born at Samsun (on the Black Sea coast
within the Ottoman Empire), and his father presented
him, although not a slave, with his four brothers to
the Mamluk Sultan al-Ashraf Ka'it Bay [q.v.]. He was
enrolled in the Royal Mamluks, and was foimalK
"emancipated" by the grant of a steed and unifoim
He became an amir of Ten in 901/1495-6, and subse
quently an amir tablkhana, making his first contact with
the Ottoman court as an envoy in 903/1498 to an
nounce the accession of al-Nasir Muhammad b Ka'it
Bay to Bayezld II. He was promoted amir of a Hun
dred by al-Ashraf Djanbulat (905-6/1500-1) Under
al-Ashraf Kansawh al-Ghawn, he held the important
post of great chamberlain (hadjib al-hudjdjab) until in
910/1504-5 he was appointed governor of Aleppo
where he was regarded as a severe but capable admm
istrator. He was very wealthy, and maintained a large
mamluk household as his power-base, significant
including a company of arquebusiers "as in the Otto
man armies" (kamd fi 'asakir al-mamlaka al-rumiyya: Dun,
i/2, 607). To Kansawh he must have seemed an over-
mighty subject, and the sultan unsuccessfully attempted
His governorship of Aleppo ended with Selim I's
conquest of Syria, in which he colluded by going over
to the Ottomans at the decisive battle of Mardj Dabik
[q.v.] (25 Radjab 922/24 August 1516). This act of
treachery won him his final and supreme promotion,
when Selim, before leaving Cairo on 13 Sha'ban 923/
24 August 1517, appointed him viceroy of Egypt. He
held this position until his death on 14 Dhu '1-Ka'da
928/5 October 1522, and although he kept up some-
thing of the state and usages of the defunct Mamluk
sultans, he remained ostentatiously loyal to his Ottoman
suzerain. His viceroyalty began with the capture and
execution of Kasim Bey [see kasim. 4], a grandson
of Bayezid II, to whom Kansawh al-Ghawn had given
asylum. When Suleyman became sultan in 926/1520,
and Djanbirdi al Ghazah [q i ] the go\ernoi of
Damascus and his foimer accomplice at Mardj Dabik
rose in re\olt Khan Beg studiouslv kept aloof and
pre\ented disaffected Mamluks from ]Oinmg him
Within Egypt Kha'ir Begs viceiovaltv witnessed the
restoration of stability The ten onsation of the defeated
Mamluk soldiery ceased thev emeiged fiom hiding
and resumed their tiaditional dress Relations with the
Ottoman troops who envied their bettei pav and
rations weie naturallv uneasv Although the former
hierarchy of lank and office had fallen with the
Mamluk sultanate the old administrate e svstem largely
sur\i\ed to be codified and perpetuated in the kanun
name of Egypt three years after Kha lr Begs death
Residing over a crisis of tiansition in Egypt Khan
Beg was thus one of the most successful suivnors of
the old regime
Bibliography For Kha ir Beg's early history, see
Ibn Iyas Bada i al <_uhur ed. Mohamed Mostafa,
v 253 4 n 22 tr G Wiet, Journal d'un bourgeois
du Caire n 193 4 for his governorship of Aleppo,
Ibn al Hanbah Dun al habab fi ta'rikh a'yan Halab,
\ll 603 9 for his \ice royalty of Egypt, Ibn Iyas,
Bada i v 203 48b Wiet Journal, ii, 193-467; other
refeiences in respective indexes. Ibn Zunbul, Ta'rikh
gha^uat al Sultan Sahm Man ma'a al-Sultan al-Ghawn,
although apparently detailed, is essentially a prose
saga forming a threnody on the passing of the
Mamluk sultanate (P.M. Holt)
KHAL' (A) the veibal noun from the verb khala'a
to take off (a garment) to remove, to discharge from
an office to depose (sc an 'amalthi, Lane, i, 2, 790a),
o dethro
(eg
ruler)
foi deposition The modern Arabic term is khala'a
mm al arsh or rafaa mm almansab.
(i) Historical deielopment There are many cases of
deposition or foiced abdication throughout the course
of Islamic history e g in the Umayyad period (cf.
Mu'awiva II b4/b84 and Ibiahim, 126/744) and espe-
cialK in Abbasid times During this period, about a
quartet of the rulers were deposed or forced to abdi-
cate pressured bv the de Jacto ruling military leaders,
after veais of military disaster and misrule through
favourites had amplv demonstrated the incompetence
of the caliphs The unstable caliphs, many of whom
had something of a genius for making bad situations
worse inevitablv stimulated the claims of usurpers.
<\fter the war between the brothers al-Amfn and al-
Ma mun who each declared the other deposed [see
khalifa at Vol IV 940a] the situation culminated
in the anarchic penod of Samarra 1 and continued
undei Buvid lule (320 447/932-1055) and that of their
KHAL' — KHAN, 'ABD al-GHAFFAR
successors, the Saldjuk sultans of 'Irak and western
Persia (447-590/1055-1194), in whose hands the caliph
was but a mere tool. The majority of the 'Abbasid
caliphs were forced to abdicate, e.g. al-Musta'fn in
252/866 and his two successors, al-Mu'tazz in 255/
869, and al-Muhtadi the following vear. One ruler,
al-Muktadir, had even to abdicate twice, in 296/908
and 3 i 7/929, and three caliphs, al-Kahir in 322/934,
al-MuttakT in 333/944 and al-MustakfT in 334/946,
were blinded, so that they were legally incapacitated
from ever regaining power. Often the military lead-
ers forced them, sometimes brutally, to abdicate, issu-
ing an elaborate, sometimes falsified, document of the
deposition, accusing them of treason, oath-breaking,
etc., and insisting on a formal, written document of
abdication. This act, considered as an essential part
of the deposition process and registered officially by
the judges, aimed at the nullification of the oath of
allegiance. The forced abdication was accompanied
bv symbolic acts such as the taking off of clothes or
shoes (cf. in the Old Testament, ~ Ruth, iv. 7; see
Goldziher, Abhandlungen i, 47-8), or turbans, or rings,
and the yielding up of the insignia. Thus deprived of
the sovereign dignity, the deposed caliph had to pay
homage to his tractable successor, who was speedily
installed. Often kept prisoner thereafter, many rulers
were murdered, usually by rivals and relatives, or
soon died. A striking example of a real deposition is
the dethronement in absentia of al-Rashid bi'llah bv
al-Mas'ud b. Muhammad in 530/1135. The practice
of deposing rulers remained widespread throughout
the Islamic world, particularly in the period of the
Mamliiks and in Ottoman times. Often accused of
alleged debility, a dozen Ottoman sultans were
deposed, sc. Mustafa I (1027/1618 and 1032/1623),
'Othman II (1032/1622), Ibrahim (1058/1648),
Mehemmed IV (1099/1687), Mustafa II (1115/1703),
Ahmed III (1143/1730), Sellm III (1222/1807),
Mustafa IV (1223/1808), 'Abd al-'AzIz I (1293/1876),
Murad V (1293/1876), 'Abd al-Hamid II (1327/1909)
and Mehemmed VI (1341/1922). Then, on 3 March
1924, the Grand National Assembly in Ankara defin-
itively abolished the Ottoman caliphate, resulting in
the creation of a secular Turkish state under Mustafa
Kemal Ataturk [q.v.].
(ii) Legal aspects. The various instances of deposition
became the starting point for subsequent discussions
by Muslim writers. The question of the legitimacy of
deposing a ruler was answered in different ways, but
in general, Muslim writers denied to mere mortals
the right of deposing
khayi
•a-sultan
mm Jitna tadum may demonstrate the attitude
tyranny and the duty to obey even an unjust ruler
(see details in U. Haarmann, "Lieber hundert Jahie
AJfangsherrschaft als ein Tag Leiden im Burgerkrieg", ein
gemeinsamer Topos in islamischen und fruhneuzeitlichen euro-
paischen Staalsdenken, in U. Tworuschka (ed.), Gottes ist
der Orient, Gottes ist dei Okzident. Festschrift fur A. Falaturi,
Cologne-Vienna 1991, 262-9). The learned kadi al-
Mawardi (d. 450/1058) defined in his al-Ahkam al-
sultaniyya (ed. M. Enger, Bonn 1853, 5, 23, 25-6, tr.
E. Fagnan, Algiers 1915, 7-8, 30-1, 33) the office of
the ruler and his duties. He laid down in his first
chapter that any corrupt ruler who failed to meet the
standards for the just, legitimate caliph might expect
legitimate opposition and deposition, though he greatly
feared misuse here. His exposition of the criteria for
legitimate rulership played an important role in later
times, and was cited again and again, for instance by
Ibn Djama'a (d. 733/1333 [q.v.]) (see his TahrTr al-ahkam
j> tadbir ahl al-islam, ed. H. Koiler, in Islamica, vi
[1934], 349-414, vii [1935], 1-64, and [1938], 18-
129, see ch. 1, § 3, and ch. 2, & 7). Other than a
single passage in al-Farabfs work on the perfect state
[Mabadi J ara' ahl al-madina al-fadila, ed. F. Dieterici,
Leiden 1895, repr. 1964, ch. 29, 63, tr. F. Dieterici,
Leiden 1900, 100, ed. R. Walzer, Oxford 1985, 258,
tr. R.P. Jaussen et alu, Cairo 1949, ch. 29, 87), the
sources of political theory contain no distinction in
the two bodies of the ruler, the visible individual and
the objective institution, as in mediaeval European
theories; see the exhaustive study of E. Kantorowicz,
Die zwei Korper des Konigs. Eine Studie zui politisehen
Theologie da Mittelalters, "Munich 1994, esp. 385.
Bibliography: Besides the Arabic sources and
the relevant historical studies, materials concerning
Btivid times can be found in H. Busse, Chalif und
Giosskdmg, dieBuyiden im Iraq (945-1055), Beirut 1969,
28, 157-9, 500; see also C.E. Bosworth, .Note* on
the lives of some 'Abbasid princes and descendants, in The
Maghreb Review, xix, 3-4 (1994), 277-84, esp. 278-9;
for a single alleged case, that of al-Nasir li-Dfn
Allah, see A. Hartmann, Wollte del Kalif sufi werden?
Amtstheorie und Abdankungspldne des Kalifen an-Masir
h-Din Allah (reg. 1180-1225), in Egypt and Syria in
the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, Procs. of the
1st, 2nd, and 3rd International Colloquium, the
Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, in May 1992, 1993
and 1994, ed. U. Vermeulen and D. de Smet,
Leuven 1995, 175-205; for the Mamluks, see recently
Le crime et le chdtiment, in hi, lxxi (1997), 137-55;
for the Ottoman sultans, J. Matuz, Das Osmanische
Reich. Gmndlinien seiner Geschichte, Darmstadt 1985,
index; and C. Kleinert, Die Revision dei Historiographie
des Osmanischen Reiches am Beispiel von Abdulhamid II.
Das spate Osmanische Reich im Urted turkischei Autoren
der Gegenwart (1930-1990), Berlin 1995, 130-41, 249-
50; concerning juristic matters, see also the details
in A.K.S. Lambton, Theory and pmctice in medieval
Peisian government. Variorum. London 1980, nos. II,
III, V; further F.-C. Muth, "Enhetcte" Kalifen. Deposi-
tionsverfahien im mittelalterlichen Islam, in hi, lxxv (1998),
104-23. (F.-C. Muth)
KHAN, "ABD al-GHAFFAR (1890-1988), Pathan
leader and politician.
He was born at 'Uthmanzay in the Peshawar dis-
trict of the North West Frontier region of British
India, his father Bahrain Khan of the Muhammadzay
clan being a wealthy landowner and the chief khan
of his village Hashtanagar. Educated first at a Kur'an
and then at a mission school, 'Abd al-Ghaffar's early
career was similar to those of many of the Muslim
activists of his generation. From 1910he began found-
Pathans. At the same time, he was in close contact
with the 'ulama' of Deoband, in particular 'Ubayd
Allah Sindhi, and was strongly influenced by the pan-
Islamic journalism of al-Hilal and £amindai. After World
War I he threw himself into the Khilafat movement
[q.v.], and took part in the Hidjrat movement [see
In the late 1920s, after performing the Hadfdf, the
two guiding principles of 'Abd al-Ghaffar's life became
clear. The first was his concern to further the social
and political advancement of the Pathans, or Pakhtuns
as he called them. British rule had greatly enhanced
Pathan identity by caning a Pathan pro\ince, the
North West Frontier Province, out of the Punjab in
1901 to strengthen border security. The problem was
that the British, given the pro\ince's strategic role and
KHAN, 'ABD al-GHAFFAR — KHATT
the relative backwardness of its people, were unwill-
ing to give it the political advancement which had
been given to the rest of India. To remedy this sit-
uation, 'Abd al-Ghaffar founded in 1928 the Pakhtun,
the first political journal in Pakhtu/Pashto, and in
1929, the Muddy Khidmatgar or "Servants of God"
organisation. Khuday Khidmatgar^, who wore the uni-
form of a red shirt, did both social service and politi-
cal tasks. "Abd al-Ghaffar's second guiding principle
was non-violence. His Khuday Khidmatgdrs, though
drilled in a military fashion, bore no arms and vowed
to be non-violent, while he cooperated closely with
India's leading apostle of non-violence, Mahatma
Gandhi; in 1940, for instance, he resigned from the
Working Committee of the Indian National Congress
when it rejected a pacifist stance in World War II.
Not once throughout a long life of protest did 'Abd
al-Ghaffar betray this principle, a remarkable fact
given the warlike and vengeful traditions of his people.
From the early 1930s onwards, 'Abd al-Ghaffar was
the most influential figure amongst the Pathans, and
between 1931 and 1947 he led large numbers of them
in support of the Indian National Congress. From
1931, his Frontier Afghan Djirga [q.v. in Suppl.] be-
came the Frontier Congress, and the Khuday Khidmat-
gdrs, the Congress Volunteers and their activities were
largely responsible for bringing Congress ministries
to power in the Province between 1937 and 1947.
But why did these Pathans, staunch Muslims to a man,
support the Congress which revealed, on occasion,
strong elements of Hindu revivalism? The great per-
sonal influence of 'Abd al-Ghaffar and his close
relations with Gandhi and Nehru played some part.
The power of the Congress in India played the major
part, however: it offered the best chance of promoting
Pathan interests — of winning provincial autonomy, of
destroying British rule and of resisting inclusion within
a Panjabi-dominated Pakistan. Only in this last and
in 1947 the Congress abandoned 'Abd al-Ghaffar and
his Pathan Congressmen to their fate.
Within Pakistan, 'Abd al-Ghaffar fought for the
establishment of a Pathan state, Pakhtunistan, although
the area which it should include, and the degree of
autonomy which it should have, remained ill-defined.
He was not able to publish the Pakhtun, the Khuday
Khidmatgar organisation was banned, and he spent most
of his remaining days either in prison or in exile. In
January 1988 he died at Peshawar but was buried in
Afghanistan at Djalalabad, which he considered the
original homeland of the Pakhtuns.
Bibliography: Sir William Barton, India's North-
West frontier, London 1939; Sir Olaf Caroe, The
Pathans 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957, London 1958; D.C.
Tendulkar, 'Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Bombay 1967;
Badshah Khan ('Abd al-Ghaffar Khan), My life and
struggle, Delhi 1969; M.S. Korejo, The Frontier Gandhi:
his place in history. Karachi 1993.
(F.C.R. Robinson)
al-KHASSAF, Abu Bakr Ahmad b. 'Amr ('Umar)
b. Muhayr (Mahfr? also Mihran and Mihrawan) al-
Shaybam al-Khassaf (d. 261/874), famous HanafT
jurist in the practical fields of waif, hiyal [q.vv.], or
legal stratagems and devices, and adab al-kddi, or laws
of procedure and evidence. The sources speak of him
as an expert also in the law of inheritance. He trans-
mitted the doctrines of the HanafT school from his
father, who had transmitted them from Hasan b. Ziyad
(d. 204/819-20) and Abu Ytisuf [q.v.], the students of
Abu Hanifa. He was also known as a student and
of hadith from no less than twenty scholars.
His family background, as well as the names of his
father and grandfather, cannot be definitively deter-
mined, although the possible names of his grand-
father suggest a Persian ancestry, as a client of the
Arab tribe of Shayban [q.v.]. In early life he must
have worked as a cobbler (khassdf), since most sources
say he lived off this calling. His scholarly endeavours
nevertheless attracted the attention of the 'Abbasid
court, then in Samarra'. He was nominated by the
former tutor of the caliph al-Mu'tazz [q.v.], with eight
other scholars, for judgeships. But they were accused
by palace personnel of being members of secession-
ist groups, so the caliph ordered their expulsion to
Baghdad, and al-Khassaf was attacked by a mob (al-
Tabarl, iii, 1683). Following the deposition of al-
Mu'tazz in 255/869, and the start of the brief rule
of al-Muhtadl (255-6/869-70 [q.v.]), al-Khassaf was
brought back to the caliphal court as the court lawyer.
It was during this period that he wrote a book about
kharadj. [q.v.], which unfortunately has been lost. Other
books were also lost when his possessions were plun-
dered following the murder of his patron, al-Muhtadl.
Ibn al-Nadlm, tr. Dodge, i, 509, says that al-Khassaf
advocated the doctrines of the Djahmiyya [q.v.] . Since
it is known that some HanafTs advocated these doc-
trines, it is not unreasonable that al-Khassaf was one
of them.
In the descending order of seven ranks of HanafT
jurists in the practice of idjtihdd [q.v.], al-Khassaf has
been placed in the third, following the first rank of
Abu Hanifa and the second rank of Abu Yusuf and
Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani" [q.v.]. Jurists of
the third rank elucidated problems (masd'il) not pre-
viously covered by jurists of higher rank (see Tash-
kopruzade, Tabakat al-fukahd' , Mawsil 1954, 8-10).
His books, according to Ibn al-Nadim, included the
following: (1) A) al-KharddJ, which has been lost. (2)
A) al-Hiyal ma l-makhdnaj. This book, which deals with
legal devices and stratagems, was edited by Schacht,
Hanover 1923, but Schacht thought that the book
was written in the 4th/ 10th century and retrospec-
tively attributed to al-Khassaf. An earlier printing
appeared in Cairo in 1314/1896. (3) A'. Ahkam al-
aukdf, Cairo 1322/1904, an early and authoritative
treatise on wakf. (4) A: al-.Nafakat, ed. Abu "l-Wafa'
al-Afgham, Haydarabad 1349/1930 and Beirut
1404/1984. (5) A". Adab al-kadi, which has been the
subject of no less than ten commentaries (HadjdjT
Khalifa, i, 72-3) including the commentary by Ahmad
b. 'All al-Djassas, ed. Farhat J. Ziadeh, Cairo 1978,
and that by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azfz b. Maza, ed.
Muhyl Hilal al-Sirhan, Baghdad 1397/1977. Other
works mentioned by Ibn al-Nadim, and not yet dis-
covered/edited, may be looked up in Ibn al-Nadim,
tr. Dodge, i, 509-10.
Bibliography: In addition to the references given
in the text, see 'Abd al-Kadir b. Muhammad al-
Kurashl, al-D,awahir al-mudiyyafi tabakat al-Hanqfiyya,
ed. 'Abd al-Fattah al-Hulu," Cairo 1398/1978, 230-2;
'Abd al-Hayy al-Lakhnawi, al-Fawa'id al-bahiyya f
tarad^im al-Hanqfiyya, Banaras 1967, 23-4; Kasim b.
KutlQbugha, Tad). al-taradj.im fr tabakat al-Hanqfiyya,
Baghdad 1962, 12. (F.J. Ziadeh)"
KHATMIYYA [see mirghaniyya] .
KHATT.
vi. In Chinese Islam.
The evolution of the calligraphic art over almost
a millennium amongst Chinese adherents of Islam
(those now called the Hui) reflects the history of the
implantation of Islam in China and its Sinicisation.
During the first centuries of its presence in China,
KHATT — KHA\RKH»AH-i HARATI
when this new faith was the achievement of mer-
chants and ot emigiants temporarv or permanent
coming from the Near East Central Asia Persia and
India and mainK settled on the southern coastlands
of China the texts written in Arabic or Persian are
to be found on tombstones and funerarv stehe Some
date from the 12th centurv but most aie from the
13th and 14th centuries the penod when the Mongol
ruleis of China retiuited foreigners foi governing
then Chinese subjects Thev aie Inst of all in -in
ornamental Kuht and then latei in iounded thai
atteis — specimens of what one might call muhakkak
or nka' or nhan (see the coipus ol some 200 exam-
ples existing in southeastem Chini made b\ a Chinese
Islamic scholar Chen Dasheng and bv an Arabic
epigiaphei Fiench b\ adoption Ludvik Kilus Cot pus
dinsinpttons arabts et pet sane s en Chine I Pwuntt de Fit
lian Pans 1991 But from the 15th centurv onwaids
funeiary inscriptions are in Chinese bearing witness
to the integration of foreigners within the en\ eloping
However it was inevitable that in l land where
in association with poetrv calhgraphv was par excel
lente the ait of cultivated peisons the Muslims should
develop a personal talhgiaphic art once thcv weie in
possession of their own literatme Thev themselves
charactense their calligraphic hands (see [in Chinese]
C h en C hin-hui/C hen Jinhui Shih tun a la po shu fa tsai
Chung kuo Mussuhn thing te thuanpo w fa than/ Shilim
alabo \hufa at ^honggito Muiihn hungde chuanbo yu fa han
[ On the dissemination and development of Aiabic
calhgraphv among Chinese Muslims ] in Shih ihuh
.hiul Shyte ^ong/iao yanjm 1994 no 2 9b-
is of tl
kind of bamboo reed oi more often i
teims of a stvle inspired bv Kufic naskh thulth or
Persian (l e piobablv nasta'ltk) But these st>les an
m fact all so stionglv marked bv Chinese influence
that thev speak of a Chinese stvle of then Arabo-
Peisnn calhgraphv whence a cuisive scnpt which
imitates the Chinese wilting of griss its ao t u/tao^i
one almost unreadable foi the uninitiated
Another more realistic classification operates sub-
stantially in terms of support for the writing ind con-
sequently of its destination Books entirelv in Arabic
or Persian are extremelv rue Islamic liteiature being
generallv wntten in pure Chinese Neveitheless the
Mission dOllone which exploied Western China
during 1906-9 iepoited from the stronglv Islamised
legion of Kansu [q ]/&ansu the existence of some
good naskhi hand of the 18th or 19th centurv and
two in nasta'ltk (see Mission d Ollone Ruhmhes sur lis
musulmans ihmois Pans 1911 284-93 or in RM\1
vm-ix [1909]) Of awidei distnbution there are from
the 19th centurv cheap bilingual publications in
which the Arabic words glossing the Chinese words
and themselves accompanied bv an approximate pho
clumsv scnpt (arising from the difficulty that Chinese
engraveis find in preparing plates foi impression in
the Arabic alphabet and probablv also because of
an imperfect educition in local Kur'an schools I Books
wheie the Chinese chaiacters are in a deformed state
in imitation of Arabic characteis aie especiallv cunous
The tvpe of calligraphy of which the Chinese
Muslims are excessivelv fond in the 1990s more often
than not is a stylised decorative cilligiaphv in which
calhgraphv and design make up a single whole (shu
hua hi i/shuhaa hew) and which plays a role at the
same time both propitiatorv and displavmg identitv
These mav be on papei at the head of certain pub-
lications or above ill in the form of the so-called
designs of Km'amc letters [chtng I u hua/jtng^thua)
with a composite Sino Arabic technique and model
often found in vertical decoiation (causing an extreme
distortion of the Aiabit script) oi m a band in the
centre of the prayer room eithei in two parallel bands
heie and there m the mosques mthtab [qi] oi the
pi aver cornei in a pnvate house oi else in four bands
put together on screens In passing judgement on a
piece of decorative callignphy in Arabic characteis
the beheveis aie unconcerned about the form of the
letters or the deformations necessarv to fit them within
a geometiital figure or to form the silhouette of in
auspicious Chinese chaiactei thev make rather a
geneial judgement using the same ideas with which
thev would judge a piece of Chinese calligraphy Hence
thcv recognise the use of the northern stvle for what
is vigorous and the more supple southern stvle
that of the northwest being the most distinguished
In China calhgraphv howevei Aiabic it mav be
toims an undeniable role in making up the Chinese
culture of believers
Bibliugiapht Given in the article but see also
Fiancoise Aubin Larl de I etnture the Its musulmans
dt Chtnt in Honjms maghttbiens \xx\-xx\\i/Cahttrs
(1998) .
)-43
Fr<vnc.oise
KHAWLA i
t HAKIM b Umawa b H
Sulamiv^a an
eailv supporter of Muha
ciuse at Me
She was the
daughter of a man of Sul
who had com
to Mecca and had becom
fc dei ate there
of <Abd Man if and of a v
'Abd Shams b < Ybd Manaf hence Khawla was related
maternallv to the Prophet himself She was an eailv
conveit to the new teaching in companv with her
husband the ascetic 'Uthman b Maz'un [qz] When
he died m 3/624-5 Khawla is said to have offeied
heiself [uahabat ttafsaha) to Muhammad but the lat-
tci put her off (atdjaaha) She plays a lole in
Muhammad s lifestorv is the person who looked after
him when Khadidja [qt] died and who counselled
him to marrv the child vngin 'A'isha and the widow
Sawdab Zam'a [qa]
Btblwgtapln Ibn Sa'd vm 113 Ibn Hanbal
\lusnad vi 210-11 409 Muhammad b Habib
Muhabbat 407 Taban i 1768-9 Ibn Hadjar haha
iv 691-2 Nabia Abbot Atshah the belaid of
Mohammid Chicago 1942 2-4 W M Watt Uuliam
mad at Mtdina Oxford 195b 309
(C E Bosworth)
KHAYRKH w AH-i HARATI Muhammad Rida b
Sultan Husavn Nizari Isma'ili da', and
author Born into l leading Nizan Isma'ih familv
in Ghuiivan neai Harat in piesent-dav Afghanistan
towirds the end of the 9th/ 15th centurv Muhammad
Rida b Kh adja Sultan Husavn Ghurryam better
known as Khavrkh ah-i Harati died not long after
960/1553 the latest date mentioned in his writings
Thus Khavrkh ah flourished in the earlv Andjudan
period in post-Alamut Nizan historv when the Nizari
da'aa and literary activities had begun to revive undei
the direct leadeiship of the Nizari imams themselves
In fact Khavrkh ill iepiesents the second most lmpoi-
tant liteiaiv figuie after Abu Ishak-i Kuhistam
(d after 904/1498-9) in the contempoiarv Peisian
Niziri Isma ill community and his works ire invalu
able for understanding the Andjudan revival in Nizari
Isma'ihsm and the Nizan doctrine of the time
x 7t X ii ^
# #
TtftoZ
M * #
If #: f o
A cheap production, from Shantung/Shandong in 1874, in which the Arabic gloss (comp
hensible by turning the book through 90°) has a supergloss of a transcription of the Arabic w
the help of Chinese characters the Chiao-k'uan chiai-yao/Jiaokuan jieyao ("Quick resume of the a
cles of the Faith") by Ma Po-liang/Ma Boliang, 1678.
-ill
If felt
A small Kur'anic manual from 1912, in whicl
■ i.vttflftffwfffl*r3lc-|Kr'UM
Examples of different types of artistic calligraphy made, as is stated in the lower part of the illustration, by
the imam (ahong) Chang Kuo-chun/Zhang Guojun, of the mosque of Yang-chi'ao-chen/Yangqiaozhen ("town
of the Yang bridge"), in the sub-prefecture (hsim/xian) of Chien-ch'uan/Jianquan in Anhui/Anhui province.
In the centre, on the left-hand side, the Chinese seal of Chang Kuo-chiin stands instead of a signature,
according to Chinese custom (illustration taken from the journal of the Islamic Association of the PRC, the
Chung-kuo Mu-sm-lml Zhongguo Musilin (1995), no. 6, at p. 45.
Written by a celebrated calligrapher of the present time, an imam (in Chinese, ahong) of Tientsin/Tianjin, Liu
Ch'ang-ming/Liu Changming (b. 1927), the Chinese character, above all auspumin show shou, is formed by
the upright shafts of the Arabic letters. The artist's signature is given in Arabic below, and above, with a
KHAYRKH»AH-i HARATl -
In the autobiographical section of his Risaia,
Khayrkjfah relates how his father, a da'i in the Harat
region, was murdered by brigands whilst on a jour-
ney to see the imam in Andjudan near Mahallat.
Subsequently, the Nizan imam, probably Mustansir bi
'Hah III (d. 904/1498), better known as Shah Gharlb,
appointed Khayrkh"ah, then only nineteen years of
age, to the position of the chief da'i or hudjdja, then
more commonly designated as pir of Khurasan and
Badakhshan. Khayrkh"ah also visited the Nizam imam
of the time at Andjudan and has preserved unique
details in his Risaia on how the imam managed the
affairs of the Nizan da'wa from his headquarters in
Khayrkh"ah-i Haratt was a prolific writer and his
works, all written in Persian, have been mainly pre-
served by the Nizarl Isma'fll communities of
Badakhshan (now divided between Afghanistan and
Tadjikistan), Hunza and other northern areas of
Pakistan. Khayrkffah also composed poetry under the
pen-name (takhallus) of Gharri " '
of his
y Niz;
t. His
72 ted. i
icings lr
:. w. :
■i shindkht-.
in his Ismailitica, in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
viii [1922], 1-49; later editions and translations of this
work by Ivanow were published in 1947, 1949 and
1960 in the series of publications of the Ismaili Society
of Bombay), and the Risala-yi Khayrkfrah-i Hardtl (orig-
inally partially ed. and lithographed by Sayyid MunTr
BadakhshanT in Bombay in 1333/1915), critically edited
together with his Kita'at and selections of his poetry
(ash'ar) by Ivanow and published in a collection enti-
tled Tasnifat in Ismaili Society series A, no. 13, Bombay
1961. As Ivanow showed, Khayrkh"ah also produced
a plagiarised version of Abu Ishak-i Kuhistam's Haft
bab (ed. Ivanow, Ismaili Society series A, no. 10,
Bombay 1959, 3-8) under the title of kaldm-i pir (ed.
Iva
: Rese;
1935, introd.), attributing it to Nasir-i
Khusraw in order to enhance its popularity among
the Nizan communities of Persia and Central Asia.
Bibliography (in addition to the works cited in
the article): W. Ivanow, Ismaili literature. A biblio-
graphical survey, Tehran 1963, 142-4; A. Berthels and
M. Baqoev, Alphabetic catalogue of manuscnpts found by
1959-1963 expedition in Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous
Region, Moscow 1967, 73, 104; I.K. Poonawala,
Bwbibliography of Isma'ili literature, Malibu, Calif. 1977,
270, 275-7; F. Daftary, The Isma'ilis, their history and
doctrines, Cambridge 1990, 439, 469-71, 476-7, 481,
535. (F. Daftary)
KHIFAD [see khafd].
KHOPTA-ZADE, Muslih al-Dln Mustafa b. Yusuf,
born into a well-to-do family in Bursa, was one of
the leading Ottoman scholars of the 9th/ 15th
century. Among others he studied with Khidr Beg
[q.v.], and began his career as kadi in Kastal under
Murad II [q.v.]. After 857/1453 he was appointed a
private teacher of Mehemmed II and held high posi-
tions in the law administration (kadi 'askar [q.v.], kadi
in Edirne and Istanbul) and in the educational sys-
tem of the empire (professor at the Sultaniyya in
Bursa and in Istanbul). After 1470, following intrigues
at the court, he was removed to Iznik. Under BayezFd
II [q.v.] he was rehabilitated and reappointed as
professor and mufti [q.v.] in Bursa, where he died in
893/1488.
Most of his works have been lost, but those which
have survived show the high level of his knowledge
as well as of the educational system at the Ottoman
universities in the 9th/ 15th century. Among the works
that have survived are publications on the following
subjects: (a) Grammar, a commentary on al-Zandjani's
al-Izzi fi 'l-tasrif (evidently composed as a textbook
for Mehemmed II); (b) Filch: 1. Glosses to al-Taftazani's
Mahbubfs Tandih. 2. Glosses on
il-Djurdjam's glosses on al-Idj
djis commentary ■
i Ibn
al-Hadjib's Mukhtasar Muntaha al-su'al; (c) Kalam:
1. Commentary on al-BaydawT's Tawali' al-anwdr.
2. Glosses on al-Khayalfs glosses on al-Taftazanfs
commentary on al-NasafT's 'Aka'id. 3. Glosses on al-
Djurdjanfs commentary on al-Idjfs Mawakif (this last
work of Khodja-zade, apparently unfinished, is critical
of al-Djurdjam); (d) Philosophy: 1 . Glosses on Mawlana-
zade's commentary on al-Abharfs Hidayat al-hikma.
2. Commentary on al-Urmawi's Matcilf al-anwdr.
Khodja-zade's fame here is above all based on a
work called Tahafut al-falasifa (printed in Cairo in
1321/1903-4, together with the Tahafut of al-Ghazali
and the Tahafut al-tahafut of Ibn Rushd). The work
was written at the instigation of Mehemmed II, who
organised a competition between Khodja-zade and
'Ala' al-Dln Tusi to answer the question who had
been right in the dispute between al-Ghazali and Ibn
Rushd. Khodja-zade gave a politic answer. Basically
he sided with al-GhazalT but corrected the latter's
views on several points. At the same time, he empha-
sised that only the less important philosophers had
made mistakes, while Ibn Rushd had a thorough com-
mand of his subject. This compromising attitude appar-
ently carried approbation, for Khodja-zade was not
only proclaimed winner by Mehemmed II, but his
Tahafut al-falasifa was still much read in the 10th/ 16th
among whom Kemal-Pasha-zade [q.v.].
Bibliography: Tashkopruzade, Miftah al-sa'ada,
Beirut n.d., ii, 161 IT.; idem, al-Shaka'ik al-nu'mamyya,
tr. O. Rescher, repr. Osnabruck 1978, 76-88;
Muhammad al-Shawkanl, al-Badr al-taW, Cairo
1348/1929-30, i, 306-8; Mubahat Turker, Uc taha-
Jut bahmindan felsefe ve din munasebetlen, Ankara 1956;
Hassen Jarrai, Tahafut al-falasifa par Khwa&a Zade,
diss., Paris 1972, unpubl; Mustafa S. Yazicioglu,
he kalam et son role dans la societe turco-ottomane aux
XV et XVT sticks, Ankara 1990, esp. 101 ff.
(U. Rudolph)
KHODIAS [see kh"adjas, in Suppl.].
al-KHULAFA' al-RASHIDUN (a.), literally, "the
Rightly-Guided Caliphs", the four heads of the
nascent Islamic community who succeeded
each other in the thirty years or so after
the death of the Prophet Muhammad in Rabi"
I 11 /June 632. The qualifying term in the phrase has
often been rendered as "Orthodox" (an anachronism,
since there was no generally accepted corpus of Islamic
belief and practice at this early time from which devi-
ation could occur) or "Patriarchal", reflecting a view
of this period as a heroic age for Islam.
The four caliphs in question comprised:
11-13/632-4 Abu Bakr b. Abr Kuhafa, called
al-Siddik
13-23/634-44 "Umar (II b. al-Khattab, called
al-Faiuk
23-35/644-56 'Uthman b. 'Affan
35-40/656-61 'All b. Abi Talib
All four were from the Prophet's own Meccan tribe
of Kuraysh [q.v.], and all were already related to
Muhammad himself by marriage, whilst 'Air, as a first
cousin on the father's side, was also a close blood
relation. A strong feeling was thereby created that the
caliph, as both military and religious head of the
responsible for protecting the Muslim
l-KHULAFA' al-RASHIDUN — KHUMAYN
rystallised i
and for upholding the
me from Kuraysh, a feel-
hadith attributed to the
t depart from this tribe
Prophet, "authority
of Kuraysh."
It was Abu Bakr who first adopted the title of khali-
fat Rasid Allah "successor of the Messenger of God",
with the implication of a necessity for the caliph to
uphold and to further the Prophet's heritage; for the
genesis of the title and its early development, see
KHALIFA en.
The three decades of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs
saw the extraordinary expansion of the small Arab
Muslim community based on Medina as the mukatila
or warriors overran the outlying parts of the Arabian
peninsula, Sasanid 'Irak and Persia, and Byzantine
Palestine, Syria and Egypt. By the time of 'Air's death.
the A
ready
, the Oxus
Duthern Afghanistan in the east, into Armenia
and the Caucasus region in the north, and beyond
Barka [q.v.] towards Tripoli and Fezzan in the west.
The administrative and fiscal bases of the later
iliphate also being
'Urn
of the
of the diwa
which the
pay
■red, this
ititlement
I.]. The
longer-term financial stability of
ensured by the ruling authority's utilisation of a con-
siderable proportion of the booty captured from the
conquered lands for state and community purposes
rather than it being shared out among the warriors
and thereby dissipated [see bayt al-mal; fay';
ghanima]. Hence by the end of the period of the
Rightly-Guided Caliphs, the Islamic community was
no longer a purely Arabian affair but was well estab-
lished outside the peninsula. Although the Muslims
were for long a minority in the conquered lands, the
bases were being laid for the slow transformation of
the societies of the conquered lands and their reli-
gious complexions. A pointer to this new orientation
of the Muslim state was 'Air's move of the capital
from Medina to the new military encampment of
which, whilst remaining the locational focus for the
Muslim cult, became from the political point of view.
The e
,ingly periphery
" of 'Uthm;
and the whole of that
of 'All's were marked by religio-political dissension.
'Uthman's murder accordingly inaugurated for the
community a period oifilna [q.v.] or internecine strife,
out of which eventually emerged such groups as the
Kharidjites and the Shi'a [q.vv.]. Hence the preceding
part of the age of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs came
in later times to be regarded through a nostalgic haze
as a Golden Age of early Islam, when the commu-
nity was undivided. The period was invested with the
pristine virtues of piety, simplicity, justice, equality of
all (male, free) Muslim believers, all the more so as
later pietistic, traditionalist circles contrasted it with
what they regarded as the worldly-oriented mulk or
kingship of the Rightlv-Guided Caliphs' immediate
successors, the Umayyads [q.v.]: G.E. von Grunebaum
coined the term "Rashidun classicism" for this back-
wards-looking feeling, discernible still in some con-
temporary fundamentalist currents of Islam.
Bibhogtaphy: See, in the first place, the sepa-
rate articles on the four caliphs and the Bibh. there.
There are relevant sections on the caliphs and their
times in the general histories of Islam and its ex-
pansion, including Sir William Muir, The Caliphate,
its rise, decline, and fall, revised ed. T.H. Weir, Edin-
burgh 1915; C. Brockelmann, Geschichtt der islamischen
Volker und Staaten, "Munich 1943, Eng. tr., History
of the Islamic peoples, London 1949; J.J. Saunders.
A history of mediaeval Islam, London 1965; R. Mantran
(ed.), ^expansion musulmane (VII 1 -XI siecles), Paris
1969, '1991; G.E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam,
a histoiy 600-1258, London 1970; L. Veccia Vaglieri,
The Patriarchal and Umayyad caliphates, in P.M. Holt
el alii (eds.), Camb. hist of Mam, i, Cambridge 1970;
M.G.S. Hodgson, The venture of Islam, i. The classical
age of Mam, Chicago 1974; H. Kennedy, The Prophet
and the age of the caliphs, London 1986; A. Noth, Fruiter
Islam, in U. Haarmann (ed.j, Geschkhte der arahischen
Well, Munich 1987. Specifically on the conquests
of this period, see A.J. Butler, The Arab conquest of
Egypt, 2nd ed. P.M. Fraser, Oxford 1978; F. McG.
Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1981;
W.E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests,
Cambridge 1992. On the internal evolution of the
Islamic community and its stresses during this period,
see Hichem Djait, La grande discotde. Religion et poli-
tique dans Vhlam des ongines. Paris 1989; W.F.
Madelung, Tlie succession to Muhammad. A study of the
early caliphate, Cambridge 1997. For chronology, see
C.E. Bosworth, The hew Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh
1996, 1-2 no. 1. (C.E. Bosworth)
al-KHULD, Kasr, the name of a palace of
the early 'Abbasids in Baghdad, so-called
because of its being compared in splendour with the
djannat al-khuld "garden of eternity", i.e. Paradise.
It was built by the founder of the new capital
Baghdad, al-Mansur [q.v.], in 158/775 on the west
bank of the Tigris outside the walled Round City,
possiblv on the site of a former Christian monastery
(al-Taban, iii. 273; Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut, ii, 382).
It was strategically placed between the two great mil-
itary areas of the Harbiyya and al-Rusafa on the east-
ern side [see al-rusafa. 2.] and adjacent to the Upper
or Main bridge across the river. The early 'Abbasid
caliphs, and especially Harun al-Rashid and al-Amln,
resided in the Khuld palace, and the latter tried to
escape by water from its riverside quay when Tahir
[q,,] b. al-Husay '
suffer.
badly
i Tahir':
il-Tabar:
317 ff.).
t, and z
•d elsewhere on his first visit to Baghdad
from the East in 204/819. The seat of the caliphate
was moved to Samarra' some fifteen years later, and
the Khuld palace must thenceforth have become com-
pletely ruinous; when, at the end of the century, al-
Mu'tadid n
n the .
. The
when
368/979 the Buyid 'Adud al-Dawla built there h
Bibliography: G. Le Strange, Baghdad under the
Abbasid caliphate, Oxford 1900, 101-3; J. Lassner,
Tlie topography of Baghdad in the early Middle Ages,
Detroit 1970, 55, 60, 105, 149, 154, 231, 243, 280.
(C.E. Bosworth)
KHUMAYN, a small town in the province
of Kum in modern Iran (lat. 33° 38' N., long.
50° i)3' E.) some 70 km/42 miles to the south-south-
east of Arak/Sultanabad [q.v.]. It is unmentioned in
the mediaeval Islamic geographers, but now has fame
as the birthplace of the Ayatallah Ruh Allah Khu-
maym (1902-89 [q.v. in Suppl.]). It is at present admin-
istratively in the shahrastdn of Mahallat. In ca. 1950 it
had a population of 7,038, which in 2003 had risen
to 59,300.
Bibliography: Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i •
Ijughrajiya-
yi Iranzamin, i, HI -2. (Ed.)
KHUMAYNI, Sayyid Ruh Allah Musawi (1902-89),
\\atullah [qi inSuppl] and prominent Iranian
religious leader of the later 20th centurv
He was born into a clerical famih in the small
town of Khumavn [q c m Suppl ] in central Iran a
few vears before the Constitutional Re\olution of 1906-
11 [see dustur i\] opened the eia of modem poli-
tics in Iian Sayyid Ruh Mlah s iathei was murdered
beioie he was a veai old and his mother died when
he was in his teens The reign of Rida Shah (1925-41
[q i ]), whose secularisation policies and dispossession
of clencs he ne\ei forgot nor forga\e encompassed
his foimative years in Kum where as an atypical
seminarian he quietly studied mystical philosophy
alongside junspiudence and began his teaching caieei
The populantv of his lectuies on ethics in the latter
part of the 1930s apparenth caused the local police
some apprehension Khumav ni s entr\ into the pub-
lic sphere began during World War II with the anony-
mous publication of Kashj al airar a book written in
defence of the Shi'i hierarch\ against a modernist
anti-clerical pamphleteer In it he maintained that
the mud).lahidi had the authontv to supervise parlia-
mentarv legislation and the deeds of the monaich
Khumav m took a radicallv novel position in a tract
on idjtihad which was apparently written in the earh
1950s but published in A H 1384/1964-5 in which
he took the term hakim not onh in the Aiabic tech-
nical but also in the Persian evervdav sense, to extend
the |udiciary authontv of the mudjtahid to the politi-
cal sphere as the right to rule (hungmh i imam Khumaym
ix 15-17,
Khumav m first appeared on the national political
scene m \ S H 1342/19b3 as an outspoken critic of
the Shah and his reform piogram The Shah char
actensed his movement as black reaction and took
repressive measures against it Khumav m was impris-
oned in June 19b3 and demonstiations bv his sup-
poiters weie violenth suppressed He was exiled to
Turkey in Novembei 1964 and moved on to the
Shi'i holy cities in 'Irak In Januarv 1965 a gioup of
his followers assassinated the Prime Minister Hasan-
''vJi Mansui with a plan foi setting up a unified
Islamic government While in exile in Nadjaf,
Khumaym developed his theory of itilayal al jakih as
the mandate of the |unst to rule both in a series of
lectures in Persian which were published in Beirut
in 1970 under the title of Uilayati fakih and in a
woik of |unsprudence on transactions, published in
the second volume of Kitab al Bay' in AH 1391/1971
He argued that the right to rule devolves from the
Imams to the muajtahid^ during the Occultation of the
Twelfth Imam and further that if one of them were
able to exercise that nght bv establishing a govern-
ment, it would be incumbent upon other mudftahid^
to obey him With this theory made public m cleri-
cal circles Khumav m began to prepaie a beleaguered
Shi'i hierarchy for the takeover of a hostile secular-
ising state His former students played the leading role
in his movement and mobilised mam \ounger clei-
ics fiom humble rural and small town backgrounds
in opposition to the monarchy and to Western cul-
tural domination ^s the leadei of the Islamic revo-
lutionary movement Khumaym assumed the title of
imam a title reserved foi the twelve holy Shi'i Imams
and not used b\ am one else in Persian for over a
thous;
evolut:
theory of wilayat al-fakih, in ordering the confiscation
of the property of the Pahlawi family and other indus-
trialists of the old regime as war booty, and in appoint-
ing Mahdi Bazargan who represented the libeial and
nationalist elements in the rev olutionarv coalition as
provisional piime minister However he was careful
not to alienate the followers of the lav Muslim intel-
lectuals and ideologues such as Djalal Al-i 'Uimad
and ''Mi Shari'ati, and did not proclaim a theocratic
government at once The uilayat al fakih entered pub-
lic debate onh when a clencalh -dominated Assembly
of Experts was elected in place of a constituent assem-
bh and bypassed the draft constitution prepared b\
the provisional government to institute theocratic gov-
ernment according to Khumav ms theorv Some of
the features of the original draft weie retained, how-
ever notabh the elected president and parliament
{\[ad}ln) and a Council of Guardians (shura yi mgah
ban) which was modified to increase the number and
power of its clerical jurists b\ giving them the exclu-
sive right to veto am Ua&hs enactment the\ found
in violation of Islamic standards The new Constitution
was approved b\ a referendum in December 1979
shortlv after the occupation of the American embassv
and the taking of its staff as hostages and the resig-
nation of Bazaigan
In the course of the ensuing power struggle of the
earh 1980s among the partners in the rev olutionarv
coalition KhumavnT sanctioned '
sion of the leftist and secular
appar<
e violent suppres
nents Despite h
the rev olutionarv structures were bi ought under dnec
clerical control Once the rev olutionarv power strug-
gle ended with the complete victorv of his support-
ers Khumaym sought to maintain unity between the
conservative and the radical clencs and then respec-
tive allies and intervened a number of times to pre-
vent the tilting of the balance of power in favour of
the foimer Meanwhile he oveisaw the constitutional
development of the Islamic theocratic republic he had
founded The failure of a variety of pi maples diawn
from Shi'i jurisprudence, including the distinctions
between primary and secondary commandments
(ahkam) of the Shatfa and the introduction of a new
categorv of ' governmental {hukumatt) commandments'
to solve the impasse between the Madjlis and the
Council of Guardians had become evident bv January
1988 when Khumav m proclaimed a new idea of the
absolute (mutlaka) mandate of the jurist' This gave
pnoiitv to what has increasingly been called the 'gov-
ernmental commandments of the a all yi fakih ovei
those of the Sharfa, including player and fasting In
the following month, overcoming the tiaditional lesei-
vations of the Shi'i |unsts regarding the principle of
maslaha (public interest) he appointed a clencallv-
dominated Council foi the Detei mination of the Intei-
est of the Islamic Regime (madimd i tashkhu i maslahat i
mzum i islam!) as the final ai biter of cases of dis-
agreement between the Madjlis and the Council of Guar-
dians In April 1989 he ordeied the levision of the
Constitution, and the amended Constitution of 1989
which was completed and ratified aftei his death awk-
wardlv incorporated the phrase absolute mandate to
lule (uilayat i mutlak i amr) into its Article 57 aug-
mented the already considerable powers of the ruling
jurist and gave the Council foi the Determination of
Interest the new function of setting the general poli-
Khumaym remained ruthlessly firm and resolute to
his last davs He opposed the ending of the mcreas-
mglv unpopular war with 'Irak (1980-8) until he finally
KHUMAYNI — KHUMS
decided to drink "the cup of poison", and accepted
a ceasefire with 'Irak on 18 July 1988. Two days
later, the 'Irak-based forces of the Islamic radical
group, the mudfShidin-i khalk, attacked western Iran
and were wiped out. In the following weeks, despite
the vehement protest of his successor-designate, Aya-
tullah Muntazin (Muntazin, chs. 9-10), he ordered
the execution of about 3,000 Islamic radicals who had
already served or were serving sentences given them
by revolutionary courts. The incipient collapse of com-
munism in the last year of his life renewed Khumayni's
optimism, and in January' 1989, he told the Soviet
leader Mikhail Gorbachev that he should learn about
Islam as communism now belonged to the museum
of history. Finally, Khumayni caused another inter-
on (fati
sanctioned the death of Salman Rushdie
writer who lived in England.
Khumayni died on 14 Khurdad 1368/3 June 1989.
He was a charismatic leader of immense popularity.
Millions of Iranians massed to welcome him when he
returned as the Imam from exile in 1979, and a mil-
lion or more joined his funeral procession after he
Bibliography: Khumayni, Kashj al-asrar, Tehran
n.d. [1942 or" 1943]; idem, Wilayat-i jaklh, Beirut
1970; idem. A: al-Bay', ii, Nadjaf AH 1391/1971;
H. Ruhani, Barrasf wa tahlTU az nahdat-i Imam
Khumayni, 2 vols. Tehran ASH 1360-4/1981-5; S.A.
Arjomand, The turban for the crown. The hlanric Revo-
lution in Iran, New York 1988; Khumayni, Sahija-i
nur, revised and expanded ed. 1 1 vols. Tehran ASH
1376/1997 (collected speeches, interviews and proc-
lamations); B. Moin, Khomeini. Life of the Ayatullah,
London 1999; Kunginh-i Imam Khumayni wa andishih-i
hukumat-i islami, 22 vols. Tehran 1378/1999-2000
(centennial collection; vol. ix contains a serviceable
bibliography, and vols, iv-viii occasional essays of
interest); Arjomand, Authority in Shi'ism and consti-
tutional developments in the hlamu Republic of Iran, in
W. Ende and R. Brunner (eds.). The Twelvet Shia
in modern times. Religious, cultural and political history,
Leiden 2000, 301-32; H.-'Ali Muntazin, Khatirat
(Memoirs), www.montazeri.com.
(S.A. Arjomand)
KHUMS (a.), a one-fifth share of the spoils
of war and, according to the majority of Muslim
jurists, of other specified forms of income, set
aside for variously designated beneficiaries.
1. In Sunnism.
For the Sunnls, like the Shi" is, the start
for the discussion of khums is Kur'an, VIII,
al khums a\at al-ghamma). The Sunni exegetes take thi
verse to address the spoils of war specifically, bu
beyond that there is widespread disagreement abou
■s of il ■ • •
and the extent of its applicability after the death
of the Piophet (Ibn al-'Arabl, A". al-Kabas, ed. Walad
Karim, Beirut 1992, ii, 600). Although the institution
of the khums is often regarded as replacing the pre-
Islamic right of the commander to one-fourth (mirba')
of the booty (al-Wakidi, K al-Maghazi, ed. J.M.B.
Jones, Oxford 1966, i, 17; Muhammad Rashid Rida,
Tafsir al-manar, Beirut 1420/1999, x, 13; Lane, Lexicon,
iii, 1015; Juynboll, Handbuch, 341), the acquisition of
property, including the khums, through combat is
regarded as unique to Islam among the revealed reli-
gions (Ibn al-Mulakkin, Ghayat al-sulfi khasa'is al-rasul,
ed. 'Abd Allah, Beirut 1414/1993, 260-1; al-'Avnl,
'Umdat al-kdn, ed. Cairo, xv, 41-4).
It is generally held that Kur'an, VIII, 41, abrogates
Kur'an, VIII, 1 (ayat al-anfal), which put the spoils
gained at Badr (2/624) entirely at the disposal of the
Prophet to distribute as he saw fit (al-Kurtubi, al-
Diami' li-ahkdm al-Kur'an, Cairo 1387/1967, viii, 2;
al-Mawardi, al-Ahkam al-sultanhya, Cairo 1386/
1966, 138-9). Kur'an, VIII, 41 would thus have been
revealed some time after Badr, and the rule of the
khums was first implemented, according to some, in
connection with the booty gained in the victory over
the Jewish tribe of Banu Kaynuka' (2/624 [q.v.]).
According to another account, 'Abd Allah b. Djahsh,
shortly before the battle of Badr, on his own initia-
tive set aside for the Prophet one-fifth of the spoils
taken from Kuraysh at Nakhla, the first spoils gained
under Islam, and this rule was later affirmed by the
Kur'an (Ibn Hisham, al-Siia al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Sakka'
el al, Cairo 1375/1955, i, 603-05"," tr. Guillaume,
Oxford 1955, 286-8). Some sources, however, place
the introduction of the khums at other times: at Badr
itself, at the victory over Banu '1-Nadir (4/625) or
over Banu Kurayza (5/627), at the conquest of
Khaybar (7/628) or as late as the battle of Hunayn
(8/630) [q.vv.] (al-Kayrawani, al-Nawadir wa 1-ziyadat,
ed. Hadjdji, Beirut 1999, iii, 221; Ibn Kayyim al-
Djawziwa, ~ad al-ma'ad, ed. al-Arna'ut, Beirut 1419/1998,
v, 63)."
Payment of the khums was taught by the Prophet
as a cardinal religious obligation {'Umdat al-karl, i, 302-
11, bob ada' al-khums mm al-tman, xv, 26-7; Ibn Battal,
Shark sahih al-Bukhaii, ed. Ibrahim, Riyad 1420/2000,
v. 257) and appears among the undertakings required
of certain Bedouin tribes (Ibn Sa'd, i/2, 25, 30;
Caetani, Annali, i, 682, ii/1, 303-04; W.M. Watt,
Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1955, 255-6). Two col-
lectors of the khums who served the Prophet are named:
Mahmiya b. Djaz' and 'Abd Allah b. Ka'b al-Ansari
(al-Khuza'I, Takhrfdf al-dalalat al-sam'iyya, ed. 'Abbas,
Beirut 1405/1985, 509-10). 'All b. Abi Talib was
charged by the Prophet with distributing the portion
of the khums that went to the Prophet's next-of-kin.
ion he
lold ii
caliphate
(Abu Yusuf, A'. al-Kharad^, Cairo 1352, 20).
The common opinion is that, during the lifetime
of the Prophet, the khums was divided into five shares,
with that of God and the Prophet constituting a sin-
gle share [khums al-khums), which the Prophet used for
his own upkeep and that of his family, with any excess
being spent on the needs of the community. A small
minority, including the Basran Kur'an scholar Abu
'l-'Aliya Rufay" b'. Mihran' al-Riyahi (d. 90/708 or
96/714 [q.v.]), and it is sometimes reported, his men-
tor Ibn 'Abbas (d. 68/687-8 [q.v.] ), were of the opin-
ion that there was a distinct sixth portion for God.
This portion, which was as much as the Prophet could
grasp from the booty, was used for upkeep of the
Ka'ba. According to Mukatil b. Sulayman (d. 150/767
[q.v.]), the khums was to be divided into four parts,
with one part representing the shares of God, the
Prophet, and the Prophet's next-of-kin (A: Tafsir al-
khams mi' a aya, ed. Goldfeld, Shfaram 1980, 271), a
mode of division followed by the Ibadis (Ibn Kays,
Mukhtasar al-khisal, 'Uman 1403/1983, 192; al-Kindi,
Bavan al-shar', 'Uman 1414/1993, lxx, 374).
The Shafi'is and Hanbalis continue to recognise
five shares after the death of the Prophet: (1) the
Prophet's share, now used to meet the needs of the
community of Muslims (sahm al-masahh), (2) the share
of the Prophet's next-of-kin (dhu 1-kurba), which goes
to the Hashimis and Muttalibis without regard to
need, with males getting double the share of females,
(3) the orphans (yatama) [see yatim], defined as needy
minors who have no father (4) the indigent [masakin)
who conespond to the pooi and indigent of Kui'an
I\ 60 [see zakat 5 xi] and (5) the tia\ellei defined
as (oi zakat (cf al Badjun Hasina 'ala Ibn hasim al
Ghaz^i ed Cairo n 274) After the Prophet s death
his shaie and that of his family lapsed according to
the Hanafis who appeal to the practice of the fust
foui caliphs as evidence foi this view (A al Khataaj.
19) The Hanafis do howevei give preference to indi-
gent members oi the Prophet s familv under the
iemaimng three classes in recognition of their ineli-
gibility to receive ^akat [see z«at 5 xi] The Mahkis
legard the classes named in Kui'an VIII, 41 as illus-
trative (Ibn Rushd al Mukaddimat ed Hadjdji Beirut
1408/1988 i 357) and treat the entne khums as jar
[q < ] to be expended upon the needs of the Muslims
as the ruler sees fit (Sahnun al Mudauuana ed
Muhammad Benut 1419/1999 u 604) a view dso
adopted bv Ibn Tavmiyva (d 652/1254 [qv]) Thev
do however recommend that distribution of the khums
begin with grants to the Hashimis [al hhirshi 'ala
■nukhtasa, Mali
129)
The obligation of paving the khur
on Muslims (cf al-Daidn al Ska,/, al saghi, ed Wasfi,
Cairo 1972 n 301 on Muslim slaves) Although it
is sometimes stated that onlv Muslims aie eligible to
ieceive the khums (al-Shirazi al Muhadhdhab ed Cano
u 247 Ibn Kudama al hafi ed al-Shafi'i Beirut
1421/2001 iv 183) this lestnction has been said
not to applv to the expenditure of the share for the
needs of the community (al-Ramh Qxa\at al ba\an, ed
Cairo, 345)
The rules for the khums applv specifically to ghanima
[q i ] the spoils of wai taken bv armed force except
according to the Shafi'is (al-Shafi'i A al Umm, ed
Cano iv b4 al-Mawaidi al Haiti al kabir ed
Matiadji Benut 1414/1994 x 429-30) and some
Hanbahs notablv al-khnaki (d 334/945) (Ibn
Kudama al \hghm ed al-Tuiki and il-Hulw Cano
1409/1989 ix 284 286) who fullv extend the appli-
cation of the khums to piopertv taken fiom the enemv
without such displav of foice i e jaf and the Mclikis
who recognise an intermediate category al mukhtass
between ghamma and>>' that includes piopeitv taken
out of enemv territory bv stealth the khums of which
must be pnvatelv distributed bv its takei (al-Rassa*
itharh hudud Ibn '\,aja ed al-Adjfan and al-Ma'mun
Benut 1993 i 229-30) The extent to which khums
is due on propeitv seized bv small gioups of raiders
acting on then own initiative is disputed (al-Taban
Das konstantinoplei Ftagment des hitab Ikhnlaj al Fukalia'
ed Schacht Leiden 1933 78-80 Schacht The ons>ms
of Muhammadan junspmdence Oxford 1950 286)
The bootv subject to division does not include food
consumed bv the combatants or their animals (al
Mudauuana n, bl2-14 al-Kasam Bada't' al sana'i'
ed Mu'awwad and 'Abd al-Mawdjud Benut 1418/
1997 ix 494-6) nor duimg the Piophets lifetime
such bootv as he selected as a peisonal prize (safi)
(A alKharadj, 22-3) The khums is calculated on the
total bootv net such expenses as those incurred foi
its transport and safekeeping and, according to the
Shafi'is and HanbalFs aftei subtraction of the cloth-
ing weapons mounts and other peisonal effects (salab)
of enemv soldiers earned bv the individual Muslim
combatants who have killed or disabled them id
Schacht Origins 70-1) The Hanafis and Mahkis treat
such claims to personal effects as rewards (najal) for
which thev iequne an express grant bv the rulei
pieferablv according to the Milikis after the battle
has ended so as not to compromise the puntv of
motive of the combatants The Mahkis in all cases
satisfv rewards from the khums the Hanafis fiom the
khums if the giant has been made aftei the bootv has
been secured m Islamic territory (ihraz) otherwise from
the four-fifths, the Hanbahs from the four-fifths The
Shafi'is pav rewards fiom the twentv -fifth shaie
devoted to the needs of the community Special allo-
cations (radkh) of the bootv granted to slaves women
and children who participate in the battle but do not
otherwise qualifv as combatants are distubuted fiom
the total bootv according to the Hanafis from the
four-fifths accoiding to the ShafiTs and Hanbahs and
fiom the khums according to the Mahkis who in prin-
ciple disappiove of such special allocations
The iules for the khums applv in the first instance
to moveable property which includes the captuied
slaves of the non-Muslim enemv In the case of com-
batants taken pnsonei and captive women and children
the rule of the khums is applied most straight-
forwardly when these are enslaved and foim part
of the bootv to be divided (cf d-Dasuki al Hashna
'ala alsharh al kabi,, ed Cairo n 184) Theie is dis-
agreement as to ieal property the Shafi'is divide such
property among the combatants and subject it to the
khums the Malikis do not while the Hanafis and
Hanbahs leave the mattei of division to the discre-
tion of the ruler Where the division is of the booty
itself rather than of its sale price, the detei mination
of what constitutes the khums is made by lot, with a
special designation foi the khums [It Hah h I masalih
h msul Allah) (al-Wakidi n 523-4 Ibn Abi Shayba,
al hilab al musannaj ed al-Nadwi Bombay 1402/1982
xn, 429-30 al-Ramh, \iha\at al muhtad} Cairo 1386/
al-Hattab \lauahib al a^ahl ed 'Umayrat
/1995 i
584)
o what
Benut 1-
Theie
can avoid the application of the gen
the division of booty including that of
dedanng that what each combatant tal
rewaid [al hauadir ua I ^nadat m 252
Ban, al Istidhka, ed kal'adji Cairo 14
102-3 Ibn al-Nahhas \la£an' al ashuak
Istanbul! Beirut 1410/1990 u, 1035-b)
many Hanafis the booty taken pursue
it the
detachmc
: (sm
t the e
the c
; of a
patched from within enemy terntorv is not subject
to the khums (al-Djassas ihkam al A ur'an ed Istanbul
m 55 Ibn 'Abidin Radd al muhtar Cairo 1386/19b6
iv 155-7 cf Ibn Nudjaym alBahialm'ik ed Cairo
v 92 C Imbei Ebu s Su'ud the Islamic legal tradition
Stanford 1997 87 [with refeience to a declaration of
this sou on the pan of the Ottoman sultan in
948/1541-2])
The institution of the khums appeal s to have fallen
into neglect fiom an early date The students of Malik
(d 179/79b [qi]) already addressed questions con-
cerning the purchase of slave gnls fiom sellers sus-
pected of not having paid the khums [al \auadir ua
I znadat m 215-b Maaahtb al djahl, iv 5b8-70) as
well as the status of pnvatelv owned Andalusi estates
on which khums was not known to have been paid
at the time of their conquest and, according to the
Mahkis, irregulai distnbution to individuals [al \aitadu
ua I znadat, in, 364-65) Even revivalist movements
such as that of the Almoravids and Almohads found
law of the khums JFP Hopkins Medmal Muslim got
ernment in Barban until the sixth centun oj thi hyra London
1958 28-9 al-Tadjkam al Ihsan al iLami ft I islam
ua tatbikatuhu fi I \laghnb al-Muhammadiyva 1410/
1990 592) The Ottoman mufti Abu Su'ud (d 982/
1547) took it foi gianted that the spoils of war were
not being druded in accordance with the law and
put the buiden of paving khums on the puiehasers
of slave girls (Imber, 87 al-Haskafi al Dun al muntaka
on the margin of Shavkhzada \laaj_ma' al anhur ed
Istanbul 1,651 cf Radd al muhtm iv 157 8)
^akat (cf al-Zurkam al Shaih 'ala muuatta' al imam
Malik ed c A\vad Cairo 1381/1961 n 321) but
regarded bv the HanafTs Malikis and Hanbalis as
analogous to the one-fifth pa\able fiom boot\ is the
one-fifth due upon the disc o\ en undei certain cir-
cumstances unrelated to combat of pie-Islamic trea-
suie as enjoined b\ the hadith (ji I nka^ al khums)
(Malik al Muuatta' ed <Abd al-Baki ed Cairo 170)
The Shafi'is limit this obligation to gold and silver
as that foi ^akat on gold and silvei While the HanafTs
distribute this one-fifth as thev do the khums of booty
IRadd almuhtar iv 139), the Malikis and Hanbalis
class it as fat' to be expended on the needs of the
community and the Shafi'is treat it as ^akat Cl'mdat
alkan lx 104) [see zakat 5 iv] The HanafTs and
to a limited extent the Malikis extend the rule of
one-fifth on treasure to the pioducts of mining (ma'din)
malleable metals, accoiding to the HanafTs (al
Samarkandi Tuhfat al fukahu' ed 'Abd al-Barr
Damascus 1377/1958 i 505-09) pure or vntually
pure pieces of gold and silvei [nadia] according to
the Malikis (al-Daidir al Shaih al saghtr l 653) Th
?-fifth
ven fish
widelv followed (Abu 'Ubayd
al-kasim b Sallam, A al imual ed Fiki ed Cairo
345-8 cf A al hhamdi 70)
The label khums is also found in other senses Looselv
related to the khums on booty is the earlv use of the
term takhmis m N Africa for the taking of Berbei
captives for the service of the state such slaves being
termed akhmas (Hopkins \Uduval Muslim •ihannunt in
Baibary 27-8 Dozy Suppl i 404) In Egypt the term
khums was applied to a tax of variable percentage
apparently of Fatimid ongm that was imposed on
the sale bv foreign merchants of imported merchan-
dise (H Rabie Tht financial system of Egypt London
1972 90-3)
Bibliography In addition to references in the
text see Muhammad al-Fatih Ahkam ua atha, al
ihums ji I iktisad al islam, dua\a mukaiana Cairo
1988 Najib Abdul Wahhab al-Fih A (ritual edition
of hitab al imual by \bu Ja'far b \asr al Dauudi (d
401 IH) PhD diss Exeter Umvcrsitv 1989
unpubl Arab 3-24 English 78-94 Ibn al-'Aiabi
ihkam al Kur' an ed al-Bidjawi Cano 1387/1967
n 82 3-8 843-54 'Uthman Ibn Fudi Bayan luidiub
al hidira 'ala I'ibad ed El Masn Khartoum 1978
90-2 ti 112-14 Ibn Hazm al \luhalla ed al-
Bindan Beirut nd v 385ff Ibn Rushd Bidayat
almuditahid ed Cairo i 3 32-3 tr I A. Is. Nvazee
The distinguished jurist r prima London 1994 l 466-
8 Faradj b Hasan al-Tmran al-KatifT al Mums 'ala
I madhahib al khamsa Nadjaf 1961 (elemental) al
Mausu'a al fikhiyya, Kuwavt 1400-/1980- xi 59-62
(takhmis) xx 10-21 (khums) xxm 98-108 (rikaj
Tahawi Shaih ma'am al a that ed al-Nadjdjar and
Djad al-Hakk Beirut 1414/1994 m 29 3-6 (epistle
of 'LImar b 'Abd al-'Aziz on fay' and booty also
in al-Malla' al hitab al d}_ami' li suat 'I mai b 'Abd
al'i^K ed al-Bumu Beirut 1416/19% i 300-05
cf Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam Si, at 'I ma, b 'Abd al
'•U ed 'Ubivd Damascus 1385/1966 96) NP
Aghmdes Mohammedan theories of finance New "ioik
1916 409-21 M Hanndulhh Muslim conduit of
state Lahore 1945 2 37-42 \\ F Madelung The
Haslumiyyat of al Kumayt and Hashim, Sh'imi, in Stud
LI lxx (1989) 5-26 M A. S Siddiqi Early dc clop
mint of ^akat lau and i,t,had Karachi 1403/1983
(index) JB Simonsen Studus in th, K ,„es,s and eatly
dadopmtnt of the caliphal taxation systim Copenhagen
1988 63-7 (A Zvsovv)
2 In Shi'ism
Imami and Zavdi Shi'i jurisprudence concerning
khums diflei in significant wavs from those outlined in
Sunm fikh The wealth liable foi khums- the means of
its collection and distribution and the constitution of
the recipient categories (asnaf ) form the ma]or topics
of debate within both junstic traditions The main
kur'anic reference is \ III, 41 ( Know that what you
acquire a fifth is for God his Prophet the near rel-
atives orphans the needv and the wayfarei I Whilst
Sunm exegetes consider this verse to relate to wai
booty (ghanima [q i ]) Imami and Zaydi wnteis asso-
to refer to wealth moie generallv
In the Imami tradition theie aie repents to sup-
port such a definition Evervthing fiom which the
people gain benefit is ghanima the Imam al-Rida (d
203/818) is reported as saying A numbei of akhba,
refer to the Imams original owneiship of the woild
and its produce leg all the earth is oms and what
God bungs forth fiom it is also ours al-Kulaym [d
328/939] haf, i 408) The khums theiefoie was
age of the harvest to the landowner
Since the Kur'anic veise appears in the midst of
l discussion of wai some exegetical effort was lequned
to ieinforce this interpretation This noimally began
with a grammatical analvsis of the term ghanima and
the \nb ghanima (see al-Tusi [d 460/1067] Mabsut
n 64 where the veib means acquiring something
with the purpose of turning it to profitable use ) This
was suppoited bv other akhba i (eg a fifth of the
earth is ours and a fifth of all things is ours al-
Tusi Tahdhib iv 12 3)
The items liable foi /hums were defined in both
collections of akhba, and works of fikh In the earli-
est works of fikh the discussions formed part of the
kitab al ^akat or occasionallv kitab al fay' ita I ghanima
a sepaiate kitab al khums (located after the kitab al
^akat) latei became the noim (see eg Muhammad b
Makki al-Shahid il-Awwal id 786/1384) al Lum'a al
dimashkma 45-bl The earliest categorisation of tax-
able wealth comprised bootv pioduce ot the sea
obscure in iderence was interpieted through juristic
profit (from Hade agncultuie and craft) dhimmi land
bought by a Muslim and halal goods mixed with
haiam ones This made seven categories in all
(see such a categorisation in al-Muhakkik [d 676/
1277] Sharai' i 179-8L These categones once est tb-
hshed remained lemarkablv stable in the subsequent
tradition
\\ hen present the Imam rec eiv es and distributes
the khumi (though he mav it seems appoint a rep-
resentative) The khums following Kur'an Mil 41
is distributed amongst the six categories mentioned
(God the Prophet the near relatives the orphans
the needv and the wayfarers) A minontv of jurists
aigued that the shares of God and the Piophet weie
actually one (hence there are five not six lecipients
see Zayn al-Dih 'All al-Shahid al-Thani [d 966/1588],
Masdlik, n, 470), but this opinion was not populai
The juristic reasoning (authoritatively summed up in
the later tradition by al-Nadjaffs [d 1266/1850] com-
mentary on al-Muhakkik's Shard'i' al-Nadjafi, ^aadhir,
iv, 1-102) proceeded as follows God's share was clearly
owned by the Prophet, and he could dispose of it as
he saw fit After the Prophet's death, the two shares
(of God and the Prophet) were, through inheritance,
due to the Imam The share of the "near relatives"
was also due to the Imam, since the) were the heads
of the ahl al-bayt after the Prophet's death The Imam,
when present, was, then, due half the khums The
remaining shares were distributed by the Imam The
verse might indicate that the orphans, needy and waj-
faiers weie fiom the population geneially (as aigued
by Ibn Hamza Prang in 566/1170] in his al-\Yaslla,
718), though mostjunsts argued that these three cat-
egories applied to the family of the Prophet (the Banu
Hashim) A minont) also aigued that descendants of
Hashim's brothei (Muttalib) were also included (anal-
ogous to the sayyid status of descendants ot both al-
Hasan and al-Husayn see Zayn al-Dln 'AIT al-Shahid
al-Thani, Sharh allum'a al dimashkma, 57-8), but this
did not become the influential position
The absence of the Imam through occupation pro-
sided the jurists with an opportunity to link the dis-
cussion with the vexed issue of community leadership
during the ghayba [q i ] Was khums during the ghayba
lapsed (sakit) because the Imam could not collect it
in person (a view attributed to Salai al-Daylami [d
463/1 07 l]l ? This position was rejected quite earl) on
in the tradition Other solutions were proposed, such
as burying one's khums in anticipation of the Imam's
return (attributed to Ibn Banadj [d 481/1099]) or
placing the khums in a perpetual will, until the Imam's
return Some junsts (Ibn Idns [d 598/1202], Sara'ir,
l 502-4) maintained that the option of a will applied
only to the Imam's share (l e one half) The remain-
ing three shares are distributed to the recipients (per-
haps b> the individual himself) Ibn Idiis's assertion
that the Imam's share must be pieserved, pending his
return, was not developed turther Foi al-Muhakkik,
the Imam had given the Shi'a permission (idhn) to
use his property generally, and his khums specifically,
during his absence This did not constitute using a
person's properly without permission The khums, ac-
cording to al-Muhakkik, was distributed by "the one
who possesses authority through delegation (nnabaf
(Shara'i', i, 184) Al-'Allama al-Hilli (d 726/1325) iden-
tified the person as al hakim (a reference to al hakim
al shar'i, sc a member of the jukaha') These termi-
nological shifts became more nuanced until the time
of the Safawid jurist, al-Sabzawari (d 1090/1679),
who wrote that the khums should be given to "the
worthy recipients through the auspices of the just faiili
who is qualified to give fatal:," (Kifaya, 45), that is,
the mudjtahids should recene and distribute the khums
This continues to be the position up to the present
day Naturalh those 'ulama' who were also sayyidb
benefited financially but, more importantly , the author-
ity of the fukaha' (as in other areas of furii') was
enhanced The contributions obviously aided the inde-
pendence of the 'ulama' from the Kadjar state, and
may have provided part of the financial base foi the
'ulam
, 20th-C(
Zay dr discussions of khums bear some similarities to
both lmami and Sunnl views The important work,
alAzJiar, of the Zaydi Ahmad b Yahya al-Murtada
(d 836/1432) provides a useful summary of thiee
categories of produce liable for khums. the produce of
the "land and sea" (al-ban wa 'l-bahr), wai booty and
the ongoing revenue aftei a campaign This repre-
sents an expansion of the Sunnl system of categori-
sation In the subsequent commentaries on al-Azhar,
Zaydi jurists (eg Ibn Miftah [d 877/1472] and al-
Shawkani [d 1250/1834]) elaborated on this brief
explanation The produce of the land and sea included
the produce gained from fishing and farming (with
some restrictions) as well as precious stones and metals
obtained through mining Also included was treasure
(kunuz) found by the Muslim but buried during the
dfShili period War booty encompassed the boot) from
wais with both non-Muslims (ahl al-harb) and non-
Zaydi Muslims (ahl al-bagfo) The ongoing revenue
after a campaign included produce from land seized
from the enemy, the khardd) (land-tax) and the dfi^ia
(the tax on non-Muslim communities living under
Muslim control) It might be argued that Zaydi jurists
envisaged an even larger amount of revenue as liable
to khums than their Imam! counterparts
In Za) (S Jtkh, the khums is to be transferred to the
Imam when he demands it When there is no legit-
imate Imam in power, the Azhdr recoids that the
(Zaydi) Muslims must collect and distribute it them-
selves The governance of an Imam does not affect
the duty to give and distribute khums The continued
existence of a Zaydi Imam (though with limited
the discussion of delegation (nndba) characteristic of
the lmami tradition
The distribution of khums, according to the Zaydis,
should ber according to the established six categories
of recipients For al-Harunl (d 424/1032), God's share
i* to be spent b> the Imam on general benefits, such
as mosques and ioads (masalih) The Prophet's share
goes to the Imam who can spend it on his family
home and servants The near-relatives' share is dis-
tributed without regard foi age, wealth or sex, to the
descendants of the Prophets (with a broad definition
of which lines of descent are to be included) The
only restriction is that the descendants must recog-
nise the Zaydi Imam {mutamassik 1 ' bi I hakk h imam
al muslimm) The three portions for the orphans needy
and wayfarers of the Prophet's descendants can be
diverted if there aie no such persons within the
Prophet s descedants First, the portions are available
for the descendants of the Prophet If unexhausted,
the portions are distributed amongst the muhadjirun, if
not, then amongst the ansar, and if not these last
then amongst the orphans, needy and wayfarers of
the i est of the Muslim community (al-Haruni, Tahm,
i, 166) Though Zaydi thought on khums bears some
resemblance to lmami Jikh (e g the expansion of the
definition of goods liable for khums), it avoids the con-
tentious issues of 'ulama' authority present in the lmami
The Isma'ili Shi'I tradition produced \er\ little in
terms of juristic literature, but one can conclude that,
in terms of khums, it was much closer to the Sunnis
than eithei Zaydi or lmami fikh In al-Kadl al-
Nu'man's (d 363/974 [qv]) Da'a'im al islam, khums is
discussed in the context of the kitab al djihad, mainly
through citations of repoits from Imam 'All The
implication is that khums is only due on war booty
The resultant junspiudence could fit well within the
Sunnl ikhhlaf [qi] on the issue
Bibliography A Foi Twelver Shi'ism
1 Texts Muhammad b Ya'kub al-Kulayni, al hafi
f Mm aldin, Tehran 1388/1968, Ibn Hamza, al
Wasila, m al Qauami' aljikhma, Kum 1279/1859,
Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Tusi, al Alabsut, Tehran
1378/1958 idem Tahdhib al ahkam Nadjaf 1959
Muhammad Ibn Idns Saia n al Nam Kum n d
al Muhakkik al Hilh Shara i al Islam Kum
1374/1954 Muhammad b Makki il Shahid al
^wwal alLuma al dim ash km a Kum 1415/1994
Zavn al Din b All al Shahid al Thim Masalik
alijham Beirut 1414/1993 idem Sham al lum a al
dunashkma Kum 1413/1992 Muhammad Bakir il
Sabzawan hija\at al ahkam Kum n d Muhammad
Hiian al Nadjaff Djauahu al kakm Benut 1312/1992
2 Studies A Sachedma il Kliunn tin Jifth in tilt
Imami Shi, legal n stem in J\F S xxxix (198(1) 275
89 N C alder Khwm in Imami Shi i junspiudtnie jrom
tht knth to the sntttnth antun iD in BSOiS xlv
(1982) 39 47 Sachedina Tht just rultr in Shi ih Islam
Oxford 1988 237 45
B Foi Zavdi and Isma ill Shi ism
1 Ttxls al Kadi al Nu man Da a im al Islam C lire,
1370/1951 lahya alHaium Kitab al Tahm Sin i
1418/1997 Ahmad b al Murtada and Ibn Miftah
Sharh al ijiar Cano 1357 Muhamm id b All al
Shawkani al Sail al djarrar Cairo 1 WO Mimad b
Kasim al lamini al Tad} al mudhahhab shaih main
al \Jiar Cano 1380/1900 iR Gle^ve)
KHURAFA [see hikava I]
KHUWWA (colloquial A said to be ot Nadjdi on
inn Baithelemv 224) also khaua both horn the root
kh u (Lindbeig 712) tcims used m the Syinn
deseit its boidei lands and noithein Arabia to relei
nn pav
sied I
3edouir
34 3bi In these highlv
Bedouimsed aieas e\en tnbute pud bv one sedcntirv
gioup to anothei »is sometimes cilled khaua (Musil
ir Pttr in b7 09 Mid Euphi 72) m Syn i the teim
shaikh (details in Oppenheim n <>5|
Walhn (122 129) reported thtt kha m was le\ied
bv almoi
he distu
genun
lies thiee groups who pud it villigeis
weak nomiaic tribes (especnllv those not considered
to be title Bedouin lor instince the sjiaana [q J)
ind people ciossing the desert (mere hints came is
tiavellersl The Bedouin look on the legions whete
thev live as being divided into tnbil tcmtoiies and
Walhn suggested that the pavments to i tube were
made in exchange loi the right to be in the terntoiv
ol that tube and to enjov its piotection The degiee
of protection offeied varied gie itlv a village might
porarv cessation of then depiedations while l client
tube oi l caravin might receive not meielv piotec
t robberv and othei oflences (when com
1 bv i
mbeis
:ting t
it least also in othei
mficition Khuv.ua was paid (in cash oi kind) to the
iAuiAA or leading men of the Bedouin tube Some
tributaries paid a fixed imount collected annuallv in
an ordeilv fishion but villagers often hid noimdic
biothers whose biutil khuuu a collecting visits weie
scucelv distinguishable from rnds (Schumicher 144
offers in eve witness account) Foi certun tubes — oi
portant souice of income (see Musil ir Petr m 52 3
foi an example) and it least in some instances the
able (Lancaster 122)
\% governments became strongei during the 19th
ind 20th centuries thev weie able to suppiess exic
tions of this kind and though khuuu a wis still being
1 Leb.n
■ when
is th it khuuua and words from the s"
used t
refer
confined to the Masbnk (though sue
to have been used in North Mnca to retei to some
thin., related to tnbute see 'v.bu Lughod 82 and
Dunn 70) but the prictiee of paying tnbute to pow
eiful nomadic tribes was once well nigh universal in
the 'v.iab woild [see him« ^ n d) (3) (b)] The terms
most widelv used in the Maghrib appeal to be khajara
[q ] or ghafara and other wolds from the same roots
(Probstei 395) words from these roots in the same
in the Mashnk
(Cor
■ Dozv
n Noil
i 38b
i 217 18) Other
s the
Deseit ot Egypt and in Cyienuci
who cl umed that the hnd was their
t pivmcnt called sadaka from the sut
(Djiv,
i the YVes
172 Pete
i the V
c paid
r tribes went b\ the n
and gharama (and also ghafai) to say nothing of other
woids tint ielerred to piyments exacted from seden
tirv popuhtions (Caro Buoji 34 42 Stewut 5b 8)
Khuuua is not sanctioned bv Islamic law and the
d bv sc
tubes t
Rashid dv nasty of
illed khuuua \patt Al R isheed 113
[q i ] (Euting u index s v ^tka
, thos
rapln
. \\ il
in JRGS xxiv (1854) 115 207 i
m irahia London 1979 C Doughty Tia tls ,
irtibia Destita Cambridge 1888 i 35 39 123 1 3(
152 200 287 it passim F Sathiu Rust in Svit
und Mtsopotanntn I cipzig 1889 311 J Eutms
Tajuth tmtr Rase in Inntr Arabun Leiden 189b 191-
M von Oppenheim lorn Mittilmur Jim Pnsist/u
Golf Berlin 1899 1900 \ Musil iiabia Pttiata n
\ienni 1908 idem Tht Uiddlt Euphratts New i oi
1927 idem \orthtm htgd New Wk 192c
\ Jiussen ind J Siv.gnac Mission arthtoloyqut t
irabit Pans 1909 22 i 472 4 G Schumache
I nun iibutin in, (hl,ordanlandt Mil in ~DPl -
(1917) 143 70 C de Lmdberg Gloisam datinoi
Leiden 1920 42 t, Probstei Pruattigtntum un
Kolhktiiwmr
dts Uajhnb in Islamtta iv (1931) 343 51
lelemy Dutwimam arahe /ratals Pins
Combe i nott qafar khafara in BSOiS
790 J Caio Buoji Estudioi sahantmc
19,5 j Henmm
35
i imbun
1973 RE Dunn
1977 W Ianca'
C imbndge
1959) b 5b lepi with
la Freibuig 1989 Rifit
hui Cmo 1901 C C
4er m Mauritania Oxfoid
Tht Rita
i tin t
Bedoui
Mini id Wis
7akinvvi hjia u al Sham Damiscus 1983 293 9
(copied m pirt from <\wdi al Kusus al Kada a
badau tinman 1972 104) Mimad Uwivdi i
'vbbadi Mukaddima li dnasat al asha n al urdiinnny
taiMi 1985 243 7 I Abu Lughod hiltil sentimmt
Berkelev 198b Luns al Ra i al Taghcmm al ultima
at ikhsadi fi rnuajtama bada u Tripoli iLebinoi
1987 FL Peters Tht Btdouin of ( imiaua Cambnds
London 1991 Muhammad 'vbd Allah al Zi ill
KHUWWA — KIRGIZSTAN
ImaratAlRashidfiHa'il, 'Amman 1997; A. Shryock,
.Nationalism and genealogical imagination, Berkeley 1997,
index s.v. khawa. (F.H. Stewart)
KIRGIZSTAN, KIRGIZSTAN (official designa-
tions, Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyz Respublikasy), the small-
est of the five Central Asian republics
emerging from the collapse of the Soviet Union, with
an area of 198,500 km- (77,415 sq. miles), and with
boundaries adjoining China 858 km, Kazakstan 1051
km, Tadjikistan 870 km and Uzbekistan 1099 km.
Kyrgyzstan is landlocked, like most of its neighbours.
In 1999 it had a population of 4,823 million, its eth-
nic composition at various points in the 20th century-
being shown in Table 1 as percentages of the whole
Russians are concentrated in the capital and in the
north, Uzbeks in the south (Osh and Djalalabad
provinces). Changes in the ethnic composition of the
Kyrgyzstani population are explained by much lower
fertility among the Russians and other Europeans and
massive outmigration of the "European" groups since
the late 1980s. In the earlier Soviet period, the drop
in the Kyrgyz population was linked to the crisis fol-
Kyrgyz, the official language, belongs to the north-
western group of Turkic languages [see turks. II (v),
and for Kyrgyz literature, III. 6 (el]. Russian was
declared an official language in territories and work
places where Russian dominates in March 1996, and
is now termed the "language of inter-ethnic commu-
nication". Uzbek is granted no official status. The
capital has been called Bishkek since 1993 (750,000
inhabitants in 1999), Frunze in Soviet times since
1926, and Pishpek [q.v.] before then. Other towns
include Talas [see taraz] in the northwest and Osh
and Ozkend [q.u.] in the Farghana valley. Regarding
try, is rich in water and has a high potential in hydro-
electric power (Toktogul dam on the Naryn river,
built 1962-75). Coal was mined for Central Asian con-
sumption. After independence, gold has been deemed
to be worthwhile exploiting (the Komtur gold field).
The country is divided into two main geographic
zones by the Tien Shan mountains, with their high-
est peaks in the far eastern corner (Pik Pobedy, Zengish
Cokusu, 7,439 m), and the Pamir Alai range. To the
north, the hills slope down to the great steppe zone
of Semirecye [see yeti su], to the south, they border
on the Farghana valley [see farghana]. Most of
Kyrgyzstan is thus mountainous (40% of it over 3,200
m/ 10,000 feet). Arable land makes up a mere 7% of
the area, whereas pastures account for more than
40%.
1. Pre-colonial history.
The area where the Kyrgyz Republic is situated
was never defined as a political unit before Soviet
times. It was, however, at the centre of the Karakhanid
khanate [see ilek-khans] from the 4th/ 10th to the
7th/ 13th centuries, and the khans had one of their
capitals at Balasaghun [q.v.] with an appanage centre
at Ozkend, both situated within the boundaries of
present-day Kyrgyzstan. A first wave of Islamisation
occurred during this period; before. Buddhism,
Nestorian Christianity and local cults prevailed. After
the Mongol invasions, the area was part of the
Caghatay ulus [see mogholistan] , and Islam receded
as a consequence, primarily in the northern part of
the country, remaining strong, however, in the
Farghana valley. It is not altogether clear when eth-
nic Kyrgyz came to the region; this point depends
on whether the different groups thus called can be
seen as ethnically and linguistically continuous [see
Kirghiz]. At any rate, many of the former Moghol/
Caghatayid subjects now became known as Kyrgyz.
The second wave of Islamisation among these people
began in the late 16th century, but Islamisation was
apparently still going on under the influence of Kokand
[see khokand] in the 19th century.
2. The Russian colonial period.
The Russian advance into what is now Kyrgyzstan
was aided by a number of Kyrgyz delegations to St.
Petersburg and to the Russian authorities in Siberia
asking for help against the Khokand khanate, which,
by 1830 had gained at least formal authority over
the Kyrgyz tribes. In 1862, Kyrgyz contingents fought
alongside Russian soldiers to take the fort of Pishpek,
and when Russia liquidated the Khokand khanate in
1876, all of the Kyrgyz tribes had formally submit-
ted to Russian rule (V.M. Ploskikh, Kirgizi i kokand-
skoe khanstKo, Frunze 1977). The area they inhabited
fell into the Governorates of the Steppes and of
Turkistan, and there was continuous reshuffling of the
administrative organisation. Russian rule at first did
not deeply affect local affairs, but this changed soon
with the influx of settlers into the Semirecye region
(northern Kyrgyzstan); migration reached its highest
levels in the years immediately preceding World War
I. In the Semirecye, between 1903 and 1913 about
4.5 million ha were allotted to settlers, thus provok-
ing a drop of about one quarter in livestock. Land
issues, as well as ethnic conflicts and accelerated social
differentiation among the Kyrgyz, are seen behind the
great steppe uprising in 1916, which was triggered by
a decree to recruit local people as labourers in sup-
port of Russia's war effort. The rebellion was crushed,
lea\ing an unknown number of Kyrgyz dead; about
a third of the Kyrgyz population is said to have fled
to China, partly returning after the Revolution in
1917. Again, the Kyrgyz herds decreased by about
60% (D. Brower, Kyrgyz nomads and Russian pioneers.
Colonization and ethnic conflict in the Turkistan reiolt of
1916, in Jahrbucher jur Geschuhh O\teuropas NF xh\
[1996], 41-53).
3. Soviet times.
The Russian Revolution pio\oked the creation of
new Kyrgyz and Kyrgyz /Kazak organisations, at first
locals were reluctant to participate in the institutions
created by Russians. Local ("Muslim' ) organisations
included the Alash Orda [see kazakstan, in Suppl.],
Shura-yi isldmtyya (founded in Khokand in April 1917)
and Bukara (from Ar. Jhkara' "paupers"). National
demands came to the fore, and federal structures were
demanded in a number of meetings (e.g. the First
All-Russian Muslim Conference held at Moscow in
May 1917). All of them were intent on preserving
local interests, above all regarding the land question,
against Russian encroachments.
During the civil war, Kyrgyzstan changed masters
several times. The "Turkistan Autonomy" (November
1917-February 1918) was a short-lived attempt at cre-
ating a state structure in the Farghana valley and one
of the origins of the Basmaci guerilla movement, which
became strong enough to pose a threat to Osh,
Djalalabad and Naryn in late 1919. In the north,
Alash Orda struggled between Whites and Reds to
conserve a measure of regional autonomy. But in the
end, Mikhail Frunze led the Red Army to success.
In April 1918 the territory of the Kyrgyz was
included into the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet
Socialist Republic. Only in 1922 was the question of
a separate representation of the Kyrgyz raised; until
then, the ethnonym "Kyrgyz" had denoted those peo-
Ukrainians 1.
Germans 0.4
Tatars 0.9
Kyrgyz"
to the Kaz;
other
in any
■ formei
arakyrgyz "
Alash mei
nked
within the Bols
ation of a "Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Mountain
District", arguing that the splitting of the Kyrgyz over
several administrative units was detrimental to their
development as a nation. The district was to include
the northern foothills as well. This move was at first
viewed positively by party and state organs, but
quashed later in 1922. Thus, the "Kara Kyrgyz" had
to wait until the national demarcation {razmezevanie) in
the second half of 1924 (the date retained was the
decision taken by the Central Executive Committee
of the USSR— TsIK SSSR— on 27 October 1924);
this process provided them, for the first time in their
recorded history, with a state-like structure in the form
of an "autonomous district" {avtonomnaya oblast') within
the Russian Federation (not the Kazak ASSR). Soon
afterwards, the structure was promoted into an
Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), still
within the Russian Federation (1 February 1926).
Status as a full member of the Soviet Union was
achieved when the new Soviet Constitution was pro-
claimed on 5 December 1936, which counted eleven
republics, among them the Kirgiz Soviet Socialist
Republic.
Until then, the country had undergone significant
change in line with the general evolution (for better
or worse) within the Soviet Union. For the nomadic
Kyrgyz the collectivisation of agricultural land (for
which a ruthless campaign was launched in 1929)
meant that they were forced to settle lR. Eisener,
"Konterrevolution auf dem Lande". £ur inncrm Suherheitslage
in Mitteltuien 1929/30 am der Sunt der OGPl\ Berlin
1999 [ANOR, no. 6]). This again meant a sharp drop
in livestock (from 3.8 million to 2.3 million in 1931-2
sheep and goats dropped from 3.1 million in 1924
to just under 1 million in 1932; livestock reached the
levels of the late 1920s again only by the 1950s or
later) and widespread famine; though the Kazak steppe
regions were hardest hit, Kyrgyzstan also was a dis-
aster area. Repression was rampant; in 1932 during
tax collection, more than 100 persons were shot (U
istokov khgizskoy natsional'nov gosudaistvennosti, Bishkek
1996, 121). No reliable figures are available for human
losses in this period, but they must have been mas-
sive. Hence by 1940, almost all Kyrgyz farmers worked
In 1938, as in other parts of the Soviet Union the
local intelligentsia was physically destroyed togethei
with the "old guard" of revolutionaries. This included
some of the former Alash members who were involved
in the affairs surrounding the "Social Turan Party".
Industrialisation was one of the main targets of
Soviet development policies, and during the first Five-
Year Plans, coal mining was developed, but also metal
working and industries related to the agricultural pro-
duction of the country (textiles, foodstuffs, meat).
Nevertheless, Kyrgyzstan has remained a largely agri-
In the post-Stalin period (beginning with the XXth
Congress of the CPSU in 1956), developments in
Kyrgyzstan closely followed the general Soviet pat-
tern. This meant that a precarious balance was estab-
lished by the Republic's leadership between utter
devotion to the centre and the slow but irresistable
localisation of decision making, using patron-client-
relationships to a very large extent (O. Roy, The new
Central Asm. The creation of nations, London 2000). These
networks tend to have a regional basis; in Kyrgyzstan,
this means the south-north divide. Whereas the last
Soviet leaders were southerners, the new leadership
is northern. During Turdakun Usunbaev's term as the
party's first secretary (1961-85, when he was removed
by the new leadership under Gorbachev), Kyrgyzstan
was increasingly unable to attract new capital invest-
ment, and the republic was the second poorest part
of the Soviet Union (after Tadjikistan).
4. Independence and after.
In the case of Kyrgyzstan, national independence
was spurred by an outburst of communal violence in
Osh between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in the summer of
1990, with land shortages and poor representation of
Uzbeks as background. This led to the election of an
outsider as chairman to the Supreme Soviet (28
October 1990), Askar Akaev, who came to be the
only president in the new Central Asian republics not
to have held high party office before. Akaev was re-
elected president on 24 December 1995 (75"o ol
expiessed \otes) and again on 29 October 2000 (74 5"o
of expressed votes, but major competitors were pre-
Kvrgvzstan won its independence on 31 August
1991 The country has made rapid moves towards
democracv and a maiket-onented economv earning
the label of Central Asias island of demon acv this
charactensation has been questioned since moie auto-
cratic features ha\e appealed Economicallv crisis has
bordeied on collapse during the first vears of inde-
pendence the GDP plummeting bv aiound 45" o in
1992-5, industrial pioduction bv neailv two-thirds and
agriculture bv around one-thnd Again as in othei
crises all thiough the 20th century reduction in live-
stock numbers is a good indicatoi sheep and goats
KIRGIZSTAN — KITA
fell from 8,741,000 heads in 1993 to a mere 3,716,000
in 1997. Inflation has also been a major problem
since the creation of a national currency, the mm, in
1993; soaring up to more than 1000% in 1992-3, it
has been down to 18% in 1998, rising again to 36%
in 1999 in the aftermath of the financial crisis in
Russia. In spite of this, the GDP was up by 3.6%
in 1999, mainly due to over-average agricultural pro-
now (2000-1) as in the latter 1990s.
Kyrgyzstan faces serious security problems, mainly
in the Farghana region. In 1999 and 2000, Islamists
from northern Tadjikistan have made incursions into
Kyrgyzstani territory. Previously, security had not been
a priority issue for the Kyrgyzstani government, but
in 2001, military expenditure was increased by 250%.
Linked to this is the drug traffic (cannabis, but mostly
opiates from Afghanistan and Tadjrkistan), making
Osh one of its major hubs in Central Asia. Other
transnational problems include an increasing water
problem (downstream Uzbekistan and Kazakstan
depend on water supplies from Kyrgyzstani sources;
water demand has increased by over 25% during the
last decade).
The nation-building process involves a re-interpre-
tation of the past, focussing on attempts at statehood
in the more distant past and a re-evaluation of the
early Kyrgyz nationalists, including those who fell vic-
tim to the Stalinist purges.
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article): F. Willfort, Turkestanisches Tagebuch,
Vienna 1930 (eye-witness of 1916 uprising and of
events in 1917); G.K. Krongardt, Naselenie Kirgizstana
vo vtorm polomne XlX-nacale XX v., Bishkek 1997;
Istoriya Kirgizstana: XX vek, Pod obshcey redaktsiey
U. Tsotonova, Bishkek 1998; J. Anderson, Kyr^zstan.
Central Asia's island of democracy? , Amsterdam 1999;
Osnovnie itogi pervoy natsional'noy perepifi nasleniya
Mrgizskoy Respublikt 1999 goda, Bishkek 2000.
(J. Paul[
KIRMANl, HADJDJ MUHAMMAD KARIM
KHAN [see shaykhiyya. 2].
KISAKUREK, Necip Fazjl (1905-83), Turkish
poet who wrote metaphysical poems of anxiety, dark-
ness, loneliness and death, and whose tone became
progressively mystical and, at the end, dogmatically
religious. Already a bohemian as a student of phi-
losophy in Istanbul, he continued a life of gambling,
drinking and womanising as he worked first as a bank
inspector and then as a teacher at various post-sec-
ondary schools in Ankara. Meeting the Nakshbandi
sheykh Abdulhakim Arvasi in 1934 became a turning
point in his life by providing an answer in religion
for his spiritual and intellectual crises. He quit his job
in 1942 in order to devote all his time to writing
and publishing. He published two journals: Agaf
("Tree", 1936), and Buyuk dogu ("The Great East",
1943-78). He was politically active in religious causes,
and used especially Buyuk dogu as an ideological
platform.
Although he also wrote short stories, novels, mono-
graphs on as diverse topics as Imam 'All, 'Abd ul-
Hamld II and Namik Kemal, and plays of which the
most noteworthy is Bir adam yaratmak ("To create a
man", 1938), Kisaktirek is first and foremost admired
as a poet. With his first three books of poetry, he
was hailed as a new voice in Turkish poetry. The
tone of feverish nightmare in his early poems is cre-
ated by striking, sometimes erotically charged images,
by paradoxical metaphors of being and nothingness
which dissolve into each other, and by experiments
with the lengths of syllables that play with the tradi-
tional syllabic measure of Turkish folk poetry. After
his conversion, he publicly disowned all but a few of
his previous poems. His lifelong goal was to create
one definitive book which would include all of his
poems. He achieved this with Cile ("Suffering", 1974),
which has 385 poems. In his later poems, the tone
is of impatient waiting for death because he believed
that the terror of death and loneliness ended in dying
and uniting with God. He defines a poem as a thought
stated in emotional terms, and argues that the struc-
ture of a poem should be completely absorbed by the
theme. Details of his life can be found in his two
books of memoirs: re ben ("He and I", 1974) and
Babiali (1975).
Bibliography: 1. English translations of
some of his poems appear in Talat Sait Halman,
(ed.), Contemporary Turkish literature, New Jersey,
London and Toronto 1982, 353-4; Feyyaz Kayacan
Fergar (ed.). Modem Turkish poetry, Herts. 1992,
62-3; Kemal Silay (ed.), An aYthology of Turkish
literature, Indiana 1996, 394-6.
2. Studies. Hasan gebi, Biitun yonleriyle Necip
Fazil Kisakurekm fiiri, Ankara 1987; Ahmet Oktay,
Cumhuriyet ddnemi edebiyati 1923-50, Ankara 1994,
989-1015; Biitun yonleriyle Neap Fazil, Ankara 1994;
M. Orhan Okay, Neap Fazil Kisakurek, Istanbul 1998.
(SlBEL EROL)
KIT'A (A.), pi. kita', or mukatta'a, pi. mukatta'at, lit-
erally "piece, part cut off from the whole, segment".
As a literary concept kit'a denotes a form of poetry.
1. In Arabic poetry
A kit'a or mukatta'a is a short monothematic poem
or fragment of a poem, in contrast to the long (often
polythematic) poem, the kasida [?.».]. The term kit'a
can actually denote a piece or part of a longer poem
(e.g. poetic quotes in anthologies) [see mukhtarat].
However, it is, in particular, independent short poems
that are named thus (in rare cases, they are also
termed kisar al-kasa'id; see al-Djahiz, A^ al-Hayawan,
iii, 98). Western scholars usually equate kasida and
kit'a with polythematic and monothematic poems
respectively, while indigenous Arab critics in general
consider only the length of a poem as a criterion for
distinguishing between the two forms (cf. van Gelder,
Brevity, 79 f). They could, however, never agree on
the number of verses that determines the borderline
between the two forms. Ibn Rashik names seven or
ten verses ('Umda, i, 188-9) as the lower limit for a
kasida; other numbers are mentioned as well, however
(cf. van Gelder, 79-80). According to the Arab, and
in contradistinction to the Persian, critics, the non-
existence, of an opening verse (matla') with internal
rhyming (tasri c ) does not count as a criterion for the
kit'a. As a matter of fact, there are more than enough
kit'as containing such opening verses even in the ear-
liest times. Thoughts as to the purpose for which the
ancient Arabs preferred short poems have already
been formulated within the context of pre-systematic
criticism. Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala' and al-Khalil b. Ahmad
[<].w.] are said to have remarked on this: they were
used whenever a poem had to be memorised. Others
think that the kit'a is especially useful for expressing
disputes, proverbs and jests (cf. Ibn Rashik, i, 186).
K'lt'as can be found in almost every dlwan of poetry
and in numerous other works dealing with poetry and
other topics (inter alia in the ayyam al-'Arab, and also
in many historical works, such as Ibn Hisham's Sim,
al-Tabarl's Ta'rlkh, and al-Baladhuri's Ansab al-ashraf).
The kit'a is not subject to any thematic limitations.
A classification and characterisation of the contents
ol the kit'a anions; the ancient Aiabs has been offeied
by Alfred Bloch His principle of classific ation is the
degiee ol the poem's "distance horn life or from spe-
cific situations in life" As a lesult, the different cat-
egories are (1) work-songs or songs that accompany
a ceitain action (no or little "distance horn hie",
poetn of the moment), (2) poems containing; a procla-
mation or message (medium distance from hie, poetn
hie and poems of remembrance (timeless aitistic
poetn,) 'A group of verses oi categones nos 2 and
3 ma\ form the final part oi categon no 4, the
kasida )
Categon no 1 is an impromptu poem of the
moment, \en oiten composed in the easiest metre
rad/az Mainly war cues belong to this categon, in
addition to songs ioi round dances to which moth-
el s let their children dance and work-songs m the
narrower sense that accompany real activities (rarely
:ted) It
Ullm;
, Unt
, 18 ff)
The contents of the war poems is mostly
self-pra,
"I am Ibn V\ars, hoiseman without pusilla
through his coinage inspires admiration, w
10 ad\an
boldly when the weakling retreats and on
horroi with the sword I strike the towering
heio until he falls" (al-Baladhun, insab.
, 2b8, b
Categon no 2 is most abundanth iej
resented
ancient Arabic poetn and is, accoidmg t
o Bloch,
most characteristic genie In proclamation
poems
poet expi esses his opinion on a ceitain
event th
are occasional poems bom out ol dairy
life, "pa
phlet verses" the contents oi which are
valid lor
i able
■ Since they
isputes with distant opponents, many of them
/ord to the Banu X that ", or (a la) man mub,
inni plan" 'who will send word iiom me tc
", numerous others present themselves as r
to messages that have arrived nubbi'tu anm
)een broui
lenge to blood revenge
bung now the message, that,
youi slaving oi al-Mukanna w<
and Abu '1-Djulah If you consi
imph |
, blame
■tificati
■ Banu Dhuhl
"Ubayda
words.
which the ]
no 3 the
of hie <
bygone pleasuies and deeds of '
aphonsms about the transitonness oi life and all sorts
oi othei pi actual wisdom (sententious poetn), or
praises himself or his tube without referring to a spe-
cific deed, etc Accoidmg to Bloch, most of the
(monothematic) seli-praise and praise poems are to be
put into this categon, because, in geneial, thev have
not been brought about by a specific event
While this categorisation may still be sufficient foi
pre-Islamic and early Islamic poetn — it has, however,
been criticised in that the dirge {marthiya) has not
found its appiopnate place theiein (Wagner, Giundzuge,
3org, Mit Poesu, 222-3)— it
the g
s that
1 the
tern is composed of genres that have, with good rea-
son been classified and named by the indigenous
cntics and, subsequently by Westein scholars primarily
ace oi ding to their topics (ghazal = love poetn, khamnna
= wine poetn, etc ) However, the topic oiten has
additional chaiactenstics oi a genre-differentiating
nature leg the metre ra^a; in hunting poems)
Accoidmg to then purely formal definition, poems
belonging to the new genres are divided bv the indige-
nous critics and editors of diwani into kasidat and
kit'as, depending on their length This piocedure shows
up most piominenth in Hamza al-Isiahanfs chapter
headings of his lecension of Abu Nuwas's dinar, (eg
albab at sabi' fi l-zuhdnyat ua phi 20 kasidat 1 " na
mukatta'at", al bab al-lasf Ji 1-khammyat yashtamila
'aid 12i kasidat'" iia-mukatta'at'", etc ) The poems of
the new gemes are often short there are however,
eral parts, which can especially be found among the
khamnvvat These poems mav also be seen as appioach-
albeit seldom — a nasib, or — ven often — a parodv of
a nasib as a prologue, the rahil can also be found)
Among the so-called neo-classical poets I Abu Tammam
al-Buhtun and al-Mutanabbi, the short poems,
although abundant stand entirely in the shadow ol
their kaiida poetn However, there are cases like Abu
Tammam's ghazalindt whose importance should no^
be underestimated (see Bauer, ibu Tammam's Con
tnbutwn 13 ff) Most of them are short and it is note-
worthy that pieces consisting oi four verses aie
particularly numerous lef ibid, 18-19 Seidensticker,
Du Herkunft, 920) In al-Mutanabbfs dinan one can
find numerous short poems addressing more than one
theme al-Wahidi, in his commentan, criticises two
kit'as that contain sundn descuptions — a genre not
masteied by al-Mutanabbf, accoidmg to him (Diwan,
ed Dietenci, 774) The themes of kit'as from the
3id/9th to the Wllth century are extremely var-
ied Next to the short poems oi the now established
new genres one can find pieces that in their themes
aie close to the epigrams of late antiquity descrip-
tions lAr aivsaj, sing ivasf [ai], Greek ikphrasis) oi a
laige yanetv ol objects (especially m Ibn al-Rumi
kushadjim, al-Sari al-Raffa' and al-Ma'mum), descup-
tions of flowers and gaidens Uahmvat [a v] (m Ibn
al-Rumi Ibn al-Mu'tazz and al-Sanawbai i especially
in the lattei, one can also find long gaiden poems)
reflective poetn (especially in Ibn al-Rumi), jesting,
riddles, requests foi gilts, mocken blame, excuses,
I thank-you notes lequests, imitations, etc In Ibn al-
j Mu'tazz's praise poetn one can find a remarkably
large amount oi short pieces, al-Ma'arn, finally in
his philosophical poems (luzumiryat) chooses the short
2 In Peisian hteiatuie
The Persian critics define the kit'a or mukatta'a as
a poem that has the same metre and rhyme through-
out and the opening veise (matla't oi which does not
are named as the minimum amount whereas there is
no upper limit as to the numbei oi veises (Dihkhuda,
sv kit'a, Ruckert-Pertsch, b4; This means that the
length of a poem, which for the Aiabs is its decisive
feature, has been completely abandoned as a criteri-
on As with the Arabic kit'a the choice oi topic is
As can be expected, kit'ai aie iound already among
the poems oi the oldest Neo-Peisian poets (irom
Muhammad b Wasii via Rudaki up to Manucihri)
A sizeable number of the short poems of these old
KIT'A — KOCO
poets
howe\ er begir
with a
matla tha
hence c
innot be cc
untec
tl
with the
whole
of
Vlanu
e and
Ion
(ed d
Biber
Kaz
3 4
3
69 75
77 83
85 90
92)
Terr
ninological
kit'os, o
luch r
arely .
Man
i the a
poets beginning in the 5th/ 11th centun the kit as
often occupy their own moie or less voluminous chap
ter Famous for then kitas are Anwan (d 587/1191
at the htest [?<-]) and especially Ibn l 'Vamin (d
769/1368 [qi ]) Anwan s diwan contains a \er\ large
chapter comprising them These are of extraordinan
variety in their topics in addition to praise blame
mockers thieat request (especially frequent is the
request foi wine) thanks mourning congiatulation
complaint description ofpeisonal circumstances {hash i
hal) one finds advice admonishment maxims and
reflective poems (occurring vers frequently) jesting
epistles riddles chionograms muna^aras and many
others among them vers unusual topics for instance
a poem about toothache in which the word tooth
occuis in even \erse Descnptions are lemarkably
rare theie are however a few descnptions of ban
quets and palaces Poems containing 20 and even 30
verses do occur As for the kit as of Ibn i \amin who
all in all is consideied the most important Persian
kit a poet see the article on this poet The dm an of
Hafiz [q o ] also contains a small section of kit as in
addition to the usual themes (praise mourning longing
wine chronograms maxims congratulations request
for a reward etc ) there aie also some more lenrak
able poems like the one in which Hafiz describes
in many verses the loss of his poetic powers which
can only be restored by the ruler s grace Kamal
Khudjandi s and Djami s [qn] kitai, are predomi
nantly short Most of them consist of only two verses
a pecuhanty that is not found in the kit a:, of Kamal s
contemporarv Hafiz Djami s thiee di tans contain alto-
gether only 128 kit a, thematically these do not offer
anything out of the ordinarv It has been lemarked
howevei that Djami s advice and admonishments
(pand u man !«.a) are mostly of a sarcastic and pes
simistic character since in any case the kit as of this
epoch are critical of society and complain about the
upheavals of the day (H Rida in his introduction to
the Di tan i kamil i Djami Tehran 1341/19b2 84)
Bibliography A Bloch Qasida in isiatische
Studien m iv (1948) 10b 32 M Lllmann Unlet
suihuneen <.ur Raga^poesw Wiesbaden 1966 GJ van
Gelder Brtntv the lon% and the short of it in classical
4tabu litetan theon in Proceedings of the Ninth Congress
of the UEAI ed R Peteis Leiden 1981 78 88
E Wagner Giund^ugi der klassisihen arabuchin Dichtung
i Die altarabisihe Duhtung u Die arahsche Dichtuns, in
islamischer ^eit Darmstadt 1987-8 Th Bauei ibu
Tammam s contribution to ibbasid ghazal poetry in JiL
xxvn (1996) 13-21 G Boig Mit Poesie lertmbt uh
den hummer manes Her^ens Eine Studie zur altarabisihin
Traucnklagi del Frau Istanbul 1997 T Seidensticker
Die Hirkunft dis Ruba'i in isiatisihe Studien hn
(1999) 905-36 G Schoelei Alfred Blochs Studie uber
die Gattuneen der altarabisihen Duhtung in Asiatische
Studien lvi (2002) 737-b8 (G Schoeler)
KITABA [see insha katib khatt]
KOCO (khocho Chotscho koso) (Uyghur in
Chinese Rao Ch ang) also known as Idikut shahn
and locally as Asus (Ephesus) the town of Dakyanus
le the Roman emperor Deems (regn 249-51) [see
ashab al-kahf] (cf A \ on Le Coq iuf Hellas Spuren
41) the name of an Uyghui state (850-1250)
and of an ancient, walled city, now m ruins,
adjoining Karakhodja in the desert to the east of
Turfan [q i ] in Eastern Sinkiang Lyghur Autonomous
Region C hina
According to Von Gabain the name is neithei
Turkish nor Chinese but an ancient indigenous one
meaning highly brilliant In the 7th centun A D
the Koco state reached as far east as Tunhuang in
Kansu [q i ] famous for its Cave of the Thousand
Buddhas and its Jade Gate (Chin \ u mon kuanj
where all the traffic between China and the West had
to pass In the north this state included the so called
Four Garrisons i e Bishbalik [q i ] Kuca Karashahr
and Koco town itself all on the noithem branch of
the Silk Route and described by the 7th century
Chinese traveller and monk Hsuan tsang In 791 the
Tibetans in alliance with the Karluk [qi] and the
Shato ( the People of the Sandy Deseit see
Chavannes Doiumtnts 96 9) defeated the Chinese and
the Uyghur and occupied the Tanm Basin [qc] In
840 the kirgiz [q i ] put an end to Lyghur power
in Mongolia Lyghur groups fled southward and set
tied in the Turfan region where they established a
state with Koco as its capital which was recognised
by the Chinese in 856 The earliest record of a Muslim
presence in the oases along the noithern branch of
the Silk Route so fai known seems to be the travel
account which Sallam al Tardjuman [q i in Suppl ]
dictated to Ibn khurradadhbih (Ai text lb4 Fi tr
126) of his journey fiom Samarra to Sinkiang in
230 2/842 4 Befoie leaching Ha mi [see komul in
Suppl] he met followers of the Prophet who appar-
ld settled there more or less permanently since
hey r.
mosqu,
and madias,
In 848 Chang I ch ao the Chinese regent of Sha
chou the town of the sands as Tun hang had been
renamed under the Tang dynasty 618 907) began
to oust the Tibetans fiom northwestern kansu and
m 855 the koco Lyghui followed his example In
the 10th centun they entertained good relations with
the Tibetans as they did with the Kitai Liao) [see
kara khitav] who in 924 toppled the Kirgiz state of
which Koco had become a vassal In 1001 the khakan
of koco requested the emperor of China to wage
wai against the Tangut or Hsi Hsia a people of
~" ' ' \ ed in the great loop of the
\ ellov
Rive
Heb
asted t<
the emperor about the large extension of his
At that time the koco Lyghurs had moved their res
idence furthei westward to Kuca In 1125 the Liao
were overcome by the Juchen who until 1234 ruled
over Manchuria much of Cential Asia and all of
North China With these new overlords too the koco
Uyghurs had friendly relations In 1209 King Barcuk
of koco sunendeied peacefully to Gmgiz khan m
order to rid himself of piessure from the Naiman of
Western Mongolia He was adopted as the fifth son
After the Mongolian conquest koco was added to
the Caghatay khanate [q i ] The Mongols were in
structed m Buddhism by the Koco Uyghui s Buddhism
being strongly established in the region But the famous
Tuifan finds also include fragments of Syrian manu
scripts most of them with texts from the Peshitta
while von Le Coq also found in koco a wall painting
of Mam the founder of Mamcheism dated to the
9th centun AD The towns along the Silk Route
thus had a rather mixed population of merchants who
professed vanous religions Over the centunes koco
seems to have adapted itself to its lespective over-
loids m order to continue its lucrative trade
Bibliography E Chavannes Doiuments sur les
Tou kme (Turcs) ocadentaux, St Petersburg 1903,
KOCO — KONKAN
A. von Le Coq, Cholscho. Konigliche Preussische Turfan
Expedition, Berlin 1913; idem, Buried treasures of Chinese
Turkestan, Berlin 1928; idem, Auf Hellas' Spuren.
Berichte und Abenteuer der II. und III Deutschen Turfan
Expedition, Graz 1974; Sir Aurel Stein, On ancient
Central Asian tracks, London 1933, repr. New York
1971; A. von Gabain, Einfihrung in die Zentralasien-
kunde, Darmstadt 1979; eadem, Das Leben im uiguri-
schen Kbmgreich von Qoco (850-1250), Veroffentl.
Mongolian people
d. Soc
; Ura
I Gesel
, VVie:
« Uig„
1973;
, Religion
Kiinigreich von Qoco, Opladen 1992."
(E. van Donzel)
KOMUL (Uyghur; Chin. Ha-mi), a town and
oasis in Eastern Sinkiang Uyghur Autonomous Region,
China (42° 47' N., 93° 32' E.). The Chinese name
Ha-mi is derived from Khamil, the Mongolian ren-
dering of Uyghur Komul.
This important stage on the northern branch of
the Silk Route was occupied by the Chinese under
the Han dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) in A.D. 73 and
again in 86. In the 5th century the Tarim Basin [q.v.],
probably including Komul, was dominated by the
White Huns or Hephthalites [see hayatila]. During
the so-called "forward policy" towards the west under
the Chinese T'ang dynasty (618-907), Komul, and
subsequently Turfan [q.v.], were wrested from Turkish
supiemac}, though the Turkish nomads kept ' "
.ing grc
mds thus (
ismg d
uiban.
, Komi
nder the
name I-ihou In the 7th centun 'the famous Buddhist
monk and tiaseller Hsuan-tsang was hospitabl)
receded b> the U)ghui oi Toghuzghuz [ ?t ] lulei
of Komul then a piinupaht) subordinate to the king-
dom of Koco [qi in Suppl ] In 7b3 the town was
taken b> the Tibetans and in 840 it came under
U>ghur rule In 231/843 Komul was Msited b> the
Arab travellei Sallam al-Taidjuman [qi in Suppl]
who calls it Ikku (&\) (Ibn Khunadadhbih, \r text
164 Fr ti 126 cf Beckwith The Tibttan empin 149i
alter the Chinese name I-chou Sallam describes it as
ha\ing a circumference oi ten paiasangs with iron
gates which weie closed b> letting them down, inside
' -mils This description
walled
ortifua
i with a
o Zhewen 7
41) \ccording to Sallam the distc
town and Dhu l-Kama^n s barne
haps the famous Jade Gate in tl
sion of the Great Wall of China
is depots fields
it Cent
miks 189) i
e Su \ur
thie,
vho conquered Central Asia and
Dzungaria and the Dzungarian
Gate, at present the northern part of the Singkiang
Uyghur Autonomous Region. In 1696 the Chinese
Ch'ing emperor defeated the Dzungar chief Dga'-
Idan. After the death of the latter's grandson Dga'-
Idan Cereng in 1745, internal Dzungarian strife led
to their complete destruction in the war against China
(1755-8), during which the Chinese used Komul as a
base. After the fall of the Dzungars, the Muslims of
the Tarim Basin staged an independence movement,
but by 1 760 this was suppressed by the Ch'ing, who
the Basin by granting official
the forrr
s of it
;. In the
China';
Lake Balkhash [q.v.] and parts of the Kazakh steppe.
During the great Muslim rebellion of 1862-78 under
Ma Hua-lung [q.v.], Komul was badly damaged. It
was visited by Col. Mark Bell in 1886, by A.H. von
Le Coq in 1904 and by Cable and French in 1940.
Von Le Coq describes the riches of the palace of the
Muslim khan of Komul: Chinese and Bukhara car-
pets, porcelain, Khotan [q.v.] jade-carvings, silk embroi-
deries, a cuckoo-clock and even French champagnes
and Russian liqueuis In 1932 after an abortive upris-
ing, the town suffered teinblv, at the hands of the
Chinese. Its population in 2003 is estimated at ca.
118 000
Bibliography Luo 7hewen and 7hao Luo The
Great Wall of China in histon and legend Bei|ing 1986,
MJ de Goeje De muur ion Gog en Magog in Ursla
gen tn mededehngen ikadenne tan It itensi happen Amsterdam
3 r sene sol \ (1888) 87 ff 'i ule-C oi dier The book
of SW Mono Polo 3id ed London 1903 Sn \urel
Stein On amunt Cintia! Asian tracks London 193 3,
repr New Wk 1971 CI Beckwith The Tibetan
impm in Central Asia Princeton 1987 Col Mark
Bell \ C The griat Central Asian tiadt wuti from
Peking to Kashgana in Procs Ratal Geographical Swiff)
mi (1890) AH von Le Coq Buned treasures of Chimse
Tuikistan 1928 M Cable and F French The Gobi
desert London 1942 P Hopkirk Foreign deals on the
Silk Road, CXfoid 1980 (E \ an Donzel)
KONKAN the coastal region oi the west-
el n Dei can oi Peninsular India l>ing loughlv,
between Thalnei and Bombay in the noith and Goa
in the south le between latitudes 19° 30' and 15°
30' N, and extending for some 5b0 km/ 350 miles
It has been known under this name in both medi-
aeval Islamic and modern times Within British India
erlv i
leal distance is 350 km (Von Le Coq, Bunt
Sallam adds that Dhu 1-Karnavn camped l
but this lemark is probably part of what he thought
he should report to the caliph al-\\ athik [q 1 ]
had sent him on his mission During his joume
Ikku/Komul along the noithern bianch of the
Route Sallam before reaching Ikku/Komul m<
community of Muslims who spoke Arabic and Persian
and had mosques and madtasas. He was astonished
that they did not know who the caliph was.
In the 13th century, Komul was Cingiz Khan's
temporary capital. After the Mongol domination, it
became one of the small Uyghur states in the region.
At the end of the 13th century it was visited by
Marco Polo, who describes it as a place known for
its hospitality and where it is good to li\
Komul was annexed by the sultanate of
the late 16th century, Komul town and r
under the control of the Dzungars,
i Man;
i Stat,
1 the
Indian Union It comprises a highly -forested low-lving
plain between the \rabian Sea and the inland moun-
tain barrier of the Western Ghats
In medieval Islamic times the Tughlukids in the
14th centun, and then the Bahmanids [q l] in the
couise of the 15th centun, endtavoured without much
success to extend their authontv from the Deccan
plateau down to the ocean, until in 876/1472 the
general Mahmud Gawan [q.v.] finally established
Bahmanid control over the Konkan strip. Konkan was
subsequently divided between the Nizam Shahis of
Ahmadnagar [q.w.] (the northern part) and the 'Adil
Shahis of Bfdjapur [q.w.] (the more southern part) in
the 16th and early 17th centuries, then divided between
the Mughals and the 'Adil Shahr sultans before the
latter succumbed to the advance of the Mughal
Awrangzrb [q.v.] in 1097/1686. By the 18th century,
Konkan was in the hands of the Swadji and the
Marafhas [q.v.], but after the peace settlements of
KONKAN — KU'AYTI
1816-17 with Britain at the end of the Maratha Wars,
the region was in 1818 incorporated into the Bombay
Presidency. The local language, Konkani, is a dialect
of Marathr containing Dravidian elements probably
borrowed from Kanarese.
Bibliography: Gazetteers of the Bombay Presidency,
h'onkan, i/2, History, Bombay 1896; Imperial gazetteer
of India', xv, 394-5; G.M. Tibbetts, Arab seafaring in
the Indian Ocean before the coming of the Portuguese,
London 1971, index; H.K. Sherwani and P.M. Joshi
(eds.), History of medieval Deccan (1294-1724), Haydar-
abad 1973," i, 17-22 and index; and see the map
in hind at Vol. Ill, 428. (C.E. Bosworth)
KOSZEG, German Guns, a small Hungarian
town near the Austrian border with a mediaeval cas-
tle which was sieged and symbolically taken by the
Ottomans in 1532.
In the first decades of his reign, mainly under the
influence of the Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha, Siiley-
raan the Magnificent cherished world-conquering
ambitions. To achieve this goal, he intended, among
other things, to defeat the Austrian Habsburgs by occupy-
ing their capital. After the unsuccessful 1529 campaign,
he undertook another military operation in 1532 with
the a
i of m
again:
The Ottoman army proceeded slowly, holding
sophisticated parades to imitate Charles V's shows of
power and wealth. This time they followed a lesser
known route, along which the castle of Koszeg was
situated that did not seem to constitute a major obsta-
cle. However, the garrison of approximately 1,000,
mostly local peasants inexperienced in warfare, com-
manded by Miklosjurisics (Nikola Jurisic), a Croatian
landlord and the envoy of the Emperor Ferdinand I
to Istanbul in 1529 and 1530, withstood the battle
between 10 and 30 August. After long negotiations,
the defenders surrendered, stipulating that, though
Ottoman standards would be hoisted on the walls,
none of their contingents would be stationed within
the fort. One reason for procrastination was that the
Ottomans wanted to avoid a pitched battle with the
main forces of the Empire; similarly, the Habsburg
side was reluctant to force a decisive clash.
For his valour, Jurisics was nominated royal coi
cillor and received Koszeg as his hereditary propei
Bibliography: Koszeg ostiomdnak emlekezete ("The
remembrance of the siege of Koszeg") ed. I. Bariska,
Budapest 1982; P. Fodor, Ottoman policy towar,'
Hungary, 1520-1541, in Acta Orientalia Hunganca, x
(1991), 271-345; G. Necipoglu, Suleym&n the Magnifice
and the representation of power in the context of Ottoma.
Hamburg-Papal rivalry, in H. Inalcik and C. Kafad;
(eds.), Suleyman the Second and hit time, Istanbul 1993,
163-94. _ (G. David)
KU'AYTI, a South Arabian tribal group
and sultanate, the latter eventually becoming part
of the Eastern Aden Protectorate prior to the depar-
ture of the British from South Arabia in 1967. The
full area of the sultanate was the whole of the coastal
plain between the Wahid! [q.v.] in the west and Mahra
in the east, the mountainous region north up to WadT
Hadramawt [see hadramawt], the western end of the
Wad! and some tribal lands north of the WadT. One
should add the area of the Wadis Daw'an (sometime
spelt Daw'an in the Arabic sources) and 'Amd. The
major towns of the sultanate were: al-Mukalla, the
capital, and al-Shihr [q.vv] (both ports on the Indian
Ocean), Ghayl Ba Wazir on the southern coastal plain,
and Shibam [q.v.] and al-Katn in the Wad! itself (Gov-
ernment of Bombay, Account, 119).
It was the Kathiri [q.v.] Badr b. 'Abd Allah b.
'Umar Ibn Abl Tuwayrik about the year 1270/1853
who began to bring in tribal mercenaries of Yafi'
[q.v.] from their lands in the west, as he strove to
expand his territories in Hadramawt. Thereafter, there
was a constant flow of Yafi' immigration into the area
(al-Shatin, Adwar, ii, 401). The Ku'aytT were a tribal
group [batn] of Yafi' and they first settled in Wadi
'Amd where 'Umar b. 'Awad al-Ku'ayti, the founder
of the dynasty, was born. In about 1246/1830, he
went for the first time to Haydarabad in South India
where the Nizam employed Hadrarms and South
Arabians as mercenary soldiers. 'Umar did return to
Hadramawt, but he died in India in 1282/1865 and
was succeeded by his son, 'Awad b. 'Umar, as djama'dai
(jemadar in the British sources). 'Umar's three sons,
Salah (called Barak Jung in India), 'Awad and 'Abd
Allah, in particular, built fortunes in India and Arabia
and had much influence on the later development of
the dynasty.
During the 1280s/1860s and 1290s/1870s, full-scale
wars were fought for control of Hadramawt between
the Kathln and the Ku'aytT (Government of Bombay,
Account, 125; al-Shatin, Adwar, ii, 405; Gavin, Aden,
160-62; Burrowes, Dictionary, 290-1; Dresch, Yemen, 21).
In 1283/1866, the ports of al-Mukalla and al-Shihr
were both controlled by Yafi', and when the latter
called for help, Salah and 'Abd Allah sent funds from
India and both Yafi' and Indian troops were
despatched to the area. In the following year, both
ports were taken by the Ku'aytT, and the British
became involved directly in the inter-dynasty strug-
gles. The British, also fearing Turkish encroachment
in the area, became apprehensive. In the confused
situation, British policy was to cut off supplies and
monies from India (Gavin, Aden, 162-8). In 1298/1881,
they sanctioned Ku'aytT control of the southern coast
and in 1299/1882 a treaty was drawn up between
the two, the latter agreeing to accept British advice
in exchange for an annual sum of 360 Maria Theresa
dollars (Gavin, Aden, 171-2; for the text of the treaty,
Government of Bombay, Account, 169-70).
In 1307/1888 a full protectorate treaty was signed
between the Ku'aytT and the British, one of a num-
ber of such treaties. The British government agreed
"to extend to Mokalla and Shehr and their depen-
dencies which are under their authority and jurisdic-
tion the gracious favour and protection of Her Majesty
the Queen-Empress". In return, the Ku'aytT agreed
"to refrain from entering into any correspondence,
agreement or treaty with any foreign nation or power
except with the knowledge and sanction of the British
186-7 for the full text). The Ku'aytT were in control
of Shibam and the western end of WadT Hadramawt,
as well as the coastal region in the south, and were
able to deny the ports to the KathfrT. A generally
cordial relationship developed between the British and
the Ku'aytT (ibid., 145; Gavin, Aden, 172-3; Ingrams,
Arabia, 10).
In 1320/1902 the title of jemadar was finally abol-
ished and 'Awad b. 'Umar became Ku'aytT sultan. He
died in India about 1325-7/1907-9 and was succeeded
by his son Ghalib who himself died in 1340/1921.
Ghalib was followed as sultan by his brother 'Umar,
who died in 1354/1935. Saiih b. Ghalib became sultan
in 1354/1935 and died in 1375/1955. 'Awad b. Salih
reigned from that date until his death in 1 386/ i 966
and 'Awad's son, Ghalib, was the last Ku'aytT sultan
until the withdrawal of the British from the area about
a year later (al-Shatin, Adwar, ii, 407-8).
The year 1933 and the visit to Hadramawt of the
Political Resident in Aden, Sir Bernard Reill>, maiks
the beginning of the widespiead development of the
two sultanates, the Ku'aytl and the Kathlri, the peace
which was negotiated among the tribes and the much
closer involvement in their affairs by the British gov-
ernment, manifest in the establishment of an Eastern
Aden Protectorate (EAP), quite sepaiate from the
Western Aden Protectorate (WAP). The peace, widely
known as "Ingiams Peace" after its architect, Harold
Ingrams, was finally brought about in 1355/1937 and
was to last for three years. In 1937 also, an advisory
treaty was signed between the Ku'aytl and the British
in which an adviser was to be appointed, Ingiams
himself (Smith, "Ingram* Peace", 6-7, 21; for the text
of the advisory treaty, see Ingrams, Records, ix, 236-7).
The Ku'aytl, along with the Kathlri, never entered
the Federation which was foimed and fostered by the
British in the WAP. At the time of the withdiawal
of the British in 1967, the Ku'aytl sultanate became
a part of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen.
In 1990, with the unity of north and south Yemen,
the whole of what had been the EAP became a part
of the Yemen Republic [see al-yaman. 3 (b)] with its
Bibliography: Government of Bombay, An auount
oj the Arab tnbei in the vicinity oj Aden, Bombay 1909;
H. Ingiams, Arabia and the' hies, London 1966; R.J.
Gavin, Aden under British rule 1839-1967, London
1975; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Shatin, Adwai al-
ta'rikh al-hadrami, Jeddah 1983; Salim b. Muhammad
al-Kindf, Ta'rikh Hadramawt al-musamma bi Y 'Udda
al-mufida al-q}3mi'a li-tawafikh kadima tva-hadithu, ed.
'Abd Allah al-Habshr, 2 vols., San'a' 1991; Doreen
and Leila Ingrams (eds.), Records oj lemen 1798-
1960, 16 vols, [London] 1993; R.D. Burrowes,
Historical dictionary oj Yemen, Asian Historical Dic-
tionaries no. 17, Lanham and London 1995; P.
Dresch, A historr oj modem Yemen, Cambridge 2000;
G.R. Smith, "Ingrams Peace", Hadramawt, 1937-40.
Some contemporary documents, in JR.-IS, xii (2002), 1-30.
(G.R. Smith)
KUCUK "ALI OGHULLARI, a line of Tuik-
men derebey s [q.v.] or local lords who controlled
the region iound Payas [q.v.], which was strategically
situated near the head of the Gulf of Alexan-
dretta (and now in the modern Turkish il or pio-
vince of Hatay), and, for a while, Adana in Cilicia
[q.vv.] foi almost a century.
The founder, Khalil Bey Kucuk "All Oghlu, appears
ca. 1770 as a bandit chief based on Payas, preying
on shipping (including the ships of European powers)
in the Gulf and on the land tiaffic which had to pass
through the narrow gap between the Gavur Dagi
mountains and the sea, levying dues on the Pilgi image
caravans from Anatolia to Syria and the Hidjaz, and
even in 1801 capturing and imprisoning for lansom
the Dutch consul-general in Aleppo. The efforts of
the Porte in Istanbul at humbling him all failed, and
it was obliged to come to an accommodation with
him and accord to him the dignity of a pasha of three
tughs.
When Kucuk 'All died in 1807, his equally rapa-
cious son Dede Bey succeeded him, continuing to
make a living by preying on shipping in the Gulf.
An expedition sent against him under a lival derebey,
Capan Oghlu Amin Pasha of Yozgat, failed to dis-
lodge him, but in 1818 the governor of Adana man-
aged to capture him, and he was sent to Istanbul
His young son Musti
in Mar'ash for nine years, out of the reach of the
governors of Adana, but returned to Payas in 1827.
During the 1830s he supported the Ottomans' enemy.
Ibiahim Pasha, son of Muhammad "All [q.vv.], but
rallied to the Sultans after the withdrawal of the
Egyptian forces in 1840. William Burckhardt Barker,
son of a British consul in the Levant, praises Mustuk
for his polished manneis and generous nature, a shaip
contrast to his forebears, and Mustuk did try to dis-
courage brigandage in his region. But the long-term
policy of the Sultans at this time was the reduction
and ending of the power of all derebey^- Mustuk fought
off an attack by the governor of Adana in 1844, and
it was not until 1 863 that the then govei nor in Adana
secuied his capture. He was exiled, but the Payas
region continued to be disturbed for another two years
through the activity of two of his sons.
Bibliography: Barker's account of the family is
the main Western source; see his Lares and penakv.
or, Ciluia and its governors, ed. W.F. Ainsworth,
London 1853, 73 ff. Of modern studies, see A.G.
Gould, Lords or bandits? The derebeys oj Cilicia, in
IJMES, vii (1976), 487-90; C.E. Bosworth, William
Burckhardt Baker's picture oj Ciluia in the early 19th cen-
tury, forthcoming in Graao-Arabua, ix (2003), with
furthei references; and the Bibl. to derebey.
(C.E. Bosworth)
KUFR [see kafir].
-KUHI or al-KuhI, Abu Sahl Waydjan 1
Rusi
uhem
inally from Tabaristan.
He worked in the second half of the 4th /10th cen-
tury under the BQyid amirs 'Adud al-Dawla and Sharaf
al-Dawla [q.vv.] and collaborated with the chief schol-
ars of the time, notably Abu '1-Wafa' al-Buzadjam,
al-Sidjzi". al-Sagham and 'Abd al-Rahman al-SufT.
Under the latter's direction, al-Kuhi took part in
observ
i of t
i solsti.
5 Decembei 969 and 16 June 970), by means
ot a meridian circle 1.4 m in diameter having gra-
dations of 5 in 5'. Subsequently, he built at Baghdad
an observatory equipped with instruments made after
his own devising (a spherical segment with a diame-
tei of ca. 13.5 m) and made observations of the entry
of the Sun into the signs of Cancer and Libra on 16
June and 18 September 988. A certain Abu '1-Hasan
al-Maghiibf (sc. 'Air b. Abi '1-Ridjal; cf. H. Suter,
Mathemattker, no. 219) took part in these latter obser-
vations. At this time, uiged on by his pation Shaiaf
al-Dawla, who wished to emulate the achievements
of the caliph al-Ma'mun, he seems to have devoted
himself enthusiastically to astronomy.
However, the greatei — and best — part of his work
in the domain of mathematics and especially
geon
V. The i
of his
Drks her
the years to the figure of 28 (Sezgin/. One may
mention his Ruala ft 1-birkdr al-lamm (cf. Fr. Woepke,
Trots trattes atabes sm le compas parjait, in NEMBN, xxii/ 1
[1874], 1-21, 68-111, 145-75) and treatises on the
construction of the heptagon (see Y. Dold-Samplonius,
Die Konstruktmn des regelmassigen Siebenecks, in Janus, 1 /4
[1963], 227-49) and' of the pentagon. He also wrote
on the trisection of the angle (see A. Sayili, Al-Kuhi's
trvection oj the angle, in Aiks du A'' Congres inlemat. d'Histone
des sciences, i, Ithaca 1962, 545-6) and on the meas-
urement of paraboloids (ed. Haydarabad 1947, Ger.
tr. Suter, Die Abhandlungin Thabit b. hurras und Abu Sahl
al-Kuhh uber die Alimenting der Paraholoide, in SBPMS
Eri, xlviii-xlix [1916-17], 182-227). Others of al-
Kuhr's works have titles analogous to those of cer-
tain treatises of Archimedes — of whom he was a good
continuatoi — considered as apocryphal (e g Marah^
al da i air al mutamassa al Masail al handasiyya K al
MaUtudhat) or else lie commentaries on Euclid or
determinations of the value of jt The treatises on
astronomical topics are much less numerous on the
construction of the astrolabe and of verticals (daiiair
al sumut) on the tympanum of this last pieserved by
Abu Nasi Mansur b Irak al Birum s master (cf
J Samso Estudws sobre 4bu Nasr Barcelona 19b9
63 4) on the determination of the kibla [q o] on the
position of the Earth and the planets etc He was
also the author of a mala on kinetics (Eng ti Sayih
4 short article on the possibility of infinite motion infinite
time in ictts du Mil (ongres internat d Histoire dts sn
ences Florence 195b 248 9)
Bibliography Ibn al Nadim Fihmt 283 4 hjfti
351 4 Suter 75 6 C Schoy Graeco arabischt Stu
dim in Isis vm (192b) 21-40 Sarton Intwdmtwn
l bb5 G Vajda Quelques notes sur le fionds de manu
smts arabes de la B N de Pans in RSO \\v (1950)
1 10 Dold Samplomus in Diet sc biogr xi New
"ioik 1975 239 ES Kennedy 4 commentary upon
Birums Altai Tahdid al amalm Beirut 1973 \P
\ ouschkevitch Les mathemattquet arabes (Mil \\
sucks) tr M Cazenase and K Jaouiche Pans
197b index Brockelmann I 254 S I 399 Sezgin
G4S \ 314 21 vi 218 19 (J Vernet)
KULUZ, the Ottoman Turkish name for the
Greek town of Volos, a port on the northern
shore of the Pagasetic Gulf or Gulf of Volos in east-
central Thessaly [see tesalya] (lat. 39° 22' N., long.
22° 57' E.). The name probably stems from Slavonic
golosh "seat of administration" and may be associated
with the Slav presence in the area during middle
Byzantine times.
Situated on the site of ancient Iolcos, the area
received in ca. 1277 refugees from the Byzantine cap-
ital Constantinople who opposed the emperor Michael
VIII Palaeologus's attempts at church union with the
West, and in the late Byzantine period Volos was
known as a relatively new settlement. Together with
neighbouring Demetrias (2 km to the south-west of
modern Volos), which had remained in Catalan hands
until ca. 1381, Volos experienced two Ottoman con-
quests, firstly between 1393 and 1397/79b-800 and
then ca. 805/1403, and passed definitively into Turkish
hands ca. 82b/ 1423. The conquerors strengthened the
fortifications of the castle there in order to fend off
an impending Venetian attack, and an Ottoman gov-
ernor and garrison were installed, together with fresh
Muslim settlers from Anatolia, whilst the local
Christians moved to the slopes of Mt. Pelion to the
north (refs. in A. Sawides, in Thessaliko Hemerologio,
xxviii [1995], 51-2, 59-60).
In the early Ottoman period, the region of the
Volos fortress (but not Demetrias) is mentioned in the
surviving testaments of the Turkish governors of
Thessaly Turakhan Bey [q.v] (850/1446), <Omer Bey
(889/1484) and Hasan Bey (937/1531), whilst it was
also described in Pin Re'is's [q.v.] Kitdb-i Bahriyye. The
first settlements outside the fortress grew up in the
late 16th-early 17th centuries, a growth which stim-
ulated local commerce and the transit trade. This
was helped by a famed local fair held twice a week
and the first works along the shore at the fortress
beach, later to become Volos's commodious port.
In 1665 the fortress was attacked by Francesco
Morosini and a Venetian force (P. Coronelli, Memone
storio-geografiche . . ., Venice 1692, 229), but soon recap-
tured and refortified by the Ottomans.
During the Greek Revolt of the early 19th cen-
tury the rebel Greeks of Pelion failed in May 1821
to capture the strongly-held fortress, although on 8
April 1827 the British naval commander and Phil-
hellene Frank Abney Hastings seized five Turkish ves-
sels in Volos harbour and forced the Ottoman garrison
tempoiarily to evacuate the fortress (see Tsopotos,
History 202 ff.). However, the region remained under
Turkish rule till 1881 when, following the Berlin
Conference, it passed between 2 and 22 November
to the Kingdom of Greece and Turkish forces left
the town (the citadel was unfortunately demolished a
few years later). It was in this last phase of Ottoman
rule that the initial settlements of the modern town
of Volos were established (1833-50), with consulates
and commercial installations set up by Greeks, Aus-
tnans British, French and Italians between 1838 and
1870 (see ibid., 240 ff., 250 ff).
Modern Volos is now a major commercial and
industrial centre (population in 1981: 70,000; in 2003:
83 bOO) and is the chef-lieu of the prefecture of
Magnesia.
Bibliography: See also D. Tsopotos, The Pagasetic
Gulf and Volos ... [in Greek], Athens 1930; idem,
Hut of Volos [in Greek], Volos 1991, with detailed
bibl at 326-33, 344-50; N. Papachatzes, Historical
and archaeological viewpoint of the Volos area [in Greek],
Volos 1946; J. Kordatos, Hist, of the Volos and Aghia
province [in Greek], Athens 1960; A. Papathanassiou,
The Mehsseni of Demetrias [in Greek], Athens 1989;
C. Liapes, The fortress of Volos through the ages [in
Greek], Volos 1991; Papathanassiou, Byzantine Deme-
tnas [in Greek], Volos 1995, 150, 179, 251.
(A. Sawides)
al-KUMMI, Hasan b. Muhammad b. Hasan, the
author of a local history of the town of
Kum [q.v.] in northern Persia, fl. in the
4th/ 10th century. He is said to have compiled his
history originally in Arabic at the instigation of his
brother, Abu '1-K.asim 'Air, governor of Kum for the
Buyids, aiming to gather together and record all the
traditions about the arrival of the Arabs in Kum and
the town's subsequent history. He dedicated the book
to the famous vizier, the Sahib Ibn 'Abbad [see ibn
'abbad]. The Arabic original has not survived, but a
Persian translation was made by one Hasan [b. c Alf]
b. Hasan b. «Abd al-Malik KummT in 806/1403-4,
though this seems to contain much less material than
the original Arabic text did (ed. Djalal al-Dln TihranI,
Tehran 1313/1934).
Bibliography: Storey, i, 348-9; Storey-Bregel, ii,
1008-9; A.K.S. Lambton, An account of the Tarikhi
Qumm, in BSOAS, xii (1947-8), 586-96. (Ed.)
KURUS (present-day Shaykh Khuruz), the Classical
Cyrrhus, capital of the Cyrrhestica, a stronghold
in the north of modern Syria on the Sabun-
suyu, a right-bank affluent of the Nahr 'Afrin.
As a Seleucid colony, it took the name of a place
in Macedonia and remained a stronghold under the
Romans. Three ancient bridges, still visible, allowed
crossing of the Sabun-suyu and the 'Afrin. Archaeo-
logical researches have revealed several monuments,
including an amphitheatre. In the necropolis to the
southeast of the town is an ancient tomb which mediae-
val Islamic tradition attributed to Uriah the Hittite
and which includes a cenotaph of Mamluk times.
Kurus enjoyed a fresh lease of life under the
emperor Justinian I, who rebuilt its fortifications. The
Muslims took it in 16/637, and later considered it as
one of the marches of the empire, guarding the Antioch
and Aleppo roads. Its military role thereafter declined.
At the end of the 1 1th century it came under the
KURUS — LAFZ
domination of the Armenian Bagrat (Pakrad), brother
of Gogh Vasil, before being taken by the Franks ca.
1 1 14-15, who included it within the County of Edessa.
It became the seat ot a Ltiin i-iJioprir, and had also
a Jacobite one till at least 1042.
It was taken and destroyed by Nur al-Dln b. Zangl
in 1150, but ca. 1165-6 ceded to the Armenian prince
Mleh. In the 7th/ 13th century, Kurus, coming within
the territories of Aleppo, was ruinous but still gave
its name to a district whose agricultural revenues
formed an ikts' [q.v.] supporting 40 cavalrymen.
Bibliography: Ibn Shaddad, A'lak, ed. and tr.
A.-M. Edde, in BEO, xxxii-xxxiii (1980-1), and
eadem, Description de la Syne du Nord, Damascus
1984, index; Ibn al-'Adhri, Bughya, ed. S. Zakkar,
Damascus 1988. i, 263; G. Le Strange, Palestim
under the Moslems, London 1890, 489; PW, art. Kurros
(E. Honigmann); CI. Cahen, La Syne du Nord, Paris
1940, index; Canard. H'amdanides, Algiers 1951, 231;
j. Sourdel-Thomine, Notes stir la ceimiaphe de Qurus
(Cyrrhus), in MS, li (1952), 134-6; E. Frezouls,
Recherches sur la ville de Cyrrhus, in ibid., iv-v (1954-5);
N. ElisseefT, Nur al-Dln, Damascus 1967, i, 184-5;
'1'h. Bianquis, Damns d Syne sous la domination fatinnde,
Damascus 1989. ii. 474; Edde, h brincipai yyoi
bide d'Akp, Stuttgart 1999, index.
(Anne-Marie Edde)
KUWAYK, Nahr, the name given by the Arabs
o the a
t Chal
v' makes a shallow notch in
the plateau of the Aleppo region, rises at the foot of
the last outliers of the Taurus, to the east of al-
Rawandan [q.o.] in present-day Turkey. Fed by var-
ious springs, notably in the 'Azaz region, it skirts
Aleppo to the west, and to the south of this city
iti« '\< 'he ,-atei ot the Blessed sp n « il-'Ayi al
Mubaraka). After a course of some 110 km/ 70 miles,
it peters out in the vicinity of Kinnasrin [q.v.] in a
v. nnp\ d<prt^ n i tiled il M itUi
This river, with an average flow of waters which
is very feeble, enabled several mills up stream and
below stream of Aleppo to turn, and it irrigated gar-
dens to the north and west of the capital. Occasionally
there were significant floodings from melting snows
or violent rains, but it dried up in summer through
absence of rainfall and because the villagers upstream
theii
ields.
In the mid-4th/10th century, the Hamdanid Sayf
al-Dawla [q.v.] diverted the river so that it might flow
through the palace he had had built in one of the
western suburbs of Aleppo. At the beginning of the
8th/ 14th century, a canal was dug to carry' part of
if the Sadjur into (he Kuwayk and the
destroyed by an earthquake in 1544, restored in 1644,
but definitively abandoned in 1723.
Bibliography: Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut, iv, 417;
Ibn al-'Adim, Bughya, ed. S. Zakkar, Damascus
1988, i, 347-56; Ibn" Shaddad, A'lak, ed. D. Sourdel,
Damascus 1953, 138-43; Sibt Ibn al-'Adjami, tr.
J. Sauvaget, Les tresors d'or, Beirut 1950, 175-7; G
Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, London 1890,
61; S. Mazloum , mciei ilisatmn d'eau d'Alep,
Damascus 1936, 8-9; Sauvaget, Alep, Paris 1951,
index; N. Elisseeff, Nur al-Dln, Damascus 1967, i,
178-82; H. Gaube and E. Wirth, Aleppo, Wiesbaden
1984, index. (Anne-Marie Edde)
KUZMAN, Banu, a family of literary men of al-
Andalus and connected with the city of Cordova. The
name Kuzman (Span. Guzman, a personal name of
Germanic origin) suggests an Iberian or Romance ori-
gin. As well as the most famous member of the fam-
jak Ibn Kuzman [q.v.], there are
1. Abu '1-Asbagh 'Isa
litterateur (4th/ 10th centr
Ibn Abf "Amir [q.v.] tut<
al-Mu'ayyad [q.v.] procla
366/976.
2. Abu Bakr Muhan
'Ubayd Allah (d. 508/1
. 'Abd al-Malik, poet
y), appointed by al-M;
of ih* oung H sha
'Abd al-Malik 1
eldest"
called i
-Akbar
Ibn Kuzman al-A
poet, and secretary to the vizier of the Aftasid prince
Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Mutawakkil [q.v.] of Badajoz, a
colleague of Ibn 'Abdun [q.v.] and of Abu Bakr Ibn
al-Kabturnuh [see kabturnuh, banu 'l-, in Suppl.].
After the advent of the Almoravids, nothing more is
. Abu Marwan 'Abd al-Rahm;
districts of the provir
Other possible me
tioned in Levi-Prover
(479-5!
; Bibl.
graphy:
■ the
5 flow,
: these
; Dabbi, Bughyat al-multamis, Cairo
and Beirut 1989, nos. 992, 1 151; Ibn Sa'Id, Mughrih,
! 10; Ibn E im Dhakhlra, ed. Ihsai \< j
8 vols. Beirut 1989, i/2, 774-86; Ibn Bashkuwal,
Sila, Cairo 1966, nos. 757. 1255; Ibn Khakan,
Kala'id, ed. M.T. Ibn 'Ashur, Tunis 1990, 451-2;
E. Levi-Provencal, Du nouveau sur Ibn Kuzman, in
And., ix (1944), 347-69; E. Garcia Gomez, Todo Beit
Ouzman, Madrid 1972, ii, 889-99.
- WhKAS, letter L,
Here it denotes primarily the act
nore broadly, the resulting "Unguis
Ji i) i.ien di "n i limn «' pnili' (Hi al] <om d
(cf. Troupeau, s-w-t, anH see B ikalla, 39 ff. and 49
IT., for its use in Ibn Djinnl (d. 392/1002 [q.v.]), which
provides the base for the modern Arabic terms for
phone i til no ph ni i g i waza'ij
aswat auo mm i]m> tic neologism sawtiyya \ai] foi
tual acoustic event 01 a real
utteiance, usuallv at the woid 01 sentence level and
thus often contrasts with implicit 01 semantic featuies
of speech
Definitions of speech using; the teim laf^ mav spe-
cify that it excludes elements which are not in the
Arabic phoneme inventory [cf huruf al-hidja'] as
lhatt [qc] when necessarv cf Bakalla 69 It was
also established verv earlv (Sibawavhi hitab ch 4)
that the lexical relationship between foim (lafz) and
meaning [ma'na [q i ]) was ol three kinds viz (1) iden-
tity of form with difference ol meaning (homon\m\)
e g aadjada to hnd and to leel passion (2) dif-
feience of loim with identity of meaning (s\non\m\),
lerenct ol both form and meaning e g dhahaba to
go awa\ and dj_alasa to sit
In moiphological contexts laj^ will tvpicallv lon-
ti ast w ith ma'na l e opposing the phonological to the
semantic propeities of an element For example a
mutlak] which aie composed of the same radicals as
mal (e g dj_alastu dj_ulus I sat right down ) and those
which are derived from a svnonvm of their operat-
ing veib and are thus termed ma'nau, semantic (e g
dialastu ku'ud I sat down with a squatting action )
\t the svntactical level the opposition is usuallv
between the formal leahsation \lafzi) veisus the implied
eral )] le the surface realisation is contiasted with
some equivalent word or woids assumed to underlie
the lorms actuallv expiessed This is not to be con-
tused w ith model n notions of deep and surfac e strut -
tuie since tht underlying forms are inv mabh stated
as verbal paiaphrases ot the surlace realisations and
the question of tianstormation therefore does not arise
In this connection it is worth mentioning that theie
aie other similar oppositions recognised bv the giam-
manans notablv the explicit (^ahir) versus the sup-
piessed (mudmai) for the contiait between oveit and
implicit elements geneiallv and the visible (bariz) ver-
sus the concetled (mustatir) for the pronouns in par-
tic ulai to which must be added elision thadhf ) and
the restoiation of elided elements in the shape of
additions ^tyadat all ol which point to a complex
understanding of the lelationship between the out
waid verbal leatures of speech and its inner contents
Undeistandablv the scrutinv of what was sometimes
called the Kalam lafzi the formal utteiance in the
light of its internal implications the kalam nap men-
tal oi spiritual utteiance became a dominant pre-
occupation of the sciences of lhetonc exegesis law
and theologv
Bibliography Sibawavhi Le hue de Sibauaihi ed
H Derenbourg Pans 1881-9 (repi Hildesheim
1970) Kitab Sibaicayhi ed Bulak 1898-1900 (repi )
(the first seven and also the last seven chapteis
of the Allah which deal with phonological issues
are published in a hvpertext version at <www hf
uio no/east/sibawavhi/HomePage> geneial eels
MG C aiter A Matveev and L Edzaid &
Troupeau Lexiqut index du Kitab de Sibauatlu Pans
197b MG Caitei, irab linguistic i an introductory
pritatia study of his lift and contribution to linguistics,
London and Taipei 1982/1402 G Bohas J.-P.
Guillaume and D E Kouloughli Tht Arabic lingun-
tu tradition London and New ^ ork 1990 index s.v.
lafc k \eisteegh Landmarks in linguistic thought III.
Tht irabu linguistic tradition London and New York
1997 index sv laU and ma'na
(MG Carter)
2 In theologv
Hen
refeis
ed bv Husavn b.
'Ah al-karabisi (d 245/859 oi 248/862 [qc]) a dis-
ciple ol al-Shafi'i who m theologv, shared the posi-
tion of Ibn kullab [qc in Suppl] Reacting against
the Mu'tazih doctrine of [hail al Km' an the latter
had distinguished between lalam illah God s speech
which is eternal, and kira'a the lecitation of the
kur'an which occuis in time Al-karabisi leplaced
kira'a bv lafz (or nutk) which was broader and meant
anv quoting of the kur'an including bevond lormal
recitation Duung the later phase ol the mihna [q.v.],
his doctune spiead widelv to the Djazna (Mawsil,
Nisfbin and Tarsus) and possiblv even to Damascus,
through Hisham b 'Ammar al-Sulami [d 245/859),
who served as khatib at the Umayyad Mosque. In
Baghdad however al-kaiablsT encountered heavy
opposition Irom Ibn Hanbal and his adherents who
denounced his appioach as Djahmism l e thev equated
it with the belief in the createdness of the Woid of
God or at least banished anv mention ol it In Persia,
the situation was quite diffeient Hanbali radicalism
came under attack bv al-Bukhan (in his A Khalk al-
af'al) and Ibn kutavba (in his Ikhtilaj ji I lajz) who
both vntuallv shared al-karabisi s opinion without
explicitlv referring to him The so-called Fikh akbar II
names the createdness of lajz as part of the creed.
Theologians like Makhul al-Nasafi and al-Ghazall
adhered to it, as did even Hanbalis like Ibn 'Akfl or
Abu "^a'la Ibn al-Faira' This broad acceptation of
the general idea was counterbalanced bv an avoid-
ance ol the term laj^ as such, al-karabisi s author-
ship was lorgotten
Bibliography Ash/an, Uakalat al Islamiyym 602
11 7-8 Wensintk The Muslim cried, 189 i;3 Makhul
al-Nasafi Radd 'ala I bida' ed M Bernand m Ann.
hi, xvi (1980) 113 11 7 ff H Bauer Die Dogmatik
alGhazabs Halle 1912 58-9 D Gimaret, La doctrine
dal ish'an Pans 1990 317-18 J van Ess Theologie
und Gesellschaft im 2 und 3 Jahhundtrt Hid.chra, iv,
Beilm 1997 210-18 J van Ess)
LAHN (a) In music This is one of the basic
terms of seculai music in Islamic times used in Arabic
and Peisian [see musiki] In its eailv terminological
sense lahn (pi luhun raielv alhan^ denoted a musi-
cal mode, comparable to the latei teims naghma (pi.
angham] and makam [qi] It was a loan fiom the
Bvzantme Gieek concept of ethos adopted piobably
in Umavvad Svna A Kitab al Luhun al thamanna ( Book
on the modal svstem called oktoechos ) wronglv attrib-
uted to Ptolemv was known to Ibn al-kalbi [q.v.],
according to a quotation in Ibn 'Abd Rabbih s al-'Ikd
alfand Cano 1949 vi 27 Al-kindi [qi] equated
lahn with tamn (= Gieek tonos) in the same sense of
musical mode In its more geneial and more corn-
Here it conesponds to the Gieek teim melos The
notion of music (musiki) was therefoie defined either
as the
compositi
? of t
(ta'hj al alhan) In the lat-
ei m was used and defined bv many
c theorv from al-kindi to al-LadhikT
LAHN — LASHIN
(see titles below) \1-Faiabi devoted sc\eial chapteis
of his Kitab al Musiki al kabu to an exhaustive treat-
ment ol melodies Reciting the Kui'an with secular
melodies (kna'a [q i ] bi I alhan) was one ol the ciu-
cial points in the discussion on decent music in Islamic
society The notion of lahn I melody) has sunned the
centuries as have its del natives lahhana ( to chant to
Bibliography 1 Souices Z \ usuf (ed I
Mu'alla/at al hmdi al musikiyya Baghdad 1962 54-7
[lahn = mode) 6(1-5 83-4 114 (lahn = melody)
Fanbi A al Musiki al kabir Cano [1967] 47-74
1(17-13 87^-1 18M Kh aiazmi Mafatifi al'ulum
Leiden 1895 23b Rasa'il Ikhuan al Saja Benut
1957 l 188 Ibn Sina al Shifa al Riyadiyyat 3
L^axiami' 'dm al musiki Cano 195b 9 139-42 Ibn
Zavh alkafi fi I musiki Cano 1964 17 63-70
al-Hasan b Ahmad b 'All al-Katib hamal adab al
ghina' ti A Shiloah La ptrftitwn des tonnaissantts
musaalts Pans 1972 index s v lahn Ibn al-Tahhan
Ham alfunun aa salaat al mah-un Frankfurt 199(1
1()-21 31-3 213-15 Saff al-Din al-Uimawi al
Risala al Sharafma Baghdad 1982 44 'Abd il-Kadii
b Ghaybi al-Marighi Makasid al alhan Tehian
1965 8-9 idem fyami' al alhan Tehian 1987 7-8
idem Sharhi idwar, Tehian 1991 79-80 Muham-
mad b 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lidhrki al Risala al
Fathiyya Kuwait 198b 37-8
2 Studies M Ullmann Uahairu I haditi ma
kana lahnan Munich 1979 15 idem UkAS n/ 1
Wiesbiden 1983 376-89 (extensive lefeienctsi
M Sitavishgai li a Jianamayi musiki yi Iran^amin
Tehran 1995-7 n 344-b I El-Mallah iiab musit and
musical notation Tutzing 1997 index 404 406 {lahn
and mulahhin todav) E Neubauei ^jir Btdtutung dn
Btgnfje komponist und komposition m dir Musikgtsihuhtt
da islamisthtn Uelt in ~G-i/Il xi (1997) 307-63
esp 310 313 319-20 328 356 357 360 idem
\rabistht Uusikthtont ton dm infangen bis ^um 6/1.'
Jahrhundtrt Franktuit 1998 index 379-80
(F NrUBMJER)
LALA, L-vl-v (p j a term lound amongst the
Tuikmen dynasties ol Persia and especially amongst
the Safawids with the meaning ol tutoi specih-
:allv
ssrng a
Ottoman Tuiks
Undei the Ak Kovunlu [at] both atabeg [se
at-vbak] and lala are found but liter the advent c
the Safawids (sc after 907/1501) the lattei tun
becomes moie common with the Arabic
Is second sor
Giand Marsh
e.dy
■ The lala of Shah Isn
was the ishik akasi [q t ] or
leat dm an Duimish Khan
Shamlu whilst the mu'alhm ol the first son and suc-
ceeding ruler Tahmasp (I) Mirza was a member of
the religious classes Mawlana Nizam al-Din Ahmad
Tabnsi (RM Savory The pnnapal offues of tht Safauid
date during the nign of hma'il I (907 30/ 1501 24) in
BSOiS win [19b0] 98 idem The prmtipal offices of
the Safamd state duung tht reign of Tahmasp I (910
84/1524 76) in ibid xxiv [1961] 125) In the later
Satawid period we hear also ol laltib tor the voting
eunuch pages ol the loyal comt the ghulaman i khassa
such as the (non-eunuch) Muhibb 'Ah Khan whose
importance was such that he was in 1029/1620 com-
missioned b\ Shah 'Abbas I to examine the possibil-
ity of diverting the headwaters of the Karon nver
[qt] in the Zagros mountains into the Zayanda-rud
and the Isfahan plain The tutor of Tahmasp Mirza
(the futuie Tahmisp II 1135-45/1722-32) when he
was made itali 'ahd oi hen to the thione Muhammad
Aki head ol the loyal ghulami was on the othei
hand obviously a eunuch himself (Tadhkirat al muluk
a manual of Safaud administration (cnca 1117/1725) tr
\ Minoisky London 1943 56 n 3 57)
The title lala passed thiough Peisian cultuial influ-
ence to the Ottoman Tuiks amongst whom it was
used foi tutors attached to young pnnces both at
comt and when usually at the age of fouiteen oi fif-
IH Uzuncaisih Osmanh de leti h skilatina midhal Istanbul
1941 291-2 idem Osmanh daletmin saray kskilati
Ankaia 1945 124-5 Pakalin n 354 AD Aldeison
Tht strutture of tht Ottoman dynasty Oxfoid 1956 18
117) Again as in Peisia such tutois weie prestigious
figuies and could become semoi uejrs oi leading
commandeis like Lah Mustafa Pasha (d 988/1580)
tutor to the future Sehm II [see must-vf-v f\sa\ l-vl-v]
It also made its way to the Muslim India of the
Mughals ind in Butish Indian times acquned a widei
meaning of child s tutoi m geneial and Jso, in
noithein Indn became the title of a clerk or secie-
tirv in the local vernacular languages (see ^ule and
Burnell Hob son Jobson a glossary of Anglo Indian uoids
and phases London 1905 501-2)
Bibliography Given in the aiticle
IC E Bosworth)
LASHIN Mahmud T-vhir (1894-1954) Egyptian
wnter of novels and short stones
While neithei the most famous noi the most pro-
ductive ol a gioup of Egyptian wnteis that cime to
piominence dunng the 1920s as the L\ama'at al madiasa
al hadithti ( The new school group ) Lashin was un
doubtedly one of the fust to display genuine mastery
of the shoit story genie Born into a family of Turko-
Cncassian origins he studied engineeiing and then
served in the Depaitment of Public Woiks While
othei colleagues in the gioup such as Mahmud Tay-
mui (1894-1973) and \ahya Hakki (1905-93) went
on to lllustnous caieeis in Egyptian literary life Lashin
appeals to have become disillusioned with the ie-
ception of his woik and published little after 1940
As clitics have begun to appieciate the impoitance of
understanding of the extent of his achievement
Lashin s family background allowed him to serve
as a host for the eaily gathenngs of the Dfama'at al
madrasa al haditha Alieady hsunated by the potentnl
influenced by the Russian School of w liters includ-
ing Gogol Turgenev Chekov and Dostoevsky Lashin
was writing stories as early as 1921 but it was the
foundation in 1925 of the literary weekly al Faafi that
afloided in outlet tor his creativity His first pub
lished collection Sukhriyyat al nay appealed in 1926
and he followed it with a second one luhka anna
in 1929, a third al \ikab al ta'n was published in
1940
Like the shoit stories of his contemporai les Lashm s
examples focus on the environment with which he
was most familial that of the uiban middle class
Eschewing the more idealised and homiletic tone of
social ieality thiough his gloomy portraits of the lives
and struggles of vanous piofessional types — lawyeis
merchants and civil seivants — utilising the shoit story
genre to provide glimpses into both their public careeis
and family tensions By contrast Haditji al karya
LASHlN — MA'
( Tile oi the village ) is set m the countrvside in in
rural and urban \alues that is such a irequent theme
oi modem Arabic fiction
Lashins no\el Hatxtxa' bi la Adam ( E\e without
Adam 1934; is also a major contribution to the
development oi that genre in the Egyptian context
While its date oi publication places it within a decade
during which most oi Egvpt s prominent litterateurs
imde initial attempts at penning novels (among them
TavvfTk al Hakim Ibrahim Abd al Radii al Mazini
\bbas Mahmud al '\kkad and Mahmud Ta\mur)
Lashin s work stands out both ioi the charactensti
cally subtle v\a\ in which he portrvys the tensions
involved when a iemale tutor ialls in love with her
much youngei chaige and ior the fact that the verv
fictionahty oi his nairative stands in marked contiast
to the apparently autobiographical contexts oi most
oi the efforts oi his contemporaries Like its author
howevei Hanua bi la Warn has at least until recently
resided in an unmerited obscuntv
Bibhoziaphy 1 Translations Eie itithout
Adam ti Saad El-Gabalawv Fiederuton New
Brunswick 198b \illas,i small talk tr Sabry Haiez
London 1993 in The e,enesn of Arabic nanatiu dis
Studie
! below)
Lashin
l Hafi
Mahmud Tah
d Madx
> Feb March 1968) Hilarv Kilpat
bila Adam An Egyptian noiel of the 19j0 in JAL n
(1973) 48 5b Ahmad Ibrahim al Hawaii Uasadvr
nakd alrataya fi I adab al'Aiabi al hadith ft \tisr
Cano 1979 Jad All Form and ttchmqut in the Egyptian
noiel 1912 1971 London 1983 Sabrv Haiez The
Zintsis of Arabic nanatne discourse London 1993
(RMA Allen)
LEWNI Ottoman miniature painter born
•a lb80 died 1145/1732 Lewm meaning colour
lul and varied was the pseudonym used by the
artist whose real name was 'Abd ul-Djehl Celebi He
a as the most influential figure of early 18th-centurv
Ottoman miniature painting active dunng the leigns
al Mustafa II and Ahmed III [q vv] He came to
Istanbul irom Edirne ' ' "" '
appear
1 the r
ords
the
htrtf of this period it is thought that he either held
a higher position at the imperial court or worked
ireelance Lewm was not only a paintei but also a
_ III Liteiature] His
poetrv treated the themes ot love heioism and wai
and his admomtorv epic poem consisting oi proverbs
inspired other iolk poets
The unsigned engravings portraving Ottoman sul
tans that illustrate Demetrius kintemn s [see kantimir
demetrr s in Suppl ] Ottoman histon are thought to
be based on earlv works bv Lewm His series oi Otto
man sultan portraits (Topkapi Palace Museum A 3109)
display an innovative style characterised by an infor-
mal approach to his models natural iacial expression
and the use oi colour shading and chiaroscuro to lend
volume to the figures Lewm may have trained under
the celebrated late 17thcenturv portraitist Musawwir
Huseyin
Another oi Lewms major works is the series oi
Ahmed III in 1720 (Topkapi Palace Museum A 3593)
These miniatures depict trade guild par ides and pub
he entertainments in a consistent narrative stvle and
the figures are portrayed with a vigoious sense oi
movement and suggestion oi depth An album ton
taming iorty-two lull length portraits signed by Lewm
magnificently reflects the atmosphere oi the time
(Topkapi Palace Museum H 2164) These portraits oi
men and women largely svmbolise aspects oi lite dur
ing the so called Tulip Era [see lale devri] and weie
lien Wes
l influe
to make itself ielt
Ottoman pictorial ait without
character and his woik is regarded
in both style and approach
Bibliography Demetrius Cant
the grouth and decay of the Ottoma
s beginning
nated
rejui
nr The histon of
Empire London
1/34 riltiz riusevin <\ywansarayi Wedjmu a e
tmankh (17bb) ed F C Denn and \ Cubuk
Istanbul 1985, 175; M. Fuad Kopriilu, Turk sazjair-
Icn Istanbul 1940, 330-61; Siiheyl Unver, Ressam
Ltwm hayati ve eserleri, Istanbul 1949; idem, Lewm,
Istanbul 1967; I. Stchoukine, La peinture turque d'apres
Its manuscrits illustres, Paris 1971, ii, 74-84; Nurhan
Atasov-Filiz Cagman, Turkish miniature painting, Istan-
bul 1974; Esin Atil, Lewm and the Surname, Istanbul
1999 A. Giil Irepoglu, Lewm, painting - poetry -
colour, Istanbul 1999; eadem, "From book to Canvas."
Tht Sultan's portrait-picturing the House o/Osman, Istanbul
2000 378-437. (A. Gul Irepoglu)
M
MA' 10. Irrigation in Transoxama
The rivers oi Inner Asia, extending irom Kh"aiazm
in the west through Transoxama to eastern Turkistan
(the later Sinkiang) and northwards to the Semirecye,
have all been extensively used ioi irrigation purposes
in the lands along those livers and in oasis centies
providing a possibility lor agiitulturt in iavouied spots
which were not too open to attack horn the steppe
nomads or more northerly ioi est peoples Hence, as
elsewhere in the Old World, the maintenance of irri-
gation works, suiiace canals and kan^ or subteiranean
channels (these last
o be found as far
east as the
basin and the fringes of China
pioper see
depended on
injections of capital
local
ulers, on the
mass mobilisation o
delenc
e policies to protect the settled land
svstem
s as those oi
the Oxus, Zaialsha
n and Syr
Darva
to the west o
the Tien Shan mo
ntains, and
those
oi the Tanm
river and its tnbuta
nes coming
down
irom the Run
-Lun mountains, to
the east oi
the T
en Shan, must
have had irrigation
woiks long
spaisi
■ologica
legions
Thus ground survevs and the iesults of lenal pho-
togiaphv have enabled scholars like the late SP
Tolsto\ to show how irrigation in kh arazm depended
on a complex svstem of canals and channels horn the
lower Svr Dana and extending westwards towaids
the Caspian (these last along th< old channel of the
dition of 1947 see Tolstov \uf dm Spuria da alhhousmi
schen Kultur East Berlin 19") 3 318 11 )
The irrigation s\ stems of what was the pie-Islamic
Iianian iegion of Sogdia [see al stcjjd] are especiallv
well known from the mediae\al Aiabic and PeTsian
geographers and local histonans ind were tht sub-
ject of a special monograph bv \\ Baithold A istori otosht
mya Turkestana St Petersburg 1914 repi m his Sou
ntnna m Moscow 19b5 99-233) Tht riser which
flowed thiough the heait of Sogdn the Nahi al-
Sughd or Zarafshan [q <, ] watered an extensive agri-
cultuial iegion m which weie located the gieat cities
of Bukhan and Samaikand [17 r] and manv sigmh
cant smaller urban centres under Islam, the zenith
of their piospentv was reached undei the local dvnastv
of the Samamds [ ?< .] (3rd-4th/9th-10th ctntunes)
The left bank tnbutanes of the Zaiafshan coming
down fiom the Buttaman mountains (in what is now
northern Tajikistan and the eastern pait of the
Kashkadai inskava oblast of Uzbekistan) weie fed bv
large quantities of melted snow in spring and earlv
summer There were along them div ersionarv dams
which divided up the user flows ind led them into
irrigation channels called from latei mediaeval Isla-
mic times onwards bv the term used in Turkish aiik/
aiigh (but probablv of non-Tuikish oiigm G Doeiter
Tmlmhi und mongohsihe Element, im \eupmisehen Wies-
baden 1965-83 11 52-3 no 4b9 Sir Geraid tlauson
in et\molot>ual dutwnan of pre tlmteinth itntun Turkish
Oxford 1972 214 A dam constituted four faimkhs
Waraghsai lit head of the dam The nrigation
wateis fiom there weie regulated bv an ofhciil resi-
dent in Samaikand who had a stafl of subordinates
responsible foi the upkeep of the banks of the chan-
nels etc whilst the inhabitants of Waiaghsai itself
were exempt from paving khaiadi m return for main-
tenance w oik on the dam (Ibn Hawkal ed Kumeis
11 49b-7 tr kiameis and Wiet 11 475-b IeStiange
Tlie lands of the Eastun Caliphate 4b5-b) The laigest
channels 111 the iegion were navigable but piobablv
for iatts nther than foi boats and timbei w is floated
down along them to Samaikand Within the citv lt-
citv along a channel which crossed the defensive ditch
formed bv excavating material foi the wills hence
the channel was earned on an aqueduct into tht
shahmtan at the ra's al tak head of the aith Alongside
the channel the piopeities weie constituted as aula/
foi its upkeep and the local communitv ol Zeiioastnans
taming the channel in good iepan (Ibn Hawktl 11
492-3 ti 11 47 3)
Such constructions and airangements in Sogdia were
undoubtedlv of pie-Islamic origin An eailv Arab gov-
erned of khuiasan Hisham s nominee Asad 1) 'Abd
Allah al-kasn in 117/7 35 tried to depnve the inhab
itants of Samaikand of watei bv blocking the chan-
nel at Waraghsai and diveitmg it trom the citv at
t time when Sogdia had thrown oil short lived Aiab
control and temporarilv recoveied its independence
under the local king Ghurak and had now to be
u conquered bv the Arabs (al-Taban 11 158b H AR
Gibb Vie irab omquests in ttntral isia London 1923
78-80) The dam at Waiaghsar was obviouslv an
ancient wenk Fuither information on the nrigation
svstem of Samarkand, this time in the karakhanid
period, is given bv the local historian Abu Hats 'Umar
al-NasaiT (earlv bth/12th centurv) in his kitab al hand
and gives the total area of ungated land (Barthold
Turktstan doun to the Mongol imaswn London 19b8
89 and on the nrigation svstem at Samaikand in
genenl ibid 82-92)
The Arab geogiaphers likewise give detailed mtoi-
mation on the situation at Bukhara at the western
end of the Zarafshan basin and this can be supple-
mented bv items trom the local historian Nirshakhi
[qi] According to the lattei the mam nrigation
channel through the citv was known as the rud 1 zai
golden or gold bearing nvei (Tankh 1 Bukhara tr
RN Frve 77« histon of Bukhara Cambndge Mass
1954 31-2) Al-Mukaddasi 331-2 and Ibn Hawkal
11 484-7 tr 11 4b5-7 describe how locks and sluices
along the arils through the citv controlled the wati
flow a
>f the n
lthold op 1
There was a tontmuouslv-cultivated strip of agi
cultuial land along the left bank ot the Oxus fro:
Amul [qi] to Kh arazm with anh led off the ma
chtnnel of the nvei some big enough foi boa
kh"i
tself v
ached (!
Darva basin began in the Farghana
[qi] vallev into which the rivers most voluminous
souice the Nahi Dudghil (piobablv the modem
Narvn began then as now the Farghana vallev was
a land ot intense cultivation and the towns theie
such as Akhsikit_h and Khudjand [q n ] derived then
water supplies from conduits leading oil the imgation
canals (see Le Stiange op at 477 fl ) Fuithei down
the Svi Darva basin imgation channels weie a tea
tuie ot such provinces as Shash [see Tashkent] Ilak
and Istidjab [q a in Suppl ] until Saw 1 an and the
frontier with the Oghuz steppes weie leached
The Muighab liver in northern khuiasan (now
mainlv m Turkmenistan) had nume
long 11
•lling tl
which
n from melted snows m the Paropan
mountains of northern Afghanistan The situation there
has been mentioned in section b above at \ ol \
8b8b but one should add heie that we possess espe-
cullv valuable information foi the veiv complex 1111
gation svstem in the Marw oasis from some of the
Arab geographeis and trom the section on the tei-
cise encvclopaedia ol the technical terms of the vanotis
sciences the Mafatih al 'ulum composed in the latei
Samanid penod bv an authoi tloselv connected with
the Samanid buietutracv in Bukhaia part of this
deals spetiticallv with conditions at Maiw see C E
Boswoith Abu 'ibdallah al Khuara mi on tk technical
ttmis oj th, snietan s ait in JE\H0 xii [19b9] 151-
8) Ibn Htwkal 11 43b ti 11 421-2 rhaiartenses the
nmtaualh 01 mukasmn alma' at Maiw as a high-rank-
ing ami? who had undei him ovei 10 000 men each
with a specific task to perfoim foi keeping the im-
gation svstem in iepan Al-Mukaddasi 330-1 men-
tions that the amn s stafl included guaids (bunas) to
keep watch ovei the canal banks and 4 000 divers
(ghauuasun) who watched the channels night and day
and had to be ready to turn out for lunning tepairs
m all weather conditions the allocation of water to
its various useis was determined bv a special mea-
sure or gauge (mikyas)
For all these hvdiaulic systems, the devastations of
the Mongols must have had an adverse effect, although
agriculture giaduallv ievived and the systems were
brought back into lepan and use Tfmur took steps
at restoration of the Sogdian irrigation svstem, espe-
ciallv when he made Samaikand his capital Under
the succeeding lines of Ozbeg Tuikish khans in
Transoxama and Kh"arazm, internal prosperity con-
tinued to i est substantial on an agnculture supported
bv centiallv-oigamsed irrigation svstems Hence even,
canal and imal commumtv dependent on it had its
muab, the official in charge of the construction and
upkeep of the dams and channels Some of these were
compaiatively humble local functional les, but the vital
importance ol the irrigation svstems lor maintaining
the economic health of Kh"aiazm in later times the
khanate of Khlwa [q t ] was ruled bv the '\iabsh5hid
rulei Abu 'l-GhazI Bahadui Khan (; 1054-74/1644-
63 [?i']i, who intioduced various administrative
refoims, including the appointment of toui mirabs as
members of his cential council ot ministers or 'ama/dars
The historian ot the dynasty, Shir Muhammad Mu'ms
(1 192-1244/1778-1829 [</;]), held the hereditarv post
ot mhab, in succession to his deceased elder brothei,
until his death, and his History shows that he was
indeed peisonallv concerned with the piactical affairs
involved, his nephew and contmuator Muhammad
Rida Agahl [q i in Suppl], likewise functioned as a
mlrab l\u Bregel [tr], Firdaas al iqbal History of
Khorezm, Leiden 1999, pp \vm-xi\, xxi) Some of the
highest personages in the state gave personal atten-
tion to these matters Mu'ms descnbes how the amir
'•Wad Biv Inak in 12 lb/ 1802 supervised the dredg-
ing of the Khiwamk canal fthe term tor such oper-
ations being kazu, apparentlv fiom kazmak "to dig")
the actual work being done bv corvee laboui (hashar,
blgdr), and the Khan himself, Muhammad Ratum,
came personallv in 1225/1810 for the ie-opemng of
the head of this canal (Bregel, op at 162-3 299)
Bibliography Given m the article but see also
\ Mez, Die Renaissamt des Mams, Heidelberg 1923,
Eng tr 449-50, DR Hill, in The UNESCO history
of)he cwthzatwm of Central Asia, iv/2. Pans 2000
2b5 ff (C E Bosworth)
MA' al-WARD, lose water (sometimes also found
m the single word form al mauard, which suggests that
among doctois and apothecanes, this commoditv was
peiceived as something verv specific), an essential
Use of rose water is to be seen in the context of
the knowledge professed bv the \iabs of the medici-
nal and cosmetic properties of the rose and, clearlv,
their masterv of the technique of distillation While
the treatises evoke numerous varieties of rose, the gen-
etic teim foi which is watd (a woid onginallv denot-
ing, in classical \iabic, anv flowei of shiub or of tree)
oi indeed the Persian gul, thev are not immune from
ambiguity Thus the led rose is sometimes called ward
ahmar, sometimes haadfam a term leservcd by some
for the damask rose The vaneties most fiequentlv
attested aie three in number, if the wild rose is
excluded (nasrin Rosa camna) white rose (Rosa alba
aard abyad, uathu), five-leaf rose (Rosa lentifolia haudjam),
damask lose (Rosa damascena uard djufi aard guri, watd
baladl, ward shami) Rose water was extracted from
the petals of the last-named, pale red in colour and
flowering from the spring to the end of summer It
may be noted that the rose was among the ingiedients
of various other concoctions such as rose honey
(dfulandjubin) or julep (djulab)
Rose water was thus obtained bv the distillation
of the damask rose (aard d}uri, the msba referring to
the town of Djur in the south-west of Persia [see
firuzabad], a technique described in detail bv al-
Nuwavrl (Nihayat, \n, 123, 126-8), with reference to
several recipes on the basis of his usual source, namelv
the hitab al 'Ariis of al-Tamrmf But, contrarv to what
might be supposed, the majontv of recipes for rose
water blended this flower with other medicinal heibs
such as aloes, saffron, musk, camphor oi even cloves
This essence could be obtained from the petals (aaiak)
of the fresh flower (aard tafl) or of the dned flowei
(uard yabts), when thev had been ground and set to
macerate in the cucurbit (kar'a, l e lower part of the
alembic, then, bv means of the alembic (12/ anbik [q c ],
here the coil) and its heating, the rose watei was col-
lected bv distillation (taktir) The procedure of subli-
mation dudimentarv distillation, tas'ld) was also in use,
according to al-Nuwavrl
\s regards the medicinal piopeities, the sources
externallv, in the treatment of migiaine, nausea and
anxiety, but, especiallv, in eve-washes, to combat oph-
thalmia (Maimomdes, Sharh, 59, Ibn Sina, hanun, 1,
299-300) Mediaeval treatises on pharmacology and
of ophthalmic medicine lay particular stress on the
salutarv propeities ot lose water as a wash for the
5 conditions of the eye, as well
• then
1 (yamn
■mbined.
Dawud al-Antaki, Tadhkua,
stabilising properties of n
in this case, with egg white, were appreciated alter
operations for cataiact (Ibn Kassum al-Ghafikr, Kitab
alMurshid, 154, Hunavn b Ishak, A al'Ashr makalat
fi Tayn, 158, lbO) Use of this essence as an eye-
wash is still common todav and tiaditionally-mchned
doctors readilv pi escribe it (H Ducros, Drogmer, 66-7
G Honda, Herb drugs, 19, 90 J Bellakhdar, Mediant
traditionelle, 302) Besides the purely medical use of this
commoditv, a numbei of texts refer to its benefits in
the sphere of cosmetics and aesthetics, especiallv as
a deodorant and as a cooling agent
Bibliography 1 Sources Dawud al-\ntakl,
Tadhhiat ulT al albab, Cairo 1864 iepr Beirut n d
339, Ibn Sina, al hanun fi I tibb, Cairo 1877, 1
299-300, M Meyeihof (ed and tr ), The Book of the
ten trealists on the eye ascnbid to Hunam ibn Ishaq, Cairo
1928, Nuwavri, Nihayat al arab fi funiin al adab, Cairo
1937, xii, 12b-8, Meyerhof (ed and tr ), hltab al
Murshid fi 'I kuhl ou Guide d'oculishque d'lbn Qassum
ibn Aslam al Ghafiqf, Barcelona 1938, Maimomdes,
Sharh asma' al 'ukkar (Lexpluahon des noms de droguts)
I'n glossaire de matiere medwale, ed and tr Meverhof,
Cairo 1939, 59, Ibn al-Bavtar, Traite des simples ed
and tr L Leclerc, Pans nd, 284
2 Studies M\H Ducros, Essai sw le drogmer
populaire de I'inspectorat des pharmmies du Cane, Memones
de llnstitut d'Egvpte, Cano 1930, A Issa Bev,
Dictionnam da noms dts planles, Cairo 1930, 157,
E Ghaleb, al Mawsu'a ft 'ulum al tabfa, Beirut 1965
11, 634-5, J Bellakhdar, Mediane traditionelle et touiologie
out st saharunnes, Rabat 1978, G Honda, W Miki
and M Saito, Herb drugs and herbalists in \yna and
North lemen Tokvo 1990, E Gaicia-Sanchez, Us
techniques de distillation dt leau de rose a al-Andalus, in
R Gvselen (ed ), Parfums d'Onent, Res Onentales,
xi Pans 1999, 125-40 (F Sanacustin)
MADHHAB — MADINA
MADHHAB \\ pi madhahib) inf n
ins; or conduct 01 the like (Lane i 0831)
ol iehgion philosophv law etc a doctn
an opinion with repaid to a paiticular d
law specihcallv a technical teim olten I
s Ke I
'^SH.RIYX., ZAYD1YX..]
For an expose ol madhhab development see tht
ond section ol FikH at \ ol II 887b 11 lor i
writing questioning the Sthachtian explanation c
ancient schools ol law and toi furthei bibhogi
on this see N Huiwitz Schools of Ian and his
context Re examining the formation of the Hanhal, mac
in ILS vii (2000) 37-b4 and \\ B Hallaq From ic
to personal schools of Ian ' \ ten ablation in ILS \m (2
l-2b For new secondarv studies on the madhhab
the Btbl given in fikh set the impoitant public
ol hlanm Lait and Sonet, (/LSI i (1994)- N Caldei
Studies m
C Melche
Musi
Oxl(
111, formation of the Siinm schools of Ian
9th 10th etntuuts ( E Leiden 1997 Nuiit Tsatrn Tht
btqmmni-s of thi Hanafi school in Isfahan in ILS \ (1998|
1-21 eadem Tht history of an Islamic school of hut Tht
taih spread of Hanafism Cambiidge Mass in press
[2004] C Adang Fwm Mali/ism to Shaji'ism to ~ahmsm
tht eontisions of Ihn Herm m Meuedes G ucia An n il
(ed ) Contusions islamiquts Idtnhtts iiligiatsis en Islam
mtditerramtn Pans 2001 73-87 Hallaq Uithonty ion
tinuity and thane,t in Islamu laa. Cambiidge 2001 Lwup
S ka\a, Mtjeblerm testllulunden somajikhi ishdlal I Lcgil
leasoning altei the loimation ot madhhtbs ) tinpubl
PhD diss Maimaia Umveisitv Istanbul 2001 tin
forthcoming [2004] \olume Tht Islamic st/iool of lac
Evolution dtiolutiori and process eds P Beaiman
R Peteis and FE \ ogel i Cambiidge Miss ) and the
extensive bibliogiaphv theic See also G Makdisi Tht
Edinburgh 1<)81 idem Tht use of humanism in tlassi
cal Islam and the Christian West, Edinbuigh 1990 E
Chaumont En quol Ic madhab safutt est il safi'itt scion
h Mugit alhalq dt Guiiaym' m 4/ xxxv l 2001) 17-
2b and Manbel Fieno Repeitono biblwgrafico dt dtretho
islamuo, Muicia 1999 sv escuela Foi tht Shi'i
madhhab in particulai see Hossein Modairessi
Tabataba'i in introduction to Shi'i Ian a bibliographical
study London 1984 23-58 D Bredi / sistemi giuiidin
in Pahstan in innali *~di (ahostan [Romel xxxv il99b)
313-34 For a list ol El articles on the schools and
then jurists see the entrv Law m the Encvclopaedia s
Index of Sub/etts ^eiden 2002) and tht sub-entries
which s.
ented o
remains ot all the gieat Arab cities that can still be
seen The concept of a Muslim otv was lormulattd
chieflv bv Fienth orientalists (on this subject see RS
Humphievs Islamic history a framenoil for inqian
Princeton 1991 228) between 1920 and 1950 in
particular see G and \\ Maicais J Samaget and
J Weulersse How evei, the most accomplished expies-
sion ol this concept can be attributed to G von
Giunebaum in The stmctun oj the Muslim toiin m Tin
imeman inth, apologist lv.i [1955]
the causes and conditions undeilving the development
ol this concept (see J Abu-Lughod Vie Islamu city
m IJMFS xix [1987] A Ravmond Islamic city iiab
nty oiitntabst myths and merit tints in BJMES xxi/1
[1994]) The impoitance accoided to it derived almost
exclusivelv horn leligious lactois foi Islam was issumed
to underlie anv form appealing; in the Muslim domain
The cone ejMion ol a Muslim town ne lanetut scarcelv
affected b\ vicissitudes m the long histon, ol Ishm
wis bioadlv extiapolated horn Maghnbi and Svnan
examples rurthermoie it was supposed to lit inde-
pendent ol the extiemelv diveist geogiaphical condi-
tcintoiv It is altogcthei a verv negative conception
I he Muslim town a structure devoid of anv logical
older is said to have leplaced tin ancient oigmisa
iR Le Toumeau Lis titles musulmants dt ,
\oid Algieis 1957) it was a dilapidated
the ancient town it had neithei its own i
noi idministiation [different ot couise not
)f the
oild b
mediaeval cities which weie endowe
nal institutions) and H had no legal
Vleppo was like a negation ol uiban
wheie the influence of [si ,m had I
negative the town had become an
inorganic cejlleetion of distncts (foi tl
Sauvaget ihp 247 8) Weu
internal dislocation in Antioch the
desci
ovei bareh significant It was inhabited bv Muslims
is the seat ot Muslim institutions \kadi [q , ] muhtasih
[see hisb<|) it contused a hidav mosque noimallv
located at its centie it had a maikct isuk [q t ]) which
bv rampirts It is intt testing to note that Aiab
rtseaitheis who aie inteiested m the pioblem have
geneiallv adopted such a negative vision
No lurthei time will bt wasttd on the conditions
ation ol the Aiab culttual context ind the Turkish
penod and the disto\erv ol Ottoman souitesi A. tei-
tain numbei ol onentilists pre-suppositions have been
submitted to in excruciating levision and a bettei
acquaintance with latei ancient cities has tempeied
anv illusion about then supposed pel let Hon (H
kenncdv Fwm Polls to Madina in Past and Present
[1985]) It was recognised th it the vanetv ot lnstoi-
ital conditions should be taken into account iJ-Cl
Gaicin Habitat medieeal ct histoue uibaine m Palais ,t
manons du (am i Pans 1982) as also the diveisitv
ot geogiaphital and cultural conditions pi ev ailing m
the Muslim woild (O Giabar Reflations on tht study
of Islamic ait „, Muqamas ,^ [1983]) Attention was
e Mus
bsolub
suggested (see, for example, the role played by corn-
was suggested that Muslim law and its interpreters
were not silent on the subject of the town (see the
early remarks of R. Brunschvig, in Urbanisme medieval
et droit musulman, in RE1, xv [1947], which find an
echo in the works of B. Johansen, The claims of men
and the claims of God, in Pluriformiteit en verdeling van de
macht in het midden-oosten, MOI publ. 4, Nijmegen 1980).
It was admitted that the religious egalitarianism that
characterised the umma did not preclude strong dif-
ferentiation on socio-economic grounds, and traces of
this could be found in urban organisation.
By concentrating on the modern, historically coher-
ent period and by staying within the limits of the
Arabo-Mediterranean region, which is both homoge-
nous and clearly identifiable within the Ottoman
domain, it is possible to define the major principles
of the structure of traditional Arab towns at the begin-
ning of the 19th century, just at the time when mod-
ernisation was beginning to alter their characteristics
irretrievably (see Raymond, La structure spatiale de la
utile, in M. Naciri and Raymond (eds.l, Sciences soaales
et phenomenes urbains dans le monde arabe, Casablanca
1997).
Through a study of the structure of the "tradi-
tional" Arab town we are able to demonstrate the
existence of a coherent urban system. The funda-
mental characteristic of this system was a marked sep-
aration between the central "public" zone, where the
principal economic, religious and cultural activities
were developed, and the "private" zone, which was
chiefly devoted to residence. This separation becomes
apparent when a study is made of the localisation of
urban functions. It is equally visible on street plans,
where the relatively broad and regular road network
irregular streets which had been seen to be a gen-
eral feature of these towns; about 50% of the total
length of the streets is represented by cul-de-sacs. This
distinction has been recognised at length by jurists of
the HanafT school (B. Johansen).
The central region encloses the great markets (suks),
which are generally very specialised and assigned par-
ticular locations, and also the caravanserais, funduks,
khans and wakalas, according to the region and the
period. It is here that big international business and
wholesale trade took place and the centre of it was
often the kaysariyva/ bedestan, devoted to the luxury
trade (as in "Fez "or Cairo). This zone is assembled
around the great university mosques (such as the
Karawiyyin, the Zaytuna, al-Azhar and the Umayyad
mosque), which are the centres of religious and cul-
The surface a
s according to
extent of their
commercial activity; it is about six hectares in Tunis,
twelve in Aleppo and sixty in Cairo. The character-
istics of the zone are so strongly marked that it some-
times has a particular name, such as "Mdineh" in
Aleppo. Normally one or more main streets cross it,
depending on the scale of traffic, which at that period
consisted exclusively of transport on the backs of ani-
mals. At the beginning of the 19th century, 6 m rep-
resented an optimal breadth, according to the opinion
of the Egyptian 'ulama' . Some of these streets date
back to ancient times, such as the "Street called
Straight" in Damascus and the main street in Aleppo;
others have been traced back to the Arab foundation
(such as the Kasaba in Cairo). This zone is gener-
ally very stable, probably because it has a very strong
structure and because it is closely linked with the
principal mosque. In modern times there is only
one case of a change of location known, at Mawsil
(D. Khouri, Mosul, 1540-1834, Cambridge 1997).
The areas spreading outside and around this cen-
tral zone are chiefly devoted to housing, and from
Morocco to Afghanistan these are organised into a
system of neighbourhoods; in the Maghrib they are
called hawma, in Egypt hara and in the Near and
Middle East mahalla. They have a very consistent
structure: there is one entrance point, which can be
shut by a gate, and if necessary guarded; one main
street, on to which alleys and cul-de-sacs are grafted.
There are no specialised markets in these districts,
only the suwaykas, which have been analysed by
Sauvaget and where the many activities necessary to
daily existence take place. The life of the district is
that of a community that is quite closed in upon
itself; it is open only toward the centre, where the
local inhabitants undertake their activities and towards
which the network of roads leads in a hierarchically
organised scheme (N. Messiri, The concept of the Hara,
in AI, xv [1979]): this consideration, as well as the
concern for security, justifies the statistical importance
of the cul-de-sacs in this area. There does not seem
to be any rule about homogeneity according to the
origin or activity of the inhabitants, except in those
cases where a district was inhabited by a community
of a distinct religious or ethnic minority.
These general characteristics lead to a structure
which may be described as doubly concentric, an
arrangement such as is well known in the field of
the r
regioi
, in the
nearby can be found in particular the markets for
precious metals (sagha) and the money changers (as
noted by L. Massignon, Enquete sur les corporations d'ar-
tisans, in RAIM, lviii [1924]). In Cairo the 62 cara-
vanserais where the coffee trade took place were
located in the area near the Kasaba. In Tunis,
Damascus and Aleppo, the suks for cloth and spices
occupy a prominent place in the area immediately
surrounding the mosque. From the centre outwards,
activities spread over an increasingly great distance as
their order of importance diminished, and also accord-
ing to the growing inconvenience of particular trades.
There could be found on the periphery of the town
those domestic activities that needed space (such as
the straw workers); those linked to the countryside
(grain markets in the large squares, rahba, 'aria and
livestock markets); those that were embarrassing and
polluting (ovens of all sorts, abattoirs, tanneries). The
moving of such trades to a more remote location
could, moreover, be an indication of urban develop-
ment, as was the case for the transfer of the tan-
neries in Aleppo (1570), Cairo (1600) and Tunis (1770)
(see Raymond, Le deplacement des tanneries, in REA1MM,
lv-lvi [1990]).
By contrast, the orientalist vision of a fundamen-
tally egalitarian, Muslim society was a factor in impos-
ing a scheme according to which the rich and poor
lived together in the same urban space, using a unique
type of habitat qualified as "Muslim", although the
house with a central patio may be found in Classical
Antiquity, also, an idea strongly expressed by A. Abdel
Nour, Introduction a I'histoire urbaine de la Syrie ottomane,
Beirut 1982. Reality is quite different and corresponds
logically to a strongly unequal socio-economic struc-
ture. Studies on this subject carried out in Cairo
(Raymond, Artisans et cammerftmts, Damascus 1974),
Damascus (C Establet and J -P Pascual, FamilU s
et jortums a Damas Damascus 1994) and AJgieis
(T Shmal, La idle d'itgtr. Pans 19981 ha\e shown a
remaikable inequality in the lange of wealth insofar
this can be measured through the successions regis-
tered in the couits fortunes aie in a proportion oi
1 10 000 in Cairo and 1 3,000 in Damascus around
1700 (Establet, Pascual and Raymond, La mesiin dt
I'imgalite so, tale dans la socute ottoman, in JESHO xxxvn
[1994]) It is therefoie not suipnsmg in these condi
tions that in the large \iab towns the population
would be distnbuted according to a iather ngoious
'classification' the comioi table iesidences occupied
the zone neai the centre (where the 'ulama' piefei-
ably h\ed near to the mosque and tiadeis near the
sSAs! then there were the middle-class areas with
increasingly poor living conditions until one ieached
the oiten wi etched housing foi the common people
on the penphery and in the subuibs This roughly
concentric anangement can be clearly deduced fiom
studies on Tunis (J Renault Palais it dimtmes a Tunis
Pans 19b7-78), Cairo (N Hanna Habit,, an Cam,
Cmo 1991) and <\leppo J -CI David il,p dtgrada
Hon et kntatwis admllis di readaptation, in BEO xxvm
[1975])
Howes er the central patio house only appears to
be 'unitary , and great differences evidently exist with
legaid to dimensions whether theie aie one oi more
storeys intenoi amenities and decoration between
houses with courtyards oi the nch middle-class and
pool (lor Tunis, see & Cladel and P Renault M,dina
approcht hpologiqut, Tunis 1970) Moreovei examples
ol "atypical' houses are plentiiul There is the collects e
accommodation oi the caravanseiai type the collec-
tive accommodation oi the lab' type iound in Cairo
\eitical accommodation (Rosetta \emen), middle-class
accommodation without a patio poor community ac-
commodation of the hau.it type and c ellular ace ommo-
dation, mediae\al examples oi this ha\e been studied
by Sc anion and Kubiak in then excavations oi Fustat
Naturally, no existing town corresponds to this
model of a round town ananged in concentric nngs
aiound the centie with its economic and residential
activities classified accoiding to a decreasing order oi
impoitance There are a number oi iactors (natural
historical economic and social) that explain the meg-
ulanties that are noted The decentnng of al-kahira
in the northeast quarter of ancient C airo is justified
by natuial consideiations such as the presence oi the
Mukattam Hills which prohibited expansion towaids
the east also by histoncal reasons such as the con-
struction of the citadel by Salah al-Din [q z ] which
favouied expansion towaids the south, and the cus-
tom of dumping the iubbish from Cairo into the
legion today called 'The Tells' which has lestncted
any expansion towaids the northeast
\ similar analysis could be applied to Tunis where
the geography oi the site dictates that expansion should
develop only towaids the noith and the south since
expansion to the east and west is prevented by the
two lagoons (sabkha) It could be applied also to <\leppo
wheie ior a long time the piesence oi the river Kuwayk
has hindered any development oi the city towards the
cented c
man-
sion to the north and south Mawsil had the appear-
the special atti action oi the maikets because oi th<
commercial potential oi the nvei Tigris, and pioba
bly also political ieasons (the research into the pi ox
unity oi the citadel) bi ought about the displacemen
oi the centie towards the river iai irom the giea
There is indeed good reason for emphasising the
importance of the segiegative factors in the way the
tiaditional town is oigamsed The inegahtanan
natuie of Muslim society explains this disci imination
by the standaid of wealth and the difference in liv-
ing conditions between the centre and the periphery
In Cano however collective rented accommodation
the tab' [q I ] allowed the middle classes to reside
near the centre (Raymond Le rab' un habitat collechf
an Cam in MUSJ, 1 [1948]) Districts ior the elite
were often located on the penphery wheie the pow-
eiful could find the space they needed foi then houses
and a ceitam isolation irom the lest oi the popula-
tion The vigour with which the 'national and/oi
lehgious Muslim minority communities iegiouped de-
pended on the degree of their differences with regard
to the rest of the population in Cano the MaghnbTs
and the Syrians regrouped less than the Turks a
Km dish district had been in existence ioi a very long
time in Damascus while in \ntioch the <\lawites weie
at one and the same time very much legrouped and
pushed far from the centre The non-Muslim minor-
ity communities (the People of the Book subject to
the status oi dhimmi 'piotected' ) weie geneially sub-
iegation, expiessing in teims oi spatial location the
disci lminations and disabilities imposed upon them,
despite the iemarkable tolerance which these com-
munities enjoyed under the Ottomans
There weie m all oi the laige towns Chnstian and
Jewish districts the location oi which vaned accoid-
ing to local conditions The Jews of Tunis lived in a
distnct [alham) situated out of the way those in Cairo
were very close to the centie The relative dispersion
oi the Copts in Cairo bore witness to the toleiance
fiom which they benefited but their distncts were in
the main situated to the west oi Khalfdj, in a legion
that was occupied by Muslims only at a iairly late
date The evolution of the Chnstian distnct oi Aleppo
.ignificant irom this point < ' m
end o
lbth c
', the
marked by an eastwards advance of the Chnstians in
the noithein suburb oi the town which was piogies-
sively occupied by them The giadual retieat of the
Muslims towards the east a community that was none
the less dominant ceitainly tends to confirm that the
religious groups piefened for ieasons of convenience,
a segiegated, collective hie iather than a confessional
mix even though such a mix could exist in limited
zones (Raymond Unt commmaute en expansion Le\ ehn
turn d \kp, in La nlk arabi Hep Damascus 1998)
The traditional \rab cities were theieioie strongly
stiuctuied an obseivation that seems self-evident
for one can haidly imagine how an anaichical town
without an administration would have been able to
and e
stiong
Investigation lr
stitutive elements of this specific uiban system the
identification oi the paia-admmistiative stiuctures
which allowed the conduct oi uiban affans and the
lecogmtion of the major role played by the uakfi
[q , ] in uiban organisation and development (R
Deguilhem [ed] Lt waqi dans I tspait islamique Damas-
cus 1995) all lead to more positive conclusions than
a discreditable companson with othei urban systems
which weie judged to have been more perfected
MADlNA — MADlNAT al-NUHAS
However an in\ estigation such as this can be com-
plete onlv when more can be learned about the origins
of this urban system Research on pre-Islamic towns
in the "iemen (J -F Breton U site et la mile de Shabna
in Syria Kvni [1991]) and in Arabia (AT al-Ansan
Qaryal al Fan London 1981) have brought important
insights in this field Theie is also a need foi bettei
infoimation on the time of tiansition between the
ancient penod and the beginnings of the Muslim eia
(see the tiaces of Umawad town planning discovered
in the ancient sites of Palmvra and Beit Shean) and
on the period of the foundation (foi Fustat see R P
Gavraud Istabl 'into, in 4/ xxv [1991])
The other crucial question is that oi knowing to
what extent the data on urban structure suggested bv
the studv oi the sources and the examinations oi the
remnants oi ancient towns are equally valid ior the
classical Aiab town, which we know from texts but
which has to be the subject of leconstruction on the
ground since the uiban tissue which subsists in the
madmas of Arab towns dates onlv irom the mod
ern Ottoman period
Bibliography (in addition to references in the
aiticle) On the citv in general see W Marcais
L islamisme et la me urbame 1928 repi in it tides et
confirmees Pans 1961 G Marcais Lurbanisme musul
man 1939 repr in Melanges Mgiers 1957 I Lapidus
(ed ) Middle Eastern cities Berkeley and Los Angeles
1969 A Hourani and S M Stern (eds ) The Islamic
city Oxfoid 1970 LC Brown (ed ) From Medina
to metropolis Print eton 1973 L Tones Balbas
Ciudades hispano musulmanai 2 vols Madnd 1972
E Wirth Z<"n Problem des Bazars m 1st h (1974)
and In (1975) idem Die orientahsche Uadt in Saeciilum
xx\i (1975) D Chevalher (ed ) L e space social de la
mile arabe Pans 1979 A Ravmond La conquete
ottomane in ROMM xxvn (1979) N Todorov La
idle balkamque aux U \/\ siecles Bucharest 1980
R Sei]eant (ed ) Vie Islamic aty Pans 1980
T Khalidi 'some classical Islamic mens of the city in
Wadad al-Qadi (ed ) 'studia arabica et islamica Fest
schnft foi Ihsan 'Abbas Beirut 1981 A Bouhdiba
and Chevalher (eds ) La mile arabe dans I Islam Tunis
1982 I Serageldin and S El-Sadek (eds ) The Arab
city np 1982 Ravmond The great Arab cities an
introduction NewWk 1984 idem, Grandes idles arabes
a lepoque ottomane, Pans 1985 J -CI Garun Espaces
pomoiis et ideologus de I Egtpte media ale Variorum
London 1987 idem (ed ) L habitat tiaddionnel dans
Us pays musulmam autoui de la Meditenanee GREPO
3 vols Cairo 1988-91 G Veinstein La mile ottomane
1991 D Panzac (ed) Us miles dans I empire ottoman
2 vols Pans 1991-4 M Bomne et alu (eds) The
Middle Eastern city and Islamic urbamsm Bonn 1994
S -il-Hathlul al Madlna al 'arabiyya al islamiyya Rivad
1414/1994 M Nat in and Ravmond (eds ), Sciences
soaales et phenomenes urbains dans le monde aiabc,
Casablanca 1997 Ravmond La mile arabe Hep a
lepoque ottomane Damascus 1998 several ai tides by
various specialists on the mediaeval and modem
Aiab town in CI Nicolle (ed ) Megapoles mediter
taneennes geographic utbainc utiospectwe Rome 2000
Gaicin (ed ) Grandes villes mediterraneennes Rome 2000
Wirth Die onentalnche itadt 2 vols Mainz 2000
Raymond Arab cities in the Ottoman period Vanorum
■\ldershot 2002
cities, see M. Clerge, Le Caire, 2 vols. Cairo 1934;
J. Weulersse, Antioche, essai de geographic urbaine, in
BEO, iv (1934); J. Sauvaget, Alep, Paris 1941;
J Caille, La ville de Rabat, 3 vols. Paris 1949;
R Le Toumeau, Fes avant le Prokctorat, Paris 1949;
R Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitie du XVIP"
Steele Paris 1962; G. Deverdun, Marrakeeh, 2 vols.
Rabat 1966; J. Revault, Palais et demeures de Tunis,
4 vols. Paris 1967-78; R. Serjeant and R. Lewcock
(eds) San'a', an Arabian Islamic city, London 1983;
B Maury, A. Raymond, Revault and M. Zakariya,
Palais
>s du Cam
II. i
, Paris
1983 J.-P. Pascual, Damas a la Jin du XVF'" siecle,
Damascus 1983; H. Gaube and E. Wirth, Aleppo,
Wiesbaden 1984; Revault, L. Golvin and A. Ama-
han Palais el demeures de Fes, 3 vols. Paris 1985-92;
A Marcus, Aleppo in the eighteenth century, New York
1989 J. Abdelkafi, La medina de Tunis, Paris 1989;
A Escher and Wirth, Die Medina von Fes, Erlangen
1992 Raymond, Le Caire, Paris 1993; P. Sebag,
Tunis histoire d'un ville, Paris 1998; Raymond et alii,
Lc Cam, Paris 2000; S. Auld and R. Hillenbrand,
Ottoman Jerusalem, the living city 1517-1917, London
2000 (A. Raymond)
MADlNAT al-NUHAS, "The city of brass," a
This
LA].
found its way, somewhat variably,
into the 19th-century editions of the Mghts (on the
18th-century manuscripts in which it appears, see the
excellent discussion by D. Pinault, Story-telling techniques
in the Arabian Nights, Leiden 1992, 150-80), is the most
elaboiate narrative about a city of copper, brass or
bronze (on the proper meanings of nuhas and sufr,
and their indiscriminate use in non-scientific discourse,
see M Aga-Oglu, A brief note on Islamic terminology for
bronze and brass, in JAOS, lxiv [1944], 218-23). Fabulous
reports about such a place, set in remote reaches of
the Maghrib or al-Andalus, appear already in the
3id/9th century. In Ibn Habfb's (d. 238/853 [q.v.])
Kitab alTa'rikh (ed. J. Aguade, Madrid 1991, 144-5;
authentic in the editor's view), Musa b. Nusayr's [q.v.]
adventures include finding jars in which Solomon
impnsoned rebellious demons, and a copper fortress
(madlna 'alciyha hisn min nuhas) inhabited by djinn, which
renders those who enter it unaware of their condi-
tion M-Mas'udT tells us (Murudj, i, 369 = ed. Pellat,
l 195-6 § 409) that beyond al-Sus al-aksS (southern
Moiocco) one comes to the River of Sand, then to
the Black Castle, and at length to the sandy desert
in which the City of Brass (nuhas) and Domes of Lead
are found. He also refers to a book in wide circula-
tion dealing with the wondrous things that Musa b.
Nusayr saw there. In another place (iv, 95 = § 1423)
he refers to the same city (here as madlnat al-sufr wa-
kubbat al-rasas), and says that those who flung them-
selves lrom the walls tasted (so they report) the
pleasures of this world and the next. The Mukhtasar
ol Ibn al-Fakih's [q.v.] Kitab al-Buldan is in several
respects close to the Nights story, although the city is
called al-Baht and no mention of metallic walls is
made After travelling through the "deserts of al-
Andalus ' Musa finds a city without an entrance, grim
with bnlliant battlements. Those who scale the walls
laugh uncontrollably, and hurl themselves to their
deaths below. (Mad laughter leading to death is the
effect ol the baht stone, cf. al-Birum, K. al-Djamdhir ji
ma'nfat al-d}awdhir, Haydarabad 1355, 101.) A memento
mon inscription (of which there are many in the Nights
tale) relers to the mortality of Solomon, mightiest of
kings. Musa renounces entering the City and moves
on to "the lake". This lake is visited by al-Khadir
[q.v.] once a year. Musa's divers recover a bronze
(sufr) jar, from which, when opened, a brazen man
M-VDlNAT 4L-NUHA!
escapes with the cry "O Prophet, I will not relapse 1 "
Later it is explained that such bottles hold the rebel-
lious djinn imprisoned by Solomon The J\ighU story
adds fuither Solomonic motifs to the journey and the
City itself (cf A Hamon, The ail of medieval Arabic lit-
eratim, Princeton 1974, 149-53), as well as some other
new details The essential innovation is that in the
lights, Musa ultimately enters the City, to find it full
of dead people who look deceptively alive One of
the leaders of the expedition, Talib b Sahl, is killed
by robots when he tries to despoil the dead queen
The motifs in these nanatives have their now inex-
tricably tangled roots in Islamic (and Jewish) legends
about Solomon, the Alexander Romance, Iranian leg-
end, and, of couise, in maivelhng at ancient stiuc-
tures laid in massive desolation Indeed, the sources
show disagieement as to whether the builder of the
Citv was Alexandei 01 Solomon Brazen 01 iron walls
and palaces ai e a feature of manv texts from Antiquitv ,
and often occur in Iranian legend and poetry (cf
M Barry, Le Pavilion des sept pnniesses. Pans 2000,
680-4, on Nizami's Tail of the red pavilion) The prin-
cipal source of the malefic Citv of Biass mav well
be the Iranian legend of the Brazen Hold, a subter-
ranean (but bnlliant) place of evil in the Avesta (cf
J Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, repr Pans 1960, i. 111),
which surfaces as the evil Aidjasp's redoubt in the
Shah-nama (ed Mohl, i\, 493 and index) The Solo-
>f the
tended makes sense of si
1 details and offers the n
may be more prudent t(
d becaub
■ (XXXIV, 12-13) to the 'm
r Solomon, and to the dj.im
Kur'anic
that God made to flow
that built him palaces
the ends of the world, cautionary insci lptions, automata
istic of all lecensions of the Alexandei Romance In
addition, as Ch Genequand has pointed out [Aiitom
de la ville de bronze d Alexandre a Salomon, in Arabua,
xxxix [1992], 328-30), in his section on the Maghrib
Ibn al-Fakih relates, before describing the Citv of
Baht, versions of such details of the Alexander
Romance as the River of Sand (which appears in
some lecensions) and Alexanders conversation with
the gvmnosophists (who are here an umma of the Banu
Isra'Tl) Genequand suggests that Ibn al-FakTh's mvst-
enous lake (in the \ights, the sea of Karkai) associ-
ated with al-Khadir derives directlv from the Water
of Life episode in the Alexandei Romance via the
tiaditional association of al-Khadu with Kur'an, XVIII,
61-5 (cf also Pinault, 180-6), and that the Citv of
Brass itself denv es from an episode in a late Bv zantine
tury ADl ill which the gvmnosophists' women live
which no man can penetrate and live The Watei of
Life episode is, indeed, likelv to have been a major
contnbutor to the shaping of the stoiy Whether the
same is tiue of the women's island is harder to sav,
since this episode is itself an adaptation ot thf
Amazons' self-segregation in the older lecensions, and
may have been elaborated undei oriental influence
Some commentators have considered the Nights stoiv
a clumsv giab-bag of motifs At a minimum, one must
agiee with those who see in it a zuhdf homilv (e g
Pinault, 231-39) It has been suggested (Barry, 167-8,
and Hamon, lot tit) that, in view of the mvstical
symbolism often attnbuted to various episodes in the
Solomon legend, to dead bodies onl> seemmglv alive,
to spintual famine, to al-Khadir, etc, an mterpieta-
tion of the \ights stoiy that assumes such symbolism
of deep populai Sufism, such symbolic understanding
would have been pait of the reception of the story
Bibliography (in addition to refeiences given in
the article) For the fullest discussion of classical
Arabic references to the Madinat al-nuhas (or
sufr), see M Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Lis Cent el
une mats, repr Pans 1982, 261-70 The Kightt
stoiv and its sources aie also dealt with at
length m M Gerhaidt, The art of story-telling, Leiden
1963, 195-235, and Julia Heinandez Jubenas, La
Peninsula imagmana, Madrid 1996, 25-67 Literarv
criticism A Kilito, LVeil el I'aiguille, Pans 1992,
86-103, Pinault,_o/> tit, 186-239 (A H\morii
\l-MADTADHIB, a leading "holy family"
among the Sudanese Dja'ahy) un [q v ] Then ances-
tors emerged in the 16th centuiv as a family of leli-
gious specialists Ifugara, sg fail) in the area of
al-Damai In 1 1 17/1705-6, Muhammad al-Madjdhub
("the Enraptured"), the fust of the family to beai this
epithet, may have paiticipated in the first revolt of
the northern Sudanese provinces against then Fundj
[q v ] ov erlords Under his son, Fail Hamad wad al-
Madjdhub (1105-90/1694-1776), the family stiength-
ened its position bv accumulating private land titles
and engaging in long-distance trade Well tiamed in
Malikl law, "Hamad adopted the Shadhiliyva tanka
He and his sons— known sinct ta 1800 as atvlad wad
al-Madjdhub or al-MadjadhTb— taught Kui'an and fikh,
provided medical sei vices, and mediated between peas-
their political importance giew lapidlv Thev main-
tained contact with al-Azhar and their schools were
of regional significance The Tui co-Egyptian conquest
(1821-3) and economic hardship during the 19th cen-
turv dispersed the Madjadhib Some returned to al-
Damar, otheis remained in the Ethiopian bordei lands
oi founded settlements in al-Kadanf, the Djazira and
the western Sudan
Most impoitant iehgiouslv was Hamad s grandson,
Muhammad Madjdhub (b 1210/1795-6, d 1247/
1831) After spending eight years in the Hidjaz v\here
he was influenced bv Ahmad b Idrls [q v], he moved
to Sawakin in 1829 to propagate his tanka A pro-
lific writer, Madjdhub did much to spread Islamic
knowledge beyond the confines of the urban scholar-
jurists His nephew and khalifa al-Tahir Madjdhub
(1248-1307/1832-90) gained many followers m the
eastern Sudan In 1883 he joined the Mahdi [see al-
mahdiy\a], and his influence among the eastern tribes
was an important factor in then lallving behind the
Mahdist cause Al-Tahu's son "al-Shavkh" b al-Tahir
Madjdhub [ta 1860-1930) seived as commander in
the Mahdist armv and was latei veneiated for his
piety, poetiv and learning His successors moved the
centre of the eastern Madjadhib to Erkowit
In 20th-centui> al-Damar, the heritage of Shaykk
Muhammad Madjdhub was promoted bv Madjdhub
Djalal al-Dln (1305-96/1888-96) Although efforts to
create a centralised Tanka Madjdhubma failed, the
Shaykh gradually displaced the clan "ancestor, FakT
Hamad, as focal point of communal identification A
domed tomb was erected ovei his grave in 1996
Bibliography Muhammad al-Tahn Madjdhub,
al-Wanla lis al-matlT,b fl ba'd ma lihtahara mm manakib
wa-kammat waS Allah al-Shaykh al-Maajdhub. Cairo 1914,
Madjmit'at al-Madjdhub, Cano 1941, A Hofheinz,
Internalising Islam Shaykh Muhammad Madjdhub, unp-
al-MADJADHIB — al-MAHDI LI-DIN ALLAH, al-HUSAYN
tural Islam and local context in the early nineteenth-century
Sudan, dr. philos. thesis, Univ. of Bergen 1996,
unpubl., and the sources given there.
(A. Hofheinz)
al-MA PIDH UBIYYA Jsee al-madjadhIb] .
MADURA, MADURA'1, in mediaeval Islamic
times a town, now the city of Madurai, in
South India. It lies on the Vaidai river in lat. 9°
55' N., long. 78° 07' E. in the region known to the
mediaeval Muslims as Ma'bar and to later European
traders as Coromandel. For the historical geography
and Islamic history of this coastal province, roughly
extending from Cape Comorin northwards to Madras,
In 734/1334 Sharif Djalal al-Dfn Ahsan [q.v.], gov-
ernor for the DihlT Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk
[q.v.], renounced his allegiance, and he and some
seven of his successors ruled over a short-lived Muslim
sultanate before it was overwhelmed in ca. 779/1377
by the rising Hindu power of Vidjayanagara [q.v.],
(see on the Madura sultanate, H.K. Sherwani and
P.M.Joshi (eds.), History of medieval Deccan (1295-1724),
Haydarabad 1973, i, 57-75; C.E. Bosworth, The New
Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, 318 no. 166; and
for numismatics, E. Hultzsch, The coinage of the Sultans
of Madura, mJRAS [1909], 667-83). Thereafter, Madura
remained under Hindu control till the early 18th
century, when the Nawwabs of Arcot [q.v.] or Arkat
extended their power over it, provoking Maratha
[q.v.] intervention and then that of the British in
favour of the Nawwabs. In 1801 the administra-
tion of the Madura region passed to the British East
India Company as part of a treaty with the Nawwab
of Arcot, and then in 1855, to complete British
The modern city of Madurai, a municipality since
1866, is the chef-lieu of a District of the same name
in the Indian Union State of Tamil Nadu; in 1971
it had a population of 548,000, and in 2003 its pop-
ulation totalled 959,200.
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article): Imperial gazetteer of India 1 , xvi, 386-407.
(C.E. Bosworth)
MAFRAK, lit. "place of separation, junction", a
settlement now a town, in the northeastern
part of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
[see urdunn]. It lies in lat. 32° 20' N., long. 36° 12'
E. at an elevation of 600 m/ 1,960 feet in an arid
area whose average rainfall is 150 mm per annum.
The region lacks running water, hence local people
have always depended on pools and reservoirs for
water, and the settlement grew up near the "white
pool" [al-ghadir al-abyad).
Archaeological investigations nevertheless show that
the area was once well populated, and a large num-
ber of what were Greek Orthodox churches and their
mosaics have been found; the Roman emperor Trajan
in A.D. 108 had built a road passing south of the
site of Mafrak. In Umayyad times, there may have
been a badiya [q.v. in Suppl.] there. The place had a
certain importance in Islamic times from its position
on the caravan and Pilgrimage route from Damascus
to the Hidjaz, and the sources explain its name by
saying some pilgrims used to separate there from the
main road and go their own way, or that friends
from Damascus used to accompany pilgrims south-
wards but return home from Mafrak. But the place
only assumed real importance when the Hidjaz rail-
way [q.v.] was built and a station opened there. After
the Italian occupation of Libya, Libyan refugees, de-
scribed as Maghariba, settled there, and the city still
has a quarter bearing their name. After 1918, it became
an Arab Legion base. Economically, the place received
an impetus in 1931 when the Iraq Petroleum Com-
pany established itself there, built an aircraft landing-
ground and brought in labourers to construct a road
to Baghdad and pipe lines and generators. A pipe
line brought crude oil from Iraq via Mafrak to Haifa
and the Mediterranean coast. The population further
expanded with the settlement of Bedouin tribes-
men, and the discovery of underground water supplies
made a growth of industry as well as of population
possible. In 1985 the region was promoted adminis-
tratively from being a mutasarrifiyya to being a muhafaza
or province. In 1994 the Al al-Bayt University was estab-
lished in the town's suburbs, bringing further expan-
sion and development, and in 2003 the town had an
estimated population of 67,400.
Bibliography: Naval Intelligence Division, Admi-
ralty Handbooks, Palestine and Transjordan, London
1943, 510 and index; Abu Sha'ir Hind, lrbid wa-
djiwamha, 'Amman 1995; 'Abd al-Kadir al-Hisan,
Muhdfazal al-Mafrak wa 'l-muhlta, 'Amman 1999.
(M.A. Bakhit)
MAHAMMAD b. AHMAD b. 'Abd Allah al-
HUDIGI al-Susr al-DjazulI (1118-89/1706-75),
Mor
1152/1739,
• follow!
s of 1
Cairo; he gives details of these stays in his
unpublished Rihla hidjaziyya. On his return to Morocco,
he spent the remainder of his life in his zdwiya [q.v.]
of Wadi IsT in the Sus.
His main work, the Manakib or Tabakdt al-Hudigi
(2 vols. Casablanca 1936-9) groups together alpha-
betically the names of personalities who lived essen-
tially in the llth-12th/17th-18th centuries. These
comprise above all the scholars and mystics of the
Sus, but also persons from the rest of Morocco, though
only rarely from neighbouring lands. The work con-
tains important notices on persons otherwise unknown,
increasing its value for the historian. Al-Hudigi also
compiled several commentaries on manuals of hadith
and fikh, on poetry and on grammar; an important
number of responsa; and a larger-scale madjrnu'a in
which he mentions his masters, in the Maghrib and
the Mashrik, the licenses to teach which he himself
received and which he issued to others, and a few
other sparse personal details. Apart from the Manakib
mentioned above, the ensemble of his works, com-
prising some 20 titles, remains still unpublished. Al-
HudfgT's intellectual progeny were numerous in the
Sus, but his fame as a Sufi was equally great amongst
his compatriots, with his asceticism and scrupulous
orthodoxy impressing his contemporaries; numerous
miracles and acts of intercession were attributed to
Bibliography: Zirikll, A'lam', vi, 15; Muhammad
Mukhtar al-Susi, at-Ma'sut, Casablanca 1960, xi,
302-25; idem, Sus al-'dlima, Casablanca n.d., 193
(lists his works). For references to the mss. of his
works, see M. Manuni, al-Masadh al-'arabiyya h
•l-ta'nkh al-Maghnb, Rabat 1404/1983, i, 222-3,
229-30. _ (P. Lory and M. Zekri)
al-MAHDI LI-DIN ALLAH, al-HUSAYN,
Yamani Zaydl Imam.
He was born in 378/988-9 as one of the younger
sons of Imam al-Mansur bi'llah [q.v.] al-Kasim b. 'All
al-Tyam. In Safar 401 /September-October 1010 he
proclaimed his imamate at Ka'a in al-Bawn and
gained the support of tribes of Himyar, Hamdan and
l-MAHDI LI-DIN ALLAH, al-HUSAYN — MAHKAMA
the Magharib region. He fared the opposition of the
HusaynT 'Alid Muhammad b. al-Kasim al-Zaydi, based
in Dhamar, and of the descendants of Yahya al-HSdr,
the founder of the Zaydi imamate in Yaman, whose
stronghold was in Sa'da. In 402/1011-12 he gained
control of San'a" from Muhammad al-Za\di and
installed his elder brother Dja'far as governor there.
In the following year, al-Zaydl re-entered San'a' and
destroyed the houses of some of al-Mahdfs partisans.
Al-Mahdi defeated and killed him in al-Hakl. He also
thwarted the efforts of Muhammad al-Zaydfs son
Zayd, who received financial backing from the Ziyadid
ruler of Zabid, to avenge his father's death. Next, al-
MahdT seized Sa'da, where Yusuf b. Yahya b. Ahmad
al-Nasir, the claimant to the imamate there, had died,
and destroyed some houses of his opponents. Because
of his severity in punishing dissent, however, he soon
lost most of his tribal support. He suffered a serious
defeat by the Hamdam chief Ahmad b. Kays b. al-
Dahhak near Dhfbfn and was forced to seek refuge
in the Djawf. When he returned with some hundred
horsemen to recover al-Bawn, he was killed fighting
fiercely by the Hamdan at Dhu 'Arar near Rayda on
4 Saiar 404/15 August 1013.
Al-Mahdi s death was at first denied by his brother
Dja'tar who thus became the founder of the Husay-
niyya sect which expected his return as the Mahdf.
The activity of the sect reached its peak during the
successlul lesistance ot Dja'far's sons al-Sharif al-Fadil
al-Kasim id 468/1075) and Dhu '1-Sharafayn Muham-
mad id 478/1085i in Shahara against the Sulayhid
rule It sunned until the 9th/ 15th centurv
Al-Mahdi had himseli claimed to be the Mahdi
whose advent was predated b\ the Piophet In the
quarrels with his opponents who impugned his schol-
arship he is said to have made extravagant ilaims
of being more learned than all former Imams and
n than Muhammad He denounced
diatn
with c
■ of his
After
wideh denied b\ Zavdis
• the
aspeisi<
Latti
■r froi
> his death and
: generalK recogn
others and the accusations made against him b\ his
opponents weie consideied as unfounded polemics
The Sayvid Humavdan b al Kisim 7th/ 13th century
composed a treatise defending his record
Al-Mahdi is said to have left as rrnnv as 73 woiks
including a Kur'in comment ir\ Onl\ a few succinct
tieatises and pamphlets are extant and it has been
suggested that his wntings ma\ have been purged b\
his supporters In religious law and theology he explic-
itly backed the authonrv of the Imams al Kisim b
Ibrahim and \ah\a al-Hidi He did not recognise the
Caspian Zavdi Imams and ignored their tt aching
Bibhoaraph Nashwan al-Himvan al Hu, al 'in
Cano 1367/1948 157 Muhalh al Hada ik al
luirdma n \ah\i b al-Husavn b al-Mu'avvad
Ghatat al amam ed Sa'id Abd al-Fattah 'Ashur
Cairo 1388/1%8 235-8 W Madelung Dir Imam
al Qasim ihn Ibrahim Berlin 1%5 198-201 Mufamh
b \hmad al-Raba'i Sirat al amirain al gjalilain al
shanjayn aljadilayn ed Ridw^n al-Sav>id and '\bd
al-Gham Mahmud 'Abd al-'\ti Beirut 1413/1493
esp 3b-46 345-65 Habshi Mu'allafat hukkam al
laman ed E Niewohnei-Eberhard Wiesbaden
1974 23-27 (W NUdelunc
MAHIR, 'ALI, Egyptian jurist and politi-
cian. Born on 9 November 1881 in Cairo, the son
of Muhammad Mahir Pasha, he was educated at the
Khedivial Secondary School and the School of Law.
'Alt Mahir held several posts in the Egyptian court
system in the years before and during World War I,
and briefly served as Dean of the School of Law-
He began his active political career during the
Revolution of 1919 as one of the organisers of civil
servant petitions and protest. Made a member of the
Wafd [q.v.] in November 1919, Mahir broke with the
movement in March 1922, gravitating thereafter into
the orbit of the Egyptian Palace. In 1922-3 he served
on the commission which drafted the Egyptian Con-
stitution of 1923. He sat briefly in the Chamber of
Deputies (1925-6) and was a member of the Senate
from 1930 to 1952. He held several ministerial posts
in non-Wafdist governments in the 1920s and early
1930s.
Mahir's influence in Egyptian politics was greatest
in the later 1930s, when as Royal Chamberlain he
helped articulate the strategy of consolidating royal
autocracy around the person of the young King Faruk
[q.v. in Suppl.]. Mahir twice served as Prime Minister
at the close of the interwar era (January-May 1936
and August 1939-Jtme 1940). He was forced out of
office by the British in June 1940 because of pre-
sumed pro-Axis sentiments and was under house arrest
from April 1942 until October 1944. He again headed
a pro-Palace government in January-March 1952, after
the kings dismissal of a Wafdist mimstn, PartialK
because of his non-part\ status Mahir was selected
to serve as Prime Ministei immediately aftei the mil-
itarv coup of JuK 1452 He was dismissed in Sep-
tember 1952 because of his opposition to agrarian
reform and died in Geneva on 24 August I960
Biahooraph \ brief political biogiaphv is that
of Rashw an Mahmud Djad -\llah 'Hi Mahir Cairo
1987 His political approach is discussed in C Tripp
Hi \lahn and tht politic of thi Egiptian arm-, I9j6
1942 in idem led ) (nnttmpman Eppt though Eg>ptian
nts London 1993 45-71 For his 1952 rmmstrv
see J Gordon Vcomm blnud mmtmtnt E^pU Fnt
Offtan and the Juh Rt olutwn New \oik 1992
MAHKAMA
4 xi Algeria
When the French began their
in 1830 there existed multiple
predominant Islamic tradition
which had taken root in North A
In the lOth/lbth centurv \lgeria s Ottoman rulers
had introduced the HanatT tradition which prevailed
in the heartland of the empiie The Tuikish militarv
elite and their offspring from marriages with local
women the hulughlit [see ku-oghia] tended to fol-
low the HanafT tiadition Appeals and particulailv dif-
ficult cases might be referred to a madjln oi council
of legal scholars
In aieas bevond firm Ottoman control local tra-
ditions peisisted In the Mzab [qi] oasis some 500
km/250 miles south of \lgieis the Ibidi legal tiadi
Hon [see ib^diy^a] was applied Immigiant Mzibi
met chants in cities along the coast applied this tra-
dition in their own internal matters In the denseh
populated 1 amazight-speaking Kab\ In mountains just
to the south-east of \lgiers local customarv law was
Under Fiench colonial rule the mix of diileient
legal traditions was maintained, but Islamic and cus-
tomary jurisdictions were gradually subordinated to
the French courts. Areas of critical concern to the
French, penal and commercial law, were annexed out-
right to the jurisdiction of French courts. Starting in
the 1850s, the French sought to introduce their own
principles of uniformity and hierarchy to the Muslim
court system. In 1854, they instituted a standard, four-
member madjlis as the court of appeal for all Islamic
legal matters. The measure aroused opposition from
settlers, and in some regions ran counter to traditions
of negotiation over the size and composition of the
mollis. The madjlis was dismantled temporarily in 1859,
revived in 1866, and permanently abolished in 1873,
leaving French courts as the sole appeal jurisdiction.
In the 1850s and 1860s, the French promoted the
reform of Islamic law by establishing a council of
Muslim jurists to support change in areas of family
/ that
■ither
against
s before they were capable of
bearing children), or that seemed to run counter to
scientific reason (the "sleeping baby" doctrine which
held that a woman, abandoned for up to five years
by her husband, might still produce his legitimate
offspring). But as an autonomous institution at the
national level, the council aroused the ire of French
jurists and settlers and was soon dismantled. The French
introduced an examination system for the selection
of judicial personnel, and eventually required that all
those entering the judiciary be graduates of one of three
government-run provincial madrasm.
The most prominent urban Muslim spokesmen of
this period were associated with the judicial system.
These include al-Makkl Ibn Badis, long-time kadi of
Constantine, and a forceful defender of the autonomy
of the Muslim courts in the 1860s, and <Abd al-Kadir
al-Madjdjawi, who made his career as a teacher in the
law schools of Constantine and Algiers. Al-Madjdjawi
was one of the first exponents of Islamic modernism
in Algeria.
Though penal matters were early on entrusted to
the French courts, colonial authorities concluded that
they were not adequate to the task of maintaining
of justice was required. Thus was born in the 1870s
the Code de l'lndigenat, a penal code administered
by local French authorities. It focused on punishing
the least hint of rebellious attitude on the part of
Algerian Muslim subjects and on suppressing any
action that might be construed as a threat to French
economic interests. It was this aspect of French judi-
cial policy, not only oppressive but also humiliating,
that drew the most fire from the emerging national-
ist movement starting in the 1920s.
In the early 20th century, Algeria-based French
jurists with knowledge of Islamic law sought to pro-
duce a code of Islamic family law, known after its
principal author as the Code Morand. Though the
proposed code was published, it was never given offi-
cial status. This was the result of opposition from
powerful rural Muslim leaders, on whom the French
leaned more and more for political support in the
1920s.
While the Muslim courts and law schools produced
some outstanding figures in the period from the 1850s
to 1914, they fell into eclipse after that time. With
their jurisdiction restricted, the Muslim courts offered
litde prospect of reward for ambitious young men.
Thus Malek Bennabi entered the court system in the
mid- 1920s but soon became disaffected. By 1930 he
was studying at a technical school in Paris, launch-
ing what would be a career as one of Algeria's most
original and prolific Islamic thinkers.
The turmoil of war in 1940-43 weakened French
domination of Algeria. Two courses of action were
possible for the French. One was to address Muslim
grievances, including eliminating the Code de l'lndi-
genat. The other was severe repression, including
the use of arbitrary detention, torture and execution.
The period from 1943 to 1954 was one of competi-
tion between these tendencies. After the outbreak of
revolution in November 1954, the repressive impulse
quickly got the upper hand. It was this flouting of
civilised legal standards, dramatically revealed by such
incidents as the 1961 trial of Djamila Boupacha, that
decisively eroded the French public's will to hold onto
Algeria. But this severe repression also contributed to
the development of a culture of extra-legal violence in
Algeria that would dramatically resurface in the 1990s.
With independence in 1962, the new Algerian gov-
ernment's immediate concern was to restructure the
court system so that it reflected the values of national
unity and socialism. Toward this end, all Islamic and
customary jurisdictions were absorbed into a unified
national court system easily accessible to all citizens.
The next task was codification of law, beginning
with the Penal Code, issued in 1966. An Economic
Offences Ordinance, eventually incorporated into the
code, upheld the socialist ideal of workers' participa-
state-run enterprises who let their own interests come
before selfless dedication to the state. It also provided
for the monopoly of the state in control of foreign
trade and arranging contracts for the services of for-
eign enterprises. The notion that private individuals
might serve as intermediaries was anathema in the
socialist doctrines that guided these policies.
Even in areas where Islamic law might have
appeared to have a clear-cut application, it was sub-
ordinated to the practical economic interests of the
state, especially when they coincided with popular
habit. Thus gambling on the state-run football pool
was declared legal, while betting privately on horse
consume beer and wine produced by state-run enter-
prises. By the mid-1970s, the sale of alcohol was re-
there was strong public opposition.
Algeria had been independent for nearly a decade
when the government finally began to deal with legal
issues that were mainly cultural in character. As part
of a larger campaign of Arabisation [see ta'rib]
launched by the Boumedienne regime in 1971, it was
declared that court proceedings should be conducted
in Arabic which, in practice, meant Algerian collo-
quial Arabic. By this time, the first law students whose
training had been in Arabic graduated from the law
school in Algiers. But as in many areas of the Algerian
system, those with fluency in French, who tended to
come from more affluent urban families, continued to
have better opportunities. The question of opportu-
nities in the court system for those proficient only in
Arabic remained a smouldering issue that erupted in
protests on Algerian campuses in 1976 in Constantine,
and in 1980 in Algiers. The latter protests helped to
launch an organised Islamist movement in Algeria,
and resulted in President Chadeli's seeking to accom-
modate Arabic student grievances by intensifying the
Arabisation of the judicial s'
point
change
)f the ;
mount. Islam was given a place of honour, but thi.
was still one subordinate to the state. This ideology
was embedded in the National Charter, endorsed in a
referendum in 1976. On family matters and the rights
of uomen, the Charter pointed in a progressive direc-
tion, endorsing the principle of gender equality.
By the time intensive discussions of a family law
code got under way in the early 1980s, the socialist
emphasis of the charter was under attack from the
also shaped by economic questions, such as the acute
shortage of urban housing — which made it costly to
ensure the rights of a divorced wife — and the rapid
growth in population. The Family Law Code finally
passed in 1984 was a mix of conservative interpreta-
tions of Islamic law and the priorities of an embat-
tled bureaucratic state facing the challenge of rapid
population growth and high unemployment. Women
were not protected against being married without their
own freely-given consent, nor against being left eco-
nomically helpless following divorce, nor against their
husband deciding unilaterally to bring another wife
into the household. Yet at the same time, in an effort
to stem rapid population growth, the Code raised the
minimum age of marriage to eighteen for women and
twenty-one for men.
The late 1980s, rather like the 1940s, saw a relax-
ation of controls on political expression and the me-
dia. An important development in the legal realm was
the founding of the Ligue Algerienne des Droits de
I' Homme, founded in 1985 and given legal recogni-
tion in 1987. With the suppression of the Islamist oppo-
rting i
1992, i
my c
and there was a resurgence of extra-legal violence on
the part of both Islamic rebels and government
forces. In dealing with the challenge of establishing
clearlv who was responsible for given violent inci-
dents,' the courts have often proved ineffective. Yet
the glimmer of hope that they may occasionally
rise to this challenge has sustained a small, dedicated
group of Algerian human rights lawyers.
Bibliography: Simone de Beauvoir and Gisele
Halimi, Djanula Boupacha, Paris 1962; J.P. Charnay,
La vie musulmane en Algerie d'aprh la justice de la pre-
miere moitie du mngtieme siecie, Paris 1965; A.
Christelow, Muslim law courts and the French colonial
state in Algeria, Princeton 1985; Helene Vandevelde,
Le Code algenen de la famille, in Maghreb-Machrek, cvii
(janvier-mars 1985), 52-64; J. Entelis, Algeria: the rev-
olution institutionalized, Boulder, Colo. 1986; Abu '1-
Kasim Sa'd Allah, Ta'rikh al-L^aza'ir al-thakafi, 8
vols., Beirut 1998; I. Taha, L'mdijference du dioit
algerien aux massacres, in An inquiry into the Algerian
massacres, Youcef Bedjaoui, Abbas Aroua and
Meziane Ait-Larbi [eds.j, Geneva 1999.
(A. Christelow)
4. xii. Tunisia
In the mid- 19th century, Tunisia had a pluralist
legal system. Although the respective spheres of com-
petence and the various interrelations of the system's
components were far from being clearly and strictly
defined, the broad lines of its structures can be delin-
s follows. There was a religious legal sphere
ing penal law and, in part, civil law. At the head of
this structure was the Bey, the supreme authority
according to the double principle of a delegated jus-
tice and one held in reserve. Disputes involving the
representatives and subjects of foreign powers were
the province of the consular courts [see imtiyazat].
In 1857 the Fundamental Pact Cahd al-aman), which
proclaimed the equality of all subjects before the
law, began a slow process of legal reform. Hence in
1861 there
Consti
Consti
code of criminal and cust
i al-ajinSyat wa 'l-ahkam al-'urfiyya)
n set up a hierarchic schema of nt
e created within the e
which \
of the Regency. A tribunal for commercial cases organ-
ised under a code of commercial law had to be set
up. However, although this last was actually promul-
gated on 1 April 1864, it could not be put into effect
because of the outbreak of the rebellion in that year,
which brought in its train the abrogation of the
Constitution and the code of criminal and customary
law. The idea of legal reform and codification was
taken up again in the 1870s under the reformist Prime
Minister Khayr al-Dm (1822-90 [q.v.]), but without
his efforts being fully accomplished.
In short, the modifications in the legal system
attempted before the installation of the Protectorate
were either of short duration or only touching upon
the formal aspects of the existing legal jurisdictions.
There was on one hand a reorganisation of the shar'i
jurisdiction at Tunis in 1856 and then in the interi-
or of the Regency in 1876. Also, there were mea-
sures undertaken, notably between 1870 and 1873, to
define more clearly the jurisdictions reserved to the
.1 admi
and il
repres
•s of
perse
civil law, sc. a shai'i jurisdiction for the Muslims (that
of kadis, Malik! or HanafT according to the defen-
dant's rite, sitting as sole judges, plus madjalis, plural
jurisdictions made up of kadis and muftis) and a rab-
binical jurisdiction for the Jews. Alongside these was
a jurisdiction of the central administration and its
The installation of the French Protectorate in 1881
was to bring profound changes in the Tunisian legal
system. By the Convention of La Marsa (1883;, the
Tunisian state undertook to "proceed to administra-
tive, judicial and financial reforms as judged useful
by the French government". In practice, French
control over the beylical state was to be assured by
the bias of the Resident-General as well as by the
presence of French officials at all levels of the
administration.
In the first place, following the doctrine of "dou-
ble sovereignty", the protecting power undertook to
install for its own nationals a French legal structure
(law of 18 April 1883), comprising justices of the peace
and courts of first instance; not till 1941 was an appeal
court created. Furthermore, the French legal system
thus installed was to replace, until 1884, the various
consular jurisdictions of the European Powers. With
the land law of 1885 there was set up a mixed court
for land questions, an original jurisdiction (inspired by
the Australian model I aimed at promoting the
registration of land and buildings. This court, made
up of a French president, with one-half French judges
and the other half Tunisian judges, was at the same
time to reduce the sphere of the shar'i courts to
embrace merely cases involving non-registered landed
property.
Regarding the reform of justice dependent on the
authority of the Tunisian state, apart from the regu-
lation of the jurisdiction dependent on the central
administration (the so-called Ouzara = Wuzara'), whose
ipetence was extended beyond the ci "
all c
xtept for personal st
i betwe
really tackled till 1896, v
for judicial affairs (idarat al umur al 'adlma) was set up
At the same time regional courts of common law
were created with an organisation modelled on that
of the French courts of first instance II the magis-
trates weie Tunisians the) had ne\ertheless to be
assisted fiom 1906 b> government commissioners
(French officials knowing Arabic, In 1921 a Commis-
sion of Pleas playing the role oi an appeal couit as
well as a Supreme Appeal Couit and a criminal divi-
sion with ]unsdiction over the whole land, were
installed at the side of the court oi Ouzara in Tunis
Also in 1921 a real Ministry of Justice was created
and the principle of delegated justice came foimallv
to replace that oi justice held by the Bey Only the
right of pardon w as henceforth reserved to him The
vear 1938 was marked bv the multiplying of courts
in the various counties of the land, with a wide sphere
of competence largely icplacing that of the ha' ids
From 1896, a commission was set up to prepare codi-
fications based at one and the same time on French
and on Muslim law and which were intended to
become the laws applicable by the courts of common
law Codes of obligations and contiacts (1906) ofciyil
procedure (1910) of criminal law (1913), as well as
foi cnminal proceduie (1921) were successively piom-
ulgated In certain spheies of economic life French
laws became dnectly applicable
It was only much later that the shar'i courts weie
remodelled However, because of the reforms already
in operation their spheres of competence became
reduced to cases of personal status and inheritance
and also to those concerning family oi pi rv ate habous
ot /tubus [see w\kf II 3] and landed property which
had not been registered It was not till 1948 that a
code of procedure charaique governing the organ-
up They then consisted of two hadi% and of two
courts (ma&alis) (for each of the two law schools,
Hanaff and MalikT) sitting in Tunis, with similar juns-
the country where, howevel the HanafT law school
was not represented The demands by certain reformist
circles seeking a moie ladical refoim of the mahahm
shar'ma as well as of the education system of the
Zaytuna [qi] which trained future personnel foi the
It gal system weie hardly taken into account by the
Piotectoiate authorities
A few months after the proclamation oi indepen-
dence in March 1956 the new Tunisian state issued
a series of decrees aimed at reorganising and unify-
ing the legal system The jurisdiction of the shar'i
courts was transferred to the courts of common law
and then membeis integrated within the framewoik
of the state magistiature In May 1956 the French
commissioners attached to the Tunisian courts were
relieved of their lunctions and in March 1957 the
Fianco-Tumsian Legal Convention ended the French
courts In September 1957 it was the turn of the
Rabbinical court to be suppiessed
After the installation of the lepublican regime in
July 1957, Tunisia in 1959 acquired a Constitution
which in section IV devoted to legal powers pro-
claimed notably the independence of ]udges and laid
down that they should be appointed by presidential
decree on the proposal oi the Higher Council foi
Judges The formal functioning of this unified and
centralised legal system was embodied in Law no 67-
29 of 14 July 19b7 concerning judicial organisation,
the Higher Council for Judges and the position of
the judiciary This law fixed the Tunisian judicial hie
archy as follows county courts, courts of first instanc
a court for land questions, appeal couits and a supreme
appeal court based at Tunis Fuithermore alongside
a High Court (or cases oi high treason the 1959
Constitution equally made provision for an adminis-
trative court, this was effectively set up in 1974 and
considerably reorganised in 1996
In regard to the law applied by its courts the
Tunisian state undertook fiom the time of indepen-
dence onwaids to set up a new stiucture of national
codifications From among the legal texts dating fiom
the colonial period, only the codes for obligations and
and the criminal code remained e
in force
appropriate
i that although
the first article of the 1959 Tunisian Constitution
made Islam the state religion, Islamic law does not
appeal amongst the foimal sources of Tunisian law
Regaiding the code of personal status largely drawn
from Islamic law, the legislating power showed a
remarkable will foi innovation notably in abolishing
polygamy introducing judicial divorce and authoris-
ing adoption However an analysis of judicial prac-
tice in Tunisia has been able to show that there is
a tendency amongst judges to refei in certain cases
to non-codified Islamic law
Bibliography M Bompard Legislation de la
Tumsie Reiueil des his deirets el reglements en iigeur
dam la Regent e de Tunis au V jamier 1888 Pans
1888 A Girault, Pnncipes de colonisation et la legula
lion colomale (( LApique du \ord La Tumsu et le
Maroc), Pans 1928 L Berchei, L organisation de la
justice in Initiation a la Tumsie Pans 1950 270-80
J Magnin Reformer /undiques en Tumsie in IBIA, xxi
(1958) 77-92 R Brunschvig Justice rehgieuse et /us
lice laique dans la Tumsie des Deis et des Beys jusqu au
miluu du \I\ suck in 57 \xm (1965) 27-70, GS
van kneken Man al Din d la Tumsu (1850 1881)
Leiden 197b Recueil des textes rdatifs a I organisation
de lajustne en Tumsu, Tunis 1991, Muhammad al-
'Aziz Ibn "Ashur, Djami' al ^mtuna al ma'lam ita
nqjaluhu Tunis 1991 \ Ben Achour Politique religion
et droit dam le monde arabe, Tunis 1992 M Charfi
Introduction a I dude du droit 'Tunis 1997 E Helm
La magistrature de la marginahsation a la restruduration,
in Monde arabe/ Maghieb MachreL clvn (1997) 40-6,
S Ben Nefissa Droit musulman junsprudinu tumsienne
et droit positif in L astrolabe, n (2000), 115-28
(Betting Dennerlein and L Rogler)
5 The Indo-Pakistan subcontinent
After a century and a hall of tiade the last few
decades of which were characterised by increasing
involvement in political intrigue and military adven-
turism — inspired initially by irvalry with European
competitors (most paiticularly the Fiench with whom
England was twice at war in the mid- 18th century j —
the East India Company emerged as a major politi-
cal and military power in the subcontinent in the
context of the disintegration of the Mughal empire
into a collection of feuding regional pow ers After the
battle of Buxar (1764) which pitted the Company
troops against the remnants of the Mughal army the
Company was in a position to conclude a tieaty (far
man [q i ]) with the titular head of the Mughal empire
Shah "Alam II [qi] who in 1765 ceded to the
Company in perpetuity the dmam (civil and revenue
administration) of three eastern piovinces — Bengal
Bihar and Onssa — in exchange for an annual tribute
of ^2b0 000 (payment of which only continued until
1773) The Company thus became ruler of lands and
peoples ostensibly in the name of the emperoi
The modern period of judicial administration in
South Asia commenced with the establishment by
Warren Hastings (Governoi of Bengal 1772-3
Gen emoi -Gene. al of India 1773-85) of courts serv-
ing the indigenous population of these thiee provinces
and the virtually simultaneous establishment by the
Crown of a Supieme Court in C ak utta Hastings
courts in the mofussd (the territory outside the seat of
the Presidency Ai mufasial [q c in Suppl ] ' sepa-
lated ) were cieations of the East India Company
Hastings plan — hequently revised during his own term
fmther modified by Loid Comwallis (Governoi-
General, 1786-93) and cast by the latter in the Code
of 1793 — set the pattern lor ]udiual administration in
the temtoiies subsequently acquired Hastings pio-
ceeded to establish a Diuam 'Adalat I civil court) and
a Fandjdai, 'Adalat [criminal court) m each revenue
district or Collectorship (the numbei ol th.se courts
was subsequently increased and then geogiaphical
]unsdiction deci eased courts suboidinate to the Di
nam 'Adalat were also subsequently established) The
Collector himself initially presided ovei the cml couit
latei ]udges were appointed from among the Com
pany s
Indian Law Office
(Hindu pundits and Muslim mauluis) were appointed
to each Diuam 'Adalat to expound the Hindu oi
Muslim law applicable to the case The Distnct Kadi
and Mufti piesided over the Faudfdan 'Adalat in which
Muslim criminal law continued to be administered
\ppeals from the Dmam 'Adalat, lay to the Sadr Dm
'Adalc
ichief c
tially <
1 the
Governor-General and members ol his Council)
alter 1781 to the King in Counul Appeals from the
Faimdjdan 'Adalat lay to the Sadr \Kamat 'Adalat ini-
tially headed by an appointee ol the Nizam
The eaily bifurcation between civil and criminal
]unsdiction derived from the teims ot the 17b5 grant
undei which criminal ]unsdiction remained with the
lepiesentative of the Mughal emperor In 1790 crim-
inal justice was (umlaterallv) brought under the direct
contiol of the Company the Faugjdan 'Adalats weie
abolished and replaced bv criminal courts headed by
covenanted seivants of the Company assisted by kadis
and muftis Although some ol the rules of Muslim
criminal law and evidence weie gradually modified
by government regulations, it was not until the Penal
Code of 1860, the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1861,
and the Evidence Act, 1872, that Muslim law in these
respects was completely superseded. After 1790 the
Sadr Nkamat 'Adalat was comprised of the Governor-
General and members of his Council, assisted by the
Chief Kadi and two muftis. In 1801 the Governor-
General and his Council members were relieved of
judicial responsibilities in both Sadr 'Adalats: the two
appellate courts were united in a single Sadr 'Adalat
with civil and criminal sides, presided over by judges
appointed from the ranks of the Company's covenanted
In the Company settlements themselves, there had
been courts established by royal charter since the
Mayors' Courts of 1727. (Prior to this, what justice
there was in the Company towns and factories was
a very rough and ready, and often brutal, affair.) The
Mayor's Court was a civil court of record, with com-
pulsory jurisdiction only over Europeans to whom they
applied English law; final appeal lay to the King in
Council. (Although not compulsorily subject to the
court, indigenous inhabitants might agree to such dis-
posal of the dispute, in which case it would be adju-
dicated according to English law. I The Mayor's Court
in Calcutta (the English town that had grown up
around the Company's factory) was replaced by a
Supreme Court, established by Royal Charter (1774)
and Act of Paihament (1773, as amended in 1781
and 1784) The Supreme Court (aftei its lunsdiction
had been more carefully defined by the lattei acts)
possessed civil ]unsdiction ovei all British-born sub-
lets and their descendants resident in the Bengal
Piesidency and all persons lesiding in Calcutta, includ-
ing its Indian inhabitants
In Madras and Bombay the Mayors Courts wete
superseded in 1798 by Recoideis Courts, which pos-
sessed powers similai to those of the Supieme Court
in Calcutta (and were sub]ect to similar restuctions)
The Recordei s Conits were upgraded to Supreme
Courts in 1802 (Madras) and 1824 (Bombay) As these
two Presidencies acquired mofussd temtoiies — Bombay
following the third Maratha War (1818) [see m\rathas]
Madras with the annexation of approximately half
ol My sore aftei the defeat ot rrpu Sultan \q i ] in 1 799
followed by the annexation ol the Carnatic— the
establishment of mofusul courts in these tenitones fol-
lowed the pattern ol Hastings plan as lefined and
codified by Comwallis in 1793
Bombay was in many ways unique The island was
ceded to the Crown by the Portuguese in lbbl and
leased to the Company in lfib8 on payment of ,{10
a y eai the rights of the C ompany ov er Bombay thus
derived from the Bntish Crown not from the Mughal
soveieign, oi legional potentate or military conquest
Furthei the island of Bombay had pievious to being
handed over to the English been undei Portuguese
in 1818 was taken ovei not from Muslim but Irom
Hindu rule consequently Muslim law did not en]oy
in Bombav the pie-eminence that it did m Bengal
and Madras The Bombay 'Adalat svstem underwent
several changes and refinements until 1827 when all
previous Regulations weie repealed and replaced with
a series of Regulations which came to be termed the
Elphinstone C ode One of the interesting things ( on-
tained in Elphinstone s Regulations was a Criminal
Code tor the Presidency which was only superseded
by the Indian Penal Code ot 18b0
The dual svstem ot courts — Roval Courts whose
]udges were appointed by the Crown in the Presidency
headquarters (Calcutta, Bombay and Madras); and
Company Courts, created by the East India Company
and staffed by its officers, in the mqfiissih- persisted
until, in the aftermath of the 1857-8 uprising, the
Crown assumed all rights that the East India Company-
sequence was the integration of the Company and
Crown courts and rationalisation of the judicial struc-
ture. In each presidency, the Sadr (appellate) Company-
Court was amalgamated with the Supreme Court to
constitute a High Court.
Significantly, under the British — Company and
Crown — there were not in South Asia separate reli-
gious courts for the religiously-derived personal laws;
personal law of both Muslims and Hindus was admin-
istered as an integral part of their civil jurisdiction
by both the mqfinsil civil courts and the Supreme
Courts and, subsequently, the High Courts. Whether
the litigation came before the Supreme Courts or the
Company mqfussit courts, the indigenous peoples of
South Asia were guaranteed the application of their
own system of personal law in a wide variety of civil
matters. The phraseology of Hastings' formulation of
1772 and the Regulation of 1780 preserved to Muslims
in the mojusnl "the laws of the Koran" when the lit-
igation concerned "inheritance, marriage, caste, and
other religious usages and institutions". (The word-
ing used in the Act defining the jurisdiction of the
Supreme Couit was different but of similai import.)
A Regulation of 1781 added "succession" to the top-
ics concerning which the mojvssil couits were to apply
the personal law. The Regulation further provided
that in the absence of statutory law, and in situations
not covered by the earlier Regulation, the mojvssil
couits were to have recourse to "justice, equity and
good conscience", with the result that the personal
(Hindu or Muslim) law was often applied in matters
other than those specifically enumerated. In essence,
"justice, equity and good conscience" was used in
numerous situations to render applicable the relevant
personal law as the "proper law" of the contract or
transaction; reference was to the law which the par-
ties could be presumed to have expected would apply
to the transaction. On the other hand, statutes took
precedence ovei, and could and did oust, Muslim law.
By the end of the 19th century, applicability of Muslim
law was confined essentially to family law, inheritance
and certain transfers of property. Even in these areas,
the secular law made inroads; e.g. a Muslim father
could be compelled by the magistiate to maintain his
illegitimate child (a provision repealed in Pakistan in
1981); the apostate from Islam [see murtadd] was not
deprived of his share as an heir intestate (a provision
repealed in West Pakistan in 1963).
Because the company officials appointed to judicial
duties in the mofmsil courts (and the barrister-judges
of the Supreme Court) were not, at least initially,
knowledgeable in the indigenous legal lore, Muslim
Law Officers (mawlwh) and Hindu Law Officers {pun-
dits) were appointed to every civil court, original and
appellate. These officers functioned, not as judges, but
as resource personnel, to whom specific questions of
law might be refened by the judge during the course
of the proceedings before him. In order to displace
the monopoly of specialised knowledge possessed by
the Law Officers, work was undertaken to make
authoritative souice material diiectly available to
lawyers and judges in English. The first Muslim text
thus treated was the Hidaya, a 12th-century text by
Burhan al-Dm al-Marghfnam [q.v.], translated by
Chailes Hamilton in 1791. This was followed in 1792
by William Jones' translation of the Simdj_iyya, together
with an abstract of the Shanfiyya; and by Neil Baillie's
volumes on Moohummadan law of inheritance (1832) and
Moohummadan law of sale (1850), the former an abridge-
ment of the Siradfina and Shanfiyya, and the_ latter
based on ielevant chapteis of the Fatawa-i-'Alamgiri
[see al-fatawa al-'alamgIriyya] . In 1865 appeared
Neil Baillie's translation and abridgement of those
portions of the Fatawa-i-'AlamgiiT likely to be relevant
to litigation in India. This was followed in 1874 by
Baillie's translation of the major Ithna Ash'an Shi'i
text, the Shara'i' al-Islam. A collection of the questions
submitted to Muslim Law Officers by judges of the
Company Courts, together with their responses, was
published by William Macnaghten in 1825 as the sec-
ond part of his Principles and precedents of Moohummudan
law. And toward the end of the century, Mahomed
Vusoof, in his Tagore Law Lectures, 1891-2, trans-
lated the portions of the Fatawa-i-Kadi Khan [see kadI
khan] dealing with marriage and divorce. It was not
until 1914 that E.C. Howard's English translation of
the Shafi'I text Mmhaj et-tahbin, prepared for admin-
istrators and judges in Southeast Asia, became avail-
able. Textbooks and compilations by Indian scholars
and scholars of Indian law also appeared. Ameer Ali's
two volume work was first published in 1880 and
1884; Roland Knyvet Wilson's Introduction and Digest
in 1894 and 1895, respectively. The first edition of
Dinshah Fardunji Mulla's Principles of Muhammadan law
was dated 1906; the first edition of Tyabji's learned
tome, 1913. Meanwhile, systematic reporting of legal
decisions of the High Courts, Judicial Commissioners'
Courts and Chief Courts began in 1876 (under a
statute of the previous yeai). The availability of pub-
lished decisions enhanced the role of judicial prece-
dent: a decision on a point of law by the Privy Council
was binding on all British Indian Courts; and a deci-
sion of the High Court was binding on the subordi-
nate Presidency Courts.
As part of the judicial reorganisation in the 1860s,
the posts of Hindu and Muslim Law Officers were
abolished; judges themselves, assisted by the lawyers
appearing before them, were deemed capable of deal-
ing with questions of Muslim and Hindu law, which
continued to be dealt with as integral components of
the civil jurisdiction. By the turn of the 20th century,
virtually every superior provincial court of a province
with a significant Muslim population had a Muslim
among its sitting judges; the first two such High Court
appointments were those of Justice Mahmood (son of
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan [see ahmad khan]) to the
Allahabad High Court in 1887, and Ameer Ali [see
amIr c alI], appointed to the Calcutta High Court in
1890. From 1909 a series of distinguished Indian jurists
sat on the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council
(the ultimate court of appeal prior to independence
and the establishment of national Supreme Courts);
Ameer Ali, the first (and the only Muslim) Indian
Privy Councillor, served from 1909 until his death in
1928.
Extremely significant is the fact that to this date
Muslim law remains virtually entirely uncodified; this
contrasts not only with the massive codification of
Hindu law undertaken by India in the first decade
of Independence, but also with the general trend in
the Muslim world. (Major exceptions are the Dissolution
of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939; the Pakistan Muslim
Family Laws Ordinance, 1961; and the Indian Muslim
Women [Protection of Rights on Divorce] Act, 1986.)
Being uncodified, Muslim law is amenable to inter-
pretation and/ot reinterpretation by the court. This
occurred during the British period, as in decisions
holding that the post-pubescent Shafi'i girl could not
be contracted in marriage without her permission; and
that the pre-pubescent HanafT girl contracted in mar-
riage as a minor by a guardian other than father or
paternal grandfather could extra-judicially renounce
the marriage on attainment of puberty. (Incidentally,
it was Ameer Ali who had proposed, in his Mahomedan
law, the interpretation of Shafi'I and Malikl law that
was adopted by the courts in the former instance;
and it was the same individual, in his capacity of
judge of the Calcutta High Court, who delivered the
decision establishing the point in the latter instance.)
In the first decades of Independence, the new State
of Pakistan appeared committed to a policy of idftihad,
as exemplified by the dramatic decisions, endorsed by
the Supreme Court of Pakistan, holding that, within
the Hanafi madhkab, wives are legally entitled to recover
arrears of maintenance (1972); and that a Muslim
woman is entitled to a judicial dissolution of her mar-
riage (in spite of her husband's objection) merely on
the ground that she finds the situation intolerable,
provided that she is willing to return or foiego her
mahr [q.v.] and other "benefits" she may have received
from her husband ( 1 967 1.
Although the documents of the late 18th century
reflect an assumption that "the laws of the Koran"
constitute a single entity to which all Muslims owe
the textual level. The overwhelming proportion of
South Asian Muslims are Hanafi Sunnls, but on the
southwestern coast of the subcontinent another SunnI
school, the Shan't, is localh significant. More impor-
tant in Biitish India was ShT'ism (brought to the sub-
continent by the Persians), which had a considerable
following, particularly in Oudh (annexed by the British
in 1856 [see awadh]i. In spite of fact that since the
mid- 18th century the Nawab Wazn of Oudh had
been a ShrT, Sunn! law, as the law of the Mughal
empire, applied in the territory until 1847, when (three
decades after the Oudh d\ nasty had assumed the title
of "King," and nine years prior to the annexation of
Oudh by the British) a Shl'i muftt was appointed, and
(Ithna 'Ashanl Shl'i law began to be applied to Shi' Is
within the kingdom. Ironically, Shr'1 law was recog-
nised by the Privy Council as the law applicable to
ShT'Ts in British India six yeais before it was recog-
nised by the indigenous government of the Oudh
Kingdom; and by the Bengal Sadi 'Adalat more than
three decades befoie the matter reached the Pri\-y
Council. However, given the numerical prominence
of the Hanafrs, the assumption of the South Asian
courts is that a person, if a Muslim, is a Hanafi
Sunni; consequently, the term "Muslim law'
"Islamic law" as used in judicial decisions is us
synonymous with "Hanafi Sunn! law". The burd
on the person claiming to be a follower of a an<
Muslim school oi sect to plead and establish this
established that a part)
Also
roblen
change, and eventuallv legisla
whose
ShlT, the
mptio
:, Ithna 'Ashar
is that
Inform
of tl
the minoiity Shl'i sect, the Isma'ilis, is much less
readily available, although a significant difference that
was of some importance duiing the Biitish peiiod
(and overlooked by the Privy Council in an 1890
' ' maTlrs do - ' '
the
lildless
widow
s of inheri
a the
way that Ithna 'Asharis
1969 that Professoi A.A.A. Fyzee published his
Compendium of Fatimid law. The terms "ShrT" and
"Shl'i law" as used in South Asian judicial decisions
are synonymous with "Ithna 'AsharT" and "Ithna
Textual Muslim law, of course, does not recog-
nise customs in derogation of the law; but lural agrar-
ian communities, particularly in North India, did.
Customary law, applicable to Muslim (and Hindu)
agrarian families in vast regions of the north-west (par-
ticularly the Punjab, the heartland of customary- law
and a piovince which was under Sikh, not Muslim,
rule before conquered by the British in 1849) was
essentially a ietention and continuation of their pre-
existing practices in "secular" matters, particulaily suc-
cession and dealings with property, by converts to
Islam (and their descendants); even those Muslim
tribes — e.g. Pathans — who claimed to be descended
from Muslim invaders had long ago fallen into line
with the local piactices. At the same time, these local
practices were not consistent with Hindu law (and
may well have predated tbe formal statement of
Mitakshara Hindu lawj. Most of these people never
had observed oi been subject to Muslim law (or ortho-
dox Hindu law), knew little if anything about it, were
quite happy with the way things had always been
managed in regard to succession and property and
saw no reason to change — at least until well into the
20th century, when religious revivalists and political
leaders trying to define a Muslim constituency and
i Mus
i politi
■rted from Hinduism to Islam but
retained man) of their Hindu practices. Both Hindu-
ism and Islam purport to govern more than an indi-
vidual's religious devotion; both lay down rules
concerning marriage, divorce, and othei domestic con-
cerns, as well as more "seculai" matters, most impor-
tantlv dealings with pioperty and inter-generational
transmission of property. Individuals and communities
who converted to the faith of Islam from Hinduism
not infrequently continued Hindu patterns of prop-
erty holding and transmission: matters which may
have struck them as having little to do with religious
profession, and matteis which the ancient practice
managed entirely to their satisfaction. Such a course
was undoubtedly facilitated by the fact that Sufis, who
were responsible for much conversion to Islam in
South Asia, were not particularly concerned with mun-
dane things like worldly property and its inter-gener-
which adopted Islam as a religion but continued theii
former Hindu practices were two commercial groups
from westein India, the Khodjas and the Menons;
both were judicially held amenable to Hindu law in
regard to matters of inheritance in the mid-19th cen-
tury. Further, an individual family (perhaps connected
with or seeking favour from the Mughal court I might
continuing their pievious practices concerning prop-
erty dealing and succession. Othei individuals or
gioups, most prominently exemplified by the Hindustani
Kayasthas, who performed important roles in the
Mughal administration, adopted many outward Muslim
observances and customs (e.g. of dress, language, lit-
erature, and even burial) without converting; they
remained Hindus by religion and followed Hindu law
(although depieciated by their co-religionists as "half-
Distinct both from those subject to agrarian cus-
tom in North India and from groups or families who
rices (particulaily concerning inheritance and property
dealings; to confotm to Muslim law were those aris-
tociatic Muslim landowning families who, although
unambiguously subject to Muslim law, observed "fam-
ily customs" designed to keep the landed estate intact
and/or control its devolution (e.g. piimogeniture, exclu-
sion of female heirs, appointment of an heiri.
As the importance of "custom" — or behaviour and
practices inconsistent with the religious affiliation of
the parties — become more apparent, it was explicitly
recognised in statutes governing the subsequently
established courts, and in practice by all the courts.
The burden of proving a custom in derogation of the
(othei wise applicable) personal law was on the per-
son pleading custom. To be accepted as a rule of
and neithei repugnant to morality or public policy
nor contrary to any statutory law. It was usually suf-
ficient to establish that the custom had been regu-
larly and consistently observed in the family, tribe or
locality for at least fifty years. Once judicially recog-
nised, custom could not be altered by anything short
of legislation.
One of the indirect (and doubtless unintended)
effects of British policy in India was that anomalous
communities and families became more aware of and
conscious of their status and often moved to identify
closely with one 01 other orthodox tradition
>ressure to identify with one of the two great
■s became mole intense with the advent of
limentarv democratic institutions and the prospect
eventual self-government m which numbeis would
int Both sides launched missionary activities in
lition to seeking fiesh converts, the Muslim tabligh
X [see tablighI djama'at] attempted to
e the ,
n the ,
,e of a
s and to induce gioups following practu
and customs inconsistent with the true faith to
i enounce such customs the Hindu shuddi movement
(launched b> the leformist \r\a Samaj) sought to
'reclaim' descendants ot former conveits to Islam to
the tiue faith of then more ancient ancestois
In 1937, Muslim political leadeis managed to secuie
enactment of the Muslim Peisonal Law (Shanat)
Application Act which substituted Muslim law as the
rule ot decision in preference to custom previously
applicable either by vutue of regulations specifically
iecognising custom and usage as the governing rule,
or by virtue ot the justice equity and good con-
science clause \t the same time the terms of this
verv statute demonstrate the importance of custom to
a paiticular class of Muslims the Muslim families of
northern India holding large estates and fiequently
claiming anstociatic descent, whose suppoit was essen-
tial to the Muslim League insisted on being able to
retain the control of the inter-geneiation transmission
of family property — a right which 'family custom'
often guaranteed and Muslim law largely negated It
was at the insistence ot this particular class that the
Shanat Application Act 1937 did not compulsonly
covei either adoption (i e appointment of an heir) oi
testamentarv disposition of property By a foituii
Courts with exclusive jurisdiction in regard to certain
aieas of matrimonial and family litigation Pakistan
took the lead with the (West Pakistan) Family Courts
\ct 1964 India followed two decades later, 1984,
j and Bangladesh in 1985 Simplified and less foimal
procedures, designed to expedite the litigation gov-
ern pioceedings m the Family Courts, paiticulaily in
Pakistan and Bangladesh and the rigorous requne-
ments of the Evidence \ct, 1908, have been miti-
gated m family litigation in India and Bangladesh
Although the Bangladesh statute itself declaied all
Munsif's Courts (civil courts subordinate to the Distnct
Court) to be Family Courts and all Munsifs to be
Family Court Judges and Pakistan had within two
yeais appointed judges to function as Family Courts
thioughout the countrv, the Indian legislation only
mandated Family Courts foi urban areas of popula-
tion one million or more and implementation has
pioceeded slowly
In Pakistan General Zia-ul-Haq [see zrvA' <vl-hakk],
having seized powei in July 1977 with the piomise
of elections within 90 days justified holding power
foi eleven years (until his mysterious death in 1988)
in the name of "Islamisation' His pationage of the
Islamists — to whom he mcieasingly looked as provid-
ing some sort of "constituency" and creating the
appeal ance of at least some popular support for his
government and whom he brought into a political
prominence they had not pieviously enjoyed — received
a tiemendous international boast with the Soviet inva-
sion ot Afghanistan (1979) and United States support
of the mujahideen opposition Money and arms poured
gion, thousands ot maaVajas, many of them
- howe
r the n
landlord
exempt fi om the terms of the
cultuial land was concerned The Government of India
\ct, 1935 had come into effect before the Bill which
became the Act of 1937 was actually passed Ijnder
the scheme of the Government of India \ct succes-
sion to agncultural land was a topic exclusively within
the legislative competence of the provinces and the
Cential Legislate could not deal with it (The 1937
and eg brought the urban property of the Khodjas
and Menons undei the rule of Muslim law as fai as
intestate succession was concerned)
(West) Pakistan acted shortly after independence
totallv to negate custom as a rule of law applicable
to Muslims affirming in its stead Muslim law (of the
appropriate sect) Seveial Indian states have passed
supplementary legislation amending the 1937 Act to
covei succession to agncultural land The scope for
the application of rules of custom to Muslims has
considerably deci eased in South \sia and has been
totally ousted in Pakistan
The new States ot the subcontinent inherited and
very largely letained the judicial structure as devel-
oped during the British period (with obvious excep-
tions e g the ultimate court of appeal is no longei
the Privy Council and High Court judges are not
appointed by London), as well as procedural law and
the major statutes enacted during the previous era
In even province a High Court sits at the apex of
a hierarchy of subordinate civil and criminal courts
with ultimate appeal to the national Supreme Court
The most important post-Independence administrative
development in regard to disputes to which Muslim
law is applicable has been the introduction in each
ot the three countnes ot South \sia ot special Family
aining
schools foi Islam
lang t
the
The Russians withdiew a decade latei
U S lost interest and Afghanistan descended into civil
war, which Pakistan thought it could control to its
advantage
The Zia era left his successors with a heady legacy,
including the continuing tall-out of involvement in
Afghanistan in the form of weapons, drugs refugees
and Islamic militants Institutionally the Zia legacy is
repiesented by the Shanat Courts created in 1978
These special courts possess junsdiction to examine
the Islamic vires of 'any law , and if such law is
found contrarv to the 'Injunctions of Islam, as laid
down in the Holy Qui an and the Sunnah of the
Holy Piophet" to strike it from the statute book
Most recently this jurisdiction has been exercised (23
Decembei 1999) to oider that inteiest in all forms
be abolished in Pakistan by June 2001 and (5 Januarv
2000) to strike down many ot the reforms achieved
four decades previously by the Muslim Family Laws
Ordinance 19bl (The Shanat Bench ot the Supreme
Court, affirming the 1991 decision ot the Federal
Shanat Court on nba, set 30 June 2001 as the dead-
line toi the conveision to a nia-free system On 15
June 2001 the same court extended the deadline by
twelve months The decision of the Federal Shanat
Court on the various provisions ot the Muslim Family
Laws Ordinance has been stayed pending an appeal
to the Shanat Bench of the Supreme Court, which
may not be heaid for some time, and which will
probably not fully endorse the position of the Federal
Shanat Court For a concise introduction to and assess-
ment of the nba decision see the booklet Mm. ing toward
an Islamic financial regime in Pakistan by P Hassan and
A Azfai, available at www law harvard edu/piogiams/
llsp/pubhcations html ) In terms of substantive law,
Zia s progiam of "Islamisation' resulted in the prom-
ulgation in 1979 ot the tour hudud ordinances (includ-
mg the dracoman ~jna Ordinance), introducing into
Pakistan law the criminal offences (illicit intercourse,
false imputation of unc hastily theft and consumption
of alcohol) together with their respective punishments,
defined in the sharfa, imposition (1980) of zakat and
•usht levies promulgation (1982) of a blasphemy ordi-
nance (defining an offence which carries a mandatoiv
death sentence) repeal (1981) of the piovision of the
Criminal Piocedure Code gi anting the illegitimate
child a right to maintenance from his/hei putative
lather, and the piovisions in Pakistan s new Evidence
Oidei (1984 which ieintroduced the two-year period
of gestation recognised by classical Hanaff |unsts and
Othei dimensions of the Zia legacy are the enhanced
pohticisation of Islam and a dramatic increase in sec-
tanan violence between one sect or lommunitv of
Islam and anothei, as well as between Islamists and
non-Muslims (including Ahmadis, who were constitu-
tionally defined as non-Muslims by Zulfikar All Bhutto s
goveinment in 1974) Religion is oppoitunisticallv
of the Shan'a is held ioith as a panacea for the seri-
ous problems facing the country, and not meiely by
the Islamic parties on the fringe of elettoial politics
The 15th Constitutional Amendment Bill as pro|cctcd
by Nawaz Sharif dunng his second (and abiuptly ter-
" e Mimstei (1997-9) would
have
riehow
il peac
problems, and would have cieated an "Islamic wcl-
faie state' Significantly watered down before being
passed by the National Assembly (in which the Pnme
Mimst
had a
•table
'Holy Quran and Sunnah c
Holy Prophet' to be the supreme law of Pal
above the Constitution itself and beyond the re£
judicial decrees, and it obliged the iedeial gc
' -the Shanah, to
lish re
all 1
and t
,ter zakat
" ( to prescribe wl
with the principles of Islam, as
"laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah ' An unam-
biguous commitment to theociacy — but with all the
relevant terms left undefined The urban industrialist
the Pnme Minister elected with a 'heavy mandate
(beiause of low voter turnout as disillusioned Pakistan
Peoples' Party cadies stayed at home) appropriated a
page out of Zia s handbook in an attempt to con-
solidate power absolutely m his hands, without com-
prehending that it was a Pandora's box which he
proposed to open The Bill was pending before the
Senate (where the Pnme Minister had not yet mus-
tered the requisite votes) at the time of the militaiy
On 12 Octobei 1999— aftei an eleven-yeai post-
Zia interiegnum, which had seen ioui civilian gov-
ernments elected, and three of them prematuitly land
constitutionally) i emov ed— General Pervez Mushanaf
removed the iouith in a bloodless coup The Geneial
appears to be following the same path as his piede-
cessor, General Zia-ul-Haq Banning political activi-
have consistently failed dismalK in electoral contests)
announced intentions of General Musharraf (who ini-
tially expressed his admiration ioi Kemal Ataturk) —
de-weapomsing society modernising the curriculum in
madrmas, amending the blasphemy law restoimg the
joint electorate and improving the human rights
record — have floundeied in the face of opposition
from Islamists, and sectarian violence continues un-
In India, although the first decade of Independence
saw the massive reform and codification of Hindu
family law nothing at all has been done in terms of
leforming Muslim law and improving the position of
Indian Muslim women Pakistan's Ordinance of 1961 —
which, mttr aha, requnes that prior pel mission should
be obtained ioi a polygamous marriage, renders all
talak pronouncements (even the tuple pronouncement)
revocable, and denies legal effectiveness to any talak
until a penod of three months had passed following
notification of the talak to a local official who is to
use the intervening time to attempt iec one illation —
had no echoes in the neighboui to the south The
Congiess party, which iuled India without niteirup-
tion for its first thnty years (including seventeen yeais
undei Jawahailal Nehru and eleven yeais under his
daughter Indua Gandhi I, was committed to secular-
ism and democracy but was also pleased to have the
Muslim vote bank' secuiely on its side When Mrs
Gandhi was assassinated in 1984, the Congress man-
tle passed to hei son Rajiv Gandhi It was on his
watch ( 198b) that the (misnamed) Muslim Women
(Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act was rushed
through Paihament, over obiections of his own
line whip The Act of 1986 leversed the (1985) Shah
Bano judgment and deprived destitute divoiced Muslim
women (simply on the basis of then lehgious iden-
tity) of the minimal succoui that section 125 of the
(seculai) Cnmmal Proceduie Code 1974 afforded to
all such women A harsh blow was struck against sec-
bioken with Rajiv s assassination in 1991 and— rud-
derless, faction-ridden and tainted with scandal— the
C ongress party lost much of its appeal The gathei -
ing clouds of Hindu activism demanding an end to
a policy of appeasement of minorities and emphatic
I affnmation of the Hmdu-ness of India, bioke ovei the
North India city of Ayodhya when m 1992 the lbth-
ccntuiv Babn mosque was destroyed by a mob of
Hindu militants setting off a wave of Hindu-Muslim
violence across the countiv The Bhartiy a Janata Party
(BJP), with its 'Hinduvta' (Hindu-ness) philosophy and
agenda rose to piominence on the rubble of the Babn
osque
, the 1
nal elections of 1996, 1998, and
again in 1999 A centre-left coalition (the United
Front) managed to bring down the BJP goveinment
alter
1996 I
"nteen months later The BJP is
membei of the coalition (National Democratic Alliance I
which has governed India since 1998 Although the
exigencies of coalition lequne some dilution of the
Hinduvta program, India under the BJP ( 1998 to
Muslim and Christian
In both countries pseudo-ievisionist historiography
has sub|ected the discipline of scholarship to the ser-
vice of cultural myth-making and political mdoctn-
Biblio,
1 Work
.ally
the South Asian couits as lepositoues of
the classical law Tht Hedaya tr C Hamilton,
London 1791, 4 vols NBE Bailhe, Moohummadan
lau of inheritance according to iboo Huneefa and his fol
louers (abndgement of the Stradjma and Shanfiyya)
1832 idem Moohummadan kit of sale (tr of rele
\ant chapters of the Fataua i llamgin) 1850 idem
■1 digest of Moohummadan lait Part first The doctrines
of the Hanejia code of junsprudtnee (tr and abridge
ment ot those poitions of the Fataua i 'ilamgin
likely to be rele\ant to litigation in India) 1865
London 1875 (Repnnts of the 2nd ed aie avail-
able but must be used with caution E g when
the Premier Book House (Lahoie) lepnnted Baillie s
Part I (the Hanaft Fataita i 'ilamgin and Part II
(the Ithna ''Vshan Shara'i' al Islam) pages fiom one
xed with the other
eg PP
73-80 of
the 1974 repnnt of Baillie I these [
the Baillie II and represent Ithna '^shan not Ha
nail" law) \ Rumsey il Sirajiyyah on tk Mahommedan
Ian of inhintame (repr ol Sir William Jones 1792
tianslation ol the Siradiiyya and Shanfiyya with notes)
Calcutta 18b9 1890 The Hedaya tr Charles
Hamilton ed Standish Grady 1870 (More con
\ement than the 1791 edition because comprising
onlv one \olume i eduction laigely achieved by
tighter smaller punt and the ehr
page
howe
omitted including slavery (irrelevant in British
India alter slaverv had been abolished m 1843; and
much criminal law (melevant in British India after
the Penal Code of 18b0) but also including apos-
tasy ) Reprints ol this edition are ieadil\ available
in these reprints include not only numerous (and
usually obvious) misspellings ol individual woids but
totalh different (and ei
iving
the s
appeal
those
i the \
mng Curie
iegaidless ol date and pubhshei NBE Baillie \
digeit of Moohummadan lau Part second The doctrines
of tlu Imameea Code of junsprudime (tr essentially of
major Ithna 'Ashau text the Shara'i' al Islam) 1874
London 1887 (Reprints available but <
undei Baillie
18b5
1952 1990 J N Hollistei Thi Shia of India London
1953 lepi Delhi 1979 Tahir Mahood Muslim per
sonal lau. The rolt of thi state in the Indian subionti
mnt New Delhi 1977 1983 Lucy Caroll Muslim
family lau m South Asia The right to aioid an arranged
marriage contracted during minority in Jnal of the Indian
Lau Institute xxm (1981) 149-80 eadem Hizam i
Islam Processes and conflicb in Pakistan s programme of
Islamisalwn uith special reference to the position of uomen,
in Jnal of Commonuealth and Comparative Politics xx
(1982) 57-95 eadem The Muslim Women (Protection
of Rights on Duorce) id 1986 a letiogressne precedent
of dubious constitutionality m Jnal of the Indian Lau
Institute xxvm (198b) 3b4-7b eadem Mamagc
Islamic and Compaiatiu Lau Quaiterly vii (1987) 279-
99 eadem Application of the Islamic lau of succession
uas the propositus a Sunm or a Shic? in ILS n (19951
24-42 eadem Qur'an 2 229 i charter granted to the
uife 'Judicial khul' m Pakistan in ibid m (199b),
9 1-1 2b i Lucy Carroll)
7 Singapoie Malaysia and Biunei
These three states share a common history ol British
colonial contiol Colonial legal policy was founded on
the principle that English law was the law of geneial
application to all subjects However wheie the reli-
gions manneis and customs of the sub|ect popula-
tions were concerned, an exception might be made
consonant with (English notions of) equity justice
and good conscience This pi maple was established
in 1781 in India and carried thiough into the Malayan
possessions The lesults lor Islam was the develop
ment ol a hybrid Anglo-Muhammadan law which
had and still has family law and trusts as its area of
jurisdiction It was not until aftei the Second World
War and approaching independence that any ieal
effort was made to establish a sepaiate Islamic court
system Pnoi to this time the syanah (shaffa [ai]) or
the English law veision ol syanah was a matter loi
the general couits The colonial policy legacy remains
impoitant both loi substantive
mahlama
e thre
Mahomed \ usoot khan Bahadui
Khan (tr of portions dealing with marnage and
divorcej 1891 2 3 vols (Reprint in which the fust
two volumes appear as volume I and volume 3
appears as v olume 2 av ailable ) E C How ard
Mmhaj et tahbm i manual of Muhammadan lau accord
ing to thi school of Shaft ti into Fnghsh from the
French ed by L W C \ an den Beig London 1914
\\\ Fyzee Compendium of Fatimid lau Simla 19b9
(This text edited by Fyzee in 2 vols was pub-
lished in Arabic in Cairo in 1951 and 19bl )
2 Woiks on Muslim law and its admin
istration in South \sia W H Macnaghten
Principles and precedents of Moohummudan lau 1825
1870 WH Morley The administration of justice in
British India London 1858 W H Rattigan 4 digest
of cuil lau for the Punjab chiefly based on the custom
an lau as at present judicially ascertained Allahabad
1880 ' 1901 Ameer All Personal lau of the Mahomedans
(latei Mahomedan Lau. vol n), London 1880
Mahomedan Law, vol. i, 1884. (Subsequent editions
are available; fortunately, those appearing after 1 928
have disturbed the author's text minimally.); R K
Wilson, An introduction to the study of Anglo-Muham
madan law, London 1 894; idem, A digest of Anglo
Muhammadan lau; London 1895; Faiz Badruddin
Tyabji, Muslim law, Bombay 1913, 4 1964; Mahabu
Prasad Jain, Outlines of Indian legal history, New Delhi
l Singapore
The in st lehgious court (Syanah Court) was for-
mally established in 1957 under the Muslims Ordi-
nance oi that yeai A.t this time Singapore was still
a Crown Colony and the mam motive ior the courts
foundation was to attempt control over the ver\ high
divorce rates among Singaporean Muslims For this
divorce nullity oi marriage judicial separation dm
sion of propeity on divorce and maintenance While
the basic causes oi action in these matters iemain as
m the syanah the particular iorm in which they are
put in the statute is derived irom English law The
syanah has been reformulated Furthei provisions in
the statute reinfoice this position The language ot the
court could be English professional advocates might
appear the laws on evidence weie English powers
to compel attendance were the same as those applic-
able in the secular Magistrates Couit piecedent was
wholly English and the qualifications and appoint-
ment of judges was established by the Governor.
Appeals lay to an Appeals Boaid ovei which the
Governor exercised a general power of revision Most
important, the Ordinance did not exclude the ov er-
oding jurisdiction ol the secular High Court In a
senes ol cases fiom the late 1950s the High Court
did not hesitate to overturn oi amend Syanah Court
decisions There weie severe criticisms of Syanah
given that t
English law
The Ord]
.eepmg and misun-
te While ]ubtified,
■placed in 1%6 b\ the
elaboiates the 1957 Ordinance The same subjects on
iamil\ law aie included and the l%b Act, with later
amendments iemains the law foi Muslims m Singapore
today However Singapoie also has the 'Women's
Chartei" ot 1%1 This is an Act intended to set out
the law lor marriage, divorce, guaidianship and main-
tenance It is essentially a copy ot English matrimo-
nial laws ot the late 1950s, and thus does not sit all
that well with the version ot \~yanah which the Syanah
Court in Singapoie is supposed to adrmnistei By copv-
mg an English statute, the government ol Singapoie
had also impoited all other English legislation on
family laws, tor example, the laws on maintenance,
guardianship, matrimonial piopeitv and so on The
Svanah Court has been placed in an impossible
position On the one hand it is constiained bv sta-
tute, and on the othei it is obliged to apply "Islamic
law It is the definition of "Islamic law which is the
difficulty It now means toui things (a) The Anglo-
Muhammadan laws derived from Butish Indian prece-
dent and elaborated in the colonial penod Textbooks
oi these laws lemam authorities lor the secular courts
(b) The classical textbooks oi the Shafi'I school
which aie the pnmary reference tor the Singaporean
kadi (c) The regulations made undei the 196b
Act which are binding on the kudi (di The deci-
sions oi the kadi reported and followed bv latei kadh -
that is, a ptecedent It is this last (dl which is
likely to determine the future of the Svanah Court
While the kddTb derive their decisions from the clas-
sical texts (see (a) above) they also follow the eailier
kadi% in an oigamsed way thiough law reporting and
analysis ot the eailier judgements In short, theie is
now a Muslim internal reformulation ot svanah within
the Svanah Court While the substance ot a nile may
be jikh, the legal reasoning as to what it means and
its application is English This should occasion little
surprise Most if not all members ot the Appeal Board
have an English or English-denved legal education
For them, recourse to a piecedent is perfectly nor-
mal The fact that the structure and precedent of the
English-derived merely reinfoices this posi-
In e
the
rom the Kur'an, not infrequently
fined
law in both the court and at the Appeal Board level
For example, a suivev of recent Appeal Board de-
cisions (1988-95) has shown leiouise to (i) English
pnnciples ot statutory interpretation (n) Anglo-
Muhammadan iules from British India, (m) citation
from the Kur'an dv) administrative rules on legis-
lation of marnage and divorce, and Iv) earhei Svanah
Couit piecedent There is nothing fiom fikh as such,
the whole complex is English Even the suras cited
are not decisive but seem to be put in so as to pio-
vide "Islamic ' colouring to a method of reasoning
which is wholly outside the canons of Muslim jurispru-
dence This is not to sa\ that fikh does not plav a
part at least at the lower level It does but mcreas-
mgl\ now in a seculansed foim At the Appeal Boaid
level however, the seculansed foim is dominant
This state of aflairs should come as no surprise
The intention of the Singaporean legislation was and
is to control the family law of Muslims This means
that it has to approximate the seculai familv laws as
closely as possible, consonant with the lehgion of
Islam The colonial legislation showed how this could
be done The Svanah Court, therefoie, is limited in
its function and jurisdiction and is ultimately answer-
able to the Supreme Court of Singapoit which will
appl\ an Anglo-S\ anah law
ii Malavsia
This state [see m^l^si^] is a Fedeiation and undei
the Constitution (1957 and amendments), Islam is a
state matter not a federal matter The iesult is that
each ot the states in the Federation has its own
Islamic ' (oi "Muslim' ) law legislation However the
Mala\sian Constitution also sa\s (Ait 3) that 'Islam
>n of the Federation' Unlike Singapoie
, Islan
the federal and state level in Malavsia and this
important implications for both the structuie and jt
diction of the Svanah Courts
■ To be fullv
h state enact-
taken fror
Court with the sa
me
mean that the co
diction Details va
rv
ntormed, one mu
st t
ment The follow
Fedeial Territory
\dr
199}, :
nethin
■mplar
n ot Isla
c Law /
i Malavs
Part IV |i)!) 40-57) establishes
tern, consisting ot Svanah Subordinate Court, High
Court and Appeal Court The Appeal Court is headed
bv the Chict Svanah Judge who must be a citizen
and who has had ten yeais Svanah Court expenence
or "is a person learned in Islamic law' This last
qualification is undefined A quoium tor the court is
the Chief Judge plus two judges diawn fiom a panel
ot seven judges Decision is bv a majority and the
Appeal Court is the final court in matters ot familv
law nakj [(/i'], oflences against religion, inheritance
and bayl al mat The Svanah Suboidinate Court has
to the Svanah High Court and, finally, to the Appeal
Court which also cxeicises a geneial supervisory juns-
diction over the lowei courts The Act also provides
pioceedings in the Syanah courts may be represented
by a Pnguam Syani an advocate who has a sufficient
degiee of Islamic knowledge and who is admitted to
pi attic e in the Syanah courts The proceduie in all
the courts is based on the secular model It is gov-
ernment policy to standardise the Syanah court sys-
the Federal Territory model, but
theie
i still s.
t the r
■ Syanah Courts is as set out in their
i the 1950s it has becomi
ingly elaborated to the extent that theie
if the
;hensiv
rnsdictic
with the
iurt system (High Courts and Court of Appeal
[toimeily Fedeial Court]) Concurrent jurisdictions
always raise the issue of which is supenoi, or moie
exactly which forum decides the issue The question
only really arose in the 1950s and was not defini-
tively decided in Malaysia until 1988 Before that
date, it was the secular courts which had ovemding
jurisdiction because these courts derived from the
Fedeial Constitution and not, as did the Syanah courts
from state legislation This was always a matter of
new article, 121 (1A) was intioduced into the Federal
Constitution which reads. The courts referred to [the
However, this does not really solve the issue; it
merely puts it back one stage. It is still the secular
courts, here the Court of Appeal of Malaysia, which
actually decides whether a course of action is "within
the jurisdiction of the Syariah Courts". There are a
number of reported cases (1990s; see Bibl.) which
demonstrate this; the Syariah courts have an inferior
jurisdiction and have no power to determine the lim-
its of that jurisdiction. It is the secular courts that
interpret the Constitution just as they are the heirs
to Anglo-Muhammadan jurisprudence.
Given the structure of the Syariah courts and the
issue of jurisdiction, it is not surprising that the judge-
ments in the courts show an increasing degree of sec-
ularisation of fikh. This has taken place in the area
of family law, and the decisions are a case study of
the fate of the syanah in the contemporary nation
state. Fundamental to this is the fate of the classical
text books themselves and here one can discern a
consistent pattern from the late 1980s. Passages are
cited as hukum syariah and then interpreted with ref-
erence to Malaysian legislation and, in some cases,
Malay custom (adat) as to land. The Arabic texts (stan-
dard books and hadith collections) get quite new mean-
ings which derive from adat, from legislation, and from
earlier Syariah court precedents. These new meanings
are now what fikh means; thus the Arabic sources are
beginning to be interpreted and distinguished on the
basis of English-derived principles.
A second feature of the contemporary Syariah courts
is the recourse to "modernist" legal reasoning with
occasional but important recourse to Middle East
authorities. Thus, from the late 1970s we find ref-
erences to Syed Sabiq (his Fikh al-Sunna) and Ibn
Kudama (the latter's discussion of Abu Dawud).
These two trends seem now to be almost irre-
versible. The only surprising feature is the depth of
penetration of secular (English) legal reasoning into
the substantive fikh rules. There seem to be three rea-
sons for this.
First, while it is true that the syariah in its "pure"
form (fikh and hadith) is now commonly cited, it is
also true that the form of judicial records is in judi-
cial precedent. Given that this is the form of the law,
it is inevitable that the technical rules of English law
will apply, and the result will be an Anglo-Syariah.
Such has, of course, occurred before in British India
and pre-independence British Malaya. The only dif-
ference in the present case is the greater quality of
fikh in the kadis jurisdiction. Even here, however, a
lot of repetition appears. In short, the precedent law
Second, the members of the Appeal Board are,
almost without exception, trained in English and
English-Malay universities and practice at the secular
Bar or the judiciary. This, apart from being Muslim,
is their primary qualification. When this is combined
with the precedent form, it is not surprising that an
increasingly secular form of judicial reasoning is
apparent. This is not to say that judgements are
"un-Islamic". Such would not be true in the sub-
stance (result) of a decision. It is certainly arguable,
however, in terms of legal reasoning.
Third, the prevailing political climate for Islam in
Malaysia is dictated by the Federal Government. It
is one which encourages progress, "modernisation",
"development" and the like. Whatever the rhetoric,
Islam is controlled in all its aspects so far as possi-
applies to kadi jurisdicti
larisation of Islam throug
the Syariah courts now
itable.
The state of Brunei [q.v. in Suppl.] (independent
in 1984) describes itself as a "Malay-Islamic-Sultanate"
(Melavu-hlam-Berqja). The Sultan is Head of State and
Head of Government; he is also the Head of the
Religion of Islam which is thus entrenched in the
Constitution. Prior to 1955, the laws as to Syariah
courts were minimal, though a basic Kadi Court did
exist. In 1955 Brunei adopted the Religious Council
and Kadis Court Act which was based on the then
Kelantan (Malaysia) Enactment. The Brunei Act has
been amended and the current version is now
cap. 77 of the Revised Laws (1984) with some later
amendments.
The Act establishes a Court of Chief Kadi in the
capital and subordinate Kadi Courts in outlying dis-
tricts. The extent of jurisdiction is determined by the
Sultan but is in fact specified in detail in the Act.
These include family law, wakf and, in criminal matters,
offences against religion. The latter include gambling,
consumption of alcohol, sex outside marriage, preach-
ing Islam without permission and the unlawful
construction of mosques. Appeals are dealt with in
the Chief Kadi's Court and above that by the
Judicial Committee, which consists of the State Mufti
and two other members appointed by the Sultan. This
Committee also has authority to write an opinion
on any question of Muslim law for a non-Islamic
court if requested. Ultimate authority, however, still lies
with the Sultan who, as Head of the Religious Council
(one of the Councils of State), makes the final decision.
The language of the Courts is Malay and records
are kept in Malay. Advocates may not appear if an
appearance is "contrary to the provisions of Muslim
law" but may be permitted at the discretion of the
Court. Procedure is based on secular court procedure.
So far as evidence is concerned, Muslim law is fol-
lowed only with respect to witnesses. All other mat-
ters of evidence are governed by English law as
adopted in Brunei. The Courts may summon non-
Muslims to give evidence. Matters of arrest and search
in relation to criminal activity, especially breach of
the peace, are governed by the secular criminal pro-
ceedings in the Kadis Court. The execution of judge-
ments is likewise governed by the Subordinate Courts
Act. Generally, in civil matters the practice and pro-
cedure of the Magistrates Courts is followed in the
Kadis Courts.
In essence, the Brunei Act repeats the Malaysian
and Singaporean provisions. This is true for judicial
process. However, it is important to realise that the
constitutional position of Islam in Brunei and the
position of the Sultan provides a unique context for
the operation of the Kadi Courts. Unfortunately data
on their actual working are not as yet available.
Bibliography: 1. Basic sources. These are the
respective editions of the laws of each state. For
Malaysia, there are variations from state to state.
A useful overview, which notes the variations, is
D. Horowitz, The Quran and the Common Law, in
American Journal of Comparative Law, xlii (1994), 233-
93. The other basic sources for Singapore and
Malaysia are the Malayan Law Journal and Current
Law Journal, both in English with Malay summaries
and the Jemal Hukum in Malay. There are no reports
for Brunei.
MAHKAMA — MAKASID al-SHARI'A
; idem.
Sapor.
1974, <
y Mala
Singapore, in MA. Wu (ed.), Public taw in contempo-
rary Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur 1999, 57-75. The
doyen of Islamic Studies in Malaysia was the late
Professor Ahmad Ibrahim. His Islamic law in Malaya,
Kuala Lumpur 1965, though now out of date, was
an important work. In the 197 0-1 990s, he pub-
lished important papers in Journal of Malaysian
Comparative Law and in the Annual Survey of Malaysian
Law. (M.B. Hooker)
MAI, the official title of the Sayfuwa rulers
of Kanem [q.v.], later Bornu [q.v.], an African king-
dom situated in the area of Lake Chad. Arab geog-
raphers (al-Ya'kubl, al-Muhallabi) depicted the ruler
of pre-Islamic Kanem as a divine king. Although the
rise to power of an Islamic line of rulers in the sec-
ond half of the 11th century resulted in a number
of radical changes in the political structure, some basic
elements of divine kingship continued to shape the
royal institution during the period of the Sayfuwa.
g the features of divine kingship which resisted
the
•culari
- the
of a
n of the king, shown by his conceah
ion behind a silk curtain; the prevailing influence c
women of the royal family in court life [queen-mothei
principal queen and princesses); and the
legendary protectress of the king during his youth
(Aisa Kili Ngirmaramma). Traditions associate the
latter with the upbringing of the greatest rulers of
Kanem-Bornu; Dunama DibalemT (1203-48), 'Air GadjT
(1455-87) and IdrTs Amsami (15b4-96l. The court cer-
emonies and institutions derived from divine kingship
were abolished by shaykh al-Amfn al-Kanirm, who
founded a new dynasty in Bornu in the first half of
the 19th century. By adopting the Arabo-Islamic shaykh
as a royal title instead of the earlier mai, he gave
expression to his more strictly Islamic preferences.
Bibliography: D. Lange, Le dJwan des sultans du
[Kanem-] Bomii. Wiesbaden 1977; idem, Das Ami del
(1990), 139-56. ' (D. Lange)
MAI TATSINE (d 1980), a nickname given
to Muhammadu Maiwa, a mallam, m Muslim reli-
gious leader m Kano, Nigeria whose follow eis wtic
involved in violent clashes from 18 to 28 December
1980 Over 4,000 people died in these distuibances
He came from the region of Marwa m noithern
Cameroon horn a group classified as Kirdi These
are hill dwelleis and follow eis of traditional religions,
while the Muslim Fulani dominate the plains Famine
drove the voung Mai Tatsine out of the hills, along
with mam fellow Kirdi, in the 1930s In the citv of
Marwa he took up Islam
He came to Kano in 1945 and began a caieer as
a mallam His teaching was evidentlv inflammatorv foi
in 1962 he was piled bv Kano s chief Muslim ]udge
for the offence of shahma, or veibal abuse Following
his sentence, Emir Sanusi deported him to C ameroon
Such traditional forms of contiol were weakened
following the abolition of the emirs' judicial authoi-
itv m 19b6 Mai Tatsine was able to return to Kano
and establish a populai following bv the late 1970s
The disturbances began when the polite weie over-
whelmed bv sect membeis in a i onfrontation near
the emir's palace on Decembei 18 Fighting contin-
ued for ten davs until the Nigenan armv finallv dis-
lodged the Van Tatsine from their stionghold m a
neighbourhood just outside the old walled citv Mai
Tatsine was killed at this time The sect survived and
nvolved in
ashes in Maiduguri and Kadun
irs some resemblance to the Hamal-
liyya [q.v.], an offshoot of the Tidjaniyya [q.v.] that
began in Mauritania in the 1920s. Both movements
emphasised living as a separate community which
regarded other Muslims as impure. Many of its fol-
lowers were recent immigrants to Kano, drawn by
the city's oil boom driven expansion, but it also had
followers in rural areas.
Bibliographv:]. Boutrais, La colonisation des' plaines
par les montagnaids au nord du Cameroun, Paris 1973;
A. Christelow, The Tan Tatsine disturbances in Kano.
A search for perspective, in MIV, lxxv (1985), 69-84;
P. Lubeck, Islam and urban labour in .Northern Mgeua.
The making of a Muslim working class, Cambridge 1987.
MAKASID al-SHARTA (a.), literally, "the aims
The term is used in works of legal theory {mill al-
jikh [q.v.]} and refers to the idea that God's law, the
Sharfa [q.v.], is a system which encompasses aims or
purposes. If the system is correctly implemented, these
aims will be achieved. From such a perspective, the
Sharfa is not merely a collection of inscrutable rul-
ings. One who claims that the Sharfa has makasid is,
therefore, making a statement concerning the ratio-
nal nature of the Sharfa: that God intends to bring
about a certain state of affairs by instituting particu-
lar laws. Most Sunn! legal theorists subscribe to the
view that the Sharfa has aims, and principal amongst
these is the promotion of the "benefit for the believers"
[masalih al-'ibad). As al-Shatibi (d. 790/1388), prob-
of the doctrine of makasid al-sharfa, states, "the laws
were instituted only for the benefit of the believers
in this world and the next" \Muivafakat, ii, 2i. The
laws themselves are only the means of achieving God's
aims and intentions. They hold no intrinsic value, and
if, on occasions, the strict application of the law com-
promises the aims of the Sharfa, then for some sup-
porters of the doctrine of makasid, the law can be set
aside or modified so that God's intentions might be
fulfilled This possibility has made an appeal to makasid
al shaifa partic ularlv popular amongst modern legal
reformers m the Muslim word, as it enables them to
altei some long-held elements of the law which thev
consider to be impiacticable m a contemporarv setting
The doctrine of makasid al shaifa has its loots in
earlv Muslim attempts to rationalise both theologv
and law In teims of theologv the ideas of the
Mu'tazila [q L ] undoubtedlv influenced the emergence
of the makasid doctrine The Mu'tazilr doctrine that
Gods decrees are subject to, lather than the origin
of the ideas of good and evil \al tahsin u a '/ takbih
[qi]i ultimatelv resulted in an assertion that God is
compelled to act in the interests (peihaps the best
inteiestsi of humankind His law must be of benefit
tice and goodness would be compiomised
In legal works, a bundle of i elated doctrines can
be seen as precursor to al-ShStibr s elaboration The
development of knds [q i ] as a legal tool piovided
the impetus toi the doctnne of makasid al sharfa, for,
transferred to novel situations, then the law must, in
some sense be coherent If it is coheient, then it
must expiess the will of the Lawgiver It is this undei-
lving assumption (that the intentions of the Lawgiver
could be known) that was so vehementlv reacted bv
the Zahin Ibn Hazm (d 456/1064 [q<])
MAKASID al-SHARI'A
The ShafiT iunst Abu HamTd al-Ghazalr (d
505/1111 [qi ]) on the other hand, asseited that one
way in which the ratio ('ilia [qi]) of a luhng might
be known is b\ comparing the candidate for the role
of 'ilia with the general aim (maksud) of the law to
"promote benefit and reduce harm" This means of
identifying or \enfying the 'ilia (known as munasaba)
rested upon the idea that the aims of the law were
discernible (through reason or revelation)
The Hanbalr Nadrm al-Din al-Tufi (7 lb/ 13 lb [qv])
went further than this aigumg that all rules demed
from analogy (bar those not open to rational sciutiny
such as the ritual 'ibadatj are susceptible to change
and de\ elopment if the aims of the Lawgiv er are not
fulfilled Discussion over the legitimacy of istihsan and
istislah amongst Hanaffs and MalikTs also lested on
an acceptance that theie were overall "aims' in the
Sharfa Istihsan [qi] originally used as an accusation
ol arbitrarv preference was rationalised by Hanafis
such as al-Sarakhsi (d 483/1040 [qi]) to refer to
the leiection of the strict application of Uyas in favour
jhng which better promotes the benefits of the
behev
■salth a
Istislah [qi] v
Hbad)
discussi
• Malik hir
nself i
-ively by Mahkis
ad\ ocated
no precedent in the levelatorv texts, and is based on
the calculation of some benefit (maslaha mursala) [see
maslaha] to the individual or communities concerned
Mahkis, such as al-Karafi (d 684/1285 [see shihab
al-dIn al-karafI]), recognised the theologicalh prob-
port but on a benefit peiceived by a jurist It is
perhaps unsurprising then, given the Malik! historv of
discussions of istislah, that the greatest exponent of
makasid al sharfa should come from the Malik! school,
sc Abu Ishak al-Shatibi [qi], the 8th/14th-centurv
Gianadan iunst Al-Shatibi m his Muwajakat, takes
the anahsis of "benefits' acciuing from the institu-
tion of the Sharfa used by previous |unsts in relation
to kiyas istihsan and istislah and declaies uncompro-
misingly that the whole Sharfa exists to promote the
welfaie of the believers The benefits which are pio-
moted and pieserved when the Sharfa is instituted are
of three basic types There are those elements which
prospei (there are, al-Shatibi aigues five of these the
presen ation of life propel ty , progeny , mind and reli-
gion), theie are those which aie needed {hadja) in
order to make obedience to the Sharfa less demand-
ing, and theie are those which whilst not necessary
or needed, impiove (tahsimyya) the benefits aheady
enjoved by the believers Each ruling in the Sharfa
can be said to benefit the believers in one ol these
three aieas For example, it is necessary (darura) to
human existence to pieserve life, and God has insti-
tuted (in the Sharfa) rules concerning punishment and
compensation foi murdei In oidei to make the Sharfa
easiei to follow (hadja), the law permits sick people
to miss prayer Finally the benefits to the believers
aie improved (tahsimyya) bv superei ogatory manumis-
sion, though communitv welfare would be maintained
if this act was not peifoimed
Al-Shatibi's schema, which was innovative within
the deeplv conserv ativ e tradition of Sunni usul al fikh
undoubtedly influenced subsequent writings, but it is
in the modem penod that these ideas have been
developed and enhanced and a genie of makasid writ-
ing can be said to have emerged In particular Noith
African (Mahki) jurists such as Muhammad Tahn b
'Ashur (d. 1973) and 'AMI al-FasT (d. 1973), com-
posed works dev oted to makasid al sharfa which draw
heavih on al-Tuff and al-Shatibi Ibn '-\shui, for
example, adds equality and freedom to al-Shatibi's list
of the five elements necessary for human existence to
prosper The modern emergence of a theology rem-
iniscent of Mu'tazili doctrine has enabled jurists to
considei the Sharfa as more adaptable to change and
distinguish between the unchanging aims of the law
table
■ legulati
al Mam
Bibliography 1 Sources Ibn Hazm, i
Ji usul al ahkam, Cairo 1978, Sarakhsi, al Usui, Cairo
1973, Ghazali, al Mustasfa mm 'dm al Usui, Beirut
199b, Tuff, 'Alam al djadhal ft 'dm al dfadal Wiesbaden
1987, KarafT, SAarh al tanklh aljusul ft ikhtuar al
mahsulji 'I usul Cairo 1973, Shatibi, al Muwajakat
ft usul al sharfa, Cairo 19b9-70
2 Studies 'AMI al-Fasi, Makasid al sharfa al
islamma ma makanmuha, Casablanca 1963, A -M
Turki, Polemiques entre Ibn Hazm et Bag! sur les pnncipes
de la hi musulmane Algiers 1973, Muhammad Tahir
Ibn 'Ashur Makasid al sharfa al islamma, Tunis 1978
K Masood, Islamic legal philosophy A study oj Abu
Ishaq alShatibis life and thought, Islamabad 1977,
-\ Zysow, The economy oj certainty An mtroduttion to
the typology oj Islamic kgal theory Harvard Umv Ph D
thesis 1 984, unpubl B Weiss The search jor God's
lau_ Islamic jurisprudence in the unhngs oj Sayj al Din
alAmidi Salt Lake City 1992, W Hallaq, A history
oj Islamu legal theories An introduction to Sunni usul al
fiqh, Cambridge 1997 (RM Gleave)
MAKBARA. 4 In Iran
Islamic cemeteries in Iran, Transoxama and Afgha-
nistan were generally located in accordance with the
practices of Zoroastnan, Christian or Jewish commu-
nities extra muros of existing settlements and along
main roads exiting from the city gates (al-Mukaddasi,
438, al-Isfahani Agham , xix, 114 (for Isfahan, see Ibn
al-Athii ed Beirut, xi, 28, Harat T Allen, A cata
logue oj the toponyms and monuments oj Timund Herat
Cambridge 1981, lb5 Rayy H Kariman, Rayy i
bastan, Tehran 1345 ASH, i, 366-479, C Adle,
Constructions fumrams a Rey circa A' MI Steele, in Akten
des 8 International^ Kongresses jur iramsche Kunst und
Anhaologie, Berlin 1979, 511-12, Samarkand NB
Nemceva, Etappen der Heraushldung der Ensembles Schah i
Sinda in Samarkand, in ~/l, N S xn [1978], 51-68)
Al-MukaddasT, however remarks on the noteworthy
exception of Tustar where the cemetery was estab-
lished on higher ground within the city because of
frequent nvei floods (ibid, 409) Foi a mediaeval vis-
ltoi, the sight of cemetenes evoked feelings of sad-
ness and a sense of disorientation (Abu Shama,
Taradj_im ndjal al kam al sadis ua I sabi', ed M Z al-
Kawthan, Beuut 1974, 16) Neveitheless, tombs were
often located as close as possible to the loads in the
hope that compassionate passeis-by would stop to
ofTei prayers (Sibt Ibn al-Djawzf, Mir'at al zaman,
Haydarabad 1951 vm 442 ) Not wanting to be con-
stantly leminded oi the inevitability of death the Buy id
'Adud al-Dawla issued oiders to enclose cemetenes
with high walls (Djuzdjam, Tabakat i Nasiri, ed 'Abd
al-Hayy Habibi, Kabul 1342/1963 223) Visits to
grave sites in Hamadhan or Shiraz included not only
recitations of the Kur'an but also offerings of food
and dunk (zalla wa nauala) foi the dead (Rawandf,
Rabat al sudur ed M Iqbal, London 1921, 300, Ibn
Battuta, Rihla, Beirut 1968 209-10)
When Muslims lived with the indigenous population
of Iran immediately after the conquest they used
existing pie-Islamic cemetenes and seem soon to have
adopted local funerary customs. Muslim burials on
MAKBARA — MAKTUBAT
Tepe no. 2 at Bayram 'All near Marw make use of
earlier structures, so-called nawawis (M.E. Masson,
Material! po arkheologii Merva, in Trudi luTAKE, xiv
[1969], 7-12; O.V. Obel'cenko, Aekropol' drevnego Merva,
in ibid., 95-9). Burials in ossuaries and jars are mixed
with regular Muslim graves in a 7th- 10th century
cemetery outside Taraz near Dzhambul (Kazakhstan)
(L.I. Rempel', Aehopol' drevnego Taraza, in Kratkie
Soobshceniya Institute Materially Kut'turi, Ixix [1957],
102). The best-known site for these hybrid practices,
however, is the "Monumental Cemetery" (Site O) in
Slraf [q.v.~\ , situated on a spur of land overlooking the
city's west end, that also had its own funerary mosque
(D. Whitehouse, Excavations in Siraf in Iran, xii [1974],
23-30). Dating back to the pre-Islamic period, the
100 x 150 m cemetery was dominated by a group
of about forty monumental tombs (5 x 5 m to 9.5 x
10 m), built between the 9th and the 10th centuries,
with graves grouped around them. Most appear to
have been used for the collective disposal of the dead,
who were buried inside without coffins and without
separating the corpses according to gender. Most bod-
ies were aligned in an orthodox manner north-south,
with their heads turned towards the west, i.e. Mecca.
The deceased, who appear to have been members of
the wealthier society of Siraf, were buried with rings,
beads, bracelets and ceramic jugs [ibid., 25). Similar
cemeteries are known from literary sources to have
existed in Paykand, modern Karakul in Turkmenistan
(anon., Hudud al-'alam, tr. Minorsky J , 113) and Yazd
(Dja'fan, Ta'rikh-i Yazd, ed. I. Afshar, Tehran 1337
A.S.H./1958, 130).
Cemeteries intra mums were often established in ruins
or in buildings that were partially torn down for that
purpose (Whitehouse, ibid., 9; A. McNicoll, Site G.
Islamic Cemetery, in McNicoll and W. Ball (eds.),
Excavations at Kandahar 1974 and 1975, Oxford 1996,
214, 234-6), while growing settlements were laid out
around pre-existing cemeteries, respecting and care-
fully enclosing the tombs (Whitehouse, ibid., 12).
e-Islam
■und
also opened up in greatei
tombs ascribed to legendary shuhada' of the Muslin
conquest of Iran (Yakut, iv. 418; E. Cohn-Wiener, .-
Turanic monument of trie twelfth century A.D., in Ars Islamica
vi [1939], 88-91); to saints (A.S. Melikian-Chirvani
Asiatiques, xvii, 59-60) or to former rulers (Cohn-Wiener
Die Rumen der Seldschukmstadt von Mem' und das Mausoliun
Sultan Sandschars, in Festschrift F. Sarre, Leipzig 1925
116).
t the Atrek valley in north-
eastern Iran and in southwestern Iran dating from
the 17th to the 19th centuries. The Turcoman Goklen
tribe possessed a common burial ground 60 km/40
miles north of Djurdjan, scattered over hills, slopes,
and plateaux of the Gokcheh mountain, to which the
deceased were brought often from far away, after a
preliminary burial for some time in the area around
seasonal camps (D. Stronach, Standing storm m the Atrek
region. The Halat Nabi cemetery, in Iran, xix [1981], 147-
51). In contrast to this, cemeteries of the Lur nomads
in Luristan were established along the annual tribal
migratory routes and may coincide with old camp sites.
Tombs in these cemeteries were marked by pictorial
stelae with gender-specific images and inscriptions (I.D.
Mortensen, Women after death. Aspects if a study on Iranian
nomadic cemeteries, in B. Utas [ed.], Women in Islamic
societies, London 1983, 26-47; idem. Nomadic cemeteries
and tombstones from Luristan, Iran, in J.-L. Bacque-
<> dans
1996, i
83).
In contemporary Iran, modern and efficiently-admin-
istered cemeteries have been established, often at some
distance from major cities and pilgrimage centres, as
more orderly alternatives to older, more scattered bur-
ial places. Between the 1970s and late 1980s, the city
of Mashhad inaugurated the cemeteries of Bihisht-i
Rida and Djawad-i A'imma 20 miles southwest of the
city in the vicinity of an old cemetery named after
the tomb of the 9th century Imamzada Klfadja Abu
'1-Salt. Simultaneously, modern extensions to the
Timurid shrine of Imam 'All al-Rida now include
underground burial vaults, named al-Kuds and
Mashhad-i Djumhun, for civilians and soldiers killed
during the Revolution and the Iran-Trak War.
Used as a burial ground since the 1950s and opened
officially in 1970, the sprawling Bihisht-i Zahra' ceme-
tery (Paradise of [Fatima] the Radiant) south of Tehran
along the highway to Kum is today the city's main
cemetery. During the late 1970s and early 1980s,
Bihisht-i Zahra' gained the reputation as a national
symbol of the Revolution, as many of those killed
during demonstrations against the Shah or in post-
Revolutionary factional fighting were buried there as
martyrs. During the eight years of war with 'Irak, a
vast, separate section was added for soldiers killed in
action, whose tombs are typically surmounted by cases
that exhibit a portrait photo of the deceased and
Islamic and Revolutionary paraphernalia. The impres-
sive visual expression of Bihisht-i Zahra' as a ceme-
tery dedicated to the commemoration of martyrs, a
fountain that spouts red water, has been copied
throughout Iran (Hamid Algar, art. Behest-e Zahra', in
EIr, iv, 108-9; D. Hiro, Iran under the Ayatollas, London
1985, 77).
Bibliography: Given in the article, but on the
graveyards where British travellers, traders, mis-
sionaries, etc., were buried, see Sir Denis Wright,
Burials and memorials of the British in Persia, in Iran,
xxxvi (1998), 165-73, and further rata and photographs,
in ibid., xxx (1999), 173-4^ xxxix (2001), 293-8. See
also, on cemeteries in Persian folklore, EIr art.
Cemeteries_ (Mahmoud Omidsalar). (T. Leisten)
MAKTUBAT (a.), literally "letters", a term used
especially in Muslim India for the epistles of Sufi
leaders.
Apart from epistolary collections of political and
literarv significance (like /Wfc-z' KhusrawJ, MukatabaH
Rashidi, Riyad al-Insha'. Insha'-i Abu 1-Fadl), there are
collections of letters written by mystic teachers to their
disciples. This epistolary literature, which throws valu-
able light on the mystic ideology and institutions of
the period, may broadly be classified under four cat-
egories: (i) sundry correspondence limited mosdy to
one or two letters dealing with some religious prob-
lem, e.g. letters attributed to Shaykh 'Abd al-Kadir
Gilam, Kh"adja Kutb al-Dm Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaykh
Fand Gandj-i Shakar, Shaykh Nizam al-Dm Awliya'
and others; (ii) collections of letters in the nature of
mystic lucubrations without any indication of the ad-
dressees, e.g. letters of 'Ayn al-Kudat HamadanT, Kadi
Harmd al-Dm Nagawri and Sayyid 'All Hamadani;
(iii) collections of letters bearing on mystical or reli-
gious themes addressed to disciples to resolve their
difficulties, e.g. the letters of the Imam al-Ghazali,
Sana'!, Rifa'i, Yahya ManerT, Bu 'All Kalandar, Ashraf
Djahangir Simnam, Gisu Daraz, Nur Kutb-i 'Alam,
Dja'far Makkl, Shaykh 'Abd al-Kuddus, Shaykh 'Abd
al-Hakk Muhaddith, Shah Muhibb Allah of Allahabad
and others; and (iv) collections of letters having the
consistent exposition of a specific ideological position
and controlling the organisational direction and ideo-
logical drift of the disciples. The Nakshbandl saints,
particularly from the time of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi,
used letters as a regular channel for the communica-
tion of their trends of thought. His successors, Kh"adja
Muhammad Ma'sum, Muhammad Nakshband-i Thani.
Kh"adja Sayf al-Din, Mirza Mazhar Djan-i Djanan,
Shaykh Muhammad Sa'Id, Shah Ghulam 'Ali, Shah
Ahmad Sa'Id, 'Abd al-Ra'uf and others, wrote large
number of letters which are a veritable source for the
study of Nakshbandl thought and its reaction to dif-
ferent socio-religious situations. The thought of the
silsila was so consolidated on their basis that, during
the last three hundred years, the Nakshbandis have
drawn spiritual guidance from these letters.
Taken as a whole, the Suhrawardt, the Kadiri and
the Shattan saints do not seem to have adopted corre-
spondence as a regular means of communicating their
ideology. Except for the Maktubat-i Kadi Shattar (ms.
in Maner KMnakah) no saint of these orders seems
to have left any significant collection of letters. The
Nakshbandrs, the Firdawsis and the Cishtis made use
of this medium effectively. In Nakshbandr discipline,
the maktubat of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi [q.v.] and
his descendants assumed the same significance which
malfuzat [q.v. in Suppl.] like Fawd'id al-fu'ad and Khan
al-mad)dlis assumed in the Cishti silsila. Shaykh Nizam
al-Dm Awliya' used to write letters on a large scale
(Shaykh Mubarak Gopamawi had collected his hun-
dred letters— Aiva; al-awliya', Dihli 1302, 310— and
Amir Khusraw also received a large number of let-
ters which he had buried with him [ibid., 302-3], but
these were of personal nature and were not collected
in any compendium. Among the Cishti saints, the
most effective collections of maktubat are those of Nur
Kutb-i 'Alam, 'Abd al-Kuddus Gangohl and Shah
Kalim Allah of Dihli. The last-mentioned saint con-
trolled and guided the Cishtr organisation in the
Deccan through correspondence, at a time when
Awrangzlb [q.v.] was showing his definite preference
for the Nakshbandr order. Perhaps Shah Kalim Allah
was influenced by the practice of his contemporary
Nakshbandr saints in giving importance to correspond-
ence in organising the affairs of the silsila and in con-
trolling its ideological slant.
Among the Firdawsis, the letters of Shaykh Sharaf
al-Din Yahya succeeded in boosting the mystics' morale
after their setback at the hands of Muhammad b.
Tughluk [q,,].
The available maktub literature throws light on the
thought and activities, as also the problems and pref-
erences, of the saints of different periods and different
orders. Though some of the letters of the Imam al-
Ghazali are addressed to ivazin and government offi-
cials, they help us in assessing the position of religion
in the administration of those days. His communica-
tions to the kadis, the jurists and theologians throw
light on the nature of the religious problems and
tensions of the period and have a sermonising tone.
The letters of Sana'i, only seventeen in number, help
us in understanding the mental climate of the late
Ghaznawid period as much as his mystical poetry.
The letters of Nur Kutb-i 'Alam throw light on the
socio-political crisis in Bengal in the 8th/ 14th cen-
tury. The letters of Shaykh Sharaf al-Din Yahya reveal
the anxiety of the FirdawsT saint to salvage mystic
institutions from ruin. The Maktubat of Shaykh 'Abd
al-Kuddus of Gangoh [see gangohI, in Suppl.] bring
into focus the atmosphere immediately preceding the
rise of the Bhakti movement. The letters of Shaykh
Ahmad Sirhindi provide material for the study of
reactions against Akbar's religious experiments. So
also the letters of 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith reveal the
anxiety of Muslim minds at the anarchy prevailing
in Muslim religious life. The letters of Shah Muhibb
Allah, particularly those addressed to Dara Shukoh
[q.v.], show his anxiety to retrieve pantheistic thought
from condemnation and conflict. When read with the
letters of Kh"adja Ma'sum and other Nakshbandl
saints, they reveal the nature of conflict in mystical
thought at this time. Kh"adja Ma'sum's letters high-
light the atmosphere of religious revival that took
place during the time of Awrangzlb. The letters of
Shah Wall Allah [q.v.] illuminate his efforts to bridge
the gulf between the devotees of wahdat al-wudfud
and its critics on one side and his political activities,
involving correspondence with Ahmad Shah Abdalr,
Muhammad Shah and Nadjlb al-Dawla [q.vv.], on the
other. The letters of Mirza Mazhar show significant
religious trends of the period which led to his decla-
ration of Vedas as a revealed book and his according
the status of Ahl-i Kitab to the Hindus.
For a study of the actual application of mystic ide-
ology to concrete socio-religious situations, the impor-
tance of Maktubat literature cannot be over-emphasised.
Bibliography. 'Ayn al-Kudat, Maktubat. ms.
B.L. Add 16,823; GhazalT, Fada'il al-Imam min
rasa'il hudfd)at al-Islam, ed. Sir Syed Ahmad, Akbar-
abad 1310/1892-3; SanaT, Makatlb-i Sana'i, ed.
Nazir Ahmad, Kabul 1977; Rifa'I, Maktubat, ms.
Habibgandj, 'Aligarh 21/139. Cishtis. Kh"adja
Mu'In al-Din, Maktub, addressed to Kh"adja
Bakhtiyar Kakl, ms. Sherani Collection, Catalogue,
ii, Lahore 255; Kh"adja Kutb al-Din Bakhtiyar,
Maktubat, ms. Sir Shah Sulayman Collection,
'Aligarh; Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya', Maktub,
addressed to Husam al-Din, ms. 'Aligarh, Farsiyya
Madhhab 129; Shaykh Nasir al-Din Ciragh, Saha'tf
al-suluk, lith. Djadjjar n.d.; Dja'far Makki, Bahr
al-ma'anl, Muradabad 1885; Gisu Daraz, Maktubat,
ed. 'Ata Husayn, Haydarabad 1326/1908-9; Nur
Kutb-i 'Alam, Maktubat, ms. personal collection;
'Abd al-Kuddus Gangohl, Maktubat-i Kuddusma,
Dihli n.d.; Shah Muhibb Allah Allahabadi, Maktubat,
ms. 'Aligarh, Subhan Allah Collection 13/297;
Sayyid Ashraf Djahangir, Maktubat-i Ashiqfl, ms. B.L.
267; Shah Kalim Allah, Maktubat-i Kalimi, Dihli
1315/1897-8. Firdawsis. Sharaf al-Din Yahya
Maneri, Maktubat-i Sadi, Arrah 1870; idem, Maktubat-
i to wa hasht, Lucknow 1287. Nakshbandls.
Kh"adja Baki Billah, Maktubat-i Sharifa, Urdu tr.
Lahore n.d.; Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat-i
Imam RabbanJ, ed. Nur Ahmad Amritsar 1336,
Arabic tr. Murad Manzalwi, Beirut n.d., Turkish
tr. Husayn Hilml, Istanbul 1972, Urdu tr. Kadi
'Alam al-Din, Lahore 1913; Muhammad Ma'sum,
Maktubat, Kanpur 1302/1884-5; idem, H'asilat al-
sa'adat, Ludhiana 1906; Muhammad Nakshband-i
Than!, al-Kubul da Allah wa ' 1-Rasul, ed. Ghulam
Mustafa, Havdarabad-Sind 1963; Sayf al-Din, Mak-
tubat sharifa, Havdarabad-Sind 1331/1413; Shah
Wall Allah, Kalimat-i tanibdt, Muradabad 1303/
1885-6; idem. Shah Wall Allah kay siyasl Maktubat,
ed. K.A. Nizami, -Dihli 1969; Mirza Mazhar
Djan-i Djanan, Kalimat-i tanibdt, Muradabad 1303/
1885-6; idem, Maktubat, edV'Abd al-Razzak KurashI,
Bombay 1966; Shaykh Muhammad Sa'Id, Maktubdt-
i Sa'ldina, ed. 'Abd al-MadjId, Lahore 1385/1965-
6; Shah Ghulam 'All, Makatib-i sharlja, Istanbul
1396/1976; Shah Ahmad Sa'Id, Tuhjat-i zawwdrma
MAKTUBAT — MALA'
dar anfas-i Sa'idiyya, Karachi 1955. KadirTs.
Maktubat Shaykh Muhiyy al-Dln 'Abd al-Kadir Gilani, ms.
Sherani Collection, 'Catalogue, Lahore 1969, ii, 257;
Shaykh "Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Kitab al-MakSBb
wa 'l-rasa'il, Dihlr 1297/1880. Miscellaneous.
Maktub-i Shah Madar, addressed to Shihab al-Din
Dawlatabadr, ms. 'Alrgafh, 'Abd al-Salam collec-
tion 10/915; Maktubat Bit 'All Kalandar, ms. Sherani
collection, Catalogue, ii, 256; Maktubat-i Ahmad
Kashmiri, ms. National Museum of Pakistan, Catalogue,
ed. 'Arif Nawshabr, Lahore 1983, 222; Tafiir al-
maram, letters of Shukr Allah, ms. B.L. Add. 18,883.
(K.A. Nizami)
MALA' (a.), lit. a "group I of people)", or a
"host", or a "crowd", like djama'a. kaivm [q.vv], nafar.
raht, and more generally, "the public", and hence, fi
mala', fi 'l-mala' "publicly" (e.g. al-Bukhan, Sahih, 9
vols., Cairo 1958, ix, 148 = kitab 97, bab 15). The
lective consultation, as in the phrase 'an [ghayri] mala""
minna "[not] as a result of our consultation" (Ahmad
b. Hanbal, Musnad, 6 vols., Cairo 1313/1895, repr.
Beirut n.d., i, 463). Since collective decisions are usu-
ally taken by the leaders of the group, al-mala' very
often denotes the notables and leaders of the
community [wudjuh, ashiafi. ru'asa') (e.g. Ibn Hisham,
al-Slra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mustafa al-Sakka et alii, 4 vols..
As a heavenly group consisting of angels, al-mala'
al-a'la is considered superior to the earthly one which
consists of the sons of Adam (ibid., i, 289). This is
indicated in a tradition of the Prophet stating that
whenever a believer mentions God's name in public
(fi mala'"'], God mentions his name in a better pub-
■' e.g. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Mmnad, ii, 251). A mala'
ingels met the Prophet on his nocturnal journey
leaven (ibid., i, 354), and in fact every human soul
bout to pass by a mala' of angels at the time of
death (ibid., iv, 287).
Closely associated with al-mala' al-a'la in its heavenly
significance is the expression al-rafik al-a'la (the "upper
company", cf. Kur'an IV, 69). It appears in a widely
current tradition in which the Prophet, on his death-
bed, asks God to place him with al-rafik al-a'la, and
these constitute his last words (e.g. al-Bukhar)
, 297-8; Lane
In II, 246 the mala' of the Children of Israel
demands that a king be raised up for them by their
prophet. The word is explained here in the sense of
al-kawm "the people" (e.g. Ibn al-DjawzI, ^ad al-masir
fi 'Urn al-tafsir, 9 vols., Beirut 1984, i, 291-2 [from al-
Farra']); al-Kurtubi, al-D^arm' li-ahkam al-Kur'an, 20
vols., Cairo 1967, iii, 243), although others perceived
it in the sense of "the notables" (e.g. al-Zadjdjadj,
tr'an wa-i'rabuhu, ed. 'Abd ai-Djalll Shalabr,
, Beirt
, 325).
>t of its Kur'anic occurrences the word mala'
stands indeed for the notables of a given group, and
they often represent the royal council, like that of
the Queen of Sheba (XXVII, 29, 32), and of King
Solomon (XXVII, 38). The mala' in the Kur'an is
often involved in the persecution of the messengers
of God, as with the royal mala' of the Pharaoh. It
denounces Moses as a sorcerer (VII, 109; XXVI, 34),
incites the Pharaoh against him (VII, 127), and plots
to kill him (XXVIII, 20). Other prophets who were
persecuted by the mala' of their own peoples were
Noah (VII, 60; XI, 27, 38; XXIII, 24), Hud (VII,
66; XXIII, 33) Salih (VII, 75), and Shu'ayb (VII, 88,
90).
n people
mpora,
' of
n (XXXVIII, (
the interpretations, this
belonging to al-mala' al-a'
li-sharh Sahih al-Bukhari,
viii, 358).
e of
iression stands for angels
al-Kastallani, Irshad al-sari
vols., Cairo 1305/1887,
Muhammad's c
opposition agai
In two places the Kur'an mentions the "upper"
mala' (al-mala' al-a'la). In XXXVII, 8, it is stated that
the rebellious devils may not listen to the upper mala',
and in XXXVIII, 69, the Prophet declares that he
has no knowledge of what the members of the upper
mala' are disputing about. In Kur'anic exegesis, it is
held that the upper mala' are the angels who have
thus been named because they dwell in heaven, which
differentiates them from the earthly mala', i.e. the
human beings (e.g. al-Kurtubi, Ahkam al-Kur'an, xv,
65). According to this perception, al-mala' al-a'la denotes
"the heavenly host" [see mala'ikaJ. On the other hand,
al-mala' al-a'la of Kur'an XXXVIII, 69, was also ex-
plained as though standing for the Kuraysh (al-Kurtubi,
op. at., xv, 226-7), which sets the term in an' earthly
context, meaning "the supreme
rly Tradition.
In accounts containing episodes from Muhammad's
life, the mala' of Kuraysh [q.v.] is often mentioned,
and the context indicates that it consists of Meccan
notables. In most cases, this mala' is involved in acts
of persecution perpetrated against Muhammad. In a
typical episode, it is related that the mala' of Kuraysh
once told Muhammad that they were ready to embrace
Islam pro\ided he turned away believers of the lower
classes (Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, i, 420). The episode
is usually recorded in the commentaries on Kur'an
VI, 52, in which the Prophet is instructed not to
reject those who call upon their Lord in the morn-
ing and in the evening. Occasionally, the mala' of
the Meccans is said to have convened in the Hidjr
(a sacred enclosure and a meeting place near the
Ka'ba [r/.v.]) to discuss how to treat Muhammad (ibid.,
i, 303), and they are also said to have interrogated
Muhammad, offering him medical treatment to cure
his supposed madness (al-Kurtubi, Ahkam al-Kur'an,
xv, 338). In another instance, specific names of the
hostile mala' of Kuraysh are enumerated, in a tradi-
tion in which Muhammad prays to God to punish
them for having thrown a camel's placenta on him
when he was prostrating during prayer. This was done
to invalidate his prayer by causing him physical impu-
rity (al-Bukhari, Sahih, iv, 127 = kitab 58, bab 21, v,
57 = kitab 63,7*26 29).
According to modern scholars, the word mala'
became a fixed term denoting the elected "senate" of
the tribe of Kuraysh in pre-Islamic Mecca (e.g. \V.
Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecea, Oxford 1953,
8. See also makka. 1). It was described as "a kind of
urban equivalent of the tribal majlis [see madjlis. 1],
consisting of notables and family chiefs elected by
assent to their wealth and standing" (B. Lewis, The
Arabs in history, repr. London 1985, 31). However,
there is no evidence that a process of election to the
mala' ever took place in pre-Islamic Mecca. That mala'
'ally denoted no ' '
.tables
-\-ident 1
n the fi
with reference to a group of Kuraysh acting in Medina
after the Hidjra (e.g. al-Bukhan, Sahih, ii,' 133 = kitab
24, bob 4; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, v, 160).
The mala', i.e. the notables, of the Arab tribes of
Medina lof the Banu '1-Nadjdjar), are also mentioned
in the sources, and they are described as being in
contact with Muhammad upon his arrival in Medina
(al-Bukhan, Sahih, v, 86 = kitab 63, bdb 46). A more
574
MALA"
typical form of a consultative body in Islamic times
was, perhaps, the shura [q.v.].
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(U. Rubin)
MALAWI, Muslims in.
Historical background.
Islam is not a recent phenomenon in the interior
East African state of Malawi (the former British pro-
tectorate of Nyasaland), since traders from Arabia, the
Persian Gulf, India and Indonesia had dealings with
the East African Coast since time immemorial and
Islam was carried into the interior by such traders.
The name Malawi was first used by the Portuguese
to denote a variety of distinct ethnic groups. Amongst
these, the Marawi established a hegemony over a con-
siderable area, including the Makua on the coast
around Mozambique [q.v.]. The penetration of Islam
took place from two directions, i.e. along the Rovuma
after the Portuguese occupation of Kilwa [q.v.] in
1505, and from Angoche, which, although it declined
after 1530, remained an important centre for the
spread of Muslim-Swahili influence into the interior.
The political turbulence on the northern parts of
the East African coast during the 16th century did
not affect the coastal region of the Mozambique chan-
nel. This comparatively peaceful area became condu-
cive to new economic developments, particularly that
of ship building at Mozambique and the local pro-
duction of textiles which had implications for the influ-
ence of Islam in Malawi, the one enabling the building
of boats to ply on Lake Nyasa, the other as gifts to
or for the purchase of slaves, ivory and other goods
from the local rulers. In the wake of ever-widening
commercial enterprises between the coast and the
interior from the end of the 16th century onwards,
the Makua and Yao [q.v.] were the main traders,
although agents from the coast had already settled in
During the early part of the 1 8th century, the strug-
gle between the Portuguese and the 'Umams on the
one hand, and the 'UmanTs and the local population
on the other, undermined the place of Islam along
the coast and along the trade routes. Mozambique
displaced Kilwa as the main centre of relations with
Malawi. During the early 1750s, the Portuguese were
making common cause with the shuyukh of Sanculo
and Quitangonha against the Makua, penetrating deep
into Makua country. At around this time also, Indian
trading interests on the coast, centred on Mozambique,
began to penetrate inland; thus in 1727 the Viceroy
granted a special license to a number of wealthy
Indian Muslims that allowed them to trade with the
Makua.
The next development of Islam in Malawi is con-
nected with Sayyid Sa'id of the Bu Sa'id [q.v.] dynasty
of 'Uman (1806-56), who established himself as ruler
of the coast in the early part of the 19th century and
encouraged trade with the interior by establishing
"forts" on the Kilwa-Lake Nyasa route. By 1861
Muslims had settled at the southern end of Lake
Malawi and were operating west of the lake in 1863.
In the 1870s Islamic influence could be seen in that
petty chiefs were being addressed as hakimu. The first
Yao chief to adopt Islam around 1870 was one
Makanjila II Banali, who employed a Kur'an teacher,
and children were taught to read the Kur'an and
to write Swahili in Arabic script. Chief Mataka I
Nyambi of Mwembe dressed like an Arab and built
his houses in rectangular form representing a clear
Thee;
indue
is from the c<
usually had with them
what has been termed "Muslim teachers", who taught
the Kur'an, instructing people in Islamic beliefs and
practices and encouraging literacy in Arabic and
Swahili in Arabic script. They are said to have dis-
seminated commentaries and other literature dealing
with the observance of customs connected with mar-
riage, eating and drinking, the mode of killing ani-
mals, the efficacy of charms and the making of
medicines, and encouraged the building of mosques.
They also became involved in the training of young
men, particularly the sons and nephews of the chiefs,
as walimu on religious scholars. Some of them were
sent to the coast for further training. Through such
teachers, Swahili became the language predominantly
spoken by Muslims in Malawi. Another spin-off of
this work has been the number of Malawi Muslims
acting as imams and muezzins in South African
The anti-slavery campaign from 1873 onwards led
to a re\ival of Islam, since Muslim slave traders who
were suffering an economic recession, were as a con-
sequence determined to extend their moral and reli-
gious influence. There was a growing self-consciousness
and reaction to the colonial and mission presence.
When the British protectorate was established in
1889, the Muslim presence in Malawi can be said to
have been represented by such chiefs as Mlozi, a half-
caste Arab at the north end of the lake; by Sallm b.
'Abd Allah in the central region, where Nkota Kota
had become an important centre; by Makanjila, who
was established on the east side of the lake, where
in 1891 an Arab said to have come from Aden orig-
inally owned a house at Saidi Mwazungu's town in
the southern part of Makanjila's country; and by
Mponda at the south end of the lake, where there
were twelve madaris each with its own mwalimu.
The Islamic renaissance in Malawi in the early part
of the 20th century was linked to the Maji-Maji dis-
turbances in German East Africa in 1905-6. The so-
called "Meccan Letter" purportedly sent by the head
of the Uwaysiyya [q.v.] tarika in Mecca giving instruc-
tions to the faithful to prepare for the final apoca-
lyptic battle, played its part in the unrest in Muslim
circles in Malawi in 1908. Rumours among the Yao
rung t
t the /
vould c
Europeans and Africans alike who refused to accept
the Muslim faith. In Malawi, this was intensified
by the appearance over Mua of Halley's Comet in
1910. The hostilities in East Africa connected with
the First World War also played their part in deep-
ening the commitment to Islam in Malawi. Letters
from the German officer Count Falkenstein to
Mwalimu Issa Chikoka at Losewa indicated to him
that the Ottoman caliph, Sultan Mehemmed V (1909-
18), was the enemy of the British, and called on
Mwalimu Issa to lead a djihad against the British dur-
ing Ramadan. The growth of Islam was also encour-
aged by the recruitment of Muslims for the Nyasaland
Police and the King's African Rifles. The general
impact of these trends can partly be seen in the estab-
lishment of a Muslim boarding school for boys at
Malindi and the proliferation of mosques from 1911
onwards.
During the early years of the Protectorate, Kur'an
schools offered the only education acceptable to
Muslims. In 1918, the Governor recommended the
establishment of Muslim schools in parallel to those
run by various Christian mission societies. This de-
velopment was encouraged by the Phelps-Stokes
Commission and Ormsby-Gore reports of 1925 and
led to the opening of a Muslim school in Liwonde
in 1930 From 194b Muslims weie able to establish
their own schools Independence in 1%4 biought
majoi changes in the educational s\stem Islamic lit-
eiatuie in English, particularlv from South Africa
became more readilv a\ailable This and closer links
with Muslims and Muslim institutions in East Africa
and the wider Muslim woild brought about a deepei
awareness of the lequirements oi the iaith Bv the
late 1950s some Malawi Muslims weie able to attend
the teachers college in Zanzibar
Tht natun of Islam
The Muslim commumtv m Malawi is not homo-
geneous The differences are not onlv ethnic but also
due to membership of various timik Nearlv all peo-
ple in the Kawmga, Liwonde Jalasi and N\ambi
chiefdoms aie Muslims, and a group m the Jalasi
chieftainship has been known as ta'ahki ( \r tatfka)
Thev represent the Kadinyva order The tamliki behe\e
that then de\otions should be accompanied bv loud
singing and chanting of \iabic texts and bv vigorous
dancing \nother gioup, the sukutis centied around
the Kawinga and Liwonde chieftainshi
>e of Muslim devotion in w
t and restrained n
) The v
mphasi
repres,
orthodoxv of the Shadhiliyva order Thev are also
known as ahl al sunna These differences undoubtedlv
reflect the variations in Muslim mvstical piactice in-
volving both dhikr djali, audible remembrance of God
and dhik khafi silent remembrance Beside these diffei-
ences iegaiding audible and silent dhikr, the sukutis
also diffei from other groups in their funeral prac-
tices, such as eating food before a funeral, singing
and dancing and earning flags on such occasions, as
well as the piopnetv of dancing at the annual visits
(Ziyala \r ziyara [qi]) to the giaves Thev also dif-
fer regaiding the legalitv ol eating hippopotamus meat
the building of new mosques where theie aheadv aie
other mosques and special pravers The znala are
also connected with the commemoiation of the
Piophet's birthdav (Swa maulidi) on 12 Rabi' I which
takes the form of feasting, sikin (\r dhikr) and exhoi-
tations The teim ziyala is also used foi the celebia-
tion of the anmversarv of the founder of the tarika
The Kadinyva ordei which was piedominant until
the 1930s, celebrates the birthdav of the Prophet, the
sumptuous feasting and night-long sikin, sometimes
refened to as zikara and bayan (ahd), sc an oath of
lovaltv to the shaykh
Muslims of Indian origin fall into v anous categories
The Sunnis among them follow the HanafT madhhab,
whereas the \fncan Sunm Muslims follow the ShafiT
school \mong the Indian Muslims there aie also a
numbei of Shr'a belonging to the Twelve and the
Khodja IsmaTlr and Bohoia tiaditions The majontv
of these arrived as tiadeis fiom 1928 onwaids and
some of them set up large commeicial establishments
The onlv ordinance in Malawi that directlv con-
cerns Muslim marriage (mktih [qi]) is the \siatics
(Man rage. Divorce and Succession) Oidinance of 1929
Its woiding allows foi the application of the different
svstems of law followed bv the vanous sects ( fnak }
and law schools (madhahib) It also includes anv local
variants that mav become customarv \nothei par-
ticulantv iegaiding marnage appeals in the Marriage
Oidinance of 19U3 which, contian to the Shan't!
allows a Chnstian man to marrv a Muslim gnl When
it comes to a Muslim wife s rights in a man rage, par-
tic ulailv in relation to divoice, she has almost iden-
tical lights to those of her husband
The month of fasting, has been observ ed foi manv
veais in Malawi In 1889-9U Mponda II insisted on
a pioper observation of Ramadan, although it seems
that the appiopnate tataulh piaveis weie not observed
Muslims speak of kumanga namasam "binding on
Ramadan", and though proud to obseive the restne-
bonds of Ramadan ' belore the end of the month ol
fasting The fast reaches its climax in the 'Id al Filr
(Baytam) referred to as Idi Balak (Ar baraka) The 'Id
alAdha ihwban), the feast of sacrifice, is known as Id,
Bakah a name adopted fiom the Indian sub-conti-
nent where it is known as Bakam 'Id (Ar bakam
"cow" hence "the cow festival") an indication of an
earlv Indian influence on Islam in Malawi but also
a local emphasis and appieciation of the significance
of the festiv al ^akat is acknowledged but is_ not stnctlv
observed except in connection with the 'Id al Fitr
Noon piaveis on Fndavs, known locallv as juma
pravers are held at a cential place onginallv at the
village of the main chief Women join in the juma
piavei, usuallv in a separate section of the mosque
Muslim headmen wear scarlet headbands around their
white skullcaps known as mzuh This mav icflect the
practice among Muslim scholars, who weai different
colouis to signifv then status or the iehgious order
to which thev belong
\ numbei of traditional ceremonies have survived
and have been given orthodox Islamic names Thus
the term sadaka in Malawi has nothing to do with
alms but iefers to a funeral feast It is associated with
a special dance, known among the \ao as andimba
and is connected with the brewing of a special beer
It has been partiallv Islamised through the sikm (dhikr),
which is now peiceived purelv as a dance The akika
(\r 'akika] ceremonv is observed m some areas
When a Muslim dies, the shaykh is invited to bless
the bodv and delivers an oration The bodv is pre-
pared foi bunal bv having a hole cut in the neck
and the intestines squeezed emptv It is then wiapped
m long lengths of white cloth and taken to the grave-
vard on a stretcher, usuallv the bed on which the
peison died turned up-side down The pravers and
oblations (ukana naasoka) offered to ancestral spirits at
the root llipaka) ot a shnne tree has also taken on an
Islamic air It is explained bv the more zealous Muslims
as the gift of food to passers-bv in order that God
mav foigive and bless the spirit of one's ancestors
Magical chaims and talismans proliferated in the
pre-Independence vears One of these was the kinsi
lamulet, Swa hinzi < \r hirzj \nother is the chaim
called ahbadm consisting of Kur'amc verses wrapped
in leather
Muslim oigamsahons
Foimal organisations are a fairlv recent phenome-
non in Malawi although the Muslim Association of
Malawi (MAM) was founded in the 1940s bv Asian
Muslims Theie have been associations concerned with
the piovision of madras education The aahmu as well
as the heads of the turuk owing allegiance to their
shaykh, murshid or pir also hav e their "informal' oi gan-
lsations, some of which co-opeiate over 'id celebia-
tions Some oigamsations howevei, aie supra-national,
such as the TablJghT Dpma'at [q i ] Muslims of \sian
ongin gioup togethei accoiding to then paiticular
tiading or geographical background such as the Sunm
Memon, Punjabi Surti and Khatn gioups and the
various Shr'a communities Thev make substantial con-
tributions to the building of local mosques and Kur'an
schools Mosques and madam are often named aftei
the person who oigamsed and contributed to then
ior mosques are registered under the Trustee In-
corporation Act and properties \ested in Trustees
and Oflice Beaiers oi the Associations The socio-
economic conditions of Muslims in Malawi have on
the whole not enabled them to undertake the
obligation oi the Pilgrimage and there has been no
organisation looking after the welfare and travel
arrangements for the pilgums until recently In 1981,
22 Malawians performed the Pilgrimage and since
then the number has grown
Muslims expressed an interest in better educational
lacihties within the context of the Protectorate as early
as 1916 A Department of Education was set up in
1926 but not until 1928 were three government
schools established to cater primarily for Muslim chil-
dren these had to be closed after a few years due
to lack of children and parental support The follow-
ing year an education ordinance was passed opening
the schools to all regardless of religious affiliation
By 19b2 theie were however 29 schools under Muslim
administration and owned by the Muslim community
seven of these grant aided Today all schools in the
country are under government control through the
Ministry of Education both with respect to policy
and standards Muslim teachers instruct Muslim pupils
in the basics oi Islam at the times set aside in the
timetable for Religious Education The government
has also encouraged schooling in predominantly
Muslim areas through support for the building of
classrooms and teacher accommodation Contempor-
ary-style education is pursued in the mornings in
schools managed by Muslims In the afternoon they
become madam where Kur'an haditji fikh and lugha
are taught but Arabic is not taught The \ao use
their own language including a fair amount of Sw ahih
expressions the reformists use Chewa or English the
two official languages of Malawi employing some
Arabic greetings and formulae The Muslim Students
Association founded in 1982 which represents the
reform movement and opposes the lunik and is sup-
ported by donations from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait,
produced a syllabus in Islamic education for Muslims
in primary and secondary schools in 1987 In 1988
Muslims were able to establish the fust Islamic insti-
tute of higher learning the Islamic Centre Some
young people have had the opportunity to study at
Arabic institutions abroad Contacts with the Muslim
\outh Movement in South Mica from 1977 onwards
led to the holding of the Southern Africa Islamic
\outh Conference in Blantyre in 1981 and this met
again m Malawi in 1987 when the Islamic Medical
Assembly a branch of the Muslim Association of
Malawi was formed The Muslim Association of
Malawi with its headquarters in Blantyre evolved out
of a central Board for Muslim Education which was
set up in the 1950s to co-ordinate the work and rep-
resent the interests of the Muslim community as a
whole The Association has received financial help
from Kuwait in the form of a financial director as
well as teachers from various parts of the Muslim
world Thro
ts representatioi
e has been allo-
cated on Radio Malawi for programmes on Islam in
Chichewa. The organisation has also enabled women
to hold regular conferences since 1982.
Local publications are limited. Some Muslims read
the Muslim digest and al-Kalam published in South
Mrica. A pamphlet entitled Tartibu 'l-salat in Chichewa
has been widely distributed. Publications by the In-
ternational Islamic Federation of Student Organisations
with its headquarters in Kuwait, and the wntmgs of
Abu 1-A'la Mawdudi of Pakistan are also to be found
The only outside links Muslims in Malawi had lor
long were with Muslims and Islamic institutions on the
East African coast Particularly impoitant were the
contacts with the late Shaykh Abdullah Saleh al-Farsy
(d 1982) Chief Kadi of Zanzibar and later of Kenya
Through the migrant labour force contacts were also
established with various organisations in South Africa
that more recently have sought to help Muslims face
the growing challenge presented by the socio economic
situation in Malawi Contacts with the wider Muslim
world began with a visit from representatives of the
Dar alljia' from Saudi Arabia in 1965 The African
Muslims Committee a charitable organisation based
in Kuwait has made considerable contributions to the
Blantvre Islamic Mission which was founded in 1982
and has organised youth camps The election and re
election oi Bakili Mulunzi as president of Malawi in
1994 and 1999 reflects the degree Muslims have come
to play in the country and will strengthen and enhance
Bibliography \ B Abdallah The laos Zomba
1919 S S Murray Handbook of Nyasaland Zomba
1922 M Sanderson Ceremonial purification among the
Wayao Masaland m Man xxn no 55 (June 1922)
JC Mitchell The lao ullage Manchester 1956 FJ
Simoons The me and rejection of hippopotamus flesh as
food in Africa in Tanganyika Notes and Raoids no 51
(December 1958), 195 7 Documents on the Portuguese
m Mozambique and Central Ajma 1497 1840 Lisbon
19b2 WHJ Rangeley The Ayao in Nyasaland
Journal xva/1 (1963) 7-27 J McCracken The mm
teenth century in Malaui in T O Ranger (ed ), Aspects
of Central African history London 1968 F and L O
Dotson The Indian minority of Gambia Rhodesia and
Malaui New Haven 1968 E Alpers Touards a his
tory oj expansion of Islam in East Africa in Ranger
and I Kimabo (eds ) The historical study of African
religion London 1972 172-201 P Pachai Malaui
The history of a nation London 1973 Alpers Lory
and slates in East Central Africa London 1975 idem
The Mutapa and Malawi political systems in Ranger
(ed) Aspects of Central African history London 1975
Macdonald (ed ) From Nyasaland to Malaui Nairobi
1975 RC Greenstein The Nyasaland Governments
policy touards Ajncan Muslims 1900 1923 in Mac-
donald (ed ) From Nyasaland to Malawi Nairobi 1975
144-68 idem Shavkhs and Tanqas Early Muslim 'Ulama
and Tariqa development m Malaui c 1893 1949
Historical Research Seminar Papers 197b/77
Chancellor College University of Malawi JND
Anderson \yasaland Protectorate in Islamic Lau in
Africa London 1978 162-70 M Newitt The Southern
fsuahili coast in the first century oj European expansion
in Azania \m (1978) 1112b I AG Panjwam
Muslims in Malaui, in JIMMA, i/2 u/1 (1979 80)
158-68 & Shepperson 77k Jume oj Rota Rota and
some aspects oj the history oj Islam in Malaui in IM
Lewis (ed) Islam in Tropical Africa London 1980
253-b5 & Shepherd The making oj the Suahih a
lieu from the southern end oj the East African Coast in
Paideuma \\vni (1982) 129-48 DS Bone Islam in
Malaui in Jnal oj Religion in Africa xm/2 (1982)
12b- 38; R. Ammah, New light on Muslim statistics for
Africa in BICMURA, ii/1 (January 1984); Bone,
The Muslim minority in Malawi and western education,
JIMMA, vi/2 (1985), 412-19; N.R. Bennett, Arab
lersus European. Diplomacy and war in nineteenth-century
East Central Africa, New York 1986; A.P.H. Thorold,
lao conversion to Islam, in Cambridge Anthropology, xii/2
(1987), 18-28; A.J. Matiki, Problems of Islamic educa-
MALAWI — MALFUZAT
577
twn in MalaiLi in J/UU4 xu/ 1 (1991), 127-34,
Thoiold Metamorphoses of the lao Muslims, in
L. Brenner ( ed ) Muslim identih and waal change in
sub Saharan ifrua London 1993 79-90, idem. The
Muslim population in Malani in Al-'Ilm, xm (1993),
71 b idem 77k politics of nnsttasm Sufism and lao
identih in Southtrn Malaui in Jnal of Conhmporart
African Studies x\ (1997) 107 17
MALFUZAT (a
nllv
V SlGARD)
in Sufi par-
Though some compilations of Sufi utteiances were
made earlier in other lands, e g the Halat wa sukhanan-i
Shaykh Abu Sa'id (Rieu, i, 342b n) and Asrar al taiuhid
(ed. Ahmad Bahmanvai, Tehian 1934) [see abu sa'Id
B. abi 'l-khayr], it was Hasan Sidjzi of Dilhr who gave
it a definite literarv form In 707/1307 he decided to
write a summary of what he heaid fiom his spiritual
mentor, Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awhva' [q i ], and com-
pleted it under the rubric, Fawa'id al fu'ad (Lucknow
1302). It marked the beginning of a new type of mvs-
tical literature, known as malfuzat (sing malfuz) A lew
years later, in 711/1312, Sultan Baha' al-Din Walad
[q.v.], son of the famous Mawlana Djalal al-Din RumI
[?.».], completed a recoid of his iathei's utterances un-
der the title Fihi-ma-jihi (ed 'Abd al-Madjid, A'zamgarh
1928). But Baha' al-Din prepared this record on the
basis of memon, some 39 \eais alter the death of his
father, without reieience to dates on which specific
discussions took place Hasan Sidjzi ga\e dates of
of the audience Baha' al-Din perhaps aimed at pro-
viding a philosophic basis foi the mathnaiti, Hasan
presented through the comeisations of his Shaikh the
ilated w
1 the
s of Sufi u
: pioblems of the people Ha:
and a considerable malfuz literature appeared in I
from Ucch to Manei and horn Dihli to Deogir
The new genre of m\stica
mainly in India, but some col
ances were prepaied elsewheie also, eg the Mir al
'ulum, utterances of Shavkh Abu 1 Hasan Khirkani (ed
E. Berthels, Lemngiad 1929], Malfuzat i Nadim al-Dfn
Kubra (ms. As. Soc of Bengal 1250-3), Masturat (dis-
courses of Say) id 'AIT Hamadani, ms I O 1850| and
Anis al-talibin (conversations or Kh u adja Baha' al-Din
Nakshband, Lahoie 1323)
Several disciples of Shavkh Nizam al-Din Awlrsa'
emulated Hasan in compiling comeisations of the
Shaykh, e.g. Amiar al-madfalis, Tuhfat al abrar wa-karamat
al-akhjar, Hasrat-nama and Durar I nizami Except the
last one (ms. Buhar 183 and Salaidjang Museum,
Haydarabad) all are no longer extant Conversations
of Shaykh Burhan al-Din Gharib a khalifa of Shavkh
Nizam al-Dm Awhva', were compiled in the Deccan
under the titles Ahsan al-akital (ms 'Uthmamvva,
Haydarabad 478 and 1479), Hafa'is al-anfds (ms
Nadwat al-TJlama', Lucknow ), Shamail al atkiya (lith
Haydarabad 1347), etc In Dihli, Hamid Kalandai
compiled his Mair al-madxalis led KA Nizami, 'Ali-
gafh 1959), which contains conversations of Shavkh
Naslr al-Din Ciragh, chief khalifa of Shavkh Nizam
al-Din Awliya' In Nagawi [q i } the conversations of
Shaykh Hamid al-Din Sufi Nagawi i weie compiled
in Surur al-sudur (ms Habib Gandj 'Aligarh) The
Firdawsi saints produced Ma'din al-ma'arii (2 vols lith
Bihar 1301-3/1884-6) Mukhkk al-ma'arii (lith Agra
1321/1903-4), Rahat al kulub (lith Agra) and a few
other works containing the conversations of Shaikh
Sharai al-Din Yah\a Maneri Several saints of the
Suhiawardi silsda pioduced conveisations of their spn-
itual teachers The conversations of Sayvid Djalal al-
Din Bukhari were compiled under the titles Siradi
alhidaya (ed Kadi Sadjdjad Husavn, Dihli 1983),
Djami' al-'ulQm (ed Kadi Sadjdjad Husavn Dihli
1982),
i the
!' al-Din Khaldji's period, Kh'adja Kaiak of Kaia,
were collected in Asrar al-makhdumin (lith Fathpur-
Haswa 1893)
The production of malfuz literature in India dur-
ing the 8th/ 14th centurv s\nthromsed with Shavkh
Nizam al-Din Awh\a'\ decision to convert the mvs-
tical movement — hitheito confined to individual spiri-
tual salvation — into a movement for mass spiritual
culture (Siyar al-anliya', Dihli, 346-7) This led to proli-
ieiation of khankahs [qv] in South Asia and the adop-
tion of local dialects for the communication of ideas
(see "Abd al-Hakk, The Sufis' aoik in the early deielopmmt
of Irdu language, Awiangabad 1933) The malfuz litei-
ature differed from literature pioduced earlier in the
form of mvstical treatises which dealt with mvstical
thought or mistical litanies and lucubrations The
malfuz literatuie was intelligible to people at all lev-
els and had a space-time context Since the discus-
sions contained in malfuzat took place before people
belonging to different sections of societv and referred
to specific problems (see hhayr al-madialn, 83, 185,
240, etc , Ma'din al ma'am, 3), this literature has assumed
great historiographit al significance It acts as a col-
lective to the impiessions cieated bv the court chron-
iclers who, nurtured as the\ were in Persian traditions
restricted the conspectus of historv to courts and
from a different angle and fills a gap in historical
knowledge bv providing a glimpse into the hie of the
example the economic worries of the masses during
the time of Fiiuz Shah Tughluk, and the efforts of
the Sufis to reorient mvstical thought to meet the sit-
uation created bv the ideologv of Ibn Taymiyva [q i ],
can be read in the hhayr al madfalis
Malfuz literature continued to be produced in India
all through the centuries The conversations of Shavkh
Ahmad Maghnbi of Khattu (Tuhfat al-madialis, IO
Persian Collection DP 979) give an insight into the
economic and cultural efforts that preceded the foun-
dation of the cit\ of Ahmadabad The utterances of
Gisu Daiaz [qi], Djanami' al kahm (ed Hamid Siddiki,
Kanpui 1356/1937-8), give a hvelv picture of mvsti-
cal activitv in the South
Widespiead inteiest in malfuz literature encouraged
the production of some apocryphal collections, e g
Ann al-amah (lith Dihli 1312). Dalfl al'anfm (lith
Lucknow 1311/1893-4), Faaa'id al salikm (lith Lucknow
1311/1893-4), Asm, al auliya' (lith Kanpur 1890),
Rahat al-kulub (lith Lucknow 1311/1893-4), Rahat al
muhibbin (ms peisonal collection), Afdal al-faua'id (lith
Dihli 1304/1886-7), Miftah al-'ashikin (lith Dihli 1309/
1891-2), etc Cntical scholarship has rejected this liter-
ature as spunous The use of the term malfuzat ioi the
apocryphal memoirs of TlmQi is the solitary example
of the application of the term to polite al Iiteiature
The malfuz literature produced dunng the 9th/ 15th
and 10th/ 16th centunes contains valuable information
about the social, religious and literary activities of
the people in the period preceding and following the
foundation of the Mughal Empire Paiticular iefer-
tions of Shavkh Ahmad <Abd al-Hakk (lith 'Aligaih
1905), Lata' if i Kuddmi, conversations of Sha>kh 'Abd
MALFUZAT — MAMLUKS
al-Kuddus Gangohl [q.v. in Suppl.] (lith. Dihll 13
1893-4), Kalimdt-i tayyibat, conversations of Kh"adja
Baki billah (lith. Dihli 1332/1914) and Malfizdt-i Shah
Mind (Hardoi n.d.).
In the subsequent centuries appeared the conversa-
tions of Shaykh Muhammad CishtT (Madjalis al-hasaniyya,
ms. 'Alrgafh), Shah Kallm Allah Shahdjahanabadr
(Madfalis-i kalimi, lith. Haydarabad 1328/1910), Shah
'Abd al-Razzak (Malfizat, lith. Firuzpur 1303/1885 "
Shaykh Burhan Shattarl (Thamarat al-haydt, ms.
Soc. of Bengal 448), Shaykh 'Isa of Burhanj
(Malfizat, ms. As. Soc. of Bengal 462), 'Abd al-Rahman
of Lucknow (Anwar al-Rahman, lith. Lucknow 1 287/
1870-1), and Shah 'Abd al-'AzIz of Dihll (Malfizd
'Azlzi, Hth. Meerut 1314/1896-7). This literature su]
plies background information about the intellectu
and social crisis in a period of transition. For exan
pie, the Anwar al-Rahman throws invaluable light c
the decadent culture of Awadh [q.v.], and the utte
ances of Shah 'Abd al-'Aziz reveal reaction ar
response to Western culture. In Nafi' al-salildn (coi
versations of Shah Sulayman of Taunsa, Lahore 1 285)
the socio-religious scenario of the Pandjab before 1857
is seen in all its details.
In the early decades of the 20th century, Mawlana
Ashraf 'All of Thana Bhawan made effective use of
the malfiz medium in propagating his teachings, but
i the n
e of mawa'xz (s
mons) than maljuz (table talk). In short, no study of
Sufism as a popular movement in India is possible
without an intensive and critical use of the maljuz
Bibliography: Important malfizat collections are
cited above. For assessment, see K.A. Nizami, On
history and historians of medieval India, Dihll 1988, ch.
"Historical significance of the Malfuz literature",
163-97; idem. The Ahsan al-Aqwal— a fourteenth-century
Malfuz, in Jnal. Pal. Hist. Soc. (Jan. 1955), 40-4;
idem, The Saroor-us-Sudur — a 14th century malfuz, in
Procs. Indian Hist. C'ongr., Nagpur 1950, 167-9; idem,
The life and times of Shaikh Far id Ganj-i Shakar, 'Aligarh
1955, 118-20; idem, Malfizat ki tarikhJ ahammiyyat,
in Arshi presentation volume. Dihlr 1966; M. Habib,
Chishti mystic records of the Sultanate period, in Medieval
India Quarterly, i/2, 15-42; Riaz ul-Islam, Collections
of the Malfuzat of Makhdum-i Jahaniyan, in Procs. Pak.
Hist. Conf, Karachi 1951, 211-16.
(K.A. Nizami)
MALKOC-OGHUIXARI, a line of Ottoman
raiders from Bosnia who were active from the
late Hth to the 17th centuries.
The origin of the name Malkoc is unclear. The
suggestions that it derived from the Greek Markos or
Serbian Markovic are not satisfactory. The Malkoc-
oghullari were probably Christian converts to Islam.
A Malkoc is apparently first mentioned in the Short
chronicle of hanmna tea. 1400) in connection with a war
between two Epirot lords, perhaps in 1388-9. Murad I
supposedly sent Malkoc from Thessaloniki/Selamk
[q.v] to help one of them, in the event, successfully.
The first Ottoman chronicler to mention the name,
Neshrl (d. before 1520), seemingly refers to the same
person as commander of 1,000 archers on the right
wing of the Ottoman army at the Battle of Kosovo
[see kosowa] (June 1389). He may also have partici-
pated in the Battle of Nicopolis (1395). Later, Malkoc
appears as the commander (beg) of Siwas. He was
captured by Timur in 1402 but was subsequently sent
as a messenger to Bayezid I.
The family held lands in northern Bosnia at the
time of Mehemmed II (second reign, 1451-81). They
were given land there as march begs. The most
renowned member of the line was Ball Beg Malkoc-
oghlu, who in 1444 fought the Hungarians under John
Hunyadi outside Varna but fled the field. In 1462,
he commanded the right wing of the army of
Mehemmed II against Vlad Tepesh in Wallachia, and
during the next decade was the provincial military
chief (sandjak beg) of Smederovo in Serbia, burning
the Croatian city of Varazdin in 1474. In 1475-6, he
was the sanqjak beg of Bosnia, and in 1478, he led
3,000 raiders (akinap. [q.v.]) before Scutari/Ishkodra
[q.v., in Suppl.] in Albania. The following year he
led another large force of raiders into Hungary and
Transylvania. He became the governor of Silistria in
the 1490s, raiding Ak Kirman in 1496 and in 1498
twice raiding Poland and threatening Krakow. He had
three sons, two of whom were killed at Caldiran [q.v.]
in 1514, whilst the third became sanajak beg of Kilia
near the mouth of the Danube.
Subsequently, in the early 16th century, we hear
of Kara 'Othman Beg Malkoc-oghlu as a leading
landholder in Bosnia. The last known member of the
dynasty was Yawuz 'Air Pasha, governor of Egypt,
who became Grand Vizier in 1603 and died the fol-
lowing year at Belgrade. After this, the family seems
to have lost its power and influence.
Bibliography: The basic study is F. Babinger,
Beitrage zur Geschichte des Geschlechtes der Malqoc-Oghlu's,
in AISO Napoli, N.S., i (1940), 1 17-35, repr. in idem,
Aufsatze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Sudosteuropas
und der Levante, Munich 1962, i, 355-69; Branislav
Durdev et ai, Historija naroda Jugoshwije, Zagreb 1959,
ii, 117; Dimitri Bogdanovich et ai, Historija Srbska
naroda, Belgrade 1982, ii, 518; K. Setton, The papacy
and the Levant, 1204-1571, Philadelphia 1984, iv,
694-5; CH. Imber, The Ottoman Empire 1300-1481,
Istanbul 1990, 48, 134, 228, 244-5; Turk Ansihpedisi
and Yeni Turk Ansiklopedisi, arts. Malkocogullan.
(G. Leiser)
MAMLUKS.
n Architecture
(a) Architecture
Within the history of Islamic art, the architecture
of the Mamluk period (648-922/1250-1517) occupies
an intermediary position between what might be
termed the early period predating the Mongol inva-
sion and the later imperial arts of the Tfmurids, Safa-
wids, Ottomans and Mughals. Unlike its Timurid
counterpart, with which it is partly contemporary,
Mamluk architecture did not substantially impact on
the later history of Islamic art once Egypt and Syria
had become provinces of the Ottoman Empire. It lin-
gered on in a reduced scale in Ottoman Egypt, until
it was revived in modern times as a manifestation of
a national style of mosque architecture.
Apart from the prestige accruing from their victo-
ries over the Mongols and the Crusaders, the Mamluks
were celebrated as guardians and patrons of ortho-
dox Islam, an image they fostered by sponsoring reli-
gious foundations and creating centres of scholarship
and Sufi activities and other philanthropic institutions.
The sheer number of mosques, madrasas and khankdhs
which they established in Cairo proved without par-
allel in the Muslim world at the time, and is even
believed to have exceeded the genuine requirements
of the population. All the while remaining careful to
cultivate the exclusive character of their ruling aris-
tocracy, one based on their military slave origins,
the Mamluks directed their patronage at the man in
the street. Instead of promoting an inward-looking
court hie their chief concern was to obtain the enc
ins; suppoit oi the religious establishment The Mamluk
sultans mled then capital in a ver\ diiect mannei
invoking themsehes closelv in the minutiae oi rel:
gious and social pohcv Sultans and amin themselve
inspected monuments dunng the constiuction phas
maintenance oi the buildings oi then predecessois
Mamluk patronage was essentiallv ieligious and o
oi its most significant aspects lav in the aithitecture
and in the decorative arts which it helped to fo>
Moreover uiban development was a ma)oi cone
oi the Mamluks and the motivation behind the mi
sive building activity foi which thev became respon-
sible in Cairo Since sultans and amiK incorporated
their own lavish mausoleums withm religious iounda
tions therebv setting up memoiials toi themselves in
then capital Cano as a whole soon became an vast
arena ior Mamluk art patronage Most oi the Mamluk
aichitectural legacv in Cairo was cieated bv such sul-
tans md amiib and onlv to a lessei extent bv local
Although the Mamluks iuled over 1 terntorv includ-
ing Egypt Greater Svna and the Hidjaz Mamluk
aichitectuial identitv is mainlv discernible in Cairo
Even moie decidedlv than undei other Islamic regimes
the metropolitan stvle oi ieligious aiclntectuie rarelv
re-occuis outside the capital The lulers direct involve
t in the building activitv oi the province oi Egvpt
iesponded to the specific aesthetic needs of the site
lathei than being iorced to coniorm to a piecon-
ceived canon \ major iactor in the architecturil
design was the foundei s mausoleum dome which was
assuied maximum visibihtv both through its position
in the building and an mcreasinglv loftv extenoi tran-
sitional zone between the dium and dome (kessler
1972 L Mi Ibiahim 1975 and see kcbba) This
mci eased visibihtv rt quired the builder to adjust both
lav out and architecture to the site The patrons chal-
lenge was to balance the status-enhancing placement
of the mausoleum to the street with a |uxtaposition
with the mosque sanctuarv Ii the lattei requirement
prefeience was to place the mausoleum on the stieet
,al ioundati
-ablv 1
3 the v
t so that the south-east Mecca-
culd be on the street side This
■um to lie ad]acent to the
imldmgs
regions Religious ar
kept faith on the wh
building tradition i
province itself wheic
mosque
ving the lour
;ovemors and the loc il notables
r a disci epancv in religious archi-
ll the capital and the outlving
hitecture in Svna and the Hidjiz
le with the picdominant regional
; was the case of the Egyptian
the cities of Kus and Alexandna
:s oi the capital
in Kavitbav '
r--9th/15th centurv
from Cano to Jerusalem
teports themselves attest
tive Indeed tiakj des,
Jeiusalem and Medina
Morec
the
n Mamluk a,
; well a
the s
onfirm tha
as quantit;
ure in C ai
Like their
along the axis oi the (mentation towaids Mecca as
were the mausoleums which with raie exceptions
included a mihiab (Kessler 1984) Owing to the afore-
mentioned constraints it often tianspned that the on
entation of the mosques mihrab diverged fiom that
of the mausoleum Unlike m Svna the minaret in
Cano was to be found not onlv in Fnday mosques
but m madrono khankahs and minoi oi atones as well
This interaction with the urb m fabric togethei with
the pre-eminence of the metiopohtan religious insti-
tutions housing Mamluk m lusoleums created an aicln
tectuie cxclusivelv suited to Cano Fuitheimoie the
ovemding focus of Mimluk monumental patronage
in Cano was in tact a response to the histoucal sit-
uation It should bt iemembeied that the historv of
Mamluk Cano begins at the same time as the fall oi
Baghdad from where Bavbais tiansf erred the -\bbasid
caliphate to his own capital [see mamluks i HistoivJ
a symbolic gestuie that designated Cano as Baghdids
successoi Aire adv the possessor ol a long undisturbed
metropolitan tradition unrivalled at that time bv am
other citv in Egvpt oi m Svna the Egvptian capital
was the natural c indidate to perpetuate Baghdad s
glorious historv
Like any othei architectuie that of the Mamluks
was based on that of its piedecessors and as such it
inheiited architectural devices and decoiative tech-
niques irom the Fahmid and -\wubid periods Fai
moie monuments were elected than during the
■\wubid era however and ovei a much longei penod
ot time Alreadv al-Zahir Bavbus waived the Shih'i
rule applied bv his predecessois which allowed onlv
Fndav mosque to each agglomei,
the
Cilicn the
of S
oith 1
-tropoli
religious foundations
lectual centies oi the Mamluk state contributed to
the stvlistic singulantv of Cairene Mamluk nchitec-
tuie With a few exceptions such is the buildings oi
Tankiz al-Ntsm in Jerusalem (Bui gov ne 1987 223-
48) uiban schemes do not seem to have been a majoi
concern oi Mamluk patrons in Svnan cities
The evolution of Mamluk aichitecture in Cairo
shows an incieasing tendency to adapt and adjust the
lav out ol the buildings to the uiban environment
rather than to impose a laige-scale or svmmetiical
architecture on the city The portal minaiet ind mau-
soleum dome were assigned 1 location that best
md other
en escaping the Mong
le horn al-A.ndalus
le contacts with the Il-Khanids and w
.rts oi the 7th-8th/lith-14th centuries
■ahn per,
in Cai
From Shadjai al Dun to at Zahir Bmban The fust
building that can be secuielv attubuted to the Mimluk
eia is the tunerarv madrma of Shadjai tl-Duri [q ]
the widow of the last Awubid sultan al-Sahh Nadjm
al-Din Avyub of which only the mausoleum is todav
extant It wis built m b48/1250 m the cemeterv oi
Savyida NafTsa north of fustu [qi] as part oi a com
plex that included a palace l hammam and gardens
In the same year the shoit-hved sultana also added
a mausoleum to her husband s madrasa in the heart
of the Fatimid al-Kahira, thus bringing to the city a
tradition of pimcely funerary architecture which sub-
sequently became a significant feature of Mamluk
Cairo (Creswell 1959, n 135f-fa Behrens-Abouseif
1983) The profile of the mausoleum dome and its
stucco decoration remain faithful to the tiadition of
the Ayyubid period
The madrasa of al-Mu'izz Aybak Shadjar al-Durr s
second husband and her successor on the Mamluk
throne was built in 654/1256-7 in the commercial
centre of Fustat (al-Maknzi Suluk lv, 302, it seems
to have been part of an urban project which inte-
grated pre-existing commercial structures As it is not
included in al-Maknzi s hhilat it must have disap-
peared with the decline of Fustat as al-Kahira took
over as Egypt s definitive capital during the 8th/ 14th
century It was the first and indeed only royal
Mamluk foundation withm the city of Fustat
Sultan al-Zahir Baybars I's [q c ] first religious foun-
dation — a madrasa next to that of his mastet al-Sahh
Nadjm al-Din— was built in al-Kahira m 660-2/1262-
} The building itself which was demolished in the
last century, is lepoited to have consisted of four
mans built around a courtyard to accommodate the
four madhhah of Islamic law It possessed no mau-
soleum Nineteenth-century drawings and paintings
convey some idea of the former exterior The portal
formed the shape of a semi-dome on mukarnas, a pat-
tern already applied in Ayvubid Synan architecture
but the earliest of its kind to be documented in Cairo
a distinction that applies equally to the {out-man plan
(Creswell 1959 n 1421T)
When al-Zahir Baybars built his monumental
mosque on the site of his polo-ground in the north-
ern outskirts of Husaymyva (665-7/ 1266-9) it was the
first Friday mosque to be founded in the Egyptian
capital for some 150 years The mosque with its
pointed arches and monumental entrvways contains
references to the Fatimid mosque of al-Hakim The
major innovation and the most spectacular feature of
the building was the size of the wooden dome over
the mifoab, which covers the maksura of nine bays and
is borne by piers The space between the courtyard
and the domed zone is furthermore emphasised hy a
transept running perpendicular to the arcades of the
sanctuary Cieswell maintains that the dome was influ-
enced bv the Artukid mosque of Mayv afarikm [q t ]
built in the 6th/ 12th century The building materials
for Baybars mosque had been seized as spolia from
Crusader monuments duung Baybars triumphal cam-
paign in ^affa The mosque was aheady falling into
ruin during the mediaeval period (Creswell 1950 n
155ff Bloom 1982) Baybars also founded in 671/1273
another monumental Fndav mosque at Mansha' at
al-Maharani between al-Kahira and Fustat of which
no trace exists today (Ibn Dukmak, iv, 119) Bavbars
mgn produced a significant number of other secular
and religious buildings in Egypt and Svna (Meinecke,
ii, 6-51)
From al Uansur halauun to al ishraj Khalil The build-
ings of al-Mansur Kalawun [qi] his wife Fatima
Khatun and his son al-Ashraf Khalil [qi ] cannot be
connected directlv to those of their predecessors nei-
ther do thev seem to have had a marked impact on
their successors Kalawun was the first Mamluk sul-
tan to build a religious complex with his own mau-
soleum in the city centre The complex (683-4/1284-5)
which included a madrasa a mausoleum and a great
hospital displays many unprecedented features the
vcrticality of the facade and its decoration the plan
of the mausoleum centred on an octagonal domed
baldachin the basilical plan of the piayer man Most
remarkable is the treatment of the facade with pointed-
arch recessed panels which include the windows the
uppei ones forming a tuple composition consisting of
a pair of art hed openings surmounted by a bull s eye
This treatment recalls the architecture of Norman
Sicily the facade of the Kalawun complex in fact
exhibiting a striking resemblance to the original
frontage of the Cathedral of Palermo The maible
mosaics decorating the opulent interior aie once again
closely related to those of Norman Sicily and south-
ern Italy (Cieswell 1959 u 190ff Meinecke 1971
Behrens-Abouseif 1995 Sicily) The adjustment of the
Kalawun complex facade to the alignment of the
streets — so deviating fiom the Mecca-oriented axis
within — is a device of urban aesthetics created in the
Fatimid period and faithfully maintained under the
Mamluks The complex was erected on the street side
to the west with a passage between the mausoleum
and the madrasa leading to the hospital The massive
masonry minaret stands at the northern edge of the
complex juxtaposing harmoniously with the mausoleum
dome The madrasa is built around a courtyard with two
unequal axial mans and two lateral recesses between
which the multi-stoned dwelling units were located
The mausoleum is one of the most lavishly deco-
rated monuments of mediaeval Cairo displaying the
entire repertoire of techniques of that time carved
and painted wood stucco inlaid and carved marble
as well as in the mihrab conch-glass mosaic The hos-
pital, no longer extant was not visible from the street,
it is described in its makj deed as a lavish construc-
tion built in two perpendicular axes around a court-
yard (see Herzs plan in Creswell 1959 n 207) The
plan of the mausoleum and the massive shape of
the minaiet of Kalawun remained unique in Cairene
architectuie
In the cemetery of Sawida NafTsa aie the lemams
of a funerary madrasa attributed to Fatima Khatun
(682-3/1283-4) a wife of Kalawun Today only the
funerary chamber with the gateway and the first storey
of the rectangular minaret are extant A photograph
published by E Diez (Kunst der islamischen lolLer
Munich 1915) shows that this madrasa had arched
recesses with the same triple-window composition that
occurs on Kalawun s facade Next to it Kalawun s
son al-Ashraf Khalil, a ruler who left no architec-
tural work in the cirv centie built his own funerary
madrasa of which only the mausoleum is extant
(687/1288) The three domes of Kalawun his wife
and his son Khalil, have in common a high octago-
nal drum with windows set in recessed aiches and
an oval profile whereas the inteiior tieatment of the
transitional zones is different in each case (Creswell
1959, n 180-1 214-15) Meinecke 1992 i
il Nasi
Muhi
Al-
Muhammad b Kalawun [q i ] was the greatest
builder of the Bahri Mamluk sultans His long reign
(693-741/ 1293-1 Ml) interrupted by two interim pe-
riods (694-8/1294-99 and 708/1309) coincided with
a period of relative peace and prospentv which was
also the most fruitful for architectural achievement
Al-Nasir encouraged his amm to build mosques and
palaces not only in the city itself but also in the out-
skirts on new land added to Cairo by the receding
of the course of the Nile Al-Nasir's second reign was
alreadv displaying the versatility characteristic of the
architecture of the 8th/ 14th century (Meinecke-Berg
1977 J A Williams 1984 al-Hanthy 2000)
In 703/1304, al-Nasir Muhammad completed the
madrma next to his father's during the first interval
of his reign by Sultan Ladjln [g.v.]. The construction
possesses a narrow facade whose total width in the
upper reaches was occupied by the minaret and the
mausoleum dome. The dome, which like the top part
of the minaret is no longer extant, has an octagonal
drum similar to that of the previous Kalawunids. The
madrma is built with four axial iwdm with multi-
storied living quarters between them. The Gothic portal
is a spoil from a church in Palestine (Creswell 1959,
ii, 234ff.; Meinecke 1992, i, 49).
Once the mausoleum dome became an integral part
of the facade design, the evolution of urban religious
and/or funerary architecture during the 8th/ 14th cen-
tury stimulated the builders to display their versatil-
ity in the individual treatment of the minarets and
the mausoleum domes, and most of all to create a
these two elements. At the funerarv foundations of
Salar and Sandjar (703/1303-4), which could have
been a madrata or a khankah, the minaret is juxta-
posed with a pair of unequal-sized mausoleum domes
that formed a singular silhouette when viewed from
the street. Here the mausoleums are Mecca-oriented,
but, exceptionally, not the madiaw/ khankah.
At the khankah of Baybars II al-Djashanklr 1 706-9/
1306-10), too, the funerary dome adjoins the minaret
harmoniously, leaving the prayer hall on the other
side of the courtyard because of the placement of the
Almas al-Nasirl (729/1328-9), which also included the
founder's mausoleum, has an irregular configuration
(Karim 2000). The Friday mosque of Altinbugha al-
Maridam (739-40/1339-40), which in principle follows
the plan of al-Nasir 's mosque in the Citadel with
dome above the
The rr
tisoleu
ichly d
of the
ited in rr
irblc
le rather plain interior of the
Sufi" institution. In addition to the living units over-
looking the courtyard, there was a separate dwelling
compound (Fernandes 1983).
The funerary madiasa of Sunkur al-Sa'dr (715-
21/1315-21), of which only the facade with the mau-
soleum and the minaret remain extant, presents further
variation on the shape of minaret and dome. The
rectangular brick shaft is particularly slender and has
lavish muiarnai, while the dome, whose drum is dec-
orated with stucco bands around the windows, stands
on an elliptic base (Creswell 1959, ii, 2b7f.-8; M. 'Abd
al-Rahman Fahmi 1970). The small funerary- mosque
of Aydumur al-Bahlawan (747/1346), with one of the
Neither of the two major monuments of al-Nasir
Muhammad survives, sc. a great khankah planned with
his mausoleum at Siryakus la village to the north of
Cairo) and his great mosque in the southern outskirts
of al-Kahira to the north of Fustat (J.A. Williams
1984). However, his mosque at the Citadel completed
in 735/1335 attests to artistic achievement under his
patronage. The dome of its maksma, which is similar
to but of lesser proportions than that of Baybars, was
revetted in green tiles. Similarly, two unusual masonry
minarets, one flanking the main entrance and another
at the south-eastern corner, have a ceramic tilework
mosaic in the Il-Khanid style decorating their upper
part, which must have been the work of the Tabriz!
craftsmen reported to have come to Cairo at that
time and to have been involved in the decoration of
the no longer-extant mosque of Kawsun. Except for the
use of ceramic on the dome and the minarets, the
exterior is plain, in marked contrast to contemporary
Subsequent examples demonstrate that, due to urban
constraints, the hypostyle courtyard mosque could no
longer be accommodated within the city without sac-
rificing its symmetry. The Friday mosque of the amu
r of it
t off t<
. At the mosque of A
(747-8/1346-7), the facade is not parallel to the hbla
wall but instead projects with the minaret out into
the street. The minaret, originally with four instead
of the usual three stories, could thus announce the
mosque from an even greater distance (Behrens-
Abouseif 1985, Minarets, 92-3). The heavily damaged
interior of the mosque is characterised by cross-vaulted
bays carried by piers, indicating Syrian influence
(Meinecke 1973).
The funerary mosque (750/1349) of the ami) Shay-
khu is also laid out according to an irregulai plan.
Together with Shaykhu's great khankah built six years
later across the street (757/1355), it forms an urban
composition embracing the Saliba street with two
symmetrical minarets and two similar portals. The
khankah has only the sanctuary with the nwak or
hypostyle plan, with living units on the three other
sides of the courtyard. The enormous dwelling com-
pound behind the prayer hall is the only one of its
kind extant in Cairo. The use of the hypostyle sanc-
tuary of traditional mosques in a khankah had occurred
already at the foundation of the amir Kawsun (736/
1335), built in the cemeterv to the southeast of the
Citadel. Today, only a stone minaret and a mau-
soleum dome stand. A reconstruction, however, shows
that it had a double mausoleum on each side of the
hypostyle sanctuary with the dwelling units most likely
occupying the other sides of the court (Ali Ibrahim
1974).
The idea of building a religious complex on both
sides of a street had been applied previously by the
Amir Bashtak (736/1336) with a khankah connected
to a mosque with a bridge; only a monumental minaret
The late Kalmviinid period. Despite the political decline
under the sons of al-Nasir Muhammad and the dev-
astation brought about by the Black Death (749/1348),
the second half of the 8th/ 14th century was very pro-
ductive and creative in terms of an architecture that
continued to integrate exotic foreign patterns.
The mad/asa of Sarghitmish (757/1356) displays the
unusual combination of a four-mwn plan with a dome
over the main Twan. The mausoleum dome projects
boldly onto the street across the courtyard. The two
domes are unexpected on the Cairene skyline; bul-
bous and with a high drum, their profile recalls
Tfmurid architecture, which, however, they pre-date.
The mausoleum dome has a double shell, while that
of the prayer hall was rebuilt with only one. Similarly
recalling Tfmurid dome profiles are the two ribbed
onion-shaped masonry domes of the anonymous mau-
soleum known as Sultanivva, which also have a dou-
ble shell. The building "has been assigned to the
750-60s/ 1 350-60s. Despite the similarities, a direct
influence from Samarkand can be excluded on chrono-
logical grounds, but a common Iranian prototype from
Western Persia or 'Irak must surely have influenced
the Samarkand and the Cairo domes (Meinecke 1976).
It is paradoxical that the mosque of Sultan Hasan,
the most monumental of Mamluk mosques and even
of all mediaeval mosques at that time, was founded
in the decade following the depredations of the Black
Death. Although it took from 757/1356 to 764/1362
to build, its decoration was never completed. The
funerary complex which includes a madrasa for the
four madhhabs is the first Mamluk teaching institution
to be at the same time a Friday mosque, a combi-
nation that was subsequently adopted in all princely
foundations. The complex stands beneath the Citadel,
where it dominated an open square with the hippo-
drome, plainly visible from the palaces of the sultans
at the Citadel. It is the only Mamluk mosque to
present a mausoleum behind the prayer hall that
occupies the same width. The original dome, which
collapsed in the 18th century, was described by an
eyewitness as bulbous; it might have been similar to
the wooden dome of the ablution fountain in the
courtyard that has a rounded profile and no drum,
or to the domes of Sarghitmish and the Sultaniyya
mausoleum that possess a high drum, the latter with
a pointed profile. Only one original minaret is extant,
that flanking the mausoleum at the eastern corner.
At ca. 80 m it was the tallest of its time, though the
other one was replaced by a smaller structure in the
Ottoman period. The placement of a dome between
two minarets created a new perspective on the Cairo
skyline (Kessler 2000). Two more minarets were
planned at the entrance, according to al-Makrizi, and
as the buttresses themselves show; one was built and
collapsed shortly afterwards so that the ambitious pro-
ject of four minarets had to be abandoned. Like the
design of the portal itself, the pair of minarets betray
an Anatolian Saldjuk influence, albeit more than a
century after the end of the Rum Saldjuk period
(Rogers 1972). The vestibule is roofed by a masonry
dome flanked by three half-domes suggesting Byzantine
inspiration, while remnants of glazed tile decoration
in the lunettes of the mausoleum windows show the
continuity of the Tabriz! workshop. All the three-
storey living units are arranged so as to overlook the
street on the northern and southern facades of the
complex. The interior has four gigantic vaulted Twins
around the courtyard, the sanctuary being the largest
vault in the mediaeval Muslim world. The four sec-
tions of the madiasa, which are accessible from the
corners of the courtyard have an analogous layout,
with their cells overlooking the street on two sides.
Although craftsmen from different parts of the Muslim
world are reported to have worked at this monument,
it is in essence and spirit a Mamluk building.
The architecture of the Bahri Mamluks maintained
an experimental and innovative character till the end
of this period. Dome profiles, minarets and portals
were not fully standardised; instead a variety of forms
coexisted. The classical hypostyle courtyard mosque
or riwak mosque was gradually replaced by the more
flexible Twdn plan. This type of plan, whose exterior
was not reflected in its interior of four unequal iwans
built around a courtyard, could better accommodate
irregularities in the plot. Since Sultan Hasan the
madrasas and khankahs of the subsequent sultans and
amirs functioned as Friday mosques as well. Beside
the rectangular-octagonal-cylindrical minaret (Salar
and Sandjar, Baybars al-Djashankfr, Sunkur al-Sa'dl,
Kawsiin) built in brick or masonry or in both mate-
rials with a ribbed domed pavilion (a disposition
the Mamluks inherited from their predecessors), the
Bahri period created a new, more slender type with
a stone_ shaft, either octagonal (MaridanT) or cylin-
drical (Aksunkur, al-Nasir Muhammad at the Citadel),
and surmounted by an eight-sided pavilion crowned
with a bulb on mukarnas. Before masonry domes made
an appearance in the mid-8th/ 1 4th century, Mamluk
domes were built either of brick or plastered wood.
Two types of profiles were used for the domes, one
that curves from the base (Baybars al-Djashankir,
Sunkur al-Sa'df) with a plain surface, and another
that starts straight and curves at about one-third up
the elevation. The second shape was used for ribbed
and for carved masonry domes and is the character-
istic form of later funerary architecture. During the
Bahri period, initial experiments with masonry domes
were undertaken. At first ribbed like their brick pre-
decessors, they later appeared in other varieties. With
the dome of Tankizbugha (769/1359), its surface
carved with alternating concave-convex ribs, and that
of Ildjay al-Yusufi (774/1373), carved with twisted
ribs, Mamluk dome builders opened up a new era in
the design of masonry domes (Kessler 1976). For the
transitional zones of brick or wooden domes, squinches
and pendentives were used. The squinches were struc-
tured into niches with several tiers resembling a large
mukarnas. The pendentives of the domes of al-Nasir's
mosque at the Citadel and of Sultan Hasan are made
of wood. Stone domes were built mostly with angu-
lar pendentives carved with mukarnas. Bahri Mamluk
decorators used largely stucco decoration on minarets
and dome exteriors and in interiors, along with poly-
chrome marble.
(ii) The Circasiian period
Early Circassian (784/1382 to the mid-9th/15th century).
Notwithstanding economic decline and monetary
instability, the sultans and amirs of this period con-
tinued to build religious foundations on a large scale.
The Circassian period sets out with the reign of Sultan
Barkuk (784-91/1382-89 [}.».]), whose funerary reli-
gious complex in the heart of the city does not make
use of any novelties. Its sanctuary, however, has a
tripartite basilical composition with a wooden flat ceil-
ing. The funerary khankah of his son Faradj (801-
15/1399-1412 [q.v.]) is the first to be built by a sultan
in the northern cemetery and its layout takes full
advantage of the available space, deploying perfect
symmetry with a double mausoleum and a double
minaret. Its zigzag carved stone domes are the largest
built by the Mamluks, with a diameter of over 14
m. It is built on the hypostyle courtyard plan with
piers supporting domical bays. Living units occupying
two storeys were placed along the lateral arcades of
the courtyard (Lamei Mostafa 1968).
Sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh's [}.».] monumental,
multifunctional complex of madrasa-khankah-mosque
(821/1418) possesses a similar layout to that of Faradj.
This mosque became a Cairo landmark because of
its twin minarets erected on top of the Fatimid tow-
ers of the Bab Zuwayla, which bear the only builder's
signature to be found in Mamluk architecture. The
mosque also had a third minaret at the northeastern
The reign of Barsbay (825-41/1422-38 [q.v.]) intro-
duced masonry domes with carved star patterns. His
funerary khankah (835/1432) in the northern ceme-
tery includes three star-carved mausoleum domes which
exemplify the progress made in dealing with the dif-
ficult task of adapting a geometrical symmetrical design
to a domical surface (Kessler 1976). The unique archi-
tecture of this khankah demonstrates that the ceme-
tery at that time had become an urban environment
necessitating other than purely symmetrical layouts.
Instead of being built around an inner courtyard, the
elements of the complex are juxtaposed along the
road. The mosque has a lateral format with the mau-
soleum chamber juxtaposed to it, occupying the same
width and similarly overlooking the road. Further south
is the khankah proper with the living quarters. Other
e side of the road,
including a one-dome zawiya.
Late Cinaman (mid-9th/ 15th century to 923/1517).
Although the hypostyle courtyard mosque never
totally disappeared, in the 9th/ 15th century, Friday
mosques were increasingly built without an open court-
yard (e.g. those of Inal, Kayitbay and Kansawh al-
Ghawrl), adopting instead the plan of the ka'a or
reception hall current in Cairene residential architec-
ture since pre-Mamluk times. Already, the 8th/ 14th
century had produced small covered mosques, with an
irregular plan which included hoam around a covered
courtyard, the adoption of the ka'a, however, allowed
the building of small covered mosques of a standard
configuration. A major factor in the disappearance of
the courtyard is the fusion of the functions of the
khankah with the madrasa and the Friday mosque; at
the same time the abandonment of the original res-
idential function of the madrasa and the khankah ren-
dered the cells around the courtyard superfluous
(Behrei
;-Abous(
1985).
The funerarv mosque of Kidjmas al-Ishaki (885-
6/1480-1) is a'genuine jewel' of late MamlQk archi-
narkable' not only for the refinement
of it
and ii
almost triangular plan inserted
between three streets, displaying an ingenious adap-
The reign of Kayitbay (827-901/ 1468-96 [see ka'it
bay] stimulated and refined architectural decoration,
ushering in novel designs and techniques in both carv-
ing and marble inlay. The facade of his free-standing
sabil-maktab (879/1474) on Sallba Street and that of the
mosque of Kidjmas al-Ishakr present polychrome marble
inlay of unprecedented intricacy.
During the 9th/ 15th century, domed zawiyas and
mosques were built. The earliest known belong to
Barsbay's funerary complex, two others were founded
by Yashbak min Mahdr, the Great Daivadar, in the
northern outskirts; the larger one, known as Kubbat
al-Fadawiyya (884-6/1479-81) was lavishly decorated
with stucco, an unexpected choice at this period. Their
architecture differs from that of funerary domes, built
in brick and on squinches, the exterior being plain
and lacking the conventional transitional zone (Behrens-
Abouseif 1981, 1982, 1983).
The reign of Sultan Kansawh al-Ghawn [q.v.] her-
alded a new era in the concept of architecture, with
an emphasis on monumentality rather than minute
decoration, at the same time bringing a new taste for
(915/1501), the dome and the upper storey of the
minaret were once entirely covered with lapis-blue
tiles. This period also brought about an important
change in the shape of minarets; the double bulb at
bination with an entirelv rectangular shaft at the two
mosques of Kanibay (908/1503, 911/1506), and once
in combination with a facetted shaft at al-Ghawn' s
tall minaret at the Azhar mosque. Al-Ghawrfs rec-
tangular minaret at his own funerary mosque had
four bulbs at the top. Kanibav's funerarv mosque
(903/1503) beneath the Citadel unfolds a facade with
an unusual broad format, inspired by its location over-
looking the maydan from an elevated ground.
Kansawh al-Ghawn managed to acquire a plot in
the very centre of the city which allowed him to con-
struct his foundation on both sides of the street, an
unprecedented layout which may be considered as the
peak of the urbanistic approach of MamlQk religious
architecture. The mosque and the minaret on the
as deep as the kibla hvan, situated on the other side
of the street and attached to a khankah without
dwellings and a \abil-maktab projecting with three
trades on to the street. A wooden roof covered the
street, which widened to the north into a small piazza
with booths and shops (Behrens-Abouseif 2002 1.
Although its layout is comparable to that of Kayit-
bav, the large funerary khankah of the amir Kurkumas
in the northern cemetery (911-13/1506-7) differs by its
substantial proportions that make it one of the most
monumental constructions in all MamlQk architecture.
In the Circassian period, the harmonious juxtapo-
sition of minaret and mausoleum dome continues to
characterise the silhouette of funerary foundations. The
increasing number of foundations of sultans and amfrs
in the northern cemetery led to the urbanisation of
its architecture that adopted the same street-oriented
aesthetic criteria as in the citv centre. This period main-
tained the tradition established in the late 8th/
1 4th century of attaching to the religious foundation a
fountain house with a primary school; the double
structure was placed at a corner with the sabil at ground
level surmounted by the maktab. During the reign of
Kayitbay, free-standing sabil-maktab^ were built, a tra-
dition which was taken over in the Ottoman period.
The reign of Kavitbav produced the domed iabil re-
calling funerarv' architecture, such as the sabil of Ya'kub
Shah al-Mihmandar (901/1495-6) in Cairo and that
of Kayitbay in the haram of Jerusalem.
In the late MamlQk period, the forms of portals,
minarets, and domes were standardised, displaying a
variety in their caned decoration, however, and reach-
ing the peak of refinement at Sultan Kayitbav's mau-
soleum (877-9/1472-Ti.
Stucco decoration disappears from late MamlQk
architecture except for a short-lived revival in the
reign of Kayitbay, namely at the Dome of Yashbak,
albeit in a very different style. Stone-carving is more
extensively used than in the past, and now adorns
also mihrab conchs. Groin vaults become fashionable
in the late 9th/ 15th and early 10th/ 16th century, also
characterising portal vaults.
B. Residential and domestic architecture
in Cairo
MamlQk residential architecture [see ka'a; rab<] is
less well preserved than religious (see Gracin et al.
1982). Half-a-dozen ka'as and the vestiges of four mon-
umental palaces, those of AlTn Ak, Kawsun, Bashtak
and Taz, date from the Bahrl period. These great
princely residences were continuously restored and
remodelled, making it difficult to assess their original
form. Our knowledge of the different types of resi-
dential architecture has to rely on the enormous
resources of wakf documents.
The courtyard of Cairene residences, to which the
main entrance leads, is generally surrounded by sta-
bles and service rooms. Cairene residential architec-
ture was not "inward-facing" in the sense that it
overlooked the courtyard and remained blind to the
street. The courtyard was not the centre of the house,
as in Syrian or North African constructions, but sim-
ply a semi-private space. There was a general pref-
erence for .giving the main rooms a view over the
street or the available scenery, depending on the site.
There could be more than one courtyard according
to the size of the dar, and in large mansions a court-
yard could fulfil the function of' a garden.
The main reception hall or ka'a lay on the first
floor, occupying the height of several storeys where
the smaller units or apartments (riwak [q.ih]) were
located. In the 9th/ 15th century, the mak'ad becomes
a salient feature of residential architecture. It is a log-
gia facing north and overlooking the courtyard on the
first storey. Its origin seems to be associated with
the architecture of 8th/ 14th century princely stables.
The 9th/ 15th century presents another category of
residences of less monumental, middle-size type of
dwellings, such as the house of Zaynab KhatOn.
The palaces of the Citadel, which had undergone
continuous restoration and refurbishment work by all
Mamluk sultans, are no longer extant. The most re-
markable were the Iwan kabir and the kast built by al-
Nasir Muhammad and maintained by all subsequent
sultans (see Garcin et alii 1982, 41ff.; Behrens-Abouseif
1985; Rabbat 1995). The first was a basilical con-
struction of gigantic dimensions employing Pharaonic
columns. It had a ceramic green dome, as did the
Sultan's mosque nearby.
As is to be expected, the decorative repertoire of
residential architecture did not differ particularly from
that of religious monuments. The royal palaces of the
early Bahri period, however, did make use of murals
depicting figures.
C. Religious architecture in Syria
As mentioned above, Mamluk architecture of
Greater Syria, including Palestine, followed regional
schools autonomous from the capital, hence need to
be dealt with separately. (The following brief sum-
mary is based on Meinecke for Aleppo and Damascus
and Burgoyne for Jerusalem.) Whereas Cairene builders
emphasised the verticality of their monuments with
recessed panels around the windows, their Damascene
colleagues stressed the horizontal configuration of their
buildings with striped (ablak) masonry as the essential
exterior ornamental de\ice. The use of recesses re-
mained exceptional. In Damascus, the madrasa with
the mausoleum of al-Zahir Baybars built by his son
Baraka Khan (676-8/ i 277-9) continues Ayyubid tra-
ditions, with its four unequal-sized halls overlooking
a courtyard; the prayer hall is connected to the domed
funerary chamber. It is entirely decorated in glass
mosaic, emulating the mosaics of the Great Mosque
of Damascus (Meinecke 1992, i, 37-8). More charac-
teristic, however, was a type of funerary foundations
without a courtyard featuring two equal domes placed
symmetrically on either side of the entrance, one of
them with a mihrab to be used as a gathering and
prayer hall, the other for funerary purposes. The
' ra of Faridun al-'Adjaml (744/1 343-4), that recalls
Cai
■ with i
i the 9th/ 15th c
with h
yard
were constructed; plain Syrian madrasas, unlike the
Cairene, were mostly built without a minaret, and
Syrian minarets themselves were essentially rectangu-
lar with a sole balcony. Whereas octagonal shafts were
also built throughout the Mamluk period in Aleppo,
in Damascus they appear only in the 9th/ 15th cen-
tury. The Syrian dome profile remained close to the
pattern established under the Ayyubids, being rounded
and occasionally ribbed.
In Aleppo, the plan of the hypostyle riwak mosque
built on piers supporting cross-vaulted bays, with or
without courtyard, prevailed. The madiasas, built around
a courtyard, have a lateral sanctuary roofed by a
series of domes; cells and rooms of various sizes occupy
the three other sides.
The holy city of Jerusalem enjoyed the most inten-
sive Mamluk patronage in Syria. Although no new
Friday mosque was founded in this period, beside the
one already existing at the Citadel, Mamluk amirs sur-
rounded the Haram on three sides with madiasas,
khankahs or ribats, or multifunctional institutions, most
of them with mausoleums, usually domed, attached
to them (Burgoyne 1987). The mausoleums attached
to buildings around the hatam were always placed on
the hatam side. There was no standard plan, most
religious foundations possessing a covered courtyard
surrounded by a varying number of Twans and rooms.
The complex of the mighty governor of Syria Tankiz
(729/1328-9) had a four-mian madrasa with a vaulted
courtyard. It is the most important Mamluk founda-
tion in Jerusalem, since it served urban needs with
two hammams, a dwelling complex and a covered mar-
ket called suk al-kattanin. The only madtaia built by a
Mamluk sultan is the Ashrafiyya started by Sultan
Khushkadam [q.v.] and rebuilt under the auspices of
Kayitbay by Cairene craftsmen, hence its metropoli-
tan style (Walls 1990).
In Jerusalem, unlike in other Syrian cities, minarets
were attached to madiasas and khankahs; six extant
ones are attributed to the Mamluk period.
The city of Tripoli has a number of well preserved
handsome Mamluk monuments founded after Sultan
Kalawun liberated it from the Crusaders in 688/1289.
Throughout the following century, the city witnessed
an intense building activity (Salam-Liebig 1983). Al-
Ashraf Khalil, the son of Kalawun, founded the Great
Mosque which was completed by his successor al-
Nasir Muhammad in 714/1314-15. The architecture
of the city is characterised by its masonry domes and
vaulted spaces. In mosques and madiasas the larger
dome is often not the one over the mihrab, but the
central dome that covers the courtyard space (Djami'
of Taynal, 1336; Madrasa of al-Burtasi, 1320s). The
portals display half-domes on elaborate mukamas com-
bined with carvings and ablak masonry. Syrian madrasas,
unlike those in Cairo, often lack lhing units.
An interesting feature of Mamluk religious archi-
tecture in Syria is the caning of foundation deeds
[wakfiyya] on the external wall of the monument.
"Bibliography: 1. Source material. For the study
of Mamluk architecture, beside the monuments
themselves and their epigraphy (see van Berchem),
an important number of wakf documents are of
prime importance to the study of the buildings in
their original form and function as well as their
urban context. The significance of al-Maknzfs Khitat
does not need to be emphasised, as well as Ibn
Dukmak's A: al-Intisat li-wasitat 'ikd al-amsar, Bulak
1314/1896-7; see S. Denoix, Deaire le Caire. Fustat-
Misr d'apr'es Ibn Duqmaq et Maqrlzl, Cairo 1992.
Moreover, al-MakrlzI's Suluk and all other Mamluk
chronicles and biographical encyclopaedias in-
clude valuable if scattered information on Mamluk
building acthities. Ewliya Celebi's Sivahatnamesi, x,
Istanbul 1938, which gives a description of Cairo
and its monuments in the 11th/ 17th century in the
tradition of al-Maknzi's Khitat, includes a valuable
account. The Khitat al-taufikivya of 'All Mubarak
(1888) continues, in the tradition of al-MaknzT, the
enumeration and description of Cairo's monuments
down to his own time, often including information
A comprehensive collection of plans of Mam-
luk monuments in Egypt and Syria is to be found
in the first volume of Meinecke's Mamlukische
Architektur (1992); the second volume lists all mon-
uments known from the sources or from physical
evidence to have been constructed in the Mamluk
2. Studies, (a) General. M. Van Berchem,
Matiriaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabkarum,
Memoires publies par les Membres de la Mission
Archeologique Franchise au Caire, xix/1-4, Cairo
1894-1903; K.A.C. Creswell, A brief chronology of the
Muhammadan monuments of Egypt to A.D. 1517, Cairo
1919; E. Pauty, Les hammams du Caire, Cairo 1933;
L.A. Mayer, Saracenic heraldry, a survey, Oxford 1933;
Hasan 'Abd al-Wahhab, Ta'rikh al-masddjid al-
athanyya, Cairo 1946; Farid Shafi'i, West Islamic influ-
ences on architecture in Egypt, in Bull, of the Fac. of Arts,
Cairo University xvi/2 (December 19541 Iff; K \C
Creswell The Muslim anhiteiturt of Egypt 2 xols
Oxfoid 1952-9 lepr New Wk 1978 JM Rogers
Seljuk influences on the monumenh oj Cairo in Kunst des
Orunh [= KO] vn/1 (1972) 4()-b8 M Memecke
~«; mamlukischen Heraldik, in Mitteilungen des Dcutschen
irchaologischen Institute ibteilung Kairo [= MDHK]
xxvin/2 (1972) 2H-87 Ch kessler Funeran anhi
lecture rxithm the Gh in Colloqut International sur 1 Histom
du Caire (1969) Cairo 1972 257-b7 S Humphrey
Vie expiessive intuit oj the Mamlul aichitecture oj Cairo
a preliminary essay in Stud hi xxxn (1972) 69-119
Ha\at Salam-Liebich Tht architecture oj the Mamlul
at, of Tripoli, Cambridge Mass 1975 Lavla All
Ibrahim The transitional zones of domes in C airene auhi
ttcture in KO, x/1-2 (1975) 5-2? Kessler The caned
masonn domes of nudiaetal Cairo Cairo and London
1976 Memecke Die mamluhsche Fayeniemosaikdekoiatwnen
Eim Ucrkstatte aus Tabriz m hairo in hO xi (1976-7)
85-144 V Meinecke-Berg, Quellen ^ur Topogiaphit
und Baugeschichte in hairo untei Sultan cm fvasir
Muhammad b Qala'un in ~£>U6 Supplement u (1977i
539-50 D Behrens-\bouseif The Qiibba an ansto
cratu type of zawiva in 4/ xix (198?) 1-7 J A
Williams Urbanization and monument construction in
Mamluk Cairo m Muqamas n (1984) 33-45 Kesslei
Mecca oriented urban architecture in Mamlul Cairo The
madrasa mausoleum of Sultan Sha'ban II in A H Green
(ed ) In quest oj an Islamic humanism Arable and Islamic
studies in memory of Mohamed al i\ouaihi Cairo 1984
97fl Meinerke, Mamluk architecture Regional architee
tural traditions Eiolution and interrelations in Damaszener
Mitteilungen, n 11985) 163-75 Behrens-Abouseit The
minarets of Cairo Cairo 1985 repr 1987 eadem
Change in function and form of Mamlul religious institu
tmns in 4/ xxi (1985) 73-9?, MH Burgoxne
Mamluk Jerusalem London 1987 Behrens-Abouseif
Islamic architecture in Cairo an introduction Leiden New
\ork and Cairo 1989 repr 1992 Mohamed-Moain
Sadek Die mamluhsche iichitel tur der btadt C,a Z a Berlin
1990 Saleh Lamei Mostata The Canine sabil jorm
■ in Muqamas u (19901 33-42 Memecke
Mam
igpten
i 1993 Behrens-Aboi
in the e olution of Cairene architecture in U Vermeulen
and D De Smet (eds ) Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid
iyyubid and Mamluk eras Leuxen 1995 275-501
eadem Muhandis Shadd Mu'alhm Note on the
building craft in the Mamlul period in I si Kxn/2
(19951 29?- ?09 Kesslei The imperial reasons that
flaued the minaret flanhd setting of Sultan Hasan i man
soleum in Cairo, in Damaszener Mitteilungen, xi (1999)
307-17, B O'kane, Domestic and religious architecture
in Cairo Mutual influence s in Behrens-Abouseif (ed )
The Cairo heritage Papers m honor of Layla Mi Ibrahim
C ano 2000 149-83 How\da al-Hanth\ The patron
age of al \asir Muhammad ibn Qalauun in Mamlul
Studies Relieve i\ (2000) 219-44
(b) Indrudual monuments M Heiz La mosquee
du Sultan Hassan au ( ane Cairo 1899 idem La
mosquee d'Ezbek al-)oussouji in Re ue Egyptienne i
(1899), 16ff; idem, De Baugruppe des Sultans Qalaecim
Hamburg 1910; C Prost Les re elements ceiamiqucs
dans les monuments musulmans de I Eg, pie Cairo 191b
L.A. Mayer, The buildings oj Qaytbay as described in
his endowment deeds London 1938, G Wiet La
Mosquee de Kafur au Cam in Studies in Islamic art and
architecture in honour of Professor KA C Cresixell Cairo
1965, 260-9; Saleh Lamei Mostafa Klostei und
Mausoleum des Farag ibn Barquq in hairo Abhandlungen
des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Abteilung
Kairo [= ADAIK] Islamische Reihe n Gluckstadt
1968 Lavla All Ibrahim, Four Cairene mihiabs and
then dating m KO vn/1 (1970-1) 'Abd al-Rahman
Tahmi Muhammad Bayna adab al makama ixajann
al 'imaia fi I madrasa al sa'diyya (kubba Hasan Sadala)
in BIE In (1970 71) 59-83 Aiabic text section M
Memecke Das Mausoleum des Qala un m hano
I ntcrsuchungen ur Cenese der mamlul isihen inhitektur
dehration in MD UK xx\n/l (1971) 47-80 Mostafa
Moschec des Farag ibn Barquq in Kami AD\IK
Islamische Reihe m Gluckstadt 1972 Memecke
De Moschec des iqsunqur an Nann in Kairo in MDHK
~ 9-48, Ibrahim The great Hanqah
of
c Emir Qaw
11974)
37-57 eadem The zaixna of Shaikh ~air.
in Cairo in ibid xxxn (1978), 79-110 A Misio-
rowski. Mausoleum of Qurqumas in Cairo in example
oj the arckticture and building art of the Mamloul period
Warsaw 1979 Memecke De Restaur lerung der Madrasa
des Amirs Sabiq ad Din Mitqal al inuki und die Sanurung
des Darb ChrniK in Kairo Mainz 1980 D Behrens-
\bouserf Four domes oj the late Mamlul period in 4/
xmi (1981) 191-2 Mostafa Madiasa Hanqah und
Mausoleum des Barquq in Kairo (nut cincm Beitrag on
Fehcitas JantJ ADAIK Islamische Reihe is
Gluckstadt 1982 J Bloom The mosque oj Bay bars
al Bunduqdan in 4/ urn (1982) 45-78 Behrens-
Abouseif in unlisted monument of the fifteenth ceiitun
The dome oj Zawivat al-Damndas in 4/ xvm (1982)
105-21, eadem The lost minaret oj Shajaiat ad Durr at
ho eomplex m the cemeten of Sayyida Piafisa in MDHK
xxxix (1983) 1-lb J A Williams The Klianqah of
Siryaqus a Mamluk royal religious foundation in In ejuest
memory oj Mohamed al \ouaihi 109-19 L Femandes
'ation oj Bmbais al Jashanku Its ixaqf history
and archrtectu
Muqan
(19871
Chahinda Kan
Silahdar (746/114-)) in 47, xxn i1988i 233-53
Behrens-Abouseit The Citadel of Cairo stage for Mamluk
ceremonial in 4/ xxi\ (1988) 25-79 Ibrahim and
B Okane The madrasa of Badr al Dn al'iyni and
its tiled mihrab m 4/ xxn (1988l 253-68 AG
study of the ishrafiyya, London 1990 C Williams
The mosque of Silt Hadaq in Muqamas xi (1944) 55-
64 How\da al-Hanth\ The complex of Sultan Hasan
in Cano Reading bctueen the lines in Muqamas xin
(1996) 68-79 Nasser Rabbat The citadel of Cairo
Leiden and New Wk 1996 Behrens-Abouseit
Sultan Qaytbay s foundation in Medina the madrasah
the nbat and the dashishah in Mamlul Studies Raiea
n (1998) 61-71 eadem Qaytbay t madrasahs in the
Holy Cities and the evolution of Haram architecture in
Mamluk Studies Renal in (1999) 129-49 Ch Kesslei
The imperral reasons that flaued the minaret jlanl ed
setting of Sultan Hasan s mausoleum in ( aim in Damascener
Mittalungcn \i(1999) 307-17 al-Haiith\ Turbat al
Sitt in identification in Behi ens-Abouseif (ed ) The Cairo
heritage Papers in honor oj Layla ill Ibrahim 103-22
Chahinda Karim, The mosque of Ulmas al-Hadiib, in
ibid., 123-48; Behrens-Abouseif, Sultan al-Ghaum and
the Arts, in Mamluk Studies Review, vi (2002), 1-16.
(c) Domestic architecture. A. Lezine, Les sallei
nobles des palais mameloukes, in AI, x (1971), idem,
Persistance des traditions pre-islamiques dans I'archikcture
domestique du Caire, in AI, xi (1972), 1-22; idem, Trots
palais d'epoque ottomane, Cairo 1972; Layla Ali
Ibrahim, Middle-class living units in Mamluk Cairo, in
AARP, xiv (1978), 24-30; J.C. Garcin, B. Maury et
al, Palais et maisons du Caire, i, Epoque mameleuke Paris
1982; D. Behrens-Abouseif, Quelques traits de I'habi-
tation traditionnelle dans la rilh du Caire, in A. Bouhdiba
and D. Chevalier (eds.). La ville arabe dans I'Islam,
histoire et mutations, Tunis and Paris 1982, 447-59;
Mona Zakarya, Deux palais du Caire medieval. Waqfs
it architecture, Paris 1983; Ibrahim, Residential architecture
in Mamluk Cairo, in Muqamas, ii (1984), 47-60.
(b) The decorative arts
Mamluk art was less centralised than the other late
imperial arts of the Muslim world as far as the dec-
orative arts were concerned, a phenomenon due mainly
to the absence of an equivalent of the Timurid
kitabkhana or the Ottoman nakkashkhana. These royal
workshops were in the first place set up to serve the
arts of the book and thereby to fulfil the require-
ments of dynastic bibliophile patrons. While creating
a repertory of designs for the illustration and illumi-
nation of books, they were involved in, and inspired,
other media as well, the result being an interdiscipli-
nary princely style. The Mamluk rulers were not
renowned as great book-lovers; the libraries which
they sponsored were primarily part and parcel of their
religious foundations in the city. However, in the Bahn
period some crafts such as metalwork, glass and sgraf-
fito ware advertised the aesthetic of titular epigraphy
as the major decorative motif in art objects. Once
the preponderance of titular epigraphy was no longer
a characteristic feature of Mamluk objects, i.e. by the
end of the Bahn period, the decorative arts began to
show different approaches to decoration across crafts
as well as within the same craft.
A. Metalwork
The first period of Mamluk metalwork continues
the tradition established under the Ayyubids. Zodiac
and courtly themes (hunting and musicians) combined
with animal friezes, along with epigraphic, geometric
and floral designs, to decorate vessels in the second
half of the 7th/ 13th century. At the same time, one
final flowering of figural compositions rendered in an
unprecedented monumental style and with great indi-
viduality occur shortly before figural themes were to
disappear altogether from metalwork at the beginning
of the 8th/ 14th century. This is apparent on the two
vessels signed by Ibn al-Zayn, the so-called Baptistere
de St Louis and the Vasselot bowl, both in the Louvre.
Mamluk metalware is also strongly indebted to the
Mawsil tradition of silver inlay, as indicated by the
large number of craftsmen signatures with the nisba
of al-mawsill inscribed on objects until the mid-8th/14th
century. Craftsmen from Mawsil are believed to have
migrated to the Mamluk lands in order to escape the
Mongol invasion. The continuity of mawsili signatures
over a century after the end of the tradition in Mawsil
itself is a remarkable feature. During the first three
quarters of the 8th/ 14th century, corresponding to
the reign of al-Nasir Muhammad and his sons, the
Mamluks produced a large number of exquisite brass
objects with silver inlay decoration (and sometimes
also with gold) with monumental epigraphic bands in
tjiuluth script as main theme, delineating royal or
princely titles combined with blazons. During this
period chinoiserie floral patterns were integrated into
the Mamluk floral repertoire, along with the occa-
sional Chinese dragon or bird motif. Among the
objects produced were candlesticks, incense-burners,
Kur'an boxes with Kur'anic inscriptions, trays and
tray bases, pen-boxes, ewers, bowls and basins. The
shapes tended to vary little; Islamic metalworkers in
general were more interested in surfaces than in
creating new forms.
The Mamluks also produced various types of sus-
pensed lighting implements unparalleled in the Muslim
world, most of which are in the Islamic Museum in
Cairo. There is a group of large open-work poly-
candelons [tannurs) in cast bronze. Among them those
bearing names of Amir Kawsun, Sultan Hasan and
Sultan Kansawh al-Ghawn are remarkable. There are
also polycandelons of pierced sheet-brass from the
9th/ 15th century. Composite lamps made of sheet-
brass consisted of a tray, into which the glass lamps
were inserted, surmounted by a spherical shade. The
shade is densely pierced so as to form a translucent
background against which inscriptions naming a sul-
tan or an amir stand out. Another group of lamps
made of pierced sheet-brass was made in the shape
of a truncated hexagonal pyramid, the base being the
tray; it was produced throughout the entire Mamluk
period. Some metal lamps are signed but none has
the Kur'anic Verse of the Light which is so current
on glass mosque lamps.
Very few metal art objects are known to have been
produced between the last quarter of the 8th/ 14th
century and the late 860-early 870s/ 1460s. With the
revival of the production of metalware, a variety of
new and disparate styles appear, without the monu-
mental titular inscriptions characteristic of their Bahn
predecessors. One group consists of dishes, bowls,
basins, and lunch boxes made of tinned copper, and
engraved with a series of interlocking bands forming
cartouches and medallions filled with alternating
inscriptions, knotted motifs and tight scrolls; the inscrip-
tions are mostly benedictory verses, though princely
names occasionally occur. This group, which lacks the
calligraphic aesthetics of the earlier period, is indebted
to Western Persian metalwork.
Another group consists of bowls with a rounded
profile; their surface is plain except for a triple
engraved band near the rim with inscriptions of a
somewhat vernacular style with poetry and homilies.
This group, too, harks back to some very similar
Persian prototypes from 8th/ 14th century Shiraz.
A group of spherical hand-warmers, lidded bowls
and ewers with predominantly knotted and braided
motives are attributed to late Mamluk Syria. Some
of the vessels combine a Mamluk decoration with a
European vessel, which indicate that objects were sent
from Europe, mainly Italy, so as to be decorated in
Egypt or Syria.
The group formerly known as Veneto-Saracenic
and wrongly attributed to a Muslim workshop in
Venice, has been now convincingly attributed to a
late Mamluk production (J. Allan 1986). The group
differs strongly from mainstream Mamluk metalware;
their decoration is minutely engraved with unmatched
refinement, recalling some Timurid jugs, with new
forms of scrolls and floral patterns against which sil-
ver-inlaid curved lines interlock to form neo-arabesques
or lobed cartouches. The most famous of these ves-
sels, many of which seem to possess European bod-
ies, are signed by Mu'allim Mahmud al-Kurdr, one
of about half-a-dozen identified craftsmen.
There is also a group of high-quality, luxurious
basins with shallow facetted forms mentioning the
name of Sultan Kayitbay. The facets and the relief
patterns also point to Persian influence. A magnifi-
cent piece in Istanbul is inlaid with silver and gold.
Bibliography: G. Wiet, Catalogue general du musk
arabe du Cam. Objets en cuivre, Cairo 1932, repr.
1984; P. Ruthven, Two metal works of the Mamluk
period, in Ars Islamica (1934), 230-4; D.S. Rice, Two
unusual Mamluk metal works, in BSOAS, xxiii/2 (1950),
487-500; idem, The blazons of the baptistere de St Louis,
in ibid., xxiii/2 (1950), 367-80; idem, Studies in Islamic
metalwork. I, in ibid., xiv/3 (1952), 569-78; idem.
Studies in Islamic metalwork. IV, in ibid, xv/3 (1953),
489-503; idem. The baptistere de St Louis, Paris 1953;
idem. Studies in Islamic metalwork. V. in ibid., xvii/2
(1955), 207-31; idem. Inlaid brasses from the workshop
of Ahmad al-Dhaki al-Mawsili, in Ars Onentalis, ii
(1957), 283-326; L.A. Mayer, Islamic metalworkers and
their work, Geneva 1959; E. Baer, Fish-pond ornaments
on Persian and Mamluk metal vessels, in BSOAS, xxxi
(1968), 14-27; A.S. Melikian-Chirvani, Cuivres inedits
de I'epoque de Qa'itbay, in KO, vi/2 (1969), 99-133;
J.W. Allan, Later Mamluk metalwork. A scries of dishes,
in Oriental Art, xv/1 (1969), 38-43; idem. Later
Mamluk metalwork. II. A series of lunch-boxes, in Oriental
Art, xvii/2 (1971), 156-64; J.M. Rogers, Evidence for
Mamluk-Mongol relations, in Colloque International sur
Vhistoire du Caire (1969), Cairo 1972, 385-403;
Melikian-Chirvani, Venise, entre I'Orient et VOccident,
in BEt.Or, xx\di (1974), 1-18; E. Aul, Renaissance of
Islam. The arts of the Mamluks, Washington DC 1981;
Allan, Islamic metalwork. The Nuhad Es-Said Collection,
London 1982; idem, Sha'ban, Barquq and the decline
of the Mamluk metalworking industry, in Muqamas, ii
(1984), 85-94; idem, Venetian-Saracenic metalwork. The
problem of provenance, in Venezia e VOriente Vuino Atti
VArte Islamica, Venice 1986; idem, Metalwork in the
Islamic world. The Aaron Collection, London 1986;
J. Bloom, A Mamluk basin in the LA. Mayer Memorial
Institute, in Islamic Art, ii (1987), 15-26; D. Behrens-
Abouseif, The baptistere de St Louis. A reinterpretation,
in Islamu Art iii (1988-9), 3-13; S. Carboni, II peri-
odo mamelucco BahrX (1250- 1390), in Eredita delt'Islam.
Arte Islamica m Italia, Venice 1993, 278-89; Behrens-
Abouseif, Mamluk and post-Mamluk metal lamps, Cairo
1995; eadem, A late Mamluk [?] basin with ^odiac
imagery, in AI, xxix (1995), 1-21; R. Ward, The "bap-
tiskre de St Louis", a Mamluk basin made for export to
Europe, in Ch. Burnett and A. Contadini (eds.), Islam
and the Italian Renaissance, London 1999, 112-23.
B. Ceramics
Mamluk pottery can be divided into seven deco-
rative and technical categories: sgraffito, slip-painted,
underglaze-painted, overglaze-painted lustre, celadon
imitations, unglazed moulded and unglazed painted
The Mamluks both
Chin;
reladon
s this
ion pro.
comprising a buff body with copper or red gla
Chinese-inspired forms, that forms the largest group
of wares unearthed at Fustat. Sgraffito forms the most
characteristic group of Mamluk pottery. It is made of
a coarse red clay, the design being scratched through
the slip to reveal red lines from underneath a brown-
ish or green glaze. The forms are related to those of
metalwork, as is the decoration, which consists essen-
tially of titular epigraphy with benedictions and bla-
zons, which date them to the first half of the 8th/ 14th
century. Some of these objects were made for the
kitchen, as is attested by an inscription on a bowl in
the al-Sabah Collection in Kuwait. Another type of
coarse red bodied vessels show a white slip painted
in brown, green or yellow.
Underglaze-painted ware constitutes a very differ-
ent case. Produced in Egypt and Syria in large quan-
tities, this group is rarely inscribed. Syrian ware is
supposed to possess a firmer and finer body with a
sharper executed design, and some pieces are made
of red earthenware. The vessels (jars, albarelli, bowls,
dishes, and goblets) have a porous greyish white frit
body covered with a white slip painted in blue, black,
green and turquoise under a transparent glaze. Their
designs are mostly geometric, dishes and bowls dis-
playing an interior radiating motif centred at the bot-
ssel. The geometric design is filled ii
vith flor.
orned with c
graphic decoration
The
y can easilv be,
and are sor
times, confused wi
h P
rsian Suits
d ware. T
also include repres
ons of animals
birds, rabl
fish and horses),
ind
ragments
with
figural rep
so f
ound. As
ioned abo
craftsmen from Tabriz
8th/ 14th cent
Cairo in the prod
i of ceram
c for architectu
decoration.
In the 9th/ 15th
tyle
of undergla
painted ceramic w
s de
■eloped, im
g the Chin
Ming blue-and-wh
n large qu
tities to the Mamh
k la
ds. The v
ssels
of this per
very often bear c
raftsn
ien's signa
which sh
that the same workshop could turn out a variety of
styles. Some nisbas of craftsmen lal-hurmuzl, al-tawrlzt)
point to a Persian connection. In the early 9th/ 15th
century, ceramic revetment was used in Syria and in
Egypt in the form of underglaze-painted tiles deco-
rated similarly to contemporary vessels. The Mosque
of Chars al-Din al-Tawrlzi in Damascus (826/1424)
by Ghaybr al-Tawnzi,
also ,
Epigraphic blazons of supreme workmanship, inscribed
with the name of Sultan Kayitbay set in a tympa-
num with blue-and-white floral decoration patterns,
used to decorate a building of this sultan. The drum
dated 951/1544 is
epigraphic and floral patterns.
Although lustre-painted ware is generally attribi
to Syria, wasters found at Fustat confirm the (
tence of Egyptian production (A. Yusuf 2000). Man
-hich v
exporte
of
characterised by its beautiful goldf
turquoise and brownish red.
Bibliography: Aly Bahgat and
ceramique musulmane de lEgypte, Cain
Gaibi et les grands faienciers egyptiens <
Cairo 1930; M.A. Marzouk, Three
Mamluk pottery from Alexandria, in
(1957), 497-501; idem, Egyptian sgtqffiatio ware exca-
vated at Kom ed-Dikka in Alexandria, in Bull, of the Fac.
of Arts, Alexandria University, xiii (1959), 3-23; Ahmad
'Abd al-Raziq, Documents sur la poterie d'epoque mam-
louke Sharaf al-Abwam, in AI, vii (1967), 21-32;
J. Carswell, Archaeology and the study of later Islamic
pottery, in D.S. Richards (ed.j, Islam and the Trade of
Asia. A colloquium, Oxford 1970, 63-5; idem, Some
fifteenth-century hexagonal tiles from the .Near East, in
lutoiia and ilbert Museum learbook m (1972) 59-75
idem Sn Tiles in R Ettinghausen (ed ) Islamu art
m the Metropolitan Museum of Art New \oik l c )72
99 109 K Touen Ceramiques mameloukes a Damas
in BEtO xxvi (1973) 209-17 Carswell Swan Ti/«
/rem S;«« and Damascus in -Lrchaeologt m the Leant
Essays for Kathleen Kenyan Warminster 1978 259-92
idem Sin in Syria in Iran xvn (1979) 15 24 G T
Scanlon Some Mamlul ceramic shapes from Fustat Sgraff
and Slip in Islamic Archaeological Studies n (1980) 58-
145 B Petersen Blue and uhitc imitation pottery from
the Ghaibi and related uorkshops m media al Cairo in
Bull of the Museums of Far Eastern Antiquities In (1980)
55 88 Scanlon Mamluk pottery Mote eiidence from
Fustat in Muqamas n (1984) 115 2b M Jenkins
Mamluk undergla^e painted pottery Foundations for future
study in Muqamas n (1984) 95 114 M Meinecke
Syrian blue and white tiles of the 9th/ 15th tentury in
Damascener Mitteilungen m (1988) 20 j 14 Ahmad
'Abd al Raziq Lt sgraffiato de I Egypte Mamluke dam
la collection dal Sabah in 41 xmv (1988) 1 2j C
Tonghim and E Grube Touards a history of Syrian
Islamic pottery befon 1500 in Islamic Art m (1988-9)
59-93 R Ward Incense and incense burners in Mamluk
Egypt and Syria in Transactions of the Oriental Ceramics
Socieh lx (1990 1) 58 82 eadem Tradition and inno
lahon Candlesticks made in Mamluk Cairo inJW Allan
(ed ) Islamic art in the ishmolean Museum Oxford Studies
in Islamic irt x/2 (1995) 147-57 U Staacke /
metalli mamelucchi del penodo bahn Palermo 1997
E Gibbs Mamluk ceramics (648 92 'oHI ID 1250
1517) in Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Soaety
lxm(1998-99) 19 44 G Fehervan Ceramics of the
Islamu world in the Tareq Rajab Museum London 2000
Abd al-Ra'uf All \ usul Egyptian luster painted pottery
from the iyyubid and Mamluk periods in D Behrens
Abouseif (ed ) The Cairo heritage Papers in honoi of
Layla 41, Ibrahim Cairo 2000 2fc>J 75
C Glass
Like metalwork Mamluk enamelled and gilded glass
continued the tradition of the Ayvubids using the
same techniques and forms After the craft reached
its apogee the production eventuallv came abrupth
to an end m the late 8th/ 14th centurv Although
scholars have assigned the production of enamelled
and gilded glass to S\na where the technique was
born more recent research attributes a more pre
ponderant role in this craft to Egypt in light of the
fact that the bulk of the consumption was there and
that most of the objects concerned have been found
in that region (Scanlon 1998) Timur s sack of
Damascus m 803/1401 is usually, considered the rea
son for the abrupt end of this craft in S\na How
ever Alexandria could have been another centre of
production a uakf document of Sultan al-Nasir
Muhammad (published by Muhammad Amin in his
edition of Ibn Habib s Tadhhrat al nabih n Cairo
1982 4j2) refers to a glass factory in Alexandria
belonging to the Sultan s uakf for his religious com
plex at Siryakus Unfortunately it does not specify
what kind of glass was produced there The sack of
Alexandria by Pierre de Lusignan of Cyprus in 1355
had a catastrophic effect on its economy It mav have
had repercussions on its glass production and explain
the fact that the few objects known to have been pro-
duced in the 770s/lj70s show a marked decline in
the quality and extent of enamelled decoration Certain
objects such as beakers made for export are not dot
umented after the 770s/1370s A short revival took
place under Sultan Barkuk to whom about fortv
enamelled and gilded lamps are attributed One should
production An enamelled lamp mentioning the name
of Sultan Kayitbay Wiet 1937) entnely different in
style and techniques testifies to endeavouis dunng the
aitistic levival that took place under the auspices of
Mamluk glassmakers used a variety of shapes some
times in highlv unusual large sizes such as mosque
lamps goblets bowls flasks bottles and vases some
of which are reminiscent of metalware The glass was
white or tinted and never of perfect clarity An out
standing group of enamelled and gilded vessels was
those made of deep blue glass such as the famous
Cavour vase (Newby 1998) The colours of the
enamel — blue led yellow green brown white and
black — were applied as a vitreous paste along with
the gold which fused with the surface upon firing
As in metalwork figural representations on secular
objects weie used until the 8th/14th centurv when
thev were replaced bv epigraphs and blazons The
patterns drawn with hair-thin lines are extremely
intricate The mosque lamps made for Cairene reh
gious buildings are among the most spectacular spec
lmens of Mamluk glass thev bear a verse from the
Sura of Light (xxiv 35) around the neck whenevei
a patron s name is inscribed it appears on the belly
The Mamluks also produced marvered and colour-
less vessels as well as othei types moulded and/or
with applied threads Mamluk glass was widely
exported to all of Europe and to China
Bibliography G Schmoranz Old oriental gilt and
enamelled glass vessels Vienna-London 1899 CJ
Lamm Mittelalkrhche Glaser und Stemschmt^arbeiten aus
dem hahen Osten 2 vols Berlin 1929 30 G Wiet
Catalogue general du Musee \rabe du Caire Lampes et
bouteilles en lerre emaille Cairo 1929 repr 1982 P
Ravaisse ine lampe sepulcurale en lent emaille au nom
d irghun en Aasm Pans 1931 Wiet Lts Lampes
d irghun in Syria xiv (1933) 203 5 LA Maver
Islamic glass makers and thin uorks m Israel Exploration
Journal iv (1954) 252 5 R Ward(ed) Gilded and
enamelled glass from the Middle East London 1998
and especially the following articles there G T
Scanlon Lamm s classification and archaeology 11 9
R Ward Glass and brass Parallels and pu^Us j0 5
M S Newby The Caiour lose and gilt and enamelled
Mamluk coloured glass 35 9 H Tail The Palmer Cup
and related glasses exported to Europe in the Middle iges
50-5 JM Rogers European inventories as a source
for the distribution of Mamluk enamelled glass 59 74
V Porter Enamelled glass made foi the Rasulid Sultans
of the lemen 91 5 P Hardie Mamluk glass from
China' 85-91 and A Contadim Poetry on enamelled
glass The Palmer cup in the British Museum See also
M Ribeiro Mamluk glass in the Calouite Gulbenkian
Museum Lisbon 1999 JM Rogers Further thoughts
on Mamluk enameled glass in D Behrens Abouseif
(ed ) The Cairo Heritage Papers in Honor of Layla Hi
Ibrahim Cairo 2000 275 90 S Carbom Glass of
the Sultans New \ork 2001
(Doris Behrens Abouseif)
D Arts of the book
Although little remains from the previous Fatimid
and Ayyubid periods for the Mamluks we have a
wealth of material both religious and secular indica-
tive of extensive book production and patronage In
fact Mamluk book production is comparable m vol-
ume md quality with that of myor contemporary
centres such as Il-khanid Tabriz and Timund Harat
Manv illustrated and illuminated examples survive
and we also have several original bindings
Despite the e\ident connections between kui'ans
and secular books in teims of illumination and bind-
ing for the sake of clant\ the\ are best approached
separatelv As James ( 1992 1 50) has pointed out the
particularly fine and gland kur'ans that survive the
best dating fiom the 14th century and the fust decade
of the 15th were made under the patronage of a sul-
tan who then endowed them as uakf to l particulai
religious foundation or mosque where the\ were gen-
erally reset ved (or ceremonial use The\ are mostlv
in single volume foim lew multi-volume kur'ans with-
stood the intensive everyday use to which the\ were
generally exposed
One of the eaihest outstanding Mamluk Kur'ans
that we possess is, howevei in seven volumes (London
BL Add 22 40b-22 413) It dates from 705/1305-6
(Lings and Safadi 197b nos bb 9 James 1988, no
1) and was copied lor Sultan Bay bars b\ Ibn al-
WShid an outstanding calhgrapher of the eailv
8th/ 14th century (al-Safadi Wafi no 1104 and Ibn
Ha|ai al-'^skalam al Durar al hamma Havdarabad
1 348-50/ 1929-32 no 3740) The illumination was the
woik of three artists Muhammad b Mubadir the
famous Muhammad b Abi Bakr known as Sandal
who lived in Cano at the beginning ol the 8th/14th
centurv and his pupil Avdughdi b 'Abd \llah al-
Badn through whom Sandals stvle maintained its
influence until the H30s (see James 1988 ch 3 for
other works bv these illuminators and for a discus-
sion of the question of Il-khanid influence for Sandal
see Safadi no 4843) Although there aie evident dif-
ferences between their individual stvles the general
consistency of design indicates that one aitist almost
certamlv Sandal had overall control As
Man
the lllun
rated n
the fiontispieces opening pages of text and the final
colophon page Maiginal ornaments in the main bodv
of the text consist of the woids khamsa and 'a Jim a in
gold Kufic ovei a piece of arabesque scroll But one
mav also argue that illumination is pro]ected onto the
text itself for in contrast to the normal use of naskh
in this period its large thuluth unusually wntten in
gold letters outlined in black makes it visually spe-
cial and nch
Another kur'an signed bv Sandal as the illumina-
tor (Dublin Chestei Beattv Librarv Is 1479 see
Arberrv 1967 no 59 James 1980 no 25 James
1988 no 3) and datable to between 704-10/1305-
10 has a similar tvpe of illumination but with the
striking addition of the use of relief On the two car-
pet-like opening pages the geometric figures of the
decoiation are given an impression of three-dimen
sionahtv bv the fact that alternating pentagons aie in
relief The equallv innovatory carpet-like design con-
sists of a central block with a geometrical formation
interrupted bv borders sunounded on three sides bv
a thick band from which protrude thin spikes almost
like the fringes of a carpet
It also occuis in combination with relief in other
examples such as that dated 735/1334 and copied in
Cairo bv Ahmad al-Mutatabbib (Cairo Dar al-kutub,
kur'an ms 81 see Atil 1981 no 3 also James 1988
nos 15-18) Both scnbe and illuminator he was respon-
sible for a new tvpe of kur'an introduced bv ta
720/1320 which is characterised bv a larger format
with illumination of high quality and in which the
piefened script is muhahhah
From the 1330s to the 13b0s Damascus too was
an important centre of manuscript production (for a
Damascus see below) It seems moreover to have
been stylistically innovative and a distinctive feature
in kui'ms of this period that may have originated
there (James 1992 172-5) is the star polygon style
where the page is dominated bv a laige cential star-
burst made up of symmetncallv enmeshed small poly-
gons One such kui'an (London khalih Collection
Qur807 see James 1992 no 43) datable to ca 7 30-
40/1330-40 has a colophon (fol 29bb) stating that
the scnbe woiked on it in the Urmwad Mosque and
theie is a stylistically related Aiabit tianslation of the
Four Gospels copied in 741/1340 for a Damascene
clem (Cano Coptic Museum Ms 90 see Simaika
Pasha 1939 pis XVIII-W) Like several other
Christian manuscupts of the period it was illuminated
in the mannei of contempoiarv Islamic manuscupts
so that it also has other features in common with the
Khalih kui'an and there are anothei two such man-
uscripts with similar illumination that aie also known
to have been produced in Damascus one a Gospel
in liable now in Istanbul (Topkapi Saiavi Library
Ahmet III 3519 see Leiov 1%7) the other the
Epistles and Acts of the Apostles in liable in St
Petersburg (Academy of Sciences D-228 see khalidov,
in Petrosvan (ed 1994 no 2i) The latter was com-
missioned bv a ceitain Jakomo thought to have
been an Italian Consul to Syria and was copied bv
the monk Thomas {Tuma al mutarahhib), known as Ibn
al-Safi in 742/1341 (foi a list of eight manuscripts
with some evidence of provenance from Damascus
see Contadim 1995 n 8) To be noted also from the
8th/ 14th century is the diffusion of Mamluk stvles of
(see Tanindi 1991 and 2000)
Theie are also some superbly illuminated later
kur'ans m the stai polygon stvle from Cairo datable
to the reign of Sultan Sha'ban II (r 764-78/ 13b3-7b)
During the latter part of his leign however, between
770/1369 and 778/H7b an entirely new style of
painting was introduced in Cairo bv Ibrahim al-Amidi
Its most important departure was the abandonment
of the preceding noim of infinite recuisivitv in geo-
metnc patterning so that theie could now be large
blocks incorpoiating n regular figuies But he was also
innovative with iegaid both to his subtle use of colour
reversal and to the wider range of his palette which
was much more like that of 'Irak and Peisia in the
first half of the 8th/ 14th century Cano Dai al-
kutub kui'an mss 9 10 and 15 see James 1988
nos 31 32, 34 and 35) This style was to be fol-
lowed until the early 9th/ 15th century
Abundant evidence foi the arts of the book is also
provided by the numerous lllustiated and/or illumi-
nated secular manuscripts that survive They repre-
sent various liteiary genres some continuing earlier
traditions as foi example scientific manuscripts and
the great literary cycles of the Makamat and hahla
ua Dimna otheis reflecting the paiticulai mteiests of
certain strata of Mamluk society as witnessed for
example bv the revival of the Furusiwa [q i ] genre
The illustrated manuscripts show a variety of pic-
torial sources Several contain what may be termed
classical elements that link them to 7th/ 13th cen-
tury stvles as exhibited foi example in the Syro-
Traki al-Harin Makamat in the Bibhotheque Nationale
(Arabe 6094) dated 619/1222 and thus ultimately to
Byzantine models of portraying the human figure and
dress \lthough incomplete the al-Harin Makamat in
the Bntish Librarv (Add 7293) dated Rabi' II
723/Apnl 1323 allows us to see the prolongation of
ncludes features of II-
a particularly striking
u 'AdfS'ib al-makhlukat,
masterly fashion with
and Contadini 1990;
this style into the Mamluk period. (For both manu-
scripts see Grabar 1984, no. 2, pp. 8-9 and no. 9,
pp. 14-15 respectively.)
Equally noteworthy is their frequent combination
with elements of Saldjuk origin which provide links
with North Djaztran 7th/ 13th-century manuscripts.
They affect especially the human face, which is typ-
ically round, with narrow eyes, small mouth, straight,
small nose and long hair, often with a curl in front
of the ear (for lists of manuscripts with "classical" and
Saldjuk influences, see Contadini 1988-9, nn. 29, 40).
An early Mamluk example showing strong Saldjuk
influence is the Ibn Butlan Risalat Da'wat al-atibba' in
the Ambrosiana Library in Milan (Ms. A. 125 Inf.)
dated Djumada I 672/December 1273 (see Mihriz
1961; also Lofgren and Traini 1975, vol. i, no. LXX,
col. pis. I-VI).
The pictorial repertoire also ii
Khanid origin as, for example, in
early 8th/ 14th-century al-Kazwfr
where they are combined in a
"classical" elements (see Carboni
for Mamluk/Il-Khanid relationships, see Rogers 1972).
But it is essentially the integration of "classical" and
Saldjuk features that characterises Mamluk style,
whereas the Il-Khanid element, consisting of land-
scape features such as large lotus flowers, recessed
planes to provide depth, and the use of free brush
strokes (e.g. for leaves), normally affected specific fea-
tures without resulting in a similar stylistic fusion.
There were doubtless several centres of production
of illustrated manuscripts, but very few colophons iden-
tify a place. However, we can at least be certain
about Damascus and Cairo. Damascus again comes
to the fore at the beginning of the 8th/ 14th century,
as demonstrated by a Makamat in the British Library
(Or. 9718), which contains the name of the scribe
and illuminator (fol. 53a), GhazI b. 'Abd al-Rahman
al-DimashkT, who lived and worked there and died
in 709/1310 (see Mayer 1942; Grabar 1984, no. 7,
p. 13. For al-Dimashkf, see Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam
1929-32, vol. ii, p. 134).
A provenance from Damascus can also be argued
for a further four illustrated manuscripts dated between
734/1334 and 755/1354 on the basis of stylistic affin-
ity, allied to documentary evidence concerning the
compiler of one of them, the Ibn Bakhtishu' Kitab
Mcma.fi al-hayawan in San Lore.izo del Escorial dated
755/1354 (Ar. 898; see Contadini 1988-9, with bibl).
Their illustrations have very similar characteristics, not
all, however, shared by other Mamluk manuscripts,
such as the solid gold background of their miniatures
and the frame consisting of one or more blue lines
with decorative additions. At the same time, they con-
form to Mamluk norms by containing pronounced
Saldjuk features and, if in differing degrees, Il-Khanid
ones. Further, the illumination in all four is very sim-
ilar, when not identical, to that of the Khalili Kur'an
and the two Christian manuscripts mentioned above
which also come from Damascus. This style of illu-
mination will survive in Damascus until well into the
9th/ 15th century, as demonstrated by a copy of Fakihat
al-khulafa' wa-mufakahat al-pirafa' (St. Petersburg,
Academy of Sciences, C-651; see Khalidov, in Pet-
rosyan (ed.) 1994, no. 32) by the Damascene Abu
'l-'Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 'Arabshah, copied
by Isma'fl b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Isfahanl in Rabl' I
852/June 1448 under the author's 'supervision.
For Cairo, on the other hand, we lack direct evi-
dence for production, although it is generally thought
that those manuscripts that have a more "classical",
conservative style might have been produced there
rather than in the more innovative Damascus.
The little that survives of late Mamluk painting
exhibits a rather striking stylistic blend which also
absorbs Djalayirid, Turkmen and Ottoman influences,
especially with regard to the depiction of landscape
and costume. Representative examples are the late
8th/ 14th-century Kashf al-asrar by Ibn Ghanim al-
Makdisi (Istanbul, Suleymaniye Library, Kara Ismail
565; see Ettinghausen 1962, pp. 158-9), the mid-
9th/ 15th-century Kitab al-^ardaka (Istanbul, University
Library, inv. no. 4689; see Bittar 1996, 158), the
Iskandar-nama of Ahmadr datable to 872/1467-8
(Istanbul, Univ. Library, T6044; see Atil 1984) and
the early 10th/ 16th-century Shah-nama (Istanbul,
Topkapi Sarayi Library, Hazine 1519; see Zajaczkowski
1965 and Atasoy 1966-8) made for Sultan Kansawh
al-Ghawn (r. 906-22/1501-16).
Numerous Mamluk bindings have survived, con-
sisting predominantly of leather with blind tooling,
although often features are highlighted in gold.
There are resemblances between Mamluk and
Ottoman bindings of the 8th/14th and early 9th/15th
centuries (Raby and Tamndi 1993, 7-11 and ch. 1),
while at the same time 8th/ 14th-century examples
may resemble contemporary Persian bindings, as is
shown by two Kur'ans in the Chester Beatty Library
in Dublin, one '(of ca. 746/1345, Is 1465, see James
1980, no. 33) made in Cairo, the other (dated 738/
1338, Is 1470, see James 1980, no. 49) in Maragha.
Both have bindings in light brown leather with a
pointed star in the centre of an empty field with a
scalloped decoration at its outer border, the whole
decorated with blind tooling. In other examples, the
central ornament is an oval medallion, and in either
case related designs appear in the four corners of
the field.
This type of composition was to remain important,
but more examples survive of a second type in which
the whole field is covered. There are examples with
arabesque or floral designs, but more frequently we
find strapwork forming polygonal compartments which
often contained tooled knotwork motifs, with the strap-
work sometimes radiating out from a central star
which echoes the star polygon style of illumination.
Bindings were sometimes lined with silk, but more
often the doublures were decorated with block-pressed
leather. During the period of Sultan Kayitbay (/. 872-
901/1468-96), we witness an age of experimentation
which includes the use of filigree for both inner and,
especially, outer covers. This seems to reflect influence
from Persia, where, in the 9th/ 15th century, filigree
was already the norm. The use of filigree, together
with other Mamluk features of layout of design, were
in turn to influence Italian bookbinders of the late
15th century (Hobson 1989, ch. 3).
Bibliography. K. Holter, Die Galen-Handschrift und
die Makamen des Hariri der Wiener Nationalbibliotluk, in
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlung in Wien, N.F.,
xi (1937), 1-48; L. Mayer, A hitherto unknown Damascene
artist, in Art Mamica, ix (1942), 168; R. Ettinghausen,
Near Eastern book copers and their influence on European
binding, in Art Orientahs, iii (1959), 1 13-31; S. Walzer,
The Mamluk illuminated manuscripts of Kalila wa Dimna,
in R. Ettinghausen (ed.), Aus der Welt der islamischen
Kunst. Festschrift fir Ernst Kuhnel, Berlin 1959, 195-
206; Dj. Mihriz, Min al-tasmir al-mamluki, in Revue
des manuscrits arabes, vii (1961), 75-80; Ettinghausen,
Arab painting, Geneva 1962 (for general surveys on
Mamluk painting, see 143-60); M. Weisweiler, Der
Islamische Buitumband dis Mttttlalters Wiesbaden 1962
(for Mamluk binding, pnmanly from the Koprulu
Library) \ Zajaczkowski, Turnka ueisja Sah hamt
Z Egiplu mamtlutkuep in ^jikladorientalistyh Polskiejaka
demu \auk xv (1965) N Atasoy 1510 tarihh Memluk
$ehnamtsimn mimaturtm in Sana/ Tank lilligi (1966-
8), 49-69 (ior the Mamluk Shah nama lor Kansawh
al-Ghawri); J. Leroy, Un evangeliaire arabe dt la
Biblioth'eque de Topqapi Sarayi a decor byzantin el islamiqut
in Syria, xliv (1967), 119-30; M. Mostafa, An illus
trated manuscript on chivalry from the late Circassian Mamluk
period, in Bulletin de VInstitut d'E^ptc li (1969-70), 1-
13 (for the Fuiusiyva manusciipt in the Ken
Collet tionl JM Rogers Eiidemt for Mamluk and
Mongol relations 1260 1J60 in Golloqui Intemationalt
sur IHistoue du Cam 1969 Cano 1972 385-40}
D James Mamluk painting at Ihi time of thi Lusignan
Crusadt 1165 70 m Humamora hlamua u (1974) 73-
87 (ior the Furusryva manuscript m the Chester
Beattv Libnry) O Loigren and R Tiaim Catalosut
of the Arabic manuscripts in the Bibliotua imbrosiana 2
\ols \irenza 1975-81 (ior Ibn Butlan and al-
Djahiz) EJ Grube Pre Mongol and Mamluk painting
in B\\ Robinson (ed ) The heir Collation Islamic
painting and tht arts of the book London 1976 69-81
M Lings and \ H Saiadi The Qur'an in exhibi
hon at the British Libran London 1976 D Haldane
Mamluk painting Warminster 1978 GR Smith
Medina! Muslim horsemanship A fourteenth centun Irabu
taialn manual London 1979 James Qur'ans and bind
mp from thi Chester Beam Libran, London 1980
C Ruiz Biavo \illasante, El libw dt las utilidades dt
los ammalts dt Ibn al Durayhun al Mausili Midnd
1981 (lacs of Esconal Librar> \r 898) E A.til
Renaissantt of Islam Art of thi Mamlul s Washington
DC 1981 eadem halila na Dimna Tablts from a
fourtetnth ttntun Arable manuscript Washington DC
1981 (ior CHioid Bodleian Libnry Pococke 400)
G Bosch J Caiswell and G Petherbudge Islamic
binding and bookmakine, Chicago 1981 HCG \on
Bothmer halila a a Dimna Ibn al Muqaffa s Fabtlbuth
m timr mittelalterluhtn Bildtnsehrijt Cod Arab 616 da
Baunsthen Staatsbibliothtk Mumhtn Wiesbaden 1981
Haldane Islamic bookbindings m the lutoria and Albeit
Mustum London 1983 \til Mamluk painting, in tht
late jiftetnth centun in Muqamas n (1984) 159-71
O Grabar The illustrations of tht Maqamat Chicago
1984 B Grav Tht monumtntal Qur'ans of tht Ilkhanid
and Mamluk atehtrs of tht 1st quarttr of the 14th itn
tun in RSO lix (1985) 135-46 (ioi relationships
between Mamluk and Il-Khamd Kur'ans and bind
mgs) \ S Mehkian-Chirvam Suluan al muta' fi
'uduan al alba' A rtdisiourid mashrpita of Arab litera
ture and painting, 3 vols Kuwait 1985 J mies Qur'ans
oj tht Mamluks London 1988 \ Contadmi The
Kitab Manati' al-Havawan in the Estorial Libran in
hlamu Art in (1988-9) »-57 (also ior related manu-
scripts) \ Hobson Humanists and bookbinders
Cambridge 1989 S Carbom and Contadmi An
illustrated copy of al Qa^uini s The Wonders of Creation
in Sotheby s Art at auttwn London 1990 228-33 (for
the manuscnpt now in the Shaykh Sa'ud collec-
tion) Grube Prohepmtna for a corpus publication of
illustrated halilah ua Dimnah manuscripts m Islamu Art
iv (1990-1, Wl-481 idem, led) A Mirro, for Primes
from India Bombav 1991 (ior articles on lllustiated
halila u a Dimna, also oi the Mamluk period)
Tamndi honya Meilana Mu^tsi ndt 677 t 665 ullik
kuramlar haramanb btyligindt kitap sanati in hultur it
Qur'ans
(1991)
tht 11th
>-4 Jan
Tht ,
(The Khali
Collection oi Islamic \it vol in Oxioid 1992
J Raby and Z Tamndi Turkish bookbinding in the
15th ttntun Tht foundation of an Ottoman court shle
London 1993 \ \ Petrosyan (ed I De Bagdad a
Ispahan Manuscnts islamiques de la Filialt dt Saint
Peter sbourg dt 1 Institut d Ftudes omntales Acadtmu dis
Stitniis dt Russie Lugano Pans and Milan 1994
C ontadim Islamic manuscripts and tlu ARCH Foundation
in Apollo (February 1995) 29-30 eadem The horst
m tuo manuscripts of Ibn Bakhtishu' s hitab Manaji' al
Hayauan m Alexander (ed ) Furusma Tht horst in
the art oj the htar East, i 142-7 T Bittai A manu
script of the hitab al BaUara in the Bibliothqui \ationale
Pans in D Alexandei (ed i op at 158-61 S al-
Sanal Furusma httraturt of tht Mamluk p t nod in
AJexandei (ed ) op at 118-35 R Pindei -Wilson
Stone puss moulds and Itatheruorking in Khurasan in
E Savage Smith Sennit tools and mae,u (The Khalili
Collection oi Islamic Art vol \iu u London 1997
W8-55 Tamndi Se^kin bir ma la mm ttzhiph kitaplan
in I C Schick (ed ) M Lgur Dtrman 65 las armagam
Istanbul 2000 513-36 (Anna Contadini)
While the coinage oi the Mamluks was manufac-
tured irom the usual metals gold silver and copper
with the traditional Islamic denominational r
dinai dirham and fah [qi ] it belonged to
tinctive currency iamih oi its own which und(
a process of evolution unlike that of anv other o
series Its 267-vear history can be divided into
periods that overlap one another to a £
dis-
s little
e than
oi lessei
The li
tion of the late \yvubid stvle oi gold dinais and sil-
\er dirhams as stiuck by al-Salih Ayvub The held
legends on the dinais weie in circulai fields with a
single piominent marginal inscription while those on
the dnhams weie in a square held with the remain-
ing texts in the lour marginal segments This pseudo-
•\vvubid coinage was issued between 648 and
658/1250-60 irom the accession of Shadjar al-Duir
until that of al-Zahn Bavbars While the weights oi
the dinai and the dnham weie not consistent enough
foi payments to be made bv tail individual pieces
loughlv approximated the weight of the coinage
dmv/mithkal 4 25 gi and the canonical dirham
2 97 gi
The second coinage tvpe was initiated bv al-
Zahn Bavbars the real founder of the Bahn Mamluk
state While the legends on his dinars continued to
be placed in a circle within a sui rounding marginal
and moie iehned naskhi script than that previously
used \t the same time that the dies became wider
in diameter the ilans upon which there were struck
became thinner and more inegular in shape so that
laige portions oi the nniginal legends are usually
missing horn the stiuck coins Because these legends
earned the mint and date formula it is oiten diffi-
cult to place and date early Bahn Mamluk dinars
With the passage oi time marginal legends became
smaller and less legible until thev shrank away alto-
gether and their inscriptions weie incorporated into
the field legends The Bahn Mamluk dirham lost its
original square in circle design and became a simple
field legend inscribed in a cncle with the mint and
date around the edge in discontinuous words
The Bahn Mamluk-stvle dinai was struck irom
658/1260 until 8 W/ 1427 and the dirham from 658
until the eailv 800s/ 1400s Both coins were beset by
highly irregular weights and careless manufacture. The
gold is usually regarded as no more than stamped
ingots of totally random weights. The purity of the
metal, however, was guaranteed by the sultan's stamp
which ensured the high standard of its fineness as a
trade commodity. The dirham, while less irregular in
weight, was a shabby simulacrum of the attractive
coinages of the preceding centuries. It was manufac-
tured from silver approximately two-thirds fine then
often struck cold on irregular flans. The variety usu-
ally regarded as a full dirham weighed around three
grams, but there was a second type, regarded as a
fractional dirham, whose flans were cut from bars
with a chisel and then stamped with dies twice or
more the size of the flans so that only one or two
words of the legends were visible on their surface.
Another method of manufacturing flans for fractional
dirhams was to pour the molten metal over a cone
of charcoal immersed in a bowl of water. The spat-
tered droplets of base silver would then be stamped
and placed in circulation.
Since Mamluk gold had virtually ceased to be used
in regular trade and silver was too rare to be a reli-
able standard of exchange, the Bahrl Mamluk state
was forced to rely on the copper fals as its principal
coinage metal. Copper was struck from the reign of
Baybars onwards, initially with random weights and
designs, but later, during the second reign of al-Nasir
Hasan in 759/1358, the fals took on the status of an
official coinage metal as the copper or trade dirham,
probably due to the economic hardship caused by the
Black Death in Egypt in the previous decade. As a
a perfect illustration of Gresham's Law, because sil-
ver became virtually unobtainable. Although these fulus
"dirhams" were theoretically struck at the familiar
weight of one mithkal apiece, their metallic value was
purely nominal. The mints were therefore under no
compulsion to maintain their theoretical weight or to
put any concerted effort into maintaining the quality
of their manufacuture. Thus it was that by the turn
of the 8th/ 14th century the commercial classes of
Egypt and Syria had lost all trust in their native cur-
rency and had turned, for lack of better, to the use
of foreign coins.
In the second half of the 7 th/ 13 th century, the
trading states of Italy were able to introduce and
maintain stable gold coinages which became the stan-
dard commercial currencies of the Mediterranean and
beyond. The first of these were the Florentine and
Genoese florins which appeared in 1252 (A.H. 650),
followed by the Venetian ducat in 1284 (A.H. 683).
All three weighed slightly over 3.50 gr, with roughly
the same diameter, and were thus easily exchanged
against one another. The plentiful supply of these
coins and their dependable value, much like the use of
the U.S. dollar in financially-troubled countries today,
made them the currency of choice in Levantine trade.
The pressure for currency reform grew to the point
where the BurdjI Mamluk ruler Faradj ordered his
ustadhar, Sayf al-Dln Ilbugha b. <Abd Allah al-Saliml
al-Zahirl, to strike new dinars to the traditional mon-
etary mithkal standard alongside the stamped ingot
gold. According to al-MakrlzI, this reform was initi-
ated in A.H. 803, but the SalimI dinars are known
only from 804 and a few from 805. While the prin-
cipal coin weighed the usual 4.25 gr, multiples of two
and three dinars and fractions of half and quarters
are known. This misdirected reform attempt failed
utterly and left only a small handful of pieces to tes-
Faradj made a second attempt at reform in 810,
although al-MaknzT records 811, introducing the new
sequin, ducat or florin-style Nasirl dinar. These coins,
weighing 3.50 gr, were the Islamic equivalent of the
Venetian ducat and were intended to supplant it in
local trade. They, too, were issued concurrently with
the ingot-style dinars between 810 and 815 in the name
of al-Nasr Faradj, the ephemeral ruler, the caliph
al-Musta'In in 815 and al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh in 815
and 816.
The rulers and the mints were clearly in a quandary
over how they could keep the Mamluk gold coinage
both Islamic in character and competitive in value
with the ducat and could restore the silver dirham in
its weight and alloy to become a reliable coinage for
daily purposes. The silver reform began in 815/1412
and continued for at least the next seven years. The
new coinage was struck on the dirham standard weigh-
ing 2.70 gr, with a half of 1.35 gr and a quarter of
0.67 gr. It imitated a well-known Ayyubid design used
on the Damascus coinage of al-'Adil Abu Bakr I, a
by-word for excellence from the distant past. Then,
in about 820, al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh followed up his
reform silver with another attempt at a mithkal-weight
gold coinage. Two dinars are known dated 821 and
823 and a single half-dinar from 823. This attempt
at reform apparently went unnoticed by contempo-
rary historians. Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh was succeeded
after his death in 824/1421 by three ephemeral rulers
until al-Ashraf Barsbay came to the throne in
825/1422. No gold of his is published dated between
825 and 829. The last ingot-style dinars to be recorded
are rare issues of his dated 829 and 830. The for-
mer year, however, witnessed the re-introduction of
the 3.50 gr ducat-style coinage, a reform which brought
the Mamluk lands into what became in effect an east-
ern Mediterranean monetary union. The new Mamluk
dinar, as struck by al-Ashraf Barsbay, was known col-
loquially as the ashrafi, a name which followed it wher-
ever the denomination went, to the Ak Koyunlu,
'Othmanlis and Safawids in the East and to the
Maghrlbl states in North Africa.
Because the new coin was of reasonably standard
weight and alloy, prices could be established by num-
bers of actual coins rather than by weight of metal.
In this connection, it is interesting to note that many
Umayyad and 'Abbasid dinars originally struck on the
monetary mithkal standard have been found clipped
down to the weight of the ashrafi in order to enable
them to pass current in trade. This convenience was
also available to those who paid in silver, the most
popular coin being the half-dirham or mu'ayyidi, later
known as the medin, a denomination which, like the
ashrafi, remained in use in 'Othmanli lands until the
early decades of the 12th/ 19th century.
The legends on the Mamluk coinage are divided
into the religious and the secular. The religious are
drawn from the Holy Kur'an, the principal text being
the declaration of faith, or kalima: "There is no god
but God" followed by the Divine Commission "Mu-
hammad is the Messenger of God", sura XLVIH, 29,
and then the words of prophetic witness in whole or
in part: "He sent him with the guidance and [the]
faith of the truth, so that he may proclaim it above
every faith even if the polytheists dislike (it)", IX, 33
or LXI, 9. This text is frequently supplemented by
a phrase from III, 122, which, because of its regular
use, could be characterised as the Mamluk "symbol"
or motto: "For victory comes but from God".
Occasionally another phrase from XI, 88, was used:
"And my success [in my task] can only come from
God While the kalima is only found on the obverse
the supplement-in phiases appear above eithei the
ob\eise or reverse helds 01 on both
The reverses on the gold and silver coinage cairy
the royal protocol In the first Bahn Mamluk period
the mler was simpl) entitled \lahl or in the excep
tional case of Shadjar al-Durr MaltLiI al Mtislmnn
This was usually followed by a lalab eg Nui al-Din
the rulers name and that of his father if of ioyal
paientage Rulers also placed the name of then spir
ltual overlord the Abbasid caliph al-Musta'sim bi Hah
on the obveise held but after his overthrow in
65b/ 1258 his name was iemoved horn the legends
The establishment of the Abbasid caliphate in Cairo
bv al Zahir Baybais in 659/1 2b 1 leinioiccd the legit
imacv of the Mamluk state bv relocating and natu
lahsing the font of honoul in the Islamic world and
making the caliph an officer in the Mamluk court
The fust caliph al Mustansn repaid the offei of iefuge
bv gianting Bavbars the double title of al Sultan al
Maid and the hononfic hasim imv al Mu mmin Partnei
of the Pnnce of the Beheveis Aftei al Mustansir s
earlv death Bavbais briefly iecogmsed his successoi
al Hakim on the Svnan coinage but the reaftei the
caliphs name was omitted The title haum imtr al
\lummm was also included in the toval piotocols of
Kalawun Kitbugha Bavbais II and the earlv coinage
of Muhammad I after which it too ceased to be
tance is Aleppo Halab well known foi its silver and
copper with occasional gold issues The other Syrian
mints are Hama Hamat Tupoli Tarabulus and the
recently identified Latakia al Ladhihyya The first two
produced sporadic issues of silver but more often cop
pel while the third is known fiom only two silver
pieces struck in the name of Muhan
The eailv Bahn lulei
claimed themselves as fc
and Kalawun used the
s of non regal paientage pro
imei i oval Mamluks Bavbais
nsba of al Sahhi (after al Sahh
Ayyub) on their coins while Kitbugha Ladjin and
Bavbars II placed al Mamun (after al Mansur Kalawimt
on theirs The use of the ?u\ba was discontinued on
the accession of al Nasn Muhammad I b Kalawun
because all subsequent Bahn rulers weie eithet his
col of the penultimate Bahn luler leads al Sultan
al \lahk al Mansur 41a al Dunya ua I Lhn 'ill b al
\IahL al ishraf Sha'ban b Husayn b Muhammad 'a^a
nasruhu The succeeding Burdji Mamluk iulers included
then royal paternitv wherever possible but is the
gieat majority succeeded thiough the consensus of
the amu\ or by coup d ttat the inclusion of a luma in
the roval protocol was used as a substitute for ioyal
paternity Thus al Sultan al Mali) al ishral ibu I W
Batsbay 'a^ji nasruhu or al Sultan al Mall) ibu Sa'id
Mush/adam 'a^a nasruhu Note that the piotocol is
followed by the pious invocation 'a^a nasmhu mav
his victoiy be glonous or occasionallv [hallada illah
multahu — mav God perpetuate his kinglv iule Many
othei Islamic dv nasties made flee use of these invo
cations to hunoui then ruleis
The Mamluks opeiated mints in both their Egyptian
and Syrian possessions Cairo al hahna stiuck coin
for all rulers except for a few lebels or usurpers whose
powei base lay in Syna Its principal responsibility
was to coin gold md silver while coppei pioduction
onlv became important duung the silver shoitage from
759 to the end of Barkuks fust leign in 791 The
second Egyptian mint was Alexandna al Islandanna
which mainly struck gold between b50 and b93 and
then again fiom 752 until 824 During the lattei
penod it also participated in the iuinous pioduction
of coppei dirhams
The main Syrian mint (the second in the state) was
located in Damascus DimaM As might be expected
its silver and coppei is very well known because sil-
vei was the more populdi coinage metal in Syria
although gold is fiequently found The next in impor
Ml r
■pithet
the guaided while thai
sometimes found on gold fiom Alexandria Aleppo is
also known as Madinat Halab on some of its ingot
sized gold Because of defects in the manufacturing
piocess off-centre stnking weak strikes dies too large
foi the flans plus the inevitable wear and tear of
heavv circulation a very laige piopoition of Mamluk
coins aie difficult to attribute pieciselv and often many
specimens are needed fiom various souices to make
out the details of an individual issue
While manv of the Mamluk sultans weie no moie
than ephemeial luleis whose presence made little or
no impact on the state othei than having their names
recited in the khutba and inscribed on their sikka cei
tain powerful luleis were acknowledged as overbids
on the coinage of neighbouring states Steven Album
has lecoided these issues as follows Bahn Mamluks
al Nasn Muhammad I Bevs of Hamid Antalva local
bevs Ala'iyya (Alanya) Sihfke and Bazardjik Eietmd
Kaysanyva and other very rare Anatolian types
al Nasn Hasan Artukid Amid (Divaibaki) al-Ashiaf
Sha'ban II Kaiamamd Konya and Burdji Mamluks
al Zahn Baikuk Artukid Amid Mardin al Ashraf
Barsbay Kaiamamd al- Ala'i Konya Laianda Beys
of Alanya 'Ala'iyya and other iare Anatolian types
al Ashiaf Aynal Malkish Kurds Cemishkezek and al-
Zahn Khushkadam Ak Koyunlu Aizindjan and Amid
These issues should be iegarded as evidence of politi
cal submission foi local use iathei than as tribute
payments to be sent to Cairo One well known flow
of tribute however is recorded from the leign of al
Nasir Muhammad I In 722 3/1322 3 the Mamluks
captuied Sis [a ] the capital of Cilician Aimema
seized its tieasury and then imposed an annual tub-
ute of 1 200 000 trams which was collected foi many
veais thereafter Bolog observes that this treasuie served
to succour the chiomcallv deficient Mamluk silver cur
lencv Pait was probably melted down and restruck
the Mamluk dnham had no fixed weight standard
itself) and pait overstiuck by dies beanng al-Nasii
Muhammad s name Examples of these overstruck
trams of Oshin (1308 20 and Lcvon IV (1320-42) are
regulailv found in silvei hoaids of the penod
The calhgiaphv and ornamentation seen on Mam-
luk coins vaiy in quality fiom the superb dinars of
il-Ashiaf Khalil to the crude late Bahn dinars of al-
Kdhna and al Iskandanyya The die-sinkers generally
employed various styles of naskhi senpt ranging from
the well executed and highly legible to the hastily
inscribed vntuilly scribbled Foi the latei Bahn period
it is easy to distinguish at a glance which coins came
fiom Egyptian mints and which from Svna The lat
tei show the die sinkers to be genuinely artistic ciafts-
men while those of Egypt had onlv mediocie abilities
This disparity in calligraphic standaids tended to dis-
appear during the Burdji penod so that it is often
difficult to tell the difference between Egyptian and
Svnan issues It is interesting to note that on the half
dirhams issued by the latei Burdji iulers fiom the
mint of Haldb the kahma is inscnbed in Turkoman
Kuhc Tuikish influence is also evident in the style
of the many small knots of felicity, scrolls and flowerets
MAMLUKS — al-MAR'A
that ornament the dies alongside seemingl> random
diacritical points and monumental shaddas over the
word Allah
Much has been made b\ numismatists of the "her-
aldry" [see rank] found on Mamluk coins However,
heraldry m the European sense is totally foreign to
Arab Islamic culture, although Turkish tribal tamghas,
part of the folk culture of Central Asia, made their
artistic influence and utility felt at a time when most
people were illiterate Traditionally, representations of
animate objects on Islamic coins had been banned
from the gold and silver coinage and restricted to the
copper fals The first major exception to this was
when Ghivath al-Dm Kavskhusraw II the Saldjuk
Sultan of Rum, placed the lion and sun, depicting
the "sun m Leo", on the siher dirhams he had struck
in Konva and Slwas between 638 and 641/1240-4
While this depiction of roval power was hastilv
removed after his defeat b\ the Mongols, it may have
been the precedent seized upon bv al-Zahir Bay bars
when he placed his badge of a prowling lion or leop-
ard on his gold, silver and copper coinage His son
al-Sa'Td Baraka Khan continued to use it during his
brief reign, 676-8/1277-9, but after that the placing
of all such devices on the gold and silv er coinage was
discontinued Moreover, none was used on the long
senes of copper "dirhams" struck in Egypt in the sec-
ond half of the 8th/ 14th century A rich vanetv of
animate and inanimate designs, the choice of which
was probablv left to the local die-sinker were placed
on the copper film struck for local use to make it
impossible for silver-washed copper to pass as silver
dirhams This anti-counterfeiting measure was also
used bv manv other dynasties including that of the
'Othmanlis While many designs mav be associated
with an individual Mamluk ruler and may also have
been emploved on metalwork made for his use, the
fulus were generally too insignificant for any consist-
ent to be applied to their designs
In conclusion, the evidence furnished bv the Mamluk
coinage may be said to provide an accurate reflec-
tion of the political and economic challenges faced
bv late mediaeval Egypt and Svna during the time
of the Black Death, uncertain political leadership and
the growing European economic influence in the east-
ern Mediterranean world
Bibliography Mamluk numismatics has been
well served bv the masterlv studv bv P Balog, The
coinage of the Mamluk Sultans of Egypt and Syria, ANS
Numismatic Studies no 12, New York 1964, with
exhaustive source notes and supplemented bv manv
additional articles bv him and others since then
For a valuable modern summary, see the section
Mamluk in S Album's Checklist of Islamic 101ns, Santa
Rosa, Calif 1998 51-5 (R Darley-Doran)
MANSHURAT (a), the term for the letters,
icsponsa and edicts of Muhammad (Ahmad) b
c Abd Allah (d 1885), the Sudanese MahdT [see
al-mahdiyya] These individual documents were tran-
scribed by his followers in numerous manuscript col-
lections, three of which are described in P.M. Holt,
Three Mahdist letter-books, in BSOAS, xviii [1956], 227-
38. An authorised text was lithographed in Omdurman
(Umm Durman) during the Mahdiyya in four volumes:
the first consists of general and doctrinal pieces, includ-
ing Muhammad Ahmad's justification of his claim to
be the MahdT; the second (al-indharat) contains his let-
ters and proclamations summoning various individuals
and groups to join the Mahdiyya (cf. Holt, The Sudanese
Mahdia and the outside world, in BSOAS, xxi [1958], 276-
90); the third (al-ahkam) gives his rulings on matters
of law and custom, the fourth [al khutab) composes
his sermons Photogiaphic reproductions of these vol-
umes were published in Khartoum in 1963 under the
auspices of the Sudanese Ministry of the Interior The
editor (not there named) was Dr Muhammad Ibrahim
Abu Salim, who has also produced an invaluable
guide to the documents and their sources as al Murshid
da uatha'ik al Mahdi, Khartoum 1969, and a selection
of these and later Mahdist documents in Manshurat
al Mahdiyya, np [Beirut] 1969 He has now published
a complete edition of the Mahdl's writings, al Athar al
kamila li 1 Imam al Mahdi, 7 vols Khartoum 1990-4
Bibliography Given in the article
(PM Holt)
al-MAR'A
6 In Southeast Asia
The Muslim peoples oi Southeast Asia are found
in the modern nation-states of Indonesia, Malavsia
(and in these two states thev comprise the majority),
Thailand (in the five southern provinces, culturallv
very close to the neighbouring region of the northern
Malay Peninsula) and in the Philippines (Mindanao)
Islamisation of these populations has been ongoing
since the 15th century and continues in the 21st
220 million) Travellers to the region from the earli-
est times have remarked on the prominence of women
in commerce, agriculture and spuitual life Bilateral
kinship systems are still the norm for most societies
in the region, with some notable exceptions such as
the matnlmeal Minangkabau of West Sumatra, also
found throughout Indonesia and in Negen Sembilan
on the Malav Peninsula Although Islam assumes a
patrilineal descent svstem, the traditionally high sta-
tus of women in Southeast Asian societies means that
of social and especially economic life, which con-
trasts with the situation in many other Muslim cul-
tures In some cases, this has also led to local and
particular interpretations and applications of the Shaii'a,
especially in matters of inheritance
Before the 20th century the traditional power struc-
ture of the region was based on small fiefdoms led
bv charismatic rulers and local chiefs The fiefdoms
in turn were oriented towards centres of influence
(e g Snwijava, Melaka Mahapahit, Aceh and Ayuthia),
which shaped the cultural and religious forms of their
satellites The elites followed the prevailing aesthetic
and religious fashions while the populace maintained
older traditions Thus, when Islam was accepted bv
the leaders of centres of power such as Melaka and
Aceh, it was added to a spiritual armoury alreadv
consisting of a broad mix of animist and ancestor
cults and also of Hindu and Buddhist beliefs, m all
of which women plaved important roles There was
an eclectic expression of Islam with a special appre-
ciation of Sufism and less concern with scriptural pre-
scription In this context, the traditional role of women
as important figures in spiritual matters continued
This came under threat, however, in the early and
mid- 19th century when Southeast Asian pilgrims were
influenced by Wahhabi concerns and attempted to
institute "reforms" in their local areas (see b, below).
(a) Status of women before the 19th century
The status of women was such that at the courts
of the Muslim kingdoms of Aceh (northern Sumatra)
and Patani (now in southern Thailand), four queens
ruled for extended periods during the 17 th century.
Female rule in Aceh ended late in the 17th century
when court 'ulama' obtained a fatwa from Mecca stat-
ing that women could not be rulers. It has been usual
MAMLUKS, Architecture
The mosque (1262-3) of al-Zahir Baybar;
MAMLUKS, Archi
The funerary complex (1284-5) of Sultan Kalawun, with
the funerary complex (1384-6) of Sultan Barkuk in the
back (B. O'Kane)
MAMLUKS, Ar
MAMLUKS, Architecture
The double mausoleum known as Sultaniyya (1450s-60s) with the minaret of Kawsun to the left
m
I
Wktj* Jl ^fin
P^ESh
f«3
The funerary madrasa/ djami' (1356-62) of Sultan Hasan
MAMLUKS, Architec
The funerary madrasa (1356) of the amir Sarghitmish (Dept. of
Egyptian Antiquities)
m .■Hi^ H W*>
tmm\
H'|"-rriW
W *\"
-*#
The funerary mosque (1472-4) of Sultan Kayitbay
MAMLUKS, Architecture
The mihrab of the mosque of Sultan Hasan
The minarets (1415
MAMUJKS, Architects
The mausok um dome of Sultan Kayitbay (B. O'Kane)
The interior of the mosque of Sultan Kayitbay
MAMLUKS, Metalwai
PLATE LXIII
Mamluk scraffito ceramic bowl (14th century) in the Nasser D. Khalili Collection
PLATE LXIV
MAMLUKS, Metalwaee
Late Mamluk lidded bowl, so-called "Veneto-Saracenic", in the Nasser D. Khalili Collection
to regard the period of female rule as indicating a
weakened monarchy vis-a-\is male chiefs. However,
because it seems that the queens served as mediators
and successfully intervened in disputes between chiefs,
there are also grounds for arguing that the style of
female rule provided an alternative model of kingship
in which leadership was less important than the abil-
ity to maintain harmony. In both Aceh and Patani,
the period of female rule was characterised by com-
mercial prosperity and an increase in revenues from
foreign trade; this has been attributed to the coopera-
tion rather than rivalry between the queen and local
merchants. This alternative model of female rule did
not develop, and in the latter part of the 1 7th cen-
tury the queens were followed by males. It was not
until recent times that the issue of a woman as head
of state again became a possibility with the success
of Megawati Sukarnoputri as a political leader (see d,
In Jav
then
■ords of female r
1 Suits
trained to bear arms and serve as palace bodyguards
and sentries. More important was the contribution of
women intellectuals in advice to rulers (as in India).
For example, in the early 18th century, the grand-
mother of a teenage ruler of the Central Javanese
kingdom of Mataram prepared three impressive texts
for the guidance of the young sultan. Known as Ratu
Pakubuwana fdied 1732), she is celebrated for her
Muslim piety and knowledge of Sufism. Her manu-
scripts retell stories of the great Muslim warriors and
heroes to emphasise the benefits of becoming a pious
and ascetic Sufi ruler. In the mid- 18th century, there
composing manuscripts also inspired by Islamic liter-
ature. Women of the court, in both Java and the
Malay areas of the archipelago, were actively engaged
in writing and collecting manuscripts from at least
this period until the demise of the courts in the early
20th century.
Records from this period indicate that non-elite
women (rather than men) organised domestic com-
mercial activity, such as the buying and selling of
local produce in the markets, with men dominating
the capital for overseas trade conducted on their behalf
by men.
(b) Status of women in the 19th tentuiy
As with the earlier period, the historical record is
incomplete and focussed on elite rather than non-elite
women. However, it is possible to gain an impression
of their status from descriptions of several notable
women. In the early 19th century, for example, in
the Malay-Bugis kingdom of Lingga-Riau (which
encompassed Johor, Pahang and Singapore), one of
the Sultan's wives was given an island, its appanages
and revenues to remain in her family in perpetuity.
In the mid-182Us, this woman was able to supply the
capital for her brother to undertake a trading voy-
age to raise money for the Hadjdj. It was not appar-
ently the custom at this time for women to cover
their heads in public but, by the 1850s, the male
rulers of this kingdom, influenced by their visits to
Mecca, encouraged women to wear a veil when in
public. This concern that women cover their heads
was accompanied by similar requirements for men to
dress modestly, and was a trend apparent also in
other areas of Muslim Southeast Asia where return-
ing pilgrims spread Wahhabr teachings.
If the elite women of this Riau-Lingga kingdom
are in any way representative of the position of
in other Malay courts (and there is no reason
extrapolate from their experience), then it is clc
they had the opportunity to learn to read an
and that they maintained their own collect]
manuscripts and, later, of lithographed and printed
" of a leading Bugis-Malay fam-
of
ily, Ra j:
\isyiyah
1870-1925), f
years and continued after marriage. She was one of
at least six other women writers from the Lingga-
Riau region who were composing a variety of works
in the last quarter of the 19th century. Their writ-
ings indicate that they were well versed in the basic
tenets of Islam and that they were concerned to apply
Muslim teachings in their daily lives and to influence
others to do the same, especially when raising chil-
dren. Of particular interest is a compendium of charms
beneficial for marital relations composed in 1 908, just
five years before the Dutch abolished the Riau-Lingga
kingdom. Its author was a commoner, known as
Khadijah Terong (1885-1955), who incorporated
d the
which
indicates her fami
arity with and know
than just the bas
c tenets of Islam (s
in Empowered worn
en, 1997). Khadijah
designed to provid
e satisfaction and pic
edge,
e for both
band a
ii-ing
that ,
lge. The didactic writings of the women
of Riau-Lingga may be described as forerunners of
the "Guides for women" (Panduan wanita) which became
popular in the 1980s and are still being produced
and are selling well in Muslim bookshops in Indonesia
and Malaysia.
Elite women were tutored in their own residences
and were almost self-sufficient within their domains,
although if they chose to travel (usually by sea) they
were free to do so if accompanied by appropriate
• the S £
el. Thei
- of k
r the
educa
,, under the
guidance of expert teachers, was also restricted, b
the large number of local Kur'an schools in south-
ern Thailand, the northern Malay Peninsula and Java
and Madura (late 19th century Dutch figures esti-
mated there were 15,000 of these schools with about
230,000 pupils) suggest that girls as well as boys
attended for basic religious instruction.
(c) Status of women in the 20th century
At the turn of the century, resistance to direct colo-
nial rule was prolonged and violent in some areas.
In this context, there are several notable examples of
women joining or leading men in holy wars. In the
late 19th century resistance to the Dutch control of
Aceh (northern Sumatra), an area renowned for its
devotion to Islam, a widow. Cut Nyak Dien, took
over the leadership of a band of guerrilla fighters after
her husband was killed by the Dutch in 1899. She
continued to resist until captured in 1905. She died
in exile in 1906 and is now an Indonesian national
hero, whose struggle for Islam and her homeland has
been celebrated in a very popular 1980s Indonesian
film.
The adoption of new technologies such as print-
ing, and improved communications, enabled greater
contact between the heartlands of Islam and South-
east Asia. Of particular significance to women was
the spread of modernist teachings, especially those
of Muhammad 'Abduh [ ? .».], which were dissemi-
nated in a weekly publication, al-Imam (published in
Singapore, 1906-8), which was clearly inspired by
Cairo's al-Manar. Widely read all over the Indonesian
archipelago and through the Malay Peninsula, al-
Imam's articles urged Muslims in the region to improve
their knowledge of Islam and to pay greater atten-
tion to education. To this end, al-Imam encouraged
the establishment of new schools (madrasah) based on
Egyptian models where Islamic doctrine, Arabic,
English, and secular subjects such as mathematics and
geography, were taught to both girls and boys. It was
considered especially important that young women
receive a "modern" education (including secular knowl-
edge as well as religion), because as future mothers
they bore the prime responsibility for the "correct"
upbringing of the next generation.
In 1913 a number of co-educational schools offer-
ing both religious and secular subjects were estab-
lished in Java by the Jam'iyyat al-hlah wa 'l-Irs/iad, an
organisation led by the reformist Sudanese teacher,
Shaykh Ahmad Surkati, while in 1915 the progres-
sive co-educational Diniyah Schools were opened in
the Minangkabau region of West Sumatra. By 1922
there were 15 Diniyah schools in West Sumatra which
attracted young women from as far afield as the Malay
Peninsula and Java. Graduates spread the message
of responsible but active engagement in social life
through their work as teachers and journalists and as
modern-minded mothers. Further impetus for the
education of women came from the writings of Sayyid
Shaykh b. Ahmad al-Hadi (1867-1934), a Shari'a
lawyer, religious teacher, author and successful pub-
lisher who settled finally in Penang. He was an enthu-
siastic supporter of the ideas of Muhammad 'Abduh
and Rashid Rida [g.v.] and translated many of their
writings into Malay for publication in al-Imam. He
went on to use fiction to promote progressive inter-
pretations of Islam, and in 1925 and 1926 published
the two-volume best-seller Faridali Hanom. The epony-
mous heroine is an aristocratic Muslim woman living
in Cairo, educated in both Islam and western teach-
ings, and an admirer of 'Abduh, who is written into
the text. The popularity of the books, which were
reprinted innumerable times up to the 1970s, ensured
that the heroine's message of applying God's gift of
intelligence to the understanding of Islamic teachings,
linked with a dedication to improving contemporary
social conditions, had wide exposure. The story of
Faridah Hanom ends with a description of how the
heroine uses her wealth to found schools for young
women, and notes that from these schools came women
who went on to lead the struggle for women's eman-
cipation, citing real women such as Huda Sha'rawi
[g.p. in Suppl.], who founded L'Union Feministe Egypti-
enne. Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi invested the profits from
the success of this book in his printing business, and
from it funded the publication of works of non-fic-
tion. One of these, Kitab Alam Perempuan ("The world
of women"), 1930, continued the themes of Faridah
Hanom and argued forcefully that the most pressing
matter for Muslims was the education of women so
that the whole community would benefit.
In peninsula Malaya, Hajjah Zainon Suleiman ( 1 903-
1989) responded to Sayyid Shaykh's calls and worked
actively for the education of Malay women. She was
supervisor of one of the leading girls' schools for
nearly 20 years and in 1930 founded the first Malay
women's association, the Johor Women Teacher's
Union, and a magazine for its members. The mag-
azine, Bulan Melayu, became an influential publication
for women and provided a forum for women writers
to express their views on contemporary issues. Ibu
Zain (as she was known) was an important advocate
for the rights of Malay women within Islam in terms
reminiscent of the heroine of Faridah Hanom. She was
an influential figure in Malaya, and in the early 1950s
led the women's wing of the UMNO (United Malays
National Organisation).
The main Islamic women's organisations in Malaysia
have been established since Independence in 1957,
and almost all are subsections of a parent body which
is male-dominated. The women's wing of PAS [Partai
Islam He Malaysia [q.i<]) for example, was founded in
1958, and although extremely active in educating
women, its members cannot be elected to the central
board of PAS. There are at least four other Muslim
women's organisations in Malaysia, each of which is
engaged in welfare work among Muslim women,
including marriage counselling, assistance for domes-
tic violence victims and fund raising for charities. The
most recently formed group, Putm Islam (Sisters in
Islam), was officially established in 1991 by a small
group of professional women (lawyers and academics)
to re-examine the sources of Islam for a better under-
standing of women's status in Islam. Through high-
profile activities in the press and media and through
seminars and workshops, members of Sisters in Islam
have had considerable impact on the public percep-
tion of women's status in Malaysia. Their interpreta-
tions of the Kur'an and Hadlth have aroused critical
reactions from conservative religious scholars, and the
resulting public debates have highlighted issues such
as the role of Islamic law in a modern nation state.
In Indonesia (then the Netherlands East Indies) one
of the earliest Islamic women's organisations, Aisyiyah,
was established in 1917 by members of Muhammadiyah,
a reformist movement which began in Java in 1912
and spread quite rapidly through the Indies. By 1938,
Aisyiyah had set up over 1,700 schools (from primary
to secondary levels) as well as teacher training col-
leges, health centres and orphanages. Members were
knowledge of Islam i
:s ofw
e their
;s of
duties, rights and responsibilit
The Muslimat Nahdatul Ulama, the women's branch
of Nahdatul Ulama, the second Islamic mass movement
in Indonesia (with a current following of over 30 mil-
lion), was established in 1946. Like Aisyiyah, its mem-
bers have been working to improve education and
health care for women and they helped establish the
"Advisory Council for Marriage and Divorce" (Badan
Penasehat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Peiceraian) which
assists women who have to take marital disputes to court.
Although the Nahdatul Ulama movement has been char-
acterised as less progressive than Muhammadiyyah, dur-
ing the 1980s, under the leadership of Abdurrahman
Wahid, greater attention was given to social issues,
including the status of women. One illustration is the
work of the Association for Social and Pesantren
Development (Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan
Masyarakat) whose work includes a successful educa-
tion program for traditional religious teachers (both
men and women) about women's reproductive rights.
In Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines
and Thailand, the post-colonial state has accommo-
dated the Shari'a but restricted its formal application
to matters of personal law [see sharI'a. In South-
East Asia] . The issue of polygamy has highlighted the
differences between modernising and conservative ele-
ments in Southeast Asian Muslim communities, and
has focussed on the absolute difference between re-
vealed and secular authority. One example is the 1974
Indonesian Marriage Law, which was introduced in
lesponse to continued pressure from women s oigan-
lsations and was- to provide some security ior women,
particulailv regarding divoice and polvgamv It was
peicei\ed bv some Muslims as a stiateg\ for seculai
(state) authontv to displace Islamic ]unsdiction and
was fiercelv opposed The state was foiced to enact
an amended statute permitting polygamous marnages
and unilateral divoice, with Shan'a courts retaining
authontv to make judgements in these areas (see Butt
lTOl However, the ]unsdiction of Shari'a courts has
been steadilv eioded bv the Indonesian govemment,
so that although polvgamv has not officiallv been for-
bidden, it is extremelv difficult to practise
In Malavsia, the Fedeial Government introduced
the Islamic Familv Law Act in I<»84 and set mini-
mum ages ioi marriage and lestrutions on polvgamv
and divorce Although similai laws weie enacted m
each of the constituent states ol Malavsia bv 1991,
Islamic authorities at the local levels have tiled to
undermine some oi its provisions, paiticulailv those
concerning polvgamv When this occurs, and aggrieved
groups (such as Sisters in Islam), there is wide-
spread public debate and increasing pressuie on tra-
ditional religious teachers to adapt to contempoiarv
conditK
■, Mush:
s theoi
low the Shari'a but detailed int
Indonesia and Malavsia indicate that manv par-
ents circumvent the pionsion of greatei portions foi
male heirs bv distributing some propeitv to iemale
heirs before death This has been seen as maintain-
ing the pantv of sons and daughters as expiessed in
traditional (pre-Islamic) kinship sv stems
(d) Status of a omen in the 21st ten tun
The rise of the middle classes in the Muslim popu-
lations oi Southeast Asia, with an increase in highei
education and greater participation in the global cash
economv, has caused some women in this gioup to
seek to reaffirm then identity as Muslims Pamcipating
fullv in the public life of then nations manv of these
women wish to understand Islam bettei and follow
progiammes to achieve this It has also been noted
that women as well as men are joining the new SufT
groups which are being established in big cities to
cater for those who seek to deepen then peisonal
expenence oi Islam Otheis are founding or plaving
leading toles in Muslim non-governmental organisa-
tions devoted to the needs of women, which have
Southeast Asia m the late 1990s
The most visible statement about identity is obvi-
ously that oi style oi dress A growing numbei oi
women in the region choose to fully covei their han
and to weai distinctively Muslim fashions, which has
led to a new fashion industry Only a small minor-
ity in the region choose to adopt a full body covei -
mg (including lace) oi black, and those who do are
oiten subjected to cntical comment and accused oi
being overly influenced by foreign Muslim (Middle-
Eastern) traditions The majority who adopt non-
identiiy themselves as followers of Islam This is not
necessanly linked with a desne to letum to conserv-
ative lehgious practices Many of the tertiary -educated
women in Indonesia and Malaysia who fully covei
their hair do so to show they are part of an mtei-
national sisterhood oi modei n-minded (rathei than tra-
dition-bound) women In nations where Muslims are
in a minority, such as the Philippines and southern
Thailand, many young Muslim women have adopted
Islamic dress to indicate their resistance to the pre-
vailing national political culture
The mipioved economic conditions in both
Indonesia and Malavsia since the 1970s have given
and the qualifications to enter public hie While Muslim
women were lepresented in all areas oi business,
govenment admimstiation and society in Indonesia
and Malavsia, thev were not elected as leaders oi
majoi political movements This changed in the 1990s
when Megawatt Sukarnoputri headed a populist mass
movement in Indonesia and in 1948, after hei hus-
band's airest, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail led the
National Justice Party in Malaysia The Indonesian
general elections oi 1999 dehveied a huge vote to
Megawati's paity but in the political bargaining which
followed she was deieated ioi the presidency bv Abdul
Rahman Wahid and had to accept the post oi Vice-
President The possibility that Megawati might become
Piesident oi Indonesia aroused heated debate in
Indonesia with oidinaiv Muslim men and women
unable to follow the complex legal reasoning based
on the classical texts oi Islam yvhich some Indonesian
scholais put forward In 2001, Abdul Rahman Wahid
lost the confidence of the Indonesian pailiament and
Megawati replaced him becoming the fifth president
of the Republic of Indonesia Politic al expediency ov er-
w helmed the ejections oi a minority of 'ulameT
The debate over female leadeiship, hoyvever, is a
useful point on yvhich to conclude this survey oi
Muslim yvomen in Southeast Asia because it exem-
plifies some oi the ieatures oi Islam which are char-
acteristic of the region Fust, that it is not unusual
ior women to play piominent roles in public life, sec-
ond, that yvomen's leadership is seen as being dis-
tinctively different in style fiom that of males, thud.
bilitv oi a female head of state have levealed the divi-
sion between traditional (conservative) approaches to
Islamic law and more modem (liberal) interpretations,
and finally, that specialist knoyvledge of Islam thiough-
out Southeast Asia is still dominated by men
Bibliography 1 Geneial G W Jones, Marriage
and dwoue in hlamu Southeast Asia, Kuala Lumpui
1994, Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the a«t of torn
merie, 1450-lbHO, 2 vols, Neyv Haven 1988, 1993,
Empowertd women, ed Wendv Mukheijee, in Rtmtu
oj Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs xxxi/2 (1997)
2 Indonesia MG Ricklefs, The seen and unseen
itorlds in Jaia 17 '26 1749, Sydney 1998, Suzanne
A Brenner, Rei on strut ting self and soeiety Jaiemese
Muslim uomtn and -the veil", in Amenean Ethnologist,
xxm (199b), Andiee Feillaid, Indonesia's emerging
Muslim jemimsm Women leaden on equality, inhentanee
and other gender issues, m Studia Islamika, iy/1 J997),
S Butt, Polygamy and mixed mamagt m Indonesia The
(ed), Indonesia larx and smith, Svdnev 1999, Kathivn
Robinson, Women different! versus diversity, in D K
Emmeison (ed I, Indonesia beyond Suharto Polity, etori
omy, ioi uly. tiamition, New Yoik-London 1999,
Robinson and Shaion Bessell (eds ), Women in
Indonesia Gender, equity and development, Singapore 2001
? Malavsia Aihwa Ong, State verms Islam
Malay families,, Hitmen's bodus and tilt body politu, in
Beuttehmg uomen pious men Gtnder and body politits in
Southeast Asia, ed Aihwa Ong and MG Peletz,
Beikelev 1995, Shaniah Zaleha Syed Hassan and
S Gederoth Managing marital disputes m Malaysia
hlamu mediators and tonflut resolution in the Sy anah
courts, Suney 1997, Maila Stivens, Betomine. modtm
in Malaysia. Women at the end of the twentieth century,
in Women in Asia. Tradition, modernity and globalisation,
ed. Louise Edwards and Mina Roces, Sydney 2000;
Maznah Mohamad, At the centre and the periphery. The
contribution of women's movements to democracy, in F. Loh
Kok Wah and Khoo Boo Teik feds.), Democracy in
Malaysia. Discouises and practices, Richmond, Surrey
2002; Maila Stivens, (Re)Fiaming women's rights claims
in Malaysia, in V. Hooker and Norani Othman
(eds.), Malaysia: Islam, society and politics. Essays in hon-
our of Clive S Kesslei, Singapore 2003.
4. Philippines and Thailand. C. Prachuabmoh,
boundaries' A case of Thai Muslims in South' Thai-
land, in South East Asian Review, xiv/1-2 (1989);
Jacqueline Siapno, Gendei relations and Islamic resur-
gence in Mindanao, southern Philippines, in Muslim women's
choices. Religious belief and social reality, ed. Camillia
Fawzi El-Solh and Judy Mabro, Oxford-Providence
1994. (Virginia Matheson Hooker)
MARID (a.), rebel or revolutionary, some-
one practising murud or tamarrud, resistance
to the established order, from the root m-r-d
"to be refractory or rebellious".
The word marid is strongly polysemantic; it includes
both the idea of audacity and revolt, and also extreme
pride and insolence (al-'ati al-skadid, according to LA).
Also present in the root is the idea of youth, with
amrad meaning "young, beardless youth" (see Ibn al-
'Adim, ~ubda, ed. S. Dahhan, Damascus 1951, i, 260,
concerning beardless ghilman), concomitant with the
with that of a young slave boy, the equivalent of
ghulam [q.v.], with, additionally, the connotations of
violence, insolence, rebelliousness and. equally, of ped-
erasty and homosexuality, as frequently found amongst
It should be noted that the central meaning of
man's revolt is semantically associated with that of
the rebellion of djinn and demons [shayatin), as U
directly indicates. It follows that, in classical Arabic,
the term miind has negative connotations and that, in
the unconscious collective mind, it goes back to the
revolt of IblTs against God and refers likewise to that
of a member of the community against the ruling
power, considered as a fatal source of trouble and
instability. In Modern Standard Arabic it retains these
two concepts, since it means, first, rebel, insurgent,
refractory person, and second, demon or evil-working
spirit. Other roots are more frequently used by medi-
aeval Arab historians to describe rebellion. Thus
shaghaba "to wander away from the road, excite peo-
ple against each other, kick up a row", and 'asii "to
rebel (to be connected with 'asa "to strike with a
stick"), go against other people", whence al-'Asi "the
rebel", the name given to the Orontes river which
flows from south to north, contrary to the rest of the
rivers of western Asia (see al-Mukaddasi, 32 1. 12,
a'sa and ashghab). Likewise, thara "to raise dust by gal-
loping through the sands like a bull, to assault",
whence tha'ir "rebel" and thawra [q.v.] "revolution";
and kalaha "to overturn, be reversed", whence inkilab,
used in the 20th century for a coup d'etat fomented
by a small number of individuals, often military men.
Only the verb fatana "to prove, test, trouble" refers
to an activity more intellectual than physical, sc. jitna
[q.v.], in origin a division voluntarily brought about
within a homogenous group, which could be paral-
leled semantically with the Greek origin of the word
" the divider", whence fatin (pi.
futtdn
fori
fattan
much
"seducer" as "agitator". The decision to go out from
(khamafa) the ranks of 'All's army, taken at Siffm [q.v]
by his most fervent followers when he agreed to the
arbitration, has given rise to the epithet kharidjl, de-
noting a member of the sectarian group arising on
this occasion [see kharidjites] but, equally, a rebel in
general, without any religious connotation (see Ibn al-
KalanisI, Dhayl Ta'rikh Dimashk, ed. H. Amedroz, Beirut
1908, 87 1. 16).
Every aggressive action {thawra, Jitna, inkilab, tamar-
rud) against the established social and institutional
order involves both a political and religious aspect.
The rebel is thus a doubly emblematic figure, con-
demned for breaking the consensual conformism of
society and sometimes for a dangerous attachment to
the purity of practice of the Islamic law and cult, but
also admired for his devotion to the cause which he
defends and for his physical courage, notable at the
time of his public punishment after being defeated —
this being generally the case — and condemned by the
ruling power.
The Sunnis, from the time of the establishment of
the 'Abbasids to the 1970s (the execution in jail of
Sayyid Kutb [q.v.] by 'Abd al-Nasir [q.v. in Suppl.]
was to give rise to the first, Sunni Islamic doctrine
justifying the use of violence and killing, not only
against a power which was self-styled Muslim and
Sunni but not respecting the Islamic law, but also
against every individual, Sunni Muslim or of any belief
or absence of belief, of either sex, child and adult,
not joining in the revolt), were considering that chal-
lenging the ruling sovereign Muslim power, whether
just or unjust, legitimate or having seized power for
itself, was risking committing an offence against Islam
rupt ruling power [see al-mawardi; ibn taymiyya].
In practice the hid}ia of A.D. 622 enabled the
Prophet Muhammad to institutionalise Islam by cre-
ating at Yathrib/Medina the umma [q.v.], a society
Law, a concept opposed to those of nasab and nisba
[q.vv.] acquired at birth by the newly-born, and by
founding the tribal confederation at Mecca. At Medina,
the individual was integrated of his own free will into
the community of believers, in which was built up
around the collective faith in the Kur'anic revelation
a solidarity between each believer, male or female,
slave or free, Arab or black, or convert from other
faiths. The survival of Islam required the strengthen-
ing of this bond which a common religion established
between each believer. Kur'an, III, 98/103, expresses
this command: "Hold fast to the rope (or bond) of
God and do not become divided into various groups;
remember God's goodness to you when you were ene-
mies; He established concord in your hearts" (see also
IV, 63-4/60-11.
The fragility of the umma at the outset led to con-
demnation of any rebel who put in jeopardy the unity
of Islam by disobedience, provocation or revolt. In
appealing to ancient family, tribal, ethnic or territo-
rial solidarities, the rebel thereby pushed the com-
munity back to the chaotic time of the L^ahiliyya [q.v.].
This is why, when Muhammad died and the tribes
thought themselves freed from this voluntary solidar-
ity which they had entered with the person of the
Prophet, Abu Bakr suppressed the ridda [q.v. in Suppl.];
from this time onwards, the Medinan concept of vol-
untary adhesion to Islam only functioned in that
unique instance. The new convert, like all Muslims,
including the child born of a Muslim father, saw him-
self constrained— before his birth, as at Mecca— and
MARID — MARkI\UNm\
s death 1
slong
■b of Muslim to piofess
The tiaditional histon, of the first centurv ot Islam
is maiked b\ 1 senes of \iolent episodes extending
from the ndda in \bu Biki s time to the murder of
Uthman then the filna in which Ah ind Muavvm
were opposed to each other and fin illy the inter
tubal conflicts undei the Umiyvads For a s\mbolic
interpietation of these stones at a latei penod see
J CI Garcin Etats maths tt cultures du Monde musul
man mtdmal i n Pans 2000 index
Sunm Islam has so far
i ding to oui knowledge
purelv Shi 1 and Khandjite movements
tvpologv of
regarding the legitimacy of the c ihph there is a lecui
rent motif of disordei the rehtive oppoitunities offered
to the Kuiashis or to \rabs from othei tribal group
ings Kaysi 01 "iamani 01 e\en to the mmiah to tike
o\ei the functions of state Certain gioups wished to
speed up the integiation of the converts whilst others
01 the \iabs
The revolts on the put of non Muslims Berbcis
Copts Christians of Lebanon or Armenians rarely
marked a refusal to accept the installation of a Muslim
state \ close examination shows that the motive heic
was rathei i evulsion igainst an oppressive tax sys
tern than against the political pre eminence of Islam
Over the succeeding centuries revolts display most
often a Shi'i or Khandjite motivation and in fut
gathei up violent reciudescences of pre Islamic iden
titles of ethnically homogenous gioups in isolated
regions away from the piospentv of the gieit cities
pen that other ethnic groups of the neighbourhood
without specific connections with the originally rebel
hous group but equally oppressed and adverselv
affected by the exercise of an aibitran, ind coirupt
power join in the revolt In any case revolts agunst
excessive tax burdens continue to break out regularlv
up to the Mamluk period and beyond (see Tsugitaka
Sato State and niral south m mtdu al Islam Leiden
1997 162 7 1 in all the agricultural regions of the East
These rebellious groups were subject to exactions ot
the centi il exchequei of urban landow nei s ind later
on of the owners of iltas at levels leaving no pos
sibihty of profit for the peasants or money for invest
ment in increased pioductmty and therefore a rise in
social status The revolt of the Zandj [q i ] or Zunudj
m lowei Ink is anothei example of ruial piotest
that of agncultural laboureis m this case black and
impoverished against the avidity of the city dwellers
\mongst othei causes of outbreaks one should
2nd 4th/8th 10th centuries amongst the \rab tubes
(Ibn \saku Tarikh madmat DimaM ['\sim Hyidh]
Damascus 1977 \bu 1 Haydhim al Mum 393 4181
ind then those more serious still launched by the
Bedouin tubes agunst the towns of lowei Irak In
these they weie piotestmg against the margmalisation
which they consideied was the policy of the town
dwelleis towards them Whence the success among
them ot Kaimati [q ] propaganda which thus caught
up for Isma lhsm the social and economic piotest of
peasants against the dues and taxes levied on them
fiom the cities and th it of Bedouin in revulsion against
the specticle of luxurious hadfdf caiavans whilst thev
In the 5th/ 11th century the nomads ceased foi a
while then mtei tubal fighting and came together —
Arab Bedouin km dish and Berbei nomads— to
attack the sedentary lands fiom the Djazira in
noitheastem Svna to Ifnkiya (see Th Bianquis Dama
it Shu sous- la domination jatimidt Damascus 1989 n
415 65)
In the 5th 6th/10th 1 1th centunes theie weie upns
mgs in the Maghrib and al \ndalus those of the
Almoravids [see \l murabitun] and Almohads [see u.
Foi the uiban
nched fi
n the
g regimes consideied as lax back to the
the Islamic law
hich have been well stud
led see ahdaih ay^ar saffarids zu' ar etc
Bibhofiiaph) See in iddition to the articles
cited above vanous contnbutions in MA al Bakhit
ind R Schick (eds ) Bilad al Sham during tht Ibbaud
ptnod Ptocs of tht Fifth Inttinatmnal Conjtrtntt on thi
History of Bilad al Sham 1410/ ' 1990 Amman 1991
M C hokr ^andaqa tl ^mdiqs in Islam au ttond
suili dt Ihnire Damiscus 1993 has clearlv shown
how the Abbasid ruling power marshalled moral
political and sexual arguments in order to condemn
even, ittempt at iebelhon against the dynastv s
offlcnl moial bisis See also the good bibl in
M Bonner instmiatu uoltnit and hoh itai New
Haven 1996 (Th Bianquis i
MARKIYUNIYYA the \rabic name for the
Marciomtes an important non monotheistic ten
dency in eirly Chnstiamty Mircion iMexpkicov \r
Maikivun) was a native of Sinope [see sinub] on the
Black Sea who armed in Rome in \ D 1 IS (or
somewhat latei) and taught among the Christian com
munity in the lmpeml capita Maicion s doctrine was
tint the god described in the Old Testament (the ere
ator oi just godl is different from the god described
in the New Testunent (the stranger or good god)
the tathei of Chnst and thit mens souls like their
made by and belonged
it that
irchased these
n then
ing his own son to the othei god
theologicil systems One school taught four pnmal
pnnciples (the good god the just god mattei evil)
lples (identifving evil with
mattei I but the Neo Mai.
most cleaily in the second
Uamantms falsely attributed
(against Marcion but in b
Manic haeans and Gnostics)
the Dialogut of
that the good god s
llready at the n
creation and that it iemained entiapped in the mate
rial world until it was set flee by Chnst
The evidence for the survival of Maicionite com
munities m the mediaeval Neai East is meagie but
not entnely negligible The Christian writer Thomas
of Marga [Bool «/ goitmms Synac text ed Budge
London 1893 261) repoits that in the last decide of
the 3th centurv \ D the metropolitan of Gehn ind
Diylam Shuwhahsho travelled into the remote puts
of his see pleaching among the pagans Marciomtes
and Mamchaeans Also the Muslim bibliogi ipher
Ibn al-Nadim wnting towaids the end of the 4th/10th
centurv even claims that Marciomtes are numeious
in Khurasan and that there they practice openly
like the Manic h leans [Fihrist ed Tadjaddud 402 foi
the Mamchaeins in Khurasan see zindik) Elsewhere
MARKIYUNIYYA -
Ibn al-Nadrm quotes a reliable informant (thika) who
had seen Marcionite books and who reported that
their script resembled that of the Manichaeans (ibid.,
19). These "numerous" Marcionites in Khurasan do
not seem to be mentioned in any other source.
Muslim writers on alien religions offer some data
about the beliefs of the Marcionites. Some of this is
manifestly taken from the standard Christian sources,
e.g. when al-Mas'udr [Tanbfh, 127) states, accurately
enough, that the Marcionites taught "two principles,
good and evil, and justice (read al-'adl with Ms. L) is
a third (principle) between the two"; these three are
clearly the good god, evil matter, and the just god.
Ibn al-Malahiml I al-Mu'tamad, 586-9) has two con-
flicting accounts of the doctrines of the Marcionites.
The second of these is credited explicitly to Abu 'Isa
al-Warrak, whose version was evidently used (directly
or indirectly) by most of the other Muslim theolo-
gians who mention Marcionites (see Vajda's article,
in Bibl.\. This version claims that Marcion taught two
polar principles, "light and darkness", plus a "third
essence" who "mixed the light and darkness and
mingled them by way of creating a balance between
them". But this is pure fantasy, extrapolated from
some vague notion that Marcionism is like Mani-
chaeism, but with three rather than two principles.
The first account cited by Ibn al-Malahiml (possi-
bly also from al-Warrak, though this is not indicated
unambiguously in the text) is totally different. This
version is cited, much more briefly, also by 'Abd al-
Djabbar [al-Mughm, v, 17-18; however, the translation
in Vajda, op. cit., 123-4, is incorrect) and by al-
Shahrastani (al-Milal wa 1-nihal, ed. Badran, 643-5),
who combines it. in a confused fashion, with the
above-mentioned spurious account by al-Warrak. What
we have here is an essentially accurate account of the
"Neo-Marcionite" doctrine: the primal beings here are
God, the De\il (i.e. the demonised creator in Neo-
Marcionism) and an "intermediate being" (evidently
the dhine pneuma). The De\il attacks and oppresses
the intermediate, mixes himself with it and builds this
world from that mixture. The stars and planets are
the Devil's spirits, with which he rules the world.
Animals and plants are likewise the creation of the
Devil, and it is he who sends the false prophets and
antagonistic religions. But the "highest one" (i.e. the
good god) takes pity on the intermediate and sends
his son Jesus into the world to liberate him from
bondage. Ibn al-Malahirm says further that the
Marcionites do not kill any being, are celibate, avoid
"fatty meats" (aicuhumat, presumably meaning that
it fish) and alcoholic drinks, and pray and
the ti
-. The t<
sting Marcionite polemic against the adherents of the
doctrine of the eternity of the world (ahl al-dahr), the
monists (muwahhidun) and the dualists [ashab al-ithnayn,
e\idently Manichaeans). The passage contains much
plausible information that is not found in other ancient
or mediaeval accounts of Marcionism. It is therefore
possible that it refers to the actual beliefs of a Neo-
Marcionite community in the Islamic world, presum-
ably in Khurasan.
Bibliography: The basic work on Marcionism
is still A. von Harnack, Marcion: das Evangehum vom
fiemden Gott, Leipzig 1921. For a different perspec-
tive, see F. de Blois, Dualism in Iranian and Christian
traditions, in JMS (2000), 1-19 (esp. 7-14). Most of
the Arabic testimonia are collected and translated
in G. Vajda, he temoignage d'al-Maturidi sur la doc-
trine des Manichkns, des Daysaniks et da Marcionites,
in Arabica, xiii (1966), 1-38,' with the "Note annexe".
1 1 3-28, repr. in his Etudes de theologie et de philoso-
phic arabo-islamiques a I'epoque classique, London 1986.
Add to these Ibn al-Malahimi, al-Mu'tamad f usul
al-din, ed. M. McDermott and W. Madelung,
London 1991, 586-9; the relevant section is par-
tially tr. in W. Madelung, Abu 'Isa al-Warraq ube,
die Bardetaniten, Maicioniten und hantaer, in Studien cur
Geschichte und Kultur des vordeten Orients (Festschrift
B. Spuler), Leiden 1981, 210-24. For the Syriac
sources, see J.-M. Fiey, Les Marcionites dans In textes
historique* de I'eglise de Pose, in Le Museon, lxxxiii
(1970), 183-8. (F.C. de Blois)
MARTABA (a., pi. maratib), a term with a variety
of meanings; class, rank, degree assigned by
plac
red pie
The t.
rank, hie
f furn
-anger
of
uphol-
1 the
nts an intriguing que
and etiquette. In pre-Islamic Arabic
and the language of the very early Muslim genera-
tions, there was no well-developed conceptual vocab-
ulary of ranks and categories, especially those perceived
by the ruling class; there was a lack of terms deal-
ing with the "distance" between the sovereign and his
entourage, as well as among the different classes of
courtiers. Therefore the writer and translator Ibn al-
Mukaffa' (d. ca. 139/756 [q.v.]) invented terms, adopted
Persian images and improved existing vocables, such
as rutba and manzila and others, for the purpose of
indicating social standing and rank, both in his trans-
lations from PahlaW Persian and in his original works,
with certain Sasanid values which pre-date the Islamic
period. One should remember, as background, that
the Sasanid sovereigns dhided their population into
a number of categories (A. Christensen, L'empire des
Sassanides, 19ff, 93ff; idem, L'Iran sow, les Sassamdes,
97ff, relying on Ps.-Djahiz, al-Mas'udr, al-Tha'alibi
and other sources); neither the subjects of despised
trades belonging to the lower o:
dants,
■vould e
-Djahiz, A". al-Tadj, [1914], 23-2
ing the authorship and date of the latter source, see
G'. Schoeler, in Z^MG, cxxx [1980], 217-25, and VOHD,
B/2, Wiesbaden 1990, 156-9; R. Brunschvig, in
Stud, Isi xvi [1962], 49 n. 1, hesitated to accept some
details in this information reported by later Muslim
historiographers). Thus the Shu'ubiyya [q.v.], a cultural
movement that stressed the contribution of the non-
Arabic heritage (and often minimised the importance
of certain Arab traditions that can be traced back to
the culture of the desert), took great pride in the fact
that the Persian kings (I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies,
Eng. tr. i, 156-9 and n. 2 of 158, relying on al-Djahiz
and al-Mas'iidi; namely, the "pre\ious kings" as quoted
from al-Mas'udl) encouraged al-'ilm bi 'l-maratib, as
opposed to the pre-Islamic Arab tribal life, described
by this movement in its own biassed judgment. The
purpose of such boasting about this Persian distinc-
tion between social classes was to emphasise the fact
that the early Arabs lived a life of uncontrolledness
and of apparent anarchy, and that therefore it was
the Persians to whom one had to turn in order to
learn the concepts of government and etiquette (Sadan,
An admirable and ridiculous hero. Some notes on the Bedouin,
in Poetics Today, x [1989], 474, 487ff, with references
to Goldziher, Gibb, al-Duri, al-Laythi, Monroe, Talfah
and others). In Muslim society, in particular that of
the 'Abbasid empire, the term maratib was used mainly
in connection with court etiquette. Harun al-Rashid
(d. 193/809 [q.v.]) even diuded his court singers into
M\RT\B\ — MVRUF B\LKHI
irntib i
this
the
onl\ the quaht\ oi the singing but also hiendship
s\mpath\ and taste loi various singing abilities (al-
Rakik al-Kaviawam, Kutb al sum, BN Pans ms 33U2
iol 162b not identical to the part edited b\ al-Djundi
see also al-Shavzan at Manhadj al maslul Zarka'
Jordan 1987 4b4-b 578-9
When approaching the ruler one was expected to
stop at a distance detei mined b\ ones murtuba and
/ ashara to
riotifv
l the
loun The participants at the rulei s
audience were expected not to behave in a manner
unfitting to then rank The boon-companion nadim
[qi ] had the most difficult task oi deciding when an
audience with the iulei was public or official and
when it was a pnvate parrs (which included dunking
as well) m which the rules of etiquette [adab] weie
not to be stnctK applied although even then one was
supposed to trv not to exceed one s marietta or mattaba
(tbid and al-Ghuzuh Matali' al budu, Cairo 2000 165)
and the minimal rules implied b\ it The hadjib who
was the palace chamberlain and responsible for the
a< coiding to the marahb lal-Djahiz al Hidjab m Rasa il
Cauo 1964-5 n 39)
Exceptional some people mav in fact have wished
to sit with those of a lower lank since the people
attending the audience with the sovereign sat in
a cncle (madjlis halka) and those who weie neai him
him while those who weie farthei awav could see
opposite him We raielv find a courtier oi a guest
who would prefei to sit opposite out of modestv oi
m ordei to see moie clearlv his host (al-Raghib al-
Isbaham Muhadarat al udaba' n 706 descnbes the
exception al-Maknzi Khitat eg i 386-7 389 whereas
l 390 mentions the teim martaba describes the lule
no courtier would weld his place to an inferior per
son l 443 presents however the irregular behav-
iour of a courtier who used to take a seat at the
edge of the circle of guests [during the roval meal]
in ordti to see the caliph bettei and not according
to the lank this courtier deserved ) It is in fact well
known that the Fatimids weie paiticularlv insistent
on maintaining the appiopnate distance between the
rulei and the other ranks at festivals onlv iepiesen
tatives of the four Islamic schools of law weie pei-
mittcd to come into the presence oi the caliph vnd
gieet him In fact thev onlv came up to the thresh-
old oi the hall oi pavilion in which the caliph wis
at the time and usuallv it was onlv the caliphs sec-
retary who lesponded bv uttering a gieeting foimula
in the rulers name and not the cahph in person
Howevei it must be emphasised that M Canaids
compaiison (see Bibl ) of the etiquette of the Fatimid
acter In the northeastern parts of the Muslim empire
one can find here and theie that facet oi the Persian
heritage that elevated the king almost bevond the
human pale much more so than at the centre of the
empire at the '\bbasid court Thus for example in
Kh arazm (Sadan idab uglts dt condmk [see Bibl]
293-5) a certain person would not dare put a spoon
(made of precious metal) in a dish into which the
sovereign had also put his spoon because of the iev-
eience in which the latter was held But in Baghdad
the '\bbasid caliphs knew that it was unseemh for
the ruler to wash his hands befoie the meal in the
companv ot his fnends and courtieis rathei this
panv of someone of the same lank such as a brothei
oi parent It is howevei well known that this was
not alwavs adheied to even fiom the wav this rule
is foimulated bv the author iPs-Djahiz A al Tad}
17) who commends this behaviour it is cleai that
and the divi
i the
.ms of tl
t been published (espe
ciallv al-Sabi s Rusum da, al khilafa see D Souidel in
Bibl) To the Fatimid couit it was obvioush more
impoitant to vie with the 'Abbasid than with the
Bvzantine court but the cioss-cultuial studv which
Canard undertook is still of value It thus turns out
that various couits and some latei sultans would
t fullv r
Since the concept oi rank als
ng older it should tome as no
mid hav
i this is that cush-
i the
:>uld c
i genuine
occasional
V increase oi d
ecrease
the distance between
some
the rulei
and his couit
simplintv
(I\ \
\t time
the differenc
es have
a geogiaphic al chai-
Pedlar
) One finds this kind oi martaba c ush-
stoues of the iiabian nights \anetv and even more so
in documents horn the Cauo Gemza (in the dowrv
lists of voung bndes see Sadan Martaba m Bibl) It
would appear that these mattress-seats were ai ranged
bv dav loi sitting 'on the anangement of cushions in
book shops and reading rooms see also idem Mobilur
m Bibl idem \ouuaux matenaux in REI xlv [1977]
5 Iff) and bv night loi sleeping a quite economical
and efficient svstem foi the common people
Bibhos-rapln (in addition to lefeiences given in
the article) F Gabneh Etuhitta in RSO \i (1928)
292-305 M Canaid L cmmomal jatmuh it It uie
momalbi antu, in B^antwn xxi(1951) 355-420 Ch
Pellat |tr, Li Lnu dt la imiromu attnbut a Gain
Pans 1954 D Sourdel Quutiom di aiemonial 'abba
s,d, in REI xxv in (I960) 121-48 see especiallv
Sadan i pwpos dt mattaba in REI xh (1973) 51-
69 idem Le mohditn an Protht mitnt mtdiual Leiden
1976 15 16 52-56 99 117 118 idem idab
ui-Ls dt tonduiU in REI lxv (1986) 283-300
(J S,D*NI
m-MA'RUF w* l-MUNKAR [see ^l-n^hv. \n
M.-MUNKAR in Supply
MA'RUF BALKHI Abu 'Abd Mlah Muhammad
b Hasan earlv poet in New Persian of whom
almost nothing is known but who must have floui-
lshed in the middle decades of the 4th/ 10th centurv
since odd verses of his survive that weie allegedlv
dedicated to the Samamd \mn 'Abd al-Malik (I) b
Nuh (I) (343-50/954-61) and he mav have been at
the court of the Safland luler ot Sistan Khalaf b
•\hmad (352-93/963-1003) Fiagments amounting to
e 45 v
mainlv love poetrv and
\ G Lazaid In prtmitr
MA'RUF BALKHI — MARUNIYYA
Bibliography: See also Browne, LHP, i, 463;
Dhabih Allah Safa, Tankh-i adabivyat dar Iran,
Tehran 1335/1956, i, 422-3; F. de Blois, Peman
literature, a bio-bibliographical iuirey, v, London 1997,
191. "(C.E. Bosworth)
MARUNIYYA, Mawarina (Syriac Martinaye, pre-
sumed derivative from the personal name Martin,
diminutive of mat "lmd"), the Arabic name of the
Syrian Christian sect of the Maronites, which
first entered into union with the Roman Catholic
Church in ca. A.D. 1180.
According to al-Mas'Odt (d. 345/956), the sect first
emerged into existence as a Monothelite Christian
communion during the reign of the Roman emperor
Maui ice (582-602), its Monothelite origin (contested
by Maronite historians since the late 15th century)
being also affirmed by al-Kadl 'Abd al-Djabbar
(d. 415/1024) and the Crusader historian William of
Tyre (d. 1185). The first known base of the commu-
nity was the monastic establishment of Dayr Martin
(or Dar Martin), on the Orontes river, east of the
town of Hama, which had already fallen to ruins by
al-Mas'udl's time. This establishment allegedly carried
the name of the Syrian hermit Mar5 (Arabic Martin)
of Cyrrus (d. 433), who is claimed by the Maronite
chuich as its patron, although he is also revered by
the Syrian Melchite (Chalcedonian Orthodox) church
While the Maronite
for their liturgy, they appeal t
nally used Syriac
been Arab rather
aeo-Arab in ethnic origin; their ecclesiasti-
cal and seculai literatuie, as known directly or from
reference from as early as the 10th century A.D., is
entirely in Arabic. Their ethnic difference from othei
Syrian Christians, who were mainly Aramaean or
Aramaeo-Arab, might explain in pait why they came
to be oiganised as a separate church. The claim of
the community to be descended from the Mardaites
[see djaradiima], first advanced by the Patiiarch Istifan
al-DuwayhT (1668-1704 [q.v.]), is historically incredible.
The Maronites signalled their break from the Syrian
Melchite see of Antioch when they began electing
patriarchs of their own in ca. 685. In that same year,
the conclusion of a peace accord between the Byzantine
emperor Justinian II and the Umayad caliph c Abd al-
Malik b. Marwan seems to have enabled the Byzantines
to regain control over the affairs of the Antiochene
see. The Monothelite doctrine having been condemned
by the Sixth Ecumenical Council (680) as a perni-
cious heresy, Justinian II, it appeals, was bent on
eiadicating what remained of it in Syria.
Accoiding to Maronite tradition, the first Maronite
Patriarch, Yuhanna Martin, had barely assumed office
when Byzantine persecution foiced him to flee the
Orontes valley and seek refuge in the rugged reaches
of the northern Lebanon, where the Maronite patri-
archate has remained ever since. When the Byzantines
reoccupied Antioch and the adjacent parts of noith-
ern Syria, starting from 969, the Christian population
of the Oiontes valley was still largely, if not entirely,
Maronite. This Byzantine reoccupation, however, was
to last until ca. 1070, by which time the Maronites
of the Oiontes valley had been mostly, if not entirely,
replaced by Melchites, presumably as a result of
Byzantine persecution; the only notable Maronite com-
munity outside Mount Lebanon survived in the city
of Aleppo, which the Byzantines had failed to occupy.
When the Crusader forces, having seized Antioch
(1098), pioceeded to advance southwards to Jerusalem
in 1099, Maronite warriors met them outside Tripoli
to offer theii service as guides and auxiliaries. The
first contacts between the Maronite patriarchate and
the Roman Catholic Church followed, ending more
than four centuries of Maronite ecclesiastical isolation.
It was not before ca. 1180, however, that a body of
leading Maronite clerics, meeting with the Latin
Patriarch of Antioch, formally agreed to unite with
the Roman Catholic Church and abandon the
Monothelite doctrine in favour of Roman oithodoxy.
To cement this union. Pope Innocent III (1198-12161,
invited the Maronite Patriarch Jeremiah of 'Amshit
(Irmiya al-'Amshlti) to Rome in 1215, ostensibly to
participate in the Lateran Council of that yeai.
Meanwhile, a split had occured in the Maronite
church, in the course of which the party opposed to
the union waged armed attacks against those in its
favour. This split reached its climax in 1282-3, when,
for a brief while, each side had its own Patriarch.
Shortly after, however, the Mamluks of Egypt, who
were already in occupation of the Syrian interior, put
an end to the Crusader County of Tripoli (1289);
then Acie was conquered (1291) and the last Crusaders
expelled fiom Syria (1291). Finding itself once more
in isolation, the Maronite church was able to regain
its unity under Patriarchs favouring the union with
Rome. However, Maronite relations with the Papacy
remained casual, because of the difficulty of main-
taining regular contact between the two sides once the
Crusaders had gone.
The Maionites suffered sporadic persecution under
the rule of the Bahit Mamluks (1291-1382), at which
time some Maronites emigrated from Mount Lebanon
to live under Crusadei protection in Cyprus, where
a few thousand Maronites remain to this day. With
the replacement of the Bahrt by the BuidjI Mamluk
legime, the fortunes of the community took a tuin for
the better. Staiting from the reign of Barkuk (1382-9,
1390-9 [q.v]), the first of the Burdjt sultans, special
favours were accorded to the Maronite mukaddamiin
(sing, mukaddam "chief") of the district of Djubbat
juntain hinteiland of Tripoli), enabling
nanage
affair:
of theii
they pleased. Subsequently, in 1444, the seat of the
Maronite patriaichate, which had never been fixed
before, was established in the monastery of Kannubfn,
in Djubbat Bsharn, where it remained until the 19th
The interest of the Roman Papacy in the Maro-
nite Church had meanwhile been heightened follow-
ing the failure of the Council of Florence (1439-44) to
end the schism between the Roman Catholic and By-
zantine Orthodox communions. Unable to attend this
council in person, the Maronite Patriarch John ofjaj
(Yuhanna al-Djadjf) had sent a Franciscan mission-
ary to tepiesent him there, with a message indicat-
ing his fervent commitment to Roman Catholicism
and requesting papal confirmation of his patriarchal
title. (Since then, all Maronite Patiiaichs, though
elected by bishops of their own church, have been
confirmed in office by the Popes; by implication, they
came to derive their Apostolic authority from the
Roman See.) Subsequently, the Franciscan mission in
the Holy Land ( Terra Sancta), which had an impor-
tant base in Beirut, was entrusted with the mainte-
nance of Maronite relations with Rome; and, starting
from 1456, the Popes began to address the heads of
the Maronite Church as Patriarchs of Antioch (a title
which they might have traditionally claimed). Follow-
ing the Catholic Counter-Reformation, the Capuchin
and Jesuit fathers were charged by the Roman see
to replace the Franciscans as religious mentors to the
Maronites.
In 1585 Pope Oregon, XIII (1572 85) established
the Maromte College [Collegium Maronitamm) in Rome
to tiain aspinnts to Marorate chuich office in Roman
Catholic oithodow and chuich discipline and stut
ing fiom 1608 gnduates of this institution began to
occupv the Maromte patnaichal see B\ then the fust
maioi lefoim of the Miromte Chuich hid been undei
taken undei Jesuit sponsorship b\ the Svnod of
Kinnubin (15%) Miromte church practice was
bi ought closer to the Rom in Citholic noim b\ the
Svnod of Luwivza (17%) (the tiend his been ton
monistu order following the Rom in C ithohc model
hid been chutered bv Istifin ilDuwivhi Suite the
Second \itKin Count il (1%2) the Miromte htuigv
his been hrgek Aribitised
Starting fiom the enK 17th centurv the Muonites
of the northern Lebinon enteied into close political
issociation with their Druze neighbour in the south
ein pirts A hige stile mention of Miromte s to th<
Druze countiv followed continuing through the 18th
tenturv to the enK 19th wheiebv the M iromtes in
time came to foim the mijontv of the popuhtion of
Dm
ind I
Ror
Citholic Euiopein poweis
Maromtes begin to entertnn imbitions ol domimt
ing the whole ol Mount Lebinon theieb\ c h illeng
ing Diuze leaderships in their own home districts
t dishes between the two sides stirting
1840 ,
ind othei
t Mir
Frince lestored peace to the moiintims md in 1861
the Ottomin government wis prevailed upon to grmt
Mount Lebinon the pnvileged stitus of 1 mula a)
njma idmmisteied bv in Ottomin Citholic C hnsti m
mutasarnf or go\ernor who wis appointed dnectK bv
the tentril government in Istanbul ind issisted b\ i
lotalK elected ldmimstntive council The dec ides
thit tollowed witnessed in Anbic litenn, leviv il in
Beirut md Mount Lebinon in which Muomte pir
ticipition wis puticulirlv pi eminent
Following the Fust Woi Id \\n 1 mice in 1920 was
itcorded the mmdate ovei the temtoi\ of present d i\
S\rn ind Lebinon The Fiench theieupon expmdtd
Greitei Lebinon which bet irac
publit in 1926 with the Mnomt
helm In Lebinon the Piesidenc
e the 1880s
the Lebmtse Re
■s politic allv it the
, of the Republic
, of other kev pos.
of the Muomtes
nbeis of Maromtes
emignted from Lebinon to North ind South
America Austnln ind othei puts of the world The
communit\ in Lebinon is estimiled todi\ it ont mil
lion out of 1 totil Lebanese popuhtion ol ibout hie
million the estimite of the Muomte popuhtion out
side Lebinon being it leist double tint number
Bibhog>aph> Misudi Tanhih Abd ilDjibbir
al Muslim ft abuab al taulud ua I adl v Willi im
of T\ie Gista mum in patnhus transmannis jslarum
Istifin ilDuwivhi T alumina md T al Ta ifa
al Uarumna Piene Dib irt Umomks in Didumnum
d, Theologie tathohque 1928 Mitti Moos i Tin
Maromte* in baton Beirut 1986 kinnl Sihbi
Maromtf historians of mediaual Uhanon Beirut 1959
idem Thi modern histon of Lihanun London 1959
idem -1 home of mam mansions The Inston of Ltkunon
reconsidered Benut 1988 iKamai Salibii
MASHHAD
2 Historv ind development since 1914
In the course of the 20th centmv Mishhid his
become i legioml metropolis (2 1j5 /00 inhibiting
in 2004) the cipitil of the \ ist piovinee of khuns in
ind well integrated into the e< onomie ind public hie
of Inn At the sime time it his kept its thiiittei
is i goil ol pilgi image domin ited b\ the strength
of the economic ind political luthontv of the -\stmi
\i kuds i ndawi the idmimsti ition of the Shrine takf
probablv the most important in the Muslim world
In 1914 despite its lehgious impoitance Mashlnd
wis i muginal town in regard to the lest of the
countiv The population of some 70 000 w is ethni
<alh veiv diveise with Azens Hizans Bukh ins
, Berbens Afghans ind sever
Mir
tibh
tilled
Djidid illshm (Pitii) About a hundred Euiopc u
mostlv Russnns md is min\ igain Indian sub|ects
ol the Bntish crown lived neai then respective ton
suhtes Tilde with Russia wis twiie as lmportmt is
thit with Tehnn sinte the onK modem load wis
tint lonneiting Mishhad with Ashkibid opened in
1892 iBlnner 14) Like most of the towns of Iran
it kept its tridilionil chinitei foi the fust decades
of the 20th centun The onlv modem street lit bv
ekttricitv suite 1902 wis the Bill khivabm leading
from the entrinte of the town on the western side
to the Shunt and to tht modest pilgrims bazni
shops just is tht S7 ma\ nisei us housing pilgnms
weie dispeised thioughout tht town
Ridi Shih [ji] ind tht Pahhvi dvnastv showed
a gieit interest in Mashlnd md the Shrine of the
Imini Ridi I he rulei person ilh issumed the office
ol nmtaualli of the Ast in i \i kuds and members of
the lovil timilv reguhilv made the pilgi image to the
town whete i p il ice wis built at Biki Malikabid
s ol the Shiine A
t Rus
1 ud out
md offices were developed to
the west ol the hoK citv which kept its houses ol
sundned buck its illevs and the mil afu khanas <i
hostels ind the c n av insei us tor pilgnms In 1<-B5
Mishhad wis linked with Tehi in b\ a modern road
m lenil connection in 1928 regular service in 1946j
m oil pipeline in 1955 ind i rulwiv in 1957 (Bhuici)
At the end of the 1960s there was i fiesh wive of
expinsion I he Fndiwsi Linveisitv wis opened in
19b6 modem hospitals amongst tht best m Iran
were built food md textile icarpets) industnes were
developed whilst sources of naturil gas at Sarakhs
embled the burgeoning eirv to be supplied with gis
An urban plan was successlullv put into operation
since over hall of the built up are i and 80% ol the
hnd lvuhble toi building belonged to the Shiine A
Iiench studv centre the SCET Inn was given the
tisk of miking an mventoiv of the Shiine s posses
sions and of modernising its adminislntion in oidei
to increase its icvtnues (Hikanu Hourtadei To the
othtnls of the Shrine weie tonstiucted To the east
uibimsation swillowed up the small towns of Gulshahi
Sikhtimm md luiuk but wis limited bv the exten
sive igiicultunl holdings of the Shiine md b\ mill
tirv lands
After the oil boom of 1974 Mulnmmid Rida
Shah [qv] decided to make Mashhad the most impor-
tant and most modem pilgnmage centre oi the Mus-
lim world Under the direction of the governor,
M Wah> an, the reconstruction of the old town began
in 1973 with the destruction of the bazaar, caiavan-
serais, and traditional-type hotels neai the Shrine and
the avenue (falaka) which surrounded it The only
part left standing was a section of the carpet bazaar
The Bazar-i Rida, a simple, modern gallerv meant
ioi the pilgrims' purchases, was opened in 1977 neai
the Haram, whilst workshops and othei commercial
activities weie dispersed to the town's periphery Fiom
now on isolated in a vast open space the Shi me was
lenovated and developed on a grandiose scale, mak-
ing the Imam Rida's tomb the greatest lehgious aichi-
tectuial complex m the world still in the course oi
construction in 2002 (hbrarv extension, schools, a new
cemeterv in the underground vaults new couits and
spaces for welcoming pilgrims) This policy of inci eased
prestige was actively followed by the Islamic Republic,
undei the direction of the matullah Wa'izi Tabasi the
new mutawalll of the Shrine and no longer governor
of the piovince The city continued to expand towards
the southwest along the Wakilabad Avenue (new uni-
veisity campus, high-class lesidences) and, above all,
to the noithwest (agncultural lands towards the Kucan
road, where mass housing and industrial zones leach
as iar as the ancient Tus where Firdawsfs tomb is
to be iound)
From 1956 to 199b, Mashhad has had the great-
est population growth (5 3% per annum) oi the great
cities oi Iran, after Tehran itself This development
became verv rapid aftei 1979 because oi the influx
oi Afghan leiugees in a new quarter to the noitheast
of the citv This new Aighan quarter evokes the tra-
ditional relations oi Mashhad with the Haiat region
and Central Asia, reinforced bv the re-opening oi
the irontiei with Turkmenistan in 1991 at Badjgnan
and, above all, after the opening on 15 May 1996
of the new railway linking Mashhad via Sarakhs, with
the tail network of the former USSR This opening
towards the east of a town and a region long iso-
lated fiom Tehran takes place, howevei, hand-in-hand
with the strengthening of political administrative and
economic relations with the capital The revolt of
1921 by Col Muhammad Taki Khan Pisyan was one
of the last manifestations of formei isolation Con-
sequently, the population oi Mashhad has participated
actively in the crises and the political and social debates
in Iran the riots oi 1963 against the White Revolution,
and active participation in the Islamic Revolution (the
thinker 'All Shaii'ati was a professor at the Umvei-
sitv oi Mashhad, and Saw id 'All KhaminaT, who in
1989 became the Spiritual Guide of the Islamic
Republic, was one oi the most active of the local reh-
As the second city of Iran in terms of population
since 1975, Mashhad, now a modern city, lemains
the regional capital of eastern Iian, even though the
province of Khurasan of which it is the capital, has
been since 2002 divided into three different provinces
The passage through it of ovei ten million pilgrims
each year accentuates more than evei befoie the reli-
gious identity and the economic activity of this regional
metropolis, which now has the second-most important
airport in Iran and the most impoitant hotel com-
plex (more than 25,000 beds in hotels and above all,
mttsajir khanas), well ahead of Isfahan
Bibliography G Stratil-Sauer, Meschhed Etm
Stadtbau am Vakrland Iran Leipzig 1935, K Scharlau,
Moderne Umge\taltungin im Gmndreiss iramscher Stadti,
in Erdkunde (1961), 180-91; M.P. Pagnini Alberti,
Structure lommeraah di una utta di pellegrinaggio: Mashad,
ban Noid Orientate Udine Del Bianco 1971; SCET-
Iran Ingemeurs-Conseils, Astaneh Ghods Razavi,
Us buns Joruiers urbains de I'Astaneh Ghods, ville de
Mashhad, in, Rapport, Tehran 1974; Pagnini Alberti,
Le commerce de detail dans les villes islamiques: une me-
thode d'anahse, in L'Espate geographique, iv/3 (1975),
219-24, Planning Organisation and Budget and
SCET-IRAN, Amenagement du territoire. Developpemenl
urbam, xi Mashad, Tehran 1977; E. Ehlers, Iran.
Grundzuge einer geographivhen Landeskunde, Darmstadt
1980, 365-7 and passim, Nasrine Hakami, Pelennage
de I'Emdm Rezd, etudt socio economique, Institute for the
Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa,
Tokyo 1989, B Hourcade, Vaqf et ' " "
agro bi
: Mas!
Y Richard (ed ) Entre /Iran et I'Occident. Adaptation
it assimilation des idees it techniques occidentales en Iran,
Pans 1989, 116-41, E Mail, Barrasl-yi kutahl bar
iktisdd i bakhsh i khayr I rasml dar shahr-i Mashhad, in
Faslnama Tahkikat I Qughrafiya, viii/1 (1372/1993),
37-51, R Patai, Jadid al-Islam. The Jewish "New
Muslims" of Mtshhtd, Detroit 1997; Stephanie Cronin,
An experiment in revolutionary nationalism. The rebellion of
(o/ont I Muhammad Taqi Khan Pasyan in Mashhad, April-
Odober 1921, in MES, xxxiii/4 (1997), 693-750.
(B. Hourcade)
3 The Shnne, and Mashhad as a centre
oi ShT'i learning and piety.
The location in Mashhad of the Shrine of the
eighth Imam 'All al-Rida [q.v.] has made Mashhad
into the leading place oi pilgrimage within Persia, the
process wheieby its veneration developed being accen-
tuated by the fact that, ior some four centuries, with
one break oi a iew decades, the ShI'i shiines of 'Irak
were in the hands oi the Sunn! Ottoman Turks, the
powerful enemies and rivals oi the Saiawids and their
successors [see iuither, 'atabat, in Suppl] ShiT 'ulama'
place Mashhad as the seventh oi the great sanctuar-
ies oi the Muslim world, aitei Mecca, Medina, and
the four specifically ShiT 'atabat in "Iiak, al-Nadjai,
Karbala', Samarra' and Kazimayn [qui] (see PM
Sykes, The glon of th, Shia uorld, London 1910, p xm),
but some ShiT 'ulama' would rank it next aitei
Karbala' (see GN Cuizon, Persia and tru Persian ques-
tion, London 1892 i, 150 n. 2)
The Haiam containing the Shrine seems to be
essentially the creation oi the last six oi seven cen-
turies, its development receiving a powerful impetus
when the Saiawids mined Peisia into a ShiT state in
the 10th/ lbth centurv Previously, it had been easiei
ior non-Muslims to visit the Shrine, since the Spanish
ambassador Clavijo, en loute ior Trmui's court at
Samaikand, was able in 1404 to visit it Theieafter,
it was not till the fust half of the 19th centurv that
the British traveller J B Fiaser was able, by dint of
a feigned conveision to Islam, to enter the Shrine in
1822 long enough to make a drawing of the court-
yaid there (see Fatema Soudavar Farmanfarmaian,
Jamis Bailhe Eraser in Mashhad, or, the Pilgrimage of a
nineteenth centim Scotsman to the Shnne of th Imam Rida,
in Iran, JB1PS, xxxiv [199b], 101-15) Various other
European tiavellers followed in the later 19th centurv
(details m Curzon, op cit , i, 148 n 1)
But the rise oi the Mashhad shrine began well
beioie the advent oi the Saiawids, and especially aitei
the sack of nearby Tus by the Tlmund prince Milan
Shah b Trmui in 791/1389 dealt Tus a death-blow
and brought the Sanabad shnne into prominence as
the nucleus oi the later Mashhad [see tus] Alieady,
MASHHAD — MASHSHA'IYYA
Ibn Battuta had gone on from Tus to "the town of
Mashhad al-Rida", which he describes as large and
flourishing (Rihla. iii, 77-8, Eng. tr. Gibb, iii, 582),
and Timurid rulers such as Shah Rukh and his wife
Djawhar-Shadh were great benefactors in the first half
of the 9th/ 15th century; but members of the new
dynasty of the Safawids vied with each other in enrich-
ing and enlarging the Shrine. Shah Tahmasp I erected
a minaret covered with gold in the northern part of
the Sahn-i kuhna which, with the Sahn-i nau\ bounds
the Shrine on its northern and eastern sides, and he
adorned the dome of the tomb with sheets of gold
and put a golden pillar on top of it I this was to be
carried off by the Shibanids when in 997/1589 they
invaded Khurasan and sacked Mashhad). 'Abbas I
laid out the main thoroughfare of the city, the Khiyabdn,
running from northwest to southeast and dividing the
city into two roughly equal halves; the Shrine area
divided this street into an upper (bald) and a lower
(pa'ln) part. 'Abbas II devoted his attention mainly
to the decoration of the Sahn-i kuhna. SafT II, the later
Sulayman I, restored the dome of the Imam's tomb.
But there were benefactions during these times from
outside potentates also, not only from the South Indian
ShT'i Kutb-Shahl ruler Sultan-Kuli Kutb al-Mulk in
918/1512 but also by the Sunm Mughal emperor
Akbar, who made a pilgrimage to Mashhad in
1003/1595. Although likewise a Sunm, Nadir Shah
Afshar was the greatest benefactor of the city and the
Shrine in the 12th/ 18th century, devoting a great
part of the plunder brought back from India to their
embellishment. Before his accession to the throne, he
had in 1142/1730 built a minaret covered with gold
in the upper part of the Sahn-i kuhna as a counter-
part to that of Tahmasp I on on the north side of
this. He now thoroughly restored the southern half
of the Sahn, and decorated the southern gateway richly
and covered it with sheets of gold, so that it acquired
the historic name of "Nadir's Golden Gate"; in the
centre of this court he placed his famous octagonal
marble "water house", the sakkd-khana-yi nadm. The
Kadjar Shahs, from Fath 'All to Nasir al-Dm, like-
wise cherished the Shrine, despite the frequency with
which the city of Mashhad was involved in rebellions
against the central government at various points in
the 19th century.
The Shrine area forms the so-called Bast, thus des-
ignated from the rights of asylum and sanctuary tra-
ditionally operating there for e.g. debtors, and, for a
limited period, criminals (see Curzon, op. «'/., i, 155,
and bast). Nadir's Golden Gateway leads southwards
to the area of the Imam's shrine itself and its ancil-
lary buildings, what is strictly speaking the Haram-i
mukaddas. The almost square shrine has the actual
orthea
'. Shah
'Abbas
pro-
vided the tomb with a gold covering, and
covered the dome, 20 m/65 feet high, with gilded
copper sheets. Notable also here is the Dar al-siyada
hall built by Djawhar Shadh, a Dar al-huffd^, and the
fine mosque bearing Djawhar Shadh's name, regarded
by many authorities as the most attractive building
in the sacred area (see illustr. in Sykes, op. cit., at
263). There are also teeming bazaars, caravanserais,
baths, etc. in the Haram, the property of the Shrine,
but the Shrine also in pre-modern times held awkaf
[see wakf] all over Persia, and especially, in other
parts of Khurasan, contributing to the income of the
Shrine and its upkeep. This last varied according to
economic prosperity and peaceful or otherwise con-
ditions in the land; information given to Curzon at
the end of the 19th century put the Shrine revenues
at 60,000 tomans, equivalent at that time to £ 17,000
The Shrine was administered by a lay MutawallT-
bashi, from the later 19th century onwards until Pahlavl
times as an office held by the governor-general of
Khurasan, previous times having been often charac-
terised by disputes between the Shrine administrator
and the representatives of the central government; at
the time of Curzon's visit, the MutaivallT-bash! was
Nasir al-Dm Shah's brother Muhammad Taki Mlrza,
Rukn al-Dawla (replaced in 1891 by a former gov-
ernor of Farsj. The office was a lucrative one, since
the administrator normally drew 10% of the Shrine's
revenues. Beneath him was a large staff of lower
mutawallis. mudftahids [q.v.] and mullas, some enjoying
Pilgrimage to the shrine of the Imam began at an
early date. European travellers and visitors in the 19th
bers: Ferrier (1845) gave 50,000; Khanikoff (1858) and
Eastwick (1862), over 50,000; C.E. Yate (in the 1890s),
30,000. These numbers tended to rise at the times
of special festivals such at the anniversary of 'Air al-
Rida's death and during Muharram. The rites of pil-
grimage involved a triple circumambulation or tawdf
and the three-fold cursing of the Imam's enemies, and
especially of the caliphs Harun al-Rashid and al-
Ma'mun. The pilgrims enjoyed a support system of
food kitchens and accommodation for three nights,
and a pilgrim who had performed all the rites in the
prescribed fashion was entitled to call himself a
MashhadT.
As with the lands adjacent to al-Nadjaf and
Karbala', the holiness of the Shrine and its environs
made it very attractive for burials, and several large
cemeteries lay round it, such as the Makbara-yi katl-
gah ("killing ground cemetery"] to its north. Since
there was so much demand for places — not merely
from Persians but also from ShiTs from the Indian
subcontinent, Afghanistan and Central Asia — the same
ground had to be used over and over again for buri-
als. The fees for such burials— graves with proximity
to the Shrine itself being the most expensive — brought
in a not inconsiderable revenue to the Shrine. See
also makbara. 4, in Suppl.
As well as a centre for piety and pilgrimage,
Mashhad was an educational centre, with a consid-
erable number of madrasas, whose number in the first
decade or so of the 20th century approached twenty,
the oldest still standing being the Diiddr one, founded
by Shah Rukh in 823/1420, the majority of them,
however, dating from the later Safawid period. From
an architectural and artistic point of view, the Madrasa
of Mir Dja'far, built and endowed by the founder in
1059/1650, is regarded as especially fine. These col-
leges attracted students from Persia itself and also
from the ShlT communities of India; Sykes in 1910
put the number of students at that time at 1,200 {The
glory of the Shia world. 267-8), many of whom at this
time went on subsequently for further study at al-
Nadjaf.
For the Shrine, its administration and development
in the 20th century, see 2. above.
Bibliography: Given in the article, and see that
in the Ef art" Meshhed. (M. Streck*)
MASHSHA'IYYA {mashsha'un, mashsha'i
school
c-Isl
: fol-
MASHSHATYYA -
have taught whilst "perambulating" (Greek, peripatan)
with his students. While in the Greek sources the
designation is restricted to Aristotle's personal disci-
ples, the Arabic equivalent is used for the Hellenistic
tradition of his philosophy in general. As a term of
doxography, it occurs in the Fihrht of Ibn al-Nadim
(247, 16), and in the 5th/llth century Siwan al-hikma
(from the school of Abu Sulayman al-Sidjistam), where
the term is explained historically. According to this,
following the precept of Plato to train both body and
soul, "Aristotle and Xenocrates used to teach philos-
ophy to their pupils while walking to and fro", and
so they were called the Peripatetics of the Academy
(al-mushat al-akadtumiyyun, 41, § 709); similarly al-Kiftl,
Ta'rikh al-hukama', 26, in a classification of the vari-
ous ways to designate schools of philosophy where
both Platonists and Aristotelians are subsumed under
this name; and likewise in al-Shahrastam (Milal. 253,
296).
In the introduction to his work on the philosophy
of the "Easterners" (al-mashrikiyyuri), Ibn Sina, while
acknowledging the merit of Aristotle, blames those
who "are infatuated with the Peripatetics tal-Mashsha'un)
and who think that no one else was ever guided by
God" (see Gutas, Avuenna, 45), announcing the evo-
lution of his philosophy beyond the basis laid by
Aristotle, who was henceforth called the First Teacher
(al-mu'allim al-awwal; see e.g. Ibn Sina, al-Shifa', al-
Uahiyyat, ed. Anawati et al., 392). The term "Peri-
patetics" is now used in explicit delimitation or criticism
of Aristotle and his commentators (such as Alexander
of Aphrodisias) against Ibn Slna's own doctrine (see
NasTr al-Dln al-TQsT, Sharh al-lsharat wa 1-tanbihat,
Tehran 1959, J 1982, ii, 416, 1. 10; iii, 174, 1. 5, etc.)
or other schools of thought.
In the subsequent development, however, it was the
philosophy of Ibn Sina and his extensive following
which, again from another standpoint, was designated
as mashsha'ina. It was not his principal critic al-Ghazali,
but Ibn Rushd [<j.vv.] in his Tahafiit al-Tahafut (ed.
Bouyges, 178, 1. 6), who pointed out ma t'taiada bihi
Abu Hamid 'ala 'l-mashsha'ln — using "Peripatetics" syn-
onymously with al-falasifa (ibid., 1. 8; and see ed.
Bouyges, index, 605, § 139). Shihab al-Din Yahya al-
Suhrawardi, in his turn, designates Avicennan con-
cepts and doctrines as those of the mashsha'Tn [Opera,
ii, 13 and passim) in contrast to his own mystical phi-
losophy. It is this general use of the term which
appears in later doxography, blurring the difference
between the Aristotelian and Platonic schools of Greek
philosophy vis-a-vis the following of isbaki mysticism
[see ishrak; ishrakiyyun] . In this sense, the 10th/ 16th
century Iranian philosopher Sadr al-Dfn al-ShirazT
[g.v.] is praised by his biographer for uniting al-
mashsha' iyya, al-ishrakiyya and Islam (Muhsin al-Amin,
A'yan al-Shi'a, Damascus and Beirut 1953-63, ix, 325).
Bibliography: Shihab al-Dln Yahya al-Suhra-
wardi. Opera metaphyuea el mystka, i-iii, ed. H. Corbin
and S.H. Nasr, Istanbul 1945 and Tehran 1952-
70, index verborum; DM. Dunlop (ed.). The Muntakhab
Siwan al-Hikma of Abu Sulaiman al-Sijistam, The Hague
1979; Shahrastani, Livre det religions et des sectes, tr.
J. Jolivet and G. Monnot, Louvain 1986-93, ii,
1 78, 246; D. Gutas, Avieenna and the Aristotelian tradition,
Leiden 1988. (G. Endress)
MATAR, Ilyas DIb (1857-1910), Syro-Lebanese
and teacher. He was born into an Arab Orthodox
middle-class family in the town of Hasbayya, in pre-
sent-day south Lebanon. The Druze-Maronite civil
war, which erupted in 1860 and spread from Mount
Lebanon to other parts of Syria, forced his family to
move to the safety of the city of Beirut. His father, who
was a prosperous merchant and a local notable of his
community, managed to escape what became known
as "The massacre of Hasbayya" under the protection
of the prominent Druze leader, Sa'Id Djunbulat.
Ilyas Matar received his primary education at his
confession's school, Les Trois Docteurs. He then entered
the Catholic Patriarchal School, where he learned
Arabic, French, Greek and other subjects. His studies
widened in scope when he enrolled at the newly-
established Syrian Protestant College (SPC), later
renamed the American University in Beirut. There
he studied chemistry, botany and pharmacy. During
those formative years he was taught by a number of
competent teachers, whose names were to become
associated with the emergence of "the modern Arab
renaissance" [see nahda] in the 19th century. These
included SalfmTakla (1849-92), founder of the cele-
brated Egyptian newspaper al-Ahram; Nasif al-YazidjT
(1800-71), the accomplished Arabic scholar; and his
fellow-townsman Faris Nimr (1856-1952 [q.v.]) who
taught Matar chemistry.
It seems that it was upon Nimr's suggestion that
Matar decided to write a general history of his coun-
try,' Syria. This was published in 1874 under the title,
al-'Ukud al-dumyyafi ta'rikh al-mamlaka al-suriyya. It con-
stituted the first historical work written on Syria as a
well-defined entity by a native Arab historian. Its im-
portance lies in the manner it deals with Matar's
country as one single cultural and territorial unit. Thus
Syria ceases to be a collection of Ottoman adminis-
trative units, and becomes a fatherland (watan) extend-
ing from the Taurus mountains in the north and the
Sinai Peninsula in the south, and from the Euphrates
in the east and the Mediterranean in the west. This
fatherland is then shown to be endowed with an Arab
national identity and an inherent capacity to acquire
the new achievements of European civilisation. How-
ever, Syrian patriotism figures in this respect as an
integral part of the wider movement of Ottomanism.
Matar's book is dedicated to the well-known Otto-
man historian Ahmed Djewdet Pasha (1822-95 [q.v]),
whom he met during his visit to Istanbul in 1874.
This visit was undertaken in order to obtain his degree
in pharmacy and secure the authorisation of the
Ottoman Ministry of Education to publish his history.
After this date, Matar became Djewdet's protege, act-
ing as his son's tutor, assistant and adviser. It was
also upon Djewdet's encouragement that Matar qual-
ified as a medical doctor and became a practising
lawyer. He taught both medicine and law in Istanbul,
while co-editing at the same time a legal journal, al-
Hukuk.
Matar is credited with the authorship of over thirty
books, both in Arabic and Ottoman Turkish. Apart from
his pioneering historical text, his output includes works
on a wide variety of subjects, such as jurisprudence,
public health and education.
Owing to his affliction with a fatal disease, he re-
turned to Beirut in 1909. He died the following year
(March 1910) and was buried in his family's cemetery.
Bibliography: Ph. de Tarazi, Ta'nkh al-sahafa
al-'arabiyya, ii, Beirut 1913-33, 227-9; Yusuf As'ad
Daghir, Masadir al-dimsa al-adabiyya, iii/2, Beirut
1972, 1222-3; Y.M. Choueiri, Arab history and the
nation-state: a study in modem Arab historiography 1820-
1980, London-New York 1989, 34-9.
(Youssef M. Choueiri)
MATARAM, the name of an area in central
Java where two kingdoms have developed.
Imga i
. The
i Sans
rnption <
732, was found in a Shaivite sanctuary at Changgal.
Some time later, the Mahayana-Buddhist Shailendra
appear as dominating dynasty of Mataram, and San-
jaya's successors submitted to them. The Shailendras
probably came to central Java after the fall of the
empire of Funan, centred in the south of present-day-
Kampuchea, after A.D. 627, continuing their royal
titulature as "rulers of the mountains". They became
famous for erecting the most outstanding Buddhist
monuments such as the Borobudur, Mendut, Pawon,
and others. After 832, however, their power declined,
and thus the Shaivite dynastic line which had with-
drawn to east Java returned to the centre. Obviously,
both dynastic lines were linked together by intermar-
riage, and this paved the way for Mataram to reach
the peak of its power, including the incorporation of
most of central and east Java and parts of Bali into
its territory. King Balitung (898-910) was the first king
to use the name of "Mataram" in his inscriptions,
and his successor Daksa (910-19?) is credited with the
erection of the monumental Lara Djonggrang com-
plex near Prambanan, consisting of 190 temples, the
main one being dedicated to Shiva. King Sindok (929-
47), however, moved the capital to the upper vallev
of the Brantas river in east Java, thus founding a new
dynasty and ending the history of this first kingdom
of Mataram.
2. The Islamic kingdom of Mataram was
founded by the Panembahan Senopati Ingalaga
(d. 1601). His lather, Kyai Gedhe Pamanahan, is
famed for his killing Arya Penangsang of Jipang,
the powerful and frightening enemy of Adivijaya
(Jaka Tingkir), ruler of the second Islamic iShr'f) king-
dom of Java, Pajang (r. 1549-87). As a reward, he
Mataram where he founded the Kota Gedhe, later
under his son to become the capital. After his death
in 1584, his son was awarded the title of Senopati
("general") by the king, but Senopati soon fought
against Demak and other principalities and eventually
even attacked the king's troops. After the king's death,
he rejected Pajang's supremacy, and he added to his
magic powers through meditation and asceticism and
a visit to the dhine Queen of the Southern Sea, Nyai
Lara Kidul, thus underlining the central cosmic posi-
tion of his capital — and himself as ruler — between the
volcano Mount Merapi to the north and the Sea in
the south. With the support of two from among the
"nine holy men" {wall wngo) who are said to have
brought Islam to the interior of Java, Sunan Giri and
Sunan Kali Jaga, he made Islam the religion of his
kingdom, which by now included most of the inte-
rior of central and east Java, but not the important
sea ports on the north coast, from Surabaya in the
east to Cirebon (Cheribon) and Banten in the west.
Senopati's grandson Agung [r. 1613-46). the greatest
ruler and warrior king of the dynasty, which now,
according to the panegyric chronicle of Mataram Babad
TanaJi Jawi, claimed dynastic decent from the ruling
family of Majapahit, the last Hindu kingdom in Java
(until 1527), took the title of susuhunan in 1624, and
in 1641 the title of sultan was added, legitimised by
a special delegation from Mecca. He succeeded in
subduing the northern seaports; even Surabaya sur-
rendered in 1626, while its dependency Sukadana in
southwestern Kalimantan had already been captured
earlier. Even Palembang [q.v.] was captured after 1636.
Thus Mataram developed as a maritime power as
well. An attack on Batavia, then the stronghold of
the Dutch Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) ended
with a defeat. On his death, within the island of Java
only Batavia and the sultanate of Banten, to the west
refused to acknowledge Mat;
. His
of
. Court
nd destruction of agric
literature, however, developed and presented a com-
bination of Sufi tradition and traditional Javanese cos-
mological mythology. His successor, his son Susuhunan
Amengku Rat I (r. 1646-77) turned away from pro-
fessing Islam, starting his increasingly' tvrannical reign
of continuous warfare and killing with the murder of
about 6,000 Islamic teachers together with their fam-
ilies. Rebellions flared up, the biggest one led by
Raden Trunajaya (1649-80) from Madura, who was
also supported by many religious (Islamic) teachers
) fight ;
.t the
king
and his ally, the "Christian" VOC. The popular hope
for the imminent arrival of a Messianic ratu adil ("just
king") spread widely. The msuhunan's son Amengku
Rat II (r. 1677-1703) defeated his father's enemies
and personally stabbed Trunajaya to death, but his
throne, in the meantime, was occupied by his brother
Pangeran Puger. Therefore the king established a
new court in Kartasura, to the east of Kota Gedhe
(Yogyakarta).
Madura and east Java remained, however, centres
of rebellion. Under Amengku Rat III (r. 1703-8, d.
in exile in Colombo in 1 734), the son of his prede-
cessor, the disintegration of Mataram took on a seri-
ous form, partly because of the insurgence of Surapati
(d. 1706), a former Balinese slave and military trainee
of the VOC who had established himself in Pasuruan
and extended his territorv to Madiun, partly because
of the First Javanese War of Succession (1704-8) which
broke out when the YOC recognised Pangeran Puger
as Susuhunan Pakubuwana I (r. 1704-19). When he
died and his son followed him as Amengku Rat IV
(,. 1719-26), the Second Javanese War of Succession
began 11719-23), involving the YOC even more in
Javanese dynastic affairs. His death bv poison brought
his son Pakubuwana II (>. 1726-49) to the throne.
Changing alliances, among others with the Chinese
who had fled the massacre in Bata\ia in 1740, against
the Dutch who, on their part, were allied for some
time with Pangeran Cakraningrat IV of western
Madura, or with the Dutch against other enemies,
and continuous court intrigues weakened the position
of the susuhunan continuously. The court, which in
1746 had been moved to the new capital Surakarta
[q.v.], rose again in rebellion when the susuhunan agreed
in a unilateral decision to the demand of the VOC
to cede the ports on the north coast to Dutch admin-
istration. Thus began the Third Javanese War of
Succession (1746-57), led by the rebellious brother of
Pakubuwana II, Pangeran Mangkubumi, who. in his
headquarters in Yogya, was declared Susuhunan Paku-
buwana in 1749 (/. 1749-92); in 1755 he adopted the
title Sultan — for the first time after Sultan Agung —
Hamengkubuwana (I) which has been maintained until
the present Sultan Hamengkubuwana X (since 1986),
and made Yogyakarta [q.v. in Suppl.] his capital.
Before his death, Pakubuwana II, however, had trans-
ferred sovereignty over his kingdom to the VOC, who
agreed that the crown prince should become Paku-
buwana III (r. 1749-88). This initiated the partition
of Mataram into two major principalities, Surakarta
and Yogyakarta.
The last major rebel in the court of Surakarta,
MATARAM — MATBAKH
Pakubuwana Ill's cousin Mas Said, surrendered in
1757, and henceforth ruled, as Pangeran Adipati
Mangkunegara I (r. 1757-95), over an area taken from
Surakarta and inhabited by 4,000 households. During
the temporary British occupation of the Dutch pos-
sessions (1811-16), the brother of Hamengkubuwana
III (r. 1810-11; 1812-14), Natakusuma, was rewarded
by the British with an appanage of 4,000 households
and the title Pangeran Pakualam I (r. 1813-29), play-
ing now a similar role in Yogyakarta territory as the
Mangkunegara in Surakarta territory.
Ever-increasing colonial exploitation caused a gen-
eral social and economic decline, and general unrest
was growing. Hamengkubuwana's eldest son, Pangeran
Dipanegara (1785-1855), avoiding the court and study-
ing Islamic textbooks and Javanese wisdom with Islamic
teachers, associated himself more and more with pop-
ular discontent, until finally the last great war in colo-
nial times in Java, the Java War (1825-30), broke out.
At its end, half of the population of Yogyakarta had
died, and Dipanegara was exiled, first to Menado and
then to Makassar.
From the two major and two minor principalities
in the territory of Mataram, only the sultanate of
Yogyakarta in the heartland of Mataram could main-
tain some limited degree of self-government, due to
the merits of the late Sultan Hamengkubuwana IX
(r. 1939-86) during the early years of independent
Indonesia and his co-operation with the Pakualam
VIII in modernising the administration of his ter-
ritory, which is acknowledged in the Republic as
the Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta ("special district of
Yogyakarta"), Sultan Hamengkubuwana X (1986-)
being again its governor (since 1999).
Bibliography: Babad Tanah Djaivi, ed. J.J.
Meinsma, tr. W.L. Olthof, 2 vols. -Dordrecht-
Providence, R.I. 1987; G.W.J. Drewes, The struggle
between Javanism and Islam as illustrated in the Seiat
Dermagandul, in BKI, cxxii (1966), 309-65; HJ. de
Graaf, De regering van Panembahan Senopati Ingalaga, in
17.7, xiii (1954); idem, De regering van Sultan Agung,
rorst van Mataram 1613-1645, en die van zijn voorganger
Panembahan Seda-ing-Krapyak 1601-1613, in I7J, xxiii
(1958); idem, De regering van Sunan Mangku-Rat I 'Tegal
H'angi', vorst van Mataram 1646-1677, 2 vols., in 17.7,
xxxiii, xxxix (1961, 1962); idem, and Th.G.Th.
Pigeaud, De eerste Moslimse vorstendommen op Java, in
17.7, lxix (1974); D.G.E. Hall, A history of South-East
Asia, London 1954, rev. ed. London 1964;
Soemarsaid Moertono, State and state-craft in old Java.
A study of the later Mataram period, 16th to 19th cen-
tury . Ithaca 1968, rev. ed. 1981; Sir Thomas
Stamford Raffles, The history of Java, London 1817;
M.C. Ricklefs, A history of modem Indonesia, London
and Basingstoke 1981 (S.E. Asian repr. 1982); idem,
Jogjakarta under Sultan Mangkubumi, 1749-1792. A his-
tory of the division of Java, London 1974; M.R.
Woodward, Islam in Java. Normative piety and mysti-
cism in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta, Tucson 1989.
(O. Schumann)
MATBA'A.
The principal centre of Arabic printing in Protestant
Europe was originally Leiden, where the scholar-printer
Franciscus Raphelengius cut an Arabic fount and
printed specimens in his Specimen characterum Arabicorum
offianae Plantinianae Raphelengii (1595). The characters
were modelled on the Medicean fount but were of
inferior elegance. After being used for the posthumous
printing of his Arabic-Latin lexicon (1613) and other
works, the Raphelengian equipment was bought by the
pioneer English Arabist William Bedwell (1563-1632),
who left it to the University of Cambridge, intending
that it should be used to print his own Arabic-Latin
lexicon. His wishes remained unfulfilled, and no use
seems to have been made of the fount since the ear-
liest extant Arabic printing at Cambridge (1688) differs
from the Raphelengian type. In the meantime, the
great Arabist Thomas van Erpe (Erpenius), Professor
of Arabic at Leiden (1612-24), had established his
own press there, from which he published his own
works. The Medicean Press again provided the model
for the typeface. About this time oriental (and specif-
ically Arabic) studies were encouraged at Oxford by
Archbishop William Laud as chancellor of the uni-
versity (1630-41). Laud established the chair of Arabic
for Edward Pococke in 1636, and in the following
year his agent bought printing equipment for Arabic
and other oriental types from stock in Leiden. This
provided the fount for inter alia Pococke 's Specimen his-
toriae Arabum (1648, 1650), and it continued to be used
into the eighteenth century. A third Arabic fount was
that used in London for the printing of the Polyglot
Bible of 1653-57 and its great supplementary work, the
Lexicon Heptaglotton of Edmund Castell, Professor of Ara-
bic at Cambridge. Unlike the Raphelengian and Oxford
founts, this was modelled on the characters of the
Savarian Press, which had been set up by Savary de
Breves, the French ambassador at Rome (1608-14),
when the Medicean Press there went out of production.
Savary brought the press back to France, where it
was acquired by the Imprimerie Royale and used in
the production of the Parisian Polyglot (1645).
Bibliography: J. Fuck, Die arabischen Studien in
Europa bis in den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts, Leipzig
1955; J. Brugman and F. Schroder, Arabic studies in
the Netherlands, Leiden 1979; J. Balagna, L'impnmerie
arabe en accident: XVI', XVII' et XVIII' slides, Paris
1984; A. Hamilton, William Bedwell the Arabist 1563-
1632, Leiden 1985; G. Roper, Arabic printing and
publishing in England before 1820, in BRISMES Bulletin,
xii/1 (1985), 12-32. (P.M. Holt)
MATBAKH
3. In Persia.
The Persian word for kitchen, ashpazkhana, was not
in general used before the 19th century, though the
terms ash "soup" and ashpaz "cook" do occur in ear-
lier texts. Before the Kadjar period, the Arabic matbakh
was the common term for kitchen (Elahi, 790-91, with
description of Persian kitchen).
A tradition with a long history, Persian cuisine
ranks, with that of the French and the Chinese, as
one of the great cuisines of the world. Its origins and
influences are to be sought in the East, and more
specifically in Transoxania. The traditional use of
wheat as a staple and the basis of vegetable soups
(ash), the mixing of meat and fruit in dishes, the use
of various types of yoghurt (mast and kashk) and other
dairy products, and ways of preparing meat, all point
to Central Asian origins. Conversely, olives and olive
oil, so abundant in the Mediterranean and Ottoman
Turkish cuisine, are virtually absent in Persian cook-
ing (except in the Caspian provinces); Persians tradi-
tionally cooked with animal fat (except for Jews, who
used sesame oil). The important place of rice in Persian
cooking similarly suggests Asian origins, in this case
Southeast Asia and India (Bazin and Bromberger, 148;
Fragner 1994a, 54-5).
Legend ascribes the art of cooking to Ahriman (the
Zoroastrian spirit of evil) who is said to have taught
a mythical King Zahak to prepare the flesh of ani-
mals (Firdawsi, Shah-nama, 1988, i, 48-51, cited in
Ghanoonparvar, 191). It is mainly Greek texts that
offer some information on royal banquets, but other-
wise we know little about food and ways of preparing
it during the Achaemenid period, though borrowings
from Lydia and Assyria seem plausible (Schmitt;
Gunter, 13-21). The situation for the Sasanid period
is a little better, with information and recipes being
available on the high cuisine of the court, including
ingredients such as various types of hot and cold meat,
stuffed vine leaves and sweet date puree (Amuzgar;
Gunter, 44). The first five centuries of Islamic rule
are again rather poorly documented. The available
information, mostly from Muslim travellers and the
occasional literary source, points to a heavy reliance
on bread and cereals, an important role for (roasted)
meat, including game, especially for nomads and sol-
diers, and the use of condiments such as pickled veg-
etables (lursjn), sour grapes (ghura), dried lemons and
walnuts, which would remain essential to Persian cook-
ing (Kasa'T). It is only in the Mongol period that the
current Persian cuisine became heavily influenced by
Eastern traditions and took its current shape. Rashrd
al-DTh, who first entered Mongol employ as a head
cook in the household of the khan and who later
employed a Chinese cook in his own household, may
have been instrumental in the transmission of Chinese
cuisine to Iran (Allsen, 73-4).
The first period for which we have abundant in-
formation on eating and cooking practices is that of
the Safawids. European observers were struck at the
frugality of eating habits. Chardin, iv, 28-9, 47, was
among those who noted how Persians skipped break-
fast except for a cup of coffee and only ate two
proper meals a day. Food was cooked in earthenware
r pots coated
the c
it only o
their
n the
areas where wood v
plateau, cooked food i
day, in the late after
people in urban areas would gel
shops. During other meals, bread and cheese
the main ingredients (Chardin, iv, 57; Tavernier, i,
545, 712). Meat included mutton and goat. Chicken
and pigeon were also part of the menu of those who
could afford it. Beef was rarely eaten. Chardin's obser-
vation, iv, 48-9, that beef, tough and dry, was only
eaten by the poor in winter is echoed for the 19th
century by Polak, i, 112, and Wills, 299. Even today,
Persians do not favour beef, except those living in
the Caspian provinces (Bromberger 1994, 191). Nor
did game enjoy much popular appeal in Safawid times,
despite the enthusiasm for hunting on the part of the
elite, in part because of the difficulty of abiding by
ritual slaughter, in part because of its taste (Otter, i,
2071. Game was often given as a present to Christians,
who loved it as well as dark meat and fish. Turkey
flesh seems to have caught on very slowly after its
introduction from the New World via Europe
(Tavernier, i, 712). Olearius, 596, claimed in the 1630s
that turkey was not among the birds eaten, though
under Shah 'Abbas I a Venetian merchant had once
brought a few to Isfahan. A generation later, Tavernier
wrote that the Armenians had brought turkeys and
ways of raising them to Persia, adding that the meat
was only for the court (i, 712). Some sources claim
that horseflesh was the most esteemed type of meat
{Chronicle, i, 155j. The predilection for horseflesh at
the court of Tlmur (Clavijo, 106, 224) and the fact
that the Mihman-nama-i Bukhara, 318, calls it the most
delicious meat, point to a Central Asian origin of the
taste. Polak, i, 115, suggested regional variation by
saying that Persians did not eat horseflesh with the
exception of the people from Shlrwan and the Ozbegs,
who considered it a delicacy. Fish, not an ingredient
of the nomadic diet, was naturally mostly confined to
the Caspian coast and the Persian Gulf littoral, though
trout from the Caspian region was also served at royal
banquets (Tavernier, i, 545).
The information that has come to us from Safawid
times mostly concerns the food of the rich and eat-
ing practices at the royal court, as described by
Western visitors who enjoyed the hospitality of the
shah and administrative officials. They offer informa-
tion on the royal kitchen as well as on the types of
food consumed at the court.
The royal kitchen prepared food only once a day
for the royal household but twice a day for the shah
himself and his direct entourage. The daily food out-
lay for the shah amounted to two sheep, four lambs,
and thirty chickens for his midday meal and half as
much for his supper, not counting small poultry, game
and fish (Chardin, v, 350-1).
The royal kitchen was supervised by the tushmal-
bashi, an official who was subordinate to the napr
al-buyutat, the steward of the royal household. The
tushmal-bashi was responsible for the quantity and
quality of the meat served at the court, preceded the
procession of the meat dishes all the way from the
kitchen to the royal quarters, and also acted as
the royal taster (the mihlai "chamberlain" would taste
all royal food a second time) (Minorsky, 137; Olearius,
672; Richard, ii, 15, 274; Chardin, v, 349-50, 378;
Kaempfer, 279-80). Another important official was the
sufiaci-baihi ', who was in charge of arranging the floor
cloth (sufra) on which food was consumed' (Olearius,
672; Richard, ii, 15, 274; Chardin, v, 351). Other
officials working in the royal food and drink depart-
ment were the kassabci-bashl or sallakha-baM "the
butcher", the hauna^ar-bashi, who supervised the poul-
try yard and the scullery, the subzici-basju, who was
I responsible for green salads, the turshTci-bdshi, who
supervised the preparation of pickled vegetables, the
halwaln-bashj, or confectioner, the sharbatn-bashi, or
supervisor of the sherbets and syrups, the abdar-bashi,
who was in charge of drinks, and the kahwaci-bashl ,
who headed the department of coffee making (Afshar.
1991, 409-11; Minorsky, 67, 94, 97, 98; Chardin, v,
352-53).
Meat was often eaten in the form of kababs, which
Fryer, iii, 146, described as "rostmeat on skewers, cut
in little round pieces no bigger than a sixpence, and
ginger and garlic put between each". The same author,
i, 147, notes that it was most often made into a pilaw,
"their standing dish".
Rice had become an important ingredient in elite
cookery after the Mongol domination of the country,
gradually edging out pasta and groats (bulghur) (Fragner
1987, 789). Though it is not clear whether rice "was
grown in Persia before the advent of Islam, it has
been part of the Persian diet since Sasanid times
(Balland and Bromberger, 148; Bazargan, 161). At
least since early Safawid times, Persians have eaten
rice in various ways, either as chilaw or as pilaw.
Unlike the situation in parts of China and India,
where rice is a staple and a basic nutrient, in Persia
rice has always been a prestige food and a luxury
item not eaten by the poor on a regular basis. Its
preparation has always been accordingly complex and
time-consuming. Cooking is the same, involving a
laborious process of soaking and steaming, resulting
differei
butter
•i\ed w
i kabab
• herbs has become in modem
fa\ounte restaurant meal Pilaw on the other hand
is rice mixed with a vanety of ingredients (for cook
ing and types of pilaws see Balland and Bromberger
154 and Bazargan lbl) Fryei m 147 describes the
making of pilaw as follows To make pullow the
meat is first boiled to rags and the broth or liquor
being strained it is left to drain while they boil the
rice in the same which being tender and the aque-
ous parts evaporating the juice and graw mcorpo
rates with the rice which is boiled almost dry then
they put the meat again with spice and at last as
too gieasy oi offensive either to the sight or taste
and it is then boiled enough when it is fir to be
made into gobbets not slabby but each corn of rice
is swelled and filled not burst into pulp Rice with
and r
with c
and i
s depending on the
diment which could be currant pomegranate or
saffron (Oleanus 595 b Kaempfei 278) Chardin
in 185 b noted fi\e or six different pilaws during a
meal served by Shah Sulayman for a Russian emoy
with garlic crust lamb chicken eggs stuffed with
meat and with fish He also ga\e more than twenty
as the total number of pilaw \aneties (i\ 54) Twenty
five kinds of pilaw are mentioned in a Peisian source
from the Safawid period (Thabmyan 371 see \fshar
1378 98)
Then as now meals were consumed synchromcally
unlike French cuisine there was no time sequence to
the order of eating the food and courses are not
divided (Spooner 253 Chehabi 47) Kaempfei 278
describing a royal banquet noted however that con
fection and sweetmeats tended to precede the main
couise (see also Lettres idifiantet it lunemes 115) All
Europeans commented on the silence observed during
meals their short duiation and the fact that nothing
was drunk until afterwaids They also noted that no
sikerwaie was used except foi a large wooden spoon
that was used for eating soup and drinking the var
lous juices that were sei\ed as part of the meal (Delia
\alle i b41 Oleanus 59b Kaempfer 281 Lettrn
edifiantes el tuneusu 119) While oidmarv Persians ate
from poicelain or earthenwaie at the couit gold dishes
weie abundanth used as well (Herbeit 262 Kaempfei
262 Kioell 30) Kaempfer 153 estimated the total
\alue of the ro\al dishware at 10 million gold ducats
idjai and tunh (pickled vegetables) served as condi
ments (Kaempfer 278) Kaempfer 262 describes the
desserts sened on the occasion of an audience can
died fruit fresh fruit various kinds of cake and sweet
eats Jam murabba' was very popular and came in
lany \
1991
s in the ubiquitous confectioners
According to De Bru\n the Dutch East India Com-
pan\ annualh brought 1 2 000 packs at 150 pounds
each to Isfihan (De Biu\n 178)
Common people oidinanh consumed bread veg
etables and fruit Bread has always been the staple
for the overwhelming majontv of the population and
its central role in the diet is lefletted in popular
expressions and folklore (Kasa'i 112) The Caspian
region where bread has been spurned as unhealth\
until modern times is an exception (Orsolle 171)
Tvpes of biead used in Safawid times were remark-
ably similar to the ones eaten today such as lawash
thin unleavened bread that doubled as a spoon and
a napkin and sangak long bread baked on pebbles
(Chardin i\ 50 Oleanus 59b) Herbert noted how
dates preserved in syrup mixed with buttermilk was
seen as a precious food He called the cheese dry
blue and hard as being worst on the Gulf coast and
best in Mazandaran (Herbeit 2b0 2b2) Butter came
from the tails of sheep Nothing like restaurants existed
However given the prohibitive cost of burning wood
many people ate at the ubiquitous public food stalls
dukfan i tabbakhi where simple hot nee dishes were
piepaied (Iskandar Beg Munshi 188 Chardin iv
57)
Peisia had since early med
loads for vegetables and frui
diffusion or an east-west conduit foi such plants and
crops as sugar cane lemons and soui oranges spinach
and eggplant (Watson 2b 44 5 b2 71) In the Safawid
period the movement was generally in the opposite
dnection Europeans introduced parsley asparagus
artichokes and cauliflower into Persia and these
were cultivated in the vegetable gardens of Shnaz
and Isfahan (Ange de St Joseph 102 3 Tavermer
. 422)
The first cookbooks — as opposed to texts in which
food is described foi its medicinal use — also date back
to the Safawid period (see \fshai 13b0) Of the two
that have come down to us one c illed Kamama dar
bab i tabbakhi ma san'at I an dates from the time of
Shah Isma'il I (early lbth century) and was wntten
as a gift to a nobleman The second Maddat al hatat
Risala dar dm i tabbakhi was probably written for Shah
\bbas by his chief cook Nur Allah who may have
been a descendant of Muhammad <\h Bawarci and
was pei haps even commissioned by the ruler It is
likely that both were composed for colleagues in the
profession iather than as collections of iecipes to seive
as guidelines foi the cooking of common people
(Fiagner 1984 329 German tr of the pilaw dishes
in Nur <\llah s Maddat al hayat in ibid 343 bO) Foi
the Kadjar penod we have the informative Sujia i
at'ima a compendim of cooking and eating practices
written for Nasir al Din Shah s personal physician
the Frenchman Tholozan by the io\ il cook
The menu in Kadjar times does not seem to have
differed gieatly from that in the Safawid penod Peisian
and the cheese the chilaw and pilaw the ash and
the ab I gusht the various legumes such as beans
cucumbers aubeigines (egg plant) in addition to car
rots turnips ladishes and cabbages as well as condi
ments in the foim of turshi and the prodigious
quantities of fruit (Wills 170 1 Nadu Mirza 307-10
and see the references to food in Basir al Murk
Rumania introd by \fshar pp \L-LII) Confectionery
too continued to be an indispensable part of the
Persian diet (Wilson 249 50) A new feature was that
food items originating in the New World such as
tomatoes and potatoes began to make modest inroads
into the countrv s kitchens Potatoes which were appar-
ent introduced into Persia in the 18th century were
long called alu n Malkum plums of Malcolm after
the Bntish envov Sir John Malcolm who is commonly
but probabh erroneoush throught to have brought
potatoes to Persia (Pur i Dawud Hummed nama 17b
Binning n 87 8) Though potatoes weie cultivated in
Persia Muslim Persians in the earl\ 19th century did
not particulaily care foi them and the\ mostly seived
the Armenian population and European residents
(Binning /* tit Polak Persien 132 Wills 170) This
changed during the famine of 18b 1-2, when potatoes
suddenlv became popular as a substitute for scarce
cereals (de Gobineau 170) Straw hemes too were
graduallv coming into cultivation in the late 19th ten
turv (Wills 170 300. Turkey at that point had become
quill partridge and pheasant though these still onlv
appeared on the tables ol the rich (Polak l 113-21
Lvcklama a Nyeholt n 242 Bleibtreu 70) The
Caspian provinces continued to stand out foi their
different diet including rue and the consumption ol
garlic which was thought to neuti Jise the humid air
(Fiasei 182b lb) Public cookshops known from the
Safawid period continued to exist all over kidjM
Persia (Binning n 62) vet the first places resembling
of the 20th centurv MostK patterned iltei Russian
and Caucasian examples with terraces and gardens
the\ first appeared in Tehian (I timid al-Saltana Lihil
sal 113 Fragner 1987 790)
Rich and poor natuially continued to eat diftei
entlv both with regard to table manners as to ingre-
dients Beginning with the court members of the elite
began to adopt western cutlerv in the late kidju
penod and the habit ol sitting around a table on
chairs was introduced in the early 20th centurv as
well (Chehabi 55-6) The rich used impoited sugar
while the poor made do with sviup and honev (Polak
n 154) The rich consumed different kinds of pilaw
and khunsh stews with lamb meat fowl or iish The
middling classes did not ordinarily cat pilaw and khunsh
■ ■ ostly h ■
satisfv themselves with ab i %usht ('
of mutton stock which seems to
staple ol the pool in the course of the 19th
the b
e EIr a
ibs,i
) The
nostly L
in times ol scarcity even acorn biead A Wilson b3)
cheese and fruit could afford ab i r,usht only occ a
sionallv and in the wintei months rarely were in a
position to eat any meat They served pilaw and
khunsh only during holidays and festivals \11 att large
quantities of fruit which was cheap (Danbi 247-8
Polak i 121 kucam 18 MustawfT i 284) Fish was
a staple in the Caspian provinces and dried and
salted iish was also consumed inland Fiesh-watei hsh
was littlt esteemed On the Persian Gulf coast prawn
ported inland in dried form (Wills 298)
Even todav chicken and turkev connote the lood
of the rich while bread and cheese stand for the fare
of simple folk Biead continues to be the staple ol
the peasants and the uiban poor in the and and
semi and intenor while rice is consumed by everv
one m areas where it is cultivated especiallv along
the Caspian Sea Elsewhere rice is often still i lux
urv food eaten on special occasions and offered to
guests (Bazin 245 Bazm and Brombeiger 154) With
rising living standards rice has become more com-
mon Meat foimeilv a food reserved lor special occa
sion has become much more standaid as well and
traditionally vegetarian dishes such as khunsh aie now
often served with meat (Khosiowkhavar 149) Beet
has made inroads necessitating its impoitation in large
' it gieat cost (Brun and Dumont "
The inhabitants
the C-
ciallv Gihn still enjov a deficient diet Thev
mostlv in the form of katih quickly prepared rice with
clarified buttei with even, meal and as recentlv as
the 1970s rice constituted from 45% to b5' , of the
daily diet of males in cential Gilan. They also like
beef and bread used to be unknown oi at least
spurned bv them until quite recentlv (Bromberger
1994 187 189 191)
The growing Western influence in the second hall
of the 20th centurv has led to the intioduction of a
numbei of new foods most of them pale renderings
of onginallv Western food Often consumed as tokens
oi modernity these include sausages kalbai — until the
Islamic Revolution prepared with pork — hamburgers
and pizzas During the reign of Muhammad Ridi
Shah Pahlavi Iranians Jso took to eating frozen meat
imported from \ustraha and New Zealand and
piocessed Danish cheese The \merican-style fast
lood restaurant serving sandwiches pizzas ham
burgers and fried chicken rmde its appearance in
the late 1960s followed by a vanetv of ethnic restau-
rants in the next decade Soft drinks began to replace
tridmonal juice beverages in the same period The
period following the Islamic Revolution did not fun
damentallv change this process Hamburgers pizza
and hot dogs are now consumed bv people from all
classes in restauiants and pizzerias that imitate Westein
models A new development is the appearance of self
stvled traditional (sunnali) restaurants and coffee
houses where waiters in authenticallv Iranian dress
serve the customers (Chehabi 59 b0)
Othei changes have occurred as well Many tiadi
tional dishes time-consuming to make aie no longer
prepared on a regular basis (Khosrowkhavar 149-52)
and traditional cookbooks a few of which are known
horn the kidjir period were ieplaced in the 20th
the art of cooking horn their mothers and grand
mothers (Fragner 1984 Hi a list of modern cook-
books appears in ibid 3321
Bibliography 1 Primarv sources I \isjnr
(ed ) Ham ara \i Shah Tahmasb ^mdi^i dastam ~u
dmiumin padshah 1 daiua i Safaui Tehran 1370/1991
idem (ed) ishpazi u dau.ru I Safaiu Tehian 1360/
1981 Ange de St Joseph Souumrs di la Past safa
ndt it autres luux de I Orunt (1664 1678) ed and tr
M Bastiaensen Brussels 1985 Mirzi '\h \kbir
Khui OLshjnzbishi Supra i at'ima Tehran 1353/1974
Basil al-Mulk Rumania i Bam al \Iulk Shaibam
1301 1306kaman ed I \fshir Tehran 1374/1995
RBM Binning 4 purnal of tuo nan haul m P ma
Cnbn di 2 vols London 1857 J Bleibtreu Persiin
Das land dtr Sonm and dts Loutn Freibuig 1894
C \ de Bode \otes on a Joumn m Januar, and Fthman
1841 from Behhthan to Shuster m JRGeot, S xui(1843)
8b-107 C de Biuvn Ra^tn ova Moskotu door Push
tn Indu \msteidam 1714 J C hardin 1 mai-es du
thetulier (hardin ,n Pine it autres luux d, I Orunt 10
vols and atlas Pans 1810 11 i ihromde of tlu
(armthhs m Pima and thi papal mission of thi WHth
and \MIIth untunes ed Chick 2 vols London 19j9
RG de Clavijo Embassy to Tanmlant 1403 1406
ed G Le Strange London and New \ork 1928
J B Fiaser Trauls and aditnturts m thi Persian pioumts
on thi southtm hanks of th Caspian Sea London 182b
idem 4 uinter s journtt fiom ( onstantinoph to Tehran
2 vols London 1838 J Frvcr 4 nm auount of East
India and Persia ban^ mm \tars travels 1672 1681 ed
W Ciooke 3 vols London 1909 \ de Gobineau
Lis depeiks diplomatiuues du Comh di Gobimau tn Pent
td \D Hytiei Pans 1959 T Herbeit Tiaiels m
Ptrsia 1627 1629 London 1929 E kaempfer im
Hoft dts persisihen Grosskon^s 1684 1685 ed W Hinz
Tubingen 1977 \ kroell (ed ) homelles d Ispahan
1665 1695, Pans 1979, Iskandar Beg Munshi,
Tankh i a/am am )i ibbasi ed Afshai 2 vols
Tehran 1350/1971 I timad al Saltana Cihd sal i
tankh i Iran (Ma athn ua I athar) ed Afshar Tehian
1363/1984 Lettres edifiantes et cunemes 8 vols new ed
Toulouse 1810 TM Uclkma a Nijeholt loyageen
Ru sie au Laucasi it en Pint 4 vols Pans Amsterdam
1873 Abd Allah MustawfT Shark i ^indigam n man
)a tankh i idjtimaiyya idan )i daura i Kad^anyya 3
vols Tehran 1371/1992 Nadir Mirza Tankh ua
djughrafiya u Dai al Saltana Tabriz ed G Tabataba'i
Madjd Tabriz 1373/1994 E Orsolle Le Caucase
it la Perse Pans 1885 J Otter loyage en Turquie et
en Perse 2 vols Pans 1748 JE Polak Persien das
Land und seini Beuohmr Ethnographiseht Schilderungen
2 vols Leipzig 1865 repr New Wk 1976 Aka
Nadjaft Kucani Snahat i shark va ^indiginama i Aka
had^afi hucam Tehran 1362/1983 F Richard
Raphael du Man missionnaire en Pirse au XIII s 2
vols Pans 1995 Dh Thabitrsan Asnad ua noma
ha n tankhi ua idrtima i yi daura i Safaama Tehran
1343/1964 P della\alle Uaggi di Ptetro delta lalle
rl pdUgnno 2 vols Brighton 1843 CJ Wills Tht
land of the Lion and the Sun (modern Pirsia) London
1891 Sir Arnold Wilson Southuest Pirsia A Political
Officers diary London 1941 SG Wilson Per lan lift
and cutoms New Wk 1900
2 Modern studies Afshar Tajiha la para vi
transhmasi in Bukhara 1 vu (1378/1999) 98 T
Allsen Tito cultural brokers of mediaal Eurasia Bolad
Aqa and Marco Polo in M Gervers and Wayne
Schlepp (eds j Nomadic diplomacy destruction and nil
gion from the Paiifu to the Adriatic Toronto 1994
63 78 Z Amuzegar art Cooking in Pahlam literature
in Eh vi 1991 249 50 D Balland and
C Brombeiger art Bertnj (net) in Iran in Ell lv
1990 147 55 S Bazargan art Btren, (nee) in cook
ing in ibid lbl 3 M Bazin Quelque donmis sur
I alimentation dans la region de Qom in St Ir n (1973)
243 53 Bromberger Idintiti ahmentam et altente cut
turellt dans le nord de I Iran It froid le ihaud le stxt
it U rek in P Centhvres (ed ) IdinMe ahmentaire et
altente iidturdU Neuchatel 1985 2 34 Eng tr as
Eating habit and cultural boundaries in northern Iran in
S Zubaida and R Tappei (eds ) Culinary cultures
of tht \hddlt Eat London 1994 185 204 T Brunn
and R Dumont Iran dts pretensions impenales a la
dtpendanct ahmentam in Ptuplis mediterranttns n (1978)
3 24 HE Chehabi The ittstemization of Iranian tub
nary culture in Iranian Studies xxxvi (2003) 43 62
Abd al Rahim Kalantai Daiabi (Suhavl Kashani)
Tankhi hashan Tehnn 1335/1956 repr 1341/
1962; E. Elahi, art. As in modern Iran in Eh n
1987, 692-3; idem, AspaJ,ana in ibid 790 91 B
Fragner, art. Aspazi, in ibid 788-90 idem From the
Caucasus to the Roof of th Uoild A culinan adunture
in Zubaida and Tapper (eds ) op at 49-62 idem
Social realities and culinan fution The perspective of cook
books from Iran and Central Asia in ibid 63-72 idem
2!ur Erforschung der kulinanschtn hultur ham in HI
N.S. xxiii-xxiv (1984), 320 59 MR Ghanoonparvar
Culinary arts in the Safaud period in K Eslami (ed )
Iran and Iranian studies. Es ay in honour of Ira, Afshar
Princeton 1998, 191-7; idem lit Principle and ingre
dients of modern Persian cooling in Eh vi 1993 250
1. A.C. Gunter, The art of eating and dnnking in antient
Iran, in Asian Art, i/2 (1988) 7-54 N Kasa'i hhurak
va pushak dar Asya-yi marka'i wda i hidjri kaman 8
16 miladi, in Faslnama-i Farhang i\/3 (1375/1996)
103-43; F. Khosrowkhavai La pratique ahmentaire in
Y. Richard (ed.), Entre I Iran et I Occident Pins 1989
143-9; I. Pur-i Davud, Hurm
Tehra
1331/1952 N Ramazam and eds art ibgusht in
EIr i 1985 47 8 M Rawandi Tankhi iditimai
yi Iran ix Tehran 1371/1992 R Schmitt irt
Cooking in ancunt Iran in EIr vi 1993 246 8
B Spoonei Ftsenjan and kashk Culture and mttaculturt
in Folia Onentaha \\n (1981 4) 245 58 A Watson
Agncultural mnoiation in the early Islamic uorld The
diffusion of crops and farming techniques 700 1100
Cambridge 1983
3 Modern cookbooks N Batmangln Km
food of lift Ancient Persian and modim Iranian cooking
and ceremonies Washington D C 1992 idem Persian
cooking for a healthy kitchen Washington D C 1994
idem -1 taste of Persia -in introduction to Per tan cook
ing London and New ^ork 1999 N Ramazam
Persian cooking A table of exotic delights New \ork
1974 repr Bethesda 1997 M Shaida The legendary
cuisine of Persia London 1992/New ^ ork 2002
(R Mmthee)
MAWAKIB
In t
: M«
In the earh Mamluk sultanate maixkib designates
specifically the royal ride which formed an item in
the sultans installation ceremonies The teim is e\ph
citlv used by Ibn Taghnbirdi (Nudfum vu 41) on the
accession of al Mansur All b Aybak He rode on
Thursday 2 Rabi II [655/19 April 1257] with the
insignia of the sultanate from the Citadel to Kubbat
ol-Nasr in an awe inspiring procession (maitkib ha il)
Then he returned and entered Cairo by Bab al Nasr
The amirs dismounted and marched before him
Then al Mansui went up to the Citadel and took his
seat in the palace of the sultanate On the insignia
of the sultanate (shi ai al saltana) see al Kalkashandi
Subh i
ays using the
»ith the accession of seveial sultans down
to al Nasir Muhammad b Kalawun in 693/1294 (cf
Nudium vm 47i Ibn Abd al Zahir gives an inteiest
ing account of the loyal ude of al Sa id Baraka Khan
when appointed ]oint sultan with his father al Zahn
Bay bars on 13 Shawwal 662/8 August 1264 He
[Bay bars] caused his son al Malik al Sa id to ride with
the insignia of the sultanate He himself went forth
m the procession (nkab) and going on foot carried
the ghahiya \qi cf PM Holt The position and potter
of the Mamluk ultan in BS04S \xxvin (1975) 242 3]
before him The amirs took it and the sultan re
turned to his royal residence while the kings the amns
and everybody continued in attendance on him (sc
Baraka Khan) up to Bab al-Nasr They enteied Cairo
which had been magnificently decorated on foot bear-
ing the ghashiya The amirs busied themselves with the
laismg of the [royal] parasols ( ? ) He passed thiough
the city with his atabak the Amir Izz al Din al Hilh
nding at his side Robes of satin wateied silk and
so forth weie spiead befoie him until he returned to
his Citadel (al Raud al -ahu ed Khuwaytn 204) After
the time of al Nasir Muhammad the procession
thiough Cairo seems to have been discontinued its
place being taken by a shoit ride within the precincts
of the Citadel to the thione room as descnbed by
al Maknzi (Khitat n 209) It was also customary
w hen one of the descendants of al Malik al Nasir
Muhammad b Kalawun succeeded to the kingdom
his a
i the a
ould a
end 2
in the Citadel He would be invested with
the cahphal robe with a gieen lobe (faiadjiyya) beneath
it and a round black turban girt with the golden
Arab sword, and mounted on the royal steed (faras
al nauba) He would proceed with the amirs in iiont
and the ghashiya belore him while the ajauuhma
chanted ind the ro\al flutes pla\ed surrounded b\
the halbeidiers, until he hid uossed from Bab al-
Nuhas to the entrance of the gieit hall Then he
would dismount horn the steed go up to the thione
and take his seat upon it In this penod mauhb
acquired the secondary meaning; of a session of the
i oval court e g Ibn Taghnbirdi \ud}um x 61 of
al-Nasn Ahmad b al-Nasir Muhammad in 742/1342
The sultan held another court [mauhb alhar) and
bestowed robes on all the amirs, md he went down
in a great procession [mauhb 'azim) with those amirs
The teim mauhb was also used lor other state ap-
pearances of the sultan in which there was a pioces-
sionil element such as his attendance at c ongregational
pra\er on Fnda\s and the two Feists at polo in al-
Ma\dan al-Akbai at the cutting ol the dam and on
ro\al progresses Al-Kalkashandi iSubh i\ 4b-9) does
not use the term consistentK on each of these occa-
sions but it appears to apph to all ol them Uniqueh
Egyptian were the proceedings at the cutting ol the
dam at the height of the Nile-flood in Cairo The
sultan, when notified b\ the mastei of the Nilometei
[see mik\as] that the flood was at its height lode it
a reduced escort) to the Nilometer wheie he held a
banquet for the amirs and Mamluks
o the n
? Nilo
swam acioss the well and perfumed the
then the sides of the well The sultans baige was
brought alongside and the sultan swam in the n\ei
suiiounded bv the barges ol the amirs followed b\
the boats of spectators, the amirs barges and the sul-
tan s great barge enteted the mouth of the canal of
Cairo with the craft manoeuvring and cannons fir-
ing The sultan sailed in his small barge to the dam
which was cut in his presence and he then iode back
to the Citadel
Bibliography Given in the irticle
IPM Holt)
MAWKIF (Ai, a term of Sufi mvsticism
refernng to the intermediate moment between two
spiritual stations (ma/am) represented as a halting
(uiaija) and described as a state of stupoi and of the
e points acquired since the preceding
; The ,
h the
■kif is
i dvnan
ind God
filiation in God the so-called fana' [see baka' wa-
fanaj) The best example of the course of such an
expenence is given in the work of al-Niffan (d la
366/97b-7 [qv]) his A alMauahj ita I muljia
tabat ed and Eng tr AJ Arbeirv London 1935
Fr tr M Kabbal U Lum dis stations Pans 1989
see also P Nwvia Textu imdih di
197?
mystique Beirut 1970
348-407 The term continued to be employed in clas-
sical Sufism (eg b\ Ibn al-'Anbi Fuluhat Cairo
1329/1911 392-3 who lefeis explicitly to al-Niffaii)
Bibliography Given in the article
(P Loin)
MAWLID
3 In the Maghub
Unlike
i Egypt and the Sudan where it also includes
the celebiation of the birthdavs of various saints (see
1 in Vol \ I, 895), in the Maghrib the term mawlid
is restricted to the bnthdav of the Prophet Muhammad
In this pait of the world alongside the 'id at fttr ind
the 'id al adha' [qui] the mauhd is imong the most
important festivals of the veai
The oldest known mauhd telebiations m the
Maghrib weie held m Sabta [qi] This festival was in-
tioduced into this citv bv in 'alim named Abu l-'Abbas
al-'Aziff [d 633/1236 [ ? ,]) in ordei to call a hilt
to the paiticipation of the people in C hnstian lesti-
v lis and to strengthen the Muslim identic, ol Sabta
in a penod ol Chnstian successes during the Recon
quista both at land and at sea
Aftei his son \bu 1-kasim al-'AzafT had seized
power m Sabta m 647/1250 he officiallv introduced
the mauhd and piopagated the festival throughout the
i est of the Maghub Thiough this celebntion of the
mau ltd Abu 1-kasim al-'AzafT was able to displav his
ehgious
•nthus
s the
the people Moreovei dt
thehieiarchicalrelationshi
with
ised his popul;
the mauhd celebration
nong the vanous groups
within the iealm were confirmed and the lovaltv to
the iuler expressed in spec lallv -composed poems
Since then in a similar wav the celebration of the
mauhd has alwavs plaved a lole at in official level in
legitimising the power ol vanous dv nasties which have
luled over parts of the Maghrib the Hafsids (Eastern
Maghrib) the 'Abd al-Wadids (Cential Maghub) and
the Marmids the Wattasids the Sa'dids ind the
'Alawis I Morocco) [qu] Toda\ the celebration of
the mauhd plavs a iole in the consolidation of the
power of the 'Alawicl king of Morocco who traces
his descent together with the concomitant prestige
to the Prophet Muhammad himself
In addition to the state-sponsoied celebiations at
the courts and elsewheie the mauhd alwavs has been
and still is immenselv popular among the people not
onlv among the Arabic ised sections of the population
but also among the Berbeis The wav in which the
popular mau lid is telebiated displav s an enoimous
vanetv both in duiation and in ritual changing fiom
one place to the othei Common elements in all cele-
brations are the taking of a holidav the cheerful
atmosphere illuminated parades on the eve of the
mauhd festive meals sweets special dress the exchange
of gifts music dance and under the influence of SufT
mvstical chants
\t times these popular celebrations have given
and still give use to protests bv the 'ulama' who do
not considei these permissible from the point of view
of the religious law because of the nature of the activ-
ities which take place during the telebiations manv
of which are legarded as unlawful The oldest dis-
cussions about this onginate fiom the time of Abu
l-'Abbas al-'AzafT but the debate reappears with reg-
ular intervals In the fust decades of the 20th cen-
tui\ undei the influence of SalafT ideas from Egypt
recent times mspned bv Wahhabi ideas the mauhd
has again come under severe criticism Despite these
protests against the celebration of the festival as a
majoi manifestation of popular religion the mauhd is
Bibhogiaphy P Shinar Traditional and leformnt
mauhd idibiahons in tht Maghrib in Mvnam Rosen-
Avalon (ed ) Studies m memory of Gaston Witt
Jerusalem 1977 371-413 Ahmad al-Khansi al
Mutasautuja aia btd'at al ihtijal bi mauhd al nabi
al-Dar al-Bavda' 1403/1983 NJ G Kaptein U«
hammadi Bttt/idat Fctual Eaih Alston in the Ctnhal
MAWLID — MAWSU'A
Muslim lands and deielopmint in thi Muslim Uest until
thi 10th/ 16th centun Leiden 1993 N van den
Boogert and H Stroomer 4 Sous Berba potm on the
merits of lelebrating the Man ltd, in Etudts et Doiuments
Berbins, \ (1993) 47-82 \ Frenkel, Mawhd al-
Nabi at the court of Sultan Ahmad al Alansur al Sa'di
in J 94/ \ix (1995) 157-72
(NJG Kaptein)
MAWSU'A
3. In Tuikish
The fascination which the Ottomans enteitained
for compendia of facts and the oidenng oi knowl-
edge can be traced to their origins outside \natolia
Although not stnctK speaking an encyclopaedic work
the Diuan lughat al turk written b\ Mahmud al-
Kashghari in the second half ol the 5th/ 11th century
and providing a dictionary in Arabic oi eaiK Turk-
ish, partakes also of the nature of a thesaurus with
information on the early Tuiks including their ono-
mastic, then folklore proverbs poetry etc [see al-
would e-
t the (
ency-
■ Ottom
Arabic It is clear that these types oi encyclopaedic
reference works were very closelv modelled on exist-
ing Aiabic language reference woiks on specialised
subjects biographv and bibhographv The hrst phase
in the emergence of the Ottoman encyclopaedia is
represented bv the work of translating encyclopaedic
works from \rabic into Turkish this being an impor-
tant step m the development ol releience tools lor
the use of Ottoman scholars.
As early as the reign of Mehemmed I (816-24/1413-
21), the first translations of encyclopaedic works
appeared. In this period, Rukn al-Din Ahmed made
a translation of al-Kazwinfs 'Adja'ib al-makhlukat from
Arabic into Turkish and presented it to the Sultan.
It is most likely that the concept of the earth as an
orb was introduced into Turkish scientific literature
by this work. Mehmed b. Siileyman made a Turkish
translation of al-Damiri's zoological encyclopaedia, the
Hayat ul-hayawan, which listed the names of existing
and, in some cases, fictitious animals, and subjects re-
lated to them. Ahmad al-Misrfs al-Kanunf 'l-dunya was
translated into Turkish by Kadi' Abd al-Rahman in
983/1575. This work dealt with a variety of topics
such as geography, astronomy, medicine, history, anec-
dotes, and signs and symbols.
The first original encyclopaedic works in the
Ottoman empire can be dated to the 9th/ 15th cen-
tury. These examples are mainly divided into two cat-
egories: general and specialised ones. The Enmuzedj
al-'ulum was prepared by Molla Fenari [see fenari-
zade]. He classified subjects under one hundred head-
ings which were termed "the sciences" ('ulum). He
mainly used Fakhr al-Din al-Razfs Hada'ik al-anwar,
adding forty more subject headings to it. It has been
alleged that that the author of this work was not
Molla Fenarl but his son, Mehmed Shah Celebi. This
claim, advanced most prominently by Adnan Adivar
in his Osmanli Turklerinde ilim, is not however, sup-
ported with evidence.
A distinguished and gifted scholar in the 10th/
16th century was Ahmed Tsam al-Din (901-68/1495-
1561), who came from the scholarly family of the
Tashkopriizades [q.u.]. Tashkopriizade's work, the
Miftah al-sa'dda wa-misbah al-siyada, mainly discusses
the virtues of teaching and learning. The first intro-
duction explains the virtue of science while the sec-
ond and the third discuss the obligations of students
and teachers, respectively. After these introductory
chapters he classifies the sciences ['ulum) ontologically
The author not only gave the definitions ol the sci-
ences but also noted the names ol the scholars who
had worked on these subjects and their books mak-
ing his work an inventory of scholarly life and books
taught in Istanbul in the lOth/lbth century Because
of the popularity of this work his son Tashkopruzade
Kemal al-Din Mehmed made a Turkish translation
ol it which is known as the Men du'at al 'ulum \nother
important work by Tashkopruzade is a biographic
account of the Ottoman empire a typical example of
the Tuikish kdhkire tradition [see tadhhr* 3] His
al Shaka'ik al nu'manma contains biographical informa-
tion on the 'ulema and suleha' of the Ottoman empire
and it was arranged according to the reigns of the
Sultans comprising in total the biographies ol 150
sjiokhi and 371 scholars Several translations of this
woik weie also made into Turkish m the same cen-
tury There are also compilations ol this work pre-
pared in the same format \nother distinguished
example of the bibliogiaphic compendium is Hadjdji
Khahfas (Katib Celebi) KasJif aUunun He started
compiling it in 1042/1633 and took about twenty
years to complete it It contains bibliographic infor-
mation on ro 1 4 500 books and biographical infor-
mation on ca 10,000 authors
ErzurOmi Ibrahim Hakki s Ma'nfet name is the last
example ol the classical encyclopaedic works reflect-
ing the authors inteiest in Islamic mysticism The
work consists of selected topics chosen Irom arithmetic
geometry, astronomy, mineralogy botany zoology,
anatomy, geography and physics.
After promising beginnings in compiling compen-
dia of knowledge, the movement seems to have petered
out, perhaps a victim of its own success; it was per-
haps felt that there was no need to be filled by
expanding or adding to these compendia. It is thus
not surprising that the next stage of Ottoman com-
pilation of encyclopaedias should be the introduction
of European-styled encyclopaedias which surveyed
European science. The first of these were introduced
during the Tanzimat [q.v.] period in the mid- 19th cen-
tury. Titles of these works reflect the lexicographic
approach and understanding of their compilers, so
that the word (kdmus) "dictionary" was generally used
in their titles. The first examples, are unfortunately
incomplete. The first encyclopaedic work was planned
by 'Ali Su'awi [q.v.] who escaped to France in 1867
because of his opposition to the ruling regime in the
Ottoman empire. He attempted to publish this first
encyclopaedic work as an appendix to his newspaper
'Ulum in 1870. Entitled Kdmus al-'ulum we 'l-me'drif, it
was published in fascicles and only five of these ap-
peared, since it fell victim to the siege of Paris by
the Prussian Army. In this encyclopaedia subjects were
arranged in alphabetical order, contained illustrations,
and each fascicle comprised sixteen pages. Other major,
equally incomplete, attempts are, in chronological
order: Katre by Ahmed Nazim and Mehmed Riishdi,
both of them officers in the Ottoman Army, in 1888,
of which only one sample fascicle appeared; Makhzen
al-'ulum, another general subject encyclopaedia, by
Mehmed Tahir and Serkis Orpilyan, of which only
one volume appeared in 1890; and a specialised sub-
ject encyclopaedia on mathematics and astronomy, the
Kamus-i riyddiyyat, prepared by Salih Dheki (Zeki), a
mathematician, in 1897, of which again only one vol-
ume appeared.
The Muhit al-ma'arif was prepared by Emr Allah
Efendi, who was the first philosophy lecturer at the
Dar al-Fiinun in Istanbul, in 1900. Only one volume
appeared, but it had importance as the first com-
prehensive general encyclopaedic work in Turkish, and
its title was subsequently adopted as the Ottoman
term for a general encyclopaedia. After Emr Allah
Efendr's appointment as the Minister of Education, a
commission was set up under his chairmanship and
consisting of 132 specialists. The aim was the prepa-
ration of his encyclopaedic work for the second time
in 1910. The title of this new encyclopaedia accord-
ingly became lerii rnuhll al-ma'anf, but this attempt was
also short-lived, and only one volume appeared.
The first complete work in the genre was, in fact,
the Lughat-i tankhyye we djoghrdfine "Historical and
geographical dictionary", prepared by Yaghlikdjizade
Ahmed Rif'at in seven volumes in 1882-3. Although
its title suggests that it was limited to historical and
s the n
sciences physics, chemistry and bot
The Kamus al-'alam of the linguist Shems el-Dfn
Sam! [q.v.] was compiled between 1888-98 as a his-
torical and geographical encyclopaedic dictionary in
six volumes. SamT relied on oriental and western
sources for his work, and it remains a valuable ref-
erence source for historical research today, since the
work contains not only historical and geographical
terms and words used in the Ottoman language but
also biographies of historical personalities and their
works as well as the names, histories, and ethnic com-
plexion of locations within the empire. It was issued
fortnightly in fascicles, and its publication was com-
pleted in eleven years.
A similar work, the Memalik-i 'othmSniyye'nin tarTkh
we djoghrajya lughati "Dictionary of the history and
geography of the Ottoman Empire", was prepared
'Air Djewad, and published in 1893-9 in four
umes. It comprised two sections, the first, in three
volumes, was devoted to the natural, historical, anc
economic aspects of the Ottoman provinces and thei:
localities, while the second section, the fourth volume
biographical information on Ottoman states
and
All these efforts were personal and self-motivated,
and no financial or academic support was provided
from any public or private institution. Within the same
period, another initiative directed by a commission
was launched in 1913 under 'Ali Reshad, 'All Seydi,
Mehmed 'Izzet and L. Feuillet, the Musawwei dd'iret
al-ma'anf "Illustrated circle of knowledge", but only
two volumes were issued 1913-17. The harsh social,
economic and political conditions of the last decades
of the Ottoman empire were certainly a contributing
factor to the lack of success in completing these po-
tentially promising works in the 19th and' early 20th
Two notable biographical works appeared, how-
ever, towards the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th centuries. A national biography, the Sidj_ill-i
'Othmani "Ottoman register", was prepared by Mehmed
Thureyya [q.v.] in four volumes and published in
1890-4; it contained approximately 20,000 biographies
of civil servants and statesmen. A bio-bibliographical
compendium of Ottoman writers began to appear in
1914, 'Othmanli mu'elliflen "Ottoman authors", com-
piled by Bursal! Mehmed Tahir; it listed 1,600 books
and gave the biographies of their authors. Its aim
was to record the scientific and literary taste of the
Ottomans for the new generation, and its subsequent
clopaedias published later.
After the establishment of the Republic in 1923,
the government encouraged the publication of new
books, especially for children, to alleviate the prob-
lem of illiteracy. The French word for encyclopaedia
was used foi the first time in Turkish as ansiklopedi
with the publication of the Codjuk ansiklopedi^
"Children's encyclopaedia" in 1927. Four volumes
appeared up to 1928, and after the change of alpha-
bet in November 1928 the publication of this work
was suspended until 1937. This encyclopaedia has a
significance in Turkish encyclopaedic publication, being
the last work begun in Arabic script before the change
of alphabet, the first encyclopaedic work completely
in the Latin script being that prepared on the ini-
tiative of a daily newspaper, Cumhunyet. and published
between 1932-6 in ten volumes. This publication was
based on Compttm's pictured encyclopaedia and American
educator, and additional entries related to Turkey were
Several special-subject encyclopaedias have ap-
peared in the Republican period. One of the most
important of these is Resad Ekrem Kocu's htanbul
Ansiklopediu, which began in 1946 and ceased publi-
cation in 1975 on the death of the author. The sig-
nificanc
.mpktt
volur
the historian Kocu prepared it single-han
as a work limited to the city of Istanbul. Given the
supreme importance of Constantinople/Istanbul in the
history of the eastern Mediterranean world, further
encyclopaedic works were prepared upon the death
of Kocu. The Istanbul kidtur ve sanat amikhpedisi
"Encylopaedia of the culture and art of Istanbul" was
prepared by specialists and published by a daily news-
1982; i
completed. The other encyclopaedia, Dunden busline
htanbul amikhpedisi "Encyclopaedia of Istanbul from
yesterday till today", was published by the Ministry
of Culture and the Historical Foundation in eight vol-
umes in 1993-4; although not as detailed as Kocu's
work, it gives general information on almost every
subject in 10,000 articles.
From the 1940s onward, the Ministry of National
Education (Maanf Vekahti) decided to initiate the pub-
cyclopaedic
s and t
of c
i. The
isiklopedisi begun ii
tee was set up, and the encyclopaedia was based on
the original Encyclopaedia of htam published in Leiden
in 1913-36 [see" mawsCt'a. 4]. However, amendments
were carried out and in some cases, expansions were
made in articles which were only briefly covered in
the Leiden edition. The work was completed in 1988
a thin
Mi
Mea
volun
.vhile,
which P
deci;
rlopaedia
nstry to prepare a general, nati
1943. The first four volumes
the title of Jnonu ansiklopedisi, the name of the President
of Turkey at the time [see jsmet jnonu, in Suppl.],
altered to Turk amikhpedisi in 1951. The encyclopae-
dia consists of thirty-three volumes, and publication
was completed in 1986. This work has a significant
place in the history of official publications in the
Turkish Republic. Since it was published over a span
of forty-three years, it reflects the political approaches
and the use of Turkish language by the various gov-
ernments in power through the period, and it further
illustrates how the publications of government agen-
cies can be affected by the political ideology of these
governments. The Ministry of National Education also
commissioned Celal Esat Arseven and Mehmed Zeki
Pakalin in 1943 and in 1946, respectively, to publish
MAWSU'A — MEZISTRE
the Sanat ansiklopedisi "Encyclopaedia of the Arts" in
five volumes and Osmanh tarih deyimleri ve terimkri sozlugii
"Dictionary of Historical Phrases and Terms" in three
\ olumes
Fiom that penod until the l%0s, no new projects
for a general encyclopaedia weie initiated with the
exception of the Hayat ansiklopedisi "Encyclopedia of
life' begun bv a private pubhshei in 1%1 and by
1963 completed in six \ olumes In a \ en shoit period,
100,000 copies were sold, indicating the need foi a
general encyclopaedia by an incieasingly literate society
The Meydan Larousse bmuk lugat ve ansiklopidi is the
largest Turkish encyclopaedic woik initiated bv a pri-
vate publisher, with publication beginning in 1%9 It
is an encvclopaedia as well as a dictionary, being a
translation of the Grand Larousse tmyilopedique published
in 1 %0-4 in ten volumes Some subjects and entries
related solelv to Fiench language and culture were
omitted, and subjects related to Turkish and Islamic
culture insetted The encyclopaedia was issued in fas-
cicles and was completed in 1973 in twelve volumes,
with two supplemental-} volumes issued in 1974 and
1985, respectively The publication of Modem Laruusse
was a tui ning-point m the historv ol commercial pub-
lication of encyclopaedias in Turkev and a result of the
enthusiasm with which the Meydan Larousse was greeted
by the public, other publishers have seen the commercial
opportunities offeied by publishing encyclopaedias
Hence during these years, a handful of publishers
began to specialise in such reference works The major
pubhshei s today are Anadolu Yayincihk, Gchsim,
Gorsel and Iletisim, who publish not only general
encyclopaedic woiks but also encyclopaedias on spe-
cialised subjects, such as l'urt ansiklopedisi "Encyclopedia
of the Homeland", which gives information on the
history, economic and social conditions of the cities
of Turkey in alphabetical order, Turk ee dunya unluleri
ansiklopedisi, a biogiaphical lefeience souice, Gelisim
genel kultur ansiklopedisi, a general encyclopaedia, Anadolu
uygarliklan ansiklopedisi, an encyclopaedic publication
on Anatolian civilisations, and Cumhunyet donerni Turkiye
ansiklopedisi, which covers the development of various
fields in the Republican period such as the constitu-
tion, archaeology, the pi ess, energv, mining, hbran-
anship, etc Ana Bntannua ansiklopedisi is a tianslation
and adaptation of the Encyclopaedia Bntannua, published
in 1988 by Anadolu Yavincilik The publisher has
also published yearbooks in order to update the nec-
essaiy information The second Turkish edition was
initiated m 2000 and it is still in progress Finally,
Turkiye diyanet vakfi islam ansiklopedisi, an Eniydopedia of
Islam, is being prepaied and financially supported by
the Tuikish Religious Foundation The publication
started in 1988 and twenty-two volumes, covering the
letters A-I, have aheady appeared The encyclopae-
dia contains not only subjects i elated to Islam but
also wider aspects relating to the Islamic community
thioughout the world Most of the Islamic subjects
are very detailed, and the ai tides have comprehen-
sive bibliographies
Bibliography A Adnan Adivar, Osmanh turkkrinde
dim, Istanbul 1943, Agah Sim Lev end, Turk ede-
kyah tank, Ankara 1973, Turhye'de dergtler ansiklope-
d'tler (1849-1984), Istanbul 1984, Ayhan Aykut, art
Ansiklopedi, in TDV Islam ansiklopedisi, m, Istanbul
1991 (AO Icimsov.)
5. In Urdu.
Here there does not seem to be any significant tra-
dition of any antiquity, leaving aside modern Urdu
translations of such reference works as Chamber's
Encyclopaedia, the Encyclopaedia Bntannica and, of course,
the Urdu Encyclopaedia of Islam, which draws on mate-
rial from the Western Encyi lopaedia of Islam, published
in Leiden.
MEHMED TAHIR, BURSALI (1861-1925), Otto-
man biographei and bibhographei
Mehmed Tahir was born in Bursa in northwestem
Turkey on 22 November 1861, the son of Rif'at Bey,
clerk to the citv council, and giandson of Uskudarli
Seyyid Mehmed Tahn Pasha, formerlv a commander
in sultan 'Abd ul-Medjid's impeiial guaid He stud-
ied at the Bursa militarv academy from 1875 and at
the elite Harbiyye (War) academv in Istanbul fiom
1880 Graduating in 1883 he spent the next twentv
vears teaching geography, historv and rhetoric at mil-
itarv schools in Manastir (and one vear in Uskub) in
Macedonia, as part of the Ottoman Third Arnvy In
1904 he became director ol the military high school
in Selamk (Salomca) Whilst at the Haibiyye acad-
emy he had become a member ol the Melami order
of dervishes, bv whom he was profoundlv influenced
in his teaching publications and political outlook In
Manastii he first conceived the notion of collecting
bio-bibliographical data on poets and learned men,
and in 1897 published his fust work Turkler in 'ulum
wi fun una khidnulleri "The Turkish contnbution to arts
and sciences" (Istanbul 1314) In 131b/ 1899 he also
published a full-length biographical studv of the Arab
mystic Ibn al-'Arabi
Mehmed Tahn was dismissed from his teaching
post in December 1906 for his Sufi involvement and
his membership of the Ottoman Freedom Society
{'Othmanli humyyel djem'iyyeti) From 1908 to 1911 he
served as deputy for Bursa in the first representative
assembly of the Second Constitutional period, and
subsequently served in the Mimstrv ol Charitable
Endowments (Ewkaf nezareti) on a committee to inspect
the holdings of institutional libraries In 1915 he be-
came director of the Topkapi Saravi library The date
of Mehmed Tahir's death is uncertain, but was prob-
ably 1925 He was buried in Istanbul
Mehmed Tahn's principal work is 'Othmanli
mu'elliflen, a three-volume bio-bibliographical com-
pendium published between 1915 and 1924, listing
1691 Ottoman authors and their works Despite many
lacunae and acknowledged errors, 'Othmanli mu'dlifleri
was unique in its comprehensive scope and immedi-
ately became a standard reference work Aside from
the works aheady mentioned, Mehmed Tahir also
compiled over twentv lesser biographical woiks, either
of particular individuals (e g Katib Celebu or of groups
of Ottoman sheyUn and 'ulima'
Bibliography Foi a full bibliography, see the
detailed article by Omei Faruk Akiin, in Turkiye
Diyanet Vakfi Islam Ansiklopedisi, vi (1992), 452-61, on
which the above is based.
MEZISTRE, Mizistre, the Turkish name for Greek
Mystras, Latin Mistia, a famous Byzantine necropo-
lis on a hill slope west of modern Sparta in Laconia
in the Peloponnese [see mora],
■ of 1
1 of the "Des
:ek civilisati
of the More
conquest It h
and Frankish monuments from the 13th- 15th cen-
turies, and was immortalised, albeit anachronistically,
in Goethe's Faust The name has been connected with
the shape of the cone-shaped hill on which it stands.
The Frankish castle of 1249 was built by William
II de Villehardouin of the Achaia Principality, but
passed to the Byzantines in 1262. The ravages of
Franks and Turkmens from Western Anatolia (see
details in A. Sawides, Tht origins and toll, oj the Turkoplmm
mercenaries in tin Mono in the tourst oj tin. Bizantme
Frankish war of 1263 4 [in Gieek] in ids oj tin 4th
Intern. Congr. oj Piloponnesian Studies l Athens 1992,
165-88) later compelled the local people to seek refuge
in the citadel so that it developed into a loitified
town. The 14th and earK 15th centuries were, cul-
turally, a Golden Age for Mistra and notable for the
humanist Plethon id 1+52) whose connections with
Islam are noteworthy he was influenced, whilst in
Edirne, by a Jewish scholai, Ehssaeus, who initiated
him into Zoroastnamsm Avenoean Anstoteliamsm
and Jewish m\sticism of the Kabbahstic tradition
Plethon had connections with such moie enlightened
Muslim elements as the Aldus [q I ] and iolloweis ot
the religio-social leader Badi al-Dm Kadi Samawna
[q.v.] (see F. Taesthnei, Plethon em \irmittlii zaiselnn
Morgenland und Abtndland in Biginn dir Renaissance in
Byz.-Neugrieschischt Jb , mi [1930] 100ft j
The earliest recorded battle of the Despot of Mistra
against the Tuiks sc Turkmen amving acioss the
Aegean with a fleet, is vanousK plated in 1357-64
Subsequent Ottoman incuisions were led b\ Ewrenos
Beg [q.v.] in the late 1380s and 1390s, and bv
Turakhan [q.v.] in 1423, who reached the outskirts
of Mistra (witnessed personally bv Plethon). Bv 1446
the Despot Constantine Palaeologus had to acknowl-
edge Ottoman suzerainty, and in spring 1460
Mehemmed II decided to annex the Despotate, and
Demetrios surrendered to him. An Albanian convert,
Hamza Zenevisi, was made the first governor of
Ottoman Mezistre (see von Hammer, GOR. ii, 379,
iii, 9ff, 54ff; F. Babinger, Mahomet le Ccmquerant et son
temps, Paris 1954, 102ff., 210ff.; Sawides, .Votes on tht
Turkish raids in the Mystras aiea from i. 1360 to the
Ottoman conquest of 1 460 in Epetens Etaireias Byzantuwn
Spoudon \lviii [1990-1] 45-511
Under the first Tourkokralia , Mezistre was the
ia\ouied iesidence of the sand^ak bey of Morea till the
conquest of Nauphon (Anabolu) in 1540. It enjoyed
ielati\e ti anquillitv , with its architecture and urban
topographs largelv unchanged except foi the addition
of a few mosques The commeice of its bazaars and
its local Jewish tommunitv were important, and West-
ern tra\ellers from Coronelli (1681) onwards, describe
the August "maiket fans" (emporopanegyreis). The popula-
tion la 1583-5 appears to have been, from the evi-
dence of the Ottoman registers, 1 ,000 Christian families
and 199 Jewish ones (see M.T. Gokbilgin, Kanuni sul-
tan Siileyman devri basiarmda Rumeli eyaleti livalan, in
Belleten, xx [1956], 281), whilst Katib Cdebi lists for the
late 17th century ca. 15,000 inhabitants [von Hammer,
Rumeli und Bosna. Geogr. Besihreibung ran . . . Hadschi Chalfa,
Vienna 1812, 117-18).
The Venetian Francesco Morosini captured Mezistre
in August 1687, and the Venetians then made it the
capital of their terntorium of Braecw di Mama, second
only in importance to the province of Lacoma's cap-
ital of Monemvasia [see menekshe]; yet their iule was
rigorous and accordingly unpopular with the Gieek
inhabitants. Now, in the Venetian and second Tuikish
periods, the population of the town rose considerably
and seems, from the travellers' accounts, to have
reached 40-45,000. The Venetians abandoned Mistra
in 1715 in face of a powerful approaching Turkish
army, and Ottoman rule was re-established But in
the course of the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-74 and
the Greek revolt of 1770 [see mora. 2.], the Greeks,
aided by the Russian fleet of the Orloffs, took tht
fortress of Mezistre and started a merciless slaughter
of the small Turco-Albanian garrison, which was onlv
saved thiough the intercession of the local metiopol-
tumed and sacked and burnt much of the town, not
spanng even the metiopolitan who had intervened to
save then compatnots Fiom now onwards there began
a gradual deserting of the iortiess towards the louei
slopes, which would eventuallv lead to the foundation
of modern Mvstias With the outbieak of the Gieek
Revolt (1821) Mezistre surrendeied to the powerful
local Mainote clans of Mavromic hales and Giatiakos
and the Tuikish gainson was allowed to flee to Tn-
bv Ibiahim Pasha's armv in 1825 as vmdlv descnbed
bv C Swan in his lotages in tht Eastern Mtdittirantan
London 1826 These ravages signalled the towns aban-
donment, since — except ioi a lew families — the exas-
perated inhabitants descended to the settlement of
Neo-Mvstias and thence to modern Spaita maugu-
ted in 1834 bv a deciee of King Otto I and built
1837-8
Bibliography Foi
refeie
■ the
Bibh
1989 in A Sawides, Medieval Pelopontu nan bibhogra
phv Jor the ptiiod 396-1460. Eng. ed. Athens 1990;
additional refs. in T. Gritsopoulos, Mystras [in
Greek], 1966, and M. Chatzidakes, Mystras. medieval
aty and castle [in Greek], 1987. Specialised mono-
graphs: I. Medvedev, Misha. Ocerki istoru i kultiui
pozdnevizanhiskogo goroda. Leningrad 1973 |to the 15th
century, rich refs., esp. on art and culture in chs.
VI- VII); S. Runciman, Mistra, Byzantine capital of the
Peloponnese, London 1980 (lucid popularised account
to 1834). See also Acts of Congress "Mystras' illustn-
ous heritage in the Tomkokrutia" [in Greek], 1990 (esp.
contributions by N. Drandakes, T. Gritsopoulos,
H. Mpelia, C. Kotsones, K. Mamone and D. Vagia-
kakosi. On the Frankish and Bvzantine peri-
ods, see details in Miller-Lampros, i-ii; Miller, Essays:
Zakvthenos, Despotat. i-ii, 1975-; D. Sigalos, Spaita
and ' Lakedamon, ii. The Mystras Despotate [in Greek],
Athens 1962; Bon, Mark franque, 1969; D. Nicol,
Last centuries of Byzantium 1261-1453. 'Cambridge
1993; Setton, Papacy and Levant, i-ii, 1976-8; still use-
ful are A. Momfe'rratos, The Palaiologoi in Pelopon-
nesos 1383-1458 [in Greek], Athens 1913, and R.-J.
Loenertz, Pour I'histoire de Peloponnese 1382-1404,
C. i
;, Retail,
n Gree
and Turk
Greek], Athens 1955, 83-4, 89, 139-40; P. ^
Byzant. Kleinehrcmiken, i-ii, 1975-7 and A. Sawides,
Morea and Islam, 8th-15th centuries, in JOAS, ii |1990i,
55ff., 581T. Finally, on the pre-1460 period, see sur-
veys bv J. Longnon and P. Topping, in K. Setton
led.). Hist. Crusades, ii (1962 J ), 235ff., iii (1975),
104ff, 141ff; G. Ostrogorskv and Setton, in Camb.
Med Hist., iv/1 (1966-'), 3781T., 401ff; C. Maltezou,
in Istona ellenikou ethnous, ix (1979), 282ff. On the
1460 Ottoman annexation and the Turk-
ish, Venetian and brief Greek periods
(1821-5) until Ibrahim's withdrawal from
the Morea, see t.H. Uzun ? arsili, Osmanh tanhi,
n-iv, 1949-59; Runciman, Mistra, chs. XI-XII
and [in Greek]: C. Sathas, Turkish-dominated Greece,
lepr Athens 1990; M. Sakellariou, Peloponnesos dur-
e 2nd Turkish domination, repr. Athens 1978; on
17th
19th c
K Simopoulos, Foreign travellers, ii, 1988'', iii/ 1-2,
1989-90 3 ; How foreigners viewed Greece, v, 1984, 4241T.,
and on contemporary figures, cf. B. Panagio-
topoulos, Population and settlements of Peloponnesos 13th-
18th centuries, Athens 1985. (A. Sawides)
MIHMAN — MI'RADJ
MIHMAN (p.), literally "guest", the equivalent of
Ar. dayf [q.v. for this sense]. The Persian word or-
mihman-khana. In Safawid Persia, the mihmandars were
officials appointed to receive and to provide hospi-
tality for guests, including foreign ambassadors and
envoys, with a court head official, the mihmandar-bashi,
superintending these lesser persons. In Kadjar times,
the mihmandars seem to have been appointed ad hoc.
See the references to the accounts of European trav-
ellers in Safawid Persia (Chardin, Kaempfer, Sanson)
in the anonymous Tadhkual al-muluk, ed. and tr.
V. Minorsky, London 1943, comm. 110 n. 2.
The institution of the mihman-khana in its more
modern form goes back to Nasir al-Din Shah Kadjar
after his first visit to Europe 'in 1873 (cf. Sir Denis
Wright, The Persians amongst the English, London 1985,
1 35). He had the laudable intention of providing rest
houses along the routes to the capital Tehran, from
such entry points to his kingdom as Enzeli on the
Caspian coast, which would provide travellers with
something better than the traditional caravanserais
or khans [q.v.] and the capar-khanas (see a description
of these last in Khurasan given by the Hon. G.N.
Curzon, Persia and the Persian question, London 1892, i,
249 ff, and cf. the remarks on the caput system in
general in Murray's handbook for travellers in Asia Minor,
Transcaucasia, Persia, etc., London 1895, 285-6) and
which would possess in some degree the amenities of
a western-type hotel. Western travellers in Persia dur-
ing the later 19th century found the concept good,
but its execution left much' to be desired E G Biowne
commented that the mihman khana has all the woise
defects of a Euiopean hotel without its luxury he
contrasted the insolence and rapacity of the sen ants
there with the hospitality he had received in humble
peasant homes and the new-fangled and extortion-
ate nature of the new buildings with the venerable
and commodious caravansaia} (4 year amongst the
Persians London 1893 85-8 177-8) It was not until
after the First World War that European-type hotels
began to spread from the capital Tehran into the
Bibliography Given in the article See also
MANZIL 2 (C E BOSWORTH)
MILIANA Jsee miiaana]
MIR TAKI MIR [see mIr muhammad tafj]
MI'RADI
6 In Persian literature
The ascension of the Prophet of Islam is for Persian
literature, an account kis\a i mi'tadj one diawn from
a long tradition, hadith i mi'raqj and an account that
takes an autonomous form, mi'radj nama This account
thus has a history The piogressive organisation of the
nanative elements constituting the whole is derived from
the world to which the text belongs The world of
Persian literature cannot be detached from its Muslim
context (Kui'an tradition and exegesis) nor from its
original milieu (Iranian and furtheimoie millennial)
The celestial journev was a familiar theme thiough-
out the Near Eastern woild Having exclusive legard
to the Iranian cultural domain Zarathustia accord-
ing to the iiesta had asked for immortality and this
was granted he did not die but departed alive and
intact into the beyond through assumption [ashi
Kellens 1999) Fiom this point onward according to
anothei source he spent ten vears 'in the best exis-
tence guided b> Vohu Mano while maintaining
contact with Ahuia Mazda Then, stiengthened he
descended again to join his kinsmen (Mole 1967) As
for the soul of the virtuous deceased, the Avesta
describes the four stages through which it passes,
guided by the same benevolent genie, before reach-
ing the throne of Ahura Mazda (Duchesne-Guillemin
1962). The tale in Middle Persian of the magian Arda
Viraz, who used methods of a shamanic nature to
make a journey to Heaven, was well known in its
time. The magian visited Heaven and Hell, bringing
back valuable advice for his community in the prac-
tice of the cult (Gignoux 1984). Also celebrated was
the visit of the angel which began the prophetic voca-
tion of the founder of Manicheism (Ibn al-Nadim, al-
Fihrist, tr. B. Dodge, ii, 774-5). As regards the Iranian
calendar from the start of the Islamic era, al-Blrum
(al-Athar, 216) relates that on Nawruz [q.v.], the fes-
tival of the first day of the year, the ascension to
Heaven of the great king of ancient times, Djamshrd,
was celebrated. On his throne and in a kind of apoth-
eosis, he went there to defeat death and the demons.
When Persian prose emerged, in the 4th/ 10th cen-
tury, Kur'anic exegesis had already travelled a con-
siderable distance in constructing the account of the
ascension of the Prophet. It was also at this time that
the commemoration of this ascension began, in
Jerusalem [see al-kuds, at Vol. V, 323]. The origi-
nal translation into Persian of the commentary on the
Kur'an (al-Tafslr) by al-Taban, on the initiative of the
Samanid Mansur b. Nuh (d. 365/975 [q.v.]), is one
of the greatest monuments of this early prose. Gathered
here is the best of what exegesis had hitherto elabo-
rated, on the basis of hadith which focused the read-
ing of notable passages of the Kur'an on the "night
journey (isra') (Kur'an XVII 'l) and on the two
visions of the Prophet (Kur'an LIII 1-18 and LXXXI
19-25) It may be noted that the mi'tadj is involved
here thiee times The account is first developed broad!)
at the end of the commentary on Sura II (Persian
Tajm i 182-98) while with Suia XVII, that of the
'night jouine) the commentary offers at the end of
the sura onh a summary (Persian Tafsir iv 909-18)
Through this style of repetition it can be understood
of the ascension On arriving in the Seventh Heaven
Gabnel invites the Piophet to speak before God The
dialogue is contained in the \eises 285-6 which con-
clude Sura II Then for greater precision Gabnel
will sa> in the account which follows Sura XVII,
that the object of the journe) is that you address
your pra>ers to God (Persian Tqfsir i\ 910) Thus
at its birth Persian prose was located at the end of
a process of exegesis which had made from Kur'ana
verses which did not require it an account of the
ascent to Heaven of dialogue with God and of re-
descent which had long been part of the iehgious
and cultuial ambience of the Near East
But for a third time at the end of the tianslation
of Sura LIII (Persian Tqfsir vii 1766-8) there is a
furthei instance of mi'tadj At Medina the text i elates
Arabs were competing at aicherv The Prophet was
then transported to Heaven after which God told
him that he had been closer to Him than the dis-
tance of two bow -shots This was the interpretation
of the two well-known Kur'amc veises LIII 8-9
Secondly where the Kui'an sa>s Aid he revealed
to his servant what he revealed His heart has not
belied what he saw (Peisian Tqfsir, Suia LIII 10-
11), the commentator has wntten The heart of the
Piophet saw God more clearly than we see with the
eyes in our heads and it was not a deceitful vision '
(vn 1769) These few phrases were to be decisive in
the development of Persian mi'tadj focusing the mtei-
est of the story on the great proximity between the
Prophet and God, and on the vision of the heart.
Bringing these elements together was all that remained
to be accomplished.
The 5th/ 11th century saw a capital development
in the story of the mi'radj narrative in Persian.
Attributed to Ibn Sina (370-427/980-1037 [q.v.]) is a
"Book of the Ladder" (mi'radj-nama), consisting of a
brief but substantial account of an ascension, drawn
from tradition and accompanied by a long commen-
tary. The account is composed of forty short pieces,
a sort of vade-mecum, a cihil sukhan offered for medi-
tation. Each piece receives a commentary in the typi-
cal style of Ibn Sina, with his angelology and his
descriptive cosmology. The totality is known through
several manuscripts, from the 6th/ 12th to the 8th/ 14th
centuries. Nadjib Mayil-i Hirawi was the discoverer
of the manuscript which enabled him to prepare a
critical edition (Mi'radj-nama, 1365/1986). The author
of the text has reduced the narration to the essentials,
copious as it is with the authors of the Tafisir. His
commentary interprets the ascension as a journey of
the soul of the Prophet towards Primary Intelligence.
Henry Corbin 11954, 1999) has rightly added his inter-
pretation of the text to that of the three visionary
accounts of Ibn Sina.
Ibn Sfna's illustrious contemporary, al-Kushayri
(376-465/986-1072 [q.v.]), likewise a Khurasanian, was
of a totally different background: Ash'ari, Shaft' T and
a master of hadith and of Sufism. Shocked by those
sceptical of the physical reality of the mi'radj, he under-
took to establish, point by point, proof of the veraci-
ty of the events of the ascension of the Prophet. From
belief, he drew up a work in Arabic that concluded
specifically that the Prophet "rose to Heaven with his
body" (K. al-Mi'radj, 65). Thus, two lines were drawn,
between which numerous options were available: that
of Ibn Sina, proponent of a journey of the spirit, and
that of al-Kushayn, an authority on Sunnism
(Fouchecour 1996).
-. Inp
sion was developed within commentaries on the
Kur'an. Alongside them and in the Halladjian tradi-
tion, works of spirituality dealt with the ascension ol
the Prophet as a prototype of the journey of the puri-
fied soul. Finally, poetry was directed towards ai
account of celebration of the event, which the mi'radj
was for the believer, and quickly blended, in its lyri-
mode.
/ith t
The first commentary on the Kur'an that we
beyond the sole concern of translation into Persian
was that of Shahmr-i Isfara'im, the Tddj al-laiudjim ft
tafiir al-Kufan li 'l-a'adjim, composed between 430/1038
and 460/1067. This jurist, expert in hadith and a
committed Ash'ari, used a style decidedly representa-
tive of Khurasanian prose, close to the spoken lan-
guage, pleasant and persuasive. His account of the
mi'radj (Tddj al-tarddfim, iii, 1229-51) is distinguished
from that of al-Taban in several ways. It is not writ-
ten in the same cosmic perspective, with the scholar
making use of contemporary knowledge regarding the
skies, the stars and planets. It is intentionally reduced
to that which gives, guidance in faith and which
changes the proportions given to the sections of the
account. The march from Mecca to Jerusalem has
the nature of an important initiatory test; the approach
to the Throne of God takes on the grandeur of court
ceremonial. But the basis of the dialogue between
God and the Prophet remains that which is said in
of the
.f Shahfur has
Abu Bakr 'Atik b. Muham-
mad al-Haraw! al-Surabadl, dedicated his Tafiir to
the Saldjuk Alp Arslan [q.v.], who reigned from
455/1063 to 465/1072. He composed his account of
the mi'radj in the same spirit as Shahfur, in a limpid
Persian prose. His version was powerfully coherent
and appropriate for various audiences, especially no
doubt the community of preachers. In particular, they
could find there two major affirmations: the impor-
behalf of his community, and the essential role of
Gabriel as a guide on the celestial journey. On the
other hand, the account is so well proportioned in
its sections that it seems suitable for public reading,
;erted ii
the
Muhai
le younger than al-Surabadi, ;
r of the Kur'an from Transox:
. This is Abu Hafs Nadjm al-E
nad al-NasalT (462-538/1069-1
. III]). He used r
i his tr;
tion and showed himself an expert in tl
literature of his time. His translation of Kur
1, for example, is already a form
interprets Kur'an, LIII, 8-9, as denoting the proxim
-"■'•■ -the Prophet. ' ■ : "
<i foil.
s Kur'an, LIII, 1
half of tl
[Tafiir.
al-Dln Abu '1-Fadl Ahmad al-Maybudl was the author
of a large commentary on the Kur'an, begun in 520/
1126, He was not a Khurasanian, but he revived a
composition of al-Ansan (the eminent Sufi master of
Harat, d. 481/1089 [see al-ansarI al-harawI]) which
he called pii-i tarikat. His account of the mi'radj was,
understandably, inspired by Sufism, which was a nov-
elty. He developed this story in its place, at the begin-
ning of Sura XVII (Tafiir, '478-500). It is not certain
that he knew al-Surabadfs account; he places objec-
tions to the miracle of ascension and the responses
at the start of the text, or changes the dispositions
of the inhabitants of the Heavens. His true original-
ity is his way of addressing "the station of proxim-
ity" (makam-i kurba), describing in technical terms known
in Sufism the ecstasy of the Prophet before God.
Henceforward, no reader of the Kur'an could miss
the account of the mi'tadj nor ignore its implications
regarding the personality of the Prophet and Islam,
the ultimate destiny of men and their spiritual path.
In his turn, a ShiT of Rayy, Abu '1-Futuh al-RazF,
preacher and jurist, composed a major commentary
on the Kur'an, completed shortly before his death
(552/1157). He took such care in the writing of his
account of the Prophet's ascension to the point of
turning it into a major classic, with the quality of
his Persian and the organisation of the story (Rated al-
djindn, vi, 254-73), establishing the essentials for future
generations.
But before him, SanaT [q.v.] had for the first time
introduced the theme of the mi'radj into Persian poetry.
He gave to the beautiful mathnawi which he composed
at 33 years of age in 506/1112 (if he was born in
473/1080) the title of "Journey of the devotees towards
the Place of Return" (saw al-'ibad ila 'l-ma'ad). inten-
tionally combining in this title two words taken from
Kur'an, XVII, 1, and from Kur'an, XXVIII, 85, thus
indicating that this journey is a mi'radj (de Bruijn
MI'RADJ — MlRZA SHAFl' MAZANDARANI
1997), conceived in effect, in hii description, as an
ascension of the Stiff. In his major woik the Hadikat
al-hakikat, incomplete at the time of his death
(525/1131), he inaugurated the practice of eulogising
the Prophet of Islam, ghing special prominence to
his night journey. The account is brief (Hadikat, 195-
6), but it suffices to show how the Piophet has tran-
scended everything which was traditionally related of
this journey. The direct influence of the Sawanih of
Ahmad al-GhazalT (d. 520/1126) on Sana'! is very
probable (Purdjawadi 1378/1999). A source foi these
two mystics was, it may be recalled, ch. ii of the
Tawasin of al-Halladj (Massignon, Possum, iii, 311-15).
But Hudjwtrl (d. ca. 465/1072 [q.v.]), after his mas-
ters, was also an inspiration due to the magisterial
fashion in which he addressed mi'raqj in general (hashf
al-mahajiib, 306-7) and the Prophet's mi'raa\ in partic-
ular (op. at., 364, 389).
Thus, in the space of a century, the story of the
mi'radf of the Prophet was to be imposed on several
essential registers of Persian literature. In poetry espe-
cially, the two major authors who diew inspiration
from Sana'I, sc. 'Attar and Nizami [q.vv.], were intent
on glorifying this ascent at the outset of their works.
An example that can be given is the splendid text
of the Ilahi-nama "The divine book" (bavts 256-413,
pp. 11-17; tr. J.A. Boyle, 12-19) composed before
586/1190. It takes considerable liberties in relation to
the prose texts. The Prophet decides to ascend to the
Heavens, and the leader witnesses a lengthy homage
paid to him by all the previous prophets; the reader
subsequently witnesses the meeting of the stars with
him, and then the mystical transformation of the
Chosen One is described at length, summaiised at
the end in the image of the arrow which struck the
letter m from the name of Ahmad, to give Ahad, the
image of unification. Nizami, in his turn, composed
five accounts of ascension as introductions to his five
mathnawis. The most successful was the one that he
wrote, some years after 'Attai, for the Haft pavkai
"The seven princesses" (ed. Tharwatiyan 1998, 64-8),
which shows excellent knowledge of the traditional
tale and an incomparable spiritual and poetic sense
(Fouchecour 1989).
The many Persian poets who were inspired, over
the course of several centuries, by the Pandf gang}, the
"Five treasures" of Nizami, composed accounts of the
mi'rddj in their turn. But with the 6th/ 12th century,
the genie had matured and was growing stale. On
the other hand, the perception of the mi'radf of the
Prophet "as a prototype of the experience of the mys-
tic rising from Heaven to Heaven in his lifetime"
(Corbin, En Islam iramen, iii, 1972, 346) formed the
basis of numerous treatises on the fringes of litera-
tuie and the science of religions. On these fringes,
there remains a vast area of study which has been
little explored, concerning the themes essential to the
mi'raqi, such as the Opening of the Chest, the Celestial
Mount, the Night of the Rescript (shab-i bardt), the
Angel-Holy Spirit, the Tree of the Frontier, the Sails
of Light, the shape of the Stars, the dwellings of
Paradise, etc. And if "the nocturnal ascension is the
nucleus of the religious vocation of Muhammad"
(Massignon), the account of it cannot be irrelevant to
the essentials of Islam.
Bibliography: 1. Sources. Ph. Gignoux (ed. and
tr.), Le Livre d'Ardd Virdz, Paris 1984; Abu "Alt Ibn
Slna, Mi'radi-ndma, ed. Sh.I. Abarkuhl, introd., ed.
and notes N. Mayil Harawl, Mashhad 1365/1986;
Kushayrl, K. al-Mi'rad}, ed. 'A.H. 'Abd al-Kadir,
Cairo 1384/1964; Maybudi, Kashf al-asrdr wa-'uddat
al-abrar, ed. introd. and notes <A.A. Hikmat, 10
vols. Tehran 1331-8/1952-9; Nasaff, Tafsh, i-ii,
Tehran 1376/1997; Razt, Rawd al-djinan wa-ruh al-
djanan = Tafsir, ed. M.I. Kumshi'T, 7 vols. Tehran
1325/1946; A.M. Piemontese, Una versione peruana
delta stoma del "mi'rdf, in OM, lx (1980), 225-43;
Shafur-i Isfarayini, Tad} al-tarad}im ft tajsir al-Kur'an
li 'l-a'ddfim, ed. M. HarawT and A.I. Khurasanl, 3
vols. Tehran 1375-6/1995-7; Abu Bakr Surabadi,
Tajsir, in hisas-i hur'an-i madjid, Tehran 1347/1968,
192-203; Tabart, Tarajuma-i Tajsir-i Tabari, ed.
Habtb Yaghma'I, 7 vols. Tehian 1339/1960.
2. Studies. H. Corbin, Amienne et k rkit viswn-
naire, Paris 1954, repr. 1999, 206-22; J. Duchesne-
Guillemin, La religion de I'lran aneien, Paris 1962,
335; M. Mole, La legende de Zoroastre, Paris 1967;
P. Nwyia, Exegese coramque et langage mystique, Beirut
1970, 90-1, 98-9, 184-8; Ch.-H. de" Fouchecour,
poete Nezami (XII' Steele), in Etudes irano-aryennes ojfertes
a Gilbert Lazard, Paris 1989, 99-108; J. "van Ess, Le
mi'radj et la vision de Dieu dans les premieres specula-
tions theologiques en Islam, in M.A. Amir Moezzi (ed.),
Le voyage mitiatique en terre de I'Islam. Ascensions celestes
et ilinetaim spintueh, Louvain-Paris 1996, 27-56; de
Fouchecour, Avuenne, al-Qosheyn et le real de I'Echelle
de Mahomet, in ibid, 1 73-98; "H. Landolt, La «doubk
echelle» d'Ibn 'Arabi chez Simndni, in ibid., 251-64;
P. Ballanfat, L'hhelk des mots dans les ascensions de
Ruzbihan Baqli Shirazi, in ibid, 265-303; J.T.P de
Bruijn, Persian Sufi poetry, London 1997, 88-92;
N. Mayel-i HarawT, hitahshinasi-yi du nsala: mi'ra-
gjma-i Bu 'Alt wa tabsira-i hunawi, in Sayi ba sayi,
Tehran 1378/1999, 363-71; J. Kellems, Asi-, ou le
Grand Depart, in JA, cclxxxvii/2 (1999), 457-64; N.
Purdjawardr, Parwana wa Stash, in Nashr-i Danishl,
xvi/1 (1378/1999), 3-15.
(Ch.H. de Fouchecour)
MIRZA SHAFl' MAZANDARANI (1159-1234/
1744-1819) or Mirza Muhammad Shaft' Bandpi'I
Mazandaranl, prime minister during the rule
of Fath 'Alt Shah Kadjar [q.v.].
He began his career as a statesman at the court
of Agha Muhammad Khan [q.v.], the founder of the
Kadjar [q.p.] dynasty, who promoted Mirza Shaft'
to the rank of minister. After the murder of Agha
Muhammad Khan in 1797, Mirza Shaft' continued
in office at the court of the successor, Fath 'Alt Shah,
by whom in 1801 he was appointed piime minister.
Mirza ShafTs term of office coincided with Persia's
being drawn into the sti ands of European diplomacy.
In 1804, in an effort to reassert its former authority
in Georgia and consequently to impede further Russian
advances southwards, Persia entered into a war with
Russia, which was finally concluded with the signing
of the peace treaty of Gulistan [q.v.] in 1813. During
the war, Mirza Shaff' attempted to make an alliance
with France. He persuaded Fath 'Alt Shah to despatch
an envoy to the court of Napoleon Bonaparte in order
to negotiate this. Accordingly, the Franco-Persian
Treaty of Finkenstein was signed in 1807. However,
the French soon ignored the treaty by reaching an
agreement with the Russians at Tilsit in the same
year, leaving Mirza Shaff' politically disillusioned.
Much of his period of office was spent in military
engagements and diplomatic negotiations. He died at
Kazwtn in 1234/1819 and was survived by one
Bibliography: 'Abd al-Razzak b. Nadjaf-kult,
Ma'athir-i sultaniyya, Tabriz 1826; Sir Harford Jones
Brydges, An account of the transaction of His Majesty's
MlRZA SHAFT' MAZANDARANl — MISR
mission to the court of Persia in the uars 1807 11
London 1834 All kuli Mirzi I' timid al Saltana
Iksir al tauankh repr Tehran 1991 Lisin al-Mulk
Sipihi Nasikh altauankh Tabnz 1901 Mahmud
Mahmud Tankh i muabit i Iran ua Ingilis Tehrin
1949 Sa'id Niftsi Tankh I idjtima i ua sirasi i ban
Tehran 195b Mahdi Bamdad Tankh I ndjal i Iran
Tehran 19b8 Hasan Fasa'i Farsnama u Nasin tr
H Busse History of Pema under Qajar rule New \ork
1972 Iradj Amim Napoleon and Persia Fianco Persian
relations under tht first Empire Richmond 1999
(T. Atabaki)
MIRZA SHAFI' WADIH TABRIZI (b. 1794
Gandja, d. 1852 Tbilisi). Azerbaijani poet.
Born into a family from Tabriz, at ten years old
he lost his father, who was a stonemason, but with
the assistance of his relatives he attended a traditional
school where he learned literary Persian as well as
Arabic. His knowledge of Persian literature introduced
him to the works of renowned Persian poets such as
Hafiz and Nizami. Because of his anti-clerical views,
he was expelled from school and began to earn his
living both as an accountant and a teacher in cal-
ligraphy. His position as accountant brought him the
title of Mirza. As a teacher of calligraphy, he taught
the young Mirza Fath 'All Akhundzada [q.v.] and
persuaded him to end' his religious studies. In 1840,
the persecutions that he endured from local clerics
compelled him to leave Gandja and settle in Tbilisi.
There, Akhundzada assisted him in securing a teach-
ing position in Persian and Azeri Turkish languages.
In Tbilisi he published the first Azeri Turkish lan-
guage guidebook, Kitab-i turkT, and formed a cultural
society known as Dlwan-i hikmat, where learned
figures of the city occasionally gathered to debate
literary, philosophical and social themes. Amongst
those who attended these conventions was Friedrich
Bodenstedt (1819-92), a German traveller who was
interested in oriental studies. While following Mirza
ShafT's courses on Persian and Azeri Turkish, Boden-
stedt collected the original manuscripts of Mirza
ShafT's poems, both in Persian and in Azeri Turkish.
Returning to Germany in 1846, Bodenstedt translated
these verses into German and published them in Berlin.
The eventual translation of this book into almost
all European languages soon made Mirza Shaft' a
renowned Azerbaijani poet outside the Caucasus. In
1846 Mirza Shaft' left Tbilisi for Gandja and con-
tinued his teaching career. But ea. 1850 he returned to
Tbilisi and taught in a local Gymnasium until his death.
Little remains of Mirza ShafT's works, and it was
not until the Soviet period that four of his ghazak
and a few lines of his poems in Persian and Azeri
Turkish were found and published. The German trans-
lation of his poetry has been surrounded by some
controversy. While some scholars recognise Mirza
Shaft' as a lyricist with an inclination towards orien-
tal mysticism, others claim that Mirza ShafT's under-
standing of poetry did not go beyond the common
knowledge of the learned in the East. Bodenstedt him-
self was not consistent in his appreciation of Mirza
ShafT's literary status. While in his earlier writings
he had acknowledged Mirza Shaft' as the original
poet of the German translations, he later decreased
Mirza ShafT's role to being merely that of a source
of inspiration for his own poetry.
Bibliography: F. Bodenstedt, Tausend und Ein Tag
im Orient, Berlin 1850; idem. Die Lieder des Mirza-
Schqffy: Berlin 1851; idem, Gedichte, Bremen 1853;
idem. Aus dem Machlafi Mirza-Schqfff:
i Mack
rag, I
1874; a
sv in Brockhaus 14th ed Leipzig 1892 Mir^a
Shaft Wadih Baku 192b K Sundeimeyei Fnedruh
Bodtnstidt und die Lieder dis \Iu a Schajfy Kiel 1930
M Rafih Mir^e Fikh ikhundm ^ji i horasho
Moscow 1956 A Ismailov (ed ) i^bnfaan tde
bmah u Baku 1960 Mnza Fath 'All Akhundov
ihfba u djadid ua maktubal ed Himid Muhammad
zada and Hamid Arasli Baku 1963 M Ibiahimov
(ed ) 4 erbaijaman poetry ilaun modern haditional
Moscow 19b9 Fandun Adimi>yit indishaha u
\ti K a Fath 'ill ikhund ada Tehran 1970
(T. Atabaki)
MISR.
C. 2. vi. The city from 1798 till the present
day.
The history of Cairo over the 19th and 20th cen-
turies is primarily one of status: from being the impor-
tant capital of an Ottoman province, it became the
capital of independent Egypt. During the two cen-
turies under consideration, the city experienced first
of all a long period of stagnation; then, from the early
1870s, a strong political will brought an unprece-
dented development which pointed the way to the
modern city. Some years later, the financial situation
of Egypt put a brake on urban growth, which then
entered upon a period of slow consolidation until the
end of the First World War. The years 1920-50 are
marked by a new departure, whose determinants are
not so much political as migratory. After indepen-
dence, and up to the end of the 1970s, Cairo became
the city of superlatives, with municipal services expand-
ing in all spheres. Then, the slowing down of the
migratory movement, whose effects were felt from the
beginning of the 1980s, allowed the municipal author-
ities to resume their policies. Hence the last two
decades of the 20th century were devoted to replac-
ing equipment and public senices. At the end of the
the desert zones and also into the agricultural lands
along the outskirts as far as some 30 km/ 18 miles
two centuries is also one of the progressive slipping
away of its centre. At the present time, the places
making up the centre are spread out around several
focuses without nevertheless the older centres, the
ancient city as much as the quarters developed at the
end of the 19th century, being abandoned.
A difficult start. 1800-68. In 1798 General Bonaparte
established his headquarters at Cairo, at a time when
the city had 263,000 inhabitants. The French plans
for the improvement of the road system were ambi-
ment of Ottoman authority a few years later was
unfavourable for the city, whose population declined.
However, Cairo experienced some changes which
were to be determining factors for later works. At the
outset, the governor of Egypt Muhammad 'Ali
Pasha [q.v.]. embarked upon the first act of the discon-
tinuous development of the urban agglomeration:
the building of a palace some 12 km/7 miles north
of the city. Nearer to the centre, the strengthening
of the embankments for containing the floodwaters of
the Nile allowed the laying out of vast gardens and
the construction of palaces between the fringes of the
old structure of the city and the river banks. In regard
to urban administration, Muhammad 'All took up
again the structures of power from the previous cen-
tury but put in place a new dividing ont of the admin-
istrative which served as the base for the geographical
extension of local public services. Heavy industry, whose
development the Pasha embarked upon vigorously, was
In the mid- 19th century, "Abbas Pasha, governor
of Egypt 1848-54, developed— around important bar-
racks, a palace and a school — a new quarter to the
north of the city, sc. 'Abbasiyya. The first construc-
tions for piping water began during this period but
it was long before results were seen. Finally, in the
framework of an agreement with the British, a rail-
way was built between Alexandria and Suez via Cairo,
with the Cairo railway station opening in 1856. At
this time, the city's population was almost the same
as it was a half-century previously.
A fillip to urbanisation, 1868-75. The succession of
IsmaTl Pasha [q.v.] at the beginning of the 1860s
formed a turning-point. Taking as a pretext the need
to receive fittingly European dignitaries for the open-
ing of the Suez Canal at the end of 1869, he devel-
oped an immense project of extending the city west-
wards. Paris was the model, but Isma'Il retained only
the general picture of the French model rather than
the exact procedure; nevertheless, the permanent mar-
kets and properties strongly resisted the project. In
order to promote the new quarters, the Khedive had
several public buildings erected there and enormous
buildings to be let out in flats, and he gave other
) thos
build there quickly. After several checks, the begin-
ning of the 1870s was marked by a resumption of
works. At that time, IsmaTl opened up for urban
development the zones farthest away from the centre
as far as the left bank of the Nile, and he founded
the spa town of Hulwan [q.v.] some 30 km/ 18 miles
to the south. More than 200 ha (the equivalent of
one-fifth of the urbanised zone by ca. 1865) were
offered to the land market over a few years. This
development was interrupted as rapidly as it had been
started up; in the mid- 1870s, Egypt's bankruptcy dealt
a brutal blow to the works. During this time, Cairo
became the place of privileged exile for Syro-Lebanese
intellectuals who formed the nucleus of the hahda
[q.v.] or Arab cultural awakening and who contributed
considerably to the development of cultural life and
the formation of the first press devoted to conveying
opinion. It was also a high-point of the national move-
ment whose activities were to lead to the British occu-
pation of the country at the end of 1882.
Slowing down and consolidation. 1875-1918. This period
was first of all one devoted to the servicing of the
public debt. The greater part of resources was pledged
to developing agricultural production for export. Cairo
was in practice left to its own devices by the admin-
istration. After fifteen years of consolidating the quar-
ters founded by IsmaTl, new works were begun. But
the municipal services were now deprived of all means
of state intervention; urban development was left to
the initiative of private companies, utilising capital
which for the most part emanated from outside the
country. It was above all in the sphere of transport
that these companies provided for the city's future.
The first suburban railway dates from 1888, whilst
the tramway system dates from a decade later. At
this time, Cairo comprised 570,000 persons on the
right bank of the Nile. In the wake of this process
and the intense speculation which followed, numer-
ous quarters were founded. In 1906, a Belgian tramway
company obtained an authorisation to create a new
city, in the desert a few kilometres to the northeast;
Heliopolis f'Ayn Shams [q.v.]) was thus born. But not
all private capital was invested in land speculation.
Industrial production also enjoyed a substantial devel-
opment; this brought about the impoverishment of an
important part of the population which was regrouped
in a very dense and crowded precarious habitat, in
quarters sometimes established in insalubrious areas.
Two worlds and two cities were now established cheek-
by-jowl, often in close proximity.
The period of growth, 1918-50. After the First World
War, the slowing down of agricultural development
and improvements in public health brought about an
excess of population in the countryside, causing an
acceleration of migration to the great cities. Cairo
now became a great safety-valve for this rural popu-
lation growth, with its population jumping from
791,000 in 1917 to 2,320,00 in 1947. During these
thirty years, the city went through numerous changes.
The construction sector, private as well as public, was
very dynamic. The campus of the University at Djlza
(Gizeh), the building for the Mixed Courts, the
Parliament building, etc., all date from this period.
Intervention by the public authorities in matters of
urban development is less conclusive. Despite the first
general development plan dating from the later 1920s,
the works undertaken were largely those done from
necessity. They affected mainly the structure of the
old city, and if the public road system was improved,
this was more a response to traffic problems than a
project looking to the future. At the end of the 1940s,
the first social housing appeared in Cairo. The period
was also marked by a strong patriotic feeling expressed,
in particular, in an abundant artistic and cultural pro-
duction. Its exportation to the lands of both the
Maghrib and the Mashrik made Cairo the cultural
capital of the Arab world.
The period of bursting actmih; 1950-80. After the Free
Officers' coup d'etat of July 1952, the rulers of Egypt
adopted new approaches for the development of Cairo.
Great projects multiplied, including expressways along
the banks of the Nile, additional bridges, etc. The
first master plan for the Cairo agglomeration, pre-
pared in 1956, was soon out of date; the population
predicted for the year 2000—5.5 millions— was reached
before the end of the 1960s. However, on the basis
of this plan, the state built large quantities of low-
cost housing. But the problem of the living environ-
ment was not thereby solved, and it led to an
intolerable increased density of the old quarters, whose
service infrastructure was now revealed as inadequate.
From 1950 onwards, the city spread out in all direc-
tions, but above all on the left bank, which now saw
an unprecedented development. It became covered
with new, planned quarters, with a fairly low density,
of thousands of villas and small dwellings. The city
also developed in favour of the dividing-out of agri-
cultural lands on the outskirts near to the developing
urban area, pushing into zones not prepared for build-
ing by the city authorities. In order to frustrate these
further extensions, in the mid-1970s there were plans
for creating several new towns in the desert regions.
But the actual start on this work was long delayed,
and the sector not subject to planning continued to
swallow up the greater part of the urban expansion.
The period of overflowing development, 1980-2000. At the
beginning of the 1980s, demographers predicted the
worst possible catastrophes for Cairo. The publication
of the 1986 census put a stop to these suggestions;
it showed that the population growth was less and
less the result of migration. This change gave rise to
a lowering of the density of the ancient urban struc-
ture which, as a counterpart, became increasingly
occupied by the sector of semi-artisanal production.
It also piovided an adequate respite foi the public
services allowing the prepaiation of a new master
plan at the beginning of the 1980s and the maugu-
lation of several great projects of le-developing pub-
site Between Cairo and Alexandna the first new
town Madmat al-Sadat, saw the light These con-
st! uctions, large enough to accommodate thiee gov-
Despite the state s almost total withdiawal from the
sphere of housing the constiuction set tor iemains
dvnamic Although the critical situation is obvious
with half the population of the agglomeiation living
in povertv in 1986 there has been a massive surge
oi house building foi the middle classes Areas of
emptv housing units the result of puie speculation
activities reached several hundred thousands oi units
bv the mid- 1990s
At the turn of the millennium the uiban agglom-
eration held ca 12 million peisons The plan for estab-
lishing new towns has been scaled down the results
of these being much inferior to what was envisaged
The idea of balancing living units and industiial or
growth thev funttion at the price of the dailv move-
ment acioss the utv of thousands of emplovees If
gieatest cities of the world (fifteenth in 1990), it is
one of the most dense with ca 250 persons per
hectaie As a reaction to the inconveniences brought
into being bv this situation a new form of develop-
ment in the desert zone — houses or small piopeities
giouped in an enclosure — appealed towaids the end
ol the 1990s It has caused a veiy rapid giowth in
the surface area of the agglomeration In lav our of
these extensions the groups ot population become
more homogeneous but the distances between those
Bibliography M Cleiget Le Cam etude dt ?ro
graphie urbame et d hutone economique Cano 1932-4
J Abu-Lughod Cairo 1001 lears of the ah ueton
ous Princeton 1971 Colloque international su) I hutone
du Cam DDR 1972 J Berque and M Al-Chakka,
La Gamalma depicts un Steele tssai d histoire soaale
dun quaihei du (aire in REI xlii/1 (1974) 45-99
R Ilbert Helwpolu Lt Cain 1903 1922 game dunt
ulh, Pans 1981 Ltttrcs d information dt I Obiat atom
mbain du Cane eontempoiain nos 1-49 Cairo 1985-
2001 D Stewart, Cities in the dual the Egyptian neu
tozin prosiam in innals of the -isMiation of imeruan
Geographers lxxxvi |1986) 459-80 J -C Depaule it
alu ictuahtt dt I habitat anaen an Cam le Rab' Qizlai
Cano 1985 Us tillts nomillcs en Egypte Cairo 1987
G El Kadi L urbanisation spontanee an Cam, lours
1987 G Mever hairo EntuieUum;sprobIeme timr
Metiopolc da dritten H elt Cologne 1989 ER
loledano, State and south in mid nineteenth tentury Egypt
Cambridge 1990 A Ravmond Lt Cam Pans 1993
287-3b8 J Geitel (gen ed ) The mthopohtan food
system of Cairo Fnbourg 1995, D Smgerman iienues
of participation family politics and netnorLs in urban
quarters of Cano Princeton 1995 J -L Ainaud Lt
Cam nine en place dunt idle moderne 1867 1907
Ailes 1998 E Denis Cwtssanu urbainc tt dviamiquc
socio spatiale Lt Cam dc 19 jO a 1990 in Lespate
Ztogiaphiqut n (1998) 129-42 Ravmond et alu Lt
Cane Pans 2000, 3bl-464 with map and numeious
illustrations ( J -L Arn\ud)
D 8 The British occupation and the Egvp-
ian par
182-1
Great Britain s post-1882 occupation of Egypt v
a classic case of indirect colonial domination Foimallv
Egvpt lemained a piovince of the Ottoman Empne
ruled bv a Khedive [see khidiw] selected fiom the
familv of Muhammad 'All (Muhammad Tawftk 1882-
92 his son 'Abbas Hilmi II [q i ] 1892-1914) A
Egvptians and members of the polv glot elite that had
emerged over the course of the 19th centuiy admin-
istered the dav-to-dav affans of the country Thev did
so howevei under Bntish supervision and in accoid
with British directives A Bntish mihtai-v gainson was
the ultimate guaiantor of Bntish tontiol The kev
Bntish official in Egvpt was its Consul-Geneial Bntish
policv and the course of Egyptian development were
shaped paiticularlv bv the first Consul-Geneial Sir
Evelvn Baring later Lord Giomer (1883-1907)
Ciomeis successors Su Eldon Gorst (1907-11) and
Sir Herbert Kitchener (1911-14) had shoitei tenuies
and less impact At lower levels British advisers were
graduallv appointed to different Egyptian ministries
and British nationals emploved in the Khedmal
Under this 'veiled protectorate fiom 1882 to 1914
Egvpt experienced considerable economic growth but
little structural change Financial stabilisation agn-
cultuial expansion and the maintenance ot secuntv
were the mam concerns of Egvpt s British ov erlords
Egvpt s financial situation was stabilised through the
national agieement foi debt lepavment the construe -
of the total value of Egvpt s agntultuial output between
188b-7 and 1912-13 and the lough edges of Khedmal
administration weie smoothed under Bntish supervi-
sion (e g the abolition of compulsory peasant laboui
on public works projects; On the other hand little
was done to encourage the development of an indus-
tiial base under the Bntish Egvpt s social stiuctuie
changed little between 1882 and 1914 The landed
elite which had emerged eailiei in the century con-
solidated its position and expanded its holdings aftei
1882, and the European/Levantine population which
had become prominent in trade and banking under
Muhammad 'Alls successois continued to dominate
the commercial and financial sectors oi the economv
Undei the compliant Khedive Muhammad TawiTk
there was little overt opposition to Bntish domina-
tion 'Abbas Hilmi II was more assertive piovidmg
financial support foi opposition newspapers and encour-
Egvptian vouth Nationalist sentiment and activism
became more pionounted in the decade pnoi to
World War I The catalvst was the Dinshawav inci-
dent of 190b when an altercation between a hunt-
ing partv of Bntish soldiers and Egyptian peasants
near the Delta village of Dinshawav resulted in one
soldier dving and led to the an est, trial bv military
tribunal and subsequent execution impnsonment, and
public whipping of the peasants involved Dinshawav
is credited with galvanising Egyptian opposition to the
Bntish occupation Several political parties weie formed
m 1907 the most important being the firmlv anti-
ottupation al Hi J al itatani led bv the lawyer Mustafa
Kamil [q i ] and the moi e gradualist Hizb al umma
whose chief spokesman was the journalist Ahmad Lutfi
al-Savyid [see lutfi \l-savmd] Despite a higher level
of Egyptian opposition to occupation thereafter Great
Britain s position in Egypt was not significantlv eroded
befoie 1914
Majoi change occuned during and after Woild
War I. The entry of the Ottoman Empire into the
war in late 1914 had immediate repercussions for
Egypt. In December 1914 Great Britain severed the
Ottoman connection by declaring a British Protectorate
over Egypt. Simultaneously, it deposed the pro-
Ottoman Khedive 'Abbas Hilmi II, appointing his
uncle Husayn Kamil [q.v.] as titular ruler with the
new title of Sultan. The latter was succeeded by his
brother Ahmad Fu'ad [see fu'ad al-awwal] in 1917.
The war itself generated massive pressures as well
as new expectations within Egypt. Forced sales of
grain and animals to British forces operating in the
area; the use of Egyptian labourers to construct mil-
itary facilities; wartime inflation; the behaviour of
British and Imperial troops temporarily garrisoned in
the country; not least Allied rhetoric pledging self-
determination for subjugated peoples after the war:
all these contributed to Egyptian discontent with the
new Protectorate. On 13 November 1918 a delega-
tion of Egyptian notables led by the lawyer-judge
Sa'd Zaghlul [q.v.] visited the High Commissioner, Sir
Reginald Wingate, to request Egyptian representation
at the Paris Peace Conference. Over the winter of
1918-19 Zaghlul and associates organised a broadly-
based nationalist front, the Wafd [q.v.] or "delegation",
committed to working for Egyptian independence.
When in March 1919 the British arrested Zaghlul
and two of his colleagues, Egypt exploded in protest.
Daily demonstrations and work stoppages brought
normal life to a standstill in Egyptian cities; the coun-
tryside witnessed attacks on British personnel and com-
munications facilities.
The Revolution of 1919 set in motion a process
of political change which eventually brought Egypt
formal independence. The turbulence of 1919 inau-
gurated three years of negotiations between the British
government and different Egyptian notables (some-
times the Wafd, sometimes ministers supported by the
Sultan, Fu'ad) aimed at defining a new Anglo-Egyptian
relationship. After three years of futile discussions, in
February 1922 the British issued a unilateral decla-
ration of Egyptian independence. It was ringed with
qualifiers, however, the British reserving the four areas,
those of Imperial communications, the defence of
Egypt, the status of foreign minorities and the Sudan,
as matters of British concern. But at last Egypt had
independence — of a sort.
From 1922 to 1952, Egypt was a technically inde-
pendent parliamentary monarchy. Sultan Fu'ad became
King Fu'ad in 1922 and reigned until his death in
1936; he was succeeded by his son Faruk [q.v. in Suppl.]
from 1936 to 1952. A constitution establishing
a parliamentary system of government, but reserving
significant powers for the monarch, was drafted in
1923. An electoral law of the same year provided
for a Chamber of Deputies elected by male sufferage
and a partially-elected, partially-appointed Chamber
of Notables. Egypt's first parliamentary elections in
December 1923-January 1924 saw the Wafd emerge
triumphant.
The dynamics of the parliamentary monarchy have
often been described as a triangular struggle among
the King, the British and the Wafd. The Wafd, the
nation's premier popular movement at least through
the interwar period, won every relatively free parlia-
mentary election yet held ministerial office for only
somewhat over eight of the 28-plus years from 1924
to 1952. Egypt was more often governed by "minor-
ity" parties of non-Wafdists or Wafdist dissidents rul-
ing with the covert or overt backing of the King.
British influence rested primarily on the continued
presence of British troops in Egypt, and was exer-
cised through the British High Commissioner (from
1936, the British Ambassador) meeting regularly with
Egyptian Prime Ministers and rendering advice which
the latter disregarded at the risk of incurring British
opposition to their continued tenure in office. From
its inception, the Egyptian parliamentary order was a
flawed system characterised by the domination of pol-
itics by an elite, electoral corruption and frequent
turnover in office, and— at least until after World War
II — by a neglect of socio-economic adjustment or
reform on the part of the country's politically domi-
nant upper class. On the other hand, the period of
the parliamentary monarchy was also one of political
pluralism, of considerable freedom of expression, and
of cultural efflorescence, as a galaxy of prominent
intellectuals engaged in spirited debate on the rela-
tive merits of Egypt's inherited Arabo-Islamic culture
versus patterns of social and political life modelled on
those of the West.
The shortcomings of the parliamentary monarchy
became more pronounced over time. The 1920s were
years of economic prosperity and relative political
optimism. The 1930s were a darker era marked by
economic depression and extended periods of more
overt royal autocracy. A Wafdist interlude in office in
1936-7 witnessed the main political development of the
decade, the conclusion of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty
of Alliance in 1936 which regularised but did not
totally eliminate the British military presence in Egypt.
The years of the Second World War from 1939 to
1945 saw more overt British interference in the coun-
try's political life. Of particular importance was the
"incident" of 4 February 1942, when British tanks
surrounded the Egyptian Palace and threatened King
Faruk with forced abdication unless he complied with
a British ultimatum to install the by-then more pro-
British Wafd in office. The incident served to dis-
credit both the Wafd, now seen as willing to accept
British support in its quest for public office, and the
King who had bowed to British power. The postwar
years were ones of great political turmoil. Labour
troubles and peasant unrest perturbed urban and rural
Egypt respectively; anti-British demonstrations and
agitation over the Arab-Jewish clash in neighbour-
ing Palestine added to the turbulence of the later
1940s; deep-seated animosity between the supporters
of rival political tendencies produced a wave of polit-
ical violence, including the assassination of two prime
ministers and of the charismatic leader of the anti-
parliamentary Muslim Brotherhood {al-Ikhwan al-
Muslimun [q.v.]). Hasan al-BannS' [q.v.], between 1945
and 1949; and in late 1951 to early 1952, the Wafd,
once again in office, terminated the Anglo-Egyptian
Treaty of Alliance and mounted a guerrilla campaign
to pressure the British out of their remaining military
base in the Suez Canal zone. The culmination of
postwar unrest came on "Black Saturday", 26 January
1952, when huge crowds, angered by a British mas-
sacre of Egyptian police in the city of Isma'iliyya on
the previous day, surged through Cairo, and organ-
ised bands of incendiaries undertook the systematic
torching of commercial, primarily Western-owned,
establishments in the city. The conventional narrative
of 20th-century Egyptian history portrays the parlia-
mentary monarchy as politically discredited and morally
exhausted by 1952.
Bibliography. General works in Western
languages which cover all or most of the 1882-
1952 period include J. Berque, Egypt, imperialism and
revolution, London 1972; M.W. Daly (ed.), The
Cambridge history of Egypt. II. Modem Egypt from 1517
of 'Abd al-F
ua I ihtilal
il-Rah'i
Caiio
ad Fand
. oj Eg)pi London
il Than,
Caiio 1950 Muh,
sanat 1919 2 sols Caiio 1946 Ft a'kah al thaiua
almimna 3 vols Caiio 1947-51 and Mukaddimat
thawrat 2j luhu 1932 Cano 1957 F01 the period
from 1882 to 1914 see esp Loid Ciomei
Modem Egypt 2 vols London 1908 P Mansfield
The British in Egypt London and New \ ork 1971
\unan Labib Rizk al Hay at al hizbiyya ft Misr ji
'ahd al ihtilal al bmtani 1882 1914 Cairo 1970 Aiaf
Luth al-Sav>id Egypt and Cromtr i stud\ in Anglo
Egyptian relations New \oik 1969 RL Tignoi
Modernization and British lolomal rule in Egypt 1882
1914 Princeton 1966 For Egyptian political
hie under the paihamentai > monarch) see
Tank al-Bishn al Haraka al snasiyya fi Misr 194)
1952 Cano 1972 Selma Botman Egypt from inde
pendtna to rt olution 1919 1912 Syracuse 1991
M Colombe Leiolution di I Egjpte Puns 1951
Maims Deeb Party politics in Egipt Tht Hafd and
lb ruals 1919 19j9 London 1979 <A.sim al-Dasuki
hibar mullah al aradi al zna'ma ua dawruhum fi
I mudrtam'a al misnna 1914 1952 Cano 1975 Afaf
Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot Egypt s libeial experiment
1922 193b Beikeley etc 1977 <Abd al-"Azim Mu
hammad Ramadan Tatauuw alhaiaka al watamwa
ji Misr mm sanat 1918 ila sanat 19j6 Cano 1968
idem Tatauuur al haraka al uataniyya ft Misr mm sanat
19j7 ila sanat 1948 2 vols Cairo 1973 Janice
Terr> ( omerstone oj Egyptian political poutr Tht Wafd,
1919 1952 London 1982
Moie specific studies include J Beinin and
Z. Lockman Workers on the \ih Nationalism commu
nism Islam and the Egyptian uoiking class, Pnnceton
1987 E Davis Challenging colonialism Bank Mm and
Egyptian industrialization 1920 1941 Princeton 1983,
I. Geishom and J Jankowski Egypt Islam and the
Arabs The search for Egyptian nationhood 1900 1930
New York 1986 eidem, Redefining the Egyptian nation
1930 1945 Cambndge 1995 Muhammad ShafTk
Ghuibal Ta'nkh al mu/auadat al mimyya al biritanma
1882 1936 Cano 1952 E Goldberg, Tmkei tailor
and textile aorker (lass and polities in Egypt 1930 1954
Berkeley 1986 JP Jankowski Egypt s young rebels
Young Egypt 1933 1952 Stanford 1975 Gudiun
Kramer The Jeus in modem Egypt 1914 1952 Seattle
1989 RP Mitchell The 'society oj the Muslim Brothers
London 1969 RL Tignor State pmak enterprise
and economic change in Egypt 1918 1952 Pnnceton
1984 See also hizb 1 (J Jankowski)
D 9 Republican Egypt 1952 to the piesent
On 22-i Jul> 1952 a military coup effectively
brought the eia of the paihamentarv monarch) to an
end. The seizure oi power was carried out by a clan-
destine mo\ement withm the aim> the Free Officeis
(al-dubbat al ahrat) tht key figuie m the mo\ement
was Colonel Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir [qi in Suppl j
made by a committee ol leading Free Officers the
Revolutionary Command Council (RCC)
A new political order emerged only gradually On
26 July 1952 the sybaritic King Faiuk [qi in Suppl]
was hustled into exile At first a cmlian ministry held
formal powei By Septembei General Muhammad
Nadjib [qi], an associate but not a coie member ol
the Free Officers was appointed Prime Ministei
Existing political paities were banned in January 1953
On 18 June 1953 the monarchy was (oimally abol-
ished and Egypt declaied a Republic Muhammad
Nadjib became its first president The ciucial phase
in the consolidation oi the mihtaiy regime came in
eaily 1954 when Resident Nadjib supported by rem-
nants of the old political order mounted a challenge
to continued RCC lule In a month-long crisis marked
Abd al-Nasn and the RCC outm inoeuv red Nadjib
and his supported By the end of 1954 aftei an
abortive assassination attempt on 'Abd al-Nasn by
members of the Muslim Brotheihood (al Ma an al
Mushmun [qi]) piovided tht occasion ioi a ciack-
down on the Brotherhood the military group reigned
supieme in Egypt \ new constitution promulgated in
January 1956 established a piesidential form of gov-
einment foi Egypt The constitution was latified by
populai refeiendum in June 195b, at the same time
Djamal 'Abd al-Nasn s nomination as President was
also overwhelmingly appio\ed
There was occasional foimal but little substantive
change in Egypt s political structuie from 1956 to
1970 "Abd al-Nasir remained Piesident until his death
in Septembei 1970 The unexpected union of Egypt
and Syria in the United Arab Republic (U\R) in
early 1958 necessitated a new provisional constitution
and the expansion oi the National Assembly to include
in the hands of Abd al-Nasn Syria s secession iiom
the UAR in Septembei 1961 prompted fuither ad]ust-
ments A Chartei oi National Action ol 1962 now
specified a socialist agenda foi the LInited Aiab
Republic as Egypt continued to be known until 1971
Anothei provisional constitution was piomulgated in
19b4 to lemain in effect until 1971
Tht yeais from 1952 to 1970 witnessed ma]oi
changes in Egypt s economic policy social structuie
and intel national onentation A policy oi agranan
lefoim was inauguiated in 1952 and extended there-
after By 1970 something over 800 000 faddans of
agncultuial land, loughly one-eighth of the cultivated
area had been taken fiom large landloids and ledis-
tnbuted to some 340 000 peasant families The foi-
eign inteiests which had contiolled much of the
commercial sectoi ol the economy weie abiuptly dis-
possessed as a consequence of the international crises
ol the latei 1950s, then holdings now coming undei
state ownership The heights of the domestic ally -owned
urban economy also came undei state contiol m the
early 1960s when Arab Socialism became the slogan
oi the UAR and the govemment nationalised much
domestically-owned business and industry The result-
ing economic stiuctuie was one of a pi lvately -owned
but state-dnected agncultuial sector and a huge state-
owned public sectoi conti oiling most laige-scale enter-
pnses in the commeiual and industiial sectors oi the
■norny
. of the 'Abd al-Nasn yeais weie
distinctly populist The new levolutionary regime made
major efforts to bung the benefits ol modernity to
the mass ot Egyptians Educational facilities weie
lapidly expanded, health care was extended to the
countryside through a netwoik oi lural health clinics
new laws lelating to houis of work minimum pay
and social security entitlements attempted to impiove
the standaid oi living oi Egypt s labouimg population
Externally, the 'Abd al-Nasir years witnessed dra-
matic shiits A negotiated Anglo-Egyptian agieement
of 1954 arranged lor the withdrawal ol the last British
troops from Egyptian soil m 1956 The mid-1950s
626
witnessed major transformations in Egypt's interna-
tional position. Egypt broke with the Western pow-
ers and turned to the Soviet bloc for military and
economic assistance; simultaneously, it assumed a lead-
ership role in both the Arab nationalist movement and
the Afro-Asian bloc of non-aligned nations. Successful
resistance to armed attack by Israel, Great Britain,
and France in the Suez Crisis of late 1956 consoli-
dated Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir's position as a major f
world affairs. Thereafter he w
i unque
the leading personality in inter-Arab politics (leading
to Syria's request for unity with Egypt in the UAR
in 1958), as well as one of the most influential spokes-
men in African and non-aligned politics. 'Abd al-
Nasir's regional dominance and international promin-
ence eroded over the course of the 1960s. Syria's
secession from the UAR in 1961 was a huge setback;
inconclusive involvement in a prolonged civil war in
Yemen from 1962 onwards drained the resouices and
prestige of the UAR; military defeat by Israel and
the loss of the Sinai Peninsula in June 1967 irreparably
damaged 'Abd al-Nasir's aura as an Arab champion.
Suffering from an unresolved military confrontation
with Israel and a stagnant economy, the later 1960s
were difficult years for Egypt/the UAR. The massive
outpouring of Egyptian grief upon his death in
September 1970 notwithstanding, Djamal 'Abd al-
Nasir left a difficult legacy for his successor.
The Vice-President Anwar al-Sadat [q.v.] assumed
the presidency of the UAR upon 'Abd al-Nasir's death.
A popular referendum in October 1970 ratified Sadat's
accession. A veteran member of the Free Officers
movement, at first Sadat governed under 'Abd al-
Nasir's shadow. Rivalry with other members of 'Abd
al-Nasir's entourage and public discontent with the
ongoing situation of no war-no peace with Israel
marked the early 1970s. Sadat consolidated his per-
sonal position only in October 1973, when a com-
bined Egyptian-Syrian attack upon Israeli positions in
the territories Israel had occupied in June 1967 cre-
ated a new strategic situation in the region. From late
1973 onwards Sadat was his own man, free to move
Egypt in new directions.
He did so with a vengeance. Change was most
pronounced in international relations. Sadat signalled
part of his orientation in 1971, when a new consti-
tution changed the country's name from the United
Arab Republic to the Arab Republic of Egypt. Over
the course of the 1970s Egypt exchanged its reliance
on the Soviet Union for material assistance and diplo-
matic support from the United States; abandoned the
made formal peace with Israel, in the process obtain-
ing the return of the Sinai Peninsula to Egyptian
control.
Shifts from the prevailing domestic patterns of the
'Abd al-Nasir years were less sweeping but nonethe-
less appreciable. In the mid-1970s Sadat presided over
a limited liberalisation of Egypt's political system, dis-
mantling part of the Nasirist security apparatus and
allowing a degree of political pluralism including a
greater measure of press freedom and the formation
of opposition political parties. The scope for political
expression became constricted again in the later 1970s,
when growing criticism of his policies led to less tol-
erance by the regime of opposition voices and groups.
This political liberalisation was part of a more gen-
eral "Opening" (al-infitah) of Egypt under Sadat; an
opening to Western investment and expertise, to oil
country investment, and to the previously-marginalised
private sector of the economy. In the mid-1970s, the
formally socialist orientation of the 1960s was jetti-
soned as new legislation gave incentives to foreign
investois and to greater scope to private capital.
Socially, the era of the Opening was one of an accen-
tuation of class cleavages between Egypt's more afflu-
ent upper and middle classes, who were the main
beneficiaries of the country's more open economic sys-
tem, and the mass of Egyptians suffering from accel-
erating inflation and a decline in social benefits. This
deepening social schism forms part of the context foi
the growth of Islamist activism and militancy in Egypt
over the 1970s, a phenomenon which eventually cost
Sadat his life.
On 6 October 1981 Anwar al-Sadat was assassi-
nated by a group of Islamist militants. The Vice-
President Husni Mubarak ascended to the presidency.
A referendum in October 1981 ratified his accession;
subsequent referenda in 1987, 1993, and 1999 extended
Mubarak's term in office.
By and large, the hallmark of the Mubarak pres-
idency has been continuity. Under Mubarak, Egypt
has maintained its generally pro-Western stance, its
strategic alliance with and material reliance upon the
United States, and its peace with Israel. Sadat's eco-
nomic approach has also been echoed by Mubarak.
The main features of the Opening remained in effect
through the 1980s and accelerated in the 1990s as
Egypt, under pressure from its international support-
ers and the IMF, moved more decisively towards a
free-market economy. The early 1990s witnessed fur-
ther measures of economic liberalisation in the line
with IMF strictures (e.g. the elimination of many cur-
rency controls; accelerated deregulation; and a reduc-
tion in state subsidies), whilst the later 1990s saw a
concerted effort to privatise public sector enterprises.
The results have been mixed. Egypt's macro-economic
performance over the 1990s was a robust one. The
country's debt burden was reduced to managable lev-
els; inflation was largely tamed; the rate of economic
growth improved over that of the 1980s. The micro
performance was more troubling. The rate of unem-
ployment remained high; wages formed a decreasing
share of GDP; and the reduction of state subsidies
effected particularly the standard of living of poorer
Egyptians.
A more relaxed political atmosphere prevailed in
Mubarak's early years in power. The scope for polit-
ical expression decreased thereafter. Gi eater political
protest and violence in the later 1980s in turn led to
more governmental repression of opposition voices and
groups. Faced with a low-level Islamist insurgency in
Egypt's sprawling shanty-towns and in the economi-
cally depressed countryside of Upper Egypt in the
early and mid-1990s, the government asserted greater
and greater control over political opinion and activism.
Emergency laws first enacted in 1981 were renewed
through the decade; Islamist violence was met with
massive state repression and the brutalisation of fam-
ilies and communities suspected of harbouring mili-
tants; non-violent critics of the regime have been
subjected to government harassment and muzzling;
and the parliamentary elections of 1990 were boy-
cotted by opposition groups in protest against elec-
toral restrictions, and those of 1995 were marked by
the systematic repression of the opposition as well as
by unprecedented electoral violence and blatant fraud.
Egypt at the close of the 1990s may have turned an
economic corner, at least in terms of national eco-
nomic indicators if not of popular well-being; its politi-
cal situation, on the other hand, appeared to be one
of increasing governmental authoritarianism and the
MISR — MIZADJ
progressive alienation of its leadership from the r
of the population
Bibliography General studies sunev
much or all of the post- 1952 period incl
M \\ Dal\ led ) The Cambridge histon of Egypt II
Uudtm Egypt jrom 1517 to the end of the twentieth een
tun Cambndge 1998 D Hopwood Egypt Politic
and society 1945 1990 London 1991 PJ \ atikiotis
Tht modem histon of Egypt 'London and Biltimore
1991
The fullest Western-language biographies
ol 'Abd al-Nasir are those ol J. Lacouture,
Nasser, Paris 1971, A. Nutting, Nasser, London and
New York 1972 and R. Stephens, Nasser. A politi-
cal biography, London and New York 1971; for a
recent and more incisive poi trait see P Woodward
Nasser, London 1992 Foi political developments
between 1952 and 1970 see Anouar Abdel-Malek
Egypk sociek nulitain Pans 1962 Nazih Avubi,
Bureaucracy and pohtus in contemporan Egypt London
1980 KJ Beattie Egypt during the Acme; vears
Boulder 1994 L Binder In a moment of enthusiasm
Political pouer and the second stratum in Egypt, Chicago
1978 R Hiair Dekmejian Egypt under Nasser Albany
1971 J Goidon haver's blessed moiement Egypt s Free
Officers and tht July Resolution New \ork 1992 Ahmad
Hamiush Kissat thaiuat 2> luhu 5 vols Cairo
1983-4 PJ \ atikiotis The Egyptian army in pohtus
Bloormngton 19bl idem basso and his generation
New \ork 1978 J Waterburv The Egypt of i\auer
and Sadat The political economy of tiio regimes Princeton
1983
undei 'Abd al-Nasir include Muhammad Abd el-
Wahab Saved-\hmed Nasser and Amine an foreign pol
icy 1952 1956, Cano 1991 Fawzi Gerges, The
superpouers and the Middle East 1951 1967 Boulder
1994 Muhammad Hasana>n Havkal al Infiajar
1967, Cairo 1990, idem Sananat al ghulyan Cairo
1988 idem Milqffat al Sums Cairo 198b Mohamed
Hassanein Heikal The Cairo documents New \ ork
1973 M ken 77k Arab Cold Har Carnal 'Abd al
Nasir and his mats 1958 1970 London 1971
Egvpt s economic and social evolution
under 'Abd al-Nasir are the focus ol Mahmoud
Abdel-Fadil The political economy of Nasserism London
1980, Hamied Ansan Egypt The stalled society Mbanv
198b R Baker Egypt s uncertain leiolution under Nasser
and Sadat Cambndge Mass 1978 C Issawi Egypt
in raoluhon London 19b3 and R Mabro The
Egyptian economy 1952 1972 Oxford 1974
Sadat and the Opening are discussed in
R Baker Sadat and after Cambndge Mass 1990
Mohamed Hassanein Heikal Autumn oj fun The
assassination of Sadat New \oik 1983 R Hinnebusrh
Egyptian polities under Sadat Cambridge 1985 D Hirst
and Iiene Beeson Sadat London 1981 G kepel
Muslim extremism in Egypt The Prophet and Pharaoh
Beikelev etc 198b \oram Meital Egypt s struggle
for peace Continuity and change 1967 1977 Gainesville
1998 \nwar El Sadat In search of identity New
York 1977 J Wateiburv 77k Egypt of Nasser and
Sadat The political economy oj tuo regimes Pnnceton
1983
Useful woiks on the Mubnak presidency
include Sana Abed-kotob and D Sullivan Islam
in contemporan Egypt Cull society lersus the state Boulder
1999 Nazih Avubi 77« stale and public policies m
Egypt since Sadat Reading 1991 Diane Singeiman
Aienues of participation Family politics and networks m urban
quarters of Cairo Pnnceton 1995 and R Spnngborg,
1970 period are Galal Amin, Egypt's economic
predicament, 1960-1990, Leiden 1995; B. Hansen,
Egypt and Turkey. The political economy of poverty, equity,
and growth, Oxford 1991; Iliya Harik, Economic pol-
icy reform in Egypt, Gainesville 1997; Marcia Pripstein
Posusney, Labor and the state in Egypt. 1952-1994,
New York 1997. (J. Jankowski)
MIZADI (/ '
/al 1
ments within the body".
One has to go back to the fundamental features
of human phvsiologv as conceived b> the Aiabic phvsi-
cians although one cannot speak of a unified bodv
of knowledge here since the concepts can van. pei-
pert to another The
s of Isla
nedion,
to the muad} eg ' All b al-'Abbas
[q i ] al-Madjusi s A al Mala/a Abu Sahl al-Masihi s
[q i ] A al \I,'a fi I tlbb and Ibn Sina s [q i ] al Kanun
ji I tlbb As well as being part ol phvsiologv the mrad}
is directlv involved in certain processes of morbiditv
The phvsicians like the philosophers thought that the
human bodv (like everv other bodv in the woild) was
composed of four simple homogeneous elements (arkan
ustukussat) earth watei an and fire This doctrine is
alreadv central for 'All b Rabban al-Taban [q < ]
authoi in the 3rd/9th centurv of the Fndau s al hikma
With these elements weie associated specific qual-
ities cold dryness humiditv and heat Thus these
foui pnmordial elements go to make up all living
beings accoidmg to proportions which varv from one
in moie oi less equal measuie the effects of then
inteipenetiation on the economv of the human bodv
and the individual s general state are consequently
and their qualities Hence he will be. balanced \mu'
tadil) when those aie present in the organism in pro-
poitions conesponding to the norm and from this
they aie guarantois ol an individuals health He will
be consideied in a state of disequilibrium (khand} 'an
al I'hdal Grk dyskrasis) and as a result, liable to some
pathological occuirence whe
Hen
,s of 01
e the gr.
fierv
t physic
pav great attention to
of keeping the mi^adj of their patients
in equilibrium since all disequilibrium' was in then
eves the source of illness Thus thev lecommend mod-
eration in all things (food dunk, sleeping sexual rela
tions etc) m order to avoid dyskrasis One savs that
a certain patient s temperament is hot if the fiery ele-
ment predominates in him Amongst certain phvsi-
cians such as Ibn Sina this theorv ol temperament
reached a high degree of elaboration since as well
as taking into account internal aspects like the bal-
ance piopei to each man (a kind of ideal balance)
and to each vital organ (the heart necessanlv hot
since it is the seat of vital heat the brain the hvei
etc i this phvsician-philosopher biought in external
factors such as climate the people to whom the indi-
vidual belongs age and sex ithus man is hotter and
drier than woman) Thus concerning the proper tem-
perament for each age of one s life [mradf al asnan),
the phvsicians consideied that the capital of inner
MIZADJ — MOZAMBIQUE
heat (harara ghariziyya) which a man has at birth, goes
on decreasing when that peison reaches the end of
his life They considered as pi oof of this the cold that
old persons feel and that the physician can obsei\e
at the time of palpation, not to mention the coldness
oi a corpse aitei death The corollarv of the mi^ad}
is the theory of humours which the Gieek and then
the Aiabic ph\sicians de\ eloped E\en toda\ such
ideas remain strongh connected in the popular imagi-
nation since we speak of a pei son having a sanguine,
a hot, a phlegmatic oi a cholenc temperament
Bibliography 1 Sources "Ah Rabban al-
Taban Fir dam al hikma ed MZ Siddiqi Berlin
1928 Abu Sahl al-Masihi A alMi'afi I tibb ed
I Sanagustin 2 \ols Damascus 2000 Ibn Sina
un, 3 %
; Cai
. 1877
2 Studies M Me\eihof -in irabit compendium
of medico philosophual definitions in Lis, \ (1928), 340-
9, idem 'Hi at Taban s Paradise of Wisdom one of the
oldest compendium^ of medicine, in ibid, \vi (1931), 6-
54, M Ullmann Islamic medicine Edinburgh 1978,
56-60 G Anawati Lham Ibn Sina fi takaddum al
'ulum in Ibn Sina bi munasabat al dhikra al alfiyya h
mantihi Damascus 1980 72-3 S Hussain Body
fluids according to iacenna, m Bull Indian Inst for the
Hut of Medicine, xm (1983) 52-8
(F Sanagustin)
MOGADOR [see al-suwayra] .
MOZAMBIQUE, Islam in.
(a) The early period. For this, see Mozambique,
in Vol. VII.
(b) The 19th and earlier 20th centuries.
The 19th century was for Islam a period of revival
and djihad aided by the opening up of shipping across
the Indian Ocean and the trade routes into Central
Africa. Already at the beginning of the 19th century
it was estimated that there were 15,000 Muslims in
the Cape Delgado region and some 20,000 in the
coastal hinterland of Mozambique Island. According
to oral tradition, one Musa Momadi from Angoche,
as a young man accompanied a relative who was a
into the interior. His relative was concerned with con-
verting the people he came across, including the Yao
[q.v.] who by this time had migrated as far as the
Shire valley. In light of this sort of occurence, it is
not surprising to find the governor of Mozambique
commenting on the extraordinary advance and infil-
tration of Islam in the interior in 1852. On Musas
return in the mid- 1850s the records indicate that he
led the defence of Angoche. By 1877 he controlled
an area which covered most of the coast from
Mozambique Island to Licungo River and stretching
100 miles inland. His successors repulsed Portuguese
attacks until 1910. As in other parts of the coast, the
diffusion was primarily undertaken by people of mixed
Arab and African blood. It was Portuguese policy to
supply mestizos and wajoge with goods so as to pro-
cure slaves. This came to an end with the anti-slav-
ery proclamation of 26 May 1877. The successful
penetration is indicated by the fact that by the 1870s,
women in their mid-twenties are recorded as having
Muslim names. In addition to the Makua, the Yao
and the Machemba had accepted Islam. In the inte-
rior beyond Mogabo, the Mualia chief and elders
observed the Islamic practices, as did Mtarika,
Cuirassio and minor chiefs like Cattur in the Luambala
valley. To the north of them, Mataka represented an
important centre of Islam. The Arab chief of Matibane
was licensed to deal in slaves by the ex-governor
Vasco Guedes de Carvalho e Menezes. Tavares, writ-
ing to the 0\erseas Ministry in Lisbon on 8 November
1862, mentions that the slave trade is in the hands
of Aiabs whose leligion permits them to buy slaves.
Likewise Andrade Corvo writing to the Duke of
Saldanha the Portuguese Minister in London, on 1 1
March 1876 comments that, "It is easy for the Muslims
to make religious proselytes among the finest and most
energetic ot the aboriginal races and in this way they
?et active and not very scrupulous agents to provide
them with sla\es Chief Matapwiri living near Kalanji
was reported as selling slaves in 1886. Indian Muslims
played their part, particularly in Angoche, where a
Swahili dynasty was in power well into the 20th cen-
tury The slavers in this region were primarily from
Surat in western India, supplying the Persian and
Arab markets At this stage, Islamic doctrine was not
obsei\ed in a pure form but was mixed with local
tiaditions It would seem that by the 1880s most
major Yao chiefs had embraced Islam. Their settle-
ments were centres for the spreading of Islam through
Kur'an schools Coutinho records meeting Yao cara-
van leaders at Quelimane who claimed to be Muslims
and who carried the Kur'an carefully wrapped in a
fold of their clothes.' Coastal Muslims, however,
ridiculed the Yaos who claimed to be Muslims, say-
ing that the\ were mushrikun. The growing Muslim
presence is documented in a report from 1893 which
shows that Muslims were active along the Licungo
River and Maganja de Costa north of Quelimane.
The reasons for the growing Islamisation were varied
and complex, but had to do with closer associations
with Muslim trading partners on the coast, and the
increased prestige of Islam through the influence of
the Bu SaTd [q.v.] dynasty and its representatives
along the coast. The South African influence on the
development during the latter part of the 19th cen-
by Abu Bakr Effendi (d. 1880), a
Kurdish scholar
o the C;
tpe in 1
At the beginning of the 20th century there were
15 mosques and 10 Kur'an schools in the Angoche
region. All the monhes were said to be able to write
their own language in Arabic script. The Portuguese,
in seeking to subdue the north, considered that
Muslims and local Africans were making common
cause and sacked Angoche in 1903. In spite of Por-
tuguese efforts, Muslim communities with a Kur'an
school were a growing force in the hinterland in 1905.
Islam was spread by Muslim traders, as well as wal-
imu, shuraja' with their religio-magical knowledge and
majundi (artisans) using a hut, a veranda or the shade
of a tree to teach the children.
The tumk [see tarIka] in any organised form did
not appear in Mozambique until the end of the 19th
century. By that time both the Kadiriyya and the
Shadhiliyya [q.vv.] were established on Mozambique
Island. The latter was established by students who
went to a school in Kilwa founded by Husayn
b. MahmQd, himself a khalifa of a Hadrami sharif.
In 1896 a member of the Yashrutiyya [q.v.] settled
in Mozambique. The Kadiriyya seems to have been
established by 'Air Msemakweli, a Yao who was a
khalifa of Husayn b. 'Abd Allah al-Mu'In. He spread
the order to northern Mozambique from Kilwa [q.v.].
The Kadiriyya Sadate, a branch of the Uwaysiyya
[q.v.], was established in Mozambique in 1904 by Tsa
b. Ahmad from Zanzibar. When 'Isa b. Ahmad
returned to Zanzibar in 1925 he handed over the
leadership to a local Muslim by the name of Momade
Arune (Muhammad Harun). A sub-branch of the tarlka
was founded in Angoche at this time. After Momade
Arune's death in 1929 the tonka was split by leader-
ship rivalries leading in 1934 to the formation of the
Kadiriyya Baghdad! branch, and further splits fol-
lowed over the next decades. Developments which
facilitated the growth of Islam during the second
decade of the 20th century included the construction
of the railroad from Lumbo, on the mainland oppo-
site Mozambique Island, which began in 1913; the
advance of Indian Muslim merchants beyond the j
coast; and towards the end of World War I, the pres
ence of a considerable number of Muslims in th
British forces engaged in the war in German Ea;
Africa with Von Lettow-Yorbec k's forces. As a resul
■stablished brai
i as Nan
le principal settle-
and Cabo Delgado. Mosques
vorld arrived bringing a variety o
arian backgrounds. This has hac
nto the present, so that Muslims ii
Mozambique have tended to be am
Indian Muslims had their own m
veil built and ornate. They had c
•ted theii
own exclusive use and brought and supj
own imams from India. They observed the
of the Kur'an and the Shan'a strictly. They avoided
what was hamm, fulfilled the requirements of ablu-
tions and frequented the mosque assiduously. The
African and meitizo Muslims had their own mosque;
froi
other
. Their observ;
ice indist
e of Islai
rigorous
Their a
ttendanc
es at n
losq
ues w
ere less fre
quent and their
prayers
and r
tions
less perfec
gnoranc
of Arabi
and the absent
ofanvo
the req
ired text
. Alln
nale
Mush
ms, whethe
Indian o
r Africa
ed cir
They wor
the mala
a, also
eferred t
o as <
baia
and the cqflo o
The
tatistks
available indi
ate
that
there wer
By the 1960s, the isolation of Muslims in Mozam-
bique was breaking down. Muslims were seeking
education in Tanzania and Arabia. Islamic publica-
tions from Cairo and Mumbai were available and
Muslims were keen to acquire literacy in Arabic.
People were listening to Cairo radio and were becom-
ing aware of their religious roots. Arab and Islamic
records and tapes from Egypt were circulating. African
nationalism, linked to Arab anti-Portuguese propa-
ganda, was gaining ground among the Muslims. It
seems possible that clandestine Islamic
around 66,000 Muslims in Mozambique in the mid-
1950s. By then it was estimated that there were 1,956
Orientals and 15,188 Indians. At the end of the 20th
century, estimates of Muslims in Mozambique vary
between 10 and 16"o in a population of 19 millions.
Muslims in Mozambique consist of monhts, those from
the Indian sub-continent, as well as moon who have
an Arab or Turkish origin, and the Swahili. Thev
looked to Zanzibar as the centre of Sunm Islam and
source of Islamic publications; they viewed the Bu
Sa'Idl Sultan as their protector, remembering his name
during Friday khutba, even though he was theologi-
cally an Ibadr. The leader of the Kadiriyya Sadate
between 1929 and 1963 referred to himself as the
Sultan's representative to Mozambique.
Historically, Islamic revivalist movements have
opposed colonial rule in northern Mozambique. In j
the 1920s, some Muslim leaders protested against the |
abuses of forced labour, low wages and land appro- j
' " ■ Queliman. ~ " -■■--'
,tablisli
1950s.
liberty to form political
organisations under the Portuguese, African Mozam-
bicans living abroad in Tanzania, Zimbabwe and
Malawi came together in a common front and formed
the Frente de Libertacao de Mozambique iFRE-
LIMO) in 1962. An armed struggle began in 1964,
but not until after the 1974 coup d'etat in Por-
tugal did Mozambique gain its independence (19751
During this period, a colonial policy was designed to
win the support of the Muslim community against
the forces of FRELIMO, which the colonial author-
ities thought had alienated the Muslims because of
its Marxist tendencies. The policy was to work through
the Muslim religious leadership, i.e. the turuk, which
they considered a conservative, local force against
more radical, internationally organised expressions of
Islam bent on political subversion. The Portuguese
authorities, capitalising on the new situation that arose
after the abolition of the Sultanate of Zanzibar in
1963, utilised the new links between the Muslim lead-
ership in Northern Mozambique with the Comoros
and invited the Mufti there to settle disputes between
the turuk. They also embarked on publishing an offi-
cial, Portuguese-language version of abstracts of al-
Bukharfs Sahih. In view of the fact that the liberation
struggle was predominantly centred on the north, it
ising that the Muslims of
lived in the southern part of th
■red to the Hanafi legal tradition, \
tion to Durban and Karachi, did
ndian
influe
repre.'
i Cair
i Mus;
of Shaffrudin Muhammad Khan, and
an office was also opened in Algiers. Islam's influ-
ence received a boost when various Arab countries
offered to train the "freedom fighters", and some 130
of them were sent to Algeria. FRELIMO established
! international relations with the Arab League and the
| Organisation of the Islamic Conference. There is no
mention in FRELIMO's educational programme of
Kur'an schools, but traditional institutions like the
i porn/iande institutions were acknowledged, ;
sible tl
:, Muslii
influe
i, Mus
1 Afric
of
is Indians organ-
'd themselves into interest groups which carried out
inder the cover of social, mutual aid,
iltural and athletic activities. The situation became
■en more acute from 1942, when Mozambique
■came Portugal Ulhamai. Forced labour, arbitrary tax-
the obligation to plant cash crops and the lack
ial improvement, produced a serious discontent
imong the Africans which led to the awakening of a
spread through these. The Indiai
mmunities which represent non-Sunm groups such
the Ithna' AsharT, Isma'ili Khodjas and Bohoras
n small-scale commercial ventures, bush trading cen-
s and small shops in towns. As closed communi-
"i Africa
i ;
Europeans or other Indian groups. Some Asian si
j dents attended u~ : : * : " -- — r -' — '
J schools
tugal.
(c) Independence
After independence in 1975, the Muslim leadership
which had co-operated with the colonial authorities
was discredited. Some Muslim associations were
| banned in 1976, while those which had had restrictions
MOZAMBIQUE — MUDJlR al-DIN BAYLAKANI
imposed on them during the colonial penod gained
some fieedom, but the civil war which erupted soon
after independence and lasted until 1992 between
FRELIMO as a Marxist-Leninist part\ and the
Resistencia National Mocambicana (RENAMO) which
sought to brine; democracy to Mozambique did not
ser\e the Muslims well By 1980 Mozambican Muslim
students in exile in Dar es Salaam denounced the
repression of Islam bv the new government Until
1982 the legime show*
Ther
rable 1
Muslims including throwing pigs into mosques Vn-
tuallv all religious communities lost piopeitv through
nationalisation Religious associations were foibidden
and attempts made to prevent religious activities anv-
where but in mosques Attitudes began to change after
the establishment of REN\MO FRELIMO found
that its treatment ol Muslims provided leasons lor
both Saudi \rabi and 'Uman to send supplies to
RENAMO South \fnca and the Comoro Islands
also served as conduits lor supplving RENAMO in
1983-9 That situation made anv allies including
the religious communities acceptable Thus m 1983
FRELIMO officiallv recognised the new national
il of Muslims Mozambique (C ISLAMO) There
; to ha\
enthusia
gion m RENAMO circles Their bases exhibited this
in the form of mosques and churches With the acces-
sion of Chissano in 1987 FRELIMO began a grad-
of all kinds In that year Mozambique hosted the
filth Southern Africa Islamic "touth Conference Bv
mid- 1988 confiscated piopeities were being returned
The situation improved further when aiticle 19 of the
1975 constitution was changed in 1990 to state that
The state shall respect the activities of religious
denominations in older to promote a climate of social
understanding and tolerance and to strengthen national
The elections of 1994 returned FRELIMO to power
In further attempts to gain the support of Muslims
FRELIMO recognised the Islamic holy days of 'Id al
Adha and 'Id al bitr as national holidavs in 1996 But
in the 1999 elections it is revealing that out of
FRELIMO s 133 deputies only one seems to be a
Muslim whereas out of RENAMO s 117 12 weie
Muslims
Bv the end of the 1 990s Mozambique had become
a member of the Organisation of the Islamic
Conference (OIC), thus securing economic benefits
Tensions between the Sufi leaders of the majority of
Muslims in the north and the moie ladical refoim-
ers based in the south have led the foimer to split
off from C ISLAMO to form the Congres Islamico
Bibliography J de A da Cunha Estudo acerca
dos usos e costumes dos Bamanes Bethias Paises Monro
e Indigenes Lisbon 1885 EJ de \ilhena A mfluen
cm is/arnica na casta oriental d Africa in Boletin
da Socudadi dc Geografia de Lisbon (1906) 133-46, lb6-
80 197-218 E do C Lupi, Angoche Bme memona
sobu uma das capitanias mores Lisbon 1907, E Axelson
South East ijrtca 1488 1530 London 1940 A A de
Andrade Relates de Mozambique Setecentista Lisbon
1955 F Balsan, 4 la recherche des Arabes sur les whs
du \ord Mo-ambique in Monumenta II 57-62 DJ S
Rebelo Short notes on an east Indian group in
Mozambique the Ismaihan Moslem community in South
African Journal of Science lviii (2 Feb 1962) 41-4
JJ Goncalves Influeneia arabo islamua em Mozambique
in Mundo Arabo Islamico eo Ultramar Portugues Lisbon
1962, 247-87, FJ. Peirone, A tnbu Ajaua do alto
\iassa (Mo(ambique) e alguns aspectos do sua problemat-
ica neo-islamica, Lisbon 1967; E. Mondlane, The strug-
gle for Mozambique, Harmondsworth 1969; A. and
B Isaacman, Mozambique. From colonialism to revolu-
tion 1900-1982. Islam in Mozambique (East Africa), in
Namtc Literature, xv, no. 9 (1969), 547-55; E.A.
Alpers, Ivory and slaves in East Central Africa. Changing
patterns of international trade to the late nineteenth century,
London 1975; R.VV. Beachey, The Slave trade of
Eastern Africa. A collection of documents, London 1976;
A and B. Isaacman, The tradition of resistance in
Mozambique. Berkeley 1976; Islamic Council of Mozam-
bique in Arabia, xxii (1983); F. Constantin, Mozam-
bique Du colonialisme catholique a I'etat marxisk. Les
communautis musulmans d'Afnque orientate, Pau 1983,
84-93; I. Asaria, Back seat for Muslims in Mozambique,
in K Siddiqui (ed.), Issues in the Islamic movement
1981 82 (1401-1402), London 1983, 297-301; A.P.
cas na Ilha de Mozambique, in Arquivo (Maputo), iv,
Outubro 1988, 59-66; F.N. Monteiro, As commu-
mumcacao, in Africana, iv (March 1989), 65-89;
B Brito Joao, Abdul Kamal-Megama (1892-1966).
Pomoir et religion dans un district du Nord-Mozambique,
" ■ ■ " ■ • ~ -, 1990 ) ;
137-4
R.T. Duar
i Mozam
' approach (Studies in African
Archeology 4, Stockholm/Maputo), Uppsala 1993;
Duarte, Sobre a actuacao correnk "Wahhabita" no Islao
Mocambicano: algumas notas relativas ao periodo 1666-
77 in AJricana xn (March 1993), 85-111 idem, /
Islao o poder e a guerra Mozambique 1964 1974, Oporto
1993 JM Penvenne Joao dos Santos Albasim (1876
1922) The contradictions of politics and identity in colo
mal Mozambique in Jnal of African History xxxvu
(1996), 419-64 E Medeiros, Irmandades mucul
manos do \orte de Mocambique in Saiana (5 Apnl
19%) 16-17, idem, Abdul hemal Megama in Sactma
(March 199b) Maputo \lpers Islam in the scnice
of colonialism ' Portuguese strategy during the armed liber
atwn struggle in Mozambique, in Lusotopie Enjeux
contemporains dans les espaccs lusophoncs, Pans 1999
Alpeis ch East Central Africa, in The history of Islam
m Africa, ed N Letzion and R L Pouwels, Athens
Ohio_2000 303-25 (S von Sicard)
MU'AHID (*) literally, 'one who enters into a
ovenant or agreement ('ahd) with
who :
itted i
"People
le Arab
Middle
of an 'ahd or of dhimma [q.v.] "protection". See
foi these mu'dhidun, ahl al-kitab, aman, and in the
context of al-Andalus, mozarabs.
MUDIIR al-DIN BAYLAKANI, a Persian poet
of the second half of the 6th/ 12th century. He was,
as his nisba indicates, a native of Baylakan [q.v.], in
Transcaucasia, a compatriot and contemporary of the
celebiated Khakam [q.v.]. Mudjir's diwan contains a
few poems to the Sharwan-shah Manucihr II (d. not
long after 555/1 160-1), which must belong to the ear-
liest part of his career, but the majority of his odes
aie addressed to the Atabegs Nusrat al-Dln Djahan-
pahlawan b. Ildiiguz (571-82/1175-86) and his suc-
cessor Kizil Arslan (d. 587/1 191) and to the Saldjukid
\rslan b. Toghril (556-71/1161-76), nominally the
mastei but in fact the puppet of Djahan-pahlawan. TakT
Kashi [see taki al-din] puts his death in the year 594/
1 197-8 which (for once) must be roughly correct.
In his famous ode in praise of the town of Isfahan,
Khakam speaks of how an "accursed demon" (dew-i
MUDJIR al-DIN BAYLAKANI — al-MUFADDAL b. SALAMA
ladiim) had mocked that city and how the lstahams
had in some w i\ held khak ini responsible ioi the
attack an accusation which he re|ects energetic all\
The commentators identified this demon with
Khakani s supposed pupil Mudjn (ragjim being an
anagram for the latter s name I and there is in fact a
ruba'i m Mudjir s diaan poking tun at the people of
Isfahan Abu 1-Radja kummi (Ta'nkh al-H u-aia' ed
MT Dimsh-pazhuh Tehran 1M8^ 200-1) a nearry
contemporan source cites one \eise iiom this qua-
train and then a \erse with which the people of
Isfahan replied to Mudjir s attack land which in latei
souues is ascribed to Shaiat al-Din Shufuiwa see
shufurwa) The ston is expanded b\ later authors
some of whom claim that Mudjir composed the qua-
train when the Atabeg sent him to that town as 1
ta\-collectoi and that he was subsequentlv muidertd
in a bath-house b\ the local mob But this is pei-
haps meiel\ a fanciful elaboiation
Mudjir s diuan contains se\eial highl\ aitificial
poems (e g one in which he uses onl\ the letters that
do not take diacritical points) and a tan numbei in
Arabic or with alternating \rabic and Persnn veises
A critical edition was prepared bv M Abadi Tehian
1358 jJ/1979
Bibliography de Blois ft, wan htirabm v 425-
8 (with tuithei reteiences) ALFA Beelaert La
qaside en honneur d Ispahan dt Xaqani in Pand o sohluin
Melange* offats a (harks Henri dt Fomhuour Tehran
19% 53-63 (FC de Blois)
al-MUFADDAL b SALAMA b 'Asim (with the
erroneous nisba al-Dabbi since Ibn Khalhkan [q < ])
al-Kufi Abu Talib fd after 290/903) transmitter
of historical matenals (aUibari) with wide inter-
ests and a philological-lexicogiaphical background
With this approach (\akut Idaba' \u 170) he
differed (a) from his father Salama (d attei 270/883
Ibn al-Djazan i 311), a disciple and copvist \aarrah)
of al-Fana' [qi] the gieat authonty of the Kufan
school of philologists and ib) from his son Abu 1-
Tav\ib Muhammad al-Baghdadi (d 308/920 kahhala
\u 43-4) a stnct jurisprudent of the Shafi'i school
in Baghdad (Ibn khalhkan tr de Slane n bl(l-ll)
The three represent one of the eai!\ scholarlv d\ nas-
ties in "Irak [see al-v \zidi] Apait trom his father
the following philologists are mentioned among his
teachers Ibn al-A'nbi Ibn al-Sikkit Tha'hb and—
last but not least— the adib '(jimr b Shabba [qtt]
among his students al-Suh [q i ] is the best known
Al-Mufaddal was also highl\ iegarded as i calligra-
pher b\ the bibliophile and sponsor of poets and
literati al-Fath b KJpkan [q i ] and attei the lattei s
murdei (247/861) together with the caliph al-
Mutawakkil no less so b\ the \izier Isma'il b Bulbul
[q,] Neither ot these two men was an \iab bv
descent In the multicultural societ\ ot then time the\
weie probablv receptive besides the Aiabic-Islamic
tradition not onl\ to pre-Islamic \rabic transmissions
(the War of Dahis and al-Ghabra' Fakhu no 442/
360) but also to Christian Jewish Persian (see below)
and Central Asian reports [see afsiiin]
Of al-Mufaddal s oeuvre listed b\ the bio-bibhog-
raphers, little has been pieserved oi become known
through quotations in the woiks of othc
40 His best-
tematic collec
of speech [mu,
139-41
350 i
139-
(1) al Fahhir (for paitial punts and the two editions,
; mathal 1 m 4) The peculiarm of al Fahhir is the
t that in addition to 200 proverbs all of which
n ot al-Mavdam [see mathal 1 m 12] it contains
it phiases (muhauarat) such
benedict
and
of them connected with the
aaa'il [q i ] angle The same phrases can be found
m Abu Baki Ibn al-Anban s (d 328/940) al ~a/»r fi
hahmat al nai also m Abu Hilal al-'Askan s (d attei
395/1005) Djamharat al amthal and in the large dic-
tionaries, e g in the Iisan al 'irab of Ibn Manzur Id
711/1311) The transmission ot al Fahhir can in pait
be tiaced back to Ibn al-Anban as well he seems to
ha\e lecognised that al-Mufaddal had entered new
lexical teinton which was then the motive toi his
mathal 1 in 5] Al-Mufaddal was less ot a philologist
than a collector and an entertainer at court and in
the ut\ of Baghdad Pointers tow aids this include his
cntique (cf Fihmt 43 62 63 74 82) ot the Kitab
al 'Ami ot the great al Khahl b \hmad bearing the
title alRaddhar al htidrah) 'ala I Khahl fi A al
'iyn itanlah ma fihi mm al ghalat ua I tashif which
evidentlv did not commce the philologists and lexi-
cologists who felt called upon to contiadict him even
in latei centuries (for lelevant passages see Sezgin
vni 140) Al-Mufaddal had a pieteience in his work
toi what was novel strange and contemporan, This
can be seen in his ienditions of the aetiological sto-
nes that go with the amtjial/muhauarat the clevel Jew
(no 22i) the Io\al Jew (no 482) the Seven Sleepers
(no 239) the Christian marts r (no 517) and otheis
see mathal 1 n 7 and \V Fbeimann Beruht ubtr ara
bmlu Studun in Rutland uahrend det John 1914 1920
mhlamua in [1927] 229-64 (see sees \ Chnstlich-
arabisches 248-51 and \I Judisch-aiabische Lite-
ratur 251-4) On the whole complex see R Sellheim
Die hlassisih arabischen Spnchaorttrsammlungen msbaondm
du dts ibu 'Ibaid The Hague 1954 114-21 Ar ti
rev and enlarged al imthal al 'aiabiwa al kadima tr
R <\bd al-Tawwab Beirut 1391/1971 lepi 4 1408/
1987 167 75 Urum xxxn [1990] 472-5
12) al Ualahi [q i ] on musical instruments a tiea-
tise on the ]ustification toi plaving music which al-
Mutaddal was tht first ( ? ) to compose ed J Robson
indent irabu musical imtmminh m the handunting of lakut
al Musta'urm ID 1298 text in tacs and tr with
notes including notes on instruments b\ H G Farmer
Glasgow 1938 [Collection of Onental Wnteis on
Music iv) repr in 'Abbas al-'Azzawi al Musih al
'uahina Baghdad 1370/1951 74-89 Faimer Islam
Leipzig [1966] 8 24 26 {Uuukgisihuhtt in Bildirn ed
H Besselei and M Schneider Band 3 Lieterung 2)
cf E Neubauei in Onem xxi-xxn [1968-9 (1971)]
418-31 A Shiloah Thi thton of musu in irabu anting',
(i 900 1900) Destnptut latalogut of manminpts m libraries
of Europe and tk I S 1 Munich 1979 282-3 (Repertoire
international des sources music ales = RISM B x) rf
E Neubauer in "CH/U i [1984] 290-6
(3) Muhjitasar al \ludhahhai ua I mu'annath no such
grammatical opuscule on the masculine and the fem-
inine is mentioned in the list of works drawn up b\
the bio-bibhographeis It is mspiied b\ the work ot
the same name b\ al-Farra J \s the technical term
muhhtasar abudgement indicates it might possibh
be lectuie notes [see math<vl 1 m] Whethei thev should
be tiaced back to al-Mufaddal or whethei a latei
anonvmus is behind it will piobabh never be known
R '\bd al-Tawwab edited it in RI\IA xvn [1971]
277-346 with an introduction on the lite and woiks
of al-Mufaddal
l-MUFADDAL b. SALAMA — MUHAMMAD III b. HASAN
(4) Qjala' al-shabah ft 'l-radd 'ala 'l-Mushabbiha an
extant treatise against the anthropomorphisation of God
by means of Kur'Snic verses and terms, see Sezgin
viii, 141, and R. Sesen, Nawddir al-makhtutal al arabma
fi maklabat Turkiya, Beirut 1400/1980, ii, 434.
Bibliography: In addition to the studies men
tioned in the text, see G. Fliigel, Die grammatisihin
Schulen der Amber, Leipzig 1862 (repr. Nendeln 1966)
162-4; Brockelmann, I-', 121, S I, 181, 943 '1
S III, 1195 (!), O. Rescher, Abriss der arabisihen Lit
teraturgeschichte, Stuttgart 1933, ii, 182-3 (repr with
addenda, Osnabruck 1983); Blachere, HLA i 137
Sarkis, 1770; Zirikli, al-A'lam, 'Beirut 1979, \n 279
Kahhala, Mu'§am al-mu'alkfin, Damascus 1380/1960
xii, 314; idem, al-Mustadrak 'ala Mu'djam al-mu allijm
Beirut 1406/1985, 797.
Further sources. Abu '1-Tayyib al-Lughawi
Maratib al-nahmiyyin, Cairo 1955, 97, 2 Cairo 1974
154; Marzubam, al-Muktabas, Beirut-Wiesbaden 1964
(repr. Baghdad 1968; Tehran 1968), 339, Fihmt,
73-4, tr. Dodge, 161-2, and index, 1047; al-Khatib,
Ta'nkh Baghdad, xiii, 124-5; Ibn al-Anbarl, Nuzhat
al-alibbd', Cairo 1967, 202; Kifti, lnbah al-ruwat 'ala
anbdh al-nuhdt, Cairo 1374/1955, iii, 305-11 (Dabbi),
DhahabI, Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' , Beirut 1403/1983,
xiv, 362; Suyuti, Bughya, 396 (Cairo 1384/1964, n,
396-7); idem, Muzhrr, Cairo 1378/1958, 413, and
index s.v.; Dawudi, Tabakdt al-mufassinn , Cairo
1392/1972, ii, 328-9; IsmaTl Pasha, Hadinat al
'arifin, Istanbul 1955, ii, 468. (R. Sellheim)
MUFASSAL (a., lit. "separated", "hived off"), ii
Indo-Muslim pronunciation mufassil, whence the Britisl
Indian conventional form Mqfiis.nl, an informal tern
of British Indian administrative usage, attested
in British usage from the later 18th century but prob-
ably going baik to Mughal official usage It denoted
opposed to the administrative headquaiters of a
Piesidencv, District oi region, the sadr (in the Anglo-
Indian usage of the Bengal Presidency, the Sudder)
hence going into the Moftiuil could mean something
like going into the field, oi into the bush or back-
Bibliography Yule and Burnell Hob mi Job mi,
a glossary of Anglo-Indian umds and phrases, London
1903, 570, 862 (Ed;
MUFETTISH (t ). the Ottoman Turkish form of
Ai mufattiit, lit "one who searches out, enqunes into
something" In the Ottoman legal system of the
12th/ 18th century, below the Great Mollas [see molla]
there was a layer of five ]udges called mufettish, whose
duties were to oversee and enquire into the conducting
of the Imperial ewksf or pious foundations [see wakf],
three of them being resident in Istanbul and one each
in Edirne and Buisa (see Gibb and Bowen, n, 92)
In the 19th century and with the coming of the
TanzTmat [q v] refoims, mufettish was the designal
for the oveiseeis and inspectors of various new adn
istiative mechanisms now set in motion within the
empne In modern Turkish, mufettij remains a stan-
dard word for "inspector"
Bibliography _Given in the aiticle (Ed )
MUGHALMARI [see tukaro'I]
MUHALLIL (a ), literally, "someone who makes a
thing legal, legahser, legitimator", the figure who,
in classical Islamic law acts as something like
a dummy or a "man of straw", in oidei to authen-
ticate or make permissible some legal process
otherwise of doubtful legality or in fact pro-
hibited. It thus forms part of the mechanisms and
procedures subsumed under hiyal, legal devices, often
used for eyading the spirit of the hw whilst techm
callv satisfying its letter [see hila]
Thus the muhalhl is found in gambling ncing for
stakes e g with horses or pigeons and archery con
tests being a paiticipant who does not contribute to
the stakes see F Rosenthal Gambhn^ in Islam Leiden
1975 53 98 106 and umar at \ol \ 109a But
muhalhl is also found in marriage and diyorte hw as
the person instructed usually for payment to marry
a woman who has been thiee times diyorced and
cannot therefore remain, hei original husband until
a fourth dummy mainage has been gone through
and duly consummated <\ftei this tahhl she can legally
lemarry her old husband Such an intervention was
geneiallv allowed by the HanafTs but disputed bv the
Mihkis and Shifi is whilst the Hanbali Ibn Tav
miyya denounced it as illegal in a treatise of his on
dnorce (cf Brockelmann II 127 S II 124) [see
talak. I 7]
The person acting as a muhallil in marriage and
divorce is not surpusingly a figure of contempt and
obloquy in Islamic literature
Bibliography See also Ibn Kudama, Alughm,
Beiiut 1984, v, 459-553, vu, 397-400, van, 476-8,
-Zuhayli, al-Fikh al-
•a-adillatu
, Dama'
Niz
, 'Abd al-Rahman
Isn
1985,
l-Djaza'irl
,nd the
il-Fikh 'ala
L-DlN,
lord of Alamut, who was made famous in medi-
aeval Europe by Marco Polo as the "old man" Aloadin.
The only son of Djalal al-Din Hasan (r. 607-18/1210-
21), he succeeded his father, at the age of nine, in
Ramadan 618/November 1221 The viziei pieviouslv
appointed by Djalal al-Din Hasan acted foi some time
as the effective ruler of the Nizari state, also genei-
allv retaining the then ongoing Nrzaii policies of i ap-
provement with the 'Abbasids and Sunni Islam
the observance of the Sunni shan'a, imposed
ually r
. the Nizf
mties of Per<
Politically, Muhammad Ills long reign was a \ery
turbulent period for the Persian woild, which now
However, the Nizari leadership initially seems to have
leached an understanding with the Mongols, who did
not attack the Nizari towns and fortresses of Persia
foi some time Djuzdjani, the Ghund histonan and
official who visited Kuhistan on diplomatic missions
on several occasions dunng 621-3/1224-6, relates how
the muhtashams or the Nizari chiefs in Kuhistan shared
the stability and prospenty of then community with
Sunni scholars of Khuiasan, who fled befoie the invad-
ing Mongols and found asylum among the Nizans
Meanwhile, the Nizans extended then temtones in
Persia in the eailv years of Muhammad III s reign
Thev seized Damghan and acquired oi recaptuied
fortresses in Kumis, Tarum and elsewhere, also ex-
tending then influence to Sfstan In the wake of
the Mongol invasions, lelations between Alamut
and the Kh"arazmians, who had replaced the Sal-
djuks as the Nizans' foremost enemy, weie charac-
terised by warfaie and diplomacy until Djalal al-Din
Mangubirti, the last Kh w arazm-S_hah, was defeated by
the Mongols in 628/1231. The shifting Nizarl-
ions have been vividly recorded by
Sultan Djalal al-Dm's secretary and chron-
MUHAMMAD III b HASAN — MUHAMMAD b ABD al KARIM
imbassador to Alimut uhere he conducted diplomatic
negotntions with Muhammid III on behili of the
kh mzm Shah In Muhammad Ills time iditions
between Alimut ind the neighbounng C aspun
piovinces detenonted On the othei hind peice
wis iimllv estiblished between the Nizins and then
perennial enemy the people of kazwm Muhim
mid III hid peisonillv developed i close issocntion
with i Sufi shmkh of kizwin Djamil il Din Gill (d
6^1/12^3) ind legularlv bent him m innuil glint
ot 500 dinais It seems thit it w is also in Muhammad
Ills time that the Nizan Ism 1 ill da a a uis intio
duced to the Indian subcontinent by da (s dispatched
onginillv to Sind
Nizm ioitunes in Peisn weie npidH icveised aftei
the colhpse of the kh irizmnn empne The Nizins
now dnectlv confronted their most chngerous eneirrv
the Mongols who ueie then mikmg new efforts to
conquei all of Peisn Following his ibortive eftoit in
collaboiation with the Abbisids in 63V 1238 to foige
in ilhance with the kings of Fnnce md Enghnd
ignnst the Mongols Muhimmid III made one list
peice overtuie to the new Gieit khin Guvuk in
644/ 1 246 Howevei the Niz in emissanes to Mongolia
uere dismissed with contempt b\ Guvuk Henceloith
Mongol Nizin iehtions detenonted bevond repin
Bv 65 1/1253 undei Guvuk s successor Mongke [q 1
the Mongols hid destroved numeious Nizan towns
ind stiongholds in kuhistan and kumis As the
Mongols ueie incessantiv conducting mihtirv c impugns
agnnst the Nizan temtoiies in Peisn Ah il Din
Muh immad III uis found muideied in Shirkuh
nen Alimut under obscure uuumstinies on 20
Shawwil 653/1 Decembei 1255 He wis succeeded
bv his eldest son Rukn il Din khurshah \q,] who
uould rule tor exactlv one veir is the hst lord of
Muhimmad III s ieign wis ilso i period of intense
In pirticulu Nizan leideiship it this time rrnde l
sustained effort to exphin the vinous iehgious poll
ties of the lords of Alimut since Hisin i Sibbih s
time withm i coherent theologKil fumeuoik The
intellectual hie of the Nizm commumtv wis now pn
ticuhrlv inv isolated bv the influx of outside scholns
non Ismi ill Muslims who avuled themselves of the
Nizan hbnnes ind pitromge ot leiinmg Foremost
lmnni! such outside schohrs wis Nisir il Dm il Tusi
\q ] who spent some three decides in the Nizm
torti esses ot kuhistan ind liter at Alimut wheie he
emoved the pationige ot Muhimmid III ind his
successoi until the colhpse of the Nizm state in
b54/125b AlTusi mide importint contributions to
the Nizan thought ot his time ind it is priminK
through his Ismi ill works including especially his
Ratdataltashmied ind ti \\ Ivinow Leiden 1050)
that modem scholais hue come to possess in under
stinding of the Nizan Ismi ill tenhings dunng the
tmil decides of the Ahmut penod
Bibliography Djuwivm in 249 59 Djuwivm
Bovle n 703 12 Rishid il Din Fidl Allih
Djami al tanankh kismat i Isma ihyan ed M T
DirashpiThuh md M Mudimsi Zindjam Tehun
1338 >A/1959 178 84 idem Djami al tauankh m
ed A A Alizide Biku 1957 20 1 Abu 1 kisim
Abd Allah b Ah kishim ~«Ma/ altatankh
bakhshi Fatimnan ta banyan cd Dims_hpi7huh
Tehrin 13b6 iA/1987 218 24 Nisawi Histmn
du Djtlal td Din Mankotrrt, ed ind tr O Houdis
Puis 18915 Ar text 129 30 132 4 143 6 196
212 5, Fi ti 215 16, 219 2i, 237 42, 327, 353 60,
inon Persnn tr Si,at I Djalal al Dm \tmkuhmi ed
M Minuwi Tehian 1344 tA/1965 1616 175 7
229 ii Djuzdjim Tabakat I >Sasin ed A Habibi
kibul 1342 3 ii/1963 4 n 180 8 Eng ti H G
Riveitv London 188199 n 1187 1214 MGS
Hodgson Tin ordti of hsauins The Higue 1955
225 ff 244 6 250 62 B Lewis Tht iuauim
London 1967 83 91 Fi tr A Pelissier Lts hsassim
Pins 1982 122 31 F Dittarv 77k Inna ills Thai
histon and dottnnts C imbudge 1990 407 18 421
2 b93 5 (with tuithei bibl lets) idem Tit isuiiwn
Itgtnds Whs of Ik hmailis London 1994 43 59
60 109 14 16b (F Daft\r\)
MUHAMMAD b Abd Allah called IBN
SHABJB Abu Baki Basrin theologian who lived
in the tirst hilt of the 3rd/9th centurv He is possi
blv identical with Shibib il Bisn one ot the best
of his
ind -
leidmg siges ot his period whom the Jew
Diwud b Mirvvm il Mukammis reports defeating in
l debite m Dimascus He wis influent ed b\ the
Murdji l Abu Shamir al Hamii ind his school but
he studied with il Nizzim [q i ] and is theretoie tie
quentlv cilled i Mu tizih Al Matundi extensivclv
quotes a book of his appnenth the A al Taihid m
which Ibn Shabib desuibed and refuted the doctrines
ot duilists Chiistnns ind Sibnns of Aristotle md
others who believed in the eternity of the woild ot
Indnn sensualists (Sumimyvi [qi]) ind the sceptics
(Suhsta ryvi) In these polemics espeuallv those against
the dualists he followed al Nazzim but fiequentlv
reimed the irguments The kadi 'Abd ilDjabbu still
tound his book excellent Ibn Shibib s Murdji l lean
ings are ippirent in i tieitisc on irdja which wis
letuted bv Djafu b Mubishshn \qi] ind mothei
on the taid (i e threat ot etemil dimmtionl foi
which he was attacked bv the Mu tazih Abu Dji fn
il Iskifi [q ] He did not accept the man ill, bayn al
manjlatayn [q ] although hi used the teim fasik for
he believed thit the mortal sinnei iemained i believer
In his detimtion of belief he omitted woiks some
thing which i Mutizih would hive nevei done and
his deti
i the
tclleu
In his
view Muslims could hope not to be punished e
nillv The pissiges ot the kur in thit speik of God s
thieit (la id) in this icspect aie he slid not clear
enough With this he took up m old hermeneuticil
lrgument which the Murdji'a hid cimed into usul
alfikh it hid been developed bv Muwivs b Imnn
[q i ] md discussed bv Abu 1 Hudhivl ind il Nizzam
Bibliography Djihiz al Bayan ta I tat y in 1 15
11 15 lb ind 36 11 12ft kadi Abd al Djibbu
Fadl allheal 279 11 HIT idem \tughm xvn 35
11 1211 Ash in Makalat al hlammm index s n
Diwudil Mukammis 'Ishrun makala ed S Stioumsa
Leiden 1989 249 11 4ff (ti G \ i)di in
Orttm xv 19b2 68 71) Abu Hiyv mill iwhidi al
Basairua I dhakha u ed \\ idid il kidi Benut
1408/1988 iv 216 n 784 Shihristim Li rt dts nil
gwm d du stiff, ti D Gimaiet index in IJ M
Pessigno Tht ruonstruitwn of tht thought of Muhammad
itn Shatit in JWS civ (1984) 445 53 including
tnnshtions of minv fragments J vin Ess Tht ologu
und Gtstllsihap im 2 und j Jh Hidstba Beilm
1991ff n 124 31 ind vi 338 57 L Rudolph il
\fahmdi und du mnmtucht Thtoloji in Samarkand
: Thiol
index s
Leiden 1997
_|J VAN ESS)
MUHAMMAD b 'ABD \l-KARIM al Khattabi
ta 1880 1963) Moioccin utivist and le idei
n the Rif Wir
634
MUHAMMAD b. 'ABD al-KARIM — MUHAMMAD b. ISMA'IL al-MAYMUN
Ibn 'Abd al-Karim was born in the 1880s into the
large Berber tribe [kabila] BanQ Waryaghal in the
Moroccan Rrf [q.v.], son of a kadi who had close
relations with the Spanish in Melilla [q.v.\ and
Alhucemas Island. He studied at the Karawiyyln in
Fas [q.w.], and was influenced by the Salafiyya [q.v.]
movement. From 1907 he worked in Melilla as a
teacher, military interpreter, journalist and kadi. After
the Moroccan Protectorate was established in 1912,
he opposed French colonialism and during the First
World War was briefly arrested by the Spanish for
supposed German sympathies. In 1919, an inchoate
movement emerged among the Banu Waryaghal to
resist the Spanish occupation, and Ibn 'Abd al-Karim
returned to reorganise it on a more stable basis by
imposing the Shari'a and establishing a European-style
military force.
After a rising against the Spanish in July 1 92 1 , he
founded a government based on principles of mod-
ernisation and Salafi reform. In February 1923 vari-
ous Rift tribes gave him bqy'as as imam; he sometimes
called himself amir al-mu'minin [q.v.], more to signify
the religious nature of his movement than to claim uni-
versal leadership. His forces defeated the Spanish in
1924 and invaded the French Zone in 1925. After a
joint invasion of the Rrf in the autumn of 1925, Spa-
nish and French armies crushed his state in May 1926.
Ibn 'Abd al-Karim was exiled to Reunion until, in
1947, he escaped in Egypt on his way to France. He
became the titular leader of the umbrella Committee
for the Liberation of North Africa. After Moroccan
independence (1956) he refused to return, saying that
the American bases prevented Morocco from being
truly independent. He died in Cairo in 1963.
Bibliography: D.M. Hart, The Aith Waryaghar of
the Moroccan Rif, an ethnography and history, Tucson,
Ariz. 1976 (useful on social background); G. Ayache,
Les origines de la guerre du Rif, Paris and Rabat 1 98 1 ;
C.R. Pennell, A country with a government and a flag.
The Rif War in Morocco, 1921-1926, Wisbech 1986;
H. Munson, Jr., Religion and power in Morocco, New
Haven 1993 (on ideological aspects); Ayache, La
guerre du Rif Paris 1996. (C.R. Pennell)
MUHAMMAD b. 'ARAFA (d. 1976), ephemeral
Sultan' of Morocco 1953-5.
Muhammad b. 'Arafa was the product of the
Franco-Moroccan crisis of the early 1950s when sul-
tan Muhammad b. Yusuf (after 1956, Muhammad V)
(d. 1961) defied the Protectorate authorities and openly
supported the nationalists' demand for independence.
In March 1952 the sultan addressed a letter to the
President of the French Republic demanding the abro-
gation of the protectorate treaty of 1912. The French
not only rejected the sultan's demand but started con-
templating plans for his removal. A scheme for a
dynastic change by which the Idrisid 'Abd al-Hayy
al-Kattanl would be made sultan was quickly aban-
doned in favour of a more realistic alternative, that of
finding a candidate for the throne from within the
'Alawid house.
The idea of a new 'Alawid sultan who would be
more co-operative, if not in effect a French puppet,
was judged to be more acceptable in view of the wide
popularity that had built up round the 'Alawid dynasty
since the early 1930s. Upon the instructions of Augustin
Guillaume, the French Resident General, ThamI al-
Glawl, pasha of Marrakesh, and 'Abd al-Hayy al-
Kattanl toured the country to gather signatures for a
petition demanding the removal of the sultan Muham-
mad V. The new candidate for the throne was found
in the person of Muhammad b. 'Arafa, a retiring per-
son from the 'Alawid family. On 20 August 1953 the
legal sultan was deposed and sent into exile in the
French colony of Madagascar.
The enthronement of the new sultan was imme-
diately met by a sweeping wave of opposition to the
French policy. Ibn 'Arafa was dismissed by the over-
whelming majority of the Moroccan people as "the
sultan of the French" and they therefore refused to
give him allegiance. Mosque imams abstained from
mentioning his name in the Friday sermon, and when
they did this under French pressure, people simply
deserted the mosques. His proclamation had for its
immediate consequences the radicalisation of the
nationalist movement and the outbreak of armed re-
sistance to the French in many parts of the country.
After two attempts on the sultan's life and the dete-
rioration of security throughout the country, the French
realised the seriousness of the situation. Internationally,
the French action had been widely condemned, par-
ticularly by Spain which, as a co-partner in the pro-
tectorate system, felt deeply offended by the French
unatilateral move. The Spanish authorities maintained
allegiance to Muhammad V, and at the United Nations
the French government had also to face wide hostil-
ity to its Moroccan policy from the Arab and the
Afro-Asian bloc.
For the Moroccan nationalist movement led by the
Istiklal party [see hizb. i, at Vol. Ill, 525], the return
of the deposed sultan and the removal of Ibn 'Arafa
became the most pressing demands and a rallying cry
for all political tendencies. When the French finally
decided to allow Ibn Yusuf to return from exile, they
had, in fact, accepted the principle of Morocco's inde-
pendence. Ibn 'Arafa announced his abdication on
1 October 1955, and on 2 March 1956 the protectorate
regime formally came to an end. Muhammad b. 'Arafa
went into exile in France and died at Nice on 18
July 1976.
Bibliography. S. Bernard, Le conflit franco-
marocain, 1943-1956, 3 vols. Brussels 1963; Jamil
M. Abun-Nasr, A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic
period, Cambridge 1971; Ch. A. Julien, Le Maroc
face aux imperialismes, 1415-1956, Paris 1978.
(Mohamed El Mansour)
MUHAMMAD b. ISMAIL al-MAYMUN, the
seventh imam of the Isma'Iliyya [q.v.].
The eldest son of Isma'il b. Dja'far al-Sadik,
Muhammad was born around 120/738; and on tbe
death of his grandfather, the imam Dja'far al-Sadik,
in 148/765 he was recognised as imam by a faction
of the Imam! ShiTs, who were later designated as
the Mubarakiyya. These Shi" is, comprising one of
the earliest Isma'ili groups, affirmed the death of
Muhammad's father IsmaTl in the lifetime of the
imam al-Sadik. They further held that al-Sadik had
personally designated his grandson Muhammad on
Isma'H's death. Muhammad b. Isma'il carried the
epithet of al-Maymun, the "fortunate one", and his
followers were also originally referred to as the
Maymuniyya, another designation of the nascent
IsmaTliyya. Soon after 149/766, Muhammad b. Isma'il
permanently left Medina, the residence of the 'Alids,
for the east and went into hiding; hence his addi-
tional epithet of al-Maktum, the "hidden one". Sub-
sequently, he maintained his contacts with the
Mubarakiyya (Maymuniyya), centred in Kufa. Muham-
mad b. Isma'il evidently spent his final years in
Khuzistan, where he had some following, and died
not long after 179/795-6 in the reign of the caliph
Harun al-Rashld.
Until the schism of 286/899 in the early Isma'ili
MUHAMMAD b. ISMA'IL al-MAYMUN — MUHAMMAD 'ABD ALLAH
movement, the bulk of the Isma'iliyya acknowledged
Muhammad b. Isma'il as their seventh and final imam;
and as such, they denied his death and awaited his
imminent return as the Mahdi or Ka'im. In accord-
ance with their cyclical view of the religious history
of mankind, the early Isma'TlTs also believed that
Muhammad b. Isma'il was the seventh and final
speaker I natik ); on his reappearance, he would initi-
ate the final era or dawr [q.v.], fully revealing to all
mankind the hitherto hidden esoteric truths [haka'ik)
of all the preceding revelations. Muhammad b. Isma'il
would rule the world in justice during that eschato-
logical age of pure spiritual knowledge before the
physical world ended; he was thus considered as
the Ka'im al-kiyama. These beliefs were retained by
the Karmatis [q.v.] who, in 286/899, split away from
those Isma'Ilis who acknowledged continuity in the
Isma'Ili imamate and allowed for more than one hep-
tad of imams in the era of Islam. The latter, the
Fatimid Isma'Ilis, denied the Mahdlship of Muhammad
b. Isma'il; for them, the final age was gradually post-
poned indefinitely into the future and Muhammad b.
Isma'il himself was no longer expected to return a;
the Mahdi.
Bibliography: Nawbakhtl, Firak al-Shi'a, ed
H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931, 58-64, 90; Sa'd b. 'Abd
Allah al-Kummi, al-Makalat wa 1-firak, ed. MJ.
Mashkur, Tehran 1963, 80-86, 103; Kulaynl, al-
Usul min al-kaji, ed. 'All A. al-Ghaflari, Tehran
1388/1968, i, 485-6; Abu Hatim al-RazI, A', al-
^jna, iii, ed. 'A.S. al-SamarraT in his al-Ghuluw tea
•l-firak al-ghaliya, Baghdad 1392/1972. 287-89; Dja'-
far b. Mansur al-Yaman, A'. al-Kashf, ed. R. Stroth-
mann, London, etc., 1952, 103-4, 109-10, 113-14.
132-3, 138, 143, 150, 169-70; idem, Said'ir wa-asrdr
al-nutaka', ed. M. Ghalib, Beirut 1984, 21, 39, 109,
112, 259; al-Kadi al-Nu'man, Sharh al-akhbar, ed.
S.M. al-Husayni al-Djalali, Kumm 1409-12/1988-
92, iii, 309-10; Idris 'Imad al-Din b. al-Hasan,
'Uvun al-akhbdi, iv, ed. Ghalib, Beirut 1973, 351-6;
idem, ~a/» al-ma'dnl, ed. Ghalib, Beirut 1991, 204-8;
Ash'ari, Makdldt al-islamivvin, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul
1929-30, 26-7; Shahrastani, 16, 127-8, 145-7, Fr.
tr. D. Gimaret and G. Monnot, Litre des religions et
da secies, Louvain and Paris 1986, 138, 491-2, 551-
3, Eng. tr. A.K. Kazi and J.G. Flynn, Muslim sects
and divisions, London 1984, 23, J44, 163-5; Ibn
'Inaba, 'Umdat al-talib, ed. M.H. Al al-Talikam,
Nadjaf 1961, 233, 234ff; H.F. ai-Hamdani, On the
genealogy of Fatimid caliphs, Cairo 1958; W. Madelung,
Off i Imamat in der Jruhen ismaihtischen Lehre. in W.,
xxxvii (19G1), 43-86; H. Halm, Kosmologie und
Heilslehre der Jruhen Isma'iliya, Wiesbaden 1978, 18-
37; idem, The empue of the Mahdi. tr. M. Bonner,
Leiden 1996, index; F. Daftary, The hma'Jlis. their
history and doetnnes, Cambridge 1990, index; idem,
.4 major schism in the early Isma'Ili movement, in Stud.
1st., lxxvii (1993), 123-39; and idem, A short history
of the Ismailis, Edinburgh 1998, index.
(F. Daftary)
MUHAMMAD b. SAYF al-DIN, IBN AYDAMIR,
compiler of a large anthology of Arabic
poetry, d. 710/1310.
Born in Baghdad in 639/1240, he served the last
'Abbasid caliph as a youth. Trained both in the chival-
rous and humanist disciplines, he was appointed to
various civil offices by the Mongol Hiilegu and his
successors. Biographers mention that he wrote some
good poetry and epistles. Ibn Avdamir (which is how
he writes his own name, not Ibn Aydamur) died in
Radjab 710/November-December 1310, some five
fter comple
ing his great anthology al-Durr
' which an
almost complete, beautifully w
tograph ha
been preserved and published
work lists single lines of poetry, mostly of the gnomic
and quotable kind. They are arranged strictly alpha-
betically, not according to rhyme-word, but, unusu-
ally and usefully, by their beginnings. The core of
number, which is, however, easily outnumbered by
the lines provided by the compiler in the margin,
often giving the context or parallels of quoted lines.
Biographical notes and philological commentary are
also included. The poets date from all periods, many
of them well known but also including lesser-known
or obscure poets.
Bibliography. Muhammad Ibn Sayf al-Din
Aydamur, al-Durr al-farid wa-bayt al-qasidlThe pirce-
less pearl a poetu verse [sic], ed. [in facsimile] F.
Sezgin, in collab. with M. Amawi, A. Jokhosha and
E. Neubauer, 5 vols. Iviii + 332, 384, 377, 377,
534 pp.), Frankfurt am Main 1988-9 [Publications of
the Institute for the History of Aiabic- Islamic Science, C,
45); GJ. van Gelder, Aiabic poetics and stylistics accord-
ing to the introduction oj al-Durr al-fand by Muhammad
Ibn Avdamir (d. 710/1310), in ~DMG, cxlvi il99Gi,
381-414; R. Weipert, Der Durr al-fand des Muhammad
b. Aidamur. Em Viesaurus gnomischei Pocsie am dem
7./ 13. Jahrhundeit, in W. Heinrichs and G. Schoeler
(eds.l. Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65. Geburtstag. Band
2. Studien zur arabischen Dichtung, Beirut-Wiesbaden
1994, 447-G1. (G.J.H. van Gelder)
MUHAMMAD b. SHIHAB [see al-zuhr!].
MUHAMMAD 'ABD ALLAH, Siiaykh (d. 1965),
He-
Indian s
of Mu>
21 June 1874, i
in Tani
(district of Punch in Kashmir valley). Being a Hindu
at birth, he was named Thakur Das. His father, Mehta
Gormukh Singh, was a local landlord. According to
the traditions of his Kashmiri Brahman family, his basic
education in Persian was initiated under the tutorship
of Kadi Kutb al-Din Kashmiri. Later, he was admitted
to the maktah of Miyan Nizam al-Din Wazir; there he
laykha.
long
other
. Her.
began learning Sanskrit. While still i
he studied tibb-i vuiidni (the Greek
i his early t
medical sy
under the guidance of Mawlawi Nu
al-Din. Ha
been encouraged by both these scho
ars, he was
to Dammu to continue his studies ii
tern. In Djammu he remained under
of Mawlawi Nur al-Din. In 1890, a
the English
the guardia
ended, i
', the
impany, t
the Muhammadan Educational Confere
where he enthusiastically listened to the speeches of
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan [q.v.] and other functionaries,
being so inspired by these speeches that during the
session he embraced Islam.
In 1891 he traveled to 'Aligarh with an introduc-
tion from Mawlawi Nur al-Din addressed to Sir Sayyid,
seeking admission to the Anglo-Muhammadan Oriental
College (which later became Aligarh Muslim Univer-
sity). While filling in his admission form he, for the
first time, wrote his Muslim name, Muhammad 'Abd
Allah, by which he was to be known all his remaining
life. (It is not known when and how he acquired the
title Shaykh.) While still an undergraduate student, he
MUHAMMAD 'ABD ALLAH — MUHAMMAD SALIH KANBO LAHAWRI
Sayyid, under whose personal attention 'Abd Allah
learnt writing for newspapers on various educational
and social themes. It was, he stated, Sir Sayyid's guid-
ance which inspired him actively to participate in the
community's welfare work.
After graduation with a law degree and at the
expressed desire of Sir Sayyid, 'Abd Allah settled down
in 'Alrgafh and began his career as a lawyer. In 1902
he was married to Wahid Djahan Begam (from an
established Muslim family of Dihli), with whom he
had four daughters and a son.
A few of his childhood experiences of witnessing
cruelty and injustice to women left deep impressions
on him which were to lead him later in life to a
whole-hearted involvement in social welfare work for
women, especially in education. He intensely believed
that, with education, women's lot could alone be
improved. With the then existing atmosphere in
'Alrgafh, he became more and more concerned with
the education of Muslim women.
During the 1896 session of the Muhammad Educa-
tional Conference, a section was established for women's
education; but because of Sir Sayyid's involvement in
other tasks, no practical steps were taken to attain any
specific objectives toward education of Muslim women.
In the 1902 session of the Conference, held at Dihli,
Shaykh Muhammad 'Abd Allah, together with several
of his friends, proposed to revive the section on women's
education, which was enthusiastically approved: there-
after year after year he kept on propagating the neces-
sity of providing adequate education to Muslim women
in India. For this purpose he began publishing a monthly
periodical Khatun, the first issue of which came out in
1904 and continued to be published for the next ten
years. Also in the year 1904 he was permitted by the
Conference session at Lucknow to open a normal (up
to eighth grade) school for Muslim girls at 'Alrgafh.
After three years of hard work he succeeded in estab-
lishing the proposed normal school. The modest begin-
ning of this school in 1907 in 'Alrgafh attracted the
attention of the government of the United Provinces
(now known as Uttar Pradesh), which granted a suf-
ficient sum for the purpose of buying land and con-
structing building for the school in 1908. The school
at that initial stage had no boarding facilities for girls
from outside the town. The increasing popularity of this
pioneer institution for Muslim girls' education through-
out the subcontinent meant that there was a need of
residential facilities for girls from other nearby areas
who wanted to join. In 1911 help came again from
the U.P. government; Lady Porter, wife of the
Lieutenant-Governor of the United Provinces, laid the
foundation stone of the hostel adjacent to the school
building. The school which had a modest beginning
in 1907 had grown by 1936 into a renowned degree
college leading up to B.A. classes. In that year it was
affiliated to the Aligarh Muslim University.
Until 1947, education in all classes of the college and
its affiliated primary and secondary schools was con-
ducted under the strict rules of Islamic seclusion. The
hostel followed also tradition both in observing pat da
and in religious obligations. In 1947, however, after
the independence of the country and promulgation of
a secular constitution, the basic structure of Islamic-
oriented Western education remained untouched in
all the affiliated insitutions of the Muslim Unhersity
(Muslim Girls' College included), but seclusion of
women students and obligatory religious observances
his spacious residential house close to the buildings
of the College, and from the 1940s onwards, donated
a large part of this house as the hostel for postgrad-
uate girl students. His strong attachment to the girls'
education and welfare was reciprocated by the affec-
tionate title of "Papa Miyan" with which he came to
be known in 'Allgafh.
In recognition of his pioneer work for Muslim
women's education the British Government awarded
him the title of "Khan Bahadur", and Aligarh Muslim
University honoured him with the award of honorary
degree of Doctor of Laws. Towards the end of his
life, in 1964 the post-Independence national govern-
ment of India expressed its appreciation for his services
by awarding him the title "Padam Bhushan". He died
on 9 April 1965 at the age of 91, and was buried in
the garden of his residential house, adjacent to the
buildings of the Muslim Girls' College.
Bibliography. Sh. 'Abd Allah,' Mushdhidat wa-
ta'thlrat [Urdu], 1969; idem, Sawanih 'umrf 'Abd Allah
Begam [Urdu] Delhi 2 1954; Khatun, Urdu monthly
journal, 'Aligarh, ed., Sh. Muhammad 'Abd Allah,
1904-10; Thurayya Husayn, Bam-e-Darsgah: Doktor
Shaykh Muhammad 'Abd Allah, hayat wa shakhsiyyat, in
Women's College, Muslim University Aligarh Alagazine
(1975). "(Ghaus Ansari)
MUHAMMAD 'AKIF PASHA [see mehmed 'akif
iA],
MUHAMMAD al-DJAWAD [
'alI a
DA].
MUHAMMAD HAKIM MIRZA, Mughal
prince and half-brother of the emperor
Akbar [q.v.], b. 960/1553, d. 993/1585.
In 973/1566 he was governor of Kabul and east-
ern Afghanistan for Akbar, but when temporarily
forced out of his capital by the Timurids of Badakh-
shan, he retreated towards India, where a group of
dissident Ozbeg nobles proclaimed him emperor at
Djawpur and incited him to invade India. He beseiged
Lahore with his forces, but had to retreat to Kabul.
For over a decade, he posed a threat on Akbar's
northwestern frontier, offering a legitimate alternative
to Akbar's rule. A fresh revolt of Mughal and Afghan
nobles broke out in 987-8/1579-80, in the wake of
Akbar's mahdar or decree proclaiming himself supreme
arbiter of religious affairs and claiming authority as
caliph, and Muhammad Hakim was again proclaimed
counter-emperor. Akbar sent his chief minister Todar
Mai [q.v.] to supress the rebels in Bihar, and himself
marched against Kabul, entering the town in Radjab
989 /December 1581. He pardoned Muhammad
Hakim and reinstated him, but it was not until
Muhammad Hakim's death in Sha'ban 993 /August
1585 that all threats from Kabul were ended and the
region brought under direct imperial rule.
Bibliography: See that for akbar, and add RJ.
Majumdar (general ed.), The history and culture of the
Indian people, vi, The Mughul empire, Bombay 1974,
141-5, and J.F. Richards, The Mughal empire,
Cambridge 1993, 18-19. (C.E. Bosworth)
MUHAMMAD SALIH KANBO LAHAWRI,
Indo-Muslim historian and stylist whose exact
dates of both birth and death are unknown but who
flourished in the 11th/ 17th century under the Mughal
emperors Shah Djahan and Awrangzib [q.w.]. He may
have been the younger brother of the historian and
litterateur Tnayat Allah Kaiibo (d. 1082/1671 [q.v.]),
ll Muhammad Salih's reference to this last person,
his master and patron, as biradar-i kalan "elder brother"
is to be taken literally.
Virtually nothing is known of his life, but he was
MUHAMMAD SALIH KANBO LAHAWRl — MUHDATHUN
a government official in Lahore, where his tomb
exists and where in 1079/1668-9 he had built a sn
mosque. He is famed for his detailed history of Shah
Djahan and his reign, the 'Amal-i Salih, completed in
1070/1659-60, but with later additions (many mss.;
ed. Ghulam Yazdam, Bibl. Indica, 3 vols. Calcutta
1912-39), and also an insha' collection, the Bahar-i
sukhan, still in manuscript.
Bibliography: Storev, i, 579-81, 1317.
JC.E. Bosworth)
MUHAMMAD-SHAHl NIZARIYYA [see isma'I-
MUHAMMAD TAPAR [s
~ MUHAMMAD UTHMAN DJALAL (1829-16
January 1909, thus in Brockelmann, S II, 725),
drama into Arabic.
He played a crucial role in the transfer of the
cultural milieu of European dramatic forms into an
indigenous Egyptian language and format. After
Rifa'a al-Tahtawi's [see rifa'a bey al-tahtawI] famous
translation school, the Madrcuat al-alsun, and became
thereafter one of the foremost of its graduate trans-
lators from French to Arabic I both literary and col-
loquial). Alongside his achievements as a translator he
also had a civil service career, firstly in the Khedive's
office, then as a judge in the Mixed Courts, and later
as a government minister. Various dates are given for
his death, ranging from 1894 to 1909 (cf Brockelmann,
II", 627-8 S II 725)
Mowng from the practicalities of administrative
an genres Djalal began his literary translation career
with the Fables of La Fontaine, which he rendered
into Aiabic \erse and published in 1858 (al-'Uyun al-
yauakiz A I amthal ua l-mawa'iz). In 1872 he issued
his famous translation of Bernardin de St. Pierre's
Paul et \ugmie (as al imam wa 'l-minna fi hadlth Kabul
ixa Ward Joanna) using the lofty style of sadf (rhyming
piose) and 'arabising and "islamicising" manv of the
discourse elements of the original French text. He
thereafter turned his attention to the dramatic genre,
translating foui comedies of Moliere into colloquial
Aiabic poetn (using the form of radjaz) and once
again cle\erlv transferring the cultural context from
a European to an Egyptian milieu. The four plays in
question (published as a group in 1889) were: Taituffe
(al Shaikh Uatluf ) Us fimmes savantes (al-.Hisa' al-'alimat),
Luote da mam (Uadrmat al-azwddf), and Vecole de,
femmes (Madrasat d-zaw^at).
From comedy, he moved on to the French trage-
dians, translating (once more into colloquial Cairene
dialect) a set of plays by Racine and Corneille: Esther,
Iphigenie, and Alexandre le Grand by the former (as al-
"' " ~> al-mufdaf 'Urn al-taradfida), and El Cid by the
-. His o
n his
Dart, al-Khadddmln wa l-mukhaddimin ("Serv
agents", 1904), was, like his translated plays, com-
posed in colloquial \erse.
In the lengthy and complex process of indigenis-
mg impoited liteiary genres during the 19th century,
Djalal s lole as a translator was a central one. That
the translated \ersions of European works that he
produced were successfully assimilated into Egyptian
society can be convincingly demonstrated by the fact
that al ihaykh Matluf, his Egyptianised Tartuffe and
most masterful adaptation, has been revived on the
Cairo stage in lecent times (e.g. 1963, 1971) to tremen-
dous popular acclaim.
Bibliography: M.M. Badawi, Early Arabu drama,
Cambridge 1988; idem (ed.), Modem Arabic literature
[Cambiidge History of Arabic Literature), Cambridge
1992; P.C. Sadgrove, The Egyptian theatre in the nine-
teenth century 1799-1882, Reading 1996; Fatima Musa-
Mahmud (ed.), Kamus al-masrah, Cairo 1996, ii,
493-4; Carol Bardenstein, Matters of non-equivalence.
Egyptianizing French literature, in Lenore A. Grenoble
and J.M. Kopper (eds.). Essays m the art and theory
of translation, Lewiston 1997, 97-120; Shimon Ballas,
of Muhammad 'Uthman Jalal: i
n and a
terature, ed. S. Ballas and R.
Toronto 1998, 47-53. For older literature, and
biographical sources (including 'All Pasha Mubarak,
al-Khitat al-tawflkiyya al-djadida, xvii, 62ff.), see
Brockelmann, he. at. _ (R.M.A. Allen)
MUHAMMAD ZAMAN MIRZA, perennially
rebellious Mughal prince and brother-in-law
of the emperor Humayun [q.v.].
On Humayun's accession in 937/1530, he allied
with Bahadur Shah of Gudjarat, provoking an inva-
sion by Humayun of Gudjarat via Malwa. Muhammad
s pardoned, but in 941/1534 rebelled again,
this
i Bihar, but 1
scape
) Guc
?. This provoked a
occupation of Gudjarat by the Mughal emperor (941-
2/1535-6). Muhammad Zaman escaped; he tried to
claim the throne of Gudjarat for himself on Bahadur
Shah's death in 943/1537 but failed in the attempt.
d Hur
e that to humayun, and add
R.J. Majumdar (general ed.). The history and culture
of the Indian people, vi, The Mughul empire, Bombav
1974, 45-51, 395, 398. (C.E. Bosworth)
MUHDATHUN (a.), "the Moderns", i.e., in clas-
sical Arabic literary history, those poets that came
after the ancient poets (called kudamd', mutakad-
dimun or awa'il) of the pre-Islamic and early Islamic
periods. The term is first applied to some poets "of
the two dynasties" (mukhadramu 1-daivlatayri), who flour-
ished in the middle and second half of the 2nd/8th
century [see mukhadram]. No formal end of the period
of the Muhdathun movement is recognised, but mostly
the term applies to poets of the first few centuries of
the 'Abbasid period. For poets from later times, one
finds occasionally the term still used, or, more com-
monly, expressions such as ahl al-'uir and mu'asirun
"contemporary [poets]".
Critics were aware of the differences between the
poetn' of the pre-Islamic [dj_dhili) poets and that of
their successors, the mukhadramun (straddling the
D}dhiliyya and Islam), the Islamiyyun and the Umayyad
poets. However, the changes in style, themes and
motifs that arose from the mid-2nd/8th century — in
the wake of the fundamental social and intellectual
changes that took place in that period (such as the
role of the mawdll [see mawla] and the impact of
Greek and Persian civilisation) — were considered so
fundamental that the dichotomy between "old" (kadim)
and "modern" is dominant in traditional literary crit-
icism. The distinction is important, too, in Arabic lin-
guistics, since there was a general consensus among
the grammarians and lexicographers that only early
(prt?-muhdath) poetn' could serve as attestation for the
codification of the "pure" Ifusha) language; as Ibn
Djinnr, quoted by Ibn Rashik i'Umda, Cairo 1953, ii,
236), put it: "Modern poets [he uses the term muwal-
ladiin, on which see below] may be cited as authorities
lyustashhadu bihim) on motifs (ma'am ), just as ancient poets
may be cited as authorities on words (or expressions,
638
MUHDATHUN
affair. Even though many grammarians appreciated
the poetry of the Muhdathun for its literary qualities,
it is likely that the term originally had pejorative con-
notations, just as a bad sword could be described as
"modern, not cutting" (muhdath ghayr sdrim, Djarir,
in Naka'id, ed. A.A. Bevan, Leiden 1905-12, 413).
Well before the period of the Muhdathun, the poet
Umayya b. Abr 'A'idh (J. 80/700) praises his own
verse as "unlike the patchwork of the muhdathun'
(Aghdnr, xxiv, 6).
Resistance to the poetry of "moderns" had vari-
ous grounds: its language, diction, style, contents, or
even (though rarely) the fact that some prominent
poets were not only non-nomads but also non-Arabs,
witness the telling anecdote about Bashshar b. Burd
[q.v.], often called "the father of the moderns", related
in Aghani', iii, 166. It took some time for the Muhdathun
to be recognised by critics and anthologists. The
Tabakdt Juhul al-shu'ara' ("The classes of the master poets")
by Ibn Sallam al-Djumahl (d. 231/845 [q.v.]) ignores
them, as does, for instance, Kudama b. Dja'far's [q.v.]
Nakd al-sM'r. Abu Tammam (d. 231/846 [q.v.]), him-
self one of the greatest and most controversial of the
"moderns", included only a few fragments that could
be called muhdath poetry in his influential anthology
al-Hamasa (his less famous anthology al-U'ahshinat, on
the other hand, has poems by Bashshar, Abu Nuwas,
Abu 'l-'Atahiya, Mutf b. Iyas, Muslim b. al-Walld,
Di'bil [q.w.] and other Muhdathun).
The recognition and esteem that many Muhdathun
received in their lifetimes from patrons and other
admirers is reflected in numerous reports and not
long after in anthological and critical works, too. A
contemporary of Abu Tammam, the poet Di'bil
(d. 246/860), compiled a (partly preserved) book on
poets in which the Muhdathun are included; some later
anthologies, such as Ibn al-Mu'tazz's [q.v.] Tabakdt
al-shu'ara', are wholly devoted to the Muhdathun. This
work opens with Ibn Harma (d. ca. 170/786 [q.v.]),
who is more often considered "the last of the ancients"
(al-AsmaT, quoted at 20, and cf Aghani 2 , iv, 373) or
"in the rearguard of poets" (min sakat al-shu'ara', Ibn
Kutayba, Shi'r, 473). Still quoted by linguists, but
already indulging in very "modern" techniques such
as writing a long poem without diacritical dots (Aghani 2 ,
iv, 378-9), Ibn Harma is a borderline case, like e.g.
Ibn Mayyada and Marwan b. Abi Hafsa [q.w.]. Even
Bashshar, "father of the Moderns", is sometimes called
"the last (khatimat) of the (ancient) poets" (Aghani 2 , iii,
143, 148, 150). It is rather surprising that Bashshar's
coeval, the caliph al-Walrd b. Yazid (d. 126/744 [q.v.]),
in spite of his innovative poetry, is never counted
among the Muhdathun, presumably because he did not
live to reach the 'Abbasid period.
As Ibn Kutayba said, "God did not restrict knowl-
edge, poetry and eloquence to one period . . .; Djarir,
al-Farazdak, al-Akhtal and other [pre-muhdath poets]
were once regarded as 'moderns'" (Shi'r, 5). Of course,
the distinction between kadim and muhdath is not merely
a matter of chronology. The former is associated, or
even equated, with the poetry of the 'Arab, the nomadic
or semi-nomadic Bedouin, and the latter with the
poetry of sedentary poets who were often non-Arab,
like Bashshar, or of mixed descent (muwallad). Indeed,
the term muwalladun is sometimes used as a synonym
of muhdathun, at other times for those poets who fol-
low that school [see muwallad. 2. In Arabic language
and literature]. Al-Djahiz wrote (Hayawan, iv, 130),
"The 'Arab and A'rab, both the nomadic and seden-
tary Arabs (al-badw wa 'l-hadar min sa'ir al-'arab), are
generally better poets than those poets who live in
towns and villages and are not of pure Arab stock
among the new generation (min al-muwallada wa
'l-nabita)." Confusingly, the term muwallad has occa-
sionally been used for poets of pure Arab descent,
even from the Umayyad period, such as "Umar b.
Abr Rabl'a, al-Kumayt b. Zayd and al-Tirimmah
[q.w.] (al-Sidjistanf-al-Asma'r, Fuhulat al-shu'ara', Cairo
1991, 124, 132, and cf. Ibn RashTk, 'Umda, i, 90), pre-
sumably because they were not true nomads, some
of them, such as al-Kumayt, having learned and taught
grammar (al-Marzubanl, al-Muwashshah, Cairo 1965,
302, 326-7).
It is a commonplace of traditional criticism to con-
trast the "purity" and solidity of the old style with
the refinement and rhetoricisation of the new. The
old poet built a house, the modern poet embellished
and decorated it (e.g. 'Umda, i, 92); the former is like
a singer singing fine melodies with a coarse voice,
the latter sings inferior melodies with a sweet voice
(Ibn Wakl', quoted in 'Umda, i, 92). Modern verse is
like a fragrant herb that smells deliciously but briefly,
early poetry is like musk or ambergris, increasing in
fragrance the more one rubs it (Ibn al-A'rabT, quoted
in al-Marzubanl, al-Muwashshah, 384). The Muhdathun
are credited with introducing badi' [q.v.] consciously,
a term referring to various rhetorical and poetic arti-
fices and embellishments. "Muslim b. al-Walld was
the first to use badi' on a large scale, after Bashshar
had first used it . . .; then came Abu Tammam, who
used it excessively and immoderately" (quoted by Ibn
al-Mu'tazz, Tabakat, 235). Obviously, the contrast
between old and new has been exaggerated and sim-
plified: by no means all early poetry is stylistically
rough and unadorned, some of it, notably Umayyad
radjaz [q.v.], is highly rhetoricised. Conversely, much
of "modern" poetry is unadorned and highly acces-
sible, and its image is to some extent distorted because
in literary criticism and theory it was mainly the
rhetorical and embellished style that received atten-
tion. However, on the whole it is true that the most
characteristic innovation of the Muhdathun lies pre-
cisely in the development of refined rhetorical tech-
niques, a novel use of metaphor (cf. the distinction
between the "old" and the "new" metaphor as pointed
out by W. Heinrichs, The hand of the Northwind,
Wiesbaden 1977), and of increasingly complex imagery
and "conceits", on which see e.g. B. Reinert, Der
Concetto-Stil in den islamischen Literaturen, in Heinrichs
(ed.), Neues Handbuch der Literatumissenschaft. V. Orientali-
iches Mittelalter, Wiesbaden 1990, 366-408.
It is difficult to generalise about "modern poetry",
extremely varied as it is. Much of the ancient, Bedouin
vocabulary and diction is abandoned, yet the so-called
neo-classicist style of Abu Tammam and others
indulges, at least in their formal kasidas and other set-
pieces, in archaic words and expressions. There were
some prosodical innovations: a few new metres were
created and truncated forms of existing metres became
popular, yet all the old metres survived. Many odd-
ities of grammar and prosody that were condoned in
old and Bedouin poetry as poetic licences (daturat)
were deemed faults in new or urban poetry (e.g. Ibn
Rashik, 'Umda, ii, 269; Ibn Djinm, Khasa'is, Cairo
1952, i, 323ff.).
The 'Abbasid critics themselves were aware that
the originality and novelty of "modern" poetry were
not as great as was sometimes claimed. Ibn al-Mu'tazz
[q.v.] wrote his seminal treatise on rhetorical figures
and tropes, K. al-Badi', in order to demonstrate that
these figures and tropes can be found already in early
poetry and prose (Kur'an and Hadith); thus he provided
MUHDATHUN
idic
echmque
! notablv Abu Tammam s
■taphor
ntithesis
o brothers called al-K.halidiw an
\qi], in then A al \shbah u.a Y naza'ir, tiaced mam
motifs and themes occumng in modern poetrv to then
earlv piedecessors, m older to pro\e the superiority
of the latter, it was written in lesponse to those who
piefeired the moderns
The poetr\ of the Muhdalhun certainlv was not, and
could not have been, a wholh new start The earK
poets were canonised bv consensus and could not be
ignored b\ the latei ones Modern poets had to choose
between slavishly imitating them, which became
incieasinglv auhaic and inappropriate foi uiban poets,
or reacting against them |e g b\ means of parod\
and in the 'anti nasib" theme common in Abu Nuwas
[see nasIb d 'Abbasid period]), or b\ transforming
the earK themes and motifs, bv blending or subtly
changing them whil
b\ n
.1 refinen
)t modem poetrv is the pervading presence
of shortei and monothematic poems, with themes that
in earlv poetrv usuallv formed part of the polv the-
matic ode or kasida [qi] the kharmma [q < ] or bac-
chic poem the tardma [qi] or hunting poem, the
zuhdma [qi] or ascetic, anti-worldlv poem, the 'flo-
ial" poem (called nawrma [qi], zahrma imudma 01
rabl'ma), the epideictic epigiam iuasf ), the gnomic
epigiam [hikma), the obscene or scatological poem
(mudiun [qi ]) and seveial others Here, too there are
precedents in eailv poetrv although it is not alwavs
possible to determine whether an earlv short poem
was conceived as an independent epigiam 01 is a
fragment of an incompletelv transmitted poem
In anv case, the kasida ietained its position as the
most piestigious form As before one was not con-
sidered a great poet unless one could boast of the
production of a substantial number of odts It has
been argued (M M Badawi, From pnman to secondary
Qasidas in J\L, xi [1980], 1-31 and see his chapter
'Abbaud poeln and its antecedents in J Ashtianv tt al
(edsj, CHAL Abbasid belles lettns Cambndge 1990,
14b-bfa) that the coming of Islam brought about a
more radical change in poetrv than the muhdath "i ev-
olution , a change seen in the shift horn the tubal
and ntuahstic kasida to the mostlv panegvuc ode mod-
elled on the old tvpe but being more stnctlv hteiaiv.
, took plac
and seveial more recent articles bv Renate Jacobi and
others) It is true that most of the changes of the
penod of the first Muhdalhun weie piepaied bv the
earlv Islamic and Umawad poets, vet on the whole
the traditional distinction between them and the
newer school is justified and the onginal contnbutions
of such innovator as Bashshai, Abu Nuwas, <\bu
l-'Atahiya, Abu Tammam and Ibn al-Rumi cannot
be denied The new sensibihtv has been linked with
the "discover, ' of the individual, as a result of social
and political changes such as the dwindling of the
old anstociacv, the individualistic egahtaiiamsm
espoused bv Islam and high social mobilitv (see Th
Bauer, Liebi und Liebesdichtung in da aiabischen Hilt dts
und 10 Jahihundeits, Wiesbaden 1998)
Among the thaiactenstics of the kasida among the
Muhdalhun is a gieatei concern tor coherence and
umtv or at least an avoidance of abrupt tiansitions
Even though such thematic jumps, such as from nasib
to the panegyric section, are still found most poets
[qi]l And whereas mam earlv poems seem to end
the Muhdalhun often conclude with a proper pel ora-
tion, ending with topics appropriate to an envoi such
as a dedicatorv passage or a blessing
After the fust tew generations of Muhdathun poetrv
had become so artful, its techniques had developed
to such an extent that it seemed to the following gen-
erations that it was difficult to come up with novel
things the poet and critic Ibn Tabataba (d 322/934),
in his 'har al shi'r (Riyad 1985, 13) speaks of the 'trial"
Imihna) of the poets in his davs who trv to please exact-
ing pations bv means of their rhetorical subtleties and
witticisms, while abandoning the truthfulness allegedlv
ailv poe
V histr
s mostlv fought
pointed out the supenor techniques of the moderns
Thus al-Hatimi (d 388/998) notes that the latter
excelled in lakhallus "because of the bright minds and
subtle thoughts', surpassing the pumitive methods of
pre-Islamic and earlv Islamic poets (Hihat al muhddaia,
Baghdad 1979, 215-lb) Diva' al-Din Ibn al-Athn id
b37/1239 [q,]) calls Abu Tammam, al-Buhturi and
al-Mutanabbi "the al-Lat al-'Uzza and Manat [qn]
of poetrv' [alMathal al sa'n Cairo 1962 m 22b) and
pionounces them supenoi to all others ancient and
modern (in, 274) The Andalusian anthologist Ibn
Bassam (d 543/1147 [qi]), explaining whv he onlv
includes lecent poets speaks scathinglv of ancient
poetrv (alDhakhira Benut 1978-9, i/l, 13-14) 'Every-
thing that is recited over and over again is bonng,
the ear ie]ects 'O abode of Mayya ', he goes on
to quote irreverentlv the opening words of seveial of
the Mu'allakat [q i ] , perhaps the most ' canonical ' of
all Arabic poems At the other extreme stands e g
Ibn Khaldun [qi], aich-conserv alive for once, who
quotes with appaient appioval the opinion that the
rhvmes of al-Mutanabbi and al-Ma'am [q i J cannot
be considered true poetrv, because thev did not fol-
low (ancient) Arab poetical methods [al Mukaddima
Cano 19b2, 1296, ti F Rosenthal Princeton 1967,
ill 382; However, m the controversies such as aiose
on account of the stvle and motifs of Abu Tammam
or al-Mutanabbi", it is usuallv not a matter of old
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the aiticle) I Goldzihei Alk und mm Potm mi
Urthtilt dir ambisiht hntiker, in his Abhand/ungtn zur
aiabisiha Philologu, i, Leiden 189b, 122-76 Taha
Husavn Hadith alarbi'a', n Cano 1968 (fust publ
1922-4) SA Bonebakkei, Poets and critics in the thud
ctnturt \H in G E von Grunebaum led ), Logic m
classical Islamic culture, Wiesbaden 1970 85-1 11, J E
Bencheikh, Pottiqut arabc, Pans 1975, W Heinnchs,
Paired metaphois m muhdath poitn, m Occasional Papers
of the School of ibbasid Studies, i (1986) 1-22, Renate
Jacobi, \bbasidischc Duhtung (8 13 Jhdt), in H Gatje
led), diundnss der irabisehen Philologu II Likratitr
uissensehaft Wiesbaden 1987, 41-57, E Wagner,
Grundzuge der klassischen arabischen Duhtung u, Darmstadt
1988 89-158, A Arazi, EI ait Wi 1 In Arabic
Relevant, too, aie studies on badf such as Suzanne
P Stetkevych, Abu Tammam and the poetics of the
Abbasid age, Leiden 1991, Heinnchs Muslim b
al Halid und bad!', in Festsihiift Eitald Uagner Benut
1994, n, 211-45 and P Cachia The Aich rheton
nan, Wiesbaden 1998 (a summarv of a late hand-
MUHDATHUN -
MUKAWWIYAT
'l-muhdathin), 100-1 (section on
famous poets), ii, 263-45 (section on "modern
motifs", al-ma'am al-muhdatha).
(GJ.H. van Gelder)
MUHIBB al-DIN AL-KHATIB, Sunni Arab
journalist, publisher and editor, an influential
figure of the Salafiyya [u.v.] as well as of Arab nation-
alism [see kawmiyya. 1] in the 20th century (1886-
1969). He was born in July 1886 in Damascus. Already
in his youth his worldview was influenced by a num-
ber of SalafT thinkers such as Tahir al-Djaza'irl (d.
1920), and also by the writings of various Arab proto-
nationalists, including al-Kawakibi [</.».]. The gist of
his views, which he advocated until the end of his
life, can be described as a peculiar blend of Salafi
and Arab nationalist positions (see Hurvitz, in Bibl).
As a student of law in Istanbul (1905-7), and until
the end of World War I, he was involved in the
s of a
r of A
as al-Nahda al-'Aiabiyya and al-'Arabiyya al-Fatat (for
details, see his own account in al-Khatib, hayatuhu bi-
kalamihi; also Burdj, Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib; Tauber,
The emergence; idem. The Arab movements, in Bibl.).
From 1916 onwards, he served the "Arab Revolt",
first as a member of the editorial staff" of al-Kibla in
Mecca, and later (summer 1919 to summer 1920) as
chief editor of_ the Hashimite official newspaper in
Damascus, al-'Asima. However, a few days after the
battle of Maysaiun (24 July 1920 [</.».]) and the sub-
sequent French occupation of Damascus, he left Syria
for Egypt.
Having finally settled in Cairo, Muhibb al-Din al-
Khatib in the following years rose to some promi-
nence, in Egypt and far beyond, as owner of a printing
press, a bookshop and a publishing house serving the
causes of 'uiuba [</.o.] and Sunm Islam, called al-
Matba'a al-Salafiyya wa-Maktabatuhd. Further more, he
gained recognition as founder and main author of
two important journals, al-^ahra' (1924-9) and al-Fath
(1926-48), and also as editor of mediaeval as well as
modern Arabic texts.
Even before the fall of the Hashimite rule in the
Hidjaz (1925), he had declared his support for Ibn
Su'Qd [see 'abd al-'aziz, in Suppl.] and subsequently
became an eloquent defender of Saudi-Wahhabi pol-
itics and religious practice [see wahhabiyya. 2]. In
this connection, he came forward as one of the most
influential Sunm polemicists in modern times against
the Shi'a in general and their role in Islamic history
in particular. As a result, he opposed all attempts at
an ecumenical rapprochement between the two sides
[see takrIb]. Even as chief editor of Madjallat al-Azhar
(1952-9) he maintained this view (see Brunner, esp.
193-208). He is also remembered as one of the mod-
ern authors who tried to restore the image of the
Umayyads in the mind of the Sunm Arab public
(Ende, 91-110). He died in Cairo on 30 December
1969.
Bibliography: 1. Arabic works. Kusayy
Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Fihrist al-Maktaba al-
Salafiyya, Cairo 1399/1978-9 (on p. 4, a list of his
most important publications, including editions,
translations, etc., but without bibliographical details);
Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, al-Hasanl al-Dimashkf, haya-
tuhu bi-kalamihi, ed. Djam'iyyat al-Tamaddun al-
Islami, Damascus 1399/1979; Anwar al-Djundi,
Ta'rfkh al-sihafia al-isldmiyya, ii, al-Fath, Cairo n.d.
[1986]; Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahman Burdj, Muhibb
al-Dfn al-Khatib wa-iawruhu fi 'l-haraka al-'arabiyya,
1906-1920, Cairo 1990; Muhammad Radjab al-
Bayyumi, al-Nahda al-isldmiyya ft siyar a'lamiha
•l-mu'Surfn, ii, Damascus and" Beirut 1995, 311-28.
2. Western studies. W. Ende, Ambische Nation
und islamische Geschichte, Beirut 1977; E. Tauber, The
emergence of the Arab movements, London 1993; idem.
The Arab movements m W'oild Ha, I, London 1993;
N. Hurvitz, Muhibb al-Din al-hhatib's Semitic wave
theory and Pan-Aiabism, in MES, xxix (1993), 118-34;
R. "Brunner, Anndherung und Distanz, Berlin 1996;
C. Mayeur-Jaouen, Les debuts d'une tevue neo-salafiste:
Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib et Al-Fath de 1926 it 1928,
in RMMM, nos. 95-8 (= Debats intellectuelles au
Moyen-Orient dans l'entre-deux-guerres) (Aix-en-
Provence 2002), 227-55. (W. Ende)
MU'INSIZ (a., t.), from Ar. mu'in "supporter,
helper" and Tkish. siz "without", a term connected
with the introduction of the conscription system into
the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century to indicate
someone who has nobody to look after his
family and other dependants if he is drafted,
i.e. is a breadwinner. The decision as to who
was regarded as sole breadwinner in a family depended
on the age, sex and physical and mental condition
of those left behind and on their degree of kinship
to the potential mu'insiz- Mu'insiz were exempted from
regular military service, but served as reservists: as
redif and mustahfiz [see radIf]. Once one was regis-
tered as a regular soldier, becoming a mu'insiz was
rarely possible, even if personal circumstances had
;hanged.
had only 1
Although mu'Tnsi.
military obligations
mobilisation and v
colour
:sofp
'•Top
;, their famili<
called
up t
it the
: soldiers from v
:s of
with-
problems with morale and even desertion, the Ottoman
state provided a separation allowance, the Mu'insiz
'A'ile Ma'ashi. First applied during the Crimean War,
the allowance and the terms under which it was
assigned remained rather vague until the second decade
of the 20th century. The First World War forced the
Ottoman authorities to become more specific. Articles
49-55 of the Mukellejiyyet-i 'Askeriyye Kanun-u Muwakkati
of May 1914 and its revised version of July-August
1915 dealt with the separation allowance. A bill for
a separate, thirty-one article law on the allowance was
discussed in the Shura-yi Dewlet [see 'abd al-'azIz;
dustur. ii. turkey] in October 1915, but did not
reach the Meqjlis-i Hukela (Council of Ministers) and
the Parliament until the end of 1918.
Bibliography. Pakalm, ii, 573; Nicole A.N.M.
van Os, Taking care of soldiers' families. The Ottoman
state and the Muinsiz Aile Maasi, in EJ. Ziircher (ed.j,
Arming the state. Military conscription in the Middle East
and Central Asia. 1775 : 1925, London and New York
1999, 95-110; Ziircher, The Ottoman conscription sys-
tem in theory and practice, in ibid., 79-94.
(Nicole A.N.M. van Os)
MUKAWWIYAT (a.), a medical term, originally
denoting stimulants but gradually taking on the
meaning of aphrodisiacs — probably as a form of
euphemism — a meaning which it has retained into the
present day. It will be noted, however, that in the
Kanun fi 'I-tibb of Ibn Sina [q.v.] the term mukauwl
is already in recurrent use in the section devoted to
impotence (ii, 539-41). This is explained by the fact
that aphrodisiacs were intended to restore to the defi-
excite his sexual desire (or that of the woman, evoked
MUKAWWIYAT — MUSA al-SADR
,, although it is the male to whom it
;iven), whence this blurring of meanii
refer
> the r
mufradat at
i of s "
. All tl
carnal desire and facilitating the sexual act.
In a society where virility remained a major fac-
tor, where guaranteeing the succession was an imper-
concubines was still an element of social prestige in
for the "ploughing" of wives — it was to be expected
that physicians should take an interest in aphrodisi-
acs and that texts of erotology as a literary genre
should proliferate. Thus it is worth noting the signi-
ficant fact that the last recipe given in the famous for-
mularv of al-Kohen al-'Attar is that of an aphrodisiac
[ma'djBn al-sakankir, in Minhaaj, 169). This medical lit-
erature should be considered in association with the
related tradition of works of erotology thilub al-bah),
the existence of which is noted, from the 4th/ 10th
century onward, by Ibn al-Nadim in a section of his
Fihnst entitled Aims' al-kutub al-mu' allaja fi 1-bah al-
jarisi wa 1-hindl wa 1-rumi wa Varabl (436). He clearly
points out the suggestive function of these works {'aid
tank al-hadith al-mushabbik), most of which are undoubt-
edly of Indian origin. Consequently, there existed a
science associated with sexuality, linking empirical
observations, theoretical material inspired by the pre-
dominant medical doctrines, and psychological con-
siderations. It is thus that the Shaykh al-Nafzawi refers
?s of se
:y of desi
dance of sperm, encounter with desirable individuals,
physical beauty [of the object of desire], fortifying
nourishment and petting. He supplements this list with
reference to eight factors predisposing the male to
coitus [tukawwT 'aid 'l-ajima'Y. good health, absence of
anxieties, happiness, relaxation, good diet, material
well-being, variation of position and changing of part-
ners (al-Rawd al-'atu, 143). Sexual problems described
by doctors therefore included, besides physical mal-
functions, inhibitions and psychological neuroses.
Obviously, the form of treatment depended on the
precise definitions of these psychosomatic disorders.
Medical treatises also describe impotence (W(C. nuksan
al-bah) and functional problems related to erection
{intishar, in'a^), generally known by the term istirkha'
\dib, paralysis, slackening of the penis — but also
and pomades [marhamj, prescribed for external use and
applied to the vagina, the penis, the pelvic region
and the loins; and douches for female use (hukna
tukawwl 'l-mar'a li 'l-djimd'. AkrabadhTn al-Kalanisi, 144).
One of the ingredients most often cited is the
of lizard which when dried and salted was credited —
and is credited still in the traditional pharmacopoeia —
with remarkable aphrodisiac qualities [Minhadj, 169),
to such an extent that Dawud al-Ant5ki warns that
this remedy can lead to death from excess of erec-
tion (Tadhkira, 194). The success of this animal seems
to be explained by its phallic appearance, just as
today, for the same reasons, the horn of the rhinoc-
eros is credited, in Chinese medicine, with highly
aphrodisiac qualities. This form of mind projection
featured, in one manner or another, in the choice of
certain other components utilised in the preparation
of aphrodisiacs: bull's penis, "fox's testicles" [khusa al-
tha'lab, Satyrion, Orchis hireina L.I and testicles of the
cock or the ram. It should be noted that, in tradi-
tional Arab medicine, use is still made, according to
the theory of affinities, of the pulverised testicles of
calf or bull, as well as the officinal skink I Bellakhdar,
98). In conclusion, account should be taken of the
extent to which, in the mediaeval Arab medical tra-
dition, coitus is seen as an activity particularly bene-
ficial to man on the psychological and physiological
level, and the degree of importance attached by physi-
cians to the physiological aspect.
Bibliography: Dawud al-Antaki, Tadhkua uli
'l-albab, Beirut n.d.; Kohen al-'Attar, Minhadj
al-dukkan wa-dustur al-a'van, Cairo 1870; Ibn Siiia,
al-Kanun fi 1-tibb, 3 vols. Cairo 1877, repr. Beirut
n.d.; G.H. Bousquet, L'ethique sexuelle de llslam, Paris
1966; J. Bellakhdar, Medecine traditwnelle et toxicology
marocaine, Rabat 1978; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihnst, Beirut
1978; Badr al-Din al-Kalanisi, AkrabadhTn, ed.
Z. al-Baba, Aleppo 1983; B. Musallam, Sex and soci-
ety in Islam, London 1983; F. Sanagustin, .Note stir
tin lecueil ancien de reeettes medieinales, in BEO, xxxvi
il984), 163-200; A. Bouhdiba, La sexualite en Islam.
Paris 1986; Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi, Xuzhat al-albab
Jima la rSdjad fi kitab, London 1992; al-Shaykh
al-Nafzawi, al-Rawd al-'ath ft nuzhat al-khatn, London
1993. It should furthermore be noted that there is
an abundant literature dealing with magical pro-
cedures for curing impotence (magical formulas.
ferr
orgasm.
which s
,ted by the
rahim, respectively: drying up of the uterus, sclerosis
of its tissues (h'anun, ii, 536-9).
The therapies applied in the treatment of these
disorders thus rely on a wide variety of remedies
ranging from potions to massages, ointments to auto-
suggestion. Medications may be either simple or
compound. Looking first at what could accurately be
called auto-suggestion: for the physician, this consists,
in recommending that his patient read pornographic
works on the multiple positions and forms of inter-
aihkalihi) or even listen to erotic anecdotes (akhbai
al-mudjamfin). As regards aphrodisiac products as such,
these are for the most part warming and stimulating
items such as ginger, cinnamon, sandalwood, musk,
camphor and asafoetida, combined with hone> which
remains a sovereign remedy. T>pes of compound
aphrodisiacs are confections [ma'djun) and elettuanes
{dj_aivaishin) which the invalid takes dail>, oils iduhn)
tablet.'
choice
nomical and agro-meteorological calendars).
iF. Sanagustin)
MUSA al-SADR, Sayyid, Imam! Shr'I cleric
and political leader in Lebanon (1928-78?).
Born in Kum [q.p.] into a family of religious schol-
ars with roots in southern Lebanon and 'Irak, he
studied in the madam of his home town and at the
University of Tehran where he read (secular) law.
From 1954 to 1959, he pursued his studies in
Nadjaf [q.vi], his principal teachers being Sayyid
Muhsin al-Hakim (d. 1970) and Sayyid Abu '1-K5sim
al-KhuT (d. 1992). From Nadjaf he began establish-
ing personal contacts with the Lebanese branch of his
family, and in particular with his uncle, the influen-
tial scholar Sayyid "Abd al-Husayn Sharaf al-Din [q.v.].
Before the latter's death on 30 December 1957, he
had apparently expressed the wish that Musa al-Sadr
should succeed him as leader of the Imam! ShiT
community of Tyre [see sur].
In late 1959, Sayyid Musa al-Sadr took up residence
l-SADR — MUSAFIR
in Tyre. In the following years he gained influence
both locally and further afield as teacher and preacher
and also as a spokesman (called Imam) for the ShT'Is
of Lebanon [see also mutawalI] , who felt socially and
politically neglected by the government in Beirut. In
the face of considerable resistance on the part of the
old feudal leadership as well as from certain mem-
bers of the Shi'I clergy, he finally succeeded in set-
ting up a Higher Shi'ite Council {al-Madflis al-Islami
al-ShT'i al-A'la) by resolution of the National Assembly
in December 1967. In May 1969 Musa al-Sadr was
elected president of this council, the first body to rep-
resent the Shi"a of Lebanon.
In March 1974 he launched a mass movement
called Harakat al-mahrumln, which was soon known to
have formed a military wing called Afwadj. al-mukawama
al-lubnamyya (AMAL). In late August 1978, more than
three years after the outbreak of the civil war in
Lebanon, Musa al-Sadr suddenly disappeared while
on a visit to Libya. The circumstances of this affair
remain mysterious, but after a few years he was pres-
sumed dead even by the majority of his followers.
Both AMAL and its rival, Hizb Allah, claim to be the
heirs to his spiritual and political legacy.
Bibliography: 1. Arabic works. Markaz al-
tawthlk ft Dar'al-Khulud (ed.), At-SadA? [sic], Beirut
1979; "Adil Rida, Ma' al-i'tidhar . . . Ii 1-imam al-
Sadr, Cairo 1981 (includes press reports etc. con-
cerning his disappearance); Dar al-Hawra' (ed.),
Mmbar wa-mihrab. Al-Imam Musa al-Sadr 1960-1969
bi 1-kalima wa 1-sura, 2 Beirut 1987 (speeches, arti-
cles, interviews); <Abd al-Husayn Sharaf al-Dln,
Bughyat al-iaghibin, ii, Beirut 1991, 619-35; al-Imam
Musa al-Sadr, al-radjul, al-mawkif al-kadiyya, Beirut
1993 (speeches, articles); 'Adnan Fahs, al-Imam al-
Sadr, al-sira wa 1-Jikr 1969-1975, Beirut 1996; Husayn
Sharaf al-Dln, al-Imam al-Sayyid Musa al-Sadr. Mahattat
ta'nkhiyya, Tyre 1996; idem (ed.), Aba^adinat al-hiwar.
MuhadaM wa-abhath li 'l-Imam Musa al-Sadr, Tyre
1997; Ahmad KasTr, al-Imam Musa al-Sadr, Beirut
1998; Had! Fadl Allah, Fikr al-Imam Musa al-Sadr
i Khazim
b al-Sayyid
Musa al-Sadr, n.p. [Beirut?] 1421/2000-01; Maslrat
al-imam al-Sayyid Musa al-Sadr, ed. Ya'kub Dahir,
12 vols., Beirut 2000.
2. In western languages. F. Ajami, The van-
ished Imam, London 1986; A.R. Norton, Amal and
the Shia, Austin, Texas 1987; A. Rieck, Die Schiiten
und der Kampf urn den Libanon, Hamburg 1989;
M. Halawi, A Lebanon defied. Musa al-Sadr and the Shi'a
community, Boulder, Col. 1992; A.W. Samii, The
Shah's Lebanon polity. The role of SAVAK, in MES,
xxxiii (1997), 66-91. (W. Ende)
MUSABAKA (a., pi. musabakat) "race, competition,
in the recitation of the 'Kur'an". Such contests
are held in many contemporary Muslim countries
and contexts, such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Indonesia
and North America. International competitions are
held periodically in Mecca and in Kuala Lumpur,
There is a national level recitation competition held
every two years in Indonesia. It is popularly known as
"MTQJ' (for musabakah tilawatil kur'an). Local, regional
and provincial eliminations determine the selection of
the final contestants, who represent all of Indonesia's
prosinces in a colourful and festive complex of events
lasting about ten days. The Indonesian approach to the
Kur'an recitation musabaka conceives it to be a "na-
tional discipline" that affords Indonesia's Muslims a
chance to strengthen their religious life while enhanc-
ing their pride as citizens of the Republic. Although
recitation is at the core of the event, there are also
Kur'anic quiz shows for youth, who appear on pro\in-
(Islan
exhibit with displays of publications and programmes;
a parade through the streets of the host city; colour-
ful opening and closing ceremonies with processionals,
special music, dance and recitation; and Islamic fashion
shows. There is considerable national media coverage,
as the MTQ_ is attended by the president, govern-
ment ministers, the diplomatic corps, and distinguished
Muslim leaders from Indonesia and abroad. Each
MTQ_ is held in a different city, thus producing some-
thing like a royal progress about the country over the
Although recitation is governed by long-established
adab, as far as the conduct of particular musabakat is
concerned, one needs to refer to specific cases. For
example, the state tele\ision service in Surabaya, East
Java, has sponsored a provincial musabaka that fea-
tures groups of timed recitation selections (a standard
procedure) interspersed with popular musical inter-
ludes performed by Muslim "seminarians" on guitars
and other instruments (cf. Roman Catholic "rock"
masses). In the Indonesian national-level tournament,
the reciters are divided into categories of boys, girls,
women, men and handicapped (usually blind). There
are separate categories for those who read the Kur'anic
passages from a mushaf and those who recite from
memory. Judges evaluate the performances according
to established criteria in adab (deportment, etiquette),
tadjwld (technical rules and procedures of recitation),
and naghamat (musical modes and melodies). Prizes
and trophies are awarded to winning indkiduals and
provincial teams, whose return home is marked by
Bibliography: There is not much scholarly litera-
ture on Kur'anic recitation competitions, although
specific events are covered in the popular media.
For Indonesia, see Khadijatus Shalihah, Perkembangan
sent baca al-Qur'an dan Qiraat Tujuh di Indonesia ("Dev-
elopments in the art of reading the Kur'an and
the Seven Readings in Indonesia"), Jakarta 1983,
84-97; a more popular descriptive article is F.M.
Denny, The Great Indonesian Qur'an-chanting tournament,
in The World and I (June 1986), 216-23, based on
field work. The musabaka idea is motivated largely
by a concern for maintaining and strengthening
Kur'anic literacy, especially in non-Arabic speaking
countries. For ways in which Indonesians approach
this, see Denny, Qur'an recitation training in Indonesia:
a survey of contexts and handbooks, in A. Rippin (ed.).
Approaches to the history of the interpretation of the Qur'an,
Oxford 1988, 288-306. (F.M. Denny)
MUSAFIR (a.), literally, "traveller". For the genre
of ti
t lite
. For
nd mihman, in Suppl. For the com-
mercial caravans of which travellers also usually formed
part, see karvvan. For the Pilgrimage caravans, see
hadjd[. iii and amir al-hadjdj. For the highways along
which travellers passed, see shari'.
N
known in Swahih except
NADIRA
2 In Swahih literatim
The word nadira is not well
in scholailv circles The Swa
also in other Bantu languages) is in use foi all invented
tales including fables as opposed to hadithi which
onginalh referred to Islamic legends about the Prophet
Muhammad and the characteis he used to discuss
with the Sahaba while seated in the mosque at Medina
al-NADIASHI Kavs b 'Amr al-Hanthi Ara
poet of the lst/ 7th centui\ piobablv called b
this epithet because o( his dark skin inheiited (ror
his Ethiopian mothei d 49/bb9
Bom in Nadjran he and his clan became converl
t Medina in 10/b32 His bellicose
s Toda\
>t the
o( 'All against the djinn and shayatin Next to Arabian
tales, such as Madjnun and lav la there are tales of
Persian ongin circulating on the Swahih coast such
as those ot Sendibada (= Sindbad) or Faihad and
Shmn India is nchlv iepiesented as a supplier ot
motifs tor the Swahih storvtelleis Fables horn the
Pamatantra such as that ot the monke\ and the oot-
odile (who has become a shark in the Swahih vei-
sion) are well known in Swahih although the\ ma\
have come Ma the Peisian \ersion ot this work the
Armar i Suhayli CunousK the Arabian \ersion hahla
uaDimna [qc] is not known in Swahih Some tales
e\en go back to Sanskrit literature such as the Tak
ot the Three Magic Objects from the Utalapan
laamsatika or the Tale ot Moses (i c the Piophet
Musa) and the two Angels ultimateh based on the
Sanskrit hathasantsagara
Swahih scholars are ven well read in Arabic tra-
ditional literature especialK the Lisas al anbiya' [q l ]
Cieation and cosmologv (ibda' ita'ilm al samanat) the
Sir a Man lid Wi'raaj and the fabulous tales ot al-
Iskandai and Nabi Sula\man
FinalK, theie is the vast African heritage of nar-
ration which includes tables tor children including
the Aesop-type tales as well as bloodcurdling stones
Afncan tiesh original well-structuied tales of wonders
Bibliography E Steere Suahili tales London
1869 C B Buttner Ludti und Gesihchtm dei Suaheli
Berlin 1894 C \elten Manhin und Er^ahlungin da
Suahth, Berlin 1898 L Reimsch Du Somali Sprach,
I Ttxtf \ienna 190U \elten Prom und Poem da
Suaheh Beilin 1907 C Meinhot Ajrikamsihe \lanh,n
Jena 1917 E Ceiulli The folk htaatun of the Galla
of Southern Abyssinia (Harvard African Studies III)
Cambridge 1922 Alice Wernei \hths and tegtnds of
the Bantu, London 1933 MM Moieno Faioh e
nmi galla Rome 1935 E Damman Duhtungen m
der Lamu Mundart da Suaheli Hambuig 194U idem
Du Qitellen der Suaheluiichtung m LI x\vi (1942)
250-b8 JWT Allen Tendr London 1971 HT
Non is Saharan mUh and saga Oxford 1972 J
knappeit, Vie epic in Africa in Jnal of the Folklore
Inst iv/2-3 (Bloommgton 1967) 171fl idem The
Qhsasu I Anbiya'i as- moralistic stories in Proa of the
Seminar for Arabian Studies \i (London 1976) 103-16
idem Epn poetn in Suahili and otha African languages
Leiden 1983 idem Islamic legends Leiden 1985
idem, Kings gods and spirits jrom African mythology
London 1986 idem, Myths and legends- oj the Snahih
Nairobi 1986 [J Knapperti
led hin
agains
'Abd a
b Thabit who replied with the
aid of his father On the advice of al-Hutav'a and
Hassan [q u ] the caliph 'Umar had al-Nadjashi
impnsoned tor his invectives against the B 'Adjlan
and their poet Ibn Mukbil [q c ] At the battle ot
Siffm he ]oined 'All and exchanged verses ot a politico-
rehgious natuie with Mu'awivas poets notabh Ka'b
b Dju'avl However he left 'All s side attei the lat-
tei had him flogged for dunking wine during
Ramadan and he went over to Muiwivas iimv
eventualh dvmg at Lahdj in \emen
Al-Nadjashi s poetic ceuvie does not seem to have
been gatheied togethei in a diuan bv the earl\ philol-
ogists although Ibn al Nadim tihnst ed Cano 157
mentions a kitab al \adjashi attributed to al-Mada'ini
Modern authors such as Schultess C heikho and al-
Nu'avmi have endeavoured to piece togethei his sur-
viving veises and T al-'Ashshash S Ghurab and
S Bakkan have tried to ieconstitute the diuan based
on some 50 souues in Annates di llnnrsite di Tunis
xxi (1982) 105-201 compnsing 333 verses in 64 pieces
ot unequal length horn one to 43 verses His themes
aie the usual main poetnc ones satire praise fakhr
elegy and erotic poetn with his poetn leflecting the
main phases ot his lite and times Following al- Amih
A'yan a! Shi 'a xlm 368-9 he mav be consideied as
one ot the main pro-'AJid poets ot the period before
50/670 with his eulogies ot Ah and his supporteis
and insults against Mu'awiva and his partisans at
the time ot SiffTn ioirmng over half ot his sumving
Bibliography See in addition to the woiks men-
tioned above Brockelmann S I 73 Zinkli -17am
vi 58 Blacheie HLA n 320 Sezgin GAS n 307-
8 and El \cheche doctorat d etat thesis La potsu
shi'ite iusqu au III slide di I Higin Pans 1988 unpubl
and corpus of Shi'i poetn to the 3id centun \H
Ash'ar al tashayyu' Beirut 1997
(Taiei
NADIIB KHAN (
NAFAKA(a) in Islamic law maintenance, i e
of the necessities of life consisting of food clothing
and shelter The obligation to prov ide for a person s
maintenance arises from kinship ownership and
Fatheis are obliged to provide for their childien
unless the latter have sufficient propertv to support
themselves The obligation lasts with regard to bovs
until pubeit) and regaiding girls until thev main
and their mamage is consummated After pubertv
bovs are entitled to maintenance from their fatheis if
thev are phvsicallv or mentallv unfit to support them
selves and then fathers have sufficient means
According to all schools of junspiudence children
with sufficient means must support their parents if
thev are indigent The Shafi'Ts and Imarm Shi 'Is hold
that this obligation exists with regard to all ascen-
dants The HanafTs extend it to all blood relatives
within the forbidden degrees (dhawu tahim mahram)
Onmrship
The ownei of a slave has the duty to maintain
him or her If he fails to do so, the judge ma\ sell
the slave without the masters consent
Mamagi
The husband's dutv to maintain his wife is regarded
as a consideration for her being under her husband's
control {mahbusa) As a consequence, her right to main-
tenance arises onlv after the consummation of her
marriage, when cohabitation begins, and does not
depend on hei indigence According to most schools,
the level of maintenance depends on the status of
alone, preferablv at some distance from her co-wives,
and not to be foiced to share hei accommodation
with her husband's relatives If it is in accoi dance
with the status of both spouses, the wife must be pro-
The w
nds with the ter-
i of the marriage bv her husband's decease
01 bv lepudiation Since mamage peisists after a tevo-
cable lepudiation (talak [qi] radi'i) until the expiry of
the waiting period {'idda [qi]) the wife is entitled to
maintenance during this penod Although aftei an
ine\ocable (ba'm) lepudiation the marriage comes
immediatelv to an end, the husband must provide for
his foimer wife dunng the ensuing waiting period if
she is pregnant If she is not, opinions varv
The husband's obligation is suspended if his wife
is disobedient (ndihiza) This is the case if she refuses
to move to the marital home or leaves it without her
husband's consent or a lawful reason Hei right to
maintenance, however, is not affected if her behav-
iour is ]ustified, e g if the home provided by her hus-
band does not meet the legal requirements (maskan
shar'i) 01 if he has exceeded the bounds of proper
marital chastisement All schools but the HanafTs (who
argue that such circumstances are piacticallv impos-
sible to prove) regard the wife's refusal to have sex-
ual mteicouise with her husband as disobedience
entailing the suspension of
Whereas most schools legard
ordinary debt whose an ears are due and pavable, the
HanafT view is different if the husband for whatever
reason does not provide maintenance his obligation
expires after one month, unless the amount of main-
tenance has been specified bv agreement between the
spouses 01 bv judicial deciee 'Ml schools except the
HanafTs and the ShT'Ts regard the husband's failuie
to provide maintenance as a ground for divorce for
the wife Since the HanafT doc tune on these two issues
was pre]udicial to women, the views of the othei
schools have now been introduced by legislation m
many HanafT countries
Foi najaka in the sense of expenditure, see
rizk 3
Bibliography Muhammad Abu Zahia, al Ahual
alshakhuua, Cauo nd, 243-73, Ytisuf al-Faklh, al
Ahual al shakhima fi jikh Ahl al Bayt, Benut 1989,
292-6, 'Abd al-Rahman al-DjazTn, Kitab alfikh 'aid
'/ madhahib al arba'a, iv, hum al ahual al shakhsma,
5th impi Cairo n d 553-94, Y Linant de Belle-
fonds, Traite de droit musulman compare. Pans etc 1965,
n 256-86, D Santillana, Istituziom di dintto musulmano
maleihita eon nguardo anche al interna mafiita Rome
1938, i, 231-4, 243-7, Y Meion, Vobhgatwn ah
mentaire entre epoux en droit musulman hanejite, Pans
1971 (R Peters)
al-NAHY '\n al-MUNKAR (*), "forbidding
wrong", in full al amr bi 'I ma'tuf wa I nah 'an al
munkat, 'commanding light and foibidding wrong"
imate authontv either bv holders of public office
or bv individual Muslims who are legallv competent
(mukallaf), with the purpose of encouiaging or enfor-
cing adherence to the tequirements of the Shari'a
This article deals mainlv with the dutv of individual
Muslims in this regard, techmcallv, this is usuallv con-
sidered to be a collective obligation IJard kifaya) [see
The term is taken from the Kur'an where for-
bidding wrong is generallv held to be imposed as a
dutv in III, 104 "Let there be one commumtv of
vou calling to good, and commanding right and for-
bidding wrong, those are the prosperers " Other verses
making clear reference to forbidding wiong are III,
110, 114 VII, 157, IX, 71, 112, XXII, 41, XXXI
17 Howevei, there is little indication in the Kui'an
of the concrete character of the dutv
The ri
■cited J
lffeient woiding In the frame-storv, a man reproves
the Umayyad governor of Medina (the future caliph
Marwan I [i/i]) for mfiinging the sunna in the course
of leading a ntual piavei The Companion Abu Sa'Td
al-Khudn (d 74/693) approves the man's action, and
quotes the Prophet as saving 'Whoever of vou sees
a wiong (munkar), let him put it right [fa I yughayur
hu) with his hand, if he cannot, then with his tongue,
if he cannot, then with [or in] his heart' (Muslim,
SahTh, ed MF 'Abd al-Bakr Cairo 1955-6, 69, no
49) Fiom this tradition is derived the term laghui al
munkar "righting wrong', while a valiant text supports
the teim inkar al munkar "(manifesting) disapproval of
wiong"
The Muslim scholars take it for granted that al
all refer to the same duty Thev occasional^ make
distinctions between al amr b, 7 ma'ruf and al nah 'an
almunkat, but normallv assume that a single dutv is
involved ^-Ghazall (d 505/1111 [qi]) devised a
new terminology for the duty of individuals based on
the loot h s b, thus the dutv itself is hisba one who
performs it is muhtasib etc {Ihya' 'ulum al din Cairo 1967-
8, n, 398) Hereafter the duty is referred to in this ai ti-
de as 'forbidding wrong"
2 Foibidding wrong bv holders of public
office
The sources speak of the exercise of authontv by
the legitimate ruler of the commumtv as forbidding
wrong This usage is especiallv common in ImamT,
ZavdT and Ibadl texts, where foibidding wrong is
closelv linked to the imamate (eg 'AIT b IbiahTm al-
Kumml, TafsTr, ed TM al-Djaza'in, Nadjaf 1386-7 / 1966-
8, l, 306, 'Mi b Muhammad al-'^awT, Sirat al Hadi
da 7 Hakk iahya ibn al Husayn, ed S Zakkar, Benut
1972, 29, al-BisyawT, Qami', Ruwi 1984, iv, 192) But
such language is also found in Sunm sources (e g al-
Mas'udT, Murudi !)3,111, on the caliph al-Muhtadl
[qi]) Holders of subordinate offices mav also be
described as forbidding wrong, especially the officiallv-
appointed muhtasib (eg al-MawardT, al Ahkdm al
wltanma, ed AM al-Baghdadl Kuwait 1989, 315)
[see hisb-v] Despite the fact that such diction is wide-
spread, it is not usually an object of scholastic reflec-
tion Where scholars writing on the role of the muhtasib
pause to analyse the duty of forbidding wrong, they
tend to borrow what the) sa\ from discussion;, oi the
duty of the individual (as in the chaptei on the muhtasib
in Khundji, Suluk al muluk, ed M 'A Muwahhid,
Tehian 1362 iA«mw71983, 175-99, which includes much
mateiial going back to al-Ghazali) Opinion is divided
on the question whethei the state should have a mono-
poh of the use oi violence in forbidding wiong
3 Foibidding wrong bv individuals in prin
cipk
Ther
schohsi
■ liter
1 this
: Much mitenil mi\ be found
the follow ma; types Kur an comment ines under the
traditions under the relevant tnditions the handbooks
of doctrine (mill al dm) oi some but not all theologi
cal schools woiks on substantive law among; the
Imamis Zavdis and Ibadis (but not the Sunnis) and
occasional monographs devoted to forbidding; wrong;
In teims of wealth ot concrete detail the nchest bod\
of mitenil on the dut\ is a collection of iesponsa of
'v.hmad b Hanbal (d 241/855 [qi]) {\bu Bakr al
Khallal al Ami bi I ma'iuf ua I nah anal muni a> ed
\A Ata Cairo 1975) In conceptual terms the most
sophisticated discussions stem trom the Mu tazila [q i ]
and then Zavdi and Imami hens b\ contiast the
'v.sh anyy a and Matundiyy a [/ ; ] hav e less to sa\
B\ far the most influential account of the dutv is the
substantial and very deal anahsis that tl Ghazah
included in his Iha (n 391 455 foiming the ninth
book of the second quar
schools and a
extended to ill Sunm
mis 7a v dis and Ibidis
The cential theme in forma] discussions ot the dutv
is often the set of conditions undei which someone
is obligated to confront a wrong In the account of
the Zavdi Mu tazih Minkdim (d 425/1034) a pupil
oi the Shah i Mu tazih "Abd al Djibbn b Ahmad
alHamadham ,d 415/1025 [q ]) these conditions
are in outline as follows (1) knowledge of law the
piospective perfoimer oi the dutv must know that
what he forbids is indeed wrong (2) knowledge of
that the wrong, m question is in the miking \hadu)
1 3) absence of woise side effects :
.t lead t<
emc;
3 belie
his speaking, out will be efficacious (5) absence of
dingei he must know oi have good reason to believe
that his action will not lead to hirm to his person
or propertv (Mankdim Tali) Sharh al I ml al lhamsa
edited bv \ Uthmin as the Sharh al I ml a! Iharrna
of Abd al Djabbar b Ahmad Cano 1965 142 3)
Other scholais aie likelv to discuss these issues m
somewhat different wavs and to disagiee on details
Occasional a scholai will reject a condition outnght
but this is laie a case in point is the Shah l al
Nawawi (d b76/1277) who holds the uncommon
view that one should pioceed li respective ot the
prospects of success thus rejecting the fourth condi
tion (cf Sharh Sahih Muslim Beirut 1987 i 382) he
is followed in this bv a good number of latei Shah is
and some non Shah is
The means bv which the dutv is to be peitormed
are generallv presented in an escalatory sequence (eg
Mankdim Ta'B 144 744 5 al Ghazah Ihya 11 420 5
contiast the woiding ot the Prophetic tradition cited
above) Thus one should speik politelv to the offendei
before rebuking him harshlv and onlv pioceed to
phvsical action if words aie ot no avail The major
disagieement concerns the use of violence in forbid
ding wrong can it be used bv individuals and if so
can it i each the point of iecouise to arms' The use
of arms finds favour among the Mu'tazilis, ZavdTs
and Ibadis, and is sanctioned bv some Sunnis, but
manv Sunnis reject it, as do the Imamis
between moie activist and more quietist approaches
lgreement in connection with the fifth condition While
it is generallv accepted that danger voids the obliga
tion (at least it the degice ot prospective haim is sig
mhcint) it is disputed whether oi in what circumstances
it mav still be virtuous to proceed Thus ace ending
to Mankdim such action would be virtuous onlv it
it seemed the gieater glory of the faith li^a*. al dm
see Tab! 143) wheieas the HinalT Mu tazih ^bu
lHusavn iIBisii id 43b/1044 [q m Suppl]) like
wise a pupil of ^bd al-Djibb« held that no such
distinction could bt made the gie itei glory of the
faith being it issue in ill such cases (ct al Himmasi
al Mimhdh mm al tMd kuram 1412 14/1991 4 n 219)
Bv contrast Imami authonties condemn such action
(eg Muitidi Dhalhua ed \ al Husavm Kumm
1411/1990 1 557 8)
\ closelv i elated question is whethei it is vntuous
to rebuke rulers haishlv ioi their misdeeds M Ghazih
iepiesenting a widespieid view was stionglv in favour
of this and included in his discussion of the dutv a
substantial number of relev int mecdotes {Iha u 4i7 55)
Ibn Hanbal bv contrast discouraged such activity
ilbn "On iih Tabalat alHanahla ed MH al Fiki
Cano 1952 i 47) and the Hanbah Ibn al Djawzi
(d 597/1201) followed suit in his lecension of il
Ghazah s Iha (see Ahmad b Kudama al Makdisi
\lul_htasai \Imhadj al lasidin Damascus 1389 HO)
Likewise Muhsin al Favd (d 1091/lb80| in his Imami
lecension of the Iha disillows ludeness to ruleis
anecdotes [al Wahadfaja al ba\da ft tahdhib al Iha ed
\\ alGhatiiri Tehian 1339 42 jiamw/1%0 3 iv
112 13)
\ final question of this kind foi those who accept
lecourse to aims is whethei toi bidding wiong can
take the foim of lebelhon against un]ust iule Such
iebelhon is usuallv condemned among the Sunnis
although Ibn Hizm (d 456/1064) is a striking excep
tion (Ftsal Cairo 1317 21 iv 175 6 Thus Abu Hamfa
(d 150/767 8) is quoted as i ejecting rebellion on the
ground thit its costs would exceed its benefits (<\bu
Hmifa alFilh alabsat ed MZ al Kawthin Cairo
1368 44) But rebellion under the aegis of forbidding
wiong finds appioval among ten example the Ibadis
(ct P Clone and F Zimmermann Tilt tpntle of Sahm
ibn Dhalaan Oxford 2001 140 is.127 of the Aiabic
text) heie continuing 1 Khandjite tradition and the
Zavdisieg Muhimmidb Sulavman al KutT Uuntakhab
One majoi concern (on which the svstematit dis
cussions in Mu tazih and i elated souices are surpns
mglv silent) is pnvacv how far do its requirements
override the dutv ot forbidding wrong' The basic idea
is that foi foi bidding wiong to be in place the wiong
must m some wav be public knowledge a hidden sin
accoiding to a Prophetic tiadition hums onlv the
smnei Jbn Abi 1 Dunva Ikubat ed MKR \ usuf
Beirut 199b 43 no 40) Moieovei steps that would
make hidden wiongs manifest aie stronglv discour
aged The Kui amc prohibition of spving |\LI\ 12)
I is widelv quoted (eg Abu iih Ibn al Fan a al
Mu'lamad ft mul al din ed HZ Haddad Beirut 1974
I so55) as are versions of a Prophetic tiadition thit
| mikes it i dutv not to disclose shimeful ispects of
the lives of outwardlv respectable Muslims (also quoted
bv Abu Ya'la, cf Muslim, Sahih, 19% no 2,580)
The problematic cases anse in the giev aiea between
public and pmate Thus ll one passes someone in
the street who has a suspicious bulge under his cloak —
suggesting that he is cair\mg a bottle of alcoholic
liquor or a musical instrument— should one confront
him (cf Abu Ya'la Ibn al-Faira', al Ahkam al mltanma
ed MH al-Fiki, Cairo 196b, 296-7)?
Some ol the more concrete prescnptive liteiatuie
also sheds light on the piactice ol the dutv Thus the
responsa ol Ibn Hanbal illustrate the kinds ol wiong
regularlv confionted bv individual Muslims m 3rd/9th
centur\ Baghdad The most frequent are making music
and dunktng alcoholic liquor, followed bv sexual mis-
conduct (cf al-Khallal, al Amr bi V ma'ruf no 57) a
vanetv of other wrongs appeal Irom time to time
such as laultv pravei chess-plaving and the displav
ol images The mix seems to have been much the
same at other times and places
Biographical and historical sources preserve a con-
siderable amount of scattered anecdotal matenal
iegaiding the actual peiioimance of the dutv On the
whole, this matenal is richer loi the earlier centuries
ol Islam than loi latei penods
One respect in which the anecdotal matenal dif-
ieis sigmficantlv irom the prescriptive material is that
it is much less ambivalent about confrontations mvolv-
[ Thus i
appic
e told o
pious Muslims who rebuked unjust iulers without
regard foi the consequences An example is the iepioof
administered bv Shu'avb b Harb (d 196/811-12) to
the t aliph Harun al-Rashid [q z] on the i oad to
Mecca in which he addressed the caliph bv name,
he was released when he pointed out that he did the
same to God (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad,
Cano 1931, ix 239-40) At the same time historical
sources provide numeious examples of iebels who
invoked forbidding wrong (see eg Ibn Hayyan,
Muktabis ed MM Antufia, Pans 1937, 133 on the
Andalusl lebel Ibn al-Kitt [qi] in 288/901)
While the anecdotal material normallv takes the
side of those who peiform the dutv, it also brings out
the fact that thev were often regarded bv others as
pious busvbodies, thus when Abu '1-Husavn al-Nun
(d 295/907-8) [see ^l-nuri] concerns himself with a
caigo of wine belonging to the caliph, the boatman
calls him a ' meddlesome Sufi" (tup kathir aljudul) (al-
Dhahabi, Snar a'lam al nubala', ed S al-Arna'ut et al ,
Beirut 1981-8, xiv, 76)
5 Modern developments
Discussion ol loi bidding wrong has plaved a sig-
nificant pan in the modern history of Islamic thought
and piactice, with Imami scholais tending to be moie
One question that has naturallv leceived increased
attention is the iole ol women in forbidding wiong
In pre-modern times, a few authorities explicitly
excluded women fiom pei forming the dutv, a few
(notably al-Ghazali and some IbadFs) explicitly included
them, but most said nothing either wav (for al-Ghazali s
view, see Ihta', n 398) Modern authors, bv contiast,
often include women, even if thev limit then iole (e g
Khalid b 'Uthman al-Sabt, al Amr bi 1 ma'ruf ua 'I nah
'an almunkai, London 1995, 171-2, a conservative
Sunni view, Ahmad Tayyibi ShabistarT, Takma, amr
bah ma'ruf ua nahy a z munkar, Tehran 1350 jWf/1971,
Then
widespread trend towan
political activism most consistently among the ImamTs
Thus the view that it is wrong to proceed in the
lace ol danger was qualified oi rejected not just bv
Khumaym (d 1409/1989 [qv in Suppl]) (Tahrfr al
waiTla, Beirut 1981, i, 472-b), but bv numeious schol-
ais ol his and later geneiations On the Sunni side,
one example among many ol a strongly activist fig-
uie is the Algerian 'All b Hadjdj, thus m a talk dis-
tributed on cassettes, he quotes with enthusiasm a
passage in which al-Ghazali sanctioned the ieciuit-
ment ol aimed bands in the cause ol forbidding wrong
{Iha> n. 425) But more quietist trends aie also at
work Thus in Egypt, Hasan al-Banna (d 13b8/1949)
[see -VL-B-yNN^'] was against forbidding wrong 'with
the band" ('Abd al-Khablr al-KhulT, ha' id al da'ua al
hlamma Hasan al Banna, Cano 1952, 73), and Say>id
Kutb (d 1386/1966 [qv]) considered the duty to be
in abeyance in the absence ol an Islamic state (Fi
Zilal alhufan Benut 1973-4, 949) Khalid al-Sabt, a
mainstream Su'udi scholar, does not share such views,
s the
Ghazalr (al Arm bi 7 ma'ruf ilbff)
There has also been an unprecedented emphasis
on the desirability of achieving gieatei organisation
for the purpose of forbidding wrong (see e g
Muhammad Ahmad al-Rashid, al Muntalak, Benut
1976, 146-54, for a Sunnf view, and Husavn al-Nun
al-Hamadanl, al inn bi I ma'ruf wa 7 nah 'an al munkai,
Tehran 1990, 65, for an Imarmview) In some Islamic
countnes, this has led to the creation oi new oigans
of the state entrusted with the performance of the
duty (but not to the revival of the traditional office
oi the official muhtanb) Thus in Su'udi Arabia, a sys-
tem of "committees (hay' at) for commanding nght and
forbidding wrong" emerged in the aftermath of the
Su'udi conquest of the Hidjaz in 1343-4/1924-5, ini-
tially as a device to contain the zeal oi the Wahhabi
Ikhw an [q i ] against the misdeeds of the Hidjazis and
pilgnms (cf Hafiz Wahba, QazTrat al'irab fi Y ham
al'ishrin, Cano 1961, 309-12) In Iran, following the
Islamic Revolution oi 1399/1979, a plurality of organs
oi the state acquired responsibility for forbidding
established to discharge the duty after the Taliban
conquered Kabul in 141 7/ 199b
Bibhograph See also EIr, ait "Amr be ma'ruf"
(W Madelung), M Cook, Commanding right and for
bidding wrong m Islamu thought, Cambridge 2000 (with
extensive bibl ) Many of the woiks cited in the
aiticle contain substantial treatments oi forbidding
wiong, notably those of al-Khallal Mankdfm and
al-Ghazali (M Cook)
NAKD M "Piteiary] criticism", in modem
Arabic, al nakd al adabi, in mediaeval times most com-
monly used in the construct nakd al ihi'r "criticism oi
poetr\" The cntic is ndkid (pi nukkad or nakada) or
more rarely, nakkad, the foim Mil verbal noun mtikad
nakd The term originated in the fig-
:) of n,
a the si
e of "
(coins) and separating the good from the bad" (for
the madiaz chaiacter, see al-Zamakhshan Asas al
balagha, Beirut nd, col 469c, and for an extended
analogy between assaver and cntic see al-Tawhidi,
al Mukabasat, Cairo 1347/1929, 170) Outside the field
of hterar\ criticism the term is also used in hadith
criticism (al-Tahanawi Kashshaf ed A Sprenger,
Calcutta 1862, 1381, sv mtikad) heie, too, the anal-
ogy of the assaver is invoked (see Ibn AbT Hatim al-
Razi, 'Hal al hadith, Cairo 1343/1924-5, i, 9)
Nakd alshi'r became the designation of a system-
atic discipline piobably through the book of this title
written b\ Kudama b Dja'far (d ta 337/948 [qi]
and see below) m the first half of the 4th/ 10th cen-
tur\ The title should piobablv still be undei stood m
the original metaphorical sense The -\ssaving of
Poem Since Kudama is sen much aware of his
mno\ati\e appioach the era preceding him mav bt
called the pre-s\ stematK penod This does not imply
that all woiks after him weie systematic onl\ that a
standard had been set
Most of the matenal for this period is found in
books on poets such as Ibn Sallam al-Djumahi (d
231-2/845-6 [qi]> Tabakat fuhul at shu'aia' Ibn
Kutayba (d 276/889 [qi]) A al Shi'r ma 7 shu'ara'
and above all \bu '1-Faradj al-Isbaham (d 35b/%7
[qi]) A al igham but also in adab enc\clopaedias
such as Ibn Kuta\ba 'Ihun al akhbar and Ibn 'A.bd
Rabbih (d 328/940 [qi]) al'Ikd al fand In addition
there are works of a directly peitinent nature namelv
al-Djahiz (d 255/868-9 [qi]), A al Ba%an ma Habun
and al-Marzubam (d 384/994 [qi]i A al MuuaJtshah
ft ma'akhidh al 'ulama' 'ala I shu'ata' Information about
the earliest phase of this penod up to the times of
the gieat tiansmitters (run at smg rauna) like Hammad
al-Rawiva (d 155-6/772-3 [q i ]) and Khalai al-AJimai
(d la 180/796 [qi], is anecdotal and mostlv leg-
endary Howe\er gi\en the high degree of sophisti-
cation of even the eaihest poetn it is highl\ likeK
■ implied rules of cntical appre-
rudim
techmcc
long th, .
transmitteis There is some likelihood that the terms
for ih\me mistakes (%ub al kafna or simph %ub al
ihi'i) go back to pre-Islamit times -\l--\khfash al--\wsat
(d 215/830 oi 221/83b [qi]) points out that the
'arab defined these teims onl\ sen looseh I Rati aft
43 55 b7 68; and earlv liteian theorists such as
Tha'lab (d 291/904 [q i ]) (haua'id, 67-70) and
Kudama [Nakd 108-11) include these mistakes in then
woiks although the\ noimally abstain from ill prosod
ical technicalities Both facts suggest that this teimi-
nologv was not of recent vintage It is also quite likelv
that some of the terms that later on make up the
\aned taxonom\ of plagiarism go back to the eailv
da\s of -\iabic poetn This would in paiticulai refer
to ighara (lit raiding ) the lathei aichaic procedure
of a famous poet forcing a less famous one to gi\e
up a flawless line because the more famous poet has
a greater right to it Finally there are also a few
glimpses of critical vocabulan in the poetiv itself The
Umav\ad poet 'Adi b al-Rika' (d ta 100/720) eg
mentions that in careful revision of his poem at night
he straightens out what is ciooked' in his poems
(see Dman shi'r '4 b al R 'an Tha'lab ed Nun
Hammudi al-Ka\si and Hatim Salih al-Damin
Baghdad 1407/1987 88-90 and cf M Gaudetroy-
Demombvnes Ibn Qptaiba— Intwduition lb- 17 and notes
hi -2 and al-\midi Munazana m 702-4 also foi
other eailv poets commenting on then poetn) As foi
ltion the anecdotal matenal
offers
I their
poems that mav sometimes allow us
rules These aesthetic ]udgements mav be classified as
follows
(a) Opinions expressed bv means of an elativc
either m geneial terms (man ash'aru I nan [or al 'arabi] '
julan hma yakulu 'Who is the best poet of all [or
of the Arabs]? So-and-so where he savs [followed
bv a line] ') or with leference to a specific theme or
motif (amdahu/ ahdja I amabu/ ajkharu ba\t kalal hu I'arabu
The best panegvncal/satynral/amorous/self-glo-
l is [followed
e of this type of
criticism is that even in the toimer case the decision
is based on a single allegedh incompaiable line A
similai mode of presentation is used b\ the earlv
philologist A.bu 'Ami b al-'AJa 1 (d 144/771 or
147/774 [qi ]) to expiess his high opinion of the poet
Djanr (d 111/729 [q i.]) bv dividing poetn into four
themes (iftikhar madih hidfa' natib) and quoting one
line in each categorv to prove that Djanr is the best
poet ^'Abd al-Kanm al-Nahshah Uumti' 475-h) This
(b) Opinions on the oeuvre of ceitain poets expiessed
in similes and metaphois Thus Hammad al-Rawiya
on the poetn of 'Ulnar b Abi Rabi'a id 93/712 or
103/721) That s shelled pistachios' or Djanr on a
poem bv the same poet That is poetn of the Tihama
(it the hot coastal stnp where 'Umir s hometown
Mecca is situated) which feels the cold when it comes
into the Nadjd lie the central highlands) (i0iam
i 75 and 81)
(c) The psvcho-liteian approach le the cone-
lation of emotions and genres of poetn Eg Aitat
b Suhaw i asked bv caliph A.bd al-Mahk whether
he could compose and recite some poetn on the spot
answered I am not drinking wine I la ashrabu) I am
not in an excited mood (la atrabu) and I am not
angn (la aghdabu) poetrv happens onh due to one
of these tluee (see Gaudetrov-Demombvnes up at
18)
id) Savings
balagha fasaha
teims of the
i ba>an These
ls thev
elong
to a Bedouin but also to a Greek Indian oi
Persian (see a collection including later definitions
in al-Husn ^jihr al adab llb-18) Combinations of
these types also occur e g (a) and (d) put together
result in sayings like the best verse is one whose
beginning makes one anticipate its end
Most of the critical teims and ideas mentioned so
far lefer to the homogeneous timeless bodv of ancient
-\rabic poetrv which means that the notion of litei-
an histon is absent from them When this bodv was
not allowed to fade into oblivion as had been the
fate of -\rabic poetn in the centunes before oui eai-
hest specimens but w is collected into a coipus of
classical models a histoncal dimension was intro-
duced and things giadualh began to change also foi
criticism The Umawad poet al Farazdak (d ca
112/730 [qi]) devotes one of his poems to an enu-
of his lite ■ ■ - ~
chuac
e the poems I
' - inher:
lelationship
haba I kasi
the
■ when thev
: madam [thev]
(thre,
i He
a book that he has of the poetn of the pre-Islamic
poet Bishi b \bi Khazim [qi] (cf Lhtian al Farazdak
ed '•Mi Khans Benut 141b/19% 435-6 [rhvme alu])
Obviouslv we are watching heie the beginning of a
conscious literan histon and this in more than one
lespect Literan criticism would now have to take into
account questions like imitation plagiarism and devia-
tion from the norm as embodied in the coipus
Nakd as intnal asseument of thi tfnumenas of anaent
poetn
The situation became even more complex in eailv
'\bbasid times when on the one hand the philolo-
gists began the codification of earlv literature and on
the other a new school of poetn started to gam
popularity that of the Moderns [see muhdathun
in Suppl] The most serious pioblem conironting thi
philologists given the fluid state of tiansmission o
the ancient texts was the question genuine (sahih) o:
spurious 3 If they assumed the latter the spunous
lalse
piece ol poetry (manhul) or to outright forgery (masnu'
maadu' mujta'al) That this distinction was not lost on
them is shown by the strange title ol the second part
ol Abu 1-Hasan al-Tusi s redaction ol the Diaan ol
Imru' al-kavs al sahih al kadim at manhul literally the
lalseh attributed old genuine (pait) le that part ol
the collection that is not induded in the transmission
ol alTusis main authontv al-Muladdal al Dabbi fd
alter 163/780 [gi]) but which other transmitter
attribute to Imru' al Kays Ibn Sallam al-Djumahi
who discusses these matteis at the beginning ol his
book on the classes ol poets accuses the great trans-
mittei Hammad al Rawiya ol habitually and inten-
tionally misattnbuting poetn, {ua kana yanhalu shi'ra
I ladjidi ghayiahu aa tanhaluhu aha)ia shi'nh [Tabakat
48]) What is worse he also accuses him of adding
to the poems he transmits (ua ya idu fi I ash'ar [ibid])
But as he states in another place [Tabakat 4b-7) it
is not onl\ transmitteis who are guiltv ol lorgenes
but also those tribes who in early Islamic times found
themselves without an impiessive poetic heritage and
wanted to amend the situation Ibn Sallam s passage
When the Aiabs [alter the conquests] returned to
the transmission ol poetn, and the narration ol their
battles and glorious deeds some tubes lound the
poetry ol their poets and the current narration ol
their battles to be scant And there weie people whose
battles and poems were [in fait] few So thev wanted
to catch up with those who did have battles and
poems and [to do so] thev composed poems attnbut
ing them to their poets [kalu 'ala alsinati ihu'ara' ihim)
Alteiwaids there came the transmitter and added to
the poems that had been composed To the experts
(ahl al 'dm) the additions of the transmitters and what
they have loiged (1 e sepaiatelv without adding it to
an existing poem?) pose no problem nor does what
the muaalladi [q ] have forged However [the experts]
have been confounded if a man from among the
deseit dwellers and belonging to the progeny ol poets
01 even a man who does not belong to their prog-
eny composes [spunous] poems That can be some-
what difficult This is followed bv a storv i elating
how a grandson ol the poet Mutammim b Nuwavra
extended the latter s dman imitating his stvle (yahtadhi
'ala kalamih) The kind ol critique that is necessary to
recognise spunous poetn, cannot in Ibn Sallam s opin-
ion cleailv be expressed in words (Tabakat 5-7 with
parallels from other cralts and arts) it is a matter ol
intuition comparable to the art ol phvsiognomv and
the famous transmitter Khalaf al-Ahmar is called the
best physiognomist ol all when it comes to a line ol
poetrv (Lana afiasa I nan bi baUi shi'r [Tabakat 23])
There is a famous anecdote piobablv first attested
by Ibn Sallam [Tabakat 7) which compares this abil-
ity with that ol the monev-changer who recognises a
bad com Someone said to Khalaf II I hear a poem
that I deem good I do not care what vou and your
ilk say about it He replied If you accept a dirham
and considei it good and the money-changei tells vou
it is bad does voui good opinion ol it help vou at
alP It seems evident Irom this and the other ref-
erences mentioned above that the metaphorical appli-
cation to poetry ol the term nakd originated m the
context ol distinguishing genuine from spurious rather
than good from bad poetrv, although the dividing line
between the two pairs can be rather luzzy (It should
be mentioned en passant that along with misattnbu-
tion scholarly loigen, and tribal lorgen, Ibn Sallam
recognises also a lourth category ol spurious poetn,
[Tabakat 7-8] poems that are invented and attrib-
uted to legendary figures ol the past Ibn Sallam takes
Ibn Ishak [q i ] severely to task for including such
mateml in his Sira and reluses to call it shi'i since
it is onlv woids put together and held together by
rhvmes [kalam mu allaf ma'kud bi kauaj ] )
Criticism of poetn among the philologists
At the same time nakd in the sense ol hteiarv crit-
icism is iepresented by various approaches The philol-
ogists who felt responsible lor the integrity ol ancient
poetn, also paid some attention to the question ol its
aesthetic quality The evidence lor this is partly implicit
in the selections they made to pioduce the famous
anthologies such as the Mu'allakat, the Mujaddahiyat
[qu] and the isma'mat [see al-asma i] Most ol the
explicit evidence is anecdotal and in the form described
above but gradually certain critical yardsticks start
being developed Most ol the earlv works on poetn,
and poets (al shi'i ,ia I shu'ara' and similar titles mamlv
known horn Ibn al Nadim s Fihnst) are unloi tunatelv
lost The first extant kitab al shi'r ua I shu'ara' that ol
Ibn Kutayba contains a remaikable intioduction that
delineates a number ol basic critical ideas (1) Poetry
consist ol wording (lajz) and meaning (ma'na) both or
either ol which mav be good or bad (2) Poets are
eithei natural (matbu' poete de genie ) or painstak-
ing (mutakalhj poete d etude ) (lor the French ren-
ditions see M Gaudehov Demombvnes op at 15)
the lattei spend much time polishing then poems a
fact that shows in the final outcome (3) In a pas-
sage much quoted in Western studies he describes —
and prescnbes — the movements ol the ancient ode
(having in mind howevei the tupartite stiucture chai-
actenstic ol the Umayyad rather than the pre-Islamic
kanda and descubing it as a quadnpartite sequence
ol themes 1 sorrow at the vestiges ol the encamp-
ment 2 memory of the former beloved 3 camel
ude through the desert and 4 praise ol the addressee)
he also disallows replacing the desert ambience by a
sedentary one (no ruined buildings instead ol the rem
nants ol the encampment no roses and mvitles lor
the thornv shrubs ol the deseit) On the other hand
he includes poets up to the earlv decades ol the 8th
century in his book and emphasises that the birth
date ol a poet should not be held against him as
some ol the philologists who considered only ancient
poetn, to be tiue poetn, were inclined to do Since
Ibn haitavba is not explicit about any awareness ol
the Moderns and then badi' he mav have consid-
ei ed the existing poetry as one homogeneous coipus,
in which case even, poet would be competing with
all poets present and past However he mav also
have considered onlv the official kasida immutable
while the new genres weie outside
the r
n ol ti
The philological approach to poetics has produced
at least two books that are first attempts at svstema-
tisation one belore and one alter Ibn Kutayba The
formei is the Fuhulat al shu'ara' ol al-Asma'i (d
213/828 othei dates are also given [qi]) or lather
ol his student Abu Hatim al-Sidjistam (d 255/8b9
[qi]) who recorded al-Asma'i s utterances olten in
answer to his questions This is a critical attempt to
evaluate the production ol the ancient poets in order
to see who would deserve the predicate jM/ lit stal-
lion The exact semantic lange ol this term does not
othei
ins In this
talih) which n
pre-Islamic or at least have a djahih bent (for a full
list and discussion theieof see Wen-Chin Ouya
hteran cntuisrn 180-1) Due to the fact that al-\srr
had above all, pie-Islamic poetry in mind
approach was not very influential (except on his ■
dent Ibn Sallam al-Djumahi see above) the imp
tance of Fuhulat ul shu'ara' lesides in its being; the first
attempt on the part of a philologist to go bevond r
>f a giamnntical and lexical natu
r the
The other
Tha'labs hau
\ the philologist
d al shi'r The
if this
> Tha'lab
proof that it is not bv him The focus of this little
book is radically diffeient from al-\sma'i s It deals
mostlv with single lines of poetry categonsing them
embellishments (but Tha'lab has no term foi figures
of speech) and finally, struUure (the best line being
one in which the two hemistichs are meaningful on
their own) This atomistic approach prosed to be
pieponderant throughout the histoiy of nakd al shi'r
Tht leal joundtn of nakd tht vintants
expei Use in poetry ('dm al shi'r) in al-\sma'i but I
found him onl\ good at the lare words in it Then
I betook myself to al-Akhfash but I found him expeit
only in its grammar Then I turned to \bu 'Ubayda
but I found that he transmitted only [poetry] con-
nected with histoncal reports 01 tied in with the bat-
tle-days [of the tubes] and genealogies I did not gain
what I wanted except from the men of letters among
the secietanes (udaba' al kutlab) such as al-Hasan b
Wahb and Hbd al-Mahk al-Zayva
This
V dehne
s the
nakd al shi't in the furthei development of which the
state secretaries clearly had the lion s share This is
easy to understand The secietanes especially those
charged with writing official epistles had a pressing
professional need to refine and ornament their lan-
guage and to develop critical acumen in this respect
They were in constant contact with poetry and poets
as the htter flocked to the seats of power to find
sympathetic sponsors (caliphs yizieis goyernors etc )
who would enable them to lne as professional poets
At some point there existed at the calrphal court an
Office of Poetry [Diuan al Shi'r) in which the incom-
ing piaise poetry was screened by kitttab to see if it
was woithv of the recipient This distribution of power
between poets and secietanes is a fai cry from the
ancient situation where the poet had greatei piestige
than the producer of ornate piose the tribal oratoi
(khatib) and where accoidmg to al-Djahiz (Baian i
45-52) the talent lor each art was cleaily assigned
poetry and oratory weie laielv combined in one pei-
son In "Abbasid society a radical change can be dis-
cerned The secretaries not mhequently also composed
poetry though mainly in the private and intimate
genies of lo\e and wine poetry and tht like and not
in the public and official genies of the piolessional
poets such as praise congratulation and condolence
When their official epistles began being collected
roughly fiom the 4th/ 10th century onward it was
g the i
rsified
uining
lather populai tspecu
Aith the secietanes who used it to add elegant ( on-
:eits and allusions to then oinate epistles (on the the-
ii v and techniques of hall see -\ Sanm in Bihl )
The close symbiosis between secretaries and poets
Aas fertile ground for the development of literary crit-
cism We hase a fan numbei of reports about gath-
l which questions of [
discus
sprang from these discussions \s aheady indicated
the book that made the turn nakd al shfi cunent was
written by kudama b Dja'far He was a middle-ley el
administrator in the cahphal chancenes originally
Chnstnn and with a known inteiest in Greek phi-
losophy especially logic This cleaily had its effect on
the very systematic presentation in his book a defi-
nition of poetry ( metied ihymed speech ieiemng to
a meaning [ \akd 2] yields the foui elements metre
ihyme woidmg meaning which are then evaluated
in isolation and in combination with each other I he
finds that only the combinations woiding/meamng
wording/metre meamng/metie and meanmg/ihyme
aie meaningful subjects for evaluation [\aU, 9]) In
accordance with this the book falls into two majoi
bad qualities It is woith noting that the vast major-
ity of Ivudama s examples are from early poetry
although theie is a sprinkling of modern poets as
well up to \\m Tammam (d la 232/845 [qi]l The
diffeience between \ncients and Modems is of
course known to him \\akd 17 1 7) but it does not
inform the stiucture of his book
His contemporary Ibn Tabataba (d 322/934 pro-
duced an entnely diffeient book in his 'ha, al shi'r
The criterion of poetry Unfoitunately the little we
know about his hie does not tell us if he was a sec-
ietarv in his hometown of Isfahan but he eeitainly
His
t show
*ely connected but highly perceptive essays He is
lost painfully aware of the burden of tradition that
Moderns feel ,is a us the -\ncients 411 the
good things have already been said Howevei there
is an additional consideration which makes the situ
ation beaiable The \ncients aimed at the tiuth in
then poems (except foi appioved hyperbole) \\hile
the Moderns (he says the poets of out time ) meet
appioval only when they have to offer something sub
attention to the realities/truths lhaka'ik) that might
correspond to their \\oids -\s a lesult the latter s pio-
ductions were artificial (mutakallaf) not spnnging
from sound talent ighaw sadir 'an tab' sahih) I'har 13
This is an admirable diagnosis of literary mannensm
n that (a) the poetic language moves away from real-
ty turning to mbieeding and the constiuetion of evei
nore intricate conceits lb) the c laving of the public
for innovation puts prcssuie on the poet to oblige
nd consequently (c ) the poetry becomes evei more
aitrficial Though this can only be considered a
tiong tendency not a necessity it is noteworthy that
a the section on poems that aie without artificial-
:y and piose-like in then easy flow Ibn Tabataba
quotes twenty-four examples twenty-two of which aie
ancient Of the iemaimng two one is by '-\bd ll-
Malik al-Hanthi who is sud by Ibn al-Mu'tazz d
2%/9()8 [</c]) to be a poet in the Bedouin vein
while the othei is the well-known muhdath Marwan h
650
Abl Hafsa (d. ca. 182/797 [q.v.]), who was rather con-
servative in his poetic ways (Tabakat, 276-80). In
another passage he indicates the way out for "mod-
ern" poets: he should take [akhdh, isti'ara) a poetic idea
from a predecessor and improve on it (interestingly,
he does not use the term sarika, as others often do)
('ha,, 123, 126).
However different Kudama and Ibn Tabataba may
be in their presentations, they resemble each other in
their basic goal: to identify the good and the bad in
poetry, whether it reside in wording, meaning, rhyme
or metre. Both have a preference for longish quota-
tions to make their point (Ibn Tabataba more so than
Kudama), an unusual phenomenon in the literature
of nakd al-shi'r. This is tied in with the question: do
both works belong to the same "genre" of meta-dis-
course, i.e. do they give rules on how to compose
poetry (a "poetics" in the strict sense) or on how to
evaluate it (a theory of criticism)? Ibn Tabataba uses
language that tells the would-be poet what to do,
while Kudama does not.
Ibn Tabataba is said to have greatly admired the
poetry of Ibn al-Mu'tazz, an admiration that was
reciprocated (Yakut, Irshad, ed. Rifa'T, xvii, 144-5),
although Ibn Tabataba is not included in the latter's
Tabakat al-shu'ara' al-muhdathm. Ibn al-Mu'tazz was
indeed a poet of the first magnitude but, as a mem-
ber of the caliphal house, he was also in constant
contact with high-level secretaries and was himself an
accomplished prose stylist (see e.g. his Fusul al-tamathil
Jt tabashir al-surur, ed. Djurdj Kanazi' and Fahd Abu
Khadra, Damascus 1410/1989, and his Kitab al-Adab,
ed. Sablh Radif, Baghdad 1392/1972). He wrote the
third important early work in the area of nakd al-shi'r,
the Kitab al-BadV, "The Book of the Novelty". The
term bad!' "novel, original" was already current at
the time as a somewhat fuzzy technical term denot-
ing the distinguishing trait of "modern" poetising. The
transmitters of ancient poetry allegedly did not know
this term (and, presumably, what it stood for); only
the "modern" poets and critics did. Since some of
the transmitters were also "modern" poets, this can
only be a rule of thumb. Definitions are not offered
in the literature preceding Ibn al-Mu'tazz. But wher-
ever the term is applied to a line of poetry that is
actually quoted, it invariably refers to what might be
called the "loan metaphor", i.e. the type of metaphor,
for which the term isti'ara "borrowing" was originally
coined (example: "claws of death", where the "claws"
are taken from a "predator" and given "on loan" to
"death") (cf. W. Heinrichs, Isti'arah and Badr' and their
terminological relationship in earh Arabic literary criticism, in
ZGAIW, i [1984], 180-211)" While the ancient poets
generated these metaphors on the basis of an anal-
ogy, comparing e.g. the inevitability of death with the
relentlessness of the predator's attack, the "modern"
poets often used a different generating mechanism:
They started from an existing metaphor and, on the
level of the analogue, moved to an adjacent element,
which then became a "claws"-type metaphor. E.g.
from the verb metaphor "drink" in "to make s.o.
drink blame" (i.e. "make him swallow it") the adjacent
element "water" is extracted, which forms the new
genitive metaphor "the water of blame". The critics,
though not aware of any differences in the generat-
ing mechanisms between "Ancients" and "Moderns",
realised that many of the loan metaphors of the
"Moderns" were surprising, farfetched, and at
times outright abstruse, and they labelled them badi',
the "novelty". Since bad!' is derived from the same
root as bid'a "religious innovation", it has a possible
negative odour and was indeed abhorred by some
more conservative critics. This is where Ibn al-Mu'tazz
entered the picture. Being himself a "modern" poet
and faced with badi' rejectionists, he declared the main
objective of his book to be the proof that badi' was
not "novel" at all, but occurred in all ancient text
genres: Kur'an, Hadlth, gnomic sayings and poetry.
He thus attempted to legitimise the "novelty" by point-
ing to respectable precedents. The only "novelty" in
"modern" poetry (and other genres), as he remarks,
is the unbridled proliferation of this phenomenon,
especially in the poetry of Abu Tammam, who was
the focal point of much critical attention, pro and
con. One has to be aware, though, that in Ibn al-
Mu'tazz the term badi' has a more comprehensive
meaning: according to the author it comprises the fol-
lowing five figures of speech: (1) loan metaphor (isti'ara);
(2) paronomasia (tadj_nis)\ (3) antithesis (mutabaka); (4)
echoing the rhyme at the beginning of the line (raid
a'dfdz al-kalam 'aid ma takaddamaha); and (5) theologism
(madhhab kalami, referring to imitations of the convo-
luted thinking and style of the dialectic theologians).
He admits, however, his uncertainty as to whether all
of these five subcategories really should be subsumed
under badi' or whether additional figures of speech
should be included, and he leaves that decision to
the reader. In order not to be accused of being igno-
rant of other ornaments of speech, he later added an
appendix of twelve figures which he called mahasin
"beauties". The vagueness of his badi' concept makes
it difficult to identify the criterion that separates the
badi' figures from the mahasin. However, the loan
metaphor is clearly of central importance in the book:
(1) When badi' is exemplified at the beginning of the
work, it is loan metaphors that are used as examples,
without any warning that badi' might be something
quite different. (2) The loan metaphor takes first place.
(3) Most intriguingly, the other badi' figures, which
are all characterised by repetition, are not seldom
combined with a loan metaphor, the latter forming
one of the terms of the repetition. This may lead one
to believe that the other figures were first drawn into
the badi' orbit due to cases that contained loan
metaphors: subsequently, the term was extended also
to non-metaphoric examples. Ibn al-Mu'tazz's uncer-
tainty may reflect the vagaries of this intermediary
stage.
The Kitab al-Badi', originally composed as a legit-
imation of the "novel" features of "modern" poetry,
effectively launched the term badi' as a collective noun
referring to "rhetorical figures", which found its scholas-
tic culmination in the discipline called 'Urn al-badl', as
finally established as part of the "science of eloquence"
{'Urn al-balagha) by al-Khatib al-Kazwfm (d. 739/1338
[q.v.]). The distinction between badi' and mahasin was
not continued after Ibn al-Mu'tazz.
The controversy around Abu Tammam
One of the triggers for the composition of the Kitab
al-Badi' had been the controversy around the poet
Abu Tammam, who was considered an addict of badi'
and the prototype of the san'a poet (masnu'\ who uses
rhetorical figures to add a new point or even a new
level to a line of poetry. Ibn al-Mu'tazz himself wrote
a short treatise on the merits and defects of Abu
Tammam's poetry (Risala fi mahasin shi'r Abi Tammam
wa-masawihi, preserved by al-Marzubanf, al-Aluwashshah,
277ff.), in which he mostly critiques single lines and
mentions several times that he is not the first to voice
that particular criticism. But the first large-scale crit-
ical appraisal is that of al-Hasan b. Bishr al-Amidi
(d. 371/981), which contrasts'the "artful" (masnW) Abu
Tammam with his counterpait (and disciple 1 ) the nat
ural (matbu ) poet al Buhtun fd 284/897 [q ]> the
fitting title of the book is The weighing of the poem
of <\bu Tammam and al Buhtun \al Muua^ana bavi
shir ibi Tammam ua I Buhtun see Bibl) M <\midi was
a setietarv both in Basra and B ighdad and he wis
lan (\akut Inhad ed Rifa i un 75 03) Tins was
clearlv a good basis foi his main claim to time his
works on liteiar} criticism One might sry that he
i the field as a held bee mse he subjected
, Unforl
1 the
onK tl
of these
woiks Mi
Poetrv bv Ibn Tabataba (A Ma f, ha, alshu I,
(l)bn Tabataba mm at khata ) Disclosuie ol the error
of Kudama b Dja fai in his Assaying oi Poetrv
(A Tabnn jjialat hudama b I£afa, f, k,tab '^akd al
ihi r) and Refutation of Ibn Amm h in his faulting
ol Abu Tammam (A al Radd ala Ibn immar fima
khattaafih \ba Tammam) ifoi the list mentioned Abu
1 <\bbis <\hmad b Ubavd Alhh Ibn Ammu il
Ihakafi [d ta 314/92b] see \akut hshad ed Rifi i
ins» woiks in the
> phenom,
n Hem
this style but found the bad
the old poetrv and sought
his own poetr\ [on Muslim
\\ Hemiichs Muslim b al
nchs ind & Sthoeler leds ) Feststfotft Eiald Wagmi
^um 65 Giburtstag Band 2 Studun ^ur arabisihin Duhtunz
Benut and Stuttgait 1994 21145) In this context
he makes use of Ibn il Mu tazz s permission to redis
tnct the bad! phenomena bv limiting them to thiee
loinmetaphoi antithesis and paronomasia (i\ti a?a
tibal taajms [q }) [Ml, va^ana i 14) This testmes to
his expenence as a poet and cntic as these thiee fig
ures of speech ue clearlv the most pervasive ind pop
til u in muhdath poetrv
The oveiall structuie ol al <\midi s work is as fol
lows Fust a htenrv debate between the lollovvei
(sahib) ol Abu Tammim and that of al Buhtun both
212 ■
In ad
e titles (omitting the ubiqu
ing poetrv into prose see above
That the ideas ol two poets do not lgice bv
chance (Ft anna IJiauavi la yattafiku kha latiruhumai
the phenomenon negated here bv al Amidi is dso
to explain identical or similar lines short ol phgiansm
The diffeience between the individual ind the
shared with regard to the motils ol poetrv tFaih ma
tinction between attnbutable motils and those in the
of plagiansm [see sarika in Suppl ]
Preference of the poetrv of Imiu il Ka V s ovei
[that of the othei] pie Islamic poets {Tafdil shn Imn
al hats ala I D/alulnytn) and The motifs in the poetiv
of al Buhtun I Ma am shn al Buhtun)
His main preserved work the Weighing is the
lust senous attempt at applied cuticism Before enter
ing into the actual companson between the two poets
al Amidi collects and discusses what the adheients of
eithei poet have aheadv amassed m the w iv of cnt
ical opinions But he first takes the opportunity to
characterise the two poets as the two opposites on
the mamu -matbu scale al Buhtun is Bedouinu m his
poetrv natuial in accordance with the ancients he
does not leave the well known mainstav ol poetrv
\amud al shi i) he shuns knotted svntax and foued
expiessions and uncouth words Abu Timmim on
the othei hand is strenuouslv affectatious i master
of conceits who forces woids and meanings ind his
poetrv does not resemble the poems of the \ncients
Intel estinglv he also descnbes the typical idherents
ol the two poets In al Buhtun s c ise thev aie the
secretaries the Bedouins the nituial poets and the
people of eloquence while <\bu Tammim has itti acted
the people who ue altei conceits {ahl al maani) the
minneiist poets (al ihuara ashab alsana) and those
who incline to sophistication and speech philosophi
cal (altadhf wa fahap al kalam) (Muwa^ana i n; Al
Amidi llso remaiks that the idmirers of Abu Tammim
illege thit he invented a new style ol poetising but
the followers ol al Buhtun deny this saying that he
followed the model ol Muslim b al \\ did and pushed
(U„i
intitheses (only with
irieguhnties (Muua a
weighing of veises of
usu illy taken up in th
[q | Al Amidi piom
8 i3)
e for the
Tlu i,
J style of al 1
al Mutanabbi
sparked bv
the poetic ceuvie ol al Mutnnbbi id 3i4/9i"i [q ])
Unlike the hteiaiy lights about <\bu Tammim that
were lought posthumouslv much of the new debate
happened alreadv during al Mutanabbi s lifetime Since
he was e>n ill accounts a difficult peison he made
enemies easilv and the wntings attacking him seem
any valid points they might trv to make Al Sahib
Ibn Abbad ( d a85/995 \q ]) viziei to two Buvid
princes poet and man ol letteis sponsor of scholars
and poets had eailv on invited al Mutanabbi to ]oin
him but had not even ieceived a ieply |al Th a ilibi
lahma ed AbdalHimid i 138l His Tieatise on
il Mutai
blemishes
[Risala f
e pe>etr> (
little
pioverbfial lme]s fiom tl
(al imtjial al sa na mm shi,
Hasan Al \ isin \afa i:
138a/l%5 21 78i and u-
,ith the
il Mut
Mutanabbi ed Muhammad
■il maljitutat iv Baghdid
I piosihed veisions \halh
| of al Mutanabbi s poetic lines m his ornate epistles
(al Tha alibi latima ed Abd al Hamid i 139 42)
He was thus fullv iwaie of the qualities of al
Mutanabbi s poetrv Similarly when al Mutanibbi
came to Baghdad he snubbed the Buy id vizier al
j Muhallabi [q J bv filling to address a pruse poem
| to him (alleging that he piaised only kings) wheie
I upon alMuhilhbi uiged the literary critic il Hatirm
id 388/998 [q in Suppl]) to engage al Mutanabbi
in i polemic il debate cemceming the 1 ittei s poetrv,
Al H ltimi subsequently wrote this up undei the title
I The se lip cleaving treitise concerning the phgiansms
of Abu 1 lav> ib il Mutinabbi ind his corrupt poetrv
[al Risala al mudiha ft djiih sankat ibi I Tanib al
Mutanabbi ua sakit shiuh) Although the bus is tangi
I ble md al Mutanabbi appt irs obtuse ind apologetic
the treatise does contain a number of inteiesting dis-
He was after all the authoi of a general book on
poetics the Ornament of apt quotation on the craft
of poetry [Hihat al muhadara fi sma'at al shi'i) This
work is mainlv compilatorv but brings a numbei of
difteient angles to bear on literarv criticism figures
of speech, best \erses on specific themes and topics,
a large section on plagiarism and i elated topics and —
for the first time m nakd — a tieatment of maajaz in
poetrv the latter is howe\ei, not \erv successful as
al-Hatimi uses the term in its wide application as we
know it from Ibn Kutavba, and not in the latei sense
of figurative speech which 'Abd al-kahir al-
Djurdjam (see below) introduced into the liteiarv field
(cf Hemnchs Contacts betueen sinptural hermeneutics and
literary theory in Mam The case of Majaz, in ~OAIH
vu [1991-2] 253-84) \nother attack on al-Mutanabbr
was launched bv the Egyptian poet Ibn Waki' al-
Tinnlsi (d 393/1003) in his Dealing fairly with the
liftei and the lifted regaiding the di\ulgation of the
plagiansms of Abu 1-Tay>ib al-Mutanabbi (al Munsif
h I sank ua I masiuk Ji i~har sankat Ah I Tayyib al
Mutannabi) In an introductory section he discusses the
figures of speech basing himself on Ibn al-Mu'tazz
Kudama and (without naming him) al-Hatimi
The author who tried to right the wrongs com-
mitted against al-Mutanabbi was al-kadi al-Djurdjani
(d 392/1002) m his Mediation between al-Mutanabbi
and his ad\ersanes [al Hasata bayn al Mutanabbi ua
khusumih) The authoi belonged to the entouiage of
Ibn 'Abbad for a while and was later appointed chief
hadi of al-Ray\ he was also a recognised poet His
book is the apex of applied literary criticism fair to
the poet cognisant of the existing critical liteiature
and interested in the general problems of hteiary eq-
uation (as witnessed by a fifty -page introduction before
the Hasata actualK begins)
Alongside the books and treatises written about
and often against al-Mutanabbi, theie are also the
commentanes on his Dm an to consider as the\ do
at times go be\ond the mere explanation of a line
and offer evaluative comments Moieovei there is
some disagreement among the commentators which
also ma\ have critical implications The earliest com-
mentaries, the two written bv al-Mutanabbi s friend
the grammanan Ibn Djinm (d 392/1002 [gi]) con-
tain a number of interpretations and justifications that
were considered incorrect bv othei critics such as al-
Wahid (\bu Tahb Sa'd b Muhammad al-Azdi al-
Baghdadi d 385/995), \bu 1-Fadl al-'\rudi (d
416/1025) and Ibn Furradja (Muhammad b Ahmad
d after 437/1045) (on critics of Ibn Djinm, and espe-
ciallv al-Wahid see I 'Abbas Ta'nkh 279-85 for
examples see also Hemnchs Obscurity in Classical Arabic
poetn, in Mediaeiaha xix [1996 for 1993] 239-59)
Thev sometimes attacked Ibn Djinm rathei violentlv,
and often not without reason he was aftei all in
spite of his enthusiasm for al-Mutanabbi, a giam-
manan and expert on ancient poetry One of Ibn
Funadjas counter-commentaries has been published
(see Bibl) He is also quoted about one hundred times
in the commentary of al-Wahidi (d 468/1075) often
together with al-' \rudi and here and there with other
scholais offering fascinating insights into their mter-
pietne and critical activities
The debate about al-Mutanabbi did not entireK
cease after this first flurry of activitv in the 4th/ 10th
and 5th/ 1 1th centuries Even much later books were
still composed about him but thev tend to be deriv-
ative such as \usuf al-Badi'i (d 1073/1662) al Subh
al munabbi 'an haythmat al Mutanabbi, ed Mustafa al-
Sakka ct aln Caiio 19b3 A notable exception is the
cutical comparison between al-Mutanabbi and Abu
Tammam bv the Andalusian authoi Ibn Labbal (\bu
1-Hasan 'All b \hmad al-Shanshi d 582/1 18b)
Randal al adib Ji 7 tafdil bayna 1 Mutanabbi ua Habib
ed \I Ibn Shanfa m idem Abu Tammam ua Abu I
Tayyib fi adab alMaghanba Benut 1986 197-222
Further sy stematical research al Khajadfi and 'Abd al hahir
alQurebam
Later poets do not appear to have become the
focus of cutical attention on such a grand scale But
one unique work should at least be mentioned here
a rather original literary-cntical treatment of the poetry
of Imru' al-kavs by Nadjm al-Din al-Tufi (d 716/1316
[qi]) with the title Tables laden with date-cuid on
the finer points of Imiu' al-kays (Maua'id al hay* fi
faua'id Imn' al Kays, ed Mustafa 'Ulayyan, 'Amman
1414/1994) Howevei in general the nakd liteiature
returned to general treatments of the whole field \
tiansitional figure in this lespect is the famous poet
and sceptic Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma'am (d 449/1058 [qi])
who was also an expert philologist and an ardent
admirer of al-Mutanabbi He composed two com-
mentanes on the lattei s Dman (see Bibl for Uu'djK
Ahmad al Lami' al 'Azi-J is in ms Istanbul, Suleymaniye
Hamidiye 1148 for the \rabic text and translation
of its introduction see P Smoor Rings and Bedouins
in the palace of Aleppo as reflected in Ma'am's uorks,
Manchester 1985 223-4) His other woiks are strewn
with a number " " "
■ 'Abbas Ta'nkh
379-91) but he apparentlv did not treat this topic
sv stematically in a separate book However his stu-
dent Ibn Sinan al-Khafadu (d 466/1074) did so in
his kn alfasaha (see Bibl) in which \bu 1-'A15 J is
quoted quite frequenth Ibn Sinan wrote poetrv but
he was probablv first and foremost a statesman (not
a successful one, since as governor of the fort of 'Azaz
he paid with his life for his tementv in seceding from
his Mirdasid overlord in Aleppo) He savs quite clearlv
that the discourse of the scribe is much more impor-
tant than that of the poet (Sirr 280) Poetrv is a
superfluity that can be dispensed with \al shi'ni fadf
"is book is thus more generallv nakd
al kalan,
ippro
rting
vi th
inlike others he is aware of the
difference between the two — and going on to words
domain of fasaha and finallv discussing meanings
{ma'am) as expressed in those words in isolation and
in combination this is the domain of balagha \ cei-
tain similarity to Kudama is unmistakable, he also
exphcitlv quotes him Among latei critics, it is char-
actensticallv the scube Diva' al-Dm Ibn al-\t_hir (d
637/1239 [see ibn al-atoir]) who has a predilection
for him Ibn Sinan s katib attitude also emei ges ft om
his anti-mannerist insistence on clantv and avoidance
of forced stvle {Sin, 282, final advice at the end of
the book)
The same attitude can also be found alreadv ear-
lier in al-Marzuki s (d 421/1030 [qi]) important
intioduction to his commentarv on the Hamam of
\bu Tammam One of the topics discussed there is
the notion of 'amud al shi'r 'the mainstav of poetrv
Taking this term from al-Amidr and al-Kadi al-
Djurdjam who used to charactense the ancient poets
and the natural' ones among the ' modern ' poets
as following the 'amud al shi'r, al-Marzuki draws up a
list of qualities that defines the notion, seven in all
namelv, elevated appropnate meaning, firm wording,
accurate description apposite simile coherence and
choice of pleasant metre, affinity between donor and
receptor of a metaphor, and close fit between word-
ing and meaning. This is a veritable manifesto of
anti-mannerist poetising; it clearly tries to curb the
more outrageous innovations of the "Moderns".
A contemporary of al-KhafadjT in the Eastern
Islamic world was the greatest genius of Arabic lit-
erary theory, <Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjam (d 471/1078
or 474/1081 [qv in Suppl ]) He was a grammarian
and mmoi poet, but not a scribe He never travelled
p talab al 'ilm and had few teacheis of whom we know,
al-KadT al-Djurdjani (see abo\e) was apparently one
of them His two cutical works, Astat al balagha 'The
mysteries of eloquence ', and Dala'il al t'dfSz The signs
of the [Kur'an's] lnimitabihty' , do overlap to some
extent, but the former deals with poetic discourse
while the lattei focuses on Kur'amc discourse Both
aie highly original and proved to be historically most
important The Asidr concentrate on imagery, le the
essence and the function of simile, simile-based
metaphor analogy and analogy-based metaphoi Al-
Djurdjam was the first, and in a way maybe the last,
to identify a ma|or constituent of muhdathun poetic
language the takhyil [qv] ' phantastic re-interpreta-
tion of facts ' in the guise of mock aetiologies mock
analogies and a number of othei techniques, often
based on metaphors taken hteially This allowed him
to distinguish between "rational' Cakli) and ' phan-
tasmagoncal" (takhyili) motifs and to sing the piaises
of the lattei as nothing less than veibal alchemy, he
still supports, nonetheless, the gi eater "ethical' value
of the 'rational' motifs, since takhyil entails a poetic
he (and thus does not occur in the Kur'an) While
this work should thus clearly be reckoned a pait of
the naki al shi'i enterprise (this |udgement is conobo-
rated by the many perceptive interpretations of poetic
piooftexts included in it), his book on the mimitabil-
ltv of the Kur'an, though leplete with valuable obseiv-
mg" Hazm is the only cntenon by which the i%dz
can be pi oven, since it applies to every text, and thus
to every aya, while other textual phenomena that
might be evaluated as e g metaphoi s, occur only spo-
radically Even metaphoi itself is constituted by nazm,
le the context detei mines the metaphoncalness of
the expression at hand
The infltuna of thi Kui'anu discourse
Despite the overlap between the two books of al-
Djurdjam, the Dala'il belongs to a different strand of
tiadition The Kui'amc discourse of the Dala'il had,
of course, its foreiunners, which need not detain us
here except inasmuch as they may have had an influ-
ence on nakd al Mr There are actually, at least two
Kur'amc discouises that have some beanng on nakd
al shi'r One appears as pait of the woiks on legal
theory it often forms a section tailed bayan ( 'clanty")
and deals with linguistic questions of heimeneutus,
such as literal (hakikd) vs figurative language fmadjaz)
Theie is, howevei, compaiatively little overlap between
the bayan of the legal scholais and the bayan [q i ] of
the ihetoncians Moie impoitant is the other Kui'amc
discouise that of the I'dfSz [q o] And here it is, in
particulai, one stiand in the discussion of the lnim-
ltabihty of the Kui'an namely, the piool of the styl-
most influence on the field of nakd: al-Rummam (d.
384/994 [q.v.]). His little treatise, "Notes on the inim-
itability of the Kur'an" (al-Nukat fi i'djdz al-Kur'ari),
based on the central notion of balagha, "eloquence",
divides this notion into ten parts, a number of which
are very pertinent also for evaluations of poetry: brevity
(tdjaz), simile (tashbih), substitution metaphor (istfara)
and emphasis (mubalagha) Al-Rummam was used exten-
sively, but without acknowledgment, by Abu Hilal al-
'Askan (d after 400/1010 [qi ]) in his A al Sina'atayn
This book might be called the first encyclopaedia of
literary theory, as it is a compilation though not
devoid of original ideas, from most of the earlier lit-
erature on rhetoi ic (khataba), nakd al shi'i and i'djdz
Since these diffeient stiands of literary theory at times
used the same teim in different meanings (e g isti'ata
as 'loan metaphor" in nakd, "substitution metaphor"
or even 'figurative speech m general" in Kur'amc
discoursel, teitain contradictions in the matenals col-
lected by Abu Hilal remain This lack of homogene-
ity also besets other authors, such as Ibn Rashik (d
4%/10b3 or 4b3/1071 [qv]), who quote al-Rummam
It was 'Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjam who in his two
books (see abovel cleaned up the tei minologic al mess
resulting from the confluence of the poetic and the
Kui'amc discourses But before him there was one
moie interesting interface between the discourses, in
al-Bakillani s (d 403/1013 [qv]) fdjaz al Kur'an Three
parts of this book aie especially pertinent here (these
parts weie tianslated by & E von Giunebaum
; The c.
with rr
of the authois in this field, is nazm, the "ordenng"
of meanings and woids into larger units However
this had little impact on nakd Strangely, the scholai
who did not make use of the nazm notion had the
doim
i badT
'rhetorical figures", which, howevei, accoidmg tc
are not relevant for proving the i'djdz, since they are
attainable by man through training and expenence,
(b) a cntique of the Mu'allaka of Imru' al-Kays [q I ],
and (c) a cntique of a famous lamnia by al-Buhtun
(4hl" bidhahkumu 1 khayali 1 mukbih, see al-Buhtun,
Diwan, ed al-Sayraft, 174M2) Al-Bakillani is fairly
well read in the relevant literature, quoting Kudama,
Abu Hilal al-'Askan and al-Rummam (the last one
anonymously) His analyses of the two poems aie of
course, intended to show their deficiency against the
background of the inimitable divine style Subsequent
influe
» them
At about the same time, theie was a flourishing of
poetry and literary criticism in ZTnd Kay i aw an which
may also be considered the beginning of serious cut-
ical activities in the Muslim West Much Eastem mate-
nal was made accessible by the excellent anthologies
of al-Husri (d 413/1022 [qv]), in particulai his
'Flowers of maxims and fruits of keen minds" ( ~«Ar
al adab ua thamar al albab, ed 'All Muhammad al-
Bidjawr, Cairo 1372/19^3) and "Collection of jewels
among jocosities and rarities ' (D,am' al djawahir fi I
mulah ua 7 nawadir ed al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1372/19^3)
Both of them contain many passages in which the
authoi eithei lepoits oi presents critical viewpoints
Al-Husn was the mentor of Ibn Rashik (d 4%/1064
or 4b 3/ 1071 [q o]) and Ibn Shaiaf al-Kayrawani (d
460/1067 [qv]), both eminent poets and critics and
competitois for most of then lives Ibn Rashik s
i work, "The
the beau
and critique of poetry ' (al 'I mda fi
adabih ua nakdih) is a comprehensive handbook on
poetry that includes discussions of the major critical
plagiarism (sanka, akhdh) His slim volume "Gold filings,
on the criticism of the poems of the Arabs' (huradat
al dhahab fi nakd ush'ur al 'arub) gives the impression of
a collection of notes on various topics of literary crit-
icism, including very subtle instances of intertextual-
ity (see especially the chapter on talfik, Kurada, 95-
106, "piecing together" a line of poetry from two or
more existing lines, a method skilfully used by Abu
VAla' al-Ma'arri). Ibn Rashlk's rival, Ibn Sharaf, is
less well known, due to the loss of most of his writ-
ings; his evaluation of earlier poets is preserved in a
short work, probably fragmentary, with the title
"Questions of piterary] criticism" (Masa'il al-intikad, or
more fully, as in the colophon, al-makama al-ma'rufa
bt-Masa'il al-mtikdd). The rather aphoristic critique of
a large number of poets is followed by a second part
in which general guidelines for the critic are devel-
oped, in part on the basis of a critical, and moralis-
tic, reading of verses from the Mu'allaka and other
poems by Irnru' al-Kays [q.v.]. Particularly note-
worthy is the literary genre of the makama [q.v.] that
Ibn Sharaf has chosen for his presentation: he attrib-
utes the critical opinions in his work to one Abu '1-
Rayyan and he says unmistakably in his introduction
that he "invented" (ikhtalaktu) the narratives included
in his work.
At about the same time, al-Andalus also entered
the scene with important contributions (disregarding
here the works that introduced Eastern transmissions
and ideas into al-Andalus, like the adab encyclopae-
dia "The unique necklace", al-'Ikd al-farid of Ibn 'Abd
Rabbih [d. 328/940 (q.v.)] and the "Dictations", al-
Amall, of al-Kali [d. 356/967 [q.v.)]). The eminent
poet Ibn Shuhayd (d. 426/1035 [q.v.]), needled by
adverse criticism of his poetry, wrote an imaginative
and imaginary report, full of wit and haughtiness,
about his visit to the country of the jinn and his dis-
cussions with the familiar spirits of famous poets and
prose writers, with literary critics among the jinn, and,
turn out to be the familiar spirits of two contempo-
raries. Much of the story revolves around the ques-
tion of talent and training as prerequisites for successful
poetic activity; the translator, James Monroe (see BibL),
discovered a Neo-Platonic blueprint underlying the
author's theory of "creativity".
Ibn Shuhayd's friend, Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064 [q.v.]).
should briefly be mentioned here, because his logical
work "Bringing close to the definition of logic" (al-
Takrib ila hadd al-mantik) leads over to the philosoph-
ical poetics in the next paragraph, although it is still
very much "Arabic" in its contents. Two ideas stand
out in his presentation. One is the notion that the
essence of poetry is that it consists of false statements.
This is not a new statement, being both part of the
Greek tradition known to the Arab world (see below
on Ibn al-Banna ; ) as well as the indigenous one, where
the adage ahsanu (var. khayru) 'l-shi'ti akdhabuh "the best
poetry is the most untruthful one" is often quoted.
However, the exclusivist view maintained by Ibn Haz
n the v.
defini
and poetry, see Heinrichs, Dichterische Rede). The other
unusual notion is his tripartite typology of poets: to
the usual types characterised by tab' "natural talent"
or sina'a "artfulness" he adds a third one, distinguished
by bard'a "virtuosity". From his description this type
appears like a synthesis of lab' and sina'a; bard'a is the
ability to make intricate conceits appear natural (on
this and related topics, see G. Schoeler, Einige Grund-
probleme der autochthonen und der anstotelischen arabischen
Literaturtheone [ARM, Band xli, 4], Wiesbaden 1975,
33-56, and his additions in £ZM/G, cxxvi [1976], *79*).
Philosophical poetics and the Maghnbl "school"
A short aside on philosophical, or logical, poetics
is appropriate here. Aristotle's Rhetoric and Poetics were
translated from Syriac into Arabic. The former exists
in a nakl kadlm, an "old" pre-Hunayn translation, the
latter in the translation of Abu Bishr Matta (d. 328/940
[see matta B. yunus]) and, in the commentaries, also
in a revision by Abu Bishr's disciple Yahya b. 'Adr
(d. 363/974 [q.v.]). These translations remained for a
very long time the domain of the logicians, because
since the days of the Neo-Platonic Alexandrian com-
mentators the Rhetoric and the Poetics had become part
of the Organon, the logical writings of Aristotle. We
have summaries and commentaries on these two books
by a number of important philosophers, al-Farabi, Ibn
Slna and Ibn Rushd [q.vv.] among them, and many
short characterisations of them in general exposes of
logic. The basic notions of Arabic logical poetics are
takhyll "image-creation in the listener's mind" and
muhakat "image-creation from reality", the latter going
back to the Aristotelian mimesis but here reinterpreted
as "imagery" (for further details, see takhyTl). Probably
due to the compartmentalisation of knowledge into
Arabic and Ancient disciplines, the indigenous theo-
rists of poetry did not show any interest in the log-
ical approach, except in the Muslim West. While in
the East Diya> al-Din Ibn al-Athir, in a well-known
passage of his al-Mathal al-sa'ir (ed. al-Huff and Tabana,
Cairo 379-81/1959-62, ii, 5-6), is the only indigenous
theorist to take notice of the philosophers, by reject-
ing and scorning Ibn Sina's "Greek" poetics, in the
Maghrib there are several authors who, in one way
or another, make use of the basic terms and ideas
of this unusual branch of logic. The first among these
seems to have been Ibn 'Amira (d. 656/1258 or
658/1260 [q.v.]), who wrote his al-Tanblhat 'ala ma ft
'l-Tibyan min al-tammhat as a critique of a work by
Ibn al-Zamlakam (d. 651/1253) (see al-Tibyan in BibL).
The polemical format of this work precludes a sys-
tematic introduction of technical terms; but the cen-
tral terms of philosophical poetics, takhyll, muhakat and
akyisa shi'mya, are employed (see Tanblhat, 125, 134
and 135, respectively), and muhakat is used in the
sense of "imaging" by means of similes or metaphors.
The most important among "philosophising" crit-
ics is Hazim al-Kartadjanni (d. 684/1285 [q.v.]), who
used the two basic notions of the logical approach,
takhyll and muhakat (the latter further reinterpreted as
"image-creation by both descriptive and figurative
processes"), in order to give a foundation to the hith-
erto more analytical and taxonomic indigenous
approaches in the theory of poetry (for the details
of his theory, see Minhdd(, 62-129, translated in
W. Heinrichs, Arabische Dichtung und griechische Poetik,
173-262).
His younger contemporary al-Sidjilmasi (d. after
704/1304 [q.v.]), in his "Novel method in classifying
the modes of figures of speech" (al-Manza' al-badl' fi
tadjnls asalib al-badi'), like Hazim quotes al-Farabi and
Ibn Slna verbatim but understands takhyll in the nar-
rower sense of "imagery", including tashbih "simile",
isti'dra "loan metaphor", mumathala "analogy" and
madfaz (see Mania', 218-61, 406-7; note that takhyll
here is used as a synonym of muhakat, due to a pars
pro Mo application of either term for the entire activ-
ity of the poet of shaping images from reality and
creating corresponding images in the minds of the lis-
teners). It is noteworthy that madjdz in al-SidjilmasT
equals the Djurdjanian takhyll (see above) (on this
strange use of the term, see Su'ad al-Mani', Mqfhum
mustalah "al-maq^Sz" 'inda l-Sidfilmasl fi 'alakatihl hi-
mustalah "aUakhylV, in Abhath al-Yarmuk, xvii [1420/
1999], 89-137)."
The last of the 'philosophising' Maghnbi cm
who is known to us through his own work is
al-Banna' (d 721/1321 [gi]), there are a few (
ers, about whose views we know little (see M Ibn
Sharlfa, Mukaddima to Ibn 'Amlra, Tanblhat 51) Ibn
al-Banna' gives a shoit overview on the various tiuth
values of the logical disciplines (bu)han, dfadal, khatdba
shi'r mughdlata) and defines poetrv as "address bv
means of false, image-e\ oking (mukhamla) statements
based on image-making (muhdkdt), which result m the
excitement (is-tijzdz) [of the listener] bv those fancies
(tauahhumdt)" (see Raud 81 and cf 103) Bv stress-
ing the falseness of the poetic statements he dnerges
from Hazim and al-Sidjilmasi, who declaie true" and
'false ' as immaterial in poetry , Ibn al-Banna' resumes
anothei tradition, which also has Gieek loots and
latei Arab adherents (see above)
Much of the literature devoted to the criticism of
poetry ultimately feeds into scholastic rhetoric ('dm al
balagha) on which \
But
"imitates' {muhdkdt) the object bv descnbing its acci-
dents and then 'generates repiesentational images'
(takhul) of the object in the mind of the listener/readei
Scientific piopositions, on the other hand, consist in
naming the essence of things and creating under-
standing (ifliam) ( Mmhddf 98-9, 1 18-20) Again we have
a dichotomv of poetic and scientific speech
(b) The second attempt at defining poetry is based
on the idea of "untiuth" (kadhib) The adage ahsanu
7 shi'n akdhabuh "the best poetry is the most untruth-
ful one sometimes said to be of Greek origin, has
been inteipreted as refeinng to (overblown) hvpeibole
(ghulun.) (Kudama, Nakd 24-7) and to al-Djurdjam's
"phantastic re-inteipretation" {takhul, see above) thus
to 'distortions" of reahtv (or of the mirror quality of
language) in the course of increasing mannerism Most
cntics did not conclude that all poetrv was untrue,
but at least two explicitly did so the philologist Ibn
Fans (d 395/1004 [qu]) in al Sahibi fi fikh al lugha
-Sayyid Mrmad Saki, Cairo 1977 466) and Ibn
the main goal of rhetoric is as a tool to understand
the I'djdz alhufan [go] The whole hteiatuie based
on the thud chapter of al-Sakkakls Miftah al'ulum
will thus not be treated here The same is also tiue
for most of the later works outside the al-Sakkaki
The mam topus oj nakd
The historical outline presented so far should be
complemented by a shoit topical outline of the basic
themes of nakd al shi'i (1) Poetry in prose The n
popular definition of poetrv is the formal one ]
posed bv Kudama, hakd 2 kaul"' mauzun" mukajfa'
^adullu 'aid ma'na" 'metucal rhymed utteiance indi-
cating a meaning" This would include didactic ver-
satisfactory Some authois have, therefore, tiled to
establish an essential diffeience between poetrv and
prose (cf Heinnchs, Duhtensche Rede) Thiee approaches
can be distinguished
(a) The first is based on the idea that lealitv can
be expressed in different ways Al-Zandjam (d
650/1262 [qi in Suppl]) in his 'Yardstick for stu-
dents of the disciplines concerning poems' (Mi'tdr al
nuzzdi fi 'ulum al ash'dr] uses the thieefold svstem of
denotation {daldla) le mutabaka ("congruence", "house '
denotes a house) ladammun ('implication", 'house"
denotes a ceiling) and iltiiam ('concomitance' 'ceil-
ing' denotes a wall) and says that mutabaka is the
'onginal denotation' (daldla uad'tiia) and is used in
the lational sciences ('ulum 'aklma), while tadammun
and dtizam aie 'rational denotations" (daldlatdn 'akin
\atdn , l e one has to think about their meaning)
\\lhdr, ed al-<\.shkai, 5-7) Of these dtizam is the
kind of denotation that matters in "eloquence' (balagha)
and theie aie many ways, good and bad in which
a certain idea can be conveved Two points need
emphasis heie (i) Although his book is devoted to
poetry, in this passage he speaks about 'eloquence',
which, of course extends to oinate prose as well, and
(n) the opposite of eloquent speech is scientific texts
Al-Zandjani's approach may thus be somewhat askew
when it comes to defining poetiy (As an aside, one
might mention that al-Sakkakr uses the same theory
of denotation but applies it onlv to imagery, batdn,
see Miftah al'ulum ed Na'im Zaiziii, Beirut "l403/1983,
329-30 i Theie is a certain similantv between al-
Zandjam and Hazim al-Kartadjanni in this icspect
The latter defines poetry, with the help of terms from
the Anstotehan-Farabian tiadition as a speech that
Haz
(c) The third approach contrasts the ' obscurity '
(ghumud) of poetry with the 'claritv' luuduh) of hter-
arv prose This was done by the kdhb Ibiahlm b
Hilal al-Sabr (d 384/994) in an epistle in which he
savs that, due to the shortness and ngiditv of the
veise and the constraints of rhvme and metre poems
could not avoid being "obscure' (A Aiazi, Vne epdn
d'lbrdhim b Hilal al SdbT sur In genres hthrams in
M Sharon (ed ) Studies in hlamie history and unitization
in honour of Professor David Atalon, Jerusalem and Leiden
1986) Later critics have usually not agreed, saying
that the balagha of both poetrv and ornate piose
requned clantv (cf e g , Cantanno, Poitus 19 r i)
Since the middle 'Abbasid period, when the idea
had taken hold that the kaslda and the mala were
identical but for formal differences the teiminologv
of the poetry -critics was to a large extent applied to
tively early sets of terms that were developed bv the
state scribes for the description of the epistolary style
Kudama b Dja'far in the introduction to his woik
on svnonvmous words and phrases "Gems of words'
(D,audhi> alalfdz, 3-8), lists and exemplifies fourteen
features that make foi the highest degree of eloquence
(balagha) in ornate piose His te\\ov,-katib al-Klf arazrm
(2nd half of 4th/ 10th cent [q t ]), in his 'Kevs of the
' (Mafdti
has
the ct
ventions of the epistolographeis'
rasd'il), which clearly harks back to Kudama's list but
also goes bevond it bv adding a paiagiaph on defects
{MafdtTh, 72-8) Al-Kh"arazmT is particularly instiut-
ter on nakd al shi'r (MaJdtTh, 94-7), a companson of
the two lists shows suipnsinglv little oveilap in ter-
minology and only shghtlv more when the figures
themselves are tonsideied A third list was compiled
later by alAazdadr idates unknown) in the introduc-
tion to his 'Perfection of eloquence' (Kama I al balagha,
19-32), a selection of epistles bv Kabus b Wushmgn
(d 403/1012 [qi ]) The author savs that he isolated,
horn the epistles themselves, such figures as Kudama
had not vet identified (hamdl, 19) it is likely but not
certain that he is refeinng to Djaudkr al aljdz lathei
than to hakd al shi'r All of this shows that before
the final confluence of teiminologies, we have to
assume sepaiate traditions of poetic, ihetoncal (epis-
and Kur'anic (see above) technical vocabulary
Foi a
t to al-Kadi T\5d s
the hadith Umm Z ar ( or
Muslim
xial it
this
t F Rosenthal
-reflection
Hadith of Umm "ar" in Onins \vci\ [1994] 31 56)
This includes a chapter on bayan that deals with the
literary aspects of the hadith (Bughyat al ra id h ma
tadammanahu hadith Umm ~<z; mm alfaua id ed Salah
al Dm b \hmad al Idlibi it alii al Muhammadiwa
13^5/1^75 18b 214)
(2) Truth is falsehood Ibn Rashik states that most
of poetry is uasf description {'Umda n 294) thus
true \s mentioned some cutics ha\e maintained the
opposite (Ibn Hazm Ibn Fans see above) this has
to be seen against the background of the mannerist
trends in modern poetry — with then irreal hyperboles
(Jiuluu) substratum less metaphors (istiaia ftakhyilmaj)
and phantastic re interpretations [takkulof al-Djurdjam)
Cntics often became a little nervous when confronted
with falsehoods (kadhib) of this type but the poets
were not deterred The idea of poetry being per se
untrue is also highlighted by \bu 1 Ala al Ma am s
assertion that the sceptical poetry in his Luzummat is
not poetry because it is true fed A Zand C airo
9 42)
t of
tainly not in poetry There
are it is true cases like the \ ersification in couplets
of Kali la ua Dimna and similar fictional works by Aban
alLahiki (d la 200/815 [qi]) but these would pre
sumably be regaided as naon rather than poetry
However the often stei eotypical adventures that a
poet or his persona would describe were ot course
known not to be the historical truth but this kind ot
non explicit fiction because it could not be recog
msed from the poem itself elicited little interest on
the pait of the critics It is only Hazim al Kartadjanm
who paid some attention to the notion of fiction
(ikhtilak as he calls it) and who distinguished the type
of fiction just mentioned from the one that is plainly
fictional on the surface fe g the talking animals in
Katila u a Dimna) by calling the foimei possibility
fiction (ikhtilal imham) and the latter impossibility -
fiction (ilhtilal imtinai) (Minhadj 7b 9)
(3) The unit uithin the poem A large amount of poetic
criticism is dnected to the single line This molecu
lar approach is dn\ en to the extreme b) Tha lab
who considers lines with semantically independent
hemistichs the best of all Se\eral critics do quote
larger passages (e g Ibn Tabataba) but they do not
noimally discuss the structure of laiger entities An
exception is the analysis of transitions from one theme
to the next in the polythematic hasida (talhallus) Al
Hatimi uses the image of the human body in ordei
to stress the o\erall organic unit) of the poem (see
in general &J H van Gelder Beyond thi lint Classical
imbu hteran cntus on t/it cohertmt and unity of the poim
Leiden 1982 the passage in question is translated and
discussed at 82 3) But for a thorough discussion of
passages [Jusul sing fasl) as building blocks within
a poem one has again to turn to Hazim al Kartadjanm
(see \an Geldei 171 90)
(4) Wording (\a(z) is mianing (ma'na; This dichotomy
is basic to all disciplines dealing with language It
was e g used b> the logicians in their dispute with
the grammarians in the 4th/ 10th century when thev
alleged that their domain was the ma'am while the
grammarians dealt with the alfa^ This oversimphfi
cation did not go down well with the grammarians
who rightly claimed that thev dealt with semantic
matters is well Among the earliei critics the most
commonly encountered attitude is that the laf*. is the
object of the poet s irtistic endeavour the form that
he tries to achieve while the mana is the matenal
that he works on Poetry is thus a ana a a ciaft
like that of the carpentei weaver or goldsmith and
indeed the poets craft is often compaied to these
professions and many of the terms denoting figures
of speech are taken in the way of metaphors from
these other crafts Howe\er wording and meaning
cannot easily be separated if one wants to talk about
the woidmg without any reference to the meaning
the topic becomes restricted to euphony stylistic accept
ability of words (ct wahshi) and grammatical fea
tures (everything co\ered by the term jasaha [qi]) In
most discussions of the critics lajz is used in the sense
of a particular expression of a general idea (mana)
it thus clearly partakes in the mana side of language
The term mana itself acqunes several meanings
(a) the meaning ot a specific verse (especially when
it is difficult to gauge) — this is dealt with in early
philological ma am woiks such as al Ushnandam (d
25b/870) \taani al shi'r (ed Izz al Din al Tanukhi
Damascus 19b9)
(b) the motif expressed in a line i e a populai
poetic commonplace these were collected together
with their most famous realisations in motif cata
logues such as Ibn Kutayba A al Ma'am al habir
(Haydarabad Deccan 1949) \bu Hilal al Askan
Dman almaam (Cairo 1352 [1933 34]) al Raghib al
Isfahan! (d 502/1108 [qi]) \ladjma al balagha ted
Umar \bd al Rahman al Sansi 2 vols Amman
140b/ 198b) and the anonymous Uaajmuat almaam
(ed Abd al Salam Harun Beirut 1992) as well as
in catalogues of similes such as Ibn Abi Awn A al
Tashbihat (ed Abdul Mu id Khan London 1950) and
Ibn al Kattam A al Tashbihat mm ash ar ahl al indalus
(ed Ihsan Abbas Beirut 1967) and
(c) the specific meaning which results from the
application of rhetoric and imagery to a known motif
thereby refashioning it as a conceit (conutto) — these aie
the ma am that the admners of Abu Tammam al-
Amidi s ahl al ma am (see above) cherish and which
Ibn Rashik calls the ma am alsana (Umda 1 133) An
example would be Abu Tammam s notonous line la
tashm ma a I malamija innam/sabb" lad i stadhabtu ma a
hula i Do not pour for me the water of blame foi
I am a man in lo\e I have come to find the watei
of mv weeping sweet (Dman ed Muhammad Abduh
Azzam 4 vols Cairo 19b4 5 i 22) Here the sim
pie idea Do not blame me for I am in love and
like weeping has been transformed into a conceit
by applying to it (l) a loan metaphor ( the uater of
blame ) and (n) a mulabala (the contrast of the two
waters) It is deal fiom these literanl) e\er more
meaningful uses of the term mana that ma'na and laf^
become inextricably bound together this mana laf^
conglomerate came especially to the fore in discus
sions of the historical de\ elopment of motifs 1 e dis-
cussions of borrowings imitations and plagiarisms
Abd al Kahn al Djurdjam realised the inefficienc) of
the ngid dichotomy wording/meaning and intro
duced the term sum foim structure which he puts
in the middle between the lafz as linguistic mater
lal (aipas al huruf the sounds of the letters ) and
the ma na as thematic material (Jiarad intention ) one
could say that the sura forms both the linguistic and
the thematic material and thus creates a structured /«/<.
and a structured ma'na that are completely congruent
(5) Originality is plagiarism On the whole gamut of
possibilities between ikhhia original lmention and
sanka ciude plagiarism see sarika in Suppl
Influence on other hkiatures
Arabic htenry criticism md poetics ha\e had an
influence on two linguistic -cultural domains outside ol
it One is Persian Iiteiary theory The fust work in
this field was Raduvam s [q < ] Intel preter ol elo
1949) wntten between 482/1089 and 507/1114 (see
also Ates Tauuman al Balaga das fiuhste neupersisehe Uetk
uber rhetonsehe Figurin in Oruns i [1948] 45-b2) This
Marghimni s (middle ol the 5th/ 1 1 th c enturv ) Beauties
in poetrv and piose [al Mahasin fi I na<jn ua 1 nathi
ed \an Geldei Tuo irabu treatises on styhstus Istan-
bul 1987 bb-110)
The other cultural domain open to Arabic influ-
ence was the Jewish community pnmaiilv in al-
Andalus but also elsewheie who had adopted Arabic
piosod>, or an adaptation thereof for the composi-
tion of Hebrew poetrv This diew then attention also
to the cntical hteiature of the Aiabs this in tuin con-
fronted them with the notion of i'qja^ al Kur'an and
motivated them to discover ihetoncal and figurative
use ol language in their own Scripture The most
important authoi here is Moshe b 'Ezra (d aftei
529/1135) who wiote two relevant woiks in Judaeo-
Aiabic the A al Muhadara ua I mudhakara (ed [m
Hebrew script] and tr into Hebrew b> A S Halkin
Jerusalem 1975 ed [in Arabic script] and ti into
Spanish b\ Montserrat Abumalhan Mas 2 vols
Madrid 1985-6) dealing mamlv with poetrv and the
Makalat al Hadika fi ma'na I madia ua I hakika ed
and ti (into Hebrew) bv P Fenton (Jeiusalem foi in-
coming), see also Fenton Philosophic ct exegese dam le
Jardin de la metaphorc d e Moise Ibn 'E*ra (Leiden 1997)
with the main locus on scnpturil issues Recently
extant iragments ol anothei Judaeo-Arabic woik on
poetics (including prosodv) this time bv a man fiom
the East have been published J ^ ahalom (ed and
tr into Hebrew), Ptrakim bt tmat ha shir It Eta ar ben
la'akoi ha Baili Judato irabu poetics Fragments nf a lost
treatise by Elazar bin Jacob of Baghdad (Jeiusalem 2001)
Some earlv copies ol this work and of Moshe b
'Ezra s A al Muhadara seem to have been written in
Aiabic scupt, as can be seen from mistakes attribut-
able to misieadings of Arabic letters This ma) point
to some amount of giv e-and-take between Muslim and
Jewish critics
On the poetics of mediaeval dialect poetry see
zadjal (tow aid the end)
Bibliography 1 Geneial overviews The
most satisfactory is Ihsan 'Abbas Ta'nkh al nakd al
adabi 'inda I 'irab ^akd al shi'r nun al karn al tham
hatta I karn al thamin al hidpi 2nd enlaiged and col-
lected ed 'Amm-vn 1993 ('Beirut 1971) An ear-
hei attempt still useiul in paits but dealing onlv
with the eailv penod is Amjad Trabulsi La entique
pothque des irabes jusqu au ( \mle de I Hegin (\I
sietlt di JC) Damascus 195b \ combination ol
primary poetics abstiacted horn the poetrv itself
and nakd al shi'r is Jamel Eddine Bencheikh, Pothqm
mabi Pans 1989 ('1975) The professionalisation of
nakd is described in Wen-Chin Ouvang, Literary oil
uism m nudiaal ■irabu Islamic culture The making of a
tradition Edinburgh 1997 Specifically lor Muslim
Spain see Muhammad Ridwan al-Dava Ta'nkh al
nakd aladabi fi I indalus Beirut 1388/1968 Foi an
anthologv ol translated texts plus substantial intro-
ductions see \ Cantarmo Irabu poetics in the Golden
igc Leiden 1975 Short presentations \\ Heinnchs
Poetik Rhttonk Literaturkntik \Ittnk und Rtimlehrt in
GaP, n 177-207 k Abu Deeb Literary cntuism in
CH4UBL 339-87
authoi SA Bonebakker isptcts of the history of lit
trary rhetoric and poetics in irabu literatim, in \iator l
(1970) 75-95 W Heinnchs Literary theory the pro b
lem of its efficiency in & E von Ciunebaum (ed )
irabu poetry theory and development Third Led Delia
\ Ida Biennial Conference, Wiesbaden 1973 19-b9 idem
The Hand of the horthuind Opinions on metaphor and
the early meaning of Isti'ara in irabu poetus Wiesbaden
1977 (ARM Bd XLI\ 2) idem Klassisch araksche
Thconen duhtenseher Rede in H Preissler and Heidi
Stein (eds ) innaherungen an das Fiernde XXII Deutscher
Oncntalistintag com 25 bn 29 9 1995 in Leipzig (ZD\IG
Supplement 11 Stuttgart 1998) 199-208 &J van
Gelder Beyond the line Classical irabu literary clitics
on the coheicncc and unity of the poem Leiden 1982
Mansoui Ajami, The ilcherny of glory The diakclu of
criticism Washington DC 1988 Djibir 'Usfur
Uaflwm alshi'r duasa fi I turath al nakdi 'Nicosia
1990 (on Ibn Tabitaba kudima and Hizim al-
kaitadjanni) Sasson Somekh (ed ) Studies in meduial
irabic and Hebreu poetics in /OS xi (1991) Amidu
Sanni, The iiabie theory of prosifuation and ccrsijuation
on hall and nazm m irabu theoretical discourse Beirut
and Stuttgart 1998
3 Editions and studies on individual
authors (The list contains a lew additional authors
not mentioned in the text ) Mediaeval lists ol rel-
evant hteiature aie given bv Ibn Abi 1-Isba' Tahnr
al tahbir fi san'at alshi'r u a nathi ua bayan t'dia^ al
Kur'an ed Hifm Muhammad Sharaf Cairo 1963
[in the mtioduction] and bv Safi al-Din al-Hilh
al Mata'id} al ilahiyya fi shaih al Kafiya al badi'iyya, ed
Nasib Nashiwi Damascus 1402/1982 [in the appen-
dix] A veritable encvclopaedia-cum-anthology of
poetic figures is Ibn Ma'sum [d 1117/1705] inuar
alrabi' fi anna' al badi' 7 vols ed Shikir Hadi
Shukr Nadjaf 19b8 ) al-Akhlash al Aw sat Sa'id b
Mas'ada A al kauafi ed Tzzat Hasan Damascus
1390/1970 Asma'i and Abu Hitim al-Sidjistam
Su'alat ibi Hatim al Sid}istam h I isma'i ua radduhu
'alayhi — Fuhulat al shu'ara' ed Muhammad 'Awda
Salama Abu Djan Cairo 1414/1994 Ibn Kutavba
A al Wr ua I shu'ara' Mukaddima ed Gaudefrov-
Demombvnes as Ibn Qotaiba Intioduction au hire de
la poesu et des poetes Pans 1947 Tha'lab Kaaa'id
alshi'r ed Ramadan <\bd al-Tawwab Cairo 19bb
Ibn al-Mu'tazz A al BadT' ed I kratchkovskv
London 1935 M Canaid Deux ehapitres midits de
lauire de Kratchkocshy sui Ibn al Mu'ta z in 4IEO xx
(19b2) 21-111 SA Bonebakkei Ibn al Mu'ta^z and
kitib al-Badi' m GHiLABL 388-411 Ibn Taba-
tabi A 'Iyar al shi'i ed 'Abd al-'Aziz b Nisir al-
M-ini Rivad 1405/1985 kudama b Dja'iar A
hakd alshi'r ed S A Bonebakker Leiden 195b
idem Djaaahir at alfa^ ed Muhammad Muhvi
1-Din 'Abd al-Hamid Cairo 1932, lepi Beirut
1399/1979 Marzubam al Muuashshah fi ma'akhidh
al 'ulama' 'ala I shu'ara' ed Muhibb il-Din al-Khatib
Cano 1385 Ishak b Ibrahim Ibn Wahb al-kitib
al Burhanji uuajuh al bayan ed Ahmad Matlub and
khadidja al-Hadithi Baghdad 1387/1967 kh a-
lazmi Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b Ahmad
Mafatih al'ulum ed & van \loten Leiden 1895
lepi Leiden 19b8 Amidi al \Iuaa_ana bayn shi'r
ibi Tammam ua I Buhtun vols 1-11 ed al-Sayvid
Ahmad Sakr Cairo 1380-4/1961-5 vol m ed
'Abd Allah Hamd Mulrmb Cairo 1410/1990
Rummam al Mukat fi I'dja^ al Kur'an ed Mu-
hammad khalai Allah and Muhimmad Zaghlul
Salam, in Thalath rasa il Ji t'djaz al Kur'an, Cano
n d Hatimi al-Risala al-mudiha ft dhtkr sankat ibi
TTayyib al-Mutanabbi wa-sakit shi'nh, ed Muhammad
Yusuf Nadjm, Beirut 1385/1965 (cf Bonebakker,
Hatimi and hu encounter with Mutanabbi a biographical
sketch, Amsterdam, etc 1984, for the various extant
versions of the Risdla), idem, Hilyat al-muhadara ft
sina'at al-shi'r, ed Dja'far al-Kattani, 2 vols Baghdad
1979, ed Hilal Nadjf, Beirut 1978 (incomplete),
Bonebakker, Materials foi the history of Arabic rhetom
from the Hilyat al-Muhadara of Hatimi (Mss 2934
and 590 of the Qarawiyyin Mosque in Fez), Naples
1975, al-Kadr al-Djuidjani, al-Uasata bayn al-
Mutanabbi wa-khusumih, ed Muhammad Abu '1-Fadl
Ibrahim and 'Air Muhammad al-Bidjawr, 'Cairo
nd, Ibn Wakl", A" al-Munsif li 1-sank wa 'l-masruk
minhu ft Khar sankat ibi l-Tayyib al-Mutanabbi, ed
Nadjm, pt 1, Kuwait 1404/T984, also ed as al-
Munsf ft nakd al-shi'i wa-bayan sankat al-Mutanabbi
wa-mushkd shi'nh by Muhammad Ridwan al-Dava,
Damascus 1402/1982, Muhsin Ghayyad 'Udjayl
(ed ), Shuruh shi'r al-Mutanabbi, Baghdad 2000 [con-
tains Abu '1-Fadl al-'Aradi, al-Mustadrak 'aid Ibn
Qinni ftmd sharahahu mm shi'r al-Mutanabbi (collec-
tion of fragments'), Ibn Furradja al-Taajanni 'ala Ibn
L>/mni (collection of fragments), Ibn al-Katta' al-
Sikilli, Sharh al-mushkil mm shi'r al-Mutanabbi (edi-
tion)], Abu Hilal al-'Askari, A al-Sina'atayn al-htaba
wa l-shi'r, ed al-Bidjawi and Ibrahim, 5 Cairo n d
[1971], GJ Kanazi, Studies m the Kitdb as-Sina'atayn
of Abu Hilal al-'iskari, Leiden, etc 1989, Bakillani
Tdjaz al-Kur'an, ed al-Sayyid Ahmad Sakr, Cairo
1963 von Grunebaum, 4 tenth-ientury document of
Arabic literary theory and cntuism the seition on poetry of
al-Bdqilldni's I'jdz al-Qur'dn, Chicago 1950, repr 1974,
Marghinam, al-Mahdsin ji 'l-nazm wa 'l-nathr, ed
van Gelder, in Two Arabu treatises on styhstus, Istanbul
1987, 'Abd al-Karim al-Nahshali, al-Mumti' ft 'dm
al-shi'r wa-'amahh, ed Mundji al-Ka'bi, Tunis
1398/1978, Ibn Rashik, al-'Umda fi mahasin al-shi'r
wa-adabih wa-nakdih, ed c Abd al-Hamid, 2 vols
'Cairo 1383/1963-4, ed 'Abd al-Hamid al-Hindawi,
Beirut 2001, ed Muh 'Abd al-Kadir Ahmad 'Ata,
Beirut 2001, ed al-NabawF 'Abd al- Wahid Sha'lan,
Beirut 1999, ed Salah al-Dm al-Hawwarl and Huda
'Awda, Beirut 1996 idem, Kuradat al-dhahab ft nakd
ash'ar al-'arab, ed al-Shadhili Bu Yahya, Tunis 1972,
ed Munlf Musa, Beirut 1991, Ibn Sharaf al-
Kayrawanl Masa'd al intikad, ed and tr Ch Pellat,
as Questions de intique htteraire, Algieis 1953 idem,
Rasa'tl [sic] al intikad, ed Hasan HusnT 'Abd al-
Wahhab, Beirut 1404/1983 (4911) Rachel Ane,
Notes \ur la critique htteraire dans VOcadent musulman au
XI' such, in eadem, L'Ouident musulman au has moyen
agt. Pans 1992 1-21 (mainly on Ibn Rashrk and
Ibn Sharaf), Abu 'Amir Ibn Shuhayd, Risalat al
Tauabi' wa Y zawabi', ed Butrus al-Bustanl, Beirut
'1967, [Eng tr] The treatise oj familiar spirits
and demons by \bu 'Amu ibn Shuhaid al Ashja'i, al
\ndalusi, intro , ti and notes by J T Monroe,
Berkeley 1971, Ibn Bassam, al Dhakhira ft mahasin
ahl al Diazira, 4 vols, ed Ihsan 'Abbas, Libiya-
Tums 1399/1979, Ibn Sinan al-Khafadji, Sirr al
fasaha ed 'Abd al-Muta'al al-Sa'idi, Cairo
1389/1969, 'Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjani, A Asrar al
balagha, ed H Ritter, Istanbul 1954 idem, Dala'il
ali'djaz, ed Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, Cairo
1404/1984, Kamal Abu Deeb, Aljurjams theory of
pottu imagery, Warminstei 1979, Abu Tahir al-Bagh-
dadl(d 517/1123), Kanun al balagha, ed Muhammad
Kurd 'All, m Rasa'il al bulagha', 4 Cairo 1374/1954,
and ed. Muhsin Ghayyad 'Udjayl, Beirut 1401/
1981, Ibn Aflah, al-Mukaddima ed van Geldei, in
Two Arabu treatises on styhstics, Abu '1-Baiakat Ibn
al-Anbaii (d 577/1181), A" al-Lum'a ft una'at al-
shi'r, in RAW, xxx (1955), 590-607 Usama b
Munkidh (d 584/1188), al-Badi' ft nakd al-shi'r, ed
Ahmad Ahmad Badawl and Hamid 'Abd al-MadjId,
Cairo 1960, Diya' al-Dln Ibn al-Athir, al-^ami' al-
kabir fi sina'at al-manzum mm al-kalam wa 'l-manthur,
ed Mustafa Djawad and Djamfl Sa'Id, Baghdad
1375/1956, idem, al-Mathal al-sa'u ft adab al-katib
wa l-sha'ir, ed Ahmad al-Hufi and Badawi Tabana,
3 vols "'Riyad 1403-4/1983-4, Ibn Abi '1-Hadid (d
655-6/1257-8), al-Falak al-da'ir 'ala 1-Mathal al-sa'ir,
ed al-Hufi and Tabana, 2 Riyad 1984, al-Safadl
(d 764/1353), Nusrat al-thd'ir 'aid 1-Mathal al-sa'ir,
ed Muhammad 'Air Sultani, Damascus n d [ca
1391/1971], Ibn al-Zamlakam, al-Tibyan ft 'dm al-
bayan al-mutli' 'aid I'dfSz al-Kur'an, ed Ahmad Matlub
and Khadldja al-HadithT, Baghdad 1383/1964, Ibn
Abi '1-Isba', Tahrir al-tahbir ft sina'at al-shi'r wa l-nathr
wa-bayan I'dfSz al-Kur'an, ed Hifni Muhammad
Shaiaf, Cairo 1963, al-Muzaffai b al-Fadl al-'Alaw!
al-Husaynl (d 656/1258), Nadrat al-ighnd fi nusrat
al-kand, ed Nuha 'Anf al-Hasan, Damascus 1396/
1976, Zandjani, A" Mi'yar al-nuzzar ft 'uliim al-ash'ar,
ed Muhammad 'All Rizk al-Khafadji, Cairo 1991,
only pt 3 on 'dm al-badi', ed 'Abd al-Mun'im
Sayyid 'Abd al-Salam al-Ashkar, Cairo 1416/1995,
and Ibn 'Amira, al-Tanbihat 'ala ma fi 1-Tibyan mm
al-tamwihdt, ed Muhammad Ibn Sharifa, Casablanca
1991, H3zim al-Kartadjanni, Minhaaj al-bulaghd' wa-
siradf al-udabd', ed Muhammad al-Habib Ibn al-
Khudja (Belkhodja), Tunis 1966, W Heinnchs,
Arabisthe Dithtung und gneihische Poetik Hazim al-
Qartdgannis Grundlegung der Poetik mit Hdfe anstotehsiher
Bignffe, Beirut and Wiesbaden 1969, van Gelder
Cntu and aaftsman al-Qartajanni and the structure of the
poem, in J\L, x (1979), 26-48, SidjilmasI al-Manza'
al-badi' fi tadpiis asalib al-badi', ed 'Allal al-Ghazi.
Rabat 1401/1980, Ibn al-Banna' al-'Adadi, al-Rawd
al-mari' fi sina'at al-badi' ed Ridwan Binshakrun,
Casablanca 1985, Yahya b Hamza al-'Alawi (d
749/1348), al-Tirdz al-mutadammin h-asrar al-baldgha
wa-'ulum haka'ik al-i'djaz, ed Sayyid b 'All al-
Marsafi, 3 vols Cairo 1914, 'Abd al-Rahman b
'All al-Yazdadi, Kamal al-balagha, Cairo 1341
(WP Heinrichs)
NAKL
1 In the central Islamic lands and North
Africa Add to the articles mentioned there the fol-
lowing article
In the cahphal lands
The emeigence of Islam is known to have coin-
cided with the disappearance of wheeled carts or
wagons [see 'adjala] in many parts of the Middle East,
although the extinction of such transport cannot be
conclusively proved In lact, wheeled vehicles were in
existence in the Middle East for many centuries after
the rise ol Islam, although they were rarely used.
The wheel was replaced by the camel in the Middle
East during the era of the caliphates. Camels [see
ibil] were a means of everyday transport which was
eminently suitable foi long-distance overland journey
across deserts and valleys in Arabia, Syria, Egypt or
North Africa, or Anatolia or in Central Asia along
the Silk Road, being used for transport of goods or
passengers or pilgrims in large caravans. Caravan trade
and caravan cities existed in the Middle East since
the pre-Islamic period, when the Arabs of Mecca used
to go on seasonal caravan journeys for comrr
n the w
oSyri;
n the si
r (cf.
Km in CM 12 The noimdic peoples oi Anbia
Syrn and Persn weie the camel-breeders who ippre
cnted the \ilue oi their inimils as the ships oi the
land (al mfun al barrvna) they knew that the skins oi
then animals piovided them with watei bigs (hrab
and that the animals melt was i source oi protein
ind they could sell them in exchange ioi gold cf
-J Tha ilibi Thimar al kulub 284j At the beginning
oi Islam in the 7th centurv AD minv individuals
owned cimels which they could use is a meins of
tiansport or as a souice oi milk oi is 1 lommodm
for trade but by the 8th centurv A D cuneleers or
professional camel drivers emerged is 1 gioup oi trins
poit woikeis who used to hue out the cimel(s) to
trivellers or tndeis (il Wohnbi The northim Hija^
393 The cimeleers (see djammal m Suppl con
tnbuted much to the ti inspoit oi pilgrims fiom all
parts of the Middle Eist to Mecca ind Mcdim The
Egyptian ind North African pilgnms as well is tndeis
started their cirivan ]ourney from Fustit Old Cairo)
thiough Kulzum to A 'ill ( Akiba ind "Vanbu thence
to Mecca or Medini The Anitolnn ind Symn pil
gnms assembled at Dimascus ind tiavelled thiough
toman ind Tabuk to Medina ind Mecci Similarly
the pilgrims from Peisn Central Asia ind Ink stalled
their journe\ fiom Bighdid and tn\elled through
Kufi and the Aiabian deseit to Mecca or Medina
or they took the alternative ioute irom Baghdid to
Wisit Bisn the Anbnn deseit ind Mecca Anb
son Caravanserais were built throughout the Middle
East to ctter for tnvellers ind traders and their
mounts Cimels ind hoises were also used to tnns
poit arms ind wamors to the battle front during the
early Islamic conquests and the Lmiyvid penod
Among othei means of tnnsport donkeys weie the
Mules (Ar baghl [q i ] pi bighal) were also used as
a means of tnnsport especiallv in the hilly or moun
tiinousterninsofSyna Amtoln and Pel si t Muleteers
distinct group oi tnnsport workers during the Abbisid
penod AD 750 1258) They could tnnsport mer
chants oi ordinarv tnvellers irom Baghdid along the
Khuiisin tiunk load to Nishapur or bevond icf al
Kizwini Athar al bdad 224 5) oi transport pilgrims
in i ciiavin of 50 donkevs fiom Kuii to Mecca al
Djahiz A alBukhala 18) Mules weie not popuhr
animals in mediaeval Arab society ind il Djihiz wrote
i tieitise on mules entitled Kitab al Bighal He voiced
the public opinion oi his time when he recoided the
popular argument against the mules bv siying th it
the Piophets lode on cimels and donkevs but never
on mules (cf Raia il al QafiK u 32b) but he lefuted
the popular piejudice against them bv citing the evi
dence that the Prophet Muhimmid lode on a mule
is did the eailv caliphs like Lthman ind All and
the Lmiyyid cihph Hisham b Abd il Milik More
ovei il Djahiz cited the fict thit pilgrims from Syna
went fiom Damascus to Mecc l in a ciravin of sixty
mules during the ieign of ciliph Abd il Malik (cf
Kitab al Bighal 231)
The hoise was 1 meins of speedy tnnsport which
wis owned munlv bv the wealthv for the puce ol
in Arabian horse with i pedigree wis \er\ high This
list wis ilso mtioduced into eistern Tuikey ind Peisn
as a means of transport. Horses were used for postal
service by the Umayyad and 'Abbasid caliphs for the
dispatch of royal mail and military intelligence from
various provinces to the capital city [see barid]. The
Abbisid and Fatimid caliphs had stables lull of horst
eidv i
r the i
■s for i
ing bv the caliphs and their family members is well
is bv top officials both civilnn ind militiry (ci Hilal
al Sabi Rusum dar al Lhilafa 22 3)
The price oi owning a pack and nding inimil dui
ing the era oi the Abbisid cihphs was not however
totally bevond the meins oi the common folk but
the muntenance of in inimil involved extri expense
The income of a muleteer oi 1 donkey din-ei wis
meagre but a cameleer (djammal oi l boatmin mallah)
hid an idequite income bv hning out camels or
boats ior transporting goods oi pissengers A camel
was sold ioi 2 oi 3 dinars in Basra duung the 4th/
Kith centurv al Tanukhi hnhuai l 89) The price oi
1 donkey in Khurasan was usuillv 5 dirhims but it
could go up to 5(1 dirhams oi moie in a yeir oi
scircity during the Abbisid penod (\ikut Mudjam
in 412) The price oi a horse in kh inzm wis an
extnordinai llv low cost oi 4 dinns during the 14th
centurv (IbnButun Tra its ti Cibb 157
Inhnd transport in the Middle East also mide use
of bolts ind smill ships in the navigable rivers like
the Tigris the Euphntes ind the Oiontes part of
the Kiiun river in Persia and the Nile in Egypt The
citv of Baghdid wis founded by the Abbisid c lliph
al Minsur in 145/7b2 on the binks of the Tigris nvel
mttr aha to facilitate inland transport from Baghdid
upstieim to Miwsil Div 11 Rabi a etc ind down
.f Was]
s There
Ink A port wis built it bimuii on the Tigiis by
ilWithik The Shitt il Anb [qi] wis verv smtible
ioi nivigition bv ships The Euphntes nvei and the
Shitt al Ghinaf were ilso mvigible ind goods could
be transported from Divir Mudar and al Rakka to
Bighdad thiough the Nahr al Milik cinal (ci \a kubi
Buldan 234) Theie weie thntv thousand river cnit
plvmg in the wtters of the Tigris mer to transport
passengeis or cargo duung the 3rd/9th centuiy Ibn
alDjawzi Manakib 24 Shibushti Dnarat 158) The
muhtasib [see hisba] supervised the transportation work
bv the boatmen so that the bolts or ships were not
overloided endangering the lives oi the pissengers
by diowmng oi loss of caigo in mid nver Similailv
the Nile was a busy highwav oi boat traffic for the
people of Fustit on the bank of the nver
The 5th/llth centurv Peisian tiavellei Nasir i
celled acioss the mediaeval Middle East
bv r
of al
liable .
inspo
incluc
donkeys boats and ships While
cities of Fustit ind Cano (ca 439/1047) he observed
that tiaders lode on saddled donkeys Evervdiy 5(1 000
be ists of burden were readv for hue He saw that
soldieis ind mihtnmen rode on horses while peas
ints meiclnnts and craftsmen weie transported by
donkevs (Safar nama tr 55)
On the whole riding and pack inimils such is
donkevs mules cimels and hoises weie the pnmarv
me ins of ti inspoi t in the pre industrial society ol the
Middle East during the Lmavvid Abbasid and
Mimluk penods while horse oi cimel dnwn wigons
were hirdlv seen in the stieets pnoi to the 13th 14th
centurv AD Bolts ind condes ind i kind of cita
mn in (Ar ^aun/^audf) phyed i limited lole in the
inhnd ti inspoit network in the countries of the Middle
East during the periods of the caliphates. The absence
of wheeled vehicles on the streets had an impact on
town planning in the Middle East, whose towns had
consequently narrow streets and cul-de-sacs.
.l-NA'L al-SHARIF
Bibliography Ibn al Athn Usd Cairo 1970 n
527 m 528 is 280 447 etc \akubi Buldan
234 Tanukhi Nishnar i London 1921 89
Kazwim Athar al bilad Gottmgen 1848 224 5
Yakut Aludjam m Cairo 1906 412 Djahiz
Bukhala Cairo 1958 18 54 5 Djahiz Ra a il ed
Haiun Cairo 1965 n (including hitab al Bighal)
220 223 35153 Tha alibi Thimai al kulub Cairo
1908 284 Ibn al Djawzi Manahb Baghdad Baghdad
1923-24 24 Shabushti A al Dnarat ed G Awwad
Baghdad 1966 158 Hilal al-Sabi> Rusum dar al
khilaja Baghdad 1964 22 3 Ibn Bassam al-
Muhtasib hihayat al rutba ji talab al hisba Baghdad
1968 157 165 Arculf The hotels oj Bishop Aiculf
in the Hoh Land Ion aids AD 700 in Earh traiels
in Palestine ed Thomas Wnght New \ork 1848
Nasir i Khusraw i,ajar noma Ens; tr W M Thack
ston New \ork 1986 55 6 Ibn Djubayr The trai
els oj Ibn Juban tr RJ C Broadhurst London 1952
Ibn Battuta Tiaieh in Asia and Africa tr H A R
Gibb Cambridge and London 1958 2000 Le
Strange Lands Abdulla al Wohaibi The northern Ht/a^
in the untmgs oj the Arab geographers Beirut 1973 393
R.W. Bulliet, The camel and the wheel, Cambridge,
Mass. 1975; Per Sorbom (ed.), Transport, technology
and social change, Stockholm 1980; M. Rostovtzeff,
Caravan cities, tr. D. and T. Rice, Oxford 1932;
Lane, Lexicon, 1145; G. Wiet, Cairo— rity of art and
commerce, Norman, Oklahoma 1964, 71-92; D.R.
Hill, The role of the camel and the hone in the early
Arab conquests, in War, technology and society in the
Middle East, ed. VJ. Parry and M.E. Yapp, London
1975, 32-43; M.AJ. Beg, A contribution to the eco-
nomic history of the Caliphate, in IQ, xvi (1972), 154;
158-59; idem, 77k Mukan: a group of transport work-
ers in 'Abbasid Middle East, in J. Pat H.S., xxiii/3
(1977), 143-51. _ (M.AJ. Beg)
al-NA'L al-SHARIF, Na'l Rasul Allah (a.), the
sandal of the Prophet Muhammad.
Sandals belong to the pre-Islamic Arabian clothing
(see libas. 1), and are considered one of the features
distinguishing Arabs from non-Arabs ('adfam). The
scholar Malik b. Anas (d. 180/796 [q.v.]) reportedly
declared that only Arabs used to wear turbans and
sandals (Ibn Abi Zayd, al-D.ami' ji 'l-sunan wa 'l-adab
wa 'l-maghazi wa 'l-ta'rikh, Tunis 1982, 228). The
Prophet himself reportedly advised the believers to
wear sandals as well as boots to distinguish them-
selves from the People of the Book who only wore
boots (Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 6 vols., Cairo
1313/1895, repr. Beirut n.d., v, 264). Muslim tradi-
tion turned the sandals into a component of the legacy
of Abraham and Ishmael the prototypes of Aiabian
monotheism In a lettei of the caliph 'Umar b al-
Khattab [qi] the believeis aie requested to adhere
to the clothes of their father Isma'il and to wear san-
dals instead of boots (Ibn Hibban al Ihmn ft takrib
Sahih Ibn Hibban tartib 'Ala' al Din al Fansi ed Shu'ayb
al-Aina'ut 16 vols Beirut 1988 \n no 5454)
Abraham says a Shi'i tradition was the first to wear
sandals (al-Kuhm al Usui ua ljutu' mm al Kafi ed
'All Akbai al-Ghifan 8 \ols Beirut 1980 vi 462)
Wealing sandals is especially lecommended during the
pilgrimage to Mecca which is the main centre of
Abrahamic rites [see ihram]
The Prophet Muhammad is regarded as the ulti-
mate model of Arab piers , and sandals feature as an
essential element in his descriptions as a messengei
of God Already Jesus is said to have announced the
emergence of the Arabian piophet, whom he described
as wearing sandals among other things (al-Bayhaki
Dala il al nubimua ed Abd al Mu'ti Kal adji 7 vols
Beirut 1988 i 378) Muhammad himself is said to
ha\e stated that God instructed him to wear sandals
and a seal (al Tabaram al Uu'qjam al saghir ed Abd al
Rahman Muhammad Uthman 2 vols Cairo 1981 3
i 166)
Islamic tiadition provides detailed descriptions of
the Prophet s sandals According to most of the ear
hest traditions each sandal had two leather thongs
{tubal ..imam shis') which passed between the toes
and were attached to the sole The other end of the
pair of thongs passed thiough two loops ( ears ) to
which were also attached the two aims of the shnak
I e the folded strap that passed behind the wearer s
ankle In some \ersions the sandal is said to have
had a heel in the Yemeni style le a wide strap
that embraced the wearer s heel At the forepart of
each sandal there was an extension shaped like a
tongue (mu/assan) and the middle part of the sole was
narrow with hollows (khasran ) cut on each side The
sole consisted of two layers sewed or patched togethei
(makhsuja) It was made of tanned hide of oxen (Ibn
Sad Tabakat 8 \ols Beirut I960 i 478 82 Abu
'1-Shaykh, Akhlak al-nabi, ed. 'Isam al-Din Sayyid 'Abd
al-Nabi, Cairo 1993, 142-7; al-Zurkam, Sharh al-
mawahib al-laduniyya li 'l-Kastallani, Cairo 1911, repr.
Beirut 1973, v, 44-52; al-Shaml, Subul al-huda wa 'l-
rashad ft sirat khayr al-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid,
II vols., Cairo 1990, vii, 499-507). The colour of
Muhammad's sandal, according to the usual reports,
was yellow (al-Zurkanl, op. at., v, 46; al-Makkarl, Wasf
m'al al-nabi (s) al-musamma bi-fath al-muta'al fi madh ai-
m's!, ed. 'All 'Abd al-Wahhab and 'Abd al-Mun'im
Faradj Darwish, Cairo 1997, 141-3).
A two-thong sandal remained a common fashion
among pious believers, although it was sometimes
regarded as extravagant (Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalanl, al-
Matalib al-'aliya bi-zawa'id al-masanid al-thamaniya, ed.
HabTb al-Rahman al-A'zami, 4 vols., Beirut, 1987, ii,
no. 2231). Such sandals were said to have been worn
by the Righteous Caliphs Abu Bakr and 'Umar [q.w.].
Only the third caliph, 'Uthman b. 'Affan [q.v.], report-
edly began to wear sandals in which the two thongs
were tied together and attached to a single strap pass-
ing between the toes (al-Tirmidhi, al-Shama'il al-
muhammadiyya (with commentary of Ibrahim al-Badjun ),
Cairo 1925, 70; al-Tabaram, op. at, i, 92; al-Zurkam,
op. c
', 45).
sole of Muhammad's sandal was
said to have consisted of only one layer, not two, and
this was said to have been the style that the Arabs
considered superior to the stsle of kings (al-Makkari 89)
The fashion of cutting hollows on both sides of the
middle part of the sole was preserved mainly among
Shi 'is to whom soles without hollows repiesented a
deplorable deviation from the Piophetic model (al-
Kuhni, vi 463) Moreover sandals without such hol-
lows were considered Jewish by style (al-Tabnsi
Makanm al akhlak ed Muhammad al-Husayn al-A'lami
Beirut 1972, p 123 al-Kuhm, vi 463-4) The habit
of tying the shirak of the sandal (and not simply fold-
ing it thiough the loop, as was reported concerning
Muhammad s sandal) was consideied among Shl'is as
a fashion set by Satan (al-Tabnsi 123)
The supposedly original sandal or sandals of the
Prophet were preserved by believers of latei geneia-
tions Beginning with the genei ation of the Companions
the most prevalent is the tradition about the Basran
Anas b Malik [q , ] who is said to have exhibited to
the behe\ers the sandal with its two thongs (e g Ibn
Sa'd i 478 Abu 1-Shaykh Akhlak al nabi, no 390)
l-NA'L -vl-SHARIF — -vl-NAMIR b KASIT
He was lepoitedlv the official keepei of Muhamm;
sandals (Ibn Sa'd 1 482), but accoiding to othei
ditions, the Kufan Companion 'Abd Allah b Mas'ud
(eg al-Bukha",' Sahih, 9 vols, Cairo 1958 v 31 35
[kitab 62 bab 20 27])
'Alls son Muhammad b al-Hanafiyva [qi] was
also able to show the idle (Ibn Sa'd, i 478) The
Meccan Hisham b 'Urwa (d 14b/7b3) claimed that
he had seen the sandal and gave its description |Ibn
Sa'd, 1 478)
As for the later histor) of the sandals some ic ports
relate that the descendants of the S\nan Companion
Shaddad b Aws (d 46/683), who lived in Jerusalem
piesei\ed them He reportedlv leit them to his son
Muhammad, but the latter's sister got hold of one of
them This was passed on to her children When the
'Abbasid caliph al-Mahdi visited Jerusalem, the san-
dal held b\ the sisters descendants was piesented to
him for a handsome leward He summoned her
brother Muhammad b Shaddad b\ then a sick old
man and iequested the other sandal but Muhammad
lefused to part with it and the caliph consented [Ibn
Manzur \lul_htasai Ta'nkh DimaM h Ibn 'hakn, 29
vols Damascus 1984 8 \ 278-9) A sandal of the
Prophet was also claimed to ha\e been in the posses-
sion of Isma'il b Ibrahim al-Makhzumi who obtained
it from his giandmothei Umm Kulthum, the daughter
of Abu Baki She had leceived it fiom hei sistei
'Visha (al-Makkan 175-b)
The last station of the original sandal seems to
ha\e been the Ashrafi madrasa at Damascus It was
placed there bv the AyvQbid of Egypt al-Malik al-
Ashraf b al-'Adil who had confiscated it m 625/1228
from the last descendant of the Companion Sulavman
Abu 1-Hadid, whose descendants claimed to ha\e held
it foi centuries Anothei sandal of the Piophet was
kept elsewheie in Damascus and during Timui Land's
take-over of Damascus in 803/1400, both lelics dis-
appeared (Ibn Hadjai al-'Askalam al haba ed 'All
Muhammad al-Bidjavu, 8 vols, Cairo 1970 m 173,
Sibt Ibn al-'Adjami, Nur al mbtas 'ala mat Ibn San id
alNas ms BL Or 827b, fol 31bb al-Makkaii 513-24,
Goldziher, Wuhamnwdamsthe Studun n 3b3-4)
The Prophets sandals served as a model accoid-
beheveis A sandal of the Piophet as seen at the
house of Fatima, daughter of 'Ubavd Allah b 'Abbas
was copied bv a shoemakei who applied its two-thong
stvle to sandals oideied bv the eminent Basran scholar
'Abd Allah b 'Awn (d 150/7b7i Howevei when the
latter came to collect them, he found that Ibn Sinn
(d 110/728 [<]i]j had alieadv bought the sandals for
himself (Ibn Hadjar Matahb n, no 22i2 cf Ibn
Sa'd, i 479)
Drawings (nuthal hmthat) repiesenting the suppos-
edlv original sandal were in cnculation among schol-
ars, especiallv in the Maghnb, where access to the
sandal itself was more difficult than in the Mashnk
(al-Makkan 167-8) Such representations were also
used bv shoemakei s foi sandals oidered bv pious be-
heveis (al-Tabnsi, 122, al-Makkan, 175-6) The rep-
own right and weie believed to piovide one with
safetv in journevs victory in battles etc Theiapeutic
poweis were attubuted to them and thev were often
hung up in houses for piotection against the evil eve
(al-Zurkani, v, 48 al-Makkaii, 469-70 Goldzihei op at
n, 3b3) Some samples of them can be seen in al-
Makkarfs Fath al muta'al Jt madh alm'al wheie numeious
/aildas in praise of them aie also lecoided
i -NAMIR b KASIT, Banu
Nan
It r
t be noted that
) the
ir b Kasit since tribal groups called al-Nan
weie also found among the Azd the Kuda'a and the
had The fortunes of the Namn weie closelv linked
to those of then lelatives the Taghlib [qi] When
the Taghlib migiated to the eastern part of the Djaziia
[r/c ] or the Divar Rabi'a [qi] in the second half of
the bth centurv AD thev were ]oined bv pait of
the Namn Howevei, theie weie still Namans in
Aiabia aftei that time moie specificallv in Yamama
and Bahravn Some tribe members settled m al-
Andalus Most Namai is remained C hnstian for at least
two centunes after the advent of Islam
The semi-legendarv leader of the Namn 'Amu al-
Dahvan would sit in judgement in the earlv pait of
the forenoon hence his nickname al-Dahvan oi the
one exposing himself to the sun Ibn al-Kalbi reported
that the leadeiship of the Rabr'a shifted among the
Rabr'a tubes Leadership meant command in the bat-
tlefield arbitration the right t
and e
f the
When the leadership of the Rabi'a reached the Namn
it was held bv 'Amu al-Dahvan After a long term
in this role he was killed bv a man of the 'Abd al-
Kavs [q i ] Having received half the lansom foi him
the Namir muidered the 'Abd al-Kavs hostages whom
thev held as a guarantee for the dehverv of the other
half In the internecine wai that followed the Namir
joined foices with the lest of the Rabi'a against the
'Abd al-Kavs Ibn al-Kalbi s account is quoted in a
small genealogical treatise, al Inbah 'ala laba'il al run at
bv Ibn 'Abd al-Bair [qi] himself a Namari Namari
partisanship on Ibn 'Abd al-Ban s part is evident with
regard to the origin of the Prophets Companion
Suhavb b Sinan the most impoitant individual in
the genealogv of the Namn Suhavb s affiliation to
the Namir, disputed bv some was foi Ibn 'Abd al-
Bair bevond doubt and in his Companion dictionarv
he emphasised that there was no dispute over it But
the claim that Suhavb was of Arab stock stands in
sharp contiast to a famous saving attributed to Mu-
hammad namelv that he himself was the first Arab
to entei Paiadise, while Suhavb was the fust Bvzantine
Salman al-Fansi the fust Peisian and Bilal b Rabah
the first Ethiopian
While Suhavb is mvanablv mentioned m the
genealogies of the Namir Hummn b Aban a promi-
nent figure in earlv Islamic historv is onlv mentioned
in some Humian who was captured dunng the con-
quests in ' Av n al-Tami [q i ] , is supposed to hav e
been Suhavb s i dative But it is doubtful that Humran
said to have been of Jewish ongin, was an Arab since
the claim of Aiab descent originated with his ofl-
spnng \ua dda'a uulduhu fi I \amtr b Kasit) Familv
souices were likewise behind the claim that Suhavb
The Namir boasted of a pre-Islamic link with the
Kmavsh the mothei of the Prophets uncle al-'Abbas
b 'Abd al-Muttahb [qi] was one of them She is
supposed to have been the fust Arab woman to pio-
vide a covering for the Ka'ba, following a vow she
made when little al-'Abbas went lost
Before Islam the Namir (like the Taghlib) weie
l-NAMIR b
within the sphere of influence of the Sasanids and
the Lakhmids [q.vv.] of al-Hlra. Ma' al-Sama', the
mother of the Lakhmid king al-Mundhir III (ca. 505-
54), who was of the Namir, was taken captive in a
raid carried out by al-Mundhir's father; the fact that
al-Mundhir had a half-brother among the Namir did
not go unmentioned by the genealogists. One of the
Arab units that fought on the Sasanid side in the
battle of Dhu Kar (ca. 605) included warriors from
the Taghlib and the Namir. In the ridda [q.v.], there
were Namarls among the troops who came from the
Djazira with Sadjah [q.v.], the false prophetess of
the Tamfm [q.v.]. A whole subdivision of the Namir,
the Aws Manat b. al-Namir b. Kasit, was wiped out
(ublrii) during the ridda by Khalid b. al-Walid. In 'Ayn
al-Tamr during the conquests a NamarT led a large
force made of Christians from the Namir, the Taghlib,
the Iyad and others, which was defeated by Khalid.
Later during the conquests Christians of the Namir
fought alongside al-Muthanna b. Haritha against the
Sasanids in the battle of al-Buwayb (near al-Hira).
Some NamarTs who converted to Islam during the
conquests settled in Kufa together with members of
the Taghlib and the Iyad. Members of these very
tribes who fought as Sasanid auxiliaries at Takrit are
said to have handed the town over to the Muslim
besiegers. In the battle of Siffin [q.v.], there were
Namarls on both sides, probably because the Djazira
which was their homeland was divided at that time
between 'Air and Mu'awiya. The old association
between the Taghlib and the Namir was still in place
during the rebellion of 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr, when
both tribes fought several battles in the Djazira against
the Kays 'Aylan [q.v.]
Bibliography. Caskel, Gamharat an-nasab, ii, 444;
Ibn al-Kalbr, gamharat al-nasab, ed. N. Hasan, Beirut
1407/1986, 576-81; idem, Nasab Ma' add wa l-laman
al-kabh, ed. Hasan, Beirut 1408/1988, i, 96-100;
Ibn Hazm al-Andalusi, Djamharat ansab al-'arab, ed.
Harun, Cairo 1382/1962, 300-2; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,
al-Inbah 'ala kaba'il al-mwat, Cairo 1350/1931 (bound
with al-Kasd wa 1-amam by the same author), 97-
100; Tabari, index; F.M. Donner, The early Islamic
conquests, Princeton 1981, index; M.G. Morony, Iraq
after the Muslim conquest, Princeton 1984, index.
On the capture of Ma' al-Sama' by the king of
al-Hira, see al-Wazir al-Maghribl, Adab al-khawass,
ed.H. al-Djasir, Riyad 1400/1980, 151. On the
poet Mansur al-Namari [q.v.], see also Sezgin, GAS,
ii, 541-2. On Christianity among the Namir, see
J.S. Trimingham, Christianity among the Arabs in pre-
Islamic times, London and Beirut 1979, 176-7, and
also nasara. On the tribal groups of the Namir,
particularly those living in the vicinity of Aleppo,
see Ibn al-'Adlm, Bughyat al-talab, ed. S. Zakkar,
Damascus 1408/1988, i, 555-6 (M Lecker)
NANDANA, the name of a hillv tiact and a
fortress of mediaeval India and Indo-Mushm
times. It lies in a fold of the Salt Range, to the
north of the Jhelum river in noithern Pandjab, and
the place is still marked by ruins of a fortress and a
Hindu temple near the modern Cao Savdan Shah
(lat. 32° 43' N., long. 73° 17' E), in the Jhelum Dis-
trict of the Pandjab province of Pakistan
The place is mentioned in early mediaeval Indo-
Muslim history. In 404-5/1013-14 Mahmud of Ghazna
[q.v.] attacked the Hindustanis [q v ] oi northwestern
India and marched against the Radja Tulocanapala's
son Bhimapala, besieging him in the fortiess of Nan-
dana and capturing an immense bootv theie (al-'Utbi,
al-TJiikh al-Tamim, with tomm oi al-Manihl, n, 14b-
53 (calling the place Nardin); GardizI, ~ayn al-akhbSr,
ed. Nazim, 72; M. Nazim, The life and times of Sultan
Mahmud of Ghazna, Cambridge 93, 91-3). Thereafter,
the Ghaznawids tried to retain control of Nandana
as a thaghr or entry point into the plains of northwest-
ern India, as Abu '1-Fadl Bayhaki, Tdnkh-i Mas'udi, ed.
Ghani and Fayyad, 149, describes it.
In the early 7th/ 13th century, the fortress of
Nandana, in what was then in Islamic sources called
the Djud hills, was held by a former commander of
the Ghurids, Kamar al-Din Karmani (in the surmise
of Boyle, to be equated with Nasir al-Din Kubaca,
the ruler in Multan and Sind). Cingiz Khan, in his
pursuit of the Kh"arazm Shah Djalal al-Dm Ming-
burnu, sent an army under Torbey Tokshin which
sacked Nandana in 618/1221, and then went on to
attack Multan (Djuzdjani, Tabakat-i AasirT, tr. Raverty,
i, 534-5; Djuwaym-Boyle, i, 141-2). Nandana was later
temporarily captured by the DihlT Sultan Iltutmish
[q.v.], whose son and eventual successor Mahmud Shah
in 644-5/1247 ravaged the region in revenge for the
local Rana having guided a Mongol raid (Djuzdjani,
i, 677-9). It does not, however, seem thereafter to have
play
Bibliography
Punjab District 'gazette
Imperial gazetted of In
See a
> Djuzdjani, i, 536-9
, Lahor
eamng
i join,
designate poetry. For Arab th
tinguished from poetry as the
is not subjected to the order
by rhyme and metre. Such a
to the fact that the prose tl
their attention was either the ;
documents, rasa'il (pi. of ;
the addrei
Whatever
e of lit
1904, 46-7;
n be dis-
1 of li
rid constraints imposed
ormal definition is due
■y made the object of
tistic prose of chancery
[q.v.]), or the prose of
>, khutab (pi. of khutba [q.v.]).
under the genera
In a striking n
by the procedure:
of a)
it of disc
/hether<
respectively. This procedure has been discussed since
the 4th/ 10th century and was presented as a subtle
form of plagiarism by theorists like Abu Hilal al-
'Askari (d. 395/1005) in his A: al-Sina'tayn, ed. 'A.M.
Bidjawi and A. Ibrahim, Cairo 1957, 198. The author
al-Tha c alibi (d 429/1037), one of whose works was
hathr al nazrn wa hall al 'aid, and later on Diya' al-
Din Ibn al-Athii (d 637/1239) in his al Mathal al
sa'ir, ed A al-Huff and B Tabana, 4 vols, Cano
1959, l, 12b-7, considered that lendenng a verse into
piose in a nsala was a wav of achieving a higher
level of liteiarv expression However, the formal point
oi view, which presumes a substantial liteiarv equiv-
alence between poetrv and prose, did not exhaust the
attention oi the theorists to this problem For exam-
ple, thev would laise the question oi the superiority
of one of the genres over the othel, often basing their
judgement more on sociological than on liteiarv con-
siderations, such considerations weie the function of
the chancer) clei k or secretarv (katib [qv], mutarasnl)
and the poet, or the importance of the subjects they
were dealing with, or the attitude adopted by the two
genres towards religion and morals. Some authors (e.g.
Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, fasl 46), moreover, note that
the essence of poetry does not reside in prosodic form
but in the images that are expressed by this form.
The thinking of the Arab theorists developed from
the 3rd/9th century onwards and was stimulated first
of all by poetry. There is a detailed stylistic study of
these ideas and of the scholars involved in Z. al-R.
az-Zu c bI, Das Verhaltms von Pnesie und Prom in dcr ara-
bischen Uteraturtheone des Mittelalters, Berlin 1987, and
the bibliography cited there; to this should be added
A. ArazC Une efitre d'Ibrahim b. Hilal al-Sdbi sur les
genres litteraires, in Studies in Islamic hi\tory and civilization
in honour of Professor David Aralon, ed. M. Sharon,
Jerusalem-Leiden 1986, 473-505; also in M. Darabseh,
Die Kntik der Prosa bei den Arabem, Berlin 1990, which
is less careful and less original than the first work;
see also Z. al-Zu"bi, Ibrahim b. Hilal al Sabi, Risala
ft 4-fark bayn al-mutarassil wa 'l-sha'ir, in Abhath
farmuk, xi (1993;, 129-65; A. Sanni, Vie Arabic theory
of prosificatmn and versification, Beirut 1998; see also shi'r.
Vie origins of prose
We can find examples of prose dating from the
pre-Islamic period, such as proverbs {mathal [q.v.]), the
prophesies of soothsayers (sadf [q.v.] al-kuhhan) and ser-
mons. Many formal characteristics of these documents,
of which the authenticity in the literal meaning of
as those of poetry: conciseness, allusive language and
independent, paratactic clauses. These oral examples
of prose can be connected with the remnants of prose
of the same genre from the time of the Prophet and
very beginning of Islam
Islar
e oft!
y genr
i, the
khutba, the addi
gradually gain great popularity; for the importance of
the orator in the pre-Islamic period see further khatib.
While from the point of view of style these docu-
ments maintain the solidity and simplicity of pre-
Islamic prose, far removed from the embellishments
which these genres would later present, one is no
longer faced with detached aphorisms (as in the case
of the famous sermons of Kuss b. Sa'ida [q.v.] of the
Iyad, al-Djahiz, Baydn, i, 308-9), but with contents
that need to be communicated and thus articulated
in a logical manner, the contents being of a religious
nature as well as pertinent to the organisation of the
new community. The new conditions were not with-
out consequences on the level to which the prose
could be elaborated. Similarly, the collections of hadith
[q.v.] take the form of short disjointed statements,
often in the form of direct speech, and only a small
number of fragments composed in literary prose remain
from this period (cf. W. Fischer. Ein Stuck vorklassischer,
arabischcr Kumtprosa in der Umm Ma'bad Legende, in Fest-
schrift W. Eilers, Wiesbaden 1967, 318-27; he points out
the similarities in this text with poetry).
Among the examples of prose from this period, the
letters as well as other documents emanating from
the Prophet and the first caliphs should be included.
These documents from older sources have been col-
lected by M. Hamidullah in Documents sur la diplomatic
musulmane a I'epoque du Prophete et des Khalifes Orthodoxes,
Paris 1935; also an Arabic edition, Madjmu'at al-watha'ik
• ' " ' i fi Valid al-nabawi wa 'l-khilqfa at-rdshida,
Cain
1941.
The problem of their authenticity has been, of
course, raised and the criterion most often used is
that of linguistic usage (op. cit., 4-5, in the French
edition; B. Reichel-Baumgartner, Parameter des Idiokkts
des Propheten Muhamma
i auf Gtundlage des Sah
Bu/jari, in \Y~K\l, lx
Kviii [1988], 121-59).
texts are examined b
G.H.A. Juynboll, Or
of Arabic pros
reflect,
Studits
of Islamic society, Carbondale, 1
and R.B. Serjeant, Vie Caliph 'Umars letters to Abu
Musa al-Ash'ari and Mu'awiya, in JSS, xxix [1984],
65-79.
Tlie influence of the Kur'an on the evolution of prose
Without any doubt, the Kur'an is the primary
example of a complex text in Arab literature that has
not been composed in verse. The language that is
used is one elaborated as a poetic koine, the only
form, especially in the more ancient suras, it is close
to poetic style. In the Muslim tradition, however,
Scripture is distinguished from poetry as it is from
prose, for literary as well as religious reasons; the
deliberations of Muslim scholars about the form of
the sacred text have taken on the form of the dogma
of i'djaz [q.v.] , the "stylistic uniqueness" of the Kur'an
Clas;
Kur'an
fdjaz al
ry use the s.
t to show that the divide betv
rary discourse was uncrossable
of al-Bakillanl. d. 403/1013 [q.
m, Chicago 1950). On th(
ther hand
decorative stvle of poetry could be found also in the
Kur'an (Ibn Abi '1-Isba\ d. 654/1256, Badf al-Kur'an,
ed. H. Sharaf, Cairo 1957). In short, the Kur'an
but it reaches a certain level of style which removes
it far away from any other type of this discourse. In
modern times, one typical example of this attitude is
that of Taha Husayn, who does not look at the Kur'an
when dealing with poetry and prose, for "it is nei-
ther poetry nor prose" [Min hadith al-shi'r a<a 'l-nathr,
Cairo 1936, 25).
It can therefore be concluded that, although the
influence of the Kur'an on the evolution of Arabic
prose is immense from the point of view of religious
content, the political and cultural effect its message
has brought with it, and the status that has been
influe
> the lans
style
which it
subtle
define.
tarassul of Shihab al-Dln al-Halabi (d. 725/1325), ed.
A. Yusuf, Baghdad
for
the Kur
argumei
o be confirmed is that
is froi
rcument, on condition that neither form nor
basis is modified (72-3). Perhaps the earliest evidence
for this exhortation to the katib, secretary, to get to
know and use quotations from the Kur'an as part
of his professional training dates from the Risalat
al-'Adhra' of Ibrahim al-Shaybam (d. 298/910, ed.
Z. Mubarak, Cairo 1931, under the name of Ibn al-
Mudabbiri, 7; see Sanni, op. at., 6).
liberal attitude towards the text
f the Kur
appro
\iewpoint of mu'drada [q.v], "the fact of wishing to
equal it". From the point of view of literary senti-
ment, and disregarding religious aspects, one could
say that mu'arada is to the Kur'an what sarika is to
poetry: there exists a threshold of literary propriety
beyond which one should not tread without incurring
blame, to be respected even more in the case of the
Kur'an. As stated by W. Marcais, "from very early
on it appeared futile and even sacrilegious to want
to imitate it" (see Les ongines de la prose litliraire arabe,
in Rev. Aft., lxviii [1927], 15-28).
But at the outset, literary prose shows evidence of
a different attitude. Systematic studies conducted by
W. al-Kadr show that two prose writers adopted a
more liberal attitude to the sacred text (Bishr b. Abl
Kubar al-Balawi, namudhadj al-nathr al-fanni al-mubakkir
fi 'l-l'aman, Beirut 1985 [a katib from Yemen who was
alive up to the end of the 2nd/8th century, and
whom the author considered an intermediary between
'Abd al-Harmd and al-Djahiz in the history of Arabic
prose]; eadem. The impact of the Qiir'an on the epistolog-
raphy of 'AM al-Hamid, in G.R. Hawting and A.A.
Shareef [eds.]. Approaches to the Qur'an, London and
New York 1993, 285-313). Passages from the Kur'an
could be paraphrased to adapt them to the new syn-
tax, and paraphrases and citations could even be com-
bined; a quotation could be extended with phrases
composed in the same rhythm.
On the other hand theorists recommended to the
prose writers the iktibas of the Kur'an, inserting a
passage which is not an explicit quotation (for this
see for example the presentation of Ibn al-Athfr, al-
Mathal al-sa'ir, i, 44). It is widely used as a literary
device by kuttdb and orators; al-Tha'alibi devotes a
work to this, al-lktibas mm al-Kufan al-karim, ed. I.M.
al-Saflar, Baghdad 1975, see Sanni, op. cit., 5-7; the
work has recently been described by CI. Gilliot in
Arabica, xlvii (2000), 488-500. Of course, in contrast
to poetry, the insertion of a fragment from the Kur'an
could be identified immediately (Husn al-tawassul, 323)
and within these limits did not appear to be taken
as a tentative mu'arada. Other studies, such as those
undertaken by W. al-Kadi, are very much a desider-
atum; cf. recently K. Zakharia, Les references coianiques
dam les Maqamat d'al-Harm, in Arabica, xxxiv [1987],
275-86; U. Marzolph, The Qoran and jocular literature,
in Arabica, xlvii [2000], 478-87.
Classical prose
The turbulent times of the Umayyad period found
expression in the art of oratory. As it developed in
this period, it represents the transition from oral to
written Arabic prose. Al-Djahiz (A". al-Bayan wa 7-
tabyin) classified khutba alongside poetry and noted the
use of sadj' as characteristic. A recent study has inves-
tigated the harangues that are to be found in this
work and has uncovered a technique not only in the
especially careful structure but also in the presence
of recurring phraseology which the author is able to
assemble at will; see M.-H. Avril, Rhetonyue et hutba
dans le Kitab al-bayan wa-l-tabyln de Gahi^, thesis,
Universite de Lumiere-Lyon II 1994, 369; also I. HawT,
Fann al-khitaba wa-tatawwuruh 'ind al-'arab, Beirut n.d.
However, Arabic prose of the classical period
acquires its character from the written genre of the
lisdla as found in the Umayyad katib 'Abd al-Hamid
(d. 123/750 [q.v.]) and his contemporary Ibn al-
Mukaffa" (d. 139/756 [q.v.]) (see J.D. Latham, Ibn al-
Muqaffa' and early 'Abbasid prose, in Camb. hist, of Ar. lit.,
'Abbasid belles-lettres, Cambridge 1990, 48-77); it is ver-
satile with an ease of expression, rich in rhythmic
balance in the phrases used and in the parallelism.
The latter characteristic in particular was not typical
of ancient Arabic prose; instead it preferred a more
concise style, like poetrv iM. Kurd 'All, Umara' al-
bayan, Cairo 1937, 18-19, 21; A. al-Makdisi, Tatawwur
al-usaUb al-nathnyya fi 'l-adab al-'arabi, Beirut 1960, 151;
I. 'Abbas, 'Abd al-Hamid b. Yahya al katib wa-md tabakka
s of ancient writers on
There is some discussion about whether these char-
acteristics came into Arabic prose under the influence
of Persian or Greek, because the master of 'Abd al-
Hamld, Salim Abu 'l-'Ala', katib of the Umayyad
caliph Hisham, composed his epistles, probably
intended for the same caliph, from a Greek original
(Latham, The beginnings of Arabic prose literature, in CHAL.
Arabic literature to the end of the Umayyad period, Cambridge
1983, 154-64; 'Abbas, op. cit., 141).
What one can say is that this prose was born in
the atmosphere and under the influence of the
chanceries, which were permeated with a Sasanid
ambience, particularly from the 'Abbasid period
onwards. As they combined together, the influence of
the intellectual customs of these environments and the
activity of philologists concerned with the Arabic lan-
guage produced this marvellous tool. Without con-
travening the rules or the spirit of the the Arabic
language, it was used to express ethical thoughts,
dialectic procedures, and philosophical and scientific
ideas, none of which had been familiar in the cir-
cumstances in which this language first appeared.
There are two particular areas in which the influence
traced in particular: the dialectic and rhetorical pro-
cedures of the Mu'tazila [q.r.], and the moral and
intellectual values upheld by the secretarial class. Ibn
Kutayba (d. 276/889 [q.v.]) deplored the fact that the
kuttab of his time allowed themselves to be dazzled
by a pompous-looking empty science, which took them
away from the solid items of knowledge they required
in their position and from the knowledge of the tra-
ditional sciences: "Right there we have the whole
history of kalam and Mu'tazilism" (G. Lecomte,
L'introduction du Kitab adab al-katib d'Ibn Qutayba, in
Melanges L. Massignon, Damascus 1956-7, iii, 55).
It was in this period and in this atmosphere that
such major questions stopped being treated in verse
(H.A.R. Gibb, The social significance of the shu'ublya, in
Studio orkntaha Ioanni Pedersen, dicata, Copenhagen 1953,
105-14). It was because of the role played by the kut-
tab, the literary training demanded by their function
and the intellectual climate created under their influ-
ence, that works appeared which claimed a position
of superiority for prose above that of poetry, as we
have seen earlier (e.g. Z. al-Zu'bi; Ibrahim b. Hilal
al-Sabi, Risala fi i-Fark bayn al-mutarassil wa 'l-shd'ir,
143-4; or the introduction to the work already men-
tioned of al-Tha'alibi, Nathr al-nazm).
At the beginning of the 'Abbasid period, a high
peak in style was reached here by al-Djahiz [q.r.],
who had an inestimable influence on later Arabic
prose and who contributed to the enunciation of a
technical terminology for the baldgha. Al-Djahiz was
a Mu'tazili, and his belief can be seen in the dialec-
tical skill of which he seeks to give proof in a num-
ber of his treatises, where he expounds arguments to
praise and to condemn the same thing or the same
idea (I. Geries, Un genre litteraire arabe: al-Mahasin wa-
1-AlasawT, Paris 1977). But Al-Djahiz was not the first,
for there is preserved a fragment from Sahl b. Harun
(d. 215/830 [q.v.]) in which he argues for glass to be
given pre-eminence over gold (Ibn Nubata, Sarh al-
'uyun. sharh risalat Ibn ^wftn, Cairo 1957, 139).
Besides this, 'Abd al-Hamid, in his epistle addressed
to the kuttdb, lists among the qualities necessary for
the accomplishment of their duties a knowledge of
ancient poetrv, including its vocabulary and its themes;
he himself pioved his abiht\ in a mala descnbing a
hunting expedition which has echoes of pie-Islamic
verse on the same theme, more details on 'Abd al-
Hamid are to be found in e.g. H. Schonig, Das
Sendschreiben des 'Abdalhamid b. Tanya (gest. 132/750) an
den Kronpnnzen 'Abdullah b. Marwan II, Stuttgart 1985;
and al-Kadr, Early Islamic state letters: the question of
authenticity, in A. Cameron and L.I. Conrad (eds.). The
Byzantine and early Islamic Near East, i, Princeton 1992,
2 1 5-75, which examines the transmission of these epistles.
The later development of prose
The way style evolved is the most obvious feature
in the history of this prosi
1 sadf. Such a
t of v
i the
laboured ornamentation \badi' [q.v.])
style figures primarily but not exclusively in docu-
ments emanating from the kuttab, and it has been
studied because, as has been seen, what interested the
theorists was the kitaba (the prose of the literary sec-
retaries [q.i'.]). The fragments we have of Sahl b.
Harun already display a style invoking rhythmic scan-
sion in short phrases; here the thought is developed
in two or more colons, which has the double effect
of the extension of the main idea and the musical
quality of the form.
At the end of the 2nd/8th century, the chancery
documents coming from the Barmakids [see al-
baramika] are composed as sadf' [Bayan, 3,215). The
same is true for 'Amr b. Mas'ada, in the period of
al-Ma'mun, who belonged to an originally Turkish
family known by the eponym Sul; another member
of this familv was Ibrahim b. al-' Abbas al-SulI, the
katib of al-Mutawakkil (see al-sulI, abu bakr; Sh.
Davf, al-Fann wa-madhahibuh ft 'l-nathr al-'aiabi, Cairo
1960, 197-9; M. Kurd 'All, Umaia'. 191-217).
After the time of al-Muktadir (d. 320/932) there
was a general use of sadf, as can be seen from the
period are: al-Djahiz, al-Bayan ma Uabyin; al-Tha'alibi.
fatimat al-dahr, Yakut, Ah'dfam al-udaba'; the collec-
tions of the epistles and of the other works of al-
Sahib Ibn 'Abbad and of Abu Ishak al-Sabr have
been published; apparently for those of Ibn al-'Amid,
despite his fame, all we have is what has been men-
tioned in works cited here and in other encyclopae-
dias of adab. More modern collections include A.Z.
Safwat, DJamharal khulab al-'arab fi 'mill al-'arabiyya al-
tahira, i-iii, Cairo 1933, and DJamharat rasa'il al-'mab,
i-iv, Cairo 1937; Kurd 'Air, Rasa'il al-bulaghd' ', Cairo
1946. A state-of-the-art report on the general themes
and the principal authors can be found in the recently-
published CHAL. 'Abbasid belles-lettres.
Literary prose from a non-scribal environment has
retained something of this stvle: a diffuse tendency
towards parallelism, the construction of a phrase
through which variations of the same idea are
expressed by using a structure of parallel segments;
these can repeat the idea by using synonyms or by-
expressing its antithesis or bv making it more com-
plete and more precise (A.F.L. Beeston, The mle of
parallelism in Arabic prose, in CHAL. Literatuie to the end
of the Umayyad period, 180-5).
In each segment the syntactic structure is the same,
as also to a certain degree is the morphological struc-
ture, by the selection of the patterns of nouns and
verbs. This confers on the phrasf
s fro]
this
/ Hila
without
i. Beestc
al-Muhassin al-Sabr (d. 448/1055), Tuhfat cil-umura' fl
ta'rikh al-wuzara', Cairo 1958. There is a balanc. ' "
rhythmic phrases and rhymes which is developed by
accumulation and synonyms; it is permeated with
stylistic figures (in particular, paranomasia and anti-
thesis) which contribute to the overall sonority of the
phrases. This rich and subtle use of words, polishing
every detail before they become complicated and
turgid, was much appreciated, not only because t
were a proof of the dexterity and hence the valui
the katib, but also because they reduced once ai
the distance between poetry and prose. The rasd't
the three famous kuttab of the Buvids, Ibn al-'Armd
Id. 360/970 [q.v.], al-Sahib Ibn 'Abbad id. 385/995
[q.v.]) and Abu Ishak al-Sabr (d. 384/994 [see sabi>]
all share this style, in which a rhythmic symmetry of
phraseology is accompanied by figurative language,
which is compared to embroidery and drawing bv
Dayf (op. cit, 209-10); he defines it as poetry in the
form of prose (216) with the same qualities of light-
ness and elegance.
Incidentally, part of the ikhwaniyya letters exchanged
between Abu' Ishak al-Sabr and al-Sharif al-Radl (ed.
M.Y. Nadjm, Kuwait 1961) was composed in verse.
But al-Tawhidi (al-Imta' wa 1-mu'anasa, i, 64) consid-
ered the prose of Ibn 'Abbad somewhat stiff in his
choice of words I perhaps because of his preference
for words with velar consonants) and complicated by
the inclusion of numerous parenthetical phrases, atten-
tive to form even to the detriment of the meaning.
There is another bitter critique from a literary point
of view of the kuttab which is found in the work of
an unknown author from the 4th/ 10th century
SI, lxxi [1990], 29-36).
The principal sources for literary prose up to
(op. cit., 18.5) underlines the difference between this
elaborated style and the simplicity of the primitive
sadf'. Al-Djahiz makes very moderate use of the style;
his arguments are developed in a full and diffuse man-
work which are not a collection of akhbai, Ibn Kutayba
likes to make use of the style here described, in the
well-constructed introduction to Adab al-katib, for exam-
ple; some elegant examples of this stvle are to be
found in Abu Hayyan al-Tawfndr (d. 414/1023 [q.v.]),
or Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064 [q.v.]) from al-Andalus.
in the same' author; e.g. Ibn al-Mukaffa' uses a sim-
ple and uncontrived stvle in Kalila wa-Dimna [q.p.], in
contradistinction to the'laboured stvle which he adopts
for his original work and which was to influence later
prose. Miskawavh id. 421/1030 [q.v.]) has a sober,
concise stvle of prose in his Tadjanb al-umam, but more
expansive' in al-Hawamil wa 1-shawamil.
Prose which does not keep to the rules of sadf is
called al-nathr al-mursal, and it is in this style that the
ten; in them the use of sadf' and the other stylistic
conventions, if they exist at all, is often restricted to
the author's opening prologue. Such is the case in
e.g. Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfaham id. 363/972-3 [q.v.]),
Kitab al-Aghdm, where the introduction explains the
purpose of the book without anv literary embellish-
ment; or Abu Dja'far al-Taban (d. 310/923 [q.v.],
Ta'rikh al-Rusul wa '1-miilBk, who commences his book
with a praise to God in sadf.
Prose that relates a series of events, which is strictly
concerned with facts, whether they be historical or
scientific, and that uses in general short, juxtaposed
phrases must be distinguished from prose whose pur-
pose is argument or exhortation. This latter type of
prose, whether or not it uses parallelism, displays a
syntax consisting of complex phrases and a number
of parentheses. A remarkable example of such prose
is the stvle of the famous writer of verse 'Abd al-
Kahir al-Djurdjam (d. 471/1078 [q.v. in Suppl.]l.
Evidently there was a technical vocabulary for each
science (see eg L Massignon Essai sur I ongme du lixi
qui tahmque de la nnstiqut musulmant Pans 1959 CE
Bosworth ibu 'ibdallah al hhuaraom on the technical
tarns of tht secntans art in JESHO xui [19b9], 113-
b4 A M Goichon Lexique dt la langut philosophiqm d Ibn
Sma, Pans 1938) There also existed stylistic conven-
tions of form like the fictitious dialogue through
which aigument in theological texts was conducted
the earliest examples of this technique seem to date
from the a period before the Mu'tazila and have
been investigated bv J van Ess Disputationspraus in der
islamisthin Theologit in REI xK [1977] idem Earh
daelopmenl of Mam in Studio on tht first centun 109-
23 idem The logical shutture of hlannt theology in von
Gi unebaum (ed ) Logic in i lassu al hlamic cultun Wies-
baden 1970 21-50 In this last studv the author
makes a close investigation of the method and the
terminology in the theological argumentation based
on Aristotelian logic and he shows how al-Ghazali
once he had adopted this method as the only one
capable of demonstiating religious truth in order to
get it accepted preserved the terminology of mul al
fikh [qi] This manne, of argumentation goes beyond
the held of theology and was followed for example
in the grammar of All b Tsa al-Rummam (d 384/994
[qi]) in his commentary on the hitab of Sibawayh
(M al-Mubarak al Rummani al nahm fi dan' sharhih h
hitab Sibauaih, Damascus 19b3) Foi the charactens-
tics of the prose of the Sufi which often appears
in the form of exhortation and advice addressed to
a disciple see the remarks of al-kadi in her intro-
duction to al Marat al ilahma of al-Tawhidi Beirut
1973
There is a classification of Sihnjttum in Arabic to
be found in M Shak'a Manahiqj al ta'hf'ind al 'ulama'
al'arab Beirut 1973 see also now the organisation in
CHiL Rtligion learning and stunte in the 'ibbasid period
Cambridge 1990
The daelopment of dewratut stilt
This technical refinement of style which was shown
by the Kuttab of the 4th/10th century evolved during
the course of the following century into a quest foi
effects turning it into more and more complicated
prose Not only could the rhyme of the sadf com-
pose two or more consonants, but the style decoiates
itself with archaic lexemes from ancient poetry with
historical allusions with word-plays based on double
meanings of technical giammatical metrical and philo-
sophical terms This style goes beyond the adminis-
trate e sphere and extends its influence also to literary
works such as first of all the makama [q i ] oi the
Risala Hajma of Ibn Zaydun (d 4b3/1070 [qi])
also to historical works such as 'Abd al Djabbai al-
'Utbi (d ta 427/103b [qi]) al hitab al iamim see
CE. Bosworth, Early sources for the history of the first four
Ghaznavid sultans (977-1041), in /Q, vii [1963] 3-22
or 'Imad al-Din al-Isfahanl (d. 597/1201), katib of
Salah al-Din (for the differences in style of these his-
torians see F. Gabrieli, Storici arabi delle crociak Turin
1969; D.S. Margoliouth, Lectures on Arabic historians
Calcutta 1930). By contrast, al-Birum (d. 440/1048
[q.v.]) used sadf when he wrote the introduction to
his al-Alhar al-bakiya, ed. C. Sachau, Leipzig 1878
dedicated to KabQs b. Wushmagir (d. 403/1013 [qi])
the amir of the Ziyarid dynasty, famous for his immod-
erate use of stylistic techniques. His rasa'il have been
collected by 'A. al-Yazdadl, Kamal al-balagha Cairo
1341/1922-3 (see Dayf, op. cit., 255-9), but al-Birum s
style is sober and tight in the introduction to the
book Fi tahklk ma li 'l-Hind mm makula, ed. Sachau
London 1887 and elegant in the description of the
The most remarkable representative of this ornate
style is Abu l-'Ala' al-Ma'arn (d 443/1058 [qi])
whose prose was made dehbeiately obscure by the
lete and by a profusion of eiudite allusic
world of ancient Arabia including proverbs and the
names of stais wells and idols Al-Ma'arn has even
provided a commentary to accompany his prose 'A
'Abd al-Rahman (Bint al-Shati') al Ghujran h ibi I
'Ma al Ma'am Cairo 19b2 picks out examples of
divergence from normal syntax into which the com-
plications of his sadf have led al-Ma'arn she lists
those ancient critics who lecognised a heaviness in
that style despite the prestige it enjoyed and she
analyses the use of different legisteis in the woik
For the history of prose works after the 6th/ 12th
century see CHiL 'ibbasid bellts littns in which the
prose from the diffeient aieas (\emen Egypt) is dis-
cussed see also ibid Religion learning and stiente and
see further inshV Madras^ n<vhd<v tVrikh 'ulama'
As well as the nsala theie were other literary gen-
res lecognised by the ancient theorists especially the
makama, the khutba the hikata [q i ] and the kissa [q i ]
In addition there were also genres that were less
well lecognised by those theorists but that form a
part of adab and to which modern research devotes
particulai attention They are designated by names
such as nauadir mulah akhbar and hikam (see Sadan
Death of a princess tpisodts of the Barmakid legend m its
la/t eiolution in S Leder (ed ) Ston telling in the framt
uork of non fictional irabic literatim Wiesbaden 1998
131 and hirava)
The khabar in particulai whether it demes from a
work of history or of adab presents itself as the leport
seen from the outside of a real event A very valu-
able set of studies being undertaken now has pro-
duced an analysis of these stones horn the standpoint
of narrative structure The results that have so far
appeared tend on the one hand to bridge the gap
between the lack of fiction which one can see in
classical Arabic literature and modern literary fiction
and on the other hand to examine the forms of aware-
ness that the reporter of a khabar could have in
composing in reality a work of literature Further stud-
ies include those to be found in Leder op at see
Sh Ayyad Fann al khabar ft turathma al kisasi in Fusul
n (1982) 11-18 Leder Fiaturts of tht noitl in tarh his
tonography m Omns xxxn (1990), 72-96 idem The lit
eran ust of the Khabar a basu form of historical u nting
in Cameron and Conrad (eds ) op tit 277-315
H hjlpatnck Context and the enhancement of tht mtamng
o/'ahbar in the hjtab al-agam in irabua xxxvin (1991)
351-68 eadem Ahbar manzuma Tht romance oj Qais
and Lubna in tht Agani in Feststhnjt E Wagner 2 vols
Beirut 1994 350-61
Studies on the evolution of prose from the point
of view of language are rare but one may lefer to
some studies about an author s use of langauge such
as Schonig op at or F al-Djami'f al-Habbabi Lughat
ibi 7 'ila> al Ma'am fi Rimlat al ghufran Cairo n d oi
the works on syntax based on texts such as \ Peled,
Conditional struttuies in Clascal irabu Wiesbaden 1992
also the contributions m the Beitragt zur Lexicographu
dts klassischtn irabisth, in Batensthe ikademie der Hisstn
vhaften phi hist Kla^t (1979-)
Bibliography In addition to the references cited
in the body of this aiticle see Z Mubarak La
pro* arabe au I\ mcle dt Hegire Pans 1931
\ Balba' at Aathr al fanni ua attar al Djahu I
Cairo l<m Ch Pellat La prou arabt a Bagdad
irabua ix ll%2) 407-18 M Cook Early Musi
duema a source aitual study, Cambridge 1981 w]
nil controversies at the end of the 1st centui
H kilpatiick Sehction and p
K Busbv and E Kooper (eds
tun and cor,
A &ull\
irth prose
Courtly h
msterdam and Philadelphia 1990
insha' likratun m BRISMES win (199b) 147-bb
R Allen Tlu irahu httran hmtay tht dadopment oj
its terms and intuism C imbndge 1998 S Leder
art Prat, nonjutwn nudu al in Emyilopidia oj irabu
literatim London and New \oA 1998 u b 1j-1 8
Leder and kilpatnck (lassual irabu prosi likratun
a nstanheis skikh map m JiL win (1999) 2-2b
A Ben Abdesselem La u Irtkrain dans I Espasni
musulmant sous la Muluk il taw a if (I I \1 unit)
Damascus 2001 iLiDfv Bettini)
NAYip inTkish my) anm-blown Hute made
of reed {anmdo donax L) The riime meaning basi-
mn from Pah
(rf AbSM
Hebr qnh) Howevei in earlv Arabic
the kilab al igham the teim nay most probabK denoted
not a flute but a double reed woodwind instiument
of the rriKmar [q ] famih The mi mar because of its
colom was also called nay siyah bhck »«) in con-
trast to the nay tafia" white rial l e the flute
The nm-blown flute has been known since the 3rd
millennium B C m Ancient Egypt as well as in
Mesopotamia For Ancient Egypt written and icoiio-
graphic testimonies of flute pla\ers are frequent While
the Sumenan flutes found at Ui aie metal fragments
the Egyptian ones are of ieed The ancient Egvpti in
flutes that are piesei\ed in the Egyptian Museum of
Cano were plaved and recoided by Mahmud Iff it
in 1991 Some of them pioduced a pentatonic sc lie
otheis a heptatomt one
After its peak in Antiquitv the nm-blown flute sur-
Islam gave it a new and prominent place in ieligious
rnusu (see below) The folk flutes do not conform to
the norms of the classical instrument They may be
made of wood reed o, metal and have mam loc il
names as e g the Palestinian and Syrian shabbaba
the Traki blur the Turkish heal the Egyptian kauala
and salanuyya the Algenan %asha or tht Fthiopi in
The nay/ney is cut out of one naturally grown piece
of reed of H to 2 s , mm diameter Each end lies
between two nodes the whole instrument has 8 nodes
and 9 lntemodes (persian nai b nodes/7 mtc modes)
The nay is held obliquely It is blown upon the urn
which is the edge of the uppermost mteinode [kha^na)
Peisian players plate the nm between their teeth
( Isfahan technique ) the nm of Peisian instruments
is often set in a metal ring The Tuikish nn fiom
Ottoman times onwards has a mouthpiece iba^pan)
made of wood i\or\ gold or — in modern times —
synthetic materials The nay /my has b ( Peisian nay r »
fingerholes and one thumbhole
The nay/my fits partitulaily well with oriental modes
(makamat [see makam] ) because its basic fingenng
includes the typical thiee-quaitertone inteivals A set
(takm) of 7 to ' ~
;e the
Arabic
Turkish ney Aiabic and Peisian nay (fiom above)
takm consists of nay Rast (C length appi oximateK b80
mm the exact length depends on the width of the
reed) nay Duhh (D h00 mm) nay Busahk (E WO
mm) nay dharkah (F WO mm) nai f^aaa (G 44^
mm i nay Husayni |\ 40") mm) and nay 'iajam |B'
37^ mm) Higher lowei oi hilf-tone nays as e g
Duhh msf (D' t>b5 mm) are seldom in use Tuikish
silah (thiee-quaiter-tone) than the Arabic nay The
Turkish set [takim] consists of Bolahinl my llength
-H 1040 n ~ "
:y (8^8 n
Must
I Marv
y (80t>
) Kk m
W8 mm) and Supurdt [W2 mm) For high
e are h ilf Irnsfiyi) instruments eg hi
vary from 400 to
msjiu i3j(I mm) The Pe
800 mm in length
Impressed by the modern Europe in flute several
attempts ha\ e been made to tec hmc ill\ impi o\ e and
model mse the nay Until now none of these attempts
has been wideK accepted The simplicity of its con-
struction md the natuialness of its sound are still
essential foi the instrument which demands high skill
of its pla\ers and pla\s an important role even in
The
s been the favoured wind n
his are named aftei their fundamental note
i\ opening the last hole \ standaid Arabic (Egyptian)
? 8th/14th cen
is fuquentK iepiescnted in Peisian miniature paint-
ings It is pla\ed solo or in mixed ensembles but
norm illy not with othei nays Turkish ensembles how-
ever sometimes hive manv «os plaving togethei The
dances of the Mevlevi deivishes foi example are
accompanied bv diums ind ntys onlv When plaving
with a singer the nay is especiallv used tor short
melodic formulas ila^ima pi Ian a im) and impmvisa
The sound of the nay is regarded as particulailv
similn to the human voice According to a legend
in the Ma liar al 'aaja lb ascribed to Fand al-Dm 'Attai
[ia r )13-bl8/1119-1221 [qi]) the nay voices the
Piophets seciet revelations which no other human
being has evei heard Before this 'All had told the
seciets to a well at the edge of which reeds giew
In Sufi music the nay is the most prominent me-
lodic instrument of all The Sufis heai the sound of
the nay as the crving of the ieed after it is cut It is
like the crving of the soul because of its sepaiation
Irom &od The famous Mathnan, of Djalal al-Din
Rumi (b04-72/ 1207-7 3 [qi]] opens with a dramatic
aiticulation of this svmbolic meaning of the nay
Bibliography H& Faimei EI art M K mar
SQ. Hassan and J During in 77» \ t Grou du
tionary of mmnal instruments London 1984 art \ay
M Tflat it a/n Taint 'an al dirasa allati lama biha
Cairo lunpub ms Julv 1991) D Fnnke and
E Neubauer Musaim dis Insliluks fur Gisihuhtt du
Exponate. I. Musihnstrumente, Frankfurt am Main 2000,
166-87; 'A. Mash'al, Dirasat al-nay/The method of El
Nay, Cairo 1967; R.'A. Sulayman, al-Nay al-'arabl
al'-hadith/The modem Arabic flute, Cairo 1997 (unpubl.
ms.); A. van Oostrum, The music of the Egtptian nay
(in press); J. During, La musique iranienne: tradition et
evolution, Paris 1984, 67-73; S. Erguner, Ney metodu,
Istanbul 1986; H. Ritter, in JPMG, xcii (1938), 37.
(Claudia Ott)
NAZM.
1. In metrical speech. Literally meaning "string-
ing (pearls, beads, etc.)", in early 'Abbasid times nazm
acquired the meaning of "versifying", "versifica-
tion", and became almost synonymous with "poetry",
shi'r [q.v.], especially when contrasted with prose, nathr,
literally "scattering". The comparison of a poem to
a necklace, or verses to pearls, is apt in view of the
relative independence of the individual verses, held
together on the string of the uniform metre and rhyme.
The image has pre-'Abbasid origins, and although the
t used in the s<
e of "
later (and Kudama b. Dja'far [q.v.] still does
so in his poetics), at least the related verb had already
been used, when the 1st/ 7th century poet al-Nadjashr
said Sa-anzimu min hum 'l-kalami kasidatan "I shall
string/compose an ode of noble speech" (al-Hatimf,
Hilyat al-muhadara, Baghdad 1979, i, 426). Yet Abu
Nuwas [q.v.] could still speak, in an ode addressed to
al-Amln, of "my scattering [nathri) pearls on you"
(Diwan, ed. Wagner, i, 241). The many discussions
on the relative merits of prose and poetry regularly
employ the terms nazm and nathr (on this debate, see
e.g. Ziyad al-Zu'bi, Das Vethaltnis ran Poesie und Prosa
in der arabischen Literatur-theorie des Mittelalters, Berlin
arely, however, a distinction is made
i shi'r :
rely
■taphoric
versifying, i.e. either prosodically c
tentionally bad poetrv, or didactive verse (see e.g.
Ishak b. Ibrahim b. '\Vahb, al-Bmhan, Cairo 1969,
130; Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, tr. F. Rosenthal,
Princeton 1967, iii, 381-2).
(GJ.H. van Gelder)
2. In Kur'anic studies. Here, the "arrange-
ment of pearls on a string" is used mc
indicate "ordering of words-ram-meanings"
position" (note that ta'lTf is sometimes used synony-
mously with nazm), or, more freely, the "style" of the
Kur'an. In this sense it is closely connected with the
discussions of the dogma of i'djaz al-Kur'an [q.v.]; more
particularly, it is evidently the backbone of the con-
ception of i'djaz as "stylistic inimitability" of the
Kur'an.
The first known work devoted to this notion is the
A" fi 'l-ihtidjadj li-nazm al-Kur'an wa-salamatihi min al-
ziyada wa 1-nuksan of al-Djahiz (d. 255/868-9 [q.v]),
which is unfortunately lost (Ch. Pellat's reference in
xxxi [1984], 117ff., no. 191, to a ms. copy of this
work preserved in the Escorial library is erroneous,
see J. van Ess, Theologie, vi, 314). The work is usu-
ally cited with the brief title Nazm al-Kur'an. Al-Khayyat
describes it as follows: "No book is known concern-
ing the argument for the well-orderedness Inazm) and
the wondrous composition of the Kur'an, and that it
is proof for the prophethood of Muhammad — God
bless him — , except the book of al-Djahiz" (al-Intisar,
ed. A.N. Nader [Beirut 1957], 111). This description
contains all the elements of the i'djaz concept, as gen-
erally adopted later. Al-Djahiz radically breaks with
the saifa notion of his teacher al-Nazzam [q.v.], who
did not believe that the composition of the Kur'an
was stylistically unattainable and who thought that
Muhammad's pagan contemporaries, challenged to
produce something like a sura, were "turned away"
by God from carrying out this task.
Claude Audebert has compiled a list of works on
nazm up to the time of al-Khattabi, eight in all {al-
Hattabi, 58-61). The most explicit title— and mostly
we have but titles — is the one given to the Mu'tazili
al-Wasitfs (d. 306/918 or 307/919) book: A: Fajdz
al-Kur'an ft nazmihl ioa-ta' iTfih (ibid, 59). It states the
connection between i'djaz and nazm and the near-syn-
onymity of nazm and ta'lTf. It is remarkable that the
authors of these works are partly mutakallimun and
Al-KhattabT (d. 386/996 or 388/998 [q.v.]), in his
treatise Bayan i'djaz al-Kur'an, postulates a triad of ele-
ments that make up "speech" (kalam), namely, lafzun
hamilun toa-ma'nan bihi ka'imun wa-ribatun lahuma nazim
"words as carriers, meaning subsisting in them, and
a connection that orders both of them" (ed. M. Khalaf
Allah and M.Z. Salam, 24 1. 11; tr. Audebert, al-
Hattabi, 120, cf also 87). The third element i:
ally c;
il-Khattabr noi
inireque
the plural nuz&m to refer to the syntai
tures" or "molds" (this plural is not in the dictio-
naries). In all three elements the Kur'an is the superior
text, as the continuation of the quoted passage says.
The workings of nazm are several times metaphori-
cally characterised (the various "types of ordering"
[rusum al-nazm] are a "bridle on the words and a rein
on the meanings" [lidjam al-alfiz wa-zimam al-ma'am];
cf. ed., 33; tr. 128), but not defined and explicitly
discussed. A large part of al-Khattabl's Bayan is devoted
to linguistic-stylistic criticisms (i.e. criticisms of the
nazm) of Kur'anic passages by others, followed by the
author's refutation (al-Hattabi, 97-102).
Al-Bakillam (d. 403/1013 [q.v.]), in his I'djaz al-
Kur'an, lists the excellent nazm of the Kur'an as the
third reason for its inimitability (after [1] prophesys-
ing passages, and [2] the illiteracy of the Prophet,
which proves Divine instruction about creation, etc.).
He enumerates ten aspects of this nazm: ( 1 ) The Kur'an
is sui generis as a literary genre (35). (2) The Arabs
had not produced any eloquent text of such enor-
mous length (36). (3) The Kur'an is homogeneously
poet may excel in panegyrics but not in invective, or
vice versa (36-8). (4) The smooth transition from one
topic to the next in the Kur'an is unrivalled (38). (5)
Not only man is unable to produce anything similar
to it, but so are the jinn (38-41). (6) All stylistic and
rhetorical possibilities occur in the Kur'an (42). (7)
Expressing new ideas, rather than well-worn ones,
with beautiful words is the highest level of language
mastership (bara'a); this the Kur'an does when it speaks
about legal and religious matters (42). (8) When a
Kur'anic phrase is quoted, it stands out in its new
textual surrounding through its beauty (42-4). (9) The
"mysterious letters" at the beginning of twenty-eight
suras show an amazingly regular selection of phonemes,
when measured against the various groups of phonemes
that the grammarians have established (44-6). (10) The
style of the Kur'an is easy though impossible to imitate
(karlban Ha 1-afhami yubadiru ma'nahu 'l-lafza Ha 1-kalb . . .
distant from lexical uncouthness {wahsht) and unusual-
ness {gharib) [q.vv.], on the one hand, and from affected
artfulness (al-san'a al-mutakkallafa), on the other (46).
The list clearly shows that al-Bakillam is not inter-
ested in the micro-analysis of what constitutes nazm.
of speech words and
on the overall linguistic-lit'
'Abd alKahir al Djurdjani (d 471/1078 01 474/
1081 [go in Suppl]l in his Dala'd al I'a^a^ ( Prools
for the Immitabihty ) comes again closei to al
Khattabi who ma\ be called his precursor in mat-
ters of na<jn But al-Djurdjam surpasses him by far
Cher hundreds of pages he subjects Kur'anic phnses
or s\ntactic phenomena in general to the most
painstaking semantic analvsis and thus manages to fill
the notion of najrn with real content He defines it
as tait akhkhi ma'am I nahit I minding the meanings oi
ena discussed include inter aha word order Itakdim
ita ta'khir) ellipsis Ihadhf) s\ndetic and asyndetic co-
oidmation [nasi itajasl) and the vanous functions oi
the sentence-initial particle inna (see also Weisweilei
The ordeung (nazm) ci
) for ■ ■ -
and parallel to it in the language the meaning (ma'na)
and the expression/wording (/«/') of a proposition
[kalam) thus become mirror images The inherited but
according to al-Djurdjam misunderstood dichotomv
laj<_ ma'na is thus reinterpreted the wording {lafj is
no longei a garment for a naked ' m
are inseparable no meaning can be expiessed bv
two wordings equalh well the two 'wordings would
K Abu Deeb [Poetic imat>m 24-G4) and moie
lecenth N Kermam (Gott ut whon 253-84 esp 2G4
and n 144) ha\e aigued that with mam oi his deep-
cutting anahses al-Djurdjam is a precursor oi mod-
ern semanticists or e\en on a par with them As a
whole his book is indeed highly original but not \er\
well arranged Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d 60b/ 1209
[qi]) and al-Sakkaki (d 626/1229 [q i ]) later turned
his ideas into a textbook foimat thus creating the
discipline called 'dm al ma'am lie ma'am I nahu) [see
All authors so fai discussed lestnct the notion of
najn to single Kur'anic or poetic phrases (lines \erses)
Ibn Rashik (d 456/1063 or 463/1071 [qi]) in his
handbook on poetrv includes l chapter on nazm in
which this notion has at times a wider compass refer
['Umda i 258-63) A similar appioach to stiuctuies
within a sura can sometimes be found in books on
the Kur'an Al-Khitib al IskaiT (d 421/1030) in his
exegetical work Durrat al tanzil ita ghurrat al ta'iul fi
bayan al a\at al mutashabihat fi hitab Allah al a^u (Beirut
Indian subcontinent we find Hamid al-Din Abd al-
) other elements Hamid farahi (d 1349/1930) and his disciple Amin
He focuses moie Ahsan Ishhi (d 1997) upholding the idea of the coher-
■V qualit\ oi the Kur'anic ence [na*jn] of the Kui'an on all levels (see M Mir
' ' in in Bibl) The main motivation behind this
to be traditional Onentalist criticism of the
Kur'an that stressed its structural incoheience on all
evels It should be noted that in more modern Western
iterarv approaches the perceiv t d incoherence is con-
sidered to be rather one of the strengths of the Holy
Book (see Kermam Gott ut schon 281)
Biblio%iaphy 1 Texts Khattabi Bayan tya^
al hu> an ed Muhammad Khalaf Allah and Mu-
hammad Zaghlul Salam in Thalath lasa'il ft t'dja^
al Kui'an Cairo n d 19-65 ti C F Audebert al
Hattabi et 1 immitabihte du Coian traduction el introduitwn
au Bay an l'gaz al-Kur'an Damascus 1982 Bakillam
hitab I'dja^ alhuran ed al-Sayyid Ahmad Sakr
Cano 1963 35 48 'Abd al-Kahn al-Djurdjam
Dala'il al i'aja._ ed Mahmud Muhammad Shakn
Cairo 1404/1984 Ibn Rashik al 'Umda ji mahasin
i specific shape/iorm al shi'i ltd adabih ed M 'A A 'Ata 2 pts Beirut
l the mind 1422/2001
2 Studies J \an Ess Thiologu und Gntllsihajt
im 2 und , Jahrhundtit Hidvhia Erne Gtnhufite dis
riluposen Denkem im Jruhtn Nam 6 vols Berlin-New
\ork 1991-7 Kamal Abu Deeb Al Juijam s thwn
oj poetu imagery Warminster Wilts 1979 Navid
Da,
ttmg
of part to part as Hamon calls it (hkafi 40 2) Son
scholars seem to have gone even lurther and asked
about the meaning of the place within the Kur'vn
of individual suras Al-Zarkashi (d 794/1392 [qi])
mentions one Abu Bakr al-Nisabun who whenever
the Koran was read to him used to ask Why is this
verse put next to that one ? For what reason does this
t«ra stand next to that one? (G J \ an Gelder Beyond
tht lint Leiden 1982 100 the authoi suggests that
we aie possibh dealing here with Abu 1-Kasim [']
al-Hasan b Muhammad al-Nisabun who wiote a
hitab alTan^il ita tarhbih see n 214) However al-
Zarkashi also mentions that this subject did not attract
much attention tat Buthan fi 'ulum al hw'an ed M A
Ibrahim Cairo 1972 i 36)
In the modern period this has changed In the
ich 1999 Ahmad Abu Zayd Muqaddima
fi I mill aljiknna h I balagha ita t'dia^ al hui'an
Rabat 1409/1989 51-122 Andras Hamon Did
mtdiaal uadeii make nine oj foim \otis on a pa^agi
oj al Islaji in A H Green (ed ) In quest oj an Llama
humanum Arabic and hlamic ttudiet in mtmory of
Mohamid al Noitmhi Cairo 1985 39-47 Mustansir
Mir Coherence in the Qur'an A study of Islahi s concept
of nazm in 1 idabbur-i Qur'an Indianapolis 1986
(WP Heinrichs)
NISSIM b YA'KUB IBN SHAHIN outstand-
ing leader and rabbi of North Africa and
Judaeo Arabic tuthor
He was born ca 300/990 and studied under his
father and R Hushiel who emigrated from Itah and
settled in al-Ka\iawan [q i ] Like his father Nissim
was head of the Academv there and the representa-
tive oi the Academies of Sura and Pumbedita near
Baghdad He was iamous as a scholai and enjoved
much glory but the last period of his hie was a sad
time foi him His son died at an earh age and his
daughter was unhappily married to a son of Samuel
ha-Nigid of the Banu 1-Naghralla who served the
Zmds [q o] oi Gharnata Nissim visited Granada and
taught there Of importance during his time was the
distill bed political situation in North Afnca since
the local Zind dvnastv there was in conflict with the
Fatimids and when the Bedouin of the Banu Hilal
[q ] and the Sulavm attacked Ifnkiva and the Zind
ruler had to leave al Kavrawan in 449/1057 and take
refuge in al-Mahdivya Rabbi Nissim fled to Susa [q ]
where he died in 454/1062 after a serious illness
The language of his important Judaeo- Arabic ht-
eiarv work the hitab al Faradf ba'd al shidda ( Relief
after hardship ) is one of the best examples of a
Middle Arabic text that at times follows the rules of
Classical Aiabic but at othei times is influenced by
the practice of Arabic dialects with manv hypei-
corrections The contents of the text which was moie
widely known in its early Hebrew translation called
Hibbur tajeh mt ha yahu'ah ( A beautiful collection about
lehef printed at Fenara 1557) go back to the same
670
NISSIM b. YA'KUB — NIZAM ' ASKARl
genre as practiced by al-Mada'inT (d. 225/840), Ibn
Abi '1-Dunya (d. 281/894) and al-Muhassin al-Tanukhr
(d. 384/994), and have a religious, perhaps Jewish,
origin. Nissfm Ibn Shahfn's stories do not have a sec-
ular character like most of al-Tanukhfs stories, but are
embedded in a religious context. Some stories such
as "The perfidious wife" and "The story of Kidor"
found their way into other mediaeval bellestristic
Bibliography: Shraga Abramson, R. Mssim Gaon
libelli quinque, Jerusalem 1965; W. Brinner, An ele-
gant composition concerning relief after adversity. New
Haven and London 1977; G.D. Cohen, The Book
of Tradition (Sefer ha-Qabbalah) by Abraham ibn Daud,
London 1967, index, s.v. Ibn Shahin; J. Obermann
(ed.). The Arabic original of Ibn Shahin's Book of Comfort,
New Haven 1933; Rabbenu Nissim Bar Ya'aqov,
ed. H.Z. Hirshfeld, Hibbur yafeh me-ha-yeshu'ah,
Jerusalem 1954 (new Hebrew "translation). "
(A. SCHIPPERSJ
NIZAM 'ASKARl (a.), military organisation.
i of n
l of military organisa
1. In the modern Arab world
2. In modern Iran
3. In the late Ottoman Empire and the Turki
Republic
4. In Pakistan
. In t
world.
The frequent appearance of military regimes in the
Arab sector of the Muslim world during the second
part of the 20th century owes less to a tradition of
interaction between military conquest and the diffu-
sion of Islam than to the heritage of the style of
power exercised by the Ottoman Sultans [see
'othmanli. I.]. It is explained both by the game of
the European imperialisms and the influence of the
Kemalist model in the region since 1921. Colonial
domination depended on the separation between an
allogenic military organisation and local society. It
took the form of political regimes (mandates, protec-
torates or direct colonisation) in which the military
played a dominant role through the actual or poten-
tial use of brute force (D.A. Rustow, to S.N. Fischer
1963, 3). While the officer corps of the colonial army
was European, there was a preference for recruiting
the troops from among the ethnic and religious com-
munities. Senior officers often exercised civil functions,
such as that of the High Commissioner of the French
Mandate in Syria and in Lebanon (1920-43), the
British High Commissioner in Palestine (1920-46) or
in 'Irak (1920-32) [see mandates]. Furthermore, the
period of colonial domination was marked by the two
World Wars which justified exceptional forms of
gove
t. It c;
after
longed and violent confrontation: in particula
conflict in Palestine from 1936 onwards, the Algerian
war (1954-62), and numerous suppressions of upris-
ings, as in Egypt by Great Britain in 1919 and 1924,
in Syria by France in 1919, 1924-6 and 1945; and
in 'Irak by Great Britain, in 1921 and 1941.
After independence, the incidence of military regimes
in the Arab region can be correlated to the frequency
and the intensity of inter-state conflicts, through the
implementation of preparations for war by senior offi-
cers with the object of imposing constitutional forms,
social control and economic priorities, which justified
and prolonged their domination: Israeli-Arab wars
(1948-9, 1956, 1967, 1973, 1982), the Yemeni con-
flict from 1960-7, the Algerian-Moroccan war in the
Sahara in 1963, then the war of the eastern Sahara
from 1975 onwards, the Iran-Trak war from 1980 to
1988, and the Gulf War of 1990-1. The regional and
ethnic tensions within young states with fragile national
identities also favoured the seizure of power by the
military, as in 'Irak at the time of the 1958 revolu-
tion or in Sudan from 1958 onwards. The principal
motivating force was dissatisfaction with the poor eco-
nomic performance of the civilian regimes.
After the Arab countries had gained their inde-
pendence, the army became in the space of one or
two decades the primary institution in terms of num-
bers — up to 30"'o of the workforce of certain coun-
tries — and of its budget, which often exceeded that
of education, but also through the central place that
it occupied in executive power. It permeated all the
fields of political activity including the parties, exer-
cised a tight control over the population using the
force authorised by emergency laws and with recourse
to the mukhabarat, the intelligence and police services.
Arab republics and monarchies were thus transformed
into "military societies" (Abdelmalek 1962).
The analysis of Arab military regimes has given
rise to three distinct interpretations of their nature
and their effect on the state and the society of the
countries concerned. The first credited the dominant
participation of officers in the government with the
qualities of order, efficiency and honesty as well as
technical and organisational capacities. The army was
seen as the best agency for the purpose of ensuring
the development of the country, educating society and
being the bearer of modern values and practices, since
the generation of officers trained since independence
belonged to a "new middle class" with modernising
tendencies (Halpern 1962, 278); their nationalist sen-
sibility, whether Arab (kawmi) or patriotic (watani),
manifested through various anti-colonial and revolu-
tionary ideologies, gave them the legitimacy to impose
on society a modernisation "from above" (industrial-
isation, agrarian reform) inspired by the Kemalist
model (Allush 1968).
After the Arab defeat of 1967 and in view of the
poor economic performance of Egypt and of Syria
under military rule, then that of Algeria in the 1980s,
a second analysis has prevailed. It described niiam
'askari as "praetorian", and considered the army an
agency for the maintenance of order in the service
of an authoritarian and barely representative political
power, pursuing its corporatist interests rather than a
social project (Perlmutter 1974).
Until the turn of the 1990s, oil revenues and the
priority given to the war effort assured the perpetu-
ation of the ra'-jam 'askari. Subsequently, Arab armies
had a tendency to return to their military function
while a number of officers became economic entre-
preneurs benefiting from the infitah. The ni^am 'askari
progressively gave way to civilian governments, still
under military control. A third analysis then placed
the accent on the simultaneously policing and preda-
tory nature of these regimes (R. Owen, State, power
and politics in the making of the modem Middle East, London
1992).
(a) Egypt
Although it was not historically the first, the pro-
totype of nigam 'askari in the Arab regions of the
Muslim world in the 20th century is that of the dubbat
al-ahrar, the Free Officers who on 23 July 1952 over-
threw the Egyptian dynasty which had itself been
founded by an officer of the Ottoman army,
Muhammad 'Air [q.v.]. This group of some three hun-
NIZAM 'ASKARl
b (T. Aclimandos, Les militaires egyptiens.
rps et involution, in Peuples mediterraneens/
Peoples, xli-xlii [1988], 87-104), graduates
ary Academy after 1936 (the date of its
indigenous Egyptians;, had particularly
indiffere
e of tl
of 1948-9. Their nine leaders,
constituted into a Majlis kiyadat al-thawia (Revolu-
tionary Command Council), installed military- personnel
in the higher ranks of the executive on a permanent
basis. Originally, the RCC united personalities of di-
verse tendencies, Misr al-Fatat, al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun
[q.v.] and Communists, who held in common the
Fahafat al-thawia of Djamal 'Abd al-Nasir [q.v. in
Suppl.]. In the competition for power, the leftists of
the RCC led by Yusuf al-Siddlk, and the liberals led
by Khalid Muhyl 1-Dln, were ousted in March 1953
and March 1954 respectively. The rupture with the
Muslim Brotherhood took place on 12 January 1954.
Whether socialistic pan-Arabist as in the 1960s, or
patriotic liberal as in the 1980s, Egyptian power hence-
forward depended on the alliance between the mili-
tary institution and the bureaucracy of state.
The
rogatn
of I
presidency of the Republic was taken bv Muham-
mad Nadjib, on 18 June 1952, and after his ousting
on 14 November 19.54, by Nasir until his death on
28 September 1970, by Anwar al-Sadat (assassinated
5 October 1981) and by Husm Mubarak, who began
his fourth presidential period of power on 26
September 1999. In the government, one-fifth of the
ministerial posts (in particular Defence, Military
Production and the Interior) were occupied bv senior
officers under Nasir, and 7.5"/,, under Sadat (M.
Cooper, The demilitarization of the Egyptian cabinet, in
IJMES, xiv [1982], 209). More than 80% of the posts
of provincial governors belonged to them. Of the fi\ e
categories "allied to the regime" — workers, peasants,
itellectuals, nationalist capitalists and army — only the
author!
replaced by
e abolished on 16 January 19.53
single party. After the defeat of
19b/ and until the expulsion of the Soviet advisers
in July 1972, a polity of raising the standard of recruit-
ment and of strategic co-operation with the USSR
made the institution the best endowed financially and
the most advanced in technological terms in the coun-
try (with the acquisition of the Mig-27), barely trou-
bled by internal conspiracies in October 1972, April
1974 (attempted uprising at the Militaiy Academy bv
the radical Islamist movement al-Takfii wa 'l-Hid}ia
[q.v.] and October 1981 (assassination of Sadat during
a military paradel.
According to the National Charter [al-Mithak al-
watanT] of 1962, the Egyptian military regime pre-
sented itself initially as revolutionary. It' initiated
economic and social reforms — the first agrarian reforms
in September 1952 limiting property to 300 acres per
family, Egyptianisation of British and French assets
(nationalisation of the Suez Canal, 26 July 1956),
nationalisation of heavy industry and textiles — and
launched major works of infrastructure such as the
Aswan Dam. However, the failures of economic poli-
cies combined with demographic growth of more than
3.5% per annum, and costly military defeats in Yemen
and in the war of June 1967, impelled military lead-
ers, in the second half of the decade of the 1970s,
towards a liberalisation that opened the way for sub-
stantial investment by the military institution and by-
senior officers individually in the private sector. While
the army was less \-isible on the political plane, its
armaments enterprises such as the Arab Organisation
for Industrialisation {al-Haya al-'Aiabiyya li 'l-Tasnt'),
founded in 1975 as a joint venture with Saudi Arabia,
Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, and becoming
exclusively Egyptian after the Camp David Accords
with Israel (1978), exported more than a billion dol-
lars worth of arms per year in the 1980s. Under the
cover of ensuring security of food supplies (al-amn al-
ghidha'T), the army also penetrated the civilian pro-
duction sector, where it benefited from exemptions
and privileges (Sadowski 1993).
The perpetuation of mzam 'askari went in tandem
with a progressive sidelining of members of the
Revolutionary Command Council by Nasir, who cul-
tivated the image of a populist leader with no time
for intermediary institutions and procedures. It was
accentuated by Sadat to the benefit of the Arab
Socialist Union (al-Ittihad al-'aiabi al-ishtnaki), the sin-
gle party from 1961 to 1977, to which military per-
sonnel were not permitted to belong (J. Waterbury,
The Egypt of Nassei and Sadat: the political economy of two
regimes, Princeton 1983). It was accelerated following
the adoption of the Constitution of 1 1 September
1971 authorising multi-partvism, while, in the context
of the peace process with Israel, from October 197.5
to March 1979 (the Washington Treaty), the army
benefited by military assistance from the United States
worth 1.3 billion dollars per year. In principle, the
armv did not control the political parties, legalised
from June 1977 onwards. In practice, it drew inspi-
ration from the Turkish model, constituting itself as
informal guardian of the state and master of society,
leading police operations at the time of the hunger
riots in January 1977, and the uprising of the Interior
Security Forces in 1986. From the 1990s onward, the
Egyptian mzam 'askari became a security regime whose
principal enemy was the Islamist movement and its
t groups, both of these violently repressed.
(b) S
The developments of political life in the part
the Ottoman Bilad al-Sham, which became S\i
under French Mandate on 28 April 1920, hardly pi
disposed this country to a military regime. The ci\
economic and religious elites were firmly based the
whilst the army numbered few
of
than
t Indep
the ethnic and religious minorities, and staffed bv
French officers (N. Bou-Nacklie, The Special Troops: reli-
gious and ethnu nciuitment, 1916-1946, in IJMES, xxv
[1993], 649-60). However, thirteen coups d'etat fol-
lowed the independence of the country and, after the
seizure of power bv Colonel Husnl al-Za'Tm [q.v.] on
30 March 1949, the army remained a dominant politi-
cal actor, except during the period of the United Arab
Republic (1 February 1958-28 September 1961).
The first three military regimes in Syria were the
result of an inkilab, an uprising of officers discontented
with the political direction of the country, in particu-
lar the treatment reserved for the armed forces and
the circumstances of the defeat in Palestine. The
Colonels Husnf al-Za'Tm, Sarm al-HinnawT (14 August-
19 December 1949) and AdTb al-Shlshaklr (exiled 25
February 1954) were motivated more by personal
ambition than by a political project. Like Za'fm,
ShlshaklT launched important constitutional reforms (5
September 1950 and 10 July 1953), including the
reform of penal, civil and commercial codes as well
as a first agrarian reform (30 July 19.52). He granted
the right to vote to literate women, and abolished the
special treatment of Bedouin and the system of awkaf
NIZAM 'ASKARI
[see wakf]. The accession of Za'im to the presidency
of the Republic on 25 June 1949, and that of ShTshaklr
on 10 July 1953, marked the apogee of authoritar-
ian regimes characterised by the banning of political
parties (replaced by Shrshakli with the darakat al-tahnr
al-'aiabi on 25 August 1952), censorship of the press
and tight control of public life by an oppressive police
force. The ni^am 'askari was characterised also by a
Syrian patriotism bordering on chauvinism in reac-
tion to the "struggle for Syria" — real or imagined
threats posed to the independence of the country by
neighbouring states.
Returning to the shadows, the Syrian army never-
theless did not cease from intervention in the politi-
cal arena during the parliamentary period of 1954-8.
Fourteen senior officers made their way to Cairo on
12 January 1958 to demand from Marshal 'Amr and
from Nasir the creation of the United Arab Republic.
The army subsequently gave its support to the par-
liamentary restoration of September 1961, implemented
under the leadership of Colonel 'Abd al-Kanm
Naslawi, who intervened again to "rectify" the pol-
icy directions of the government in March 1962
( M. Colombe, La Republique arabe syrienne a la lumiere du
coup d'etat du 28 mats 1962, in Orient, 1st trim. [1962]).
The type of niiam 'askari which came into effect
following the coup of Colonel Ziyad Hararl on 8
March 1963 was simultaneously both specific to Syria
and also evolutionary. Between 1963 and 1970 it
was possible to speak of an army-party symbiosis
(I. Rabinovich, Syria undet the Ba'th 1963-66: the army-
party symbiosis, Jerusalem 1972). It was not only a mil-
members set up in Cairo ca. 1959 {aNadjna al-'askariyya;
see M. al-Razzaz, al-Taqjnba al-murra, Beirut 1967, 88)
which played a clandestine role throughout this period,
but in the Regional Command (al-kiyada al-kutriyya),
senior officers constituted 34.5% of members from
September 1963 to February 1966, then 25% until
November 1970 (H. Batatu, Syria's peasantry, the descen-
dants of its lesser rural notables, and their politics, Princeton
1999, 165, 167). In this group, with its majority con-
sisting of natives of the peripheral regions of the coun-
try, the revolutionary tendency and the representation
of minority communities gradually gained the upper
hand, ending with the installation of a clandestine
dictatorship under Colonel Salah Djadid, assistant gen-
eral secretary of the Ba'th Party from the time of the
disbandment of the civil wing of the Party on 23
February 1966. Nationalisations in industry and com-
merce (1965), international isolation and provocations
on the Israeli front, favouring popular war, charac-
terised revolutionary Syria under this regime weak-
ened by the disaster of the war of June 1967.
Excluding his rivals by a display of force within
the Regional Command of the Ba'th Party on 13
November 1970, General Hafiz al-Asad turned the
Syrian military regime in the direction of a more lib-
eral economy through two infitaks, in 1971-4 and then
from 1986 onwards. The legislative elections of 1990,
and Law 10 of 1991 on investments, marked the entry
of a new entrepreneurial bourgeoisie into the coali-
tion of power and the increased participation of senior
officers in the world of business. But this economic
liberalisation was not accompanied by political liber-
ation, despite the creation of a Progressive National
Front of six parties, including the Communist Party
and the Arab Socialist Union around the Ba'th
(7 March 1972). The Constitution of 12 March 1973
installed a presidential regime. The state of emergency
declared in 1963 remained in force. The army has
maintained tight control of local life and internal secu-
rity through its networks of mukhabarat, and in 1978-
81 there was a massive crackdown on Islamists (H.G.
Lobmeyer, Opposition und Understand in Syrien, Hamburg
1995, 204-336). Finally, to succeed his "father as Head
of State on 17 July 2000, Bashshar al-Asad was obliged
to re-invent himself in some haste as a military figure.
(c) 'Irak
The modern 'Iraki state, where the elites sur-
rounding King Faysal (Dja'far al-'Askarl, Yasin al-
Hashiml, Qjamrl al-Midfa'T and Nun al-Sa'Id) were
in the main former officers of the Ottoman army,
was born in the violent suppression of the anti-British
uprising in November 1920 (P.-J. Luizard, La forma-
tion d'Irak contemporain, Paris 1991). Even though 'Irak
[q.v.] has not lived continuously under niiam 'askari,
the army has remained the primary political force in
the country, appointing and deposing governments,
and controlling ethnic and social groups through vio-
lence (H. Batatu, The old social classes and the reivlu-
tionary movements of Iraq, Princeton 1978, 319-61). The
suppression of the Assyrian revolt in June 1933, then
that of the tribal uprisings in 1935-6 under the com-
mand of General Bakr Sidkr gave the latter the in-
centive to launch the first coup d'etat inspired by
Kemalism of the modern Arab world on 29 October
1936. His assassination on 11 August 1937 at the in-
stigation of four nationalist officers ("the Gold Square"),
led by Salah al-Din Sabbagh, was the prelude to the
seizure of power by them and the inauguration of a
regime independent of the British, of which the pub-
lic figurehead was Rashid 'Air al-Ghaylam (5 April-
9 October 1941). From the creation of the state until
the fall of the monarchy on 14 July 1958, the dom-
inant personality of authority remained that of General
NQrl al-Sa'id who had been prime minister for a
total of 1 1 years and 9 months. While the monarchy
neglected the institutionalisation of the state and the
development of the country, governments supported
by the army maintained order through repression.
After the revolution of July 1958 and the fall of
the monarchy, General 'Abd al-Karlm Kasim [q.v.]
quickly ousted the nine members of the Commanding
Council of Free Officers, in particular Colonel 'Abd
al-Salam 'Arif, to impose himself as single leader (al-
za'tm [q.v.] al-awhad). His first government (27 July
1958) comprised five military figures out of sixteen
members (Batatu 1978, 812) and the second (10
February 1959), six out of fourteen (Batatu 1978, 843).
He authorised political parties, promulgated agrarian
reforms (30 September 1958), inaugurated a state plan-
ification scheme (1959), partially nationalised the Iraq
Petroleum Company (1961) and adopted measures to
assist the disadvantaged urban classes. The regime of
Kasim was destabilised and its military character re-
inforced by confrontations between Communist and
Nationalist Arabs in Mawsil and KirkQk (March-July
1959) and by the revival of the Kurdish revolt
(September 1961). The military coup of 8 February
1963 perpetrated by Nasirist and Ba'thist officers led
to a repetition of the same scenario: 'Abd al-Salam
'Arif ousted the National Council of the Revolution
and dismantled the Ba'thist National Guard to take
for himself presidency of the Republic and supreme
command of the armed forces (18 November 1963).
He imposed the Arab Socialist Union as the sole party
on 14 July 1964. Under the regime of his brother,
Colonel 'Abd al-Rahman 'Arif (13 April 1966-17 July
1968) a series of military governments ensued, their
domination dependent on the use of force and the
lartial law, while nationalised institu-
NIZAM "ASKARl
tions were plated under the supeivision oi ietired offi
ceis (M Khaddun Republican Iraq a study in Iraqi pol
itus since the reiolutwn of 1958 London 1909 280-9)
ot the Ba'th Paity to power (17 and 30 JuK 1908)
the Revolutionary Command Coumil (R C C ) com-
posed oi h\e officers and led bv Geneial Hasan al-
Baki earned out purges in the aim\ to turn it into
a d^aysh al'aka'idi an instrument ol the Paity along-
side the militia dj_aysh al sha'b under the direction oi
the Military Bureau The admission oi ten civilians
to the RC C in November 1909 did nothing to alle-
which became a dictatoiship aiter the accession ot
the (self-proclaimed) Geneial Saddam Husavn to
the presidency oi the R C C and supreme authority
ovei the state -and the armed iorces in JuK 1979
The state oi civil war against the Kurds and the
Shi 'is and exteinal war against Iran (1980-88) and
then against Kuwayt and the international coalition
whi< h worked in particulai to the beneiit oi mihtan,
cadies 'Isam al-Khaiaji liar as a uhult for tht rise and
dtmise of a state ton/rolled society Tht tast of Ba that Iraq
in Hevdemann 2000 272-5)
eithio'
e Oftic.
pames who
e ieve
nues were
inanung
the
*ai in
south mih
eadeis distanced th
ves ir
the Islamist
irom
1997 onw
rd Bash
-stabhs
the state oi
emerg
encv in 199
8 to impi
t the in
nges
demanded
ioi the
al oi
Decembe
1999 he
ended
which
he 1
Turabi arr
ested
n Febiuan,
2001
The influence ol the Egyptian Iree Officers was
felt as fai awav as \emen [see al-vaman] where a
group of Nasinst officers led bv Colonel 'Abd Allah
Sallal proclaimed the United Arab Republic on 20
Septembei 1902 and leceived leiniorcements of 20 000
Egyptian soldiers commanded bv Marshal '\bd al-
Hakim 'Amr — a contingent doubled over the next
foui years for the purpose of fighting a destiuctive
Saudi-Egyptian war which lasted until the decision to
withdiaw taken by Nasir at the Khartum Summit in
Novembei 1967 Significant efforts in the fields oi
education and health weie made by the
which w
4jur
oi a hea
1970
rongly influ-
enced by their Egyptian alter ego The junta led by
Geneial Ibrahim 'Abbud until 1904 included iadical
ofhceis close to the Sudanese Communist Party in
1904 the nit between 'Abbud and this powerful ally
brought to an end the first Sudanese ni^am 'askan
After hali a decade oi civilian government Geneial
Dja'far al-Numayn in his turn imposed fifteen veais
of military dictatorship aitei a bnei attempt at co-
operating with civilians in the context oi the
Commanding Council oi the Revolution dissolved in
October 1971 The Communist opposition was firmly
suppressed on 22 July 1971 and the Arab Socialist
Union became the sole authonsed party while the
ministries ot Deiense the Interior Foreign Affairs
Information and Culture [al Iishad al u. atari!) iemained
in the hands oi the military Numayn s regime for-
mally leiogmsed the light of the southern piovintes
to autonomy on 9 June 1909 and imposed radical
nationalisation measuies (Sequestiation Act May 1970)
The second Sudanese civil wai provoked by the
Islamising decrees of September 1983 accelerated the
downfall oi Numayn in 1985 introducing i bnei
period oi pluralism The coalition between military
iiguies and Islamists which characterised military
legimes in Sudan returned to powei following the
coup d etat of General 'Umai al-Bashn on 30 June
1989 The National Salvation Revolutionary Command
Council was based on a single paity the National
Congiess oi Hasan al-Turabi He imposed strict appli
cation oi the Shan' a banned paities and independent
syndicates organised popular local Islamist commit-
tees and the Popular Detense Foices an Islamist mili-
tia waging war against civilians in the south Undei
the
Mihtan, leadeis populists and developmental^
ieturned to the toretront of the stage with Colonel
Ibiahim al-Samadi (June 1974) and Colonel Ahmad
al-Ghashimi (11 Octobei 1977) both of them assas-
sinated then Colonel 'All 'Abd Allah Khahl on 24
June 1978 The latter gradually handed ovei gov-
Octobei 1980 hist legislative elections in July 1985)
and guided the process oi i cumulation with the
DemoaatK and Populai Republic oi "lcmen a
constitutional leiorm in Septembei 1994 legalising
political pluralism, exclusion oi aimed lories trom
membei ship ot parties (F Djallul ataman al tha iratan
al diumhurnatan al tahda 1962 94 Beirut 1999 272-
97) As Marshal and President oi the Republic oi
\emen since 24 May 1990 Khahl continues to con-
trol the state supported by the Supieme Council oi
National Deiense and by members oi his entourage
occupying key posts in the security and armed iorces
Bibliography A Abdel Malek Egyptt soaete mih
tain Pans 1902 M Halpem Middle Eastern aimus
and tht net middk dass Princeton 1902, G Haddad
Rtioluhons and military rule in tht Middle East New
\oik 1965 B \eimer iimee et pohhqut au Moytn
Ontnt Pans 1900 JP \ atikiotis, Politus and tht mil
itary in Jordan, London 1907 E Been, imn ofjutrs
m iiab politics and witty New \ork 1970 A Peil-
mutter Egypt tht praetorian stall Brunswick 1974
M Taibush Tht role of tht military m politus a tasc
study of Iraq to 1941 London and Boston 1982 J C
Hurewitz Middlt East politus the military dimension
Boulder 1982 Kh A Ibrahim al l^aysh it a
I mudjtama' dirasat ft 'dm al idjtima' al 'askan Cairo
1985 J Stork hms industrus m the Middlt East in
MERIP Report cxhv (1987) Z Ramzi (ed ) al Siyasat
ua munakashat nadua 'ukulat bi I hiutayt fi I fatia
20 22 fabra'u 1988 Benut 1989 E Picard irab
s from
nolutio
Vie -.
■i plot to
London 1990
M Bame
Confronting the easts of urn mill
tary potter state and socnty in Egypt and Isratl Princeton
1992 \ Sayigh irab military industry tapabihty pel
lormami and impatt London and Washington 1992
\ M Sadowski Sends oi butter' The politual ttonomy
of arms control in tht Middlt East Washington 1993
B Korany P Noble and R Brvnen (eds i, Tht
many fans of national suunty m tht Arab uorld London
1993 N \an Dam The strugglt foi poittr m Syria
politics and sotuty undtr had and the Ba th party London
199b R Brooks Politual military nlations and tht sta
bihty of hub rt^imts London 1998 S Heydemann
(ed ) War institutions and soual change in tht Middle
East, Beikeley 2000 (Elizabeth Pkard)
NIZAM 'ASKARl
The period of military rule in Iran may be said
to have been inaugurated by the coup d'etat of 21
February 1921, and to have endured until the over-
throw of Pahlavi rule in 1979. However, although the
regime that resulted from the coup of 1921, and the
Pahlavi state itself, was based on the army, there was
no direct military rule, nor was there a military dic-
tatorship in the straightforward sense.
The Pahlavi regime was one that owed its exis-
tence to military coups, in 1921 and in 1953, both
Rida Shah and his son, Muhammad Rida Shah [q.w.],
having been brought to power by the army. The
army played a key role in the construction of the
Pahlavi state, dominating both urban and rural oppo-
sition, and till 1979 remained, together with the var-
ious security forces, the main institution sustaining the
regime internally.
Although the military occupied a pivotal position
in Pahlavi Iran, it remained subordinate to the rule
of the shahs. Both Rida Shah and Muhammad Rida
Shah were successful in dominating the military and
in developing a monarchical system of government
quite different from that found in conventional mili-
tary regimes. Rida Shah originally rose to power as
an army officer, but in transforming his personal
ascendancy into the form of a monarchy he distanced
himself from other senior commanders and made a
challenge from any one of them more difficult. Rida
Shah having established the dynasty, his son succeeded
him and increased further the distance between the
military and the throne, making it difficult for any
army officer to challenge his authority without under-
mining the very structure of the regime (F. Halliday,
Iran, dictatorship and dmlopment, London 1979, 51-2).
Yet although both Pahlavi rulers secured and main-
tained their theoretical and actual control of the army,
each also essentially relied on it to guarantee their
regimi
forcf
He immedial
■mbarked on the task of C(
and equipped on European lines, and based his rise
to supremacy on the support of this army (Bakir
Akalli, Rida Shah ma Kushun-i muttahid-i Shakl, 1300-
1320, Tehran 1377). He reorganised the system of
military education inside Iran and began sending offi-
cers to France for training. He began a massive pro-
gramme of arms purchases in Europe, including large
numbers of tanks and aircraft. In 1925 he forced a
conscription bill through the Madjlis and the army
mushroomed, rising from 42,000 men in 1930 to
127,000 men in 1941, with a total mobilisable force
of 400,000. In the early 1920s, the army already
accounted for approximately 40% of budget expen-
diture; between 1930 and 1941 spending on the army
nearly quadrupled, and massive sums from oil rev-
enues were allocated directly for weapons purchases.
Rida Shah used this army to form a centralised
state in Iran for the first time in the modern period.
However, in the years 1921-5, although the army
became dominant, it co-existed with a number of
other political players and institutions. The cabinet
was largely civilian in character, the constitution,
although increasingly disregarded in practice, was not
suspended, political parties functioned, elections were
held, the Madjlis passed legislation, and the Kadjar
shah remained nominally commander-in-chief of the
Although the military did n
early Pahlavi period, Rida Shah used the army both
to intervene directly in the political process and also
to manipulate, in a more subtle way, the political life
of the country. His direct intervention began, of course,
with the coup d'etat itself, and continued with episodes
such as the repeated cowing of the Madjlis by the
threat of armed force, in 1922 and, more seriously,
after the failure of the republican movement in 1924.
As well as openly intimidating the Madjlis at certain
key moments, the military, with its increasing control
over elections, had by 1926 fatally compromised the
independence of that body. The army also sponsored
and orchestrated political movements and prepared
the ground for constitutional change. Furthermore,
Rida Shah, having come to dominate the cabinet,
reducing it largely to an appendage to his own posi-
tion, systematically promoted the military at the
expense of the civil authorities throughout the coun-
try. In fact, the army came to dominate the civil
authorities throughout Iran, sometimes via the estab-
lishment of formal military government, sometimes
through informal and unregulated mechanisms of pres-
sure and control. Each military conquest of a recal-
citrant area or population was invariably accompanied
by the establishment of military government and there
was considerable pressure from within the army to
ensure that control, once established, remained in its
own hands. Military government was especially impor-
tant as a tool of tribal subjugation and control, army
officers regularly replacing deposed tribal chiefs. Even
when a provincial civil regime was officially in exis-
tence, the local military authorities encroached upon
its sphere, appropriating its authority and many of its
functi
. The declar;
of n
rtial 1,
1 the
occurrence in both the capital and the provinces and
gave the military authorities an opportunity to tighten
their control over all aspects of civilian life, especially
political dissent. The two periods of martial law in
the capital, 1921-2 and 1924-6, were crucial to Rida
Shah's rise to supreme power. The role of the army
was also positively enhanced by its transformation into
a focus of nationalism and a pioneer of social progress,
military personnel leading the way in clothing reform,
the abolition of titles, rudimentary town planning, lin-
guistic reform, etc. (Stephanie Cronin, The army and the
creation of the Pahkwi state in Iran, 1910-1926, London and
New York 1997, 182-221).
In the early Pahlavi period, the new Iranian army,
although of questionable conventional military cap-
ability, was extremely successful in advancing the polit-
ical ambitions of its chief and in safeguarding and
extending his power. By far the most important func-
tion of the new army was to ensure the survival of the
regime or, more narrowly interpreted, of Rida Shah's
personal position. This involved, first, the army's estab-
lishment of internal security throughout the country,
and, second, the military authorities' enforcement of
the subordination of all civilian political elements to
their own dominance.
In making himself monarch, Rida Shah profoundly
altered the balance between the military and the cen-
tre of power. However, by 1 926 the relationship be-
tween state and society in Iran had already been radi-
cally transformed, with the new, centralised army
playing a crucial role. Furthermore the weight of the
army vis-a-vis civil state institutions, the government,
the Madjlis, provincial civil governors, etc. had increased
in a dramatic and wholly novel way. Although in
becoming Shah, Rida Khan transformed what had
been an incipient military dictatorship into a dynastic
NIZ\M 'ASKARI
despotism nonetheless the legime over which he pie-
sided was fiimlv maiked bv its military origins and
continued to exhibit manv features typical oi military
iule Mthough institutions such as the Madjhs and a
civilian government would continue to exist then role
Independent political activity would not lesume until
after the abdication of the Shah in 1441
Rida Shah had risen to powei as a caieei officer
and he lemained, even aftei ascending the throne
deeply involved in the dav-to-dav running of the armv
His son howevei although he had attended Tehran
militarv academy and frequently appeared on official
connection with the aimv and with the uppei eche-
lons of the officer corps that his father had possessed
In the 1440s the new Shah checked bv a vanetv
of social and political foices was not able to utilise
the aimv as his fathei had done Between 1941 and
1953 the armv receded into the background reemeig-
mg onlv aftei the coup which overthrew Musaddik
[qv\ Immediately after the coup the Shah placed
its leaders in kev positions Geneial Fadl Mlah Zahidi
became pnme minister General Tavmur Bakhtivar
military governor of Tehran and Geneial <Abd \llah
Hidavat chief of the general staff But most lmpoi-
tantlv the Shah also began to work towards lestoi-
ing monarchical contiol of the armv and in 1955
dismissed Zahidi, who left the countrv. The Shah then
began the serious iebuilding of the armv while at the
same time with the reorganisation and iemforce-
ment of the gendaimene and the police the armv s
oveit role in maintaining public ordei was reduced
(MJ Sheikh-ol-Islami in Eh, art Army \ Pahlaa
period at n 510) From 1963 to 1978 the armv le-
mained garrisoned near towns and was sent into tubal
areas on a number of small-scale campaigns But the
regime onlv resorted once to militarv force to crush
urban civil unrest sc m June 1963 m Tehian and a
number of other towns
■\lthough its public order duties were reduced dui-
mg the 1960s and 1970s the armv became increas-
ingly prominent in national life through its involvement
in pio]ects initiated under the White Revolution Manv
high school and college conscripts served in the
Literacv Corps, the Health Corps and the Construc-
tion and Agncultural Development Corps with such
duties as building roads, schools improving preven-
tive medicine and teaching rudimentarv leading and
wntmg In addition to these activities which weie
laigelv carried out in rural areas, the militarv, per-
formed a host of other functions In the administration
of justice, the militarv courts had authontv over a wide
range of offences including treason armed robber)
hoarding, profiteering and Mafficking in narcotics The
judgements weie swift and the penalties haish (Sheikh-
ol-Islami, hi at) The aimv gathered political intel-
ligence and coopeiated with SA\ AK, the state secuntv
agencv Indeed manv of the SAV \K senioi pei son-
challenge fiom the armv or covertlv through the
establishment of a regencv exercised bv one oi more
of the most powerful generals (Cromn Thi politics oj
tadualism aithin the Iranian arm) the Jahansuz group oj
19>9 m Iranian Studiei xxxn/1 [1999], 5-25) Muham-
mad Rida Shah like his fathei also feared the con-
Dunng the 1940s while the new shah lemained weak
the armv became deeplv politicised visible political
factions emerged and certain generals began to estab-
lish then own followings (Hallidav, op at, 67) After
1953 however and particulailv aftei 1955 the Shah
woiked consistently to depohticise the aimv and to
isolate the most powerful senior officers
Muhammad Rida Shah employed various mecha-
nisms to control his officer corps The armed forces
weie highlv compartmentalised The chief of staff had
little authority over the othei chiefs who all leported
to the Shah directly (W Sullivan Mission to Iran New
Wk 1981 74-5) Each branch was literally headed
bv the Shah and without the Shah the aimed forces
as a whole weie stiuctuiallv immobilised The thiee
sei vices weie not in fact allowed to communicate
except via the Shahs own staff No general could
visit Tehran oi meet with another general without
the Shah s specific permission The Shah was iepoited
personally vetted all entrants in the an force training
school He frequently moved senior commanders to
ensure that thev did not form power bases and used
a personal secret police the Impel lal Organisation
as well as conventional militarv intelligence to carr)
out surveillance of the officer corps Occasionally he
purged officeis suspected of dislovaltv under the guise
of waging anti-corruption campaigns (Hallidav op at
68-9)
■\s the political crisis oi 1978 unfolded, the Shah
again fell back on the armv employing maitial law
served in the Impel lal Inspec
Mam
/ officer
investigating inef-
ficiency and coiruption in the civil bureauciacv
■Mthough Rida Shah had alwavs used the armv as
a bulwaik of his iegime he had been equallv caie
ful to prevent either militarv factions oi individual
senior officeis, from engaging in independent politi-
cal activitv or developing political ambitions of their
own During the 1930s he had haiboured a particu-
lar fear or assassination believing that were he to
die while the Crown Prince was still voting, the new
dvnastv would be threatened eithei from an oveit
Howev
person;
> gove
■r of
, the
still r
the Shah himself apparentlv feared that a mili-
tarv coup might prove to be simply anothei wav of
teiminating his reign (Sepehr Zabih The Iranian mill
tar, in revolution and uar London and New ''loik 1988
13) Bv early 1979 after the Shahs departuie the
armv was palpably disintegrating Ten davs after
■\vatallah Khumavm s leturn the Supieme Council
of the \rmed Foices issued the Declaration of
Neutrality of the \rmed Forces concerning the con-
flict between Khumavm and Dr Shahpur Bakhtivar s
govemment (Zabih 78)
Bibhoqiaph) In addition to ieferences given in
the article, see RE Huvser Mission to Tehran
London 1986, '\bbas Karabaghi Hakayik dar bara i
buhran i ban Pans n d (Stephanie Cronin)
3 In the late Ottoman Empne and the
Tuikish Republic
■\lthough the ruling elite in the pre-Tan^imat
Ottoman Empne was referred to as military ('askef!)
it was in fact composed of both civilian and militarv
elements In the classical Ottoman Empne this elite
had thiee ma]or branches the siyfnyi (men of the
sword) the 'limine [q i ] d e the 'ulama'l and the
haUmme latei ieferred to as mulhne (men of the pen,
bureaucrats) In their explanations based on the idea
of 'cncle of ]ustice the political thinkers of the clas-
sical Ottoman state likewise underscoied the impor-
tance of statesmen and men of the swoid, attributing
NIZAM 'ASKARl
the utmost impoitante to these two categories foi the
survival of the state ('All Kinalizade ikhlak i 'ila'i
in Bulak 1833 49, Na'ima, Tankh Istanbul 1281/
18bb i, 40) Despite the existence of these distinct cat-
egories within the inling elite and the \anous spe-
cial rights of the military class (eg the lenuen Aghast
and the Gland Admiral could judge certain cases
between Janissaries or members of the \rsenal and
could pionounce verdicts see Teuki'i 'Abd ul Rahman
Pasha kanurmamtsi m 'Othmanli kanunnamelm in Willi
Tetebbu'lar Medjmu'asi i/3 [1915], 524-5, 53b-7) the
boundaries between these two branches weie some-
what fluid, more than so in a modern state
For example man\ Giand \dmirals latei became
Grand Viziets (in 1037/1628 the lemcen ighasi
Khosrew Pasha became Giand Viziei) local gover-
nors enjoyed decision-making authontv on military
matters in then domains, and duties such as law
enfoi cement and fire fighting were geneiallv viewed
as the military s responsibility (in Istanbul Janissaries
earned out these duties) Since the military plaved the
most impoitant role in succession and dethronement
it is difficult to speak of a civilian administration free
of military intervention in the pre-reform Ottoman
Empire Nevertheless while the power of the military
fluctuated ovei this long period it was always at the
centre of policy and decision-making
Late 18th and earh 19th century Ottoman attempts
at modernisation and Westernisation [see nizam-i
djedid] had two important effects on the role of the
military First since the reforms aimed at imitating
superior Western military oigamsation and techniques
the Ottoman military was the first institution to be
thus affected and the process confirmed its cleai supe-
riority in relation to the other branches of the ruling
class Second the eventual leoigamsation of the entire
state bureaucracy transformed the three branches of
the old administration into more distinct entities The
destruction of the Janissaries in 182b and then replace-
ment with Nizflmnu troops resulted in the establish-
ment of the Bab i Ser'askm (Office of the Commander
of the Land Foices) The Ser'asker became the com-
mander of all Ottoman land troops and the old
Ottoman practice of despatching the Grand Vizier to
campaign with the title Strdai i Ekrem was abandoned
In 183b a Dai i Shuia u 'Askm (Military Council) sim-
llai to the Dar i Shura n Bab i 'Ah was charged with
oveisight of the military affairs of the empire Other
than a mufti and a representative of the mulkine all
membeis of this body were officers Although the new
military establishment initially inherited the Janissa-
ries duty of law enfoicement in the capital this was
transferred to the Dabtme Mtzareti (Police Ministry)
when it was established in 1845 In the state buieau-
cracv the title Ser'asker became the highest military
rank, being on the same level as the Grand Viziei and
the hkeykh ul Islam In 1843 the aimv was reorgan-
ised on the model of the French and Pi ussian armies
Commanders of the armies were now appointed bv
the Ser'asker and responsible to him With the inc leas-
ing distinction between the various blanches of the
Ottoman admimstiation the division of power between
the military and civilian elements came to be foimallv
legulated The most important document showing the
clear separation of military establishment from othei
branches of the state was the Idare i 'Orjnyt Karamaniesi
(Martial Law Regulations) enacted bv imperial decree
on 24 September 1877 (Dustur, 1st Series iv Istanbul
1295/1878 71-2)
The third article of these regulations clearlv dis-
tinguishes between the civilian and military adminis-
trations Even after these formal anangements how-
ever the military continued to enjoy a substantial role
in the civ ll administration bv the standai ds of a mod-
ern state For instance, until the end of the empne
the Minister of Wai and the Minister of the Navy
who were both officers, and until 1908 the Topkham
Mushin (Marshal of the Imperial Arsenal of Ordinance),
served as members of the Hei'et 1 Uukela' (Council of
Ministeis) and participated directlv in decision-mak-
ing on non-rmlitarv matteis Although there were
exceptions it lemained a common piactice until the
end of the empire to appoint a military commander
to a remote piovince or sub-province such as 'Asn
or North Afncan Tripoli in the dual role of gover-
noi and commander \$ in earlier times during this
late period manv military figures such as Ahmed
Djawad Pasha Mahmud Shewkat Pasha Ghazi /vhmed
Mukhtar Pasha and Ahmed 'Izzet Pasha [qu] seived
as Grand Viziei
Dunng the pre-Tanzimat era the military element
also plaved the leading role in major political events
often leading to diastic changes in the political shape
of the empire Thus the military element plaved a
v ery important role in the deposition of ' \bd ul-'Aziz
in 187b The 1908 revolution was initiated bv a para-
mihtarv committee, the Committee of Union and
Pi ogress [see ittihad we terakki djem'iy\eti] and
various aimv units in Macedonia The 1909 counter-
levolution [see ittihad-i muhammedi djem'iy\eti] was
earned out bv troops led bv alaylk (officers who had
not attended military colleges) the military rebellion
led bv the Khalaskaran Dabitan ( Saviour Officers )
in Macedonia and Albania in 1912 paved the wav
for the forming of the fust government opposing the
Committee of Union and Progress Committee since
1908 Fmallv, the Committee regained powei in
January 1913 through the Sublime Porte Raid led bv
Enwer Bev (Pasha) and othei military leaders who
Although 'Abd ul-Hamld II had kept the military
establishment under strict control until the \oung
Turk Revolution of 1908 fiom this date onwaids the
military gained giound in the administration of the
empire though most of its power did not stem from
legal adjustments but rathei from the fact that manv
important figures within the Committee were officers
With the establishment of the authoritarian rule of
the Committee in June 1913, the military share in
the administration of the empire increased further
despite a temporary law of 11 October 1912 barring
(Dustur 2nd Series, iv, 650-1) (\nothei temporary
law issued on the same dav disqualified military per-
sonnel from voting (ibid, 651-2) because of this, Otto-
man and later, Turkish officeis did not vote in
elections until 1961 ) \ para-mihtary intelligence ser-
vice called the Special Oigamsation acted undei the
command of Enwer Pasha reporting directly to him
and working almost independently of the civilian
administration Yet despite the growing military grip
on the administration and despite the fact that mar-
tial law was in effect in the Ottoman capital during
most of the decade from 1908 to 1918 no fullv mili-
tary regime was evei established in the Ottoman
Empire
The Ottoman military establishment led the Turkish
resistance against the peace terms imposed upon the
Ottoman government and organised the armed strug-
gle against the invasion of the Turkish heartland
Manv leaders of the Anadolu ue Rumeh Mudafa'a i Hukuk
Djem'iyyeti, and later of the Ankara government, were
NIZAM 'ASKARl
military figures including Mustafa Kemal (Atatiirk
[q.v.]). The latter led the armies and the Turkish
(Grand) National Assembly while he was the speaker
of this assembly, controlling all three branches of
power. Despite this fact, the movement never turned
into a fully military one.
Following the success of the Turkish War of
Independence in 1922 and the establishment of the
Turkish Republic in 1923, Mustafa Kemal instituted
one of the most important principles of the new
regime, according to which the army should play no
part in politics. A law of 29 December 1923 required
all army officers to resign from active duty if they
wished to run for parliament. A law of 3 March 1924,
abolished the Ministry of War and established the
Offi(e of the Commander-in-Chief attached to the
Ministry of Delence Under the command ol Maishal
Fewzi Cakmak [see c.mcmuc, mustaf* fe\zi] who
held the position horn 1921 to 1944 the Tuikish
arm\ iemained lo\al to the new lepubhcan regime
mam loundeis ol which weie loimer militaiy lead-
eis, and to its principles Even aftei Cakmak's letne-
ment the military did not show am inteicst in politics
until the end ol the smgle-paitv system in 194b The
first (ree elections in 1959 and 1
opposition i aused mam mint,
then lole in Tuikish politics a
alt\ of the political It adei s to t
lethinl
lashes
measures against the opposition piompted a gioup of
officeis to form a i e\ olutionary organisation and ini-
tiate a coup on 27 Ma\ 19b0 This coup was not
staged within the chain of command In fact the
Commander-in-Chief and mam high-ranking officeis
who had remained lo\al to the Democrat Part\ gov-
emment were arrested and expelled fiom the armv
In a similar fashion the Chamber of Deputies was
members and leading figures of the Demociat Pait\
were anested and later tiled b\ a special couit The
leaders of the coup based their action on the 34th
article of the Aimed Foices Regulations which chaiges
the military with defending and piotecting the Turkish
Republic and Turkish homeland' A special commit-
tee of law piofessois issued a document the da\ aftei
the coup legitimising the revolutionary offkers action
Undei the direction of General Cemal Gurstl, the
Commandei of the Land Forces and the highest-
ranking officer to join the
.f thirt
office
ranks
named the National Um<
and assumed the power of issuing laws on 12 June
19bfl Despite the formation of a government com-
posed of civil and military leadeis undei Guisel the
National Union Committee iemained the most pow-
eiful institution in the country On 13 November a
schism within the National Union Committee resulted
had been piomoting the idea of a prolonged military
regime and more active paiticipation in government
On 13 December the committee issued a law lor the
establishment of a constitutional assemblv, this would
be composed ol the membeis ol the National Union
" 'an Assemblv ol Repiesentatives
meantime, a new constitution wa
ratified by a ref-
erendum ' of 9 July. This cons
itution broadened
individual liberties, and at the san
ne time limited the
lower of the government. This
was done by es-
tablishing new legal and bureaucr
atic bodies such as
the Constitutional Court and the
National Security
■mbers .
which v
nuld b
ected 1
parti
provn
1 ad-
gal bars, and press and
9b 1 and woiked until 4 Septembei In the
ch as the universities and the Turkish Radio
w elections for the Chamber of
Deputies and the newly-established Senate were held
on 15 October 1961, and the members of the National
Union Committee became "natural" members of the
Senate for life. As one of its last decisive actions, the
National Union Committee discussed the death sen-
tences pronounced by the special court against the
leadeis of the Democrat Partv on 15 Septembei 1961
Bv a vote of 13 to 9 the committee approved four
isteis were hanged on lb Septembei 19bl The next
dav, Adnan Mendeies [qi] foimer prime minister
Despit
New i
the n
nt even before n
nght-wing paitie
on Ah Fuad Basgil as the next president undei heavy
military pressuie the deputies and senators elected the
leadei of the coup, Gursel to this post and the mili-
new goveinment under Ismet Inonu [q i in SupplJ
On two occasions 22 Febiuary 19b2 and 21 Mav
19b3, a gioup of officeis led bv Colonel Talat Avdemir
legirr
Both a
of lova
foiled h
Pun
. Folio
Mm
foiced to retne, then second attempt led to the trial
and hanging of Col Talat Avdemir and Lt-Col Fethi
Gurcan
Military intervention in politics giaduallv receded
attei the second coup attempt in 1963 and noimal
political activitv resumed But in 1971, the mihtarv
was prompted to intervene bv increasing left-wing
activitv and tension between the nght-wing Justice
Partv gov ei nment and t lv il-military bureauc ratic insti-
tutions There had been various military gioups pro-
moting the idea of the establishment ol a military
legime One of these gioups was also suppoited bv
ienov\ned left-wing intellectuals and promoted the
idei of a regime of the Arab Ba'th type, it attempted
a stillborn coup on 9 Maich 1971 Three davs later
on 12 Maich, the military establishment presented an
ultimatum to the Piesident and the Speakeis of the
Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, accusing the
Pailiament and the government of not adhering to
the Kemalist ieforms, causing social and economic
disoider and inviting anarchv The mihtarv com-
manders thieatened the Pailiament and the govern-
ment that thev would take power unless a new
Kemalist goveinment was immediately established
Sulevman Demirel the prime mimstei, tendered his
resignation and a new non-partv government was
established with the appioval of the mihtarv Up to
the elections held on 14 October 1973 civilian gov-
ernments under militaiv control administered Turkev
and made iadical changes in the constitution, limit-
ing mam ol the hbeities gi anted in 1961 During this
period the major socialist partv in Tuikev, the Turkish
Labour Partv was dissolved, along with the National
NIZAM "ASKARI
Order Party, the major Islamist one; new state courts
with extraordinary powers were established, and many
left-wing and Islamist politicians and activists were
Following the 1973 elections, the army returned to
its barracks and normal political activity resumed until
12 September 1980. However, increasing clashes be-
tween left-wing and right-wing groups, which resulted
in the killing of approximately 5,000 people between
1977 and 1980, once again prompted the military
to intervene. This time, a regime under a National
Security Council composed of General Kenan Evren,
Commander-in-Chief; three generals in command of
the Land, Air and Gendarmerie forces; and the
Admiral in charge of the Navy, ruled the country
with the help of a government under former Admiral
Bulend Ulusu, and a "House of Representatives" vir-
tually hand-picked by the National Security Council;
this continued until elections were held on 6 November
1983. In the meantime, thousands of left-wing and
right-wing activists were arrested and tried, and all
political parties were dissolved, their leaders being
arrested or sent to military bases. A provisional arti-
cle (no. 4) of the new constitution banned leaders of
what had been the governing party and the major
opposition party in the legislature at the time of the
coup from any political activity for ten years, and
deputies and senators belonging to these parties were
excluded for five years. The 1982 constitution, which
created a hybrid system of government involving the
president and parliament and which pruned the lib-
erties granted by the former constitution, was put into
effect through a referendum. In accordance with a
provisional article of the constitution, its ratification
also conferred the presidency on the leader of the
coup. General Kenan Evren, and made the other
members of the National Security Council members
of the Presidential Council for seven years. This con-
stitution also remodelled the National Security Council
by giving a 5 to 4 majority for the military members
n body under an impartial president
(Arti.
118).
? of the National Security Council
function in policy-making after 1983, and especially
after 1996, and its role in imposing terms on a gov-
ernment led by the Islamist Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbakan on 28 February 1997, have generally been
interpreted as to mark a new period of military dom-
inance in Turkish politics.
Bibliography. Given in the article.
(M. Sukru Hanioolu)
. Pakisi
within
The pre-eminence of the Pakistani
the country's political set-up, either through direct
coups or by simply controlling the economic and exter-
nal policies, has led to a growing academic debate
on several inter-related issues. On the one hand, one
notices an unbroken continuity of the British imper-
ial tradition, as is evident through the recruitment,
training and other organisational matters, while, simul-
taneously, the armed forces have taken upon them-
selves an extra-professional role justified in the name
of national interests and ideology. Within the armed
forces, it is the army, and not the navy or air force,
which has frequently assumed such a flagship role.
To its admirers, the army is the only stable institu-
tion that can keep the pluralistic country together,
whereas to its detractors, the army is in league with
secret agencies and a de facto state within a state.
Certainly, the army is the steel frame of the country's
administration, and its leadership reflects a nation-
wide representation whereas the lower echelons —
jmvans — are mainly recruited from the Northwestern
Punjab and eastern districts of the Frontier Province
(NWFP).
The Pakistani armed forces have retained the regi-
mental character, with the gradual addition of newer
and diverse corps and training facilities. The intro-
duction of aircraft, gunships, tanks, mountain regi-
ments, missiles and nuclear capabilities has collectively
turned the Pakistani armed forces into a complex and
quite a significant establishment. For decades, Pakis-
tan's top military leadership has maintained close
professional contacts with its U.S. and British coun-
terparts, and while benefitting from huge budgetary
allocations, they have established themselves as the
most important politico-economic pressure group.
Pakistan has been spending most of its revenues and
foreign loans on the upkeep of a half-million strong
military establishment, several cantonments and bases,
besides a huge recurring expense on pensions, semi-
private foundations and infrastructures to look after
the welfare of the sening or retired officials.
Due to Pakistan's strategic and equally difficult loca-
tion with a hostile neighbour separating the erstwhile
two wings, and because of disputes such as that over
Kashmir, her security perceptions have always cen-
tred around a "credible level and proportion of deter-
rence" to an Indian threat. In the 1950s and during
the 1980s, the alliances with the United States led to
a major inflow of military aid, which further strength-
ened the defence establishment. Growing intolerant of
the political processes and, especially, of the criticism
from the eastern wing, the generals decided to take
over the country's leadership in 1958. Earlier on, their
influence on national policies had been indirect; now
they directly controlled the domestic and foreign poli-
cies. The first martial law led by General Ayub Khan
was initially well received, but subsequently led to
greater socio-ideological cleavages. A mass movement
to dislodge General Khan led to the imposition of
another martial law under General Yahya Khan, who
promised unfettered elections in the country. However,
following the split vote between East and West Pakistan
in 1970, the junta refused to transfer power to the
elected majority party — the Awami League of Shaikh
Mujibur Rahman — and, instead unleashed a massive
military operation in East Pakistan. The local insur-
gency, aided by India, resulted in the surrender of
Pakistani troops at Dhaka in December 1971, and
Bangladesh became an independent state. In the 1970s,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the elected Prime Minister, tried
to reinvigorate the Pakistani military establishment, in
addition to sponsoring Pakistan's nuclear programme.
Despite his deep desire to rein in the generals, he
was finally overthrown by General Zia-ul-Haq [see
ziya' al-hakk] in July 1977, who then ruled the coun-
try for the next eleven years. His death in an air
crash led to the re-emergence of party-based politics,
but the vital decisions were still being made by the
Chief of Army Staff. The elected politicians Benazir
Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, in their own ways, tried
to minimise the armed forces' interventionism, but to
no avail. On 12 October 1999, Sharif was overthrown
in another military coup, which brought in General
Pervez Musharraf as the new Chief Executive. The
new military rule stopped short of calling itself mar-
tial law, though Musharraf elevated himself to the
presidency in July 2001. The relationship with India
has remained very tense, and the Western countries
also initially shunned the new military regime until
the United States acquired vital Pakistani support and
NIZAM 'ASKARI — OREN KAL'E
bases against Osama bin Laden and his Al-Qae.
organisation in Afghanistan.
Pakistan's army has not only ruled the country f
almost three decades but it has also decided
policy matters. The development of the nuclear pro-
gramme, support for specific groups in Afghanistan
the nature and extent of relationship with India, anc
active assistance for Kashmiris in their war against
India, have all figured quite significantly in the recenl
past. The army has been engaged in the formulatior
and suspension of Pakistani constitutions, and has occa-
sionally engaged itself in the formation and dissolution
of numerous political alliances. Its various professional
political and other civilian roles make it the most cru-
cial actor in the running of the country, whilst the
security agencies such as the Military Intelligence (MI
and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) implemeni
;. The
r offick
1 which ethnic loyalties are considered unim-
portant. General Musharraf would like to revert to
the old modernist postulation of the Ayub Khan-
Yahya Khan era, i.e. away from Zia's Islamisation,
but, given the conservative nature of khaki bui
, the a
steps. The relationship with India; the fragile nature
of the country's economy, with defence accounting
for a huge expenditure; the role in creating or dent-
ing political processes; and the extra-professionalism
required, especially since the fall of Dhaka, are some
of the main areas of debate and contestation amongst
the supporters and the critics of the military elite.
The army, through its information efforts, has been
able to convince many Pakistanis in the upper Indus
region of its own invincibility and its professional cre-
dentials, whereas lower Pakistan remains highly criti-
cal of the military's dictatorial role.
Bibliography: P.I. Cheema, Pakistan's defence policy,
1947-58, London 1958; H. Gardezi and J. Rashid
(eds.), Pakistan: the wots of dictaloiship, London 1983;
M. Asghar Khan fed.), Islam, politics and the state:
The Pakistan experience, London 1983; C. Clapham
and G. Philip (eds.), The political dilemmas of the mili-
tary regimes, London 1985; Emma Duncan, Breaking
the curfew. A political journey through Pakistan, London
1989; Avesha Jalal, The state of martial rule in Pakistan.
The origin* of Pakistan's political economy oj defence,
Cambridge 1990; R. Sisson and L.E. Rose, War
and secession. Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh,
Berkelev and Los Angeles 1990; Altai' Gauhar,
Ayub Khan: Pakistan's first military ruler, Lahore 1993;
S. Cohen, The Pakistan army, Karachi 1994; Hasan-
Askari Rizvi, The military and politics in Pakistan,
Lahore 1995; I.H. Malik, State and ami society in
(Iftikhar H. Malik)
al-NUBAHI lor, more probably, al-BUNNAHI,
e M. Bencherifa, al-Bunndhi la al-Nubahl, in Academia.
wue de I'Academie du Royaume du Maroc, xiii [1998],
n 'Ali b. <Abd Allah al-Djudhaml,
equally kno
ind his
-Hasa
of the
: juri
■ od of
[q.v.], born at Malaga in 713/1313 and
died, probably at Granada, after 798/1389-90.
He was kadi al-djama'a [q.c] during almost the whole
reign of the Nasrid sultan Muhammad V. His name
often appears linked with that of Lisan al-Din Ibn
al-Khatib [q.r.], with whom he had a relationship that
passed from friendship and collaboration to emnity.
This is why Ibn al-Khatib presents an image of al-
Bunnahi in his later works (A'mal al-a'lam, ed. Levi-
Provencal, Beirut 1956, 78-80; al-Kaliba al-kamina, ed.
Ihsan 'Abbas, 146) completely opposite to what he
had given in the biography consecrated to him in
Ihata, iv, 88-100. Ibn al-Khatib wrote, moreover, two
opuscula bringing together anecdotes in which the
personality of the kadi Ibn al-Hasan is presented as
one of ridicule, the Tanblh al-sahi 'ala turaf al-Bunnahl
and Khar al-msan fi 'l-ta'rif bi-ahwal Ibn al-Hasan.
As well as being a composer of epistles, poetry and
other texts which the sources have preserved on
account of their quality, he also wrote: 1. al-Maikaba
al-kada' wa 'l-futya, ed. Levi-Provencal, Histoire des juga
d'Andalou.sie, Cairo 1948 (an edition which attracted
important critical observations, e.g. by H. Zavvat,
in al-Mashnq, xlii [1948], 461-74, and was revised bv
A. Cuellas in his 1983 Univ. of Granada diss., unpubl.i,
2. Nuzhat al-basa'ir wa 1-absar (mss. Escorial 1653 and
Bibl. Generate de Rabat 198 Kaf), commentary on
a makama by the same author al-Iklil ft tafdil al-nakhil.
makan
-nakhlim
s fror
it were published bv Muller in his Beitrage, i, 101-60,
and 3. Dhayl (var. ' tadhyil) Ta'rikh Malaka, now lost,
probably a continuation of Ibn 'Askar's history [see
Bibliography I in addition to references given in
the article): R. Arie, .Notes mi la maqama andalouse,
in Hesperis-Tamuda, ix/2 (1968), 212-13; J. Lalinde,
Una historia de los jueces en la Espana musulmana, in
Anuano de historia del derecho espanol, Madrid 1977,
683-740; M.I. Calero, Los Banu l-Hasan al-BunnahT.
Unajamilia de juristas malaguenos (ss X-XV), in Estudhi
arabc, dedicados a D. Lais Seco de Lucena, Granada
1999, 53-76. (A. Carmona)
o
i pat
i Russiar
of the
i Oienkale
modem A
Republic, in the mediaeval Islamic province of Anan
[q.v.]. It lies in lat 39 50' I\ long 47 W E above
the confluence of the Kur and Araxes rivers close to
an ancient canal the Gvaui Arkh [see mukan at \ ol
VII, 498b]. The site marks the mediaeval Islamic
j town ol Bavlakan [q i ] conclusivelv established bv the
discovers of wasters of spherocomc vessels stamped
with the inscnption 'amal Fadlun bi I Baylal an in the
course of excavations which began there in 1953 as
pan of a planned ai c haeological survev of the region
above the confluence of the two nveis mentioned
above This last was however abandoned in 1959
and after the death of the director A A \essen in
OREN KAL'E
1963, the Oren Kal'e excavations were abandoned
also. Vol. II of the report (see Bibl.) is mostly devoted
to sites in the surrounding area; a projected Vol. Ill
on work at Oren Kal'e in 1956-8 evidently never
appeared. The excavation material is now in the
reserves of the State Historical Museum at Baku.
More contentious is the site's identification with the
Late Antique fortress of P'aytakaran, for the earliest
remains at Oren Kal'e, as attested by a copper coin of
the Byzantine Emperor Anastasius (A.D. 491-518), are
6th century. But the only possible site for P'aytaka-
ran lies close to the modern village of Tazakend
some 8 km/5 miles to the south-east, where Late An-
tique stone column bases for a palace or temple,
together with a small hoard of denarii of Augustus,
but no mediaeval glazed pottery, were brought to
light. Oren Kal'e was therefore a new foundation, con-
nected with the Sasanid Emperor Kawadh I (A.D.
488-53 1 ) and his fortifying of the Kur-Araxes steppes,
though P'aytakaran continues to figure in the Ar-
menian historians' accounts of Heraclius's campaign
in Atropatene.
Under the Umayyads, Baylakan was an important
city of the pro\ince of Arrmniya [q.v.] and was a
notorious centre of Kharidjism, which persisted there
until the mid-9th century. The local Shaddadid rulers
passed under the control of the Great Saldjuks ca.
1050 and, subsequently, of the Saldjuks of 'Irak, under
the immediate administration of the Ildegizid Atabegs
of Adharbaydjan [see ildenizids]. Though sacked by
the Mongols late in 1221, it had recovered sufficiently
for Djalal al-Dln Kh'arazmshah to install his harem
and his treasury there in 1230. Under the Il-Khanids
it slowly declined, but was then rebuilt by Timur in
1403, evidently to serve as his base in Transcaucasia.
This long and varied history notwithstanding, the
coin-finds were predominantly Ildegizid, especially of
the last atabeg, Muzaffar al-D!n Ozbeg.
The town at Oren Kal'e was a square walled
enceinte, with round towers at the corners and semi-
circular towers between and a main gate on the south-
west. The original walls, probably originally 6th-7th
century, were of mud brick with a mud cladding.
Later repairs were of mud brick with a fired brick
revetment, but by the 12th century they had been
abandoned. In the eastern corner was a smaller
enceinte, 1,525 m 2 , also walled: its dimensions are
extraordinarily close to those given by Sharaf al-Dfn
'Ali YazdT in his account of Tlmur's restoration of
the town. Excavations here brought to light a large
bath, probably early 12th century in date, built on
several levels, with walls of decoratively coursed fired
brick, an entrance with terra cotta revetment plaques
and a stalactite canopy, and one section with remains
of wall-painting and carved or moulded plaster.
Following its ruin, perhaps in an earthquake, it was
intensively colonised, yielding abundant remains of
both glazed and unglazed pottery.
Oren Kal'e was one of a group of Transcaucasian
potteries active in the pre-Mongol period — Gandja,
Kabala, Baku, Dwfn and especially Mingecawr, though
none of the material from this last has been pub-
lished. As at these sites, the 12th-13th century mate-
rial from Oren Ka'le, both in quantity and quality,
is much more impressive than that from earlier peri-
ods. A trial excavation in the potters' quarter outside
the walls to the south-west of the town brought four
kilns to light, one of them containing spheroconic
vessels. Unglazed 12th- 13th century pottery included
cooking pots, some decorated with spots of turquoise
glaze; lavishly decorated storage jars, with barbotine
stamped or incised ornament, sometimes with crafts-
men's signatures; jugs and bowls, often with moulded
decoration; and spheroconic vessels, with a charac-
teristically yellowish-grey body and engraved, stamped
or applied decoration. Of particular importance
was a group of red-bodied storage vessels, perhaps
wine jars with archaising friezes of horned animals,
birds and fishes, and even crosses, recalling the impres-
sions of cylinder-seals and, like these, applied with
a cylinder. Such wares, with local peculiarities, are
also known from Ani, Gandja, Dwin, Garm and
Mingecawr.
The earlier locally manufactured glazed wares were
mostly varieties of polychrome-stained splash- and drip-
wares, characteristic of 'Abbasid Mesopotamia and
Persia, though one fragment with a mounted hunts-
with polychrome decoration characteristic of the pro-
duction of 10th-century Nishapur. In the 12th- 13th
centuries the pottery seems to show a change also in
orientation, to the Caucasus, Anatolia and northern
Syria, with many versions of polychrome-stained sgraf-
fiato and champleve wares. Particularly noteworthy
are champleve wares, one signed 'amal Khattab, with
bold strapwork and panels of delicate scrolling
arabesque, deriving from fine engraved Khurasan!
metalwork of ca. 1200; and a group of figural sgraf-
fiato with animals clambering in foliage, so-called
"Aghkand" wares, which are, however, known from
many sites, including Dmanisi and Urbnisi in Georgia.
As at Gandja, these may have been imports.
One important group of glazed wares, virtually
exclusive to Baylakan, is red-bodied and underglaze-
decorated, heavily potted but with exceptionally fine
decoration scratched in a black manganese slip. They
may be local versions of silicon-enriched 12th-century
Kashan "frit" wares painted in black slip under a
colourless or a turquoise glaze, but here their reper-
toire makes use of Persian verse inscriptions, compa-
rable in choice and execution to those on pre-Mongol
Kashan lustre wares, and elaborate knot patterns on
grounds of fine scrolls. Several pieces were also signed
'amal Khattab. Among signatures on other pottery types
from Oren Ka'le, the most interesting is from an
unglazed storage jar, with a distich incised in a fair
hand and a signature, 'amal Ibn 'All b. 'Azlzi »l-
fakhkhar ("the potter"). Its phraseology is clear, if dif-
ficult to parallel, but errors in the transcription of the
distich suggest that the signature, too, may contain
mistakes.
Kiln furniture was abundant, including cockspurs,
though most of the pottery recorded was fired with-
out them. Most of the later glazed wares bore stamped
designs on their bases, though, oddly, these were
absent from the more highly decorated pieces and
practically none of them are inscriptions. Similar
stamps on wares of different groups show that the
potters, like the decorator Khattab, did not specialise;
they could have been bank marks, to identify the
work of a craftsmen in a large workshop who was
paid by the piece.
Imported wares included silicon-enriched lustre pot-
tery (but not tiles) of most of the documented late
12th- to early 13th-century Kashan types. Some of
them, however, are characteristic of the 1260s- 1270s,
suggesting that the site may have continued to flourish
under the Il-Khanids and that the types of pottery
discussed above may therefore have later termini than
the Mongol invasion of 1 22 1 . Other Kashan products,
notably mina'T and underglaze wares, do not seem to
have been recorded.
OREN KAL'E — PRESTER JOHN
Bibliography For mediaeval Bavlakan see Le
Strange The lands of tht Eastern Caliphate, 178;
Schwaiz Iran im Mitklalhr 1144 1 296-8 Eh art.
Baylaqan (C E Bosworth) Foi the Oien Kal'e ex-
cavations see \\ \essen Tudi \-irbaydzanskoi
(Oitnkatunskoi) ekspeditsu I 1951 1955 <g (Material!
l issledov amya po arkheologn SSSR 67) Moscow-
Leningrad 1959 N Nadzato\ i Khud^estvennaya
keranuka 4zerbayd^.ana Baku 1964 \essen and K.Kh.
Kushnareva Trudl II 19>6 I960 eg (Material! . . .,
125) Moscow-Leningrad 1%5 \essen Srtdnevekoviye
pamyatniki Azerbayd'zana (Matenali . . ., 133), Moscow
1965. (J.M. Rogers)
OZAL, Turgut, modern Turkish statesman
(1927-93). He was born in 1927 in the province of
Malatya in south-eastern Turkey. After graduating as
an electrical engineer in 1950, he served in a num-
ber of important technical and economic posts between
1967 and 1980, initiating a programme of liberalis-
ing economic reforms in January 1980. Following the
coup d'etat led by General Kenan Evren on 12
September of that year, Ozal continued these policies
as Deputy Prime Minister, but he was forced to resign
in July 1982 after a banking scandal. During the tran-
sition back to civilian rule in 1983, Ozal established
the Motherland Party, which won a comfortable major-
ity in the general elections of November 1983. He
achieve-
n gove
thus became Prime Minist
increasing his party's majc
held in November 1987. A S
ment was to free the econ,
straints, producing high
impressive increase in foreign trade; his mam failures
were the continuation of high inflation, and increas-
ing allegations of corruption and disunity in his gov-
ernment during the late 1980s. When General Evren
retired from the presidency in October 1989, Ozal
was elected to succeed him; however, his party lost
its parliamentary majority in the general elections of
October 1991, thus reducing his real political power.
As President, Ozal played a major role in foreign pol-
icy determination, controversially directing Turkey's
support for the coalition powers in the Gulf crisis of
1990-1. His sudden death from a heart attack in April
1993 removed a towering figure in Turkish politics,
distinguished by his attachment to economic and polit-
liberalism, as well as the integration of moderate
3 the c
Bibliography
Istanbul 1989; Ustun Erguder, The Motherland Party,
in Metin Heper and J.M. Landau (eds.). Political
parties and democracy in Turkey, London 1991, 152-
69; Nicole and H. Pope, Turkey unveiled: Ataturk and
after, London 1997, chs. 11-15". (W. Hale)
PASHTO [see Afghan u]
PiRPANTHi firom Pers pir + panth wn oi the
spnitual master ) the name given in whit is now
Western India and in Pakistan to Hindus who fol
low Muslim pn% whethei living oi dead these
being geneiallv Sufis oi Isma ihs To be precise the
teim Pirpanth is applied moie strictly to two specifk
groups (1) the disciples oi Imam Shah [q ] a dis
sident Isma ill who was one ot the sons ot the Isma ill
pir Hasan Kabn al Din whose tomb is situated near
Ahmadabad [q i ] in Gudjarat and (2i more laiely
to the Hindu disciples oi Sufi masteis Muslims or
occasionally Hindus originating irom Sindh Pandjib
or Radjasthan such as Ramde\ Pli (oi Rama Pn
Pithoio Pn Patho Pir etc with whom we aie no
The existence of the Pirpanthis attests the impol
tance oi mterpeneti ation oi Islam and Hinduism n
this part of the subcontinent Rathei than speakin:
oi svncietism it would be more sensible to speak c
Sprung from the Mathia Kanbi caste oi agricultural
labourers the Pirpanthis were also known by the
name oi Momnahs (ot Momnas) Established within
Gudjarat [q i ] piopei but spilling out into Khandesh
and Kacch [qu] they aie divided into seveial <
setts aaoiding to whether thev venente Imam Shah
himself or one oi his descendants oi representatives
In the penod horn the late 19th centurv onwards
when coniessional allegiances c n, stalhsed iundamen
tolist Hindu organisations like the Vva Samadj con
vinced a great numbei of them to reveit to orthodox
Hinduism Thev generally assumed the name of Patel
and continued to venerate Imam Shah whom thev
considered as the guru who spoke in the name of the
tenth aiatar of \ishnu Niklanki
Bibliography In addition to the Bibh given for
imam shah and sathpani-his see J M Campbell
(ed ) Ga^ettur of the Bombay Presiding i\/2 Gujarat
population Musalman and Paris Bombav 1899
W Ivanow The sut of Imam Shah in Gujtiat in Jnal
Bombay Branch of tht MS NS xn (1936) 19 70
Faihad Daftarv Thi hmaili their huton and doi
trims Cambndge 1990 442 3 480fl Dominique
Sila Khan (onumons and shifting idtntilus Ramda Pir
and the Ismaihs in Rajasthan Dihh 1997 M Boivin
Us Ismailuns Da lommunautis d 4si, du ud entn islami
satwn it indiamsalion Tumhout 1998 Dominique
Sih Khan and Zawahir Mon Coixiskna and
communalum m tht shnnt of Pirana in Gujarat in South
isia \\u Speci J issue 11999) 133 54
iM Boivini
PRESTER JOHN the name of a mysteuous
potentate said to be a Nestonan Christian and mum
cal to Islam whom the Chnstnns of medieval Europe
placed bevond the Islamic lands in Inner or Far Asia
The name Presbvter Johannes first occuis in the
chronicle called Hntoria dt duabus ci itatibus of the
Geiman prelate Otto Bishop of Freising in which
he descubes on the authontv of i meeting in 1145
with the Latin Bishop Hugh of Djabala (= indent
Byblos in Lebanon) how Piestei John was a monaich
of the lineage of the Magi of the Gospels living in
the Fai East Im txtremo ontnte) bevond Peisia and
^imenia He had attacked the Samiaidi brothers kings
of the Peisians and Mcdes had defeated them and
had advanced to the Tigns in the hope of aiding the
Chuuh in Jerusalem but had then been toiced to
PRESTER JOHN — RADJA' b. HAYWA
turn back The passage seems almost cutainly to con-
tain an allusion to the defeat of the Saldjuk sultan
Sandjai [qv] (= the kings 'samiardos/Samardos, here
made plural) and his Karakhamd allies by the Western
Liao, known to the Muslims as the Kara Khitay [q v ]
at the battle of the Katwan Steppe in Transoxama
in 536/1141 (the remainder of Otto's storv about
Prestei John's advance acioss Peisia into Mesopotamia
being unhistoncalj
However, this does not necessarily mean that the
later, elaborate stories of Prester John, which con-
tained connections with the Indian Ocean coastlands
and, above all, with Ethiopia, all had their origins in
this battle It is not impossible that stories of Prestei
John wete known befoie the news of Sandjai s defeat
percolated through to the Crusader principalities in
the Levant, providing a convenient peg on which to
hang the stories In the opinion of the late Prof C F
Beckingham, such stories were piobably connected
with the legend of the shrine of St Thomas in South
India (modern Kerala) and the existence of an ancient
Christian community theie, but the intricacies of the
latei historv of Prester John do not concern us here
It should be noted, however, that the assertion of
B Spulei in his article gurkhan at Vol II 1143b
that Johannes stems from the title Gurkhan (itself almost
certainly Turkish in origin, according to G Doerfer,
Turkisihe und mongohsihe Elemente im Neupeisisihen, in,
Wiesbaden 1%7, no 1672) seems most unlikely
Bibliography The bibl on this enigmatic figure
is large, ranging from the pioneer woik of
F Zarncke, Der Pnester Johannes, in Abh Konigl
Whsisthen Gesell der Wiss , phil -hist CI, vii-vm
(1879-83), to CF Beckmgham's Prester John, the
Mongols and the Ten Lost Tribes, London 1995 A
succinct and stimulating study is this same author's
The achievements of Prester John, Inaugural Lectuie,
SOAS, London 1966 Most recently, see E Ciurtin,
La mytho/ogii asiatique et la kgende ajncaine du Pretrejean,
in Anhaeus Etudes' d'Histoue des Religions, v/3-4
(Bucarest 2001), 5-21 (C E Bosworth)
PUASA, the Indonesian term for the month
of fasting, Ramadan [qo]
During Ramadan in Indonesia all levels of local,
indigenous and normative interpretations of Islam con-
gregate On the national level, the countrv converts
into a large Kur'an school with religious programmes
dominating the news media, mobile Kur'an schools,
Kur'an clinics and Kur'an reciting marathons In the
month pnor to Ramadan, many areas will hold "piaise
rallies" in order to prepaie spiritually for Ramadan
™" nightly events of Sufi-type dhikr that rotate
hous,
o housi
sly, reaching back to the pre-Islamic,
Hmdu-Buddhist elements of Javanese culture, there is
great stress on rituals surrounding the graves of ances-
tors These take place in the weekend prior to the
beginning of the fast and at the end In certain ai eas,
eg in Java, the so-called "Kraton culture" of the sul-
tan's palace perfotms rituals that are entirely non-
Islamic For instance, after the 'Id prayers a giand
parade called Gerebig is held in front of the Kraton
with as its centie piece a magical "mount of bless-
ing" that conveys some of the sultan's mystical power
Attitudes toward the practice of fasting are influ-
enced by Javanese ascetic practices that aie followed
for a vatiety of reasons year round As a lesult of
this, children as young as four years old start to prac-
tice abstinence foi Ramadan In general, the fast is
broken in restrained mannei with many Muslims lim-
iting their fust meal to a small snack and a glass of
- l J ul '
Although Ramadan i:
among Muslims, differences between Reform
Traditionalist Muslims are played out with fervour
This starts with the issue of identifying when the fast
begins and ends, and is visible dunng Ramadan in
diffeient practices concerning the taiawih piayeis and
the 'Id al-Fitr gatherings
Celebrations for the 'Id last up to one month, and
serve to renew harmony and unity People travel all
over the countrv (mudik) in ordei to visit relatives and
to ask forgiveness foi wrongs committed during the
past year Neighbourhoods, businesses and schools
organise special halal bi 'I halal parties
Bibliography There are innumerable numbers
of books about puasa in the Indonesian language
Many leading preachers and scholars of Islam have
published then Ramadan seimons and reflections,
such as Hamka, Puasa taramh dan Iedul Fitn, Jakarta
1995, M Ouraish Shihab, Sahur bersama, Bandung
1997 (Nelia van Doorn-Harder)
R
RADJA' b. HAYWA b. Khanzal al-Kindi, Abu
'1-Mikdam or Abu Nasr (full nasab in Gottschalk, 331,
from Ibn 'Asakir), a rather mysterious mawla or
who !
influx
ind political adviser at the
courts of" the early Marwanid caliphs, from
'Abd al-Malik to 'Ulnar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. His birth
date is unknown, but he died in 112/730, probably
around the age of seventy.
According to one account, Radja"s family stemmed
from Maysan in Lower 'Irak, hence from the local
Nabat or Aramaeans, where the bond of wala' with
the Arab tribe of Kinda [q.v.] must have been made,
the Kinda being especially strong in Kufa. The fam-
ily moved westwards to the Palestine-Transjordan area.
where again there were many Kindis in such districts
as the Balka' [q.v.], providing strong military support
for the Umayyads. It is likely that Radja' himself was
from that area, from Baysan in the Jordan valley, as
the nisbas sometimes applied to him, "al-Filastini" and
"al-Urdunni", would imply. He appears, together with
Yazid b. Sallam, a mawla of the caliph 'Abd al-Malik
and a native of Jerusalem, as being involved in the
construction of the Dome of the Rock [see kubbat
al-sakhra], probably as financial controller (Mudjir
al-Din al-'Ulaymi, al-Uns al-djatit, Cairo 1283/1866-7,
i, 241-2 = 'Amman 1973, i, 272-4), and he was also em-
ployed by al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf [q.v.] on a diplomatic
mission to conciliate the Kaysi Arab tribes of northern
Syria under their leader Zufar b. al-Harith al-Kilabi.
RADJA' b. HAYWA — RADJASTHAN
Radja' was further famed for his piety and knowl-
edge of the religious sciences, and was high in the
counsels of c Abd al-Malik and his son al-\ Valid (I),
accompanying the latter on his Pilgrimage of 90/709
or 91/710, when he first came into contact with the
caliph's cousin 'Uraar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, governor of
Medina, a relationship to be of significance later.
During the short caliphate of Sulavman b. 'Abd al-
Malik (96-9/715-17 [q.r.]), Radja' appears as both an
executive official and a spiritual adviser to the ruler
and then to his successor 'Umar (II) b. 'Abd al-'Aziz;
some sources make him head of Sulayman's diwan til-
ths tam or chancery. He clearly lent his religious back-
ing to the caliphs, and his role thus marks a stage
in the acceptance of maivali in the sphere of legal
and religious authority hitherto jealously guarded by
the Arabs (cf. the role, parallel in many ways, of al-
of the increasing concern of the Umayyads with the
it Sulayman's death in Safar 99/September
t had been 'Abd al-Malik's intention that his
)V free wives should succeed him, and there
still four of these eligible at Sulayman's death,
temporary re-routing of the succession was now
ed, to the collateral branch of 'Abd
eligious
The hi
H. Gottschalk, Ragd' i<
een the wish
of the founder of the Marwanid line, Marwan (I) b.
al-Hakam [q.v.], that 'Abd al-'Aziz should follow 'Abd
al-Malik in the caliphate I.
What happened when Sulayman was on his death-
bed at Dabik [q.v.], north of Aleppo, is related in
detail by al-Wakidi, preserved by Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat,
v, 246-9, and a'l-Taban, ii, 1341-5, tr. in Bosworth,
52-9, and D.S. Powers Itr.l, The History of alTaban,
xxiv. The empue in transition, Albany 1989 (with an
irnad going back to Radja'), with a few additional
details in al-Dhahabi. According to these accounts,
Radja' was able to persuade Sulayman to set aside
his own children and half-brothers in favour of 'Umar
b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, and secured adhesion to this arrange-
ment by the device of requiring allt
sealed
. Howe
since much of the information on this episode goes
back, directly or indirectly, to iiicdyas stemming from
Radja' himself, it has been suggested that he may-
have exaggerated his personal share in events (see
Eisener, Zuischen Faktum unci Fiktion, 2220"., and idem,
art. sulayman b. 'abd ai.-malik, at Vol. IX, 822ai.
During 'Umar's brief ensuing period of power ito
Radjab 101/February 720), Radja' may have been
an ad\iser of the caliph, but specific detail is lack-
ing; one would like to know whether, for instance,
he had any part in 'Umar's administrative and finan-
cial measures, including his famous "rescript". He appar-
ently spent the last decade of his life in retirement,
and died, in unknown circumstances, in 112/730,
according to Ibn al-Athlr, ed. Beirut, v, 1 72, at Kussin
near Kofa.
Bibliography: 1. Sources. There are brief
entries on Radja' ill e.g. Ibn Sa'd, vii/2, 161-2;
Khalifa b. Khavyat, Tabakat, ed. Zakkar, Damascus
1966, ii, 773 no. 2924; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'anf, ed.
'Ukkasha, 472-3; and a slightly longer one in Ibn
Khallikan, ed. 'Abbas, ii, 301-3, tr. de Slane, i,
526-7. For a full list of the sources mentioning him,
see Gottschalk, 329-31. According to Eisener, 222
n. 290, the information in Ibn 'Asakir on Radja'
stems from Ibn Sa'd.
2. Studies. Wellhausen, Dm arabi.sche Reich, 165-
Einjluss
: Hoje ,
Ham
Manva.
■hrift fur Wilhelm Eiltrs, Wiesbaden 1967, 328-
40; C.E. Bosworth, Raja' ibn Havwa al-Kmdi and the
Vmayyad lalifhj,, in /(£, xvi (1972), 36-80, repr. in
Medieval Arable culture and administration, London 1982,
no. Ill; R. Eisener, ~wischen Faktum und Fiktion. Eme
Studie zum Umayyadenkalifen Sulaimdn b. Abdalrrralik und
seinem Bild in den Qiiellen, Wiesbaden 1987, 213ff.
See also 'umar ii b. 'abd al-'aziz.
iC.E. Bosworth)
RADIASTHAN, a historic region of the
western part of the Indian subcontinent, and
now the name of a province in the Indian
Union. It is bounded by the Pakistan provinces of
Sind and Pandjab on the west and northwest, and
by the Indian states of Pandjab, Haryana and Uttar
Pradesh on the northeast, Madhya Pradesh on the
With an area of 342,267 km7 132,149 sq. miles, it
is the second largest state in the Indian Union (after
Madhya Pradesh), but because of its climate and habi-
Th'e population (1986 estimate) was 37,000,000. The
state capital is at Jaipur, formerly the centre of a
into 26 Districts.
; in Mou
1,722 n
5,650
.uthwest, cul-
border of
•nding just
Gudjarat State. The three-fifths of tht
the northwest are largely sandv, with the Great Indian
or Thar Desert in the far west but with more fertile
and habitable lands as one goes eastwards. The two-
fifths lying to the southeast of the Aravalli Hills are
diversified in character and more fertile, with the
Districts of Kota and Bundi forming a tableland. In
the south is the hilly tract of Mewaf [q.v.], centred
on Udaipur [see iidaypurJ. On the state's northeast-
the Jumna/Yamuna basin. The only large perennial
river is the Ghambal, which Hows northeastwards into
the Jumna.
Radjasthan is predominantly an agricultural and
pastoralist state. Despite a low and erratic rainfall,
with a subsequent need for irrigation, nearly all types
of crops are grown, including various cereals, rice and
vegetables. Despite the arid or semi-arid nature of
more than half the state's area, there is a large live-
stock population in comparison with the rest of India,
including camels and draught animals, and Radjasthan
is the largest produce of wool in the Union.
2. Ethnology.
There are aboriginal tribes in various parts of the
state, especially to the east and south of the Aravalli
Hills, including Bhlls, and various tribes of Radjput
stock, such as the Me'os [q.i:], a part of whom was
nominally converted to Islam in the 8th/ 14th cen-
tury. Radjputs form the most significant element in
Radjasthan and have dominated its political and cul-
tural history, even though, at present, Radjputs form
only a small proportion of the total population, with
many more Radjputs outside the state in the Pandjab,
Uttar Pradesh. Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, etc. The
princely states of Radjasthan were almost all ruled by
Hindu Radjput princes, with the exceptions of Muslim
Tonk [q.r.] in the east of the state whose founder
was a Pathan chief, and the Djat [q.v.] states of
Dholpur and Bharatpur in the northeast. The Radjputs
claim to be the descendants of the Kshatriyas of Vedic
times, and take great pride in their ancestry and their
warlike traditions (Skr. radjaputra "king's son"). But
such claims are based on fictitious genealogies, and
the Radjputs must be of very diverse ethnic origins,
with some remains of the old Kshatriyas but with
many later admixtures of invading peoples who became
Hinduised, with new families recognised as Radjput.
The term Radjput is, accordingly, not of racial sig-
nificance but denotes a tribe, clan or warlike class
whose members claimed aristocratic rank. At present,
some 10% of the population of Radjasthan State is
Muslim.
Bibliography: Imperial gazetter of India 1 , xxi, 82-
93, 104-42; Government of India, District gazetteers,
Rajputana, Calcutta 1908; H.A. Rose, A glossary of
the tribes and castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier
Province, Lahore 1919, iii, s.v. Rajputs; O.K.H. Spate
and A.T.A. Learmonth, India and Pakistan, a general
and regional geography, 'London 1 967 , 611-21; Gazetteer
of India, Provincial' series, Rajasthan, Delhi 1968; V.C.
Misra, The geography of Rajasthan, New Delhi 1968;
Ef art. Radjputs. (C.E. Bosworth)
3. Languages and literature.
The dialects of Radjasthan belong to the Western
Hindi group of New Indo-Aryan, with the Aravalli
Hills marking the main internal divide between the
north-western and the south-eastern dialects. Pre-
dictably closer in many respects to Brajbhasa (and to
standard Hindi), the main south-eastern dialects are
Djaypun (Dhundhan) and its southern neighbours
Mewan and Harawti, in turn flanked to the east by
Mewati and to the south by Malwi. Possibly also
reflected in the Romani of the European gypsies, ear-
lier migrations from this region are certainly respon-
sible for the close resemblances between south-eastern
Radjastham and the speech of several nomadic groups,
including Lamani in central India and the Godjri
(Gudjan) spoken by the Muslim Gudjar herdsmen of
Kashmir and the adjacent areas of northern Pakistan.
The Marwan dialects spoken in the desert areas of
north-western Radjasthan are collectively distinguished
by such features as the distinction of implosives from
explosives in the voiced series g d d b or the reten-
parallels in Sindhi [q.v.] and Siraiki' [see lahnda], as
well as individual shibboleths like the possessive
marker ro.
Following a period of several centuries during which
Old Gudjarati (confusingly termed "Old Western Ra-
djastham" by Tessitori) was the common literary lan-
guage of both Gudjarat and Radjasthan, Old Marwan
emerged as an independent literary language around
the middle of the 15th century, when it is attested
in the semi-popular poetic treatments of romantic
themes found in the Visaladevarasa and the Dhola-Maiu
ra duha. In the hands of the Chararis, the hereditary
bards of the ruling Radjputs [q.v.\, Old Marwan was
developed as a specialised literary medium for heroic
poetry with the incorporation of numerous Sanskritisms
and special poetic forms. This bardic language is
known as Dingal, as opposed to "Pingal", the literary
Brajbhasa cultivated for other types of poetry in the
period down until the later 19th century when both
were replaced as literary standards by modern Hindi.
In its celebration of the chivalric ideals of the
Radjputs and of their resistance to the Muslims, the
heroic literature of Radjasthan is of very great cul-
tural importance. It finds its first classic statement in
the Old Gudjarati Kanhadade-prabandha (1456) by
Padmanabh, which celebrates the victories achieved
over the Dihli Sultan 'Ala' al-Dln Khaldji [q.v.] and
his generals by Kanhadadev, the Radjput ruler of
Djalor, until his final defeat (dated ca. 1312) is fol-
lowed by his queens performing collective ritual self-
immolation (djawhar). In addition to panegyrics and
elegies (marsiya), Dingal literature includes many sim-
ilar treatments of such historical episodes, beginning
with the mixed prose-verse Achat Khichf ri vachanika
based on the resistance mounted by its eponymous
Radjput hero to the invasion in 1423 of Sultan
Hushang Chun of MandO [q.v.]. For stylistic as well
as linguistic reasons, however, Dingal literature has
attracted less interest from modern scholars than the
more approachable prose chronicles of the Radjput
states dating from the early 17th century which were
written in Middle Marwan, and whose most cele-
brated exemplar is the Khyat by Naynasf, minister to
Djaswant Singh of Marwar (d. 1670).
Bibliography: 1. Language. G.A. Grierson
(ed.), Linguistic survey of India, ix/2, Calcutta 1908,
1-321; L.P. Tessitori, A scheme for the bardic and his-
torical survey of Rajputana, in JASB, x, 10 (1914), 373-
410; idem, .Notes on the grammar of the Old Western
Rajasthani, in Indian Antiquary, xliii-xlv (1914-16); R.L.
Turner, The position of Romani in Indo-Aryan, in Journal
of the Gypsy Lore .Society, v (1926), 145-89; W.S. Allen,
Some phonological characteristics of Rajasthan!, in BSOAS,
xx (1957), 5-11; idem. Notes on Rajasthani verbs, in
Indian Linguistics, xxi (1960), 4-13; R.L. Trail, A
grammar of Lamani, Norman, Okla., 1970; J.D. Smith,
An introduction to the language of the historical documents
from Rajasthan, in Modern Asian Studies, ix (1975), 433-
64; idem (ed.), The llsaladevarasa, Cambridge 1976;
C.R. Rensch et al. (eds.), Hindko and Gujari, Islamabad
1992, 92-305.
2. Literature. L.P. Tessitori (ed.), Bardic and
historical sunn of Rajputana, Calcutta 1917-20; C. Vau-
deville (ed.), Les duha de Dhola-Maru, Pondichery
1962; M. Prabhakar, A critical study of Rajasthani lit-
erature, Jaipur 1976; N.P. Ziegler, Marvari historical
chronicles, in Indian Economic and Social History Review,
xiii (1976), 219-50; H. Maheshwari, History of
Rajasthani literature, New Delhi 1980; I.M.P. Raeside,
A Gujarati bardic poem: the Kanhadade-prabandha, in
C. Shackle and R. Snell (eds.). The Indian narrative:
perspectives and patterns, Wiesbaden 1992, 137-53.
(C. Shackle)
4. History.
Archaeological researches in western Radjasthan
show that people were living there in the 3rd and
2nd millennia B.C. who were close to the Harappan
and post-Harappan cultures of the Indus valley. Late
rulers of the whole or parts of the state included the
Bactrian Greeks, Sakas, Guptas, and White Huns,
until from the 7th century A.D. onwards, various
Radjput dynasties arose, including the Gurdjara-
Pratiharas, who fended off the Arab colonists in Sind;
but for the most part, these Radjput princely lines
were involved in internecine warfare, which was to
facilitate Muslim probes into the region. The last of
the Cahamana or Cawhan line, Pfithvlradja III, was
defeated and killed by the Ghurid sultan Mu'izz al-
Din Muhammad b. Sam [q.v.] in the second battle
of Tara'in in 588/1192. The capital Adjmer [q.v.]
was briefly restored by the Ghurid to Pfithviradja's
young son after the latter had accepted the Sultan's
suzerainty over his lands. Only the strategic fortress
of Ranthambhor in eastern Radjasthan was occupied
permanently, with a garrison under Kiwam al-Mulk
Rukn al-Dln Hamza. In 591/1195 the Radjputs
rebelled against Muslim control under the leadership
of the chiefs Hariradja and Djatra'i who occupied
Adjmer [q.v.], threatened Ranthambhor and fomented
dissension in the region towards Dihli, where Kutb
al-Dln Aybak [q.v.] resided as Mu'izz al-Din's viceroy.
Nagawr [q.v.] in the region of Djodhpur [q.v.] seems
to have been occupied at this time. Thangar, capital
of the territory of Bayana in this eastern part, was
besieged and captured by Mu'izz al-Dln in 592/1 )9G
and then entrusted to Malik Baha' al-Din Toghril,
who later transferred his capital to a newly-founded
town, Sultankof, that later became known, from the
name of the province, as Bayana. Thus with the
exception of the chief of Djalor in western Radjasthan,
most of the region had been nominally at least sub-
dued. In the last years of the 6th/ 12th century,
Kh"adja Mu'In al-Din Hasan Sidjzi (d. 633/1236
the most influential Sufi orders in India, the Cishtiyya
[q.v.], came to reside at the Cahamana capital Adjmer,
celebrated shrines, for both Muslims and Hindus, in
the subcontinent. His disciple Shaykh Hamld al-Din
Suwali Nagawri (d. 673/1274) was sent by Mu'In al-
Din to Nagawr, which likewise became an important
Cishti shrine.
The relaxation of power in the Dihli Sultanate
[q.v.] on the death in 633/1236 of Iltutmish [q.v.]
gave an opportunity for the Radjput princes to reassert
their power. A revolt in eastern Radjasthan forced
his daughter Sultan Radiyya [q.v.] to withdraw the
Muslim garrison from Ranthambhor, and except for
the districts around Adjmer and Nagawr, the whole
region reverted to Radjput rule, allowing powerful
lines like those of Ranthambhor and Citor to come
into existence; for the rest of the century no Muslim
ruler was able to contemplate a reconquest. This only
came in the reign of 'Ala' al-Din Muhammad Khaldji
(695-715/1296-1316), who aimed to secure at least
eastern Radjasthan in order to open a line of commu-
nication towards Malwa and Gudjarat, which he
coveted. An army was sent in 700/1301 to besiege
the powerful and prestigious ruler of Ranthambhor,
Ra'I Hammir Deva, a descendant of Pfithviradja III.
This attempt failed ignominiously, and only after the
Sultan had to come from Dihli in person with re-
inforcements did Ranthambhor fall after a year's strug-
gle. It was then placed under the general Ulugh Khan,
and in 701/1302 the Sultan invested the fortress of
Citor, then ruled by another noted prince, Ratnasimha
of the Guhila clan of Mewaf and the grandson of
Djatra'i, and captured it in the next year, annexing
the territory of Citor to the Dihli Sultanate and plac-
ing it under the governorship of the crown prince,
Khidr Khan. Thereafter, the chiefs of smaller princi-
palities either submitted or were overthrown by mil-
itary force. Thus in 711/1311 the commander Malik
Kamal al-Din Gurg defeated Ra'I Karan Deva and
seized his principality of Djalor, and after this, lesser
chiefs in Djaysalmer, etc. likewise submitted and ac-
knowledged Khaldji suzerainty.
Thus throughout the 8th/ 14th century, Radjasthan
was controlled by the Dihli Sultans and their gover-
nors from such centres as Adjmer, Ranthambhor,
Nagawr and Djalor. However, the invasion of north-
ern India and sack of Dihli by Timur [q.v.] in 801/
1398 eventually led to the end of the Tughluk Sultans
and heralded a period of weakness for the Sultanate,
with various Muslim powers arising in the provinces.
It was also the opportunity for a re-assertion of power
by the Radjput chiefs, with the Rana of Citor organ-
ising a confederacy of chiefs and with the Radjputs
of Mewaf driving the Muslims from Adjmer, held by
them till 859/1455 when the Sultan of Malwa recap-
tured, with the rulers of Malwa now holding it for
almost eighty years. It was also an opportunity for
Sultan Muzaffar Shah (I) of Gudjarat [q.v.], now inde-
pendent of Dihli, to send his younger brother Shams
al-Din Khan Dandani against Nagawr, at which his
descendants established a local dynasty that endured
till Dawlat Khan Nagawri was killed <a. 932/1525-6
by Ra'i Maldeva of Djodhpur. Djalor was ruled by
a Nuhani Afghan chief and his descendants until it
was conquered by Maldeva after 932/1526, but the
latter's power was then overthrown by the Dihli Sultan
Shir Shah Sur (i. 947-52/1540-5 [q.v.]). who also
attacked the Radja of Djodhpur in his principality of
Marwar in 949/1542-3. Previous to this, Mewar had
been built up into one of the most powerful princi-
palities of northern India under its energetic ruler
Rana Sangram Singh or Sanga [t. 1509-28), who led
successful campaigns against the Sultans of Malwa
and Gudjarat. He went on to acquire imperial ambi-
tions, defeating the Dihli Sultan Ibrahim Lodi [see
lodis] in 929/1523 and made overtures to the Mughal
L5dis. He soon realised, however, that Babur would
but in 933/1527 Babur secured a decisive victory over
Sanga at Khanu'a. This was a turning point in the
history of northern India, for after this the Radjput
princes remained essentially on the defensive in their
territories against the rising power of the Surs and
then the Mughals.
Shir Shah Sur's biographer 'Abbas Sarwani men-
tions the territories acquired by him in Radjasthan
as the mulk-i Nagawr u Aajmer it £$odfipur, and he also
speaks of the desert regions of the west as the zamin-i
rigistan. Shir Shah now divided up the whole region
into extensive iarkan, [q.v. in Suppl.], each under a
fawdjdar with his commander Khawass Khan as amin
or overall governor. The emperor Akbar's policy in
Radjasthan was based on conquest and conciliation.
The captures of Citor and Ranthambhor made him
master of the greater part of the region, with the
exception of Mewaf, not completely subdued until
Djahangir's reign, when Rana Amar Singh submitted
at Udaypur in 1023/1614. The emperor took Radjput
wives, and both his son Djahangir and the latter's
son Shah Djahan were born of Radjput mothers.
Radjput troops, typically dismounting from their small
horses to fight, formed contingents in the Mughal
army under Akbar. Radjasthan was organised into the
uiha [q.v.] of Adjmer under a mbadir [q.v.]. with seven
component iarkars: Adjmer, Citor, Ranthambhor,
Sirohi, Nagawr, Djodhpur and Bikaner. The districts
of Alwar and Bharatpur, which are now within modern
Radjasthan State, were included in the iiiba of Agra.
The reversing of Akbar's conciliatory policies under
Awrangzib [q.v.] left the emperor faced with such
powerful enemies as the Radjputs in northern India
and the Marathas [q.v.] in the northwestern Deccan.
The new policy of militant Muslim orthodoxy affected
the emperor's relationship with the Radjput nobility,
who formed a highly influential element in the Mughal
state apparatus; the highest-ranked noble in the empire
was Mirza Radja Djay Singh Kachwaha of Djaypur,
and in 1090/1679 all Radjputs in the state service
were excused the newly-imposed dfizya, though the
mass of Radjput subjects were not. Nevertheless, the
RADJASTHAN — al-RAMLI
role of the Radjput nobles now began to be curtailed
by what seems to have been a deliberate policy <
Awrangzib's part. His attempt to interfere in the su
cession to the throne in Marwaf and to impose
Radjput candidate of his choice there led to a maj
Radjput revolt in 1089-90/1679-80 at Marwaf and
then Mewaf. Since the Radjputs had no field artill.
the Mughal arm) suppiessed this and occupied
Udavpur but guerilla warfare against the Mughals
continued for a generation in the hills
Bharatpur was taken o\er b> a Djat thief on
Awrangzib s death and the Radjputs weie able to
retake Adjmer in 1133/1721 but internal dissensions
pre\ented the Radjputs from making headway against
the Maiathas within whose confedeiation the) now
tame Adjmer was captured in 1169/1756 the power
of the Radjput chiefs reduced to a low ebb and the
land suffered from Pindari and Pathan plundering and
oppiessive levies It ma) be noted that it is in the
18th centur) that the teim Radjputana is found so
that a historian like Khan" Khan uses the expressions
mulk i Radjputan and also Radjputiyya it was essentially
under British paramountc) in the 19th century that
the designation Radjputana became usual
With the defeat of the Marathas b> British forces
in 1817 18 before the end of 1818 the group of
pi incipalities and chiefdoms which came to compnse
the Bimsh Indian province of Radjputana had been
taken undei British protection Their borders wer
now piecisef) delimited with the whole of the prosince
comprising these native states (totalling eighteen
princely states and two chiefdoms) except toi the small
enclave of Adjmer-Merwara which was a dnectl) -ruled
Bntish Indian piovince The chief commissioner of
this last was also the political officer there, st>led
agent to the governor-general, foi the Government of
India and theie with \anous residents and political
agents acci edited to the native states The outbre
of the Sepo> Mutiny m 1857 found Radjputana devoid
of British troops, theie were local distuibances, br
the name princes, whose positions were often threal
ened, managed to restore order The administrativ
s>stem outlined above lasted until Partition and India
independence in 1947 during the previous century c
so, the province had from its particular political cor
stitution remained largely outside the nationalist an
westernising currents that affected other parts of the
subcontinent During the civil strife that raged around
Partition, man> Muslims were driven out of the Hindu
princely states of Alwar and Bharatpur When the
Indian Union was established the cential goveinme
in 1956 set up a Boundary Commission foi the i
organisation of states on a linguistic basis A lecor
mendation, implemented in 1958, was that Alwar ai
Bharatpur should be included in the new state
Radjasthan, though linguistically the> do not form
Bibliogiaphy 1 Souices Hasan Nizami, Tadj
al ma'dthir, ms Library of the Dept of History,
Ahgaih Umv, ff 121a, 123a-b Djuzdjam Tabakat i
Msiii, ed 'Abd al-Hayv Habibi, Kabul 1342-3/
19b3-4, i, 400-1, Eng tr H G Ravert>, London
1881-99, i, 464-70, Tsami, Futuh al salatin, '
M Usha, Madras 1948, 273-b, 279-80, Sha>kh
Rizk Allah Mushtaki, Haki'at i Mushtaki, Eng ti
Iqtidar Husam Siddiqi New Delhi 1993 'Abbas
Khan Sarwani, Tuhfa i Akbar Shahi or T , Shir
ShahT, ed SM Imam al-Din, Dacca 1964, 196-9
Abu '1-Fadl 'Miami A'ln i Akbari, ed H Blochmann
Calcutta 1867-77, repr Lahoie 1975, 386, 453
508, 511-12, Muhammad Khafi Khan, Muntakhab
al-lubab, vol. ii., ed. Maulavi Kabir al-Din Ahmed
and Ghulam Qadir, Calcutta 1860-74, 605, 737;
Ghulam-Husayn Tabataba'I, Siyar al-muta' akhkhrfin,
Lucknow 1282-3/1866, ii, 45, 434, 452.
2. Studies. Col. J. Tod, The annals and antiqui-
ties of Rajasthan, 3 vols., London 1829-32; Imperial
gazetteer of India 2 , xxi, 93-104; Iqtidar Husain
Siddiqui The eiolution of the \ilayet the Shiqq and the
Sarkar dunng the Delhi Sultanate period in Medieial
India a Quarterly v (Migarh 1963) 10-32 RC
Majumdar (ed ) The history and culture of the Indian
people I The struggle for empire 2 Bomba> 1966
72-92 II The Delhi Sultanate Bomba> 1960, 32b-bl
\ S Bhaigava Mam ar and the Mughal emperors Delhi
1966 RC Halhse) The Rajput rebellion against
Aurang^eb Columbia SC 1977 R Jeffre> (ed )
People pnnus and paramount pouer Society and polities
in the Indian primth states Delhi 1978 Siddiqui The
earh Chishti Dargahs in India in C W Troll (ed )
Muslim shnnes in India Delhi 1989 JF Richards
The Neu Cambridge history of India 1 5 The Mughal
empire Cambridge 1993 179-84 and bibl on the
Radjputs at 308-9 Shail Mavaram Resisting regimes
Myth memory and the shaping of Muslim identity Delhi
1997 (on the fate of Me'o Muslims in Mwar and
Bharatpur at the time of Partition) S C Bhatt (ed )
The eneyelopedu distnit gazetteer of India New Delhi
1998 El art Radjputs See also the Bibls to goDH-
PUR MEWAR (IOJTIDAR H SlDDIQUI)
RAFI' al-DARADIAT b Rafi' al-Sha'n b Shah
'Mam I Shams al-Din great-grandson of the great
Mughal emperor Awrangzib [q.v.] and one of the
ephemeral emperors in the last decades of
independent Mughal rule, reigning for some four
months in the spring of 1131/1719.
After Awrangzib's death in 1118/1707, the main
power in the empire was that of the Barha Sayyids
[qi in Suppl.], who in 1124/1712 raised to the throne
Fai rukh-siyar b. 'Azim al-Sha'n Muhammad 'Azim
[qv] but deposed him in Rabi' II ' 1 1 3 1 /February
1719 and substituted for him Ran' al-Daradjat; but
in June the latter died of tuberculosis, to be suc-
ceeded by yet another puppet of the Barha Sayyids,
Shah Djahan II b. Rafi' al-Sha'n.
Bibliography: See that to farrukh-siyar, and
add J.F. Richards, The Mughal empire, Cambridge
1993, 272. For chronology, see C.E. Bosworth, The
Men Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, 331 no. 175.
(C.E. Bosworth)
al-RAMLI, Muhammad b. Ahmad Abu Bakr IBN
al-NABULUSI, a traditionist originally from
Nabulus [q.v.] who was the ra'is of Ramla and who
used often to make retreat with his disciples in the
Akuwakh Baniyas ("the huts of Baniyas") at the foot
of Mt Hermon in the Syrian Djawlan.
He publicly opposed the Fatimid occupation of
S^iia Taken from Damascus and sent in a cage to
Egypt, on the orders of the caliph al-Mu'izz [q.v.] he
was flayed alive in 363/973 at the Manzar, the
belvedere on the road connecting Fustat with Cairo
(the relevant Arabic texts and details of his biogra-
phy and of the numerous famous muhaddiths and his-
torians whom he taught or frequented are to be found
in Th Bianquis, Ibn al Mdbulusi, un martyr sunmte au
I\ s de I'hegire, in AI, \n [1974], 45-bb, idem, 'Abd
al Gham b. Sa'ld, un savant sunmte au serine des Fatimides,
in Aiks du XXI" Congres international des ontntahstes, Paris
1975, l, 39-47).
He exercised a more important influence on the
histonans of Damascus and Baghdad who tended
towards the ahl al-hadlth than on those of Ash'ari ten-
.l-RAMLI — RA'Y
Mukaddasi
Jencies, so that Ibn al-'Asakir does not seem to hold
Tiany of his disciples in very high regard. One should
nention in regard to him a curious hadith which he
ransmitted and which after his death extended the
nission of guiding the consciences of the SunnT com-
sted collectively to the 'ulama' . His Sunm
liered together at the Akuwakh Baniyas,
lose to nature which is described by al-
60, 188, tr. Miquel, 176, 238); these per-
.ainly refugees from Tarsus expelled by
the Byzantines. The nisba of al-Balluti borne by their
head Abu Ishak seems to go back, not to their eat-
ing acorns but to a distant remembrance of Andalusi
origins. After the Revolt of the Suburb at Cordova,
these forebears had reached Alexandria, then Crete,
then Tarsus, and finally had sought refuge in Syria.
What made Ibn al-Nabulusi famous was the fatwa
which he gave in reply to a question whether prior-
ity be given to the war against the Byzantines, who
were regularly ravaging northern Syria, or to resis-
tance against the Fatimid army which, it was true,
could protect the province against Byzantine raids.
He said, "If I had ten arrows, I would loose nine of
them against the descendants of 'Ubayd Allah isc. the
Fatimids) and one against the Byzantines." He justi-
fied his attitude thus: "In fact, the Byzantines are
People of the Book, whereas the former are impious
associators of others with God . . . enemies of all the
prophets and all the scriptures that God has sent"
(Kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, Talhbit, ed. 'A. al-K. 'Uthman,
Beirut 1970, ii, 608). According to Ibn al-Djawzi
IMuntazam, Haydarabad 1375, vii, 82), he is even
reported to have altered his reply when interrogated
in Egypt, asserting that not merely nine arrows but
also the tenth arrow should be launched against the
Fatimids because they had improperly claimed for
themselves the divine light. The later sources expati-
ate on his sufferings, which lasted for three days. The
expressions attributed to the sufferer, about to be
flayed alive, by a pitying Jew stem from the Sufi
vocabulary. Al-Dhahabi mentions that there was,' at
this same time as Ibn al-Nabulusi, another Sunni who
offered resistance, Abu '1-Faradj al-Tarsusi, who was
subjected to humiliations in the Aksa Mosque bv the
Fatimids' Maghribr soldiery, and he records for the
year 364/974 the punishment, likewise at Jerusalem,
of Abu '1-Kasim al-WasitT, who had his tongue cut
out. Having been miraculously restored by the Prophet
Muhammad, al-Wasitf climbed the minaret in order
publicly to proclaim his Sunm faith, and was then
crucified, remaining on the cross for three days. His
"corpse" was thrown down in a street, where some
pious persons took it in order to wash it, but then
discovered that he was still alive. Abu Bakr gave back
to him his tongue, which had been cut out a second
time and he climbed up to proclaim his faith from
the top of a minaret. Tired of all this, the governor
contented himself with expelling him from the city.
References to Christ's life and crucifixion are frequent
in the Hanbalf milieux of Palestine; accordingly, one
finds an ascetic walking on the Lake of Tiberias. Ibn
'Asakir does not hide his ironic scepticism when he
g the li
he despised and cordially hated,
be liars who exploited the populace's credulity. It is
furthermore known that militant Hanbalr Sunnism
remained alive in Palestine up to the time of the
Crusades (see H. Laoust, Le pitch de droit d'Ibn Qudama,
Beirut 1950, introd.).
RAMY al-DIIMAR (a.), literally, "the throwing of
pebbles", a practice which probably goes back
to early Arabia and whose most celebrated sur-
vival is in the ritual throwing of stones in the valley
of Mina by the pilgrims returning from 'Arafat in the
tourse of the Meccan Pilgrimage [see al-djamra;
hadjdj. iii. c]. In Fahd's view, the rite does not seem
to have had any divinatory significance, but among
suggestions regarding its origins is the one that it
could have been a gesture of solidarity with a dead
person, on whose tomb stones are placed. See the
discussion in T. Fahd, La divination arabe, Leiden 1966,
188ff.
Bibliography: Given in the article. (Ed.)
RA'Y (a.), a verbal noun of ra'a, the common
Arabic verb for seeing with the eye, has among its
various closely related meanings that of opinion (i.e.
a seeing of the heart) on questions of Islamic
law not within the literal scope of the revealed texts
(nnu) of the Kur'an or hadith. Although sometimes
used for an opinion on a specific question of law (for
which kawl is most common), ra'y is more often used
for the body of such opinions held by a particular
jurist (i.e. the ta'r of Abu Hanifa) and for the rea-
soning used to derive such opinions. It is also found
in the sense of the intellectual faculties that underlie
such legal reasoning. Discrimination among these and
other possible meanings of the term is not always
easy (cf. Ch. Pellat, Ibn al-Muqaffa' (mart vers 140/757),
"comeilleui" du cahje, Paris 1976, 82) and ta'r never
achieved the status of a fully technical legal term.
Although the legal usage of ra'y is the most impor-
tant historically, ra'y was also used for adherence to
a body of theological doctrine (i.e. ra'y al-Djahmiyya),
and its narrowest recorded sense appears to be that
of adherence to the doctrine of the KharidjTs (on the
use of ra'y for the holding of specific theological
dogmas, such as freewill, see al-Sharif al-Murtada,
il-Dharl
Tehran
i. In a
1376/1956, ii, 673, v
>f the ■
I. Abu
tere, ho
and the
-Kasir
singular
Gurd
mi than the plur
As a process of deriving law ra'y does not consti-
tute any single method of reasoning but can be used
of such methods as kiydi, istihsan, and istislah [q.vv.],
severally or together, although its use specifically in
relation to kiyas is the most frequent (e.g. y ah. h una bi-
ra'yihim). Consequently, identifying the precise forms
of reasoning labelled as ra'y by one or another early
jurist or school of jurists requires specific examination
of their legal arguments (J. Schacht, The ongim of
Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950, 98-132. 269-
328, still of fundamental importance). Insofar as ta'r
does not include the process of authenticating hadith
or interpreting texts, it constitutes only part of the
scope of idjtiJiad [q.v.] as generally understood, although
the expression idjtihdd al-ra'y (the exercise of ra'y) fig-
ures prominently in the hadith (e.g. the hadith of Mu'adh
b. Djabal, on which see al-Mubarakfun, Tuhjat al-
ahwadhi, Beirut 1422/2001, iv, 637-9) and in the
Ther.
erning t,
mig both Sunni i
Shi'i
the part of certain Companions [iahaba [q.v.]) of the
Prophet, including such leading figures as Abu Bakr
and 'Umar, and then on the part of their Successors
ttabi'un) (Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, fyami' bayan al-'dm wa-
fadlihi, ed. al-Zuhayri, al-Dammam 1414/1994, ii, 858-
9). This early ra'y was accorded some measure of
authority, at least "by the mainstream of Muslims, and
was transmitted by scholars together with Prophetic
hadith. This early ra'y is preserved in such collections
as al-Ahtannaf of "'Abd al-Razzak al-San'am (d.
211/826) and al-Musannaf of Ibn Abi Shayba (d.
235/849) [q.iw.].
A critical development in the history of Islamic law
occurred during the late Umayyad and early 'Abbasid
periods with a dramatic growth in the scope and
intensity of ra'y (cf. Ibn Taymiyya, Madjmu'at al-fatawa,
ed. al-E|jazzar and al-Baz, al-Riyad 1419/1998, xx,
175 which names Rabi'a wa-Ibn Hurmuz (so read)
[in Medina], 'Uthrnan al-Battr (so read) in Basra, and
Abu Hamfa as the leading figures at the beginning
of the 'Abbasid dynasty, cf. I. Goldziher, Muslim studies,
tr. C.R. Barber and S.M. Stern, London 1971, 78-
85 [on foreign influence], 201-2). The proponents of
this new version of ra'y became known as the ahl or
ashab al-ra'y [q.v.]. The ahl al-ra'y were met with oppo-
sition from a number of quarters: the scholars of tra-
dition (the ahl or ashab al-hadith) (Ibn Kutayba, K.
Mukhtalif al-hadith, Cairo 1326, 62-71; Shah Wall Allah
al-DihlawI, Hudj.dj.at Allah al-haligha, ed. Damlriyya,
al-Riyad 1420/1999, i, 455-62 [explaining the dis-
pute]), certain Mu'tazili theologians, and large seg-
ments of the Shl'i community. Although opposition
to ra'y in these various groups was in its origin based
on different considerations, anti-ra J _y arguments devel-
oped by one group could come to be adopted by the
others (Ibn Ma'sQm, al-Daradj.at al-rafi'a, Nadjaf
1382/1962, 26). The Mu'tazili opponents of ra'y were
particularly influential in propagating a epistemologi-
cally sophisticated anti-ra'v position that came to influ-
ence the opposition among the traditionists and Shi" Is.
The opposition to ra'y from among the tradition-
ists is extensively preserved in hadtth collections, above
all that of al-Darimi (d. 255/868), the writings of Ibn
Hazm fd. 456/1064), Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1070),
and Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya (d. 751/1350) [q.w.],
and traditionist biographical works such as that of al-
Fasawl, K. al-Ma'rifa wa 'l-ta'nkh, (ed. Akram Diya'
al-'Umarl, Baghdad 1394/1973). This material pro-
vides far richer historical resources for tracing the
details of the development of the new ra'y movement
than do the more dogmatic Mu'tazili and Shl'I anti-
ra'y sources. The ahl al-ra'y were regarded by their
traditionist opponents as undermining the authority of
the surma that the traditionists had dedicated their
lives to preserving. Familiarity with the surma (which
included knowledge of the ra'y of the first generations)
trast to subjective legal opinion (ra'y, zann). The ahl
al-ra'y were set on a course of expanding Islamic law
far beyond the resources of the traditionists and to
this extent were inevitably led to expose the contra-
dictions and limitations of the traditionist approach.
Although the traditionist anti-ra'r sources do point
to the subjectivity and instability of the results of the
new ra'y and to the many instances where the ra'y
of the jurists was in contradiction to well-established
mnna, their most frequent complaint concerns the
relentless questioning on the most abstruse possible
legal cases that was characteristic of the new ra'y. The
anti-ra'y sources condemn the difficult questions
(mu'dilat, ughlutat) of the ahl al-ra'y, the relentlessness
with which they were pursued (tashdid), and the un-
warranted speculative character of the answers these
questions evoked (takalluf, tanattu'). Numerous anti-
ra'y statements single out for criticism the annoying
and virtually inescapable formula of eliciting a legal
opinion (ara'ayta) (on the form and syntax of this
expression, found in the Kur'an and hadith, see H.L.
Fleischer, Klemere Schnften, Leipzig 1885-8, i, 481-7;
G. Bergstrasser, Vemeinungs- und Fragepartikeln, Leipzig
1914, 93). The ahl al-ra'y are the ashab ara'ayta (al-
Darimi, al-Sunan, ed. Dahman, Beirut n.d., i, 66). The
expression is characteristic of certain genres of early
legal literature from ra'y circles and sometimes appears
in these works with unremitting frequency (e.g. al-
Shaybanl, K. al-Makhandj. ft 'l-hiyal, ed. J. Schacht,
Leipzig 1930). It was also employed to introduce an
objection in debate (cf. Schacht, Origins, 120). The
importance of this veritable flood of questions to the
development of the Islamic law cannot be overstated.
It was the questions that generated the growing scope
of legal discussion (ta'lid al-su'al, in Ibn Abi Zayd al-
Kayrawanl, al-JVawadir wa 'l-ziyaddt, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah
Hulw, Beirut 1999, i, 9) and" led directly to the pro-
duction of the large legal treatises that remain stan-
dard to this day (cf. the account of the Malik! classic
al-hludawwana in Ibn Khaldun, al-Mukaddima, ed. al-
SaTd al-Manduh, Beirut 1414/1993, ii, 133; Ibn
Taymiyya, Madjmu'at al-fatawa, xx, 180).
At the forefront of this new style of legal learning
founded in posing questions were the 'Iraki jurists
headed by Abu Hanlfa. The questions posed by these
jurists were often unabashedly hypothetical and among
the jibes directed at Abu Hanlfa was that he was
among the most knowledgeable about
ignor
has occurred. The posing of such hypothetical ques-
tions enabled the jurists to gauge the extent to which
they could found the law on general principles, and
in fact the efforts of the ahl al-ra'y to render the law
systematic are noted, sometimes critically (Ibn Abi
Hatim, Addb al-Shqfi'i wa-manakibuhu, ed. 'Abd al-
Khalik, Cairo 1372/1952, 171).
The ahl al-ra'y were able to gain substantial suc-
cesses in their competition with the ahl al-hadith and
to attract talented students of hadith to their camp
(Ibn Sa'd, vi, 270: Zufar b. al-Hudhayl). In such cases
the sources speak of ra'y gaining mastery of the indi-
vidual, and his eventual identification with ra'y. The
most obvious examples of such an identification are
the Medinan Rabr'a Ibn Farrukh (d. 136/753), known
as Rabl'at al-Ra'y and the Basran HanafI Hilal b.
Yahya (d. 245/859), known as Hilal al-Ra'y. Often,
however, ra'y was adopted but not in its most aggres-
sive form, and the line dividing the ahl al-ra'y and
ahl at-hadith could not always be clearly drawn. Many
writers, for example, include Malik with the ahl al-
hadith, others with the ahl al-ra'y (Ibn Kutayba, al-
Ma'anf, ed. 'Ukasha, Cairo n.d., 498). Moderate forms
of ra'y balanced by traditions were able to make some
inroads among the ahl al-hadith.
There is universal agreement on applying the label
ahl al-ra'y to Abu Hanlfa and his followers in 'Irak,
and Abu Hanifa was the favoured target of the barbs
of the traditionists, who sometimes portrayed him in
satanic terms (there is an extensive collection of such
denigrating remarks in al-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh
Madinat al-Salam, ed. Bashshar 'Awwad Ma'ruf, Beirut
1422/2001, xv, 543-86). The many instances in which
Abu Hanifa was regarded as having contracted the
surma were collected (see Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Kitdb al-
musannaf, Bombay 1403/1983, xiv, 148-282). Even Abu
Hanifa, however, did not lack entirely for admirers
among the ahl al-hadith, and one of these, 'Abd Allah
Ibn al-Mubarak (d. 181/797 [q.v.]), approved of ra'y
for the purpose of interpreting hadith.
Al-Shafi'i was regarded by some leading represen-
tatives of the ahl al-hadith as having supported their
cause with arguments that the ahl al-ra'y could not
dismiss, and Ahmad b. Hanbal not only encouraged
traditionists to ' study al-ShafiT's al-Rrsala (Ibn Abf
Hatim, 61-3) but himself made a careful study of al-
Shafi'fs legal works and was thus exposed to a mod-
erate version of ta'v. The very development of the
discipline of legal theory (ustll al-fikh [q.v.]) ushered in
by al-Shafi'fs al-Rudla led to increased scrutiny of
the epistemological foundations of the various meth-
ods of legal reasoning falling within ra'y and to a
revaluation of ra'y in all its forms. The question was
now raised, for example, of whether the Prophet him-
self had ever had recourse to ra'y, albeit infallibly, as
suggested in the hadith (Abu Dawud, al-Sunan, ed. al-
Khalidr, Beirut 1416/1996, ii, 509; cf. Kur'an, IV,
105: bi-ma araka Allah, a question to which al-ShafiT
was unable to give a definitive answer, cf. al-Bayhaki,
Ma'rifat al-tunan wa 1-athdi, ed. Ahmad Sakr, Cairo
n.d..
Jhafi'I himself favoured the limitation of ra'y to
kiyas to the exclusion of ishhian (Schacht, Origins, 120-
8), and others in his wake reconciled the traditions
for and against ra'y by identifying the ra'y that was
acceptable with ra'y that was grounded in the revealed
texts, that is, kiyas. Nonetheless the Hanafis and Malikfs
continued to support a broader notion of ra'y and
interpret the condemnation of ra'y in the hadith to
refer to ra'y in the sense of theologic al heresy (Ibn 'Abd
al-Barr, D^ami' bqyan, ii, 1052-4)' or to offer accounts
of istihidn, for example, that brought it within the scope
More radical forms of legal theory emerged, how-
ever, which imposed a standard of certainty for Islamic
law in all its elements. Among the proponents of this
elevated standard was the Basran Mu'tazih al-Nazzam
(d. between 220/835 and 230/845 [q.v.]) whose attack
on probable reasoning in all forms including hydi did
not spare the Companions who resorted to ra'y (van
Ess, Dai Kitab an-Nakt des .Xazzdm and teme Reception
im Kitab al-Futya da 6ahiz, Gottingen 1972). Among
the Baghdad! Mu'tazilis who took a similar position
was Dja'far b. al-Mubashshir Id. 234/848-9), who
unlike al-Nazzam sought to justify recourse to ra'y on
the part of the Companions by way of compromise
r theoret
without
consequences ('Abd al-Djabbar al-Hamadhai
Mughnr, ed. Amfn al-Khuli, Cairo 1962, xvii, 298i.
The Zahiri school of law, inaugurated by Dawud
b '\h al-Isfahrm (d 270/834 [see dawud b khalaf])
lime from the ranks of the ahl al hadith, and Dawud
like Ahmad b Hanbal was a fervent admirei of al-
Shrfi'i (I Goldzihei The Zahirn tr \\ Behn Leiden
1971) Dawud s son Muhammad (d 297/910) impelled
the Zahins m a more independent direction and was
unsparing in his critique ol al-Shafi'i D Stew ait
Muhammad b Da'ud al Zahin * manual oj jurisprudent!.
al-Wusul ila ma'rifat al-usul in B G Weiss Studm in
Islamic legal tht on Leiden 2002 129-30) Eac h in some-
what different fashion propounded a \ersion of Islamic
law thit excluded all foims of probable reasoning and
both were in a position to draw upon then Mu'tazih
contemporaries (cf al-Sarakhsi luilaljikh ed Abu
1-WafY al-Afgham Cano 1372 n 119) In the appai-
ent absence of sun. rang wntings b\ these eailv Zahins
it is the extensive works of the Andalusi 7rhin Ibn
Hazm [q i ] that shed light on the Zahn i contribu-
tion to the antwif) movement and exhibit the lin-
gering influence of the Mu'tazih theorists According
to Ibn Hrzm ra'y was alieadv a feature of the period
of the Companions befoie the appearance of analogy
in the following geneiation lUulaLhkhm ibtal allnas
i±a 'I ra'y rxa I ntihsan i±a I tal ltd ixa I ta'lrl ed Sa'id
al-Afgham, Beirut 1379/1969, 4-5). He understands
la'y to involve the enunciation of legal opinion on the
basis of sheer expediency and he regards the process
as equivalent to iitihtan, and utinbat (derivation) (al-
IlikSmfi util al-ahkSm, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir,
Cairo 1347, vi, 16). He vigorously rejects the effort
on the part of the jurists of his day to identify kiyas
as a form of ra'y, in fact as identical to acceptable
ra'y. There is no acceptable form of ra'y. The Com-
their case never amounted to an endorsement of ra'y
as a method of deriving law because they did not,
as did the later proponents of ra'y, regard their ra'y
as God's law ihukm). They saw it rather as provid-
ing a rule they individually might follow out of pious
precaution, or they offered their ra'y by way of com-
promise to settle a dispute. Insofar as any sound
Prophetic traditions mandate recourse to idjhhad al-
ra'y, what must be meant is exhaustive seeking for
the applicable revealed texts.
Opposition to the movement of ahl al-ra'y was also
found among the Twelver and IsmaTli ShiTs, and
familiar from the Sunni hadith. Prominent in this con-
nection are the hadith going back to the Imam Dja'far
al-Sadik, who is portrayed as meeting with Abu Hanffa,
whose pretensions to legal understanding he quickly
shows to be groundless (i.e. al-Madjlisi, Bihar al-anwdi,
Tehran n.d.,' ii, 291-6, cf. Kadi al-Nu'man, Da'a'im
al-hlam, ed. Faydr, Cairo 1379/1960, ii, 266). Of par-
ticular interest is a purpoited letter fiom Dja'far to
the proponents of ra'y and kiyas in which the Imam
argues that if resort to ra'y weie permitted, there
would have been no point in God's sending of the
prophets. He could have left humans to direct their
own affairs (al-Barki, al-Mahasin, ed. Mahdi al-Radja'r,
Kura 1413, i, 331-2). The same Imam is also found
warning his followers against turning to ra'y when
they are unable to find answers to theii questions in
the revealed texts, an injunction that is not always
followed iHossein Modarressi Tabataba'i, An introduc-
tion to Shr'i law, London 1984, 30-1).
The anfi-za'}' position was defended in the dog-
matic writings of the Isma'ili Kadi al-Nu'man [q.v.]
b. Muhammad (d. 363/974), whose polemics against
ra'y were bolstered by arguments from Muhammad
b 'Dawud al-Zahin (A Ilhtilaf usul al madhahib 'ed S T
Lokhandwalla Simla 1972 202) A line of Twelver
Shi'i scholais al-Shavkh al Mufid (d 413/1002) and
his students al Sharif al-Murtada (d 436/1044) and
Muhammad b al-Hasan al-Tusi (d 460/1067) [q tl ]
writing undei Mu'tazih influence maintained then
v when Twelv.
- Shi'i j
thev c
'13th
the
The competition between the proponents of ra'y
and then vanous opponents ended in a clerr victorv
lor the ahl al ra'y Islamic law as it can be found m
the enormous liteiature of the Sunni schools is laigeK
the product of ra'y the books of fikh aie the books
of ra'y It was this veision of Sunni law that (oimed
a model ioi the elaboiation of hw m other aides
even those opposed to ra'y In this sense al-Shrfi'i
was fulrv ]ustified when he stated that all are depen-
dent on the 'Irakis m fikh (Ibn Abi Hrhm 210 var
in ra'y ) At another level however the deep divi-
sion within Sunmsm between ahl al ra'y and ahl al
manifest itself to one degiee or another within the
- RIBA
Sunm schools of law (al-Khattabl, Ma'alim al-sunan,
ed. Muhammad Raghib al-Tabbakh, Aleppo 1351/
1932, i, 2-8 [on reconciling ahl al-haditjx and ahl al-
ra'y]). Not only an Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1327 [q.v.])
[Madimu'at al-fatawa, xix, 151) could take offence at
the statement of the Shafi'T Ash'an al-Djuwayni (d.
478/1085) that nine-tenths of the law depended on
pure ra'y (ra'v rnahd) (al-Burhan, ed. 'Abd al-'Azmi al-
Dlb, Cairo 1400, ii, 768). Ra'y was never entirely rep-
utable as a source of law, and many centuries after
the Central Asian HanafT Abu U-Yusr al-Bazdawi (d.
493/1100) claimed that far from ashab al-m'y being
a label of opprobrium (reading subba) for the Hanafis
as some thought — it was in fact "one of the most
beautiful names as indicating their special connection
with knowledge of the heart" (Kitab jtlii ma'rifat al-
hudjadj al-shar'iyya, ed. M. Bernand and E. Chaumont,
Cairo 2003, 4)— Hanafis and their allies felt called
upon to address the label (Murtada al-Zabldi [d.
1205/1790], K. 'Ukud al-gjawahir al-munifa, ed. al-
Albanl, Beirut 1406/1985, i, 25; Ibn Hadjar al-
Haytami, al-Khayrat al-hisan, ed. al-Barm, Beirut n.d.,
62-3).
A small but significant remnant of the ahl al-hadith
anti-ra'y polemics of the early ahl al-hadith, which
remained accessible to them primarily through the
writings of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr and Ibn Kayyim al-
Djawziyya. The latter in his Flam al-muwakki'in 'an
rabb al-'alamin (ed. Muhammad MuhyT al-Dm 'Abd
al-Harmd, Cairo 1374/1955, i, 67-85) had, in addi-
tion to citing a wealth of material on the m'y debate,
established an elaborate categorisation of m'y under
three headings: valid (sahTh, mahmud], invalid (batil,
madhmum), and dubious {mawdi', ishtibdh). Ibn al-Kayyim
is true to the early ahl al-hadith in recognising the
authority of the ra'y of the Companions but also
admits the validity of kiyas in the absence of other
sources. His dubious ra'y is ra'y employed under exi-
gent circumstances when all else fails. It is not meant
to establish a generally binding norm from which fur-
ther rules can be derived, although in fact later jurists
have developed this form of ra'y at the expense of
the revealed texts and statements of early authorities
(al-nusus wa 'l-athar). Those inspired by the writings
of Ibn al-Kayyim shared his sense that much of the
law of the schools was pure ra'y with very little in
the way of textual support of any kind and thus of
no authority. In their opposition to taklid [q.v.] of such
mere fallible opinions, they looked to the abolition of
the existing schools. Among such jurists are Salih al-
Fullanl (d. 1218/1803), Muhammad b. 'All al-
ShawkanT (d. 1250/1834 [q.v.]) and Ahmad b. Idris
(d. 1253/1837 [q.v.]) (B. Radtke et al. The exoteric
Ahmad b. Idris, Leiden 2000, including an edition and
translation of his Risa/at al-radd 'aid ahl al-m'y).
The arguments of these and other anti-ra'y writers
were promoted during the twentieth-century reform
movement inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (d.
1905 [q.v.]) and continued by his disciple Muhammad
Rashid Rida (d. 1935 [q.v.]). This movement has been
quite successful in its intended goal of divesting the
law of the schools of its aura of sanctity and reveal-
ing it as the body of ra'y that it is. It has, however,
not put in its place a law that would have pleased
the ahl al-hadith but has inclined rather toward an
eclecticism open to a wider body of ra'y than ever
before (see the instructive preface of Rida to Ibn
Kudama, al-Mughni, Medina n.d., i, 21-8).
To a certain extent related to the great debate over
ra'y in law is the prohibition reported in the hadith
of interpreting the Kur'an according to ra'y (al-tafsu
bi 1-w'y) (Ibn Taymiyya, Mukaddima Jt usul al-tafsir,
ed. Zarzur, Kuwayt 1392/1972, 105-13; I. Goldziher,
Die Richtungen der islamischen Koranauskgung, Leiden 1920,
61-2, 84), a prohibition frequently cited in the anti-
ra'y material discussed above. Although the vast lit-
erature of Kur'anic commentary does contain works
in which the interpretations given are entirely or
largely in the form of transmitted explanations from
the Prophet and his early followers, the prohibition
did not prevent the rapid growth of exegetical works
along more independent lines. In some cases this was
justified by distinguishing between tafsir, which depends
on eyewitness knowledge of the circumstances sur-
rounding the Kur'anic revelations and was thus lim-
ited to the Companions, and ta'wil, which, disclaiming
knowledge of the real meaning of the Kur'an, sim-
ply explores possible meanings of the Kur'anic word-
ing. This was the solution of the theologian al-Matundi
(d. 333/944 [q.v.]) [K. Ta'wildt ahl al-sunna, ed.
Muhammad Mustafld al-Rahman, Baghdad 1404/
1987, i, 5-6). More commonly, the ra'y in the pro-
hibition was understood to refer to theological heresy
or subjective inclination, and interpretations not offered
in defence of heretical doctrines or prompted by
unlearned instinct without a basis in language or logic
were deemed not to violate the prohibition (Ibn al-
'Arabr, h'anun al-ta'wil, ed. Muhammad al-Sulaymani,
Beirut 1990, 366-8; Ibn Atiyya, al-Muharrar al-waajiz,
Beirut 1423/2003, 27; Muhammad 'Abd al-'Azim al-
Zurkanl, Manahil al-'irfan Jt 'ulum al-Kuian, Cairo n.d.,
ii, 49-69 [defending tqfsir bi 1-ra'y]; Muhammad Hamad
Za gh lul, al-Tafsu bi 'l-ra'y kawd'iduhu wa-dawabituhu wa-
a'lamuhu, Damascus 1420/1999).
Bibliography: In addition to references in the
text, see Muhammad Mukhtar al-Kadi", al-Ra'y fi '/-
fikh al-islami, Cairo 1368/1949; Ahmad Hasan^ Early
modes ofijtihad: ra'y, qiyas and istihsan, in Islamic Studies,
vi (1967), 47-79; Hossein Modarressi, Rationalism and
traditionalism in Shi'i jurisprudence: a preliminary survey,
in SI, lix (1984), 141-58; M.I. Fierro Bello, La
polemique a ptopos de raf al-yadayn fi 1-salat dans al-
Andalus, in SI, lxv (1987), 69-90 (conflict of ra'y and
hadith); eadem. The introduction of hadith in al-Andalus
(2nd/8th-3rd/9th centuries), in 1st., ixvi (1989), 68-93;
M.H. Kamali, The approved and disapproved varieties of
ra'y (personal opinion) in Islam, in American Journal of
Islamic Social Sciences, vii (1990), 39-63; idem, Freedom
of expression in Islam, Cambridge 1997; J. van Ess,
Theologie and Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert
Hidschra, Berlin 1991-7, iv (index); Abdel-Majid
Turki, Le Muwatta' de Malik, ouvrage de fiqh, entte
le hadith et le ra'y, ou comment aborder /'etude du md/ik-
isme kairounais au IV/X siecle, in SI, lxxxvi (1997),
5-35; Khalifa Ba Bakr al-Hasan, al-Iditihad bi 1-ra'y
fi madrasat al-hiajaz al-fikhiyya, Cairo 1418/1997;
S. Stroumsa, Freethinkers of medieval Islam: Ibn al-
Rawandi, Abu Bakr al-Razi and their impact on Islamic
thought, Leiden 1999 {ra'y in theology); B. Krawietz,
Hierarchie der Rechtsquelkn im tradieiten sunnitischen Islam,
Berlin 2002 lindex, modern discussions).
(Jeanette Wakin and A. Zysow)
RIBA.
B. In modern commercial usage.
In the modern period, debates on nbd among
Muslims followed the pre-modern conceptions and
arguments developed in fikh. With the introduction of
interest-based banks into Muslim lands, debate on the
permissibility or otherwise of interest began, which
intensified from the 1 940s in the context of the emerg-
ence of the global Islamic neo-revivalist movements.
These movement* such as the Muslim Brotherhood
[see al-ikhwan al-muslimun] of Egypt and Djama'at
Islami of Pakistan and those influenced by their ideo-
logical frameworks called for the transformation of the
existing political, legal, social and economic institu-
tions of Muslim societies to ones more in line with
"Islamic" norms and principles. One such institution
and finance in Muslim societies.
Riba in its jikhi sense is associated with a range of
contracts, from loans {/card) to debts (daw) to sales
(bay'). However, in the mid-to late-20th~ century, in
the Islamic finance literature, nba came to be dis-
cussed mainly in the context of interest in financial
transactions, and interpreted as interest. This close
accepted today among many Muslims. In his discus-
sion on riba, Khurshid Ahmad, a prominent advocate
of Islamic finance in Pakistan, emphasised how riba
is to be understood today, and argued that Islam for-
large, contractually agreed upon at the time of lend-
ing money or loanable funds", i Ahmad, Elimination of
Riba, 42). However, for some Muslims, nba should
not be interpreted simply as interest. For the]
e forn
of intei
t other:
Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905) and Rashid Rida (d.
1935) [q.vv.] were among the first to address the ques-
tion of interest on deposits. While uncomfortable with
the idea, they were prepared to concede it if a mudaiaba
(commenda [a.r.]) scheme could be devised to legiti-
mise the interest (Mallat, The debate on Riba, 74). The
Egyptian authority on Islamic law, 'Abd al-Razzak
Sanhun (d. 1971), saw compound interest as the main
intent of the Kur'an 's prohibition of nba. Interest on
capital, in his view, could be justified on the basis of
"need" (hddfa), but to prevent misuse and exploitation
should li
and c.
Kur'an
mkk, iii, 241-4). The con-
ian thinker Doualibi argued that the
specifically, presumably because of its concern for peo-
ple who may have borrowed just to meet their basic
argued that there is no riba in interest paid or received
by corporate bodies such as companies and govern-
ments, and others that Islam prohibits "usury" not
"interest". There is also the idea that nba should be
equated with real interest, not nominal interest. Several
scholars of the mid- to late-20th century also inter-
preted riba from a "moral" perspective, away from
the literalism that dominates much of the thinking on
nba. Muhammad Asad (d. 1992), a modernist com-
mentator on the Kur'an, maintained that riba involved
"an exploitation of the economically weak by the
strong and resourceful" (The message, b'i'i). Fazlur
Rahman (d. 1988), the Pakistani-American academic,
argued that the raison d'etre of the prohibition of nba
was injustice (zulm), as was stated in the Kur'an (II,
279), and that "well-meaning Muslims with very vir-
tuous consciences sincerely believe that the Kur'an
has banned all bank interest for all times in woeful
disregard of what nba was historically, why the Kur'an
denounced it as a gross and cruel form of exploita-
tion and banned it" (Islam: challenges, 326).
Despite the appeal of these views, the neo-revivalists
and their followers and sympathisers, who increasingly
represent mainstream Muslim opinion today, have con-
tinued to reject any reinterpretation of riba to accom-
modate bank interest. Mawdudi (d. 1979), the founder
of Djama'at Islami of Pakistan, for example, asserted
that there was no question that riba was interest. The
Council of Islamic Ideology of Pakistan (Consolidated
lecommendations, 7), which in the 1980s developed a
blueprint for the transformation of the Pakistani finan-
cial system into an Islamic one, claimed that there
was "complete unanimity among all schools of thought
in Islam that the term' nba stands for interest in all
In the 1970s, the oil-producing Gulf states found
themselves with massive cash surpluses to invest, which
shifted the debate on riba from the theoretical to the
practical. One of the strategies adopted by these states
was to develop financial institutions on an interest-
free (that is, nia-free, or Islamic) basis. Examples
include the Islamic Development Bank based in Saudi
Arabia, the Faisal Islamic Banks based in the Middle
East, Kuwait Finance House and the Dubai Islamic
Bank. Shari'a advisers guided the design of contracts
and products and the drawing up of principles for
productive ventures, in which capital could be com-
bined with the skill of entrepreneurs to lead to socially
beneficial incremental returns. The system created is
Sharing (PLS), in which both provider and user of
the funds share in the outcome of the venture, be it
(Saeed, hlamk banking, 51-75). Contracts developed
cover mudaraba (commenda), musharaka (partnership),
idjaia (leasing), ishsna' (manufacturing or "made-to-
order") and murabaha (mark-up finance based on sale
of goods). Driven by these new strategies. Islamic
banking and finance grew strongly in the 1980s and
1990s.
With the 21st century, the role of Islamic Ithat is,
has become even more significant, with institutions
ranging from village banks to major international devel-
opment banks, to insurance Itakajul) companies, to
interest-based institutions but often in co-operation
with them as well. Several Muslim majority states
such as Malaysia, Kuwait and Egypt, for instance,
have dual banking and finance systems (one based on
interest, the other based on Islamic principles). Even
interest-based banks (including major international
banks) now offer Islamic products or Islamic windows
■ Musli
;ntele.
rested i
Muslims.
The drive to develop modern, ribd-tree banking,
finance and insurance was accompanied by some seri-
ous difficulties and also pragmatic shifts in the under-
standing of nba. Because of competition. Islamic
financial institutions felt they had to provide their
Muslim clients with "competitive" products, which at
times meant interest-based products under different
contractual arrangements and labels. These pragmatic
adjustments tended to make the Islamic finance, at
times, less distinguishable from interest-based finance
in the eyes of their critics. What follows are some
examples where critics argue that there are pragmatic
shifts in the understanding of nba by the proponents
of Islamic finance.
to see nba, interpreted as interest, as a legal rather
than an economic concept. For them, riba occurred
mainly in the context of contractual obligations on
borrc
(Nienhaus, Isla
lie economics, 44). Islamic law prohibited
any positive ret
rrn to the provider of capital in a purely
financial transa
etion, such as where an entrepreneur
692
RIBA -
received funds from a bank for utilisation at the entre-
preneur's discretion. This was governed by the require-
ments of the contract of loan {/card). If the contract
changed, e.g. from loan to sale (bay'), a return, even
if in reality it might appear little different from fixed
interest, was permissible. An example of this is the
mark-up in murabaha, which from a legal point of view
is not a purely financial transaction and therefore a
positive return (= mark-up) is considered permissible.
Second, practical realities also meant that Islamic
banks needed to compensate themselves if customers
defaulted on contractual obligations, for example by
failing to pay a debt on time. Thus, in such cases,
a "fine" (compensation equivalent to the "opportunity
cost" of the capital) became the practice, not with-
out criticism, however. On the other hand, there are
depositors who do not want to put their funds at risk
in a PLS account but prefer to keep them in a non-
PLS account to avoid any risk, primarily for safe-
keeping purposes. While such depositors are not
entitled to any profits, in practice in order to letain
these deposits. Islamic banks have begun to offer
"rewards" to such depositors saying that as long as
no contractual obligations were invoked they had the
discretion to offer incentives (Saeed Islamic banking
112).
Third, a question currently being debated is whethei
"profit" can be pre-determined in PLS contracts In
Islamic law as well as in the literature on Islamic
finance the concept of legitimate profit is closely asso-
with the uncertainty of
PLS v
One
albeit
, that there is nothing
detei mining profit in advance as long as this is done
by the two parties by choice and consent While this
position is not accepted in the mainstream Islamic
finance it is possible that this position may become
more acceptable at least in practice as moie empha-
sis is put on developing investment products with less
risk and moie predictable returns
Fourth a further question is whethei it is per-
missible to invest in a business which engages in an
activity prohibited by Islamic law, for instance in
lntei est-based dealings Since most publicly -listed com-
panies in developed countries lely heavily on inter-
est-based finance paving and ieceiving of interest is
noimal This is problematic from an Islamic finance
perspective even if the businesses produce halal (per-
missible) goods or services The debate has pioduced
two camps, one declaring that investment in such
companies is unambiguously prohibited and unlawful
for Muslims according to fikh In the other camp the
proponents of permissibility relying on concepts such
as necessity public interest general need and
analogy (kivai) have attempted to find a legal justifi-
cation a pragmatic position that recognises that such
investment is a modern global phenomenon and dif-
ficult for Muslims to avoid The pragmatists have
accepted permissibility of investment m such compa-
nies with certain conditions and intioduced concepts
such as cleansing of investment piofit fiom pro-
hibited elements 1 e the estimated interest compo-
nent of the company
Many Muslims who are interested in genuine nba-
fiee finance argue that these pragmatic adjustments
have largely rendered Islamic banking and finance
ovei to an mtei est-based system except in name The
trend to develop more and more products that are
similar to those offeied by the interest-based system
would only blur any distinction that may exist between
the Islamic and interest-based systems Despite these
reservations Islamic banking and finance appeal to
be becoming increasingly acceptable among Muslims
and their use consistently increasing howevei prag
matic it may be
Bibliography Fazlur Rahman Riba and interest
in Islamic Studies (March 1964) Abd al-Razzak
Sanhun Masadu alhakk fi I fikh al Islami Beirut
1967; Mohammed Uzair Interest free banking Kaiachi
1978; Rahman Islam challenges and opportunities in
Islam. Past influence and present challenge ed A T Welch
and P Cachia Edinburgh 1979 Council of Islamic
Ideology, Consolidated recommendations on the Islamic
economic system, Islamabad 1983; Muhammad
Nejatullah Siddiqi, Banking without interest, Leicester
1983; idem, Issues in Islamic banking. Selected papers,
Leicester 1983; Muhammad Asad, The message of the
Qur'an, Gibraltar 1984; Jordan Islamic Bank (JIB),
al-Fatawa al-shar'iyya, "Amman 1984; Uzair, Impact
of interest free banking, in Journal of Islamic Banking and
Finance (Autumn 1984) M Umei Chapra, Towards
a ,ust monetary system Leicester 1985; Nabil Saleh,
Unlauful gain and legitimate profit in Islamic law,
Cambridge 1986 Chibli Mallat, The debate on Riba and
interest in twentieth centun jurisprudence, in idem (ed.),
Islamic lau and finance, London 1988; Abu '1-A'la
Mawdudi Toaards understanding the Qur'an, tr. Zafar
Ishaq Ansan Leicester 1988, Khurshid Ahmad,
Elimination of Riba concept and problems, in Institute
of Policy Studies (ed ) Elimination of Riba from the
economy Islamabad 1994 FE Vogel and S.L. Hayes
III, Islamic lau and f nance religion risk, and return,
The Hague 1998 Abdullah Saeed, Islamic banking
and interest Leiden 1999 (Abdlllah Saeed)
al-RIDDA (\), lit 'apostasy the name given in
Islamic histonogiaphy to the series of battles
against tribes both nomadic and sedentary,
which began shortly before the death of the
Prophet Muhammad and continued through-
out Abu Bakr s [q.v.] caliphate.
In many cases the term ridda is, however, a mis-
nomer since numerous tribes and communities had
had no contact whatsoever with the Muslim state or
had no formal agreements with it. Several tribes were
led by chieftains who posed as prophets. These were
'Abhala al-'Ansi pejoratively nicknamed al-Aswad [q.v.]
or the black one (also Dhu 'l-Khimar or the veiled one)
in the \emen Maslama or Musaylima [q.v.] (the small
or wretched Maslama) of the Hamfa b. Ludjaym [q.v.]
in \amama Talha or Tulayha [q.v] (the small Talha)
of the Asad [q o ] and Sadjah [q.v.] of the Tamim
[q i ] — both of them in Nadjd — and Dhu '1-Tadj Lakit
b Malik of the Azd [q.v.] in 'Uman. Most of the
tnbes which pnoi to the ridda had been under Medinan
domination merely refused to go on paying taxes,
while stating their readiness to continue practicing
Islam Had it not been for Muhammad's premature
death Islam would have gained a better foothold in
tribal Aiabia through his effective tactics. He would
give a tubal representative — sometimes it was a
tribesman who came on his own initiative — authority
ovei both the Muslims and pagans in his tribe and
instruct him to fight against those who turn away
with those who come forward". Consequendy, in many
tribes the Muslims and pagans neutralised each other.
Among the Madhhidj [q.v.], for example, Farwa b.
Musayk, the Prophet's representative to the Murad
[q i ] the Zubayd and the rest of Madhhidj, was con-
fronted by a fiustrated rival, 'Amr b. Ma'dikarib [q.v.]
al-Zubaydi When Muhammad died, the latter rebelled.
There were Muslim enclaves in many tribes, and con-
sequently the Prophet and Abu Bakr could confront
Mm
? Mus
The ieconstruction oi the course of events be\ond
the geneial outline is complicated b\ the mam con-
tiadictoi\ accounts which are oiten oi apologetic or
polemical nature Obviouslv this pioblematK chapter
oi tubal histoi\ was oi acute importance foi the tubal
informants who preserved the accounts ioi postentv
often impioving the place in histon, oi a tribal leader
lehabilitating an individual or a tribal gioup and vili-
fving an opponent
When Abu Bakr ascended the throne he defied
bv dispatching to S\na an expedition foice under
Usama b Za\d Some must have consideied this move
reckless, hence the claim that it was in fulfillment ol
a wish made b\ the dving Prophet Yet the thieat
posed bv the nomads must not be exaggeiated Fust,
a nomadic takeover of a settlement was most unusual,
although the nsk of a laid for plundei was no doubt
teal Second, the tribes living in the immediate vicin-
ltv of Medina remained unwavering Thev included
among others, the Ashdja' or part of them, the Aslam
the Dhuhavna [see kuda'a] and the Muzavna [q o]
These tubes weie not majoi plaveis in Aiabian pol-
itics, but their combined mihtarv weight should not
be underestimated The\ piovided Medina with an
innei cncle oi defence, continuing then pie-Islamn
links with its tubes Indeed Abu Bakr managed to
oigamse the Muslim aimv in Dhu '1-Kassa and send
Khalid b al-Walld [qc]o{ the kurashi clan of Makh-
zum [q v] to Nadjd even belore Usama b Zavd s return
\et on the whole the situation looked bleak The
sedentarv false prophet Musavlima and the nomadic
one Tulavha were amassing power The latter was
also followed bv the Tawi' [q z ] Most of the Ghataian
[qi] apostatised, as did paits of the Sulavm [q i ]
while the Hawazm iemained undecided with the excep-
tion of the Thaklf who iemained steadfast Also, the
'Ad)K.I i'dfac Hauazm 'the rear part of the Hawazin '
that is the Nasi b Mu'awiva Djusham b Mu'awiva
and Sa'd b Bakr, did not rebel, and the same is true
of Djadilat Kavs, that is the Fahm and 'Adwan tubes
The onlv battle which preceded the ietuin of
Usama s foice took place east ol Medina against tribes
oi the Ghataian gioup, namelv, the 'Abs and Dhubvan
(moie preciselv the formei and the Murra subdivi-
sion of the lattei) Following then deleat the 'Abs
and Dhubvan killed the Muslims living in their midst
and their example was followed bv other tribes Tulavha
al-Asadl lost the battle of Buzakha [q i ] having been
deserted bv his non-Asadf allies First the Tawi' left
unimpeded, having created the impression that their
own tribe was threatened bv the Muslims (whom thev
subsequentlv joined) Then the Ghataian undei 'Uvavna
b Hisn [qi] of the Fazaia [q i ] defected
The most important events of the ndda involved
the Tamim, the largest nomadic tribe in Aiabia, and
the sedentaiv Hanifa who lived in hmama Manv
of the Tamim (perhaps even most of them) vielded
to Muslim contiol during Muhammad s lifetime Foi
example the Sa'd b Zavd Manat the most numei-
ous subdivision of the Tamim had two tax-collectors
appointed bv Muhammad al-Zibnkan b Badr [q i ]
and Kavs b 'Asim [qi] Typitallv the lattei was
waiting to see what the toimer would do with the
camels which he had collected foi Medina in order
to do the opposite Indeed, Tamim's subdivisions, not
to mention the Tamim as a whole, did not foim a
unified gioup and the same could be said of even,
single tube be it nomadic oi sedentarv Two events
dominate the accounts on the ndda of the Tamim
First the affair of the false prophetess Sadjah, above
all hei infamous encountei with Musavlima Now
Musavlima required of his men strict asceticism, and
the obscene descuptions of his meeting with Sadjah
were probablv meant to call his ascetic image into
question Second the killing of Malik b Nuwavra
[q i ] and the ensuing ci racism concerning Khalid b
al-ttalld's conduct
The sedentarv Hanita who were unified (with the
exception of the Suhavm subdivision) under Musavlima
weie Medina s staunchest enemies After an initial
defeat the Muslims pushed the HanafTs to 'the orchaid
of death' {hadihat al maut) in 'Akraba' [qi], not far
horn Musavlima s home town al-Haddai (modem al-
Hudavdii) The historical traditions of the Kuravsh
and the Ansar preserved lists of the members oi these
groups who weie killed in the battlefield, but one
looks in vain for the names of the manv nomads who
died there The fortresses of the Hanifa remained
intatt and the HanafT Mudjdja'a b Murara who had
been taken captive at an earliei stage in the fighting
and negotiated with Khalid on behalf ol the Hanifa
tricked the latter bv disguising the children, women
and old people who remained in the foi tresses as
men thus impioving the teims of his tubes capitu-
lation But the ruse mav have been invented in older
to protect Khahd s pohcv because the negotiated
tieatv — fortified bv his marriage to Mudjdja'a s daugh-
tei — caused the Muslims great losses
The stoiv of al-Aswad in the \emen which is full
of intrigue involves a struggle between the Persian
Abna' [see al-abna' (II)] and several Aiab tribes for
the contiol of San'a' and the rest of the Yemen
During this powei stiuggle Medina iemained in the
background when the Abna' managed to iegain con-
trol of San'a' Abu Bakr recognised them, preciselv
as the Prophet had done in his time The Abna' were
then challenged bv Kavs b al-Makshuh al-Muradi
who took San'a', but thev managed to duve him out
shortlv afterwards
The mad to the Yemen was secured bv a Muslim
expedition force which bi ought the rebellious 'Amr
b Ma'dTkanb and Kavs b al-Makshuh back to the
Mush
e Yemei
could n
be pacified Then the Muslims turned t
the lebelhon in Hadiamawt Here the dominant tribe
Kinda [qi] vielded to superior forces one undei al-
Muhadjir b Abr Umawa (of the Makhzum) arriving
horn the kmtn, and anothei undei 'Ikrima b Abr
Djahl (also ol the Makhzum) arming from the land
of Mahi a [q i ] The kinglv familv from the presti-
gious subdivision of Kinda 'Amr b Mu'awiva was
destioved in a suipnse night attack Members from
this subdivision and from the Hanth b Mu'awiva
subdivision later surrendeied in al-Nudjavr [qi] Fol-
lowing the wai against the Kmda, al-Ash'ath [q i ] b
Kavs ol the Hanth subdivision lose to prominence
This shift in the leadeiship was atvpical, since tubal
leaderships usuallv suivived the ndda Foi example
'Uvavna b Hisn is said to have been the onlv Aiab
who leceived one mnba' oi a quartei of the captured
bootv in the Djahihvva and one khums oi a fifth of
the bootv in Islam
The war in Hadiamawt was pieceded bv fighting
in the southeastein corner of Arabia where Dhu 1-
Tadj Lakit b Malik al-Azdi pushed the sons of the
Djulanda [q v , and see azd and sijhar] who were
Abu Baki's allies to the mountains and to the sea-
side of Suhai Tribal foices sent bv Medina to aid
its allies besieged Lakit in Daba and were joined by
other tubal forces under 'Iknma b Abi Djahl The
Muslims were also supported bv troops fiom the
Nadjiya [cf \l-khirrit] and the '4.bd al-Kavs [qv]
'Ikrima continued his march to the land of Mahra
with his tribal units (a subdivision of the Azd called
Rasib and the Sa'd b Zavd Manat of Tamfm are
specifically mentioned) Among the Mahra there was
internal strife, and the weaker patty allied itself with
the Muslims (in other woids, it converted to Islam)
After the stronger paity was subdued the leader of
the weaker one bi ought to Medina one fifth of the
spoils When 'Ikrima continued his maich to Hadramawt
his army also included warriors from the Mahra
Shoitly after the Prophet's demise, his governor in
Bahrayn al-Mundhn b Sawa [qv] of the Tamlm
also died The Kays b Tha'laba of the Bakr b Wa'il
[qt] "and the whole of the RabT'a' lebelled under
al-Hutam, who was one of the Ka\s, while al-Djarud
of the 'Abd al-Kays, among otheis, was steadfastly
loyal to Islam A client of the Kuraysh al-'Ala' b
al-Hadrami, who had replaced al-Mundhir as gover-
nor of Bahrayn fought against the rebels with the
Arabs and Persians who joined him Among others
he was suppoi ted by a large foi ce of the Tamim Al-
Hutam contiolled al-Katlf [qv], Hadjar [see m,-haA]
DaiTn (modem Tarut) and al-Khatt [qv], while the
Muslims had been besieged in their stionghold,
Djuwatha, until they were rescued by al-'Ala' The
lebels were defeated on the mainland and (led to the
island of Darin which the Muslims took after having
miraculously crossed the sea
The ndda can be seen as a prelude to the wider
conquests The Kurashi generals gained piecious expe-
rience in mobilising large multi-tnbal armies over long
distances They benefited from the close acquaintance
of the Kuiaysh with tribal politics throughout Arabia
A. crucial role was played bv Khahd b al-Walld
whose mother was a nomad Indeed, the Bedouin
way of life was not alien to him he is said to have
consumed a lizard, while Muhammad who was watch-
ing loathed it Already in the conquest of Mecca
(8/b30), Khahd was leading a troop of nomads
(referred to as muhad^irat al 'arab), and in the battle ol
Hunayn [q i ] shoitly afterwards he led the nomadic
Sulaym at the vanguard of the Muslim army
The ndda changed foi ever the relationship between
the central gov ernment and the strong tribes of Arabia
The latter were trying to abolish whatever ascendancv
the Muslim state had achieved dunng the lifetime of
Muhammad, but were overpowered by large expedi-
tion forces mobilised by able Muslim generals The
battlefield successes of the Muslims secuied for them
the cooperation of tribes living between Medina and
the temtones of the rebellious tubes Medina l estab-
lished its prestige and dealt the seveiest forms of pun-
ishment to those who had killed Muslims eaihei in
the fighting
New ieahties were created on the ground Khahd's
treaty with the Hanlfa prescribed that he receive one
orchard and one field of his choice m every village
included in the treaty The villages in the Yamama
area which were not included in the treaty bore the
lull consequences of the defeat The inhabitants of
the Mar'at village were enslaved and a tribal group
ol the Tamim, the Imru' '1-Kays b Zayd Manat b
Tamlm settled there Musayhma's home town of al-
Haddar was not part of the treaty Khahd enslaved
its people and settled theie the Banu '1-A'radj, le,
the Banu '1-Hanth b Ka'b b Sa'd b Zayd Manat
b Tamln These changes demonstrate how local
groups of the Tamim benefited from their co-opera-
tion with Khahd in Yamama Other villages not
included in the treaty weie al-Suyuh, al-Dayk, al-
'Arrka, al-Ghabra', Fayshan, al-Kurayya (one of the
central villages of Yamama) al-Kasabat, al-Kaltaym,
al-Kirs, Makhrafa and al-Masam' In addition, the al-
Madj3za village was inhabited by the Hizzan of the
'Anaza [qv] and by people of mixed descent [akhlat
mm al nas), including mawati of the Kuraysh and oth-
eis who settled there after the ndda, since it had not
been included in Khahd's tieaty
The new balance of power between the central
government and the tribes is reflected m the takeover
by the state of tribal protected glazing grounds [see
him\] The thousands of camels and othei beasts taken
as booty in the last years of Muhammad's life, in
addition to those collected from the nomads in taxes,
needed large grazing grounds In addition, several
influential Kurashfs, such as the future caliph 'Uthirmn
b 'Man and also al-Zubayr b al-'Awwam and 'Abd
al-Rahman b 'Awf, were competing with the state
because they were themselves owners of large herds
'Abd al-Rahman left to his mheiitois 1,000 camels
in addition to 3,000 ewes and 100 horses The ewes
and the horses were grazing in al-Naki" [see vl-'«jk]
(often written enoneously al-Baki") It was Muhammad
who declared the NakT', some 120 km/75 miles south
of Medina a state hima ' fot the horses of the Muslims",
probably at the expense of the Sulaym, and put in
charge of it a member of the Muzayna Moreover,
Muhammad reportedly abolished the tribal grazing
grounds by declaring that the only legitimate hima
belonged to God and His messenger, in other words
to the state Previously, the tribes feaied the takeover
of their land and watei resources by other tribes, but
now the powerful state and certain individuals cov-
eted the same resources The size of the state himas
grew constantly under the caliphs A telling example
of this is linked to the abov e-mentioned battle against
the 'Abs and Dhubyan which took place in al-Abrak
in the area of al-Rabadha [qi] some 200 km/ 125
miles east of Medina Abu Bakr actually conquered
Dhubvan's teintorv (ghalaba bam Dhubyan 'aid V bilad)
and expelled laajla) its owners He made al-Abrak a
hima for the horses of the Muslims (in other words
he made it state pioperty) and permitted every body
to graze in the rest of al-Rabadha at the expense of
the Tha'laba b Sa'd b Dhubyan Later he declared
the whole of al-Rabadha hima for the camels collected
as taxes (sadakat al mushmin) One repoit attributes the
expulsion of the Tha'laba from al-Rabadha to 'Umar
b al-Khattab, while another has it that the state hima
in al-Rabadha was created by Muhammad, in which
case Abu Bakr was merely reestablishing state author-
Bibliografhy 1 Sources Taban, i, 1795-8,
tr I K Poonawala, The History of al Taban, ix, lb4if,
Tabail, i, 1851-2015 tr FM Donner, The History
of alTabari x, 18if, Baladhurl, Futuh passim, Sh
al-Fahham, hit'a fi ahkbar al ndda h mu'alhf maajhul,
in Festsihnjt Msir al Din al had (Fusul adabma ua
ta'nkhyya ), ed H 'Atwan, Beirut 1414/1993,
149-225, the relevant entries in Yakut, Mu'djam al
buldan
2 Studies ES Shoufam, M Riddah and the
Muslim conquest of Arabia, Toronto and Beirut 1972
FM Donner The early Islamu conquests, Princeton
1981, 82-90, MJ Kistei, " ilia bi-haqqihi "
A study of an ,ath hadith, in JSAI, v (1984), 33-52,
E Landau-Tasseron 4speits of the ndda uais, unpubl
PhD thesis, Jerusalem 1981 (Hebiew with an
English summaiy it deals with Tayyi' Asad
Ghatafan Sula\m and Tamim) eadem The partia
patton of Tayyi' in the ndda in JSA1 v (1984) 53-
71 eadem had fwm Jahihyya to Nam in JS.il vi
(19851 1-28 at 20-5 on the ndda of the Sula\m
see M Lecker The Bam, Sulaym Jeiusnem 1989
index on their himas, see ibid 229-38 on the ndda
of the Kinda, see idem Kinda on thi eie of Ham and
dunne, the ndda in JRAS 3id sei i\ (1994 3S3-
56 also idem Judaism among, hinda and the ndda of
Kinda m JAOS cxv (1995) 035-50 J Wellhausen
Prolegomena zur alhslen Gischuhh dis hlarm in Ski^en
und \orarbaten vi Berlin 1899 7-37
(M Lecker)
RIMAYA [see raws]
ROHTAK the name of a region and a town
oi northwestern India now in the Harry ana State
of the Indian Union
The region is not mentioned in the earliest Indo-
Muslim souires but (rom the Sultanate penod on-
wards its history was oiten linked with that ol neaib\
Dihli to its southeast In the 18th century it was
fought over b\ commanders of the moribund Mughals
and the militant Sikhs [q i~
Ibn Ma'sum in his inuai al rah' led Sh H Shukr
Nadjaf 1388/19b8, i 31-2) holds that the hrst Badi'iyya
was composed b\ one [Abu 1-Hasan] c Ali b 'Uthman
al-Irbih al-Sufi The classical division between ma'am
bayan and badi' [qu } by Djalal al-Din al-Kazwim (d
739/1338) and Badr al-Din Ibn Malik (d 686/1287)
in i elation to the Tira^ as analysed b\ Soudan
9i-7, and Bonebakker cannot be discussed here To
lllustiate the individual chapteis oi his ii lends Badi'iyya
. In e
i Indiai
1 Agent undei
the Resident in Dihli Dunng the Sepo\ Mutin\ oi
1857-8 the whole oi the Rohtak region fell into rebel
hands In contemporary Hairy ana State as in post-
Mutin\ Bntish India Rohtak toims an admimstiativt
Distnct
The town oi Rohtak (lat 28° 54' N long 7b°
35' E ) lies 72 km/44 miles to the northwest ol Dihli
in Bntish Indian times Hindus and Muslims wen
fan h. evenly balanced within its population with a
small prepondeiance oi Hindus a situation altered b\
the bloody aiteimath oi Partition in 1947
Bibhogiaphy Imperial qazetttei of India \xi
310-22 _ (C E Bosworthj
al-RU'AYNI Abu Dja'far Ahmad al-Gharnati l0 i
al-Ilbin) al-Mahki d 779/1377 Andalusi scholai
author
al Hull
tl-Ru'a'
samples
t limited to the Musi
r Wes
andp
they exprc
' t the t
author
ing i
lem praising the Prophei
Muhammad while illustrating the badi ' [qv]) oi hu
companion Ibn Djabir (d 780/1378-9) The Badi'iyy,
itself and important giammatical and lexicogiaphical
sections of the book have been published by 'All Abu
Zayd Beirut 1405/1985 but numerous histoncal and
geographical data poetry as well as a wealth oi mioi-
mation in the domain of adab [qi] in the widest
sense of the teim remain unpublished even though
quotations from al-Ru'aym s book appeal in acknowl-
edged and unacknowledged borrowings eg by al-
Tanasi Al-Ru'aym also wrote a commentary on a
similar poem by Ibn Djabir consisting oi taunyyas [q i ]
on the sums of the Kur'an
Both scholars began then caieers in Spain and both
were pupils oi 'All b 'Umai al-kidjati (d 730/1329)
a scholar oi jikh Kui'an giammar and philology
who lived in Gianada They left Spain togethei in
738/1337 on a pilgiimage having become in the
woids oi Lisan al-Din Ibn al-Khatib, like two souls
in one body and Ibn Djabir being blind, they were
also known as the blind and the seeing They lived
in Egypt (where they attended the lectures oi Abu
Hayyan al-Ghamati) Damascus where they ai rived
in 741/1340-1 and Aleppo in 743/1342-3 before set-
tling hnally in al-Bira
Ibn Hadjar, Durar in 300 claims that Ibn Djabir
woik by Safi al-Din al-Hilh (d 749 750 or 752)
leturned temporal lly to Spain (which would explain
the nuba al-Ilbin used by al-Safadi d 7b4/1363l
Accoiding to a report by Sibt Ibn al-'Adjami quoted
in Ibn Hadjar s Durar their friendship ended when
Ibn Djabir mained though Ibn Djabn composed a
marthna on al-Ru'aym when he died
Bibliography Brockelmann G II 13b S II
138 N Soudan Uatarabmht Tropik \cLjn B dn.
Tanav Wiesbaden 1980 93-7 ci 8b-7 S A
Bonebakker Ru'aym i commentary on the Badi'iyya of
Ibn Jabir m Studi in onort di Frameuo Gabneh a
turn di R Tmim Rome 1984 i 73-83 The text
of BL or bO BS b/7313 in paiticular the poetic
quotations can oiten be collected with the help oi
Tanasi s \ajn Makkan \qfh al tib ed 1 'Abbas
Beiiut 1388/1968 n vai and Ibn Ma'sum Amiai
al ,abi' ft anua' al badi' ed Sh H Shukr Karbala'
1388-9/1968-9 See also Ibn Hidjdja al-Hamaw!
hhizanat al adab Cairo 1304 pa^im and tor the
\ Matlub Mu'djam al mustalahat al badi'iyya Beirut
(?) 1401/1981 (SA BONEBAKKERI
RUH ALLAH [see nafs 1 B ]
RUKHAM (a) in modem Aiabic usage the usual
d ioi marble in general whereas marmar which
>r usuallv reiers
mkham and marmai were oiten used inteichangeably
to lefei to a wide variety oi hard stones including
marble granite and dionte VVheie the two terms
were distinguished it usually had to do with coloui
manna, was white whereas mkham could assume vai-
ious shades and hues
Geographically the use of marble in the Islamic
world was largely restncted to those legions whose
predominant building material was stone iather than
buck or adobe Geneially speaking places to the west
and noithwest oi the Euphiates river — including
Anatolia Greatei Syria and Egypt in addition to the
Ibenan peninsula and the Indian subcontinent — used
Elsewheie, brick with a stucco oi tile revetment pie-
dominated
Maible in the Islamic world was obtained horn
two mam sources ancient buildings and quarries
Interestingly the use oi salvaged maible iai outweighed
that of freshly -quained maible which was only quai-
n the Greek »
Ottomans and the Mughals
Exceptions did
exist such
as the robust marble capita
s in Madinat a
-Zahra' in
4th/ 10th century al-Andalu
and the exquis
and capitals in the Alhanah
i a Palace in th
8th/ 14th
one But on the whole n
aible in early
and medi-
was taken fior
Christian or even eailier
slamie building
Historically the use oi r
naible in Islam
al chitec-
696
RUKHAM — SABYA
ture may be divided into three characteristic phases:
Late Antique and early Islamic (7th- 10th centuries
A.D.), mediaeval (llth-15th centuries) and pre-mod-
ern (10th- 18th centuries) In the first period which is
dominated by U maw ad architectuie the use of mai-
ble shows dnect continuities with Late Antique piac-
tice Thus multi-colouied marble and granite columns
and heavy marble aichitraves and aiches aie used in
the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the Great
Mosque ol Damascus Perhaps more interesting is the
continued use in both ol these structures ol split or
quartered marble wherebv the distinctive pattern in
a sheet of marble is displayed in mirror image along
one or two axes Equally impiessive is openwoik mar-
ble which is used in the Gieat Mosque of Damascus
as a senes of window guiles which most likelv also
existed at the Dome ol the Rock (K A C Creswell
A short aaount of iwh Murfim architecture revised and
supplemented bv J W Allan Cairo 1989)
With the exception of an outstanding senes of
Ghaznawid marble dadoes and cenotaphs dating to
the 5th-6th/ 11th- 12th centuries, the architectural use
of marble goes into an extended decline after the
U maw ads But marble ornament and stone architec-
ture undergo an important revival in the 6th/ 12th
centurv a revival centred in Aleppo during the time
of the Awubids Polv chrome marble ornament in the
form of laige mteilaces aiound mihrabs mans and
portals and geometric patterns in pavements solten
and enliven an otherwise austere architectuial stvle
(\asser Tabbaa Constructions of pouer and pieh m medmal
Aleppo, Pittsburgh 1997).
These ornamental forms are transmitted in the 7th-
8th/ 13th- 14th centuries to the rest of Syria, as well
as to Palestine, Egypt and Anatolia. Until the end of
the 7th/ 13th century, marble revetments maintain
their formal and stylistic affinities with Aleppo, as
exemplified by the robust designs at the mausoleum
of al-Zahir Baybars al-Bundukdan (constructed 675-
80/1277-81) in Damascus and the poital to the com-
plex ol Kalawun in Cano (684/1285) But an incieas-
mgK indicate ornamental stvle develops in the next
century lasting with few changes till the end ol the
Mamluk period and bevond \pplied internalH to
mihiabs and fountains and externally to portals and
window Irames this miniature style of poHchrome
marble inlav becomes a hallmaik leature of Mamluk
aichitecture [see m<vmluks 2 Art and Aichitecture
in Suppl]
Although this Mamluk ornamental stvle continued
in Egypt and Svna under the Ottomans it was laigelv
shunned b\ classical Ottoman aichitectuie whose
monuments demonstrated a maiked pielerence lor
large stretches ol lightly ornamented marble revetment
This return to an eailiei style ol marble decoration
may have been motivated by the greater availability
of marble, or perhaps by the emulation of nearby
In India, marble was rather sparingly used in Dihlf
Sultanate architecture, often as a highlight to the pre-
dominant red sandstone. This attractive juxtaposition
continues in early Mughal mosques and mausoleums,
reaching an apogee in the tomb of Humayun at Dihlr.
At first, white marble was reserved for saints' tombs,
such as the spectacular tomb in Fathpur Sikn [q.v.]
ol Shaykh Salim Cishti (1573-7), which also boasts
some of the eaihest and finest openwork marble
screens, commonlv known as Jail But by the 11th/ 17th
centurv, various monuments were being sheathed in
white maible inlaid with polychrome stones, includ-
ing the Mosque ol Ttimad al-Dawla (1031-6/1622-7),
and the Tadj Mahal! (1041-53/1632-43 [q.v]), both
at Agra [q i ] (Ebba Koch Mughal architecture, Munich
1991)
Bibliography (m addition to references given in
the article) R Lewcock, Materials and techniques, in
G Michell (ed) Auhitetture of the Islamic world, its
hntory and social meaning New York 1978, 119-43;
Luciana and T Mannoni, Marble, the history of a
culture New \ork 1985 (Yasser Tabbaa)
RUSHANI, DEDE XTMAR, Turkish adherent
ol the Sufi older of the Khalwatiyya [q.v.]
and poet in both Persian and Turkish. He was born
at an unspecified date at Giizel Hisar in Aydin,
western Anatolia being connected maternally with
the ruling family ol the Ay din Oghullari [see aydin-
oghlu] and died at Tabriz in Adharbaydjan in 892/
1487
Dede 'Umar was the khalifa of Savyid Yahya
Shfrwam, the pir-i thani or second founder of the
Khalwati order, and as head of the Rusham branch
of the order engaged in missionary work in northern
Adharbaydjan. He came to enjoy the patronage of
the Ak Koyunlu ruler Uzun Hasan [q.v.], whose wife
built a zaiviva for him in the capital Tabriz, and he
lived there up to his death, being buried in the zawiya.
His murids included the Turkish mystical poet from
Divarbaki, Ibrahim Gulshani (d 940/1533-4 [qi])
who lounded his own ordei ol the Gulshamwa and
the \zeri Turk Muhammad Demirdash Muhammadi
(d 929/1524) founder of the Cairo older of the
Demirdashiw a [q v in Suppl ] Dede 'Umai s dm an
included three Peisian mathnauis in one of which the
^aviama, the influence ol Djalal al-Dln Rum! [qv]
is especially clear and poems in Turkish one volume
ol the din an has been published as Athar i 'ishk (Istanbul
1315/1897-8)
Bibliography Tashkopruzade al bhaka'il al
nu'manma,ed AS Firay Istanbul 1985 264 Tkish
tr MM Elendi, Hadaik us sakauk Istanbul 1989
281-2 Bursal! Mehmed Tahir Vthmanli mu'elhfleri
i, 69 M 'A Tarbiyat Damshmandan i Adhaibaidjan,
Tehian ASH 1314/1935 319-20 Foi further bibl
see Eh, vii, 202, art. Dede 'Omar Rusani (Tahsin
Yazici), on which the present article is based.
(C.E. Bosworth)
SABYA (Sabaya on Philby's map), a
I miles inland north-east of the port of Djayzan [q.v.].
In 1339/1920 Sayyid Muhammad al-Idnsi (see below)
I concluded a treaty with Ibn Su'ud [see 'abd al-'aziz
SABYA — SA'ID B. DJUBAYR
al su'ud, in Suppl.], but after his death in 1340/1922-
3 internal dissensions among the Idnsiyya led to a
Su'Qdr protectorate. The Imam of Yemen maintained
a claim to the Idnsid territories, but the Treat) of
al-Ta'if (1353/1934) determined that they belong to
Saudi Arabia, including Sab>a [see 'asir]. The town
lies in what is called the central part of al-Mikhlaf
al-Yamam, a district which includes all the Tihamat
from al-Shukayk in the north to Wadf 'Ayn in the
south. The central part extends from Umm al-Khashab
to just south of Abu 'ArTsh [q.v.]. Being traversed by
the wadis Baysh, Sabya, Damad and Djayzan, the
region is among the most densely populated of the
Tihamat 'AsTr. At the beginning of the 20th centur>,
the largest part of the population was of Sudanese
origin. They were partly unemancipated slaves but
chiefly freedmen, the other inhabitants being mutawal-
lids or Sudanese with an Arab strain, Arabs of pure
blood, sqyyids and skarijs [q.m\] (Gornwallis, 39-40).
In the 4th/ 10th century Sabya, and a number of
other places and wadis, was ruled by the Hakamirtun,
i.e. the Banu Hakam b. Sa'd al-'Ashira of the Kahtan
[q.v.], with the Banu c Abd al-Djadd as the ruling fam-
ily (al-Hamdam, 120.5). In the 7th/ 13th centur>. Sabya
was one of the urban settlements {hum) of 'Ushar,
which was part of Yemen (Yakut, iii, 367, 979, v,
23). The town does not seem to have played any role
in early and mediaeval Islam. As in Kunfudha, Abha
and Bisha [q.vv.], neighbouring tribes' used to collect
in Sabya for a four-months' truce during the date
season. In the 10th/ 16th century, it was one of the
seats of the Sulaymams [q.v.], who are still to be
found in the frontier districts between Saudi Arabia
and Yemen [see khamIs mushayt; makramids].
In 1215/1800 Sabya was drawn into Arabian pol-
itics when an inhabitant brought the WahhabTs [q.v]
into the Tihama (Serjeant and Lewcock, 87a), and
even more so when Ahmad b. Idris (d. 1253/1837
[q.v.]), the Moroccan shartf and Sufi who had preached
in a school in Mecca, sought refuge in Sabya in
1243/1827-8 from persecution for heresy by the
Meccan 'ulama'. In the Holy City he had admitted
into the circle of his disciples the Algerian Sufi
Muhammad b. 'All al-Sanusi, the founder of the
Sanusiyya [q.vv.]. Around 1250/1834-5 Sabya became
the centre of the Sanusiyya and the capital of an
Idrisi semi-religious, semi-military state centred in
al-Mikhlaf al-Yamam with Djayzan and Midi (lat.
16" 18' N.) as its main ports. The ancestor of the
Idrisis in 'Asir (see the family tree in Philby, 473) is
Idris b. 'Abd Allah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. 'Air
[see IDRls i] who, after the battle of Fakhkh [q.v.]
in 169/786, fled via Egypt to the Maghrib where
he founded the dynasty of the IdrTsids [q.v.]. Ahmad's
great-grandson Sayyid Muhammad b. 'All b. Muham-
mad b. Ahmad, born in Sabya in 1293/1876, by
1328/1910 had reduced Turkish power in 'Asir with
the support of the Italians, but had failed to hold
Abha against the shaft/ "of Mecca. Sayyid Muhammad
died i]
1341/
i the c
l the northern outskirts of Sabya on the
main road to Mecca. In 1344/1925-6' his son 'Ali
signed a treaty with the British resident in Aden
against the Turks. He was supported by Ibn Su'ud,
but fiercely opposed by the Imam of Yemen. The
Imam had at first concluded with 'All a defensive
alliance against the Turks, but in the end he sided
with his former enemy. In 1345/1926-7 'Ah was
forced to submit to Saudi Arabia [see ahmad b. idrIs;
tarika. 3]. As followers of the Sanusiyya, the tribes
around Sabya are Shaft' I, with no sympathy lost for
the Zaydiyya [q.v.\. The Idrisis used to levy taxes on
grain and animals, collected primarily by the shaykhs
of the tribes, except the pro-Turkish ones, but also
through travelling inspectors. The proceeds were sent
to Sabya. Some tribes refused to be regarded as tax-
payers, but sent the Idrisi rulers presents and helped
them in war. Philby mentions the presses for the
extrac tion of oil from sesame [see simsim] and remarks
that the town spread over a considerable area, includ-
ing Sabya al-Baliyya and Bayt al-Sayyid, the original
palace from which Sabya al-Djadida grew up. In
Philby's days the population of the Sabya area was
estimated locally at some 25,000 soul's.
Bibliography. Sir Kinahan Cornwallis, Asir hefme
World War I, a handbook, London 1916, repr. 1976;
Muhammad 'Isa al-'Ukayli, Mm ta'rikh al-Mikhlaf
al-Sulavmam, al-Riyad 1378, i, 83-93; Admiralty,
Naval Intelligence Division, A handbook of Arabia,
London 1916-7, i, 143; idem. Western Arabia, London
1946; H.St.J.B. Philby, Arabian Highlands, Ithaca,
New York 1952; R.B. Serjeant and Ronald Lewcock,
San'S', an Arabian hlamu city, London 1983.
(E. VAN DONZEL)
SA'D, Atabeg of Fars [see salchurids].
SA'D AL-DIN [see khodja efendi].
SADOZAYS [see Afghanistan, v. 3. a].
[al-]SAHLA, literally, "level, smooth place".
There must have been several places in the Arabic
lands named after this obvious topographical feature.
Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut, iii, 290-1, mentions a vil-
lage in Bahrayn and a masajid of that name in Kufa
(perhaps the mosque also known as the Zafir one or
that of 'Abd al-Kavs, cf. Hichem Djait, Al-Kufa, nais-
sance de la ville islaimque, Paris 1986, 298).
Bibliography: Given in the article. (Ed.i
SA'ID b. DJUBAYR b. Hisham, an early Kufan
scholar of renown in the fields of Kur'an
hadith. He was a mawla of the Banu Waliba b. al-
Harith, a branch of the Banu Asad b. Khuzayma. If
the biographical traditions which say that he studied
with Ibn 'Abbas and Ibn 'Umar are reliable, then he
brought early Meccan and Medinan scholarship to
Kufa. There he had a circle of students but also held
government positions. He functioned as secretary for
two of the kadis of Kufa. When al-Hadjdjadj, the
Umayyad governor of 'Irak, sent 'Abd al-Rahman b.
al-Ash'ath with an army to Slstan, he put Sa'rd in
charge of the troops' stipends. During the revolt of
Ibn al-Ash'ath against al-Hadjdjadj (81-2/700-1). in
which Sa'id b. Djubayr participated, he was for a
time in charge of levying the zakat and the 'ushr [q.vv.]
in Kufa. In this revolt he was one of the active lead-
ers of the kurra', the group of religious scholars and
their followers, who joined the revolt of 'Irak's ashraf
against the Umayyads [see al-kurra' and, more recent,
R. Sayed, Die Revolte des Ibn al-As'at and die Koranleser,
Freiburg i.Br. 1977]. After the revolt had failed, SaTd
fled first to Isfahan and later to Mecca where he
taught for some years. In 94 or 95 (711 or 712),
more than a decade after the revolt, he was arrested
by Khalid b. 'Abd Allah al-Kasri [q.v.], then gover-
nor of Mecca, and sent to al-Hadjdjadj at Wash, who
had him beheaded. SaTd was then 49 or 57' years
old. Some legends became woven around his capture,
his examination by al-Hadjdjadj and his execution.
They underline Sa'id's piety and condemn al-Hadj-
djadj's death sentence. Whether SaTd belonged to the
Kufan Murdji'a [q.v.] or not is a controversial issue.
A few traditions say that he had good relations with
and sympathy for members of the 'Alid family.
SA'ID B. DJUBAYR — al-SAKIYA al-HAMRA'
Sa'Id's teachings in the fields of fikh and tafslr were
much sought after during the 2nd/8th century and
played an important role in the development oi fikh
before the advent of the classical schools. Many tra-
ditions on his teachings have been collected in the
two Musannqf of 'Abd al-Razzak and of Ibn Abl
Shayba, as well as in 'Abd al-Razzak's and al-Tabarfs
Tafsirs. Ibn al-Nadlm mentions the existence of a Kitab
Tafsir Sa'Id b. Djubayr (Fihrist, 34), but it is not clear
whether this had been compiled by Sa'rd himself or
a later scholar. An investigation of the traditions going
back to Sa'Id b. Djubayr in 'Abd al-Razzak's Musannqf
and Tafslr shows that they were collected already dur-
ing the first half of the 2nd century by scholars such
as Sufyan al-Thawrl (d. 161/778), Ma'mar b. Rashid
(d. 153/770) and Ibn Djuraydj (d. 150/767). The legal
traditions that they transmit from him via their infor-
mants reflect in most cases (ca. 75%) Sa'fd's own
opinions (ra'y), more rarely traditions going back to
Companions (ca. 17%) or to the Prophet (8%). Most
of his Companion traditions give the legal opinion of
Ibn 'Abbas (70%) and Ibn 'Umar (20%), and most
of his traditions from the Prophet (70%) lack any
isnad, i.e. they are mursal. These peculiarities of SaTd's
Meccan contemporary 'Ata' b. Abl Rabah (d. 115/
733), who was a pupil of Ibn 'Abbas as well (see H.
Motzki, The origins of Islamic jurisprudence, Leiden 2001,
ch. III.B). In the exegetical traditions transmitted from
Sa'Id by the early collectors mentioned above, and
compiled in 'Abd al-Razzak's Tafslr, the peculiarities
are similar. Ibn 'Abbas's opinion, however, is some-
what more strongly represented [ca. 40%) in com-
parison to Sa'Id's own exegesis (56%).
In 'Abd al-Razzak's Musannqf and Tafii, most of
the material transmitted from Sa'rd by the three early
collectors seems really to go back to him. However,
some traditions of Sa'Td b. Djubayr transmitted by
other informants of 'Abd al-Razzak and going back
exclusively to Ibn 'Abbas may be suspected of being
falsely ascribed to Sa'rd. More Ibn 'Abbas exegetical
traditions allegedly going back to Sa'rd may be found
in al-Tabarfs Tafsh (see H. Berg, The development of
exegesis in early Islam, Richmond, Surrey 2000, ch. 5).
Bibliography. Information on SaTd b. Djubayr
can be found in many biographical compilations.
In the following only the sources with the most
detailed information are given. Ibn Sa'd, vi, 178-87
(Beirut vi, 256-67); Tabarl, ii, 1076, 1087, 1261-5;
Abu 'l-'Arab Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml,
Kitab al-Mihan, Beirut 1408/1988, 216-31; Mizzi,
Tahdhib al-kamal, iii, 1418/1998, 141-45; Ibn Hadjar,
Tahdhib al-tahdhib, iv, Haydarabad 1325-7/1907-9,
11-14; Dhahabl, Siyar a'lam al-nubakt, Beirut 1413/1993,
iv, 321-43 (with additional sources given by the
editor, 321-2); 'Abd al-Razzak, Musannqf, i-xi, 2 Beirut
1403/1983; idem, Tafsir, al-Riyad 1410/1989, i-iv;
Ibn Abl Shayba, Musannqf, Bombay 1399-1403/
1979-83, i-xv; A.J. Wensinck, Concordance, viii (for
a listing of traditions in the "six books" and some
earlier collections in which Sa'Id is mentioned as
transmitter); Khatlb 'All b. al-Husayn al-Hashimi,
Sa'Id b. Djubayr, Baghdad 1380/1960 (not seen);
W. Madelung, Dei Imam al-Qasim ibn Ibrahim und
die Glaubenslehre dei Zaiditen, Berlin 1965, 231-3, 237;
F. Sezgin, GAS, i, Leiden 1967, 28-9; Salam
Muhammad 'All, Sa'Td b. Djubayr, Nadjaf 1396/1976;
R. Sayed, Die Revolte, quoted above, 352-3; J. van
Ess, Theo/ogie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundett
Hidvhra, i, Berlin-New York 1991, 151-61.
(H. Motzki)
SAKIYA [see ma'. 3].
al-SAKIYA al-HAMRA', conventionally Seguiat
el Hamra, a region of the Western Sahara, sit-
uated in southwestern Morocco in lat. 27° N.
It is made up of low plateaux, dominated by rocky
hamadas, sprinkled with numerous surface dayas and
incised with the hydrographical network system of the
WadI al-Sakiya al-Hamra' ("the red watercourse"),
which runs westwards and includes long alluvial rib-
bons. At the Atlantic littoral, the end of its course is
marked by vertical, abrupt cliffs, worn down by the
general presence of the cold current of the Canaries,
causing a misty haze almost permanently over the
desert. But the aridness is attenuated by hardly visi-
ble forms of precipitation: condensation at night on
the soil and the vegetation allows a well-spread carpet
of vegetation (argan trees, euphorbias and groundsel),
a carpet which becomes more narrowed towards the
interior, with streaks of greenery and acacias, etc.
along the wadis.
These austere conditions, together with the com-
plete absence of any non-saline surface water, explain
the almost total absence of oases. These lands have
been used over the ages as pasture lands for herds
of dromedaries and goats owned by the Reguibat and
Tekna nomads. The bottoms of the wadis allow the
occasional cultivation there of cereals.
Al-Sakiya al-Hamra' has for long been a corridor
of passage, in the context of trans-Saharan trade, be-
tween the southern Moroccan fringes and the trading
posts of the Sahel. In the 15th and 16th centuries,
it was a hive of maraboutic activity, a seed-bed of
local saints, who would often depart along the roads
leading eastwards to Mecca and establish themselves
in some place along one of these axes (the Algerian
countryside or the villages of Fezzan). The influence
of these pious figures was such that, in this region,
even today whole tribes consider themselves as their
descendents.
It is partly within this context that one should men-
tion the role of an exceptional figure of the 1 9th cen-
tury, a religious reformer and political leader who
took over control of the destiny of al-Sakiya al-Hamra',
sc. Shaykh Ma' al-'Aynayn [q.v.]. Born in 1839, he
studied in Tinduf and Chinguetti/Shinklt [q.v.], cre-
ated his own dervish order, the 'Ayniyya J wrote sev-
eral books, established links with the sultans of
Morocco, fought against the French activities to the
north and the south, and in 1898 founded the town
of Smara, on the edge of the WadI al-Sakiya al-
Hamra', with its kasaba, mosque, zawiya and a library
of 500 manuscripts.
But the feeble state of the sultanate of Morocco
brought with it an end to the Shaykh's dreams. In
1913, a corps of French troops bombarded the town
of Smara. Established on the coast, the Spanish grad-
ually penetrated into the interior, and in 1930 founded
Laayoune. From that time onwards, al-Sakiya al-
Hamra' became the official name of one of the two
colonies comprising the Spanish Sahara, the other
being Rio de Oro (WadI al-Dhahab).
In 1975, after the episode of the "Green March",
reaching as far as Tarfaya, Spain evacuated the ter-
ritories, and the Moroccan army and administration
henceforth controlled their destinies. But they became
the region for a political and military c
and the Polisa
Nations is still trying to resolve.
In the last 25 years, the Morocc;
a network of paved roads, built ^
and has begun exploiting the grea
: which the United
l state has created
deposits of phos-
-SAKHA al-HAMRA' — SALLAM al-I ARDJUMAN
100 200 km
Sime the coast is full of fish,
anes cunent, fishing has become
extensive and is an impoitant activity thiough the
creation ol the ports of Tariava, Poit Laavoune and
Boudjoui The capital of al-Sakiva al-Hamra' and the
whole of the Western Sahaia, Laavoune, has todav
150,000 inhabitants with anothei 35,000 at Smaia
Bibliography F Jolv L'homme et le Slid au Maghrib
Atlanhque in Mcditerranet (1979), 27-37, M '
, Pans
M
Boughdadi, U
passe i
le present mat
tarns du
Sahara
(aoee textes doeu
nations a I'appu
i), Maio
c Son
Rabat 1998
(M C
SAKK (a ) pi
sikak, a
technical t
eim ol
earlv
slamic (man
oal,
usage, appearing
in Peis
an, through a
standaid sound
change, as c'ak, m
"document, c
1 sale
etc " which has
f anv
other etvmologv—
-as the
origin of Eng
"chequ
e\ ii
'cheque," &er
Scheck
see E Lit
lorgen
andnehe Hotter an
Deuhc
1924
The term's lan
ge ol a
ppkations is
Mde see
Lane,
Lexicon, 1709 In
egal co
ntexts, it has a
similar
mean-
ing to sidiill [see sidjill 1 ], sc a signed and seal
often means 'a wntten ordei foi pavment of a sala
allowance, pension, etc', 'a financial diaft oi assie
ment" Thus in Kudama b Dja'fai's [qv] section
the 'Abbasid diwan of militan affairs contained in 1
Kitab al-Maradi (eailv 4th/ 10th centum, a soldiei d
plavs at the pa\ session a certificate of assignment
pav (sakk) from the dtitan i\V Hoenerbach, ^ur Hiei
lerwaltung dei 'Abbiluden Studit ube> Abulfaiag Qudar,
Diwan al-gais, in hi, xxix [1950], 281) See for h
ther leferences on the term's usage in mediaeval Isla
C E Boswoith, Abu Abdallah al Ahuarayni on the kihm
terms of the secretary's mt A contribution to the adminutrai
history of mediaeval Islam, in JESHO, xn (19b9), 125.
Bibliography Given in the aiticle
(CL Bosworthi
SALAT-i MA'KUSA (a, p ), literallv 'the act
Muslim woiship peifoimed upside-down', one
the extieme ascetic practices found amoi
extravagant membeis of the dervish ordei
such as in mediaeval Muslim India among the
G'lshtiyva [qv], where it formed part of the foitv davs
retreat ol seclusion ikhahta, arba'Tmyya, cilia] undertaken
to heighten spiritual aw aidless [see khalwa] This
piactice was one of those done in tortuied or diffi-
cult circumstances in this case hanging on the end
of a lope ovei the mouth of a well, see cisHTmA
at \ol II, 55b, and hind v Islam, at \ ol III, 432b
(Edi
SALLAM al-TARDIUMAN, earlv tiavellei in
Genual Asia, who has left an account of his alleged
journev to the barnei of 'iadjudj wa-Madjudj [qi]
In 227/842 the caliph al-\\athik (; 227-32/842-7
\qv]\ lepoitedlv saw in a dieam that Dhu '1-kainavn s
barnei had been breached Sallam al-Tardjuman
("the mteipietei") 'who spoke thirtv languages' and
who, according to Ibn Rusta, 149, used to translate
Turkish documents foi the caliph, received the oidei
to make inquiries about the barnei and to lepoit
about it The account of his journev is given bv Ibn
khuiradadhbih 'd between 272/885 and 300/912
[qi\, 4j text in BOA, vi, 162-70 Eng tr Wilson,
The Hall 582-7, Fr ti Baibiei de Mevnaid, Le luie
des routes, 124-31 and Miquel Geographic n 498-507
Dutch ti De Goeje De mum 104-9) He writes that
Sallam told him the ston of his |Ournev and after-
wards dictated to him the account he had diawn up
The
' (Kuf
im is perhaps to be explained in relation
aused bv the Tuiks in Central Asia, e g
ements of the Kiighiz [q i ] around Lakt
26-7/841 Anothei reason foi the mission
bten al-\\athik's wish to put an end to
?r de Mtvnard lop cit , 2 3j calls ' ndicu-
■nt about 'the people of the
, X\ II
and
about \adjudj and Madjudj with whom the Turk-
were identified Ibn RJhui radadhbih, 10b-7, relates that
al-\Vathik aheadv had sent the famous mathematician
I and astionomei Abu Dja'fai Muhammad b Musa
I al-kh"arazmi (d 232/847 [qv]) to the land of Rum
| [see ashab al-kahf] As Sallam would do latei al-
| Kh"arazrm informed Ibn Khunadadhbih ptrsonallv
SALLAM al-TARDJUMAN
about his journey. Al-Mukaddasi, 362, relates that al-
Wathik had sent the same al-Kh"arazmr to the
Tarkhan [q.v.], the king of the Khazar.
Sallam's journey, which piobably biought him to
the Taiim Basin, took two years and four months.
Leaving Samarra' in the summer of 227/842, he first
travelled north to Tiflis, where he handed al-Wathik's
letter to Ishak b. IsmaTl, the governor of Armenia
[see al-kabk; kars; al-kurdj] . The journey then went
on to "the lord of al-Sarir", the present-day Avaristan,
a district in the middle Koy-su valley in southern
Daghistan [q.v.], then ruled by a Christian prince who
bore the title of Filan-Shah. Sallam went on to the
king of the Alans [see al-lan], an Iranian people in
the northern Caucasus, who held the Bab al-Lan [q.v.]
or Darial Pass, known to classical authors as "the
Caspian Gates". Sallam does not mention the Bab
al-Abwab [q.v.] near Derbend, the real Caspian Gate.
Via the Fflan-Shah, he went on to the Tarkhan of
the Khazar, who resided at Atil [q.v.] near modern
Astrakhan [q.v.]. While travelling back and forth in
the Caucasus, Sallam must have convinced himself
that Dhu '1-Karnayn's barrier was not to be looked
for in those regions. FromAtil he probably travelled
in an easterly direction to Ikku. which is identical with
modern Ha-mi in Sinkiang (lat. 42° 47' N., long. 93°
32' E.). With Tiflis, this is the only town mentioned
in Ibn Khurradadhbih's text. De Goeje (164 n. g, cf.
126 n. 4 and De muur, 109) remarks that the vocal-
isation of Ikku is a conjecture, but his identifying
this town with Igu seems quite plausible. During the
T'ang dynasty (618-907), and thus at the time of
Sallam 's arrival, Ha-mi was known as I-chou, which
then was under the rule of the Uyghurs (cf. Encyclopaedia
Bntanniia, s.v. Ha-mi; see also kumul, in Suppl.). If
Sallam indeed came to this town (see below), he may
have travelled north of the Aral Sea. Al-Idrlsl, who
used the now lost work of al-Djayham [q.v. in Suppl.] ,
adds {Opus geographicum, 935) that Sallam travelled for
twenty-seven days along the borders of the land of
the Bashdjirt (Bashkurt) [q.v.], a Turkish people liv-
ing in the southern Ural. He may have crossed the
Dzungharian Basin and passed the Gate of that name
in the northern spur of the T'ien Shan mountain sys-
tem, on the border of modern Kazakhstan and China.
But "the black, stinking land" (ard sawda' muntinat al-
ta'iha) which he mentions (Ibn Khurradadhbih, 163)
may also point to the neighbourhood of Lake Balkhash
[q.v.], the evil smell being perhaps caused by asafoetida
(De Goeje, De muur, 110). Sallam may then have fol-
lowed the Hi river [q.v.] upstream. The "ruined towns"
(mudun kharab) which he then reached are perhaps the
ruins of Pei-ting (or Chin-man), the site of the ancient
capital of the region. He may then have passed mod-
ern Urumchi, Guchen and Barkul (see map). If he
took the southern route via Turfan, he may have seen
the ruins of Yar-khoto, the capital of the Turfan
region in Han times (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) (see Stein,
On anaent tracks. 270; von Le Coq, Auf Hellas Spuren,
41, 69ff.). The inhabitants told him that their towns
had been destroyed by Yadjudj and Madjudj, per-
haps a reference to the Kirghiz invasions of 841,
which had put an end to Uyghur rule north of the
Great Wall of China. Sallam then came to "fortifi-
cations" (husun) in the neighbourhood of the barrier,
where he met Muslims who spoke Arabic and Persian,
who read the Kur'an, and had Kur'an schools and
mosques, but did not know what the term amir al-
mu'mimn meant. These Muslims were probably mer-
chants who had settled in an outpost far outside the
world of Islam. The religion of the Prophet came to
the Farghana [q.v.] valley, and to the western part of
the Tarim Basin [q.v.] only around 225/840 under the
Samanid governor Nuh b. Asad (d. 227/841-2) [see
samanids]. In Sallam 's days the eastern part of the
Basin, i.e. the Turfan region, was inhabited by the
Adhkash Turks (see al-Kashghan, Diwan lughat al-twk,
tr. Dankoff and Kelly, i, 89; cf. Ibn Khurradadhbih,
31). Ikku, Sallam relates, lay at a three days' distance
from the barrier and had farmed fields and mills
inside its walls, which had a circumference of ten
Jarsakhs, while its iron gates were let down at night.
Sallam also says that Dhu '1-Karnayn had pitched
camp here. The fortifications on the road from Ikku
to the barrier, i.e. on the northern branch of the
famous Silk Route, were perhaps the watch-towers
along the westward extension of the Great Wall of
China built during the Han period (see Stein, On
ancient tracks, ch. X; Hermann, Atlas, map 24). It may
have been one of these impressive towers, fully 4.5
m at the base and standing to a height of over 9
metres (illustration no. 73), which inspired Sallam for
his fantastic description of Dhu '1-Karnayn's barrier
(see the drawing in Miquel, Geographie, ii, 505). This
inspiration, based on the Kur'an, was perhaps influ-
enced by the descriptions of Alexander's Gate, found
e.g. in the Syriac Alexander Song of Jacob of Sarudj
(see Reinink, Das Synsche Alexanderlied, 19) and the early
Islamic poets.
According to Sallam, the barrier was a double-
winged iron gate, 27 m high, over which was an iron
lintel, ca. 64 m long and 3 m wide, on top of which
was a wall of bricks, made of iron and brass. The
barrier filled the gap between "the two mountains"
(cf. Kur'an, XVIII, 93, 96). Nearby, Sallam found
iron cauldrons and ladles used to form the bricks.
Relics of them were stuck together with rust. The
governor of the fortresses rode out every Monday and
Thuisday (according to al-ldnsl, every Friday). One
of his men knocked on the lock of the barrier and
heard a noise as from a wasps' nest. He was then
assured that Yadjudj and Madjudj had done no harm
to the barrier, since they realised that it was under
constant guard. The governor assured Sallam that the
only damage the bazrier had suffered was a crack as
thin as a thread. Sallam scraped half a dirham of
iron dust from the crack to show to al-Wathik. The
people of the fortresses told him that they once had
seen some individuals of Yadjudj and Madjudj on the
top of the mountain, their size being one span and
a half. A "dark wind" had blown them back. On top
of the right wing was an inscription in iron letters
"in the primordial language" {al-lisan al-awwal), namely,
Kur'an, XVIII, 98: "But when the promise of my
Lord shall come to pass. He will flatten it; and the
promise of my Lord is true."
On his return journey, Sallam may have travelled
to Lop Nor, from where he went to Nlshapur via
Taraz, Isffdjab and Balkh [q.vv.], having lost 36 men
and 177 mules. Via al-Rayy he returned to Samarra',
where he was well received by the caliph, to whom
he showed the iron dust taken from Dhu '1-Karnayn's
Ibn Khurradadhbih's text of Sallam's report was
taken up over the next four or so centuries by Ibn
al-Fakth, Ibn Fadlan, Ibn Rusta, al-Mukaddasr, al-
Brrum, al-Idnsr, Ibn al-Djawzf and al-Nuwayri [q.a.].
Numerous other authors dealt with Yadjudj and
Madjudj but did not mention Sallam's journey. Ibn
Rusta, 149, Sallam's and Ibn Khurradadhbih's con-
temporary, gives Sallam's report only to show how
SALLAM al-TARDJUMAN — SALMAN al-FARISI
contused (takhlit) and exaggerated (ta^ayyud) it is Al
Birum (al Athar 41) doubts Sallam s credibihtv because
he cannot behe\e that there were Muslims who spoke
\rabic and Persian but did not know about the caliph
Neither is theie unanimit\ among the Western schol
ars who have dealt with Sallam s report For Barbier
de Mevnard (op at 2 5) Sallam s |ourne\ at least
had a beginning; and he states that he does not
see in it is Sprenger did an impudent mvstrfica-
tion De &oe]e does not lea\e anv doubt about his
view We have found the origin of the legend about
the wall ot Gog and Magog as it appears m Pseudo
Callisthenes and the hoii'an in the Gieat Chinese
Wall with the Jade Gate [hi morm] ind we have
ired Sallam s travel account as the report of a
(Dt m
i ( Alexander s gate
95) argues that Salhm certamlv di<
Chinese Wall Foi Wilson (The Wall 61 1) Sallam s
story is nothing but i legend while Miller (Mappai
arahcae, iv, 93-5) holds that the place described bv
Sallam is the breach in the Altai mountains made bv
the river Irtish [q.u. in Suppl ] Miquel finds in the
account a "cotoiement d'un certain vraisemblable avec
un legendaire certain" and adds on mesuie a cet
exemple, la place du merveillcux (agib) dans le gout
du temps: il va jusqu'a se superposei chez un cahfe
aux necessites de ['information objective (Geographic
ii, 503).
Yet, there is some reason to support the view that
Sallam did travel as far as Ha mi The data he gives
about the Caucasus can be checked successful^ in
the sources available. Those for the journev fiom theie
to Ikku/Ha-mi are vague it is Hue the identification
of landscapes, ruined towns and fortified phces being
speculative yet not absurd Sallam did reach Ha mi
since his Ikku is identical with this Chinese town [see
KUMUL, in Suppl.]. It is thus quite likelv that he saw
the Jade Gate and the western extension of the Great
Wall. His description of the town seems to be con
firmed by Chinese publications (e g Luo Zhewen The
Great Wall, 7, 41), and his remaik that the function
of governor was hereditary agiees with later infor
mation by Abu '1-Ghazi [qi] accoiding to whom
some Turkish families had been chaiged bv
d guard
i for
certain sections of the Gieat Wall These Turks weie
called Ongiit ("wall") and their function was heredi
tary (cf. Histoire des Mongol* tr Desmaisons 47
Grousset, L'Empire, 287). The leports of Sven Hedin
Sir Aurel Stein, Albert von Le Coq et alu (see Hopkirk
Foreign devils, 243-5) seem to |ustifv the view that Salhm
did indeed travel to the eastern part of the Tanm
Basin and saw part of the — bv then alreadv ruined —
western extension of the Great \\ all of C hina ind at
least one of its gates.
Bibliography: 1. Primarv sources \bu 1 Ghazi
Histoire des Mongols, tr Desmaisons Pans 1871 4
Birum, al-Athar al-bakiya an allurun al khaliya ed
E. Sachau, Leipzig 1878 tr idem The chronology of
ancient nations, London 1879 Hudud al a lam tr
Minorsky, London 1937 Ibn Khui l adadhbih index
Ibn Rusta; Idrisi, Opus a to a raphicum sat Liber ad
eorum delectalionem qui terras peragiaie studtant Niples
Rome 1970-84; Idrisi ti Jaubert Istakhn
Kashghan, Diwan lughat al turk ti R Dankofl and
J. Kelly, Compendium of tk Turkish dialects Cambudge
Mass. 1982-4; Mukaddasi 362 5
2. Secondary sources \R \nderson
Alexander's gate, Gog and Magog and tht endowed nations
Cambridge, Mass. 1932 DS \ttema De \loham
medaansche opvattingen omtrent ti/dstip van dtn jongshn
de Mevnard Le hat dts routts it dis pro! mas par Ibn
Khordadbeh in J4 v (18b5) MJ de &oe,e De muur
i an Gog en Magog, in Mededel Ron Had lan
Uehnuhappm Amsterdam >e Sene v 87 124
R Grousset L Empire des ittppes 4 Pans 1960 Eng
tr The empire of the steppes i history of Central isia
New Brunswick NJ 1970 \ Herrmann in his
tontal atlas of China Edinburgh 19b6 P Hopkiik Foreign
deiik on tht Sill Road Tht search for tk lust treasures
of Central isia Oxfoid 1980 \ von Le Coq
iuf Hellas Spurrn Bmchk und ibenteuei der II und III
Deutsihen Turf an Expedition Giaz 1974 Luo Zhewen
and Zhoa Luo Tht Great Wall of China in history
and kgtnd Beijing 1986 K Miller \hppae aiabuae
iiabisiht Welt und Landerkarttn dt\ 9 lj Jahrhun
dtrts Stuttgart 1926-31 \ Miquel La geographic
humaint du mondt musulman jusqu au milieu du J 1 such
n Pans The Hague 1975 497 511 Sir \uiel
Stein On ancient Central Asian trails Brief nanati e
China London 1933 repr New \ork 1971 C E
Wilson The Wall of ilexandt, the Great against Gog
and Magog and tk expedition stnt out to find it by tht
khahf Wathiq m 842 iD in [Fritdruh] Hirth anm
veisan lolume (isia Major 1) London 1922 575 612
(E van Donzel)
SALMAN al-FARISI oi Salmon P*k a semi
legendaiv figure of eailv Islam Companion
ot the Prophet and the peison regaided in
latei tradition as the proto convert to Islam
from the Peisian nation
\ccoiding to one tradition the most complete ver
sion of which goes back to Muhammad b Ishak he
was the son of a dihlan ot the Peisian village of Djayv
(orDjayyan cf \akut n 170) near Isfahan \ccording
to other stones he belonged to the vicimtv of Ram
hurmuz and his Persian name was Mahbeh (Ma\eh)
oi Ruzbeh (cf Just! Iran \amenbuch 217 277)
Attracted b\ Chnstiamtv while still a bov he left
his fatheis house to follow a Christian monk and
having changed his teacheis several times arrived m
Svna from there he went right down to the Wadi
1-Kura in western \rabia seeking the Prophet who
was to restore the religion of Ibrahim the imminence
of whose coming had been predicted to him bv his
last teachei on his deathbed Betiaved bv Kalbi
Bedouin who weie acting as his guides thiough the
desert and sold as i slave to a Jew he had occa
sion to go to \U_hnb wheie soon aftei his arrival
the hid^ra of Muhammad took place Recognising in
the lattei the marks of the prophet which the monk
had descnbed to him Salman became a Muslim and
purchased his liberty fiom his Jewish master after
being miraculouslv aided bv Muhammad himself to
The name of Salman is associated with the siege
of Medina bv the Meccans for it was he who on
this occasion advised the digging of the ditch (khandak)
bv means of which the Muslims defended themselves
from the enemv But as Hoiovitz (see Bibl) has shown
the earliest accounts of the yaum al Vhandak make
no mention of Salmans intervention the story of
which was probablv invented in order to attribute to
a Peisian the introduction of a svstem of defence the
name of which is of Persian ongin The othei refei
ences to the caieei of Salman (his part in the con
quest of 'Irak and of Fais his governorship of
al Mada'in etc I aie equallv devoid of authority and
almost all date from the historian Savf b Umar the
bias of whose work is well known Indeed the fame
SALLAM al-TARDJUMAN
PLATE LXVI
!r^
Chinese Turkestan and adjacent parts of Central Asia and Kansu. Source: Sir Aurel Stein, On ancient Central
hian trad Dp j na> t , i three ,4d>'vms n inr m -.t la and t rthwi tern ( lint J onion 1933. repr. New York
1971, p. 342.
WS£k&H!l&±'
Ruin of ancient Chinese fort marking the position of the "Jade Gate", seen from the northeast. Source:
Sir Aurel Stein, On ancient Central Asian tracks. Brief narrative of thee expeditions in innermost Asia and northwestern
China, London 1933, repr. New York 1971, p. 180.
SALMAN al-FARISI — SAMAWAL b. YAHYA al-MAGHRIBI
of Salman is almost entirely due to his Persian nation-
ality: he is the prototype of the converted Persians,
who played such a part in the development of Islam;
as such, he has become the national hero of Muslim
Persia and one of the favourite personages of the
Shu'ubiyya [q.v.] (see Goldziher, Muh. Studien, i, 117,
136, 153, 212). What explains the majority of the tra-
ditions relative to Salman is the fact that the Prophet
foretells to him that the Persians will form the bet-
ter part of the Muslim community; he declares him
a member of his own family (ahl al-bayf), etc. In real-
ity, the historical personality of Salman is of the
vaguest, and it is with difficulty that one can even
admit that his legend is based on the actual fact of
the conversion of a Medinan slave of Persian origin.
The figure of Salman has had an extraordinary
development. Not only does he appear as one of the
founders of Sufism along with the Ashab al-Suffa (K.
al-Luma', ed. Nicholson, 134-5) but the alleged site of
his tomb very early became a centre of worship (at
latest in 4th/ 10th century) (cf. al-Ya'kubl, Buldan, 321);
it is still pointed out in the vicinity of the ancient al-
Mada'in, at the place called after him Salman Pak
("Salman the Pure") near the former Asbandur sub-
urb. His sepulchral mosque, which was seen in its
older form by Pietro delta Valle in 1617, was reno-
vated by Sultan Murad IV [q.v.] and further restored
in 1322/1904-5 (Herzfeld-Sarre, Archdol. Reise im
Euphrates- und Tignsgebiet, ii, 262, n. 1). It is the object
of numerous pilgrimages, especially on the part of
ShTTs, who do not fail to visit it when returning from
Karbala'. Other traditions locate the tomb of Salman
in the vicinity of Isfahan, where there is evidence of
his cult in the 7th/ 13th century (Yakut, ii, 170), and
elsewhere, e.g. Lydda.
Salman plays a remarkable part in the develop-
ment of the jutuwwa [q.v.] and the workmen's corpo-
rations. He is venerated as a patron of barbers, whence
comes the tradition, unknown in ancient collections
of traditions, which makes him the Prophet's barber.
He is also one of the principal links in the mystic
chain (silsila) in various dervish orders.
Among the extremist ShlT sects, he is placed imme-
diately after 'All in the series of divine emanations.
The Nusayriyya [q.v.] make him the third member of
the trinity formed by the three mystic letters 'Ayn
('All), M (Muhammad) and S (Salman), of which he
forms the gate (bab) (cf. R. Dussaud, Histoire et religion
dei Nosairis, Paris 1900, 62).
The death of Salman is placed in 35/655-6 or
36/656-7, a statement which has no value except to
indicate that the historical tradition had no note of
his activity after the accession of 'Air (end of 35/656).
Like many other individuals, said to have embraced
Islam after long experiences of other religions, he is
credited with an extraordinary longevity: 200, 300,
350 and even 553 years (Goldziher, Abhandl. zur arab.
Philologie, ii, p. LXVI).
Bibliography. Ibn Hisham, 136-42, Eng. tr.
Guillaume, 95-8; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, v, 441-4;
Mutahhar al-MakdisF, A'. al-BacF ma 'l-ta'rikh, 110-
13, 345, 673, 677; Ibn Sa'd, iv/1, 53-67; Tabari,
i, 1465, 1467-9, tr. M. Fishbein, The History of al-
Tabarl, viii. The victory of Islam, Albany 1997, 6, 10-
J2; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, ii, 328-32; CI. Huart, Selmdn
du Fars, in Melanges H. Derenbourg, Paris 1909, 297-
310; idem, .Noiwelles recherches sur la legende de Selmdn
du Fars, in Annuaire de I'Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes,
Section des sciences religieuses, Paris 1913;
J. Horovitz, Salman al-Farisi, in 1st., xii (1922), 178-
83; L. Massignon, Salman Pak et les premices spiri-
tuelles de I'Islam iranien. Publications de la Soc. des
Etudes iraniennes no. 7, Paris 1934, repr. in Opera
minora, Damascus 1957, i, 443-83.
^G. Levi Della Vida*)
SAMAW'AL b YAHYA al-MAGHRIBI, ABU
NASR (?520-70/? 1126-75), prominent physician
and mathematician who lived and practiced among
the notables of Syria, 'Irak, Kurdistan and Adhar-
baydjan. Born and raised as a Jew, he gives an account
of his conversion to Islam, including a brief autobi-
ography, in an appendix attached to the second edi-
tion of his anti-Jewish polemic, Ifham al-yahud
("Silencing the Jews"). His father, Yehudah Ibn Abun,
was a rabbi and poet from Fas whose family came
from al-Andalus. Also known as Abu '1-Baka' Yahya
b. 'Abbas al-Maghribi, the father moved to Baghdad
and married a literate and educated woman of a
noble Jewish family named Hannah bt. Ishak b.
Ibrahim al-Basrl al-Lawi (the Levite).
According to Samaw'al's autobiographical chapter,
he began his studies like other Jewish boys with
Hebrew writing, and the study of Torah and its com-
mentaries. By the age of thirteen, however, the age
marking adult maturity and ritual responsibility in
Jewish law, his father moved him out of the tradi-
tional religious curriculum because of his perspicacity
and introduced him to the study of mathematics and
medicine. He excelled in these fields and wrote a
number of works, most of which no longer survive.
His only extant medical work, the Nuzhat al-ashab,
centres around diseases and syndromes associated with
sexual dysfunction, and it includes a collection of erotic
stories and descriptions of being in love without recog-
nising it. His most important scientific work is his
book on algebra, al-Bahir, written when he was nine-
teen. He set out to provide the same kind of sys-
tematisation for algebra that al-KaradjT did for
geometry in his work, al-BadT'. He is the first Arab
algebraist to undertake the study of relative numbers.
His early studies were taken under Abu '1-Barakat
Hibat Allah b. 'Alt, another Jew who is said to have
become Muslim, though late in life. Samaw'al is asso-
ciated with yet another learned Jewish convert to
Islam, Isaac the son of the famous biblical exegete,
grammarian and philosopher, Abraham ben Ezra.
In al-Samaw'al's time, the science of medicine was
closely associated with rationalistic philosophy. It has
been suggested recently that the aforementioned con-
versions may have been "provisional". For example,
Samaw'al's polemic against Judaism expresses a philo-
sophical relativism that may have been influenced by
or associated with the Nizarl Isma'flr kiyama (resur-
rection/resurgence) centred around AlamQt, a con-
temporary movement that transcended the normative
boundaries of religion and law in the lands of Syria
and Persia (S. Wasserstrom, following S. Stroumsa,
J. Kraemer and H. Lazarus-Yafeh). If so, then
Samaw'al's anti-Jewish Ifham may have been a safe
way of criticising doctrinal thinking in general.
It has also been suggested that Samaw'al's con-
version was a result of exactly the process about which
Moses Maimonides later cautioned in his Commentary
on the Mishna, that Jews should avoid the study of his-
tory because in the Islamic world such study was
overwhelmingly anchored in Islamic perspectives and
world views and would therefore encourage apostasy
from Judaism. Samaw'al's conversion may have been
a response to the difficult Jewish problem of accept-
ing the negation of exile while accepting the need for
infinite patience for a vague messianic redemption.
Such a delicate balance of thought was difficult to
SAMAW'AL b. YAHYA
sustnn when confronted by the this worldly reality of
contemporary Muslim history which fulfilled the Jewish
longing for a polity or dan la a central concept in
Sarmwals polemical attack against Judaism (Husain)
Unlike his father whose kunya Abu 1 Baka' sue;
gests longevity Samaw al died in 570/1175 it a id
ativelv young age (Ibn Abi Usaybi a I yun al anba )
Bibliography 1 Sources Samaw'al al
Maghnbi IJham al yahud ed and tr M Perlrmnn
in Proc American Academy for Jeuish Research xxxn
(1964) idem al Bahir Ji I djabr ed Salah Ahmad
and Rushdi Rashid Damascus 1972 Ibn A.bi
Usavbi l Vyun al anba ft tabakat al atibba ed
A Muller C airo komgsbei g 1882 4 Beirut 1955-6
2 Studies Sutei 124 5 M Steinschneider Dii
Mathcmatiker bei dm Judtn Frankfurt 1901 Brockel
rnann S I 493 4 F Rosenthal 4/ Astwlabi and as
Soman al in Osim ix (1950) 5b0-4 A Husain
Conversion to history negating exilt and messianism in al
Samau al al Maghnbi s polinni against Judaism in
Medicial Encounters viu/1 (2002) 3 34 b Was
serstrom False Messiahs and false ion eision Samau al
al Maghnbi in the context of tutlflh century inknonfis
sionalism in Pms Willi Deutscher Onentahstentag
Bamberg 26 ,0 \larth 2001 forthcoming
iR Firestone I
SANAD (a ) pi asnad lit support stay test but
misthen Fremduorter im Arabisehen Leiden 1886 182
For a fine mil etymology from the clink (sanf) of
the metals is they ire being weighed see eg il
Bihuti hashshaf al kina' ed Hihl il Riyid n d
Sarf transactions are subject to particuhr stnngen
cies The pail
admin
naking :
i authenticated do,
s n d is demcd the
rest upon s
nething
The Tuikish form of sanad i e sentd w is used in
Ottomin practice for a document with eg l st il
ittiched thereby authenticating it and supporting it
with officiil proof see Pakilin m 173 4 In Indo
Muslim usage sanad wis used foi go\ eminent and
similar dec lees hence the definition in J T Platts 4
dictionary of Lidu Classical Hindi and English 4 London
Bibliography Gnen in the aitule
(C E Boswortf
SARF (4) the Islamu legal term
exchanges of gold for gold sihei for sih
and gold and siher for each othei Although
sarf in this sense appears in the hadith it is genen
regarded as a term of art without piescrrptive sigm
cance (Ibn al Vibi hitab al habas ed Wahd kam
Beirut 1992 n 822 3 il Subki Takmilat al maajm
C airo n d x 99 but see Ibn al Murtad t al Bahr ,
^akhkhar Beirut 1409/1988 m 38b) 4x cording to
another well established usage (al Bi'h al Muth Beirut
1401/1981 239 al 4.ym Lmdat al kan Beirut n d
\ 293) followed by Maliki jurists sarf applies to
exchanges of gold ind sihei while exchanges (by
weight) of gold for gold oi sihei for siher ai< teimed
muratala Further sanations in usige can be found
(Sharh al hhirshi ala mukhtasar Sidi hhalil Benut nd
v 3b [including fulus] al Subki x 149 [sarf \s
musarafa]) In addition serf is commonly used in the
xchinge of gold for sihei and
used t
the
changer
sion |SD Goitein 4 Mediterranean society Berkeley e
1967 i 239 40) ts well as for money in genen
(Dozy Supplement i 829) It has been suggested thi
the sense of money changing for the Arabic woid sarf
developed undei Araniuc influence (S Iiaenkel Die
require
e delist
addition where the exchange
sihe
: gold f
gold or
e quan
equivalent in weight The rate of exchange of gold
for siher on the other hind may be determined by
the parties as they see fit and e\en unascertained
quantities (diu af) of these metals may be exchanged
(cf Malik al Mumatta ed Abd al Baki Canond
393 [except coins] al Badji al Muntcika Cairo 1332/
1914 lv 277 8 ci al Shiybam A al Hudj_dj.a ed
al Kilani Haydaiabad 1387/1968 u 571 2) The regu
lation of exchanges of gold and siher was introduced
in the year 7/628 m the course of the division of
the spoils of the conquest of Khaybar [q i ] (Caetmi
Amah n/1 38-9) The legal rules governing these
exchanges derive fiom the prohibition of nba [</ ]
as expounded in the hadith general principles of
contract law and certain monetary conceptions
The validity of sarf contracts lequires that perfoi
rmnce on both sides be due at once (munadia^a hulul)
neither party may be granted a term in which to
mike delivery which would constitute nba al nasa In
fict virtually all jurists require that delivery on both
sides {takabud) take place duung the contractual ses
sion (madjlis) (but see al Suyun al Tankih al la i ed
alkuhkamin Kumm 1404/1985 n 97 al Sadr al
Bank allaribaiei fi I Islam il kuwavt nd 147 8)
which may howevei be piotracted To the extent
otherwise lvailable the parties have the beneht of the
light to lescind the executory contract while in their
session (khiyar al mciefjlis\ The Mahkis are stricter in
this regard insisting on prompt if not immediate
short dehy
laking
.change reprehensible \mahuh) (al Hattab Mcmahib
ajalil Taiabulus Libya n d m 302 3 cf Ibn Hazm
Muhalla ed Shakir Beirut nd vm 493) Thus
hile others prohibit the parties from reserving to
;ht of rescission \khiyar al short) Maliki
urther
[haitalai and the giving of either personal or
to the required promptness of perfoi m
Djuzav^ hauamn al ahkam al shai nut C
262 3 Ibn Djillab al Tafn ed alDihm
1408/1987 n 154 cf the HanafT al Ankira-
Buhk 1281/1864 5 l 303) For the san
accoiding to the Mahkis the sarf transactioi
both parties borrow the gold or silver in ordei 1
rake deli
ala
I dhim
) (Sih
323/1905 repi Benut
396 alDardir al Sharh al saghir ed WasfT Cairo
1972 in 50 gloss)
There is disagreement is to whether the require
ment of mutual delivery is satisfied by a set off of
debts [tataruh al daynavn) The Mahkis legird the set
off as a valid sarf if both debts are presently due the
Hanafis and 7 lydis as being v llid whether oi not
due The Shifi is and Hanbihs on the othei hand
do not consider such a trinsiction a v ihd sarf (Ibn
Rushd Bidayat al mudjtahid C uro n d n 174 Ibn
kudami al Mughni ed il Tuiki and il-Hulw C uro
08/1989 v, 10b alSubki x 101 IbnalMurtida
n 389)
Where there 1
> been only pirt peifc
void (al-Mudawwana, iii, 392; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Kafi,
ed. al-Muritanl, al-Riyad 1400/1980-1, ii, 634, cf. al-
Muntaka, iv, 264). The other schools, following the
principle of the severability of contracts (tafrik al-safka),
uphold the sarf to the extent it has been executed (al-
Nawawi, al-Madimu', Cairo n.d., ix, 461, cf. al-Shafi'r,
al-Umm, Cairo n.d., iii, 26; al-Mardawi, al-Insaf, ed.
al-Fiki, Beirut n.d., v, 45; al-Suyun, ii, 98; Ibn al-
Murtada, iii, 387-8). Some jurists hold the view that
the parties' failure to take delivery under the sarf con-
tract not only voids the contract but amounts to a
sin, unless they take the trouble to repudiate the con-
tract before separating (al-Madjmu\ ix, 460-1, cf. al-
Bahrani, al-Hada'ik al-nadira, ed. al-Irawani, Beirut
1405/1985, xix, 277).
The requirement that mutual delivery take place
upon contracting makes it possible for either party to
prevent the enforcement of an executory sarf contract
by terminating the contractual session without taking
delivery (al-Muntaka, iv, 264, cf. al-Shaybani, al-Amali,
Haydarabad 1360, 15-16). Furthermore, given the
widespread circulation of different mintages and sub-
standard coins in the mediaeval period, the jurists had
to determine how far subsequent adjustments in the
interest of a dissatisfied party were consistent with the
rule of mutual delivery (e.g. Mawahib al-djalil, iv, 322-
6; al-Mardawi, v, 45-9).
The prohibition of nba requires that exchanges of
gold for gold or silver for silver involve equal quan-
tities of the metals, any inequality constituting nba al-
fadl, although some early authorities, most notably Ibn
'Abbas (d. 68/687), are reported to have rejected the
doctrine of nba al-jadl, at least for a time (e.g. al-
Tahawi, Shark ma'anl al-athar, ed. al-Nadjdjar, Cairo
n.d., iv, 63-71, al-Subkr, x, 23-5), and thus to have
permitted the exchange of unequal quantities of gold
for gold and silver for silver — such unequal exchanges
being termed sarf in the hadith (al-Nasaff, Tahbat al-
talaba, Beirut n.d., 114; al-Nawawf, Shark sahlh Muslim,
Cairo n.d., xi, 23-4), a sense familiar to early lexi-
cography, see Ibn Sida, al-Mukhassas, Beirut n.d., xii,
30 (quoting al-Khalil b. Ahmad [q.v.]). The require-
ment of strict equality (tasawt) applies to all such
exchanges, whatever the form of the metals, whether
raw ore (tibr), ingots (nukra, sabika), coins (madrub) or
manufactured articles (masugh, masnu', hah), with the
equality to be measured by weight (wazn), as in the
time of the Prophet, without regard to the market
value (kima) of the objects (e.g. al-Bahuti, iii, 262-3).
The reasonableness and hence the validity of an
exchange of exactly similar coins have been ques-
tioned (Ibn Nudjaym, al-Bahr al-ra'ik, ed. Cairo, vi,
193, cf. NJ. Coulson, A history of Islamic law, Edinburgh
1964, 42).
While campaigning in Syria, Mu'awiya (d. 60/680)
reportedly exchanged manufactured articles taken as
booty for their value in the same metal, for which
he was rebuked by other Companions, including the
Caliph 'Uraar (al-Zurkani, Sharh al-Muwatta', Beirut
n.d., iii, 278-9; al-Muntaka, iv, 261-2), and this prac-
tice is said to have continued in Syria until 'Umar
b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (d. 101/720) put an end to it (al-
Subki, x, 79). Nonetheless, the opinion that the value
added by labour should be reflected in the rate of
exchange continued to find support. This teaching is
attributed to Dawud al-Zahiri (d. 270/884) (al-Shattl,
Risala fi masa'il al-imam Dawud al-^ahin, Damascus
1330, 21, cf. al-Muhalla, viii, 493), and it is reported
of both al-Shafi'r (Ibn al-Murtada, iii, 387, cf. al-
Shayzan, Mhavat al-rutba fi talab al-hisba, ed. al-'Arini,
Beirut 1969, 75) and Ahmad b. Hanbal (Ibn Kudama,
vi, 60) that they prohibited equal exchanges by weight
of whole for broken coins because of the discrepancy
in value. The most prominent later proponent of this
doctrine was the HanbalT Ibn Taymiyya (d 728/1328),
according to whom manufactured articles of gold or
silver are outside the scope of the law of sarf, which
is intended to promote monetary stability (al-Ba'li, al-
Ikhtiyarat al-fxkhiyya, ed. al-Fiki, Cairo nd, 127, Ibn
Kayyim al-Djawziyya, Flam al-muwakh'in, ed Sa'd,
Cairo 1388/1968, ii, 154-63; al-Haymi, al-Rawd al-
nadir, Beirut n.d., iii, 229-31; Ibn al-Alusi, Deals' al-
'aynayn, Cairo 1400/1980, 628-44).
The attribution to Malik of the view that coinage
might be exchanged for its value in the same metal
was vigorously denied by his followers (Ibn Kudama,
vi, 60; al-Subki, x, 79-83, cf. J. Schacht, The ongins
of Muhammadan junsprudence, Oxford 1950, 67). Many
Malikls did, however, support the opinion expressed
by Malik that a traveller in dire need of coins might
pay for them with the same metal in such a quan-
tity as to cover the cost of minting (al-Kabas, ii, 822,
cf. al-Khirshl, v, 43 [no longer applicable according
to Ashhab, d. 204/819]; al-Muntaka, iv, 259; al-
Mawwak, al-Tad} wa 'l-iklil, on the margin of Mawahib
al-a^alU, iv, 318 [only if life is m jeopardy]).
Furthermore, the Malikls permit the exchange of up
to six pieces of gold or silver currency passing by tale
for an equal number of pieces made of the same
metal even when the latter are up to one-sixth greater
in weight. Such an exchange, termed mubadala, must
be in the nature of an accommodation (ma'ruf) to the
party with the underweight (ndkis) coins, and, accord-
ing to some, must be expressly characterised by the
parties as a mubadala, not a sale (al-Muntaka, iv, 259-
60; al-Tasulr, al-Bahdia sharh al-tuhfa, Cairo, 1370/1951,
ii, 27-9).
A further set of problems is posed when one or
more objects, termed damima by Twelver Shi 'is (al-
Shahid al-Awwal, al-Lum'a al-dimashkma, ed. Kalantar,
Kumm 1396/1976, iii, 441) and djarlra by Zaydis (al-
San'ani, Minhat al-ghqffar, San'5' 1405/1985, iii, 1388),
including objects subject to the laws of nba, are intro-
duced into the exchange of the same metals, for exam-
ple one dirham and a measure of dates as consideration
for two dirhams (mas'alat mudd 'adpnia) (al-Muzanf, al-
Mukhtasar, on the margin of al-Umm, ii, 145; Ibn
Kudama, vi, 92-4; Ibn Radjab, al-Kawa'id, ed. Sa'd,
Cairo 1392/1972, 267-70; al-Muhalla, viii, 494-6). The
HanafTs, Twelver Shi' is and Zaydis recognise the
validity of such a transaction, by analysing it as a sarf
of one dirham for another and a sale of the dates
for the other dirham. The precontract meets the test
for equality. Such transactions are valid when the gold
or silver on the one side exceeds that on the other,
so that the excess can be referred to the added object
(tarik al-i'tibar) (Ibn al-Murtada, iii, 338-40). The
Malikis, ShafiTs and HanbalFs, on the other hand,
regard this transaction as invalid, seeing in it the sale
of a combination of things, with unascertained value,
for two dirhams (cf. Kitab al~Hudj.dj.a, ii, 574-5; al-
Tahawi, iv, 72-3 [critical]). More pertinently perhaps,
such a sale can be used to circumvent the prohibi-
tion of nba al-fadl, since an object of merely nomi-
nal value can be introduced to validate what is
essentially an unequal sarf contract, and so should be
prohibited as a preventive measure (sadd al-dhara'i')
(cf. al-Muwatta', 395; al-Muntaka, iv, 277). To obviate
this result, some jurists, including the Zaydi Imam al-
Hadr (d. 298/911) (Kitab al-Ahkam, San 'a' 1410/1990,
ii, 73; al-Kasim b. Muhammad, al-Ttisam bi-habl Allah
al-matln, ed. al-Fadil, San'a' 1404/1984, iv, 109) and,
repoitedh Suivan al-Thiwn (d lbl/778) (al-Mawwak
i\ 3011 insisted that the object intioduced should
conespond in value to the excess [fadl) on the other
side and the Hanaii al-Shivbani is supposed to ha\e
regaided an unequal exchange oi this sort as \alid
but leprehensible {makruh) (Ibn al-Humam Fath al
kadu rept Kuwait nd vi 271-2 cl al-Nasir al-
Utrush [d 304/917] in R B Serjeant [ed] 4 Zaidi
manual of Hisbah of the old antun (H) in RSO xxvm
[1957] 24 [bettei to exchange (or the other metal])
On the giound oi haidship (datum) however the
Malikis permit the giving oi up to one hili oi a
dnham as change in a sale with a purchase puce oi
no more than a dnham the exchange oi cunencv
being deemed ancillary to the sale [al tadd 'ala oi ft
I dnham] (al-Mawwak lv 301 Mauahib al qjahl iv
318-21) wheieas the Hanbalis validate similar trans-
contracts sarf and sale (al-Bahuti in 2b0-lj
The exchange oi a dirham and a dinai ior a
dirham and a dinar (al-Khirshi v 3b-7 gloss) is also
invalid according to the Malikis Shall' is and Hanbalis
not to speak of the exchange oi two dirhams and a
dinar ior one dirham and two dinars The Hanafis
Twelver Shi 'is and Zavdis uphold the validitv of these
tiansactions in the latter case bv refemng the silver
coins on each side to the gold on the other so that
there is no requirement of equahtv (on the use oi
this principle as an evasive device cf al-Abi hashf
alrumuz kumm 1408/1989 i 500-1)
The Malikis aversion to mixed transactions goes
bevond that of the Shafi'is and Hanbalis lor thev
prohibit an exchange in which ior example gold and
another object is traded for silver this constituting a
combination of sarf in the Maliki sense and an ordi-
nal sale (al sarf ua Ibn') (al Mudauuana, m 410)
the incidents oi which aie deemed incompatible (al
Khirshi v 40-1 ci Ibn Rushd Fataua ed al-Tahli
Beirut 1407/1987 i 210 Bidnat al mudj.tahid n 175
[approving Ashhab s i ejection oi this doctrine] al-
Baghawi Sharh al surma ed al-Arna'ut Benut 1403/
1983 viu b7 [no basis ior it]) Heie too howevei
the Malikis recognise exceptions on the ground of
hardship for transactions with a purchase price oi no
in which the saif component involves the exchange
of less than one dinar ioi dirhams In eithei of these
cases where no more than two dirhams are due as
change ior a pavment in dinars the sarf is treated as
ancillary to the sale and deliver} oi the coins need
not take place at the time of the contract (Hashiiat
alDasuki 'ala al sharh al kabu Cairo nd m 32-3)
The problems posed bv the sale of objects with
gold or silver ornamentation and bv debased gold and
silver coins are dealt with according to the rules ioi
mixed transactions (but see Ibn Rushd Fataua i 572
idem al Baton ua I tahsil, ed A'rab Beirut 1404/1984
vn 30 [coins]) Where howevei the gold oi sil
i the
r thai
cannot be salvaged as saleable metal the rules oi sarf
are deemed inapplicable (Ibn kudama vi 9b al
Dardn, in bl-2 so also ioi coins al-kasam, Bada'i'
al sana'i' Canon d vn 3137 al-'Abbadi al Hauhaia
alnayura Istanbul nd l 272 Ibn al-Salah Fataua
uamasa'il ed al-kal'adji Beirut 1406/1985 n, 578
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa Kitab Ma'ahm al kurba ed Sha'ban
and Muti'i Cano 1976 124-5) so that for exam-
ple a house with a gilded looi can be sold ior gold
although the gold in the loot exceeds the purchase
puce (al Fataua al hmdiwa, Beirut n d m 224) Where
on the othei hand, the gold or silver in the article
or com can be detached oi melted down the Milikis
Shafi'is and Hanbalis following their lules foi mixed
transactions and the piecedent found in the hadith
(itharh Sahh Muslim xi 17-19 al-Tahiwi iv 71-5 ci
al-Tilimsam Mijtah al uusul ed kummi Cairo nd
62-3) do not permit a sale foi the same piecious
metal as in the ornament oi coin The metal must
be detached and sold separatelv according to the lules
of iorf These stringencies except accoiding to the
Malikis do not apph when an article with gold orna-
mentation or a debased gold coin is sold ior silver
oi Ltet ittsa the Malikis do however make an excep-
tion when the ornamentation does not exceed one-
third oi the value (oi weight accoiding to others) oi
the object (a\-Muuatta> 394 al-Dasuki m 40 ci Ibn
Rushd al Baton ua I tahsil ed Hababi Beirut
1404/1984 vi 439-40 [gold and silvei combined])
Furtheimore when the gold or silver is so affixed as
to be detachable onlv with loss oi value the Malikis
apph the one-third rule to exchanges ioi the same
metal and there is no lestnction on exchanges lor
the other metal (Ibn Djuzaw 264-5)
The Hanafis Twelvei Shi'is and Zavdis peimit
exchanges of objects with gold or silver ornamenta-
tion oi debased coins ior a greater quantitv oi the
same piecious metal although ioi the Hanafis coins
which aie predominant^, gold oi silver are deemed
equivalent to coins oi pure metal Wheie such objects
or coins are exchanged lor each othei the jurists oi
these schools cross-reference the precious metal on
each side to the othei component (ci al Muhalla vm
498-501) For the purpose oi upholding its validitv
the transaction is analvsed as consisting oi two ordi-
narv sales The sarj requirement of mutual deliver}
however continues to applv (Fath al kadir vi 275)
This analvsis would permit the unequal exchange oi
debased coins ior each other a consequence that the
Cential Asian Hanafis horn fear that it would open
the door to nba are leported to have refused to draw
with respect to the greatlv debased silver coins that
served as their pnmarv currencv (Fath al kadn vi 275
ci Kadikhan Fataua on the margin oi al Fataua al
lundma n 252, Dawud b i usuf al-khatib al Fataua
alghnathma Bulak 1323 141-2 on ghitnf, dirhams
seeal-knmih al Nukud al 'ambiua Beirut n d 150-1)
The extension oi the law oi sarj to copper coins
functioning as cuirencv (al fulus al ta'idj_a or al nafika)
is most stronglv represented among the Malikis
(Mudauuana vm 395-6) although there is also some
suppoit foi this view in the Hanbah (al-Mardawi v
15) Shafi'i (al-Zabrdi Ithaf al sada al muttakin Beirut
nd v 447) HanafI (al-Shavbam cf AL Udovitch
Partnership and pi op in media al Islam Princeton 1970
52-5) and Zavdi (Ibn al-Muitada m 391| schools
There is disagreement among modern writers as to
the apphc abilitv oi the rules of sarf to transactions in
paper currencv (al-Ruham al Masa'il al mustahdatha
Kumm 1385/19b5 i5 [no] al-Sadr al Bank alia
nbaui Ji I Islam 149-52 [depends on the natuie oi
the currencv] al-'Uthmam Takmdat fath al mulhim
karachi 1407/1988 i 589 90 [ves] Kaiarat ua tausnat
Madfma' al Fikh al Islami al munbathik mm Muna^zamat
alMu'tamai al hlami Damascus 1418/1998 40 [ves]
see also Mad^allal Madfma' al Fikh al hlami m [1408/
1987] 1721-1965 cl ibid v/3 [1409/1988] lb()9-
22bl and Bu 1-Shinkiti al haul al musaddad f, hukm
zakat al atirak np [Beirut] 1420/1999)
The lestnctiveness oi the laws oi sarf engendered
of the exposition oi the subject even when labelled
repiehensible (eg al-Nawawi, Raudat al tahbm, ed
SARF -
'Abd al-Mawdjud and Mu'awwad, Beirut 1412/1992
111, 44-5) Additional pressure for such de\ices came
from the practice of some Muslim governments of
minting debased siher coins and then imposing an
exchange rate that inevitably involved a violation of
the law of sarj One expedient was to construe these
exchanges as tiansactions by mutual delivery (mu'atat)
not sarj contracts and thus not subject to the sarj
restrictions {al Ftisam i\, 108-9, al-'Amih, hitab al
Matadjir mm miftah al karama Cairo nd, 7 159, cf
al Bahr al ra'ik, vi, 192) Shafi' is are reported to hav e
upheld unequal exchanges as reciprocal gifts (al-Dardir,
in 57 gloss cf Raixdat al talibin m, 45), while Malikis
validated small-scale unequal exchanges by appealing
to the notion of hardship (al-Dasuki in 35) Others
insisted that the parties employ the device suggested
in the hadith of an inter\ening sale of one of the cur-
lencies for goods followed by a resale of the goods
foi the other currency (al-Shawkani quoted in Siddik
Hasan Khan, al Ran da al nadiyya Cairo n d n, 1 1 6-
18) although legulai resort to this device was con-
troversial (al-Subki, x 13b cf al Muhalla, vin 512-13)
Against the inconvenience of this cumbersome prac-
tice the \emeni al-Makbali (d 1108/1696) aigued
for an analysis accoiding to which the parties were
gianting each othei a license (ibaha) in the exchanged
coins, thus effectively freeing all except professional
money-changers from the restrictions of the law of satj
{al Abhath al musaddada, ed al-Irvam, San'a' 1403/1982,
286-7 390-1, and Minhat al ghafjar, in, 1389)
The complexity of the law of sarj made it difficult
foi those engaged in frequent exchanges to avoid vio-
lating the prohibition of nba which put the profes-
sion of money-changing (sarraj sayraj sayrafi musamf)
m a bad light (al Bayan wa I tahsil vi 448 [better to
exchange with merchants] cf al-Dasuki m 43 gloss)
but this did not mean that its exeicise by non-Muslims
was encouraged (al Mudawtiana vin, 403 Ibn 'Abd al-
Ra'uf in N Ziadeh al Hisba ua I muhtasib ft I Islam,
Beirut 1963, 141, cf Goitein i 229-30) The condem-
nation of money-changers is particularly connected
with the name of al-Hasan al-Basn (d 1 10/728 [q i ])
(Ibn Rushd, al Mukaddamat al mumahhadat, ed A'rab
Beirut 1408/1988, n, 14), whose disapproval, accord-
ing to a ShrT tradition, was countered by the Imam
Dja'far al-Sadik (d 148/765 [qi]) when he noted
that the ishab al hahf [qi] of Kuran, XVIII, were
money-changeis (al-Tusi al Tahdhib, ed al-Kharsan
Tehian 1390/1970 vi 363 cf al-Turayhi Madjma'
albahiayn, Beirut 1985 v 79-80) but this did not
prevent Twelver ShT'I jurists from including money-
changing among the reprehensible pi ofessions (al Lum'a
al dimashkiyya, m, 218) Instructing money-changeis in
the rules of sarj and supervision of their transactions
were among the duties of the muhtasib [see hisba]
(Ma'ahm al kurba 227 al-Shayzan, 74) For moie infor-
mation on the money-changer, see sarraf in Suppl
With the use of Islamic banking in recent decades
there has been renewed interest m such old questions
related to sarj such as the permissibility of non-bind-
mg agreements for future exchanges of currency at
fixed rates (al-Baz, ihkam sarj al nukud ua I'umulatji
Ifikh alislamx, "Amman 1419/1999, 109-31) New
questions have also arisen, such as the possibility of
satisfying the requirement of delivery of the currency
during the contractual session by issuance of a cheque,
a practice recognised as valid by the Islamic Law
Academy (Madjma' al-Fikh al-Islami) of the Muslim
World League (Rabitat al-'Alam al-Islami) in 1409/
1989, at the same time that it approved of delivery
by entry of a record in the books of the bank ('A.A.
al-Salus Mausu'at al kadaya al-Jikhiyya al-mu'asira wa 'l-
iktisad al islami Bilbisr [Egypt] 1423/2003, 630-1), and
the same position was adopted by the Islamic Law
Academy of the Oigamsation of the Islamic Conference
(Munazzamat al-Mu'tamar al-Islami) in 1410/1990
(Kararat ixa taixsiyat Madjma' al-Fikh al-Isldml, 113-4;
also in Madjallat Madjma' al-Fikh al-Islami, vi/1,
[1410/1990] 771-2) To the extent that delivery of
currencies is accomplished in accord with contempo-
rarv international banking usages, mutual delivery sat-
isfying the law of sarj may extend over several days
(\ usuf al-Karadawi, Fataixa mu'asira, Beirut 1421/2000,
u 462-4)
Bibliography In addition to the references in
the text, see Santillana Istituzioni, ii, 64-5, 185-92
(Maliki), Kasim b Ibrahim et al, K. Tayslr al-maram
fi masa'il al ahkam, Beirut 1407/1986, 79-81 (Zaydl);
al-Kan, A Madjallat al ahkam al-shar'iyya, Djidda
1401/1981, 191-3 (Hanbali); R. Brunschvig, Concep-
tions monetaires chez les junstes musulmans (viii-xiii siecles),
in Arabua xiv/2 (1967), 113-43, xv/3 (1968), 316;
Goitein -1 Mediterranean society, i, 234-40 (the pro-
fession of moneychanging), N.A. Saleh, Unlawful gain
and legitimate profit m Islamic law, "London 1992, 24-
34 (nba aljadl) "A A al-Salus, al-Nukud wa-istibdal
al'umulat Kuwayt and Cairo 1987; Wizarat al-
Awkaf wa 1-Shu'un al-Islamiyya, al-Mawsu'a al-
fikhiyya Kuwayt 1412/1992, xxvi, 348-74; F.E. Vogel
and S L Hayes HI Islamic law and finance, The
Hague 1998 'Ala' al-Din Djanku, al-Takabud ft 7-
jikh alislami 'Amman 1423/2004, 111-8, 284-92.
(A. Zysow)
SARIK, the name of a Turkmen [q.v.] tribe
in Central Asia Ethnonyms derived from colour-
names aie frequent in Turkic languages. Caghatay
and Uzbek ha\e sank sank "yellow, yellowish, pale,
blonde' where other historical and modern Turkic
languages ha\e sariy or sari (Laude-Cirtautas, 64-8).
The genealogy of the Sarik is connected to the Salur
[q v ] tribal group including the Salur proper, the
Ersan Teke and \omut In his work on the histor-
ical legends of the Turkmen, the Shadjara-yi Tarakima,
Abu 1-Ghazi Bahadur Khan of Khlwa [q.v] links the
descent of the Sank and the Teke to Toy Tutmaz
of the Salur (ed Kargi Olmez, foi. 102a, 11. 4-5). The
Salur are linked to Oghurdjik Alp, a descendant of
the eponymous progenitor of the Turkmen, Oghuz
Khan Di awing on Sarik historical legends, Dshikijew
connects the Sarik to various groups of Tatars and
other peoples of Central Asia, but his arguments lack
convincing support No historical details about the
habitat and historv of the Sarik before the 16th cen-
tury are available except that since the Mongol period,
they must ha\e lived — along with other Turkmen
tribes — between the Mangishlak [q.v.] peninsula and
the Balkhan [q v ] mountains According to Abu '1-Ghazi
Bahadui Khan (leferences in Bregel 1981), in the 16th
century the Teke \omut and Sarik together paid a
tax of 8 000 sheep to their Uzbek overlord, about
half of what larger tribes like the Cowdur or Ersari
paid at the time or one-quarter of the tax of the
Salur tribe proper In the first Soviet census (1926),
the Sarik numbered 34,000 or 4% of the whole num-
ber of Turkmen (Bregel 1981, 13ff.). Sarik were also
to be found in Tadjikistan, Afghanistan and Iran, but
at the end of the 20th century, reliable figures are
not available.
In the 17th century, the Salur confederation broke
up and the Salur and Ersari left western Turkmenistan.
Their place was taken by three junior tribes, the Teke,
Yomut and Sarik (Bregel 1981, 18). In the 18th cen-
- SARIKA
tury, the Sank nomadised between Kh"arazm and the
Marw oasis. Around 1800, they gradually became the
dominant Turkmen tribal grouping among the popu-
lation in and around the oasis, engaging in agricul-
ture as well as in nomadic pastoralism (Wood 1998,
6-7, 70-5). Wood (1998) investigated the history of
the Sarik of Marw (a large part of the Sarik tribal
group) drawing on Western — including Russian — travel
and political literature as well as on Persian, Bukharan
and, in particular, Khiwan sources such as the chron-
icles of the court historian Agahi. By 1822, Khiwa
succeeded in supplanting Bukharan rule in the Marw
area, keeping it until 1842 as an outpost in its fre-
quent campaigns against Persia. At that time, the
Sarik began a prolonged struggle for independence
horn khiwa which ended in 1855 both sides exhausted
from the annual campaigns The penod of ielati\e
stability had pioved piohtable loi the agncultuie and
taiavan trade of the Sariks while the khiwan khan
had been able to draw re\enues from them and use
them as auxihanes and border patrols Fiom 1857
under Persian pressuie, the numerically supenor Teke
of Saiakhs mo\ed into the Marw oasis and forced
out the Sanks who replacing the Salui ol Wotan
and Pandjdih [q i ] on the middle couise ol the
Muighab n\ei remained there into the 20th century
Bibliography This article owes much to \\ A
Wood The Sanq Tutkmens of \kn and Ihi khanah of
Khna in tht tarh mmttmth itntun unpubl diss
Bloc
1998 I
bibl)
Ebulgazi Bahadn Han, $eure i Tirakime (Tmkminlenn
soikutugu) ed tr and notes Z Kargi Olmez Ankaia
1996 The chiomcle of Mu'ms and Agahi, Firdaas
alikbal ed and tr ^ Bregel Leiden 1988, 1998
legulaily mentions the Saiiks lor excerpts from
Agahi s lui ther chronicles see A Is. Boro\ kov A A
Romaskevic and PP Ivanov \lalenah po isluni turk
men I turknunn n \VI \I\ a Iransku bukharskit I
khainskie istoimki, Moscow and Lemngiad 1<H8 See
iuithei Biegel Nomadic and sedentary elements among
Ihi Turkmens, in CiJ xxv (1981) 3-37 A Dshikijew
Das lurknumscht I oik im Millelaltn Beilin 1994 252-
62 I Laude-Cntautas Dei Gebrauih da Farbbe^euh
nuns,en m dm Tuikdiahklen Wiesbaden 1961
(B^RB^RA KELLNFR-HEINKELE)
SARIKA
Although the teim sanka is used no theft in the
legal sense of the word is implied as Islamic law does
not lecogmse intellectual pioperty A modern book-
let on intellectual theft sti esses the moial turpitude
involved but does not invoke any Shan'a norms or
punishments I'Abd al-Mannan al Sanka t al'ilmma]
The victim of plagiaiism could only have recouise to
public opinion or approach a man of powei (isti'da')
Liteiary theft occuired and was discussed piedom-
mantly though not exclusively in the field of poetry
The teim sanka does cover plagiarism in the strict
sense of the word, 1 e appi opi ration of someone else s
line oi poem But of gieatei impoitance and inteiest
is its widei application where it indicates any kind
oi bon owing and developing of an existing motif
As such it should be treated in the laigei context of
inteitextuality alongside othei phenomena such as
quotation (tadmin) and allusion (talmih) Since the teim
came to covei both acceptable and unacceptable bor-
rowings qualifications like sanka hasana good theft
and sanka mahmuda laudable theft were mtioduced
to charac tense cases considered successful by the cut-
ics Or else the mappropnate paradoxical teim was
avoided altogether and substituted by a neutral one,
akhdh "taking".
True plagiarism
Already pre-Islamic poets mention literary theft as
a known phenomenon by stressing that they do not
have to rely on it. This is, of course, meaningful only
on the background of a literary culture, in which
poems are attributable to individual poets and the
latter take pride in their craft. Alongside the general
notion of "theft", the term intihal "ascribing (versesl
to oneself" is specifically used here. As later hand-
books make clear, this means claiming other poets'
verses as one's own without further ado (the obvious
danger of anachronism involved in relying on these
handbooks cannot be addressed here). It is difficult
to judge the truth in the cases addut ed by the latei
cimcs one would need to asceitain ll (a) they may
Bibl) or (b) the victim oi the plagiaiism might not
be an invention pioduced by mtei tubal hostilities
While the idea of intellectual piopeitv seems to
tfell developed theie is one strmge phe-
lon that
> this
to wit the behavioui of some famous poets called
ighaia lit l aiding This occuis only between con-
temporaries and descnbes a situation in which a minoi
poet composes an outstanding line and is then ioiced
by a major poet to lelinquish it to him on the pietext
that he the major poet should have composed it
The victim undei threat of a stinging invective would
moie often than not comply Most notorious in this
respect was the Umayvad poet al-Farazdak [q c ]
In the literate society oi 'Abbasid times and latei
outnght plagiarism took the form of lnseitmg extia-
neous matei lal often whole poems into one s own
diaan The teim often used for this is musalata (see
eg al-Tha'alibi latima n 119 5) a post-classical
woid possibly denved from silt a valiant — bv metathe-
sis — of list robber (see Lane s It For an lnteiest-
mg plagiarism ieud see ^l-s^ri ■vl-r^ffV Even
contempoiary authorities admitted that it was verv
difficult to establish the truth in the case of poems
recurring in vanous diaans \1-Tha'ahbi, quoting two
poems that he found both in a collection oi al-San
al-Raffa's poetiy m the lattei s own handwutmg as
well as in the diaan oi the Khahdi brothels in the
Abu 'Uthman al-khalidi s
e this
conflu-
ence oi minds tauarud [al khatnaynj) oi to plagiary
[musalata) {latima n 110 5j The hist possibility flows
from the Muslim virtue oi husn al zann which enjoins
people always to think best about others But with
strains t redulity (while with one or two lines it would
poetising) Anothei way oi explaining duplication oi
poems is oi course unceitainty oi attribution on the
pait oi ledactors
rung
While crude plagiary i
public
rcised the h
only with the intioduction of skilful changes into the
bonowed verse Cntical hteiatuie developed along two
lines (1) geneial classifications and taxonomies of sanka
and (2) the collection and — to a lesser extent — critical
evaluation oi the sankat of individual poets
The sanka classifications are contained in a num-
ber of books on liteiarv theory sometimes also in the
introductions to sanka collections oi individual poets
They tend to be highly inhomogeneous in the eaily
literature. The earliest example is al-Hatimi (d. 388/998
[q.v.]) in his Hilyat al-muhadara fi sina'at al-shi'r (see
Bibl). His terminology seems to be tentative, partly
based on earlier traditions that he quotes with their
chains of authorities, but without establishing a clear
system. As a conseqnence, there is much overlap
between the terms and a certain opacity prevails (see
S.A. Bonebakker's painstaking articles on al-Hatimr in
the Bib/.). Ibn Rashik (d. 456/1063 or later [q.v.]) is
aware of this inadequacy of al-Hatimfs taxonomy,
but he quotes him extensively all the same, with cer-
tain alterations and re-interpretations (see von Grune-
baum. Concept, 238-40; note that the author did not
yet have the text of al-Hatimfs Hilya).
Ibn Waki' al-TinnlsI (d. 393/1003) and Abu Hilal
al-'Askarl (d. 395/1005 [q.v.]) introduced the idea that
one had to distinguish between good and bad "pla-
giary". The former did so in the introduction to his
attack on al-Mutanabbl (Munsif 9-21, 22-39), the lat-
ter in the first encyclopaedic work on literary theory,
the "Book of the Two Arts" (Sina'atayn, 196-237, cf
Kanazi, Studies, 112-22). This approach takes into
account the fact that mannerist poetry is in constant
intertextual dialogue with past poetry (on the term
"mannerism" in this context, see S. Sperl, Mannerism
in Arabic poetry, Cambridge 1989); as a result, bor-
rowing motifs and developing and improving them
becomes a way of life.
Ibn Abl Tahir Tayfur (d. 280/893 [q.v.]) expressed
this idea as follows: "The discourse of the Arabs hangs
together, the later instances taking from the former.
The original and newly invented of it (al-mubtada' minhu
wa 'l-mukhtara') is rare, if you go through it and check
it. Even the cautious and watchful man, who is gifted
in eloquence and poetry, whether ancient or modern,
will not be safe that his discourse take [something]
from the discourse of someone else, even if he does
his utmost in being cautious. . . . How much more so
with the affected constructer of conceits (al-mutakalhf
al-mutasanm') who is intentionally seeking for them"
\apud al-Hatimi, Hilya, ii, 28). The '
of the
who c
o the existing poetry.
After a number of further attempts to instil some
order into the traditionally transmitted terms, the tax-
onomy of plagiarism became homogenised and solid-
ified in the scholastic 'Urn al-balagha "science of
eloquence" [see balagha], starting with al-Khatib al-
Kazwmi (d. 739/1338 [?.».]), in his TalkhTs al-Miftah.
From the various endeavours of the theorists, some
(a) The focus of the discussion is overwhelmingly
the single line, which is, of course, the most common
approach in literary criticism and theory.
(b) There is discussion about what is, and what is
not, subject to a verdict of plagiary. Universally-known
or well-worn motifs are in the public domain. Newly-
invented motifs that are attributable to individual poets
form the other extreme. These are rare and, accord-
ing to Hazim al-Kartadjanm, "infertile", because later
poets would hardly dare to take them up again (al-
ma'anl 'l-'ukm, see Minhadj, 194, 14). Of greatest inter-
est is the group of motifs in between the two extremes,
those that have been treated, developed and improved
upon (or, possibly, ruined) by a series of poets. Here
a charge of plagiarism can only be avoided if the
later poet introduces changes that confer a certain
novelty on the borrowed motif. There are various
ways of doing this; (1) by changing the context, by
(a) inserting the motif into a different genre (e.g. from
praise into love poetry), or (b) combining it with
another motif of the same kind (see below); or (2) by
changing the wording. If, by doing the latter, he
improves on the rendition of the motif or adds a
rhetorical twist to it, he can lay greater claim to it
than the original poet. According to Hazim, there are
four relationships between a poet and his motif: "inven-
tion" (ikhtira'), "greater claim" (istihkdk), "partnership"
(sharika, which is either "equal participation" [ishtirak],
when there is no quality difference between the ear-
lier and later poet, or "falling short" [mhitaf], if the
later poet is not up to par), and finally "plagiarism"
(sarika) (Minhadf, 192-4).
(c) Part of the taxonomy of plagiarism is based on
the Iqfe-ma'na dichotomy: does the alleged plagiariser
take only the motif or also its wording? Taking both
with only minimal changes of the wording is the worst
kind of sarika.
(d) Plagiarism can only take place if the later poet
consciously borrows from the earlier. Otherwise,
identical or similar lines of poetry are due to a "con-
fluence of two minds" (tawdrud al-khatirayn): the two
poets found the line independently of each other (see
above).
(e) An identical line could also be explained as a
well-known line, the poet has to mark it as a quo-
tation in order that it not be taken as a plagiarism.
(2) Critical assessment of individual poets
The other branch of literature devoted to sarika
consists of collections of plagiarisms of individual poets,
either in separate works or forming part of critical
studies dealing with one or more poets. The most
famous "modern" poets have all been made targets
of such critiques: Abu Nuwas, Abu Tammam and
especially al-Mutanabbf (at least six separate books
have come down to us). There is usually very little
in the way of naming and discussing their cases; the
critics rather confine themselves instead to adducing
the original (mostly by a "modern" poet) and the
alleged plagiarism. They usually have a lenient
approach, including many "laudable plagiarisms". They
often manage to find several originals, either because
the "plagiariser" has effected a combination of two
"stolen" motifs or because there is some doubt as to
the correct pedigree (the "originals" are sometimes
not quite relevant, belonging, as it were, to a larger
halo of motifs circling the motif in question). One is
thus at times presented with little family trees of a
motif (probably never more than four or five stages).
This makes these works valuable for historical, sys-
into the imbricai
stigatioi
o the
overlap of cc
in turn would lead, more importantly, to insights into
the general tendencies governing such developments
within a mannerist tradition of poetry.
The most sophisticated cases are those in which the
"plagiariser" welds two different motifs together. An
example would be the following (from al-'Amldi, Ibana,
31-2; the author starts with the pedigree verses and
ends with the "plagiarising" verses by al-Mutanabbl):
al-Buhturi: Mala'ta ahsha'a 'l-'aduwi balabilan
fa- 'rtadda yahsudu fika man lam yahsudi
al-'Abarta'I: Katta'a ahsha'a hasidfhi wa-lam
yathub [s.l.] ghalilu '1-hasha mina 7-
hasadi
al-Mutanabbi: Katta'tahum hasadan arahum ma bihim
fa-takatta'u hasadan li-man la yahsudu
Here we have two motifs and their confluence in
al-Mutanabbl: Motif no. 1: People envy [in you] some-
of e
(b) ;
<\bart.
The
■cond n
appeir:
i the
fust hemistich without further ado The s
hemistich is an elaboration on it (again with hashi,
(c) al-Mutanabbi The entrails are gone, but t
tearing apart is still there Motif no 2 is in the fi
hemistich (with an addition namel> that this en
shows the enviers what [e\il] is in them) Motif r
together with motif no 1
•\1-Mutan lbbi achieves a logical confluence ol the
two motiis and in addition a pleasant balance between
the two hemistichs root q t ' iollowed b\ hasadan iol
lowed b\ a contiast between them and him
This technique of knitting together two mdepen-
talfik Ibn Rashik deals with it m one chaptei oi his
Kuradat al dhahab (ed Musa 95-10b) He savs that al-
Mutanabbi and \bu l-'^a' al-Ma'arn are the out-
standing masters ol this procedure (Note that
al-Tha"ahbi s use oi talfik m his A al Taufik h 1 talfik
ed Hilal Nadji and Zuhavi Zahid Beirut 141 7/ 19%
seems to differ (rom Ibn Rashik s coming closer to
Bibliography 1 Impoitant texts (a) Taxo-
nomies Hatimi Hihat al muhadara Ji sma'at al shi'i
ed Dja'fai al-K.attani [on title-page al-Kitam ]
2 vols Baghdad 1979 n 28-98 (unreliable edition)
selection b> Mazhar Rashid al Hidjdji [?] Mm
Hihat al muhadara 2 pts Dimascus 2000 323-81
(attempts to correct the edition but is not itself a
critical ed ) substantial quotations also in Muham-
mad Ibn Sa\f al-Din \>damir (d 710/1310) al
Durr al fand ua bait al gaud The pria leu pearl a pottu
erst facs ed F Sezgin in collaboration with
M \mawi A Jokhosha and E Neubauer 5 \ols
Frankfuit am Main 1988-9 i lib- 1 } "5 (see also GJ
intwduttion of al-Durr al-Fand by Muhammad Ibn
Aydamir (d 710/1310) in ~DMG cxlvill996) 381-
414 a short section on the plagiar> chaptei 409-
12] Abu Hilal al-'A.skan Kitab al Sma'atayn al kitaba
ua Ishi'r ed '\\l al-Bidjaw i and M \ F Ibrahim
2nd ed Cairo nd [1971] 200-37 Ibn Rashik al
'Umdtt fi mahasin al shi', ua adabih ed M \ \ <\ta
2 \ols Beirut 1422/2001 n 216-30 idem Kuradat
al dhahab fi nakd ash'ar al'irab ed M Musa Beirut
1991 (othei ed Chedli Ben\ah>a [al-Sh idhih Bu
\ah\a] Tunis 1972) '\bd al-kahir al-Djurdjam
A Asrar al balagha ed H Rittei Istanbul 1954
paragr 20 Ger tr idem Gehammsst da Hortkunst
Wiesbaden 1969 paragr 20 al-Muzaffar ll-Husavm
Id 6%/ 1258) hadrat al ighnd fi nusrat al kand, ed
Nuha '\nf al-Hasan Damascus 1396/1976 203-26
Hazim al-Kartadjanm Mmhaa). al bulagha' ua wadf
al udaba' ed Muhammad al-Habib Ibn al-khudja
[Belkhodja] Tunis 1966 192-6 (b) Studies of
individual poets Muhalhil b \amut b al
Muzana' (d after 334/946) Sankat 4b, Nuuas ed
MM Haddara, Cairo 1958, \midi (d 371/981)
al Muuazana bain shi'r Abi Tammam ua I Buhtun
ed al-Sayvid \hmad Saki 2 vols Cairo 1380- [4]/
1961-5 (sankat Abi Tammam i 55-129 sankat al
Buhtun i 292-350), al-Sahib Ibn 'A.bbad id 385/
995) al Risala ft I kaskf 'an masauf al Mutanabbi in
c A.midi Ibana 219-50 Hatimi al Risala al mudiha
fi dhih sankat ibi I Tayyib al Mutanabbi ua sakit
shi'nh ed M \ Najm Beirut 1965 (ci also S \
Bonebakkei Hatimi and his tntounta ulth Muta
nabbi a biogiaphual skthh -\msteidam etc 1984
[V erhandhngen del Komnklijke Nederlandse A.ka-
demie van Wetensc happen \id Letterkunde meuwe
leeks cxxii]) al-Kadi al-Djuidjam Id 392/
1001) alWasata bam al Mutanabbi ua khusumth ed
MA.-F Ibiahim and '4.M al-Bidjawi 3id ed
Canon d 183-411 Ibn Waki' al-Tinmsi, hitab al
Munnf h I sank ua I masruk minhu ed 'U Kh ibn
Idns Binghazi 1994 (othei eds al Munnf fi I dalalat
'ala sankat al Mutanabbi ed H Za>n al-Din
<\bd il-Mishhadam Benut 1414/1993 al Mumif
ft nakd al shi'r ua bayan sankat al Mutanabbi ua mushkil
shi'nh ed Ridwan al-Da>a l Damascus nd
[piefice dated 1401/1981] A al Mumif h I sank
ua I masiuk mmhu ft izhar sankat ibi I Tayyib al
Mutanabbi ed Muh \usuf Nadjm 2 vols Benut
1412/1992 ['Kuwait 1404/1984] [the theoretical
part is on pp 9-38]) Tha'ahbi id 429/1038) latimat
aldahr fi mahasin ahl al 'as, ed M Muhvi 1-Din
'\bd al-Himid 4 vols 2nd ed Cairo nd (fin-
ished 1377/1958) (contains substantial sections on
sankat of the vanous poets tieated in this anthol-
ogv) al-'A.midi Id 433/1041) al Ibana 'an sankat al
Mutanabbi ed I al-Dasuki al-Bisati Cairo 19bl
Ibn Bassam al-Shantanni (d 543/1147) Sankat
al Mutanabbi ua mushkil ma'am h ed M al-Tahn
ibn Ashui [Tunis] 1970 (the material in the sec
ukhra
I Muti,
abbi
Disuki m al-'A.midi Ibana
mostl> tiken horn Ibn Bassam though not in the
\FM von Mehren Du Rhitonk da iiaba
Copenhagen and \ lenna 1853 repr Hildesheim
and New \ork 1970 147-54 (also containing the
Ar text of al-Khatib al-kazwim Talkhis al Miftah
\r pag 94-104 and oi al-Suvuti s versification
'i'kud al human 133-8)
2 Studies GE von Giunebaum Thi lomepl
of plagiamm in Arable thtory in JhES, m (1944) 234-
53 rev Ger version Da Btgnjff des Plagiats in da
arabisihai Kntik, in idem Kntik und Diehtkunst
Wiesbaden 1955 101-29 'Mi 'A.bd al-Razzak il-
Samaira'i al Sankat al adabiyya ji shi'r al Mutanabbi
Baghdad nd [1%9] Muhammad Mustafa Haddai a
Mushkilat al sankat fi I nakd al 'aiabi Benut 1 395/
1975 Bidiwi Tabana al Sankat al adabiyya dnasa
ft ibtikai al a'mal al adabiyya ua takhdiha Beirut
1394/1974 WP Heimichs Literary theon tht prob
lem of its tjjicitnty m von Grunebaum (ed ) irabu
poitry thwn and dtulopment Wiesbaden 1973 (the
fouith part deals with plagiarism cases from al-
'\midi Ibana) idem An aaluatwn of sanqa in QSA
v-vi (1987-8) 357-68 S \ Bonebakker Sanqa and
formula three chaptasjrom Hatimi s Hihat al-Muhadara
in HVOh xlvi (1986) 367-89 idem Ancunt irabu
poetry and plagiamm a terminological labynnth in QSA
xv (19<)7) 65-92 idem Tht wot n-h-1 in irabu sanqa
tmninology in Dutch Studits of tht htar Easttm Languages
and Likratims Foundation i-n (1997) 133-61 GJ
kanazi Studus in tht hitab as Sma'atayn of ibu Hilal
al'Askan Leiden 1989 112-22 M Peled On the
in 70S xi (1991) 37-46 Th Bauer Forme! und
^itat Zp-u Spielarttn ion Inter textuahtat in da alt ara
biuhtn Duhtung in JiL xxiv (1993) 117-38 'Abd
al-Latii Muhammad al-Sa^id al-Hadidi, al Sankat
al-shi'riyya bayn al-Amidi wa 'l-Z>jurdjani ft daw' al-
nakd al-adabi al-kadim wa 1-hadith, al-Mansura 1415/
1995; Hassan 'Abd al-Mannan, al-Sankat al-'ilmiyya,
'Amman and Beirut 1416/1996.
(W.P. Heinrichs)
SARKAR (p.), lit. "head [of] affairs", a term used
in Mughal Indian administration and also in
the succeeding British Indian domination of
the subcontinent.
1. In the structure of Mughal provincial
government, as elaborated under the Emperor Akbar
[q.v.] in 989/1580, there was a hierarchy of the suba
[q.v] or province, under the subadar [q.v.] (also called
sipahsalar, naiim and sdhib-i suba); the sarkar, or dis-
trict, under the fawdjdai [q.v.], who combined both
administrative and military functions, corresponding
to the two separate officials of British India, the District
Magistrate and the Superintendent of Police; and the
pargana [q.v.] or mahall, i.e. subdistrict, headed by var-
ious officials with specific functions, such as the kadi
for the administration of justice and the kanungo and
cawdhari concerned with revenue collection. Thus in
Akbar's time, Abu '1-Fadl 'Allami enumerated within
the pro\ince of Awadh [q.v.] (Oudh) 5 mrkars and 38
parganas, [see pargana and mughals. 3].
2. As a term in the historical geography
of more recent India, sarkar appears Anglicised
as "the [Northern] Circars", specifically for the coastal
territory north of Madras and the Coromandel Coast
in peninsular South India, in part to the south of the
delta of the Godavan river but mostly to its north
(hence now in the northeastemmost tip of Andhra
Pradesh State in the Indian Union). This territory was
ceded to the British East Indian Company in 1765
by the Mughal ruler in Dihlr, Shah 'Alain II, but
claimed by the Nizam of Haydarabad, leading to a
treaty of 1766 whereby the Nizam gave up his claim
in return for the provision of a force of British troops
to be at his disposal [see further, haydarabad, at Vol.
III. 320b-322a],
3. In informal Anglo-Indian usage, the Sarkar
(local pronunciation, Sirkdr, often written "Sircar")
meant the state or the government, and this contin-
ued to be the usage all through British Indian times.
It may be noted that the term now popularly and
almost ubiquitously used to denote the British domi-
nation in India, its government and administration,
sc. "the Raj" (in Hindi and the modern Indo-Aryan
languages, rad) is a regular derivative of radjya "king-
ship, rule", cognate with radj.a "ruler"), is a neolo-
gism of the post- 1947 period, probably from the later
1950s, when what had been "the Raj" had in fact
for several years ceased to be.
Bibliography: See the Bibls. to the various admin-
istrative terms of Mughal provincial administration
cited above, and also Yule and Burnell, Hobson-
Jobson, a glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words and
phrases, "London 1903, 222, 754, 840-1; P. Saran,
Tke provincial government of the Mughals, Allahabad
1941; S.R. Sharma, Mughal government and adminis-
tration, Bombay 1951; information from Prof.
Christopher Shackle. (C.E. Bosworth)
SARRAF (A.), lit. "money-changer", such per-
modern Islam.
In jikh [q.v], sarf is a contract of sale {bay' [q.v.]).
It applies to currency exchange, originally of gold
(dinars) to silver (dirhams) and vice-versa. The Hadlth
provides basic rules for currency exchange, such as
that the transaction should be on the spot (yad"" bi-
yad) [see riba]. Among the famous hadltfc relating to
sarf is "Gold for silver is riba except hand-to-hand"
(Malik, Muwatta', sarf).
Money-changing was an activity apparently engaged
in by the earliest Muslims. This was related to their
involvement in trade, including by the Prophet him-
self [see tadjir; tidjara]. However, several hadtths
warn of the dangers of riba in currency exchange if
parties do not follow the rules of sarf. Thus money-
changing as a profession was not held in high esteem
by the fukaha'. The popular view was that non-Muslims
(particularly Jews and Christians) were better suited
to it than Muslims, who were constrained by the pro-
hibition on riba (for money-changing and banking in
the mediaeval Arab world, see djahbadh, and sarf.
In the Ottoman Empire, sarrafs were more than
money-changers; they were also moneylenders and
brokers, and pawnbrokers. In time, many sarrafs
became large financiers with well-recognised interna-
tional connections, and played a significant role in
the economy and politics of the empire. They were
based mainly in the capital, Istanbul, but also oper-
ated in provincial capitals. Greeks, Jews, Armenians
and Muslims were involved in the profession.
With the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in
857/1453, the Italian predominance in finance in that
city ended, to be replaced by that of Ottoman non-
Muslim subjects, particularly Greeks. Mehemmed II
(t. 848-50/1444-6 and 855-86/1451-81) favoured
Greeks who played an active role in Ottoman finance,
taxation through tax-farming (e.g. administration of
customs zones and mines) and politics during his reign.
From the mid-10th/16th century, Jewish bankers [sar-
rafs) and tax-farmers challenged Greek dominance in
both finance and long-distance trade. Because of the
activities of the Inquisition in Catholic countries in
that century, under the protection of the Ottoman
Sultans, several wealthy Marrano Jewish families came
to settle in Istanbul. Many were to be involved in
large-scale banking operations, international trade, and
investment in tax farms. Financial expertise and close
links to the Sultan and ruling elite gave them con-
siderable power. Well-known Jewish names of this
period include Dona Gracia Mendes, Don Joseph Nasi
and Alvaro Mendes. Later, the role of the Jews
declined, and Armenians became prominent as sar-
rafs, with some of their members rising to promi-
nence; for example, Mustafa III (1171-87/1757-74)
appointed a member of the Armenian Duzuoglu fam-
ily as manager of the imperial mint. The ability of
the Duzuoglu family to mobilise credit for the state,
domestically and abroad, enabled them to retain con-
trol of the day-to-day activities of the mint until the
1820s (Pamuk, Monetary history, 202).
Until the 1 0th/ 1 6th century especially, the sarrafs
functioned in a context of expanding trade both within
and without the empire. Facilitated by networks, their
business was enhanced by increased credit or barter-
ing as a result of the limited supply of gold and sil-
ver coins. They used several financial instruments, e.g.
the havale (Ar. hawala [q.v.] ) was "an assignation of a
fund from a distant source of revenue by a written
order. It was used in both state and private finances
to avoid the dangers and delays inherent in the trans-
port of cash" (Inalcik and Quataert, An economic and
social history, 208). Letters of credit were also widely
used, particularly from the mid-1 lth/1 7th century,
by merchants and for government payment. The
increase in trade also meant more opportunities for
currency exchange, which was abetted by the prob-
lem of a universally acceptable currency, the fluctu-
SARRAF — SATT /
ations in the purity of the coinage and currency values.
From the 11th/ 17th to the 19th centuries, the state
sarrafi, tax-farming being one. Until the late 10th/16th
century, the empire's financial situation had been
strong, with the major part of taxation being collected
locally and mostly in kind by the sipahts under the
ITmar system. These funds were used locally. The timar
farming [see multezim], and tax units (mukatth) began
to be auctioned off at Istanbul. Sarrafi based on
Istanbul were thus able to purchase tax-farming privi-
leges or to lend money to purchasers. Sarrafi. also
became direct lenders to the treasury and were con-
sidered the most dependable source of liquid funds.
As the empire sank further into fiscal decline after
the 1760s, it relied on the sarrafi, to use their con-
nections with European organisations to arrange short-
personal financiers to the sultans and many leading
Ottoman bureaucrats. It is estimated that, e.g. in 1860,
the short-term debts of various government offices to
private banking firms (sarrafi) alone amounted to 250
million francs (Kasaba, The Ottoman empire, 80). By the
mid- 19th century, the power of sarrafi as well as of
tax-farmers and merchants equalled and perhaps sur-
passed the power of the bureaucratic elite.
Not all sarrafi prospered. Of the hundreds, espe-
cially in the capital, who combined petty exchange
with other small-scale money lending, relatively few
became extremely rich, particularly through their deal-
ings with the central oi provincial authorities Towards
the end of the 1 1th/ 17th centurv the sarrafi, of Istanbul
organised aiound a guild and began to mo\e then
business to the Istanbul suburb of Galata [see cjjalata
in Suppl], latei to be known as Galata bankers
Consolidation was also taking place For instance in
the early 1840s eighty members of the guild of sar
rafi were accredited b\ the government b\ the mid-
1850s, the number was down to 18 The sarrqf families
included the Baltazzis the Ralhs Zarafis the
Rodoconachis and Duzuoglus These families placed
prominent roles in most of the majoi private and
public banks that were established in the second half
of the 19th centurv starting with the Istanbul Bankasi
(Bank of Istanbul) in 1845 (Kasaba The Ottoman ernpiu
76)
The stereotypical \iew of sarrafi is that they weie
on the whole non-Muslims Howe\er, Muslims appear
to have been invoked in all aspects ol sarra) business
including tax-farming currency exchange, money lend-
ing and international trade A sample of 534 tax farms
in the lOth/lbth and llth/17th centuries shows that
aiound 60° u of tax farmers weie Muslims (Cizakca
Comparatut solution 154-7) Research into the lOth/lbth
and 11th/ 17th century court records of specific regions
(primarily Anatolia) of the Ottoman Empire also chal-
lenges the view that Muslims were not involved in
money-lending or in the traditionally problematic area
of interest. While there is debate among historians as
to any marked difference between the Arab and
"Turkish" parts of the Empire in regard to the accepta-
bility of lending at interest, there is evidence that such
transactions were carried out by Muslims in Anatolia
on a relatively large scale, and that the practice was
supported by the highest religious authorities of the
time and approved by the kadh (judges) who were
responsible for implementing the Shari'a and kanun.
The best-known example was the cash wakf contro-
versy and the associated charging of lending. Many
of the fatwas of the time, even by the Sheykh al-lslam
and other religious authorities, declared the permissi-
bility not only of the cash wakf but also of interest
charged on loans advanced therefrom (see Mandaville,
Usurious piety). However, towards the end of the 19th
century, the Muslim role in sarrdf business was radi-
cally curtailed by the increasing importance of non-
Muslim sarraf families and the emergence of banks,
established largely by Europeans and by Armenian
and Greek sarrafi.
Bibliography: R.C. Jennings, Loans and credit in
earlv 17th century Ottoman judicial records, in JESHO,
xvi"/2-3 (1973)," 168-216; J.E. Mandaville, Usurious
piety: the cash waqf controversy in the Ottoman empire, in
IJMES. x (1979), 289-308;" N.A. Saleh, Unlawful gain
and legitimate profit in Islamic law, Cambridge 1986;
Halil Inalcik and D. Quataert, An economic and social
history of the Ottoman empire 1300-1914, Cambridge
1994; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman empire and the
world economy: the nineteenth century. New York [1988];
M. Cizakca, A comparative evolution of business partner-
ships, the Islamic world and Europe with specific reference
to the Ottoman archives, Leiden 1996; Sevket Pamuk,
.-I monetary history of the Ottoman empire, Cambridge
2000. " " (Abdullah Saeed)
SATT al-HUSRI, Ottom;
Min
, d. 1968.
of ,
He was born in San'S', Yemen in 1880 to an Arab
family of Aleppo. Both his father and mother were
of prominent Aleppine mercantile families. His father,
Muhammad Hilal al-Husri (b. 1840), served as an
Ottoman ]udge alter his giaduation from al-Azhar
Univeisity, becoming at the time of his sons birth
Director ol the Court of Criminal Appeals m the
\emeni capital Owing to the pattern of his fathei's
shifting appointments in accordance with Ottoman
practice, Sad' accompanied his family to a number
of countries Receiving his early education at home
Sato' learnt Ottoman Turkish Arabic and French At
the age of thirteen he began his formal education at
the College of Mulkrw Mektebi in Istanbul study-
ing mathematics historv botany French and chem-
istry Graduating with distinction in 1900 he chose
to serve as a natuial science teacher in a secondarv
school in the Balkans Dunng this penod he began
to de\elop a lifelong interest in the question of nation-
alism and the rights of national communities Shortly
before the ei uption of the \ oung Turk rev olution in
1908, he came into contact with members of the
C ommittee of Union and Progress [see ittihad we
terakkI djem'i\eti] He also assumed in the same
period the post of district governor in Kosovo and
Fiorina
\fter the revolution al-Husn returned to Istanbul
with the determination to piopagate and implement
his belief in a modern education system, coupled with
his desire to articulate a secular notion of Ottomanism.
This he did by founding new journals, publishing new
school textbooks on various scientific subjects and tak-
ing part in public debates relating to contemporary
issues. Furthermore, between 1909 and 1912 he
assumed the directorship of the Teachers' Training
College in Istanbul, restructuring and modernising in
the process its entire curricula and management. He
also visited a number of European countries to
acquaint himself with the latest methods of pedagogy.
By the end of his directorship, al-Husn had become
one of the most influential educators throughout the
Ottoman Empire.
His most distinctive intellectual contribution in the
Ottoman period of his life was five lectures he delivered
in Istanbul m 1913 on the significance ol patriotism
In those lectuies entitled \atan i{in he called for
building a new Ottoman community based on the
idea ol the fatherland as an object ol love Moreover
these lectures were to form the basis ol his Arab
nationalist theorv in the wake ol his decision to lease
the Ottoman capital in 1918 and join the newlv
formed government ol Amir Favsal in Damascus
In his Arab phase, al-Husn resumed his interiupted
career bv acting as Director General ol Education
and then Minister ol Education in the Syrian gov-
ernment until its liquidation bv the French in 1920
Alter a short sojourn in Italv and Egypt he once
again joined Favsal the new king ol British-mandated
'Iiak and became Directoi Geneial ol Education from
1923 to 1927 He used this oppoitumty to cieate a
tence on high standards and rigorous methods ol
promotions Meeting resistance or obstruction in the
course ol his duties he resigned his post and devoted
himself to lecturing at the Teachers College and pub-
lishing a new journal on education In 1935 he
assumed the deanship ol the Law College and was
appointed Duector ol Antiquities between 1936 and
1941 Following the second British occupation of 'Irak
in 1941 al-Husn was along with other non-Traki
Aiab nationalists deported to Svna and stripped ol
his 'Iiakr citizenship In 1944 he was invited b\ the
Svnan government to modernise and overhaul its sys-
tem ol education The foundation of the Arab League
in 1945 afforded al-Husn the opportunity to develop
its cultural and educational policies After acting as a
cultuial adviser he was appointed the first dnector
of its Institute of Higher Arab Studies in 1953 Atter
his irtirement in 1957 al-Husn wrote and published
a numbei ol studies on pan-Arabist subjects includ-
ing his memoirs which dealt with his 'Iraki period
He died in 1968
Bibliography LM Kenny Salt' alHusns iieus
on irab nationalism in MEJ xvn (1963), 231-56
W L Cleveland The making oj an irab nationalist
Ottomamsm and irabism in the hje and thought oj iati'
al Hw>n Princeton 1971 Ahmad \.Qsuf Ahmad it al
Sati' al Hum thalathm 'aman 'ala al rahil, Benut
1999, \.oussef Chouein irab nationalism a histon
Oxloid 2000 ch 4 (\oissef M Choieiri)
SATR
of s
Is-
i [qi] The Isma'ihs originally
leference to a period in their eailv history called dam
al satr, stretching from soon aftei the death of imam
Dja'fai al-Sadik in 148/7b5 to the establishment of
the Fatimid state in 297/909 The Isma'ih imam
recognised as the ka'im oi mahdT bv the majority ol
the earlv Isma'ihs was hidden (mastur) during this
penod oi concealment in his absence he was repre-
sented bv hudjdias (see Dja'lar b Mansur alAaman,
Kitab al Kashf ed R Stiothmann London 1952 98-
9 al-Shahrastam 146) Latei the Isma'ihs of the
Fatimid period who allowed lor continuity in their
imamate lecogmsed a series of three such 'hidden
imami, (al a imma al masturun) between Muhammad b
Isma'il b. Dja'far, their seventh imam, and 'Abd Allah
al-Mahdl, founder of the Fatimid dynasty (see H.F.
al-Hamdani, On the genealogy of Fatimid caliphs, Cairo
1958, text 11-14).
In the aftermath of the Nizarl-Musta'li schism of
487/1094 in Isma'Ilism, the early Nizarl IsmaTlfs
experienced another period of satr, when their imams,
descendants of Nizar b. al-Mustansir (d. 488/1095
h/fc]), remained hidden for seveial decades The inac-
cessible Nizan imams were now once again lepre-
sented bv hudtdjas starting with Hasan-i Sabbah [q i ]
who also ruled over the Nizan state from Alamut
[q v ] The period ol satr in earlv Nizan historv ended
with the declaration ol the kiyama at Alamut in
559/1164 and the resulting open emergence ol the
Nizan imamate Subsequently the term salt acquired
a new meaning for the Nizans As explained bv Nasir
al-Din al-TusI the Nizans had by the late Alamut
period formulated what mav be called a new doc-
trine oi satr In this context satr no longer referred
to the physical concealment oi the imams instead it
referred to a time when spiritual reality or religious
truths (haka'ik) were hidden in the batin oi religion
requiring the observance oi talma in anv necessary
form, including the adoption of the Sunni ihari'a as
demanded earlier by the sixth lord of Alamut Djalal
al-Din Hasan (607-18/1210-21)
The Musta'h Isma'ihs who survived only in the
Tayy ibr form after the downfall of the Fatimid dv nastv,
have expenenced a period of satr in the original
Isma'ih sense oi the term, since their twentieth imam
al-Amir bi-Ahkam Allah [q i ] was murdered in
524/1130 It is the belief of the Tavvibi IsmaThs that
all then imam', starting with al- Amirs son al-Tayyib
who disappeared in infancv have remained hidden
to the present dav In their absence da'i mutlaks oi
supreme da'is, have led the affairs of the Tayyibiyva
Satr found expression also in the Isma'Ilis cvchcal
conception oi religious historv oi humankind The
Isma'ihs believed irom earlv on that this hieiohistory
was compnsed of seven eras oi dams all except the
last one being eras of iati because the inner immutable
truths of i ehgions or the haka'ik remained undisclosed
In this scheme, onlv in the seventh and final escha-
tological eia initiated bv the ka'im before the end of
the physical woild would the haka'ik be fullv revealed
to humankind This final age designated as the dam
al kashf or the era oi manifestation, would be an age
oi pure spintual knowledge when there would no
longer be anv distinction between the zahu and batin
dimensions of lehgion and between lehgious laws and
their innei meanings On the basis of astronomical
calculations the Tayvibis oi laman introduced tur-
ther innovations into this cvchcal scheme Thev con-
ceived oi a giand aeon (kaur al a'^am) composed oi
countless cvcles each one divided into seven eras
This grand aeon would progress thiough successive
cvcles oi concealment (satr) and manifestation (kashf)
and it would be finally concluded bv the Great
Resunection {knamat al kivamat) proclaimed bv the
Bibliogi aphv (in addition to the works cited in
the article) 1 Sources Ibiahim b al-Husavn al-
Hamidi A Kanz al italad ed M Ghahb W lesbaden
1971 149ff, 205-7 2321T 258-72 Nasn al-Din
Muhammad al-Tusi Rau dat al tashm ed and tr
W Ivanow Leiden 1950 text 61 62 3 83 4 101
2 110 117 19 128 49 alHusavnb All al Wahd
Risalat alMabda ua I ma ad ed and Fi tr
H Corbin in his Tnlogie ismaehenne Pans and
Tehran 1961 text lOOif 1>1 8
2. Studies MGS Hodgson The Older oj
Assassins The Hague 1955 225 38 W Madelung
Das Imamat in der jruhen ismaihtisihen Lehre in Isl
xxxvii (1961) 48ff 6 Iff 101 14 Corbin Histoire
de la philosophic islamique i Pans 1964 127 32 idem
Cyclical timt and I math gnosi London 1983 37 58
78-84, 117ff H Halm Kosmologie und Hedslehre der
SATR — SEGBAN
Jriihen Isma'iliya, Wiesbaden 1978, 18-37, 99-100
F. Daftary, The Isma'ilu. Their history and dot
trines, Cambridge 1990, 102-5, 126-8, 136-40 177-
8, 257, 294-5, 4041T., 408, 409-11 (containing
further bibliographical references).
(F. Daftari)
SAWLADJAN (a.), said to be an Arabised form
of Pers. cawgan "polo stick" [see cawgan] The
intrusive / makes this difficult, but D.N. Mackenz le
.4 concise dictionary of Pahlavi, London 1971, 22 has
*caw(l)agan ("of doubtful transcription";. At all e\ents
the curve of a polo stick makes it a suitable figura-
tive expression, either as a simile [see tashbih] or as
and Turkish literatures, for the curving eyebrows and
locks or tresses of hair of a beautiful gnl see
Annemarie Schimmel, The two-colored brocade. Tht Imogen
of Persian poetry, Chapel Hill N.C. and London 1992
284-5. (C.E. Bosworthi
SEGBAN (t., from Pers. sagban "servant in charge
of dogs, or keeper of the sultan's hounds". In Ottoman
Turkish, it was often spelled sekban, and also written
ing popula
f Ott.
and r
In the Ottoman Empire, the term had three gen-
eral uses which evolved over time: first used for the
guardians of the sultan's hunting dogs, it was then
applied to members of various salaried infantry units
within the Janissaries, surviving until the corps itself
was abolished in 1826, and finally, as the name of
groups of infantry auxiliaries or militias. Officially pro-
hibited as a military term in the latter use at the
beginning of the 18th century, it was briefly revived
again in the 19th. In present-day provincial Turkish,
dress.
The first use of the term segban occurs in a wakf
deed of the late 8th/ 14th century. Hunting and dogs
were an integral part of the early Ottoman court,
especially that of Bayezid I [q.v.], who is credited with
greatly expanding the number of segban,. Servants for
the hunting parties were probably recruited from war
captives or as part of the military levy (devsjtirme [q.v.]).
Early records indicate that villagers sought protection
from recruitment, or from other obligations to segbans,
indicating the burden which hunting could impose on
the populace. Murad I [q.v.] explicitly recognised the
service of his segbans and falconers in his will, eman-
cipating them at his death. Segbans figure prominently
in Ottoman miniature painting. Suleyman I [q.v.] him-
self was portrayed as a great hunter, and surrounded
by dogs and then keepers (see 'othmwli vm Painting,
PI X, tor an example)
In the 9th/ 15th century, the e\olution of courtly
retinue to fighting units became more marked and
it is at this point that segbans became part of the
Janissaries In 855/1451, Mehemmed II added 7 00(1
stgbans to the Janissaries, with a separate commandei,
the segban bashi, who joined the ranks of the high offi-
cials oi the empire (Chalcondyles, ed Bonn 1848 bk
vu, 377) Other officers oi the sigbans included a kethuda
and a katib Alter the middle of the lOth/lbth cen-
turv the stgban bashi was subordinated to seiond-in-
command after the agha and generally remained m
Istanbul when the agha left on campaign The segbans
formed the b5th orta of the Janissanes and wtie
divided into two sections a small cavalry orta of 40-
70 men, most of whom were sons of Janissary offi-
cers and 34 boluh (companies of infantrv) known as
the stgban bolukleri Hunting tiaditions sum\ed in the
33rd boluk called the aixdji (hunter) boluf which accom-
panied the sultan on hunting parties but not on cam-
paign sons of Jamssanes and statesmen alike made
up its rolls
A second geneial use of the teim was for provin-
cial auxiliary mercenary or militia tioops like the
Ituend [qi] who sei\ed the official appointees to the
provinces the pashas mir i mirans btelerbtgi oi sandfak
beglen [qn] Initially the entouiage of the governor
I pasha) his pmate retinue and arm\ (kapi halki stg
ban also came to be applied to troops called to cam-
paign and paid out of the (
.1 oflui
e the r
s of
the segban lent
nd style of
troops
and
b\ the end of
the 18th tentu
re etch
requ
led t
o mobilise
1 000-2 000 c
\alry oi i
nfantry
igns The
essential thai a
ctenstic of
uih au>
earned fireairr
ruited f
nods and
om the co
jntrysid
the landless an
The
nificant appear
ance in tha
militan
cap
icity
*as during
the Ottoman-Habsburg
Var of
1593-1606
, when a
few hundred w
mong th
}ps in
Hungary.
They were or
ganised as
other Ottom
companies or standards [bayrak], the latter generally
numbering 50 or 100 men.' Their use was increased
in the latter llth/17th century, as both Janissary and
sipahis [q.p.] proved inadequate for facing the better-
armed Habsburgs.
The demobilisation of such troops led to countryside
unrest, as they often stayed together as armed bands,
and participated in uprisings such as the Pjelali rebel-
lions [see djalali, in Suppl.] or revolts of their pro-
vincial masters. The central government endeavoured
unsuccessfully to eliminate the designation segban around
1700, but military necessity dictated its continuance,
although the term mm lewend was the preferred usage
for such troops by the mid- 18th century.
Such mercenary or militia troops could be found in
all the territories of the empire, as armies of provincial
officials, as the fighting units described above, or as
guards of towns, where they were often in conflict
with local Janissaries. They included Christian recruits,
Serbians and Croatians, especially in the Principalities,
where they were called seymen, and could be found
in the fighting forces of Moldavia and Wallachia well
into the 18th century. In general, however, Muslims
were the primary recruits, and Albanians and Bosnians
litary prowess.
Thet
n segban \
when Mustafa Pasha Bayrakdar [q.v.] tried tc
the reforms of Selim III [q.v.] by renaming the detested
nizam-i dfedTd [q.v.] troops vgban-i dfedid, and incor-
porating them as the eighth odj_ak of the Janissaries.
The new troops allied with the Janissaries, however,
and were instrumental in Mustafa's own downfall that
same year. The term segban disappeared when Mahmud
II [q.v.] eliminated the corps in 1826.
Bibliography: See gonullu for further discussion;
7.4, art. Sekban (M.T. Gokbilgin); Pakalin, iii, 145-9;
Hammer-Purgstall, Slaatsverfassung, i, 56, 48, ii, 37,
191, 203, 207-09; Uzuncarsih, Osmanh dtvleti teskild-
lindan kapikulu ocaklan, i, Ankara 1943, 162-6 and
passim; Halil Inalcik, Fatih devri uzennde tetkikler ve
vesikalar I, Ankara 1954, repr. 1987, 207, for Murad
Fs will; M. Cezar, Osmanh tarihinde levendler, Istanbul
1965; Inalcik, Military and fiscal transformation in the
Ottoman Empire, 1600-1700, in Archwum ottomanicum,
vi (1980), 283-337; H.G. Majer, Albaner and Bosnier
in der osmamsichen Arniee. Em Faktor in der Rcichsinte-
gration im 18. and 19. Jahrhundert, in K.-D. Grothusen
714
SEGBAN — SEMENDIRE
(ed), Jugoslauien Interpretatwnsprobleme in Gesihichte und
Gegenuart, Gottingen 1984, 105-17, Esm Atil, Suley-
manname The illustrated history oj Suleyman the Magnificent,
New York 1986, pis 10-11, for illustrations of hunt-
ing parties, Karen Barkey, Bandits and bureaucrab
The Ottoman route to state centralization, Ithaca 1994,
V Aksan, UTiateier happened to the Janissaries' Mobi
hzationjor the 1768-1774 Ru no- Ottoman War, in War
in History, v (1998), 23-36
(Virginia H Aksan)
SEMENDIRE, the Ottoman Turkish form of
the Serbian town of Smederovo, older form
Semendna Lying on the Danube downstream from
Belgiade [qv] (lat 44° 40' N, long 20° 56' E ), it
was in pre-modern times a fortified town and, under
the Ottomans, the chef-lieu of a sand}ak of the same
name Since the break-up of Yugoslavia, it has come
within the Serbian Republic
A first conquest undei Murad II (842/1438) did
not lead to permanent incorporation into the Ottoman
Empire, since due to the crisis of 847-8/1444 the sul-
tan thought it necessary to preserve the Serbian
despotate as a buffer state between his own lands and
those of the king of Hungary (Halil Inalcik and Mevlut
Oguz i eds ), Gazai at-i Sultan Murad b Mehemmed Han,
Izladi ve Varna savaslan (1443-1444) uztnnde anomm
Gazavatndme, Ankara 1978, 31-5, 102-3) According to
Theodoie Spandunes, it was George Kantakuzenos,
surnamed Sachatai, a brother of the Byzantine princess
Irene, consort of the Despot of Serbia Geoige
Brankovic, who came from the Moiea to Seibia and
built the fortified town of Smedeiovo In 858/1454,
this was one of the major centres of the Serbian
despotate, with fortifications solid enough to withstand
an Ottoman attack In 860-1/1456 a Hungarian
attempt to take the town was also beaten back by
the same George Kantakuzenos (Th Spandunes, On
the origin oj the Ottoman Emperors, tr and ed D Nicol,
Cambndge 1997, 29, 35, Memoiren ernes Jamtsiharen oder
Turhsche Chromk, tr Renate Lachmann, with comm
by eadem, C -P Haase and G Pnnzmg, Graz 1975,
117, 210, this being the text supposedly written by
Constantme of Ostrovica, an ex-Janissary or Janissary
auxiliary, Th Stavndis, The Sultan oj Vezirs the life and
times of the Ottoman Grand Vezir Mahmud Pasha Angelomc
(1453-1474), Leiden 2001, 82-95)
Aftei the death of George Brankovic and that of
his son Lazar two years later, Smederovo was inher-
ited by the latter's son-in-law, the Bosnian king Stepan
Tomasevic, who in 863-4/1459 surrendered the at)
to Mahmud Pasha, then beylerbeyi of Rumeh Born a
member of the Bv zantino-Serbian aristocratic family
of the Angelovic, Mahmud Pasha had been commis-
sioned to take ovei the region in the name of Sultan
Mehemmed II Pope Pius II \iewed the Ottoman con-
quest of the Seibian despotate and the concomitant
acquisition of Smederovo as a calamity all but equiv-
alent to the end of the Byzantine Empne Most
possessions of the Serbian despotate within the king-
dom of Hungary were confiscated bv the local luler
as a measure of retaliation for the sui lender of
Smederovo (F Babinger, Mehmtd der Erobaer und
seme Zjit Welttnstumur eintr Zjitenwende, Munich 1953
174-5)
These events had been preceded, in 862/earh 1458,
by an attempt on the part ot Michael Angelovic,
Mahmud Pasha's (probablv elder) brother, a member
of the regency council that took over aftei the death
of Lazar, to make himself despot with the backing of
the Ottoman sultan and take power in Smederovo
He had gained the support of Serbian nobles who
were worried about a possible subjection to the Pope,
in case the Hungarian party should gain the upper
hand However, the takeover failed, and Michael
Angelovic was arrested by members of the pro-
Hungarian party in the regency council and sent to
Dubrovnik, where — probably at Hungarian behest —
he was held captive by a local patncian (C Jirecek,
Geschichte der Serben, Gotha 1918, n, 207-15) If this
version of events is the true one, Michael Angelovic
thus cannot have negotiated the sunender of
Smederovo to his brother on the Ottoman side
(Stavndis, op eit , 102, most Ottoman chronicles, how-
ever, take the agreement between brothers for granted,
see for example 'Ashikpashazada tdrikhi, ed 'All Bey,
Istanbul 1332/1914, 152 On a diveigent version of
these campaigns, compare The History oj Mehmtd the
Conqueror by Tursun Beg, comments and tr by Halil
Inalcik and R Murphey, Minneapolis and Chicago
1978, 40-5, Tursun Beg claims that the outer fortress
of Smederovo was conquered by foice of arms, and
only the inner citadel ultimately surrendered)
Subsequently, King Matthias Corvinus of Hungarv
made various piojects for a conquest of the fortiess,
now known in Ottoman as Semendire, but none of
these led to any conciete results (Babmger, op cit ,
385)
Within the Ottoman realm, the Semendire area
became a sandiak and was divided up into timars and
Zi'amets [q vv], itself forming part of the beylerbeyhk of
Rumeh, in the early 10th/ 16th centurv, Belgrade was
part of this sand}ak, albeit producing fai less levenue
than the Semendire area (M Tayvib Gokbilgin, Kanum
Sultan Sulevman dam baslannda Rumeh evaleti, Iwalan, sehir
se kasabalan, in Belleten, xx [1956], 252-7) After the
conquest of Hungarv, Semendire was transferred to
the newly formed vilayet ot Buda In addition to the
cavalrv supplied by timdrs and zi'amets, the local Eflak
l"Vlach) were accorded tax remissions in leturn foi
military services (N Beldiceanu and Irene Beldiceanu-
Steinherr, Quatrt actes de Mihmed II toneemant les I alaques
des Balkans skies, in Beldiceanu, Le mondi ottoman des
Balkans (1420-1566) institutions, socitte, economie, London
1976, no III, on Vlach-i elated issues in the reign of
Bayezid II, see Osmanhlarda dndn-burokrasi-aklam. II
Bayezid donemme ait 906/1501 tanhh ahkam dejten, ed
bv Ilhan Sahm and Fendun Emecen, Istanbul 1994,
nos 208, 209)
Entries in the 10th/16th-centurv Muhimmt defterltn
reflected the position of Semendire as a military base
during the wars of Suleyman the Magnificent against
the Habsburgs its governor was called upon to pui-
chase timber for bridge-building, see to the construc-
tion of boats to be used on the Danube and oi ganise
supplies of flour and barley for the needs of the army
The town also possessed a cannon-fbundrv (topkhdne)
A text from 951-2/1544-6 refers to the fact that much
of the town had been destroyed by fire, and enjoined
the kadi to make sure that the new houses were not
built so close to the walls as to endangei their mih-
tarv function (Haci Osman Yildinm et alu [eds], 7
numarah muhimme dejten 975-976/1567-69, 5 vols
Ankara 1997, l, 273 For one of the oldest extant
Muhimmt registeis, see Halil Sahilhoglu [ed], Topkapi
Saran arswi H 951-952 tanhh it E-12321 numarah
muhimme deften, Istanbul 2002, 24-5, 192-3, 219, 306,
lor a selection of relevant texts from this register in
French ti , see Mihnea Benndei and G Veinstem,
LEmpire ottoman et Its pays roumains 1544-1545, Pans
and Cambndge, Mass 1987, 8-9, 14-15, 18-19, 29,
40-3, 46, 65-6, 69-70)
Economic life was based on agriculture, stock-rais-
ing and fishing; Semendire functioned as a small-scale
market for rural produce, while crafts seem to have
been of limited importance and many townsmen cul-
tivated fields and gardens (B. McGowan, Food supply
and taxation on the Middle Danube (1568-79), in Archkum
Ottomanuum, i [1969], 139-96; Mihnea Berindei, Annie
Berthier, Marielle Martin and G. Veinstein, Code de
lots de Murad III concemant la pwvince de Smederovo, in
Sudost Forschungen, xxxi [1972], 140-63]. Timber was
brought in from the surrounding foiests, while imports
from further afield included metals, Asian spices and
also slaves; the Danube seems to have functioned as
a barrier at which internal customs could be conve-
niently collected.
After the peace of Zsitvatorok (1015/1606 [q.v.]\
had ended the Long War between Habsburg;
Ottor
Herbet
This
Ottoi
the
Freiher
, Itine,
4ehring, Ada
{ (1606), Munich
ay have been gr.
regarded th<
Fmherr
randstetter
ful stronghold that he did not, however,
suitable for contemporary warfare. Ro
had been neglected, while hea\y artille
be placed in the towers and on the bai
the fortress did suffice to control traffic o
Brandstetter also noted the existence
citadel protected by i
five
•r-filled ditch and
i the
• of i
gam
population.
An 11th/ 17th-century description from an Ottoman
perspective is owed to Ewliya Celebi, who visited
Semendire as a participant in several Balkan cam-
paigns {Evliya Celebi Seyahatnamesi. Topkapi Sarayi Bagdat
307 yazmasmm tramkripsyonu-dizini, v, ed. Yucel Dagli,
Seyit All Kahraman and Ibrahim Sezgin, Istanbul
2001, 316-17). Ewliya relates a set of partly counter-
factual traditions concerning the Ottoman acquisition
of the town, seventeen years before Constantinople,
possibly an allusion to the ephemeral conquest under
Muiad II. These stories are, however, important
because they possibly circulated among the local mil-
itary men and show the "ideological" importance of
Semendire
nvolve
irital u
een Suli
of the Serbian despot which
resulted in the conclusion of peace between the two
states — this was possibly a reminiscence of the mar-
riage of the Serbian princess Mara to Murad II. These
stories also include an account of military conquest
on the part of Mehemmed II and a subsequent return
of the town to the unbelievers in exchange for the
liberation of the commander Bali Bey, who had been
taken prisoner in battle. After his return, Bali Bey
supposedly attacked and took Semendire, so that he
was regarded as its second conqueror, his memory
perpetuated by a ziwiye slightly to the west of the
town. This latter story probably refers to one of the
first sandj_ak beyis of the province, Bali Bey Malkoc-
oghlu, who became famous for his two campaigns
against Poland and other feats of derring-do (Babinger,
Beitrage zur Gesehichte des Geschlechlei de, Malqoc-Oghlus,
repr. in Aufsatze und Abhandlungen zur Gesehichte Sudost-
europas und der Levante, i, Munich 1962, 355-70; and
see MALKOC-OGHULLARI, in Suppl.i.
As in the late 10th/ 16th century, Semendire in
famous on account of the numerous soldieis domi-
ciled in this place ('Ayn-i 'All Efendi, Kawanin-i al-i
'Othman der khulasa-i medamin-i defter-i diwdn, preface by
Gokbilgin, Istanbul_ 1979, 17; compaie also the des-
cription by Katib Celebi, Rumeli und Bmna, tr. J. von
Hammer, Vienna 1812). The fortress supposedly con-
sisted of an inner and an outer section, with a cir-
cumference of 4,000 paces and four gates, protected
by the Danube on three sides and in addition by 36
towers. Apart from the garrison officers, the urban
elite consisted of the kadi, the shehir ketkhudasi and the
teachers in two local medieses, while four Friday
mosques, one of them bearing the name of Mehemmed
the Conqueror, were available for worship. There was
a settlement outside of the walls (warosh) that sup-
posedly contained 3,000 houses and 300 shops, acces-
sible by wooden bridges crossing the river or else the
water-filled ditch that made the fortress into a virtual
island. Due to the marshy ground, few buildings were
of stone, roofs were often covered in wooden shin-
gles and even the streets were paved with boards.
Although Ewliya claims that an abundance of goods
was available in the two local khans and elsewhere,
the lack of a covered market probably indicates that
-nited t
vity (
McGowan, The Midc
islamoglu-inan (ed.l, The Ottoman Empire and the ivorld-
uonomy, Paris and Cambridge 1987, 170-7).
In the Ottoman-Habsburg war of 1094-1111/1683-
99, Semendire shared the fate of nearby Belgrade: it
was first taken by the Habsburgs and then re-con-
quered by the Ottomans. The Orthodox bishop moved
to Belgrade in 1140-1/1728; this was probably a sign
of the town's declining relative importance (Adolph
Kunike [ed.], ^wey hundert vie, und sechzig Donau-Anskhten
nach dem Laufe def Donaustiomes, comments by Georg
C.B. Rumy," Vienna 1826, repr. Munich n.d.; non-
paginated brochure appended to the lithographs).
Nevertheless, in the earl> 13th/ 19th century,
Semendire formed one of the centres of a Serbian
movement for autonomy; in 1219-20/1805 local troops
took the town, before moving on to Belgrade
(J. Stove, Mmsigli-i Europe, 1680-1730: the life and times
of Luigi Fadinando Marsigli, soldie, and vutuoso, New-
Haven 1994, 57, 74-5, 78, 95, 109; Barbara Jelavich,
History of the Balkam, i. Eighteenth and nineteenth lentunes,
Cambridge 1983, 91, 198).
Documenting the physical shape of the town at the
beginning of that century, there survive two remark-
able lithographs published in 1241-2/1826 (Kunike op.
at., nos. 180, 181). These show that the town pre-
served quite a few of the characteristics described one
and a half centuries earlier by Ewliya Celebi. While
according to Rumy's comments, the fortress lay par-
tially in ruins, this is not apparent from the images,
which show a wall surmounted by towers of differ-
ent shapes and sizes and protected by a palisade. The
town proper was located not on the peninsula/island
but on the river banks, and there was a Muslim sec-
unted by many minarets, more than the
four ,
e posse
sizeable Christian quarter as well, for there
a church with a high steeple, rather Central European
in character. Roots and walls made for shingles still
formed a notable feature of the local architecture, and
the Austrian commentator remarked that the town
had "a handsome appearance".
SEMENDIRE — SHAHBANDAR
Bibliography: Given in the article. See also Olga
Zirojevic, The Constantinople road from Beograd to Sofija
(1459-1683) (Zbornik istorijskog muzeja Srbije, 7),
Belgrade 1970; and the Btbls. to sirb.
(SURAIYA FaROQ_HI)
SHAH DAGH, a peak of the southeastern-
most tip of the Caucasus range (4,253 m/ 13,951
feet high), the mountainous region which in mediae-
val Islamic times separated the districts of Kubba from
Shamakha [see kubba]. It now lies in the northeast-
ernmost part of the Azerbaijan Republic.
SHAHBANDAR (p.), lit. "harbourmaster", an offi-
cial of the ports in Safawid Persia and one
also known on other shores of the Indian Ocean.
A lack of information from before the advent of
the European maritime companies notwithstanding, it
is likely the office of shahbandar first appeared in Persia,
and from there spread throughout the Indian Ocean
basin. The precise status of the shahbandar remains
unclear for the early period. Moreland concluded that,
while elsewhere around the Indian Ocean the term
had a wide range of meaning in the 10th/ 16th cen-
1 Hurmuz [q.v.] it clearly referred to the har-
-. He
1521, and for 1584 the Portuguese sources iden-
tify a person with the title of goarda mor da praya, chief
warden of the beach and customs house. The
Portuguese sources also mention an official called juiz
da alfandega, judge of the tollhouse. Already at that
time the function had a political dimension as well,
for at some point in the early 10th/ 16th century, the
vizier of Hurmuz combined his position as governor
of the port with that of head of customs.
Most of the subsequent information on the shahban-
dar concerns the position in Bandar 'Abbas [q.v.] after
the arrival in the Persian Gulf of the English and
Dutch East India Companies in the early 17th cen-
tury, and is a function of the documents generated
by their agents. In the Persian sources the shahbandar
appears as the dabit-i wuajuh wa khurudj, commander
of imports and exports, but he is rarely mentioned,
reflecting the fact that, although the Persian Gulf trade
was important to the state and the official served the
central administration, the region itself was not at the
centre of official attention.
The shahbandar wielded considerable power in the
port. He administered the payment of tolls on incom-
ing and outgoing goods, which generally amounted
to 10% ad valorem for both. In order to secure smooth
relations, merchants were forced periodically to hand
him gifts, which was really a form of taxation. Thus
the Dutch and the English typically paid the shahban-
dar of Bandar 'Abbas 50 tumans annually, but in 1 654
we hear of local merchants being forced to pay a
sum of 1,000 tumans, and in 1661 the resident Indian
merchant community was made to pay a similar
amount. Shahbandars were also wont to make private
deals with brokers, who bribed them to let goods pass.
Shahbandars had their own agents in other Persian
Gulf ports and India and elsewhere in Persia who
tried to entice merchants to patronise Bandar 'Abbas.
There are also reports of the shahbandar of Bandar
'Abbas terrorising the local merchants and interfering
with their trade, demanding the choicest wares avail-
able at below market prices and refusing to give a
transport license when they demurred.
While sharing many of his responsibilities and traits
with shahbandars in other parts of Asia, the shahbandar
in Persia resembles the ones in India and South East
India more than his colleagues in the Ottoman Empire.
Whereas in a place like Aleppo the shahbandar was
chosen from among the wealthy local merchants, and
century Persia he was invariably a political official
with a fixed salary, who was sent down by the cen-
tral government with the task of collecting customs
revenue for the shah. At the end of his term in office
he had to account for his dealings and submit his
financial report to the crown's financial council. The
fact that in the late 1620s Mulayim Beg was simul-
taneously the shah's commercial factor and shahban-
dar of Bandar 'Abbas suggests this strong nexus between
politics and commerce. The reports of the maritime
companies also make clear that the shahbandar was a
shadowing official, sent down to supervise and report
on the khan of the town. As this surveillance was
mutual, it often led to rivalry and even violent con-
frontations between the retinue of both officials. As
was the case for most positions in Safawid Persia, the
post of shahbandar tended to be hereditary, yet no
single family managed to establish a hold over it for
any length of time. For most of the 1650s, Muhammad
Beg, who later became Grand Vizier, and his family
furnished a series of shahbandars, beginning with
Muhammad Beg himself. Of Armenian descent, he
was a ghulam [q.v.] , one of the many originally Christian
slaves from the Caucasus region who attained high
political positions in Safawid Persia. Georgian ghulams,
who by the 11th/ 17th century had taken over most
of the administration in the country, infiltrated the
position as well. In 1669 it was reported that the new
shahbandar was a Georgian ghulam.
Several changes occurred in this same period. Until
1656 the port of Kung fell under the jurisdiction of
Lar [see lar, laristan]. When 'Avad Beg left his
post as than of Lar, a separate govemor-cum-^flAtoi-
dar was appointed for Kung, apparently in order to
improve the central government's control over its rev-
enues. A similar motivation underlay the changes
effected in the smaller ports of the Persian Gulf, which
until the second half of the 11th/ 17th century did
not have a customs house and therefore no shahban-
dar. As this prompted those merchants keen to evade
tolls and harassment in Bandar 'Abbas to turn to
those ports, the Safawid government in the mid- 1660s
conducted an investigation and decided to establish a
customs house in Bandar Rig. Bushihr [q.v.], which
was of minor importance, had a shahbandar, too, at
this point. Smaller ports must have remained under
the jurisdiction of local shaykhs.
In a more structural change, the position of shahban-
dar of Bandar 'Abbas began to be farmed out in this
period. Until the reign of Shah Sulayman (1077-
1105/1666-94), each individual port had its own cus-
toms official and the office of shahbandar had rotated
on an annual basis. Mismanagement, corruption and
the attendant dwindling income from customs in the
early 1670s prompted the Safawid government to con-
solidate the customs administration by bringing it
under the control of one official, who now farmed
the post for six to eight years at a fixed salary and
a stipulated revenue of 24,000 tumans. (Chardin claims
that the change came in 1674, but it is more likely
that it was part of a series of reforms effected by the
Grand Vizier Shaykh 'All Khan in 1671-2.) The term
of a given official might be prolonged after expira-
tion. Thus in 1684, Mirza Murtada, having served
one term, received the post for seven more years. He
was also reinstated as shahbandar of Kung. Various
other sources report that, ten years later, the shahban-
dar of Kung acted both as customs official and as
darugha [q.v.], or mayor of the town, and that he
SHAHBANDAR — SHA'IR
farmed the customs of Kung Bandar Abbas and
Bandar Rig for an annual sum ol 20 000 tumam
Bushihr in the mid- 12th/ 18th century offers an
example of an Armenian shahbandar — as opposed to
a ghulam who had been made to convert to Islam
This pei son named Kh adja Mellelsk was a suboi
dmate of the shahbandar of Bandar 'Abbas In 1748
the towns governor, Shavkh Nasir usurped the posi-
tion This may have set a precedent lor in the 19th
century the head of customs in Bushihr appears to
have been the poit s khan oi kalantar [qi] ormavor
rather than a shahbandar Beginning in ca 1850 when
the poits trade began to flourish customs were col-
lected bv a private functionary called the hammalbashi
In Bandar 'Abbas the term ihahbandar long remained
in use but heie too it was the hammalbashi who in
the 19th centun collected customs fees In the smallei
ports tubal chiefs or government officials called dabite
were usuallv the ones to manage the poit s customs
Having become obsolete foi the port towns of Persia
the term shahbandar was now used for the official who
iepresented the inteiests ol the Turkish merchants
operating within Persia
Bibliography 1 Sources (a) Ai chives ilge
mun Ryksarihief The Hague (ARA) leremgde Oost
Indiuhe ( ompagrue India Office Records (IOR) (b;
Punted H Dunlop (ed ) Bronnen tot de geschiedenis
der Oostindisehe Compagnie in Perzie lf>30 38 The
Hague 1930 E Kaempfei Am Hoje des persischcn
Grosskomgs 1684 1685, ti W Hinz Tubingen 1977
121 J de Thevenot Relation dun io\age fait au Leiant
in. Litre trmsiime du sink du mage de Mr De Thhinot
\ Pans lb89 609 J Chardin
■r Chare
\ de lOrien,
ed C Langles 10 vols and atlas Pans 1810-11
402-03 J Aubin (ed | Lambassade de Gregorw Perm a
Fidalgo a la com de Chah Saltan Hosse\n 1696 1697
Lisbon 1971, 33 GFG Caren Giro del mondo
6 vols Naples 1699 n 282 C de Bruvn Ruse
over Moskoue door Per^ie tn Indu Amsteidam 1711
Abbe Carre The traiels of the ibbe Carre in India
and the \car Ea\t ti Ladv Fawcett 3 vols London
1848 in 834-5 Muhammad Mahdi b Muhammad
Hadi Shiiazi Tankhi tahma spina Staatsbibhothek
Berlin, ms Oi Sprenger 204 fol 129a C Nieh-
buhi Reisebesehreibungen naih irabien und andren
unhegenden Landern 2 vols, Copenhagen 1774-8 u
92 ES Wanng i tour to Shecra^ London 1807
73 148.WA Shepheid, F,om Bombay to Bushire and
Bussora London 1857 O Blau Commtmdk J^ustande
Peisiens Beilm 1858 JG Lonmer (ed ) Gazetteer of
the Persian Gulf 'Oman and Central irabia i Histomal
Calcutta 1915 Dj ka'im-makami (ed ) I ok sad a a
panada sanad i tankhi a^ Djala'inyan ta Pahlaut Tehran
1348/1969 49-50 Muhammad 'Ah Sadid al-
Saltana Bandar 'ibbas ua khahdi i Fan ed 'All
Sitavish Tehran 13b3/1984
2 Studies J Aubin Le w\aume d OrmiK au debut
du \\I sietle in Mare Luso Induum, n (1972) 148
W Flooi, The customs in Qa/ar Iran in ~ZM/& cxxvi
(197b) 281-311 SR Grummon The rise and fall
of the Arab \ha\khdom of Bushire 1750 1850, PhD
diss Johns Hopkins Umveisitv 1985 B Masters
Vie origins of Western European dominanu m the Middle
East Meieantilism and the Islamic economy in Altppo
1600 1750 New \oik 1988 57-8 R Matthee
Politics and trade in late Safaud Iran Commercial crisis
and goiemment reaction under Shah \ola\man (1666 1694)
PhD diss University of California Los Angeles
1991 329-83 R Klein, Trade m the Safaud port eih
of Bandar ibbas and the Persian Gulf area (ca 1600
1630) i study of selected aspects, PhD diss Umversitv
of London 1993-4 82-8 Floor \ fiscal history of Iran
in the Safaud and Qajar periods 1500 1925 New \ork
1998 163-6 Masters ileppo the Ottoman Empires
carman city in E Eldem D Goffman and Mas-
ters (eds) The Ottoman city betuccn east and aest
ileppo Tmir and Istanbul Cambridge 1999 39
Matthee The politics of trade in Safa id Iran Silk for
siher 1600 1730 Cambridge 1999 164
(R Matthee)
SHA'IR
1 B From the 'Abbasid period to the
of
on is part of a larger svsl
governed bv a particular set of
lules and carried out bv participants who are more
oi less awaie of the value and meaning of these lules
The lole oi the poet is onlv one of seveial roles which
are mutuallv co-foimative Anv discussion of one of
these social loles must perforce take into account the
othei loles SJ Schmidt il992) descubed foui action
roles which aie used below to inform the discussion
(a) Production In the period between 750 and 1850
poetry was composed bv a very different range of
people irom all walks ol societv in the Aiab speak
ing world ■Xmong the producers oi poetrv we find
caliphs and uaftsmen secretaries and slaves religious
scholars and logues members ol noble "\iab tribes
or people of non- "\i ab desc ent nch and poor famous
and infamous Of the three main panegvrists of the
3id/9th centun Abu Tammam (d ca 231/845 [qi])
was ol Christian descent (and embarrassed by this
fact) and had to eam his living
Ibn a
Rumi (d 283/896 [q t ]) was of Chns
descent as well (and proud of it) whereas al-Buhtun
(d 284/897 [qi]) was of pure Arab stock and grew
Theie was no unifoim group of poets nor was
being a poet considered a specific piofession with an
established and definitive course of study or a canon
of specific knowledge to be learned Instead everv-
bodv who had learned to compose poetry that met
with common appioval was called sha'ir Piofessional
poets dunng the '"\bbasid period were primanlv court
poets who were financiallv dependent on the fa\our
of a patron In later periods poets most tvpicallv
came fiom the ranks oi the 'ulama' During the whole
of the penod in question however it was taken for
granted that every educated person had the abihtv to
take part in poetic communication at least in the
role of a receptee hstener/ieadei Therefoie poetrv
composed bv piofessional poets forms onlv one seg-
ment of the poetry composed esteemed and trans-
mitted E\en those poets who can be consideied
piofessional poets often plaved more than the iole of
produce! of poetry and engaged in piocessing litera-
ture as anthologists cutics or philologists Given this
multi-lav eied situation, the role of poets and poetrv
in "\rabic -Islamic societv can be appiec rated propeilv
only if the whole of the svstem of poetic communi-
cation is taken into account This is even more impor-
tant given that poetic communication plaved an
mcomparablv much higher iole in pre-modem "\iabic
societies than in modern societies
(b) Mediation The oial iecitation of a poem bv its
producer has alwavs been consideied the basic means
bv which poetiv was made accessible to others
Professional singers weie not onlv important but often
Umayyad period onwards, not only in courtly arenas
but also in other well-to-do households. Written trans-
mission in the form of letters or books also played
an increasingly important role. The output of individual
poets was often collected in the form of a dlwan,
frequently by those other than the original poets
themselves. For example, it was Abu Bakr al-Suli (d.
ca. 335/947 [g.v.]) who collected the dlwans of Abu
Nuwas, Abu Tammam, Ibn al-Ruml and others. Of
enormous importance for the transmission of poetry
were anthologies [see mukhtarat] and other works of
adab. Both linguistic and historiographical works as
well as collections of biographies contain a great deal
of poetry. Religious texts of an edifying nature and
Sufi works are hardly to be found without poetry.
After the rise of the madrasa [q.v.], the formal para-
meters of poetry (metre, rhyme) and peculiarities of
literary language [see al-ma'ani wa 'l-bayan] would
become part of the propaedeutic discipline of adab (in
this case meaning the whole of linguistic disciplines).
Poetry itself, however, was not a regular subject in
the curriculum. Only the most famous works, such as
the Dfwan of al-Mutanabbi and the Makamat of al-
HarlrT, were taught within an academic framework.
Story-tellers and preachers [see kass] included poems
in their speeches and thus contributed to their own
popularity among the masses. As a whole, the process
by which poetry was imparted has not yet been stud-
ied adequately.
(c) Reception. Poetry was an everyday commodity. A
poet could "reciter une qasida a son entourage, a ses
amis, a des conferes. Qu'il aille dans les souks de la
ville, parcourt ses rues, frequente les cabarets de ses
faubourgs et leurs jardins, descende son fleuve, ses
canaux ou se poste sur Fun des ponts . . . ou sous les
arcades de mosquees, dans le demeure d'un bourgeois
ou d'un prince, partout . . . il peut declamer sans eton-
ner, parler d'amour sans surprendre, pleurer de douleur
sans choquer" (Bencheikh, 38). Poetry was an effec-
tive system of communication in which a substantial
part of the population took part and by which the
emotional and affective requirements of the people
were met. People listened to poetry for its social, emo-
tional, and intellectual effect [see tarab; ta'adjdjub],
and it was considered the poet's task to convey infor-
rather than to express his own feelings. Modern modes
of reception, influenced by the cult of the poet as a
genius who is expected to be more in touch with
deeper feelings and thoughts than other people, and
the individualistic notion of poetry as a means to
express one's very own and specific emotions, have
often lead to misconceptions about pre-modern Arabic
Wher.
modern and individua
ation of lil
ceptions of poetry have fostered an ;
erary change, they have also led
social marginalisation of poetic co
contrast, although the pre-modern understanding of
bility of literary forms and
allowed poetry to remain effective and meaningful
for a wide range of people over the whole period
considered here and thus allowed a greater sector
of the population to participate in elaborate artistic
(d) Processing. The Arabic pre-Islamic literary and
cultural heritage forms, next to Islam itself, one of
the two foundations of Arabic-Islamic culture. The
collection of and commentary on pre- and early Islamic
poetry therefore was one of the primary activities in
the first centuries of Islamic scholarship. The disci-
plines of grammar and lexicography owed their devel-
opment more to the need to comment upon ancient
Arabic poetry than upon the normative texts of Islam.
This creation of a consciousness of poetry was one
of the prerequisites for the rise of the scientific study
of contemporary poetry and of literary criticism by
the 3rd/9th century. These disciplines cannot be dealt
with here (see the overview by Ouyang), but it should
be remarked that, during the 'Abbasid period, literary
history and criticism was a discourse clearly separated
from the production of poetry itself, notwithstanding
the exertion of mutual influence. Among the major
poets, only Ibn al-Mu'tazz and Ibn Rashik were famed
theorists as well. The Mamluk period, in which the
merger of a secular and religious discourse had already
been perfected, witnessed the complete synthesis of
poetic production, on the one hand, and literary the-
ory and rhetorics on the other in the form of the
badi'iyya commentaries by Sail al-Dln al-Hilli (d. prob-
ably 749/1348 [q.v.]) and Ibn Hidjdja al-Hamawi
(d. 837/1434 [q.v.]), among others.
Other important forms by which literature was
processed are various forms of intertextuality such as
the mu'arada or the takhmls [q.vi>.], in which a poet
transforms a given poem into a new work of litera-
ture following special rules. These techniques should
be understood within the framework of similar forms
of appropriation-cum-transformation of the scholarly,
cultural and literary heritage of Islamic culture, such
as the commentary (sharh [q.v]) or the abbreviation
(mukhtasar [q.v.]).
Four important social environments provided a
framework for educated poetic communication between
the Umayyad and the modern period.
i. The Court
Throughout the entirety of the 'Abbasid period, the
courts of the caliph(s), provincial rulers, governors and
the court-like households of viziers, generals, and other
high officials served as centres of literary activity of
preeminent importance. Two kinds of literary activi-
ties should be distinguished here: first, the recitation
of panegyric poems as part of the official represen-
tation of the ruler; and second, poetry as part of
Panegyric poems [see madih] formed the most
important political discourse throughout a great deal
of Islamic history. In panegyric poems, the subject
personage was described as an embodiment of royal
virtue, above all in terms of military prowess and
generosity. The recollection of these virtues simulta-
neously confirmed and reinforced them, for society as
well as for the ruler himself, and by confirming the
ruler's ideal fulfillment of these normative values, the
poems contributed to his legitimisation. Further, they
served to spread the news of important events (such
as battles won), and helped to memorialise them and
to locate them and their protagonists within a broader
To understand the mechanism of the panegyric
poem, it is important to bear in mind that the patron,
to whom the poem is addressed (the mamdiih), is not
identical with the intended public of the poem. Of
course, panegyric poems could fulfil their political and
social role only if a general interest in them was
granted. Therefore, the dichotomy of the poet and
the mamduh, which appears in the texts themselves,
should be expanded to a triangle with the "public"
as third participant. Each of the three participants in
this form of communication acted in a mutually infor-
mative give and take. This triadic interplay can be
generally schematized as follows:
i the fi
mporta
f the
legitimisation, even rulers who had no feeling for
poetry could hardly afford not to patronise poets. On
the other hand, many rulers and princes pursued an
intense interest in poetry, had expert knowledge at
their disposal, and often composed poetry themselves.
Just to mention a few, the caliph Harun al-Rashld
(d. 193/809; his sister the princess 'Ulayya bt. al-
Mahdl (d. 210/825); the prince Ibn al-Mu'tazz (d.
296/908), one of the greatest men of letters of the
'AbbSsid period; the caliph al-R5dr bi 'llah (d. 392/940);
the Hamdanid Sayf al-Dawla (d. 356/967); and the
Ayyubid Abu '1-Fida' (d. 732/1331) [q.vv.] and other
members of this dynasty. In such cases, where the
mamduh assumed both the role of the patron as well
as the role of the public, poets had to accommodate
their poems not only to general panegyric standards
but also to the personal taste of the patron. To men-
tion two examples; al-Buhturi replaced the traditional
nasfb [q.v.] with all its intertextual strands with the
more modern genre of ghazal [q.v.] in order to meet
the taste of al-Mutawakkil, who had less literary train-
ing than his predecessors. Ibn Nubata al-Misn (d.
750/1349 [q.v.]) faced the opposite problem after the
death of Abu '1-Fida' and tried to win the favour of
his pious and ascetic successor by replacing the nasTb
of his panegyric odes with ascetic poetry.
Panegyric poets hoped for an immediate reward
for anv given poem, which often reached rather exor-
bitant sums of money. Considering the fact that gen-
panegyric odes and that the poet offered himself as
a first object for the demonstration of this generos-
ity, the exchange of poem for reward assumed the
character of a ritual exchange. If successful, poets
could even hope for a permanent patronage of the
ruler, thus being spared having to wander from patron
to patron. Al-MutanabbI, the pre-eminent panegyric
poet of the times, spent several years in search of
a permanent patron, eulogising Bedouin chiefs and
second-rank provincial dignitaries until he found the
favour of Sayf al-Dawla, at whose court he spent nine
untroubled years, only to start the search anew after
an intrigue by his fellow-poets forced him to flee Sayf
al-Dawla's court. In addition to material gains, suc-
cess at a court could also provide for a broader fame
of a poet due to the public nature of his task as a
panegyrist. In any case, gaining the favour of patrons
through panegyric poetry was nearly the only way to
make a living as a professional poet during the
'Abbasid period. Poets who did not have an admin-
istrative or scholarly position as a starting-point there-
fore had to earn their living as a copyist or craftsman,
or with similar jobs until they gained enough fame
to be able to live as a full-time poet. Competition
for a position as court poet must have been rather
rigorous. Therefore, it is small wonder that the rela-
tions between the poets enjoying the favour of a cer-
tain patron is often characterised by en\y, polemics
and intrigues. The relations between al-Mutanabbi,
Abu Firas and the KhalidI brothers offer a good
example. Dependent as poets were on the favour of
their patron, they were not completely powerless in
turn. If they felt that they were treated unjustly, they
had the possibility of taking revenge by composing
satires (hidja' [q.v.]), and the satires of a famous poet
could prove to be a sharp weapon indeed. Again, al-
Mutanabbi — an extraordinary self-confident poet —
provides us with examples in his invectives against
the Ikhshid ruler Kaffir [q.v.]. Many poets, however,
experienced feelings of humilation when forced to
"beg" for monetary reward for their poems, as is
repeatedly told in their biographies.
The circumstances under which courtly panegyric
poetry was performed have been only little studied so
far. Obviously, panegyric poems were often performed
as part of public ceremonies, during a maqjlis or a
banquet. The poems that were recited may have been
pre-selected by court officials (al-Kifti, Inbah, iv, 149).
How these poems became known by a broader pub-
lic has not yet been explored in detail. The poets
themselves, philologists, compilers of anthologies and
this process. In the end, however, this process must
have been rather effective, since in most books on
literary criticism, panegyric poetry is given privileged
interest, and anthologies and chronicles overflow with
quotations of eulogies. Since without the participa-
tion of the recipients, the process of panegyric com-
the study of this part must be considered a major desi-
In addition to the ritual and public performance
of panegyric poetry, courtly life offered a great many
other opportunities for poetry making. Hunting excur-
sions provided an opportunity for the recitation of
hunting poetry {tardiyya [q.v.]); banquets and musical
gatherings gave rise to the presentation of wine poetry
[see khamriyya], love poetry and other genres. On
these occasions, the ruler was accompanied by his
nudama' "boon-companions" (sing, nadim [q.v.]). a group
of talented people from various fields. Even the office
of the nadim was institutionalised at the 'Abbasid court.
Poetry played a prominent role in the gatherings of
the ruler and his nudama', and was practiced not only
by professional poets but also by nudama' with other
professions. And poetry itself, both ancient and con-
temporary, was often the subject of conversation in
the madjlii. It must be stressed that the kind of poetry
recited and sung in these courtly environments was
not fundamentally different from that practised out-
side the court in urban milieux. Therefore, a com-
mon term like "courtly love" characterising the
relations between lover and beloved in a current type
of love poetry (ghazul, nastb) is misleading, since love
poetry sung at caliphal banquets in no way differed
from the poetry that was popular in other social envi-
ronments. Instead, it was rather the ideals, ethical
models, and literary tastes of the udaba' and kuttab
which dominated at the courts [see zarf]. .Kudama'
circles also existed in the households of viziers and
high-ranking kuttab, and the same people practised
their poetic skill in circles of philologists and udaba'
as well as in their role as nadim at the court.
In the period after the fall of the 'Abbasids and
Ayyubids, the importance of the court for Arab lit-
erary culture decreased considerably. Though pane-
gyric poems in the Arabic language were still composed
about Mamluk and Ottoman sultans (and poets duly
rewarded for them), the Mamluk and Ottoman courts
no longer offered the resources for a vivid literary
culture in Arabic language. One of the main reasons
for this development is, of course, the fact that rulers
of these dynasties often had only limited (if any) com-
mand of the Arabic language. But it should also be
borne in mind that, whereas in the 'Abbasid period
political authorities were part of the culture of the
Chilian non-religious elite of the kuttab and were eager
to see their legitimisation expressed in the medium of
poetry common to both, the post-'Abbasid period wit-
nessed the merger of a religious and non-religious
elite, which now formed a counterpart to the mili-
tary elite which no longer shared this culture. Rather
than poetry, Mamluks instead patronised architecture
to an hitherto unprecedented extent.
ii. The kuttab
At least in the 3rd and 4th/9th and 10th centuries,
the class of the secretaries (kuttab, sing, katib [q.v.]),
which formed a rather homogenous group with a dis-
tinct group consciousness, had no lesser influence on
the shaping of Islamic culture than the group of reli-
gious scholars. This is especially true in the field of
literature. The kuttab were the bearers and main expo-
nents of the culture of adab [q.v.], which meant not
only producing a certain type of literature but also
adhering to an ideal of education, knowledge, man-
ners and conduct, which became manifest in the liter-
ature called adab. Of course, not every adxb was a katib,
but the kuttab serve as its most typical embodiment.
For the kuttab, poetry had a multitude of functions.
Some of them, to mention a few, are as following:
(a) Perfection in artistic prose and poetry was a
prerequisite for other responsibilities. These included
drafting and writing official letters and administrative
correspondence in which they showed their mastery
of linguistic correctness and stylistic sophistication.
(b) Kuttab were expected to be able to compose
poetry. In this context, it seems plausible that the first
dictionary that was arranged according to rhyme con-
sonants and rhyme schemes, the Kitab al-Takfiva by al-
BandanldjI (d. 284/897; Sezgin, GAS, viii, 170-1) was
in all probability addressed to the kuttab who needed
to find rhyme words for their poetic compositions.
(cj Poetry formed part of the encyclopaedic knowl-
edge kuttab were supposed to have.
(d) Genres like love and wine poetry, besides being
entertaining and emotionally affective at an individ-
ual level, were especially suitable for not only express-
ing the refined Weltanschauung of this group [see zarif]
but also for displaying their literary taste.
(e) Literature of the adab type in prose and poetry
was part of the kuttab's life-style and its practice served
to strengthen their group identity.
Some of the katib poets typical of the 3rd/9th and
4th/ 10th centuries were: al-'Utbl (d. 228/852-3), Ibn
al-Zayyat (d. 233/847), the ghazal poet Khalid D . Yazld
al-Katib (d. ca. 262/876), al-Nashi' al-Akbar (d. 293/
906), Ibn Bassam (d. 303-4/914-15), Abu Ishaq al-
Sabi' (d. 384/994), Ibn 'Abbad (d. 385/995) [q.vv.],
and Ibrahim al-SulI (d. 243/857). The influence of
the kuttab, however, went far beyond their activity as
poets: more importantly, they shaped the culture of
adab, which proved equally dominant in courtly milieux
as well as in the urban middle class in general.
A sharp distinction between the court and the kuttab
cannot be drawn in any event, since kuttab were
themselves part of the courts. Many of them parti-
cipated in the composition of panegyric poetry and
fulfilled the duty of nadim. Many officials had risen
to positions in which they acted as patrons for poets
themselves.
iii. The 'ultima'
Islamic normative texts (the Kur'an, esp. XXVI,
224-7; Hattith, see Bonebakker) display an ambiguous
stance towards poetry which resulted in different inter-
pretations, ranging from outright prohibition of many
of its forms to a mild disapproval of the more enter-
taining and morally dubious genres like wine poetry
and satire. Thus, in the first centuries, 'ulama' rarely
felt encouraged to take part in a form of communi-
cation that was dominated by the secular elite. Yet
religious scholars required knowledge of pre- and early
Islamic poetry in order to be able to comment upon
Kur'an and Hatfith, and some of them composed at
least poetry of the zuhdiyya [q.v.] genre, as the col-
lection of poetry ascribed to al-Shafi'T (d. 204/820
[q.v.]) demonstrates. Due to its emotional effectiveness,
poetry of the zuhdiyya genre, as well as love poetry
was used in sermons. However, scholars were rarely
proficient poets, and in his collection of the biogra-
phies of linguistic scholars, al-KiftT repeatedly speaks
with derision of grammarians and other scholars who
"composed verses of the kind of the poetry of gram-
marians (naAaf)/scholars ('ulamd'f (al-KiftT, Inbah, iii,
219, 263, 267, 288, 343, iv, 165). Nevertheless, from
the latter 'Abbasid period onwards, there is an increase
in the number of 'ulama' who were composing poetry
in different genres. A few kadis and muhaddithun are
already mentioned in al-Tha'alibi's [q.v.] anthology
titled l'aSmat al-dahr, which contains poetry from the
second half of the 4th/ 10th century. By the time of
TmSd al-Dln al-Isfahani's [q.v.] anthology, the Khan-
dat al-kasr, which covers poets from the 6th/ 12th cen-
tury, the number of 'ulama' composing poetry and the
quality of their poems had obviously increased con-
siderably. Here, in this period of transition, we can
witness the gradual merger between the adab-oriented
culture of the kuttab and the i«raa-oriented culture of
the 'ulama' (Bauer, Raffinement; Homerin, Preaching poetry).
From the Saldjuk period onwards, the kuttab gradu-
ally ceased to be a distinct social group with their
own cultural values. Instead, the duties of the katib
came to be fulfilled by people who had received the
training of a religious scholar. The result, as it becomes
very obvious during the Mamluk period, was a rather
homogeneous group of 'ulama' who had become the
bearers of Islamic religious as well as secular culture.
Remarkably, this development did not prove detri-
mental to literary culture. Instead, the process of
'"«/ama'isation of adab" was counterbalanced by a
process of 'Waiisation of the 'ulama'", who in the
meantime had made the adab discourse of the kuttab
their own. Though the political relevance of poetry
decreased, its relevance for the civil elite increased,
so that one can speak of a process of privatisation of
poetry. Poetry became a pre-eminent medium of com-
munication between 'ulama', and this medium included
panegyric poetry, which now became addressed from
one 'Slim to the other rather than to rulers and mil-
itary leaders. For the 'ulama', it would become more
and more important to be able to take part in this
form of poetic communication. Consequently, the
poetry of the Mamluk period grew more personal and
more interested in private matters. The merger of the
secular and religious elite into a new group which
shared to a considerable extent the values and ideas
of the old religious elite, but which also had appro-
pnated the hteran culture oi the old secular elite
led to an unprecedented rise ol iehgious poetn Since
also the boundanes between high and popular cul-
tuie became blurred the percentage oi the popula-
tion taking pait in a rathei homogeneous, hteran,
cultuie became larger than ever The Mamluk period
therefore may have been the penod which displayed
the broadest hteran culture m Aiab history
The Ottoman penod has not been studied well
enough to allow a more detailed assessment At least
it is beyond doubt that the 'ulama' still played the
most impoitant role in poetn Arabic poetn at this
time may have witnessed a decrease in its local impor-
tance but at the same time could expand its geo-
graphical range due to the increasingly global ind
cosmopolitan charactei oi the 'ulama' Texts display-
ing a ven similar hteran taste weie composed in
tinent Locally, Sufi cncles seem to have developed
into one oi the main centres oi the production of
of the
middle
Howev
rather
leai irom countless hints in the sources that poet
the standard language and the established genr
s esteemed and even produced among craitsme
rchants and in similar milieux The site oi Al
iwass (d ta 1%/813 [qi]) wine poems is not on
jurtly banquet but also the tavern Anothei and
Merc
urban n
s that
uraja'
damental parameters ideas and wav oi achieving
emotional eifects, shaied by a broad sectoi oi the
During the Mamluk and Ottoman periods religious
poetn was extremelv popular in all uiban environ-
ments Sufi poetn pi avers [see wird] and poems in
praise oi the prophet [see mawlidiy^a] were com-
posed and recited among adheients oi the Sufi orders
[see tarika and tasawwuf], which were deeply rooted
in the middle classes
During all penods, different iorms oi folk poetn
co-existed alongside poetn which was eventually writ-
ten down In many environments both wntten and
oial ioims oi poetn influenced each other and some-
times it is not easy to diaw a cleai boundary between
them Other forms oi poetn transmitted only orally
existed without being noticed by the educated So
ior example Bedouin poets continued to compose
poetn in a style lemimscent of pre-Islamic poetn
throughout the centunes This can be deduced by the
existence oi the so-called nabati poetn [qv] which
has been recoided iiom the 19th centun onwards
and is still piactised in the Arabian peninsula even
today For iurther information about the complex of
iolk poetn see sha'ir 1 E The iolk poet in Arab
society at Vol I\ 233b
B, allograph) Only a small selection oi relevant
sources and studies can be noted here In princi-
ple, all dmans, anthologies, and biogiaphical dic-
tionaries aie iruitful sources oi relevant information
See also the Bibl oi the article shi'r 1(a) and Abu
in which the poems oi al-'Abbas b al-Ahnai [qv]
are set Several little-known poets mentioned in
to crafts and even proiessional poets like /'
Tammam had to earn their living by manual work
befoie thev weie famous enough to live from their
poetn In any case social boundaries were not as
strict as in Europe and people of low descent and
non-privileged social positions weie not in pnnciple
excluded from taking part in high culture
In the 4th/ 10th centun we find a bakei lal-khabbaz
al-Baladi see Sezgin G46 n 625-6) a fruit-seller (al-
Wa'wa' [qc]) and a darner (al Sari al-Rafla' [q c])
among the well-known poets oi the age Another poet
al-Khubza'aruzzi [qv] was a bakei oi nee bread in
Basra and became iamous as a gha^al poet \oung
men horn all over the town used to visit his shop in
the hope oi becoming the object oi one of his love
poems By quoting poems by al-Ahnai al-'Ukban al-
Tha'alibi (latima, u, 122-4) allows a glimpse oi the
poetn of the vagabonds [see sasan banu] These
poets owe their lasting fame to the fact that lepie-
sentativ es of high culture took an interest in their pro-
ductions but they may also be taken as evidence ol
the kind of interest in poetn that cut across differ-
ent levels of society
Sources are much moie copious for the Mamluk
period dunng which a convergence between high and
popular culture is attested The most iepiesentative
figuies oi popular poetn (in standard Arabic, as well
as in dialect) appealing to 'ulama' and people of the
stieet alike were Ibiahim al-Mi'mar ior the 7th/ 13th
and Ibn Sudun ior the 8th/ 14th century These and
quite a iew oi other similar oiten illiterate figures
represent a missing link between modern iorms of
popular literature and time-honoured forms themes
and motives and thus point to the fact that Arabic
hteran cultuie was not the exclusive prerequisite of
a small elitanan group, but was at least in its fun-
wham ighan
Ibn al-Mu'
Tabakat al Mara' al muhdathm Cairo 1956 al-'
al-Isfaham Khandat al ktur (diffeient eds ) (Ibn) al-
Kiftf Inbah almuat 4 vols Cano 1955-73, Abu
Bakr al-Suh ikhbar ibi I Tammam Cano 1937
idem ikhbai al Buhtun Damascus 1948 idem
ikhbar alRad, aa I Muttaki ed J H Dunne Cairo
1935 Saiadi al Uaji Tha'ahbi latima Cano 1375-
7/1956-8 A Arazi imoui dian tt amour pwjam dam
I'hlam medieval i trains It Diuan di Khahd al Katib
Pans 1990 T Bauer Raffmement und Frommigktit
Sakulan Potsu ulammhtr Rthgiomgehhrttr dir spattn
ibbasidenzut, in isiatiuhi Studun v (1996) 275-95
idem, Lube und Liebesdichtung m der arabisthen Welt dts
9 und 10 Jahrhundirts Wiesbaden 1998 idem
i/ Mi'n
r Em d
■> Hand
i 4gvp
tins Mamlukin-jit in ^ftUG, tin (2002) 63-93
J Bencheikh Poihque arabt essai sm les eoies dune
irtahon Pans 1975 idem Les suretams poetes et am
mattun dt cenailes au\ II et III sicclcs de Ihegm in
J4 clxm (1975) 265-315 idem Le imadc poetique
du taliji al Mutauakkil, m BEO xxix (1977) 33-52,
S A Bonebakker Rdigious prtjudue against poetn in
tarh Islam in Meduialia et humamstua ns vn (1976)
77-99 CJ van Gelder The bad and the ugh ittitudis
toxoids imettne poetn (Hi)a') in Clauual irabu litera
tun Leiden 1988 B Ciuendlei Ibn al Rum, s dhus
oj patronagt m Hanard Middle Eastern and Islamic
Riiitu, m (1996) 104-60 CE von Crunebaum,
Aspects oj Arabic urban literature mosth in ninth and tenth
" ' c Studus (Islamabad) viu (1969) 281-
. Hamoi
On t
tare New \oA 1974 Th E Horn,
in irabua, xxxvm (1991) 87-101 <Abd al-Hasanayn
al-khidr al Shu'am' al hiubmun 2 vols Damascus
1993-6 H Kilpatnck Making the great Book oj i>ongs
London 2003 E Neubauer Musiker am Hoj der
jruhen 'ibbcuidtn Frankiuit 1965 V\ Ouyang hteran
tntiasm in nudieial irabu Islamu lulturt The making
oj a tradition, Edinburgh 1997 EK Rowson and
SHA'IR — SHAMIR b. DHI 'l-DJAWSHAN
S.A. Bonebakker, A computeuzed listing of biographical
data from the latimat al-Dahr by al-Tha'ahbl, Malibu
1980; SJ. Schmidt, Convention!, and literary systems, in
M. Hjort (ed.), Rules and conventions, Baltimore 1992,
215-49; A. Vrolijk, Bringing a laugh to a scowling face,
Leiden 1998; E. Wagner, Abu Nuwas, Wiesbaden
1965. (T Bauer)
SHAKHAB, (Battle of) [see mardj al-suffar].
SHALISH, also written DjalIsh, a term referring
■' ■ trd of an army or a flag
signal
t of a
paign. The word is of Turkish origin, derived from
Calish, meaning "battle" or "conflict" (see G. Doerfer,
Turkische und mongolische Elemente m Neupersischen,
Wiesbaden 1963-75, iii, 32). It appears in Persian dur-
ing the late Saldjuk era (Rawandi, Rahat al-sudur, ed.
M. Iqbal, GMS, NS, 2, London 1921, 347), with the
meaning of "battle"; in Arabic, it is found in works
of the Ayyubid and Mamluk times (see below). It is
unclear whether it entered Arabic \ia the Persian or
was adopted in the former language directly from
Turkish military men.
1. In the sense of advance troops of a rather gen-
eral nature, the term is found in the description of
the battle of Hittin [q.v.] in 584/1187, where we find
dfdlishiyya (Baha' al-Din Ibn Shaddad, Nawddir al-
sultaniyya, Cairo n.d., 61 = tr. D.S. Richards, The ran
and excellent history of Saladin, Aldershot 2001, 73; Ibn
al-Athir, Kamil, ]
Mi
1987, :
146). :
luk period, it is used on the one hand as a syno-
nym for tali'a, advanced scouts or vanguard, as at
the batde of 'Ayn Djalut [q.v] in 658/1260 (cf Ibn
al-Dawadari, Kanz al-durar, viii, ed U. Haarmann,
Freiburg-Cairo 1971, 49, with al-Makrizi, Suluk, Cairo
1934-73, i, 430). On the other hand, in the battle of
Hims [q.v.] in 680/1281, dfilish is used in the sense
of mukaddama, i.e. the large forward dhision of the
Mamluk army (Baybars al-Mansun, ^ubda, ed.
Richards, Beirut 1998, 197). The term was not only
applied to the Mamluk army; in 699/1299, the djalish
of the Il-Khan Ghazan [q.v.] passed by Halab on the
way south (al-Makrizi, Suluk, i, 885); the' exact inten-
tion, i.e. whether it was a small reconnaissance unit
or a large advance division, is unclear from the context.
2. In the sense of a flag raised above the tablkhdna
[q.v], see D. Ayalon, art. harb. iii, above, Vol. Ill,
at 184. Ibn Khaldun (Mukaddama, ed. Mustafa
Muhammad, Cairo n.d. = tr. Rosenthal, ii, 52), writes
that in the Mamluk state (dawlat al-turk), a large flag
(raya) surmounted by a big tuft of hair (probably of
a horsel was called a stalish, and that it was a sign
of the sultan. It would seem that the use of the word
for the flag used to declare preparations for a cam-
paign was secondary to the meaning given above, sc.
the advance force or vanguaid. The sense of flag was
derived perhaps from the advance force which may
have carried it.
Bibliography: Besides the sources and studies
given above, see E. Quatremere, Histoire des sultans
mamlouks de VEgypte, Paris 1837-45, i/1, 225-7 (with
numerous examples from the Ayyubid and Mamluk
sources gi\ing both contemporary meanings); Dozy,
Supplement, i, 168. (R. Amitai)
SHAMIR (also al-Shamir, commonly Shimr) B. DHI
l-DIAWSHAN Abu '1-Sabigha, often portrayed
of the
i of a
-Hu<
•Air
ir's father, Shurahbll (or Aws) b. Kurt
(various forms of the name are given), was a
Companion of the Prophet who settled in al-Kufa.
Shamir fought at Siffm [q.v.] on 'All's side, receiv-
ing a sword wound to his face (al-Minkari, Wak'at
Siffin, ed. 'A. HarOn, Cairo 1401/1981, 268; al-Tabari,
i, 3305). Subsequently he changed sides and became
a supporter of the Umayyads. In 51/671 he testified
against Hudjr b. 'Adi [q.v.] (ibid, ii, 133); nine years
later, 'Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad [q.v.] recruited him and
other tribal notables to quell the revolt of Muslim b.
'Akil [q.v.]. When al-Husayn was intercepted at
Karbala', he appealed in vain to Shamir and others
to let him go to the caliph Yazid (ibid., ii, 285).
Shamir prevailed upon Ibn Ziyad to adopt an uncom-
promising attitude towards al-Husayn; Ibn Ziyad there-
upon gave him a letter ordering 'Uraar b. Sa'd to
kill al-Husayn should he refuse to submit to Ibn
Ziyad's authority, and warning 'Umar that if he failed
to obey this order he would be replaced as com-
mander by Shamir (ibid., ii, 315-6). 'Umar reluctantly
obeyed and put Shamir in charge of the foot-soldiers
(al-Baladhuri, iii, 391; al-Tabari, ii, 317). On 9
Muharram 61/9 October 680, as 'Umar was making
final preparations to do battle with al-Husayn, Shamir
offered a safe-conduct to three (or four) sons of 'Ali
by Umm al-Banin bt. Hizam, who belonged to
Shamir's tribe, the Banu Kilab; the sons rejected the
offer, insisting that al-Husayn, too, should be granted
safe-conduct (al-Baladhuri, iii, 391; Ibn A'tham, iii,
105; cf. al-Tabari, ii, 316-7).
The next morning — the Day of 'Ashura' — 'Umar
put Shamir in command of the army's left wing (ibid.,
ii, 326). Shamir intended to burn down al-Husayn's
tent with the women and children inside, but was
shamed into withdrawing (ibid., ii, 346-7) and acceded
to al-Husayn's request to spare them (al-Baladhuri,
iii, 407; al-Tabari, ii, 362). Shamir's role in the death
of al-Husayn is disputed in the sources. While some
accounts merely refer to his participation in the bat-
tle (e.g. Ibn 'Asakir, xxiii, 186), he is more usually
said to have instigated the final assault, while yet
other reports explicitly mention him as ha\ing killed
al-Husayn (al-Wakidi, in al-Baladhuri, iii, 418; al-
Isfahani, 1 1 9; Ibn Hazm, D/amharat ansab al-'arab, ed.
'A. HarQn, Cairo 1382/1962, 287), as having decap-
itated his corpse (al-Safadi, xii, 425, x\i, 180), or both
(al-Madjlisi, xlv, 56; cf. al-Tabrisi, 250). This conflicts
with reports that it was Sinan b. Anas al-Nakha'i
who killed al-Husayn and decapitated his body (Abu
Mikhnaf, in al-Tabari, ii, 366), or that Sinan killed
him and Khawali b. Yazid al-Asbahi cut off his head
(al-Baladhuri, iii, 418; cf. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, i, 393).
In the ta'ziya [q.v.] passion plays, Shamir is habitually
presented as al-Husayn's killer (Chelkowski, 15, 106,
110, 146-7, 159,' 165; Ayoub, 127) and as more evil
even than Sinan (Virolleaud, 94-5; Chelkowski, 160).
After the battle, Shamir was about to kill al-Husayn's
son 'Ali [see zayn al-'Abidin], but was prevented from
doing so (Ibn Sa'd, i, 480). Shamir led the Hawazin,
who formed one of the contingents that brought the
heads of the fallen warriors to Ibn Ziyad (al-Tabari,
ii, 386; Ibn Tawus, 85); later he accompanied the
survivors to Damascus (al-Tabari, ii, 375). An address
is preserved in which he recounts to Yazid the events
of Karbala 1 (al-Dinawari, 260-1, cited in D.M.
Donaldson, The Shfite religion, London 1933, 102-3;
this same address, however, is also ascribed to Zahr
b. Kays al-Dju'fi: see al-Tabari, ii, 374-5). Back in
al-Kufa, Shamir is said to have repented of his actions,
explaining that he had been duty-bound to obey Ibn
Ziyad (al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'A. Mu'awwad
and 'A. 'Abd al-Mawdjud, Beirut 1416/1995, iii, 385;
cf. Ibn Sa'd, i, 499; Ibn 'Asakir, xxiii, 189).
In 66/686 Shamir was among the Kufan ashraf
who rose against al-Mukhtar [q.v.]. After they had
SHAMIR b DHI i-DJAWSHAN — al-SHARAF
been defeated at Djabbanat al-Sabf (in al-Kufa) al-
Mukhtar sent his slave Zirbr in put suit of Shamir,
but Shamir attacked and killed him (al-Baladhuri, vi,
407, al-Taban n, 661) Unlike manv of the defeated
leaders, Shamir did not flee to al-Basia, but went to
Sadama/Satldama (apparentlv between al-Kufa and
al-Basra) (al-Dmawari 302, al-Taban, u, 662) and
then encamped bv the village of al-Kaltanryya (or al-
Kalbamyya) (ibid, n, 662 Ibn 'Asakir, xxm, 101)
Fiom there he sent a lettei to Mus'ab b al-Zubavr
[ ?l ] in al-Basra The lettei was intercepted bv one
of Abu ' Amra s men [see kav san] , and its carrier
levealed Shamir's hiding-place to which cavalrvmen
were dispatched Shamn, realising that he was sur-
iounded tried to fight his wav out but was killed bv
one of the attackers (al-Baladhuri vi, 407, al-Taban,
n, 663) According to one report Abu 'Amra sent
the badlv wounded Shamn to al-Mukhtar who killed
him (al-Madjlisi, xlv 338) Elsewhere Shamir is said
to have been killed at al-Madhar (on the Tigns) and
his head brought to al-Mukhtar, who sent it on to
Muhammad Ibn al-Hanafiyva [qv] in Medina (al-
Dmawari, 305)
Shamir s giandson al-Sumavl b Hatim \qi ] plaved
a prominent role in al-Andalus befoie the establish-
ment there of the Umayvad dvnastv
Bibliographt (in addition to references given in
the aiticle) 1 Souices Ibn al-Kalbl-Caskel
Gamharat an nasab Leiden l%b, l table 98, Ibn
Sa'd, al Tabakat al kubra al tabaka al khamisa mm al
sahaba ed M al-Sulaml, al-Ta'if 1414/1903, i
46*1-6 460, 473, 400-500, Khalifa b Khawat,
Ta'rikh, ed A al-'Umarl, Nadjaf 1386/1087, i, 225
Ibn Kutavba al Ma'anf, ed Th 'Ukasha, Cairo
1081 481, 582, Baladhurl, insab, ed S Zakkar
and R Zinkli Beirut 1417/1006, m, 383, 300,
305-7, 300, 401, 402, 407-0, 412, 416, 418-10 423
425, v 263, vi, 380, 308 300, Dlnawarl, al Akhbar
al tiu al, ed 'A 'Amir and Dj al-Shayv al, Cairo
1%0, index, Taban, index Ibn A'tham, al Futuh,
Beirut 1406/1986 in, 90, 103-5, 110-11 134-6,
138, Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanl, Makatil al tahbmin
ed A Sakr, Beirut nd, 114, lib, 118, Ibn Baba-
v,a\h,Amali, Nadjaf 1380/1070, 137, 144, al-Shavkh
al-Muffd, al Irshad, Benut 1309/1979, 229-30,
233-4 237-8, 240-3, 245, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr al Istl'Sb
fl ma'rifat al ashab, Cairo 1380/1060, i 303-5, 467-8,
TabnsT Flam al Haiti, Nadjaf 1300/1070, 236 240
245, 248-51 253, Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh madinat Di
mashk, ed al-'AmrawI, Beirut 1415/1005 IT, xxm,
186-02, Ibn Shahrashub, Manakib al Abi Tahb
Beirut 1405/1085 iv 77,07-8 10b, 111 112, Ibn
al-Athlr al Lubab fT tahdhlb al amab Benut n d , n,
258-0, Ibn Tawus, al Luhuf fT katla I Tujiij, Beirut
1414/1003, 54 71, 84, 101-2, Irbili, KaJif al gtumma
Beirut 1405/1085, n, 258, 2b2, 265, 268 276, Ibn
Hadjai al-'Askalanl, Lisan al ml Z 5n, Beirut 1407-
8/1087-8, m 185, Madjhsr, Bihar al anna,, Tehran
1376-04/1956-74, xliv, 108 322 349 38b, 300-1,
xl\ 4-7, 20-1, 27, 31, 51 54-7, 60-2, 107, 127, 130,
246 264, 273, 283, 280, 312,337,342,372,373-4
2 Studies Ch Vnolleaud, Le theatu penan ou
Le diame dt Kabtla, Pans 1050, 44-0, 58-0 04-8
102, M Avoub, Ridemptne suffering m Islam, The
Hague 1078, index, SHM Jafn, Thi origins and
taih development of Shi'a Islam, London 1070, 187
180-102, PJ Chelkowski (ed), Ta'zmh Ritual and
drama in Iran New Yoik 1070, index
(E Kohlberg)
\L-SHARAF, more exactlv Sharaf Hadjur or Shaiaf
Hadjdja, the mediaeval name of a mountainous
region of noithern \emen, some 100-120 km/
62-75 miles northwest of San'a", today called al-
Sharafan/al-Sharafavn The extended forms of the
name aie to distinguish it from several homonymous
al-Sharafs, Hadjur being a tribal name and Hadjdja
a neaibv town The lorm al-Shaiaf survives today
onlv in the toponvm Kuhlan al-Sharaf, a local town
(lat 16° 02' N and long 43° 28' E ) and its district.
The dual form appears alreadv in Ayvubid times,
when al-Shaiaf al-Asfal and al-Sharaf al-A'la are dis-
tinguished (see e g G R Smith Tht Anubids and early
Rasuhd'. in tht lemen, London 1074-8)
The chain of the Djibal al-Sharafavn reaches an
altitude of 2,180 m/7,150 feet, forming an arc over-
looking the coastal Tihama The massif gives its name
to a kada', with the chef-lieu of al-Mahabisha in the
province [muhafaza) of Hadjdja In the early 1980s,
the population of the region was ca 220,000, these
being Zavdis, with the Banu 1-SharaiT, 'Alid descen-
dants of the founder of the Zavdi dvnasty of Yemen,
being the most important lineage theie.
Al-Shaiaf al-A'la denotes the northern part of al-
Sharafan, whereas al-Sharaf al-Asfal denotes the slightly
lowei moie southern region, although it seems that
in the time of al-Hamdani (4th/ 10th century), the
former denoted anothei i egion, that of Sharaf Akyan
or Shibam Akvan (modern Shibam Kawkaban), to the
southeast (ed Muller 107 11 17-18, 135 1. 8). The
name of al-Shai afan appears verv often in the Yemeni
In fad
ther
.eflecting the
height' , hence it is nd
ficultv distinguishing v
ous al-Sharafs in Yemen,
meaning of "eminence,
rising that Yakut had dif-
s homonvms (set
/ lakut
l-Ham
Kuwait 1405/1085, 155i
Al-Shaiaf does not appeal in pre-Islamic inscrip-
tions, but Hadjur is attested once as Hgr Lmd (Ja
616/25) foi a small tribe belonging to the Daw'at
federation confronting the Sabaean king Nasha'karib
Yuha'min Yuharhib ta AD 260-270 (A. Jamme,
Sabaian inscriptions jwm Mahram Bilqis (Mdnb), Baltimore
1062, 113-17)
Bibliogiaph\ Given in the article. See also
RTO Wilson Gazetteer of historical North-West Yemen
in tht Islamic pniod to 1650, Hildesheim, etc. 1989.
(Ch Robin and Ahmad al-Ghumari)
al-SHARAF, the modern Aljarafe an ikllm or
countv situated within the kuia or province
of Ishbrhvva/Seville in the Gharb of medi-
aeval al-Andalus The extent of this ikllm varies:
in al-Razi, 7,000 km and in al-Idnsi, 1,650 km 2 .
Beginning from the neighbourhood of Seville, it
stretched to the limit of the kura of Labia in the
Guadiamar oi Tinto river vallevs
The Arabic souices describe the richness of its olive
tiees and the quahtv of then oil The Sevillans sold
this, after keeping it for two veais, not only within the
Ibenan peninsula but also as far as the Far Maghrib,
Egypt and the Atlantic legions of Christian Europe;
this was an exceptional case of a specialised culture
oriented towards distant maikets The most important
writers of agronomv m al-Andalus practiced their skills
in al-Sharaf, including Ibn Hadjdjadj (5th/ 11th cen-
turv), Abu '1-Khavr (5th-bth/l lth- 12th centuries) and
Ibn al-'Awwam (bth-7th/12th-13th centuries).
Withm the kiua of lshblliyv a, the link between politi-
cal authontv and the great landowners is clear. The
Banu '1-Hadjdjadj and the Banu Khaldun owned the
greater part of the land — according to the Arabic
sources, as the lesult of a mamage between an Arab
chief of the conquest period and Sara the Visigoth —
and these two families long governed Seville.
The enemies of the Sevillans on various occasions
launched raids which ravaged the iklim of al-Sharaf,
e.g. the Berbers, during the early part of the fitna,
Alfonso VI during the reign of al-Mu'tamid Ibn 'Abbad
[q.v.] and the Portuguese during the Almohad period.
The iklim was very densely populated in Hispano-
and I:
il-Idrls
a figure of over 800 kuwar or villages. In regard to
demography, two periods should be distinguished.
During the pre-Almohad period (i.e. from the Arab
conquest to the second half of the 6th/ 12th century),
al-Sharaf formed, as from Hispano-Roman times
onwards, a very populous region with many small vil-
lages spread along the watercourses which crossed the
region (the Majalberraque and the Repudio). The two
hisns at that time were Kawra (Coria del Rio) and
Hisn al-Kasr (Aznalcazar). The function of both was
to guard lines of communication, that of the Guadal-
quivir in the first case, and the Guadiamar in the
second, as well as the east-west land routes.
In Almohad times (second half of the 6th/ 12th cen-
tury to the mid-7th/13th one), there was a change.
The Almohads built two new fortified points, Shaluka
(Sanlucar la Mayor) after 1189 to defend this region
against Portuguese attacks; and Hisn al-Faradj (San
Juan de Aznalfarache) in 1195 as a garrison for the
troops of the ruler Abu Yusuf Ya'kub and to control
access to Seville across the Guadalquivir, becoming a
royal residence during that caliph's time. The popula-
tion of the region continued to be densely spread.
The territorial limits of the husun can be reconstructed
thanks to Christian documentation from the post-con-
quest period. Thus in regard to Hisn al-Faradj, its
territory covered 227.6 km 2 and included 69 karyas,
whose acreage for olive and fig cultivation is equally
known. Cuatrovitas (Bollulos de la Mitacion) is a
remarkable instance; a minaret and many surface
archaeological traces, from the Almohad period, can
Of the Andalusi fortifications of al-Sharaf, there are
important remains at Sanlucar la Mayor and San
Juan de Aznalfarache. Coria has disappeared, and one
can only see the tell on which the fortress was situ-
ated, and at Aznalcazar there are just some traces of
the walls and of the town gate.
Bibliography: M. El Faiz, L'Aljarafe de Seville. Un
jatdm d'essai pour les agronomes de VEspagne musulmane,
in Hespens-Tamuda, xxix (1992); M. Valor el alii Es-
paao rural y territorio en el-Aljarafe de Sevilla, in Asen-
tiamentos rurales y ternkmo en el mundo mediterrdneo, Berja,
Almeria, 2-4 .November 2000, Granada 2001.
(M. Valor and J. Ramirez)
SHA'RANIYYA, a mystical brotherhood (tanka
[q.v.]) whose eponymous master was the Stiff 'Abd al-
Wahhab b. Ahmad al-Sha'ranl (d. 973/1565 [q.v.]).
The Sha'raniyya cannot be defined as the branch
of an older, original tanka, since al-Sha'ranl had sev-
eral masters, notably those stemming from the
Suhrawardiyya [q.v.] and Ahmadiyya; he was, more-
over, himself affiliated to twenty-six orders in order
to pile up baraka [q.v.]. Although he was considerably
influenced by the Shadhiliyya [q.v.] and although his
successors retained clear links with the later manifes-
tation of that order, nothing authorises us to class the
Sha'raniyya amongst the Egyptian Shadhili groups
(see J.S. Trimingham, 77k Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford
1971, 279).
Starting from the zawiya that had been built for
al-Sha'ram at the Bab Sha'riyya in Cairo, the order
; handed down from father to son. Hereditary
ismission of the function of shaykh was in fact dom-
tit during the Ottoman period. None of the mas-
tual char:
were content to manage the order amongst rich nota-
bles and to keep up good relations with the ruling
classes. Through the prestige of their ancestor, they
nevertheless retained an initiatory role until the open-
ing of the 19th century. The historian al-Djabarti
[q.v.] mentions several shaykhs of the order, his own
contemporaries, at the end of the 18th century ('Adja'ib
al-athar ft taradjim wa 'l-akhbar, Cairo 1870, i, 364, ii,
213), and Lane makes a brief mention of them (The
manners and customs of the modern Egyptians, ch. X
The Sha'raniyya seem to have lost their identity
during the course of the 19th century, since 'All Basha
Mubarak, our main source for Egyptian Sufism in the
later 19th century, does not cite any Sufi order bear-
ing that name in his al-Khitat al-tauffkiyya al-djadida li-
Misr al-Kahira, Cairo 1887-9). Another indication of
its disappearance at this time is that the Shadhili
shaykh and author Muhammad b. Khalil al-Kawukdji
(d." 1305/1888) was the disciple of an 'Abd al-Wahhab
al-Sha'ram, who initiated him into the path of his
illustrious and hononymous ancestor, but this 'Abd
al-Wahhab seems to have grown up amongst the
Shadhiliyya rather than the Sha'raniyya (M. Winter,
writings of 'Abd al-Wahhib al-Sha'ram, New Brunswick,
N.J. 1982, 70). However, the anniversary of al-
Sha'rani's birth (mawlid) continued into the 20th cen-
tury (ibid., 85 n. 111).
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(E. Geoffroy)
al-SHARTUNI, Sa'Id b. 'Abd Allah b. MIkha'Tl
b. Ilyas b. Yusuf al-KhurI (1849-1912), linguist
Renaissance (nahda [q.v.]) in the 19th and early 20th
centuries, and a good example of the prominent group
of vocational intellectuals of this period. Born in
Shartun in Lebanon, he studied under American mis-
sionaries before devoting himself to a lifetime of schol-
arly activities. He taught in Damascus and in the
Jesuit schools of Beirut and Cairo, and also worked
for many years as a proof reader of Jesuit publica-
tions whilst carrying out his intellectual pursuits. Like
a number of his contemporaries, he worked for many
years as a newspaper editor and contributed articles
to respected journals, mainly on linguistic issues. His
eclectic interests are reflected further in his involve-
ment in the publication of a number of works on
Maronite history. Although most sources concur on
the years of his birth and death, variant dates given
for the former include 1848 or even 1847, and for
the latter as early as 1907.
His principal scholarly interests lay in the fields of
insha" [q.v.] "[the art of] composition, style" through
which he is generally held to have been a major influ-
ence on a new generation of "stylists"; grammar; and
lexicography. Some sources maintain that his most
enduring contribution to the Arabic linguistic heritage
is his dictionary entitled Akrab al-mawarid ft fusah al-
'arabiyya wa 'l-shawarid (Beirut 1992, 2 vols., based on
ed. Beirut 1889-91, 2 vols., with a supplement in
1893). In this work he sets out to demonstrate the
original purity of the Arabic language which, he argues,
was being eroded, particularly as a result of the grow-
ing influence of foreign languages on Arabic. This
was a common, if ultimately unachievable, goal of
some scholars of the language at that time who worked
assiduousl) to present it from further degeneration
thus undei lining the status of the Arabic language as
a form of nationalistic expression In his dictionary
al-Shartum scrutinised closel) the content of previous
lexicographical works based on the classical sources
claiming that the editors had made errors in their
transmission of material from the original manuscripts
In both these regards his scholastic approach to schol-
arship was no different fiom the techniques of mail)
of his contemporaries and pre-modem scholais This
work was heavilv influenced bv the famous dictionarv
Uuhit al muhit compiled bv his friend Butrus al-Bustam
[q i ] eg in the simplified presentation of the root
entries and the attempts to extiact the lnc leasing num-
bei of colloquialisms infiltrating the written language
The close fnendship between al-Bustam and al
Shartum also manifested itself in the various schol-
arly and personal disputes that arose between the
so-called conservative group of scholais which included
al-Shaitum al-Bustam and ll-iazidji [q i ] and the
reformists such as al-Shidv ak [qi] \1-Shartum also
produced an edition of a pre-modein lexic ogi aphical
work bv SaTd b Aws Abu Zavd al-Ansan id 3rd/9th
\auadn fi I lugha (Benut 1967 repr with
■s of Ben
1894 e,
a' J,
IPO 1 ) '
His
of stvhstic works is contained in three principal pub-
lications two on msha' and one on orator) The ped-
agogical intent of these works is unequivocal His A
al Mu'rn fi una' at al msha' (Beirut 1899] is a practical
manual for school pupils in which he addresses var-
of chapters in which pupils are required to identifv
lined words or phrases for instance He also gives
the outline of a number of scenanos of a piactical
or moral nature about which the student must wnte
a piece of composition or constiuct a lettei His other
majoi work on msha' al Shihab al thakib Ji sma'al al
katib (Beirut 1884) is an extensive collection of model
letteis on infoimal and formal subjects in a verv sim-
ilar stvle to that of man) of the works from the pre
modern epistolar) genre His manual on oratorv style
entitled al Qhusn al ratib Ji farm al khatib (Beirut 1908)
prescubes the rhetoncal stvhstic and structural com-
ponents of an oiation based mainlv on the pnnciples
of those of the pre-modern penod \n interesting fea-
ture is the description of metalinguistic elements such
as the lecommended tone of voice bod) language
and standing position of the oratoi He wrote a more
gentral woik on eloquence and st>le entitled Matah'
al adixa' ji manahidj al kuttab ixa I Mara (Beirut 1908)
using the question-and-answei technique throughout
the book In the intioduction he states that he wrote
it mainlv as a reaction to the growing negative influ-
ence of foieign languages on Arabic and out of a
desire to clanf) and simplif) the fundamentals of elo-
quence and good st)le His mam work on poetrv and
piose entitled Hada'ik al manthur u.a I man^um was
published in Benut in 1902 On giammar he also
wrote woiks of a practical nature such as his unpub-
lished eight-volume work for teachers and students on
moipholog) and syntax and a gloss on Geimanus
FaihSts [qi] Bahth al matahb But his best known
published giammatical tract is his al Sahm al sa'ib fi
takhti'at ghumat al tahb (Beirut 1874) This work is
a strident lefutation of much of al-Shidvak's Ghumat
al tahb in which al-Shartum empk>)s the polemical
technique of some of the grammanans fiom the pie-
modein period
Bibliography Kahhala Mu'foam almu'alhfin
Damascus 1%1 iv 226, i A Daghir Masadu al
dirasat al adabma alfikr al'arabi al hadith fi snar
a'lamihi Benut 1955 n 482-4 A Gull) \rabu hn
tfmhi issues and wntroieisus of thi lak mnetetnth and
tatly himheth centunu in JSS xln (1997) 113-15
PD Tarrazi Ta'nkh al sihafa al'arabma n Beirut
1913 154-5 i I Sarkis Mu'djam al matbu'at al'ara
bivvaita Imu'anaba 1 Baghdad 1965 repr of 1928
Cairo ed 1112-13 Zinkh aU'lam Benut 19b9
m 151 R Kasim Ittidiahat al bahth al lughaui al
hadith fi I'alam al'arabi Benut 1982 i 327 8 n
217-20 L Shavkhu Ta'nkh al adab al'arabma fi
I rub' al au.ua! mm al karri al 'ishnn Beirut 192b 67
R 'Atiwi Sa' id al Shartum in al Muqtataf xh (Nov
1912) 425-30 Brockelmann S II 769
(A J &LLLM
SHATM (A) an act of insult vilification
defamation abuse orrevilement Other woids
derived from the Arabic loot sh t m denote mutual
vilification [mushatama tashatum) a peison who vilifies
[shatim shattama) or who is vilified (mashtum shatim)
and are often treated as svnonvmous with corre-
sponding foims of the loot s b b (Lane iv 1503)
Shatm and sabb as phenomena of ordinarv lntei-
personal relations are described in works of different
literarv genres When directed against &od the prophet
Muhammad other Kur'amc prophets Muhammad s
Companions historical peisonahties oi objects vener-
ated bv the Muslim communit) or bv different groups
within this communit) shatm is considered as an act
of blasphemv and unbelief (hip) which ma) entail
legal prosecution Othei terms that aie used less fie-
phem) and that can be treated as svnonvmous with
shatm in a broadei sense aie la'n (cuising, maledic-
tion) ta'n (accusing attacking) idha (haimmg hurt-
ing) or the verb nala with the pieposition mm (to do
harm to somebodv to defame)
\i a punishable act religiouslv motivated insult is
a subject of Islamic legal literature However theie
is no occurrence of the term shatm oi other words
that aie derived fiom the loot sh t m in the primarv
matei lal sourc e of Islamic junsprudenc e ( fihh l e the
Kur'an The act of insult is described in the Holv
Book b) a woid derived fiom the root s b b in one
verse namel) sura \ I 108 ua la tasubbu al ladhina
tad'una mm dum Mlahi Ja tasubbu Mlaha 'adu< bi ghayn
'ilm abuse not those to whom the) piav apait from
Cod oi the) will abuse Cod in levenge without
knowledge Heie the Muslims aie told not to abuse
the idols that are venented b) the polvtheists Fuither,
it is implied that those who insult &od in this man-
ner are acting out of ignorance In I\ 12 the veib
ta'ana descnbes revilement of the Muslim faith as an
act of the pol> theists and the Muslims are urged to
fight then i e the pol) theists leaders The six canon-
ical hadith collections refer to offences of insult and
blasphem) described as shatm or sabb on several occa-
sions \n episode contained m a hadith collection that
does not belong to the canonical books but is regarded
as the liteiarv foundation of one of the Sunm madhhah
sc IbnHanbalsId 241/855 Uusnad (Cairo 1913 n
43b) repoits a case in which Abu Bakr the fust
caliph and one ot Muhammad s close Companions
Isahaba) is insulted by an unidentified person in the
piesence of the Piophet Abu Baki is smpnsed b)
the Prophets behaviour since Muhammad fails to
defend him against the stranger s abuse and at one
point appears to be amazed and smiles without an)
discernible reason When \bu Bakr begins to return
the abuse, Muhammad becomes angry and, eventu-
ally, springs to his feet. After the dispute has finished,
Abu Bakr asks Muhammad why he did not support
him, but instead became angry when he, Abu Bakr,
attempted to defend himself. Muhammad replies that
an angel had been with Abu Bakr replying in the
latter's place. But when Abu Bakr returned some of
the abominable words to his adversary the devil entered
the scene and he, Muhammad, was unable to remain
in a place where the devil is present. This episode
from Ibn Hanbal's Musnad, like other similar passages
in the canonical hadith collections, suggests that the
vilification of the Prophet or his Companions was
considered intolerable and therefore forbidden by some
of the religious scholars at the time when the respec-
tive hadith books were compiled. This impression is
corroborated by a report describing possible legal con-
sequences of insulting the Prophet Muhammad (sabb
al-rasul) in the 2nd/8th century. According to this
report, a certain Muhammad b. Sa'td b. Hassan al-
Urdunni was executed in 153/770, in all probability
because he had supplemented the hadith "I am the
seal of the prophets; there will not be any Prophet
after me" with the phrase "if God does not intend
otherwise" — an addition that, apparently, was consid-
ered blasphemous by the scholarly and political author-
ities at that time (J. van Ess, Theohgie und Gesellschaft
im 2. und3.JahrhundertHidschra, Berlin 1991, i, 136-7).
However, the extent to which these hadith reflect the-
ological disputes about the role of the Prophet and
his Companions in the first two centuries of Islam
still remains to be analysed in depth.
In any case, early legal literature confirms the
assumption that blasphemy against the Prophet
Muhammad was regarded an intolerable act in the
2nd/8th centurv The chapter on al muharaba of 'Abd
Allah b Wahbs (d 197/812) Muuatta' contains a
paragraph on the blasphemer in which the one who
insults Isabb) the Prophet Muhammad is threatened
with the death penalty Ibn Wahb states thu Malik
b Anas (d 179/795) held the opinion that a blas-
phemei against Muhammad be he Chnstian or
Muslim must not be granted repentance In the same
passage the caliph 'Umar b 'Abd al-'Aziz (r 101-
4/717-20) is reported as having stated that the vilifi-
cation of Muhammad but not of anv othei person
is to be punished (M Muranv '-Lbd illah b Wahb
(125/743 197/812) Leben und Htrk 41 Muuatta' Kitab
al muharaba, Wiesbaden 1992 287-8) Howevei a
3rd/9th-centur> legal manual the 'L tbnya b\ the
MtAikijakih Muhammad al- c Utbi (d 255/8b9 [qv])
mentions blasphemy against Muhammad s C ompamons
as a punishable act (al 'I tbiyya punted with Ibn Rushd
alBayan ua I tahsil Beirut 1986 xvi 420) Also an
opinion ascribed to the Hanafi legist al-Tahawi
(d 321/933 [qi]) suggests that hatred of the Com-
amons (bughd al sahaba) indicates unbelief (al-Subki al
Fataua, Beirut n d 11 590)
It has been obsened that blasphem\ against God
the Prophet Muhammad, and his Companions when
committed b> a Muslim was discussed b\ the legal
scholars in the context of apostas\ (ndda) and unbe-
lief ikujr) that is of two matters that were regarded
to warrant capital punishment under certain circum-
stances However in the idevant chapters of the for-
mative texts of the madhhabs insulting the Prophet or
the iahaba is not mentioned among the punishable
acts that constitute ndda or kujr Neither in Malik s
Muuatta' nor in Sahnun s (d 240/854) Mudauuana
nor in al-Shafi'i s (d 204/820) al Umm nor in al-
Shaybanis (189/805) hitab al hi is sabb al tasul oi
■ in the
sabb al-sahaba listed as an offence tantamoi
However, from information on legal pra<
3rd/9th century it may be inferred that the
that sabb al-sahaba must entail certain legal conse-
quences was held by particular functionaries. A bio-
graphical note on al-Harith b. Miskln, a Maliki jurist
who took over the judgeship of Egypt in 237/854,
informs us that during his tenure capital punishment
(hadd) was enforced against a person who had insulted
Muhammad's wife 'A'isha (al-Kindf, The governors and
judges of Egypt or Kitab el 'Umara' (el U'uldh wa Kitab el
Qudah of el Kindi), ed. R. Guest, Leiden 1912, 469-
70). The awareness of insulting the Prophet or his
Companions as an offence for which a penalty must
be established by the law appears to have become
stronger about the end of the 3rd/9th and the begin-
ning of the 4th/ 10th centuries. While al-Muzanl (d.
264/878), like his master al-ShafiT, does not mention
the blasphemer against God, His Prophet, or the
Prophet's Companions among those who apostatise
from Islam (murtadd), his fellow Shafi'I, Ibn al-Mundhir
(d. 318/930) briefly discusses insult against the Prophet
Muhammad in the chapter on the apostate in his
book on consensus, idjma'. The Muslim scholars, Ibn
al-Mundhir states, are in agreement that the one who
insults the Prophet should be put to death {al-lafina',
ed. Fu'ad "Abd al-Mu'min Ahmad, Katar 1402/1982,
122). A later work of the Shail'T madhhab, al-Nawawi's
(d. 676/1276) Minha§ al-talibin, counts the blasphe-
mer against any Prophet (not only Muhammad) among
the apostates (ed. L.W.C. van den Berg, Batavia 1889-
91, iii, 205). Yet al-Nawawi, like some of his later
commentators, does not discuss insulting Muhammad's
Companions in the chapter on ridda. However, the
llth/17th-century/4rA Shihab al-Din al-Kalyubi (d.
1069/1658) again explicitly includes insulting the
Prophet's Companions in the chapter on ridda. Shams
al-Din al-Ramli (d. 1004/1596) underscores the fact
that a person who claims that there are prophets after
Muhammad is classified as kafir (Nihayat al-muhtadj Ua
ma'nfat al-Minhadf, Cairo 1938, vii, 395). But whereas
the ShafiT faklh al-Shirbini (977/1570) counts those
who brand the sahaba as infidels among the unbe-
lievers (Mughni al-muhtad}, Cairo 1933, ii, 125), al-
Ramli does not mention blasphemy against the sahaba
among acts that constitute kufi. Again, al-Ramli's
11th/ 17th-century commentator, Nur al-Din al-
ShabramallisT (d. 1096/1685), treats blasphemy against
the Companions as an act of kufi.
Altogether it may be said that, at the latest since
the 7th/ 13th century, insult against the Prophet(s) is
often mentioned among the acts that constitute kufi
in the chapters on apostasy (ndda) of the Shafi'i man-
uals of positive law (furu'). Insult against the sahaba,
however, is mentioned only occasionally and appar-
ently only in manuals written from the llth/17th cen-
tury onwards in the chapters on ridda. However, the
veneration of the sahaba and the inadmissibility of
insulting them had become a salient point of idjmd'
among SunnT jurists by the 8th/ 14th century. As the
majority of the legal manuals quoted above contain
a paragraph that declares that the one who violates
the consensus of the Muslim community (idjma' al-
umma) is a kafir, the charge of unbelief can be extended
to include those who insult the Prophet's Companions.
A reading of historiographical works suggests that this
conclusion had an impact also on the relation between
SunnT and Shi'i Muslims. For example, Ibn Kathir
(d. 774/1373) reports in his al-Bidaya wa 'l-nihaya
(Beirut 1977, xiv, 250) the case of a Shi'i Muslim
from the town of Hilla, who in Damascus in 755/1354
SHATM — SHI'R
insulted some of the Prophet's closest companions like
Abu Bakr, 'Umar b. al-Khattab, and 'Uthman b.
'Affan as violators of the rights of the Prophet's descen-
dants. When he refused to revoke his blasphemous
the chief judges of the four Sunm madhhahs in the
Dar al-sa'ada. As a result of this session, the blasphe-
mer was sentenced to death by the Malik! deputy
chief judge (al-na'ib al-maliki) and executed immedi-
ately after judgement had been issued. His body was
burnt by the plebs of Damascus who later walked
through the city showing his head and exclaiming
that this would be the punishment of the one who
abuses the Companions of the Prophet. A closer look
at the religio-political situation of 8th/ 14th-century
Egypt and Syria suggests that insult against the
Prophet's Companions or even against the Prophet
Muhammad himself, on the part of some Shi' Is, or
accusations brought forward by the Sunnis against
alleged ShlT blasphemers, are an expression of the
strong ShiT-Sunm hostilities at that time.
The offence of insult against the Prophet and his
Companions continues to be an issue of legal debate
and political discourse in Islamic societies until the
present time. The controversy on Salman Rushdie's
novel The Satanic verses has been the most prominent
among a number of cases in which Islamic commu-
nities and their leaders have reacted to acts that were
conceived of as an insult against Muhammad and
other venerated personalities. As has been shown, the
legal foundations for this reaction date back to the
2nd/8th century.
Bibliography
thet
): Ibn 1
lymiyya
al-San
al-nu
<stafi.
>sul, Haydarabad 1322/1905; Abu
Musa b. 'Iyad, Kitab al-Shifa bi-ta'nf ' hukuk c
Istanbul 1312/1894; T. Andrae, Die tenon
Muhammad* in Lehre und Glauben seiner Gemeinde,
Stockholm 1917, 263-9; L. Bercher, L'apostasie, le
blaspheme et la rebellion en droit musulman malekite, in
RT (1923), 115-30; Maria I. Fierro, Andalusian
"Fatawa" on Blasphemy, in AI, xxv (1990), 103-17;
L. Wiederhold, Blasphemy against the prophet Muhammad
and his companions (sabb al-rasul, sabb al-sahabah):
The introduction of the topic into Shaft! legal literature and
its relevance for legal practice under Mamluk rule, in JSS,
xlii (1997), 39-70; Victoria LaPorte, An attempt to
understand the Muslim reaction to the Satanic verses,
Lewiston 1999; D.S. Powers, From Almohadimi to
Malikism. The Case of al-Haskufi, the mocking jurist, in
idem (ed.), Law, society and culture in the Maghrib,
1300-1500, Cambridge 2002; Wiederhold, Some
remarks on Maliki judges in Mamluk Egypt and Syria, in
S. Conermann and Anja Pistor-Hatam (eds.l. Die
Mamluken. Studien zu ihrer Geschichte und Kultur. ^um
Gedenken an Ulrich Haarmann (1943-1999), Schenefeld
2003, 403-13. (L. Wiederhold)
SHAYKHZADE II [see sheykh-zade. 3].
SHI'R.
5. In Malay and in Indonesian.
In line with their strong preference for theology
and Sufi mysticism over literature and philology, the
interest of the Muslims of the Malay-Indonesian world
in Arabo-Persian shi'r has been predominantly drawn
by religious poetry as found in the Arabic kasida and
its derivative verse forms. It was initially mainly in
the north Sumatran kingdom of Aceh [see atjeh] —
in the early 17th century the dominant power in the
region around the Straits of Malacca and an impor-
tant centre of Islamic learning — that this religious
poetry was closely studied (Braginsky 1996, 372-3) and
it was there that most local forms of Islamic poetry
were developed under its influence, subsequently to
spread among the Muslim communities of the
A case in point is the genre of Malay poetry, called
nazam (from the Arabic synonym for shi'r, nazm). It
consists of a long sequence of couplets (bayt [q.v.])
comprising two hemistiches, each usually numbering
from nine or ten up to twelve syllables, that rhyme
with each other on one of the following patterns: (a)
Couplets rhyming ab, ab are rare. The oldest speci-
mens of nazam, teaching good rulership, are found in
the Mirror for Princes, Taqj al-salatln (1012/1603-4)
by the Acehnese 'alim Bukhari al-Djawharl (Braginsk\
2000. 183-209). Some of these (pattern [a]) are "mod-
elled on the Persian mathnawi [q.v.], while others (pat-
tern [b]) resemble the poetry of Arabic versified
treatises of scholarly or religious content turdfuza [see
radjaz]), whereas still others ( pattern [c]) imitate the
Arabic kasida or ghazal [q.vv.] with its monorhyme
(Braginsky 1996, 377-80).
Malay nazam, containing religious teachings, praise
of the Prophet and suchlike, have subsequently con-
tinued to be written. In Malaysia and Indonesia they
are sung {nashld [q.v.]) as a monotone or with varied
melodies on a variety of occasions, alongside kasidas
in Arabic: in religious schools as a means of memo-
rising the basic tenets of Islam; at weddings; after the
completion of studies of the Kur'an [see mavvlid]; at
Mawlud celebrations, etc. Arabo-Malay or purely
Malay nazam are also sung at berdika gatherings (Malay,
from Arabic dhikr [q.v.]) to various melodies and
rhythms, accompanied by instrumental music and bod-
ily movements (Harun Mat Piah 1989, 282-309).
In 18th and 19th century Aceh, a genre of Acehnese
literature called nalam was practised, which, like the
Malay nazam, was probably also created using partly-
Arabic urdftiza, partly kasida as a model. Although the
nalanih verse line seems to be patterned on the Arabic
iaa\az and taivil [q.vv.] metres, it has remained closely
tied to indigenous conventions. According to the
demands of its metre isanja, from Arabic sadf [q.v.]),
it usually comprises two hemistiches and numbers six-
teen metric units of one to three syllables each, the
latter being arranged to form eight feet of a sort. The
fourth foot, that is, the last foot of the first hemistich,
is connected by a compulsory internal rhyme to the
sixth foot, that is, the second foot of the second
hemistich, while all lines have an external monorhyme
represented by words ending with the vowel a. Thus
the rajat (from the Arabic raafaz) metre of the nalam
is an eight-foot modification of the sanja metre and
its taivi (from the Arabic taivil) metre, one with nine
feet (Snouck Hurgronje, ii, 1906, 73-8; Djajadiningrat,
ii, 1934, 279, 462, 664, 988).
The most important new genre of poetry to emerge
in the early 17 th century Malay literature is the syah
(in the Malay version of the Arabic script, Jawi, this
word is usually written sh-y-'-r but sometimes sh-'-r].
The syah consists of a chain of quatrains, each of
them with monorhyme of the tvpe aaaa, hbbb, cccc . . .
The metre of its lines, which tend to comprise four
full words of a length of two to three syllables includ-
ing their bound morphemes, is based on a relative
tendency towards isosyllabism. Each line may contain
between nine to twelve syllables, a ten-syllable line
being the dominant tendency, and is divided by a
caesura into two roughly equal hemistiches that tend
to form complete syntactic units (Braginsky 1998, 225-
6). The following sample is from the poetry of the
Acehnese Sufi" mystic Hamza Fansuri [q.v.] (active ca.
1600), who is now generally accepted to have cre-
ated the genre: "Bahr al-Hakk terlalu dalam I
ombaknya menjadi 'alam I asalnya tiada bersiang
malam I di laut itu 'alam nin karam II Dengarkan
hai anak dagang I lautnya tiada bersurut pasang I
muaranya tiada bersawang-sawang I banyaklah orang
sana Krkarang" (Drewes and Brakel 1986, 134) ("The
Sea of the Truth is immensely deep, / The world
has sprung from Its waves, / Its beginning is foreign
to dav and to night, / And the world will sink again
in that Sea. / /Hear ye, oh wanderer, / There is
neither ebb nor flow in that Sea, / You won't see
the sky in the mouth of Its
anded o
eefs.";
There are different opinions on the origin of the
syair iTeeuw 1966; Al-Attas 1968; Sweeney 1971).
According to the argument of Braginsky (1996, 383-
7), if it is correct to read a corrupt passage describ-
ing the syair in Hamza Fansuri' s treatise Asrar al-'arifin
("Secret 'of the Gnostics") (Doorenbos 1933, 120-1) as
saying that in each of its bayts four sadj,' are used,
this indicates that Hamza may well in part have mod-
elled it on a variety of kasida or ghazal, widespread
in Persian, Ottoman and Urdu Sun" poetry, which is
called musammat [q.v.] or shi'r-i musadjdja' in Persian
poetics (Tabriz! 1959, 128). Because in the classical
musammat. as written, for instance, by 'Iraki and DjamI
[q.vv.], a bayt is divided into four lines with sadj.' placed
at the end of the first three lines and a monorhyme
[kafiya [q.v.]) in the fourth, Hamza here probably
he had made use of one and the same sadj.' in all
four lines, doing away with the final monorhyme, a
feature that was hard to assimilate in Malay litera-
ture. A poem of this type was written by the 11th
century Persian poet ManucihrT [q.v.] (Browne, LHP,
ii, 42). Perhaps because the four-line musammat was
known as murabba' ("four-fold"), Hamza's followers
called his poems ruba' (with the same meaning).
Consisting of a chain of between thirteen to twenty
stanzas and ending with mentioning his name, Hamza's
syairs resemble the ghazal "with sadj'", with its chain
of between four and fifteen stanzas, which since the
time of 'Attar (d. ca 627/1230 [q.v.]) ends with the
writer's takhallus [q.v.] or pen-name.
Hamza's syairs lack any traces of Arabo-Persian
metrics ('arud [q.v.]). They manifest their relation to
indigenous Malay poetry, inter alia in the use of a
specific "interrupted" or "assonanced" rhyme (see the
italicised rhyme words in the sample above) and the
similarity to the "tirade poem", a verse form widely
used in popular poetry of the Archipelago. Like in
Old French and Turkic epic "tirades" or in the sad}'
of the Kur'an, the individual verse lines in Malay-
Indonesian "tirade poems" are united, by continuous
rhyme or assonances, into groups of varying lengths.
Therefore Hamza's syair bayts may be viewed as a
regularisation of the loosely structured "tirade poems"
into a chain of quatrains, each having its own con-
tinuous rhyme, through adopting features of ghazal
with the non-classical shi'r-i musadjqja' (Braginsky 1998,
229-31).
After Hamza Fansuri and his followers, such as
Hasan Fansuri and 'Abd al-Djamal, had in the 17th
century popularised the syair as an instrument for Sufi
homiletics and allegory, it spread rapidly through the
Archipelago wherever Malay literature was produced.
Developing into a poem that could attain a length of
thousands of quatrains, by the late 1 8th and the early
19th centuries it had become a verse form covering
a wide range of topics, as can be gleaned from the
catalogues of the collections of Malay manuscripts
(Chambert-Loir and Oman Fathurahman 1999). It
could now teach Islamic dogma, instruct the reader
about how to perform his prayers or admonish him
of the terrors that could await him in the grave. It
could tell of the lives of Muslim prophets, of histor-
ical events such as wars with the Dutch, of fictional
loves between princes and princesses in the days of
yore or, in parodied romance, between animals or
flowers, and it could aim the barb of satire at his-
torical or political events in allegorical animal fables
(Braginsky, 1998, 236; Harun Mat Piah 1989, 243-
66; Koster 1997).
In the transition of Malay literature to modernity
that began to manifest itself in the major colonial
cities of the Archipelago beween 1850 and 1870, con-
comitant with the rise of the printing press and the
newspaper, the syair was enthusiastically taken up by
non-Muslim writers as well (ethnic Chinese and
Eurasians) and was published in profuse numbers, in
lithographs, printed booklets and newspapers. At the
same time, it underwent yet another widening of its
thematic scope, treating, for instance, sensational events,
as it adapted itself to its urban milieu and usage
(Harun Mat Piah 1989, 262-4; Lombard-Salmon 1977,
passim; Salmon 1981, 25-6 and passim; Proudfoot 1993).
In the love stories in the early novels of Modern
Indonesian and Malay literature written around 1920,
syairs were inserted at moments of climax, and both
literatures used them for lyric (sometimes nationalistic)
poetry, in Indonesia until about 1930 and in Malaya
until about 1950 (Harun Mat Piah 1989, 260-l;Johan
Jaafar et al. 1992, i, 67-83, ii, 58-60; Teeuw 1967,
49-5 1 ). In the modern poetry of the Malay-Indonesian
world, except that of the Sultanate of Brunei (Harun
Mat Piah 1989, 258), there is now no longer any
place for the syair, but its place as an Islamic genre
of poetry is still acknowledged; among the Malays,
syairs continue to be performed at important religious
feasts and events in the Islamic lifecycle alongside
kasldas in Arabic and nazam (Harun Mat Piah 1989,
266-82).
On Java's northern coast and in east Java, in par-
ticular in Ponorogo which is well known for its reli-
gious schools, a form of Islamic poetry is found called
singir or geguritan, treating themes '
. To what (
5 genre
related to Arabo-Persian shi'r is still an open ques-
tion. Like the syair, it consists of verse lines of between
eight to ten syllables in length. These may be grouped
into rhyming couplets or, as in the syair, into qua-
trains, but may also be arranged into groups of vari-
able lengths as in "tirade poems". The singir is
performed by singers to the accompaniment of musi-
cal instruments [angklung, terbang) (Darnawi 1964, 53-4;
Pigeaud 1938, 304, 321).
Bibliography; P.P. Roorda van Eysinga, Tadj oes-
Salatin. De boon alter koningen ("Tadj oes-Salatin. The
crown of all kings"), Batavia 1827; Browne, LHP,
ii, London 1906; C. Snouck Hurgronje, The
Achehnese, ii, Leiden 1906; J. Doorenbos, De geschriften
van Hamzah Pansoeri, Leiden 1933; H. Djajadiningrat,
Atjehsch-Nederlandsch woordenboek, ii, Batavia 1934;
Th.G.Th. Pigeaud, Javaansche volksvertoningen, Batavia
1938; Wahid Tabriz!, Jam-i Mukhtasar, Traktat o
■e ("A
A. Ye. Berthels, Moscow 1959; S. Darnawi, Pengantar
puisi Djawa ("Introduction to Javanese poetry")
Djakarta 1964; A. Teeuw, The Malay sha'ir. Problems
of origin and tradition, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-
en lolkenkunde txxn (1966) 429-46 idem Modem
Indonesian literature i The Hague 1967, SMN Al-
Attas The origin of the Malar sha u Kuala Lumpur
1968 A Sweeney Some obsenations on the Malar
sha'ir in Jnal Malaysian Branch of the R.4S xliv/1
1 1971) 5290 C Lombaid Salmon La htteratun en
Malais romamse des Chmois de Malame Premiere enquete
in Auhipd xiv (1977) 79-109 G Salmon Literature
in Malar br the Chinese of Indonesia 4 pionsional annotated
biblwgraphr Pans 1981 GWJ Diewes ind LF
Biakel Tht poems of Hamzah Fansun Dordiecht-
Ginnaminson 1986 Harun Mat Piah Puisi Melaru
tradismnal Satu pembuaraan genre dan fun'^si ( Inditional
Mah\ poetry A discussion of its genres and then
function ) Kuala Lumpur 1989 Johan Jaafar
Mohd Tham Ahrmd and Safian Hussain (eds )
Histon of modem Malar literature i n Kuah Lumpui
1992 I Proudloot Earh Malar printed books Kuala
Lumpur 1993 \ I Braginsky On the Qasida and
cognate poetic forms in the Malar Indonesian uorld in
S Sperl and C Shackle (eds) Qanda poetn in hlamu
Asia and ijrica l Leiden 1996 370-88 GL Koster
Roaming through seductive gardens Readings in Malar nai
mine Leiden 1997 Braginsky lang indah berjaedah
dan kamal Sejarali sastra Melaru da/am abad 7 19 I The
beautiful the profitable and the perfect A histon,
of Malay hteratuie Irom the 7th to the 19th
Centuries ) Jakaita 1998 Braginsky Tajus Salatin
( The crmin of sultans ) oj Bukhan al Jauhan in D
Smyth (ed ) The canon in Southeast Asian literatures
London 2000
(\ I Bracinsky ind GL Roster)
SHURA-m DEWLET [see madjlis al-shura]
SlBA Bilad al- a term bonowed Irom local speech
b\ the French colonial authonties to designate the
absence ol control b\ the Sultan ol Morocco
over a considerable part of his teintoiv at
the end ol the 19th century It piesupposes a con
genital disordei threatening the existence ol the ius
picious empire The origins ol the term go back to
explorers like Charles de Fouiauld academic profes
sors like Allred Le Chateher and Augustm Beinaid
and military men like Lyautev eager to conquei
Morocco from the contiguous French temtorv ol
Algena It loims the concept behind the Comite du
Maroc a lobby operating it a le\el below the deci
sion makers in Pans with the idea of extending Fiench
power ovei the land gi\en shape in the Protectorate
of 30 March 1912 These expeits put together an
nmgery based on a dichotomy between the Bilad al-
siba and the Bilad al-makhzan [see makhzan] The
itside the authority ol the Sultan
e froi
onscnptio
ashion im
fashion and recruited tribal militias driving rural sc
of n
Colonial teiminolog\ equated the antagonistic
dichotomy of the two terms with a semi racial clea\
age setting the autochthnous Beibeis against the Aiab
invaders who imposed themselves on a iefractorv
indigenous element The Beibeis lived undei cus-
tomary law 'urj whilst the Aribs were submit to the
Shan'a an expression ol Muslim theocracy and a pli
ant system under the Sultans despotism which the
Beibeis continuously re]ected It was postulated that
the Berbers were spirits basically inspired by laicity
under their Islamic coating and that they had attained
a form of republican local democracy in then strong-
holds of mountain towns and regions This vision of
Moiocco give further life to the Kabyle myth so
active in the constituting of Fiench Algena and con
verged on i policy ol sepanting the Berbeis the
good savages in then mountain ietieats from the
Arabic-speaking peoples of the plains ind the gieit
Muslim cities as illustrated in the fimous Beibei dahu
ol 1930 [see zahir], which did much do crystallise
national sentiment in Morocco
The Bilad al siba rightly appealed to post colonial
Moi ocean histonans as a fantastic intellectual con
strut tion meant exclusively to bolstei the Berber pol
icy ol the French Protectoiate However the term
Makhz-m m the 19th century loi stigmatising local
tribal groups hostile to ill the local authonties \l a id
muladdim ^aaira and labu o\ei tubal sections) who
interpose themselves between the Makhzan
e of st
In hct
e going
back
J Anchh
>m the
11th century onwards becam.
vocabuhry ol Maghnbi 'ulama fiom the lath century
onwards for condemning the backward rural areas
living in a state close to djahihrra since they ignored
injunctions ol the Shan'a and transgressed the pie
scnptions ol fikh
These Maghnbi scholars were correctly following
the ongiml sense ol the term sa'iba one which
denoted within a semantic and spatial complex suc-
cessively i beast brought out ol the herd lor offer
ing to the gods of ancient Arabia a fieed slave but
-loose and without i patron in early Islam
by e
lebel c
the breaking ol allegi ince
ind from thit time onwards the territory wheie this
dissidence wis ule when the term passed from the
East to the West via al-Andalus Bilad sa iba appeals
probably lor the first time in a commentary ol Maliki
hw on Sihnuns Mudau n ana by Abu Tmran al-Fasi
(d 430/1039) i scholar of Moroccan origin settled
in kaviawan
The Term Bilad al siba was nevei howevei used
by those Maghnbis to whom it applied Most ol these
were vacillating and uncontiolled subjects They weie
vitilrating because they oscillated between l allying to
the sovereign and rejecting the cential powei s local
agents between being dogs and wolves when they
could not be sheepdogs to use Ernest Gellner s
metaphoi They were uncontrolled as the maxim in
the Tunisian Djend s-iys la bait la rary They feaied
subjection to the cential power which would entail
their being shorn like sheep by its local agents This
is why except lor some islands in the mountains and
along the Sub Saharan fnnges the Bilad il siba nevei
corresponded to i fixed terntornl entity which could
raise up a lasting counter-lorce able to divide up the
aiea over which three powers chimed contiol since
the 16th century In a ceitain way the Bihd al-sibi
was everywheie as ippeaied Irom the difficulty of
travelling without a sale conduct negotiated with the
tubal peoples It insinuated itself over almost all the
territory through the institution of the mahalla \q i ]
a splendour which inspired local nches but also redis-
tributed them in such a way that all the prince s
subjects were in a relationship more oi less asymmet-
rical according to place and time with the sovereign
and his local repiesentatives In practice when it
became a concrete entity the Bilad al siba was sought
after foi bunging to heel the Bilad al-makhzan Some
rebellious tribes icted as guard dogs ovei the tribes
which had submitted showing how fai they wert
SIBA — SIHAFA
in the Ottoman Maghrib, and by the Sultan, the
Commander of the Faithful, in Morocco
Bibliography Ch de Foucauld, Reconnaissance du
Maroc, 1883-1884, Pans 1888, R Montagne, Les
Berberes et le MaUizen dans le sud du Maroc Essai sur
la in politique det Berberes stdtntairts (groupe chleuh),
Pans 1930, E Gellner, The samh oj the Allay London
1%9, Abdallah Laioui, Lss ongmes soaales el culturtlks
du nationahsme marocain (1830-1912), Pans 1977,
J Beique, Vinteneur du Maghreb, AT-A7A'' «/«,
Pans 1978, Abderrahaman El Moudden, Etat et
u Maroc
i A/A™'
, Le prime et la bete Enquett
lie, in Stud Isl , lxxxm (199b)
(D Rivet)
had only a
D the press
■n newspapers
10 to 190b, the
i, although lew
(ruzndma-ha) were published From
press began publishing lor all Pers
could aflord a newspaper By the end oi tne centur\
almost forty newspapers and journals had been pub-
lished From 190b to 1925 the number oi newspa-
pers grew enormously and editors were able to
influence the course of events in the countr\ During
the period 1925-41, the press was reduced to an
instrument in the hands of a strong authoritarian state
The period 1941-53 marked the country's return to
a free and expanding press From 1953 to 1977 the
press was basically muzzled, alter 19b5 it became a
cheerleader lor the regime From 1978 to the present
the press experienced, fust, lour years of freedom, fol-
lowed by the severest censorship it had ever known
Since 1998, however, the press has become more ex-
pansive and is trying to become a free agent oi change
The first Persian newspaper, Akhbar-i Wakayi', was
published in Muharram 1253/Apnl-May l"837 in
Tehran iJKiS, v [1839], 355-71), but it lasted less
than two vears It was only in February 1851 that a
new government weekly newspaper, Wakayi' -i Ittifakma,
was published The stated purpose oi the newspaper
was to explain government activities By royal order,
all leading government bureaucrats had to subscribe
to the newspapers From 1871, the press was under
the control oi the newly -created Mimstr\ oi the Press
with its censorship office The rationale ior censor-
ship was published in issue 522 (22 December 1863)
oi the government newspaper Daivlal-i 'Alna-yi Iran,
sc to bar publications harmful to infants and con-
trary to religion The text was addressed not to read-
ers but to listeners, which confirms what Eichwald
noted in 1826, sc that literature or news was read
out loudly foi the entire community (E Eichwald,
Rene auj dem Caspischen Meere und in den Caucasus unter
nommen m den Jahien 1825-1826 2 vols , Stuttgart und
Tubingen 1834, l, 384) Given the very low level of
literacy (about 5"o), this is understandable, and con-
firms that the actual readership of the newspapers
was much larger than the number of subscribers The
"journalists" were civil ser\ants reporting on non-
gion, foieign, literatme, science) After 1880, political
reformists started to publish newspapers but to avoid
the censors they printed their papers outside Iran
Once published, they smuggled them into Iran These
newspapers published abroad had an enormous influ-
ence inside Iran and on the refoimist movement
After 189b censorship was reduced, although the
restrictive press rules (to inhibit things harmful to
morality and the state) were repeated in 1901, when the
government at the same time banned the importation
of all Persian newspapers published abroad With the
establishment of the constitutional government in 190b
[see dustur lv Iran] the press was basically free (art
20 of the 190b Constitution) In 1907, theie were
some 84 newspapers, whereas only 40 in all had been
published prior to that date During this period of
intermittent press freedom in Iran (1896-1925), polit-
ical activity merged with journalistic vocation The
various interest groups, which soon developed into
parties, defined a number of emerging social themes
and political ideas, which they explained and piopa-
gated in the editorials of various journals Thus the
often fiery editorial page of most journals became the
main battleground for the opposing schools of thought
With the suppression of parliament in 1908, Muham-
mad 'All Shah [q v ] also suppressed the press, and
s leadi
cuted After the overthrow of the Shah in 1909, the
press started a new life This period was the coming
of age of the press, and representatives from left and
right of the spectrum were to be found Until the
First World War, a total of 37 1 newspapers and jour-
nals were published During the First World War the
Allies often suppressed the press, because of its wide
use of slander and invective After 1918, the press
resurged, but in the early 1920s, government pres-
sure on the media intensified Rida Khan, the Minister
of Wai, had a journalist flogged, while the outspo-
ken poet-journalist Tshki [q v in Suppl ] was killed in
1924, allegedly by the authorities One year later, the
PahlavF regime was established, which did not allow
any discussion of political subjects, and certainly not
criticism of government The numbei of newspapers
dropped from 150 to 50 between 1925 and 1941
They served to propagate the government's pro-
grammes and were censored by the Department of
Press and Propaganda prior to publication
After the fall of Rida Shah [q i ] (1941), the press
was controlled by the Allies (1941-b) and by martial
law (1941-8), although there was considerable free-
dom of expression The Allies, as well as national
interest groups, wanted certain positions taken, and
thus editorials were again mostly marked by their
extremely partisan tones and aggressive styles Most
newspapers were small, limited in circulation, and
short-lived The journalist {ruzndma-mun\, ruznama-mgar)
was usually both editor and publisher The topics were
mainly analysis and criticism of personalities in public
hie, and discussion of contemporary social-economic-
pohtical problems Although nobody wanted censor-
ship or banning of newspapers, both methods were
used, for the new 1941 Press Law could not rein in
excessive vituperation in the press However, suppressed
papers would often immediately reappear under the
name of a legally-licensed other periodical Attempts
to bring about a more responsible press failed, because
often financing of papers was provided to attack cer-
tain political issues (blackmail of politicians, subsidies
from foreign powers) The strongest group was the
pro-Soviet Tudeh (Tilda) press that formed the Freedom
Front in 1943. There also was a pro-British, nation-
alist coalition of papers, and some independents. The
suppression of separatist movements in Adharbaydjan
and Kurdistan in 1946 led to a clamp-down on the
local language press. This had a negative impact on
the journalistic role of Tabriz that had been in the
forefront from the beginning.
In the first few years after the fall of Musaddik's
[?.!'.] government (1953), which had widespread press
support, press restrictions were mainly imposed through
the application of martial law. Later, the responsibil-
ity for enforcing censorship was divided between the
Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Culture,
together with the newly-founded security agency,
SAVAK. The usual grounds for suspension were: slan-
der of the monarchy, or of relations of Iran with
friendly countries, and inflammatory articles against
the government or religion. These were incorporated
into the 1955 Press Law. In this period of extended
press censorship and government control, the tone
and style of editorial writing underwent considerable
change towards blandness and conformity to what was
tolerated, and often government-designed norms of
political, cultural and social expression. In March 1963,
the Press Law was amended. It formulated the crite-
ria for persons who could obtain a license to publish
and it limited the number of periodicals; the grounds
for suppressing newspapers remained the same.
Most papers had serious financial difficulties due
to low circulation, except for a few large ones. In
1963, Kayha ' ' "— : " "
:ion. Five
.mted fc
than 50% of
financial pressure (rising cost, falling reven
petition from radio and TV), newspapers
government-written articles. Consequently, the quality
of the newspapers was bad, in part because there was
a shortage of staff, which was lowly paid. Papers used
"scissor editors" to cut articles from other newspapers.
Also, they used translators to translate foreign articles,
so that there was often more news on foreign countries
ary and humorous ones, also depended much on dona-
tions and government articles to survive. Hence papers
improved their appearance rather than their substance.
' :o loss of readership, due to mis-
X of
gove
g of w
people's daily lives. The two major dailies, along with
some quality periodicals, created and supported a class
of professional journalists who challenged the gov-
ernment by focusing on failures and shortcomings in
regard to what government had promised to deliver.
In response to criticism from the government to
encourage better reporting and tell the "truth", the
papers reacted by telling the government, as the major
newsmakers, to provide more, better, and timely infor-
mation, to allow better and freer contacts with gov-
ernment agencies, and to respect the letter and spirit
of the Press Law.
After the fall of the PahlavT regime in 1979, more
than two hundred periodicals were published whose
variety and number were unprecedented in the mod-
ern history of Iran. Press freedom was, however, short-
lived. Soon the country's ruling clergy ordered the
closure of more than twenty publications, and more
followed later, despite the 1985 Press Law that banned
censorship. Art. 4 defined the press limits, including,
slander of the Leader and 'ulama' , inflammatory arti-
parliament. Only two unions are officially recognised,
the Islamic Society of Journalists and the Professional
Society of Journalists, belonging to hardliners and the
Islamic reformist factions respectively. The Iranian
press under President Khatami (since 19971 is freer
nalism is flourishing. The struggle between the con-
servatives and those who favour greater press freedom
has become a major issue in Iran, resulting in ban-
ning of newspapers and jailing of journalists. Following
the 1999 student uprising, parliament passed new laws
banning any publication other than those specifically
sanctioned, holding the licensee, editors, writers and
even typists directly responsible for any unauthorised
From 1956, a School of Journalism offered a four-
1960, ;
adva
ced c
added. There were 137 graduates in 1969, when
Tehran University announced that it would close the
school. The two major dailies also offered courses on
journalism in the 1960s. The major papers also started
to hire more qualified, academically trained staff.
Although the Universities again offer Journalism as a
subject for study, its effect is minimal. Since 1966,
about 900 people have graduated from journalism
courses in Iranian universities, of whom 93" » are not
working for the press. Although 68"-o of current jour-
nalists have a university education, only 4.6" o have
received academic education in communications.
Bibliography: I'timad al-Saltana, K. al-AthS' wa
1-ma'athir, Tehran 1306/1889, 117; L.P. Elwell-
Sutton, Tlie press in Iran today, in JRCAS, xxxv ^948),
209-19; Ittila'at, Ittila'at dm yak rub' (cam, Tehran
1329/1950; Mehrangiz Doulatschahi Ansari, Die reli-
gions-politische Entwicklung del Publirjstik in Iran and dii
Enhtehung del frcien Press mfolge der Revolution von 1906,
diss. Heidelberg 1953; Iran Almanac, issues 1963-76;
Mas'ud Barzin, Sayri dar matbu'at-i Iran, Tehran
1344/1965; Elwell-Sutton, The Iranian press 1941-47,
in Iran JBIPS, vi (1968), 65-104; Barzin, Matbu'at-
i Iran 1343-1353, Tehran 1354/1975; Yahya Arya-
napur, Az saba la mma, 2 vols. Tehran 1354/1975;
KfiTl Kiihan, Tankh-i-sansur dar matbu'at-i Iran, 2
vols. Tehran 1360/1981; W.H. Behn and W.M.
Floor, Twenty yean of Iranian power struggle, Berlin
1982; Muhit fabataba'i, Tarikh-i tahlili-yi matbu'at-
i Iran, Tehran 1366/1987; Mushaffak Hamadani,
Khdtirat-i rum karn-i liiznama-nigari, Los Angeles
1370/1991; P. Avery, Printing, the press and literature
in modern Iran, in Camb. hist. Iran, vi, Cambridge
1991, 815-61; Mehdi Mohsenian-Rad and Ali
Entezari, Problems of journalism education in Iran, in
Rasaneh. A Reseaich' Ouarterh of Mass Media Studies,
v/2 (1994), 75; IrSr^nama, xvi/1-2 (1998i, special
issue on journalism; Cyrus Masroori, art. History of
icnsorship in Iran up to 1941, in D. Jones led.). Cen-
sorship. An international encyclopedia, '
i\V. Flo(
) [set
5. Turkev.
la, Up to ,
(b) Since t
The 1960s
The military take-over of 27 May 1960 put an end
:o the period when freedom of the press had been
seriously threatened in Turkey due to the increasingly
repressive policy of the Dcmokrat Parti [rj.v.] (DP). For
he most part the Turkish press welcomed the coup
ind the resultant "Government of National Unity"
Mill! Birlik Hukumeti). The Constitution of 1961 (arti-
cles 22-7) guaranteed freedom of the press, and laws
restricting it were abolished. A new press law assured
the rights of journalists in their working place, much
to the chagrin of certain newspaper barons. The restric-
tive Penal Code remained in force. The "Press Adver-
tising Organisation" (Basin Ildn Kurumu) was established
in 1961 for the purpose of an impartial distribution
of advertisements from public institutions and organ-
isations. The Turkish press decided to institute a sys-
tem of self-control: a code of press ethics [Basm ahldk
vasasi) was signed by all major newspapers.
The principal successor to the DP, the "Justice
Party" (Adalet Partisi: AP), which won the general elec-
tions of 1965 and remained in power until the muhtira
of 1971 (see below), remained tolerant towards the
press. The leftist press, often supporting the newly-
founded "Labour Party of Turkey" ( Tiirkiye Isci Partisi;
TIP), flourished during the 1960s in a hitherto
unknown way: the weekly 1'on (1961-7) founded by
Dogan Avcioglu (1926-83), was one of the most dis-
cussed periodicals in Turkey for a while. It was fol-
lowed by Ant (1967-71), and Devrim (1969-71) (see on
these J.M. Landau, Radical politics in modem Turkey,
Leiden 1974, 49-87). Among the newly-founded papers
of the 1960s, the 1'eni Gazete (1964-71) was the first
daily paper printed in the offset technique. Another
new type of paper for Turkey was the tabloid (bulvm
gazetesi) Gunaydin, founded in November 1968 by
Haldun Simasi Among its editorialists (kose yazarlan)
was Aziz Nesin (1916-95) who also edited its weekly
humoristic supplement Ustura. The rise of the con-
servative-nationalist paper Tercuman (founded in 1955)
also began after 1961. Hurriyet [see djarida. iii] was
the first newspaper whose circulation exceeded one
million in the middle of the 1960s (Gevgilili, Tiirkiye
basim, 225). Telesision was introduced in Turkey in
1968, but there was only one black-and-white chan-
nel until the mid-1980s.
The 1970s
Increasing \iolence in the country brought about
a second military intervention, through the memo-
randum (muhtaa) issued by the armed forces on 12
March 1971. Martial law was proclaimed in eleven
prosinces. This intervention did not abolish the par-
liament, but governments of that period exerted pres-
sure, especially on the leftist press. Journalists were
arrested, papers banned and publications forbidden.
The 1973 elections paved the way for a return to
parliamentary democracy. The work of journalists was
then, however, seriously disturbed by something like
a ci\il war which ravaged the country. Numerous
journalists, both rightists and leftists, became \ictims
of attempts on their lives. A climax was reached with
the assassination of Abdi Ipekci (1929-79), editor of
Milliyet [see djarida. iii] by Mehmed Ali Agca (who
later attempted to kill Pope John Paul).
Social and political polarisation was also reflected
in the media. Apart from the conservative papers
Tercuman, Son Havadis, Hakikat (founded in 1970, it
changed its name to Tiirkiye in 1971), and Giines
(founded in 1975), there were left-wing periodicals like
the dailies 1'eni Ortam (1972-6; close to the Deimmci
Isciler Sendikalan Konfedeiamnu [DISK]) and Politika
(1975-7), whose director Ali Ihsan Ozgiir was assas-
sinated in 1978. A paper close to the AP was 1'eni
Asya (founded in 1970). The Islamist Milli Seldmet Partisi
(MSP) had the support of the Milli Gazete (founded
in 1973). The ideas of the neo-fascist Milli Hareket
Partisi (MHP) were voiced by Hergun, Millet (1975-86)
and Ortadogu (1972), whose director Ihsan Darendelioglu
was assassinated in 1979. Several old-established news-
papers ceased publication in the 1970s: the mouth-
piece of the CHP, Vim (1934; founded in 1920 in
Ankara as Hakimiyyet-i milliyye), ended its existence in
July 1971, Vatan 7l923 [see djarIda. iii]), whose ori-
entation had changed several times since 1950, in
1978. Important news magazines of the 1970s were
Yanki (founded 1971 by the correspondent of Time,
Mehmet Ali Kislah), 7 Gun and Toplum. Girgir, founded
in 1972, was to become, after Krokodil and Mad, the
third largest satirical paper in the world.
The 1980s
After the third intervention of the military on 12
September 1980 (12 Eylul), all political parties were
banned. Printing houses of newspapers were closed
down, and four papers (the leftist papers Demokrat,
Politika, Aydinhk and Hergun, the organ of the MHP)
were banned immediately after the coup. Between 12
September 1980 and 12 March 1984 publication of
eight national papers was suspended seventeen times,
for 195 days. In total, 181 journalists and writers were
arrested and 82 of them sentenced during the same
period (details in Basin '80-84, 197-230).
The influence of the military decreased after the
general elections of 1983 were won by Turgut Ozal's
"Motherland Party" (Anavatan Partin; ANAP) with a
clear majority. This \ictory inaugurated a new period
of economic liberalisation. The Turkish press had a
share in the relatively rapid re-democratisation of the
regime and became a significant factor in politics.
Most papers were eventually fiercely opposed to the
ANAP governments. In the late 1980s, Prime Minister
Ozal used the control of paper supplies against the
hostile press. The freedom of the press continued to
be restricted on the basis of the restrictive Constitution
passed in 1982 (esp. articles 22, 24-30), the Press Law,
the "Law on Harmful Publications", and the Penal
Code (esp. articles 312 and 158). A series of gov-
ernment regulations in the spring of 1990 and later
the "Law on Terrorism" also brought censorship to
the press. In 1984, the "Kurdistan Workers' Party"
(PKK), founded in 1978, had started its first action.
A number of papers was founded in the 1980s
among which Dimva (1981), Sabah (1985), Z"man (1986;
see below) are "still published today (2003). The
circulation of Sabah, founded by the dynamic Dine
Bilgin (b. 1940), publisher of the Izmir-based 1'eni
Asir, exceeded that of Hurriyet in 1987. Aksam, by then
the oldest newspaper of Turkey (founded in 1918 [see
djarida. iii]), ceased publication in 1982, l'em Istan-
bul (founded 1949) in 1986, and Son Havadis in 1988.
In the second half of the 1980s most papers adopted
the editorial system (computer system, first used by
1'eni Asir). The tabloid Giines (1982-91) gave new impe-
tus to give-away and lottery campaigns in the Turkish
press which only Cumhuriyet refused to join. There was
an explosion of weekly and monthly magazines in the
1980s, including cultural resiews of superior quality.
2000'e Dogru (1986) was one of the best-known news
magazines. A Turkish version of Playboy came on the
market in 1985. The world of the press was shaken
by the Asil Nadir affair in 1989. This Cypriot busi-
ness man had acquired, thanks to his contacts with
government circles, the tabloids Giinaydm and Tan, as
well as several magazines, including the news maga-
zine Nokta (founded in 1983 with the French Le Point
as a model).
Most papers had left at that period the Avenue of
the Sublime Porte (Bdbidli Caddesi) in Istanbul, the
Turkish Fleet Street. In 1988 a Press Museum (Basin
Miizesi) was opened in the same area thanks to the
Newspapersmen's Association (Gazeteciler Cemiyeti).
The 1990s and beyond
The downfall of the ANAP government in 1991
has been in part attributed to the mobilisation of pub-
lic opinion by the press Tansu (filler became the first
female prime minister in 1993 The end of Kemahsm
seemed to have arrived with the general elections of
December 1995 when Necmettin Erbakan s Islamist
"Welfare Party" (Rejah Partisi, RP) obtained 21% of
the votes. A coalition government, the first Islamist-
led government in Republican Tuikey was formed
in July 1996. But once more, the mill tan staited to
play a more active role An ultimatum issued by the
generals in Februarv 1997 to restrict the influence of
Islamists compelled the prime minister Erbakan to
resign. His downfall was speeded by a sustained cam-
paign in some sections of the pi ess Subsequently the
country was governed by vanous coalition govern-
ments formed by Kemalist and nationalist leaders
The PKK-led Kurdish insurgency came to an end
after the captuie of Abdullah Ocalan in Kenya in
1999. The countrv was shaken by a severe economic
crisis in 2001 In November 2002 Retep Tavvrp
Erdogan won the general election with his moderate
Islamist "Justice and Development Party' (idaltt le
Kalkmma Partisi AKP)
These developments were also reflected in the
Turkish press at the turn of the 21st centurv with
the rise of a 'Kuidish' press and a growing impor-
tance of Islamic and Islamist papers (see below)
Violence against journalists continued in the 1990s
Cumhurivet lost seven of its writers through attacks, the
most prominent victim being Ugui Mumcu (1942-93)
known for his investigative journalism who was killed
by a car bomb m 1993
Concentration and monopolisation (tekellf)mi
e of the major problems faced by the Turkish pre
Then
t the
nedia
moguls', journalists' and columnists' increasingly close
relations with the political establishment Most national
newspapers belonged (in 2003) to thiee important press
groups which also controlled the country's laigest
private TV channels Tiaditional owneiship had
almost disappeared from the media market Gumhumit
remained the only independent papei Twelve papers,
including the mass circulation papers Hurrnet, Millntt
and Radikal (founded in 1 996 and c onsidered by some
as the most "Western ' paper), and the sports papei
Fanatik, belong to Aydm Dogan s Dogan Media Group
It is said to control nearly 40% of the countrv 's adver-
tising revenues and 80% of distribution (2003) The
Sabah group plunged into crisis when its head Dine
Bilgin was jailed in 2001 Thanks to its promotional
activities, the paper Sabah had reached a circulation
of 1.5 million in October 1992 A law (promotion imau)
eventually prohibited in 1997 promosyom except those
of cultural value Tenuman ceased publication in 1994
but two papers bearing the same name re-emerged
after 2000. The leading news magazines in the 1990s
were Aktiiel (circulation 40,000), Tempo (28,000), iksnon
(18,000) and Mokta (3 000)
The "Kurdish press
The 1990s also saw the emergence of a new type
of papers focussing on Kui dish issues w hich appeal ed
in Istanbul and Ankaia usually in Turkish All of
them were accused of being close to the PKK The
first of them, Ozgar Gundem, founded in 1992 and
banned by the Ankara State Secunty Court (DGM)
in 1994, lost seven of its wnteis and correspondents
and thirteen vendois to killings It was followed bv
Ozgiir Hike (1994-5) whose premises in Istanbul weie
the target of a devastating bomb attack in December
1994. Tent Politika (13 April- lb August 1995) was one
of the most often censoied papeis in Tuikey Its suc-
cessors [Demokrasi Ulktde Gundem, Ozgar Baki} 2000'dt
lent Gundem) had a similar fate, and functioned usu-
ally in a most precarious situation lemden Ozgur Gundem
(founded in Septembei 2002) had a circulation of ea
10 000 in November 2003 In the 1990s many
Kurdish weeklv oi monthlv magazines also began to
appear, including local papers The Kurdish language
paper Rojname was soon banned after its first publi-
cation in December 1991 In the same yeai, the pro-
hibition of Kurdish publications had been removed
There is now (2003) a Kurdish-language literarv mag-
azine izadna U'elat, published in Istanbul However,
most papers destined for Kuids from Turkey are pub-
lished in Westein countnes known for their large
Kurdish immigi ant population (e g Sweden etc ) The
paper O^gui Politika is published in Europe Kurdish
satellite T\ and numerous internet sites have created
what has been called a 'viitual Kurdistan
Islamic and Islamist press
The spectacular rise of the Islamic and Islamist
pi ess dates fiom the 1980s Prior to 1980, its per-
centage in teims of newspapeis and periodicals was
7% in 1993 it had reached 47% (G Seufeit, Pohtiseher
Islam in der Turku Istanbul 1997 392n ) Many peri-
odicals (including newspapeis like lim isia Turkne
Milli Gamete) have been associated with religious orders
and groups in the Muslim world the Nakshbandi
derv ish order and its branches [see nakshbandiy\ \]
being paiticularly influential hm §ajak (founded in
1995) was financed bv a pious industrialist The paper
^aman (see abov e) organ of the group around Fethullah
Gulen of the Nunus [see nurculuk] is now (2003)
among the top five national daily newspapers in
Turkey, with an average circulation of 300 000 It
boasts of having been the first Turkish daily news-
paper to appear on-line (since 1995) It has bureaus
and correspondents in many countnes all ovel the
world It has special international editions foi twelve
foreign countnes, those foi the new Turkish Caucasian
and Central Asian republics being printed in their
own alphabets and languages Hainan also owns the
weekly news magazine iksnon, a childien's monthly
a news agency and the private T\ channel Samamolu
Islamist reviews and magazines include weeklies,
numerous monthly magazines (Sizmti Izmir, published
by the Turkne Ogrttminkr \akji founded in 1978) and
publications for women Kadin u iile (founded 1985)
was the largest Muslim women's magazine ieputed
to have sold 60,000 It was closely associated with
that branch of the Nakshbandi older whose major
mouthpiece is the magazine Islam (cnculation 100 000)
Bizim iik (published since 1988) is a spin-oft of the
magazine hopru published since 1977 and represent-
ing the views of a section of the Nuicu older
Loial nmspapers
National newspapers based in Istanbul account for
about 90% of total cnculation But there have been
legistered up to 745 local newspapers published in
Turkey almost half of them being dailies The cn-
culation figures van, according to the economic devel-
opment of the region lent isir, published in Izmir
(founded in 1924, its predecessor, 'isir, was founded
in Ottoman Salonika in 1895) iemains the biggest
newspaper with a iegional character (circulation 43,000
in November 2003) The local press has been trying
to lenew itself technologically in iccent years and
manv papeis aie pioduced by printing houses with
offset printing facilities
publish
SIHAFA — SILAH
bv Tercuman (1970), Milhyet (1972) and the Mill! Gazete
(1973) In the 1980s appeared Turkiye (1987), in the
1990s Z"">an (1990), the weeklies Cumhunvet-Hqfta (1993)
and Duma Hafta (1995), Ozgur Politika (1995), Sabah
(1996), Emek (leftist, 1996), and Ortadogu (1996) Humyet,
Millmt, Fanatik and Hafta Sonu, all belonging to the
Dogan Group, had a circulation of 189,000 (of which
Humyet alone comprised 84,000), le 80% of the
Turkish newspapers sold in Europe
The minority press
The decline of the Greek commumtv in Istanbul
from the 1960s onwards was also reflected in the
Greek minontv papers Elevthere Phone and Empros,
which figure among the signatories of the Basin ahlak
yasasi, disappeared in 1965 Two Greek dailies still
appear in Istanbul lor a commumtv of 2,000-3,000
souls AnoyevnaTivri/Apoyevmatini (founded in 1925),
which until the death of its founder, Gr Yavendes,
in the 1970s, used to emplov some ten journalists,
and Hxcb/Iho (1977), initially a weeklv, which became
a dailv in 1979 (circulation about 800 copies)
The Armenian press (for a population estimated at
60,000) counted some ten titles in 2001, including the
bulletin of the Saint Saviour (Surp Pirgi{ [ UnLpp <t>pljh> ])
Hospital (a monthlv founded in 1949), Kuln (a liter-
ary and artistic bi-monthlv founded in 194b by Agop
Ayvaz) ceased publication in 1996 There are two
daily papers Jamanak [duMwbuJt ] (founded in 1908,
the oldest daily published m Turkey) Its circulation
has decreased during the last vears, from 15,000 to
1,500 Another dailv, Marmara ( LTuipJuipui , founded in
1940) has been directed bv Robert Haddeler, a writer
and critic It is also published in Armenian but since
2001 it has contained a Turkish supplement The
weeklv Ago-: [Uljou] was founded in 1996, it is pub-
lished mainlv in Turkish (circulation some 5,000) Two
journalists of this paper were tried in 1999 because
of an article on the Varlik Vergisi of 1942
The once flourishing Jewish press in Judaeo-Spamsh
and French is now limited to the weeklv §alom (founded
in 1947) It is, however, published in Turkish, with
a few articles written in Judaeo- Spanish The last
Jewish French language dailv, the Journal d'Onent
(founded in 1917 bv Albert Carasso) disappeared in
1971
Whereas attempts to revive the French language
press proved little successful, there is one English-
language dailv paper, Turkish Dally Hews (founded in
1961) published in Ankara Duma has an English-
language dailv news page, Z aman ^ s0 nds an English
on-line edition
Conclusion
The Turkish printed press has made considerable
progress during the last two decades of the 20th cen-
turv which have witnessed the industrialisation of the
media The number of newspapers with an average
dailv circulation over 10,000 was 11 in 1983, 14 in
1990 and 32 in 1997 According to August 2003 fig-
ures, the average total dailv sales of 35 major dailv
papers was about 4 million Some 25 of them had
their own website in 2004, including several regional
papers The number of magazines has increased with
extraordinary speed Its total number, which was 20
in 1990, reached 110 in 1999 (total circulation around
2,300,000) Thev include magazines with foreign brand
names like Mam Clam, Cosmopolitan, Harper's Bazaar,
Esqum, Voire Beaute, or National Geographic As far as
printing techniques are concerned, the Turkish press
has attained in most domains European standards
But some basic issues remain press readership is still
far from assuming European proportions According
to official sources (Facts about Turkey, 412), the average
number of newspapers sold to 1,000 persons is
58 (cf German) 314) The habit of reading news-
papers regularlv has remained the privilege of a rel-
ativelv small group, aiound 15% of the population
(estimated at 67 million in 2000) The visual media
have emerged as the most influential institution shap-
ing public opinion The number of private TV chan-
nels has exceeded twenty within a few vears
In spite of numerous amendments to the restric-
tive Constitution (the last ones in February 2003),
press freedom in Turkev remains limited bv various
laws and a fiequentlv restrictive interpretation of press
freedom and freedom of expression bv the judiciary
There is no functioning journalist's trade union
Journalists continue to be arrested and sentenced to
prison terms Leftist, Islamist and pro-Kurdish media
are the primary targets For many modern Turkish
writers and intellectuals, criminal prosecution has been
an indispensable part of their curriculum utae But even
members of the mainstream media occasionally face
legal action, although these papers usuallv practice a
sort of self-censorship and avoid sensitive issues such
as criticising the military and high-level corruption
Bibhogiaphy FS Oral, Turk bann tank, 2 vols ,
Ankara 1969, EB Sapolvo Turk gazetecihk tank ve
her yonuylt bann, Ankara 1969, HR Ertug, Bonn ve
yayin hareketlm tank I, Istanbul 1970, Turkiye basin-
yayin tank kaynakiasi, Ankara 1981, Turkiye bann-
yayin tank kaynal^an (Ek 1), 1982, A Gevgilili, art
Turkiye basim, in Cumhunyet Donemi Turkiye Ansiklopedisi
i, Istanbul 1983, 202-28, G Groc and I gaglar,
La presse Jraniaise de Turquie de 1795 a not jom* Histoire
et catalogue, Istanbul 1985 (Vana turcica II),
O Kologlu, La presse turque evolution et onentations
depuis 1945, in A Gokalp (ed ) La Turquie tn tran
sition Pans 1986, 177-98, N Benbanaste, Onwklerle
turk musevi basimn tannest, Istanbul 1988, H Topuz
' ~ ' ekelUsmeler, Istanbul 1989, N Claver
etal (eds),
1992 (Van
turcica XXIII), M Nun Inugur, Turk
bami tank, Istanbul 1992 O Kologlu, Turk basim—
Kmayi Milhye'den gunumuze, Istanbul 1993, M Orhan
Bayrak, Turkiye'de gazeteltr vt dergiler sozlugu (1831
1993), Istanbul 1994 M Bulent Varlik, Turkne
bann yayin tanhi bibhyograjyan (Ek 2), Ankara 1995
Yusuf Tavus, Bann rehben, +1995 ('199b) H Topuz,
100 soruda turk bann tank, Istanbul 1996 (4973),
Turkish News Agencv for the Directorate General
of Press and Information of the Prime Ministry,
Facts about Turkey, Ankara 1998, g Akkava et al ,
Landerbencht Turkei, Darmstadt 1998, M Heper
and T Demirel, The press and tht consolidation oj
democracy, in S Kedoune (ed ), Turkey Identity, democ
racy, politics, London 1998, 109-23, A Kabacali,
Cumhumet oncesi le sonrasi matbaa ve basin sanayu,
Istanbul 1998 (J Strauss)
SILAH (a ), masc and fern noun according to the
lexicographers, standard pi aritha, with suluh, sulhan
"' ''. also found in the lexica, the general term
both <
;apons
lective sense of the word is also often included in the
general term 'udda, literally "equipment, gear, tackle '
The stnse of "weapon" has clearly no connection with
that of the common Arabic verb salaha "to defecate"
Attestations of anv parallel form of nlah are weak in
Old South Arabian One can onlv cite Biblical Hebrew
lelah, of obscure meaning in general but with the
meaning of "javelin" or "some sort of weapon that
can be carried and thrown" in such contexts as
II Chron. xxiii. 10, Joel ii. 8, etc., and as a possible
parallel, despite the phonetic problems, Akk. selu "to
sharpen weapons", Selutu "dagger blade" (CAD, Letter
S, ii, 275).
1. The pre-Islamic period.
The weapons of the pre-Islamic Arabs were essen-
tially the bow, the sword and the spear or lance. Our
knowledge of these weapons of theirs is almost entirely
a bookish one, and it was from the evidence of pre-
Islamic poetry that F.W. Schwarzlose compiled his Die
U'affen der alien Amber aus ihten Dichtem dargestellt (Leipzig
1886, repr. Hildesheim 1982), a work concerned pri-
marily with the nomenclature of weapons and their
component parts.
Fighting was a prominent aspect of desert life, in
which tribes often competed over pasture grounds,
sought to drive off opponents' herds or were involved
in protracted vendettas entailed by the unwritten laws
of revenge, retaliation and the exacting of compensa-
tion for losses to the tribe's fighting strength [see diva;
kisas; tha'r! . Hence a rich vocabulary evolved for
weapons and armour, often descriptive, by metonymy,
of some special characteristic ("shining", "incisive") or
of some origin, real or supposed ("Indian", "Yemeni",
"Khatti"). This vocabulary naturally .attracted the
philologists of Islamic times, concerned to elucidate
the names of weapons, armour and their synonyms in
early poetrv. Whence the composition of works with
titles like Kitab al-Silah, such titles being attributed to
the Basran scholar al-Nadr b. Shumavl id. 204/820), al-
AsmaT, Ibn Duravd [q.vv.] and Shamir b. Hamdawavh
(d. 255/869) (see Schwarzlose, 11 n. 1). Few of these
works have survived (Sezgin, GAS, \iii, 257, lists a
fragmentarily surviving K. al-Silah by a disciple of al-
Asma'T's), but lexicographical and philological studies
like al-Tha'alibi's Fikh al-lugha and Ibn Siduh's Mukhas-
sas are rich sources of information on the nomenclature
of weapons and their component parts. It is highly
improbable that any of these works gave any actual
descriptions of weapons or their use — the authors were
literary men, who probably never wielded a weapon
in anger in their lives, and not practical warriors —
and on these points we have virtually no informa-
tion. It is not till later mediaeval times that practical
treatises on the art of war and the use of weapons
are known (see below, 2.; furOsiyya; harb. 1.). The
only direct, contemporary source which might con-
ceivably give us some idea of pre-Islamic weapons
lies in possible representations in petroglyphs and
similar drawings. There are quite a lot of depictions
of warriors wielding lances and bows, and possibly
swords, on horseback and on foot, in the Thamudic
and Safaitic materials, cf. also the frontispiece pho-
tograph of a rock graffito showing an archer, and the
drawing of a South Arabian spear, of uncertain age,
at p. 65 of R.B. Serjeant, South Arabian hunt, London
1976.
The weapon most frequently mentioned in the
ancient literary sources is the sword (mf), for which
special works by the philologists are recorded, e.g.
Abu 'Ubavda's Kitab al-Savf 'and a work by Abu Hatim
al-Sidjistam, a Kitab al-Suyuf wa 1-nmah (Schwarzlose,
124 n. 1). These must have been stabbing swords
for close, hand-to-hand fighting rather than cavalry
swords. There emerges that swords of Indian steel
(hindi, muhannad) were particularly prized; whether the
Hind emisaged here relates to the Indian subconti-
nent or to lands beyond in Southeast Asia, such as
Malaya or Sumatra, is unclear, but any such weapons
were presumably imported via the Persian Gulf ports.
Nearer home, the ancient Arabs prized blades forged
by the smiths of Syria, e.g. of Bosra [q.v.] (see below),
a land which had access to supplies of iron ore and
to wooded terrains for the production of charcoal.
On the other hand, it is unlikely that "Yemeni" swords
were actually made in Yemen; more probably, blades
or complete swords were imported from lands further
east to the ports of Hadramawt and Yemen, thus
acquiring this territorial name. See in general on
swords of this period, Schwarzlose, 124-209.
The spear or lance (rumh, 'anaza, kanat, the latter
term, originally "bamboo, reed shaft" being used by
synecdoche for the whole weapon) was, it seems, in-
cluded in the work by Abu Hatim al-Sidjistam on
swords and spears mentioned above (see also Schwarz-
lose, 210 n. 1). It was used as a thrusting weapon in
close fighting, but spears which could be thrown at
the enemy like javelins (nayzak < Pers. mza, mitrad,
harba) are also mentioned, and the designation mitrad
indicates that such throwing weapons could be used
for hunting as well as war. Spears with a bamboo or
strong reed shaft [kanat) are often described as khatti,
from al-Khatt [q.v.] in Bahrayn or Hadjar, where a
certain Samhar is said to have been an expert fash-
ioner of spears, whence samhan ones. Whether these
shafts were made from the stems of the vegetation
growing along the Gulf shores, or were imported from
further east, as the term kanat al-Hind implies, is
unclear. Various trees are also mentioned as providing
wood for spear shafts, such as the washidj or ash (?).
Spears had a head (sinan) and a tapered iron butt at
their lower end which could be stuck into the ground
when the weapon was not being carried {zudjdj). See,
in general, Schwarzlose, 210-45.
The bow and arrow were used by the ancient Arabs,
and the sources distinguish "Arab" from "Persian"
bows. See further raws, and Schwarzlose, 246-319.
veil as
offensiv
, there
frequent mentions of protective body armour in the
shape of coats of mail (dit' or sard, zarad, nmzarrad <
Pers. zatd, traceable back, according to Fraenkel, Die
aramaischen Fumdworter im arabhchen, 241-2, to a Per-
sian form preceding MP zreh with a final d, Avestan
zradha: sard appears in Kur'an, XXXIV, 10/11, in a
passage concerning King David's skill as a maker
of closelv-woven mail, cf. Jefferv, The foreign vocabulary
of the Qur'an, Baroda 1938, 169). The manufacture of
chain armoured coats must have been basically in the
settled fringes around the Arabian peninsula, as the
Persian origin of some of its nomenclature shows.
Also, Bosra in the Hawran region of southern Syria
was in Byzantine times a noted centre for the forg-
ing of weapons and the making of armour, and the
Byzantine authorities tried on occasion to stop the
export of these to the nomads. In awa'il [q.v.] lore,
the original making of mailed coats is attributed to
King David |or, as some Arab commentators on
ancient poetry averred, to a celebrated Jewish (?) smith
called Dawud or to his son, but the identification of
the inventor of mailed coats with the Biblical David
was already made in pre-Islamic times [see dawud]).
This skill was also attributed to the Tubba' kings of
Yemen. See, in general, Schwarzlose, 322-49. Mailed
coats were accounted valuable in desert lighting,
and it was weapons and coats of mail which the poet
and prince of Kinda, Imru' al-Kays, allegedly entrusted
to the Jewish_ Arab poet and lord of Tayma' al-
Samaw'al b. 'Adiya' [q.v.] and which the latter refused
to give up to the Ghassanid king al-Harith b. Djabala.
Iron helmets were termed bayda, from their resem-
blance in shape to an ostrich egg, see Schwarzlose,
349-51, and also khudha < Pers. khud. Although not
mentioned extensively in poetry, which prefers
fearles:
:t then
battle behind shields, the pre-Islamic Arabs do seem
to have employed shields on such occasions (turs, dpmna,
midiann, daraka). Such shields were probably made of
hide (as is specifically said of the daraka) stretched
over a wooden frame, enough to deflect the indiffer-
ent weapons of the nomads. See Schwarzlose, 351-6.
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(C.E. Bosworth)
2. The Islamic period.
The military technologies of Arabia at the time of
the Prophet Muhammad remain little known, but they
were still clearly under strong influence from neigh-
bouring technologically advanced neighbours such as
the Byzantine Empire, Sasanid Persia and India via
maritime trade contacts. Not surprisingly, early Byzan-
tine styles dominated in the north and west, Persian
in the east and, to a less certain extent, Indian in
southern Arabia. Swords and spears remained the
favoured weapons, while archery played a minor role
and only amongst foot soldiers. Most armour was of
mail although leather defences were also widespread,
much of this latter probably being manufactured in
Yemen (see 1. above). Similarly, the people of prosper-
ous but strife-torn trading regions such as the Hidjaz
appear to have been relatively rich in weaponry.
With the rapid Muslim Arab conquest of vast re-
gions from Central Asia and India to Spain and the
Atlantic Ocean, other military techniques began to ap-
pear in the arms and armour of Muslim armies during
the 8th and 9th centuries. After the establishment of
an Islamic "empire", such armies became largely ter-
ritorial which further encouraged the development of
regional styles. Thus Central Asian Turkish military
techniques had their first impact in 8th to 9th-cen-
tury Transoxania and what is now eastern Persia,
while Sasanid Persian military styles remained domi-
nant in western Persia and eastern parts of the Arab
world until the 9th- 10th centuries. Early Byzantine
military styles survived in areas like eastern Anatolia
well into the 10th century, and in Syria and Egypt
well into the 12th century. Yet the situation was less
clear in North Africa and the Iberian peninsula. Here
pre-Islamic military techniques had generally been
more primitive than those of the conquering Muslim
Arabs, despite a residual early Byzantine military
This is not to say that the Muslim Arabs merely
adopted the military styles of those whom they con-
quered. Nevertheless, the Muslim Arabs' contribution
to the development of a specifically Islamic military
tradition, and to the history of military technology as
a whole, was primarily to open up a vast area to dif-
fering military influences. Thus Persian influence was
eventually felt in North Africa, Byzantine technology
reached Iberia and, above all, the Turkish Central
Asian military tradition spread throughout the Middle
East. Such Turkish influence also served as a channel
whereby Chinese military techniques spread westward
and may even have reached the Iberian peninsula,
though in a very diluted form.
A truly Islamic tradition of arms, armour and their
associated tactics developed rapidly, yet this was nei-
ther uniform nor monolithic. Large variations could
always be seen between different regions resulting both
from local traditions or conditions, and from the
recruitment of troops from specific geographical zones
which had their own distinctive styles.
In general, however, it could be said that Persian
and Turkish influences were the most powerful, whereas
those of the Byzantine or Mediterranean countries
were of secondary importance, at least after the first
century of Islamic history. Such a pattern persisted
until early modern times as peoples and dynasties of
essentially Turkish origin rose to political dominance
in most of the militarily significant Islamic countries.
Only in the late 18th and 19th centuries, with the
rise of European military power and its accompany-
ing colonialism, did indigenous or Turkish military
practice rapidly give way to a widespread adoption
of European weaponry and of the tactics associated
with such modern technologies.
For Islamic bows and archery, see kaws; for fire-
arms, see barud; for siege weaponry, see hisar; and
see also djaysh.
Since ancient and pre-Islamic times the long
bamboo-hafted spear or rumh had been regarded as a
typically Arab weapon. It was used on foot, on horse-
back and when riding camels. In the early Islamic
centuries the Arabs were also renowned for their use
of a relatively short sword (sayf). This was probably
a broad-bladed weapon reflecting Roman and Byzan-
tine infantry traditions rather than the cavalry tradi-
tions of Persia, where long-bladed slashing swords
had been widespread for some centuries. Whereas the
typical Arab rumh spear remained in use until mod-
ern times, the Arabs' short sayf was soon replaced by
longer-bladed weapons suitable for mounted combat,
though these were still largely known as suyuf. Only
in southern and eastern Arabia (Yemen, Hadramawt
and 'Uraan), and in a few other isolated parts of the
Arabian peninsula, did short swords persist along with
a tradition of infantry-dominated warfare.
Long, single-edged cavalry swords were already
characteristic of Turco-Mongol Central Asia and had
appeared in Persia and the Byzantine Empire shortly
before the Islamic conquests of the 7th and 8th cen-
turies. Thereafter, they become increasingly popular
throughout most of the Islamic world, becoming the
dominant cavalry sword by the 15th century although
the single-edged sword or sabre never entirely replaced
the double-edged weapon. The curved or true sabre
spread from Turkish Central Asia into Islamic Persia
by the 1 1th century, or perhaps slightly earlier. There-
after, in a great variety of forms, it spread through-
out most of the Islamic world reaching Granada, the
last bastion of Andalusian Islam, by the 15th century.
Heavier straight and double-edged weapons were,
nevertheless, still used in many parts of the Islamic
world in the 19th century, particularly in Islamic sub-
Saharan Africa.
Smaller weapons, including those which fell between
the categories of sword and dagger, were similarly
used in most areas at most times. Here there may
have been a greater degree of similarity across the
Islamic world, perhaps because a particular type or
shape of personal weapon was often worn as a mark
of religious or cultural identity. The most obvious ex-
ample was a heavy dagger or short stabbing sword
widely known as a khandjar (for variations on this and
other weapons terminology, see the Glossary below).
Although the development of the khandjai drew on
many regional traditions and evolved into various
shapes of dagger in different parts of the Islamic
world, the basic weapon again appears to have been
of eastern Iranian or Turkish origin. Other sometimes
highly distinctive styles of dagger were limited to
smaller areas, generally on the fringes of the Islamic
world such as Morocco, the Caucasus and the East
Indies. In the latter region, the double-edged keris
dagger or short sword was retained from pre-Islamic
times and continued to have an almost magical and
pagan significance amongst a population sometimes
only superficially converted to Islam.
Other weapons where a distinctly Islamic style de-
veloped were war-axes and maces. The latter were
occasionally described as a "friendly" weapons, suitable
for use during conflicts with fellow-Muslims as a lighter
mace, when skilfully used, could incapacitate without
killing a foe. Both also involved a large and complex
terminology which distinguished between sometimes
minor varieties of weapon but which nevertheless
remains in part obscure. This terminology, along with
surviving weapons and abundant pictorial representa-
tions, show that axes ranged from those with large
"half-moon" to narrow spiked blades, while maces
varied considerably in weight, shape of head, length
of haft or handle and in the material from which
The javelin was widely used during the early period
(7th- 13th centuries), particularly by Arab and Persian
troops, and remained in use by cavalry in most Islamic
countries at least until the 15th century, certainly long
after the javelin had been abandoned in western
Europe. This probably reflected the more mobile and
more disciplined character of Islamic armies during
European rivals, as well as the lighter styles of armour
associated with Islamic tactics. The fact that such an
apparently simple weapon as a javelin came in a large
variety of sizes, weights and types of blade, along with
an equally complex terminology, further illustrates the
importance of the javelin in the hands of both foot
soldiers and horsemen. It is also worth noting that
cavalry training exercises or "games" involving the
javelin were not only developed within the Islamic
world but were copied by neighbours ranging from
Spaniards and Ethiopians to Armenians [see djerid
and furusiyya].
Armour
Islamic armies have been widely regarded as lightly
armoured when compared to their Western European
rivals, but this is a misleading over-simplification. The
amount of armour available to early mediaeval Euro-
pean forces such as those of the Crusaders has been
exaggerated, while that available to Islamic armies from
the time of the first conquests onwards has generally
been underestimated. Nevertheless, there were wide
variations between regions resulting from the differ-
ing availability of iron and of wealth to pay for the
manufacture or importation of expensive military
equipment.
Four types of body armour dominated throughout
Islamic military history. These were mail (inter-linked
metal rings, usually of iron); lamellar (small scales of
iron, bronze, hardened leather or other rigid mate-
rials laced to each other but not to a flexible fabric
or leather backing); so-called soft-armour of felt, quilted
material or flexible buff leather; and a distinctive later
form known as mail-and-plate armour. A fifth system
of construction has only recently been recognised on
the basis of archaeological finds rather than obscure
textual references and barely decipherable artistic
representations. This is a form of flexible protection
consisting of partial hoops of hardened or apparently
reconstituted leather which may have been of Central
Asian or even Chinese derivation. Hardened and
apparently reconstituted leather was also used in the
construction of helmets, as shown in written sources
such as Mardi or Murda b. C A1T al-Tarsusi [see AL-
T' arsusi] iTabsirat arbab al-lubab, ed. and tr. CI. Cahen,
Un twite darmurerie compose pour Saladm, in BEO, xii
[1948], 103-63), and confirmed by recent though as
yet unpublished archaeological finds in Syria. Carbon
dating tests on wood and sinew amongst these finds
have produced an optimum date at the end of the
12th century, while tests on the leather have pro-
duced an optimum date of A.D. 1220. It is however,
worth noting that a leather helmet or reinforced hat
amongst these Syrian finds incorporates small piece
of wood; supposedly "wooden" helmets have been
mentioned in previously inexplicable texts.
Full plate armour consisting of large shaped pieces
of iron buckled or rivetted together, of the type known
in western Europe from the 14th century to early
modern times, remained rare though not entirely
unknown in the Islamic world. Where they seem to
have been occasionally used, as in al-Andalus, south-
ern India and the Philippines, they almost invariably
reflected direct Western European military influence.
The body-covering mail hauberk (coat or tunic-like
protective garment) generally known as the dv\ and
the coif (hood) known as the mighfar, were by far the
most common form of metallic protection throughout
the Mediterranean lands, the Middle East and Persia
at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. It subse-
quently evolved into a greater variety of forms than
was seen elsewhere, ranging from ordinary hauberks,
given names describing their overall size or shape, to
the kazaghand which had its own integral padded lin-
ing and a decorative outer layer of cloth.
Only in eastern Persia, Afghanistan and Transoxania
in the late Roman Middle East and Sasanid Persia
during earlier centuries and remained known if only
occasionally worn. The period from the 8th to 14th
centuries saw such lamellar armour spread westwards
in the Islamic world along with other essentially
Turkish Central Asian militan, styles. As a result, the
lamellar dpwshan became widespread throughout most
Islamic countries (with the possible exception of North
Africa and the Iberian peninsula) by the 12th cen-
tury, and even in the Islamic West, lamellar was
known if not popular. Nor was mail armour aban-
doned in favour of such lamellar protections. Instead,
the two were often worn together, usually with the
lamellar djinvshim on top, until the development of
mail-and-plate protections combining the advantages
of both forms made it unnecessary to wear two
Such mail-and-plate armour appeared in a variety
of forms and used varied terminology, some of it stem-
ming from earlier and different usage. In the Ottoman
Empire, however, such the new style of body pro-
tection was often called a korazm, from the common
European term cuirass and its various Balkan dialect
forms. In this mail-and-plate armour, pieces of iron
plate of varied shapes and sizes designed to protect
different parts of the body were linked by pieces of
mail of varying widths depending on the degree of
flexibility required. It was an essentially Islamic tech-
nological development, perhaps first appearing in Trak
or western Persia in the 14th century, from where it
spread to become the most typical 15th to 18th-cen-
tury form of Islamic armour for both men and horses.
As such it was characteristic of the late Mamluk,
So-called soft armours were widespread in early
Islamic c
i popu-
ntil the early 1 4th century, thereafter largely being
relegated to the hottest regions such as India and
Sudan. These should not, however, be seen only as
a cheap alternative to metallic armour. Rather, they
were a light, effective and easily-made protection suit-
able for the highly mobile cavalry-dominated war-
fare which characterised Islamic military history. Soft
armour could also be combined with other forms of
protection. In particular, it was worn beneath or com-
bined with mail protections. Soft armours were also
suitable in the hot climates characteristic of some
Islamic countries and survived throughout the 19th
century in the sub-Saharan Sudan.
The history of Islamic helmets differed from that
of Europe, generally reflecting a preference for good
visibility and mobility at the cost of less protection.
Little is yet known about helmets in the early Islamic
period (7th to 9th centuries), but in general they seem
to have continued previous Romano-Byzantine and
Persian shapes and forms of construction, most of
which were based on two pieces joined along a cen-
tral comb. Unfortunately, the terminology, though var-
ied, cannot usually be identified with one specific form
of helmet. In fact, it seems that the naming of hel-
mets, though not entirely interchangeable, was gen-
erally unspecific (see the Glossary below).
Central Asian types of pointed and segmented hel-
met were already spreading into the Middle East and
eastern Europe before the coming of Islam. Thereafter,
such helmets, in which iron segments were rivetted
either to each other or to an iron frame, spread
throughout the Islamic countries. Meanwhile, advances
in metallurgy within Islam during the 8th to 11th
centuries, and perhaps even earlier, led to the pro-
duction of one-piece iron helmets in relatively large
numbers long before such defences appeared in Europe
or even the Byzantine Empire. By and large, this one-
piece form was known as the bayda. Helmets were an
obvious and popular object on which wealth or pres-
tige could be demonstrated, as a result of which most
of the techniques of inlay and surface decoration found
in other forms of Islamic metalwork also came to be
seen on helmets. Meanwhile, lighter helmets made of
leather and, apparently, a form of reconstituted hard-
ened leather were also used in most regions.
Facial and neck protection was provided by mail
coifs (hoods) and mail or lamellar aventails (veil-like
skirts hanging from the rim of a helmet). Only rarely
were rigid metallic face-guards or hinged visors seen
on Islamic helmets. Nevertheless, they did appear in
Central Asia and Persia during the 12th to 14th cen-
turies and, in a very different form, in the Iberian
peninsula around the same period. These exceptions
probably reflected special military circumstances, such
as an enhanced threat from horse-archery composite
bows in the east and from a greater use of hand-
held crossbows in Iberia. Elsewhere, flexible mail or
lamellar head and neck protections, often pulled across
the face to leave only small apertures for the eyes,
were considered an adequate defence.
Shields of wood, hardened leather, wickerwork and,
in later centuries, of iron were all used by Muslim
warriors. Most were round and relatively small, being
suitable for light cavalry warfare. Yet there were plenty
of other variations. Tall, kite-shaped shields for infantry
use were used in the Middle East during the 1 1th to
13th centuries. These included the flat-based djpnu-
wina whose name might indicate that it was initially
imported from Genoa, since identical flat-based infantry
shields or mantlets were also characteristic of Italy
though not of other parts of western Europe at this
time. Large shields which were apparently mantlets
(shields that could be rested on the ground), made of
woven reeds, were probably widespread in Arabia
at the time of the Prophet and appear to have
continued in use, at least in 'Irak, until at least the
9th century.
Large and flexible shields made from various ani-
mal hides were used in the Sahara, North Africa,
Egypt and the Iberian peninsula during the mediae-
val period and subsequently developed into the smaller
but characteristic kidney-shaped "Moorish" adarga of
14th to 17th-century Spain and Portugal (this name
stemming from the Ar. daraka meaning a small shield,
usually of leather). Shields of purely European form
were also used by Muslim Andalusian soldiers during
periods when western European military fashions dom-
inated, most obviously in the 13th century.
Meanwhile, the typical Turkish kalkan shield was
constructed from a spiral of cane bound together with
cotton or silk thread. This formed an exceptionally
light and effective cavalry shield in which the threads
gave almost unlimited scope for colour and decora-
tion. Iron shields were known by the 12th century,
the earliest known example being of segmented con-
struction, but they only became more widespread and
of one-piece construction in the 16th and 17th cen-
turies. These later metal shields had developed in
response to guns, as they had in Europe, and were
as rapidly abandoned when advances in firearms ren-
dered them redundant.
Armour of a rigid or semi-rigid type for the limbs
was used in several Islamic countries long before it
became more than a localised novelty in mediaeval
Europe. This almost certainly resulted from the impor-
tance of close-combat cavalry warfare with swords.
Nevertheless, Islamic warriors never took limb defences
to the extremes seen in later mediaeval and early
modern Europe. Early Islamic arm protections such
as the bazuband, kaff and sa'id (7th to 14th centuriesj,
though never very widespread, followed in the Byzan-
tine and Turco-Persian traditions. The latter consisted
of segmented vambraces for the lower arms, probably
of iron or bronze but perhaps also of hardened leather,
while the upper arms were protected by the sleeves
of a mail hauberk or by flaps of lamellar armour
attached to the body of a lamellar cuirass. A style of
long-hemmed, half-sleeved lamellar cuirass became
more widespread after the Mongol invasions of the
13th century but was rarely seen west of Persia. A
rigid tube-like iron vambrace for the lower arms,
known in Turkish as the kolcak or kulluk, appeared in
the second half of the 13th or early 14th century and
was almost certainly of Sino-Mongol origin. Thereafter
it remained popular in Central Asia, Persia, Turkey
and Mamluk Egypt.
Leg protections of similar construction to arm
defences were known in pre-Islamic Transoxania but
seem to have declined in popularity after the coming
of Islam. Mail leg protections appeared in Islamic and
Byzantine sources in the 11th century, slighdy before
they did so in western Europe. These and other forms,
included those of mail-and-plate construction, reap-
peared in later years being known as budluk, dizcek,
kalsat zarad, ranat hadld and sak al-muza. Nevertheless,
such items of armour were generally reserved for a
small elite of heavily-armoured cavalry.
Horse-armour
It has often been assumed that horse-armour was
rare or even unknown in the early Islamic period
because it is virtually unknown in art before the 14th
century. Documentary sources, however, make it clear
that various forms of horse-armour were widespread.
The most popular type appears to have been of quilted
or padded construction; this being reflected in the
most common Arabic term for horse-armour, tidjfaf.
Before the late 13th century, references to horse-
armours of scale, lamellar or mail are rare, though
they can be found.
In most parts of the world, and during most peri-
ods, horse-armour was primarily a defence against
arrows or other such missiles. Even in these circum-
stances it was more effective against long-range harass-
ment than close-range shooting. This was clearly true
in the Islamic world where, even in the later period
(15th to 17th centuries) light horse-armours of quilted,
leather, lamellar, mail or mail-and-plate construction
were relatively widespread, whereas plated iron horse-
armour was virtually unknown. Generally speaking,
the construction of horse-armour reflected that used
for the rider's own armour, though there tended to
be a certain time lag between the introduction of new
styles for the rider and for his horse. Thus a rider
might wear a mail-and-plate cuirass while riding a
horse still protected by hardened leather lamellae.
The chamfron or armour for the animal's head
was also used, being known as a burku', kashka. san
and probably tishtamyya; the variety of terms indi-
cates that this form of protection was more wide-
spread than is sometimes thought. This was probably
of hardened leather until plated metal forms, along
with fully lamellar horse-armours, became common in
the 14th century. Nevertheless, there is some evidence
neighbouring Islamic territories some centuries earlier
and that these were almost certainly descended from
Roman forms of horse-armour.
A few surviving head protections for camels date
from the Ottoman period but these are likely to have
been for parade rather than war use. Much elephant-
armour was, however, used in war. Naturally, it was
most highly developed in Islamic India although war-
elephants continued to be used elsewhere in the east-
ern parts of the Muslim world, as they had been in
the pre-Islamic period [see fIl. 2. As beasts of war].
Little is known about such early Islamic elephant-
armour, although enormous circular shields to protect
the animal's vulnerable ears do appear in art sources
from the 12th or 13th centuries.
Terminology
The terminology of Islamic arms and armour is
huge and embraces several languages with the same
terms, or minor variations on such terms, being used
within several languages. Many other terms are merely
descriptive or poetic. The following list includes only
'abbasi: curved sword, Mughal India
abiad: cheek-piece of helmet, Mughal India
absar: leather shield (Ar. and Pers.)
adaga: small shield or parrying device, Mughal India
(from Ar. daraka; Indo-Pers.i
'adv. helmet, probably of riveted plates (Ar.)
afaru: sabre (Berber)
afiu: knife, Algeria (Berber)
qfru ghanim: lit. "rose petal"; dagger, Morocco (Berber)
aghash: baton or staff, equivalent of Ar. 'asa (Kipcak Tk.)
'a'id: central part or grip of spear-shaft (Ar.)
s (Ar.)
alia: long spear or javelin with a large blade (Ar
'amud: heavy form of mace, probably with flanged
head (Ar.i
anabib: spaces between knots of a bamboo speai -shaft
'anaza: short spear or staff weapon with a large elon-
gated blade (Ar.)
'anaza: short infantry spear, Mughal India (Indo-Pers.)
anf: nasal of helmet (Ar.)
'arid: blade of large-bladed spear (Ar.)
W: flat surface of sword-blade (Ar.)
artak-i kajim: horse-armour, Mughal India (Indo-Pers.)
'asa: club, cudgel, iron staff or light form of mace
lAr.)
asbad: possibly the cheek-pieces of a helmet lAr.)
ashik: helmet, equivalent of Ar. khuda (Kipcak Tk.)
ash shaft of spear (Ar.)
asm: staff weapon in which the blade is longer than
the haft (Ar.)
" (Ar.)
'ayr: central ridge of a spear-blade (Ar.)
badan: short hauberk or shirt of mail, sometimes sleeve-
baghltak: horse-armour, usually quilted (Pers.)
bakhta-kalaghi, bagta-kalagi: feathered helmet crest or
plume, Mughal India
bakhtar-zillu: scale or scale-lined armour of Mongol
origin, Mughal India
ballam: broad-bladed short spear, Mughal India
balta: war-axe (Kipcak Tk. and Ar.)
baltu: war-axe, Mughal India
band-mau'dj: "watering" pattern on sword-blade (Indo-
Pers.)
bank: dagger with extravagantly curved blade (Hindi)
baracha: spear all of metal, Mughal India
baiasim: horse-armour or caparison (Ar.)
bardhanb: crupper, piece of horse-armour covering the
rump or tail (see also par dum) (Ar.-Pers.)
bargustuwan, barkustuivan: horse-armour, also elephant
armour (Pers.)
bayd: type of sword-blade (Ar.)
bayda: helmet, probably of one-piece construction (Ar.)
bazuband: vambrace, lower arm protection (Pers.)
bekter: cuirass, usually lamellar (Mongol)
bhala. bhalla: spear or cavalry javelin (Indo-Pers.)
bhandju, bhandjl: armour with throat-guard, Mughal
India
bhudj: combined axe and dagger, Mughal India
bichak: knife (Kipcak Tk.)
bichak: single-edged dagger, Mughal India
birmahan, birman: Indian sword-blade (Pers.)
bitchawa: dagger with looped guard on the grip, south-
bozdaghan: type of mace, lit. "grey falcon" (Tk.)
budluk: thigh defences (Tk.)
bughlutak: quilted soft armour (Pers.)
bukhtar: body armour of Mongol origin, Mughal India
burku', pi. barak,': chamfron (lit. "veil"; Ar.)
basically consisting of four linked plates (Pers. I
cakar: throwing disc (Indo-Pers.)
cakh: sheath or scabbard (Pers.)
cakh'i: infantry mantlet (Indo-Pers.)
camchak: cavalry axe, Mughal India
caray: single-edge sword or large dagger with a rein-
forced back, known in Europe as a "Khyber knife",
Mughal India (see also salawar and chura)
cashmak: face-covering aventail of helmet (Pers.)
chura: single-edge sword or large dagger with a rein-
forced back, known in Europe as a "Khyber knife",
Mughal India (see also salawar and caray)
cicak helmet with a neck-guard, pendant ear-pieces
and a sliding nasal (Tk.)
hlamum dagger, Mughal India
iirwa small shield, Mughal India
(Pers.)
cukai. mail hauberk (Tk.)
cukmar, shukmar: mace (Kipcak Tk.
cumuk, shumuk: mace (Kipcak Tk.)
dabbus, dabbus: general term for m
dabna: rear part of a helmet, neck-guard
Jurandjiyya, juraydpyya: infantry spear or staff weapon,
possibly with European-style flanges or "wings"
below the blade (Ar.)
lillons of Malayan kens dagger (Malay)
gam:
(Ar.)
(Ar.)
r (Pen
dahra: cui
daraka: small shield, usually of leather
of other materials (Ar.)
das: agricultural implement sometimes used as a
dashna. dashan: large dagger (Pers.)
dast: edge of sword-blade (Pers.)
dastana: vambrace, Mughal India
dawari: javelin with a long socket to the blade, like
Roman pilum or Frankish angon (Ar )
desk-chub: mace (Tk. from Pers.)
dhal: shield, Mughal India
dhal-bafta: shield of folded silk, Mughal India
dhu'dba: decorative tassels on spear or sword, also wrist-
strap of sword (Ar.)
dhubba: point or top part of sword (Ar)
dhup: straight sword with enclosed basket-hilt, Mughal
India
dir': mail hauberk (Ar.)
dizcek: thigh and knee defences (Ott Tk j
djaba: fabric-covered mail hauberk; also quilted soft-
armour or incorporating such a soft-armour (see
also djubba\ Tk.)
djafn: scabbard (Ar.)
djaghnul: axe with narrow blade shaped like a bird's
beak, Mughal India
djah: throwing disc (Indo-Pers.)
djak: form of mace (Pers.)
djamadhar: broad thrusting dagger with a horizontal
grip, Mughal India
djanuwiyya: kite-shaped infantry shield with flattened
base (perhaps originally "from Genoa", Ar )
djafid: light cavalry javelin (Ar. "palm branch stripped
of its leaves")
djawb: shield or mantlet of wood and leather, or per-
haps of leather-bound cane (Ar.)
djawshan: lamellar or laminated cuirass (Ar and Pers )
dfiba: quilted soft armour, Mughal India (see also
": style of d
r for sc
-, Algeria, lit "Gen
" (Ar)
abbard and perhaps also sword (Ar )
dpwb:
djm: Indian dag^
dfiwwak: unclear form of Indian armour (Pers.)
djubba: large form of quilted soft armour, sometimes
incorporating a layer of mail (Ar. and Pers.)
djunna: shield, normally wood (Ar.)
j: double-edged short-sword or dagger, Mughal
o-pronged blade (Indo-
India
du-sanga: spear or pike
Pers.)
dubulgha: domed helmet without ear-pieces, Mughal
dumchi: crupper, armour for rump of horse, Mughal
India
durbash: infantry spear with a doubled-point, later per-
haps an infantry axe with half-moon blade (Pers.)
dushm: small dagger (see dashna; Ar.)
falSkhan: sling (Pers.)
fatlr. rivets of mail links (Ar.)
firind: "watering" pattern on damascene sword-blade
ir (Pers
: gauntlet, Mughal India
gdnva, gdruwa: quilted leather soft-armc
of quilted shield or mantlet (Pers.)
ghilaf. scabbard, s' ' ~
ghilala: rivets in «
(Ar.)
(Ar.)
jukra: gro
iword-blade (Ar.)
abbard (Ar.)
ghirar: edges of sword-blade (Ar.)
ghughwah: mail hauberk with integral coif, Mughal
gvah kusha hooked spear (Indo-Pers.)
gifiban a\ entail, gorget or tippet (Pers.)
gudhdi infantrv javelin or staff-weapon (Pers.)
gundar javelin (Tk.)
gupal form ol mace (Pers.)
guptl kard small thrusting knife with integral gauntlet,
Mughal India
gmz mace probably asymetrical, animal-headed form
(Pers)
gustuwan horse-armour (see bargustuwan; Pers.)
hablka coil or more likely aventail (Ar.)
hadd point or perhaps edge of sword-blade (Ar.)
haajaf shield, usually leather, of Africa and Andalus
(Ar)
hadjarat al-yad hand-thrown stone (Ar.)
halka ring, either as part of a mail hauberk or for
other purposes (Ar.)
hamila, himala baldric, or attachment points on scab-
bard for a baldric or sword-belt (Ar.)
handler dagger (see khanajar, Ott. Turk.)
harba large-bladed infantry spear or staff-weapon (Ar.)
harf edge ol sword-blade (Ar.)
ham Indian dagger (Ar.)
hashu padded garment or soft armour (Ar.)
hilya decorative elements on scabbard and sword (Ar.)
hirawa thick haft of a staff weapon or spear (Ar.)
husdm edges of sword-blade (Andalusian Ar.)
kabastm ball and chain (Urdu)
kabda grip or hilt of sword (Pers.)
kabf'a pommel of sword-hilt (Ar.)
kabura heavv form of cuirass (Ar. prob. from Pers.)
kadd sword-blade (Ar.)
kaddam straight two-edged sword (Pers.)
kadjam, kadfim, kadjin: horse armour of mail (Pers.)
kaff gauntlet or extension to a vambrace; also per-
haps an upper arm defence attached to body armour
(Ar.)
kafir-kubat: form of mace (Ar.)
kahzana: thick haft of spear or staff weapon (Ar.)
ka'im: hilt of sword (Ar.)
kala': form of straight broad sword-blade (Ar.)
kalachur, kaladjun, kaldjun: curved sword or early form
of sabre (poss. from Turk, kilic; Pers. and Ar.)
kalaghr. helmet-crest, Mughal India
kalb: ring on scabbard to attached baldric or straps
to belt (Ar.)
kalb: centre of shield, over the grip (Ar.)
kalkan: spiral cane shield bound with silk or cotton
(Turk.)
kalsdl zarad: mail chausses (Ar.)
kamand: lasso (Pers.)
kamarband: waist and abdomen protecting armour or
the central part of a djawshan cuirass (Pers.)
kanat: long spear (Ar.)
kanbush: caparison or horse-cloth (Ar.)
kantha-shubha: gorget for neck and throat, Mughal India
lantup one-piece helmet Mughal India
laratul swoid associated with Ccntial Asian Tmks
piobablv a conuptinn ni kalacui (Indo-Peis )
kard knife or small daggei (Pers )
larkal quilted soit armour 01 arming coat later lncoi-
Lmtal Indian curved sword or daggei (Ar I
larud straight-bladed narrow-bladed dagger, Mughal
India
kama leathei mantlet padded with cotton (see also
gam a Indo-Peis )
kaMa kaMa chamfrom or the front part oi hoise-
armour Mughal India
katka?a Sudanese straight double-edged sword
katata Indian sword 01 large dagger (Pers )
kahr rivet-heads of a mail haubeik (Ai )
kaiuias point or decorated summit of helmet (Ai )
ka^aghand kajiagand kajmgan kazighand fabi it -cov ei ed
mail haubeik with integral padded lining (Ar and
Pels)
kazakand fabric -covered mail-lined and padded aimour
(see also ka^aghand Pels )
ka^akanda (Tk from Pers, see kazakand)
lens kns Malav <S. Indonesian dagger of varied form,
usuallv with its blade expanding towards the gup
and with a shghtlv angled grip (Malav)
kin* mluk large form of kens foi cutting rather than
thrusting (Malav)
khaftan padded soft aimoui in the same shape as the
similarlv named garment ( Pers )
khalal lining of fui or skin inside scabbard (Ai )
khamai large daggei (see khan/ar Tk )
khanda khanda bioad straight-bladed swoid (Indo-Pers )
Lhandj.ai large dagger (Peis and Ai )
IJiapu a double-c urv ed daggei , Mughal India
kharatagm uncleai form of infantrv armour also pro-
tecting the legs (Peis )
khatangku dtlul padded or felt soit aimour, latei also
lined with scales or plates (Mongol)
khatil longest form of Arab spear (Ar )
khayda'a heaw foim of helmet, possiblv local ioim of
the European Great Helm (Andalusian Ar )
khendjtr large dagger (from Ar khandjar, Berber)
Una small round shield, Mughal India
khm shoit infantrv spear (Andalusian Ai )
khisht javelin (\r and Pers)
khud khud khudh khudha helmet usuallv of segmented
construction, can also be made of hardened leather
segments ( Pers and \r )
khudashikan mace lit helmet breaker" (Pers )
khumm ghiihan false sleeve protecting the upper arm
kuntarma lelativelv shoit cavalrv spear for thrusting
onlv (fiom Gieek hontanon Ar )
kupal mace (see gupal Peis )
kuriin edges oi speai-blade (Ar )
kmz mace (see gurz Peis )
kivka belt foi swoid and arc heiv equipment (Tk.)
lakhhi ioim oi mace (see latt, Peis)
Beibei and Saharan laige leather shield (Ar.)
latt i
khur.
e gur^ ■
kinajal bioad double-edged dagger, onginallv fi
knab sheath oi daggei (Ar )
kolcak vambiace (Ott Turk)
konpal mace with flower-shaped head, India
kota^in cuirass or mail-and-plate construction, Otton
(Tuik irom Latin)
kuba' lining or skull-cap oi
cap (Ai )
kubaaj shield-boss (Ar )
kulah helmet (Peis )
kulah onh mail coif 01 helme
rm piotection (Tk)
sable or curved da:
helm,
• with e
gated h
a\ entail also covering the thioat, lit. "veil" (Ar.)
kummiyt sabie oi curved dagger (Berber)
nakd grip oi swoid-hilt probablv corruption of mikbad
nadm Berber javelin (Andalusian Ai )
nadi madna swords (Ar I
naajmn, miajann shield (see djimna, Ar )
nadva kmie oi dagger used bv Europeans (Ar.)
nahu.cn nail fixing blade to haft of spear (Ar.)
makhmus shoit cavalrv spear (Ar i
makk shoit infantrv speai or javelin (Peis )
maman al uatai honzontal lacing of a lamellai cuirass
(Ar)
manabidh individual links of a mail hauberk (Ar )
manStik sword-belt (Ai )
marbu'a short spear (poss fiom Greek riptana, Ar.)
maid gh speai with a hook beneath the blade (Indo-
Pers )
mashiafi eailv Arabian sword, largeh in poetic usage
masruda, misruda possiblv the scales of a coat-of-plates
nughjai hood oi coif, usuallv of mail, to protect the
head later sometimes lefernng to the mail aven-
kulluk
tail
attac hed
to a he
met
Ai )
mighta
helmet
(Ott Tk
m Ar )
mikbad
hilt or
grip of
(Ar)
nukdab
curved
or single
-edg
d sword
nnkla"
sling (A
club o
c udgel
nurkiz
foot 01
shoe of
pear
shaft (Ar
f foot
i -shaft U
nail or rivet attaching hilt to tang of sword (Ar.)
numwka foim of helmet laigelv consisting of mail
with a small skull-top, mostlv used in the Caucasus
(from Tk )
mitrad mitrad shoit hunting speai, javelin or staff
miyan sheath or stiap to hold mate (Pers.)
mizrak javelin with aimour piercing blade (Ar.)
mudakhala possiblv a scale armour (Ai.)
mudjallida protective leather costume worn by fire-
muhaddab curved oi single-edged swoid (Ar.)
murhafa slender sword-blade (Andalusian Ar.)
murrana infantrv spear with flexible wooden haft (Ar.)
mmtaufna long hafted mace, probablv ceremonial (Ar.)
muza i Sham non leg aimoui , Mughal India (Pers.)
naiakh wai-axe, peihaps with half-moon blade and
often with a hammei at the back (Pers.)
nadfagh wai-axe (see naiakh, Tk I
nadjfkh wai-axe (see naiakh, Al )
nahd shield-boss or nails to hold grip North Africa (Ar.)
na'l na'la chape of scabbaid (Ar )
nasi blade of Indian or Yemeni swoid (Ar.)
nauk point of spear-blade (Peis)
na)zak shoit spear with a pointed foot (Ar.)
naztak war-axe, equivalent of Arabic tabor (Kipcak
Tk)
nimsha: Moroccan short sabre (from Persian mmca\ Ar.)
msdb: grip of a dagger-hilt (Ar.)
niyam: scabbard (Pers.)
nizayi mard-gir: spear with a curved blade or incor-
porating a hook, of Mongol-Chinese origin (Pers.)
pahri: shield of cane or bamboo, Mughal India (see
pak'har, pakhar: elephant armour, Mughal India
paldrak: sabre or large dagger of damascene steel (Pers.)
par dum: crupper, piece of horse-armour covering the
paralak: sword of damascene steel (from Pers. palarak;
Tk.)
parand: glittering sword-blade (Pers.)
pari magas: sword, largely poetic (Pers.)
pavwand: fastenings of a kamarband cuirass or armoured
"girdle (Pers.)
pedang: early form of Malay sword (Malay)
peshkabz: slender dagger, Mughal India
phari: Indian version of the Turkish kalkan spiral cane
shield bound with silk or cotton
piazi: ball attached to shaft by leather strap (Urdu)
pil kash, bil kash: short infantry spear or staff weapon,
apparently for use against elephants (Indo-Pers.)
purda: aventail, Mughal India
raba'ith: Bedouin Arab light javelins (prob. from Greek
ripiana via Syriac; Ar.)
rabi'a: local form of helmet (Andalusian Ar.)
tag, rak: leg armour of mail-and-plate, Mughal India
rartat hadld: cuisses, probably of mail (Ar.)
rasa'i': ends of baldric, perhaps in form of knots to
attach to scabbard (Ar.)
,i'ds: entire sword-hilt (Ar.)
v. spea
: long hafted infantry staff weapon or heavy
> (Ar.)
javelin
sabigh, iabigha: long-hemmed, long-sleeved forrr
hauberk, also lower part or hem of a coi
sabiriyya: long style of mail hauberk (Ar.)
;<#: "sword-blade from India (Ar.)
sajha, safiha: broad sword-blade (Ar.)
sqflha: individual lamellae of a lamellar cuir;
tak, sak al-m&za: leg protections (Ar.)
saki: "watering" pattern on damascene sword-
blade (Ar.)
salaivar. single-edge sword or large dagger with a rein-
forced back, known in Europe as a "Khyber knife",
Mughal India (see also caray and chura)
saltan: quilted soft armour with short sleeves (Ar.)
samsam: broad sword-blade with fuller groove or grooves
(Ar.)
sanbuk: edge of sword-blade (Andalusian Ar.)
tang: short cavalry spear (Indo-Pers.)
sanglakh: knobbed mace, India
sannaha: body armour, Mughal India
sar: collar of an armour or military garment, also part
of sword blade beneath quillons, or point or sum-
mit of helmet (Pers.)
sar. sail: mace or club (Pers.)
sard: individual ring of an armour of mail construe-
don (Ar.)
sari: form of chamfron (Ar.)
savat: part of sword-hilt enclosing the tang (Ar.)
s'ayf: sword (Ar.)
saynthi: javelin or short spear (Indo-Pers.)
sbula: slender dagger (Berber)
shabh: iron foot of spear (Ar.)
shafra: edge of sword-blade (Ar.)
shahadast: early Yemeni sword, perhaps single-edged
(Ar.)
sha'ira: peg or rivet fastening sword-hilt to tang of
blade (Ar.)
shalTl: arming coat or soft armour worn beneath a
mail hauberk (Ar.)
shamshir: sword (Pers.)
sharban: quillons (Ar.)
sharib: locket around open end of scabbard (Ar.)
shashb'ir, shishpar: flanged made (Indo-Pers.)
shaska: Caucasian sabre without quillons
shathab: fuller groove down sword-blade (Ar.)
shil: barbed light javelin (Indo-Pers.)
shirastrana: helmet, Mughal India
shushak: large lute-shaped shield used in sieges (Pers.)
sikk. dagger lAr.)
sikkin, sikkina: knife or small dagger (Ar.)
silan: tang of sword (Ar.)
sinan: spear blade or point (Ar.)
smkh: tang of sword (Ar.)
sipar: shield (Pers.)
sipar-i farakh: infantry shield or mantlet (Pers.)
sir bat: large form of cloth-covered or lined mail hauberk
with a raised collar (Ar.)
siyabiha: form of cavalry war-axe made by the Arme-
nian people of Siyawurdiya or Sevordik' (Ar.)
sosum patta: form of sword (Indo-Pers.)
sunbula: form of sword (Andalusian Ar.)
iundang: large sword (Malay)
siingi, siingu: spear (Kipcak Tk.)
iunu: spear (Tk.)
sutun: iron staff (Pers.)
ta'alik: suspension straps from belt to scabbard, or per-
haps tassets of a cuirass (Ar.)
labar zaghnol: double-headed axe or with a pointed
blade on the back, India
tabar: war-axe (Pers. and Ar.)
tabarzin: cavalry axe; lit. "saddle-axe" (Pers. and Ar.)
tafrat mekkum: small sabre or cutlass (Berber)
tafrut, tafrat: general term for bladed weapon, Morocco,
or working knife, Algeria (Berber)
tak: ring at end of baldric to attach scabbard (Ar.)
takallada: style of carrying sword from baldric (Ar.)
takouba: straight sword of Saharan Tuareg (Berber)
tala: shield of wood or leather, Mughal India
tala: clothing covered, lined or impregnated with fire-
resistant chemicals, worn by fire-troops (Ar.)
talamula: wooden shield, Mughal India
ta'lib: part of spear-shaft entering socket of blade (Ar.)
talwar: form of sword (Indo-Pers.)
tamiir komlak: mail armour, lit. "iron clothes" (Kipcak
Tk.)
tannur, tanungh: early form of large cuirass, possibly of
scales and associated with the SasSnid period (Pers.)
tanutrana, tanutra: body armour, Mughal India
taraf: point of spear (Ar.)
tara'ik: segments of a segmented helmet (Ar.)
tarangala: axe with a spike on top and a hammer at
the back, India
tarangar: multi-pronged infantry spear (Indo-Pers.)
targ (see tark; Pers.)
tank, tarfka: rounded helmet, possibly fluted (Ar.)
tarika: tall or kite-shaped shield with pointed base (Ar.)
tark: helmet (Pers.)
tasbult: dagger (Berber)
teber: war-axe (Ott. Tk., see tabar)
teneke individual lamellae of a lamellar cuirass ( Tk )
thajrut sabre, Morocco (Berber)
thakad soft armour quilted with camel hall (Ar )
tha'lab part of spear-shaft entering socket of blade (see
rofq
i felt (Ar )
tidjfaf hoi:
tifiatm knife or small-sword (Berber)
tigh sword-blade (Pers )
tilwa cavalry shield, Mughal India
tir-i andazan light infantry javelins (Pers)
tirjil sheath 01 holder foi mace (Tk )
tTsha long-hafted battle axe or halberd (Pers and Ai )
tishtamyya pi obably chamfi on, ai moui foi hoi se s head
(Ai from Latin)
tiira wooden mantlet, Mughal India
tuis shield (Ar)
ukka ; Berber infantry mace (Ar )
'ura, pi of 'urn a loops or holes in the rim of a hel-
met by which it is attached to an arming cap or
an av entail (Ar )
valahkanta bamboo or leather shield, Mughal India
oarman mail hauberk or body armour, Mughal India
wadaf Berber sling (Ar )
> (Ar)
r thrusting dagger, Berber iprob
fi om Berber tafrut, Ar )
yakbandi swoid-belt Mughal India
yataghan, yataghan leverse-curved short sword (Ott Tk )
yazani eaily Southern Arabian spear or javelin (Ar i
zaghnol axe with a pointed rather than curved blade
zahika local foim of helmet (Andalusian Ar )
zarad mail armour in general (Ar )
zaiadma mail coif or helmet largely of mail con-
Zaiafayn rings to attach scabbard to baldric (Ar )
Zaidiyya mail hauberk or layer of mail forming part
Ziih gomlek mail-and-plate cuirass (Ott. Tk.)
Zuba edge of sword-blade (Ar.)
ZubTn, zupin, zhupin heavy javelin with a pointed loot
or second blade (Pers.)
zudfd} non foot of spear (Ar.)
Bibliography 1 Specialised works on
Islamic arms and armour. J. Hammei-
Purgstall, Sur les lames des Orientaux, in JA, 5th ser
iii (1854), 66-80; F. Fernandez y Gonzalez, Espadas
hispano-drabes, espadas de Abindarraez y de Aliatar espada
de hqja tunecina atribuida vulgarmente a Muhammad Boabdeli
(Boabdil), in Bol. Museo Espanol de Atigikdades, 1 (1872)
573-90, and v (1875), 389-400; E. Rehatsek holes
on some old arms and instruments of war, chief!) among
the Arabs, in Jnal. Bombay Branch HAS, xiv (1880)
219-63; F.W. Schwarzlose, Die Waffen der alien \raber
Leipzig 1886; Y. Artin Pasha, Un sabre de I Eybek
in Bull, de I'Institut d'Egypte, ix (1899), 219-59 idem
Les amies de I'Egypte aux XV" et XVI" siecle, in Bull
de I'Institut d'Egypte, iv (1906-7), 87-90; M Her?
Amies et armures arabes, in BIFAO, vii (1910) 1-14
C. List, Die Waffen, in F. Sarre, Die Ausstellung ion
Meistermerken muhammadanischer Kunst in Munchen
Munich 1910; Capt. Belhomme, Les amies dam li
Sous Occidental, in Archives Berberes, ii (1917) idem
Lespoiguards du Sous, Rabat 1917; C.P. Davis Persian
arms and armor, in Bull. City Art Museum of St Louis
vii (1922); P. de Vigy, Les sabres marocams, in Hespens
iv (1924), 117-31; H. Stocklein, Em tiirkische Hdm
in Jahrbuch fur Asiatische Kunst, ii (1925), 163-9 EA
Gessler, Der Kalotten-Helm von Chamoson, in ^titschr
fur Histonsihe Haffen und hostumkunde m (1930)
121-7 M du Buisson Tete de lance arabe in Bull
de la Societe hationale des \ntiquanes de Frame (1931)
W W Arendt, Sigeron hubetschi in ^eitschr Jut Histo
nshe Haffen und Koslumkunde iv (1932-4) idem
Turkische Sabel aus den VII IX Jahrhundeit in Archaeohgia
Hunganca xvi (1934), H Stocklein Die It affensihatzt
mi Topkapu Sarayi Muzesi in Ars Islamica i (1934)
200-18 S Grancsay The George C Stone Bequest Indian
and Persian arms and armour in Bull Metropolitan Musium
of Art xxxn (1937) idem, The George G Stone Bequest
Turkish Balkan Caucasian and horth Afncan arms and
armoui in ibid xxxn (1937) H Stocklein, Arms and
armoui in A U Pope Sunn of Persian art, 2555-85
Hamete Ben Cobexi Espadas hispano aiabes in Maure
tama xv (1942) 135-7 J Ferrandis Torres Espadas
gianadinas dela Jineta, in Arckvo Espanol di Aite, xvi
(1943l 142-bb LA Mayer Saracenic arms and armour
in Ars Islamua x (1943) 2- H Goetz The Kris of
tht fint Muslim Sultan of Malacca m the wlletion of
HH the Maharaja Gaeknad of Baroda, in Jnal of the
Greater India Society xn (1945), 49-52 R Bullock
Oriental arms and armour in Bull Metropolitan Museum
of irt ns v (1947) &C Wooley The Malay Kens
its origins and deielopment in Jnal Malay Branch MS
xx (1947) bO-103 CI Cahen bn traiti d'armuiene
compose pom Saladin in BEO xu (1947-8), 103-b3
B W Robinson 77k sitord of Islam in Apollo Annual
(London 1949) A B De Hoffrneyer Middelalderens
islamiske svaerd in I aabenhistonske Aalboger, vui (195b)
F Buttin Les idaigues de Fes in Hespens Tamuda i
(1960) 409-55 AR Zaki Centres of Islamic sitord
making in the Middle Ages in Bull dc I Institut d'Egypte
xxx viu (19b0) D Jacques-Meume Le nom berbtn
dun poignard maghebin au \I siecle d'apies un texte
aiabe de lEgyple in JA ecl (19b2) bl3-8 Mayer
Islamic armoimrs and their uorks Geneva 19b2 MR
Ba]raktaiovic Epee et yatagan de Petioio Selo in \esnik
Vojnog (Belgrade) vm-ix (19b3) 301 AD Bivai
Algerian panoph arms and armour of the horlhem Regions
Lagos 1964 S Q. Fatimi Malaysian neapom in iiabie
liteiatuie a glimpse of eaih trade m the Indian Oiean in
Studies i (19b4) 199-217 AR Zaki On
Isla
l Studies
n Islam
« and a,
honow of Pwf KAC desitell Cano 19b5 idem
Important saoids in the Museum of Islamic Ait in
Cairo in Vaabenhistonske Aaboger, xm (19bb) 143-57,
H Sirum Amies twques du XW \IV sleeks au Musee
(19b8) 277-93 JM Gan
' nal d
in Cio
nua \oia m (19b9) 38-55 R D|anpc
A Kirpicmkov Mittelalterluher Sabel mit einei \rmen
ischen Inschnft Sffunden im subpolaien Uial in Gladius x
(1972) 15-23 H Nickel -1 Mamluk axe in R Ettmg-
hausen led ) Islamic ait m the Metropolitan Museum of
Art New \oik 1972 213-25 L Kalus Bouchers ai
culaires de I Orient musulman in Gladius, xn (1974) 59-
133, idem In bomber mamelouke dans les collections du
Musee de I Homme a Pans in \rnii \ntiche (1975) 21-
8 A Bahnassi, Fabrication des epees de Damas, in Stria
lm (197b) 281-94 G Fehervan Islamic metaluoik of
the eighth to the fifteenth centun in the heir collection
London 1976 DC Nicolle, Early medieial Islamic
arms and armoui Madnd 1976 A North, Islamic
arms and armour in The Connoisseur (London 1976)
H T Non is Th Hauberk the Kazaghand and the 'intm
Romance in Jnal of the Arms and Armour Society ix
(1978) 93-101 MR Zamir-Dahncke Em persischer
Rundschild mit Jagdmoticen, in Archaologische Mittalun
Hen aus Iran xi (1978) 205-9 R Elgood led ) Islamic
arms and armour London 1979 MV Gorehck On
ental armoui of the hear and Middle East from the eighth
to thi jiftttnth untunes as shown in works of art in
Elgood (ed ) op at, 30-63 Nicolle an introduction
to arms and warfare m Classical Islam in Elgood (ed )
op at 162-86 FK Wiest, 77k sword oj Islam caged
weapons of Mohammedan Asia, in Arts of Asia ix (1979)
73-82 Nuolle Arms and armour in the album paintings
in Islamic Art i (\olume dedicated to the Fatih
Albums in the Topkapi Library) New \ork 1981
145-9 idem Islamische Uaffen Graz 1981 Davids-
Samlini? Unmake laben i dansk pmatqe/ Islamu arms
and aimoui from pniate Danish collections Copenhagen
1982 H Ricketts Some ea,h collectors and scholars of
oriental arms and armour, in Davids-Samling op at
AS Mehkian-Chin am The westward journey of the
hazhagand in Jnal of the irms and Armour SoatU xi
(1983) 8-35 Nicolle Arms production and the arms
trade m South Eastern Arabia in the earh Muslim period
mjnal of Oman Studies v (1984), 231-8 DG Alex-
ander and Ricketts Amies et armures in S C Welch
(ed) Tresois de I Islam (collection Rijaat Shaikh al Ard),
Genesa 1985, 296-8 Noith Islamic arms London
1985 JK Schwarzer and EC Deal A sword hilt
fwm the Seree Liman shipwreck in MASCA Jnal, is
1 198b) 50-9 Mehkian-Chinam, On Indian saddle
axes in Apollo cvwn (1988) 117-20 North Swords
and hilttd weapons London 1989 SZ Haidar, Islamic
arms and armour of Muslim India Lahore 1991 Nicolle
Armi bianche Islam in Enculopedw dcll'Artc Medieiale,
n Rome 1991 498-500 Schwarzer Arms from an
eleienth century shipwreck in Graeco iiabica n (1991)
327-50 \le\ander The arts of wai aims and armoui
of the 7th to 19th centuries in The Hassir D Khalili
collection of Islamic Art vol \\I Oxford 1992 Nicolle
Byzantine and Islamic arms and armour cadence jor mu
tual influence in Giaeco iiabica \ (1992), 299-325 A
C ollet Dans la sallt orientate du Musee dc I Armee Its
casques turcs [\l \W siecle), in Recue dc la Societi des
Amis du Musce dc I Armee evi (1993), 25-31 AN
Kirpichnokos Medieial sabres with brands fiom the col
lections of the National Museum oj Finland in P Pui ho-
nen led ) Fcnno Usri et Slaii 1992 Prehistoric economy
and means of Inelihood Helsinki 1994, 2b-33 Nicolle
Sal m arms and armoui m ait and literature in R Hillen-
brand led ) The arts oj the Saljuqs in Iran and Anatolia
Costa Mesa 1994 247-5b idem The teahh oj Mamlul
warfare weapons armour and tactics (= tr ofCh Two
Lesson Se\en of the hihayat al su'l) in Al Masaq \
(1994) 77-111 AR Williams Ottoman military tech
nology the metalluigy of Tuilish armour, in \ Le\ (ed j,
War and society in the Eastern Mcditenancan 7th 13th
centuries, Leiden 199b 3b3-97 Nicolle Arms of the
Umanad era military technology in a time of change in
ibid 9-100
2. General works including Islamic arms
and armour. W. Egerton (Lord Egerton of Tat-
ton), A description of Indian and Oriental armour, London
1896, repr. London 1968; A. Robert Les cottes de
mailles de la Mosquee du Sid el Djoudi in Recual des
notices et memoires de la Societe Archeologique de Con stantine
xl (1906), 105-9; B. Dean, Handbook oj arms and armoi
European and Oriental, including the U illiam H Riggs
Collection, New York 1915; N. Fries Das Hccrcswesen
der Araber zur Z^t eier Omaijaden nach Taban Tubingen
1921; Ibn Hudhayl al-Andalusi, tr L Mercier La
parure des cavaliers et Vinsigne des preux Pans 1922 t
(1933) 285-305, F Wolfl, Glossar zu Firdosis Schah
name, Berlin 1935, repr Hildesheim 1965, R Zellei
and E F Rohrer, Onentahsche Sammlung Henri Moscr
Charlottenfels, Bern 1955, A Mazahen, Le sabre con
Ire I'epee, in Annates ESC, xm (1958), 670-86, GC
Stone, A glossary of the construction, decoration and use
York 1961, B Thomas, Aus der It affensammlung m
der Neuen Buig zu Uien Onentahsche Kostbarkeiten, in
Bustan (1963-4), GF Laking, The Wallace Collection
Catalogue of Onental arms and armour, repr London
1964; J J. Rodriguez Lorente, The XVth century ear
dagger. Its Hispano-Moresque origins, in Gladius, iii (1964);
G. Pant, A study of Indian swords, in Itihdsa-Chayanikd,
Jnal. of the Punjab University Historical Society, xi-xiii
(1965), 75-86; G. Vianello, Armi e armature orientali,
Milan 1966; E. Garcia Gomez, Armas, banderas, tien-
das de campana, monturas y correos en los "Anales de al
Hakam II" por <Isa Ra Z i, in And., xxxii (1967), 163-79;
H.R. Robinson, Oriental armour, London 1967; P.S.
Rawson, The Indian sword, London 1968; O. Kurz,
A gold helmet made in Venice for the Ottoman Sultan
Sulayman the Magnificent, 1532, in Gazette des Beaux
Arts, iii (1969), 249-58; Pant, Studies in Indian weapons
and warfare, New Delhi 1970; Y. Zoka, The Tofang
i (1971), 53-9; A.B. De'Hoffmeyer, Arms and armour
in Spain, a short survey, i, Madrid 1972, ii, Madrid
1982; Z. Zygulski, Turkish trophies in Poland in the
Imperial Ottoman style, in Armi Antiche (1972); Jarnusz-
kiewicz, The oriental sabre: a comprehensive study of the
oriental sabre and its origins, London 1973; E. Esin,
re (etu
iconograp!
1939
MJ
Viguera, Gala de caballeros, blason de paladines, Madrid
1977; J.G. Mann, Notes on the armour worn in S)
from the tenth to the fifteenth century, in Archaeologia, h
G. Hazai and P. Zieme (eds.), Sprache, Geschichte und
Kultur der altaischen Volker, Berlin 1974, 193-217;
Robinson, II Museo Stibbert, vol. i [Oriental armour),
Florence 1974; K.U. Uray-Kohalmi, La periodisation
I'histoire des armaments des nomades des steppes, in Etudes
Mongoles, v (1974); J. Schobel, Princely arms and armour,
London 1975; M.A. Hindi, Bibliography of Arabic mss.
on Islamic military arts, arms and armour, in International
Symposium for the History of Arabic Science [Aleppo, April
1977), Aleppo 1978; J.W. Allan, Persian metal tech-
nology, 700-1300 AD, Oxford 1979; E. Atil, Art of
the Mamluks, Washington 1981; Melikian-Chirvani,
I'Iran Musulman, in JESHO, xxiv (1981), 310-16;
Pant, Medieval arms and armour, in Salar Jang Museum
Bi-Annual Research Jnal, xv-xvi (1981-2), 51-82; Allan,
Mshapur metalwork of the early Islamic period, New York
1982; L. Tarassuk and C. Blair (eds.), The complete
encyclopedia of arms and weapons, London 1982; Pant,
The Indian shield, New Delhi 1983; O.D. Sherby
and J. Wadsworth, Damascus steels, in Scientific American
(Feb. 1985), 112-20; A.Y. al-Hasan and D.R. Hill,
Islamic technology, an illustrated history, Cambridge 1986;
A Soler del Campo, El armamento medieval hispano,
in Cuademos de Investigacion Medieval, iii (1986), 1-51;
F Bodur, Turk maden sanatil Turkish metalwork, Istanbul
1987, Nicolle, The arms and armour of the Crusad-
ing eia 1050-1350, New York 1988; Ricketts and
P Missillier, Splendeur des amies onentales, Paris 1988;
Pant Mughul weapons in the Babur-Mma, Delhi 1989;
Zys^ilski, Sztuka islamu w zbiorach polskic, Warsaw
1989 J.D. Verhoeven and A.H. Pendray, Studies of
Damascus steel blades, in Materials Characterisation (1992,
1993), Pant, Horse and elephant armour, New Delhi
1993, Soler del Campo, La evolueion del armamento
medieial en el reino castellano-leones y al-Andalus (siglos
\II MV), Madrid 1993; M. Sachse, Damascus steel:
mUh history, technology, applications, 1994; D.G. Alex-
ander (ed.), Furusiyya, i. The horse in the art of the
Near East, ii. Catalogue, Riyad 1997; C. Beaufort-
Spontin, The Sckvendi booty of Archduke Ferdinand of
Tyrol, in Alexander (ed.), Furusiyya, i, 184-9; Nicolle,
The origins and development of cavalry warfare in the early
Muslim Middle East, in ibid., 92-103.
Captions
1. A hardened crocodile-skin helmet with an iron
lamellar neck-guard and one remaining crocodile-skin
cheek-piece; said to be from Wadi Garara east of
Kalabsha in Nubia. Although this helmet is some-
times considered to be from the "Roman" era, the
presence of a neck-guard made of iron lamellae over
camel skin could indicate a later origin, perhaps from
the 5th to 8th centuries. Until the helmet is carbon-
dated, the question remains unresolved; meanwhile,
the helmet itself is an interesting example of non-
metallic Middle Eastern military technology. (Staadiche
Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Antiken-
\ very o
e oftv
joined beneath a flat comb, from Hadltha on the
eastern shore of the Dead Sea, Jordan. This typical
late Roman helmet is generally considered to date
from the 4th or 5th centuries, though the history of
Hadltha as a Romano-Byzantine military outpost could
make a late 6th to mid-7th century date more likely.
This helmet was also found in conjunction with a
dagger or short-sword identical to one found in Pella
[see fahl] and undoubtedly dating from the mid-8th
century. Comparable helmets continued in use else-
where in the Byzantine Empire and parts of Western
Europe at least until the 8th century, and are likely
to have similarly continued in use in the early Islamic
Middle East. (Casde Museum, Karak, Jordan)
3. An iron and bronze helmet excavated at Nineveh
in northern 'Irak. It is a late and undecorated ver-
sion of the so-called Parthian Cap style characteristic
of Sasanid troops. The style and context suggest that
this helmet dated from the very end of the Sasanid
Empire in the early 7th century, though some picto-
rial evidence from the first century of Islamic civili-
sation indicates that comparable helmets continued in
use for a century after the coming of Islam. (British
Museum, inv. 22497, London, England)
4. A second iron helmet found at Nineveh is in a
completely different Spangenhelm style stemming from
Central Asian military techniques. It also retains a
fragment of its mail aventail. This helmet represents
a major technological shift which would also be seen
in much of Europe. It is again assumed to date from
the very end of the Sasanid period, but is just as
likely to have been made during the first century of
Islamic rule. (British Museum, inv. 22495, London,
England)
5. A well-preserved iron helmet in a version of the
Spangenhelm form of construction in which the "frame-
plates" are actually broader than the "infill-plates". It
probably dates from the 8th or 9th centuries and
was found at Stary Oskol, near Voronezh in Russia.
Yet it was probably imported from Islamic Persia or
Transoxania, where identical helmets are shown on
fragmentary wall-paintings dating from the 8th to 10th
centuries. (State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg,
Russia)
6. The earliest known helmet forged from a single
piece of iron is this low-domed protection with a row
of iron rings. These were probably the attachment
uppermost row of mail links. It was found in the
early 8th century stratum in a ruined temple at Wa-
raghsar near Samarkand in Uzbekistan. Whether such
advanced metallurgy originated in Transoxania, the
Islamic Middle East or reflected Chinese influence re-
mains unknown, but it is interesting to note that one
contemporary Arabic chronicler differentiated between
enemies "wearing round helmets" and those "wearing
pointed helmets" on the north-eastern frontier of the
Islamic world. (From a drawing by the archaeologist,
Masud Samibayev; present whereabouts unknown)
7. A much better-known one-piece iron helmet
came from Chamosen in Switzerland and dates from
the 9th or 10th century. It is believed to be of Arab-
Islamic origin and, beneath its purely decorative
"frame-straps" and more functional brow-band, this
helmet has essentially the same narrowing around
Waraghsar. (Schweizerisches Landesmuseum, Zurich,
Switzerland)
8. A third one-piece iron helmet was found in
Tunisia. Though provisionally dated to the Hafsid
period (13th to 16th centuries), it has a virtually
identical outline to the helmet from Chamosen.
As such, it might have been made as early as the
10th century. (Museum of Islamic Studies, Rakkada,
Tunisia)
9. Another very distinctive form of iron helmet,
of which this appears to be the only surviving exam-
ple, appears in Christian Iberian art from the 12th
to early 14th centuries. It is generally worn by "evil"
figures which might indicate that it was originally
associated with Muslim troops from al-Andalus. This
style of helmet may, indeed, have originated in the
Islamic south of the Iberian peninsula. (W. Scollard
private coll., Los Angeles, USA)
10. This apparently unique helmet is so unusual
that it might initially be dismissed as a fake, except
that a very similar form of helmet is illustrated in a
Moroccan manuscript dating from 621/1224. If it is
genuine, then it could be a very late development of
the Roman two-piece helmet seen in figure 2. (From
a drawing by Dr. Michael Brett, made in the local
archaeological museum at Kayrawan in the 1970s;
where;
unknov
11. One of two very similar late 13th or early 14th
century Turkish helmets, still with their long neck and
shoulder covering mail aventails. This one has a bowl
either strengthened by widely spaced "ribs" or made
from plates joined by "rolled joints". The other has
a one-piece bowl, though both are characterised by
exceptionally deep brow-bands and decorative eye-
brows. (Askeri Miizesi store, Istanbul, Turkey)
12. A simple Spangenhelm helmet from southern
Persia. It was found with the remains of a lamellar
cuirass and perhaps a lamellar aventail to be fastened
to the rim of this helmet. The ring on the fmial sug-
gests that it dates from after the Mongol conquest,
as this was a feature of perhaps Chinese origin which
was introduced to many areas by the Mongols. The
helmet probably dates from the later 13th or early
1 4th centuries. (After a drawing by V.V. Ovsyannikov;
present whereabouts unknown)
13. A damaged but still recognisable lacquered
leather or rawhide helmet, lined with small blocks of
wood judging by a second fragmentary example, which
came from the Euphrates region of northeastern Syria.
It was decorated with black and red lacquer (shown
here in black) which included a heraldic lion on one
side. This heraldic cartouche, plus inscriptions on other
pieces of equipment from the same location, indi-
cates that they were of Mamluk origin, the optimum
radiocarbon dating being A.D. 1285. (Private collec-
tion, London, England)
14. One-piece helmet with an inscription dedicated
to the second Ottoman ruler Orkhan GhazT; mid-
14th century. It is the earliest known example of the
so-called "turban helmet" style which probably orig-
inated in Anatolia or western Persia and would become
particularly associated with Ottoman aimies of the
15th century. (Askeri Muzesi, Istanbul, Turkey)
15. A magnificent though extremely practical late
13th or early 14th century iron helmet with an origi-
nal mail aventail to protect the wearer's neck and
shoulders. By this period, armourers in the central
Islamic lands, including Persia and the expanding
Ottoman Empire, had reached their metallurgical and
stylistic pinnacle. Their products were also very differ-
ent to those made by European armouiers to the west
and Chinese armourers to the east. (State Hermitage
Museum, St. Petersburg, Russia)
16. At the end of the mediaeval period, a very
distinctive style of helmet appeared in the Islamic
Middle East, thereafter being almost universal in Persian
speaking regions, Islamic India and parts of the eastern
Arab world. The example shown here may be one
of the earliest surviving examples since the dedicatory
inscription (X) names the early 8th/ 14th-century
Mamluk ruler Nasir al-Dln Muhammad b. Kalawun.
It is, however, possible that this dedication was a later
anachronism. (Musee de la Porte de Hal, Brussels)
17. As Islam spread across the Eurasian steppes,
a number of very distinctive forms of helmet ap-
peared, particularly in the western steppes where
Turkish, Mongol, Persian and perhaps also Byzantine
influences combined. One result was a form of tall
■t based upon the segmented
lenhelms
rorporating a
anthropo
morphic visor which seemed to reflect
artistic values. These helmets are generally
thought tc
date from the immediate pre-Mongol period
but are n
lore likely to stem from the late 13th-early
14th cen
uries A.D. This was a period of cultural
transition
when the western Mongol Khanate was
evolving i
nto the Islamic Golden Horde. (State Hermi-
tage Mus
eum, St. Petersburg, Russia)
i. This late 7th/ 13th or early 8th/ 14th-century
helmet, probably from Mamluk Egypt or Syria, has
some features in common with the visored helmet
from the Golden Horde while remaining very differ-
ent in other respects. It is forged from one piece of
iron, then richly decorated with arabesques and Arabic
dedicatory inscriptions. (After a drawing by H. Russell
Robinson; present whereabouts unknown)
1 9. Though now lacking its characteristic mail aven-
tail and sliding nasal bar, this 8th/ 1 4th-century Persian
helmet is a fine example of a form that would be
used throughout most of the eastern Islamic world
from the late 14th to 19th centuries. (Wawel Collection,
Cracow, Poland)
20. During the 15th and 16th centuries an appar-
ently new form of cavalry helmet came into use in
Mamluk and Ottoman armies. It proved so success-
ful that it was adopted throughout most of Europe,
spreading as far as England where it became known
as the "Cromwellian pot helmet". In reality, it was
of neither European nor Islamic origin but seems to
have been developed by the Mongols or their suc-
cessor khanates from a Chinese original. Thereafter,
it was copied and developed by Mamluk and Otto-
man armourers. The crudely-constructed example
shown here is one of the earliest. It was found in a
Turco-Mongol grave near Plysky in the Ukraine, from
the superficially Islamised Golden Horde and dating
from between 1290 and 1313. (After a drawing by
M. Gorelik; present whereabouts unknown)
(D. Nicolle)
AL-SIN.
5. Chinese Islamic literature.
Muslims settled in Kuang-chou (Canton, Khanfu
[q.v.]) and possibly in Ch'ang-an (Hsi-an) and Ch'tian-
chou (Zaytun) as early as the T'ang dynasty, 2nd/8th
century, thereafter also in Hang-chou (Khansa [q.v.])
and Pei-ching (Khanbalik [g.v.]), and throughout China
[see also mina']. Extant tombstone and other inscrip-
tions in Arabic and Chinese, however, date only from
the 7th/ 13th and 8th/ 14th centuries (Ch'en Ta-sheng;
Leslie, Guide, 28-31; Beijing National Library list of rub-
bings of inscriptions).
The most significant are three stelae in Chinese,
from 749/1348 in Ting-chou, 751/1350 in Ch'iian-
chou, and 751/1350 in Kuang-chou. The first two
describe the supposed visit to China of VVakkas (the
Companion Sa'd b. Abl Wakkas [q.v.], a maternal
cousin of the Prophet, and a famous general) in the
lst/7th century, sent, it is suggested, as an envoy of
the Prophet himself (Yang and Yu, 91-106; Deveria;
Tasaka, Wakkas). One should also mention an inscrip-
tion dated 770/1368, set up in Nan-ching and copied
in Wu-ch'ang, supposedly written by the first Ming
Emperor T'ai-tsu, the Hung-wu Emperor (Low). Most
intriguing is an undated inscription in Ch'ang-an,
claiming a permit to build a mosque as early as
86/705 (Pickens).
These Chinese-style inscriptions served four main
purposes: to record the history of the community; to
explain Islamic ideas to the Muslims themselves and
to non-Muslim Chinese; to demonstrate Confucian
attitudes; and to protect the community. They are in-
valuable for the history of Islam in China, but of less
value for the religious beliefs and practices of Chinese
Muslims.
Islamic astronomy and medicine were influential in
China in the Yuan and Ming dynasties. Four vol-
umes (out of 36) of the large medical translation Hui-
hui vao-fang are extant, preserved in the Yung-lo ta-tim,
81 17 1408.
One should note, too, the Sayyid Adjall, Muslim
official of the Mongols in China, about whom much
has been written [see al-sIn, at Vol. IX].
Three books written about the voyages between
808/1405 and 837/1433 to Africa and Arabia of
Cheng Ho, the famous Muslim admiral of the Ming,
include the Ymg-yai sheng-lan, written by a Muslim who
accompanied him, Ma Huan [q.r.], in 837/1433 (Mills).
It is only with the Ming dynasty (1389-1644), that
Islamic literature in Chinese as such developed. The
earliest extant full-length Islamic book written in
Chinese is the Cheng-chiao chen-ch'uan by Wang Tai-yii,
in 1052/1642. This gives a full account of the Islamic
religion, with some criticism of Chu Hsi, the Sung
dynasty Aquinas of Confucianism. The main aim was
probably to educate Muslims living in China, who by
now could be called Chinese Muslims. A large stream
of Islamic books, some in Arabic, some in Arabic and
Chinese, and several only in Chinese, were written
soon after this, some translations, some original. Most
significant are: Ma Chu, Ch'mg-chen chih-nan ("The
compass of Islam"), in 8 volumes, 1095/1683 (Hart-
mann); and Hui-hm wan-lai ("The origin of Islam in
China"), possibly 1135/1722 (Deveria).
The peak of Islamic literature in Chinese was
reached around 1704 to 1724, when Liu Chih [q.v.]
(Liu Chieh-lien, Liu I-chai) wrote his three main works:
Tim fang hung h about Islamic philosophy Tien fang
hen h about Islamic laws and utes (this book was
reviewed by the prestigious Ssu I u ihuanshu hung mu
I > \ao\ and Tun fang ihih shmg shih Iu a biographv of
the Piophet probablv based on the Taiajuma m
Mmthd i Mustafa a Peisian tianslation from the Arabic
work b\ Sa'id (al-Din Muhammad) b Mas'Qd b
Muhammad al-kazaium d 758/1357 n paitial trans-
lation is given by Mason) Two other works b\ Liu
aie \\u hung shih I and Chin kung fa ua (Pdladius)
The first two woiks include lists ol sources with
titles in tiansliterated Chinese Chinese paraphrases ot
the title and Aiabic onginals man\ of which can be
identified with the help of Biockelmann Storev etc
(Leslie and Wassel and see also Leslie Vang and
V oussef Qianlong for othei lists ot Arabic and Persian
Islamic works available in China. Liu was clearlv
influenced bv the HanafT school ot law of the Sunms
and bv Sufism in particular bv the Kubiawiwa cider
[see kubra] and the Peisian Nakshbandi Sufi poet
Djami [qt]
1492
; Ashi"a,
t (Fa ,
d 808/
un ah tins,)
bv Djami
4 Mirsad al 'ibad (Kuei then tau tan oi Tin yuan cheng
tao) bv the Kubrawi Nadjm al-Din Razi Div i [qt]
Abu Bakr Asadi d ta 654/125b
5 Maksadi aha (1 en then thing or Kuei thai pi \ao)
probablv bv the Kubrawi wnter 'Aziz al-Nasafi
d bbl/12b3 [see rubra at Vol V 301a]
b Manakif (Ko ihih th nan thing)
Nos 2-5 of these had alreadv been translated into
Chinese Other tianslations included Munabbihat Irshad
Tankh 'if a' id (bv Abu Hafs al-NasafT d 537/1142
[qt] Uikaya (a commentary bv Mahmud Buihan
al-Sharfa 7th/ 13th centurv to the Hidaya bv al-
Maighinam d 503/1107 [q i ]) and the Persian
Guhstan bv Sa'di d b91/1202 [qt]
Liu s biographv of the Prophet has an introduction
also Ma Sai-pei) and two laige appendices vol \I\
being a description of Aiab and othei countries ovei
seas and vol XX being absolutelv invaluable as a
source book for the historv of Islam in China with
inscnptions Liu s woiks clearlv show an attempt to
accommodate Contuciamsm The writings of Contucius
and Mencius are referenced as are Confucian and
Taoist teims At this time seveial Muslims weie suc-
t Confucian
becon
scholai
d O01C1
Chinese postscript Howevei the contents ot the
Chinese work seem to be fiom i diffeient less well
known woik bv the same authoi sc the Maidi al
^uhur fi uaka'f al duhui) bv Abu 1-Barakat Muhammad
b Ahmad b Ivas (or Avas) 7avn (Shihab) al-Din al-
Nasin al-Djaikasi al-HanafT d 030/1524 [see ibis
The main woiks have been republished edited bv
Chang Hsiu-feng and Ma Sai-pei in 55 volumes
(1087) These woiks aie to be tound also in various
libranes in China Japan Europe and America Kev
collections outside China are those of Palladius I St
Petersburgi d Ollonc (Musee Guimet Pansi Vissieie
(Ecole des Langues Onentales Vivantes Pans) Mason
|N\ Public Libiarv) Tovo Bunko Tokvo and Tenn
Umveisitv Tenn (Leslie Namu httratuu idem Guidt
21-5 Panskava,
One should note also a number ot e\tant ( hia p u
(tamilv lecoids) notablv those found bv Nakada
Voshinobu in the Diet Libraiv in Tokvo for the Mi
and Sha families and also some for the Pu famih
possiblv tricing descent from Pu Shou-keng of the
Vuan (Mongol) period
A renaissance ot Islamic hteiature occuired in the
1020s with original woiks and translations bv Wang
Chingchai Vang C hmg-hsiu and othei s Fior '
luding sc
e Kur'c
is made
(Vu and Vang 1-32) and these weie used
togethei with Artbic and Persian works bv Islamic
schools in vanous cities Chinese Muslim bookshops
of this time had c ttalogues of books m Chinese and
in Arabic and Peisian most notablv the Nm-chieh
(Ox Street) mosque catalogue ot the 1020s (extant in
Tenn University Library) md dozens of Muslim ,nur-
with hun
mdal
t the
The woiks ot Wang Tai-vu and Liu Chih weie j
onginal creations In addition over the centuries a I
laige numbei of tianslations some from Persian some
from Arabic have been made so that theie is a nch
vanetv of Islamic works available in Chinese In the
19th centurv Ma Fu-ch u (Ma Te-hsin) and Ma An-
C hinese
Othei influential woiks aie T un fang thing hsueh bv
Lan Tzu-hsi (18t>l), which includes a large number
of fanciful biographies ot Biblical and Muslim pei-
sonahties Ch mg chen hsun theng yen hsmg huh bv Li
Huan-i (1875) which gives short biographies ot 0(1
Chinese Muslims Chingthin shih i pu thi bv Tang
Chuan-vu (1880) a valuable souice book foi Islam
in C hina and Tim fang ta hua I, shih bv Li T ing-
hsiang (1910) a translation of the Bada i' al uhur
(un
0ft
■ This
3 the
ill China and also manv about the historv and duties
of the religion (Vu and Vang; Seveial large ency-
clopaedias have been written Ic g bv C h iu Shu-sen
1002 Vang Hui-vun 1003 the Chintst Ennclopidia of
Nam 1004) and for the first time histories of Islam
in China in Chinese [bv C h iu Shu sen 1006 md
bv Li Hsing-hua tt al 1008) to nval Tasaka Kodo s
masteilv 10b4 history in Japanese There aie also
invaluable bibliographical and biogiaphical refeience
works bv Pai Shou-i (1048 [mostly repimted in 1082-
3] and 1085 1088 1002 1007) Ma En-hui (1083'
Vu Chen kuei and Vang Huai-chung ( 1003) Li Hsing-
hua and Feng Chin-yuan il085) Chin I chiu (1007,
and bv Leslie Vang and V oussef (to be published bv
Monumenta Senra)
There aie also seveial woiks written analvsing the
vovages of the Muslim admiral Cheng Ho to Africa
and Arabia
Bibliography Palladius (PI kafaiov) Kitaiskaya
littralura magtmietan in Trudi impel atoiskago Ruakago
aikhtologiceskago obshtestia wan (1887) ed Nikolai
(Adoratskn) lepi St Peteisbuig 1009 lb3-404
G Devena Origin dt I hlamisme en Chine m Ctnhnam
dt I Ettih dts Languts Onentahs \nantts Pans 1805
305-55 HMG d Ollone Mission d Ollont 1906
/W9 Rethinks mi lis nmnulnians ehinois Pans 1011
see section XVIII (bv A Vissieie) Vissieie Outiages
thinois Mahometans in RMM \m ( Jan 1011) 30-b 3
M Hartmann \om thimsnchen Islam in HI 1 1013)
178 210 I Mason The 4iabian Prophet (a lift of
Mohammed from Chintu and Arabic somas) (a Chinest
Mosltm uork b\ Liu Chat lien) Shanghai 1021 idem
Notes on Chinese Mohammedan literature, in Jnal. of the
North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, hi (1925),
172-215; C.L Pickens, The Great West Mosque of
Ch'ang An (Sian), in Friends of Moslems, ix/3 (July
1935), 44-5; P.C. Low, 1 OO-character Psalm on Islam
by the first Ming Emperor, in Friends of Moslems, xi/2
(April 1937), 39; R. Loewenthal, 77k Mohammedan
press in China. Digest of the Synodal Commission 1940
Tasaka (Tazaka) Kodo, Chugoku Kaikyo shijo m okeru
Wakkas denkyo no densetsu ni tsuite, 391-406, in Uada
Festschrift, Tokyo 1951; idem, Chugoku ni okeru kaiho
no denrai to sono gutsu, Tokyo 1964; J.V.G. Mills \Ia
Huan, Ting-yai sheng-lan, "The overall survey of tht ocean s
shores" (1433), Cambridge 1970; D.D. Leslie Mam
in China to 1800, a bibliographical guide, in Abr Kahratn
xvi (1976), 16-48; Ludmilla Panskaya (with Leslie)
Introduction to Palladii's Chinese literature of the Muslims
Canberra 1977; Leslie, Islamic literature in Chinese
Late Ming and Early Ch'ing: books authors and asmci
ates, Canberra College of Advanced Education
Canberra 1981, Chinese tr. by Yang Daye 1994
Leslie and M. Wassel, Arabic and Persian sources used
by Liu Chih, in CAJ, xxvi (1982), 78-104; Chen Ta
sheng (Chen Dasheng), Ch'uan-chou l-ssu-lan-chiao shih
k'e, Fu-chou 1984; Chang Hsiu-feng (Zhang Xiuieng)
and Ma Sai-pei (Ma Saibei), Hui-tsu ho Chum; kuo
l-ssu-lan-chiao ku-chi tzu-liao hui-pien, Tienjing 1987
Ma Sai-pei (Ma Saibei), Ch'ing shih-lu Mu-ssu hn tzu
liao chi-lu, Yin-ch'iian 1988; Pei-ching t'u-shu-kuan tsan%
Chung-kuo li-tai shih-k'o t'uo-pen hui-pien (' Beijing
National Library list of rubbings of stone inscrip-
tions"), ed. Hsu Tzu-ch'iang (Xu Ziqiang), Pei ching
1989-91; Yii Chen-kuei (Yu Zhengui) and \an§
Huai-chung (Yang Huaizhong), Chung-kuo I ssu Ian
wen-hsien chu-i t'i-yao, Yin-ch'iian 1993; Yang Huai
chung and Yii Chen-kuei, l-ssu-lanyii Chung-kuo uin
hua, Yin-ch'iian 1995; Leslie, Yang Da>e and
Ahmed Youssef, Arabic works shown to the Qianlon^
Emperor in 1782, in CAJ, xlv (2001), 7-27; eidem
Islam in traditional China, a bibliographical guide (to be
publ. by Monumenta Serica). (D.D. Leslie)
SINDHI [see sind. 3.].
SINDHU, the Sanskrit name for the Indus
river. See for this mihran, and for the lands along
its course, sind, multan, pandjab and Kashmir
al-SINDI, Abu 'AlI, mystic of the 3rd/9th
He is said to have imparted to the famous Abu
Yazid al-Bistami (al-Bastarm) (d. 261/874 [qi]) the
doctrine of "annihilation in God" (fans'; see baka'
wa-fana'). Moreover, because of his msba al-Sindi, he
was thought to be of Indian origin, and therefore it
was assumed that his views could be traced back to
Indian, i.e. Hindu or Buddhist, influences. However,
the basis for such an assumption as provided by the
sources is very weak. In fact, hardly anything is known
about Abu 'All al-Sindi. The nisba may also refer to
a place in Khurasan (Yakut, Buldan, s.v. Sind). The
only reference in early literature to Abu 'Air's influ-
ence on al-Bistami is found in a saying of the latter,
mentioned in Abu Nasr al-Sarradj (d. 378/988 [q.v.]),
al-Luma' (275/70.3): "I was a companion of Abu 'All
al-Sindi. I used to give him instructions that enabled
him to fulfil his religious duty. In turn, he enlight-
ened me on the doctrine of God's uniqueness (tawhid
[q.v.]) and on the mystical realities in a pure form
(haka'ik sirfa)." It is only in a later variant of this say-
ing that the term fana' is used, see Ruzbihan b. Abr
Nasr al-Bakli al-Shirazi (d. 606/1209 [q.v.]), Sharh-i
shathiyyat (ed. H. Corbin, 35 11. 12-13). Moreover, Sufi
currents have tended to consider not Abu Yazid as
the founder of the doctrine of fana' but rather his
contemporary Abu Sa'id al-Kharraz al-Baghdadi (d.
277/890-1 [q.v.]).
Bibliography: Sources and bibl. in R. Gramlich,
Die schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens, Wiesbaden 1970,
ii, 317 n. 1965. (B. Radtke)
SiRB.
i The Ottoman period to 1800
A Serbia before the Ottomans
(a) The origins of the Serbian kingdom The arrival oi
Slavic peoples in the Balkan peninsula took place in
the second hall oi the 6th century and the begin-
ning oi the 7th one These peoples later to be called
South Slavs were grouped round three main tribes
those oi the Serbs the Cioats and the Slovenes who
had occupied Pannoma towards the end oi the bth
century and who had moved irom there towards the
Adriatic coast slowlv assimilating the various Roman
lsed peoples oi IUvrra The most numeious oi these
South Slavs the Serbs became implanted to
waids the end of the 8th century in a territory deiined
b> the livers Ibar (in the east) Neretva (in the
southwest) Bosna (in the west) and Sav a (in the north)
At that time thev were oiganised into petty pnn
cipalmes governed bv joupans and when one oi them
secured an ascendancv ov er the rest he would assume
the tide oi great joupan Undei the political tutelage
oi Bvzantium the Seibs became Christian in ta 874
Serbia became independent towards the mid 9th cen
tury thanks to the first princes oi Raska (Rascie) i e
the Old Serbia whose capital was at that time in
the town of Ras (on the Ibar to the northeast of
Skadai/Scutan/Shkoder [see \eni bazar] Undei pres
sure iiom its enemies notably the Bvzantine empei
ois and the Bulganan kings the Serbian states centre
oi gravitv then moved towaids the Zeta (the modern
Montenegro and the extreme northwest of modern
Albania) and then at the time oi Stevan/Stephen
Nemanja r ca 1166-96) and his successors (sc the
dvnastv oi the Nemanjici or Nemamds ca 1166 1371)
towai ds the v allev of the nv er Morav a towai ds Kosov o
[see kosowa and prishtina] and towards Macedonia
[see uskub] In 1219 one oi the sons of Stevan
Nemanja Rastko (the iutuie great saint of the Seibian
Church under the name of St Sav a) obtained from
the Patnaich at Nicea archiepiscopal consecration and
the autocephalous status of the Serbian Church an
action which was going to play an important role in
pieserving Serbian identity duimg the hve centunes
oi Ottoman domination The mediaeval Serbian states
apogee was in 1346 undei Stephen IX Uros IV
Dusan (r. 1331-55), who had himself crowned
"Emperor (tsar) of the Serbs and Greeks" and had
the Sabor or Assembly at Skoplje set out the Dusanov
Zakonik "Code of Dusan" (1349). The anarchy which
followed his premature death at the age of 47 favoured
the beginnings of Ottoman expansion in the Balkans
during the next decades. (On the Nemanid tradition
and the introduction of "sacral kingship" in Serbia
and in general, see B.I. Bojovic, Lhagiographie dynas-
tique et Videologie de VEtat serbe au Moyen-Age (XIIF-XV
siecles), in Cyrillomethodianum, xvii-xviii [Thessalonica
1993-4], 73-92.)
(b) The first contacts with the Ottomans. It was in the
time of Tsar Dusan that Turkish units (at that time
still only mercenaries or allies of the Byzantines)
inflicted their first defeats on Serbian forces: first before
Stephaniana in 1344 and then near Dimetoka [q.v.]
in 1352. But the real Ottoman conquest of Rumelia
(this time, undertaken on their own account) began
in 1 354 by the seizure of the fortress of Gallipoli on
the Dardanelles
moment when the Serbian state felt the Ottomans
pressingly, seventeen years later, in 1371, at the bat-
tle of the Maritsa [see meric], in the course of which
the Serbian king Vukasin Mrnjavcevic (who ruled west-
ern Macedonia) and three of his sons, plus his own
brother Ugljesa, Despot of Serres [see siroz], were
killed. However, this was only felt within the Serbs'
collective memory as a baneful prelude to the disas-
ter suffered by the troops of Prince Lazar (the "Tsar
Lazar" in popular memory) on 1 5 June 1 389 at the
"Field of Blackbirds", the battle better known as that
of Kosovo [see kosowa, kosovo]. On the one hand,
this event gave rise to the "myth of Kosovo" and,
on the other hand, to a famous cycle of Serbian pop-
ular epic poetry (gathered together by Vuk Karadzic
at Vienna from 1814 onwards, which was to attract
very close interest from European intellectuals of the
time; see, most recently, Kosovo, six siecles de memoires
croisees, in Us annates de I'autre Islam, no. 7, INALCO
[Paris 2001], with further references).
B. Serbia under Ottoman domination (to 1804)
The first four centuries of this history can be divided
into three phases: (a) from the battle of Kosovo to
1552, the date when all the Serbian territories came
under Ottoman control; (b) from 1552 to 1699, the
date of the Treaty of Carlowitz, which marked the
beginning of the Ottoman retreat in Danubian Europe
after their maximal expansion in those lands; and (c)
the slow but irreversible decline of Ottoman power
in the Balkans up to 1804, the date of the first Serbian
revolt.
(a) The period 1389-1552. The result of Kosovo was
that Serbia became a vassal state of the Ottomans,
forced to pay tribute and to furnish troops. With that
said, the Serbian state did not disappear from exis-
tence after that date, but its centre of gravity moved
much further north, where Serbian principalities were
to subsist, for good or ill, for some 60 years. In the
first place, there was that of the prince of Northern
Serbia (the son of the Tsar Lazar, put to death by
the Ottomans after the battle of Kosovo), the despot
Stevan/Stephen Lazarevic (/'. 1389-1427), succeeded
by his nephew George Brankovic (?. 1427-56), who
in 1439 fixed his capital at Smederovo (at that time,
on the Danube) [see semendire, in Suppl.] and became
involved in a double vassal status with the Ottomans
and the kings of Hungary. Profiting from the
Ottomans' difficulties in Anatolia fsc. the defeat at
Ankara in 1402 at the hands of Timur Lang [q.v.],
the episode of Mustafa Celebi, Diizme [q.v.], the revolt
of Sheykh Bedr al-Dln [see badr al-din b. kadi
samawna], etc., the Serbian despots formed close and
enduring alliances with the kings of Hungary in the
hope, always to be disappointed, of "driving the Turks
back to Asia". Thus in 1412, e.g., the king of Hungary
Sigismund offered to cede to Stevan Lazarevic the
town of Belgrade as a fief, so that this last became,
for the first time in its history, the capital of a Serbian
But contrary to these hopes, the events of the period
1389-1552 were finally settled by the very strong and
lasting implantation of Ottoman power in the Balkan
peninsula (and beyond its frontiers). The main dates
are: 1439, occupation of a great part of Serbia by
Sultan Murad II [q.v.]; 1443, victories by Serbian and
Hungarian troops; 1444, signature of the peace treaty
of Edirne; 1453, fall of Constantinople; 1455, fresh
Ottoman conquests in Serbia; 1458, fall of the Serbian
despotate; 1459, surrender of the fortress of Smederovo;
1520, beginning of the reign, with its conquests, of
Suleyman [q.v.] the Magnificent; 1526, defeat of the
Hungarians at Mohacz [q.v.]: 1529, fall of Sabac and
the first campaign against Vienna; 1541, fall of Buda;
and 1552, fresh capture of Belgrade, which now made,
from this date onwards, all Serbian territories subject
to the Ottomans.
Two other topics important for this period must
be touched upon here, if only briefly: the survival of
the Serbian Orthodox Church (the only remaining
"Serbian" institution during the centuries to come)
and the situation of the Serbian people at this period.
Regarding the position of the Serbian Church, it
should be noted that, in the course of raids by akindjk
[q.v.] and in the course of the more regular military
campaigns, neither monasteries nor churches were
spared. Without the Church being singled out as such,
its treasures were plundered, its buildings were burnt
down and a certain number of priests and monks
massacred or made prisoners-of-war. But this very dark
picture needs also to be nuanced. The Serbian prin-
cipalities lived for several decades as Ottoman vassals,
guarding their internal organisation, including the
one can even speak of a certain cultural florescence
of the Serbian Orthodox Church, especially in the
remoter regions, e.g. in Pomoravlje (sc. in the basin
of the Morava river and its affluents), through the
arrival of Bulgarian, Macedonian, Serbian and other
monks and craftsmen fleeing from the lands invaded
by the Turks. Then, little by little, once the disasters
brought by the battles and the Ottoman campaigns
ters from the new authorities guaranteeing them a
certain status within the Ottoman state, or at least,
certain prmleges. L'nfortunately, we know little about
the Church during this first period. But we do know
that many monasteries were devastated, such as e.g.
that of Visoki Decani, that the greater part of their
immense estates were confiscated and that, in the
towns, certain churches (usually the finest) were trans-
formed into mosques. Other churches suffered destruc-
provide materials for building
various structures such a:
Nevertheless, the Church did not
lands,
astated
ery of
and left abandoned. Thus e.g. the monas
the first Ottoman period onwards (that of 1439-44),
and during this time, sultan Murad II awarded priv-
ileges to certain other Serbian monasteries. Some of
these last were even excused payment of taxes, or
else they were given the status of small tfmars [q.v.]
with the obligation to furnish one or two djebelis at
the times of military campaigns (i.e. auxiliary troops,
supplied and equipped by the beneficiaries of sources
of revenue given by the state). But those mostly
involved here were the monasteries in the frontier
zones, or along the axes for provisioning the Ottoman
army at times of campaigns (see A. Popovic, Us rap-
ports enlre /'Islam et I'mtliodoxie en Ibugoslavie, in Aspeets
de I'ort/wdoxie. Structures et spiritualiti, Colloque de Strasbourg,
septernbre 1978, Paris 1981, 169-89).
As for the Serbian people, with the Ottoman con-
quest a more or less irreversible phenomenon is observ-
able the definitive division of Serbian society into three
groups. First, the group that, for various reasons,
became converts to Islam and thus became separated
(relatively quickly, and, even, very quickly) from the
"common trunk", espousing not only a new belief and
ideology but also cutting themselves off, in the long
term, from anything in common with their past. Then
there was the group of those who fled the lands occu-
pied by the Ottomans (for Hungary in the first place,
then for Austria, and then, much later, for Russia),
certain of whose descendants were to play a great
role in Serbian political and cultural life when the
state was rebuilt in the 19th century. And finally, by
far the most numerous, there were those who stayed
behind, where they were forced to live under the new
status of dhimmls [see dhimma and ra'iyya] , a way of
life punctuated by long periods of submission and
daily collaboration with the Ottoman authorities but
also by insurrections against these authorities, pro-
viding backing for Hungarian and Austrian armies
in turn, according to the different phases of the inter-
national situation, risings which were regularly blood-
ily suppressed. This schema repeated itself regularly
throughout the four centuries of history dealt with in
this article, a history that should nevertheless be con-
sidered not only by events and by political and diplo-
matic processes, but also by a very close examination
of the extremely complex processes going on within
the central Ottoman empire and within its society in
general.
(b) The penod 1552-1699. The period that followed
was to be marked, for the Serbian population, by a
of new
i. The
Ottoman troops towards European Danubia, and the
conquest of new territories, ended up by moving the
"frontiers" of Serbia, as noted above, further north-
wards and northwestwards in relation to its original
territory, that of Nemanid times. Henceforth, Serbia
was to find itself, on the one hand, part of the "cen-
tral provinces" of Ottoman Rumelia [see rumeli] , and
on the other, directly on the routes leading to the
future theatre of military operations, viz. those lead-
ing to Vienna. Hence in 1557 (probably as part of
the long-term plans of the Grand Vizier of Serbian
origin. Mehmed Pasha Sokollu [see sokollu]), the
Porte decided to re-establish the Patriarchate of Pec.
This was apparently a political act which was aimed
mainly at securing peace within the central provinces
of the Balkans, whilst at the same time keeping an
eye on the highest levels of the revived Serbian Church,
but, as G. Veinstein has noted [see sokollu, at
Vol. IX, 708b], "one may also see an additional fac-
tor at work here, a wider policy of conciliating the
Serbs to make them a support of Ottoman policy
in the Balkans." This restored Patriarchate of Pec
covered an enormous territory (part of Macedonia
and Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, the Voivodina and
Bosnia, plus certain parts of Croatia, Dalmatia and
Hungary). But, contrary to what was envisaged, this
period of collaboration between the Serbian Orthodox
Church and the Ottoman power was merely a flash
The reasons for this deterioration in relations
between the Serbian Church and the Porte probably
resided from the start in the ambiguity of Serbian
Orthodoxy's attitude vis-a-vis the authorities, but the
reasons must above all be found in the transforma-
tion of Ottoman society itself. The first task of the
renewed Serbian Church was obviously to rally the
Serbian people. It thus became not only a religious
organisation but also a truly political one, becoming
the focus for the feelings and aspirations of the peo-
ple. The basis of such an ideology could only be a
glorification of the work of St. Sava, an action that
was logically based on the Nemanid tradition and, in
particular, on the myth of Kosovo, and because of
this, Serbian Orthodoxy was compelled sooner or later
to emerge from this contradiction and to break with
the Ottomans and proclaim war against them. It was
to be hastened very rapidly along this road by the
great crisis of Ottoman society at the end of the 16th
century, when non-Muslims were deprived of the pos-
sibility of becoming ffmar-holders, ipso facto throwing
such persons back into the category of re'ayfi and
thereby uniting all classes of the Orthodox population
against the Ottomans.
Revolts soon broke out. One of the first occurred
in the Banat in 1594, when the insurgents had, it
seems, banners bearing the picture of St. Sava. It was
bloodily suppressed and then, on the orders of the
Grand Vizier Sinan Pasha [q.v.], St. Sava's relics were
brought from the monastery of Milesovo to Belgrade
and publicly burnt on the Vracar hill there. The break
was thus definitively made, above all in people's minds.
Despite all tentative attempts and political moves to
improve relations and to soothe the situation (e.g.
under the Patriarch Pajsije Janjevac, between 1614
and 1647), both sides knew perfectly well what the
future situation was going to be like. The deteriora-
tion rapidly accelerated. The crisis in Ottoman soci-
ety led the state and its ruling classes to press down
on the non-Muslim population and the Serbian Ortho-
dox Church with increasingly heavier taxes and by
all sorts of illegal abuses and practices. The churches
and monasteries that were unable to satisfy these
demands were sold up, bought at low prices by Muslim
dignitaries and then transformed into mosques or pub-
lic buildings, or even demolished for their materials
to be re-used in new building works. Yet here, too,
everything cannot be viewed as black and white. Thus
we have cases where monasteries, under attack from
Orthodox peasants coveting their lands, appealed to
the Ottoman authorities. But in general, there was
definitely a feeling of a certain unity between the
Orthodox population and its Church and clergy, who
existed within the same conditions and in an implicit
connecting bond, one that was reinforced by the
actions of certain Patriarchs and their being put to
death by the Ottoman authorities.
The pro.
isofpre,
to compel the Church to seek external support: in
Austria, in Italy, from the Pope, and finally, from
Russia. But such support was only symbolic until the
Austrian counter-offensive after the Turks' failure
before Vienna in 1683. This offensive led the Christian
powers far into the interior of the Ottoman lands
(even the patriarchal seat, Pec, would be taken) and
was to be marked by an active participation of the
more energetic parts of the Serbian people, with
the Patriarch Arsenije III Crnojevic at their head.
The Austrian troops' withdrawal had grave conse-
quences, not only for the subsequent history of the
Orthodox Church but also for the Serbian people
themselves. Too compromised by these events to await
the return of the Ottomans, the Patriarch in 1690
decided to lead a grand emigration of the Serbian
people and their church from Kosovo to the north,
beyond the Sava and Danube. The arrival of Ottoman
troops brought acts of reprisal of a savagery easy to
imagine, and the region of Kosovo-Metohija, the
ancient centre of the Serbian state, left partly empty
by its people, was gradually filled by Muslim Albanians
(since a large part of the Catholic Albanians was to
become rapidly Islamised), whose colonisation there
was strongly supported, and extensively assisted, by
The key dates during this century and a half are:
1557, reestablishment of the Patriarchate at Pec; 1593,
Ottoman defeat before Sisak [see siska]; 1593-1606,
the 'Long Wai' between Austria and Turkey, 1594,
Serbian revolts (in the Banat and elsewheie), 1595,
the public destruction of the relics of St Sava at
Belgrade, 1606, the peace treaty of Zsitvatorok [qv],
1614, the Patriarch Pajsije lenews the policy oi
compromise with the Ottoman authonties, 1683 the
Ottoman check at Vienna, 1686, definitive loss of
Buda, 1687, the Holy League against the Ottomans,
1688, Serbian rising and conquest of Belgiade, 1689,
Austrian tioops reach as far as "Old Seibia", 1690,
gieat Serbian emigiation from Kosovo and return of
the Ottomans, and 1699, the peace treaty of Carlowitz
{Sremski Karlovci) [see karlovca]
(c) The period 1699-1804 As during the preceding
two periods, the 18th century was to bring the non-
Muslim Serbian people a fresh lot of "vain hopes"
and "bitter disillusionments" All this had its basis in
the slow decline of the Ottoman empne, which did
not, howevei, lead to its disintegration, supported as
it was at that time by Fiance, Britain and the Nether-
lands who looked with a jaundiced eye on the sub-
sequent successes of the Austrian Hapsburgs and the
Russian Tsars (thus confnming the foresights of
Montesquieu) On quite a different plane, the social
and religious divisions between the Muslim and non-
Muslim populations of Rumelia were to crvstalhse,
impelling the non-Muslim Seibians to participate
actively in fighting against the "Turks' in the course
of each new war launched by Austna into their ter-
ntorv But the ephemeral victories and the long-last-
ing defeats of the 18th century (notably fiom that
time when the Seibian population had to suffer a
long occupation by the Austnans, in 1718-39 one
whose methods were no difleient from those of the
Ottomans) made the Serbian people conscious of the
political implications of their fight
Here follows a chronology of events the ienewed
Austio-Turkish war (of 1716-18) ended in piactice
with the greatest success the Hapsburgs had
enjoy
■ these
■, posse
vac [se,
- the
1766 of the Patriarchate of Pec (whose increasingly
fiequent flirtations with the Russian Orthodox Church
ended by senously worrving the Porte, but which had
aheady, foi a fair amount of time, been in a lamen-
• O Zirojevic, 1 52-5), and by attempts
by Russia (from 1751-2 onwaids) to attract Serbian
emigrants from Hungary to settle in the Ukraine
(These events are described in a magistral fashion by
M Crnjanski [1893-1977] in his novel Sevbe ["Migra-
tions"], Belgiade 1929, "1962, etc , Fr tr Pans 1986 i
Then a third Austro-Turkish wai broke out in 1788
(as a prolongation of the Russo-Turkish war that had
begun the pievious year), in which a large part of
the Sei bian population took part, notably in the famous
volunteei bands of Frajkon (< Gei Fieikorps), led by
their own offices These tioops, led by the famous
Koca Andjelkovic (hence the name "Kocina Krajina"),
succeeded in conquering westein and northern Serbia
(sc Sumadya and the Pozarevac region) and in 1789
lin collaboration with the Austnans), the city of Belgrade
itself However, two years latei, in 1791, the peace
tieaty of Svistov [see zishtowa] depnved the insur-
gents of their conquests and authorised the return of
the Ottomans Finally, at the end of the 18th cen-
turv, the refoims undertaken bv Selim III [q.v.] pro-
voked plots and risings of the Janissaries in various
parts of Rumelia Amongst these, more specifically,
was the using in Serbia of 1804, provoked by the
excesses and violence of the Janissaries; this was gen-
uinely a using with a national character, affecting the
greater part of the Serbian people and conducted by
one of then chiefs, George Petrovic, called Kara
("black") George (see R Mantian in idem [ed.],
Histoue dt VEmpm oltomant, 430-1 1 It was in these con-
ditions that theie broke out in 1804 the "First Serbian
Revolt", which allowed, by successive stages and
three decades later, the definitive freeing of Serbia
from the Ottoman empire and the beginnings of its
The key dates, which spanned a centurv (1699-
stnps of cultivation abandoned foi many yeais, witl
miserable, scatteied village populations, see Lady Mar
Stuart Woitley Montague, Turkish Utters, London 1763,
with manv later editions ) The measure of disen-
chantment of the no
(faced with the A
f flight
T simply ,
1 fresh Austio-Tuikish
people back to Otton
Then,
war broke out (1737-9) which, aft.
cesses by the Austnans and the insuigent Serbs (con-
quest of southwestern Seibia, with Alleksinac, Krusevac,
Nova Pazar, Pnshtina and Nish), ended in a temble
defeat before Grocka (not far from Belgrade), and by
the Tieaty of Belgiade (1739) the Hapsburgs lost all
the teintones captured twenty years before Naturally,
there weie moie waves of emigration bv Serbs into
southern Hungary, one of which, under the Patriarch
Arsemje IV Jovanovic Sakabenta, became known as
"the second Seibian migration from Kosovo"
The years that followed geneially called "the thirtv
veais of peace", were maiked b\ the suppression in
1804), <
• the follov
ing I
o-Turkish
1717, the
of Savoy's army, 1718, the pe<i
-, with Belgrade becoming the
ide by Prince Euge
by -
al of Northern
737-9, a new
ro-Turkish war, 1739, the peace treaty of Belgrade,
• Otton
ccupiec
r formei
les, 1739-74, the so-called "thirty years
of peace", 1766 suppression of the Patriarchate of
Pec, 1768-74, Russo-Tui kish wai, 1774, the peace
treaty of Kucuk Kaynardja [ ?t ], 1788, fresh Austro-
Turkish war, 1789, conquest of Belgrade by Austrian
troops and Seibian insui gents, 1791, peace treaty of
Svistov stipulating the return of the Ottomans in
Serbia, 1792, revolt of the Janissaries of Serbia against
the Porte and Selim Ill's reforms 1794-7, conquest
of the pashalik of Belgrade bv the rebel pasha of Vidin
[see widin], Paswan-oghlu [ ?< ], 1801-3, reign of ter-
ioi by the four icbel Jamssarv chiefs, installed in
Belgrade, 1804, the First Serbian Revolt led by Kara
Geoige
In the couise of this rapid survey, several impor-
tant questions have remained unexplored: economic
topics (agnculture, stoc kreai mg, exploitation of mines,
large-scale colonisation bv the Ottoman authorities
through the intermediacv of installing pastoralist
nomads and "Wallachs/Vlachs '—whose name, how-
ever, poses ceitam pioblems — etc J, the formati
growth of the towns, and the town-and-count
tionships (taking into account the minimal re
tation of Serbs in the towns and of "Turks"
the
SIRS — SIRR
villages); the Serbian patriarchal society and the sys-
tem of zadruga (extended families living under the
same roof); the very numerous migrations and emig-
rations (notably towards southern Hungary, south-
western Bosnia, Southern Russia and the Croatian
"Krajina"); the demographic evolution of the Serbian
population; brigandage, and the question of guerilla
bands against the Ottoman authorities (the hajduks and
uskoks); the results of the wars and the continual deva-
stations (shrinking of the economy from primitive agri-
cultural methods and exhaustion of the soil); famines
and epidemics (cholera and plague); the increasing
authority of the Serbian Church and the crystallisation
of Serbian national feeling; and cultural topics and
the rule played here by Jovan Rajic (1726-1801),
Zaharije Orfelin (1726-85), Dositej Obradovic (1739-
1811) and Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic (1787-1864) These
subjects can be explored through titles listed below
in the BM
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article) 1 1 Tkalac, Das serbische Volk in seiner
Bedeutung fir die onentalische Frage und jur die europa-
ische Civilisation, Leipzig 1853, B Kallay, Geschichte
der Serben (1780-1815), Budapest- Vienna-Leipzig
1878, '1910, S Novakovic, Srh i Turn XIV i XV
veka, Belgrade 1893, 2 1933, 'i960, J Radomc,
Zflpadna Evropa i balkansh narodi prema Turcima u prvoj
polovmi 15 veka, Novi Sad 1905, Novakovic, Twsko
caistoo pred srpski ustanak 1780-1804, Belgrade 1906,
S. Stanojevic, Istonja srpskog naroda, Belgrade 1908,
3 1926, C Jirecek, Geschichtt dei Serben, 2 vols , Gotha
1911-18, A Ivic, Istonja Srba u Ugarskoj Od pada
Smedereva do seobe pod Carnojeviama (1459-1690),
Zagreb 1914, G Gravier, Les jronlieres his/onques de
la Serbie, Pans 1919, Ivic, Migracije Srba u Slavonyi
tokom 16 17 i 18 stoljeca, Belgrade 1923, J Ancel,
Peuples et nations des Balkans, Paris 1926, '1992,
D Pantehc, Beogradski pasaluk posle Smstovskog nnra,
1791-1794, Belgrade 1927, V Popovic, Istocno pitanje,
Belgrade 1928, 'Sarajevo 1965, Belgrade 1996,
E. Haumant, La jormation de la lougoslavie (XV -XX
s.), Pans 1930, D Pantehc, Koana Krajma, Belgrade
1930, D Popovic, hajducima, 2 vols, Belgrade
1930-1, A Hajek, art Serbia, in El' Suppl , Ivic,
Istonja Srba u Vojvodim, Novi Sad 1939, L Hadrovics,
Le peuple serbe et son Egltse sous la domination tuique,
Pans 1947, Pantehc, Beogradski pasaluk pred Pwi srp-
ski ustanak (1794-1804), Belgrade 1949, idem, Srh
u Sremu, Belgrade 1950, B Djurdjev, Utiiaj turske
vladavine na razvitak nasih naroda, in Godisnjak isl dr
BiH, n (Sarajevo 1950), 19-82, idem, Osnovm prob-
lemi srpske istorye u penodu turske vlasti nad nasim nai-
odima, in Istonski Glasmk, m-iv (Belgrade 1950),
107-18, idem, Uloga srpske crkve u borbi protiv osmanske
vlasti, dans Pregled, i (Sarajevo 1953), 35-42, Istonja
naroda Jugoslavye, 2 vols , Belgrade-Zagreb-Ljubljana
1953-60, D Popovic, Yehka seoba Srba, Belgrade
1954, Pantehc, Srbi u Banatu do kraja osamnaestog veka,
Belgrade 1955, idem, Srbi u Vojvodim, 3 vols, Novi
Sad 1957-63, R Vesehnovic, Vojvodina, Srbya i
Makedonija pod turskom vlascu u drugoj polovmi XTII
veka, Novi Sad 1960, Dj Slyepcevic, Istonja srpske
pravoslacne crkve, 2 vols , Munich 1962-6, M Mirkovic,
Pravni polozaj i karakter srpske okve pod turskom vlascu
(1459-1766), Belgrade 1965, G Stanojevic, Srbya u
vreme Beckog rata, Belgrade 1976, Istonja srpskog nar-
oda, 10 vols, Belgrade 1981-93, D Lj Kasic, Pogled
u proslost srpske irkve, Belgrade 1984, R Mantran
(ed), Histoire de I'Empire ottoman. Pans 1989,
O Zirojevic, Sibya pod turskom vlascu (1459-1804),
Novi Pazar 1995, and, for the ensemble of publi-
cations which have appeared in Yogoslavia 1945-75,
J. Tadic (ed.), Dix annees d'historwgraphie yougoslave
1945-1955, Belgrade 1955; idem (ed.), Histonographie
yougoslave 1955-1965, Belgrade 1965; D. Jankovic
(ed.), The historiography of Yugoslavia 1965-1975,
Belgrade 1975. (A. Popovic)
SIRR (a.), lit. "secret", denotes in Islamic
spirituality two notions, at first sight distinct but
which certain adepts did not hesitate to combine (al-
Djurdjani, 218; al-Tahanawi, i, 653; on the combi-
nation of the two senses, see e.g. al-Sulaml, 1953,
213, 216, 282).
1. The first notion is that of secret, mystery, arcana,
in the sense of a teaching, a reality or even a doctrinal
point, hidden by nature or which is kept hidden from
persons considered unworthy of knowing it If there
is a secret, says al-Sarradj al-Tusi (d 378/998), prob-
ably taking up the Shi'i concept of two levels of real-
ity (Amir-Moezzi, 1997), it is because the object of
knowledge sought by the individual has an obvious,
exoteric (zahir) aspect and a hidden, esoteric (batin)
one The Kur'an, the Hadith, knowledge, Islam, etc ,
all have these two distinct, complementary levels In
order to attain the esoteric level, a person must so
dispose his body (lit "his members", djawarih), since
this level can only be reached by the "esoteric organ",
sc the heart (kalb) The batin of objects of knowledge
s the n
of a n
that only the initiates can discover and which they
must protect (al-Saiiadj, 43-4) The mass of people,
prisoners of their own ignorance and blindly attached
to the letter only of lehgion, can only become vio-
lent if the secret is revealed to them, even if only
partially (LahidjI, 100, 498, al-Kaysari, 41, Kadi 'Abd
al-Nabr, n, 167) Even the Kur'an, in two places,
authorises the faithful to dissimulate their beliefs in
cases of danger (III, 28, XL, 28), whence the adage,
untiringly repeated in the mystical works, "the breasts
of free men are repositories (lit 'tombs') of secrets"
(sudur al-ahiar kubur al-asrar, see e g al-Tahanawi 92)
According to the Shl'a (for whom "everything has
a secret, the secret of Islam is Shl'ism," al-Kulaym,
n, 14), this — i e essentially the Imams' teachings, which
has several esotenc levels, batin and batin al-batin —
contains secrets that must be protected at all costs
(al-Saffar, 28-9) The dutv of keeping such secrets
(tahna, htman, khab') is thus a canonical obligation
for "them (Kohlberg, 1975, 1995, Amir-Moezzi, 1992,
index, s v taqiyya)
For the Sufis likewise, such notions as "protection
of the secret" (hijz al-sm, around which expression,
above all, certain mystics combine the two senses of
sin), "concealing, changing the guise of something to
make it appear other than it is" (talbis), or further,
"hiding the real nature of the particular interior state"
(ikhfa' al-hal), make up practices and disciplines which
are particularly important (al-Suhrawardr 1983, 72,
Hudjwm, 500-1, 'Afifi, 89, 117, al-Shaybr, 20ff) In
the literature of mysticism, constant reference is made
to the trial of al-Halladj [qv], who was executed in
309/922 for having divulged the Secret par excellence,
by putting forward the famous shath "I am the Real"
(and 'l-hakk), hakk being a Name of God The great-
est Persian mystical poets, such as 'Attar, Trakr and
Hafiz, very often allude to the "crucified one of
Baghdad" (sc al-Halladj) and call the real spiritual
masters "the people of the Secret" (Khurramshahr,
s v ahl-i raz) This is why mystical authors, from their
oldest writings onwards, devised an "allusive language"
(ishara), a coded form of discourse which was later to
assume very numerous forms (technical vocabularies,
symbolic lexica, fables, poetic images, etc.), reflecting
esoteric realities and distinguishing themselves from
"literal language" fibdra) which is unsuitable for exo-
teric topics (al-Sarradj, 414, concerning ramz; al-
KalabadhT, ch. iii, 301T.; Hudjwrn, 4801T.; and see
Amir-Moezzi 2002b).
2. The second notion is that of a "subtle organ",
one of the layers of the "heart", making up the human
spiritual anatomy, which may be translated by "secret,
inner consciousness". It seems that, for the Khurasan
school of mystics, the Malamatiyya [q.v] comprise the
progression of levels of consciousness, "organs" of invo-
cation (dhikr) and vision (mushahada), going through the
soul (nafs) to the spirit (riih), passing by the heart [kalb)
and the inner consciousness (al-Tustan, 16, 19, 34,
45, 78; al-Sulami 1991, 16;. It should be noted that
al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi id. ta. 318/936 [q.v.]), one of
the oldest of the Khurasanian theoreticians of the ele-
ments making up the "heart", seems to be the only
one of them not counting the sin amongst these last
(Bavan. passim and esp. 427; Gobillot 1996, 197-8). Al-
Kushayrl (d. 465/1072 [q.r.]), conveying the system
of the 'Iraki Sufis, sets forth another progression which
omits the soul, the seat of the ego, and the nrr is
said to be the seat of vision, whilst the spirit is the
seat of love (mahabba) and the heart that of knowledge
(ma'anf). Here, the inner consciousness is considered
as amongst the most subtle and the noblest parts of
man, as the innermost secret between the created man
and God, the most interiorised part of a man's being
(al-Kushayri, 45; Gobillot and Ballanfat, 175-6); it is
in this context that one should probably understand
the formula pronounced over a dead person: kaidasa
Allah mrahu al-'ayz "may God sanctify his noble inner
consciousness". Such great mystics as 'Amr b. 'Uthman
al-Makki Id. 291/903-4) or al-Halladj seem close to
this system (Massignon, i, 113, ii, 41 Iff.), whilst others,
like al-Kharraz (d. 286/899 [q.v.] I for example, develop
a much more complex spiritual anatomy, comprising
instinct itab'), soul, heart, will (irada), spirit, inner con-
sciousness and spiritual aspiration {himma) I Nwyia, 243-
5, 272, 301).
After the attempt at a synthesis of the different sys-
tems b\ 'Umai al-Suhiaward. (d 632/1235 [qi])
(1983 45411 1986 181, 203), one often finds amongst
the later m\stics a se\enfold division, admittedl\ with
other nomenclatures to which the\ add new touihes
demed fiom m\stical theories and practices like dhib
formulae corresponding to each le\el interim pro-
phetolog) oi coloured lights iccompan\ing each la\er
of the heart We ha\e here the theorv of subtlt
organs llatifa pi lata' if or also tui pi atitar) espe-
ciall\ de\ eloping from the time of Nadjm al-Din
Kubia (d 617/1220-1 [qc]) and the rustics of his
school iCorbin 1971 al-Isfaravini 1986, introd 60-
2 Landolt 287-8 Kubra 2001 index sv organt sub
til) from Ibn al-'Aiabi s followeis such as Mu'avyid
al-Din Djandi or Dawud al-Ka\san (Gobillot and
Ballanfat 189-90) up to the modern and e\en con-
temporary Sufis Muhammad b. 'Air al-Sanus! of
Algeria (d. 1276/1879 [q.v.]) (105fT.) and the Kurd
Muhammad Amin al-Nakshbandl (d. 1324/1914-15)
(548-58). In the different progressions of the "subtle
organs", sin is almost always present, most often asso-
ciated with the colour white. The dhikr corresponding
to it varies greatly according to authors or mystical
orders. The most often-found is; tab', nafs. kalb, ruh,
sin, khafi ("what is hidden") and akhfa ("what is most
hidden") (Kasham, 82ff„ 101 and the editor's notes).
In Shi'T mysticism, allusions of varying precision
to the subtle "layers" of the "heart" and vision by
means of the heart, are found from the time of the
oldest compilations of hadith onwards (Amir-Moezzi
1992, 112ff.). However, the Shi'I Sufis (Ni'matul-
lahiyya, Dhahabiyya and Khaksar), organised in
brotherhoods from the 16th-17th centuries onwards,
went on to adopt one or another of the systems used
by Sunm orders like the Kadiriyya, Kubrawiyya or
Nakshbandiyya (Gramlich, ii, 207 n. 1073, 247-50;
Amir-Moezzi 1992, 129ff.; idem 2002, paisim).
Bibliography: 1. Sources. Hudjwin, ed. V.A.
Zhukovski, repr. Tehran 1979; Isfarayini, Kashif al-
asiar, Fr. tr. H. Landolt, Le revelateur des mvsteres,
Paris and Lagrasse 1986; Djurdjam, A', al-ta'nfat,
Fr. tr. M. Gloton, Tehran 1994 (based on four
printed texts, beginning with that of Flugel, Leipzig
1845); Kalabadhi, K. al-Ta'armf, ed. 'A.M.'A. Surur,
Beirut 1400/1980; Kasham, ' Misbah al-hidava, ed.
Dj. HumaT, Tehran 1323/1945; Nadjm al-Din
Kubra, Fawdtih al-dfamal, Fr. tr. P. Ballanfat, Nimes
2001; Kulaynl, al-Rawda mm al-Kafi, ed. R.
Mahallati, Tehran 1389/1969; Lahidji, Mafatih al-
I'djdz ft sharh Gulshan-i raz. ed. Khalikr-Karbasr,
Tehran 1992; Nakshbandr, TanwJr al-kulub, ''Cairo
1348/1929; Kadi 'Abd al-Nabi Ahmadnagan, Dustur
al-'ulama', Haydarabad 1331/1912; Kaysari, Sharh
Fusus al-hikam, Tehran 1299/1881; Kushayri, al-
Risala al-kushayriyya, Beirut n.d.; al-Safiar al-Kummi,
Basa'ir al-daiadj.al, ed. M. Kucibaghi, Tehran ca.
1960; SanusF, A'. al-Alasa'il al-'ashai (incl. also al-
Salsabil al-ma'm, Cairo 1353/1932; al-Sarradj al-
ius!, A'. al-Luma', ed. Surur, Cairo and Baghdad
1380/1960; Suhrawardi, 'Awaiif al-ma'anf. Beirut
1983; idem, Rashf al-nasa'ih al-imanma, ed. Mayil
Harawi, Tehran 1365/1986; Sulami, Tabakat al-
silfma, ed. N. Shurayba, Cairo 1953; idem, al-Risala
al-malamatiyya, ed. A.'A. al-'Afifi, Cairo 1364/1945,
Fr. tr. R. Deladriere, La hndile implacable, epitre dn
hommes du blame, Paris 1991; Tahanawi, Kashshaf
istilahat al-fumm, Calcutta 1862; Tirmidhi, Bavan al-
fark bay,, al-sadr wa 1-kalb wa 1-fu'ad wa 'l-lubb, ed.
M. Heer, Cairo 1958; Tustari, TafsJr al-Kur'an al-
'azlm, Cairo n.d.
2. Studies. A.'A. al-'Afifi, al-Malamatiyya wa
I tasauuitf ua ahl alfutimna Cairo 1945 KM al-
Sha\bi alTakma mult/ha as tatauuuruha in Reiiu
dt la Fat des Lettits dt 1 Una d ilnandn, \\i (1962-
3) 14-40 P Nwvia Exegtst cvraniqtit tt langagt mys
tiqm Beirut 1970 H Coibin LHomnu d, Lumure
dans h soufismt iramtn, Pans 1971 L Massignon
La paawn d Halla/ 4 \ols lepi Pans 1975
E Kohlberg Somi Imami Sht'i tutu on taqnya in
J40S xt\ (1975i 395-402 R Gramlich Du sth
istiichen Dtmisihorden Pasiens 3 \ols Wiesbaden 1976-
81 H Landolt Dun opuscules dt Stmnam sur It mot
thtophamqut in S H Nasr led ) Melanges qfftrts a Htnn
Corkn Tehran 1977 279-319 B Khurramshahi
Hafiznama Tehran 1366/1987 MA Amir-Moezzi
Le Guide dnin dans It shi'ismt origmtl Pans and Lagrasse
1992 Kohlberg Taqiyya in Shi'i thtology and lehgron
in H G. Kippenberg and G. Stroumsa (eds.), Secrecy
and toncealment. Studies in the history of Mediterranean
" " " 'ms, Leiden 1995, 345-80; Amir-
Moe
, Du a
. Us n
I le shi'isme duodecimain, in L'Esprit et la nature:
Colloque tenu a Pans les 11 et 12 mai 1996, Milan
1997, 37-63; G. Gobillot, Le livre de la profondeur des
chases (Ghawr al-umur d'al-Haklm al-Tirmidhi), Paris
1996; eadem and P. Ballanfat, Le coeur et la vie spi-
rituelle chez les mystiques musulmans, in Connaisance des
Religions, no. 57-9 (1999), 170-204; Amir-Moezzi,
Visions d'Imam en mystique imamite modeme et contemporaine
(Aipects de t'miamologie duodeamaine VIII), in Autour du
regard. Melanges offer ts a Darnel Gimaret, Louvain 2002;
idem, art. Dissimulation, in Encycl. of the Qur'an, i,
Leiden 2002, 540-2.
(Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi)
SOLTANGALIEV [see sultan 'al! OghlT].
SOUTH AFRICA, Islam in.
2. Afrikaans in Arabic script.
Arabic-Afrikaans denotes the script whereby Muslims
in 19th-century South Africa rendered a creolised
dialect of the Afrikaans language. A phonetically
adapted Arabic script was used to write Muslim reli-
gious literature of this spoken dialect. Afrikaans itself
owes its origins to these creolised varieties of the colo-
nial dialect of Netherlandic (Cape Dutch) that was
spoken among the Khoisan and slave community of
the Cape. Arabic-Afrikaans is the patrimony of this
distinct Cape Muslim community, whose major ances-
tral ties can be traced to the Malay-speaking world,
from where many of them arrived after 1652.
Cape Muslims, possibly as far back as the late 18th
and early 19th centuries, spoke a more distinct Cre-
ole variety of Cape Dutch that was heavily affected
by word borrowings from Malayu but also contained
some Bughanese and Arabic words. The grammati-
cal structure of Arabic-Afrikaans writings shows unmis-
takable resemblances to the grammar of what later
develops into the Afrikaans language. The written
script of this Cape Muslim Creole Afrikaans is derived
from the Djawl [q.v.] script that modifies the Arabic
alphabet, in order to create specific phonetic render-
ings unavailable in Arabic.
As a written script, Arabic -Afrikaans served as a
vehicle for the transmission of a knowledge of reli-
gion in the course of educating mostly slaves and free
blacks among the Muslims of the Cape ca. 1810 or
thereafter. Members of this community were literate
but not in the Roman script; they could read lang-
uages based on Arabic orthography and could read
the Kur'an for liturgical purposes.
One of the earliest Arabic-Afrikaans manuscripts
can be dated back to 1840, according to Achmat
Davids (d. 1998), whose seminal writings pioneered
this field of study (Davids 1991, 56). Texts in circu-
lation that were written in Arabic-Afrikaans covered
subjects such as the elementary rules of Islamic law
(fikh), catechism and theology (tawhid and 'dm al-kalam)
for the instruction of adults and children. Handwritten
and later printed editions known as koples boeke,
ing religious teachings, circulated widely at the Cape
and its hinterland for much of the 19th century and
were still in use during the early part of the 20th
However, with the gradual growth of literacy in
English and Afrikaans among Cape Muslims, many
'ulama' switched to the Roman script, while continu-
ing to write in the distinct Cape Muslim idiom of
Afrikaans that is different from standard Afrikaans.
Apart from literacy in the Roman script, easy access
to mechanised printing facilities was the main reason
for the change, since Arabic-Afrikaans texts had to
be published outside South Africa.
Accredited as the first and best-known of Arabic-
Afrikaans texts is the Bayan al-din "The exposition of
religion" of Abu Bakr Effendi (d. 1880), a Kurdish
religious scholar who was sent to the Cape by the
Ottomans. His book was completed in 1869, but only
published at Istanbul in 1877. In the mid-20th cen-
tury Mia Brandel-Syrier translated it into English.
Hans Kahler believed that the Tuhfat al-ikhwan, "Gifts
to friends", a manuscript written by Imam c Abd al-
Kahhar b. 'Abd al-Malik ca. 1856 could have been
the earliest text, but this document, now in Germany,
has not been properly verified. The Dutch oriental-
ist Adrianus van Selms (d. 1984) believed that the
earliest attempt to print Arabic- Afrikaans at the Cape
could have taken place as early as 1856. Since no
copy of this work remains extant, Davids doubted this
Three other figures deserve mention for their pro-
lific contribution to the genre of Arabic-Afrikaans writ-
ing. One was Shaykh 'Abd al-Rahfm b. Muhammad
al-Traki (d. 1942), a native of Basra who settled in
the Cape around the 1880s. He quickly mastered the
local patois and began writing in Arabic-Afrikaans,
producing smaller tracts directed at an adult audi-
ence. Texts were also produced for the local madrasa
education system that students attended in the after-
noon after their schooling in the secular educational
system. The second person was Imam 'Abd al-Rahman
Kasim Gamieldien (d. 1921), his creolised family name
being possibly a corruption of DjamTl al-Din or Hamil
al-Din (Davids 1991, 147), who wrote several texts
for the madrasa curriculum. The third person was the
son of Abu Bakr Effendi, sc. Hisham Ni'mat Allah
Effendi (d. ca. 1945), who published several Arabic-
Afrikaans books in his desire to advance education
among the local Muslims.
According to an inventory made by Davids, some
74 Arabic-Afrikaans publications have been identified,
with the possibility of more being discovered in pri-
vate collections and libraries. Further investigation of
these texts should shed light on how knowledge from
the metropolises of the Islamic world was transferred
to marginal and smaller communities, thereby increas-
ing local knowledge and introducing new practices.
Bibliography: A. van Selms, Die oudste boek in
Afrikaans: Isjmoeni se betroubare woord, in Hertzog Annate
(Nov. 1953); Abu Bakr Effendi, The religious duties
of Islam as taught and explained by Abu Bakr Effendi,
tr. Mia Brandel-Syrier, Leiden 1960; H. Kahler,
Studien uber die Kultur, die Sprache und die arahsih-
afnkaansche Literatur der Kap Malaien, Berlin 1971;
Achmat Davids, Words the Cape slaves made. A socw-
histoncal linguistic study, in South African Jnal. of
Linguistics, viii/1 (1990); idem, The Afrikaans of the
Cape Muslims from 1815 to 1915. A socio- linguistic study,
M.A. diss., Faculty of Humanities, Dept. of Afrikaans
and Nederlands, Univ. of Natal (Durban) 1991,
unpubl. (Ebrahim Moosa)
al-SUFYANI, a descendant of the Umayyad
Abu Sufyan [q.v.] figuring in apocalyptic
prophecies as the rival and opponent of the Mahdi
[q.v.] and ultimately overcome by him.
The bulk of these prophecies dates from the 2nd/8th
century. The largest collection of them was assem-
bled by the SunnI traditionist Nu'aym b. Hammad
(d. 227/842) in his Kitab al-Fitan. Different views have
been expressed about the origins of this figure. The
Zubayrid Mus'ab b. 'Abd Allah (d. 236/851) claimed
that Khalid, son of the caliph Yazid I [see khalid b.
yazid b. mu'awiya], had invented it out of resent-
ment of the usurpation of his title to the caliphate
by the caliph Marwan I. Khalid thus wanted to arouse
popular hopes for a restorer of the Sufyanid branch
of the house of Umayya. This view that the figure
at first represented Sufyanid interests against the
Marwanid caliphate was in modern times endorsed
by Th. Noldeke and Ch. Snouck Hurgronje, who held
that it was later transformed by orthodox religious
tradition into an Umayyad Antichrist. Following sug-
gestions by J. Wellhausen, H. Lammens questioned
this view and connected the figure with the abortive
anti-'Abbasid rising of Abu Muhammad al-Sufyanl in
Syria in 133/751. The Syrians denied his death and
believed that he was hiding in the mountains of al-
Ta'if from where he would return in triumph. ShI'I
and pro-'Abbasid traditionists then turned this "Syrian
national hero" into a figure resembling the Dadjdjal
[q.v.]. Combining the two views, R. Hartmann argued
that the Sufyani was at first an anti-Marwanid mes-
sianic figure which, after the overthrow of the Umay-
yad dynasty, was turned by Syrian advocates of an
Umayyad restoration into an anti-'Abbasid messiah.
The Syrians, Hartmann suggested, may at that time
have longed for a return of the caliph Yazid I. Only
thereafter was the figure taken over by the 'Abbasids
and their ShI'I backers and transformed into an oppo-
nent of the Mahdi.
The image of the opposition between the Mahdi
and the Sufyani goes back to a hadith (fully quoted
in the art. al-mahdi at Vol. V, 1232a), which pre-
dicted the rise to power of a political refugee from
Medina in Mecca and the subsequent rise in Syria
of "a man whose maternal uncles are of Kalb", who
would send an army of Kalb against the rebel in
Mecca. This army, however, would be utterly defeated,
and the rebel caliph in Mecca would justly rule Islam
for seven or nine years. The first part of this hadith
reflected, as pointed out by D.S. Attema, the career
of 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr. and the prediction dates
from shortly after the death of the caliph Yazid
(64/683). In the later Umayyad age, this prediction
was widely spread as a prophetic hadith by the highly
regarded Basran traditionist Katada b. Di'ama
(d. 117/735). As its contents were now projected into
the apocalyptic future, the rebel caliph in Mecca came
to be identified with the Mahdi and his rival, whose
maternal uncles were of Kalb, with a Sufyani opponent.
As the Mahdf in the later Umayyad age was more
and more identified with a descendant of Muhammad,
the figure of his Sufyani opponent was commonly ap-
propriated from the originally pro-Zubayrid Katada
hadith and developed by ShI'I and pro-'Alid Kufan
circles. The appearance of the Sufyani was thus closely
connected with the advent of the Mahdi. A Kufan
prophecy foretold that the Sufyani and the Mahdi
would come forth like two racehorses. Each one would
subdue the region next to him. The Shi' I imam
Muhammad al-Bakir was quoted as predicting that
the Sufyani would reign for the time of the preg-
nancy of a woman {haml mar' a). The prediction of a
"swallowing up {khasf)" of a Syrian army by the desert
between Mecca and Medina, which according to the
Katada hadith was to occur under the predecessor of
the Sufyani (historically the caliph Yazid), was now
integrated into the career of the Sufyani. Shi' Is referred
to the Sufyani also as the Son of the Liver-eating
Woman (ibn akilat at-akbad) after Abu Sufyan's wife
Hind bt. 'Utba [q.v.], who was said to have bitten
the liver of Muhammad's uncle Hamza after he was
killed in the battle of Uhud. The Sufyani, it was pre-
dicted, would first come forth in the WadI al-Yabis
near Damascus. In the later ImamI ShI'I standard
doctrine, the appearance of the Sufyani in the WadI
al-Yabis in the month of Ramadan and the khasf of
an army sent by him in the desert are counted among
the indispensable signs for the advent of the Mahdi
There is no sound evidence for an early anti-
Marwanid expectation of a restorer of Sufyanid rule.
The apocalyptic Sufyani figure came to Syria and
Egypt together with that of the Fatimid Mahdi and
represented a minority view there in the late Umayyad
age. The great Berber rebellion in the Maghrib in
123/740-1 aroused fears of an invasion of Egypt and
Syria, the fitna of the Maghrib inaugurating the end
of time, and there were predictions of the appear-
ance of the Sufyani connected with it. In post-
Umayyad Sufyani prophecies, the coming of a rebel
Berber army, often described as carrying yellow flags,
became a standard element.
After the overthrow of the Umayyad caliphate by
the 'Abbasids, the apocalyptic Sufyani was in Syria
given the role of a successful challenger of the eastern
conquerors. Already during the anti-'Abbasid revolt
of Abu Muhammad al-Sufyam in 133/751, word was
spread by his supporters that he was "the Sufyani
who had been mentioned". The Sufyani was now
associated with a prediction that the Syrians would
march against an eastern caliph in Kufa, which would
be razed to the ground "like a leather skin (tu'raku
'ark al-adim)". Baghdad was soon added as a town to
be destroyed by the Sufyani, who would send his
armies to the east, the Maghrib, Yemen and 'Irak.
Such anti-'Abbasid prophecies were first spread by
pro-'Alid Syrian narrators, who invariably portrayed
the Sufyani as a ruthless forerunner of the just Fatimid
Mahdi to whom he would ultimately lose out. In
some prophecies, the Sufyani was described as "hand-
ing over the caliphate to the Mahdi {yadfd al-khila-
fat" li 1-Mahdi)'\ The themes of these ShI'I prophecies
were taken over and further developed by SunnI tra-
ditionists, especially in Hims. The largest contribution
was made by Artat b. al-Mundhir (d. 162-3/779-80),
an ascetic worshipper highly regarded as a transmit-
ter who produced lengthy predictions, either attribut-
ing them to Ka'b al-Ahbar [q.v.] and his stepson
Tubay' b. al-'Amir al-Himyarl or in his own name.
Artat's predictions turned the Sufyani into a thor-
oughly repulsive and monstrous figure resembling the
Dadjdjal. Sometimes Artat divided the Sufyani into
two figures. The first one,' named 'Abd Allah b. Yazid,
would be al-Azhar or al-Zuhrl b. al-Kalbiyya, the
deformed Sufyani (al-Sufyani al-mushammah). He would
take the djizva from the Muslims, enslave their chil-
dren and split open the wombs of pregnant women.
After he had died from a carbuncle, another Sufyani
would come forth in the Hidjaz. He, too, would be
deformed, flat-headed, with scarred forearms and hol-
In Egypt, the apocalyptic Sufyani figure was pro-
moted and elaborated by 'Abd Allah b. Lahl'a (d.
174/790 [q.v.]) in numerous traditions spuriously
ascribed to early authorities including Companions
and the Prophet. Although one-eyed (a'war) and the
perpetrator of massacres of 'Abbasids and 'Alids, Ibn
Lahl'a's Sufyani could not compete with Artat's in
repulsive ugliness and bestiality nor be described as
a forerunner of the Dadjdjal.
The Umayyad rebel Abu 'l-'Amaytar, a grandson
of Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya, who rose against
the 'Abbasid caliphate in Damascus in 195/81 1, gained
some support as the expected Sufyani. Already before
the eruption of the revolt, the Damascene tradition-
ist al-Walld b. Muslim spread the prediction that the
Sufyani would inevitably come forth even if only a
single day remained of the year 195. Umayyad back-
ers claimed that the signs for the Sufyani mentioned
in the prophecies were present in Abu 'l-'Amaytar
and that Kalb would be his supporters. A prophecy
describing the reign of Harun al-Rashld and the suc-
cession of his son al-Amln foretold the appearance of
l-SUFYANI — SUK
the Sufyanr during the latter's reign and the collapse
of the 'Abbasid caliphate Abu 'l-'Amaytar, however,
rejected the Sufyam title for himself, evidently because
of the negative implications in the apocalyptic tiadition
Bibliography Nu'aym b Hammad, al-Fitan,
ed S Zakkar," Beirut 1993, ZubayrT, hlasab, 129,
AghanT, xvi, 88, Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr Geschr , l,
155-b H Lammens, Lt "So/yam", hens national dis
Arabes svnens, in Etudes sur It such des Omayyades,
Beiiut 1930, R Hartmann, Der Sufyam, m'Studia
onentaha Ioanni Pedersen duata, Copenhagen 1953,
T Nagel, Rechtleitung und Kahfat, Bonn 1975, 253-7,
W Madelung, The Sujyani betueen tradition and his
tore, in Religious and ethnu movements in medieval Islam,
Variorum, Aldershot 1992, idem, Abu 'l-'Amaytar the
Sujyani, in JS.il, xxiv (2000), 327-42
(W Madelung)
al-SUHAYLI, 'Abd al-Rahm™ b 'Abd Allah,
Abu '1-Kasim (508-81/1114-85), Andalusi scholai
of the lehgious sciences
He was boin either in the village of Suhavl, mod-
ern Fuengirola, or in nearby Malaga, and studied
Kur'an, hadith and philologv theie as well as in
Cordova and Granada His most famous teacher was
Ibn al-'Arabi [q v ] , under whom he studied for a
while in Seville Settled in Malaga, he led a quiet
scholarly life Since he had lost his sight at the age
of seventeen, he relied for his reading and writing
on, among otheis, Ibn Dihva [qi], his best-known
pupil At the Almohad court in Marrakush, where he
staved for some time, he achieved fame and wealth,
he died during a visit to Moiocco in 581/1185
His fame rests on his Raud al unuf, a commentary
on Ibn Hisham's biographv of the Prophet This con-
tains old material which has not been preserved else-
wheie sc sua texts bv al-Zuhri, Musa b 'Ukba [qvv},
Yunus b Bukavr and otheis It also provides evidence
for fragments of Ibn Ishak in versions other than that
of Ibn Hisham The Rawd was commented upon and
criticised bv Mughultay [q i ]
Bibhogiaphy 1 Texts bv al-SuhaylT, in
addition to editions mentioned in Brockelmann, I,
413, S I 20b 734, and Sezgin, GAS, lx, 91 (a) al
Ta'nfua 7 {lam bi ma ubhima f 'l-Km'an mm al asma'
wa 1-a'lam, ed MahmGd Rabi", Cairo 1356/1938, (b)
al-Raud al-unuf fi shaih al-siia al-nabauiyya h Ibn
Hisham, ed 'Abd al-Rahman al-Wakfl, Cairo 1387-
90/19b7-70, (c) Adjwiba fi masa'il sa'alahu 'anhu
Abu hurkul, ed Muhammad Ibrahim al-Banna as
Amali alSuhayli fi 1 nahw wa 'l-lugha wa 'I hadith ua
•Ifikh, np (Baghdad') 1970, and bv Taha Muhsin
in Masa'il fi Inahix via 'l-lugha wa 1-hadith ua 'l-fikh
h Abi 'l-hasim al-Suhayli, in al Maund (Baghdad), xviu
(1989), 84-109
2 Modern studies Mahei Jarrar, Die Prophetm
biogtaphie im islamisehen Spanwn Ein Beitrag zur Uber-
heferungs- und Rtdaktwnsgtsihuhtt, Frankfurt, etc 1989,
17b-210, HMA Sha'ban, al Buhuth al-lughauiyya f
1-Raud al-unuf, Cano 1984 (W Rav'en)
SUK.
5 In mediaeval 'Irak
Before the Aiab conquest of 'Irak there were mai-
kets fiequented bv Arabs in ancient cities, such as al-
Hira and al-Mada'in [q w ] There was also a so-called
"suk Baghdad" on the west bank of the Tigris, where
a monthlv market was held during the Sasanid period
The latter was raided bv Arab troops as eailv as the
caliphate of Abu Bakr (Le Stiange, Baghdad, 12, 101)
Following the Arab conquest of 'Irak, the founders of
the garrison towns of Basra and Kufa designated an
open space close to the mosque for use as a market
In this thev were emulating the Prophet Muhammad
who had designated an open space in Medina for a
similar use A distinctive method in the organisation
of markets began to emerge in the new Islamic cities
of Wasit, Baghdad and Samarra' during the late
Umayvad and early 'Abbasid periods Evidence from
the 'Abbasid penod suggests that there were often
a series of markets (asuak) adjacent to each other
and separated only by roads and streets Outside
the central market in Baghdad and Samarra', othei
markets were created for local residents and there
were also a numbei of smallei markets known by the
diminutive suuayka
Maikets, according to al-Shayzarl (d 589/1193),
authoi of the earliest hisba manual, should be as spa-
cious and wide as possible (like the Roman market),
and every kind of craft or profession (san'a) repre-
sented in it should be allocated its own maiket (suk)
The reference to separate space for each product sold
oi manufactured probably implies a series of markets
or a row of shops and workshops producing and sell-
ing similar goods Thus al-Shayzan recommends that
a market should allocate space to a concentration of
shops selling the same product The shops were
arranged in a linear fashion along roads, streets and
lanes The author further recommends that tradeis
who used fire in the preparation of their products,
such as bakers (khabbazun), cooks (tabbakhun) and black-
smiths (haddaduri) should for safety reasons have their
shops at some distance from others, for instance,
perfumers ('attatun) and cloth merchants (bazzazun)
A similar market layout was endorsed by Ibn Bassam
al-Muhtasib Other pnnciples applied to the organ-
isation of shops in a maiket took into account non-
topographical considerations For instance, Ibn al-Djawzr
(d 597/1200), writing about the markets of Baghdad,
noted that in the markets of al-Karkh the perfumeis
did not associate with traders selling noisome goods
nor with sellers of fancy or of secondhand goods
People of refined culture lived in special residential
aieas No working-class people lived in the Saffron
Road (darb al za'faran) in Karkh, the only residents
there were the cloth merchants and perfume tiaders
(cf Manakib Baghdad, 28) The segregation of the tradeis
in products that smelled nice (perfumes, sweets, jew-
ellery, silk cloth, etc ) fiom those dealing in smelly
things, such as tanners, dyers, garbage collectors and
bric-a-brac merchants, was a pnnciple which seems
to have been widely applied m laying out these mar-
kets Such social custom, according to Massignon, was
iesponsible for the practice of housing the maikets of
the jewellers {suk al sagha) with those of the money-
changers (suk al-sayanf) (hhitat Baghdad, 84) Another
reason for grouping the shops of jewellers and money-
changers together was probably the fact that these
commercial enterprises were monopolised by Jews and
Christians
Al-Shayzari's views on the topographical organisa-
tion of markets, in which shops and workshops were
grouped together for manufactunng or selling similar
goods, reflect the broadly -accepted pnnciples followed
by Arab town-planners in the early Islamic period
Oui knowledge of the early 'Iraki markets goes back
to the lst/7th century, when Basia and Kufa were
laid out using these principles, according to al-Taban
Basra was founded in 16/637 on the site of the
base camp established by 'Utba b Ghazwan, whose
first action was to select the site of the mosque At
the same time, Bilal b AbT Burda marked out a
makeshift market, which was gradually expanded, thus
contributing to Basra's success as a trading centre
onginalh allocated The governor 'Abd Allah b 'Amn
later chose a particulai site, which came to be known
as i,lk 'Abd Allah His successoi Zivad b Abihi encoui-
aged the settlers to establish a peimanent maiket The
tuk 'Abd Allah, which was located within the lesiden-
tial quaiteis, pro\ed inadequate toi a rising popula-
tion (cf Na]i and All, 298-309), and the old maiket
was tiansfeired to the Bilal canal (nahr Bilal) Most of
the eaiK markets of Basra weie on designated open
space, and peimanent shops (hanut) were not built until
the 3rd/9th centurv
During the lst-2nd/7th-8th centunes Basra's mar-
kets selling specialised wares weie located in a single
space 01 ioad, foi instance, the leather maiket (suk
al dabbaghln (lit tanneis' market), the camel market
(suk alibi) maiket ol the stiaw selleis (suk al tabbamn)
and the locksmiths market (suk al kaffalin) The Mii-
on the edge ol the deseit, wheie town-dwellers and
Bedouin gathered to sell camels and other animals
and to listen to poets leciting poems and oiators
speaking on cunent affairs Bv the 3rd-4th/9th-10th
centunes, the great maiket (suk al kabir) was located
at the junction between the Ma'kil Canal and the
Ibn 'Umai Canal, wheie a vanetv of pioducts, includ-
ing glassware bottles, combs textiles, cooked food,
flour fish fruits and \egetables weie sold Caipenteis
and tailors also had their shops there The shore mai-
ket (suk alkalis) lav in the iesidential area along the
Fa>l canal It also had a food market [suk al ta'am),
which sold floui, nee, dates, meat, \inegai and sec-
ondhand goods In addition, there was a mone\ -t hang-
ers' maiket, a goldsmiths' market and a sla\e market
(suk al-nakhkhasln)
Basias tiade with foieign mei chants was conducted
through the ancient port of al-Ubulla [qu], which
was linked to the gamson cit\ thiough a canal dug
bv Zivad b Abihi (Yakut, Buldan Cano 1906, i, 89-
90) One tiavellei noted in 443/1051 that al-Ubulla
was located to the south-west of Basra, and the Shatt
al-'Aiab [q I ] lav to the east of this poit, which had
thuving markets, caravanserais, mosques and luxurv
\illas The Ubulla canal was busv with boats cann-
ing merchandise to and from Basra Nasn-i Khusiaw
visited the cit\ in the mid-5th/llth tentun, and found
that Basra's markets opened for business at difleient
times of the da\ For instance, a morning maiket was
held at suk al Khuza'a, a mid-da\ one at suk 'I thman
and a late-afternoon one at suk al kaddahin (the flint-
makers' market) (Safar nama 91-5)
kufa, which was founded shortk after Basra was
a better planned town However al-Taban does not
specifv the sites of its markets Kufa began with an
open-an market 'Air b Abf Tahb who moved his
capital from Medina to Kufa, is reported to have said
"Foi the Muslims, the market is similar to the place
of woiship he who arrives fust can hold his seat all
dav until he leaves it" ial-Baladhun, Futuh, ti Hitti,
463-4) The same theon, that a sellei had a right to
a space in the market was upheld b\ the governors
al-Mughiia b Shu'ba and Zivad b Abihi who held
that a tiadei who sat in a specific space in a mar-
ket place could claim the spot so long as he occu-
pied it This suggests that no permanent shops weie
built in the maiket of Kufa during the eaiK Umayvad
period and that these were onlv erected dunng the
caliphate of Hisham bv Khahd b 'Abd Allah al-Kasn
Endorsing al-Baladhun's statement, al-Ya'kubi affirms
that Khahd al-Kasn built markets and constituted a
room and an arch (tak) foi ever, trader (A al Buldan,
311) Yakut on the othei hand, recoided that the
Asad Maiket (suk Asad) built at this time in Kufa was
the woik of Asad b 'Abd Allah al-Kasn (Buldan, \
175) Setting up a temporaiv stall/shop in a maiket
incurred no tax dunng the 1st/ 7th centurv,
According to one account aitisans and craftsmen
worked in an open space near the central mosque
Al-Djahiz recorded that much of Kufa was in luins
m his time (A al Buldan, 500) Moieovei, the cost of
living was higher in Kufa than in Basra For instance
building a house in Kufa or Baghdad c
diihan
i Basn
t half
as much (ibid 503-4) According to Massignon, the
market in Kufa during the 3id-4th/9th-10th cen-
turies, included the following ciaftsmen the book and
paper-sellei s weie sited on the kibla side of the citv s
majoi mosque, othei crafts nearbv included date
seller.
, the i
ers of
lp (ashab al sabun) and groceis (bakkaluri) There were
also carpet-sellers (ashab al anmal) and cloth mei-
chants laundrvmen \kassarun) at Dar al-Walrd butch-
ers (djazzaiiin! and wheat merchants (hannatun) selleis
neighbours of the tiadesmen were monev-changeis
(sayanfa) and goldsmiths (saytaghun) (Explication du plan
de Kufa, in Opaa minora in, 50-1) The markets of
Kufa flourished thioughout the 'Abbasid period, and
aftei according to Ibn Djubavi and Hamd Allah al-
Mustawfi but details ol commeicial activities are
lacking in most of our souices While visiting Kufa,
the Spanish tiaveller Benjamin of Tudela (ta 1173)
repoited that the Jewish population of about 70,000
had an impi essiv e sv nagogue \T7u a.otld of Benjamin of
Tudela, 228) These population figuies were piobablv
exaggerated neveitheless thev lemain significant Jews
in the mediaeval Middle East were well known foi
jewellers and were also famed as bankers and monev-
c hangers Then presence in large numbers in the pre-
dominant ShlT citv of Kufa (onlv 2 000 Jews lived
in Sunm-dominated Basiaj would tend to suggest that
the foimei was still an important commercial centie
in the late 'Abbasid period But when Ibn Battuta
Ua 1325-54) visited Kufa, he found that it was merelv
i Maw
Baghdad travelling to Mecca
lallen into ruins as a lesult ol attacks bv Bedouin
However, he found the neighbouring Nadjaf a pop-
and clean silk which he entered thiough the Bab al-
Hadra He then offers details ol the lav out ol the
Nadjaf suk, beginning with the food and vegetable
shops, markets of the greengrocers cooks and butch-
ers, the huit market the tailois' market followed bv
the covered market (kaysanyya) and the perfumeis'
bazaai which was close to the alleged tomb of the
Imam 'All b Abi Tahb
Al-\\asit [qi] was founded bv al-Hadjdjadj and
its markets, according to the local historian Bahshal
(d 292/905), were well planned The lavout of the
maiket allotted to even, trade a separate plot of land
and segregated each ciaft or trade Each group of
tradesmen was given its own monev-thangei iTa'rikh
Wasit 44 1 Ivas b Mu'awiva was appointed inspec-
tor of the Wasit maiket A kind of toll or rent was
collected horn the tradesmen The suk was divided
into two bioad sections On the nght side of the mar-
ket the shops of the food-sellers, cloth meichants,
monev -c hangers and perfume traders were located, on
the left side the gieengroters, fruit vendors \ashab al
fakiha] and sellers of second-hand goods (ashab al sukat)
established their shops or stalls. Day labourers
(ruzdjariyyun) and craftsmen (surma') waited for work
on a space stretching from the sandal-makers' road
{daib al-kharrazuri) towards the Tigris river. The mar-
ket was thus an elaborately laidout affair. This main
In planning a circular-shaped double-walled citadel
city at Baghdad, with four massive arcaded gates, the
'Abbasid caliph al-Mansur was also responsible for
citys
i in the
i, following the practice of ancient
cities such as Jerusalem. However, after ten years or
so, Abu Dja'far is said to have been advised by a
visiting envoy, the Patricius, from Byzantium that sit-
ing markets near his palace posed danger to a ruler
from foreign spies visiting the markets in the guise of
traders. Shortly before the removal of the markets
from the arcades (measuring 15 X 200 cubits] of the
four gates, there was a riot incited by a certain Yahya
b. 'Abd Allah, whom Abu Dja'far had appointed the
city's muhtanb, for which Yahya was executed. Never-
theless, the emergence of the muhtasib in Baghdad
heralded the rise of this urban institution which reg-
ulated the ethical behaviour of traders and craftsmen
in the 'Abbasid markets [see hisba].
Following the riots of 157/774, the city's markets
were transferred to the district of al-Karkh [q.v.] where
shops and workshops were laid out on the principle
of selling homogenous products in adjacent shops/
stalls systematically arranged in rows of roads (daib, pi.
durub) and streets (sikka, pi. sikak). The markets of the
butchers, who carried sharp tools, were allotted a
space at the far end of the market. Thus according
to al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, al-Mansur instructed his
officers Ibrahim b. Hubaysh al-Kuft and Khirash b.
al-Musayyab al-Yamanl to develop the central business
district at al-Karkh on the west bank of the Tigris.
Al-Mansur's successor al-MahdT was later responsible
for laying out the markets at the Bab al-Tak and Bab
al-Sha'Tr on the east bank of the Tigris, around the
palace of Khuld [q.v. in Suppl.], in the Rusafa dis-
trict, and also for establishing the west bank markets
in the Harbiyya quarter to the north of the Round
City. This quarter was inhabited by Central Asians,
who traded with Kh"arazm and Transoxania. Both
Ibn al-Faklh and al-Ya'kubi describe the markets of
Baghdad 'in the later 3rd/9th century and early
4th/ 10th century.
The markets in east Baghdad included the suk Yahya
(named after Yahya al-Barmakl). The land on which
this market stood war later awarded by al-Ma'mun
to Tahir b. al-Husayn at the end of the civil war
between the sons of Harun al-Rashid (Ibn al-Fakrh,
55). During the 5th/ 11th century, when the Saldjuks
were controlling Baghdad, there were many reports
of arson in the city's markets. In 485/1092 fire raged
in the markets of the goldsmiths' and of the money-
changers (suk al-sagha wa 1-sayanf) resulting in great
loss of life; and in 512/1118 the suk al-rayahln (the
spice market) and the market of 'Abdun caught fire,
resulting in extensive damage to property in east
Baghdad, including the money-changers' shops, millers'
inn, the royal mint (dar al-darb) and public baths, all
of which were destroyed (Khitat Baghdad, 56-7, 61).
Ibn al-Djawzi describes the layout of east Baghdad's
markets in the 6th/ 12th century, which contained
high-rise buildings owned by rich merchants, such as
the millers (dakkakun), bakers and sellers of sweets
(halwayiyyun). There was also a nearby shoe-makers'
market (suk al-asakifa), then a market selling all kinds
of birds [suk al-tayr), one for aromatic plants/spices, and
in the vicinity of this lay the bankers' or money-
changers' shops. Next came shops selling food (suk ah
ma'kul), such as those of the bakers and butchers
(kassabiin). Alongside them there was the goldsmiths'
market housed in a most splendid building. Next to
it, there was a big market of booksellers and copy-
ists (suk al-warrakln) in which scholars and poets con-
gregated (Manakib Baghdad, 26). All these markets of
east Baghdad were located close to the market of al-
Rusafa and its congregational mosque.
There was an element of competition in the set-
ting up of iiiks. For instance, the suk al-'atash (Thirst
Market) formerly known as suwaykat al-Harashi was
built by SaTd al-Harashi for al-MahdT as a means of
transferring some of the business to the east bank at
the expense of al-Karkh. Among the smaller mark-
ets of east Baghdad were the suwaykat Nasi (attributed
to Nasr b. Malik), suwaykat Khalid (referring to Khalid
b. Barmak) at the Shammasiyya Gate, and suwaykat
al-Hadjdjadj (related to al-Hadjdjadj b. Wasif, a client
of al-Mahdi, and the suwaykat Ahmad b. Abt Khalid.
Similarly, west Baghdad had, besides the great mar-
kets of al-Karkh and al-Harbiyya, many other mar-
kets, including the suk al-Haytham (referring to
al-Haytham b. Mu'awiyaj, the suk 'Abd al-U'ahhab and
the fruit market of dar al-batttkh (Ibn al-Fakih, 45).
At Kasr Waddah, named after the client of the caliph
who was in charge of the arsenal (sahib khizanat al-
silah), there were markets selling all kinds of goods;
these included over a hundred shops selling paper
and books and the shops of copyists (al-Ya'kubl, Buldan,
245). These bookshops spread from the Tak al-Harrani
to the new bridge on the Sarat Canal, occupying both
sides of the road and on the bridge itself.
Al-Ya'kubl, 246, states that, in his time, the mar-
ket of al-Karkh occupied an area two farsakhs in length
from Kasr Waddah to the suk al-thulatha (Tuesday
Market) and one farsakh from the Kati'at al-Rabl'
towards the Tigris. Each trade was located in a well-
known street and the shops and workshops were
arranged in rows of shops. Craftsmen of one kind
did not mix with another kind and were segregated
from those of other markets, each market constitut-
ing a separate unit. The Harb b. 'Abd Allah Street
was the largest street around which people from Balkh,
Marw, Bukhara, Khuttal, Kabul and Kh*arazm settled
(248). In the same locality was located the dar al-
raktk, where slaves were bought and sold under the
supervision of al-Rabi' b. Yunus. When the Andalusian
traveller Ibn Djubayr visited Baghdad in the 6th/ 12th
century, he found that the Harbiyya markets and res-
idential areas had declined. He also noted that the
market of the hospital (suk al-mdriitdn) where physi-
cians attended the sick every Monday and Thursday,
was located at the old Basra Gate in west Baghdad.
The shops and workshops of leather workers (dabbaghun)
were situated at the 'Isa Canal on the west bank of
the Tigris away from the main market of al-Karkh,
and not far from a rubbish dump (kunasa) and an
ancient graveyard (Travels, tr. Broadhurst, 234-5, 244).
In 449/1057, a fire caused extensive damage to the
food market (suk al-ta'am), the wood-sellers' market
(suk al-khashshabln), the carpenters' market (suk al-
nadjdjarin), the butchers' market (huk al-q^azzdnn),
the dyers' market (suk al-sabbaghin) and the market
of the perfumers and chemists (suk al-'attann) which
were sited in adjacent buildings (Khitat Baghdad,
41-3).
On the east bank, construction for the palace of al-
Khuld began in 143/760 for the prince al-MahdT,
and this had its own markets: the fief of Badr al-
SUK — SUKARNO
Wasif housed the suk al 'atash among the fi\e
in east Baghdad there was a suk Khudavr where Chinese
wares were sold Rents collected from the markets dur-
ing the 3id/9th centur) on both banks of Baghdad
including those from the Mills of the Patncius (arha'
al Batrik) amounted to 1 2 million dirhams annuall\
The traders in the maikets oi Baghdad imported goods
irom Central \sia and from the Fai East as lar as
China and al-Djahiz in his A al Tabassur bi I tidjara
gives a list oi exotic products available in 'Iiaks
markets
When al-Mu'tasim built the cit\ oi Samarra' [q i ]
he followed the established pattern ior earlier mar-
kets in Islamic cities such as Bighdad \ttei laving
out the palace and public buildings he muked out
the site oi the chiei mosque and built the markets
aiound it the rows oi shops and workshops were
made spacious and ever) kind oi product was sold
in adjacent shops In the north of Samana' some
gioups oi Turkish soldieis were allotted land on which
to build their houses but the bai racks of the Turks
and the men oi Farghana were established iar awav
irom the markets so that these troops did not mix
with local people and traders Some lolk were settled
iurther north in the area oi al-Dur where smill mar-
kets some shops and butcheis stalls were built ior
the muualladun The kati'a or fiei oi Hizam on which
headquarters and prison Shops and rooms ior hous-
ing slaves were located theie and on this main
thoroughlaie theie weie houses ior the common peo-
ple and maikets wheie ciait and product were sold
separately This was Samarra' s second big market
Outside the old Samarra' al-Mutawakkil built a new
satellite town where all the traders oi demeaning
status such as the sellers of bailev beei hansa soup
e (ashab al fukka' ua
i the r
Mar
ts (ghalla ua mustaghillat) collected in Samarra'
amounted to ten million dirhams a veai
Mawsil also had its maikets and its Wednesday (suk
alarba'a') and Sunday Maikets (\uh al ahad) were well
known as early as the 2nd/8th centur) The local
historian al-'Vzdi mentions otheis markets including
the hay market (suk al hashish) and maiket of sellers
of saddles stuffed with straw (sith al hattabin) and food
market (3b3) M-Mukaddasi noted that Mawsil had
fine markets, which extended to the tanners road and
gypsum sellers road [darb al d^assasin) In the city s
square (murabba'a) near the inns was the Wednesday
Market where farm labouieis \ahaia) and harvesters
(hauasid) came from the surrounding countivside to
seek temporal v or seasonal work in the city From
Mawsil s covered markets piovisions for Baghdad
weie tianspoited by boats and caiavans <\mong other
towns al-Mukaddasi cites Kasr Ibn Hubayra which
had a large concentration of weavers and Jews in a
thnvmg market economy \t the same time Tiknt was
a sizeable town, where a monasteiy piovided the focal
point for local Christian pilgrimage and many woollen
workers settled there in order to meet the demands
of the pilgrims.
Bibliography: 1. Sources. Djahiz, A'. ul-Tabassut
bi 'l-tidfara, ed. H.H. <Abd al-Wahhab, Beirut 1966,
1-48; idem, K. al-Buldan, ed. S.A. al-'Alr, Baghdad
1970, 462-506; Ya'kQbT, Buldan, 232-360; Ibn Rusta,
180-7; Ibn al-Fakih al-Hamadam, Baghdad, Madinat
al-Salam, ed. al-'Alr, Baghdad and Paris 1977, 5,
117; Istakhn 1 , 78-88; Abu Hayyan al-Tawhldr, al-
Risala al-baghdadiyya, ed. Abbood Shalghv, Beirut
1980, 42-106; MukaddasT, 116-23. 138; al-Khatib
al-Baghdadi i 25-b b9 79-81 \slam b Sahl al-
Wasiti called Bahshal T II a sit ed G '/Wwad
Baghdad 1967 44 92-3, Azdi T Mausil ed 'All
Habiba Cairo 19b7 24 83 157 229 350 Ibn
al-Djawzi Muntazam ed Haydaiabad x 170 idem
Manakib Baghdad ed M Bahdjat al ^than Bagh-
dad 1342/1923 2b Sam am Imab ed Hay-
darabad i 378 x 344-5 Ibn Djubau RMa tr
RJC Broadhurst, London 1952 221-44 Shavzan
Miavat al rutba fi talab al hisba ed al-^nni Cano
194b 11-12 \akut Buldan Cairo 190b n 196-9
v 175-7 \iu 382-31 Ibn Battuta RMa ti Gibb
n 271-81
2 Studies Le Strange Baghdad during tht ibbasid
Caliphate 12 92 101 35b idem Lands 24-85 Ch
Pellat Lt milieu basmnm it la formation dt Ga/iK Pans
1953 2fl '\bbas '^zzawi, Ta'rikh al dara'ib al
'irakiwa Bighdad 1958 10-37 '\bd al-Kadn Basha
Vyan il-'^bbasi al Basw Ji aduanha al ta'nkhnva
Baghdad 1%1 7-87 7-87 L Massignon Optra
minora Benut 1963 m 35-93 J Lassner The topog
,aphv oj Baghdad m tht early Middle igts Detroit 1970
b02 78-102 172-88 \\ Dun ch Government insti
tuhons in RB Serjeant (ed I Tht Islamic ah Pans
1980 52-65 P Chalmeta ch Markets in ibid 104-
13 \J Na,i and \ N \h The \uqs of Basra
Commercial organisation and actum in an Islamic ah in
JESHO xxiv (1981) 298-309 M \J Beg The Islamic
city from al \Iadmah to Samarra' in idem Historic citus
of Asia Kuala Lumpur 198b 245-6 255 Hichem
D|ait \lhufa naissance de la idle islamiquc Pans
1986 274-7, Sandra Be n| amin (ed ) The uoild of
Benjamin of Tudela a meduial Mediterranean traiclogut
Madison 1995 226-8 (M \J Begi
SUKARNO Soekarno the lust President oi
the independent Republic oi Indonesia [i/i]
iiom 1945 to 19b7 (b 6 June 1901 d 21 June 1970)
His father Raden Sukemi came irom lowei
Javanese nobility and woiked as a teachei and civil
servant while his mothei originated irom a Balinese
brahmana lamily but was excluded aftei her maniage
to her Muslim husband Sukainos name m his child-
hood was Kusno Later his iathei renamed him
Sukarno reiening to the heio \drpati Kaino in the
Hindu epic Mahabharata Mready as a small boy while
living with his grandfather in a village he paid more
attention to nayang (shadow play) performances where
the stories oi the Mahabharata are displayed than to
his homework ior school thus acquainting himseli
with the ethics oi the ksatnya namely fighting with-
out compromise against evil and in]ustice but open
to mercy and compromise in one s own quartei and
fumly believing in the victory oi the ughteous ones
Much oi his later political vocabulaiv was rooted in
the symbols oi aaiang
'Vfter having finished a European pnmar) school
in Mo]okerto wheie he also had to leain Dutch he
moved aged 15 to Surabaya ior lurthei studies There
he stayed in the open house oi (Hajji) Omar Said
(abbrev. HOS) Tjokroaminoto, the charismatic leader
of the Sarekat Islam [q.v.] (since 1912). which was
the first Indonesian nationalist organisation, founded
in 1911. Tjokroaminoto's strong identification with
those who suffered under the colonial administration
made many people think he might be the Rata Adil,
a just ruler expected to arrive before the end of this
aeon and end the sufferings of the suppressed people.
This expectation had first appeared in Java in the
17th century. Tjokroaminoto himself, however, is said
to have stressed that the movement for independence
did not involve establishing the rule of a Ratu Adil,
760
but of a ratuning adil, a realm of righteousness ruled
by the people and their representatives.
During his five years in the Hogere Burger School
(HBS) in Surabaya (1916-21) Sukarno became not only
acquainted with the aims and targets of the Sarekat
Islam (SI), but C. Hartogh, teacher of the German
language at the HBS and co-founder of the "Indische
Sociaal Democratische Vereeniging" in 1914, intro-
duced Sukarno to socialism and Marxism, warning,
however, against too radical action against Western
capitalism and favouring an accelerated evolution of
the indigenous society and its economy. Among the
Indonesian leaders of that time, a controversy between
more universal, international, socialist and radical
options on the one hand and visions dealing more
with the "national" problems in the Dutch colony
and favouring stepped-up co-operation with the gov-
ernment for achieving freedom on the other, led finally
to a split in the Sarekat Islam. In 1921 the Communist
Party (PKI) was established and communists were
expelled from the SI, albeit against the will of
Tjokroaminoto, who feared a decay of the Nationalist
Movement, but thus urged by Hajji Agus Salim,
another SI leader. It is noteworthy that the commu-
nists in their statements frequently used Islamic or
Hindu terminology, particularly that of the modernist
movements in both communities, Ataturk and Gandhi
being among their favourites. After 1921, the SI
became more receptive to the Islamic international
movement (so-called Pan-Islamism [q.v.]).
After his successful graduation from the HBS and
his marriage with a daughter of Tjokroaminoto,
Sukarno moved to Bandung in 1 92 1 and there enrolled
as a student in the newly-established Technical High
School, where he graduated in 1926 as a civil engi-
neer. In Bandung, Sukarno met with more radical
nationalists like Douwes Dekker and Tjipto Mangun-
kusumo, both co-founders of the Nationaal Indische
Partij (NIP) whose leaders resided in Bandung. Deeply
disappointed with the reviving colonial attitudes
and measures after World War I, they refused to co-
operate with the government and its institutions, in-
cluding the Volksraad (consulting body). Sukarno
adopted their position and thus estranged himself from
Tjokroaminoto and even from his wife, whom he
divorced. Thus he became what he remained: a con-
vinced and fervent nationalist advocating religious and
ethnic tolerance and equal rights for all Indonesians
as internal goals, and fighting capitalism and co-oper-
ation with the unjust government as external mea-
sures. In contrast to nationalist students who had spent
some time in the Netherlands and experienced there
a democratic society and a well-functioning adminis-
tration of the law, Sukarno, lacking such experience,
\iewed everything Western with deep suspicion and
antipathy.
After his graduation, Sukarno dedicated his time
and energies to efforts towards uniting the different
anti-colonial parties and groups, all of which were
pursuing quite different options. Nationalism was
endangered from two sides: internationalism and
regionalism. Therefore he urged the three strongest
groups, namely, the Nationalists (NIP), the Islamic
Nationalists (SI), and the Marxists (PKI), to find one
voice in fighting against the "Kaurawas", the repre-
sentatives of colonialism. All nationalists should be
united in one goal: achieving Indonesia merdeka (an inde-
pendent Indonesia). On this point Sukarno was not
only an analytical thinker, but also — based on the
world \iew of the wayang — a bit of a mystic: the
notion of nationalism, national unity, resembles a rev-
elation (wain) given by God, and to strive for it is
like an act of liturgy or service (bakti), the work of a
true ksatnya. The space of nationalism was as "wide
as the air", a perception already present in the early
Sarekat Islam, where Marxists, Christians and others
After both the failure of the new ruler in Arabia
(since 1924), <Abd al-'Aziz of the Al Su'ud, to call a
conference of the Islamic world, and the founding of
the Nahdatul Ulama party in early 1926 in Java, with
the aim of safeguarding traditionalist Islamic teaching
in the Holy Places, the SI lost interest in pan-Islamic
visions. Sukarno and Tjokroaminoto became recon-
ciled, and Hajji Agus Salim encouraged Sukarno to
proceed with his plan to establish a Federation of the
biggest nationalist organisations, including his own,
the "Nationalist Union of Indonesia" (Perhimpunan
Nasional Indonesia: PNI) founded in July 1927.
Because of communist riots, the PKI had been out-
lawed in 1927, leasing the struggle for independence
to the nationalists and the national Islamists.
Sukarno's self-confidence grew apace. Those who
did not agree with his radical attitude but favoured
a more consultative way to deal with the Dutch, while
firmly strhing also for independence, like the social-
ists, were not included in his front of the "Pendawas".
But the colonial government's actions seemed to jus-
tify his suspicion and adversary attitude: even people
ready for compromise like Tjipto Mangunkusumo,
were attacked by the Dutch with false accusations and
In 1930 the outbreak of a Pacific war was expected,
one which, it was hoped, would bring colonial rule
in Asia to its end. In Indonesia, old prophecies related
to Jayabaya, a Javanese king of the 1 2th century, who
is said to be the source of the Ratu Adil expectations
as well, foretold the \ictory of a "yellow people";
Sukarno, and with him many other people from India
to China, expected the Japanese to take the leading
role in this forthcoming anti-colonial revolution,
remembering their victory over Russia in 1905.
Combining Jayabaya with Karl Marx's prediction of
the final victory of the suppressed proletariat, Sukarno
firmly believed in the imminent \ictory of the "brown"
people, or Pendawas. Although imperialistic them-
selves, the Japanese would at least crush the power
of the U.S. and England and other colonial powers
the West and thus pave the way for final lib-
such (
ising
unrest, on 29 December 1929 the colonial govern
mem detained all leaders of Sukarno's PNI, includ-
ing himself. Although it was impossible during the
subsequent trials to prove that the PNI or Sukarno
himself had any concrete plans for an insurrection,
he was sentenced to four years imprisonment in
December 1930, thereby becoming an innocent mar-
tyr for many Indonesians. After an act of clemency
by the then departing Governor-General De Graef,
Sukarno was released at the end of December 1931.
But both organisations led by him, the PNI and the
Federation, did not survive his detention and were
dissolved by the remaining leaders. This was criticised
by a leader of the Perhimpunan Indonesia (PI,
"Indonesian Union") in the Netherlands, Moh. Hatta,
who accused Sukarno of only provoking the govern-
ment and not trying to educate the people at the
For Sukarno and his supporters, these events only
showed how important he himself was for the inde-
pendence movement. Thus the nationalists split into
two groups: one gathered into the PNI Baru ("New"
PNI) around the socialist Sutan Sjahni who,
Moh Hatta, originated horn West Sum
ring incisive anal\ses of the political and
■tal s:
the othei gathered around Sukarno in the Partmdo
(Paitai Indonesia), which emphasised more stronglv a
feeling of umt\ that took in specific dissent Paitindo
now became the platioim ioi Sukarno's new concept
of "Marhaemsm", which he also called "Socio-
Nationahsm", Marhaen was a common name mainl\
among Sundanese farmers (d Dahm, 110) A feeling
of social i esponsibihtv would unite all Indonesians —
not onl\ the proletariat — to establish social justice in
the nation No opposition or deviation would be tol-
erated The leadership of a Marhaemst pairs would
have the right to punish am one who disturbed the
consensus b\ exclusion For this attitude, Sukarno was
much amused b\ Sutan Sjahnr and Moh Hatta,
who uiged the acceptance of democratic rules On 1
August 1933, Sukarno was again detained and con-
sequentK exiled to the island of Floies He termi-
nated his membership in Partmdo, which later (193b)
dissolved itself His isolation in Flores encouraged him
to revive old acquaintances in the SI, which mean-
while had become Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia
(PSII), trying to haimomse Islamic intel nationalism
with Indonesian nationalism FnendK contact with
Catholic missionaries seems to have strengthened his
religious awareness In 1938 he was transferred to
Bengkulu (Bencoolen), West-Sumatra, where he became
a membei of the leiormist Muhammadi\ah social
organisation There he joined those who pleaded for
one which was sometimes too rationalist for othei
membei s like Moh Natsir, who urged obedience to
tiadition in matteis of faith first and then revision of
social rules To justifv his more radical position,
Sukarno pointed to the progress Ataturk and the
Kemahsts had achieved in Turke\ He pleaded for a
separation of state and religion, which led to anothei
emotional controvers\ with Moh Natsir in 1941
When Japan started occupving Indonesia in 1941,
Sukarno, who returned to Java in Jul\ 1942, was
open lor co-operation with the pioviso that the
Japanese should belp the Indonesians to achieve then
independence in accoid with Ja\aba\a s prophec\ The
foundation of the "putera" (Pusat Tenaga Rak\at,
centre for people's woik, puteia means literallv 'son")
intended as a basis of the people's support for Japan,
became Sukarno's basis of action
The ambiguous polic\ of the Japanese — s
ti eating "the Southern Regions' as a colonv,
' ;o promising seli-govei
gthel
inng the rehgiousK
led to an estrangement between Sukarno and the
Japanese government, which added to Sukarno's pop-
Koiso on 7 September 1944 that all Indonesian peo-
ples should be granted independence, and despite the
people's continued distrust of and contempt ioi those
who co-operated with the Japanese, Sukarno on the
one hand urged support for the Japanese, who faced
the advancing Allied forces, and on the othei hand
uiged the Japanese to speed up their plans lest the
Allies return to a still-occupied Indonesia and there-
to] e le-establish colonial rule His violent pio-Japanese
agitation and lo\alt\ to Japan, and his emotional anti-
Western rhetonc, again earned him much criticism
But on 28 Ma\ 1945, the Investigating Board foi
Piepaiatory Work on Indonesian Independence (the
BPUPKI), appointed bv the Japanese staited its work
On 1 June, Sukaino piesented his famous concept of
the Pancasila (Pantjasila, "Five Principles"), meant to
the vultansihauluk basis of the
Consi
could c
in Mangullang, 198fT) Nationalist
nation, Kebangiaan), Internationalism or Humanitv
(pintxtmanuuaan), People's Rule {Uiahatan, alwa\s striv-
ing foi consent, mufakat, from Ai muwafaka). Social
Justice (kiadilan sowal, onginalh social welfare hiu-
jahteiaan \oiml) and Divine Oneness (httuhanan \ang
Mafia Esa) These could also be reduced to three
souo-nationalism, socio-democracv and Diraif One-
ness, or to one golong rrnong (the Javanese principle
of mutual co-operation), as Sukarno stated Complaints
horn the side of the Islamists led to a compromise
on 22 June, stating the hetuhanan as first pnnuple
with the addition that all Muslims are obliged to fol-
low the Shari'a, this compromise became known as
the Jakaita Chaiter Encouiaged b\ the Japanese, who
liking of Sukarno, it was also agieed that the inde-
pendent state should resemble a presidential democ-
rat with a parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakvat
DPR) onlv semng as a consultative bod\ A Peoples
Consultative Assembh, (Dewan Peimus\awaiatan
Rakvat MPR), consisting of the membeis of the DPR
and other membeis nominated b\ the government oi
b\ people's organisations, meeting once even fi\e
vears, was to elect the piesident and define the gen-
general anti-colonial mood, Sukarno and others
favoured the inclusion into Indonesia Meideka of
peninsular Mala\ and teintones on Boineo and Timoi
still claimed b\ the British and Portuguese This pro-
posal was rejected b\ the Japanese, who wanted
Indonesia restricted to the former Dutch possessions
Under p
v Mor
Hatta,
1945
in the
irh moi
red the
ling c
17
Committee for Indonesian Independence, inauguiated
b\ the Japanese on 7 August, met and passed the
provisional constitution (Basic Law), with a modi-
fied Pancasila, included in the Preamble as second
pimciple there now stands Internationalism with
Nationalism becoming the third pimciple The pio-
vision of the Jakaita Chaiter for the Muslims was
omitted because it implied a special i elation with the
Muslims which would endangei the neutrality oi the
dent and Moh Hatta his vice-president A Cential
National Indonesian Committee (Komite Nasional
Indonesia Pusat KNIP) was to support the govern-
ment until a parliament could be elected, and Sukarno
favoured the ioimation of one political partv onK, a
Partai Nasional Indonesia In this, however, he was
opposed b\ Sutan Sjahni, Moh Hatta and some of
the Islamist nationalists To avoid an open domestic
crisis, Sukaino agieed to the formation of different
paities and he accepted also that ministers should be
accountable to the pailiament or the KNIP Thus
Sukamo's shoit-lived presidential government came to
its end, and on 14 November 1945, a parhai
government was elected with Sutan Sjahnr a
Sukamo's populantv increased again wr
Hatta, Sjahnr and othei leaders oi the voting
he were detained bv the Dutch, who wantec
establish then rule and punish at the same tirr
SUKARNO — SULAYMAN b. al-HAKAM al-MUSTATN
who had collaborated with the Japanese. After the
end of the Dutch police actions and acknowledge-
ment of Indonesia's independence in late 1949,
Sukarno was accepted as president, an office still to
his own dislike, however, as it was hampered by the
liberal constitutions that were drafted in 1949 and
1950. He met other challenges from the militant
Islamists, who staged insurrections in West Java and
Sulawesi, and from regionalists, who opposed the strong
political and economic centralisation in Java. His inter-
national reputation increased in 1955 when, inspired
by the second principle of Pancasila, he succeeded in
hosting in Bandung the first conference of indepen-
dent "Third World" leaders (his opening speech is in
Feith and Castles, 454 ff.). During the political cam-
paigns preceding the 1955 elections to the first par-
liament, and, some months later, to a Constitutional
Assembly (Konstituante) to design a final constitution,
Sukarno made it clear that he wanted a presidential
republic based on the Pancasila, against the option
of an Islamic state, and also a unitary state, against
demands for more autonomy in the areas outside of
Java. In opposition to Sukarno's agitation, Moh. Hatta
resigned as vice-president in 1956. Anticipating a great
majority of votes in favour of liberal democracy,
Sukarno issued a presidential decree on 5 July 1959
dissoKing the Konstituante and declaring the Basic
Law of 1945 as the final constitution. Guided Demo-
cracy [demokrasi terpimpin) was the name of the new
system, himself being the Great Leader (of the Revolu-
tion), as he explained in his independence speech
on 17 August 1959, which later became known as
his "Political Manifesto" (Manipol), elaborated later
by "USDEK": the Basic Law of 1945, Indonesian
Socialism, Guided Democracy, Guided Economy and
Indonesian Identity. In 1960, Sukarno also dissolved
the parliament and later in the same year he banned
the modernist Islamic party Masyumi, chaired by Moh.
Natsir, and the socialist Party of Sutan Sjahrir, both
of whose leaders and some followers were detained.
) fror
the
Communist armed forces under Gen. A.H. Nasution.
Sukarno tried to balance the antagonising forces by
showing favour to the traditionalist Islamic party
Nahdatul Ulama (NU) and the Communist Party
(PKI), both of which had strong roots in Java. Under
the leadership of the PNI, the old triad from the
1920s reappeared, now styled as "Nasakom": Nasion-
alisme, Agama (religion, represented by NU), and
socialist Communism. The ideological controversies
and power play among military leaders inflamed the
domestic situation, some of them profiting from the
Irian crisis in 1961-2 and the "confrontation" with
Malaysia [q.v.], the new independent federation (1963)
supported by the British and condemned by Sukarno.
The PKI, strengthening its ties with Maoist China,
increasingly dominated the streets and therefore caused
an estrangement with the other allied elements in
Nasakom who, on their side, approached some of the
military leaders critical of Sukarno, these being mainly
in the army, while most of the air force was pro-
Sukarno. Anti-American and anti-So\iet agitation pre-
pared the withdrawal of Indonesia from the UNO in
early 1965, thus strengthening its alliance with Beijing
and other Communist states in South and East Asia.
Corruption, mismanagement and nepotism in the
bureaucracy and military brought the state close to
collapse. In the evening of 30 September 1965, a coup
d'etat was launched, but to this date it is not clear
who were the real initiators and what were their aims.
Some leading generals of the army close to Sukarno
were murdered, and the later official version under
Suharto's rule laid responsibility with the Communists.
Sukarno, contrary to his own perception, became a
spectator to the events, and on 11 March 1966, he
had to sign a letter transferring all executive power
and the military command to General Suharto because
of his alleged inability to maintain any longer the
unity of Indonesia and its people. A few weeks later
the PKI was banned, and its leaders and members
and many other people killed, imprisoned or detained
in camps. One year later, the new Provisional People's
Consultative Assembly stripped Sukarno of the pres-
idency and proclaimed Gen. Suharto acting president.
Sukarno spent his last years \irtually under house
arrest in Bogor until his death. His grave in Blitar,
East Java, has become a sacred shrine for many
Bibliography: Notonagoro, Pancasila dasar falsafah
negara, Jakarta 1951, 2 1974; G.McT.T. Kahin,
Nationalism and resolution in Indonesia, Ithaca and New
York 1952; H. Feith, The decline of constitutional democ-
racy in Indonesia, Ithaca 1962; Dibawah bendera revo-
lusi, Jakarta 1963; Sukarno, Sukarno. An autobiography
as told to Cindy Adams, Hong Kong 1965; B. Dahm,
Sukamos Kampf urn Indonesiens Unabhdngigkeit. Werdegang
und Idem eines asiatischen Nationalisien, Frankfurt/Main
and Berlin 1966; M.P.M. Muskens, Indonesia. Een
stryd om nationale idenliteit, Bussum 1969, 2 1970; Feith
and L. Castles (eds.), Indonesian political thinking 1945-
1965, Ithaca and London 1970; Dahm, History of
Indonesia in the 20th century, London 1971; B.R.O'G.
Anderson, Java in a time of revolution: occupation and
resistance, 1944-1946, Ithaca and London 1972; J.D.
Legge, Sukarno. A political bibliography, London 1972;
A. Katoppo (ed.), 80 Tahun Bung Kamo, Jakarta
1980, 2 1990; M. Bonneff et al, Pantjasila. Trente annees
de debats politiques en Indonesie, Paris 1980; Eka
Darmaputera, Pancasila and the search for identity and
modernity in Indonesian society, Leiden 1988; Achmad
C. Manullang, Die Staatssoziologie der Pancasila.
Wurzburg 1988; Adnan Buyung Nasution, The aspi-
ration for constitutional government in Indonesia. A socio-
legal study of the Indonesian Konstituante 1956-1959,
Jakarta 1992; Marsillam Simanjuntak, Pandangan
negara integralistik, Jakarta 1994; Pamoe Rahardjo
and Islah Gusmian (eds.), Bung Kamo dan pancasila.
Menuju revolusi nasional, Yogyakarta 2002.
(O. Schumann)
SULAYMAN b. al-HAKAM b. Sulayman al-
MUSTAlN, Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus,
proclaimed at Cordova in 400/1009, died in 407/1016.
The two phases of his reign are located in the period
of the Andalusi fitna following the "Revolution of
Cordova", at the time of the serious political crisis
which was to lead to the demise of the Umayyad
caliphate in 422/1031.
When the Cordovans put an end to the 'Amirid
regime in Djumada II-Radjab 399/February-March
1009, and replaced the incompetent caliph Hisham
II with one of his cousins, Muhammad al-Mahdi, the
latter, on account of his political blunders, speedily
aroused opposition, in particular that of the Maghribt
Berber contingents of the Umayyad army, whose fam-
ilies had been the object of harassment on the part
of the Cordovans. These soldiers, numbering several
hundreds, rallied around Sulayman b. al-Hakam, who
was a great-grandson of the first caliph of Cordova,
c Abd al-Rahman III, and whom they put forward as
a claimant to the caliphate. With him, they made
their way to the frontier zone of Medinaceli in search
of support. Confronted by the former slave governor
l-HAKAM al-MUSTATN — SULTAN <ALI UGHLl
of this region, Wadih, they obtained the aid of the
Count of Castile, Sancho Garcia, in exchange for a
promise to cede frontier fortresses to him. Having
defeated the forces of Wadih in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 400/
on Cordova, which they entered after overpowering
the quite significant, but disparate and ineffective troops
of al-Mahdl. The latter was forced to take refuge in
the capital where Sulayman was proclaimed caliph on
17 RabI' 1/9 November, with the lakab of al-Musta'In
bi 'llah.
Having placed himself under the protection of
Wadih, who henceforward became his "strong man",
al-Mahdi rallied supporters in the north and, cru-
ciallv, obtained the support of Count Raymond Borrell
III of Barcelona and of his biothei \imengol
(Ermengaud) ol Uigel in ordei to march in his turn
against Coidova with some 40 000 men including
9 000 Fianks The deteat ot El Yacar i'akabat al bakar
in Shawwal 400/June 1010) 20 km/12 miles to the
noith ol the capital loiced al-Musta'in to flee and
enabled al-Mahdi and Wadih to entei Cordova and
icstore the caliphate of the foimer But this success
could not be consolidated and on b Dhu 1-Ka da
400/21 June 1010 Sulavman s Berbers inflicted a heav\
defeat near Ronda on the torces ot al-Mahdi and
their Fiankish allies Hencetorth it was Sulavman al-
Musta'in and his Berbers who tound themselves again
until its sunender on 26 Shawwal 403/9 Ma\ 10M
The town was sacked b\ the Beibeis and numerous
Cotdovans weie killed including piobabh, the caliph
al-Mahdi although a rumoui was latei put about
claiming that he had escaped
Little is known about the second reign ol the caliph
al-Musta'in which lasted three veais until the msur
lection against him b\ the Maghnbi chieftain of Idnsid
ongin '\li b Hammud whom he had appointed go\
ernoi ol Ceuta The lattei took the capital killed al-
Musta'in and obtained the btn'a ot the Coidovans
who recognised him undei the name ot al-Nasu
h-din Allah [22 Muhanam 407/1 Jul\ 101b)
Sula\man al-Musta'in seems to have been endowed
with more qualities than his nval al-Mahdi leason-
abl\ cultivated but of nresolute iharactei and vtiv
much dependent on the Berbers who had put him
in powei \ laige portion ot the temtoiv of xl-\ndalus
eluded his authonrv He consolidated the local power
ot certain chieftains who were m pioiess ot becom
ing paity kings [see muluk al-taw a'if] such as the
Tudjibid al-Mundhir b \ah\a who had lent him his
support at Saragossa In particulai he appointed his
Beiber suppoiters to command legional fiets which
weie in fact virtualfv amirates the most important
being that of the Sanhadji Zmds of Gianada which
was to last until the arrival ot the Almouvids
Bibliography \ Pneto \ Yives Lis mis dt taifas
Estudio historic/) numismatico de los muiulmants espanolts
tn el nth I dt la htgna [\I de J C ) Madnd 192b
Ibn Tdhan hitab al Bavin al mughnb ed E Ievi-
Piovencal Pans 1930 Levi-Pi ov enc al Histoirt dt
lEipatpu musulmant, Pans-Leiden 1953 n J Pellicei
i Biu Suleiman M Uoitam 400 1010/407 1014 {no,
sum de las acunacionis dt plata a su nambn) ill \da
\umismatica xiv (1984) 143-bO, MJ \ lguei a Molins
Lis reinoi dt taifas \ las imasiona magrtbits Madnd
Mapiie 1992 DJ Wassei stein Tht Caliphate in Hit
Hest in Islamu political institution in tin Ibtnan Pimnsula
Oxtord 1W PC Scales 77k fall of tht Caliphate
of Cordoba Berbers and indaluus in tonjlict Leiden
1994 IP GtUCHARD)
SULAYMAN KHEL,
wchan. (i) The people].
Ghalzay [q.v.\ Pashtuns
Af-
ghanistan and Persia. By 1800 a political identity had
congealed around the largest Ghalzay tribal confed-
eration, the Sulayman Khel, whose landholdings in-
creased throughout eastern Afghanistan, particularly
in and south of the area roughlv bounded by Ghazna,
Djalalabad, and Kabul [q.vv.], during the 19th cen-
tury. The largest Sulayman Khel tribe, the Ahmad-
•gion. The Djabar
Khel ;
n khel of the
•man Khel
stern Ghalzavs.
The Sulayman Khel were
trongly repr
e consistent Ghalzav politica
opposition
v resistance to Dun am [q t\
>m 1747 to 1978 Howeve.
horn the
1800s
onwards a small but gi owing number of Suhvman
Khel individuals and families became dependent
upon state pationige The ethnic composition of all
cential governments in the mcieasingh Kabul lentied
Afghan political environment after 1978 lefletts a
glowing presence of Ghalza\s \hmadzj\ Sula\man
Khel visibihrv in post-monarchal \fghan state politics
is illustiated b\ Dr Nadjibullah s tenure of office as
Like all Ghal;
inng
the
annual nomadic
l Khel aie notable
d vibiant commei-
n and
jetween Tuikistan Khuiasan and India
Bibliogiaph Mountstuart Elphinstone In atwunt
of tht Kingdom of Caubul London 1839 iepi Kaiachi
1992 i 212-14 237 n 137-41 147-58 329 31
H Pnesth Afghanistan and its inhabitants Lahore 1874
(= tr ot SM Ha\at Khan Hatat i Afghani 18b5i
lb2-76 HG Ravem \otts on lfghanistan and pints
of Baluchistan Calcutta 1878 iepi Quetta 1982 i
57 bO 85 n 4H 490-2 bb9 b79 }\ Robinson
\ohs on nomad tnbts oj tastim Afghanistan 1934 iepi
Quetta 1980 52-12b L \damei Hi stomal and poll
■ i oj Afghanistan vi Kabul Graz 1985 2"
202-'
270 : 3
SULEYMAN DHATI Ott
i M\n
3 Han
lan poet
M Hadwt Ism,
I Hakki
1289/1872)
in a SufT poem and Miftah al masa'il dealing with
.anous theological questions such is piedestination
he natme of the afterlife etc (all these works pre-
,erved in Istanbul mss I
Bibliogiaphy Bui bah Mehmed Tahn 'Othmanli
mu'tllifltn 1 72- ^ Mehmed Jhurewa Sidjill I'othmam
n 342 Shevkh Sami Kamus al a'lam m 2224 7/4
art ^ah Suleiman iM Kanai I
(Th Menzel*)
SULTAN 'ALI UGHLI (Soltanc^liev ) Mir
imiD ha 1885-28 Jam
the Republic
in his lather
it in Russia
'Hint (ttachei) in a village in the Urals
the canton of Sterlitamak currently
t Bashkortostan) Mir Sav^id studied
maktab — a ietormed si hool where in
SULTAN <ALl UGHLI
(gas:
s well z
secular subjects sue
of geography and modern history. His knowledge of
Russian, which he learned from his father, enabled
him to study at the Tatar High School (Tatarskaya
ucitel'skaya shkola) of Kazan, the only state-sponsored
secondary education facility available to the Muslims
of the Empire. From the mid- 1890s onwards, a group
of pupils formed a secret revolutionary society there,
led by the writer Muhammad 'Ayyad Ishakr (1878-
1954) and influenced by Russian populism; it was to
make a profound and lasting impression on the young
Soltangaliev. After 1905, as an employee of the
Municipal Library of Ufa, he was to participate in
the Islahi movement of the young Tatar intelligentsia,
of which 'Ayyad Ishakr was the most prominent fig-
ure. Soltangaliev contributed, under various pseudo-
nyms, to the leading journals of the Urals, most notably
Turmush ("Life"), a reformist Tatar re\iew in which
he published translations of the later works of Tolstoy.
From 1911 onward he published stories and articles
in the Musul'manskqya gazeta ("Muslim Journal") of
Moscow, showing the influence of his Tatar and
Russian literary models; his themes (reform of edu-
cation, the status of women, the parasitism of the
mullahs, the political vocation of students committed
to the public good), borrowed from Russian populism,
had been promulgated from Kazan since the begin-
ning of the century by authors sympathetic to the
Islahi movement such as 'Ayvad Ishakr or the novel-
ist and poet 'Abd Allah Tukay (1886-1913). During
the First World War, Soltangaliev took up a teach-
ing appointment in Baku; from there he contributed
to various Russian Muslim periodicals.
December 1917-March 1919. Resolution as an instrument
of conquest of political autonomy.
In April 1917, Soltangaliev was summoned to
Moscow to direct the executive committee of the
"Muslim Congress", before making his way to Kazan
where he joined the "Muslim Socialist Committee".
Created the 7 [19] April on the basis of Muslim
workers' committees, the MSC was led by Mulla Nur
Wahidov (Vahitov) (1885-1918) whose project was to
unite the revolutionary forces of the Tatar lands into
a militarised group. The political ideas of Wahidov —
who was to be killed in the early stages of the Ci\il
War — constituted the basis of what would later be
called "Soltangalievism"; they centred on the struggle
against traditionalism, the liberation of Muslims from
Russian domination and the extension of Socialism to
all of Islam. However the Bolshevik coup d'etat of 26
October [8 November] 1917, imposed Russian power
in the Volga-Ural region, since Russians dominated
the urban and provincial Soviets of Kazan. The party
of Lenin was nevertheless seen as constituting a superb
school of political theory; Muslim nationalist leaders
like Wahidov understood that by imitating him they
could, perhaps, neutralise him. After all, Lenin's "April
Decrees" (1917) were perceived as allowing the minori-
ties of the former Empire to hope for a right of secession.
The leadership of the MSC (Wahrdov, and his lieu-
tenant Soltangaliev) sought to exploit the anarchy into
which Russia had been plunged to exact concessions
from the Bolshe\ik leaders, who needed all the sup-
port they could get. At the end of 1917, Stalin,
Commissar of the People for the Nationalities, called
on Soltangaliev to direct the Muslim section of his
ministry. On 19 January 1918, Stalin created the
"Central Commissariat for Muslim Affairs of the
Russian Interior and Siberia" (Muskom), headed by
Wahidov; Soltangaliev was recruited in June to take
les. Until the
on the Volga
in July 1918, the regions populated by Muslims in
European Russia were covered by a network of
regional and local commissariats dominated by nationa-
list partisans, independent of the local Soviets which
were dominated by Russians. Controlled by the
Muskom. these commissariats were to form the nucleus
of the great "Tatar and Bashkir Republic" promised
by Stalin to the Communist Muslim leaders. In a
parallel development, Wahidov and Soltangaliev cre-
ated in Moscow, on 8 March, the Muslim Socialist-
Communist Party (replaced in June by the "Party of
Communist (Bolshevik) Muslims of Russia").
Autonomous in its relations with the Russian CP,
the new party severed links with the "bourgeois"
Muslim organisations which were henceforward iso-
lated (an example of this being the dismal episode of
the short-lived "Republic of Transbulakia" in Kazan),
but sought to gather Muslim revolutionaries into a
united front. Wahidov and Soltangaliev concentrated
their efforts on the training of political cadres (with
the projected Muslim University of Kazan, a long-
standing demand of the Islahi movement), and on the
mobilisation throughout the Volga-Ural region of the
Muslim regiments of the Red Army. From August
onward, however, these regiments were incorporated
into Russian units, after the fall of Kazan into the
hands of the Whites, who executed Wahidov. In
November 1918, at the "First Congress of Communist
Muslims", Soltangaliev and IsmaTl Firdaws (1888-
1937) a Tatar from the Crimea, sought confirmation
of the autonomy of the Muslim Communist Party.
But Stalin, intent on retaining control of the "colo-
nial revolution", rejected this demand; the crucial
moment when the Tatars could argue with the
Russians over the direction of the revolutionary move-
ment seemed to have passed. In fact, from the spring
of 1919 onward, the Civil War turned on the east-
ern front in favour of the Bolsheviks, and in the
Muslim territories reconquered by the Red Army, the
civil and military apparatus installed by Wahidov was
dismantled.
March 1919-Apnl 1923. Russian monolithism against
Muslim polycentrism.
From March 1919, the 8th Congress of the Russian
Communist Party (in Moscow, 18-23 March) proposed
the suppression of all national communist organisa-
tions. The "Bureau of Muslim Organisations"— which
had replaced the Muslim Communist Party — was
replaced in its turn by a "Central Bureau of
Communist Organisations of the Peoples of the
Orient". It was the principle of the distinctness and
unity of the Muslim world, dear to the former lead-
ers of the Islahi movement, which was thus negated.
The "oriental" revolution was making rapid progress,
in Persia especially, where the Djangali movement [q.v.]
was supported militarily by the Bolsheviks. But the
policy of the Komintern in the Middle East was also
to be marked by a fundamental divergence between
Russians, supporters of monolithism, and Muslims,
supporters of decentralisation. At the "Congress of
Oriental Peoples" in Baku, September 1920, the ideas
of Soltangaliev regarding the liberation of colonial
peoples were in collision with those of the Komintern,
which was only interested in the East as a source of
temporary assistance to the western industrial prole-
tariat, through the weakening of colonial powers.
Soltangaliev sought to bypass the obstacle of the RCP
by approaching the "Organisation of Communist
Youth" (Komsonol); between 12 and 18 September
SULTAN 'ALl UGHLI
1920 he convened in Moscow the "First Pan-Russian
Conference of Communist Organisations of the Lands
of the Orient" where he evoked for the first time, it
seems, the notion of a "colonial Communist Inter-
national", independent of the Komintern. Cast in a
minority, he succeeded nevertheless in transforming
the komsonols of the Muslim republics of Russia into
powe
In the
of his
Red /
my on
mn of 1920, after the v
the civil wa
end. As the Muslim communist party no longer existed
and the dream of a great Tatar and Bashkir Muslim
State had been frustrated (Stalin had opted for the
creation of two small and distinct republics, Tatar
and Bashkir), the Muslim nationalist communists turned
their efforts towards the new national republics. At
the same time, they promoted their ideas externally:
Soltangaliev won over an international audience at
the Communist University of Workers from the East,
founded in Moscow in 1921. Refusing to reject out-
right the Tatar heritage and the religion of Islam, he
also maintained contact with the principal reformist
'ulama', among whom 'Alimdjan Barudi (mufti of Russia
between 1917 and 1921) and Rida al-Dfn Fakhr al-
Din [mufti from 1922 till his death in 1936), and
sought to maintain their role as cultural intermedi-
aries between the Soviet authorities and the Muslim,
essentially rural, masses. Islam was presented as an
oppressed religion, whose historical evolution, cher-
ishing among its adherents a strong sense of solidar-
ity, had to some extent resisted the anti-religious
to see, in these efforts, an aspiration to found an
"Islamic Communism" opposed to Marxism-Leninism.
A/nil 1923-November 1928. East versus West?
In the spring of 1921, the 10th Congress of the
Russian Communist Party pushed the nationalist
Communist Muslims towards clandestine opposition,
by denouncing "nationalist deviants". The notion of
a non-Russian socialist party, mooted in the spring
a number of leaders, assembled in Moscow by
Soltangaliev, decided to create an independent social-
ist Muslim party, which came into being the follow-
ing year under the name of Ittihad wa Taiakkl ("Unity
and Progress"). In parallel, from the start of the year
1921, the Tatar Republic underwent a period of
intense nationalist agitation, which continued through-
out the following two years. At a regional conference
of the Russian CP in Kazan, March 1923, the Tatar
majority went as far as to pass a motion demanding
the expulsion of Russian colonists as well as a radi-
cal "nativisation" of the administrative apparatus of
the republic; the Tatar communists refused, further-
more, to purge their organisation of its non-proletar-
Shortly after this, in the wake of the 12th Congress
of the CP, which witnessed, in April, the denuncia-
tion of "local nationalisms", Soltangaliev was arrested
in Moscow on a personal order from Stalin, coun-
tersigned by the principal Bolshevik leaders. Excluded
from the Russian CP, Soltangaliev, like many former
Islahi activists fsuch as Culpan in Central Asia), seems
to have been preoccupied by awareness of an insol-
uble conflict between East and West, and to have
been convinced that the Bolshevik revolution was the
most dangerous, because the most penetrating, attempt
by the West to perpetuate its domination. Soltangaliev
was soon at the heart of a secret organisation led by
Communist Tatars and linked with various clandes-
tine groups in European Russia, the Caucasus and
Asia (Alash Orda in Kazakstan, Mill! Firka ir
nea, the former Hummet in Azerbaidjan anc
had in Uzbekistan). The political thought o
liev, from 1923 onward, is known only frorr
isms voiced by his opponents, and the "
e of his
als. His political progran
of a great Turkish national state
"Republic of Turan", governed by a
based on state capitalism and with
pendence assured by orientation towards the lands of
the Far and the Middle East.
An attack on the part of the commissars of the
people of the Tatar Republic led to the second arrest
of Soltangaliev in November 1928, the prelude to a
series of large-scale and bloody purges which were to
be inflicted periodically on all the republican com-
munist parties until 1939, not sparing the national
intelligentsias. Sentenced in 1929 to ten years of hard
labour as an agent of imperialism, Soltangaliev was
deported to the camp of the Solovki islands on the
White Sea. He took advantage of early release in
1934, only to be arrested again in 1937 and tortured,
then executed 28 January 1940. On the eve of the
Second World War, Soltangalievism seems to have
been eradicated in Russia. In Central Asia and in the
Caucasus, as the Muslim nations had made good the
lack of cultural development which in the early 20th
century had separated them from the Tatars, the lat-
ter had lost their status as models to be copied. Born
in a land of secular confrontation between Muslims
and Christians, Tatar nationalism, initially supposed
to be spread beyond the zone of the Middle Volga,
was ultimately to withdraw, confined to its place of
origin. Soltangaliev, mythologised outside the USSR
as the father of non-European, even anti-European
revolution, enjoyed in Russia itself only a belated reha-
bilitation — today virtually limited to the territory of
Tatarstan, of which he was not a native. His mem-
ory has helped the Turkish-speaking peoples of the
former USSR to consider themselves protagonists in
their own modern history. But the rediscovery of this
history tends to relativise the role played by com-
munist nationalists, giving more credit to the great
figures of Muslim reformism. The former and the lat-
ter shared, between 1920 and the Second World War,
the same conviction of a cataclysmic confrontation
between Tatars and Russians, Muslims and Christians,
East and West, rural and industrial worlds — a parallel-
ism given insufficient emphasis in studies of Soltangaliev-
ism, and in studies of the Muslim reformisms,
of which the Islahi movement was a component.
" ' ' ' " ™ P lete works.
collecti
anthology published by
I.G. Gizzatullin and D.R. Sharafutdinov: Mirsaet
Soltangaliev, Sqylanma khazmatliir/ Izbrannie trudi
("Selected works"), Kazan 1998; however, this vol-
ume ignores the manuscript writings and correspon-
dence of Soltangaliev (a general trait of studies of
the Islahi movement and of national communism,
which prefer normative and programmatic publi-
cations) as well as all texts later than 1923, other
than numerous transcripts of Soltangaliev's succes-
sive interrogations. Among a sparse list of mono-
graphic studies, the irreplaceable reference source
remains A. Bennigsen and Chantal Lcmertier-
Quelquejay, Sultan Galiev. Le pere de la revolution tiers-
mondiste, Paris 1986, with a very thorough critical
bibl., a work which, in spite of its title, establishes
the i
: subtle ,
n that has
een dra
SULTAN 'ALI UGHLI -
between the personality of Soltangaliev and the var-
ious myths to which he gave rise; for an equally
documented, but more global approach, see Azade-
Ay § e Rohrlich, The Volga Tatars. A profile in national
resilience, Stanford 1986, in particular 125-56. Also
available for reference, although this is essentially
a work based on second-hand sources, nourished
by pan-Asiatic sympathies, is the recent synthesis
by Masayuki Yamauchi, Surutanganefu no vume to gen-
jitsu. Shio ("Dreams and Realities of Soltangaliev.
Documents"), Tokyo 1998 (tr. into Turkish by
Hironao Matsutani under the title Sultan Galiev. Islam
dimyasi ve Rusva ["Soltangaliev. The world of Islam
and Russia"]", Ankara 1998.
(S.A. Dudoignon)
SUMADIH, Banc, Arab dynasty of al-
Andalus, ruling in Almeria from 420/1038 to
484/1091, in the epoch of the "party kings" [see
MULUK AL-TAWA'lF] .
The Banu Sumadih were a branch of the power-
ful Arab family of the Banu Tudjib of the Upper
March (region of Saragossa). At a time when the
caliphate was in disarray, a certain Muhammad b.
Ahmad b. Sumadih was governing Huesca, but, before
414/1023, he was' expelled from there by his distant
cousins of Saragossa, and took refuge in Valencia as
a guest of the local sovereign, the 'Amirid 'Abd al-
'AzTz al-Mansur, who gave two of his daughters in
marriage to his two sons, Abu '1-Ahwas Ma'n and
his brother Abu 'Utba Sumadih. This Muhammad b.
Ahmad died soon afterwards at sea, having set out
on the Pilgrimage. After the death in 429/1038 of
the former slave and amii of Almeria, Zuhayr [q.v.],
the inhabitants of this town placed themselves under
the authority of the prince of Valencia, who seems
to have sent his son-in-law Ma'n b. Sumadih to gov-
ern Almeria, with the title of dhu •/-wizaratayn. In cir-
cumstances that are unclear, and apparently with the
agreement of the populace, the latter declared him-
self independent, thus founding a new dynasty, but
not adopting a lakab and not striking his own coinage.
Furthermore, for the years 430-5/1038-43 or 1044,
there are examples extant of coins of al-Mansur of
Valencia struck at Almeria, which tends to support
one of the versions supplied by the sources, accord-
ing to which this independence did not involve a rift
with the prince of Valencia.
In 443/1052, Abu Yahya Muhammad b. Ma'n suc-
ceeded his father, initially under the tutelage of his
uncle Abu 'Utba on account of his youth. It was dur-
ing his reign that the power of the Banu Sumadih
took on the "royal" forms current under the taifas:
he replaced the "amiral" title of Mu'izz al-Dawla
which he bore at the time of his accession to power,
with the more "caliphal"-sounding one of al-Mu'tasim
bi 'Hah and al-Wathik bi-fadl Allah. He did not dif-
fer in this respect from numerous other sovereigns of
taifas in the second half of the 5th/ 11th century.
Coins on which these lakabs appeared were minted
at Almeria. But it seems that under his reign and in
his name, only dirhams of poor quality were minted
at Almeria, and in limited quantities, judging by the
standard and the rarity of the examples preserved in
The contemporary geographer and historian al-
'Udhrl, a native of the region of Almeria and prob-
ably a visitor to the court of the Banu Sumadih, gives
in his Tarsi' al-akhbai a rapturous description of the
splendid palace maintained by al-Mu'tasim in the
kasaba which dominates the town of Almeria.
Furthermore, it is known that there existed a sub-
stantial royal entertainment complex, situated extia
muros at the edge of the town, known as the
Sumadihiyya. Although apparently lacking serious
politico-military ambitions, this prince was engaged in
rivalry, sometimes armed, with his neighbours in
Valencia and Granada; these limited conflicts had no
effect on the apparent prosperity of a state of con-
siderably reduced dimensions, effectively confined to
the region surrounding the major port city of Almeria.
When the Almoravids disembarked in the penin-
sula in 479/1086, al-Mu'tasim sent troops commanded
by his son Mu'izz al-Dawla and presents to the amir
Yusuf b. Tashuffn, excusing himself, on the grounds
of age, from participating in the campaign which cul-
minated in the victory of Zallaka/Sagrajas. The fol-
lowing year, he was present at the siege of Aledo
with troops from Almeria, and even supplied a siege-
engine constructed in the form of an elephant. He
died in the summer of 484/1091, just as Almoravid
troops, having taken possession of Granada, were mov-
ing agaist Almeria; his son resisted for only a few
weeks in the kasaba before leaving the city by sea to
spend the rest of his life in Bougie [see bidjaya], then
governed by the Hammadids. In Ramadan 484/
October-November 1091, the Almoravids absorbed
Almeria and the taifa into their empire.
Like other courts of the taifas, that of the Banu
Sumadih was a literary centre, which seems to have
maintained a certain ideal of Arabism: it was in
response to a poet at the court of al-Mu'tasim who
had insisted on the Arab origins of the dynasty,
that Ibn Garcia, secretary and court poet to Mudja-
hid, prince of Denia, composed a Risala known as
the principal text of the Shu'ubiyya movement in al-
Andalus.
Bibliography: R. Dozy, Essai sur I'histoire des
Todjibidcs: les Beni Hachim de Saragosse et les Beni
Qomadih d'Almerie, in Recherches sur I'histoire et la tit-
terature de VEspagne pendant le Moyen Age, 'Leiden 1881;
A. Prieto y Vives, Los reyes de taifas. Estudio historuo-
numismatico de los musulmanes espanoles en el sigh V de
la hegira (XI de J.C.), Madrid 1926; H. Peres, La
poesie andalouse en arabe classique au XT siecle, Paris
1937; 'Udhri, Fragments geogrdfico-historicos de al-
Masalik ila djaml' al-mamalik, ed. 'Abd al-'AzFz
al-Ahwam, Madrid 1965; M. Sanchez Martinez, La
cora de Ilbira (Granada y Almeria) en los siglos X y XI,
segun Al-'Udhii, in Cuademos de Historia del Islam, ii
(1975-6); E. Molina Lopez, Los Banu Sumadih de
Almeria (siglo XI) en el Bayan de Ibn 'Idhari, in Andaluaa
islamica: textosy estudios, i (1980), 123-40; M.J. Viguera
Molins (ed.), Los reinos de taifas. Al-Andalus en el sigh
XI, vol. viii of the Historia de Espana Menendez Pidal,
Madrid 1994; D. Wasserstein, The rise and fall of
the Partv-Kings. Politics and society in Islamic Spain, 1002-
1086, "Princeton 1985. (P. Guichard)
al-SUNAMI, 'Umar b. Muhammad i
Hai
iff scholar
of r
Musi
India
whose importance comes from his work on hisba [q.v.],
the Msab al-ihtisab, which refers to the author's own
role in this office. Judging by the number of surviv-
ing mss., some sixty, the work was highly popular in
the eastern Islamic lands. Previous scholars have been
uncertain about the author's origins and life (cf. e.g.
Brockelmann, S II, 427). It now seems clear from
internal evidence in his book that he stemmed from
Sunam, a place that still exists in the modern Indian
province of Panjab, to the south-west of Patiala; that
he lived under the DihlT Sultans [q.v.], in particular,
in the time of Muhammad b. Tughluk (r. 725-52/1325-
51 [q.v.]); and that he died at the newly-founded
Deccan capital of the Tughlukids Dawlatabad [qi]
the ancient Deogm around or after 743-4/1333-4
The \alue of the Nisab lies in the fact that it is
the fust known Hanafi text on hisba with its. practi-
cal and theoretical approaches reflecting al-Sunami s
dual functions as a lawver and a muhtasib The author
tackles the common problems facing the muhtasib in
accoi dance with the Hanaff madhhab and his insights
show the importance of local Indian customs and the
practices of dailv life often denounced b\ him as kda'
within the formal framework of Islamic law
Bibliography M Izzi Dien Thi theory and tht
prathu of marktt lau in medial Islam 1 study of Kiiab
/Visab al ihtisab of 'Umar b Muhammad al Sunami (jl
7th 8th/ 1 3th Nth century) &MS Cambridge 1997
(Mawil \ Izzi Dien)
SURGUN (t, lit expulsion ) a term of Otto-
and <
1 polic
It encompasses a wide range ol practices emplo\ed
b\ the Ottomans not just to lemove dissident ele-
ments from pohticallv doubled provinces but also
more constructs eh to achieve vital state-defined eco-
nomic and military objectives The teim is better
translated as population transfer or stiategic re-
settlement, and its purpose was fundamental differ-
ent fiom the puielv punitive sentence of internal exile
or banishment (nip) temporanlv imposed on mdivid-
sultan s disfavoui The use of surgun forubh to remove
fractious elements such as uncooperative tubes oi
rebellious citv populations fiom persistentlv tiouble-
some aieas is documented as part of the Ottomans
attempts to impose contiol ovei Anatolia especialh
during the closing decades of the 8th/ 14th and the
first part of the 9th /15th centurv However its use
as a weapon for political suppression without con-
comitant social oi economic benefits was downed on
in Muslim popular opinion fsee Ibn kemal s remarks
on the mass deportations from Larende to Istanbul
m 872/1467-8 as cited in Bibl etdi Lanndtv bn
ish ittt Li uterine dushman i bed fish dakhi gibe boy It et
mt^di) In principle wrgun was designed not to pun-
ish the source area which contributed a pait of its
laboui force as emigiants but to provide some advan-
tage to the taiget aiea to which thev were being dis-
patched as immigiants It had the ieal potential foi
pioviding the double benefit of relieving population
and land pressuie in the souice terntorv while at the
same time acting as a stimulus to the giowth and
development of the target terntorv It also facilitated
the transfei of gioups with essential skills to the areas
wheie thev were most needed The underlving pur-
pose whethei it was the lepopulating of Istanbul after
its captuie in 856/1453 bv the transfer of population
groups with specific commercial and artisan skills from
provincial cities m Anatolia and (aftei 880/147'S) the
C nmea oi the settling of rural populations as agri-
culturalists in newlv -conquered tenitones m Rumelia
was essentiallv the same the settlement and develop-
ment (nkan at I'mar) of kev strategic areas identified
as either economicallv fragile oi mihtarilv insecure
This logic applied with particular foice to the period
of Ottoman territorial expansion in the Balkans last-
ing until the end of the 10th/ 16th centurv but strate-
gic resettlement of tribes and displaced peasants also
formed an important dimension of Ottoman rural
development initiatives in subsequent periods of ter-
ritorial contraction The creation of new settlements
on the Upper Euphrates in the 1100s/1690s using
tribes transferred fiom contiguous regions of Anato-
lia is just one example of the continuing use of wrgun
in later centunes (see the studv bv Oihonlu cited in
Bibl and for developments in the 19th centurv
following territorial losses in the Balkans and Russian
expansion in C nmea and the C aucasus see
muhadjir 2 )
Bibliography 1 Sources OL Barkan (ed )
hanunlai, Istanbul 1943 272-7 (hanunnami i Iwa i
Silntre 274, !;8, on the tax and residence obliga-
tions of surgun populations from Anatolia) idem
(ed ) text and analv sis of the surgun huimu sent in
980/1572 to distncts of southern Anatolia to pro-
mote population tiansfeis to Cyprus after its con-
quest in the previous vear Iktisat Faiulhsi Metmuasi
\i (1952) 550-3 (text transcription; 562-4 (fats of
muhimrru document) Ibn Kemal Taanh I il I Osman
MI dtfhr facs ed S Tuian Ankara 1954 see
esp 290 11 6-8
2 Studies Barkan Osmanh imparatorlugunda bir
iskan le kolom^asyon metodu olarak surgunler 3 paits in
Iktisat Fakultesi Mecmuasi \i (1951) 624-69 xm(1953)
56-78 xv (1955) 209-37 MT Gokbilgin, Rumdide
yuiukler tatarlar it tilad i Fatihan Istanbul 1957
C Orhonlu Osmanli imparatorlugunda asmtleri iskan
teybbusu 1691 1696 Istanbul 1963 H Inalcik, 77^
polity oj \lehmtd II touards the Greek population of Istan
bul in Dumbarton Oak Papers xxm-xxiv (1969-70) 231-
49 \ Halacoglu X I III yujntda osmanli imparatorlugunun
nkan siyaseti a amttltrm yaUjtinlmtsi Ankaia 1988,
MH Sentuik Osmanli dedetmin kurulu} dunnde
Rumelide uyguladigi nkan siyaseti t nituelen in Belltkn
lvn no 218 [1993) 89-112 (R Murphe\)
al-SUWAYNI Sa'd b 'Ali Ba Madhhidj (d 857/
1453) "Alawi sayyid of Hadiamawt He was the
student of 'Abd al-Rahman Ba 'Alaw l of Tai lm from
the Sakkaf branch of the sayyids [see ba 'alawi] and
m turn the shaykh of Abu Bakr b 'Abd Allah al-'Avdarus
the patron saint of Aden [see 'adan] d 914/1508 [see
'aydarus] It was this last who was to compose the
manakib of al-Suwavm
Biblwgiaphy See RB Seijeant 77* Saiyids of
Hadramaut London 1957 (Ed)
TA'ALLUK (a.), or more often TA'ALLUKA, lit-
erally "dependence, being related to, dependent on",
a revenue term of late Mughal India, which
meant a jurisdiction, a fiscal area from which a fixed
amount of taxes was to be collected by a revenue
official called ta'allukdar or ta'allukadar. The word ta'alluk
with this meaning appeared in the second half of the
11th/ 17th century during the reign of Awrangzib
[q.v], in the context of increasing tax farming [see
dariba. 6. c]; it was distinguished from the older
Indo-Persian term zamlndarl, which included also feu-
dal rights for the zamindar [q v ] who was in charge
of it, while the la'allukdar, originally consideied as a
tax farmer, was only in charge of collecting the rev-
enue of his ta'alluk, except for a small part of it on
which he had zamlndan rights For this reason,
ta'allukdars ranked lower than zaminddrs
From the 18th to the 20th centuries, under the
late Mughals, the successor states and colonial rule,
the words ta'alluk and la'allukdar came to mean dif-
ferent things according to place and time In Northern
India, the ta'allukdars were men of substance who
acquired heieditary and transferable rights on their
ta'alluk and were barely distinguishable from the
zaminddrs in Bengal before the Bntish conquest, work-
ing as the subordinates of powerful zaminddrs, they
brought large tracts of land under cultivation, in
Awadh [qi], they collected taxes over large estates
and constituted a rich feudal class of landlords whose
fortunes lasted up to the end of the British period
Elsewhere, the word ta'alluk meant only a fiscal juris-
diction of varying size, equivalent to a district in the
state of Haydarabad [q v ] and only to a fraction of
a village in Nepal, the office of ta'allukdar as that of
tax collector died out during the British period, except
m Nepal where it was still common in the l%0s
Bibliography HH Wilson, A glossary of judicial
and revenue terms , London 1855, lepi Delhi 1%8,
497-8 undei "taalluk", "taallukdar", H Yule and
A C Burnell, Hobson-Jobson A glossary of Anglo-Indian
words and phrases , 2nd ed W Crooke, London
1903, repr London 19b9, Delhi 19b9, 894, under
"Talook", "Talookdar", I Habib, The agrarian sys-
tem of Mughal India, 2nd rev ed Delhi 1999, 173,
183, 211-12, 554 ('Bombay 19b3), NA Siddiqi,
Land revenue administration under the Mughals, 1700-
1750, Bombay 1970, 47; M. Gaborieau, Le partage
du pouvoir entre les lignages dans une localite du Nepal
central, in L'Homme, xviii/1-2 (1978), 37-67; T.R.
Metcalf, Land, landlords, and the British Raj. Northern
India in the nineteenth century, Berkeley 1979, index
s.v. "Taluqdar"; M. Alam, The crisis of Empire in
Mughal North India: Awadh and the Punjab, 1707-1748,
Delhi 1986, 217-18; R.M. Eaton, The nse of Islam
and the Bengal frontier, 1204-1760, Berkeley 1993,
220-3. (M. Gaborieau)
TABANN IN (a.), adoption. This term— masdar or
verbal noun of the form V verb derived from the
biliteral root b n, which is also the source of ibn
("son") — is used, just as in Western languages, in the
literal sense (adoption of a child) and in the figur-
ative sense (adoption of a doctrine, etc.). This article
is concerned only with adoption in the literal sense.
Since the Kur'an (XXXIII, 5, 37; two verses from
the Medinan period) is clear on this point, there is
no disagreement among Muslim jurists of the differ-
ent schools regarding the strict prohibition of plenary
The occasion (sabab) of the revelation of these two
verses that prohibit adoption — forbidding anyone to
give his name to another who does not belong within
his "natural" descendance, which amounts to banning
all adoptive filiation — is provided by these verses them-
selves. The Prophet Muhammad, perpetuating, accord-
ing to Muslim sources, a practice of pre-Islamic Arabia,
the njahiliyya, had adopted one of his slaves, Zayd
b. Haritha [q.v.], offered by his wife Khadrdja [ ? . a .].
He had emancipated Zayd (an important figure in
the early years of Islam: one of the first converts to
Islam, if not the first, according to al-Zuhri, and the
only person, besides the prophets, to be named in
the Kur'an), and he was henceforward known with-
out any ambiguity as "Zayd, son of Muhammad"
(Zayd b Muhammad), even though his ancestry was
known (his father tried to buy him back, but Zayd
refused to leave Muhammad, see al-Djassas, Ahkam
al-Kufan, l-m, np [Benut], nd, m, 3bl)
Adoption as practised before the revelation of
Kur'an, XXXIII, 5, 37, was plenary, entailing the
same legal consequences as natural filiation (the right
to inheiit, etc ), and more significantly, the same pro-
hibitions applied to marriage, the verses abrogate adop-
tive filiation and, explicitly, the prohibitions applying
to marriage which would result from it This is a
good example, according to the Hanaff al-Djassas, of
abiogation of the sunna by the Kur'an (a theoretical
remark directed against al-Shafi'I [qi], who did not
agree that the Kur'an could abrogate the sunna)
Muhammad intended to marry Zaynab bt Djahsh
[q v ] , the repudiated wife of Zayd b Haritha, who,
if plenary adoption had remained valid, would have
been absolutely forbidden to him The marriage of
Muhammad with Zaynab bt Djahsh would not have
been legally permissible without the abi ogation of ple-
nary adoption (see al-Mawardi, al-Nukat ua 'l-'uyun
Tafslr alMawardi, b vols Beirut 1412/1992, iv, 370ff
and 405ff)
Numeious students of Islamic Studies have seen
this episode from the marital life of Muhammad as
a sign of the moral weakness of the Prophet of Islam
It is true that certain 'ulama' of the classical epoch
had difficulty hiding their embarrassment, and it is
certainly no accident that Fakhr al-Dlh al-Razr [q b]
undertook to show that the marital life of the Prophet
was in no way governed by his carnal appetites, with
his commentary on Kur'an, XXXIII, 37 "Here is
evidence that the marital life of the Prophet {al-tazwidj
min al-nabi) did not have the purpose of satisfying the
carnal appetite of the Prophet (kada' shahwat al-nabi),
but on the contrary, its purpose was to render the
Law explicit though his agency." In other words, there
was nothing here other than one example among oth-
ers of "clarification of the Law through the agency
[of the Prophet]" (bayan al-Shan'a bi-fi'lihi), see al-RazI,
al-Tafsir al-kablr aw mafatih al-ghayb, 32 vols, and index,
Beirut 1411/1990, xxv, 184).
The prohibition of adoption under the terms of the
revealed Law (Stari'a) is no doubt more easily under-
stood if it is remembered that Islam regards the "nat-
ural" nuclear family, rather than the tribe, as the
basis of the community (umma). From this perspective,
which is that of Abrahamic monotheism in general,
adoption appears as a disruptive element, confusing
"lineages" (nasab, pi. ansab), or the lines of "natural"
filiation which reflect the familial order as willed by
the Divine Legislator (see Ps.-al-Shafi'i, Ahkam al-
Kufan, ed. Kawthari, 2 vols., Damascus n.d., ii, 164).
If reference is made to the "occasion" of the
Kur'anic prohibition of adoption — or the case of
Zayd — it can well be understood why, in classical doc-
trines, a de facto distinction is imposed between, on
the one hand, the child whose genealogy is known
(ma'ruf al-nasab) and on the other, the child whose
genealogy is unknown (madjhul al-nasab), the lakit [q.v.]
("foundling"), who is the object of a specific chapter
in treatises of frkh. In the second case, a recognition
of paternity, with transference of the nasab (istilhdk or
ikrar bi 1-nasab) by the finder of the child proves pos-
sible, under certain circumstances, and even facil-
itated, since Muslim jurists show themselves very
flexible on this point, demanding only indications of
"probability" in such recognitions and not formal proof
TABANN™ — TABlTYYAT
(see M S Sujimnn Tht tnatmtnl of thi joundlmg accord
ing to thi Hanafis in IIS ix/3 [2002] 358-85) As
for the possibility nf passing from one known geneal-
ogy to another it is unequiv ocally bailed de fun accord-
ing to all legal schools In the Muslim legal older
the creation of a genealogy ex nihilu thus pioves eas-
ier than a change of nasab
At the present time only one \rab Muslim country
Tunisia has had the audacity to contravene openly
the Kur'amc prohibition of plenary adoption In 1958
the Tunisian legislatuie moie awaie of new social
realities than others established adopme filiation in
the full sense It seems ne\eitheless that in the tribunals
interpretation of statutes of adoption is often restric-
tive and sometimes expresslv infringes the terms of
the legislation m force fsee L Pruvost Integration Jamil
tali in Retueil d articles ojfat a Mauiia Bolivians par
sts lolltgues et amis Rome 19% 155-80
Modern and contemporary ethnology has shown
that despite its theoretical prohibition, adoption used
to be practised in numeious Muslim societies Adoption
in Islam probablv constitutes one of those instances
where custom in the event more favourable to this
institution has been onlv very superficial Ishmised
Bibliography, 1 Survevs of the classical
doctnne References given in the aiticle the cor-
pus of commentaries on kui'an XXXIII 5 37
and foi an unusual point of view cautiously
tavouiable to adoption, Zamakhshan al hashshaj 'an
haka'ik alKuran Benut nd [1947] on Kui'an
XXXIII 5 Treatises of fikh barelv mention the
question of the prohibition of adoption
2 Studies Few woiks have been devoted to
adoption as such in Islam but see nevertheless & H
Bousqutt and A Demeeiseman / adoption dans la
jannlle timuienm in R Afi ccclxxn-m (1937), 127-59
AR Naqvi Adoption m Muslim la i in hlamu Studus-
xix (1980) 283-392 U \eimeulen De ge^ags
loor^iemngtn in de Islam adoptu en hoederaht in Ruht
i an de Islam iv (198b) 4-17 K Dilger Die idoptwn
im modernen Ontnt Em Beitrag ^u din Hival mi islami
ichen Reiht in Reiht lan de Islam vn (1988) 42-62
A al-\ Sonbol Adoption in Islamic society a histon
cal iune) in E Wainock Fernea (ed I Children in
the Muslim Middk East Cairo 199b 45-b7 O Pesle
L adoption en Islam \lgieis nd
IE Chaimont)
TABl'IYYAT (a) an abstiact noun formed from
the adjective tabi'i natural (anton\m masnu')
Aristotle divided the theoietical sciences into math-
ematics phvsics and metaphvsics Islamic philosophers
starting from al-Kindi [q i ] weie familiar with this
of the sciences that were drawn up bv Islamic schol-
ars such as in the Ihsa' al 'ulum b\ al-Farabi [q i ]
and in manv subsequent ones In these classifications
phvsics was subdivided into parts that mostlv corre-
sponded to the Aristotelian works on natui ll science
including those that are now known to have origi-
nated in his school Such a division was also main-
tained in the encyclopaedic works of Ibn Sina [q i ]
and his followers such as Bahmanv ir b al-Marzuban
Abu 1-Barakat al-Baghdldi Fakhr al-Din al-Razi al-
Abhan and others
For instance the pait of Ibn Sinis Mab al Shifa'
that deals with tabi'inat constains the following eight
sections lectuies on phvsics the heaven and the world
generation and corruption, actions and passions
meteorological phenomena the soul plants, and the
natures of animals Except foi the section entitled
\ctions and passions each of these sections coi re-
sponds to a woik fiom the Aristotelian school in fact
the section \ctions and passions togethei with the
next section Meteoiological phenomena discusses the
subjects from \nstotle s Mihorology
Furthermore Islamic philosophers such as Ibn
Badjdja and Ibn Rushd [q,,] wrote individual com-
mentanes on several of Aristotle s physical works
It should be mentioned that the Islamic theologians
(mutakallimiin) also discussed subjects that fall undei
tahi'mat such as the structuie of matter and the
nature of change
The Islamic philosophers writing on subjects of na-
tural science remained within the framework of
Anstotehan natural philosophy thev used concepts
such as potentiahtv/actuahtv matter/form natuial
plac e and natural motion i s non-natural place and
forced motion thev adopted Aristotle s definition of
motion and thev denied the existence of the void
Howevei, it appeals that the woik ot Philoponos [see
UHH al-n^hwi] who opposed Aristotle in several
iespects was also well studied and that often Islamic
philosophers took sides with him against Aristotle
Moreover thev often had a different wav of discussing
things and biought foiwaid new arguments A few
examples follow
In their discussion ot infinity Islamic philosophers
adopted Anstotle s definition but thev used a way to
prove that infinite quantities cannot actually exist
which was fust propounded by Philoponos His proof
was based on the mistaken) idea that a pait of an
is smallei than infinite it must be finite M-Kindi
and al-&hazah [qu ] used this method also to piove
have a beginning Objections against this again weie
raised by Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd It is worth men-
tioning that Thabit b Kuria [q i ] recognised that
infinite collections may have paits that are also infi-
nite this in fact invalidates the proofs of Philoponos
and his Islamic lolloweis
In opposition to the \i istotelian explanation of
motion that every body that moves is moved by
another body Islamic philosopheis adopted the con-
cept of impressed force such as conceived by
Philoponos this was further developed by Ibn Sina
and his school and became known as may! ( inchna-
Anstotle s law of motion stating that the veloci-
ty of a body moving through a medium is inversely
propoi tional to the density of that medium was criti-
cised by Philoponus and subsequently Ibn Badjdj
Anstotle s law implies that motion thiough a void (if
void existed) would occur with infinite velocity that
is any distance would be coveied m no time and
this absurd consequence was an argument for Anstotle
to asseit the impossibility of the void However
Philoponus and Ibn Badjdj stated that covering a dis-
existed and that the effect ot the presence ot a medium
will be that moie time is needed to cover that distance
Atomism was discussed by Ibn Sim in a way not
tound in Gieek philosophy tor he wrote in opposi-
tion to the atomism ot the mutakallimun who defended
atomism with their own arguments
The discussions of meteorological phenomena [see
al-athar AL-'tiLWiYy a] are mostly based on Anstotle s
assumption that they are caused by the two exhala-
tions the dry one from the earth and the moist one
from the water Howevei in then explanation ot some
TABlTYYAT — TA'BIR al-RU'YA
phenomena, such as precipitation, wind, earthquakes,
thunder, rainbow and the climates, al-Kindi and Ibn
Slna do not always follow Aristotle. They show an
independent way of thinking and criticise Aristotle on
the basis of personal observation of these phenomena.
Much of the discussions of the above-mentioned
subjects remained speculative or philosophical. The
discipline that is nowadays called physics also had its
scholars in the period of the flourishing of Islamic
science. Statics was the subject of the Kitab al-Karastun
by Thabit b. Kurra and Kitab AlTzart al-hikma by al-
KhazinT [q.v.]. Hydrostatics and the determination of
specific weights were discussed in the same book of
al-Khazim and by al-Blruni in his Makala ft nisab.
These scholars were able to execute very precise
s of specific weights with their diverse
Although the work of Ibn al-Haytham [q.v] on
optics also contains much speculation, it stands out
as one of the first examples of a systematic experi-
mental investigation of the behaviour of light. This
work was continued by Kamal al-Din al-Farisf [q.v.]
who made a considerable contribution to the expla-
nation of the rainbow by recognising that it is due
to refraction of light in drops of water in a cloud
Bibliography. J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft
im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra, i-iii, v-vi, Berlin,
New York 1991-5; P. Lettinck, Aristotle's Physics and
its reception in the Arabic world: with an edition of the
unedited parts of Ibn Badjdja's Commentary on the
Physics, Leiden 1994; R. Rashid (ed.). Encyclopedia
of the history of Arabic science, ii, London and New
York 1996^ 614-715; Lettinck, Aristotle's Meteorology
and its reception in the Arab world: with an edition and
translation of Ibn Suwar's Treatise on meteorological
phenomena and Ibn Badjdja's Commentary on the
Meteorology, Leiden 1999; idem, Ibn Sina on atom-
ism. Translation of Ibn Sina's Kitab al-Shifa', al-Tabl'inat
I: al-Sama' al-Tabl'i, Third treatise, chapters 3-5, in
Al-Shajarah, Journal of the International Institute of Islamic
Thought and Civilization (ISTAC), iv/1 (1999), 1-50.
(P. Lettinck)
TA'BIR al-RU'YA (a.), "the interpretation of
dreams".
As well as this expression, tafsir al-ahlam is employed,
with ta'bir, basically "the passage of one thing to
another, one sense to another", hence "explanation"
and tafsir, lit. "commenting, explaining", from roots
occurring in other Semitic languages and with the
two Arabic verbal nouns found, once each, in the
Kur'an, at XII, 43, and XXV, 33, with ta'ml [q.v.]
also at XII, 44-5. In current usage, ta'bir is confined
to the sense of "interpretation of dreams", whilst tafsir
[q.v.] is used for commentaries on e.g. the Bible and
the Kur'an.
For the terminology of dreams and for the devel-
opment of literature in Arabic on them, see ru'ya.
Here, their interpretation is considered, i.e. the skill
In origin, oneiromancy was the province of the
kahin [q.v] and custodians of inspired knowledge. It
depended on divination, which was both intuitive and
deductive: the first when in dreams, the divinity itself
or its messenger appears to announce future happen-
ings; the second, in regard to dreams of daily life,
with their own obvious interpretation. In Islam, the
two methods existed, the first in regard to the great
Islamic dynasties (see Fahd, Le reve dans la societe islamique
du Moyen Age) and in apparitions in dreams of the
Prophet himself to privileged or pious persons and
mystics. The second is seen in the immense oneiro-
critical literature in Islam (see idem, La divination arabe,
247-367). To these types of knowledge of the future
third may be added, incubation, in which a reveal-
ing angel is prompted to get ir
natural world and bring back knowledge of the future,
a procedure already known from the Gilgamesh epic
(J. Bottero, Les songes el leurs interpretations, Paris 1959).
From oneiromancy, said by the Prophet to be one
part of prophesy, following the Talmudic tradition
(Berakhot, 57b, with comm. of Maimonides, Le guide
des egares, ii, 136), to oneirocriticism, the transition was
made by two simultaneous impulses from the ancient
Babylonian and Hellenistic traditions. In fact, by ii
symbolisn
s formulation, the
interpret
i of
shows close links with the most ancient Semitic
tradition, seen in Oppenheim's reconstitution of the
Assyrian book of dreams and his exhaustive study of
oneiromancy in the Near East. The transmission can,
of course, only have been oral, as one would expect
with a popular tradition.
After the 4th/ 10th century, under the impulsion of
the Arabic translation of Artemidorus of Ephesus (2nd
century A.D.), oneirocriticism borrowed from this last
not only its plan and method of classification but also
a considerable number of symbolic elements (see e.g.
al-Dmawarfs work). This injection of new blood led
to the prodigious development of the Islamic genre
of this literature (180 works listed in Fahd, op. at.,
330 ff.), and the double heritage was developed and
perfected through numerous generations.
The first codifier here was the Medinan Ibn al-
Musayyab (flor. in the caliphate of the Umayyad 'Abd
al-Malik (later lst/7th century A.D.). He left behind
a list of thirteen dreams which his contemporaries
had asked him to interpret, given by Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat,
v, 91-3, tr. in Fahd, op. cit., 310-11). He was followed
by Ibn Smn [q.v.], whose fame here has come down
to us and who figures amongst the forefathers of
At this stage, Arabic skill lacked a method of clas-
sifying dreams into precise categories illustrated by
clear examples showing the constant symbolism. The
translator of Artemidorus, Hunayn b. Ishak [q.v.] , filled
this gap, and it was exploited by Abu Sa'id al-
DinawarT in his work of 397/1006-7 dedicated to the
'Abbasid caliph al-Kadir (see Bibi), of which over 25
mss. survive, the oldest work in the genre to have
reached us integrally. This immense compilation not
only contains materials on the interpretation of dreams
but also on the range of man's activities, social and
religious, and on his hopes and fears as experienced
by a man of Baghdad! society in the 4th/ 10th cen-
tury. This work also allows us to reconstitute, grosso
modo, the six books of the work of Artemidorus, and
its classification of themes became normative in later
tradition, with only slight modifications appearing.
For the Muslim oneirocritics, the interpretation of
dreams was the first of the sciences, practised from
the start by the prophets and messengers of God so
that the greater part of their pronouncements were
made by means of dreams. For Ibn Khaldun, it is a
science whose light is a reflection of prophesy, with
which it is closely connected. Both involve the per-
manent preoccupations of the Revelation (iii, 84, Eng.
tr. iii, 103, Fr. tr. ii, 118). He details the skills required
for interpretation of dreams, essentially those for reli-
gious piety, including discretion and the avoidance of
careless talk and divulgence of confidences.
The oneirocritic should consider all aspects of the
phenomenon and give a clear, measured response.
TA'BIR al-RU'YA — TABRlZl, DJALAL al-DIN
Note must be taken of the status, age, etc. of the
person involved, the conditions in which the dream
has been experienced, etc. Faced with a difficulty, the
oneirocritic must go back to basic principles, but if
after all that, he can find no answer, he must con-
fess this, and no-one will reproach him, since this has
happened to the prophets themselves. The dreams of
all classes of men must be interpreted, after a rigor-
ous enquiry into the status, etc. of the questioner. If
no progress can, however, be made, recourse must
be had to one's own personal opinion. Above all, dis-
cretion is vital (al-Dlnawarl, fols. 41-3).
All the authors stress the need to have a vast knowl-
edge of all the sciences; all branches of knowledge
are useful, including mathematics, law, etymology, ono-
mastic, literature, proverbs, the practices of the Islamic
cult, etc. Nothing has changed in the ancient princi-
ples of oneirocriticism; the only differences revealed
in the course of time come from the conditions of
men and their preoccupations, morals and whether
they prefer immediate, present gains at the expense
of the Afterlife, whereas previously, religious affairs
formed the main activities of men. When the Prophet's
Companions dreamed of dates, they saw there the
sweetness of their religion; for them, honey signified
the delights gained for them from reading the Kur'an,
knowledge and justice (Ibn Sinn, Muntakhab, i, 2 Iff.).
One should say in conclusion that, despite the efforts
of the oneirocritics to furnish their art with principles
and techniques, they were forced to recognise that
"the interpretation of dreams remains based on anal-
og)', relationship, comparison and probability. One can-
before their accomplishment in the waking state and
even before proof for it is put forward" (ibid., i, 4).
In fact, wrote E. Doutte, Magie et religion dans I'Afriqui
du Nord, Algiers 1909, 407, "la pluralite des metho-
des, l'arbitraire avec lequel on les emploie, Tabus de
symbolisme font de l'oniromancie une pure fantaisie
et il n'est pas un songe qui ne puisse, au gre du
devin, etre interprets d'une facon favorable
rable a
n cliei
Nevertheless, the severe judgements of both ancients
and moderns do not reduce the considerable value of
oneirocritical literature for the light it throws on psy-
chology, sociology and mysticism. Beneath dreams,
simple or incoherent, there is a complex of passions,
ambitions and dynastic rivalries. Whether spontaneous
or fabricated, they are the vehicles for conceptions
and ideas issuing from the popular milieu, one not
widely revealed in other literary genres. Since the
dream forms part of the life of rich and poor alike,
it forms something like a screen between the dead
past and the present, which can be used to recon-
struct, with great precision and realism, the social life
and aspirations of any given class at any fixed time.
Bibliography: 1. Sources. Artemidorus of
Ephesus, Book of dreams, Ar. tr. from the Greek by
Hunayn b. Ishak (d. 210/873), ed. T. Fahd,
Damascus 1964; Abu Sa'Id Nasr b. Ya'kub al-
Dinawan, al-Kadinfi 'l-ta'bv, ms. B.N. Paris, fonds
ar. 2745; Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, ed. Quatremere,
Fr. tr. de Slane, Eng. tr. Rosenthal, ch. VI, § 17;
Ps.-Ibn Sinn, Muntakhab al-kalam ft tafsh ahahlam,
3 vols. Bulak 1294/1877.
2. Studies. A.L. Oppenheim, The interpretation of
dreams in the Ancient Near East, in Tram. Amer.
Philosophical Hoc, N.S. xliii/3, Philadelphia 1956,
179-373; T. Fahd, Les songes et lews interpretation en
Islam, Sources orientales 2, Paris 1959, repr. in
Etudes d'histoire et de civilisation islamiques. Istanbul
1997, 37-60; idem, Le rive dans la societe musulmane
du Moyen Age, in Les reves it les societes humaines. Colloqiu
de Rovaumont. ed. G.E. von Grunebaum and R.
Caillois, Paris 1967, 335-67, Span tr. Buenos Aires
1964, 193-230, Eng. tr. Berkeley and Los Angeles
1966, 351-79, repr. in Fahd, Eludes, 61-93; idem.
Le divination arabe, Leiden 1965, repr. Paris 1987;
idem, L'oniromancie orientate et ses repercussions sm
l'oniromancie de /'Occident medieval, in Onentt e Occidente
net Medioeve. Filosofia e Scienze. 13° Convegno Intema-
zionale delta Fondazione Akssandro Volta, Rome-Florence
1969, Rome 1971, 347-74, repr. in Studies, 95-119;
idem, in Diet, critique de I'esotinsme, Paris 1998, arts.
Divination. 412-21, Reve, 107-9; Nadia al-Bagdadi,
The Other-Eye. Sight and insight in Arabic classical
dream literature, contrib. to colloquium on Le regard
dans la civilisation arabe classique. Paris 2002, 22, with
refs. to other recent works on the subject.
IT. Fahd)
TABRIZ!, DTALAL al-DIN, Abu 1-Kasim, a
saint of the Suhrawardiyya [q.v.] order (date
of death perhaps 642/1244; Ghulam Sarwar-i Lahawrl,
KhazTnat al-asfiya").
Together with Baha' al-Din Zakariyya [q.v.], Djalal
al-Din is to be counted as the founder of the order
in India (Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A hhton of Sufism
in India, New Delhi 1978, i, 190). After the death of
his teacher Badr al-Din Abu Sa'id Tabriz!, Djalal al-
Dln went to Baghdad to join Abu Hafs c Umar al-
Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234 [q.v.]). the eponym of the
order, as a disciple, when al-Suhrawardi was already
old. Djalal al-Din stayed with al-Suhrawardi for nearly
a decade and he accompanied him on his annual pil-
grimages to Mecca and Medina. In the company of
Baha' al-Din Zakariyya who was to found a khanakah
in Multan, Djalal al-Din set out to travel to India
(Djami.'.Va/aAa/, 504). However, they separated on the
way, a fact explained by legend as follows; Djalal al-
Din met the mystical poet 'Attar (d. 618/1221 [q.v.]]
in Nishapur and was asked by him, who in Baghdad
was to be included among the mystics. Impressed by
the poet's spiritual presence Djalal al-Din is said not
to have uttered the name of al-Suhrawardi (Cishti,
Mn'at al-asra,, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin SPK, Ms.
orient. Quart. 1903, 284b). At the beginning of the
7th/ 13th century, during the reign of Iltutmish (607-
33/1210-36 [q.v.]), Djalal al-Din arrived in India where
he was warmly welcomed by the Sultan. The Shaykh
al-hlam Nadjm al-Din, however, resented this and
tried to influence the Sultan against the Sufi (Cishti,
the Sultan organised an investigation, which was
presided over bv Baha' al-Din Zakariyva. Though the
charge was soon found to be false, Djalal al-Din left
Dihll for Bada'Gn. There again Djalal al-Din became
friendly with the ruling classes, viz. the local admin-
istrator Kadi Kamal al-Din, who enrolled his son as
Djalal al-Din's disciple.
Finally, Djalal al-Din reached Bengal where he set-
tled down. In recruiting followers, Djalal al-Din con-
verted many Hindus and Buddhists to Islam (Rizvi,
ii, 398; Trimingham, 232). In accordance with the
policy of the SuhrawardI order of supporting enforced
conversion, Djalal al-Din demolished, at Devatalla in
northern Bengal, a large temple that a kafir (Hindu
or Buddhist) had erected and constructed a monaster)'
in its place. In the Rihla of Ibn Battuta [q.v.], Djalal
al-Din Tabriz! is confused with Shah Djalal of Sylhet,
one of the Bengali warrior saints (Rizvi, i, 3141 In
the Kamrup hills of Assam Djalal al-Din was said to
have been met by the Moroccan traveller [Rihla, iv.
TABRlZl, DJALAL al-DIN — TABSHlR
216-22) who had reached India only in 734/1333.
Djalal al-Dm's sanctuary in Sylhet is still visited by
the devout to this very day (Lawrence, Notes from a
distant flute, Tehran 1978, 63). Reliable information of
his successors in Bengal is not available (Rizvi, i, 202).
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article): Firishta, Muhammad Kasim Hindushah,
Tankh-i Firishta, Bombay 1831, ii, 760; Hamid b.
Fadl Allah Dihlawi "Djamalr", Sivar al-'anfin, Dihlr
1311/1893; "Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Akhbar al-
akhyar, Dihlr 1309, 44-6; Muhammad 'Air Tarbiyat,
Damshmandan-i Adharbaydjan, Tehran 1314/1935, 97;
Storey, ii, 971 and n. 7. (F. Sobieroj)
TABSHIR (a.), lit. "proclamation, spreading of the
good news", a term used in modern works for
Christian proselytism in various forms and
the work of m.ssionanes (mubashshirun) within
the Islamic world
The use of the word if not the activity which it
denotes does not seem to go back beyond the end
of the 19th century being at one and the same time
contemporaneous with the Aiab lenaissance (Vahda
[?■».]) European colonialism and the development of
Christian missions It seems to be a term of Christian
origin corresponding to its usage in Arabic translations
of the Bible (or Grk eiangehon announcement of good
news as evidenced in the Protestant (London-Beirut
1831) and the Roman Catholic (Beirut 1898) trans-
lations where in Mark \vi 16 we have however
a'linu at bishara without howevei the foim tabshir
Tabshir does not appeal in such classical dictionaries
as L'A and T\ and bishara is found for the first time
in Fieytags Arabic-Latin dictionary (Halle 1830-7 i
124) in the sense of eiangehum uncapitahsed and with-
out any connotation of the Gospel itself Lane Lexicon
i, 208, simply has mubashshir in the geneial sense of
"one who announces good news" Butrus al-Bustam
in his Muhlt (Beirut 1867, i, 95) is the fust person
to give a reasoned definition, citing the expression
bisfiarat al-indjil, where the origin of this neologism is
explained idafa bayyina h-anna al-Indf il ma'nahu al bishara
bi l-yunamyya Curiously, and in which he is followed
by the author of the dictionary Akrab al-mawand (1889),
he mentions (96) that al-bashlr means, in a general
way, al-mubashshir wa V ajamil and that it is the epi-
thet given to St Luke by the Chnstians, lakab Mar
Luka 'ind al-Nawra Words from this loot b-sh-r occur
several times in the Kur'an ('Abd al-Bakr, Mu'ajam al-
mufahras, Cairo 1378/[1945], 119-21), especially in the
verbal foims bashshara and abshara, whose ambivalent
sense can announce some good news but also, in
menacing tones, the coming of bad news, mubashshir
is attested in speaking, inter alios, of the Piophet, but
not tabshir in regaid to him
It is impossible to discuss here the innumeiable
books and articles devoted directly oi indirectly to
tabshir, only a few representative ones, in Arabic, of
the mediaeval period will be given The enquirv ought,
however, to be extended beyond the Aiab to the
widei Islamic world, notably to India and Indonesia
Reading these works one notes that, at different
levels, the authors tieat vanous aspects of the sub-
ject Two foims of tabshir are distinguished The direct
one is an effort by chuiches and missionaries in the
strict sense, mubashshirun, to announce to Muslims the
Christian "good news" It involves, then, an individual
or collective enterprise of the Christians, openly pro-
claimed Distinguished from it is a more radical notion,
jnfused with the first, envisaging dnectly
oi more precisely, Chnstianisation, tansir,
veibal noun of Foim II from the collec-
tive designation of Christians, al-Nasara [q.v.], tradi-
tional among the Muslims.
The tabshir in these works can denote proselytisation
aimed directly at Muslims but equally, and frequently,
aimed at whole populations, as in Black Africa or
amongst certain ethnic minorities not connected with
Judaism or Islam, as in the Sudan, in Chad or in
other countries of Africa and elsewhere. These Chris-
tian missionary activities, openly declared, have for
the most part their origins in Western, traditionally
Christian — Catholic or Protestant — countries, but do
not stem, above all in the Near East, from the churches
or members of the Eastern Christian churches, pre-
sent in that region for two millennia. However, accord-
ing to authorities consulted, certain members of these
local chuiches may have been involved in the mis-
sionary activities, tabshinyya of missionaries of Western
origin Finally , the tei m the West ' embi aces not
only Europe but also North America especially the
United States even though colonisation activities m
predominantly Muslim lands have never been directly
launched so these authors state from the USA
Alongside this direct avowed missionary woik
numerous authors devote — some more perhaps than
others — an important place to the indirect form of
tabshir one that is hidden or stealthy which with
concealed motives, uses diversionary means (cultural
charitable and political) to achieve its aims indirectly
The authors who denounce this indirect missionary
work connect it to two main trends, which they allege,
are its main inspirers viz colonisation (isti'mar) and
orientalism (utishrak)
The titles of certain works on this theme placing
tabshir in dnect connection with colonisation, are revela-
tory enough of this fact One may cite e g Mustafa
Khalidr and 'Uraar Farrukh, whose work is often cited
as a lefeience woik on the topic, al-Tabshir wa 'l-isti'-
mar fi 'l-bilad al-'arabivva 'ard h-djuhud al-mubashshirin
alias tarmi ila ikhba' al-shark li 'l-isti'mar al-gharbi (Beirut
1953) and, moie recently, 'Abd al-Fattah Ahmad Abu
Zayida, al-Tabshh al-sallbl wa 1-ghazw al-isti'mari (Malta
1988) (see Talal 'Atnsr, al-Ba'tha al-yasu'iyya muhimmat
t'dad al-nakhba al-siyasiyya fi Lubnan, 1987), which empha-
sise the school, University and chantable activities of
certain lehgious orders, in geneial Fiench- or English-
speaking, piactising this mdnect form of tabshit Limit-
ing ourselves to the Near East, the main University
institutions envisaged are the American University of
Beirut (AUB), the Jesuit Umveisite Saint-Joseph, also
at Beirut, and the American University in Cano (AUC),
the first two of which have a religious orientation and
weie founded in the second half of the 19th century,
that of the Nahda and of colonisation [see djami'a]
On the same track, theie is a great stiess on the
introduction of foreign languages, English and French,
as hidden means of detaching student elites of the
Neai East from their own language, Arabic, and their
original culture, that of the Kur'an and Islam, and
as a means of making favourable comparisons in
favour of the West, especially in the domains of tech-
nical and industrial progress Another of the means
(wasa'il) of this second form of tabshir is the encour-
agement by these educational establishments of devel-
oping, on the one hand, the use of the various Arabic
dialects, al-lahaajat al-'ammiyya, and on the othei, the
use of non-Arabic local languages, Synac, Kurdish,
Berber, Armenian, etc , in ordei to perpetuate divi-
sions between the peoples of the Neai East, to "divide
and rule", and thereby prevent the wider diffusion of
Islam This is an argument already used, in a slightly
different context, by authors of the Salafiyya [q v ] at
TABSHlR — TAHIR BEG
the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th cen-
turies, admittedly without recourse to the term tabshii,
e.g. in the commentary of the Manar [see al-manar]
on sura V, 82. Also attacked are the endeavours of
these establishments to promote or to favour various
forms of bilingualism or trilingualism to the detriment
of the one language, Arabic.
Certain authors go even further and allege that
these missionary enterprises find agents ('umala') to aid
them within the heart of the Arabic and Islamic worlds
themselves, and they cite in particular passages from
the famous work of Taha Husayn [q.v.], Mmtakbal al-
thakafa fi Mist, or that of Kasim Amin [q.v.], al-Mai'a
al-djadida (see 'Abd al-'Azim al-Murtada, al-Tabshh al-
'alami didd al-Islam, ahdafuhu, wasa'iluhu, turukuhu, mmva-
djahstuhu, Misr al-Djadlda 1992, 37 ff.).
Orientalism, istishrak, is often mentioned and de-
nounced as one of the indirect means of tabshir. With-
out always avoiding a facile juxtaposition, but with
some persons recognising the positive aspects of istishrak,
this link between the two notions brought together in
this fashion often goes on to an analysis of the "reli-
gious and missionary impulse" of the orientalists' activ-
ities, al-dafi' al-dini al-tabshiri (see Sultan 'Abd al-Hamfd
Sultan, Min suwai al-ghazwi al-fikii li 'l-Islam: al-tabshir.
al-istishrak al-'ilmaniyya, Cairo 1990, 166;. The idea
that tabshir and istishiak are linked derives its origin
above all those who lived or published works in the
• indeed members of religious
the 20th century, which highlights its relative check
in face of Islam, above all in "Africa and Asia, see
the art. Tabshir, in Muhammad Fand WadjdT,
Da' vat al-ma'anf al-kam al-iabi' ashai I al-'ishinn, 1937,
i, 205-20, and see also Hasan Hanafi, Mddhd ya'ni
'ilm al-istighrab, Beirut 2000, Preface. On the links
between orientalism and tabshii, E. Said, Orientalism,
London 1978, Fr. tr. 1980, Ar. tr. 1981; EP, art.
mustasiirikun (J.J. Waardenburg), Vol. VII, 745ff.;
al-Fih al-'aiabi, xxxi (Jan.-March 1983), xxxii (April-
June 1983), on istishiak; Etudes arabes, lxxxiii (1992/2),
PISAI, Rome, dossier on al-mustashrikun. For the
views of an Arab academic on European orientalists,
see 'Abd al-Rahman BadawT, Mawsii'at al-mustashri-
kun, 'Beirut 1992. Also E. Rudolph, Westlische Islam-
wissensehqft im Spiegel muslimischer h'ritik, Berlin 1991.
On earlier relations of Islam and the West, see N.
Daniel, Islam and the West, the making of an image,
Edinburgh I960, Fr. tr. Llslam et IVeeident, Paris
1993; idem. Hie Arabs and mediaeval Eutope, J London
and New York 1979; F. Cardini, Europe e islam.
Stoma di un malinteso, Rome-Bari 2000, Fr. tr. Europe
et Islam, histoire dun malentendu, Paris 2000.
(L. POUZET)
TAHIR BEG, Mehmed, late Ottoman jour-
nalist, publisher, and owner of journals,
newspapers, and a printing-house in Istanbul
(1864-1912). He was one of the journalists and pub-
lishers who were supported by 'Abd al-Han
. Hence
tiedals
s by
,eral
way. some of their
whole body of their works, are considered to be hidden
methods of sapping the foundations of the doctrines
of Islam, especially by dwelling on the controversial
aspects of the Kur'an and the life of Muhammad, or,
on another level, by an exclusive orientation towards
certain aspects of Islamic mysticism, etc. On this neg- |
ative role of the orientalists, allied hand-in-hand with I
tabshir, one may refer to the opinions of 'Abd al-Latif
al-Shuwayrif, Athar al-istishrak ma-kayfa mumadjihatuhu,
in Djawhar al-Islam, vi/1 (Tunis 1973).
One may conclude this summary sketch with some
reflections. The first is that this idea of tabshir and
the positions taken up by those imolved with it, should
be placed in a much wider and more ancient con-
text, often far from eirenic, of Islamo-Ghristian rela-
tions in general, and, since the end of the 19th century,
of relations between Islam and the West, regarded as
an emanation of and as being representative of
Christianity. On the more particular level of the basic
choices of the two religions regarding tabshir, one may
add that these two religions see themselves equally,
although employing differing means, as faiths dealing
with universal final ends, bearers of a message meant
for men of all places and ages, a message which can
bring into action an expansionist dynamism that
explains, even if it does not justify, some of the meth-
ods used by the Islamic side regarding the idea of
tabshir studied here. Finally, let it be said that the
examples discussed above and their tentative analysis
do not in any way represent the positions of the most
authoritative and representative of the faithful of each
of the two religions.
Bibliography: As indicated above, this cannot
be exhaustive. In addition to references given in
the article, see 'Abd al-Wadud Shalabf, Aft kit ayvuha
al-muslnnin kabl an tadfa'u al-§kya, Cairo 1997;"Sa'd
al-Din al-Sayyid Salih, Ihdharu' al-asalib al-hadTitha fi
muwad}ahat al-isldm, Cairo 1998, esp. 25-J09. For
a global presentation of tabshir in the first half of
the Sultan.
Information about his family and education is lim-
ited. RedjaT-zade Ekrem [q.v] reports that Tahir Beg's
mother looked after his older son. It is known that
he was working as a reporter at Therwet, the news-
paper published in Turkish by Dimitraki Nikolaidi
between 1307/1891 and 1324/1908. That he was a
well-known figure in the press and publishing world
can be deduced from the names of the staff of his
journals and newspapers, from the variety of the
authors of the books he published at his printing-
house, from the fact that he introduced Ahmed Rasim
[q.v.] into journalism, and from his getting articles
from RedjaT-zade to publish in his journals and print-
ing a book translated by Ahmed Ihsan Tokgoz [see
ahmad ihsan] at his printing-house, although he had
many conflicts with both of these in later years. Thanks
to his high connections, he was able to resume pub-
lishing his journal Ma'liimat very soon after it was
suppressed or confiscated for various reasons.
He was notorious in the world of Turkish press
and publication as the first person in the history of
Turkish journalism to produce false news and then
to take bribes for publishing denials of it, so that his
lakab {Baba Tahir) is given as an example for such
situations. First, abusing his proximity to the Ottoman
Sultan, he supplied the latter with names to be given
ranks, decorations and medals, these persons being
close to him, and he published those names in his
newspaper. Then he printed bogus certificates at his
printing-house, employed an Italian engraver to pro-
duce spurious decorations and sold them, especially
to foreigners. In addition, he printed publications
opposing the Palace and then informed the Palace
that the "Young Turks" were printing such journals
in Egypt. In 1901, together with Dr. M. Pasha, he
denounced the journal Thenvet-i Funun [q.v.] and caused
it to be suppressed for 40 days and its owner and
writers to be arraigned in court. He published RedjaT-
zade Ekrem Beg's Shemsd in his journal Ma'liimat with-
TAHIR BEG — TAKALlD
When his offences weie revealed, he was arrested,
tried and in 1903 sentenced to 15 yeais' imprison-
ment But, only alter five years, benefiting from the
amnesty declared after the Meshrutiyyet m 1908, he
returned to Istanbul He was then kept under sur-
veillance by the police authorities and not peimitted
to publish his newspaper again Having been involved
in the incident of 31 Maich 1325/13 April 1909, he
was exiled to Tripoli, but after a while escaped from
theie to Naples and then to Pans In both places he
established businesses, but these failed From the fact
that A I Tokgoz's article on his death is dated 16
February 1912, it appeals that he died at the begin-
ning of that month in Pans
He published five journals and newspapers Bahat
(1299/1883, 19 issues, fortnightly), Therwet (1314-18/
1898-1903, 2088 issues, daily), Irtika' (1315-19/
1899-1904, 251 issues, weekly), Ma'lumat (1311-18/
1895-1903, journal-newspaper, 2443 issues, weekly-
daily) and Musau.u.er Fenn u.e Edeb (1315 19/1899-1903
222 issues, weekly) Initially 48 issues of the Ua'lumat
were published by the Artin Asadorvan Pi ess weekly
(1309-11/1894-5) Ua'lumat with its wnters and con
tents, filled an important gap during the period when
it was published Since it attracted attention through
photographs and lllusti ations having also French sub-
titles, it was also known as the Musaiinei Ua'lumat
The journal was distnbuted thioughout the Ottoman
lands, Persia and Russia It was also punted locally
in Filibe [q.v.] under the title \fak i Skarkmeden Tulu'
Eden Ma'lumdt (1314/ 189b) Readeis letters sent from
plates like Cyprus the Mediterranean shoies the
Aegean Islands Algeria and Egypt show the extent
of the domain where it was being read Some ol its
plements on diverse themes {Khanimkra Mahms Ma'lumat
Ilauei Ma'lumat etc) The ]oumals Ua'lumat and
Themet i Funun were always in a state of nv ilry but
while Themet I Funun was the journal supporting mod-
is the journal of supporters
of a
Apait from these Tahir Beg ilso published books
at his printing-house According to Seyfettin Ozege s
catalogue 95 books weie printed at the Uatba'a i Tahir
Beg between the years 1311 19/1895-1903 Among
these were books punted in three languages m
Turkish-Arabic-French or in Persian-Turkish-French
Moieover it is known that some Fiench books were
also punted by him Some of the books have the
name of the senes Ma'lumat Kutuphanen or Tahir Bet;
hutuphanesi and the publishei s name as Ua'lumat ve
Themit garden sahib i imtnaj es Snud Uthmtd Tahir
In the books the name of the printing-house is given
as Matba'a i Tahir Beg Tahir Beg, Matba'asi Tahir Beg'in
40 numarah Matba'asi and Ua'lumat Ga-ttelm le Tahn
Big Matba'asi The relation with Tahir Begs printing-
house of the 20 books that appeared in Seyfettin
Ozege s catalogue as having been printed at the
Ua'lumat Matba'asi between 1311-17/1894 1901 is a
matter which still needs to be examined Tahir Beg
had received the privilege of punting official docu-
ments at his printing-house dunng the period when
the Uatba'a i 'imire was closed
Bibliography Mahmud Khajnelenn listen ikmdfi
qjuz'de 988 khafme im> djuz 1 2 Istanbul 13[2]4/
1909 b5-7 Ahmed Ihsan [Tokgoz] 'Othmanll
matbu'ati Ua'lumataji Baba Tahir in Themet no
1080 (9 Shubat 1327/4 Rebr' ul-ewwel 1327/20
Febiuary 1912) 337-40 Ahmed Rasim Uatbu'at
khatiralarindan muharm sha'u edib Istanbul
1342/1924 89-94 Mumr Suleyman Capanoglu
Basin tanhme dan bdgiler ve hatualai, Istanbul 1962,
8-11, 155, idem, Basin tarihmuzde parazitler, Istanbul
1967, 11-4, Hahd Ziya Usakligil, Kirk nl, Istanbul
1969, 423, Seyfettin Ozege, Esh haijlerle basilmi}
Turkce eserlei katalogu, 5 vols Istanbul 1971-82, Hasan
Duman (ed ), Istanbul kutuphanelen Arap harfli sureh
vavmlar katalogu 1828-1928, Istanbul 1986, 5, 180-
1, 229, 234-5, 354, Ahmed Ihsan Tokgoz, Matbuat
hatiralanm, ed Alpay Kabacali, Istanbul 1993, pas-
sim, art Malumat, in Turk Dill ve Edebiyat Ansiklopedisi,
vi, Istanbul 1996, 128-9, Bilge Ercilasun, Ahmet Ihsan
Tokgoz, Ankara 1996, 23, 77-80
', pl ■
the
and ,
mbl.
(Hatke Aynur)
having the meaning,
br taklid in its legal
art s v ), is used m
of inherited folk
and manners and folklore in general although
the loanword from English julklur is often used espe
cially for the discipline and its study at large In recent
yeais also the teim al tumth al sha'bi folk inhentance
is being used to denote the common Arabic heritage
of popular culture
According to the common definition of the term
folklore it denotes the cultuial popular traditions
which are passed on Irom generation to generation
and their study Folklore may be divided into live
main categories (1) Oral tiaditions folktales legends
myths fables riddles jokes popular poems common
expressions expletives and oaths (2) Written mate-
nals proveibs amulets and talismans (3) Traditional
practices food and drinks clothes embroidery cos
metics jewellery household tools and furniture popu-
lar medicine witchcraft customs and manners (4)
Beliefs and superstitions, and (5) Popular art popu-
lar theatre songs dances musical instruments paint-
ings drawings and sculpting
Although descriptions of populai traditions and cus-
toms among Arabs mainly the Bedouin appear already
in early Arab literature and, m particular within
only started in the 19th century with the appearance
of works such as EW Lanes (1801-76) in aaount of
of the modem Egyptians (1836).
Ho V
rch of this
eld was
he second half of the 20th century This omis-
sion is clearly lllustiated by Ahmad Amin (1878-1954)
in the introduction to his Iiamui al 'adat na I takalld
u.a Ita'abir al misnna ( Cairo 1953) in which he says:
I smceiely believe that histonans have deliberately
neglected popular aspects in then books of history,
showing off their anstocracy although popular liter-
ature in many respects is not of less importance than
the literary Aiabic language and literature It is
quite possible that some aristocratic scholais will look
askance and be bewildered as to how an academic
piolessor degiades himself by recording manners and
popular expressions which concern the populace (pp.
II III)
This attitude among Arab scholars towards their
popular heritage in the past resembles their attitude
towards the study of Arabic dialects, which also won
lecogmtion as a discipline worth investigating only
dunng the second half of the 20th century after the
appearance of works by non-Arab scholars who val-
ued both Arab heritage and Arabic dialects and con-
sequently published extensively on both subjects
Oral traditions have been known for genera-
tions and in particular the art of the story-telling of
folktales (kisas sha'biyya; in colloquial Arabic hikaya [q.v.]
or hadduta (from uhdutha "speech, tale"), which was
usually carried out by an elder member of the fam-
ily or by the local "professional" teller (hakawatf). The
best example of such a genre is the famous Thousand
and One Mights [see alf layla wa-layla]. The genre
of fables is represented by Kalila wa-Dimna [q.v.] attrib-
uted to the Indian philosopher Bidpai (4th century
B.C.) and rendered into Arabic by Ibn al-Mukaffa'
(721-57 [q.v.]). Another genre is that of amusing anec-
dotes (nawadii, mula/i), e.g. the funny stories of Djuha
[q.v.] (Turkish: Nasir al-DTn Khodja [q.v.]), about
whose real existence or non-existence scholars are
divided. It is mainly the Bedouin and the inhabitants
of rural areas around the Middle East who still con-
tinue with the long tradition of story-telling which,
together with riddles (hazziirat or hazazir), and jokes
(nukat), are the most common and basic forms of enter-
new editions continue to appear, sometimes offering
the reader different versions of the same story or anec-
y P°P"
,s parti
specia
son, weddings, eulogies or obituary speeches. Although
these poems usually take the form of the Arabic kaslda
[q.v.], which is composed in literary Arabic, some are
recited in colloquial or something resembling Middle
Arabic, similar to common songs which are performed
etiquett
uch as
weddings, the birth of a child, bt
which are often connected with local customs. These
are usually recorded in the various dialect dictiona-
ries. What most of them, however, have in common
is the fact that many of them contain the word Allah,
including the commonest expression used for encour-
agement and urging: yalla (in the name of God), and
the word mallalhi) (by God!), used customarily to express
astonishment or as an oath. Other common words
used as oaths are: ivi-hyat rabbina (by God), ivi 'l-nabi
(by the Prophet), ma-hayad I ma-haydtak (by my/your
life), wa-hayat tasi/iasak (by my/your head), wa-hayat
idadi (by my children), ivi-hyat or bi-rahmat ummi/abuy
(by the memory of my mother/father), bi-sharafi (by
my honour) and halaft bi 'l-taldk (I swear I will divorce
my wife). Common expressions often used are: e.g.
when a person sneezes, people say to him mhimaka
allah (may God have mercy upon you), or simply k'lsh
(may you live long), and when a person leaves, oth-
ers wish him Allah ma'ak (may God be with you). The
word mabiuk is the commonest wish to congratulate
people on the occasion of an engagement, marriage,
birth, new house, car, job, clothes, etc. Sometimes
the dual, and the number one thousand are used in
good or bad wishes for emphasis: sahten (bon appetite
marhabten (hello); 'amayen ("double blindness", i.e. Hell!);
alf mabruk (lit. a thousand blessings, i.e. congratula-
tions!); alf dahiya ("'thousand hells"). A reference to
shoes, dogs and donkeys (and in some areas to a
woman) is immediately followed by the speaker with
the expressions ba'id 'annak (lit. far from you) or ad^allak
(lit. you are more respected than the object mentioned).
mathal], a genre well known in classical Arabic lit-
erature as one of the earliest and most common com-
positions in prose, even though some of them are
based on Arabic poetry. The thousands of proverbs
found in Arabic demonstrate the important role they
play in writing and in daily discourse. Moreover, as
many proverbs depict a situation or give advice or
warning, it is customary among Arabic speakers or
writers to use them in order to illustrate their
speech/written work to draw conclusions of a com-
parable situation. Old collections of Arabic proverbs,
such as that of al-Maydam (d. 518/1124 [q.v.]), are
constantly being reprinted while new collections of
proverbs, arranged by countries, continue to appear.
Amulets and talismans (tama'im, rukayat. ta'auiidh,
talasim, 'aza'im, hudjub) are very popular, especially in
rural areas [see rukya; tamima]. Many of these are
meant to protect the bearer against the evil eye [see
'ayn|, bring blessing and prosperity, speed the recov-
ery from an illness or bring good luck in general.
The most popular amulet is the one in the shape of
an open hand called khamsa, i.e. "five", referring to
the five fingers of the hand, which are meant "to
stop" bad luck or envy. The amulet may be a copy
of the Kur'an, a few verses from it or brief state-
ments such as: 'eyn al-hasud la tasud (May the eye of
the one who envies never prevail) or 'eyn al-hasud fiha
'ltd I The eye of the one who envies will have a piece
of wood in it), but may also be simple blue beads,
a piece of blue cloth (since the eyes of the devil are
believed to be blue), leaves or flowers of certain plants
and even a pinch of salt. It is customary to give such
amulets to children or hang them at home, in the
car, at work and even on animals. There are also
talisr
which ai
code o:
erals and other symbols which are only known to the
writer. Moreover, although the traditional rosary,
commonly used by men (misbahaj, is more associated
every occasion God's Most Beautiful Names [al-asma'
al-husna [q.v.]), it may also be regarded as a kind of
talisman.
Traditional practices vary from region to region
and from one society to another. That is to say, daily
practices of the urban society may differ from those
of the rural one in the same way that they may be
different between one Arab country and another and
between sedentary and nomad society. Hence, what,
for example, is generally known in the West as Oriental
cuisine may have different recipes, names of ingredi-
ents and occasions for their consumption. Thus hansa
is the term for a dish of meat and bulgur, but in
Egypt it refers to a sweet pastry made of flour, melted
butter and sugar (see Wehr, under hansa). Bread is
called in Syro-Palestine khubz, whereas in Egypt it is
called 'ash (which has the same meaning as "life").
Flesh of lamb [kharup is usually consumed in festivals
such as Ramadan and the two Tds, as well as sweets
lhalwayydt) such as kunafa, baklawa, ghurayba and ma'mul.
Sweets, mainly for children, such as ghazl al-banat
("girls' spinning") are also popular on special occa-
sions. Incidentally, the ingredients used for these dishes
or the method of their preparation may differ from
one region to another. Traditional food served in fam-
ily celebrations such as weddings, birth of a child or
bereavement may also vary in accordance with the
local customs, except for bereavements when sweet
dishes are normally avoided.
Coffee (kahwa [q.v.]) and tea {shay [see cay]) are
the most popular drinks all around the Middle East.
Black coffee, usually with cardamon [hel], may be
served with sugar (madbut) or without [sada] in small
cups, after being boiled a few times, first without
sugar and then with. Tea is always strong and very
The popularity of coffee has, over the years, given
rise to a whole ethos: it is offered to guests, and in
addition, to mark reaching an agreement concerning
engagement, transactions or settlement of feud. It is
also customary to offer bitter coffee in the house of
ious areas which are associated with coffee drinking,
such as, shaking the cup to indicate that no more
coffee is wanted or using the word dayman or al-kahwe
dayme ("always", i.e. may coffee always be in this
house i to thank the host after finishing drinking, or
the word 'amh (lit. fully inhabited, i.e. may this house
never again suffer the loss of any of its members),
when finishing drinking coffee in a house of a bereaved
family. The third cup of coffee, when offered to a
guest, may symbolise, in some areas, a start of enmity
or it may politely hint that the meeting is over and
that the guest is expected to leave. Telling the fate
of the drinker by a "coffee reader", who scrutinises
the dregs of the coffee in the bottom of his cup, is
also a very popular custom around the Middle East.
Finally, drinking coffee in cafes while smoking a hookah
[ardjjla, nardjlla or shfsha), and reading or chatting with
friends is another daily popular custom for one's
Traditional Arab clothes vary: upper and middle
class urban citizens are increasingly wearing western
clothes, while the lower class males among the fel-
lahin and the Bedouin usually wear the gallabiyya,
djilbab, kujlan, kumbai (or kunbaz], 'aba'a (or 'abaya),
dfubba, dhhdmha; sirwal (or shirwal) and cover their
heads with the kufiyya and 'akal, takiyya (cap) or laffe
(lap kerchief). Few men wear today the tarbush (or
fez) or 'arakiyya, while the European burneta is hardly
seen. Often a combination of the ordinary European
bantalon (trousers), kamls (shirt) and djakita (jacket) are
worn, while the head is covered with a kufiyya and
'akal. Religious leaders, orthodox people or teachers
at rural schools, however, still cover their heads with
a laffe or 'imama (turban). Most women who belong
to the upper and middle classes normally wear
European dresses (Justan) or suits (takm), while those
who belong to the lower class usually wear the tra-
ditional milaya and cover their head with a mindJl. In
jciety, only married women cover their
with a
il (bud
, litham.
). It is
y that both sexes of the upper and
middle classes often wear traditional clothes at home
and on special occasions. The traditional clothes, in
general, are embroidered and often made in deep
colours [see further, libas].
Traditional jewellery is still worn by women, and
is mainly made of gold or silver. Diamonds may be
worn by women of means, while the middle and lower
classes wear various precious and cheap stones. It is
often customary for a woman to wear several neck-
laces, bracelets, earrings and rings, and Bedouin women
wear in addition noserings and anklets. Many of these
are made of coloured beads or old coins that are no
longer in circulation. The names of women's jewellery
differ from area to area. Men adorn themselves mainly
with rings, gold watches and ornamented daggers,
whereas some women and men, especially Bedouin,
have in addition various tattoos [see washm]. The
most popular make-up, which is also associated with
good luck and used against the evil eye, is henna [see
hinna'], used mainly by women though many men
'5 part of the wedding
ceremony preparations all around the Middle East.
Traditional household tools, furniture, fixtures and
fittings are still in use especially in rural regions and
by the lower class. They vary from one area to another
and have different names. Thus one still may find in
the kitchen the traditional hawin or djurn (mortar) used
for grinding coffee and spices; bakradf or dalla (coffee
pot), findjan (coffee cup) and many more articles. The
same applies to traditional furniture which often has
names of non-Arabic origin, e.g. mubJlya (furniture),
dikka (sofa-like bench), tawla (table), burdai (curtain),
lamba (lamp).
Popular medicine is still practised in rural areas
and by some Bedouin tribes, and even the urban and
the higher classes often resort to traditional methods
for curing less complicated illnesses. Various herbs,
fruit, oil and special liquids may be used as medica-
tions. Thus onion drops are still used in Egypt against
trachoma and watermelon seeds are prescribed for
high blood pressure. Smallpox may be treated by
burning dung near the sick child. Fig juice is used
against corns or calluses, while burning or cauteris-
ing the skin against pain, fear and paralysis is believed
to alleviate suffering.
Witchcraft and magic are used for threi
pose;
t the e
regain the affections of the husband. The first ii
various customs such as writing on a piece of a paper
the name of the person who is believed to have put
the evil eye on one, then setting it on fire while pour-
ing salt on it and reciting some formulae that basi-
cally wish the person total destruction or blindness.
The second witchcraft practice mainly involves the
use of talismans or "blessed" objects or plants pre-
pared usually by older people known for their piety
[see tilsam], and the third, which is called shabshaba,
denotes a ritual mostly current in Egypt in which a
woman casts a spell by beating her genitals with a
slipper while pronouncing a magic formula to jinx an
inattentive husband or a female rival. (See Hinds-
Badawi, under sh.b.sh.b.)
Customs and manners. Since the Arabs them-
selves often describe their society as devout, emotional
and fatalist, it is not surprising that scores of customs
and manners are current within the Arab world, mak-
ing the discussion of even a fraction of them an impos-
sible task within the present article. Moreover, the
diversity and heterogeneity of Arab society with its
long history and contacts with other cultures (e.g.
Persian and Turkish) prevent any attempt at formu-
lating a
3lithic
the characteristics typical of the Arabs are
hospitality, generosity and strong commitment to the
family and tribe. Hence most of the customs and
manners current among Arab society revolve around
those. Moreover, the general attitude towards life and
death is of resignation to fate. Hence it is customary
to accept happiness and tragedy with the same dic-
tum, expressing praise to God (hamdala) and bearing
in mind that, in the case of death, the deceased will
eventually reach a better world.
Many customs are mentioned in the Hadlth litera-
ture as practices attributed to the Prophet Muhammad,
hence are iunan which should obviously be adhered
to by all Muslims. For example, customs concerning
hygiene, such as bathing or the need to clean the
teeth [taswik) with a toothpick (sawwdk or siwak [see
miswak]), or food. Eating "procedures" include wash-
ing the hands before and after the meal; saying the
basmala before starting; encouraging the guest to eat
more. Satiety is indicated by leaving some food on
the plate (in some communities satiety is indicated
b\ burping) and wishing the host that his table will
always be lull {al tufra dawna) or wishing the ladv of
the house that her hands will be piotected b\ God
(titlam/uilamu 01 usallim iddi)
Manv customs recorded bv classical Aiabic litera-
ture not onl\ suggest that the Aiabs paid consider-
able attention to good manners but that some oi these
older customs are still current in the society For
example the custom of holding food with the right
hand and with thiee fingers is mentioned bv Djalal
al-Din al-Suvuti (d 911/1505) who explains that using
one fmgei in order to hold the food is abominated
two fingers show anogance while foul hngers indi-
cate goiging (al hanz al madfun, 182)
Othei customs concerning etiquette are numerous
Most of them concern family life eg a husband and
wife ma\ address ea< h othei in front of other peo-
ple as umm (the mothei of I or abu (the fathei
of ) followed b\ the name of the tirst-boin, or as
of the family must not show inteiest in anv female
Hence when wishing to ask about the health of anv
female he should refer to al kanma (the respected foi
the daughter of the person he speaks to) al uahda
(the one who gave birth, le the mother) and al ahl
(the home/family le the wife) The divorce pioce-
duie [see talak] includes usually the statement anti
tahk (vou are divorced) repeated bv the husband thiee
for a favour within reason must be fulfilled it the
asking paitv grabs the hem of a person s cloak and
states ana dakhilak, i < I am under vour piotection
Some tribal customs, such as uuumcision of females
[see khafd] blood levenge [see kisas] killing in order
to protect family or tribal honour [see 'ird] or mar-
riage of pleasure \nikah al mut'a [see mit'aI) are still
cuirent in some places, though they are gradually
declining
Beliefs and supei stitions and some customs
associated with them aie very common in Aiab soci-
ety The most popular aie a strong belief in the devil
(alShaUan [see shaytan]) who has seveial names and
epithets in the Kur'an and other Muslim liteiature
and demons Cifnt ghul oi
V after
•eing
il (hence
e perst
called n
whose body has been po
Since the devil and demons aie mentioned in the
Kur'an, no Muslim doubts then existence The djinn
and the demons may harm but they may also pro-
tect Thus one should please them b\ offeimg them
biead when they come out at night prowling for food
(this custom is leferred to in Taha Husayn s al inam
1 7-8) Appeasing of the dimm. in 'Irak such as tantal
mixed with sugar and salt This ceiemon\ was
known as dalk Anothei custom aiming at the pro-
tection of people from the harms of the djinn involves
the fastening of chicken legs and seven onions on a
skewer and leaving them hung for foity da\s over the
bed of a woman who has given birth
The custom called zat [q i ] (exorcism) is particu-
larly popular in Egypt It refei s to a ' ritual of sac-
rifices incantations diumming and dancing peifoimed
for the purpose of appeasing any one of a number
of spirits b\ which a peison ma\ be believed to be
possessed' (Hinds-Badawi 3b3)
People and in particular childien and the house
should be protected against the evil e\e Hence after
the visit of a stranger to the house it is customary
to spread salt on the children It is also customary
a Jr?r»
e child
icknam
ma abiha'aka
a girl kabiha
nullify the
wm o
evil eve A
say ma sha
(God willing)
ime of Allah
on him
when speak-
(How ugly
(ugly) in order to
guest is expected tc
or smalla 'alih (the n;
\ strong belief in luck and fortune is also com-
mon Hence the family who has suffered a disaster
may resort to using amulets, pray and give money to
chanty and even go to live elsewheie In some areas,
the days of the week aie either good oi bad Hence
they may influence actions Thus Monday Wednesday
Thursday and Friday aie regaided as good' days
while the other days are usually bad This division
may diflei liom area to area The eclipse of the sun
and the moon [see kusuf] indicate bad luck Hence
it is customary that when an eclipse occurs people
pi ay to God to save the world Some believe that in
the case of the eclipse of the moon it has in fact
been swallowed up by a big whale oi leviathan (hut)
and therefore people should pray to God calling on
him to let it go Strong belief in the good luck
brought by the first customer (istiftah) makes a shop-
keepei do anything to persuade the first customer to
buy something, even at a loss Moreover it is cus-
ihop-keeper to open his business in the
ormng i
sibling o
the Most Beautiful Names of God (•
fattah >« 'atun ya ra^ak \a kanm in which he invokes
God that the day will be piofitable
Manv beliefs are well known tiom the time of the
Djahihwa [qi] some of which are still current eg
the belief associated with the flight of birds called
ta'auuf or tatanur (auguiy) and more specifically the
belief that certain buds may bung bad luck such as
the ciow (whose sound indicates sepaiation and enmity)
and the owl (whose sound indicates desolation) [see
fa 'l ivafa] When describing al-Azhar Ahmad Amin
recalls the existence of a small box on the right side
of the big milirab [qi] which contained a talisman
against birds (31) Similarly fear of bad luck is asso-
ciated with the hyena (dab') which is still widespiead
in the region It also appeals in a numbei of folk-
tales which aim at warning recalcitrant childien
Many othei older beliefs are current in the aiea
though no one can tiace back their ongin Examples
include the belief that a cieeping baby indicates the
' ' and when someone sneezes while i
ainly c
a dece,
d peist
and hav
uted
of h
/she w
vouiable
, pulled wh]
ademption) ,
e several classical works attempting to
Examples are dieammg of a snake symbolises a long
life piobably because a snake is an old symbol foi
cine and also the woid snake (liana) shaies the
same loot as of that for living life (han/ha\a)
dreaming of water or oil portends imminent disaster
whereas dieammg of a donke\ bodes the leceipt of
a piesent
Customs associated with the belief in saints \aidna'
[see wali]) aie also current in the Middle East The
itah is usually the patron of the area whose giave is
visited mainl\ on special dates (maitalid) oi in teitain
seasons This usually involves rituals around the tomb
in which people pray and place their requests e g
foi a cuie foi an illness for becoming piegnant for
finding a husband etc Among the famous saints aie
al-Sawid al-Badawi and al-Say\ida Zaynab in Egypt
and al Nabi Shu ayb in Israel Many other tombs ot
famous pious personalities which are visited regularly
Ulyara [q v]) are the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad
in Medina the tombs of the Patriarchs in Hebron
and some ot the prophets who are mentioned in the
Kur an as well as othei local saints (some of whom
were famous Sufis or daruisM [gi])
Popular art which is based on old traditions ;
customs mav be divided into two main branches the
performed ait which includes popular shows singing
and dancing and the produced art which includes
artifacts embroider\ and weaving and drawing ■
sculpting The popular show includes the puppet show
(karago^ [qi]) and performances by local artists eg
amateur comedians who entertain people at weddings
\crobats (bahlauan) clowns (muhamdi) and snake
chaimers {haul) are also popular especially in North
Atnca There are singeis of different types of songs
(eg the manual [see mawalua]) when the lyric is
usually written in the local dialect Some of the well
known singers in the last century were Umm Kulthum
[qi] Fand al-Atrash and Abd al Wahhab whose
tame and popularity around the Middle East continue
long after their deaths Various types of traditional
popular dancing usually performed bv men or won
sepaiatelv (eg dabka) exist in the area However
famous oriental bellv-dancmg performed usually by
one woman (called in the past gha^iya but today usu
ally called rakkasa) in nightclubs or at weddings is still
very popular Traditional musical instruments used in
all these performances include string instruments such
as the mbaba (one/two string violin) ud (lute) kanun
(psaltery) and kamandja (violin) Wind instruments in
elude different kinds of flutes and pipes such as the
mi^mar mu^mar twh arghul nay(e) shababa and buk
Percussion instruments include the daff labl dmbakkc
tanbur (kinds of drums) and sand} (cymbals)
The produced popular art includes household
articles furniture and clothes Among these one mav
find e g the misbah or kandil (oil or kerosene lamp)
[njardjila or shisha (hookah) and clothes as described
above In modern Egypt a very successful industry
of papvn products and other artifacts associated mainly
with ancient Egypt has been flourishing for several
decades
The interest in \rab folkloie is ceitainlv growing
both inside and outside the Arab world Scores ot
institutes centres and museums have been opened
making it impossible to list them In general one may
conclude that in every \rab state there can be found
at least one centre or museum of ethnography or folk
lore usuallv called mu assasat or ma had or mathaf 01
maika^ al tutath al shabi or alfunun al sha'hyya Moreover
some countries such as Egypt Syria Irak Jordan
and Palestine are particularly known for their efforts
to pieserve the past bv encouraging research on
Arab folklore Consequently scores of publications
appear and conferences aie held annually in differ
ent paits of the Middle East and North Africa Con
servation work is in progress to which one should
add the growing amount of lesearch based on field
work earned out bv scholars and amateurs who have
originated from minority communities pieviously hv
ing in \rab countries especially Jews from \emen
Iiak and North Africa and who now live in Israel
Bibliography. 1. Studies. J.L. Burckhardt, Notes
on the Bedouins and Wahabys, London 1831; E.W.
Lane, The manners and customs of the modem Egyptians,
London 1 836 and many subsequent reprints; R.P.A.
Dozy, Dictionnaire detaille des noms des vetements chez les
Aiabes Amsterdam 1843 Anne Blunt Bedouin tribes
of the Euphrates 2 vols London 1879 eadem A
pilgrimage to Nqd London 1881 E W Lane irabian
society in the Middle Ages London 1883 C Doughty
Travels in Arabia Deserta 2 vols London 1885 IGN
Keith-Falconer Kahlah and Dimnah Cambridge 1885
FE Hulme Proverb lou London 1902 ES Stevens
By Tigris and Euphrates London 1923 R Basset
Mille et un tontes rents el legendes arabes 3 vols Pans
1924 b W Blackman The Fellahm of Lpper Egypt
London 1927 Tewfik Canaan Muhammadan saints
and sanctuaries in Palestine London 1927 A Musil
Manners and customs of the Ruala Bedouin New \ork
1928 & Dalman Arbeit und Silti in Palastma 7 vols
Guteisloh 1928-42 TS Knowlson The origins of
popular superstitions and customs London 1930 E
Westermarck Hit and uisdom in Morocco London
1930 A Wilson Folk tales of Iraq Oxford 1931
Khahd Chatila Le manage che^ Us musulmans en Syne
Pans 1934 J Walker Folk medicine in modem Egypt
London 1934 \osel Mevuhas The Fellahm Jeru
salem 1937 M von Oppenheim Die Bedouinen
4 vols Leipzig Wiesbaden 1939 b8 Ester Panetta
Pratiche iredtnee popolan Libithe Roma 1940 Taha
Husavn al Ayyam Cairo 1942 Moshe Stavskv The
irab ullage Tel Aviv 1946 Jacob Shimom The Arabs
in Palestine Tel \viv 1947 Josef W aschitz The Arabs
in Palestine Palestine 1947 AS Tntton Folklore in
Arabic literature in Folklore lx (1949) 332 9 idem
Folklore m Islam in MU xl (1950) 167 75 Dja far
Khayyat al Kama al iraktvva Beirut 1950 Ahmad
Amin Kamus al'adat ua I takahd ua Itaabir al
misnyya Cairo 1953 F de Grand combe La super
stition Pans 1955 MS al Hut Fi tank al mithdodiiva
tnd al arab Beirut 1955 H Ringgren Studies in
Arabian fatalism Uppsala 1955 Sad al Khadim
Tankh al aoa alshabmaf Misr Cairo 1956
Touvia Ashkenazi The Bidomns manners and customs
Jerusalem 1957 JM Landau Studies in the Arab the
ater and imema Philadelphia 1958 Dj N Al Rayyis
Fann al tabkh Beirut 1958 G Baer The Arabs of
thi Middh East population and society Tel Aviv 19b0
MJ L Hardv Blood feuds and the payment of blood
money in the Middle East Beirut 19b3 \nis Fravha
alFukaha md al arab Ben ut 1962 \bd al Kanm
al'Allaf al Manual al baghdadi Baghdad 19b3 KS
Goldstein A guide for fuld uorkers in folklore Penn
svlvama 1964 Larousse Encyclopaedia of mythology
London 1964 A Aarne and Stith Thompson The
types of the folktale A classification and bibliography
Helsinki 1964 Hilma Granquist Muslim death and
burial Arab customs and traditions studied in a ullage m
Jordan Helsinki 19b5 Fawzi al Antil al Fulklur ma
huua? Cairo 19b5 'Abd al Hamid al Alusi Mm
turathina al sha'h Baghdad 1966 SD Goitem Studies
m Islamic history and institutions Leiden 1966 Tawfiq
Fahd La dimnatwn arabe etudes rehgieuses sociologiques
et folklonques sur It milieu natif de I Islam Leiden 19bb
HRP Dickson The Arab of the desert London 1967
E Marx Bedouin of the Negev Manchester 19b7
Muhammad al-Marzuki al Adah al sha bi fi Tunis
Tunis 1967 Abd al-Latif al Dulavshi al Afab al
shabiyya fi Basra Baghdad 19b8 Abd al Hamid
\unus al Hikaya al sha'biyya Cairo 1968 \ al Sh I
alSamarrai al Adat ua I takahd al'ammiyya
Baghdad 1969 S Jargy La poesie populaire tradition
nelle chantee au proche orient Arabe, The Hague 1970,
Ahmad al-Khashshab, Dirdsat anthropolodjiyya, Cairo
1970; Ahmad MursI, al-Ughmyya al-sha'biyya, Cairo
1970; Abu 'Amir Ibn Shuhayd, The treatise of famil-
iar spirits and demons, tr. and notes by J.T. Monroe,
Los Angles 1971, A R Sail
1971
T< lopatdi
, Jer
Adab al sha'bi Cano
972 M
dan Egypt Londc
1973 Satwat Kamal Madkhal li dirasat aljulklur al
kuuayti Kuwait 1973 anon Dirasa fi I mudjtama'
ua Iturath al sha'bi atjilastim Beirut 1973 AB
Sa% al Hikayat al sha'biyya fi I ladhikiyya Daman us
1974 MA Mahdjub Mukaddima li dim sat al
muditama'at al badauiyya, Kuwait 1974 Nabila
Ibrahim Ashkal al la'b,, fi I adab al sha'bi Cairo
1974 Fatima al-Masii, al Z<" Cano 1975 All al-
Za\n al 'Ada! ua I takalid ji I 'uhud al ikta'iyya
Beirut-Cairo 1977, Lahd Khatir al 'Ada! ua I takalid
al lubnanma 2 \ols Benut 1977 Muhammad al-
Djawhan Dirasat al fulklui al 'arabi Cairo 1978
Philippa Manng 4 dictionary of omens and superstitions
London 1978 M Zwettler Tht oial tradition of tlasmal
Arabic literature Ohio 1978 P Underwood Dictionary
oj the occult and supernatural Bungav Suffolk 1979
ME Meeker Literature and eiolence in \orth Arabia
Cambridge 1979 Moshe Piamenta hlam in tier,
day Arabic spetch Leiden 1979 FE Planer Superstition
London 1980 HM el-Sham v Folktales of Egypt
Chicago 1980 'Uthman al-Ka <ak al Takalid ua
I'adat altunisiyya Tunis 1981 \\ Lancaster Tlu
Ruala Bedouin today Cambudge 1981 FA Mustafa
al Maualid dnasa li I'adat ua I takalid al sha'biyya
fi \hsr Alexandria 1981 Madjida <Abd al-Mun'im
Atbak al shark, \lexandna 1982 Shawki 'Abd al-
Hakim Mausu'at aljulklur ea I asati, al'aiabiyya
Burnt 1982 idem Uadkhal li dirasat al fulklui lea
lasatii al'arabiyya Benut 1983 Muhammad al-
Djawhan, Masadir dnasat al fulklui al'aiabi Cairo
1983 (particular^ nth bibliography ( ontainmg 4175
entnes) idem al Dirasa al 'ilrrmya li I rrru'takadat al
sha'biyya 2 \ols \lexandna-C alio, 1983-90 Yosef
Saddan Humour in dassual Arabu Tel--\\i\ and Acie
1983 GH Miller The dictionary of dieams Devon
1983 Moshe Piamenta Tht \!u
and h
1983
1 al-Har
Mu'ajam aljulklur Beirut 1983 \ F Dukhi
al Agham al kuuaytiyya Kuwait 1984 MT al-
Duwavk al hasas al sha'bi J i hatar 2 \ols Qatar
1984 HR al-Hanb Mauauil mm al khalidi Qatai
1984 HM al-/Vmiry Tlu Aiabian treasun np 1985
\1-Bas.
i Aajd Qatai 1985 Nadjla al-I?zi Traditional
costumes of the Gulf Qatai 1985 S al-A al-Suway\an
D,am' al ma'thurat al shafahiyya Qatar 1985 Hasan
Budavi Athai al adab al sha'bi fi I adab al hadith
Cairo 198b Bridget Connclhy Aiab folk epic and idtn
tihi Berkeley 198b F Ma'tuk al Takalid ua I'adat
al sha'biyya al lubnamyy a Tnpoli 198b Su\uti Laght
almirdian ft ahkam al dfann ed M\ il-K c A.n'
Beirut 198b, Ahmad Abu Sa'd Kamus al mustalahat
ua I ta'abir al sha'biyya Beirut 1987 Sam\a 'Atallah
al Amthal al sha'biyya al misnyya, Cairo 1987 Shabtai
Le\i (Shabo) Tht Bedouins m Sinai Desirt, Tel-Avn
1987 anon, The complete book of fortune Exeter 1988
P Cachia Popular nairatne ballads of modern Egypt
Oxford 1989 Heathei CoKei Ross 77« art of Bedouin
jeuellery Montieux 1989 lona Opie and Moira
Tatem A dictionary of superstitions Oxfoid 1989 \bu
Sa'd Mu'djam fasih al'amma Benut 1990 C Bailev
Bedouin poetry from Sinai and tht /\< ? « Oxfoid 1991
S Moreh Lue theatre and dramatic likratme in tlu
medmal Islamic aorld Edinburgh 1992 R Stryp
Cultural anthropology of the Middle East 4 bibliogiaphy
2 vols Leiden 1992-7 W C Hazlitt Dictionary of
faiths and folklore London 1 1905) 1995 \E Waite
Bool of spells Waie Heits 1995 HM el-Sham\
Folk tiaditwns of the Arab aorld a guide to motif das
situation 2 \ols Bloomington and Indianapolis 1995
A Fodor and A Stmtiel (eds) Procttdmes of the col
loquium on loqos tthos mythos m tht Middle East and
horth Afrita Budapest Studies m Arabic 18 Budapest
1996 S Moreh Tlie tree and the blanch Jerusalem
1997 G Feher\an Tin Tartq Ra/ab Mustum Kuwait
1997 S Leder (ed ) Story hllme, in the framed oik of
non fictional Arabu literature Wiesbaden 1998 JS
Meisami and P Starke> (eds ) Encyclopedia oj Aiabu
literature 2 \ols London and New York 1998 arts
Folklou Popular liteiature Prourbs AIJ Layla u a Lay la
'/UTf <Abd al-Rahman Kamus al amthal al'aiabiyya
al tuiathiyya Beirut 1998 Eh\assit The Hebreu folk
talc histoiy genie meaning Bloomington Indiana 1999
Tamai Vlexander, The belaud friend and a half stud
us in Scphaiadu folk liteiature Jeiusalem 1999 Yadida
Arab
A s,
y from
|. daun
Leiden 2000
Djuha al dahik al mudhik, Cano n d Nabila Ibiahim
al Dnasat al sha'biyya bayn al na anyya ua I tatbik
Cano nd Nasr al-Dm Djuha WaAr Djuha a!
kubra Benut nd Fatima Na'im 'Alam al nal sh hi
Ihmna Rabat nd
2 Penoduals al Turath al sha'bi quaiterh
Baghdad since 19b4 Dirasat Unneisitv of Jordan
'Amman since 1974 al Funun al sha'biyya Folklore
quartet K, Cairo since 1982 Arab food magazine
monthh London since August 1985 al Ma'thurat
al sha'biyya Markaz al-turath al-sha'bi quaiteiK M-
Doha Qatai since Januan 198b
i\ Shivtieli
The teim folkloie which has been accepted in
Persian as well as in a numbei ot othei Middle Eastern
languages was fust pioposed b\ William John Thorns
(1803-85) In a letter to the Athenaeum 22 August 184b
Thorns wilting undei the pseudoirym Ambiose Mei-
ton proposed that the teim folklore be adopted in
oi Popular I iteiatuie to describe the Loie ot the
People their manneis customs observances super-
stitions ballads proxeibs etc of the olden time
(Dorson 1968 1 80 4) Thorns suggestion gained
acceptance within a \ear of its pioposal The teim
refeis not onry to luial but also to urban loie these
da\s Howe\tr the debate concerning the exact def-
inition of the teim folkloie rages on The general
atmosphere of ambiguit\ that sunounds this woid mi\
be deduced fiom the decision ol the editors of the
standaid Dutmnan of folklore mythology and legend (1949)
to include no less than twent\-one definitions of it
ls\ Folklore)
Dm en b\ the kind of nationalist zeal that propels
manv Muslim scholars to coin and use name woids
in place of foreign \ocabularv, indigenous Peisian
scholars have proposed a bewildenng \anet\ of teims
to denote folklore Some of these aie farhan% i mat
dum hteialh peoples culture farhangi 'amrna farhang I
tuda culture ot the masses 'a/ayid rusum bauaidasht
s customs notions ot the geneial public
i folk people masses" Wheieas the words
leaiH used in con-
behc
tiadist
) khas
the c
Communist Pait\ I has ideological associations ot a
leftist natuie because mam of the intellectuals who
began the systematic stud\ of Persian folklore weie
inspiied by socialist or communist ideologies Be that
as it ma\ of these the term farhang i mardum a liteial
Persian translation of the English "folklore", is prob-
ably the most widely accepted. However, the loan
word "folklore", spelled fwlklwr in Persian, continues
to be used side-by-side with it and there may even
be a movement toward its adoption in specialised pub-
lications. This is signalled not only by the early uses
of it, its Persian plural fivlklwr-ha and its adjectival
form fivlklwri (KatiraT 1357/1978, 93, 135, 138) but
also by the fact that the word fwlklwr is used inter-
changeably with farhang-i mardum in the first two issues
of the Iranian Folklore Quarterly in Spring 2002 (i, 7-8,
9-16; ii, 43, 132).
Scholarship on Persian folklore, which is concen-
trated chiefly on verbal lore, may be divided into two
groups. That conducted by Iranians, and that which
is undertaken by Westerners. Although the Persian
study of folklore is typically traced to the Aka Djamal-i
Klfansans (d. ca. 1121-5/1709-13) satirical treatise
on superstitions of the IsfahanI women, which was
entitled Kulthum-nama (for an edition see KatiraT
1349/1970), this attribution appears unreasonable.
Kh"ansan intended to ridicule these women's beliefs
trying to collect folklore nor present an accurate
account of the female lore of his time. By the same
token, attributing folklore collection activity to Persian
novelists (e.g. Sadik-i Cubak, or even Djamalzada),
who happen to use a significant number of "folksy"
be stretching the point.
Although brief collections of Persian folk expres-
sions, beliefs and especially proverbs are scattered
throughout Persian and Arabic literatures, none may
be called systematic until the appearance of Dihkhuda's
(1297-1375/1879-1955) four-volume Amthal wa hikam
("Proverbs and dicta") in (1308-11/1929-32. Dih-
khuda's collection is, however, no more than an alpha-
betical list of literary and folk proverbs, which rarely
provides contextual information. The systematic col-
lection of Persian folklore had to await the attentions
of Sadik Hidayat (1281-1330 ^71902-51), who,
inspired by Arnold van Gennep's (1873-1957) classi-
ficatory system, published several tales, folk songs and
collections of Persian folklore between the years
1310/1931 and 1324/1945 (e.g. Hidayat 1312/1933
and 1344/1965, 447-83). Of these, the two volumes,
usana "fairytales", and mrangistan (a title adopted from
a Middle Persian treatise on counter-magical incan-
tations), published respectively in 1310/1931 and
1312/1933, are the most extensive. Hidayat later pub-
lished two articles on folklore and the method of its
collection, the methodological aspects of which were
inspired by Pierre Saintyve's (1870-1935) Manuel de
folklore (1936). These essays later inspired the work
of the most important Persian collector of folklore,
Abu '1-Kasim Indjawi (d. 1993), who in the spring
of 1340/1961 began a radio programme that aimed
to collect folklore data by direct appeal to its listen-
ers, who were also provided with training as well as
with supplies (e.g. paper, forms, pencils). Indjawi's
appeals generated an enormous public response. Soon
a flood of data from his listeners began to come in,
and he was thus able to amass a vast archive of
Persian folklore data, some of which he published in
a series called Gandjjna-yi farhang-i mardum ("the trea-
sury of folklore"; see Indjawi 1352 sh./ 1973, 1352-5
sh./ 1973-7). This massive archive, that represented
some two decades of systematic collection, contained
some 120,000 folklore texts, hundreds of objects, 3,000
documents of cultural history-, thousands of phono-
graph recordings, cassettes, films, videos and over 2000
Since the 1970s, folklore had enjoyed significant
backing from the royal family and other wealthy organ-
isations. During this period, folklore research was pro-
moted and even an international congress on folklore
was held in Isfahan in the summer of 1977 (for an
excellent summary, see Marzolph, art. Folklore studies,
in Eh). Folklore studies fared poorly after the Islamic
Revolution of 1978-9. Folklore was viewed as pro-
moting superstitious and even pagan beliefs, and most
funding for it came to a halt. In spite of this, the
Folklore Centre continued an anaemic existence until
the early 1980s when Indjawi's radio programme was
discontinued. The discontinuation of the programme
not only brought the process of collection to a vir-
tual halt but also signalled the final fall of folklore
from grace. Much of the holdings of the Persian folk-
lore archives, especially its audio-visual collection, was
unceremoniously dispersed among other centres or was
sent to storage. Only some written documents, espe-
cially texts that were submitted by the public, were
allowed to remain at the archives of the Folklore
Centre. Moreover, the Centre was placed under the
control of the Islamic Republic's broadcasting agency
(iada u slma-yi djumhuri-yi islamt).
This unfortunate situation continued until 1374/
1995, when following a speech by the leader of the
Islamic Republic of Iran in which dangers of assi-
milation into Western culture were pointed out and
Iranians were called back to their native cultural
values, folklore studies were revived. This new inter-
est in folklore has led to attempts that seek to impose
some order on the chaotic mass of the existing folk-
lore data in Iran. R.S. Boggs' art. "Types and clas-
sifications" in the Dictionary of folklore, mythology and legend
has been used as a guide in an experimental effort
to classify this material (Dalwand 1377/1998). Folklore
publication and research continues, and a number of
important Western studies on folklore have been trans-
lated (e.g. Propp 1368 ^71989, 1371 A/1992).
The earliest European interest in Persian folklore
came about as a result of the British and Russian
political interests in the Persian-speaking world.
Alexander Chodzko (1804-91), Valentin Zhukovski
(1858-1918), D.C. Phillot (1860-1930), D.L.R. Lorimer
(1876-1962), B. Nikitin (1885-1960), L.P. Elwell-Sutton
(1912-84) and above all the Danish Iranist Arthur
Christensen (1875-1945) and the French Persianist
Henri Masse (1886-1969), made significant contribu-
tions to Persian folklore studies (see Chodzko 1842;
Christensen 1918, 1958; Lorimer 1919; Masse 1938;
Nikitin 1922; Pillot 1905-7; Zhukovski 1902; cf. also
Radhayrapetian 1990, and Marzolph, art. at. Masse
drew on the resources of his Iranian connections to
collect and publish the most extensive body of Persian
folklore of his time. He worried about the disap-
pearance of the rural Iranian folklore as a result of
rapid modernisation (Masse 1938, i, 13). Therefore,
early in the 1920s, he embarked on a research trip
to Persia in order to collect Persian rural folklore.
Interestingly enough, his data came almost exclusively
from city dwellers. Religious and ethnic minorities
such as Zoroastrians, Armenians and Jews were inten-
tionally excluded (i, 16). In spite of his concern for
the endangered rural tradition he accordingly finished
by gathering one of the best existing collections of
the Persian urban folklore (i, 15). The classification
and arrangement of Masse's data follows that of Van
Gennep. The most important contemporary western
TAKALID — TAKWA
scholar of Persian folklore is Ulrich Marzolph, who
compiled the first tale-type index of Persian narra-
tives (Marzolph 1984), and has contributed many
important monographic studies and essays to Persian
folklore; the best study in depth on the history of
Persian folklore studies to date remains his discussion
of the subject in EIr.
Bibliography: A.B. Chodzko, Specimens of (he pop-
ular poetry of Persia, London 1842; V.A. Zhukovski,
Obraztsi persidskogo narodogo tvorcestva, St. Peterburg
1902; D.C. Phillott, Some current Persian tales, collected
m tht south of Persia from professional story teller* in
Memoirs Asiatic Soc of Bengal i/18 ^1905-7i, 375-412
A Christensen Conks persons in languc populam
Copenhagen 1918 DLR and E S Lonmer Persian
tales mitten doun for the just tmu in the original hermani
and Bakhtian London 1919 B Nikitm La at domes
tiqui kurde in Raw d ethnographic et des traditions popu
lanes in (1922) 334-44 Sadik Hidavat Liana
Tehran 1310 sA/1931 idem Orangutan Tehran
1312 sh/ 1931 H Masse Ctoyanus et coutumts per
sans suuies de lontes et chanwns populams Pans 1938
Bess Allen Donaldson The mid rut 4 study of
Muhammadan magic and folklore in Iran London 1938
M Leach (ed ) Dictionary of folklore mythology and
legend New \ oik 1949 LP Elw ell Sutton Vie u on
dirful siahorsi and other Persian talis London 1950
idem Persian proctrbs London 1954 and see scl-
eral -u tides on folkloie listed in the bibl of this
authors works in E Bosworth and Caiole Hillen-
biand (eds ) Qajar Iran Political social and cultural
change 1800 192% Edinburgh 1983 nos 29 30 49
52 5b 57 b2 55 89 90 122 124 Chnstensen
Persische Marchen Dusseldorf Koln 1958 Hidavat
Fulklur ya farhang I tuda ( Folklore or the culture of
the masses ) in Miuishta ha yi parakanda ( Collected
papers) Tehran 1344 jA/1965 447-83 RM
Dorson The British folklonsts a history C hit igo 19b8
Mahmud Katirai (ed ) 'Akayid al msa na nm at
al bulaha Du nsala yi mtikadi dar farhang i tuda
( Women s beliefs and the mirror of the stupid
ones Two critical treatises on folklore ) Tehran
1349 ii/1970 Abu 1-Kasim Indjawi Tamthit u
mathal i Tehran 1352 ji/1973 idem hissa ha yi
ammiyana ( Folktales ) 3 vols Tehran 1352 5
sh 1 1973-8 Katna'i ~a*an u farhang i mardum ( The
peoples language and culture ) Tehran 1357 sh /
1979 U Marzolph Typologu des pirsischen lolksmar
chens, Beirut 1984 \ Propp Rikht shinasi yi kissa
ha yi panyan ( The morphology of the fairy tale )
Pers tr F Badra'i Tehran 13b8 iA/1989 Juliet
Radhavrapetnn Iranian folk narratne A suney of schol
arship New \ork 1990 Piopp Risha ha yi tankhiyi
kissa ha yi panyan ( Historical loots of fain tales )
tr Badra'i Tehian 1371 sh /1992 Marzolph
Dastanhayi shuin Funfog persische I olksbuchlein am
dcr .jaeite Halfte des ^uan^igsten Jahrhunderts Stuttgait
1994 idem EIr art Folklore studies i Of Peisia
(M\HMOlD OmiDS1L\R)
TAKLA MAKAN [see t«im]
TAKRIZ (a ), lit the act of praising a minor
genre of mediaeval Aiabic literature which
of a particular work some composed after the
death of the author of the work in question but piob-
abl\ foi the most part composed at the time of the
woiks appeal ance with the aim of giving it a puff
and thus advertising it such statements must have
been solicited b\ the author fiom obliging luends and
colleagues the more eminent the better F Rosenthal
(see below) has felicitously compared them to mod-
ern "blurbs" of publishers to advertise their books.
Ahlwardt, in his Berlin catalogue, seems to have been
the first Western scholar to isolate and identify the
genre as Lobschriften. Taknzs tended to be formulaic
in form and style, invariably in rhymed prose (sacjf
[q.c<-]) and with a stock of fairly trite images for prais-
ing the recipient. See Rosenthal, Blurbs (Taqriz) from
fourteenth-century Egypt, in Oriens, xxvii-xxviii (1981), 177-
96, who here translates two taknzs from the Yale and
Berlin mss. of a collection dating from 795/1393, by
Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Hadjar [q.vv.] respectively, these
being aimed at puffing one Ibn al Damamini
Bibliography Given in the article See also
A Gacek The Arabic manuscript tradition A glossary of
technical terms and bibliography HdO Section 1 \ ol
58 Leiden 2001 114-15 (Ed)
TAKWA (\) r term of Islamic religion
denoting pietv
1 Etvmolog) and range of meanings
Takua is a verbal noun from taka to feai [God] '
itself a secondary formation from form Mil of a A >
ittaka to fear [God] (see on this phenomenon Wright
Arabic grammar I !) 148 Rem b) From this same sec
ondarv foimation is derived the adjective taki pi
atkiya pious God fearing in fact a s\non\m of the
form Mil participle muttaki
Depending on context the denotations of the term
in classical Islamic religious and mvstical literature in-
clude godliness dev outness piety God-fearing
pious abstinence and uprightness As a soc lal ideal
tain a onginallv connoted dutifulness faithful ob
sen ance a meaning which was discaided in most
later Islamic ethical thought In the poetrv of Labid
(d 40/bb0i for instance the soual
jtiful-
to have fused with the Kur'anic icligious ideal of
fear of God so that concepts for a iespectful rela-
tionship between the members of a tribe and the
icverential behavioi towards God seem even to be
interchangeable and identical (MM Bravmann The
spiritual background of early Islam Leiden 1972 117) but
this combination of social and spiritual meanings of
takixa is now obsolete
The Persian dictionaries (cf the lefeiences in
Dihkhuda Lughat nama s \ takua) rendei the woid as
svnonymous with the Persian tarsidan fear and par
hi^gan abstinence pieciselv the same connotations
of takua found in eailv Muslim mvstical theologv In
English various translations which appioach the
Islamic spirit of takua are pious God-feanng God-
fearing pietv devout upnghtness and holv feai
William Chittick has pioposed the rendition god
wariness a neologism which he claims makes
taqua s orientation toward God explicit brings out the
implication of being aware and mindful and avoids
the negative and sentimental undertones of words such
dutifulness and righteousness [Faith
of Isla
Three
Suji
■\lbanv 1992 :
In fact takua in manv icspects equals a particu-
larly Protestant kind of lehgious notion the spnitual
significance of which is exactly conveyed by the
Anglican ascetic and mystic William Law (1686-1761)
in his A serious call to a decout and holy life ed P Stan-
wood London 1978 wheie he evokes that true de-
votion' which requnes that we live as pilgnms in
spiritual watching in holy fear and heavenly aspir-
ing after another life in one passage (31) and in
anothei passage (256) insists that we do everything
in His feai and abstain from everything that is not
William Law's two principles of "fear of God" and
"abstinence" from all ungodly affairs are found, in
fact, in the earliest work in Persian on Sufism: the
Sharh-i Ta'arruj by Abu Ibrahim Mustaml! Bukhara'!
(d. 434/1042-3), where takwa is described as having
"two principles: fear and abstinence Thus the devo-
tee's attitude of takwa towards God has two senses:
either fear of chastisement ('ikab) or fear of separa-
tion (jirak)". The attitude of fear generates observance
of the commandments of God, while "fear of sepa-
ration" means that "the devotee is content with noth-
ing less than God, and does not find ease in aught
beside Him" (from the anonymous Khulasa-yi Sharh-i
Ta'arruj, ed. 'A. Radja'I, Tehran 1349 A.S.H./1970,
294, an 8th/ 14th-century summary of this work). In
an almost identical definition by the great Kubraw!
master Muhammad Lahldj! (d. 912/1507) in the
Majatih al-i'dfizjl sharh-i Gulshan-i rdz, ed. Muhammad
Rida Barzgar Khalikl and Tffat KarbasI, Tehran 1371
A.S.H./1992, 250 takwa is described as the "fear of
God regarding the final consequences of one's affairs,
or else fear of one's own passional self {najs) lest it
play the brigand, casting one into the perdition of
separation and being veiled from God". After over
half a millennium of theosophical speculation — from
Bukhara'! to L5h!dj! — the two foundations of takwa:
fear and abstinence, remain completely intact.
2 Takwa in the Kur'an and Hadith.
In general Kur'anic usage, the moral virtue of takwa
denotes piety, abstinence and God-fearing obedience,
suggesting the idea of a faith animated by works, and
works quickened by a genuine experience of faith; in
brief, such takwa is the substance of all godliness
Takwa is one of the most frequently mentioned reli-
gious concepts in the Kur'an, having entered into the
world of Islam upon the very first appearance of the
angel Gabriel to the Prophet. "Have you seen him
who tries to prevent a servant when he would pray?
Have you considered if such a one has any divine
guidance or enjoins [others] to piety (takwa)", Gabriel
asks Muhammad m the very early sura, XCVI, 9-12,
revealed in the cave on Mt. Hira [q.v.] near Mecca.
An a
appears
i the second ven
of the first sura revealed in Medina (II), where the
Kur'an is described as "a guidance for all endowed
with piety (hud"" h 'l-muttakln)". In XLIX, 10, the
believers are described as "naught but brothers" and,
in a kind of communal participation in their "pious
vigilant awareness of God" (takwa Allah), are enjoined
to establish fraternal peace amongst themselves. An-
other verse (IX, 123), devoted to the theme of being
harsh on the enemies of Islam, assures believers that
"God is with the godfearing pious devotees (ma'a
'l-muttakln)". This latter verse may be compared with
the hadith which situates takwa as the "aggregate of
all good things" alongside djihad which is described
as "the monasticism [of the Muslim]" (al-Kushayr!,
al-Risala, ed. Ma'ruf Zarlf and 'All "Abd al-Ham!d
Baltandji, Beirut 1990, 105)
Ultimately, salvation in both this world and the
next is attained through takwa; with it the saints gain
"theii deserts and are untouched by evil and they
have no grief" (XXXIX, 61; an idea also repeated
in X, 62-3); while those with takwa "are driven into
Paradise" (XXXIX, 73). The true mosque must also
be "built upon takwa" (IX, 108-9) if it is to be conse-
crated (an echo of Luke, vi. 47-9?). This
of takwa is echoed in an early Kur'an
by Mukatil b. Sulayman (d. 150/767 [q.v.])— where
takwa is "considered as synonymous with ikhlas, pure
sincerity, [and] ittaka is translated as taraka in the sense
of 'to abstain' from what is evil, such as disobedience
coranique et langage mystique, Beirut 1970, 59).
While takwa is, in particular, the universal measure-
ment and the final criterion of the sincere religious
life of the faithful Muslim who is enjoined to "avoid
suspicion" and instead to "fear God" (takwa Allah,
XLIX, 12; cf. II, 41), in a more general sense takwa
appears as the common ecumenical characteristic of
the universal man of faith, regardless of sectarian divi-
sions and political differences based on nationality and
ethnic origin in the verse: "We have created you male
and female, and made you nations and tribes to know
one another. Indeed, the noblest of you in the sight
of God is the most God-fearing (akramakum 'ind Allah
atkakum)" (XLIX, 13). In al-Sulaml's recension of the
text of the Kur'anic Tajslr ascribed to Dja'far al-Sadik
(d. 148/765 [q.v]) (ed. Nywia, in MUSJ, xliii/4 [1967]',
181-230), the Imam explains the verse as follows (221):
"the generous person (al-karim) is one who is, in truth,
piously God-fearing (al-muttaki '), and one who is piously
God-fearing is one who has severed all his ties to
created things for God's sake".
The idea of takwa as specifically the Mamie species
of piety appears in the Prophet's saying: "Faith is
naked and takwa its dress" (al-iman 'urydn wa-libasuhu
al-takwd) (cited by 'Ayn al-Kudat HamadanI, Tamhidat,
ed. 'A. 'Usayran, Tehran 1962, 325). Another hadith
recounts that someone asked the Prophet, "Who are
the Family of Muhammad?" He replied: "Every pious
God-fearing person (kull takT)" (al-Kushayr!, al-Risala,
105). From such traditions, it is evident that takwa,
as a religious concept, was seen to represent the robes
of the Islamic jaith, as well as to personify the very
garments which cloak the Sacred appearing within
diverse cultures and religions.
3. Takwa and iman.
Takwa was regarded as an essential element of the
interior dimension of the act of faith, of iman 'an 'dm
"enlightened faith" (see L. Gardet, iman, at Vol. Ill,
1 1 73). "The Prophet said: 'Submission is public and
faith is in the heart.' Then, he pointed to his breast
three times, repeating: 'Fear of God (takwa) is here,
fear of God is here'." (Ibn Hanbal, and Ahmad b.
Madja, cited by C. Ernst, Words of ecstasy in Sufism,
Albany 1985, 56).
As an element of Faith, takwa thus embodies the
purely internal and contemplative attitude of heart
rather than merely external ritual practice; the same
interiorisation of Iman which is, in fact, reflected in
XXII, 37, which, regarding such purely physical prac-
tices as the sacrifice of animals to feed the poor, a
ritual part of the ceremony of Muslim pilgrimage,
affirms that "it is not their flesh nor their blood that
reaches God: it is your piety (takwa) that reaches
Him". Commenting on this verse in his Ihya', al-
Ghazal! notes that "What is meant here by 'devotion'
(taqwa) is a quality that gains control of the heart,
disposing it to comply with the commands it is required
to obey" (cited in Al-GhazalT. Inner dimensions of Islamic
worship, tr. Muhtar Holland, repr. London 1992, 35).
Indeed, interpreting the Kur'anic reference to "heart-
piety" (takwa al-kulub) in the same sura (XXII, 32),
Ibn al-'Arab! (d. 638/1240) was to point out that just
as the human heart is m constant fluctuation in every
breath, so genuine takwa must by understood as a
kind of "'pious-waiiness-awaieness' of God with every
breath, which is the ultimate end of what God desires
froi
[al Futuh
1911,
, 672, 29-37), cf Chittick's definn
and translation of takua, cited abo\e
Takua was sometimes considered the supreme prool
of the certitude of faith ( yakim Abu Bakr al-Warrak,
(d 294/906-7) an earl) Khurasanian mystic, observed
that "ceititude ( yakm) is a light b\ means of which
the devotee's spiritual condition is illuminated After
he expenences such enlightenment, he is enabled to
realise the rank of the pious (muttakin)" ('Attar, Tadhhrat
al auhya', ed M Isti'larm, Tehran 1372 A S H /1993,
538) Underlining the esoteric nature of piety in the
spmtual life, al-Kalabadhis (d 380/990) A al Ta'anuf
Cairo 1933, 69 utes the statement of Sahl al-Tustari
(d 283/896), author of one of the eaihest m\stical
Kur'an commentaries, that ' piet\ is to contemplate
irrystical states in the att of isolation [from aught but
God]"
sed outlook, ' '
takut
s the s
s the
e of
faith — of course, was not alwa\s understood b\
tenc members of the 'ulama' Ibn Ta\miv\a, an oppo-
nent of the Sufism of Ibn al-'Arabi and scholastic
philosophy, foi instance in his A oilman, interprets
birr (nghteo
usness
and ta
kud to
3e s\non\
mou
s with
each other
an 'al
solute' se
in the
Km 'an (as,
II, 177
V, 2), holdin
g that
are equ
the
God-
who,
cal
to the
upright [abr
Si) (T
Izutsu
The con
ipt of bell
/ ">
hlamu
theology i ep
Sale
m NH 1988
72-4)
: The
) Takuc
logv
[ Taku,
;-abstinence
takua is that of hory tearfulness pious \igilance o\ei
and abstemious fear of following one s passions in a
woid the heart's awe of God who is e\er-present in
the contemplative life of the soul (d al-Shanf al-
Djurdjam, A al Ta'njat ed I al-Ab\an, Beirut 1985
90) Sahl al-Tustari s maxim There is no helper
besides God no guide besides the Prophet There is
no spiritual sustenance besides takua nor an\ other
work than patience {sabi) quoted b\ al-Kusha\n
Rtsala 105) declares takua to be the mainstav, if not
the \ery sustenance of Sufi" spmtual piactice In its
thing but God lor as Ibn Khafff (d 371/981) states
Piet\ is to distance \ourself from e\er\ thing which
distances vou fiom God ('\ttai Tadhhrat 578) The
in another al-Tustari maxim \Vhoe\ei wishes to per-
fect his piety tell him to ref.ain from all sins ('Attar
op at 313)
(b) TffllH«-as-heart-abstinence
The contemplame interiontv of takua with the
all but God is summed up in one of the earliest def-
initions of the teim gi\en b\ Dja'far al-Sadik that
for those who trneise the spiritual path (ahl al iuluk)
piety (takua) is that \ou do not find within \our heait
anv thing but Him (al-Taha
nan of tl
tuhnual te
1527) Abu Sa'id
al-Kharraz (d 277/890 oi 286/899) an important
Sufi of the school of Baghdad in his A al Hala'ik
devoted to the \ocabular\ of Sufi mvstical experience
and m\stical allusion (ishaia) combined this mten-
onsed vision of takua with the more tiaditional
Kui'amc understanding of the term in his statement
that takua is "to ha\e a heart \igilant not to let itself
pursue passion, and a soul which guards itself against
occasions of sin and error" (cited b\ Nvwia, Extgese
coiamque it langagt mystiqut 289) Another leading mem-
ber of the Baghdad school of Sufis, Abu 1-Husa\n
al-Nuri (d 295/907), in the fust chapter of his Makamat
al kulub discovered and edited b> Nywia, Textts mys
tique* intdih, in MUSJ, xh\/9 [1968], 132), m a sec-
tion devoted to "the qualities of the house of the
heart of the faithful believei", mentions takua as the
Light of Piety, the soul of Sufi ethics, for the con-
template e "Light of Piety" illuminates both faith and
This intenonsed concept of takua of the heart more
or less disappeared but did not altogethei die out
fiom the votabular> of Sufism after the 5th/ 1 1th cen-
tury Thus Ruzbihan BaklT (d 606/1209 [qv]) wrote
in his Mashiab al aruah that "The root of God-fear-
ing piers is detachment of one's inmost consciousness
IW77J from everything but God, whether from the mate-
rial or spiritual lealms, during contemplation of the
proofs of the diune Attributes and flashes of the divine
Essence In this manner, one's inmost consciousness
melts awa\ before the onslaught of the majesty of the
manifestation of the lights of Post-Eterniry That is
the esoteric meaning of the Prophet s saving Faith is
naked and takua its dress" (ed NM Hoc a Istanbul
197 3 30)
5 Takua in the spiritual stations of
Sufism
From the late 3rd/9th to the 5th/ 11th centuries,
takua was legulail) featuied in classifications devoted
to the spnitual transactions (mu'dmalat) or moral vutues
[akhlak] of the Sufis spiritual journe\ being closel\
aligned to the analogous concepts of fear \khauf)
asceticism izuhd) and abstinence (a ma') Al-Hanth al-
Muhasibi (d 243/857) propounded in his A al Ri'ata
that all pietv stems from feai and dread of God Al-
mighty According to him 'Obedience [to God's com-
mands and prohibitions] is the road to sahation and
knowledge is the guide to the road and the founda-
tion of obedience is abstinence [uara') and the foun-
dation of abstinence is godfearing piety [takua] and
the foundation of that is self-examination (muhasaba)
and self-examination is based on fear (khauf) and hope
(radja') (Margaiet Smith il Muhasibi an tath rmstu
of Baghdad Cambridge 1935 89 112) If takua appeals
in this description as an essential foundation of
ascetic theolog\ the emphasis on pietv is e\en more
accentuated later on in the same book O brothei,
let godliness (takua) be \our chief concern for it is
\our capital stock and works of supeierogation be\ond
that represent \our profit (ibid 129) cf also Massi-
gnon Essai sw les ongines du lexiqut tuhnique de la mM
hqut musulmane Pans 1928 149
M-Muhasibi s emphasis on piety -as-godhness in carry
Islamic m\sticism was formall\ integrated into the Sufi
methodologu al approach to the spiritual stations
[makamat) in al-Kusha\n s Rtsala (91-140) where takua
is placed fourth among the first ten spiritual stations
in the following sequence [1] lepentance \tauba) — >
spiritual struggle [mudjahda\ — > spmtual retieat with-
drawal [khalua 'uzla) -> God-fearing piety [takua) ->
-> fear [khauf) -> hope trndja ) -> [10] grief [huzm
Despite al-Kusha\n s traditional classification of takua
among the rudimentary spiritual stations of the Path
the term often seemed to fall out of usage among
some of the later classical authois who wrote on the
makamat Thus there is no mention of takua (whethei
as a station or a technical term) in Nicholsons index
of technical terms to his critical edition of al-Sarradj's
(d. 378/988) K. al-Luma', nor in the Kut al-kulub by
Abu Talib al-Makkl (d. 386/996), nor in the Tabakat
al-sufiyw of Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulami (d. 412/
1021)", nor in 'Abd Allah Ansari of Harat's (d. 481/
1089) manual on the Stages of the Sufi wayfarers, nor
even in Abu Mansur Isfaham's (d. 417/1026) Nahd}
al-khass, which had considerable influence on Ansan's
theory of mystical stations.
The early notion of the fundamental place of takwa
in the ascetic theology of Islam does sometimes resur-
face in later works, particularly those written in the
Persian language. In his treatise Sad mavdan ("The
hundred fields", in Manazil al-sa'irin, 299-300), which
Ansan also devoted to the mystical stations, he set
up takwa as the sixteenth station, subsequent to the
field of abstinence (warn'), in the following order: [11]
self-examination (muhasaba) — » awakening (yakza) — >
asceticism (zuhd) — » detachment (tadfrid) — » abstinence
(warn') — > God-fearing piety (takwa) — > spiritual trans-
actions (mu'amalat) — > mindfulness (mubalat) — » certi-
tude (yakin) — > [20] insight (basira). The field of takwa
[16] is described as follows:
"Those who fear God with proper piety (muttakiyari)
are three [kinds of ] men: the lesser, intermediate,
and the great.
"He who possesses the least degree [of takwa] does
not corrupt his profession of divine Unity with asso-
ciating others with God [shirk), or debase his sincer-
ity (ikhlas) with hypocrisy, or contaminate his worship
with innovation (bid'a).
"He who possesses the medial degree does not
vitiate his service (khidma) with false shows (riya'), or
adulterate his sustenance with food of a doubtful
nature, or let his mystical state (hal) become perverted
by heedlessness.
"He who possesses the greatest degree does not
blemish his gratefulness with complaints; or dilute his
sins by arguments [of his innocence], or ever cease
to be beholden to God for His grace towards him."
As a key technical term or spiritual station, takwa
is rarely present in any late classical Sufi texts — among
some of the more important of which may be men-
tioned Abu '1-Nadjib al-Suhrawardfs (d. 563/1168)
Adab al-muridln (ed. N.M. Harawl, Arabic text with
Pers. tr. Tehran 1363 A.S.H./1984), and Tzz al-Dln
Mahmud Kashanl's (d. 735/1335) Misbah al-hidava
wa-miftah al-kifaya (ed. Djalal al-Dln Huma'i, 2nd ed.
Tehran 1325 A.S.H./1946); it is even absent from
Shihab al-Din Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Suhrawardi's
(d. 632/1234) 'Awarif ai-ma'arif which formed the lit-
erary model for Kashanl's book, and was later to
become the foremost manual of Sufism in the Indian
Wherever the term turns up in later works it is
usually considered as a necessary corollary of waia'
or zuhd. For instance, in Sa'id al-Din al-Farghani's
(d. 699/1300) Mashank al-dararl. Sharh-i Ta'ina lbn
Farid (ed. Djalal al-Din Ashtiyani, Tehran 1979, 150-1),
takwa is placed among the stations belonging to the
first of three ascending degrees of "annihilation"
(fana'). The first degree of fana' involves annihilation
by means of "faring through and realisation of the
spiritual stations, stages and mystical states such as
repentance (tawba), self-examination (muhasaba), con-
templative vigilance (mutakaba), spiritual struggle (mu-
djahada), sincerity (ikhlas), God-fearing piety (takwa),
abstinence (wara'), asceticism (zuhd) and similar related
degrees. . . ." As in al-Kushayri's schema, al-Fargham's
classification places God-fearing piety among those
virtues which the mystic must struggle to realise by
his own will; for aspirants still bound in the bonds of
egocentric personality, takwa is a knife to cut through
the cords of Selfhood. In the writings of the Persian
mystics of the Kubrawi school, the virtue of takwa
spectus of Sufi doctrine, the Mirsad al-'ibad (ed. M.A.
Riyahi, Tehran 1352 A.S.H./1973, 257-60), Nadjm
al-Din Razi (d. 654/1256) cites some twenty quali-
ties (sifat) with which the disciple must be charac-
terised in a chapter devoted to "the conditions,
manners and qualities of a disciple", and here takwa
is the fifth of his suluh, and a similar conception of
the place of takwa in Sufi ethics appears in the third
book of the K'ashf al-haka'ik (ed. Ahmad Damghani,
Tehran 1359/1980, 131-2)— "an exposition of the con-
ditions for wayfaring (suluk) the mystical path" — by
Razi's fellow Kubrawi Shaykh 'Aziz Nasafi (d. between
1281-1300).
, for the
o be v
wed a:
iring piety had
-disciple relationship, so that
stinguishable from unhesitat-
tical ethics of the r\
religious devotion is indi
ing obedience to the ore
6. Takwa's apophasis in mediaeval Sufism.
In the mediaeval period, the master-disciple rela-
tionship and the role of the master in spiritual prac-
tice, and, in particular, the need for the novice to be
guided by an enlightened master, came to the fore-
front of Sufi theory and practice, replacing the pre-
vious emphasis on the ethics of takwa as the cornerstone
of spirituality and devotional worship in Islam. Djalal
al-Din RumI stated that "The gnostic is the soul of
the Law (shar') and religious piety (takwa): gnosis is
the fruit of past ascetic effort. ... He [the gnostic] is
both the command to righteousness and righteousness
itself; he himself is both hierophant and mystery"
(Mathnawi, ed. and tr. Nicholson, vi, w. 2090, 2093).
This redirection of Islamic piety towards cultivation
of, and concentration on, the elect "Perfect Man" [see
al-insan al-kamil] with the consequent devaluation
of the devotee's own private ascetic vigilance, is vis-
ible in the thought of most Sufi poets of the Mongol
period. One such poet, Mahmud Shabistari [q.v.], in
his Gulshan-i raz thus describes the Perfect Man as
"endowed with praiseworthy qualities, celebrated for
knowledge ('Urn), asceticism (zuhd) and piety (takwa)"
(Madjmu'a-vi athar-i Shaykh Mahmud Shabistari, ed. Samad
Muwahhid, Tehran 1365 A.S.H./1986, v. 351), rel-
egating takwa, as did the classical masters of the School
of Baghdad, to being a rudimentary but not insignif-
icant principle of the Sufi ethical system. However,
a discernible difference in accentuation has occurred,
so that the Perfect Man is the source of piety rather
than piety being the animus of individual spiritual-
ity. Ultimately, the Perfect Man may decide to dis-
pense with all pious fear as well, since he is "free of
the ties of master and disciple, beyond all asceticism
(zuhd) and all the fictions of piety (takwa)'" (ibid., v.
862).
In the works of Sa'di and Hafiz, the two greatest
Persian Sufi lyricists, another kind of de-accentuation
on individual piety is evident, with takwa often deni-
grated as a kind of spiritual attitude characteristic of
cold-hearted ascetics (zahid) and formalist preachers.
"Wherever the Sultan of Love appears, no power is
left in the arm of takwa" asserts Sa'di in the Gulistan
(ed. Kh. Khatib-Rahbar, Tehran 1348/1969, 337), and
in his ghazah he cries out: "Stand on your feet, so
we can cast aside this blue [Sufi] cloak/Throw to the
winds of antinominianism this idolatry which bears
- TALIB al-HAKK
the name of piety [shirk-i takwa-nam ra)" (Ghazalha-yi
Sa'di, ed. N. Izadparast, Tehran 1362/1983, 23). Sa'di
probably knew of al-Kushayri's notion that "the root
of takwa is fear of all idolatrous associationism (al-
shirkr [Risala, 105), and in this verse no doubt merely
wished to criticise the element of self-consciousness
which takwa often engendered in less sincere adepts,
re-evoking the classical concept of takwa which had
recognised the need to develop an apophatic discourse
capable of expressing the interior subtleties of its ideal
(Abu Bakr al-Wasiti, d. 320/931, a member of the
Baghdad School, stated "piety is that you piously
abstain from your own [self-indulgent] piety", cited
in 'Attar, Tadhhrat, 745).
This paradoxical approach to the classical ideal of
piety in Islam, expressed — in order to avoid meta-
physical reification — in the wish to transcend the
dichotomy of piety/impiety, godliness/ungodliness
(understanding the affirmation of faith and piety as a
subtle form of delimitation, an idolatry of a mundane
doctrine instead of adoration of the Transcendent), is
best expressed in the poetry of Hafiz, as in the fol-
lowing verse:
In the way of the Sufi it's total infidelity
to put your trust in knowledge and piety;
Although a pilgrim boast a hundred arts
it the s;
■, he n
ed. Khanlari, 2nd ed. Tehran 1362
A.S.H./1983, 559).
Elsewhere he asks: "What relation does libertinism
(rind!) have to purity and piety {takwa)? /How wide
the gap between the priest's homily and the rebeck's
refrain!" (Diwan, 20). In another place, he boasts, "So
many nights I've strayed from Piety's path (rah-i takwa)
with harp and daff/but now they say, I'll set my foot
on the strait and narrow path — indeed, a likely tale"
(ibid., 324, no. 154 1. 2), scorning to sully the hon-
our of his dervish cloak by following the pedestrian
rites of canonical piety. Indeed, Hafiz's libertinism
seems a far cry from the religious sentiment of Abu
'1-Darda' (d. 32/652-3 [q.v.]), the celebrated Com-
panion of the Prophet greatly venerated by early Sufis,
who was reported to have preferred piety (takwa) above
forty years of ritual worship and observances ('ibada)
(Massignon, Essai, 158).
With Hafiz and his followers, the austere ideals of
early Islamic piety reached both a moral threshold
and a metaphysical apex, as the journey from Kur'anic
religious concept to ascetic doctrinal ideal based on
fear and abstinence, to the interiorised Sufi" notion of
piety as the faith of the heart culminated in the irony
of the paradox which dissolves the mystic's need for
the scala perfeetionis of his own via negativa.
Bibliography (apart from the references already
cited): Dj. Nurbakhsh, Ma'arif al-sufiyya, iv, London
1987, ch. 4 "Takwa", 71-80, Eng. tr. W.C. Chittick,
Sufism IV, London 1988, ch. 4 "Wariness", 69-77);
idem and S. Murata, The vision of Islam, New York
1994, 282-5. (L. Lewisohn)
TALIB al-HAKK, "Seeker of the Truth", the
title given to the ibadi Kharidjite leader 'Abd
Allah b. Yahya, d. end of 130-beginning of
1 3 1 /August-September 748.
According to the chronicler al-Shammakhr (d.
928/1522), the full name of this leader from the Banu
Shaytan of Kinda was Abu Yahya 'Abd Allah b.
Yahya b. 'Umar b. al-Aswad b. 'Abd Allah b. al-
Harith b. Mu'awiya b. al-Harith al-Kindi (Siyar, 98).
He adopted the title of "Seeker of the Truth" at the
beginning of the year 129/746 on receiving the oath
of allegiance as Imam of the Ibadi community of
Hadramawt and Yemen. The Arabic sources give
an anonymous Ibadi author, the Sirat al-Imam 'Abd
Allah b. Yahya, together with a collection of his poems,
was still available in the 9th/ 15th century, but has
not survived until now (A. de C. Motylinski, Bibliographie
du Mzab, in Bulletin de Correspondance Afrkaine, iii [1885],
20, nos. 29-30).
'Abd Allah b. Yahya was kadi to Ibrahim b. Djabala
b. Makhrama al-Kindi, the Umayyad vice-governor
of Hadramawt. He was a pious man and an ener-
getic leader, and his inflexible attitude towards in-
fringements of Kur'anic precepts, which were still
widespread, won over the hearts of those Yemenis
who were dissatisfied with the Umayyad regime. He
was in touch with the Ibadis of Basra, who had spread
their propaganda across the Arabian peninsula using
the Meccan Pilgrimage to disseminate their principles.
Abu 'Ubayda Muslim b. AbT Karlma, the leader of
the Ibadis of Basra, encouraged him to revolt against
the Umayyad government and sent to him not only
weapons and funds but also some prominent person-
alities, amongst them Abu Hamza al-Mukhtar and
Baldj b. 'Ukba al-Azdr, who came to the Hadramawt
with the aim of organising an imamate. The revolt
appears to have taken place towards the end of 127
or the beginning of 128/745-6. Having gained con-
trol in Hadramawt, the rebels then in 129/747 crossed
into Yemen and occupied the capital San'a'. There
'Abd Allah b. Yahya distributed the wealth of the
Umayyad treasury to the poor and, as Imam, showed
himself to be of a mild disposition. He organised a
new system of administration but nevertheless kept
the former officials in their old ranks. Many Kharidjites
from other regions flocked to him, attracted by his
honesty and rectitude. At the end of the year 129/747,
at the time of pilgrimage, 'Abd Allah b. Yahya decided
to occupy the two Holy Cities, Mecca and Medina.
The Ibadi army, only 900 or 1,000 strong, under the
command of Abu Hamza al-Mukhtar, took Mecca
with ease, and then went on to occupy Medina.
From Hidjaz, the Ibadis now became an immedi-
ate threat to the Umayyads in Syria, so that, despite
his waning might, the caliph Marwan II assembled
sufficient strength to overcome the rebels. Around the
beginning of Djumada I 1 30/January 748, a strong
army composed of 4,000 Syrian soldiers, led by 'Abd
al-Malik b. 'Atiyya, marched against Medina. Abu
Hamza was defeated and killed." At the end of 130
A.H. the Syriau army marched against Yemen. On
receiving news of this, 'Abd Allah' b. Yahya, at the
head of an Ibadi force, left San'a' to prevent the
Syrians from penetrating the land. The encounter
between the two armies took place not far from
Djurash, where the Ibadr army suffered a serious
defeat. Talib al-Hakk was killed and his head sent to
Marwan II, while the rest of the Ibadis took cover
in the fortified town of Shibam [q.v.]. A long elegy
While this serious Ibadi rising was quelled, it is nev-
ertheless true that the anarchy that it provoked con-
tributed to the final undoing of Umayyad power and
enabled the 'Abbasid insurrection to penetrate more
easily to the heart of the empire. Having defeated
'Abd Allah b. Yahya, 'Abd al-Malik b. 'Atiyya took
San'a' and brought Hadramawt into submission, but
afterwards received from the caliph Marwan b.
Muhammad an order to return to Mecca. He was
thus forced to conclude a peace with the Ibadis and
to recognise their independence in Hadramawt. After
the death of Talib al-Hakk, 'Abd Allah b. Sa'Id
TALIB al-HAKK -
al Hadiami was recognised as his successor b\ the
Ibadis of both Hadramawt and Basra
Bibliography 1 Sources igham xxm 1 1 1 ff
Dardjim A Tabaqat al mashayikh bi I Maghrib ed
1 Tallav 2 vols Constantine 1394/1974 n 258
61 Ibn Sallam al LawSti al Ibadi Kitab Ibn Sallam
Erne ibaditisch magnbiniuhe Geschuhte des Islams aus dem
3/9 Jahrhundert ed W Schwartz and Sahm b
\akub Bibhotheca Islamica 33 Wiesbaden 1986
112 13 117 hash) al ghumma al dfami' li akhbar al
umma li mmanmf madjhul ed Ubavdali Nicosia 1985
162 ff Mas udi Murudj. vi 66 7 Shammakhi A
alSiyar hth Cairo 1301/1883 98 102 [alJSiyarua
I djauabat li'ulama uaaimma Uman ed I Kasluf
2 vols Uman 1410/1989 i 133 204 5 Taban
n 1981 3 2006-14
2 Studies J Wellhausen Die religiotpohtischen
Oppositionsparteien im alien Islam Berlin 1901 52 ff
Ch Pellat Le milieu basnen el la formation de Gahiz
Pans 1952 212 14 T Lewicki Les Ibadiles dans
liiabie du Sud in Folia Onentaha i (1959) 6 9 H
Laoust Lis sihismes dans I Islam Introduition a une etude
de la religion musulmane Pans 1965 43 4 A. M
Khleifat (Khulavfat) Nash at al haraka al ibadiyya
Amman 1978 116 26 J van Ess Theologie und
Gesellschal tm 2 und 3 Jahrhundert der Hidsihra 6
vols Berlin New \ork 1991 7 n 656 7
(Ersilia Francesca)
TALIBAN Pers plural of Arabic tahb student
a term coming into use in the last vears of the 20th
centurv (or a radical Islamist group in
Afghamstan
These religious students became the lace of radi
cal Islam during the late 1990s when thev controlled
most of Afghanistan Thev emerged in reaction to
widespread lawlessness in south western Afghanis
in the
1994 a
3 beco
e the
■ in Afghanistan until their defeat
US led coalition of forces m the autumn of 2001
Core leaders of the Taliban were trained in the
madraws or religious colleges of Pakistan s North West
Frontier Province (NVVFP) and Baluchistan affiliated
to or run by the conservative Islamist Pakistani politi
cal movement, the Djami'at al-'Ulama-i Islami/Jamiat-
ul-Ulema-i-Islami (JUI) party, whose ideology blended
Wahhabr influences from Arabia with the Deobandi
tradition of South Asia.
Led by a former mudjahid in the Afghan-Soviet War
of the 1980s, Mulla Muhammad 'Umar, the early
Taliban were primarily young former mudjahidln, mostly
southern Pushtuns. There is debate about whether the
Taliban were essentially an indigenous movement that
Pakistan supported to advance its own foreign policy
goals, or whether the Taliban were from the begin-
ning a creation of Pakistan, which had seen its Afghan
policy frustrated by the civil war between mudjahidln
factions following the fall of the Communist govern-
ment in April 1992 and was seeking an alternative
faction to support, especially in the fractious Kandahar
area. Regardless of the source of their genesis, the
Taliban gained prominence and power through deep,
early, and multi-faceted support from Pakistan's Interior
Ministry, Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI),
army, and society and were Pakistan's proxy army in
Afghanistan by 1995. From a strategic standpoint, the
Taliban provided Pakistan with a militia that could
possibly settle the power struggle within Afghanistan,
but at the minimum could control the southwest of
the country and make possible a stable route for trade
with Central Asia.
After their unexpected emergence near Kandahar
in October 1994 the Taliban steadilv advanced to
gain control of almost all of Afghanistan despite some
setbacks such as the massacre of their foices at Mazar
i Sharif in Mav 1997 and Northern Alliance leader
Ahmad Shah Mas ud s counter attack north of Kabul
in August 1999 Following their capture of Kandahar
in November 1994 the Taliban advanced through
Pushtun tribal areas toward Kabul ultimatelv forcing
Gulbuddm Hikmatvars Hizb i Islami to evacuate its
positions south of the citv The then Defence Minister
Ahmad Shah Mas'ud soundlv defeated the Taliban
and drove them out of range of Kabul in the spring
of 1995 so the Taliban turned their attention to west
ern Afghanistan capturing Harat in September 1995
In September 1996 the Taliban flanked Kabul to the
east and captured Djalalabad then drove up the main
road through steep gorges toward Kabul which fell
without a tight later that month Having taken con
trol of the capital and most of Afghanistan after onlv
two vears in 1997 the Taliban sought to conquer the
north of Afghanistan and finish off the remnants of
the Burhanuddin Rabbam government
Divisions within the Northern Alliance made pos
sible the temporary Taliban capture of Mazar l Sharif
in Mav 1997 but after four davs local militias rebelled
and destroved the Taliban forces there while a Taliban
force that had come up from Kabul through the
Salang Pass was cut off and surrounded in Kunduz
In the summer of 1998 the Taliban pushed resolutelv
into the north once again this time capturing Mazar
i-Sharif in August and Bamivan in Septembei
Following the fall of both cities the Taliban killed or
forciblv relocated thousands of the residents After
the campaigns of 1998 the Taliban controlled all but
10 15% of the country primanlv the rugged north
eastern mountains where Ahmad Shah Mas ud s well
organised Tadjik armv held on Combat ebbed and
flowed in and out of this area over the next three
vears with Mas ud having great success in August
1999 but his assassination on 9 September 2001 by
al Ka ida (al Qaeda) operatives coincided with the
beginning of a final Taliban push into his salient that
might have been successful had the events of 11
September 2001 not brought the United States into
Afghanistan with the goal of destroying the Taliban.
Afghanistan's long war destroyed or discredited
most of its traditional leadership and led to a deep
Islamisation of its society, providing the milieu in
which the Taliban could arise. The Taliban were the
last and most vehement of Afghanistan's Islamist lead-
ers, but they were simultaneously a Pushtun ethnic
movement and a militia for Pakistan. Thus, their rise
to power hardened ethnic divisions in Afghanistan and
heightened the regional competition between Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia, Iran and Russia for control within the
country. The multiple sources of Taliban identity gave
the movement a plasticity that enhanced its resiliency
over time. The Taliban leadership was comprised of
Kandahar-area Pushtuns of different tribal and sub-
tribal lineages, but most of the Inner Shura (council)
knew each other from shared combat experiences dur-
ing the Afghan-Soviet War and/or shared time in
Pakistani madrasas. As the movement expanded its ter-
ritorial control, its ranks grew to include eastern and
northern Ghilzai Pushtuns, some ethnic minority mili-
tias, and former Afghan Communist soldiers from the
Khalk/Khalq faction (introduced by the Pakistanis to
provide the Taliban with specialised military skills in
which they were lacking; following the conquests of
1998 most of the ex-Communists were purged).
The Taliban also were an international force, with
thousands of Pakistani "volunteers" (over 100,000 had
served by the time of the Taliban's defeat) and an
"international brigade" of largely Arab fighters under
the command of Usama b. Ladin/Osama bin Laden.
When the Taliban captured Djalalabad in 1996 they
began a partnership with Osama bin Laden and his
al-Ka'ida organisation that was based in that area.
Over the next few years, the Taliban-al-Ka'ida nexus
became more puritanical and intolerant of Afgha-
nistan's northern minorities, and increasingly larger
numbers of Pakistani "volunteers" joined the move-
ment. Thus, what was initially seen in the southwest
of Afghanistan as a local Pushtun movement came to
be seen by its northern opponents as a front for
Pakistani aspirations in Afghanistan.
As the Taliban grew more numerous, tensions
between the different factions within the movement
occurred on several levels. The early core of Taliban
leaders kept most of the positions of authority, and
many of them remained in Kandahar near to Mulla
'Umar, who ruled from there rather than moving to
Kabul when it fell in 1996. Over time, a moderate
faction led by Premier Muhammad RabbanI and
Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmad lost ground t
growing influence of a hard-line faction affiliate!
Osama bin Laden. This cost the Taliban ii
recognition (only Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the
United Arab Emirates ever recognised the movement)
and support. During the late 1990s, al-Ka'ida became
increasingly aggressive, targeting the U.S. in several
high-profile operations, which led to U.S. cruise mis-
sile attacks on Afghanistan in August 1998, increased
U.S. pressure on the Taliban to give up Bin Laden,
and sanctions by the U.S. and U.N. on the Taliban
regime starting in 1999. The struggle between mod-
erates and hard-liners within the Taliban shifted in
favour of the latter group with the destruction of
the cliff Buddhas of Bamiyan in Marcli 2001 and
the death of Muhammad Rabbani in April 2001.
Ultimately, the attacks by al-Ka'ida on the U.S. on
11 September 2001 brought about the destruction of
the Taliban and al-Ka'ida rule and the implementation
of an interim government in December 2001 headed
by Hamid Karzai, a Durrani Pushtun tribal leader.
The Taliban were a tribal militia, a Pakistani proxy
army, and a movement for social change in Afghan-
istan. Their early success on the battlefield was due
to the shared ethnicity and war-weariness of the popu-
lations in the areas that they conquered during 1994-6.
They also presented themselves as simple men moti-
vated by piety and a desire to Islamise Afghan soci-
ety, holding themselves in contrast to the formerly
noble mudfdhidin whose lust for power had caused
them to stray from the straight path of Islar
ernance. Ultimately, though, the Taliban extended
their control over almost all of Afghanistan due to
extensive Pakistani support, including money, weapons,
training, military advisers, direct military involvement,
logistical support, and recruits. The return of tens of
thousands of these recruits to Pakistan exacerbated
and deepened Islamist trends in that society, pro.
ing an effect referred to within that country as
"Talibanisation" of Pakistan.
Although they ruled most of Afghanistan for
eral years, Taliban governance was mostly non-e
ent. Perhaps this was by design, and Afghanist
state failure under the Taliban was a conscious e
to destroy a Western model of government there, but
more likely it reflected Taliban incompetence at gov-
ernment. Rule was by decree from Mulla 'Umar, or
from organisations such as the Ministry for the
Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (Amr bi
'l-Ma'ruf wa-Nahr 'an al-Munkar), a religious police mod-
elled on the similar organisation that exists in Saudi
Arabia. A 30 to 40-man Shura advised Mulla 'Umar.
There were few funds for routine government, and
most of the 27 ministries sat idle, as such funds as
the Taliban did have went into the war effort against
the Northern Alliance. Traditional social welfare func-
tions of government such as infrastructure re-building
were carried out by international aid organisations in
Afghanistan, although the Taliban frequently con-
strained their operations.
The centrepiece of Taliban Islamisation policy was
the maltreatment of women and girls, denying them
access to adequate health care, education, jobs and
basic human rights. Women's status and position in
Afghan society had come to be symbolic of all that
the Taliban opposed, and their mistreatment of females
helped keep their young male fighters unified and
supportive, since most of them had learned in the
Pakistani madmsas that women were supposed to be
constrained in the ways practiced by the Taliban lead-
ership. Other notable Taliban social policies included
applying Sharfa punishments (based on Taliban inter-
pretation of the SharTa, which was influenced by
Pushtunwali, or code of the Pushtuns), such as exe-
cution for adultery and amputation of hands for theft;
forcing men to attend mosque services and grow beards
as signs of piety; bans on all forms of secular enter-
tainment, such as sports, music and television; and
ultimately the destruction of images in Afghanistan,
including the world-famous Bamiyan Buddhas.
The Taliban were a by-product of Afghanistan's
long and highly destructive war and capped a decades-
long movement to Islamise Afghan society, itself a
reaction to an even longer attempt by Afghan urban
elites to modernise the country. The collapse of the
Afghan state, the Islamisation of the Afghan resistance
movement and refugee population, and the regional
geopolitical struggle following the Cold War combined
to create the unique conditions that gave rise to the
Taliban. U.S. -led military operations beginning in late
2001 have now almost destroyed the Taliban move-
but the underlying ideology of Islamising the
tety r
d influe
Afghanistan.
Bibliography: R. Moshref, Vie Taliban, New York
1997; R.H. Magnus, Afghanistan in 1996 - rear of
the Taliban, in Asian Sunn; xxxvii/2 (February" 1997),
111-17; idem and E. Naby, Afghanistan - mullah, Marx,
and mujahid, Boulder 1998; W. Maley led.), Funda-
mentalism reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban, New York
1998 (excellent collection of articles); P. Marsden,
The Taliban: war, religion, and the new order m Afghanistan,
London 1998; Physicians for Human Rights, The
Taliban's war on women: a health and human rights cri-
sis in Afghanistan, Boston 1998; K. Matinuddin, The
Taliban phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994-1997, Karachi
1999 (useful); B.R. Rubin, Afghanistan under the Taliban,
in Current History, xcviii/625 (February 1999), 79-
91; A. Rashid," The Taliban: exporting extremism, in
Foreign Affairs, lxxviii/6 (November-December 1999),
22-35; idem, Taliban: militant Islam, oil, and funda-
mentalism in Central Asia, New Haven 2000 (funda-
mental); M. Griffin, Reaping the whirlwind: the Taliban
movement in Afghanistan, London 2001; L.P. Goodson,
Afghanistan's tndleu war. state failure, regional politics,
and the me of the Taliban, Seattle 2001 (fundamen-
tal); idem. Perverting Islam: Taliban social poller toward
women, in Central Asian Sunn, xx/4 (December 2001),
415-26. (L.P. Goodson)
TARA'ORI — TARDJAMA
TARA'ORI, an alternative name for the place men-
tioned in Indo-Muslim history as Nardin or
Nandana in the Jhelum District of the Western
Pandjab, now in Pakistan; see on it nandana, in Suppl.
TARDJAMA
4. (b) The 20th century.
In the 20th century, translation into Arabic con-
tributed noticeably to the shaping of modern Arabic
stances which considerably differed from those of the
Arabic translation movement (harakat al-tard}ama) in the
previous century (see 4. (a) at Vol. X, 232b). The
colonial experience, the rise of nationalist and anti-
colonial movements, and the subsequent formation of
independent Arab nation states exercised a strong ideo-
logical impact on Arab societies. The specific devel-
opments of translation as an integral part of Arabic
national cultures embodied their changing interests
and priorities.
In the early decades of the century, the prolifera-
tion of privately-owned periodicals and publishing
houses in Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and 'Irak
made possible the broader transmission of texts into
Arabic. New centres of translation emerged in the
communities of Arab immigrants in Northern and
Southern America [see mahdjar]. Journalists, writers
and scholars participated, along with trained profes-
sionals, in thriving translation practices. As the num-
ber of translated works increased on an unprecedented
scale, the sources, methods and forms of individual
translations diversified.
For the first time in Arabic cultural history, the
translation of literature took precedence over other
forms of linguistic and cultural import. This new cul-
tion of Western fiction prompted by the growing
demand of readers dissatisfied with traditional forms
of literary discourse. Their manifest interest in trans-
lated narratives, especially short stories, met a strong
response on the part of Arab authors searching for
new ways of artistic expression. Transmission of
Western literature became an integral part of their
creative activity, along with composition of original
works in the new fictional genres discovered through
the experience of translation. Prominent early con-
tributors to Arabic literary translation were the writ-
ers and poets Hafiz Ibrahim, Mustafa al-Manfalutr
[q.vv.], the first school of modern Egyptian writing,
madrasat al-dlwan (the Dlwan school); Nadjlb al-Haddad,
Sallm al-Nakkash and Nikula Haddad in Lebanon;
Khalll Baydas, Antun Ballan, and Nadjatr Sidkr in
Palestine; Muhammad Kurd 'All and Tanyus 'Abduh
in Syria; Sallm Battr and Mahmud Ahmad al-Sayyid
in 'Irak; and the leading figures of madrasat al-maha^ar
(the literary school of Arab immigrants in the United
States) Naslb 'Arlda, 'Abd al-Masih Haddad and
MlkhaTl Nu'ayma [q.v.].
The involvement of writers and poets broadened
the scale of literary translation. While the majority of
translated texts represented short stories, novellas and
novels, since the beginning of the century more
attempts were made at translation of European drama
and poetry. In addition to French classical plays by
Corneille, Rostand and Moliere, Shakespeare's works —
especially Romeo and Juliet — inspired several early Arabic
adaptations. Tana Husayn [q.v.] translated and pub-
lished an anthology' of Greek dramatic poetry (1920),
Racine's Andromaque (1935) and a selection of Western
drama (1959). Poems by Victor Hugo, Lamartine and
Shelley were amongst the first rendered into Arabic.
Typically, Arab translators dealt with differences of
prosody between the traditions of Western and clas-
sical Arabic poetry by rendering Western poetic forms
into prose. Further generic changes as in al-Manfaluti's
radical transformation of a rhymed play — Rostand's
Cyrano de Bergerac (1921) — into a novel were uncom-
mon. The modern Arabic poetic free-verse style devel-
oped since the 1950s offered translators of poetry a
French literature remained an essential source of
translation in the first decades of the century: report-
edly, by 1930 more than 150 French authors were
represented in Arabic translations, and about 15
English ones. The contributions of madrasat al-mahqjar
included the introduction of Arab readers to classical
works of American and Russian literatures. In 1920,
Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyat's eloquent Arabic rendition
of Goethe's Die Leiden des jungen Werthers from the
German original was still a rare occurrence. In the
inter-war period, single works by Italian, Greek and
Turkish authors attracted translators' attention as
embodiments of national cultures to which they related
by way of human and intellectual experience.
Not all Western source texts selected for transla-
tion, nor all of their Arabic versions, were of high
literary and cultural value. A great deal of transla-
tors' production catered to the needs of a growing
popular market for romantic stories, mysteries and
adventures. Translation techniques involving rewritings
(tardfama mawdu'a), adaptations (tard^ama bi 'l-tasarruf),
additions lidajat), abridgements (tardjama mulakhkhasa),
and various changes of the genre, set, plot and
characters of the original, did not always yield good
quality in the target language. Yet the substantial body
of Arab fictional texts that those early translations
built contributed, by its sheer mass, to familiarising
Arabic readers with new genres of fiction. At their
best, the pioneers of Arabic literary translation cre-
ated works, which, like original writings, expressed
and affirmed their own cultural identity and tradi-
tions through the forms of Western literature. The
appreciation of their audiences accounts for the
longevity of such creative translations. They continued
to flourish well into the 1940s, long after the genres
of Western fiction had been adopted in Arabic writing,
replacing traditional forms of literary discourse.
A similar symbiosis between translation and cre-
ation of literature is observed in many national cul-
tures at the formative stage, when writers commonly
use translation as a creative device and for address-
ing what they perceive as the pressing issues and
actual cultural needs of their societies and time. Since
the 1920s, modern Arabic literary theory and c
a have
o the
e of n
if per-
ceptions of translation, which have determined i
subsequent evolution as a creative activity with spe-
cific social and cultural functions.
Extensive transmission of Western scientific knowl-
edge and intellectual thought continued. Translated
contemporary works of history, philosophy and liter-
ary theory were an integral part of the critical debates
of the day (e.g. the translation of Thomas Carlyle's
On heroes, hero-worship, and the heroic in history (1911) by
the Diwan school). Translations of Herbert Spencer's
On education (1908) and Lebon's work on pedagogy
(by Tana Husayn, 1921) reflected the edifying prior-
ities of Arab intellectuals. Ahmad Lutfl al-Sayyid's
[q.v.] renderings of Aristotle from the original (1924-
35) introduced the classical tradition of Western intel-
lectual thought. At that time, major influences on
modern Arabic literary theory and criticism (Freud's
psychoanalysis, the ideas of the Russian formalists,
\V(
s diffeiei
■nturv translation entered
t undei the aegis of the
te second halt of the
a new phase of developmf
independent Arab nation
of ta'rib [qz] (aiabisation,
ments placed special emphasis on translation as a
means ot intel action with other cultuies meant to
serve what they deemed the interest of Anb societies
and their compiehensive advancement
Efforts have been made to support the studv ot
translation and develop translators professional skills
Translation is a commonlv taught subject within foi-
eign language acquisition progiammes at the high
school level Arab tianslatois receive modern profes-
sional training in independent academic institutions
(e g al-Mustansinyva School in 'Irak King Fahd
School tor Translation in Moiocco) or through act
demic programmes in translation offered in a num
ber of umveisities (eg the King Su'ud Umversitv in
Saudi Arabia \aimuk University m Jordan Alexandria
Umversitv in Egypt etc) The academic institutions
develop translation studies as well (e g the Translation
Center at the King Su'ud Umversitv worked in the
last decade on a majoi project designed to catalogue
20th-(.enturv Arabic translations) Pan- Aiab contei-
ences provide forums for discussion ot policies and
issues of translation leg al-Tums 1979 on develop-
ing common criteria tor selecting texts tor translation
leassessing the status and tmmng of Arab translators
etc Jordan 1992 on translation studies Egypt 1995
on scientific translate
t the
vel the
■s of cultu
, In mam
e and
ew cultural pnonties on the part ot Arab authois
audiences and institutions related to the acquisition ot
modem technologies and know-how to the interest
in liteiatures and cultuies traditionallv not repiesented,
01 under-represented bv Aiabic tianslation etc The
pool of languages fiom which translations are cui-
rentlv undertaken includes Japanese Chinese and
othei less common foreign languages The leading lan-
guages fiom which books were translated into Arabic
m the last 20 vears are English (3188 translations)
Russian (1388) French (929), Geiman (263) Spanish
(149) Peisian (77) Italian (58) and Turkish (49)
The majority ot texts translated in the second half
of the centurv represent fiction of European origin
Shakespeaie is the most translated foreign authoi with
a total ot 49 Arabic tianslations closelv followed bv
Agatha Christie with 47 Emeiging since the mter-
war period new concepts of the nature of translation
more attentive appioaih to the selection and trans-
mission ot original texts Translators ueatmtv was
employed to best express the ideas of the original
using the tools of the modern Arabic language The
resulting more accurate renditions ot classics bv Balzac,
Tuigenev Dickens Baudelaire Guv de Maupassant
Same Gorkv Thomas Mann Camus James Joyce
TS Eliot \ngima Woolf and Apollinaire exposed
leadeis to a vanety of writing styles and encouraged
since the 1950s new trends in Aiabic prose (realism
modernism stream-ot-consuousness) and poetry (the
tree-verse movement) In drama Chekhov Hennk
Ibsen and Haiold Pintei elicited many translations
tries translators are syndicated in piofessional org
isations and unions and some are individual mem!
of the International Tianslators Union (Geneva)
At the regional level two oi gamsations formulate
the Arabisation Coordinal
(19bl Raba
Arabic terminology The Arab Center for Arab
tion Tianslation Authorship and Publication fl c
Damascus) suppoits tianslation into Aiabic of m
nals foi highei and university education in all ai
ot academic and technical specialisation and ot
tinguished woiks in the fields ot the sciences lit.
ture and arts Both organisations aie affiliated with
ALEC SO Recent contributions ot Arab translators to
ALEC SO s cultuial progiammes include publications
of Banc irabu dictionary (1988) and Trilingual thesaurus
habit English French ( 1995) and the ongoing pi ojects
Translations of distinguished books on science and technology
and irabu unified dictionaries The Islamic Oigamsation
for Culture and Science also letams ti inslation pro-
Ove
the
n Id Egypt
■ than 100
has increased everywhere in tti
and Syria hold leading positions
publishers ot translations in each country
further below statistics by UNESCO Im
tionimi) Lately Saudi Arabia and Kuwait have emerged
Fiench and English remain the important sources
of Arabic tianslation used also as intermedial les foi
tiansmission of texts wntten m other original lan-
guages Since the 1930s, and especially with the influx
of Ameiican culture in the post-World War II period
English became the main source language of transla-
tion into Arabic In the couise of the most recent
decades the souice languages diversified reflecting
(the
works c.
a thre.
volun
i 1987) Since 1983 Kuwait
of Information has pubhshe d a series of mod-
ulations from classical Greek ot Euripides
Henry Miller) Edgar
s than
ler Hemingway Fitzgerald
n Poe was better known tc
t Mar
Twan
remained most populai his eaily Aiabic renditions
revisited bv later tianslators Lately Arabic versions
of Walt Disney s books head the growing production
of childiens literature in tianslation including classic
tales by Leo Tolstoy Wilhelm and Jacob Gnmm
Hans Christian Andersen and modern Western
authors
In the 1960s to earh 1980s publishers in Moscow
Leipzig and othei cultuial centres of the then Com-
munist countnes produced a large numbei of Arabic
translations introducing classics ot their national liter-
atures The collaboiation between Arab and European
translator and publishing houses continues to broaden
the peispeitive of Aiab leaders on Euiopean literary
traditions (e g Arab and Swedish tianslatois at pie-
sent render fiom the original poems b) Tomas
Transtromei one of Sweden s most important con-
tempoiary poets whose foithcoming Arabic anthol-
ogy will be published by al-Mu'assasa al-'Aiabiyva h
1-Dnasat wa 1-Nashr in 2003)
Numerous translations of works bv Milan Kundera
(Czech Republic), Wole Soyinka (Nigena) Gabriel
Gaicia Marquez (Colombia! and Aziz Nesin Turkev)
in the couise of the last decade testify to lasting aspi-
rations by leading Aiab translators and publishers to
bung the best of modern woild liteiatuie to their
In literary translation, tiansmission thiough inter-
mediary languages remains a pioblem (e g Kundera
and Maiquez weie first translated from Fiench Italo
TARDJAMA — TA'RIB
CaKino and Ibsen from English etc ) Duplications
(e g four recent renderings of George Orwell s 1984)
could be avoided through better professional com-
munication (al-'Avsawi 11-12)
Translations of non-fictional literature range from
the modern sciences business social theories philo-
sophy (e g Foucault) psvchoanalvsis (e g Freud, Pierre
Daco) literan theor> (eg Barthes) general histor>
history of religions and religious writings psychology
and social behaviour (e g Edward De Bono to popu-
lar science adaptations, textbooks at all educational
levels etc Randomly selected and outdated source
Woiks which lepresent Western points ol view on
the history and culture of the region have alwavs
aroused interest among Arab translators and readers
e g the latest accomplishment of the Egyptian National
Translation Project, the 2002 translation of Manly n
Booths study on Bay ram al-Tumsi the recent trans-
lations of studies on modern Palestinian and Egyptian
history bv the German scholai Alexander Scholch
on Libyan history bv the Italian scholar Francesco
Goro etc)
A growing transmission of modem scientific knowl-
edge has emphasised the need for an even closei co-
operation between professionals in specific helds and
in translation in the seaich for Arabic equivalents ol
foieign teims and modes of scientific txpiession (al-
'Aysawi 15)
Dunng the entire modern penod translations have
been made primarily in aljusha While the part ol
al 'ammnta increases in original fictional writings and
the performing atts of Atabic theatie and cinema it
remains limited in fictional translation The colloquial
veisions of Arabic are entirely absent from non-
hctional tianslation As a taiget language al fusha has
shown flexibility adjusting its structures to fit new
forms of discourse bi ought by tianslation In the
process of giving shape to new ideas and meanings
translation has constantly peifected its linguistic vehicle
By modernising the vocabulary amplifying the seman-
tics and moditvmg and simplifying the sentence struc-
tuie of the language tianslation contributes to building
a modern informative and to-the-point style of expies-
sion in liteiary Arabic Modern translation has enriched
the cultures of Arab nations and shaied their best
achievements with the world m the last two decades
ol the 20th century alone b881 books were trans-
lated into Arabic and b75b fiom Arabic into other
languages
Bibliography M Mahir and \\ Ule Deutsihe
lutoren in ambischer Sprache irabisiht iutoren in diutscher
Sprache Saui n d H Peres Le roman le conk it la
noumlle dans la htteiatun arabe moderne in UEO, in
(1937) 266-337 (esp list of trs from the Fiench
289-311) TawfTk al-Hakim h album al masrahi Gano
19b7 (ti of diama) Budayr Hilmi al \lu' aththuat
al adjnabntaji 'I adab al 'atabm al haditji Cairo 1982
Ahmad Tsam al-Din Harakat al tard^ama ft \lisr ji
I ham al'ishrm Cairo 1986 Sa'id 'Allush Khitab
al tardfama al adabma mm al izdiuadjn\a ila I mu
thakaja al Maghub al hadith (1912 19j6) Rabat 1990
Hussamkhatib Harakat al tardfama alfilashnma mm
alnahda hatta anakhn al kam al'ishrm Beirut 1995
ucTara' Cairo 199b Sahm 'Ays al Tardfama ji
khidmat al thakaja I djamahinua Damascus 1999
I'NESC O Index Translatmnum Database Pans 2002
Periodicals on translation al Luan al ' Arabi
ALECSO imbu Journal of irabisation ALEC SO (lex-
icology teiminologvi, Turajuman The King Fahd
School for Ti anslation Tangiei Madjallat al alsun
I, I tardfama Cairo Taitasul Aden Madjallat al
adab it a I tardjama, Universite Saint-Espnt Kazlik
Lebanon (Mirena Christoff)
TA'RiB
2 Arabicisation as a weapon ol modern
Given that the Aiabic language is commonly iden-
tified as a vital if not the most important aspect of
Arab nationalist ideologies — whether they aie pan-
Arab regional or state-specific — Arabicisation has
played a significant role in modem Arab politics In
the early 19th century, before Arab nationalist dis-
couise began to emerge Muhammad 'All [q o] of
Egypt laid the loundations for the use of Arabic as
an instrument of state-building As part of his efforts
to modernise education in Egypt particularly military
medical and scientific education Muhammad 'All
authonsed the establishment of a School of Languages
Madrasat al ilsun) in 1835 The school was closed in
1850 dunng the reign of 'Abbas Hilmi I [qi] but
reopened in 1863 on oiders of Isma'il Under the
leadeiship of Rifa'a al-Tahtawi (1801-73 [qi ]) during
both of its phases the school undei took an ambitious
program ol not only tiaimng tianslators but also of
translating and publishing European texts in Arabic
Thus the School ol Languages pioneered the ideol-
ogy and the methodology ol ta'rib The European
works chosen lor translation reflected the interests ol
the State as determined mainly by al-Tahtawi who
remained loyal to the house of Muhammad 'Ah
throughout his life These works included texts in
geography, history medicine military sciences and
politics In translating modern European works into
Aiabic the staff of the School of Languages devised
not only the pnnciples for iendenng foieign languages
into a clear modern Arabic idiom but also coined
Arabic vocabulary to express novel technical terms
In many ways therefore the school provided the intel-
lectual lesources foi the Arab nationalist movement
that gained ground in the latter half of the 19th cen-
tury and piovided Arab nationalists with grounds for
asserting the continuing vitality and centrality of Arabic
in then nationalist programs
The woik of European and American missionaries
primarily in the Levant provided a second catalyst
for the levitahsation of Arabic during the 19th cen-
tury American and Bntish Protestant missions, eager
to distinguish themselves from the French Catholics
who insisted upon and actively promoted the use of
French encouraged the translation of the Bible and
liturgical leadings into Aiabic The schools established
by Protestant missionaries also promoted the study of
Arabic in their curricula The political consequences
of these policies were pel haps more significant and
long-lasting than the religious The missionanes helped
to nurtuie a sense of Arab national identity among
both Muslims and Christians that distinguished them
linguistically from the othei constituents of the Otto-
iwbimation in 4rab nationalist discourse
The unifying factor of language in Aiab nationalism
is a theme dev eloped at length by a numbei of lntel-
lectuals during the late 19th and early 20th cental les
'Abd al-Rahman al-kawakibi {ca 1849-1902 [?»])
viewed Aiab political unity and cultural revival as a
necessary piecuisor to pan-Islamic unity and revival
In Umm al hum as part ot his argument for Arab
leadership ol the Islamic world he claims that the
language ot the Arabs is the language common to all
Muslims \et he also prepares the foundation for later
secular Arab nationalists by acknowledging that Arabic
is the native language of both Muslims and non-
Muslims. The Lebanese Maronite scholar Ibrahim
al-Yazidji (1847-1906 [see AL-YAzrojl. 2.J) equated
nationhood with language. The standard Arabic of
the educated classes provides an integrative force that
surpasses the disintegrative tendencies of religion and
culture. For this reason, al-Yazidji championed the
revival and dissemination of the standard literary lan-
guage [al-hgha al-fmha), based on classical Kur'anic
Arabic, in opposition to various suggestions for replac-
ing it with colloquial dialects (al-lughal al-'amma). He
participated in efforts to modernise and simplify Arabic
pedagogy, arguing that the proper use and teaching
of a language is necessary to political, economic and
cultural modernisation efforts. The standard Arabic
also demarcates, for al-Yazidji, the boundaries between
cultural distinctiveness and by implication their even-
tual political autonomy, the Arabs had to preserve
their language from foreign corruption, including the
use of loan words and especially the adoption of the
Latin script in place of the Arabic, as suggested bv
some reformers of the time. Instead, he proposed rules
for Arabicisation of foreign words and names that
would either assimilate them into Arabic phonology
and morphology or distinguish them clearly as foreign
The most powerful stimulus for the rise of an Arab
nationalist discourse came from the Turkification pol-
icy pursued by the Young Turks after they seized
power in Istanbul in 1908. The Ottoman constitution
of 1876 had established Turkish as the official lan-
guage of the empire but had provided no details for
ical program adopted by the Committee of Union
and Progress [see ittihad we terakkI djem'iyyeti] in
1908 not only reaffirmed that "the ' official language
of the state will remain as Turkish" but it also stip-
ulated provisions for enacting this policy (see Kayali
1997, 90-4). All civil servants and government offi-
cials, including members of parliament, were instructed
to conduct business in Turkish. The teaching of
Turkish was made compulsory in elementary schools
and Turkish was imposed as the medium of instruc-
tion in all secondary and higher education. As a result
of this policy, Arabic was taught in the state sec-
ondary schools of the Arab provinces as a foreign
language, with instruction in Arabic grammar pro-
vided in Turkish by Arab teachers who were often
not conversant in Turkish or by Turkish teachers who
were frequently not expert in the intricacies of Arabic
grammar. Arab students caught speaking Arabic out-
side the classroom were subject to punishment. The
imposition of Turkish was coupled with a campaign
conducted through the Turkish newspapers to paint
Arabic as a stagnant language and its speakers as an
obstacle to the progressive reforms launched by the
Young Turks.
Arab responses to the Turkification policy came
from a number of political, literary and educational
societies, some based in Arab cities, others in Europe.
The Arab Congress of 1913, a gathering of Arab
intellectuals and political activists in Paris, adopted a
resolution demanding in part: "La langue arabe doit
etre reconnue au Parlement ottoman et considered
comme officielle dans les pays syriens et arabes" (Zeine
1966, 161). Another group, the Arab Revolutionary
Society [al-d^am'iyya al-lhawrina al-'arabina). called in
the same year for a more drastic measure: complete
Arab independence from the Ottoman Empire. The
society's "Proclamation [balagh) to the Arabs, the Sons
of Kahtan" expounded the superiority of Arabic over
Turkish and denounced Turkish attempts to substi-
tute the "sacred" language of Islam with Turkish trans-
lations of such things as the call to praver and the
ritual praver itself. The proclamation also appeals to
Christians and Jews to recognise that their common
language unites them with Muslims in a single Arab
nation: "Let the Muslims, the Christians, and the Jews
be as one in working for the interest of the nation
(umma) and of the country (bilad). You all dwell in
one land, you speak one language, so be also one
nation and one hand." The fanaticism that divides
the religious communities is deliberately cultivated
by the Turkish authorities, the proclamation avers.
Religious hostilities will subside when "our affairs, our
learning, and the verdicts of our courts will be con-
ducted in our own language" [ibid.. 174-7; Haim 1976,
83-8).
Opposition to the Turkification policy also figures
prominently in the works of individual intellectuals.
In his newspaper al-Mupd, 'Abd al-Gham al-'Uraysi
(1891-1916) wrote incessantly on the need for Arabs
to resist attempts to undermine their language. He
demanded that Arabic be recognised in the Ottoman
constitution as the primary official language in the
Arab provinces of the empire, and that it be enforced
as such in the schools and ci\il administration. He
urged Arabs to insist that all foreign schools teach
Arabic as the national language of the students they
were educating, alongside Turkish, the official lan-
guage of the empire, and a foreign language, such as
English or French. Al-'LTravsT also campaigned for the
use of a simple, pure Arabic idiom in private com-
munications, one that avoided flowery expressions that
he blamed on Turkish influences or words and phrases
borrowed from French, the language popular among
many educated Arabs, especially his fellow Lebanese.
Al-'Uraysfs growing influence among Arab nationalists
led to his execution by Turkish authorities in Beirut
in 1916.
Arab nationalist writing in the period after World
War I continued to emphasise the role of the Arabic-
language, but with the imposition of English and
French mandates in much of the former Ottoman
Arab provinces, the perceived threat to Arabic came
from English and French, not Turkish. "Abd Allah
al-'Alayili's (b. 1914) Duslilr al-'awb al-kawml, published
in 1941, is a not so veiled attack on the dissemina-
tion of French in his native Lebanon: "The duty of
nationalists who are imbued with a burning and true
belief is to persuade society by all possible means to
free itself from all languages except the one which it
is desirable to impose, attachment to which must be
fanatical. ... In such a fanaticism we must mingle hate
and contempt for anyone who does not speak that
national language, which we hold sacred and venerate
as a high ideal" (Haim 1976, 121-2). In his 1952 arti-
cle al-hlam wa 'l-kawmnya al-'atabiyya 'Abd al-Rahman
al-Bazzaz (1913-73) declared the Arabic language to
be the "soul of our Arab nation and the primary
aspect of its national life" (ibid., 181). Zaki al-Arsuzi
(1900-68) argued that the true Arab genius lies in the
Arabic language, which had flowered well before the
advent of Islam. Thus, for al-Arsuzi, the origins of
the Arab nation lie in its pre-Islamic antiquity, and
the Prophet Muhammad becomes simply one among
many who forged an Arab national consciousness.
' " " "1 modern Arabs, Christians and
Muslims, i
I identic
by r.
he suggested a number of radical reform
(see Suleiman 2003, 146-57).
The period between the two World Wars saw
increasing opposition to French rule in Algeria,
Morocco and Tunisia as well. French colonialism in
all three countries had meant the imposition of a
policy of francophonie that made French the sole offi-
cial language. The independence movements in the
Maghrib would consequently stress Arabic along with
Islam as the unifying and authentic markers of nation-
hood. In 1931, Shaykh 'Abd al-Hamld Ben Badls
(1889-1940 [see ibn badIs]) and his. colleagues in the
Association of Algerian Muslim 'Ulama' adopted the
motto "Islam is our religion, Arabic is our language.
More than any other writer, it was Sati' al-Husri
(1880-1968 [q.v. in Suppl.]) who most firmly estab-
lished the common Arabic language as the basis for
Arab nationalism. Unlike other writers who included
such factors as shared culture, customs, interests and
physical environment in their definitions of Arab
nationalism, al-Husri limited his idea to a shared lan-
guage and a shared history. The priority he attaches
to the two is clearly articulated in the following passage
from Muhadaratji nuM' al-fiha al-kawmiyya: "Language
feeling. A nation which forgets its history loses its feel-
ing and consciousness. A nation which forgets its lan-
guage loses its life and [very] being" (Suleiman 2003,
132).
Al-Husri was keenly aware, however, that linguis-
tic unity was largely a fiction, that the common stan-
dard Arabic was shared by only a small fraction of
Arabs, namely, the literate classes, whereas the vast
majority of Arabic speakers were divided by widely
divergent colloquial dialects. In order to realise his
vision of a language-based Arab identity, al-Husn
devoted much of his career to promoting the mod-
ernisation and simplification of classical Arabic gram-
mar, with the intention of reconciling standard Arabic
with the dialects, and then disseminating this modern
standard Arabic in the new educational system of
Arab countries. At the same time, he waged a fierce
intellectual battle against advocates of regional ver-
naculars as the basis for an Egyptian, Syrian or 'Iraki
nationalism. Salama Musa (1887-1958 [q.v.]), for exam-
ple, campaigned for replacing standard Arabic, which
he considered a dead language, with a refined Egyptian
colloquial as the medium of writing, communication
and education in his \ision of Egyptian nationalism.
Al-Husri bitterly denounced the suggestion that the
teaching of standard Arabic was an anachronism akin
to the teaching of Latin. The analogy between Latin
and its Romance language successors is inapplicable
to classical Arabic and its regional vernaculars because
of the continuing use by modern Arabs of the jiisha.
Similarly, in response to Taha Husayn's (1889-1973
[q.v.] i contention that Egypt should look to its
pharaonic past as the basis for its modern national
identity, al-Husri caustically asked whether a modern
Egyptian would be able to speak with a revived
Egyptian pharaoh or with Ibn Khaldun.
Arabicisation m Arab politia
Arabicisation has been pursued to some degree by
all post-colonial Arab states as an integral part of
their state-building enterprise, and Arabicisation has
generally meant the promotion of modern standard
Arabic as the common language within indhidual
Arab states as well as among them. The goal of
Arabicisation programs has been to cultivate a national
identity in opposition to the European imperialist
legacy that left behind pockets of anglophone or fran-
cophone elites or in opposition to ethnic fragmenta-
tion caused by indigenous languages such as Berber,
Kurdish or various Nilo-Saharan and other African
languages spoken in southern Sudan. Promoting stan-
dard Arabic also targets the disintegrative tendencies
of the spoken Arabic dialects and thus serves an impor-
tant ideological function in pan-Arabist schemes and
a very practical function in more specific national pro-
jects, where sometimes different regional vernaculars
exist within a single state. Finally, Arabicisation has
been bolstered by the rise of Islamist groups that
accentuate the connection between Arabic and the
Islamic identity of the vast majority of the popula-
tions of Arab states. Arabic is today designated as an
official language in the constitutions of nearly all 22
members of the Arab League, and it is the sole offi-
cial language in some 16 states.
Egypt was among the first Arab states to react to
the dissemination of English and French as a delib-
erate policy of imperialism. In 1888, the British colo-
nial administration in Egypt announced that the
language of instruction in all Egyptian schools should
be either English or French. This policy was coupled
with the promotion of the Egyptian colloquial over
the literary Arabic as the "authentic" language of
Egypt. Various British officials, most famously William
Wilcox in a speech in 1892, argued that Egypt's
adherence to literary Arabic was a major reason for
its backwardness and that the key to Egypt's progress
lay in making the spoken language Egypt's written
language as well. The British language policies were
not met with immediate resistance, but to the contrary
the policies found champions among many influential
Egyptian reformers. Calls for a restoration of standard
Arabic in the national life of Egypt became pronounced
when the independence movement gained ground in
the early 20th century. Sa'd Zaghlul [q.v.], in his
capacity of Minister of Education (1906-10), worked
to replace English with Arabic in Egypt's schools. The
Pedagogy Committee of the University of Cairo (est.
1908), headed by the then Prince Fu'ad, recommended
that the official language of instruction at the university
be Arabic, but, given the poverty of instructional mate-
rial in that language, French and English would serve
by necessity and temporarily as the medium of instruc-
tion in many faculties. Despite these early efforts, as
late as the 1940s Arabic was rarely the medium of
instruction in Egypt's educational system, except for
the religious schools supervised by al-Azhar. The for-
eign-language schools, where most of Egypt's elite
were educated, continued to exclude Arabic altogether,
leading Taha Husayn in Mmtakbal al-thakafa ft Afisr
(1938) to warn of the cultural and political conse-
quences for the nation. Taha Husayn's demand that
Arabic be taught in all foreign schools (though the
medium of instruction remained English or French)
became government policy in the early 1940s.
Syria and then 'Irak launched Arabicisation poli-
cies under the direction of Sati' al-Husri, who served
as an advisor and education minister to Faysal b.
Husayn [see faysal ]]. The short-lived Arab national
government in Damascus (October 1918-July 1920)
undertook several measures to build Arab national
consciousness in the country, including the imple-
mentation of an Arabic curriculum at all grade lev-
els, requiring the rapid translation into Arabic of
textbooks and the training of qualified instructors. Al-
Husri continued the aborted Arabicisation program
in Syria when he relocated to 'Irak with Faysal. The
teaching of foreign languages was eliminated in state
primarv schools, and the ioreign-sponsoied schools
were forced to adopt much of the nationalist-oriented
curriculum developed ioi the state schools
The ascendancv of pan-Aiab politics dunng the
1950s laised the language issue to new levels oi polit-
ical sahencv Both oi the dominant ideologies oi pan-
Arabism, namelv, Nassensm and Ba'thism, emphasised
the alleged unity of language as a kev constituent oi
the single Arab nation The lesult was the iuithei
curtailment if not outnght elimination, oi the influ-
ence oi ioreign languages in Egypt, Svna and Trak
In Egvpt, standard Aiabic was promoted as the lan-
guage of instruction in all sub]ects, including technical
and scientific subjects generallv taught m universities
in English The debates on the plate oi colloquial
Egyptian in Egyptian national life faded but did
not die entirelv, as evinced bv the contioversv engen-
dered bv the publication of Luwis 'Awad's (1915-90)
Mukaddima fl fikh at lugha al 'arabiyui in 1980 This
woik which attempts to sevei the link between Aiabic
and Egyptian nationhood, was published, pel haps not
bv coincidence following Egypt's expulsion irom the
Arab League because of its peace treaty with Israel
Lebanon was the Arab state most torn b\ the
advent of pan-Aiab ideologies and language figuied
piominently in its political disputes In 1962 Peie
Selim Abou, a \oung Lebanese Jesuit teaching at the
Umv ersitv of St Joseph in Beirut, published Bihngutsmi
arabe fram,a>s au Liban, in which he argued that
Lebanon's bilingual charactei is unique among Aiab
countries and not the lesult oi foieign domination
Much of the Christian population and man\ of the
Muslim elites as well used French well befoie the
French Mandate he pointed out French has been
voluntarily adopted, Pere Abou suggests, b\ a segment
of the Lebanese population, especialK the Maiomtes,
"to expiess their deepest spintual needs' (Savigh 19b 1 ),
121) Such views were stronglv challenged b\ other
Lebanese wnteis including a numbei of prominent
Maromtes Kamal Yusuf al-Hadjdj (1917-761, ioi exam-
ple aigued that Lebanon's bilinguahsm was largely a
m\th since onl\ a small percentage of the elite classes
m each confessional gioup commanded native mas-
tery of both Arabic and Fiench French was the lan-
guage oi Lebanon s European coloniser and its
continued use instead of Arabic b\ the Lebanese
maiked then inferior status and dependence upon
Similar controversies involving the lole of Fiench
have occurred in the countries of the Maghrib Algeria
Morocco and Tunisia have all pursued eftoits to pro-
mote standard Arabic as a marker of then national
identities as well as their solidarity with the broadei
Arab world But the three countries have exhibited
varvmg degiees of official hostilitv to the use oi French
in national life Algeria, which experienced the longest
and most intensive process of Gallicisation, has pur-
sued the most zealous Arabic isation agenda During
the 1960s under President Houan Boumedienne, the
government adopted the goal of total Arabic isation
in goveinment and education Subsequently, laws
were passed requiring fluencv in standard Arabic as
a qualification for a government job, and standard
Aiabic became the medium for broadcasting on state-
controlled television and radio In the private sector,
howevei, businesses continued to give preference to
those with command oi Fiench The disci lrranation
iaced bv voung Arabic -speaking university graduates
led to a senes of student demonstrations and strikes
in the mid-1980s dining the presidencv of Chadli
Benjedid In an efloit to quell the unrest, the Benjedid
government issued a directive to emplovers to end
language-bas< d preferences in hiring but little changed
in actual hiring practices Continued student piotests
m 1990, coupled with the use of the Islamic movement
in Algerian politics led to new legislation to limit the
use oi Fiench in public spheies and to restrict the
numbei oi Fiench-language newspapeis and magazines
impoited into the countrv
Bv contiast Morocco and Tunisia have demon-
stiated much less hostilitv to the Iegacv oi French
Moroccan governments have puisued deeplv ambiva-
lent policies The fust goveinment initiated a full
Aiabicisation program for the country's schools and
buieaucracv m 19%, onlv to reveise itself two vears
later King Hassan II extolled the vntues of Arabi-
c isation while doing little to implement it, paiticulailv
as he sought gi eater economic and political ties with
France In Tunisia the goveinment of Habib Boui-
guiba encouraged bilinguahsm in its efforts to main-
tain close ties with Fiance and the lest of Euiope, a
policv that has been continued bv Bourguiba s suc-
cessor, Zavn al-'Abidin Ben 'All Islamic opposition
groups in Tunisia, mainly the Islamic Nahda Paity,
include the government's lack oi commitment to Aiabi-
In addition to European languages and the collo-
quial Arabic dialects, the politics of Arabicisation has
targeted indigenous icgional languages Tht status of
Berber dialects has been especially problematic in
Morocco and Algeria, the two countries with the
laigest Berber-speaking populations and the most
oigamsed Berber political movements In response to
Berber agitation in southern Morocco during 1994
Hassan II declared in a speech on August 20 1994,
that Berber dialects and Moioccan Arabic should be
included in the national educational system at least
in pnmary schools This statement signalled a gieatei
visibility of Berber in the state media, but its critics
charge that it has effectively undermined the recog-
nition of Berber as a national language alongside
Arabic In Algena, the political hbei ahsation from
1988 to 1991 led to a resurgence of Berber political
activity The Mouvement Cultuiel Beibere (MCB)
organised large demonstrations and boycotts of schools
and univeisities demanding that the government offi-
cially recognise the Berber dialect of Tamazight [q < ]
The government responded by creating the Haut
Commissanat a la Amazighite in 1993 for the pro-
motion of Tamazight in education and mass com-
munication In April 2004 Tamazight was lecognised
mtion fell short of Berber demands that it be acknowl-
edged as an official language which the government
leaffirmed throughout the 1990s as being standaid
The Kurdish minoiities in Syna and 'Iiak have
faced similar obstacles to gaining official status tor
then language Kui dish-language publications were
banned in Syna after independence Its 197 3 consti-
tution declared Aiabic alone to be the official lan-
guage Tiak's 1925 constitution also established Aiabic
as the sole official language of the country but the
use of Kurdish in schools and other public spheres
was always accepted by the goveinment in the pie-
dommantlv Kurdish regions of the north The 'Iraki
law of administration tor the tiansition period, pro-
mulgated in March 2004 following the Amencan occu-
pation of the country recognises both Arabic and
Kurdish as official languages
The constitution of Sudan designates Arabic as the
offic lal language of the republic , but adds that ' the
TA'RlB — TARIK
state shall allow the development of other local and
international languages". The reference to other local
languages is presumably to the 100 or so African lan-
guages spoken in the southern, mainly non-Muslim
part of the country. The British colonial administra-
tion cultivated these regional dialects along with English
in an openly espoused policy of divide and rule. Post-
independence Sudanese governments have pursued
Arabicisation with the argument that a common lan-
guage is the most effective means of maintaining the
unity of the country. Yet Arabicisation has been
strongly resisted in the south as merely one aspect of
Khartoum's attempts to Arabise and, since the late
1980s, Islamise the Christian and animist regions of
the country.
Organisations promoting Arabicisation
A number of organisations have been founded by
Arab governments and by the Arab League to pro-
mote the policy of Arabicisation. The Arab Academy
was created in 1919 in Damascus as part of the inten-
sive Arabicisation program launched under Sati' al-
Husrf. Its principal mission was to coin Arabic terms
for scientific and technological applications. The Royal
Academy of the Arabic Language (al-Madjma' al-malaki
h 'l-lugha al-'ambma) in Cairo was established in
December 1932 by a royal decree of King Fu'ad. Its
mandate was to explore all means by which the Arabic
language could be revitalised. The King personally
took an interest in orthographic reform, advocating
the use of different characters to function as capital
letters, dubbed the huruf al-tadf. This experiment was
ultimately abandoned, but the academy continued to
debate various measures for orthographic and gram-
matical simplification for years to come. Under Nasser
[see 'abd al-nasir, in Suppl.], the academy diverted
its attention away from internal reform of the lan-
guage to formulating new terminology for scientific
and technical applications. This shift reflected the
regime's argument that Arabicisation should proceed
the bearer of the common Arab heritage, and should
focus instead on only those reforms necessary for eco-
nomic and scientific progress. Other Arabic language
academies have been established in Baghdad (1947)
and 'Amman (1976).
The need to coordinate the work of the various
national language academies was acknowledged in
1961 by the Arab League. The Bureau for the Coor-
dination of Arabicisation in the Arab World was estab-
lished the following year in Rabat. The bureau has
organised a number of international scholarly con-
ferences on Arabic reform and pedagogy and pub-
lishes the journal al-hsan al-'Arabl. In 1989, the Arab
Center for Arabization, Translation, Authorship and
Publication (ACATAP) was established in Damascus
by an agreement between the government of Syria
and the Arab League Educational, Cultural and
Scientific Organization (ALECSO). ACATAP's goals
include translating foreign works into Arabic and trans-
into selected foreign languages. The centre also pub-
lishes a semi-annual journal titled al-Ta'nb.
Bibliography: E. Shouby, The influence of the Arabic
language on the psychology of the Arabs, in MEJ, v/3
(Summer 1951), 284-302; Rosemary Sayigh, The
bilingualism controversy in Lebanon, in The World Today,
xxi/3 (March 1965), 120-30; Z.N. Zeine, The emer-
gence of Arab nationalism, with a background study of
Arab-Turkish relations in the Near East, Beirut 1966;
Sylvia G. Haim (ed.), Arab nationalism: an anthology,
Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976; M. Sayadi (al-
Sawadi) Le bun
ie lar
ibisation dans
le monde arabe a Rabat (Maroi) Lille 1980 idem al
Ta'nb u.a tansikuhu fi I natan al'arah Beirut 1980
idem al Ta'nb ua dauruhu fi tadim al itujud al 'arabi
ua luahda al 'arabiyya Benut 1982 G Grand
guillaume Arabisation et politique hnguishque au Maghreb
(Islam dhier et d au,ourd hui no 19) Pans 1983
S Hammad et al al Lugha al 'arabiyya ua I ua'y al
kaumi Beirut 1984 A Avalon Language and change
in the Arab Middle East the evolution of modern political
discourse New \ork 1987, B Lewis The political Ian
guage of Islam C hicago 1 988 \ Suleiman (ed )
iiabic socwhnguistics issues and perspectnes Richmond
Surrey 1 994 idem (ed ) Language and identity in the
Middle East and North Africa Richmond Surrev 1996
H Kayah Arabs and loung Turks Ottomamsm irabism
and Is/amism in the Ottoman Empire 1908 1918
Berkeley 1997 JM Landau (ed) Language and pol
itics theory and cases in International Journal of the
Sociology of Language cxxxvii ( 1 999) Suleiman (ed )
Language and society in the Middle East and North Africa,
studies in i anation and identity Richmond Surrey 1999
idem The Arabic language and national identity a study
in ideology Edinburgh 2003
(Sohail H Hashmi)
TARIK (a pis turuk turukat etc ) road route
wav path apparently a native Arabic word and
with the idea of a wav which has been prepared for
traffic to some extent bv leselling b> the spreading
of stones etc (see C de Landberg Glossaire datinois
Leiden 1920-42, in 2204-5) The word shares a com
mon field of geographical reference with similar terms
like sirat [q i ] darb (see R Hartmann El art s % )
maslaka and shan' [q i ] though each is to be dis
tmgui
shed n
.ses is bidden to stnke a dry
load or path (tank) through the sea in order to escape
Pharaoh (XX 79/77) and thus achiese physical sal-
vation However the Kur'an usually emplovs al sirat
[almustakim] for the spiritual highwav to Paradise (I
6 XLII 52-3 XLIII 42/43) and never al tank al
mustakim
-itual c
: This
e like
the Latin i la in terms of its topographical role although
the phvsical lavout and mode of construction of the
two might differ considerably The Roman Empire
had many famous roads like the \ias Appia Flamima
and Valeria Many of these were of antique, pre-
Roman origin and the same was true of Near Eastern
trade routes which ran from Syria to the towns of
the Hidjaz and South Arabia, linking the Byzantine
empire with the Arabian peninsula and the lands
across the Arabian Sea towards India In ancient
Rome the i me played a vital role in buttressing Roman
military power and in facilitating trade In early Islamic
times the turuk likewise performed these functions
and furthermore, com eyed pilgrims lourneymg on
the Hadjdj [q i ] to the Holy Places Piety was ac-
cordingly an additional motive for rulers governors
and others who built and maintained roads supplied
wavmarks I'alam) and constructed caravanserais [see
khan] and the Arab geographers record in detail the
Pilgrimage routes which crossed the Islamic lands
such as the Darb Zubavda [q i in Suppl ] across
Nadjd from 'Irak to Mecca as do figures like Ibn
Djubavi and Ibn Battuta [qn] in their tia\el accounts
the kur'an itself (XXII, 28/27) implies a diversity of
wavs with the Ka'ba as their goal Maslaka was in
many ways a synonym of tank but figures promi-
' ' ' ■ in the name
genre of this last the ioad bonks or al masahi ua
I mamalil [qi] an impoitant element ol which was
also the fixing of the geographical to-oidinates of
plates (see Blachere Extraits des prmcipaux gtographes
arahes du Moyen ige Benut-Algieis 1934 Pans 1957
110-200 pjiigjRAFii \ it \ol II 575) at all events
Ibn Khuiradadhbih [q L ] mav be accounted the fathei
Those twul which weie ma]Oi highwavs of the
Islamic world lor tiade and communication natuialh
stimulated the giowth of staging posts \mana il [see
g them Mecca ma\
1 these
the
the Wadi 1-Kura [qc] (but cl the the -
sis of Patricia Crone in her Meuan trade and the ns,
of Islam Oxford 1987 that the importance of Mecca
as a centie foi pre-Islamic tiade has been much exag-
gerated) \et undoubtedlv Samaikand [q i J la\ at the
intersection of trade routes coming from India and
Afghanistan and fiom Khuiasan and western Persia
and then leading northwards and eastwards along the
Silk Route to eastern Turkistan and C hina — the
Golden Road to Samarqand which forms the cul-
mination and envoi of the James Elrov Fleckei s id
1915) poetu diama Hassan The famous Silk Route
or better Silk Routes ran westwards fiom Van in
China through Lanzhou to Dunhuang where the wavs
split proceeding either along the northern or south-
ern urns of the Tanm basin \qi] to Tashkent
Samarkand Bukhaia and thence to the cahphal lands
of Peisia and 'Irak and through Anatolia or along
the Black Sea coast to Bvzantium I sec M Mollat du
Jourdin ch Des routes continentales a h \oie ma-
ritime (fin du Mo\en Age) in UNESCO Lis routts
dela me Patrimome commun identites plunelles Pans 1994
1-19 K Baipakov ch \III/2 The Silk Route acioss
Central Asia in C E Bosworth and Muhammid
Asimov (eds ) c \ESG0 Histon of tht (alligations of
Central \sia i\ The agt of achu imint ID 750 to th,
end of the fifteenth tentury pt 2 Pans 2000 221 b
Fiances Wood The Silk Road London 2000 13) At
the othei side of the Islamic world caravan loutes
across the Sahaia Desert brought the slaves and gold
of ancient Mali and Gham to the North African cities
(see E\\ Bovill The golden trade of the Moon London
1958) whilst the Darb al Arba'in [qi\ Route which
took foit\ da\s linked Egvpt and Nubia with the
eastern lands of the Bilad al-Sudan bringing slaves
ivory ostrich featheis etc [see sud\n bil^d ^l-]
It should be noted that tan, should not be con-
fused with the related term tanl a pi taia'il SufT
Bibhographt (in addition to lefeiences given in
the aiticle) A Mez Du Renaissance des Islams
Heidelbeig 1922 Eng tr Patna 1937 ch \\\III
A Miquel La geogiaphu humaine du mondi musulman
Pans 1967-88 i ch 8 i\ ch 7 I R Netton (ed )
Golden wads Migration pilgnmagt and hotel in mediai
al and modern Islam Richmond Sunev 1993
S Hornblower and A Spaffoith The Oxford dassi
cal dictionary 'Oxford 1999 arts Roads \ia
(IR Netton)
TA'RIKH
II 1 In the Juab world
(O The period 1500 to 1800
l The Ottoman oaupation of the central Arab lands
The Ottoman Empire in a few decisive battles
destroved the Mamluk Sultanate (1250-1517 [see
mamluks]) which included Egvpt Svna and parts of
Anatolia (with the Hidjaz within its sphere ol influ-
ence) Egvpt, the centre of empties foi centunes and
also S\na became tax-pa\ing Ottoman provinces for
the next thiee nominallv foui centunes Latei in the
lbthcenturv, the \ emen Tiak and Noith Africa (with
the exception of Moiocco) wtie also incorporated into
the Ottoman Empne with varying degiees of cen
Foi Egvpt in particulai the thang< of rule was
traumatic It is tiue that like the Mamluks the
Ottomans weie Turcophone Sunnis and weie luled
bv a foreign-bom militarv caste \et the language of
administiation under the Mamluks had been Arabic
now under the Ottomans it was Tuikish Under the
new legime all govemois chief government officials
ladis and soldiers came horn the Turkish piovinces
and spoke Turkish Thus the foreign presence m the
Arab lands was much more massive than before At
the beginning manv of the natives of Svna Egvpt
and othei Aiab lands legarded the Ottomans as bad
Muslims negligent of the ieligious ordinances and
disiespectful of the Sharfa This judgment entailed
automatical a view of the lulers as un]ust Later this
negative image of the Ottomans changed however
as the Ottomans staiting with the long and stable
ieign of Sultan Sidesman Kanum (the Magnificent
1520-bb [/ ]| became themselves more devout The
dvnastv emphasised its role as pious Muslim iuleis
and defendeis of Islam against Christian infidels in
the west and Shi'i heietus in the east Neveitheless
anti-Tuikish sentiments peisisted beside a genuine
lovaltv toward the Ottoman dvnastv itself and the
disluit sultan m Istanbul Such seemmglv contiadic-
could o
md are reflected in the
The Mamluk sultanate was extremelv n
:oiiographv isee (bi at \ ol \ 27ba-280a)
1 ige
centlv
ippre
ealth o
tonogiaphv undei Ottor
FeAPT
The political diplomatic and militarv, events lead-
ing to the Mamluk Ottoman conflict and the occu-
pation of Egvpt (Muharram 923/Januan, 1517) and
then the first six vcars of Ottoman rule (until Dh u
1-Hidjdja 928/November 1522) are superblv narrated
bv the Cairene chiomclei Muhammad b has [see
ibn ins] The fifth volume of his Bada'i' aUuhui Ji
itaka'i' al duhui (ed Muhammad Mustafa v Cano
19bl) is a most valuable work that has few equiva-
lents in describing da\ bv dav how a new iegime
steps into the shoes of the old one Ibn Ivas not onlv
reports the decisions and moves undertaken bv the
Ottomans in Egvpt but his wilting ieflects the people s
attitudes and feelings tow aid their new masteis
Ibn Ivass hostihtv towards the Ottomans is obvi-
ous throughout his chionicle He identified with the
fallen Mamluks since he was one of ait lad a! nas [q i ]
the sons of the (important) men namelv the
Mamluks He |udged all the Ottomans — Sultan Sehm
who defeated the Mamluks his soldiers and his ladi^ —
as ciuel and ignorant
The pioblem with tl
isolated Ibn Ivas was
last repiesentatives of the great Egyptian Mamluk his-
tonographical tradition This tiadition stops abruptlv
after the Ottoman occupation It cannot be detei
mined whethei that happened because Egvpt was iel-
egated from an empne to a province oi because the
gieatei pait of the lOth/lbth centur) in Egvpt passed
hronicle is that it
inioimation about the history of Egypt in the
10th/ loth century is piovided by non-Egyptian liable
sources such as by the impoitant histories ol the
Meccan histonan Kutb al-Din al-Nahiawali (d 990/
1582 [gi]) who wiote a detailed account ol the ex-
ploits ol the Ottomans in the \emen He was famil-
iar with developments in Egypt in the Hi
n Istanbul as well s
e he tr
elled to the Ottoman capital whe
the most influential men Al-Nahrawah wrote a lengthy
history ol the Ottoman Empire up to his time, which
comprises a great part of his book about the history
ol Mecca [al Bark al yamam ft Ijath al 'uthmani ed
Hamad al-Djasir al-Riyad 1967 K al Flam bi a'lam
bait Allah al haram Beirut 1964) His attitude towards
the Ottoman state is positive in the extreme and his
woiks influenced Egyptian historians foi a long time
Since contemporary chroniclers did not cover the
greater part ol the lbth century the inioimation about
that period is cursory and episodic The historiogra-
phy of the period organises its coverage of events by
what has been called by scholais the sultan-pasha
type of chronicle The pasha is the central figure in
the i
hist
The
y by his personality and rehgiou
rofile
in 1033/lb23-4) In his Kitab Akhbar al uual Ji
sanajaji Misr mm arbab al dimal he gives a most
tory chronicle ol the Ottoman dynasty and a
y ol Egypt up to his time Ol far gi eater lmpor-
Muhammad b Abi 1-Surur al-Bakn al-Siddiki (d ca
1071/lbbl [see ^l-bakri]) the leading histonan ol
the 11th/ 17th century He was a member ol a famous
aristocratic Sufi family of Ashraf who also claimed
descent from Abu Bakr, the first caliph [see bakriyya].
The Bakrfs played a role in Egypt's religious and
public life until the middle of the 20th century. Ibn
Abi '1-Surur himself had close relations with the
Ottoman authorities in Egypt, and his attitude toward
the Ottomans is extremely laudatory, describing the
sultans as impeccably orthodox. Almost all his chron-
icles are about Ottoman Egypt, but he also wrote a
history of the Ottoman Empire, naturally with a strong
emphasis on Egypt (al-Minah al-rahmaniyya Ji 'l-dawla
al-'uthmaniyya, ed. Layla al-Sabbagh, Damascus 1995).
It was only towards the end of the llth/17th cen-
tury and during the 12th/ 18th century that Arabic
history writing in Egypt became really mature and
rich. We have many chronicles, some of them very
valuable, which fall into two main categories: (a) lit-
erary chronicles, written by educated 'ulama' or scribes
in standard literary Arabic, and (b) the popular chron-
icles or "soldiers' narratives". The "soldier" language
is ungrammatical, and the narratives have the char-
acteristics of stories told before an audience. The
chronicles of this category were created in the milieu
of the seven odjaks, or the regiments of the Ottoman
garrison in Cairo, more specifically in the 'Azab odjak,
the second largest regiment in Cairo (after the
Janissaries). These five manuscripts are known as the
Damurdashi group, since their authors are related in
one way or another to officers in the 'Azab regiment
called by this surname. The most important chroni-
cler of this group is Ahmad al-Damurdashr Katkhuda
'Azaban [see al-damurdashi] (meaning an officer
below the rank of the regimental commander in the
'Azab corps), whose chronicle ends in 1170/1756 (al-
Durra al-musana Jt akhbar al-hinana, ed. "A. 'Abd al-
Rahim, Cairo 1989, ed. and tr. D. Crecelius and
c A.bd al-Wahhab Bakr, Al-Damurdashl's chronicle of Egypt,
1688 1755, Leiden 1991). His narrative is lively,
detailed and trustworthy, and is full of information
dotes that throw light on various economic, religious
and cultural aspects of Egyptian civilian society. It is
important to note that Ahmad al-Damurdashl was
aware of the de facto autonomy of Egypt within the
Empire He calls the regime in Egypt dawlat al-Mamatik,
namely the Mamluk government, as it appears in the
book s sub-title Ft akhbar ma waka'a bi-Misr Jt dawlat
al Mamatik "that which happened in Egypt under the
Mamluk government".
The historians of the period describe in detail the
political struggles that they witnessed in Egypt, again,
particularly in Cairo. After the pashas authority
declined from the latter part of the 10th/ 16th cen-
tury power passed in the next century to the mili-
tary grandees, called amirs, beys or sanadjik (the arabised
plural of the Turkish sandjak or sandjak beyi). In the
late 17th and early 18th centuries, power shifted to
the odjaks, primarily to the Janissaries and the 'Azab,
in that order. For most of the 12th/ 18th century, the
supremacy belonged to the constantly-feuding Mamluk
beys until 1798, when the French occupation put an
end to the Mamluk regime.
AJimad Shalabl (Celebi) b. 'Abd al-Ghani's chron-
icle Audah al-ishdrat Jt-man tawalld Misr al-Kahira min
al uu^ara' ma 'l-bashat, ed. 'A.R. 'Abd al-Rahim (Cairo
1978) covers the period from the Ottoman occupa-
tion in 923/1517 to the year 1150/1737. He was an
'alim and like many 'ulama' at the time, also had Sufi
connections. He is unusually revealing personally, often
telling about himself, his impressions of the events
and the personalities that he witnessed, together with
his personal opinions and his sources of information.
Like other contemporary historians, he notes the declin-
ing power of the central Ottoman government and
contempt towards an Ottoman pasha or a kadi, while
fully acknowledging the role of the Sultan as the
supreme ruler of Islam. In addition to political events,
Ahmad Shalabl, like other historians in Ottoman
Egypt, writes about economic, social and cultural,
mainly religious, subjects. For example, Ahmad Shalabl
and his near contemporary Yusuf al-Mallawam (also
called Ibn al-Wakil) write about the devaluation of
the currency, droughts, plague, and the flooding of
the Nile and its effect on food shortages and prices.
Occasionally, information is provided concerning Arab
tribes and their chiefs, since these were often involved
in the power struggles in the capital, and more rarely
about the common people, the city poor and the fel-
laheen. Events concerning the religious minorities,
Christians and Jews are also mentioned.
We come now to the monumental work of 'Abd
al-Rahman b. Hasan al-Djabarti (1168-1241/1754 to
1825-6 [<?.»■]), the last and the greatest of the histo-
rians of Ottoman Egypt. His importance as a chron-
icler has been long recognised. He became a historian
under the influence of the French occupation of Egypt
in 1798. This was a traumatic event, and the
Egyptians' first taste of the overwhelming military
supremacy of modern Europe. Al-DjabartT wrote a
detailed description of the occupation and the peo-
ple's reaction to the French. The Frenchmen's claims
that they were Muslims, or at least friends of Islam,
were met with ridicule; the ideas of the Revolution
were totally and naturally misunderstood. For all his
hatred of the occupiers, al-Djabarti was impressed by
their love of learning and science and by their sys-
tem of justice (see b Moreh [ed and tr ] 41 Jabaih i
thromclt of tin first men month', oj thi French occupation of
Egvpt Leiden 1975) After the departure of the French
aimy and the ieturn of the Ottomans to Egvpt he
wrote another account of the occupation that was
much moie hostile to the French and much more
fav ourable to the Ottomans ( Wajiar/ Muzhir al takdis
bi raual daulat al Faransu Cano 1958) Finally he
lahhbar (4 vols Bulak 1.297/ 1880) This work is a
chronicle of Egvpt fiom the end of the 12th Hidjn
centur) (1099/lb88) setting the stage lor the nvalr)
within the amirs ianks between the Fakiri and the
kasirm [see usimitia] factions The chiomcle ends
in the year 1821 (end of A H 123b) under Mu
hammad ' Ah s [</i] rule As the book s title indicates
it is a combination of nanative (akhbar) oigamsed
by the Hidjn years followed by obituaries (taradfim
of the notables who died dunng the pievious year
Al-Djabartis coverage of events which took place
since his maturity starting around 1770 is a mas
terpiece of histor) writing The detailed description
and evaluation of the French occupation and later
the eaily stages of Muhammad 'Mis rule are writ
ten with precision honesty and insight The histo
nan s grasp of political events and of his society with
all its shades and nuances is truly impiessive He
presents to the ieadei a pinoramic view of Egyptian
primarily Cairene society economy and culture with
several important glimpses of the Bedouin and the
fellaheen as well His obituanes of amirs Al ib shaikhs
'ulama' Sufi's and other outstanding persons and his
chiomcle actually a diar) of the events that he wit
historiography Al-Djabarti was a man of strong leh
gious faith an ardent orthodox Muslim who hated
infidels and the vulgar sides of popular Islam He
admired the reformed orthodox Sufi oider of the
Khalwatiyya [qi ] to which even the chief 'ulama of
al-Azhar (Amulh al 4Jar) belonged On the other
hand he condemned and detested the excesses of the
vulgar dervish orders He often criticised the 'ulama'
for their selfishness and the Mamluk amirs for their
behaviour but he leaves no doubt that m his mind
they were better Muslims than the Ottomans the
Tuikish soldiers who massacred them at the ordei of
Muhammad 'All He hated the latter s tyianny but
acknowledged his talents Al-Djabarti s education and
appioach weie thoroughly traditional but he was the
first modem historian and he experienced the impact
of the West
S^RIA
Arabic histonography during the Ottoman period
in Bilad al hham Greater Syna is at least as rich in
quality and quantity as its Egyptian counterpart A
cential and obvious reason was that Egvpt had only
one political and intellectual centre Cano while Syna
had at least thiee centres where historical works were
wntten — Damascus Lebanon and Halab (Aleppo) —
and far behind smallei towns such as Hims Hamat
Safad and Jerusalem
The majority of the Arabic historians in Syria were
men of ieligion 'ulama' membeis of families of reli-
gious scholars and functionaries almost all of them
with some Sufi affiliations m accord with the spmt
of the times Several of the leading Lebanese chron-
lcleis were Christian clerics or buieaucrats in the ser-
vice of powerful lulers The topics covered by the
chiomcles weie local politics power struggles between
men and factions caieeis of ulama Sufi" ihaylhs
piominent Ashraf and other aSan (notables) Special
attention was paid to religious matters both among
Muslims and Chnstians Since Damascus was a majoi
station on the Pilgrimage route much information is
piovided about the Pilgrimage The chronicles are
good souices for social economic and urban histor)
giving details about food prices construction projects
and the like
By fu the most important and prolific historian of
the late Mamluk and the early Ottoman period is an
'alim a native of the al-Sahhiyya [q v] suburb of
Dimascus called Muhammad b 'All Shams al Din
b Tulun al-Sahhi al Dimashki al-Hanafl (880
953/ 1 47 r i- 154b [see ibn tulun]) Like Ibn Iyas his
Egyptian contemporary Ibn Tulun witnessed the
Ottoman occupation of his town, which he descnbed
in detail He was a professional and devoted 'alim
however and his judgment of the Ottomans from
the Sultan downwards was more balanced than that
of Ibn Iyas His Arabic style is literal) unlike that
of Ibn Iyas whose Aiabic is lively but ungrammati-
cal Ibn Tulun wiote no less than 753 treatises many
ibout Islamic learning but he owes his lame to his
many historical writings He also wrote an autobiog-
raphy His best and most detailed historical woik is
Mufakahal al khullan ft hauadith al zaman a chronicle
covering the last decades of Mamluk Syna, Damascus
in paiticular (from 884/1489) and the first years of
Ottoman rule in Damascus until the year 926/1520
(ed Muhammad Mustafa 2 vols Cairo 1381/1962
ed khahl alMansur Benut 1418/1998) He leveals
a humanistic sense of justice
Ibn Tulun wiote also a book about al-Salihiyva
his native suburb which is an important souice of
lives of notables primarily religious functionaries and
'ulama and of inioimation on idigious institutions
(al Kala'id al dfauharma fi ta nkh al ialihrna ed M A
Dahman Damascus 1401/1980) He also wrote two
impoitant books about the personalities and caieeis
of office holders in Damascus who served in that city
under the Mamluks and the Ottomans one about
goveinois of the Province of Damascus [I'lam al itara
hi man uulliya na'ib mm al ilrak bi DimaM al &ham
al Rubra ed Dahman Damascus 1984) and the
second about the chief kadis in that city (Kudat DimaM
al Thaghr al bassam ji dhkr man uullna I ada al ^ham
ed Salah al Din al-Munadjdjid Damascus 137b/195b)
Two biographical works on the governois of
Damascus were written by Ibn Djum'a al-Makarn
and Ibn al-kari The foimer (d after 1156/1743) was
a Hanafi kadi and a Kadui Sufi Sayyid Raslan Ibn
al Kan wrote his book in the first half of the 1 9th centur)
Another outstanding historian of the period whom
Ibn Tulun regarded as his teacher was 'Abd al-kadir
al Nu'aymi the author of the important historical
encyclopaedia of the schools and houses of worship
of Damascus entitled al Dam ji ta nkh al madani
(several eds inc Dja'fai al-Hasam Damascus 1988)
Al-Nu'aymi was an expert on aitlaf [see wakf] The
woik is organised by madhahib and types of institu
tions — Kur'an schools madrasas ^aunas (Sufi centres)
and the like and includes biographies of teacheis and
also details about relevant aukaf
An important histoncal souice for Syria in the
10th/ lbth centur) is Nadjm al Din s al-Ghazzi s al
hauakib al sa'ua ft a'yan al mi a al'ashira the fust of
the three centennial dictionaries of Ottoman Syria (3
vols Beirut Joumeh and Hanssa 1945 59) Al-Ghazzi
(977 1061/1570-1651) was a membei of a family of
'ulama and an orthodox Sufi of the kadui oidei
who lived in Damascus where he held seveial idi-
gious offices The biographies in the Kauahb are
arranged by generations (tabakat) of 33 years each
The order is alphabetical. Among his biographies ther
are Ottoman officials, kadis, and governors. He had
to rely extensively on information he found in w<
of earlier historians.
Al-Ghazzi continued the Kawakib with a dictionary
of lives of notables in the first tabaka of the 11th/ 17th
century entitled Lutf al-samar ma-katf al-thamar
taradjim a'yan al-tabaka al-ula min al-katn al-hadi 'a
(2 vols., ed. Muhammad al-Shaykh, Damascus 19.
It has 254 biographies, including those of Ottoman
judges, military personnel, poets, dervishes, physicians
and guild chiefs. From approximately the same time
we have the biographical dictionary of Hasan b.
Muhammad al-Burim (d. 1024/1615), Taradjim al-a'yan
min abnd' al-zaman (ed. al-Munadjdjid, 2 vols. Damascus
1959-66).
A popular collection of biographies from early Islam
to the year A.H. 1000, the Shadhawt al-dhahabfi akhbar
man dhahab (8 vols., Cairo 1350/1931) was written by
Ibn al-Tmad, another Hanbali 'Slim born in the al-
Salihiyya suburb of Damascus (d. 1089/1622).
This survey of the biographical dictionaries of the
10th/ 16th century should include the work of
Tashkopruzade Ahmad b. Mustafa (d. 968/1560 [see
tashkopruzade.2]), a Turkish historian whose al-
Shaka'ik al-nu'maniyya is a collection in Arabic of lives
of Ottoman 'ulama' and Sufis since the establishment
of the Empire. The biographies are arranged by the
sultans' reigns.
The centennial dictionary for 1 lth/ 17th-century
Syria is the Khulasat al-athar fi a'yan al-katn al-hadi 'ashat
by Muhammad al-Amin al-Muhibbi (d. 1111/1699
[ ? .».]) (4 vols. Cairo 1284/1868 and subsequent prit
Al-Muhibbr also was a member of a wealthy family
of Damascene 'ulama'. The work consists of 1,289
biographies of distinguished persons. It provides impor-
tant information about politics, religion and culture
in the Ottoman Middle East and the Hidjaz. There
are also biographies about personages from India and
Kurdistan.
The history of Damascus in the 12th/ 18th century
is recorded in a detailed and uninterrupted manner
by several reliable contemporary chronicles. The ear-
liest is Ibn Kannan's history covering the period
between 1111/1699 and 1153/1740 (Muhammad b.
Tsa b. Kannan al-Salihr, Tawmiyyat shamiyya, ed. A.H.
al-'Ulabi, Damascus 1994).
The immediate continuer of Ibn Kannan's narra-
tive was a chronicler who, unlike the great majority
of the historians of Ottoman Syria, was not a scholar
but a barber, called Ahmad al-Budayri al-Hallak ("the
Barber"). His work, Hawadith Dimashk al-yawmiyya (ed.
Ahmad Tzzat 'Abd al-Karlm, Damascus 1959"), cov-
ers the period between 1154/1740 or 1741 and
1176/1762; hence, with Ibn Kannan, we have a c
tinuous chronological narrative of Damascus for 63
years. Al-Budayri was a Sufi", but his order was the
SaMiyya [?.».], which was notoriously unorthodox.
Another Damascene chronicler, a Greek Orthodox
priest of Damascus named MikhaTl Breik, brings the
historical coverage of the city to 1 782 with his Ta'rikh
al-Sham (ed. Kustantm al-Basha, Harissa 1930). He
explains that he began his history at the year 1720
because this was the time when the rule of the gov-
ernors (waHs) of the 'Azm family started. He makes
a point that they were the first native Arabs (au
'Arab, as distinct from the Turks) who rose to i
office. Breik reports of conflicts in Damascus betwi
Catholics and Greek Orthodox. He stands out among
his contemporaries as the only historian who wi
also about events that were taking place outside the
Ottoman Empire, mainly in Europe.
The last centennial dictionary for the period under
survey is Silk al-durar ft a'yan al-kam al-thani 'ashar (4
vols. Beirut 1997) by the Damascene 'alim Muhammad
Khalil al-Muradi (d. 1206/1791-2 at the age of 31
[?.»■])■ He came from a family of Hanaff 'ulama' origi-
nating from Samarkand. Like his father before him,
he served as the Hanaff mufti of Damascus and the
nakib al-Ashraf there. The book, which comprises 1,000
biographies, is a most valuable source for the politi-
cal, social and cultural history of Syria in the 1 2th/ 1 8th
century. In addition to using contemporary chroni-
cles, al-Muradi corresponded with other 'ulama' in
Syria and Egypt, asking them to collect materials for
his biographical dictionary.
Lebanon
Mount Lebanon w
5 a separate political and admin-
istrative unit, and had its own history owing t
unique topography [see lubnan]. It often enjoyed a
degree of independence, and had a predominantly
non-Muslim population of Christians and Druze.
During the Ottoman period, Lebanon had many well-
educated historians, several of whom were clergymen,
others were bureaucrats. The former were preoccu-
pied with the history of their communities, defending
their creed and describing the quarrels among dif-
ferent Christian churches. The Lebanese historians
wrote about the politics of the region (some recorded
the history of other parts of Syria as well), struggles
between factions, the great feudal families of the
Mountain, and the leaders. They also wrote about
the history of the two semi-autonomous dynasties that
ruled Lebanon during the Ottoman period, the
Ma'nids [see ma'n, banu] and the Shihabs [see shihab,
BANC].
The Patriarch Istifan al-Duwayhi (1630-1704 [?.».]),
the greatest of the Maronite church historians, was the
author of the only history of Syria with an emphasis
on Lebanon in the 16th and 17th centuries by a con-
temporary writer. He wrote about the Maronite com-
munity and church with the purpose of defending
their Catholic orthodoxy and attacking other Christian
churches, such as the Jacobites, whom he considered
as hostile to his church as the Mamluk sultans. His
general history, Ta'rikh al-azmina (ed. F. Taoutel
(Tawtal), in al-Mashrik, xliv [Beirut 1950]; another ed.
by P. Fahed, Jounieh 1976, covering the period from
the rise of Islam until 1098/1686) is a chronicle of
Syria from the Crusades until the end of the 17th
century, but the fullest and the most informative
account is about the two last centuries. Al-Duwayhi's
emphasis is on northern Lebanon where the popula-
tion was Maronite, and which was ruled by Druze
amirs or by Muslims, who were appointed by the
Mamluks, and later by the Ottomans.
Hananiya al-Munayyir (d. 1823), a Greek monk of
the Shuwayrite religious order, wrote a history of the
Shuf region of Lebanon and the Shihabls. He con-
centrated on his own religious order and on other
Christian religious topics (al-Durr al-marsufft ta'rikh al-
Shuf ed. I. Sarkis, in al-Mashrik, xlviii-li [1954-7]).
The most important historian of that period is Ahmad
Haydar al-Shihabl (1761-1835), a cousin of the Amir
Bashfr II. He had access to official documents, such
as Bashlr's correspondence with Ottoman governors.
He wrote a history of Lebanon from the rise of Islam
until 1827, called Ghmar al-hisan ft akhbar al-zaman.
Ahmad Haydar was a Maronite convert from Islam.
In his history he expresses unmitigated support for
the Shihabls, in particular for Bashlr II, against their
Lebanese and Ottoman enemies (his books ha\e been
published in seveial editions eg Lubnan fi 'ahd al
umara al Shihabmm Beirut 1969 and Ta'nkh al imir
Ha\dar ihmad al Shihabi Beirut 2000)
For the 10th/ loth centurv no histoncal paiallel to
Ibn Iyas oi Ibn Tulun describing Tiaks conditions
under the Ottomans — who conquered the country in
941/1534— has tome down to us and the few works
that weie wntten aie in Tuikish The historians tended
to write about the main titles — Baghdad Basia
Mawsil — and seveial smallei towns <\s expected powei
y the i
t feat
the chronicles As foi ioieign
Persia and Ottoman 'Irak are the mam theme
Baghdad itself was occupied by the Safawids from
lb22 until lb32 The attacks of the Peisians undei
Nadir Shah dunng the first half of tht 12th/ 18th
century (1733 until 174b, including sieges ol Baghdad
Mawsil and Kiikuk) were the most traumatit events
in the political history of 'Irak and aie leported in
detail by the chromtlers
The first historian of Ottoman 'Irak worthy of the
name was 'Ah il-Huwayzi (d 1075/1664) He lived
in the couit of the amm of the <\fiasryab house
founded at the end of the 10th/ 16th century bv a
local magnate who administered the Piovmce of Basri
as his pi iv ate domain Al-Huwavzi s historv of Basia
m the fust half of the centurv is entitled al Sim al
murdma ft sharh al fardma
\hmad b 'A.bd Allah al-&huiabi from Baghdad
(d 1690/1 102i wiote the first chronicle that is airanged
b\ years For his information he relied on Turkish
official documents and eyewitnesses repoits His book
akhbar
o the si
Tiak s
v the ,
ergenc
gove
of lc
lOth/lbth and eaily 11th/ 17th centuries see the book
of Fiedenque Soudan below in BM and al-mawza'i)
The llth/17th centurv witnessed more intensive his-
torical writings in Arabic which came to full matu-
rity and richness m the 12th/ 18th centurv (this being
hue with legard to 'Irak as well)
The diffeientes between the societies of the vari-
ous Aiab lands and cities notwithstanding there are
stiong similarities owing to the common religion (at
least foi the Muslim majority) and the common lan-
guage and tultuie The loles and status of the 'ulama'
ishraf Sufis guilds leaders of city quarters and the
like were as a geneial rule similar in Cairo Aleppo
Baghdad and Jerusalem
the
ltmgs
if the k
, The w
doubt their readers) atcepted Ottoman rule and
hegemony as legitimate and natural despite occasional
expiessions of criticism of the legime or even antipa-
thy tow aid the Turks Howevei as Ottoman lule
betame more detentiahsed after the lOth/lbth cen-
tury and as lotal forces suth as the Mamluks in
Egvpt oi the leaders of strong <\rab families else-
wheie weie entenng the ruling elites in Egvpt Syria
Lebanon and Tiak the Sultan and the Ottoman cap
ital seemed mort distant and even irrelevant
Bibliography (in addition to leleiences given in
the iiticle) Only a few items ol the extensive
lesearch liteiatuie on Arabic histonogiaphv during
the Ottoman penod tan be mentioned here On
Egvpt D Crecehus (ed ) Eighteenth tentun Egypt
,cnpt s,
■ Cla
:, CA
sahf a,
• of the political e
l in Syria 12th/ 18th-century
, Mahmud al-Rahabi
raphv of pashas who confronted the Persians in
1145/1736 '^bdal-Rahmanal-Suwaydifd 1175/1761)
an important thromcler wiote the historv of Baghdad
in the first half of the tenturv His book Ta'nkh
Baghdad oi Hadikat al zaura' fi sirat al uuzaia (Baghdad
1962) tells the historv of the city through the biog-
raphy of the governors Has in Pasha and his son
Ahmad Pasha
One may conclude bv mentioning two brothels
from Mawsil who wrote about the historv of 'Irak
until then own time ^ asm b Khayr Allah al-khatib
al-'Uman (d after 181b) the more impoitant of the
two wrote a general histontal woik from the Hidjia
until 1811 with an emphasis on Tiak and also on
Mawsil and Baghdad {^iibdat al athar al d}alma ft I
hauadith al ardina ed Abd al-Salam Ri'uf Nadjaf
1974 Gha\at al niaiam ft ta'nkh mahasin Baghdad dar al
salam Baghdad 1986 Munvat al udaba fi ta'nkh al
Mannl alhadba' Mawsil 1955) Muhammad <\min
al-'Uman \asins brother wrote Manhal al aulna'
another book about Mawsil
n Concluding remarks
Despite the diffeientes between the various Arab
provinces of the Ottoman Empire
features emerge in their historiography With the
notable exteption of 'Irak local chromtles reasonably
cover the fust decades or at least the first yeais a
the Ottoman occupation in the early 1 0th/ 1 6th c
tury The rest of that centurv has much less hist,
ographical coverage (it should be noted however t
there was a rich historiography in \emen for the
and has
a very rich and useful bibhogiaphv in the text and
footnotes Some of the papers also discuss the eailiei
centuries References are made to earlier histono
graphical studies by D <\yalon P M Holt Muham
mad Ams Layla 'A.bd al-Latif and others On
Syria Salah al-Din al-Munadjdjid al Mu'amkhun
al dimashkmun fi I 'ahd al 'uthmam ua atharuhum al
makhtuta Damascus 1964 Abdul-kanm Rafeq The
Proume of Damastus 17211783 Beirut 1966 320-
ii Layla al Sabbagh Mm a'lam al fdr al'iiabi ji
• al'utl
Muham
Muhibbi uakitabuhu hhulasat al athar fi a'\an al kam
alhadi 'ashai 1061 1111/1651 1699 Damascus
1406/198b On Lebanon AH Houiam Histonam
ofhbanon in B Lewis and P M Holt (eds ) Historians
ojthe Middle East London 1962 226-45 On 'Irak
''Vbd al-Salam Ra'uf al Ta'nUi ua I mu'amkhun al
'hakmitn fi I'asi al 'uthmam Baghdad 1983 On
\emen F Soudan U lemen ottoman d aprts la
ihromqut d al Man a'l Cairo 1999
(M Winter)
(el North Afnca
\ The penod up to 1450
As far as wntten documentation goes the historio-
graphy of the mediaeval Maghrib proceeds giosso modo
out of the Aiab-Islamic historical tradition of the
East <\s well as the implicit teleological element, it
follows the divisions and techniques of elaboration of
those of the East but neveitheless develops quite early
lines of demarcation which will be examined below
togethei with points of divergence
The newly-emerging Maghnbi histonogi aphy should
be undei stood as both a result and a support of the
mainstream tradition A certain number of points need
to be recognised
(l) Because of the late character of the conquest of
the Maghrib and its being a penpheral sector of
Islam, an Arabic historiography was fairly late in
emerging. Taking into account the loss of the account
called Futuh Ifrikiya still attributed on weak grounds
to Abu '1-Muhadjir [q.v.~\, the effective appearance of
this historiography seems to have been in the second
half of the 3rd/9th century, at a moment when the
historical tradition in 'Irak and Syria was firmly enough
established to provide an accomplished model. The
first text written by a Maghrib! in Arabic language
is generally considered to be the IbadI work com-
posed by Ibn Sallam ca. 273/876-7 ' on the self-
Islamisation of the Maghrib along the Kharidjite route
from Tahart to Barka, which manuscript was discov-
ered in 1964 (ed. W. Schwartz and Shaykh Salim
Ibn Ya'kQb, Wiesbaden 1986).
(ii) As with the above work, after the fashion of
the Mashrik, the next works were also closely linked
to politico-ideological questions. In this same Eastern
tradition, they included, in addition to chronicles
(akhbdr, ta'rikh), the various fields of biography [tara-
dpm), the classification of elite groups (tabakdt), stories
of the conquests (maghdzT) and collective genealogies
(ansdb).
(iii) As well as Maghribi writings, there was early
on a contribution from outside authors; it was prob-
ably difficult to ignore Ifrlkiya and the Far Maghrib
(= Morocco) when dealing with Spain or Egypt. In
this regard, towards the first half of the 3rd/9th cen-
tury, the Egyptian Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam [q.v.], in his
Futuh Alisr — dealing with the conquest of Egypt and
the Maghrib — is a notable example. A similar instance,
older but more debatable as to the early age of the
whole text, would be that of al-Wakidi [q.v.] and his
Futuh Ifrikiya. As for the overlapping of the two tra-
ditions of al-Andalus and the Maghrib, the first ten-
tative steps are seen in the surviving extracts of the
K. al-Rdydt of the Persian Muhammad al-RazI of
Cordova (d. 273/886 or 277/890), which was still
used in the Far Maghrib at the opening of the
8th/14th century (El-Mennouni, 17-18; Levi-Provencal,
Hist. Esp. mus, iii, Paris 1953, 501-3).
(iv) Although uneven, this relative interest by non-
Maghnbl authors seems to have been motivated by
the social and political repercussions of the conquest.
As well as these texts by al-Wakidi and Ibn 'Abd al-
Hakam, the theme is tackled in the first corpora of
fikh and hadith in the course of the 4th/9th century,
e.g. in the Futuh of al-Baladhurl, the Ta'rikh of al-
Tabari and, later, in the Kdmd of Ibn al-Athlr. In
connection with the latter two works, it should be
noted that they not only convey the historical tradi-
tion of the conquests but at times depend also on
what seems to have been oral tradition, cf. al-Tabari,
i, 2813-18, tr. R.S. Humphreys, The History of al-
Tabari, xv, The crisis of the early caliphate, Albany 1990,
18-24, year 27, and Ibn al-Athlr, ed. Beirut, iii, 92-3.
(v) This apart, it is notable that, once it developed,
the Maghribi historiographical tradition tended in gen-
eral to restrict itself within its own geographical sphere,
apart from the association with the Iberian peninsula.
Also, from the time of the first Muslim conquest, it
always looks forwards, and almost never backwards;
what is pre-Islamic is qualified as azall, outside time,
hence History for the Maghrib begins, it seems, with
Man
2. The
of
and
At first sight, one notes that the relative stability
of Ifrlkiya permitted, in a first stage oi development
up to the end of the 5th/ 11th century, an activitv in
composing works which had onlv its equal in Muslim
Spain. For the rest of the Maghribi region, such an
activity seems to come only with the installation, dur-
ing the second stage of development, of powerful, cen-
tralising dynasties, under which the same outburst of
historiographical writing now appears in the Far
Maghrib.
The disparate nature of the historical works and the pn-
maiy of Ifrlkiya. mid-3rd/ 8th to late 5th/ 11th centuries
After a void following on from the conquests, from
the rmd-3rd/9th century, various initiatives appear,
independently of each other, in Fas and Tahart and,
above all, in Ifrlkiya. However, most of the works
from this period have been lost. We possess Ibn
Sallam's IbadI text and the chronicle of Ibn al-Saghlr
[q.v.] on the Rustamid Imams of Tahart from the
end of this same century (ed. and Fr. tr. C. de Moty-
linski, in Actes du XI]'' Congres International des Onmtalistes,
Paris 1908, 2-132, new ed. Tunis 1976), and the con-
temporary collection of biographies by Abu 'l-'Arab
[q.v.], the Tabakdt 'ulama' Ifrikiva (ed. M. Ben Cheneb,
Algiers 1915), but the first chronicles dealing with the
Idrlsids of Fas, the Khaiidjites of Sidjilmasa, the
Aghlabids and the Fatimids of Ifrlkiya, and the works
on the heretical Barghawata and the Ghumara [q.vv.]
of the Adantic seaboard, have not survived. There
have likewise disappeared the only two contemporary
or near-contemporary accounts of the Idrlsids, viz. a
chronicle on the Imams of Fas by Ibn al-Waddun
(4th/ 10th century), allegedly called the T al-Addnsa,
and one from the previous century, apparently bet-
ter known since it was still cited by al-Bakrl [q.v.] in
the mid-5th/llth century and by Ibn Tdharl two
centuries later, the al-Madjmu' al-muftarik of al-Nawfall
(El-Mennouni, 18, 27). Three works written under the
Aghlabids, apparently detailed and of extended length,
have also failed to survive: the T Bani 'l-Aghlab by
the prince Muhammad b. Ziyadat Allah (d. 283/896);
a second chronicle with the same name; and an impor-
tant Tabakdt al-'ulamd' by Muhammad b. Sahnun
(d. 256/870), son of the famous MalikI jurist of al-
Kayrawan.
Apart from Fatimid Ifrlkiya, our knowledge of the
Maghrib during the 4th-5th/10th-llth centuries stems
essentially from eastern sources or late AndalusI ones,
and only after that from later Maghribi sources. Hence
the immense al-Muktabas of the Cordovan Ibn Hayyan
[q.v.], from the mid-5th/llth century, foims one of
the basic chronicles for the Far Maghrib, at that time
pulled between the two influences of the Umayyads
and the Fatimids or Fatimids-Zlrids. In this context,
the contemporary Ifrlkiyan sources would have been
a counterpoise to these, in particular the lost, slightly
earlier chronicle of Ibn al-Raklk [q.v.] called T Ifrikiya
wa 'l-AIaghnb. Of this most important source, a sup-
posedly authentic fragment has been recovered and
twice published (Tunis 1967, Beirut 1990). We also
have, in its entirety, a text equally important for Ifrl-
kiyan history but one which is not a chronicle and
which only concerns in a subordinate way the rest of
the Maghrib, sc. the Riyad al-nufus of al-Malikl (d.
460/1068 [q.v.]), a work essentially concerned with
the biographies of MalikI scholars and ascetics in
Ifrlkiya up to the mid-4th/9th century.
For the rest, other contemporary Ifrlkiyan texts are
known only from paraphiases or from quotations by
later authois. Here one would include the work called
Ft masalik Ifrikiya wa-mamahkihd, plus a range of opus-
cula concerning strategically-placed towns such as
Tahart, Tenes, Oran, Sidjilmasa, Nakkur and al-Basra
in the northwestern Far Maghrib. Gathered together
for al-Hakam II [q.v.] of Cordova, these writings stem
f i ran <\bu <<\bd Mlah Muhammad b Yusuf al-Warrak
(292-3b3/904-74 [qu]), of Kavrawam birth and edu-
cation, who was accoidinglv to be of great value foi
al-Bakn, Ibn Hayvan and Ibn 'Idharl To these works
b\ al-Warrak, one ma\ add those of Ibn al-Djazzar
[(/ < ] whose oemie included also geographv (the
'4gja',b al buldan) as well as historv (A al Ta'tij hi sahih
al ta'rikh) as well as maghazi and tabakat, likewise utilised
bv al-BakiT and Ibn Hay\5n
The losses of ma]or sources are paralleled bv sim-
ilar losses ol wntings lor tribal or familv historv and
for the first attempts at Berber genealogy, the com-
pilation ol Ibn Shaddad [qo] a Zind pnnce exiled
in Svna as well as two continuations of Ibn al-Rakik's
woik, that of Ibn Shaiaf (d 460/ 1068 [qi]) and that
ol Abu 1-Salt (d 52 c )/l 134 [qi]j who continued,
accoidmg to Ibn Tdhari, the previous work Never-
theless since it happens that a good number ol these
writings were sufficientlv utilised up to the time ol
Ibn Khaldun, their legacv remains, despite even thing,
appi eciable
Furthermore theie exist various sources, more or
less contemporan, and spread across time w hu h can be
used to fill gaps Thus, in connection with intellec-
tual and lehgious life m the Maghrib up to the begin-
ning ol the bth/12th ccntun, the Madank of al-Kadi
'Ivad (d 544/1149 [see 'iud b musa]) of Ceuta pro-
vide information often of fust-rate importance <\s for
court life under the first Fatimid Imams in North
Africa, we can comprehend the impact of the Fatimid
s\stem on wider societv and the obvious d\sf unctions
of the system, from the contemporan documents used
in the Sirat al l\tddh Dpudhar (Cairo 1954) of al-
Mansur al-Djawdhan [qi] and thanks to the con-
tempoian witness of the kadi al-Nu'man <\s well as
this witness displaced in his A al Mafia In a a V musa
larat this kadi has in his A Ijtitah al da'wa left us a
precious account ol the Fatimids' rise to power One
ma\ deploie the ob\iousl\ partisan tone of these texts
but this in fact mav well have been one of the lea-
sons for their survival Certainlv for manv mediae-
a'lli authors these last two works were, even
; MasJ
Tk, bas]
1 these
ciall\ ol the latter
Variation, and thi ilmoraiid Almohad domination (lati
5th/ 11th to mid 7th/ 13th lenturus)
With the installation of the Almoiavids in the Far
Maghnb and their annexation ol the western pait ol
the Central Maghrib and of al-^ndalus ol the taijas
there existed at the end ol the 5th/ 11th centurv the
Mmoravid empne and the Zfrid-Hammadid group-
ing Both belonged to the great Berber gioup of the
Sanhadja [qo] These two powers co-existed, through
thick and thin, till the rise at then expense, of the
Mmohads in the mid-bth/12th centurv
Transposed to the level of histoi-v writing, this evo-
lution was going to cause a draining awa\ of effort
towards the West Hence till the mid-7th/13th cen-
turv, the fundamental works were written eithei in
al-^ndalus or in Moiocco and consequents, reflect
the new environment dominated bv the Mmoravids
and Mmohads Despite this tiend there weie manv
irrepaiable losses ol works, a need to lelv on later
compilations and even the intervention ol eastern
authors Nevertheless, there appeal flesh nuances when
compared with the earlier period
On the margins ol this local production tested c
the centunes there existed too other non-Maghnbi
sources The most relevant relate to the geogiaphv
of the region Composed lor the most part in "Iiak
and lor various motives these works dealt with the
lands ol the Maghrib in detail, describing load net-
works financial assessments main economic activities
morals customs and beliefs Foi their works geogra-
phers and hterai-v men had recouise to direct obser-
vation oi to information which had been tiansmitted
and followed altei careful examination This last pio-
cedme mav have been the main one, since neithei
al-Ya'kubi nor Ibn Khurradadhbih noi even al-Bakn
living as he did in neaibv al-Andalus knew the
Maghnb first-hand (hi 7 'nan) onlv al-Mukaddasi and
Ibn Hawkal were exceptions to this rule, and :
undoubtedlv this fust-hand knowledge that infoims
Almurai
One o
the ,
)f this
a the
nportj
Hon of al-Bakri, one can hardlv distinguish, right up
to the mid-20th centurv manv witnesses who were
near to the events described The onlv contemporary
nan am e that of Ibn al-Savrafi (d 557/1 162 [qi]),
alAnuai al fialma fi akhbar al dawla al murabitma has
not survived although it is known that this chronicle,
covering the Mmoravid period up to 530/1 135-6 was
in current use light to the end of the mediaeval period
Authors distant in time and space, such as Ibn Khal-
hkan (d 681/1282), Ibn al-<\bbar Id 658/1260) Ibn
Abf Zar< (d between 710-20/1310-20) and Ibn al-
Khatib (d 776/1375) [qu] either drew matenal
dnectlv from it or lefer to it Moreover the anonvmous
authoi of the chiomcle al Hulal almaushina (wntten
783/1381) probablv drew upon it more than he exph-
citlv ieveals Although pooi in surviving chronicles it
is possible to construct a iairlv precise chionologv of
Mmoravid histon The publication of leaves discov-
eied of the Mmoravid Ba\an (in Hapem Tamuda n
[1961] 43-111) makes a large contribution to this
process as do a certain numbei of Mmohad writings,
especiallv foi the transition phase between the two
dvna
The c
nched, a
le level o
mple
eated c
t, bv v
ned si
taradtim
tihla), official conesponden
wntings and juridical hteiatuie This is how the chron-
icle ol Abu Zakanyva on the IbadT state of Tahait
(partial Fi tr E Masquerav Pans-Mgiers 1878), was
put togethei at the turn of the 6th/ 12th centurv Also
from this period date the summa of the Madank of
al-Kadi Tvad as well as the Ghuma which he wrote
should mention the Dhakhfra ol Ibn Bassam (552/1147
[qi]), meant pnmanlv for Andalusi scholais without
however, svstematicallv excluding Maghnbis whilst
Ibn Khakan (d 529/1134) included in his Kala'id al
'than distinguished poets men oi letteis government
officials and men of state of both shores Regarding
such men one should note the Than the memoirs
of the Zind pnnce of Granada '<\bd Allah (d 4b9/
1077) (ed Levi-Provencal Cairo 1955 Sp ti idem
and E Gaicia Gomez Madnd 1980 Eng ti <\min
Tibi, Leiden 1992 ed \ T Tibf Rabat 1995), which
give an excellent impiession of the struggles ol the
rem dt taijas with Yusuf b Tashufin [qi] Of the
same tvpe of nairation, there is the account left bv
<\bu Bakr Ibn jl-'Aiabi (d 543/1148 [qi]) concern-
ing the official mission of his father, whom he accom-
panied to the East to seek the 'Abbasid caliph s
investiture oi the same Yusuf b Tashufin (see Tits
textos aiabes sobre Berbers, ed M Ya'la, Madrid 1996,
275-315)
As well as this documentation concerned with the
elites, Almoravid history writing also includes works
depicting social-economic realities and governmental
practices. The two treatises on hisba of al-Sakati [q.v.]
of Malaga (ed. Levi-Provencal, Paris 1931) and Ibn
'AbdQn [q.v] of Seville (ed. idem, Cairo 1954; Fr. tr.
Paris 1947) are significant here. Although primarily
concerned with the situation in al-Andalus, both of
them, and especially the latter, have material relevant
for the dominant power on both shores, the Almo-
ravids. Their content is quite often confirmed by legal
material contained in the collections of nawazil of the
kadi Ibn Rushd (d. 520/1126 [q.v.]), forebear of the
philosopher, and later, in the Mi'yar of al-WansharisT
(d. 914/1508-9 [q.v.]). Many of "the problems raised
in these nawazil (e.g. the status of the Christians of
al-Andalus, the behaviour of the Banu Hilal in Ifnkiya,
the appearance of Almohad rebels, etc.) are reflected
in the Nuzhal al-mushtak, the rihla of al-Idnsi [q.v.],
completed in 548/1154, and also in the substantial
body of official correspondence emanating from the
Almoravid court (see Revista de Estudios Islamicos en
Madrid, ii [1954], 55-84, vii-viii [1959-60], 109-98).
Almohad historical writing
Inasmuch as the Almohad system rested on the
Imam's infallibility, all innovation, from any source
outside himself, was in principle inadmissible. Whence
the complete absence at the documentary level of all
traces of fatwds [q.v.] and decisions on specific cases
(nazila [q.v.]). However, this same system witnessed the
spread of a mystical movement more or less tolerated
which produced its own literature at the popular level,
using, amongst other things, the manakib [q.v.]. In
effect, this genre, immortalising the lives and deeds
of "men of God", can be placed with that of the
taraqjim. with the formal qualification that al-Andalus
was the favoured field for taradjim whilst manakib lit-
erature was to flourish above all in North Africa.
Thus on one side there are the collections of tard-
qjim published since the end of the 19th century, such
as the Fahras of the Sevillan Ibn Khayr (d. 575/1179
[q.v.]): the K al-Sila of the Cordovan Ibn Bashkuwal
(d. 578/1182 [q.v.]); and the A". al-Takmila, a contin-
uation of the preceding, by the Valencian Ibn al-
Abbar. On the other side, there are the Mustafad (still
in ms.) on the ascetics of Fas and its region by al-
Tamrmi (d. 603/1206); the Tashawwuf on the lives of
saints of southern Morocco by al-Tadflr (d. 628 or
629/1230-1 [see ibn al-zayyat]) (ed. A. Toufiq, Rabat
1984; Fr. tr. M. de Fenoyl, Casablanca 1995); al-
Badisfs [q.v.] Maksad, written ca. 71 1/131 1-12, on the
saints of the Rlf in the Almohad period; the Di'amat
al-yakln of al-'Azafr (d. 633/1236 [q.v. in Suppl.]) (ed.
A. Toufiq, Rabat 1989); and, to a certain extent, al-
Dhurr al-munazzam, also by al-'Azafr, in which he invites
people to the celebration, at that time (mid-7th/13th
century) still a timid one, of the Prophet's birthday
(ed. and Sp. tr. F. de la Granja, in al-And., xxxiv
[1969], 19-53).
Taking a wide conspectus of relevant literature, one
should include the great Ibn al-'Arabf of Murcia (d.
638/1240 [q.v.]), who left behind works on education
in the mystical way such as al-Futuh al-makkma and
the Muhadarat al-akhyar in which karamat [see karama]
and manakib play a great part. Conversely, the Andalusi
biographical dictionaries were to have a North African
counterpart in such works as the anonymous Siyar al-
mashayikh and the A al-Siyar of al-Wisyanf, both writ-
ten m the second half of the 6th/ 12th century on
notable figures amongst the Khandjites of Tahart and
Ifrlkiya, as also the 'Unwan al-duaya of al-Ghubrini
of Bidjaya (d. 714/1314-15 [q.v.]) (Algiers 1910; new
ed. Beirut 1969) and al-Dhavl wa Uakmila of Ibn
c Abd al-Malik al-Marrakushl (d. 703/1303 [q.v.]), deal-
ing, amongst other things, with well-known Maghribi
figures unduly absorbed into the host society or sim-
ply ignored by Andalusi authors (Beirut n.d. and 1965;
Rabat 1984). Furthermore, in his Ta'rif, Muhammad
b. Tyad included interesting information on his father,
the famous judge, on his masters and on his fellow-
disciples (ed. Ben Chrifa, Rabat n.d.).
The impact of theological dogma was to generate
a genre of popularised doctrine. As well as an 'aklda
(creed) and a murshida (breviary) spread during his life-
time in the Berber language, Ibn Tumart [q.v.] is said
to have dictated to his disciple and successor 'Abd
al-Mu'min educational texts and epistles which the
latter collected into al-Ta'alik ("The commentaries"),
and made known as Le hvre d'Ibn Toumert (ed. L.
Luciani, Algiers 1903) or under the title A'azz ma
yutlab (Marrakush 1997). Like the letters addressed to
the Almoravid ruler 'All b. Yusuf [Documents inedits
d'histoire almohade, ed. Levi-Provencal, Paris 1927, 11-
13, tr. 19-21), this collection is an attempt at spread-
ing the Almohad doctrines whilst stigmatising the
distortions of their religious opponents.
The preoccupation of the Almohad state with in-
forming its followers probably explains the profusion
of circulars and notes scattered throughout the sources
or isolated as documents in archives or collections of
official matter. One example of these collections would
be the one collated by Ibn 'Armra [q.v.] towards the
mid-7th/13th century. The diversity of the archive
material can be appreciated through the Trente-sept let-
tres offiaelles almohades (ed. Levi-Provencal, Rabat 1941,
Fr. tr. in Hesperis [1941], 1-70) and Nouvelks lettres almo-
hades (ed. A. Azzaoui, Casablanca 1995). The infor-
mation in these texts is often first-hand, and they
illuminate, in general, the underlying aspect of facts
generally lacking in cohesion at the level of the nar-
Regarding these latter sources it is, of course, true
that they hardly ever deal with real situations, but
there is nevertheless an exception in the work of al-
Baydhak [q.v.], in which he describes from memory,
towards the middle of the 6th/ 12th century, the pere-
grinations and stages of ascension of Ibn Tumart.
From a greater distance and probably because of the
distance, 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushr (d. 633/1235
[q.v.]) undertook, from Egypt, to give a lively account
in his al-Mu'd)ib of the contemporary Maghrib, using
his own observations and the memories of an aged
member of the Almohad court (Cairo 1949, Fr. tr.
E. Fagnan, Algiers 1893). Another text now lost seems
to have corresponded to the same schema, al-Mughrib
Jf mahasin ahl al-Maghnb, whose author, Ilyasa' b. Tsa
al-Ghafikl (d. 575/1179) likewise chose to settle in
Egypt where he wrote his work at the request of
Salah al-Din. For the rest, the Almohad accounts,
above all utilising this last chronicle, had recourse to
compilation, gradually adopting the method of the
classical annalists. Out of these accounts, one of the
most notable is the .Nazm al-djuman written by Ibn al-
Kattan [q.v.] for al-Murtada, the penultimate Almohad
ruler, in the mid-7th/13th century, and of which only
the part describing the beginnings of Ibn Tumart 's
movement has sunived (ed. M.A. Makki, Tetouan
n.d.). It was much used by authors of the immedi-
ate succeeding period and later, and depends, in addi-
tion to al-Baydhak's work, on al-Mann bi 'l-imama of
Ibn Sahib al-Salat' (d. 594/1198) (ed. A. Tazi, Beirut
1979, new ed. 1987). The author dwells particularly
on the events of the Almohad lands between 554-
68/ 1 159-73 From this same period stem Abu Marwan
al-Warraks a! Mikbai Ji akhbar al \lagjmb a. a I Andalm
uaFai and Ibn Hamadu(h) of Ceuta s al Muklabu ji
akhbar al Maghnb ua Fas u.a I Andalm both now lost
but \udeh used up to Ibn Khaldun s time As for
the so-called Almohad Bayan of Ibn Tdhan it is recog-
nised as the chronicle pai excellence for the whole
period ( ed A Huici Mnanda Tetuan 1%0 new ed
Beirut-Casablanca 1985) Completed in 712/1312 it
appears to leflect an undoubted seiemtv Using laie
oi lost sources, the author obviouslv aimed at exhaus-
tiveness and scholailv rigour On the level of the liner
points he does not hesitate to sort out the informa-
tion when requned in order the better to achieve a
svnthesis or even to discern long-term eflects
It lemains to mention geographical works Outside
the verv unoriginal w oik of Ibn Sa'id of Granada (d
b85/1286 [qi]) the A Bast al ard ji I tul as I 'aid
(Beirut 1970) and that at second hand of al-Zuhn
(d after 546/1151-2) al Sufra (ed M Had]-Sadok
Pans 1968) one should emphasise the onginahtv of
Ibn Djubavrs (d 614/1217 [qi]) Rihla (Fr tr M
Gaudefrov-Demombvnes Pans 1949-65 Eng tr RJ C
Broadhuist London 1952) and also the anonvmous
alhtihar (Alexandna 1958) Coming fiom the last
quaiter of the 6th/ 12th centurv these two descriptions
with the different e that Ibn Djubavi staits from the
Maghrib thiough the Mediterranean without omitting
the Mashnk nor the opposite shores of the Sea whilst
the author of al hhbsar limits himself to describing
from the interior the ensemble o( the region whilst
highlighting the Far Maghrib Also the
ested i
orals a
1 the i
suiting
s of
>t the second is lather although
acute observer simplv a writer with a thesis
Post Almohad deielopmtnts
With the disintegration of the Almohad empire
there came a ceitain lenewal of histonogiaphv deal-
ing with the Ma gh rib with biographv and chronicles —
with then nuances bluned- seeming to be under a
similar impulsion, as also the nhla and local genealog-
ical works
Regarding chronicles, this was to benefit fiom the
nval inheritors of the Almohad empire and these lent
themselves to manipulation b\ the victors This ma\
explain the disappearance and eventual loss of cer-
tain texts Also theie was a decline in the use of cir-
culars and a complete uninterest it seems m preserving
for postentv aichival documents Howevei some doc-
uments have survived bv chance such as the collec
tion of al-'AzafT (Rabat 1979) and the later anthologies
like al-Kalkashandi s (d 821/1418 [qi]> *>ubh ala'sha
(Cairo 1913-19) or al-Makkan s (d 1041/1631 [</<])
\lhai almad (Rabat 1979-80) but above all this has
been thanks to the rich collections of Barcelona, Italv
Spain and Portugal
Leaving aside archive material we have the fol-
lowing:
Chronicles Between the mid-7th/13th centurv
and the end of the 9th/ 15th one, the chiomcle in
the Maghrib is above all the product of Ifnkiva and
the Far Maghrib, reflecting the politico-mihtarv situ-
ation. Accordingly, apart from Abu l-'Abbas al-
Dardjmis's [q.v.] K. Tabakat al mashayikh dealing with
the Ibadr community in the mid-7th/13th centurv (ed
I. Tallay, 2 vols. Constantine 1974) and the late A
al-Siyar of al-Shammakhi (d 928/1522 [qi]) dealing
with personalities and events at Mzab (Cairo
1301/1883-4), the Central Maghrib was to have no
reference work except for the great historian Ibn
Khaldun s biothei \ahvas Bughyat al-ruwwad (ed. and
Fi ti A Bel Algiers 1903-10, new ed. A. Hadjiat,
Algiers 1980) whilst the land of the Hafsids, in addi-
tion to the masterwoik A al-'Ibar, pan-Islamic in its
sweep has left behind works of more limited range,
such as Ibn Kunfudh s (d 810/1407-8 [q.v.]) al-Faruiyya
(ed M Nifei and A Turki, Tunis 1968), Ibn
Shamma' s al \dilla al bayyma written in 861/1457 (ed.
Kaak Tunis 1936) and the T. al-Dawlatayn attributed
to al-Zarkashi (d after 894/1489) (new ed. Tunis
19b6 Fi ti Fagnan Constantine 1895). From the
Maifnid kingdom we have the radjaz work of al-
Malzuzi (d 697/1297-8) Nam al-suluk, in which he
lauds his masteis rise to power (Rabat 1963). This
same version of events was soon produced in prose
and included in the anonvmous al-Dhakhira al-saniyya
(Rabat 1972) before being included in the Rawdat al-
hitas (ed CJ Tornberg Upsala 1843-6, Rabat 1936,
1972 Fi tr Beaumier, Pans 1860, Sp. tr. A. Huici
Miranda Valencia 1948) In this, the supposed author
Ibn \b\ Zar' [q v ] seems to be an innovator in intro-
ducing the idea of historical continuity, leading, with
Fas as the centre fiom the "founding" state of the
Idnsids to the Marimds to stop in the year 726/ 1 326
towards the end of Abu Sa'id Fs reign. In the next
reign there was a furthei innovation in al-Kafif al-
Zarhums use of the Aiabic colloquial of Morocco to
describe in an urdju^a called Mafaba comprising 497
veises Suit in Abu 1-Hasan s [q.v] campaign in Ifrikiya.
Much later and further from the lively eye-witness
u count of the Marimds of Ibn Khaldun, another
urdju^a bv al-Kurrasi (d 964/1556-7), his 'Arusat al-
masa'il dedicated to the Wattasid dynasty, closes, in
hteiarv \rabic the list of chronicles dealing with the
Of works written in the Mashrik and concerning
the Maghrib at this time were Abu '1-Fida's (d.
732/1331) Ta'nlh al-Dhahabfs (d. 748/1347) A". al-
'Ibar (Kuwait 1%0-bl Ibn Kathir's (d. 774/1373) K. al-
Bidayaua I mhaya (Cairo 1351-8/ 1932-9), al-Sakhawfs
(d 902/1497) alDaa allamf and al-Djannabr's (d.
999/1590) alBah, al zalhlhar (Fr. tr. Fagnan, Algiers
1924)
Biographical htenture. In post-Almohad times,
the focus seems to have been placed apart from on
collections of usage on the elaboration of Jthrists and
bamamaap, indicating paiticular themes.
The biographical collections all have different prove-
nances Ibn al-Zubavr (d 708/1309 [q.v.]) tried to
follow in the path of his Andalusi compatriots in com-
posing his Silat al \ila (ed Levi-Provencal, Rabat 1938),
whilst Ibn Nadji of al-Kav rawan (d. 837/1433-4 [q.v.])
followed the woik of Ibn al-Dabbagh (d. 696/1297)
on the religious figures of his city, and completed his
Ma'altm al man (Tunis 1325/1907-9). Further to the
west Ibn Kunfudh in Constantine composed his
Wafayat (Rabat 197b) whilst throughout his Nathir al-
qjuman (Beirut 1976) his contemporary Isma'Tl Ibn
al-Ahmar (d 808/1405) dealt with the poets of al-
Andalus and Moiocco Outside the region, the jurist
Ibn Farhun (d 799/1397 [q,]) of Andalusi origins,
wrote in his native town of Medina a dictionary of
celebiated Malikis the Dtbadi (Cairo 1315/1897-8),
including the Maghnbi ones The Sudanese Ahmad
Baba (d 103b/ 1627 [qv]) continued and completed
the same work m his Way I al ibhhadj (Cairo 1315/1897-
8), and the Egyptian Ibn Hadjai (d 852/1449 [q.v.])
dev oted considerable space in his al Durar al-kamina,
to noted figures fiom the 8th/ 14th century Maghrib
(Havdaiabad 1348-50/1929-32)
As well as these general works, there were others
devoted to the itineraries of their authors, built round
famous masters of the time, each itinerary being the
object of a Fihrist or Bamamadj.. We have extant the
Bamamadj. of al-Ishbilr (d. 688/1289), that of al-Kasim
al-Tudjibi of Ceuta (d. 730/1329-30) (both publ., the
latter in Tunis 1981); and the Fihrists, still in ms., of
Ibn Rushayd of Ceuta (d. 721/1321 [q.v.]) and al-
Sarradj of Fas (d. 805/1402), plus the encyclopaedic
Bamamadj of al-Mantun of Granada (d. 834/1431).
Also important are two biographical portraits, in
part convergent: one drawn by Ibn Marzuk (d. 781/
1379 [q.v.]) in his Musnad (ed. M.-J. Viguera, Algiers
1981, Sp. tr. Madrid 1977), devoted to the Marinid
Abu '1-Hasan; and the other from the pen of Ibn
Khaldun, al-Ta'nf, in which the life, education and
career of the author are traced (ed. MX al-TandjI,
Cairo 1951, Fr. tr. A. Cheddadi, Paris 1980).'
Genealogical works. Far from being an isolated
phenomenon, these texts stem from the natural pro-
longation, it seems, of the old polemics between
Maghribis and Andalusis, especially from Almora\id
times onwards; these polemics became, after the down-
fall of the Almohads, a sub-genre everywhere culti-
vated. One can cite three texts as testimony here: the
anonymous Mqfakha al-batbar [q.v.] (ed. Levi-Provencal,
Rabat 1941, new ed. M. Ya'la, in Tres textos arabes,
123-272), which celebiates, at the opening of the
8th/ 14th century, the scholars, ascetics and heroes,
legendary or historic, from the Berber past. The equally
anonymous Turmat al-zarifji ahl al-Djazva wa-Tanf (ed.
Ben Chrifa, in Madjallat kulhyyat al-Adab, Rabat, i
[1977], 7-50) from a few decades earlier aimed at
revealing the failings of the Andalusis and, finally, the
opposing situation in Ibn al-Khatrb's Mushahadat
(Alexandria 1958, 55-66) between Malaga and Sale,
in which, through the two opposing cities, the lively
tension between the two cultures is delineated.
Whilst being set on the cultural plane, these writ-
ings seem to be the vehicles for consideration of the
basic problem of origins, leading to the question of
connections with the ruling power. Whilst Ibn Tumart,
in the K. al-Ansab attributed to him (in Documents medits,
18-49, Fr. tr. 25-74), could be given a Shanfian geneal-
ogy, the legitimising process which speedily followed,
as Ibn Khaldun notes (Mukaddima, Fr. tr. de Slane,
Paris 1863, i, 53-6), was challenged at this same period
precisely when there was a strong current displaying
Berber origins, with an insistence on salient figures
since the beginning of Islam. Another K. al-Ansab,
anonymous but written in 712/1312, was also com-
posed to celebrate openly these origins (ed Ya'la, in
op. tit, 13-121).
There developed in paiallel to this under the impul-
sion of Marinid power, the cult of Shanfian lineage,
linked with the city of Fas, it meant a piedilection
for the Idnsid branch, whence numerous references
to this fact in the works of Ibn al-KhatTb and Ibn
Khaldun as well as in late compilations like those of
al-Makkan, the Nqfh al-tib (ed I 'Abbas, Benut 1968)
and the Azhar al-riyad. Also connected with it were
separate monographs like the anonymous collection
on the Buyutat Fas al-kubra (Rabat 1972) and the Mush
muluk al-isldm (lith. Fas n.d.) of Ibn al-Sakkak (d.
818/1415), followed, especially from the 10th/ 16th
century onwards, by a host of opuscula on the genealo-
gies of each branch of the Sharifs.
Socio-religious works. These include manakib
texts, those meant for edification and concerned with
bitfas [q.v.] and legal texts [nawazil).
Regarding manakib, it would be tedious to rehearse
here
kiya there is the Ma'alim al-iman of Ibn al-E
and Ibn Kunfudh's Uns al-faklr (Rabat 1965), in wfrk
the author concentrates on the Far West of the
Maghrib. For the Central Maghrib, there is the late-
period al-Bustan of Ibn Maryam (d. 1014/1605 [q.v.]),
devoted to the saints and scholars of Tlemcen, Oran
and Nedroma (Algiers 1928). For the Far Maghrib,
there are al-Minhach al-wadih of al-Madjari (d. at the
opening of the 8th/ 14th century) (Cairo 1933), and
the Salsal al-'adhb of al-Hadrami, a contemporary of
the preceding author (ed. M. Fassi, in RIMA, x/1
[1964], 37-98), heralding the Dawhat al-nasjnr of Ibn
'Askar (d. 986/1578 [q.v.]) (ed. M. Hajji, Rabat 1976,
Fr. tr. A. Graulle, Paris 1913). As for the edificatory
works denouncing innovations (bida'), the most signif-
icant come from the mid-8th/14th century and from
the end of the following century. As well as al-Durr
al-thamm of Ibn Hilal (d. 903/1497), in which the
author details the imprecations against Abu '1-Hasan
al-Sughayyir (d. 719/1319) (lith. Fas 1319/1901-2),
there is al-Madkhal of Ibn al-Hadjdj al-'Abdari al-Fasi
(d. 737/1336 [q.v.]), in which the author draws up a
review of bida' current in the Far West of the Maghrib
and in his natal city, Cairo. Two famous mystics con-
tributed through their writings to the reformation of
morals: Ibn 'Abbad (d. 792/1390 [q.v.]) in his Rasa'il
al-kubra (lith. Fas 1320/1902), his Rasa'il al-sughia (ed.
P. Nwiya, Beirut 1974) and his epistles, still in ms.,
addressed directly to governors; and Ahmad Zarruk
(d. 899/1493-4), through numerous works, including
the 'Uddat al-murid al-sadik and the Fanat al-mutawadj-
djih al-miskxn (ed. A.F. Khashim, Tunis-Libya 1979).
Finally, the same situations giving rise to similar inter-
compiled in the Djami' al-masa'il of al-Burzulf (d.
841/1438), still in ms. although well established, and
the Mi'yai of al-WanshansI (ed. M. Hajji, Beirut-Rabat
1981).
and t
i. This
literature is witness to the strength of c
is to be distinguished from the Masalik type of liter-
ature, although there are two exceptions: the Masalik
al-absar fi mamalik al-amsar of the Syrian Ibn Fadl
Allah al-'Umari (d. 749/1348 [q.v.]) (section on the
Muslim West, new ed. M. Aboudayf, Casablanca 1988,
partial Fr tr de Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Paris 1927),
and al-Rawd al mi'tar of the Ifrikiyan al-Himyari (d.
726/1326), who often confines himself to reproduc-
ing the oldest texts (new ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1975).
Around these two extended works, it seems that there
are only monogiaphs on local topics or accounts ema-
nating from \anous motnations.
The monographs relate almost exclusively to towns
and cities Ibn al-Khatib drew up a comparative table
in his Ali'yar al ikhtiyar between two groups of locali-
ties in Spain and North Africa (ed. M. Abbadi,
Alexandria 1958), but he also wrote his imposing al-
Ihata on the city of Granada (ed. M. Tnan, Cairo
1973-7, complement, A. Chakkour, Tetuan 1988). At
the same penod, al-Djazna'I (d. 766/1365) dedicated
his precious Djana zahrat al-as to Fas (ed. and Fr. tr.
A. Bel, Algiers 1920-2, new ed. Rabat 1967). Much
later, in 825/1441, Muhammad b. al-Kasim al-Ansari
bore witness to Muslim Ceuta, now become Portuguese,
with a minute description in his Ikhtisar al-akhbar (new
ed. Rabat 1969). Miknasa/Meknes was the subject of
a monograph known under the abridged title of al-
Rawd al-hatun, written by Ibn Ghazi (d. 919/1513), a
learned magistrate in Fas, for his natal town.
There remain the rMas, which comprehend spatial
journeys and/or varied themes Whilst the nhla ot al-
AbdarT is a descnptiun ol the intellectual centies and
ut the state of knowledge obtaining towaids the end
ot the 7th/ 13th centurv, comprising the Maghrib and
the lands stretching to the Hidjaz (Rabat 1%8) that
by al-Tidiam at the turn of the 8th/ 14th centurv has
a setting ot military considerations and describes the
position ot the tribes along the eastein littoial of Ifn-
kiya at the same time noting the soao-cultural pecu-
liarities and traditions ot the inhabitants there (new
ed H H Abdul- Wahab Tunis 1958 Fr ti in JA
4th senes, xx 57-208 5th series i, 101-b8) The nhla
called Mai' al'mba of Ibn Rushavd (Tunis nd) and
the Mustafad ot al-TudjTbi ot Ceuta (Tunis-Libya n d )
bring out the impacts ol cultuial relations between
the Maghnb and the Mashnk at their \jiious pen-
ods Further the Vo/n of tht /ourruy of an Andaluu in
Mom co of Ibn al-Hadjdj al-Numavn (d after 7b8/
13671 (ed and Fr ti AL de Premaie Lvons 1981)
are a sketch ol the same relations between rl-Andalus
and the southern shores ot the western Mediterranean
in the mid-8th/14th centurv whilst his Fmd al'ubab
is iathei a field leport tracing the situation in the
Cential Maghrib at the time ol the Mannid Sultan
Abu 'Inans [q 1 ] expedition towards Ifnkiya 757-
8/1356-7 Soon afterwards a iairlv diflerent account
was to be the subject ol a holiday nhla written up
by Ibn al-Khatib, the Nufadat at djnab in which the
society and countryside ol the Moioccan southwest
are described in a magistial iashion 111 spite ol arti
finalities (ed M Abbadi Cairo nd complemented
F Faghya Rabat 1989) Somewhat later in the sec-
ond hall of the next centurv there are two accounts
to note one wntten in Latin b> the Fleming Anselm
Adornus on Haisid Ifnkiva in 1470 and the other in
Arabic by the Egyptian 'Abd al-Basit b khahl (d
920/1515), illuminating, lor the same period the socio-
political situation in Fas and Tlemcen (R Brunsthvig
Deux rents de loyage intdih tn \jnque du \ord au \\
necle Pans 193b)
Finallv theie are two essential pictures ol the situa-
tion in North Aim a of their time though distant fiom
each other, sc the nhla called Tuh/at al nuzzar of Ibn
Battuta (d after 770/13b8 [qi]) and the Dtscnptwn
of ifrua by al-Hasan al-Wazzan called Leo Aim anus
[q 1 ] completed in Italv in the local language
Bibliograph) (in addition to references in the
text) R Brunschvig La Berbtne onentale sous In Ha/
sides da ongtnes a la Jin du \l neck 1 Pans 1940
conqutte dt I ifnque du Nord par lei irabtt etude in
tique in 4ffiO(1942) 108-55 idem In aiput di la
Gaudefroy Demombynes Cairo 1935-45 147-58 A
Huici Miranda, Histona pohtua del Imptno almohadi
2 vols Tetuan 195b-7 T Lewicki Lei histonens
bwgraphes it traditwnmstts ibadites uahbites dt I \fnqut
du Nord du Mil au \M such 111 Folia Onentaha 111
(19b 11 1-134 HR Idns La Berbtru orientate sou* les
prides (\ \II units) 1 Pans 19b2 pp xm-xxv
M Talbi Ltmuat aghlabidi (184 296/800 909) Pans
19bb 9-15 Maya Shatzmiller L histonogiaphu menmdt
Leiden 1982 Mohammed El-Mennouni al Masadir
al 'arabma h ta'nkh al Maghrib 1 Rabat 1983 \\
Schwartz, Die in/ange da Ibaditen in Nordafnla
Wiesbaden 1983, CI Cahen L histonogiaphu arabe
des ongina au Mil s H, in irabna xxxm (1986)
133-98, esp 166-71, 191-2 M kably South pou
1 on et rthgion au Marot a la fin du Moyen ige (\I\
\\ siecles-) Pans 198b pp xxh-xxxi and passim
H L Beck, L'image d'Idris II, ses descendants de Fes et
la politique shanfienne des sultans mannides (656-869/
1258 1465), Leiden 1989, ch. 1; V. Lagardere, Les
Almoramaes, Paris 1989, 9-16 and passim.
(M. Kably)
B The post- 1450 peiiod
In Maghribi" historiography, which to a great extent
follows the patteins of mediaeval Arab historiography
tankh lepiesents a wide range ot knowledge it thus
has a broader semantic charge than its equivalents —
e g historv histoire histona— in European languages
It is a source ot information tor those in government
a gallerv tor the display of toimei political regimes
a repertory ot significant religious events (e g the life
ot the Prophet) biographies of devout men who left
to posterity commentaries and compilations ot hadith
ta'nkh is the science ot the nai ration ot events espe-
ciallv religious and political and the ait ol ananging
them logical]) or chi onologicallv In the intioduction
to his Muladdima, Ibn khaldun writes that Historv
aa'rith) is a noble science It convevs to us the
biogiaphv of piophets the thiomcles of kings their
dynasties and then policies (snasa) (Beirut 1967 Fr
tr V Monteil 1 13 Eng tr F Rosenthal New "i ork
1958 1 15)
Maghribi histoncal science afliims its autonomy in
relation to the histoi lography ol the Muslim lands ol
the Orient from the end ot the Middle Ages onwards
as a function of the changes in political oiganisation
the object of its stud) which uniolded in the lands
of the Muslim West the end of the Mannid empne
and the beginning of a long period of instability affect-
ing the lands ot the western Mediterranean at the
end ot the 15th centurv and the beginning ol the
16th The territorial individualities which henceior-
waid took the specific names ot al Maghnb al akia al
Maghrib al ausat Ifiilna etc gave the intellectuals of
each country the idea of belonging to a particular
nation unique and different from all others Religion
was no longer the cement of cohesion Also the pres-
ence ot Ottoman Tuiks on the coasts ol the Maghnb
and that of Christians Spanish and Portuguese in
established constituted the dnving ioice contributing
igence ind aftn matron ot histoiy specific
• Thus
ol the nation was gradually crvstalhsed in the lands
ot the Maghnb And historv ta'nLh fixed these sue-
to another hitherto little-known phenomenon sc that
Mhbar
tacts intoi matron news
(on this s
see CI C
1 du monde
man media
al MI \\ milt Mtthod
bibhogiaphie
Pans 1982 69-70) con
titute the b
1 Tb
e the e
ol chronicles the object of which is to nan ate from
dav to day events concerning pnnces and d-ynasts
thus compiling roval annals (see below toi examples
relating to al-Maghnb al-Aksa) The constitution ol a
corpus ot alhbar might have as its ob]ect the desenp-
tion (not analvsis nor explanation since either ot these
mav engender indifference towaids the prince) of
dynastic politics or of a wide-ranging social change
ol hadith
Fiom the 15th centurv onwards, Maghribi histon-
cal science abandoned the style ot the ma]or epic to
peoples whose ways and customs were known. Ibn
Khaldun remains the master in this field. In the first
book of the Mukaddima, the Kitab al-'Ibat ("book of
examples") he set out his theory, indeed his philoso-
phy, of history. He opened the way not only for his-
toriographers of the Maghrib, but for those of other
nations as well. But this science is not within the
reach of the novice, according to him; it demands
qualities and extensive knowledge. "He who practises
this science (la'rikh) needs to know the rules of the
political art, the nature of existing things and the dif-
ference between nations, regions and tribes in terms
of way of life, qualities of character, customs, sects,
schools of thought, etc. He must distinguish the simi-
larities and the differences between the present and
the past, and know the diverse origins of dynasties
In the 16th century, the centres of study and dif-
fusion of the culture of the Muslim West would hence-
forward be Fas, Marrakesh, Tlemcen, Tunis and
Kayrawan. The authors whose historical works are
known to us passed through at least one of these cen-
tres, articulating and formulating local themes. The
best representative of this period is without doubt al-
Hasan Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi, better known
by the name of Leo Africanus [q.v]. His work. Historical
description of Africa, 1556, translated from Italian, is
made up of a series of monographs on cities, regions,
populations and kingdoms (of Fas, Marrakesh,
Tlemcen, Bougie, Tunis and Tripoli). This study
reflects the brilliant personality of the author, as well
as the ideas that were current at the time. It was to
1 and plagiarised by numerous Arab and
Chris
juld nev
• be o
for Luis del Marmol y Carvajal, Descripcion general de
Africa (Granada 1573-99, 3 vols.), his texts are some-
times overloaded with detail but are not lacking in
interest. His debt is considerable, not only to Leo
Africanus but also to other "Arab" authors — Maghribis
in this instance. The author lays emphasis on the nat-
ural riches of the Maghrib, and his work is extremely
useful for the study of historical geography and the
history of agricultural practices.
In the central Maghrib, where political unity had
long been hindered by the absence of a central author-
ity and the existence at certain times of numerous
kingdoms, authors exercised their talents in the domain
of urban monography, with such titles as Constantine,
and some Arab authors of Constantine (see Ch. Saint-Calbre,
in RA, vii [1913], 70-93). Each author evoked, in his
own fashion, the history of his town and of the
Maghribl town in general. Not all of these studies
and were ignored even by a cultured public.
In the conceptions of history held by Maghribl
scholars, there is a perennial need to return to the
sources, to the origins of life and mankind as far back
as Adam, Eve or Noah when they are dealing with
anthropology; or to the Prophet Muhammad when
religious questions are being addressed. Genealogy,
an area of knowledge dear to scholars, is considered
a branch of history in its own right. A text belong-
ing to this genre of writing can be the work of one
or several persons, and may be the private chronicle
of a family. The object of writers of this genre is
to show their illustrious origins, either by associating
themselves with the family of the Prophet or with
some saintly person whose religious aura is recog-
nised in the West as well as in the East; Berber dynas-
ties, such as the Marmids and Wattasids, had recourse
to this stratagem to bolster their legitimacy. The Kitab
al-Nasab, by 'Abd al-Salam b. Abi 'Abd Allah (who
wrote at Fas in 1098/1687; see A. Giacobetti, in RA,
xlvi-xlviii [1902-4]), is a good example of this. The
first part of this work begins with the eulogy of the
Prophet, followed by the biography of Sidr 'Abd al-
Kadir al-Djflam. The second part (by 'Abd al-Salam
b. al-Tayyib, written 1089/1678), deals with the
descendants of this saint, among whose number the
authors of the work claim to be.
The Tunisian historian Ibn Abi Dinar al-Kayrawani
[q.v] , considered a successor to Ibn Khaldun although
several centuries separate them, displays in his his-
torical study of Ifrlkiya a certain reserve, even scorn,
towards those Arabs who settled in Tunisia in former
times, following invasions and migrations. The period
which he describes (the 17th century) is far removed,
however, from the major invasions of the Arab tribes
which left nothing but desolation in their wake. It is
evident that these considerations move him closer to
the author of al-Mukaddima.
Al-Kayrawani reclaimed the autonomy and the
maturity of Tunisian scholarship. His writings may be
used in the service of the history of political ideas or
of Tunisian nationalism.
In Morocco, al-Maghrib al-Aksa, historical research
and historiography have been fertile in the modern
period and even in the 19th century. The number of
titles is impressive, but the quality sometimes mediocre.
Even religious history, which once enjoyed particular
esteem, remained largely incomprehensible. Its new
style, sententious and emphatic, had the effect of erect-
ing a barrier between the scholars and those whom
they addressed. Although Ibn Khaldun was known
and even admired, no one took him for a model. His
unequivocal statements of truth, his criticisms of gov-
ernments as unscrupulous, indolent, violent, power-
hungry, self-seeking, etc., as applied to Morocco, could
have endangered those expressing such views. The
majority of Moroccan scholars turned at that time
towards chronology, literature (on condition that it
was not subversive), biography, hagiography and geo-
graphical descriptions. The essentials, meaning gen-
eral history and political history, were utterly neglected.
In sum, the majority of Moroccan historians of the
modern and contemporary eras have been chroniclers:
most if not all have been historiographers in the ser-
vice of Sa'dian or 'Alawl sultans. The following may
be cited: Abu Faris, known by the name of 'Abd al-
'Azlz al-Fishtall and his history, Manahil al-safa fi akhbat
al-muluk al-shurafd' ; al-Ifranl [q.v.] and his Nuzhat al-
hadl bi-akhbar muluk al-kam al-hadl; and Abu '1-KSsim
al-Zayyanl, al-Turdjuman al-mughrib (for these works,
see E. Levi-Provencal, Chorfas).
In the 17th- 18th centuries, Maghribl history was
enriched by increasingly numerous European accounts,
such as Histoire des conquctcs de Moulay Archy et de Muley
Ismael by Germain Mouette (1683) on the first 'Alawi
sultans of Morocco; the Topografia e histona general de
Argel by D. Haedo (1612); and the Memoires of the
Chevalier d'Arvieux (1735), who was French consul
in Algiers at the end of the 18th century.
In the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, accounts of
journeys proliferated — not least stories of Christian
captives and of their ransoming by religious figures
who travelled frequently to the Maghrib and to the
Orient. Particular mention should be made of the
work of Pere Dan, Histoire de la Barbaric et de ses cor-
saires (Paris 1637, 1649), the Redemptorist priest who
for almost half a century made it his business to ran-
som Christian captives and who supplied copious infor-
mation on the three regions of North Africa.
Finally, since the middle of the 19th century,
research in European archives (national archives,
archives of foreign and marine affairs, chambers of
western Europe) has led to the study of a large num-
ber of documents relating to the three above-men-
tioned lands or to those further east, comprising various
treaties, commercial accords, and official correspon-
dence, and some of these have been published, e.g.
Document inedits sur Inoccupation espagnole en Afnque, pub-
lished in 1875-77 by de la Primaudaiae; the monu-
mental collection of Sources inedites de I'Histoire du Maroc,
undertaken in 1905 in Paris by Colonel
H. de Castries, in which are published documents
drawn from the archives of France, Spain, the
Netherlands, Portugal and Britain, from the 16th cen-
la Com de France (1579-1833), Paris 1898, published
by E. Plantet.
It is to be noted that the work of the chroniclers
continued into the 19th century, exemplified in the
very important book written by al-Nasir al-SalawT
[q.v.], K. al-Istiksa li-akhbar duwal al-maghrib (Clairo 1844).
In the 1970s, Abdallah Laroui, in his Histmre du
Maghreb, has become the reference source for the
understanding, recording and analysing of the history
of the Muslim West. His novel method of approach-
ing documentation facilitates the comparison of texts
of diverse origins, and the establishment of more per-
tinent syntheses.
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(Ahmed Farouk and Ghantal de La Veronne)
(g) Christian Arabic historiography.
The information on the course of Muslim history,
especially on the early conquests or the struggles and
relations with foreign powers, as well as the some-
times one-sided perception of events found in Muslim
historiographical sources, is usefully complemented by
information provided by Christian historiographers,
whose writings are partly based on sources in Syriac,
Greek or Coptic — not accessible to Muslim authors —
and which were written from a different perspective,
that of the conquered peoples who were later to
become the Christian minorities. It should be empha-
sised, however, that the perspective of these Christian
writings, even when composed in Arabic, is often not
determined by their general Christian background so
much as by their more specific communitarian affil-
iation (Jacobites [see ya'kubiyyun] , Nestorians [see
nasturiyyun] , Melkites, Copts [see al-kjbt] and
Maronites [see maruniyya, in Suppl.]). Especially in
the Universal Chronicles, Christian historiographers
did not hesitate to use different genres of Muslim
material, sometimes copying it in a most literal way,
without comments or corrections on their side.
The aim of the present article is to give an overview
of the historiographical material written by Christians
till the end of the 'Abbasid period and the first years
of the Mamluks in Egypt insofar as it deals with gen-
eral history and is relevant for aspects of the relations
between Muslims and Christians. Chronicles describing
mainly the internal life of the Christian communities,
such as the recently discovered East Syrian Ecclesiastical
Chronicle Mukhtasar al-akhbar al-bfiyya (ed. B. Haddad,
Baghdad 20001 are not taken into consideration. This
article is, for this period somewhat artificially, limited
to the production in Arabic. As a matter of fact.
Christian historiography written in the Christian
national languages, especially in Syriac, in many aspects
shows the same characteristics as the works composed
by Christians in Arabic.
Melkites
The first important historiographer is Euthychius,
Patriarch of Alexandria from 323/935 till 328/940,
known in Arabic as Sa'Td b. al Bitrik [q.v.]. He is the
author of a universal history: Kitab al-Ta'rfkh al-madjmu'
'aid 1-tahkTk wa 1-tasdik, also known as Nazm al-djawhar.
This work exists in two different recensions. The first,
shorter recension (by the editor designated as "Alexan-
drian") is preserved only in ms. Sinaiticus Arab. 582
(10th century), possibly an autograph. Mutilated in the
beginning and at the end, it gives the history from
Moses till the Muslim conquest of Egypt and some
subsequent events in Jerusalem (Das Annalenwerk des
Eutvchios con Alexandnen. Ausgewahlte Geschichten und
Legenden kompilmt von Sa'Td ibn Batriq urn 935 A.D., ed.
and tr. M. Breydy, CSCO 471-2, Leuven 1985). The
longer recension ("Antiochian") enjoyed greater popu-
larity, but contains an important number of later addi-
tions and interpolations (ed. L. Cheikho, Eutychiii
Patriarchae Alexandrmi annates, i, Beirut, 1905, ii, 1909,
1-88 (repr. in CSCO 50-1, Leuven 1954, tr. E. Pococke,
Contextio gemmarum seu Eutvchiae patriarchal Alexandrini
annates, Oxford 1658, repr.' in PG, cxi, cols. 889-1156,
and B. Pirone, Eutychi, Palnarca di Alessandria (877-940).
Gli annali, Cairo 1987). It covers the period from the
creation of Adam till the year 326/938, two years
before the death of the author. The work exploits
several Muslim sources, among which is historical,
juridical and traditionist material. The Alexandrian
recension presents the conquest of Egypt according to
a version by the local traditionist 'Uthman b. Salih.
In the manuscripts containing the Antiochian recen-
sion, Eutychius's Ta'rikh is continued by a chronicle
composed bv Yahya b. SaTd al-Antakt [q.v.] cover-
ing the period between 326/937-8 to 425/1033-4 (best
ed., Histoire de lahya-Ibn-Sa'id dAntwchi, ed. and tr.
I. Kratchkovsky and A. Vassiliev, in PO, xviii/5,
xxiii/3, Paris 1924, 1932, crit. ed. I. Kratchkovsky,
Fr. ami. F. Micheau and G. Troupeau, in PO, xlvii/4,
Paris 1997, with extensive bibliography). The objec-
tive of this work is clearly indicated by the author in
the introduction: to write the continuation (dhayl) of
the work composed by SaTd b. al-Bitrlk according to
the method adopted by the latter. After the discov-
ery of new sources, the author felt, however, obliged
to rework the first recension, a first time in Egypt, a
second time (in 405/1014-15) in Antioch. The dhayl
is an important source for our knowledge of the his-
tory of Egypt and Syria, especially the regions of
Antioch and Aleppo, and the Arab-Byzantine rela-
tions during this period. It is based on various Greek
(unidentified) and Arabic sources, among which are
on the Muslim side, Thabit b. Sinan, an anonymous
'Iraki source, Ibn Zulak, 'Alt b. Muhammad al-
ShimshatT and al-Musabbihi. A Christian-Arabic source
is the vita of the Melkite patriarch of Antioch
Christopher (959-67) by Ibrahim b. Yuhanna (J.A.
Forsyth, The Byzantine-Arab chronicle (938-1034) of Xahya
b. Sa'id al-Antdki, Ph.D. diss. Ann Arbor, University
of Michigan 1977). The dhayl was known to later
Muslim authors, such as Ibn al-'Adlm, who used it
for the composition of his Z"bdat al-halab fi ta'rikh
Halab (ed. S. Dahan, Damascus 1951).'
Agapius (Mahbub Kustantln), bishop of Manbidj
[10th century) wrote a universal history, known as the
Kitab al-'Unwdn, beginning with the Creation and con-
tinuing till the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Leo
IV (775-80) and the Caliph al-Mahdi. Most infor-
mation on the Muslim period was drawn from the
later Syriac historiographers, presumably composed by
the Melkite Theophilus of Edessa, an astrologer in
the service of al-Mahdi, who may also have used an
unidentified Muslim chronology. Agapius's work was
edited by L. Cheikho (Agapius episcopus Mabbugensis.
Histona universalis! Kit b ,1 Unwai CSCO 65, Paris
1912, and by \ Vassilie\ Kitab al-'Unvan, histoire mi-
veiselle ecnte par Agapius (Mahboub) de Menbidj, PO, v/4,
,u;4 ■ i,/ 7 ! riif h a' Unman togethe with the v >il
by Sa'Td b. al-Bitnk, was much appreciated by al-
Mas'udi (Tanblh, 154).
According to al-Nadim's Fihnst (ed. Fliigel, i, 1871,
295), Kusta b. Luka (9th century [q.v.]) is said to be
the author of a (lost) universal (?) chronicle, al-Firdaws
fi
ta'rikh.
We.
The most important historiographical work in Arabic
composed by a Syrian Orthodox author is the
Mukhtasar ta'rikh al-duwal of Gregorius Barhebraeus
(Syriac: Bar 'Ebroyo) or Ibn al-'Ibri (1226-86 [q.v.]).
According to information found in his Ecclesiastical
chronicle (EC), he allegedly composed this chronicle at
the request of some Muslim friends in Maragha [q.v.],
who apparently had heard about Barhebraeus's fame
as a historiographer and as author of a voluminous
universal history, written in Syriac. This Chronography
was divided into two parts, an ecclesiastical chronicle
and a so-called civil chronicle, which were sometimes
considered as two separate works. The structure of
U Mukhtasar (ed > b.Jl.ml,^ a'rikh Mukhtasar al
duwal, Beirut 1898, -'1958, new ed. Kh. Mansur, Beirut
1997) is comparable to that of the Out chwmcle [CC .
the Mukhtasar being divided into ten dynasties and its
Syriac counterpart into eleven dynasties; but both
works are universal histories covering the period from
Adam till the time of the Mongols. The Arabic title
suggests that the Mukhtasar is merely a summary of
the CC. As a matter of fact, the Mukhtasar contains
much information not found in the CC, e.g. many
short biographical notices on Islamic scholars. Some-
times the information given in the Mukhtasar differs
considerably from the CC or is written from a dif-
ferent perspective. A good example is the attitude
towards Muhammad, depicted positively in the
Mukhtasar as an instrument in the hands of God,
whereas the CC emphasises forced conversions and
the spread of Islam "by the sword". A possible rea-
son for these differences, as suggested by the EC,
might be the public the author had in mind when
he composed his chronicle. A study by L.I. Conrad,
h the A ( I f b I i « n
ence, in Parok de I'Orwnt, xix [1994], 319-78, shows
that it is too simplistic to consider Muslims as the
intended readership of the Mukhtasar, since a number
of passages are of interest only to Christians. The
best way to explain the differences between both works
is to consider them as independent histories, which
are to an important extent based on different sources
(H. Teule, The Crusadei in Barhebraeus Syriac and Arabic
secular chronicles in k. Ciggaar et alii (eds.) East and
West in the Crusader states, Louvain 1996, 39-49). In
the case of the Mukhtasar, the author used more Islamic
historiographical material, such as the Ta'rikh al-
Hukama >1 al Kiftl ( i thf Tabaka il-umam by Sa' id
it the end of his life, he did not
mother
; the s
and the CC.
;sed in the Mukhta:
'East Syrians
Hunayn b. Ishak [q.v], the most renowned 'Iraki
Christian in Muslim literature, is the author of a lost
chronicle in Arabic describing the period from Creation
ill the time of al-Mutawakkil (cf. Ibn Abr Usaybi'a,
'Uyun al-anba', 273). Ya'kQb b. Zakariyya al-Kashkan
composed a seemingly important chronicle, now lost,
comparable to the work of Agapius and Eutychius. It
was highly praised by al-Mas'udi (Tanbih, 155). Elias,
bishop of Nisibis (975-after 1049) is the author of a
bilingual (Syriac-Arabic) chronicle, divided into two
parts, preserved in only one manuscript, document-
ing the period from Creation till 409/1018 (Eliae
H'i oh! Visibenat opu hronologi an i -.1 and tr.
E.W. Brooks, ii, ed. and tr. J.B. Chabot, CSCO 62-
3, Rome, Paris and Leipzig 1910). The second part
consists mainly of conversion tables and descriptions
of the different Christian, Muslim and Jewish calen-
dars. The Muslim sources quoted by name in the
first part are: Muhammad b. Musa al-Kh"arazmi,
Abu Dja'far al-Tabari, 'Ubayd Allah b. Ahmad, Abu
Bakr Muhammad b. Yahya al-Suli and Thabit b.
Sinan. This work was also highly praised by Ibn Abi
Usaybi'a (pp. at., 72). The voluminous K. al-Ta'rikh
or K. al-Tawarikh ("Book of Dates") composed by
Yuhanna al-Mawsili in 1332 is, in fact, more a theo-
logical encyclopaedia than a work of history. The
historical section only deals with inner-Christian devel-
opments (cf. B. Landron Chret ns e mus Imar r I i<
Paris 1994, 140).
Marom
Kays al-Mar
-Mas'udI (Tanblh, 154), a certain
said to have written a beautiful
with the caliphate of al-Muktaff. The language of this
lost work was supposedly Arabic. Al-Mas'udi states
that generally speaking the Maronites, unlike the
Melkites, the Jacobites and the Nestorians, were not
active in the field of historiography.
Copts
Traditionally ascribed to Sawirus b. al-Mukaffa'
(flor. 10th century [see ibn al-mukaffa', Severusj the
History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria (Ar. Siyar al-Bfa al-
mukaddasa "biographies" of the Holy Church) is a col-
lective work, the main redaction of which was
completed by Mawhub b. Mansur b. Mufarridj al-
Iskandarani (ca. 1025-1100). Mawhub, who frequendy
acted as an intermediary between the Fatimid author-
ities and the Coptic community, is himself the author
of the lives of the Patriarchs Christodoulos and Cyril
II. His work was continued till the early 13th cen-
tury by three subsequent authors. Later lives do not
belong to the original work. This history (ed. B. Evetts,
History of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, PO 1.2, 1.4,
5.1, 10.5, Paris 1904-15, continued by Y. 'Abd al-
Masih et alii as History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian
Church, Cairo 1943-74) describes the history of the
Coptic Church, arranged according to the reigns of
the Patriarchs. Many siyar, including those by Mawhub,
deal, however, not only with ecclesiastical life but also
record events pertaining to the field of general polit-
ical history. The work was known to Ibn Khaldun
and al-Maknzi.
Nushu' Abu Shakir Ibn al-Sana' al-Rahib (13th
century), or Ibn al-Rahib [q.v. in Suppl.], is the author
of a K. ai-Taivarlkh consisting of three parts: a trea-
tise on astronomy and chronology; an elaborate uni-
versal history, dealing with world events, Islamic history
and ecclesiastical matters; and a short history of the
Ecumenical Councils. The so-called Chm, ico on* I ,
ascribed by the editor to Ibn al-Rahib (ed. Cheikho,
CSCO scriptor. ar. 1-2, Beirut, Paris and Leipzig
1903), is only a later abridgment of Ibn al-Rahib's
universal history composed by an anonymous author.
The 13th century al-Makln b. al-'Amid [q.v] wrote
a universal history, called al-Madjmu' al-mubarak, extend-
ing from Creation to the time of Sultan Baybars
(658/1260). It exists of two parts, the second Islamic
part being based on al-Tabarl or the Ta'rlkh Sdlihl
of Ibn Wasil or one of its sources. The section on
the Ayyubids (ed. CI. Cahen, in BEO, xv [1955], 109-
84), describing contemporary events is, however, more
Bibliography (in addition to references given in
the article): L. Cheikho, al-Tawdnkh al-nasrdniyya fi
'l-'arabiyya, in al-Mashnk, xii (1909), 481-506 (also
surveys works no longer extant); G. Graf, GCAL,
Rome 1944-53, 5 vols.; A. Sidarus, Ibn al-Rdhibs
Leben und Werk. Ein koptisch-arabischer Enzyklopddist des
7./ 13. Jahrhunderts, Freiburg 1975; P. Kawerau,
Christlich-arabische Chrestomathie aus historischen
Schiiftskllem dts Mittelalter s 11 Ttxtt 12 Glossar 2
Uberset-ung CSCO 370 374 Lomain 1976 385
Lomain 1977 Samn Khahl Simn Trots manusmh
de la chromque arabe de Barhebraeus a Istanbul in
Onentaha Christiana Periodica xhi(1980) 142 4 M
Breydy Etudts sur Sa'id ibn Batnq et sis sourin CSCO
450 subsidia 69 Lemen 198? JM Fiey Important
et limitei dts uniains dimmi pour I histoirt dt I Orient
in Dirasat xxm(1988) 5-13 UI Ishak \lasadir
\bi /Farad) al Malati al ta nkhma ira athamha ft
manahidjihi in \ram i (1989) 149 72 J den Heijer
Manhub ibn Mansm ibn Mufarng tt I histonographie copto
arabt Etude sui la tomposition dt I Histmre dts Patnanhes
dMexandne CSCO 513 subsidia 83 Lemen 1989
Samir Christian \iabu liteiatwt m thi 'ibbasid ptnod
in MJL ^oung et alii (eds i CHiL Religion learn
ing and stuntt in tht 'Abbasid period Cambudge 1990
44b-b0 esp 455-9 den Heyer art Histor, of the
Patriarchs of \le\andna in Coptic Encyclopaedia i\ (1991)
1238-42 R Hoy land Irabu Smai and Greek histo
iraphy in tht fust ibbasid itntun an enquin into inttr
culture,
(1991) 211-3?
Islam as
others sail i
\
sum
and
valuation
of Chns
Jeuish a
rh Islair
Punce
1997 J
Nasrallah
H
du mr
itttraire
lEghse
■ntlchite du I
at,
XX
such
Contnbu
tion a I
.eeing
dt la htUratun aiabe thretitnnt 112 III Lemen Pans
1990 (HGB Telle)
II. 8. In the Nilotic Sudan.
The extant Arabic historical writings of the Nilotic
Sudan (including the outlying western provinces ol
Kordofan and Dar Fur [q.w.]) 'before 1899 are exhaus
lively listed in R S O'Fahey irabu littraturt of ifnta
i, Tht iintmgs of tastern Sudanu ifiua to t 1900 Leiden
1994 Most ol these works are extant only in mss
Of the lew published works the most important are
(1) 'The Fundj Chronicle" the comentional name
of a chronicle extant in seieial mss and recensions
It co\ers the penod irom the emergence ol the Fundj
kingdom ol Sinnar traditionally in 910/1504-5 to (at
latest) 1288/1871 The original authoi of the Chronicle
was Vhmad b al-Hadjdj Abu [sic] 'All known as
Katib al-Shuna horn his post in the go\ernment giain
store He was born neai al-Masallamivya (Blue Nile)
in 1199/1784-5 and died altei Rabr' I 1254/May-
June 1838, whe Ie his Chronicle ends Beginning as a
king-list with added blocks of mioimation (some ol
anthiopological interest), a continuous detailed nana-
tive staits with the leign of Bad! IV, on whose o\er-
throw in 1 175/1762 power passed to a clan of regents
the Hamadj Shaykhs lulmg o\er an e\er-dwindhng
region ol the Blue Nile until the imasion of the Sudan
by the forces of Muhammad ' AIT Pasha of Egypt [q v ]
in 1235/1820 and the establishment ol the Tui co-
Egyptian regime [al Tmkina) The later editors and
continuatois weie, like katib al-Shuna iormed by a
traditional Sudanese Islamic education, and had
appointments under the Turco-Egyptian administra-
tion. They were thus members of a group which had
little to regret at the passing of the Fundj kingdom
and the ending of the anarchic Hamadj regency. They
show no hostility to the Turco-Egyptian regime as such,
which brought greater security and the consolida-
tion under the aegis of the Islamic Ottoman Empire,
although they criticise individual officers and admin-
istrators. While the later part of the Chronicle is in
no sense an official history, it was written by men who
accommodated themselves reasonably comfortably to
the regime of Muhammad 'All and his successors.
The Chronicle has been published twice: (a) its
last recension by Makki Shubayka, Ta'rikh muluk al-
Sudan Khanoum 1947 (b) Katib al-Shuna's text [some
tollation with other mss) b> al-Shatu Busa>h 'Abd
al-Djahl Makhtutat hatib al Shuna Cano 1963 An
recension was published b> H \ MacMichael 4 his
' " ' Sudan Cambridge 1922 n 354
430
fuller t
nslatio
) hitab al Tabakat fi khus
i Ishu'a
itle in the published editions) As the title
indicates this is a biogiaphical dictionary ol the Muslim
hoi) men of the Nilotic Sudan peihaps the onh. rep-
resentatne ol the genie iiom the region It was writ
ten and compiled (since theie is internal evidence ol
sources ol \anous kinds) b> Muhammad al-Nur b
Day! Allah and hence is usually reiened to as the
Tabakat ol Wad lie Wilad) Day! Allah From inter-
nal e\idence it was compiled about 1219/1804 5 Wad
Dayf Allah icsembled the authors of the Fundj
Chiomcle in being a member of the traditionally edu
cated Muslim elite He was born in 1139/1727 at
Halfayat al Muluk north of present day Khartoum
North Like his father he taught in the mosque acted
as a mufti and became telebrated lor his icligious
writings He died beiore the Turco Egyptian conquest
in 1224/1809 10
The Tabakat was published twice in 1930 m Cairo
by Ibrahim Sadik (? Suddavk) and Sulavman Diwud
Mandil respec. ti\ eh V critical edition prepared b\
Wuf Fadl Hisan was published in Khartoum m
1971 ( 1974) It contains 270 biographical notices pif
dominantly ol Sufi shaykhs (mainly horn the Kidinvya
tanka) and )unsts chiefly ol the Maliki madhhab There
aie l lew notices of persons holding iormal appoint
ments and a small number ol legendaiv sums aie
jded No lull English translation has been made
tated s
nslation
,ith e
erpts
-n by MacMichael
n 217 323 The text and translation of thiee notices
appeal in S Hillelson Sudan -Irabu texts Cambridge
1935 172 203 One (amily ol holy men is studied in
Holt, The Sons of Jabu and then kin, in BSOAS, wx/1
(19b7) 142-58
The ioles ol charismatic holy man and Islamic
reformei were momentously lused in Muhammad
(■\hmadi b 'Abd Allah, the Sudanese Mahdr [see al-
mahdiy\a], a hagiogiaphy of whom was written by
Isma'il b 'Abd al-Kadir al-Kuidufam (peihaps his
court chiomclei), and entitled hitab ^a'ddat al-mustahdi
bi suat al-lmam al Mahdi The unique extant copy ol
this and its sequel, al Tud^ al-mankush bi-bushid katl
luhanna malik al Hubiish, descubing the wai between the
Mahdists and the Ethiopians in 1889, is now in the
TA'RIKH — TIBBIYYE-i 'ADLIYYE-i SHAHANE
Sudan Archive (Box 99/6) of Durham University.
The former was edited by Muhammad Ibrahim Abu
Salim and published under its own title at Beirut in
1972; an English summary translation with a useful
introduction was published by Haim Shaked, The life
of the Sudanese Mahdi, New Brunswick, N.J. 1978. An
edition of al-Tiraz was published by Abu Salim and
Muhammad Sa'id al-Kaddal as al-Harb al-Habashiyya
al-Sudaniyya 1885-1888 [sic], Khartoum 1972.
The establishment of the Anglo-Egyptian Con-
dominium in 1899 was followed by the development
of westernised education. This, continuing under inde-
pendence, has produced a growing number of pro-
fessional historians, among their pioneers the late
Professor Makki Shubayka (see above), and an increas-
ing body of scholarly historical writing in Arabic and
English. A link between the old and new types of
historians was Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim (b. 1878,
d. after 1935), the self-styled mu'arrikh al-Sudan, whose
writings of historical, literary and political import,
include Nafathat al-yara' ft 'l-adab wa 'l-ta'rlkh wa
', Khartc
i n.d.
Bibliography. Given in the article.
(P.M. Holt)
TAYYIBIYYA, a Sufi brotherhood of the
Maghrib (also Tuhamiyya in western Morocco,
or, further, Wazzaniyya [q.v.]). Add to the Bibl. of
wazzaniyya, O. Depont and X. Coppolani, Les con-
fines religieuses musulmanes, Algiers 1897, 484-90, and
P.J. Andre, Contribution a I'itude des confines musulmanes,
Algiers 1956, 241-5, for an evaluation of the numer-
ical importance of the orders's adherents in the 19th
and 20th centuries. See also Hamdun al-Tahiri, Tuhfal
al-ikhwan bi-ba'd manakib shurafa' Wazzan, Fas
1324/1906; Muhammad al-Miknasi, al-Kawkab al-as'ad
f manakib mawlana sayyidina 'All b. Ahmad, lith. on the
margins of the preceding work; 'Abd al-Salam al-
Kadin, al-Tuhfa al-kadiriyya, ms. Gen. Library of Rabat
no. 2331, I and II (these three sources stem from
affiliates of the order); Muhammad b. al-Tayyib al-
Kadiri, Nashr al-mathani li-ahl al-karn al-hadi 'ashar wa
'l-thani, ed. M. Hadjdji and A. Tawfik, Rabat
1407/1986; and for a detailed bibl. of studies on the
order, H. Elboudrari, La maison du cautionnement. Lei
shorfa d'Ouezzane de la saintete a la puissance, diss., EHESS,
Paris 1984. _ (Ahmed ToufiqJ
THATTA.
2. Monuments.
Over the centuries f haffa has endured invasions,
destruction as well as the fluctuations of the Indus
river bed. This is reflected in the chequered history
of its monuments. Two early mausoleums of saints
remain in the most western part of the city by what
was once an enlarged part of the river bed. Presumably
after the sack of the town by the Portuguese in 1555,
boats were built in that area under Akbar. Two
mahallas formed the western part of the town and in
the northern part stood the masdjid Wali-i-Ni'mat,
which appears to have been used as the LJami' masdjid
before a new structure was ordered by Shahdjahan.
The Shahi bazaar was the link to the later eastern
half of the town. This is a slightly depressed area
which could have been the site of a Mughal irriga-
tion channel. In the north-eastern mahalla, Dabgiran,
the wooden box makers' area, now outside the town,
there remains part of the Dabgir mosque ordered by
Khusrau Khan Carkas in 966/1588. Its measurements
are about 25 m by 1 1 m and the brick building, sim-
ilar to other important constructions, stands on a stone
base. The prayer hall, akin to that of a L5di mosque,
is still extant with the remains of an octagonal drum
and squinches from the collapsed central dome. Two
lower lateral domes cover the rest of the area. Panels
of glazed square tiles with vegetal designs in blues,
white and yellow still remain on some areas of the
building. Part of the visible sahn is paved with flat stones.
The Khirzi mosque standing in the Shahi bazaar
dates from 1022/1613 and was built by 'Abd al-
Razzak Muzaffar Khan prior to his governorship of
Thatta. A small domed entrance leads to the sahn;
each side of the prayer chamber measures 16 m.
Some of the tilework remains in place. The square
Amir Muhammad Khan mosque (1039/1629) with
slightly tapered walls, each side measuring 1 7 m, con-
sists of an entrance portal, a dome on squinches and
a square hall. The flower tile decoration on the dado
is akin to Mughal flower designs. Other tiles follow
Sindhi geometric patterns.
Persian inscriptions give several dates for the build-
ing and repairs of the Djami' masd)id: start 1053/1644,
completion 1056/1648, stone paving 1068/1657, first
repairs in 1104/1692. During the substantial restora-
tion of the 1970s, the area around the mosque was
cleared to make way for a cahar-bagh. The mosque
was ordered by Shahdjahan, and is built along an
east-west axis. It follows the Saldjuk four-f«>a« plan
used in India since the 9th/ 15th century; cf the Atala
mosque in Djawnpur (810/1408). The overall size is
93 m by 52 m. The main dome rising from a drum
of sixteen panels covers the square prayer hall. Two
lesser domed chambers at the main entrance lead into
in the middle of the side riwaks, while its arcades are
covered with a series of small domes. There is no
minaret. Although the restored glazed tiles on an
earthen body look rather crude, the general impact
is still effective, with dense geometric patterns includ-
ing stars and floral designs. The colours include light
and dark blue, white and yellow. Here the continu-
ation of the tradition tilework of Multan, Ucch and
the tombs of the Makli Hills, is beset with the same
technical problems of loose glazing encountered in
Bibliography: H. Cousens, Sindh tiles, 1906, repr.
Karachi 1993; M.I. Siddiqi, Thatta, Karachi 1979;
A.H. Dani, Thatta. Islamic architecture, Islamabad 1982.
TIBBIYYE-i 'ADLIYYE-i SHAHANE, the
Ottoman Imperial Medical School ofMahmud
II (r. 1223-55/1808-39 [q.v.]), opened in 1254/1838,
in the renovated Ghalata-Sarayi [q.v.]. It was a reor-
ganisation of the Tibbkhane-i Amire, a medical school
founded at Istanbul in 1827. The official opening day
of the original Tibbkhane was 14 March 1827, adopted
by the medical community of the Turkish Republic
as Medicine Day (Tip Bayrami), to celebrate modern
medicine. In the Tibbiyye-i 'Adliyye-i Shahane — as in the
original Tibbkhane-i 'Amite — European and Ottoman
doctors taught modern Western medicine, not the tra-
ditional Muslim medicine based still on the humoura-
listic system from Antiquity.
During the 19th century, medicine in the Middle
East underwent profound changes. European medi-
cine was introduced on a much larger scale, and
many European texts were translated into Muslim
languages. Translations by 'Ata' Allah Muhammad
Shanizade (d. 1826 [q.v.]) were especially important
in this regard. The aim of these reforms was to im-
prove the health of the armed forces as the measures
in the medical realm were part of military modern-
isation. Thus medical schools, shaped according to
the Western model, and at which French, Italian,
PLATE LXVII
Fi, 2 fyini m idim part ol i til- panel, horn Plate 2 in ri Cousens, 6uk# ///«, 1906
TIBBIYYE-i <ADLIYYE-i SHAHANE — TONGUQ
Austnan and Geiman piofessors taught Euiopean med-
icine in French were founded in all major capitals
of the Middle East during the first hall oi the 19th
centur> Muhammad 'All Pasha [q t ] established the
first one in 1827 near Cairo followed onlv a month
later bv Mahmud lis military medical school in
Istanbul The third anothei military medical school
was included in the Dai al Funun a polytechnic school
founded m Tehian in 1850-1
The changes in medicine in the Ottoman Empne
during Mahmud II s reign were part of a wide range
oi ieiorming measures Undei his mle government
functions proliferated well beyond the traditional realms
of administering justice collecting ta\es and main-
taining the armed forces Mattel s that had tradition-
ally been left to pin ate hands gradually came under
ate a new genei ation oi able administrators 1 w o meth-
ods were employed to achieye this First Ottoman
students were sent to universities in Euiope to atqune
a profession in selected yalued fields second new
schools were established and given piecedence ovei
the traditional Muslim madrmas One of them was the
Tibbmt i 'idlint I Shahani The many documents and
letters produced by the Ottoman bureaucracy dealing
with salanes and hiring, teaching aids brought oyer
horn Euiope the schools physical setting etc , leflect
school E\en everyday matters and decisions were not
left to the discretion oi the school administration
The curriculum at the Tibbnu i '4dlm, i Shaham
wheie the language oi instruction was Fiench was
decidedly Western Teaching aids pertaining to me-
dical instiuction weie impoited from Euiope In this
it parted ways from the tiaditional medical schools in
the Ottoman Empire The few of these that existed
ioi example at the Suleymaniy-vc complex iepioduced
\iab-Mushm medicine based still to a large extent
on inteipretations oi and additions to, mediaeval
Muslim texts In contiast the iour-year course at the
TibbnM i 'Adlnu i Shaham followed a syllabus com-
bining general and medical subjects The general syl-
labus included languages lAiabic and Turkish but
also Fiench and Latin) Fiench was mandatory m
order to help the students communicate with the
teachers many of whom weie Euiopeans Theie was
another ieason foi the French classes As the sultan
explained in his opening addiess the fust graduates
of the medical school weie to mastei Fiench in oidei
to be able to tianslate the much-needed European
medical texts into Ottoman Turkish Other non-medi-
cal subjects included arithmetic and geometry draw-
ing, geography history and zoology The geneial
curriculum was taught by Ottoman Muslim teatheis
Medical studies taught mainly by non-Muslim and
non-Ottoman teacheis comprised anatomy dissection
pathology chemistry, botany and pharmacology, diag-
nostics, ophthalmology and medical devices
Despite the pronounced Fiench influence the school
was the product oi the close lelationship at the time
between the Ottoman and Habsbuig empires Di
Karl Ambros Beinaid, a medical doctor and surgeon
and a graduate of the \ lenna medical faculty was
bi ought in 1838 from the Austnan capital at the insti-
gation oi Abdulhak Efendi the hikimbushi (Ottoman
head physician [qi ]) to found the school Dr Bernard
served as its first manager till his death at the early
age of i8 in 1844 His widow and family weie gi anted
a stipend bv the empire as a sign of respect to the
man and his services to Ottoman medical education
Di Bernard was not the only example Other \ustnans
teaching at the school were Dr Neuner and Di
Rregler and in the 1840s an Austnan midwife was
given a contract to teach gynaecology and obstetrics
The student body compnsed mainly Muslims but
also included Christians Their numbeis fluctuated
from around 200 at the beginning to ovei 400 by
the end of the 1840s Similaily the teaching cadie
rose from fewer than ten in the 1830s to seveial
do7en a decade later The Tibbnie i 'Adlmi i ^hahane
functioned in Ghalata ioi ten years a fire in \ugust
1848 then obliged the medical school to move to the
Golden Horn
Bibhogiaplii Many aichival documents can be
found in the Basbakanhk Osmanh Arsivi (The
Aichives of the Ottoman Prime Minister) in the
Irade Cevdet and Hatt-i Humayun classifications
\islan Ter7ioglu Turk 4imtrma tibbi ilisUnltii
Istanbul 1087 idem Tuik tibbimn batililasmasi
Istanbul 1903 \vten Mtintas Karl imbws Bimaid in
Mdteb i Tibbne ^ahunemn kuiuiuni oldugu mculcsi n
auini hakkmda in // Turk Tip Tanhi Kmisici (20 21
E)lul 1990), Ankara 1009 91-0 Rengin Diamui
\ltklib i Tibbiu i $aham dt ogntm learnt baj bdgila
m ibid, 137 47 (Miri Shefer)
TONGUg Ismail Hakki (1893-1960) Turkish
Tataratmaca village Silistie He attended Kastamonu
Teacheis College and latei the Istanbul Teachers
College graduating in 1918 He continued his edu-
cational career at the Karlsruhe State Academy tor
the Graphic \rts and Ettlingen Teacheis College in
Gem
-) and 1
ing to Tui
key Ismail Hakki woiked in seyeial schools
both in ad
nimstrative posts and as a teacher of paint-
lafts and physical education In 1935 he
was appoi
ited Dneetoi Geneial of Pnmaiy Edut >
Mnnstrv of Education where he had been
the Directoi of School Museums since
1926 The
fame of Ismail Hakki lests basically on his
childien in
eming the educational problems of village
the eaily Republican penod which found
infE/
piession in the project of \ illage Institutes
nstituleri] his majol achievement Being
Dehind the Institute he played a leading
role dunn
g their establishment and development
Foiced into lesigmng office in 1946 because of an
extensive campaign attacking the Institutes he was
first appointed a membei of the Tahm a Teibnt Kuruhi
(Instiuction and Training Board) and latei in 1949 a
teacher at the Ataturk Lytee wheie he worked until
the Ministry s decision to lemove him in 1950 Ismail
Hakki retired following the annulment oi the decision
by the Council of State in 1954 and died in Ankara
on 2i June 1960
Thioughout his career as an educator Ismail Hakki
wrote several books and articles In most oi his woiks
he elaborated the educational problems fiom theoietital
and piaetical perspectives and stiessed the significance
of vocational naming in the developmental process
Biblio«,apln 1 Selected works Eliflen ithbtn
Istanbul 1927 /// mtu a mualhm mekhpknndt nam
dijlen i< uinat Inbiwi Istanbul 1932 h u mislik lei
bivin \nkaia 19 H Kotde egitim, Istanbul 1938
( anlandmlaiak km Istanbul 1939 Ilko«ietim kairumi
Istanbul 1946 Rami is denim Istanbul 1951 Ogict
nun ansiklopedisi n ptdagop sozluiu Istanbul 1952
Pestaloz^i joatklat ko\u Ankaia I960 Mtktuplarla lot
312
TONGUg — TURKS
2. Studies. M. Basaran, Tonguf yolu, Istan-
bul 1974; Tonguf'a kitap, Istanbul 1961; M. Cimi,
Tonguf baba. Ulkeyi kucaklayan adam, Istanbul 1990;
E. Tongue, Bir egitim devrimcisi. Ismail Hakh Tonguf
{ya§ami, bgretisi, eylemi), i, Ankara 1997; P. Turkoglu,
Tonguf ve enstituleri, Istanbul 1997.
(Aylin Ozman)
TU GHDT b. Djuff b. Baltakin (or Yaltakin) (b.
Furan) b. Furl b. Khakan, military commander
of Farghanan origin, d. at Baghdad in 310/922-3.
His father had left Farghana to serve as an officer
in the caliph al-Mu'tasim's army, also serving his suc-
cessors al-Wathik and al-Mutawakkil. Djuff, said to have
received kata'f at Samarra, died in 247/861 on the
same night that al-Mutawakkil was assassinated.
Tughdj left 'Irak at the ghuldm Lu'lu"s imitation
to enter the service of Ahmad b. Tulun [q.v.], the
governor of Fustat-Misr, in 254/868. He is said to
have acted as governor of Egypt, Diyar Misr, for the
latter or, according to a variant reading, of Diyar
Mudar. According to Ibn Khallikan, he allegedly recog-
nised the governor of the DjazTra, Ishak b. Kundadj,
set there by al-Muwaffak to uphold the 'Abbasid cause
against Ibn Tulun, but Ishak later rallied to the lat-
ter. At all events, Tughdj, after placing himself at Ibn
Tulun's service, must have returned once more to
'Irak since his son Muhammad, the future Ikhshld [see
muhammad b. tughdj] was born at Baghdad, in the
Bab Kufa street, in mid-Radjab 268/January 882.
According to Ibn 'Asakir, Abu 'l-Djaysh Khumara-
wayh [q.v.] nominated Tughdj governor of Damascus
after the death of his father Ibn Tulun in 269/882,
a post in which Khumarawayh's two sons and succes-
sors, Djaysh (d. 283/896) and then Harun (d. 292/
904-5), confirmed him. He was apparently governor
during the whole of al-Mu'tadid's caliphate (279-89/
892-902) and at the beginning of the next reign, that
of al-Muktaff. According to Ibn SaTd al-Andalusf, he
was also governor of Tiberias, in which his son
Muhammad acted as deputy. An 'Alid, one Abu
'1-Tayyib Lahha Muhammad b. Hamza, who enjoyed
great authority in Tiberias, was executed on Harun
b. Khumarawayh's orders for collusion with the
Carmathians (see M. Gil, A history of Palestine 634-
1099, Cambridge 1992, §§ 467, 473, 487). According
to Ibn 'Adim, Tughdj had pre\iously for long acted
as governor of Aleppo for Khumarawayh.
In 279/892-3, state al-Taban and Ibn al-Athir,
Tughdj led at Aleppo, acting for Khumarawayh. an
expedition involving 'Abbasid and Tulunid generals
in the Djazlra and northern Syria, and in 281/894,
a summer plunder raid deep into Byzantine Anatolia.
In 283/896, a group of Tulunid ghuldms, having
failed in a revolt against the incompetent buffoon
Djaysh b. Khumarawayh. sought aman in Baghdad.
One of the fugitives was Badr b. Djuff, but his brother
Tughdj remained in his post as governor of Damas
'erthelf
e railed'
the
al-Har
.t from Misr
Badr b. 'Abd Allah
vith a
mpelled Tughdj temporarily to evacuate Damascus.
At all events, he was still governor in 289/902 when
he had to face the Carmathian revolt in Syria; an
army under Bashir which he sent against Ibn
Zakrawayh was wiped out and he himself besieged in
Damascus, losing a large number of troops [see kalb
b. wabara]. The Tulunids' incapacity, faced with the
Carmathians, led to the 'Abbasids deciding to resume
direct control in Syria and Egypt.
On the fall of the Tulunids in 292/905, Tughdj
f Kinnasnn
left Damascus, with other commander;
to the new 'Abbasid authorities in Mis
them back as a garrison in the dfund c
He later returned to Baghdad where, a
Ibn Khallikan. he died in prison.
He left six sons, as well as Muhammad, the future
Ikhshrd, and at least one daughter who, in 326/938
married the son of the grand Amir Ibn Ra'ik [q.v.],
at the same time as the ™ier Abu '1-Fadl's [q.v.] son
married Ibn Ra'ik's daughter (al-Hamdam, Dhavl
Ta'rikh al-Taban, ed. M. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo
1977, 314).
Tughdj was known for his passion for perfumes;
when travelling, he had in his train fifty camels loaded
with perfumes [sic]. He is said to have built at
Damascus a cupola with latticework, forming a giant
censer, from which he had wafted the aroma of per-
fumes for all the population of the city. Even if these
accounts are cleat ly exaggerated, they do show how
the standard of lhing in the Syrian-Egyptian lands,
at the end of the 3id/9th and beginning of the
4th/ 10th centuries, had risen, allowing the elites to
enjoy a significant amount of luxury goods (see also
Ibn Sa'Id, al-Mughnb, 154-5).
Bibliography: Many sources have information
on Tughdj, often contradictory. For the present
article, the following only have been used: TabarT,
iii, index; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib, vii, 57; 'Aziml, T
Halab, ed. Zaghrur, 283; Ibn al-'Adlm, ~uMa, ed.
Dahhan, i, index; idem, Bughya, ed. Zakkar, ii, ix,
index; Ibn Khallikan. ed. 'Abbas, v, 56-7; Ibn al-
Athir, \ii, index; R. Guest, The governors and judges
of Egypt, Leiden 1912, index. The richest, but not
always the most reliable, source is Ibn Sa'Id al-
Andalusi, al-Mughnb fi hula al-Maghnb, ed. Zaki
Muhammad Hasan et alu, Cairo 1954, index. See
also J. Bacharach, The career of Muhammad b. Tughj
al-IUuhid . . ., in Speculum, 1 (1975), 586-612.
(Th. Bianq_uis)
TURKS.
II. Languages.
non-Latin scripts."
During their history of over fifteen centuries Turkic
peoples interacted with peoples and cultures of three
continents. As a result of this process they became
acquainted with many writing systems, used in vari-
ous regions between Central Asia and Europe. The
historical scene of the emergence of the first written
and literary languages of Turkic peoples is Inner Asia,
the territory of modern Mongolia, the Tarim Basin
(in Sinkiang) and Kansu. The first epigraphic monu-
ments written in a Turkic idiom belong to the Orkhon
Turks (A.D. 552-744) and Uyghurs (744-840), who
created empires in the steppe region. These monu-
ments are written in the so-called runic or runiform
script. After the collapse of their empire, the Uyghurs
left the steppes and moved to the Tarim Basin and
Kansu, founding the Kingdom of Koco (866-1124)
and Kan-tsu (880-1028), both becoming centres of the
Uyghur culture and offering in abundance written
documents mainly of religious (Manichaean, Buddhist
and Nestorian) content. These monuments are written
in Sogdian, Manichaean, Uyghur, and Nestorian scripts
(all of Semitic origin), in Brahmi script (of Indian
origin) and in Tibetan script (in the case of the latter,
also in its variant, the Phags-pa script).
1. The Khazar and Karaim languages
Judaism and Jewish culture played an important
role in the Khazar empire [see khazars] in the region
of the Black and Caspian Seas (7th-llth centuries).
Theiefore it is \ery piobable that the Hebiew script
was in use by this Turkic people although unfortu-
The Hebiew script was adopted later b> the
Kaiaim, of Jewish religion living originally in the
Crimea [see Karaites] A large part of this people
migrated probabh before the 14th century to the
western Ukraine and Lithuania Thev lived there until
the end oi the Second World War when the) moved
to Poland The rich written cultuie oi the Karaim is
iepresented b> mail) manusciipts and printed works
Today the Kaiaim language is an especially endan-
gered language some dialects of it can be considered
The generally suggested supposed histc
• Khaza
and tl
■ Kaia
2 The iimenian kipcak langua^i
After the collapse of the Armenian Asa empire in
the middle of the 11th century Armenians moved to
the Ciimea and later to the western Ukraine As a
result oi intensive contact with the Kipcak Turks they
adopted their language for purposes oi admimsti ation
and religious practice keeping their onginal Armenian
language ior secular hie These documents which have
come down to us irom between the loth and 17th
centuries aie wntten in Aimeman script
3 The irmeman Ottoman language
Aiter the Turkicisation oi Asia Minoi Armenians
living in different provinces oi Anatolia seem very
soon to have become bilingual Tuicophone Armenians
created their own Tuikish literature in the so-called
Armeno-Turkish language wntten in Armenian script
As a result of this activity a large body oi liteiature
(onginal woiks, translations, inscriptions, later also jour-
nals) was created This wntten documentation which
is especiallv rich irom the 17th century onwards can
be traced back until the 14th century
4 The Greek alphabet usid in the Ottoman Empire jor
Turkish
The Orthodox Christian karamans (Turkish
karamanlilar) living in northeastern Anatolia until the
Greek-Turkish population exchanges oi 1924 created
a special literature the pioducts oi which were writ-
ten in Gieek script The history oi this well-docu-
mented group oi monuments can be traced back to
the lbth century It is obvious that these products (at
the outset works oi a religious and historical content
later also journals and newspapers etc ) written in the
so-called karaman (karamanlh language (in fact in a
special dialect oi Ottoman Turkish), were also used
by the bilingual Greeks living in othei legions espe-
ciallv in the Ottoman capital Mam written texts in
the Turkish language but Greek alphabet have also
come down to us irom this large ethnic and religious
group oi the empire
5 Other alphabets used in the Ottoman Empire jor Turkish
The Svnac script was used ior Turkish by a small
Christian community These texts, mainly preserved
in the University Library oi Bonn were destroyed
dunng the Second World Wai
At the same time the Hebrew alphabet was also
used by the Jewish community ioi Turkish, the best-
known surviving example being a copy oi an Ottoman
chronicle in this script
The Institute oi Manuscripts oi the Geoigian
Academy oi Sciences in Tbilisi has a large collection
oi Ottoman Turkish texts written in the Georgian
alphabet Uniortunately we do
ther :
o that n
quantity nor its character and chionology a
so far known Scholais agree however that a svs-
tematif analysis of these materials could throw mtei-
esting light on the history of the Ottoman Turkish
language in this legion of the empire
The Cvnlhc alphabet was used in the Balkans for
Turkish by intellectuals interested in the official lan-
guage of the empne We possess a few manusciipts
and printed books mainly from the 19th century
6 Other Turku languages untten in Cyrillic script
Turkic peoples living in Eastern Europe and Siberia
(Chuvash a part oi the Volga Tatars, \akuts Turkic
peoples in the <\ltai Region etc ), due to the Russian
colonial expansion irom the 18th century onwards
experienced Russian missionary activities and theieby
an acquaintance with the Cyrillic alphabet \11 other
Turkic peoples living in the iormer Soviet Union
adopted the Cyrillic script in the second phase oi the
Soviet writing reform (1939-40), aiter a very shoit
period of using the Latin script introduced to these
peoples between 1922 and 1930 as a replacement ior
The collapse oi the Soviet LInion m 1991 created
a new situation for rethinking the language and scupt
policies of the ioimer imperial powei In the some-
times heated discussions, all possible solutions found
their supporters (keeping the Cyrillic script reintro-
duction oi the Latin oi even of the Arabic alpha-
bets) In the course oi the 1990s, Azerbaijan
Turkmenistan and LIzbekistan have leintroduced the
Latin alphabet with some special signs In these coun-
tnes a transition period in which both Latin and
Cyrillic scripts may be used has been allowed Efforts
to create a Latin alphabet on a common theoretical
and practical basis ior all Turkic peoples have until
Bibliography U Maiazzi Teianh i al i 'Osman
Cronaca anomma ottomana in trascnoone ebraiea (dal
manosentto Heb E 63 delta Bodleian Library) Naples
1980 A Stepanjan Bibhograjiya knit- na turetskom
yazikt napisannikh armyanskimi bukzami (1727 1968),
Erevan 1985 E Balta karamanhdika Additions (1584
1900) Bibhographie anahtique Athens 1987 idem
Karamanhdika XX sitele Bibhographie anahtique, Athens
1987 A Hetzei Dackerin Texte Eine Cluestomalhie
aus irmenur drueken dis 19 Jahrhundtrts in turhscher
Sprache Unter dim Gesichtspunkt der jonkhonalen Stile
des Osmamschen ausgtuahlt und bearbeitet Wiesbaden
1987 G Hazai (ed ) Handbiah der tuikischen
Sprachmssenschajt Till I Budapest-Wiesbaden 1990
I Baldauf, Sclmjtrejorm und Schnjtutchsel bu din mus
hmischin Rutland und Soujet Turken 1850 1937
Budapest-Wiesbaden 1993 kH Menges Thi Turkic
languages and pioples in mtroduetion to the history o]
Turku peoples Wiesbaden 1995 WE Scharlipp
Turkisihe Spiaehi arabiseht Schnjt Em Beispiel sehnjthis
tonscher ikkultmahon Budapest 1995 N Ruji in
introduction to Uighur scripts and documents Uiumqi
1997 [in Chinese] T Tekin Tanh boyunca turkcemn
yazimi, Ankara 1997 PT Daniels and W Bright
(eds), The uorlds anting systems, Oxford 199b Balta
karamanhdika Nomelles additions et lompltmtnts Athens
1997 L Johanson and E A Csato (eds ) The Turkic
languages London and New \ork 1998, V Adam
JP Laut and A Weiss Bibhographie altturkisehei
Studien nebst einem inhang ilphabetisches Stolen leizeich
nit zu Klaus Rohrboni Uigunsches Uortcrbuch Liiferung
1 6 (1977 1988) Wiesbaden 2000, H Jensen Die
Sehnft Die Sehnft in \ ergangenheit und Ge^enuart Berlin
2000 PTF ed J Deny et alu i n Wiesbaden 1959-
64 in ed HR Roemer Beilin 2000 JM Landau
and B kellner-Heinkele Politics oj language in thi
ex-Soviet Muslim states. Azerbayjan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, London 2001;
D. Shapira, Miscellanea judaeo-turkica. Four Judaeo-
Turkic notes. IV, in JSAI, xxvii (2002), 475-96.
(G. Hazai)
III. Literature.
6. (m) Turkish 1
i Musi
l India
i of Turkish migrants started
pouring on to Indian soil from the 5th/ 11th century
onwards, but hardly anything is known of the role
Turkish language played in the Ghaznawid, Ghurid
and Sultanate periods. Turkish seems to have been
used mainly as a medium of communication in the
army, but also in court circles (see Amir Khusraw
Dihlawl, Nuh sipihr, ed. Muhammad Wahid Mirza,
Oxford 1950, 173). The hitherto unearthed sole rem-
nants of Turkish from this period are the Turkish words
contained in a Persian dictionary, the Farhang-i
zufan-guya wa djahan puya (see R. Dankoff, The Turkish
vocabulary oj the Fathang-i zqfan-guyd, Bloomington 1987).
The Timurid conquest and then the establishment
of the Mughal dynasty altogether changed this situa-
tion. The Timurids and their Turkish military elite
arrived in India with a cultural legacy that included
support for and cultivation of a Turko-Persian liter-
ary tradition which was in a sense founded and elab-
orated by the activities of 'Air Shir Nawa'I [q.v.].
Timurids in India remained true to their Central
Asian Turkish legacy till the 19th century, and it was
a custom for Mughal princes to be trained in Turkish
as well as in the other great Islamic languages. The
last member of the family whose skills in Turkish
grammar, lexicography and poetry were well known
in Hindustan was Mirza 'Ali-bakht GurganI "Azfari"
Timurid and thus also Mughal rulers and princes
were not only passive patrons of culture but also
played an active role in literary life (see Muhammad
Khalidl, Gulistan-i Timuii, Lakhnaw 1973). Quite a
few of them displayed outstanding literary skills but
only some of them are known to have contributed to
Turkish literary output in India. Except for the first
generation of Indian Timurids, the sources do not
yield much information on possible Turkish works by
members of the royal family. The Turkish oeuvre of
Babur [q.v.] is, of course, well known, and some
Turkish lines by Humayun [q.v.] and a full diwan by
Kamran [q.v.] have been preserved. Due to the ruler's
political aims and policies, Turkish seems to have
been pushed into the background in court circles dur-
ing the reign of Akbar [q.v.]. Nevertheless, later rulers
seem to have been able at least to appreciate Turkish
poetry, as was the case with Shah 'Alam II (1760-
88, 1788-1806, see Azfarl, Uaki'aH Azjari, ed T
Chandrashekharan, Madras 1957, 17) Turkish manu-
scripts copied in India indicate that Nawa'I was the
most often read author, but contemporary sources
remain silent on these rulers' literary activities in
Turkish
The benefits which the Mughal empire could offer
in its hevdav atti acted manv immigiants from the
neighbouring lands Soldiers, poets and scholars flocked
to Hindustan to try their luck bv entenng impel ml
service or bv being emploved at one of the numer-
ous noble courts Many of these came from regions
inhabited bv Turkish peoples Though contemporary
t devo
i spac
achieve
still
in Turkish, their references being random,
possible to draw a fairlv detailed picture of those per-
sons who cultivated Turkish
The brother of the historian Bavazld Bavat, Shah-
berdi, writing under the pseudonym Sakka Caghatay
(d. ca. 1558) composed poetry in Turkish. Mir
Muhammad, the brother-in-law of Akbar's wet-nurse,
Djidji-anaga, was a renowned art lover who not only
supported poets but also composed verses both in
Persian and Turkish under the takhallus "Ghaznawi".
He is supposed to have written a great number of
poems, but nothing has so far been found from his
oeuvre. Well known is the poetic achievement of the
Turkmen statesman Bayram Khan [q.v.], whose Persian
and Turkish diwan has been published. His son, 'Abd
al-Rahlm Khan, Khan-i Khanan [q.v.], following his
father's footsteps, acted as both a generous patron of
outstanding literary talents and a dedicated poet who
was able to compose poetry in several languages includ-
ing various dialects of Turkish. The mushd'iras [q.v.],
meetings of poets organised at his court, were attended
by poets who excelled in Turkish poetry as well.
Reference should be made here to Kalb-i 'All, a
Turkmen from the Baharlu tribe, Siyanl Hamadanl,
or the Aleppo-born Turkish poet Darwlsh Mithll.
Though their complete poetical works do not seem
to have survived, a few of their couplets in Turkish
One of the most honoured poets of the 1 7th cen-
tury, Mirza Sa'ib Tabriz! [q.v.] who received the title
of malik al-shu'ara' or laureate from Shah 'Abbas II,
was also attracted to the Mughal court. He is famous
for his Persian poetry that set a trend which was fol-
lowed even in Ottoman Turkey, but one should not
forget that he was an equally gifted poet in Turkish.
This side of his poetic talent almost faded into obliv-
ion because only a handful of the manuscripts of his
Persian diwan contain Turkish pieces. At some point
during the reign of Awrangzib, there migrated to
Hindustan Husayn Farldun Isfahan!, whose Persian
diwan has preserved a couple of Turkish lines as well.
Dlwal! Singh (d. 1896) a well-known poet and a great
stylist in Persian, became famous under his takhallus
"Katil". Following the practice of members of the
Mughal elite in the 17th- 18th centuries, he also learnt
Turkish and wrote two short stories in this tongue.
His famous work on Persian style titled Car sharbat
contains a sketchy Turkish grammar explained in
In a multi-ethnic society like India, it is not con-
sidered an extraordinary feat if someone learns sev-
eral languages, but even in such an environment the
achievements of Insha-allah Khan "Insha" [q.v.] earned
him fame. Born to a family of Turkish immigrants
from Nadjaf, he not only spoke Arabic, Persian, Urdu,
Kashmiri, Purbi, Pashto and Tuikish but was also
able to compose poetry in these tongues His Turkish
output consists of a couple of kasidas, mukhammas, a
few bavk in his Shikdr-ndma and a piose diary enti-
tled Turks ruznamca One of his most intimate friends
and fellow poet was Sa'adat-var Khan "Rangln" [qi],
whose fathei Tahmasp Beg Khan Ptikad-Djang arrived
in India with the army of Nadir Shah and later wrote
his memoirs, the Ahmad nama Rangln spent most of
his life in Lucknow in the service of Mirza Sulavman-
ShukQh His works m Tuikish includes a Turkish-
Urdu vocabulary titled Uisab-i turki and a few Turkish
lines in his Madtmu'a-yi Rangin
It should be noted, however, that contempoi ary
chronicles and tadhhras are full of references to poets
of Turkish origin whose literary achievements in their
mother-tongue have not vet come to light There is
further the fact that libraries, mainly throughout the
former British Indian Empire, preserve manuscripts
written in or on Turkish whose authors are either
gies 01 even when contemporary recoids provide some
rntor matron on them therr knowledge ot Turkrsh is
not mentroned One should mentron here Kaplan Bee;
\olkulrBeg \nrsr Shamlu Mulla Shayda 1 Tekkelu
Ustad Mrrza 'Air Krpcaki and also Prr Muhammad
\ghir Khan an Uzbek from the \ghar trrbe who
distinguished hrmselt in the wars ot Awiangzib s ieign
He composed verses filling a hill dman that is pre
i Indian institution but contemporary
Tashkopruzade and Hadjdjr Khahfa [q , ])
Notwrthstandrng the above mentroned farlure re
corded in seveial souices al Tusi was able to compose
a considerable number of scientific works \s was
the case with many schohrs of the 1th/ 15th century
al Tusi s writings deal with the vanous drscrplmes
that were taught at the madrasa [qi] Hrs works can
silent
his
Turkish
Beside being a medium tor artistic expression
Turkish was also used lor more mundane purposes
in Mughal Indra up to the 19th century as a hn
guage qurte common m court ctrcles in the army
and in diplomatic correspondence mainlv with Russia
and the Ottoman Empire
Bibliography H K Hofman Turkish literatim 4
bio biblwgraphual suney Utrecht 19b9 SA Garnev
(ed) Turkmen edebiyatming tankhi 1 \shgabat 1975
351 93 M Fuat Koprulu art Qaijatay edebtyati in
M rrr 270 32i A Schrmmel Turkishes in Indian
in V holia Beitrage ^ur Turkologie und ^/ntralanenkunde
innemane ion Gabain zum 80 Geburtstag am 4 Juli
1981 dargebratht ion kollegm Freunden und Schulim
Wiesbaden 1981 15b b2 \F Bilkan Hindistan
kutuphamlmndt bulunan turfye tl ya^malan in Turk Dill
(Nisan 199b) 1096-1105 B Pen 4 torok ira< ( v
Gurs/im \^an Uuan at turki nmu s,rammahkai ertekeziv
e\ ami korulotte i an ( Trac es of Turkish language use
in Mughal India The Mizan at turki by Mirza
'Mi bakht Guigam Azfan and its bickground i
PhD diss Budapest 2000 unpubl (B Peri)
m-TUSI \iV m.-Din Ali b Muhammad
lmportint religious scholar of the 9th/ 15th i err
turv He grew up in Iran (rn Samarkand accordmg
to al Suyuti [qi]) where he also finished his studies
During the reign of the Ottoman Sultan Muiad II
[qi] (probably rn the second phase ot hrs rule le
between 850/144b and 855/1451) he came to
Anatolia and was appointed as a teacher it the madrasa
al-sultamyya in Bursa [q i ] Aitei the conquest of
Constantinople in 1453 Mehemmed II [q I ] assigned
him to a professorship first m Istanbul afterwards in
Edirne [qi] It was aiound this time that the con
test between al-Tusi and Khodja-zade [q i ] took place
Both had been summoned bv the sultan to compose
al-Ghazah [qi] and the phrlosophers -\ jury classi-
fied al-Tusi s treatise as the one of lesser interest \s
a consequence he renounced his academic post in
Edirne and returned via Tabriz [q L ] to Samarkand
He rs sard to have returned there to lrve as a Sufr
allegedlv under the gurdance of 'Ubavd Allah Ahrar
reported to have dted rn Samarkand rn 877/1472
(according to al-Suvutr) or rn 887/1482 (accordmg to
hur
rvided n
} the folic
ung c
il-Zamakhshari
uperglos:
Djurdjam [qi] on the all
Fikh glosses on the commentary ot \l Tattazam
[q i ] on al Mahbubi s Taudih and also glosses on the
commentary of al Idji [qi] on the \lukhtasar muntaha
alsual of Ibn J-Hadjib [qi]
Kalam glosses on al Djurdjam s commentary on al
Idjr s al Mauakif as well as on al Djurdjam s com
mentarv on al Idjr s al ika id
Logic and philosophy superglosses on al Djurdjam s
glosses on Kutb al Dm al Tahtam s commentary on
Srradj al Dm al Urmawr s Uatah al anuar fi I mantik
as well rs the above mentroned treattse on the drs-
cussion between al Ghazali and the philosophers which
has become known under the title al Dhakhira [ fi I
muhakama bayna al Ghazali ita Ihukama)
Several ot these texts have survived in manusciipt
(see Brockelmann II 2b 1 2 S II 279 292a) So tar
however only the Dhakhira his appeared in print
(Haydarabad 1899 recently also under the title Taha/ut
alfalasifa ed R Sa ada Beirut 1990 ct the Turkish
translation by R Duian Ankara 1990) The work
shows that al Tusi following al Ghazali tried to com
bine classical doctrines ot Sunni theology with philo
sophical concepts \mong other thrngs he underlines
that the rules ot logic and the results ot mathemat
ics and astionomy are incontestable should the state
ments ot revelation be in contradiction with them
they must be interpreted allegoi ically In the doctrine
o al Tusi is a representattve ot phrlo
is (the soul ltves on after death sprn
oth this world and the heieafter) In
t causalrty on the contrary he msrsts
malrstrc theorv of the early Ash'an theo-
Bibhogiaphy Laknawl, al-Fawa'id al-bahiyya,
Carro 1906 145-b Suyutr Nairn al-'lkan, ed. P. Hitti,
New \oik 1927 132 Tashkopruzade, al-Shakd'ik
alnu'mamyya &er tr O Rescher, Constantinople-
Stuttgart 1927-34 repr Osnabriick 1978, 58-bO;
Brockelmann II 261-2, S II, 279; Hadjdji Khalifa,
Kashf al ^unun ed S \altkaya and R. Bilge, Istanbul
1941-3 497 513 825 1144, 1479, 1856, 1892;
Mubahat Turker U[ taha/ut bakimindan Jelsefe ve din
munasibitlen, Ankara 1956; Mustafa S. Yazicioglu,
\1 it MI smles Ankara 1990, T Nagel, Geschkhle
der islamischen Thiologie Munrch 1994, 203-4.
(U. Rudolph)
on the soul t
sophical notio
tual enjoy mi
pleasures in
'UBAYD ALLAH SULTAN KHAN — 'UKALA' al-MADJAMN
u
UBAYD ALLAH SULTAN KHAN, ruler in
Transoxania of the Uzbeks or Ozbegs [q.v.]
940-6/1533-9.
He was the son of Mahmud Sultan, son of Shah-
Budagh, son of the founder of the Uzbek confeder-
acy, Abu '1-Khayr Khan, a descendant of Cingiz
Khan's grandson Shiban (hence the epithet "Shibani,"
or "Shaybani"" [see shibanids]). During his youth,
'Ubayd Allah accompanied his uncle Muhammad
Shibam Khan (r. 905-16/1500-10) on his sweeping
victories over the Tlmurids throughout Central Asia
and Khurasan in order to re-establish Cingizid rule
in the area. On 7 Muharram 913/19 May 1507 the
Uzbek forces under 'Ubayd Allah and Temur Sultan
defeated the Tlmurids outside Harat. As a victory
prize, 'Ubayd Allah was given in marriage Mihrangiz
Begim, a daughter of Muzaffar-Husayn Mirza, who
shared the throne of Harat with his brother Badi' al-
Zaman Mirza after the death of their father, Sultan-
Husayn Mirza, in 912/1506. With the consolidation
of his rule over Khurasan and Central Asia, Mu-
hammad Shibani Khan appointed 'Ubayd Allah as
governor of Bukhara.
In Radjab 917/October 1511, Babur [q.v.] re-occu-
pied Samarkand, his ancestral capital, with the help
of the Safawid Shah Isma'Il I [q.v.]. The Uzbeks were
not slow to retaliate, and in Safar 918/April 1512
Babur launched an ill-prepared attack on the Uzbeks
under 'Ubayd Allah at Kol-i Malik near Bukhara,
and although Babur had been winning, suddenly
"through the machinations of heaven, the evil eye
struck" and Babur lost. After the battle he left Trans-
oxania forever. On 3 Ramadan 918/12 November
1512, "Ubayd Allah defeated the Safawid general
Nadjm-i Thani (Amir Yar-Ahmad Isfahanl) at the
Battle of Gizhduvan (Ghudjduwan). The next winter,
Shah Isma'il returned to western Persia to deal with
incursions by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I, and Kasim
Khan of the Kirghiz-Kazakhs returned to Siberia to
tend to his realm, leaving the Uzbeks a free hand in
Central Asia. That winter 'Ubayd Allah took Hissar,
to the north of the upper Oxus, from the Moghuls.
In 920/1514 the Uzbeks headed for Andizhan, where
the Moghul Sultan-Sa'Id Khan was. Since by then
Babur had withdrawn to Kabul, the khan went to
Kashghar, leaving Hissar to fall to the Uzbeks.
'Ubayd Allah became the khan of the Shibanids
in 940/1533, although, as Mirza Haydar reports,
"from the year 911 [1505] until the end of the reign
of the latter khans, it was really he who had con-
ducted the affairs of the Shibanids, and had he
accepted to be khan, no-one would really have opposed
him; nonetheless, he maintained the ancient custom
and let the office of khan be given to whoever was
the eldest — until after Abu Sa'Td Khan, when there
was no one older than him" (Tarikh-i-Rashldi, 181-2)
During his ascendancy, six advances were made
against Khurasan. In 930/1523 there was an abortive
siege of Harat. In 932/1525 Mashhad was taken, and
'Ubayd Allah proceeded to Astarabad and drove the
governor out. Astarabad was given to 'Ubayd Allah's
son 'Abd al-'Aziz, but he could not hold out against
Safawid reinforcements and had finally to abandon
the territory. When the Uzbeks advanced on Khurasan
the third time, they clashed with the Safawid army
at Saru Kamish near Djam on 10 Muharram 935/24
September 1528, and although the battle was going
badly against the Safawids, they managed to turn it
into a resounding defeat of the Uzbeks. An eyewit-
ness account of this battle is included in Babur's mem-
oirs (Babur-nama, fol. 354), where it is incorrectly
recorded that 'Ubayd Allah was killed. The fifth inva-
sion of Khurasan was launched in 937/1530-1, but
the Uzbeks again pulled out when Shah Tahmasp I
advanced on them and entered Harat on 22 Djumada
II 939/19 January 1533. The sixth and last invasion
was made in 942/1535, when the Uzbeks again took
Mashhad. Harat was evacuated by the Uzbeks in
Sha'ban 943/January 1537 and re-occupied by the
Safawids under the command of Khudabanda and
Muhammad Khan Sharaf al-Din-oghlu Takalii.
In 945/1538-9, 'Ubayd Allah's forces occupied
Kh w arazm, but subsequently they were dealt a crush-
ing defeat by Din-Muhammad Khan, another Cingizid
descendant with whom Shah Tahmasp had formed
an alliance and to whom he had given the territory
of Nasa and AbTward. Returning to Bukhara in
946/153, "in answer to the cries of the oppressed,
'Ubayd Allah took to his bed, overtaken by a severe
illness, and while pining for Harat and yearning to
stroll along the banks of the Malan Bridge, he has-
tened to the next world, and the residents of Khurasan
were released from the oppression and cruelty of that
heathen butcher" (Iskandar Beg, T.-i Alam-ara, 66).
He left two sons, 'Abd al-'Aziz and Muhammad-
Rahim Sultan, but the khanate went to 'Abd Allah
Khan; the son of 'Ubayd Allah's predecessor, Kuciim
Khan, although 'Abd al-'Aziz continued to rule autono-
mously in Bukhara. A valuable eyewitness accounts
of events in Bukhara, Samarkand and Tashkent dur-
ing 'Ubayd Allah's reign is Zayn al-Din Mahmud
Wasifi's Badayf al-wakayf.
Bibliography: Babur, Babur-nama; Fadl Allah
Ruzbihan Isfahanl, Mihman-nama-yi Bukhara, Moscow
1976; Hasan Rumlu, Ahsan al-tawankh, Tehran
1357/1978; Mirza Haydar Dughlat, Tatikh-i-Rashidi,
Eng. tr. W.M. Thackston, Cambridge, Mass. 1996;
Iskandar Beg Turkman, Tankh-i Alam-ara-yi 'Abbasi,
Tehran 1350/1971; Kh w andamir, Habib al-siyar,
Tehran 1353/1974; Wasifi, Badayf al-wakayf.
(W.M. Thackston)
'UKALA' al-MADJANIN (a.), "wise fools", a gen-
eral denomination for individuals whose actions
irded ;
. It i;
ticularly
gether clear whether or not wise fools were
numeious in the early 'Abbasid period At any rate,
several authors of classical Arabic literature have
treated the phenomenon in specific works that belong
to the literary genre dealing with unusual classes of
people, such as the blind or misers While the first
collection devoted specifically to wise fools was appar-
ently a work written by al-Mada'ini (d 228/843 [qv]).
the only surviving work is the hitab 'Ukala' al-madjanm
'UKALA' al-MADJAnIN — 'UMAN
by Abu '1-Kasim al-Hasan b Muhammad al-Naysaburl
(d 40b/1015 [qv]) (ed 'Umar al-As'ad, Benut
1407/1987]
Al-Naysaburi, while drawing upon eailiei authors
such as al-Djahiz (d 255/868 [q v]) or Ibn Abi '1-
Dunya (d 281/894 [qi ]), intioduces his subject from
a theological point of view For him, God has cre-
ated the woild in splendour and incapacity at the
same time good is blended with evil, and health with
illness In this wa\, madness, even though apparently
a contradiction to God's benevolence, is a peifectly
normal constituent of the human condition In the
following, the authoi discusses the terms used to denote
madness, besides classify ing different connotations of
madness, such as ahmal, ma'tuh, mamsus mamrui, etc
The main pait of his work is devoted to anecdotes
about specific chaiacters known as wise fools He
begins with Uwa\s al-Karam [qi], Madjnun [q v],
Sa'dQn and Buhlul [qi] all of whom share a lela-
tivelv ascertained historical existence After these, al-
Naysabun lists a large numbei of tales about othei,
less popular wise fools, details about whose lives
become progi essiv ely moie limited The names he
mentions include 'Ulayyan, Abu '1-Drk, 'Abd al-
Rahman b al-Ash'ath, Abu Sa'Td al-Dab c I, Dju'ay-
firan and many otheis, the final chapteis of his woik
deal with Bedouin (including Imiu' al-Kavs [qv] and
Habannaka) women, and anonymous persons
Though each of the characters known as wise fools
behaved in an individual mannei, seveial traits weie
germane to all or most of them iDols 1992, 349-b5)
wise fools were lndifleient to appearance, often walk-
ing around naked oi half-clad, the\ were oblivious to
social conventions such as greeting or paving respect,
thev were ascetics living on chanty and not canng
for woildlv possessions, thev lived in the streets of the
cities without anv specific abode while their tavounte
place of residence was the cemeterv Those of the
wise fools whose actions were considered haimful to
societv were held in hospitals Wise fools would con-
stantly remind their fellow citizens, paiticulaily the
powerful, oi their worldhness and vanity, quoting pious
verses and admonishing them with stones oi allegories
alluding to the hereafter, some of them even acted
as unofficial preachers In particular, their quality as
free-wheeling admomshers makes the Islamic wise fools
appear as precuisors of the mediaeval Euiopean phe-
nomenon of the court fool (Mezger 1991) Hence it
is not surprising to see Buhlul, who in later tiadition
all ovei the Islamic word was to become the stereo-
typical figuie for the character of the wise fool
(Marzolph 1983), being listed in European literature
as the couit fool of Harun al-Rashid (K F Flogel,
Gathuhk der Hofnarren, Leipzig 1789, 172 fl I
Other works of Islamic liteiatuie, while more oi
less drawing upon the same data, interpreted the phe-
nomenon in various dnections Ibn al-Djawzi (d
597/1200 [qv]) m his A Sifat al-safwa, regaids the
wise fools as important figures in the eaify history of
Sufism (Dols 1992, 376), and Ibn al-'Arabl (d.
638/1240 [q.v.]) in his al-Futuhat al-mahliyya elevates
the holy fools to the position of spiiitual leaders (ibid.,
408-9). In Persian literature, wise fools figure promi-
nently in the mystical mathnawK of Farid al-Dfn
•Attar (d. 617/1220 [q.v.]), for whom the chaiactei is
licensed to speak his mind in a way beyond that
permissible to ordinary- human beings (Ritter 1978,
159-80).
Bibliography: H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele,
' 2 Leiden 1978; U. Maizolph, Der IVeue Narr Buhlul,
Wiesbaden 1983; \V. Mezger, Nammdee und Fast-
nachtsbrauih. Konstanz 1991, M Dols, Ma/nun The
madman m medieval Mamie society, (Xfoid 1992
(U Marzolph)
'UKBARA, a town of mediaeval "Irak, lying,
in the time of the classical Arabic geographers (3rd-
4th/9th-10th centuries) on the left, le eastern, bank
of the Tigris, ten farsakhs to the north of Baghdad,
roughly halfway between the capital and Samarra'
As Yakut noted (Buldan, ed Beirut, iv, 142). the
name is orginally Aramaic (sunyani), sc 'Okbara, and
the history of the place can be traced back at least
to early Sasanid times In the reign of the emperor
Shapui I (mid-3rd century AD), Roman captives
were settled theie and by the reign of Khusraw
Anusharwan (mid-bth century AD), it was the chef-
lieu of the subdistnct (tassuaj) called Buzurdjsabui in
the kura or province of Khusrawma (see M G Moiony,
Iraq after the Muslim conquest, Princeton 1984, 138-9)
When the Arabs staited i aiding into Sasanid 'Irak
Khahd b al-Walld in 12/b33-4 sent the commander
al-Nusayi b Daysam al-Tdjlr to the region north of
al-Mada'm, and the people of 'Ukbara and the neaiby
Baradan made agreements for aman or a peace set-
tlement with the incomeis Thei after, the town flour-
ished as pait of the nch, ungated agncultural iegion
stretching along the Tigris banks, al-Mukaddasi, 122,
praises its fruits, and in particular its giapes, and Ibn
Hawkal, ed Kiamers, i, 219, tr Kramers and Wiet,
l 213, mentions the watermills Curub) there, a feature
charactenstic of the whole river valley between al-
Mawsil and Baghdad (see A Mez, Die Renaissance dt\
Islam'., Heidelberg 1922, 4^8-9, Eng tr Patna 1<B7,
466-7) The town was large and populous in the
4th/ 10th century, and a Jewish community there is
mentioned in the eaily 3rd/9th century But from
SaldjQk times onwards, mentions of it in the histon-
cal and geographical souices dwindle It appeal s that
the bed of the Tigris above Baghdad began to shift
its course, for al-Mas'udl, Murudi, i, 223, ed and ti
Pellat, $235, aheady mentions disputes and lawsuits
western banks Le Strange noted that the author of
the Mardsid al-ittila' da AD 1300) cleaily mentions
'Ukbara as by that time standing a considerable dis-
tance to the west of the Tigris the nvei's bed hav-
al-Shutayta "the little shaft [qi]", and the ruins of
'Ukbaia lie at the present day on the left bank of
the old channel of the Tigris (see G Le Stiange,
Description of Mesopotamia and Baghdad wntten about the
year 900 AD k Ibn Strapwn, in JRAS [1895], W-9,
A Musil, The Middle Euphrates, a topographical itinerary
New York 1927, 137-8)
Al-Sam'anl, A al-Ansab, ed Haydarabad, i\, W5-8,
mentions a consideiable number of scholars stemming
from 'LTkbara and at a slightly later date, the par-
ents of the Hanbali fakfh and philologist 'Abd Allah
b al-Husayn al-'Ukbari [qv] came from the town
Bibliography Given in the article, see also Le
Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 50-1.
(C.E. Bosworth)
'UMAN.
iii. Social structure.
'Uman is overwhelmingly an Arab, Muslim soci-
ety, and tribal organisation remains an important
element in national identity. The country's rapid devel-
opment since 1970 has introduced a measure of phys-
ical and social mobility, as well as creating an influx
of emigrants
The migiation of Arab tribes into 'Uman predates
Islam, with Kahtani or South Aiabian tribes moving
along the southern Arabian Peninsula from Yemen
into 'Uman around the 2nd century A.D. They were
followed several centuries later by 'Adnanl or North
Arabian tribes who penetrated from the west along
the Gulf coast. The Islamisation of 'Uman resulted
in the eviction of the Persianised ruling class stem-
ming from Sasanid influences and completed the organ-
isation of the tribal framework that continues today.
On the local level, the competition for scarce
resources in water and arable land created a mosaic
of tribal settlement. Many settlements stretch along-
side the courses of wadTs and attendant faludjs (water
channels); frequently the 'alaya or upper quarter is
inhabited by a tribe in traditional rivalry with another
tribe occupying the sifala or lower quarter. Regionally,
a rough balance was obtained through two compet-
ing alliances and this balance was replicated on the
national level by association with either the Hinawiyya
confederation or the opposing Ghafiriyya confedera-
tion. Above these confederations stood the Ibadi ima-
mate [see ibadiyya] which served as a supertribal or
quasi-national institution. Because the tribal confed-
erations acted principally as balancers of power, mem-
bership in one or the other tended to be fluid over
time. This has tended to blur earlier tendencies for
al-Hinawiyya to consist of Ibadi and 'Adnanl tribes
and al-Ghafiriyya to consist of Sunn! and Kahtani tribes.
The power of the Ibadi imamate derived directly
from the personal standing of the imam, who was both
dependent on the support of the principal shaykhs of
the major tribes of both confederations for his posi-
tion and the mediating figure between them and
between tribes on the regional and local levels. This
system gave enormous power to the leading shaykhs
who dominated the confederations, and especially pow-
erful shaykhs were able to use their power to deter-
mine the election of imams. During the second half
of the 19th century, the powerful shaykhly family of
the Hinawl al-Hirth tribe of al-Sharkiyya region orches-
trated a series of attempts to oust the Al Bu Sa'Id
[g.v.] rulers in Maskat in order to restore the ima-
mate. But by the early 20th century, the head of the
Ghafin Banu Riyam had become the predominant
political figure in the interior, and the imam elected
• ■--- " a Ghafin tribe.
The r
of s
'Uman in the mid-1950s, with the attendant demise
of the imamate, reduced the autonomy of the tribes
and restricted the role of the shaykhs. For the first
time, order and authority was maintained by a per-
manent army presence and, with a single exception,
the shaykhs found their responsibilities restricted to
leadership of their own tribes. When a new develop-
ment-minded government appeared as a result of a
palace coup d'etat in 1970, the role of the shaykhs was
further reduced. The government assumed respon-
sibility for public works and welfare. Social service
s throughc
country, ;
of c
I national
police usurped many of the traditional functions of
the shaykhs.
But even though the political power of the tribes
has waned considerably since 1970, their social func-
tions remain undiminished. Marriages take place by
and large within the tribe, if not within the extended
family. The government issues identity cards classify-
ing the holder by tribal membership. Tribesmen seek
the assistance of fellow tribesmen in obtaining employ-
ment, business help, and resolving problems with the
The great majority of the 'Umani population is
Arab and either Ibadi or Sunnl Muslim. The more
prominent of these two divisions is the Ibadi sect,
which, until the second half of the 20th century, pro-
vided the national leadership of 'Uman through an
elected imam. Perhaps slightly less than half of 'Uman's
total population is Ibadi, all in the northern half of
the country. Sunnls are thought to form slightly more
than half of the 'Umani population. While the north
contains both Ibadi and Sunnl tribes, the southern
province Zafar [g.v.] (Dhofar) is entirely Sunnl. While
Sunm tribes in northern 'Uman may be Shafi'I or
Malikl, Zafarls are all Shafi'Is. Much of the Sunnl
population of Sur and its hinterland is Hanball.
There are also several small Shi' I communities,
mostly located in the capital area of Maskat, all of
which are Dja'farl or Twelver. Al-Lawatiyya form the
largest Shi' I community, numbering perhaps 10,000
and traditionally residing in a closed quarter of Matrah,
Maskat's sister settlement. The community seems to
be Indian in origin, and at one time was in close
connection with Agha Khani Isma'llls, all of whom
have since converted or left 'Uman. The Lawatiyya
have been settled in Matrah for at least three cen-
turies. The Arab ShT'I community of al-Baharina, for-
merly concentrated in Maskat itself, is considerably
smaller in size and consists of a few families that
immigrated to 'Uman independently of each other.
'Adjam, people of Persian origin whose arrival in
'Uman may be supposed to have occurred gradu-
ally over the course of centuries, comprises the third
ShiT group. Their numbers are similarly small and
they appear to be assimilating into broader 'Umani
The largest non-Arab component of the 'Umani
population is Baltic, mostly residing along al-Batina
coast of the Gulf of Oman and in the capital area.
Often included with the Baltic, but nevertheless dis-
tinct, is a smaller group known as al-Zadjal. Maskat
is also home to a few Hindu families, some of whom
can trace back their arrival in 'Uman approximately
a century and a half. Most of these families hold
Indian citizenship and form marriages with relations
Arabic is the predominant language of 'Uman, but
nearly a dozen languages are spoken by 'Umanis.
Baltic undoubtedly produces the second-largest pro-
portion of native speakers. The Zadjal and Lawatiyya
speak their own languages, both akin to Gujarat!. The
long 'Umani association with East Africa has resulted
in a significant number of 'Umanis either born in or
formerly resident in Zanzibar and neighbouring African
countries. Some of these speak Swahili as their pri-
mary language, with English second and Arabic third.
Zafar is distinct from 'Uman in several respects.
Separated by the north by extensive gravel-plain desert,
the region traditionally was linked with the Mahra
and Hadramawt regions of Yemen. The widespread
Kathlr tribe is perhaps the most extensive group in
the region, with subgroups including nomadic sections
on the Nadjd (the stony inland plain) and three clans
that traditionally have been prominent in Salala, Zafar's
largest settlement and now a small city. Another trans-
humant section, the Bayt Kathlr, inhabits a narrow
band of mountainous territory.
The other mountain tribes, commonly known as
djibbalis and traditionally transhumant as well, occupy
similar strip territories, all running perpendicular to
the coast and including parts of the coastal plain.
These tribes speak a South Arabian language, Karawl,
apparently adopted from the indigenous inhabitants
whom they conquered some six or more centuries
'UMAN — URA-TEPE
ago. The latter, al-Shahra, maintain a separate but
socially inferior identity.
Mahra tribes are also found in Zafar, mainly camel-
herding nomads in either the northeastern Nadjd or
along the Yemen border in the west. Some have
established themselves recently on the mountains. In
addition to al-Shahra, other da'if or socially inferior
peoples are also present in Zafar, amongst them al-
Mashayikh and al-Bara'ima. Salala and the smaller
coastal towns are also inhabited by mixed-race bahhars
and descendants of African slaves. Several small groups
speaking South Arabian languages have been pushed
out into the deserts northwest of Zafar; among these
are al-Batahira, al-Hikman, and the larger and more
important al-Harasis.
Following the end of the civil war in Zafar in the
late 1970s, the region has undergone rapid socio-eco-
nomic development. Most djibballs have built perma-
nent homes in the mountains, often clustered in new
settlements, and some maintain second homes in Salala.
Traditionally, 'Uman was a rural country , with most
of its population scattered in small agricultural set-
tlements or coastal fishing villages. The process of
development since 1970, however, has produced con-
siderable urbanisation. The capital region, consisting
in 1970 of the twin towns of Maskat and Matrah
with a combined population then of perhaps 25,000,
grew to nearly half a million at the beginning of the
2 1st century. Salala's population grew over the same
period to nearly 200,000 and Suhar
Sur
r the e
I, NizN
tip) hav
lively large regiona
'Umani society is relatively free from social strati-
fication, although members of the ruling Al Bu SaTd
family, tribal leaders, religious figures, and wealthy
merchants occupy the upper rungs of society. A small
middle class has emerged since 1970, but many
'Umams in the Maskat region are employed as gov-
ernment employees, soldiers, drivers, and skilled and
unskilled labour. The majority of the population out-
side the capital remains engaged in subsistence agri-
culture, fishing, or animal husbandry.
The government has used its modest oil revenues
to extend roads, electricity, communications, schools,
and health-care facilities throughout the country. The
country remains dependent on oil income, however,
and diversification into natural gas exports and tourism
has had limited success. The first university opened
in 1986.
Up to 25% of the total population is expatriate,
with the greatest numbers coming from south and
southeast Asia. While the heaviest concentration is in
the capital area, expatriates are dispersed throughout
the country and the government periodically has
extended bans on expatriate labour to a growing num-
ber of occupations in an effort to "Omanise" the
labour force and provide employment for a burgeoning
indigenous population.
Bibliography: J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian
Gulf, 'Uman and Central Arabia, 2 vols. Calcutta 1908-
15; J.E. Peterson, Oman in the twentieth century. Political
foundations of an emerging state, London and New York
1978; F. Barth, Sohar. Culture and society in an Omam
town, Baltimore 1983; Christine Eickelman, Women
and community in Oman, New York 1984; J. Janzen,
Nomads in the Sultanate of Oman. Tradition and devel-
opment in Dhofar, Boulder, Colo. 1986; J.C. Wilkinson,
The Imamate tradition of Oman, Cambridge 1987;
F. Scholz, Muscat-Sultanat Oman. Geographische Skizze
einer einmaligen arabischen Stadt, Berlin 1990; Dawn
Chatty, Mobile pastomhsts Development planning and
social change in Oman, New York 1996
(JE Peterson)
URA-TEPE (Ura-Tipa, Ura-Tipa), Russian Ura-
Tyube, a town and a district on the northern
slope of the Turkestan chain, now the town and dis-
trict of Uroteppa in Tadjikistan. The town is located
in lat. 39° 55' N. and long. 69° 00' E. at 1040 m/
3,425 feet above sea level. Lying in the foothills
between the steppe plains and the mountains, and on
a major route linking Samarkand with Tashkent and
the Farghana valley, the historical Ura-Tepe both con-
nected and separated adjacent ecological and politi-
emerges in the Timurid period. It is first mentioned
in the course of events in early Muharram 812/late
May 1409 when the royal camp of Shah Rukh [q.v.]
was pitched in the "summer pasture (yayldk) of Ura-
Tipa" ('Abd al-Razzak Samarkandi, Math' al-sa'adayn,
ed. M. Shaft', Lahore 1941-9, ii, 141). Several
10th/ 16th century authorities confirm that the new
toponym had come to gradually replace the earlier
"UsrOshana" (Babur, ed. Mano, 13), "Ustrushana"
(Muhammad Haydar, Tarikh-i Rashtdi, ed. W.M.
Thackston, 91), or "Ustrushana" (Hafiz-i Tanish, Sharaf
nama-i shahi, ed. Salakhetdinova, i, facs. fol. 88b; and
At the turn of the 10th/ 16th century, the district's
centre was a fortified town (kurghan) surrounded by
high walls and a moat, amidst cultivated lands and
pastures for horses and sheep (Muhammad Salih,
Shibam-nama, ed. and tr. H. Vambery, 174-9). In
908/1503 the former Timurid stronghold fell to the
Ozbegs led by Muhammad Shlbani Khan. During
the Shibanid and early Ashtarkhanid periods, the Ura-
Tepe district (wilayal. kalamraw) at times was alloted
as an individual appanage to ruling princes, and at
times it was attached to larger entities, such as
Tashkent or Samarkand.
From the middle of the 11th/ 17th century, the
Ozbeg tribe of the Yuz, established in Ura-Tepe, as
well as in Khodjand and Hisar (to the north and the
south of Ura-Tepe, respectively), came to play an
increasingly important political role, which was not
strictly confined to the realm of Ura-Tepe.
One line of Yuz chiefs can be traced back to BakI
Biy Yuz, who around 1641-4 served as chief military
and administrative adviser (atalik) to an Ashtarkhanid
prince (i.e. Bahrain Sultan b. Nadr Muhammad Khan)
ruling at Tashkent. Baki Biy's grandson, Muhammad
Rahlm Biy Yuz (b. Ghazi Biy), who held Ura-Tepe
in 1091/1680 and 1105/1693-4, proved to be loyal
to the Bukharan court, at a time when another lead-
ing figure of the Yuz joined a rebellion (Mukhtarov,
Material!, 24, 29). Subsequently, Muhammad Rahlm
was named governor (hakim) of Samarkand. In
1114/1702, when he was further raised to the rank
of an atalik and "Pillar of the Amirs" I'umdat al-umara'),
one of Muhammad Rahrm's major assets was said to
be his prestige among the warlike tribes of "Andigan,
Khodjand, Ak-Kutal and Tashkand, up to the regions
of Sayram, Turkistan and UIugh-Tagh", which enabled
him to provide auxiliaries for the Bukharan rulers
(Muhammad Amm Bukhari, 'Ubayd Allah-nama, ms.
Tashkent, no. 1532, fols. 20b, 28b, tr. Semenov, 34-
5, 43-4). While Muhammad Rahim reached the zenith
of his career, his son, Muhammad Akbuta Biy, fol-
lowed his father's footsteps in Ura-Tepe and Khodjand.
where he ruled from 1113/1701 up to 1144/1731
URA-TEPE — WADD
(Mukhtarov, op. cit., 33-9). Sometime between 1731
and 1734, he was killed by a Ming chief of the
expanding Khokand state [q.v.].
A second line of Yuz chiefs emerges with
Muhammad Fadil Biy (b. Sadik Biy). Fadil Beg Yuz
was one of the commanders of the Bukharan army
that surrendered to Nadir Shah in 1153/1740.
Subsequently, he guided a Nadirid military campaign
against "the rebellious Yuz and Ming tribes seated in
the mountain and on_ the banks of the Sir-Darya"
(Muhammad Kazim, Alam-ara-yi nadiri, ed. RiyahT, ii,
790, 802, 819). While ruling in Ura-Tepe, Fadil Biy
supported the Khokand chief 'Abd al-Kanm Biy
against the Kalmaks (Muhammad Hakim Khan.
Muntakhab al-tawarikh, ii, 378), i.e. the Djunghars, who
repeatedly invaded Khokand between 1153/1740 and
1158/1745 (Moiseev 1991, 162-3, 167, 173; Nabiev,
14). His own decrees, issued upon the order of an
unnamed khan, confirm Fadil Biy's rule over Ura-
Tepe in 1164/1750-1 and 1187/1774-5 (Mukhtarov,
op. cit., 40, 42). Under Fadil Biy, one of the most
stubborn opponents of the rising Manghit dynasty of
Bukhara, Ura-Tepe turned into a strong and nearly
independent statelet dominating neighbouring territo-
ries such as Khodjand, Djizzak, and even Samarkand.
Around 1 780, however, when the town with four gates
was under Fadil Biy's son Muhammad Khudayar, the
ruler's authority was confined to the environment of
the town (Yefremov, 114). In 1800, Khudayar's son
Beg-Murad Biy, ha\ing ruled less than a year, was
deposed by the ruler of Bukhara Shah Murad.
In the 19th century, Ura-Tepe lost its indepen-
dence and became a disputed border area between
Bukhara and Khokand. From 1800 to 1866, the two
rival states launched dozens of military campaigns into
Ura-Tepe, where more than twenty governors suc-
ceeded each other. Both sides often chose Yuz rep-
resentatives as local governors, such as Muhammad
Rahfm ParwanacI b. Muhammad Khudayar, who
ruled in 1234/1818 (Mukhtarov, op. cit, 56).
When Filipp Nazarov visited Ura-Tepe in 1814, it
had recently been taken by Khokand. He observed
that the town "is very large and surrounded by two
high walls, separated from each other by a deep moat;
openings made in these walls allow the use of fire-arms,
if need be. This town is densely populated, the streets are
narrow, and the houses built of clay. There are manu-
factories producing goat wool shawls. The inhabitants
trade with the Turcomans, the Persians and the Arab
nomads who are subjects of Bukhara" (Nazarov, 65-6).
On 2 October 1866, the Imperial Russian army
conquered the town. Having been ceded by the
Bukharan amir to Russia in 1868, Ura-Tepe became
part of the Khodjand uyezd. The population of Ura-
Tepe at that time was variously estimated to be
between 10 and 15,000 people. There were 854 shops
of artisans and traders in the town. When the Soviet
Republic of Tadjikistan was founded in 1929, Ura-
Tepe was its second largest city after Khodjand. In
the decade 1976-85 there were ca. 38,000 inhabitants
in the town and 143,000 inhabitants in the district
(Entsiklopediyai ioveta todjik, viii, Dushanbe 1988, 339).
By a presidential decree of 10 November 2000, the
town has been officially renamed Istravshan.
Bibliography: P. Nazarov, Voyage a Khokand entre-
pris en 1813 ei 1814, in Magasin Asiatique, i (1825),
1-80; A. Mukhtarov, Matenali po istorii Ura-Tyube.
Sbomik aktov XYII-XIX, Moscow 1963; idem, Ocerk
istorii Ura-Tyubinskogo vladeniya v XIX v., Dushanbe
1964; R. Nabiev, Iz istorii Kokandskogo khanstva,
Tashkent 1973; BA. Akhmedov (ed.), Matenali po
istorii Srednei i Tsentralniy A z ii X-XX w., Tashkent
1988; V.A. Moiseev, Dlungarskoe khanstvo i kazakhi,
XVII-XVIII w., Alma-Ata 1991; A. Mukhtorov, Isto-
riya Ura-Tyube, Dushanbe 1999.
(W. Holzwarth)
w
WADD, a god of pre-Islamic Arabia, men-
tioned in the Kur'an in a speech of Noah: "They
have said: Forsake not your gods. Forsake not Wadd,
nor Suwa', nor Yaghuth, Ya'uk and Nasr!" (LXXI,
22/23).
their ingenuity in the pursuit of the identity of Wadd,
but their quest has not been very productive. In his
"Book of the Idols" (Kitab al-Asnam, §§ 7c, 9d, 45e,
49c-51b), Ibn al-Kalbi (d. 204/819 or 206/821)
considers that Wadd was a divinity of the tribe of
Kalb at Dumat al-Djandal, the great oasis of north-
western Arabia (on the composition of Kitab al-Asnam,
see Hawting, The idea of idolatry, 88-9).
At first sight, the information supplied by Ibn al-
Kalbi regarding this god is exceptionally precise. He
invokes the direct testimony of Malik b. Haritha al-
Adjdarl (collected apparently by his father Muhammad
al-Kalbr, d. 146/763: see § 51b), according to which
the statue of the god represented a man of great
height, dressed, armed with a sword, a bow and a
lance. In his youth, Malik is said to have been
instructed by his father to offer milk to Wadd (§ 49f).
The statue was allegedly destroyed by Khalid b. al-
Walld after the expedition of Tabuk (§§ 49f, 50a-d,
51a). The nisba al-Adjdan associates Malik with the
Banu 'Amir al-Adjdar, one of the two clans (with the
Banu 'Abd Wadd) that opposed the destruction of
the statue (§ 50b).
Ibn al-Kalbi also seeks to explain how it was that
mankind, monotheistic at the time of creation, came
to worship such a multiplicity of divinities. For his
purposes, he supposes that originally Wadd was a
devout man; after his death, he was commemorated
by a statue, then promoted to the rank of interces-
sor in the presence of God. It was the Flood which
would have brought his idol into Arabia, near Djudda;
there it was said to have been found by 'Amr b.
Luhayy who is supposed to have entrusted it to the
tribe of Kalb (§§ 45e-47b).
theophoric forms involving Wadd: 'Abd Wadd (Caskel
1966, ii, 133, nine entries, divided between various
tribes of South and North, including one for Kalb),
and Wahab Wadd (Abdallah 1975, 76, one instance
in the genealogies of Himyar).
WADD — WADI LAKKU
The data supplied b\ Tiaditinn haidly accord with
those of pre-Islamic inscriptions \ccording to the lat-
tei, Wadd (Wd or lid ), who is an important dmn-
ltv in southern \rabia, is almost unknown in the rest
ol \iabra It is in the kingdom of Ma'In (capital
Kainaw, hrnu, toda\ Ma' In, in the Djawi of the
Yemen) that Wadd occupies the most eminent posi-
tion he is one oi the divinities ol the official pan-
theon, always included in invocations He had a temple
at Yathill (J//, toda\ Baiakish) (M 244 = RES 3019/1)
and another in the Minaean colony of Dedan (toda\
al-'Ula) in the north of the Hidjaz [M 35b = RES
3695/2). A clan of Yathill (the Banu Dmr") considers
itself the "clients of Wadd um Shahran {'dm Wd hr")
(M 222 = RES 2999/2). Finally, the permanent river
that irrigates the Djawf bears his name: [Hr") grl Wd
"(Hirran), torrent of Wadd" (Ma' In 1 = M 29 =
RES 2774/6; Ma'In 13 = ,1/ 43 = RES 2789/5;
Shaqab 1/11).
The god Wadd was also venerated at Saba' where,
not far horn Ma'nb, a small temple was dedicated
to him, and in the Sabaean tubes of the environs of
San'a' (Schmidt 1982, 1987, Muller 1982, 1987). In
the kingdom oi \wsan, based around the WadI
Markha, one oi the sovereigns, Yasduk'il Fari"""
Shaiah'at son of Ma'add'Il Salhln (Ysdk'l Fr'm "rh't bn
M'd'l S'lhn) alleged that the god Wadd was his father;
he is the onh South \rabian soveieign to have claimed
such divine parentage, and the only one to be hon-
oured by statues like a god, in the Ni'man (AV)
temple which was dedicated to Wadd. This sovereign
probably dates from the 1st century A.D., judging by
the ioieign influences shown b\ his statue (preserved
in the Museum of Aden I and bv the script of hi.s
inscriptions (CMS F58A4/49 10 no. 3; 49.10/ol no.
2; Louvre 90).
To protect persons and property, the South Arabians
made use of the formula "Wadd is father" (Wdm 'b'",
with variants), which is found on amulets (Louvre
186) and on numerous buildings. It is an interesting
fact that this apotropaic formula is more widely dif-
fused than the cult of Wadd; it is found in all the
regions of southern Arabia and on the Arabian shore
of the Arabo-Persian Gulf (Robin 1994, 85).
South Arabian nomenclature includes a number of
theophoric anthroponyms composed with Wadd: these
are most notablv 'gnvd, Bnwd, Hufwd, Mr'tu'd, JVrmvd,
'rhivd, UTibwd, U'd'b, U'd'l or fydwd.
The god Wadd is not attested in Nabataean inscrip-
tions, not even in nomenclature. In Safaitic, anthro-
ponyms such as M'd'l do not necessarily imply the
existence of a god name Wadd, since the radical wd
can have the sense of "love, affection". At Dedan,
finally, the god Wadd seems to be known, according
to JS lih. 49/1-9: '"Abdwadd priest of Wadd and
his sons Salam and Zedwadd have dedicated ... to
dhu-Ghabat . ._." ('bdwd 'fkl Wd w-bn-h Sim w-^dwd
hwdqw . . . l-d-Qbt . . .) — with two theophoric forms with
Wadd and the title "priest of Wadd". It may be
noted, however, that except for this text, Wadd is
almost unknown (see the theophoric bnwd in AH 1 1
and possibly 1); one may therefore wonder if the
author of JS 49 did not come from the Yemen.
Inscriptions do not confirm the opinion of Hisham
Ibn al-Kalbl, who sites the cult of Wadd at Dumat
al-Djandal: mentioned there are IJi, Dtn, Rdw, 'trsm
and My [see thamudic], but not this god. This is
not enough to lead to the conclusion that Ibn
al-Kalbl made a mistake, or relayed a tendentious
tradition, but a degree of doubt is permissible.
Furthermore it is not impossible that the idol of
Dumat al-Djandal may have borne a name resembling
Wadd and that the traditionists were confused.
Conversely, the god Wadd enjoyed great popularity
in Yemen, a fact totally ignored by Tradition. This
would seem to prove that Ibn al-Kalbl was ill-informed
and that his principal source was indeed the Kur'anic
Bibliography: 1. Texts and studies. Maria
Hoiner, Die Stammesgruppen Nord- und ^entralarabiens
im vorislamischer <«<, in H.W. Haussig (ed.), Cotter
und Mythen im Vorderen Orient (Worterbuch der
Mythologie, 1. Abt., Die alien Kultumolker, Bd. 1),
Stuttgart 1965, 407-81 ("Wadd", 476-7); W. Caskel,
Gamharat an-nasab. Das genealogische Werk des Hisam
ibn Muhammad al-Kalbl, 2 vols., Leiden 1966; Hisham
Ibn al-Kalbl, Le Lime des idoles de Hicham ibn al-
Kalbi, text ed. and tr. Wahib Atallah, Paris 1969;
Yusuf Abdallah, Die Personennamen in al-Hamdants al-
IklJl und ihre Parallelen in den altsudarabischen Insehnften.
Ein Beitrag zur jemenitischen Namengebung, diss. Tubingen
1975; W. Muller, Die Inschriften vom Tempel des
Waddum Du-Masma'im, in Archaologische Benchte aus
dem Yemen, i (1982), 101-6 and pi. 37: J. Schmidt,
Der Tempel des Waddum Du-Masma'im, in ibid., 91-9
and pis. 35-6; Muller, Weiterer altsabaisehe Inschriften
vom Tempel des Waddum Du-Masma'im, in ibid., iv
(1987), 185-9 and pis. 33-6; Schmidt, Der Tempel
des Waddum Du-Masma'im, in ibid., 179-84 and pis.
33-5; C. Robin, Documents de VArabie antique III, in
Raydan, vi (1994), 69-90 and pis. 35-46 (179-90);
G.R. Hawting, The idea of idolatry and the emergence
of Islam. From polemic to history, Cambridge 1999.
2. Sigla. RES: Repertoire d'epigraphie semitique, pub-
lished by the Commission of Corpus Insenptwnum
Senuticarum (Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres), Paris 1900-67, i-viii; M: [G. Garbini],
Iscnzioni sudarabiehe, i. Iscrizioni minee (Ricerche, X),
Naples 1974; CIAS: Corpus des Inscriptions et des
Antiquites Sud-arabes (Academie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres), i, sections 1 and 2, Louvain 1977;
ii, fasc. 1 and 2, Louvain 1986; Shaqab: see
G. Gnoli, Shaqab al-Manassa (Inventaire des inscrip-
tions sudarabiques, 2), Paris and Rome 1993; JS
lih. 49: Jaussen and Savignac, Mission archeologique
en Arable (Publications of the Societe francaise des
fouilles archeologiques), Paris 1909-22, repr. Institut
francais d'Archeologie orientale, Cairo 1997, ii, 379-
86; Louvre: see Y. Calvet and C. Robin, Arabia
heureuse, Arable deserte. Les antiquites arabiques du Musee
du Louvre (Notes et documents des Musees de France,
31), Paris 1997; Ma'In: see F. Bron, Ma'S'n
(Inventaire des inscriptions sudarabiques, 3), Paris
and Rome 1998; AH 1 and 11: see A. Sima, Die
lihyanischen Inschriften von al-'Udayb (Saudi Arabien)
(Epigraphische Forschungen auf der Arabischen
Halbinsel, Band 1) Rahden/Westf. 1999, 35, 37.
(Ch. Robin)
WADI LAKKU, a river of the Iberian penin-
sula, on the banks of which the decisive encounter
took place between Tarik b. Ziyad [17.;'.], the first
Muslim conqueror of the Iberian peninsula, and
Roderic, the last Visigothic king, on 28 Ramadan
92/19 July 711.
Identification of the toponym is difficult on account
of the lack of clarity of the Arabic language sources.
On the one hand, all do not give the same variant
of the name: WadI Lalcku, or perhaps WadI Lagu
(the hard g sound being conventionally represented in
mediaeval script by a kaf, surmounted by a shadda,
which can be pronounced kku or gu), WadI Lakka or
WadI Bakka— while on the other hand they sometimes
WADl LAKKU — WAHM
give a different name to this battle: the battle of Fahs
Sharish ("plain of Jerez"), al-Sawaki ("the canals"),
Kardadjanna (Cartagena), Wadi Umm Hakim, al-
Buhayra ("the lake": Laguna de la Janda?), Wad! '1-
Tm, al-Djazira, etc. (cf. J. Vallve, La Cora de Tudmir,
in And., xxxvii [1972], 146 n. 3), although it is the
foim of Wadf Lakku, the phonetic origin of the Spanish
Guadalete, which appears most often. In the Romance
transcriptions of the Arabic name one also encounters
Guadalac, Guadalec, Guadalet or Guadalete. The
intermingling of geographical and historical sources
does not permit precise localisation of the site of the
encounter, on account of the lack of clarity and above
all the numerous contradictions which characterise
these texts.
For example, the geographer al-Zuhn (6th/ 12th
century) states that the Wadi Lakka is a river forty
parasangs in length which descends from the moun-
tains of Takurunna to discharge into the Atlantic
Ocean (Djaghrafiya, 167). Furthermore he asserts "on
the basis of what is said by the Christians in their
chronicles", that the inhabitants of Cadix drink the
water of a great river called Wad! Lakka, spanned
by a bridge of thirty arches (ibid., 218). This river is
said to have flowed into the ocean at a place known
as Sham Bataru. For al-Razi, quoted by al-Makkan,
the battle allegedly took place on the banks of the
Wadi Lakka, the river into which the last Visigothic
king, Roderic, was supposedly thrown, in armour, to
disappear there without trace (Makkan, Analeites, i,
162). Ibn Tdharl also quotes al-Razi (Baydn, ii, 10).
In the 6th/ 12th century, al-Idrfsf refers in his geog-
raphy to the locality of Bakka, a possible variant of
Lakka, in the district, or iklim, of al-Buhayra, a stretch
of water identified bv R. Dozy as being the Laguna
de la Janda (al-Idrlsi, Description, 174, tr. 208).
According to the notice which al-Himyan devotes to
this locality, at the start of the 8th/ 14th century (Rawd
al-mt'lar, no. 159), Lakku, the ruins of which were
said to have survived until his time, was an ancient
city boasting "one of the best thermal springs in al-
Andalus". It was on the banks of the river flowing
through the city that the encounter took place between
the Christians ('adjam) of Roderic and the Muslim
contingents of Tarik b. Ziyad. This locality of Lakku
would correspond to Bolonia, the ancient Baelo, and
the Wadi Lakku to Guadalete or to Rio Barbate. The
author states (no. 186) that the encounter between
Tarik b. Ziyad, the freedman of Ibn Nusayr, with
Roderic, sovereign of al-Andalus and last king of the
Goths, allegedly took place on the Wadi Lakku, in
the territory of Algeciras, on the southern coast of al-
Andalus.
This is why the exact placing of the encounter
between Tarik and Roderic remains uncertain, and
why historians, starting with Gayangos, Dozy, Lafuente
Alcantara, Simoney and Saavedra in the 19th century,
have discussed at length its precise location. For some,
like Dozy and Levi-Provencal, Wadi Lakku denoted
the Laguna de la Janda, source of the Rio Barbate;
for others, the place in question was the banks of the
Guadalete, between Medina Sidonia, Arcos and Jerez
de la Frontera, in the territory of Cadix. Others tend
towards the Rio Salado, a small coastal river which
has its estuary close to the village of Conil.
Whatever the precise location, the majority of medi-
aeval Muslim sources concur in situating this battle
on the banks of a watercourse (wadf. nahr) of the kura
of Shadhuna (Medina Sidonia). In Radjab 92/May
711, on the orders of his master, the Umayyad gov-
ernor of Ifnkiya, Musa b. Nusayr, Tarik is said to
have embarked with 7,000 Berbers (Matghara,
Madyuna, Miknasa and Nawara) and a few Arabs
(ranging between a dozen and several hundreds,
according to the sources). Arriving at the foot of
Mount Calpe (the future Djabal Tarik, Gibraltar),
Tarik repulsed Theodemir, the Visigothic governor of
the region, who appealed to his king, Roderic (710-
1 1), occupied in the north of the Iberian peninsula
in suppressing an uprising. The latter made haste
towards Cordova. Learning of the arrival of the
Visigothic troops, Tarik called for reinforcements from
Musa, who sent him an extra 5,000 Berber soldiers.
The total strength of his army thus rose to 12,000
fighters, most of them foot-soldiers, not counting cer-
tain partisans of Akhila, the dispossessed son of Witiza,
the preceding Visigothic king (700-10). Tarik decided
to halt in the region of Algeciras and there to await
the Visigothic army on the banks of the Rio Barbate,
Guadalete, Salado or the Laguna de la Janda.
Although superior in numbers (the sources speak
of between 40,000 and 100,000 Christians), Roderic's
troops, confident of victory, were defeated. According
to some authors, both wings of the Visigothic army
were commanded by partisans, or actual brothers of
Akhila, and at the start of the engagement, they
changed sides. Roderic, in the centre, resisted, but
was ultimately forced to retreat, and his troops were
cut to pieces by the Muslims. According to al-RazT,
quoted by Ibn Tdharl (Bayan, ii, 10, tr. 13) and by
al-Makkari (Analeites, i, 163) the battle lasted a whole
week, from 28 Ramadan to 5 Shawwal 92/19 to 26
July 711. Captives of all social conditions were taken:
nobles, plebeians and slaves, recognisable respectively
by their gold, silver and leather rings (al-Himyan,
Rawd al-mi'tar, 204). According to certain sources,
Roderic lost his life in the battle and Tarik sent his
head to Musa b. Nusayr; according to others, he suc-
ceeded in escaping. The victory for Muslim arms
opened the gates of the Iberian peninsula.
Bibliography: Akhbar madjmu'a, ed. Lafuente y
Alcantara, Madrid 1867, -'1984, 9-10 (al-Buhayra);
Elias Teres, Materials para el studio de la topommia
hispanodrabe. Nomina fluvial, i, Madrid 1986, 346-59;
Makkan, Analeites, i, 156ff, and Nafh al-tlb, ed.
M.K. Tawfl and Y.'A. Tawll, Beirut 1995, i, 219-
23, 231, 239, 240-2, 257-9; Fath al-Andalus, ed.
J. de Gonzalez, 6-7, tr. 7; Ibn al-Abbar, Hullat al-
siyara', ii, 332-4 (nahr Lakku); Ibn al-Shabbat, Ta'rlkh
al-Andalus, 29, 48, 145; Ibn Ghalib, Furhai al-anfw,,
25; Ibn Hudhayl, Tuhfat al-anjus, 81-2; Ibn al-Khatlb,
lhata, ed. Tnan, i, 106; Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, v,
321-2. (P. Buresi)
WAHM.
In the doctrinal texts of Muslim mysticism, the term
wahm can appear with either the general sense of
"illusory, uncertain personal conjecture" or the more
precise sense of "estimative faculty" acquired through
the intermediary of Hellenistic philosophy and medi-
cine. However, in the context of the description of
spiritual progress, it takes on specific connotations: it
denotes a natural faculty of comprehension capable
of giving sense only to sensible phenomena, inclined
towards anthropomorphism (tashblh) in religious mat-
ters and unsuited to the perception of the divine:
"Imagination (wahm) is a cloud of dust between intel-
ligence ('all) and profound comprehension (Jahm). It
relates neither to intelligence, of which it is not an
attribute, nor to comprehension, nothing in which cor-
responds to any of its attributes (. . .). It resembles the
drowsiness between deep sleep and waking, which is
WAHM -
WAKF
being; neither asleep noi aw ake W aking it is the tran-
sition between intelligence and comprehension and
compiehension and intelligence without theie being
any fog of obscurity between the two (Ibrahim al-
Khawwas quoted bv al-Sarradj A al Luma' ed A H
Mahmud and T'AB Surur Cairo I960 298 and
R Gramlich Sihlagluhkr uber das Sufttum Stuttgart
1990 345) It is in this sense that al-Halladj declares
in a celebrated poem No estimation [uahm) could
relate to the subject of You in such a wav that in
imagination it could be decided where \ou are'
(A alTauasin ed P Nwyia \ 11-12) And subse-
quently evoking the spiritual mi'radj he writes
Overturn youl discourse abandon conjectures
[al auham) pick up your feet behind and befoie 1 {ibid
While i
iseful for i
naginati
rulty
(see al-Muhasibi A al Tauahhum)
eied and left behind More pro-
foundly still illusion the fundamental uahm consists
from the Sufi point ol view in belie\ing that exist-
ence and a fortiori human activities exist indepen-
dently of God outside Him Men assume an illusory
existence {uudjud ixahmi) when this is entirely depen-
dent on puie divine existence (uudjud hakiki) Spiritual
exercises as well as the use of discuisive icasoning
of the functions of imagination is to be found in the
works of Ibn al-'Aiabi [qi] Although he sometimes
employs the terms uahm and kha\al as synonyms he
piopounds a doctime of precise human imagination
where uahm regains the connotations mentioned above
(foi example al Fuluhat al mahkn\a Cairo 1911, m
364-5) Basically he disassociates imagination deriv-
ing from simple individual mental representation from
that which links the spnit of the person to the supe-
rior worlds Only this second imaginative faculty con-
stitutes a genuine way of knowledge and can become
the setting for an authentic theophanic experience (see
H C oi bin L imagination aeatmi dans le soufisme d Ibn
irabi Pans 1958 Eng tr R Mannheim Criatue imag.
motion in the Sufism of Ibn 'irabi Punceton 1969 \V C
Chittick The Sufi path of knouled^ Ibn al'irabis mtta
s of II
Bibliography &i
WAKF
II In tf
2 In S
Alban
1989)
. in the ai
:ide
f the history of endowments in Syria
in the geographical sense of Bilad al-Sham [see al-
sham] has to take into account a bioad range of
changing and often localised rules and practices This
article will focus primarily on Synas main urban cen-
tres Damascus [see dimasiik] , Jerusalem [see al-kuds]
and Aleppo [see halab] and occasionally refei to
In general endowments in Syna have not solicited
as much scholaily attention as those in Egypt par-
ticularly before the Ottoman period To a certain
extent this is due to the fact that access to sources
and documentation is less centialised than in Cairo
and not always facilitated by adequate research instru-
ments Large collections of ua^ielated documents are
housed in the National Archives and other institutions
in Syna Lebanon Jordan Israel and the Palestinian
territories The putatively rich archives of the Wakf
Ministries are not easily accessible for researcheis
Impoitant holdings concerning Syrian endowments can
be found in Istanbul Ankara Cairo and various
ai chives libraries and collections in Europe and the
United States as well
It archival holdings are particularly nch tor the
Ottoman period owing to series of local court regis-
paratively thin tor eailier periods A notable exception
are the documents from the Mamluk period found
in the Haiam of Jerusalem [see al-haram al-siiarif]
(D P Little -i catalogue of the hlamu documents from al
Haram al ShanJ m Jerusalem Benut 1984) Otherwise
reseaichers have to rely on legal hteiature (especially
uakf treatises and fataua) hadith collections and the
diflerent genres of historical wilting (chronicles bio-
graphical dictionaries travelogues, topogiaphies fada il)
Much can be learned fiom archaeological findings
inscriptions in particular [Matenaux pour un Corpus
Insmptionum irabuarum [CM] Cairo 1903-5b RCEA
ed E Combe J Sauvaget, G Wiet Cairo 1931-2
H Gaube irabisihe Inschnften am Synen Beirut 1978)
l [ manads and 'ibbasids
Only in the 3rd/9th century did vanous forms of
charitable giving (sadaka [<?;]) and of immobilisation
of pioperty [habs in a strict sense) crystallise into the
legal institution that is known thereafter synonymously,
as uakf or liabs [see wakf I In Classical Islamic Law
at Vol XI 59b] It is often difficult to put the ear-
liest traces of charitable practices under Islamic mle
in their pioper context It is therefore impossible to
as the eaihest endowments in Syria A freedman of
the Prophet named Abu "Abd Allah _Thawban b
\uhdad (d 54/673-4) is said to have given away his
house in Hims [qi] as sadaka (Ibn Kutayba A al
Ma'anf 11 al-Taban i 1178 Gil Larh tndoumtnts,
129) An incomplete inscription found in the perime-
ter of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem dated
around 290/902-3 mentions a house inalienable foi
dar muhabbasa abad 'ala\ (C H Jerusalem II no 218)
Two uakf inscriptions horn Ramla dated around
300/912-13 however show that by this time the legal
terminology had been fully developed and that en-
dowing followed established pioceduies including the
deposition of the kitab al uakf in front of a kadi
(Shaion) \et even legendary early acts of piety could
be transformed into real endowments that endured
for Tamim al-Dan [qi] in Hebion [see EI art al
Mahl] which allegedly had been given to him bv the
Piophet himself Latei it was sanctioned several times
among them the Bntish manda-
adm:
Pales
920s
(Massignon)
Hebron was of special significance to early Muslims
Ibrahim [qi] Palestine and the lest of Syria pos-
sessed a consideiable number of such holy places
which atti acted pious and chantable donations fiom
early on (ste e g the uakf insciiption dated 400/1009-
10 for the mashhad of the piophet Lut in Bam Na'im
near Hebron Repertoire no 2148) For Muslims the
most eminent of these places was Jerusalem ceding
in sanctity only to Mecca (Makka [qi ]) and Medina
[see al-madina] but it was seen as a spiritual cen-
tre by othei religious communities as well In early
Islamic legal thinking the devotional practices of
Christians and Jews weie obviously points of discus-
sion but they were eventually declared peimissible
(al-Khassaf ihkam al ankaf Cano 1904 341 1 and
donations reached Jerusalem even from Christian
Euiope (Gil Donations)
Little is known about endowments in Syria of the
Umayyad period. Some of the most prestigious reli-
gious buildings of early Islam were built there, financed
by funds from the Muslim treasury [see eayt al-mal].
In Jerusalem, the Dome of the Rock was completed
in 72/691-2 and the al-Aksa Mosque in the reign of
al-Walid b. <Abd al-Malik (86-96/705-15 [g.v.]) [see
al-kuds. B. Monuments]. This caliph also ordered the
construction of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus
in 86/705, approximately at the same time as the
Great Mosque of Aleppo was built.
Founding a mosque (masdful [g.v.]) was one of the
few uncontested early forms of wakf. Opening a build-
ing for the prayers of the Muslim community made
it the property of God (al-Khassaf, op. at., 113). Yet
evidently not all mosques were endowed with assets
that secured their upkeep and provided for the needs
of the community, as this was carefully noted in the
listings of mosques in early topographical writing
(e.g. Ibn 'Asakir; Ibn Shaddad; Ibn al-Shihna; Mudjlr
al-Din).
When the 'Abbasids removed their capital to 'Irak,
the Syrian regions lost much of their importance. The
following centuries were characterised by warfare, inse-
curity and changing ruling dynasties [see tulunids;
; hamdanids; "
north was temporarily reoccupied by Byzantine troops,
and Jerusalem and Damascus came under the dom-
ination of the Isma'rll Fatimids [g.v.] of Cairo.
According to the legal treatises which have to be sit-
uated in the Trakr context, various types of wakf must
have existed in this period. And even though a spe-
cial agency, the diwan al-birr [see diwan], was estab-
lished in Baghdad in the early 4th/ 10th century to
supervise pious endowments and charity (wukuf and
sadakat) (Miskawayh, i, 151-2, 257), nothing is known
about a similar institution in Syria.
ii. Fatimids and Saldjukids
Only in the first half of the 5th/ 11th century when,
under a precarious balance of power between Fatimids
[?.».], Buwayhids [g.v.] and the Byzantine empire, com-
merce resumed, are there some examples of com-
mercial gains being invested in endowments, not
surprisingly destined for defence purposes: The histo-
rian al-FarikT mentions the case of a cloth merchant
in Mayyafarikm [g.v.], north of Aleppo, who bough
i village and endowed ii
thre.
;, 606).
: the upkeep of
Helping the war effort against enemies of Islam (ft
sabil Allah) was by this time a time-honoured wakf
type. Such endowments belonged to the category des-
ignated for the Muslim community as a whole or
groups of an undetermined number of people being
in need of charity that are supposed to exist contin-
ually till the end of time (wakf 'amm). Thus the ulti-
mate recipients of all charity are the poor and destitute
lal-fukara' wa 1-masakin) as prescribed in Kur'an IX,
60 and LI, 19. The other category included endow-
ments for descendants, other family members, clients,
liberated slaves or other named persons, i.e. endow-
ments for a limited number of people (wakf khass) who
would eventually die out and thus allow the wakf to
reach its ultimate stage as everlasting charity (al-
Khassaf, op. cit, 135-7; al-Mawardi, K. Ahkam al-
sultanina, Bonn 1853, 118, 139-40; al-Tarabulsi, K.
al-h'Sfft ahkam al-awkaf Cairo 1902, 28-9). The sec-
ond type — a sub-category of which was later known
s the family wakf (wakf ahll oi
popuk
legal '
t the c
re. One of the .
a belonged to ;
n the extan
irliest documented exam
group of ashraf [g.v.] ii
Fatimid Damascus. In 435/1043 several descendants
of the endower fought over their allotted shares, which
resulted in a document that also presented a list of
the wakf a assets (Sourdel-Thomine and Sourdel) [see
wakf. II. 3. ii, at Vol. XI, 70a, for a discussion of
family endowments in North Africa]. Compared with
al-Makrizi's statement that in early Egyptian endow-
ments urban properties prevailed over agricultural
lands, it is of interest to note that in this case the
assets consisted of six agricultural domains {day' a). They
were situated in the grain-growing regions around
Damascus, the Hawran [g.v.], in the plains at the foot
of Hermon, and the Bika' [g.p.] valley near Ba'labakk
[g.v.]. The distribution of assets within a rather lim-
ited geographical region proved rather typical for
Syrian endowments in the centuries to come. There
were, however, always notable exceptions to this rule:
endowments spanning great distances between faraway
regions, in particular for the benefit of the Haramayn
[g.v.] and in Mamlflk and Ottoman times.
The wakf was not only a means to gain rewards
in the afterlife for the sake of one's soul [thawab] or
to secure the material well-being of one's descendants.
In the hands of various elite groups it became an
eminent instrument for the propagation of status,
wealth and power. Charitable giving, aiming at other-
worldly rewards, was no longer done preferably in
secret, but led to open displays of worldly riches and
splendour (Korn). At the same time, new forms of
burying and remembering the dead appeared. Funerary
art and architecture [see kabr] became more elabo-
rate, and saintly persons or the rich and powerful
were frequently buried in mausolea [see kubea; turba]
and other buildings of public character. We still do
not fully comprehend these complex phenomena, but
endowments clearly played a significant role in them,
resulting in the "constructions of power and piety"
(Tabbaa) that give Syrian cityscapes their distinct char-
acter till today.
Thus the building type of the mosque, which had
been used simultaneously as place of worship, for
learning and for sheltering the needy, was comple-
mented by a number of new institutions with more
specific purposes. The separation between places of
prayer and places of learning had far-reaching impli-
cations not only for urban and architectural history.
The new urban complexes which were generally
financed by endowments had a profound impact
on the social, economic, intellectual and educational
life of the cities (Makdisi; Pouzet; Chamberlain). Wakf
stipulations now provided for the regular payment of
fixed sums to a growing number of people who worked
in and for the foundations. Salaried posts were estab-
lished for professors and assistant professors, but also
for the administration and the physical upkeep of the
institutions. Endowments financed the professional
reading of the Kur'an which became more widespread
and organised at this time (Pouzet, 169).
This feature decisively altered the notion of poverty
that was at the core of the concept of wakf (Sabra).
The early legal texts had maintained that a recipient
of wakf income had preferably to be poor in a mate-
rial sense, excluding groups like the blind or those
who were in charge of calling for prayer (mu'adhdhin
[see adhan]) in a mosque as lawful beneficiaries,
because they presumably included poor and rich peo-
ple (al-Khassaf, op. at, 276). Yet this criterion evi-
dently no longer applied, and to receive such payments
became a sign of group affiliation or social distinc-
tion. Thus the wakf could be used as a prop for the
I groups, i
the ashmf Sufi biotherhoods [see t\rira z\wi\<]
piotessional guilds [see sinf] oi diaspoia communities
The first ot the new institutions the Ihanl ah [qi]
was mtioduced fiom the Peisian woild to look aftei
the needs oi tiavelling Sufis Some ot the earliest
examples in Svna were founded in Damascus The
best known goes back to the iamous Sufi" historian
and astionomer \bu 1 Kasim All b Muhammad al
Sulami al Sumaysiti (d 453/1061 (al Nu aymi n
118 2b Bianquis 634 Ehsseefl Nur al Dm m 767)
Passing thiough Damascus in 580/1184 Ibn Djubw
[qo] saw the khankah still working as stipulated md
remaiked that it was a beautiiul way to iemembei
the departed and his good works [Rihla ed MJ de
Goeje Leiden 1907 290)
During the second halt ot the 5th/llth century the
advance ot the Saldjukids [q i ] led to hostilities with
mote threatened when at the end ot the century the
armies of the Ciusadeis [see cris^des] occupied con
sideiable tiacts ot Svna among; them Jeiusalem in
492/1099 In this period the madrasa was introduced
teaching oi Sunm ]unsprudence and law Endowing
a madrasa was often part of a larger building pro
gramme The Saldjuk lulei Dukak and his mother
for instance founded after 491/1097 8 the fust
bimamtan [qi] of Damascus a madrasa for the
Hanafiwa and a khankah which also became then
own tomb Women of the ruling dynasties start to
figuie piominentlv among the endoweis m this penod
Tabbaa 46)
/ hvub;
The political and spiritual significance of endow
ments becomes more pronounced when aftei
541/1146 Nur al Din Mahmud b Zanki [q ] came
to contiol the paits of Svna that were not under the
domination of the Crusaders ParticulaiK after 558/
1162 3 the Zangid ruler adopted a public lmtge of
strict religiosity following the model of the Piophet
\s part of this polio he ordeied religious and other
buildings serving the Muslim community all o\er Svn
a b. i
oied ■
supplementing their endowments \mong his most
impoitant new foundations are the famous bimamtan
in Damascus as well as his tomb madrasa and the
tust dai al hadftji [qi] in Islamic history and in Aleppo
another bimanslan and several colleges oi law ioi i
list see Ehsseefl of at m 913 35)
Onlv foi this period do the historical souues men
Hon a state official in charge oi the uakf svstem ioi
Svna The supervision ot endowments (na^ar al aukaf)
was among the tunctions attnbuted to the kadi
Ikudat [qi] oi Damascus the HanafT Kamal al Din
\bu 1 Fidl Muhammad b \bd Allah al Shahrazun
(d 572/1176 7) Pouzet 29) The wav in which he
ised his prerogativ
debate
which a
, legal thinking on uakf To finance detenu
measures the kadi had been authonsed to use thi
surplus income ( fadl) oi endowments which occunec
after the stipulated purposes had been paid tor (\bi
Shama i 11) The debate is related bv Abu Sham;
[qi ] as having taken place in the Citadel of Damascu
m 554/1159 Nur tl Din convened sevenl experts o
the Shafi i Hanbali and Mahki schools of law H.
wanted to know which of the Umawad mosque
assets were pait of its uakf and which were mereh
additions (mudaf ) belonging to the treasurv op at l
17) The distinction was significant because it allowed
the diversion oi income oi the mosque toi othei pur
poses The second question aimed specificallv at the
surplus income of endowments Asked whethei it was
peimissible to spend such funds Ioi the defence of
the umma the Shafi i kadi Ibn Abi Asrun forcefully
denied it and maintained that the lulei should boi
iow the needed sums m the name ot the tieasurv
Uakf income could onlv be spent toi the designated
beneficiaries (op al i 18) It is however manliest
in Abu Shtmas account that not all |unsts held the
same opinion and latei on even the Shvfi iw»a adopted
the opposite position These discussions highlight the
tensions resulting hom the overlapping political ind
the iuler [see khass] and claims in the name ot the
general good [see m<\siaha]
The impact oi the Ciusades is even more appai
ent undei the Awubids [q i ] After the leconquest ot
Jerusalem Salah al Din puisucd his polio oi piopa
to repossess the piopeities oi Frankish institutions In
585/1189 Sahh al Din established in the iormei resi
dence oi the Latin patnaich a hospice toi Sufis
this foundation is the eaihest extant example of a
complete uakfina for Svna ( Asah i 83 100) In the
case oi his madrasa the ioundation deed oi 588/1192
explicitly stated that the sultan had officially purchased
the propel ties which ioimerly had belonged to two
Latin churches from the bait al mat (Frenkel Political
and social aspects Pahlitzsch)
The return to Muslim rule affected also the status
of agricultuial land that had been occupied by non
Muslims In analogy with early Islamic history sev
eial and often contiadicting solutions could be diawn
from the explanations of the different schools of law
In piactice some of these lands were left with those
[see ikt\] (Fienkel Impact 239 47) Many oi these
weie latei incorporated into a growing numbei of
endowments founded by membeis of the iulmg
dynasty its military and administrative functionaries
and increasingly also by ulama (Humphreys Tabbaa
A consideiable poition of these foundations can be
attnbuted to women The proliferation of public build
ings which iesulted horn these endowment activities
iv Wamluks
Many ieatuies of these a akf policies continued undei
the Mamluks [qi] who after then victory ovei the
Mongols [q ] in Avn Djalut [qi] in 658/1260 and
mate the whole of Syria The military triumph oi the
Muslim ioices was followed by an extensive building
programme which aimed at piopagating the Islamic
character oi the new rulers Hence sptcial reveiente
showr
i the
[se,
i] which was
Mecca and Medina but also to Jerusalem and Hebron
Sultan al-Zihir Baybais I [qt] is attributed with a
considerable number of endowments in these cities
md othei places of ieligious inteiest and many oi
his successors folkmed his example (Meinecke)
The centie oi Mamluk endowment activities was
undisputedlv Cairo but in the Syrian cities mostly
in luins after the destiuctions caused by the Ciusades
and the Mongol invasion building and restoimg also
resumed on a large scale Tnpoli [see r«iRiyBlLis \l
SHVd] yyas rebuilt in a new location Luz) •Ueppo
quarters developed in the north and north-east
(Sauvaget; Gaube-Wirth). Damascus witnessed a period
of considerable growth, illustrated by the endowment
of several new Friday mosques outside the old city
walls (Meinecke). These building activities came to an
abrupt halt in 803/1400-1 when the army of Timur
Lang [q.v.] invaded Syria. For Damascus, the extent
of the destruction can be gleaned from a document
which enumerates the assets of the Umayyad Mosque
and describes their actual state (to be published by
S AtasI and B 'Ulabl IFPO, Damascus)
Although the written documentation becomes denser
for this period, what we know about endowing is still
\er\ much an elite phenomenon This is evident in
the appearance of a nov el a akf type At first sight it
appears as a typical charitable endowment (uakf kharrf),
yet founders began to stipulate that any surplus l/adl)
fiom the a«(/'s income was not to be leimested, but
was destined for themsehes and then descendants
(Amin, Aukaf 73-8) It was still customary to endow
incomes (Mudjir al-Din al-Nu'avmf al-Ghazzi), but
some foundations started to pioduce much higher rev-
enues than warranted by then specified purposes. Such
airangements allowed founders and, after them, their
descendants as administrator and beneficiaries, to
pursue their own interests, protected from interference
and confiscation by the state by the sanctity of the
a 4/ (Pern)
Administrators of such endowments were often
accused of embezzling funds belonging to all the
Muslims Such accusations were all the more difficult
to refute, as endowments incieasingly weie made of
land that previously had belonged to the treasury and
had been given out as military or administrative grants
[see ikta'] . This practice, known as irsad or in Ottoman
times 'as wakf ghayr sahlh (see al-TarabulsF, op. cit, 20;
Cuno), was not acknowledged as a sound wakf by the
jurists. In legal theory, it was only allowed for the
purposes specified for the bayt al-mal. Stipulations could
be altered by later rulers.
The Mamluk administration tried to control this com-
plex wakf system [see wakf. II. 1. In Egypt, at Vol. XI,
63b] by putting it under the supervision of local gov-
ernmental agencies: In Damascus, the second capital
of the realm, the na^ai al-awkaf belonged within the
duties of the ShafiT kadi al-kudat. This official was
also charged with the supervision of the awkaf of the
Umayyad Mosque, whereas the al-Nuri bimaristan was
put under the responsibility of the governor. Similar
arrangements can be found in other Syrian towns (al-
Kalkashandr, Subh, Cairo 1914-28, iv, 191-2, 220-1).
By the end of the Mamluk period, the wakf as an
institution built on the initiative of individuals had
taken over many functions that the treasury had ful-
filled in earlier times. This is evident for instance in
the diwan al-asra, responsible for the liberation of
Muslim war prisoners: it was now financed by endow-
ments, but stayed under the supervision of an
appointed agent of the state (op. cit., iv, 191). Ibn
Battuta who travelled from Cairo to Damascus in
726/1326, was struck by the "varieties of the endow-
ments of Damascus and their expenditure . . ., so
numerous are they. There are endowments in aid of
persons who cannot undertake the Pilgrimage. . . .
There are endowments for supplying wedding outfits
to girls, to those namely whose families are unable
to provide them. There are endowments for the free-
ing of prisoners, and endowments for travellers, out
of which they are given food, clothing, and the
o their
i. There
endowments for the improve
streets. . . . Besides these there are endowments for
other charitable purposes." And he went on to relate
a story how an endowment "for utensils" (Slat) helped
a slave to replace a broken porcelain dish (Ibn Battuta,
tr. Gibb, i, 148-9).
v. Ottomans
The Ottoman conquest of Bilad al-Sham in
922/1516-17 did not radically change the wakf regime
[see wakf. IV. In the Ottoman Empire, at Vol. XI,
87b], To establish a secure hold on the tax income
of the new provinces which stemmed mainly from
agricultural revenues, the Ottoman administration
began early on to survey all rights concerning land
or access to its produce. These tax registers (tahrlr
[q.v.], later called the daftar al-khakam [q.v.] or al-
sultani) are a valuable source for Mamluk and Ottoman
wakf history, because they allow insights into number,
types, composition and lifespan of endowments.
According to the Ottoman provincial regulations
(kanun [q.v.]), wakf properties were subject to an impo-
sition, in many cases, one-tenth of their share ('ushr
mat al-wakf] (Venzke). Only the wakf al-Haramayn ah
sharifayn, those for Jerusalem and Hebron, and the
great imperial endowments, were tax-exempt. Studies
of the tax regime tend to focus on the early period
of Ottoman rule in Syria. Yet endowments continued
as part of rural life and were involved in the con-
flicts over resources between the different social groups
trying to control them. Many court cases and fatawa
refer to the necessity of defending the interests of
endowments against AM'-holders and tax-farmers [see
iltizam; multezim] (Johansen).
The importance of land is highlighted by the issue
of the appropriation of state lands [see MM] . Especially
during the first century of Ottoman rule in Syria,
highly-placed Ottoman officials included in their
endowments large tracts of land, in different regions
or even provinces (e.g. the endowments of Lala Mustafa
Pasha and his wife Fatima Khatun). In fact, most of
these foundations are formally genuine awkaf because
a deed of possession (tamlik) from the sultan autho-
rised such transfers. Later on, endowing agricultural
land became less frequent, with the exception of pri-
vately-owned gardens and orchards. Even in the case
of prominent officials and notables, only the rights of
cultivation (mashadd maska) and the plantations stand-
ing on the land were endowed. Agricultural revenues
were appropriated by more indirect means like long-
term rents and sublease contracts (Rank).
Ottoman endowment practice is more visible in the
urban context. Like other rulers before them, the
Ottoman sultans showed a marked interest in the
Haramayn of Jerusalem and Hebron. At the same time,
they and members of their households founded large
urban complexes in other towns, which added a dis-
tinctly Ottoman element to their cityscapes. The most
outstanding examples in Damascus are the endow-
ment of sultan Sellm I [q.v] around the tomb of Ibn
al-'Arabi [q.v.] in al-Salihiyya [q.v.], or the takiyya [q.v.]
of sultan Stileyman [q.v.] . In Jerusalem, it was the lat-
ter's wife, Khurrem Sultan [q.v.], who founded the
famous Khassekr Sultan complex, including a soup-
kitchen [see 'imaret] (Singer). Numerous foundations
of Ottoman officials and local notables helped to
develop urban quarters and contributed in some cases
to the establishing of new city centres. Yet the wakf
was also used by a growing number of persons of
rather modest means, among them a high proportion
of women. The majority of these endowments are
of a house
It ma\ be stating the obvious to stress that endow-
ing as a social practice was influenced by gender eco-
nomic means social distinction ethnic and religious
affiliations membeiship of guilds or Sufi gioups etc
Ongoing lesearch houe\er, reveals how much there
is still to be learned to come to a better understanding
of such distinctions The use ot wakf b\ Chustian and
m this context (Oded) Other approaches stress the
significance of localised practices The cash aeilj foi
instance was quite widespread in Jerusalem but m
the other pans of S\na its introduction was slow and
confined to ceitain social gioups from the adminrs
and n
Local
also influenced notions of family and the modes by
which propeit\ was transferred fiom one generation
to the next as shown in a compaiative stud} ot late
Ottoman Nabulus [q c ] and Tripoli (Doumam)
Decisive changes in the w aff regime of the Syrian
pi ounces occurred undei the Tanjmat [q c ] reforms
\ Wakf Ministry had been gradually established in
Istanbul between 1826 and 1838 Under the impact
of the leforms the state forcefully claimed to be the
sole legitimate iepresentative of public mteiests In
piopertv The single steps ol the refoims aie not alto-
gethei clear but a state agency was intioduced into
the piovmcial admimstiations in the late 1830s which
cut back the ancient prerogatives of the I adi The
new functionaries [nazir [mu'aajdfalat] al awlaj and mudir
alaulaf) were dnectiv paid from Istanbul to pievent
the notorious embezzling of funds Othci laws con-
cerning changes in wakf administration followed in
lb 3 and 1870 (Barnes 103-54 Gerber 178-%
Meier
During the 19th cena
>n the v
whole
n being denouncec
and model
1 particular wa
being a mere circumvention of the inheiitance laws
of the Rur'an These controversies ceased only in the
middle of the 20th century when man) ol the inde-
pendent states decided on severe legal restrictions foi
family endowments oi in the case of Syria even abol-
ished them completely (see wakf II 5 it \ ol \I
78b)
Bibliography (in addition to ieferences given in
wakf I\) 1 Historical writing \bu Shama
A al Rawdatayn fi alhbar al dawlatayn, 2 vols Cano
1287-8/1870-2 Ibn al-Shihna al Durr al muntakhab
I, ta'nkh Halab ed \ Sarkis Beirut 1909 (tr J
Sauvaget Us perks, choisies, Beirut 1933) Ghazzi
Aahr al dhahab fi ta'nlh Halab 3 vols Aleppo 1922-
6 Nu'aymi A al Dam fi ta'nlh al madam ed Dja'far
al-Hasam 2 vols Damascus 1948-51, J Sourdel
(ed 1, Ui description d Hep d Ibn Shaddad Damascus
1953 N Ehsseeff (ed ) La description de Damas d Ibn
'isakir Damascus 1959 Mudjir al-Din al-'Ulavmi
allns alajatil bi ta'nlh al huds ua I hhalil Cairo
18b6
2 Publications of unrelated documents
(uakfiyyat, etc) A If akf al aia^n Lala Mustafa Pasha
ua yalihi A Wakf Tatima khatun bt Muhammad Beyl
b al Sultan al Mali/ al ishraf hansuh al Ghauri ed
Kh Mardam Bevk Damascus 1925 A Wakf al
I adi 'Ithman b is'ad b al Munadjdia ed S
Munadjdjid Damascus 1949 L Massignon Docu
REI xix (1951) 73-120 J Souidel-Thomine and
D Sourdel Biens Jonciers constituis uaqf in Syne fatimide
pom une Jamille de Sharifs Damasiains, in JESHO x\
11972) 269-96 \ 'Alarm Wakfiyyat al maghanba
Jerusalem 1981 KJ 'Asah Watha'ik makdisnya
ta'nkhma 3 vols "Amman 1983-9 M Salati c»
doiumento di epoia mamduia sul uaqf di 7^ al Din ibu
'IMakarmi Hamza b Z"hra al Husaym al hhaqi al
Halabi (la 707/1307) in innah di CaFosean xxv
(1994) 97-137 M Shaion 4 uaqf msinption from
Ramla i 300/912 13 m BSOiS lx (1997) 100-08
HN Hanthv led), The waqf doiumint of isultan al
\am Hasan b Muhammad b Qalawun fo, his complex
in al Rumada Beirut and Beilin 2001 (edited rathei
caielesslv but of interest because of many iefer-
ences to Syrian topography)
3 Waif studies uiban and general his-
tory J Sauvaget Hep Essai sur It deceloppement d uni
grande alii s\nmni des ononis au milieu du \I\
Steele Pans 1941 N Ehsseeff Nur al Din In grand
pnme musulman de Sine au temps dts croisades (jll
~)69 HI 1118 1174) 3 vols Damascus 19b 7 MM
Amin aliulajua I hayat al idj.tima'ma ft Mm 648
92V12o0 1j17 Cano 1980 G Makdisi The nse
Edinburgh 1981 M Gil, Dhimmi donations and joun
dations for Jerusalem (638 1099) in JEi,H0 xxvn/2
(1984) 156-74 H Gaube and E Wirth Aleppo
Histonsiht und geographische Beitrage ^ur bauliihen
Gestaltung zur soziahn Organisation und ^ur uirlschafthclien
Dynamik ancr lordtrasiatisihtn Fernhandelsmetropole Wies-
baden 1984 H Geibei Ottoman rule in Jerusalem
1890 1914 Berlin 1985 (ch on waff lefoim) JR
Baines in introduction to religious foundations in the
Ottoman Empin Leiden 1986 ML \ enzke Spain
-of tt,
t 16th
y san/aq of Hippo in JESHO xxix (1986) 239-
334, T Bianquis Damas it la Syne sous la domination
fatimide (3 ~)9 468/968 1076) Essai d interpretation dt
ihromques arabts mediuales 2 vols Damas 1986-9
MH Burgovne Mamluk Jerusalem in architectural
study Buckhuist Hill, Essex 1987 (with extensive
bibl ) B Johansen Tile Islamic law on land tax and
rent The peasants loss of piopeity rights as interpreted in
the Hanafite legal literature of the Mamlul and Ottoman
penods London 1988 RS Humphreys Polities and
arehitectural patronage in iyyubid Damascus in C E
Boswoith el al (eds) The Islamic uorld from classical
to modem timis Essays in honor of Bernard Leius
Princeton 1989 151-74 L Pouzet Damas au
MI /Mil such lie et structures religieuses dune metw
pole islamique Beirut 1991 M Meinecke Die mam
lukische inhiteftur in igypttn und i,yrun 2 vols
Gluckstadt 1992 M Chamberlain hnouledge and
social practice in mediaal Damascus 1190 13 JO
Cambridge 1994 \ Tabbaa Constructions of power
and piety in mediaal ileppo Umveisity Park 1997
'A Rafik al Had, I -ira'iyya al wakfiyya fi bilad al
Sham bayn alfi'at al idfhma'iyya ua I madhahtb al
filhiyya ft V 'ahd al 'uthmam m '\ Tamimi (ed )
Melanges Halit Sahilhoglu Tunis 1997, i, 169-86,
\ Frenkel The impact of the Crusades on the rural
society and religious endowments The ease of mediaal Syna
in \ Lev (ed) War and society in the eastern
Mediterranean 7 Hi ljth centuries Leiden 1997 237-48
C F Petrv Fractionalized estates in a centralized regime
The holdings of al \shraf Qaytbay and Qansuh al Ghawn
according to their uaqf deeds m JEi,HO, xli/1 (1998)
96-117 B Doumam Endowing family Waqf property
Studies in Society and History xl/1 (1998) 3-41 KM
Cuno, Ideology and juridical discourse in Ottoman Egypt.
The uses of the concept of mad, in ILS, vi/2 (1999),
136-63; Frenkel, Political and social aspects of Islamic
religious endowments (awqaf). Saladin in Cairo (1169-
73) and Jerusalem (1187-93), in BSOAS, lxii (1999),
1-20; A. Sabra, Poverty and charity in medieval Islam.
Mamluk Egypt, 1250-1517, Cambridge 2000; M.
Arna'Qt, Studies in cash waqf, Tunis 2001;
L. Korn, Ayyubidische Bautdtigkeit aus der Sicht del
Chromsten, in U. Vermeulen and J. van Steenbergen
(eds.), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyuhid and
Mamluk eras, iii, Leuven 2001, 123-39; P. Oded,
Christianity under Islam in Jerusalem. The question of the
holy sites' in early Ottoman times, Leiden 2001; N. Luz,
Tripoli reinvented. A case of Mamluk urbanization, in
Y. Lev (ed.), Towns and material culture in the medieval
Middle East, Leiden 2002, 53-71; A. Meier, "Waqf
m the province of Damascus, in J." Harden, Th. Philipp
and S. Weber (eds.), The empire in the city. Arab provin-
cial capitals in the late Ottoman empire, Beirut 2002,
201-18; A. Singer, Constructing Ottoman beneficence. An
imperial soup kitchen in Jerusalem, New York 2003; J.
Pahlitzsch, The transformation of Latin religious insititu-
tions into Islamic endowments by Saladin in Jerusalem, in
L. Korn and J. Pahlitzsch "(eds.). Governing the Holy
City. The interaction of social groups in medieval Jerusalem,
Wiesbaden, forthcoming. (Astrid Meier)
WARD.
In Arabic literature.
The rose is easily the most sung flower in Arabic
poetry. Its natural place is in flower, garden and
spring poetry (zahriyydt, rawdiyydt and rabfiyyat), but
the rose also figures prominently in the setting of wine
poetry (khamriyyat), which is actually the place of ori-
gin for flower poems. Abu Nuwas (d. ca. 198/813
[q.v.]) still keeps the bacchic framework of his flower
descriptions, and it may have been 'All b. al-Djahm
(d. 249/863 [q.v.]) who first wrote pure floral pieces,
all of them devoted to the rose (see Schoeler 71-2,
128). Poetic descriptions of it may be individual or
part of the description of a garden with a variety of
flowers. The vast majority of rose poems deal with
the red variety, but the white, yellow, black and blue
varities (the last created artificially with the use of
indigo) have also attracted some attention (see al-
Nuwayri, JVihaya, xi, 193-6).
Gem imagery
The description [was/ [q.v.]) of the rose is rarely a
simple recreation of the visual impression it presents.
The first step to transcend the natural is the use of
similes, which introduce a second layer of imagery;
the next step is to omit the particle of comparison,
thus creating a metaphorical identification. Two
"genres" of the phantastic are the outcome of this
procedure. One consists in turning the rose into an
aggregate of precious materials, mainly gems. The
first stage (similes) may be exemplified by the fol-
lowing example, by Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b.
Tahir (d. 237/851 [q.v.]):'
"Don't you see the rose bushes presenting to us
wonderments that have been mounted on branches,
"Their petals are red, their insides are yellow
embers, and around them are green boughs.
"It is as if they were rubies framed with emeralds,
in the midst of which are chippings of gold."
(al-Sari al-Raffa', Muhibb, iii, 89 [no. 147]).
The analogues of the simile in the third line form a
parallel to the topics in the second line, so this is a
very cautious introduction of the precious materials
as a new sphere of imagery.
The next s
ep (metaphor
cal equation
may be seen
the followi
ng example 1
of multiple a
ttribution):
"Don't you
see the rose
inviting [u
] to go down
to be 'wa
ered' with a
ged wine w
hose color is
"[They are] ointment pots made of rubies laid on
top of emeralds, inside of which is gold. . . ."
(al-Nuwayri, Mhaya, xi, 189).
The same kind of imagery is also used with other
flowers. The unusual "freezing" into gems of the var-
ious parts of the blossom may historically be explained
as a result of the emergence of flower poems from
wine poetry: the latter, especially in Abu Nuwas, is
rife with gem similes and metaphors to evoke the
wine and the cup (cf. Schoeler, 72-5). Since the materi-
als used as analogues are noble and incorruptible,
an additional effect is that time itself freezes (cf.
Hamori, 78-87). Finally, one should not forget that
the recreation of natural objects, especially animals
and plants, with the use of gems was no
Personification
The other way of introducing a phan
sion is the personification of the rose, v\
allows the poet to attribute a reason c
to its outward appearance or its "actions" — the phe-
nomenon called takhyll [q.v.] by 'Abd al-Kahir al-
Djurdjant (d. 471/1078 or later [q.v. in Suppl.]).
Al-BuhturT (d. 284/897 [q.v.]) composed the fol-
lowing famous lines:
"Gay spring has come to you, strutting [and] laugh-
ing with beauty, almost talking even.
"In the darkness before daybreak, Nawruz has awak-
ened the first roses that yesterday had still been
sleeping,
"the coolness of the dew slitting them open, and
it was as if it [sc. spring or Nawruz] were spread-
ing news that yesterday had been concealed fa-
ka'annahu yabuththu haditlf" kana amsi mukattamd)."
(Diwan, ed. al-Sayrafi, p. 2090; the "improved"
version in al-Nuwayri, Nihaya, xi, 189, has fa-
ka'annamd yabuththu haditlf" 'baynahunna mukattamd
; if it
ireading
had been concealed among them [sc. the roses]").
The idea that the opening of the buds is a broad-
casting of something previously secret is cautiously for-
mulated as an "as if". The second step (full
personification) appears in the following line by 'Alt
b. al-Djahm:
"The roses started laughing only when the beauty
of the flower beds and the sound of the chirping
birds excited it.
"They appeared, and the world showed them its
beauties, and, in the evening the wine came in its
new clothes. . . ."
(al-Sari al-Raffa', Muhibb, iii, 92, with slight diver-
gences from the Diwan version).
"Laughing" is "coming into bloom". The roses wait
until the stage is set for them. The possibilities of
takhyil, the poetic re-interpretation of reality, are made
use of in two specific contexts: the rose-cheek equa-
tion, and the rose vs. narcissus debate.
Rose
The term "rose" became part of the poetic jargon
of the Moderns, where it simply meant "cheek" —
alongside "narcissus" for "eye" and "chamomile
(petals)" for "teeth", to name but these. Underlying
this usage is, of course, the comparison of the red
cheek with the red rose. But by reversing the com-
parison (kalb) the rose is often perceived as a cheek.
Abu Hilal al-'Askari says (Diwan al-ma'dni, ii, 23):
"Comparing it tu the cheek is an appropriate simile
(tashbih musib), but I refrained from indulging in it [al-
ikthar tmnliu) because of its fame and frequency". Here
are a few more sophisticated examples of the rose-
cheek identification, showing in particular the pheno-
menon called "harmony of imagery" (mura'at al-napr).
al-Walid b. al-Djannan al-Shatibi:
"On the cheek of the rose are tears, dripping from
the eyes of the clouds."
(al-Nawadji, Halbat al-kumayt, 239).
Abu Bakr al-Khalidr:
"They protected the roses of their cheeks, so that
we could not pluck them due to the scorpions of
(al-Khalidiyyan: Diwan, 70).
Ibn al-Rumi:
"Those tears resemble drops of dew that fall from
(Ibn AM 'Awn, Tashbihat, 83, 7ff.; 89, 16;.
One of the dandies (ahad al-zurafa'):
"A fawn whose cheek and whose eyes are my rose
(Ibn Abi 'Awn: Tashbihat, 90, 2).
Kushadjim:
"If you like, it [the wine] is, from his hands, wine
and, from his cheeks, roses."
(Diwan, 140 [no. 129]).
Rose vs. narcissus
The debate about the precedence of the rose over
the narcissus or vice versa was mostly decided in
favour of the rose. The rose was considered the king
of the flowers. The caliph al-Mutawakkil [q.v.] is sup-
posed to have said: "I am the king of the rulers and
the rose is the king of the fragrant plants, and each
one of us is the most suitable for his counterpart"
(al-Nawadji, Halbat al-kumqyt, 235). Similarly, Abu Hilal
al-'Askarl says:
"The one who is sitting in an assembly is not like
the one who is standing in it."
(Abu Hilal al-'Askari, Diwan ahna'ani, ii, 23, quot-
ing himself; but it also occurs in Ibn al-Rumi,
Diwan, 1242 [no. 1022], which, however, is
strange in view of his well-known predilection
for the narcissus).
I.e. the rose bit
his attendant.
It was Ibn al-Rumi (d. 283/895 [q.v.]) who objected
643-4 [often quoted], also 665 [no. 36], 1234 [a lit-
tle prose text]; 1458 [no. 1112]). This he emphasised
compared it to a mule's anus with remnants of faeces
in its midst (Diwan, 1452 [no. 1107]). S. Boustany
has offered a political-symbolic interpretation of Ibn
al-Rumfs favouring the narcissus (Ibn ar-Rumi. Sa vie
et son ceuvre. I. Ibn ar-Rumi dans son milieu, Beirut 1967,
339-40), but this has been effectively refuted by
Schoeler (213-5). If it is not a simple personal predilec-
tion, it seems appropriate to consider Ibn al-Rumi's
position a somewhat sensationalist game in the tradition
of al-mahasin wa 'l-masawi [q.v.], especially if he did
indeed on another occasion toot the usual horn (see
above). His poem elicited a number of counterpoems,
the best known being a six-liner by the famous garden
poet al-Sanawbari (Diwan, 498 [no. 123]). On the
"proofs" offered by Ibn al-Rumi and al-Sanawbari, most
of them in the takhyil category, see Heinrichs, Rose
versus narcissus, 184-6. Notable is the fact that al-Sanaw-
bari offers a real mundzara, i.e. the two flowers debate
each other, if only in a rudimentary way, while Ibn
al-Rumi does use personification, but not in a sustained
way and without letting the "protagonists" speak.
Some poets, such as Abu Bakr al-Khalidr, refrain
from taking sides in the debate; he says:
"I disclosed to the narcissus of al-Rakka my love,
and I have no strength to avoid the roses.
"Both brothers are beloved, and I consider judg-
ing between them foolishness.
"In the army of flowers one is the vanguard that
marches, the other the rear guard.
(al-Khalidiyyan, Diwan, 143 [no. 125]).
The most interesting developments in the rose vs.
narcissus debate are in prose (prosimetrum, to be
exact). From 11th-century al-Andalus we have two
rihalas, one by Abu Hafs Ahmad b. Burd al-Asghar
(d. 1053-4), addressed to Abu 4-Walid b. Djahwar,
ruler of Cordova ir. 1043-69), the other by Abu '1-
Walid al-Himyari id. ca. 440/1048) and addressed to
Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad b. Isma'il b. 'Abbad, ruler
of Seville (r. 1023-42) (both in al-Himyari, Badf, 53-
8, 58-67). The first tells a story of certain leaders
among the flowers agreeing on lecognising the rose
as their king and drawing up a contract (a ttmtrat
social) that would be binding also on those flowers as
are spatially or temporally absent. After quoting tl
a of ?
mad r
urd, Abu 'l-Walld
il-Him
responds to it by entering the fictiona
by Ibn Burd and continuing the story by pointing
out that the recognition of the rose as ruler was an
erroi and that the narcissus should have been in that
position (one of the arguments being that the "eye"
[narcissus] is much nobler than the "cheek" [rose],
which latter is not even a sense organ! I.
A political interpretation of the two flower epistles
imposes itself. After the recent breakdown of the
Umayyad caliphate in al-Andalus, both addressees, Ibn
Djahwar and Ibn 'Abbad, ruled their respective city
states, Cordova and Seville, with the consent of their
people (people of substance, no doubt) and without
any regnal title. This democratic, or aristocratic, model
was unusual. Both Ibn Burd and al-Himyari were or
had been high-ranking administrators; it is hardly
strange that they attempted to make a constitutional
statement in "flowery" language, most likely in the
sense that they suggested to their addressees to adopt
the caliphal title (for further details, see Heinrichs,
In a purely literary vein, there are two more prose
nnmazaruh, between rose and narcissus, one by Tadj
al-Din Ibn 'Abd al-Madjid (d. 744/1343), with the
bayn al-natjis wa 1-waid (in al-Nuwayri, JVihaya, ii, ~207-
13), and one by Abu '1-Hasan al-Maridini (2nd half
of 15th century), entitled al-Djawhar al-faid fi munazaiat
al-naijis wa 'l-ward (in al-Shirwani, Majhal al-laman,
Hooghly 1841, 107-17). Of interest here is the way
in which they establish the fictionality of their debates:
Ibn 'Abd al-Madjid states that he wanted "to per-
sonify the two" lushakhkhisahuma), while al-Maridini
uses the phrase: "I represented them (maththaltuhuma)
as two adversaries in a debate and I made the tongue
of their state speak in the way of conversation iwa
'stantaktu lisana habhimd 'aid sabtli 'l-muhadara)" ifor fur-
ther details see Heinrichs, op. at., 193-8).
Rose as emblem
debate, it is surprising that in two books, each of
which contains a chapter on the rose, no such "enmity"
is mentioned at all. Al-Washsha' (d. 325/937 [q.v.])
compiled a handbook of correct etiquette for the
"refined" people (zu)afa', ahl al-za>f). The rose chapter
830
WARD -
contains mainly two ideas: ll) The rose tepiesents
everything beautiful and auspicious. (2) However,
according to some, it is inauspicious, because it is
shortlived. As such it is called al-ghaddai , the "traitor",
as opposed to the myrtle that stays fresh for a long
time ial-Was_hsha>, Muwashsha, tr. D. Bellmann, ii, 92-
6). The idea of the ephemeral and thus disloyal rose
and its counterpait, the longlived loyal myrtle, finds
expression in some poetry as well. Thus Abu Dulaf
al-'Idjlr, writing to 'Abd Allah b Tahir, said:
"I see your love like the rose inconstant, there is
"And my love is like the myrtle in beauty and
freshness, which has a white blossom that lasts,
when the roses fade away."
The latter answered:
"You have compared my love with the rose, and
:: Is there any flower whose over-
lord is
.t the
of taste;
"And youi love is like the myrtle, bittt
with regard to scent it has neither before
(al-Nuwayn, Nihaya, xi, 192-3).
Finally, it needs to be said that in Arabic mysti-
cal literature the rose does not even come close to
the symbolic value it has in Persian and Persianate
literature, where it represents the divine Beloved. Ibn
Ghanim al-Makdisi (d. 678/1279 [q.v]), in his book
on the symbolic or emblematic meaning of flowers
and birds, devotes one chapter to the rose and another
to the narcissus, but there is no ci oss-reference what-
soevei (Kashf al-asrar, 12-13 and 16-17, tr. 10-12 and
13-14). The book resembles the munazaiab in that the
flowers speak in the first person. The self-characten-
of the rose revolves mainly around suffering.
aoth fi
iwn thor
; that
Drick it
and s
s with blood, and fiom the
:ion, when the rosewater is extracted from it.
Bibliography: 1. Texts, (a) Anthologies. Abu
Hilal al-'Aska'ri, Diltan al-ma'ani, 2 parts, Cairo
1352h; al-Sari al-Rafla', al-Muhibb wa-mahbub wa
'l-mashmum wa 'l-mashrub, 4 vols., ed. Misbah
GhalawundjT et al., Damascus 1405/1986, lii, 89-
95; Tha'alibi, Yatimal al-dahr wa-mahasin ahl al-'asr,
ed. Muhammad Muhyi '1-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, 4
vols., Cairo n.d. [ca 1956]; Abu '1-Walid al-Himyarl,
al Badf fi wasj al-rabf, ed. H. Peres, new ed.
[Casablanca] 1410/1989, 94-100; Nawadji, A. Halbat
al-kumayt fi 'l-adab wa 1-nawadir wa 'Ifukdhat al-
muta'afhka bi l-khamnyyat, Cairo 1357/1938, 235-46;
Nuwayii, Nihayat ai-arab, xi, Cairo n.d., 184-213.
(b) Books on similes. Ibn Abl 'Awn, hitab al-
Tashbihat, ed. M. 'Abdul Mu'Id Khan, GMS, NS,
xvii, London 1950 (see index of prima comparatmnis
under ward [and under khadd]); Ibn al-Kattam, hitab
al-Tashbihdt mm ash'ai ahl al-Andalus, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas,
Beirut nd. [1966], 50-3; ed. 'Abdel Sattar M.I.
Hasanein, Ibn al-hattani's "Lhihtensihe Vergleiche der
Andalus-Araber", Ph.D. Kiel 1969, 23-5, Ger. tr.
W. Hoenerbach, Dchtensche Vergleahe der Andalus-
Araber, Bonn 1973, 52-4. (c) Dlwdns. Khalidiyyan
(Abu Bakr Muhammad and Abu 'Uthman SaTd),
Diwan, ed. Sami al-Dahhan, Damascus 1388/1969;
Kushadjim, Diwan, ed. Khavrivva Muhammad
Mahftiz, Baghdad 1390/1970; Sanawbarl! Diwan,
ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut 1970; al-Sari al-Rafia',
Diwan, ed Habib Husavn al-Husavni, 2 vols
[Baghdad] 1981 (with index of mawsujat); Ibn al-
Rumi, Diwan, ed. Husavn Nassar, Cairo 1973ff. (d)
Other works. Washsha', £ al-Muwashsha , ed. R.
Brunnow, Leiden 1886, 136-8, tr. D. Bellmann, Das
Buih des buntbestukten Kleides, 3 pts. Bremen 1984,
ii, 92-6, Ibn Ghanim al-MakdisT, Kashf al-asrar 'an
hikam al-tuyur wa 'l-azhar, ed. Garcin de Tassy, Paris
1821, repi. London 1980 [with Eng. tr.] Revelation
oj the secrets of the birds and flowers, 12-13 (Ar.), 10-
12 (Eng.,.
2. Studies. A. Hamori, On the ait of medieval
Arabic literature. Princeton 1974; H. Peres, La poesie
andalouse en arabe dassique au XI' stale, -'Paris 1953;
G. Schoeler, Arabisihe Natmdichtung. Die ^ahrlyal,
Rabi'iyat und Raudiyat von then Anfangen bis as-Sanaw-
bari. Erne gattungs-, motw- und stilgeschichtluhe
Untersmhung, Beirut 1974, 53-72, 83, 115, 128-31,
178, 204-17, 256-9, 286-9, 312-27; W.P. Heinrichs,
Rose v
, Obsen
debate, in GJ. Reinink and H.L.J. Vanstiphout (eds.),
Dspute poems and dialogues in the ancient and medieval
Near East. Forms and types of liteiary debates m Semitic
and related literatures, Louvain 1991, 179-98
I W.P. Heinrichs)
al-WASHM.
1. In older Arab society.
Tattooing was a custom among women in pre-
Islamic times. The parts of the body mentioned as
recipients are the hand ([zdhir al-\yad), the wrist (mi'sam),
the arm (dhira'), the posterior (1st) and the gums (htha).
The motifs used aie not mentioned; going by mod-
ern-day tattooing in Islamic countries they were prob-
ably abstract designs. The tattoo was created by
pricking (gharaza) the skin with a needle (ibra, misalla)
or — moie specifically—with a tattooing needle {misham,
pi. maivashim, see Lewin, Vocabulary, 471), so that a
trace (athar) remained. This was then filled with soot
(na'ui, explained as dukhan al-shahm "smoke of grease"),
antimony (kuhl), or indigo (nil). As a result the tat-
too would become either darkish-gi een [yakhdanu) or
blue {yazrakku). An existing tattoo could be touched
up or" retraced (md}d}i'a) when it had become weak
(mankus) (see Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Shakir and Harun, 105,
7 [no. 19, v. 2])
In the nasib section of the kasida, the traces of for-
mer encampments (atldl) are sometimes compared to
a tattoo, or tattoos, in the same way that they are
sometimes likened to foreign writing. The most famous
example is the beginning of the mu'allaka of Tarafa,
where the traces "appear like the remainder of a tat-
too on the back of a hand" (see Diwan, ed. M.
Sehgsohn, Paris 1901, 5). See also Mufaddaliyyat, ed.
Shakir and Harun, 114, 3 (no. 21, v. 7) and 181, 2
(no. 38, v. 2).
In the Hadith then
the Prophet is portra
too others (washimat)
which
as those who ask to be
curse is often extended
to othei embellishing procedures that involve chang-
ing the body. The common denominator is that one
should not alter God's creation (the women are called
al-mughayyiratu khalka llah) (see e.g. al-Bukhan, Sahih,
part 7,"Bulak 1312h., 164, ult.-167, 7, and for fur-
ther references see A.J. Wensinck, A handbook of early
Muhammadan tradition, Leiden 1927, s.v. "tattooing";
and idem. Concordance, v, Leiden 1969, s.v. washama).
It seems that there was some hesitation in the early
communitv in this respect: After one of the Prophet's
condemnations of washm whose chain goes back via
Nafi' to Ibn 'Umar, Nafi' remarks: al-washmu fi 'l-htha
"tattooing of the gums [is intended]" (al-Bukhan,
op. at, 165, penult.). Ibn Manzur remarks with regard
to this that "what is known nowadavs is that tattoo-
ing is on the skin and the lips" [LA, xii, 639b, 10-
.l-WASHM — YAGHUTH
Bibliography. B. Lewin, A vocabulary of the Hudail-
ian poems, Goteborg 1978; Alufaddaliyy'at, ed. Ahmad
M. Shakir and <Abd al-Salam M". Harun, Cairo
1964;_L4, xii, 638a-b. (W.P. Heinrichs)
WISAL, Mirza Muhammad ShafI' b. Muhammad
Isma'l'l, Persian poet of the early Kadjar
period, also known as Mirza Kucik ("the little
Mirza"). He was born in 1197/1782 at Shiraz in a
family of officials who had served the rulers of Persia
since the time of the Safawids. His studies not c
included Arabic and the literary sciences, but also
arts. It is said that Wisal was a graceful person with
a beautiful voice and an excellent performer of ghazak
He also became a famous calligrapher, proficient i
all the current styles of writing (see the autograph in
Browne, LHP, iv, facing 300). In addition, he w
educated as a mystic by Mirza Abu '1-Kasim Suki
a shaykh of the Dhahabiyya order. He died
1262/1845 and was buried near the shrine of Shah
Ciragh in Shiraz.
As a poet, Wisal was a typical representative of
the neo-classicism that had set in with the Return
Movement (bdzgasht-i adabJ) of the mid- 12th/ 18th cen-
turies. He wrote panegyrics after the fashion of the
mediaeval poets, in particular Manucihri, Anwar! and
Khakani [q.iy.], and ghazak in the style of Sa'dl [q.v.].
Among his patrons were, besides the governor and
other notables of the province of Fars, the Kadjar
kings Fath-'Ali Shah and Muhammad Shah, as well
as people residing in the Deccan. which made him
also popular on the Subcontinent. His mathnams include
Bazrn-i Wisal, a lyrical account of an excursion into
the mountains of Fars, and the continuation of Farhad
va Shirin, more a treatise on love than a story, which
had been left unfinished by Wahshi [q.v.] and is usu-
ally printed together with the latter's text (see e.g.
Kullryyat-i diwdn-r Wahsjti-yi BafkT, ed. Bidar, Tehran
1373 sh./ 1994, 476-526). In prose, he wrote an imi-
tation of Sa'di's Gulistdn and he translated Atwak al-
dhahab, an Arabic adab work by al-Zamakhshari [q.v.
in Suppl.]. Another aspect of his work are his reli-
gious poems, such as elegies (marathi) mourning the
martyrs of Karbala.
Modern critics have pointed to the lack of origi-
nality in his poetry, the main merit of which is the
perfect imitation of the old masters. Nevertheless, his
reputation as a refined poet and artist lasted through-
out the Kadjar period and his works were printed
several times both in India and Persia. A substantial
selection from his poetry is to be found in the antholo-
gies of Rida Kuli Khan. The sons of Wisal followed
in the footsteps of their father. One of them is Dawarf
(d. 1283/1866-71, who acquired a reputation as a poet
and a painter (see further, Browne, LHP, iv, 319-25).
Bibliography: Biographical data are to be found
in 'Ali-Akbar Bismil Shirazi, Tadhkna-yi dilgusha (cf.
Storey, i/2, 888); Rida Kuli Khan, Magma' al-
fusaha', Tehran 1295/1878, ii, 528-47; idem, Riyad
al-'anfin, Tehran 1305/1888, 337-50. See further:
A. von Kegl, Visal und seine Sohne, cine Dichlerfamilic
des modemen Pasiens, in WZKM, xii (1898), 113-27;
E.G. Browne, LHP, iv, 300-1, 316-25; idem, A year
amongst the Persians, "Cambridge 1926, 130, 292;
Nurani Wisal, Guljhan-i Wisal, Tehran 1319 sh.l
1940; Mahyar Nawabl, Khanddn-i Wisal-i Shirazi, in
Nashriyya-n Danishkada-yi Adabiyyat-i Tabriz, vii (1334
iA./1955"), 190-239, 288-356, 392-459; Dhabih-
Allah Saft, Gandi-i sukhan, 'Tehran 1340 sh./\9(>\,
iii, 197-200; J. Rypka, History of Iranian literature,
Dordrecht 1968, 331-2; Ahmad Munzawi, Fihnst-i
nuskhaha-yi khatti-yi farsr, iii, Tehran 1350 jj./1971,
2599-2600; Khanbaba Mushar, Fihnst-i kitabha-vi
capT-yt farsi, Tehran 1352 1&./1973, 389, 501, 1593,
1678, '2136, 2413; Yahya Aryanpur, Az Saba ta
Mma, Tehran 1976, ii, 40-4; Abu '1-Kasim Radfar
(ed.), Cand marthiva az sha'iran-i pdniguy, Tehran 1369
JA./1990, 96-104; Dawari Shirazi, Dtwdn, n.p. 1370
sU \99\. (J.T.P. de Bruijn)
YAGHUTH, a god of pre-Islamic Arabia,
mentioned in the Kur'an in a speech of Noah: "They
have said: Forsake not your gods. Forsake not Wadd,
nor Suwa', nor Yaghuth, Ya'uk and Nasr (LXXI,
22-3).
Traditionists and commentators (see the references
given by Hawting, The idea of idolatry, 113 and n. 6)
have exercised their ingenuity in the search for the
traces of Yaghuth in Arabia. Ibn al-Kalbi (d. 204/819
or 206/821) in his Book of the Idols [Kitab al-Amam, §§
7c, 9d, 45e, 52a) relates in laconic style: "[the tribe
of] Madhhidj and the people of Djurash adopted
Yaghuth . . .; it was located on a hill in the Yemen
known as Madhhidj; Madhhidj and allied tribes wor-
shipped it." Djurash is today an important archaeo-
logical site in the south-west of Saudi Arabia, at 'Asir,
42 km east-south-east of Abha. The tribe of Madhhidj
[q.v.] is first attested (1st century A.D. or thereabouts)
at Karyat al-Faw (280 km north-north-east of Nadjran),
then in the regions situated between Nadjran and
Ma'rib, and finally in the highlands of southern Yemen
(10th century A.D.) where it is still found today.
Shortly before the advent of Islam, the famous bat-
de of al-Razm, which pitted Murad (a subsection of
Madhhidj) against Hamdan, is said to have been pro-
voked by a quarrel over the stewardship of the idol
(Fahd, Le pantheon, 193-4).
On the divinities of Madhhidj and of Djurash, the
ancient inscriptions of southern Arabia tell us noth-
ing, either because they do not indicate the tribal
affiliation of their authors (where they are numerous,
as at Karyat al-Faw and at Nadjran), or because they
are quite rare (as in the region of Djurash). Direct
verification of Ibn al-Kalbf s statements is thus impos-
sible; however, the fact that the god Yaghuth is com-
pletely unknown in South Arabian epigraphy (including
onomastics) inspires some doubt as to their reliabil-
ity. The only epigraphic attestation of the word Ygt
is to be found in a Sabaean inscription (RES 5002)
as an attributive personal name.
Two Nabataean inscriptions from Petra and possi-
bly a third from Sinai mention the anthroponym 'mr'-
y'wt (Cantineau, Le Nabalien, ii, 64, 104), composed of
'mr' (Arabic imru") and T'ui (Aramaean graphic of
YAGHUTH — YASH
Yaghuth, with notation of ghayn by means of 'am). In
these anthroponyms, the second element could be the
name of a divinity or that of a particularly venerated
individual. Safaitic epigraphy knows the anthroponym
Ygt (see, for example, Winnett and Harding, Inscriptions,
625).
Finally, Arabic nomenclature attests the anthro-
ponym 'Abd Yaghuth (Caskel, Gamhara, ii, 133-4, 42
entries). It is known that the element 'Abd govems
either the name of a divinity (see especially 'Abd dhi
'1-Shara, 'Abd Manaf, 'Abd Manat, 'Abd Ruda, 'Abd
Suwa', 'Abd Shams, 'Abd al-Sharik, 'Abd al-'Uzza or
'Abd Wadd) or the name of a peison or a group
(compare with 'Abd 'Adr, "Abd Ahlih, 'Abd 'Amir,
'Abd 'Amr, 'Abd 'Awf, 'Abd Baki, 'Abd Hind, 'Abd
al-Harith, 'Abd Haritha, 'Abd al-Mundhir, 'Abd al-
Nu'man, etc.). The distribution of 'Abd Yaghuth in
the genealogies does not make it possible to identify
the tribes which particularly appreciated this name,
with the exception of Madhhidj (18 entries out of
42). But regarding this tribe, theie is no knowing
whether it is the frequency of the name which has
led traditionists to associate the god with it, or con-
versely whether it is the association with the god
which has multiplied the instances of 'Abd Yaghuth.
Ibn al-Kalbr also seeks to explain how it was that
mankind, monotheistic at the time of creation, came
to worship such a multiplicity of divinities. For his
purposes, he supposes that, originally, Ya gh uth was a
devout man; after his death, he wai commemoiated
by a statue, then promoted to the rank of inteices-
sor in the presence of God. It was the Flood which
allegedly bi ought his idol into Arabia near Djudda;
there it is said to have been found by 'Ami b. Luhayy
who entiusted it to the tribe of Madhhidj, more specif-
ically to An'am b. 'Amr al-Muradi (§§ 45e-52a; note
that foi the traditionists, Murad is attached to
Madhhidj).
The root gh-w-th from which the name of Yaghuth
is derived (imperfect of ghatha "to help") is current in
Aiabic nomenclature; see Ar. Ghawth, al-Ghawth,
Ghiyath, Ghuwayth or Ghuwatha (Caskel, Gamhara,
ii, 274-6). It is also attested in North Aiabian epig-
raphy; in South Arabia, on the other hand, it is more
i are and probably indicates a North Aiabian influence.
Like other commentators, Yakut was struck by the
similarity of the names Yaghuth and Ya'uk, and by
a possible opposition in the sense of the two words;
he speculates that it may be necessary to recognise
two aspects of one and the same divinity, who "some-
(Fahd, Le pantheon, 194). It is clear that all the devel-
opments of the tradition depend on the Kur'anic text
and aie based on anthroponyms formed on the root
gh-w-th: as for the origin of the mention of Yaghuth
in the Kur'an, it remains unexplained.
Bibliography: J. Cantineau, Le JVabateen, 2 vols.,
Paris 1930-2; M. Hofnei, Die Stammesgruppen Nord-
und Z entmlarabieni "" vomlamucher Z ett , in Hw
Haussig (ed.), Utter und Uythen im \orderen Orient
Stuttgart 1965 407-81 ( \agut \agut 478)
T. Fahd, Le pantheon dt 1'habie lentrak a la mile de
l-hegire, Paris 1968, Hisham Ibn al-Kalbi, /"Altai al
Asndm] Le Lint dts idoles de Hicham ibn al halbi text
ed. and tr. "Wahib Atallah Pans 19b9, F\ Winnett
and G.L. Haiding Inscriptions jtom fijr, Sajaitic laims
Toronto 1978 GR Hawting The idea oj idolatn
and the emergence oj hlam From polemic to hi\ton
Cambridge 1999 (Ch Robin)
YAHYA, Sjie^kh al-Islam Ottoman legal
scholar and poet, d. 1053/1644.
The son of Sheykh al-Islam Bayramzade Zekeriyya
Efendi, Yahya was born in Istanbul in 969/1561 (some
sources give the birth date 959). As the scion of an
important 'ukma' family, he underwent a rigorous pri-
e educ
under the
e of his father and
noted scholais, including 'Abd al-
Djebbarzade Dervish Mehmed Efendi and Ma'lulzade
Seyyid Mehmed Efendi. In 988/1580, at 19 years of
age, he was granted a mulazimet and went on to teach
in the most impoitant madrasas of the day. In
1004/1595 Yahya was appointed kadi of Aleppo and
he subsequently served as kadi in various parts of the
empire until 1013/1604, when he was elevated to the
position of kadi 'asker of Anatolia. After several dis-
missals and reappointments, he was appointed Sheykh
al-Islam in Radjab 1031 /May 1622. A brief but tur-
bulent tenure, during which he presided over the
funeral of Sultan 'Othman II [q.v.], ended in Dhu '1-
Ka'da 1032/September 1622 when a powerful vizier,
angered by Yahya's opposition to the practice of sell-
ing government positions, forced the young Murad
IV [q.v.] to dismiss him. Between 1034/1625 and
1041/1632 he again served as Sheykh al-Islam and was
re-appointed in 1043/1634 for a period that lasted
until his death in 1053/1644.
Yahya was noted as a legal scholar. Katib Celebi
(Fedhleke) reports that, in delivering legal opinions, he
embodied the perfection of Abu '1-Su'ud [q.v.] and
was its seal. He served in an important position dur-
ing a period of great turmoil and was a powerful
supporter of the reforms instituted by Murad IV. He
was widely known as an honest and decent person
in a time when few like him rose to power.
Nonetheless, Yahya's most enduring fame has
derived from his talent as a ghazal poet. He was said
to possess a poet's inborn nature: witty of speech, a
cheerful countenance, a pleasant conversationalist. His
poetry, in the manner of Baki [q.v.], consists primarily
of five-couplet ghazals, most on the transitoriness of
this woild and life's bittei and sweet aspects. His style
is simple and flowing, fi ee from the excesses of rhetori-
cal complexity that marked the poetry of many of
his contemporaries.
His works include: a diwan, the Sharh Djami' al-durer
(commentary on Muhsin-i Kayseri's Fera'id), Niganstan
cevmsi (a Turkish translation of Kemal-Pashazade's
Persian parallel to Sa'dfs [q.v.] Guhstan) and Fetawa-
yi Yahya Efendi (a collection of legal opinions).
Bibliography: Yahya is mentioned in the tedhhres
of Kafzade Fa'idi, Rida, YumnT, 'Asim, Safayi,
TewfTk, Katib Celebi's Fedhleke (Istanbul 1287), and
in the addenda to the Shaka'ik al-.Wmaniyya by
'Ushshakizade and Sheykhl Mehmed. There are
three editions of his diwan: Ibnulermn M. Kemal
InSl, Diwan-i Sheykhulislam Yahya, Istanbul 1334/
1915-16 (in Arabic script); Rekin Ertem, Seyhuhs-
lam Yahya divam, Ankara 1995; and Hasan Kavruk,
Seyhulis'lam Yahya divam, Ankara 2001 (Latin script
tianscriptions). See also Lutfi Bayraktutan, Seyhuhs-
lam lahya dwamndan sefmeler, Istanbul 1990; Ismail
Hakki llzuncarsih, Osmanh tanhi. III. cild, Ankaia
1995, Gibb, HOP, iii, 273-84; von Hammer-
Purgstall, Gesih. d. Osm. Duhtkunst, ii, 378-85; A.
Bombaci, Storia delta letteratura tuna, Milan 1956,
371-2
(W.G. Andrews and Mehmet Kalpakli)
YASH, the Ottoman Turkish form of the name of
the Romanian town of Iasi, conventionally
Jassv It lies on the plain of northeastern Moldavia
near the confluence of the Bahlui river with the Prut
(lat. 47° 10' N., long. 27° 35' E.).
In Ottoman times, it was the capital of the princi-
pality of Boghdan [q.v.] or Moldavia. Dimitri Cantemir,
from 1121-2/1710 to 1122-3/1711 resident in this
town as prince of Moldavia, stated that the seat of
government had been transferred to Yash by Stephen
the Great (838 or 9-909 or 10/1435-1504; in reality
this was done by Alexander Lapusneanu in 972-
3/1565) as a reason for this Cantemir maintained
that due to its geographical position \ash was bet-
ter suited to warfare with the Ottomans and Tatars
than its predecessoi the moie remote lortress town
ol Suceava (Demetrius C antemn Bisihrabuni; da
\loldau, lacs lepr Bucaiest 1973 52) Ewliya Celebi
who visited \ash around 1075/1005 called it \ashka
Ruhban, due to the importance of the local monas-
teries In his account \ash appeals as a town ol
20 000 thatched Lorta (from Romanian emit court )
he noted the absence ol (private?) buildings covered
ence of palaces and monasteries built of stone or buck
(Edna Cikh Seyahatnamisi TopLapi Sarayi Baudot 107
ya^masimn transhipsyonu-dizmi v ed \ucel Dagh Seyit
All kahiaman and Ibiahim Sezgin Istanbul 2001
180-b)
\mong ecclesiastical institutions the Ottoman tiav-
ellei refers to the \ashka Devn that Ewliya believed
had been a mosque in the reigns ol sultans Bavezid
and Suleyman in addition to the Menokola Galata
and Lipid Beg monasteries the latter must be iden-
tical to that of the Trei Erachi/Tneh Svetiteilei built
b> \asile Lupu in 1049-50/1040— Ewliva hoped to
see it one day tiansloimed into a mosque \s to the
Menokola it was probably identical to the St Nicholas
Church where a newly-arrived prince was blessed by
a church authontv (Miron Costin Grausame ~eiten in
dei \loldau Die Moldaumhe Chiomk dn Minn (ostin 1593
1661 ti and comments by \ Aimbruster Giaz
Vienna and Cologne 1980 190 lor a monastery called
Galata see ibid 207 on the affairs of local monas-
teries in geneial see C Zach Vbtr Klosttrlebin und
Klosterriformen in del \loldau und in da Ualaiha im 17
Jabhundert in Kalman Benda it alu (eds ) Forsihungen
uber Siebenburgen und sane Nathbam Festschrift fut itilla
T ^abo und ^sigmund Jako Munich 1987 111-22)
Ewliya also refeired to the monaster, supposedly
founded by Duna Banu the wife of Pnnce Lipul
Beg/Vasile Lupu which contained an uncoirupted
body of a young woman that Ewliya claimed was
the daughter ol the mythical auhitect 'Wnko b
Madyan this may well be the iclic that Lupu had
brought to his capital and that was believed to be
the body of St Paraschiva (Costin op at 100-1)
To the south of \ ash there was an ai uncial lake
lull of hsh that Ewliya thought had been constructed
by Prince Lipul BegA asile Lupu with the permission
ol Sultan Mm ad I\ The traveller also idmired the
princely palace with its giand ieception room and
numerous pavilions looking out upon the watei f jud^-
mg from a map ot the early 20th century the coie
of the palace was located at some distance from the
one major lake in the town howevei the body ol
water seen by Ewliya may have been diained later
on see Meyers Riutbmrur Turin Rumanttn Strbien
Bultymin Leipzig and \ienna 1908 93) Costin con-
fnms that \asde Lupu gieatly augmented the palace
constructing gardens stables and bath-houses some
of the buildings supposedly were covered in tiles ol
Chinese porcelain (Costm lot at) Ewliya also claims
that there were 2 000 shops covered with timbei oi ieeds
six khans used by mei chants and a guest house that also
accommodated visiting Ottoman and Tatar dignitaries
Complementary to Ewliya's account is that of a
near-contemporary embassy chaplain (Conrad Jacob
Hiltebrandts Dreifache Schwedische Gesandtschaftsreise nach
Skbenburgen, der Ukraine und Constantinopel (1656-1658),
ed. with comm. by F. Babinger, Leiden 1937, 82 ff.)
Hiltebrandt served the Swedish embassy that was
received at the court of Prince George Stephen, who
after his deposition by Mehemmed IV (1067-68/1657)
emigiated to the Swedish kingdom The author stressed
the lommeiual activity ol \ash, which was howe\er
unfortified numerous Jewish tiaders were active here
iddition to both local and Greek merchants \t
the c
Ottoman cauush absolute precedence theie was a
guard of German-speaking soldiers yet Ewliya com-
mented on the presence of Ottoman gunners
\c cording to Hiltebrandt the numerous churches of
\ash iather resembled mosques without mmaiets he
also commented on the local folklore including dances
and fan ground amusements specific to the Eastei
Throughout the early modem period the Polish-
Lithuanian commonwealth attempted to influence the
decision-making of the Moldavian pnnces which meant
that Pohsh-Tatai -Cossack nvalnes also were fought
out on Moldavian sod In 918-19/1513 \ ash was thus
fned on by the Tatars while Ottoman and Russian
attacks in 944-5/1538 and 1097-8/1080 had simdai
consequences (art Jassy in Encyclopedia Bntannua ed
19b3 xn 972) Ewliya Celebi even claimed that the
conditions of Moldavian subjection included the right
of the Tatais to pillage the country once even ten
years In 1123/1711 Peter the Gieat briefly occupied
the town receiving the homage of the learned prince
Dimitri Cantemir On this occasion numerous Otto-
man merchants piesent in \ash weie muideied and
their goods pillaged 1 \kdes Nimet Kurat Prut st/en 1 1
baiiii 1123 (1711) 2 vols Ankara 1951-3 i 234
and piusim) similar atrocities were repeated in 1236-
7/1821 when the Greek uprising began in both the
Peloponnesus and the Principalities Russian aimies
advanced as far as \ash once again in 1148-9/ 173b
but weie not able to hold on to the town due to the
defeats suffered at Ottoman hands by then \ustnan
ally (Barbaia Jelavich History of tht Balkans l Eighteenth
and nineteenth centimes Cambndge 1983 00-8 105 121
H Uebdsbeiger Russlands Orientpohtik in din lit tin ua
Jahihundaten i Bis urn Fniden on Jassy Stuttgart 1913
passim) On the level of international diplomacv the
Moldavian capital was known through the peace of
Jassy concluded between the Ottoman and Russian
empires (Djumada II-Radjab 1206 /January 1792) this
agreement confirmed many ol the stipulations of the
earlier treaty of K.ucuk Kaynardja [q ] especially the
loss of the Crimea \ coastal strip between Bug and
Dmesti was also ceded to Russia wheie the town of
Odessa was founded the following yeai From this
time onwards Russia maintained an influential posi-
tion in \ash which was to continue throughout the
13th/ 19th century
In the late 12th/ 18th century when Istanbul Greek
families known as the hospodars represented Ottoman
authority in \ash, the town possessed a small but
active educated stratum that pui chased books both
religious and seculai m Gieek Italian Romanian and
other languages with an emphasis on the Gieek
tionanes covering modem Euiopean languages Such
uied b
i deal-
834
YASH — YAZIDJI
to Leipzig and Vienna, in addition to stocking works
printed in Moldavia itself (Mihail Caratasu, La biblio-
theque d'un grand negotiant du AT///' siecle: Gregoire Antoine
Avramios, in Symposium I'epoque phanariote, 21-25 octobre
1970, a la mbnoiu de Cleobule Tsourkas, Salonica 1974,
135-43). A princely academy founded by Antioh
Cantemir was attended not only by the sons of local
noblemen but also by young people of more modest
backgrounds; from 1173-4/1760 onwards, this school
began to teach Enlightenment philosophy as well as
the natural sciences (Ariadna Camariano-Cioran, Ecoles
gtecques dans les principautes danubiennes au temps des
Phananotes, in ibid., 49-56). However, given the fre-
quency of warfare, the depressed condition of the
peasantry and the relative weakness of urban life in
Moldavia, the level of general education remained
low even in the 13th/ 19th century (Jelavich, op. cit.,
i, 270).
In the mid-19th century, Jassy came within the
principality of Moldavia, now united with Wallachia
to form the kingdom of Romania. Though Bucharest
became the political capital of the new state, Jassy
continued to be the most important cultural centre
of the realm. The first book in Romanian had been
printed there (1643), and it was the seat of an
Orthodox archbishop. Now, in 1860, the University
of Jassy was founded. The large Jewish population of
the town, approximately one-half, perished in the
course of World War II. After 1947, Jassy was within
the People's Republic of Romania. In 1996 it was
the third city of Romania, with a population of
346,613, whilst the county of the same name, with
the town of Jassy as its chef-lieu, had 823,800
inhabitants.
Bibliography: Given in the article.
(SURAIYA FAROp_Hl)
YA'UK, a god of pre-Islamic Arabia, men-
tioned in the Kur'an in a speech of Noah: "They have
said: Forsake not your gods. Forsake not Wadd, nor
Suwa", nor Yaghuth, Ya'uk and Nasr!" (LXXI, 22-3).
Traditionists and commentators have exercised their
ingenuity in the effort to track down the god Ya'uk,
with little success. In his "Book of the Idols" (Kitab
al-Asnam, §§ 7d, 9d, 45e, and 52b), Ibn al-Kalbi (d.
204/819 or 206/821), relates that: "Khaywan adopted
Ya'uk; he was in one of their villages called Khaywan,
in the region of San'a', two nights from Mecca." But
he adds immediately: "I have heard neither Hamdan
nor any other Arab [tribe] giving a name [composed]
with it", explaining this silence by the Judaisation of
Hamdan under the reign of Dhu Nuwas [q.v., where
his name needs to be corrected in the Sabaean form,
which is Yusuf As'ar Yath'ar, IVf 's"r ITr}.
The information provided by Ibn al-Kalbi on the
location and tribal associations of the township of
Khaywan is precise. Khaywan is situated well to the
north of San'a' in the direction of Mecca, at a dis-
tance of 105 km, midway between San'5' and Sa'da.
In the 4th/ 10th century, the township marked the
boundary between Hashid and Bakil, the two tribal
groups constituting the Hamdan confederation (al-
Hasan al-Hamdam, Sifat Djaziiat al-'Arab, ed. Muller,
66); it is today the last outpost of Hashid (the al-
'Usaymat clan) before entering Sufyan. On the other
hand, no divinity named Ya'uk is attested in Hamdan.
However, the pantheons of the tribes of this confed-
eration, which give the highest rank to Ta'lab Riyam
and Almakah, are quite well known through many
inscriptions and the vestiges of a large number of
temples. A god named Ya'uk is not attested elsewhere
It is clear that Ibn al-Kalbi or his source felt the
need to manipulate the available information to pro-
vide a basis for the Kur'anic text. It was all the eas-
ier to locate Ya'uk in Yemen, not only because it
was a distant country, but also because polytheism
had been officially banned there since the end of the
4th century A.D. and any indications to the contrary
had been obliterated.
However, the epigraphy of Yemen is acquainted
with the appellation of Ya'uk. It is the name of a
synagogue (mkrb) constructed in A.D. January 465
(d-d'u" 574 of the Himyarite era), at Dula' apparently
(some 12 km to the north-west of San'a'), according
to the inscription Ry 520/4 (Vk) and 9 IVwk). In a
relief inscription on the island of Sukutra [q.v.], Vk
is apparently an anthroponym (Robin and Gorea, Les
vestiges antiques).
Among traditionists and Muslim scholars, the cult
of Ya'uk was the object of hypotheses other than that
of Ibn al-Kalbi": they localise it in the tribes of
Khawlan-Kuda'a, Murad or Kinana (Fahd, Le pantheon,
195 n. 1) or at Balkha' (a Sabaean town known only
through traditions relating to idols: see Hawting, The
idea of idolatry, 107 and n. 15) but without further
Ibn al-Kalbi also seeks to explain how it was that
mankind, monotheistic at the time of creation, came to
worship such a multiplicity of divinities. For his pur-
poses, he assumes that originally, Ya'uk was a devout
man; after his death, he was commemorated by a
statue, then promoted to the rank of intercessor in
the presence of God. It was the Flood that would
have brought his idol into Arabia near Djudda; there
it is said to have been found by 'Amr b. Luhayy
who entrusted it to the tribe of Hamdan (§§ 45e-
52b).
Attestations and the senses of the root from which
the name of Ya'uk is derived offer nothing further
by way of clarification. One may note only that Yakut
underlines the similarity between the names Yaghuth
and Ya'uk and wonders whether it is necessary to
recognise two aspects of one and the same divinity,
the rainfall" (Fahd, Le pantheon, 194).
It is thus difficult to follow Toufic Fahd when he
affirms that "The conclusion cannot be avoided that
Ya'uk and the other four divinities cited by Noah
belong to the most primitive pantheon of central
Arabia" (op. cit., 196); to this day, nothing has been
established with certitude as to the origin of the men-
tion of Ya'uk in the Kur'an.
Bibliography: Hamdani, [Sifat Djaziiat al-'Arab],
D.H. Muller, al-Hamdani's Geographic der arabischen
Halbinsel, 2 vols., Leiden 1884-91, repr. 1968; G.
Ryckmans, Inscriptions sud-arabes. Onzieme serie, in Le
Museon, lxvii (1954), 99-105 and pi. 1; M. Hofner,
Die Stammesgruppen Mrd- und ^enttalarahens im voris-
lamisclter ^eit, in H.W. Haussig (ed.), Cotter und Mvthen
im Voideren Orient, Stuttgart 1965, 407-81 ("Ya'uq",
479); T. Fahd, Le pantheon de VArabu centrale a la
veille de I'hegrre, Paris 1968; Hisham Ibn al-Kalbr,
[Kitab al-Asnam] Le Livre des idoles de Hicham ibn al-
Kalbi, text ed. and tr. Wahib Atallah, Paris 1969;
G.R. Hawting, The idea of idolatry and the emergence of
Islam. From polemic to history, Cambridge 1999; Ch.
Robin and Maria Gorea, Les vestiges antiques de la
grotte de Hoq (Suqutra, Yemen), in Academic des Inscriptions
et Belles-Lettres, Comptes rendus, 2002, 409-45.
(Ch. Robin)
YAZiDJI, Salih b. Suleyman, the early Otto-
man author of the Shemnyye, one of the ear-
"iAZIDJI — iEDI ADALAR
hest works nn istiologv known to be wntten
in Anitoha He wis the lather of i izidjioghlu
Mehmed ind Ahmed Bidjin [ f i ] two impor
tant religious figures and wnteis of the 9th/ 15th
The place ind dite ol his birth ne uncertain
However due to the hct that he dedu ited hib work
(the Shtmsnu) to Iskender b Hidji Pashi fiom the
Dew let Khm hmilv living in Ankara it is supposed
thit he wis also from Ankira On the other hand
in the introduction (stbtb i hhf) of his Shtmutu he
wrote thit he was stionglv attiched to All Beg the
son ol kassib-oghlu Mahmud Pashi who wis the
tutor (Ida) of Sultan Mehmed Fatih and vizier to
Murid II ind Fatih ind thit he served him from
the vear 775/1j73 for jb veils until Ah Beg s death
kassib oghlu Mahmud Pisha founded a masa\id 1
madrasa ind a hospitil in Malkai 1 [q z ] ind appointed
his son All Beg to admimstei them so i lzidji Sahh
ilso lived in Malkai i ind in htii vears he settled in
Gilhpoh (Gehbolu) piobablv aftei All Begs death
The date of his de-ith is unknown Tht storv tint his
grave is near the grives of his sons Mehmed ind
Ahmed Bidjan I outside Gehbolu on the roid to
Istinbul) is uniuthenticated
Thit his fither s name wis Sulevman although
Ewhva Celebi calls him Shudja al Din is ceitain
because in the manuscript ol the Muhammtdine bv
his son \ azidji oghlu Mehmed and also in his other
woiks he speaks of himself is Mehmed h Sahh b
iting in '
i the e
scribe so that he was given the lalab \ lzidji that
he was 1 verv knowledgeable person about astrology,
and that he used Arabic and Peisian quot mons and
titles in his Shemsmt impiv a certain level of education
The number of his works is unknown His onlv
e\tint woik is the Shemsmt on astrologv Although
Ewhva Celebi mentions a Sib al Mttham a Tabir name
ind woiks on medicine no copv ot them has so hi
been found The work which his appealed in some
somces is the Utlhame is part of the Shtmsm, The
question whether the Shtmsnti was a compilation oi
a transhtion was long discussed However considei
ing the mannei oi book writing of the time and ilso
the fact that \azidji Silih mentions the woiks ind
people from whom he profited (like Lbu lFidl
Hubevsh b Ibrahim b Muhammed al Tiflisn it is
\ lzidji Sahh vvntes in the introduction oi his woik
that he completed it in 811/1408 9 naming it the
Shemsme and submitted it to Iskendei b Hadji Pishi
The Shemsiyyi wis written in the form oi i mifhneai
and in the metie fa da tun fa'ilatun fa dun Since no
autogriph ms exists ind no critic il edition has been
done the number oi onginil verses is unknown thcv
diffei in each copv (eg in ms Sulevmanive Kutup
hinesi Pertev nival no 77b 4724 veises) The fact that
over 30 mss oi it survive shows thit it wis widelv
lead If not gieit htenture it is nevertheless impoi
tint linguisticallv as i text oi 15th centun, Tuikish
It is composed oi thiee sections In the hrst section
there is the introduction (teiihid nat mi? adjiyyt iebtb
> te'hf) which is to be found in works written in the
mithntia form the second section is divided into twelve
babt, each refemng to one oi the months md each
divided igun into 25 jask ind in the thud section
this there is the Ru^ name i Mdhami which is com
posed of selections summaries and explanitions from
the Shimsint iTopkapi Sanvi Muzesi Kutuphinesi
Hazine no 1740 129a 141b) printed as the Mtlhanu
it Kazan in 1891
Kutuphanesi Tanh
no 4225 75b Bt
rsali Mehmed
Tilnr la^idji Sale
h alDm in Tu
I1j29/1914) 1021
> idem Othmanl
mu ellifkr
in
308 9 Hihl Inalci
L Fatih dan u tr
nde kthl
ml alar l Ankan
1995 71 n d An
ail Celeb
oglu
Muhammednn i Istanbul 199b 9 lb
a^ui
Sahh i Strmmeu
n Esh tml (dibnati mastitn
Istanbul 1998 55
1 Atilla Batui
Stmsintsi unpubl MA thesis Ficiv
s Umvei
1996 Evhv! Celet
i b Den 15 Me
aemmed
Zilh
Eilna («/«*, snahah
anus, Tc.pl apt Sa,
ay i Batda
,07
u v 1st
1995 2001 i 159
i 228 v lob
(Hai
YEDI ADALAR
the luikish n
ame of
the
ek Seven (Ionian) Islands (Gk Hiptamsos/
n insular group ofl the western coast of noith
;rn Peloponnese (Moieaj ind mainland Greece
:hing northw lrds in the following order Zakvn
Kephillenia(Cephilomai Ithike (Ithac i) Leukas
ii (\ntipaxos ind Pi\os) ind Kerkvi i (Coiiul
the island oi Kvthera oi Cengo [see coka
*dani] oil the southeistein tip of the Moic l is ilso
included ilbeit eiriticillv in the Seven Ishnds gioup
(mainlv b> schohrs oi the aiea s Latin domination
period) The relev int Arabic names of the ishnds
appc u in al Idnsi [a ] while the Ottoman Tuikish
names of Zakhse \qi] Kifalonn Siv iki (Ithike)
Lev k is/Lev k id i [q ] (onlv the islands mnn town
ind foitiess was called Av i Mavn bv the Ottomans)
Bakshilcr (Paxoi islands) ind Korfuz/Korius [q i ]
(stemming like Coitu fiom the ishnds Bvzantine
apptlhtion of hnnpho) appeir in the eailv Ibth cen
turv Kitabt Bahmu bv Pin Re is [qi] (see detailed
comm in the recent Greek ti bv D Loupes Athens
1999 312 lb ill 37) although Ottoman iiile in the
Ionian area usmlh commencing from 1479 with the
ousting oi the It ilian Tocco dvnastv from Benevento
wis nevei dehnitivelv established during the Ottoman
ion penod except for the case of
dukes h id n
aim,
Ihe Toe
) the islands in the
mainhnd Ernos in view oi the Ottomin conquest
there completed between 1449 ind 1479
In the Bvzantine period lasting to the enlv ljth
centuiv (from 1204 onwards the area gi iduallv pissed
undei Litin control i the Heptanese sustained seveie
itticks miinlv fiom Muslims ind Normans Of pir
ticuhi impoitince heie are the two itticks fust on
Kephillenn ind Zikvnthos between 878 ind 881 bv
the North \incan \ribs [see ifriiju] lepulsed bv
tht celebi ited Bv/antine idmnal Ooivphas (see
Elisabeth Mahmut Us dts di I Empiu b\ antin J III
\II s Pins 1988 77 n 2,6 and tible on p 110
sources ind refs in \ Siwides in Mtsn^ioi l [1998]
91 2) ind secondlv on Corfu m 1033 bv Sincens
horn SkiK [see sikiilha] who burned the ishnds
mun town (rets in \ Siwides The B\^antini Heptanne
Ihhearh lrth untun [in Gk] Athens 198b 19i Other
references to possible Muslim itticks in the nei
miinlv appealing in Saints hie cannot be con oboiated
YEDI ADALAR
by parallel sourcess. Also of importance is the informa-
tion provided by al-ldrlsl, who ca. 1153 visited
Byzantium and gave in his Kitab Rudj.dlar, inter alios,
details on Tanu (Othonoi), Kurfus (Corfu), Lkata
(Leukas), Djefaluniya (Kephallenia), Faskyu (Ithake?)
and Djandjnt or Gagni (Zakynthos) (French tr. Jaubert,
ii, 121, 123; cf Soustal-Koder, 168, 176, 179, 195,
278; Sawides, Byz. Heptanese, 46-8, and idem, in
Byzantinoslavica, lx/2 [1999], 454). About 12 years later
(1164-5) the Spanish Jew from Tudela, Benjamin, also
visited Korypho (Corfu) and Lachta or Lekat (Leukas
and not Arta in the Epitor mainland, as in the Eng.
tr. by Adler, 10, and in Soustal-Koder, 57-8 n. 97,
1 13; on this see the recent Gk. tr. by Photeine Vlacho-
poulou, introd. and comm. by K. Megalommates and
A. Sa™des, Athens 1994, 34-5 n. 8, 62).
From the second half of the 14th century onwards,
Latin control in the Ionian Islands was divided between
the Toccos on the southern (until ca. 1479) and Venice
on the northern group (until 1797). Since there is no
fixed pattern for a unified and lasting Ottoman pres-
ence in the area, this article will discuss the islands
separately, beginning with Leukas, which sustained the
longest Ottoman occupation.
Leukas. In Leukas (Leucata or Santa Maura in
western sources) the Ottoman occupation lasted from
1479 until the final Venetian capture of 1684, with
an interval between 1502-3 when the Venetians suc-
ceeded in seizing it during the Second Venetian-
Ottoman war of 1499-1502. By the 1503 treaty, it
was returned to Sultan Bayezid II [q.v.], who in turn
recognised the Venetian occupation of Kephallenia
(1500-1). Leukas' conqueror in 1479, the bey of Avlonya
(Valona) Ahmad Pasha Gedik [q.v], carried out
Mehemmed IPs plans of repopulating Istanbul with
deportations, among others, of a significant part of
is', Zakynthos' and Kephallenia's populations.
the 1
17th c
, the
fortress of Aya Mavra developed as the largest set-
tlement of the sandjak of Karli-Ili [q.v.] and as an
important Ottoman naval base in the area, with inter-
esting samples of Ottoman fortifications and building
activity (refs. in levkas). The Venetian capture of
1684 was ratified by the treaty of Carlowitz [see
karlofca] in 1699.
Zakynthos. A Tocco possession since 1357,
Zakynthos (Zante in western sources) was briefly seized
(with Kephallenia and Leukas) by the Ottomans (1479);
the Toccos soon recovered it (1480), but they were
driven out by the Venetians (1482-3), who in 1485
purchased it by special treaty with Bayezid II. The
1503 treaty secured Zakynthos and Kephallenia for
the Republic of St. Mark in exchange for an annual
tribute of 500 ducats, a situation maintained until the
Carlowitz treaty (1699). In the 16th century, the island
had suffered from raids conducted by Khavr al-Dln
Pasha Barbarossa, Torghud Re'Is and Uludj 'Air [q.vv.];
Zakynthians participated against the Ottomans at
Lepanto [see aynabakhti] (1571), the Russian-insti-
gated Orloff insurrection of 1770 and—after the
overthrow of Venetian rule (1797)— in the 1821 Greek
War for Liberation (refs. in zaklise, and in Sawides,
in Mesogeios, v [1999], 81-2, 84-5 nn. 26-38).
Kephallenia. Also a Tocco possession since 1357,
the island (mentioned as Zeffalonia by Westerners)
was also seized by the Ottomans in 1479 and held
until 1481, when the Toccos reclaimed it until 1482-
3, at which time the Venetians took over; in 1485,
however, Kephallenia was ceded, in a state of de-
population, to Bayezid II, who extended the second
Ottoman rule until 1500-1, when Venice assumed de-
finitive control there (as well as in Ithake), resettling the
island with Zakynthians and Ithakiotes in the course
of the Second Venetian-Ottoman war (see G. Mo-
schopoulos, History of Cephalonia [in Gk.], i, Athens
1985, 67-83). From then onwards, the Venetian
presence was uninterrupted until 1797, despite two
destructive Ottoman raids in 1537-8 and 1570-1
(Moschopoulos, op. cit., 83-6). Kephallenians, like other
Heptanesians, participated on the side of Venice in
the long siege of Crete (1645-69) (Moschopoulos, 86ff.),
while Kephallenia and the other islands were to receive
hosts of refugees from Crete [see ikritish] following
its fall to the Sultanate (see A. Vakalopoulos, History
of modem Hellenism [in Gk.], iii, Thessalonica 1968,
532ff.).
Ithake. Known as Val de Compare to the Latins,
Ithake, following a period of Frankish rule, was laid
waste in 1430 and again in the period 1479-85 by
Mehemmed IPs and Bayezid IPs fleets, in the attempt
of the Sultanate to consolidate its hold on the west-
ern Greek littoral. In 1500-1 it was captured (with
Kephallenia) by the Venetians, who, on account of
its depopulated state, resettled it in 1504 with
Kephallonians and Zakynthians. The Venetian hold
on the island ended in 1797.
Paxos. The island was sold by Venice to a wealthy
Corfiote, whose oppressive government forced its inhab-
itants to flee to the Ottoman-dominated Epirote main-
land. On 22 July 1537 an allied Western fleet under
Andrea Doria defeated near Paxos the Ottoman vice-
admiral 'All Celebi, seizing 12 Ottoman vessels, but
in 1577 the Ottomans, recovering from their defeat
at Lepanto (1571) and realising the island's vulnera-
bility, attacked and plundered it before the Venetians
took over again (until 1797).
Corfu. Although it never experienced a period of
Ottoman domination, the island was severely threat-
ened by three Ottoman attacks [see also korfuz]. In
1386 it was ceded by the Navarrese Company to
Venice, whose control there lasted until 1797, while
after the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Coifu was
to become a place of Byzantine refugees and exiles.
In 1537-8, Khayr al-Dln Pasha Barbarossa and the
Grand Vizier Lutfl Pasha [q.vv.] besieged the island
but, failing to seize it, they plundered Kephallenia
(see Vakalopoulos, op. cit, iii, 143 ff.). Another threat-
ening attack against Corfu took place in the reign of
Sultan Ahmed III, in 1716, in the course of the
Seventh Venetian-Ottoman war of 1714-18; despite a
stifling blockade by sea (by the kapudan-pasha Mehmed)
and land (by the ser'asker Kara Mustafa Pasha), the
Venetians and Corfiotes held out (see G. Athanasainas,
The assedio of Corfu, 1716 [Gk. adaptation], Athens
2001, and D. Chatzopoulos, 77k last Venetian-Ottoman
war of 1714-18 [in Gk.], Athens 2002, 235-97). Finally,
following the end of Venetian rule in the Heptanese
(1797) and in the reign of Sultan Sellm III, the French
were besieged in Corfu (Nov. 1798-March 1799) by
a united Russo-Ottoman fleet under Admiral Feodor
Ushakov, who had also seized Zakynthos, Kephallonia,
Ithake (Oct. 1798) and Leukas (Nov. 1798) and whose
operations were supported also by the Orthodox ecu-
menical patriarch Gregory V (detailed description of
the operations by the priest Petros-Polykarpos Voul-
gares, in a recent modern Gk. adaptation by S.-C.
Voulgares, Chronicle of a siege, 1798-9, Athens 2001;
cf. N. Moschonas, in IEE, xi, 389ff.). Russo-Ottoman
control, in the course of which both the first inde-
pendent small Greek "Ionian State" was created (1800-
7) under the sovereignty of the Porte and treaties
were signed with 'All Pasha Tepedelenli [q.v.] of
YEDI ADALAR — YOGYAKARTA
Ioanmna [see \\n\a] (on these treaties see E Pioto
psaltes in Deltion histonkes kai tthnologikes hetaneias hella
dos m [195b] 59 77) lasted until 1807 when the
French took o\ei again until 1814 it which time the
Butish pi ev ailed in the area until its eventual cession
to Gieece 1 1 864;
Bibliography Given m the article see also ref
erences in the ai tides korfuz levkas zaklise on
the temporary Ottoman occupation of some of the
Ionian islands see D Pitcher in historical eeograph
oj tiu Ottoman Empire Leiden 1972 87ff index and
maps (esp XV -XV I) Detiiled lefeiences on the
Arab and Ottoman raids in P Soustal and
J Koder Mkopohs und hephallenia (Tabula Imptn
i 3) Viei
.wides Aotis
B\<.anhni ptriods (iiab and Ottoman raids) in Journal
oj Oriental and ifntan Stafai \n (Athens 2003 4 1 d
idem Motes on Edeaa/ lodma/Uodina lotos/ Gobi/
Wolos/huluz and Zakynlhosl Zantel Zaklise in the Byzantine
and Turkish domination periods, in Mesogeios, v (1999).
See also K. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-
1571, 4 vols. Philadelphia 1976-84, passim; Alexandra
Kiantonelle Histm if piran 3 vols (periods 1390
1538 1538 lb99 and 18th century until the Gieek
War for Liberation) Athens 1985 1991 1998 (in
Gk ) Good bibliographies on the Byzantine ind
post Byzantine (Latin) Heptanese in the collective
Hutom tm hellenikm tlhnms (IEE) (= Histm oj th
Helhnu nation) i\ (1979 463 5 \ 1974) 465 6 and
xi (1975) 496 ind in the collection of studies by
G. Leontsines PrMems m Heptamsian sxial histon (in
Gk) Athens 1991 61 5 99 (A Saw ides)
YEMENLI HASAN PASHA (d 1016/1607)
Ottoman Turkish governor in the \ emen
In the ibsence of tribil consensus and an agreed
successor to the Zaydi irmmate following the death
of al-Mutahhar [qi ] in 980/1572 the Ottomtns weie
offered an unprecedented opportunity to extend their
zone of influent e beyond the Tihama [qi] into the
Yemeni intenoi Earlier Ottoman adv mces and the
securing of Sana [qi] in 954/1547 had still left
large areas of the north — including strongholds such
as Kawkaban and Thula [q vi ] situated perilously close
to the governors seat itself — incompletely pacified and
it was only during Hisan Pashas exceptionally long
term of office as provincial governor between Djumada
I 988/June 1580 and Muhairam 1013/June 1604
(Rashid i 154 186) that the Ottoman idmmistra
tion began to make serious inroads against local resis
tance forces Throughout the period of Hasan Pasha s
governorship in the \emen the Ottomans weie pie
occupied bv wais on both the eastern and noith
western frontiers of their empire against the Saftwids
986-98/1578 90 and the Habsburgs 1001 15/1593
1606 so that Hasin was given a free hand to secure
the consolidition of Ottoman rule within his juris
diction bv his own means One method he employed
to good effect in the eaily years o( his governorship
was deportation (nafi) of piominent members of the
Zaydi leadership In 994/1586 he sent five of al Mu
tahhar s sons and potential successors to Istanbul for
incarceration at \edi Kule (Rashid l 161 where
they remained until the end of his governorship (see
ibid, l 185 noting the death in captivity of Lutf Allah
b. al-Mutahhar in 1010/1601 2
To leinloice his authority locallv Hasan Pasha
associates of proven military ability and unswerving
personal loyalty such as his deputy [kttkhuda) Simn
Pasha and another right hand man called Amir AJi
al Djazi in In 997/1589 he appointed the latter with
the rink of pasha as lieutenant-governor in Sa'da [q.rj.]
with key i esponsibilities for securing the northern dis-
tricts When at a later stage in his governorship Hasan
Pasha laced a resumption of the Zay di challenge with
al Mansur il Kisinu's declaration of independence in
1006/1597 [see al-mansur bi 'llah], he turned for
cilled in from his then current post as governor of
Eritrea (for All Pasha's term as beylerbeyi of the eyalet-i
Habesh between Radjab 1002/Apnl 1594 and
Ramadan 1010/March 1602 see C Orhonlu Haks
oaleti Istanbul 1974, 183) to lend his help in the crisis
Through a combination of swift communications rapid
reaction and effective teamwork the Ottomans suc-
ceeded in capturing al-Mansui s base of opeiations at
Shahai a in 1011/1 602 and in forcing his re-submis-
sion albeit temporary to Ottoman rule In sum
although Ottomin contiol over the piovince remained
precarious at the close of Hasan Pashas twenty -four
year term as governor in 1013/lb04 there is no ques-
tion but that he had contubuted significantly to
Yemen's fuller incorpoi ation into the Ottoman lmpe-
iH system
After Hasan Pisha s recall at his own request to
Istanbul he seived a brief term as governor of Egypt
between the eaily pan of 1014/summer lb05 and 3
Dhu lHidjdja 1015/2 March 1607 (Tankh i Mima,
l 462) Shortly aftei his return to the capital he died
on 9 Radjab 1016/3 October 1607 (ibid u 23)
Biblngraphi (in addition to references in the
article) 1 Sources Bui sail Mehmed Tahir Siajill
i 'ithmam n 128 9 Ahmed Rashid Tartkhi lemen
ac Sana 2 vols Istanbul 1294/1877 (Hasan Pasha s
govemoiship being covered in detail i 153-86)
2 Studies Fuad I Khuri, Imams and Emirs.
Stah religion and sats in hlam, London 1990, 118-
23 and map on 61 C G Brouwer, Al-Mukha. Profile
oj a lenient na pnt a sketched by servants of the Dutch
EtLt India Cmipam (I OG) 1614-1640, Amsterdam
1997 106 11 (R. Murphey)
YOGYAKARTA the name of a city in cen-
tral Java Indonesia cipital of the former sultanate
and present day Special District of Yogyakarta.
Inhabitants (in 2002) ca 448 760 (city) or ca. 3,068,000
Together with the city and area of Surakarta [q.v.]
it was formeilv pait of the kingdom of Mataram [q.v.]
located in the southem parts of central Java. The first
kratm (palace) ol Mataram was built in 1582 in Kuja
Gede a piesent suburb of \ogyakarta, by Kyai Gede
Pamanahan Aftei his death in 1584 his son took over
the kraton and military installations and was recog-
nised by Sultan Adivyayi of Pajang as Senopati-ing-
Alaga a military leidei ( general"). After the ruler's
death in 1587 Senopati established and enlarged his
new kingdom He died in 1601. The greatest ruler
among his descendants was Sultan Agung (r. 1613-
45) who conqueied most of central and eastern Java
including Surabaya and even some regions on other
islands Besides his deep roots in Javanese monistic
traditions as msuhunan (onginally a spiritual title), he
also supported the spiead of Islam to the interior of
the island ind obtained the title of sultan by a spe-
cial mission fiom Mecca in 1641. Under his succes-
sors however the Islamic elements were extensively
eliminated once more
Aftei three wars of succession and the move of the
capital city to Kartasura (1677) and Surakarta
(Solo 1745) the kingdom of Mataram was divided
in 1755 the Pangeian Mangkubumi III choose again
YOGYAKARTA — YURTCI
Yogyakarta as place for his kraton, thus reviving the
traditions of Senopati and Sultan Agung. As Sultan
Hamengku Buwono I fd. 1792) he became the founder
of the dynasty of Nga Yogyakarta Hadiningrat. The
situation of his kraton was just beside a sacred line
reaching from Mt. Merapi in the north to the mouths
of the rivers Opek and Progo, the meeting place with
the goddess of the South Sea Nyai Lara Kidul, thus
underlining his central role in sacred geography, above
all, in the cosmos. More than the susuhunan in
Surakarta, the sultan of Yogyakarta gave dominance
to Islamic symbols and precepts, combining them to
the special brand of Javanese Islam: the normative
expressions of Islam, in confession and Sharfa, as the
vessel for mystical practice; divine decree (takdir. wahy,
wangsit, pulung) combined with the magical power (kesak-
ten, sekti, from Sanskr. s'akti) of the ruler, and thus the
subordination of the religious scholar to the king
(Woodward, 152). The tradition of Yogyakarta relates
these teachings to Sunan Kali Jaga, one of the nine
revered teachers of Islam (wali songo) in Java who was
a particular adviser to Senopati.
The Java War (1825-30) broke out when Pangeran
Diponegoro (1785-1855), son of Sultan Hamengku
Buwono III and a person well trained in mystical
practices, was taken to fight against the alliance of
the court and the Dutch because of new administra-
tive regulations. He was supported by the people, by
members of the nobility and the Islamic 'ulama' led
by Kiyai Maja. After being treacherously taken pris-
oner, he was exiled to Makassar [q.v.], while Kiyai
Maja was exiled to Menado.
In 1912 Yogyakarta witnessed the founding of the
Muhammadiyah by K.H. Ahmad Dahlan as a mod-
ernist social and educational organisation which is at
present the second largest Islamic organisation in
Indonesia. The great popularity of Sultan Hamengku
Buwono IX (1912-88, r. since 1939), a modernising
reform of the village administration in 1946 in his
district, and his close co-operation with the republi-
can leaders after 1945, particularly 1946-9 when
Yogyakarta was the interim capital of Indonesia
because of the Dutch occupation of Jakarta, saved the
special status of the district. Its role as a centre of
academic learning (1946: founding of Gajah Mada
University; 1959: Institute for Higher Islamic Learning,
IAIN; and others, including Protestant and Catholic
seminaries) has been further developed by Sultan
Hamengku Buwono X (b. 2 April 1946, succeeded
his father in 1988).
Bibliography: EI', s.v. Djokydkarta; Babad Tanah
Djawi, rev repr JJ Ras, 2 vols. "Dordrecht and
Providence, R I 1987, M.C. Ricklefs, Jogjakarta under
Sultan Mangkubutm 1749-1792. A history of the division
of Java, London 1974; M.R. Woodward, Islam in
Java Normative piety and mysticism in the Sultanate of
logyakarta, Tucson 1989. (O. Schumann)
YOMUT, a Turkmen tribe, or rather a tribal
confederacy, in Central Asia.
Today, most of them live in the Republic of
Turkmenistan (1926: ca. 100,000; contemporary state
policy takes no cognisance of individual tribes). About
130,000 (in the 1960s, cf. Irons 1974) inhabit Iran
(east of the Caspian sea, from the Gurgan plain north
to the border of Turkmenistan), and between 125,000
and 400,000 (Adamec) live in northwestern Afghanistan
(north of the Paripamisus range). The etymology of
the name is unclear. The Yomut do not appear among
the pre-Mongol Turkmen tribes listed by al-Kashghan
in his Diwan lughat al-Turk (tr. R. Dankoff and J. Kelly
1982-5), nor in Rashid al-Din's Djami' al-tawankh (Die
Geschichte der Oguzen, tr. Karl Jahn, 1969, 46-7). Abu
'1-Ghazi Bahadur Khan [q.v.] mentions Yomut, a
remote descendant of Salur, the son of the legendary
Oghuz Khan's son Tagh Khan (Shatgara-yi Tarakima,
fol. 100b, ed. and Turkish tr. Z.K. Olmez, 1996).
Dshikijew (1994) collected among the Yomut in the
Turkmen SSR some divergent genealogical tales all
of which show that the Yomut believe that they have
the same ancestor Salur (Kazan Alp), one of the most
famous heroes of Turkmen lore [see dede korkut],
as the Teke, Ersari, Sarik and Salor tribes [q.vv.].
According to Bregel (1981), in the 16th century the
Yomut, along with other tribal groups such as the
Ersari, Salor, Sarik and Teke, practised pastoral
nomadism in the region between the Mangishlak penin-
sula and the Balkhan mountains. Due to ecological
factors and the pressure of the Kalmuks and Kazakhs
from the north, probably in the second half of the
1 7th century, some Yomut moved to the Gurgan plain
while others migrated towards the oases of Kh"arazm
in the first half of the 18th century. Eventually they
received permission from the khan to remain on the
northwestern periphery of the Khiwa oasis.
In the Firdaws al-ikbal, a 19th century chronicle of
Khiwa. written by Munis and Agahi [q.vv.], from the
early 18th century onward the Yomut are frequently
mentioned among the tribal enemies whom several
khans had to subdue at regular intervals. The Yomut
also played a certain role in Khiwan history since,
as auxiliaries, they often joined the Khan's army,
mostly in his fights with the ShiT Persians in Khurasan,
but also in campaigns against Bukhara. They were
also prone to ally themselves with a khan's rebellious
relatives or governors. Between 1 1 78/ 1 764-5 and
1184/1770-1, the Yomut even succeeded in captur-
ing twice the city of Khiwa and also most other
strongholds of the khanate. After the Russians had
reduced Khiwa to a protectorate (1873) and annexed
the Turkmen territory from Mangishlak down to the
Persian border (1881-4), the Yomut incursions con-
tinued across the Russian-Persian border but on a
much reduced scale.
From the early 19th to the second half of the 20th
century, all the Gurgan (Astarabad) Yomut tribes had
either predominantly pastoral (carva) or predominantly
agricultural (comur) members producing for monetary
economy. Their most famous product were carpets.
Up to the 1950s, they were also able to preserve
slave and lifestock raiding as an additional source of
political and fiscal control only in the 1930s and,
again, from the middle of the century onwards (Irons
1994).
Bibliography: Y. Bregel, .Nomadic and sedentary
elements among the Turkmens, in CAJ, xxv (1981),
5-37; Munis and Agahi, Firdaws al-ikbal, ed. and
tr. Bregel, Firdaws al-iqbal. History of Khorezm, Leiden
1988-98 (with copious notes on the details of Yomut-
Khiwan relations accompanying the tr.); L.W.
Adamec, Historical dictionary of Afghanistan, Metuchen,
NJ. and London 1991; B. Rosetti, Die Turkmenen
und ike Teppiche, Berlin 1992; A. Dshikijew, Das
turkmenische Volk im Mitklalkr, Berlin 1994; W. Irons,
Why are the Yomut not more stratified?, in Claudia
Chang and H.A. Koster (eds.), Pastoralists at the
periphery, Tucson and London 1994, 175-96 (with
refs. to earlier articles by Irons based on fieldwork
in the 1960s and 1970s).
(Barbara Kellner-Heinkele)
YURTCI (t.) (from yurt "tribal territory, camp site,
tent site", a general term in the Turkic languages.
YURTCi — YUSUF b
cf. Turkmen yurt ~ yuvirt, Karakalpak, Kazak and
Kirghiz zurt; see khayma. iv, to whose Bibl. should
be added G. Doerfer, Turkische und mongolische Elemente
im Neupersischen, Wiesbaden 1965-70, iv, 212-16 no.
1914), Pers. yurUgl, the salaried officer respon-
sible for choosing camp sites for the army
or court, organising them, and supervising
their use.
Djuwaym's use of yurt for the appanages granted
by Cinggiz Kan to his bi other, sons and grandsons
demonstrates tix&ywt then included both summer and
winter quarters, the whole territory of an ulm (i, 31).
Rashid al-DTn uses it in the same way, saying, for
example, that "the dwelling and teiritories, makam wa
yurt-ha" of Cinggiz Kan were next to those of the
Ong Kan (Berezin, Cmggiz, text, i, 118). The yuita's
duties are set out by Nakhciwanl [q.v.\ in 1360, in
two specimen charters (ii, 64-61: his appointment is
to be recognised by all, from the viziers downwards
through commanders of ten thousands and thousands
to the tribes themselves. He alone is to designate
camp sites, yurt-ha, in a pleasant district, giving pri-
ority to the ruler, and then to his counsellors and
lords wherever the camps, uidu-ha. are to be pitched
r quarl
khjilaki. His choices
of the local population's separate needs: they should
be fai from the arable land of village peasants, or
troops of horse-herders, or those settled in obas, or
nomads; the site should not be irksome, to the detri-
ment of people's land, and foi this reason nothing
should be demanded of anyone. No-one should exceed
the camp site which he had designated for them. It
is emphasised that the yurtct was selected on the basis
of his long experience/and knowledge of where camp
1 grazing were to be
:>und it
icts for
■r quar
undertaken, he was to go in the vanguard and estab-
lish the site for royal use, and those for the principal
members of the court, so that the troops on arrival
at the stage [see manzil] should know exactly whete
to encamp. It is mentioned specifically that these must
be far from the courses of rivers which might flood.
The office was thus a highly tesponsible one, in which
the experience and competence to be found in those
living a largely nomadic life were integrated with a
system of state finance and administration. Besides the
yurtci, three other officials were particularly responsi-
ble for the management of the camp: the farrash, or
tent-pitcher, the bulmghua or keeper of lost property,
and the sarban or cameleer. The superintendent of
able for the supply and maintenance of the royal
' ' o operate under
y of c.
which n
it have
ned the
lance of these officials. Though
from recognised summer quatters to wintei quarters
was regulai enough, the use of at least seven differ-
ent summer sites by Ghazan in the course of his nine-
year reign shows the extent to which movement was
possible in the north of Persia alone. Some sites were
preferred for ceremonial putposes, most probably
because of theii proximity to Tabriz: a grand assembly
was held at Karabagh in 1295, and a great public
festival of 1302 in the meadows at Udjan. Some of
these sites at least were registered as royal domains,
mdju: Lar, for example, belonged to Arghun.
Bibliography. Muhammad b. HindOshah Nakh-
ciwam, Dastur al-kahb fi ta'yin al-matatib, text ed.
A.A. Alizade, 2 vols, in 3, Moscow 1964, 1971,
1976 (Pamyatniki literaturui narodov vostoka.
Tekstui bolshoya seriya, ix); Rashid al-Din Fadl
Allah, Tabib, Hamadanf, I^ami' al-tawarikh, text ed.
I.N. Berezin with tr. as Sbomik letopisey, Istoriya
Mongolov. Istoriya Cingiz-khana, 2 vols. St Petersburg
1868, 1888 (Trudi vostocnago otdeleniya Impe-
ratorskago Arkheologiceskago Obshcestva, xiii, xv'l;
Doerfer, op. at, iv, 216-17 no. 1915.
(P. A. Andrews i
YUSUF B. al-HASAN (I), Mawlay, sultan of
Morocco, r. 1330-46/1912-27.
He was born in 1298/1880-1 of a Circassian
early life in the royal palace
■. He
?ived educ
n pnva
and did n
into public life until 1330-1/1912 when his brother,
sultan 'Abd al-Hafiz (r. 1325-30/1908-12) appointed
him as his khalifa (viceroy) at Fez. Latei that year,
he was named sultan (19 Sha'ban 1330/12 August
1912) after his brother was forced to abdicate by
Marshal Lyautey, Resident-General and principal archi-
tect of the French Protectorate then being established
in Moioccc
pified,
I, pic
affable.
friendly toward France, Mawlay Yusuf seemed an ideal
choice foi an office meant by the French Protectorate
authorities to serve as a legitimating symbol and facade
for their governance in the country. Under Lyautey 's
tutalage (1912-25) he would serve this role well: lend-
ing his prestige as an 'Alawi shanf to French military
campaigns against Moroccan resistance to the impo-
sition of French and Spanish rule, and generally
remaining publicly co-operative and uncritical of
France and its Protectorate policies. He was routinely
associated with the inauguration of a
Prote(
5 of
, in the
gove
J the •
active and interested participant in the creation of a
re\italised sultanate and government \makhzan [q.v.])
that linked traditional forms — embodied especially in
the person and reign of his father Mawlay al-Hasan
(;. 1290-131 1/1873-94)— and modern innovation rep-
resented and advocated by France. He took an active
interest in the reform and encouragement of Islamic
s royal pati
o the
mosques, madrasah and other
public buildings. He effectively opposed Fiench efforts
Beiber-speaking aieas, and was an increasingly vocal
opponent of the Protectorate's ongoing expropriation
of rural and urban property. Unknown and unpopu-
lar at first, his travels throughout the country, exten-
sive publicity and increasing association with the
development of a modern Morocco that respected and
preserved religious and cultural traditions, gained foi
him broadening populai acceptance. Recent scholar-
ship (e.g. Rivet) shows him and his relationship to
the French Protectorate to be much more complex
than earlier interpretations have allowed. Though never
enjoying real power, the sultanate during Mawlay
Yusuf 's reign became more than a mere facade lend-
ing itself uncritically and unawares to the policies of
the Protectorate authorities. Over the course of time,
he took on substance sufficient to begin a transition
from the status of a perplexed and diffident pupil to
that of lespected mentor, perhaps, in some ways, even
partner, in the governance of the sultanate.
YUSUF b. al-HASAN (I) — al-ZAMAKHSHARI
Yusuf died on 22 Djumada I 1346/17 November
1927 from the effects of uraemia. He was succeeded
by his third son Muhammad (V) [q.v.].
Bibliography: Rapport general sur la situation du
Protectorat du Maroc, Rabat 1914; RMM, xxix (1914);
Renseignements Coloniaux, vi (1916); Ibn Zaydan, al-
Yumn al-wqfir ft imtidah al-d^anab al-mawlay al-yusufi,
Fez 1923; A.G.P. Martin, Qualre siecles d'histoire maro-
caine, Paris 1923; Bulletin du Comite de I'Afrique franpaise
(Nov. 1927); Ibn Zaydan, al-Durar al-fakhira, Rabat
1937; 'Allal al-FasT, al-Harakat al-istiklaliyya Ji 'l-
maghrib, Cairo 1948, Eng. tr., repr. New York 1970;
P. Lyautey, Lyautey I'Africain, 4 vols. Paris 1954;
R. Bidwell, Morocco under colonial rule, London 1973;
Ch.-A. Julien, Le Maroc face aux imperialismes, Paris
1978; D. Rivet, Lyautey et institution du Protectorat
francais au Maroc, 3 vols. Paris 1988; W. Hoisington,
Lyautey and the French conquest of Morocco, New York
1995. (W. Rollman)
YUZBASHI (T.), lit. "head of a hundred [men]",
a term used in later Ottoman and now modern
Turkish armies for the rank of captain, and in
the form yuzbashi in modern Arab armies for this
same rank. It was further used in Muslim Indian
minting practice for the engraver of coin dies; see
DAR AL-DARB, at Vol. II, 121a.
al-ZAMAKHSHARI, Abu 'l-Kasim Mahmud b.
2. Contributions in the fields of theology,
exegesis, hadith and adab.
His father, as imam of the local mosque in
Zamakhshar, taught him the Kur'an, but since he
lacked the means to support the further education of
his son, he wanted him to become a tailor. Yielding
to his son's wishes, however, he brought him to the
capital of Kh w arazm, Djurdjaniyya, which henceforth
became his permanent home and where he first earned
his sustenance by copying for a wealthy patron. His
For his literary education, he studied first with Abu
'Alt al-Hasan b. al-Muzaffar al-Naysaburl (the death
date of 442/1050 commonly given for him is mis-
taken, since his son 'Umar died only in 536/1142),
the leading man of letters in Kh"arazm at the time,
and after the arrival there of Abu Mudar Mahmud
b. Djarlr al-Dabbi al-Isfahani (d. 507/1114), with the
latter, who became his most influential teacher and
generous patron. Al-Zamakhshan also visited Bukhara
to study and hear hadith. On his way there he fell
from his mount and broke a leg, which had to be
amputated and replaced by a wooden substitute.
In his ambition for a high position in government,
he first addressed panegyric poems to the famous
Saldjuk vizier Nizam al-Mulk (d. 485/1092 [q.v.]),
referring to his teacher Abu Mudar, but his hopes
were disappointed. Later he travelled widely in
Khurasan and western Persia, pursuing his scholarly
interests and addressing similar poems to Saldjuk dig-
nitaries such as Mu'ayyid al-Mulk b. Nizam al-Mulk
(d. 495/1102) and Mudjir al-Dfn Abu '1-Fath al-
Ardastam and even to the Sultans Muhammad b.
Malikshah (d. 511/1118) and Sandjar. Although he
received some monetary rewards for these eulogies,
he failed to secure any position. This was largely due
to his open espousal of Mu'tazilT doctrine, which in
the Saldjuk period came increasingly to be viewed as
heretical. When he fell seriously ill in 512/1118, he
seeking thereby a position, and vowed to : lead an
ascetic life devoted to religion and teaching. After his
recovery, he visited Baghdad where he engaged in
studies and debates with scholars. He assembled with
the Hanaff jurist Ahmad b. 'All al-Damgham and the
" n al-Shanf Hibat Allah b. al-Shadjan. As
he made the Pilgrimage in that year, he was wel-
comed by the amir of Mecca, the Sharif c Alr b. Tsa
b. Hamza b. Wahhas, a Mu'tazili Zaydr man of let-
ters and learning. A close friendship developed between
the two, and al-Zamakhshan stayed with the amir for
two years as a greatly honoured guest, during which
he also visited parts of Arabia and Yemen. Then he
returned to Djurdjaniyya, where he was honoured in
this period by the Kh"arazmshahs Muhammad b.
Anushtakm (d. 521/1127) and his son Atsiz. A decade
later, he again set out for Mecca and stayed for an
extended time in Damascus, where he composed eulo-
gies for the Burid ruler Tadj al-Muluk Tughtakm (d.
526/1131) and his son Shams al-Mulk. He reached
Mecca for the Pilgrimage in 526/1132 and stayed
there for three years, again hospitably received by Ibn
Wahhas, who encouraged him to assemble his diwan
of poetry and to compose his Kur'an commentary al-
Kastshaf. Al-Zamakhshari completed the latter after
two years in 528/1133. In 533/1138 he made a fur-
ther trip to Mecca and passed through Baghdad, where
he visited Abu Mansur Mawhub b. al-Djawalikr [q.v.],
a famous man of letters, and received his idjaza. He
died in Djurdjaniyya on 9 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 538/14
June 1144 and was buried near the town. On account
of his prolonged stay in Mecca — he lived there for
five years and performed the Pilgrimage seven times
according to his own testimony — he claimed the title
Djar Allah, under which he remained widely known.
In his home country he was commonly referred to
as Fakhr Kh w arazm "the Glory of KJTarazm".
Although of Persian origin, al-Zamakhshan was
most basically motivated in his scholarship to serve
and promote the Arabic language. Arabic was in his
view the most perfect language which God had pre-
ferred to all languages as He preferred the Kur'an
and Islam over all scripture and religions (see 1., at
Vol. XI, 432b-434a). In the work on which his fame
primarily rests, the Kur'an commentary al-Kashshaf 'an
haka'ik al-tanzil, his efforts in explaining the Holy
Book's grammatical, lexicographical and rhetorical fea-
tures, variant readings and the miraculous nature (i'djaz
[q.v.]) of its beautiful language earned him universal
admiration. He did so adducing quotations from a
wide variety of early prose texts, including the tafslr
of the grammarian al-Zadjdjadj [q.v] and poetry,
rather than relying on traditional exegesis. His ration-
alist Mu'tazilr interpretations, however, provoked criti-
.L-ZAMAKHSHARI — al-ZANDJANI
cism among traditionalist Sunnls. While some of these
interpretations were adopted from earlier Mu'tazill
exegetes such as Abu Bakr al-Asamm and al-Rummam,
he also frequently presented views of his own. In con-
cord with his Mu'tazill outlook, he emphasised ethi-
tendencies and belief in miracles of saints, Shu'Qbis
and the Umayyad caliphs. In legal questions, he occa-
sionally backed al-Shafi'i and other positions against
his own HanafT school. The popularity of his work
was in the eastern Muslim world not seriously impaired
by the attempt of al-BaydawT [q.F.] to furnish an ortho-
dox counterpart to it in his Anwar al-tanzil. Opposition
to his Mu'tazill tendency was stronger in the Muslim
West, where the Malik! Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-
Munayvir (d 68V 1284) wrote a refutation of his
Mu'tazill inteipietations entitled A al Imaf mm al
KaihshaJ which is sometimes printed on the maigms
of the Kashihaf
In Mu'tazill theology al-Zamakhshan was familiar
with the school doctrine of Kadi '\bd al-Djabbar
through the literary tiansmission of al-Hakim al-
Djushami [q i ] which he leceived from his teachei
Ahmad b Muhammad b Ishak al-Klfarazmi In
addition he studied the school doctrine of \bu 1-
Husayn al-Basn [qi] which was first introduced into
Kh arazm by his teacher Abu Mudar al-Isfahani with
his colleague Rukn al-Din Ibn al-Malahimi In his
Mu'tazilr cieed al Wmhaqj Ji mill al din he appeals
parti) influent ed by the doctune of Abu 1-Husayn
al-Basn but geneially avoids taking side in the con
In the field of hadith he composed a large alpha-
ji ghanb al hadith The relevant hadith are full) quoted
and explained In his Mukhtasar al Munafaka bayna ahl
al bayt it a I sahaba he abridged the woik of the
Mu'tazih Zaydi tiaditiomst Abu Sa'id Isma'il b '^i
al-Samman al-Razi (d 443/1051) omitting the isnad'i
The book was intended to demonstiatc the toncoid
between the family of Muhammad and the m
Companions (see Hadjdji Khalifa u 1890) He ass
bled biogiaphital data and reports about the vir
of the ten Companions whom the Piophet had
baraia His al Kashf fi I kin? at al 'ashaT 'deals with the
canonical variant" readings of the Kur'an
In the field of adab he collected an extensive dic-
tionary of Aiabic pioveibs al \lustaksa ji amthal al
'Arab which mailed the Ua&ma' al amthal of his
contempotary al-Maydam Completed in 499/ 110b
it contains 3 461 proveibs alphabetically arranged
according to then beginnings with explanation of their
origin and use His \oluminous Rabf al abrar ua nusus
alakhbar contains extiacts fiom liteiary and histoncal
woiks airanged according to 92 topics It was meant
to be a companion leadei to his Kur'an commen-
tary His A al \mkina ua I djibal is a small dictionary
of Arabic geographical names
In his own artistic piose works his predilection was
for ethical admonition and pleaching His Makamat
also entitled al Naia'ih al kibai contain fifty makamat
[q i ] in the oldei meaning of the teim moral exhor-
tations which he addressed to himself He composed
them after his illness in 512/1118 and latei added
his own philological commentary His Atitak al dhahab
oi al Nasa'ih al ughar consists of 100 pious ma>
with allusions to the Kur'an, Sunna and piovei
expiessions It was dedicated to Ibn Wahhas and the
people of Mecca His Nauabigh al kalim oi al Mam al
nauabigh is a small collection of apophthegms A com-
mentary on it, al-.Wam al-sawabigh, was written by al-
Taftazanl [q.v.].
His poetry, collected into his diwan, reflects his tech-
nical skill and understanding of the classical tradition
of Arabic poetry more than an original poetical tal-
ent. An influence of the poetry of Djarir and al-
Mutanabbi is occasionally apparent. He wrote a
substantial commentary on al-Shanfara's Lamiyyal al-
'Arab, the K. A'djab al-'adiab fi shark Lamiyyat al-'Arab.
His al-Kistas al-mustakim fi 'Urn al-'arud is a treatise on
prosody.
Bibliography. Sam'am, Ansdb, ed. 'Abd Allah b.
'Umar al-Barudr, Beirut 1988, iii, 163-4;
Andarasbani, Mu'djam at-sivar, in 'Abd al-Kanm al-
YafT, Fi mat al~Zamakhsha,i, in A-L4D, lvii (1982).
365-82 Ibn al-Kifff Inbah al ruuat, ed M Abu
1-Fadl Ibiahim, Cano 1986 in 265-72, \akut
Udaba vn 147-51 Ibn Khallikan, ed Ihsan '\bbas
v 168-74 Mustafa al-Sawi al-Djuwaym \lanhaaj
al Zamakhshan Ji tafn al Kur'an Cairo 1959 AM
al-Huff, al Zamakhshan Cano 1966 \ \ uksel
nakhshc
s hje ,
' of ,
i Dinar,
|\\ Madelunc)
ZANDAKA [see zindik]
al-ZANDIANI 'Izz m.-Din 'Abd ^l-W^hhab b
Ibiahim b 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Kharadji (often given
as al-Khaziadji) al-Shafi'i Abu 1-Ma'ah [fl m the
middle of the 7th/Mth centurv) grammanan and
adib who ca 625/1228 wrote a celebrated treatise
on morphologv da// [q i ]) Mabadi' al tamj oi (Kitab)
al TasnJ al '!.-( extant in numerous mss and the sub-
ject of many commentaries the most populai one
being that of al-Taftazam (see Bibl )
The Kitab al Tamf was the third grammatical trea-
tise (aftei Ibn al-Hadjib s Kaftya and the \djun umnya)
to be made available in the West in an edition and
two Latin tianslations one literal and one idiomatic
by the dnectoi of the Medici pi ess JB Raymundus
(Giovanni Battista Raimondu Kitab al Tasnf ta'hf al
Shaykh al Imam Libel Tasnphi compositio at St/m ilemami
traditur in ea compendiosa notiha conjugationum lerbi irabni
Rome 1610 (see Chr F Schnuner Bibhotheca arabica
Halle 1811 25-7 no 47) The name of the author
sometimes appeals as al-'Izzi (see e g J Fuck Die
arabiuhm Studien in Europa Leipzig 1955, 56) this seems
to have arisen from a caieless rendition of the title
as Tamj al'Uj lathei than al Tasnf al 'Izz (the msba
refers to the author s lakab 'Izz al-Dm) In addition
to other woiks in the fields of inter aha grammar
and lexicographv al-Zandjam wiote works also m
adab One is an anthology of poetic snippets (not entire
poems) with the title al Madnun bihi 'ala ghayr ahhh It
deals with the following themes books praise yeain-
love congiatulations dirges complaints and inve
An e
a by
'Ubayd Allah b '\bd al-Kafi b 'Abd al-Madjid al-
Ubaydi who finished it in 724/1324 The other book
with the title A Mi')ar al nu ar fi 'ulum al ash'ar deals
with prosody and ihetonc It is divided into thiee
paits metrics film al'arud) ihyme taxonomv film al
kaitafi) and rhetonc film albadi') This anangement
of the poetic disciplines imitates al-Khatib al-Tibnzis
al Kafi ft I'arud it a I kaitafi which likewise contains
an unexpected section on al badf (ed al-Hassam Hasan
'Abd Allah Cano nd 170-204) Intel estmgly one
of his sources is the Hada'ik al uhr fl haka'tk al \hi'r
written in Persian by Rashid al-Din Watwat [qi]
Knowledge of Persian on the part oi al-Zandjani is
also shown by a line oi Peisian poetrv in al Madnun
l-ZANDJANI — ZAWDJ
(ed. Yahuda, 25). The Mi'yar is often quoted in later
rhetorical literature.
Bibliography (N.B. 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ibrahim
al-Zandjanl is not infrequently confused with his
father Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Wahhab [both having
the lakab 'Izz al-Din!]): 1. Biographical and bib-
liographical. Ziriklr, A'lam, 'Damascus 1373-8/
1954-9, iv, 330; Brockelmann, F, 336-7 ('Abd al-
Wahhab b. Ibrahim), S I, 497-8 (Ibrahim b 'Abd
al-Wahhab, referring to the same person!); Kahhala
i, 57 (Ibrahim, with the al-Tasnf al-Tzzi attributed
to him); vi, 216-17 ('Abd al-Wahhab, author of the
remaining works mentioned above).
2. Works. Sa'd al-Din al-Taftazanl Shark
Mukhtasar al-Tasnf al-'Izzi fi Jam al-sarf, ed 'Abd
al-'Al Salim Makram, Kuwait 1983; "Ubaydl Miarh
al-Madnun bihi 'ala ghayr ahlih, ed. I.B. Yahuda Cairo
1913-15, repr. Beirut and Baghdad n.d. [1993 or
before] (with a new title-page that omits the name
of the editor and with omission of the two Arabic
and French, prefaces of the editor); ed. Faradj Allah
DhakI al-Kurdl, Cairo 1342; K. Mi'yar al-mzzar fi
'ulum al-ash'ar, ed. Muhammad 'All Rizk al-KhafadjI
2 vols, Cairo 1991; ed. of Pts. 1-2 by Mahmud
Fadjdjal (forthcoming [?], cf. al-Ashkar, introd to
Pt. 3, 3, n. 1); ed. of Pt. 3 by 'Abd al-Mun'im
Sayyid 'Abd al-Salam al-Ashkar, Cairo 1416/1995
(with valuable introd., based in part on Mahmud
Fadjdjal's unpublished study and ed. of al-Zandjani,
at-Kafifi sharh al-Hddi ti-dhawi 'l-albab fi 'Urn al-i'rab,
doctoral thesis, Kulliyyat al-Lugha al-'Arabiyya,
Djami'at al-Azhar 1398/1978). (Eds.)
al-ZARKASHI, Abu 'Abd Allah Badr al-Din
Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b. Bahadur (or Muhammad
b. Bahadur b. 'Abd Allah, according to some), pro-
lific writer who lived in Mamluk Cairo at a
time of flourishing intellectual activity.
Born in Cairo in 745/1344, he studied hadlth in
Damascus with 'Imad al-Din Ibn Kathlr (d. 774/1373
[q.v.]), fikh and usul in Aleppo with Shihab al-Din al-
Adhra'I (d. 783/1381; see Brockelmann, S II, 108),
and Kur'an and fikh in Cairo with the head of the
Shafi'I school in Cairo at the time, Djamal al-Din
al-AsnawI (d. 772/1370, see Gilliot, Textes arabes anciens
Miles en Egypte au corns des amies 1996 a 1999, in
MIDEO, xxiv [2000], 252, entry no. 135, item 4), as
well as with Siradj al-Din al-Bulkinl (d. 805/1403
[qi]) and 'Ala' al-Din Mughultay (d 762/1361 [qi])
He died in Cairo on 3 Radjab 794/27 May 1392
and was buried in the smaller al-Karafa cemetery in
the area of the tomb of the Amir Baktamur al-Saki
He was called al-Zarkashi because he learned embroi-
der\ while he was young he also became known as
al-Minhad)i because he learned the teu oi Muhyi
al-Din al-Nawawi (d 676/1277 [qi]), the Mmhaaj al
tahbin by heart Al-Zarkashi is spoken of as naturally
reserved having spent most of his time in his house
or in the bookstores where he would take copious
notes in older to a\oid spending money to buy books
According to the study by Muhammad Abu 1-Fadl
Ibrahim the modern editor of one of al-Zarkashi s
more famous works al Burhan fi 'ulum al kur'an (Cairo
1957 1972, see l 5-13 for the biography of al-
Zarkashl) some 33 works are attributed to him 23
of which are apparently still m existence 'Abd al-
Kadir 'Abd Allah al-'Ani the editoi oi al-Zarkashi's
alBahr al muhit fi mul alfikh (6 vols, Kuwait 1401/
1989, see l 7-19 for the biography of al-Zarkashi),
manages to increase this total to 46 works although
many are attested only by single mi
ical bibliographies Brockelmann II 91-2 S II
lists 22 works all m existence
About 1 4 of al-Zarkashi s works are a\ ailable in
published form today, displaying the broad spectrum
of his interests A |unst of the school of al-Shafi'i
al-Zarkashi's works cover the full range of traditional
scholarship hadlth, tafsir fikh adab and kalam In fikh
al-Zarkashi wrote his summary al Bahr al muhit fi usul
alfikh in 777/1376 when he was only 32 Among his
many other legal works of note is a book on hashish,
Zahr al 'ansh fi tahnm al hashish, which details the phys-
ical hazards of hashish consumption and the moral
effects the substance has which are deemed to be
Al-Zarkashi did, however admit to some of hashish's
positive (and legal) anaesthetising abilities It was the
use of hashish for enjoyment and pleasui e that i aised
the ire of al-Zarkashi as it did for almost everv
His achievements have only lecently staited to be
properly recognised He lived at a time of significant
scholarly activity and his works certainly drew the
attention of those in the immediate generations there-
after His al Burhan fi 'ulum al A ur'an, for example
was the first all-encompassing work of its tvpe only
to be eclipsed a centurv later by al-Suyuti s at Itkan
fi 'ulum al Kur'an even though (or peihaps because)
al-Suvuti benefited from al-Zarkashis work in terms
oi providing the structuring and content of his own
work. In a total of 47 chapters in al-Burhan, al-Zarkashi
brings together every major topic related to understand-
ing the Kur'an, devoting what is essentially a mono-
graph to each one; he mentions previous authors who
have treated each subject and compares the opinions
of the traditionists, the theologians, the exegetes and
the grammarians on many of the topics. Al-Suyuti also
created his own work al-Durar al-muntathara fi 'l-ahadith
al-mushtahara (Beirut 1995) on the basis of al-Zarkashi's
now lost treatise al-Tadhkira fi 'l-ahadith al-mushtahira.
Bibliography: 1. Biographical sources.
DawudI, Tabakat al-mufassmn, Cairo 1392, ii, 157-
8 (no. 504); Ibn Hadjar, al-Durar al-kamina fi a'van
al-mi'a al-thdmina, Haydarabad 1348-50, iii, 397-8
(no. 1059); other sources cited in G.C. Anawati,
1957, in MIDEO, iv (1957), 223-7, entry no. 18
(on the edition of al-Burhan) and CI. Gilliot, Textes
arabes anciens edites en Egypte au cows des amies 1996
a 1999 in MIDEO, xxiv (2000) 247-49 entry no
131
2 Studies KE Nolin The Itqan and its sources
a study of al-Itqan ft 'ulum al-Qur'an by Jala I al
Din al Suyuti uith special reference to ^-Burhan ft 'ulum
al-Qur'an by Badr al Din al Zarkashi PhD thesis
Hartford Seminary Foundation 1968, F Rosenthal
The Herb Hashish leisus mediaal Muslim society Leiden
1971 (includes a summary and ed of Zaikashis
Zflhr al 'arish) 'Abd al-Hamid Ahmad Muhammad
'All Mabahth al tashbih 'md al imam Badr al Dm al
Zarkashi, Cairo 1984 A Rippin, il Zarkashi and al
Suyuti on the occasion of melation' material, in IC, h\
(1985), 243-58 repr in Rippm The Qufan and its
mterpretatue tradition ^dershot 2001 ch XVIII
Muhammad Kamal al-Din 'Izz al-Din al Badr [sic]
al Zarkashi mu'amkj," Beirut 1989 IL Camara
Tres tratados arabes siobre tl Cannabis Indica Textos
para la histona del hacks en las socoedades islamicas S
Mil \U Madrid 1990, 45-146 with an ed and
tr of al-Zarkashr s Z a/lr al 'ansh (A Rippin)
ZAWDJ
3 Usage in the dialects of the Muslim
The original meaning oi zaudi in Classical Arabic
was "one of a pair oi couple ' (see 1 , at Vol XI,
464b) Its dual in a phiase such as zau.dj.an mm al
hamam meant "a pair of pigeons" (1 e one malt , one
female) ^awcji also naturallv came to mean ' spouse,
mained pel son" of either gendei Later, a morpho-
logic all) marked female foim zawaja "wife ' was coined
as a consequence of which zaudi came to designate
specificall) "husband" In Modern Standard Arabic,
as well as the meaning "husband' zaudj letams the
original Classical meaning "one of a pair" but is also
now used to mean 'pan", as in zaixdi mm al hidha'
"a pair ot shoes '
sised land modified phoneticallv in well-known wavs),
so that one typicall) hears goz (Cano), zo~Z (Jerusalem
Damascus, Beirut) for both the 'pair ' and ' husband
meanings, but the non-metathesised foims fo
? fon
(Dam
'wife" In rural areas there is a considerable amount
of variation between metathesised and non-metathe-
sised forms as there is in the phonetic realisation ol
the two consonants Thus in parts ol the Nile vallev
and Delta zauz Z»Z goz and even gaz 'two (the)
pair, both" ma) be heard, as in ?a~ sa'at 'two hours"
%az t ushhur "two months ', ig gaz zayyi ba'd "the pair/the
of goz* etc foi "two' is reminiscent of the geneial
Maghnbi form zuz "two" (see 2 , at Vol XI, 464b)
In 'Irak and Arabia, the non-metathesised foims
zodi "pan", 'husband" and zodp "wife'aie the noi-
refer
s (wl
puie
dialect are usuall) words whose bas
"man ' and 'woman", e g Bahravn radididl/rayyal and
mam) In some derivatives from this root, metathesised
lorms are also heard among less educated speakeis,
eg diauaz 'marriage' (Gulf Statesl, instead of zauadj
and diauuaz "to marrv" (Nadjd), instead of zaituadj
' It is interesting to speculate on the reasons for the
metathesis so widel) encountered in this root One
possible reason ma) be a meaning coalescence in the
dialects, because of a similantv of sound, of the ongi-
nall) separate \ erbs zawwadj "marrv , (legitimatel) ) cou-
ple" (< z n df) and cfjauixaz 'to deem or make
peimissible" (< dj a z)~ a process which has been
referred to b) Yoigt as Hurztlangttuhunq There is
ahead) a similant) m meaning between them, m that
thereb) makes her "peimissible" I yidjauwizha] to him
From this coalescence of sound and meaning mav
have arisen a secondarv lusion of other words from
the same root, such as we see m the vacillation
between the modem dialectal variants zaudj and djauz,
which were separate words in Classical Arabic
Bibliography C Demzeau, Didwnnaue dis pallets
arabes de Syne, Liban it Palestine Pans I960, M Hinds
and El-Said Badawi, A dictionary of Egyptian
Arabic Beirut 1986, R Yoigt, Die injirmm Veibaltypen
da Arabivhen und das Biradikahsmus problem, Stuttgart
1988, B Ingham, \qjdi Arabu Amsteidam 1990,
P Behnstedt and M Woidich, Die agvptuche arabi
sihen DialekU Band 4 Glossar arabiuh deutsih, Wiesba-
den 1994, C Holes, Dialed culture and soatty in
Eastern Arabia Volume I Glossary Leiden 2001
(C Holes)
ZIRI b 'ATIYYA b 'Abd Allah b Khazar, Abu
Yusuf, Berbei chief of the Maghrib whose fate
was linked, at the end of the 4th/ 10th centurv and
the beginning ot the 5th/ 11th on the one hand to
that of the hddjib al-Mansui b Abi 'Amir [q i ] and
on the other to that of the Maghrawa [qi], who
were caught between the foices of the caliphate of
Coidova to the north, and those ol the Fatimid
caliphate and the Zind pnncipalitv of Ifilkiva, to the
east In fact, following the proclamation of the caliphate
of Ka)rawan, the Maghiawa were compelled b) cir-
cumstances to pa) allegiance to one oi other of the
Ziri b 'Atiyva belonged to an illustrious famil>,
the Banu Khazar, whose ancestors were ahead) guid-
ing the Maghrawi confederation at the time of the
conquest of the Maghrib bv the Muslims In 351/962,
on the death of his grandfather, Muhammad b al-
Khavi b Muhammad b Khazai became the leader
of the Maghiawa Extending his terntor) at the
expense ol the Fatimid zone of influence established
b) Djawhar [qi], the new chieftain established a
short-lived Maghiawi state in the cential Maghrib,
within the orbit of the Umayyad caliphate of Cor-
dova But in 360/971 the Fatimid gov ernor of Ifnki) a
Buluggin b ZlrT [q i ] defeated, close to Tlemcen the
Maghiawa and the Zanata From this date onwards,
the historv of these tribes, which had formed) estab-
lished a confederation, is closel) linked with the his-
torv of what is now Morocco, where the different
pnnces of the familv of the Banu Khazar created
three states around the cities of Fas, Sidjilmasa and
Aghmat Among these Maghrawi amirs who went in
search of new territories in the fai Maghrib were
Ziri b 'Atiyva and his brother Mukatil b 'Atiyva
Theoreticall) dependent on the caliph of Cordova
the two brothers deferred sometimes to the authontv
of the Umayyad caliph in the region and sometimes
to that of his chambeilain Ibn Abi 'Amir
Towards 365/975-6, Muhammad b al-Khavi b
Muhammad seems to have lost control of the north-
ern group of MaghrawF Moroccans In fact, at this
time Ziri and Mukatil b 'Atiyva were in the entourage
of the Umayyad governor of the Maghub, the gen-
eral Dja'far b 'Air b Hamdun, appointed bv the
caliph al-Hakam II The Maghrib served at this time
as a source for the provision of fighters m the strug-
gle against the Iberian Christians The Maghrawa the
leadership of whom had just been taken over bv Ziri
and Mukatil, and the Banu Ifran [qi], commanded
b) Yaddu b Ya'la, supported this polic) and sup-
plied horsemen to al-Andalus
The news of the death of the Umawad caliph al-
Hakam II arrived in North Africa lust as negotiations
weie in progiess between Dja'far b Hamdun, Yaddu
b Ya'la, ZM b 'Atiyva and his bi other Mukatil The
minont) of Hisham II leading to the accession of
the hadfib Ibn Abi 'Amir (366-71/976-81), percepti-
bl) modified the traditional policies of Cordova in
this region In fact, al-Mansur pla)ed on the rivalries
between the Zanata chiefs, in 376/986, he sent a new
governor-general to the Maghub, Hasan b Ahmad
b 'Abd al-Wadud al-Sulaml who moved his head-
quarteis from Sabta to Fas On the orders of al-
MansQr Ibn 'Abd al-Wadud oveitl) favoured the
Maghrawa to the detriment of the other Zanata chiefs
and espenallv the Itramd Yaddu b Ya'la, known for
his rebellious tendencies When Mukatil died in
378/988, Ziri took over the leadeiship of the
Maghrawa and became the sole interlocutor of the
Cordovan power
In 379/989, for example al-Mansur invited Ziri
to pav an official visit to Cordova The latter brought
with him numerous it emits foi al-Mansur's armies,
who were incorporated into the regular army. He was
received in princely style and was awarded on this
occasion the title of vizier. On his return to the
Maghrib, Zlri seems to have demonstrated some inde-
pendence towards the 'Amirid master of Cordova,
founding in the north of Morocco a principality with
Fas as its capital. Seeking the support of the Ifranid,
al-Mansur made overtures of Yaddu b. Ya'la which
the latter rejected, moving openly into dissidence. The
reaction of al-Mansur was immediate: Ibn 'Abd al-
Wadud received the order to call upon Zfrf b. 'Atiyya
to subdue Yaddu. On 18 Muharram 381/6 April 991,
on the banks of the Wadi Moulouya, an encounter
took place in the course of which Yaddu b. Ya'la
crushed the Cordovan army and the Maghrawl
reinforcements.
For Umayyad policy in the Maghrib, this consti-
tuted a serious reverse, temporarily alleviated by the
unexpected support of a Sanhadji prince of Ifrikiya.
In fact, the paternal uncle of the Zlrid king al-Mansur
b. Buluggm, Abu '1-Bahar b. Zlri", rebelled against
the Kayrawan government and declared himself for
that of Cordova. According to certain authors, this
allegiance was short-lived and Zfri b. 'Atiyya attacked
Abu '1-Bahar who took refuge first at Ceuta, in
Shawwal 382/end of 992, and then, after being rec-
onciled with his relatives, in Ifrikiya; Zin took over
all his domains and announced his victory, in 381/391,
to al-Mansur, who invited him to pay a second visit.
Arriving at Cordova in 382/992, Zlri brought numer-
ous presents with him on this occasion, as recorded
by the sources (although they are sometimes attrib-
uted to a diplomatic mission sent by Zlri in 384/
November 994): 200 racehorses, some 20 of them
with a documented pedigree, camels, weapons and
shields of antelope hide {lamt), a parrot, a gigantic
panther and a giraffe, which died en route and was
stuffed, all these last for the menagerie of the Caliph's
palace. On his return to the Maghrib, Zlri learned
that the Ifranid Yaddu b. Ya'la had taken possession
of Fas. After a bloody battle, Zin regained his throne
and sent Yaddu's head to al-Mansur.
No doubt finding the location of Fas too remote
in relation to the assemblage of regions which recog-
nised his authority, in 383/994 Zlri founded the town
of Oujda (Wadjda [q.v.]), on the border between
Morocco and what is now Algeria, with the aim of
establishing his court and his household garrison there.
Subsequently relations with Cordova deteriorated. The
pi ease reasons for the conflict between Zlri and al-
Mansur are not known but it is possible that Zlri
had emeiged as the champion of Hisham II in his
claims against al-Mansur in 388/998, his battle cry
(shi'ar) was %a Hisham %a Mansur while that of the
'Ammds was only ya Mansur (Levi Provencal, Fragments,
29) In 38b/997 al-Mansur sent tioops to the Maghrib
to intimidate Zin who affnmed his independence
without going so fai as to repudiate overtly his oath
of fealty to Hisham II In Shawwal 387/October 997,
al-Mansur depuved him of his title of vizier and sent
against him one of his best generals, the former slave
Wadih who commanded the middle march of al-
Andalus (al thaghr al ausat) In Tangier, the latter
received the allegiance of numerous local chiefs who
came to rally beneath his banner. Then he set out
with all these forces to attack Zin, who had taken
up positions m a mountainous region of northern
Morocco the Djabal Habib (Ibn Khaldun, Histoire des
Berberes m 244)
As a fn st step Wadih took possession of Arcila on
the Atlantic and of Nakur on the Mediterranean. In
Radjab 388 /July 998, he succeeded in surprising the
bulk of Zirl's forces in a mountain pass and inflicted
a severe defeat on the Maghrawa. Some weeks later,
wanting to reap the rewards of victory, al-Mansur
sent his own son 'Abd al-Malik with fresh reinforce-
ments. 'Abd al-Malik joined forces with Wadih and
then both of them marched against Zlri. The second
encounter, which took place on 19 Shawwal 388/13
October 998, was at first indecisive. But Zlri's army,
on hearing that its leader had been severely wounded,
disintegrated; forced into flight, Zlri abandoned his
camp and his wealth to the Cordovans.
Having tried in vain to take refuge in Fas, where
his wives and children were, Zin took the Sahara
road. In fact, the town refused to open its gates to
him and it was occupied by 'Abd al-Malik. Having
barely recovered from his injuries, Zlri refrained from
attempting anything in the north of Morocco, which
was strongly held by the Umayyad army. But taking
advantage of the death of Zfrid king al-Mansur b.
Buluggin and the quarrels between the latter's son
and successor, Badis, and his great-uncles Maksan and
Zawi, Zin b. 'Atiyya laid siege to Tahart, which he
took in 388/998. Then he successively conquered the
Sanhadji centres of Tlemcen, Chelif, Tenes and al-
Masila, where he had the prayer celebrated in the
name of the Umayyad caliph Hisham II and his hadjib
al-Mansur, whose pardon he sought, asking to have his
former prerogatives reinstated. His appeal was accepted.
In 391/1001, Ziri laid siege to Ashlr [q.v.], the
capital of the Sanhadja, but his state of health obliged
him to raise the siege after a month, and he died
shortly afterwards. On the death of Ziri, his son, al-
Mu'izz, took his place at the head of the federation
of Maghrawa, and declared himself the loyal vassal
of Cordova, continuing the struggle against the
Sanhadja until the death of al-Mansur. A little later,
al-Mu'izz asked the new hadfib, 'Abd al-Malik, to
award him an official investiture. A letter of 'Abd al-
Malik dated Dhu '1-Ka'da 396/August 1006, the text
of which has been preserved (Ibn Khaldun, Berberes,
iii, 248-50, and al-Warrak, Fragments historiques sur les
Berberes, 40-1) is addressed to the inhabitants of Fas,
inviting them to recognise al-Mu'izz b. 'Atiyya as gov-
ernor of the whole Maghrib, with the exception of
the territory of Sidjilmasa, the personal fief of Wanudln
b. Khazrun b. Falful. The rest of the reign of al-
Mu'izz was turbulent, but on his death in 417/1026,
the general revolt of al-Andalus smashed once and
for all the ties which for almost a century had linked
the Zanata North African bloc with the Umayyads
of Cordova. The fortunes of the Zanata [q.v.] declined
in the Maghrib, before the increasing power of the
Almoravids, who relied for support on the Sanhadja
Bibliography: 1. Sources. The principal source
is Ibn Hayyan, reproduced in full by the author
of the Mafakhir al-Barbar, fragments historiques sur les
Berberes du Maghreb, ed. E. Levi-Provencal, 15-36,
and ed. MahmQd Ya'la, Tres textos drabes sobre bereberes
en el occidente islamico, Madrid 1996, 143, 153-85;
Ibn Abl Zar', Rawd al-ktrtds, Rabat 1972, 92, 101-
8, 116; 'Abd al-Malik al-Warrak, Mikbas, 37-9; Ibn
Khaldun, Histoire des Berberes, iii, 217-21, 235-48.
2. Studies. H.R. Idris, La Berbene orientate sous
les prides, X'-XII" s., 2 vols., Paris 1962, and bibl. in
J.-Cl. Garcin (ed.), Etats, societes et cultures du monde
musulman medieval, X'-XV s., Paris 1995, i, p. xlix.
(P. Buresi)
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11