Skip to main content

Full text of "Germany's New Nazis"

See other formats

>■■ -'T TW^mWiif^msKm: ip^i^^^^^^r^?^^ 


Zon^i Sound i ,es — ^^ 

Lander Bouiddr es ■xh ■»_]■« ^^ 


ISch i-iv-rjo^Tk^^ -- 

=^^=- Kilo" sbP'i io£j 

li/a 2<J0 












Frail kfort 






©1 ^. 

I- R A N C E 










15 East Fortieth St. 

New York, !6, N.Y. 

Fim published in Great Britain 

by Jewish Chronicle Publications 

in 1951. 

Copyright in the U.S.A. and Canada reserved 

by The Philosophical Library, Inc. 
Copyright elsewhere throughout the world 
reserved by Jewish Chronicle Publications. 




LONDON, E.C..1. 


University of Texas 

Austin, Texas 


I* If II' ACE 










^ O ^ 







MN( 'B the time when the question of German rearmament first 
^ lu-gan to be the subject of vigorous controversy, events have 
' moved fast and over an extensive field. The Washington and 
ir. Declarations of the autumn of 1951 are the culmination of 
niMirs of events which seem destined to lead to the integration 
f ilir Cicrman Federal Republic into the political military, and 
iHnnnic complex of Western Europe. 

Wlicn controversy over this question gathered momentum in 
spring and early summer of 1951, the Foreign Affairs Com- 
iiltlrr of the Anglo- Jewish Association became acutely conscious 
|ti (111- paucity of reliable information on the facts of West Germany's 
H til Ilia I colour, and especially on the relative importance of the 
m\ Nazi groups. It was therefore decided to commission this 
iHoUct and thus to give, in a simple but reasonably comprehensive 
|t'Mim. the salient aspects of the subject. 

Mow stable is the democratic fabric of post-war Germany? To 
vvJiiii extent are Germans still permeated with the virus of the 
'hiril Reich? What is the significance of neo-Nazi electoral 
II ♦ rsses ? Does the creation of the League of German Soldiers 
i-ir,ent a danger to the well-being of GeiTnan democracy ? These 
It Ml I other questions are discussed in this booklet. 

I lie main burden of the work of preparing the booklet was 
ili'lrp,ated to a well-known journalist, now foreign correspondent 
of II national daily newspaper, who has spent a considerable time 
hi (icrmany since the war. It is recognised that some of the 
f« .up less ions of opinion are contentious, and it should be pointed 
on I I hat they are not necessarily the opinions of the Anglo- Jewish 
ANsociation, Inasmuch as the booklet will stimulate discussion and 
Hinught on a vitally important subject, it is, however, within the 
Irmlitions of the Anglo-Jewish Association to sponsor it. 

'I'he Foreign Affairs Committee is indebted to a number of 
(leople for their advice and criticism, but would like to express 




special thanfe to Professor Norman Bentvvich, OBE MC 
F. Goldschmidt. of the United Restitution Office Mr'n 
Goodman, J P Mr. J. M. Japp. Mr. Neville Laski, K.C Mr 

Alfri w'" ' ?t ^"' R'='=I'"^«n- Mr. Eric Stenton. and D 
Alfred Wiener and the staff of the Wiener Library 

Rowland Landman, 
Foreign Affairs Committee, A. J. A 




\ P)45 twelve years of Nazi rule had destroyed the multitudi- 
iiiHis political, professional, religious, artistic, recreational, 
liid other group social threads, out of which the democratic 
mT a country is woven. In their place a national structure, 
MHtiutM'd of individuals torn from normal group relationships and 
iKtli Lilly fused into one single national-ideological body, had been 
Wi\, When that body crumbled to dust before the might of the 
ttiKril Nations, the German public, as a political entity, was — so 
t hpcak — atomised. Each person was thrown back on his own 
lidlvukial resources, without the reinforcement of any group 
■ ■ lititv Painfully and hesitantly the Germans have since been 
. Ml-, 10 weave the threads of democratic life anew. 

What is now the democracy of Western Germany was born in 
1^' mhble» hunger, and bewilderment of a defeated nation. This 
Ht I mm auspicious birth was made the more difficult by the fact 
Dull I lie greater part of administrative and technical expertise on 
W'liH'li a State must rely in order to govern was compromised by 
tt/i affiliations. While a rough-and-ready attempt was made, 
h rough the de-Nazification Tribunals, to sift the true Nazi from 
\\w ordinary run of willy-nilly fellow-travellers, the Occupation 
powers to some extent filled the gap with their own personnel. 
An soon as possible, however, a growing amount of administra- 
tive responsibility was put into German hands. As the months went 
fiv ihis was done at an increasing rate, which made correspondingly 
Ui ruler demands on qualified Germans. Thus, it was inevitable for 
Itu* de-Nazification process to become more and more a bad joke, 
wlH'lher the fact was welcomed by German public opinion or not 
The result has been that the functionaries of the new Germany are, 
III \oo many cases, uncertain in their loyalty to democratic ways. 
I'his somewhat unstable political institution was, from the very 
(1fs(, subjected to a series of tremendous strains. All the victorious 
jinvvers were unanimous about the necessity for a democrafic 



on the part of one of them, involved the buUdk 

up of a monolithic one-party State in the Eastern 7 "'" """^TJ'*' '"^"''i^' ^'^^i the subject of constant argument. 

'Sl^l^mT'"'''''' ^PP^"dages of totalitarian CoZUsfrll* ' '" ' """' "°"'' °* *' ^"'"''"' '' '^''^''^ '*'" 

Hiuuaing tuu per cent subservience 


II- between the Land and the Federal Republic is obscure, 


great and small. Even the Western Ak!^°a-7 !." '" 1""'*'° 
.sues regarding the sJrl:^^:^^^ TeH 

a different demoeratic gospel TtatHfte' Oc Sofzonl 


the title of "democrat" Ke Eas ern^Zone"' '"f '''°" '° 
With the rales reversed, was^'beinrdTveS ^^'^ "'""^ 

cynicism by the Russians. 

a consciou 

democracyhad not developed into a sickly child 

have been surprising if Germai 
'\ "li'^r"^-'.""" "^' ucvciopea into a sickly chi 
\ What, in fact, is its state of health to-day 

At tliis point 


The Republic of Western Germany is a fedfr.iu.r. ^ , 
amt^uous status. It is not a I.nd, ^^^ ^^ ^ 

economic control within its own territSi ^o"-derable 

itselfw^s^X^runTil^Sli-a^ifthl^^^ "^^ ^^^""'^ 
tiona, Control had compleS? b^otnto^n^ i.To"^^^^^^^^^ 
always, and police forces for special duties (.1 Sir contS 
It raises vanous taxes (including income tax), and in ma "y fleldS 

Republic is elected directly on a limited 

I ol [iroportional representation for four years. The Upper 
- (l-ederal Council) consists of representatives directly 
-11 led by the Lander Governments — usually the Land Prime 

I -it-r and some of his colleagues. It meets relatively much less 
.1. .n I lie Lower House, its assent is necessary for all laws, and its 
^tmiion is to safeguard the rights of the Lander. Its opposition 
I" (M. Adenauer's well-known jcentralising tendencies has been 
I'lrsscd in the selection of its Presidents. The first was Karl 
I :^-'ld, of North Rhine Westphalia, who opposes Adenauer inside 
ii. < hristian Democrat Party. 

I he Basic Law (which serves as the Federal Constitution) has 
Ml mid to produce a stable government. It has concentrated;* 
I mi'.idcrable power in the hands of the Chancellor (or Federal 
l»nmr Minister). He is appointed on a vote of the Lower House J 
Htnl I hereafter he forms his government as seems fit to him. \ 

This has the effect, at any rate by Adenauer's interpretation, 
mI making him an autocrat who runs a cabinet of lieutenants. 
( nllrctive cabinet responsibility has little meaning in the Federal 
Ucjuiblic. To call the government "Dr. Adenauer's adrainistra- 
litMi " is literally true. 

( onsidering the difficulties which attended its birth the Federal 
( nnstitution has not worked badly. The Germans, of course, have 
jilL'ilt experience of the federal form of government; even Hitler 
never quite succeeding in abolishing the remnants of local self- 

At present, however, a large number of Germans (both Right 
uml Left) believe that the federation is too loose. Centralism is not 
necessarily a danger in itself. Although Hitler was a great centraliser, 
he rose as a local leader and his new disciples also seem to thrive 
I Ml localised politics. Excessive federalism creates bridgeheads 
where nationalist fanatics can consolidate themselves before 
rxpanding their activities from the local to the national scale. 


Although slightly less strong in the Federal Parliament (elected 
Ml 1949) the Social Democratic Party of Germany is almost 
■tainly the strongest party in the country to-day. 






Socialists strondy oppose the ri" ''?'''■ ^" ''^^ G^™'! 
true exponents ^fSL ^ST"''' '^™ ^° ''^ *« -' 
the _ Welfare State coSr^^^t'!; "'^ '' ^"""^'' "^ ^^ 
.wooers' participation in tS di.'ln^^^" '"' *^'"''"* 
Jion of the basic industries ^'''■^* ^"^ nationaiis 

n^inld'oStn^slL^rn i,'f ^^^^^^^ ''^"^ '^ ^ ""-h -o- detd 

This it ow% -r ™ Itatr^SrSdir D ^^ ^^^"'"^ 
-a man of iron will wJio grew Vn h ^ ''• ^"" Schumach 

as a Sociaiist tiaat cO^^E with thT" k? '" ^-J^ ^^^^^'^^ 



The^strongest pany, however, in the present Federal Parliam; 

is actually 


t-omoinafion of the North German rhr;. ■ ^ actually . H„i„iu,iny under the Guelf royal family. 

and the Bavarian Christian Social Uninn Th" P^'"°^rat''= Unio |„„.„,| and, outside the boundaries of th 
from the former only in-T. h^.f ^^^ '^"^^ S™"P diffei 

for the Under ^"* '" * ^-"^^'^^ ''^B^ee of freedo. 

a Right win 


two wings work uneasily together the T Vf tT ■ --^^P^aiia. ih 

the minimum State control 

' -^'zsz::^'t;:^'f^^ '-- -^^^^ ^^^^ 

Germany, and the Conserva"v CatMics JT""-' l" ^^"'^^ 
Catholic influence predominate, .T 7 ^^^^''^- ^" **" 'N 
the Protestant ^e££ZS :'^,::^ ^^"^^^<>^ ] 
who could nnf .r.... „.:.^ . , ^ -intenor, Herr Hememann 

agree with Adenauer 

over the 

could not 

remilitarisation. ^"""" '"'"''^ ^"^ question 

large, the party do s what he ll s iralti:^ ^hT"" ^"'^- ''^ ^^ 
on which all sections agree It fAril ? *''' "^ *^^ '^^"«^ 

it. uncompronaisingly c^seLre eT^nS^i :^£r ''^ ^^' 
It was Dr. Adenauer who decided in S^^^L coalition 

pai^ iIm Hij'ht, and abandon the classic Socialist-Christian Democrat 

i u.Mi pattern of the Lander. 

r I lose as his first partner the Free Democrat Party, led by 

■ liliiccher and Theodor Heuss. T)nginally71h'erparty^-strong 

• iiiiiil Germany— had been secular, liberal, and free-enterprise 

M |H)Iicy. Since Professor Heuss became Federal President his 

I. (.iiing influence has been withdrawn, and tjie party has moved 

H I iciiLly to the Right. It can now, with little exaggeration, be 

.11 .1 A nationalist-inclined party, representing the viewpoint of 

iniiialists and well-to-do professional people. In some parts of 

Ml I. my it has become a convenient cover for nationalist activities 

nil a more suspect flavour, 

Ht. Adenauer's other partner is the even more conservative, 

■ iilcrprise German Party. This party has little power outside] 

1 Saxony, where it appealed to conservative separatists who 

>>■ vr. in theory at any rate, that there should be Hanoverian 

Its appeal is therefore 
e old State of Hanover, 
ti I', regarded as rather comic. Nevertheless, it has served as a 
II.. 1 1ll rallying point for less sentimental and tradition-ridden 
ihi Ik nudists. It will be seen that the German Party has provided a| '. 
M . lul cover for nationalists, though by now that sort of support! 
"ill JKLve found more congenial parties to vote for. 


Suice 1945 the German authorities — both Federal and Land— 
Imvr been gradually vested with an increasing amount of administra- 
M^ responsibility. However, the Allies still retained a wide 
.1. Mction through the so-called "reserved powers" exercised by 
ihr High Commissioners. At many levels of the administrative 
,(tucture correspondence has been exchanged between German 
tillicials and those of the Allied High Commissioners' offices on 
.|HTilic issues; and though the Allies have become increasingly 
irluctant to exercise their powers actively, those powers remain, at 
.niv rate in theory, a potential restraint on the exercise of undisputed 
..vcreignty by the Federal Government. 

Needless to say, Germans of various political persuasions, Left 
(Hul Right, have repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction at this 
Mate of affairs, and have argued that Bonn should be released 
liom such restriction. The answer of Western opinion hitherto 





can be roughly summed up as follows • " Yn„ n.. 

your passage home We n«fp vr, ' Germans are work 

understanding. Bui w 7"J17""" T T*""' '^"^^''^^y 

happened in the la/tihttnvearswe". '''" '' ^" *^^ 
that German democrarv t 1 ^^ "°* ^^^ ^"'i^'^Jy satisl 

-ake it safe fo nrtoliv 11'' "®T*'^ ^'^"^ °^ -^'"« 
analysis, Germany remZn ''''.''''' P°*'^^ "?'" ^'^ ^e 1 
irritating thZ suTrL°r "^''' f '""^ '^"-"'^-^ ^"^ « 
Germanl thefhad „ staC 2 "^?°"'I"''^ ^^^ '"' ™ 
could muster *' P'" *'* ^"'^^ S^ace as 

noZ Z'Xi:rTtXt ''' ^^^^'°P^^ -' of the ebb , 
the Nor h At] ntilw '"'"^'^ "P of the defence meastu-esl 

western Powers by tS Sal^^ f ^^^7^^^^^^ ' 

troops being rais^an^d^ ^ip^^fSfdlLr ^fw^^^ "^ ^/"^ 

V ' ^^^' ™i^h announced the intentinn nf th^ ait 

Republic was to be revoked, and the Allied Hkh rnm^ 

the offlce"; nf thp T ,n^ ^ . . ^"'=" nign Commission ar 



to retain ''°"""°" '"*'''«t of the four Stat» 

At the time of going to press (December. 1951) negotiation, n 
various matters of detaU are still in progress ThZ^nTT u 
extremely important question of restituTon o Ae I'M ' '^ 
suffered at Gennany's hands during ^^TZl ^ *« T^X 


■' pl.iLi'il persons and the pi'ogramme of decartelisation of 

. HI intlustry. On broad issues, however, agreement is reported 

r hrcn reached. The only powers which the Allies will reserve 

iiM jiisrivcs are those connected with questions affecdng a future 

■ lit VI' Peace Treaty — i.e., relations with Russia, issues affecting 

, luv as a whole (East and West) and, finally, factors involving 

. iitily of the Allied forces. The Allies have even abdicated 

. ilu' exclusive control of German armaments production. At 

u.l 111' October the State of War between the United States and 

MMiiy was ofhcialiy declared by Washington to be at an end. 

\n 111 lure, therefore, the democratic Powers will be represented 

"''■nil by diplomatic representatives with little legal power to 

I .V in German affairs except by the consent of the Bonn 

iniucnt. The presence of Allied troops on German soil would, 

. imc, make possible the ultimate sanction of force, if the 

<jM« situation deteriorated sufficiently for this to be necessary. 

tthi j-ain, considering that it is the Allies who are doing the wooing, 

.,»(• h iiii eventuality can be safely discounted, and the bald fact 

n-l that whether or not Western opinion is satisfied on the 

^.iiluy of West German democracy, the Federal Republic will 

mIv in a large measure assume all the rights^and duties— of a 

n-iiiii. independent democratic State. 






UCH is the child which the Western p„ 
launch in the great wide world ""' 

s are now about 

democracy Wke good7"rZ°",^^T"- '^'" ^^^ Gerna 
making for optimism S i. '^ *"' "^ ^°«d el<="ie, 

examimng the threat ;ftrpo:l:ar'X;r' '" '^""'^^^ ''^^J 

rebuilt from scratch ince S "^r 7 ' *'''' ""'"" "^^^^^ 
of the late Dr. BoecklerIrS p vi "' ^'^'^ *" '^e personal 
Federation, and pSy ^ t defeS"' °' "' °^™^" ^rade uj 

Federation, and 

x—^-j .^ uic ueierminati 

■e mistakes of Weimar. Boeckler, a silversmith 
at the age of 70 heTaS f ° ^T' ^^'^ «'«-'^ ^^^^"^^ 
been destroyed in ,933 sl/"'"-"^ *^ '"°^^"'-' which h 
the heavy industries emersS T. "'"^^ ""'°"''' ""^t'y based 
The T ad o„ ^.SS'^'^::r,t^S''''^ "'' 


error of earlii 

German fr.H^ '"'"^ -^ ^''''^'^^^ ^^^ fundamental 

Communist; and other oaSr^ 1 T°'''- ^^'^°^^' S°"alist, aa 
in the field. P'""'' '"''"'^'■'g t^e Nazis, were also acti' 

a S^Ti::::^:':^. -^^'though Boeckler 

has remained independent of the 

two major partie 

-Christian Democrats and -T ■ 

unionists in them SSdteChiS^^^ "T' '^'^ '-^' 

its strength from Cafhnii^ ™e Christian Democrat Left wing derivj 

Democra%rirSt of^No^i^R^^^^ ^™°"^' ^^^^ 

unionist and CathoUc ) ^'"' ^^^tphalia. is both trad 

brinI£Eers"S;rnthi!?T?™^" ^^^'^^ ""-- wa 

Ever since the First 'worSt rf""^ '" *' ''^'"''^ »°°^^' 

world War German trade unionists ha( 

I of controlling the savage forces of German heavy industry 

fi Hill King workers' representatives to the boards of directors. 

itH-ain came true when the British Occupation authorities, 

it)|' ilie Ruhr coal and steel industries, gave German workers 

* ■pivscntation with management in running the coal, iron, 

<•! industry. 

iH-isistent argument, by pressure through Christian Democrat 

-iiiionists on the Federal Government, and finally by the 

I ■< t*l a coal and steel strike, the unions under Boeckler's 

' ' hip forced Dr. Adenauer to confirm Allied practice in a 

I I.lIw. Workers* co-partnership is now safeguarded for the 

111 coal and steel Boeckler intended that the principle should 

I' luled to the other main industries, and it probably will, 

lliHiirJi he has not hved to see it 

\ >tii' of the reasons for believing in the fundamental good sense 

III dniiocratic convictions of the average German trade unionist 

iiH ihc way the struggle for co-partnership was waged. There had 

III h>50 been no important strike about wages or conditions. 

!icn the coal and steel workers were asked whether they 

-I i :;trike in order to preserve their right to see that industrial 

" was not abused for political ends (for that is the root of the 

!!' lor co-partnership) 98 per cent of them replied: *' Yes.'l 

■ ' vigorous decision so startled their opponents (mainly in the 

I )cmocrat Party) that there was little more argument. 

i 'i ) partnership was accepted; and there was no strike. In brief 

(m hade unions are a remarkably stabilising influence in the 

!■ Repubhc, They are more powerful than under the Weimar 

" (luhiic. Their experience is now wider and their determination to 

it*)H Nazism greater. 

( icorg Reuter, Deputy Chairman of the Deutsche Gewerk- 
^^t tuilish'imd (German T.U.C.), recently attacked the new Nazis, 
ho-.c danger and significance will be described later. He said : 

. . that trade union leaders had told the Chancellor : " if these 
hobgoblins are not done away with we shall take action. We did 
not build up our workshops and cities again to .see them sacrificed 
mice more to the insanity of people like that." The Chancellor 
Lould rely on the trade unions, but they would also keep a wary eye 
on the Government's attitude towards these people. (Reported in 
I he Wiener Library Survey of German and Austrian Press.) 

I he robust reaction of the leaders towards the Nazi threat is 
'iii'ulleled in the action taken by the members. Trade unionists 

^i I 


\ have consistently opposed meetings aiveii bv neo Na.i n..r 
I may be easy to disapprove of thd/action whieh often I II 

c uie: elT; '"' *''^'^^— y would not suffer ^o^^ f 
acquiesced. We cannot blame them if they are determined m 

untist' ::T ;' *: ^"^'""^ ~'- of G™ 
unionists, by according democratic good manners tn onn,„ 

em™ered""iH*^ 'T ™-- ^^ "eroerac . For '.7 
remembered the trade unionists of the Weima 
frequently blamed for the debacle of 1933. 

ir Republic 


«"iy of the Third .Reich— not to think of the fight against 
■( as a prime need in the present situation. Nevertheless, 
I H. ic, extreme embarrassment at the East- West split, the 
.n,.|u:il Church has put a great deal of effort into its work. 
" nl,ii[y in recalling the attention of its members to the evil I's Germany. 

.■ry encouraging facet of the churches' work is to be found 

"lictics for Christian-Jewish co-operation. They exist mainly 

.i^ \tncrican Zone as a result of the initiative of General Clay 

■ < ii.S. Governor). These Protestant-Catholic-Jewish associa- 

-• li.ivc set themselves the task of overcoming racial and religious 

! I mcc through all the media at their disposal. They were 

it under the guidance of an American minister Carl Zietlow, 

ii'>sc tremendous energy they owe much of their success. 

e^ments among the Christia„-SoS'"S^; rpli^: 

i-tinct that they tip the scales a^ainTt ; p logLrS'^f 
party which is firmly grounded in the CathoIicCrking 2s 1 
trade unions and the best elements of the Catholic ofurch ' 
Rhine and Ruhr valleys-these are ballasr 
Democrats, keeping it fundamentally democratic in spite of s< 
dangerous vote-catching political manoeuvres 

Many of the first Lander governments 'elected after the 
were coalitions between the Christian Democrats and aI.;.. . 
and in those days divisions were not sharp 

,^ '^^^" *e nation„, .^uo 

parties Dr. Schumacher and Dr. Adenauer m.Z , 

^rt s^vrrr • ^^ -^^ ^- ^- ^- ^ 

tragedy for the federal Republic, for Dr. Adenauer, m order 
form hrs government, found questionable allies on hi Rirht 
powerful coalitions of moderate conservatives and d moVr 
socialists seem to be things of the past. This is a clear c^^ 
democratic disunity; and, as will be Lwn later the ex' Nazi 
extreme nationalists have taken advantage of it 

The third force which should be solialy behind democracy 
the churches and religious organisations. Unfortunately altho 
they have done much good work, it has been marred bvkn. 
I and, above all, there has been a tendency-.-surpS ^ S 

( and Jews in Britain may be inclined to wonder whether 
Kiiewhat spirited transatlantic flavour of some of the activities 
" (ly applicable to German needs. Tn fact, Germans in the 
i' in Zone have shown a marked tendency to absorb American 
'■I', and outlook. They will probably adapt this form of 
■ ns-civic co-operation to their own requirements, and the 

-D , - -w ^.ijujwi mm ' should be of great benefit to the strengthening of the 

.Ji;!„ I i^.^^r^^^^^ „^^*^. ^^"^^t t^ the ChrijHu.Hiatic fibre of Western Germany. 

I lie fourth factor is the press. Here Allied policy has, broadly 

' ii iiig, justified itself. After 1945 new papers were created, and 

iiups of journahsts trained who, now that they have complete 

ilHmial freedom, have maintained a fairly sound democratic 

deep Dersonal int • u — """ ^-^«iy. By 1949, howe: Hlttide. As with all other sides of life there have been lapses. There 

«.X. ^/';^f^gonism between the national leaders of the f- -I'U) been a good deal of intellectual confusion, while new 

I ■ . of extremely suspect origins and policy are beginning to 
l^jK .ir. But on straight issues like the re-emergence of Nazi political 
. n\ ilics the major German papers have shown up well. A few 
u(n I., have stood out like beacons above the others in their relent- 
r, insistence that every political question must be judged on 
III* basis of whether it helps or hinders the growth of German 
(nil DC racy. Notably there are the Lett-wing Frankfurter Rundschau, 
he Lonservative Die Zeit, the American-licensed Neue Zeitung, and 
lu' Siiddeutsche Zeitung. Among periodicals the outstanding ones 
II • I he Frankfurter Hefte, Die Gegenwart, and the Deutsche 

The fifth force for democracy is the whole apparatus of 



lack of "£ aSLrjTwr """.'"''^^ ^'"^y - -- 
ex-Nazis and Nazfs7mpatS'Lf bT '° T'' ''^"^e" 
reappeared in the umverSes schoolmasters 

WeLTGe'r;r:;r„oTaVt^: "'^^ *^ ^^-«-' =^-- 
It is always hard to conl^I S ""'"' '""'"^ «« democr 

methods Of den,;; 7a"e £71^'^ *^' '^-^ *™' ^^ ' 
impossible. Observers do not feel thattr"' " ''^"^ "^" 
//strls leaving school and young peol ,1 "'T"' °^ ''°>'^ 
/ actually antagonistic to democracy But rt' ** ""-«--sities 
/ ". and this .ust be accountrdTn^ralr^S/-*'*-'^ 


the experience of 933 behTnH •" "'''' '^' groups, and « 
young people 4ht L sfn^^ar H '' "°' ''"''="" '° ^^*^ ^"^ ^h 
a revived Nazi Partv ZT "reumstances, easily swing over 

however dis cteJ by o'te Zt '"' "?'' *= °^""^" ^"«'««' 
once. Some good starts i ',,.'1'°"'^ ""' ^"^^'^'^ '° '^'^kle 
instance, a small b ok issu d r'thefH ^T ''"''■ ^""''^ ''' ' 
for study in the ton forn^lf f "^"''"'^ "'^°°^ ^"*oriti 
leaving Lsent^ti^^i ^^tS ^^f ^^^ ^-" ^ 
In an effective wav throimh ^i ^''^ ^'■^^' ^essag 

great works of IhStureSlk r"''/°"?' ""'^ ^"°*^"°°^ ^ 
to preserve peace estrb'fde^^ ''' *'* *^'^ ""J^' """^t 
tolerance. sfncet^ly^p'S^ed ITtKch: s '^^ *^ ^^"^^ 
work. It cannot be said, however that Gert ? '' ^" '"™'"^' 
are doing anything like sufficTent on th^s eTes ^=*"°" ^"*°"* 

n^eXlXret; f^rSe^^ - ^r ^ ^^ that severi 
devoted democrats Th^ LT f Republic are sincere anj 

Federal PresideTprlftorTheoS T °'"°"^ '^^^'"P'^ '^ ' 
/ fullest sense of the word J^^ ^T'' ^" '' ^ «''^«I *" « 

the word soo, g;nui:e^;';p;t °"H?has ?" "" "^" '° ^^°- 
active sponsor of the work If tb. ' '"''^"'='' '^^°"« ^ 
co-operation and hf LTutul o r95TT„ t '^''^'^"-'^™ 
Jewish New Year, joined with Dr. Aden Lr and 0^?^ °' ^' 
.n sending greetings to German Jew/^ p^e Vsth t 


Univeriity of Texas 

Austin, Texas 


111 I lie faith of the average German for the new and still 
lull [infamiliar pattern of democratic government. 
1 1 I"* iliis average German who, in the mass, makes up the j 
i(r*Htv which votes for the democratic parties. He is the basis 
*!.■ ii.uJc unions and the churches. Often muddled, he wants to 
I M ilist but fears the East; he wants liberty but fears it may , 

- '-oiiomic hardship; and, finally, he wants the best for his 
-in hilt cannot choose between the multitude of remedies 

1 Sometimes when things are hard, he has a tendency to 

I' democracy with inflation and depression, and when it is 

-H.d that Weimar democracy saw the mark inflate beyond 

Mij.n-liension and unemployment bring Germany almost to a 

M.-i (ill, this tendency must be counted among the major 

^1 in /.cs of the attempt to build democracy anew. Post-1945 

=, moreover, has made heavy headway against the 

i HIS of unemployment and refugees, while the chronic housing 

I iii;skes life a nightmare for many in the bombed cities. 

1 1 1. 1 1 so many Germans, on the other hand, do appreciate that 

■ racy in their country has always had to clear up the chaos \ 

" '1 by bouts of aggression and that it is the last bout which 

. juvusible for the present troubles is clearly a hopeful sign. 

ifheless, so long as the housing shortage, the high cost of 

Ml (he fear of losing one's job, the bisection of Germany into 

' -iiiinunist East and a democratic West with its attendant refugee 

i I ins, and the nagging fear of war continue, faith in democratic 

- must always be subject to dangerous strains and open to 
iK I mining on the part of the new Nazis, 





revival ot Nazi and near-Nazi groups is the Merest siJ 

. n.a.ff ^'Jm'''"^ ^^^* «^™«"y'^ democracy of thLe 
^most formidable is the Socialist Reicf: Party y'°*"i^^'^ 

J fie Socialist Reich Party is one nf .i,» 

democralic counter ttafktoulH "'^"''- ^" "^'^ ^^^^°" ' 
yet at the same tii^tsht^M 1 elStrr^tre'^^'^ 
extreme nationalist organisation, whicl, "''' '^'"'^ °' 

be just as dangerous. 

may prove ultimately 


after the First World War Hitfer had 

comparison be^we;; th sicLiirRei'^P '"' '^' ^^"='^^'^^- 
;« National Socialist ^ST^^S^l:^ ''"' '"^^ 
because when the Federal Parliament Electionrwere held „ 

^votes. Ten 
only three 

per cent 

per cent of 

and those 
not possibi 

l:Z:'T'''' Pany had not yet been founded. 

OeiiSc<5E..rse^2irtr :• ^--^^-"C.rist, 

It stretches from G5tdngen i" ^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^oj 

tl^e north; from the Dutch S^^^ntt ''" '"^ ^"^^^" 

±^. Ltineburg in the east. The cStai " u ^"'' '' ^^""^^^^^ ^" 

^ j poorest Lander in Germany hi. ""^ 7''*' '' '' "^^ ^^ ^^ 

. .If"!: ..^''"^..^ .^^S^^ proportion of Ea 

ann Goerin 

German refugees and what has been cM^ciT 
fin Western Germany, cenS.ZthefT^''^''''''^''' 
Iron and Steel Works at sSw . '/°™*^ H^^^nn Goerin 
worked by small, predom£mIv r "■ v '°"'' *^ countryside , 
the peasant Mdi„rare Tc^Lt, a^d T""'^" '" *^ "°«" 
-testant. On the Wur/LSUf ^ -^t Si 


% In Western Germany. It was here, in the flat, Protestant 
<rtt (hr the Socialist Reich Party campaigned hardest and 
niM'.i The party won most votes in an area where a higher 
iImii itl (he arable land is held by large farms than anywhere 
Wr'.irrii Ocrmany. It did best among the richer peasants and'^ 
Ihrrc is no evidence that it received any considerable 
iiMii of ilic refugees* votes, most of whom appear to have 

' '1 (he Refugee Party (B.H.E.), which won 16 per cent 

♦ ". Mtirs cast. In Salzgitter* a working-class area of economic 

t ■ Uiw and higher unemployment, the combined Right-wing' 

i W iiirI the Socialist candidate had a comfortable majority. 

Mi> •.iiiinlist Reich Party obviously did not have the confidence 

I I A' < \\\v [lumber of refugees or unemployed industrial workers. 

' II rnllccted peasant votes in an historically reactionary area,| 

ihrni from the orthodox conservative parties which form 

< .1111 Coalition. The peasants in Lower Saxony, as elsewhere j 

.niiiny, fared very well under the Nazis, who treated them a? 

■ .iri'rd caste. Their good fortune continued after the collapse. 

ii !<)45-48 widespread hunger and a practically worthless 

■ V the peasants an opportunity to drain the towns of 

' in:iining wealth. The townspeople brought jewels, furniture, 

Mii <liilhcs to exchange for food which only the peasants, albeit 

|j»'t<iilh. i-Duld provide. It was the period when, according to the 

itit) I liiiinour of the townspeople, there were Persian carpets in 

lir I II I". IK'S. Bleaker times began for the peasants in 1948 when the 

Mihiiiv was revalued. The new dollar-backed deutschemark was 

ri.ihlc currency to food producers outside Germany, particu- 

lih 111 Holland and Denmark, 

I'rirouraged by the liberal economic policy of the Bonn 
( iihriiiiiicnt, foreign food began to How into Western Germany. 
I hi inwiispeople, at last able to pick and choose, turned towards 
1 1- upcrior foreign products, and the peasant, for the first 
inn III \5 years, found himself exposed to competition. His 

uituical holdings and inefficient methods penalised him in 

ill. Mijiipetition with Dutch and Danish producers. His anger is.' 
.hu'tiril against the free-enterprise conservatives in Bonn (thej 
{ hriNlian Democrats, the Free Democrats, and the German Party)! 
\k\u* Irl in cold air from the world market. They lost the peasant*s 
The Socialist Reich Party picked it up by promising protection 



end to the American-type liberalism of Bonn. 



i hi* Uurnvs on the opposite page show that the only marked 

MP im (lie I .eft in the May, 1951, elections was a proportionately 

IN for (he small group of Communists. The Socialists and 

^'.ilholics of the Centre Party suffered little change. On 

Mil- (wo newcomers, the Refugee B.H.E, and the Neo- 

' ili'.l Reich Party made considerable gains. The losers were 

n.,iui ( \):iliiion partners, the Christian Democrats and the Ger- 

I I'jiKv (strongly conservative with a dash of Hanoverian 

-1). The third Bonn partner, the Free Democrats (F.D.P.), 

• .lij'Jitly over its 1949 figures after a highly nationalist 

, ■ H on an independent ticket. The German Reich Party 

'live ultra-nationalist), which sent five members to the 

I r.iiliament in 1949, lost heavily, its votes going to the more 

»l II I id more Right-wing Socialist Reich Party. 

'!.'a-ivcrs report that the campaign was notable for the highly 

LMithsiic tone of all the campaigning parties. Of the moderate 

i\.uivc Bonn Coalition parties, only the one which dissociated 

In mi the democratic principles of the Federal Capital— the 

I k'lnocrats — held its ground. For the rest the Right-wing votes ' 

^\'rr Naxony went looking for more and more nationalism and 

1 .1 growing preference for neo-Nazi socialism as against free 

rM-,c conservatism. Great numbers of refugees have founded 

I IV appealing specifically to them— the B.H.E. — though its 

' is still unclear. The big peasants of Luneberg Heath — good 

I Hi the Third Reich and the finest N.CO.s in the German 

t\ liave taken out an option on the newest and most radical I 

»' f- roups claiming to carry on where Hitler left off— the Socialist 

1 I'arty, 


A", will be shown, examining statements of this party's policy I 
U u roil fusing business. A better idea of its outlook is gained by I 
tlf t i-xaraining its leaders. They were all Nazis and none of them| 
« .hamed of the fact 

(ftto Ernst Remer (39), 

H rnier is the second Chairman and feature orator of the party — 
lite noise of the S.R.P. but not its brain (Picture Post, 16.6,51). He 
t^ M (all man with a fanatical expression who moulds his oratory 
Mil Hitler, but has a curious resemblance to Goebbels. 



He appears IITLTX Z IT"' '' ''^ ''""" ^^™ 
its fringes When he hTLTl T. conspiracy, though only 

the attLpe he out the n. 1 ''""'''' *"^ "^'^^^ ^ad survV 

arrested many of h re^^ , ''! """' '''"'" '"''' ^-«' 

'subsequently Lturedt.Hrf '?^'" ^'"°^' "^ ^"o"' «' 

fenatic^ut reltl: et te^toT" "t,^ '"'"'"^^ ^^ 
deserted his division on he RiveTVlh \l ' '" ^'^ ^"'^ 
civilian clothes, and fled west^o . h '" ^"^^ ^^^^- §«* '■ 
Renier then spent two veTr' o "'P'"'" ^^^ "^^ R"^-^i=i 
[After he emerged a German d" ' -f "''" P^^^^^-of-war can 
'all political acfivit'v P ? denazification tribunal forbade 

in helping to found ^^11, "'°'"'"' "P"^ ''"^ ^^ "ecame acti 

of IndU^enSmlnstSLT'^'^" ""^' ^^ ^^^^ 
He was discovered by Dr. Fritz Dork „* 

of the Federal Parliament. beloSn^to Ihe e.^' " ' "'"^ 
nattonalist German Reich Party mRP Hi =™^^^^«ivl 

Remer was one of »he tlvn„ {• \ •'^■*^-^- His association wit 

from the G.^:n Kl^7:.Tt:T\'''''': '" '^ ^"P^"' 
founded .oon afterwaS "^''''"'^ ^^''^'^ P'-'«>' ''^^ 

. On May 26, 1951. Remer was sentenced f. f 
•mprisonment for libelling Federal MinTster He T .™""'* 

was not till seven months laf^r th J f""'^"''^-'' He appealed, and 

m August a Lower Saxtyclt±^^ ''^ '"^^'^ ^'^ ^^'-^ 

the Land. Similar bans ZtTotS'Jn''^^^^ ''''' ^"^'^^'^^^ " 

Remer's significance for the SocL, 1 .T"^'' 
.dentific the party beyond doubt as he nIZ ^'''' " *^' " 
parties claim to want to reviv. L! successor. Othe 

Remer is the man wl -acrdintf '"v"'^'"'^ "' ^^^■^'"- b' 
National Sociahsm ft° ,h "rS 3°' ^f T '^?'"-">'--e 

Violence and political' nj^ ab^t ^^T^ ^^^ Z 


• mil a iigure to reactionary ex-soldiers of the present 
I 'I I in 11 as were Heines, Rossbach, and other members of 
jh( ^iroups like the Vehme were in Weimar days and who, a 
HthMii ago, were among the earliest supporters of Hitler. Remer 
ihr vote of the 100 per cent unrepentant Nazis. 

nt I lit:. Doris {41). 

Ml I >c)rls is the nominal leader of the SociaUst Reich Party | 
jinin window dressing. Has a long, gloomy face, patent 
-pionis of an inferiority complex (Robert Kee in Picture Post, 
" ^l). and an incurable passion for intrigue. 
II. iMJned the Nazi Party in 1929, and in the same year 
— .Jully applied for membership of the S.S.— at that time a 
H I nil 11 lively small uniformed bodyguard for Hitler. But already 
uuald'active characteristics had come to light and — surprisingly \ 
■ a^Ji ihey made him unacceptable to the S.S. He remained a' 
-. .nlii-i of the Nazi Party, however, lecturing at the Institute fori 
' -iv Indoctrination and Training, until he was expelled (the date; 
'«*ii"tM'tain) for intriguing inside the party. Doris himself describes | 
lie ii" years of his life as occupied with farming and writing. 
Ufiniuiti Parliamentary Handbook, 1949.) 

Hr; expulsion from the Nazi Party was a blessing in disguise 
i -. Inm, since it enabled him to get off fairly lightly after 1945. 
H after the war he became a leader-writer on a Christian 
I 'i tiKuiat paper in Lower Saxony. It was not long, however, before 
li. b-jMii intriguing again, this time with the National Bolshevik 
<nti» Sirasser in Canada, with neo-Nazis in Bavaria and other 
h|-iitvs on the extreme Right. In consequence he was expelled from! 
I Ik ('lii'istian Democrat Party, whereupon he joined the German 

I i< li l*arty. Doris was elected to the Federal Parliament on a 
'Miiii:in Reich (D.R.P.) ticket in 1949, but almost at once was 
fj^iu'llal for his intrigues which were designed, among other things. 
In hiing Ernst Remer into the D.R.P. 

I he Socialist Reich Party is Doris' own creation. In spite of its 
nHiiplctely undemocratic structure, however, it will be interesting 
III '.re if it, too, will be unable to digest Dr. Doris* peculiar 

I I Mil 1 1 lies. An interesting aspect of this gentleman's activities is that 
Ik. name is frequently mentioned in connection with charges of 
-tt operation between the Socialist Reich Party and the East Zone 
riKiiniunistxS. If, as seems quite probable, these charges have a 



ba J in fact, it i. beyond doubt that Do.l. is the n:a„ behind 

The parliamentary immunity of Dr n^T' '^''?™'"'' ''' 
1951. "iimunity of Dr. Doris was lifted in A] 

3. Count Wolf von Wesiarp {41). 

and later of the SS Lf!^ f, ^ "^ '''*"'^^'" "^ *e Nazi Pal 

Of the Nazi ^i^^^^sZ^^^ ^^P-^^ 
dunng the Second World War A^l .f' , u * ''" ^™ '" ^"^ 
has described him as the shr^H ^ "' '"''"■^''- R°''^" K 

Remer. H^s socLl/v m, I '"' *' '^^^^ht to Doris < 

moreintellig „tSj,"*S,'"f r^'^We and considera. 
Party, but left it wh:f ^^^^ -"f^ f J- German Rei 

fro. th ^J^^-^:s>:^:^- '^ --- 

Although unable to rival the Nazi rP^r,rH <= 

Westarp can boast a modest Ln^iXfo'fiLrh-'!,^^" 
cation questionnaire. ralsitymg his denazi 

4. Gerhard Krueger (44), 

shirts (Stum^abtei^un^"- 192 /it thTSiTn t ^' "^°^' 
, he put his faith in Hitler at th^ ntV b ^ , , ' ^^'""^ "^^^ns thi 

the failure of the Mun ch A t„ ^ .'' ' '°^'-^' ^""--^'"^^ ^f" 
i^..... from rnTC^a^'^'^tf^^^^^ 


im; socrALisT retch party 

'«-' «(Mrr in order to enable him to pursue political work. 

*'«.ni\ ol {he leaders of the Socialist Reich Party he was banned( 

»ll pMli(ii'[»l activity after 1945 and, like them all be has taken| 

II'. (h . mC (Ik- l)an, 

<ttf Ru'htiT (40), 

M.ltilivrly little is known about this man, and for his own part 

' M iioi nfipear anxious to fill in the gaps in his record. He is a 

• I mm (he former German-speaking Sudeten territory of 

' I ■ .ikia. and is by profession a schoolmaster. To his 

- Hi. he is known as " Stab-in-the-Back," because in 1949 

'v»ti tlisnimsed from the school in which he taught in Lower 

' 'IV tni (ehing his pupils that victory had been wrested from 

' ■ 'M.iuv iti the Second World War by treachery on the home front. 

■ llHtrly after his dismissal he was nominated as a candidate 

'!•■ (J<-i[iian Reich Party for the Federal elections, and elected 
'' llnim Parliament 

Mit hill i.s thought to have been an agent in Henlein's 
H'tMi lil'ih column, and now performs the function of liaison 
' " between the Socialist Reich Party and Nazi-minded 
':iir. ill other countries. He is said to represent the more 
' iiiive wing of the Socialist Reich Party (the " Goering " 
|.. ni Na/i). In appearance he is an undersized man and sports 
Hid. I moustache. He holds the view that President Truman, ^ 
' tl < 'l;iy, and General Eisenhower should be imprisoned as 
■imuiiils (Terence Prittie, The Listener, 28.6.51). Richter once 
«l I he Jews and anti-Nazis of skulking at home in the concen- 
- -H liimfivs while patriots were defending their fatherland at: 
. 1 1. till {Speech in Lower Saxony, 1,12.49). l 


IliL- followers of the new Socialist Reich Party are not 
(ilmiu:)! with the dissidents of 1949, who were composed of 
u. mi ally dissatisfied elements, or those who did not know to which 
\u\tt\' \o belong. The Socialist Reich Party of to-day is composed 
*•! ininpielely new elements, especially of young peasants. 

(Die Ziet, 17.5.51) 

Hrir Remer drew a great deal of his support from former 
iHiiii Nile soldiers and their families as well as those who never 
I rtru-il to be Nazis. 

{The Times Bonn correspondent, 9.7.51) 




'/success to refugees nnri , "^ '"'^^ attribute the 

[poverty and eSLr'^rTrf j^r"'^^ ^"^^^ ^^P' 
Lower Saxony has considerab v' nl T "^ ^ ''"°"^ "i^^ 
if this were true it wonlHf^^ f '^ ^^^^ '« ^^^^^ of both 
finely to ren^ai^wj^^'^j:.!^'*^ Socialist Reich Part; 
Nazis, cid soldiers and V ''°"^ Phenomenon. Bui 

Germany, and encoura, d hv™"' ^'"'""'^ '^''''^^ '^^^rywitej 
for the Socialist Reih'pttv T'"' ''"^^ "^^ ^^« '^''^ ■ 
i-W- The Catholic Chu2 'it ,?' '''""'"" ^^"^ *^' 
of a bulwark, and is nors'tron. Ti "°™f ^ '^'^™^ «°"^' 
other hand, the predoSanlv r..^ r°T' ^'^""y- *'«• o 
peculiarly r,ch in^neo-KaT^lS^Stiot '^"^ "^ ^^"^^ '^ 

rematn fairly faithful to the Socialists ' ' '"" ''''• '''' 

It is worth recalling that Hitler's 'n Shad 
more than a small local --- " N.S.D.A.P. remained 


I'll liiiiincial influence on the Right wing of the Christian 
Nl)i-;iking at a public meeting in Karlsruhe, Dr. Drescher, 


party in Bavaria while it dircc-e, 
y and ecoi 
Hiflpr t« J " '"*■' "' ^^^"' When Waltei 
oart l:':'^!!'^_„^?™^-«°-t PoHcy for tt peasantry tha 

appeal to the urban „n».: ,. ^^^^na while ii 
disLrancitf ":r ^7^3^"'^ *^ tf'^"^ ^"^ -°"o™' 

was m 


rapid expansion which brought Hitler to 

party began 

Chancellory les^ th^n ;h;e;™ir' HitfeTJ . 

tor ten yea,^ before he maden T' ^^^ ^®^" '" Pol 

peasant vote. His disdnir f ^'^'^^'ned attempt to get 

heart and frou: the bg?Ig1;;;t','r/ ''^''' ''' ™°- 
camng for tariffs again'st reigrStSr^^" '"''^ 


Saxony campaign could neve" W hT '''.'''7''"''- ^^' ^oj 
ship subscriptions and entxance ts at V ^""^'°' °"* "' '"^'»' 
are obscure. Although th7r ^' meetmgs. But the so, 

ning to reap suLs anlfp^t^^^^^^^^^^ ^-^ay are b, 

-dmenges. the ban4-rd> ^^^^^^ 

I .rniiive of the Union of Landlords and Real Estate 

^uul that his Union would sooner have Remer than 

iHM' (the Socialist leader), because the latter had used his 

v\.ij'x' war on their (the Union's) interests. (Die Welt, 

• Hitler's accession to power in 1933 the industrialists 
■l-'il in their political allegiance, some backing the decrepit 
Mindenburg, others the Nationalists, only some being 
i»»MMl I htlrc. The attraction of the Nazis and the Nationalists was 
H» l.nih piirties had private armies at their disposal inspired with 
M .u» .il hatred of " Marxists " and trade unions. The industrialists 
' when these organisations were bound to them by ties 
liiiii ideology. Locally the Nazi Brownshirts of the S.A. 
IM Ww Ntahlhelm (a Right-wing Nationalist ex-Servicemen's 
•^ ur.Mi) were often used as strike breakers. Until April, 1951,1 
' I list Reich Party had a private army closely modelled on 
iiid S.A. of beer-cellar days, called the Reichsfront, andj 
•nl.l act as an attraction vis-d-vis reactionary industrialists. 
I ' i. hsfront has since been banned, but there are grounds fori 
!■ !"■ Jiir ll^at it is being kept in being under cover, at any rate in 
\\ • I iiiti form. 

MiMiHHirs of subventions from industrialists to the Socialist 
*. h I'.nty are frequent; conclusive proof is lacking. It is certain, 
w \,M, that if they have been made Remer and Doris would not 
I any offers of this sort. At the moment they, hke other Right- 
.; i-\(]-cmists, are in the pohtical field with the object, among 
Wlmu, of attracting financial support from reactionary circles in 
KnIih-ss and industry. 


The S.R.P. has produced a printed leaflet Programme for Action 
Uif tlw Socialist Reich Party (published by Dr, Doris in Hanover) ; 
jhiH II would be absurd to take this document at its face value. Hitler, 
iHM, hiid a 25-point programme which now, in view of the history of 
\\\w Ihird Reich, makes curious reading. The Programme, however, 
U tiucresting for its phraseology, its admissions, and omissions. 

1 1 begins by stating that the S.R.P. is a " closing of the ranks '' 



■ ttf^.tdi^epf rr ^™°- ^■--- -'^ - 

Miooks as if DXniL I 1' 'r^ '° *^ ^- 

i before him as a model for , hi! ^'^' twenty-five 

[ /striking resemb]a„rt order "d'?''"T '"^"^^ *-^< 

leaves out any reference to'^nL^^™^^^^^^ ^^^ '''^ 

progra.m.e also avoids the use of the word " , ^"•' ^'^'^' "''' 

a great favourite with speakers antwX ofTe^:::!!: 

'■ l^" Party demands the bring- 

many ' '^"^^^^ ^^'^^^^^ Ger- 
^'forV?''*^ ^^'^^^^^ equality 

^- We demand Jand and 
our people. 


the extreme 

S.R.P, Programme 

All Germans must be .„ 
into a single German Reic 

2. The S.R.P. calls for the \ 
dom and independence of ( 
many both within and with 

space for 3. We 

We fight toe corrupt ParTf;^ 

"lentary system and the flip ^ 


approve of a Enronii 
community . P** 

(The parallel is 'ciearenou.Ii 
one remembers Hitler's vk 
a European "community 

5. The 


must H.f ^^ ^' ^^'^^ona 
must determme appointni 
to political bodie. fh'^ i 
comrn^r the 


'ies, thus oi 

noJif.v.i P^Jsgovernmen 
political parlies. 

invention appears i^l!::: rTafZ^^ '' '''''' ^^^ -^ ^he 
f ^fd as Doris' point 13 It t th .^T' '"' ^^^^^^'^ ^^^"^1 
freedom of belief and worship ZTI' ''''''''' ^^"^^^"tee 
programme call for unity be' we^^^ V '"^ ^ ^^ ^^^ S.] 

*e end of the occupation No 'ol '''' ^'^"'^ ^^ ^^^^^y ^ 
give away German'teSry meT'r'-^' ''''^ ^^^ '^^ ^igh] 
ti^^ East Zone Govermn n L?^^ agreements betwe^ 

con^promise on the S^TlSol^^^^^ Czechoslovaicia, or at 
attack hem.) question, would seem to be the objects 

The European community, spoken of in 


point 3, is elaborat 


ti,|* iihlcpendent of the great Powers, both East and West. Point 

. >\mf\ piece of writing, practically incomprehensible, opposing 

II) I I hi Irderal and the centralised State, Point 5 gives a glowing 

h ».n. ..I ific German State with " party misgovernment " banished. 

philosophical, and religious freedom are guaranteed, the 

iiticism in speech and publication is laid down, and the 

r. to be independent. Point 6 introduces us to "People's 

" for use by the Germans. It includes protection of the 

il' the German soldier and bars " Marxist concepts of 

|iniut 7 the social programme is under way. Here we find 
•nrks and a national labour service. The capital levy 
ind long deferred) by the Bonn Government, known as 
I il- iHjualisation of Burdens," is dismissed in point 7 as " already 
- .1 wrong in its basic conception." The capital levy is planned 

|irnsate those who suffered from the war by losing limbs, 

- < t wumers, property, and homes. (The fate of this plan is 

dly of the highest interest to the refugees.) The Socialist Reich 

. peasant voters have long been apprehensive about how 

1. ol their gains during the recent years they will be called upon 

: up to the homeless, the war cripples, and other sufferers. 

'i«'i and Doris promise to protect the peasants from equal 

' I' ns; and as a sop to the refugees and wounded soldiers, he 

•■ t'ies a vague scheme of loans and cheap credits. 

Ill point 8 the S.R.P. approaches^ — with great caution— the 

loltli-nis of capital and labour. In spite of "People's Socialism," 

Hhiiic property will not, it seems, be disturbed provided its owners 

ft.( .-I'liise their duty to use it in the common interest. The Socialist 

^.lih Party also steps gingerly on the controversial question of 

w..)krj-s co-partnership in industry. In Western Germany the 

juhn ijile of equal workers' representation on boards of directors 

I- lit nig extended from coal and steel to other industries, but only 

IH lh<- face of intense opposition. The S.R.P. says: "The worker 

(1(1 1 '.I help bear the burden and help direct the policy of his firm, 

ttiit without giving an opportunity for interference by bodies outside 

di. lirm" — an obvious intimation to industrialists that they can 

■ I « in the S.R.P. to help them squeeze the trade unions out of 

. M p.irtnership schemes. 

Toint 9 calls for higher pensions. Point 10 is the peasants' clause. 
I hi- programme demands, as Hitler once did, a special status for 




progra„,„,e. There ^ ^ few ^'''" '' '^^^ '''' '"'^^^^ i 

economy, unmarried ioher er and fi^,''°"* «°^^^^ 
Hitler's 25th point is draseed in t^^ ", *^"'"^- '" ^^^P^' 
Party's 13th and las ^ ''^ ''° '^"'^ ^^ *^ Socialist R 

words themselves have for the leader! of the S R P k 

from the examples which follow: ' ^^° ^^ 


How little meaning programmes, statements of policy, and 

r the Iead< " " 
follow ; 

"The S.R.P. is not as ^^ ^^^^ N.S.D.A.P" 

(S.R.P. Leaflet issued at Celle, May, 

<.p We Welt, 18,t 

paid "«Kir;e^o"th\^^^^^^^^^ deader. 

Of author«aria?[eadl4V-°" ' ""'''' '"' ' "'"^^^ '" '^'^ P™= 
(Charles Wighton, Z)a«3, £;.;,,,.„, v.j 
Uorls declared that the S R P ■,!,=„ , 
being an extremist Party I recofnT^ J th '^^'"l^'j' reproached 
the Federal Constitution.'' '''=°Snised the Federal Chancellor a 

sentenced to tTm^n^i^^tmnrf,''- '" ^^"«°1^- ^^^^ Baer 
the Federal Government A7. ^.h!"*"' on charges of slanderi 
;the Governmenfof mari^nette^ ' L""/'""-! ''« ^^'^ '^^^"^A 
'collaborators' who Tuld "onf da^be Ifa^ge'd. " "' '"'"'^'^" 

(.Allgemeine Wochenzeitung 13 7 

he'Ja"ii''";7.ra'iiSnh" Tf? T^'^ ^" ^""^^ ^ ^h 
^ . we are r:^^^ ^^^^ l^ZZ^:^ ^H 

Worlf^f l^:L^/,:ite''^f,Me^^^^^^^ the Fallen of the P 

"To the Dead of La °dsber^' J^h '^ '"A*' ''"'^ '"^^ in^cripti 

^ S.R.P. candidate ^^"^.n^JS^^l^-^^^ 


I In- S.R.I*, during the following night had another 
.1 iluu> wilh the simple inscription "To the Landsberg 

I ihi iity Survey of German and Austrian Press, 21.6.51) 

, ..I 

»in , (»i ilic Party's propaganda which hardly appear 

rt.nniin\ hut on which the leaders maintain a fairly 

HtiiiHlr. arc: opposition to the "traitors" and " colla- 

llu- (lUL'stion of remilitarisation, and the German 

I liHMKir."' 

ifiiiii»rs" and "collaborators," persistently slandered by 

I ' tiir : lirsi, the members of the Resistance of July, 1944; 

I, ihi' cnii^',rcs who helped the Allies during the war; third, 

\sliM. like Dr. Kurt Schumacher, maintained a steadfast 

hImii iliKuigh years of concentration-camp imprisonment; 

b ihr la'ileral Ministers and Civil Servants in Bonn ; and last, 

J Minor rut not included in these categories who works for 

iiu * n operation with the Western Powers. It is a comprehen- 

' Min o]i poses remilitarisation under the present circumstances. ' 

'- iHf nt" his theory of independence in the East- West struggle 

iiiai [or Germans to take up arms would result in their 

lutiip. cannon fodder for the great Powers — specifically the 

't States. By this opposition he gains the sympathy and 

• f-lv Miiuc of the votes of the many Germans who sincerely 

I mII tliought of carrying arms, whether in a national or a 

ri-iin army. Some of this pacificism comes from a deep 

. iinii that war can solve nothing; more comes from the 

IK ill consideration that a third European war involving 

■ M.niy might well mean her annihilation; but there is a third 

^nMi[i. nicluding many former officers, and it is to these that the 

h\* V appeals most. They have no objections to a German army. 

I Hi tlu- contrary, it represents their ideal; but the army must come 

rinany's terms in Germany's time. To rearm now might mean 

M uidi Russia; and whether defeated or victorious the German 
rtituv would be a very junior partner of the West. Given neutrality, 
i(i ■ people think, Germany can survive, build up an army at 
I < .iir in the future, and become once more the "leader" of 

* rhc Landsberg " comrades " were war criminals execiited by the U.S. 
ill iiM relics. Most were convicted for racial murders. One was Ohlexidorf, respon- 
II u>i ithe eX'te.rmination of 80,000 Jews and Poles. Another was Pohl, who 
t limed the Warsaw ghetto. 




'>"f "SV*r =^« -« "- w«. s.* ^. 

combine abysmal ignorance of T, f ri^t^omUst Germans 
pnniciple and the most aky ^'.t tb't-^"'' ^ ^''^"°^ l«'=l 
S.R.P. attitude as follows f *'"^'"^- ^^""^^ describei 

Russian^l/oufSfen HeL°"?'="i»'^ ^'^i'"^-" be overrun b, 

And again; 

a nebulous demand as it "ounds In > r'"^"" '°^^'"^ '^ "°t ^' 
theory that a soldier who obevs „ !h ' '°"' ^^^ " « *e 
for the results. Therefofe! although the T "'''' '^ "^P^"^' 
instrument through which Hi tWn^ *^G«™an «oIdier was 
genocide, only 4ler Ss^LJo STt^'^""""' ™''^^'^' » 
orders from Hitler. Hitler di^d for iSl '^''^°"" ^'^« tc 

« out for him is innocew """^ = '^^'^^''^ ^^o carrf 

be ^nLtV'brnot mtr ^ ^ r^^^ -''^ ^^ -^'^ ^ 
formation of Hitler's Blc£,,B*'tr'''" '■'- '^^ ">"" 
brought in under the umbSlof s 1 £' h"' '^^^ "°^ "^ 
murderous Sicherheitsdienst^nrA, Honour, as have 
S.R.P. regard the mass^SS of H h'I' "^"^ 
for their country. No one, not even leln'^l ^' ^°^*^^^ ^^^ 
guilty under this interpretat on 1^ 1 , """^ °"^'"P°' «««d 
growing to forget the cr^^e a.'d ^ "^^'^^ ^' *^ '^^dency 
appeal of this doctrine to old M "^ ?''"■ ^^'^ ^^'^n^e. T 
and Dr. Richter can calHo th^^^i^ ""t" ^^ '' ^"'''^'^ *^ 
denazification." '" '°demmfication as " victims 



ttn NMvii>H lluu Ihcy will not co-operate in any German 
u tM Wrslcrn defence while convicted war criminals like 
Id II I Miiiiiistcin are kept prisoner. That is why General 
i\ HliUcniciU that he believed the German soldier — as 

I ' till' Na/i leaders— to have been an honourable man 
I l<v many Germans (not merely S.R.P, leaders) as a 

He liMsfd no war criminals and indemnified no " victims 

lii titinn." 


«»f't-' tnr K-iiiilitarisation and calling for the restoration of the 

"III tor's Honour are policies enjoying wide favour beyond 

of tlic S.R.P,, and, indeed, beyond the Right wing in 

iM)li(ics. But if it could be established that the Socialist 

■ i. r.iiv were hand in glove with Grotewohl and UUbricht^ 

' » MM. I II ( 'ommunist rulers in the Eastern Zone — then the neo- 

. wiMilil he rapidly isolated from most other Germans. For 

• hip till' Communists, whose West German vote has fallen 

• *ilv 'V' a result, and a few strange intriguers on the Right, 
itMiflv everyone in the Federal Republic is firmly opposed to 
hniliii loLalitarianism of the satellite East Zone Government. 
\\w ihI vantages to the East Zone authorities of having a fully 

■ i| Na/,i movement operating in the West are obvious. It I 
■<[^Vi (he Federal Republic itself, creates suspicion among the 

h-rn Powers of Germany's reliability as an ally, and it can be 
! IIS II '* proof " to the world that the Western Powers failed, 
i ihly intentionally, to eliminate the Nazi menace. For this] 
I-. .*.,• the neo-Nazi party must remain ostensibly independent 
iii>' I 'astern Communists; but it would be a worthy object of 
li rliarity. Does the Socialist Reich Party in fact get subsidies 
Mil iIk' East? Here are some views: 

Doctor Lehr (Federal Minister of the Interior) said to-day that 
llirrc was reason to believe, although the evidence was difficult to 
nhiain, that the neo-Nazis had contacts with the Soviet head- 
'jiiarters at Karlshorst in the Eastern Sector of Berlin. 

(The Times Bonn Correspondent, 28.5.51) 

Two days earlier the Daily Telegraph Dusseldorf correspondent 
-!icd that the North Rhine Westphalian section of the S.R.P., 

ilier with its section of the Reichsjugend (S.R.P. Youth move- 
■iiO, had left the main party on the grounds that Doris and 



make Keseberg unsuked or the S R t v" ^°"" "°' °f I 
party must be treated with caution.) '' ''''^'"" '*°"^ 

'"ine'lhl'amhority'of Ve Bonn Cnv^ "^'^ P^^*^ '^ffl-i-'^ to J 
munist claims that thVAdfn "?.r i^"^""""^"* ■ • • ^7 backing d 

/ Lommumsts. ^ "vuias airect criticism of Russia ol 

an ui,h , ''7'"" "'"" ^'"'"^ Correspondent, 26 
German X^.^^ ^-- the neo-Nazis and Moso] 

Sefton DeJnter ha. examined the SR p""-" ^™'"""' "'^ 
published during July igsTwhill ^ '" ^ '^"^^ °f ^ni 
r"«e. correspondent ttatRenT .' '"'^''''* ^** *« ^«« 
Communists, and qlZ R^ern •?''?" °' ^"^^^ -^ 
fro- the East, theLd ardcrwent on'^^ °' '"'"^ ^^^^'^^ 

Z^^'S^^J^^trZ^- ]^-t -'' the O 
than other organisations used bv fh"'"^'" ^"^"=™ G'^™ 
emergence must mean a decreased w-.r^' Commform, Ren 
Western Power, to accept^'^^^^ryt'^Kl ^n^^.j;"^ "^ 
Thp A/ i^ciily Express, I 7i 

Commun;I^;rgfiio„rl^r^"^' ^-''-"i by a n< 

alleged that in NotmbS ' ^7 S' d''"^^"-/''^ ^^'"P* 
foreign policy with Oskar r ? discussed the S.R.: 

Soviet zone on snSarS ""\^''° '^'^''"°"">' -'^"s 

contact with WiUy SbLmTr ^"-"'^ "^^ "-" 

Office " at Hanover, and th^t ll Hi.. T"""' ^«'="'^' ^en 
t" the .truggie against ren^htaSior""' ''''' '' ^°-P-« 

worSVnrrttitr:^^^^^^ r^^-' ' - -•'-«« ^ 

"Comtnunist Agents' CeLaX" for"! ^ ^°"^'-'"g- ^ 
, improbable title) ' ^°' ^stance, sounds a hig] 


.( < oniiiiuiiist Youth Rally. Remer, the paper said, was \ 
•I nui-pjint;, hut he was too strongly opposed by other j 

'■ -ir, iiu>re convincing is a series of quotations from Remer's 

- ii> his followers at a party rally in March, 195L They 

M In n f>iniiphlet, " Answer to Remer,'' by a publicist called 

I I. wht) is clearly a supporter of the Federal Government. 

n It'll seven quotations (without giving the origin) Neun- 

I . I . i!u' reader to guess which one of Grotewohl (the East 

< luiiist Premier) and which of Remer. It certainly seems 

*-fi fuM. Ikit they are in fact all Remer's. Here is one: 

VVr will attack and revile any German general who dares to 
ti, I ( iLTinans as cannon fodder until the very dogs in the street 
-M iu)t take food from his hand. 

till .iiiilior of Answer to Reiner thinks statements like this 
> 1 1 illusion between Remer and Grotewohl. He clinches his 

Ill with this further statement made by Remer on 29th 

- U. M)5I : 

It is my view that if we are aiming at freedom (for thiSj 
ffnmleufel says, read unity of Germany), we can go part of the 
^.iv with political opponents. 

I lii'^c are the views of democratic observers, both German and 
'II Of course, both S.R.P. and the Communists flatly deny 

iuii!;c of collusion. That Richter, Doris, and the Communists' 
iMHCs votQ together in the Federal Parliament is no proof, for 
' i. [larties are fundamentally opposed to the present democratic 
-'■I (Communists, it must be said, however, are frequently being j 
in ti) prison in Western Germany for breaking up S.R.P. I 
tn^ . itngs.) 

II ic East Zone authorities have not been squeamish about Nazis i 
MI4 ificir own territory. They founded the National Democratic 
IShIv with the explicit intention of pulling in the "small" Nazis 
-mhI junior army officers. It was, by East Zone standards, a 
I. ii'.nnable success. The temptation to fish in similar waters across 
iIk zonal frontier would be considerable; and it is interesting thatf 
thr I'^ast Zone press ignored the opportunity to play up the S.R.PJ 
imins in Lower Saxony — a gift for Communist propaganda, one-^ 
vviuild have thought. 

H should be remembered, too, that when Doris was expelled 
liitin the Christian Democrat Party and later from the German 




iwkf Onn'i^' ""'^ "^""''^ °" •'°"' °''''^^' °t having intri 

ttt , I f f '' ""^^ ^''' ^" Canada, Strasser calls him" 

Nauonal Bolshevik" and carries on where his broti er G 

,inurdered by Hitler's orders on 30th June, 1934 The Strasspr " i;, 
mcuded h^ited co-operation with Communist on Zdoi 

of fw or ' ' '°""''' *° °«^^ ^'^^^^^^' " i^ '^^-P-a 

Also Doris was a close associate of Dr. Gereke 

(of whom nil 

i^r'^\^tr^-^' ''''"•''^ ^'°'^ '^' Lower Saxon Land Governmi 

The most nteresting piece of evidence, however, is that Re 
on several occasions given his solemn word of I 
no connection with the East. To tho<:s ^t „„</..' 
a man's honour by his record, that 

par^culariy if Remer's far-from'-clea; ^. T TLtTSt 
annir^fT •/"'* *' ^''' remembered that in May 1945 

also goes back to Hitler's facile use of the word 
, ,1 The weight of evidence and the 

Ir!'.!?'!.'^"'^'^^' ^'t\*« East Zone Communists. The leadc 

views of expert observers mat! 

Ithemselves are unprincipled opportunists to whom no source 

tance that no one, German or Allied, takes the SRP's at 
Commumst protestations seriously; the risk is too .reat TU! 
especially true of people outside Germany who have forgotten 
never seriously considered) the true menace of Nazism rndw. 

The truth about the Socialist Reich Party and the whole m 
Nazi movement is that it is not anti-Communist. It del nc 

Hm oir^seH^Tr ^' ^'"^ r ^"' '^"^ - °pp-""^^s 

win oner itselt to both sides m the cold war beine en„air. 
prepared to betray both. If the Russians are preyed to take 


(jii* u.HHiiniption that like can handle like, no one in the 

frnit niliriiiig the Hitler-Stalin Pact, need be surprised. But 

a^Mtk I. tolled ion, combined with the evidence quoted here, 

iitlicicnt to dispel any illusions about the innate anti- 

• <i of (he neo-Nazis or their value to democracy in its 

iiiisl Stalinism. 



important to deceive Ws op^^S, Th'Mu'jic'ifk^rcJf fl^Tif'a^cSlf" " 

that be would 

ssic c£ 

; of membership vary from 20,000 (more likely) to 

ihccs are mostly under 40 years of age. There is no 

■ rlrction of officers, who are appointed, in the best 

n\ from above. The organisation seems confined to 

> I lolstcin. Lower Saxony, and parts of North Rhine 

^ <Im II maintains liaison with other groups having similar 

111 C^cntral and South Germany. Lower Saxony is— at 

-H. iti its main centre. This Land was the only one that 

iiiv marked support to the explicitly Right-wing extremists 

l'>-r> elections. 

nl the summer of 1951 the Socialist Reich Party had two 
. . mihliiiy bodies, the Reichsfront (comparable to the Nazi S.A. 
' •; ) and the Reichsjugend (modelled on the Hitler Youth), 
hnr been banned by the Federal Government under thCi 
1 iivv. The former had white shirts, black breeches and bootsi 
. ui) liuiction was to " keep order " at meetings, in other words 
I ;. hong-arm gang trained in traditions of German beer-hall 
1:1. ,tl warfare. The Reichsjugend was to act as a hatching box 
♦ I tie Reichsfront It wore grey shirts and black breeches. Both 
(MImhus included armbands, insignia, and the party badge. 

Ilir party badge is a black eagle on a red background. The 
(i V lias brought back the black, red, and white of the Hohen- 
Mlliiir; and Hitler to oppose the black, red, and gold of Weimar 
mmI Hnnii. 

Hie musical tastes of Remer and Doris are characteristic. Their 

,,>i». .itaiices at meetings are heralded by bands playing the marches 

e//.v Gloria (The Glory of Prussia) and The Badenweiler (a 

1 1 which, in the Third Reich, was only played when the Fuhrer 

>, lied). The meetings themselves are exact, though as yet 

HMulest. copies of Nazi gatherings. An entrance fee is charged (1 or 

J it!.iiks=— the price of a cinema seat) and the audience are often 

i-i |.i waiting for a long time listening to marches and singing. This 


.iifi^Li N 



puts them in a suitable mood for the late arrival nf .h ^ 
who are usually ereeted wifli a.„,t .i. °* *^ ^P«' 

observer, as nearTysSicaf ' ' '"''""^'"- '^^^""''^'^ "y 

passionate callf fe ot- ^^ '"*°"* '"'°''°"' " 

Germany to pTy "Its S^mZ ' . ""*T'°" '° ^^^^^' 
by cheer's an^ sLif oT^pW -"hftTf "''^' "^ ^ 
an hypnotic anthem form h^. '^ ^^''^^Ses d( 

reminisLtofprfrarSSmeX" ^'"'" ^"' ^"'''^"' 

-ffl^rni^thevt^",; ^°°= ^""^ -^- *«y <io ^' 

writing in r/,. iaZlE^Z', P.^ m 5 ^n"'" '"'" ' 

explosions took place in North r ^ ^'^''^' '*° 

Wolfard, editor of the an^N ' « ^"^' ^"' '^'"'^ ^^■ 
exploded prematurely kiC:?n «"''',i^"^'''''^'''^«- ^he 

distressed groups. ^^^' ec<'nomic£ 

GerLl"?^et^^^^^^^^ ^ ^-[ ^^^^- kind in Wes. 
but who have so far Med t!? ' "'"^^ "'^^ ^^^^^^^ roc 

strength and popul^'ty ' "' "^'' ^'^ ^^"'^^ ^-^^-P 





mV #>iliiuislivc survey of the kaleidoscopic extreme Right 

in t ii'iniaiiy would be out of date before it was completed. 

i hi. rx[itM-t has counted 317 separate Right radical and 

.Mhoiialist organisations and parties in the Federal 

I In- years 1949 and 1950, when the Federal Republic 

.' Jiiipc, were years of feverish activity, with foundations, 

.HMiil^vniKitions, personal feuds, and jockeying for position., 

«.HiN 1)11 ilie Right are seldom, in the last resort, about policies! 

1^ Kt h im- I'xtrcmely adjustable), but almost invariably arise from 

. lOMiil feuds of unprincipled men who are seeking to organise 

iln-nisclves the body which, they hope, will be the Nationalist 

.1 (Ik- txderal Republic. 

lb . .iii'U' of this, and because many of the groups are by their 

iHtMM i'()hcnieral their actual titles and names are of small 

I iinv. The leaders, however, who usually survive when their' 

■IIS merge or die, tend to be of more interest; and it may 

i ■: useful to know the names of a few of the hardier groups 

li. .1 iliry may be recognisable even if, as will often be the case, 

n. nriii up in the future with an air of glowing respectability. 

M ' I Ik- II is a hst of a few of the more notorious groups and parties, 

:fn I with notes about some of the main personalities connected 

I hem. 


I ins is a Berlm offshoot of the Socialist Reich Party, which 
I , .1 * :iway from it. Its leader is Eberhard Stern, who claims he 
, urvcr a Nazi. It seems to be, if anything, even more explicitly 
^un tlum the S.R.P. itself. It is interesting that when police raided 
\\\v houses of its supporters recently they found not only a few 
IM- .iMus and party uniforms but also a quantity of swastika flags, 
(iriiKT for his part is still content with a Prussian eagle. 




The Geraian Socialist P^rUr Ko 
in the Western Sector of Belr^'''-''''"''^ '™"'' ^°" 
recent raid showed evidLSS'l.' ^^^^^^^or police sa 
Eastern Sectol ~^^'^''? °LconUct with Communists 


Republic. Like the sip t'stren?d,^''""t^^ °^ *^ ^^ 
of Lower Saxony. It sent five ^?^k ' '° *' reactionary <, 

whom. Richteran'd Do" hale Sn"' '°-^°"" " '''^' ' ' 
Party. Its vote slumped heavily fnM^v'"'' *^ 
« its thunder has been stolen bvthf^ *'' ^'''- ^^ ^^ '°°I'a 
temporary resting place or HedLff, '"'""' ""^'''' ^■^■^- " ^' 
after his e.pulsbn J:' Sf^J^cZu^l^'"' ^'''''' "^^ 
German Reich Party has since in ilV ?'""'" ^^"^^ ' 
The hope of the German Rdc^ty lie""' 1° '•'^"^"^'^ "^^ 
votes from the German Party whkhiTh °"'f "^ '""^^"-^^ 
Bonn Coalition parties if 1^11^. ^ °'°'' ^'^ht wing of 

" collaborating "U;he Weste^ATlies V"""'""' ""^^ 
recently resigned on the grounds fhat '; °'^'"''"'' ''^- ^' 
"criminal elements." '' ™^ co-operating « 


beiiSTnd i:£:^£ 7H'A:t '''-'t- °^ ^" -'^^ 

itself clearly as a mrtv nf Ti;. f ^" '^'^^"^ °°« '° idem 
day-to-dayLes, Im ^:' ^^ZZT'' '' ^°"""^'^*- 
fined to demands for the return „?th a/T^'' P°"*^'^ ^^^ 
part of Poland. To ^^pTslptn it ''''''''''' •^^"'°"- 

Communist and anti-Russi^; TcZATT "' °"'^P°k^°ly 
of Communist collaboraZ wLlhas /at""':^ *^ "^^' 

on the S.R.P 

are nea 

^ In Schleswig^Holstein it has 

two government posts in 

wmg coalition. Kraft, the B.HE leader nTh7''' '^ ^ ^^^ 
an ex-S.S. officer from the Gert.T ^^Weswig-Holstein, 

Lower Saxony, wher^ the pZT T"""''' ^'''' ^^ P^^^"^- 
*.... . ! ^^'^"^'' ^"^^^ ^^^^^ the balance 

the Ho^ef^i^anf^SS^^^^^^^ En..ccht.ten, (..eaning .broad: 


^y); League 


liiK ilm-i' (if its 31 newly-elected X^^fffag deputies arel 

f i j I'jily niciubcrs. ^ 

[Mnhiii 1)1" ihe sense of desperation felt by the refugees 

= t iifdnii /one. If, as in Schleswig-Holstein, it enters Land 

lu III n>M 111 ions, it may find that it loses refugee support 

li\ ihr iKiLurc of things, it cannot keep its promises. 

H iMtii i(n>pcration might be a better line. The Social 

111 I owcr Saxony have formed a coahtion with the 


' ' I lie leadership of Alfred Loritz^ this party (licensed only 

I icun Zone) has made considerable headway in Bavaria. 

I.' .su:ils in the 1949 Federal elections. Originally, it was 

who wiis tipped as the new Hitler. His electoral appeal was 

Mil. I II peasant, the small shopkeeper, and the refugees. 

. lUi aiili-Nazi long before Hitler came to power, and resisted 

1 1 11 1 1 Reich from its inception. Throughout the war he was 

*M4 Ml* inn Irom the Gestapo. 

^■iiii ilic war his political activity, which seemed at first 

-' Iv Right wing, landed him in gaol. He escaped, was 

I inrrd, and eventually found innocent. When he led his party 

* ihiiidestag (Federal Parliament) in 1949 he insisted that it 

- I I'l'L-Centre party, and it took its seats between the Christian 
■■ liil^ and the Centre (Left Catholics). The impression gained 
' I (hat Loritz was really a misunderstood Liberal. He is a 
■ TiUor, has a by no means unpleasant personality, and is 
i . I: of witty and telling speeches. 
I>i\\nrds the end of 1949, however, rumours began to circulate 
{h.ti I oi'itz was intriguing with Doris and Richter of the Socialist 
M-i.h Party for an electoral alliance giving the Reconstruction 
;i clear run in its Bavarian stronghold. Doris and Richter 
>H... lu-tl themselves to the W.A.V. faction in the Bundestag,, 
-Itoitlv after, the other W.A.V. deputies expelled Loritz and his' 
« .. '. R.P. allies. The position is now obscure^ as it often is when 
iU- . ephemeral parties split. But it seems as if Loritz's oppor- 
liniiMii was too much for his W.A.V. followers. From the extreme 
in I' III they had, in 1949, been swept over to the Left Centre, and 
HM\v (heir leader was asking them to go back again to the extreme 
I' I I'll I -this time not as independents but in the company of some 




tion. although recent indication:i^tSf h^?"^:,:^^^ ''^ 


small Na^fc » ^. ^ 1-- -, '^^ "^^^^ Russian-spons< 

Muaji jNazis party, which is also called thp Mnp^ /^- 

of his own National Democratic PartyTeTetted frot 
leadership with cries: "Get out. you old reac onl^^'r' LTb 
It IS by no means certain whether it is th^ t ^,,^1,. '/ 
his opponents who have the right ocSt.h^'"' ^'^''°° 
The German courts seem ^mTl>ZClS'^::! ^'^ ""/ 

muic senousjy than Leuchtgens fsee bplnu/^ tu^ ^ .. m 
reported (Die Welt U 1 dQ^ fA . ? '^* ^^^ ^^*^^^ 1 

lied L «ri'irLt!.?f. SLtr '•""°'"' 


IS trying with the help of Oswald Mosley and Per IShW 
Swedish Hitlerite and antisemite), to set up a Mnd of t J 
fascist international. Priester was forbidden to go to thf ec! 
National Europe Congress in Malmo, but hi. good rda L„s w 

III ■• IMUIMJ' RKjHT and nationalist GROUPS 

\ Uriili Party enabled him to persuade Richter to go 

tuHiiHMii Social Movement runs a periodical called Nation 
■ • wliiL'li the notorious Right-wing extremist Hans Grimm 

Miinr. The paper advocates the movement's policy of 

HI itiiiiy " in terms like these: 

SV'r li:iVL* no superstitious respect for dogmas, not even those 
*lw- m-w ruling democratism. , . . 

VVIiiilovor may be the objections levelled against Hitler, until 
n itu" (icrinan Reich fought for the integrity of Europe. The 
nM I >uim>t tic said of his adversaries. 

A I'liropcan alliance is the only salvation ; everything depends, 
MI..H-, on the Germans assuming again their old role (our 
I. 1 .'1 hcing the most faithful guardians of the West. . . . Those 
... uu' still talking of German crimes are suspect of being 
iiifus lu salve their own bad consciences. 

I .11' 

( irimm adds this to the intellectual feast of Nation 

(ilh pifscnt situation) is due to Jewish cries for vengeance. Only 
tiiin.t)ni) Jews were killed — far less than those who lost their lives 
ii» 1 1 11- senseless expulsion of Germans from the East. 

I l»r I. Hinder of the E.S.B., Priester, once made the extraordinary 

Muti that the East Zone authorities had offered him 600,000 

hnnarks (£50,000) to work with the East Zone National 

.. Ill tic Party. Priester virtuously refused. {Kolnische Rund- 

1!.50.) The story is interesting since it shows the vain 

iM, iliiy of many of these men. 


a separate party, this group is unlikely to survive. But its 

.1 I dUnther Gereke, is almost certain to appear in newspaper 

, .11 ., wherever political scandals come to light. In May, 1945, 

hp party won only 25,000 votes in Lower Saxony. It was founded 

. ( iiTcke after his expulsion from the Christian Democrats in 

'- ind his failure, thereafter, to link up with the Refugee Party. 

i.nkc had been a Minister in the Lower Saxon cabinet (a 

hii'.tian Democrat coalition) and had been sent to East Berlin 

.. nrj'otiate a small trade agreement for Lower Saxon exports. 

\|i|i;irently the discussion soon turned from Lower Saxony jams 

M iIk' possibility of Gereke's interesting his colleagues in East- West 

.nil Ileal co-operation with a view to uniting the two halves of 





This ma; JanteTr • "' ^f '''^^^ ^^'''™«^'- ' 
disposal for the p'; fdem a "oleT ""'' ^"' " "'"'1-' 
destination was a Ctery and rr," ''"'^''^" °' '"2. ' 

to the money (and "till doe, fl ? ''""'' ^^^^* ^^^d hap 
covering „p i\ .^^^ Sefpt^f ^^' ''" "^"'^^ '^^ ' 

with?hermrn£ StS" c^G^^""^^ ^'■^•^^ '° ^^1 
is equivocal-as alwayT-^.u S " """^^ "'^ °^" ^« 

"ave found ™..h fav^ in^Ltrl^^olr^^ '"^-' "" 


a Munich group, founded in 194^ J, TZl""'"' ^'' °"S''- 
" achieved 0.6 per cent of t e vot t ?'"'"" ''''' 
operations as far North as SchieswipH ,? l '' ""'=' ^'"^n^ 
1938 frontiers (at ^.hich po tt ^mg if "; ' ""'-'°^^^^"^^ 
'to the Bonn Government as 'i ! -I "°' ^P^cified) and re 

announced a purge of "IJn ,^''"°^^''^" -'""«• ^eis. 

Bloc-presunibly m:^ ZTrlVZT" '™" "^^ °- 
The German Bloc has frequeTuv cl. f h "1 '° "^'^ ^^^'^^^l 
authorities, who banned V dZ^ ^"^^ ''"^ *« ^est Ger 
the time of the PesS ThlZ^.Tr JnT -'"^-"^^^^"'^ 
reactionary Schleswig-Holstein Land r "'"' '" *^ '''- 

. J^iallyitwasimpossfbletobanthe-Bto"'™"""^ '''''''" 


SudSnlandful^difthe^Sn""^^^^^^^ '' "-^^-^' f-m 
follows this slogan literallyll b2 1 Ln '""^ Communism.'' 
Communists and Socialists A d^n i ''"■ *'"''^ ^»«'"-^t b, 
Feitenhansl all political a t vkvtor fi ''"°" '"''""^ ^A, 
ban in a bare/concealed ty' He "d'H "'r'"* '^ '^ ''^^^'"^ 
'^e .ost serious claimants J tht^ o^ "t S tf ^ S 



ill Miinicli by August Hausleiter. An heil to the "indepen- 

! . (ippourcd frequently in the earliest post-1945 elections. 

iM'iulciUs" coveted the votes of the young who were 

ill /is or whom Nazism had made indifferent to all the 

\ democratic politics.) Hausleiter approaches remilitari- 

II ■ way indistinguishable from Remer's. Here is a typical 

.utJ II! "I 111'' : 

^- iml wish to be taken for an antisemite, but in my opinion 
I 1-isenhower is nothing but a front for Frankfurter, 
itui Morgenthau- Since in 1945 he (Eisenhower) handed 
... o\ thousands of German soldiers as prisoners to the 
M.. (here is no guarantee that in the future he will not 
M iilicc tens of thousands of Germans to the Russians, this 
. .Ill noil fodder. 

(Neue Zeitung, 15.3.51) 


jMitv. .'.ceking support largely from refugees, German Action j 

I IV I he eccentric Catholic reactionary, Prince Hubertus zu 

Motrin, its policy is that all refugees must return to their own 

wilhin a Germany unified in her "historical" frontiers. 

ir.trtii was responsible for the " reoccupation " of Heligoland 

nl.niis in the winter of 1950-51. Loewenstein, like many 

u't I'ar to the Left of him, now thinks of the Sudetenland as 

. ural" German territory, and a refugees* frontier would 

Iv include the results of Hitler's aggression against Czecho- 

,1 i.i 111 1938. 



t Miiiulcd in July, 1950, to propagate the ideas of the "National 
ft«|i,hi'\'ik " Otto Strasser, who is Chairman in absentia. Its head- 
.jnni(i'(\ lire at Stuttgart. 


i hir of the most sinister manifestations of German Nationalism, 
(hi.iiiwly little is known about the Brotherhood. It is a Semi- 
te u.i 'aiciety of the high-ranking military Nazis. The Social- 

tt H Mitic Neue Vorwdrts (8.12.50), called the Brotherhood " the 

* .il Staff of the new nationalist movement." It split last year 

iHiii II " democratic " wing (led by Beck-Broichsitter), which accepts 



Bonn. One leader oTthe^ ."r^"'™ ^"'^ ^^^ ""^ to3 

Nationalist. General Gudelnm,"'?' "'"« " "'^ "oto 

He has already stated M,;.'/ '"''^'"^ '^"'^ "P'^"- 

Je West in his booVrSif JS/? i?S h ^r^^^"^''° J 
They are: complete eaualitv 'nTf ^j"'* '^""^ '^^e thJ 
restoration of Zr pre^ U Lf S" ™4 

remarkable for the aggressiven^ f i f^ °^ '' P^^^^^P^ <4 
to cornb,^, with iniurfd"™:/^ ^'^ ^'^^^^ -'^-'^ he „a„l 

ex.ejsf ;t;trn rrs/sr ^^^^^^ *- "^^ < 

a pnvate society, more difficulf 1 i^ '*"' ='"^S°ry, ant, 

i-fertoregardiLabo^d ;S„ V^^^^^^^^^^ '' ^ 

N Germany rather than as a comt „ 7 ""^ "* "''"ona 

h frequent reaction to "ts e rlv Infr"^ of windbags-which 
he Guderian is consid r J^ 'e^^SlT- " '"*°"*^ ^^ 
page 44). and when the Riehlir; ^ . ™°°^ ex-soldiers 
carved up the territo y bS 'n £"P:, '^^^^ f^^^^" down 
Staff "on military lines^wiirrSli'::::;*; "^^'^ ^^ ^ "G- 


objett^rb^'^T'Socr?,,^-" ^" ^^^° -'^ *« ostensi, 
It included several kadC do L- ^'P-S^°"P- appealing to yog 
Press Chief. It has skce been ? '/"^ ''"' *«" '^^'"g Fed] 
because of its " miSm ■ anT""'' '^ *^ ^''"^''^" Democrj 
Legion was reporte?'! CL'S'T' ff^-' ^he F 
co-operating with former mfref o Muf N^'r."'"'-'^^ '4 
starting a camp. °* *^ ^^zi Labour Service] 


weiirs fs^S'j t^retjn-r^"'^"'^ -^--^- 

One of the founders k an old ^. m '? '"""'"^ '^^'>' ^" 1^' 
Joachim Gottsleben. who has safd-^T"'"^''"^'^^ '"''"^ H* 
^ the only hope for rearming G fmany "" oT^ ^''' -'^ ^ 
the Red Army " (&V«^.. Jz^T'iy 3 5u"'l°T'''' '^" "^ 
would seem to be a view oppose^^^^.f L^, ^ tS^e . 



I'll I I hikI amen tally the two concepts seek the same objective 
Ml hi II nationalist military revival. The difference is that the 
'ji|hm1s to those who regard it as good tactics for the moment 
liriiiral between East and West, while the Stahlhelm believes, 
■'•i;il of the ex -generals, that now is the time to wring the 

'M rnncessions out of the Western Allies. 

niciiis of the pre-1933 Stahlhelm co-operated with the S.A. 

- ;i( Hitler's seizure of power. It was eventually merged with 

iim;i; corps of Germany (" freikorps deutschland ") 

hMimled by Karl Neumann in Hamburg on semi-military lines ^ 
\\ \s\v\'v\M the employment of " July 20 Traitors " as officers in a 
Ill^-iHMii armed force, this is a new group. It quite openly calls 
[(♦♦I tin- i-c-establishment of the Nazi vState, The Free Corps claims 
'ItlMH' Mian 1,000 members. 


riiis man, a banking oihcial by profession, was elected to the 

it""J,-Mag in 1949 as a member of the German Party for Schleswig- 

M I I ill. In 1950 he made his notorious speech (the climax in a 

- ' in which he said that the only thing wTong with Hitler's 

: M policy was that the Jews were gassed. This earned him a 

'iling from Socialist deputies, a not too precipitate expulsion from| 

»Ih (icrman Party, the raising of his Parliamentary immunity, and 

iiial in which he was acquitted (for lack of evidence). Since then 

III-- Niatements have been substantiated in court, together with others 

I.I tillering the Bonn Government, and Hedler has received a prison 

' tilence of nine months. It has come to light that he, too, has 

tii-ilicd his denazification questionnaire. 

Ilcdler's activities and outspoken antisemitism did not prevent 
(Ik- (ierman Reich Party from retaining him as a member for a year, 
I Ik' reason for his eventual expulsion seems to be that the German 
Mrich Party, alarmed at the possibiHties that it may be banned} 
iiiuler a new Federal law, has been taking steps to make itself 
more "respectable." The expulsion of Hedler would certainly be 
ii move in that direction. 

This morose, unattractive figure will doubtless play an important 



part in the Nationalist revival Th^ c • r ^ 

a likely home for him eS; I., f '^'^^'^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ 

as greatly inferior to^ims^f '''''' '" ^'^^^^ ^^^ 


to reminisce over a slas, of hi f °"*'" ^"'^ ^^ch 

helped comrades^j'S^ ^o^S Zt. T '"''''' 

it would be flyingt £ See of ^ " '^'^•'^" "''^^""'■^ -'^i 
development as „ "u ' Sd fn^rn'"'" ''"'' ""' '° ^^^^^^ '' 
chaotic state of eJs liceir? -,"''''? "'^' particularly i 
Germany were taken ™cS™t'^" -habilitation in W,' 

grouX'^'S'nXLr/r^'^ ^^ --''^ '^ ^'- 
long as they keep outofZ^ "f' '" ^*™^" '^'^^'^crac 

and welfare acfwties And it r ^"^ ?"^"*' "^^""^^'^^^ «° ^ 
exist for disquiet-^ not alarm '"""'' °" ''^'^ ^^°^« *^' ^' 

grou%U''tlfLttdir,l^"^°^''^^^' -^--'-ns 
welfare work ThZZttX°l °" '"'" "'^^^''^ "^^"'^'^^^ ^ 
in Bonn, led by ex-Admir ^ '''' "^'^S"'^' ^"^ headquar 

Society, operal^m sXin'^Se^'G ^ '"''''''' ^™- 
ex-General Krakau The Bonn I Germany, and led 

W tbe two bodies in tbe early y Js SL^" l^e^-^teS 

complete not on/rS bZeTa:,^"' *'^ ^" ^' "^^ -" 
and speeches havi„rqui?e definit r"'", ""' "'^° ^^=°'"^i 

assumed a special i^prt^itfhetr/"'""'""' "^1 

among member^States of th. xt . . . °^ ^"""^'^^^ discussiJ 



i i'.H|>(\".siiig Ihc views of the raw material from which 
i .. nniiM units and formations might be formed for the 
H tii\ 
.^1 nl iIk-:,c reunions was that of the former Grossdeiitsch- 
»uiir<t Division in Kassel. Its old commander, ex-Geneml 
I. II is true, issued orders that Ernst Remer— who had 
hI hf; liallalion commanders^should not be allowed to 
\ *.\v til' ihe undesirable political implication. On the other 
iMiruMi'l was received with stormy applause, when he told 
UM-. without a blush, that there could be no defence 
Mun I H' I ween Germany and the North Atlantic Treaty 
Miini (Jerman ex-generals serving sentences for war crimes 
. M-lriised and until the process of denazification had been 

1 I vv;is in June, 1951. Next month former members of the 

., iK'vils" Parachutist Brigades met in Brunswick under 

..I I Ramcke, In his speech Ramcke demanded that the 

, ' of the German soldier should be cleared, and it was| 

\ i!i;ii within the meaning of the term "German soldier 

i.MliKk'd former members of the S.S. and S.D. and the 

it|n. (/(' Figaro, 21.8.51)— all condemned as organisations', 

.hy Ml j'onocide, mass torture, and other crimes against humanity 

I hi- Nncrcmberg Tribunal. Later, veterans of the Armoured 

,.s nl Africa met at Iserlohn, in the Ruhr. Former cavalry- 

H Iku'c formed their own "Yellow Circle." Plans were 

,1 M iMititumced for rallies of Gebirgsjaeger (Mountain Troops), the 

< Miultvr Legion" of German airmen who fought for Franco in 

, ,Mi mid were responsible for the bombing of Guernica, and even 

ill." \Vaj]en S.S, organisation, condemned at Nuremberg for the 

,.,. (.In- of some ten million non-combatant men, women, and, including six million Jews, 

I ill- importance of the new political entity on the German scene 
i!i.- uppearance of the so-cahed ''Front Line Generation," with 
II '.hriil demand for the "vindication of the German soldier's 
JHHinur" (an echo of Remer's S.R.P. programme ?)-^should not be 
iitt.lrrcstimated. Certainly the politicians at Bonn do not. To his 
,,K'. the Federal Chancellor, Dr. Adenauer, has not been above 
,,Ming tribute to this strange concept of "honour," while his 
M)nister of the Interior, Dr. Lehr, has proclaimed his intention of 
irviving German World War II medals— all of which, of course. 






are stamped with the swastika s^ , 
Dr. Schumacher, doubtirw fh '"""'^ **" ami-militarii 

that he has nothing agaStTwf '"" *° '"" '^"^'""^s- ^^^ '^ 
tions. Those in Wesfem F T"°" ^^ ^^-^oldiers' organ. 

West German democil S^' ^'°/"'''^ *^ development 
only hope that Dr. sSLX wS^'n?"' ^f .^"'"y- » 
for regretting this remark. ^ °""^' '" *^ fu'W 

|Join?d£fd?a'S'foSk"Thrf "' ^-Servicemen's organisation 

ithe provisional Presil'cy ^ ^tSL^e °"'"^" ^"''^'"^ " ""^ 
> "meDirectorofMihtarvT-J ■ I ^^"^''^^ Friessner. o» 

the possible colo„ of L new "' '" "' l^'"r""<cht. In considen. 
, to to state that severL of ,"s co2on 'Tr. '" *' ^"^"^- '' '^ "7 

rf.«/.cW.„rf Division and ic Afrfca r ''^^Tf-^'^^Wy the Grao 
. tions had, at their own ral i^s f^ 1? ^°'^' ^''^ C°""-^des' Assocu 

^ /o President Heuss, ffirS tvrT°l''''-^'^"^^^"'=^^^» 
Republic. ^ '"^'^'y to the German Fedea 

o^i"r,;st^s^al~svLf^"^^ -' *^ -- 

alarming. Friessner's aUitede Ih '-'''"' "'' ''"''' ^^'^^ 

Plot" of July 20. 19^ L^f' "^"^i ''^"'"'^ '« *e "Genera 

c^eciding factor in detelS ^tl" d^^:?' bT'^'^ ^^ * 
ex-ofBcer has cast off the Na/fn !i 7 . '"''"''' ^ Germ, 
Bonn politicians as ev d nfe lat If '."w' ''''^"'^"''^ ''"'''^'i 
National Socialism in Gerln tt If 5,^' '/"'^^^"" 
I He described the plot as "an Zzl , ' ^""^ unequivoc 

Commander behind the back o 2 F° ""-^'f *^ '"P^« 
according to Friessner (h. i , ^™°'- What is mo 

'BolsheviL" whT the orll ? "'' ""^ "'^^'^Ay ^ ^^^^ -g^ 
inevitable r;ply to die ntofn '"'''^°" "^ ^"'^"^ was ' 

tme that theL^Tont^c^nt s"ha™S"a°c ?™^-" '' 
/adverse criticism among ex .012? T. ''^'"'^™ ^^ount . 
■•eplacing Friessner. At the t me o T '""■' '^"'^ ''^=" ''^^'^ ' 
concrete action has been t kl" It s dTffi' u ^""' '^^'^^^^r- » 
extent the continued presence "f Fri ssnS^i! fTl '° "^^ 
League ,s due to the fact that I n '^^^^^rship of th 

amongitsmembersorwh tie heha?;i<l! '"'"^'^ ' ^™^^^1 o"! 
a fear that his successor n:S be a ^e X"f "' '"^"^^ 4 
same views and therefore a more rl.T '"'^"'^ent exponent of thi/ 
the name of Guderian is sretl^^JS^r ^" *'^ --^tion 


I hr League's appeal, for its part, proudly asserted the loyalty 
.-V M)ldier-s "to our nation and our State, independent of all 

interests, governments, and occupying Powers." The care 

\hich any commitment of loyalty specifically to the Federal 

if 'lie on the lines of the earlier Grossdeiitschland Division 

In (inn was avoided, is both striking and depressing. Moreover, 

'urji the League distinguishes between "political" and 

-iiiary" membership of the S.S. the fact that it has decided to'' 

I 'I S.S, men as members is disturbing, since anyone familiar 

■ ihc way the S.S. was run realises that only in rare cases is it 

ii'lc to distinguish, in terms of personnel, between its political 

lutlice functions, on the one hand, and its military functions on 

-ilier. Consequently there is a considerable danger that this 

i.m will be used as the thin end of the wedge in attempts 

■liitewash the whole criminal organisation. 

I I would almost seem as if the sober forebodings expressed in 
!''iti hy one of the most moderate and politically mature statesmen 
til Western Germany, Karl Arnold, Christian Democrat Premier 

I (he Rhineland, are coming true, Tt was Dr. Arnold who then, 
iswer to a speech by Manteuffel at a Free Democratic Party 
iiig at Dusseldorf, publicly proclaimed his fear that Germany's 
^ -.oldiers, once organised, v/ould represent a mailed pressure 
ghuip which could threaten the infant German democracy. Eighteen 
iiiniiths later the Bonn correspondent of the Observer reported 
llm! the League is regarded by many German democrats as " being 
I danger of becoming a tool for the political ambitions of a limited 
iiitiiber of professional oflficers." 





THERE are, then, in the Federal German Republic, a larg. 
iiTJmber of nationalist groups, varying in size and in the exteni 
to which they demand the restoration of the Third Reich, ll 
would be foolish to expect otherwise. Given freedom to conduct 
political activity, a high cost of Uving, considerable unemploymenl 
and, above all, the nostalgia of prosperous peasants for tlir 
favouritism with which they v;ere treated in the Third Reich, 
remnants of Nazism were bound to appear and express themselvei, 
But equally, democratic parties and a loyal democratic civil service 
and police force should be able to respond successfully to this Nazi 
\challenge. With the experience of Weimar to draw on, the democrat 
bf Western Germany should feel confident of their ability to beat thl 
hew Nazism. But it is precisely confidence that tliey lack. 

A good part of the reason is— and here lies the need for extreme 
vigilance— that the democratic apparatus in Germany has been 
undermined by nationalists. It is by no means certain that, in f 
struggle against Right-wing extremism, either all the ostensiblj 
democratic parties or all the police and civil .service could be reliej 
on. The Weimar Republic was handed to Hitler bound and gagged 
by a conspiracy of men who had sworn loyalty to the State they 
destroyed. Statesmen who w^ere apparently democratic combined 
with disloyal civil servants and law^ officers to destroy Germaft 
democracy in 1932 and 1933. The same danger exists to-day, and 
jfit is the most serious aspect of the present situation. Some demo- 
cratic parties have been heavily infiltrated by nationalists. Others 
have switched to more nationalist propaganda because the electorate 
is tending that way. Old Nazis are reappearing in the civil service / 
land police forces. They are doing so with the knowledge and, in 
some cases, the support of Federal Ministers. 



What confidence, for instance, can be placed in the ability of / 
llir Federal Minister of the Interior, Dr,. Lehr, to deal with the 
rt'surgent Nazis when it is discovered that he staffs the new Federal 
|ii)lice force with ex-S.S. officers, and refuses to dismiss them? 
W'l that is the case. Democrats and anti-Nazis are discouraged and 
i lit- lined to withdraw from the political arena. This growing convic- 
iKni among many of their opponents that the State neither can nor 
will fight for democracy when challenged does in fact represent the 

I lojan Horse of the new Nazis. 

The Federal Chancellor, Dr. Adenauer, is open to serious 

iiticism on this score. He refused to dismiss a senior Bonn civil 

^•rvant, Dr. Globke, who wrote the official Nazi legal commentary 
Mil Hitler's Nuremberg Racial Laws. The Chancellor was at first 
i i|iially stubborn about Dr. Ehrich, another civil servant who was 
inrmerly an S.S. officer and had been the Nazi Party's chief repre- 

^ Illative in Italy during the war. Eventually this man had to leave { 
Hiiim, but the Christian Democrats at once found him a new job| 
I ..'c below.] The Chancellor, possibly to avoid further public debates 
.il>out the merits of his appointments, took over the portfoHo of the 
lu'vv Foreign Ministry and refused to reveal his appointments to the 
ikw posts created. Nevertheless they could not remain a secret 
iiiLlefinitely, and as the names emerge the impression grows daily 
more disturbing. The Chancellor's behaviour as the leader of a 
'!i:mocratic State is — ^at least in this respect — extraordinary. His 
.ippointments are more so. 

From the old German Foreign Office (declared a criminal 
oiganisation at Nuremberg) come: William Melchers (Appoint- 
(ocnts Branch), one of whose war-time assignments was to organise 
the activities of the Grand Mufti's fanatical supporters in the Middle 
I ■;ist ; Dr. Kurt Heinberg (Economics and y\ppointraents Branch) 
ilirected the East European Division of the Nazi Foreign Office, 
which collaborated with Himmler's R.S.H.A. in the massacre of 
lialkan Jews ; Werner von Bargen, w^ho, as the representative of the 
1 Jerman Foreign Office in occupied Belgium, was responsible for 
lacilitating the execution of Hitler's repressive measures in that 
country, and in particular the deportations of Jews and patriots to 
[he Nazi death camps. These are only a few of the ex-Foreign Office 
officials whom Dr. Adenauer finds suitable to mould Germany's 
relations with the outside world. A random selection from those 
who were not in the old Foreign Office and so cannot claim v^^hat 


1 A^LlllI 



diplomatic experience includes the followin<T 

passes for 
ex-Nazis : 

I . xP^' ^°^^' ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ deportation of Jews from Amsterdm 

to Mauthausen, 

Dr von Rinteien, who ordered the extermination of k: 
deported trom Rumania, 
i Dr. von Grundherr, also an active " exterminator." 

I Dr. Becker, ex-Gestapo official 

These cases and others similar to them can be multiplied i 
length,* Comment is superfluous— indeed, inadequate. 

Dr, Ehrich, whom pressure of opinion forced to leave his postii 
Bonn, went to Lower Saxony. There he worked as campaif 
organiser for the Christian Democrat-German Party electoral bio. 
m the May elections. His recent history in Bonn was thought to b( 
an electoral asset, and he was described on his own party postcn 
as special Nazi representative in Italy during the war, and his rani 
(Obersturnbannflihrer S.S.) was added as a further attraction 
Observers assure us that all parties in the May elections, includinr 
the Socialists, fought on highly nado nalistic pl atforms (e.g., Th 
Economist, 12.5,51), ~ "™" ' ' — ^ 

This might sound surprising in the case of the Social Democrats, 
but whoever thinks of Dr. Schumacher, their leader, as an anti 
nationalist is making a profound mistake. He has persistently, lo 
instance, outbid Dr, Adenauer in intransigence on the question ui 
the Saar. A speech made by Dr. Schumacher in Berlin in the summci 
of 1951 made the point that although Germany belonged to the Wc- 
her remilitarisation would be on her own terms. It was the SocialiM 
deputy. Professor Nolting, who introduced a motion into th? 
Bundestag in 1950 (it was passed unanimously) calling for the end 
of all reparations from Germany— measures which Noltins called 
" economic lunacy." He said no word about Germany's oblTgatiom 
to repair the damage done by her aggression, nor that the level ol 
reparations had been agreed upon in the Petersburg Agreement, 
signed both by Chancellor Adenauer and the Allied High Commis- 
sioners. Although no action was taken the SociaHst^ motion, in 
effect, called for a unilateral denunciation of Germany's obligation* 
to right the wrongs she committed. 

If the Socialist escutcheon is marred by blots, that of the Fry 
Democrats (F.D.P.) is practically obscured. The early promise ol 

^r '."TJiese details are talen. from an investigation made by the staff of thr 
World Jewish Congress m Germany. They were released in New York on 29.7.51 



I,,:, |,;ti-ty — as a liberal, n on -sectarian party of free enterprise — has 

«ir disappeared. Men like Professor Heuss, the Federal President. 

- ■ l:een left far behind by the nationalist tide which has seized f 

-II party. Typical now are tHe " tanlfums of Vice-Chancellor 

!u. her, who resigned from his post on the Ruhr Authority because 

ii.' other members insisted that Germany must maintain her coal 

^|UM-ts and help share the burden of Europe's fuel crisis. Bliicher 

' ilk'; firandly about European Union and Germany's part in it. But, 

' practice, any suggestion that Germany should contribute coal, 

Mhrc than draw lightheartedly on the credits of the European 

'ivmcnts Union, is for him a ground for resignation. We saw how 

•ii'- neo-Nazi European Social Movement interprets the "European 

immunity " ; there is a marked resemblance to this interpretation 

•i> HKicher's attitude and in that of the party he leads. 

Recent Free Democrat activities include a press attack on the 
>. u ish trade unionist Rosenberg as an *' ex -emigre " with " Eastern 
V .liilic principles " {Frankfurter Rundschau, 10.8.51), and an attack 
'", one of the party's Federal Deputies on the U.S. occupation 
■'iihnrities for " interference " and treating the law with " supreme 
I Kempt." 

" In Hesse," according to Terence Prittie, speaking on the 

s^.C.'s Third Programme in June, " the ex-Nazis identified them- 

l\cs with the Free Democrats." In Lower Saxony, by keeping I 

iloof from the Christian Democrats and the German Party, the Free 

1 '.-inocrats were able to wage a sufficiently nationalistic campaign 

' hold their ground where the other two Bonn parties lost heavily 

iM I he Right. 

Though conservative and free enterprise in its economic views,! 
I 111- extreme nationalism of the German Party (D.P.) is notoriousj 
M harboured the antisemitic Hedler until the scandal became tool 
■ u'at. Dr. Globke (see page 49) was first taken on as a Federal 
f ivil Servant in one of the two ministries held by German Party 

It remains, however, the distinction of the Christian Democrats 
I Adenauer's own party) to have in its ranks the first ex-Nazi to 
i i-rome Prime Minister of a Land, He is Herr Bartram, for a 
Misic Prime Minister of Schleswig-Holstein. He headed a cabinet 
■i which more than half the members were formerly in the Nazi 
r.uty. Its first act was to put an end to denazification in the Land 
I h^rr Bartram, who was a prosperous business man in the Third 


1 ' 

i i 




Reich, has not changed his views to any great extent since the d« 
of Nazism. Here is the report of an interview he gave in 1951 : 

During the war membership of the (Nazi) Party was a mi 
I of patriotism. People abroad must try to understand this, 
present government of Schleswig-Holstein is composed of men 
never left the pohtical arena during the last 20 years, which 
advantage in government. 

(Frankfurter Allgeme'me Zeitimg, 26,4j 

This view of Bartram's is not just an exaggeration peculiar 
Schleswig-Holstein (admittedly a reactionary area). Drew Middletan 
(The Struggle for Germany) has written as follows about von Knocr 
ringen, the Bavarian Socialist leader, who worked in exile for iln 
Allies during the war: 

He is continually assailed by the Bavarian Party and the Righl 
wmg of the C.D.U.-C.S.U.* as a " traitor to Germany '\ . . " In my 
speeches '' (he says) " there is always someone who will break lit 
and shout 'The British hanged Amery, we should hang you/ " 

Even the Communist Party adds its contribution of nationalism 
to this brew. Admittedly it is hard for Communists to take a firm 
line on the Eastern Territories now signed away to Poland by the 
East Zone Government, But they are up with the other political 
leaders when it comes to noisy intransigence on the Saar, attacking; 
the " exploitation " of Germany through reparations and the Ruhi 
Authority and, most of all, urging the need for a united Germany, 
Flaws in the democratic parties are paralleled by flaws in the 
administration in Bonn. Some of them— particularly in the new 
Foreign Office— have already been noted. The Manchester Guardian 
^ jBonn correspondent (7.7.51) has pointed out that in the first six 
months of 1951 23 ex-Nazis joined one ministry (Economics) alone. 
This the correspondent did not find particularly surprising, since the 
head of the Appointments Board of the Chancellory was himself 
a Nazi--in fact. Dr. Globke, the author of the legal commentary on 
the Nueremberg Laws. 

I The case of the Ministry of the Interior, under Dr. Lehr, has 
already been mentioned. Over half of the men selected for the first 
training courses for officers in the new Federal Police Forces 
consisted of ex-Nazis. Out of 80 trainees, 22 had been S.S. officers, 
and five had even been members of the Freikorps (the private 
armies of 1918-1923 fighting in Poland and the Baltic States, out 

*C.S.U. Is the Bavarian version of the Christian Democrat C.D.U. 


! which the Nazi Storm detachments developed). Although attention 

.uis drawn to thi-s at the beginning of 1951, nothing was done. 

HiHher the policy continues. The Socialist deputy, Manzel, stated 

ill July, 1951, that of the 40 men who had just undergone training 

H'( M'iiior police officers in the Federal Frontier Guard at Hanover, 

\ \ luid been Nazis before Hitler came to power. MenzeTs statement 

not challenged by the authorities. 

What confidence can be placed in such men, or in the ministers 

ill) are responsible for their appointment ? At first the defence was 

'i! ''trained" police oflicers had been forced to join the partyl 

"iJcr Hitler. That does not account for the pre- 1933 vintages, which 

' so popular, nor does it square with earlier experience where local 

. opposed to Federal) police forces, formed under Allied super- 

I inn, were very suitably stafl'ed with oflicers who had no Nazi 

u- kg round. 

Of course, these F'ederal Police Force trainees have been 

ilcnazified," which means, as far as their views and their attitude 

i 'Wards democracy go, precisely nothing. Certain Nazi party ranks 

ikI certain activities were declared punishable by the Allied authori- 

• u--, in 1945 ; subsequently the law was made more lenient. Slowly 

■ Mid not completely'^') sentences have been passed and served. 

Jremely few who were punished regarded themselves as guilty ; 
Hul they are usually considered to be martyrs. Thus a " denazified " 
|H-liceman is one who was a Nazi and has either been exonerated or 
iniiished. To suggest that he is in any way reformed is quite 
unwarranted. He may now think that Hitler was misguided ; but 
ill that make him any more effective against men who were Nazis 
hen he was, and who may well have been friends and colleagues of 
I lis ? He will be more likely to think of his enemies as those German 
iiiii-Nazis who sat on his denazification tribunal. § The same applies 
(■• the ex-Nazis who continue to flow into ministries and Govern- 
MiL'Ht departments. 

The Socialist paper, Neue Vorwcirts (8.12.50), analysed the Nazi 
iiid nationalist menace as two -fold. There is first the direct approach 

* E.g,, Dr. Schacht was exonerated by his final iribuiial. 

§ The Kolnische Rundschau (a loyal supporter of Adenauer) r-eported on 
; 4.51 that former members of the Dlisseldorf Denazification Board have 
ii!caled to their Parlianrtentary deputies for protection from the discrimination 
I'l iciiscd against them by reinstated Nazis. 

Das Freie Wort (20.4.51) reported that the President of the Munich Ehjnazifi- 
II Jon Board, Fritz Wetzel, is now a cashier in the Bavarian State Theatre, all 

■ her employment having been refused him. Ca&es of this sort are now beieg 

■ iK^rted with greater frequency. 





/of setting up explicitly extremist parties to collect as many votes B 

'possible. And, secondly, there is the tactic of infiltrating tl). 

r bourgeois " parties, which, says Neue VorwdrL<;, has worked ver'. 
well in the case of the Free Democrats, and can be further developjil 
if the Right-wing vote slumps, or the extremist parties # 

^suppressed. So far there has been no opportunity to gauge the m 
support for nationalism throughout the Federal Republic. H^ 
present situation was embryonic at the time of the 1949 electio| 
Yet it is necessary to give some rough idea of the m.easure of man- 
support behind the nationahst trends inside the ostensible 
democratic parties. 

Here is a quotation from a United States Government repon 
made shortly after the 1949 Federal Elections. It must not b* 
forgotten that nationahst trends have continued to grow since then 

: Four million votes (out of 23 million, i,e„ more than one-sixth; 

IS considered to be a liberal estimate of Nationalist strength a-, 
shown in the election. The figure represents the total vote of thi 
German Right Party (which is now the German Reich Party) tin 
bulk of the German Party, half of the Free Democrat vole \in 
half the invalid vote, which, because of its abnormal size, can b 
attributed to obstructionism in areas where extreme nationalisU 
conducted campaigns against the Basic Law and advocated recouru 
to the invalid ballot. > 



Broadcasting in America, the U.S. High Commissioner for G^ 
many said in the summer of 1951 : 

There are in the German population still remnants of a totali- 
tarian ideology, a certain aggressive nationalism, and in a number 
of circles a feeling of superiority over other peoples. Some Ger 
mans are reluctant to realise the full importance of the terribl 
crimes of the Hitler years. 

The same idea was expressed more vigorously by the leadii 
German writer, Rudolf Pechel, who is well known for his unremj 
ting struggle against totafitarianism of the Left and the Right 

Our people is still suffering from a spiritual and moral disease 
This IS shown not merely by the number of Nazis and their fellow- 
travellers who have appeared in official positions, governmeni 
offices and the press, but by the fact that they are now in a position 
to carry out the restoration of Nazi ideas as they wish. 

(Deutsche Rundschau, July, 195 



Those who suffered most under the Nazis scarcely dare raise 

nrirh''''- ''P'T^^^ "^ l^^y ^^^^^ ^ith an almost otaf ack of 
comprehension and sympathy. The case of the Jewish victims calls 

^tt.^I ^T'' i ^^'^^'^y in the past. But that should never- 
nlnrl f "^^'^^^'^^t'^ ^^^^^^ then, for the people have a tendency 

to fo get, as they have already forgotten the anti-Jewish persecu^ 
ors, the extermination of the Jews in the gas chambers . .^. of all 

fa'e. ' '^^'''^^' ^^' ^'^' '''^^'^^ ^^^ ^o^t teSble 

That is why we have a moral responsibihty, especially towards 
he Jews^ ... It is our inevitable duty to do whatever we caTfor 
hose whom the Nazi criminals chose as their principal vSims 
(Professor Carlo Schmid in a speech to the Bundestag, April, 1951 j 

^ ARLO SCHMID is the deputy leader of the Socialist Party— 

a man of culture and humane instincts leading a party which 

has, apart from occasional lapses, a sound democratic record. 

V conference of German doctors not long ago expressed its horror 

( the crimes committed against Jews in the name of " science." 

!crr Lueth, a high official in Hamburg, has been conducting a 

.- .nnpaign against the showing of films by Veit Harlan— producer of 

iIk' Nazi film " Jew Stiss "^and for this, as well as on account of 

Ins courageous call for peace between Germany and Israel, has 

incurred the odium of the Right-wing nationahsts. Professor Heuss, 

ilic Federal President, spoke in 1949 of the need for the German 

[i<M)ple to feel a "collective shame" for the crimes of the Third 

'i'l-ich. In 1951, on the occasion of the Jewish New Year, he made 

■Ml important statement. 

Professor Heuss called for a new start in GermanJewish rela- 
lions. Though the past should not be forgotten, " it should not," he 
■■aid, " be allowed to overshadow a new beginning. With good will, 
diis new beginning should prove a further stage in the painful 
|)focess of conciliation." Dr. Adenauer, the Federal Chancellor, in 
Ills own message, stated squarely: '* We have to repair the wrongs 
ilone to the Jews and fight with the utmost energy those forces which 



have not yet realised that intolerance and arrogance are the grave 
diggers of liberty." A similar tone was set in the message of ih 
Socialist leader, Dr. Kurt Schumacher, who described the core of hl> 
party's policy in tWs matter to be moral and material restitution. 

These individual messages were preceded on September 27, 
I95I3 by an even more important and significant official declaration 
of policy from tlie Federal Government itself. This document sta^ 
unequivocally that " unspeakable crimes were perpetrated in H 
name of the German people, which impose upon them the obligation 
to make moral and material amends." It pledged the Federal G^ 
man Government " to see to it that restitution legislation is jus* 
implemented," and offered to discuss with Jewish representati« 
and the Israeli Government ways and means of bringing about *% 
solution of the material restoration problem in order to facilitatr 
the way to a spiritual purging of unheard-of suffering." 

Though the first official Israeli reaction was inevitably cautioi| 
there are good grounds for hoping that these pronouncements wjl 
eventually lead to fruitful results. Certainly, all concerned on tlie 
German side are to be congratulated on their far-sightedness and 
moral courage in putting their fingers squarely on the heart of the 
problem: the open admission of responsibility on their part, ai 
the leaders of the new democratic Germany, to do what they can $6 
make amends for the indescribable horrors inflicted on European 
Jewry by their fellow- coi.'ntrymen. Nor would it be right to pass on 
without noting the fact that when the Federal Government's declara- 
tion was read out in the Bonn Parliament by Dr. Adenauer, thf 
listening deputies rose to their feet, all of them— with the exception 
of the extreme Right— applauding the document. So far, so good. 
'^ Yet it is not easy to forget the nation-wide campaign to reprieve 
notorious slaughterers of Jews like Ohlendorf, Pohl, and Schmidt 
After a drive, the degree of whose cynicism can only be compared 
to its extent, the attempt failed, and these and other butchers mB( 
then: just fate at Landsberg in the summer of 1951, In the preceding 
months there was a tremendous agitation for the reprieve of these 
men on " humanitarian " grounds, conducted by representatives of 
all parties, including even, in some cases. Social Democrats, 

Execution of their sentences had been delayed for over 1| 
months through persistent and skilful use by their lawyers of the 
right of appeal in U.S. courts. This suspense, said the agitated Ger 
mans, was inhumane ; a reprieve was morally essential. It seenM 



improbable that hypocrisy, although possibly unconscious, has ever 

tMie farther. These appeals to ethics and humanity in relation to 
-ni-n like the exterminator of the Warsaw Ghetto, the leader of the 
' ^termination units in the Ukraine or the Adjutant of Buchenwald, 
■\rro surel)' a misuse of language for which it is hard to find a 
l^rallel. Considering the sufferings these mass murderers inflicted, 
-I rath by hanging was a merciful punishment. Yet they were given a 
i.iir trial, humane treatment, and the right of appeal. 

That the " Brotherhood " and Remer's supporters called their 
■ \ caution murder is a measure of these people's outlook. In the case 
««l' the neo-Nazis the agitation is perhaps logical enough, since for 
them an order from Hitler, whatever its nature, had to be obeyed 
■Hid the perpetrator of the such appalling crimes were, in their eyes, 
ilierefore, right. It is easy to see why these extremists, with their 
'Iccp Nazi convictions, should stage demonstrations at the graveside 
nl' the " fallen heroes " of Landsberg. The complete lack of taste of 

iich demonstrations" "was" aIso~lo be expected. What is incompre- 
licnsible is that supporters of the democratic parties should have, in 

nine cases, lent their support to the campaign. 
There has been little opportunity for antisemitism in Germany 

nice the war. Hitler reduced a thriving Jewish community of over 
1 1:1 If a milHon to a pitiful remnant of 25,000, many of whom, aged, 
■ick and maimed, are living on public relief. The Streichers of the 
Inderal Republic, more cautious now than formerly, consequently 
Icive had little on which to exercise their talents, except the occa- 
■innal misdeeds of individual D.P.s. More serious than this, but 
ilifficult to pin down, was the whispering campaign against the 
rinigre Jews who came back with the U.S. Army and took up posts 
m the government of occupation. At one time the man most 
\iciously attacked in Germany was the emigre German Jewish 
I'lofessor, Robert Kempner, a member of the American prosecution 
I 'Tim at the Nueremberg trials. 

The usual line of verbal propaganda was (and still is) that world 
Icwry is wreaking its vengeance on helpless Germany through these 
men in the U.S. occupation forces. Bitter denunciations of 
^^ American " occupation policy often have in the minds of speakers 
;ii"id listeners an antisemitic meaning. Remer is extremely anti- 
It was not until the agitation_about the men of Landsberg that it 
1 JL'came clear how strongly antisemitism had persisted. The stream 



Which many foreign observers believed had almost dried up in 
n I95?iTd%5l'' i" fact, continued to flow strongly undergrou, 
in 1950 and 1951, along with the other manifestations of Nazism 

Remer s Socialist Reich Party was naturally well ahead In a B B 
talk on the party, Terence Prittie (Manchester Guardian Bo' 
correspondent) described how Hans Festge, a former Hauptstu 
fuhrer of Nazi days^ stated on oath that ^ there had only been on« 
concentration camp gas chamber in Germany. That was at Dacha,, 
and it had done a proper job cremating prisoners w^ho had died oi 

t.'^^^:: : *« ^'' ^''^^'^ '^^''^'^ ^^'^^^^^ supporter of Remer'. 
saymg that the Americans had appointed tribunals compos 
exdusively of Jews to sentence Germans to death " (The Listem 

It is additionally macabre to think of this creature on oatL 
miking nonsense about installing a gas chamber for those alreadj 

The Sunday Times (26.5.51) had another interesting item : ' 

antisemitism sweeping (Germany as Hid In fm "'"^ ^'"' "' 

This particular form of blackmail has a familiar ring to those 

who^have experienced or studied the persecution of the Jews under 

Before the Landsberg executions the Bavarian Party and the i 
Christian Democrats called a "mercy" demonstration outside the ' 
jail. A counter^demonstration of Jewish Displaced Persons wm 
roughly broken up by the police, while the original demonstrators ' 
, chanted. Out with the Jews, Out with the Jews." This again 
Illustrates the effect of the Landsberg affair in releasing hithert! 
suppressed antisemitic feeling. While this demonstration was 
reported throughout the German daily press, only the American-run 
Neue Zeitung reported the antisemitic slogans i 

An old source of pleasure to th^ more retiring antisemites, thj 
desecration by night of Jewish cemeteries, has gone on steadily in' 
Germany. Sometimes it appears to be on the decrease, only to break ' 
out agam. It was this level of hooliganism (not, of course; confined 
to Germany) which produced in the Muenster area on April 20 


(Hitler's birthday) a clandestine leaflet, decorated with a swastika, 
r;iUing on the Germans to rise from their " defeat at the hands of 
/\iiasuerus."* This same Ahasuerus figured in a text-book of 
icligious stories issued in 1950 for the use of Catholic schools in 
North Rhine- Westphalia. The authorities who had sanctioned the 
hook said that this raw piece of antisemitism had been slipped in 
;ilter they had approved the proofs. Orders were given for the book 
u^ be withdrawn, but the Diisseldorf correspondent of the Frank- 
it srier Rundschau found he could still buy it in any quantity he 
wished, weeks after the ban had been issued. 

It would, of course, be wrong to exaggerate the significance of 
every small incident which has, or could have, an antisemitic slant. 
Sometimes these things have their origins in sheer stupidity and 
tactlessness. Yet this very fact is symptomatic of an attitude of mind 
which is still widespread. 

In the light of the various declarations made in September, 1951, 
it is worth glancing at the progress made so far in compensating 
those who were persecuted and lost their property under the Nazis. 
The subject of the legislation and its administration is extremely 
complicated, and it will suffice to say here that there are three main 
categories : 

(i) The restitution of identifiable property seized or forcibly sold 
by order of the Nazis {e.g,, houses, shops, etc.). 

(ii) compensation for suffering under the Nazis {e.g„ imprison- 
ment» loss of health, torture, etc.). 

(iii) restitution of financial claims {e,g„ where businesses were 
lost, and special " loans " or " taxes " exacted). 

A German expert assesses that to fulfil all their obligations under 
these three heads the Germans of the Federal Republic will have to 
find betvv^een 5 and 5 J milliard Deutschemarks (very approximately 
£400,000,000)^though the figure is a rough estimate. It is a large 
sum, but when German financial experts were first called upon to 
work out a financial scheme of restitution and compensation they 
made no demur and seemed anxious to be generous. It was only 
later when it emerged that this would be an immediate charge on 
the German budget that resistance and obstrucfion began to grow. 
The financial experts had expected that these obligations would be 

* In the stream of rubbishy antisemitic literature which has for many years 
circulated in Gertnany. the name Ahasuerus has frequently been given to the 
mythical " Wandering Jew," 





classed with Germany's multitudinous foreign debts which hav| 
rarely been paid off in the past and which few Germans seriouslf 
anticipate paying off in the future. 

Generally speaking, the Social Democrats, many of whom wer| 
themselves persecuted by the Nazis, have worked hard for adequati 
compensation and restitution. Up till the Bonn Declaration of Sepi 
tember, 1951, the same could not be said of all the Federal and 
Lander Governments. (Berlin has been a bright and honourabli 
exception.) More typical of a widespread feeling among Germans fl 
Federal Minister Hellwege's attitude when he demanded that the 
restitution law be changed, because it was causing hardship to thoso 
who acquired Jewish properties through forcible sales. (Hellwege il 
the leader of the German Party.) 

This speech must have given inspiration to the " League of Loyal 
Restituters " set up in 1950-51 with headquarters in Frankfurt-am- 
Main. These gentlemen are calling for compensation for those who 
have " suffered " under the restitution laws— in other words, thosfl 
who have had to disgorge Jewish property sold at nominal prices t^ 
friends and members of the Nazi party. 

In the American Zone the situation is better than in the Bri^i 
Zone. In the former, insistence by the occupation authorities M 
meant that there are now adequate compensation laws in the various 
American Zone Lander. But confusion still exists about restitution 
of losses other than of identifiable property. The situation in the 
French Zone is that less generous laws than exist in the American 
Zone are, on the other hand, generally better administered. 

The obstructionists have been able to take advantage of the 
Auerbach affair in Bavaria. Auerbach, the Restitution Commis- 
sioner of Bavaria (a German Jew who was himself a victim of 
persecution) was charged with having accepted restitution claims 
which he knew to be false, and himself to have misappropriated the 
funds at his disposal. He has been relieved of his post, and a com- 
mission of inquiry was still examining the case at the time of writing. 
Nevertheless, restitution was for a time halted ; and the German 
papers were using the " incident " as propaganda against restitution 
and, in the less scrupulous papers, against Jews. Perhaps here again 
it is easy to be too sensitive. But the periodicals which used to 
publish slimily-phrased articles implying (without saying so directly) 
that the black market was a " Jewish conspiracy," are again active 
on the Auerbach case. Moreover, to those accustomed to British 



lUmdards of justice it is particularly repulsive to see a man who, 
although remanded in custody, has not been found guilty of any 
« rime, spoken of by newspapers and legal officials of the State as 
iI he were a convicted criminal. 

On restitution in the British Zone it is worth while quoting an 
.irticle which appeared in the Allgemeine (a German Jewish weekly) 
on 1st June, 1951: 

There are still no restitution* laws in the British Zone outside 
Hamburg. Schleswig-Holstein says it cannot pay and Lower 
Saxony maintains silence. If we understand the Lower Saxon 
Government correctly they are saying that the Nazis were respon- 
sible for the confiscation and exactions, and, therefore, the 
claimants must wait until they (the Nazis) are in power again 
before claiming. 

If that seems unduly bitter, remember that the author describes 
w state of affairs six years after the war ended. War criminals who 
used Jewish slave labour in their factories are free and have their 
property restored, ex-Nazis are civil servants and Cabinet Ministers, 
I) Lit Jews who suffered and survived only by miracles are living on 
pubhc relief in workhouses and hospitals, waiting until someone 
passes a law under which they may submit a claim for compensation. 
Generally there has been no sign of vigorous action by the 
t icrman authorities. On the contrary, it was necessary in 1951 (Neue 
/citung 13.6,51) for the U.S. High Commissioner, Mr. -McCloy, to 
■late in sharp terms that whatever various people and organisations 
in Germany might say about it, the U.S. authorities were going to 
.^■c that their original restitution poHcy is carried out, as it stands 
Hid in full. Similar vigour had up till mid- 1951 been lacking in the 
Kritish Zone. At the end of July of that year, however, the British 
I ligh Commissioner wrote to the Lander Prime Ministers expressing 
!iis dissatisfaction with the slowness of restitution and his deterraina- 
iiun to have it completed. 

Jews who have elected to live as German chlzens in Germany 
J nee 1945, or those who, for reasons of age and sickness, could not 

I rave, have few reasons to be happy there. Norbert WoUheim, for a 
(line leader of the British Zone Jewish community, frequently found 

I I necessary to make sharp criticisms of the attitude of the German 

■mlhorities. He further recorded that: 

The Jews in Germany to-day live in complete isolation. There 
is no contact or liaison between them and the Federal Government. 

{Allgemeine, 13.7.51) 

* Olhur tbun of idcnlifia'ble property— a relatively small part of the total losses. 




I The Allgemeine, week in and week out, gives instances of anH 
feemitic behaviour. Some of theui may be unimportant in themse! 
'but taken as a total thev dve \h& imnre^Qinn that ^^u.^^u 


le of National Socialism and German aggression are derived 
n this single, insane obsession. The case is arguable, but German 

«m^n. .1. n ^ur^ P^^.,!^^ impression that antisemiii-, ;, Ushers, flooding the book market with the memoirs of German 

mper (20 7 STaid-^"" '' formidable. An editorial in t^ |r"erals and a best-seller by Ernst von Salamon (a Freikorps officer 

* 1 'iii(i a self-confessed accomplice of political murders in the 1920's, 
'h as that of the Weimar Foreign Minister, Walter Rathenau) will 
I take a chance with von Bliicher's book. The prospects of sale 
■ too slim for this urbane, closely reasoned attack on the Nazis 

There is still not enough evidence of a change of heart In 
(jrermany \n the sense of a complete rejection of all forms of and 
Semitic propaganda. We draw attention in this connection li. 
renazification, failure to purge Nazi elements from public lilf 
glorification of men who have committed crimes against humanily 
msufTicient protection of Jewish cemeteries . . . inadequate restidi 
tion, and an increasing tendency to delay and avoid the payment of 
compensation to the victims of Nazi persecution. 

It is not only Jews in Germany who feel strongly on thcw 
matters. A German, Ernst John, says he is appalled to find that llir 
word " Jew " is once more being used as a term of abuse in G 
many : He goes on : 



This IS symptomatic of the views of certain circles in Germany, 
to whom the expulsion and torture of several million Jews meatm ' 
nothing more now than the death of a netfulof fish drawn from ( 
the sea, whose agonising death they could observe without the 
nicker of an eyelid. 

{Neue Zeitung, 25.8.51) 

The case is reliatly reported of a German Jew who went to livr 
in a small Lower Saxon town where there was no Jewish congrega- 
tion. A friend, replying to his inquiry, said: "You'll get on all 
right here if you keep quiet about being a Jew." 

Sterling work has been done to bring the Christian and Jewish i 
communities together in Germany. Its considerable value has been 
mentioned earlier. The Evangelical Church is doing excellently in 
this field. But its patient work can be undone in a moment by an 
incident like the following : An Evangelical clergyman in Marburg, 
during a sermon, called the life and death of the murderer Ohlendorf 
an "Easter Revelation" {Hannoversche Fresse, 16.6.51). The 
implied parallel between Ohlendorf and the founder of Christianity 
must be the extreme limit of blasphemy which a Christian minister 
could reach. 

Is it, under the circumstances, surprising to discover that Count 
Kurt von Bliicher's book, "K.iow Your Germans," could find no < 
publisher in Germany ? This book develops the thesis that Hitler*s 
sole motivating idea was the destruction of the Jews, and that the 


II i antisemitisrn, with its concomitant plea for tolerance and 
niocracy. Likewise, the German edition of the deeply moving 
Diary of Anne Frank," sold under a thousand copies. 

One or two of the Nazi leaders tried at Nuremberg appear 
■iuiinely to have repented the part they played in Hitler's Reich. 
.ildur von Schirach, the Nazi Youth Leader, said at the trial: 

It is my guiltj and I must bear it before God and the German 
nation, that I educated German youth for a man whom I thought 
irreproachable, but who was a murderer millions of times over. 

li one of the highest Nazi leaders could admit the wholesale 
iiiurder of innocent people, why cannot men who mostly claim to 
li;ive opposed Hitler admit it, too ? If they cannot, then their claim 
ii> our respect is less than that of one of Hitler's closest associates. 





N estimating the chances of Western Gerraany's survival as ft 
democratic country, it is important to know what action the | 
democratic elements have taken to combat the neo-Nazi 



Speaking on August 22nd, 1951, the Federal Chancellor said it 

... a shocking thing that, in addition to the Remer raovemeni 
an organisation calling itself the Free Korps of Germanihld also 
set Itself the task of reviving National Socialism. . . . The Fede 
Government is firmly resolved not to tolerate such endeavours 
.?Ll^'^ purpose we need the co-operation of all reallv democratk 

In May he had said 

{The Times, 23.8.51) 

n.Jl^''^^ ^^ plainly said that the most serious task of the Federal 
Kepublic IS to have done with the leavings of the Third Reich. ' 

(The Times, 9,5.51) 

What happened in the three months after the Chancellor had 
stated the " most serious task '' ? Little enough for a British news- * 
paper to comment : " Sharp action is required, and it would help if 
he said how he intended to do it " (The Star, 23.8.51). The comment 
IS perhaps somewhat harsher than the facts merit. 

The Federal Government has actually introduced a law to 
restrain, with fines and imprisonment, treason and action likely to i 
endanger the Republic. Dr. Lehr (Minister of the Interior) has 
announced that he has prepared a case for banning the S.R.P. 
under the Basic Law, to be presented to the Constitutional Court! 
This has now been set up. It remains to be seen, therefore, how 
soon, and how vigorously. Dr. Lehr^s words will be translated into 
acdon. Though, under another section of the Basic Law, the Federal T 
Government has prohibited the para-military organisations of the 
Socialist Reich Party, at the time of going to press, the S,R.P. still 


continues to exist and spread its evil propaganda. The most effective 
action against the S.R.P. has been taken by the Lander Government 
and the local authorities. With their much smaller powers they have 
prohibited public meetings of the party, the public appearance of 
many of its speakers, and have forbidden its leaders to go to certain 
areas where violence has resulted from past visits. 

Action has been taken by mayors and town councils in various 
parts of Germany. The North Rhine- Westphahan Government 
(Christian Democrat-Centre coalition) has given wide powers to its 
police force to prohibit meetings and speakers of the Socialist Reich 
Party. Similar action has been taken by the governments of Bavaria 
and Wurttemberg-Baden. 

The advantages of banning a party like the S.R.P, may well be 
disputed. It may thrive underground ; its worst elements may 
infiltrate other parties ; or the ban may degenerate into an undigni- 
fied pursuit of a series of " new " parties, all concealing the identity 
of the old. On the other hand, the reactions of the S.R.P, leaders 
to talk of banning show^ that they did not expect it to do them 
any good. Nevertheless, only harm can come from repeated threats 
which are not in fact carried out. Ever since the question of banning 
was first raised before the Lower Saxony elections, the Federal 
Government's failure to act has been a source of ridicule and harm 
to democracy. 


Dr. Lehr said in May, 1951, echoing Dr. Adenauer: 

. . . the Federal Government will not repeat the mistake of the 
Weimar Republic and extend the same tolerance to the S.R.P. as 
was enjoyed by the Hitler movement 

This was after the elecUon. Before the election Lehr had taken part 
in an unedifying farce. Having said in Bonn that the article of thel 
Basic Law under which the Reichsfront and Reichsjugend had! 
already been banned could be applied to the S.R.P. itself, he thenl 
went on to say that action must wait until the Constitutional Court 

*" Lord Cha'tham with his sword undrawn, 
Is waiting for Sir Richard Strachan; 
Sir Richard, longing to be at 'em. 
Is waiting for the Earl of Chatham." 
(Anonymous rhyme referring to the failure of the expedition against 
Walcheren in 1809.) 



was set up. In the meantime he urged the Lower Saxony authorities 
to take action {Frankfurter Rundschau, 27.4.51). They replied 
through Dr. Danehl (an official of the Lower Saxony Ministry of 
the Interior) that only the Federal Government was in a position to 
ban the S.R.P. (This was true ; but it was possible for the Lanii 
Government to have taken other action.) 

As soon as the Federal Government had taken action. Dr. 
Danehl said, the Land Government would follow suit {Frankfurter 
Allgemeine Zeitimg. 28.4.51). Dr. Lehr, apparently stung by this 
was quoted by Die Welt as saying : " If Lower Saxony is not going 
to do anything, then I shall take action." He set out by car from 
Bonn to Celle (a Lower Saxony town, which is a centre of S.R.P. 
activity). His impression of the subversive nature of the S.R.P. wa.s 
confirmed by the visit, he told the TagespiegeL Such was the terror 
practised by the party, he went on, that at first he had found it 
impossible to get a garage for his car! (This in a small overcrowded 
town full of correspondents and agents on the eve of an important 

The visit concluded with a long talk between Dr. Lehr and the 
Lower Saxony Premier and his Minister of the Interior. The result ? 
" Dr. Lehr is believed to have said that Bonn proposes to wait for 
a decision by the Lower Saxony Government" {Die Welt, 30.4.51). 
At the time of going to press the S.R.P. is still a legal party. 

Is it surprising that democrats in this area were depressed and 
even nervous ? Such behaviour is bound to bring democracy into 
contempt. The probable reason for this farce is that both the Bonn 
Coalition and the Social Democrats, who are dominant in Lower 
Saxony, were hoping for tactical advantages by not taking action 
against the S.R.P. Herr Kopf (the Socialist Premier) was said by 
some observers to want to keep the S.R.P. in being until after the 
election, so that it would (as, indeed, it did) draw off votes from his 
Right-wing opponents. On the other hand, the leader of the Free 
Democrats in Bonn, Herr Schaeffer, had said on April 25th, 1951, 
that the S.R.P. should not be banned until after the election. What- 
ever his real reasons were, this meant that at least one partner in 
the Bonn Coalition was sufficiently opposed to strong action to say 
so publicly in disregard of the policy stated by Dr, Lehr. 

Intrigues and unprincipled electoral juggling of this sort are 
reminiscent of the Weimar Republic and are a measure of the 
immaturity of the whole fabric of German democracy. If they go on 


(here will be similar results. The " co-operation of all really demo- 
cratic forces " that Dr. Adenauer calls for will not be achieved 
unless there is less talk and more action. If a ban is decided to be 
I I he best method against the S.R.P. it must come now, although it is 
;d ready extremely late and the party has had plenty of time to 


When German democrats discuss among themselves the best way 

of combating the neo-Nazi menace, a large part of the argument is 

frequently taken up with attempts to answer the question : What has 

* brought about the rise of the neo-Nazis ? It would, of course, be 

useful, but it is certainly not possible to give a satisfactory answer 

within the scope of this little book. Moreover, the answer or answers 

would be very controversial, raising questions of responsibility of 

die Allies, the German parties, the present economic policy of the 

Federal Government, and so on. To ask first for an agreement on 

J the root causes of neo-Nazism is to split any German democratic 

f front before it is formed, and to divide its supporters abroad. The 

democratic elements agree that the neo-Nazi threat is there. Public 

opinion in Britain and other V/estern countries would feel more 

confidence in the stability of the Germian Federal Republic if there 

were signs that those elements are prepared to combat the threat on 

the simple, fundamental issues of liberty and respect for human 


^ A word of caution is necessary. Certain interested groups in 

1 Germany are not above exploiting the neo-Nazi threat in order to 

gain concessions, loans, and favours from abroad. One observer has 

quoted an industrialist as saying : " Leave us our steel and our coal 

— then we shall see to the rest and nothing will happen." Western 

Germany has been treated with great financial generosity by Britain 

i and the United States, and, within their capaciues, by other Western 

powers. The result is that in spite of unemployment and the housing 

shortage, the general economic outlook is far from gloomy. The 

argument must not be permitted that Germans have some sort of 

a " right ".to go Nazi, if they are unemployed or living in camps. 

As was pointed out earlier, neither the unemployed nor the 
refugees have given their main support to the S.R.P. ; its best 
supporters are reladvely well-to-do peasants. Other countries have 
endured economic hardships without going fascist. Germans must 




learn to do the same, and not believe that they are entitled to ruih 
to the nearest dangerous pohtical adventurer every time they feci 
an economic pinch. Hitler throve when the West was makiiiM 
economic and political concessions to his predecessors by cancelliiw ' 
Versailles reparation payments. This mistake must not be repeated' 
however loudly certain Germans insist. Aid to Germany, such as the 
Marshall Plan and the European Payments Union credits, mu»l 
depend strictly on her economic needs as a member of the Western 
European community of nations and not on political claims thai 
without aid, the country will give itself up to Herr Remer and his 

^ German democrats must realise that Western opinion would be * 
impressed only if they were to regain their courage and themselvM 
take the initiative against the neo-Nazis. Rudolf Pechel has written ; 

DretelS^nnf l^'hlPT"""^"* ^' ^"V^' '""^ ^""'''^'- government, 
pretend not to hear the warnings of that section of tlie press which 

murnVfTheK"' '"''' '' ''""'''' '=°-^S^-'° ^'-°^-'^ 'h. 

(Deutsche Rundschau, July, '5J ) | 


Dr. Barou, of the European Executive of the World Jewish 
Congress, has described how his genuinely democratic German 
friends had been as good as shut out of public life {Allgemeine, 
20.7.51). Mrs. Eva G. Reichmann, in an account of a journey she 
made in Germany in 1951 circulated by the Wiener Library, reports 
that the men who prosecuted Hedler for his brutal slanders against ^ 
them were actually on the defensive in court, trying anxiously to 
prove that resistance to Hitler was not treason. She also reports 
democrats asking " What are the Alhes going to do about it ? "—an 
attitude implying the worst sort of defeatism. 

German democrats must also realise that there is no time to I 
lose. If men of the calibre and distinction of the Federal President 
Heuss were to take the lead in creating a nation-wide movement 
embracing all democratic parties and organisations aimed at defend- 
ing democracy against the growth of the new Nazis, an important 
step would be taken. 

At the lowest levels the trade unions, churches, and other * 
interested bodies could surely call together committees based on a 
simple programme of measures to strengthen democracy. Their 


activities could be envisaged as two-fold: first, to institute inside 
the professions (especially teaching, journalism, and the Civil Ser- 
vice) an active policy against neo-Nazi propaganda and to prevent 
unregenerate Nazis holding key positions ; and second, to secure in 
localities anti-Nazi coalitions on matters of local importance. It is 
liere, at the level of the ordinary individual, that the danger is 
greatest ; but it is also where hard, enthusiastic work can bring 
about the best results. 

On a higher political level the issue of whether there is to be 
an effective response to the Nazi challenge could be given first 
priority in the affairs of the Federal Republic, while the development 
of a politically vocal ex-soldiers' movement with nationalist leanings 
should be faced with courage and determination. Rank-and-file 
members of the democratic parties could thus be persuaded of the 
need for anti-Nazi unity, thereby forcing the chief democratic leaders 
in Bonn to forget their personal din:erences and to combine on this 
vital issue. If the Federal Government were to show its determina- 
tion to combat Nazism not only by words but by deeds, the mass 
of ordinary Germans would be spurred to a firmer faith in the 
dem.ocratic way of life, while those abroad who now must watch 
the German political scene with growing anxiety would in this 
manner have cause to hope that the German people have turned 
their faces away from the road which led to Auschwitz. 

Meanwhile it is not enough for us abroad to cheer from the 
side-lines. Without appearing to interfere or to be grinding national 
axes, all aid possible must be given to the so far inert democratic 
forces in Germany. Co-operation from trade unions, religious 
organisations, and youth movements on an international level can 
be of tremendous help. Visits by men of standing in various fields 
to Germany and return visits by Germ^ans would assist in giving 
heart to German democrats. The sponsored visits organised by the 
Foreign Office, the Central Office of Information, and the British 
Council could well be developed on a larger scale. Educational 
institutions, which have had a particular interest in Germany's 
reconstruction, should make special efforts at this stage when the 
work they did just after the war is so gravely threatened. 

What the German democrats need, whether they are workers or 
professional men. Conservatives, Liberals, or Socialists, are contacts 
with people in Western Europe w^hich will give them advice, and, 
above all, moral support. We in Britain, especially, must understand 



that it is easy to lose courage in Germany. Democracy has collapsed 
there before. And now the German democrat has foreign troops 
at his elbow, neo-Nazis under his feet, refugees round his door, 
and the Iron Curtain perhaps not more than an hour or two along 
the road. He needs all the courage that we and anyone else can give 
him. There is still time ; and the anti-Nazi forces, if they are rallied 
now, can defeat the enemies of democracy. But the Nazi menace in 
Germany, against the background of a worsening world situation 
is a problem of the most extreme urgency. 




THE picture of the Federal Republic which thus emerges from 
this study is of a fundamentally healthy political, economic 
and social structure which, nevertheless, is far from being 
completely stable. It is certainly an encouraging sign that Germany^s 
infant democracy has withstood so well the initial strains to which it 
was subjected — the threat of Communism, backed by the military 
might of the Soviet Union, the Four-Power discord in the period of 
military government, and the tremendous problem of physical post- 
war reconstruction. These strains are still present, but the Federal 
Government has given every sign that it is perfectly capable of over- 
coming them. From this emerges a certain danger: namely, that 
Bonn, no less than pubhc opinion in the West, may have a tendency 
to grow complacent with regard to an equally grave threat to the 
Republic's well-being. 

There is no doubt that Nazi beliefs and habits of mind have 
survived the collapse of Hitler's Third Reich. Equally, the 
unprejudiced observer cannot but be struck by the extent to which 
Right-wing extremism has developed once again into a serious 
political force. There is considerable evidence that Nazism and 
extreme nationalism have even survived in quarters which are 
ostensibly democratic. Parties, various kinds of groupings and 
associations, and even departments of the Federal Government itself, 
to which the Western Allies look as protagonists of the demociatic 
way of Hfe, prove to be tainted with the creeds of the Third Reich. 
These unobtrusive trends are the more dangerous for being less 
obvious than the neo-Nazi groups. 

Opposed to these dangerous factions and currents is the main 
stream of West Germ^an democratic life. Backed by the considerable 
force of the rejuvenated German trades union movement, there are 
elements which recognise both the evil and insanity of the Nazi 
record and are constantly on guard against any signs of an attempt 
to re-create a Fourth Reich. Many of the staunchest democrats in 
Germany to-day have suffered side by side with European Jewry in 
concentration camps, and certainly have no illusions about the sump 
of horror which National Soci^ism created. This is a factor to be 


,1,: ,lilIl;IilL.iL. 



kept in mind by those in the West who sometimes tend to lump 
Germans together as unregenerate and hopelessly infected with the 
seeds of Nazism, The more these German democrats feel a lack oi 
sympathy in the West towards their efforts, the more must the task 
of consolidating the Federal Republic appear to them an uphill 
one, and the more will the weaker among them be discouraged in 
the face of difficulties. In a crisis the absence of sympathy of this 
kind might even cause the weakest elements to give up the struggle 

But sympathy is not enough. The struggle for democracy, lik* 
that for peace, is indivisible, and public opinion in the West musi 
give active support and encouragement to the anti-Nazi forces in 
Germany. The West is committed to accepting the Federal Republic 
as potentially a full partner in its body politic. It expects Germans 
to make the defence of Western democracy their business. It is thu.s 
only logical that democrats in the West, whatever their country, 
should likewise accept the responsibiUty for defending democracy 
in Germany. 

Western public opinion need not fear that its sympathetic interest 
and even criticism of, German internal affairs will be badly 
received. Those to whom we must look for the task of strengthening 
democratic ways in Germany would, on the contrary, appreciate our 
concern in their struggle. 

If the anti-Nazi effort inside Germany and outside could be 
co-ordinated more, there is hope that the unsteady course towards 
democratic consohdation will be continued. But that hope should 
not be exaggerated. The neo-Nazi disease has gone far and, in 
recent months, alarmingly fast. 

Mr. Herbert Morrison, at that time Foreign Secretary, stated in 
May. 1951, that he considered the Federal Government capable of 
deaUng with any internal threat to the constitutional order, and 
that he felt confident that Bonn would take appropriate action. In 
the light of what has happened since Mr. Morrison's remarks were 
made, public opinion in the West is entitled to be less confident in 
the ability and willingness of the Federal Government to take 
appropriate action. It would be foolish, of course, at this stage to 
recommend direct intervention by the Western Powers, particularly 
in view of the Washington Declaration. Yet, there is certainly room 
for pressure and exhortation through the medium of the Western 
High Commissioners. In the past Dr. Adenauer has shown himself 




amenable to this form of approach, and there is no reason to 
suppose that he would not show himself equally so now. 

The main object of such an approach might reasonably be 
t'xpected to be that the Federal Government should initiate a cam- 
fiaign against the extreme Right with the same vigour as it has 
;il ready done against the Communists, and that it should unequivo- 
cally state that it neither welcomes nor encourages the incursion 
of organised ex-Servicemen into political or quasi-political fields. 

In Germany as elsewhere the political pendulum has swung far 
since 1945. The increasing sharpening of the cold war has, among 
other things, resulted in a certain tendency among parties, not always 
entirely disinterested, to label those who draw attention to the neo- 
Mazi revival as Communists and fellow-travellers. The facts revealed 
;ibout new Nazi groups in this booklet, and the strong suspicion held 
in many German quarters that some of their leaders, at any rate, are 
not above coming to a working arrangement with the totalitarians 
of the Eastern Zone, should help to expose such views. Too 
frequently they are expressed by people whose professed dislike of 
Stalinist dictatorship is merely a cloak for their own totalitarian 

It should be clearly realised that the neo-Nazis are in no sense 
allies against Communism. Even before the leading neo-Nazi group 
—the Socialist Reich Party— was founded, Drew Middleton, senior 
correspondent of The New York Times in Germany, wrote : 

" It is high time that the United States, Britain and France 
awoke to the danger, the very real danger, that the rise of the 
right-wing in Germany represents the best chance of a Soviet- 
German rapprochement . . . anti-Communism is not enough." 

(The Struggle for Germany, Allan Wingate, 1949) 

The new Nazis draw their inspiration direct from Hitler's Ger- 
many, and those who learn from the lessons of history will keep 
firmly before them the memory of the Hitler-Stalin Pact of 1939. 
They will remember that it was this pact which signalled the 
unleashing of the German armies against Poland and later against 
the West. Similarly, it should not be forgotten that the history of the 
ill-fated Weimar Republic is dotted with examples of co-operadon 
between the Nazis and Communists against the democratic parties. 
WTiat happened before can well happen again. 

The inclination to disregard these lessons of history is usually 
based on the quite false assumption that Nazism is founded on a 




co-ordinated set of ideas. The appeasers of Nazism believe that Ihcy 
know what these ideas are and imagine, therefore, that they an 
forecast and even guide Nazi actions. The truth remains what ll 
always was— that Hitlerism does not embody any coherent poIicicN | 
Its principles, amorphous and hard to comprehend, are surely 
limited to unbounded megalomania, unbounded hate, and h 
sacrilegious self -worship. Within the framework of such an ideology 
there is room for infinite opportunist twists and turns. That is why 
the calculations of all appeasers, including those of the Kremlin, 
have always ended in disaster. 

The present-day disciples of Adolf Hitler, as this booklet shows, 
follow their master faithfully also in their lack of any systematic | 
policy. Nearly every statement of policy made, for instance, by 
leaders of the Sociahst Reich Party can be balanced by another 
contradicting it. Those who wish to emulate the appeasers of the 
'30s will thus find themselves engulfed in a morass in the same 
way as were Chamberlain and Daladier, on one side, and Stalin 
on the other. 

The case for action against the neo-Nazi groups is undoubtedly i 
overwhelming. The only problem which can justifiably be considered 
is whether or not it is politically wise to ban them. But even here 
the problem has, in a sense, already been solved, for the Federal 
Government has itself threatened to ban the S.R.P. If it is to main- 
tain its authority it cannot avoid making good that threat. If Bonn 
fails to carry out its threat no amount of sophistry, however carefully 
thought out and expressed, will prevent many well meaning Germans 
from drawing the lesson that German democracy is weak in the f 
face of a totalitarian threat from the Right. 

Moreover, the argument that banning a political party will 
merely drive it underground applies less to Germany than to most 
European countries. Germans voting for the neo-Nazi groups, as 
public opinion polls frequently reveal, seem to have very little idea . 
of the policies or even the leaders of the parties for which they vota ' 
To ban a party for which he has voted may well, in that case, make 
a German examine it more closely to see why the Government 
decided to make it illegal. Most Germans to-day, as in the past, 
remain almost painstakingly law-abiding and do not court illegality 
eagerly for its own ijake. There is, therefore, a good tactical case, | 
as well as one of principle, for oudawing at least the leading neo- 
Nazi group— the Socialist Reich Party. It is true that some of its 



\'otes might then go to other Right-wing parties. In a tactical sense, 
lidwever, this might be quite useful, since it would add to the 
I onfusion and jealousies which already bedevil the extreme Right, 
Mid thus make fluid once again a situation which in the course of 
1^)51 had seemed to be hardening. 

Similarly, consideration should be taken of the fact that Remer 
.md Doris are, above all, in the market for powerful financial 
backers. Unless they can recruit, keep the cadres of a private army 
;ind propagandise on a large scale, they are not a worthy object of 
linancial charity. All these activities would be impossible if a ban 
were put into effect. For Germans have little tradition of illegal 
polidcal struggle, and what they have is largely Communist. No 
underground developed in spite of Goebbels' exhortation in 1945. 
Nor is there any evidence of any widespread anti-Communist 
resistance in the Eastern Zone. Banning of political groups was a 
weapon which, when used by the Weimar Republic, was frequently 

Over and above the organised neo-Nazis two other main dangers ) 
threaten the future of the Federal Republic. The first of these is 
;mti-Semidsm. It has been shown that the denials of anti-Semitic 
feelings sometimes expressed by the S.R.P. leaders need not be 
considered with any seriousness, since they have frequently forgotten 
[liose denials in other public pronouncements. But anti-Semitism is, 
in any case, not limited by any means to direct adherents of the j 
neo-Nazis. The evidence available leads one to the reluctant con- ! 
elusion that though a great deal of excellent work is being done by 
the leaders of democratic parties, the Churches, and other organisa- 
tions, the disease implanted in the German people under Hitler's 
tutelage has gone far and deep. 

Public declarations, such as those of President Heuss, Chan- 
cellor Adenauer, and Dr. Schumacher, are to be welcomed and 
encouraged in every way, and likewise the efforts of Herr Lueth 
and those who support him. It is, however, patent that public state- 
ments of themselves are insufficient. The German authorities^ and 
specially those concerned with the education and upbringing of the 
young, will have to devote very much more attention than they 
have done so far to the problem of eradicating this poisonous fungus 
in the psychology of their people. They can rest assured that to some 
degree the potential stability of the new German democracy will be 
judged according to their success in this field. 




The second main problem to be faced is that of the politiCll 
activity which has recently been shown at an increasing tempo hy 
the League of German Soldiers. This organisation has now a nation 
wide network, with 229 district associations, and some 1,300 • 
Ortsgmppen, or local cells, which enable it to penetrate even tn 
remote hamlets in the countryside in order to muster support, i| 
embodies a number of organisations appeahng specifically to former 
members of various formations of the Wehrmacht. The rallies held 
m 1951 by some of these old comrades' associations have laid baw 
the unpalatable fact that too frequently their membership is in th,' 
control of politically ambitious ex-officers, some of whom in. 
unrepentant ex-Nazis, and many of whom can be classed as thcii 

These are the elements upon which the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organisation must rely if it is to obtain German troops for the 
European Army. The danger that these elements will assume q 
guise not radically different from that of Nazi sympathisers k 
perhaps more clearly appreciated inside West Germany than out- 
side. Here, surely, is fruitful ground for collaboration between Ger- ^ 
man Democrats and those whose task it is to organise the defence 
of Western democracy. The Democratic parties of the Federal 
Republic will fail to render the League of German Soldiers 
pohtically harmless only at their own peril ; and the governments 
of the North Atlantic Treaty Powers must face the fact that if sudh 
collaboration were to go by default, they might well find themselves 
m^ the intolerable position of relying on a corps of totalitarian- 
minded janissaries to defend the democratic ways and institutions 
of the West, 

The time for action is clearly now, while discussions about the 
future German military contribution to NA.T.O, are under way. 
Public opinion in the Western countries has the right to demand 
from its leaders that this question be given the highest priority. It i| f 
surely not unreasonable to demand that when the time comes to 
select the leaders of any new German army the political record and 
affihations of any German ex-officers should be as closely scrutinised 
as their military records. The plea that such a scmtiny presents 
very considerable difficulties must be expected-^and dismissed. We 
owe it to the memory of the ten milHon non-combatant victims of 
Hitlerite blood lust to make the effort. 















A3i*nHs '1 Hdasor 
SNiomo auoM do AUVMOiiDia 




(^»w r) d^iisda 


(f/a?5T^) S3AV37 Miiininv 

SEomma aiAva 

IdaVHdlV 3H1 

MOllVZniAlD bl^31S3Ai NO IDVdMl M3^Q3H 3H1 

Hiia^i >inHiav HIS 

S'ZyK 3H1 dO AnVMOIlDia 


dmiino MI sDiimooa 

WT3HJ snniouaA 
MOtOndU dO ViaddOlDAOMd 
aiiHOTiivd: xxvHd ATiNaH 

MVKI-aHVH 1 d 

aunrvs Tnvd->ivaf 
l3^niV}i3in SI IVHM 
avanauHM hxtsom oa^Jiv 
AHdOSOllHd QMr 3DN31DS Af/ S'^^S'^:? 


XHoaoHx do snoiv 

NiviniVK sanoovf 
d^aiVM dO AHdOSOllHd 
saMHH 'a xHaaoova 

AEMacr NHOf 

Ndfll dO SP\l3ia0^d 
NiaxsNia xnaaiv 
S}IV3A N3IV1 A^ dO IflO 

HfiivA oNUsvi JO s:aooa