FSI - Thai Basic Course - Student Text

FOREIGN SERVICE INSTITUTE

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

THAI

REFERENCE GRAMMAR

This work was compiled and pub-
lished with the support of the Office
of Education, Department of Health,
Education and Welfare, United States
of America.

RICHARD B. NOSS

FOREIGN SERVICE INSTITUTE

WASHINGTON, D.C.
1964

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price $1.25

PREFACE

Standard Thai, the subject of this reference grammar, is the national spoken lan-
guage of Thailand and at the same time an educated variety of the dialect of Bangkok,
to some extent also of the entire Central Plains region of the country. As suck it is the
most widely known representative of the Tai language family, which extends from south-
ern China to the Malay peninsula and includes present-day speakers in all the countries
of Mainland Southeast Asia. Standard Thai, along with its written counterpart, is known
to some extent to nearly all the people of Thailand, and it enjoys some status as sec-
ondary language in neighboring countries as well. As is the case with many national
languages, it is difficult to state the actual number of native speakers. The usual esti-
mate of 18,000,000 is probably accurate.

The linguist responsible for all phases of the reference grammar project has been
Richard B. Noss. The present work is a greatly revised and expanded version of his
dissertation, 'An Outline of Siamese Grammar,' Yale, 1954. The original research was
made possible by concurrent grants from the Yale Southeast Asia Program and the Amer-
ican Council of Learned Societies. The revision and publication was supported by the
U.S. Office of Education through a grant to the Foreign Service Institute. Some of the
additional research on which this revision is based was done in Thailand in 1.961, when
Dr. Noss was serving as a Regional Language Supervisor in Southeast Asia for the For-
eign Service Institute.

Names of principal informants consulted for the study will be found in the Introduc-
tion (p. 3). They include two other FSl staff members: Mr. Prasert Crupiti and Miss
Chotchoi Kambhu.

Howard E. Sollenberger, Dean
School of Language and Area Studies
Foreign Service Institute
Department of State

111

TABLE OF CONTENTS

III.

Introduction

1

IV. Bound Lexeme Classes

133

Phonology

ij-

1.

Mo da Is

133

1. Background

k

1 . /khyyn/ C la s s

133

2. Summary

k

P /m£icr/ fl a qicj
<— • / LllcX ula bo

13 6

3. Consonants

8

3. /ma j/ Class

-LpO

l±. Vowels

111

Miscellaneous

-Li|P

5. Tones

17

6. Pro sod ic Phonemes

20

2.

Prepos it 10ns

ll|6

7. Distribution

2i+

1. /naj/ Class

1 )i 7
1/4. f

8. Morphophonemics

27

2. /caag/ Class

lii8

3. /dooj/ Class

1 CP

Morphology and Syntax

PP

li. /roob/ Class

ipq-

1. Summary

35

^ . /sag/ uiass

156

2. Prosodic Morphemes

38

6. Miscellaneous

160

3. Sub-lexemic Morphemes

ij-8

k» Lexeme Composition

59

3 .

Conjunctions

168

5. Syntactic Constructions

72

1. /diaw/ Class

168

6. Classification

79

2. /thaa/ Class

172

81

3. /syn/ Class

T 7A
1 ( O

Free Lexeme Classes

k* /cyn/ Class

180

1. Isolatives

81

1. Interjections

81

k-

Postpositions

183

2. Responses

82

1. /waj/ Class

183

3. Vocatives

86

2. /nag/ Class

188

li. Imitatives

88

3. /baan/ Class

193

2. Substantives

88

1-)- • Enumerative

196

1. Nouns

89

2. Complementives

91

5.

Sentence Particles

3 . Pronouns

98

1. /rog/ Class

201

i|. Demonstratives

102

P /r>w/ PI a q q

207

5. Classifiers

10k

^ . / J^VIll a. U / L» -Let b 0

215

6. Numerals

109

L).. /nil/ Class

217

5. Sample

3. Predicatives

Hk

Exchanges

219

1. Modal Verbs

Ilk

Topical

Index

226

2. Adjectives

118

3. Transitive Verbs

123

Index of

Forms

23 7

k> Completive Verbs

125

IV

TP A I REFERENCE GRAMMAR

0. INTRODUCTION

0.1 Purpose and Method

The purpose of the present work is to outline the mam structural fea-
tures of standard spoken Thai, the official language of Thailand, and also to
elaborate by sub-classif ication and example those structural features which
are least covered by existing grammars and dictionaries. In this latter cat-
egory are the numerous minor form-classes of Thai (' sign- words , ' 'functional
words,' 'empty morphs, ' etc.) consisting of lexical items whose arrangement
and conditions of occurrence are not easily described m terms of quickly-
understood grammatical labels, and whose largely non-referential meanings are
not easily translated, or translatable only m terms so broad as to be almost
meaningless. An index of these minor form-class members is provided at the
end of the grammar.

The approach to classification of grammatical features attempts to fol-
low current techniques of American descriptive linguistics of the 'ltem-and-
arrangement ' school. Certain insights directly attributable to other gram-
matical techniques (transformational, traditional, etc.) have been exploited,
but the results are presented m terms of morphemes and order. From the point
of view of general method and specific categories the most useful hints have
been gleaned from descriptions of languages with structures similar to Thai.
It would be impossible to mention all of them, but two were outstanding m*
this respect j The work of Charles F. Hockett on Chinese (Peipmg) and William
A. Smalley's 'Outline of Khmu^ Structure.'

0.2. Scope

Standard spoken Thai, the subject of this grammar, is not simply the
audible version of a nationally accepted written language. As an oral mani-
festation, m fact, it has no official sanction of any kind. But it is the
language of communications media, the desired if not actual medium of instruc-
tion m public schools throughout Thailand, and the prestige dialect, repre-
senting the speech habits of the majority of educated speakers, regardless of
origin. Those who are not born to it adapt to it, or suffer the consequences.
Perhaps even more important, it is what foreigners learn: standard spoken Thai
enjoys considerable status as a second language m Laos, and some status even
m parts of Cambodia and Burma.

The regional dialect most closely resembling the standard language is
that spoken m the geographical area of Thailand called the Central Plain.

1

This dialect centers around Bangkok, the capital. It extends to the west as
far as the Burmese border, and to the southwest at least as far as Ratchaburi;
to the north and northeast it is generally bounded by mountains, but can be
found as far away as Pitsanuloke; the eastern limit is the Cambodian border,
including the whole section of Thailand which is east of the Gulf of Siam.
Except for some islands of non-Thai speakers, the central and most populous
portion of the country is thus entirely blanketed by native speakers of a
dialect close to the standard spoken language.

The principal isoglosses separating the Central Plains dialect from its
neighbors to the south, north, and northeast involve the phonetic shapes and
phonemic distribution of tones. Consonant and vowel correspondences play an
important, but lesser role. There are also considerable differences among
the dialects in lexicon, but apparently very few m syntax. At this date it
is probably safe to say that no native speaker of Thai within the borders of
Thailand proper has much difficulty m understanding either the Central Plains
dialect or the standard spoken language, given a short period of adjustment.
Ability to speak standard Thai, m all areas, varies with the extent of formal
education, social status, and contacts with other groups through work or
travel.

On the phonetic level, the principal difference between the standard
language and the Central Plains dialect is the /r/ - /l/ distinction. As
a legitimate phoneme of a colloquial Thai dialect, /r/ probably does not
exist above the Malay peninsula. In the Central Plains dialect, [rl exists
only as an unpredictable variant of the /l/ phoneme, alone and m clusters.
Most speakers of the standard language make the distinction a phonemic one,
but vary as to the lexical items to which /r/ and /l/ are assigned. In the
present work the choice between the two phonemes is made arbitrarily, but m
accordance with dictionary spellings wherever possible.

0.3. Sources

Two separate periods of field research m Thailand were involved m the
preparation of this grammari 195>0-£2 and the summer of I96I. The first
research work was undertaken with the help of concurrent grants from the
Southeast Asia Program of Yale University and the American Council of Learned
Societies, and the results were submitted m 195^ as a Yale dissertation en-
titled 'An Outline of Siamese Grammar. ' The second period of research came
during a tour of duty by the author as FSI Regional Language Supervisor for
Southeast Asia, with a contract between PSI and the Office of Education for
the production of a Thai reference grammar as a stimulus. It was decided to
take the original dissertation as a basis for the grammar and expand it, and

2

the summer of 1961 was devoted to testing the analysis, shoring up the weak
spots, and collecting further examples.

The specific informants consulted for this study included speakers of
the Central Plains (CP) dialect as well as standard (ST) speakers, both m
Thailand and the United States. CP informants were interviewed entirely m
Thai, and ST informants partly m Thai and partly m English. A list of the
principal informants follows with their backgrounds and time and place of
interviews indicated.

1. Mr. Han Ditkum, student at Royal Military Academy, Bangkok,
19^1-52 (CP, Ayuthya Province)

2. Miss Chaluay Kanchanagama , Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn
University, Bangkok, 1951-52 (ST)

3. Mr. Chote Raktiprakara , graduate student, Yale University,
New Haven, 1953-5*1 (ST)

I).. Mrs. William J. G-edney, wife of American linguist, Bangkok,
1951-52, and New Haven, 19$k- (CP, Ayuthya Province)

5. Mrs. Churee Indamyom, employee of AUA Language Center,
Bangkok, 1961 (ST)

6. Mr. Prasert Crupiti, instructor, FSI Language School,
Washington, 1962- 63 (CP, Chantaburi Province, and ST)

7. Miss Chotchoi Kambhu, instructor, FSI Language School,
Washington, 1962- 63 (ST)

Of modern descriptive work on Thai, the most frequently consulted pub-
lications have been those of Mary R. Haas, especially her Spoken Thai (with
Heng R. Subhanka, Henry Holt and Co., 19^-5) • Many original conclusions of
Dr. Haas, including the broad outline of phonemic analysis itself, of neces-
sity recur m the present work, and it is impossible to determine which parts
of the analysis are original here and which are merely logical extensions of
conclusions implicit m her pedagogical work. The same could be said of the
unpublished but equally valuable suggestions of Dr. William <T. G-edney, whose
guidance m the original research project and later has considerable rele-
vance to whatever appears on these pages.

A number of descriptive studies of Thai by linguistically-oriented
Thai speakers, some of them graduate students at American universities, have
been done recently, but their findings have not been incorporated, explicitly
or implicitly, m the present work.

3

CHAPTER I

PHONOLOGY
1.1. Background

In general, the phonemic analysis of the segmental features of stand-
ard spoken Thai I ST) follows the solution proposed by Haas and Subhanka m
Spoken Thai (19^5). This choice was made for two reasons: l) the solution
is basically sound, and differs only minimally, and m mutually convertible
fashion, from any more economical alternative solution (such as the one pro-
posed m Outline of Siamese Grammar ) , and 2) as a transcription system for
ST, it has already achieved a wide acceptance, and occurs m a number of other
publications on Thai (including the PSI Basic Course). The only departures,
as far as symbolization is concerned, are the writing of long vowels with
double vowel symbols instead of vowels plus raised dot, as m Spoken Thai ,
the absence of a symbol for glottal stop (written /«?/ m Spoken Thai, deter-
mined by the presence of stress m the present analysis) and the writing of
short diphthongs with /-&/ instead of /-a 9 /.

The important departures from the Haas analysis involve prosodic
features: tones, stress, rhythm, and intonation. The present analysis pro-
poses six ST tones, instead of five. But even here, the four Haas tone sym-
bols, plus the unmarked tone, have been retained to correspond with five of
the six tones; only one new tone symbol, /"/> nas been added. For the re-
maining prosodic categories, the Spoken Thai system has no symbolization,
except perhaps the ambiguous implications of space or lack of space between
syllables, and undefined punctuation marks. The symbols used here for stress,
rhythm, and intonation phenomena, then, are all new and correlate with spe-
cific phases of the complete phonemic analysis which follows.

1.2. Summary

1.2.1. Phonological Units

Within the ST utterance, the following phonologically significant
subdivisions occur: the clause, the phrase, and the syllable. Clauses are
characterized by intonation contours and junctures, of which there are two
types each. Phrases are characterized by rhythmic patterns, involving rel-
ative syllable-durations of six distinct kinds. Syllables are characterized
by stress contours, of which there are six types. Phonemes of all the above
categories are prosodic phoneme s .

k

Within the syllable, there are four types of component i initial,
nucleus, final, and tone. Consonant phonemes result from the analysis of
initial and final components, vowel phonemes from nuclear components, and
tone phonemes from tonal components. These are all syllabic phonemes .

In the summary and the individual phoneme listings, syllabic contrasts
are presented first, followed by prosodic contrasts.

1.2.2 Initial Contrasts

There are twenty contrasting initials of one segment each, eleven
common initials of two segments each, plus zero initial, making a total of
32 contrasts.

/ baa/

' crazy '

/laa/

' donkey 1

/paa/

' fore s t '

/ raab/

' flat '

/praab/

' subdue '

/ caan/

'plate '

/plaa/

'fish'

/ chaam/

' bowl '

/phaa/

1 cloth '

/jaa/

'medicine '

/phraan/

'hunter '

/kaa/

'teapot '

/phlaad/

'slip'

/kraab/

'prostrate '

/faa/

'sky'

/klaa/

'bold'

/ma a/

' come '

/kwaa/

'more '

/daa/

1 curse '

/khraaw/

'occasion'

/taa/

'eye '

/khlaaj/

' similar '

/traa/

' s tamp '

/khwaa/

'right side 1

/thaa/

' daub '

/ha a/

'five '

/ saam/

' three '

/naa/

'tusk'

/naa/

'field'

/aa/

'open the jaws

1.2.3. Nuclear Contrasts

There are nine contrasting nuclei of one segment each (short vowels),
nine gemmate two-segment nuclei (long vowels), and five nuclei consisting
of different segments (diphthongs), for a total of 23 contrasts. Three diph-
thongs are long (those ending m /a/), and two are short (ending m /©/) .
There is no zero nucleus.

5

Long Nuclei

Short Nuclei

/lllg/

'bypass '

/phlig/

' turn over '

/ vi n a o" /

' call '

/kie/

'wooden shoes

/leeg/

' number '

/leg/

' small '

' exchange '

/kee/

' sharp sound '

/l vvm /

' forge t '

/lyg/

' deep '

/lyag/

' choo se '

/loog/

' quit '

/rj9n/

' silver '

/laag/

/lag/

/luug/

'child'

/lug/

'get up '

/luag/

'parboil 1

/cU9g/

'pure-white '

/loog/

'world '

/nog/

'bird'

/loog/

'peel '

Ao/

' island '

i.2.1j.. Final Contrasts

There are eight common contrasting finals of one segment each, plus
zero final, making a total of 9 contrasts.

/dab/ 'extinguish' /dad/ 'straighten' /dag/ 'net'

/dam/ 'black' /dan/ 'push' /darj/ 'loud'

/daw/ 'guess 1 ' /da/ 'plunge ahead' /daj/ 'any'

1.2.5 Tonal Contrasts

There are six contrasting tones, four of them relatively level m
contour, one falling, and one rising. There is no zero tone.

Level Oblique

/khaw/ 'he' /khaw/ 'enter'

/khaw/ ' f e a tur e '

/khaw-rob/ 'respect' /khaw/ 'hill'

/khaw/ 'knee 1

6

1.2.6. Stress Contrasts

There are six contrasting stress contours occurring on individual
syllables, three of them sustained (level of loudness peaking toward middle,
then dying out slowly) and three diminishing (level of loudness greatest at
beginning of syllable, dying out rapidly).

Sustained Diminishing

/.'maa:/ 'Of course (it) came.'' /imaa/ 'C'mere.''

/'maa:/ '(it) came, (but)' /'maa/ '(it) came.'

/maa:/ Mah. ' /maa/ 'up to now.'

(The last two examples, with the translations 'Mah,' a man's name
used vocatively, and 'up to now, ' a functional word that follows verbs, do
not occur m isolation as do the first four examples.)

1.2.7. Rhythmic Contrasts

There are six distinguishable degrees of relative syllable- length
within an utterance, three of which are determined by stress and intonation
features, two of which are m contrast, plus the shortest length which is
interpreted as zero duration. The first five relative durations are illus-
trated with a syllable /'mn/ taken from larger- contexts, m descending order
of length.

/'mil J./ 'Yes, there are . '

/'mil./ 'There are.'

/'mn: naa./ 'There are, you know.'

/'mil 'naa./ 'There are fields.'

/'mil- 'naa./ 'The month of March.'

The last two examples illustrate direct rhythmic contrast. Zero
duration occurs m the syllable /mi/ m the following:

/' thyn-rai 'naa./ 'Until March.'

1.2.8 Intonational Contrasts

Portions of utterances have two contrasting "cypes of intonation
contour: l) high pitch-line, m which the absolute pitch-range of each
kind of tone remains roughly the same from one end of the clause to the
other, and is relatively high, and 2) falling pitch-line, m which the
absolute pitch-range drops steadily. The effect is most easily audible

7

when all syllables m the utterance-portion have the same tone (in this case
mid tone ) :

1) 'chaaw- 'naa kam-lan 'jin 'plaa naj- 'khuu T.

'The farmer is shooting the fish m the pond.' '

2) 'chaaw- 'naa kam-lan 'moon 'plaa naj-'khuu.

'The farmer is looking at the fish m the pond. '

The second contour is analyzed as zero intonation.

Utterance-portions are separated m two waysi l) by resumption of
pitch-line at a lower level, 2) by resumption of the pitch-line at a higher
level. When the first portion has falling pitch-line, and the resumption is
at a low level, there must be pause /•/> otherwise a single intonation con-
tour results. The same is true of a high-pitch- line portion with resumption
at a high level.

In the following pair of utterances, the utterance-portions are
identical (all have falling intonation), and the contrast is m the juncture
alone. Example l) is^ 'close juncture,' written /•/> and Example 2) is 'open
juncture,' written /•!/.

1) 'sya tua- 'mi: roo . khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'nil .

'Is this the coat you wore last night? '

2) 'sya tua- 'nii: roo .[ khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'nil.

'Is this the coat? You wore it last night. '

Since both portions may have either of the two intonation contours,
and the separation may be by either of the two junctures, there are eight
possible intonation- sequences for this particular pair of utterance portions
(see 1.6.3).

1.3 « Consonants

1.3.1. General

The 21 consonant phonemes of ST are defined schematically as follow:
Labial Dental Palatal Velar Other

Unaspirated

Lems Stops /b/ / d/ /g/

Aspirated

Lems Stops /ph/ /th/ /ch/ /kh/

Portis Stops /p/ /t/ /c/ /k/

Nasal Continuants /m/ /n/ /V)/

Oral Continuants /w/ /l/ /j/ /r/

Spirants /f/ /s/ /h/

8

All consonant phonemes except /g/ are m contrast m initial posi-
tion. The oral continuants /w/, /l/, and /r/ are in multiple contrast as
yecond members of initial clusters. All the unaspired lenis stops /b d g/,
all the nasal continuants /m n n/, and two of the oral continuants, /w/ and
/j/, are in multiple contrast m final position. Other consonants occur in-
frequently as second members of clusters and m final position; these occur-
rences are noted as 'rare' under the individual phoneme headings.

Portis glottal stop O ] occurs in both initial and final positions,
but is not a phoneme. Its initial occurrence is determined by the onset of
either stress phoneme, /'/ or /.'/, on any vowel nucleus (i.e., when no other
initial consonant is present); its final occurrence is determined by the
cessation of either stress phoneme on any short vowel nucleus (i.e. when
no other final consonant is present, and the vowel is short).

1.3.2. Allophonic Sets

Certain allophonic generalizations are applicable to whole sets of
consonants m certain environments:

1) The final consonants listed as 'unreleased, ' /b, d, g/, are
slowly released and may partly overlap with a following sound; they are
completely unreleased before /./.

2) The other final consonants, /m n n w j/, have weak, short
allophones after long vowels and strong, long allophones after short vowels.

3) The fortis stops /p t k/ (but not /c/), the nasals /m n n/, and
the spirants /f s h/ are slightly velarized before the high vowels /1 y u/ j
other initial consonants partly assimilate to these vowels.

1|) All initial consonants listed as 'voiceless ' may be partially
voiced m rapid speech when they follow a voiced sound and precede an un-
stressed vowel: e.g. /ph/ in / 'faa-pha 'nan/ 'wall' and /t/ m /'aw-ta'puu/
'take a nail. '

5) All final consonants listed as 'voiced ' approach voicelessness
at the end of a syllable with loud diminuendo stress: /j/ m /.'paj./ 'Let's
go. '

6) The consonants which occur as second members of clusters, /w 1 r/,
are voiced after unaspirated stops but voiceless (at least at the beginning)
after aspirated stops: /'plee/ 'translate' (voiced /l/) , /'phlee/ 'wound'
(voiceless /l/) .

9

1.3*3. Labial Consonants

/b/ Unaspirated lems stop.

Always bilabial, with full closure. As initial - fully
voiced, with voice beginning well before closure is released:
/'baa/ 'crazy.' Under heavy stress, and occasionally under
normal stress, slightly imposive: /.'baa*/. (Variant: pre-
nasalized. )

As final - unreleased, normally voiceless: /'rab/ 'take. '
Occasionally voiced, especially after long, high vowel: /'riib/
'hurry.' First m cluster (rare) -- voiced: /'bryy/ 'extremely
fast. '

/ph/ Aspirated lems stop.

As initial -voiceless , always bilabial, with complete or near-
complete but loose closure: /'phaa/ 'cloth.'

First m cluster - same, with less aspiration: /'phree/ 'silk
cloth.

/p/ Fortis stop.

As initial - voiceless , unaspirated. Bilabial, with closed
lips held tightly against teeth for sharp, clean release: /'paa/
'aunt. ' Variant, for some speakers: labio-dental stop.

First in cluster - same: / 'plaa/ 'fish. '

/m/ Nasal continuant.

Always bilabial, with full closure. As initial - fully
voiced, fortis, with lips against teeth (percussion from release
sometimes audible) i /'raaa/ 'come.'

As final - lems, voiced strongly: /'dam/ 'black, ' weakly:
/'chaam/ 'bowl, ' partly voiceless: /aj .'dam/ (calling a dog
named 'Blackie . ' )

/w/ Oral continuant.

Normally bilabial, with at least some aperture, lems. As
initial - fully voiced, with narrow aperture and simultaneous
dorsal humping (but no protrusion of lips as m /uu/) : /'waa/
'say.' Often has audible friction, especially before high
vowels: /'wii/ 'comb.' Second in cluster - same, overlapping
first member of cluster, but without dorsal humping, voiced:
/'kwaa/ 'more,' partly voiceless, some friction: /'khwaa/ 'right
side . '

10

Variant for some speakers, first two positions only:
voiced labiodental spirant. As final - with wider aperture,
less dorsal humping, some protrusion, no friction, voiced
strongly; /'raw/ 'we,' weakly: /'raaw/ 'approximately,' partly
voiceless: /.'aw/ 'Take it J '

/f/ Spirant.

Voiceless, high- friction, normally labio- dental . As ini -
tial - fortist /'faa/ 'sky. ' Variant for a few speakers:
bilabial, with very narrow aperture. As final (rare) - lenis:
/'cheef/ 'Chevrolet.' First m cluster (rare) - lenis, less
friction: /'fru/ 'without cost.'

1.3>.L\.. Dental Consonants

/d/ Unaspirated lenis stop.

Broad tongue- tip contact with backs of upper teeth; tip
may also touch gums.

As initial - fully voiced, with voice beginning well before
tongue-tip is withdrawn! /'daa/ 'curse.' Under heavy stress,
and occasionally under normal stress, slightly implosive: /'dut/
'Sure, it's goodi ' (Variantt pre-nasalized. )

As final - unreleased, normally voiceless: /'rod/ 'car.'
Occasionally voiced, especially after long high vowel: / 'myyd/
'dark.' First in cluster (rare) voiced: /'draj/ 'drive (golf
or automatic transmission) '

/th/ Aspirated lenis stop.

As initial - voiceless, always ap: co-dental, with complete
but loose contact: /'thaa/ 'landing-place.'

First in cluster (rare) - same, with less aspiration:
/ ' thruu- ' m e en/ ' Truman . '

/t/ Fortis stop.

Voiceless, unaspirated.

As initial - apico-dental, with tip held tensely against
teeth for sharp, clean release: /'taa/ 'eye.'

Variant, for some speakers: interdental stop. First in
cluster t -api co- alveolar: /'traa/ 'stamp.'

11

/n/ Nasal continuant.

Always apico- dental, with broad contact. As initial -
fully voiced, fortis, with firm contact against teeth: /'naa/
'face. '

As final - lenis, voiced stronglyi /'kan/ 'to ward off, ' •
weakly: /'kaan/ 'affairs, ' partly voiceless: /.'dan/ 'Push.' '

Allophone m close juncture with initial /l/ m following
syllable - nasalized laterali / 'phon-la 'maa j/ 'fruit.'

Allophone m close juncture with initial /r/ m following
syllable - nasalized apico-alveolar flap: /'man-ra ' jaad/ 'man-
ners. 1

Allophone m close juncture with initial /j/ m following
syllable - palatal nasalt / 'pan- ' jaa/ 'brains.'

/l/ Oral continuant.

Normally apico-dental lateral, with aperture on both sides
of tongue, lenis.

As initial - fully voiced, no audible friction, no dorsal
humping: /'laa/ 'donkey.'

Second in cluster - same, overlapping first member of
cluster, voiced: /'plaa/ 'fish, ' partly voiceless, some fric-
tion: /'phleeij/ 'song.'

Variant for some speakers, first two positions only:
apico-alveolar lateral.

As final (rare, few speakers) - apico-dental laterali
/'bil/ 'Bill. '

/s/ Spirant-
Voiceless, high- friction, normally apico-dental groove.
As initial - fortis: / ' saam/ 'three.'

As final (rare) - lenis: /'nis-'saj/ 'characteristics.'
First m cluster (rare) - lenis, less friction: /'staarj/
'money. '

1.3.5. Palatal Consonants

/ch/ Aspirated lenis stop (or voiceless spirant).

Initial position only. Voiceless, normally with loose
contact of tongue-blade with forward portion of hard palate:
/'chaam/ 'bowl. '

Variant: slit spirant m same position.

Varianti palatalized apico-alveolar stop.

12

/c/ Fortis stop

Initial position only. Voiceless, unaspirated, with firm
contact of tongue-blade and hard palate: /'caan/ 'dish. '
Variant: palatalized apico-alveolar stop.

/j/ Oral continuant.

Normally high- front semivowel, lenis.

As initial - fully voiced, with narrow aperture extending
over wide area: /'jaa/ 'medicine.' Often has audible friction,
especially before high vowels: /'jii- 'sib/ 'twenty.'

Variant for some speakers: voiced palatal spirant.

Second in cluster (rare) - same, overlapping first member
of cluster, voiced or voiceless: /'phjaa/ (title).

As final - with wider aperture, no friction, voiced
strongly: /'paj/ 'go,' weakly: /'baaj/ 'afternoon,' partly
voiceless: /Jpaj/ 'Let's go.''

1.3.6. Velar Consonants

/g/ Unaspirated lenis stop.

Pinal position only. Dorsal contact in mid-velar area,
unreleased, normally voiceless: /'rag/ 'love.' Occasionally
voiced, especially after long high vowel: /'luug/ 'child. '

/kh/ Aspirated lenis stop (or voiceless spirant).

As Initial - voiceless, with complete or near-complete
but loose closure m mid-velar area: /'khaa/ 'kill. '

First in cluster - same, with less aspiration: /'khruu/
' teacher. '

Variant (both positions): voiceless velar affricate.
Variant (both positions): voiceless velar spirant.

/k/ Fortis stop.

As initial - voiceless, unaspirated. Mid-velar, with
back of tongue held firmly m contact until sharp, clean
release: /'kaa/ 'crow.'

First in cluster - same: /'klaar]/ 'middle. '

/r}/ Nasal continuant.

Always mid-velar, with dorsal contact.

13

As initial - fully voiced, fortis, with firm contact over
broad area: /'rjaa/ 'tusk.'

As final - lenis, voiced strongly: /'lor)/ 'go down,'
weakly i /'klaarj/ 'middle, ' partly voiced: /Jlorj/ 'Get down.' '

I.3.7. Other Consonants

/r/ Alveolar oral continuant.

Normally apico-alveolar flap, with grooving of tongue,
lenis.

As initial - fully voiced, little or no friction: /'raaj/
' case . '

Second in clustei - same, overlapping first member of
cluster, voiced: /'traa/ 'stamp,' partly voiceless, more
friction: /'phree/ 'silk cloth.'

Variant (both positions): voiced retroflex spirant with
low friction.

/h/ Glottal spirant.

Normally a voiceless^ low- friction spirant.
As initial - fortis* /'haa/ 'five. '
As final (rare) - lenis: /nan/ (final particle).
Variant (both positions): voiceless vowel of same position
as contiguous voiced vowel.

lJj. Vowels

l.i|.l General

The 9 vowel phonemes of ST are defined schematically as follows:
Front Back Unrounded Back Rounded

High /1/ /y/ /u/

Mid /e/ /e/ /o/

Low /e/ /a/ /o/

All vowel phonemes are m contrast m the nuclear position of the
syllable (between consonants). All types occur both long and short, the
long nuclei being interpreted here as two instances of the corresponding
short vowel phoneme*. /11/, /ee/, etc.

Ik

There are five nuclear diphthongs, three long and two short. The
long ones are analyzed as instances of single high-vowel phonemes plus /a/,
the short ones as high-vowel phonemes plus AA

Long: Aa/ /ja/ A a /

Short: A 8 / /ug/

I.I4..2 Allophonic Sets

Certain allophonic generalizations are applicable to whole sets of
vowels m certain environments:

1) All vowel nuclei consisting of two instances of the same phoneme
(called 'double' m the listing of allophones by phoneme below) average longer
m duration than the vowel phoneme by itself (called 'single' below), but less
than twice as long.

2) The long diphthongs /ia, ya, ua/ average slightly longer than
double vowels (e.g. /11, yy, uu/), and over twice as long as single vowels
(e.g. A, y, u/) .

3) The short diphthongs /io, uo/ average slightly longer than single
vowels, but shorter than double vowels.

[).) The high double vowels /11, yy, uu/ start with a glide from mid
central position after all fortis initial consonants except AA The effect
is less noticeable with the corresponding short vowels /1, y, u/.

5) All high and mid vowels have tenser allophones, generally speak-
ing, m long nuclei, and laxer allophones m short nuclei.

6) All low vowels have laxer allophones m long nuclei, and tenser
allophones m short nuclei. They are also nasalized after /h/ , nasal con-
sonants, and zero initials: /'hee/ 'parade,' /'maa/ 'come,' and /'oog/
'exit. '

1 .!).. 3 • Vowel Phonemes

A/ High front vowel.

Double - tense upper high front, unrounded: /'dn/ 'good,'
after fortis consonant (except AA glide from central to
front: /'sii/ 'four. '

Single - same quality as double before A/ an d zero final:
/'niw/ 'finger,' Ati/ 'criticize,' but lax and slightly lower
before other finals: /'tid/ 'get stuck.'

Before A/ - long lax (no glide after fortis consonants):
/ ' sia/ 'lose. '

Before A/ - short tense: /'kio/ 'wooden shoes.'

15

Mid front vowel.

Double - tense upper mid front, unrounded: /'thee/ 'pour.'

Single - same quality before zero finals /'te/ 'kick,'
lax and somewhat lower before other finals: /'pen/ 'alive,'
centralized before /w/: /'rew/ 'fast. '

Low front vowel.

Double - lax upper low front, unrounded, slightly center-
ing! /'kee/ 'old, ' after /h/, nasal, or zero initial, slightly
nasalized: /'mee/ 'mother. '

Single - same quality before zero final, but tense • /'ke/
'sheep,' lax and less central before other finals: /'khen/
'hard. '

High back unrounded \owel.

Double - tense mid-high, between central and back: /'dyy/
'stubborn,' after fortis consonant, upward glide: /'myy/
'hand. •

Single - lax and slightly lower: /'dyn/ 'pull. '

Before /a/ - long lax (no glide after fortis consonants):
/ ' sya/ 'tiger. '

Mid back unrounded vowel.

Double - tense lower mid, between central and back: /'dosn/
'walk,' all the way back before /j/i /'Ioqj/ 'to pass.'

Single - same quality as double, /'rpn/ 'silver, ' /'js/
'a lot. '

After fx/ and /u/ - fast mid central glide: /'kig/
'wooden shoes, /'cuog/ 'pure-white. 1

Low back unrounded vowel.

Double - lax lower low central: /'taa/ 'eye,' after /h/,
nasal, or zero initial, nasalized: /'haa/ 'five. '

Single - same quality before zero final, but tense: /'ka/
'estimate,' lax and slightly higher before other fmalsi /'kan/
'ward off,' further front before /j/: /'paj/ 'go,' further
back before /w/: /'raw/ 'we.'

After /i/, /%/, and /u/ -before zero final, slow glide to
low central position: /'tua/ 'body, ' before other finals, faster

16

glide through higher central position (but not as high as
/&/) : /'duaj/ 'also,' /'nan/ 'study,' /'lyag/ 'choose.'

/u/ High back rounded vowel.

Double - tense upper high, far back: /'duu/ 'look at, '
after fortis consonant, glide from central to back: /'tuu/
'chest. '

Single - same quality as double before /j/ and zero final:
/'khuj/ 'converse,' /'du/ 'savage,' but lax and slightly lower
before other fmalt /khun/ 'you. '

Before /a/ - long lax (no glide after fortis consonants):
/'tua/ 'body. '

Before /&/ - short tense: /'cuog/ 'pure-white. '

/o/ Mid back rounded vowel.

Double - tense upper mid back, far back: /'too/ 'big.'

Single - same quality before zero final: /'to/ 'table,'
lax and somewhat lower before other finals: /'ton/ 'trunk of
plant,' centralized before /j/: /doj/ 'by means of.'

/o/ Low back rounded vowel.

Double - lax upper low, between back and central* /'koo/
'instigate,' after /h/, nasal, or zero initial, nasalized:
/ 'hoo/ 'package . '

Single - same quality before zero final, but tense* /'ko/
'island, ' lax and less central before other finals: /'hon/
'room. '

1.5 Tones

1.5.1 General

The 6 tone phonemes of ST are defined as follows:

Level Tones Oblique Tones

Plain High /" / Falling / " /

Constricted High / /

Mid (unmarked) Rising / v /

Low /*/

As far as isolated syllables are concerned, all six tones are m

contrast only on syllables with sustained loud stress: /j :/. In the

environment /. 1 ./, for example, there is no contrast between mid and low

17

tones, which are distinguishable to most speakers only with reference to
tones of surrounding syllables. In many other environments, there is no
contrast between the two high tones (plain high tone having a very low func-
tional yield. )

No tone is determined, and the absence of any' symbol for mid tone m
a stressed syllable is merely a graphic convenience. In unstressed syllables
of short duration, however, the absence of a tone symbol actually means zero
tone* /caphuud/ 'will speak' (first syllable).

1.5.2 Allopbonic Sets

Certain generalizations are applicable to all tones insofar as their
allophones are concerned:

1) Tone contours are longer under any type of sustained stress, or
before pause, than they are under normal stress conditions m
the interior of a phrase. Unless a particular allophone of a
tone has other peculiarities under these circumstances, no
separate listing of the allophone is made.

2) The actual pitch-range of a given tone is determined by its place
on the 'pitch-line' of the intonation contour of its clause
(1.2.8) j all indications of pitch contour are given m reference
to a relative median pitch , which is the level of mid tone at
that particular place on the pitch-line. No allophones are
listed for tone phonemes m different positions of the clause.

3) The actual length of a given tone contour is determined by the
rhythm of its phrase (1.2.7), as well as the type of stress j no
allophones are listed for tone phonemes m different positions
of the phrase.

1.5-3. Tone Phonemes

/"/ Plain high tone.

Normal stress - level contour, beginning and ending above median
pitch, no constrictiont /'chan/ 'I, me.'

Loud sustained stress - contour beginning at a very high pitch
and rising still higher* /.' taaji/ (exclamation.)

Other sustained stress -- contour beginning just above median
pitch, rising slightly, then falling off gently: /'fon 'tog 'suu:/ 'raining
steadily,' /'paj naa:/ 'Gome on and gd, will you?'

Weak stress - short high level contour /'dni na*g/ 'too good. '

18

/'/ Constricted high tone.

Normal stress - level or slightly rising contour, beginning and
ending above median pitch, constricted throughout voiced portion of syllable,
glottalized toward end if no stop present: /'chan/ 'shelf, /'chad/ 'clear,'
dropping slightly toward end before pause /'roon./ 'It's hot.'

Loud sustained stress - contour beginning at a higher pitch,
rising sharply and falling off gradually, contricted throughout: /.'room/
'It's hot.' '

Weak stress - contour same as for normal stress, but cut off by
glottal stop or shortening of nucleus t /'dn: leew/ 'O.K. then,' /'da 3 t
waj/ 'had gotten. '

/ / (unmarked) Mid tone.

Normal stress - level contour, beginning and ending near median
pitch, no constriction: /'maa/ 'come, ' dropping very slightly toward end
before pauset /'maa./ 'Came.'

Loud sustained stress - contour beginning at median pitch,
rising and falling gradually: /.'maa:/ 'Of course (he) came.''

Weak stress - contour beginning at median or lower pitch, voice
dying out rapidly: /'daj : maa/ 'got. '

Loud stress - contour same as for normal stress, but cut off by
voicelessness before end» /.'paj/ 'Let's go.''

/ "/ Low tone .

Normal stress - level contour, beginning and ending slightly
below median pitch, no constriction (indistinguishable from mid tone m
isolation): /'phaa/ 'split,' dropping very slightly toward end before pause:
/'phaa./ 'It split. '

Loud sustained stress - contour low level at first, sliding
upward toward end (distinguishable from mid tone allophone of this type):
/.' jaa:/ 'Don't do it.' 1

Weak stress - contour beginning at median or lower pitch, voice
dying our rapidly (same as mid tone): /'maa 'nil : koon/ 'Come here a
moment. '

/*/ Palling tone

Normal stress - contour beginning just below pitch-level for
the two high tones, rising quickly above that level, then falling rather

19

sharply to median pitch or below, with slight constriction throughout: /'naa/
'front, 1 dropping less sharply all the way to low-tone pitch- level before
pause: /'naa./ 'It's m front.'

Loud sustained stress - contour starting higher than high- tone
level, rising, then dropping with increasing speed and constriction, all the
way to low-tone level or below: /.'daaj:/ 'Of course it's possible.''

Weak stress - contour falls from high-tone level very slightly,
with little constriction: /maj 'mil/ 'There aren't any. '

Loud stress - contour more rapid than for normal stress, but
cut off by voicelessness toward end: /Jaaw/ 'For heaven's sake.''

/ v / Rising tone.

Normal stress - contour beginning just above pitch-level for
low tone, dipping quickly below that level, then rising rather sharply almost
to high-tone level, no constriction: /'naa/ 'thick,' rising less sharply to a
point just above median pitch before pause: /'naa./ 'It's thick. '

Loud sustained stress - contour starting lower than low- tone
level, no constriction: /inaa:/ 'Of course it's thick.''

Weak stress - contour begins at median pitch or above and rises
only slightly: /phom 'mil/ 'I have it. '

1.6. Prosodic Phonemes

1.6.1. General

To some extent prosodic phonemes are distributionally interrelated,
m the same way that syllabic phonemes are. Stress phonemes have a special
relationship with both rhythm and intonation phonemes, and the latter have
some relationship with each other (see 1.7.i+). It is nearly feasible, m
fact, to combine stress and rhythm contrasts into a single type of phoneme,
just as initial and final syllable- contrasts are combined into consonant
phonemes.

Stress phonemes have to do with the (already- defined) syllable,
rhythm phonemes with the phrase (defined m 1.6. if, end), and intonation
phonemes with the clause (defined m 1.6.3 end). The order of presentation,
however, is stress, intonation, then rhythm. Prosodic phonemes do not usually
have allophones m the sense that syllabic phonemes do. One exception is the
intonation phoneme / T/, which has positional variants (see 1.6.3).

20

1.6.2. Stress Phonemes

The six stress- contours of ST syllables are analyzed m terms of
three phonemes and their combinations!

Loud Onset / •/ Sustained Contour /:/

Normal Onset / '/

The symbols for onset phonemes are written at the beginning of the
syllable in question; absence of any symbol here indicates weak onset (not
a phoneme). The symbol for the sustained contour phoneme is written at the
end of the syllable; absence of a symbol here indicates diminishing stress
(not a phoneme) .

The six possible stress- contours are illustrated as follows, using
the syllable /paj/ for contra stive purposes:

1)

Loud Diminishing Stress

/.'pa 3/ 'Let 's go 1 '

2)

Loud Sustained Stress:

/.'paj:/ 'Sure (he) went.' 1

3)

Normal Diminishing Stre:

3s: /'paj/ 'Yes (he) went. '

k)

Normal Sustained Stress:

1 /'P a J : kan/ 'They went. '

S)

Weak Diminishing Stress:

s /'oogi paj/ '(He) went out.'

6)

Weak Sustained Stress:

/'oog paj: khrab/ '(He) went out, sir

1.6.3. Intonation Phonemes

The eight possible intonation- sequences for a single pair of utter-
ance-portions are analyzed m terms of only two phonemes and their combr.na-
fcions:

Pause /. / Upper pitch-line /V

The symbol for the pause phoneme is written wherever it occurs? its
absence implies continuous phonation throughout a sequence. The symbol for
upper pitch-line, written by itself /V of after pause /. t /, means a new
intonation contour beginning on a high pitch- line; absence of / t/ after
pause implies resumption of the pitch-line at a low level. The same symbol
written before pause / t ./ means high pitch-line intonation contour; its
absence m this position implies falling pitch-line intonation contour. The
combination / t . t/ occurs, meaning high intonation contour followed after
pause by new intonation contour beginning at original pitch-line (which is
the same or higher than the end of the first contour). The combination /t t/
does not occur.

The symbol /.../ is used to replace /./ whenever an utterance is
obviously broken off short of completion of the portion m question. The
symbol /. . ./ has no phonemic status.

21

The eight intonation sequences are illustrated as follows, using iden-
tical constituents for contrastive purposes. Portions separated by /. t/ or
/ t / are said to be m open clause juncture ; those separated by /./ are said
to be m close clause juncture .

1) Two falling contours m close juncture:

'sya tua- 'mi: roo . khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'mi .
'is this the coat you wore last night? '

2) Two falling contours m open juncture:

'sya tua-'nii: vqq . t khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'mi .
'Is this the coat? You wore it last night. '

3) High and falling contours m close juncture:

'sya tua- 'mi : roe t . khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'mi .
'Is this the coat you wore last night? '

I).) High and falling contours m open juncture:

'sya tua- 'nn: roet. t khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'nil .
'Is this the coat?.' You wore it last night. '

5) Palling and high contours m close juncture: (rare):

'sya tua-'nii: rs>9 . khun 'saj , mya- r khyyn- 'nii: t.
'Is this the coat you wore last night?.'

More common would be the single-clause transform:

'khun 'saj 'sya tua- 'nn 'mya-khyyn- 'mi: roo t .

6) Palling and high contours m open juncture:

'sya tua-'nin roo . t khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'niu t .
'Is this the coat? You wore it last night J '

7) Two high contours m close juncture:

'sya tua- 'nil : ree t . khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'nil t.
'Is this the coat you wore last night ? .' '

8) Two high contours m open juncture i

'sya tua- 'nil : roo t . t khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'ni it t .
'Is this the coat?.' You wore it last night.' '

A phonemic clause is any portion of an utterance which has its own
intonation contour or is separated from the rest of the utterance by one of
the clause junctures. All the utterances above consist of two clauses. The
following utterances consist of single clauses:

22

' sya tua- 'mi: roo 'khun 'saj 'my^-khyyn- 'nil .
'Is this the coat you wore last night? 1

'sya tua- 'nii: roo 'khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'nil!
! I s this the coat you wore last night? .' '

(in meaning, they correspond respectively to the two- clause
utterances l) and 7) above.)

1.6.Ij.. Rhythm Phonemes

The rhythmic patterns of ST sequences are analyzed m terms of
two phonemes already mentioned, the intonation phoneme / . / (pause) and the
stress phoneme / : / (sustained stress), plus two new phonemes which have to
do with the relative duration of syllables not immediately followed by / . /
or / t /; such syllables are internal . Syllable- duration is defined as the
time elapsed between the beginning of the syllable in question and the begin-
ning of the next syllable m the utterance, regardless of whether any phona-
tion is going on or any sound being produced. Thus, a weak-stressed syllable
with a short vowel and a voiceless final stop, such as /nag/ 'too' may have
greater duration within a given sequence than a loud sustained- stressed syl-
lable with voicing from beginning to end, such as /.'roon:/ 'It's hot.''

The last syllable m an utterance, of course, has infinite
duration. The other phonemes and combinations are listed m descending
order of duration, as follows.

The combination / : . / determines extra-long duration for the
syllable which precedes. It is never
internal.

/ . / determines medium- long internal- syllable
duration.

/ : / determines long- dura t ion, never
mternal

/ / (space after syllable) is a phoneme meaning
medium internal- syllable duration.

/ - / (hyphen after syllable) is a phoneme meaning
medium- short internal- syllable duration.

The absence of a hyphen or space after an internal syllable implies
short duration (not a phoneme).

23

The four internal- syllable durations are contrasted m the following
pairs of examples:

1)

'pa j 'naj: 'dn t.

'Where are you going, Dee?

'paj 'naj 'dn:t.

'Where shall I go? »

2)

'naam 'thaa-ca'mod .

'The water seems to be all gone. '

'naam- 'thaa ca 'mod .

'The water will be used up. '

3)

'da j kawe- 'laa .

'Has to do with time.

'da j- 'ka we- 'laa .

'Has estimated the time. '
A phonemic phrase is that portion of a clause which contains only one

sustained stress / : /. In a clause consisting of two or more phrases the
cut is made immediately before the next syllable after the / : / which has
normal / ' / or loud / I / stress.

All the examples above, except the first, consist of a single phrase.
(The symbol for phrase boundary, / , /, is not a phoneme). Two phrases:

'pa j 'naj: , 'dm t .

1.7.1. Maximum and Minimum Syllables

The maximum structure of the ST syllable is symbolized in the follow-
ing fornula, which also summarizes the positions m which phonemic symbols
having to do with syllabic components are written:

Si G 2 C 2 V! V 2 G3 S 2

For example, the syllable /.'plaaw;/ m the utterance /iplaaw: f./ 'Of course
not.' ' contains one phoneme from each of these categories.

' sya tua- 'nn: roo , 'khun 'saj 'mya-khyyn- 'mi .

(The second example is the pauseless version of the first intonation
example, I.6.3.)

1.7.

Distribution

T

21|

The minimum syllable is symbolized as follows:

Vl

For example, the syllable /a/ in the utterance /'tham-a'raj ./ 'What are you
doing? ' consists of a single vowel phoneme.

The meanings of the symbols m the formulae are as follows:

T --

any tone phoneme

Si -

the stress phoneme / ' / or / J /

oi -

any consonant phoneme

c 2 -

any consonant phoneme, but normally only /w 1 r/

vi -

any vowel phoneme

v 2 -

any vowel phoneme

c 3 -

one of the consonant phonemes /bdgmnrjwj (fsl)/

s 2 -

the stress phoneme / : /

1.7.2. Normal Syllabic Distribution

Excluding rare instances of distribution (e.g. initial consonant
clusters such as /st/ and final consonants such as /f/), the normal limita-
tions on distribution of phonemes within the syllable are as follows:

1) If C 2 is /w/, Cx is /k/ or /kh/.

2) If G 2 is /l/, C]_ is one of this set. /p, ph, k, kh/

3) If C 2 is /r/, Gi is one of this set: /p, ph, t, k, kh/.
1+) If C 2 is /w/, V]_ is one of this set: fx, e, e, a, o/

$) If Vx is /i, e, e/, C 3 is not /j/.

6) If Vi is /u, o, o, y/, C3 is not /w/.

7) If V! is /y/ and C3 is /j/, C 2 is /a/.

8) If Vi -V 2 is /yy/, C 3 is not /g, n/.

9) If Vl -V 2 is /11/, C3 is not /n/.

10) If Vi is one of this set: /e, e, o, a, o, o/,^ then V 2 is the

same as Vi or is missing.

11) If V-j_ 1S Z 1 -/} V 2 is one of this set: /1, a, 9/, or missing.

12) If Vi is /u/, V 2 is one of this set: /u, a, 9/, or missing.

13) If Vi is /y/, V 2 is /y, a/ or missing.

25

Ill) If V]_-V"2 is /uq, is/, C3 is one of this set: /b, d, g/ or
missing.

15) If C3 is /b, d, g/, T is one of this set: /~ ' % /.

16) If V2 is /o/ or missing and C3 is missing, T is one of the

same set (15) •

17) If Sj_ is present, is /©/, and V~2 is missing, then T is not

/ 7.

18) If is present and C3 is /b, d, g/, T is not / "/.

1.7.3- Abnormal Syllabic Distributions

Certain speakers of ST, most of them also speakers of one or more
Western languages, have recently introduced innovations into the scheme of
syllabic component distribution which are not as yet accepted by the majority
of ST speakers. Such innovations include triple initial consonant clusters,
usually involving /s/ as first member, and double final consonant clusters,
usually involving /j/ or /w/ as first member. An example including both
types of innovation follows:

/'strajg/ '(labor) strike'

T

S l C l C 2 G 3 V l °k C 5

Such patterns, along with the use of unusual finals such as /f, s, l/,
are not considered normal ST distribution patterns m the present analysis.

1.7'k' Other Distribution

The normal limitations on distribution of prosodic phonemes with
relation to each other and to syllabic phonemes follow. (R = rhythm phoneme,
I = intonation phoneme.)

1) If R is absent, S]_-S 2 are absent, T is / ~/ or / / (toneless),

V2 and C3 are absent.

/thu'law/ 'improve'
/ki'laa/ sports'

2) If R is / - /, S]_ is / ' / or absent and S 2 is absent.

3) If S 2 is first / 1 / m phrase, S]_ is / .' / or / » /.

ij.) If I is / f • /, some syllable m clause has S 2 /:/.

5) If I is / f •/> and last syllable has Sj_ , then it also
has S 2 / t /•

26

6) If in the first two of three successive syllables, the second

is no longer than the first, for the second syllable Si-S 2
is missing and for the third syllable R will be at least
normal / /, and S]_ will be at least / ' /.

7) If, m two successive clauses, first clause ends with I / f/

and second clause begins with I / f/, I is / t . t /.

8) In two successive clauses, if / t/ is absent at the end of the

first clause and at the beginning of the second clause, I is
/ . /.

1.8. Morphophonemics

1.8.1. Summary

Pairs of morphs exhibiting minimal contrasts of syllabic phonemes
generally show a high degree of resistance to homonymity under the influence
of prosodic factors such as rhythm and intonation. The areas where ambigui-
ties arise are mainly confined to l) vowel length, 2) stress, and 3) tone.
Under normal rhythm conditions (medium or longer syllable duration) , the
following morphs are distinct from each other:

1) /'kaan/ 'business, act'

2) /kan/ 'as a group'

3) /'kan/ 'hilt'

k) /'kan/ 'to ward off

Under fast- rhythm conditions (medium -short or short internal syllable dura-
tion), however, all four morphsi may show up as /kan-/:

1) /'loeg kan- 'nan/ 'stop (the business of) studying'

2) /'paj: kan- mod/ 'they all (as a group) went'

3) /'cab kan- 'mild/ 'grasp the knife-hilt'

li) /' jaa-kan- ' jurj/ 'medicine for (warding off) mosquitoes'

Also, under certain mtonational conditions, such as between pauses, 3) /'kan/
and 1|) /'kan/ both show up as /. 'kan ./ (see 1.5>.l.)

For another example of tones falling together, consider the following
four normally distinct morphs:

1) /'khaw/ 'he, she, they'

2) /'khaw/ 'feature, trace'

27

3) /'khaw/ 'enter'
k) /'khaw/ 'hill'

Under weak stress, however, all can show up as /khaw-/:

1) /'rag khaw- 'ma a g/ 'like her a lot'

2) /'duu khaw- 'naa/ 'look at the facial features'

3) /'saj: khaw-paj/ 'put it m there'

if) /'thyrj khaw- 'dm/ 'reached Khao-Dm (mountain)'

It is desirable, therefore, for the easy identification of morphs,
to write them m a consistent morphophonemic shape, insofar as possible.
This requires the postulation of rules for the reconstruction of actual
phonemic shapes, under varying conditions, from imorphophonemic formulae.
In the case of long vowels and tones, this is easily done. In the case of
morphs differing by stress and morphs composed of prosodic phonemes, it is
more complicated.

1.8.2. Syllable Morphophonemics

Morphs which occur under conditions of normal stress and medium
internal- syllable length more often than not are always written m the
phonemic shape which they have under those conditions, except that the
stress is omitted*.

Phonemic Morphophonemic

/'chaarj/ 'artisan' /chaar)/
/'char)/ 'to weigh' /char)/
/chan/ 'shelf, class' /chan/

/'chan/ 'to eat (said of (monks) /chan/

The rules for determining their actual phonemic shape are as follows:

1) Morphs with long vowels occur with the corresponding short vowel
when they have medium- short duration / - /, provided the pre-
ceding syllable has medium duration or better.

Phonemic:
Morphophonemic:
Phonemic:
Morphophonemic .*

/'haa 'charj-'maaj/
/haa chaarj- maaj/
/ 'l99g kan- 'nan/
/lsog kaan-rian/

'look for a carpenter. 1

'stop studying'

28

2) Morphs with short vowels occur with the corresponding long
vowel under conditions of loud sustained stress.

Phonemic: /.'chaan: t ./

Morphophonemic: / 1 char) t ./

'I weighed it.'

3) Morphs with long diphthongs are sometimes replaced by short-
vowel morphs under conditions of weak stress and medium-short
or less duration. Such allomorphs must be listed separately,
/'sia-'daaj/ 'regret' becomes /sa'daaj/

/'lya-'koon/ 'excessively' becomes /lo'koon/

/'duaj- 'maaj/ 'with wood' becomes /daj- 'maaj/

k) Morphs with mid / / and low / V tone are replaced by toneless
morphs under conditions of weak stress and medium- short or
less duration.

/'roorj- 'nan/ 'school,' /'jaa 'pa 3/ 'don't go'

Phonemic i
Morphophonemic :
Phonemic :
Morphophonemi c 1
Phonemic j
Morphophonemic »
Phonemic:
Morphophonemic :

/•thii rorj-'rian/
/thii roorj-rian/
/'phii ja-'paj/
/phii jaa-paj/
/' jaa-kan- ' jurj/
/jaa-kan- jurj/
/ ' cab kan- 'mild/
/cab kan-miid/

'at school'

'Brother shouldn't go. '

'mosquito repellent'

'grasp the knif e-hilt '

5)

Morphs with constricted high / /, falling / V, and rising
/ V tone are replaced by morphs with plain high tone / "/
under conditions of weak stress and medium- short or less
duration.

/'nam- 'phyrj/
/'nan- ' syy/

'honey '
'book'

Fhonem 1 c : / ' ha j na'm- ' phyrj/

Morphophonemic: /haj nam- phyrj/

Phonemic: /'haa thi- 'narj/

Morphophonemic: /haa thii- nan/

/ ' thii- 'nan/ 'seat'

'honey- jar '

'look for seats 1

29

Phonemic: /'duu nan- ' syy/ 'look at books'

Morphophonernic: /duu nan- syy/

On the other hand, morphs which occur under conditions of weak stress
and less than medium duration more often than not are also written without
stress indication:

/kan/ 'as a group'

/chan/ 'certainly does'

/ cha n/ ' I , me '

There are several reasons why no confusion results from this:

1) Some morphemes, like /kan/, are never stressed unless accompanied

by rhythmic evidence that they are stressed:

Phonemic: /thyn- 'kan 1?- 'kan/ 'toward each other'

Morphophonernic t /thyn- kan le-kan/

2) Other morphemes, like /chan/, have different shapes when they are

stressed. Writing the alternate shape, which is usually larger,
is sufficient indication of stress.

Phonemic: /chan- 'phuud/ 'really talks 1

Morphophonernic: /chan- phuud/

Phonemic i /' chaan- 'phuud/ 'clever talker'

Morphophonernic: /chaan- phuud/

Phonemic: /'chaan 'phuud/ 'the artisan speaks'

Morphophonernic i /chaan phuud/

(The last example involves a different morpheme, the usually-
stressed morpheme /'chaan/.)

3) Still other morphemes, like /chan/, are identified as normally

•weak- stressed by the fact that they have plain high tone m
their principal allomorph. All morphs written morphophcne-
mically with plain high tone belong either to this category,
or to a category which has loud stress / .' / in the principal
allomorph.

ii) The functional load of the contrast weak stress/normal stress is
extremely low m any case. There are a few cases like the
following:

/'tad 'phom/ 'cut hair'

30

/'tad phom/ 'cut me'

(Even here, /phom/ 'I' has an alternate form /phom/ for some
speakers . )

5) All morphemes which characteristically have weak stress are listed
along with their allomorphs elsewhere m this grammar. They
are the pronouns, the classifiers, and other minor form-class
members .

From this point on, normal stress / ' / is no longer written.

1.8.3. Phrase Morphophonemics

Phonemic phrases are written without indication of stress-onset
except for loud stress / .' /. Phrase-boundaries are marked by the morpho-
phonemic symbol /, /, which means 'no syllables with normal or loud stress
occur after the syllable with sustained stress / : /. ' (See 1.6. 1;., end.).
Clauses without any internal /, / consist of a single phrase. Rhythm pat-
terns are retained intact, and internal- syllable durations are written
phonemically .

The rules for prediction of stress-onset m morphophonemically writ-
ten phrases are re-stated as follows:

1) If the phrase has no sustained stress, the last syllable m the

phrase has at least normal stress.

Phonemic: /'klab 'baan ./ 'Went home. '

Morphophonemic : /klab baan ./

2) If the phrase contains a sustained stress, the same syllable

that has the sustained stress also has at least normal stress
and the syllables after it have no more than weak stress.

Phonemic: /'klab 'baan: kan-the ./ 'Let's go home.'

Morphophonemic: /klab baan: kan-tho ./

3) Syllables with medium-short duration which occur after syllables

of the same or greater duration and before syllables of greater
duration have weak stress (See 1.7 .1+. 6.) :

Phonemic: /'klab paj- 'baan ./ 'Went back home. '

Morphophonemic: /klab paj-baan ./

Phonemic: /'saj khaw-pa j-na j-kra 'paw ./

'Put it into his pocket. '
Morphophonemic t /saj khaw-pa j-na j- krapaw ./

31

All syllables with short duration have weak stress.

Phonemic: /kra 'paw/ 'pocket 1

Morphophonemic: /krapaw/

5>) Other syllables have either weak or normal stress, (within
the limitations of predictability set forth m the second
part of 1.8.2.):

Phonemic: /'tad 'phom/ 'Cut hair. '

Phonemic: /'tad phom/ 'Cut me. '

Morphophonemic,

for both I /tad phom/

The constituent phrases of the example 'Is this the coat you wore
last night?' (l.6.I|_. , end) are now re-written morphophonemically.

First Phrase: sya tua-nn: roe

Second Phrase: khun sa 3 mya-'khyyn- ni 1 .

I.8.I4. Clause Morphophonemics

Desirable modifications m the notation of clause intonations and
junctures, and also certain simplifications of predictable features m the
clause context, require the statement of the following rules.

1) Since / t/ at the end of a clause is always preceded by / : /

if the last syllable m the clause is stressed (See 1.7.^.5),
simplify / : t/ to / t /.

Phonemic: /'klab 'baan: t ./ 'He went home J '

Morphophonemic: /klab baan t ./

2) Since, m a phrase with no prior / : /, a syllable before

phrase-boundary /, / having normal stress must by definition
have sustained stress for the phrase- boundary to occur at all
(see 1.8.3, beginning), replace the combination / : , / by
/, / (provided the last syllable m the phrase does not have
loud stress / .' /, where the distinction is meaningful - see
first two examples under 1.6.2.).

Phonemic: /'klab 'baan: , 'km 'khaw ./

'Went home, and ate. '

Morphophonemic: /klab baan , kin khaaw ./

32

3) Since the meaning of two successive clauses with falling intona-
tion and close juncture, separated by pause, /A . B ./ is no
different from the meaning of two successive phrases m a
single clause with falling intonation /A t B ./, replace all
internal simple pauses / . / by phrase boundaries / f /.

Phonemic: /'klab 'baan . 'km 'khaaw ./

Morphophonemic: /klab baan , km khaaw ./

(Same as example m 2) above.)-

i\) Replace all instances of / . t / by the symbol / . / (which has
no other morphophonemic significance following the application
of rule 3) above). Thus / . / m effect becomes the symbol
for open clause juncture and utterance-final pause.

Phonemic: /'klab 'baan . t 'km 'khaaw ./

'Went home. Ate . '

Morphophonemic: /klab baan . km khaaw ./

5) Replace all instances of /A t . b/, where a clause with high

intonation is followed m close juncture by another clause,
by /A t B/, which m effect signifies close clause juncture or
its equivalent.

Phonemic: /phom 'maa» ni-khrgb t . tha'maj camaj- 'maa ./

'I came J- why wouldn't I have come.'

Morphophonemic: /phom maa: nii-khrab t thamaj camaj-maa ./

6) As a corollary of rule IjJ , replace the combination /A f . f B/

by the combination /A t . B/ (which has no other morpho-
phonemic significance following the application of rule 5)
above) .

Phonemic: /phom 'maa: ni-khrab t . t tha'maj camaj-'maat t/

'I came .' Why wouldn't I have come?.''

Morphophonemic i /phom maa: nii-khrab t . thamaj camaj-maa t •/

The eight examples of different intonation sequences given m 1.6.3.
are now symbolized morphophonemically. A represents the clause or phrase
/sya tua-nin raa/, 'Is this the coat?' and B represents the clause /khun
saj mya-khyyn-nii/ 'You wore (it) last night. '

1) /A B ./ 'Is this the coat you wore last night? '

2) /A . B ./ 'Is this the coat? You wore it last night. '

33

3) /A t B ./ 'Is this the coat you wore last night?.' '

k) /A t . B ./ 'Is this the coat?.' You wore it last night. '

5) /A B t ./ 'Is this the coat you wore last night ? .'

6) /A . B t ./ 'Is this the coat? You wore it last night.' '

7) /A t B t ./ 'Is this the coat you wore last night ? .'

8) /A t . B t ./ 'Is this the coat?.' You wore it last night.''

3k

CHAPTER II

MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX
2.1. Summary

2.1.1. Terminology

ST has three categories of basic, meaningful units: morphemes ,
lexemes , and syntactic constructions . These terms are defined m detail m
the sections which follow, but roughly speaking morphemes correspond to the
smallest meaningful units, lexemes to words (such as one might find m the
dictionary), and syntactic constructions to phrases, clauses, and sentences.

Morphemes and lexemes share the characteristic that they may have
variants - different forms under different circumstances. Lexemes and syn-
tactic constructions share the characteristic of immediate constituents
occurring m various orders : consecutive, simultaneous, discontinuous, rep-
etetive, parallel, and interlocking. Morphemes have no immediate constitu-
ents (except on the morphophonemic level), and syntactic constructions (as
defined here) have no variants. Hence lexemes are the pivotal unit at this
level, just as the syllable is the pivotal unit m phonology.

Morphology is here defined as the analysis of structure between the
morphophonemic and lexemic levels. It includes such things as the listing
of morphemes which do not participate m lexeme construction (2.2.) as well
as the sub- syllabic ones which do (2.3.), and illustration of ways and orders
m which morphemes combine to form lexemes (2.1|.)

Syntax is here defined as the analysis of structure between the
lexemic level and the level of the highest order of syntactic construction.
It includes such things as the hierarchy of constituents - syntactic units,
phrases, clauses, sentences, discourses, and exchanges (2.5.1.) - the anal-
ysis of constructions with regard to substitutability (2.5.2.) and order
(2.5.3.), ultimately leading up to the classification of lexemes and sen-
tences with regard to function (2.6.).

2.1.2. Morphemes and Lexeme Construction

Morphemes, being the smallest meaningful units of ST, are actually
sets of variant forms called morphs. It is therefore necessary to define
the latter term first.

l) A morph is any morphophonemic sequence (from one phoneme upwards
m length) which has meaning associated with it by ST speakers. The utterance

35

/Jd89n: t ./ 'Sure, it works.' ' contains four morphsi l) the morph /doon/
'to walk, to function properly,' 2) the morph /.' :/ 'contradictory assertion,'
3) the morph / t/ 'emotional involvement, ' and k) the morph / . / 'end of
clause construction. '

2) A morpheme is any set of morphs which have the same meaning and
which either do not contrast m any single environment, or contrast m a
manner not regarded as significant by ST speakers; or it is any single morph
which does not belong to such a set. Individual members of a set of morphs
belonging to the same morpheme are its allomorphs .

The morphophonemic sequence /dam- noon/ 'to conduct, to proceed' con-
tains a morph /d...oon/, which is an allomorph of the morpheme /doon/ (we
have seen another of its allomorphs m the sequence /Jdoon: t ./); the other
morph /am-n/, which is infixed to /d...'oan/, is an allomorph of a morpheme
/amn/ 'formal or technical connotation.' The discontinuous allomorph /d...oon/
does not contrast with the continuous allomorph /doon/ in any environment; the
same applies to /am-n/ and other allomorphs of /amn/ (see 2.3.2.1.). An
example of a morpheme including only a single morph is / . / 'end of clause
construction' (morph 1|) above); all other morphs cited so far are members of
allomerphic sets.

3) Morphemes are classified according to form and function as follows i

Prosodic morphemes (,2.2.) have morphs whose constituents are prosodic
phonemes. Sub- categories include intonation and loud- stress morphemes (2.2.1.),
rhythmic morphemes (2.2.2. and 2.2.1).. ) , and normal- stress morphemes (2.2.3.)

Sub-lexemic morphemes (2.3.) are morphemes some or all of whose morphs
have syllabic phoneme constituents totalling less than a syllable, or a syl-
lable plus a fraction. Sub-lexemic morphemes, therefore, do not occur by
themselves as lexemes, but enter into lexeme composition. Sub-categories
include prefixes (2.3.1.), infixes (2.3.2.), superfixes (2.3.3.), and other
fractional constituents (2 .3 .lj.-5. ) •

Lexemic morphemes are those morphemes which occur independently at
the lexemic level. In form they range from one syllable upwards. The major-
ity of ST morphemes are, m fact, monosyllabic lexemic morphemes: /maa/ 'to
come. ' Two-syllable morphemes are also quite common: /kaw-ii/ 'chair'

Morphemes of more than four syllables m length are hard to find, but the
following five- syllable sequence is probably a single morpheme:

/anu-saa-warn/ 'monument. '

Ij.) Lexemic morphemes, like sub-lexemic ones, enter into composition
of lexemes which are larger than themselves ( 2 . 14.. ) . Such composition is of
three general types: derivatives (2.1|.l.), compounds (2.I4..2.) and reduplica -
tions ( 2 . 14-.3 . ) . Prosodic morphemes are also involved m lexeme composition,
to some extent.

36

2.1.3 Lexemes and Syntactic Constructions

Lexemes, like morphemes, are actually sets of variant forms. It is
necessary, therefore, to define a prior term, lexical unit, m order to de-
fine a lexeme.

1) A lexical unit is any morph or combination of morphs correspond-
ing morphophonemically to a single syllable or to an integral number of syl-
lables (i.e. not a fraction of a syllable, or syllables plus residual frac-
tions), such that it is a minimum immediate constituent of the construction
m which it occurs. In other words, if lexical units are analyzable, they
can only be analyzed after everything else m the context has been cleared
away /dam- noon/ 'to conduct' is a lexical unit m the context /dam- noon chu-
wid/ 'to conduct ones life,' because there is no construction /dam. . . chu-
wid/, /noon chu-wid/ or the like.

Of the morphs cited so far, the examples /.':/, / t /, / . /, and
/am-n/ are not lexical units, because they fail to meet the requirement of
syllabicity. Only two examples, /doan/ 'to walk, to function properly' and
/chu-wid/ 'life,' are lexical units, m the contexts /.'doon: t ./ and /dam-
nson chu-wid/ respectively. On the other hand, /dsen/ is not a lexical unit
m /dam-naen/ or m an expression such as /deon theew/ 'to march, ' where it
is merely one of the constituent morphs.

Lexical units are not grammatically important except insofar as they
are the individual units of which sets called lexemes consist. The propor-
tion is as follows:

morphs: morphemes:: lexical units: lexemes

The first and third items are isolated forms; the third and fourth, sets of
forms.

2) A lexeme is any set of lexical units which have the same meaning
and which either do not contrast m any single environment, or contrast m a
manner not regarded as significant by ST speakers; or it is any single lexical
unit which does not belong to such a set. To put it another way, lexemes are
what one finds m a dictionary; the better the dictionary, the more lexemes

it lists, but it never lists them all, and it never lists anything but lexemes.

Alternate lexical units belonging to the same lexeme are its allolexes .
For example, the lexeme /dam- noon/ has an allolex of that shape and also an
allolex /damnoen/, as in the sequence /choob damnosn rjaan/ 'likes to conduct
the work. ' The lexeme /chu-wid/ has an allolex /chiwid/, as m /chuaj
chiwid: waj/ 'to save someone's life.'

3) Lexical units, and therefore lexemes, can include combinations of
morphs which are lexical units m their own right. For example, /raad-
damneon/ 'royal procession' meets all the criteria of a lexical unit - it

37

consists of three whole syllables, and has to be analyzed last m whatever
construction it is a part of. But, as we know, /damnoon/ itself is a lexical
unit. Lexemes are therefore classified m terms of orders , depending on the
number of immediate constituents that can be distinguished.

First-order lexemes are single morphemes considered on the lexical
levels /d89n/ 'to walk, to function properly. '

Second-order lexemes consist of two constituents, which are both
morphemes: /dam-neon/ 'to proceed, to conduct.'

Third- order lexemes consist of two constituents, one of which is
analyzable (usually a lexeme itself), or three morphemes: /raad- damnoon/
'royal procession' and /wan- jan-kham/ 'all day long' (/wan/ 'day,' /jan/
'to,' /kham/ 'evening.') Lexemes of higher orders also exist.

1+) The combination of lexemes into higher-order constructions has
been defined as syntax (2.1.1., end). Lexemes combine with each other m
all t\pes of order except the simultaneous (2.5.2-3.). Lexemes also combine
with prosodic morphemes m simultaneous order. This type of construction is
considered syntactic (rather than morphological) , because larger syntactic
constructions comprising many lexemes also occur m simultaneous order with
prosodic morphemes (see 2.5.1. ).

Besides their classification based on internal structure ( 'first-
order, ' etc.), lexemes are also classified on the basis of external structure
- i.e. according to the types of syntactic construction m which they charac-
teristically participate (2.6.1.). To distinguish this type of classification
from the other, the term form- class is used. A form- cla ss is a class of lex-
emes which fill a given position m a given syntactic construction, or which
share a number of such positions.

2.2. Prosodic Morphemes
2.2.1. Intonation and Loud- Stress Morphemes

l) / . / 'end of clause construction. '

Example of contrast with / , /x

khoon khun-cid . khaw faag waj .

'It belongs to Chit. He left it here.'

khoon khun-cid , khaw faag waj .

'It's something of Chit's that he left here.'

38

Example of contrast of / t •/ with / t / by itself:

ma j jaan-nan t . diaw lud f •

'Not that way.' It'll come loose. 1 '

ma j jaarj-nan t diaw lud t .

' Otherwise , it'll come loose.''

2) / t /, in the context / \ ,/, 'emotional involvement. '

Example of contrast with zero (in answer to the question
'Is he going? ' ) :

maj-paj: rog .
'No, he ' s not. '

maj-paj: rog t .
'Not him.' '

Allomorph: / f / m the context / t ... t •/• (see last example
under morpheme l) , where 'emotional involvement' applies to both clauses.)

3) / > / 'clause construction continues, with major immediate
constituent cut here. '

Example of contrast with / . /» see second example under
morpheme l) .

Example of contrast with zero:

leew khun- samag , capaj naj .
'And Samag, where is he going? '

leew khun- samag capaj naj .

'And where is Samag going? ' or
'Where are you going, Samag? '

Allomorph: / f / m "the context /f ... ./or the context / t...t./
(where it is a portmanteau morpheme - see morpheme 2), end.)

Example of contrast m both contexts with / f

J mil ryy: t manud cabin da 3 .

' Is there such a thing as a human being able to fly? '

Jmii r^y: t • phom maj-chya .

'Is there such a thing?.' I don't believe it. '

39

ij.) /.'...:/ 'contrastive emphasis' (always followed by t)

Example of contrast with normal stress (in answer to the
question 'Is he going? ') i

.'paj: khrab T .

'Of course he is.' '

pa j : khra b .
'Yes, he is. '

Allomorph: /.' ... t/, when syllable is last in clause before / . /.
(in this position, / f / is the morphopnonemic version of / : f / - see
1.8.^.1.). Example;

.'pa 3 t •

'Of course he's going.''

Allomorph: /i S ... S:/, when two or more syllables are covered by
'contrastive emphasis. ' (see /.'mil ryy:/ m last three examples under morpheme
3) above.)

Allomorph: /.' S ... t/, when two or more syllables are covered by
'contrastive emphasis' and last syllable comes before / . /. Example in
second clause!

maj-chaj chaam .' diaw t . .' so or) chaam t .
'Not one bowl.' Two bowls.' '

Note: / J : / and the other variants listed above are not members
of the morpheme 'contrastive emphasis' m all cases of their occurrence. Cer-
tain interjections (3.1.1.) have these mo rpho phonemic sequences as part of
their morphemic composition, e.g. /itaaji/ 'Oh, my gosh.''

5) / i / by itself 'exhortation to action; signal to conclude a
conversation or pass to a new topic. '

Example m contrast with / .' t /*

.'pa j .

'Let ' s go.' '

Jpaj t •

'Of course he's going.''

Example m contrast with normal stress 1
.'aw .

'All right now (let's see).'
aw .

'All right (I'll accept it.)'

ko

2.2.2. Rhythmic Morphemes

1) / : / 'phrase construction continues, with major immediate

constituent cut here. '

Example of contrast with / , /:

pa j naj: maa .

'Where have you been? 1 (/maa/ is an adverb)

pa 3 naj , maa .

'Where are you going, Mah*2 ' (/maa/ is a name)

Example of contrast with / /t

khaw phuud: khrab .
'He's talking, sir.'

khaw phuud khrab samos .

'He always says /khrab/ ('sir').'

2) / - / 'minor or no immediate constituent cut here; sub-lexemic

or low-order syntactic division. '

Double example of contrast with / /:

tan ton- sag .

'Stand a teak- tree upright. '

tan- ton sag .

'Begin to tattoo. '

In the first example, /tan/ is a verb lexeme meaning 'set up, stand
up (transitive),' and /ton-sag/ is a compound noun lexeme meaning 'teak- tree.
In the second example, /tan- ton/ is a compound verb lexeme meaning 'begin, '
and /sag/ is a verb lexeme meaning 'tattoo. 1 In both cases / - / represents
a sub-lexemic cut.

Example of contrast with / : /:

tham rod sia duaj .

'Made the car break down too. '

tham rod: sia-duaj .

'Makes cars, besides (in addition to doing other
things) . '

In both examples, the first two lexemes are a verb 'make' and a noun
'car, ' and the last lexeme is an adverb 'also. ' The difference is m the
third lexeme, which m the first instance fills a major syntactic slot as a

verb meaning 'to be lost, destroyed,' and m the second instance is a minor
lexeme meaning something like 'unit verbal action. ' In this case /-/ repre-
sents a minor syntactic cut, which is made after the major cut represented
by / : /•

Example of /-/ representing no cut:

tar) kaw-11 .

' Set up chairs . '

/kaw-11/ 'chair' is an unanalyzable lexeme. All such lexemes m ST
contain the morph /-/, or its allomorph which follows below, m at least some
contexts .

Allomorph of 2): /AB/ (short syllable duration) m the contexts
/AB C/ and /X AB/ only. No contrastive examples occur.

Example of minor syntactic cut:

phii capaj .

'Older brother intends to go. '

The lexeme /ca/ is preposition meaning 'hypothetical action. ' Last
cut is between /ca/ and /paj/.

Example of sub-lexemic cut:

juu thinaj .
'Where is it? '

The lexeme /thinaj/ 'where, ' is analyzable into two morphemes repre-
sented by the morphs /thi/ 'at' and /naj/ 'where. ' Last cut is between them.

Example of no cut:

syy mamuarj .
'Buy mangoes. '

The lexeme /mamuarj/ 'mango' is unanalyzable.

When /AB/ occurs m the contexts /AB-C/ and /X-AB/ (i.e. when the
morpheme /-/ precedes or follows), it is not an allomorph of /-/.

phon-lamaaj .
'It's fruit.

The compound lexical item 'fruit' consists of three morphs « /phon/
'fruit, result, ' the rhythmic morph /-/, and /lamaaj/, an allomorph of
/maaj/ 'wood, trees' occurring only in this combination. The sequence
/lamaaj/ contains no rhythmic morph.

3) / / (medium syllable duration) m the context /AB C/, /A-B G/,
/A BG/, or /A B-C/ (i.e. when morpheme 2) above either

immediately precedes or follows): 'higher-order immedi-
ate constituent cut here, to be made before any cut re-
presented by /-/; usually syntactic but may be sub-
lexemic. 1

Examples of syntactic cuts (from 2) above):

tarj- ton sag . (A-B C)

'Begin to tattoo. '

phii capaj . (A BC)

'Older brother intends to go. '

mamuarj dn . (AB C)

'Good mangoes. '

Example of sub-lexemic cut:

mahaa wid-jaalaj .
'The university. '

This is a single lexeme consisting of four morphemes: /mahaa/ 'big,
/wid-jaalaj/ 'college' and the rhythmic morphemes / / and /-/. The only cut
to be made is between /mahaa/ and the remainder, unless tne sequence /wid-
jaalaj/ proves to be analyzable.

Allomorph of 3) t /A-B/ m the sequence /A-B-C/. Example:

jaa-kan-jurj .

'Mosquito repellent'

Immediate constituent analysis is no different from the following,
which also occurs:

jaa kan-jurj .

'Medicine /jaa/ for warding off /kan/ mosquitoes /jurj/. ' The first
3ut in both cases is between /jaa/ and /kan-jurj/, the second cut between
/kan/ and /jurj/. Both cuts are sub-lexemic, since the entire sequence is a
single lexeme.

1^.) / / (medium syllable- duration) m the context /A B: C/ (i.e.

when morpheme l) above immediately follows) : 'higher-
order immediate constituent cut here, to be made after
the cut represented by / » / but before any cut repre-
sented by /-/; always syntactic. '

This morpheme is best illustrated m multiple contrast with the

rhythmic morphemes already described, and with zero rhythmic morpheme.

Examples! „

chuaj lya kan . /ABC/

'Help Leua to prevent it. '

113

chuaj lya: kan . A B*. C/

'Help Leua, acting as a group. '

chuaj-lya kan . /A-B C/

'Assist m preventing it. '

chuaj-lya: kan . /A-B: C/

'Assist each other. '

/A B C/ - Immediate constituent cut not indicated. In this phrase,
the constituent lexemes are a verb (A), a noun which is a nickname (B), and
another verb (C). The intonation morpheme / . / makes it a clause, but there
are no rhythmic morphemes. The immediate constituent cut can be made tagmemi-
cally, but not on morphemic evidence.

/A B: G/ - Major cut after /b/, hence last cut between /A/ and /B/.

In this phrase the first two lexemes are as before, and the third
is a pronoun (c) . The rhythmic morpheme / : / is present, hence the space
between /A/ and /b/ is an instance of morpheme l±) .

/A-B C/ - Sub-lexemic or low-order syntactic cut between /A/ and /B/,
hence first cut after /B/. The first two morphemes /A-B/ are constituents of
a compound verb lexeme of somewhat more formal meaning than /A/ by itself.
The rhythmic morpheme /-/ is present, hence the space between /B/ and /c/ is
an allomorph of morpheme 3) above.

/A-Bi 0/ - Sub-lexemic or low-order syntactic cut between /A/ and
/B/, major cut after /B/. As before, /A-B/ is the compound verb, but /c/
is now the pronoun.

5>) /-/ In the context of a compound lexeme composed of numeral
constituents only: 'multiplication. '

Examples :

/ha a/ 'five' /sib/ 'ten' /haa-sib/ 'fifty'

/sii/ 'four' /rooj/ 'hundred' /sii-rooj/ '[(.00'

/saam/ 'three' /phan/ ' thousand ' /saam-phan/ '3,000'

6) / / m the context of a compound lexeme composed of numeral
constituents only: 'addition. '

Examples :

/haa-sib haa/
/saam-phan sii-rooj/

'fifty-fiye '

'3,i|00»

2.2.3. Normal- Stress Morphs

Normal stress is not morphophonemically distinguished from weak
stress (see 1.8.3. ), "but a few prosodic morphs exist which are more properly-
characterized as normal-stress morphs (i.e. morphs whose phonemic shape is
normal stress) than as rhythmic morphs. In the rhythmic context /A-B/, syl-
lable /B/ has normal stress unless / : / precedes in the same phrase. Occur-
rence m such a context, therefore, is evidence of phonemic normal stress.

Most classes of lexemes consist of members which include normal
stress m at least one syllable of some allolex (see 2.1.3.2.), but a few
classes characteristically lack stress in all their forms - e.g. pronouns,
prepositions, and certain kinds of classifiers. When normal stress occurs
in connection with such lexemes, therefore, it is not part of the lexical
unit but is a morph m its own right. Following are the two most easily
recognized members of this class of morphs:

1) / ' / (normal stress): an allomorph of /diaw/ 'one, single'
which occurs m simultaneous order with classifiers
and certain numerals.

chaaj lig-soon khon .
'Two more men. '

In this phrase /chaaj/ is a noun 'man, ' /iig/ a preposition 'further, 1
/soon/ is a numeral 'two, ' and /khon/ is a classifier for people.

chaaj ng-khon .
•One more man'

Here the stress on /khon/ is an instance of the morph / ' / 'one. 1

soorj-rooj haa-sib .

'Two hundred and fifty. '

rooj haa-sib .

'One hundred and fifty. '

Here the numeral /rooj/ 'hundred, ' which usually has normal stress,
occurs m a stressless allomorph, and the actual stress is again an allomorph
of /diaw/ 'one. '

2) / ' / (normal stress) is an allomorph of the demonstrative

morpheme /n / (2.3.1j..l.) which occurs m simultaneous
order with pronouns.

khoon phom juu naj-tuu .

'My things are in the chest. '

In the phrase /khoon phom/, the noun /khoon/ 'things' has normal
stress, and the pronoun /phom/ 'I, me' has its usual weak stress and mod-
ifies the noun.

khoon-phom juu naj-tuu .

'Mine is (are) m the chest. '

This time /khoon/ is the preposxtion 'of' and has weak stress, while
the pronoun /phom/ has normal stress and is its object. The translation
'mine' corresponds to either 'that of me' or 'those of me,' where the demon-
strative occurs m its allomorph / » /.

Note that tne immediate constituent analysis for both sentences is
the same t /khoon phom/ and /khoon-phom/ both fill the same slot m the
sentence, regardless of their internal analyses, and the rhythmic evidence
is of no help.

2.2.1].. Other Examples of Prosodic Contrast

1) The pairs of rhythmic contrasts presented below are given without
additional context, as sentence-fractions which might occur m a number of
similar environments.

tua 3 a an- nn

'a body like this '

tua-jaan nil

' this example '

fa j maj-mn

'there's no electricity'

faj-maj mil

'fires occur'

naaj-rooj khon-nan

'that officer of company grade

naaj rooj-khon$ nan

'those hundred officers'

khon-naj dn

'which person is good? '

khon najt dn

'which should be mixed? '

khaa-syg paj-leew

'the enemy is gone '

khaa syg: paj-leew

'I have left the monastery'

thaa-naam caheen

'the water sources will dry up

thaa naam caheen

'if the water dried up'

roor) haj-dan

'try to shout loudly'

roon-haj dan

'weeps loudly'

ha a khwaam-sanug

' seek pleasure '

1^6

haa-
tog-
tog;
ma j-
ma j-
mii
mil
caw
caw-
rag-
rag-

khwaam sanug
lor) maa

lorj-maa
thyrj looj
thyrj: lsoj
kam-larj dn
kamlarj-dn
naa-ca-aw
naa ca-aw
saa khon-con haaj
saa khon con-haaj

maa-rab saaj
maa rab-saaj
maa-aw sii moorj
maa aw-sii moorj
soom: khan-mi
soom khan- mi
mya waan paj-syy
mya-waan paj-syy
rab-thaan khaaw
rab thaan khaaw

'have fun picking arguments 1
'agreed to come'
'fell down towards us'
'hasn't reached Loei'
'hasn't reached there at all'
'has good strength'
'has just the right amount'
'you ought to take it'
'the broker will get it'
'cure poor people'

'was able to treat people succes
fully'

'come to get it too late'

' came to answer the phone '

'came to get it at 10 o'clock'

'chose to come at 10 o'clock'

'this fork'

'fix this one (car) '

'when asked to buy it'

'went to buy it yesterday'

'eat rice '

'receive a gift of rice'

2) The pairs of stress contrasts presented below do not differ m
the morphophonemic representation adopted for this grammar, but differ
phonemically. The example containing the normal stressed syllable m con-
trast is placed first and the stressed syllable is underlined. In the
examples, the weak- stressed syllables m contrast are respectively a prepo-
sition, a conjunction, a classifier, a modal, and a pronoun.

tarj naan
tarj naan
thaa beeb-nan
thaa beeb-nan

'has been set up a long time '
'for a very long time'
'that type of landing-place'
'if it's that type '

kl

khan - lag
khan- lan

khaw klab paj raad-burn

khaw klab paj raad-burn
boog khun
boog khun

'(my) back itches'

'the one (car) behind'

'He went back to Rajaburi. '

'He unexpectedly went to Rajaburi.

'tell the virtues of

'tell you'

3) The pairs of intonation contrasts below all involve the differ-
ence between / , / and no phrase boundary. In all cases, a proper name is
involved.

khun ,samag , capaj: maj .
khun samag capaj » maj .
tham haj-sed koon , dn .
tham haj-sed koon dn .

khun khorj , capaj duaji la t
khun khorj capaj duaj: IS t .

'Are you going, Samag?

'Are you volunteering to go? '

'Get it done first, Dee. '

'It would be good to get it done
first '

'I guess Khong is going along. '

'You're certainly going along J '

2.3 • Sub-lexemic Morphemes

2.3.1. Prefixes

Sub-lexemic prefixes are quite rare m ST, and all existing ones are
non-productive. The following are the most important members of the category,
with examples.

l) /pra/, /pa/, /bar)/, and /p/ 'causative. '

The first two allomorphs always occur with short syllable- duration,
and are m free variation before most bases. The third allomorph /barj/
usually has short- syllable duration (never more than medium short) and is
restricted to bases beginning with /k/ and /kh/. The last allomorph /p/ is
sub- syllabic, occurring only before bases beginning with /r/ and /l/. After
/p/, the base-morpheme occurs as a sub- syllabic allomorph; if it ends m a
stop, the tone changes to (or remains) low. In most other cases, including
the base- allomorphs which follow /pra/, /pa/, and /ban/, the tone remains
the same; there are a few exceptions.

^8

Examples i

Base

With

Prefix

/ chum/

' to swarm 1

/prachum/

'to assemble'

/ som/

'harmonious '

/pa som/

'to blend [

/thab/

'to be on top of

/prathab/

'to affix'

/khab/

'tight '

/bankhab/

' to regulate '

/k9 9d/

'to be born'

/bank99d/

• to originate '

/l on /

/plor)/

' ZO UUi y

/raab/

'flat'

/praab/

' to subdue '

/rab/

'to receive, hear'

/prab/

'to inflict, tell

Aug/

' to wake up '

/plug/

'to waken'

/looj/

'to float'

/plooj/

' to release '

(The last example has irregular tone.)
2) /kra/, /ka/, and /k/ 'reflexive'

The relationship among the allomorphs is exactly the same as among the
first, second, and fourth allomorphs of morpheme l) /pra/, including the
change to low tone for bases ending m stops, after the allomorph /k/ (which
occurs before bases beginning with /w/ as well) . The meaning of the prefix
is hard to pm down, but seems to be vaguely 'self-affecting action or con-
dition. '

Examples:

Bi

/ tham/
/dood/
/waarj/
/raab/
/lab/

'to do'
' to jump '
'unimpeded '
'level '
'hidden'

With Prefix
/kra tham/ 'to act'
/kradood/ 'to jump'
/kwaaij/ 'spacious'
/kraab/ 'to prostrate oneself

/klab/ 'to turn around'

3) /cir)-/ 'prefix for animals; especially mammals, lizards, and
large insects f

Precedes many bases, a few of which occur by themselves, with medium-
short syllable duration. There is no change m the form of any base.

Examples t

/cirj-cog/ 'small lizard'

/clrj-coog/ 'fox'

/cin-riid/ 'cricket'

k) /ka/ or /kra/ 'prefix for animals; especially birds and fish'

Precedes -nany bases, with short syllable- dura t ion. If the morphs /nog/
'bird' or /plaa/ 'fish' precede, they have medium-short duration, and the
iwhole combination is a single lexeme.

Examples %

/kasaa/ or /nog-kasaa/ 'stork'

/kalin/ or /nog-kalirj/ 'parrot'

/kaphorj/ or /p la a -kaphorj/ 'sea-bass'

5) /ma/ 'prefix for plants; especially vegetables and fruits'

Precedes many bases, very few of which occur by themselves, with short
duration.

Example si

/maphraaw/ ' coconut '

/makhya/ 'eggplant'

/mamuarj/ 'mango'

Allomorph /mar)/ occurs before a few bases:

/marjkhud/ 'mangos teen'

Allomorphs /maag-/ and /mag-/ occur with medium- short duration before
many bases:

/mag-muan/ 'peach'
/maag-lirj/ 'small palm tree'

2.3.2. Infixes

Sub-lexemic infixes are somewhat more widely distributed m ST than
prefixes, and one of them (the second listed) can actually be said to be
productive. There are only four common infixes.

50

1) /amn/, /am/, /ab/, and /m/. 'formality or technicality added to
meaning of base. '

The allomorph /amn/ is selected for most bases beginning with a single
consonant. The initial consonant of the base plus /am/ becomes a syllable
with short (or no more than medium- short) duration; /n/ plus the remainder
of the base becomes a second syllable, which may have any duration except
short. (When the base has zero initial consonant, the /amn/ is m effect a
prefix.) For bases beginning with a consonant cluster, the allomorph /am/
is inserted between the members of the cluster. For monosyllabic bases
beginning with /r/, the allomorph /ab/ is selected. For disyllabic bases,
the allomorph /m/ is inserted at the end of the first syllable. The result-
ing lexeme is m all cases two syllables long.

Regular tone changes accompany the first two allomorphs. If the base
morpheme has rising tone, the first syllable of the derivative lexeme has
rising tone, and the second syllable has mid tone. If the base morpheme has
any other tone, the first syllable of the derivative has mid tone. If the
base morpheme ends m a stop, the second syllable of the derivative has low-
tone; otherwise, the second syllable has the same tone as the base.

Regular examples:

Base With Infix

/deon/

'to walk'

/ damns on/

'to conduct, proceed'

/siarj/

'voice '

/samnian/

'accent '

/caaj/

'to pay'

/ camnaa j/

' to disburse '

/uaj/

'to give'

/amnua j/

'to administer'

/traa/

'stamp, seal'

/tamraa/

' textbook '

/thalaa j/

'to destroy'

/thamlaa j/

'to rum'

/k9 9d/

'to be born'

/kamnood/

'birth'

/riab/

'lined up '

/rabiab/

' order '

/ram/

'to dance'

/rabam/

'to perform a dance'

/ralyg/

'to be reminded

of

/ramlyg/

' to reminisce '

Other examples involve irregularities of tone,

unpredictable forms of

base morpheme or the infix,

and unusual orders:

/a ad/

' to be capable '

/amnaad/

'power '

/nag/

'heavy '

/namnag/

'weight '

/tron/

'to go straight

/ damron/

'to continue'

51

/thaarj/

'way'

/thamnoon/

'me thod '

/laa/

'to take leave'

/amlaa/

'to resign'

Ayy/

'to spread hearsay'

/rabyy/

'rumor '

/soon/

'two, second'

/samroon/

'reserves '

/sed/

'finished 1

/ samre d/

' successful

2) /oo/, /©/, / ee A an d A/ 'ridicule or inexactness added to meaning
of base morpheme. '

This highly productive infix always involves a special allomorph of the
base morpheme, since the vowel nucleus represented by the infix replaces the
original nucleus (or the nucleus of the last syllable, if the base is poly-
syllabic) . ST speakers do not agree on the distribution of the infix allo-
morphs, but a common pattern is as follows $

If the base (or its last syllable) has a long vowel or diphthong nu-
cleus, a long- vowel allomorph, /aa/ or /ee/, is selected; if the base has
a short vowel, /a/ or /e/ is selected. For bases with an original vowel
nucleus of /ee/ or /e/, and for all bases ending in /j/, the allomorph /go/
or /a/ is selected. For bases with original /aa/ or /a/, and for most bases
ending m /w/, the allomorph /ee/ or /e/ is selected. (Bases ending m /©ej/
or /aj/ cannot take this infix, as /eej/, /ej/ are syllabic impossibilities.)
For bases other than the types mentioned, the selection can be either /ee ? e/
or /aa,a/, the only certain rule being the one which concerns length of nu-
cleus.

The result, infix allomorph plus base allomorph is always preceded some-
where m the same clause by the base morpheme m its most common form. If
the base morpheme comes directly before the infixed morph, the former has
medium syllable duration, and the whole combination is a complex reduplicated
lexeme (2.l±.l±.) with four constituent morphs: base morpheme, rhythmic morph,
base allomorph plus infix allomorph.

Examples:

Base Morpheme Derivative

/km/ 'to eat'

or

/faj/ 'fire, electricity'

/nan/ 'silver, money'

/theew/ 'row, section'

/thiaw/ 'go around, visit,

go out for pleasure

/km ken/
/km kan/
/fa j foj/
/rjon nen/

'wining and dining'

'electrical system'

'money and that sort
of thing '

/theew thoaw/ 'general vicinity'
/thiaw theew/ 'fool around'

52

/chuaj/ 'to help' /chuaj chooj/ 'help out and that

sort of thing'

/moo/ 'pot' /moo moo/ 'pots and pans'

/ploom/ 'counterfeit' /ploom pleem/ 'counterfeit, etc'

/huu/ 'ear' /huu hoo/ 'ears and stuff

If the base is a polysyllabic morpheme or a compound lexeme, the infix
allomorph occurs m the last syllable, whether this is a whole morph or not:

/nan-syy/ 'books, letters' /nan-syy nan-soo/ 'literature and that

X two- syllable morpheme) sort of thing'

/hen-caj/ 'sympathize' /hen-caj hen-coj/ 'sympathize and all

(compound lexeme) that stuff

All infixed forms also occur m discontinuous orders (see 2. 5. 3. 4) an d 5).

3) An extremely common but non-productive infix with principal allo-

morphs/aa/ and /a/ has the same conditions of occurrence as infix
2) /oa/, etc., but a very different meaning: 'emphasis or intensi-
fication of the concept denoted by the base morpheme. ' It occurs
mainly with reduplicated adjectives, the result being an adverb,
but also combines with other reduplicated forms as well.

Base Derivative

/weew/ 'brilliant' /weew-waaw/ 'brilliantly'

/cin/ 'true, sincere' /cin-can/ 'sincerely'

/krasib/ 'to whisper' /krasib-krasaab/ 'm whispers'

This infix has so many allomorphs, however, that the morphological anal-
ysis of the relationship between base and infix is extremely complicated for
most lexemes m which it occurs.*

ij.) A double infix, occurring discontmuously m reduplicated lexemes
(see 2.i|..3.7.), with principal allomorphs /u-i/ and /uu-11/, has
the meaning 'impressionistic visual or onomatopoe tic auditory
description. ' It occurs mainly m adverbs and isolatives, but a
few adjective lexemes incorporate it. There is some evidence that
the principal allomorphs, at least, are productive.

* See M.R. Haas, 'Techniques of Intensification m Thai,' Word 2.127-30.
For most cases, a separate dictionary listing of all reduplicated lex-
emes containing the infix is the simplest solution.

53

Exampl<

/krad g/ ('to fidget') /kradug-kradig/ 'fidgety'

/ oT / ('concerned with detail') /cuu-cii/ 'petty, nagging

(of persons) '

/c*g/ ('details') /cug-cig/ 'trifling (of

things) '

/s'b/ ('whisper') /sub- sib/ 'm whispers'

Other common allomorphs of the double infix are illustrated m the
following examples:

Infix Derivative

/e-a/ /ke-ka/ 'cluttered, m

the way '

/e-a/ /e -a/ 'noisy'

/o-e/ /j8-J e / 'numerous'

/u-a/ /khru-khra/ 'bumpy'

A quadruple infix, found m at least one reduplication, is probably an
allomorph of this morpheme:

Infix Derivative

/o-e oo-ee/ /cog-ceg coo-cee/ 'sound of many

people talking'

As m the case of 3) /aa/ etc., however, a separate dictionary listing
of such lexemes is required. There are many cases where the two infix types,
3) and \\) , overlap.

2.3.3- Super fixes

l) Two superfixes which have the phonemic shape / ' /, normal
stress, but do not show up morphophonemically except by
inference from rhythmic patterns, have already been mentioned
(2.2.3.1-2.)

Examples i

/khon/ 'classifier for people' /'khon/ 'one person'

/phom/ 'I, me' /'phom/ 'that of me, mine'

2) A superfix with allomorphs / " / falling tone, / / low tone, and
zero (no change m tone) makes adverbs from four demonstratives
and two numerals.

Examples:

Base Lexeme

Derivative

/nil/
/nan/
/noon/
/naj/

/baarj/
/nooj/

'this '
'that'

'yon, the other'
'which '

' some '
'few'

/n£i/
/nan/
/noon/
/naj/

'here '
' there '
'yonder '
'where '

(zero allomorph of superfix)
/baan/ 'to some extent'

/noo 3/ 'a little '

3) Two superfixes occur with certain responses and final particles.
The first has the shape / ~ /, plain high tone, and means
'question or suggestion; reply or assent expected. ' The second
has the shape / " /, falling tone, or / /, constricted high
tone, and means 'statement or command; no reply expected. ' Both
of these superfix morphs require a special toneless allomorph
of the base, which consists of the original initial consonant
plus a short vowel, usually /a/ but in one case / 1 /.

Examples:

Base

Lexeme

Question

Statement

/khaa/

'woman answering
a call politely'

/kha/

/kha/

/caa/

'answering a child's
or equal's call'

/ca/

/ca/

/jaa/

'man answering
a call rudely '

/jff/

/ja/

/W99j/

'answering an
intimate's call'

/wa/

/wa/ or /wa/

/khraab/

'man answering a
call politely'

/haV
or /khrab/

or /khrab/

/naa/

'you see '

/na/ or /naa/ /na/

/sn/

'not otherwise '

/si/

/si/

55

ij.) A superfix with the shape / I ~ i / is used by women on adjective

bases with the meaning 'emotional intensification of base meaning. '
It is the only truly productive superfix m the language, and like
forms infixed with /o,e/ (2.3.2.2.), its superfixed forms occur
only m close association with the base morpheme itself. All kinds
of adjectives on all five tones (other than / ~ /) occur with it.
The adjective base occurs m a toneless allomorph to which the
superfix / J : / is added, and is immediately followed by the
base morpheme m its usual form. The extra duration represented
by / • / is not a morph, and so the complex lexeme which results
has three constituent morphs:

Examples:

Base Morpheme Derivative

/dll/

'good '

/Jdii: dii/

'excellent.' •

/kaw/

'old'

/jkaw: kaw/

'ancient.' '

/maag/

'much '

/.'maag: maag/

'a tremendous

/roon/

'hot '

/.'roon: roon/

'blazing.' '

/naaw/

'cold'

/ J naaw: naaw/

'freezing '

2.3.J4.. Sub- syllabic Morphemes

Besides prefixes, infixes, and superfixes, ST has a few other morph-
emes which have no allomorphs equivalent to a whole syllable m form and hence
do not correspond to lexemes. The important cases result from the analysis
of certain demonstrative and interrogative lexemes, but other classes of
lexemes are involved as well.

The following list of sub- syllabic morphemes, together with the list
of morphemes having at least one sub- syllabic allomorph given m the next
section (2.3.5.), is intended to give a complete view of the internal cons-
truction of demonstratives, mterrogatives , and their derivatives.

1) /n / (initial /n/ plus constricted high tone) 'demonstrative.'
Occurs m /nil/ 'this, ' /nan/ 'that, ' /noon/ 'yon, ' and the final particle
/na/ 'you see.' Allomorph /n/ occurs m /naj/ 'which.'' Allomorph / ' /
occurs with pronouns (see 2.2.3.2.).

2) /11/ 'close at hand, none other than, present. ' Occurs m /nn/
•this,' its derivatives /rjn/ 'so' and, with falling-tone superfix, /nh/
'here' (see 2.3.3.2), also possibly m the final particle /sn/ 'not other-
wise,' the adverb /juu-dn/ 'all the same,' and the derogatory lexeme /11/
itself: /11 wan-nan/ 'that very day, ' /11-meew/ 'the (blasted) cat. ' (This
/11/ is a lexical prefix - see 2.i|.l.)

56

3) /an/ 'farther away, comparatively far, removed from the present'
Occurs m /nan/ 'that' and its derivatives /nan/ 'there' and /nan/ 'thus,'
possibly also m /than/ 'to catch up, get there. '

Ij.) /oon/ 'other, absolutely far, two removes 'from the present'
Occurs in /noon/ 'yon, the other of two, ' its derivative /noon/ 'yonder, ' and
/phoon/ (a regional variant). Allomorphs of this morpheme possibly occur m
the demonstrative noun /yyn/ 'others' and the pronoun /phyan/ 'other ones.'

5>) /a 3/ 'which of limited possibilities' Occurs m the demonstra-
tive /naj/ 'which,' its derivatives /naj/ 'where' and the isolative /na j/
'what do you mean? ' and m the question particle /ma 3/ 'yes or no. '

6) /aj/ 'which of unlimited possibilities' Occurs chiefly m the
free lexeme /raj/ 'indefinite demonstrative ; what, some, any, ' its allolex
/da j/, and their many derivatives, such as /araj/ 'what,' /thaw-raj/ 'how
much,' /mya-raj/ 'when,' /thu-raj/ 'which instance,' /phuu-daj/ 'anyone,'
/mya-daj/ 'any time,' and /thaw-da j/ 'to any extent. ' The morph /aj/ occurs
by itself as a sub-syllabic constituent m /thamaj/ 'why' and /janaj/ 'how. '
The whole combination /raj/ occurs as a sub- syllabic constituent m /khraj/
'who. '

7) /aj/ 'the one intended, the correct one of limited possibilities'
Occurs m /chaj/ 'to be the one intended,' the negative /maj/ 'not, other
than, ' and possibly such other lexemes as /haj/ 'intended for, ' /daj/ 'get,
succeed,' and the derogatory lexeme /aj/ itself: /aj-maa/ 'the (blasted) dog'
(a lexical prefix - see 2.I+.1.)

Allomorph /aj/ occurs m the final particle /naj/ 'that's the one,'
and possibly m /waj/ 'for future purposes. '

8) /n/ 'manner' Occurs m /nix/ 'so,' /nan/ 'thus,' /naj/ 'how;
that's the one,' and their derivatives /jarjn/, /janan/, /janaj/, and /naj/
'what do you mean? '

9) /m/ 'negative' Occurs m /maj/ 'not, other than' and the ques-
tion-word /maj/ 'yes or no. '

1C) /ch V 'designator' Occurs m /chaj/ 'to be the one intended,'
/chyy/ 'name,' /chen/ 'to be an example of,' and possibly an allomorph occurs
m /chu/ 'to point out' and /chan/ 'class. '

Allomorph /cha/ occurs as syllabic morpheme constituent m such lex-
emes as /chann/ 'this way, this sort,' /chanan/ 'that way, that sort,'
/chanaj/ 'which sort, ' and /chapho/ 'especially. '

11) /r/ 'indefinite member of class' (opposite of l) /n '/) Occurs
chiefly m /raj/ 'what, some, any' and its derivatives (see 6) above), but
also m the conjunction /ryy/ 'or, ' the question-particle /ryy/ and its
allolex /vqq/ 'or what, ' and possibly m the sentence-particle /rog/ 'or
anything. '

57

Allomorph /n/ possibly occurs m /nyn/ and /nyn/ 'one, a certain
member of the class of. 1

12) /yy/ 'equivalent' Occurs m /chyy/ 'name, ' both lexemes /ryy/
above, and in /khyy/ 'that is to say. '

Allomorph /yn/ probably occurs m /nyn/ and /nyn/ 'one, a certain
member of the class of,' and m the conjunctions /syn/ 'such that,' /thyn/
and /cyn/ 'with the result that. '

2.3«5« Morphemes with Sub- syllabic Allomorphs

Many morphemes of ST, other than those mentioned m the preceding
sections, have at least one allomorph whose shape is less than a syllable.
A list of the most important ones follows.

1) /thu/ 'classifier for instances' Occurs as a free lexeme with
the prosodic- superf ix morpheme / ' / 'one' m /ng-thii/ 'once more,' and m
the following demonstrative phrases (among others): /thu-raj/ 'which time,'
/thii-mi/ 'this time, ' and /thu-diaw/ 'once. '

Allomorph /thi/ occurs m /thidiaw/ 'quite, completely. '

Allomorphs /th/ and /ch/ occur as sub- syllabic constituents m
allolexes of the above: /thiaw/ and /chiaw/ 'quite, completely. '

2) /an/ 'classifier for things' Occurs as a free lexeme with the
prosodic-superf ix morpheme / ' / 'one' m /pen an/ 'is one thing, as a unit,'
and m the following demonstrative phrases (among others): /an-naj/ 'which
one' and /an- nil/ 'this one.'

Allomorph /a/ occurs as a sub- syllabic constituent m /araj/ 'what. '

3) /khon/ 'classifier for people' Occurs as a free lexeme with the
prosodic morpheme / ' / 'one' m /ng-khon/ 'one more person,' and m the
following demonstrative phrases (among others): /khon-naj/ 'which person'
and /khon- nan/ 'that person. '

Allomorph /kh/ occurs as a sub-syllabic constituent m /khraj/ 'who. '

1+) /tham/ 'to make, do' Occurs as a free verb lexeme m /tham
khrua/ 'to do cooking.'

Allomorphs /tha-m/ and /thamm/ occur as a sub- syllabic constituents
(syllable plus a fraction) m /thamaj/ 'why,' and its allolex /thammaj/.

58

5) /jaarj/ 'classifier for kinds of things, adverb of manner'
Occurs as a free lexeme with the prosodic morpheme / ' / m /iig-jaarj/ 'one
more kind' and m the following demonstrative phrases (among others): /jaarj-
nn/ 'this kind,' /jaarj-na j/ 'which kind,' and /jaarj-raj/ 'how.'

Allomorph /jar)/ occurs m variant forms of the same demonstrative
phrases: /jarj-nii/, /jarj-naj/, /jarj-raj/.

Allomorphs /ja-rj/ and /jarjrj/ occur as sub- syllabic constituents m
the following lexical units (which are all allolexes of forms first listed
m 2.3.^.8.): /jarjii/ and /jarjrjii/ 'so, this way,' /jarjan/ and /jarjrjan/
'thus, that way,' /jarjaj/ and /jarjrjaj/ 'how, what way; that's the one.'

6) /diaw/ 'numeral one' Occurs after classifiers: /khon-diaw/
'one person, alone. '

Allomorph / ' / occurs m simultaneous order with classifiers and
numerals (see 2.2.3«1«)

Allomorph /law/ occurs as sub- syllabic constituent m /thiaw/ and
/chiaw/ 'quite, completely' (see l) /thu/ above).

2.1;. Lexeme Composition

2.1+.1. Derivatives

In the preceding section we have seen second-order lexemes derived
from base plus prefix (like /prachum/, 2.3.1.1.), base plus infix (like
/damneon/, 2.3.2.1.), base plus superfix (like /kha/, 2.3.3.3.), or from a
combination of two sub- syllabic morphemes (like /mi/, 2.3.I4..I.), and third-
order lexemes derived from superfixed base plus repetition of original base
(like /.'dn: dn/, 2.3.3.1;.), from original base plus repetition with infix
(like /km ken/, 2.3.2.2.), or from addition of a superfix to a combination
of sub- syllabic morphemes (like /nil/, 2.3.3.2.). In all these types of
derivative, sub- syllabic morphemes were involved.

ST has still other derivatives, however, m which one of the consti-
tuents, while a free lexeme m its own right, is neither a modifier nor a
head. Such derivatives are therefore not compounds or reduplications of
free lexemes (see 2.I4..3.), and must be treated separately.

In most derivatives incorporating two or more constituents which are
themselves lexemes, it is the first constituent that recurs m many combina-
tions and is productive of new formations. Such common prior constituents
are lexical prefixes . The important lexical prefixes are listed below. All
have medium- short syllable duration, unless the second constituent is extrem-
ely long and complex, m which case they have medium duration.

59

1) /kaan-/ 'the act of, affairs of

Makes abstract nouns from verbs and verb expressions, and from

specific nouns and noun expressions.

/win/
/tad sya/
/baan/

/taan-pratheed/

Derivative

' to run ' /kaan-win/

'to cut clothes' /kaan- tad- sya/

•house, home' /kaan-baan/

'foreign' /kaan- taan-pratheed/

'running '
' tailoring '
'homework '
'foreign affairs '

2) /khwaam-/ 'the condition of, the result of

Makes abstract nouns from adjectives and adjective expressions, and
nouns describing the result or object of action implied by verbs and verb
expressions.

Derivative

A}So/
/ruu/

/khaw-rob thon/

'stupid '

'to know'

' to do homage
to a flag'

/khwaam-noo/
/khwaam- ruu/

'stupidity '
'knowledge '

/khwaam khaw-rob thon/ 'respect for
the flag'

3) /naa-/ 'worthy of

Makes adjectives from verbal bases.

/rag/
/duu/

Aan/

'to love'
' to look at '

'to listen'

/naa -rag/
/naa- duu/

/naa- fan/

'lovable, cute '

'interesting to
look at '

'interesting to
listen to '

Third-order derivatives containing both 2) /khwaam-/ and 3) /naa-/ are
quite common:

/khwaam- naa -duu/ 'visual mterestmgness '

[).) /khii-/ 'having a consistent characteristic of

Makes adjectives from adjective and verb bases whose , meanings imply
single instances of behavior rather than characteristic behavior..

Derivative

/aaj/
/koon/

'to be ashamed'
'to defraud'

/khii-aa j/
/khii-koon/

' ba shf ul '
'deceitful '

60

/kiad/ 'act slothfully' /khii-kiad/ 'lazy'

/maw/ 'intoxicated' /khii-maw/ 'alcoholic'

( Note : /khii/ 'excrement' is a different lexeme which heads many
compounds, all of which are also nouns - e.g. /khii-taa/
'eye secretion. ' Such compounds cannot be confused with the
above derivatives.)

5) /taarj/ 'other' and /naa-naa/ 'various, plural'

These two lexical prefixes are grouped together because they share
many co- constituents . Both make noun derivatives of plural meaning from
noun bases.

Base
/pratheed/

/carj-wad/

/chanid/

/chaad/

Derivatives

'country, nation'

'province '
' type , kind '
'race, nation'

/taarj-pratheed/
/naa-naa pratheed/

/taarj-carjwad/

/naa-naa chanid/

/taarj- chaad/
/naa-naa chaad/

'foreign countries '

' countries '

'the provinces

(outside Bangkok) 1

'various kinds '

'foreign origin'
'races, nations'

6) /khryarj-/ 'collection, equipment, mechanism'

Makes collective nouns and nouns denoting kinds of machinery from
all kinds of bases - nouns, verbs, adjectives, and expressions.

/dyym/ 'to drink'

/bin/ 'to fly'

/phim-diid/ 'to type'

/karii/ 'curry'

Derivative
/khryarj- dyym/ 'beverages'
/khryarj-bm/ 'airplane'
/khryarj- phim-di id/ 'typewriter'
/khryarj- karii/ 'curry ingredients'

(Examples of the type 'airplane' and typewriter' are compounds rather
than derivatives, because /khryarj/ can substitute for the whole.)

7) /khaarj-/ and /byarj-/ 'side, aspect,' and /phaaj-/ 'time, place.'
All three of these lexical prefixes make abstract nouns from pre-
positions having to do with place and time relationships. Examples of all
three with the base /larj/ 'after, behind':

/khaarj- larj/ 'behind, the rear side'

/byarj-larj/ 'behind, the hidden side, the past'

/phaaj-larj/ 'after, the future'

(For further examples, see /naj/-class prepositions, L|_.2.1.)

61

8) /raaj-/ 'case, instance,' and /pracam-/ 'associated with'

These are allomorphs of a lexical prefix which makes nouns referring
to frequency of occurrence from nouns designating time-periods. The alloraorph
/raaj-/ is used only with the smaller units.

Base Derivatives

/wan/ 'day' /raaj-wan/ 'daily'

/pracam- wan/ ! daily'

/sab-padaa/ 'week' /raa 3- sabpadaa/ 'weekly'

/dyan/ 'month' /raaj-dyan/ 'monthly'

/pn/ 'year' /pracam-pn/ 'annual'

In a few kinds of derivatives incorporating two or more constituents
which are themselves lexemes, the last constituent is the one that recurs
and produces new combinations. Such latter constituents are lexical suffixes .
l?wo of the most important ones are exemplified below (9-10). Since they
terminate their lexemes, they can have any syllable- duration from medium up,
but the preceding constituent usually has medium- short duration.

9) /-caj/ 'heart'

Makes verbs and adjectives having to do with feelings and thought
processes from verb and adjective bases.

Base Derivative

/dn/ 'good 1 /dn-caj/ 'glad'

/khaw/ 'enter' /khaw-caj/ 'understand'

/choob/ 'to like' /choob-caj/ 'be pleased'

/phoo/ 'enough' /phoo-caj/ 'be satisfied.'

10) /-phaab/ 'form, shape'

Makes abstract nouns from noun, verb, and adjective bases. This
suffix is nearly m complementary distribution with 2) the prefix /khwaam-/,
as far as selection of bases is concerned, and the meaning of the two affixes
is about the same: 'the quality of. ' The suffix sometimes requires a special
allomorph of the base? some bases ending m consonants are extended by a
syllable of short duration, which consists of a fortis consonant of the same
position as the final of the base, plus the short vowel /a/; other bases have
no extension, or unpredictable extensions.

62

Derivative

/ see-rn/
/id-sara/
/khun/
/sug/
/ san/

'free 1
'free '
'virtue '
'happiness '
'secure, peaceful'

/seern-phaab/
/idsara-phaab/
/khun- naphaab/
/sug- kapha a b/
/san- tiphaab/

' freedom '
'freedom '
'quality '
'happiness '
' security, peace '

( Note i /khwaam-sug/ 'happiness' also exists.)
11) Other lexical suffixes worthy of mention:

/-saad/
/-kaan/
/-koon/

/-chig/ or /ig/

/-khom/

/-J on/

'discipline, science'
'work'
'worker '
'member '

'month with 31 days '
'month with 30 days'

2.1j..2. Compounds

Compounds m ST, as defined here, are characteristically endocentric:
the first constituent is the head and all other constituents are modifiers;
further constituent cuts can be made on the basis of rhythmic patterns. In
nearly all cases, moreover, the form-class of the compound lexeme is the same
as that of the head constituent when it occurs as an independent lexeme. Com-
pounds are constructed from all types of head constituent , nouns being the most
frequent, then verbs, then adjectives, then numerals, other form-classes being
relatively infrequent.

Examples:

/roorj/ 'hall' (noun)

/nan/ 'to study' (verb)

/roon-rian/ 'school' (noun)

/do9n/ 'to walk' (verb)

/thesw/ 'row' (noun)

/doon-theew/ 'to march' (verb)

63

/kee/
/fa 3/
/kee-faj/

/ha a/
/sib/

/haa-sib/

'dark'
'fire '
'scorched'

'five '
'ten'

'fifty'

(adjective)

(noun)

(adjective)

(numeral)

(numeral) plus rhythmic morpheme
/-/ (see 2.2.2.5)

(numeral)

A few of the lexemes which occur most frequently as head-morphemes are
listed below.

/khon-/ and /phuu-/

/chaan-/

/caw-/

/roon-/

/chaaw-/

/mee-/

/thii-/

/roog-/

/hog-/

/baan-/

/myan-/

/ toon-/

/phaag-/

'agent, the one who does'
'craftsman'

'the one who fills a command or

civil service function'
'second-in-command, vice-'
'native of, citizen of
'woman who does '
'place where something is done '
'public building, hall'
'room '

'village of
' town or country of '
'time or portion of
'section of

The exceptions to this pattern are of four types: l) the head constit-
uent is a classifier, but the compound is a noun, 2) the first constituent
is not the head, and hence the compound is irregular, 3) one constituent or
another has a meaning m the compound unrelated to its normal free-meaning,
and l±) constituents have irregular allomorphs.

1) Classifier as head constituent of a noun compound lexeme. Examples
with second constituent /maaj/ 'wood, trees, plants':

/ton/ 'classifier for trees and plants'

/ton-maaj/ 'tree' /ton-maaj soon ton/ 'two trees'

6k

2)

/baj/ 'classifier for leaves, slips of paper, and receptacles'
/baj-maaj/ 'leaf /baj-maaj soon baj/ 'two leaves'

/doog/ 'classifier for flowers and small-patterned objects'
/doog-maaj/ 'flower' /doog-maaj soon doog/ 'two flowers'

Examples involving irregular allomorph of constituent:

/phon/ 'classifer for fruits' Allomorph: /lamaaj/

/phon-lamaa j/ 'fruit' /phon-lamaaj soon phon/ 'two fruits'

First constituent not head of compound:
Examples with /mahaa/ 'big', great':

/wid- tha jala j/ 'college' /mahaa -widtha jala j/ 'university'
/samud/ 'salt water body' /mahaa- samud/ 'ocean'

Examples with /eeg/ 'first':

/ag-kharaad-cathuud/ 'high-ranking diplomat'

/eeg ag-kharaad-cathuud/ 'ambassador'

With (I4.) irregular allomorph /karaad/:
/raad/ 'reign' /eeg- karaad/

Same morpheme /eeg/ m normal compound lexeme:
/naarj/ 'woman' /naan-eeg/

'autonomous '

3)

k)

/naan/ 'work, ceremony, fair'
/Ion/ 'down'

Meaning of lexeme not deducible from meanings of constituents as
free lexemes:

/teen/ to adorn'

/teen-naan/ 'to be married'

/tog/ 'to fall'

/tog-Ion/ 'to agree'

/leew/ 'already, over with' /tee/ 'but, only

/leew-tee/ 'depends on, is up to'

Irregular allomorphs of constituents.
Examples repeated from above:

/lamaaj/ in /phon-lamaa j/
/karaad/ in /eeg-karaad/

'fruit '
'autonomous '

(1)
(3)

65

Other examples:

/phon/ 'individual' m /phon-thahaan/ 'individual military
man, private, etc' (with /thahaan/ 'military.')

Allomorph /phon- la/ m /phon-laryan/ 'civilian' (with ryan 'house-
hold'), and /phon-lamyan/ 'population' (with /myan/ 'town')

/agsoon/ 'letters, literature' m /agsoon tam/ 'low class of
letters' (with /tam/ 'low')

Allomorph /agsoon-ra*/ m /agsoon- rasaad/ 'the study of literature'
(with /saad/ 'discipline')

Allomorph /agkhara/ in /agkhara-withn/ ' 'phonetics' (with /withn/
'method ' )

The last two examples also involve reverse order of constituents (2).
2.1^.3- Reduplications

All reduplications involve either a repetition of a base lexeme, with
or without change m the shape of the base, or a construction of the base
lexeme with an element which, while it may not resemble the base morpho-
phonemically, is found only m association with it. The border-line between
the two types is not easily drawn (see 2.3.2.3 end), but m all cases the
construction is endocentric and the meaning of the reduplicated lexeme is
substantially the same as* the meaning of the base lexeme, although the form-
class may be different.

Nearly all common lexemes of one or two syllables belonging to the
major form-classes have special combining elements associated with them
which yield more complicated lexemes of roughly the same meaning. If the
combining element itself occurs as a free lexeme with a similar meaning, the
combination is called a compound (2.1|.2.):

Constituent Constituent Compound

/too/ 'to confront' /suu/ 'to compete' /too-suu/ 'to fight'

/chab/ 'quick' /waj/ 'sensitive' /chab-waj/ 'alert'

If the combining element is the unchanged form of the base plus some
rhythmic morpheme, one of the simple reduplications listed below (l-l|) occurs.

If the combining element is an infixed or superfixed form of the
base, one of the complex reduplications listed below (5-8) occurs, and the
combining element is an infixed re duplicator or a superfixed re duplicator .

66

If the combining element has some other morphophonemic resemblance to
the base, one of the irregular reduplications listed below (9-10) occurs. The
combining element may be a rhyming reduplicator , m which some portion of the
reduplicator matches the latter portion of the base, or an alliterative redu -
plicator , m which the beginning of the reduplicator matches the beginning of
the base.

If the combining element has no appreciable resemblance to the base,
and also does not occur as a free lexeme m a meaning associated with the
meaning of the reduplication, a quasi - re duplication occurs. Qua si- re dupli-
cations are listed along with irregular reduplications ( m 9-11 below).

Examples of rhyming, alliterative, and quasi reduplicators :

Base Reduplicator

/chum/ 'to swarm' /num/ (rhyming, no meaning)

/phloon/ 'to be absorbed' /phlood/ (alliterative, no meaning)

/sanilg/ 'to have fun' /sanaan/ (alliterative, 'to bathe')

/chuaj/ 'to help' Aya/ ('to be left over')

/klaan/ 'middle' /thaam/ (no meaning)

For simple reduplications, the order of constituents is irrelevant,
but the rhythmic morpheme is important (l-L|_). For complex reduplications,
the order of constituents is fixed, but the rhythmic pattern does not play
an important role (5-8) • For irregular and quasi reduplications, the order
of constituents is variable and significant, but the rhythmic pattern is
automatic (9-10). For the last type of quasi-reduplication (ll), both order
and rhythm are fixed.

The symbols used m the formulae for reduplications are as follows t

B- base or simple reduplicator

Bi- infixed reduplicator or base

Bs- superfixed reduplicator

Br- rhyming reduplicator

Ba- alliterative reduplicator

Q- quasi reduplicator

R- any of the last three reduplicators

(Br, Ba, Q) .

1) /B-B/ 'softening or approximizing of base meaning'

The construction consists of a simple reduplication, plus the

morpheme /-/ 'sub-lexemic immediate constituent cut.' It occurs

67

mainly with adjective bases, where it is productive, but also with a
few specific minor form-class bases. The reduplicated lexemes from
adjective bases function only as modifiers and adverbs, and cannot
fill the predicate position (among others). In the modifying posi-
tion, the base adjective is limiting, while the reduplicated lexeme
is non-limiting, and a real contrast results:

/nog jaj/ 'big birds' (an implied size-classif ication)

/nog jaj-jaj/ 'biggish birds' (incidental information about size)

Other examples:

Base Reduplication

AW

•good, well'

/dn-dii/

'rather good,

rather well '

/cirj/

' true '

/cin-cin/

'really 1

/lyyn/

' slipping '

/lyyn-lyyn/

' slippery '

/kaw/

'old (of things) '

/kaw-kaw/

'oldish'

/kee/

'old (of people) 1

/kee-kee/

'elderly '

/kyab/

'almost '

/kyab-kyab/

'approximately '

/than/

'the whole of

/than- than/

'including all of

(The last two examples are not adjective

bases. )

2) /B-

B/ 'plurality'

This is a homonymous reduplicating construction which occurs with

noun and classifier bases only. The noun bases

which reduplicate

m

this way are rather few m

number, but the construction is pro-

ductive for classifier bases.

Examples:

Base

Reduplication

/cleg/

'child'

/deg- deg/

' children'

/tan/

'classifier for stacks'

/pen tar)- tan/

'in stacks'

/wan/

'day'

/pen wan-wan: paj/

'from day to day'

/koon/

'classifier for lumps'

/pen koon-koon/

'in lumps '

Alternate form of reduplication: /B B/
/pen tar) tar)/ 'm stacks'

3) /B B/ 'succession of auditory or visual impressions'

This highly productive construction consists of a simple reduplica-
tion with medium duration (in practice, never representing the

68

morpheme / / 'high-order immediate constituent cut' 2.2.2.l±) on the
first syllable. Nearly all bases that reduplicate m this way also
occur, with the superfix / 1 / or after numerals, as classifiers
meaning 'one instance of such a noise or sight. ' The reduplicated
lexemes are isolatives, and do not participate m normal syntactic
constructions. Examples i

Base Reduplication

/keg/ 'one rap' /keg keg/ 'with rapping sounds'

/ied/ 'one creak' /iod isd/ 'with creaking sounds'

/khameb/ 'a labored breath' /khameb khameb/ 'breathing weakly'

/weeb/ 1 a flash' /weeb weeb/ 'm flashes'

Alternate form /B-B/: /weeb-weeb/ 'm flashes'

Base m numeral phrase: /soon keg/ 'two raps'

Except for the difference m form- class of reduplications of this
type, they work exactly like 2) 'plurality' above.

/B, B/ 'repetitive action'

The construction consists of a simple reduplication, with the first
instance of the base coming at the end of one phrase and the second
at the beginning of the next. Although the occurrence of /, / sug-
gests a major immediate constituent cut (rather than a sub- lexemic
cut), the correct analysis for /B , B/ is a reduplicated lexeme
which belongs to both phrases. Only verb bases occur m this con-
struction.

Base Reduplication

/dosn/ 'to walk' /khaw doon , doon: paj naan/

'He walked and walked for a long time. '

/paj/ 'to go' /khaw doom paj , pa 3 phob/

'He walked along until he met... '

Alternate form of reduplication: /B B/

/mil khon paj pa] } maa maa ./

'There were people coming and going. '

5) /B Bi/ 'ridicule or inexactness added to base meaning'

This complex reduplication, infixed base following' base (with
medium duration), occurs only m connection with the infix /oo/-
/ee/ (see 2.3.2.2. ) .

69

Examples:

/km/ 'to eat' /km ken/ 'wining and dining'

(For additional examples, see 2.3.2.2.)

6) /B-Bi/ 'intensification of base meaning'

This complex reduplication, infixed base following base (with
medium-short duration), occurs only m connection with the infix
/aa/-/a/ and its allomorphs.

Example :

/cin/ 'true' /cm- can/ 'sincerely'

(For additional examples, see 2.3.2.3.)

7) /B1-B1/ 'impressionistic description'

This complex reduplication, consisting of two infixed bases (the
first of which has the least possible duration) occurs only m
connection with the double infix /u-i/ and its allomorphs.

Example:

/kradug-kradig/ 'fidgety'
Alternate form: /B1-B1 B1-B1/.

Example:

/cog-ceg coo-cee/ 'sound of many voices'

(For additional examples, see 2.3.2.1|.)

8) /Bs B/ 'emotional intensification of base meaning 1

This complex reduplication, superfixed base (with medium-long
duration) preceding base, occurs only m connection with the
superfix / .' ~ : /, and hence only m women's speech, (see 2.3«3.i|.)

Example :

/dn/ 'good' /.'dii*. dn/ 'excellent.''

(For additional examples, see 2.3.3.[|_.)

9) /B-R/ 'generality or formality'

The construction consists of the base (which has the least possible
duration, but not less than medium- short ) plus an irregular or quasi
reduplicator . Some variants are /B R/, /B-Br/, /B-Ba/, and /B-Q/.
It occurs with all types of major form-class bases, rarely with minor
form-class bases. The class of the base does not change; adjectives
reduplicated m this way, for example, can fill the predicate posi-
tion, (cf. l./B-B/ above) .

70

Examples :

Base

/chum/

/bed/

/fararj/

/sanug/

/wad/

/wa d-waa/

'to swarm'
'fish-hook '
'Occidental '
'to have fun'
' temple '
'temples, etc.

Reduplication

/chum-num/
/bed- tale d/
/faran-marjkhaa/
/sanug- sanaan/
/wa d-waa/

/chuaj/ 'to help'

/baan/ 'home, house'

' to assemble '
(B-Br)

' odds and ends '
(B-Br)

'Occidentals and
such' (B-Br)

'to be amused'
(B-Ba)

'temples, etc. '
(B-Ba)

/wad-waa aaraam/ 'religious mstal
lations ' (a third-order lexeme,
/B-Ba Q/, m which /B-Ba/ and
/q/ are constituents)

/chuaj-lya/ 'to assist' (B-Q)

/baan- cho on/

'hearth and home '
(B-Q,)

10) /R-B/ 'precision, specif lcness 1

This construction, the reverse of 7) /B-R/ m form and nearly m
meaning, consists of the irregular or quasi reduplicator (which has
least duration possible) followed by the base. Some variants are
/R B/, /Br-B/, /Ba-B/, and /Q-B/. It occurs mainly with major form-
class bases, but also with some important minor form-class bases 'too.
In the latter case, especially, the class membership of the base
lexeme is often different from that of the reduplicated lexeme.

Examples :

/ho or)/
/phleon/

/nyaj/
/khaw/
/klaarj/

/khaan/

'raise up '

'to be absorbed'

'to be tired'

'hill, mountain, etc.

'middle, amidst'

'side, beside '

Reduplication
/coon-hoorj/ 'proud' (Br-B)

/phlood-phloon/

/ned-nya j/
/phuu- khaw/
/ thaam- klaarj/

/khon-khaaij/

'completely en-
grossed ' ( Ba-B)

'exhausted' (Ba-B)

'mountain' (R-B)

'exact center '
(R-B)

'rather, on the
side of (Ba-B)

71

11) /B Q/ 'ultimate degree'

The construction consists of an adjective or noun base plus a quasi-
reduplicator (which may have only a minimal independent existence
outside of this construction). The class membership of the redu-
plication is the same as that of the base. The reduplicator m
nearly all cases has the stress pattern /it/, which is not a
loud- stress morpheme but a part of the reduplicating lexeme itself.

Examples :

Base Reduplication

/khaaw/ 'white' /khaaw .'cuog:/ 'pure white'

/deerj/ 'red' /deer) .'pred:/ 'vivid red'

/rew/ 'fast' /rew .'pryy:/ 'lightning fast'

2.$. Syntactic Constructions

2.5.1. Simultaneous Constructions

l) A syntactic unit is any lexeme or integral number of lexemes
marked by rhythmic evidence (see 2.2.2.) as an immediate constituent of some
larger construction, plus the rhythmic morpheme or morphemes which so mark it
by occurring simultaneously with it. The minimum syntactic unit is a single
lexeme, with or without rhythmic morpheme. The following example contains
two minimum syntactic units, the lexemes /paj/ 'go' and /khrab/ 'polite word
for men, ' which share the simultaneous occurrence of / : / 'phrase construc-
tion continues, with major immediate constituent cut here' (2.2.2.1.):

paji khrab . 'Yes, sir, (he's) going.'

Syntactic units are always smaller than morphophonemic phrases,
because of the requirement that immediate constituent cuts be established
rhythmically, but they may be of any length. The following sequence is
marked off into syntactic units with slant lines for illustrative purposes:

phuu-jirj / khon-nan / maj-d§*j-pen / khruu: / rog /khrab t .
' That woman isn't a teacher.''

('Woman / one- that / not- actually- be / teacher / utterly / sir.'')
The sequence ending /khruui/ is also a syntactic unit.

A sequence of three lexemes, the first two of which have medium
syllable-duration / /, corresponds to three syntactic units; the negative
rhythmic evidence makes any other division impossible:

choob km plaa . 'Likes to eat fish. '

72

2) A syntactic phrase is any integral number of ordered syntactic
units comprising an immediate constituent of a higher order plus whatever
loud-stress morphemes may occur simultaneously with the sequence (but not
including intonation morphemes which may also occur simultaneously) . All
syntactic phrases contain at least one syntactic unit of two or more lexeme
constituents, or at least two syntactic units with a single lexeme constituent.
Syntactic phrases m consecutive order are never longer than phonemic phrases
(see examples m 2.5.2.), although those m non- consecutive orders may consist
of two or more phonemic phrases (see examples m 2.5*3»K

3) A syntactic clause is any integral number of lower-order syntactic
constituents (lexemes, units, or phrases) occurring simultaneously with a
single intonation morpheme, plus the intonation morpheme itself. Hence syn-
tactic clauses are always co-extensive with phonemic clauses (see I.8.J4..).

[{.) A sentence is any syntactic clause considered from the point of
view of its constituents and their classification. Sub- types of sentences
are listed m 2.6.2., below.

5) A discourse is any sequence of sentences uttered consecutively
by the same person, and corresponds roughly to the utterance on the phonemic
level. Sentences quoted from the same discourse and used as examples m this
grammar are not identified m any special way, but if quoted consecutively
are always separated by / . / m the text.

6) An exchange is any sequence of discourses uttered consecutively
by different speakers m direct communication with each other. Sentences
quoted m the context of an exchange are identified by the prefacing of a
capital letter to represent each speaker involved (A, B, Q, R, etc.)

2.^.2. Consecutive-order Constructions

l) An endocentric phrase , or expression , is any consecutive-order
syntactic construction such that the first lexeme, or head , can substitute
for the whole construction. Endocentric phrases will later be characterized
by reference to the form-class of the head (which is also the form-class of
the whole phrase), as noun expression, verb expression , etc. Examples:

/baan phom/ 'my home,' from /baan/ 'house' and /phom/ 'I, me.'
(noun expression)

/km khaaw/ 'to eat,' from /km/ 'eat' and /khaaw/ 'rice. '
(verb expression)

/dn lakoon/ 'very good,' from /dn/ 'good' and /lakoon/ 'very'
(adjective expression).

73

The other constituent of an endocentric phrase (the constituent fol-
lowing the head) is the modifier . In the examples above, /baan/, /km/, and
/dn/ are heads; /phom/, /khaaw/, and /lakoon/ are modifiers.

2) A predication is any consecutive-order syntactic construction
such that some lexeme or constituent other than the first lexeme or consti-
tuent can substitute for the whole construction. Any single lexeme which
substitutes m this way is a predicator ; a more complex constituent filling
the same role is called a predicate . The first constituent m a predication
is the subject .

The test of substitution is easily made m the context of a yes-no
question and its answer. Predications will later be characterized by refer-
ence to the form- class of the predicator, as verb predication , adjective pre -
dication , etc. Examples i

Question Yes-Answer

khaw km: maj . km .

'Will he eat it? ' 'Yes. '

/km/ 'eat' is a verb, and /kMw km/ is a verb predication, /khaw/
1 s the sub ject.

khaaw dm maj . dn .

'Is the rice good? ' 'Yes. '

/dn/ 'good' is an adjective, and /khaaw dn/ is an adjective pre-
dication, /khaaw/ is the subject.

khaw torj km: maj . torj. '

'Does he have to eat it? ' 'Yes'

/tor}/ 'has to ' is a modal verb; it substitutes for the endocentric
predicate /tor] km/ 'has to eat, ' and also for the entire predication /khaw
torj km/, which is hence a modal verb predication.

The residual constituents of predicates, after the predicator has
been identified, are objects . In the predicate /torj km/ 'has to eat, '
/km/ is the object. Some predicates appear to have two objects, but imme-
diate constituent analysis m such cases always shows two predicates, one
included m the other. Example*

khaw co-ruu hub . 'He bored a hole m the box. '

The subject is /khaV/ and the mam predicate is /co-ruu hiib/, which
has its own constituents, /co-ruu/ 'bore a hole, ' a secondary predicate, and
its object, /hiib/ 'box. ' The unit /co-ruu/ consists of /co/, predicate,
and /ruu/, object. For convenience, objects such as /hiib/ are called indi -
rect objects .

7^

3) An exocentric construction is any consecutive-order syntactic
construction such that no single lexeme or constituent can satisfactorily
substitute for the whole construction. Exocentric constructions have no
heads, but will later be characterized by reference to the form-class of the
first lexeme, as prepositional phrase , classifier phrase , etc., although the
construction does not belong to any such form-class. Examples:

/khoorj phom/ 'mine,' from /khoon/ 'belonging to' and /phom/
'I, me. ' (prepositional phrase)

/khon km/ 'is sure to eat,' from /khon/ 'is sure to' and /km/
'eat. ' (modal phrase)

/maj-dn/ 'not good,' from /ma j/ 'not' and /dii/ 'good.'
(negative phrase)

If a residual constituent of any kind is m an exocentric construc-
tion, it is called a complement rather than an object, (see 2.5.2.2. end).
Example: /khaaw juu naj-tuu ./ 'The rice is m the cabinet. '

The subject is /khaaw/ 'rice,' the predicator is / juu/ 'to be located,' and
the residue, /naj-tuu/ is a prepositional phrase meaning ' m the cabinet.'
/tuu/ is a complement.

I4.) An equation is any exocentric construction which as a whole is
syntactically parallel to a predication; that is, whose second constituent
can be substituted for by a predicator: Examples:

wan- nil wan- saw . 'Today is Saturday. '

wan-mi roon . 'It's hot today' (predication)

phom khaa-hag . 'I have a broken leg'

phom maj-sabaaj . 'I'm not well. 1 (predication)

The first constituent of an equation is the topic ; the second consti-
tuent is the equa tional predicator , if a single lexeme, or the equational
predicate , if a more complex construction. In the above examples, /wan-mi/
and /phom/ are topics, /wan-saw/ 'Saturday' is an equational predicator, and
/khaa-hag/, which is itself a noun expression ('broken leg'), is an equational
predicate .

Predications which appear to have two subjects are shown by immediate
constituent analysis to consist of a topic plus an equational predicate which
is itself a predication. Example:

wan- mi aakaad dii . 'The weather is nice today. '

Here, /wan-mi/ is the topic, and /aakaad dii/ is the equational predicate,
consisting of a predication with subject /aakaad/ 'weather' and predicator
/dii/ 'good. '

75

5) An enumeration is any exocentric construction which as a whole
is syntactically parallel to an endocentric expression; that is, which can
function m a larger construction as modifier, subject, topic, or predicate
(but not as a head). Example:

/soon moon/ 'two o'clock 1

Neither /soon/ 'two' nor /moon/ 'hours, o'clock' can substitute for the
entire phrase, which is exocentric, and nothing can substitute for either
constituent so that the result is a predication or endocentric expression.
The phrase occurs as a constituent, however, everywhere that endocentric
expressions occur. Examples*

Topic: soon moont leew .

'It's two o'clock.'

Equational Predicate • nalikaa khoon-phom soon moor) .

'My watch (says) two o'clock.'

Subject! soon moon ko-daj.

'Two o'clock would be all right. '

Modifier! rod- fa j krabuan soon moon .

'The two o'clock train. 1

Second Constituent in Larger Exocentric Phrase:

con-thyn soon moon .

'Until two o'clock.'

2.5.3. Non-consecutive Constructions

1) Discontinuous constructions occur when one immediate constituent
is split by the insertion of another, so that consecutive immediate consti-
tuent cuts cannot validly be made. Discontinuous constructions can be found
to correspond to all the sub- types of consecutive-order construction listed
above (2.5.2.). Examples:

kood jaan-teegt khyn .

'It happened that a tire blew out. 1

The predication /jaan teeg/ 'tire bursts' is included m the discontinuous
modal phrase /kood ... khyn/ 'it originates, a new thing happens.'

khaw od phuud khwaan-cin maj-daj .

'He couldn't help telling the truth. '

The verb expression /phuud khwaam-cin/ 'to tell the truth' is included m the
discontinuous modal phrase /od ... maj-daj/ 'not able to keep from.'

76

2) Parenthetical cons tructions are a special case of discontinuous
constructions, m which the inserted constituent can be 'moved' to another
location, without damage to the syntactic relationship, m such a way that
a consecutive construction results. That is, for every parenthetical con-
struction, a parallel consecutive construction exists j the same is not true
of ordinary discontinuous constructions. Parenthetical constructions of all
types occur, and are usually marked by prosodic phenomena of one kind or
another. Examples:

khoo syy , daj: maj-khrab, nuu tua-nii,"!".

'I'd like to buy - may I, sir? - this mouse. '

The major immediate constituents /khoo syy nuu tua-nn/ 'I'd like to buy
this mouse' and /daj: maj-khrSb/ 'may I, sir?' also occur m consecutive
order m the following sentence:

khoo syy nuu tua-nii , daj: maj-khrab t .
'May I buy this mouse, sir?'

3) Parallel constructions occur when one immediate constituent is
repeated two or more times m the same syntactic relationship with a number
of different co-constituents. Simple parallel constructions can be found to
correspond to all the sub- types of consecutive constructions. The intonation
morpheme / , / (see 2.2.1.3) usually separates the segments containing the
repeated constituent, and may occur also after the last constituent of the
parallel construction. Examples:

pa j ko-daj , juu ko-daj .

'You can either go, or stay. '

The constituent /ko-daj/ 'can equally well' is repeated m the same syntactic
relationship with /paj/ 'go' and /juu/ 'stay.'

khaw ma j- daj- aw phee , aw chana: kan .

'They don't pay any attention to (who) wins or
loses. '

The constituent /aw/ 'to take' occurs twice, before verbs meaning respec-
tively 'to lose' and 'to win.'

Two common conjunctions /taan ... taan/ 'each in a separate way' and
/jin ... jin/ 'the more ... the more' occur only m parallel constructions,
as does the postposition /phlaan... phlaan/ 'doing one thing intermittently
with another.'

I4.) Discontinuous parallel constructions occur when the separate
co- constituents (i.e. not the repeated constituent) are the two halves of a
reduplicated lexeme (see 2.[|_.3.). These constructions are extremely common
m colloquial speech, and nearly every type of reduplication except the

77

simplest is represented, as well as all sub- types of consecutive construc-
tion. Examples:

Discontinuous Parallel Construction

aw cin , aw can ,

'Act m dead earnest'

pa j wad , pa j waa ,

'go to the temples and such'

ma j pa j , maj pej: la .
'I guess I won 't go. '

hen naa , hen taa ,

'See someone m person'

Reduplication

cin-can

' sincerely '

wad- waa

'temples, etc.

pa j psj

'go, shmo '

naa- taa
'face '

5) Interlocking constructions occur when both constituents of a
parallel construction are split reduplications. If reduplication /AB/ is
m such a construction with reduplication /CD/, the resulting order is
/AC,BD,/. Example:

First Reduplication Second Reduplication

maag-laa j
'many '

naa- taa
'faces '

Interlocking Construction

maag naa , laaj taa ,
'Many faces (people) '

Interlocking constructions, unlike discontinuous parallel constructions,
are extremely rare.

6) Combinations of unusual orders with the various types of syn-
tactic constructions outlined m 2.5.2. yield the following terminology
(terms m parentheses are for contrast only):

(Consecutive)
Discontinuous

(Normal)
Parallel
Interlocking

Endocentric Expression
Predication
Exocentric Phrase
Equation
Enumeration

78

2.6. Classification

2.6.1. Lexeme Categories

All lexemes, regardless of their internal (morphological) construc-
tion, are classified m terms of the types of syntactic construction m
which they participate. ST has only two broad categories of lexemes, free
and bound , but each category has many subdivisions.

1) Free lexemes occur simultaneously with intonation and loud-stress
morphemes, and m direct construction With them form minor sentences (see
2.6.2.5.)* I n simpler terms, they occur 'in isolation.' The major sub-
categories of free lexemes are isolatives, substantives and predicatives.
They are described m Chapter 3«

2) Bound lexemes occur as constituents of syntactic units and
higher-order constructions only. The major sub-categories are prepositions,
conjunctions, modals, postpositions, and sentence particles. Chapter l± deals
with bound lexemes.

3) Some free lexemes have homonyms which are bound, and within each
category there are homonymous lexemes belonging to different sub-classes.
There are also border-line cases between free and bound, but m general the
distinction is a clear and important one for ST speakers.

2.6.2. Sentence Types

Sentences are classified with respect to the morphological and syn-
tactic constructions which are their primary constituents. The total number
of possible sentence- types is twelve (as can be seen from the summary m 6)
below), but by far the most common type is the major sentence, with the ex-
clamatory minor sentence probably coming second.

1) An exclamatory sentence is a clause occurring simultaneously
with the intonation morpheme / t / 'emotional involvement. '

sya tua-nii: tqq t . 'Is this the coat? I '

2) A complex sentence is any syntactic clause containing the
morpheme / , / 'clause construction continues, ' provided the occurrence of
/ , / coincides with a syntactic phrase boundary.

sya tua-nii roe , khun saj mya-khyyn-nn .
'Is this the coat you wore last night? '

79

The following clause, which also contains / , /, is not a complex sentence
because of the occurrence of a discontinuous parallel construction:

dichan cadaj paj wad, paj waa: kakhaw duaj .

'I'll be able to go to the temples and so on along with
the others. '

3) A ma jor sentence has a predication as its primary constituent.
The second example given above (2) is a major sentence, the predication
/dichan cadaj paj wad-waa/ 'I'll be able to go to the temples, etc' being
merely modified by the remainder. The first example m (2) is not a major
sentence, since the second phrase 'you wore last night, ' although a predica-
tion, is m an equational relationship with the first phrase, which is an
enumeration, 'this coat? '

An equational sentence has an equation as its primary constitu-
ent. The example 'Is this the coat you wore last night? ' is hence an equa-
tional sentence. Examples of simple (non-complex) equational sentences:

wan- mi wan- saw . 'Today is Saturday. '

phom chyy cim . 'My name is Jim. '

phom khaa-hag . 'I have a broken leg. '

5) A minor sentence has any other construction or a single lexeme
as its primary constituent. Examples are identified by reference to the
classification of the principal constituent.

Endocentric Construction: sya tua-nii . 'this coat. '

Exocentric Phrasei naj tuu keb-nan-syy . 'In the bookcase.'

Enumeration: soorj khont thaw- nan . 'Only two people. '

Single Lexemet Jtaaj f* 'For heaven's sake.''

6) Combinations of the above sentence- types occur, and the termi-
nology corresponds. (Terms m parentheses are for contrast only.)

(Normal) (Simple) Major

Exclamatory Complex Equational Sentence

Minor

80

CHAPTER III

FREE LEXEME GLASSES
3.1. Isolatives

An isolative is any free lexeme which typically occurs as an imme-
diate constituent of constructions no smaller than an entire syntactic clause
(except m hypostasis), or m construction with other isolatives. Isolatives
typically occur as sole lexemic constituents of entire phonemic p? rases which
precede, follow, or interrupt the larger syntactic constructions 'nat are
their co-constituents. All isolatives may occur as sole lexemic constituents
of entire clauses, but some typically so occur. The classification of iso-
latives into four sub-groups - l) Interjections, 2) Responses, 3) Vocatives,
and i|) Imitatives - is based on typical occurrence with respect to co-con-
stituents.

Isolatives occur only m the loosest kind of construction with the
remainders of their clauses. Only as quotations (e.g. 'He said ouch.' ') do
they enter into normal syntactic relationships, and even here there is often
a phrase-boundary to set them apart. A few isolatives seem also belong to
other lexeme classes, but meaning relationship is so tenuous that the more
reasonable analysis is two homonymous lexemes. For example, the response
/jan/ always means r not yet, » whereas the modal /jar)/ means 'still, even
now. '

3.1.1. Interjections

An interjection is any isolative all of whose allolexes include the
element /.':/. (This is meant to exclude all syntactic constructions m
which /.' :/ is a superfix.) Interjections typically occur as sole lexemic
constituent of the first phrase m a clause, or as sole lexemic constituent
of a whole clause. The class of interjections is rather small, but not
closed - new interjections enter ST rather frequently, and a few survive for
long periods of time. The principal respectable members of the class are
listed below m their most common allolexes; meanings are only roughly sug-
gested. (Some extremely common members with obscene or profane connotations
have been purposely omitted. )

1) /.'aaw:/ 'Well.' (chiding or disappointment)'

2) /Jmee:/ 'Say.' My my.' (surprise, admiration)'

3) /.'ei/ 'What? (surprise, lack of understanding)'

81

k) /.'So:/ 'Oh J (Now I understand) '

5) /Jujt/ 'Ouch.''

6) /joo-hoo:/ (and many allolexes with the same tonal and

consonantal pattern but different vowels-e.g.
A'yy-hyy:/) 'How about that.' '

7) /.'taaj:/ (and many compounds with /taaj/ as first element)

'Good heavens.' (horror, shock) '

8) /iooj;/ 'Wow.' (amazement)'

9) /Jnaj-naj:/ 'There, there, (soothing).'
10) /Jnes/ 'Look.' '

3.1.2. Responses

A response is any isolative (other than an interjection) which
typically occurs as the sole lexemic constituent of the environment /B,/,
where 'B' represents the beginning of an utterance by some later speaker m
an exchange (i.e. not the person who opens the exchange). In other words,
the response is the sole lexemic constituent of the first phrase of the first
clause uttered by a responding speaker. Responses, like many other classes
of lexemes, can also occur as the sole lexemic constituent of whole clauses
and even whole utterances.

The class of responses is small, and closed except m the semantic
area of 'yes' answers, where innovations are possible. Most responses have
para-linguistic behavior accompanying them (gestures, facial expressions,
and unusual vocal effects) which is not described here. Examples are given
m the nearest morphophonemic equivalent of the most common allolex of each
response. Where two allolexes are common, both are cited. Where meanings
are vague, the entire exchange is given:

!) /hyy/ 'Yes (familiar, all speakers).' (This item is

nasalized throughout.)

2) /&&/ 'Yes (concessive).'

A. ko wan- nil wan- saw: nii-khrab t .

B. 99 , cin: sn .

A. 'Well today is Saturday.' '
B- 'Yes, that's true.'

82

/oo/ 'Oh? (skeptical or mildly surprised) '

A. juu thii-paag sooj suan-phluu .

B. oo , juu klaj khee-nn: een | .

A. 'It's at the entrance to Suan-phluu Lane.'

B. Oh? as close as all that.' '

/oo/ 'Oh.' (sense of loss) '

A. keb-waj sag-saam baj: na .

B. oo , chan poog: sa-mod-leew t .

A. 'Save about three (of the fruits), will you?'

B. 'Oh, I've peeled them all. 1 '

/naj/ 'Well? What? (further explanation or action required),

but, well but'

A. wan-mi chan paj-syy phaa: maa .

B. na j , aw-maa-duu kan-nooj: si t .

A. 'I bought some cloth today. '

B. 'Well? Let 's see it.' •

naj , chuaj son nan-syy nan: maa- no 03 .
'Say, hand me that book, will you?'

naj , waa rjaj: na t .

'What? What did you say? '

naj , waa camaj-maa: naj t .

'Well, but you said you weren't coming J '

/naj/ or /naj/ 'Why, well, anyway. '

rjaj , maa chaa: nag- la.

'Well, you're pretty late.'

naj , jan maj-maa .

'In any case, it hasn't come yet. '

/vqq/ 'Is that so? '

/maj/ 'No (That choice is not taken).'

Answers only questions containing the final particle
Ayy/ •

83

A. wan- mi khun ton pa 3- wad: ry-kha .

B. ma 3: kha , ma j- ton pa 3 .

A. 'Do you have to go to the temple today? '

B. 'No, I don't have to. '

/jan/

A.
B.
A.

B.

/plaaw/

khun maj-paj wad: ry- kha .
ma j : kha .

'Aren't you going to the temple?'
'No, I 'm not. '

'Not yet. '

Negatively answers all questions in which an assump-
tion is made that an event will occur, or a situa-
tion pertain, sooner or later.

thaan khaaw: leew vy- jan .

jarj , jag ma 3- da 3- thaan .

'Have you eaten yet? '

'No, I haven't eaten yet. '

'No (the assumption or inference is wrong).'

Negatively answers yes-no questions (other than those
answered by 8) and 9), and points out the inappli-
cability of questions containing interrogative
words.

wan- nan khun paj-wad , chaj: ma 3 -kha .
plaaw: kha , chan ma 3- da 3-pa 3 .
'You went to the temple that day, didn't you?'
'No, ma'am. I didn't go there.'

pa 3 na3i kha .

plaaw: kha , maa-doon len .

'Where are you going?

'Nowhere. I'm just out for a walk.'

8k

11) /khrab/ 'Yes (man speaking politely).'

Occurs m answer to all types of questions, but merely
indicates that the speaker has followed the line of
discourse, not that he specifically agrees to every-
thing said. Also occurs after non-questions. After
commands, it nearly always implies intent to obey.

12) /khraab/ 'Yes? (man answering a call politely) . '

A. khun cid: khrab f •

B. khraab .

A. 'Say, Chit. . . »

B. 'Yes? '

13) /kha/ 'Yes (woman speaking politely).'

Parallel to 11) /khrab/.

li|) /khaa/ 'Yes? (woman answering a call politely).'
Parallel to 12) /khraab/.

15) /ca/ 'Yes (among intimates, or to an inferior).'

Parallel to 11).

16) /caa/ 'Yes? (among intimates, or to an inferior) '

Parallel to 12) .

Responses £-10 above are frequently followed m their phrase or
clause by sentence particles (J4..5.), a class of unstressed bound lexemes
some of which have a morphological relationship with responses 11- 16 above.
Because of the stress pattern, such cases are not examples of two responses
m construction with each other; the first item is always the response, the
second the sentence particle. Examples t

naji khrab . 'What's that?'

5

ma j • kha . ' No , ma ' am . '

8

jani ca . 'Not yet. '

9

plaawt khrab . 'No, sir. '

10

85

All responses can be followed m the same clause by vocatives (3.1.
3.), which are normally m a phrase by themselves.

3.1.3» Vocatives

A vocative it. any isolative which typically occurs as the sole lexemic
constituent of the environment /, ./ (i.e. the final phrase of a clause).
Most vocatives also occur as the only lexemic constituent of an entire clause,
or with a sentence particle as co- constituent, the usual case being the speak-
er's attempt to attract the attention of a particular listener.

The class of vocatives is extremely large and open. There are four
sub-categories ( semantxcally classified) » 1) general vocatives , 2) names,
3) kinship terms , l±) titles , and 5) complex vocatives . Representative
examples for each sub- category are given below.

1) /nil/ 'general vocative'

Like most general vocatives, /nil/ has homonyms, the prin-
cipal one being a demonstrative meaning 'here. ' The voca-
tive /nil/ is also easily mistaken for a homonymous sen-
tence particle, but its classification as a vocative is
corroborated by the fact that it occurs m a separate
phrase after final particles like /khrab/ and /kha/.

Examples :

khun maj-paj baan-seen: rog ro-kha , nil t .

'Then you're not going to Bangsaen after all? (is that what

you mean? )*'

phom maj-daj-paj nay. lsoj khrab , nil t .
'I didn't go anywhere at all, (you). 1 '

2) /cid/ 'name of a man'

Used without title or kinship term, given names or
nicknames of people commonly occur m the typical voca-
tive positions m familiar speech.

Examples:

phom maj-daj-paj na j 1 l©9j ha , cid t .
'I didn't go anywhere at all, Chit: '

cid! wooj f .
'Hey, Chit.' '

86

3) /phii/ 'older brother, sister, or cousin; husband'

Nearly all kinship terms occur as vocatives, sometimes
with much broader meanings than they have as nouns. For
example, /lun/ technically means 'older brother of mother
or father,' but as a vocative (and m other uses) can
apply to any male stranger of a certain age.

Examples* waa jarjaj: na , phii .

'What did you say, (husband)?'

phii f .

'Sister.' ' (calling)

1±) /naaj/ 'Master. '

Many titles, like /naaj/, have homonyms which are voca-
tives, but as m the case of kinship terms, the meaning
may be quite different. For example, /naaj/ as a formal
title meaning 'Mister' is low m the social scale, but
as a vocative confers respect. Other titles do not occur
as vocatives at all; e.g. /phajaa/ 'high-ranking civil
servant' is replaced by /caw-khun/ m all forms of direct
address. *

Examples* phom maj-daj-paj naj: Isoj khrab , naaj t .

'I didn't go anywhere at all, master. '

naa j : kh£ .

'Master? ' (woman servant calling)

5) Apparent constructions of two or more vocatives always turn out
to be morphological rather than syntactic constructions. The
cases m question are kinship term (3) or title (I4-) plus name
(2), and title (ij.) plus kinship term (3). The result is a
single lexeme (always an indivisible unit, whether it is a voca-
tive or a noun, syntactically speaking), which is an endocentric
derivative, rather than a compound, because the name or kinship
term substitutes for the whole.

Examples* than samid 'Mr- Smith* 1

k 2

noon lua j 'Younger sister Luay. '

3 2

khun phoo '(Mr.) Father. 1

k 3

An as yet unpublished pamphlet by James N. Mosel, entitled 'Thai
Names, Ranks, and Titles' contains much information on this subject.

87

3.1.i|. Imitatives

An imitative is any isolative (other than an interjection, 3.1.1.)
which is, morphologically speaking, a reduplication (2.1^.3.). Imitatives
typically occur m the same environment as vocatives, / , . /, but if a
sentence particle occurs, it follows the imitative (whereas it precedes the
vocative phrase) . Imitatives also occur, somewhat rarely, as co-constituents
of discontinuous syntactic constructions which bracket them; m such cases,
the imitative usually occupies a whole internal morphophonemic phrase of its
own (see example under 3) below.)

The class of imitatives is large, and almost certainly open, although
ldiolectal variations make it difficult to determine what kinds of innova-
tions are acceptable. The sub- categories of imitatives are determined by
reference to structural type of reduplication, but this classification ac-
cords well with semantic sub-categories as well. l) Simple- re duplication
imitatives are mostly onomatopoetic, the imitation presumably having to do
with sound. 2) Double- infixed imitatives are largely concerned with manner
of motion, and 3) Single- infixed imitatives with characteristics of people.
One example is given for each sub- category below.

1) khaw daj-jm sian , lod-iod .

'He heard something go creak-creak. '

2) mya-kn hen khun d©on , kaphloog-kaphleeg .

'A moment ago I saw you walking with a limp. '

3) khaw chaaj rpn khoon-khaw , suruj- suraa j , paj mod: than- nan .

'He used up all his money, m spendthrift fashion. '

(The immediate constituents are the imitative /suruj- suraa j/
and the discontinuous remainder of the clause.)

3.2. Substantives

A substantive is any free lexeme which occurs as co-constituent of
a predication of which it is not the predicator. Thus substantives typi-
cally function as topics, subjects, objects, and complements. (Any substan-
tive which fulfills not only the definition above but also that of predica-
tive, 3.3*, is referred to in this grammar by the more specific designation.
In fact, nearly all predicatives qualify as substantives, but the reverse is
not true. To put it another way, a non-isola tive free lexeme is considered
to be a substantive until it can be shown to be a predicative; once the

88

latter classification has been established, however, the item is thenceforth
a predicative.) Some substantives also function as equational predicators,
and nearly all occur m prepositional phrases.

Substantives are classified, on the basis of typical and absolute
occurrence, into six sub-groups: l) Nouns, 2) Complementives , 3) Pronouns,
if) Numerals, 5) Classifiers, and 6) Demonstratives.

3.2.1. Nouns

A noun is any substantive which occurs as the head of an endocentric
expression. (Other types of substantives, particularly numerals and classi-
fiers, also satisfy this definition, bat are referred to by the more specific
term once they have been shown to satisfy further criteria.) The character-
istic syntactic positions of nouns are those of substantives m general; the
only distinctive use of nouns, as opposed to other substantives, is their
frequent and typical occurrence as heads of noun expressions (see 2.1+.2.) .

Of all the lexeme-classes of ST, the class of nouns is by far the
largest, comprising well over half of the entire vocabulary. The class is
also one of the most open - nearly all new lexical items entering the lan-
guage, whether by borrowing, innovation, or new-formation, begin as nouns.
At the same time there is continuous loss from the inventory, as nouns be-
come predicatives by innovation.

Nouns are classified on the basis of their relationships with other
form-classes into eight sub- categories . One example of each is given below.

1) Concrete nouns have a covert lexical relationship with one or
more of the unit- classifiers (3.2.5.1.) necessary m counting
operations .

/maa/ ' dog '

maa soon tua . 'Two dogs. '

2) Mass nouns are counted only by one or more of the metric
classifiers (3.2.5.2.)

/naam/ 'water'

naam soorj thuaj . 'Two cups of water. '

3) Common nouns are counted with both unit classifiers and metric
classifiers. Most ST nouns fall into this category.

/phaa/ 'cloth'

phaa soorj phyyn . 'Two cloths (strips or pieces of

cloth) . •

89

phaa soor) med . 'Two metres of cloth. 1

Abstract nouns serve as their own counters, occurring both be-
fore and after numerals.

/wichaa/ 'subject of study, discipline'

wichaa soon wichaa . 'Two disciplines. '

Place nouns are a special case of abstract nouns, which typi-
cally occur m prepositional phrases and are counted either
with themselves or with the general classifier /he en/.

/raan/ 'shop, store'

raan soon raan . 'Two stores. '

raan soon heen . 'Two stores. '

Time nouns are a special case of abstract nouns, which typically
occur m prepositional phrases and are used as classifiers them-
selves but do not occur twice in the counting-phrase.

/dyan/ 'month'

naj dyan re eg . 'In the first month. '

phaaj-naj soon dyan . 'Within two months. '

Personal nouns occur also as vocatives (3.1.3.), and are of four
sub-typesi names, kinship terms, titles, and combinations (deri-
vatives) . Personal nouns occur as heads of endocentric expres-
sions much less often than any other type of noun. When counted,
they usually take the classifier /khon/ (as do many other nouns
which do not belong to this category) .

/phii/ 'older sibling or cousin; husband'

phii soon khon . 'Two older siblings. '

Personal- attribute nouns fill the subject position m equational
predicates of which a personal noun is the topic. This sub-
category is largely limited to parts of the body and individual
characteristics (such as 'name,' 'age,' 'weight, J etc.).

Aiyy/ 'hand, arm'

khun-cid myy jaaw . 'Chit has long arms. '

90

3.2.2. Complement ives

A complementive is any substantive which occurs only as a whole
predicate constituent in itself, or as a modifier, never as a head. (Other
substantives , e.g. demonstratives, which satisfy this definition, but also
meet more specific criteria, are referred to by the more specific term.) The
categories of noun and complementive are thus mutually exclusive, and their
behavior within the clause framework is quite different.

In predications consisting of only two constituents (sub3ect and pre-
iicator, or predicator and object) , complementive s appear deceptively like
nouns. When the same predications are expanded to include real nouns, however,
the complementives invariably move either to the front or the end of the
clause. Complementives do not occur between nouns and predicators, unless
there is a specific modifying relationship between them and the nouns (i.e.
the complementive involved is part of a noun expression) .

In the following examples, /khruu/ 'teacher' is a noun, and /mya-raj/
'when' is a complementive.

khruu caboog . 'The teacher will tell (them).'

caboog khruu . '(Someone) will tell the teacher.'

mya-raj caboog . 'When will (you) tell (me)?'

caboog mya-raj . 'When would (you) tell (me)?'

mya-raj khruu caboog . 'When will the teacher tell (them)?'

caboog khruu mya-raj . 'When would (you) tell the teacher? '

Complementives by themselves occur typically as topics and complements,
less often as subjects and objects. Sub-classif ica tion is made, on the basis
of typical occurrence, into three categories i l) those which are found most
frequently at or near the beginnings of clauses, 2) those which are found
most frequently at or near the ends of clauses, and 3) those which occur
freely m both positions. The last category (and to some extent all comple-
mentives) have the common feature that position before or after the predica-
tor makes relatively little difference insofar as the meaning of the entire
clause is concerned, whereas the subject-object distinction is a vital one
where nouns are involved. In this sense, complementives are 'moveable' m
the clause context, while the position of nouns is fixed.

The three sub-categories of complementives are named, after typical
members, l) the /ban-oon/ class, 2) the /eerj/ class, and 3) the /thamaj/
class .

91

1) /ban-pon/ Clas,

The class consists of complementives which occur at the beginning of
clauses, coming even before the subject or topic. The class meaning is 'set-
ting of the subject-predicate situation with regard to timing, frequency, or
relative importance.' Most members of the class are morphemically complex
lexemes, /ban-oon/ itself being one of the few members which consist of a
single morpheme. Some members have characteristic echoes later m the clause,
these are indicated where possible.

The class is open and very large, including many (but by no means
^11) time expressions, plus a large number of conjunction- like transitional
expressions which are not themselves conjunctions. Only the most common and
representative members are illustrated below, with reference to a single
frame :

/. . .rod sia ./

' . . . the car broke down. '

1) /ban-eon/ or /pha-oan/ 'accidentally' Often followed

by /khyn/.

2) /baij-thn/ 'perhaps, sometimes' When fol-

lowed by /laman/, the meaning
is nearly always 'perhaps. '

3.

/thama da a/

'normally, usually'

k-

/juu dn-dii/

'out of a clear blue sky,

unexpectedly '

5.

/dooj-maag/ and /suan-maag/

'usually, for the most part'

6.

/dooj-chapho/

' in particular , especially'

7.

/ sed-leew/

'after that'

8.

/thyn-nan/

'm spite of that'

9.

/phro-chanan/

'because of that'

10.

/mi-chanan/

'otherwise, except for that'

11.

/jarja j-kotaara/ and

'nevertheless' Often followed

/jarjaj-kodn/

by /myan-kan/.

92

2) /eer,/ Class

The class consists of complementives which occur at the end of clauses
coming after the object and some types of complements. The class meaning is
something like 'reinforcement of prior information about quantity, exclusive-
ness, or mclusiveness of the subject matter or manner of action. 1 Several
members, m fact, are most commonly found after specific prior elements m
the predicate (this information being given m the listing). There are,
however, no real pairs of semantic opposites.

/eer}/- class complementives are among the most common of all clause
constituents. The class is open and moderately large, and it includes
stressed homonyms of several common bound lexemes.

1. /eerj/ 'by itself (themselves), without assistance or outside

influence. '

meew man-maa: sa eerj .

'The cat came all by itself, (it wasn't brought here by

somebody. ) '

pen thamadaaj juu eerj .

'It's only natural, (it's nature by itself.)'

2. /duaj-kan/ or /daj-kan/ 'along with others, m company. '

phom khoo d©9n: paj duaj-kan , daj: ma*j .
'May I walk along (with you)?'

khaw samag calen kab-kbifw: duaj-kan .

'He offered to play along with them. '

3. /iig/ 'in addition, further, still' Often follows /jarj/.

leew , khaw ko-m£j-maa : sa iig t .

'And he didn't come this time, either. '

noorj-chaaj jarj pen nag-nan: iig.

'Younger brother was still a student. '

l±. /thaw- nan/ or /thaw- nan/ 'only, no more than that. ' Often

follows /tee/.

khuan catham haj-sed: paj , thaw- nan.

'We just ought to get it finished, that's all.'

khaw aw tee-kmi thaw- nan.

'The only thing he wants to do is eat. '

93

5. /duaj/ 'also, in addition to some other fact. '

leew , khaw ko-maj-maa: sa duaj.

'And he himself didn't come, either.' (Compare with first
example under 3* /lig/. )

noorj-chaaj , pen nag-rian: juu duaj.

'Younger brother is also a student (in addition to being
something else).' (Compare with first example under
6. /myan-kan/. )

6. /myan-kan/ or /mon-kan/ 'likewise, m addition to some other

subject; anyway, at that'

noorj-chaaj , pen nag-rian: juu myan-kan .

'Younger brother is also a student (like some other

person. ) '

ko phom choob: men-kan t

'Well, I like it all right... (but)'

khaw ko-tarjcaj waa , camaa myan-kan .

'He decided he would come anyway (even so). '

7. /tarj-haag/ or /taarj-haag/ 'on the contrary, instead. ' Usually

untranslatable m English. Often
preceded by a /maj/ -modal m the
previous clause.

phom ma j-dSj-chyy phoon . chyy phon: tarj-haag .
'My name isn't Porn. It's Pone. '

khaw klab baan: sa tarj-haag .

'He went home (rather than doing something else).'

8. /juu-dn/ 'm spite of everything, anyway'

khaw ruu-tuai waa , khaw maj-sabaaj maag t kMw k5- jarj
pa j tham rjaan: juu-dn .
'He realized that he was very sick, but he went to work
m spite of it. '

9. /than-thn/ 'immediately'

klab baan than-thiit si .
'go right on home. '

10. /Iogj/ 'simply,' after negative 'at all'. Often preceded by a
a /maj/ -modal m the same clause,
khaw ko-klab baan: looj .
'He simply went home. '

91+

kha*w maj-da3--klab baant sa l9 9j .
'He didn't go home at all. '

thii-nii maj-mii satem: leej .

'There aren't any stamps here at all. '

11) /thu/ 'this one time, for once.' Often follows general modal

verbs like /khoo/ (3.3.1.2.) m commands and requests.

phom jaag capaj: s£ thu .

'I'd like to go this once. (Now is the time.)'

khoo ha 3 khaw duu: thu .

'Let him have a look at it. 1

pa j sa-thut si .

'Why don't you go.' '

12) /nooj/ or /noj/ 'this little thing, for a while' Often follows

general modal verbs like /khoo/ m commands
and requests.

phom jaag capaj: sS nooj .

'I'd like to try going, (it's the thing to do.)'

waan nag nin-nin: no 3, da 31 ma 3.

'Can you sit still for a minute? '

kwaad baan sa*-noo3: si t .

'Sweep up the house, will you? '

13) /ko-leew: kan/ 'and be done with it.' Common m suggestions

and agreements, and is usually set off m a
phrase of its own.

PI003 ha3-pa3 , ko-leew: kan .

'Let it go and be done with it. '

3. /thama3/ Class

These complementives belong to both the /ban-eon/ (l. above) and the
/eerj/ (2. above) classes; that is, they occur at both the beginning and end
of clauses. The class meaning is 'time, place, or manner- orientation of the
sub3ect-predicate situation. ' The placement of the items also makes a slight
but consistent difference m their meaning; the clause-final position makes
the time, place, or manner element distinctive, and the clause- mi tial posi-
tion makes it incidental. The occurrence of bound elements like /thyr}/ and

95

/sa*/ around the predicate reinforces this distinction (see first pair of
examples below) .

The class is probably closed, but is quite large, since it includes
a great many standard time expressions, such as 'yesterday, ' and most inter-
rogative lexemes. The examples given below are representative ones.

1) /thamaj/ 'why? '

thamaj , khaw thyn-maa haa khun .

'Why did he (happen to) come calling on you? '

khaw maa haa khun: sa , thamaj .

'What did he come calling on you for? '

2) /jarjaj/ or /jaarj-raj/ 'how?'

jarjaj thyrj-tham naa jarjant la t .

'How did your face get like that? '

tham naa jarjan , daj jarjajt la.

'How can you make your face like that? '

3) /mya-raj/ of /mora 3/ 'when?'

khun capaj amee-rikaa , mya-raj .
'When are you going to America? '

mya-raj , khun capaj amee-rikaa .

'When would you ever go to America? '

khun pen thahaan moraj t .
'When were you a soldier? '

I4.) /thii-naj/ or /thinaj/ 'where?'

khaw chod rod: waj , thii-naj .
'Where did he park the car? '

thiinaj , thii khaw cood rod .

'Where was it he parked the car? '

5) /janan/ 'that way,' and /jarjii/ 'this way'

jarjan , khun ma j- torj-kaan lig: ryy .

'In that case you don't need it any more.?'

khun torj-kaan jar) 11: ryy .

'Is this the way you want it? '

96

6. /pho-dn/ 'just then,' /diaw-mi/ 'now,' /welaa-nan/ 'at that

time, ' /too-paj/ 'from now on, ' /too-maa/ 'from
then on, 1 and many other time expressions.

raw kamlan phuud thyn khunt juu thi-dia'w , pho-dn khun maa .
'We were just talking about you, and then you came. '

raw kamlan phuud thyn khun-samag: juu thi-diaw , khaw maa
pho-dn .

'We were just talking about Samak when he came. '

diaw-mi , phom mn thura maag .
'Now, I 'm very busy. '

phom mil thura maag , diaw-nii .
'I'm very busy now. '

welaa-nan , khaw jan- juu naj krun-theeb .
'At that time he was still m Bangkok. '

7. /thii-nii/ or /thinii/ 'here,' /thii-nan/ or /thinan/ 'there,'

/thii-noon/ or /thinoon/ 'over there, at the other
place, ' /kha-thii/ 'on the spot, ' and many other
place expressions.

thii-nii , ma j -mil naam .

'There's no water here (incidentally). '

mil naam , thii-noon .

'There's water way over there (that's where it is).'

thii-nan mn khen-maa thug- wan .

'They have horse-racing there daily (that's one of the
things they have). '

man taaj kha-thii .

'It died on the spot. '

8. /khaan-naj/ 'inside' and all derivatives of /naj/-class pre-

positions (I;. 2.1.) belong m this class of
complementives, except when they function as
prepositions themselves.

97

3.2.3* Pronouns

A pronoun is any substantive which occurs with weak stress m one or
more of the typical substantive positions - i.e. as topic, subject, object,
complement, or modifier. Other substantives, e.g. classifiers (3.2.5.), also
occur with weak stress, but only as constituents of enumerations, not as sin-
gle lexemes filling one of the major positions of a predication. Pronouns
also occur with normal and even loud stress, and commonly fill the major
positions. They are frequently modifiers, but seldom function as heads,
except when an enumeration is the modifier:

/khun/ 1 you 1

/khun tharj-soon/ 'both of you'

Since weak stress is not always predictable from the morphophonemic
transcription used here, it must sometimes be inferred for pronouns. The
general rule' is that, unless the rhythmic pattern gives clear evidence other-
wise, a given pronoun has normal stress only when it is the head of an endo-
centric expression (example above), and has weak stress everywhere else. Ex-
ample of weak-stressed pronouns m subject and indirect object positions:

phii , khaw ha j sataan khun leew .

'My brother, he gave you the money already. '

Since pronouns typically do not head endocentric expressions, one of
their major functions is to signal that a given sequence of noun-plus-predi-
cative is a predication rather than a noun expression. This is done by inser-
tion of the pronoun m the subject slot; the original subject then becomes
topic, and is often set off m a separate phrase. In the following examples
/baan/ 'house' is a noun, /jaj/ 'big' is a predicative (adjective), and /man/
'it' is a pronoun.

baan jaj . 'The house is big. ' (predication)

or

'A big house. ' (noun expression)

baan , man jaj . 'The house (it) is big.' (predication only)

Pronouns, like classifiers, have covert relationships with nouns -
for example, /kha*w/ substitutes for nouns like /phii/ 'older sibling, ' and
/man/ substitutes for nouns like /baan/ 'house' and /maa/ 'dog.' The meanings
and social connotations of pronouns m ST are so complex, however, that clas-
sification on a semantic basis is extremely difficult. (it should also be
pointed out that many semantic 'equivalents ' of pronouns are structurally
nouns - for example, a priest uses /aad- tamaphaab/, a noun meaning 'I,' in
all the contexts where an ordinary man might use a pronoun such as /phom/
•I'.)

98

The class of pronouns is small, but not closed (for a recent innova-
tion, see the 23rd set under l) below). While it is often difficult to pm
down the meanings of pronouns, to some extent they do occur m structural
sets. Such sets can be established by analysis of single exchanges (involv-
ing only two speakers), where social requirements dictate the choice of first
and second person pronouns, the same pronouns being selected throughout the
exchange. Third person and other pronoun selection, however, does not depend
entirely on the relationship between speaker and hearer, but also on the sta-
tus of persons referred to, and hence no similar sets can be established
beyond the first and second person level.

Pronouns are sub- classified, therefore, into two groups i l) members
of sets, and 2) general pronouns. Some indication of meaning and social
connotations has been attempted, but translations are of necessity vague.
Certain sets containing only one real pronoun are filled out with kinship
terms, which have normal stress and are personal nouns (3.2.1.7.). Other
sets are filled out with ordinary nouns. The supple tive items which are not
pronouns are given m parentheses.

Where there are several variant forms of a pronoun lexeme, the most
common citation form is listed first, with less careful variants listed below
in descending order of formality, under the first occurrence.

1) Pronoun sets

Situation

General polite, male speaker

2. General polite, female speaker

3. Deferential, male speaker
[j.. Deferential, female speaker

First Person

phom
phom

dichan

dihan

dian

n chan

nhan

Tan

aahan

phom
dichan

Second Person
khun

khun

than
than

99

Situation

First Person

Second Person

5>. To non-royal but extremely high- kraphom
ranking superiors, male speaker

6. Same, female speaker dichan

7. Adult to child chan

(or kinship term)

8. Child to adult nuu

9. Parent to child khaa

(or kinship term)

10. Parent to child khaa

11.

Parent to child

khaa

12.

Parent to child

khaa

13.

Parent to daughter

kuu

Ik.

Parent to son

kuu

15.

Child to parent

nuu

16.

Child to older sibling

nuu

17.

Intimate, boy to girl, or among
very young boys and girls

chan

18.

Intimate, girl to boy, or
among older girls

chan

19.

Intimate, among young adult
friends of the same sex

chan

20.

Intimate, among older girls

chan

21.

Intimate, among older girls
(less often, boys)

raw

22.

Intimate, among older girls,
or between man and wife

khaw

23.

Intimate, among modern boys
and girls

aaj

21*.

Intimate, among adolescent boys

ua

U.9

( ta j- thaaw)

( ta j- thaaw)
nuu

(kinship term)
( luug )

caw

caw

kee

en

en

myn

(kinship term)
(phii)

thee

khun

kee
(naa j)

tua

tua

juu

100

25. Intimate, among boys and young men kan lyy

26. Intimate, among men kan raw

27. Crude, among boys and men khaa en

28. Crude, among boys and men kuu myn

Remaining sets are either reciprocal kinship terms - e.g. /phua/
•I (husband speaking), you (wife speaking)' and /mia/ 'I (wife speaking),
you (husband speaking) ' - or paired expressions - e.g. /khaa-phacaw/ 'I
(public speaker)' and /than tharj-laaj/ 'you plural (audience).'

2) General Pronouns

The following pronouns have more general meaning, and all can be
used without regard to the social relationship of speaker and listener. For
those pronouns which also occur as members of sets, the number m parentheses
after the translation indicates whether the set member is a first person (l)
or second person (2) pronoun.

1. /phra-on/ 'royal or revered third person'

2. /than/ 'respected third person' (2)

3. /kee/ 'familiar third person of our group' (2)

ij.. /khaw/ 'general third person; outsider' (l)

5« /thee/ 'respected but younger or female

third person' (2)

6. /man/ 'inferior third person; animal,

child, or thing; it'

7. /raw/ 'we; I and my group; you and I' (1,2)

8. /kan/ 'each other; mutually; as a group' (l)

9. /tua/ 'oneself; individually' (2)

10. /ton/ 'oneself, itself (slightly literary)

11. /khraj/ 'who, someone, anyone'

12. /araj/ 'what, something, anything'

The singular-plural distinction is irrelevant for third-person (1-6
above), all of which can be translated 'he, she, they' (/man/ can also be
translated 'it'). The pronouns /raw/ and /kan/ (7-8) are always plural when
they are used as general pronouns, and are also nearly m complementary dis-
tribution, /raw/ occurs chiefly before the predicator and m stressed posi-
tion (e.g. as head of a pronoun expression, or object of a preposition).

101

/kan/ occurs after the predicator, and if there is no subject, its meaning
is nearly always 'we' or 'ourselves.' It can follow any subject (including
/raw/) and has the effect of pluralizmg that subject - 'they, you (plural),
etc. '

The general pronouns /tua/ and /ton/ (9-10) are normally singular m
meaning, and like /kan/ are often reflexive:

The pronouns /khraj/ and /araj/ (11-12) share an interrogative or
indefinite meaning, neither singular nor plural, but can be pluralized by
the addition of a bound lexeme /baan/ 'some':

The pronouns /khaw/ and /khraj/ are the most common substitutes for
personal nouns, and the pronouns /man/ and /araj/ for other types of nouns.
These four members of the general category are hence the most frequently
used, with /phom/, /dichan/, and /khun/ leading the set category.

3.2.1].. Demons tra t lve s

A demonstrative is any substantive which is invariably the last free
lexeme m any non-predicate construction m which it occurs (e.g. enumera-
tions and endocentric substantive expressions). Demonstratives by themselves
do occur m most of the typical substantive positions - topic, subject, ob-
ject, complement - but of course are never heads. Their chief function,
however, is that of modifier; hence they are a special case of complement lves
(3.2.2.). The occurrence of a demonstrative is a sure sign that an endocen-
tric expression has come to an endj the same is not true of /een/- class com-
plementives (3.2.2.3.). In the following examples, /nil/ 'this' is a demon-
strative .

/khaa tua taaj/
/khaa kan taaj/

'to kill each other.'

'to kill oneself

/khraj: baaij/
/araj: baan/

'who (plural) '
'what (plural) '

baan jaj .

'The house is big'

or

'A big house. '

baan nil jaj .
baan jaj mi .
nn baan jaj .

'This house is big.

' This big house . '

This is the big house.

102

The class of demonstratives is small and closed, and the members seem
to exclude each other semantically . There are two sub-ca tegor les t 1) /nii/-
class demonstratives, and 2) /diaw/-class demonstratives.

1) /nil/ Class

The members of this class are morphologically complex (see 2.3.3.2.).

All but one have distinct emphatic forms alongside their base forms; two have

special plural forms. The class meaning is 'specification by relative loca-
tion. '

1. /nil/
/law- mi/

/nil/

2. /nan/
/law- nan/
/nan/

3. /noon/
/noon/

'this, these; closer to me'
' these '

'this one here, these here'

'that, those; closer to you'
'those 1

'that one there, those there'

'yon* distant from us; the other, the others'
'that one yonder ? those yonder'

if. /naj/

'which; one or ones of limited possibilities '

2) /diaw/ Class

The class meaning is 'specification (or non- specif ication) by refer-
ence to the entire range of possibilities. ' The members of this class occur
independently (i.e. outside of enumerations or endocentric expressions) much
less often than /nn/- class demonstratives j they are nearly always modifiers.

1.

/ diaw/

'one, a single one'

2.

/diaw-kan/

' the same one '

3.

/nyrj/ or /nyrj/

'a, a certain one (not specified) '

k-

/daj/ or /raj/

'whatever; one of limitless possibilitie

5.

/re eg/

'first (historically) '

6.

/ sud- thaa j/

'last'

103

7. /d99m/ 'former, original'

8. /yyn/ 'other, others; unspecified additional ones'

9. /naa/ 'next'

10. /lan/ 'later, ones in the future'

3.2.5. Classifiers

A classifier is any substantive which occurs with weak stress direct-
ly before, and m construction with, demonstratives (3.2,/j.. ). Like pronouns
(3.2.3.), classifiers also do occur with normal stress; unlike pronouns, they
do not by themselves fill all the normal positions of substantives, but are
almost entirely restricted to occurrence as complements. (in such cases the
normal stress is a morpheme meaning 'one of this item' - see 2.2.3.1.) In
the examples below, /soon/ is a classifier meaning 'pack. '

khaw khaaj pen- soon .

'They are sold by the pack (as one pack).'

aw bur 11 phra-can , soon .

'Give me a pack of Moon Cigarettes. '

By far the most common use of classifiers, however, is m enumera-
tions, where the classifier follows numerals (3.2.6) and precedes demonstra-
tives t

/haa soon/ 'five packs'

/so on- nan/ 'that pack'

/haa soon» nan/ 'those five packs'

The whole enumeration is often a modifier m a noun expression of
which the head noun may or may not have a lexical relationship with the clas-
sifier ( m this case /bur 11/ 'cigarette, tobacco' is the head; see 3.2.5.2.
below) t

/bur 11 haa soon* nan/

'those five packs of cigarettes'

Classifiers also serve as first lexemes m classifier phrases -
enumerations in which the second constituent is not a demonstrative but some
other kind of specifying item, usually a noun, adjective, or ordinal numeral
(3.2.6.2.):

/soon sii-lyarj/ 'the yellow pack' (noun)
/soon-jaj/ 'the big pack' (adjective)

/soon thii-sn/ 'the fourth pack' (ordinal)

10k

Since all such phrases are exocentnc, . /soon/ by itself cannot sub-
stitute for them, but whole classifier phrases are the syntactic equivalent
of noun expressions. In other words, classifier phrases can fill all the
substantive positions, although classifiers by themselves cannot. Enumera-
tions introduced by numerals (numeral expressions) behave m the same way
(see examples m 2.5.2.5.)

The sub-categories of classifiers are determined on the basis of
their relationships with other lexeme categories. They are 1) unit clas-
sifiers, 2) metric classifiers, 3) general classifiers, and Ij_) imitative
classifiers. Since all the sub- categories except 3) have relatively large
memberships, only representative examples are given. (Abstract nouns, 3.2.
l.k' , which also occur directly after numerals, are not classifiers, since
they do not occur with weak stress before demonstratives.)

1) A unit classifier is any classifier which has a special relation-
ship with one or more concrete nouns (3.2.1.1.). For example, if an ST
speaker is going to enumerate (i.e. count or specify) members of the class
of /rya/ 'boats, ships, ' he has little choice but to select the unit clas-
sifier /lam/. If he uses a general classifier (3 .2.5.3) he is not consider-
ing individual boats but kinds of boats. Most unit classifiers are used with
a great many concrete nouns of very different meaning, but a few are restrict-
ed to a single noun. In the latter case, for example, it is possible to say
not only that /chyag/ is the classifier for /chaar)/ 'elephant, ' but also that
/chaan/ is the noun for /chyag/.

The sub-category of unit classifiers is quite large, but probably
closed. Most dictionaries list up to 200 items as classifiers, of which the
great majority are unit classifiers. An attempt is often made to relate
classifiers semantically with the nouns they represent, but a far better
lexicographical technique, used by Mary R. Haas and others, is to give the
unit classifier m parentheses after each concrete noun listed - viz. /rya/
'boat, ship' (/lam/). The semantic connection between classifier and noun
may be buried so deep m history that it makes no sense descriptively - e.g.
the classifier for /narj-syy/ 'book' is /lem/, which is also the classifier
for knives and combs (a historical explanation perhaps being that ancient
books were long, slender, and sharp-edged) .

There are, however, a number of semantically predictable noun-clas-
sifier relationships, and even some overt relationships, where the classifier
recurs as head of a compound concrete noun.
Examples t

Compound Noun Classifier
/baj-maaj/ 'leaf /baj/

/doog-maaj/ 'flower' /doog/

10*

/ton-maaj/ 'tree' /ton/

/khon-sag-phaa/ 'laundress' /khon/

/raan-sag-phaa/ 'laundry' /raan/

Not all such compounds have heads recurring as classifiers, however
the classifier for /kham-thaam/ 'question' is not /kham/ but /khoo/.

Following is a list of the most common unit classifiers for which
noun-reference is relatively predictable.

1.
2.
3,

k.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.

14.

Classifier
/khon/
/or]/
/tua/

/pheen/

/baj/

/ton/

/phyyn/

/sen/

/med/

/luug/

/koon/

/then/

/chabab/

/khoo/

Reference

ordinary people

royal and revered personages, Buddha images

non- human things with anthropomorphic char-
acteristics (arms, legs, etc.) - e.g.
animals, coats, trousers, tables, chairs

flat things

containers

plants

strips

long tubular objects - e.g. string, wire

small round objects

large round objects

irregular lumps

sticks

copies

items, points (of language)

It frequently happens that there is fluctuation m the choice of clas-
sifier for a given concrete noun, both from the point of view of the whole
speech community and for individual speakers. In such cases, however, no
matter which unit classifier is chosen, the meaning is still 'one of the item
m question.' For example, the compound noun /phon-l£maa j/ ''fruit' is clas-
sified with /baj/ 'container,' /luug/ 'large round object,' and /phon/ (head
of the compound) ,

2) A metric classifier is any classifier which occurs in enumerations
that modify predicatives, as well as nouns. Metric classifiers do not have
special relationships with nouns m the way that unit classifiers do; each

106

metric classifier occurs with a wide range of heads, both mass nouns and pre-
dicatives. The meaning of the sub-category is 'measure by fixed unit or con-
ventional contents of a container. ' In the examples below, a metric classi-
fier, /caan/ 'dish (as a measure for food), ' is illustrated m a single enu-
meration which occurs m isolation, as a mass noun modifier, and as a verb
modifier.

/saam caan: nn/ 'These three dishes (of food) 1

/keer) saam caan/ 'Three dishes of curry'

/km saam caan/ 'Eat three dishes (of it). '

The metric classifier /caan/ has a homonym /caan/ which is a concrete
noun 'plate, dish' having its own unit classifier /baj/:

/caan saam baj/ 'Three plates (utensils).'

The same mass noun can occur with many different metric classifiers,
depending on the type of measure used. Examples with /bur 11/ 'cigarettes,
tobacco ' :

/burn haa soon/ 'Five packs of cigarettes.'

/burn haa hoo/ 'Five cartons of cigarettes.'

/burn haa kiloo/ 'Five kilograms of tobacco.'

/burii haa baad/ 'Five-baht cigarettes. '

or

'Five baht worth of cigarettes. '

The same /burn/ is also a concrete noun 'cigarette' which has a
special relationship with the unit classifier /muan/:

/burn haa muan/ 'Five cigarettes.'

The sub-category of metric classifiers is not large, but it is open;
a fairly recent innovation is /fud/ 'foot, feet. ' Two examples are given
below for each of the broad semantic groups which make up the membership.

1.

Distance and size:

/med/ 'metre, ' /fud/ 'foot. '

2.

Weight:

/kiloo/ 'kilogram, ' /poon/ 'pound. '

3.

Container :

/caan/ 'dish,' /thuaj/ 'cup'.

k-

Value :

/baad/ 'baht, tical, ' /rian/ 'dollar,

5.

Time:

/moon/ 'hour of the day, ' /wan/ 'day

The occurrence of value and time classifiers (1|,5) after noun heads
is relatively rare, except when the head noun means something like 'price,
value' or 'time, duration.'

107

3) A general classifier is any classifier which occurs m enumera-
tions after an extremely wide range of nouns. General classifiers do not
have special relationships with either concrete nouns or mass nouns; most of
them occur even after abstract nouns, replacing the second occurrence of the
noun (see 3.2.1.1).. ) . The class is small and probably closed.
Examples :

Classifier

Reference

1.

/an/

'piece, item'

All concrete nouns except those
referring to people and an-
imals; most abstract nouns

2.

/khuu/

'pair '

Potentially all nouns, but
©sjpGCislly ]p G 3? S O Xlcl 1 s ttri-
butes e.g. eyes, shoes.

3.

/khaan/

'one of a pair '

Same as 2.

4-

/chud/

'set, matching group'

Most nouns.

5.

/phuag/

' group '

Nearly all nouns.

6.

/chan/

'class, category

Nearly all nouns.

7-

/koon/

'disorderly pile'

Most concrete nouns.

8.

/tan/

'stack '

Many concrete nouns.

9.

/jaan/

'type, kind'

Nearly all nouns.

10.

/chanid/

' type , kind '

Nearly all nouns.

11.

/khran/

'occasion, instance'

Many abstract nouns, especially
those with verbal constitu-
ents - e.g. 'meeting'

12.

/he en/

and /thii/

'place, location'

Potentially all nouns, but
especially place-nouns.

13.

/raaj/

'case '

Many abstract nouns.

14.

/thii/

'repeated instance'

Nearly all nouns.

i|) An imitative classifier is any classifier for which there is a
morphologically related reduplicated lexeme which is an imitative (see 3.1.^-.).
Most imitative classifiers are of the onomatopoetic variety, and the sub-cat-
egory meaning is 'instance of a noise, movement, or other sensory impression.'
As such, the whole sub-category is not merely a special case of general clas-
sifiers, because enumerations with imitative classifiers m them rarely modify
nouns (except nouns like /sian/ 'sound') but enter into syntactic construction
with predicates.

108

The membership is very large, and also open, since lmitatives are

frequently innovated, but occurrence of imitative classifiers is actually

quite rare m comparison with other types of ■ classifiers .

Example: f

faa leeb , soorj weeb .

'The lightning flashed twice (there was lightning m two

flashes) . '

3.2.6. Numerals

A numeral is any substantive which occurs as the first lexeme of a
two-lexeme enumeration having a classifier as the second lexeme. The inter-
nal construction of compound numeral lexemes is quite complex, but mathemat-
ically logical (see 2.2.2.5-6). Because of the compounding possibilities,
the class of numerals is theoretically infinite, but the actual numeral mor -
pheme s involved are only 2\\ m number (including the two prosodic morphemes)-
The syllabic items, all of which also occur as numeral lexemes, are as fol-
lows:

1.

/nyn/

'one '

10.

/sib/

'ten'

17. /laaj/

' several

2.

/soon/

'two '

11.

/rooj/

'hundred '

18. /baan/

2-9 '

' some '

3-

/saam/

' three 1

12.

/phan/

' thousand '

19. Aii/

'how many

k-

/ail/

' four '

13.

/myyn/

'ten thousand'

20. /maj-kii/

'not many

5.

/ha a/

'five '

1^.

/seen/

'hundred thousand'

21. /nooj/

'few '

6.

/hog/

' six '

15.

/la an/

'million '

22. /thug/

'each,

7.

/ced/

' seven '

16.

/khryn/

'half

every '

8.

/peed/

'eight '

9-

/kaw/

'nine '

Items 17-22 are not true substantives, since they have suppletive
forms m isolation (see 3«2.6.3.), but qualify as numerals otherwise. Mor-
phemes 17-19 also enter into compound lexeme constructions with other numeral
morphemes; items 2u-22 do not. Item 20. is two morphemes, the remainder are
single morphemes.

Construction of compound numeral lexemes from morphemes 1-19, plus
the prosodic morphemes /-/ 'multiply' and / / 'add,' is almost entirely
regular. The morpheme 1. /nyrj/ has an allomorpn /ed/ after 10. /sib/ m
additions, and the morpheme 2. /soor)/ has an allomorph /jii/ before 10. /sib/
m that particular multiplication.

109

Morphemes 1-9 and 16-19 occur m multiplications only as the first
constituent; morphemes 1. and 16. only before 11-15 as second constituent,
the others before 10-15. Morphemes 10-15, besides occurring as second con-
stituents, also occur as first constituents m multiplications, but only
when 15. /laan/ is the second constituent.

Addition constructions take effect only after all multiplication is
complete. In additions, morpheme 16. /khryrj/ 'and a half' follows all other
morphemes and multiplied constituents; it never leads an addition construc-
tion. Morphemes 1-9 precede only 16. and follow all other morphemes and
multiplied constituents. Morphemes 10-ll| and their multiplications precede
1-9 and 16 m addition processes, and fellow only a higher-ranking member of
their own set or its multiplica tion (e.g. llf. /seen/ occurs only after 15.
/laan/, but 10. /sib/ after any of the group 11-15, etc.). Morpheme 15« and
its multiplications are always first constituent m an addition construction.
Morphemes 17-19 do not occur m addition constructions.

Examples of internal construction of compound numeral lexemes 1

Multiplication

Addition

saam- sib

'30'

sib saam '13 1

saam- sib saam

'33'

jii-sib

'20 '

sib soon '12'

jii-sib soon.

'22'

haa-sib

'50'

sib haa '15'

haa-sib ed

'51'

sn-roo j

'I4.OO

' rooj sii 'lOLj.'

sii-rooj sii-sib

'i|40'

hog-phan

'600

' phan hog-rooj '1,600'

hog-phan kaw-rooj

'6,900 '

laa j-phan

'thousands of, several thousand'

ced-myyn

'70, <

300 '

myyn ced-phan

'17,000

kii-seen

'how

many hundred thousand'

nyrj-laan

'one

million'

kaw khryr)

'9 1/2

soon- laan

saam-,

seen sn-myyn haa-phan hog-rooj

ced-sib peed khryrj

'2,3lj-5, 678 1/2'

Additions m which the first constituent is one of morphemes 11-15
or its multiplication, and the second constituent is one of morphemes 3-9
or morpheme 16, can be ambiguous, because there is a second pattern whereby
morphemes 3-9 and 16 can stand for the multiple of the next lower order.
The ambiguity recedes as the number of zeros involved increases, and the
alternate pattern takes over.

Examples* s 2 0]3 _ r ^ OJ h £ a '205,' or '250 ' if /haa/ equals /haa-sib/.

peed-phan hog '8006, ' or '8600' if /hog/ stands for /hog-rooj/

110

laan khryrj 'a million and half (almost certainly 1,500,000)

myyn ced 'ten thousand seven' (almost certainly 17,000)

Numerals higher m value than /laan/ 'million' exist, but are not yet
in general use, and may not m fact satisfy the definition of 'numeral' if
they become acceptable. The lexeme / suun/ 'zero' is not a numeral, but is
used m construction with numerals (for example, m giving telephone numbers),
as are other numeral substitutes.

Morphemes 1-3 have allomorphs with different tones m a special lexeme
of the isolative class used m serial counting (as when starting a race):

nyrj , soor) , .'saam t . 'One, two, three.''*

Numeral lexemes, both simple and compound, are sub- classified on the
basis of their behavior with respect to classifiers. All numeral lexemes of
course occur before classifiers, but some also occur after classifiers and
m isolation. Because variant forms of lexemes are involved, there is some
overlapping of the sub-categories.

1) Cardinal numerals occur m isolation. The meaning is the same as
it is before classifierst 'number of items.' Cardinal numerals include the
simple lexemes represented by morphemes 1-15, and all the compound lexemes
represented by their multiplications and additions, except those involving
morphemes 17-19. Thus the membership of the sub- category approaches that of
numerals m general.

2) Ordinal numerals occur immediately after classifiers and m con-
struction with them. The meaning of the sub-category is 'position m a
series. '

/saam chan/ 'Three classes' (cardinal)

/chan saam/ 'The third class' (ordinal)

The membership of the sub- category is exactly the same as that of
cardinal numerals, except that each ordinal numeral, whether it is simple or
compound, has a derivative allolex beginning with the prefix /thii-/ 'ordinal
number.' (Numerals containing the morpheme 16. /khryrj/ 'half are marginal
members of the category.) Whereas cardinal phrases (numeral plus classifier)
are exocentric, ordinal expressions (classifier plus numeral) are endocentric.
Examples:

chan saam 'third class'

chan thii-saam 'third class'

pn soorj-phan haa-rooj hog 'the year 2£o6 '
khon thii-sib-ed 'the eleventh person'

* From private conversation with Miss Kanda Sitachitta, 19&3.

Ill

horj saam-sib kaw 'room 39'

wan thii-peed 'the eighth (day of the month) '

thiaw thii-hog 'the sixth race'

Besides occurring after classifiers, ordinal numerals also serve as
modifiers of nouns, m a similar construction:

naa sn-rooj sib ced 'page 1^17'

thanon thii sn-sib soon 'i].2nd street'

3) Partitive numerals occur only m the cardinal position, never m
isolation or m ordinal constructions. The sub-category includes items 17-22
plus the multiplications of 17-19, and 8 set of derivatives ending in /kwa/
(see end of section). The meaning is 'proportional, approximate or unknown
number of items. '

Examples :

baarj khon
kn chan
laaj-sib tuu
laaj tua
kii-rooj baad
maj-kn wan
nooj khon
thug chanid
hog-sib kwabaad

' some people (not all) '
'how many classes? '
'tens of cabinets'
'several (animals)'
'how many hundred baht? '
'not many days '
'few people '
'every kind'
'sixty-odd baht '

Partitive numerals are actually a bound lexeme class, since they do
not occur m isolation, but are included here because of their relationship
with substantive numerals. Their suppletive isolation- forms are, syntactic-
ally speaking, members of the /eerj/ class of complement lves (3.2.2.2.) which
serve as numeral substitutes. They are listed below (rather than with the
/eer]/ class) to point up their special relationship with partitive numerals.

Partitive Numeral
/laaj/ 'several, two to nine'

/baan/ 'some, part of

/kii/ 'how many'

/eer}/ -class Complementive
/mag-maag/ 'quite a few'

/tharj-laaj/ 'the several'

/baarj/ 1 some '

/thaw- raj/ 'how much'

/kii-manooj/ 'how many'

112

/maj-kii/ 'not many' /ma j- thaw-ra j/ 'not much, not

many 1

/nooj/ 'few' /leg-nooj/ 'a few'

/thug/ 'each, every' /than- nan/ 'ail of them'

Both the partitive numerals and their related /een/-class comple-
mentives frequently occur after /sag/-class prepositions (1|. ?,£.), and
further examples of their use are given under the heading of /b"ar)/- class
postpositions (2-f..L|_.3- )

A special set of partitives is made from cardinal numerals by deriva-
tion with a suffix /kwa/, which attaches itself (unstressed and with minimum
syllable duration) to the classifier which follows. The derivatives are made
from any simple cardinal numeral lexeme or any multiplication, but not from
additions. The meaning of each derivative is 'that number plus a fraction'
(for simple lexemes) or 'that number plus an odd remainder of integers of
the next lower order' (for multiplications). In other words, the suffix
/kwa/ 'plus ' operates m exactly the same way as the morpheme /khryn/ 'and a
half operates in additions, but the meaning is less precise.
Examples :

ced kwabaad 'Seven baht and a fraction'

sn-rooj kwamaj 'Pour- hundred- odd miles'

sib kwachan 'Mo're than ten classes '

The corresponding inexact cardinal numerals, however, are not deriv-
atives but syntactic constructions, cardinal numeral plus postposition
/kwakwaa/. (The difference is that a classifier can intervene between the
numeral and the postposition.)
Examples :

cedi kwakwaa 'Seven and a fraction. '

sii-rooj: kwakwaa 'Pour hundred plus.'

sib: kwakwaa 'In the teens'

ced baad» kwakwaa 'Over seven baht. '

sii-rooj maj: kwakwaa 'More than l+OO miles. '

I4.) Classifier numerals occur before, and in direct construction
with, demonstratives (3.2._j_.). The numerals which fill this position are
not classifiers, however, because they have normal stress (see definition
of classifiers, 3.2.5- )• The usual pattern is for the stressed numeral to
have medium-long duration, with the demonstrative which follows having weak
'stress. The most common demonstrative occurring m this construction is
/nyr)/ 'a, one, ' but others are found as well.

113

The membership of the sub-category of classifier numerals is confined

to the simple lexemes 11-16 (middle column of chart at beginning of 3.2.6.).
Examples*

rooji nyrj 'a hundred'

phan: nan 'that thousand'

myyn sud-thaaj 'the last ten thousand'

seen* nyrj 'a hundred thousand'

laan reeg 'the first million'

khryrji nyrj 'a half

3«3» Predicatives

A predicative is any free lexeme which occurs as a predicator (in a
non-equational predication, see 2.5.2.2.). Any lexeme which qualifies as a
predicative is no longer considered to be a substantive, since the more
specific classification is that of predicative (see statement in first par-
agraph of 3.2.). Besides occurring as predicators and heads of endocentric
predicates, many members of this class also fill the typical positions of
substantives: topics, subjects, objects and complements.

Predicatives are classified, on the basis of typical and absolute
occurrence, into four sub-groupst 1) Modal Verbs, 2) Adjectives, 3) Tran-
sitive Verbs and 1|) Completive Verbs. The third sub-group is also referred
to simply as 'verbs. '

3.3.1. Modal Verbs

A modal verb is any predicative which occurs as the predicator, or
as head of an endocentric predicate, with an object which is also a predica-
tive or predicative expression. The test of predicate substitution is made
m the context of a yes-no question and its answer.
Examples:

Q. khaw torj paj: maj . 'Does he have to go?'

A. tor) . 'Yes, he does. '

or

A. ma j torj . 'No, he doesn't. '

Since /paj/ 'go' is itself a predicative, /torj/ 'must' is a modal
verb. One kind of modal verb (sub-class 1) below) is restricted to occur-
ence m this type of construction, but there are other modal verbs (sub- class
2) below) which also take substantive objects.

Examples :

Q. khaw choob win: maj . 'Does he like to run? '

A. choob . 'Yes, he does. '

Q. khaw choob sii-deen: maj . 'Does she like red? '
A. choob . 'Yes, she does.'

Since /win/ 'run' is a predicative, and /sii-deen/ 'red' is a sub-
stantive, the modal verb /choob/ 'to like' occurs before both types of object.

A feature of one sub-class, specific modal verbs (below) is that they
act as predicators m any kind of predication m which they occur, no matter
what the membership of the other constituents may be. For example, even m
a predicate consisting of a modal verb and an adjective (3«3«2.), the modal
verb substitutes for the whole.
Example i

Q. ton dn: ma j . 'Must it be good? '

A. ton . 'Yes, it must. '

The class of modal verbs is not very large, as free lexeme classes
go, but except for sub-category (l) below, it is probably open. The class
meaning is 'mode of action, or specific applicability of situation described. '
Modal verbs are paralleled by a class of bound lexemes, called simply 'modals,
which fill the same position m predications but do not substitute for them
(L|_.l.). They are also paralleled m the same way by a sub-class of adjectives
(3.3 .2. 3.) which fill the modal verb position but do not substitute.

Some true modal verbs have homonyms belonging to other classes. For
example, /aad/ is a modal verb meaning 'capable of' and also a modal meaning
'apt to. ' In the first case, the negative precedes /aad/; m the second case
it follows:

maj-aad capaj 'Unable to go'

aad camaj-paj 'Might not go. 1

Two sub-classes of modal verbs are established, on the basis of type
of object occurring m their predications.

l) Specific modal verbs occur only with objects which are themselves
predicatives. The class is small and closed, probably being con-
fined to the following members.

1. /khooj/ 'to have experienced, to have done at least once;
ever, used to'

Occurs before verbs and verb expressions, and before other
modal verbs.

115

khun khooj loon rab-prathaan aahaan thaj: ry-jan .
'Have you ever tried eating Thai food? '

khooj . 'Yes.' ma j khooj . 'No.'

khaw khooj jaag pen thahaan-rya .
'He once wanted to be a sailor. '

2. /ruu-cag/ 'to have been; ever, used to be'

Occurs before adjectives and adjective expressions.

phom len kob , ma j- ruu-cag bya .

'I never get bored with playing golf. '

3. /ton/ 'must, is obliged to, has to'

Occurs before all types of predicatives, including other
modal verbs.

khun ma j- ton paj: rog t •
'You don't have to go.' '

ton rew» maj .

'Must it be soon? '

naj thii-sud , khaw ko-ton joom phee .
'In the end they had to admit defeat.

1+. /joom/ 'be willing to, allow oneself to; accept'

Occurs mainly before verbs (but may follow other modal ver.bs
-see last example above).

meew , man ma j- joom kim sa sag-nid .
'The cat won't eat a bit of it. '

phom joom-rab waa dii .

'I'm willing to admit that it's good. '

5« /jaag/ 'to want to, to wish for'

Occurs mainly before verbs (but may follow other modal verbs-
see last example under 1. /khooj/. )

khun jaag capaj duaj: maj .
'Do you want to go too? '

khaw maj-jaag carob-kuan khun .

'He doesn't want to bother you. '

116

6. /samag/ and /samag-caj/ 'to volunteer, offer ones services. '

Occurs mainly before verbs, but may follow other modal verbs.

khaw samag capen thahaan: ryy .

'Did he volunteer for military service? '

phom khoo samag pen samaa-chig .

'I would like to make application to be a member. '

7. /khuan/ 'should, ought to; properly does'

Occurs before verbs, adjectives, and other modals.

khun maj-khuan caphuud janan .

'You shouldn't talk like that. '

man khuan cadu kwa-nn .

'It ought to be better than this. '

khaw khuan cajoom-phee .

'He should be willing to accept defeat. '

(/khuan/ has a derivative /som- khuan/, an adjective meaning
'fitting, proper.')

8. /aad/ and /saa-maad/ 'to be capable of

Occurs mainly before verbs.

phommaj-aad catoo- thian: looj .

'I can't argue about it at all. '

khaw maj-saamaad catoo- suut too-paj-iig .

'He was incapable of fighting any further. '

9. /phajajaam/ 'to try, make a physical effort'

Occurs mainly before verbs.

khaw phajajaam catoo-suu: myan-kan .
'He was trying to fight, anyway. '

Modal verbs 1-1+ normally precede their predicator-ob jects directly,
without the interposition of the particle /ca-/ 'hypothetical predicate. 1
Modal verbs 5-9 occur either with or without /ca-/, more often with it (as
m the examples above).

2) G-eneral modal verbs occur with both predicative and substantive
objects. The class is much larger than that of specific modal verbs, and is
almost certainly open. One or two instances of each general semantic category
of these modal verbs is given for illustrative purposes.

117

1.

Verbs meaning 'to like'

/choob/, /rag/

2.

'to

hate, to mind, to object'

/rarj-kiad/

3.

'to

think, to plan'

/khid/, /A/

k-

'to

hurry '

/riib/

5.

'to

begin, to start'

/room/, /tan- ton/

6.

'to

j top, to end '

/l99g/, /jud/

7.

'to

try out, to experiment with'

/loon/

8.

'to

help '

/chua j/

9.

'to

ask a favor, to beg'

/khoo/, /waan/

10.

'to

depend on someone else '

/faag/, /aasaj/

11.

'to

invite 1

/ phflflfl / / yi nr\ /

12.

'to

accept '

/rab/, /daj-rab/

13.

Many verbs describing the act of

speaking- /boog/, /tyan/

Ik.

All

completive verbs (see 3*3. k-*)

i

As a class, general modal verbs usually precede specific modal verbs
when they occur m the same construction (see /khoo/ m last example under
/samag/, above) and they are almost never immediately followed by the par-
ticle /ca-/, except sub-categories 3. and 5»

3-3.2. Adjectives

An adjective is any predicative which occurs as a predicator with a
subject which also a predicative or predicative expression. (Thus adjectives
are, so to speak, the direct opposites of modal verbs.) The test of substi-
tution, as before, is made m the context of a yes-no question and its answer.
Example :

Q. khun pa j wad boj: ma*j .

'Do you go to the temple often? '

A. boj . 'Yes, often. '

or

A. ma j boj . 'No, not often. '

Since /paj/ 'go' is a predicative, heading a predicative expression
/paj wad/, then /boj/ 'often' is an adjective. One kind of adjective typi-
cally occurs m this kind of construction, but there are other adjectives
which also take substantive subjects. (Hence the sub-classif ication of
adjectives m this respect parallels that of modal verbs.)

118

Q. khun pa j wad sanug; maj .

'Did you have fun going to the temple? 1
(lit. 'Was your going to the temple fun?')

A . sanug .

'Yes, it was fun. '

Q. naan-nn sanug : maj .

f Is this fair any fun? '

A. ma j sanug .

'No, it's no fun. '

Since /pa j wad/ is a predicative expression, and /ijaan/ 'fair' is a
substantive, the adjective /sanug/ 'fun' occurs after both types of subject.

Adjectives do not 'have objects' m the way that other predicatives
ciojthey are, m a sense, intransitive verbs. There exist, however, adjective
expressions, m which one adjective is modified by another.
Example:

/dn maag/ 'Very good. 1

Both /dn/ and /maag/ are adjectives. Another common type of adjec-
tive expression has one of a special class of bound modifiers as the second
constituent (see l\..l\..2.).
Examples:

/dn kwaa/ 'Better. •

/sanug: thidiaw/ 'Quite amusing. '

Other endocentric constructions (for example an adjective plus a
substantive) which appear at first glance to be adjective expressions are
usually best analyzed as single lexemes.
Example :

/kee/ 'old, dark' (adjective)

/faj/ 'fire' (noun)

/kee-faj/ 'dark from the firej overcooked'

The combination is a compound adjective lexeme.

One kind of adjective, (sub-class 3) below) does occur, however, in
the modal position. The construction is exocentric, because such adjectives
do not substitute for the entire predication in the way that true modal verbs
do.

Besides filling the predicator position, adjectives of sub-classes
2) and 3) frequently serve as modifiers of substantive and predicative ex-
pressions. In substantive expressions the head is usually a noun or a clas-
sifier; in predicative expressions, it is a verb, a completive verb, or an-
other adjective.

119

Examples i
Noun Head:
Classifier Headi
Verb Head:

such as
Completive Verb Head:

such as
Adjective Head:

/baan jaj/

/Ian jaj/

/win rew/

/win rew maj-daj/

/da j rew/

/win ma j -da j rew/

/rew maag/

'a big house, big houses'

'the big one (speaking of houses) '

'run fast' (in a context

'Cannot run fast')

'successfully fast' (in a context

'Was unable to run fast enough')

'very fast '

Adjectives of sub-class 1) do not normally occur as modifiers.

A feature of the entire class of adjectives is that they act as pre-
dicators m every kind of two-part predication except those introduced by
modal verbs. In other words, m a construction consisting of ordinary verb
plus adjective, it is always the adjective rather than the verb which substi-
tutes for the whole.

A morphological characteristic of adjectives is that nearly all
lexemes belonging to this class have simple reduplications (2.1j..3 .1. ) . These
adjective derivatives cannot fill the predicator position, however.
Example i

/boj/ 'often' /boj-boj/ 'often'

/maj-boj/ 'not often' /boj: maj/ 'often?'

(Forms like '/ma.j boj-boj/ and /boj-boj: maj/ do not exist.)

Some adjectives also reduplicate m other ways: /sanug/ 'fun'
/sanug- sanug/ 'fun' /sanug- sanaan/ 'be amused' (a general adjective like
/sanug/ itself - for reduplication type, see 2.1+.3.9-).

The class of adjectives is extremely large, and, except perhaps for
sub-class l) , open. By far the largest number of adjectives belong to sub-
class 2) 'general adjectives.' The total number of adjective lexemes is
still smaller than that of nouns or transitive verbs, however. Examples of
the tLiee sub-classes follow.

"' ) Specific adjectives typically occur with subjects which are pre-
dicators, predicates, and predicative expressions, and are rarely found with
substantive subjects and as substantive modifiers. The sub-class is small
and probably closed; its meaning is 'manner, timing, or frequency of action.'

Reduplicated lexemes from specific adjective bases almost invariably
belong to the /ee< 0 / class of complement lves (3.2.2.2.). Specific adjectives

120

themselves frequently occur at the ends of clauses m the complementive po-
sition (cut off from the mam predication by special bound lexemes or by
rhythmic patterns), and m other non-predicative constructions. (The term
'adverb' refers to a member of some other form-class, such as specific ad-
jectives, occurring m a typical complementive construction. 'Adverbs' are
not a free lexeme class m their own right.)

The principal members of the sub-class are illustrated with reference
to a single frame t

/khaw tham-naan: sa.../

'He works (or worked)... '

1. /ryaj/ 'continuously'

(Sentence* 'He keeps on working. ')

2. /samoo/ 'always'

3. /boj/ 'often'

1|. /jee/ 'with unbearable difficulty'

5. /phleon/ 'with pleasurable absorption'

(Sentence: 'He was absorbed m his work. ')

6. /jug/ 'busily, with unpleasant absorption'

(Sentence: 'He was busy working. ')

7. /bya/ 'bormgly'

(Sentence: 'He was bored with the work. ')

8. /cirj/ 'really'

9. /koon/ 'previously'

10. /leew/ 'already'

(Sentence: 'He has done the work.')

In most respects, members of the class behave exactly like other ad-
jectives. Following are some example of specific adjectives negated, mod-
ified, and reduplicated:

phom khooj paj-thiaw thii-nan , maj-boji nag .

'I haven't been to visit the place very often. '

khun ton prakhob kheen: ryaj paj .

'You have to keep on soaking your arm. '

phom haa thii-cood: sa , theb jee .

'It was almost impossible to find a parking place. '

phuud kakhaw , naan chag-cabya .

'I talked with him so long it was starting to be a bore. '

121

khuj kakhaw juu-phleon: thidiaw .

'I was quite absorbed m talking with him. '

luiug-krataaj nab- wan- tee catoo khyn: ryaj-ryaj .

'In no time the baby rabbits will start getting bigger and
bigger. '

khaw tham haj leew-leew: paj , thaw- nan .

'He did it just so as to get it over with. '

Internal order of the class is apparently 1-8, 9, 10, but examples
of two specific adjectives m the same clause are hard to find, except for
those involving 10. /leew/ as second member:

phom tid thura jurj: leew
6 10

'I'm already tied up m all kinds of business.'

mn khon nan juu-koon: leew
9 10

'There had been somebody sitting there previously. '

2) General adjectives occur m all the positions of specific ad-
jectives, but also have substantives and substantive expressions as subjects,
and occur as modifiers of nouns and classifiers (see examples at beginning
of 3«3«2.). This subdivision is by far the largest m the class of adjec-
tives, and the membership is open. Semantic categories covered are too nu-
merous to permit any meaningful breakdown, but m general the sub- class cor-
relates well with form-classes such as 'adjective' and 'intransitive verb'

m other languages.
Examples:

aahaan maj-arooj . 'The food is not good. '

or

'Tasteless food. '

caan teeg . 'The dishes broke.'

or

'Broken dishes. '
caan jaj-jaj . 'The larger dishes. '

Reduplicated forms of general adjectives (see last example) occur
as modifiers and as complements.

3) Modal adjectives are general adjectives which introduce exocentric
predicative phrases, occurring m the modal position (instead of the usual ad-
jective position toward the end of the predicate.) The sub- class is small but
probably open. The meaning is 'general personal characteristic applied to a
given situation. ' Members include many derivatives ending m the suffix

122

/-caj/ (2.I4..I.9.) or beginning with the
/naa-/ (2.^.1.3. ). The predicate is ne;
Examples:

phom jm-dn .

phom jm-dii catham haj .

jan ma j phoo-caj .

jan ma j phoo-caj cadaj-rab .

khon khii-kiad .

khaw khii-kiad capaj .

naa-klua capaj ma j- than .

prefixes /khii-/ (2.1|. 1.1|. ) and
always introduced by /ca-/.

'I 'm glad. 1

'I'll be glad to do it for you.'

'Still not satisfied. '

'Still not satisfied (willing) to
receive it. '

'A lazy person. '

'He's (too) lazy to go.'

'(I'm) afraid of not getting there
m time . '

3.3.3. Transitive Verbs

A transitive verb is any predicative, other than a modal verb (3. 3.1.)
or completive verb (3-3-U-- ) j which occurs as predicator m predicates that
have substantive objects. (The term 'verb' is used to apply to all three
classes of verb, which share the feature of 'having objects, ' as opposed to
adjectives, which do not 'have objects,' but is also used to apply to tran-
sitive verbs, the central and most numerous class of predicatives.) Like
all predicatives, transitive verbs occur m predications which have substan-
tive subjects, and also occur, like adjectives, m endocentric expressions
headed by nouns and classifiers. Examples involving transitive verb /lyag/
'to choose, pick out':

khaw lyag phaa sii-araj .

'What color cloth did she choose? '

phaa nil lyag jaag.

'This cloth is hard to choose from.' (lit. 'chooses hard.')

khaw-eer] pen khon- lyag .

'She herself is the one who chose it. '

All transitive verbs occur both with and without objects, and both
with and without subjects. The meaning of the verb-object construction is
that the referent of the object is the goal of the action designated by the
verb. The meaning of the sub ject- verb-object construction is that the re-
ferent of the subject is the actor initiating action toward that goal. But
the meaning of the subject-verb construction by itself is ambiguous - the
subject may refer either to the actor or the goal (as it does with many
English verbs- cf. 'This bread slices well' and 'This knife slices well.')

1233

The meaning of the topic- subject-verb construction is that the referent of
the topic is the goal and the subject designates the actor, or that both
topic and subject refer to the actor. The meaning of the verb-ob ject-mdi-
rect object (or verb-object-complement) construction is that the object rep-
resents the goal and the referent of the indirect object or complement may
be either actor or secondary goal. Examples of these constructions follow,
the transitive verb always being /pid/ 'to close. ' (Symbols used m the for-
mulae are 'T' for topic, 'S' for subject, 'V for transitive verbs, '0' for
object, and 'C ' for indirect object or complement.)

VOi pid pratuu . 'Shut the door. '

SVO: khaw pid pratuu . 'He shut the door. '

SV: khaw pid . 'He shut (it).'

SV: pratuu pid . 'The door is shut. '

TSV(C)i pratuu , khaw pid: mod . 'He shut all the doors.'

(Lit: 'The doors, he shut
'em all. ' )

VOG: pid pratuu rod . 'Shut the car doors.'

(Lit. 'Perform door- shutting
operation on car. '
-cf. /saj kuncee rod/ 'lock the car.')

VOCi pid pratuu: kan . 'You (plural) shut the door.'

(/kan/ refers to the actor,
not the goal.)

TSVOC(C) nag-rian, khaw pid pratuu t 'The students, (they) shut
kan mod . all the doors. '

The difficulty m interpreting transitive-verb predications is often not
so much one of ST structure as it is of English translation. For example,
/mn/ is a typical transitive verb, but constructions like 1 S /mil/ ' have to
be translated 'S exists, there is S' while constructions like '/mil/ 0' must
be translated 'someone has 0.' The construction 'S /mil/ 0,' on the other
hand always means 'S has 0. '

The ambiguity of the construction SV (actor-action or goal-action) can
be avoided by the placement of special functional words with passive meaning
between S and V. There are a few common lexemes (members of the class of
completive verbs, 3-3-^-1-- ) that have this effect: /thuug/ 'suffer (a bad
action)' and /daj/ or /daj-rab/ 'receive the benefit of (a good action).'
Examples:

khaw thuug tn . 'He was beaten. '

phom daj-rab choon . 'I was invited. '

12k

The class of transitive verbs is very large (probably second only to the
class of nouns) and is open. Sub-classif ication could possibly be made on an
intricate structural basis, and certainly by semantic criteria, but is not
attempted here. There is one group of transitive verbs, however, which are
distinguished from the others by the covert lexical relationship which they
have with certain specific completive verbs (see examples m next section).

3.3.^-. Completive Verbs

A completive verb is any predicative which occurs both as a predica-
tor with a substantive object and as a predicator with a predicative subject.
Thus completive verbs satisfy the definitions of both adjectives (3.3.2.) and
transitive verbs (3«3»3»), and are commonly found m typical constructions of
both types, sometimes simultaneously. Examples with the completive verb
/than/ 'to catch up, be m time,' contrasted with a transitive verb and an
adjective 1

than rod- fa j . 'Caught the tram. '

nan rod- fa j . 'Bode the tram. '

(/nan/ is a transitive verb meaning 'sit')

maa than . 'Came m time. '

maa chaa . 'Came late. '

(/chaa/ is an adjective meaning 'slow')

maa than rod- fa j . 'Came m time to catch the tram. '

The class of completive verbs, besides filling all the positions of
verbs and adjectives, has another important function. Its members commonly
occur with whole predications (including a subject, but rarely a topic) as
their objects. The same thing is true of those transitive verbs which have
lexical relationships with completive verbs. In the examples below two pairs
of such verbs (transitive and completive) are illustrated, first together m
the definitive context, and then separately with an identical predication as
the object of each.

moon araj maj-hen . 'Can't see anything. '

(lit: 'look at something not-see-
it. ')

fan araj maj-daj-jm . 'Can't hear anything.'

(Lit. 'listen to something not-
hear-it . ' )

moon khaw-len don-trn . 'Watched them play music. '

hen khaw-len don-trn . 'Saw them playing music. '

125

far) khaw-len don-trii . 'Listened to them play music. '

daj-jm khaw-len don-trii . 'Heard them playing music.'

Three completive verbs have already been mentioned (3.3.3. end) as having
a special passive meaning when they occur directly before transitive verbs.
These same items can also have entire predications as their objects, m which
case the subject of the predication remains the actor. Example i

chan thuug man-tn aw reerj-reerj . 'I was hit hard by it. '

Completive verbs m the adjective position can be followed only by other
adjectives, which then become the predicator:

Q. moorj hen chad: maj . 'Can you see it clearly? '

A. chad . 'Yes, clearly. '

A common feature of all completive verbs is that when they occur m a
syntactically ambiguous context (such as a response m which the completive
verb stands for an entire predicate or predication), the form of negation
clearly shows whether they are playing the role of adjective or transitive
verb. Examples with the completive verb /un/ 'warm':

Q. khryarj un leew: ry- jarj . 'Is the engine warm yet?'

Y. un leew . 'Yes, it is.'

N. jarj maj-un . 'No, it's not.'

Q. un khryarj leew i ry-jarj . 'Have you warmed up the engine

yet? '

Y. un leew . 'Yes, I have. '

N. jar) maj-daj un . 'No, I haven't. '

The negative /maj/ is characteristic of adjective predicates, and /maj-
daj/ of transitive verb predicates.

The class of completive verbs is relatively small, but not closed, since
any adjective or transitive verb is a potential candidate for membership.
The class meaning is 'successful completion of attempted action,' and the
class meaning of the transitive verbs occurring m the same predicate with
them is 'attempted action. ' In such predicates, the negative precedes the
completive verb, but other pre-verbal modifiers (e.g. modals) precede the
transitive verb. Example:

phom jar) moorj araj maj-hen. 'I still can't see anything. '

Sub- classification of completive verbs parallels that of classifiers
(3.2.5.), but there are only two groups, and these two are not mutually
exclusive.

126

General completive verbs occur as predicators after a wide range of
transitive verbs. The principal members of the sub-class are the
following (some of which recur as specific completive verbs, 3. 3 •^•2.

1. /da 3/ 'to be able, possible; to succeed. '

pa 3 da j 1 ma j . 'Can one go? '

km da 3 1 ma 3 . 'Can it be eaten? '

tham da 3 naaj . 'It can be done easily.'

/pen/

tham ma j -pen .
suub pen : ma 3 .

'to know how to, to do from habit. '
'(i) don't know how to.'
'Do you smoke? '

3. /waV

tham ma 3- wa 3 .
km ma3-wa3 , phed 1 koon-
pa3-

'to be physically capable of

' (i) can't possibly do it. '

'(i) can't eat it - it's too peppery.

/rood/

pa3 ma3-rood .
suub rood : ma 3

'to accomplish safely or freely'
'(We) won't make it (not safe to go).
'Is it safe to smoke it'

5. /talood/

kwaad ha 3- talood : na .

phom 3an haa-duu ma 3- talood

'to follow through all the way'

'Sweep it all the way through,
will you? '

, 'I still haven't searched all the
way through it. '

6. /thua/ and /thua-thyrj/

kwaad ha 3- thua t na .
khaw duu-lee ma 3- thua- thyn

'to cover an entire area, accomplish
thoroughly '

'Sweep all over, will you?'

'He didn't supervise it thoroughly.'

7. /thyn/

yam myy thyn : ma'3 .

naa-klua capa3 ma 3- thyn
31b ma 3- thyn .

'to reach, go far enough'
'Can you reach it (with your hand)?'
'Afraid we won't get that far. '
'Can't reach it. 1

127

8. /than/

naa-klua capaj ma j- than .
klab baan than : ma j .

9 . /khrob/

syy nan- syy haj-khrob
chud : na .

jan haa maj-khrob .

10. /mod/

jar) chaaj maj-mod .

11. /sed/

phom nan narj-syy sed leew .
jarj tham rjaan ma j- sed .

12. /cob/

phom nan narj-syy cob leew .

khsfw roorj-phleerj cob leew .
But , s

kha*w roorj-phleerj sed leew .

'to be m time, reach soon enough'
'Afraid we won't get there in time. '
'Will we get home m time? '

'to succeed m filling up a set,
to complete '

'Buy the rest of the books, will
you? '

'Still haven't found all of them. '

'to use up, exhaust a set'
'Still haven't used them up. '

'to finish, accomplish a temporary
or indefinite task'

'I'm finished studying (for now).'

'Not finished working. '

•to finish, accomplish a prescribed
ta.sk with definite limits'

'I've finished my studies
(graduated) • 1

'They've finished singing the song. '

'They're finished singing songs. '

2) Specific completive verbs occur as predicators after certain tran-
sitive verbs or groups of transitive verbs with which they have a
covert relationship. The sub-class meaning is 'to be able to,' and
this is a possible English translation for nearly all instances of
specific completive verbs. The relationship between a verb and its
completive verb is therefore very similar to that between a concrete
noun (3.2.1.1.) and its unit classifier (3.2.5.1.). Whereas the
unit classifier always means 'one instance of the particular class
of things denoted by the noun, ' the specific completive verb always
means 'one instance of achievement of the attempted action denoted
by the verb. ' Verbal actions not predicated with completive verbs
(specific or general) are no more finite than are concrete nouns
without their classifiers.

128

Examples of the most important members of this sub- class are given below,
along with some of the transitive verbs they are used with. For each tran-
sitive verb given, at least two constructions with its completive verb (ap-
pearing m the heading) are possible - one meaning 'able to V and the other
'unable to V, ' with /maj/ coming between the two constituents m the latter
case. For example, under item 1., the first two such constructions would be
as follows:

saj khaw 'can put m, able to be put m (will go in) '

saj maj-khaw 'cannot put in, unable to be put m (won't go in)

1. /khaw/ 'to enter' Used after:

/saj/ 'to put m'

/co/ 'to drill'

/jad/ 'to stuff

/pid/ 'to close (door, etc.)

/klyyn/ 'to swallow'

/peed/ 'to open (door, etc.)'

/oog/ 'to emerge' Used after:
/thoon/ 'to withdraw'
/peod/ 'to open (door, etc.) 1

/kaaw/ 'to advance'

/thood/
/dyn/

'to take off
'to pull'

and nearly all verbs of speaking, thinking, using the vocal apparatus
and dealing with language:

/phuud/
/nyg/
/roorj/
/hua-ro/

'to speak'
' to think '
' to cry out '
' to laugh '

/aan/

/plee/

/khid/

'to read'

'to translate'

' to figure out '

3. /khyn/ 'to rise' Used after:
/jog/ ' to raise '

/jib/ 'to pick up '

/aacian/ 'to vomit'

/pood/ 'to open (a cover, etc

i|. /lor)/ 'to descend' Used after:
/thaan/ and /km/ 'to eat'
/pid/ 'to close (cover, etc.)

/syy/

'to buy'

129

5« /hen/ 'to see' Used after verbs of looking:

/dun/ 'to look at' /lee/ 'to watch'

/moon/ 'to try to distinguish'
- and their compounds

6. /da j- j in/ 'to hear,' /khaw-caj/ 'to understand,' and /ruu-ryarj/

'to know what something is about' All used after:

/fan/ 'to listen'

7. /daj-klin/ 'to identify the odor of Used after:

/dom/ 'to sniff, try to smell'

8. /daj-rod/ 'to identify the taste of Used after:

/chim/ 'to taste'

9. /thuug/ 'to hit' Used after:

/jirj/ 'to shoot' /tn/ 'to beat'

/khwaarj/ and /joon/ 'to throw'

/daw/, /thaaj/, and /khaad/ 'to guess'

10. /waj/ 'to move' Used after:

/khlyan/ 'to shift' /laag/ 'to pull ( cart ,' etc .) '

/thon/ 'to endure' /khen/ 'to push (cart, etc.)'

11. /phob/, /coo/, and other verbs meaning 'to meet' Used after:

/haa/ 'to look for, try to find' /khon/ 'to rummage'
/khwaa/ 'to grope' -and their compounds.

12. /tog/ 'to fall' Used after:

/kee/ 'to solve, fix, undo'

/khid/ 'to think out (come to a decision) '

130

13.

/than/ 'to catch' Used after t
/laj/ 'to chase'

/laa/ 'to hunt (animals) '

/taam/

'to follow'

ll^. /phon/ 'to get clear of Used after:

/nil/ 'to flee' /liig/ 'to avoid'

/lob/ 'to escape' - and their compounds.

15. /lab/ 'to close the eyes, sleep' Used after:

/noon/ 'to lie down, try to sleep'

16. /lug/ 'get up' and /tyyn/ ' wake up. ' Used after t

/plug/ 'to awaken' /noon/ 'to be lying down'

(/noon raaj-lug/ means 'unable to get up')

17. /haaj/ 'to recover' and /fyyn/ 'to regain consciousness' Used after
expressions relating to sickness and these verbs:

/rag-saa/ 'to treat, cure'
/kee/ 'to resuscitate'

18. /taaj/ 'to die' Used after verbs of violent action, with the
meaning 'to death 't

/tn/ 'to beat' /thab/ 'to over- run'

/chon/ 'to collide with' /khaa/ 'to kill'

19. Aid/ 'to stick, be stuck' Used after:

/juu/ 'to remain'

(/juu maj-tid/ means 'won't stay m place.')

20. /lud/ 'to come loose' Used after:

/din/ 'to wriggle'

/dyn/ - and other verbs meaning 'to pull.'

131

Some constructions which appear to be transitive verb plus completive
verb are actually single compound lexemes. Examples:

/soob-laj/ 'to pass an examination'

/soob-tog/ 'to fail an examination'

/tog-Ion/ 'to come to an agreement'

/ruu-than/ 'to catch on (to a fact) '

These combinations do not pass the critical test of insertion of the
negative between the first and second constituents.

132

CHAPTER IV

BOUND LEXEME GLASSES
U-.l. Modals

A modal is any bound lexeme (2.6.1.2.) which occurs as /x/ m the con-
text /S x P/, where /s/ stands for a subject and /P/ for a predicate. Thus
modals fill the same position as the free lexeme class of modal verbs (3.3.1.),
the difference being that modals do not substitute for their predications and
hence are not predicators. The class meaning is the same: 'mode of action,
or specific applicability of situation described. ' The whole class is appar-
ently closed, and the membership is relatively small.

Modals are sub-classif led on the basis of more specific contexts, re-
volving around a central sub-class (4.1.3.) whose members have negative
meaning. The general definition of modals also fits some kinds of conjunc-
tions, especially the /cyrj/ class (4.3«4»), but since these bound lexemes
always precede other modals, their classification as conjunctions is con-
sidered pre-emptive. There are three definite sub-classes of modals, plus a
residue of discontinuous lexemes and other miscellaneous items which make up
a fourth group.

^.l.l. /khyyn/ Glass

These modals occur between /jaa/ 'don't' and a verb. (The verb, like
all verbs following /jaa/, is never preceded by /ca-/, but the modal itself
may be.) The class meaning is 'attitude of speaker toward the effect, timing,
or setting of the action. ' /khyyn/- class modals also occur frequently without
/jaa/, and are negated m statements with /maj-daj/ rather than /maj/ (see
4.1.3. ). The class is closed, and rather small, the principal members being
the following 1

1. /khyyn/ 'to do something one knows is wrong'

jaa-khyyn plooj haj-nuu tua-nan paj .

'Don't release that mouse, against your better judgment.'

khyyn tham jarjan , thoo ko-ton soob tog .

'If you keep on doing that, you '11 certainly fail the examin-
ation. '

133

/fyyn/ 'to force oneself to do something distasteful'

phed: nag , ko-jaa fyyn km: khaw-paj .

'If it's too peppery, don't force yourself to eat it.'

khii-kiad ryy maj khii-kiad , thoo ko- tor] fyyn tham: paj .
'Lazy or not, you've got to go ahead with it. 1

/raua/ 'to keep on, to act stubbornly or tardily'

jaa-mua thiarjt kan juu-Ioqj .

'Let's stop this senseless arguing.'

khaw mua duu thu-wn phloem paj .

'He kept on watching television m a state of trance. '

/phorj/ or /phyrj/ - 'to act prematurely' (after /jaa/)

'to have acted recently' (otherwise)

jaa-phorj paji na, fon tog.

'Don't go yet; it's raining.'

khaw phyrj klab-maa , mya-kii .

'He just got back a moment ago. '

/kleerj/ or /klerj/ 'to pretend, to act so as to deceive'

thaa khruu khyyn haj kaan-baan maag-maag jarjii , chan cakleerj
tham sorj-deed .

'If the teacher persists m giving such a lot of homework,
I 'm just going to put on a show of doing it. '

khaw ma j- da j- kleerj chom .

'She wasn't just pretending to admire it.'

/lorj/ 'to act wrongly without realizing it'

jaa-lorj khid: paj waa , wan- nil pen wan-sug .

'Don't make the mistake of thinking this is Friday. '

nag-bin khab khryarj-bin lorj khaw-paj naj-myarj khaa-syg .

'The pilot unwittingly flew the plane into enemy territory. '

/klab/ 'to act contrary to expectations or to reverse previous
behavior '

chan tyan dn-dn , thoo klab tham maa-krood .

'I was chiding you gently, but you got mad anyway. '

13k

tee-koon chan choob sn-deerj, tee diaw-nn klab choob sn-khiaw .
'Formerly I was fond of red, but now I like green'

chan nyg waa , khaw klerj chom waa arooj , thii-thee khaw klab
choob cirj-cirj.

'I thought she was just pretending to like the flavor of it,
but m fact she really did like it. '

8. /eeb/ 'to act surreptitiously or from concealment'

chan eeb paj-duu khaw tham .

'I sneaked m and watched them do it. '

9. /phlooj/ 'to act as a follower, to tag along'

phom phlooj paj-duaj , daj» maj .
'May I go along with you? '

10. /phaai kan/ and /chuaj: kan/ 'to act as a group'

deg phaa-kan-wirj khaam thanon: paj .

'The children all ran off across the street'

maa chua j-kan-haw .

'The dogs are all barking at once. '

11. /maa/ 'to act toward the speaker, or so as to affect the speaker

and his group'

jaa-maa khian bon kradaan-dam .

'Don't write on this (or our) blackboard.'

maa thood phom thama j ^ .

'Why come and blame me for it? '

12. /paj/ 'to act away from the speaker, or so as to affect interests

other than the speaker and his group'

jaa-paj khian bon kradaan-dam .

'Don't write on that (or their) blackboard.'

diaw capaj tham thuaj-keew teeg .

'Watch out you don't go breaking any glasses.'

Members 1-8 of this class apparently exclude each other semant ically ,
although the only obvious pairs of antonyms are 3-h-> 5-6, and 11-12. Internal
order of the class is 1-8, 9-10, 11-12.

Example: khyyn phaa-kan-nar) nirj-nirj camaj-sanug: loo 3 .

1 10

'If [we] all just keep sitting still it won't be any fun at all. '

135

deg phaa-kan-pa j keb doog-maaj len .
10 12

'The children went off to pick flowers for fun. '

Members of the class also occur freely m construction with modal verbs
and other pre-verbal classes. The usual order has the /khyyn/- cla ss modal m
second position.

thoo torj-fyyn kirn khaw pa 3 .

'You just have to make yourself eat it down. '

khaw char) 1 kleerj khlan bon kradaan-dam .

'He certainly likes to fool around writing on the blackboard. '

lj.,1.2 /mag/ Glass

These modals are defined by the context /x camaj-v/. All members of
the class occur more frequently without /maj-/ than with it, and m non-
negated verb phrases they behave exactly like the modal verbs (3.3.1.), some-
times entering into construction with them (below) . All members except the
group 5-7 occur frequently without /ca-/. The class meaning is 'likelihood
or imminence of action,' and for those members which occur without /ca-/ also
'frequency of action. ' Membex's 8-11, which all mean 'almost, ' are commonly
found before numeral phrases as well, /mag/- class modals cannot be directly
negated, except with /maj-chaj/ m hypostasis. The class is closed, and
rather small, the principal members being the following 1

1. /mag/

2. /aad/

'frequently '

' characteristically '

/mag ca-/
/aad ca-/
/joom ca-/

'likely to'
'apt to, may'
'likely to, apt to'

/joom/ 'frequently,

characteristically '

/khorj/ 'ordinarily, certainly' /khorj ca-/ 'must, must have'

naj ryduu-nn fon mag tog nag: chiaw .

'In this season it frequently rams quite hard. 1

aad capen paj-daj .

'It's quite possible. ' 'It may happen. '

khaw aad camaj-paj ko-daj.

'Then again he might not go. '

khon-khab-rod joom pen chaaw- taarj-pra theed .
'The drivers are frequently foreigners. '

khon thii-chyy prudaa , khorj pen phuu-chaaj .
'People named Prida are ordinarily men. '

136

9.

10.

11.

12.

mya hen waa phom maj-juu , khaw khorj caklab baan .

'When he saw I was not there, he must have gone home. 1

sii-deerj khorj camaj-mn .

'There must not be any of the red. '

/hen ca-/ 'seems to, apparently'

/duu-myan ca-/ 'seems to, apparently'

/thaa ca-/ 'seems to, apparently'

sii-deerj hen camaj-mn .

'There doesn't seem to be any of the red. '

khaw duu-myan caklab baani leew .

'I guess he has gone home already. '

naam thaa-camod .

'The water is apparently all gone. '

khun-cid thaa camaj-maa .

'I guess Chit is not coming. '

/kyab/ 'almost' /kyab ca-/

/cuan/ 'almost' /cuan ca-/

/theb/ 'almost' /theb ca-/

/rim/ 'almost' /rim ca-/

naam kyab camod .

'The water is nearly all gone. '

chan khooj: juu , kyab saam chua-moorj .
'I was waiting for almost three hours. '

khaV len: kan , kyab con myyd .

'They played until it was almost dark. '

rod-fa j cuan capaj: juu-leew .

'The train is already about to go. '

chan nyaj theb-cataaj .

'I'm about to die from fatigue. '

thii-narj theb camaj-mii .

'There are almost no seats left. '

'about to, nearly'
'about to, nearly'
'about to, nearly'
'about to, nearly'

/kamla^/ ' m the process of,
somewhat '

13. /khon-khaar)/ 'rather, quite'

/kamlarj ca-/ 'about to'
/khon-khaan ca-/ 'beginning to'

137

/chag/ 'rather, quite' /chag ca-/ 'beginning to'

phii-chaaj kamlan nan nan-syy thii-nan .
'Older brother is studying there. '

noon kamlan capaj haa-syy nan-syy thii-nan .

'I was about to go shopping for books there. '

teen roorj jann khon-khaan suaj.

'The hall is rather pretty, the way it's decorated.'

naan chann , prachaa-chon chag capa j-kan- ja j .

'The people are beginning to go for this kind of fair m a big
way. '

phuud kakhaw chag-cabya .

'It was rather boring talking to him. '

The members of this class apparently exclude each other semantically,
although there are no obvious pairs of antonyms. There is consequently no
internal order for the class.

/mag/- class modals combine freely with modal verbs and other pre-verbal
classes. They always precede such items.

nag- nan aad camaj-ton paj ko-daj .

'The students may not have to go, at that. '

phom kyab camaj-kheoj paj len-naam thalee .

'I have almost never been swimming' m the ocean. '

naan nil chag cakhoj-sanug khyn .

'This celebration is finally starting to get rolling (beginning
to be more fun) . '

if. 1.3. /ma.i / Glass

This class of modals consists of the negative /ma 3/ and its replace-
ments, most of which are lexemes containing the morph /maj/ as first constit-
uent. The various members of the class individually precede only certain
cypes of predicate elements, with which they are m direct construction, but
the class as a whole occurs before all types of predicate: verb, modal verb,
adjective, completive verb, noun, and prepositional or numeral phrase. Each
member has a special relationship with /ca-/ which has to be stated separately.

The class meaning is 'negative; restriction on the applicability of a
proposition. ' The members of the class not only exclude each other but also
exclude the interrogative particle /ma 3/ from the same clause. The class is
small and closed, consisting of only these nine members.

138

1. /maj/, or /maj/ 'not, other than'

Occurs unstressed and m close juncture with its predicator, which
is a verb, adjective, completive or modal verb. First form nearly
always occurs before prepositional and numeral phrases, but other-
wise /maj/ is more common. Both forms follow /ca-/, and never pre-
cede it.

phom maj-khooj paj: leej . /khooj/, modal verb

'I have never gone there.'

phom maj-paj: losj . /paj/, verb

'I'm not going at all.'

phom paj ma j- da j i looj . /daj/, completive verb

'I can ' t go at all. '

phom paj maj-saduag: leoj . /saduag/, adjective

'It's not at all convenient for
me to go. '

phom aad camaj-paj ko-daj .
'I may not go, either. '

jarj maj soon moon: nil .

'Well, it's not two o'clock yet.'

kha*w waarj caan , maj naj-tuu .

'She put the dishes not (elsewhere than) m the cabinet. '

2. /maj-daj/ or /maj-daj/ 'm fact not, subject other than what

is assumed. '

(Commonest m past situations but also occurs in present and
future situations regarded as not capable of change.)

Conditions of occurrence are the same as for /maj/, except that

/maj-daj/ is rare before modal and completive verbs and preposi-
tional phrases.

phom maj-daj-paj . /paj/, verb

'I didn't go.' or 'I'm not the
one who is going. '

phaa nil maj-daj-dii . /dn/, adjective

'This cloth is not the good cloth
(some other cloth is). 1

or 'This cloth is not (as you seem to think) good. f

rod-faj jar] maj-daj-paj .

'The tram hasn't gone yet. '

139

nag-rian triarti ma j-da j-kherj • nag-rian naaj-rooj: thaw-nan ,
thii kherj .

'The preparatory students don't compete. Only the officer
candidates do. '

The contrast between /maj and /maj-daj/ is neatly pointed up by the
following pair of exchanges t

Q. khryarj un leew ry- jar] . 'Is the engine warm yet?'

A. jarj maj-un . 'No, not yet. (it isn't warm yet.) '

Q. un khryarj leew ry-jarj . 'Have you warmed up the engine yet?'

A. jar) maj-daj-un . 'No, not yet. (i haven't warmed it

up ye t . ) '

In addition to substituting for /maj/, /maj-daj/ also occurs m places
where /maj/ does not, for example before /idiyyn/- class modals:

chan ma j-da j-kleerj chom: rog ^ .

'I didn't pretend to admire it.''

3. /maj-chaj/ or /maj-chaj/ 'not a case of, predicate other than what

is assumed'

Occurs most commonly before noun predicates, but is also found
before adjectives, verbs, prepositional and numeral phrases, and
(facultatively, at least) before any lexeme of the language whatso-
ever, m hypostasis. First form occurs m isolation and normally
precedes nouns and non-predicates ; second form occurs elsewhere,
unstressed and m close juncture. Both are preceded by /ca-/.

maj-chaj baan . tyg .

'It's not a (wood) house. It's a stone building.'

aakaad ma j-cha j-roon . phoo sabaaj.

'The weather isn't hot, it's just right.'

khaw waarj caan maj-chaj naj-tuu .

'She puts the dishes somewhere besides m the cupboard.'

maj-chaj hog khon . haa khonx thaw-nan .
'Not six people. Only five.'

nag-rian tnam ma j-cha j-kherj . fyg .

'Competing is not what the preparatory students do. They prac-
tice. '

(Compare with last example under 2. /maj-daj/ above)

The contrast between /maj-daj/ and /maj-chaj/ is also illustrated by
the following!

khon-nan maj-daj-chyy phoon .

' That person isn't named Porn. '

chyy khon-nan ma j- cha j phoon • sanid .

'That person's name isn't Porn. It's Sanit. '

This modal occurs also in many fixed expressions; for example:

ma j-cha j-noo j

'not a few, not a little, much, many'

ma'j-cha'j-len

'in earnest, considerably'
(litt 'not for fun')

l±. /maj-khoj/ or /maj-khoj/ 'hardly, not very; hardly ever, not very

much '

Conditions of occurrence are the same as for /maj/, except that
/mfj-khoj/ is rare before modal verbs and numeral phrases and m
isolation. Also, it normally precedes /ca-/, rather than following
it as /maj/ does, and in such cases occurs m its first form.

phaa nil ma'j-kho j-dn .

'This cloth isn't very good. ' /dn/, adjective

phom-eer) maj-khoj-paj .

'I myself hardly ever go. ' /paj/, verb

khaw maj-khoj jaag capa j .

'She doesn't really want to go' /jaag/, modal verb

duu maj-khoj casuaj: Iqsj .

'It doesn't look at all pretty. ' /suaj/, adjective

duu leew , noon ma j-kho j-lab .

'After having seen it, one can /lab/, completive verb

hardly sleep. '

5. /ma j- than/ 'has not had time to, had not (by that time) '

Occurs commonly before verbs and completive verbs; rare else-
where. Follows /ca-/.

weelaa-nan kheen jan rag-saa ma j-than-haa j .

'At that time the arm had not yet been /haaj/, completive verb
healed. '

HA

phom jar) ma j- than khaad: sa-ng .

'I hadn't even guessed it yet.' /khaad/, verb

6. /maj-jag/ 'has not (m the long run), not ( in spite of expecta-
tions) '

Conditions of occurrence are the same as for /ma j- than/.

chan choon khaw leew , tee khaw ma j- jag maa.
'I invited him, but he didn't come. '

khun sanid paj , tee mi a khaw ma j- jag pa j .
'Sanit went, but his wife didn't.'

ine ^ maa nan: leew. .' aaw ^ ma j- jag chaj .

'There.' There he comes. Oh.' It's not him after all. '

7. /maj-hen/ or /maj-hen/ 'apparently not, m my opinion not'

Occurs commonly before verbs and adjectives; rare elsewhere.
The corresponding construction with /ca-/ is /hen-camaj/, m which
/hen/ is a member of the /mag/- class and /maj/ is the only repre-
sentative of the present class.

khun sanid maj-hen- maa: sa-thn .

'Apparently Sanit hasn't come. ' or

'I don't think Sanit is coming. ' /maa/, verb

doog nil , chan maj-hen suaj: looj .

'This flower doesn't seem at all pretty /suaj/, adjective

/maj-choerj/ 'not really, really not'

Conditions of occurrence are the same as for /maj-hen/. Does
not occur with /ca-/.

phom ko-ma j-choerj klua: thidiaw rog .

'Well, I wasn't really exactly afraid /klua/, verb
at all. '

9. /jaa/ 'don't, shouldn't'

Occurs commonly before transitive verbs and /khyyn/- class
modals, and m isolation; less commonly before adjectives and other
verbs. Never occurs before prepositional or numeral phrases, or
in the same construction with /ca-/.

142

jaa-paj naj: looj na ^ .

'Don't go away anywhere, will you?'

phii jaa duu-thuug .

'Older brother shouldn't disparage it.

jaa-khyyn km khaw-paj: si .

'Then don't (obstinately) eat it.'

jaa rew: nag .

'Not so fast.' '

/paj/, verb

/ duu- thuug/, verb

/khyyn/, modal

/rew/, adjective

ij-.l.l^. Miscellaneous Modals

The following do not comprise a sub-class of modals, but are resi-
due from the preceding three clearly-defined sub- classes. The discontinuous
and parallel modals (l-i|.) satisfy the class definition only insofar as some
of their elements are concerned; the remaining modals (5-8) satisfy the gen-
eral definition perfectly but have functional peculiarities which prevent
their being included m one of the sub-classes.

1. /od. . . maj-daj/ 'to be unable to keep from'

Occurs discontmuously (see 2.5.3.1.) around verbs and verb
expressions. The morph /od/ itself does not substitute for such
predicates, and hence is not a modal verb by itself. Examples:

khaw od phuud khwaam-cin maj-daj .

'He was unable to keep from telling the truth. '

chan od jim maj-daj .

'I couldn't repress a smile.'
(/jim/ is a verb, 'to smile.')

2. /koad... khyn/ 'it originates, a new thing happens'

Occurs discontmuously around verbs, verb expressions and whole
predications, (in the last case any item preceding /kood/ m the
same clause is a topic.) In all cases, neither /k99d/ nor /khyn/
substitutes for the whole. Examples:

rod-phom kood jaan-teeg: khyn .

'My car developed a flat tire. '
(/jaar)- teeg/ is a possible predication: 'tire bursts'.)

k99d rod chon* kan khyn .

'It happened that there was an accident. '
(/red chon: kan/ is a possible predication: 'cars collide.')

11*3

keod kherj-khan: kan khyn .

'Suddenly started competing with each other. '
(/khen-khan: kan/is a verb expression: 'to compete.')

/taarj... taarj/ 'each one m a different way'

Occurs m parallel construction (see 2.5.3-3.) with whole pre-
dications. The subject fills the slot between the two /taarj/'s;
the second /taarj/ is the part of the reduplicated lexeme which fills
the modal position, and can be followed by any kind of predicate.
Example :

taarj khon , taan dosn-thaarj .

'Each person travels separately (goes his own way) . '

On the basis of its first element, /taarj... taarj/ is also clas-
sified as a /diaw/-class conjunction (ij.,3.1.).

/jirj... jirj/ 'the more... the more'

Occurs m parallel construction, introducing two predications
which may or may not have the same logical subject. In cases where
a real subject is present, the element /jirj/ precedes it, and only
when a subject is lacking does either /jirj/ fall into the modal
position. Examples:

naa-likaa khoorj-chan , jirj aw-paj-kee , jirj d8on rew: khyn,
rew:khyn, thug thu .
'The more I take my watch to be repaired, the faster it runs. '
(The topic /naa-likaa khoorj-chan/ 'my watch' is the logical object
of the first predicate /aw-paj-kee/ 'take to be repaired' and the
logical subject of /doon. .. thug thu/ 'runs faster and faster all
the time.' Both predicates, however lack real subjects.)

jirj mil khon maag , jirj sanug .

'The more people there are, the merrier. '

On the basis of the possible occurrence of either element /jirj/
before subjects, the item /jirj... jirj/ is also classified as a
/diaw/-class conjunction (l)_.3.1.).

/charj/ 'really, how surprisingly so, how, sure'

This modal probably belongs to the /mag/ class (li.,1.2.) but has
several peculiarities. Unlike all other members of the /mag/ class,
it is never followed by /ca-/. It has a lexical relationship with
the negative /maj-cheorj/ 'not really' (1|. 1.3 . 8. ) with which it is

in complementary distribution, and m the form /char}/ cannot be
negated at all. The clauses m which it occurs quite often have
the 'emotional involvement 1 intonation morpheme / t /. Finally,
it sometimes comes before the subject (instead of after it, as do
all true modals) . Examples t

deg khon-nn charj-phuud: cirj ^ .

'This child really knows how to talk.' '

.'rase , duu si t charj maj-kluat sa-looj ^ .
'Say, but look.' He's not a bit afraid.''

charj phuud daj ^ .

'How can you say such a thing.' '

khun charj khab-rod rew: lakoen t .
•You sure do drive fast.' '

6. /khoj/ or /khoj/ 'only then, not until then, after having waited
a while. '

This modal resembles the /khyyn/- cla ss modals (i|.l.l.) m every
respect except that it does not occur m the definitive context
(after /jaa/ 'don't'). It precedes mainly verbs and adjectives, and
follows /ca-/ and the /mag/- class modals. It is frequently found
m commands, where it is m direct contrast with /jaa-pherj/ 'don't
yet.' Its semantic opposite /phorj/'just now, not until now' is m
fact a /khyyn/- class modal (i]..l. l.Ij.. ) . The morphologically related
negative /maj-khoj/ 'not very' (ij.. 1.3 .14.. ) does not have an exclu-
sively temporal meaning, and is considered to be a separate lexeme,
rather than a syntactic construction of /maj/ plus /khoj/, because
it replaces /maj/ everywhere. In the examples below, illustrations
of /phorj/ are included for contrast.

khaaw raya pn thii-leew maj-rjoog rjaam , tee pn-nii khoj dn khyn .
'The rice last year didn't grow well, but this year it's a
little better. '

mya-waan-nii phorj roon khyn .

'It didn't get hotter until yesterday. (Only yesterday did it
get hotter . ) '

jaa-phyrj hurj khaaw diaw-nn . iig haa naa-thn , th^rj' khoj hurj .
'Don't cook the rice now. Wait five minutes and then cook^it. '

jarj: koon . diaw khoj-paj .

'Not yet. Wait a little and then go. '

naan nil chag-cakho j- sanug khyn .

'This celebration is finally starting to be fun. '

7. /khoj-khoj/ 'gradually, gently'

/riib-riib/ 'hurriedly, without pausing'

These and other reduplicated lexemes of similar meaning are
sometimes found m the modal position as well as their normal
complement position. The first is based on the modal /khoj/ above,
the second on a modal verb /riib/ 'to hurry. ' The difference m
meaning seems to be that the modal position refers more to the
inception of action and the complement position to the action as
a whole .

khoj-khoj len t.

'Don't play excitedly (when you start to play).' 1

len khoj-khoj t •

'Play more quietly (than you are now).''

khoj-khoj phuudt na .

'Speak softly, now.'

khaw riib-riib phuud .

'He started talking m a big rush. '

8. /ca/ 'hypothetical situation, ' the most common modal of all, is
also a preposition - see lj.,2.6.3.2. for examples.

i;.2. Prepositions

A preposition is any bound lexeme which introduces exocentric comple-
ment phrases. The function of prepositions is analogous to that of modals,
the difference being that the co- constituents of prepositional phrases are
substantive rather than predicative expressions. The relationship between
prepositions and head-nouns is the same as that between modals and modal
verbs (which always head their predicates); the larger construction is of
the same type but the preposition (or modal) cannot replace it, whereas the
head noun (or modal verb) can. In addition, prepositions normally have weak
stress*

The class of prepositions is not very large, but must be considered
open. Members include homonyms of both substantive and predicative lexemes
which, when stressed, are heads of endocentric expressions. For example,
the stressed item /we-laa/ means 'time' and is an abstract noun:

/we-laa waan/ 'free time '

/soon we-laa/ 'two separate times'

1^6

But weak-stressed /welaa/ is a preposition 'at':

/welaa/ soorj moor]/ 'at two o'clock'

On the other hand, many of the most common prepositions do not have such
homonyms - e.g. /naj/ 'in.'

The class meaning is 'spatial, temporal, numerical, or logical restric-
tion on a substantive concept. ' Prepositions are sub-classif led into five
categories, with an important residue of extremely common items (1^.2.6.).

ij.. 2 . 1 . /na.]/ Class

This class of prepositions is morphologically defined by occurrence
m derivatives with the lexical prefix /khaarj/ or /kharj/ 'side' (see 2.1).. 1.
7.). A few also make other derivatives with the prior elements /byarj-/ 'side,'
/thaarj-/ 'way,' /phaaj-/ 'scope,' /toon-/ 'part.' The resultant derivatives
are nouns, and at the same time /thamaj/- class complementives (3.2.2.3.8.).
They also fill most of the positions of their base prepositions as well. By
themselves, /naj/-class prepositions occur with weak stress before and m
construction with all types of nouns and noun-expressions; they are rare
before verb-expressions. The class meaning is 'locative reference.'

The class is closed and small, and its members are grouped m pairs
of semantic opposites. Following are the important members and their
derivatives. The context for all examples is the same:

man juu. . .nan

'It is. . . there. '

Preposition
1. /naj/ 'm'

Derivatives

/khan- naj/
/phaa j-na j/

2. /noog/ 'outside of

3. /bon/ 'on, up m'

' inside 1
'withm '

/kharj-noog/ 'outside
/phaa j- noog/ 'without

/khan-bon/
/byan-bon/

/laan/ 'under, down m' /khan- la a rj/

'top, upper portion, upstairs'
•upper side, etc. '

'bottom, lower portion, down-
stairs '

/byarj- laan/ 'lower side, etc. '

1K7

5.

/nya/

'above 1

/kharj-nya/
/phaa j-nya/
/thaan-nya/

'up above '

'm superior position'
'north '

6.

Aaj/

'below '

/khan-taj/
/phaaj-taj/
/thaan- taj/

'down below, underneath
' m inferior position'
'south'

7.

/naa/

'In front of

/khan- naa/
/phaa j-naa/

' front '
' future '

8.

/lan/

'behind '

/khan- Ian/
/tihaa i— lan/

'back'

'future, after'

9.

/khaar)/

'beside '

/khan- khaag/

'alongside, to one side 1

10.

/klaan/

'In the midst of '

/khan- klaarj/
/to on- klaan/

'middle '
'middle part'

As simple prepositions, the members of the /naj/ class exclude each other,
but many combinations involving the derivatives occur. There is no internal
order for the class.

i|.2.2. /caag / Glass

The class consists of prepositions which occur m the same construc-
tions as the /naj/ class, but also occur before, and m construction with,
phrases introduced by /na j/-prepositions. The class meaning is 'direction
and limits of motion. '

The class must be considered open, since weak-stressed verbs of mo-
tion freely enter m (an example is 13. /saj/), but the number of frequent,
standard members is small. In this latter category are members 1-1+, which
are among the most frequent lexemes m the language. Most members have
homonyms belonging to other classes.

Besides the members listed below, the following mainly literary pre-
positions belong to the /caag/ class t

/na/ 'at' /syn/ 'against, toward, object sign^

/suu/ 'toward' /jan/ 'to'

Where these items have colloquial uses, however, they are listed under the
appropriate category (e.g. /jar)/ m lj..2.3.6.). Also not listed below are
three prepositions requiring special treatment: /kwaa/, /khooij/, and /heer)/
(see lj..2. 6.1;. ) . The principal colloquial members of the /caag/ class follow.

1. /caag/ or /cag/ 'from, away from, out of

oog maa caag taj ton-maaj .

'Came out from under a tree. '

dm-soo lud paj-caag-myy .

'The pencil slipped out of his hand. '

2. /tee/ or /te/ 'from, from the direction of, from the time of

oog doon-thaan tee-chaaw myyd .

'Started traveling m the early morning. 1
( 'from the early morning. '

dan khyn te-lan pratuu .

.'There was a noise from behind the door. '

3. /thii/ or /thi/ 'at, to, over at, m the possession of

khooj juu-thii-naa roon-nan .

'He's waiting (over) m front of the school.'

phob kan thi-baan phyan .

'We met at a friend's house. '

pa j thi-baan phyan .

'Go over to a friend's house.'

juu thi-chan , haa baad .

'I still have (or owe you) five baht. '
('There remains to me five baht.')

/thyn/ or /thyn/ and /con/ 'to, all the way to, reaching'

oog pa j thyn-klaan mee-naam .

'Went out into the middle of the river. '

klab-maa thyn-baan welaa soon thum .

'Got back to the house at eight p.m. '

juu thii-nan con saam thum .

'Stayed there until nine p.m. '

$. /tron/ 'right at, right to'

juu tron-klaan mee-naam .

'It's right m the middle of the river.'

jud tron-nan: een .
'Stop right there. '

114-9

thuug tron naa-og .

'Was hit right m the chest. '

/taam/ or /tarn/ 'along, following, according to, from one
another of

win pa j- tarn- thanon .

'Run along the street. '

phuud taam- phom .

' Say it after me . '

roon taam carj-wa.

'Sing according to the rhythm. '

haa-syy tam-raan .

'Shop for it from one store to the next. '

/thaan/ or /than/ ' m the direction of, by way of

juu thaan-noog pratuu .

'It's somewhere outside the door. '

liaw than-saaj .

'Turn to the left. '

maa thaan mee-naam .

'Came by way of the river. 1

pa j thaan rya-bm .
'Go by plane . '

/theew/ or /thew/ 'to or m the general vicinity of, near'

len kan thew-naa roon-nan .

'They play around the front of the school. '

theew-baan phom mil js .

'There are a lot of them in my neighborhood. '

/kab/ and /ka-/ 'with, with respect to, to'

juu klaj kab-baan phom .

'It's near (with respect to) my house.'

pa j kab- phom dn kwaa .
'Better go with me. '

faag nan-syy kab-phyan .

'Leave books with a friend. '

150

ha j nan-syy kaphyan .

'G-ive books to a friend. '
(See also /ka-/ under 10. /kee/ and under miscellaneous preposi
tions, Zj.,2.6.3.).

/kee/ or /ke/ and /ka/ 'toward, to, for'

thyr) ke-kam leew .

'He is dead (has attained to death).'

ha 2 nan-syy ke-phyan .

'Give books to a friend. '

da j kee-khoon thug-jaan

or : da j kakhoon thug- 3a a rj .

'Applies to all kinds of things. '

/too/ or /to/ 'toward, m the presence of, dis tr lbutively to'

phuud too-naa khaw .
'Say it to his face. '

jyyn taa to-taa .
1 Stand eye to eye . '

Before metric classifiers and numeral phrases, /too/ means 'per

haa-sib kiloo-med too chua-moon .
'Fifty kilometers per hour. '

/khee/ 'stopping at, going no further than'

pa j khee wan-luan .

'G-oes only as far as the palace. '

(Also a member of the /doo j/-class , 1+.2.3.16.)

/saj/ 'into, at so as to hit.'

faj-cheg tog saj-caan teeg .

'The lighter fell into the dish and broke it. '

jin sag ton-maaj .
'Shoot at a tree. '

/pracam/ 'located at, associated with'

pen thuud pracam krun-theeb .

'He's a diplomat stationed m Bangkok.'

1^1

There is no internal order for the class, but specific combinations of
members occur, within the class and outside, which are better considered as
single lexemes t

/thyrj-kab/

k 9

/taam- thii/
6 3

/tron-khaam/
5

/lan-caag/
1

/tar]- tee/
2

/thyrj-khee/
k 12

'to the point of
'according to'

'opposite, right across from'

'after'
'since '

'only to the point of

J4..2.3. /dooj/ Glass

The class consists of prepositions which occur before, and in con-
struction with, both noun and verb expressions. Most members, m fact, occur
before whole clauses as /thaa/- class conjunctions (Z4.. 3 • 2 . ) . The class mean-
ing is 'temporal, spatial or logical condition,' and the resulting phrases
function syntactically as complements. Like /thama ^/-class complementives ,
for which /doo j/- introduced prepositional phrases freely substitute, the
phrases are reversible with respect to the head constituents; the only dif-
ference in meaning is a slight change of emphasis.

The class is open, and quite large, containing many nearly- synonymous
members. Following are the most important members, with their approximate
meanings .

1.

2.
3.

/mya/ or /mya/

/koon/ or /kon/

/welaa/ and /toon/
or /ton/

L\.. /phoo/ or /pho/

5. /con-thyrj/ or /con-thyrj/

and /con-kratharj/

6. /jarj/

7. /larj-caag/ or /larj-cag/

'at the time of
'before '

'during the time of, at or m (a part
of the day) '

'as soon as the time of

'until, up to the time of, up to the
point of

'to, to an end-point of

'after'

152

/tag-tee/ or /tarj-te/

'since, all the way from, with begin-
ning member as '

9 •

/noog-caag/ or /noog-cag/

'besides, outside of'

10 .

/wen/ and /wen- tee/

' except for '

11.

/rawaarj/

•between, among, during the time c

12.

/talood-con/

'including, with final member as'
(Often follows 8. /tarj-tee/, m
meaning 'everything from... to,

13.

/jaar)/ or /jag/

'like, such as, m the manner of

14.

/chen/

'like, for example' (construction
often closed with /pen- ton/)

15.

/myan/ or /myan/

'resembling, like 1

16.

/thaw/ or /thaw/ and /khee/

'to the extent of

17.

/dooj/ or /doj/

'by means of, by the agency of

18.

/duaj/ or /da*j/

'with, with the material of

19.

/phro/ or /phro/

'because of

20.

/nyarj-caag/ or /nyarj-cag/

'on account of '

21.

/phya/

'for the purpose of

22.

/sam-rab/ or /samrab/
and /suan/

'for, as for, for the purpose of

23.

/ chapho/

'directed toward, especially for'

21+.

/faaj/

'on the part of, from the side of

25.

/pen/

'as, so as to become'

26.

/the en/ or /then/

'instead of, so as to replace'

27.

/ryarj/

'on the subject of

Members of the /dooj/-class normally exclude each other except insofar
as they form single- lexeme compounds, for example:

/jaar)- chen/ 'such as'

13 lk

Of all the members of the class listed above, only a few can substitute
for their typical phrases, and even these members occur by themselves only
at the end of clauses, not at the beginning, and hence are /eerj/-class com-
plementives (3.2.2.2.). These are:

2. /koon/ 'beforehand' But also, /koon-nan/ 'before that'

153

18. /duaj/ 'with it, m addition' But also, /duaj-kan/ 'with each

other, together'

26. /the en/ 'instead'

All other members form complement phrases or derive complement lves by
addition of objects like /nan/ (e.g. 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, li+, 16) or /kan/
(e.g. 15, 16, 18) or /n£i/ (e.g. 2, 3, 7, 9, 11, 13, and 16 /knee/) with
various meanings. There are also a few highly irregular derived complement ives:
if. /pho-dii/ 'just now, just then'

/chen-diaw-kan/ 'm the same way'

19. /phro-chanan/ 'for that reason'

21. /phya/ 'for a purpose, m reserve' (note

change of tone)

23. /doo j-chapho/ 'especially'

Two additional members of this class which require special treatment,
/haj/ and /aw/, are listed with the miscellaneous prepositions (If. 2. 6.1. ) .

if.2.1^.

Class

These prepositions belong to none of the preceding classes but are
weak- stressed forms of verbs (mostly completive verbs, 3-3 • ^4-- ) which occur
before nouns m the typical prepositional construction. They do not normally
occur before verbs or introduce clauses. The class meaning, is 'route or
timing of motion or distribution'. The resulting phrases can all be substi-
tuted for by the corresponding free form with normal stress.

The class is not large, but presumably open, since any completive verb
is a candidate for membership. Phrases introduced by /roob/-class preposi-
tions, especially 5-10, are more frequently negated than any other type of
prepositional phrase. Following are some important members.

1. /khaam/ 'across, over on the other side, of

doon khaam- thanon 'walk across the street'

juu khaam- thanon

'It's across the street.'

2. /tr or)- khaam/

trorj- khaam karoorj-narj

'directly across from, opposite'
'opposite the theatre ' r

/roob/ and /rob-roob/
narj roob- to

'around, completely circling'
'seated around the table'

lift

Ij.. /oom/ and /om-oom/
doom oom- to .

5. /talood/

talood-chnwid
talood- thaan

6. /thua/

thua-loog .

7. /khrob/

syy da j khrob- chud .

8. /mod/
mod-reer)

9 . /phon/
phon- thug

10. /than/

than rod-fa j

11. /raj/ or /raaj/ and

/praad- sacaag/

raj heed- phon

praad- sacaag khwaam-maa j

12 . /tem/

tem kamlag
tem-naa

13. /tid/

tid faa-phanar)

•around, detourmg, half- circling '
'walk around the table (as a detour) '

'all the way through (one dimension, as
time or a road), from one end to the
other '

'all through life '

'the whole way'

'throughout (two or three dimensions),
pervading, all over'

'all over the world'

'completing a set, the full amount of
'able to buy the whole set'

'depleting a set, the last bit of
'every last bit of strength'

'beyond, past, clear of, free of
'free of sorrow'

'm time for, catching up with'
'm time for the tram'

'without, devoid of

'without reason'
'without meaning '

'full of, filling up'
'at full strength'
'all over the face'

'sticking to, up against'
'on the walls '

155

14. /too/

too faa-phanarj
too-rua lor)- pa j

15. /thaw/ or /thaw/
suurj thaw phii-chaaj

'joined to, extending from, m line with'
'm line with the wall'
'extending down from the fence'.

'to the extent of, equal to'
'as tall as his elder brother'

(Also a member of /dooj/ class, if. 2.3.16.)

1|.2.5. /sag / Class

The class consists of prepositions which occur immediately before,
and m construction with, cardinal numeral (3. 2. 6.1.) phrases. The class
includes one set of members which are homonymous with /mag/-class modals
(6, below) and these are the only members after which /ca-/ intervenes before
the numeral (m time expressions). The entire construction m all cases is
still a cardinal numeral construction, and non- nega table . The class meaning
of /sag/-prepositions is 'attitude toward the accuracy, size, distribution,
or mclusiveness of a numeral expression. ' The class is closed, and rather
small; all common members are represented here.

1. /iig/ 'another, an additional number of

khaw daj-rab cod-maaj ng-soorj chabab .
'He received two more letters. '

torj khooj lig-sib wan .

'We have to wait another ten days. '

2. /thyrj/ or /tharj/ 'up to, a complete set of

aad-catorj khooj thyrj-sib wan , ko-daj .

'We may even have to wait the full ten days. '

khaw capaj: kan , tharj- s a am khon .
'All three of them are going. '

3. /te-la/ and /khon-la/ 'each, different, ...at a time'

(Although /khon/ is also a classifier for persons, and /la/ a
distributive postposition, described m 4«4»4» » ^ 1S clear that /khon-la/
is a compound preposition of the /sag/ class, because, like /te-la/, it is
used to refer to all types of nouns, not merely people.) Examples:

kha'w paj» kan , khon-la- tha a rj .

'They went off m different directions (each one way). '

156

aw te- la- so 023 an dii kwaa .

'It's better to take two of each.'

phid kan khon-la- jaarj .

'Each kind is different. '

I4.. /thug- thug/ 'every, at intervals of

chaaj thug- thug saam dyan .

'It is shown every three months. '

(This item, which is a reduplication of /thug/, and item 3« above
closely resemble the partitive numerals described m 3.2.6.3., but differ m
that they occur before cardinal numerals, whereas partitive numerals do not.)

5. /raaw/ or /raw-raaw/ 'approximately (time or quantity)' and

and /pramaan/ 'approximately (quantity only) '

khaaj raakhaa pramaan haa-rooj baad .

'It sells for approximately five hundred baht. '

phom oog caag thii-nan raw-raaw sii thum .
'I left there at about ten p.m. '

caag nil , ko-raaw nyrj-rooj med .

'It's about a hundred meters from here. '

6. /cuan/ or /cuan ca-/ and /kyab/ or /kyab ca-/ 'almost'

phom khoojt juu , kyab- soon chua-moorj .
'I was waiting for almost two hours. '

cuan- ca saam moorj leew .

'It's nearly three o'clock.'

7. /koon/, /ko on- kwaa/ and /kwaa/ 'm excess of

phom khooji juu , koon-kwaa soorj chua-moorj .
'I was waiting for over two hours. '

khaaj raakhaa koen haa-rooj baad .

'It sells for more than five hundred baht. '

8. /phiarj/ and /phorj/ or /phyn/ 'only'

khaaj raakhaa phiarj haa-rooj baadt thaw- nan .
'It sells for only five hundred baht. '

157

phom syy daj phiarj-haa chabab .

'I was able to buy only five copies. '

phorj saam moor] .

'It's only three o'clock.'

khaw mil luug phiarj-soorj khon .

or i khaw phyrj-mn luug soorj khon .

'She has only two children. '

(See also the modal /pherj/, m Ij-.l.l. and

9. /tarj/ or /tarj/ 'all of, as much as, the surprisingly high number of

phom khooj: juu , tarj-soorj chua-moorj .
'I was waiting for all of two hours. '

caag nil , ko-tarj haa-rooj med .

'It's at least five hundred meters from here. '

10. /sag/ or /sag/ 'the inexact number of, the unreal quantity of

phom capaj-syy narj-syy sag-soorj lem .

'I'm going to buy a couple of books.'

phom capaj-syy narj-syy sag- lem .

'I 'm going to buy a book (unspecified) '

khaw ma j- da j- syy narj-syy sag- lem diaw .

'He didn't buy (so much as) a single book.'

phoo d89n pa 3- da j sag-haa naathn ,

'After he had been walking along for perhaps five minutes... '

Two /sag/-class prepositions m sequence are not uncommon. The class
consists of pairs of semantic opposites which limit the actual possibilities
- for example, members of groups 1-2, 3-lj., 5-8, and 9-10 exclude each other
internally; /koon/ is followed only by /tarj/ and /phiarj/ only by /sag/.
Examples of actual combinations follow. The immediate constituents are
always A/BC.

iig pramaan sib khon .

'Approximately ten more people. '

thyrj kyab-sn chua-moorj .

'Nearly four whole hours. '

koon tarj haa-rooj baad .

'Even more than five hundred baht. '

158

phiarj seTg-soorj med .

'Only about two meters. '

kyab tar) soorj-rooj med .

'Almost as much as two hundred meters.

J4..2.6. Miscellaneous Prepositions
1. /haj/ or /haj/ and /aw/

These two prepositions, which as prepositions are members of the
/dooj/ class, each have homonyms belonging to several other form-classes.
The two are listed here together because they share a number of constructions
and have a common meaning: 'transfer of possession or instrumentality.' The
constructions are:

1. Post-verbal phrase

/haj/ 'to or for someone, having an intentional effect on
something '

/aw/ 'to or at something, having an unintentional effect
on something'

jyyn haj phanag-rjaan .

'Hand it to the clerk. '

meew takhuj aw-sya .

'The cat sharpened its claws on the mat. '

saarj thamnob haj-naam thuam .

'Built a dam for flooding. '
('Built a dam to make it flood.')

/aw/ is very common after verbs of holding and grasping:

jib aw-pag-kaa .

'Pick up the pen. '

fon tog aw-naam thuam .

'It rained and flooding resulted. '
( 'The ram made it flood. ')

2) Pre-verbal phrase

/haj/ 'with the (human or animate) agency of

/aw/ 'with the (inanimate) instrument of

mee-khrua haj-deg tad nya pen- chin .

'The cook has the child cut the meat into slices. '

159

mee-khrua aw-miid tad nya pen- chin .

"The cook uses a knife to cut the meat into slices. '

Apart from the order of the prepositional phrase (before the verb),
these constructions correlate with those of /dooj/-class prepositions. Com-
pare the following:

aw-maaj tham . 'Make it with wood. '

tham duaj-maaj . 'Make it with wood. '

aw rod-jon paj . 'Go by car. 1

pa j dooj rod-jon . 'Go by car. '

3. As /waj/-class postpositions (l+.i|.l.)

Homonyms of the two prepositions occur unstressed after verbal
phrases without any object. Like a few members of the /dooj/-class (2,18,
26), this is a case of substitution for the typical prepositional phrase in-
troduced by that member. But since /haj/ and /aw/ as postpositions occur m
mixed order with members of the /wa j/- class , they are assigned to this class
rather than to the /eerj/- class , the members of which they always precede. As
a postposition, /haj/ never has the form /haj/.

/haj/ 'to or for someone else'

/aw/ 'for oneself, for itself

keb doog-maaj: haj .

'Pick flowers for them'

keb doog-maaj: aw .

'Pick flowers for themselves'

khaw cajyym haj: iig .

'He's going to lend it (to others) as well.'

khaw ma"j-da j-boog phom ^ phom dawi aw eerj .

'He didn't tell me. I guessed it for myself. '

In association with the plural pronoun /kan/, it is important to
distinguish whether /haj/ and /aw/ occur as prepositions or postpositions.

keb haj-kan . 'They pick them for each other. '

kebi kan haj . 'They pick them for others. '

keb aw-kan . 'They pick them for themselves (as

a group ) ' .

keb: kan aw . 'The pick them for themselves (as

individuals ) ' .

160

1|. As conjunctions

Both /haj/ and /aw/ occur before subject-predicate constructions,
as conjunctions of the /syn/- class (i^.3.3.), with the common meaning 'change
of subject. ' In many cases this is an extension of their prepositional use
in post-verbal phrases, like the occurrences of /dooj/-class prepositions as
/thaa/-class conjunctions (I4..3.2.).

'He threw the ball and it knocked down the lamp. '
('m such a way that the lamp fell. ')
In both examples, the first /aw/ is a preposition (see 1|.2.6.1.2.
above): 'he threw with the ball,' though /khwaan/ is also transitive.

A similar use, also common to /dooj/-class prepositions, is occurrence
before adjectives:

tn man ha*j-r en-r e en: na .
'Beat it hard, will you? '

man tn ch§n aw- r eg- re en .
'It hit me hard. '

5. As Mam Verbs

Like /waj/-class postpositions, /haj/ and /aw/ occur, stressed, as
primary verbs. In the examples below, the mam verb is underlined.

/haj/ 'so that, which is supposed to'

/aw/ 'so that, which accidentally'

khaw aw luug-boon , khwaan haj khoom-tarj tog .

'He took the ball and threw it at the lamp to make it fall. '

('so that the lamp would fall.')
khaw aw luug-boon , khwaan aw khoom-tan tog .

/haj/
/aw/

ha j^ sataan: pa j
( da j sataan: maa
aw sataanx paj

'to give'

'to take, to choose'

'to give money away'

'to receive money')

'to take the money away'

aw sataan: maa

1 to bring the money

maa-haj sataan.

'to come and give money'

paj-aw sataan
aw maa-ha j

'to go get money'

'to bring for someone'

161

ha 3 paj-aw 'to have someone go get'

aw paj-haj 'to take to someone'

haj maa-aw 'to have someone come get'

haj sataarj: aw-waj 'to give money for a future purpose'

aw sataarj: waj-haj 'to keep money on hand for someone'

2. /tee/ or /te/ and /con/

These prepositions, of opposite meaning, share some, but not all con-
structions with each other. Basically they are both members of the /caag/
class (I4..2.2, numbers 2 and 1|, respectively), but both occur m compound
prepositions of the /dooj/ class (1;. 2. 3. 5. Q, 10, 12) and m other compound
lexemes. Besides their basic meanings, /tee/ 'starting from' and /con/ 'up
to' have quantity-related meanings which are the exact equivalents of two
/sag/-class O4..2.5.) prepositions, /sag/ 'as little as' and /tar]/ 'as much
as, ' respectively. These occur only m numeral phrases; /tee/ and /con/
replace them elsewhere. Following are some examples of these other construc-
tions. In the first two cases, only one of the pair of prepositions occurs,
and the constructions are mirror images of each other.

1) Between a verb and its object: /tee/ 'only'
km tee nya-muu 'eats only pork'

aw ts-kin 'wants only to eat'

mn te-nooj 'there are only a few'

juu tee naj-rar) 'stays only m the nest'

km nya-muu te-nooj 'eats only a little meat'

choob te-juu naj-rarj 'likes only to stay m the nest'

In this construction, /tee/ occurs before all types of objects,
including substantives, predicatives, expressions, and phrases. It is
characteristically echoed with /thaw-nan/ at the end of its phrase, or at
the end of the clause.

2) Between a verb and a completive verb or adjective: /con/ 'finally.

all the way to '

haa con-da j 'finally found'

haa con-thua 'looked everywhere'

waaj-naam con-myaj 'swam until exhausted'

khwaarj con- da j 'finally hit by throwing'

162

In all such constructions, the first constituent is a transitive
verb and the second an adjective or completive verb. In similar predica-
tions involving a substantive as first constituent, the conjunction /cyn/
(1|.3 .1+.3 • ) is used instead of /con/:

phom cyrj-paj . 'I finally went'

sii-khiaw thyn-cadu . 'Only green is good. '

3) As conjunctions, the two items still contrast sharply:

/tee/ 'but'(/diaw/ class, if. 3.1.)

/con/ 'until, although' (/thaa/ class,

1+.3.2.)

cMn boog leew: waa , chan maj-choob sii-khiaw , tee
khaw jan-khyyn syy maa-iig con- da j .

'I had told him that I didn't like green, but he still
ended up buying green again anyway. '

con chan boog leew: waa , chan maj-choob sii-khiaw , khaw
ko-jan khyyn syy maa-iig con- da j .

'Although I had told him I didn't like green, he still
ended up buying green again anyway. '

khaw daj-rab kaan-rag-saa jaan-dn , con-phon kheed an-taraaji
leew .

'He received excellent care until he was past the dangerous
stage. '

khaw daj-rab kaan-rag-saa jaan-dn , t-ee naj roon-pha jaa-baan:
thaw- nan .

'He received excellent care, but only m the hospital. '

3. /ka-/ and /ca-/

Each of these two prepositions occurs m close juncture with the
other constituent of its phrase (or with the first syllable of the constit-
uent if it is polysyllabic). They are the only prepositions which have no
stressed forms m conversational style, although each is substituted for by
stressed forms m citation and m formal style: /ka-/ is replaced by /kab/
or /kee/, and /ca-/ by /ca/.

163

1) /ka-/ occurs exclusively before substantive expressions: nouns,
pronouns, demonstratives, numerals (but not classifiers), and
phrases of all these types. Its meaning is 'm relation to, '
and it frequently follows other prepositions and a few verbs
and adjectives. It also has a covert relationship with the
pronoun /kan/ ' m relation to each other, as a group,' which
can replace most /ka-/ phrases. Since /ka-/ follows all other
prepositions, its occurrence alone (without other prepositions)
is interpreted as an instance of a /caag/-class preposition. As
such, it can replace /kee/ and /kab/ m all their uses (see
examples under 1+.2.2.9, 10.).

Examples:

pa j kakhun

'go with you'

pa j : kan

'go together'

thyrj ka sana am

'up to the field '

thyrj : kan

'meeting '

too katheew

' m extension of
the row '

too: kan

' in line '

trorj kana-likaa

'right with the
clock '

trorj: kan

' m agreement '

jaarj kakh£w

'like him'

my an kakhSw

'like him'

myani kan

'like each other'

dua j kaphom

'with me •

duaj: kan

' together •

ha j kaphom

'to me '

ha j i kan

'reciprocally '

trorj-khaam kabaan

'opposite the
house '

trorj-khaam:

kan 'opposite each
other '

klaj kabaan

'near the house '

klaj: kan

'near together'

khiarj kabaan

'next to the house'

khiarj: kan

'next to each other

thaw kasoorj

'equivalent to two'

thaw: kan

'to the same degree

thilug kakhaw

'm harmony with
them '

thuug: kan

' in harmony '

phid kakhaw

'different from
them '

phid: kan

•different '

kiaw karjaan

'concerned with
work '

kiaw: kan

'related '

phroom kakhruu

'at the same time
as the teachers'

phroom: kan

' simultaneous '

khla a 2 ka khruu

'resembling
teachers '

khlaaj: kan

'similar '

l&J.

2) /ca-/ occurs before predicative expressions, especially before
verbs, adjectives, modals (other than /mag/-class) and some
modal verbs and their phrases, and is also common before enu-
merations and equational predicates. It is extremely common
after /mag/-class modals (i|.1.2.) and some modal verbs (3.3.1.
1,5-9). Its meaning is 'hypothetical situation or putative
action, ' and it is used both for future states and for unreal
or reconstructed present-past states. Since the order of /ca-/
with respect to modals and modal verbs is entirely fixed, the
occurrence of /ca-/ without modal elements present is best
interpreted as an instance of a special bound modal (belonging
to a class of one), /ca-/. (see 1 .Ij.. 8 . )

Phrases introduced by /ca-/ cannot be replaced by any
single lexeme (as can /ka-/-phrases) , but it is interesting
to note that /ca-/ and the sentence particle /tho/ 'Let's,
why not' (ij.. 5. 1.8.) seem to exclude each other semantically,
although their positions in the clause are quite different.

Examples :

khaw capaj-duaj . 'He's going to go along.'

khaw capaj-daj jaarj-raj . 'How could he go (have gone)?'

diaw , khaw capa j . 'He's going soon. 1

(/pa j/ 1S a verb. )

khaw catorj pa j . 'He'll have to go. '

khaw jaag capaj-duaj . 'He wants to go along. '

khaw cakhooj pa j mya-raj t • 'When would he ever have gone?'

(/tor]/, /jaag/, and /khoej/ are modal verbs.)

khaw aad capa j ko-daj . 'He might even go. '

khaw khorj capaj: juu-lesw . 'He must have gone already.'

khaw kamlarj capaj: juu-leew . 'He's about to go already.'

(/aad/, /khorj/, and /kamlarj/ are /mag/-class modals.)

khaw camaj-paj: lamarj . 'Maybe he's not going.'

khaw cakhyyn pa j thama j . 'Why would he be going m spite

of everything? '

165

(/maj/ and /khyyn/ represent their own classes of modals.)

nag thii-nii casaduagt kwaa .

'Sitting here would be more comfortable. '

khyn rod-mee cachaa: paj-nooj .

'Taking the bus would be a little too slow. '

(/saduag/ and /chaa/ are adjectives.)

ng haa-nathn casoorj moor] .

'In five minutes it'll be two o'clock.'
(it's five to two. ) '

khaw cakhaa-hag daj jaarj-raj •.

'How could he get a broken leg? '

(/soorj moorj/ is an enumeration and /khaa-hag/ is an equational

predicate. )

ij.. /kwaa/, /khoorj/, and /heerj/

These three prepositions are members of the /caag/ class (I+.2.2.).
which commonly occur m rather special environments, and also have homonyms
which belong to special classes. They occur exclusively before substantive
expressions and, m the definitive /caag/-class context, before /naj/-class
prepositions.

1) /kwaa/ or /kwa/ 'more than' is almost entirely restricted to
occurrence after adjectives and adjective phrases. Its homonym,
/kwaa/ 'more,' is a /nag/-class postposition (l+.l|.2.) which*

, substitutes for all /kwaa/-phrases .

Examples :

roon kwa-naj-baan 'hotter than m the house'

roon kwaa 'hotter'

jarj chaa kwaa-phom: lig 'even slower than me'

jar) chaa kwa-iig 'even slower'

jaj kwa-doom 'bigger than before'

jaj kwaa 'bigger'

dn kwa-phyan 'better than the others'

dn kwaa 'better'

2) /khoorj/ or /khorj/ and /heerj/ or /her)/ 'of, belonging to' as
prepositions are almost entirely restricted to occurrence
before substantive expressions, although a few adjectives can

166

have a /khoorj/-phrase modifying them (see last examples m
section) . The substantive following /khoorj/ normally has person,
animal, or small object as referent, while that following /heerj/
has a large object, place, or abstraction as referent.

Phrases introduced by /khoorj/ and /heer)/ commonly modify sub-
stantives (usually nouns), but if the head-noun is missing the
phrase still operates syntactically as a substantive, and can
fill the topic, subject, object, or complement position. In
fact, since one of the meanings of the construction 'head noun
H plus modifier noun M ' is already 'the H of M, ' the prepositions
/khoorj/ and /heerj/ more often mean 'that of than simply 'of -
i.e. they are more freaaent when the head noun is missing.

Examples*

narj-syy khorj-phom 'My book (book of me) '

narj-syy phom 'My book'

khoon-phom 'Mine (that of me) 1

sanaam heerj-chaad 'National Stadium (stadium of nation) '

phleerj chaad 'national anthem'

heerj-chaad 'the nation's'

Both prepositions have homonyms which are nouns: /khoorj/ 'thing'
and /heerj/ 'place.' Neither noun, by itself, substitutes for the
corresponding type of prepositional phrase, but as normal- stressed
head nouns with modifiers both occur m direct semantic contrast
with the homonymous (weak- stressed) preposition plus its complement.
Compare the following:

kMw ha j khoorj phom: paj . 'They gave my things away. '

(Noun /khoorj/)

khaw haj khoorj-phom: paj . 'They gave mine away.' (Preposition

/khoorj/)

Where indirect objects are involved, there is an important con-
trast between /kee/ 'to, for' and /khoorj/ 'of,' the head noun-mod-
lfier noun construction being ambiguous m this case. Examples t

khaw ha j rjen phom: paj . 'They gave my money away. ' ov

' They gave the money away to me . '

khaw haj rjon khorj-phomi paj . 'They gave my money away. 1

khaw haj rjsn ke-phom: paj . 'They gave the money away to me. '

167

Additional examples of all types t

khoorj- phom juu nil . 'Mine is here. '

khoo jyym khoorj- khun . 'Lend me yours. '

koorj-thab herj pra the ed- tha j jaj kwaa . 'The army of Thailand is larger. 1

heerj pra theed- tha j jaj kwaa . 'Thailand's is larger.'

an-naj khoorj khaw . 'Which one is his? '

khoorj khorj-khaw haaj: paj-mod . 'His things all disappeared.'

phyan khoorj phyan-phom . 'A friend of a friend of mine. '

thuug khoorj khaw . 'He is right. ' (Lit. 'right of

him. ' /thuug/ is an adjective.

/khoorj/ and /heerj/ follow /kwaa/ when they introduce a non-modifying
phrase; otherwise the three prepositions exclude each other.

dn kwaa khoorj-khun . 'It's better than yours.'

l+.3» Conjunctions

A conjunction is any bound lexeme which occurs as a prior constituent
m a syntactic construction which has a whole predication as co-constituent.
Just as modals (i|.l.) introduce predicative expressions, and prepositions
(ij.,2.) introduce substantive expressions, conjunctions introduce entire pre-
dications without being able to substitute for them - i.e. the construction
'conjunction plus predication' is exocentric. There is some overlap between
the memberships of the preposition and conjunction classes, involving espe-
cially the /thaa/ sub-class (ij.,3.2.). One kind of conjunction (/cyrj/ class,
ij..3.I|..) actually follows the subject of its predication, rather than preced-
ing it, but this is a clear case of discontinuous order, since the immediate
constituent analysis is the same as m the case of other conjunctions.

Except for the open /thaa/ sub-class (i|.3.2.), the class of conjunctions
is small and closed. Many of its members, however, are among the most fre-
quent lexemes m the language.

3 . 1 - /diaw / Class

The class consists of conjunctions which occur m absolute initial
position (coming even before /barj-oon/ and /thamaj/- class complement lves ,
3.2.2.) m clauses which l) come first m a series of clauses, and 2) are
m open clause juncture (1.2.8. end). The second stipulation is necessary

168

to distinguish /diaw/- conjunctions from /thaa/- and /syn/- conjunctions
(J4..3.2, 3.), which are otherwise identical m syntactic function. The
class meaning is 'temporal or logical correlation with preceding message
(which may be a clause, sentence, utterance by another speaker, or non-
verbal behavior).' Clauses introduced by /diaw/-class conjunctions,
therefore, may occur m any part of an utterance. The conjunction itself is
frequently separated from the rest of its clause by phrase boundary.

The class is small and closed, consisting only of the following eight
members, plus two discontinuous lexemes which can also be classified as
modals l.lj.,3, k* ) Other forms fitting the definition but not recorded
here are variants of one of the members. All members, m at least one of
their forms, occur as members of other classes.

1. /diaw/ and /pradiaw/ »m a moment, soon, (be careful) or else,

otherwise '

pradiaw , khaw khon camaa . roo iig- sag-khruu , daj: maj .

'He's sure to be here soon. Can you wait a little longer?'

diaw , chSn capaj-aw maa-haj .

'I'll go get it for you m a moment. '

jaa win rewt nag ^ diaw hog: mod .

'Don't run so fast, or you'll spill it all.'

2. /leew/ and /lSw-koo/ 'then, after that, and'
or /le/ and /lS-koo/ 'and, then'

leew phom capaj syy khoon. khun caklab baan: ry-naj .

'Then I'm going shopping. Are you going to go home, or what?'

lew-koo laa win khaw-paj raj-paa .

'And then the donkey ran into the forest. '

phom carian nan- syy , le fan pheen-siant sag-nooj duaj .
'I'm going to study, and listen to some records, too.'

3. /ryy/ or /ry/ and /r^-waa/ 'or, alternatively; if not, then'

ry-waa , tham jaijii dm maj . maj-sia welaa maag .

'Or shall we do it this way? It won't take much time.'

phom carian nan-syy , ry fan pbeen-siarj sag-nooj ko-daj .
'I'm going to study, or maybe listen to some music.'

ryy haj khaw klab paj-koon dn kwaa : man .

'Or perhaps we'd better let him go back first. '

169

/khyy/ and /khy-waa/ and /ko-khyy/ 'or m other words, that is to

say'

khyy , khaw pen nag-nan: ni khrab . khaw maj-daj-pen khruu .

'(What I meant to say was) he's a student, you see. He's not
a teacher. '

khyy raw ton-juu naj-horj talood-welaa .

'In other words, we have to stay m the room the whole time. '

khaw pen seed-thii . khy-waa , khaw pen khon rua j maag. .
'He's a rich man - that is to say, he's very wealthy. '

/tee/ or /te/ and /te-waa/ and /te-koo/ 'but, on the other hand'

te-waa , khaw pen nag-nan: ni khrab . khaw maj-daj-pen khruu .
'But he's a student, you see. He's not a teacher. '

te-koo phom tor) klab baan diaw-nn: eerj .
'But I have to go home right away. '

khaw pen seed-thii , ko-cirjs juu ^ tee pen khon caj-dn: myan-kan .
'It's true that he ' s a rich man, but on the other hand he's
good-hearted. '

/koo/ or /ko/ 'Well, why, don't you know that' (Often followed by
sentence particle /nil/. )

koo khaw pen nag-riant ni khrab t . khaw maj-daj-pen khruu ^ .
'Why, he's a student.' He's not a teacher.''

koo phom khii-kiad: thaw- nan nil .
'Well, I'm just lazy, that's all.'

tham jarjrjn , ko phom maj-waa araj .

'If (you want to) do it this way, well, I don't mind a bit. '

/looj/ or /loj/ 'then, that being the case, so'

looj khun torj klab baan diaw-nii: eerj ryy .

'In that case you have to go home right away, do you?

looj phom capaj syy khoorj . khun caklab baan: r^-rjaj .

'So I'm going shopping. Are you going home, or what? '

/con/ 'by this time, it's come to the point that'

con phom maj-ruu ca tham- jarja j dn .

'It's come to the point that I don't know what to do.'

170

Internal order of the class is complicated by the fact that the sixth
and seventh members, /koo/ and /loo 3/, have homonyms which belong to the
/cyrj/-class (a class of conjunctions which follow the subject, i|.3.1|.). In
clauses which have no subject, the /koo/ is ambiguous, unless it is followed
by /nil/ and thus marked as belonging to the /diaw/- class . Examples:

Members of sets 1-2, 3-^, and £-8 exclude each other semantically , with
the combination /ko-loej/ apparently occurring only when both 6 and 7 are
members of the /cyr)/-class . The internal order is 5-6, 3>-k, 1-2; 7-8 are
not known to occur m combination, cases of 6-7 following 1-2 or 3-k being
interpreted as their /cyij/-class homonyms. Examples:

ko-dn: myan-kan khrab .

'Well, that would be fine. '
'That, too, would be fine. 1

(/diaw/-class)
(/cyn/- class)

loj haaj paj-mod .

'So it all disappeared. '

'As might be expected, it all
disappeared. '

(/diaw/-class)

W C JX$/- class)

koo , diaw fon tog .
6 1

'Well, it's going to ram m a moment. '

'But, you see, I 'm a member. '

khyy , diaw hog: mod .
k 1

'In other words, otherwise it'll spill.'

leew , loo j klab baan .
2

'Then, as might be expected, he went home. '

diaw , ko-haaj paj-mod .
1

'In a moment it will all disappear, too. '

In the last two examples, /looj/ and /ko-/ are members of the /cyr)/-
class .

171

i|.3.2. /thaa / Class

The class consists of conjunctions which occur m absolute initial
position m clauses which l) come first m a series .of clauses, 2) are m
close clause juncture, and 3) function syntactically as complement lves (not i
nouns). The class meaning is 'temporal or logical condition on another clause
(which is usually the one immediately following, less often the one preced-
ing) , ' and English equivalents of the members are often subordinate conjunc-
tions. Like /thamaj/- class complementives (3.2.2.3.), for which they freely
substitute, clauses introduced by /thaa/-class conjunctions are reversible
with respect to their head constituents; the only difference m meaning is a
slight change in emphasis (see example under 1. /thaa/ itself).

When the clause introduced by the /thaa/- class conjunction precedes
the head-clause, the conjunction itself may follow a /diaw/-class (Z4..3 .1. )
conjunction (e.g. /tee thaa.../ 'But if...'). Otherwise, /thaa/-class con-
junctions always come first m their clauses (See first two examples under
1. /thaa/).

The class is fairly large and probably open, since it includes many
homonyms of /dooj/- class prepositions, an open class (I4..2.3.). No member
belongs discretely to the /thaa/ class, with the exception of morphologically
complex variants such as 2. /than- tMn- thi 1/ and /thyij-m£e-waa/. For exam-
ple, 1. /thaa/ itself has a homonym which is a /mag/-class modal (I4..I.2.).
The items listed below are the most common members, and a few representative
/doo j/-preposition types have also been included.

1. /thaa/ 'if'

/haag/ and /thaa-haag/ and /thaa-haag- waa/ 'if (on the contrary),
if (unexpectedly), if only'

/phya/ and /thaa-phya/ and /thaa-phya-waa/ 'if, m case'

tee thaa khun maj-paj , phom capaj-daj jaan-raj .
'But if you don't go, how can I go?'

tee phom capaj-daj jaan-raj t thaa khun maj-paj .
'But how can I go, if you don't go? '

thaa-haag ran rod , phom ko-capaj daj .
'If only I had a car, I could go. '

thaa-phya phom mn rod , phom ko-capaj daj .
'If I have a car, I'll be able to go.'

172

2. /thyr)/ or /thyr)/ and /thyrj-haag/ 'even if, although'

/thyrj-mSe-waa/ and msen-waa/ 'even if it should come to the point

that'

/than- than- thi 1/ and /con/ 'although it has come to the point that'

thyn khaw capaj , phom ko-ma j-pa j : myan-kan .
'Even if he goes, I'm not going. '

thyr) chan camaj-choob khaw , chan ko-phuud dn kakhaw .

'Although I don't like him, I say nice things of him. '

thyn-m£e-waa phom camn rod , phom ko-maj-paj .
'Even if I had a car, I wouldn't go.'

than- tharj-thii fon tog, khaw ko- jan oog paj-thiawi iig .
'Although it was raining, he went out anyway. '

3. /mya/ 'when'

/too-mya/ 'only when, only if
/naj-mya/ 'at a time when'

mya phom mn rod , phom ko-capaj daj .

'When I have a car, I'll be able to go.'

phom khoGj paj boj-boj , mya phom mil rod .
'I went often when I had a car. '

khaw boog waa , khaw eapaj too-mya phom paj .
'He said he would go only if I went. '

thammaj khun oog pa j-khaarj-noog , naj-mya fon kamlarj tog: juu .
'Why are you going out (at a time) when it's raining 1 ! '

4. /wee-laa/ and /naj-welaa/ 'when, while'
/rawaarj/ and /na j-rawaarj/ 'while'

wee-laa khaw pen nag-nan , khaw khooj pa 3 boj-bpj .
'While he was a student he went often. '

deg-deg paj-ded doog-maaj , naj-rawaan khon- tham-suan ma j- juu .

'Children go and pick flowers while the gardener is not there. '

5. /koon/ and /koon-thii/ and /mya-koon/ 'before'

koon rod phom sia , phom khooj paj boj-boj .

'Before my care broke down, I used to go often. '

173

khun khuan canan nan-syy: sag-nooj , koon-thii cakhaw noon .
'You ought to study a little, before going to bed. '

6. /phoo/ 'as soon as, by the time that'

phoo raw paj-thyn thii-nan , raw ca-aab-naam daj .

'As soon as we get there, we'll be able to bathe.'

phoo khaw daj-jm janan , khaw tyyn than-thn .
'The moment he heard that, he woke up. '

7. /kwaa/ and /con- kwaa/ 'until such time as, by the time that'

Clause usually has no subject, and predicate is preceded by
/ca-/

kwaa capaj-thyn thii-nan , ko-myydi leew .

'By the time we get there, it'll be dark already.'

tham jann ryaj: pa j , con-kuaa cahaaj .
'Keep on doing this until it heals. '

8. /con/ and /con-thyr)/ and /con- kra than/ 'until, to the point that'

chan waaj-naami sa , con myaj paj-mod than-tua .
'I swam until I was completely worn out. '

kMw chaaj paj-jann con-krathan sataan kha'w modi paj-looj .

'He kept on spending like this until all his money was used up. '

9. /lan-caag/ 'after, later than the time that'
/tan- tee/ 'since, continuing from the time that'

lan-caag rab-prathaan aahaan , phom kood puad-thoon: khyn-maa .
'After eating, I got a stomach ache. '

tan- tee rab-prathaan aahaani maa , phom puad-thoon ryaj .
'Ever since eating, I have had a stomach ache. '

10. /noog-caag/ 'except that, unless'

Clause usually has no subject, and predicate is usually preceded
by /ca-/.

nag-rian ko-klab baan daj: looj , noog-caag camn naan phiseed
ha j- tham .

'The students can go right home, unless there is special work
to be done . '

171*

11. /jaarj/ and /jaarj ka-/ 'like, as'
/myan ka-/ 'as if

jaarj khun waa , pen an-taraaj maag .

'As you say, it's very dangerous.'

khaV moon araj maj-hen , myan ka-taa bood .

'He can't see a thing, just as if he were blind.'

12. /dooj/ and /duaj/ 'by, with, with the attendant circumstance that'
Clause usually comes second and has no subject if /dooj/ occurs.

khaw khab rod dooj maj-chaj tiyy: looj .

'He drives without using his hands at all. '

duaj khaw pen khon-khab , raw maj-torj klua: laoj .

'With him as driver (inasmuch as he's the driver) we don't
have anything to be afraid of. '

13. /phro/ and /phro-waa/ and /nyarj-caag/ 'because, owing to the

fact that'

raw maj-torj klua: loej , phro khaw pen khon-khab .

'We don't have anything to be afraid of, 'because he's the
driver. '

nyarj-caag cam-nuan khruu jarj maj-phoo , roorj-rian maj pssd

ma j- da j pn-nn .

'Owing to the fact that the number of teachers is still
insufficient the new school can't open this year.'

phom paj maj-daj , phro-waa rod sia .

'I can't go, because my car's broken.'

II).. /phya/ 'm order to, for the purpose of

Clause usually has no subject, and predicate is usually preceded
by /ca-/.

khaw keb rjon waj , phya casyy rod khan-ma j .
'He is saving money to buy a new car. '

phya capen samaa-chig ." nan , khun torj haa phuu-rab-roorj soorj
khon haj-daj .

'In order to become a member, you have to find two sponsors. '

Conjunctions of the /thaa/ class do not necessarily exclude each other
semantically (cf. such English combinations as 'Although m order to save

175

money it may be necessary to cut corners...'). Examples of two members of
the class m the same construction are extremely rare, however, except when
the second member is actually a /dooj/- class preposition. No internal order
has been established.

i+,3.3. /syr)/ Class

The class consists of conjunctions which occur m absolute initial
position m clauses which l) come first m a series of clauses, 2) are m
close clause juncture, and 3) function syntactically as substantives. A
corollary of the last condition is that clauses associated with /syrj/-class
members lack one of the typical substantive constituents - usually topic,
subject, or object.

In addition to occurring m the definitive context, /syr)/- conjunc-
tions even more frequently introduce the second of two clauses. In such
cases the clause so introduced may be either a substantive constituent be-
longing to the first clause as a whole, or a modifier of a substantive con-
stituent actually present m the first clause. The class meaning, then, is
'substantive constituent follows, either modifier of something m preceding
clause, or itself a constituent of an adjacent clause. ' English equivalents
are relative pronouns such as 'who, which, what, that. 1

When the clause introduced by a /syrj/-class conjunction comes first,
it is very frequently closed with /n£n/ or /nil/, and no matter which member
of the class occurs, the English equivalent is nearly always '(the fact) .
that...' When the /syrj/- introduced clause comes second, the echoing /nan/
or /nil/ is less common, and the selection of a particular conjunction is
more significant.

The /syrj/ class is small and closed, the following being the only

important members. Three members of the class, 1. / syrj/ itself, 6./kaan- thii/,

and 8. /an/, are associated with formal literary style, but also sometimes
occur m colloquial speech.

1. /syr)/ or /syr)/ 'That which, such a one as, such ones as'

syrj khaw waa: nan , maj-daj khwaam .

'Things he says don't make sense. '

tog lorj-paj naj-khuu , syrj khaw khud: waj .

'It fell down into a ditch - one that had been dug. '

2. /thii/ or /thi/ and /thi-waa/ 'That which, the one that, the ones

that'

(Restricts a modified element much more than /syrj/ does.)

176

thii khaw tham: nil , ma 3- da 3 phon .

'What he has done here is of no use. '

thi-waa phom duu-thuug: nan , maj-cir) Igoj .

'That I look down on them is simply not true. '

tog lorj-paj naj-khuu , thi khaw khud* waj .

'It fell down into the ditch that had been dug for it. '

khoo thood: na khrab , thii phom maa saaj: nag .
'Excuse me for coming so late. '
( 'Excuse me that I come so late. ')

3. /waa/ or /wa/ 'thatj saying, thinking, or knowing that'
(introduces a quote.) /waa/ is homonymous with a post-
position of the same meaning which occurs at the end
of clauses ) .

waa phom duu-thuug: nan , ma 3- c in: loo 3 .

'To say that I look down on them is simply not true. '

chuaj boog khaw dua 3 t na khrab , wa phom camaa saaji nooj .
'Please tell him also that I'll be a little late.'

lcMn ko-jar) maj-saab nee- noon , wa capen-pa 3- da j : ryy-ma3 .

'I still don't know for sure whether it will be possible or not.'

l+. /ha 3/ or /ha 3/ 'so that, who should, which should, the
hypothetical situation that'

In commands and all types of hypothetical situations, and m
noun expressions involving unreal referents, /ha 3/ is selected.
Especially, it replaces /syn/, /thii/ and /waa/, the first three
members of this class. (See also l\.2. 6. 1.I4.. )

Compare the following:

khaw casadeerj lakhoon , thii than lyagi wa3 .

'They will show the plays that you have selected. '

khaw casadeerj lakhoon , syn than lyag: wa3 .

'They will show such plays as you have selected. '

khaw casadeen lakhoon , ha 3 than lyag: WS13 .

'They will show plays for you to select from'
(i.e. 'plays which you should select from')

phom boog waa-khun pa 3 duu: si.

'I said, 'You go take a look. ' (Direct quote)

177

phom boog haj- khun paj duu: si .

'I said for you to go take a look. ' (indirect quote; you may
not even have been present. )

phom boog: khun waa , pa 3 duu» si .

'I told you, 'Go take a look. 1 (Direct)

phom boog khun ha j-pa j-duui si .

'I told you to go take a look.' (indirect, but you were present.)

Other examples of /ha 3/1

ha 3 khaw khaw-pa j-koon dn kwaa .

'Better let him go m first. ' ( 'His hypothetical entering first

is better. ' )

ohSn capaj-aw phon-lamaaj tarj-taan , haj kheeg rab-pra thaan: baar) .
'I '11 go get some assorted fruits for the guests to eat.'

In addition to these uses, /haj/ is obligatory l) where the subject of
a prior clause is not the same as the subject of the dependent clause, but
the new subject is not mentioned, and 2) before all adjectives m hypothet-
ical predicates.

Compare the following:

1) aw nag-syy maa-duu: nooj .

'Get the book and see. '

aw narj-syy maa haj- duu: nooj .

'Get the book (for someone else) to see. '

khraj law haj-fan« la .

'Who told (you) that? ('Who told (for you) to listen.')

2) phom cam daj-dn .

'I can remember it well. '

cam waj haj-dn: na t .

'Remember it well, will you? '

sag phaa haj-sa-aad: si t •

'Get the clothes clean .' ' ( 'Wash the clothes so that they are

clean. ' )

khaw khid haj-la-iad maag.

'He's trying to think it out m great detail. '
('He thinks so that it will be very detailed.')

178

5. /aaj/ or /aj/ and /a j- thii/ 'that, this business of'

/aaj/ most commonly before clauses with no subject. /a j- thii/ is
the colloquial equivalent of 6. /kaan-thii/ m many cases.

aaj capaj foon saan: nil , maj-daj phon: lasj .

'This business of taking it to court is absolutely useless. '

a j- thii khaw tham baab: nan , chan maj-thyy .

'That he may have committed a sin, I don't hold against him. '

6. /kaan-thii/ 'the fact that, the supposition that, that which,

inasmuch as '

kaan-thii khaw soob tog , phom maj pralaad-caj: Iogj .

'That he should have failed the examination doesn't surprise
me at all. '

kaan-thii khaw tham-daj een: nan , jaa paj-thood: khaw looj .

'Inasmuch as he was able to do it by himself, don't blame him
so much. '

7. /suan/ and sam-rab/ or /samrab/ 'As for the fact (or supposition)

that'

suan paj-wad paj-waa: nan , maj-khaad: sa sag-thn .

'As for going to the temples and that sort of thing, she never
fails to. '

samrab khen-khan: kan nil , phom ko-maj-ruu ryan .

'As for their competing together, I know nothing about it. '

8. /an/ and /an-waa/ 'one that, such that'

The form /an/ substitutes for /thii/, and the form /an-waa/ for
/waa/ (when the /waa/-clause comes first) in formal style.

naj loog an-tem paj-duaj thug» nil...

'In this world which is full of misfortune... '

an-waa khaw tham phid: nan , ko-cin: juu .

'(To say) that he did wrong is true enough.'

9. /thaw-thii/ or /thaw- thii/ and /taam/ and /taam-thii/ 'insofar as,

to the extent that, according to what'

thaw- thii phom saab , khaw sabaaj dn .
'As far as I know, he's well.'

179

phom phajaa-jam catham haj-maag , thaw-thii catham daj .

'I'm trying to do as much of it as can possibly be done. '

phom phajaa-jam catham taam-thii khaw sarjs waj .
'I'm trying to do it as he ordered. '

10. /chen/ or /chen/, /jaan/, and /jaan-chen/ 'such as, like' /chen/
is frequently followed by a complementive /pen-ton/ at the end
of its clause.

khaw tham araj-araj phid: mod , chen aw- law paj-haj deg kin: pen- ton .
'She does everything wrong, like giving whisky to babies. '

khaw casadeen lakhoon , jaan than lyagt waj .

'They will show plays such as you have selected. '

(Compare first three examples under 1±. /haj/, and also see /jaan/,
/thaa/-class, lj.,3.2.11.)

Internal order of the class is not fixed, but two /syn/- conjunctions
do occur m the same clause:

kaan-^hii hjij-khaw tham een* n&n. . .

'The fact that he should be allowed to do it himself... '

suan aaj paj-wad paj-waat nan...
7 5

'As for this business of going to the temple...'

jaan waa thuug: nan...
10 3

'Such as is said to be correct...'

Ayr,/ Class

These conjunctions are the only ones which occur after the subjects
or topics of their clauses. They come immediately after the subject and
before all elements of the predicate, including all types of modals. Syn-
tactically their clauses are exactly like clauses introduced by /diaw/-class
conjunctions - i.e. they are independent clauses which can occur first in a
series without being m close juncture. The class meaning is partially the
same, also: 'temporal or logical correlation with preceding message, or
establishment of time- sequence, expectedness , or unexpectedness of event. '

The class is closed, and extremely small, consisting of only four
members and their variants. The first member, /koo/, is easily the most

180

common lexeme m the entire language and is very difficult to translate in
most of its contexts. All members except /cyn/ itself (which has a slightly
literary flavor) have homonyms belonging to other classes.

1. /koo/ or /ko/ or /ko/ 'then, that being the case, m addition,

similarly, at least' (The first form occurs under normal stress,
the last two forms elsewhere.)

sed leew , khaw ko-paj noon .

'When it was finished, he went to bed. '
( 'Having finished, he then went to bed. ')

thaa pen khruu , phom ko-maj-waa araj .

'If it's a teacher, then I -don't mind.'

raw paj-duu narj ko-daj: ni khrab .

'We could go to a movie, too, you know. '

('Our going to a movie is an additional possibility, here.')

phom een ko-ma j-ruu ryan .

'I myself, at least, don't know anything about it. '

diaw saamn koo caruu than .

'Pretty soon her husband will find out (too)..'

pa j , ko paj: si .

'If we're going, let's go.'

Besides occurrence in the definitive context, /koo/ has two other sem-
antically important uses: l) after an interrogative word of any class, it
changes the interrogative meaning to 'indefinite, ' and 2) repeated m par-
allel constructions, it means 'both... and...' or 'either... or... 1

1) moon araj ko-ma j -hen .

'I can't see anything.' ('Whatever i look at, I can't see.')

thii-naj ko-dn .
('Anywhere is all right.*) 'Anywhere at all.'

2) pa j ko-daj , juu ko-daj .

'You can either go or stay. '

khruu ko-mii , nag- nan ko-mn .
'There are both teachers and students. 1

2. /looj/ or /loj/ 'consequently, as might be expected, therefore'

mya hen waa , phyan maj-juu , khaw looj klab baan .

'When he saw his friend was not there, he (for that reason) went
home. 1

181

mn meeg leg-nooj: thaw-nan , phom Iqq j maj-nee caj: wa , fon
catog ry-plaaw .

'There were only a few clouds, so I wasn't sure whether it
would ram or not. '

3. /cyrj/ and /thyrj/ or /thyrj/ 'subsequently, only then, it comes to

the point that'

(The form /cyrj/ is more formal than the other two.)

dyan naa , thyrj camn rjaan iig-khrarj: nyrj .

'There won't be another fair until next month. '
('Next month, only then, will there be another fair.')

roo ng- sag-khruu , leew cyrj-khoj paj .

'Wait a moment longer, and (only) then go. '

mya hen waa , phyan ma j- juu , kha'w thyrj klab baan .

'When he saw his friend was not there, he (after that) went
home. '

Another important use of /cyn/ is m clauses introduced by /thama j/- class
complement lves- see examples (3.2.2.3.).

k-' / l&Xs/ 'still, even, continues to, goes so fas as to.'

Frequently echoed by /juu/ at end of verb expression, or /iig/ at
end of whole clause.

khaw jar) pen nag-riam juu .

'He is (or was) still a student. '

phom jarj torj-kaan casyy burn: ng .

'I still need to buy cigarettes also. '

kha'w jarj boog: khun waa , khaw aad camaj-paj .
'They even told you they might not go. '

rod-faj jar) maj-oog: iig ryy t .
'Isn't the tram leaving yet ? '

jarj raaj-daj-paj .

'It hasn't gone yet. 1

tha'rj-tharj-thii hen waa , phyan ma j- juu , khaw ko- jarj klab baani iig.
'Although he saw that his friend was not there, he still (in
spite of that) went home. '

182

Internal order of the class is 1, 2-3, l\. f but the combinations 13 and
3>k are rare. Examples:

khaw ko-looj klab baan .
1 2

'He then (consequently) went home. '
ko-jarj (see last example under /jar)/)
1 k

khaw Iqj jar) maj ruu-cag kan .

'So they still don't know each other.'

Postpositions

A postposition is any bound lexeme that occurs as a latter constituent
of an expression, predication, enumeration or phrase, such that the larger
construction (prior constituent plus postposition) is less than an entire
clause. The class of postpositions is thus m general contrast with that of
sentence particles which together with their co- constituents comprise

entire clauses, although there is some overlap between the two classes.

Like the bound lexeme classes which introduce constructions - modals
(l+.l.), prepositions (1^.2.), and conjunctions (i|.3.) - postpositions are
sub-classif led according to the nature of their co- constituent . The sub-
classes are l) /waj/ class (verb modifiers), 2) /nag/ class (adjective
modifiers), 3) /baan/ class (substantive and predication modifiers), and
1+) enumerative postpositions, which modify or create enumerations. The con-
structions resulting from the first three types of postposition are endo-
centric, and from the last type, either endocentric or exocentric.

All postpositions characteristically have weak stress, and, like the
sentence particles, frequently occur after the morpheme / : / m their phrases
and clauses. The class meaning is 'restriction as to time, space, quantity,
or degree of a free-lexeme concept' for the first three sub-classes, and
'mclusiveness, distribution, or cross-reference of an enumeration' for the
fourth sub- class. Except for the /baan/- class , and to s-ome extent the /nag/
class, the membership is extremely limited.

i4_ . . 1 . /wa j / Class

These postpositions occur with weak stress immediately following and
m construction with verb expressions. If the verb expression includes an
object, the /waj/-class member always follows the object; if the predicate
includes a preposition, the /waj/-class member either precedes or follows the

183

prepositional phrase. The members of the class are not nega table m any
position, but all have homonyms which are verbs.

The class meaning is 'orientation of action with respect to space and
time relationships, ' and the forms together constitute a kind of aspectual
system for the verb. The entire class consists of pairs of semantic oppo-
sites, but sets l-i| and 7-10 have an even more complex internal relationship.
Members of set 1-ij. exclude each other entirely. Members 8 and 10 have iden-
tical allomorphs, but on the basis of greater frequency of /sia/ m meaning
8, and /sa/ m meaning 10, the patterning of opposition is maintained (7-8,
9-10) .

The class is small and closed, consisting only of these ten members.

1. /khaw/ 'into an enclosed space, or closer to the center of interest'

man khwaarj luug-boon khaw-pa j-na j-hon .
'He threw the ball into the room. '

doen khaw-maa klaj-klaj: na .

'Walk right up close, will you? '

2. /oog/ 'out of an enclosed space or farther from the center of

interest '

jaa waaj-naam oog-paj klaj-klajt na" .
'Don't swim out too far, now. '

khaw win oog-maa-caag-hont phoo-dii .

'He came running out of the room just then. '

3. /khyn/ 'upward, newly arrived on the scene'

khaw jib nan-syy khyn-maa .

'He lifted up the books.' (/jib/ 'pick up')

sian pyyn-koo dan: khyn .

'A pistol-shot rang out (suddenly).'

/ion/ 'downward, departing from the scene'

khaw phaa-kan- thin koon-hin lon-paj naj-khuu .

'They were all dropping stones down into the pond. '

fa j kamlan dab: Ion .

'The fire is dying down. '

181^

5. /paj/ 'away from the speaker, toward the future or an indefinite

or irrelevant goal, ' before prepositional phrase: 'toward
a definite but distant goal, toward the future. '

laa win khaw-pa j-na j-paa .

'The donkey ran off into the forest (to get away). '

khaw jam naa: paj baan .

'(One of the things) they (do is) trample the fields.'

raw ton khooj pa j-iig-naan: maj .

'Do we have to keep on waiting long? '

tan- tee wan- nan: paj ...

'Prom that day (in the future) onward...'

6. /ma a/ 'toward the speaker, up to the present or toward a definite,

relevant, nearby goal. •

tan- tee wan- nan: maa...

'From that day (in the past) onward...'

raw khooj maa-naan leew.

'We have been waiting a long time already (the waiting may or
may not be over) . '

pa j naj: maa .

'Where have you been?' (/paj naj/ 'Where are you going?')

rpn , thii khaw daaj: maa...

'The money which he had gotten... '

laa win khaw-maa-na j-paa .

'The donkey ran into the forest (toward us).'

mya-waan-nii lyym syy: maa .

'I forgot to buy it yesterday. '

cf. mya-waan-nii lyym syy: pa j .

'I forgot to buy it yesterday. 1

?. /waj/ or /waaj/ and /aw-waj/ and /thin-waj/ 'removed from the scene
but with future relevance, put aside temporarily for future ref-
erence, action deferred.'

ichan ded doog-maaj: aw-waj , saj cee-kan .
'I'm picking flowers to put m a vase. '

phom cood rod: thin-waj , khaan-naa .
'I have the car parked out front. '

185

dichan tan-caj: waj leew waa , camaa-haa khun .
'I had already intended to come to see you. '

cam waa j haj-dn: na .

'Remember it well, will you? '

thin sya: waj , thii-nan: si .

'Leave the coat there (where you can get it) . '

/sia/ or /sa/ 'removed from the scene permanently, with no future
relevance '

thin sya i sia , thii-nan: si .

'Leave the coat there (to get rid of it).'

mee maj-daj-paj naj: sia .

'Your mother hasn't gone anywhere (for good).'

/juu/ 'remaining on the scene, unchanged, action continuing,
temporary, without necessary future significance. '

dichan khooj: juu , tarj-naan leew .

'I am being kept waiting an awfully long time. '

laa win khaw-paj-juu naj-paa .

'The donkey had run into the forest (and was still there, if
only temporarily) . '

caan waan juu-bon-to .

'The dishes had been placed on the table (with what intent, we
don' t know. ) '

khaV kamlan nan nan-syy: juu , na j-amee-rikaa .

'He is studying in America (for the present, at least).'

phom pen samaa-chig juu-leew .

'I am already a member (as it happens).'

nsn thii phom mm juu. . .

'The money which I (happen to) have... '

/sa/ or /sia/ 'situation changed, action viewed as a unit, not
continuing into the future '

tee phom pen samaa-chig sa-leew .
'But now I've become a member. '

khaw waar) caan waj sa-naj-tuu .

'She has (gone and) put the dishes away m the cupboard. '

186

km: sa sn f .

'Eat it up.'' (/km sn/ 'Eat. 1 ')

dichan khooj: sa , tarj-naan leew .

'I waited an awfully long time (the waiting is over now). '

Internal order of the class is 1— 5-6, 7-8, 9-10, with representatives
from no more than three of the sets being found m a single construction.
Distribution of 1-lj. with respect to 5-6 is complete t

1. khaw pa j 'going m'
khaw maa 'coming m'

2. oog paj 'going out'
oog maa 'coming out'

3. khyn paj 'going up'
khyn maa 'coming up'

Ij.. lor) pa j 'going down'

lorj maa 'coming down'

The remaining distribution is as follows:

5. pa j sla (8) 'gone away for good'

pa j waj (7) 'gone subject to recall'

pa j juu (9) 'gone to stay, incidentally'

pa j sa (10) 'gone, significantly'

pa 3 waj juu 'having gone there subject to recall'

paj waj sa 'as of now, gone subject to recall'

6. (maa sia (8) does not occur)

maa waj (7) 'come subject to recall'

maa juu (9) 'come to stay, incidentally'

maa sa (10) 'come, significantly'

maa waj sa 'as of now, come subject to recall'

7. waj juu (9) 'kept, incidentally'
waj sa (10) 'kept, significantly'

8-10. are terminal.

Additional examples i

koon-hin tog lorj-paj-juu naj-naam .
k 5 9

'The stone had fallen down into the water. '

187

koon-hin tog lon-paj-sa naj-naam .

1[ 5 10

'The stone fell down into the water. '

koon-hin tog lon-pa j-na j-naam: sia .

k $ 8
'The stone fell down into the water (and was lost).'

phom tham dn maa-sa-maagt leew t .
6 10

'I've already done a lot of good.''

phom tham dn juu-maag: leew .
9

'I'm already doing a lot of good. '

dichan ded doog-maaj: maa-waj , saj cee-kan .

6 7

'I've picked some flowers to put m a vase. '

If.. 24-. 2 . /nag / Class

These postpositions occur with weak stress immediately after, and m
construction with, adjectives. The class includes some members which are
homonymous with /waj/- class postpositions (5-8 below) but have quite dif-
ferent meanings, and some members which are homonymous with /baan/-class
postpositions (13-15, 18) and have similar meanings, /nag/ itself occurs
most commonly after negated adjectives, members 2-17 rarely so occur, and
18-19 are found m both types of construction. The class meaning is 'to a
certain extent. ' The class is open (and, in fact, seems to act as a magnet
for slang innovations); the membership is quite large. The following list,
however, includes the most frequent members.

1. /nag/ 'to such an extent, too, so'

thaa thGG tyyn chaa: nag , thoo ko-capaj ma j- than rod .
'If you get up so late, you'll never make the tram.'

phom khooj paj , tee maj-boji nag .

'I've been there, but not too often.'

2. /dn/ 'to a desirable degree, nice and...'

hon-nii kwaan: dn .

'This room is nice and spacious. '

leew lom jan reen: dn duaj .

'And the wind is nice and strong, too. '

188

/thidiaw/ or /chiaw/ and /tem-thii/ 'quite, completely'

khoob-khun , phom lm: thidiaw (tem-thii) .

'Thank you, I'm completely full.' (refusing food)

wan- nil maa sa-chaa: chiaw t mua paj-juu sa thii-naj t •

'You're quite late today; where on earth have you been? '

rod len rew: tem-thii .

'The car went at full speed. '

/koon-paj/ and /paj/ 'too, excessively'

hen camaagi koon-paj lamarj .

'Don't you think that's little too much?'

chan tham maj-thuug: looj t phuud jarjn ko-waa , chaa: paj-iig
'I can't do anything right; even when I talk like this, you
still say it's too slow.'

/oog/ and /oog-cataa j/ 'to an undesirably great extent. '

narj-syy lem-nii naa: oog-cataaj .
'This book is terribly thick. '

chffn phuud chaa: oog jagu leew t jaq fa^ ma j- than: lig ros .
'I've already slowed down an awful lot as it is; can't you
understand what I'm saying yet?'

/khaw/ 'closer to a desired goal or ultimate condition,
progressively more'

phoo thaaj ruub pen: khaw leew...

'When you get a little better at taking pictures...'

rew .'khaw: sn t .

'Hurry up.' Faster.' '

/khyn/ 'more than before, m increasing fashion'

/lorj/ 'more than before, m decreasing fashion'

khaw uan* khyn .

'He's getting fatter.'

khaw keei lorj .

'He's getting older.'

phuud rew: khyn lig-nid , daj: maj .
'Can you speak a little faster? '

189

phuud chaa: lor) ng-md , daj: maj .
'Can you speak a little slower? '

aakaan dn: khyn .

'His condition is improved. '

phoo sorj-khraam khoj-sarjob: lorj ,

'When the fighting finally quieted down'

(Selection between these two items is to a large extent lexically
conditioned, but /khyn/ is by far the more common.)

9. /kwaa/ and /koen-kwaa/ 'more than something else of its kind,

comparatively more '

tham jarjn dn kwaa .

'It's better to do it this way.'

narj-syy lem-nn naa: kwaa .

'This book is thicker (than some other book).'

khaw jar) phuud chaa: kwaa .

'He speaks even more slowly (than someone else). '

10. /thii-sud/ or /thisud/ and /kwa-phyan/ 'more than all others of

its kind, most, extremely'

rod khan- nn len rew: thii-sud .

'This car runs the fastest of all. '

tham jarjan ko-dn: thisud .

'It would be best to do it that way. '

khon-nan phuud chaa: thisud .

'That one speaks extremely slowly. '

narj-syy lem-nn naa kwa-phyan .

'This book is thicker than the others. '

11. /thaw-kan/ or /thaw- thaw: kan/ 'to the same degree, equally'

nag- nan soorj khon: mi , phuud chaa: thaw-kan .
'These two students both speak slowly. '

din-soo soorj therj: nil , jaaw thaw- thaw: kan .
'These two pencils are equally long. '

12. /phoo/ and /phoo-chaaj/ 'to a satisfactory degree, enough'

ko khaw khab rod rew: phoo- chaa j .
'Well, he drives fast enough. '

190

leew loin jar) reerj: phoo duaj .

'And the wind was still sufficiently strong, too.'

13. /maag/ (and many slang substitutes) 'very'

llj.. /nid-diaw/ 'very (restricted to small-scale concepts)'

15. /nooj/ 'a little, rather, somewhat'

khaw khab rod chaa: maag .
'He drives very slowly. '

baan juu klaj: maag .

'The house is very far away. '

baan juu klaj: nid-diaw .

'The house is very close. '

baan juu klajs nooj .

'The house is rather far away. '

16. /lya-koon/ or /lakoon/ and /tem-thn/ 'excessively m an undesir-

able sense, terribly'

Jmee t wan-mi room lakoen .
'My, it's awfully hot today. '

khaw khab rod rew: lya-koon .
'He drives terribly fast. '

chaaw-phyyn-myarj suan-maag con: tem-thn .

'Most of the inhabitants are terribly poor. '

17. /carj/ and /cirj-cirj/ 'really'

nan l99g chaa: carj .

'The movie is really slow letting out. '

phom choob maag: cirj-cirj .
'I really like it a lot. '

18. /thaw-raj/ or /thaw-raj/ 'how much, to any extent'

jaj: thaw-raj .

'How big is it? 1

maj-jaj: thaw- raj .

'It's not big at all.'

19. /l99j/ 'quite', after negative, 'not at all'

narj thii-nii sabaaj: Iogj .

'It's quite pleasant sitting here.'

191

phaa nil maj-dn: leej .

'This cloth, is no good. '

Two /nag/-class postpositions following a single adjective are not
uncommon, and this is apparently also the maximum number of modifiers. Prom
the sets 1-5, 6-8, 9-11, 12-15 and 16-19, only one member of each set may
occur m such constructions. Internal order of the class works as follows:

Prom set 1-5, /keen- pa j/ and its alternant /pa 3/ are followed by 13-15,
and 19; other members of this set are terminal.

Set 6-8 is followed by 9 and by 12-15 and 16-19.

From set 9-11, /kwaa/ is followed by 13-15 and 18-19; other members
are terminal.

From set 12-15, /maag/ is followed by 1 or 3 and 16-17; other members
are terminal.

Set 16-19 is not followed by members of any other set.

Examples of double modification of adjectives by /nag/-class members
follow. In all cases but the last the immediate constituent analysis is
AB/C.

rew

khyn:
7

kwaa
9

'faster than ever'

rew

khyn:
7

maag
13

'much faster than before'

rew

khyn:
7

thaw- raj
18

'how much faster than

before '

rew

kwaa:
9

nid-diaw
Ik

'a little faster than

the other

rew

kwaa 1
9

thaw- r a j
18

'how much faster than

the other

rew

maag:
13

chiaw
3

'definitely very fast'

t

rew

maag:
13

can
17

'really very fast'

rew;

! paj-

k

noo j
15

'a little too fast'

Constructions with members 6-8 as a constituent also occur frequently
m parallel phrases:

khon maa khooj-rab juu-neenr paj-mod ,

rod tSij-len chaa: khaw , chaa: khaw , thug thu .

'There were so many people waiting for the bus it kept
having to slow up more and more. '

192

naa-likaa khoorj-chai , jin aw-pa3-kee , jin dosn rew: khyn , rewt
khyn, thug thu.

'The more I take my watch to be repaired the faster it runs. '

3123 aw-paj-kee , 3123 doon chaa: Ion , chaa: Ion , thug thu .
'The more I take it to be fixed, the slower it runs. '

/baan / Class

These postpositions are all weak* stressed forms of those /een/-class
complementives (3.2.2.2.) which have the syntactic function of replacing
partitive numeral phrases (3.2.6.3.), and they follow both /waj/-class and
/nag/-class postpositions m the same clause. Just as the /wa 3/- class mod-
ifies verbs and the /nag/-class modifies ad3ectives, the /baan/ class can be
said to modify substantives, m the sense that when a noun expression occurs
in the prior part of the clause, the /baan/-class postposition refers to it
(see first example under 1. /baan/ below). When no noun expression is so
modified, the postposition has the entire predication as its co-constituent
(see second example under 1. /baar)/ below).

Like their counterpart members of the /een/-class of complementives,
the members of the /baan/- class have covert lexical relationships with par-
titive numerals (see tabulation m 3.2.6.3.) - for example /baan/ itself
replaces any numeral phrase introduced by /baarj/. All members of the /een/
class which correspond to /baan/-class postpositions, moreover, can be pre-
ceded by /sag/-class prepositions il±.2.$.) , although individual members are
limited as to the type of preposition they can follow - for example /baan/
itself is preceded only by /iig/. The occurrence of normal stress on the
item following the /sag/-class preposition and the nature of the construc-
tion require interpretation of this item as a complementive rather than a
postposition m all cases.

The class meaning of both the /baan/-postposi tions and their corre-
sponding complementives is 'quantity of a substantive expression, or fre-
quency of a predicate or predicative expression. ' The class is small but
open, with frequent slang innovation. For each member information is given
on the partitive numeral replacement and the /sag/-class prepositions which
precede (the latter information applying only to the complementive).

1. /baarj/ or /man/ 'some, sometimes, some of it, some of them'
Replaced m numeral phrases by /baarj/, follows only /iig/.

phom ton-kaan naam ng-baan .
'I need some more water. '

193

ichan jaag capaj ajud-thajaa: mar) si .

'I'd like to go to Ayuthya some time . '

2. /leg-nooj/ 'a few, few, little, a little'
Replaced by /nooj/, follows /iig/ and /phiarj/.

phom torj-kaan naam phiarj-leg-noo j .
'I need only a little water. '

aad camii phaju ng-leg-nooj .

'There may be a few more storms. '

3. /maj-maag/ and /ma j- thaw-ra j/ 'not many, not much'
Replaced by /maj-kii/, follows only /iig/.

fon aad catog iig ma j- thaw-ra j .

'Not much more ram is likely to fall. '

l±. /maag/ or /mag-maag/ and /tharj- laa j/ 'much, many, lots of, the

several '

Replaced by /laaj/, follows only /iig/.

Selection among the three forms is complicated: /maag/ is general, but
/mag-maag/ is usually used where /maag/ might be interpreted as one of its
homonyms (see first two examples); /tharj-laaj/ is used m direct modification
of nouns and pronouns as a general pluralizer.

khaw choob rab-prathaan aahaan: mag-maag.

'He likes to eat lots of food (large meals).'

khaw choob rab-prathaan aahaan maag .

'He likes to eat lots of food' or 'He likes eating food very

much. '

nag-rian thafrj-laaj t •
'Students.' '

jarj torj-kaan fon ng-maag (mag-maag) .
'Much more ram is still needed. '

5. /kii-manoo j/ and /thaw-raj/ 'how much, how many'

Replaced by /kii/, follows /iig/ and /sag/.

khun torj-kaan naam ng-thaw-raj .

'How much more water do you need? '

mil nag-rian sag-kn-manoo j .

'About how many students are there? '

194

6. /mod/, /than-mod/ and /than- sin/ 'all of it, the whole business'

Replaced by preposition /than/ 2 .5 . 2 . ) , follows only /kyab/.

khaw khon khoon paj kyab- mod: leew .

'They have taken nearly all the stuff away. '

ruam than -mod , khid thaw- raj .

'Including everything, how much do you figure it would be?'

7. /than-nan/ 'all of them, every one'
Replaced by /thug/, follows only /kyab/.

khaw looj paj-wad: kan than-nan .
'They all went to the wat. 1

8. /nid/, /nooj/, and /nid-nooj/ 'a little bit'

Not replaced m numeral phrases, follows /sag/ and /iig/.
khoo naami sag-nooj .

'Please give me a l±ttle water.'

phuud chaa: Ion ng-nid , daj: maj .
'Can you speak a little slower? 1

phom ton-kaan tee md-nooj: thaw- nan .
'I only need a little bit of it. '

9. /js/ or /je/ or /jo-je/ 'a whole lot'
Not replaced, follows /tan/ and /iig/.

phom jan ton-kaan naam lig-jo .

'I still need a whole lot more water. '

khaw khaaj nan-syy tan-jo-je .

'They sell an awful lot of books. '

10. /naan/ 'a long time'

Replaced by /laaj/ and a tirae-classif ler , follows only /tan/ and
/iig/.

ton khoo j pa j-iig-naan: maj .

'Must we wait much longer? '

khaw tham-naan thii-nii maa- tan- naan: tleew .

'He has been working here for an awfully long time. '

195

11. /m&j-naan/ and /maj-chaa/ 'not long'

Replaced by /maj-kn/ and a time-classif ler, follows only /iig/.

ton khooj paj-ng: maj-naan.

'We won't have to wait much longer. '

One discontinuous postposition, which occurs only m parallel construc-
tion, probably belongs to this class, although it does not clearly correspond
to any partitive numeral, except possibly /khryn/ 'half:

12. /phlaan... phlaan/ 'simultaneously, sometimes... sometimes...,

half. . . half. . . '

khaw phuud: phlaan , hua-ro: phlaan .

'He was half talking, half laughing. '

Members of the /baarj/ class seem to exclude each other completely. No
internal order can be stated.

4.I4..I4.. Enumerative Postpositions

The remaining postpositions are always the final constituents of
enumerations, occurring with weak stress m the last possible position m
the construction. There are four sub-groupst l) those which occur after
cardinal numeral phrases (3.2. 6.1.), 2) those which occur after /nn/-
class demonstratives (3.2.1^.1.) and their derivatives (see tabulation below),
3) those which occur after interrogative lexemes containing the morphs /a 2/
and /aj/ (see 2.3.1;. 5, 6. and tabulation below), 1|) those which occur after
all types of construction and make enumerations out of whatever precedes.
The enumerative postpositions do not form a well-defined, mutually exclusive
class, but constitute a residue. Some double as sentence particles {1+.%.).

For convenience of reference, the related group of common demonstra-
tive and interrogative lexemes and constructions which are followed by enu-
merative postpositions of sub-groups 2) and 3) are listed below.

Demons tratiye

Interrogative

/khon-nan/ 'that person'

/khon-nn/ 'this person'

/an- nan/ 'that thing'

/an-nii/ 'this thing'

/janan/ or /nan/ 'thus'

/janii/ or /nil/ 'so'

/khraj/ 'who'

/khon-naj/ 'which person'

/araj/ 'what'

/an-naj/ 'which thing'

/thamaj/ 'why'

/janaj/ 'how'

196

/mya-nan/

'then'

/mya-ra j/

'when '

/d law- mi/

'now '

/ thii-nan/

1 there '

/thii-na j/

'where '

/thii-nii/

'here '

/thii-noon/

' over there '

/thaw- nan/

'that much'

/thaw- raj/

'how much'

/khee-nii/

'this much'

/khee-na j/

'to what extent

/ thii-nn/

'this time'

/thu-ra j/

'which time '

l) Numeral postpositions

1. /seed/ or /seed-seed/ and /kwaa/ or /kwa-kwaa/ 'plus a residue'

soon rooj baad: seed .

'Over two hundred baht. '

haa moon: kwa-kwaa .

'Later than five o'clock.'

(See also 3.2.6.3, end.)

2. /la/ 'per, based on the preceding unit'

Occurs mainly after the simultaneous construction of a unit or
metric classifier (3.2.5.1,2.) or classifier numeral (3.2. 6.
plus the normal-stress morpheme 'one' (see 2.2.3.1.), but also
after ordinary cardinal numeral phrases.

kluaj raa-khaa baj-la-baad .

'The bananas are one baht each (one-baht per one-banana).'

nam-taan raa-khaa ki-loo: la , sib baad .
'The sugar is ten baht per kilo. '

rooj- la-soon .

'Two percent (two per hundred).'

saam dyan la-khran .

'Once every three months. '

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2) Demonstrative postpositions

1. /een/ 'the very one, exactly, none other than'

thaw- nan: eerj . 'Just that much. '

diaw-nn: een . 'Right now. '

jarjan: een . 'Precisely that way. '

thii-niu een . 'Right here.'

2. /le/ and /naj/ 'there it is, that's the one (pointing out some-

thing that has been sought) »

thaw-nan: le . 'That's all. That does it.'

nil: naj . 'Here it is. This is the one. '

3arjan: le . 'That's how it is.'

khon-nn: naj . 'This is the person. '

(Speakers seem to prefer the form /le/ after /nan/, /noon/, and their
derivatives, /naj/ after /mi/ and its derivatives.)

3. /ne/ 'look at this new thing (pointing to something not sought) '
noon: ne t duu: si t 'Over there.' Look.' 1

nii: ne , kun-cee horj . 'Here's the key to the room. '

The members of this sub-group exclude each other. /le/, /naj/,
and /ne/ are also sentence particles (I|.5>.2.).

3) Interrogative postpositions

1. /kan/ 'reasonable answer not foreseen'

maa thamaj: kan t . 'Why the devil have you come?'

cf. maat kan , thamaj t . 'Why have you (plural) come? '

(pronoun /kan/)

araj: kan t . 'What m the world.''

2. /baan/ 'plural or multiple answer foreseen'

khun capaj kab-khraj: baan . 'Who all are you going with?'

198

khun capaj naj: baan . 'What places are you going to?'

araj: baan . 'What (plural)?'

3. /la/ or /law/ 'answer demanded'

maa thamaj: law t . 'Why have you come?'

khun capaj naji la . 'Where are you going ? '

araj: la t . ' What . ' (English falling intonation)

ij.. /na/ 'answer not expected, or should be already known to speaker'

maa thama3i na . 'I wonder why he came. '

khun capaj najt na . ' Where is it you're going?'

arajt na . ' What ? ' (English high rising

intonation)

Internal order of the sub-group is 1, 2, 3-k, the last two members
excluding each other. Example:

juu thii-naj: kan baan la t .

'Where the devil are they all?' ('They are m what unreason-
able places, tell me.'')

Members 3. and l±. also occur as sentence particles (lj..5.2.).

I4.) General enumerative postpositions

1. /nil/ or /nil/ or /nio/ 'this sort of thing (previously mentioned)'
The first two forms are weak- stressed versions of the demonstra-
tive /nil/ 'this, ' and the third contains an additional morpheme
(probably to be identified with /le/ and /ne/, demonstrative post-
positions described above).

wan-ankhaani nn , pen kham san-sakrid .

'This (word) 'Tuesday' is a Sanskrit word. '

(cf.) wan-ankhaan nn , phom cajud naan .

'I'm going to take this Tuesday off.' (demonstrative /nn/)

suan nag-nan triam paj soom: kan nio...

'As for this business of the preparatory students going to
drill. . . '

199

2. /nan/ or /nan/ or /na/ 'that sort of thing (previously mentioned)'

The first two forms are weak- stressed demonstratives and the third
is probably a combination of /nan/ and /ne/ or /le/.

kaan cab-plaat nan , mil laaj jaan .

'For that f ish-ca tching operation there are several methods. '

chaluaj: na , pen chyy phuu-jin: thaw- nan .

'That (name) Chaluay is a woman's name only. '

3. /la/ or /la/ 'the new or contrastive thing (i have just mentioned) '

This item is probably to be identified with the complementive /leew/
'already. '

chaluaj: la , pen chyy phuu-jin: thaw-nan .

'Now Chaluay (on the other hand) is a woman's name only. '

suan nag-nan triam paj soom: kan la...

'If one brings up the subject of the preparatory students going
to drill, now. . . '

/waa/ 'as follows (new or old quotation) '

This item is a homonym of a conjunction with similar meaning ( i|_ . 3 -
3.3.). There is a slight difference m emphasis depending on whether
the /waa/ occurs before or after the intonation break. Compare the
first two examples below.

khaw phuud samoo: waa , aahaan maj-arooj .

'What they always say is that the food is no good. '

khaw phuud sam99 , waa aahaan maj-arooj .

'They're always talking (about it, saying among other things)
that the food is no good. '

Internal order of the sub-group is 1-3, k> The forms /na/, /la/
and /la/ are related to homonymous sentence particles (lf.5.1.).

Sentence Particles

A sentence particle is any bound lexeme which is always the last con-
stituent, or part of the last constituent, apart from intonation, m any
clause m which it occurs (regardless of the order m which it actually
occurs). The co- cons tituents of sentence particles are entire predications,
enumerations, expressions, and phrases, and also such constructions plus

200

their postpositional modifiers. The term 'sentence particle' (chosen instead
of 'clause particle') indicates a further relationship: most types of sen-
tence particles (except 3« /khrab/- class, below) occur only once per sentence,
rather than once per clause. In addition, many sentence particles have var-
iant forms conditioned m two ways: 1) by clause intonation, and 2) by the
presence of other sentence particles.

Since the members of this class often occur m clusters at the ends of
clauses, always after the morpheme / i /, the term codaphrase is used to
refer to such groups of sentence particles. The maximum length of a coda-
phrase is four lexemes (or four syllables, if one or more two- syllable par-
ticles are present) . The sub-classif ication of sentence particles is based
on position m the codaphrase, and the names of the sub- classes are taken
from one of the possible maximum sequences:

khun maj-paj kab-khaw: rog-ryy- khrab nil t .

Sub-classes: 1) 2) 3) If)

'Well, (you mean) you're not going with them?.''

The general class meaning of sentence particles is 'attitude of the
speaker toward what he is saying, ' but the members of the first sub-class
(/ro'g/- class ) also resemble enumerative postpositions (24-.A4_.i4_. ) m that they
have close ties with specific syntactic elements m the clause. The whole
class is closed, and small, possibly being limited to the members listed m
the following sections. All members occur both by themselves and m coda-
phr a s e s .

The meanings of sentence particles can be only vaguely stated, because
a great deal > depends on the emotional interplay between speakers. For the
same reason, it is difficult to quote out of context examples of sentences
containing particles. In order to avoid repeating examples with sufficient
context under different headings, a number of lengthy examples are given
consecutively m the last section (4.5.5.) under the general heading 'Sample
Exchanges. ' Reference is made to these examples after the illustrations of
use of individual members of the class of sentence-particles.

4.5.1. /rog / Class

These sentence particles occur m the first relative position of the
codaphrase, and are m complementary distribution with respect to each other.
Some of them have variant forms depending on clause intonation, and others
have forms which occur in absolute clause-final position only. The first
five members have strong ties with the substantive elements of the clause,
and the last three with predicative elements. None has an emphatic form

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(occurring simultaneously with / /) ; when / 1 / is present a member of

2. ' /ryy /-class is also present m the codaphrase.

1. /rog/ and /rog/ or /dog/ or /drog/ 'not that' (after negative),
'that's what' (otherwise)

The high- tone variant occurs m absolute clause-final position
when / t / is present (this being the most common environment of the entire
item), and one of the low- tone variants occurs elsewhere. In codaphrases,
it is followed by these members of sub-class 2): 1. /ryy/, 2. /sn/, and

3. /naa/. When followed immediately by a member of sub- class 3), it deter-
mines the selection of the statement form - e.g. /kha/, but when sub- class
2) intervenes, the question form of the sub-class 3) member may be selected
- e.g. /kha/ (see also 2.3.3.3.).

The item /rog/ is almost entirely restricted to occurrence m clauses
containing a negative (member of the /ma 3/ class of modals, I4-.I.3.), but
occasionally turns up m positive statements (see last two examples below).
It does not occur after /jaa/ 'don't. ' It has reference to substantive ele-
ments m the clause, often to the subject, and directs the force of the
negation toward them and away from predicative elements. In bhis meaning it
contrasts semantically with the item /laej/ 'at all, ' which is a complementive
of the /eer|/ class (3.2.2.2.10.) and a postposition, rather than a sentence
particle (see contrastive examples below).

phom ma j- da 3 pa 3 : rog t .

'I didn't go.'' ('not me')

phom ma 3- da j pa 3: 1003 .

'I didn't go at all.' ('not anywhere, not any time')

khaw ma3-maa thama3: rog-na t .
' Why wouldn't he come?'

ma3-cha*3 nan-syy khoon-chan: rog-na .
'You see, it's not my_ book. '

wan- nan khun ma3-da3-paj baan-seen: rog-roo .
'Didn't you go to Bangsaen that day?'

chan loo len: rog . 3aa krood: loo 3 .

'I was only fooling (that's what). Don't be angry.'

diaw da 3 hua-teeg kan-man: rog t .

'Pretty soon you'll get your heads cracked, that's what.''

(See also Exchanges, I+.5-5- , Nos. 1-2, 2-1, 3-3, 7-2, 7-7, 8-k, H-k,
12-3, and 1^-2.)

202

2. /na/ 'that's what, that's who, that's where, etc. '

This item by itself is easily confused with the postposition /na/
[l±.l±.l±.l±.2. ) , and with homonymous forms m the /ryy/ and /nil/ sub-classes of
sentence particles (1|.5.2.3. and 2. ) , but is clearly distinguishable

when it is followed m codaphrases by one of these members of sub-class 2):
1. /ryy/, 2. /sn/, 3. /naa/, and /le/. Semantically it replaces /rog/
m most positive statements, and is rare after negatives.

ko khun-eerj: nasn t .

'Well, it was you yourself (that's who). 1 '

khun cid« naroo , soob da 3 .

'Did Chit really pass the exam (is that who you mean)?'

man cathuug hua tua-eerjs nanaa .

'Why, you might hit yourself m the head with it, that's what. '

khun: nals , choob tham siar) darj: nag .

'You really like to make a lot of noise, you do. '

(See also Exchanges 2-1, 3-k, and 7-l|. )

3. /nil/ or /ni/ 'this is who, this is what, etc'

Statements about /na/ apply also to this item, and the distribution
is the same except that /nil/ does not appear to occur before /ryy/. The
difference meaning is very slight, but speakers prefer /nil/ to /na/ whenever
the hearer is not presumed to know the information given. (This may m turn
account for the absence of /nil/ before the sentence particle /ryy/, which
requests information.)

ko khaw ruu-cag kan juu-leew« nimaa .
'But they already know each other. '

ko man cathuug kracog: nimaa .

'Well, you might hit the window with it, don't you see. '
( 'this is what ' )

khuns nils , choob tham siar) dan: nag .

'Say, you really like to make a lot of noise. '

(See also Exchanges 2-2, 9-2, and 9-5.)

4. A)aj/ 'something known previously becomes newly relevant' or 'how

can one overlook this fact'

This item is easily confused with a postposition of similar meaning
{l\..l±.l\..2.2. ) and also is homonymous with one form of a complementive meaning
'how' (the other form being /jarjaj/). It occurs alone m clause- and phrase-

203

final position, and m codaphrases before only one member of sub-class 2):
5« /la/. Whether followed by /la/ or not, it determines selection of the
question form of any sub- class 3) member m the same codaphrase. /naj/ is
very frequent as a final particle m sentences introduced by the responses
/naj/ and /naj/ (3.1.2.5, 6.).

Jaaw t thamaj syy sli-khiaw maa-ng: la . naj , boog-waa maj-choobt
rjaj .

'Why on earth did you buy green again? I thought you said you
didn't like it.' ('how can one explain that?')

nil nan- syy thii khun-cid faag maa-haj: naj .

'Here's that book Chit gave me to give you. '
(More commonly said with postposition /naj/:
nii» rjaj , nan-syy thii khun-cid faag maa-haj .)

chan boog leewt ijaj-la , waa man phed .

'I already told you (didn't I) that it was spicy.'
(See also Exchanges 12-2 and 13-2.)

5. /ne/ or /nio/ 'something previously unknown is now relevant' or

'don't overlook this new thing.'

Both forms also occur as postpositions with similar meaning (k.»k.»
[4..). The form /ne/ occurs only m clause-or phrase-final position, but the
form /nig/ (possibly analyzable morphemically as /nil/ plus /le/) also pre-
cedes one member of sub-class 2): 1. /ryy/. Like l+. /naj/, with which it
is m semantic contrast, this particle determines the question form of any
sub- class 3) member m the same codaphrase.

duu khaw tham araj: ne .

'Look at what (new thing) they are doing now. '

chan syy phaa maa-faag chin: nyn ne .

'Here's a piece of cloth I bought for you. '

chin diaw: nio-roo .

'Just the one piece?'

pa j najt kan nio t .

'Where do you think you're going? (this is news to me) '
(See also Exchanges 1-3, ^-1, and l\.-2.)

6. /la/ or /la/ or /la/ 'changed situation'

This item is said by ST speakers to be a shortened form of /leew/
'already, ' but m fact it occurs directly after /leew/ itself m the same

20i|

clause. It is, however, closely tied to predicative elements, rather than
substantive ones. The form /la/ occurs m clause-and- phrase- final position,
the forms /la/ and /la/ elsewhere. In codaphrases it is followed by these
members of sub-class 2): 1. /ryy/, 2. /sn/, 3. /naa/, and 6) man. By
itself it determines the statement form of any sub-class 3) particle.

thaa janan , chan maj-paj: la .

'In that case I won't go, then. '

aw: la , phoo thaw-nn: koon .

'All right, then, that's enough for the time being.'

khun capaj: laros .

'Are you going, now?' ('You weren't, just a minute ago.')

im leew: lasn t .

' Now you must be full.' •

dicha*n ton paj-koon: lana* .

'I'd better be going, now.'

hen camaag: paj laman .

'Maybe it's too much already. 1
(See also Exchanges 15-2.)

7. /mffj/ 'Yes-no question'

This particle is tied directly to the predicator of the clause, and
does not occur m clauses which have no predicative elements (for example,
m clauses consisting of substantive expressions, equations, and enumera-
tions). Morphologically speaking, it is related to the negative /maj/, and
does not occur m clauses containing any /maj/-class modal. If the predica-
tor is a transitive verb, the use of /maj/ implies that a voluntary choice
is possible, or that the situation is capable of change - it is not used,
for example, for past situations of for scheduled future events. If the
predicator is an adjective, the selection of /maj/ is nearly automatic,

regardless of time factors, and simply implies that an evaluation is being
asked for. If the predicator is a completive verb or a modal verb, the
standard way to ask a question is with /maj/, unless a time-element is in-
volved, m which case /ryjar)/ 'yet?' (Ij.. 5-2.1.) is selected.

As a sentence particle /maj/ contrasts most strongly with /ryy/
(i|.5»2. 1. )-see first, third and fourth pairs examples below. Any interrog-
ative word m a clause containing /maj/ automatically has its indefinite
meaning - see second pair of examples.

/maj/ has a citation form /maj/, which also turns up occasionally
m formal styles of speech, but no other allolexes. In codaphrases it is

205

followed by these members of sub-class 2): 3. /naa/ and 5. /la/. It deter-
mines the selection of the question- form of sub-class 3) members m all coda-
phrases m which it occurs.

thaan kaa-fee ng: maj .

'Will you have some more coffee? '

thaan kaa-fse ligi ryy .

'You're having more coffee, are you?'

khaw ton-kaan araj: ma 3 .

'Do they want something? '

khaw ton-kaan araj .

'What do they want? '

khun choob pen thahaan: maj .

'Do you like (the idea of) being a soldier?'
0r, 'Would you like to be a soldier? '

khun choob pen thahaan: ryy .
Do you like being a soldier? '

khaw paj-duu nan: duaj-kan maj .

'Are they going along (as a matter of choice) to see the movie? '

khaw paj-duu nan: duaj-kan ryy .

'Did they go along to see the movie? '
or: 'Are they scheduled to go along to see the movie? '

'Do they (as a matter of fact) go along to see the movie? '

mya-waan-nn paj-duu nan , sanug: maj .

'Was it fun going to the movie yesterday? ' (adjective predica-
te)

raw paj-duu nan , din maj .

'Shall we go see a movie (is it a good idea)?' (adjective

predicator )

khun jaag capaj duaj-kan: maj .

'Do you want to go along? (modal verb predicator)

raw paj-duu nan , daji maj .

'Can we go to see the movie?' (completive verb predicator).

chan syy nan-syy nil maa-faag , khun choob ma j-la .

•I bought this book to give you - do you like it? ' (answer

required)

cha*n syy nan-syy nil maa-faag khun-cid , khaw choob » ma'j-na .
'I bought this book to give Chit - will he (do you think) like

it? ' (opinion requested)
(See also Exchanges 7-1, 11-1, 11-3, and 12-5.)

206

8. /the/ or /thood/ 'why not, let's, why don't you'

This particle is tied to the predicate and, like 6. /maj/, does
not occur m clauses which do not have predicative elements. Also, it does
not occur m the same clause with the pre-predicate preposition /ca-/ ([|_.2.6.
3.2.). The second variant /thood/ is largely a citation form but occurs m
formal varieties of speech as well. In codaphrases it is followed by these
members of sub-class 2): 2. /sn/ and 3. /naa/, the latter being far more
common. It determines the selection of the statement form of the sub-class 3)
member m all codaphrases m which it occurs.

The meaning of /tho/ is always a mild suggestion, either advocating
joint action including the speaker (in which case the pronoun /kan/ often
occurs somewhere m the clause) or unilateral action by someone other than
the speaker. It is not used m statements of fact, or in urging people to
believe assertions, as is the other 'command' particle /sn/ (Ji.5.2.2.).

raw pajl kan the .
'Let ' s go . '

khun km 1 sa ths .

'Go ahead and eat it (if you want it). '

km: sa si t .

'Go ahead and eat it (whether you want it or not.) '

km s£-th9 .'sii t .

' Please go ahead and eat it.' '

khun ben haj-chan thyy man: the .

'Why don't you let me carry some of them? '

saaj lsew , paj kan: the-na .

'It's late, let's get going . '
(See also Exchanges 7-6, 8-1, 8-3, and 10-3.)

1+.5.2. /ryy / Class

These sentence particles occur m the second relative position of
the codaphrase, and are m complementary distribution. All members can
follow at least one member of the /rog/-class (I).. 5.1.) All have variant
forms, some of which are conditioned and some m free variation. Each mem-
ber has an emphatic form (occurring simultaneously with /.'/), and some of
the emphatic forms are distinct from all other allolexes of the particles
they represent.

The /ryy/-class members, except for 1+. /le/ and 5. /la/, are true
sentence particles m the sense that they do not have reference to specific

207

syntactic constructions, but to the sentence as a whole. The sub-class mean-
ing is 'expected reaction from the hearer. ' 1. /ryy/ itself has four deriv-
atives (lexemes containing its allomorph /ry/) which actually belong to the
/rog/ class, since they can all be followed by /la/ and /naa/ from the pres-
ent class, but they are listed under /ryy/ for convenience of contrast.

!• / r Jj/> / r 9©A At/ ' i or /qq/ 'is the assumption correct? '

Emphatic form: A'ryyj/

Derivatives: /ryjarj/ or /jan/ 'or not yet; yet? •

/ryma j/ 'or not'

/ryplaaw/ 'or otherwise'

/rynaj/ 'or what'

The variants of the simple particle are distributed as follows:
/ryy/, /roo/, and /os/ occur m absolute phrase-or-clause-f inal position and,
commonly, after members of the /rog/- class; /ry/ and /ro/ occur everywhere,
but most commonly with / t / or before members of the /khrab/- class (I4..5.3.).
The emphatic form /ryy/ occurs only with loud stress and extra duration, and
is nearly always ironic. The presence of any form of /ryy/, including its
derivatives, determines the selection of the question form of any sub-class
3) member.

The simple particle occurs m clauses of any syntactic composition
whatever, including substantive expressions, equations, enumerations, and
even single substantive lexemes. Its meaning is simply 'confirm my assump-
tion' or 'confirm my understanding of what you just said. ' It is mandatory
m questions about past events built around a transitive verb predicator,
and m negative questions of any kind (see [(..5.1.7. for comparison with
/ma j/-questions and examples of the contrast) . It is one of the possibil-
ities for questioning a non-predicative element of a clause, another possi-
bility being the phrase /chaj: maj/ 'Is that so?' which can nearly always
replace it m this use.

The four derivative particles, on the other hand, are actually
members of the /rog/-class and are much closer to /maj/ m use. /ryjarj/
'or not yet' is closely tied to predicates and is usually associated with
the item /leew/ 'already.' /rymaj/ 'or not' can replace /maj/ m any of its
uses but is slightly more formal. /ryplaaw/ 'or otherwise' is usually an
elegant substitute for /ryy/ itself, but can also replace /maj/. The last
derivative, /rynaj/ is an informal substitute for /ryy/ but also functions
as a much more open question-word of the /maj/ type. All four can be followed
by the sub-class 2) particles 3. /naa/ and /la/« Only /rynaj/ can follow
a negative m the same clause.

208

No member of this group, including /ryy/ itself, can follow /jaa/
'don't.' As m the case of /maj/, interrogative words have their indefinite
meanings before these particles.

In codaphrases, /ryy/ (but not its derivatives) can be followed not
only by sub-class 3) particles, but also by the two sub-class 1+) particles
/nil/ and /nan/.

jarjan: ryy .

'Is that so? '

sya tua-nii: roo .
'This coat? '

so or) thum: rykha .

'Eight o 'clock? '

kh^w chyy cidi roha .

'His name is Chit? '

cirj-cirj: 99 t .
'Really? '

mn J ryy t manud cabin daj .

' Is there such a thing as a man that can fly?.' '

khaw paj-leew: r99 .

'Are they gone already? '

khaw paj-leew: ryjarj .

'Have they gone yet? '

khaw capajt ryjarj .

'Are they going yet? '

khaw capa j : ryma j .

'Are they going or not? '

khaw pa j t ryplaaw .
'Did they go? '

th99 ruu: ryplaaw .
'Do you know? '

khaw capa j t ryrjaj .

'Are they going, or what? '

khun maj-choobi ryrjaj , thyrj ma j-kho j-sa j: l99j .

'Don't you like it, or what - that you hardly ever wear it?

khun maj-pa3 wadt rgkha .

'Aren't you going to the temple?'

209

khaw maj-paj wad: renan t .

'You mean he's not going to the temple?.''

mod we-laa leew: ronii t .

'Is the time up al ready ? .' '
(For more examples, see /maj/, 1|.£.1.7., and Exchanges 1-4,
2-1, 4-2, 5-6, 9-1, 10-2, and 16-1.)

2. /sii/, /si/, /si/, or /si/ 'this is the correct behavior or belief

(change yours if necessary) '

Er-pbstic formi /jsiit/

The first three forms occur only in phrase- or clause-final posi-
tion, the form /si/ usually with high intonation / t /, /si/ with normal in-
tonation, and /sii/ with either type. The form /si/ is almost entirely re-
stricted to occurrence m codaphrases before sub-class 3) members, which may
have either their statement or question forms, the latter being more common
when / t / is present. Sub-class does not occur after any form of /sii/.

The composition of clauses m which this particle is found is iden-
tical with that described for /ryy/ (4.5.2.1.) - the co-constituent may be
even a single non-predicative lexeme (see first example below), /sii/ is
used most commonly to urge action on the part of someone who is not acting,
or to change the course of action of someone who is. When the action recom-
mended is something beneficial to the hearer ('Please sit down.' 1 ), the use
of /sii/ m this sense is not familiar; otherwise, it definitely is. A
second use of /sii/ is m emphatic statements, where it either expresses or
urges agreement. Like the sentence particle /maj/ (4-5.1.7.) it does not
occur m statements about past events which have a transitive verb predicator,
being replaced m this situation by the particle /nil/ - see contrastive
examples below.

/sii/ can follow any negative, and is frequently found after /jaa/
'don't.' In codaphrases it is followed only by sub-class 3) particles, never
by sub-class 4) • Interrogative words have indefinite meanings before /sii/.

sawad-dn: sa sii .

'Say hello.'' (/sawad-dn/ is an isolative.)

cheen nan: siba t .

'Please have a seat.' '

paj sa-nooj: si t .

'Why don't you go .' '

maa-duu araj nii: sii t .

'Come look at something here.' '

210

jaa paj-naj: sn .

'Don't go anywhere, now.'

thaa jarjan , chan ko ma j-da j-pa j naj: si .
'In that case I won't go anywhere. '

cf. phom maj-daj-paj naj: 1003 nil t .

'Well, I didn't go anywhere at all.''

nan: sikhrab .

'That 's exactly it. '

capaj , kopaj: si .

'If you're going, then go ahead. '

mil isii t .

'Of course there are some.' '

dm sikha t thamaj camaj-dn t .

'It's good.' Why wouldn't it be good? '
(See also examples under /the/, l±.$.l.d, , and Exchanges 1-1, 1-3,
5-2, 5-3, 5-7, 6-1, 6-2, 7-l|, 7-8, 10-1, 12-k, 15-2, and 16-2.)

3. /naa/, /na/, or /na/ 'I think, isn't it so, don't you agree'
Emphatic forms: /.'noo:/ and /.'naat/

All three weak- stressed forms occur m phrase-and clause-final posi-
tion, with slightly different meanings, /naa/ itself urges acceptance of the
speaker's wishes or instructions, and is very close to /sn/ (1|.5.2.2.) in
meaning and usage, although it is weaker and somewhat more polite. It occurs
frequently after the sub-class 1) particles 2. /na/ and 3. /nil/ (see 1+.5-
1.). The second variant /na/ is more insistent, but not necessarily rude,
and commonly follows the sub-class 1) particles 1. /rog/ and 8. /tho/. Both
/naa/ and /na/ are replaced by the emphatic form /.'naa:/.

The third form /na/ m final position implies merely a weak question
or request for confirmation. It frequently follows the sub-class 1) parti-
cles 6. /la/ and 7. /raaj/, meaning something like 'I wonder if...'. When
interrogative words occur in its sentence, the effect is something like an
echo-question ('I am supposed to know this, but tell me again. ') /na/ is
replaced in all its uses by the emphatic form /.'noo:/. The form /na/ is
also the only one which precedes other sentence particles m codaphrases,
replacing both /naa/ and /na/. It occurs only before sub-class 3), never
before sub-class , and always determines the selection of the question
form of the /khrab/-class particle.

211

Except for the obvious relationship of the form /na/ to interrog-
ative words, the particle /naa/ does not have close ties with any particular
type of clause constituent, and resembles 1. /ryy/ and 2. /sn/ m this re-
spect. Its forms occur after all types of negative and /jaa/ 'don't. '

jaa paj» naa .

'Don't go, O.K.? '

jaa paj-naj: na .

'Don't go anywhere, will you?'

phom maj-daj-paj naj: looj na .

'I didn't go anywhere at all, did I?'

pajt thoe .'naa t .

'Aw, come on and go, will you? '

boog leewi nanaa , maj chya .

'I already told you, didn't I, but you didn't believe me. '

boog leew: nii-naha , maj chya .

'This is what I told you, wasn't it, but you didn't believe me. '

pa 3 thaarj najj na*khra*b .

'Which way is it that you are going? 1

thama j • na .

'I wonder why that is. '

thama j .'noo t .
'But why? .' '

khaw moor) hent maj-na .

'Do you think he can see it? '

laa: thu lana .

'Goodbye , now. . . '

saaj leew . paj: kan tho-na .

'It's late. Let's get going - O.K.?'

kerj: cirj na .

'That's really clever, isn't it?'

(See also examples under sub-class 1) particles which precede
/naa/, J4..5.L, and Exchanges 1-2, 3-k t 7-6, and 15-1.)

ij.. /le/ or /la/ or /o/ 'here's the thing we've been looking for'
Emphatic form: /.'lee:/

All three forms are m free variation. This is a statement particle,
very similar in meaning to /rjaj/ l.ij-. ) , which has strong ties to the

212

demonstrative system but also occurs without any demonstrative element m
the same sentence. It follows the sub-class l) particles 2. /na/ and 3.
/nil/, and precedes only sub- class 3) particles, for which it determines
the selection of the statement form.

Being the most socially acceptable of the statement particles, /le/
frequently replaces 2. /sn/ where the latter would be rude. It is rare
after negatives, where it is usually replaced by /rog/ (lf.5.1.1.), and after
/jaa/ 'don't. '

nan J lee t ch§n boog-leewx maj-la .

'That's just it.' Didn't I tell you so?'

khun: ni le-kha , choob tham siarj dan: nag .

'You (are the one who) really like to make a lot of noise. '

phom ma j-da*j-pa j naj Isojj la t .
'I didn't go anywhere at all .' '

niu s-ryy , cahaj chan saj: paj .

'Is this the one you want me to wear?'

thaw- nan: 9 .

'That's it, now.' 'That's all, now.'

cin: nale-ha .

'That 's right .' '
(See also Exchanges 1+-3.)

£. /la/ or /law/ or /la/ 'tell me."
Emphatic form: /.'laa:/

The first two weak-stressed forms are m free variation m phrase-
and clause-final position. The form /la/ occurs only before other sentence
particles in the codaphrase. This is basically a question-particle, occur-
lng frequently after interrogative words, with which it has a special rela-
tionship, and after the sub-class l) particle 7. /maj/. It also occurs
m statements, however, and frequently follows the sub-class l) particle
6. /rjaj/, with a meaning something like 'how about that.' ' In either case it
determines the question- form of any sub-class 3) member which follows. It
is not followed by sub- class i|) members.

The particle /la/, m both statements and questions, is at best
familiar and at worst rude unless it is followed by a sub-class 3) particle.
It has strong ties with interrogative elements of its clause, but occurs
without them and even after /jaa/ 'don't.'

213

thamaj chaa: nag la t .
'Why are you so late.' '

hen» ma 3- law .

'Do you see it? '

thamaj chaa: nag la-khrab .
'Why are you so late? '

1m leewi lasn t chaj: maj-la .

'You must be full, aren't you? '

(The first /la/ is /rog/- class, Jj.,5.1.6.)

jaa paj-naj: la .

'Don't go anywhere.''

pa j thaarj-naj: la-kha .

'Which way shall I go? '

chan pen seed-thii mya-raj: law t .
'When would I ever be a rich man.' '

phom capaj daj janaj* kan .'laat.

'How the devil would I be able to get there? '

nan: rjaj-la , khuu-man khoorj khun-cid .

'There she is - Chit's fiancee.'
(See also contrastive examples under /maj/, 1^.5.1.7., and Exchanges

3-2, S-k, 7-3, 12-5, 13-1, and 16-3.)

6. /man/ or /mar]/ 'perhaps'
Emphatic Form: /.'marji/

The form /mar)/ determines the question- form of any sub- class 3)
particle which follows, and the form /marj/ determines the statement form.
Both are preceded by the sub-class l) particle 6. /la/, and both are fol-
lowed by the sub-class l\) particle 1. /n£i/ m the codaphrase. The differ-
ence m meaning between the two variants is slight: /man/ expects an con-
firming answer more than /marj/ does. A citation form, /kramarj/, is rarely
heard outside of formal style.

This particle has an obvious morphological relationship with /baarj/
'some' (which has an allolex /marj/), and also is possibly related to the
question-particle /maj/ (li.5.1«7), but it has no ties with any particular
type of clause constituent. It is slightly familiar in social connotation,
but by no means rude.

hen camaagt paj lamarj .

'Maybe it's a little too much. '

214

khid-waa , khaw cachoobi mar) .

'Do you think she might like it? '

nil khorj-chaj: lamarj-kha-nii .

'This must be the right one, all right. '

thaa khaw camn thura: lamarj .

'I guess he must be busy. '
(See also Exchanges 9-3, 11+-1.)

Ll-5.3. /khrab /- Class

These sentence particles occur m the third relative position of
the codaphrase, and are m complementary distribution. Each member has at
least two forms, morphologically related through a superfix (2.3.3.3.): the
question form , which anticipates further discourse (either by speaker or
hearer) , and the statement form , which does not. Both forms occur m the
interior of discourses, the question form usually before / , / or / t / and
the statement form before / . /, and both occur at the ends of discourses.
(Clauses ending m / t / and phrases ending m / , / are said to have 'sus-
pensive intonation, 1 requiring the question the form of any /khrab/- class
particle.) Most members of the class are also morphologically related to
responses (3.1.2. ) .

No member of the class is related to any particular kind of clause
constituent, and the normal pattern of occurrence is one /khrab/- cla ss par-
ticle per sentence (although exceptions occur to this m over-deferential
speech). The class meaning is 'reinforcement of the speaker's status with
the respect to the hearer, ' and for the first four members, information is
also given on the sex of the speaker. The first two members are clearly
deferential, the second two non- familiar, the last two patronizing or rude.
Among intimates and established equals, often no particle at all is used.
Not listed here are particles of extremely specialized use (e.g. those used
m addressing royalty) .

Full exemplification of the various uses of the /khrab/- cla ss
particles is given only for members 3. and I).., but since, given the proper
social situation, the members are interchangeable, the same examples Twill
apply to the whole class with the proper substitution of the form called for.
Except for /kha/, usage varies considerably among speakers, however, the
extreme example being 6. /wa/, where no two informants agreed upon the dis-
tribution of forms.

1. Statement form: /khraphom/
Question forms /khraphom/

Situation: Male speaking to highly superior, reverend,

or noble personage.

215

Statement form: /caw-kha/
Question form: /caw-kha/

Situation: Female speaking to highly superior, reverend,

or noble personage.

Statement form: /khrab/ or /ha/
Question form: /khrab/ or /ha/

Situation! Male speaking to superior, elder, or

non- intimate equal person. (The
phonemically less complex forms /ha/
and /ha/ are decidedly less formal.)

G. khun saab: maj-khrab , waa pheen-thii juu thii-naj .
phom haa maj-phob: laoj khrab .

D. nii: rjaj ha . juu bon-tot nil , hen: maj-ha .

C. 'Do you know where the map is? I can't seem to

find it anywhere. 1

D. 'Here it is. It's on the table here - see it?'

Statement formi /kha/ or /ha/
Question form: /kha/ or /ha/

Situation: Female speaking to superior, elder, or

non- intimate equal person. (The forms
/ha/ and /ha/ are less formal.)

A. khun saab: ma j- kha , waa pheen-thii juu thii-naj , dichan

haa maj-phob: l99j kha .

B. nil rjaj ha . juu bon-to nil , hen: maj-ha .
(Same translation as m 3 • above.)

Statement formi /ca/ or /ja/
Question form: /ca/ or /ja/

Situation* Person speaking to inferior or younger

person. Occasionally used among equals.
(Forms with /c/ more common among female
speakers, those with / j/ among male
speakers . )

216

6. Statement formt /wa/, /wa/, /woo 3/, or /wis 3/
Question form: /wa/, /woo 3/, or /woo 3/

Situation: Person speaking rudely or to intimate equal.

(Distribution of forms not clear.) For ex-
amples, see Exchange 5 (1|.5.5.5.).

Two other particles probably are variants of this member, but are
insufficiently attested: /ss/ and /qq j/. Examples (all taken from women's
speech) 1

wan-nn raw cakm ara 3 dn: 003 .

'I wonder what we should have to eat today. '

mee , ten-tua suaj: cirj t capaj naj: 003 t •

'Say, you're certainly dressed beautifully.' Where are you going?'

chan boog haj-tom naam thug-chaaw t thamaj: na-oo , ma 3 ruu-cag
cam t .

'I told you to boil water every morning.' Why is it you never
remember? '

A. khaw camaa haa khun wan- mi , chaj: ma 3 .

B. cini si-99 t chan lyym sa-sanid t .

A. They're coming to see you today, aren't they?'

B. Oh, that's right.' I'd completely forgotten.'

L\..<~>.L\.. /nil / Glass

These two sentence particles occur m the fourth and last relative
position of the codaphrase, and are m complementary distribution. The sub-
class meaning is similar to that of the vocative /nil/ (3.1.3.1.), m that
the effect is to call the hearer to his senses. (The difference between the
vocative /nil/ and the homonymous particle is simply a phrase- boundary) . Both
members of the sub- class have many other homonyms, including particles of the
/rog/ class (1^.5.1.2,3. ) , so that they are difficult to identify unless they
occur after a sub-class 3) (/khrab/-class) particle. Neither member affects
the selection of the form of the sub-class 3) particle, but both frequently
occur with / t/ intonation m clauses introduced by the con3unction /ko/
'Well, '.

1. /nil/ or /ni/ 'here, now, you'

nil khon-cha3: laman-kha nil .

'This must be the right one. '
(See also examples under /rog/ and /ryy/, and Exchanges 9-5« )

21?

2. /nan/ or /na/ 'there, then, you'

khaw paj-leewt rokha-nan t . chan jan ma j- than phuud
kakhawx loej .

'(You mean) she's gone already?.' I hadn't had a chance
to talk to her at all. '
(See also examples under /rog/ and /ryy/ and Exchanges 2-1.)

The flow pattern of codaphrases, m terms of individual members of
sub-classes 1) through 1+) , is summarized below. It can be seen from the
chart that /nii/-class particles occur relatively infrequently, and that they
do not occur at all after /sn/, /le/, /la/, or after any particle containing
the demonstrative morpheme /n/.

The key to the chart is as follows. Sub-class l) particles are
arranged along the vertical axis, and sub-class 2) along the horizontal.
The presence of any symbol at an intersection means that the two particles
m question occur together. The symbol /s/ means that the statement form of
the sub-class 3) particle, if present, is called for; the symbol /Q,/ means
the question- form is called for; the symbol /e/ means either form is possible;
and the symbol /X/ means neither is possible. The symbol /n/ means sub- class
Ij.) may occur.

Flow Pattern of Codaphrases
0. Missing 1 . /ryy/ 2. /an/ 3./naa/ l+./le/ 5. /la/ 6. /mar]/

0.

Missing

EN

QN

E

Q

S c

I EN

1.

/rog/

SN

ON

E

Q

2.

/na/

E

0.

E

X

s

3.

/nil/

E

Q

E

X

s

k.

Ajaj/

E

Q

c

I

5.

M/

S

Q

6.

/la/

S

QN

E

Q

EN

7.
8.

/maj/
/tho/

Q

SN

E

Q
X

c

I

218

Sample Exchanges

Following are some actual exchanges {2.%. 1.6.) chosen specifically
to illustrate the use of sentence particles, but also having relevance to
the whole question of predicate substitution (see 2.5-2.2.). The reference
system is as followst each exchange is assigned a number and each sentence
m the exchange is numbered consecutively regardless of speaker; the speaker
of each discourse is identified by a capital letten A. and B. for women,
C. and D. for men. The reference '1-1' means the first sentence of the first
exchange, and 'A' means 'first woman speaker.' Translations are given only
for whole exchanges.

Exchange 1 .

A. 1-1. duu: si , khaw tham sya dichan pyan: mod t .

B. 1-2. khaw khon ma j-da j-kleen: rog-na .
1-3. nut ne t saj sya dichan pa 3. sikha .

A. 1— . sya nil: naraa , cahaj dichan saj: paj .

B. 1-5* chaj: kha .

A. 1-1. Look how they got my blouse all dirty.

B. 1-2. I'm sure they didn't mean to.
1-3. Here, wear my blouse, will you?

A. l-i|. Is this the blouse you want me to wear?

B. 1-5- Yes.

Exchange 2 .

A. 2-1. khun maj-paj thiaw kab-khaw: rog-rokha-na .

B. 2-2. ko maj-mn khra j chuan dichan: nii-kha .

A. 2-1. Aren't you going on the trip with them then?

B. 2-2. Well, nobody invited me.

219

Exchange 3 .

C. 3-1. jaa joon koon-hin jarjan .

D. 3-2. thamaj: la-khrab .

3-3 • phom joon ma j-ha j-thuug kracog: rog .

C. 3-k- wan cathuug hua tua-een: nanaa .

C. 3-1. Don't throw stones that way.

D. 3-2. Why not?

3-3. I'm throwing so as not to hit the windows .

C. 3-i|. You still might hit yourself m the head, though.

Exchange i| .

A. I4.-I. chan syy phaa maa-faag chin: nyn ne .

B. i|-2. chin sii-lyan: nio-rokha .
A. 14.-3 « chaj , chin nan: le-kha .

A. I4.— 1 . Here's a piece of cloth I bought to give you.

B. I4-— 2 . This yellow piece'.'
A. k-3- Yes, that's the one.

Exchange 5 »

C. 5-1- khraj tham thuaj-keew teeg: wa.

D. 5-2.' jaa phuud wa: siweoj t .

C. 5-3. boog: maa si t

5-i|. khraj tham teegi la .

D. 5-5. maj-ruu: wa .

C. 5-6. maj-ruu cirj-cin:. rowa .

D. 5-7. boog-waa maj-ruu , ko maj-ruu: siwooj | •

G. 5-1. Who broke the glass?

D. 5-2. Don't say 'wah'.'

220

C. 5-3- Tell me J
5-4* Who broke it?

D. 5-5 • I don't know.

C. 5-6. You really don't know?

D. 5-7. If say I don't know, then I don ' t .'

Exchange 6 .

C. 6-1. thaan khaaw duaj-kan: "sikhrab .

D. 6-2. phom lm sa-leew: si .

C. 6-1. Eat with us, will you?

D. 6-2. I'm already full.

Exchange 7 .

A. 7-1. paj duu-nan ryaij saj-khoo: kan maj .

B. 7-2. ma j pajj rog .

A. 7-3. thamaj: la .

B. 7-^4-. chan maj-jaag paj: nasi .
7-5- man naa-klua-oog .

A. 7-6. pa j i thonaa t .

7-7. ma j naa-klua: nag rog .

B. 7-8. khun jaag paj , ko-paj khon-diaw: si .

A. 7-1. Shall we go see the movie 'Psycho'?

B. 7-2. I 'm not going.

A. 7-3. Why not?

B. 7-^-. I just don't want to go.
7-5* It's terribly frightening.

A. 7-6. Gome on and go.'

7-7. It's not all that frightening.

B. 7-8. If you want to go, go by yourself.

221

Exchange 8 .

A. 8-1. maa-km-khaawi kan tho .
8-2. chan hiw-cataaj: leew .

B. 8-3. thaa-nan khun kmi sa tho .
8-1+. ma j- tor) khooj chan: rog .

A. 8-1. Come on and eat.
8-2. I'm starving already.

B. 8-3. In that case you go ahead and eat.

8- 1+ . You don't have to wait for me .

Exchange 9 -

A. 9-1. mya-waan-nn chan haj-deg aw-cod-maaj paj-haj khun

daj-rab: ryplaaw .

B. 9-2. maj-hen ran: looj nil .

A. 9-3. thaa-jarjan khaw khon-faag khon-yyn waj-haj: man .

9- 1+ . toon- nan khun khorj maj-juu baan .

B. 9-5. mya-waan-nii chan ma*j-daj-paj naj: looj nil.

A. 9-1. Did you get the letter that I had the boy take over to

you yesterday?

B. 9-2. I didn't see any (letter) at all.

A. 9-3- In that case he must have left it with someone else to

give you, I guess.

9-1+. You must not have been home at the time.

B. 9-5. But I didn't go anywhere at all yesterday.

Exchange 10 .

C. 10.1 choon nan: siha t .

A. 10-2 kaw-ii nil khoorj-naaj khun nan , maj-chaj: rokha.
G. 10-3 nan « tho-ha , maj pen-raj .

C. 10-1 Please have a seat.'

222

A. 10-2.
C . 10-3.

This chair belongs to your boss, doesn't it?
Go anead and sit down, it's all right.

Exchange 11 .

C. 11-1. khun mil khan-nen jaj-jaj baan: maj .

D. 11-2. phom maj-mii: loej , sag baj: nyn .
G. 11-3. Jee t khun cid , khaw camn: maj-na .
D. 11-ij.. khaw maj-mn: rog t .

C. 11-1. Do you have any large silver bowls?

D. 11-2. I don't even have a single one.

C. 11-3. Say.' I wonder if Chit would have any.

D. 11-1].. No, he wouldn't have any.

Exchange 12 .

A. 12-1. chan syy sya: maa , tua: nyn , myan kakhoon th99
12-2. nii: qaj .

B. 12-3. ma j myan: rog .

A. 12-1}.. naj , paj-aw khoorj-thoo maa-duu: si t .

B. 12-5. hen: maj-la t

12-6. ma j myan: kan looj .

A. 12-1. I bought a new blouse, just like yours.
12-2. This is it.

B. 12-3. It's not the same.

A. 12-1].. Well, go and get yours and let's see.'

B. 12-5. Do you see?

They're not at all alike.

223

Exchange 13 .

C. 13-1. thamaj khun ma j-tham-naan:' la .

D. 13-2. ko phom kam-lan tham juu-leew: nii-naj t .

C. 13-1. Why aren't you working?

D. 13-2. Well I am working here, don't you see?

Exchange 11+ .

A. ll^-l. dichan casaj sya sii-deen tua-nn , kanun kaphroon

sii-khiaw nan , daj: man .

B. ll±-2. ma j dajt rog-kha .

llj.— 3 - man paj: kan , khon-l&thaan .

A. IJ4.-I. Do you think I can wear this red blouse with that

green skirt?

B. 11+-2. Not them.

ll|-3. They go m opposite directions (clash).

Exchange 15 »

C. 15-1. deg thaj kadeg amee-rikaa , nisaj maj-myani

kan-looj na .

D. 15-2. ko nee: Iff si t •

15-3. ob-rom: maa , khon-lajaan .

C. 15-1. Thai and American children's characteristics are not

the same at all, are they?

D. 15-2. That's for sure.'

15-3. They're brought up m different ways.

224

Exchange 16 .

A. 16-1. khun naj-paj baan-seen duaj: roo .

B. 16-2. paj Jsii t •

16-3. thamaj thyrj-camaj-pa j: la t .

A. 16-1. You're not going to Bangsaen either?

B. 16-2. Of course I'm going.'
I6-3. Why wouldn't I be going.'

225

TOPICAL INDEX

The index which follows includes the following kinds of entries:

1) General linguistic terms: allophone

2) Terms specifically defined for this grammar: adjective
(including word-classes identified by reference to a

member: baan-class postposition )

3) Undefined terms and general reference topics (always m

quotes): ' adverb '

Apart from words identifying classes (baar)), no individual ST lexical
items are listed here-- see Index of Forms for the latter.

The first reference given on each line of this index is to the organiza-
tional heading, the second is to the page number. For example:

adjective bases 2.4.3.1,8,11. 67, 70, 72

Reference to adjective bases will be found m Chapter Two, under the heading
2.1].. 3. ( Reduplications ) , sub-headings 1), 8), and 11), beginning on three
separate pages: 67, 70, and 72. Hyphenated references, either of heading
or page numbers, imply a series of references to the same topic within a
relatively short stretch of textj e.g. 67-72. References applying to longer
passages are given as follows: 67ff.

'abnormal 1.7-3 •

distributions'

3.3.2*.

26

abstract 3.2.1.i|. 90

nouns 3.2.5. 105,108

'actor' 3.3.3. 123-4

126

adjective 2.3.2.3. 53

3.3.2. 118 ff

4.5.1.7. 205-6

adjective 2.3.3.4- 56

bases 2.i|.3.1, 67, 70, 72

8,11

adjective 3-3.2. 119

expression 2.5.2.1. 73

adjective
modifier

4.4.2.

188,192

adjective 2.5.2.2. 74

predication 3.3.2. 118-9
4.3.3.4.2. 178

'adverb 1

3-3.2.1.

(used interchangeably
with complementive
before the latter
term is introduced)

alliterative 2.4.3.
reduplicators

allolex

2.1.3.2.

121

67, 70-1

37

allomorph 2.1.2.2. 36

2.4.2.4. 65-6
2.4.1.10. 62-3

226

allophones,
consonant

allophones ,
tone

allophones ,
vowel

1.3.1.
1.5.2.
1.4-2.
0.3.

classifier

American
Council of
Learned Societies

'antonym '

'aspect of
verb '

baaij-class

4.1.1.
2|.1.2.
4.2.1.

4.2.5.
4.3.1.
4.4.1.

4.4.1.

3.2.6.3.

postposition ^ 2
4.4.3.

bay- 98n- class 3.2.2.1.
complementive

base

base lexeme

2.3.
2.4.3.

bound lexeme 2.6.1.2.

3.2.6.3.

bound lexeme Chapter I
classes

caag-class

4.2.2.

preposition [^264

cardinal 3.2.6.1.
numeral

cardinal
-phrases

Central Plains
Dialect

4.2.5.
0.2.

-as head

2.4.2.1.

64

18

3.2.5.1.

105

-bases

2.4.3.2.3.

68-9

15

-phrase

2.5.2.3.

75

3.2.5.

104

2.

classifier

3.2.6.4.

133

numeral

4.4.4.1.2.

197

135

clause

1.2.1.

4

1.6.3.

22

147

1.8.4.

32-4

158

2.5.1.3.

73

171

close juncture

184 ff

(see juncture)

coda phrase

4.5.

201 ff

184

' command '

4.5.1.8.

207

common noun

3.2.1.3.

89

113

'comparison of 4«4>2.

188 ff

adjectives 1

188

193

complement

2.5.2.3.

75

3.3.

114

92

3.3.3.

124

48 f f

complementive

3.2.2.

91 ff

3.3.2.1.

121

66 ff

4.4.3.

193

79

completive

3.3.1.2.14.

118

112

verb

3.3.4.

125

133

4.2.4.

154

4.5.1.7.

205-6

148

complex re-

2.4.3.5-8.

69-70

duplicators

166-8

complex

2.6.2.2.

7Q

111

sentence

composition of

2.4.

59 ff

156

lexemes

3.1.3.5.

87

3.2.6.

110

1-2

compound

2.4.2.

63

classifier 2.2.3.1.

3.2.5.

45
104

227

concrete noun

conjunction

consecutive- order
construction

consonants (see also 1.3 • 8 ff

'initial' and 'final')

3.2.1.1.

89

d law- class

3.2.4.2.

103

3.2.5.1.

105

demons tra t lve

3.2.5.3.

108

diaw-class

4.2. 6.2.3 .

163

3-3.AJ-.2.

128

conjunction

4.3.1.

168.

4.1.

133

4.3.2.

172

4-3.

168

4.3.4.

180

2.5.2.

73

diphthongs

1.2.3.

5

constructions 2.5.

construction types 2.5-3.6.

contour (see intonation)

'covert relationships'

-adjective- 4«4«2.8.
postposition end

- complement lve- 3.2.6.3.
numeral

-noun-classif ler 3.2.1.

3.

-noun- pronoun 3-

-verb- completive
verb

cyn- class
conjunction

demonstrative

demonstrative
postposition

dental consonants

derivative

1-3-
2.5.
2.3.

3.3.
3.4.

4.1.
4.3.
3.4.

2.2.3.2.
2.3.3.2.

3.2.4.

4.4.4.
4.5.2.4.
4.4.4.2.

1.3.4.

2.4.1.
3.1.3.5.
3.2.6.
4.4.4.
4.5.2.

72 ff
78

discontinuous
construction

distribution of
phonemes

doo j-class
preposition

190
112

duration of
89 syllables
104 ff

98 £
125

128 ff
133

168,171
180

45

55

102

196

213

198

11

59
87

111-3

196
207

1.4.1.
1.4.2.

2.5.3.1,4.

2.5.1,5.
1.7.

4.2.3.
4.2.6.1.
4.2.6.2.

4.3.2.

I.6.4.
4.5.2.1.

15
15

76-8

73

24 ff
152

159-61

162
172

23
208

een-class

3.2.2.2.

93

complement lve

3.2.1;.

102

3.2.6.3.

112-3

3.3.2.1.

120

4.2.3.

153-4

end

4.4.3.

193

'emphatic forms '

3.2.4.1.

103

4.5.2.

207

endocentric

3.3.2.

119

construction

4.4.

183

-compound

2.4.2.

63

-phrase

2.5.2.1.

73

enumeration

2.5.2.5.

76

3.2.4.

102

3.2.5.

104-5

3.2.6.

109 ff

4.2.6.3.2.

165-6

4.4.4.

196

228

enumerative
postposition

k-k-k-

196

-general

i, i, i. i.
4.4.4.4.

199

equation

2.5.2.1+.

75

equational
predicate

2.5.2.4-
3.2.1.8.

75
90

k. 2. 6.3.2.

165-6

equational
sentence

2.6.2.14..

80

exchange

2.5.1.6.

73

exchanges, sample

4-5.5.

219 ff

exclamatory
sentence

2.6.2.1.

79

exocentric
construction

2.5.2.3.

75

-complement phra,

ses J4..2.

146

-conjuncted clauses 4*3 •

168

-derivatives

2.4-1.

expression

2.5.2.1.

73

'female speaker'

2.3.3.4.

56

3.2.3.1.

99-101

4.5.3.

216-7

f

4.5.5.

219

final

1.2.1.

5

final contrasts

1.2.4.

6

final particle

(see 'sentence particle')

flow pattern of
codaphrases

4-5.

end

218

Foreign Service
Institute (PSI)

0.3.
1.1.

2
4

form- class

2.1.3.4.

30

2.6.1.

79

free lexeme

2.6.1.1.

79

free lexeme

Chapter III

81 ff

Gedney, W.J.

general

adjectives

general

classifier

general

completive verb

general modal
verb

general pronoun

glottal stop

'goal '

Haas, Mary R.

head

he ad- noun

head-nouns,
common

head types

Hockett, CP.

'homonym '

classes
'future '

4.1.3.2.
4.2.6.3.2.

139
165

imitative
classifier

immediate
constituent

4.4.1.
4.5.1.7.

0.3.

3.3.2.2.

3.2.5.3.

3.3.4.1.

3.3.1.2.

3.2.3.2.

1.1.
1.3.1.
3.3.3.

0.3.

1.1.
2.3.2.3.
3.2.5.1.

2.i;.2.
2.5.2.1.

.2.6.i|.2.

2.4.2.

3-3.2.

0.1.

4.2.6.1.
.2.6.4.2.
4.3.1.
4.4.2.

3.1.4.
3.2.5.4.

2.1.1.

2.1.3.
2.5.2.2.

3.1.
4.4.2. end

185 ff

205

3

122

108

127

117-8

101

4

9

123-4

3
4
53
105

63 ff
73

167

64

119-20
1

159-60
167
171
188

108

35
37
74
81
192

229

2.5.2.2.

7k
1 4-

' intransitive

3.3.2.

1 "1 Q

3.3.3.

124

verb '

3-3.2.2.

112

4.

-pronoun

.2. 6.1;. 2.
3.2.3.

167
98

irregular
compounds

2.4.2.1-4

64-6

infix

2.3.2.

50

irregular

reduplicators

2.4.3.9-11

70-1

infixed

reduplicators

infixed 3>
lmitatives

2.4.3.
.1.4-2-3.

67,69-70

88

isola tive

2

juncture

3.1.
4.5.2.2.

1.2.8.

81 ff
210

8

Informants
initial

lmtisl conticQ. s t s

0.3.

1.2.1.
1.2.2.

3
5

t;
z>

1.6.3.
1.8.4.

khrab- class 4«5«
sentence particle 4^2

22
201

208

1 innovations 1

1.7.3.

26

4.5.3.

215

4-4.2.
4-4-3.

188
193

k

^'end

218

interjection

interlocking
'interrogative' 2,

2.2.I.4.
3.1.1.

2.5.3.5.
.3.4.5,6.

40
81

78
57

'kinship terms '

-as vocatives

-in lexeme

compos ltion

-in pronoun
suppletion

3.1.3.3.
3.1.3.5.

3.2.3.

87
87

99

3.2.2.3.

96

khyyn- class modal

4-1.1.

133

3.2.3.2.

102

4.2.6.3.2.

166

4.1.3.

138

4.3.4.1.
4.4.4.

181

196

1

labial consonants

1.3.3. ■

10

4-5.1. 7.

205

length of vowels

1.1.

4

ii % 2

209 f f

1.2.3.

interrogative
po s "fc po s 1 1 ion

4.4.4.3.

198

1.4.1.
1.4.2.

14.

intonation

1.2.1.

4

1.8.1.

<- 1

1.5.2.

18

lexeme

2.1.3.

37

1.8.4.

33-4

-categories

2.6.1.

79

4.5.

201

-composition

2.4.

59 ff

4-5.3.

215

3.1.3.5.

87

intonation
contrasts

1.2.8.
2.2.4.3.

7-8

48

lexemic morpheme

3.2.6.
2.1.2.3.

110

36

intonation morphemes 2.2.1.

38

lexical prefix

2.4.1.

59-62

intonation phonemes 1.6.3.

21

lexical suffix

2.4.1.

62-3

230

lexical unit

2.1.3.

37

loud stress

1.6.2.
2.2.1.
4-5-2.1.

21

38
208

m

mag- class modal

4-1.2.
4-2.5.6.
4.2.6.3.2.

136
156

16^>

maj-class modal

4.5.1.1.
4.5.1.7.

138

202
205

major sentence

2.6.2.3.

80

'male speaker 1

3.2.3.1.
4-5.3.1.3,5.
4.5.5.

99-101

215-6

219

mass noun

3.2.1.2.
3.2.5.2.

89
107

metric classifier 3«2.5»2.

4.2.2.11.

106
151

4.4.4.1.2.

197

minor sentence

2.6.2.5.

80

miscellaneous modals 4»1«4'

143

miscellaneous
prepositions

4.2.6.

159

modal

3.3.1.
3.3.4.
4.1.

115

126
133

ff

modal adjective

3.3.2.3.

122

modal verb

3.3.1.
4.5.1.7.

114

205-

■ 6

modifier

2.5.2.1.
3.2.4.
3.3.2.

74

102

119-

• 20

morph

2.1.2.

35

morpheme

2.1.2.

36

morphology

2.1.1.

35

-of numerals 3.2.6. 109 ff

morphophonemics 1.8. 27 ff

Mosel, James N. 3.1. 3-4- 87

(footnote )

nag— cla s s

4.2. 6.4.I.

166

postposition

4.4.2.

188

na j-class

2.4.1.7.

61

preposition

3.2.2.3.8.

97

4.2.1.

147

nasalization

1.4.2.6.

15

'negative '

2.3.4.7,9.

5 (

4.1.3.

138

)i )i P

188

4.5.1.1.

4.5.1.7.

205

4.5.2.1.

208

4.5.2.2.

210

-phrase

2.5.2.3.

75

-response

3.1.2.8-10.

83-4

nii-class

3.2.4.1.

103

demonstrative

4.3.3.

176

4.4.4.

196

nii-class sentence 4'5«4.

217

particle

4«5.end

218

non- consecutive

2.5-3.

76 ff

construction

normal stress

1.6.2.

21

1.8.2.

28 ff

2.2.3.

45

4.4.3.

193

noun

3.2.1.

89

noun bases

2.4.3.2.11.

68,72

noun expression

2.5.2.1.

73

noun substitution 3. 2. 3. end 102
nuclear contrasts 1.2.3. 5-6
nucleus 1.2.1. 5

231

numeral

-morphs
-phrase

-postposition

2.2.2.5,6.
2.2.3-1.
2.3.3.2.
3.2.6.

3.2.6.
1+.1.2.
2+.1.3.
2+.2.2.11.
2+.1+.3.

2+.2+.2+.1.

2.5.2.2.
3.3.1.
3.3.2.
3.3.3.

open juncture (see juncture)
order 2.1.1.

-m reduplications 2.2+. 3.
orders of lexemes

object

ordinal numeral

Outline of Siamese
Grammar

'overt relation-
ships 1

2.1.3.3.
2.2+. 1.

3.2.6.2.

0.3.
1.1.

3.2.5.1.

parallel

construction

kk
k$

55

109 ff

109

136

138,24-0

151

193

197

7k
Ilk

palatal consonants 1.3.5.

2.5.3.3,1+.
2+.1.2+.3.2+.
2^3.2+..l.
2|..2+.2.end
i+.i+. 3. 12.

parenthetical 2.5.3.2.
construction

partitive numeral 3.2.6.3.

2+.2.5.3,2+.
k-k-3.

'passive '

'past '

personal noun

3.3.3.
3.3-2+.

2+.1.3.2.

2+.2+.1.
2+.5.1.7.
2+.5.2.1.

3.2.1.7.

(see also 'proper names')

personal- at tribute 3.2.1.8.
noun 3.2.5.3.2,3.

phonemes of ST Chapter I

phonemes, 1.3.3-7
consonant

122+
126

139

185 ff

205
208

90

90
108

1 ff

10-11+

119

phonemes, prosodic 1.6.

20- 22+

123-4

phonemes, syllabic 1.2.1.

5

phonemes, tone

1.5.3.

18-20

35

phonemes, vowel

1.2+.3.

15-17

67

phonemic clause

1.6.3.

22

38

phonemic phrase

1.6.2+.

2k

59

phonological units 1.2.1.

k

ill

phonology-

Chapter I

1 ff

2

phrase

1.2.1.

k

2+

1.6.2+.

22+

2.5.1.2.

73

105

phrase boundary-

1+.3.1.

I69

phrase

1.8.3.

31

morphophonemic ;

3

12

pitch

1.2.8.

7-8

77-8

'place

3.2.2.3.7.

97

12+1+

expression '

181

3.2.1.5.

place noun

90

192-3

3.2.5.3.12.

108

196

77

'plural '

3.2.3.2.

101-2

3.2.2+.1.

103

2+.2.6.1.3.

160

112

1+.2+.3.2+.

191+

157

2+.2+.2+.3.2.

198

193

232

postposition

post- verbal
phrases

post-ad jectival
phrases

predicate

predication
predicative

-expression
predicator

prefix

lexical

preposition

prepositional
phrase

'present '

pre-verbal
phrases

4-2
4-2

2

4.2

2

4

4
4

4-2

pronoun sets 3,

'proper names ' 2.

(see also 3«
personal nouns)

4.4.
6.1.1.

6.4.1.

5.2.2.

4-5.5.

5.2.2.

3-3.
.6.3.2.
5.2.2.

,5.1.7.

2.3.1.

2.4-1.
,2.6.2.

4.2.

,5.2.3.
4.1.3.
,2.6.1.

4.4.1.
,1.3.2.
4.4.1.

.6.1.2.

.2.3.2.
3.2.3.
2.3.1.

2.4-3.
1.3.5.

prosodic contrasts
prosodic morphemes 2

prosodic phonemes
distribution of

.1.2.3.
2.2.

1.2.1.

1.6.
1.7.4-

183
159

166

74
219

74

114 ff

165

74
205

48

59-62
ill

146

75

138,40
159 ff
183-4
139

185 ff
159

45
98

99 ff

48
87

2.2.4. 46 ff

36

38 ff
4

20 ff

26

quasi reduplicators 2.3.3.

'question' (see
' interrogative '
and 'yes-no
question ' )

question form
(of sentence

particle )

4.5.1
4.5.2.1

reduplication
reduplicators

'reflexive' 3.

'relative pronoun'
response 2,

'reverse-order 2
compound '

'reversible 3
constituents '

rhyming

reduplicators

rhythm

rhythm phonemes

-in reduplications

rhythmic contrasts

2

rhythmic morphemes
/r/-/l/ distinction

3.3.3.
,5.1.1.
•4,5,7.
,3,5,6.

4.5.3.
4.5. end

2.4.3.
2.4.3.
2.3.2.
4-3.3.

3.3.3.
3.1.2.
4.5.3.
4.2.2.

.2.2.3.
4.3.2.

2.4.3.

1.2.1.
1.5.2.

1.6.i|.
2.4.3.
1.2.7.
.2.4.1.
2.2.2.
2.5.1.

0.2.
1.3.4.
1.3.7.

67,70-2

55
202
204-6
208,11,
13,14
215
218

66 ff
67

101-2
176

55
82
215

65

95
172

67,70-1

4
18

23
67

7

46

41

72

2

12
14

233

rog-class sentence

4.5.1.

201

Smalley, W.A.

0.1.

1.

particle

4.5.2.

207,8

'SOClcll TJIS3.§© '

3.1.1.

81

4.5. end

218

3.2.3.

99-102

r oob- cla s s

if. 2. i;.

4.5.3.

215

preposition

specific adjective

3.3.2.1.

120

4.5.3.

215

specific

'royal language '

completive verb

128

ryy- class sentence

4.5.1.

202

specific modal

3.3.1.1.

115

particle

4.5.2.

207

verb

4«5.end

218

Spoken Thai

0.3.

3

s_

1.1.

4

sag-class

3.2.6.3.

113

Standard Spoken Thai 0.2.

1-2

preposition

sample exchanges
'semantic contrast'
'semantic opposite'

4.2.5.
4.4.3.

4.5.5.

156
193

219 ff

statement form
(of sentence
particle)

(see 'antonym')
(see 'antonym')

2.3.
4.5,
4.5.
4.5.
4.5.2.

3.3.
1.1.
1.6.
1.8.
4,6.

55
202
205
207
212-3,
214

sentence

2.5.1.4.
4.5.3.

73
215

4.5.3.
4«5» end

215

218

sentence particle
( 'final particle ' )

2.3.3.3.
4.4.

55
183

stress

1.2.1.
1.5.2.
1.6.2.

4

18

21

4.4.4.

196

1.8.2.

28,30

4-5.

200

stress contrasts

1.2.6.

7

sentence types

2.6.2.

79-80

2.2.11.2.

47

short vowel

1.2.3.

5-6

4.2.6.4.2.

167

1.4.1.

14

stress morphemes

2.2.1.2|,5.

40

simple reduplicators 2.4«3.

67-9

2.2.3.

45

3.3.2.

120

stress phonemes

1.6.2.

21

4.1.4.7.

146

Subhanka, Heng R.

0.3.

3

simple- re duplica-
tion lmitatives

simultaneous
construction

3.1.4.1.
1.5.1.

88
72

subject

-reference

3.3.2.
4.1.1.1.

74

118-20

202

'singular-plural
distinction '

3.2.3.2.

101-2

subject-verb
construction

3.3.3.

123-4

Sitachitta, Kanda 3.2.6.
'slang' (see 'innovations')

111

sub-lexemic
morpheme

2.1.2.3.
2.3.

36

48

234

'subordinate
conjunction 1

substantive

substantive modifiers

sub-syllabic
morphemes

suffix, lexical

superf ix

superf ixed

reduplicators

' supple tion 1

1 suspensive
intonation 1

syllable

syllable duration

syllable

morphophonemics

syllabic phonemes

-distribution of

syntax

syntactic clause 2

syntactic 2
construction

syntactic phrase 2

syntactic unit 2

syr)- class
conjunction

14-.2

4-3.2.

3.2.

k.k.3.
2. 3. 4.

2.3.5.

2.4-1.
.2.6.3.

2.3.3.

2.4-3.

3.2.3.
.2.6.3 •

4-5.3.

1.2.1.

1.6.4.
.5.2.1.

1.8.2.

1.2.1.

1.7.
2.1.1.

■5.1.3.

,1.3.4.

2.5.
,5.1.2.
,5.1.1.

4.3.
4.3.3.
,6.1.4.

thaa-class
conjunction

4.2
4.2

4.3.
4-3.2.

,6.1.4.
,6.2.3.

172

88 ff
193
56
58

62-3
113

54

67,70

99
112

215

23
208

28

5

24 ff
35
73
38

72 ff

73

72

169
176
161

168
172
161
163

thamaj-class 3.2.2.3.
complementive 4 2 1

4.2.3.
4.3.2.

3.2.2.1.
3.2.2.3.
3.2.1.6.
3.1.3.4,5.
1.2.5.
0.2.
1.1.
1.5.
1.8.2.

2.5.2.4.
3.2.2.

3.3.
3.3.3.

3.3.3.
4.5.1.7.
4.5.2.1,2.

3.3.2.
4.5.5.

3.2.5.1.
3.3.4.2.
4.4.^.1.2.

utterance 1.2.1.

2.5.1.5.

utterance-portion 1.2.8.

v

'variant' 2.1.1

pronoun 3.2.3

numeral 3.2.6

sentence particle 4«5
(see also allolex)

'time expression'

time noun
'titles ■

tonal contrasts
tone

topic

transitive verb

two-part

predication

unit classifier

velar consonants

1.3.6

95
lk7
152
172

92

96-7

90

87

6

2

4

17 ff

29

75

91

114

124

123

205-6

208,10

120
219

105
128
197
4 ff
73

35
99
111

201,207
13

235

verb (see also 3. 3.

(completive, modal,
and transitive verb)3.3.3.

verb bases
verb expression

verb modifier

verb-object
construction

verb predication

vocative

vowels

(see also 'nucleus'

2.4.3.4.
2.5.2.1.

4.4.1.

4.4.1.

3.3.3.

2.5.2.2.
3.1.3.
1.4.

wa j- class

postposition

4.4.1.
4.2.6.1.3,5.
4.4.2.

114
123

69

73
183

183

123-4

74
86

14 ff

183

160,161
188

weak stress

I.O.2.

21

1.8.2.

28 ff

3.2.3.

98

3.2.5.

104

4.4.

183

I

Yale University

0.3 .

2-3

'yes -no question'

2.5.2.2.

74

3.3.1.

114

3.3.2.

118

4.5.1.7.

205

'zero duration'

1.2.7.

7

'zero final'

1.2.4.

6

'zero initial'

1.2.2.

5

'zero intonation'

1.2.8.

8

236

INDEX OF FORMS

This index contains ST forms quoted m the grammar which are of class 1-
ficatory interest in themselves. (it does not contain, for example, forms
which occur only as context.) For the most part, the forms quoted are lexi-
cal units (2.1.3. ), but some sub-lexical items have also been included, in-
sofar as citation of such forms is feasible. An effort has been made to
include all the bound lexemes classified m Chapter 3 and their important
variants, and such free lexemes as present particular problems of classifi-
cation or occur frequently m all types of discourse.

For convenience m distinguishing homonyms, an indication of form- class
membership or morphological category has been made after each entry. Items
m parentheses are variants of an adjacent form; references to the main
entry apply equally well to the variant. All numbers are page references;
for organizational references, consult the topical index.

Alphabetization m this index is phonemic rather than literal. The
consonant sequence begins with zero (i.e. all items starting, in writing,
with a vowel will be found at the beginning of the index), and consonants
written with a digraph follow their simple counterparts (i.e. all items
beginning with /ph/ come at the end of the /p/'s, not m the middle of them),
/n/ follows /n/. The sequence of vowels is as follows $ /aeesioou y/.

infix
vb.

modal

aad-tamaphaab noun
aahan

53
129

115.136,
138

115,117,
165

98

see

dichan

aa j

pron.

100

aaj

conj.

179

aan

vb.

129

aasa 3

modal vb.

118

Jaawi

inter j.

81,342

aj

mterrog.

57

morph

196

mterrog.

57

morph

196

aj

prefix

57

a J

conj.

179

a j- thii

conj.

179

amn

infix

36, 51

an

58

an

elf .

108

an

conj.

179

an-na j

dem.

58,196

an- nan

dem.

196

237

an- rin derti. 58, 196

an-waa conj. 179 od. . .ma j-da j modal 76,ll|3

araj 57,58 on elf. 106

-i m mo ^ (see also phra-on)

araj pron. 101,196,198-9

n „ oo response 83

arooj adj. 122

-, .'oo-hoo: inter i . 82

aw prep. 159-60 J

aw postp. 160

aw conj. 161

om-oom prep. 155

aw vb. 161-2

oo response 83

aw-waj postp. 185

.'oo: inter j . 82

oog comp. vb. 129

oog postp. 184, 187,

.' e : inter j. 8l 189

-ed num. oog-cataaj postp. 189

allomcrph 109

J 00 3: inter j. 82

00m prep. 155

eer] comp. 93

een postp. 198

en pron. 100,101

eeb modal 135 u-i infix 53

9* s.pcl. see le ua pron. 100

oo infix 52 (uo)

oo s.pcl. 217 Jujs mterj. 82

©o response 82 un comp. vb. 126,llj-0

oo see ryy

eej s.pcl. 217

.'yy-hyy: inter j. 82

yyn dem. 57,10l|.

b

baad elf. 112-3,107

baan noun 98,102,

120

lan, ichan see dichan

11 prefix 56

nchan, lihan see dichan

lig comp. 93,182

iig prep. 156,158,193-6 baa * 55,109,

238

baarj

comp.

55,H2

caw-kha

s.pcl.

216

baarj

postp.

102,193,

caw- kha

s .pel.

216

198 , 21I|-

ced

num.

109

baar) - thu

see barj—tnii

C90

comp. vb.

130

ba j

Up , X Up jlUUj

(00)

107

bar)- son

comp.

92

cirj

adj.

121

barj-thii

comp.

92

cirj-

prefix

1+9

bon

prep.

11+7

cirj-cirj

postp.

119

bo j

adj.

118-20,121

cob

comp. vb.

128

bo j-bo j

comp.

120

con

prep.

Ili9,l62ff

boog

modal vb.

118

con

conj

163,170,

173,171+

bur 11

noun

IOI4., 107

con- kr a than

152

bya

prep.

adj.

121

con- kr a than

conj.

171+

byarj-

prefix

6l,li|7-8

con-kwaa

171+

con j.

ca-

'particle 1

117

con- thy rj

prep.

152

\ ca ;

(con-thyrj)

conj.

171+

ca-

modal

118 ll|6

CO

vb.

129

ca-

prep.

123,133,136,

138,156,

cuan

modal

137

1 A^l ff l 7)1 £
1 Op 1 1 , J. 1 Zl- p

157

207

cuan

prep.

ca

s.pcl.

55,216

cyr)

conj.

58,163,

182

ca

s .pel.

55,216

ca

resp.

85

ch

caa

resp.

chaa

adj.

125,166

caag

prep.

11+9

chaarj

noun

105

caan

elf .

107

chaarj

see char)

caan

noun

122

chabab

elf .

106

cag

see caag

chad

adj.

126

- ca j

suffix

62,122-3

chag

modal

138

car)

postp.

191,192

cha j

resp.

57,208

caw

pron.

100

chan

elf .

57,108,

239

chan

pron.

100

chana j

comp.

57

chanan

comp.

57

chanid

elf .

108,112

chami

comp.

57

chan

modal

136,11+4-5

chapho

prep.

57,153,4

chen

prep.

57

( chen)

153 A

chen

conj.

l8o

chen- diaw -
kan

comp.

154

cheen

modal vb. .

118,121;

chiaw

see thu-
diaw

-chig

suffix

63

chim

vb.

130

chon

vb.

131

choob

modal vb.

115,118,162

chua j

modal vb.

118

chuaji kan

modal

135

chud

elf .

108

chyag

elf .

105

chyy

noun

57,58,141

d

da j

dem.

57,103

da j

see duag an<
da j

da j

57

vb.

161

daj

comp. vb.

120,124,127.
139,162

da 3- 3 in

comp . vb.

125-6,130

da j- kan

see duaj-
kan

da j-klm

comp.

vb.

130

da j-rab

modal

vb.

118

da j-rab

comp.

vb.

124

da j-rod

comp.

vb.

130

daw

vb.

130,160

deem

dem.

104

dian

see

dichan

diaw

dem.

59,103

d law- kan
diaw

diaw-nn

dem.

con3.

comp.

103

169,171
97,197,

dichan

pron.

99,100,
102

(dichan)

dn

adj.

119.139,
li+1,166

dn

postp.

188

din

vb.

131

dom

vb.

130

doo j

prep.

153

(doj)

160'

dooj

conj.

175

doo j- chapho

comp.

92,154

doo j-maag

comp.

92

dog

s .pel.

see rog

doog

elf .

65,105

drog

s.pcl.

see rog

dua j

comp.

94,154

dua j

prep.

153,160,

164

dua j

conj.

175

dua 3- kan

comp.

93,154

240

f

duu

vb.

130

heerj

elf .

90,108

duu-myan

modal

137

heerj

prep.

166-8

duu- thuug

vb.

11*3

(herj)

dyan

noun, elf.

90

heerj

noun

167

dyrj

vb.

129,131

hog

num.

109

horj

elf.

112

hoo

elf.

107

faag

modal vb.

118

hua - r 0

vb.

129

faaj

prep.

153

hw

re sp .

82

fa j

noun

119

far)

vb.

125-6,130

J.

fud

elf .

107

ja

s . pel .

55,216

f yyn

comp. vb.

131

ja

s.pcl.

55,216

fyyn

modal

13I1, 136

jaa

jaa

modal

133 , 1^2-3 •

202,209.

i

210,12,

ha

s .pel.

55,216

13

ha

s .pel .

55,216

jaag

modal vb.

116,11+1,
165

ha

s .pel.

216

jaarj

elf.

59,108

ha a

num.

109

jaarj

prep.

153,164,

ha a

vb.

130,162

jaarj

conj.

175,180

haag

conj.

172

jaarj-

see jarj-

haa j

comp. vb.

13l,lla

jaarj-chen

prep .

153 ,180

ha j

prep.

57,159-60

jaarj ka-

con j .

(haj)

161+

vb.

129

ha j

postp.

160

adj.

98 102

ha j

conj.

161

120,166

(haj)

177

ja J- ja j

comp.

122

ha j

vb.

161-2

jarj

resp.

81,81+

hen

comp. vb.

125-6,130

prep.

llj.8,152

hen

modal

137

jarj

conj.

81,

(see also

ma j-hen)

1U2

modal

93

2kl

jar)

182-3,59

jarjaj

comp.

59

( janra j)

96,196

jana j-kodn

comp.

92

jana j-ko taam

comp.

92

janan

comp.

59

( jar]-nan)

96

dem.

196,198

janii

comp.

59

( jan-nn)

96,196

je

postp.

see jo

jse

adj.

121

J©

postp .

195

Jib

vb.

129,159,.

311-

num.

allomorph 109

jm-dn

adj.

123

J I"

vb.

130

modal

71,lkk

JiQ... Jig

conj.

169

jog

vb.

129

- Jon

suffix

63

joon

vb.

130

joom

modal vb.

116

j 00m

modal

136

jud

modal vb.

118

jurj

adj.

121,122

JUU

pron.

100

JUU

vb.

131

JUU

postp.

182,186-*

juu- d 11

comp.

56,914-

juu-dii-dn

comp.

92

jyym vb. 160

k

ka-

50

ka-

prep .

I63ff
(see kab
and keel

kaan-

prefix

60

-kaan

suffix

63

kaan- thii

conj.

179

kaaw

vb.

129

kab

prep .

150

(ka-)

161|.

kamlarj

modal

117-8 16^

kan

pron.

101, 102,
12l|,l5l4 ;
160, 161]..
207*

kan

postp.

198

kaw

num.

109

keb

vb.

160

kee

pron.

100,101

kee

prep.

151

(ke, ka-)

161]., 167

kee

adj.

119

kee

vb.

130,131

kood. . . khyn

modal

76,lk3

koon

prep .

157,158

koon- kwaa

prep.

157

koon- kwaa

postp.

190

koon-pa j

postp.

I89

kiaw

adj.

161|

kii

num.

109,112
1914.

kn-manoo j

comp.

112

2k2

kn-manoo j

postp.

19^

elf .

107

vb.

129,162,187

klab

modal

134

kla j

adj.

161;

klserj

modal

131+

(klerj)

135,136,11+0

klua

vb.

lk-2

klyyn

vb.

129

ko - khvv

conj .

170

ko-l££w: kan

comp .

95

koo

(ko)

con j .

170,171,180,
181,183

(ko)

suffix

63

adj.

121,122

Jon

prep .

152,153

(kon)

con j .

173

koon

elf.

106

koon-nan

comp.

153

koon

elf .

108

kra-

prefix

k9

kramar]

s .pel.

2H+

kraphom

pron.

100

kuu

pron.

100,101

-kwa

suffix

112-3

kwaa

postp.

119,190,192,

1 Q7
-1-7 1

kwa a

prep.

157

(kwa)

166,8

kwaa

con j.

m

kwa kwa a

postp.

113,197

kwa-phyan

postp.

190

kyab

modal

137,138

kyab

prep.

157,158-9
195

kh
kha

s.pcl.

55,216

kha

s .pel.

55,216

kha

resp.

85

kha a

resp.

55,85

kha a

pron.

100,101

kha a

vb.

131

khaad

vb.

khaa-phacaw

noun

101

kha am

prep,
(comp. vb.

154
.)

khaan-

prefix

61,97,
11+7-8,

khaar)

elf.

108

khaar)

prep.

11+8

khaag-na j

comp.

97,11+7

kham

elf.

106

khar)-

see khaan-

kha-thii

eomp.

97

khaw

pron.

98

(khaw)

100,101,
102

khaw

comp . vb .

129

khaw

postp.

181^,187,
189,192

khaw- ca j

comp . vb*

130

khen

vb.

130

khee

prep.

151,153

khee-na j

comp.

197

khee-nn

comp.

197

21+3

khoe j

modal vb.

115,138,

khra j

pron.

57,58,101

13 9 1 65

102 I96

ilT

adj.

161+

elf .

108

modal vb •

"lift 1 PQ l~i.Pi

Pi Z

khii-

60 123

c omp . v b .

128

kh.ii

61

prep.

J-PP

khii-kiad

adj.

123

khruu

noun

91

khlaa 3

adj.

161+

khryarj-

prefix

61

khlyan

vb.

130

khryan

noun

126

suffix

63

khryn

l no inn

58 90 106

llil, 196

elf .

111,112/

khuan

modal vb.

117

i c;6

kh'

khun

pron.

98,99,100

vb.

102

khon— la

prep.

1 ^6-7

0 /

khon-na j

dem.

196

khuu

elf .

108

khon- nan

dem.

196

khwaa

vb.

130

khon- nil

dem.

196,198

khwaam-

prefix

60

khon

modal

75,136-7,

khwaarj

vb.

130,161,

165

162

kho j

modal

138

khyn

comp. vb.

129

(khoj)

see also

khyn

postp.

92,18/|,

ma j- kho j

187,189,

kho j- kho j

192-3

modal

11*5-6

khon-khaar)

khy-waa

conj.

170

modal

137-8

kh5o

95, 118

khyy

58

modal vb .

kh"

106

khyy

conj.

170,171

elf .

khyyn

kho 0 ij

k6

modal

133,131+,

prep .

135, ll|3 ,

165

I Irh on )

75,166-8

kho or]

167

khraab

resp.

55,85

la

s .pel.

see la

khrab

s .pel .

55,216

la

s.pcl.

see le

khrab

s.pcl.

55,216

la

postp.

200

khrab

resp.

85

(la)

kh

2hh

la

s .pel .

20i|_

{ la ;

(la)

218

la

postp.

156,197

la

s .pel.

see la

la

postp.

199

see la

la

s.pcl.

204,206,207,
208, 213, 21*

see also la

laa

vb.

131

Jlaa :

s.pcl.

213

laag

vb.

130

laa j

num.

109,112,194,
195

laan

num.

109,114

laarj

prep.

147

lab

comp. vb.

131,141

Ion

vb .

131 132

lak99n

postp .

191

lam

elf .

10]p

lamarj

92

see also marj

larj

dem.

104

larj

elf .

120

lar}

prep.

n I, P.

larj-caag

prep.

152

(larj-cag)

152

larj-caag

conj.

174

law

postp.

199

law

s.pcl.

213

law- nan

dem.

103

law- nn

dem.

103

leg- no o j

comp.

113

leg-noo j

pos tp .

194

lem

elf.

105

len

comp.

141

le

postp.

198

le

s .pel .

203,207,
212, 218

le

conj.

169

lS-koo

conj.

I69

lee

vb.

130

.'lee

s.pcl.

212

leew

adj.

121,122

leew

comp.

200,204,

208

leew

conj.

169,171

1 e ew- 1 e ew

comp.

122

1 ew- ko 0

conj.

169

l99g

modal vb.

118

199 J

comp .

94,202

199 J

postp .

191 , C-\Jd

199 J

conj.

170, 171

U9 j;

l8l , 183

liig

vb.

131

lob

vb.

131

lorj

comp. vb.

129,132

lorj

postp .

184,187-8,
189, 193

lorj

modal

134

loorj

modal vb.

llo

lud

comp. vb.

131

lug

comp. vb.

131

lurj

voc.

87

luug

noun

100

luug

elf .

106

245

lyag

vb.

123

lya-koon

postp.

191

lyy

pron.

100,101

ma-

prefix

50

ma a

vb.

12$, 342

ma a

modal

135,161-2

ma a

postp.

161-2,185,
187-8

ma a

noun

89

maag

adj.

119-20

maag

postp.

191,192,19k

mag

modal

136

mag— maag

112

mag— maag

po s tp .

19k

ma 3

clf.

113

ma j

'particle 1

57

(ma j)

57,71+

ma j

s .pel.

138

(ma j)

205,208,218

ma 3

resp.

83 -1+

ma j

'negative ' r

57

(maj)

57

ma j

modal

9k, 126,129,
139-k0 165

ma j- chaa

postp .

196

ma j-cha j

modal

136

(ma j- cha j )

IkO

ma j-chsorj

modal

11+2, lkk

ma j-da j

modal

126

(ma j-da j)

133, 139-1+0

ma j-hen
(ma j-hen)

modal

11+2

ma j- jag

modal

11+2

ma j-kn

num.

109,112-3
193,196

ma j-kho j

modal

11+1

(ma j-kho j )

ma j-maag

postp.

191+

ma j- naan

pos tp .

196

ma j- than

modal

11+1-2

ma j- thaw-ra j

comp .

113

ma j- thaw-ra j

postp.

191+

man

pron.

98,101,102

man

see man

man

postp.

193,207

man

s.pcl.

205

(man)

21k, 218

.'man:

s.pcl.

21k

med

unit clf.

106

med

metric
clf.

107

ims £ :

inter j .

81,11+5

mon- kan

see myan-
kan

mora j

see mya-
raj

mia

noun

101

mi- chanan

comp.

92

mil

vb.

12k, 162

mod

comp. vb.

128

mod

postp.

195

mod

prep.

155

moon

clf.

107

moon

vb.

125-6,130

mua

modal

131+

muan

clf.

107

2k6

mya

prep.

152

naam

noun

89

(mya )

naan

postp.

195

mya

conj.

173

naanaa-

prefix

61

mya j

adj.

162

nag

postp.

188

mya-koon

conj.

173

na j

prep.

75,1^7

mya -nan

comp.

197

na j

55,57

myan

prep.

153

na j

dem.

103

(myan)

164

na j

comp.

199

myan (ka-)

conj.

175

na j

resp.

83,204

myan-kan

comp.

92,94

.'na j-na j:

inter j.

82

mya- raj

comp.

91,96,197

na j-mya

conj.

173

myn

pron.

101

na j-rawaan

conj.

173

myy

noun

90

na j- we la a

conj.

173

m yy n

nan

PP~P l

n

1 0^

(nan)

154,176,

na

'particle 1

56

198

(na)

55

nan

postp.

see na

na

prep.

11+8

nan

55,57

na-

postp.

199

nan

dem.

103

na

s .pel.

211

nan

s.pcl.

209,218

na

postp.

200

nan

postp.

see na

na

s.pcl.

55,203,211,

nan

vb.

125

218,

nan-syy

noun

105

naa

s .pel.

ne

postp.

198

211,218

ne

s .pel.

204,218

naa

dem.

104

82,ll]2

.'ne:

inter j .

naa

noun

112

ni

see nil

naa

prep.

148

nid

195

postp.

naa-

prefix

60,123

nid— diaw

postp.

191,192

'naai

s.pcl.

211

nid-noo j

naa j

noun

100

postp.

195

naa j

voc.

87

nio

postp.

199

naa-klua

adj.

123

nio

s.pcl.

204

247

vb .

2

nil

55,56

nyrj

dem.

58

nil

dem.

103,198

(nyn)

103

nil

s.pcl.

170

nyrj

num.

109, 111,

(n£)

nil
nn

postp.

203,209,211,

C-X I , C.XO

86 217
see nio

55

na J
Qaj

rjaj

'particle '
postp.
resp.
s .pel.

57 113
198,20^

83

203,213,
218

(nil)

56

rjaj

isolative

57

mi

nn
nirtion

dem.

postp.
modal vb.

102,1511,176

xyu , 177
see nio
llo

Qa3
nan

resp.
comp.
comp.

83,20^
57,196
56,57,196

noon

55-57

noon
.'noo :

dem.
s .pel.

103,198
211

pa 3

modal

135,136,
161-2

noog

noog-caag

prep,
prep.

11+7
153

paj

postp.

161-2,185,
187-8,
189,192

( noog- cag)
noog-caag
noo j

conj.
num.

17i|

55,109,112-3,
11+1,191+

paj

pen

vb.

comp. vb.

11^, 118,
139,11+1,
11+3,161+,
165,185

127

noo j

comp.

55

pen

prep .

153

tno j J

95, 162

pen- ton

comp .

153,180

noo j

postp.

191,192,195

peed

num .

109

131

pood

vb.

129

no on

voc .

O (

pid

vb.

12l+,129

nuu

pr on.

100

pn

elf .

111

nya

prep.

11+8

plaaw

8k

nyan-caag

prep.

153

plee

vb.

129

(nyan-cag)

COUJ.

175

plug

vb.

131

nyg

vb.

118,129

pra-

prefix

1+8

21x8

praad-sacaag

prep.

155

pracam-

prefix

62

pracam

prep.

151

pradiaw

conj.

169

pramaan

prep.

157

-phaab
phaa j-
phaat kan
pha-oon

noun
suffix
prefix
modal

89

62-^

61,114.7-8

135,135-6

see ban-son

pha ja jaam

modal vb.

117

phan

num.

109,1114-

elf .

106

phsn

modal

131^,114.5

phon

prep.

157-8

phian

prep.

157-8,159,
191+

phid

adj.

I6I4., 90

phii

noun

98,100

phii

voc.

86

phlaan. . .
phlaan

postp.

77,196

phl99n

adj.

121

phloo j

modal

135

phob

comp. vb.

130

phom

pron.

99

( phom )

102

phon

elf .

65,106

phon

comp. vb.

131

phon

prep.

155

phoon

dem.

57

pho-dn

comp.

97,151+

phoo

prep.

152,151+

(pho)

phoo

conj.

171+

phoo

postp.

190

phoo- ca j

adj.

123

phoo-chaa j

postp.

190

phra- on

pron.

101

phro

prep.

153 A

(phro)

phro

conj.

175

phro- chanan

comp.

92,151+

phroom

adj.

161+

phro-waa

conj.

175

phua

noun

101

phuag

elf .

108

phuud

vb.

118,129

phya

prep.

153,1+

phya

conj.

175

Phya

comp.

151+

Phya

conj.

172

phyan

pron.

57

phyn

see phon

phyyn

elf .

106

r

raaj-

prefix

62

elf .

108

raa j

prep.

155

raan

noun

90

raan

elf .

106

raaw

prep.

157

rab

modal vb.

118

rag

modal vb.

118

21+9

rag- saa

vb.

131

raj

dem.

57,103

raj

prep.

see raa j

ran-kiad

modal vb.

118

raw

pron.

100,101,
102

raw-raaw

prep .

157

rawaarj

153

rawaarj

conj .

173

adj.

120,ll|3

re eg

dem .

103

r e erj

161

(re)

s . pel .

see ryy

83

modal vb.

118

ri

modal vb.

118

r lan

elf .

107

r 11b

modal vb.

118

r lib— r lib

modal

li|6

rim

modal

137

rob-roob

prep .

151+

r og

s .pel .

57

( r og )

202, 203 ,218

prep .

l^li

comp . vb .

127

109 llij.

ro on

adj.

166

roorj

vb.

129

ruu- cag

modal vb.

116

ruu-ryarj

comp. vb.

130

ruu- than

vb.

132

ry see ryy

and r©9

rya j

adj.

121

rya j-rya j

comp.

122

ryarj

prep.

153

ryjarj

s .pel.

205,208

ryma j

s.pcl.

208

ryrja j

s.pcl.

208

ryplaaw

s.pcl.

208

ry-waa

conj.

I69

ryy

57,58

ryy

conj.

169

(ry)

202-6

ryy

s.pcl.

208

(rso )

218

(ry)

.'ryy:

s.pcl.

208

5

sa

pos tp.

96,181l,
l66-3'

-saad

suffix

63

saam

num.

109,111

saamaad

modal vb.

117

saduag

ad j .

139,166

sag

prep.

(sag)

159,162,
194,195

sa j

vb.

129

sa j

prep.

151

samag

modal vb.

117

( samag- ca j)

samoo

adj.

121

sam-rab

prep.

153

250

( samrab)

sam-rab

conj.

179

sanug

adj.

67,119-20

sanug- sanaan

adj.

67,71

sawad-dn

isolative

210

sed

comp. vb.

128

sed-le ew

comp.

92

seed

postp.

197

( seed-seed)

sen

elf .

106

seen

num.

109, Hi|

sia

postp.

96, iQk, 186-8

si

s.pcl.

55

(si)

210

(si)

see also sn

(si)

(si)

sib

num.

109

Sll

s.pcl.

55,56,187,
202- 7, 210,
213,218

.' s i 1 :

s . pel .

210

Sll

num.

109

som-khuan

adj.

117

soob

vb.

132

soob-la j

vb.

132

soob-tog

vb.

132

soorj

elf .

10i|,107

soon

num.

109,111

sua j

adj.

li|l,li|2

suan

prep.

153,199

suan

conj.

179

suan-maag

comp.

92

t

sud-thaa j

dem.

103

suu

prep .

l/j.8

suun

noun

111

syrj

conj.

58

(syrj)

176

prep.

ii+a

syy

vb.

129

.' taa j :

inter j .

82

taa j

comp. vb.

131

taam

vb.

131

taam

prep.

150

taam

conj.

179

taam- thii

prep.

152

taam- thii

conj.

179

taarj

prefix

61

taan. . . taan

modal

77,1104-

taan. . . taarj
taan-haag

conj.

169

see s tan-
baa g

ta j

prep .

li+8

ta j- thaaw

noun

100

talood

comp. vb.

127

talood

155

talood-con

prep.

153

tarn

see taam

tan

elf .

108

tan

prep.

158

( tarj )

lp O— 7,1 OC.

195

tarj-haag

comp.

9i|

tarj- tee

prep.

152,153

taij- tee

conj.

171+

tarj- ton

modal vb.

118

251

tern

prep.

( comp. vb. )

155

tern- thu

postp.

191

tem- thii

postp.

189

tee

prep.

93

(te)

ll+9,l62ff

tee

conj.

170,171

teeg

adj.

122

te-koo

con 3.

170

t e-waa

conj.

170

te-la

prep.

156-7

tid

comp. vb.

131

tid

prep.

155

tn

vb.

121;, 126, 130,
131,161

tog

comp. vb.

130,132,161

tog-log

vb.

132

ton

pron.

101,102

ton

elf .

61+, 106

ton

modal vb.

71|, 11^-5,116
136,138,165

too

prep.

I5l,i56,i6i|

(to)

too-maa

comp.

97

too-mya

conj.

173

too-pa 3

comp.

91

toon-

prefix

11+7-8

toon

prep.

152

(ton)

trog

prep.

11+9-50

trorj

vb.

16k

trorj-khaam

prep.

152,151|,161|

tua

pron.

100,101,102

th

tua

elf .

106,112

tuu

elf .

112

tyyn

c omp . v b .

131

I

thaa

modal

137

con3.

172

thaa-haag

con3.

172

(-waa)

thaa-phya

con3.

172

(-waa )

thaa 3

vb.

130

thaan

vb.

129

thaarj-

prefix

11+7-8

thaan

prep.

150

thab

vb.

131

tham

vb.

58

thama daa

92

thama 3

57,58

thama 3

comp.

96,196,
198,9

( thamma 3 )

than

comp. vb.

125,128,

JO -L , -L J '

prep.

-OP

see mal-
tha:

than

pron.

99,101

than

voc.

87

thanon

noun

112

than- thu

comp.

9k

than

prep.

156,158,
195

than- laa 3

comp.

101,112

than-laa 3

postp.

191+

tharj-mod

postp.

195

252

than- nan

comp.

113

thii

conj.

176

than- nan

postp.

195

(thi)

than- sin

postp.

195

thu-diaw

comp.

58

than- than-
thii

thaw

(thaw)

thaw- kan

thaw- nan

conj.
prep.

postp.
comp.

172,173
153

156,161+

190

93

( thi- d law)
thu-diaw
thii-nn
thu-ra j
thii-na j

postp.
comp.
comp.
comp.

59,119
189

58,197

57,58,197

96,197,
199

( thaw- nan)

162,197,198

thi 1- nan

comp.

97,197

thaw- r a j

comp.

112

thii- nil

comp.

97,197,
198

97,197

(thaw- raj)

postp.

191,192,
19ij-,197

thii- noon

comp .

thaw- thaw :

kan postp.

190

thii- sud

postp.

190

thaw- thii

conj.

179

( thi- sud )

( thaw- thii)

thm-wa t

postp .

185

theb

modal

137

thi-waa

conj .

176

thesn

prep.

153

thon

vb.

130

(then)

154

thood

vb.

129

theew

prep.

150

thoon

vb.

129

(thew)

thua

comp. vb.

127,162

then

elf .

106

thua

prep.

155

the

s pel

165,207,218

thua- thyn

comp. vb.

127

the 9

pron.

100,101

thua j

elf .

107

thood

s . pel .

see tho

thug

num.

109,112-3
195

thi-

see thii

thiaw

elf.
elf .

see thu-diaw
112

thug- thug
thuug

prep,
comp. vb.

157

121;, 126,
nn

•JO w

thi— d law

see thii— diaw

thuug

adj.

161;, 168

thii

95

thyn

58

thii

elf.

58,108

thyn

comp. vb.

127

thii-

num. prefix

ill

thyn

prep.

thii

prep.

149

thyrj

conj.

95,173

thyn

see thyn and

wa j

postp.

57,185,

than

187-8

thyn -ha a g

con j.

173

wa j

comp. vb.

127,130

thyrj-kab

prep.

152

wan

elf .

107,112

thyn-khee

prep.

152

weelaa-nan

comp.

97

thyn- mee- waa

conj.

172,173

we-laa

noun, elf .

lij.6

thyn- nan

comp.

92

welaa

prep.

11+7,152

welaa

conj.

173

w

wen

prep.

153

wa

s .pel.

55,217

wen- tee

prep.

153

wa

conj.

see waa

weeb

elf .

109

wa

s .pel.

55,217

W99 J

'resp.

55

wa

s.pcl.

55,217

W99 J

s.pcl.

217

waa

conj.

177

wichaa

noun

90

waa

postp.

200

win

vb.

115, 120

waa j

see wa j

woo J

resp.

55

waan

modal vb.

118

woo J

s .pel.

217

wad

noun

118-9

Final copy typed by Mrs. Irma G. Ponce - February 3, 19&J-

251+

U. & GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1964 O - 702-217(136)