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Full text of "Fraud, Famine and Fascism"

Fraud, 
Famine 
and 
Fascism 

The Ukrainian Genocide Myth 
from Hitler to Harvard 





Douglas Tattle 



ABOUT THE AUTHOR 



Born in Quebec, Douglas Tottle has spent most of his life in Western 
Canada. Tottle has worked as a photographer and photo-lab technician, 
fine artist, underground miner, and as a steelworker. An active trade 
unionist, Tottle edited the United Steelworkers' journal The Challenger 
from 1975 to 1985, during which time the paper received over 20 
international and Canadian labor journalism awards. Tottle has also 
worked as a labor history researcher, and as an organizer. During the 
1970s he assisted the organizing drive of Chicano farmworkers in 
California and worked with Native Indian farmworkers in Manitoba. 
Tottle has written for various Canadian and U.S. periodicals, magazines, 
and labor journals. 



fraud, Famine and 

The Ukrainian Genocide Myth from Hitlei 



Douglas Tottle 







PROGRESS BOOKS TORONTC 



ABOUT THE AUTHOR 



ec, Douglas Tottle has spent most of his life in Western 
i worked as a photographer and photo-lab technician, 
;round miner, and as a steelworker. An active trade 
lited the United Steelworkers' journal The Challenger 
85, during which time the paper received over 20 

Canadian labor journalism awards. Tottle has also 
• history researcher, and as an organizer. During the 
1 the organizing drive of Chkano farmworkers in 
Drked with Native Indian farmworkers in Manitoba. 

for various Canadian and U.S. periodicals, magazines, 



fraud, Famine and Fascism 

The Ukrainian Genocide Myth from Hitler to Harvard 



Douglas Tottle 



^ ; v <&- 



'; rc" 



Copyright © 1987 by Douglas Tottle 

No part of this book may be reproduced, recorded or transmitted in any 

form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, or by any 

information storage and retrieval system, without the prior written 

permission of the publisher, except for brief quotations for purposes of 

review. 

Cover art: Richard Slye 

Published by Progress Books 
71 Bathurst Street 
Toronto, Canada M5V 2P6 

Printed and bound in Canada 



Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data 

Tottle, Douglas, 1944- 

Fraud, famine and fascism 

Bibliography: p. 
ISBN 0-919396-51-8 

1. Ukraine - History - 1921-1947 - Public opinion. 

2 Ukraine - History - 1921-1947 - Historiography. 

3 Famines - Ukraine - Public opinion. 4. Famines 
Ukraine - Historiography. 5. Ukraine - Foreign 
public opinion. 6. Propaganda, Anti - Russian. 

I. Title. 



CONTENTS 

Acknowledgements 
Introduction 

FRAUD 

1 Thomas Walker: The Man Who Never Was 

2 The Hearst Press: The Campaign Continue 

3 Famine Photographs: Which Famine? 

4 Cold War I: Black Deeds 

5 The Numbers Game 

6 Cold War II: The 1980s Campaign 

7 Harvest of Deception 

FAMINE 

8 The Famine 
FASCISM 

9 Collaboration and Collusion 

10 War Criminals, Anti-Semitism and 
the Famine-Genocide Campaign 

APPENDIX 

From Third Reich Propagandist 
to Famine-Genocide Author 

Notes 
Bibliography 



DK508.833.T6 1987 



947'. 710842 



C87-095359-1 



CO 

DO 






s*?. fci 






^■'1 

17 by Douglas Tottle 

book may be reproduced, recorded or transmitted in any 
neans, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, or by any 
rage and retrieval system, without the prior written 
k e publisher, except for brief quotations for purposes of 

ird Slye 

ogress Books 

:et 

i M5V2P6 

ind in Canada 



ataloguing in Publication Data 

mglas, 1944- 
f amine and fascism 



)hy: p. 
J396-51-8 



i - History 
* - History 
3 - Ukraine 



1921-1947 - Public opinion. 
1921-1947 - Historiography. 
Public opinion. 4. Famines 



CONTENTS 

Acknowledgements 
Introduction 

FRAUD 

1 Thomas Walker: The Man Who Never Was 

2 The Hearst Press: The Campaign Continues 

3 Famine Photographs: Which Famine? 

4 Cold War I: Black Deeds 

5 The Numbers Game 

6 Cold War II: The 1980s Campaign 

7 Harvest of Deception 

FAMINE 

8 The Famine 
FASCISM 

9 Collaboration and Collusion 

10 War Criminals, Anti-Semitism and 
the Famine-Genocide Campaign 

APPENDIX 

From Third Reich Propagandist 
to Famine-Genocide Author 



VII 



5 
13 
23 
36 
45 
57 
75 



91 

103 
121 

13B 



To Shayndeleb, my sister and friend 



ACKNOWLEDG 



I am deeply indebted to many person 
Canadian born and of post-war immigra 
personal knowledge of the events discuss, 
in translating necessary materials is veryr 
particularly thank those of the post-war in 
to offer or verify information about the 
criminals and collaborators presently hidii 
Ukrainian Canadian community. Nor d< 
assistance of Ukrainian academics fror 
assessments, criticisms and encourageme 
book. 

Finally, I am honored by my acquainta 
Western Ukraine and Poland. They rela 
Ukrainian Nationalist pogroms and po 
experience of others with Ukrainian Nati 
Nazis in town, country and concentration a 
the personal memoirs and written accou 
Galician Jews who survived the death ca 
forests. Canada is greatly enriched by theii 
their inspiration, which greatly encourage 
whole number of questions, this book coul 



?leh, my sister and friend 



VII 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



I am deeply indebted to many persons of Ukrainian background, both 
Canadian born and of post-war immigration, who shared with me their 
personal knowledge of the events discussed in this book. Their assistance 
in translating necessary materials is very much appreciated. I would like to 
particularly thank those of the post-war immigration who had the courage 
to offer or verify information about the presence of former Nazi war 
criminals and collaborators presently hiding behind the good name of the 
Ukrainian Canadian community. Nor do I wish to forget the valued 
assistance of Ukrainian academics from four universities for their 
assessments, criticisms and encouragement in the preparation of this 
book. 

Finally, I am honored by my acquaintance with Jewish survivors from 
Western Ukraine and Poland. They related to me their experience of 
Ukrainian Nationalist pogroms and police round-ups, verifying the 
experience of others with Ukrainian Nationalists as willing tools of the 
Nazis in town, country and concentration camps. Particularly helpful were 
the personal memoirs and written accounts made available to me by 
Galician Jews who survived the death camps or who survived in the 
forests. Canada is greatly enriched by their presence among us. Without 
their inspiration, which greatly encouraged me to get to the truth on a 
whole number of questions, this book could not have been completed. 



r 



INTRODUCTI 



From the earliest days of the Russia 
propaganda campaigns have been conduct* 
Those in positions of power in capitalist cou 
to their continued profit and privilege. Bot 
socialist alternative at home, and to mair 
international economic and political relatioi 
distortions are employed to cast the US5: 
possible. Stereotypes and caricatures ha\ 
people's understanding of Soviet history ar 
The particular issues of this psychologi 
are at times short-lived. The idea th 
"nationalized children" — my teacher's expl 
— has long since faded into history. Amer 
Soviet chemical warfare in Southeast Asia - 
collapsed when the offending chemical was s 
produced naturally by bees in flight. But 
remembered; the retractions, if ever rr 
newspapers' back pages and forgotten. The \ 
shape popular perceptions in the service oi 

This book is the story of one campaign t 
thesis that the 1932-1933 famine in Ukrair 
"genocide" of Ukrainians by the Soviet gove: 
campaign has surfaced intermittently over 
1980s' revival of the famine-genocide cai 
acceptance of this theory in historiography 
accept that famine occurred in Ukraine in 19 
areas of the USSR — they are still debating t 
My examination of the campaign and its chai 
does not attempt to study the famine in any 
few words are in order. 

The 1917 Russian revolution was folio 1 
by fourteen foreign powers (including the 
Canada) and an extended civil war. The desti 
revolution and intervention, combined with 
widespread hunger and starvation — the R 
Having survived these ordeals, the Soviets < 
precedents in world history: the building of a 



INTRODUCTION 



From the earliest days of the Russian revolution to the present, 
propaganda campaigns have been conducted against the Soviet Union. 
Those in positions of power in capitalist countries see socialism as a threat 
to their continued profit and privilege. Both to undermine support of a 
socialist alternative at home, and to maintain a dominant position in 
international economic and political relationships, all manner of lies and 
distortions are employed to cast the USSR in as negative a light as 
possible. Stereotypes and caricatures have come to dominate many 
people's understanding of Soviet history and current reality. 

The particular issues of this psychological war are wide-ranging and 
are at times short-lived. The idea that the socialist revolution 
"nationalized children" — my teacher's explanation of day care, years ago 
— has long since faded into history. American allegations (in 1981) of 
Soviet chemical warfare in Southeast Asia — "yellow rain" — eventually 
collapsed when the offending chemical was shown by scientists to be dung 
produced naturally by bees in flight. But it is the charges that are 
remembered; the retractions, if ever made, are relegated to the 
newspapers' back pages and forgotten. The various campaigns combine to 
shape popular perceptions in the service of political ends. 

This book is the story of one campaign that has endured. Based on the 
thesis that the 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine was a deliberately planned 
"genocide" of Ukrainians by the Soviet government, the famine-genocide 
campaign has surfaced intermittently over the past five decades. The 
1980s" revival of the famine-genocide campaign has sought to win 
acceptance of this theory in historiography. However, while historians 
accent that famine occurred in Ukraine in 1932-1933 — as well as in other 




2 FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

to transform a backward land plagued by poverty and illiteracy into an 
industrialized country with a modern agricultural sector. This was seen by 
the Soviets as necessary not only for economic and social development, but 
also for the very survival of socialism in a hostile international 
environment. In the early 1930s, the Japanese takeover of Manchuria and 
Hitler's seizure of power in Germany were seen as particularly menacing. 

The mass collectivization of agriculture and an ambitious 
industrialization program were the central features of the first five-year 
plan launched in 1929. Collectivization met with active opposition from 
sections of the peasantry, and in many areas the struggle approached the 
scale of civil war. Drought (a complicating factor), widespread sabotage, 
amateurish Soviet planning, Stalinist excesses and mistakes caused the 
famine of 1932-1933. 

Throughout the famine-genocide campaign however, the factors of 
drought and sabotage have been ignored, denied, downplayed or distorted. 
Soviet excesses and mistakes, in contrast, are emphasized, given an "anti- 
Ukrainian" motivation, described as consciously planned, and the results 
exaggerated in depictions of starvation deaths in the multi-millions. 

Fraudulent photographs and suspect evidence are extensively used to 
embellish charges of "genocide," and are in fact the dominant images of 
the campaign. The sheer volume of non-authentic material used to 
support the genocide claim should in itself be grounds for the outright 
rejection of such a dubious thesis. 

Featured in the Nazi press in 1933, the famine-genocide campaign 
moved to Britain in 1934, and to the United States the year after. In 
Germany, a country with a history of strong communist, socialist and trade 
union movements, the Nazis created the first organized propaganda 
campaign (1933-1935) as part of their consolidation of power. In Britain 
and the United States, on the other hand, the campaign was advanced as 
part of right-wing efforts to keep the Soviet Union isolated and out of the 
League of Nations. It also served to discourage growing working class 
militancy in the Great Depression. 

The famine-genocide campaign finds its most ardent promoters 
among Ukrainian Nationalists. (The term Ukrainian Nationalist is used 
here and throughout the book to denote the right-wing and fascist 
minority in the Ukrainian community, among whose goals is an 
"independent" Ukraine on an anti-socialist basis. The author in no way 
seeks to identify this extreme Nationalism with the Ukrainian nation or 
persons of Ukrainian origin in general.) The campaign was given fresh 
impetus in the post-war period with the arrival in North America of 
several thousand Ukrainian Nationalists. Among the bona-fide 



INTRODUCTION 

immigrants in the years just after the war, , 
collaborators and sympathizers. Their dii 
coincided with the Cold War propaganda 

The Cold War climate of the Reagar 
campaign, surpassing that of the 1930s i 
Rambo and Red Dawn occupy the fantasy f 
the Western cultural intellect, the exhumat 
genocide" attempts to carry the assault int 
The campaign further serves to dist 
investigations of war crimes committed by 
resident in the West. 

U.S. historian J. Arch Getty has comr 
wonder about the resurgence of the intenti 
seems to be part of a campaign by Ukraini; 

idea of a 'terror famine' in the West The 

the campaign coincides with long-standin 
groups: given that the Soviets could murdei 
might they not be willing to launch a desti 
their evil doctrine? Because the Soviets are 
appeasement, maintain our vigilance — and 
War Two war criminals to Eastern Europ< 
Overall, the specific motivations of tr 
consistent with the foreign policy goals of 
War confrontation, rather than historical 
characterized the famine-genocide campa 
tangled web of fraudulent evidence, Nazi a 
ups of wartime collaboration, and questiona 
hope that this book will contribute to ex 
Ukrainian genocide. The historical study 
deserves an objective and non-propagandis 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

nd plagued by poverty and illiteracy into an 
i modern agricultural sector. This was seen by 
:>n]y for economic and social development, but 
1 of socialism in a hostile international 
)30s, the Japanese takeover of Manchuria and 
Germany were seen as particularly menacing, 
ation of agriculture and an ambitious 
r ere the central features of the first five-year 
^ctivization met with active opposition from 
id in many areas the struggle approached the 
a complicating factor), widespread sabotage, 
, Stalinist excesses and mistakes caused the 

^-genocide campaign however, the factors of 
een ignored, denied, downplayed or distorted. 
;, in contrast, are emphasized, given an "anti- 
ribed as consciously planned, and the results 
: starvation deaths in the multi-millions, 
s and suspect evidence are extensively used to 
ide," and are in fact the dominant images of 
volume of non-authentic material used to 
should in itself be grounds for the outright 
:hesis. 

ress in 1933, the famine-genocide campaign 
and to the United States the year after. In 
story of strong communist, socialist and trade 
zis created the first organized propaganda 
rt of their consolidation of power. In Britain 
e other hand, the campaign was advanced as 
keep the Soviet Union isolated and out of the 



INTRODUCTION 3 

immigrants in the years just after the war, were thousands of former Nazi 
collaborators and sympathizers. Their direct interest in the campaign 
coincided with the Cold War propaganda of that time. 

The Cold War climate of the Reagan era has seen a revival of the 
campaign, surpassing that of the 1930s and 1950s. While movies like 
Rambo and Red Dawn occupy the fantasy phase of this political assault on 
the Western cultural intellect, the exhumation of the "Ukrainian famine- 
genocide" attempts to carry the assault into the pseudo-historical realm. 
The campaign further serves to distract attention from recent 
investigations of war crimes committed by Nationalist collaborators now 
resident in the West. 

U.S. historian J. Arch Getty has commented: "We might profitably 
wonder about the resurgence of the intentional famine story just now. It 
seems to be part of a campaign by Ukrainian nationalists to promote the 

idea of a 'terror famine' in the West The not-so-hidden message behind 

the campaign coincides with long-standing political agendas of emigre 
groups: given that the Soviets could murder so many of their own people, 
might they not be willing to launch a destructive war in order to spread 
their evil doctrine? Because the Soviets are like the Nazis, we must avoid 
appeasement, maintain our vigilance — and stop deporting accused World 
War Two war criminals to Eastern Europe." 1 

Overall, the specific motivations of the Nationalists' campaign are 
consistent with the foreign policy goals of the broader right wing. Cold 
War confrontation, rather than historical truth and understanding, has 
characterized the famine-genocide campaign. By cutting through the 
tangled web of fraudulent evidence, Nazi and fascist connections, cover- 
ups of wartime collaboration, and questionable scholarly research, it is my 
hope that this book will contribute to exposing the political myth of 
Ukrainian genocide. The historical study of the famine of 1932-1933 
deserves an objective and non-propagandistic approach. 



r 



Chapter On 

THOMAS WAL 
THE MAN WHO NE 

In 1898 various U.S. business in 
companies, were anxious for the Unite 
pretext was needed to build up pro-uu 
U.S. public. American press magm 
Hearst, so the story goes, assigned tl. 
Remington to Cuba to find evident 
would justify a U.S. military interventi 
of the ordinary, Remington cab 
"Everything is quiet here . . . I wish to 
"Please remain. You furnish the pict, 
war. " 1 



In the fall of 1934, an American usir 
entered the Soviet Union. After tarrying le 
spent the remainder of his thirteen-da; 
Manchurian border, at which point he left tl 
seemingly uneventful journey was the pr 
frauds ever perpetrated in the history of 2 

Some four months later, on February 
began in the Hearst press by Thomas Walk 
and student of Russian affairs who has sf 
Union of Soviet Russia." The articles, appe; 
and New York Evening Journal for exam 
prose a mammoth famine in the Ukrain 
claimed "six million" lives the previous ye* 
were photographs portraying the devastati 
was claimed Walker had smuggled in a car 
and dangerous possible circumstances." 

In themselves, Walker's stories in 
particularly outstanding examples of fraud 
Nor were they the greatest masterpiece 
produced by the right-wing corporate press 
written about the Soviet Union since the daj 
1917. The anti-Soviet press campaigns hea 



Chapter One 

THOMAS WALKER 
THE MAN WHO NEVER WAS 

In 1898 various U.S. business interests, including sugar 
companies, were anxious for the United States to seize Cuba. A 
pretext was needed to build up pro-war sentiment among the 
U.S. public. American press magnate William Randolph 
Hearst, so the story goes, assigned the noted artist Fredrick 
Remington to Cuba to find evidence of conditions which 
would justify a U.S. military intervention. Finding nothing out 
of the ordinary, Remington cabled back to Hearst: 
"Everything is quiet here . . . I wish to return." Hearst replied: 
"Please remain. You furnish the pictures and I'll furnish the 



In the fall of 1934, an American using the name Thomas Walker 
entered the Soviet Union. After tarrying less than a week in Moscow, he 
spent the remainder of his thirteen-day journey in transit to the 
Manchurian border, at which point he left the USSR never to return. This 
seemingly uneventful journey was the pretext for one of the greatest 
frauds ever perpetrated in the history of 20th century journalism. 

Some four months later, on February 18, 1935, a series of articles 
began in the Hearst press by Thomas Walker, "noted journalist, traveller 
and student of Russian affairs who has spent several years touring the 
Union of Soviet Russia." The articles, appearing in the Chicago American 
and New York Evening Journal for example, described in hair-raising 



CHIC 



1JCAN 






SIX MILLION PERISH IN SOVIET FAMINE 








• 









FAMINE - CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 



_ t-AMlKS - CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 

JO/IOfl — 3/lOHMH npOTM JlK>AbCTBa' 



Thomas Walker's faked stories and photos appeared in the Hearst press 
in February 1 935. Other sources claim different photographers years and 
seasons for these laundered pre-193Gs photos, which also show evidence 
of alteration and touch-up. This excerpt from Hearst's Chicago American 
hebruary 25 1935) was published as 'famine-genocide" evidence in a 
1983 issue of the Chicago-based Ukrainian Nationalist journal EKRAN 



ICAN 



•*0\» SHTIDN 



IRISH IN SOVIET FAMINE 



d, They and Their Animals Starve 




THOMAS WALKER 7 

directed by those, like Hearst, who wanted to keep the USSR out of the 
League of Nations and isolated in all respects. 

However, the Walker famine photographs are truly remarkable in 
that, having been exposed as utter hoaxes over fifty years ago, they 
continue to be used by Ukrainian Nationalists and university propaganda 
institutes as evidence of alleged genocide. The extent of Walker's fraud can 
only be measured by the magnitude and longevity of the lie they have been 
used to portray. 

Horror stories about Russia were common in the Western press, 
particularly among papers and journalists of conservative or fascist 
orientation. For example, the London Daily Telegram of November 28, 
1930, printed an interview with a Frank Eastman Woodhead who had 
"just returned from Russia after a visit lasting seven months." Woodhead 
reported witnessing bloody massacres that November, a slaughter which 
left "rows of ghastly corpses." 

Louis Fischer, an American writer for the New Republic and The 
Nation, who was in Moscow at the time of the alleged atrocities, 
discovered that not only had such events never occurred, but that 
Woodhead had left the country almost eight months before the scenes he 
claimed to have witnessed. Fischer challenged Woodhead and the London 
Daily Telegram on the matter; both responded with embarrassed silence. 3 

When Thomas Walker's articles appeared in the Hearst press, 
Fischer became suspicious — he had never heard of Walker and could find 
no one who had. The results of his investigation were published in the 
March 13, 1935 issue of The Nation: 

Mr. Walker, we are informed, "entered Russia last spring," that is the 
spring of 1934. He saw famine. He photographed ics victims. He got 
heartrending, first-hand accounts of hunger's ravages. Now famine in 
Russia is "hot" news. Why did Mr. Hearst keep these sensational articles for 
ten months before printing them? My suspicions grew deeper . . . 



r 



8 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



18, to cover one-third of the points he "describes" from personal experience. 

My hypothesis is that he stayed long enough in Moscow to gather from 

embittered foreigners the Ukrainian "local color" he needed to give his 

articles the fake verisimilitude they possess. 

Mr. Walker's photographs could easily date back to the Volga famine in 
1921. Many of them might have been taken outside the Soviet Union. They 
were taken at different seasons of the year . . . One picture includes trees or 
shrubs with large leaves. Such leaves could not have grown by the "late 
spring" of Mr. Walker's alleged visit. Other photographs show winter and 
early fall backgrounds. Here is the Journal of the twenty-seventh. A 
starving, bloated boy of fifteen calmly poses naked for Mr. Walker. The next 
moment, in the same village, Mr. Walker photographs a man who is 
obviously suffering from the cold despite his sheepskin overcoat. The 
weather that spring must have been as unreliable as Mr. Walker to allow 
nude poses one moment and require furs the next. 

It would be easy to riddle Mr. Walker's stories. They do not deserve the 
effort. The truth is that the Soviet harvest of 1933, including the Soviet 
Ukraine's harvest, in contrast to that of 1932, was excellent; the grain-tax 
collections were moderate; and therefore conditions even remotely 
resembling those Mr. Walker portrays could not have arisen in the spring of 
1934, and did not arise. 

Fischer challenged the motives of the Hearst press in hiring a fraud 
like Walker to concoct such fabrications: 

. . . Mr. Hearst, naturally does not object if his papers spoil Soviet-American 
relations and encourage foreign nations with hostile military designs upon 
the USSR. But his real target is the American radical movement. These 
Walker articles are part of Hearst's anti-red campaign. He knows that the 
great economic progress registered by the Soviet Union since 1929, when 
the capitalist world dropped into depression, provides left groups with 
spiritual encouragement and faith. Mr. Hearst wants to deprive them of that 
encouragement and faith by painting a picture of ruin and death in the 
USSR. The attempt is too transparent, and the hands are too unclean to 
succeed. 

In a post-script, Fischer added that a Lindsay Parrott had visited 
Ukraine and had written that nowhere in any city or town he visited "did I 
meet any signs of the effects of the famine of which foreign 
correspondents take delight in writing." Parrott, says Fischer, wrote of the 
'excellent harvest " in 1933; the progress, he declared, "is indisputable." 
Fischer ends: "The Hearst organizations and the Nazis are beginning to 
work more and more closely together. But I have not noticed that the 
Hearst press printed Mr. Parrott's stories about a prosperous Soviet 
Ukraine. Mr. Parrott is Mr. Hearst's correspondent in Moscow." 

The incredible photographs accompanying Walker's fake stories also 
aroused the suspicions of James Casey, an American investigative writer. 



THOMAS WALKER 

Headlined by Hearst as having "just been ta 
photographs were, in fact, "resurrected" ar 

Art department heads of Hearst's newspapers h 
up old war and post-war pictures from the files . 
eighteen years ago from the war-torn areas of 
pictures have been retouched to look like new. I 
pictures have been rephotographed. As a result 
prints. 4 

Some of the photographs were eveni 
scenes from the old Austro-Hungarian empii 
New York Evening Journal (February 18, 193 
actually portraying an Austrian cavalry sol 
horse following a World War I military act 

Similar faked pictures, Casey noted, ' 
Voelkischer Beobacbter, Der Sturmer and 
being circulated throughout Germany." 6 

Hearst and Walker were prepared to 
cynicism and perverse cruelty in exploit 
compassion. Famous among the Walker pho 
published with the following caption: 

FRIGHTFUL — Below Kharhov (sic), in a typica 
thatched roof and one piece of furniture, a bench, w 
2 1 /2 year old brother (shown above). This young* 
floor like a frog and its poor little body was sc 
nourishment that it did not resemble a human be 
when it was one year old. This child had never tast< 
once had tasted meat. 7 

One might as well say that this photc 
anywhere in Europe, sitting in a clinic waitir 
deformed child. There is something unmistal 
early 1920'ish about the woman's flapper hat 
who looks perfectly healthy, is dressed for 
brother" is naked. The bench has a ribbed bac 
benches, hardly corresponding to the sole hous 
peasant." 

As used in the Hearst press, this photo^ 
fakes encountered frequently in the famine-, 
been retouched and altered. It betrays the app. 
copy of a non-primary source, rather than a di 
This author has encountered this unforgettabJ 
publication of a Russian famine of the period 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

oints he "describes" from personal experience, 
ayed long enough in Moscow to gather from 
krainian "local color" he needed to give his 
ie they possess. 

is could easily date back to the VoJga famine in 
ve been taken outside the Soviet Union. They 
is of the year . . . One picture includes trees or 
:h leaves could not have grown by the "late 
ed visit. Other photographs show winter and 
; is the journal of the twenty-seventh. A 
1 calmly poses naked for Mr. Walker. The next 
e, Mr. Walker photographs a man who is 
; cold despite his sheepskin overcoat. The 
/e been as unreliable as Mr. Walker to allow 
require furs the next. 

Mr. Walker's stories. They do not deserve the 
Soviet harvest of 1933, including the Soviet 
to that of 1932, was excellent; the grain-tax 
and therefore conditions even remotely 
portrays could not have arisen in the spring of 

: motives of the Hearst press in hiring a fraud 
h fabrications: 

not object if his papers spoil Soviet-American 
;n nations with hostile military designs upon 
t is the American radical movement. These 
rarst's anti-red campaign. He knows that the 
;tered by the Soviet Union since 1929, when 
into depression, provides left groups with 
lith. Mr. Hearst wants to deprive them of that 
painting a picture of ruin and death in the 
insparent, and the hands are too undean to 



THOMAS WALKER 9 

Headlined by Hearst as having "just been taken in the Soviet Union," the 
photographs were, in fact, "resurrected" and "rejuvenated": 

Art department heads of Hearst's newspapers have been instructed to dig 
up old war and post-war pictures from the files . . . pictures taken fifteen to 
eighteen years ago from the war-torn areas of Europe . . . Some of the 
pictures have been retouched to look like new. In other cases, the old war 
pictures have been rephotographed. As a result, many of them look like 
prints. 4 

Some of the photographs were eventually identified as showing 
scenes from the old Austro-Hungarian empire. One photograph from the 
New York Evening Journal (February 18, 1935), was identified by Casey as 
actually portraying an Austrian cavalry soldier standing beside a dead 
horse following a World War I military action. 5 

Similar faked pictures, Casey noted, "are now appearing in the 
Voelkischer Beobachter, Der Sturmer and other Nazi papers, and are 
being circulated throughout Germany." 6 

Hearst and Walker were prepared to go to incredible lengths of 
cynicism and perverse cruelty in exploiting human sentiments of 
compassion. Famous among the Walker photographs is the "frog child," 
published with the following caption: 

FRIGHTFUL — Below Kharhov (sic), in a typical peasant's hut, dirt floor, 
thatched roof and one piece of furniture, a bench, was a very thin girl and her 
2 1/2 year old brother (shown above). This younger child crawled about the 
floor like a frog and its poor little body was so deformed from lack of 
nourishment that it did not resemble a human being. Its mother had died 
when it was one year old. This child had never tasted milk or butter and only 
once had tasted meat. 7 

One might as well say that this photo portrays a relief worker, 
anywhere in Europe, sitting in a clinic waiting room with a starving or 
deformed child. There is something unmistakablv urban, non-slavic and 



HUNGER DIET FAWINELAND 

rpipp(Cf;BABESSEEM 

Ebes MLETONS 

Corpses Fill Viltjges- 

as Moscow Scire5 

Ukraine Crops 

ri»lH.n ni. r»«> i: 

■ I 
4tl* Vitamt ■»- .«„ i- I y,.,,r, 
flume hntoif « !'■■ 
0/ rfi>*f A nhil /i/iiii. 

U't'lr ttnm ; I ,.*, ,(..■,,, , 

in Hmna. 

Tt>* /in ri . i^buimf m if.n 

»«,«•< ,./ .r,,,, 1 ,... ../ „*„*. 
fftlt r. lAr ..■■,-,ii. „,., „J,. 

MinW ft* rA..™*! it oJlrr, h, 

-' ■■< fjuNfrut, »t 
ffc^ r-" 1 " •>/ '■>' I'l-- 

*»!■... !.,.( A/.r,,, ,„ ,„„,,. 

tM in a mnirri. 

JTW» pftfltririplx «J » 

ntuifd undtr the mud ejm is 
■hrf rltirigfrgi.. points ,,,, 
rumttnnrtt, lUr rt.ldknr.it tht* 
prttrtw it <*«** grlt n «ij 

(r!,-Ji, rflM -■ i-T. 

B? TH0MA8 WALKER, 

HeWd JaiimfciiU *nd Tr*viH 

tnd Svad*ai c( Jminr, Al 

t»in, who fai intrti <«ui 

fcu Kj-jmh tin Uftitir, 

*• B<Hik (« The Kftrir( 
Union, Onr rem I » 

"The- nrttiHWi*' hiitn 

nf the I ktauif nrr ft/* 

Wdlf* rf«*im. rnrrfiiitu 

whitrttnn-hctt and hurirti 

in the fntinge nf thrir 

gardtrtt" 

At n *■> .< i k i . 
KJ}»rki'ff I w. i 
typii hI tnii -■ IiImItn (f.-.i. 
Cixidvi; .- f.,» i j ■ 



* * * 

Mayor Ends Ele 




I... Ui *e U-v,ii r -..Id MKMN1 B *r1 ■ .,n.l HMf , (J,,, ht «nwll>. 

DM hrr It folNw nerd J* it. .Imt||.,<I I . . ,■ i,i<- A u.. K> .mil (mM ,„., rr | U lr 

Mr " "» w »"-« 'n Ihr »(,.*■,■].♦.„. ,, ., l. ... | ... , ,,. ,,, Hri«r* t «tn 

n-tr trfirin; Ihr f»'<v *#* p* nuni-mii it n v >ii!i,.i. tit. tatfi'i/sn %'t»i«tip»f« i r . 

NRA MESSAGE U.S. Asks Representative in Court MELLON'S TA' 



Thomas Walkers girl with frog-child from Hearst" s New York Evening 
Journal (February 19, 1935). Contradictory claims for the origin of this 
photo were put forward by Nazi propagandists in the 1930s. A scene from 
the 1 920s, this photo isstill widely used as evidence of famine-genocide.' 



THOMAS WALKER 



11 



JELAND : 
SSEEM' 
ETONS i 



Mayor Ends Ele 




any event, it will be recalled that Walker was never in Ukraine in 1932- 
1933. 

Portions of the 1935 Hearst-Walker series, including some of the 
photos, had in fact appeared the year previous in the August 6, 1934 
London Daily Express. Attributed to an anonymous young English 
"tourist," the story includes a virtually identical account of Walker's "frog 
child" fabrication. However, this earlier version of the hoax locates the 
tale in Belgorod — which is in Russia proper. Subsequent versions of the 
hoax over the decades politically relocate the story to Kharkov, which is of 
course in Ukraine. 

Thus, at least some of Walker's faked accounts were prepared well in 
advance of his actual fall of 1934 Soviet visit. It would seem that the 
Hearst-Walker conspirators decided to come up with an expanded and 
improved series, including some of the materials published anonymously 
in Britain. One concludes that Walker's brief Soviet trip was simply an 
afterthought a cosmetic gesture for the already planned publication of the 
series in Hearst's American papers in 1935. 

Not only were the photographs a fraud, the trip to Ukraine a fraud, 
and Hearst's famine-genocide series a fraud, Thomas Walker himself was 
a fraud. Deported from England and arrested on his return to the United 
States just a few months after the Hearst series, it turned out that Thomas 
Walker was in fact escaped convict Robert Green. The New York Times 
reported: "Robert Green, a writer of syndicated articles about conditions 
in Ukraine, who was indicted last Friday by a Federal grand jury on a 
charge of passport fraud, pleaded guilty yesterday before Federal Judge 
Francis G. Caffey. The judge learned that Green was a fugitive from 
Colorado State Prison, where he escaped after having served two years of 
an eight-year term for forgery." 8 

Robert Green, it was revealed, had run up an impressive criminal 
record spanning three decades. His trail of crime led through five U.S. 



., 2 FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

The "evidence" of fa mine -genocide brought to the American public 
by this "noted journalist" and "witness" lives on in jaundiced 
historiographic circles. Walker's material and claims of six million victims 
are still recognized and issued by history factories like Harvard 
University's Ukrainian Studies Fund, as well as by the Ukrainian 
Nationalists' own media. Walker's fake photographs are the most 
prominently displayed pictorial "evidence" associated with post-war 
famine-genocide campaigns, despite the fact that this material was 
exposed as fraudulent immediately following its release in 1935. 
Apparently it is felt that the risks inherent in duping the public are 
necessary to further famine-genocide concoctions. 11 



Chapter Tw 



THE HEARST PI 
THE CAMPAIGN CC 

Despite the Thomas Walker fiasco, ; 
famine-genocide campaign — it was par 
propagation of anti-Soviet, pro-fascist views 
of this book to examine in detail the activi 
press magnate William Randolph Hearst, 
known to millions during the 1930s as "Am 
widely known that certain U.S. corporations 
lent money to the Nazis, while a U.S. oil corp> 
during the Spanish Civil War. 1 What is les: 
that for a period during the 1930s, Hearst en 
Benito Mussolini, paying him almost ten < 
received in monthly salary while head of the 
his [Mussolini's] chief source of income was 
Hearst press; early in 1935, however, he gav 
because international politics were so delica 
himself frankly." 2 

Hearst was by no means the only extre 
George Seldes, veteran correspondent of the 
of the classic Facts and Fascism, warned of t 
business, the press and fascist tendencies in tl 
States: 

If the reader thinks of our chain newspaper o 
Patterson and McCormack, as merely four of Ami 
he fails to see the danger to America from a 
American press. These four publishers put ou 
newspapers sold daily on our streets, they own 
papers which make American public opinion, the 
biggest newspaper chains in the country, but tw 
services which supply news to a majority of Amer 
they have always been anti-labor, anti-liberal ar 
when not openly following the Mussolini and Hit 
what I believe is the greatest force hostile to thi 
common people of America. 3 

Many of the most extreme famine-gene 
emanated from these publishers. 

This was not the limit of Hearst's fasc 
summer of 1934, Hearst visited Nazi Germa 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

mine-genocide brought to the American public 
list" and "witness" lives on in jaundiced 
alker's material and claims of six million victims 
d issued by history factories like Harvard 
Studies Fund, as well as by the Ukrainian 
a. Walker's fake photographs are the most 
>ictorial "evidence" associated with post-war 
sms, despite the fact that this material was 
immediately following its release in 1935. 
t the risks inherent in duping the public are 
ne-genocide concoctions. 11 



Chapter Two 



THE HEARST PRESS 
THE CAMPAIGN CONTINUES 

Despite the Thomas Walker fiasco, Hearst did not give up the 
famine-genocide campaign — it was part and parcel of his overall 
propagation of anti-Soviet, pro-fascist views. While it is beyond the scope 
of this book to examine in detail the activities of the multi-millionaire 
press magnate William Randolph Hearst, it can be stated that he was 
known to millions during the 1930s as "America's No. One Fascist." It is 
widely known that certain U.S. corporations (for example, Henry Ford), 
lent money to the Nazis, while a U.S. oil corporation fuelled Franco's army 
during the Spanish Civil War. 1 What is less widely known, however, is 
that for a period during the 1930s, Hearst employed Italy's fascist dictator 
Benito Mussolini, paying him almost ten times the amount the latter 
received in monthly salary while head of the Italian state: "For a long time 
his [Mussolini's] chief source of income was $1500.00 per week from the 
Hearst press; early in 1935, however, he gave up writing regular articles 
because international politics were so delicate that he could not express 
himself frankly." 2 

Hearst was by no means the only extreme right-wing news mogul. 
George Seldes, veteran correspondent of the Chicago Tribune and author 
of the classic Facts and Fascism, warned of the connections between big 
business, the press and fascist tendencies in the 1930s and wartime United 
States: 

If the reader thinks of our chain newspaper owners, Hearst, Howard, 
Patterson and McCormack, as merely four of America's 15,000 publishers, 
he fails to see the danger to America from an anti-democratic, anti- 
American press. These four publishers put out one-fourth of all the 




It&f 

till 

"O TJ CO xi 

K4 rt A 
z- °>"B» 

£ n e « 

« ri o o 
5 Z Li- X 



THE HEARST PRESS 



15 




by a man he knew well, Ernst Hanfstaengel, press officer for the Reich and 
an intimate adviser of Hitler. 4 While at Bad Neuheim, four stormtroopers 
arrived to inform Hearst that a plane waited to take him to Hitler, whom 
he met for discussion. 5 A number of agreements were reportedly reached, 
one being that Germany would purchase its foreign news through Hearst's 
news-gathering agency, the International News Service. The deal was said 
to have been worth one million marks a year. 6 Perhaps such financial 
considerations served to underline Hearst's own political convictions, 
revealed in his comment reported in the New York Times: "if Hitler 
succeeds in pointing the way of peace and order ... he will have 
accomplished a measure of good not only for his own people but for all of 
humanity." 7 

Hearst appears to have long been a devout promoter of German state 
interests. As far back as the First World War: "He opposed loans and 
shipments of munitions to England and France, and the arming of United 
States merchantmen. He hired a former New York Times correspondent, 
William Bayard Hale, and sent him to Germany. Hale was later found to be 
in the pay of the Germans . . . " 8 

Hearst's wartime news methods were so yellow that Harper's 
Weekly, suspecting Hearst was using mythical correspondents to send out 
fake dispatches, stated as much on October 15, 1915. In October 1916, the 
British and French governments banned the Hearst press from the use of 
cables and mails. The Canadian government followed suit the following 
month, banning Hearst newspapers outright. To be caught with a Hearst 
newspaper in those days carried a S5000 fine or up to five years 
imprisonment. 9 

It was following Hearst's trip to Nazi Germany that the Hearst press 
began to promote the theme of "famine-genocide in Ukraine." Prior to 
this, his papers had at times reflected a different perspective. For example, 
the October 1, 1934 Herald and Examiner, carried an article by the former 



r 



16 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



brutality" in the Soviet Union. 12 

For the Nazi press in Germany, its Volksdeutsche proteges in other 
countries, and the Hearst publishing empire in the United States, 1935 
was to become the Year of the Ukrainian Famine. One of Hearst's famine- 
genocide campaign allies, Dr. Ewald Ammende, described the launching of 
the Hearst campaign: "On January 5, 1935, William Randolph Hearst 
broadcast a speech based almost entirely on the account of the [Cardinal] 
Innitzer Committee ... The entire Hearst press next proceeded to deal 
with the Russian famine." 13 

Violently denigrating Soviet efforts to collectivize and industrialize, 
and at the same time shielding developments in Nazi Germany, Hearst 
gave vent to his elitist views on his coast-to-coast network broadcast: "The 
truth is that government by the proletariat, government by the least 
capable and least conscientious element of the community — government 
by the mob, government by tyranny and terrorism ... is the fearful failure 
that it needs must be and definitely deserves to be." 14 

Having said so, Hearst did his utmost to make it so, at least in the 
imagination of his readers. The man who published uncensored articles by 
the Nazis Goering and Rosenberg, and the fascist dictator Mussolini, 15 
had launched his famine-genocide campaign. By mid-February 1935, 
Hearst and his mercenary scribblers were ready to go into action. Reports 
of a "prosperous Soviet Ukraine" were killed, and in their place the faked 
stories of Thomas Walker were introduced. 

Following the Walker series, Hearst launched his next caper, 
determined to convince Americans that the Soviet Union was a land of 
utter starvation, genocide and cannibalism. This time he offered the tales 
of one Harry Lang, editor of the Daily Forward, a Yiddish language 
publication of the extreme right-wing faction of the Socialist Party. 
Hearst's choice of Harry Lang made shrewd sense: Lang's socialist past 
would hopefully provide a more universal facade to his anti-Soviet 
campaign, the illusion of left-wing support. 

Why would a socialist team up with a multi-millionaire capitalist 

publisher? 

By the early 1920s, following splits between right and left, the 
Forward had sunk to the status of a right-wing pulp journal. It came to 
represent the views and interests of a clique tied in with "business union" 
operators, who resisted violently — with ink, threat and boot — any 
militancy among the workers they dominated. 16 

In a 1926 strike, the Forward resorted to outright strikebreaking 
against militant unionists, whose demands, if won, would have 
embarrassed and jeopardized the hold its associates had on their unions: 



THE HEARST PRESS 

The Forward wholeheartedly fulfilled its 
delivered a barrage of red-baiting against the : 
Communist leadership of the strike, the Forwar 
"that his American followers had begun to make 
fur workers were not interested in this "rev< 
terrorized by the Communists to continue str 
"discovered" a mysterious "Room C" in the str: 
narrated, hundreds of fur workers who refused 
taken and beaten into submission by the "Com: 

The Forward carried advertisements whi< 
wished "to become financially independen 
strikebreaking employment bureaus. The wot 
shreds copies of the paper . . , 17 

In 1933, the Forward was even approa 
up company unions so as to thwart organiz 
which would cost them more money in wag* 
same year that Forward editor, Harry Lang, 
of his "horror accounts" of famine-genocid 

Thus, it was a very short political wall 
office at the Forward to Hearst's lie facte 
inventions about Russia. Lang and the red-1 
to defend capitalism as their associated "un 
to maintain their positions as a "labor aristo 
to accept attempts by some historians to p 
genocide stories as the admissions of a "di: 

Lang's contributions to Hearst's famim 
new heights of the macabre. Under such 
"Soviet Masses Pray at Graves to Die", 
Starving", "Guns Force Russian Labor", "S 
Arctic", and "Soviet Torture of Women 
horrors": 

In the office of a Soviet functionary I saw a poste 
my attention. It showed the picture of a mother 
child at her feet, and over the picture was the in 
Children Is Barbarism. The Soviet official exj 
distributed such posters in hundreds of villages, 
We had to." 19 

However, Hearst was no more successf 
with Walker. Langs stories were publicly c 
had visited, or worked at, some of the plaa 
American worker Santo Mirabele wrote: 

Harry Lang, you say you were in Khark< 
returning from the tractor plant dirty, shabby ' 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

nion. 12 

1 Germany, its Volksdeutsche proteges in other 
publishing empire in the United States, 1935 
the Ukrainian Famine. One of Hearst's famine- 
Dr. Ewald Ammende, described the launching of 
n January 5, 1935, William Randolph Hearst 
ilmost entirely on the account of the [Cardinal] 
'he entire Hearst press next proceeded to deal 

'13 

; Soviet efforts to collectivize and industrialize, 
aiding developments in Nazi Germany, Hearst 
/s on his coast-to-coast network broadcast: "The 

by the proletariat, government by the least 
:ious element of the community — government 
y tyranny and terrorism ... is the fearful failure 

definitely deserves to be." 14 
:st did his utmost to make it so, at least in the 
. The man who published uncensored articles by 
osenberg, and the fascist dictator Mussolini, 15 
^-genocide campaign. By mid-February 1935, 
scribblers were ready to go into action. Reports 
kraine" were killed, and in their place the faked 
r were introduced. 

cer series, Hearst launched his next caper, 
Lmericans that the Soviet Union was a land of 
and cannibalism. This time he offered the tales 
Dr of the Daily Forward, a Yiddish language 
Tie right-wing faction of the Socialist Party. 
Lang made shrewd sense: Lang's socialist past 

a more universal facade to his anti-Soviet 



THE HEARST PRESS 



17 



The Forward wholeheartedly fulfilled its "holy mission." Daily it 
delivered a barrage of red-baiting against the strike . . . The aim of the 
Communist leadership of the strike, the Forward cried, was to show Stalin 
"that his American followers had begun to make the revolution." Since the 
fur workers were not interested in this "revolution," they were being 
terrorized by the Communists to continue striking. The Forward even 
"discovered" a mysterious "Room C" in the strike headquarters. There, it 
narrated, hundreds of fur workers who refused to support the strike were 
taken and beaten into submission by the "Communist terrorists." 

The Forward carried advertisements which urged all furriers who 
wished "to become financially independent" to apply at certain 
strikebreaking employment bureaus. The workers angrily ripped into 
shreds copies of the paper . . . 17 

In 1933, the Forward was even approached by employers to help set 
up company unions so as to thwart organizing drives by militant unions 
which would cost them more money in wages and benefits. 18 This was the 
same year that Forward editor, Harry Lang, went to the USSR — the basis 
of his "horror accounts" of famine-genocide. 

Thus, it was a very short political walk from Harry Lang's editorial 
office at the Forward to Hearst's lie factory, especially with regard to 
inventions about Russia. Lang and the red-baiting Forward were as eager 
to defend capitalism as their associated "union" leaders were determined 
to maintain their positions as a "labor aristocracy." It is therefore difficult 
to accept attempts by some historians to pass off Harry Lang's famine- 
genocide stories as the admissions of a "disillusioned socialist". 

Lang's contributions to Hearst's famine-genocide campaign reached 
new heights of the macabre. Under such sensationalist headlines as 
"Soviet Masses Pray at Graves to Die", "Soviet Secret Police Rob 
Starving", "Guns Force Russian Labor", "Starving Soviet Foes Exiled to 
Arctic", and "Soviet Torture of Women Told", Lang "bared Soviet 
horrors": 
In the office of a Soviet functionary I saw a poster on the wall which struck 



18 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



because there are no baby carriages. Harry Lang, you are a liar . . . didn't you 
see the baby carriages and the workers' apartments about ten blocks away 
from the great tractor plant? Don't you know the workers have plenty of 
facilities to wash and clean before leaving the plant? Didn't you see the 
kindergarten among the apartments? Didn't you see the same thousands of 
workers coming back in the night-time to the plant auditorium to hear 
music and enjoy themselves for a couple of hours? 

These are the things I saw in Kharkov in 1932. I am willing to meet 
Harry Lang on a platform at any time — liar and pen prostitute that he is — 
and let the public judge who is telling the truth. 20 

Lang was denounced by the Jewish working class movement, and in 
his own Socialist Party. The Socialist Party's National Secretary, Clarence 
Senior declared: 

The Socialist Party of the United States repudiates the attacks upon Soviet 
Russia now appearing in the Hearst papers. Lang who claims to be a 
Socialist has not only violently misrepresented the Socialist attitude to 
Soviet Russia, but has placed himself beneath contempt of all workers by 
making himself the tool of William Randolph Hearst, the bitter enemy of 
the labor movement and the principal mouthpiece for American 
fascism . . , 21 

Numerous meetings were held within Socialist Party circles on the 
issue of expelling Lang from the party. At one, representing 43 branches 
of the Workmen's Circle group, I. Laderman stated that he had been in 
Ukraine at the same time as Harry Lang, and gave the lie to Lang's series in 
the Hearst press. In mid-May 1935, the Illinois State Socialist Party called 
for Lang's expulsion, while the New York Socialist Party suspended his 
membership for a year. 22 

Even the Forward itself printed a disclaimer: "Lang wrote on his own 
responsibility." The Forward had to admit that the majority of the 
numerous protests which it had received concerning Lang's articles, came 
from "warm friends of the Forward (who declare) how much they deplore 
and are aroused by this incident." 23 

The Nation drew attention to a major motive of Hearst's choice of 
"witnesses": 

... the spectacle of a professed Socialist, no matter how renegade, combining 
forces with the most unscrupulous and reactionary journalist in America in a 
campaign of misrepresentation regarding the first Socialist country is bound 
to be misleading. Hearst knows that his readers are not in a position to judge 
the accuracy of his charges. And he knows too that his ends can best be 
served by throwing a smokescreen over the amazing progress which the 
Soviet Union has made in the past two years. By attempting to discredit 
communism in distant Russia, he is merely resorting to an easy and 
dishonest method of attacking radicalism of alt varieties in America. 2 * 



THE HEARST PRESS 

Despite the rejection of Harry Lang, H 
famine-genocide series. But time was limit 
year like 1932 or the pre-harvest portior 
correspondent was sending favorable rep 
social progress. 25 However, Hearst was de 
Union to death, even if retroactively. 

Following Lang on the list of hired pei 
his debut in the late April issues of 1935. Ini 
papers as an "ex-communist," Sangei 
"communism" consisted of having attendi 
night-school while employed at the Bure 
Commerce in Washington. To illustrate 
supposedly showing Sanger interviewing a 
Moscow was included. Critical observers, h 
photo was credited to a staff photographer 
None of the photographs showed condition; 
genocide. 

More "witnesses" were trotted out. In 
the "coming out" of Andrew Smith, who 
years in the Soviet Union. Smith wasted littli 
to the Hearst press, although his previous cc 
friends had not indicated any such state of 
fresh start in unemployment-ridden Ameri 

No doubt remembering how they'd 
previous series, the Hearst papers now re 
documentation of Smith's stay: his entitled 
knew Russian, though, pointed out that Smi 
"discharged for loafing," not "discharged fc 
The Nation further discredited Smitl 
inconsistencies and "falsifications" in Smitl 
Hearst press. 27 Smith's stories were also den 
worker with whom Smith had worked in th 
had named as a key witness to his allegatioi 
Smith a liar, but gave a detailed and mucl 
working and living conditions which he an* 
The "testimony" of Andrew Smith was 
famine-genocide. As late as 1949 he collabor 
for the Cold War House Committee on Un 
Another informer for the McCarthy-e 
certain Fred Beal, who had fled to the Soviet 
year jail sentence resulting from the Gast 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

riages. Harry Lang, you are a liar . . . didn't you 
le workers' apartments about ten blocks away 
? Don't you know the workers have plenty of 
before leaving the plant? Didn't you see the 
:tments? Didn't you see the same thousands of 
; night-time to the plant auditorium to hear 
for a couple of hours? 

>aw in Kharkov in 1932. I am willing to meet 
any time — liar and pen prostitute that he is — 
> is telling the truth. 20 

by the Jewish working class movement, and in 
le Socialist Party's National Secretary, Clarence 



lited States repudiates the attacks upon Soviet 
he Hearst papers. Lang who claims to be a 
ntly misrepresented the Socialist attitude to 
i himself beneath contempt of all workers by 
William Randolph Hearst, the bitter enemy of 
the principal mouthpiece for American 

were held within Socialist Party circles on the 
om the party. At one, representing 43 branches 
group, I. Laderman stated that he had been in 
is Harry Lang, and gave the He to Lang's series in 
day 1935, the Illinois State Socialist Party called 
le the New York Socialist Party suspended his 

elf printed a disclaimer: "Lang wrote on his own 
ward had to admit that the majority of the 
it had received concerning Lang's articles, came 
? Forward (who declare) how much they deplore 



THE HEARST PRESS 



19 



Despite the rejection of Harry Lang, Hearst had not yet exhausted his 
famine-genocide series. But time was limited — 1935 was not a difficult 
year like 1932 or the pre-harvest portion of 1933, and Hearst's own 
correspondent was sending favorable reports of Soviet economic and 
social progress. 25 However, Hearst was determined to starve the Soviet 
Union to death, even if retroactively. 

Following Lang on the list of hired pens was R.H.Sanger, who made 
his debut in the late April issues of 1935. Initially introduced by the Hearst 
papers as an "ex-communist," Sanger later admitted that his 
"communism" consisted of having attended some classes at a socialist 
night-school while employed at the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic 
Commerce in Washington. To illustrate his stories, a photograph 
supposedly showing Sanger interviewing a group of Russian workers in 
Moscow was included. Critical observers, however, pointed out that the 
photo was credited to a staff photographer of Hearst's Evening Journal. 
None of the photographs showed conditions supporting claims of famine- 
genocide. 

More "witnesses" were trotted out. In May 1935, Hearst celebrated 
the "coming out" of Andrew Smith, who had just returned from three 
years in the Soviet Union. Smith wasted little time in selling horror stories 
to the Hearst press, although his previous correspondence with American 
friends had not indicated any such state of affairs. Perhaps he needed a 
fresh start in unemployment-ridden America. 

No doubt remembering how they'd burned their fingers in the 
previous series, the Hearst papers now reproduced alleged supportive 
documentation of Smith's stay: his entitled vacation papers. Those who 
knew Russian, though, pointed out that Smith's discharge certificate read 
"discharged for loafing," not "discharged for vacation." 26 

The Nation further discredited Smith's claims, exposing serious 
inconsistencies and "falsifications" in Smith's "budget" described in the 



20 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



incognito to the U.S. for six months, and then returned to the Soviet 
Union voluntarily. Upon his final return to the United States in 1933, 
Beal, the unemployable fugitive in the midst of economic depression, was 
by 1934 preparing to sell out for money and hope of a reduced jail sentence. 

In June 1935, articles by Beal appeared in Harry Lang's Forward, 
others followed in the Hearst press. According to one newspaper, which 
published excerpts of Beal's earlier correspondence which contradicted his 
claims in the Hearst press, Beal's articles were "coached" during May 
1934. 31 

Beal's accounts in the Hearst press were disputed by fellow American 
workers, among them an auto worker, J. Wolynec, who had worked at the 
Kharkov tractor plant from 1931 to 1935. Wolynec, who was not a 
communist party member, had known Beal in Ukraine for two years. He 
challenged Beal's reports of overheard conversations, revealing that Beal 
could not speak Russian [or Ukrainian]. 32 Wolynec cited an earlier booklet 
by Beal, entitled Foreign Workers in a Soviet Tractor Plant, in which Beal 
had given descriptions completely contradicting those he later wrote for 
the Hearst press. Just a short time before he himself returned to the 
United States, Beal wrote in this booklet: 

It would not be true to say that all the foreigners have been satisfied with life 
in the Soviet Union. Most of them came with honest intentions, but there 
were also a few who expected something for nothing. They were of course, 
disappointed and quickly returned. But most of those who go back tell the 
truth of the situation here. 33 

Beal was not one of the latter. 

Following his rehabilitation in the Hearst press, Beal was allowed to 
serve only a token of his original jail sentence. His autobiography — 
Proletarian Journey — appeared in 1937, a classic in yellow journalism 
used as a weapon in the famine-genocide campaign to this day. 

In this book, Beal presents slanderous "samples" of Americans who 
had volunteered to assist in Soviet industrialization. Beal's supposed 
dialogue with a Black woman, who he alleges was "picked off the streets" 
to fill a Comintern quota of Black Americans to work in the USSR, clearly 
shows his racist and sexist mentality. In response to his question about her 
past union membership, Beal's caricature replies: 
No, suh, I don't belong to no union. Deys have no union in mah business. Ah 
once worked in a shirt factory and de people dere, dey made me join de 
union, but ah's quit. Why man, Ah wouldn't work in no factory. Ah gets 
more money from my gennemen friends. 34 

To this invention Beal adds a male American worker as lecher and 
rapist. 36 Elsewhere, he has one of his characters claim: "These Moscow 



THE HEARST PRESS 

broads are a dirty bunch, they never take 
would not be complete without a descriptio 
genocide: 

... I took the train from our little station of Loss 
to Chekuyev. From this place, we walked for s< 
living soul. We came upon a dead horse and a de; 
road. The horse still lay harnessed to the wagon, 
the reins in his lifeless, stiff hands. Both had d 

One may well ask why a train would be 
nobody was left alive for miles around, or 
expired simultaneously. Significantly, althoi 
illustrated with Beal's photos from the USSI 
conditions of famine-genocide and the hare 
his earlier articles in the Hearst press. 

Defending his articles in the Hear; 
autobiography: "the Hearst papers are read 1 
and have always had a distinct bias in favor 
the person who, even for a price, would sugg< 
friend of labor. 

Nonetheless, Beal earns himself a sped 

books by claiming to have had an audience 

the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, who allegedl 

dying. 39 Contemporary anti-communist So 

Conquest and Dana Dalrymple cite Beal on \ 

seen, Beal cannot be considered a reliable s< 

Fifty years later, "witnesses" such as Be 

others continue to play their original role or 

the 1930s campaign is having a bigger i 

References to 1930s newspaper accounts 

credibility to current famine -genocide allegatj 

the 30s as politically-motivated sensationali: 

the 1980s into primary evidence. Examples 

exposed at the time are conveniently forgotte 

character of the Hearst press is rarely rer 

features of the 1930s campaign and the selecti 

the Hearst press in propagating the genocid 

insight into the character of today's famine- 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

r six months, and then returned to the Soviet 
1 his final return to the United States in 1933, 
ugitive in the midst of economic depression, was 
i>ut for money and hope of a reduced jail sentence, 
es by Beal appeared in Harry Lang's Forward, 
earst press. According to one newspaper, which 
l's earlier correspondence which contradicted his 
ess, Beal's articles were "coached" during May 

? Hearst press were disputed by fellow American 
auto worker, J. Wolynec, who had worked at the 
rom 1931 to 1935. Wolynec, who was not a 
r, had known Beal in Ukraine for two years. He 
of overheard conversations, revealing that Beal 
)r Ukrainian]. 32 Wolynec cited an earlier booklet 
Workers in a Soviet Tractor Plant, in which Beal 
impletely contradicting those he later wrote for 
short time before he himself returned to the 
? in this booklet: 

it all the foreigners have been satisfied with life 
f them came with honest intentions, but there 
d something for nothing. They were of course, 
urned. But most of those who go back tell the 

atter. 

litation in the Hearst press, Beal was allowed to 

s original jail sentence. His autobiography — 

>peared in 1937, a classic in yellow journalism 

amine-genocide campaign to this day. 

fsents slanderous "samples" of Americans who 



THE HEARST PRESS 



21 



broads are a dirty bunch, they never take a bath." 36 Of course the book 
would not be complete without a description of a land ravaged by famine- 
genocide: 

... I took the train from our little station of Lossevo, and rode for two hours 
to Chekuyev. From this place, we walked for several miles. We met not a 
living soul. We came upon a dead horse and a dead man upon the side of the 
road. The horse still lay harnessed to the wagon. The man was still holding 
the reins in his lifeless, stiff hands. Both had died from starvation . . V 

One may well ask why a train would bother stopping at a place where 
nobody was left alive for miles around, or how a man and his horse had 
expired simultaneously. Significantly, although Proletarian Journey is well 
illustrated with Beal's photos from the USSR, none even remotely indicate 
conditions of famine-genocide and the hardship described in his book or 
his earlier articles in the Hearst press. 

Defending his articles in the Hearst press, Beal writes in his 
autobiography: "the Hearst papers are read largely by the working masses, 
and have always had a distinct bias in favor of labor." 38 Rare indeed was 
the person who, even for a price, would suggest that the Hearst press was a 
friend of labor. 

Nonetheless, Beal earns himself a special place in right-wing history 
books by claiming to have had an audience with Petrovsky, President of 
the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, who allegedly told him that millions were 
dying. 39 Contemporary anti-communist Sovietologists such as Robert 
Conquest and Dana Dalrymple cite Beal on this question; but, as we have 
seen, Beal cannot be considered a reliable source. 

Fifty years later, "witnesses" such as Beal, Walker, Lang, Smith and 
others continue to play their original role on the campaign stage. In fact, 
the 1930s campaign is having a bigger impact a half-century later. 
References to 1930s newspaper accounts lend a certain superficial 
r-roA\Wt\l+*j trx rnrrpnf fc* m inp-opnoridp a Ileaar ions. What was recognized in 



Chapter Thrc 

FAMINE PHOTOG 
WHICH FAMir 

Simultaneous with Hearst's 1935 fami 
Nazi press in Germany and similar papers 
materials on the same theme. The Nazis ha 
early as 1933, complete with fraudulently mi: 
Nazi party organ Voelkischer Beobachter, pu 
campaign in its article "William Hearst 
Hungerkatastrophe" (William Hearst on t 
Catastrophe). 2 The Nazi contributions to 
unnoticed. A New York Times correspondei 

. . . there has been a fresh outburst of "starvai 
German and Austrian press, with appeals for c 
victims of the Soviet famine." This writer heard in '. 
was supported by photographs taken earlier, Sojt 
from the Volga famine of 1921. This is a favorit 
propagandists. 3 

The propagandistic extension of the b 
was further embellished by the appearance in 
book, Muss- Russland Hungern? by Dr, E 
English-language edition, Human Life in 
influence on those who propagate the U 
significance of Ammende's book can be apprc 
republished in 1984 (after a 50-year lapse) o 
era Cold War. 5 

Human Life in Russia makes little pretei 
not only credits the accounts by Hearst press cl 
and Harry Lang, but brings in press acco 
Mussolini's Italy, and the emigre Nationalis 
named "travellers" and "experts" are freelj 
minimal: footnotes are remarkably scarce and 

An investigation of the photograpr 
particularly since virtually all photographic ev 
support famine-genocide allegations can be tr 
Hearst's Thomas Walker series and Germa 
share a considerable number of identical phot 
states: (the photographs) "are among the mo 



Chapter Three 

FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 
WHICH FAMINE? 

Simultaneous with Hearst's 1935 famine-genocide campaign, the 
Nazi press in Germany and similar papers elsewhere in Europe issued 
materials on the same theme. The Nazis had been flogging the issue as 
early as 1933, complete with fraudulently mis-dated photos. 1 The official 
Nazi party organ Voelkischer Beobachter, publicized and lauded Hearst's 
campaign in its article "William Hearst ueber Die Sowjetrussische 
Hungerkatastrophe" (William Hearst on the Soviet Russian Hunger 
Catastrophe). 2 The Nazi contributions to the campaign did not go 
unnoticed. A New York Times correspondent remarked: 

there has been a fresh outburst of "starvation propaganda" in the 
German and Austrian press, with appeals for charity for the "unhappy 
victims of the Soviet famine." This writer heard in Berlin that this campaign 
was supported by photographs taken earlier. Some were even said to date 
from the Volga famine of 1921. This is a favorite trick of anti-Bolshevik 
propagandists. 3 

The propagandistic extension of the by-then non-existent famine 
was further embellished by the appearance in 1935 of a German-language 
book, Muss Russland Hungern? by Dr. Ewald Ammende. 4 Its 1936 
English-language edition, Human Life in Russia, has had a lasting 
influence on those who propagate the famine-genocide myth. The 
significance of Ammende' s book can be appreciated by the fact that it was 
republished in 1984 (after a 50-year lapse) concurrent with the Reagan- 
era Cold War. 5 

Human Life in Russia makes little pretence of objectivity. Ammende 



24 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



actual facts of the Russian position." 7 

According to Harvard University's Dr. James E. Mace (who writes 
the apologetic "Historic Introduction" to the 1984 reprint of Human Life 
in Russia), Ammende was personally involved in relief work during the 
1921-22 Russian famine. 8 This should be borne in mind, particularly when 
considered alongside the peculiarities, contradictions and motivations in 
the use of the photographs. Further, Ammende is most reluctant to 
acknowledge the photographic affinities of Human Life in Russia with 
earlier publication in England, the United States, Nazi Germany and 
elsewhere. 

Ammende avoids any genuine documentation of the photographs in 
question: "the majority of them were taken by an Austrian specialist . . ." 9 
As with so many famine "evidence" books, Ammende does not identify 
him. None of the photos are specifically identified as having been taken by 
the un-named Austrian. We are informed that "the authenticity of the 
photographs, which form a permanent record of the terrible events in 
Ukraine ... is undoubted." 10 However, the proof of this assertion consists 
in alleging that the photos had been examined and passed by nameless 
"experts." 

Ammende claims that "the pictures were actually taken in the streets 
and squares of Kharkov in the summer of 1933, as is also apparent from 
various details clearly visible in the pictures." 11 However, only 10 of the 26 
photographs appear to portray urban scenes. Of these, only two (opposite 
page 32) are identified as Kharkov by captions. These show what appear 
to be orderly assemblies outside stores. There is no apparent evidence of 
famine or panic, despite the caption s claim that the store is being 
"besieged by the population." The queue in the second photo is actually 
rather sparce and lined up in well-spaced file. Although the stores' signs 
are partially legible, the photos are undocumented as to date and specific 
location. Given the inefficiencies of Soviet food store distribution 
methods, such a picture might have been taken during any one of a number 
of years. 

The sole remaining reference to Kharkov in any of the photos is 
found in a caption beneath a picture of some corpses lying in a boxcar 
(opposite page 192). However even this was not taken in Kharkov; the 
caption states: "These families boarded a train and went to Kharkov to 
demand food, which they did not, however, receive. When the train was 
opened they were found to have died from hunger on the return journey." 
In truth, the photo portrays not "families," but three or four corpses. Since 
the boxcar was opened on the "return" journey, it would have been as 
simple to identify the location as it would have been to name the 



FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 

photographer. But, as elsewhere, these most 
provided to support Ammende's claims. 

The remaining "street" photos (opposite 
top) are, like the rest, undocumented and 
Ammende's claims, they contain no clues as tc 
they were actually taken. Signs, landmarks, e 
included to serve as points of identification, are 
cases (opposite page 128), the photos are com 
way that the identification of key human subje 
Nor is it certain that these photographs w. 
photographer and equipment. 

Human Life in Russia carries many phot 

original German edition. 12 Although they are 

one notes Ammende's claim that these additio 

to the author by Dr. Ditloff, for many year: 

Government Agricultural Concession — L 

Caucasus." 13 After informing the reader that tl 

liquidated in 1933 (in late August, long afte 

Ammende states that the photographs "were u 

in the summer of 1933, and they demonstrate tr 

the plains of the agricultural areas of the Hur 

One notes that Dr. Ditloff was posted tc 

Ukraine. However, Ammende is deliberately 

Ditloff did his remarkable shutter-bugging 

agricultural areas of the Hunger Zone" refei 

subsequent claims of famine-genocide), then 

Ditloff — by then a functionary of the Nazi g 

wandering about the country unhindered and rai 

In any event, regardless of their real date and pi 

pictures appear in later publications either with 

attributed to a totally different source, someti 

captions. 

Certain of Ditloff's photos are identical to 
already proven fraudulent. In one photograph 
holds a deformed "frog-child," the same phoi 
While Ammende reproduces as "evidence" the 1 
frog-child story, he does so not in connection v 
uses in another context. 16 To avoid identificat 
equally fraudulent use in the Hearst press in 
appearance in an unidentified London newspape 
in fact, turns out to be the London Daily Expres. 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

an position." 7 

ird University's Dr. James E. Mace (who writes 
Introduction" to the 1984 reprint of Human Life 
as personally involved in relief work during the 
8 This should be borne in mind, particularly when 
peculiarities, contradictions and motivations in 
aphs. Further, Ammende is most reluctant to 
;raphic affinities of Human Life in Russia with 
ngland, the United States, Nazi Germany and 

\y genuine documentation of the photographs in 
f them were taken by an Austrian specialist . . ." 9 
■ "evidence" books, Ammende does not identify 
are specifically identified as having been taken by 
We are informed that "the authenticity of the 
n a permanent record of the terrible events in 
" 10 However, the proof of this assertion consists 
os had been examined and passed by nameless 

at "the pictures were actually taken in the streets 
n the summer of 1933, as is also apparent from 
ble in the pictures." 11 However, only 10 of the 26 
)rtray urban scenes. Of these, only two (opposite 
Kharkov by captions. These show what appear 
outside stores. There is no apparent evidence of 
e the caption's claim that the store is being 
ion." The queue in the second photo is actually 
p in well-spaced file. Although the stores' signs 
>hotos are undocumented as to date and specific 
ificiencies of Soviet food store distribution 



FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 



25 



photographer. But, as elsewhere, these most elementary details are not 
provided to support Ammende's claims, 

The remaining "street" photos (opposite pages 96,97, 128; page 192, 
top) are, like the rest, undocumented and uncredited. Contrary to 
Ammende's claims, they contain no clues as to what city or on what date 
they were actually taken. Signs, landmarks, etc., which are traditionally 
included to serve as points of identification, are noticeably absent. In some 
cases (opposite page 128), the photos are composed or cropped in such a 
way that the identification of key human subjects is rendered impossible. 
Nor is it certain that these photographs were exposed by the same 
photographer and equipment. 

Human Life in Russia carries many photos not found in the book's 
original German edition. 12 Although they are not specifically identified, 
one notes Ammende's claim that these additional photos "were supplied 
to the author by Dr. Ditloff, for many years Director of the German 
Government Agricultural Concession — Drusag — in the North 
Caucasus." 13 After informing the reader that the German concession was 
liquidated in 1933 (in late August, long after the Nazis took power), 
Ammende states that the photographs "were taken by Dr. Ditloff himself 
in the summer of 1933, and they demonstrate the conditions prevailing on 
the plains of the agricultural areas of the Hunger Zone." 14 

One notes that Dr. Ditloff was posted to the North Caucasus, not 
Ukraine. However, Ammende is deliberately obscure as to just where 
Ditloff did his remarkable shutter-bugging. If the "plains of the 
agricultural areas of the Hunger Zone" refer to Ukraine (as used in 
subsequent claims of famine-genocide), then one must wonder what 
Ditloff — by then a functionary of the Nazi government — was doing 
wandering about the country unhindered and randomly snapping pictures. 
In any event, regardless of their real date and place of origin, Dr. Dkloff's 
pictures appear in later publications either without any documentation or 






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FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 



27 




In addition to the frog-child photo, Ammende includes six other 
photos published almost a year earlier in the United States by Thomas 
Walker. 16 These include the photo of soldiers with dead horses, also 
featured in the 1934 Daily Express under the caption "Belgorod's Trail of 
Death" (Belgorod is in Russia, not Ukraine). Though fully aware of the 
Daily Express' credit to a young English "tourist," Ammende credits this 
picture to the German Dr. Ditloff. 

Among the remainder of Ammende's undocumented but politically 
captioned menagerie are distress pictures of starving children, strikingly 
reminiscent of the period embracing the last years of Tsarism, World War 
I and the immediate post-war period. In fact, "Brothers in Distress" 17 — 
two emaciated children, one spoonfeeding the other from a pot — has 
nothing to do with alleged 1930s events in Ukraine. Millions of North 
Americans who viewed "Peter Ustinov's Russia" TV series saw the same 
photo portraying hunger conditions in an earlier period. 18 The picture 
originated as a "still" copied from a documentary film made long before 
the 1932-33 famine. (One notes that Ammende makes no reference to 
either of his two "photographers" having filmed motion pictures.) This 
picture has also been featured in other documentary movies of early 20th 
century Russia. Even the Ukrainian Nationalist propaganda film Harvest 
of Despair presents this picture in relation to the 1922 Russian famine. 

Human Life in Russia's sordid trail of fraud does not end here. The 
top photo opposite page 161 was first published (in relation to 1932-33) in 
the German Nazi party's organ Voelkischer Beobachter in Berlin (August 
18, 1933). It is one of three obviously updated 1920s photos used with the 
article "Hungerhoelle Sowjetrussland." The article is unsigned, indicating 
that it represents official Nazi party line. Ammende has captioned his 
version of the photo "famine victims in hospital." This holds damaging 
implications for famine-genocide theorists — medical care and 
rehabilitation contradicts the notion of a deliberate famine to exterminate 






a v 




. 














Ammende claims that Dr. Ditloff 
took these photos in the summer of 
1933." Thomas Walker claimed he 
took these photos in the spring ol 
1934.'' A 1935 Nazi propaganda book 
credits Ditloff and dates them as 
"spring" of 1933. Note photo (bottom 
left) of woman and boy bundled up for 
severe winter weather. 




FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 



29 




claim. For example, the photo appears in The Black Deeds of the Kremlin 
with the caption, "Frozen Corpses at a Kharkiv Cemetary." 22 In 
Nahayewsky's ultra-rightist History of Ukraine, the caption is changed 
without any mention of location: "Shown above is a snow covered pile of 
famine corpses. They had to lie there until spring awaiting burial." 23 
Dushnyck's 50 Years Ago: The Famine Holocaust in Ukraine, gives no 
hint as to location or season, but has cropped out parts of the snow-covered 
foreground. His caption reads: "This is not a pile of wood, but corpses of 
starved Ukrainians at a burial spot." 24 (Other than the above captions, 
these authors give no information as to the source of the photos 
whatsoever. Other examples of interpolative and arbitrary captioning can 
be cited concerning this one picture alone.) 

Other "summer scenes" in Human Life in Russia include a subject 
dressed in heavy coat, head covering and boots; a corpse- wagon driver, 
whose bulky fur hat and fastened-up fur-collared coat also indicate 
costume indicative of an earlier decade; a woman and boy bundled up for 
winter, the boy wearing not only a hat but a hooded coat, scarf and mittens 
as well. Yet another photo shows a girl with a coat, hat and scarf — 
holding a naked child on her lap. 25 

While Ammende's reluctance to document his pictures is 
understandable, it is curious that most famine-genocide authors utilizing 
the same photographs neither cite nor mention Ammende, his book, nor 
its mysterious photographers. This is surprising since Human Life in 
Russia is frequently cited for its text, and is recognized by right-wing 
historians as a classic book for their purposes. 26 

Subsequent publications use the same photos in one of two manners. 
Either they are used without any pretence of documentation, with no 
credit to any photographer, or credit is given to Thomas Walker and/or 
the Hearst press. This despite the fact that Walker claimed to have taken 
the photos in the spring of 1934, while the photos are currently used to 



30 FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

While the average person might understandably despair at this 
confusing tangle of documenting evidence, one justifiably expects 
historians to verify and authenticate source material. Thus it is rather 
astonishing that Harvard University's Dr. James E. Mace played a 
significant role in all of the above books. Not only did he pen the 
"Historical Introduction" to the 1984 reprint of Human Life tn RusstaM 
edited and introduced The Ninth Grcle, contributed a feature article to the 
Great Famine tn Ukraine and was one of three people credited with 
preparing Famine in the Soviet Ukraine. He has thereby affixed his seal ot 
approval to contradictory and mutually exclusive accounts concerning the 
origin of the photos. Apparently prepared to endorse anything anti- 
communist, certain academics seem intent on compromising their 
reputation (and that of their university). 

What then, is one to make of the photographic evidence offered by 
Ammende : s Human Uje tn Russia} Were Ditloffs photos actually 
Walkers, or were perhaps Walker's photos actually Ditloff s? Ammende 
does state that some of the photos had previously been published without 
Ditloffs permission. As though anticipating doubts and challenges 
Ammende feebly passes the buck, stating that Ditloff would assume full 
responsibility and guarantee the photos' authenticity. 29 

Predictably, Ammende makes no attempt to clarify ,ust where when 
and by whom some of the Ditloff photos had previously been published. 
Nor does he state which photos had been used without permission. Since 
previous unauthorized publication of an author's "most important source 
of evidence (particularly if accompanied by accounts contrary to ones 
own) is an affront to any honest historical writer, Ammende s silence on 
this matter engenders the utmost skepticism. Topping it off is the fact that 
Ammende was well aware of Hearst's famine series from its very 
beginning. He not only cites Hearst accounts to develop his own 
argTmenfation, but also states: "On January 5, 1935, William Randolph 
Hearst broadcast a speech based almost entirely on the account of the 
Cardinal Innitzer Committee ...The entire Hearst press next proceeded 
to deal with the Russian Famine."* One recalls that Thomas Walkers 
faked articles and photos were the very first of Hearst's famine series. 
Thus Ammende was no innocent dupe who received bogus photos in 
ignorance. In fact, Ammende was the General Secretary of the Inn.tzer 
Committee from whose accounts Hearst drew information for his January 
broadcast. 

Other aspects of Ammende's past raise questions. According to his 
preface to Human Uje in Russia, Ammende spent time in the Volga and 
Kama regions of Czarist Russia studying peasants and the Russian grain 



FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 

trade as early as 1913. 31 After the revolution, dui 
intervention and Civil War, Ammende admits t< 
the counter-revolutionary Estonian and Latvia; 
assigned to work in liaison with the Hetma 
installed in Ukraine by the Germans in 191 
sympathies can be detected in his legirimi 
"independent Ukrainian republic" under 
Skoropadsky. 32 Ammende describes his worJ 
involvement in supporting relief work in the F 
1922. 33 

In following the subsequent career of this 
Ukrainian famine, one notes that for many yea 
General Secretary of the so-called European Natio 
included Nationalist emigre affiliates and others v 
revolution. 3 * The Nazi party organ Voelkische 
acclaimed Ammende in promoting the famine-ger 
European Nationalities Congress in 1933. 35 

Late in 1933, Ammende was appointed Ho 

Interconfessional and International Relief Comi 

Famine Areas by the pro-fascist Cardinal Innj 

Harvard's Dr. Mace had to admit that "it might 

called for aid to the hungry only after the famine h 

Ammende's associations, travels and activities 

an excellent position to have had access to a w 

suffering and famine pictures during the two deca 

Indeed, a wide assortment of photos and docume 

taken in Russia, Ukraine, Eastern Europe and Arrr 

of World War I, the Russian revolution, Cr 

intervention, events which contributed to the Russ 

These photos — taken by journalists, relief agen 

soldiers and individuals — were frequently publisl 

and brochures of the period. Such photos were the 

the famine-genocide photographic "evidence": the 

from archives, collections and newspaper morgi 

accounts of the 1930s. 37 

In fact, certain key "Ditloff" pictures publish 
Russia did originate from 1922 famine publicatic 
photo captioned "The Last Journey" (opposite p. 19 
well over a decade earlier. Captioned "Funeral Proo 
appears in the bulletin "Information No. 22" (p. 21) 
Switzerland by Dr. Fridtjof Nansen's Internal 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

1 person might understandably despair at this 
ocumenting evidence, one justifiably expects 

authenticate source material. Thus it is rather 
ird University's Dr. James E. Mace played a 
}f the above books. Not only did he pen the 
" to the 1984 reprint of Human Life in Russia, he 
he Ninth Circle, contributed a feature article to the 
ne and was one of three people credited with 
1 Soviet Ukraine. He has thereby affixed his seal of 
y and mutually exclusive accounts concerning the 
Apparently prepared to endorse anything anti- 
ademics seem intent on compromising their 
their university). 

to make of the photographic evidence offered by 
ife in Russia} Were Ditloff's photos actually 
ps Walker's photos actually Ditloff's? Ammende 
he photos had previously been published without 
ls though anticipating doubts and challenges, 

the buck, stating that Ditloff would assume full 
ntee the photos' authenticity. 29 
nde makes no attempt to clarify just where, when 
he Ditloff photos had previously been published. 
i photos had been used without permission. Since 
•ublication of an author's "most important source" 
y if accompanied by accounts contrary to one's 
y honest historical writer, Ammende's silence on 
le utmost skepticism. Topping it off is the fact that 
ware of Hearst's famine series from its very 
ily cites Hearst accounts to develop his own 
\ states: "On January 5, 1935, William Randolph 



FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 31 

trade as early as 1913 31 After the revolution, during the period of foreign 
intervention and Civil War, Ammende admits to having held a post with 
the counter-revolutionary Estonian and Latvian governments. He was 
assigned to work in liaison with the Hetman Skoropadsky regime, 
installed in Ukraine by the Germans in 1918. Ammende's political 
sympathies can be detected in his legitimizing reference to the 
"independent Ukrainian republic" under the Kaiser's puppet, 
Skoropadsky. 32 Ammende describes his work as a journalist and 
involvement in supporting relief work in the Russian famine of 1921- 
1922. 33 

In following the subsequent career of this oft-cited expert on the 
Ukrainian famine, one notes that for many years Ammende served as 
General Secretary of the so-called European Nationalities Congress, which 
included Nationalist emigre affiliates and others who had fled the Russian 
revolution. 34 The Nazi party organ Voelkischer Beobachter laudingly 
acclaimed Ammende in promoting the famine -genocide campaign and the 
European Nationalities Congress in 1933. 35 

Late in 1933, Ammende was appointed Honorary Secretary of the 
Interconfessional and International Relief Committee for the Russian 
Famine Areas by the pro-fascist Cardinal Innitzer of Vienna. Even 
Harvard's Dr. Mace had to admit that "it might be said that Ammende 
called for aid to the hungry only after the famine had come to an end . . ." 36 

Ammende's associations, travels and activities indicate that he was in 
an excellent position to have had access to a wide variety of human- 
suffering and famine pictures during the two decades prior to the 1930s. 
Indeed, a wide assortment of photos and documentary film footage was 
taken in Russia, Ukraine, Eastern Europe and Armenia during the period 
of World War I, the Russian revolution, Civil War and foreign 
intervention, events which contributed to the Russian famine of 1921-22. 
These photos — taken by journalists, relief agencies, medical workers, 

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These publications are devoted to the Russian famine of 1921-1922, but 
their photographs are fraudulently used to illustrate "1933 Ukrainian 
famine-genocide." The film Harvest of Despair, for example, uses photos 
found in each. Top left: Dr. Fridtjof Nansen's International Committee for 
Russian Relief, Information No. 22, Geneva, April 30, 1922. Top right: 
Ukrainian Nationalist publication Holod Na Ukrainyi, by Ivan Gerasymo- 
vitch, Berlin, 1922. Bottom: La Famine en Russie, Geneva, 1922. 



Photographs from Human Life in Russia. "1 
left) is a 1921-1922 Russian famine scene filchet 
(p. 21 ). The photo, upper right, shows men wea 
army caps and first appeared as "1933 famine' 
newspaper Voeikischer Beobac titer (August 1 
posed photograph similar to 1921-1922 Russ 
photos (eg. Information No. 22, p. 66). Bottom ri 
scene gives the lie to Ammende's "summer c 
resembles that found on page 10 of La Famine 





Photographs from Human Life in Russia. "The Last Journey" (upper 
left) is a 1921-1922 Russian famine scene filched from Information No. 22 
(p. 21 ). The photo, upper right, shows men wearing World War I Russian 
army caps and first appeared as 1933 famine" propaganda in the Nazi 
newspaper Voeikischer Beobachter (August 18, 1933). Bottom left: a 
posed photograph simrlar to 1921-1922 Russian famine relief agency 
photos (eg. Information No. 22, p. 66). Bottom right: this frozen graveyard 
scene gives the lie to Ammendes summer of 1933" claim; it closely 
resembles that found on page 10 of La Famine en Russie. 



34 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Russian Relief, issued on April 30, 1922. Similarly, Ammende's 
photograph opposite page 65 (left), can also be found in the 1922 bulletin 
(p. 16). The photo of emaciated children neatly posed on a bench (opposite 
p. 33, top), strongly resembles the technique and style of arranged, official 
documentation photos taken by relief groups during the 1921-1922 

famine. 

As an experienced 1921-22 Russian famine relief worker, Ammende 
was undoubtedly familiar with the 1922 Nansen material; indeed 
Ammende describes a meeting with Nansen in Human Life in Russia. 39 
There is little doubt that Ammende was complicit in his friend Ditloff's 
famine photo-faking adventure. It may be, however, that a more central 
role in the fraud was played by Ditloff himself — and the Nazis. 

Dr. Ditloff, it will be recalled, was Director of the German 
government's agricultural concession in the North Caucasus under an 
agreement between the German government and the Soviets. When 
Hitler took power in early 1933, Ditloff (like famine "experts" Herwarth 
and Henke) did not resign in protest. He remained as Director for the 
project's duration, indicating that the Nazis did not consider him inimical 
to their interests. Following his return to Nazi Germany later that year, 
Ditloff gathered or fronted for a spurious assortment of famine 
photographs. These, as has been shown, included photos stolen from 
1921-1922 famine sources. In addition, at least 25 of the Ditloff photos can 
be shown to have been released by the Nazis, many of which were passed 
to or picked up by various anti-Soviet and pro-fascist publishers abroad. 

Some of Ditloff's photos were published in the Nazi party organ 
Voelkischer Beobachter (August 18, 1933). Others turned up in the 
London Daily Express (August 6, 1934). Here one should note that 
Ammende and Ditloff were in England in May 1934, campaigning for 
British pressure against the Soviet Union on the famine question. 
Ammende and Ditloff visited the British Foreign Office, seeking to make 
the British vote on Soviet admission to the League of Nations "conditional 
upon some [Soviet] assurances on the matters . . . such as famine relief." 39 
As Thomas Walker was then living in England as an anti-Soviet hack 
writer, it is possible that photos were passed to him there. Indeed it 
becomes obvious that Walker was the anonymous English tourist in the 
London Daily Express. 

In 1935, both the Nazi press and William Randolph Hearst 
systematically promoted the famine-genocide campaign, complete with 
gruesome photographs. That year also saw the publication in Berlin of 
Nazi Alfred Laubenheimer's violently anti-semitic book Und Du Siehst 
Die Sowjets Richtig. 40 Laubenheimer's introduction to Und Du Siehst 



FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 

glowingly praises Hitler's rule: "Thank God 
Socialist [Nazi] revolution these incompreh 
fundamentally changed. The struggle against 
been successfully carried out in Germany." 41 Itcc 
1937 the Nazis authorized a second printing o 

Prominently featured in Laubenheimer's b< 
25 Ditloff photographs, used to illustrate the 
claims. 42 Two-thirds of these are identical to 
published the same year by the Hearst press. 43 1 
in Und Du Siehst include virtually the whole s 

Ditloff contributed more than photographs 
book. Und Du Siehst also includes a major arti 
acclaimed as an authority in the article's introd 

In 1936, Dr. Ditloff's old travelling comp; 
campaigner, Ewald Ammende, published his I 
Human Life in Russia. Contrary to Ammende's 
photos are Ditloff fakes — a significant numbe 
used by both Walker and Laubenheimer the pr 

Whatever the actual mechanics of the di< 
Walker photographs, their fraudulence is well 
on propagating the famine-genocide myth for pi 
hesitated to use these photographs repeatedly 
adding a shred of authenticating evidence to tl 
The political motives and persuasions of the 
involved are indeed relevant here. German N 
Ukrainian Nationalist exiles, European consen 
millionaires like Hearst — all wanted to isolate ; 
Soviet Union, to discredit and reverse socialist 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

on April 30, 1922. Similarly, Ammende's 
;e 65 (left), can also be found in the 1922 bulletin 
iciated children neatly posed on a bench (opposite 
nbles the technique and style of arranged, official 
taken by relief groups during the 1921-1922 

921-22 Russian famine relief worker, Ammende 
iar with the 1922 Nansen material; indeed 
eeting with Nansen in Human Life in Russia? 8 
: Ammende was complicit in his friend Ditloff's 
r enture. It may be, however, that a more central 
lyed by Ditloff himself — and the Nazis. 
1 be recalled, was Director of the German 
il concession in the North Caucasus under an 

German government and the Soviets. When 
[y 1933, Ditloff (like famine "experts" Herwarth 
gn in protest. He remained as Director for the 
ting that the Nazis did not consider him inimical 
ang his return to Nazi Germany later that year, 
onted for a spurious assortment of famine 
has been shown, included photos stolen from 
s. In addition, at least 25 of the Ditloff photos can 
^leased by the Nazis, many of which were passed 
us anti-Soviet and pro-fascist publishers abroad, 
hotos were published in the Nazi party organ 

(August 18, 1933). Others turned up in the 
(August 6, 1934). Here one should note that 
vere in England in May 1934, campaigning for 
t the Soviet Union on the famine question, 
sited the British Foreign Office, seeking to make 



FAMINE PHOTOGRAPHS 



35 



glowingly praises Hitler's rule: "Thank God that since the National 
Socialist [Nazi] revolution these incomprehensible conditions have 
fundamentally changed. The struggle against the Bolshevik terror has 
been successfully carried out in Germany." 41 It comes as no surprise that in 
1937 the Nazis authorized a second printing of this book. 

Prominently featured in Laubenheimer's book is a special section of 
25 Ditloff photographs, used to illustrate the Nazis' famine -genocide 
claims. 42 Two-thirds of these are identical to Thomas Walker photos 
published the same year by the Hearst press. 43 In fact, the Ditloff photos 
in Und Du Siehst include virtually the whole set of Walker photos. 

Ditloff contributed more than photographs to this Nazi propaganda 
book. Und Du Siehst also includes a major article by the Doctor, who is 
acclaimed as an authority in the article's introduction. 44 

In 1936, Dr. Ditloff's old travelling companion and fellow famine- 
campaigner, Ewald Ammende, published his English -language edition, 
Human Life in Russia. Contrary to Ammende's claim, the majority of the 
photos are Ditloff fakes — a significant number being identical to those 
used by both Walker and Laubenheimer the previous year. 

Whatever the actual mechanics of the distribution of the Ditloff- 
Walker photographs, their fraudulence is well established. Those intent 
on propagating the famine-genocide myth for political purposes have not 
hesitated to use these photographs repeatedly to this day — without 
adding a shred of authenticating evidence to this questionable material. 
The political motives and persuasions of the groups and individuals 
involved are indeed relevant here. German Nazis, defeated right-wing 
Ukrainian Nationalist exiles, European conservatives, neo-fascist media 
millionaires like Hearst — all wanted to isolate and bring pressure on the 
Soviet Union, to discredit and reverse socialist developments. 



r 



Chapter Four 



COLD WAR I 
BLACK DEEDS 

The famine-genocide campaign of the 1930s leaned heavily on 
materials — often fraudulent — traceable to right-wing, anti-Soviet 
sources. Mainstream historians did not accept the fabrications of the 
extreme right. 1 In fact, so dubious was this thesis to contemporary 
historians, that some Ukrainian Nationalists and Cold War scholars claim 
that the "famine-genocide" has been either ignored or deliberately 
concealed in some form of pro-Soviet, left-wing, or even Jewish 
conspiracy. 2 

Rooted in the pro-Nazi and conservative opinion climates of the 
1930s, the famine-genocide issue was exhumed during the Cold War of the 
1950s. The McCarthy period witnessed not only a resurgence of the lunatic 
right, but its alliance with the post-war wave of Ukrainian Nationalists 
who had fled Ukraine with the retreating Germans. An anti-communist 
marriage of convenience took place between the American ultra-right and 
Ukrainian Nationalists, sections of whom had collaborated with the 
Nazis. These now required new clothes and a cover story for past activities, 
while the Cold War promoters could point to such people as "living 
witnesses of the communist menace facing humanity." 

A number of books were published by Ukrainian Nationalists, not 
only to ingratiate themselves with their new Western political allies, but 
also to propagate their interpretations of history among the Western 
public. Typical of the Cold War style of famine-genocide allegations is The 
Black Deeds of the Kremlin. 2 Published in 1953 and 1955, this two- 
volume set is yet another weapon in the Nationalists' arsenal of 
apologetics and cover stories. Despite the admission in its preface to being 
"motley" and "uneven," Black Deeds is used as resource and reference 
material for the current generation of famine-genocide campaigners. 

The publishers of the volumes — SUZERO and DOBRUS 
respectively — give an indication of its blatant lack of objectivity. 
SUZERO is the so-called Ukrainian Association of Victims of Russian 
Communist Terror, while DOBRUS stands for the equally wordy 
Democratic Organization of Ukrainians Formerly Persecuted by the 
Soviet Regime in USA. Both groups are affiliated to the World Federation 
of Ukrainian Former Political Prisoners and Victims of the Soviet 
Regime. Of some relevance here may be the observations noted in the U.S. 



COLD WAR I 

Congressional Record of the 1948 debate on tr 
"No doubt every one of them [former East Euro 
occupation during the war] now bears a new nai 
a martyr of Soviet oppression, and answers to 
"political refugee.' " 4 

Included in Volume I is a special sectio 
allegations of Soviet mass executions during 
Unearthed in 1943 during the Nazi occup 
"examined" by a Nazi-appointed "commission" 
propaganda films. 5 Among the Black Deeds wri 
Pavlovich. Described in a photo caption as "the 
murder at Vynnitsya," Pavlovich also testified b 
Commission on Communist Aggression in 195; 
his contributions to the U.S. Cold WarCommiss 
violent pro-Nazism, anti-semitism and wc 
characterized his original account in Zlochyn 
Vynnitsya). 6 

Written under his earlier name of Apolloi 
U Vtnnytsya was published with Nazi authoriz 
enthusiastic Nazi collaborator, Pavlovich/Trei 
Vinnytski Visti in German-occupied Vynnitsya. 
Vtnnytsya betrays its author's intention — an 
exercise as a whole — to rally support for sag 

Let [the massacre | strongly unite our people with t 
Germany, the liberator of Ukraine, let it unite [ us j in 
struggle with the terrible enemy of mankind — Bo 

The book's appeal for support for the Nazi 
of Nationalist collaboration, then into its third j 
caused the death or transport for slave labor of r 
the Nationalists' appeals continued. Procla 
humanitarian and Savior," Trembovetskyj urge 
our lives will we be able to repay our debt to 
communism." 8 

Zlochyn U Vtnnytsya is riddled v 
Trembovetskyj calls upon Ukrainians to be s 
cruel struggle against Jew-communism" and r> 
moron" and "Stalin and his Jewish governm< 
"Jews and the NKVD," Trembovetskyj specif 
alleged 1930s massacres. 9 

Post-war testimony of German soldier 
unearthing of mass graves at Vynnitsya as a N 



COLD WAR I 



37 



Chapter Four 

COLD WAR I 
BLACK DEEDS 

ide campaign of the 1930s leaned heavily on 
idulent — traceable to right-wing, anti-Soviet 
storians did not accept the fabrications of the 
:, so dubious was this thesis to contemporary 
rainian Nationalists and Cold War scholars claim 
:ide" has been either ignored or deliberately 
rm of pro-Soviet, left-wing, or even Jewish 

-Nazi and conservative opinion climates of the 
ide issue was exhumed during the Cold War of the 
riod witnessed not only a resurgence of the lunatic 
th the post-war wave of Ukrainian Nationalists 
nth the retreating Germans. An anti-communist 
: took place between the American ultra-right and 
, sections of whom had collaborated with the 
ed new clothes and a cover story for past activities, 
omoters could point to such people as "living 
mist menace facing humanity." 
> were published by Ukrainian Nationalists, not 
elves with their new Western political allies, but 
interpretations of history among the Western 
Id War style of famine-genocide allegations is The 
°mlm? Published in 1953 and 1955, this two- 
)ther weapon in the Nationalists' arsenal of 



Congressional Record of the 1948 debate on the Displaced Persons Bill: 
"No doubt every one of them [former East European collaborators of Nazi 
occupation during the war] now bears a new name, passes [himself] off as 
a martyr of Soviet oppression, and answers to all the specifications of a 
'political refugee.' " 4 

Included in Volume I is a special section devoted to Nationalist 
allegations of Soviet mass executions during the 1930s in Vynnitsya. 
Unearthed in 1943 during the Nazi occupation, the graves were 
"examined" by a Nazi-appointed "commission" and were featured in Nazi 
propaganda films. 5 Among the Black Deeds writers in this section is Petro 
Pavlovich. Described in a photo caption as "the chief witness of the mass 
murder at Vynnitsya," Pavlovich also testified before a U.S. Congressional 
Commission on Communist Aggression in 1953. However, missing from 
his contributions to the U.S. Cold War Commission and Black Deeds is the 
violent pro-Nazism, anti-semitism and worship of Hitler which 
characterized his original account in Zlochyn U Vinnytsya (Crimes in 
Vynnitsya). 6 

Written under his earlier name of Apollon Trembovetskyj, Zlochyn 
U Vinnytsya was published with Nazi authorization in 10,000 copies. An 
enthusiastic Nazi collaborator, Pavlovich/Trembovetskyj was editor of 
Vinnytski Visit in German-occupied Vynnitsya. The preface to Zlochyn U 
Vinnytsya betrays its author's intention — and that of the propaganda 
exercise as a whole — to rally support for sagging Nazi war fortunes: 

Let [the massacre] strongly unite our people with the mighty strength of 
Germany, the liberator of Ukraine, let it unite [ us ] in the cruel and merciless 
struggle with the terrible enemy of mankind — Bolshevism. 7 

The book's appeal for support for the Nazis is indicative of the degree 
of Nationalist collaboration, then into its third year. By 1943 the Nazis had 
caused the death or transport for slave labor of millions of Ukrainians; still 
the Nationalists' appeals continued. Proclaiming Hitler "the great 



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40 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



According to Israel's authoritative Yad Washem Studies, Oberleutnant 
Erwin Bingel testified that on September 22, 1941, he witnessed the mass 
execution of Jews by the SS and Ukrainian militia. This included a 
slaughter carried out by Ukrainian auxiliaries in Vynnitsya Park, where 
Bingel witnessed "layer upon layer" of corpses buried. Returning to 
Vynnitsya later in the war, Bingel read of the experts brought in by the 
Nazis to examine the exumed graves of "Soviet" execution victims in the 
same park. Upon personal verification, Bingel concluded that the 
"discovery" had been staged for Nazi propaganda purposes and that the 
number of corpses he saw corresponded to those slaughtered by Ukrainian 
fascists in 194 l. 10 

Illustrating the Vynnitsya section of Black Deeds is a photograph of 
Ukrainian Orthodox Church Bishop Yevlohiy at the opening of the graves 
in 1943. Following funeral rites for the victims, writes Trembovetskyj in 
Zlochyn U Vinnytsya, Bishop Yevlohiy stated: 

The Lord God had mercy on us and sent to us for our salvation the 
praiseworthy hands of the German people and their chief Adolf Hitler. We 
must all come to the aid of the German people and with honest work and 
devoted hearts hasten the victory over Bolshevism. 11 

Overall, the editors of Volume I have gone to considerable pains to 
come up with pictorial documentation somehow relating to the book's 
lurid allegations. They have not succeeded — unless a cartoon of Stalin 
with the stereotypical facial physiognomy reminiscent of an earlier 
generation of anti-semitic artists can be considered evidence. 12 Aside from 
third-rate artwork, this volume is decorated with irrelevant drawings, 
portraits of fascist and pogromchik -government leaders, the inevitable 
undocumented photographs, and the following indicative farce: 

Accompanying the article "Collective Farming" by one "P.V." is the 
usual undocumented photograph, in this case a group of peasants with 
horse-teams. The peasants, incidentally, all appear well-dressed in 
practical work clothes. P.V.'s powers of scientific observation enable him 
to state that, "all of them are barefoot and look wretched in their rags and 
tatters." 13 The description "rags and tatters" seems better applied to 
Nationalist levels of scholarship, since none of the peasants' feet are even 
visible in the photograph. In similar vein, there appears a photo of 
collective farmers — a "weeding team" — in which some of the women 
are smiling and laughing. 14 Perhaps the "agency" which provided the 
political artwork was fresh out of pictures showing unhappy workers 
toiling in ragged undergarments. 

Volume I also presents a handful of alleged 1932-1933 famine photos 
plagiarized from earlier historical periods. All are undocumented. Some 



COLD WAR I 

are stolen from 1921-1922 Russian famine publi 
little cannibal" appeared in "Information No. 
International Committee for Russian Relief in 1< 
stolen from its 1922 source, and not from Am 
Russia (where it also appears), can be deduced f 
Ammende gives his version the caption "Anothe 
in 1922, the photo was given the caption "Cannil 
eaten his sister" — a parallel to the Black Deea 
Other photos are taken from Nazi German r 
For example, the photo showing three men w< 
issue caps (p. 237), was first published in relat 
August 18, 1933 in the Nazi party's official organ 
Among those listed as generous donors to 
Black Deeds is Fedir Fedorenko. Can this be thes; 
from the United States and later convicted as a cc 
camp guard? 16 Other donors include Anatol Bilots 
several books as Anton Shpak, a former Ukraini 
Bila Tserkva, Ukraine. Of this person, the Ukrair 
states: "According to documents and witness test] 
his like exterminated close to two thousand ci 
Tserkva during the Nazi occupation. Most of the 
surviving witness, I. Yevchuk, remembers: 
When they were leading the Jews to where they were gc 
pretty young girl ran up to Shpak. "Oh come, Anton, < 
Don't you remember we went to school together, you us 
She pleaded. "Shut up, you kike bitch," roared Shpak, rai 
the girl right in the face. 19 

On the same day, Yevchuk states, Shpak also k 
his wife, and an old woman, Dworja Golosti 
(Shpak) identifies himself as a member of tht 
Ukrainian Former Political Prisoners of the Sovie 
and others like him not escaped to the West, undoi 
become "Soviet prisoners" and stood trial for th< 
Among Volume I's famine writers with i 
background is Oleksander Hay-Holowko. 22 This n 
member, but also worked as a propagandist for 
When the Nazis invaded Ukraine, Hay-Holowko 
Propaganda" for the OUN-Nationalist clique in b 
fascist terror was characterized by the slaughter c 
Ukrainian Nationalists. 23 

Subtitled "The Great Famine in Ukraine 19: 
Black Deeds has impeccable McCarthy-era creden 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

uthoritative Yad Washem Studies, Oberleutnant 
lat on September 22, 1 94 1 , he witnessed the mass 
the SS and Ukrainian militia. This included a 
' Ukrainian auxiliaries in Vynnitsya Park, where 
r upon layer" of corpses buried. Returning to 
var, Bingel read of the experts brought in by the 
turned graves of "Soviet" execution victims in the 
sonal verification, Bingel concluded that the 
aged for Nazi propaganda purposes and that the 
w corresponded to those slaughtered by Ukrainian 

initsya section of Black Deeds is a photograph of 
urch Bishop Yevlohiy at the opening of the graves 
ral rites for the victims, writes Trembovetskyj in 
Sishop Yevlohiy stated: 

/ on us and sent to us for our salvation the 
3erman people and their chief Adolf Hitler. We 
the German people and with honest work and 
victory over Bolshevism. 11 

; of Volume I have gone to considerable pains to 
documentation somehow relating to the book's 
lave not succeeded — unless a cartoon of Stalin 
facial physiognomy reminiscent of an earlier 
ic artists can be considered evidence. 12 Aside from 
volume is decorated with irrelevant drawings, 
pogromchik-government leaders, the inevitable 
phs, and the following indicative farce: 
article "Collective Farming" by one "P.V." is the 
otograph, in this case a group of peasants with 
ants, incidentally, all appear well-dressed in 



COLD WAR I 41 

are stolen from 1921-1922 Russian famine publications. For example, "A 
little cannibal" appeared in "Information No. 22" (published by the 
International Committee for Russian Relief in 1922). That this photo was 
stolen from its 1922 source, and not from Ammende's Human Life in 
Russia (where it also appears), can be deduced from the following facts: 
Ammende gives his version the caption "Another Victim of the Famine"; 
in 1922, the photo was given the caption "Cannibal from Zaporozhe: has 
eaten his sister" — a parallel to the Black Deeds' "little cannibal." 15 

Other photos are taken from Nazi German publications of the 1930s. 
For example, the photo showing three men wearing First World War 
issue caps (p. 237), was first published in relation to 1930s claims, on 
August 18, 1933 in the Nazi party's official organ Voelkischer Beobachter. 

Among those listed as generous donors toward the publication of 
Black Deeds is Fedir Fedorenko. Can this be the same Fedorenko deported 
from the United States and later convicted as a confessed Treblinka death 
camp guard? 16 Other donors include Anatol Bilotserkiwsky, 17 identified in 
several books as Anton Shpak, a former Ukrainian Nazi police officer in 
Bila Tserkva, Ukraine. Of this person, the Ukrainian writer M. Skrybnyak 
states: "According to documents and witness testimony, Anton Shpak and 
his like exterminated close to two thousand civilian residents in Bila 
Tserkva during the Nazi occupation. Most of the victims were Jews." 18 A 
surviving witness, I. Yevchuk, remembers: 

When they were leading the Jews to where they were going to shoot them, a 
pretty young girl ran up to Shpak. "Oh come, Anton, what are you doing? 
Don't you remember we went to school together, you used to carry my bag?" 
She pleaded. "Shut up, you kike bitch," roared Shpak, raised his gun and shot 
the girl right in the face. 19 

On the same day, Yevchuk states, Shpak also killed Mordko B. Diener, 
his wife, and an old woman, Dworja Golostupetz. 20 Bilotserkiwsky 
(Shpak) identifies himself as a member of the World Federation of 
Ukrainian Former Political Prisoners of the Soviet Regime. 21 Had Shpak 



KJ.KJ. 




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The Nazi party organ Voelkischer Beobachter, August 18 1933 photos 
from 1921 -1922 are used to illustrate the 1933 famine. In 1935 these photos 
reappear in the anti-semitic propaganda book Und Du Siehst die Sowjets 
Richtig (reprinted in 1937). This book and AmmendesHumanUfe/n floss/a 
(1936) credit Fritz Ditloff as the photographer. Photos from this selection 
are also utilized by the following Ukrainian Nationalist books: Black Deeds 

?/io2 Krem/ " 7 (1953, ^ S55 ^ 50YearsA 9o:TheFamineHolocaustfnUkraine 
(1983); The Great Famine in Ukraine: The Unknown Holocaust (1983); and 
the so-called documentary film Harvest of Despair (1984). 



— |3 — 

When I visited Zaporo/.he in the end of February, the deaths Item 
starvation amounted already to Sn to 40 every day in 1 : ? 
volost. The day I visited Kherson town (March 3rd. \\yii I. Hi- 1 e 
were registered from the day before 42 deaths from starvnt 1 1 
(20 adults, 22 children), and I was told that there might thence 
too cases a day. The town has about ju.ooo inhabitants. In- the 
town of Yekaterinoslav (160.OOQ inhabitants), about Ijo persons 
dailv are now dying from starvation. In the ooyezd of Taganrog 
inthe month of February 642 cases of death from starvation were 
registered. It must also be remembered that hunger indirectly 



^k. TitlWk Jk 


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'iff 



Gangrene from hunger. 

increases susceptibility to disease. Even diseases that under 
ordinary circumstances have only an insignificant percentage 
of mortality have now a very great one. For instance, measles 
is often followed bv gangrene of the gums, passing into noma \ 
with more than 20° mortality Vaccinations loose much ri 
their preserving capacity. The" use of surrogates for food gives 
a great percentage of abdominal diseases; others, as lor ins- 
tance bread with apricot, are very poisonous with a mortality 
of 3o", (| verv soon after eating- In connection with the use of 
meat from dead horses there are cases of glanders. In conse- 
quence of starvation especially among the adults a ^rcat many 
cases may also be observed of the swelling illness, that causes 

') Grtnjrrene of (he mouth. 



Page 15 of Information No. 22 published in Geneva in 1922, The same 
photo is used in Black Deeds of the Kremlin to portray a "victim of the 1933 
Ukrainian famine" (Vol. II. 1955, p. 457). 



44 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



provides evidence of the open political collusion between Ukrainian 
Nationalism and neo-fascist tendencies during the 1950s Cold War in the 
United States. The reader is informed that Volume I of Black Deeds was 
accepted as "evidence" by the House Committee on Communist 
Aggression, headed by the old Cold Warrior himself, Representative 
Charles H. Kersten of Wisconsin. 24 In turn, Rep. Kersten penned the 
violently anti-communist Introduction to the second volume of Black 
Deeds. 25 

In lieu of any documentation of the "illustrative material" used in 
Volume II, the reader is merely referred to the archives of SUZERO and 
DOBRUS, as well as to O. Kalynyk, author of the book, Communism the 
Enemy of Mankind, published by the youth organization of the OUN- 
Bandera. 26 The "illustrative materials" are all too familiar. Opening the 
first two pages of the book are nine Thomas Walker photographs and his 
partial accounts from the Hearst press of 1935. The remaining 
photographs — none of which are documented or credited — include ten 
from Ammende's Human Life in Russia (two of which were also used by 
Walker and another by Voelkischer Beobachter), one from the 1922 
bulletin "Information No. 22," and a variety of Russian Civil War and 
1922 Russian famine scenes. 27 For example, the photograph captioned 
"The Execution of Kurkuls [Kulaks]" (p. 155), shows four soldiers and an 
officer, apparently on burial detail. Unfortunately for the book's editors, 
the soldiers appear to be wearing Tsarist army uniforms — wrong army, 
wrong decade. 

A particularly unsavoury aspect of Volume II is its gruesome 
allegations of cannibalism. In fact, Volume II has been called, rather 
unkindly but with some justification, a Ukrainian Nationalist cookbook. A 
series of "testimonial articles" bear titles like: We Ate Father; He Cooked 
His Dead Mother's Hand; He Ate His Wife; The Children Are There — In 
the Pot; First They Ate Their Own Family; A Mother Eats Her Child; She 
Turned Her Father Into Jellied Meat; and with a gourmet touch, Pasties of 
Human Flesh. 28 

While reading relics of the Cold War past can at times provide a 
rather perverse source of entertainment, Black Deeds has been used as 
"evidence" by various right-wing committees and authors, as well as to 
influence public opinion and policy. Though one doubts if Black Deeds was 
often (if ever) purchased by the general public, it has been supplied gratis 
to university and public libraries — this author has come across such 
"gifts," identified with stickers reading "with compliments of the 
Ukrainian Canadian Committee." Perhaps it is hoped that the unwary will 
be taken in. 



Chapter Five 



THE NUMBERS GAfV 

The evidence presented to establish a case f 
against Ukrainians during 1932-33, remains h 
deceitful, contradictory and consequently highly s 
commonly used can almost invariably be traced to rij 
communist "experts," journalists or publications, 
partisan Ukrainian Nationalist political organizatic 
in the thesis of genocide is assumed by the numbe 
obviously it is difficult to allege genocide unless d< 
millions. Here, the methodology of the famine-gei 
best be described as eclectic, unscientific; and the 
manipulated guesstimates. 

A "landmark study" in the numbers game is t 
Famine of 1932-1934," by Dana Dalrymple, publis 
January 1964. According to historian Daniel 
methodology consists of averaging "guesses by 2< 
who visited the Soviet Union at the time, or spok 
much as two decades later. He averages the 20 accoi 
a low of 1,000,000 deaths (New York Herald Tribi 
10,000,000 deaths (New York World Telegram, 
here is Dalrymple's list of 20 and accompanying r 
As Professor Stone of the University of 
Dalrymple's method has no scientific validity; his 
the art of newspaper clipping for the science < 
gathering. This becomes apparent when one 
unacceptable use of fraudulent material built into tl 
sensational mortality figures for the famine. 

On the list one finds, for example, Thomas W 
swindler who was never in Ukraine to begin wii 
". . .Thomas Walker made a comparable survey seve 
the late Spring of 1934 — by breaking away from j 
had previously '. . . spent several years touring the U 
could speak Russian." 3 As unacceptable as using \ 
Dalrymple's compulsion to insert groundless assurr 
"presumably could speak Russian," not to mention t 
fabrications as evidence for extending the famine i 
exploit the Walker caper, Dalrymple states that 
extensive and chilling array of pictures." 4 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

the open political collusion between Ukrainian 
ascist tendencies during the 1950s Cold War in the 
der is informed that Volume I of Black Deeds was 
e" by the House Committee on Communist 
y the old Cold Warrior himself, Representative 
F Wisconsin. 24 In turn, Rep. Kersten penned the 
list Introduction to the second volume of Black 

:umentation of the "illustrative material" used in 
s merely referred to the archives of SUZERO and 
> O. Kalynyk, author of the book, Communism the 
ublished by the youth organization of the OUN- 
ative materials" are all too familiar. Opening the 
ook are nine Thomas Walker photographs and his 
1 the Hearst press of 1935. The remaining 
»f which are documented or credited — include ten 
tan Life in Russia (two of which were also used by 
)y Voelkiscber Beobachter), one from the 1922 
No. 22," and a variety of Russian Civil War and 
;cenes. 27 For example, the photograph captioned 
tuls [KulaksJ" (p. 155), shows four soldiers and an 
burial detail. Unfortunately for the book's editors, 
>e wearing Tsarist army uniforms — wrong army, 

isavoury aspect of Volume II is its gruesome 
ism. In fact, Volume II has been called, rather 
justification, a Ukrainian Nationalist cookbook. A 
tides" bear titles like: We Ate Father; He Cooked 
d; He Ate His Wife; The Children Are There — In 
Their Own Family; A Mother Eats Her Child; She 



Chapter Five 



THE NUMBERS GAME 

The evidence presented to establish a case for deliberate genocide 
against Ukrainians during 1932-33, remains highly partisan, often 
deceitful, contradictory and consequently highly suspect. The materials 
commonly used can almost invariably be traced to right-wing sources, anti- 
communist "experts," journalists or publications, as well as the highly 
partisan Ukrainian Nationalist political organizations. An important role 
in the thesis of genocide is assumed by the number of famine deaths — 
obviously it is difficult to allege genocide unless deaths are in the multi- 
millions. Here, the methodology of the famine-genocide theorists can at 
best be described as eclectic, unscientific; and the results, as politically 
manipulated guesstimates. 

A "landmark study" in the numbers game is the article "The Soviet 
Famine of 1932-1934," by Dana Dalrymple, published in Soviet Studies, 
January 1964. According to historian Daniel Stone, Dalrymple's 
methodology consists of averaging "guesses by 20 Western journalists 
who visited the Soviet Union at the time, or spoke to Soviet emigres as 
much as two decades later. He averages the 20 accounts which range from 
a low of 1,000,000 deaths (New York Herald Tribune, 1933) to a high of 
10,000,000 deaths (New York World Telegram, 1933)." 1 Reproduced 
here is Dalrymple's list of 20 and accompanying references. 2 

As Professor Stone of the University of Winnipeg suggests, 
Dalrymple's method has no scientific validity; his "method" substitutes 
the art of newspaper clipping for the science of objective evidence 
gathering. This becomes apparent when one discovers the totally 
unacceptable use of fraudulent material built into thf attempt to develop 
sensational mortality figures for the famine. 



DALRYMPLE'S LIST OF TWENTY 



EST/MA TED RUSSIAN FAMINE DEA THS, 1933 




Estimate made or reported by 


Estimated number of deaths 


1. Ralph Barnes 




1,000,000+ 


2. Walter Duranty 




2,000,000+ 


3. Maurice Hindus 




3,000,000+ 


4. William Chamberlin 




4,000,000 


5. Stephen Duggan 




4,000,000 


6. Frederick Birchall 




4,000,000+ 


7. Bernard Pares 




5,000,000 


8. Eugene Lyons 




5,000,000* 


9. Archbishop of Canterbury 




5,000,000± 


10. Clarence Manning 




5,000,000* 


11. Whiting Williams 




5,000,000+ 


12. Naum Jasny 




5,500,000+ 


13. Harry Lang 




6,000,000 


14. Thomas Walker 




6,000,000 


15. Nicholas Prychodko 




7,000,000+ 


16. William Chamberlin 




7,50O,0O0± 


17. Ewald Ammende 




7,500,000* 


18. Otto Schiller 




7,500,000± 


19. Serge Prokopovicz 




9,000,000 


20. Richard Sallet 
Average 




10,000,000 
5,500,000+ 



1. Ralph W.Barnes, 'Million Feared Dead of Hun] 
York Herald Tribune, August 21, 1933, p. 7. 

2. Walter Duranty, 'Famine Toll Heavy in Sout 
Times, August 24, 1933, p. 1 (computed from f 

3. Cited by Eugene Lyons in Assignment in Utof 
York, 1937, p. 579. 

4. W. H. Chamberlin, "Soviet Taboos,' Foreign A 

5. Stephen P. Duggan, Russia After Eight Ye; 
November 1934, p. 696. 

6. Frederick Birchall, 'Famine in Russia Held Ec 
Times, August 25, 1933, p. 7. 

7. Bernard Pares, Russia, New American Libra r; 

8. Lyons, loc. cit. (estimates made by foreigners a 

9. 'Starvation in Russia' (proceedings, House of L 
(London), July 26, 1934, p. 7. 

10. Clarence Manning, Ukraine Under the Sovie 
New York, 1953, p. 101. 

1 1. Whiting Williams, The Worker's View of Eu 
December 1933, p. 20. 

12. Naum Jasny, The Socialist Agriculture of the U. 
Press, Stanford, 1949, p. 553. 

1 3. Harry Lang, Socialist Bares Soviet Horrors,' Ne 
April 15, 1935, p. 2. 

14. Thomas Walker, '6,000,000 Starve to Death 
Evening Journal, February 18, 1935, p.l. 

15. Nicholas Prychodko, Ukraine and Russu 
Committee, Winnipeg, 1953, p. 15. 

16. Chamberlin, op cit., p. 432 (estimates of forei^ 

17. 'Wide Starvation in Russia Feared,' New York 

18. Otto Schiller, Die Landwirtschaftspolit'tk 
Ergebnisse, Berlin, 1943, p. 79. 

19. Serge N. Prokopovicz, Histoire Economique de 
1952, p. 66. 

20. 'Says Ten Million Starved in Russia,* New York 
1933, p. 3. 



Dana G. Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934 
1964, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, pp. 259-260. 



RYMPLE'S LIST OF TWENTY 









4. 


1ATED RUSSIAN FAMINE DEATHS, 1933 




5. 


r e or reported by 


Estimated numb 


>er of deaths 


6. 


irnes 




1,000,000+ 




)uranty 




2,000,000+ 


7. 


Hindus 




3,000,000+ 


8. 


Chamberlin 




4,000,000 


9. 


Duggan 




4,000,000 




: Birchall 




4,000,000+ 


10. 


Pares 




5,000,000 




^yons 




5,000,000* 


11. 


iop of Canterbury 




5,000,0001 




Manning 




5,000,000± 


12. 


Williams 




5,000,000+ 




isny 




5,500,000+ 


13- 


ing 




6,000,000 




Walker 




6,000,000 


14. 


\ Prychodko 




7,000,000+ 




Chamberlin 




7,500,000± 


15. 


mmende 




7,500,000t 




tiller 




7,500,000± 


16. 


okopovicz 




9,000,000 


17. 


Sallet 




10,000,000 
5,500,000+ 


18. 
19. 



1 . Ralph W. Barnes, Million Feared Dead of Hunger in South Russia,' New 
York Herald Tribune, August 21, 1933, p. 7. 

2. Walter Duranty, 'Famine Toll Heavy in Southern Russia,' New York 
Times, August 24, 1933, p. 1 (computed from figures given by Duranty). 

3. Cited by Eugene Lyons in Assignment in Utopia, Harcourt Brace, New 
York, 1937, p. 579. 

W. H. Chamberlin, 'Soviet Taboos,' Foreign Affairs, April 1935, p. 435. 
Stephen P. Duggan, 'Russia After Eight Years,' Harper's Magazine, 
November 1934, p. 696. 

Frederick Birchall, 'Famine in Russia Held Equal of 1921,' New York 
Times, August 25, 1933, p. 7. 

Bernard Pares, Russia, New American Library, New York, 1953, p. 7. 
Lyons, loc. cit. (estimates made by foreigners and Russians in Moscow). 
'Starvation in Russia' (proceedings, House of Lords, July 25), The Times 
(London), July 26, 1934, p. 7. 

Clarence Manning, Ukraine Under the Soviets, Bookman Associates, 
New York, 1953, p. 101. 

Whiting Williams, 'The Worker's View of Europe,' Nation's Business, 
December 1933, p. 20. 

Naum Jasny, The Socialist Agriculture of the USSR, Stanford University 
Press, Stanford, 1949, p. 553. 

Harry Lang, 'Socialist Bares Soviet Horrors,' New York Evening Journal, 
April 15, 1935, p. 2. 

Thomas Walker, '6,000,000 Starve to Death in Russia,' New York 
Evening Journal, February 18, 1935, p.l. 

Nicholas Prychodko, Ukraine and Russia, Ukrainian Canadian 
Committee, Winnipeg, 1953, p. 15. 

Chamberlin, op cit., p. 432 (estimates of foreign residents of Ukraine). 
'Wide Starvation in Russia Feared,' New York Times, July 1, 1934, p. 13. 
Otto Schiller, Die Landwirtschaftspolitik der Sowjets und Ihre 
Ergebnisse, Berlin, 1943, p. 79. 

Serge N. Prokopovicz, Histoire Economique de L'URSS, Portulan, Paris, 
1952, p. 66. 

?0 'R*v<i Ten Million Starved in Russia.' New York World Teleeram. July 7, 



48 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Alongside the fabrications and guesstimates of the Thomas Walkers 
and Langs, are the politically-motivated figures of Ukrainian right-wing 
emigres like the Nationalist Nicholas Prychodko, a collaborator who 
worked for the Nazi-authorized "Ministry of Culture and Education" in 
Kiev during the war. Also included is the death estimate of Otto Schiller, a 
key Nazi functionary assigned to reorganize Ukraine's agricultural 
resources to meet the needs of Hitler's Reich and war machine. 5 One notes 
that for Schiller's figure, Dalrymple cites a Nazi-issued book published in 
Berlin. 

Turning from one-time Nazi functionaries and wartime 
collaborators, one also finds the guesstimate of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury. Dalrymple's citation of the Archbishop's hearsay contribution 
seems to reflect a statistical need for clerical name-dropping. Lacking the 
infallibility of the Bishop of Rome, the Archbishop's claim still warrants 
examination. As a source Dalrymple cites a press clipping of a debate in 
the British House of Lords. Canadian researcher, Marco Carynnyk, sheds 
light on the background: 

In July 1934, Lord Charnwood, "drawing on information provided by 
Malcolm Muggeridge and Ewald Ammende . . . gave notice that he would 
be raising a question about the famine in the House of Lords." The British 
Foreign Office replied: ". . . But there is no information to support Lord 
Charnwood's apparent suggestion that the Soviet government have 
pursued a policy of deliberate impoverishment of agricultural districts of 
the country, whether or not their policy is considered to have had that 
effect." In the subsequent House debate on July 25, 1934, the Archbishop 
of Canterbury [doubtless also influenced by Ammende's "information"] 
supported Lord Charnwood by claiming a hearsay figure of 5,000,000 
deaths. Government members shot down the discussion, partly "on 
grounds that those who wanted to talk about famine in Ukraine were not 
noticeably eager to examine oppression in Germany or poverty in 
England." 6 

Perhaps the government members had in mind the Archbishop's 
remarks to a meeting of the Convocation of Canterbury the previous 
month, in which he stated: "I have the greatest sympathy with the 
immense, undoubted and, on the whole, beneficial awakening which has 
come to German life in every aspect of the remarkable revolution 
associated with the name of Herr Hitler." 7 A few days after the House of 
Lords debate, the London Daily Express began publication of the 
anonymous tourist (Walker) series — the initial shot in an extensive 
campaign on the famine in the British press. 

Another personage featured on Dalrymple's list is William H. 



THE NUMBERS GAME 

Chamberlin. A long-established anti-Soviet write 
eventually led him onto the Board of Trustees of thi 
for the Liberation from Bolshevism (AMCOMI 
Radio Liberty. Funds for AMCOMLIB were raisec 
Crusade for Freedom, which itself received "over 9 
. . . from the unvouchered accounts of the CIA . . 
first guess is a modest — by faminologist sn 
Dalrymple lists him twice. Chamberlin's seconc 
residents in Ukraine" of 7,500,000 is of course a< 
averaged out. 

One also finds the death guesstimates of Euge 

of journalism landed him on the Senior Editor's di 

This fact is mentioned by Dalrymple presumah 

literary credentials in the minds of a less critical 

According to Dalrymple, Lyons' guess is based on h( 

by foreigners and Russians in Moscow." Inc 

Chamberlin, also served on the Board of Trustees 

Not surprisingly, Dalrymple also lists the d 

Ammende, although Ammende had not been in the . 

1921-22 period. Dalrymple notes Ammende's ki 

Committee established in the summer of \$ 

establishment of various relief funds "concurrently 

There is little doubt that such "aid commit 

motivated fronts set up for propaganda purposes. O 

to by Dalrymple) was the H.H. Elizabeth Skoropa* 

Fund, named after the daughter of Hetman Skorop 

will be recalled, headed a Ukrainian Nationalist pup] 

by the German occupation authorities in Ukraine i 

ended when the Germans withdrew later that year. 

exile in Germany where he was paid a handsome p( 

and later Nazi German governments. The Hetmanii 

abroad, including Canada, where they comprise 

Ukrainian fascist movement. Skoropadsky was kill 

American air raid, while attempting to flee Berli 

involvement of Hetmanite groups indicates a politic 

"relief funds." 

Furthermore, it has been acknowledged i 
historians that whatever famine had existed had c< 
time these committees and funds had been establis 
the farce did not go unnoticed by the media of the d 
August 1933, the New Republic declared: 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

ications and guesstimates of the Thomas Walkers 
tically-motivated figures of Ukrainian right-wing 
>nalist Nicholas Prychodko, a collaborator who 
ithorized "Ministry of Culture and Education" in 
so included is the death estimate of Otto Schiller, a 
assigned to reorganize Ukraine's agricultural 
:eds of Hitler's Reich and war machine. 5 One notes 
;, Dalrymple cites a Nazi-issued book published in 

one-time Nazi functionaries and wartime 
> finds the guesstimate of the Archbishop of 
s citation of the Archbishop's hearsay contribution 
tical need for clerical name-dropping. Lacking the 
>p of Rome, the Archbishop's claim still warrants 
ce Dalrymple cites a press clipping of a debate in 
>rds. Canadian researcher, Marco Carynnyk, sheds 
d: 

[Iharnwood, 'drawing on information provided by 
rid Ewald Ammende . . . gave notice that he would 
out the famine in the House of Lords." The British 
". . . But there is no information to support Lord 
: suggestion that the Soviet government have 
berate impoverishment of agricultural districts of 
>r not their policy is considered to have had that 
nt House debate on July 25, 1934, the Archbishop 
ss also influenced by Ammende's "information"] 
wood by claiming a hearsay figure of 5,000,000 
nembers shot down the discussion, partly "on 
) wanted to talk about famine in Ukraine were not 
xamine oppression in Germany or poverty in 



THE NUMBERS GAME 



49 



Chamberlin. A long-established anti-Soviet writer, Chamberlin's career 
eventually led him onto the Board of Trustees of the American Committee 
for the Liberation from Bolshevism (AMCOMLIB), better known as 
Radio Liberty. Funds for AMCOMLIB were raised through the efforts of 
Crusade for Freedom, which itself received "over 90 per cent of its income 
. . . from the unvouchered accounts of the CIA . . ." 8 Since Chamberlin's 
first guess is a modest — by faminologist standards — 4,000,000, 
Dalrymple lists him twice. Chamberlin's second "estimate of foreign 
residents in Ukraine" of 7,500,000 is of course added to the total to be 
averaged out. 

One also finds the death guesstimates of Eugene Lyons, whose brand 
of journalism landed him on the Senior Editor's desk at Reader's Digest. 
This fact is mentioned by Dalrymple presumably to establish Lyons' 
literary credentials in the minds of a less critical generation of readers. 
According to Dalrymple, Lyons' guess is based on hearsay "estimates made 
by foreigners and Russians in Moscow." Incidentally, Lyons, like 
Chamberlin, also served on the Board of Trustees of AMCOMLIB. 9 

Not surprisingly, Dalrymple also lists the death figure of Ewald 
Ammende, although Ammende had not been in the Soviet Union since the 
1921-22 period. Dalrymple notes Ammende's leading post in the Aid 
Committee established in the summer of 1934, as well as the 
establishment of various relief funds "concurrently." 10 

There is little doubt that such "aid committees" were politically 
motivated fronts set up for propaganda purposes. One such fund (referred 
to by Dalrymple) was the H.H. Elizabeth Skoropadsky Ukrainian Relief 
Fund, named after the daughter of Hetman Skoropadsky. Skoropadsky, it 
will be recalled, headed a Ukrainian Nationalist puppet government set up 
by the German occupation authorities in Ukraine in 1918. His brief rule 
ended when the Germans withdrew later that year. Skoropadsky fled into 
exile in Germany where he was paid a handsome pension by the Weimar 



50 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



. . . the present harvest is undoubtedly the best in many years — some 
peasants report a heavier yield of grain than any of their forefathers had 
known since 1834. Grain deliveries to the government are proceeding at a 
very satisfactory rate and the price of bread has fallen sharply in the 
industrial towns of the Ukraine. In view of these facts, the appeal of the 
Cardinal Archbishop [InnitzerJ of Vienna for assistance for Russian famine 
victims seems to be a political maneuver against the Soviets. 12 

And, contrary to wild stories told by Ukrainian Nationalist exiles 
about "Russians" eating plentifully while deliberately starving "millions" 
of Ukrainians to death, the New Republic notes that while bread prices in 
Ukraine were falling, "bread prices in Moscow have risen." 13 One wonders 
in light of claims that 25 to 50 per cent of Ukrainians had died, just how 
such a bumper harvest could have been sown or harvested at all. 

By all credible accounts, the crops of 1933 and 1934 were successful. 
As a tribute to this fact, very few, if any famine-genocide hustlers today 
support claims of a 1934 famine. However, both Ammende, and following 
him Dalrymple, seem to have been determined to starve Ukraine to death 
in 1934 as well. In fact, Dalrymple's Ammende source for the list of 20 is 
Ammende's letter to the New York Times published on July 1, 1934under 
the heading "Wide Starvation in Russia Feared." In a follow-up letter the 
following month, Ammende wrote that people were dying on the streets 
of Kiev. Within days, New York Times correspondent Harold Denny 
cabled a refutation of Ammende's allegations. Datelined August 23, 1934, 
Denny charged: "This statement certainly has no foundation . . . Your 
correspondent was in Kiev for several days last July about the time people 
were supposed to be dying there, and neither in the city, nor in the 
surrounding countryside was there hunger." Several weeks later, Denny 
reported: "Nowhere was famine found. Nowhere even the fear of it. There 
is food, including bread, in the local open markets. The peasants were 
smiling too, and generous with their foodstuffs. In short, there is no air of 
trouble or of impending trouble." 14 

Obviously, nobody had informed the peasants that they were 
supposed to be falling prostrate with hunger that year. But perhaps 
someone with the techniques typical of latter-day faminologists will 
suggest the presence of an armed guard crouched behind the cabbage stall, 
who ordered everyone to smile. 

Dalrymple's list also includes Frederick Birchall. During his tenure as 
Berlin Bureau chief for the New York Times, Birchall was one of the first 
U.S. journalists to jump on the pro-Hitler bandwagon and attempt to put a 
"human face" on Nazism. American author Michael Parenti cites a CBS 
national radio interview with Birchall for the latter's claim that the Nazis 
were not intending "any slaughter of their enemies or racial oppression in 



THE NUMBERS GAME 

any vital degree." Parenti states: 
While the Soviets were being portrayed as ever on the 
aggressive attacks against any and all, Birchall reassurec 
Nazis had no desire to go to war and Hitler could not b 
With that keen eye for the irrelevant that is the halJr 
journalism, he observed that Hitler was a vegetarian 
attributes . . supposedly indicative of a benign nature. , 
Hitler had taken upon himself "the hardest job that . 
undertake. 1S 

The highest scorer among Dalrymple's 2( 
genocide hunters is a Richard Sallet, whose mater 
Scripps-Howard newspaper, the New York W< 
paper's brand of journalism had the reputation of bei 
of Hearst. Apparently the Scripps-Howard peopl 
conservative when it came to tales bashing the "Ru 
the guesstimates with 10,000,000 deaths. 

Before departing Dalrymple's list, let it be no 
number of the sources have been shown to be eit 
hearsay based on "foreign residents" (an interesting 
hearsay altogether, former Nazis and Ukrainian cc 
least three of the estimates are cited from the anti-So 
neo-fascist Hearst - Scripps-Howard style press ar 
books published in the Cold War years of 1949-53 
printed in Nazi Germany. 

In establishing a background for his case Dairy 
very heavily on press clippings, but also refers to qu 
figures. Among his celebrities (not included in the li< 
infamous Cardinal Innitzer, brought in to bol, 
cannibalism during the famine. 16 Within a few , 
committee" work, Innitzer played a key role in been 
Nazis. British historian Joseph McCabe, quoting th 
states: 

Hitler assured the Cardinal that he would scrupulously respt 
the Church; he assured the Vatican that in return for hek 
would S weeten their soured relations with Germany. In 
Catholics to vote for the man "whose struggle against Bolsl 
the power, honor, and unity of Germany JLplnZo the 
Providence a s he said . . After his own signature to the plefc 
the words Heil Hitler. 17 F 

It is a matter of some significance that Cardinal In 
of famine-genocide were widely promoted throughout 
by Hitler's chief propagandist Goebbels, but also by A 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

undoubtedly the best in many years — some 
^ieid of grain than any of their forefathers had 
eliveries to the government are proceeding at a 

the price of bread has fallen sharply in the 
raine. In view of these facts, the appeal of the 
zer] of Vienna for assistance for Russian famine 
:ical maneuver against the Soviets. 12 

'ild stories told by Ukrainian Nationalist exiles 
plentifully while deliberately starving "millions" 
he New Republic notes that while bread prices in 
ead prices in Moscow have risen." 13 One wonders 
) to 50 per cent of Ukrainians had died, just how 
could have been sown or harvested at all. 
jnts, the crops of 1933 and 1934 were successful. 
, very few, if any famine-genocide hustlers today 
famine. However, both Ammende, and following 
have been determined to starve Ukraine to death 
Dalrymple's Ammende source for the list of 20 is 
New York Times published on July 1, 1934 under 
/ation in Russia Feared." In a follow-up letter the 
ende wrote that people were dying on the streets 
Vew York Times correspondent Harold Denny 
nmende's allegations. Datelined August 23, 1934, 
statement certainly has no foundation . . . Your 
ev for several days last July about the time people 
ying there, and neither in the city, nor in the 
) was there hunger." Several weeks later, Denny 
; famine found. Nowhere even the fear of it. There 
, in the local open markets. The peasants were 
is with their foodstuffs. In short, there is no air of 
j trouble." 14 



THE NUMBERS GAME 



51 



any vital degree." Parenti states: 

While the Soviets were being portrayed as ever on the edge of launching 
aggressive attacks against any and all, Birchall reassured listeners that the 
Nazis had no desire to go to war and Hitler could not be called a dictator. 
With that keen eye for the irrelevant that is the hallmark of American 
journalism, he observed that Hitler was a vegetarian and non-smoker, 
attributes . . . supposedly indicative of a benign nature. And he noted that 
Hitler had taken upon himself "the hardest job that ever a man could 
undertake." 16 

The highest scorer among Dalrymple's 20 assembled famine- 
genocide hunters is a Richard Sallet, whose material was carried in the 
Scripps-Howard newspaper, the New York World Telegram. This 
paper's brand of journalism had the reputation of being closely akin to that 
of Hearst. Apparently the Scripps-Howard people felt no need to be 
conservative when it came to tales bashing the "Russkies" — Sallet tops 
the guesstimates with 10,000,000 deaths. 

Before departing Dalrymple's list, let it be noted that a significant 
number of the sources have been shown to be either complete frauds, 
hearsay based on "foreign residents" (an interesting journalistic term) or 
hearsay altogether, former Na2is and Ukrainian collaborators, while at 
least three of the estimates are cited from the anti-Soviet campaigns of the 
neo-fascist Hearst — Scripps-Howard style press and another five from 
books published in the Cold War years of 1949-53, save one which was 
printed in Nazi Germany. 

In establishing a background for his case, Dalrymple not only relies 
very heavily on press clippings, but also refers to questionable historical 
figures. Among his celebrities (not included in the list of 20), we find the 
infamous Cardinal Innitzer, brought in to bolster allegations of 
cannibalism during the famine. 16 Within a few years of his "relief 
committee" work, Innitzer played a key role in betraying Austria to the 
Nazis. British historian Joseph McCabe, quoting the Annual Register, 



52 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



well. It will be recalled that Hearst kicked off his famine campaign with a 
radio broadcast based mainly on material from Cardinal Innitzer's "aid 
committee." In Organized Anti-Semitism in America, a 1941 book 
exposing Nazi groups and activities in the pre-war United States, Donald 
Strong notes that American fascist leader Father Coughlin used Nazi 
propaganda material extensively. This included Nazi charges of "atrocities 
by Jew communists" and verbatim portions of a Goebbels speech referring 
to Innitzer's "appeal of July 1934, that millions of people were dying of 
hunger throughout the Soviet Union." 18 

In the hands of Dalrymple and others, the dead seem to multiply at a 
most phenomenal rate. Hearsay, gossip, political testimonies, confessions 
of defectors, yellow journalism, Nazi and Ukrainian rightists, all 
interconnect in an incestuous embrace throughout the famine-genocide 
campaigns. 

But what about the accounts of the famine by those who did not agree 
with the genocide-spinners' conclusions? If included, might not 
Dalrymple's averages be brought down to a level of demographic reality? 
This though, is quantitatively unacceptable for the political purposes of 
Ukrainian right-wingers, Cold War academics and Western propaganda 
agencies. "Unfriendly witnesses" must be disposed of. 

Since the reports of most witnesses do not support his thesis, 
Dalrymple must either discredit them, impute motives, or better still, not 
mention them at all. 19 Thus, although Dalrymple admits "that there has 
been some question as to the existence and magnitude of the famine," he 
hastily discredits those whose reports beg to differ, declaring: "those who 
did not 'see' the famine may be divided into two groups: (1) those who for 
one reason or another actually did not see it; and (2) those who saw the 
famine but did not report it." 20 

Having established that he can count to two, Dalrymple has from the 
start laid the groundwork for the classification of unfriendly witnesses into 
the "duped" and the "liars." Dalrymple then goes on to impute political 
and opportunistic motives to this deliberately reduced handful: 

The first group (1) consists of socialists who were blind to this particular 
fault in the Soviet program, and/or visiting dignitaries who were given a 
Potemkin-like tour of Russia which avoided exposure to the famine. The 
socialists, Beatrice and Sidney Webb, for instance, saw a shortage of food but 
no famine as such. 21 

Dalrymple insinuates that the Webbs, "like M. Herriot, the former 
Prime Minister of France, and Sir John Maynard, were only shown what 
the Russians wanted them to see." 22 Sir John Maynard, a former high 
official in the Indian government was a renowned expert on famines and 



THE NUMBERS GAME 

relief measures. On the basis of his experience ii 

the idea of three or four million dead "has p 

suggestion of a calamity comparable with the fa: 

the opinion of the present writer, who travelk 

North Caucasus in June and July 1933, unfounded 

a scholar as Warren Walsh wrote in defense of M; 

competence and personal integrity were beyond 

The integrity of Herriot and Maynard sta 

above anyone Dalrymple has selected to back his 

the faminologists can produce a Ukrainian Natio 

that on the day before such visits, an official pas; 

crying, "all whores and beggars off the streets — 

Having categorized the Webbs, Herriot an 

Dalrymple claims that Walter Duranty and " 

(whom he chooses not to name), "knew of tl 

referring to it explicitly because of government 

offers no proof of this allegation, but doubtless trt 

.or off-the-record gossip can be dredged up. 

The allegation of lying witnesses is a freque 
The Ukrainian Nationalist journal, EKPAH-EKR 
1983 famine commemorative issue, lists for exam 
of the New York Times, Louise Fisher (sic), J 
Rezwick, Morris Hindus (sic) and others. For pre 
the American public and kow-towed to Mosc 
Ukrainias (sic) were dying. . ," 26 

One is shocked to discover the well-known j 
Lyons on this Nationalist hit-list of Soviet dupes. 
EKRAN's way of showing displeasure with his gi 
when the going rate is 7 to 15 million. Perhaps 
while printing Thomas Walker photographs, this 
journalists disagreeing with its point of view were 
— without offering the slightest proof. 

Not content with alleging financial motives 
"unfriendly" witnesses, some Ukrainian Nation; 
publications resort to open anti-semitism. A b 
Veterans of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army goes 

In 1933 the majority of European and American press 
Jews, were silent about the famine . . . The conspiracy of < 
Russia and her Jewish sympathizers hides much more. ] 
journalist Duranty was sent from the U.S. to check up o 
there was a colossal famine in Ukraine. Duranty, latei 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

lat Hearst kicked off his famine campaign with a 
ainly on material from Cardinal Innitzer's "aid 
zed Anti-Semitism in America, a 1941 book 
id activities in the pre-war United States, Donald 
:ican fascist leader Father Coughlin used Nazi 
msively. This included Nazi charges of "atrocities 
verbatim portions of a Goebbels speech referring 
July 1934, that millions of people were dying of 
soviet Union." 18 

ymple and others, the dead seem to multiply at a 
learsay, gossip, political testimonies, confessions 
mrnalism, Nazi and Ukrainian rightists, all 
ituous embrace throughout the famine-genocide 

accounts of the famine by those who did not agree 
nners' conclusions? If included, might not 
brought down to a level of demographic reality? 
tively unacceptable for the political purposes of 
;, Cold War academics and Western propaganda 
itnesses" must be disposed of. 
of most witnesses do not support his thesis, 
liscredit them, impute motives, or better still, not 
"hus, although Dalrymple admits "that there has 
3 the existence and magnitude of the famine," he 
yhose reports beg to differ, declaring: "those who 
nay be divided into two groups: (1) those who for 
ictually did not see it; and (2) those who saw the 



THE NUMBERS GAME 



53 



>rt it. 



•20 



that he can count to two, Dalrymple has from the 
k for the classification of unfriendly witnesses into 



relief measures. On the basis of his experience in Ukraine, he stated that 
the idea of three or four million dead "has passed into legend. Any 
suggestion of a calamity comparable with the famine of 1921-1922 is, in 
the opinion of the present writer, who travelled through Ukraine and 
North Caucasus in June and July 1933, unfounded." 23 Even as conservative 
a scholar as Warren Walsh wrote in defense of Maynard, his "professional 
competence and personal integrity were beyond reasonable challenge." 24 
The integrity of Herriot and Maynard stand head and shoulders 
above anyone Dalrymple has selected to back his case. But without doubt, 
the faminologists can produce a Ukrainian Nationalist who will "testify" 
that on the day before such visits, an official passed through the villages 
crying, "all whores and beggars off the streets — the Webbs are coming." 
Having categorized the Webbs, Herriot and Maynard as "dupes," 
Dalrymple claims that Walter Duranty and "some other newsmen" 
(whom he chooses not to name), "knew of the famine but avoided 
referring to it explicitly because of government pressure." 25 Dalrymple 
offers no proof of this allegation, but doubtless true to form, some hearsay 
.or off-the-record gossip can be dredged up. 

The allegation of lying witnesses is a frequent theme in faminology. 
The Ukrainian Nationalist journal, EKPAH-EKRAN from Chicago, in its 
1983 famine commemorative issue, lists for example: ". . . Walter Durante 
of the New York Times, Louise Fisher (sic), Eugene Lyons, William 
Rezwick, Morris Hindus (sic) and others. For profit's sake, they deceived 
the American public and kow-towed to Moscow, while millions of 
Ukrainias (sic) were dying. . ." 26 

One is shocked to discover the well-known anti-communist Eugene 
Lyons on this Nationalist hit-list of Soviet dupes. Perhaps it is EKPAH- 
EKRAN's way of showing displeasure with his guess of 5 million deaths, 
when the going rate is 7 to 15 million. Perhaps it's not surprising that 
while printing Thomas Walker photographs, this publication charges that 



54 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



highest awards in journalism, falsely and deliberately denied the "rumour". . , 27 

Such interpretations offered by a prominent wing of the Ukrainian 
Nationalist movement indicate a view of history closely approximating 
that of the Nazis. 

Dana Dalrymple's 1964 article was supplemented the following year 
by an article entitled, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934: Some Further 
References." 28 Seeking to expand his earlier death guesstimates, 
Dalrymple introduces a report by a Dr. Horsley Gantt, who claims a death 
figure of 15 million. 29 This allegation, if true, would have eliminated 60 
per cent of the Ukrainian republic's ethnic Ukrainian population of 
approximately 25 million in 1932. 

A careful reading of Dalrymple's update, however, shows this figure 
to be based on what can only be termed dubious hearsay, if not fabricated 
rumor. Almost predictably, Dalrymple reveals the source of Gantt's figure 
to be alleged conversations: "Dr. Gantt indicates that he privately got the 
maximal figure of fifteen million from Soviet authorities." 30 True to form, 
the alleged Soviet authorities are not named or otherwise identified. 

Dalrymple revealingly informs us that, "while his article was not 
published until 1936, Dr. Gantt indicates that he provided much of the 
information on the extent of the famine used by American correspondents 
during this period . . ." 31 Interestingly, Ralph Barnes, whom Dalrymple 
mentions as an example of a reporter receiving information from Dr. 
Gantt, appears to have had little faith in Gantt's death figures. According 
to Dalrymple's list, Barnes' own guess was a mere one-fifteenth of Gantt's 
claim. 32 Such contradictions notwithstanding, Gantt's unverifiable 
hearsay allegations, despite their demographically implausible figures, 
have contributed to the death guesstimates circulated by subsequent right- 
wing polemicists. 

Dalrymple's second section of "Further References," features 
"Contemporary Observers" brought to light in "(a) study of previously 
unopened records of the U.S. Department of State." 33 This refers to a 
memorandum of a conversation held by Felix Cole (charge d'affaires, 
Riga) and a certain John Lehrs, with a member of a foreign legation in 
Moscow. Once again, Dalrymple will not or cannot identify the staff 
member of the foreign legation — which might very well have been that of 
Nazi Germany for all the reader knows. Such unfounded hearsay based on 
diplomatic gossip hardly constitutes acceptable evidence. Yet Dalrymple 
has the audacity to credit seven to eight million people "dying from 
starvation" to such hearsay reports. 34 

"Emigre Reports" is the third category found in "Further 
References." In apparent desperation, Dalrymple turns to the accounts of 



THE NUMBERS GAME 

the discredited Black Deeds of the Kremlin. 
Nationalist "autobiography" published by the ai 
emigre press, Dalrymple refers the reader to w< 
Barka presents a more extensive account in his nc 
Yellow Prince). The book describes a collective fai 
existence during the famine and reflects most of tr 
that period." 36 

Having pursued his famine fact search well in 
fiction, Dalrymple notes that the novelist in quesi 
the Radio Liberty Committee in New York, a CIA- 
disinformation agency. 

In concluding "Emigre Reports", Dalrymple 
five to seven million from Ukraine: A Concise En 
Nationalist apologia, whose chief editor was the f 
the Nazi collaborationist "Ukrainian Central Cc 
Kubijovyc. 36 

Dalrymple's "Further References" totally m 
section, "Khrushchev on the Famine." Here I 
bankruptcy of his undertaking without the slighte 
of scholarship: 

Shortly after my paper went to press, Khrushchev saw 
famine conditions during the Stalin period. In D< 
acknowledged — for the first time — that famine had e 
and Molotov, His comments, however, were confined i 

Although the "comments" referred to condit 
and destruction of World War II, this does not pn 
pontificating that Khrushchev's descriptions of 
equally applicable to the famine of 1 932-1 934. " 38 S 
perhaps suitable for assembling a paste-up scrapb< 
any serious purpose. However, despite tl 
methodological faults of Dalrymple's "study," 
uncritically accepted by those determined to "prcn 
famine. 39 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

n, falsely and deliberately denied the "rumour". . P 

is offered by a prominent wing of the Ukrainian 

indicate a view of history closely approximating 

1964 article was supplemented the following year 
The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934: Some Further 
; to expand his earlier death guesstimates, 
report by a Dr. Horsley Gantt, who claims a death 
rhis allegation, if true, would have eliminated 60 
lian republic's ethnic Ukrainian population of 
>n in 1932. 

f Dalrymple's update, however, shows this figure 
only be termed dubious hearsay, if not fabricated 
)ly, Dalrymple reveals the source of Gantt's figure 
>ns: "Dr. Gantt indicates that he privately got the 
i million from Soviet authorities." 30 True to form, 
irities are not named or otherwise identified, 
lgly informs us that, "while his article was not 
r. Gantt indicates that he provided much of the 
it of the famine used by American correspondents 
11 Interestingly, Ralph Barnes, whom Dalrymple 
e of a reporter receiving information from Dr. 
lad little faith in Gantt's death figures. According 
es' own guess was a mere one-fifteenth of Gantt's 
ictions notwithstanding, Gantt's unverifiable 
pite their demographically implausible figures, 
leath guesstimates circulated by subsequent right- 
id section of "Further References," features 
?rs" brought to light in "(a) study of previously 



THE NUMBERS GAME 



55 



the discredited Black Deeds of the Kremlin. Then, after citing a 
Nationalist "autobiography" published by the anti-communist Russian 
emigre press, Dalrymple refers the reader to works of fiction: "Wasyl 
Barka presents a more extensive account in his novel Zhovty Kniaz (The 
Yellow Prince). The book describes a collective farm family's struggle for 
existence during the famine and reflects most of the typical occurrences of 
that period." 35 

Having pursued his famine fact search well into the realm of political 
fiction, Dalrymple notes that the novelist in question is in the employ of 
the Radio Liberty Committee in New York, a CIA-funded propaganda and 
disinformation agency. 

In concluding "Emigre Reports", Dalrymple borrows a death toll of 
five to seven million from Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, an official 
Nationalist apologia, whose chief editor was the former wartime head of 
the Nazi collaborationist "Ukrainian Central Committee," Volodymyr 
Kubijovyc. 36 

Dalrymple's "Further References" totally miscarries with its final 
section, "Khrushchev on the Famine." Here Dalrymple reveals the 
bankruptcy of his undertaking without the slightest pretence of any kind 
of scholarship: 

Shortly after my paper went to press, Khrushchev saw fit to comment on 
famine conditions during the Stalin period. In December 1963 he 
acknowledged — for the first time — that famine had existed under Stalin 
and Molotov. His comments, however, were confined to 1947. 37 

Although the "comments" referred to conditions after the carnage 
and destruction of World War II, this does not prevent Dalrymple from 
pontificating that Khrushchev's descriptions of 1947 hardship "seem 
equally applicable to the famine of 1932-1934." 38 Such research methods, 
perhaps suitable for assembling a paste-up scrapbook, are inadequate for 



u^*,,* 



A~ c t>\ 



wfiilrn^fnif 1 *; and 







50th ANHIVWSA«T JmA 

GENOCIDE 

BY FAMINE 

IN UKRAINE »m$j 

a day of remembrance 

FOR 
7 MILLION VICTIMS OF 

MURDER BY STARVATION 




4 Ml Of tfM[ftt!A«cni0 

MjWWBWt Tit 1 Million MT1MJ 

jMMTr ©CTOIII f, I9f3 




fci* fta. a«F— - 



B8E 
-•flM.O0.puM0 



SWITF < -4MUU* St. 

«3tt IN 

Full-page ads complete with fake and spurious photographs were fea- 
tures of the famine-genocide campaign in 1983. Above: Winnipeg Free 
Press, October 1. 1983, ad placed by the Ukrainian Canadian Committee. 
Photos used in the ad {top to bottom): frozen corpses — a "summer" 
scene from Human Life in Russia and the Nazi-published Und Du Siehst 
die Sowjets Richtig; men wearing tsarist-issue army caps, published in the 
Nazi party organ Voelkischer Beobachter (August 18, 1933): children from 
the 1921-1922 Russian famine, published in La Famine en Russie (Geneva, 
1922. p. 7): starving child on a bench, from information No. 22 (Geneva! 
1922, p. 19); Bottom left: Nazi propaganda photo from Voelkischer Beo- 
bachter; bottom right: a 1922 famine victim, from information No 22 
(P-16). 







Chapter Six 

COLD WAR II 
THE 1980s CAMPAIGN 

It was not by accident that mass campaigns were funded across North 
America in 1983 to commemorate the "50th anniversary of famine- 
genocide in Ukraine.'' The main purpose of the resurrection of so dubious 
an issue was to elevate anti-communist sentiments and facilitate 
Reaganite Cold War aims. Unlike earlier "anniversaries" which were 
limited to the periphery of right-wing Ukrainian exile circles, the latest 
commemoration was highlighted by mass media advertising, billboards, 
public rallies, and continuing attempts to include the Ukrainian "famine- 
genocide" in school curriculum. In Edmonton and Winnipeg, monuments 
to "the victims of genocide" were erected. Winnipeg's "famine obelisk" 
was a "gift" to the city from the Ukrainian Canadian Committee, at a 
reported cost of $75,000. As Winnipeg has long been a twin city with Lviv, 
Ukraine — much to the annoyance of the Ukrainian Nationalists — this 
monument can only be seen as a political provocation against peaceful 
relations. It is revealing that not so much as a small plaque was ever put up 
honoring the millions of victims of the Nazi holocaust. That this event 
took place in the 1980s stands as an unfortunate tribute to the new Cold 
War climate and the lobbying power of right-wing Ukrainians. 

"Scholarly" backing of the famine-genocide campaign reached 
unprecedented heights in the 1980s. "Credit" for this is taken by Harvard 
University, as stated in a recent publication copyrighted by the President 
and Fellows of Harvard College: "... the Famine occupied only a marginal 
place in the historical writings produced by the post-war generation of 






„„-„ui:„u„j u.. -u^ 



58 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Office of Strategic Services. American writer C. Ford has described the 
Research and Analysis Branch (R & A) as: ". . . the largest collection of 
eminent educators and scholars ever gathered together in a single 
government agency. R & A skimmed the cream of the social sciences 
departments in all the universities 
statesman McGeorge Bundy, who 
Diplomacy: 



. ." 3 Ford quotes former U.S. 
wrote in The Dimensions of 



In very large measure the area study programs developed in American 
universities in the years after the war were manned, directed, or stimulated 
by graduates of the OSS — a remarkable institution, half cops-and-robbers 
and half faculty meeting. It is still true today, and I hope it always will be, 
that there is a high measure of interpenetration between universities with 
area programs and information-gathering agencies of the government of 
the United States. 4 . 

Published in 1983 by Harvard University's Ukrainian Studies Fund to 
"commemorate the 50th anniversary of the famine," Olexa Woropay's 
book The Ninth Circle is yet another volume in the growing famine- 
genocide library. 6 First published in England in 1953 by the youth wing of 
the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the 
"commemorative edition" was edited and introduced by Harvard 
University's Dr. James E. Mace. Despite this assistance, The Ninth Circle 
appears to be improperly documented. Professor John Ryan, referring to a 
brief by Ukrainian Nationalists to the Winnipeg School Board which used 
The Ninth Circle as supporting evidence, charged: 

Their brief is a polemic, devoid of any documentation, and the book, The 
Ninth Circle, by Olexa Woropay is in the same category and lacks the 
essence of any scholarship. For example, the series of accounts of personal 
experiences (pp. 17-36) has no identification of a single person who 
supposedly told these stories. Other than mere scholarly shortcomings, 
there is a disturbing undertone to the whole book. Woropay presents a 
detailed account of his activities in the Ukraine during the 1930s, but he 
studiously avoids any mention of what he did during the Nazi occupation of 
the Ukraine. Leaving this gap in his career as a question mark, he resumes 
his chronicle in 1948, but by this time he is in Muenster, Germany. Here he 
is interviewing Ukrainians, who like himself, had left the Ukraine. Did he 
and his colleagues, in the manner that thousands of others had done, leave 
with the retreating Nazi troops because they had collaborated with the 
Nazis? In his account there is not one derogatory word about the Nazis, 
instead there is nothing but hatred and condemnation for the Soviets. With 
this in mind, how is the reader to view the objectivity of the material that is 
being presented? 6 

The Ninth Circle 's connection with Harvard may not be limited to 
Mace and the university's Ukrainian Studies Fund. One Harvard research 



COLD WAR II 

program is particularly relevant here. Soon aftei 
Department's Office of Policy Coordination (lat 
CIA) commissioned a team of Harvard histor 
Europeans in the displaced persons camps in 
project's primary goal was intelligence-gather 
provide many of the "eyewitness accounts" 
allegations. 7 

One wonders, in fact, if Woropay's interview; 
in 1948 were part of the Harvard-CIA project. Wo 
that his "research" consisted of little more than th 
political campfire tales in a West German dispb 

As it was winter, there was nothing to do and the even 
dull. To pass the time, people told stories about theii 
There were many peasants from Eastern Ukraine an< 
under Soviet rule. 8 

Predictably, Woropay offers no political oi 

about his anonymous "witnesses." To have don 

further strained the credibility of The Ninth Circ 

The pictorial proof provided by Woropay is < 

Thomas Walker photographs have been selected, i\ 

Woropay claims to have been a famine eyewitness. 

not tell the difference between obviously doctor* 

decade earlier, including some from Russia, and s 

holocaust he claims to have witnessed in his own 

The text of Walker's stories is not reprodu 

perhaps it is hoped that the Walker connection, li 

million Ukrainians, will simply disappear. After £ 

have made his travels in the spring of 1934; Woroj 

attempt to stretch out the famine for another ye; 

ground as it is. (Actually, one must recall, Wall 

Ukraine, and entered the Russian Federation in t 

much to Woropay's embarrassment no doubt, whc 

text of Walker's story missed a line under the photo 

line reads: "When Mr. Walker entered Russia h 

smuggled in a camera." 

If the claims of "famine-genocide" witnesses ai 
photographic evidence used to illustrate them, one i 
that today's public is being taken for no less a rid< 
Hearst's famine-genocide stories in 1935. 

This conclusion applies equally to Famine in 
1932-1933: A Memorial Exhibition prepared by 01< 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

dees. American writer C. Ford has described the 
Branch (R & A) as: ". . . the largest collection of 
i scholars ever gathered together in a single 

& A skimmed the cream of the social sciences 
e universities 

Bundy, who 



COLD WAR 



59 



. ." 3 Ford quotes former U.S. 
wrote in The Dimensions of 



e area study programs developed in American 
ter the war were manned, directed, or stimulated 
- a remarkable institution, half cops-and-robbers 
[t is still true today, and I hope it always will be, 
re of interpenetration between universities with 
mtion-gathering agencies of the government of 

>y Harvard University's Ukrainian Studies Fund to 
h anniversary of the famine," Olexa Woropay's 
' is yet another volume in the growing famine- 
jublished in England in 1953 by the youth wing of 
the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the 
on" was edited and introduced by Harvard 
E. Mace. Despite this assistance, The Ninth Circle 
y documented. Professor John Ryan, referring to a 
Dnalists to the Winnipeg School Board which used 
pporting evidence, charged: 

levoid of any documentation, and the book, The 
foropay is in the same category and lacks the 
i. For example, the series of accounts of personal 
has no identification of a single person who 
ries. Other than mere scholarly shortcomings, 
srtone to the whole book. Woropay presents a 
tivities in the Ukraine during the lQ^fk hut hp 



program is particularly relevant here. Soon after the war, the U.S. State 
Department's Office of Policy Coordination (later a component of the 
CIA) commissioned a team of Harvard historians to interview East 
Europeans in the displaced persons camps in Europe. The research 
project's primary goal was intelligence-gathering. These interviews 
provide many of the "eyewitness accounts" for famine-genocide 
allegations. 7 

One wonders, in fact, if Woropay's interviews in Muenster, Germany 
in 1948 were part of the Harvard-CIA project. Woropay himself indicates 
that his "research" consisted of little more than the gathering of post-war 
political campfire tales in a West German displaced persons camp: 

As it was winter, there was nothing to do and the evenings were long and 
dull. To pass the time, people told stories about their own experiences. 
There were many peasants from Eastern Ukraine and they recalled life 
under Soviet rule. 8 

Predictably, Woropay offers no political or wartime background 
about his anonymous "witnesses." To have done so might well have 
further strained the credibility of The Ninth Circle. 

The pictorial proof provided by Woropay is similarly suspect. Only 
Thomas Walker photographs have been selected, this despite the fact that 
Woropay claims to have been a famine eyewitness. Can it be that he could 
not tell the difference between obviously doctored fakes taken over a 
decade earlier, including some from Russia, and scenes from an alleged 
holocaust he claims to have witnessed in his own land? 

The text of Walker's stories is not reproduced with the photos; 
perhaps it is hoped that the Walker connection, like the alleged 7 to 15 
million Ukrainians, will simply disappear. After all, Walker claimed to 
have made his travels in the spring of 1934; Woropay and Mace dare not 
attempt to stretch out the famine for another year, they are on shaky 
ground as it is. (Actually, one must recall, Walker never set foot in 



60 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Heretz and James Mace. This book is the catalogue of a major exhibition 
sponsored in 1983 by the Harvard College Library, the Ukrainian 
Research Institute and the Ukrainian Studies Fund of Harvard University. 
The catalogue's introduction indirectly emphasizes its goal of attaining an 
emotional impression of the famine, rather than an analysis of its causes, 
an emphasis which characterizes most of the famine-genocide campaign: 

The second objective of this catalogue is to convey the intangible aspects of 
the Famine to the reader. Although scholars continue to debate the causes of 
the Famine, the number of its victims and its geographic extent, there can be 
no doubt of the magnitude of the tragedy in its spiritual and human 
dimensions. Through the use of photographs, memoirs, the testimony of 
survivors and the literary works of eyewitnesses we have attempted to evoke 
an image, however inadequate, of the nightmare world of the starving 
Ukraine of 1932-1933- 9 

The nightmare image evoked by the book's photographic evidence is 
shattered however by an examination of the cited sources. Harvard's 
Famine in the Soviet Ukraine contains 44 alleged 1932-1933 famine 
photos. Almost one-quarter of these (12) are credited to Ammende's M»n 
Rus stand Hungern, the 1935 German edition of Human Life in Russia 
which contains photos allegedly taken by an anonymous Austrian 
photographer (see Chapter 3). Three are dubious and misdated photos — 
including one of soldiers in Czarist-era uniforms — from the spurious 
Black Deeds of the Kremlin, Vol. 2 (see Chapter 4). 

The largest group of Harvard photos is taken from two avowed Nazi 
propaganda books by Alfred Laubenheimer: 10 are credited to 
Laubenheimer's Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund, and 14 to 
Laubenheimer's Und du Siehst die Sowjet s Richtig. In the latter, it will be 
recalled, Laubenheimer credits Dr. Ditloff, who subsequently found wider 
fame in Ammende's Human Life in Russia. As we have seen, Ditloff was 
not above passing off 192 1 - 1 922 Russian famine photos as evidence of the 
1932-1933 famine in Ukraine. 

Three of the Ditloff photos used by Harvard were initially published 
in the August 18, 1933 issue of the Nazi party organ Voelkischer 
Beobachter. A further eight are among the many Ditloff photos used by 
the Hearst press credited to the fraudulent Thomas Walker. 

While in themselves famine photographs do not prove the thesis of 
genocide, they are used to reinforce visually, charges of deliberate, planned 
mass starvation. Verifying their origin is an issue in its own right, 
particularly given the conflicting claims of credit for certain widely-used 
famine photos. As one of the three people who prepared Famine in the 



COLD WAR II 

Soviet Ukraine, Harvard's James Mace could hi 

issue. Previously, Mace had been associated wit; 

The Ninth Circle — which credits Walker — 

Human Life in Russia — which credits Ditloff f< 

common. In Famine in the Soviet Ukraine, for t. 

and Walker are credited in one and the same b 

taken to avoid direct overlap — eight Ditloff/W 

to Und du Siehst (Ditloff) and five different I 

credited to Walker. One glaring contradicti 

overlooked. Plate 128 (p. 45) of Harvard's Fami. 

contains a photograph (bottom right) of a womai 

five photos credited to Thomas Walker and Hea 

Journal. This same photo appears on p. 333 (plat 

Und du Siehst die Sowjet s Richtig (1935 editior 

Ditloff! 

Mace and his Harvard colleagues have thefu 
their introduction to Walker's material: "Amer. 
Thomas Walker . . . wrote plainspoken and graphi 
based on what they had witnessed in the Ukraine 
fraudulent nature of the Walker series exposed 
Harvard scholars conveniently backdate Walker's 
This gives an indication of the true meaning < 
Introduction to Famine in the Soviet Ukraine: "Fi 
is a survey of the present state of scholarship and c 
the Famine." 11 

Not only is this "scholarship" riddk 
exaggeration, distortion and fraud, it resorts unci 
without informing the reader of the spurious n 
Source for over half of the Harvard photos are 
books noted previously, with over one-third of the 
Und du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig. Laubenheit 
featuring the Ditloff photo collection and Ditloff 's 
with these lines from Adolf Hitler's Mein Kamp 

If, with the help of his Marxist creed, the Jew is i 
other peoples of the world, his crown will be the funeral ^ 
and this planet will, as it did millions of years ago, move 
devoid of men. 

Eternal Nature inexorably avenges the infri 
commands. 12 

Anti-semitic diatribes permeate Laubenhe 
bolshevism" is blamed for enslaving and starving tl 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

. This book is the catalogue of a major exhibition 
the Harvard College Library, the Ukrainian 
he Ukrainian Studies Fund of Harvard University. 
:tion indirectly emphasizes its goal of attaining an 
f the famine, rather than an analysis of its causes, 
-acterizes most of the famine-genocide campaign: 

is catalogue is to convey the intangible aspects of 
although scholars continue to debate the causes of 
its victims and its geographic extent, there can be 
de of the tragedy in its spiritual and human 
use of photographs, memoirs, the testimony of 
orks of eyewitnesses we have attempted to evoke 
quate, of the nightmare world of the starving 



ge evoked by the book's photographic evidence is 
in examination of the cited sources. Harvard's 
Ukraine contains 44 alleged 1932-1933 famine 
rter of these (12) are credited to Ammende's Muss 
1935 German edition of Human Life in Russia 
; allegedly taken by an anonymous Austrian 
ter 3). Three are dubious and misdated photos — 
s in Czarist-era uniforms — from the spurious 
mlin, Vol. 2 (see Chapter 4). 
if Harvard photos is taken from two avowed Nazi 
Alfred Laubenheimer: 10 are credited to 
Sow jet Union am Abgrund, and 14 to 
Siehst die Sow jets Rich tig. In the latter, it will be 
;redits Dr. Ditloff, who subsequently found wider 
man life in Russia. As we have seen, Ditloff was 



COLD WAR II 



61 



Soviet Ukraine, Harvard's James Mace could have perhaps clarified this 
issue. Previously, Mace had been associated with the publication of both 
The Ninth Circle — which credits Walker — and the 1984 reprint of 
Human Life in Russia — which credits Ditloff for photographs shared in 
common. In Famine in the Soviet Ukraine, for the first time both Ditloff 
and Walker are credited in one and the same book. Some care has been 
taken to avoid direct overlap — eight Ditloff/Walker photos are credited 
to Und du Siehst (Ditloff) and five different Ditloff/Walker fakes are 
credited to Walker. One glaring contradiction, though, has been 
overlooked. Plate 128 (p. 45) of Harvard's Famine in the Soviet Ukraine 
contains a photograph (bottom right) of a woman with a small boy, one of 
five photos credited to Thomas Walker and Hearst's New York Evening 
Journal. This same photo appears on p. 333 (plate 86) of Laubenheimer's 
Und du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig (1935 edition) where it is credited to 
Ditloff! 

Mace and his Harvard colleagues have the further audacity to state, in 
their introduction to Walker's material: "American newspapermen . . . 
Thomas Walker . . . wrote plainspoken and graphic accounts of the Famine 
based on what they had witnessed in the Ukraine in 1933. " 10 Ignoring the 
fraudulent nature of the Walker series exposed over 50 years ago, the 
Harvard scholars conveniently backdate Walker's stated 1934 trip to 1933. 
This gives an indication of the true meaning of the statement in the 
Introduction to Famine in the Soviet Ukraine: "First of all, (the catalogue) 
is a survey of the present state of scholarship and current knowledge about 
the Famine." 11 

Not only is this "scholarship" riddled with inaccuracies, 
exaggeration, distortion and fraud, it resorts uncritically to Nazi sources 
without informing the reader of the spurious nature of these sources. 
Source for over half of the Harvard photos are the two Laubenheimer 
books noted previously, with over one-third of the book's total taken from 






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66 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Union; the following Nazi threat against the Jews is typical: "Woe, woe to 
the Jews and their helpers when the day [of retribution] comes, and it will 
come. And the old line of Russian blood boils up and a subjected people 
shall rise up for a just purpose and free itself from this shame and 
dishonor!" 13 

It is noteworthy that the Nazi publishers of Unddu Siehst found the 
accounts of Malcolm Muggeridge sufficiently in line with their purposes to 
include one of his articles. 14 

Famine in the Soviet Ukraine also includes photographs from 
Laubenheimer's earlier book Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund.™ The latter 
was advertised and endorsed by such Nazi and front organizations as the 
Gesamtverband deutscher antikommunistischer Vereinigungen, the 
Bund der Auslanddeutschen, and the Reichsstand der deutschen Industrie. 16 
Widely circulated by the Nazis as anti-Soviet propaganda in the 1930s, it 
was also distributed through Nazi German embassies abroad. 17 Though 
not selected for use in Famine in the Soviet Ukraine, certain photos appear- 
ing in Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund show signs of being altered. 18 

Given the use of anti-semitic, Nazi sources, one should perhaps not 
be surprised to find included in the bibliography of Famine in the Soviet 
Ukraine a publication by former Ukrainian SS-man Olexa Hay-Holowko. 
Hay-Holowko was "Minister of Propaganda" in the fascist OUN-Bandera 
clique which claimed a brief "government" in Lviv, Ukraine in July 1941 
under the German occupation. The most distinguishing feature of this 
"government's" tenure was the mass slaughter of thousands of Jews (and 
anti-fascist Ukrainian intellectuals) by Ukrainian Nationalist Nazi 
auxiliaries and pogromists. 19 

Another contribution to the recent revival of the famine -genocide 
campaign is Walter Dushnyck's 50 Years Ago: The Famine Holocaust in 
Ukraine. Sub-titled "Terror and Misery as Instruments of Soviet Russian 
Imperialism," the cover features a white human skull superimposed on a 
red hammer and sickle (somewhat thematically reminiscent of an earlier 
generation of fascist poster art). This booklet — 56 pages of cold war text 
— is often provided as resource material in attempts to get Boards of 
Education to include the "famine-genocide" in school curriculum. 

Published by the World Congress of Free Ukrainians, an 
international umbrella group uniting various Nationalist factions, 50 
Years Ago was printed by the Svoboda Printing Company of New Jersey. 
The latter is a descendant of an earlier Svoboda, a newspaper also 
published in New Jersey. Formerly linked to the pro-Nazi movement 
prior to America's entry into World War II, Svoboda was once banned 
from entry into Canada during the war as being pro-fascist and 



COLD WAR II 

subversive. 20 

The Foreword to 50 Years Ago turns out t 

none other than Dana Dalrymple. Perhaps ho 

somewhat from the book's crude quality an< 

rhetoric, Dalrymple states: "I am less certain of 

famine was planned." 21 Dalrymple still seems no 

fraudulent nature of Hearst's old famine campai 

his readers haven't). Twenty years after his ow 

Walker's fraudulent accounts in the pages of S 

Dalrymple's Foreword is decorated with Walker 

Displaying the uncritical stance of his earlic 

his Foreword refers the reader to "Communist Tal 

the Select Committee on Communist Aggression < 

gleaned from the various hearings staged durii 

McCarthy era in the United States deserve a far r 

than Dalrymple possesses. 

Dushnyck himself was an associate editor 

Encyclopaedia. Under the editorship of forn 

Kubijovyc, the "encyclopaedia" includes rewrites 

collaboration and portrays Ukrainian history in s 

Bandera, the Nachtigall pogromists and the 

Dushnyck is also identified in his book as theedito; 

journal, The Ukrainian Quarterly, a fact made ab 

refers repeatedly to this journal as source materi; 

What 50 Years Ago omits to inform the reader 

is even more significant. According to the NewJ< 

Ukrainian Weekly, Dushnyck's roots can be trace 

fascist movement. His obituary recalls that "Dr. E 

the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and wa< 

with the leading members of the OUN's Su] 

Ukrainian Weekly also notes that Dushnyck had 

Rozbudova Natsii (Reconstruction of a Natioi 

Ukrainian Military Organization/Organization of I 

in pre-war Europe. 

The text of 50 Years Ago is shallow cold war 
Professor John Ryan states: 

...(50 Years Ago) although ostensibly documented viola 
of scholarship. For example, the book contains numerous 
from Soviet leaders, or directives from the Soviet Govern 
single instance is this documented to a primary source; ins 
refer to secondary sources, all of which appear to be anti-Sc 
and most refer to The Ukrainian Quarterly of which the ai 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

Jazi threat against the Jews is typical: "Woe, woe to 
ers when the day [of retribution] comes, and it will 
; of Russian blood boils up and a subjected people 
st purpose and free itself from this shame and 

lat the Nazi publishers of Und du Siehst found the 
uggeridge sufficiently in line with their purposes to 
:les. 14 

'oviet Ukraine also includes photographs from 
book Die Sow jet Union am Abgrund." 15 The latter 
orsed by such Nazi and front organizations as the 
cher antikommunistischer Vereinigungen, the 
:hen, and the Reichsstand der deutschen Industrie. 16 
e Nazis as anti-Soviet propaganda in the 1930s, it 
rough Nazi German embassies abroad. 17 Though 
amine in the Soviet Ukraine, certain photos appear- 
ed am Abgrund show signs of being altered. 18 
nti-semitic, Nazi sources, one should perhaps not 
luded in the bibliography of Famine in the Soviet 
>y former Ukrainian SS-man Olexa Hay-Holowko. 
nister of Propaganda" in the fascist OUN-Bandera 
brief "government" in Lviv, Ukraine in July 1941 
upation. The most distinguishing feature of this 
was the mass slaughter of thousands of Jews (and 
intellectuals) by Ukrainian Nationalist Nazi 
riists. 19 

ion to the recent revival of the famine-genocide 
ishnyck's 50 Years Ago: The Famine Holocaust in 
?rror and Misery as Instruments of Soviet Russian 
r features a white human skull superimposed on a 



COLD WAR II 



67 



subversive. 20 

The Foreword to 50 Years Ago turns out to have been prepared by 
none other than Dana Dalrymple. Perhaps hoping to distance himself 
somewhat from the book's crude quality and rabid anti-communist 
rhetoric, Dalrymple states: "I am less certain of the degree to which the 
famine was planned." 21 Dalrymple still seems not to have caught on to the 
fraudulent nature of Hearst's old famine campaign (or perhaps he hopes 
his readers haven't). Twenty years after his own utilization of Thomas 
Walker's fraudulent accounts in the pages of Soviet Studies, page 9 of 
Dalrymple's Foreword is decorated with Walker fake photographs. 

Displaying the uncritical stance of his earlier articles, Dalrymple in 
his Foreword refers the reader to "Communist Takeover of Ukraine" from 
the Select Committee on Communist Aggression of 1954. Hearsay sources 
gleaned from the various hearings staged during the hysterics of the 
McCarthy era in the United States deserve a far more cautious approach 
than Dalrymple possesses. 

Dushnyck himself was an associate editor of Ukraine: A Concise 
Encyclopaedia. Under the editorship of former Nazi collaborator 
Kubijovyc, the "encyclopaedia" includes rewrites of wartime Nationalist 
collaboration and portrays Ukrainian history in sympathy with Petliura, 
Bandera, the Nachtigall pogromists and the Halychyna-SS units. 
Dushnyck is also identified in his book as the editor of the anti-communist 
journal, The Ukrainian Quarterly, a fact made abundantly clear since he 
refers repeatedly to this journal as source material for his allegations. 

What 50 Years Ago omits to inform the reader about Dushnyck's past 
is even more significant. According to the New Jersey-based right-wing 
Ukrainian Weekly, Dushnyck's roots can be traced to Europe's pre-war 
fascist movement. His obituary recalls that "Dr. Dushnyck was active in 
the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and was acquainted personally 
with the leading members of the OUN's Supreme Council." The 




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COLD WAR II 69 

This is not proper scholarship, and on this basis alone it makes the entire 
publication highly suspect. If Walter Dushnyck had intended this to be a 
serious scholarly article, with a B.A. and an M.A. he surely should have 
known the correct procedure. I note that his Ph.D. is from the Ukrainian 
Free University in Munich, but from what I can determine, Canadian and 
American universities do not recognize the status of this university. 

. . . For someone familiar with the subject matter, this material is totally 
bankrupt of any intellectual understanding of the events of that time. 
Rather than scholarly analysis, the material consists of a highly emotionally 
charged vitriolic polemic. Indeed it has little to do with scholarship and 
unquestionably it is lacking in objectivity. 22 

50 Years Ago continues the Nationalists' practice of using fake and 
undocumented photographs as evidence. Of the 14 famine photographs 
offered, 8 are Walker/Ditloff fakes. Among the remaining six, "A pack of 
starving children" (p. 22) appeared in the 1922 publication, La Famine en 
Russie (published by the Comite Russe de Secours aux Affames en Russie, 
Geneva, 1922, p. 7). The "Collection of Corpses" (p. 24), another stand-by 
fraud from 1921-1922, made its 1932-1933 famine-genocide debut in the 
August 18, 1933 issue of the German Nazi organ, Voelkischer Beobachter.^ 

The graveyard scene from Ammende's Human Life in Russia appears 
on p. 36, with much of its wintery foreground cropped out in deference to 
Ammende's dating of the summer of 1933- On p. 40, the reader is offered 
an undocumented picture of homeless children of such dated appearance 
and atrociously over-copied poor quality that its pre- 1930s origin is 
scarcely in doubt. A naked corpse vintage 1922 decorates p. 44; it too 
appeared in the previously cited Voelkischer Beobachter. Lastly, for p. 46 
Dushnyck has selected "A Once Handsome Ukrainian Boy." This photo 
appears in the 1922 bulletin, "Information No. 22" (published by the In- 
ternational Committee for Russian Relief, Geneva, April 30, 1922, p. 16). 

The photographs, Dushnyck states, "were provided by the Consistory 
of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in the U.S.A." 23 This church has long 



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Pihichyn's uncritical review of Execution by Hunger in the Winnipeg Free 
Press (November 23, 1983). Written by Miron Dolot (an admitted alias}. 
Execution by Hunger is undocumented and contains no photos. 



Winnipeg Fret; lS;s& .Sattmlav, November jit .7885. Wt ' 



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COLD WAR II 



71 



before the collectivization . . . (2.36 per cent per year), it can be calculated 
that Ukraine . . . lost 7,500,000 people between the two censuses." 24 

Though this "method" of calculating famine deaths is widely 
employed by famine-genocide theorists, the frequency of its use does not 
make it any more scientifically valid. U.S. sociologist Albert Szymanski, in 
criticizing an estimate of three million deaths, has noted: 

This estimate assumes: (a) that even in the conditions of extreme famine, 
instability and virtual civil war, peasants would conceive at the same rate as 
in less precarious periods; (2) that abortion or infanticide (intentional or 
not) did not significantly increase; (3) that there were as many women of 
maximum reproductive age in 1932-1933 as before or after. All of these 
assumptions are erroneous. All peasants have traditional techniques of birth 
control and are thus able to limit their reproduction to a significant degree; 
it is the economic benefit attendant upon having large families which is 
operative — a factor not applicable during famine — not ignorance of birth 
control . . . (Further,) legal abortion was so widely practiced in this period 
that, in 1936, the state banned it as part of the campaign to increase the 
population. 25 

A decline in the birth rate could thus have been expected, and not only 
due to the reasons outlined by Szymanski. In examining the demographics 
of the famine era, S.G. Wheatcroft states: 

As is well known, the First World War, Civil War and the early years of the 
1920s caused a great gap in births in these years. The age cohort born in 
1914 would have been 16 in 1930 and so would have just been entering the 
period of major reproduction. Consequently, Lorimer and other scholars 
have concluded that the age structure of the population would have led to a 
decline in births throughout the early 1930s and until the missing 
populations born into the 19 14- 1922 age cohorts had passed on well into the 
future. 26 

These rather key considerations are not taken into account by famine- 
genocide theorists such as Walter Dushnyck. A similarly unscientific 



72 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



7,954,000, which can be taken as an estimate of the number of Ukrainians 
who died before their time." 29 But, as respected demographers Barbara 
Anderson and Brian Silver have pointed out, Mace is confusing population 
deficits with excess mortality. By making no allowance for a decline in the 
birth rate, Mace equates those who were never born with those who "died 
before their time." 30 

The Mace-Dushnyck methodology also ignores other factors: change 
of declared nationality, intermarriage, assimilation, migration, etc., all of 
which have an impact on census figures. 31 For example, Robert Wixman 
has pointed out that in the late 1920s — between the two censuses in 
question — the Kuban Cossacks were reclassified from Ukrainian to 
Russian (they live in Russia). Anderson and Silver note: "If the reclassified 
Ukrainians numbered 2-3 million suggested by Wixman, then between 
25-40% of Mace's estimated deficit of Ukrainians could be accounted for in 
this way." 32 

There is a multitude of difficulties in interpreting this field, Anderson 
and Silver emphasize. They cite the noted statistician Lorimer, who wrote 
concerning his own findings: "There are, of course, many other sources of 
possible error in all these computations. Consequently, these results 
should be accepted with many reservations." 33 It appears that the 
propagators of famine-genocide hold no such reservations. 

Not content with leaving bad enough alone, Mace goes one step 
further, attempting to substantiate his famine-genocide assumptions by 
the results of the 1959 Soviet census: 

... we can trace the famine by looking for regions where the number of rural 
women (the least mobile segment of the population) have an abnormally 
small number in age categories which would have been born immediately 
before or during the famine. [Again Mace assumes they were born to begin 
with.] These are Soviet Ukraine, a nation with fiercely independent 
traditions; regions inhabited by large cossack populations, also fiercely 
independent; and the Volga German areas . . , 34 

But in a rather unusual oversight for a Harvard "expert" on 
Ukrainian history, Mace fails to take into account a significant event which 
occurred between the 1932-1933 famine and the 1959 Soviet census — 
World War II. Mace seemingly hasn't heard that Ukraine was occupied by 
the Nazis from 1941-1944, and was the scene of battles which took the 
lives of millions of combatants and civilians alike. 

Kharkiv oblast, for example, is singled out in Mace's "geography of 
death." For some reason, Mace neglects to mention that Kharkov was not 
only under Nazi occupation until late July 1943, but was also the regional 
scene of four massive battles prior to liberation. Of the 700,000 people 



COLD WAR II 

living in the city at the time of its capture 
survived. 35 

Similarly, Mace ignores basic facts concernii 
between 650,000 and 700,000 Volga Germans 
during the war and never returned to the 
settlement. 36 

In addition to ignoring those residents of th 
relocated due to the war, Mace also ignores the v 
other areas and republics during the perioc 
reconstruction. In short, the 1959 census, as Mac 
demographic patterns primarily attributable to r 
His attempt to detect smoke from a campfire whi 
forest blaze is fruitless from its beginning. One 
admission of World War II as a factor was seen b 
his case — he cares not about Nazi genocide, s 
readers of "communist genocide." 

One gets a more graphic sense of the uns 
statistical manipulation by projecting a hypotl 
onto population trends in the province of Sas 
figures from the Canada Year Book, it can be 
residents of this province vanished during the Gi 
immediate aftermath f 193 1-1941 ). 37 

Saskatchewan population 1931: 
Saskatchewan population growth 1921-1931: 
Projected Saskatchewan population 1941: 

(1931 population plus 22%) 
Actual Saskatchewan population 1941: 
"Victims of Famine-Genocide": 
"Victims" as a percentage of the 1931 population: 

Citing such statistical "proof," some might a 
committed deliberate genocide against the popula 
the 1930s so as to suppress the militant resistanc 
workers, whose lives were being ruined by 
Suppression of the masses' struggle — such as tl 
Estevan strikers or the bloodshed inflicted on the i 
Regina — could be cited, not to mention the mass 
and farm foreclosures. 

Of course, no rational person would i 
Saskatchewan's lower population can be attribut 
growth rates during the Depression, emigration c 
— like Ukraine — Saskatchewan was no stranger 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

taken as an estimate of the number of Ukrainians 
ime." 29 But, as respected demographers Barbara 
rer have pointed out, Mace is confusing population 
tality. By making no allowance for a decline in the 
those who were never born with those who "died 

;k methodology also ignores other factors: change 
intermarriage, assimilation, migration, etc., all of 
n census figures. 31 For example, Robert Wixman 
the late 1920s — between the two censuses in 
1 Cossacks were reclassified from Ukrainian to 
>sia). Anderson and Silver note: "If the reclassified 
!-3 million suggested by Wixman, then between 
ated deficit of Ukrainians could be accounted for in 

e of difficulties in interpreting this field, Anderson 
hey cite the noted statistician Lorimer, who wrote 
lings: "There are, of course, many other sources of 
hese computations. Consequently, these results 
ith many reservations." 33 It appears that the 
genocide hold no such reservations, 
leaving bad enough alone, Mace goes one step 
substantiate his famine-genocide assumptions by 
Soviet census: 

by looking for regions where the number of rural 
segment of the population) have an abnormally 
ories which would have been born immediately 
e. [Again Mace assumes they were born to begin 
Ukraine, a nation with fiercely independent 
ted by large cossack populations, also fiercely 



COLD WAR II 73 

living in the city at the time of its capture by the Nazis, only half 
survived. 36 

Similarly, Mace ignores basic facts concerning the Volga Germans — 
between 650,000 and 700,000 Volga Germans were resettled eastward 
during the war and never returned to the areas of their former 
settlement. 36 

In addition to ignoring those residents of the 1930s who died or were 
relocated due to the war, Mace also ignores the vast numbers who left for 
other areas and republics during the period of massive post-war 
reconstruction. In short, the 1959 census, as Mace himself knows, reveals 
demographic patterns primarily attributable to post- 1941 developments. 
His attempt to detect smoke from a campfire which has been engulfed by a 
forest blaze is fruitless from its beginning. One might conclude that any 
admission of World War II as a factor was seen by Mace as detrimental to 
his case — he cares not about Nazi genocide, seeking only to convince 
readers of "communist genocide." 

One gets a more graphic sense of the unscientific nature of such 
statistical manipulation by projecting a hypothetical famine -genocide 
onto population trends in the province of Saskatchewan. Using base 
figures from the Canada Year Book, it can be "proved" that 228,586 
residents of this province vanished during the Great Depression and the 
immediate aftermath (1931-1941). 37 

Saskatchewan population 1931: 921,785 

Saskatchewan population growth 1921-1931: 22% 

Projected Saskatchewan population 1941: 1,124,578 

(1931 population plus 22%) 

Actual Saskatchewan population 1941: 895,992 

"Victims of Famine-Genocide": 228,586 

"Victims" as a percentage of the 1931 population: 25% 

Citing such statistical "proof," some might argue that the capitalists 



74 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



upheaval. 

Actually, the populate of Ukraine did not decline in absolute terms; 
between 1926 and 1939 tlie population increased by 3,339,000 persons. 38 
Even given a traditionally higher birth rate for Ukraine, the rate registered 
— particularly in light of the other considerations outlined above — 
hardly indicates genocide. 

The high mortality estimates featured in the famine-genocide 
campaign appear wildly exaggerated from yet another point of view. Six, 
eight, ten, fifteen million deaths, all from an ethnic population of just over 
25 million Ukrainians in the Ukrainian SSR, according to the Nationalists 
themselves 39 — it is inconceivable that Ukraine could lose from 25 to 60 
per cent of its ethnic population and still gather a successful harvest in 
1933, and then lose another 5 to 10 million people in World War II. 40 If 
such inventions are followed to their final conclusion, we are asked to 
believe that as few as 10 million ethnic Ukrainians were left alive in the 
Ukrainian SSR following the war. 41 There is little point asking how such a 
remnant could increase to some 36.6 million ethnic Ukrainians in Soviet 
Ukraine alone amid a total population of 49.7 million for the republic in 
1979. 42 Such is the folly of famine-genocide numerology fobbed off as 
statistics. 

While it is not possible to establish an exact number of casualties, we 
have seen that the guesstimates of famine-genocide writers have given a 
new meaning to the word hyperbole. Their claims have been shown to be 
extreme exaggerations fabricated to strengthen their political allegations 
of genocide. 



Chapter Seven 



HARVEST OF DECEPTI 

The famine-genocide campaign launched by t 
revived on a massive scale 50 years later, reached a c 
appearance in 1986 of the "scholarly" attack of Robe 
of Sorrow and the "visual" assault of the film Hai 

Produced by the Ukrainian Famine Research 
Vladimir Institute and made under the auspices of th 
Committee and the World Congress of Free Ul< 
Despair employs virtually all outdated and undocum 
used in the famine-genocide campaign in its appeal 
viewer. 

This Nationalist propaganda film has been s 
since 1984, used as yet another weapon in attempts i 
genocide" in school curriculum as part of a much ^ 
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, apparently una 
in this fraud, televised Harvest of Despair to a cout 
the fall of 1985. Illustrating the Reagan-era tendenc 
media establishments to accept anything anti-Soviet 
Medal and the Grand Trophy Award Bowl at the 28i 
and TV Festival in New York in 1985. 

Contradicting the prestige that such an honor i 

New York magazine described this film festival as: "I s 

a pay-through-the-nose-for-a-snatch-of-the-big-time 

denigrated over the years in this column for its 

specious official plaques to all entries regardless of 

Perhaps smelling a rat, certain U.S. media outlt 

instinctively wary of this film. The Public Broadcas 

declined to handle it, while WNET wisely declai 

documented," later qualifying their position by st 

"journalistic integrity." In November 1985, WPB1 

Harvest of Despair on the grounds that it had "perce 

the viewing public." Certain other U.S. media organiz 

described it as "subjective" and expressing "one poi 

Notwithstanding such rejections, Harvest of De 

in the line-up for an Academy Award — the equival 

Cardiff Man into the Anthropological Hall of Fame 

In Harvest of Despair, a whole army of rigri 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

a* \6n of Ukraine did not decline in absolute terms; 
f die population increased by 3,339,000 persons. 38 
ly higher birth rate for Ukraine, the rate registered 
: of the other considerations outlined above — 
Je. 

ity estimates featured in the famine-genocide 
r exaggerated from yet another point of view. Six, 
n deaths, all from an ethnic population of just over 
n the Ukrainian SSR, according to the Nationalists 
conceivable that Ukraine could lose from 25 to 60 
opulation and still gather a successful harvest in 
>ther 5 to 10 million people in World War II. 40 If 
[lowed to their final conclusion, we are asked to 
million ethnic Ukrainians were left alive in the 
lg the war. 41 There is little point asking how such a 
to some 36.6 million ethnic Ukrainians in Soviet 
otal population of 49. 7 million for the republic in 
ly of famine-genocide numerology fobbed off as 

sible to establish an exact number of casualties, we 
istimates of famine-genocide writers have given a 
>rd hyperbole. Their claims have been shown to be 
fabricated to strengthen their political allegations 



Chapter Seven 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 

The famine-genocide campaign launched by the Nazis in 1933 and 
revived on a massive scale 50 years later, reached a climax of sorts with the 
appearance in 1986 of the "scholarly" attack of Robert Conquest's Harvest 
of Sorrow and the "visual" assault of the film Harvest of Despair. 

Produced by the Ukrainian Famine Research Committee of the St. 
Vladimir Institute and made under the auspices of the Ukrainian Canadian 
Committee and the World Congress of Free Ukrainians, Harvest of 
Despair employs virtually all outdated and undocumented stills commonly 
used in the famine-genocide campaign in its appeal to the emotion of the 
viewer. 

This Nationalist propaganda film has been shown across Canada 
since 1984, used as yet another weapon in attempts to insert the "famine- 
genocide" in school curriculum as part of a much wider campaign. The 
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, apparently unaware of its complicity 
in this fraud, televised Harvest of Despair to a country-wide audience in 
the fall of 1985. Illustrating the Reagan-era tendency of the political and 
media establishments to accept anything anti-Soviet, the film won a Gold 
Medal and the Grand Trophy Award Bowl at the 28th International Film 
and TV Festival in New York in 1985. 

Contradicting the prestige that such an honor implies however, one 
New York magazine described this film festival as: "Notoriously known as 
a pay-through-the-nose-for-a-snatch-of-the-big-time festival, it has been 
denigrated over the years in this column for its policy of giving out 
specious official plaques to all entries regardless of quality." 1 

Perhaps smelling a rat, certain U.S. media outlets have been at least 



76 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



paraded across the screen. In a post-war celluloid reunion of former allies 
from Hitler's ill-fated "New Order" in Eastern Europe, former Ukrainian 
Nazi collaborators and ranking German Nazis make an appearance. These 
include Stepan Skrypnyk, whom the American historian Alexander Dallin 
points out was formerly the editor of the Nazi-controlled paper Volyn 
under the German occupation. 3 

With the blessing of the Nazi occupiers of Ukraine, Skrypnyk 
graduated from layman to "ordination" as a bishop in a record time of 
three weeks. According to the Ukrainian Nationalist wartime paper 
Nastup, Skrypnyk, as newly-ordained Bishop Mystyslav, added his name 
to a joint telegram to Adolph Hitler which stated: 

In this hour we appeal to the almighty with ardent prayers and ask that He 
give you strength and health to complete the great cause you have begun . . . 
We believe that the time is not far off when, in a rejuvenated Europe built on 
the basis of genuine Christian morals, the bells will ring out joyously telling 
the world about your victory. 4 

According to the brochure accompanying Harvest of Despair, 
Skrypnyk's Ukrainian Orthodox Church in the United States was a 
financial contributor to the film's production costs. 

Harvest of Despair also features accounts by two former Weimar 
Republic diplomats to the Soviet Union, who switched over to the Nazis 
when Hitler seized power in Germany in 1933. The first is Hans Von 
Herwarth, known during the war as Johann Herwarth Von Bittenfeld. 
Herwarth returned to the Soviet Union with the Nazi invasion where his 
previous "Russian experience" was used to recruit mercenaries for Hitler's 
war machine from among Soviet prisoners of war. 5 

The second is Andor Henke, who served Hitler as a Nazi diplomat. 6 
In 1941 Henke approached the Byelorussian Nationalist emigre leader 
Vasyl Zakharka to solicit support for Hitler's war aims and occupation of 
Byelorussia. In the film, Herr Henke appears to be either senile or 
otherwise incapacitated, and does not actually present the famine- 
genocide allegations attributed to him. Instead his relatives do the talking 
for him. 

Supplementing the testimony of these former Nazis is Nazi war 
footage from the propaganda department of the Third Reich. The Nazi 
"discovery" of mass graves at Vynnitsya is presented, purporting to depict 
Soviet atrocities of the 1930s. In fact, Vynnitsya had been the scene of the 
mass execution of Jews by the Nazis and local Ukrainian police in 1941. 7 It 
would thus seem that Harvest of Despair is utilizing Nazi propaganda of 
the Ukrainian fascists' own anti-semitic atrocities to build their scenario of 
"Russian genocide" against Ukrainians. 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 

Malcolm Muggeridge, Tory England's 
anomaly, makes a predictable appearance in Harv< 
British intelligence agent, 8 Muggeridge has lent hi 
wing causes, writing, for example, the foreword to 
Agony of a Nation. As noted previously, Nazi p; 
anti-Soviet material by Muggeridge in the 1930s. 
Muggeridge claims to have made a "breakaway" t 
during the famine, and his accounts are cited as aud 
circles. 

Revealingly, portions of the British newsp< 

famine allegations are reproduced in the filn 

Muggeridge was described therein as having enter 

communist," a revelation which must have com 

British Communist Party. The journalistic gimrr 

"communists" becoming repentent pro-capitalists 

famine article was also used by the Hearst press. 

General Grigorenko, Ronald Reagan's favoi 

adds his presence to the film as well. This fellow is 

and abroad, expenses paid, to lecture folks on the 

under the guise of "human rights" — though you * 

Indian reservations, unemployed demonstrations, c 

African embassy. 

The ever-present Dr. James Mace of Harvard's 

Studies also puts in an appearance. As one of the top 

post-Hitler crowd of Ukrainian Nationalists in 

occasion jet across the continent to beat the drum; 

"famine-genocide." In obvious appreciation for his x 

War propaganda issue, Mace was appointed staff 

government's "Commission on the Ukrainian Fami: 

Yet another player in the film is Soviet de 

However, previous writings by Kopylew had nc 

subscribed to the "Russian versus Ukrainian" fan 

Famine researcher Marco Carynnyk's taped intervie 

was viewed in the spring of 1983 at Toronto's St. Via. 

original tape, Kopylew — in responding to the qu 

being deliberately planned — denies that it was, al 

instances of over-exuberant grain requisitioning' by 

surprisingly, this portion of the interview is censo 

Despair. Perhaps this incident is related to the fact tl 

the film's producers in the Supreme Court of Ontaric 

his copyright on photographic material he provide< 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

en. In a post-war celluloid reunion of former allies 
New Order" in Eastern Europe, former Ukrainian 
ranking German Nazis make an appearance. These 
k, whom the American historian Alexander Dallin 
ly the editor of the Nazi-controlled paper Volyn 
ipation. 3 

g of the Nazi occupiers of Ukraine, Skrypnyk 
i to "ordination" as a bishop in a record time of 
ig to the Ukrainian Nationalist wartime paper 
lewly-ordained Bishop Mystyslav, added his name 
Adolph Hitler which stated: 

the almighty with ardent prayers and ask that He 
Ith to complete the great cause you have begun . . . 
; not far off when, in a rejuvenated Europe built on 
tian morals, the bells will ring out joyously telling 
ory. 4 

; brochure accompanying Harvest of Despair, 
Orthodox Church in the United States was a 
) the film's production costs. 
iir also features accounts by two former Weimar 
the Soviet Union, who switched over to the Nazis 
>wer in Germany in 1933. The first is Hans Von 
ing the war as Johann Herwarth Von Bittenfeld. 
:he Soviet Union with the Nazi invasion where his 
;rience" was used to recruit mercenaries for Hitler's 
ong Soviet prisoners of war. 5 
dor Henke, who served Hitler as a Nazi diplomat. 6 
ached the Byelorussian Nationalist emigre leader 
cit support for Hitler's war aims and occupation of 
Im, Herr Henke appears to be either senile or 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 



77 



Malcolm Muggeridge, Tory England's favorite Konservative 
anomaly, makes a predictable appearance in Harvest of Despair. A former 
British intelligence agent, 8 Muggeridge has lent his name to various right- 
wing causes, writing, for example, the foreword to Oleskiw's famine book, 
Agony of a Nation. As noted previously, Nazi propagandists published 
anti-Soviet material by Muggeridge in the 1930s. Like Thomas Walker, 
Muggeridge claims to have made a "breakaway" private tour of Ukraine 
during the famine, and his accounts are cited as authoritative in right-wing 
circles. 

Revealingly, portions of the British newspaper which carried his 
famine allegations are reproduced in the film. One observes that 
Muggeridge was described therein as having entered Russia "as a fervent 
communist," a revelation which must have come as a surprise to the 
British Communist Party. The journalistic gimmick of press-ordained 
"communists" becoming repentent pro-capitalists within the space of a 
famine article was also used by the Hearst press. 

General Grigorenko, Ronald Reagan's favorite Russian defector, 
adds his presence to the film as well. This fellow is trotted about the U.S. 
and abroad, expenses paid, to lecture folks on the evils of communism 
under the guise of "human rights" — though you won't find him on U.S. 
Indian reservations, unemployed demonstrations, or picketing the South 
African embassy. 

The ever-present Dr. James Mace of Harvard's Institute of Ukrainian 
Studies also puts in an appearance. As one of the top U.S. apologists for the 
post-Hitler crowd of Ukrainian Nationalists in exile, Mace will on 
occasion jet across the continent to beat the drums as an expert on the 
"famine-genocide." In obvious appreciation for his work around this Cold 
War propaganda issue, Mace was appointed staff director of the U.S. 
government's "Commission on the Ukrainian Famine" in February 1986. 

Yet another player in the film is Soviet defector Lev Kopylew. 



78 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Overall, the film's producers, Slavko Nowytsky and Yuri Luhovy, 
have managed to slap together a patchwork of material. Film reviewer 
Leonard Klady has noted that co-producer Luhovy "admits most of his 
income comes from editing feature films of dubious quality. He has a 
reputation as a good 'doctor' — someone who's brought in to salvage a 
movie which is deemed unreleasable by film exhibitors and 
distributors." 10 In Harvest of Despair it appears that the doctor delivered 
one of the great cinema miscarriages of all time. Objectivity and scientific 
presentation are sacrificed on the altar of Cold War psychological warfare. 

According to the Winnipeg Free Press, Luhovy "personally viewed 
more than a million feet of historic stock footage to find roughly 20 
minutes (720 feet) of appropriate material for the film." 11 This says less 
about his research than about the total lack of photographic evidence of 
famine-genocide. 

Indeed, not one documented piece of evidence is presented in the film 
to back up the genocide thesis. Instead, in a montage of undocumented 
stills, the viewer is subjected to Thomas Walker/ Ditloff forgeries; 
numerous scenes stolen from the by-now familiar publications covering 
the 192 1-1922 Russian famine, La Famine en Russie and "Information 
No. 22"; Ammende photos (with all their contradictions noted earlier); 
1920s' photos used in the Nazi organ Voelktscher Beobachter in 1933. 
Certain Harvest of Despair photos can also be traced to Laubenheimer's 
Nazi propaganda books, as well as to a Ukrainian-language publication 
published in Berlin in 1922 {Holod Na Ukrainyi [Hunger in Ukraine] — 
by Ivan Gerasymovitch). 12 

Other scenes both borrow from the past and from the future. For 
example, footage of marching soldiers has Red Army men wearing 
uniforms from the days of the Russian Civil War. Footage of impoverished 
women cooking is also of Civil War vintage. Other scenes display peasant 
costumes from the Volga Russia area of the immediate post-World War I 
period, not Ukrainians in 1933. Footage of miners pulling coal sledges on 
their hands and knees is actually of Czarist-era origins. Scenes of peasants 
at meetings wearing peculiar tall peaked caps date from earlier periods; 
further, their clothing is not consistent with Ukrainian costume. Material 
filched from Soviet films of the 1920s can be identified, including 
sequences from Czar Hunger (1921-1922) and Arsenal (1929), and even 
from prerevolutionary newsreels. 13 

Flipping forward to the future, the film shows scenes of military 
manufacturing of tank models not produced until later in the 1930s. As 
well: "the episode of bread distribution in Nazi besieged Leningrad (taken 
from The Siege of Leningrad,' one film of the epic 'An Unknown War') 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 

was used by the authors of the videofraud as 'fi 
shortage ... in the Ukraine in the 1930s." 14 An 

It seems that like others before them, the p 
Despair scrounged through the archives looking f 
war-and-starvation shots that might be spliced 
subliminal effect — bound together with narr 
partisan interviews. As much has been admitted. 

In November 1986, Ukrainian Nationalists 
wing school board officials, made an attempt 
genocide propaganda in the Toronto high school c 
end, a film showing of Harvest of Despair was an 
Centre. Panelists advertised for the event include* 
the Toronto Board of Education Nola Crewe, Dr. 
Fellow at Harvard's Ukrainian Research Instituti 
writer and researcher associated with Harvest of 
stage. 

Confronted by this author in the discussion j 
that the stills and footage used in the film were fi 
were forced to admit openly that this author's char^ 
reluctant to acknowledge the full extent of the frai] 
confirmed. As the Toronto Star reported: 

Researcher Marco Carynnik, who says he originated the i 
his concerns about questionable photographs were ignc 
that none of the archival film footage is of the Ukraini; 
"very few photos from '32-33' appear that can be tra< 
dramatic shot at the film's end of an emaciated girl, whicl 
in the film's promotional material, is not from the 
Carynnik said. 

"/ made the point that this sort of inaccuracy cam 
said in an interview. "/ was ignored."™ 

Perhaps this is why, to use the term of B. S. Oi 
of the Ukrainian Famine Research Committee, < 
from the film before its completion. 17 

In light of the above, one wonders why Carynr 
before coming forward publicly with the truth, am 
public challenge and exposure by this author. 

In a quite incredible admission from an acad 
history professor at York University, justified th 
that there exist very few pictures of the 1933 fam 
the actions of the film's producers: "You have to \ 
want to show what people dying from a famine lool 
are starving children." 18 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

s producers, Slavko Nowytsky and Yuri Luhovy, 
together a patchwork of material. Film reviewer 
ited that co-producer Luhovy "admits most of his 
diting feature films of dubious quality. He has a 
doctor' — someone who's brought in to salvage a 
semed unreleasable by film exhibitors and 
vest of Despair it appears that the doctor delivered 
a miscarriages of all time. Objectivity and scientific 
iced on the altar of Cold War psychological warfare. 
Winnipeg Free Press, Luhovy "personally viewed 
feet of historic stock footage to find roughly 20 
ippropriate material for the film." 11 This says less 
n about the total lack of photographic evidence of 

Kumented piece of evidence is presented in the film 
de thesis. Instead, in a montage of undocumented 
subjected to Thomas Walker/ Ditloff forgeries; 
n from the by-now familiar publications covering 
n famine, La Famine en Russie and "Information 
hotos (with all their contradictions noted earlier); 

the Nazi organ Voelkiscber Beobachter in 1933. 
;spair photos can also be traced to Laubenheimer's 
ks, as well as to a Ukrainian-language publication 

1922 (Holod Na Ukrainyi [Hunger in Ukraine] — 
h). 12 

h borrow from the past and from the future. For 
marching soldiers has Red Army men wearing 
s of the Russian Civil War. Footage of impoverished 
> of Civil War vintage. Other scenes display peasant 
lga Russia area of the immediate post-World War I 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 



79 



was used by the authors of the videofraud as 'filmed evidence' of food 
shortage ... in the Ukraine in the 1930s." 14 And so on, and so on. 

It seems that like others before them, the producers of Harvest of 
Despair scrounged through the archives looking for bits and pieces of old 
war-and-starvation shots that might be spliced into the film to great 
subliminal effect — bound together with narrative and interspersed 
partisan interviews. As much has been admitted, as we will see. 

In November 1986, Ukrainian Nationalists in alliance with right- 
wing school board officials, made an attempt to place their famine- 
genocide propaganda in the Toronto high school curriculum. Toward this 
end, a film showing of Harvest of Despair was arranged at the Education 
Centre. Panelists advertised for the event included then vice-chairman of 
the Toronto Board of Education Nola Crewe, Dr. Yury Boshyk, Research 
Fellow at Harvard's Ukrainian Research Institute and Marco Carynnyk, 
writer and researcher associated with Harvest of Despair in its research 
stage. 

Confronted by this author in the discussion portion of the meeting, 
that the stills and footage used in the film were fraudulent, the panelists 
were forced to admit openly that this author's charges were true. 16 Though 
reluctant to acknowledge the full extent of the fraud, deliberate deceit was 
confirmed. As the Toronto Star reported: 

Researcher Marco Carynnik, who says he originated the idea of the film, says 
his concerns about questionable photographs were ignored. Carynnik said 
that none of the archival film footage is of the Ukrainian famine and that 
"very few photos from '32-33' appear that can be traced as authentic. A 
dramatic shot at the film's end of an emaciated girl, which has also been used 
in the film's promotional material, is not from the 1932-1933 famine, 
Carynnik said. 

'7 made the point that this sort of inaccuracy cannot be allowed" he 
said in an interview. "/ was ignored."™ 

Perhaps this is why, to use the term of B. S. Onyschuk, vice-chairman 



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84 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Needless to say, such frank admissions could not be allowed to 
unhinge a well-orchestrated international Cold War exercise. Within two 
days, the Ukrainian Famine Research Committee issued frantic denials — 
denials fraught with contradictions, distortions and untruths. 19 

The Committee's press release claims: "Pictures from the 1921 
Famine are used when the film deals with the 192 1 Famine. Pictures from 
the 1933 Famine are used when the film deals with the 1933 Famine." 20 
This is not true. The Harvest of Despair section dealing with the 1921 
famine is a 28-second fraction of the film with which no one has taken 
issue. The original 1922 sources of specific stills used in relation to 1932- 
1933 were identified in this author's release distributed at the November 
meeting. 21 

Though confronted with the original sources of specific frauds, the 
Committee seeks safety in largely falling back on secondary sources as a 
line of defense: "The still pictures on the 1932-1933 Famine," the 
Committee states, "are taken from 3 primary sources." (sic) Cited as the 
three sources are Ammende's Human Life in Russia, the private collection 
of the wife of Nazi diplomat Andor Henke (the particular pictures are not 
identified), and the Walker fakes of the 1935 Neiv York Evening Journal 
and Chicago Herald and Examiner, 22 

Ammende's pictures, they claim, are "clearly traceable to the 1933 
Famine." 23 This is claimed despite the fact that some of Ammende's 
pictures appear in the 1922 book, Holod na Ukrainyi, published by 
Ukrainian Nationalists themselves and often cited by subsequent 
Ukrainian Nationalist writers in relation to the 1921 famine. 
Furthermore, the Committee alleges that Ammende "travelled 
extensively in Ukraine during the time of the famine." 24 This is a rather 
novel claim — in fact Ammende witnessed only the 1921 Russian famine. 
Perhaps the Committee should actually read Human Life in Russia. 

The Committee states that Walker's photos were used only ". . . 
where they could be authenticated as coming from other sources . . . " 26 
Does this mean matching them with photos in Human Life in Russia? But 
Ammende claims a different year and photographer. Perhaps they were 
matched via their simultaneous appearance in various Hearst 
newspapers? In that event, Walker equals Walker. If they were matched 
with the 1934 London Daily Express series by the anonymous "tourist," 
they would have noticed that the accounts were Thomas Walker almost 
verbatim. Is it possible that "authentification" came from Laubenheimer's 
Nazi propaganda book, Und du Siehst die Sow jets Richtig? If so, they are 
not only crediting Nazi publications, but would have seen that 
Laubenheimer credits Ditloff for the photos. This writer is still waiting to 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 

see how these so-called researchers have mana, 
Chicago American Walker photographs as an 
pilfered pre- 1930s frauds that they are. 

Concerning its use of stills in general, the Cc 
"documentary" a new 1984-doublespeak meanin 

All of the photographs used were only used as visual aid 
Where the origin of any still picture could not 
Committee, or the producers of the film, they were eith 
they were used it was only in places where they did noi 
and only as illustrations of the eyewitness accounts o 
these latter pictures are clearly recognized as proper 
documentaries, and do not in any way distort or affect I 
the film, or the authenticity of the events shown." 27 

Such use, in fact, is clearly not recognized a; 
"documentary film" visually documents, veri 
Nowhere in the film are specific stills or footage 
as opposed to documentary. The very fact that noi 
used is nowhere acknowledged in the film, 
propaganda "documentaries" of the 1930s, H 
beyond dishonest scholarship. The pervasive 
pictures misleads and manipulates the viewer to s 
of the film's creators. Given Carynnyk's adn 
producers "ignored" his protests that "this sort 
allowed," one can only conclude that Harvest 
deliberate fraud. 

It is not out of place to repeat this author's 
review to further examine and evaluate this filn 
grants and logistical support it received from pub 
as the National Film Board of Canada and Mult 

Harvest of Despair is clearly not a documen 
propaganda contribution to an ongoing Cold Wa 
in keeping with this context, the film's co-produc 
his flair for late-night 1950s melodrama by decla 
say whether relatives of mine who live in the £ 
because of this film." 28 Luhovy's Soviet relatives 
— from the embarrassment of having a kinsman 
conglomeration serving such a long-discredited < 



After much pomp and heraldry, includii 
complete with fake photos in the daily press, 29 th 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

uch frank admissions could not be allowed to 
ated international Cold War exercise. Within two 
tine Research Committee issued frantic denials — 
itradictions, distortions and untruths. 19 
press release claims: "Pictures from the 1921 
tie film deals with the 1921 Famine. Pictures from 
sd when the film deals with the 1933 Famine." 20 
[arvest of Despair section dealing with the 1921 
raction of the film with which no one has taken 
: sources of specific stills used in relation to 1932- 
this author's release distributed at the November 

I with the original sources of specific frauds, the 
in largely falling back on secondary sources as a 
still pictures on the 1932-1933 Famine," the 
taken from 3 primary sources." (sic) Cited as the 
i nde's Human Life in Russia, the private collection 
>mat Andor Henke (the particular pictures are not 
Iker fakes of the 1935 New York Evening Journal 
i Examiner. 22 

es, they claim, are "clearly traceable to the 1933 
med despite the fact that some of Ammende's 
) 1922 book, Holod na Ukrainyi, published by 
5 themselves and often cited by subsequent 
writers in relation to the 1921 famine, 
mimittee alleges that Ammende "travelled 
during the time of the famine." 24 This is a rather 
mmende witnessed only the 1921 Russian famine. 
i should actually read Human Life in Russia. 
rates that Walker's photos were used only ". . . 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 



85 



see how these so-called researchers have managed to authenticate the 
Chicago American Walker photographs as anything other than the 
pilfered pre- 1930s frauds that they are. 

Concerning its use of stills in general, the Committee gives the word 
"documentary" a new 1984-doublespeak meaning: 

All of the photographs used were only used as visual aids or illustrations . . . 2e 
Where the origin of any still picture could not be verified by our 
Committee, or the producers of the film, they were either not used, or where 
they were used it was only in places where they did not affect the narrative, 
and only as illustrations of the eyewitness accounts of others. Such use of 
these latter pictures are clearly recognized as proper by film producers of 
documentaries, and do not in any way distort or affect the facts presented in 
the film, or the authenticity of the events shown." 27 

Such use, in fact, is clearly not recognized as proper. By definition, a 
"documentary film" visually documents, verifies facts and events. 
Nowhere in the film are specific stills or footage identified as illustrative 
as opposed to documentary, The very fact that non-authentic material was 
used is nowhere acknowledged in the film. Reminiscent of Nazi 
propaganda "documentaries" of the 1930s, Harvest of Despair goes 
beyond dishonest scholarship. The pervasive use of misrepresented 
pictures misleads and manipulates the viewer to suit the political purposes 
of the film's creators. Given Carynnyk's admission that the film's 
producers "ignored" his protests that "this sort of inaccuracy cannot be 
allowed," one can only conclude that Harvest of Despair represents 
deliberate fraud. 

It is not out of place to repeat this author's call for an independent 
review to further examine and evaluate this film, particularly given the 
grants and logistical support it received from publicly-funded bodies such 
as the National Film Board of Canada and Multiculturalism Canada. 

Harvest of Despair is clearly not a documentary. Rather it is a crude 



86 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



"famine-genocide" study finally appeared in late 1986. Described as 
"excellently and professionally written" by none other than the West's 
leading feudalist fiction writer, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Harvest of 
Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror Famine by Dr. Robert 
Conquest has emerged as the best attempt of the famine-genocidists for 
legitimacy. 30 

Like the ubiquitous James Mace, Robert Conquest has been used for 
years to link the famine with the wider propaganda purposes of the right 
wing. Considered by some to be Mace's mentor, similarities of politics, 
methodology and purpose are not surprising. Conquest's career as an 
obsessive anti-Soviet historian has spanned two cold wars. Presently a 
senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution, he has long been 
associated with rightist emigres and anti-communist propaganda efforts 
as an "expert." 

According to the London Guardian, Conquest was formerly employed 
by the British Secret Service's disinformation project, the Information 
Research Department (IRD). Key IRD targets were the "Third World" 
and "the Russians." Embassies had resident IRD men undercover who 
planted materials with local journalists and opinion formers, materials 
admitted by former "senior officials" to be heavily "slanted." 31 The 
Guardian further states: 

IRD also encouraged book production described in Whitehall as "cross- 
fertilization." Robert Conquest . . . frequently critical of the Soviet Union 
was one of those who worked for IRD. He was in the FO [Foreign Office] 
until 1956 32 

At IRD's suggestion, Conquest wrote a book about the Soviet Union; 
one-third of the books were bought up by Praeger, which reportedly had a 
record of publishing books at CIA request. 33 

A 1986 publication provides further insight into the mentality and 
broader political purposes of "famine-genocide" historians such as Dr. 
Conquest. What to Do When the Russians Come: A Survivalist's 
Handbook, by Conquest (andJonManchip White) seems designed to push 
the U.S. political climate even further into the realm of Cold War paranoia 
and irrationality. Lauded by the Wall Street Journal and flogged by the 
ultra-right Conservative Book Club, the Handbook lowers U.S. 
Sovietology to the level of the film Red Dawn and the Amerika TV series. 
Indeed, Conquest may have surpassed Hearst-level story-telling, 
approximating Nazi horror fiction on more issues than just the famine. A 
brief glance at the book's promotion proves illuminating. A full-page ad in 
Military History magazine trumpets: 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 

BURN THIS BOOK But that's only the beginning, i 
their way and Russia ever does take over. The alternat 
the rest of your days up near the Arctic circle . . , 34 

The above promotion draws up a list of the ' 
communist terror in store for democratic America 
of gang-rape of American women by Russian sole 
American children, and warnings of inevitable "h 
hope. This book, its Conservative Book Club { 
"where to learn about guerrilla warfare, and aboi 
the Wall Street Journal for an endorsement - 
what to expect in the U.S. if we become so spineles 
over . . ," 35 

What better "historian" to give a scholarly 
genocide campaign than Dr. Robert Conquest? Bu 
order. Conquest's earlier work (The Great Term 
five to six million had perished in the 1932-1933 
more than half being Ukrainians. 36 This figure 
new, improved 1980s famine-genocide cam{ 
investigations of East European war crimina 
diversionary works with death calculations appro 
Hitler's six million Jewish victims were required. 
Reaganism and a growing Cold War mentality 
conditions existed for the re-introduction of old fa 
guise of serious scholarship. As published in a 
Nationalist journal, Conquest had — by 1983 — up 
to 14 million and extended famine conditions to 
coincided handily with the "50th anniversary of 
launched that year. 

Harvest of Sorrow's opening chapters and gc 
tend to duplicate the traditional approach of Ar 
Soviet history and Leninist theory, as well as 
Nationalist interpretations of Ukrainian histoi 
Nationalist cliques who held parts of Ukraine du 
War and foreign intervention are simply pr< 
governments. Conquest's acceptance of the IS 
mythology is unquestioning. The mass slaughter of 
out under Nationalist "independence" in 1918-19] 
in three words. 38 The Nazi occupation of Ukraine 
as a break between periods of Soviet "terror," and i 
Nazis as Soviet "reoccupation." 39 

A critical examination of Conquest's reference 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

[y finally appeared in late 1986. Described as 
iionally written" by none other than the West's 
n writer, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Harvest of 
vization and the Terror Famine by Dr. Robert 
as the best attempt of the famine-genocidists for 

James Mace, Robert Conquest has been used for 
with the wider propaganda purposes of the right 
me to be Mace's mentor, similarities of politics, 
;>se are not surprising. Conquest's career as an 
storian has spanned two cold wars. Presently a 
at the Hoover Institution, he has long been 
emigres and anti-communist propaganda efforts 

<ndon Guardian, Conquest was formerly employed 
?rvice's disinformation project, the Information 
IRD). Key IRD targets were the "Third World" 
ibassies had resident IRD men undercover who 
local journalists and opinion formers, materials 
enior officials" to be heavily "slanted." 31 The 



i production described in Whitehall as "cross- 
}uest . . . frequently critical of the Soviet Union 
Iced for IRD. He was in the FO [ Foreign Office] 

n, Conquest wrote a book about the Soviet Union; 
'ere bought up by Praeger, which reportedly had a 
oks at CIA request. 33 

i provides further insight into the mentality and 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 87 

BURN THIS BOOK But that's only the beginning, if the peaceniks have 
their way and Russia ever does take over. The alternative might be to spend 
the rest of your days up near the Arctic circle . . . 34 

The above promotion draws up a list of the "ingenious variations" of 
communist terror in store for democratic Americans, including the specter 
of gang-rape of American women by Russian soldiers, a miserable fate for 
American children, and warnings of inevitable "famine." But there may be 
hope. This book, its Conservative Book Club promoters inform us, is 
"where to learn about guerrilla warfare, and about surviving . . ." It cites 
the Wall Street Journal for an endorsement — "must reading about 
what to expect in the U.S. if we become so spineless that the Soviets take us 
over . . ." 35 

What better "historian" to give a scholarly veneer to the famine- 
genocide campaign than Dr. Robert Conquest? But some revisions were in 
order. Conquest's earlier work (The Great Terror) had alleged that only 
five to six million had perished in the 1932-1933 period, only somewhat 
more than half being Ukrainians. 36 This figure was inadequate for the 
new, improved 1980s famine-genocide campaign. Amid renewed 
investigations of East European war criminals in North America, 
diversionary works with death calculations approximating or surpassing 
Hitler's six million Jewish victims were required. With the ascendancy of 
Reaganism and a growing Cold War mentality in U.S. Kremlinology, 
conditions existed for the re-introduction of old far-right claims under the 
guise of serious scholarship. As published in a prominent Ukrainian 
Nationalist journal, Conquest had — by 1983 — upped his death estimates 
to 14 million and extended famine conditions to 1937. 37 Such revisions 
coincided handily with the "50th anniversary of the famine-genocide" 
launched that year. 

Harvest of Sorrow's opening chapters and general outline of events 
tend to duplicate the traditional approach of American Sovietology to 



88 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



right-wing and spurious accounts to the point of being unbalanced. In 
addition to Thomas Walker's faked accounts, one finds the discredited 
Black Deeds of the Kremlin, Fred Beal of Hearst press infamy, 
Ammende's Human Life in Russia, material published in Nazi Germany 
and other dubious sources examined elsewhere in this book. A key chapter 
of Harvest of Sorrow — Chapter 12: "The Famine Rages" — can serve as 
an example of Conquest's subjective bias, reliance on unverifiable claims, 
and methodology of selection and evaluation. 

Chapter 12 contains 237 references. 40 Over half (more than 120) are 
to rightist Ukrainian emigre sources, of which 50 alone refer to Black 
Deeds of the Kremlin. Woropay's Walker-illustrated, partly anonymous 
Ninth Circle is cited 14 times. Other references include Communism the 
Enemy of Mankind (published by the youth wing of the OUN-Bandera), 
1935 Hearst press accounts, the CIA-funded Harvard Refugee Interview 
Project, and the McCarthy-era U.S. House Committee on Communist 
Aggression (1955). Works of fiction are liberally used as if bona fide 
documentation. For example, 13 references are to a novel allegedly by 
Vasily Grossman, published in New York. 41 

A revealing example of Conquest's "scholarship" can be seen in his 
selection of the following account for Chapter 12. A foreign correspondent 
reports that, near Kiev, he witnessed the following scene: 

In one hut they were cooking a mess that defied analysis. There were bones, 
pigweed, skin, and what looked like a boot top in the pot. The way the 
remaining half-dozen inhabitants (of a former population of forty) eagerly 
watched this slimy mess showed their state of hunger. 42 

It turns out that the foreign correspondent is none other than 
Thomas Walker, the man who never was. Even more incredible, in his 
reference note for this quote, Conquest has backdated the issue of this 
Hearst press article from 1935 to "February 26, 1933." 43 

In response to subsequent criticism levelled at his book, Conquest has 
attempted to defend the authenticity of the Thomas Walker materials: 
"The facts speak for themselves," replies Mr. Conquest. While conceding 
that he did cite articles from the Walker series, he does not accept that they 
were fraudulent. "This has never been established." 44 

Conquest's photographic evidence consists of the same tired, 
outdated pictures. These include Thomas Walker fakes complete with the 
banner of Hearst's March 6, 1935 Chicago American. One even finds the 
"girl with the frog-child" lifted from a 1922 Russian famine relief 
publication and made famous through use by Walker, Ammende and 
Laubenheimer. In addition, one finds the old snow-and-ice "summer of 
1933" graveyard scene that Ammende tried to pass off in 1936, and an 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 

obvious 1921-1922 relief shot of a posed line of ; 
"The homeless ones." 45 

Again in response to criticism, Conquest t 
1921-1922 photos to illustrate allegations of fa 
1933: "Moreover, he says photographs from t 
identify clearly, but at any rate he did cover the fa 
so those from that period need not be inappropri; 
of Despair. 

Aside from the political imbalance of Conqu 
on memoirs reveals further defects in his researci 
analyst of war memoirs has stated: "the mem. 
differing from the 'first novel" . . . only by continu 
of veracity ... The further personal written mater 
of the daily diary, the closer they approach 
fictional." 47 One might add — particularly where 
political nature are concerned, and where unsavou 
be concealed. 

American historian J. Arch Getty has obs< 
period or subject, except the study of the Soviet t 
"historians been so eager to write and accept h 
states: 

Grand analytical generalizations have come from s 
overheard corridor gossip. Prison camp stories ("My fri 
wife in a camp and she said . . .") have become primary 
central political decision-making. . . the need togenerali 
unverified particulars has transformed rumors into soui 
repetition of stories with confirmation. 48 

It is a revealing characteristic of Conquest's r 
to the Soviet Union, writes Getty, that he elevate 
the level of historical fact. 49 In fact, Conquest hin 
can thus only percolate in the form of hearsay" ar 
basically the best, though not infallible soun 
comments: "Such statements would be astonishii 
history. Of course historians do not accept r 
evidence. " 51 

Having baptised hearsay and rumor into t 
evidence in The Great Terror (the subject of Gett 
proceeds to bestow upon them the rites of confi 
Sorrow. The following examples come from one 

A foreign Communist was given figures of ten mi 
USSR as a whole. [The reference is to a 1935 Hearst 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

s accounts to the point of being unbalanced. In 
alker's faked accounts, one finds the discredited 
Kremlin, Fred Beal of Hearst press infamy, 
c e in Russia, material published in Nazi Germany 
es examined elsewhere in this book. A key chapter 
- Chapter 12: "The Famine Rages" — can serve as 
t's subjective bias, reliance on unverifiable claims, 
lection and evaluation. 

is 237 references. 40 Over half (more than 120) are 
migre sources, of which 50 alone refer to Black 
Woropay's Walker-illustrated, partly anonymous 
times. Other references include Communism the 
blished by the youth wing of the OUN-Bandera), 
unts, the CIA-funded Harvard Refugee Interview 
rthy-era U.S. House Committee on Communist 
orks of fiction are liberally used as if bona fide 
ample, 13 references are to a novel allegedly by 
ished in New York. 41 

pie of Conquest's "scholarship" can be seen in his 
lg account for Chapter 12. A foreign correspondent 
f, he witnessed the following scene: 

ing a mess that defied analysis. There were bones, 
looked like a boot top in the pot. The way the 
abitants (of a former population of forty) eagerly 
showed their state of hunger. 42 

the foreign correspondent is none other than 
lan who never was. Even more incredible, in his 
; quote, Conquest has backdated the issue of this 
>m 1935 to "February 26, 1933." 43 
sequent criticism levelled at his book. Conquest has 



HARVEST OF DECEPTION 



89 



obvious 1921-1922 relief shot of a posed line of starving children entitled 
"The homeless ones." 45 

Again in response to criticism, Conquest tries to justify the use of 
1921-1922 photos to illustrate allegations of famine-genocide in 1932- 
1933: "Moreover, he says photographs from that time are difficult to 
identify clearly, but at any rate he did cover the famine of 1921 in his book 
so those from that period need not be inappropriate." 46 Shades of Harvest 
of Despair. 

Aside from the political imbalance of Conquest's sources, his reliance 
on memoirs reveals further defects in his research and methodology. One 
analyst of war memoirs has stated: "the memoir is a kind of fiction, 
differing from the 'first novel' . . . only by continuous implicit attestations 
of veracity . . . The further personal written materials move from the form 
of the daily diary, the closer they approach the figurative and the 
fictional." 47 One might add — particularly where self-serving issues of a 
political nature are concerned, and where unsavoury aspects of a past must 
be concealed. 

American historian J. Arch Getty has observed that for no other 
period or subject, except the study of the Soviet Union in the 1930s, have 
"historians been so eager to write and accept history-by-anecdote." He 
states: 

Grand analytical generalizations have come from second-hand bits of 
overheard corridor gossip. Prison camp stories ("My friend met Bukharin's 
wife in a camp and she said . . .") have become primary sources on (Soviet) 
central political decision-making . . . the need to generalize from isolated and 
unverified particulars has transformed rumors into sources and has equated 
repetition of stories with confirmation. 48 

It is a revealing characteristic of Conquest's methodology pertaining 
to the Soviet Union, writes Getty, that he elevates rumor and hearsay to 
the level of historical fact. 49 In fact, Conquest himself has stated: "Truth 



90 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Another foreign worker . . . learnt from local officials that Petrovsky 
had admitted a death roll, so far, of five million. [The reference is to Fred 
Beal.] 

... It seems reasonable to suppose that Durantys figures derive from 
the same source as those, also never printed, given one of his colleagues by 
another high official ... or at any rate from similar official estimates 
circulating among authorities . . . 

. . . Another American was told by a high Ukrainian official that six 
million had died . . . [The reference is to Lang. J 

... A Ukrainian-Canadian . . . was told that a secret report . . . gave a 
figure of ten million dead. 52 

Conquest's calculation of death estimates, when not relying on 
traditional right-wing and faminology figures, adds little new to famine- 
genocide demography. Like others before him, Conquest derives an on- 
paper shortage of millions upon millions of people by comparing census 
figures with projections based on earlier population growth rates. 53 On 
this question, as with other aspects of the thesis of famine-genocide, 
Harvest of Sorrow fails to break out of the discredited, politically- 
motivated methods of famine-genocide research. 

Conquest's unswerving anti-communist bias enables him to wallow 
in the morass of rightist materials where more critical scholars fear to 
tread. But then, serious, objective scholars hardly lend their talents to such 
neurotic priorities as "survivalism" and commie takeovers of America. 
Conquest's use of long-established fraudulent accounts such as Walker's 
hardly lends credibility to the claims made in the dustjacket of Harvest of 
Sorrow that the book has been "meticulously researched." 

Thus, the definitive "scholarly" and "visual" evidence of "genocide" 
presented in Harvest of Sorrow and Harvest of Despair falls short. 
Despair and sorrow are more definitive of those attempting to reap a 
harvest of Cold War style anti-Sovietism by falsely interpreting the famine 
of 1932-1933 as "planned genocide." 



Chapter Eight 



THE FAMINE 

"Evidence" prominently featured in the fan 
has been shown to be fraudulent or suspc 
unscientific statistics-juggling and politically , 
testimony are among the many devices employed 
of famine-genocide. Subject to similar manipulat; 
famine: drought, sabotage, Soviet amateurish 
mistakes in history's first mass socialization of agn 
a hostile international environment. 

Throughout the history of the famine-genoci, 

of drought and sabotage have been ignored, < 

distorted. Soviet excesses and mistakes, in contrasi 

an "anti-Ukrainian" motivation, described as delit 

planned, and the results exaggerated in depictions 

the multi-millions. The central event — the colleci 

as part of socialist development — is never given 

anti-communist interpretation. As in Ronald Re; 

world of "terrorists" and "freedom fighters" it 

completely unacceptable to the Ukrainian Nation 

interpretation that socialism and the Sovie 

acknowledged as having any popular support and 

neatly a Soviet "genocide" fits into their stereotype 

tyranny." 

For some promoters of "famine-genocide," an> 

made causes are ignored or denied. Natural cause' 

alleged never to have taken place; claims that drou 

factor are denounced as Soviet inventions. 1 One mi^ 

non-Soviet source could be cited to substantiate di 

However, A History of Ukraine by Mikhail Hr 

by the Nationalists themselves as "Ukraine's leadin 

Again a year of drought coincided with chaotic aj 

and during the winter of 1 932- 1933 a great famine ; 

swept across Soviet Ukraine ... "2 Indeed, now 

Ukraine claim a deliberate, man-made famine ag; 

more space is actually devoted to the famine of 19 

Posthumously published in 1941 by the major I 

group in the United States at the time (the 

Association), Hrushevsky's history was updated to 1 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

ter . . . learnt from local officials that Petrovsky 
so far, of five million. [The reference is to Fred 

le to suppose that Duranty's figures derive from 
ilso never printed, given one of his colleagues by 

or at any rate from similar official estimates 
ties . . . 
n was told by a high Ukrainian official that six 

reference is to Lang. J 
idian . . . was told that a secret report . . . gave a 

52 

tion of death estimates, when not relying on 
nd faminology figures, adds little new to famine- 
Like others before him, Conquest derives an on- 
ms upon millions of people by comparing census 
; based on earlier population growth rates. 53 On 
other aspects of the thesis of famine-genocide, 
Is to break out of the discredited, pohtically- 
amine-genocide research. 

ving anti-communist bias enables him to wallow 
st materials where more critical scholars fear to 
objective scholars hardly lend their talents to such 
survivalism" and commie takeovers of America, 
established fraudulent accounts such as Walker's 
to the claims made in the dustjacket of Harvest of 
las been "meticulously researched." 
e "scholarly" and "visual" evidence of "genocide" 
of Sorrow and Harvest of Despair falls short, 
e more definitive of those attempting to reap a 
te anti-Sovietism by falsely interpreting the famine 
led genocide." 



Chapter Eight 



THE FAMINE 

"Evidence" prominently featured in the famine-genocide campaign 
has been shown to be fraudulent or suspect. Fake photographs, 
unscientific statistics-juggling and politically motivated hearsay and 
testimony are among the many devices employed to embellish allegations 
of famine-genocide. Subject to similar manipulation are the causes of the 
famine: drought, sabotage, Soviet amateurish planning, excesses and 
mistakes in history's first mass socialization of agriculture in the context of 
a hostile international environment. 

Throughout the history of the famine-genocide campaign, the factors 
of drought and sabotage have been ignored, denied, downplayed or 
distorted. Soviet excesses and mistakes, in contrast, are emphasized, given 
an "anti-Ukrainian" motivation, described as deliberately and consciously 
planned, and the results exaggerated in depictions of starvation deaths in 
the multi-millions. The central event — the collectivization of agriculture 
as part of socialist development — is never given anything but a classicly 
anti-communist interpretation. As in Ronald Reagan's black and white 
world of "terrorists" and "freedom fighters" it is inconceivable and 
completely unacceptable to the Ukrainian Nationalist and Sovietologist 
interpretation that socialism and the Soviet Union should be 
acknowledged as having any popular support and the right to exist. How 
neatly a Soviet "genocide" fits into their stereotyped image of "Bolshevik 
tyranny." 

For some promoters of "famine-genocide," anything other than man- 
made causes are ignored or denied. Natural causes, such as drought, are 
alleged never to have taken place; claims that drought was a contributing 
factor are denounced as Soviet inventions. 1 One might then expect that no 



92 FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

Dr. Luke Myshuha. 3 Lest anyone accuse Myshuha of being a communist 
dupe, it should be noted that he is identified in the book's 
acknowledgements as editor-in-chief of the Ukrainian Nationalist paper 
Svoboda. Svoboda s Rome correspondent dished out money supplied from 
the U.S. to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, which moved its 
headquarters to fascist Italy in late 1940. 4 Myshuha himself visited Berlin 
in 1939, speaking over Nazi radio in Ukrainian, and his Nazi connections 
were the subject of testimony before the U.S. Congressional Dies 
Committee. 5 

More recent histories can also be cited on the subject of drought. 
Nicholas Riasnovsky, former visiting professor at Harvard University's 
Russian Research Center, notes in his History of Russia that drought 
occurred in both 1931 and 1932. 6 Michael Florinsky, immediately 
following a description of the mass destruction wrought by kulak 
resistance to collectivization, states: "Severe droughts in 1930 and 1931, 
especially in the Ukraine, aggravated the plight of farming and created 
near famine conditions." 7 Professor Emeritus at Columbia and a prolific 
writer on the USSR, Florinsky can hardly be accused of leftist sympathies: 
born in Kiev, Ukraine, he fought against the Bolsheviks in the Civil War. 8 

Even Ewald Ammende, the first major political-famine writer of the 
1930s, credits causes other than "pre-planned communist genocide." 
Primarily blaming breakdowns and inefficiencies of Soviet collectivization 
of agriculture, Ammende states: "If a future harvest were severely injured 
by climatic or other natural causes — as was the case in 1933 — the 
catastrophe would once more reach vast dimensions." 9 Not surprisingly, 
contemporary famine-genocide writers avoid reference to the above quote 
from Human Life in Russia. 

While drought was a contributing factor, the main cause of the 
famine was the struggle around the collectivization of agriculture which 
raged in the countryside in this period. 

Ten years after the revolution, private production still dominated the 
agricultural economy. Backwardness and manual labor characterized the 
state of agriculture on the millions of small-scale peasant farms. In 1928, 
three-quarters of the land was sown by hand. One-third of the crop area 
was harvested by sickle and scythe, 40 per cent of the crop was threshed by 
flail. Over one-quarter of peasant households possessed no draught 
animals or farming implements, and 47 per cent had only ploughs. 10 

An integral part of socialist development and the basis for 
mechanization and all-round modernization of agricultural production, 
collectivization represented a revolution of rural life. Small individual 
peasant holdings were united into large cooperative, collective farms. 



THE FAMINE 

Developed first on a voluntary basis, collectivizai 
1920s and became a concerted drive by the end o 
of the USSR's first five-year plan launched in 

Collectivization — socializing the agriculti 
ending private ownership of the means of ; 
Socialization of the land was coupled with soci 
productive animals, farm buildings, machinery 
private ownership meant that the class of privan 
would no longer exist as a class. This policy wa 
kulaks as a class" and was part of the full-scale 
under way by the beginning of the 1930s. 

Though only a small fraction of the farrr 
occupied a significant place in agricultural produ 
area and marketable grain production than their i 
for example, four per cent of households ownec 
under crop. The kulaks were the money-lende 
entrepreneurs of the countryside. It was primar 
farm sires, the rural industrial enterprises such as 
leased to the poorer peasants their farm impl. 
draught animals, who controlled a large part of th 
areas. 11 

As part of the collectivization program, the 1 
be .confiscated and transferred to the collective fa 
machinery and other farm property. A sizable nu 
families were to be evicted from collectivized ar 
The kulaks responded — fighting against < 
organized campaign of large-scale destructior 
through the countryside, approaching civil war s< 
devastating results particularly in Ukraine. 

Frederick Schuman, Woodrow Wilson Prof< 
Williams College at the time of writing, states tl 
other tourists travelled in Ukraine during the far 

Their [kulak] opposition took the initial form oi 
cattle and horses in preference to having them collectiv 
a grievous blow to Soviet agriculture, for most of the cat 
owned by the kulaks. Between 1928 and 1933 the numl 

* Private ownership is not the same as personal own 
concerns the means used to produce goods — for exa 
private ownership, goods produced by the labor of other; 
the means of production. For example, cars made by aut( 
them, but to the owners of the car factory. 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

:st anyone accuse Myshuha of being a communist 
noted that he is identified in the book's 
:ditor-in-chief of the Ukrainian Nationalist paper 
ne correspondent dished out money supplied from 
ation of Ukrainian Nationalists, which moved its 
Italy in late 1940. 4 Myshuha himself visited Berlin 
Nazi radio in Ukrainian, and his Nazi connections 
testimony before the U.S. Congressional Dies 

iries can also be cited on the subject of drought. 
: ormer visiting professor at Harvard University's 
ter, notes in his History of Russia that drought 
M and 1932. 6 Michael Florinsky, immediately 
m of the mass destruction wrought by kulak 
nation, states: "Severe droughts in 1930 and 1931, 
ine, aggravated the plight of farming and created 
s." 7 Professor Emeritus at Columbia and a prolific 
orinsky can hardly be accused of leftist sympathies: 
he fought against the Bolsheviks in the Civil War. 8 
lende, the first major political-famine writer of the 
other than "pre-planned communist genocide." 
ikdowns and inefficiencies of Soviet collectivization 
de states: "If a future harvest were severely injured 
natural causes — as was the case in 1933 — the 
e more reach vast dimensions." 9 Not surprisingly, 
genocide writers avoid reference to the above quote 
Russia. 

vas a contributing factor, the main cause of the 
;le around the collectivization of agriculture which 
de in this period. 



THE FAMINE 



93 



Developed first on a voluntary basis, collectivization accelerated m the late 
1920s and became a concerted drive by the end of the decade, a key feature 
of the USSR's first five-year plan launched in 1929. 

Collectivization — socializing the agricultural economy — included 
ending private ownership of the means of agricultural production.* 
Socialization of the land was coupled with socialization of draught and 
productive animals, farm buildings, machinery and equipment. Ending 
private ownership meant that the class of private owners — the kulaks — 
would no longer exist as a class. This policy was called "eliminating the 
kulaks as a class" and was part of the full-scale collectivization program 
under way by the beginning of the 1930s. 

Though only a small fraction of the farm population, the kulaks 
occupied a significant place in agricultural production, with a larger crop 
area and marketable grain production than their number implied. In 1927 
for example, four per cent of households owned 15 per cent of the area 
under crop. The kulaks were the money-lenders, the middlemen, the 
entrepreneurs of the countryside. It was primarily they who owned the 
farm sires, the rural industrial enterprises such as mills and smithies, who 
leased to the poorer peasants their farm implements, machinery and 
draught animals, who controlled a large part of the retail trade in the rural 
areas. 11 

As part of the collectivization program, the land of the kulaks was to 
be confiscated and transferred to the collective farms, as was their cattle, 
machinery and other farm property. A sizable number of wealthier kulak 
families were to be evicted from collectivized areas and sent elsewhere. 

The kulaks responded — fighting against collectivization with an 
organized campaign of large-scale destruction. The struggle swept 
through the countryside, approaching civil war scale in many areas, with 
devastating results particularly in Ukraine. 

Frederick Schuman, Woodrow Wilson Professor of Government at 



94 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



USSR declined from almost 30,000,000 to less than 15,000,000; of horned 
cattle from 70,000,000 (including 3 1,000,000 cows) to 38,000,000 (including 
20,000,000 cows); of sheep and goats from 147,000,000 to 50,000,000; and 
of hogs from 20,000,000 to 12,000,000. Soviet rural economy had not 
recovered from this staggering loss by 1941. 

. . . Some [kulaks] murdered officials, set the torch to the property of 
the collectives, and even burned their own crops and seed grain. More 
refused to sow or reap, perhaps on the assumption that the authorities 
would make concessions and would in any case feed them. 

The aftermath was the Ukraine "famine" of 1932-33 . . . Lurid accounts, 
mostly fictional, appeared in the Nazi press in Germany and in the Hearst 
press in the United States, often illustrated with photographs that turned 
out to have been taken along the Volga in 1921 — The "famine" was not, in 
its later stages, a result of a food shortage, despite the sharp reduction of 
seed grain and harvests flowing from special requisitions in the spring of 
1932 which were apparently occasioned by fear of war with Japan. Most of 
the victims were kulaks who had refused to sow their fields or had destroyed 
their crops. 12 

Unlike many famine-genocide theorists who discount kulak sabotage, 
some Ukrainian Nationalists offer enthusiastic descriptions of sabotage 
and terrorism. Isaac Mazepa, former Premier of Petliura's Nationalist 
government in Ukraine and a die-hard Nationalist til his death, admitted 
frankly that the crop failures, and logically much of the resulting famine, 
were largely due to these causes: 

At first there were disturbances in the kolkhosi [collective farms] or 
else the communist officials and their agents were killed, but later a system 
of passive resistance was favored which aimed at the systematic frustration 
of the Bolsheviks' plans for the sowing and gathering of the harvest . . . The 
catastrophe of 1932 was the hardest blow that Soviet Ukraine had to face 
since the famine of 1921-1922. The autumn and spring sowing campaigns 
both failed. Whole tracts were left unsown, in addition when the crop was 
being gathered ... in many areas, especially in the south, 20, 40 and even 50 
per cent was left in the fields, and was either not collected at all or was ruined 
in the threshing. 13 

One doubts that the Nationalists' heroes — those propertied groups 
who committed great destruction of agricultural resources — were 
charitably received by the rest of society which suffered as a result. The 
destruction of the means of life must have been regarded as criminal. 

The struggle around collectivization was not limited to kulaks. A 
considerable number of middle peasantry were wrongly treated as kulaks. 
Instead of being won over to supporting collectivization, they resisted 
collectivization. Louis Fischer observed: "I myself saw, all over the 
Ukraine in October 1932, huge stacks of grain which the peasants had 
refused to gather in and which were rotting. This I write 'was their 



THE FAMINE 

winter's food. Then those same peasants starv 
falsely interpreted the famine and some Ame 
interpretation." 14 

Problems inherent to the massive introduc 
system of farming further complicated the situ; 
speed of collectivization was astounding: in the st 
million farms were collectivized, including 70 ] 
Ukraine. 15 Collectivization took place at rates anc 
extreme swings depending on the abilities an 
regional authorities. Careful planning gave way u 
top level collectivization schedules and targets 
changes and revisions. With limited historical e 
and in a countryside renowned for backward™ 
traditions, millions of small strips and holdings v 
few hundred thousand collective farms. Peasan 
labor and working with draught animals were n( 
ploughs, tractor-drawn seeders, mechanical co 
Against this background and widespread sabota 
was impossible. 

Added to this were errors and excesses con- 
collectivization. Contrary to what Nationalist id 
would have us believe, Soviet historiography doe; 
nor does it gloss over errors committed. (It is tru 
been written in the Soviet Union specifically 
contemporary Soviet life is demanding a more op 
one can expect this will change.) The eight- volt 
double) History of the Ukrainian SSR offers the 
criticism in the chapter "Struggle Against Distorti 
the Building of Collectivization": 

On the path of establishing the collectivization rho 
great difficulties which were conditioned by the newnes 
the process, the age-old peasant tradition of private o* 
economic obsolescence, and the great shortage of cadr< 
were complicated by the capitalist encirclement in whi 
found itself and the intensification of class struggle in 
these conditions, the distortions of the party line tow: 
collectivization, which were noticed in the firsi 
collectivization, were especially dangerous. The leaders 
regions, in pursuit of high percentages of collectivi 
persistent and painstaking organizational mass work am 
took (instead) the path of coercion. Many mistakes an 
made by responsible workers of Shepetytsky, Tulcfv 
various other regions where, during the last twenty dayi 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

st 30,000,000 to less than 15,000,000; of horned 
:luding 31,000,000 cows) to 38,000,000 (including 
o and goats from 147,000,000 to 50,000,000; and 

to 12,000,000. Soviet rural economy had not 
ering loss by 1941. 

jrdered officials, set the torch to the property of 
burned their own crops and seed grain. More 
serhaps on the assumption that the authorities 
ind would in any case feed them, 
e Ukraine "famine" of 1932-33 - . . Lurid accounts, 

in the Nazi press in Germany and in the Hearst 
>, often illustrated with photographs that turned 
ng the Volga in 192 1 ... . The "famine" was not, in 
f a food shortage, despite the sharp reduction of 
lowing from special requisitions in the spring of 
tly occasioned by fear of war with Japan. Most of 
ho had refused to sow their fields or had destroyed 



ne-genocide theorists who discount kulak sabotage, 
nalists offer enthusiastic descriptions of sabotage 
lazepa, former Premier of Petliura's Nationalist 
s and a die-hard Nationalist til his death, admitted 
lilures, and logically much of the resulting famine, 
?se causes: 

disturbances in the kolkhosi [collective farms] or 
als and their agents were killed, but later a system 
favored which aimed at the systematic frustration 
ar the sowing and gathering of the harvest . . . The 
the hardest blow that Soviet Ukraine had to face 
■1922. The autumn and spring sowing campaigns 
were left unsown, in addition when the crop was 
iy areas, especially in the south, 20, 40 and even 50 
Ids, and was either not collected at all or was ruined 



THE FAMINE 



95 



winter's food. Then those same peasants starved.' Mr. Chamberlin has 
falsely interpreted the famine and some Americans have accepted his 
interpretation." 14 

Problems inherent to the massive introduction of a new, collective 
system of farming further complicated the situation. The very scale and 
speed of collectivization was astounding: in the space of four years, over 14 
million farms were collectivized, including 70 per cent of the farms in 
Ukraine. 15 Collectivization took place at rates and with methods subject to 
extreme swings depending on the abilities and attitudes of local and 
regional authorities. Careful planning gave way to confusion as even at the 
top level collectivization schedules and targets were subject to drastic 
changes and revisions. With limited historical experience to draw upon 
and in a countryside renowned for backwardness and age-old peasant 
traditions, millions of small strips and holdings were amalgamated into a 
few hundred thousand collective farms. Peasants long used to manual 
labor and working with draught animals were now introduced to tractor 
ploughs, tractor-drawn seeders, mechanical combines and threshers. 
Against this background and widespread sabotage, a smooth transition 
was impossible. 

Added to this were errors and excesses committed in the course of 
collectivization. Contrary to what Nationalist ideologues and "experts" 
would have us believe, Soviet historiography does not ignore this period, 
nor does it gloss over errors committed. (It is true, though, that little has 
been written in the Soviet Union specifically about the famine; as 
contemporary Soviet life is demanding a more open look at their history, 
one can expect this will change.) The eight-volume (two of which are 
double) History of the Ukrainian SSR offers the following analysis and 
criticism in the chapter "Struggle Against Distortions of the Party Line in 
the Building of Collectivization": 

On the path of establishing the collectivization movement were placed 



96 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



the level of collectivization in some districts jumped from 10-15 to 80-90 per 
cent. 

Distortions in the movement for collectivization were also tied to the 
phenomenon that republican and local organizations did not always issue 
correct instructions, Thus, in the Ukraine, regional and district party 
committees received, on February 24, 1930, a directive to collectivize the 
steppes by the end of the spring sowing campaign, and the entire Ukraine 
— by the autumn of 1930. This was a vulgar violation of the directives of the 
party concerning the rates and methods of collectivization. 

A particularly dangerous distortion of party policy in regard to the 
collectivization movement was the incorrect approach taken toward the 
middle peasantry in various districts. Accomplishing the course of 
collectivization, the party guided itself by the Leninist approach that 
successes in the socialist transformation of agriculture were dependent, to a 
large extent, on the attitude of the middle peasantry. Nevertheless, there 
were cases of dealing with the middle peasantry as if they were kulaks. As 
was noted in a letter to party organizations from the Central Committee of 
the AU-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) of April 2, 1930, the policy of 
strengthening the alliance with the middle peasantry with the support of 
the poor peasantry, and in conditions of mercilous struggle against the 
kulaks, began to be replaced by the policy, hostile to Leninism, of 
commandism in relations with the middle peasantry. 

All these distortions and mistakes, which had nothing in common with 
the Leninist line of the party, were useful to the kulaks, the bourgeois 
nationalists, the right-opportunists and Trotskyists. 16 

Arbitrary methods, a system of administrative command and treating 
middle peasants as kulaks expanded the opposition to collectivization and 
the social and economic upheaval. Soviet mistakes and excesses, drought 
and the organized campaign of sabotage and resistance resulted in the 
famine of 1932-1933. There was no plan to wipe out Ukrainians as a 
people; the mistakes — even when accompanied by tragic and 
unforgivable excesses — do not constitute "pre-planned genocide." 

The famine was compounded by typhus epidemics. Internationally 
acclaimed urban planner and recipient of the Order of Canada, Dr. Hans 
Blumenfeld worked as an architect in the Ukrainian city of Makayevka at 
the time of the famine. He writes: 

There was indeed a famine in 1933, not just in the Ukraine, but also in . . the 
Lower Volga and the North Caucasus; and Makeyevka, located near the 
junction of these three regions, felt the full impact of it. . . . Only once did I 
see a child with spindly legs and a swollen belly; it was in the garden of a 
nursery school at the hand of a nurse waiting for the doctor. Nor did I ever 
see a corpse lying in a street. . . . There is no doubt that the famine claimed 
many victims. I have no basis on which to estimate their number . . . 
Probably most deaths in 1933 were due to epidemics of typhus, typhoid 
fever, and dysentery. Waterborne diseases were frequent in Makeyevka; I 
narrowly survived an attack of typhus fever. 17 



THE FAMINE 

Very occasionally, sources from the "famine-g< 
widespread epidemics. Despite the absurdity of '. 
Horsley Gantt confirms this point, as cited in th< 
passage: "He [Gantt] reports that the peak of 
coincided with that of the famine. ... He adds, 
starvation was complicated by the epidemics, it is r 
which of the two causes was more important in c 

The famine did not extend past the pre-harv 
further their political ends, the famine-genocid< 
1930s, such as Ammende and the Hearst press, at 
the famine into and occasionally even beyond 1934 
1980s rarely dare to make similar claims. The suca 
was guaranteed by measures taken by the Soviet gc 
the situation. Thirty-five million poods of seed, fooc 
sent to Ukraine in the spring of 1933. Changes wer. 
organization and management of the collective 
more tractors, combines and trucks were de 
Blumenfeld offers a useful personal summary of t 

. . . [The famine was caused by] a conjunction of a numb 
the hot dry summer of 1932, which I had experienced in 
had resulted in crop failure in the semiarid regions of the 
struggle for collectivization had disrupted agriculture. Cc 
not an orderly process following bureaucratic rules. It con; 
the poor peasants, encouraged by the Party. The poor peas 
expropriate the "kulaks," but less eager to organize a cooj 
By 1930 the Party had already sent out cadres to stem and c 
After having exercised restraint in 1930, the Party put o 
1932. As a result, in that year the kulak economy ceased tc 
new collective economy did not yet produce fully. Fi 
inadequate product went to urban industry and to the an 
future of the entire nation, including the peasants, depe 
could hardly be otherwise ... 

In 1933 rainfall was adequate. The Party sent its b< 
organize work in the kolkhozes. They succeeded; after th 
the situation improved radically and with amazing speed, 
that we had been pulling a heavy cart uphill, uncertain if v 
but in the fall of 1933 we had gone over the top and from 
move forward at an accelerating pace. 20 

The tasks of socializing industrial and agt 
however much anathema to capitalists and others v 
were aimed at raising conditions to the level of ti 
Soviets felt that socialization and development were 
the survival of their country, particularly in light < 
elsewhere in Europe and Japanese expansionisr 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

i some districts jumped from 1 0- 1 5 to 80-90 per 

ement for collectivization were also tied to the 
n and local organizations did not always issue 

in the Ukraine, regional and district party 
bruary 24, 1930, a directive to collectivize the 
tring sowing campaign, and the entire Ukraine 
his was a vulgar violation of the directives of the 
ind methods of collectivization, 
us distortion of party policy in regard to the 
was the incorrect approach taken toward the 
aus districts. Accomplishing the course of 
guided itself by the Leninist approach that 
isformation of agriculture were dependent, to a 
: of the middle peasantry. Nevertheless, there 
he middle peasantry as if they were kulaks. As 
y organizations from the Central Committee of 
5 arty (Bolshevik) of April 2, 1930, the policy of 
vith the middle peasantry with the support of 

conditions of mercilous struggle against the 
ced by the policy, hostile to Leninism, of 
ith the middle peasantry. 

d mistakes, which had nothing in common with 
rty, were useful to the kulaks, the bourgeois 
rtunists and Trotskyists. 16 

l system of administrative command and treating 
: expanded the opposition to collectivization and 
lpheaval. Soviet mistakes and excesses, drought 
aign of sabotage and resistance resulted in the 
lere was no plan to wipe out Ukrainians as a 
— even when accompanied by tragic and 
do not constitute "pre-planned genocide." 
upounded by typhus epidemics. Internationally 
and recipient of the Order of Canada, Dr. Hans 



THE FAMINE 97 

Very occasionally, sources from the "famine-genocide" camp note the 
widespread epidemics. Despite the absurdity of his death guesstimate, 
Horsley Gantt confirms this point, as cited in the following Dalrymple 
passage: "He [Gantt] reports that the peak of the typhus epidemic 
coincided with that of the famine. ... He adds, however, that because 
starvation was complicated by the epidemics, it is not possible to separate 
which of the two causes was more important in causing casualties." 18 

The famine did not extend past the pre-harvest period of 1933. To 
further their political ends, the famine-genocide campaigners of the 
1930s, such as Ammende and the Hearst press, attempted to stretch out 
the famine into and occasionally even beyond 1934; their followers of the 
1980s rarely dare to make similar claims. The success of the 1933 harvest 
was guaranteed by measures taken by the Soviet government to overcome 
the situation. Thirty-five million poods of seed, foodstuffs and fodder were 
sent to Ukraine in the spring of 1933. Changes were made to improve the 
organization and management of the collective farms, and thousands 
more tractors, combines and trucks were delivered. 19 Dr. Hans 
Blumenfeld offers a useful personal summary of the period: 

. . . [The famine was caused by] a conjunction of a number of factors. First, 
the hot dry summer of 1932, which I had experienced in northern Vyatka, 
had resulted in crop failure in the semiarid regions of the south. Second, the 
struggle for collectivization had disrupted agriculture. Collectivization was 
not an orderly process following bureaucratic rules. It consisted of actions by 
the poor peasants, encouraged by the Party. The poor peasants were eager to 
expropriate the "kulaks," but less eager to organize a cooperative economy. 
By 1930 the Party had already sent out cadres to stem and correct excesses. . . 
After having exercised restraint in 1930, the Party put on a drive again in 
1932. As a result, in that year the kulak economy ceased to produce, and the 
new collective economy did not yet produce fully. First claim on the 
inadequate product went to urban industry and to the armed forces; as the 
future of the entire nation, including the peasants, depended on them, it 
could hardly be otherwise . . . 



In -\QZZ riinfoll 



art* T*V-u= Partu cpnt ifc K*icf r^Arpc fn hpln 



98 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



American journalist, Albert Rhys Williams, observed as much and quoted 
Stalin as saying in 1931: "we are from 50 to 100 years behind the advanced 
countries. We must run through this distance in 10 years. Either we do this 
or they will crush us." 21 

And run they did! The collectivization program and the large-scale 
industrialization projects of the five-year plans of the 1930s were directed 
at building a modern industrial country, further developing socialism and 
strengthening the ability of the USSR to defend itself. At great cost, 
against tremendous difficulties, and not without painful mistakes and 
excesses, the Soviet Union achieved its goals. American journalist Howard 
K. Smith observed: 

. . . production found its 1913 level only in 1928. Then they began their plans 
for industrialization. In other words, they had not twenty-three, but only 
twelve years to prepare for World War II. The measure of their success is in 
the comparative indices of industrial production for 1940, with level of 1913 
as index 100 in all cases: 

France 93.2 

United Kingdom 113.3 

USA 120.0 

Germany 131.6 

USSR 908.6 22 

As to the results of collectivization and industrialization in Ukraine 
during this period, American journalist Edgar Snow wrote in the Saturday 
Evening Post: 

Ukraine ... in 1940 . . . was second only to the United States in the mining of 
iron, and dug twice as much as France, the leading European producer. Its 
blast furnaces smelted more pig iron than England and twice as much as 
France, being exceeded only by the United States and Germany. In steel 
production it stood fourth in the world, far ahead of such countries as France 
and Japan. Coal mining stood in the same position ... In field husbandry 
Ukraine is famous for more than its grain. Its potato crop is exceeded in the 
world only by Germany and Poland. It is the world's largest producer of beet 
sugar . . . Vegetable oil is pressed from an annual crop of more than a million 
tons of sunflower seed. Cotton and natural rubber . . . are large new crops. 23 

Significantly, recognition of these accomplishments has been granted 
by some Ukrainian Nationalist historians, as the above was cited in Ihor 
Kamentsky's book Hitler's Occupation of Ukraine 1941-1944- 2 * 

The achievements of socialist construction are all the more 
remarkable in light of the very real problems and difficulties of the 1930s. 
Almost in themselves they give the lie to allegations of 7 to 15 mass 
starvation deaths having occurred a mere six to seven years previous, 
suggesting something quite different from the holocaust line of Innitzer, 



THE FAMINE 

Hearst, the Nazis, the Ukrainian Nationalist! 
warriors. 

The fact that Japan seized Manchuria and 
Germany during the very period of the famine ma 
Union undertook its crash programs barely i 
organization of Soviet industry and agriculture, s< 
emigres and capitalists alike, proved to be Eun 
against Hitler's war machine. Despite initial < 
beginning of the war, within a year the Soviets' rez 
the Germans. As historian Heinz Hohne states: 

Two sobering years of bloody war in Russia provide 
falsity of the tale about sub-humans. As early as August 
from the Reich" the SD noted that the feeling was 
German people that "we have been victims of delu< 
startling impression is of the vast mass of Soviet weaj 
quality, and the gigantic Soviet effort of industrializa 
contrast to the previous picture of the Soviet Union 
themselves how Bolshevism has managed to produce 

Had not Nazi Germany and its European a 
against the social and industrial might developi 
1930s, the Axis powers, armed with the addii 
resources, could well have emerged the victors. Ii 
question as to whether any Ukrainian Nationals 
the Nazis' planned race programs to write abou 

According to Ukrainian Nationalists, the fan- 
was consciously directed — almost exclusively ag 
Indeed, The Black Deeds of the Kremlin openly si 
have us believe that other nationalities were 
normally. 26 The scope of the hardships is chs 
distorted, and politically manipulated. Other natic 
Russians, Turkmen, Kazakhs, Caucasus groups — 
mentioned at all are done so almost reluctantly ir 
the Nationalists' xenophobic horror stories can t 
Bolshevik "Russians" are pitted against "j 
breathtaking verbal sorties at times unsurpasse 
circles, we are told: "This whole monstrous horde c 
like a pack of beasts of prey, threw itself on an all 
plundered Ukraine." 27 

James Mace also attempts to interpret the 
focused against certain nationalities, going so fa 
famine stopped precisely at the border with Ru: 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

\lbert Rhys Williams, observed as much and quoted 
1 : "we are from 50 to 100 years behind the advanced 
n through this distance in 10 years. Either we do this 

■21 

1! The collectivization program and the large-scale 
:cts of the five-year plans of the 1930s were directed 
industrial country, further developing socialism and 
ility of the USSR to defend itself. At great cost, 
lifficulties, and not without painful mistakes and 
lion achieved its goals. American journalist Howard 



913 level only in 1928. Then they began their plans 
other words, they had not twenty-three, but only 
or World War II. The measure of their success is in 
)f industrial production for 1940, with level of 191 3 

93.2 
113.3 
120.0 
131.6 
908.6 " 

Df collectivization and industrialization in Ukraine 
lerican journalist Edgar Snow wrote in the Saturday 

as second only to the United States in the mining of 
uch as France, the leading European producer. Its 
tore pig iron than England and twice as much as 
anly by the United States and Germany. In steel 
i in the world, far ahead of such countries as France 
stood in the same position ... In field husbandry 
>re than its grain. Its potato crop is exceeded in the 



THE FAMINE 



99 



Hearst, the Nazis, the Ukrainian Nationalists and modern-day cold 
warriors. 

The fact that Japan seized Manchuria and Hitler seized power in 
Germany during the very period of the famine may indicate that the Soviet 
Union undertook its crash programs barely in time. The social re- 
organization of Soviet industry and agriculture, so despised by right-wing 
emigres and capitalists alike, proved to be Europe's successful bulwark 
against Hitler's war machine. Despite initial enormous losses at the 
beginning of the war, within a year the Soviets' real power was apparent to 
the Germans. As historian Heinz Hohne states: 

Two sobering years of bloody war in Russia provided cruel proof of the 
falsity of the tale about sub-humans. As early as August 1942 in its "Reports 
from the Reich" the SD noted that the feeling was growing among the 
German people that "we have been victims of delusion. The main and 
startling impression is of the vast mass of Soviet weapons, their technical 
quality, and the gigantic Soviet effort of industrialization — all in sharp 
contrast to the previous picture of the Soviet Union. People are asking 
themselves how Bolshevism has managed to produce all this." 25 

Had not Nazi Germany and its European allies broken their backs 
against the social and industrial might developed by the USSR in the 
1930s, the Axis powers, armed with the additional wealth of Soviet 
resources, could well have emerged the victors. In that event it is a moot 
question as to whether any Ukrainian Nationalists would have survived 
the Nazis' planned race programs to write about "famine-genocide." 

According to Ukrainian Nationalists, the famine affected — or rather 
was consciously directed — almost exclusively against ethnic Ukrainians. 
Indeed, The Black Deeds of the Kremlin openly states as much, and would 
have us believe that other nationalities were unaffected and eating 
normally. 26 The scope of the hardships is chauvinistically restricted, 
distorted, and politically manipulated. Other nationalities who suffered — 



100 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



per . . ," 28 Right-wing historian Alec Nove — who otherwise supports the 
deliberate famine thesis — takes issue with Robert Conquest's emphasis 
on ethnicity as the determining factor: "There is one matter on which one 
must disagree with Conquest. It is what could be called the Ukrainian 
aspect . . . Russians who happened to be in the area affected ... in Lower 
Volga and North Caucasus for example — also died . . . Yes, the Ukrainian 
countryside suffered terribly. But Conquest seems prone to accept the 
Ukrainian nationalist myth." 29 

Dr. Hans Blumenfeld, writing in response to Ukrainian Nationalist 
allegations of Ukrainian genocide, draws on personal experience in 
describing the people who came to town in search of food: 

They came not only from the Ukraine but in equal numbers from the 
Russian areas to our east. This disproves the "fact" of anti-Ukrainian 
genocide parallel to Hitler's anti-semitic holocaust. To anyone familiar with 
the Soviet Union's desperate manpower shortage in those years, the notion 
that its leaders would deliberately reduce that scarce resource is absurd . . . 
Up to the 1950s the most frequently quoted figure was two million 
[victims]. Only after it had been established that Hitler's holocaust had 
claimed six million [Jewish] victims, did anti-Soviet propaganda feel it 
necessary to top that figure by substituting the fantastic figure of seven to 
ten million . . . 30 

Most contemporary non-Ukrainian Nationalist "famine-genocide" 
historians do not attempt to limit the famine to Ukraine. At the same time 
however, they try to portray the period of the early 1930s collectivization 
as one of mass destruction of the Ukrainian people, and of their ethno- 
cultural annihilation. Some even go so far as to extend famine conditions 
up to the end of the decade. 31 If such claims were true, one might have 
expected the Nazis, along with their Ukrainian fascist "Marching Groups" 
and interpreters, to have discovered a thinly populated wasteland of 
backward and "Russified" starvelings when they invaded Ukraine in 1941. 
The Ukrainian Nationalist collaborators from western Ukraine who 
entered Soviet Ukraine alongside the Nazi armies give a rather different 
account. For example, prominent Nationalist Lev Shankivsky, in Pokbidni 
hrupy OUN (OUN Marching Groups), quotes the report of a Galician 
"culture worker": 

One can come across an ordinary village girl . . . during our talk we discover 
that the girl is well-versed in mathematics, physics, chemistry . . . had 
finished secondary school and worked as a tractor driver ... In other 
examples one could meet a former university, medical institute or teachers' 
college student among the village girls. Such cases are frequent. . . People are 
well informed, One could discuss any political or social theme with the 
peasants . . . Our fellows [the Galician OUN fascists] fared badly in 
discussions on professional matters or knowledge of state structure . . . 32 



THE FAMINE 

One can only wonder what kind of "genocidi 
and educational advances. 

Other sources describe an even more I 
Ukrainian population to the Nazis' Nationalist j 
Ohienko, dispatched by the Nazis to Kiev, was soi 
by a wartime letter to a friend: 

I have been here for already several months but I can fii 
You can't imagine how Bolshevism has changed ever) 
malicious and consider us enemies in the way that pet 
once treated the Tartars . . . Complete disrespect . . . 
pointed hostility. All Ukrainians arriving from the 
collaborators] they call fascist spies, Hitler's mercenai 
partly true . . . The Germans really do assign us the < 

The record of Ukrainian resistance to the N 
Nationalist auxiliaries is exemplary. As America 
Union, William Mandel, states: 

In the largest eastern portion of the Ukraine, which 
twenty years loyalty was overwhelming and active, 
million organized Soviet guerrillas . . . and 4,500,00( 
fought in the Soviet army. Clearly that army would have 
weakened if there had been basic disaffections 
component. 



34 



The Nationalists' own Ukraine: A Concise I 
an even greater number of Ukrainians having fc 
giving an estimate of "approximately 5 millio 
amazed at the ability of a nation to mobi 
predominantly military age males in light of th 
famine death figures. The Encyclopaedia also con 
"Hero of the Soviet Union" medals awarded, 2, 
soldiers. 36 Mandel, among others, explains this so 
Union: "There was an obvious reason for this loy 
Ukrainian peasants, workers, and the professions 
those classes, the Soviet system had demon 
economic and cultural advantages." 37 

In fact, the only area in which the Nationalist 
during the Nazi occupation, was in formerly (unt 
where the Nazis did the bulk of their recruiting f 
units. This is confirmed by historian Roman Szpor 
"zones of operation" of "organized Ukrainian Nat 
to the former Polish territories" 38 — that is, to t\ 
the pre-war Ukrainian (Galician) fascist movemt 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

listorian Alec Nove — who otherwise supports the 
is — takes issue with Robert Conquest's emphasis 
rmining factor: "There is one matter on which one 
mquest. It is what could be called the Ukrainian 
10 happened to be in the area affected ... in Lower 
isus for example — also died . . . Yes, the Ukrainian 
erribly. But Conquest seems prone to accept the 
myth." 29 

feld, writing in response to Ukrainian Nationalist 
ian genocide, draws on personal experience in 
who came to town in search of food; 

m the Ukraine but in equal numbers from the 
Lst. This disproves the "fact" of anti-Ukrainian 
r's anti-semitic holocaust. To anyone familiar with 
rate manpower shortage in those years, the notion 
iberately reduce that scarce resource is absurd . . . 
nost frequently quoted figure was two million 
lad been established that Hitler's holocaust had 
ash] victims, did anti-Soviet propaganda feel it 
ire by substituting the fantastic figure of seven to 

iry non-Ukrainian Nationalist "famine-genocide" 
lpt to limit the famine to Ukraine. At the same time 
ortray the period of the early 1930s collectivization 
:tion of the Ukrainian people, and of their ethno- 
iome even go so far as to extend famine conditions 
lecade. 31 If such claims were true, one might have 
>ng with their Ukrainian fascist "Marching Groups" 
lave discovered a thinly populated wasteland of 
ed" starvelings when they invaded Ukraine in 1941. 
>nalist collaborators from western Ukraine who 



THE FAMINE 



101 



One can only wonder what kind of "genocide" results in such cultural 
and educational advances. 

Other sources describe an even more hostile reaction of the 
Ukrainian population to the Nazis' Nationalist puppets. A priest, Father 
Ohienko, dispatched by the Nazis to Kiev, was sorely troubled, as indicated 
by a wartime letter to a friend: 

I have been here for already several months but I can find no spiritual peace. 
You can't imagine how Bolshevism has changed everything . . . People are 
malicious and consider us enemies in the way that perhaps their ancestors 
once treated the Tartars . . . Complete disrespect . . . Everywhere we find 
pointed hostility. All Ukrainians arriving from the outside [Nationalist 
collaborators] they call fascist spies, Hitler's mercenaries which I admit is 
partly true . . . The Germans really do assign us the dirtiest jobs. 33 

The record of Ukrainian resistance to the Nazis and their Ukrainian 
Nationalist auxiliaries is exemplary. As American authority on the Soviet 
Union, William Mandel, states: 

In the largest eastern portion of the Ukraine, which had been Soviet for 
twenty years loyalty was overwhelming and active. There were half a 
million organized Soviet guerrillas . . . and 4,500,000 ethnic Ukrainians 
fought in the Soviet army. Clearly that army would have been fundamentally 
weakened if there had been basic disaffections among so large a 
component. 34 

The Nationalists' own Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, admits to 
an even greater number of Ukrainians having fought in the Red Army, 
giving an estimate of "approximately 5 million." 35 One can only be 
amazed at the ability of a nation to mobilize such numbers of 
predominantly military age males in light of the Nationalists' claimed 
famine death figures. The Encyclopaedia also concedes that out of 11,000 
"Hero of the Soviet Union" medals awarded, 2,000 went to Ukrainian 
soldiers. 36 Mandel, among others, explains this solid defense of the Soviet 



102 FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

The truth of the matter is that from 1918 to the present, the various 
factions of Ukrainian Nationalists have had little support to speak of from 
the Ukrainian people themselves. Nationalist Mykola Stepanenko 
begrudgingly admits that: "The current Ukrainian resistance and 
nationality defence movement (sic) . . . has not yet enjoyed the support or 
active participation of technocrats, government officials, lower and middle 
echelon party members, professionals and workers," 39 One can only add, 
that if the Ukrainian people didn't support the Nationalists at the time of 
Stepanenko's writing in exile (1977), they certainly didn't while he was 
goose-stepping around Europe in the Nazi uniform of the 14th WaffenSS 
Division. 

Had the 1 94 1 population of Soviet Ukraine consisted of the remnants 
and survivors of a mass multi-million holocaust of a few years previous, or 
if they had perceived the 1932-1933 famine as genocide, deliberately aimed 
at Ukrainians, then doubtless fascism would have met a far different 
reception; Soviet Ukrainians would have been as reluctant to defend the 
USSR as Jewish survivors would have been to defend Nazi Germany. 

But, as we shall see next, the Nazi occupation of Ukraine is relevant 
not just for the opposition to the Nazis from the overwhelming majority 
of the population. It is also very relevant for the role played by the 
Ukrainian Nationalists — the main perpetrators of the famine-genocide 
myth. 



Chapter Nine 



COLLABORATION AND C( 

On June 30, 1941, the Nazi army entered 1 
Ukraine. In its vanguard came the Germar 
Battalion of Ukrainian Nationalists, under th 
Shukhevych. With the collusion of the Nazi Abw 
of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists ii 
called "Government of Western Ukrainian Lan< 
Stetsko who had accompanied the Nazi invaders 
the Lviv area's Jewish population at once w; 
anticipated, noted Phillip Weiss, a leader of 
Committee and survivor from Western Ukraine, I 
terror hanging over the city because of the approa 
the public knowledge of the forthcoming pogroi 
Nationalists." 2 

American writer Saul Friedman, who under 
on the historical persecution of Jews by Ukrainia 
his book Pogromchik: 

During the first three days of July 1941, the Nachttgall] 
almost entirely of Ukrainians under the directioi 
slaughtered seven thousand Jews in the vicinity of Lwo? 
their execution, Jewish professors, lawyers and doctors 
the steps of four story buildings and to carry garbage ir 
house to house. Then forced to run a gauntlet of men w< 
armbands (coincidentally the colors of the Petliurist R 
bayonetted to death in what was officially termed Akt 

Under the Banderite Nationalist clique po 
many of Lviv's non-Jewish writers, intellectuals ai 
to be hostile to Nazism were also slaughtered. TI 
fate of Dr. Taras Maliarchuk, a Ukrainian surgei 
drowned in bathtub; his wife raped in the presen 
then bayonetted; their five-year old daughter M 
window and their three-year old son Mikhailo i 
caliber Browning pistol." 4 

A Ukrainian-Jewish survivor from Kolomija < 
of the Ukrainian Nationalists. "The moment the 
(the Ukrainian Nationalists) put on white armban 
a killing spree." Hidden in a bunker with 17 other j 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

natter is that from 1918 to the present, the various 
Nationalists have had little support to speak of from 
e themselves. Nationalist Mykola Stepanenko 
that: "The current Ukrainian resistance and 
ivement (sic) . . . has not yet enjoyed the support or 
technocrats, government officials, lower and middle 
s, professionals and workers." 39 One can only add, 
eople didn't support the Nationalists at the time of 
in exile (1977), they certainly didn't while he was 
i Europe in the Nazi uniform of the 14th Waffen SS 

ulation of Soviet Ukraine consisted of the remnants 
s multi-million holocaust of a few years previous, or 
le 1932- 1933 famine as genocide, deliberately aimed 
oubtless fascism would have met a far different 
linians would have been as reluctant to defend the 
vors would have been to defend Nazi Germany. 
*e next, the Nazi occupation of Ukraine is relevant 
tion to the Nazis from the overwhelming majority 
is also very relevant for the role played by the 
s — the main perpetrators of the famine-genocide 



Chapter Nine 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 

On June 30, 1941, the Nazi army entered Lviv, capital of Western 
Ukraine. In its vanguard came the German-uniformed Nachtigall 
Battalion of Ukrainian Nationalists, under the command of Roman 
Shukhevych. With the collusion of the Nazi Abwehr, the Bandera faction 
of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists immediately set up a so- 
called "Government of Western Ukrainian Lands," headed by Yaroslav 
Stetsko who had accompanied the Nazi invaders to the city. A pogrom of 
the Lviv area's Jewish population at once was launched. 1 This was 
anticipated, noted Phillip Weiss, a leader of Winnipeg's Holocaust 
Committee and survivor from Western Ukraine, by ". . . the air of fear and 
terror hanging over the city because of the approaching German army and 
the public knowledge of the forthcoming pogrom of Jews by Ukrainian 
Nationalists." 2 

American writer Saul Friedman, who undertook extensive research 
on the historical persecution of Jews by Ukrainian Nationalists, states in 
his book Pogromchik: 

During the first three days of July 1941, the Nachtigall Battalion, composed 
almost entirely of Ukrainians under the direction of the Gestapo, 
slaughtered seven thousand Jews in the vicinity of Lwow (Lemberg). Before 
their execution, Jewish professors, lawyers and doctors were made to lick all 
the steps of four story buildings and to carry garbage in their mouths from 
house to house. Then forced to run a gauntlet of men wearing blue and gold 
armbands (coincidentally the colors of the Petliurist Republic), they were 
bayonetted to death in what was officially termed Aktion Petliura. 3 

Under the Banderite Nationalist clique posing as a government, 



104 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



We heard a shot close by. Later a girl and myself went up quietly from the 
basement . . . We looked around, went out, there was a pregnant woman 
lying. Her baby was moving in her still. She didn't speak but she was still 
alive. Then we heard something coming close. We ran away . . . When I went 
up from the bunker on that second day . . . and looked through the window to 
see what was going on, the picture we saw will never be erased from my 
mind. Ten or twelve Ukrainian police walking by in their high leather boots; 
all covered with blood. They went to the well which was at the end of our 
street to wash off the blood. 5 

Historian Reuben Ainsztein has chronicled the widespread and 
voluntary help given by the Ukrainian Nationalists to the Nazi 
exterminations in Western Ukraine. In his classic Jewish Resistance in 
Nazi-Occupied Eastern Europe, he states that at the beginning of the Nazi 
occupation, the OUN leaders: 

Stetsko and Bandera proclaimed the creation of a "free Ukraine" and 
organized a 31,000 strong militia . . . The militia played a most important 
part in making it possible for the Einsatzkommando to carry out their task 
of genocide and terror until the middle of August [ 1 94 1 ] . . . The militia was 
then disbanded and 3,000 cut-throats were allowed to enroll in the 
Ukrainian Auxiliary police which was to play such an abominable role in 
the annihilation of the Jews in Eastern Europe. 6 

In the first eight months of Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine, 15 
per cent of Galician Jews — 100,000 people — were slaughtered by the 
joint actions of the Germans and Ukrainian Nationalists. 7 Jewish- 
Canadian survivor and decorated anti-Nazi partisan Nahum Kohn 
describes the Ukrainian fascist role in the holocaust in Ukraine's Volyn 
region: ". . . whenever Jews were slaughtered, four or five Germans would 
participate, 'helped' by 100 or 200 Ukrainian Nationalists. When the 
Ukraine was virtually Judenrein ('cleansed of Jews'), the Banderovtsy 
(OUN-Bandera) turned on their Polish neighbors." 8 In his autobiography, 
Kohn describes how his partisans came to the rescue of the Polish 
inhabitants of Pshebrazhe, ravished by Banderite fascists who had 
slaughtered 40 per Cent of the villagers. 9 

The Ukrainian Nationalist perpetrators of pogroms against the Jews 
— both before the war and particularly during the war — are portrayed in 
quite a different light in Ukrainian Nationalist publications propagating 
the famine-genocide myth. 

The first chapter of Black Deeds of the Kremlin opens with a full- 
page portrait honoring the pogromist leader of Nationalist Ukraine 
(1918-1919), Simon Petliura. Described by historian Gerald Reitlinger as 
". . . one of the most dubious national heroes of all time," Petliura was 
thrown out of Soviet Ukraine by the revolution and joined his lot with the 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 

foreign interventionists against the USSR. 10 

Nationalist clique on the bayonets of foreign tro 

Poland which gave away Western Ukraine (Gall 

the April 21, 1920 treaty." Nationalist-orie 

Reshetar admits that "while enjoying the hospit 

the winter of 1919-1920 Petliura met with 

convinced that the sole means of obtaining Allie 

French, support was by becoming a Polish satel 

Remnants of Petliura's Nationalists accomj 

backed Polish invasion of Soviet Ukraine, which * 

the Bolsheviks. The Poles held on to Western Uk 

off to exile in France. Of this so-called lead 

Volodymyr Vynnychenko remembers: ". . . (an 

maniac, soaked up to his ears in the blood of pogn 

illiterate, willing to accept all reaction in order to 

Assassinated by a Jew, Sholem Schwartzba 

retribution for the Petliura government army' 

thousands of Jews, 14 Petliura was the symbol use< 

avenge their "great knights." In July 1941 in Lviv 

declared a "Day in Honor of the Memory of Pc 

streets red with the blood of Jewish victims. As h 

Dawidowicz states: 

In Lwow the Germans and Ukrainian [Nationalists], 
hunts for Jews, shot them randomly on the spot Bela 
assassination . . . of Petliura, notorious anti-Semite . th< 
mammoth pogroms, slaughtering thousands and c 
thousands of Jews to Einsatzgruppen headquarters. Wi 
those Jews who had been taken away were machine-gi 
some remote desolate area. The disaster was epic ..."•« 

Another full-page Black Deeds tribute honors 
murderer Roman Shukhevych, commander of i 
Battalion. 16 Following the reorganization of 1 
Schutzmannschaft battalions in the summer of 19< 
Nazi direction, kd his men into Byelorussia to sla 
and peasants. Later in the war, this recipient of 
commanded the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UI 
describes as "the most dangerous and cruel enem 
Polish peasants and settlers, and all anti-German 

Also venerated in Black Deeds are a numb 
supported the Nazis, blessed the Ukrainian SS-unit; 
politically facilitated the Nazi occupation. Unlil 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

y. Later a girl and myself went up quietly from the 
d around, went out, there was a pregnant woman 
tving in her still. She didn't speak but she was still 
nething coming close. We ran away . . . When I went 
lat second day . . . and looked through the window to 
the picture we saw will never be erased from my 
ainian police walking by in their high leather boots; 
rhey went to the well which was at the end of our 
lood. 5 

?n Ainsztein has chronicled the widespread and 
n by the Ukrainian Nationalists to the Nazi 
estern Ukraine. In his classic Jewish Resistance in 
n Europe, he states that at the beginning of the Nazi 
leaders: 

roclaimed the creation of a "free Ukraine" and 
lg militia . . . The militia played a most important 
le for the Einsatzkommando to carry out their task 
itil the middle of August [ 1941 ] ... The militia was 
000 cut-throats were allowed to enroll in the 
lice which was to play such an abominable role in 
fews in Eastern Europe. 6 

months of Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine, 15 
ews — 100,000 people — were slaughtered by the 

Germans and Ukrainian Nationalists. 7 Jewish- 
,nd decorated anti-Nazi partisan Nahum Kohn 
an fascist role in the holocaust in Ukraine's Volyn 
Jews were slaughtered, four or five Germans would 
jy 100 or 200 Ukrainian Nationalists. When the 
y Judenrein ('cleansed of Jews'), the Banderovtsy 
ed on their Polish neighbors." 8 In his autobiography, 

his partisans came to the rescue of the Polish 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 105 

foreign interventionists against the USSR. 10 Hoping to return his 
Nationalist clique on the bayonets of foreign troops, he made a deal with 
Poland which gave away Western Ukraine (Galicia) to the Poles through 
the April 21, 1920 treaty. 11 Nationalist-oriented historian John J. 
Reshetar admits that "while enjoying the hospitality of the Poles during 
the winter of 1919-1920 Petliura met with Pilsudski and became 
convinced that the sole means of obtaining Allied, and more specifically, 
French, support was by becoming a Polish satellite." 12 

Remnants of Petliura's Nationalists accompanied the 1920 French- 
backed Polish invasion of Soviet Ukraine, which was decisively defeated by 
the Bolsheviks. The Poles held on to Western Ukraine, and Petliura went 
off to exile in France. Of this so-called leader, even his colleague 
Volodymyr Vynnychenko remembers: ". . . (an) unhealthily ambitious 
maniac, soaked up to his ears in the blood of pogromized Jewry, politically 
illiterate, willing to accept all reaction in order to preserve his power." 13 

Assassinated by a Jew, Sholem Schwartzbard, in Paris in 1926 as 
retribution for the Petliura government army's slaughter of tens of 
thousands of Jews, 14 Petliura was the symbol used by the Nationalists to 
avenge their "great knights." In July 1941 in Lviv, the OUN Nationalists 
declared a "Day in Honor of the Memory of Petliura" and turned the 
streets red with the blood of Jewish victims. As holocaust historian Lucy 
Dawidowicz states: 

In Lwow the Germans and Ukrainian [Nationalists], in house-to-house 
hunts for Jews, shot them randomly on the spot. Belatedly avenging the 
assassination ... of Petliura, notorious anti-Semite ... the Ukrainians staged 
mammoth pogroms, slaughtering thousands and carrying off other 
thousands of Jews to Einsatzgruppen headquarters. Within hours or days, 
those Jews who had been taken away were machine-gunned en masse at 
some remote desolate area. The disaster was epic . . . 15 

Another full-page Black Deeds tribute honors the Nazi "Major" and 



1 n 



106 FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

Mystyslav) or Father Vasyl Laba (who settled in Edmonton), 
Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky and Josyp Slipyi were unable to flee the 
country with the German retreat; they are honored in Black Deeds with 
portraits. 18 Pro-Nationalist historian John Armstrong notes: ". . . 
[Sheptytsky] personally favored the creation of the Galician Division 
[14th Waffen-SS], and sent one of his clergy, Dr. Laba to act as chief 
chaplain. Bishop Joseph Slipyi conducted a service in St. George's Cathe- 
dral in Lviv, celebrating the inauguration of the Division." 19 

Upon the capture of Kiev, Metropolitan Sheptytsky sent the 
following message to Hitler: 

As head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church I send your excellency my 
heartfelt congratulations on the occasion of the occupation of the capital of 
the Ukraine, the golden domed city on the Dnieper — Kiev! . . . We see in 
you the invincible leader of the insupet able and glorious German Army. The 
cause of the destruction and eradication of Bolshevism which you as Fuehrer 
of the Great German Reich took as the goal of this campaign assures Your 
Excellency the gratitude of all the Christian world. The Ukrainian Greek 
Catholic Church knows the historic meaning of the mighty progress of the 
German Nation under your guidance ... I shall pray to God for Him to bless 
the victory which shall be the guarantee of enduring peace for your 
Excellency, the German Army and the German Nation. 20 

Like the fascist policemen washing their boots at the well, the 
Ukrainian Nationalists of the Banderivtsy, SS units, Auxilliary militia, etc. 
are confronted with the problem of washing away the blood spilled during 
the Nazi occupation. Many thousands who fled to Germany and elsewhere 
in the wake of retreating Nazi armies, had to cover up their personal and 
collective guilt in the holocaust and betrayal of their country. There is in 
fact a conscious attempt to disguise the past of such persons, and to distort 
the history of the role of Ukrainian Nationalists in the Nazi holocaust. 
Such cover-ups are sub-themes in the famine-genocide campaign, for the 
credibility of famine-genocide allegations is undermined by direct 
association with war-time collaboration and atrocities. For example, 
during a 1984 Winnipeg teachers' symposium at which he was speaking 
on "famine-genocide," James Mace was asked why he thought the 
Ukrainian Nationalists supported Hitler and the Nazi invasion of 
Ukraine. Mace replied that they supported Hitler for only a brief period at 
the beginning of the war. 21 

But the relationship between German Nazism and Ukrainian 
Nationalism was no brief honeymoon. Both represented forms of 
extremist nationalism which by the late 1920s had reached some common 
ideological grounds. Two documents from the 1920s indicate the direction 
of Ukrainian Nationalism's transition period. The first is the Decalogue 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 

(Dekaloh), the ten commandments of Ukrainian 
published in Surma in 1929, all members of the O 
Nationalists were expected to memorize it: 

1. Attain a Ukrainian State or die in battle for i 

2. Do not allow anyone to defame the glory or 
Nation. 

3. Remember the Great Days of our efforts. 

4. Be proud of the fact that You are an heir of the < 
of Volodymyr's Trident. 

5. Avenge the death of Great Knights. 

6. Do not speak of the cause with whomever po 
whomever necessary. 

7. Do not hesitate to commit the greatest crime, if t 
demands it. 

8. Regard the enemies of Your Nation with hate 

9. Neither requests, nor threats, nor torture, nor dt 
to betray a secret. 

10. Aspire to expand the strength, riches, and si; 
state even by means of enslaving foreigners. 22 

Similarly, if on a more intellectual level, c 
fascist notions of mystification and "the will" in V. 
minded youth": 

1 . The clearest feature of a person in the universe is 
his living and non-living environments, even in time ar 
in their essence, ideas and actions when systematically c 
to (this) mastery. Beyond them there is only chaos T 
with chaos is the basic task of the person. The ide 
subjugation of chaos by the person. 

2. The greatest imperative for Ukrainians, th< 
Ukrainian perfect nation, is simultaneously a struggle a 
familial and societal spheres. This struggle is possible on 
of leaders, who will systematically rule over these spl 
compunctions to destroy everything hostile within then- 
environment. The creation of such leaders is the basic ( 
The ideal is a Nation, where the individual exists only fo 
name of its perfection . . . 

11. The character of the organization of Ukra 
correspond to the character of the Ukrainian nation. The 
and most famous organization, instinctively accepted bi 
Ukraine, is that of the military, praised in songs and b! 

Researcher Alexander J. Motyl comments: 

That Voin's extremism was probably not untypical f 
suggested by a public statement released by LUN [Lea 
Nationalists] in the late summer of 1926. ". . . the only pos 
rule, at the beginning and under present conditions, can b 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

ier Vasyl Laba (who settled in Edmonton), 
Sheptytsky and Josyp Slipyi were unable to flee the 
man retreat; they are honored in Black Deeds with 
ionalist historian John Armstrong notes: ". . . 
illy favored the creation of the Galician Division 
id sent one of his clergy, Dr. Laba to act as chief 
ph Slipyi conducted a service in St. George's Cathe- 
ng the inauguration of the Division." 19 
ire of Kiev, Metropolitan Sheptytsky sent the 
Hitler: 

n Greek Catholic Church I send your excellency my 
5 on the occasion of the occupation of the capital of 
domed city on the Dnieper — Kiev! . . . We see in 
of the insuperable and glorious German Army. The 
and eradication of Bolshevism which you as Fuehrer 
;ich took as the goal of this campaign assures Your 
' of all the Christian world. The Ukrainian Greek 
the historic meaning of the mighty progress of the 
our guidance ... I shall pray to God for Him to bless 
1 be the guarantee of enduring peace for your 
Army and the German Nation. 20 

policemen washing their boots at the well, the 
ts of the Banderivtsy, SS units, Auxilliary militia, etc. 
le problem of washing away the blood spilled during 
Viany thousands who fled to Germany and elsewhere 
:ing Nazi armies, had to cover up their personal and 
holocaust and betrayal of their country. There is in 
pt to disguise the past of such persons, and to distort 
e of Ukrainian Nationalists in the Nazi holocaust, 
ib-themes in the famine-genocide campaign, for the 
e-genocide allegations is undermined by direct 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 



107 



(Dekaloh), the ten commandments of Ukrainian Nationalism. Originally 
published in Surma in 1929, all members of the Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists were expected to memorize it: 

1. Attain a Ukrainian State or die in battle for it. 

2. Do not allow anyone to defame the glory or the honor of Your 
Nation. 

3. Remember the Great Days of our efforts. 

4. Be proud of the fact that You are an heir of the struggle for the glory 
of Volodymyr's Trident. 

5. Avenge the death of Great Knights. 

6. Do not speak of the cause with whomever possible, but only with 
whomever necessary. 

7. Do not hesitate to commit the greatest crime, if the good of the Cause 
demands it. 

8. Regard the enemies of Your Nation with hate and perfidy. 

9. Neither requests, nor threats, nor torture, nor death can compel You 
to betray a secret. 

10. Aspire to expand the strength, riches, and size of the Ukrainian 
state even by means of enslaving foreigners. 22 

Similarly, if on a more intellectual level, one finds unmistakably 
fascist notions of mystification and "the will" in V. Voin's theses on "state- 
minded youth": 

1 . The clearest feature of a person in the universe is his ability to master 
his living and non-living environments, even in time and space. Indivisible 
in their essence, ideas and actions when systematically executed, are means 
to (this) mastery. Beyond them there is only chaos. The eternal struggle 
with chaos is the basic task of the person. The ideal is the eventual 
subjugation of chaos by the person. 

2. The greatest imperative for Ukrainians, the struggle for the 
Ukrainian perfect nation, is simultaneously a struggle against chaos in the 
familial and societal spheres. This struggle is possible only with the training 
of leaders, who will systematically rule over these spheres, without any 
compunctions to destroy everything hostile within themselves and in their 



108 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



groups of organized Ukrainian patriocs-nationalists, who have state- 
minded tendencies, (a dictatorship) which should be realized in the person 
of that national vozbd (fuehrer) who will organize and complete the 
liberation of the Ukrainian people. 24 

By the end of the 1920s, the leadership of exiled Ukrainian 
Nationalists had coalesced around the Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists (OUN), under the vozhd Eugene Konovalets. Established in 
1927, the OUN was based on the League of Ukrainian Nationalists, which 
had been set up at a joint convention of the Union of Ukrainian Fascists, 
the Ukrainian Nationalist Federation and the Union for the Liberation of 
the Ukraine in 1925. The OUN organ, Rozbudova Natsii, betrays evidence 
of the anti-semitism which was widespread in the Ukrainian Nationalist 
movement: ". . . Ukraine is jeopardized by the Jews. The latter have not 
only done us a lot of harm, but . . . will keep on doing us harm so long as the 
Ukrainians fail to apply the necessary means of self-defense." 25 

During the 1930s, the fascist outlook of the OUN was complemented 
by a campaign of terror and assassination in Poland, 26 tactics indicated in 
the Ukrainian Nationalist paper Meta: ". . . Ukrainian Nationalism must 
be prepared to apply any method of struggle against communism, not 
excluding mass physical extermination, even if the latter implies 
sacrificing millions of lives." 27 

Even earlier, in November 1930, the OUN journal Rozbudova Natsii 
proclaimed: "We shall be merciless on that great day which will surely 
come . . . There shall be mercy for neither the young nor the old." It is not 
surprising that in January 1932 the League of Nations Council branded the 
OUN a terroristic organization. 

The affinity of Ukrainian Nationalism and Nazism was not confined 
to Europe. In Canada, anti-semitism, praise of Hitler, racism and fascism 
were openly expressed in Ukrainian Nationalist journals in the 1930s. In 
Winnipeg a Ukrainian language edition of the infamous anti-semitic 
Protocols of the Elders of Zion was published in 1934 and reprinted as late 
as 1959. The following passage can be found in the October 1938 issue of 
Church Life, organ of Ukrainian Catholics in Winnipeg: 

The greatest man at the present moment is Adolph Hitler. He has changed 
the map of Europe and united all the Germans in one state . . . Together with 
Mussolini he has resisted the Bolshevist invasion of Europe, stepped on the 
necks of the Bolsheviks in Spain and declared that they shall not advance 
beyond their befuddled Russia!. . . Hitler is saving Europe and her culture 
from the Bolsheviks. 

In the same year, the Canadian newspaper of the United Hetman 
Organization (followers of Hetman Pavel Skoropadsky) stated: ". . . It has 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 
become impossible for the French nationalists t< 
The very name invites the attack of Yids [Jews]. ] 
being mobilized for the pacification of Europear 
similar vein, Novy Shliakh (New Pathway), \ 
OUN's Melnyk faction, the Ukrainian National 

In Russia Yid terrorists killed 28 bishops, 1,215 pri 
8,800 doctors, 54,850 village elders, 260,000 soldiers, 
48,000 gendarmes, 12,500 police chiefs, 355,250 ir 
workers, 815,000 peasants ... No one objected. But toe 
even beaten, but only frightened, everybody hollers. 2i 

One notes that while yesterday alleged perpt 
labelled Jews, today the label has changed to Russi 
long history in Nationalist ideology. A particular 
like hate literature appeared in the January 1935 i 
published by Anthony Hlynka, a Social Credit mer 
Vegreville, Alberta. It blamed the Jews for the f 

This is the descendant of blood suckers who exp 
His ancestors robbed our fathers of the last strip 
His ancestors held the keys to our temples. 
His ancestors were the informers against us. 
His race barred the path to formation of our stai 
His race murdered the leader of the Ukrainian R 
His race besmirched before the world the r 

Chmelnitsky. 

His race is responsible for the unprecedented ter 
His race murdered by exiles, tortures and famine 

our brothers and sisters but also millions of innoct 

Ukraine. 

His race has abused, debauched, polluted, corrup 

majesty of the Ukraine. 30 

With no mention of the anti-semitism of Kite 
Hlynka in The Ukrainian Canadians: A History. 
plight of the refugees, A. Hlynka soon gained the r 
guardian of third [post-war] immigration to Car 

The ideological background of Ukrainiar 
contributing factor to support for Hitler fascism, 
ideologue Dmitro Dontsov (who was allowed to 
World War II) attempted to justify Hitler's seizure 
describing pre-Nazi conditions, in part: "The third 
the international Jewish community who attackec 
like locusts in order to, jointly with the victors, freel 
literature, music and theatrical art with the evils 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

Ukrainian patriots-nationalises, who have state- 
lictatorship) which should be realized in the person 
I (fuehrer) who will organize and complete the 
nian people. 24 

the 1920s, the leadership of exiled Ukrainian 
)alesced around the Organization of Ukrainian 
under the vozhd Eugene Konovalets. Established in 
>ased on the League of Ukrainian Nationalists, which 
joint convention of the Union of Ukrainian Fascists, 
lalist Federation and the Union for the Liberation of 
The OUN organ, Rozbudova Nat sit, betrays evidence 
which was widespread in the Ukrainian Nationalist 
aine is jeopardized by the Jews. The latter have not 
larm, but . . . will keep on doing us harm so long as the 
>ply the necessary means of self-defense." 25 
)s, the fascist outlook of the OUN was complemented 
ror and assassination in Poland, 26 tactics indicated in 
nalist paper Meta: ". . . Ukrainian Nationalism must 
y any method of struggle against communism, not 
ysical extermination, even if the latter implies 
)f lives." 27 

November 1930, the OUN journal Rozbudova Natsii 
all be merciless on that great day which will surely 
be mercy for neither the young nor the old." It is not 
luary 1932 the League of Nations Council branded the 
rganization. 

Jkrainian Nationalism and Nazism was not confined 
a, anti-semitism, praise of Hitler, racism and fascism 
ed in Ukrainian Nationalist journals in the 1930s. In 
lian language edition of the infamous anti-semitic 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 



109 



become impossible for the French nationalists to call themselves French. 
The very name invites the attack of Yids [Jews]. Billions of Yid dollars are 
being mobilized for the pacification of European gois [gentiles] . . ." 2B In 
similar vein, Novy Shliakh (New Pathway), Winnipeg's voice of the 
OUN's Melnyk faction, the Ukrainian National Federation, published: 

In Russia Yid terrorists killed 28 bishops, 1,215 priests, 6,575 teachers, 
8,800 doctors, 54,850 village elders, 260,000 soldiers, 105,000 policemen, 
48,000 gendarmes, 12,500 police chiefs, 355,250 intellectuals, 192,000 
workers, 815,000 peasants . . . No one objected. But today when Jews aren't 
even beaten, but only frightened, everybody hollers. 29 

One notes that while yesterday alleged perpetrators of genocide were 
labelled Jews, today the label has changed to Russians. Anti-semitism has a 
long history in Nationalist ideology. A particularly vile example of Nazi- 
like hate literature appeared in the January 1935 issue of Klich (The Call), 
published by Anthony Hlynka, a Social Credit member of parliament from 
Vegreville, Alberta. It blamed the Jews for the famine: 

This is the descendant of blood suckers who exploited Ukraine. 

His ancestors robbed our fathers of the last strip of land. 

His ancestors held the keys to our temples. 

His ancestors were the informers against us. 

His race barred the path to formation of our state. 

His race murdered the leader of the Ukrainian Republic. 

His race besmirched before the world the name of our great 
Chmelnitsky. 

His race is responsible for the unprecedented terror in the Ukraine. 

His race murdered by exiles, tortures and famine not only millions of 
our brothers and sisters but also millions of innocent children of the 
Ukraine. 

His race has abused, debauched, polluted, corrupted and defiled the 
majesty of the Ukraine. 30 

With no mention of the anti-semitism of Klich, Marunchak writes of 



110 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



smear pure art with the ideas of Bolshevism." 32 Well-connected to Nazi 
intelligence circles following Hitler's seizure of power, the OUN's fascist 
views led directly to the wartime alliance with the Third Reich: "the 
xenophobic, anti-democratic and anti-semitic nationalism of the OUN 
meshed easily with Nazism." 33 

Following Konovalets' death in 1939, the Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists split into two factions: the OUN-B headed by Stepan 
Bandera, and the OUN-M led by Andrei Melnyk. Testimony of German 
Abwehr officer Erwin Schtolze at the Nuremberg war crimes trials 
revealed that both Melnyk and Bandera were on the Nazi payroll prior to 
Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union: 

It was pointed out in the order that for the purpose of delivering a lightning 
blow against the Soviet Union, Abwehr II . . . must use its agents for kindling 
national antagonisms among the people of the Soviet Union ... I contacted 
the Ukrainian National Socialists who were in German Intelligence Service 
and other members of the nationalist fascist groups . . . Instructions were 
given by me personally to the leaders of the Ukrainian Nationalists, Melnyk 
(Code Name 'Consul I*) and Bandera (Code Name 'Consul II') to organize . . . 
demonstrations in the Ukraine in order to disrupt the immediate rear of the 
Soviet armies . . . Apart from this, a special military unit was trained for 
subversive activities on Soviet territory . . . 34 

Ukrainian Nationalist battalions were trained in Germany prior to 
the war and some were used by the Nazis in their 1939 invasion of Poland. 
As the Nationalists' own encyclopaedia states: "The first Ukrainian unit 
was formed by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists on the eve of 
the Polish-German War. Approximately 600 men strong, it consisted of 
former soldiers of the Carpathian Sich. Commanded by Col. Roman 
Sushko, it marched into Galicia with the German Army in September 
1939." 35 

When Hitler invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, his forces 
included the Nachtigall and Roland battalions of Ukrainian Nationalists. 
The bloody record of butchery by the Nachtigall Battalion of Jews and 
Poles in Lviv will never be forgotten. The formation of these units is 
admitted by the Nationalists' encyclopaedia: "On the eve of World War II, 
as a result of an agreement between some German authorities and the 
Bandera OUN faction, two Ukrainian volunteer detachments (Nachtigall 
and Roland) were formed on German territory . . . They took part in the 
military operations of the German army ... [In late 1941] they were 
reorganized . . . into the Police Battalion 201 and deployed in Byelorus- 
sia..." 36 

Thus we have seen that the Ukrainian Nationalist alliance with 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 

Nazism predated "the beginning of the war." 
alliance was not without contradictions. While t 
their hopes on the Nazis as the vehicle to gain < 
German fascists were not about to cede any part ol 
their opposition to the Soviet Union, the Nazis' di 
stood as an obstacle to the Ukrainian Nation 
contradiction has been wildly exaggerated in th 
Nationalist collaboration and complicity with th 
hoped that the retroactive transformation 
collaborators into "anti-Nazi patriots" will win th 
of democracy," the better to serve the contempor 

Ivan Bahryany, for example, offers the follow 
of the Kremlin: "Ukrainians are not war crimim 
against Hitler and Stalin. They fought against be 
they fought against both during the war." 37 

Of course no one has ever claimed that Ukr 
criminals. After all, most Ukrainians who were 
fought against Hitler. But if by Ukrainians, E 
Nationalists, then he stands condemned as a liar of 
himself. The Ukrainians who fought Hitler were 
targets of Nationalist armed units. 

And who is Ivan Bahryany? During the Nazi 
of the few Ukrainian writers permitted to have w 
the Nazi-controlled Ukrainian Publishing House. 
Nazi-authorized is confirmed by Ukraine: A Conci 
in 1939, by permission of the German authi 
Publishing House (Ukrains'ke Vydavnytsvo) was 
in close association with the Ukrainian Cer 
Ukrainian Publishing House had the exclusive rigl 
newspapers, journals and books within the 'Gene 

One notes that this collaboration commence 
Poland, a full year and a half before the Nazi invasi 
Its authority was later extended to the Nazi-occupK 
it also published pro-Nazi Ukrainian papers such 
Krakivski Visti (1940-1945), and Lviv ski Visti ( 
few. 39 It was an important tool of German polit 
control over Ukrainians living under occupation. 

Feverishly casting about for some "proof" of 
Nationalists and their apologists claim that th< 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

e ideas of Bolshevism." 32 Well-connected to Nazi 
wing Hitler's seizure of power, the OUN's fascist 
he wartime alliance with the Third Reich: "the 
cratic and anti-semitic nationalism of the OUN 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 



111 



zism. 



•33 



lets' death in 1939, the Organization of Ukrainian 
> two factions: the OUN-B headed by Stepan 
L M led by Andrei Melnyk. Testimony of German 
Schtolze at the Nuremberg war crimes trials 
iyk and Bandera were on the Nazi payroll prior to 
: Soviet Union: 

rder that for the purpose of delivering a lightning 
lion, Abwehr II . . . must use its agents for kindling 
ng the people of the Soviet Union ... I contacted 
icialists who were in German Intelligence Service 
; nationalist fascist groups . . . Instructions were 
the leaders of the Ukrainian Nationalists, Melnyk 
d Bandera (Code Name 'Consul If) to organize , . . 
aine in order to disrupt the immediate rear of the 
rom this, a special military unit was trained for 
jviet territory . . , 34 

ilist battalions were trained in Germany prior to 
used by the Nazis in their 1939 invasion of Poland, 
n encyclopaedia states: "The first Ukrainian unit 
inization of Ukrainian Nationalists on the eve of 
r. Approximately 600 men strong, it consisted of 
Carpathian Sich. Commanded by Col. Roman 
d Galkia with the German Army in September 

ided the Soviet Union in June 1941, his forces 



Nazism predated "the beginning of the war." At the same time, the 
alliance was not without contradictions. While the Nationalists pinned 
their hopes on the Nazis as the vehicle to gain control of Ukraine, the 
German fascists were not about to cede any part of their power. United by 
their opposition to the Soviet Union, the Nazis' direct rule of Ukraine also 
stood as an obstacle to the Ukrainian Nationalists' ambitions. This 
contradiction has been wildly exaggerated in the post-war coverup of 
Nationalist collaboration and complicity with the Nazi holocaust; it is 
hoped that the retroactive transformation of "junior partner" 
collaborators into "anti-Nazi patriots" will win them acceptance as "allies 
of democracy," the better to serve the contemporary anti-Soviet crusade. 

Ivan Bahryany, for example, offers the following alibi in Black Deeds 
of the Kremlin: "Ukrainians are not war criminals because they fought 
against Hitler and Stalin. They fought against both before the war and 
they fought against both during the war." 37 

Of course no one has ever claimed that Ukrainians as such are war 
criminals. After all, most Ukrainians who were in a position to do so 
fought against Hitler. But if by Ukrainians, Bahryany refers to the 
Nationalists, then he stands condemned as a liar of the stature of Goebbels 
himself. The Ukrainians who fought Hitler were in fact among the main 
targets of Nationalist armed units. 

And who is Ivan Bahryany? During the Nazi occupation, he was one 
of the few Ukrainian writers permitted to have works published through 
the Nazi-controlled Ukrainian Publishing House. That this publisher was 
Nazi-authorized is confirmed by Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia: "Late 
in 1939, by permission of the German authorities, the Ukrainian 
Publishing House (Ukrains'ke Vydavnytsvo) was established in Cracow, 
in close association with the Ukrainian Central Committee. The 
Ukrainian Publishing House had the exclusive right to publish Ukrainian 



112 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Army* (UPA) was actually a patriotic "national liberation army" which 
strove to drive the Nazis from Western Ukrainian territory. The Canadian 
Institute of Ukrainian Studies of the University of Alberta — publisher of 
the Canadian edition of Conquest's Harvest of Sorrow — has published a 
book in which the OUN-Bandera's UPA is even described as being on a 
par with the French Resistance. 40 Ihor Kamenetsky, another example, 
states in Hitler's Occupation of Ukraine that the Nationalists' ". . . partisan 
movement in Ukraine had a considerable influence on the weakening of 
the German war effort in the East." 41 In reality, the so-called UPA 
"partisans" took pressure off the Nazi front lines by helping to clean out 
Soviet partisans and secure the German rear areas of supply and 
occupation. 

Let us examine the fabric from which authors like Kamenetsky 
attempt to weave their historical disguise. Kamenetsky utilizes inventions 
about non-existent clashes between the OUN-Bandera's UPA and the 
Nazis. For example, he claims that the Chief of Staff of the German SA, 
Victor Lutze, was killed by a UPA detachment on the highway between 
Kovel and Brest in May 1943- 42 The fact that other Nationalist historians 
and their followers give different and contradictory locations for the 
alleged assassination of Lutze does not add to the credibility of this post- 
war invention. 

The truth of the matter is that Lutze was injured in an auto accident 
near Berlin and died in a Potsdam hospital hundreds of kilometers from 
where the Nationalists claim the UPA killed him. 43 According to 
Goebbels' diaries, Lutze's funeral was attended by Hitler, Goebbels and 
other top-ranking Nazis. As a result of Lutze's mishap, Goebbels writes, 
Hitler warned the German leadership that cars bearing Nazi party plates 
must limit their speed to 50 miles per hour. 44 

Elsewhere, Kamenetsky implies that a German anti-partisan 
offensive in Volyn was directed against the Nationalist UPA: 

In the big action in the summer of 1943, conducted by SS General Bach- 
Zelewsky against the Ukrainian partisans in Volnia and Polyssa, 50 tanks . . . 
and nearly 10,000 German and auxilliary police were used. In addition, 
several Hungarian detachments and eastern volunteer battalions 
participated 45 



* Formed in 1943, the Ukrains'ka Povstan'ka Armya (UPA) is usually 
referred to in English as the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Sometimes referred to as 
the Ukrainian Partisan Army, to its surviving Jewish, Ukrainian and Polish 
victims it is usually known as the Banderivtsy (Banderists) — followers of Stepan 
Bandera's wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 

While it is true that the Nationalist UPA "p 
in this period, they were not fighting the Nazis. 
It was then that [Soviet partisan leader] Aleksei Fyo 
arrived with his brigade group from the Chernigov re^ 
Brinskiy's brigade was operating. Within a couple of wi 
that part of Volyn into partisan territory where Germa 
and began his systematic campaign against the railw 
when the Kursk battle was reaching its climax. The C 
15,000 strong force made up of SS and Wehrmacht 
Vlasov units and Ukrainian police, as well as 5,000 Uk 
and in August launched a massive operation against 
While Fyodorov took the brunt of the fighting a 
Brinskiy's brigade was given the task of engaging th< 
Army [UPA] battalions, which supported by German 
batteries, tried to push the partisans into the be 
Germans** 

Composed of criminals and executioners, i 
hated Ukrainian police, security gendarmes 
Legionnaires, the UPA and other Nationalist g 
"known" for their anti-Nazi combat. As Ainszte 
Assured of German assistance in arms and, when 
military cooperation, the UPA gangs, which beca 
Banderovtsy, proved themselves under the command < 
known as Taras Chuprynka, the most dangerous ar 
surviving Jews, Polish peasants and settlers, and all ant 
. . . The fanaticism and nationalistic madness of the Bar 
and other Ukrainian nationalist gangs reached de{ 
incredible even to Soviet and Jewish partisans, whose ai 
by what man could do to man was blunted by their dail 
Nazi New Order. The Jewish partisan Bakalczuk-Feli 
description of entire Polish villages wiped out, their in 
tortured and raped before being slaughtered with knives 
murdered with the same kind of savagery as had beer 
children. 47 

Kamenetsky and his ilk do not have an en 
transform Hitler's Ukrainian auxiliaries and te 
partisans. But then this is not the first time we 
duplicity in Ukrainian Nationalist portrayals 
surprisingly — and reminiscent of scholarship de 
genocide accounts — two-thirds of the "evider 
assertions come from ideological colleagues. Oi 
Chapter 5 of Hitler's Occupation of Ukraine used a 
allegedly anti-fascist role of the UPA, no fewe 
Nationalist apologist Krypyakevich and 5 fn 
Mirchuk. 48 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

lally a patriotic "national liberation army" which 
s from Western Ukrainian territory. The Canadian 
tudies of the University of Alberta — publisher of 
Conquest's Harvest of Sorrow — has published a 
Sf-Bandera's UPA is even described as being on a 
esistance. 40 Ihor Kamenetsky, another example, 
ttion of Ukraine that the Nationalists' "... partisan 
had a considerable influence on the weakening of 
t in the East." 41 In reality, the so-called UPA 
re off the Nazi front lines by helping to clean out 
secure the German rear areas of supply and 

he fabric from which authors like Kamenetsky 
historical disguise. Kamenetsky utilizes inventions 
shes between the OUN-Bandera's UPA and the 
: claims that the Chief of Staff of the German SA, 
d by a UPA detachment on the highway between 
j 1943.^2 The fact that other Nationalist historians 
ive different and contradictory locations for the 
F Lutze does not add to the credibility of this post- 

latter is that Lutze was injured in an auto accident 
a Potsdam hospital hundreds of kilometers from 
ts claim the UPA killed him. 43 According to 
e's funeral was attended by Hitler, Goebbels and 
is. As a result of Lutze's mishap, Goebbels writes, 
man leadership that cars bearing Nazi party plates 
to 50 miles per hour. 44 
snetsky implies that - a German anti-partisan 

i HirprfpH aaainsr the Nationalist UPA: 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 



113 



While it is true that the Nationalist UPA "partisans" fought in Volyn 
in this period, they were not fighting the Nazis. Reuben Ainsztein writes: 

It was then that [Soviet partisan leader] Aleksei Fyodorov-Chernigovskiy 
arrived with his brigade group from the Chernigov region in the area where 
Brinskiy's brigade was operating. Within a couple of weeks Fyodorov turned 
that part of Volyn into partisan territory where Germans had lost all control 
and began his systematic campaign against the railway network at a time 
when the Kursk battle was reaching its climax. The Germans assembled a 
15,000 strong force made up of SS and Wehrmacht troops, Lithuanians, 
Vlasov units and Ukrainian police, as well as 5,000 Ukrainian Nationalists, 
and in August launched a massive operation against the partisans . . . 

While Fyodorov took the brunt of the fighting against the Germans, 
Brinskiy's brigade was given the task of engaging the Ukrainian Partisan 
Army [UPA] battalions, which supported by German bombers and mortar 
batteries, tried to push the partisans into the bag prepared by the 
Germans.** 

Composed of criminals and executioners, former members of the 
hated Ukrainian police, security gendarmes, SS-men and fascist 
Legionnaires, the UPA and other Nationalist gangs were certainly not 
"known" for their anti-Nazi combat, As Ainsztein states: 

Assured of German assistance in arms and, when necessary, outright 
military cooperation, the UPA gangs, which became known as the 
Banderovtsy, proved themselves under the command of Shukhevych, now 
known as Taras Chuprynka, the most dangerous and cruel enemies of 
surviving Jews, Polish peasants and settlers, and all anti-German partisans. 
. . . The fanaticism and nationalistic madness of the Banderovtsy, Bulbovtsy 
and other Ukrainian nationalist gangs reached depths that appeared 
incredible even to Soviet and Jewish partisans, whose ability to be horrified 
by what man could do to man was blunted by their daily experiences of the 
Nazi New Order. The Jewish partisan Bakalczuk-Felin . . . has left us a 
description of entire Polish villages wiped out, their inhabitants invariably 
tortured and raped before being slaughtered with knives and axes, the babies 
murdered with the same kind of savagery as had been the fate of Jewish 
children. 47 




1 



6PHTEPCTBI 3BP0I 

Bfllfffilli CBITH? 



Recruiting poster for the 14th Waffen SS Division. In Canada, the 
organization of former members of the 14th Waffen SS is called the 
Brotherhood of Former Combatants, First Ukrainian Division, Ukrainian 
National Army, and is affiliated to the Ukrainian Canadian Committee. 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 



115 




Similarly distorted — if not passed over in silence as by Mace* — is 
the role of the Ukrainian, 14th Waffen SS Galizien Division (also known 
as the Halychyna Division). Formed in 1943 with OUN-Melnyk support 
and reconstituted after its crushing defeat at Brody in 1944, the 14th 
Waffen SS Division's main function was brutal anti-partisan work in 
several countries. Ukrainian Nationalists and their apologists generally 
seek to give the impression that the Galizien Division, unlike other 
Waffen SS units, was almost a patriotic Boy Scout organization with no 
political attachment to the Nazi cause. History shows otherwise. In his 
May 1943 appeal for Galicians to join this SS unit, Volodymyr Kubijovych 
stated: 

The long-awaited moment has arrived when the Ukrainian people again 
have the opportunity to come out with guns to give battle with its most 
grievous foe — Muscovite-Jewish Bolshevism. The Fuehrer of the Great 
German Reich has agreed to the formation of a separate Ukrainian 
volunteer military unit under the name SS Riflemen's Division 
"Halychyna" . . . You must stand shoulder to shoulder with the unbeatable 
German army and destroy, once and for all, the Jewish-Bolshevist 
monster. 49 

Citing Himmler's speeches contained in the U.S. National Archives, 
the Canadian Bureau of the Simon Wiesenthal Center describes the 
unsavory record of this SS unit: 

On May 16, 1944, SS Chief Heinrich Himmler congratulated the officers of 
the 14th Waffen SS Division (Galician No. 1) for having improved the 
beautiful Ukrainian landscape by ridding it of its Jews. Himmler added that 
he was aware that nothing would please the division more than to handout 
the same treatment to the Poles but the timing of that action would be 
decided by Hitler, the man to whom they had pledged absolute obedience. 60 

The 14th Waffen SS, led by Nazi officers from the top practically 
down to the company level, with no independent Ukrainian Nationalist 




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Zt/m S/efl, weekly organ of the 14th Waffen SS Division. The above issue 
includes Adolph Hitler s New Year message, which states in part: "The 
international Jew conducts this war in order to put Europe and England to 

Bolshevism." 



118 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



command, was instrumental in giving military training to the UPA. This 
could only have taken place with the planning, knowledge and approval of 
the top SS command and the German officers leading the division. Indeed, 
certain Nationalist historians openly admit that the UPA was assisted by 
the 14th Waffen SS. Wasyl Veryha, an SS veteran and Division historian 
in Toronto, wrote in Visti Combatanta (a Ukrainian SS veterans' 
magazine): 

While recalling the fairly well known facts that the personnel trained in the 
division [14th Waffen SS] had become the backbone of the UPA, it should 
be mentioned that the UPA command also sent groups of its people to the 
division to receive proper military training . . . This reinforced the UPA 
which was left on the Native land [after the Nazi retreat], in particular its 
commanders and instructors. 61 

The assessment of the UPA as a Nazi tool appears to be shared by 
certain sections among the Nationalists. Perhaps hoping to distance 
themselves from the UPA's bloody record, the Nationalist publication 
Ukrainskyi Samostiinyk admitted that the UPA "was influenced by and 
formed after the Nazi standard," and had "acquired the whole of Nazi 
mentality." Further, it "was not a combat unit of the Ukrainian people but 
merely a Ukrainian Waffen SS — OUN." 52 

Ukrainian Nationalist service to Hitler's Third Reich did not end 
with the expulsion of the Nazis from Ukraine in 1944. As Nazi officer 
Schtolze revealed at the Nuremberg war crimes trials: 

During the retreat of German troops from the Ukraine, Kanaris personally 
instructed the Abwehr to set up an underground network to continue the 
struggle against Soviet power in Ukraine, to organize acts of terrorism, 
subversion and espionage. Competent agents were left behind specially to 
direct the Nationalist movement. Orders were given to install caches, to 
store munitions, etc. To maintain liaison with these bands, agents were sent 
across the front line. 63 

Further, US. historian John Armstrong (usually sympathetic to the 
Nationalists) admits that after the Germans were driven out of Ukraine 
and continuing into early 1945, "German military agencies" air-dropped 
supplies to UPA units, "... which most German of ficers by then regarded 
as a useful harassment to the Soviet supply lines." 64 

As we have seen, collaboration between the Nazis and Ukrainian 
Nationalists began long before the war and continued throughout the war, 
even after the Germans were completely driven out of Ukrainian territory. 
The Nationalists were firmly locked into the Nazi occupation machine. 
Their police and punitive units mass-murdered Jews and Ukrainians alike. 
Vast numbers of Ukrainians were also rounded up, with the help of 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 

Ukrainian collaborators, for shipment to Get 
Thousands of actions were carried out by Nati< 
and Ukrainian poice units, often under German 
recruited troops served Hitler in Ukrain 
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia, 
assisted in the murder of hundreds of thousa 
Treblinka, Sobibor, Yanowska and Trawniki. 66 
Such was the "anti-Nazi struggle" of those 
would present as "national liberation fighters," 
people" and "patriots who struggled for a free 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

iental in giving military training to the UPA. This 
lace with the planning, knowledge and approval of 
id the German officers leading the division. Indeed, 
orians openly admit that the UPA was assisted by 
asyl Veryha, an SS veteran and Division historian 
Visti Combatanta (a Ukrainian SS veterans* 



veil known facts that the personnel trained in the 
had become the backbone of the UPA, it should 

A command also sent groups of its people to the 
military training . . . This reinforced the UPA 

ive land [after the Nazi retreat], in particular its 

)rs. B1 

: the UPA as a Nazi tool appears to be shared by 
I the Nationalists. Perhaps hoping to distance 
JPA's bloody record, the Nationalist publication 
k admitted that the UPA "was influenced by and 
standard," and had "acquired the whole of Nazi 
was not a combat unit of the Ukrainian people but 
iffen SS — OUN." 62 

alist service to Hitler's Third Reich did not end 
the Nazis from Ukraine in 1944. As Nazi officer 
e Nuremberg war crimes trials: 

nan troops from the Ukraine, Kanaris personally 
set up an underground network to continue the 
ower in Ukraine, to organize acts of terrorism, 
:. Competent agents were left behind specially to 
>vement. Orders were given to install caches, to 
laintain liaison with these bands, agents were sent 



COLLABORATION AND COLLUSION 



119 



Ukrainian collaborators, for shipment to Germany as slave laborers. 
Thousands of actions were carried out by Nationalist militias, SB, UPA 
and Ukrainian poice units, often under German supervision. Nationalist- 
recruited troops served Hitler in Ukraine, Poland, Byelorussia, 
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia. Ukrainian collaborators 
assisted in the murder of hundreds of thousands in death camps like 
Treblinka, Sobibor, Yanowska and Trawniki. 55 

Such was the "anti-Nazi struggle" of those whom Nationalists today 
would present as "national liberation fighters," "heroes of the Ukrainian 
people" and "patriots who struggled for a free Ukraine." 



Chapter Ten 

WAR CRIMINALS, ANTI-SEI 
THE FAMINE-GENOCIDE ( 

Vain were the hopes of Nazis and > 
retribution approached like a whirlwind from tr 
offensive with the retreating Germans, Nation* 
west. 

After the Allied victory over Nazi Germa 
dislocated by the war congregated in Displaced ] 
waiting for resettlement. Many sought to sta 
America, Australia and other countries. Not lea 
large numbers of active collaborators who w 
identified and brought to justice. The Allies had ; 
and hold those suspected of war crimes. 

However, World War II had hardly ended 1 
preparation. As early as 1945, the U.S. administn 
strike against the USSR, and in its war plans and 
collaborators also had a role to play. 

The post-war period introduced new elemen 
famine-genocide campaign, for example its u 
investigations of war criminals. Anti-semitism, 
sections of the Nationalist community — has 
continues to surface. As in the 1930s, the campa 
from the broader right wing. The campaign is 
general effort to advance a foreign policy of confrc 
not excluding nuclear war. The ascendancy of 
represented by the Reagan administration of the 1 
heralded a revival and elevation of the famine-gen 
heights. The 1980s campaign finds its roots partly 
early post-war years. 

As detailed in The Belarus Secret by John Loft 
the U.S. Justice Department Office of Special In 
intelligence agencies helped sanitize Nazi collabor 
new homelands in return for a new collaboration. A 
role was played by the U.S. administration's Office 
headed by Frank Wisner: "The IRO (International ] 
as well as the U.S. DP (Displaced Persons) Commis 
the Ukrainian Nazis as ineligible for visas a 
organizations on the 'inimical list'; but that did not d 



Chapter Ten 

WAR CRIMINALS, ANTI-SEMITISM AND 
THE FAMINE-GENOCIDE CAMPAIGN 

Vain were the hopes of Nazis and Nationalists. Defeat and 
retribution approached like a whirlwind from the east. Fleeing the Soviet 
offensive with the retreating Germans, Nationalist collaborators headed 
west. 

After the Allied victory over Nazi Germany, thousands of people 
dislocated by the war congregated in Displaced Persons camps in Europe 
waiting for resettlement. Many sought to start a new life in North 
America, Australia and other countries. Not least among them were the 
large numbers of active collaborators who were in danger of being 
identified and brought to justice. The Allies had agreed to screen refugees 
and hold those suspected of war crimes. 

However, World War II had hardly ended before a new war was in 
preparation. As early as 1945, the U.S. administration was planning a first 
strike against the USSR, and in its war plans and preparation Nationalist 
collaborators also had a role to play. 

The post-war period introduced new elements into the Nationalists' 
famine-genocide campaign, for example its use by some to divert 
investigations of war criminals. Anti-semitism, long a feature of some 
sections of the Nationalist community — has been toned down, but 
continues to surface. As in the 1930s, the campaign has drawn support 
from the broader right wing. The campaign is one specific form of a 
general effort to advance a foreign policy of confrontation with the USSR, 
not excluding nuclear war. The ascendancy of the American Right, 
represented by the Reagan administration of the 1980s, not coincidentally 
heralded a revival and elevation of the famine-genocide campaign to new 



1 22 FRAUp, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

to open the gates for Ukrainian and other collaborators, Wisner asserted: 
"The OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the partisan 
army it created in 1942 (sic), UPA, fought bitterly against both the 
Germans and the Soviet Russians." 2 Here one sees the thesis of 
Nationalist "anti-Nazi combat" in one of its earliest forms — a cover-story 
used by American intelligence to smuggle Ukrainian and other East 
European Nazis into the United States following the war. Loftus 
comments: 

This was a complete fabrication. The CIC (U.S. Counter-intelligence Corps) 
had an agent who photographed eleven volumes of the secret internal files 
of OUN-Bandera. These files clearly show how most of its members worked 
for the Gestapo or SS as policemen, executioners, partisan hunters and 
municipal officials. The OUN contribution to the German war effort was 
significant, including the raising of volunteers for several SS divisions. It 
was precisely because of its work with the Nazis that Wisner wanted to hire 
the OUN for his special forces. 3 

Wisner's letter on behalf of the OUN fascists succeeded in "convin- 
cing" immigration officials to take the OUN-Bandera organization off the 
"inimical list." 

By the time the DP act (Displaced Persons Act) had expired in 1952, 
400,000 immigrants had come to the United States. Among them were 
important Nazi collaborators from Byelorussia, the Ukraine . . . including 
the nucleus of Wisner's "special forces." During the same four year period 
Wisner's OPC enjoyed virtually unlimited freedom of action and had grown 
to the point that it was consuming more than half the CIA's annual budget. 
Wisner's private army had launched an undeclared war against the Soviet 
Union. He had defied the Congressional ban on smuggling Nazis; he had 
misappropriated government funds to buy arms for ex-Nazi terrorists; and 
he had obstructed justice by sheltering fugitive war criminals who had been 
denounced by the Nuremberg Tribunal, the United Nations, and the 
Congress of the United States. 4 

Frank Wisner and the Office of Policy Coordination did not, however, 
operate outside of the overall plan of the U.S. administration for war 
against the Soviet Union. Declassified documents of the U.S. Joint Chiefs 
of Staff and the National Security Council baldly outline American 
preparations for war, including readiness for first-use of nuclear 
weapons. 6 National Security Council Directive 4/ A of December 1947, 
sketches the directions of covert activities. Psychological warfare included 
". . . primarily media-related activities, including unattributed 
publications, forgeries, and subsidization of publications; political action 
involved exploitation of dispossessed persons and defectors, and support 
to political parties; paramilitary activities included support to guerrillas 
and sabotage; economic activities consisted of monetary operations." 6 



I* 



WAR CRIMINALS 

Laundered East European collaborators w 
Free Europe, Radio Liberty, the Voice of Arm 
V.S. intelligence officers in East European langi 
for sabotage operations inside the Soviet Unior 
as "living witnesses of communist terror 
conditioning of the American people for war 
Ukrainian "famine-genocide" was but one < 
interests coincided with those of the U.S. admini 
writes in his memoirs: 

It was the existence in our country of one vocal a 

element that not only wanted war with Russia but had 

purpose for which, in its own view, such a war shoul, 

mind the escapees and immigrants, mostly recent 

Russian portions of the postwar Soviet Union, as wel 

hastern European satellite states. Their idea tc 

passionately and sometimes ruthlessly attached, was si 

States should for their benefit, fight a war against tl 

achieve the final breakup of the traditional Ru< 

establishment of themselves as the regimes of various : 

• ■ • They appealed successfully at times to relieious fe 

importantly, to the prevailing anti-communist hyste 

political power they possessed can be had from the fact 

(U59) they were able to recommend to Congress tl 

there, the text of a resolution - the so-called CaptiveN 

every word of which was written (on his own publishec 

spokesman, Dr Lev E. Dobriansky, then associate prof, 

University and to get this document solemnly adopt, 

statement of American policy. This resolution commits 

insofar as Congress had the power to do so, to the "libera 

nations," two of which had never had any real exister 

one of which appears to have been invented in th. 

ministry during the recent war. 10 

As one of the architects of the Cold War "cor 
United States, Kennan could hardly have been she 
of the work of the CIA in furthering U.S. policy. 

The United States was not the only destinati 
Allowed to enter Canada, particularly after the Iau. 
were former members of the terrorist Ukrait 
Ukrainian police, punitive detachments, security 
camp guards. Nor should one forget the r 
propaganda writers, and slave-labor procurers 1 
Bandera wings of the Organization of Ukraini; 
notable was the Canadian government decision in 1 
members of the Galician Waffen-SS division Acco, 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

krainian and other collaborators, Wisner asserted: 
ion of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the partisan 
42 (sic), UPA, fought bitterly against both the 
viet Russians." 2 Here one sees the thesis of 
zombat" in one of its earliest forms — a cover-story 
elligence to smuggle Ukrainian and other East 
the United States following the war. Loftus 

cation. TheCIC (U.S. Counter-intelligence Corps) 
;raphed eleven volumes of the secret internal files 
iles clearly show how most of its members worked 
s policemen, executioners, partisan hunters and 
XIN contribution to the German war effort was 
raising of volunteers for several SS divisions. It 
:s work with the Nazis that Wisner wanted to hire 
forces. 3 

behalf of the OUN fascists succeeded in "convin- 
:ials to take the OUN-Bandera organization off the 

(Displaced Persons Act) had expired in 1952, 
i come to the United States. Among them were 
itors from Byelorussia, the Ukraine . . . including 
special forces." During the same four year period 
rtually unlimited freedom of action and had grown 
>nsuming more than half the CIA's annual budget, 
ad launched an undeclared war against the Soviet 
le Congressional ban on smuggling Nazis; he had 
nent funds to buy arms for ex-Nazi terrorists; and 
by sheltering fugitive war criminals who had been 
smberg Tribunal, the United Nations, and the 
States. 4 

i the Office of Policy Coordination did not, however, 



WAR CRIMINALS 



123 



Laundered East European collaborators were put to work at Radio 
Free Europe, Radio Liberty, the Voice of America and schools training 
U.S. intelligence officers in East European languages. 7 Some were trained 
for sabotage operations inside the Soviet Union. 8 Others were employed 
as "living witnesses of communist terror" in the psychological 
conditioning of the American people for war against the USSR. 9 The 
Ukrainian "famine-genocide" was but one of many themes. Their 
interests coincided with those of the U.S. administration. George Kennan 
writes in his memoirs: 

It was the existence in our country of one vocal and not uninfluential 
element that not only wanted war with Russia but had a very clear idea of the 
purpose for which, in its own view, such a war should be fought. I have in 
mind the escapees and immigrants, mostly recent ones, from the non- 
Russian portions of the postwar Soviet Union, as well as from some of the 
Eastern European satellite states. Their idea, to which they were 
passionately and sometimes ruthlessly attached, was simply that the United 
States should, for their benefit, fight a war against the Russian people to 
achieve the final breakup of the traditional Russian state and the 
establishment of themselves as the regimes of various "liberated*' territories 
. . They appealed successfully at times to religious feeling and even more 
importantly, to the prevailing anti-communist hysteria. An idea of the 
political power they possessed can be had from the fact that some years later 
(1959) they were able to recommend to Congress, through their friends 
there, the text of a resolution — the so-called Captive Nations Resolution — 
every word of which was written (on his own published admission) by their 
spokesman, Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, then associate professor at Georgetown 
University, and to get this document solemnly adopted by Congress as a 
statement of American policy. This resolution committed the United States, 
insofar as Congress had the power to do so, to the "liberation" of twenty-two 
"nations," two of which had never had any real existence, and the name of 
one of which appears to have been invented in the Nazi propaganda 
ministry during the recent war. 10 

As one of the architects of the Cold War "containment" policy of the 



AGENT REPORT 



oto/b 
he( sb (slueba bezpeky) 



20"i985 

B * CDR USA,'?:3C3M FOIP) 

Auth Para I 603 DoD 5200. 1-f 



,A £E2. g^FPlNTTACTV 



WtJt/tfl 



2 November 1948 



S. Personal history of General Paul SHAWDRUKi At the outbreak of World War 
I, SHA?TDRUT£ mi chief of polioe Tor'the Iraperial Russian Government, in the POLTAVA 
region. In 1E16 he was indicted into yilitary Servioe, and attented a military 
school at TSCHUHTIEV a6 a cadet. He was disqualified from same and was assigned ae 
a sergeant to a rear echelon mit of the army. In this aesigniMnt he rose to the 
rank of a. Junior lieutenant, and transferred at the outbreak of the revolution to the 
ukranian aray with the rank of a oaptain. There he became an adjutant to FEDLURA, 
fnu, who promoted him within a short time to a colonel. In 1920 he served with the 
Efcranian Army in Poland, and after hip release entered polish Military service, as an 
agent for their Counter Intelllgsnce. In 1923 he obtained the rank of a Major in the 
Quartermaster Corps, after graduating from the Military Academy in WAKsAfr. This 



HERBERT BECKTOU), s/a, CIC, Hegi.n IV. ^ ^Jk£ ' sOUl^£ 



WD! 



Agent Report, File Ho. 4490 Subjeoti OUE/b, Bbi £i 
2 Hdrember 1945 Continued Page 2 




iA BEZFEEY) dated 



assignment to this special oranoh of aervioe was only a camouflage for his 
activities with the counter intelligence. Eis area of assi gament was WOLYKIA. 
By 1S37 SHAJTDRUF. was working as a double agent for both Germans and Poles. 
Eeverthaleas he was promoted to the rink of Colonel, and at the outbreak of the 
Poll eh- German war, automatically became a Major-General due to an iamediate 
promotion of all officers. After the collaspe of Poland he began working for 
the intelligence section of the Gestapo, and was thus instriaiental in the denun- 
ciation of many Polish ex-officers and partisans hiding from the Germans. While 
active in this capacity SHANDRUX met such other polish ex-officers at Fttu SAMUTDT, 
Pnu TCETA and Petro DIATCHEKKO who were *;mberB of an intelligence net employed by 
the^Gernans. Their spheres of interest, however, Taried because they wire working 
for ABWjeHH, whereas he was employed by Gestapo. In 1943 the Germans organised an 
Tkranian Army, for whose leadership General Michael OinLIAIIOVTTCH-PATJWEO was 
delegated. The latter, bowewr, never did receive this appointment, since he was 
arresved by the Gestapo for undisclosed reasons and SHAFDkUK was appointed in his 
place. He served in this position until 1945. Shortly before the German capit- 
ulation he sent Colonel £,'07Sia-RAY=VSKI to establish con-tact with G-2 or the 
opposing Aa»rican forces (probably 7th Army), for negotiations concerning a merger 
of forces and a continuation of hostilities against their Soviet allies. The latter, 
after contacting American forces, was placed under arrest, a n d S BA>:DHTlg was f orced 
to disband his forces. <y — --*.. -t. 



Declassified U.S. intelligence document describing the Nazi career of 
Ukrainian Nationalist collaborator Pavel Shandruk. Besides serving as a 
Gestapo agent, Shandruk headed the "First Ukrainian Division" (the 14th 
Waffen SS), following its cosmetic name-change in April 1945. Shandruk's 
service dates back to his role as a "pogromchik" leader during the 1919 
mass murder of Jews by Petliura's Ukrainian Nationalist forces {see Saul 
Friedman, Pogromchik, pp. 220-221). 



WAR CRIMINALS 

they were allowed into Canada years before the I 
lifted. 

Under Nazi command, the 14th Waffen 

retreat through Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, i 

the masses of people rising up against the Nazi j 

Nazis in their defense of Budapest. 11 Just prior 

on April 24, 1945, the division changed its name 

the non-existent "Ukrainian National Army" in 

background. Other Ukrainian fascist units such a: 

Detachment, were incorporated into the division 

re-christened SS unit was headed by the n 

Shandruk, a turncoat from the pre-war Polish ai 

Nazi service. Following the Nazi surrender, the i 

was interned by the British in a camp in Rimir 

Ukrainian Nationalists abroad setup "relief 

collaborators and others out of the Displaced ] 

camps, and into countries such as Canada and the 

a key role was played by the Ukrainian Canac 

Prominent today in the famine-genocide campa 

Despair was made under its auspices), the UCC w 

1940 by the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Cathol 

Reliance League, the League of Ukrainian Org 

fascist United Hetman Organizations and Ukrain 

Citing documents from the Public Archives of C 

Wiesenthal Centre has outlined the active roi 

Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in the forn 

Canadian Committee. 13 

"The Hetman organization," the Wiesenth; 
to restore the monarchy in the Ukraine an 
dictatorship based on Italian fascism." 14 

Publishers of the New Pathway, the Ukrain 
had a pre-war record of glorifying the Nazi re 
Watson Kirkconnell — "honorary advisor" to the. 
which led to the formation of the UCC — had p 
that the UNF were "Ukrainian Nazis." Noting 
Canadian branch of the OUN (Melnyk followers), 
jhis organization was "anti-semitic, markedly mil 
anti -democratic and has been outlawed in Poland 
murder and terrorism." 15 A confidential 1940 repo 
War Services described the UNF as "rabid admirer 
In 1946, Ukrainian Canadian Committee Pn 



WAR CRIMINALS 



125 



AGENT REPORT 



Wi-it/tgn 



PEKY) 



FEB 2 ■— 



cT RA rEB'2 0"T985lT 

sr cop usAir:3CQM foi 

Aulh Pa.-a 1-603 DoD S200. 1 



2 NoTCmber 194B 



tcry of General Paxil SHAKDRTKi At the outbreak of World War 
polioe Tor "the Imperial Russian Government, in the POLTAVA 
Inducted into Military Servioe, and attented a military 
i oadet. He was disqualified from flame and was assigned as 
slon unit of the army. la this assignment he rose to the 
sat, and transfer red at the outbreak of the resolution to fee 
ank of a oaptain. There he became an adjutant to FEDLLUA, 
thin a short tins to a colonel. In 1920 he served -with the 
and after hi* release entered polish military ser-ri.ce. as an 
Intelligence. In 19E3 he obtained the rank of a Major in the 
er graduating from the Military Academy in WaksAW. 




4490 Subjeoti 
lued Page 2 



OTffi/3 , Ee ( 



IA BEZPKEY) dated 



Lai oranoh of servioe was only a camouflage for his 
iter intelligence. Eis area of assignment was WDLYJJIA. 
rking as a double agent for both Germans and Poles, 
noted to the rank of Colonel, and at The outbreak of the 
matioally became a liajor-General due to an immediate 
rs. After the collaspe of Poland he be gen working for 
o of the Gestapo, and was thus instrumental in the denun- 
ei-offieers and partisans hiding from the Serriars. While 

SEMfDRUE n»t such other Polish ex-officers ae Ftiu SACTTIN, 
.TCHSNKO who were sesKbers of an intelligence net employed by 
eres of interest, howwr, varied because they w*re working 
was employed by Gestapo. In 1943 the Oeraans organited an 
« leadership General Michael O^LIAflOVITCH-PATJrcKO was 

however, never did receive this appointment, since he was 
, for undisclosed reasons and SHaSDkII was appointed in his 
ds position until 1945. Shortly before the German capit- 

S^OVSri-RAYsVSKI to establish contact with G-2 of the 
!b fnrcbablv 7th Army), for negotiations conoertdng a merger 



they were allowed into Canada years before the ban on other SS units was 
lifted. 

Under Nazi command, the 14th Waffen-SS division had cut its 
retreat through Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, fighting the partisans and 
the masses of people rising up against the Nazi yoke. Some had served the 
Nazis in their defense of Budapest. 11 Just prior to Germany's surrender, 
on April 24, 1945, the division changed its name to the "First Division" of 
the non-existent "Ukrainian National Army" in an effort to disguise its SS 
background. Other Ukrainian fascist units such as the bloody 3 1st Punitive 
Detachment, were incorporated into the division prior to surrender. 12 The 
re-christened SS unit was headed by the notorious General Pavel 
Shandruk, a turncoat from the pre-war Polish army with a long record of 
Nazi service. Following the Nazi surrender, the main body of the division 
was interned by the British in a camp in Rimini, Italy. 

Ukrainian Nationalists abroad setup "relief committees" to get these 
collaborators and others out of the Displaced Persons and internment 
camps, and into countries such as Canada and the United States. In Canada 
a key role was played by the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC). 
Prominent today in the famine -genocide campaign (the film Harvest of 
Despair was made under its auspices), the UCC was founded in November 
1940 by the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Catholics, the Ukrainian Self- 
Reliance League, the League of Ukrainian Organizations and the pro- 
fascist United Hetman Organizations and Ukrainian National Federation. 
Citing documents from the Public Archives of Canada, Toronto's Simon 
Wiesenthal Centre has outlined the active role played by the Royal 
Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in the formation of the Ukrainian 
Canadian Committee. 13 

"The Hetman organization," the Wiesenthal Centre notes, "sought 
to restore the monarchy in the Ukraine and establish a military 
dictatorship based on Italian fascism." 14 

D.,Ui:„l C «.u„ m n.*/. ^u„ tti :_■ _ \t..: i t?_ j ^:_ _ 



126 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



visited the SS-men in Rimini, some of whom were still dressed in their 
Nazi uniforms. Upon Kushnir's return to Canada, the UCC lobbied to 
secure their entry into Canada. This was seemingly difficult — SS 
members were barred from entry. Appearing before the Senate's Standing 
Committee on Immigration and Labour, Kushnir was asked if military 
men were among the displaced persons under discussion. Kushnir replied 
in the negative, supporting Senator David's claim that the SS-men were 
workmen by adding that they had been forcibly deported. 17 

The formal barrier to SS members faded in importance as the Cold 
War deepened. Of more concern to the Canadian Immigration 
Department was whether or not an applicant was or had been a 
"communist." Thus, an anti-Nazi partisan of left persuasion, or one who 
had fought under left-wing leadership against the German occupation (in 
many European countries, the major part of the resistance movements) 
stood to be turned away. 18 In contrast, former Nazi SS-men were admitted 
by the thousands. Even prior to the admission of the members of the 14th 
Waffen-SS Division, certain Canadian authorities were complicit in 
facilitating the entry of SS members: in December 1947 "a member of the 
Ontario legislature on a fact-finding tour of Europe, wrote from Germany 
to Saul Hayes, the Director of the Canadian Jewish Congress, that RCMP 
officers screened and approved 'about a dozen men who had been stopped 
by the doctor before boarding ship because the doctor had discovered the 
SS mark tattooed under their armpits.' " 19 

No sooner had they settled into their new environment than the 
political activists among them sought out, or were approached for, new 
alliances within the Cold War political and academic arenas. Canadian 
Nazi investigator Sol Littman, for example, has stated: "To gather 
information on Soviet-bloc countries, they (the RCMP) have cultivated 
the radical, right-wing nationalists in the Baltic, Ukrainian, Hungarian, 
Romanian, Croatian and Polish Canadian communities." 20 

New-wave Nationalists rose rapidly in the ranks of the American and 
Canadian organizations, some of which had been weakened and depleted 
during the war years due to their earlier pro-Nazi leanings. Adding some 
thousands of new members, the new arrivals eventually came to dominate 
the leadership of the right-wing in the Ukrainian community, giving the 
movement a new lease on life. 

In Canada, for example, a number of post-war Ukrainian exiles of 
OUN-Melnyk loyalties joined the Ukrainian National Federation. New 
organizations were also set up, such as the Society of Veterans of the 
Ukrainian Insurgent Army (the OUN-Bandera's UPA); the Brotherhood 
of Former Combatants, First Division, Ukrainian National Army (alias of 



WAR CRIMINALS 

the 14th Waf fen SS) ; and the OUN-Banderite I 
Ukraine. These groups eventually affiliated c 
Committee. 

Former fascists, Nazi collaborators and 
throughout the ethnic and political associatu 
Nationalist tendencies. Some prominent Ukra 
brag of the influence wielded by former SS me 
wing organizations. Former Ukrainian SS-man 
reportedly has done work for both Radio Li 
addressed a banquet celebrating an anniversai 
Division in Toronto. Speaking as a represent; 
center of the Ukrainian National Republic," h 

I share your conviction that former members of 
D lv ision are today found: "in all Ukrainian organi 
institutions, that they are among the leaders of evt 
They hold responsible posts at private enterprises, fi 
of government and public capacities, in the educaric 
schools to universities. All of them went through th 
Division ... and they are not ashamed of it." 21 * 

While Stepanenko and others may not be " 
membership in the SS, the general trend in rf 
movement has been to cover up Nationalist com 
crimes. A new image and clean clothes were co 
would obscure past collaboration with the Nazi; 
up the shattered pieces of their anti-communist 
in the West. 

One need only examine the numerous "instil 
the history of Ukrainian Nationalism to a fine ar 
bulk of Western material on Ukrainian histon 
manufactured by exiled right-wingers and their li 
institutions." Such institutions as the Shevch 
Smoloskyp Publishers, the Ukrainian Academy oi 
York), the Ukrainian Free University in Munich t 
interpretations of history as representing the vie 
Ukrainians in the world. 

Frank Wisner and the Office of Policy Cooi 

* Former members of the 14th Waffen SS {alias Fi 
not found in "all Ukrainian organizations"; all Ukrai 
Nationalist, and only a minority of Ukrainian Canadian 
associated with right-wing Nationalist organizations ] 
not only for all Ukrainians abroad, but for Ukraine as * 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

timini, some of whom were still dressed in their 
Kushnir's return to Canada, the UCC lobbied to 
o Canada. This was seemingly difficult — SS 
:om entry. Appearing before the Senate's Standing 
ation and Labour, Kushnir was asked if military 
splaced persons under discussion. Kushnir replied 
ting Senator David's claim that the SS-men were 
it they had been forcibly deported. 17 
r to SS members faded in importance as the Cold 
more concern to the Canadian Immigration 
ther or not an applicant was or had been a 
anti-Nazi partisan of left persuasion, or one who 
ing leadership against the German occupation (in 
ies, the major part of the resistance movements) 
. 18 In contrast, former Nazi SS-men were admitted 
prior to the admission of the members of the 14th 
:ertain Canadian authorities were complicit in 
SS members: in December 1947 "a member of the 
fact-finding tour of Europe, wrote from Germany 
ctor of the Canadian Jewish Congress, that RCMP 
>proved 'about a dozen men who had been stopped 
arding ship because the doctor had discovered the 
r their armpits.' " 19 

iey settled into their new environment than the 
ig them sought out, or were approached for, new 
)ld War political and academic arenas. Canadian 
Littman, for example, has stated: "To gather 
-bloc countries, they (the RCMP) have cultivated 
nationalists in the Baltic, Ukrainian, Hungarian, 
id Polish Canadian communities." 20 



WAR CRIMINALS 



127 



the 14th Waffen SS); and the OUN-Banderite League for the Liberation of 
Ukraine. These groups eventually affiliated to the Ukrainian Canadian 
Committee. 

Former fascists, Nazi collaborators and SS-men are to be found 
throughout the ethnic and political associations dominated by certain 
Nationalist tendencies. Some prominent Ukrainian Nationalists openly 
brag of the influence wielded by former SS members in Ukrainian right- 
wing organizations. Former Ukrainian SS-man Mykola Stepanenko, who 
reportedly has done work for both Radio Liberty and Radio Canada, 
addressed a banquet celebrating an anniversary of the 14th Waffen SS 
Division in Toronto. Speaking as a representative of "the government 
center of the Ukrainian National Republic," he boasted: 

I share your conviction that former members of the First Ukrainian 
Division are today found: "in all Ukrainian organizations, societies and 
institutions, that they are among the leaders of every such organization. 
They hold responsible posts at private enterprises, functioning in a variety 
of government and public capacities, in the education system from public 
schools to universities. All of them went through the school of life in the 
Division . . . and they are not ashamed of it." 21 * 

While Stepanenko and others may not be "ashamed" of their former 
membership in the SS, the general trend in the Ukrainian Nationalist 
movement has been to cover up Nationalist complicity in Nazi Germany's 
crimes. A new image and clean clothes were collectively required which 
would obscure past collaboration with the Nazis and enable them to pick 
up the shattered pieces of their anti-communist struggle from new bases 
in the West. 

One need only examine the numerous "institutions" set up to develop 
the history of Ukrainian Nationalism to a fine art of apologetics. The vast 
bulk of Western material on Ukrainian history, culture and politics is 
manufactured by exiled right-wingers and their liberally funded "academic 

institutions" Snrh insrinifinne ac rhf .^h^vr-h^nlm Cri^nfifiV Gjvi«<-tr 



128 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



role in the 1950s in establishing emigre institutes. John Loftus notes 
further: "Funding for these 'research institutes,' which were little more 
than front groups for ex-Nazi intelligence officers, came from the 
American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, now known as 
Radio Liberty. The committee was actually a front for OPC." 22 

Many of these institutions continue to be generously assisted by 
various public and private sources, openly or covertly. In the United States, 
a Village Voice expose drew attention to the Prolog Research and 
Publishing Association Inc. Its purpose: "the investigation of the history, 
economics, politics, and culture of the Ukraine . . . exposing to the public 
opinion of the world the true nature of communist dictatorship and the 
threat to freedom everywhere." 23 Prolog's certificate filed in New York in 
1956 lists the Ukrainian Nazi war criminal Mykola Lebed as a director. 
According to the Village Voice, Lebed headed an OUN faction, for which 
Prolog was at least partly a front group. The Village Voice comments: 
"Ukrainians familiar with the workings of Prolog say that it could not 
have sustained itself solely from sales of its publications — many of which 
were regularly smuggled into . . . Ukraine — and that it probably received 
help from a government agency." Several people interviewed mentioned 
the CIA. 24 

In Canada, Nationalists and anti-communists dominate some 
universities* Ukrainian and East European studies departments. They 
appear to have had a free hand to publish propaganda as history. 26 Such 
"studies" departments, gilded by the name of respected universities, are 
not only a means of perpetuating the ideological positions of Ukrainian 
Nationalism, but strive to elevate and insinuate them into more broadly 
accepted history. As such they serve the ideological armory of the Cold 
War right wing. 

In deference to more "respectable" North American approaches to 
anti-communism, contemporary Nationalist material has generally toned 
down or quietly abandoned former Nazi-like and Jew-baiting themes. 
Perhaps this underlies Robert Conquest's wishful assertion that 
"generally speaking, Ukrainian Nationalism as it now exists is of a liberal 
and generous type." 26 However, anti-semitism has not been completely 
relegated to history. It continues to rear its head in allegations of famine- 
genocide, and particularly in response to investigations of war criminals. 

A particularly vicious example is the book Why is One Holocaust 
Worth More than Others?, published in 1986 by the Veterans of the 
Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). 27 Written by a former UPA member 
using the name Yurij Chumatskyj, the book sees history as a Jewish plot in 
classic fascist fashion. Its main argument runs as follows: the Jews are to 



WAR CRIMINALS 

blame for the "deliberate famine" of 1932-1' 

killed more Ukrainians than Hitler (and his UI 

Jews in the war; no one, therefore, dare a< 

Nationalists of harboring collaborators ai 

accusations use faked Moscow-Zionist evidenc 

To play up the fabrication of famine-geno 

the Jews is downplayed and dismissed as an as 

From the beginning, the cause of anti-semi 

obstinacy and arrogance." 28 The figure of six 

discounted as an "allegation" and the reader i 

against the Jews is merely being used as "Israel"; 

weapon." 2 * In sympathy with those who den 

Canadian racists Zundel and Keegstra, Chumat 

...revisionist historians who claim there was no plan 

there were no mass gassings and that fewer than one r 

causes during World War II, are persecuted, and their 1 

boycott. They have been persecuted in the courts 

Germany and Canada, they are subject to character 

media . . . 30 

The real holocaust, contends Chuma 
Jew/Bolsheviks. He states: '*. . . according to Zi. 
killed six million Jews but Stalin, supported by tr, 
was able to kill ten times more Christians 
financiers backed the Russian Revolution, tl 
leadership and were responsible for 60-65 
Chumatskyj relies on anti-semitic mythology to ■ 
1932-1933 famine. In answer to his own questioi 
created?" Chumatskyj states: 

.- haying the majority in the USSR administration the 

in all decision-making including the settlement of J< 

Crimea, plus the plan to build "Zion" in Ukraine. Plann 

famine was still a few years into the future. Disarming 

promises of amnesty and further intimidating the t 

process, Russia then took steps to implement the "famii 

farmers were warned in advance and they left their ho, 

nearby cities and villages. The Jewish population di< 

warning enabled them to store food in anticipation. 32 

Having thinned out Ukraine by "planned fan 

Jewish colonization, the reader is told that the "J 

press suppressed news of the famine. 33 The Irish g 

even labelled a "Jewish journalist" in support o 

sympathizers" covering up a genocide. 34 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

stablishing emigre institutes. John Loftus notes 
hese 'research institutes,' which were little more 
r ex-Nazi intelligence officers, came from the 
for Liberation from Bolshevism, now known as 
imittee was actually a front for OPC." 22 
stitutions continue to be generously assisted by 
te sources, openly or covertly. In the United States, 
;e drew attention to the Prolog Research and 
Inc. Its purpose: "the investigation of the history, 
1 culture of the Ukraine . . . exposing to the public 
le true nature of communist dictatorship and the 
where." 23 Prolog's certificate filed in New York in 
n Nazi war criminal Mykola Lebed as a director. 
e Voice, Lebed headed an OUN faction, for which 
rtly a front group. The Village Voice comments: 
'ith the workings of Prolog say that it could not 
ely from sales of its publications — many of which 
d into . . . Ukraine — and that it probably received 
it agency." Several people interviewed mentioned 

Dnalists and anti-communists dominate some 
i and East European studies departments. They 
ee hand to publish propaganda as history. 26 Such 
gilded by the name of respected universities, are 
irpetuating the ideological positions of Ukrainian 
\ to elevate and insinuate them into more broadly 
ich they serve the ideological armory of the Cold 

3re "respectable" North American approaches to 
imporary Nationalist material has generally toned 



WAR CRIMINALS 



129 



blame for the "deliberate famine" of 1932-1933, which (it is claimed) 
killed more Ukrainians than Hitler (and his Ukrainian auxilliaries) killed 
Jews in the war; no one, therefore, dare accuse post-war Ukrainian 
Nationalists of harboring collaborators and war criminals; such 
accusations use faked Moscow-Zionist evidence. 

To play up the fabrication of famine-genocide, the holocaust against 
the Jews is downplayed and dismissed as an assertion of "Zionist Jews." 
From the beginning, the cause of anti-semitism is seen as "Jewish 
obstinacy and arrogance." 28 The figure of six million Jewish victims is 
discounted as an "allegation" and the reader is told that the holocaust 
against the Jews is merely being used as "Israel's number one propaganda 
weapon." 29 In sympathy with those who deny the holocaust, such as 
Canadian racists Zundel and Keegstra, Chumatskyj states: 

... revisionist historians who claim there was no plan to exterminate Jews, 
there were no mass gassings and that fewer than one million Jews died of all 
causes during World War II, are persecuted, and their books banned by trade 
boycott. They have been persecuted in the courts ... in the USA, West 
Germany and Canada, they are subject to character assassinations in the 
media . . . 30 

The real holocaust, contends Chumatskyj, was caused by 
Jew/Bolsheviks. He states: ". . . according to Zionists' statements Hitler 
killed six million Jews but Stalin, supported by the Jewish state apparatus, 
was able to kill ten times more Christians . . ." 31 Alleging that Jewish 
financiers backed the Russian Revolution, that Jews made up the 
leadership and were responsible for 60-65 million gentile deaths, 
Chumatskyj relies on anti-semitic mythology to explain the causes of the 
1932-1933 famine. In answer to his own question "Why was this famine 
created?" Chumatskyj states: 

... having the majority in the USSR administration, the Jews were involved 
in all decision-making including the settlement of Jews in Ukraine and 



130 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Current investigations of Ukrainian war criminals are therefore 
misdirected, it is claimed. In support, the book offers the following 
statement by Yaroslav Stetsko, wartime Ukrainian fascist leader who after 
the war headed up the "Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations" until his recent 
death: "Today power is exercised by the Moscovite 'sub-human.' The 
flaccid West acts as if no one saw that the real 'sub-human' is not the 
wrong [Ivan] Demjanniuk, but the creatures who occupy the Kremlin!" 35 

The "Jewish-Bolshevik" conspiracy theme is also recalled in the 
reaction of certain other Ukrainian Nationalists to the possible 
extradition or prosecution of Ukrainian war criminals. Under the heading 
"Ukrainians on Trial: Thanks to Soviet-Jewish 'Witnesses and Docu- 
ments' " the Nationalist journal EKPAH-EKRAN states: 

Often it is very painful, when one hears, reads, sees, in the so-called "media," 
sensational and purposeful commentaries, reports about "crimes" of 
Ukrainians against the Jews and the "collaboration" of the former with the 
Germans. . . . where are our educational institutions — UVAN, NTSH, 
departments of Ukrainian Studies, social organizations, political parties, 
UCCA, CUC, WCFU, churches, professional associations, who would take a 
public position in the English language press in regards to the falsity of 
witnesses, Soviet-Jewish witnesses and KGB "documentations," the oft- 
planned Jewish campaigns against the accused tried by American courts! . . . 
our emigration must defend the Ukrainian honor in a general and abstract 
manner and not in a singular understanding before western courts. That is 
— compactly oppose false Soviet "documentations" and their supposed 
witnesses, tendentiousness, with politically forged Jewish witnesses who 
have unlimited access to American "news media." 36 

The Canadian government's decision to establish a commission to 
investigate the presence in Canada of war criminals (the Deschenes 
Commission) provoked somewhat similar responses. "Canada's 
newspaper for Ukrainian students," Student, stated for example: "The 
Jewish community, throughout history, has led an urbanized existence; 
attempting to always be at the political/ commercial forefront, exerting 
influence on decision making processes to benefit themselves wherever 
possible. The appointment of the Deschenes Commission is but one result 
of their efforts." Student attributes the "silence" of the "few Ukrainians in 
any position to speak out on this matter with any degree of credibility" to 
"fear of backlash from within their professional lives. They are well aware 
of the formidable Jewish presence in all areas of employment and avoid 
biting the hand that feeds them." 37 

Even more repugnant are comments made by Father Myron Stasiw 
on a Toronto radio station in February 1985. Stasiw, a former member of 
the 14th Waffen SS Division, still carries his SS tatoo and shows no shame 
at having been a member of that dirty outfit. A prominent member of the 



WAR CRIMINALS 

Ukrainian Nationalist community, Stasiw wa 
Association of Ukrainian Nationalists (aff 
Canadian Committee) in April 1987. Stating th 
"Ukrainian war criminals" they would be "cc 
than the Jewish war criminals," Stasiw repe 
circulated by Ukrainian reactionaries: 

The Jews in their hatred for the Ukrainians go back = 
they do not say what the causes of these Jewish pogri 
had the keys to the Christian churches and would r 
enter to pray. They were the tavernkeepers, who r 
their lands for whiskey, and made them their serfs. T 
speak about how the Jews poured molten tar and be 
the heads of the Ukrainian [Petliura Nationalist] so 
1918 at the time of the Ukrainian state . . . How many 
government of Leiba Trotsky? . . . Consider 
Kaganovitch as commissar of Ukraine in the years < 
1933, when more than seven million Ukrainians pi 
famine. 38 

A related theme (seen also in Why is On 

than Others) has become particularly populi 

against investigation of war criminals. That is I 

"communism equals fascism-plus," to depict th 

committed a "genocide" as great as, or evengre; 

against the Jews. For example, L. Shulakewych 

Winnipeg Free Press: ". . . Hitler annihilate* 

genocidal operations. Stalin had at least 29 milli 

goes on to berate "Jewish organizations" 

documents and other evidence from the USSR 

government commission investigating war < 

apparent attempt to divert attention from the tri 

of John Demyanyuk (the former Ukrainian SS- 

the Treblinka gas chamber), a Mr. Onyshkc 

pioneered the use of gas chambers in 1938 

communist trick to use gas chambers to destroy t 

monsters." 40 Nationalist campaigns such a 

"genocide" in the Ukrainian famine, are thus us 

of Nationalist complicity in the fascist crimes. 

This though is a secondary aim; the prima 

famine-genocide campaign is to contribute to p; 

for confrontation and war against the Soviet Un 

to be the method by which to make the M 

"independent Ukraine" a reality. 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

ions of Ukrainian war criminals are therefore 
led. In support, the book offers the following 
tetsko, wartime Ukrainian fascist leader who after 
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations" until his recent 
s exercised by the Moscovite 'sub-human.' The 
10 one saw that the real 'sub-human' is not the 
uk, but the creatures who occupy the Kremlin!" 35 
evik" conspiracy theme is also recalled in the 
ther Ukrainian Nationalists to the possible 
>n of Ukrainian war criminals. Under the heading 
Thanks to Soviet-Jewish 'Witnesses and Docu- 
t journal EKPAH-EKRAN states: 

?n one hears, reads, sees, in the so-called "media," 
ul commentaries, reports about "crimes" of 
•s and the "collaboration" of the former with the 
xir educational institutions — UVAN, NTSH, 
i Studies, social organizations, political parties, 
:hes, professional associations, who would take a 
>lish language press in regards to the falsity of 
vitnesses and KGB "documentations," the oft- 
against the accused tried by American courts! . . . 
id the Ukrainian honor in a general and abstract 
lar understanding before western courts. That is 
e Soviet "documentations" and their supposed 
;, with politically forged Jewish witnesses who 
American "news media." 36 

srnment's decision to establish a commission to 
:e in Canada of war criminals (the Deschenes 
;d somewhat similar responses. "Canada's 
an students," Student, stated for example: "The 
>ughout history, has led an urbanized existence; 
2 at the political/commercial forefront, exerting 



WAR CRIMINALS 



131 



Ukrainian Nationalist community, Stasiw was elected president of the 
Association of Ukrainian Nationalists (affiliated to the Ukrainian 
Canadian Committee) in April 1987. Stating that if such a thing existed as 
"Ukrainian war criminals" they would be "considerably less numerous 
than the Jewish war criminals," Stasiw repeats the old slanders once 
circulated by Ukrainian reactionaries: 

The Jews in their hatred for the Ukrainians go back 300 years and more; but 
they do not say what the causes of these Jewish pogroms were — those who 
had the keys to the Christian churches and would not allow the people to 
enter to pray. They were the tavernkeepers, who robbed the peasants of 
their lands for whiskey, and made them their serfs. The Jews likewise do not 
speak about how the Jews poured molten tar and boiling water and stoned 
the heads of the Ukrainian [Petliura Nationalist] soldiers in Berdichev, in 
1918 at the time of the Ukrainian state . . . How many Jews were there in the 
government of Leiba Trotsky? . . . Consider the achievements of 
Kaganovitch as commissar of Ukraine in the years of the famine of 1932- 
1933, when more than seven million Ukrainians perished from artificial 
famine. 38 

A related theme (seen also in Why is One Holocaust Worth More 
than Others) has become particularly popular in Nationalist protest 
against investigation of war criminals. That is to project the concept that 
"communism equals fascism-plus," to depict the Soviet Union as having 
committed a "genocide" as great as, or even greater than Hitler's genocide 
against the Jews. For example, L. Shulakewych writes to the editor of the 
Winnipeg Free Press: ". . . Hitler annihilated about 11 million in his 
genocidal operations. Stalin had at least 29 million killed . . ," 39 The writer 
goes on to berate "Jewish organizations" for insisting that Nazi 
documents and other evidence from the USSR be used by the Canadian 
government commission investigating war crimes. Similarly, in an 
apparent attempt to divert attention from the trial then underway in Israel 
of John Demyanyuk (the former Ukrainian SS-man accused of operating 



132 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



In 1920, Ukrainian Nationalists looked to interventionist Poland and 
its invasion of Soviet Ukraine as the vehicle for gaining power. From the 
mid- 1930s through World War II, Nazi Germany was seen as the means to 
the Nationalists' end. In the post-war period, the United States has been 
seen as holding the promise of realizing the goal of a Nationalist-ruled 
Ukraine. U.S. policies based on hostility and distrust toward the USSR and 
nuclear war are seen as necessary for this purpose. 

The following statement from the Ukrainian Nationalist paper 
Homin Ukrainy, would indicate that some Nationalists are pinning their 
last hopes for a return to Ukraine, or rather to her ashes, on a nuclear 
strike against the USSR: 

We regard the threat of a third world war, as it approaches humanity, as our 
last, perhaps the aptest chance . . . Even if one half, or more of humanity 
were to perish in this war, we wouldn't consider it too exorbitant a price in 
order to gain our freedom. 41 "* 

In a similar fit of madness, the Ukrainian Nationalist paper Svoboda 
declared: "In several years from now the American president will have 
only two things to choose between — either to start a nuclear war against 
the USSR, or to yield to Moscow." 42 In support of American plans to 
deploy neutron bombs in Europe, former Nazi collaborator and exiled 
OUN leader Yaroslav Stetsko stated: "In a war against the Warsaw Treaty 
countries NATO hasn't a chance of winning victory by conventional 
weapons unless it deploys neutron weapons in Europe . . . Among all the 
different types of nuclear weapons, it is the most humane . . . The use of 
tactical nuclear weapons does not mean a universal nuclear war." 43 Not to 
be outdone, Vyzvolnyi Shliakh stated: "The USSR's existing any further 
poses a greater threat to the world than a nuclear cataclysm." 44 

Outside of the Nationalist movement, in a broader context, the 
famine-genocide campaign is one cog of the wheel of psychological 
warfare against the USSR in the U.S. military machine. Declassified U.S. 
documents of the late 1940s and 1950s clearly link an offensive policy 
against the Soviet Union and its defeat, with the perceived interests of the 
United States. In the 1980s, the U.S. administration has re-emphasized 
official policy legitimizing first-use of nuclear weapons, "pre-emptive" 
nuclear attack, and theories of "limited" and "winnable" nuclear war. 45 An 
atmosphere of direct confrontation with the USSR has been promoted, 
using the language of blackmail and threats characteristic of U.S. President 
Ronald Reagan's "crusade against communism." 46 

Carefully cultivated is the image of a Soviet "Evil Empire" prepared 
to launch a conventional or nuclear war to achieve "world domination." 
One must beware of appeasement — the agrument goes — and pursue a 



WAR CRIMINALS 

position of military strength. 

The "Evil Empire" image rests — if only i 
interpretation of the 1932-1933 famine as 
genocide of millions of Ukrainians. 

Cold • War confrontation, rather tha 
understanding, has motivated and character] 
campaign. Elements of fraud, anti-semitism, 
fascism and pseudo-scholarship revealed in tf 
certain key evidence presented in the campaig 
and historical background of the campaign's 
conclusion. 

Over 50 years ago, American journalist I 
fakery and political motives of the pro-f; 
Randolph Hearst. In examining the record < 
famine-genocide campaign today, one is drawr 

"The attempt is too transparent, and the 
succeed." 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

n NationaJists looked to interventionist Poland and 
Jkraine as the vehicle for gaining power. From the 
>rld War II, Nazi Germany was seen as the means to 
n the post-war period, the United States has been 
omise of realizing the goal of a Nationalist-ruled 
>ased on hostility and distrust toward the USSR and 
s necessary for this purpose, 
itement from the Ukrainian Nationalist paper 
indicate that some Nationalists are pinning their 
to Ukraine, or rather to her ashes, on a nuclear 
V. 

hird world war, as it approaches humanity, as our 
lance . . . Even if one half, or more of humanity 
, we wouldn't consider it too exorbitant a price in 

ladness, the Ukrainian Nationalist paper Svoboda 
ars from now the American president will have 
se between — either to start a nuclear war against 
to Moscow." 42 In support of American plans to 
in Europe, former Nazi collaborator and exiled 
tetsko stated: "In a war against the Warsaw Treaty 
t a chance of winning victory by conventional 
>ys neutron weapons in Europe . . . Among all the 
ir weapons, it is the most humane . . . The use of 
; does not mean a universal nuclear war." 43 Not to 
Shliakh stated: "The USSR's existing any further 
:o the world than a nuclear cataclysm." 44 
ationalist movement, in a broader context, the 
aign is one cog of the wheel of psychological 
5R in the U.S. military machine. Declassified U.S. 



WAR CRIMINALS 



133 



position of military strength. 

The "Evil Empire" image rests — if only in small measure — on the 
interpretation of the 1932-1933 famine as a deliberate, pre-planned 
genocide of millions of Ukrainians. 

Cold • War confrontation, rather than historical truth and 
understanding, has motivated and characterized the famine-genocide 
campaign. Elements of fraud, anti-semitism, degenerate Nationalism, 
fascism and pseudo-scholarship revealed in this critical examination of 
certain key evidence presented in the campaign, of the political purpose 
and historical background of the campaign's promoters underline this 
conclusion. 

Over 50 years ago, American journalist Louis Fischer exposed the 
fakery and political motives of the pro-fascist publisher William 
Randolph Hearst. In examining the record of those propagating the 
famine-genocide campaign today, one is drawn to Fischer's conclusion: 

"The attempt is too transparent, and the hands are too unclean to 
succeed" 



Appendix 

FROM THIRD REICH PROF 
TO FAMINE-GENOCIDE 



"Eyewitnesses" are among the most ef 
"famine-genocide" propaganda. The schola: 
"evidence" has been generally noted. It is not | 
specific individual's story. One must suffice. 

Among the many "testimonies" in Black De 
by Olexa Hay-Holowko. At the time of the boo 
was living in Winnipeg under the false name of ' 
he used until 1958 when he reverted to his war 
with post-war Ukrainian immigrants and in 
research organizations reveal that Hay-Holowko 
his "story." 

An identification card issued in Cracow, I 
1942, under Hans Frank's "Generalgouverm 
Holowko as a Nazi-approved Shrift steller, or ' 
stamped "Berlin," indicating the highest official 
August 12, 1910 in Pysariwka, his status is given a 
and place of birth should be borne in mind, foi 
Holowko keeps changing particulars on docur 
Germany's surrender. 

Hay-Holowko was also granted a woi 
Volodymyr Kubijovyc's Ukrainischer Hauptaussi 
Committee). This German-controlled collaborat 
Cracow in 1940 by the Nazis and Ukrainian Nat 
invasion of the Soviet Union. The work-pass, issu 
Holowko to be a member of the Lviv Writers' 
extremely low certification number of seven, whic 
that he was among the very first to sign up 
association. The affixed photograph clearly mate! 

According to one of his books published deca. 
Holowko had work approved and published undi 
the occupation of Ukraine. 4 In addition, it h 
Ukrainian immigrant sources in Canada that he 
officers in attempts to recruit Soviet prisoners to f 
the POW camp in Borislaw. 

Hay-Holowko's personal wartime writings s 



Appendix 

FROM THIRD REICH PROPAGANDIST 
TO FAMINE-GENOCIDE AUTHOR 



"Eyewitnesses" are among the most effective sources used in 
"famine-genocide" propaganda. The scholarly weakness of such 
"evidence" has been generally noted. It is not possible to examine each 
specific individual's story. One must suffice. 

Among the many "testimonies" in Black Deeds of the Kremlin, is one 
by Olexa Hay-Holowko. At the time of the book's publication, this man 
was living in Winnipeg under the false name of "Boryslawsky" — a name 
he used until 1958 when he reverted to his wartime name. 1 Discussions 
with post-war Ukrainian immigrants and information from various 
research organizations reveal that Hay-Holowko has left out some parts of 
his "story." * 

An identification card issued in Cracow, Poland on November 14, 
1942, under Hans Frank's "Generalgouvernement" identifies Hay- 
Holowko as a Nazi-approved Shrift steller, or writer. The document is 
stamped "Berlin," indicating the highest official Nazi approval. Born on 
August 12, 1910 in Pysariwka, his status is given as married. 2 His birthdate 
and place of birth should be borne in mind, for, as will be shown, Hay- 
Holowko keeps changing particulars on documents prior to and after 
Germany's surrender, 

Hay-Holowko was also granted a work-pass issued through 
Volodymyr Kubijovyc's Ukrainischer Hauptausschuss (Ukrainian Central 
Committee). This German-controlled collaborationist front was set up in 
Cracow in 1940 by the Nazis and Ukrainian Nationalists, long before the 
invasion of the Soviet Union. The work-pass, issued in 1943, declares Hay- 



yKPAlMObHM* UEHTPAflbHHA HOMITET y T. t. 
CntflKA YKPAiHCbKHX flHCbMEHrtWHlS V flbaOBI 




f VKRAINIMlttK HA I PT\l &M III IM IN Ci 
ARREITSCt'MKilNSi HAF1 1 KR JM ■< 1 
SCHKIFTSTELLfcK IN I.KMBtJ'. 



BESCHEINIGUNG Nr. 



--< 



+-L. 



Wir beatailgen Mermit, dans tot Schrifutfcller fmt 

wirldich das Mitglied der Arbeuiqjamtirischafl 

a^her 5cbrt(t:ti]iet in Lemljcrni ut f 



UkrambQher St. brill:: i-.berwLH t I 



EiAgenfandifl 
Unr»r*7h-ifi 



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S.QMlur* 



Surname &0,Ma v 
Chrislianname_J^i>f>^4^r 
Born \1* iC 

at 

Studenl *\ f vU*Cy^' ( 

is a member of Ukrainian Highschooi 
Students Uniori in Innsbruck. 



fnnsbrtick. "g < 






194. 



Before and After. Above: Hay-Holowko s Nazi-authorized membership 
card for the writers association. Note low membership number. Below: 
after the Nazi surrender, SS-man Hay-Holowko used an alias and false 
identification papers under the name of ■'Hajewycz'" to escape detection. 



APPENDIX 



137 



!T£T y r, r. 

UB y ftbBOBI 



f 'tKKAIMsiCHfcR HAUPTALSaCMLhs IN t* «- 
ARBEITSGEMEIN SCH A FT VKJR INI SO . 

SCHRIFTSTELLKR IN Um&Vr*} 



BESCHEWMIGUNG Nr. 



rv 



■■■■-,-■-■-/■, 




Wir bestatigen hiermit. dass der SchriftsteHer (ins 

vrirkllch das Mitglied der ArbeitPuemeinschaft 
Ukrainis^her Schrift?te!ier in Lembcrai ut, f 

_*pZt$r Sek«tar_: 7^ 



3»t**»& 



4*~r 



S*Hreidf 



Surname dvOvMA^^-^ 

Ch ristiartname__J^ *4f^Ci^£% 

Born ^- ^.- \M«. 



at 



Student '*\ fWvU:*<y.vv 

is a member o* Ukrainian Highschool 
Students' Union in Innsbruck, 



Innsbruck, 



194. 



he was sworn into the SS and received his SS tattoo under the left arm. 5 
Nazi Germany's surrender found Hay-Holowko in Austria, where, 
incidentally, thousands of Ukrainian SS-men emerged after retreating 
from Yugoslavia and elsewhere. In the panic and scramble of the last days 
of the war, many Nazis and collaborators tried to change identities, and to 
finish up the war in the British and American zones. The SS Halychyna 
Division and other Ukrainian fascist forces "reconstituted themselves" 
with German consent as the "First Ukrainian Division" of the non- 
existent Ukrainian National Army immediately prior to the Nazi 
surrender — a tactic devised to avoid retribution. Since the allies had 
agreed that all SS formations were criminal organizations, there were 
initially a lot of nervous collaborators looking for safety. 

Hay-Holowko seems to have been no exception. Two identically 
printed travel passes were made out for the 12.4.45 train from Linz to 
Feldkirch. One is for "Olexij Haj-Holowko" born 12.8.1910; the other, for 
"Olexander Hajewytch" born 12. 10. 1912. 6 Undoubtedly such documents 
would come in handy if checked by certain Allied authorities. 

That though was just the beginning. In Kramsach/Tirol he was 
issued a Bescheinigung on June 1, under the name Olexsy Hay-Holowko, 
born 12.8.1910. This certificate indicates his presence in a Displaced 
Persons camp and bears the signature of the local burgermeister, Herr I. A. 
Wolf. 7 A police form dated June 16, 1945, reveals Hay-Holowko to have 
registered in Innsbruck under the name Alexander Hajewych, born 
12.10.1912 in Sanok. His last place of residence is given as Vienna. 8 Yet 
another document, dated June 22, 1945, appears to be a falsely obtained 
identity card for the "Ukrainian High School Students Union" at 
Innsbruck. Identified as a philosophy student, his alias is given a modified 
Polish spelling — Alexander Hajewycz; born 12.10.1912 in Sanok. 9 Less 
than a month later, a police document issued July 19, 1945 is made out to 
Alex Haj-Holowko, born 12.8.1910 in Pysariwka — matching that given 



138 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



from this marriage. 

Thus we see a person on the run, taking extraordinary pains to 
conceal not only his real identity but also his exact location, destinations, 
places of residence and dates thereof. One suspects that some documents 
were made out in advance of the particulars indicated, and others later 
than described. Given the black market in identity passes and other 
documents among those hiding from the past, such maneuvers were 
entirely feasible. 

The recent book We Accuse: Documentary Sketch, by Ukrainian 
writer and researcher Valery Styrkul, contains very interesting material on 
Holowko. (Styrkul is also author of a book on the organization and 
atrocities committed by members of the 14th Waffen SS Division in 
Ukraine, Poland and Czechoslovakia.) 12 

Where was Olexa Hay-Holowko in early July 1941, when the cream 
of Lviv's intelligentsia and thousands of innocent Jewish men, women and 
children were being slaughtered by Ukrainian fascists during the 
Nationalists' first exercise in "government" since Petliura? According to 
Styrkul: 

In that pseudo-administration, Olexa Hay-Holowko was made propaganda 
minister . . . Neither was it coincidental that Hay-Holowko found himself 
among such members of the "government" as Stetsko, Lebed, Shukhevych, 
and others. He hated Jews as much as they did. After the war started, he even 
wrote these "poetic" — or rather, fanatic, cannibalistic — lines: 

May a hurricane . . . sweep the world clean of the hateful Jews; 

Death, formidable and wrathful, has already sounded his trumpet, 

He is towering over you, scythe in hand . . . 

Because the damned Jews 

Hung around the St. Sophia . . . 13 

Hay-Holowko, not surprisingly, totally omits any mention of his role 
as propaganda minister in his published memoirs. 14 While presenting 
himself as having a most phenomenal memory for trivial details and 
alleged conversations going back a half-century, Hay-Holowko suffers 
amnesia when it comes to the pinnacle of his political career. This lapse of 
memory however, is not shared by the Bandera wing of the Ukrainian 
Nationalist movement. The Banderist book, The Restoration of the 
Ukrainian State in World War II, not only lists him in the line-up of this 
so-called government, but honors him with a photograph. 16 

Stetsko's OUN-Bandera "government" lasted only 10 days and a few 
more pogroms before being replaced by direct Nazi German rule. 
According to Styrkul, Hay-Holowko was subsequently trained by the 
Germans and became a war propaganda correspondent, working for the 



APPENDIX 

SS formation Skorpion Ost (Scorpion of the E 
corps of Nazi armed forces writers, Hay-Hole 
have been placed in command of the Steel Cor 
Ukrainian Nationalist propagandists attached 
states that toward the end of the war Hay-H 
promotion in the SS: "In February 1945, Ha 
editor of the newspaper Do Boyu (To Comb; 
Halychyna Division." 16 

Styrkul may also shed light on Hay-Holow 

justice at war's end: In June 1945 Hay-Holowko 

(Germany) on charges of war crimes while servi 

prison, once they were out of town, he knod 

American driver, jumped out of the car and rar 

papers, among them his photos and diary." 17 

After a couple of years in Germany, Hay 

away from that part of Europe altogether. In 1< 

"Mr. Boryslawsky" where he lived and worked 

decided to emigrate to Canada, but was reporte 

who wondered with good reason why his brc 

Edmonton, Alberta, happened to have a differ* 

Stranded in England, Mr. Boryslawsky, still 

marriage, arranged an engagement through cor 

in Montreal, whom he had never met, in ore 

Canada as her fiance. Although using a falsi 

Canadian immigration laws), remaining sileni 

married with a family left behind in Lviv, Ha 

entering Canada in 1949. After visiting his broth 

to Winnipeg, married his correspondence bride 

Holding various jobs and political affiliatio: 

community, Hay-Holowko has had a number of 1 

worked at the Ukrainsky Holos (Ukrainian Voice 

out of the closet under his own name of Hay-Hol< 

on the "famine-genocide" of 1932-1933. Thus h 

Deeds of the Kremlin (Volume I). 

In the 1980s" revival of the famine-ge 
Holowko — former Nazi collaborator and SS-m 
Cold War scene, an "eyewitness to ffetmine-genoc 
Winnipeg Free Press in 1983, Hay-Holowkc 
standard Nationalist horror stories and rhet 
dragged by legs and stacked in trucks like mere co 
accompanied by a photo of Hay-Holowko and th 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

person on the run, taking extraordinary pains to 
real identity but also his exact location, destinations, 
nd dates thereof. One suspects that some documents 
ivance of the particulars indicated, and others later 
m the black market in identity passes and other 
hose hiding from the past, such maneuvers were 

k We Accuse: Documentary Sketch, by Ukrainian 
• Valery Styrkul, contains very interesting material on 
s also author of a book on the organization and 
. by members of the 14th Waffen SS Division in 
Czechoslovakia.) 12 

ca Hay-Holowko in early July 1941, when the cream 
a and thousands of innocent Jewish men, women and 
g slaughtered by Ukrainian fascists during the 
?rcise in "government" since Petliura? According to 



tration, Olexa Hay-Holowko was made propaganda 
is it coincidental that Hay-Holowko found himself 
t the "government" as Stetsko, Lebed, Shukhevych, 
vs as much as they did. After the war started, he even 
■ or rather, fanatic, cannibalistic — lines: 

. . . sweep the world clean of the hateful Jews; 

!e and wrathful, has already sounded his trumpet, 

iver you, scythe in hand . . . 

ned Jews 

; St. Sophia . . . 13 



APPENDIX 



139 



otsu 
ter in 



irprisingly, totally omits any mention of his role 
n his published memoirs. 14 While presenting 



SS formation Skorpion Ost (Scorpion of the East). A member of a press 
corps of Nazi armed forces writers, Hay-Holowko was later reported to 
have been placed in command of the Steel Cohort, apparently a group of 
Ukrainian Nationalist propagandists attached to the Nazi army, Styrkul 
states that toward the end of the war Hay-Holowko received a further 
promotion in the SS: "In February 1945, Haj-Holovko was appointed 
editor of the newspaper Do Boyu (To Combat) and attached to the SS 
Halychyna Division." 16 

Styrkul may also shed light on Hay-Holowko's desperate flight from 
justice at war's end: In June 1945 Hay-Holowko was "arrested in Augsburg 
(Germany) on charges of war crimes while serving in the SS. On his way to 
prison, once they were out of town, he knocked out and strangled his 
American driver, jumped out of the car and ran away, leaving behind his 
papers, among them his photos and diary." 17 

After a couple of years in Germany, Hay-Holowko decided to get 
away from that part of Europe altogether. In 1948 he went to England as 
"Mr. Boryslawsky" where he lived and worked during that year. Later he 
decided to emigrate to Canada, but was reportedly held up by authorities 
who wondered with good reason why his brother, who had settled in 
Edmonton, Alberta, happened to have a different family name. 

Stranded in England, Mr. Boryslawsky, still undivorced from his 1942 
marriage, arranged an engagement through correspondence to a woman 
in Montreal, whom he had never met, in order to be sponsored into 
Canada as her fiance. Although using a false name (in violation of 
Canadian immigration laws), remaining silent about his SS past, and 
married with a family left behind in Lviv, Hay-Holowko succeeded in 
entering Canada in 1949. After visiting his brother in Edmonton, he came 
to Winnipeg, married his correspondence bride and settled down. 

Holding various jobs and political affiliations within the Nationalist 
community, Hay-Holowko has had a number of books published and once 



140 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



confidently posed, with smug smiles, beneath an arranged icon of Jesus. 18 
Hay-Holowko captured considerable limelight in Manitoba during 
that "50th Anniversary Year of the Famine." At a Nationalist-organized 
commemoration march and rally in Winnipeg in October 1983, Hay- 
Holowko appeared as a key speaker, alongside Manitoba Premier Howard 
Pawley and two representatives from a Jewish organization, who appear 
to have had short memories. Addressing the rally, Hay-Holowko stated: "I 
am a victim who survived the great, great famine which the Soviet Union 
imposed upon those who refused to give into slavery." 19 

One wonders just how Hay-Holowko was a survivor of anything 
other than his own appetite, if his own books are any indication. Although 
he claims that the Jews and communists had access to food while 
"Ukrainians" starved, in the autobiographical Smertelnoiu Dorohoiu 
(Along the Road of Death, Volume II), Hay-Holowko describes a 
relatively prosperous life: 

In the dining room the table was covered. There stood his wife and younger 
daughter. We all sat down at the table and tasted borscht. We conversed and 
then his wife brought in the cutlets and mashed potatoes. 20 

On New Year's 1933, Hay-Holowko writes of party-going with a new 
girlfriend for whom he had purchased two new dresses, and then seeing a 
movie. Later they attended a party at the House of Literature, where there 
was an abundance of food and drink. 21 

Throughout the period in question, this "famine-genocide victim" 
seems to have enjoyed more than his share of drinking and dining. 
Perhaps he meant that he was a survivor from the retribution of the 
Ukrainian people, which he would have faced had he not changed his 
name and fled after the war. 

Hay-Holowko did not fight against the Nazi slavery which murdered 
millions of Ukrainians for whom he now pretends to speak. On the 
contrary, he served the "New Order" in a number of capacities. He 
continues to serve, as an exponent of the famine-genocide campaign. 



NOTES 



Introduction 

1. London Review of Books, January 22, 198" 

Chapter One 
Thomas Walker: The Man Wh< 

1. James Creelman in Pearson's Weekly, Sept 

2. See for example, Thomas Walker, "6,000,00 
"Children Starve Among Soviet Dead"; "Bodies 
Robbed"; "Soviet Drafts Men, Starves Women"; "f 
Villages"; New York Evening Journal, February 
respectively. 

3. Louis Fischer, "Hearst's Russian Famine," 
3636, March 13, 1935. 

4. Daily Worker, February 21, 1935. 

5. Ibid. 

6. Ibid. 

7. New York American, March 3, 1935. 

8. New York Times, July 16, 1935. 

9. Daily Worker, July 20, 1935. 

10. Ibid. 

1 1. Among the many publications which use Wa 
historical proof are: "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934 
Studies, January 1964; The Ninth Circle by Olexa V! 
Studies Fund, 1983; The Great Famine in Ukraine 
Ukrainian National Association (USA), 1983; 5( 
Holocaust in Ukraine — Terror and Human Mise 
Russian Imperialism by Walter Dushnyck, 1983; Wit, 
of 1933 in Ukraine by Pavlo Makohon, Anabasis, 19! 
Ewald Ammende, John T. Zubal, 1984 (reprint of tl 
Sorrow by Robert Conquest, University of Alberta 
Soviet Ukraine 1932-1933: A Memorial Exhibition \ 
Leonid Heretz and James E. Mace, Widener Lit 
Cambridge, Harvard College Library, 1986. 



Chapter Two 
The Hearst Press: The Campaig 

1. The U.S. oil company Texaco fuelled Franco'; 
Peter Elstob, Condor Legion, New York, Ballantine B< 
information on American corporate collaboration 
during World War II), see Charles Higham, Trading i 
of the Nazi- American Money Plot, 1939-1949, New ^ 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

smug smiles, beneath an arranged icon of Jesus. 18 
ured considerable limelight in Manitoba during 
Year of the Famine." At a Nationalist-organized 
and rally in Winnipeg in October 1983, Hay- 
:ey speaker, alongside Manitoba Premier Howard 
itatives from a Jewish organization, who appear 
:ies. Addressing the rally, Hay-Holowko stated: "I 
d the great, great famine which the Soviet Union 
/ho refused to give into slavery." 19 
how Hay-Holowko was a survivor of anything 
tite, if his own books are any indication. Although 
vs and communists had access to food while 
n the autobiographical Smertelnoiu Dorohoiu 
Death, Volume II), Hay-Holowko describes a 
e: 

: was covered. There stood his wife and younger 
t the table and tasted borscht. We conversed and 
le cutlers and mashed potatoes. 20 

3, Hay-Holowko writes of party-going with a new 
lad purchased two new dresses, and then seeing a 
sd a party at the House of Literature, where there 
xl and drink. 21 
riod in question, this "famine-genocide victim" 

more than his share of drinking and dining. 

he was a survivor from the retribution of the 
i he would have faced had he not changed his 
war. 

ot fight against the Nazi slavery which murdered 
for whom he now pretends to speak. On the 



NOTES 



C\ r A ar -" in 



>f ,-orto 



Introduction 

1. London Review of Books, January 22, 1987. 

Chapter One 
Thomas Walker: The Man Who Never Was 

1. James Creelman in Pearson's Weekly, September 1906. 

2. See for example, Thomas Walker, "6,000,000 Starve to Death in Russia"; 
"Children Starve Among Soviet Dead"; "Bodies of Soviet Famine Victims 
Robbed"; "Soviet Drafts Men, Starves Women"; "Starvation Wipes Out Soviet 
Villages"; New York Evening Journal, February 18, 19, 21, 25, 27, 1935 
respectively. 

3. Louis Fischer, "Hearst's Russian Famine," The Nation, Vol. 140, No. 
3636, March 13, 1935. 

4. Daily Worker, February 21, 1935. 

5. Ibid. 

6. Ibid. 

7. New York American, March 3, 1935. 

8. New York Times, July 16, 1935. 

9. Daily Worker, July 20, 1935. 

10. Ibid. 

11. Among the many publications which use Walker's fraudulent materials as 
historical proof are: "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934" by Dana Dalrymple, Soviet 
Studies, January 1964; The Ninth Circle by Olexa Woropay, Harvard Ukrainian 
Studies Fund, 1983; The Great Famine in Ukraine: The Unknown Holocaust, 
Ukrainian National Association (USA), 1983; 50 Years Ago: The Famine 
Holocaust in Ukraine — Terror and Human Misery as Instruments of Soviet 
Russian Imperialism by Walter Dushnyck, 1983; Witness: Memoirs of the Famine 
of 1933 in Ukraine by Pavlo Makohon, Anabasis, 1983; Human Life in Russia by 
Ewald Ammende, John T. Zubal, 1984 (reprint of the 1936 edition); Harvest of 
Sorrow by Robert Conquest, University of Alberta Press, 1986; Famine in the 



142 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



2. John Gunther, Inside Europe, New York, Harper Bros., 1936, p. 179. 

3. George Seldes, Facts and Fascism, New York, In Fact, 1943, p. 210. 

4. W.A. Swanberg, Citizen Hearst: A Biography of William Randolph 
Hearst, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1961, p. 443. 

5. Ibid., p. 444. 

6. Daily Worker, February 13, 1935. 

7. New York Times, August 23, 1934. Hearst's pro-Nazi views were not 
limited to the 1930s. The day after Hitler's army invaded the Soviet Union in 1941, 
the New York Journal American, in sympathy with the Nazis, advised Europeans 
[even after fascist occupation] to unite in face of expanding communism! 

8. Swanberg, p. 299. 

9. Ibid., p. 301. 

10. Similarly, the Boston Sunday Advertiser, October 1, 1934. 

11. Swanberg, p. 471; see also pp. 468-469, and New York Times, December 
24, 1934, Social Frontier, April 24, 1935. 

12. Swanberg, pp. 469-470. 

13- Ewald Ammende, Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, 
pp. 274-275. 

14. Swanberg, p. 470. 

15. Hearst's New York American, for example, featured articles by the top 
Nazi Alfred Rosenberg ("Now is the Time for Other Nations to Meet Germany's 
Desire for Peace"), Hermann Goering ("Reich Training Youth to Build Up 
Airforce, But Not For War"), and fascist dictator Benito Mussolini ("Italy Glories 
in Militarism, Say Duce; Pacifists the Worst Enemies of Peace"). See George 
Seldes, Facts and Fascism, p. 227. 

16. Philip Foner, The Fur and Leather Workers Union, Newark, Nordan 
Press, 1950, pp. 106-107. 

17. Ibid., pp. 194-195. 

18. Ibid., p. 439. 

19. See New York Evening Journal, April 17, 18, 20, 22, 23 and April 15, 1935 
respectively. Lang's cannibalism tales live on in such books as The Soviet 
Revolution 1917-1959 by Raphael Abramovitch, New York, International 
Universities Press, 1962 (p. 345). 

20. Daily Worker, May 21, 1935. 

21. Socialist Call, April 1935. 

22. Daily Worker, April 23 and May 16, 1935. 

23. Forward, April 18, 1935. 

24. The Nation, May 8, 1935. 

25. See The Nation, March 13, 1935. 

26. The Nation, June 26, 1935. See also Daily Worker, June 8, 1935. 

27. The Nation, June 26, 1935. 

28. Daily Worker, June 8, 1935. 

29. Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression 
Decade, New York, Basic Books, 1984, p. 440. 

30. Globe and Mail, March 23, 1947. 

31. Daily Worker, July 12-15, 1935. 

32. Ibid., July 20, 1935. 

33. Fred Beal, Foreign Workers in a Soviet Tractor Plant, 1933, pp. 49-50. 

34. Fred Beal, Proletarian Journey, New York, Hilman-Curl, 1937, p. 247. 



NOTES 

Published in England as Word from Nowhere. 

35. Ibid., p. 280. 

36. Ibid., p. 279. 

37. Ibid., p. 305. 

38. Ibid., p. 350. 

39. Ibid., p. 310. 

* Chapter Three 
Famine Photographs: Whic 

1. See for example, "Hungerhoelle Sowjetruss 
Sowjet "Paradies' ", Voelkischer Beobachter (Berlir 

2. Voelkischer Beobachter, January 25, 1935. 

3. New York Times, February 10, 1935. 

4. Ewald Ammende, Muss Russland Hunge 
muller, 1935. 

5. Ewald Ammende, Human Life in Russia, CI 

6. Eg. Berliner Tageblatt, Koelnische Zeitung 
Nation und Staat, etc. (Nazi Germany); Osservator 
Ukrainian Nationalist journals such as Dilo and An 
Nazi Volksdeutsche papers outside of Germany pn 

7. Ammende (here and after reference is to I 

8. Ibid., p. viii. 

9. Ibid., p. 22. 

10. Ibid., p. 23. 

11. Ibid. 

12. As well, the German-language edition inch 
English-language edition. 

13. Ammende, p. 23. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Ibid., opposite p. 64, p. 82. 

16. For example, the photos opposite the tit 
(bottom). 

17. Ammende, opposite p. 65 (right). 

18. Peter Ustinov's Russia, Part 5: War and R 

19. Ammende, p. 23. 

20. Ibid., opposite p. 224 (bottom). 

21. La Famine en Russie, Album lllustre, Livra 
Russe de Secours aux Af fames en Russie, 1922 (in 

22. The Black Deeds of the Kremlin, Volume II, ' 
in 1932-1933, Detroit, DOBRUS, 1955, p. 436. 

23. Rev. Isidore Nahayewsky, History of I 
supplemented edition, Philadelphia, America Publi 
Association of Ukrainian Catholics in America, 197 

24. Walter Dushnyck, 50 Years Ago: The Fam\ 
Terror and Human Misery as Instruments of Soviet 
York and Toronto, World Congress of Free Ukrain 

25. Ammende, opposite p. 128 (top), opposite p, 
64. 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

ide Europe, New York, Harper Bros., 1936, p. 179. 
:ts and Fascism, New York, In Fact, 1943, p. 210. 
Citizen Hearst: A Biography of William Randolph 
s Scribner's Sons, 1961, p. 443. 

>ruary 13, 1935. 

August 23, 1934. Hearst's pro-Nazi views were not 
y after Hitler's army invaded the Soviet Union in 1941, 
>rican, in sympathy with the Nazis, advised Europeans 
on] to unite in face of expanding communism! 



on Sunday Advertiser, October 1, 1934. 

see also pp. 468-469, and New York Times, December 

Lpril 24, 1935. 

'-470. 

Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, 



k American, for example, featured articles by the top 
low is the Time for Other Nations to Meet Germany's 
ann Goering ("Reich Training Youth to Build Up 
'),and fascist dictator Benito Mussolini ("Italy Glories 
Pacifists the Worst Enemies of Peace"). See George 
p. 227. 
Fur and Leather Workers Union, Newark, Nordan 



ving Journal, April 17, 18, 20, 22, 23 and April 15, 1935 
>alism tales live on in such books as The Soviet 
Raphael Abramovitch, New York, International 
>. 345). 
ir21, 1935. 
1 1935. 
:il 23 and May 16, 1935. 



NOTES 143 

Published in England as Word from Nowhere. 

35. Ibid., p. 280. 

36. Ibid., p. 279. 

37. Ibid., p. 305. * 

38. Ibid., p. 350. 

39. Ibid., p. 310. 

Chapter Three 
Famine Photographs: Which Famine? 

1. See for example, "Hungerhoelle Sowjetrussland — Das Massensterben in 
Sowjet 'Paradies* ", Voelkischer Beobachter (Berlin), August 18, 1933. 

2. Voelkischer Beobachter, January 25, 1935. 

3. New York Times, February 10, 1935. 

4. Ewald Ammende, Muss Russland Hungern?, Vienna, Wilhelm Brau- 
muller, 1935. 

5. Ewald Ammende, Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984. 

6. Eg. Berliner Tageblatt, Koelnische Zeitung, Nordschleswigsche Zeitung, 
Nation und Staat, etc. (Nazi Germany); Osservatore Romano (Vatican); various 
Ukrainian Nationalist journals such as Dilo and America, as well as various pro- 
Nazi Volksdeutsche papers outside of Germany proper. 

7. Ammende (here and after reference is to Human Life in Russia), p. 22. 

8. Ibid., p. viii. 

9. Ibid., p. 22. 

10. Ibid., p. 23. 

11. Ibid. 

12. As well, the German-language edition includes a few pictures not in the 
English-language edition. 

13. Ammende, p. 23. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Ibid., opposite p. 64, p. 82. 

16. For example, the photos opposite the tide page, pp. 64, 129, p. 161 
(bottom). 

17. Ammende, opposite p. 65 (right). 

18. Peter Ustinov's Russia, Part 5: War and Revolution. 

19. Ammende, p. 23. 



144 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



26. See for example, Dana Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934," 
Soviet Studies, January 1964; Wasyl Hrushko, The Ukrainian Holocaust, Toronto, 
Bahryany Foundation, 1983. 

27. The Great Famine in Ukraine: The Unknown Holocaust, New Jersey, 
Ukrainian National Association, 1983. This book is illustrated entirely with 
famine photographs plagiarized from the World War I to 1921-1922 Russian 
famine era. For example, the book's cover consists of a photo plagiarized from Dr. 
F. Nansen's International Committee for Russian Relief, Information No. 22, 
Geneva, April 30, 1922, p. 6. The photo on page 73 (bottom) comes from the same 
1922 bulletin (p. 19). 

28. Alfred Laubenheimer, Und du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig: Berichte von 
deutschen und auslaendischen "Spezialisten" aus der Sowjet Union, 2nd revised 
edition, Berlin and Leipzig, Nibelungen Verlag, 1937. 

29. Ammende, p. 23. 

30. Ibid., pp. 274-275. Emphasis added. 

31. Ibid., p. 10. 

32. Ibid., p. 11. 

33- Ibid, pp. 13-16. 

34. Ibid., p. 19. 

35. Voelkischer Beobachter, October 13, 1933- 

36. "Historic Introduction", Ammende, p. ix. Emphasis in original. 

37. This author compared so-called Ukrainian famine photos of 1932-1933 
with hundreds of photos of wartime and post-war destitution and epidemic scenes 
from 1918 to the early 1920s found in anthologies and documentaries. See, for 
example, Ernst Friedrich, War Against War, Berlin, Freijugend, 1925. This author 
concludes that most of the "famine" photos bear a closer technical affinity to 
photos of this earlier period. Some "1932-1933" photos are of such crude quality 
and depict such antiquated scenes that an even earlier period of origin is suggested. 

38. Ammende, pp. 13, 17. 

39- Marco Carynnyk, "The Dogs That Did Not Bark", The Idler, February 
1985, p. 19. 

40. Alfred Laubenheimer, Und du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig: Berichte von 
deutschen und auslaendischen "Spezialisten" aus der Sowjet-Union, Berlin and 
Leipzig, Nibelungen Verlag, 1935. 

41. Ibid., p. 12. 

42. Ibid., plates 78-102, pp. 329-340. 

43. Ibid., plates 79-80, 82-88, 90-96. 

44. Ibid., p. 315. The 1937 edition of Und du Siehst also includes Ditloffs 
article and photographs. 



Chapter Four 
Cold War I:. Black Deeds 

1. U.S. historian J. Arch Getty, for example, describes the "intentional 
famine" theory as one that "has not been generally accepted outside the circles of 
exiled nationalists." See J. Arch Getty, "Starving the Ukraine," London Review of 
Books, January 22, 1987, p. 7. 

2. The "Jewish conspiracy" theory, for example, can be seen in Yuryj 



NOTES 

Chumatskyj, Why Is One Holocaust Worth M 
Australia, Veterans of the Ukrainian Insurgent Ar 
Farmer (Winnipeg), November 25, 1963. For rr. 
Tottle, "Anti-Semitism and the Ukrainian 1933 F; 
(Vancouver), June 1987. 

3. The Black Deeds of the Kremlin, A W. 
Testimonies), Toronto, Ukrainian Association of 
Terror, 1953. The Black Deeds of the Kremlin, V 
Ukraine in 1932-1933, Detroit, The Democrat!, 
Formerly Persecuted by the Soviet Regime in US 

4. Article by an Office of Strategic Services 
European Nazi collaborators preparing for false er 
the Congressional Record Appendix during the 
Displaced Persons Bill, United States Congress. Cii 
Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p. 86. 

5. The Nazi-organized "International Com 
from Nazi Germany, three from countries align* 
Finland, Vichy France) and two from countries occu 
Belgium). See Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 414. 

6. Apollon Trembovetskyj, Zlochyn u Vin 
Vinnytsya, Vinnytski Visti Publishers, 1943. 

7. Ibid., p. 4. 

8. Ibid., p. 46. 

9. Ibid., pp. 7, 9, 43, 36. 

10. Oberleutnant Erwin Bingel in "The Exte 
Jewish Communities: Testimony of a German 
Studies, Vol. Ill, Jerusalem, 1959, pp. 303-320. 

11. Trembovetskyj, p. 44. 

12. Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 226. 

13. Ibid., p. 213. 

14. Ibid., p. 193. 

15. Ibid., p. 228; "Information No. 22," Geneva 
Russian Relief, 1922, p. 16; Ewald Ammende, Hur> 
John T. Zubal, 1984, opp. p. 65. 

16. News from Ukraine, Nos. 28-30, 1986. 

17. Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 545. 

18. Their True Face, Part III, Lviv, Ukraina S 
contains a fuli chapter on Shpak/Bilotserkiwsky p 

19. Ibid., pp. 55-57. 

20. Ibid. 

21. Ukrainsky Visti (Edmonton). SUZERO, pi 
affiliate of this Federation. 

22. Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 291. 

23. See Chapter 9 and Appendix. 

24. Black Deeds, Vol. II, p. v. Kersten drafo 
endorsed by the U.S. Congress in 1953, to allot % 
"underground" movements in the USSR and other 

25. Ibid., pp. vii-viii. 

26. Ibid., pp. v-vi. 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

>ana Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934," 
; Wasyl Hrushko, The Ukrainian Holocaust, Toronto, 

in Ukraine: The Unknown Holocaust, New Jersey, 
ation, 1983. This book is illustrated entirely with 
rized from the World War I to 1921-1922 Russian 
; book's cover consists of a photo plagiarized from Dr. 
Committee for Russian Relief, Information No. 22, 

The photo on page 73 (bottom) comes from the same 

ler, Und du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig: Berichte von 
en "Spezialisten" aus der Sowjet Union, 2nd revised 
Nibelungen Verlag, 1937. 

Emphasis added. 



rhter, October 13, 1933. 
ion", Ammende, p. ix. Emphasis in original, 
red so-called Ukrainian famine photos of 1932-1933 
wartime and post-war destitution and epidemic scenes 
!0s found in anthologies and documentaries. See, for 
7 at Against War, Berlin, Freijugend, 1925. This author 
\ "famine" photos bear a closer technical affinity to 
1. Some "1932-1933" photos are of such crude quality 
cenes that an even earlier period of origin is suggested. 
17. 
The Dogs That Did Not Bark", The Idler, February 

ler, Und du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig: Berichte von 
len "Spezialisten" aus der Sowjet-Union, Berlin and 
S, 1935. 

I, pp. 329-340. 



NOTES 



145 



Chumatskyj, Why Is One Holocaust Worth More Than Others?, Lidcombe, 
Australia, Veterans of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), 1986, and Canadian 
Farmer (Winnipeg), November 25, 1963. For more on this topic, see Douglas 
Tottle, "Anti-Semitism and the Ukrainian 1933 Famine-Genocide Hoax, Outlook 
(Vancouver), June 1987. 

3. The Black Deeds of the Kremlin, A White Book, Volume I {Book of 
Testimonies), Toronto, Ukrainian Association of Victims of Russian Communist 
Terror, 1953. The Black Deeds of the Kremlin, Volume II, The Great Famine in 
Ukraine in 1932-1933, Detroit, The Democratic Organization of Ukrainians 
Formerly Persecuted by the Soviet Regime in USA, 1955. 

4. Article by an Office of Strategic Services agent who had observed East 
European Nazi collaborators preparing for false entry into the USA, inserted into 
the Congressional Record Appendix during the August 7, 1948 debate on the 
Displaced Persons Bill, United States Congress. Cited in John Loftus, The Belarus 
Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p. 86. 

5. The Nazi-organized "International Commission" included two people 
from Nazi Germany, three from countries aligned with Nazi Germany (Italy, 
Finland, Vichy France) and two from countries occupied by the Nazis (Holland and 
Belgium). See Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 414. 

6. Apollon Trembovetskyj, Zlochyn u Vinnytsya (Crime in Vynnitsya), 
Vinnytsya, Vinnytski Visti Publishers, 1943. 

7. Ibid., p. 4. 

8. Ibid., p. 46. 

9. Ibid., pp. 7, 9, 43, 36. 

10. Oberleutnant Erwin Bingel in "The Extermination of Two Ukrainian 
Jewish Communities: Testimony of a German Army Officer," Yad Vashem 
Studies, Vol. Ill, Jerusalem, 1959, pp. 303-320. 

11. Trembovetskyj, p. 44. 

12. Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 226. 

13. Ibid., p. 213. 

14. Ibid., p. 193. 

15. Ibid., p. 228; "Information No. 22," Geneva, Internationa] Committee for 
Russian Relief, 1922, p. 16; Ewald Ammende, Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, 
John T. Zubal, 1984, opp. p. 65. 

16. News from Ukraine, Nos. 28-30, 1986. 

17. Black Deeds, Vol. I, p. 545. 



1 O T*i„J« f , 



r>„„* tit t .,:.. iti,„: — c — :„*., imo ., ^-7 tu;, 1 — ~L 



146 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



27. Ibid., pp. 436, 443, 448, 463, 466 (also used by Walker), 488, 538 (also used 
by Voelkischer Beobachter, August 18, 1933), 554, 560, 598 (also used by Walker) 
— identical to photos used by Ammende in Human Life in Russia. Civil war period 
and 1921-1922 Russian famine scenes: pp. 161, 166, 170, 175, 177, 444, 457 
(published in "Information No. 22," Geneva, International Committee for Russian 
Relief, 1922, p. 15), 475, 494, 504, 508, 556, 595, 620, 692, 701. Many of the latter 
appear to have been selectively cropped. 

28. Ibid., pp. 650-652, 655, 660, 662. 



Chapter Five 
The Numbers Game 

1. Winnipeg Free Press, December 21, 1984. 

2. Dana G. Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934," Soviet Studies, 
January 1964, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, pp. 259-260. 

3. Ibid., p. 256. 

4. Ibid., p. 262. 

5. Gerald Reitlinger, The House Built of Sand: The Conflicts of German 
Policy in Russia, 1941-1944, London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1960, p. 191. 

6. Marco Carynnyk, The Idler, February 1985, p. 20. 

7. Cited by R. Bishop, "Anti-Soviet Propaganda in Britain," International 
Press Correspondence, October 5, 1934, p. 1371. 

8. John Loftus, The Belarus Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p. 107. 

9. Ibid., p. 178. 

10. Dalrymple, p. 268. 

11. See, for example, James Mace, "Historic Introduction," in Ewald 
Ammende, Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, p. ix. 

12. The New Republic, August 30, 1933, p. 57. 

13. Ibid. 

14. New York Times, October 15, 1934. 

15. Michael Parenti, The Politics of Mass Media, New York, St. Martin's 
Press, 1986, p. 1 16. 

16. Dalrymple, p. 254. 

17. Joseph McCabe, The Vatican in Politics Today, London, Watts and Co., 
1947, pp. 44, 52. 

18. Donald S. Strong, Organized Anti-Semitism in America: The Rise of 
Group Prejudice During the Decade 1930-1940, Washington, D.C, American 
Council on Public Affairs, 1941, p. 61. 

19. Not mentioned by Dalrymple are the accounts by Louis Fischer, Sherwood 
Eddy, George Bernard Shaw, the Canadian Frederick Griffin, Robert Byron, and a 
host of others whose first-hand accounts contradict the thesis of "pre-planned 
famine-genocide." 

20. Dalrymple, pp. 250, 25 1. A third group could be added — Dalrymple's own 
partisan witnesses. Following Dalrymple's method, this third category could be 
described as those who for one reason or another — e.g. not being there — did not 
see famine, but who for political or financial reasons concocted incredible stories of 
millions of deliberate deaths (use of fraudulent photos optional). 

21. Ibid., p. 251. 



NOTES 

22. Ibid. 

23. Sir John Maynard, The Russian Peasant ant 
Gollaner, 1942, p. 296. 

24. Warren B. Walsh, Russia and the Soviet I 
Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1958, p. 451 

25. Dalrymple, p. 251. 

26. EKPAH-EKRAN, Ukrainian Magazine f 
Nos. 123-125, 1983, p. 2. 

27. Yurij Chumatsky), Why Is One Holocaus 
Lidcombe, Australia, Veterans of the Ukrainian Ins 
emphasis added. Chumatskyj, like Goebbels, claims i 
Duranty — born in Ireland and educated in Engla 

28. Dana Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine 
References," Soviet Studies, Oxford, Basil Blackwe 

29. Ibid., p. 471. 

30. Ibid. 

31. Ibid. 

32. The Barnes article cited by Dalrymple was 
of Hunger in South Russia." Dalrymple, January 1 

33- Dalrymple, April 1965, p. 472. 

34. Ibid. 

35. Ibid., p. 473. 

36. Ibid. 

37. Ibid., pp. 473-474. 

38. Ibid., p. 474. 

39. James Mace, for example, describes Dali 
breaking." See Ammende, p. iii. 



Chapter Six 
Cold War II: The 1980sC 

1. Oksana Procyk, Leonid Heretz, James E. 
Ukraine 1932-1933: A Memorial Exhibition, 
University, Cambridge, Harvard College Library, 1 

2. For a recent example, see Hank Carson, ": 
Link," The Guardian (New York), November 6, 19 
regarding the funding of an "Islamic politics" 
"University officials were angry, not because of the 
universities, Harvard has extensive, longstanding 
because (Harvard professor) Safran had not proce: 
university channels and given some of the money 

3. C. Ford, Donovan of OSS, Boston, Little, I 

4. Ibid., pp. 149-150. 

5. Olexa Woropay, The Ninth Circle: In Comt 
the Famine of 1933, edited by James E. Mace, Cai 
Ukrainian Studies Fund, 1983. 

6. Professor John Ryan, Dept. of Geography 
Bryan Dixon of the Winnipeg School Board, Janua 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



NOTES 



147 



i8, 463, 466 {also used by Walker), 488, 538 (also used 
Lugust 18, 1933), 554, 560, 598 (also used by Walker) 
Ammende in Human life in Russia. Civil war period 
ine scenes: pp. 161, 166, 170, 175, 177, 444, 457 
b. 22," Geneva, International Committee for Russian 
, 504, 508, 556, 595, 620, 692, 701. Many of the latter 
ely cropped. 
55, 660, 662. 



Chapter Five 
he Numbers Game 

s, December 21, 1984. 

"The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934," Soviet Studies, 
Blackwell, pp. 259-260. 



r he House Built of Sand: The Conflicts of German 

London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1960, p. 191. 

>e Idler, February 1985, p. 20. 

"Anti-Soviet Propaganda in Britain," International 

»er 5, 1934, p. 1371. 

trus Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p. 107. 



James Mace, "Historic Introduction," in Ewald 
\ussia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, p. ix. 
August 30, 1933, p. 57. 

ictober 15, 1934. 

e Politics of Mass Media, New York, St. Martin's 



Vatican in Politics Today, London, Watts and Co., 



22. Ibid. 

2 3. Sir John Maynard, The Russian Peasant and Other Studies, London, Victor 
Gollaner, 1942, p. 296. 

24. Warren B. Walsh, Russia and the Soviet Union: A Modern History, Ann 
Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1958, p. 451. 

25. Dalrymple, p. 251. 

26. EKPAH-EKRAN, Ukrainian Magazine for Youth and Adults, Chicago, 
Nos. 123-125, 1983, p. 2. 

27. Yurij Chumatskyj, Why Is One Holocaust Worth More Than Others?, 
Lidcombe, Australia, Veterans of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, 1986, pp. 34, 41, 
emphasis added. Chumatskyj, like Goebbels, claims the right to decide who is a Jew; 
Duranty — born in Ireland and educated in England — was not Jewish. 

28. Dana Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934, Some Further 
References," Soviet Studies, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, April 1965, pp. 471-474. 

29. Ibid., p. 471. 

30. Ibid. 

31. Ibid. 

32. The Barnes article cited by Dalrymple was entitled "Million Feared Dead 
of Hunger in South Russia." Dalrymple, January 1964, p. 260. 

33. Dalrymple, April 1965, p. 472. 

34. Ibid. 

35. Ibid., p. 473. 

36. Ibid. 

37. Ibid., pp. 473-474. 

38. Ibid., p. 474. 

39. James Mace, for example, describes Dalrymple's articles as "ground- 
breaking." See Ammende, p. iii. 

Chapter Six 
Cold War II: The 1980s Campaign 

1. Oksana Procyk, Leonid Heretz, James E. Mace, Famine in the Soviet 
Ukraine 1932-1933: A Memorial Exhibition, Widener Library, Harvard 
University, Cambridge, Harvard College Library, 1986, p. 66. 

2. For a recent example, see Hank Carson, "Harvard Embarrassed by CIA 



148 



FRAUD. FAMINE AND FASCISM 



7. John Loftus, The Belarus Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, pp. 
117-118; Dr. Jame E. Mace, Introduction, The Ninth Circle, p. xi; Dr. James E. 
Mace, Historical Introduction, Human Life in Russia by Ewald Ammende, 
Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, p. iv, n. 4, p. v, n. 8. 

8. Woropay, p. 17. 

9. Famine in the Soviet Ukraine, p. xi. 

10. Ibid., p. 45. 

11. Ibid., p. xi. 

12. Alfred Laubenheimer, JJnd du Siehst die Sowjets Richtig: Berichte von 
deutschen und auslaendischen "Spezialisten" aus der Sowjet Union, Berlin- 
Leipzig, Nibelungen-Verlag, 1935, p. 259. 

13. Ibid., p. 118. 

14. Ibid., pp. 100-106. Translation of extract from Winter in Moscow, London, 
Eyre and Spottiswood, 1934. 

15. Alfred Laubenheimer, Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund, Berlin-Halensee, 
Verlag Volkswirtschaftsdienst, 1933. 

16. See Und du Siehst, last page. 

17. The author's copy of Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund bears not only the 
emblem of the Nazi Party, but also the stamp "Embajada de Alemania, Servicio de 
Prensa Salamanca." 

18. Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund, plate 13, p. 45; plate 16, p. 50. 

19. See Chapter 9 and Appendix. 

20. Charles Higham, American Swastika, New York, Doubleday, 1985, p. 1 19. 

21. In Walter Dushnyck, 50 Years Ago: The Famine Holocaust in Ukraine, 
Terror and Misery as Instruments of Soviet Russian Imperialism, New York, 
World Congress of Free Ukrainians, 1983, p. 5. 

22. Ryan to Dixon. 

23. Dushnyck, p. 56. 

24. Ibid., p. 35. 

25. Albert Szymanski, Human Rights in the Soviet Union, London, Zed Press, 
1984, p. 225. 

26. S.G. Wheatcroft, "On Assessing the Size of Forced Concentration Camp 
Labor in the Soviet Union, 1926-1956," Soviet Studies, April 2, 1981, p. 285. 

27. Dr. James E. Mace, "Famine and Nationalism in Soviet Ukraine," 
Problems of Communism, May-June 1984, pp. 37-50. 

28. See for example, Flo Conway and Jim Siegelman, Holy Terror, New York, 
Delta, 1984, p. 418; "The Great War of Words," Time, September 9, 1985, p. 35; 
Phillip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary, Penguin, 1975, Appendix II; Roger 
Burbach and Patricia Flynn, The Politics of Intervention: The United States in 
Central America, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1984, p. 140; Stephen 
Schlesinger and Stephen Kinser, Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the American 
Coup in Guatemala, Garden City, N.Y., Anchor Press/ Doubleday, 1983, p. 136; 
"Sandinistas Outgunned in Regional Radio Wars," The Guardian (New York), 
September 11, 1985, p. 13. 

29. Mace, "Famine and Nationalism in Soviet Ukraine," p. 39. 

30. Barbara A. Anderson and Brian D. Silver, "Demographic Analysis and 
Population Catastrophes in the USSR," Slavic Review, Vol. 44, No. 3, 1985, p. 532. 

31. Ibid., pp. 532-533. 

32. Ibid., p. 534 



NOTES 

33. Frank Lorimer, The Population of the Si 
Nations, 1946, p. 240. 

34. Dr. James E. Mace to Professor Jaroslaw 
copy of this letter sent by Mace to the Ukrainian C 
presented to a meeting of the Winnipeg Schoo 
support of the UCC campaign to include the "fami 
curriculum. 

35. Ian Grey, Stalin: Man of History, Londc 
1979, p. 370. 

36. Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Russia and , 
Fennell, M. Kaser, H. WilJetts, eds., Cambridge 
1982, p. 75. 

37. Canada Year Book, Ottawa, Dominion Bur 
and Commerce, 1945, p. 193. 

38. Julian V. Bromley, ed., Present-Day Et 
Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1982, p, 68. 

39. Volodymyr Kubijovyc, ed., Ukraine: A 
Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1982, p. 81 1 
80.1 per cent of 31.4 million inhabitants of the L 

40. Ihor Kamenetsky gives a figure of 10 mill 
Ukraine, Milwaukee, Marquette University Press, 

41 . This figure would include the ethnic Ukrai 
lands incorporated into Soviet Ukraine immediatel 
War II. 

42. Bromley, p. 68. 



Chapter Seven 
Harvest of Decept 

1. New York Independent, July/August 198 

2. Peter Paluch, "Spiking the Ukrainian Fan 
April 11, 1986, pp. 33-38. 

3- Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Rt 
Occupation Politics, London, Macmillan, 1957, p. 

4. Nastup(Prague), July 12, 1943. Cited by 
Soutanes, Kiev, Politvidav Publishers, pp. 123-12' 

5. Dallin, p. 237. 

6. Ibid., p. 213, n. 2. 

7. Oberleutnant Erwin Bingel, in "The Ext< 
Jewish Communities: Testimony of a German 
Studies, Vol. Ill, Jerusalem, 1959, pp. 303-320. Se< 

8. John Loftus, The Belarus Secret, New York 

9. Toronto Star, November 20, 1986. 

10. Winnipeg Free Press, October 26, 1984. 

11. Ibid. 

12. The following is a partial list of fakes us< 
— portrait (upper portion) of a woman with 

1935 New York Evening Journal series; also used 



FRAUD. FAMINE AND FASCISM 

arus Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, pp. 
ntroduction, The Ninth Circle, p. xi; Dr. James E. 
n, Human Life in Russia by Ewald Ammende, 
34, p. iv, n. 4, p. v, n. 8. 

: Ukraine, p. xi. 



r, Und du Siebst die Sowjets Richtig: Berichte von 
m "Spezialisten" aus der Sow jet Union, Berlin- 
1935, p. 259. 

inslation of extract from Winter in Moscow, London, 

r, Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund, Berlin-Halensee, 

t, 1933. 

ast page. 

: Die Sowjet Union am Abgrund bears not only the 

t also the stamp "Embajada de Alemania, Servicio de 

<n Abgrund, plate 13, p. 45; plate 16, p. 50. 

ippendix. 

erican Swastika, New York, Doubleday, 1985, p. 1 19- 

, 50 Years Ago: The Famine Holocaust in Ukraine, 

ments of Soviet Russian Imperialism, New York, 

ainians, 1983, p. 5. 



NOTES 



149 



33. Frank Lorimer, The Population of the Soviet Union, Geneva, League of 
Nations, 1946, p. 240. 

34. Dr. James E. Mace to Professor Jaroslaw Rozumnyj, February 4, 1984. A 
copy of this letter sent by Mace to the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC) was 
presented to a meeting of the Winnipeg School Board, February 14, 1984, in 
support of the UCC campaign to include the "famine-genocide" issue in the school 
curriculum. 

35. Ian Grey, Stalin: Man of History, London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 
1979, p. 370. 

36. Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Russia and the Soviet Union, A. Brown, J. 
Fennell, M. Kaser, H. Willetts, eds., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 
1982, p. 75. 

37. Canada Year Book, Ottawa, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Dept. of Trade 
and Commerce, 1945, p. 193. 

38. Julian V. Bromley, ed., Present-Day Ethnic Processes in the USSR, 
Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1982, p. 68. 

39. Volodymyr Kubijovyc, ed., Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Vol. I, 
Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1982, p. 81 1 states that Ukrainians made up 
80.1 per cent of 31.4 million inhabitants of the Ukrainian SSR in 1931. 

40. Ihor Kamenetsky gives a figure of 10 million. See Hitler's Occupation of 
Ukraine, Milwaukee, Marquette University Press, 1956, p. 84. 

41. This figure would include the ethnic Ukrainian population of the western 
lands incorporated into Soviet Ukraine immediately prior to, and following World 
War II. 

42. Bromley, p. 68. 



(man Rights in the Soviet Union, London, Zed Press, 

l Assessing the Size of Forced Concentration Camp 
926-1956," Soviet Studies, April 2, 1981, p. 285. 
\, "Famine and Nationalism in Soviet Ukraine," 
ay-June 1984, pp. 37-50. 
Conway and Jim Siegelman, Holy Terror, New York, 



Chapter Seven 
Harvest of Deception 

1. New York Independent, July/ August 1985, p. 68. 

2. Peter Paluch, "Spiking the Ukrainian Famine Again," National Review, 
April 11, 1986, pp. 33-38. 

3. Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia 1941-1944: A Study of 
Occupation Politics, London, Macmillan, 1957, p. 483, n. 

4. Nastupi Prague), July 12, 1943- Cited by Klym Dmytruk, Swastikas on 



150 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



Russia, opp. p. 64, attributed to a different year, season and photographer; 

— man dressed for winter with fur hat: Walker photo, Chicago American, 
March 4, 1935; 

— dead horse: cropped detail, Walker photo, Chicago American, February 25, 
1935; also used by Ammende, Human Life in Russia, opening plate, bottom, 
attributed to a different year, season and photographer; London Daily Express, 
August 6, 1934, claiming famine in Belgorod (which is in Russia, not Ukraine); 

— woman lying in a field: Walker photo, New York Evening Journal, 
February 21, 1935; Ammende, Human Life in Russia, opp. p. 129, attributed to a 
different year, season and photographer; 

— dead bodies in a freight car: Ammende, Human Life in Russia, opp. p. 192, 
bottom; 

— frozen graveyard scene, Ammende, Human Life in Russia, opp. p. 224 
(offered as "summer 1933"); off-angle variation of photo used in La Famine en 
Russie, Geneva, 1922, p. 10, left, 

— naked child's corpse in the street: first published in relation to 1932-1933 
in the Nazi party organ Voelkischer Beobachter, August 18, 1933; 

— corpse wagon with bodies and driver: La Famine en Russie, Geneva, 1922, 
P-9; 

— wagon and corpse collectors, latter wear articles of military uniform in style 
of World War I issue: Voelkischer Beobachter, August 18, 1933; 

— carter, with fur hat, beside wagon loaded with naked corpses: 1922 
"Funeral Procession in Kherson," "Information No. 22," International Committee 
for Russian Relief, April 30, 1922, p. 21; 

— woman lying face up on the ground: Walker photo, 1935 Chicago 
American series; 

— young, blond girl wearing a smock: detail cropped from photo of 1922 
refugees, Saratov, Russia, La Famine en Russie, Geneva, 1922, p. 5. 

13. Hryts Mukhailiv, "Ghosts of Despair," News from Ukraine, No. 48 (932), 
November 1986. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Globe and Mail, November 18, 1986. 

16. Toronto Star, November 20, 1986, emphasis added. 

17. Ibid. 

18. Globe and Mail, November 18, 1986. 

19. "Press Release," "Ukrainian Famine Research Committee," St. Vladimir 
Institute, under the auspices of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee, Toronto, 
November 19, 1986. 

20. Ibid. 

21. As outlined in note 12 above. 

22. "Press Release." 

23. Ibid. 

24. Ibid. 

25. Ibid. 

26. Ibid., emphasis added. 

27. Ibid., emphasis in original. 

28. Winnipeg Free Press, October 26, 1984. 

29. See Douglas Tottle, Letter to the Editor, Globe and Mail, December 13, 
1986, documenting fraudulent use of six photos in the Globe and Mail, November 



NOTES 

29 and December 1, 1986. Of these six photos c 
Sorrow. 

30. Robert Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow: $ 
Terror Famine, Edmonton, University of Alberta 
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 1986. 

31. "Death of the department that never was 
year history of the Foreign Office's propaganda 
January 27, 1978. 

32. Ibid. 

33. Ibid. 

34. Military History, April 1986. 

35. Ibid. 

36. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror, New 

37. Ukrainian Weekly, Vol. LI, No. 12, Marc 

38. Harvest of Sorrow, p. 37. 

39. Ibid., pp. 333-334. 

40. Ibid., pp. 376-382. 

41. Ibid., pp. 9, 396. 

42. Ibid., p. 244. 

43. Ibid., p. 380, n. 133. 

44. Rui Umezawa, "Re-evaluating the tei 
Holocaust debate surfaces again in Western Canad; 
1987. 

45. Harvest of Sorrow, between pp. 196 and 

46. Umezawa in Alberta Report. 

47. Paul Fussell, The Great War in Modern 1 
cited in J. Arch Getty, The Origins of the Great F 
University Press, 1985, p. 4. On the unreliability . 
evidence, Getty also cites Louis Gottschalk, Clyde KI 
Use of Personal Documents in History, Anthropol< 
Social Sciences Research Council, No. 53, 
"Autobiography and History," Societas, Vol. 6, Nc 

48. Getty, p. 5. 

49. Ibid, p. 6; p. 222, n. 12. 

50. The Great Terror, p. 569. 

51. Getty, p. 222, n. 22. 

52. Harvest of Sorrow, p. 304. Emphasis addt 

53. Ibid, pp. 299-307. For critiques of sucl 
Anderson and Brian D. Silver, "Demography 
Catastrophes in the USSR," Slavic Review, Vol. 44, : 
G. Wheatcroft, "New Demographic Evidence on Ex 
Slavic Review, Vol. 44, No. 3, 1985, p. 50 ff; Barba 
Silver, "Tautologies in the Study of Excess Mortalit 
Slavic Review, Vol. 45, No. 2, summer 1986, p. 307 I 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

to a different year, season and photographer; 
ter with fur hat: Walker photo, Chicago American, 

etail, Walker photo, Chicago American, February 25, 
le, Human Life in Russia, opening plate, bottom, 
, season and photographer; London Daily Express, 
line in Belgorod (which is in Russia, not Ukraine); 
: ield: Walker photo, New York Evening Journal, 
i, Human Life in Russia, opp. p. 129, attributed to a 
LOtographer; 
it car; Ammende, Human Life in Russia, opp. p. 192, 

ne, Ammende, Human Life in Russia, opp. p. 224 
off-angle variation of photo used in La Famine en 
left. 

n the street: first published in relation to 1932-1933 
Ikischer Beobachter, August 18, 1933; 
dies and driver: La Famine en Russie, Geneva, 1922, 

ectors, latter wear articles of military uniform in style 
ischer Beobachter, August 18, 1933; 
, beside wagon loaded with naked corpses: 1922 
on," "Information No. 22," International Committee 
1922, p. 21; 
up on the ground: Walker photo, 1935 Chicago 

taring a smock: detail cropped from photo of 1922 
Famine en Russie, Geneva, 1922, p. 5. 
hosts of Despair," News from Ukraine, No. 48 (932), 



vember 18, 1986. 

nber 20, 1986, emphasis added. 

vember 18, 1986. 

crainian Famine Research Committee," St. Vladimir 



NOTES 



151 



29 and December 1, 1986. Of these six photos only one is used in Harvest of 
Sorrow. 

30. Robert Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the 
Terror Famine, Edmonton, University of Alberta Press, in association with the 
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 1986. 

31. "Death of the department that never was. David Leigh recounts the 30- 
year history of the Foreign Office's propaganda operation," London Guardian, 
January 27, 1978. 

32. Ibid. 

33. Ibid. 

34. Military History, April 1986. 

35. Ibid. 

36. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror, New York, Macmillan, 1973, p. 23. 

37. Ukrainian Weekly, Vol. LI, No. 12, March 20, 1983. 

38. Harvest of Sorrow, p. 37. 

39. Ibid., pp. 333-334. 

40. Ibid., pp. 376-382. 

41. Ibid., pp. 9, 396. 

42. Ibid., p. 244. 

43. Ibid., p. 380, n. 133. 

44. Rui Umezawa, "Re-evaluating the terror famine. The Ukrainian 
Holocaust debate surfaces again in Western Canada," Alberta Report, January 26, 
1987. 

45. Harvest of Sorrow, between pp. 196 and 197. 

46. Umezawa in Alberta Report. 

47. Paul Fussell, The Great War in Modern Memory, Oxford, 1975, p. 310, 
cited in J. Arch Getty, The Origins of the Great Purges, Cambridge, Cambridge 
University Press, 1985, p. 4. On the unreliability of autobiography as historical 
evidence, Getty also cites Louis Gottschalk, Clyde Kluckhohn, Robert Angell, "The 
Use of Personal Documents in History, Anthropology and Sociology," Bulletin of 
Social Sciences Research Council, No. 53, 1945; Kenneth D. Barkin, 
"Autobiography and History," Societas, Vol. 6, No. 2, Spring 1976, pp. 83-103. 

48. Getty, p. 5. 

49. Ibid., p. 6; p. 222, n. 12. 

50. The Great Terror, p. 569. 

51. Getty, p. 222, n. 22. 



n l ■ .JJ.J 



152 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



NOTES 



Chapter Eight 
The Famine 

1. See, for example, Dr. James E. Mace to Professor J. Rozumnyj, February 4, 
1984. 

2. Michael Hrushevsky, A History of Ukraine, published for the Ukrainian 
National Association, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1941, p. 566. 
Hrushevsky was formerly President of the Ukrainian Central Rada, head of state 
(1917-1918) of the Nationalist clique's brief "government." A History of Ukraine 
was reprinted in 1970 by Archon Books with no substantive change to the sections 
in question. 

3. Ibid., p. 551, n. 

4. Charles Higham, American Swastika, New York, Doubleday, 1985, p. 1 19. 
Higham characterizes the Ukrainian National Association (for whom A History of 
Ukraine was published) as being riddled with pro-Nazi elements prior to the 
Americans' entry into World War II (pp. 118-119). 

5. Associated Press report, Washington, September 29, 1939, cited by Lieut. 
William A. Kardash, MLA, Hitler's Agents in Canada, Toronto, Morris Printing 
Co., 1942, p. 17. 

6. Nicholas V. Riasnovsky, A History of Russia, New York, Oxford 
University Press, 1977, p. 551. 

7. Michael T. Florinsky, Russia: A Short History, Toronto, Macmillan, 1969, 
p. 510. 

8. Ibid., see Introduction. 

9. Ewald Ammende, Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, 
p. 53. 

10. From the First to the Second Five Year Plan: A Symposium, Moscow and 
Leningrad, Cooperative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the USSR, 1933, 
p. 174. 

11. S.P. Trapeznikov, Leninism and the Agrarian Peasant Question, Vol. II, 
Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1981, pp. 67-68. 

12. Frederick L. Schuman, Russia Since 191 7: Four Decades of Soviet Politics, 
New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1957, pp. 151, 152. 

In some aspects, kulak destruction surpassed that of the Nazis in occupied 
Soviet territory: 32 million cattle and 97 million sheep and goats destroyed by the 
kulaks; compared to 17 million and 27 million respectively by the Nazis. See Pyotr 
Mikhailov, "Mercy in the Inferno of War," Soviet Life (Washington, D.C.), 
October 1985, p. 35. 

13. Isaac Mazepa, "Ukraina under Bolshevist Rule," Slavonic Review, Vol. 12, 
1933-1934, pp. 342-343. 

14. The Nation, May 29, 1935. 

15. From the First to the Second Five-Year Plan, p. 280. 

16. Istoria Ukrainskoi RSR (History of the Ukrainian SSR), Vol. 6, Kiev, 
Naukova Dumka, 1977, p. 220. 

17. Hans Blumenfeld, Life Begins at 65: The Not Entirely Candid 
Autobiography of a Drifter, Montreal, Harvest House, 1987, pp. 152, 153. 

18. Dana G. Dalrymple, "The Soviet Famine of 1932-1934: Some Further 
References," Soviet Studies, April .1965, p. 471. 



19. See, for example, M.P. Bazhan, chief ed 
office of the Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia Acade 
SSR, 1969, p. 293. 

20. Blumenfeld, pp. 153, 154. 

21. Albert Rhys Williams, The Russians, New 

22. Cited by Carl Marzani, We Can Be Friends 
New York, Topical Books Publishers, 1952 p 7 
figures, p. 145. 

23. Saturday Evening Post, September 27, 19 
Hitler's Occupation of Ukraine 1941-1944 Mil* 
Press, 1956, p. ix. 

24. Ibid. 

25. Heinz Hohne, The Order of the Death's H 

26. See, for example, "No Famine Anywhere EI 
of the Kremlin, Vol. II, Detroit, 1955, pp. 621-62; 

27. Olexa Woropay, The Ninth Circle, Car 
Ukrainian Studies Fund, 1983, p. xx. 

28. In Ammende, p. viii. 

29. Alec Nove, "When the Head is Off " The 
1986, p. 37. " 

30. Globe and Mail, February 28, 1984. 

31. James Mace, for example, refers to contini 
permanent impoverishment," and states- "Althc 
horrifying after 1933, the need for humanitarian 
pressing reality throughout the 1930s." See Amme 

32. Lev Shankivsky, Pokhidni hrupy OUN, Mi 

33. Published in Suchasne i Maibutnje, No' 4 

34. William M. Mandel, Soviet But Not Russn 
Alberta Press, 1985, p. 238. 

35. Volodymyr Kubijovyc, ed., Ukraine: A Co 
published for the Ukrainian National Association 1 
Toronto, 1971, p. 1083 

36. Ibid. 

37. Mandel, p. 239. 

38. Roman Szporluk, "The Ukraine and the Ul 
Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, New York 

39. Mykola Stepanenko, "Ukrainian Culture in th 
G. W. Simmonds, ed., Nationalism in the USSR at 
University of Detroit, 1977, p. 78. 



Chapter Nine 
Collaboration and Collu 

1. See Valery Styrkul, We Accuse: Documen 
Publishers, 1984, pp. 139-142; Reuben Ainsztein j 
Occupied Eastern Europe, Harper and Row, 1974 p ; 
Lee Anderson, Inside the League, New York, Dodd 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

Chapter Eight 
The Famine 

)r. James E. Mace to Professor J. Rozumnyj, February 4, 

Icy, A History of Ukraine, published for the Ukrainian 
:w Haven, Yale University Press, 1941, p. 566. 
President of the Ukrainian Central Rada, head of state 
ilist clique's brief "government." A History of Ukraine 
rchon Books with no substantive change to the sections 



Imerican Swastika, New York, Doubleday, 1985, p. 1 19. 
Ikrainian National Association (for whom A History of 
s being riddled with pro-Nazi elements prior to the 
rid War II (pp. 118-119). 

*port, Washington, September 29, 1939, cited by Lieut. 
, Hitler's Agents in Canada, Toronto, Morris Printing 

snovsky, A History of Russia, New York, Oxford 

551. 

Icy, Russia: A Short History, Toronto, Macmillan, 1969, 



Human Life in Russia, Cleveland, John T. Zubal, 1984, 

he Second Five Year Plan: A Symposium, Moscow and 
Wishing Society of Foreign Workers in the USSR, 1933, 

Leninism and the Agrarian Peasant Question, Vol. II, 
ers, 1981, pp. 67-68. 

lan, Russia Since 191 7: Four Decades of Soviet Politics, 
pf, 1957, pp. 151, 152. 

k destruction surpassed that of the Nazis in occupied 
cattle and 97 million sheep and goats destroyed by the 



NOTES 



153 



19. See, for example, M.P. Bazhan, chief ed., Soviet Ukraine, Kiev, Editorial 
office of the Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia, Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian 
SSR, 1969, p. 293- 

20. Blumenfeld, pp. 153, 154. 

21. Albert Rhys Williams, The Russians, New York, Harcourt Brace 1943 d 
101. ' >F " 

22. Cited by Carl Marzani, We Can Be Friends: The Origins of the Cold War, 
New York, Topical Books Publishers, 1952, p. 272. Schuman gives the same 
figures, p. 145. 

23. Saturday Evening Post, September 27, 1945, cited by Ihor Kamenetsky, 
Hitler's Occupation of Ukraine 1941-1944, Milwaukee, Marquette University 
Press, 1956, p. ix. 

24. Ibid. 

25. Heinz Hohne, The Order of the Death's Head, London, Pan, 1972, p. 464. 

26. See, for example, "No Famine Anywhere Else in Russia," The Black Deeds 
of the Kremlin, Vol. II, Detroit, 1955, pp. 621-622. 

27. Olexa Woropay, The Ninth Circle, Cambridge, Harvard University 
Ukrainian Studies Fund, 1983, p. xx. 

28. In Ammende, p. viii. 

29. Alec Nove, "When the Head is Off . . ." The New Republic, November 3 
1986, p. 37. 

30. Globe and Mail, February 28, 1984. 

31. James Mace, for example, refers to continuing "hunger," "more or less 
permanent impoverishment," and states: "Although the situation was less 
horrifying after 1933, the need for humanitarian relief measures remained a 
pressing reality throughout the 1930s." See Ammende, p. ix. 

32. Lev Shankivsky, Pokhidni hrupy OUN, Munich, 1958, p. 72. 

33. Published in Suchasne i Maibutnje, No. 4, 1948. 

34. William M. Mandel, Soviet But Not Russian, Edmonton, University of 
Alberta Press, 1985, p. 238. 

35. Volodymyr Kubijovyc, ed., Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Vol. U, 
published for the Ukrainian National Association, University of Toronto Press' 
Toronto, 1971, p. 1083. 

36. Ibid. 

37. Mandel, p. 239. 

38. Roman Szporluk, "The Ukraine and the Ukrainians " in 7 P v kr^ *A 



154 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



NOTES 



2. Winnipeg Free Press, April 4, 1984. 

3. Saul S. Friedman, Pogromchik, New York, 1976, p. 374. 

4. Styrkul, p. 141. 

5. Interview with the author, early November 1984. 

6. Ainsztein, p. 252. 

7. Ibid, p. 255. 

8. Nahum Kohn and Howard Roiter, A Voice from the Forest, New York, 
Holocaust Library, 1980, p. 121. 

9. Ibid., p. 122. 

10. Gerald Reitlinger, The House Built of Sand: The Conflicts of German 
Policy in Russia 1939 1944, London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, I960, pp. 163, 
167. 

11. John J. Reshetar, The Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920, Princeton, N.J., 
Princeton University Press, 1952, pp. 301-303, 305. Includes text of treaty. 

12. Ibid., pp. 300-301. 

1 3. See ibid., p. 306. Vynnychenko was chairman of the General Secretariat of 
Pethura's "Central Rada." Of the defeat of the Rada, Vynnychenko wrote: "True, 
the Bolsheviks also didn't have large and disciplined units, but their advantage lay 
in the fact that all our broad masses of soldiers would offer them no resistance 
whatsoever, or would even go over to their side; and also that almost all the 
workers in every single city would join arms with them; that the village paupers 
were apparently all Bolshevik-minded; and that in a word, the overwhelming 
majority of the Ukrainian population as such was against us." Vidrodzhennia 
natsii, Part II, Vienna, 1920, pp. 215-216. 

14. For information on the Petliura army's mass slaughter of Ukrainian Jews, 
see Elias Heifetz, The Slaughter of the Jews in the Ukraine in 1919, New York, 
J.V.Y. Thomas Seltzer, 1921. 

15. Lucy S. Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, New York, Holt, 
Reinhart and Winston, 1975, pp. 377-378. 

16. The Black Deeds of the Kremlin, Vol. I, p. 323- 

17. Ainsztein, p. 253. 

18. Black Deeds, pp. 513, 515. 

19. John A. Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, Littleton, Colorado, 
Ukrainian Academic Press, 1980, pp. 173-174. 

20. Cited by Klym Dmytruk, In Holy Robes, Kiev, Ukraina Society, 1978, p. 
29. 

21. Stated at a high school teachers' symposium, Grant Park High School, 
October 19, 1984. 

22. Cited by Alexander J. Motyl, The Turn to the Right: The Ideological 
Origins and Developments of Ukrainian Nationalism, 1919-1929, New York, 
Columbia University Press, 1980, pp. 142-143. 

23. Ibid., pp. 133-134. 

24. Ibid., p. 134. 

25. Y. Milyanich, "Jews, Zionism and Ukraine," Rozbudova Natsii, Nos. 8-9, 
Prague, 1929, p. 271. 

26. See William A. Kardash, Hitler's Agents in Canada, Toronto, Morris 
Printing Co., 1942, pp. 5-7. 

27. Meta (Lviv), Issue 15, April 17, 1932. 

28. Ukrainian Toiler, No. 51, 1938. 



29. Novy Shliakh, January 5, 1939. 

30. Cited by R.H. Da vies, This is Our Land 
Httler, Progress Books, 1943, p. 151. 

31. Michael Marunchak, The Ukrainian Cat 
Ottawa, Ukrainian Free Academy of Sciences, 19 

32. Liturnaukovy Visnyk, May 1939. 

33. Joe Conason, "To Catch a Nazi," Village 

34. Nuremberg Trial of Major War Crim 
Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 1947, VII, pp. 27; 

35. Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Vol< 
Toronto, University of Toronto Press 1971 p 1 

36. Ibid., p. 1087. 

37. Black Deeds, p. 14. 

38. Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Vol. II 
Committee was headed by Nazi collaborations 
worked closely under Hans Frank in administer 
Ukraine. Frank was executed at Nuremberg, wl 
Nationalist encyclopaedias and is cited as a "f'ami 

39. Ibid., p. 468. 

40. Yury Boshyk, ed., Ukraine During W< 
Aftermath, Edmonton, Canadian Institute of Uk 
Alberta, 1986. See pp. 149- 1 50. This book attempts 
service, downplays the anti-semitism and Jew-hu 
seeks to run interference on the question of the pres 
collaborators in Canada. 

41. Ihor Kamenetsky, Hitler's Occupation of I 
Marquette University Press, 1956 p 82 

42. Ibid., p. 72. 

43. Heinz Hohne, The Order of the Death's I 
London, Pan Books, 1972, p. 385. Hohne cites the 
fuer Publizistische Arbeit, August 26, 1943. 

44. Louis P. Lochner, ed., The Goebbels Diai 
1948, p. 355. 

45. Kamenetsky, pp. 80-81. 

46. Ainsztein, pp. 359-360. Emphasis added 

47. Ibid, pp. 253-254. 

48. The 28 references are to Ivan Krypyakevych. 
Armed Forces, 2nd rev. ed., "General Taras Chupryr 
1945." This revised edition of the original (Lviv, 193 
laundered accounts of Ukrainian fascist military esc 
The 5 references are to Petro Mirchuk, The Ukrainia 
Munich, Cicero, 1953. By plagiarizing the name of Be 
be made to appear that the OUN's "UPA" was four 
pioneering attempts to rewrite the history of Nati< 
with the Nazis. The OUN-Bandera's continued t 
Polish civilians for several years after Germany's su 
Nationalists to gain financial and other support fr 
intelligence agencies who anticipated war with the S 
and early 50s. Petro Mirchuk's anti-semitism, cove 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

r, April 4, 1984. 

'gromchik, New York, 1976, p. 374. 

uthor, early November 1984. 



oward Roiter, A Voice from the Forest, New York, 
21. 

*he House Built of Sand: The Conflicts of German 
London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, I960, pp. 163, 

e Ukrainian Revolution, 1 91 7- 1 920, Princeton, N.J., 
1952, pp. 301-303, 305. Includes text of treaty. 

nychenko was chairman of the General Secretariat of 
the defeat of the Rada, Vynnychenko wrote: "True, 
re large and disciplined units, but their advantage lay 
masses of soldiers would offer them no resistance 
go over to their side; and also that almost all the 
vould join arms with them; that the village paupers 
ik-minded; and that in a word, the overwhelming 
>opulation as such was against us." Vidro dzhennia 
pp. 215-216. 

he Petliura army's mass slaughter of Ukrainian Jews, 
bter of the Jews in the Ukraine in 1919, New York, 

:z, The War Against the Jews, New York, Holt, 
i, pp. 377-378. 
the Kremlin, Vol. I, p. 323. 

3,515. 

ng, Ukrainian Nationalism, Littleton, Colorado, 

1980, pp. 173-174. 

truk, In Holy Robes, Kiev, Ukraina Society, 1978, p. 



NOTES 



155 



29. Novy Shliakh, January 5, 1939. 

30. Cited by R.H. Davies, This is Our Land: Ukrainian Canadians Against 
Hitler, Progress Books, 1943, p. 151. 

31. Michael Marunchak, The Ukrainian Canadians: A History, Winnipeg, 
Ottawa, Ukrainian Free Academy of Sciences, 1970, p. 565. 

32. Liturnaukovy Visnyk, May 1939. 

33. Joe Conason, "To Catch a Nazi," Village Voice, February 11, 1986. 

34. Nuremberg Trial of Major War Criminals before the International 
Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 1947, VII, pp. 272-273. 

35. Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Volodymyr Kubijovyc, ed., Vol. II, 
Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1971, p. 1086. 

36. Ibid., p. 1087. 

37. Black Deeds, p. 14. 

38. Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Vol. II, p. 505. The Ukrainian Central 
Committee was headed by Nazi collaborationist Volodymyr Kubijovyc, who 
worked closely under Hans Frank in administering German-occupied western 
Ukraine. Frank was executed at Nuremberg, while Kubijovyc escaped, edited 
Nationalist encyclopaedias and is cited as a "famine-genocide" expert 

39. Ibid., p. 468. 

40. Yury Boshyk, ed., Ukraine During World War II: History and its 
Aftermath, Edmonton, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of 
Alberta, 1986. See pp. 149-150. This book attempts to rationalize the OUN's Nazi 
service, downplays the anti-semitism and Jew-hunting of the Nationalists, and 
seeks to run interference on the question of the presence of Nazi war criminals and 
collaborators in Canada. 

41. Ihor Kamenetsky, Hitler's Occupation of Ukraine 1941-1944, Milwaukee, 
Marquette University Press, 1956, p. 82. 

42. Ibid., p. 72. 

43. Heinz Hohne, The Order of the Death's Head: The Story of Hitler's SS, 
London, Pan Books, 1972, p. 385. Hohne cites the Nazi wartime source, Archiv 
fuer Publizistische Arbeit, August 26, 1943. 

44. Louis P. Lochner, ed., The Goebbels Diaries, Garden City, Doubleday, 
1948, p. 355. 

45. Kamenetsky, pp. 80-81. 

46. Ainsztein, pp. 359-360. Emphasis added. 

47. Ibid, nn 7W-7SA 



156 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



United States, and downplaying of the Jewish Holocaust are outlined by the Anti- 
Defamation League of B'nai B'rith in its special report, "The Campaign Against 
the U.S. Justice Department's Prosecution of Suspected War Criminals," New 
York, June 1985, pp. 34-37. 

49. Lvivski visti, Lviv, May 6, 1943. 

50. Canadian Bureau of the Simon Wiesenthal Centre, "Simon Wiesenthal 
Centre: Close Tie Between RCMP and Pro-Fascist Wartime Ukrainian Canadian 
Organizations Revealed by Documents in Canadian National Archives. Major 
Ukrainian Umbrella Group Organized by RCMP Agent," Toronto, 1986. 

51. Visti Combatanta, No. 5-6 (36-37), 1968, p. 23. 

52. Ukrainskyi Samostiinyk, February 1950, cited by V. Khystovyi, A Plot 
Against the Future, Uzhgorod, Karpaty Publishers, 1983, p. 36. 

53. Nuremberg Trial, VII, p. 273. 

54. Armstrong, p. 292. 

55. In addition to sources previously cited, see Marko Terlytsia, Here is the 
Evidence, Toronto, Kobzar Publishing, 1984; Michael Hanusiak, Lest We Forget, 
Toronto, Progress Books, 1976; Richard Rashke, Escape from Sobibor, Boston, 
Houghton Mifflin, 1982; Jean-Francois Steiner, Treblinka, London, Weidenfeld 
and Nicholson, 1967; Leon W. Wells, The Janowska Road, New York, MacMillan, 
1963. 

Chapter Ten 

War Criminals, Anti-Semitism 

and the Famine-Genocide Campaign 

1. John Loftus, The Belarus Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p. 101. 

2. Cited in ibid., p. 103. 

3. Ibid., p. 104. The reference to SS divisions is to the Melnyk wing of the 
OUN and to the 14th Waffen SS Division destroyed at Brody in 1944 and later 
rebuilt. 

4. Ibid. 

5. See, for example, "The Origins of Overkill: Nucleaf Weapons and 
American Strategy, 1945-1960," International Security, Vol. 7, No. 4, Spring 1983; 
Peter Pringle and William Arkin, SIOP: The Secret U.S. Plan for Nuclear War, 
New York, 1983; Thomas H. Etzold, John Lewis Gaddis, eds., Containment: 
Documents on the American Policy and Strategy, 1 945-1950, New York, Columbia 
University Press, 1978; Anthony C. Brown, ed., Dropshot: The United States Plan 
for War with the Soviet Union in 1957, New York, Dial Press, 1978. 

6. Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations 
with Respect to Intelligence Activities, U.S. Senate, Book IV, Washington, United 
States Government Printing Office, 1976, p. 26. 

7. Sol Littman, The Rauca Case: War Criminal on Trial, Markham, Ontario, 
Paperjacks, 1983, p. 156. 

8. See Peer Da Silva, Sub-Rosa: The CIA and the Uses of Intelligence, New 
York, Times Books, 1978, pp. 55-56; Avro Manhattan, Catholic Imperialism and 
World Freedom, London, C.A. Watts, 1952, pp. 52-53; Reg Whitaker, "Canada 
Used Loose Screen to Filter Nazi Fugitives," Toronto Globe and Mail, March 1, 
1985; William Blum, The CIA: A Forgotten History, London and New Jersey, Zed 



NOTES 

Books, 1986, pp. 126-127. 

9. For example, we have seen in Chapter 4 th 
of the Kremlin was accepted as documentary evide 
on Communist Aggression headed by Rep. Cr 
Amendment" released vast sums of money fo. 
socialist countries. 

10. George Kennan, Memoirs: 1950-1963, "\ 
Brown and Co., pp. 97-99. Ukrainian Nationalist U 
connected to U.S. military intelligence, was U.S. an 
early 1980s. 

11. Valery Styrkul, We Accuse: Documi 
Publishers, 1984, pp. 218-222. Styrkul cites Nat 
Kombatanta, No. 3, 1977. 

12. Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Vol. II, 
Pidgaitsy "... where the 3 1 st Punitive SD Decachm< 
of mutilated bodies of people tortured to death, i 
broken arms and legs" (see History Teaches a Le 
Publishers, 1986, p. 245, n. 39). 

13. Simon Wiesenthal Centre, "Close Tie Bf 
Wartime Ukrainian-Canadian Organizations Reve 
National Archives. Major Ukrainian Umbrella < 
Toronto, 1986. See Catherine Bainbridge, "Inquir 
says," Winnipeg Free Press, June 5, 1986, p. 5. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Watson Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe 
University Press, 1939, p. 142. 

16. Cited by Simon Wiesenthal Centre. 

17. Styrkul, p. 295. 

18. See, for example, Whitaker; and Helei 
Partisan War Unveil Deeds as a Reminder," Tor 
1985. 

19. Littman, p. 128. 

20. Ibid., p. 158. 

21. Visti Combatanta, No. 5-6 (36-37), 1968, 
Vasyl Veryha (Nasha Meta, No. 20 (77), 1965). 

22. Loftus, p. 107. 

23. Cited by Joe Conason, "To Catch a Naz 
February 11, 1986. 

24. Ibid. 

25. We have noted previously Ukraine: A Cone 
Nazi flunky Volodymyr Kubijovyc, prepared by the 
published for the Ukrainian National Association b 
Robert Conquest's Harvest of S arrow and Ukraine L 
Yury Boshyk) were published by the Canadian Instit 
University of Alberta. 

26. Robert Conquest, Introduction, "Ethnocidc 
Ukrainian Herald, 7-8, Baltimore, Smoloskyp Pub] 

27. Yurij Chumatskyj, Why is One Holocaus, 
Lidcombe, Australia, Veterans of the Ukrainian Ins 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 

ig of the Jewish Holocaust are outlined by the Anti- 
i'rith in its special report, "The Campaign Against 
j Prosecution of Suspected War Criminals," New 

ay 6, 1943. 

he Simon Wiesenthal Centre, "Simon Wiesenthal 

;MP and Pro-Fascist Wartime Ukrainian Canadian 

>ocuments in Canadian National Archives. Major 

rganized by RCMP Agent," Toronto, 1986. 

a. 5-6 (36-37), 1968, p. 23. 

lyk, February 1950, cited by V. Khystovyi, A Plot 

1, Karpaty Publishers, 1983, p. 36. 

I, p. 273- 

> previously cited, see Marko Terlytsia, Here is the 
iblishing, 1984; Michael Hanusiak, Lest We Forget, 
7 6; Richard Rashke, Escape from Sobibor, Boston, 
l-Francois Steiner, Treblinka, London, Weidenfeld 
Wells, The Janowska Road, New York, MacMillan, 



Chapter Ten 
iminals, Anti-Semitism 
imine-Genocide Campaign 

rus Secret, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p. 101. 

erence to SS divisions is to the Melnyk wing of the 
i SS Division destroyed at Brody in 1944 and later 



The Origins of Overkill: Nuclear Weapons and 
)," International Security, Vol. 7, No. 4, Spring 1983; 
rkin, SlOP: The Secret U.S. Plan for Nuclear War, 
1 F.tzold. Tohn Lewis Gaddis. eds.. Containment: 



NOTES 



157 



Books, 1986, pp. 126-127. 

9. For example, we have seen in Chapter 4 that Volume I of The Black Deeds 
of the Kremlin was accepted as documentary evidence by the Cold War Committee 
on Communist Aggression headed by Rep. Charles Kersten. The "Kersten 
Amendment" released vast sums of money for subversive activities against 
socialist countries. 

10. George Kennan, Memoirs: 1950-1963, Vol. II, Boston, Toronto, Little, 
Brown and Co., pp. 97-99. Ukrainian Nationalist leader Lev Dobriansky, formerly 
connected to U.S. military intelligence, was U.S. ambassador to the Bahamas in the 
early 1980s. 

11. Valery Styrkul, We Accuse: Documentary Sketch, Kiev, Dnipro 
Publishers, 1984, pp. 218-222. Styrkul cites Nationalist sources, such as Visti 
Kombatanta, No. 3, 1977. 

12. Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Vol. II, p. 1089. Found in a trench near 
Pidgaitsy ". . . where the 3 1st Punitive SD Detachment had been active — hundreds 
of mutilated bodies of people tortured to death, with cut off ears, put out eyes, 
broken arms and legs" (see History Teaches a Lesson, Kiev, Politvidav Ukraini 
Publishers, 1986, p. 245, n. 39). 

13. Simon Wiesenthal Centre, "Close Tie Between RCMP and Pro-Fascist 
Wartime Ukrainian-Canadian Organizations Revealed by Documents in Canadian 
National Archives. Major Ukrainian Umbrella Group Organized by RCMP," 
Toronto, 1986. See Catherine Bainbridge, "Inquiry avoids scrutiny, Nazi hunter 
says," Winnipeg Free Press, June 5, 1986, p. 5. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Watson Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitler, Toronto, Oxford 
University Press, 1939, p. 142. 

16. Cited by Simon Wiesenthal Centre. 

17. Styrkul, p. 295. 

18. See, for example, Whitaker; and Helen Davis, "Unsung Heroes of 
Partisan War Unveil Deeds as a Reminder," Toronto Globe and Mail, May 13, 
1985. 

19. Littman, p. 128. 

20. Ibid., p. 158. 

21. Visti Combatanta, No. 5-6 (36-37), 1968, p. 12. Stepanenko is quoting 
Vasyl Veryha (Nasha Meta, No. 20 (77), 1965). 

22. Loftus, p. 107. 



158 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



into Canada, this book was sold openly in April 1987 by Arka Books in Toronto and 
Montreal. Arka's mentor is the OUN-Banderite group League for the Liberation of 
Ukraine, an affiliate of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee. 

28. Ibid., p. 2. 

29. Ibid., p. 7. 

30. Ibid., p. 93. 

31. Ibid., p. 104. 

32. Ibid., pp. 33-34. Chumatskyj cites in support of his anti-semitic inter- 
pretation of the famine, Kalen Lucyk's article in the now defunct Ukrainian 
Nationalist paper Canadian Farmer, November 25, 1963. 

33. Ibid., p. 34. 

34. Ibid., p. 41. 

35. Ibid., p. 84. Stetsko was head of theOUN-Bandera's fascist "government" 
in West Ukraine in July 1941, during which Ukrainian Nationalists slaughtered 
thousands of Jews in pogroms. 

36. EKPAH-EKRAN (Chicago), No. 123-125, 1983, trans, from the 
Ukrainian. UVAN: Ukrainian Free Academy of Sciences; NTSH: Shevchenko 
Scientific Society; UCCA: Ukrainian Congress Committee of America; WCFU: 
World Congress of Free Ukrainians. For information on Ukrainian war criminals 
in the United States, see Alan A. Ryanjr., Quiet Neighbors: Prosecuting Nazi War 
Criminals in America, New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984. Ryan is 
former Director of the U.S. Justice Department Office of Special Investigations. 

37. Student (Toronto), Vol. 18, No. 87, November-December 1985. 

38. Trans, transcript, "Ukrainian Hour," CHIN radio station, February 1985. 

39. Winnipeg Free Press, May 28, 1986. 

40. Ibid., August 6, 1986. 

41. Homin JJkrainy (Toronto), March 1977. 

42. Svoboda, March 6, 1980. 

43. Shlyakh Peremohy (FRG), September 5, 1982. 

44. Vyzolnyi Shliakb (London), No. 2, 1981. 

45. For example, U.S. President Carter's sanction of Directive No. 59 on July 
25, 1980 legitimizes "limited" nuclear war; National Security Council Directive 
No. 32 of May 1982 (under President Reagan) sanctions first-use of nuclear 
weapons and theories of "winnable" nuclear war, 

46. "Crusade" was indeed the word chosen in President Reagan's address to 
the British Parliament in June 1982. 



NOTES 

6. Documents in German, stamped "L 
Stutzpunkte Linz." 

7. Document form number v-o-6369, in I 

8. "Anmeldung bei der Polizeichen ; 
Polizeiprasident in Innsbruck." 

9. Document in English. 

10. "Testimonium Copulationis," marriag< 
Latin. 

11. Document in Ukrainian with German ■ 

12. Valery Styrkul, The SS Werewolves, L\ 

13. Valery Styrkul, We Accuse: Documen, 
Ushers, 1984, pp. 139, 142. 

14. Olexa Hay-Holowko, Duel with the Dev 
1986. 

15. The Restoration of the Ukrainian St. 
Ukrainian Central Information Service "Studium 
19 (photo). 

16. Styrkul, We Accuse, p. 143. 

17. Ibid. 

18. Winnipeg Free Press, April 9, 1983. This 
Free Press contains several "famine-genocide" 
deliberate, diabolical" — an interview with I 
Carynnyk. Of some significance is the fact that C; 
with Thomas Walker photographs. 

19. Ibid., October 11, 1983. 

20. Hay-Holowko, Smertelnoiu dorohoiu, p 

21. Ibid., pp. 159-166. 



Appendix 

1. Henderson's Greater Winnipeg Directory, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958, 
Winnipeg. 

2. Document in German and Ukrainian, copy in author's possession. Unless 
otherwise indicated, copies of documents subsequently cited are in the author's 
possession. 

3. Document in German and Ukrainian. 

4. Olexa Hay-Holowko, Smertelnoiu dorohoiu (Along the Road of Death), 
Vol. II, Winnipeg, Trident Press, 1983, p. 205. 

5. Journal, August 1944, p. 12. 



FRAUD, FAMINE AND FASCISM 



NOTES 



159 



d openly in April 1 987 by Arka Books in Toronto and 
e OUN-Banderite group League for the Liberation of 
Jkrainian Canadian Committee. 



jmatskyj cites in support of his anti-semitic inter- 
ilen Lucyk's article in the now defunct Ukrainian 
Farmer, November 25, 1963. 



as head of the OUN-Bandera's fascist "government" 
1, during which Ukrainian Nationalists slaughtered 
is. 

(Chicago), No. 123-125, 1983, trans, from the 
an Free Academy of Sciences; NTSH: Shevchenko 
krainian Congress Committee of America; WCFU: 
u'nians. For information on Ukrainian war criminals 
i A. Ryanjr., Quiet Neighbors: Prosecuting Nazi War 
York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984. Ryan is 
Justice Department Office of Special Investigations. 
Vol. 18, No. 87, November-December 1985. 
krainian Hour," CHIN radio station, February 1985. 
t, May 28, 1986. 
5. 

>ronto), March 1977. 
980. 

FRG), September 5, 1982. 
ondon), No. 2, 1981. 

resident Carter's sanction of Directive No. 59 on July 
1" nuclear war; National Security Council Directive 
r President Reagan) sanctions first-use of nuclear 
innable" nuclear war. 

d the word chosen in President Reagan's address to 
ue 1982. 



6. Documents in German, stamped "Ukrainischer Hauptausschuss — 
Stutzpunkte Linz." 

7. Document form number v-o-6369, in English and German. 

8. "Anmeldung bei der Polizeichen Meldebehorde," stamped "Der 
Polizeiprasident in Innsbruck." 

9. Document in English. 

10. "Testimonium Copulationis," marriage registration in Ukrainian and 
Latin. 

11. Document in Ukrainian with German duplicate. 

12. Valery Styrkul, The SS Werewolves, Lviv, Kamenyar Publishers, 1982. 

13. Valery Styrkul, We Accuse: Documentary Sketch, Kiev, Dnipro Pub- 
lishers, 1984, pp. 139, 142. 

14. Olexa Hay-Holowko, Duel with the Devil, Winnipeg, Communigraphics 
1986. 

15. The Restoration of the Ukrainian State in World War //, Toronto, 
Ukrainian Central Information Service "Studium" Research Institute, n.d., pp. 16, 
19 (photo). 

16. Styrkul, We Accuse, p. 143- 

17. Ibid. 

18. Winnipeg Free Pre ss, April 9, 1983. This particular issue of the Winnipeg 
Free Press contains several "famine-genocide" articles, including "Starvation 
deliberate, diabolical" — an interview with Malcolm Muggeridge by Marco 
Carynnyk. Of some significance is the fact that Carynnyks interview is illustrated 
with Thomas Walker photographs. 

19. Ibid., October 11, 1983. 

20. Hay-Holowko, Smertelnoiu dorohoiu, p. 109. 

21. Ibid., pp. 159-166. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



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Bakalchuk-Felin, Melech. Yizkor-Bukh Khelem. Johannesburg, South Africa, 
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Barnet, Richard. Intervention and Revolution: The United States in the Third 
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Beal, Fred. Proletarian Journey. New York: Hilman-Curl, 1937. 

Beal, Fred. Foreign Workers in a Soviet Tractor Plant. 1933. 

Betcherman, Lita-Rose. The Swastika and the Maple Leaf: Fascist Movements 
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The Black Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book, Vol. I {Book of Testimonies). 
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Blum, William. The CIA: A Forgotten Histo 
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Brinkley, Alan. Voices of Protest: Huey Long 
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Bromley, Julian., ed. Present -Day Ethnic Pi 
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Brown, McAlister. "The Third Reich's Moi 
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Burbach, Roger and Flynn, Patricia. The Polii 
States in Central America. New York: Monthly i 

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Davies, Raymond. This is Our Land: Ukrain 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



161 



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d to the letters, releases, newspaper and 
:ited in the Notes. 

Howard. None is Too Many: Canada and the Jews 

: Lester and Orpen Dennys, 1982. 

%e Soviet Revolution: 1917-1939. New York: 

s, 1962. 

Company: CIA Diary. Penguin, 1975. 

Resistance in Nazi-Occupied Eastern Europe. New 

i Life in Russia. Cleveland: John T. Zubal, 1984. 
ussland HungernP. Vienna: Wilhelm Braumuller, 

ilver, Brian. "Tautologies in the Study of Excess 
1930s." Slavic Review. Vol. 45, no. 2 (1986). 
/er, Brian. "Demographic Analysis and Population 
uvic Review. Vol. 44, no. 3 (1985). 
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tan Nationalism. Littleton, Colorado: Ukrainian 

borationism in World War II: The Integral 
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Douglas Tottle exposes the fraudulent charge of famine-genocide 
made against the USSR . . . Skillfully Tottle traces the labyrinthine 
history of the "evidence" — documentary and photographic — 
on its com- c Silted passage from nazi publications to the Hearst press 
to the misfounded "scholarship" of such present-day 
Kremlinologists as Robert Conquest. Tottle' s sharp and engagingly 
written investigation is useful and intelligent. The author makes an 
important contribution by exposing the ways and wiles of 
anti -communist propaganda. 

Clarence J. Munfbrd 
Professor of History 
University of Guelph 

For almost 70 years the study of the Soviet Union has been trapped 
in a sea of distortion, lie and propaganda. While this has not always 
been one-sided, its overall effect has been to stimulate fear, 
suspicion and danger of war. In the present age of new thinking 
about the history of socialism in the USSR, it remains necessary 
to deal w ; tii and disperse at least the worst of thelies . Tottle s book 
demons1r.--i.es clearly the viciousness surrounding the theory of the 
Ukrainian genocide and hopefully will open the way to genuine 
study of the Ukrainian road to socialism. 

David White-field 

Professor of History 

University of Calgary 



PROGRESS BOOKS ISBN 0-9 1 9396-5 1 -8