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Oxford University Press, Amen House, London E. C. 4 



Geoffrey Cumberlege, Publisher to the University 

^esenius, F. W. (2003). Gesenius' Hebrew grammar (E. Kautzsch & S. A. E. 
Cowley, Ed.) (2d English ed.) (Page i). Bellingham, WA: Logos Research Systems, 



AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD, 1946, 1949, 1952, 1956 



The translation of the twenty-sixth German edition of this grammar, originally 
prepared by the Rev. G. W. Collins and revised by me, was published in 1898. Since 
that date a twenty-seventh German edition has appeared; and Prof. Kautzsch was 
already engaged on a twenty-eighth in 1908 when the English translation was 
becoming exhausted. He sent me the sheets as they were printed off, and I began 
revising the former translation in order to produce it as soon as possible after the 
completion of the German. The whole of the English has been carefully compared 
with the new edition, and, it is hoped, improved in many points, while Prof. 
Kautzsch' s own corrections and additions have of course been incorporated. As 
before, the plan and arrangement of the original have been strictly followed, so that 
the references for sections and paragraphs correspond exactly in German and English. 
Dr. Driver has again most generously given up time, in the midst of other 
engagements, to reading the sheets, and has made numerous suggestions. To him also 
are chiefly due the enlargement of the index of subjects, some expansions in the new 
index of Hebrew words, and some additions to the index of passages, whereby we 
hope to have made the book more serviceable to students. I have also to thank my 
young friend, Mr. Godfrey R. Driver, of Winchester College, for some welcome help 
in correcting proofs of the Hebrew index and the index of passages. UN rw DDn p. 
Many corrections have been sent to me by scholars who have used the former English 
edition, especially the Rev. W. E. Blomfield, the Rev. S. Holmes, Mr. P. Wilson, Prof. 
Witton Davies, Mr. G. H. Skipwith, and an unknown correspondent at West Croydon. 
These, as well as suggestions in reviews, have all been considered, and where 
possible, utilized. I am also much indebted to the Press-readers for the great care 
which they have bestowed on the work. 

Finally, I must pay an affectionate tribute to the memory of Prof. Kautzsch, who 
died in the spring of this year, shortly after finishing the last sheets of the twenty- 
eighth edition. For more than thirty years he was indefatigable in improving the 
successive editions of the Grammar. The German translation of the Old Testament 
first published by him in 1894, with the co-operation of other scholars, under the title 
Die Heilige Schrift des A Ts, and now (1910) in the third and much enlarged edition, 
is a valuable work which has been widely appreciated: the Apocryphen und 
Pseudepigraphen des A Ts, edited by him in 1900, is another important work: besides 
which he published his Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramdischen in 1884, two useful 
brochures Bibelwissenschaft und Religionsunterricht in 1900, and Die bleibende 
Bedeutung des A Ts in 1 903 , six popular lectures on Die Poesie und die poetischen 
Biicher des A Ts in 1902, his article 'Religion of Israel' in Hastings' Dictionary of the 
Bible, v. (1904), pp. 612-734, not to mention minor publications. His death is a 
serious loss to Biblical scholarship, while to me and to many others it is the loss of a 

most kindly friend, remarkable alike for his simple piety and his enthusiasm for 


Magdalen College, Oxford, 
Sept. 1910. 


The present (twenty-eighth) edition of this Grammar, 1 like the former ones, takes 
account as far as possible of all important new publications on the subject, especially 
J. Barth's Sprachwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Semitischen, pt. i, Lpz. 1907; 
the important works of C. Brockelmann (for the titles see the heading of § 1; vol. i of 
the Grundriss was finished in 1 908); P. Kahle' s Der masoretische Text des A Ts nach 
der Uberlieferung der babylonischen Juden, Lpz. 1902 (giving on p. 51 ff an outline 
of Hebrew accidence from a Babylonian MS. at Berlin); R. Kittel' s Biblia Hebraica, 
Lpz. 1905 f, 2 vols, (discriminating between certain, probable, and proposed 
emendations; see § 3 g, end); Th. Noldeke' s Beitrdge zur semit. Sprachwissenschaft, 
Strassburg, 1904; Ed. Sievers' Metrische Studien (for the titles of these striking works 
see § 2 r). The important work of J. W. Rothstein, Grundzuge des hebr. Rhythmus, 
&c. (see also § 2 r), unfortunately appeared too late to be used. The two large 
commentaries edited by Nowack and Marti have been recently completed; and in P. 
Haupt's Polychrome Bible (SBOT), part ix (Kings) by Stade and Schwally was 
published in 1904. 

For full reviews of the twenty-seventh edition, which of course have been 
considered as carefully as possible, I have to thank Max Margolis (in Hebraica, 1902, 
p. 159 ff), Mayer Lambert (REJ. 1902, p. 307 ff), and H. Oort {Theol Tijdschrift, 
1902, p. 373 ff). For particular remarks and corrections I must thank Prof. J. Barth 
(Berlin), Dr. Gasser, pastor in Buchberg, Schaffhausen, B. Kirschner, of 
Charlottenburg, (contributions to the index of passages), Pastor Kohler, of Augst, Dr. 
Liebmann, of Kuczkow, Posen, Prof. Th. Noldeke, of Strassburg, Pastor S. Preiswerk 
junior, of Bale, Dr. Schwarz, of Leipzig, and Prof. B. Stade, of Giessen (died in 
1906). Special mention must be made of the abundant help received from three old 
friends of this book, Prof. P. Haupt, of Baltimore, Prof. Knudtzon, of Kristiania, and 
Prof. H. Strack, of Berlin, and also, in connexion with the present edition, Prof. H. 

1 l The first edition appeared at Halle in 1813 (202 pp. small 8vo); twelve more 

editions were published by W. Gesenius himself, the fourteenth to the twenty first 

(1845-1872) by E. Rodiger, the twenty-second to the twenty-eighth (1878-1910) by 

E. Kautzsch. The first abridged edition appeared in 1896, the second at the same time 

as the present (twenty-eighth) large edition. The first edition of the 'Ubungsbuch' 

(Exercises) to Gesenius-Kautzsch's Hebrew Grammar appeared in 1881, the sixth in 


SBOT. SBOT. = Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. by P. Haupt. Lpz. and 

Baltimore, 1893 ff. 

REJ. REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

Hyvernat, of the University of Washington, who has rendered great service especially 
in the correction and enlargement of the indexes. I take this opportunity of thanking 
them all again sincerely. And I am no less grateful also to my dear colleague Prof. C. 
Steuernagel for the unwearying care with which he has helped me from beginning to 
end in correcting the proof-sheets. 

Among material changes introduced into this edition may be mentioned the 
abolition of the term Sfwd medium (§10 d). In this I have adopted, not without 
hesitation, the views of Sievers. I find it, however, quite impossible to follow him in 
rejecting all distinctions of quantity in the vowels. It is no doubt possible that such 
matters may in the spoken language have worn a very different appearance, and 
especially that in the period of nearly a thousand years, over which the Old Testament 
writings extend, very great variations may have taken place. Our duty, however, is to 
represent the language in the form in which it has been handed down to us by the 
Masoretes; and that this form involves a distinction between unchangeable, tone-long, 
and short vowels, admits in my opinion of no doubt. The discussion of any earlier 
stage of development belongs not to Hebrew grammar but to comparative Semitic 

The same answer may be made to Beer's desire (ThLZ. 1904, col. 3 14 f) for an 
'historical Hebrew grammar describing the actual growth of the language on a basis 
of comparative philology, as it may still be traced within the narrow limits of the Old 
Testament'. Such material as is available for the purpose ought indeed to be honestly 
set forth in the new editions of Gesenius; but Beer seems to me to appraise such 
material much too highly when he refers to it as necessitating an 'historical grammar'. 
In my opinion these historical differences have for the most part been obliterated by 
the harmonizing activity of the Masoretes. 



July, 1909. 


Page 42, line 13 from below, for note 1 read note 3. 

Page 63, § 15 p. [See also Wickes, Prose Accentuation, 130 f, 87 n. (who, 
however, regards the superlinear, Babylonian system as the earlier); and Ginsburg, 
Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, 76, 78. In Ginsburg' s Hebrew Bible, ed. 2 (1908), 
pp. 108 f, 267 f, the two systems of division are printed in extenso, in parallel 
columns — the 10 verses of the superlinear (Babylonian) system consisting (in 
Exodus) of v _ 2 - 3 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 ( as numbered in ordinary texts), and the 12 verses 

ThLZ. ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz. 1876 ff 

of the sublinear (Palestinian) system, consisting of v .2- _ s R 

Page 65, note 1, for N3<£ read xdcf (as § 105 a). 

[Editions often vary in individual passages, as regards the accentuation of the first 
syllable: but in the 7 occurrences of XIX, and the 6 of nix, Baer, Ginsburg, and Kittel 
agree in having an accent on both syllables (as N|j) in Gn 50:17, Ex 32:31, Ps 
1 16:16, and Metheg on the first syllable and an accent on the second syllable (as 7\~$) 
in 2 K 20:3=Is 38:3, Jon 1 : 14, 4:2, Ps 116:4, 1 18:25, 25, Dn 9:4, Ne 1 :5, 1 1, except 
that in Ps 1 16:4 Ginsburg has H& — S. R. D.] 

Page 79, § 22 s, before inEPlTiri insert exceptions to b are. After Jer 39:12 addT>s 
52:5; and for Ez 9:6 readEzr 9:6. 

[So Baer (cf his note on Jud 20:43; also on Jer 39: 12, and several of the other 
passages in question): but Ginsburg only in 10 of the exceptions to b, and Jacob ben 
Hayyim and Kittel only in 5, viz. Jer 39:12, Pr 11:21, 15:1, Ps 52:5, Ezr 9:6 — S. R. 

Page 111, line 12,/or ninn readWTU. 

Page 123, § 45 e, add. cf. also TOB^n followed by m, Is 13:19, Am 4:11 (§ 115 d). 

Page 175, § 67; . See B. Halper, 'The Participial formations of the Geminate 
Verbs' in TAW. 1910, pp. 42 ff, 99 ff, 201 ff (also dealing with the regular verb). 

Page 177, at the end of § 67 g the following paragraph has been accidentally 

Rem. According to the prevailing view, this strengthening of the first radical is 
merely intended to give the bi-literal stem at least a tri-literal appearance. (Possibly 
aided by the analogy of verbs T'D, as P. Haupt has suggested to me in conversation.) 
But cf. Kautzsch, 'Die sog. aramaisierenden Formen der Verba V"V im Hebr.' in 
Oriental. Studien zum 70. Geburtstag Th. Noldekes, 1906, p. 771 ff. It is there shown 
(1) that the sharpening of the 1st radical often serves to emphasize a particular 
meaning (cf. ~ir, but ind'^, ^IT and ^IT, 3'Q 1 , and 3'DJ, □' ■#? and Dtt/ri), and elsewhere 
no doubt to dissimilate the vowels (as ~i^, ^V never ~ir, *7T &c): (2) that the 
sharpening of the 1st radical often appears to be occasioned by the nature of the first 
letter of the stem, especially when it is a sibilant. Whether the masoretic 
pronunciation is based on an early tradition, or the Masora has arbitrarily adopted 
aramaizing forms to attain the above objects, must be left undecided. 

Page 193, the second and third paragraphs should have the marginal letters d and e 

ZAW. ZAW,= Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff, and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

Page 200, § 72 z, line 2, after Est 2:18 add AAA. 
Page 232, § 84a s, addrm 'tf 2 S 13:20. 
Page 236, § 85 c, add7]\?\^ Ezr 4:22. 

Page 273, § 93 qq end, addn^Oto Jer 5:5, EPyai, D'S^ Ex 20:5, rtoa'tf Is 49:8, 
wm'W La 1:16 (cf. Konig, ii. 109). 


The following abbreviations have occasionally been used for works and 
periodicals frequently quoted: — 

AJSL. = American Journal of Semitic Languages. 

CIS. = Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. 

Ed.Mant. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione Sal. Norzi edidit Raphael Hayyim Basila, 
Mantuae 1742-4. 

Jabl. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D. E. Jablonski, Berolini, 1699. 

JQR = Jewish Quarterly Review. 

KAT. 3 = Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 3rd ed. by H. Zimmern and H. 
Winckler, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902 f 

lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on the 

Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, 
and C. A. Britts, Oxford, 1906. 

NB. = J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen. Lpz. 1889-94. 

NGGW. = Nachrichten der Gottinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 

OLZ. = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Vienna, 1898 ff 

PRE. = Realencyclopadie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed. by A. 
Hauck. Lpz. 1896 ff. 

PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. London, 1879 ff. 

REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

Sam. = The (Hebrew) Pentateuch of the Samaritans. 

SBOT. = Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. by P. Haupt. Lpz. and Baltimore, 
1893 ff. 

ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz. 1876 ff. 

VB. = Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, ed. by A. Jeremias and H. Winckler. Lpz. 1907 

ZA. = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by C. Bezold. Lpz. 
1886 ff. 

ZAW. = Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, Giessen, 
1881 ff, and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 1846 ff, 
since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

ZDPV. = Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastinavereins, Lpz. 1878 ff, since 1903 ed. 
by C. Steuernagel. 



§ 1. The Semitic Languages in General. 

B. Stade, Lehrb. derhebr. Gramm., Lpz. 1879, § 2 ff.; E. Konig, Hist.-krit. Lehrgeb. der 
hebr. Spr., i. Lpz. 1881, § 3; H. Strack, Einl. in dasA.T., 6th ed., Munich, 1906, p. 231 ff. 
(a good bibliography of all the Semitic dialects); Th. Noldeke, article 'Semitic 
Languages', in the 9th ed. of the Encycl. Brit. (Dis semit. Sprachen, 2nd ed., Lpz. 1899), 
and Beitr. zur sem. Sprachwiss., Strassb., 1904; W. Wright, Lectures on the Comparative 
Grammar of the Semitic Languages, Cambr. 1890; H. Reckendorf, 'Zur Karakteristik der 
sem. Sprachen, ' in the Actes duX" e Congres internat. des Orientalistes (at Geneva in 
1894), iii. 1 ff, Leiden, 1896; O. E. Lindberg, Vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, i A: 
Konsonantismus, Gothenburg, 1897; H. Zimmern, Vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, 
Berlin, 1898; E. Konig, Hebrdisch und Semitisch: Prolegomena und Grundlinien einer 
Gesch. der sem. Sprachen, &c, Berlin, 1901; C. Brockelmann, Semitische 
Sprachwissenschaft, Lpz. 1906, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, vol. i 
(Laut- und Formenlehre), parts 1-5, Berlin, 1907 f and his Kurzgef. vergleichende 
Gramm. (Porta Ling. Or.) Berlin, 1908. — The material contained in inscriptions has been 
in process of collection since 1881 in the Paris Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. To 
this the best introductions are M. Lidzbarski's Handbuch derNordsem. Epigraphik, 
Weimar, 1898, in 2 parts (text and plates), and his Ephemeris zur sem. Epigraphik (5 
parts published), Giessen, 1900 f [G. A. Cooke, Handbook of North-Semitic Inscriptions, 
Oxford, 1903]. 

1. The Hebrew language is one branch of a great family of languages in Western 
Asia which was indigenous in Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, 
Assyria, and Arabia, that is to say, in the countries extending from the Mediterranean 
to the other side of the Euphrates and Tigris, and from the mountains of Armenia to 
the southern coast of Arabia. In early times, however, it spread from Arabia over 
Abyssinia, and by means of Phoenician colonies over many islands and sea-boards of 
the Mediterranean, as for instance to the Carthaginian coast. No comprehensive 
designation is found in early times for the languages and nations of this family; the 
name Semites or Semitic 1 languages (based upon the fact that according to Gn 10:21 
ff. almost all nations speaking these languages are descended from Shem) is, 
however, now generally accepted, and has accordingly been retained here. 2 

1 l First used by Sohlozer in Eichhorn's Repertorium fur bibl. u. morgenl. Liter atur, 
1781, p. 161. 

2 2 From Shem are derived (Gn 10:21 ff.) the Aramaean and Arab families as well as 
the Hebrews, but not the Canaanites (Phoenicians), who are traced back to Ham (w. 
615 ff '), although their language belongs decidedly to what is now called Semitic. The 
language of the Babylonians and Assyrians also was long ago shown to be Semitic, 
just as Assur (Gn 10:22) is included among the sons of Shem. 

2. The better known Semitic languages may be subdivided 1 as follows: — 

I. The South Semitic or Arabic branch. To this belong, besides the classical 
literary language of the Arabs and the modern vulgar Arabic, the older southern 
Arabic preserved in the Sabaean inscriptions (less correctly called Himyaritic), and its 
offshoot, the Ge ez or Ethiopic, in Abyssinia. 

II. The Middle Semitic or Canaanitish branch. To this belongs the Hebrew of the 
Old Testament with its descendants, the New Hebrew, as found especially in the 
Mishna (see below, § 3 a), and Rabbinic; also Phoenician, with Punic (in Carthage 
and its colonies), and the various remains of Canaanitish dialects preserved in names 
of places and persons, and in the inscription of Mesa , king of Moab. 

III. The North Semitic or Aramaic branch. The subdivisions of this are — (1) The 
Eastern Aramaic or Syriac, the literary language of the Christian Syrians. The 
religious books of the Mandaeans (Nasoraeans, Sabians, also called the disciples of 
St. John) represent a very debased offshoot of this. A Jewish modification of Syriac is 
to be seen in the language of the Babylonian Talmud. (2) The Western or Palestinian 
Aramaic, incorrectly called also 'Chaldee'. 2 This latter dialect is represented in the 
Old Testament by two words in Gn 3 1 :47, by the verse Jer 10: 1 1, and the sections Dn 
2:4 to 7:28; Ezr 4:8 to 6:18, and 7:12-26, as well as by a number of non- Jewish 
inscriptions and Jewish papyri (see below, under m), but especially by a considerable 
section of Jewish literature (Targums, Palestinian Gemara, &c). To the same branch 
belongs also the Samaritan, with its admixture of Hebrew forms, and, except for the 
rather Arabic colouring of the proper names, the idiom of the Nabataean inscriptions 
in the Sinaitic peninsula, in the East of Palestine, &c. 

For further particulars about the remains of Western Aramaic (including those in the New 
Test., in the Palmyrene and Egyptian Aramaic inscriptions) see Kautzsch, Gramm. des 
Biblisch-Aramaischen, Lpz. 1884, p. 6 ff. 

IV. The East Semitic branch, the language of the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform 
inscriptions, the third line of the Achaemenian inscriptions. 

On the importance of Assyrian for Hebrew philology especially from a lexicographical 
point of view cf. Friedr. Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen hebr.-aram. Worterbuchs zum 
A. T., Lpz. 1886; P. Haupt, 'Assyrian Phonology, &c.,' in Hebraica, Chicago, Jan. 1885, vol. 
i. 3; Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1906. 

If the above division into four branches be reduced to two principal groups, No. I, 
as South Semitic, will be contrasted with the three North Semitic branches. 1 

1 l For conjectures as to the gradual divergence of the dialects (first the Babylonian, 
then Canaanite, including Hebrew, lastly Aramaic and Arabic) from primitive 
Semitic, see Zimmern, KAT. 3 , ii. p. 644 ff. 

2 2 In a wider sense all Jewish Aramaic is sometimes called 'Chaldee'. 

1 J Hommel, Grundriss der Geogr. undGesch. des alten Orients, Munich, 1904, p. 75 
ff, prefers to distinguish them as Eastern and Western Semitic branches. Their 
geographical position, however, is of less importance than the genealogical relation of 

All these languages stand to one another in much the same relation as those of the 
Germanic family (Gothic, Old Norse, Danish, Swedish; High and Low German in their earlier 
and later dialects), or as the Slavonic languages (Lithuanian, Lettish; Old Slavonic, Serbian, 
Russian; Polish, Bohemian). They are now either wholly extinct, as the Phoenician and 
Assyrian, or preserved only in a debased form, as Neo-Syriac among Syrian Christians and 
Jews in Mesopotamia and Kurdistan, Ethiopic (Ge ez) in the later Abyssinian dialects 
(Tigre, Tigrina, Amharic), and Hebrew among some modern Jews, except in so far as they 
attempt a purely literary reproduction of the language of the Old Testament. Arabic alone has 
not only occupied to this day its original abode in Arabia proper, but has also forced its way 
in all directions into the domain of other languages. 

The Semitic family of languages is bounded on the East and North by another of still 
wider extent, which reaches from India to the western limits of Europe, and is called Indo- 
Germanic 2 since it comprises, in the most varied ramifications, the Indian (Sanskrit), Old and 
New Persian, Greek, Latin, Slavonic, as well as Gothic and the other Germanic languages. 
With the Old Egyptian language, of which Coptic is a descendant, as well as with the 
languages of north-western Africa, the Semitic had from the earliest times much in common, 
especially in grammatical structure; but on the other hand there are fundamental differences 
between them, especially from a lexicographical point of view; see Erman, 'Das Verhaltnis 
des Aegyptischen zu den semitischen Sprachen, ' in the ZDMG. xlvi, 1892, p. 93 ff, and 
Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 3. 

3. The grammatical structure of the Semitic family of languages, as compared 
with that of other languages, especially the Indo-Germanic, exhibits numerous 
peculiarities which collectively constitute its distinctive character, although many of 
them are found singly in other languages. These are — (a) among the consonants, 
which in fact form the substance of these languages, occur peculiar gutturals of 
different grades; the vowels are subject, within the same consonantal framework, to 
great changes in order to express various modifications of the same stem-meaning; (b) 
the word-stems are almost invariably triliteral, i.e. composed of three consonants; (c) 
the verb is restricted to two tense-forms, with a peculiarly regulated use; (d) the noun 
has only two genders (masc. and fern.); and peculiar expedients are adopted for the 
purpose of indicating the case-relations; (e) the oblique cases of the personal pronoun, 
as well as all the possessive pronouns and the pronominal object of the verb, are 
denoted by forms appended directly to the governing word (suffixes); (f) the almost 
complete absence of compounds both in the noun (with the exception of many proper 
names) and in the verb; (g) great simplicity in the expression of syntactical relations, 
e.g. the small number of particles, and the prevalence of simple co-ordination of 
clauses without periodic structure. Classical Arabic and Syriac, however, form a not 
unimportant exception as regards the last-mentioned point. 

4. From a lexicographical point of view also the vocabulary of the Semites differs 
essentially from that of the Indo-Germanic languages, although there is apparently 
more agreement here than in the grammar. A considerable number of Semitic roots 
and stems agree in sound with synonyms in the Indo-Germanic family. But apart from 

the various groups of dialects, as rightly pointed out by A. Jeremias in ThLZ. 1906, 

col. 291. 

2 2 First by Klaproth in Asia Polyglotta, Paris, 1 823 ; cf Leo Meyer in Nachrichten d. 

Gott. Gesellschaft, 1901, p. 454. 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 

1846 ff. , since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

expressions actually borrowed (see below, under i), the real similarity may be reduced 
to imitative words (onomatopoetica), and to those in which one and the same idea is 
represented by similar sounds in consequence of a formative instinct common to the 
most varied families of language. Neither of these proves any historic or generic 
relation, for which an agreement in grammatical structure would also be necessary. 

Comp. Friedr. Delitzsch, Studien tiber indogermanisch-semitische Wurzelverwandtschaft, 
Lpz. 1873; Noldechen, Semit. Glossen zu Fick und Curtius, Magdeb. 1876 f.; McCurdy, 
Aryo-Semitic Speech, Andover, U.S.A., 1881. The phonetic relations have been thoroughly 
investigated by H. Moller in Semitisch und Indogermanisch, Teil i, Konsonanten, 
Copenhagen and Lpz. 1907, a work which has evoked considerable criticism. 

As onomatopoetic words, or as stem-sounds of a similar character, we may compare, e.g. 
Pi? 1 ?, ytl ^sxco, lingo, Skt. lih, Eng. to lick, Fr. lecher, Germ, lecken; y?% (cf. "71N, bw) kuMco, 
volvo, Germ, quellen, wallen, Eng. to well; TU, cnn, rnn, xotpdnco, Pers. khdridan, Ital. 
grattare, Fr. gratter, Eng. to grate, to scratch, Germ, kratzen; p~\B frango, Germ, brechen, 
&c; Reuss, Gesch. der hi. Schriften A.T. 's, Braunschw. 1881, p. 38, draws attention moreover 
to the Semitic equivalents for earth, six, seven, horn, to sound, to measure, to mix, to smell, to 
place, clear, to kneel, raven, goat, ox, &c. An example of a somewhat different kind is am, 
ham (sam), gam, kam, in the sense of the German samt, zusammen, together; in Hebrew D»K 
(whence naN people, properly assembly), W (with) samt, Ul also, moreover, Arab, ya^ to 
collect; Pers. ham, hamah (at the same time); Skt. samd (with), Gk. Cl(j,a (autpco), 6(x6g, 6(j,oU 
(OmXo^, 6(j,a5o<;, and harder koivo^, Lat. cum, cumulus, cunctus; with the corresponding 
sibilant Skt. sam, Gk. guv, Ep\>, ^dv6g=kow6<;, Goth, sama, Germ, samt, sammeln; but many 
of these instances are doubtful. 

Essentially different from this internal connexion is the occurrence of the same 
words in different languages, where one language has borrowed directly from the 
other. Such loan-words are — 

(a) In Hebrew: some names of objects which were originally indigenous in Babylonia and 
Assyria (see a comprehensive list of Assyrio-Babylonian loan-words in the Hebrew and 
Aramaic of the Old Testament in Zimmern and Winckler, KAT 3 , ii. p. 648 ff), in Egypt, 
Persia, or India, e.g. 1 'K? (also in the plural) river, from Egyptian yoor, generally as the name 
of the Nile (late Egypt, yarn, Assyr. yaruu), although it is possible that a pure Semitic IK 1 has 
been confounded with the Egyptian name of the Nile (so Zimmern); ~\n& (Egyptian) Nile-reed 
(see Lieblein, 'Mots egyptiens dans la Bible, ' in PSBA. 1898, p. 202 f); oris (in Zend 
pairidaeza, circumvallation=Tiapa8eiaoq) pleasure-garden, park; P3"17K daric, Persian gold 
coin; D ,, 3ri peacocks, perhaps from the Malabar togai or toghai. Some of these words are also 
found in Greek, as osns (Pers. karbds, Skt. karpdsa) cotton, Kdp7i;aao<;, carbasus. On the other 
hand it is doubtful if Hip corresponds to the Greek kPJjio^, kPJPo^, Skt. kapi, ape. 

(b) In Greek, &c: some originally Semitic names of Asiatic products and articles of 
commerce, e.g. ffa (3i3ooo^, byssus; 7]l'lb lifiavoq, fafiavoiToq, incense; nip Kdvn Kdwa, 
canna, cane; "faa kuuivov, cuminum, cumin; HV^p Kaooia, cassia; Vm K.ain\koq, camelus; 
pn'iy dppaPcbv, arrhabo, arrha, pledge. Such transitions have perhaps been brought about 
chiefly by Phoenician trade. Cf. A. Miiller, "Semitische Lehnworte im aalteren Griechisch, ' 
in Bezzenberger's Beitrdge zur Kunde der Indo-germ. Sprachen, Gottingen, 1877, vol. i. p. 
273 ff; E. Ries. Quae res et vocabula a gentibus semiticis is in Graeciam pervencerint, 

KAT. KAT: = Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 3rd ed. by H. Zimmern 

and H. Winckler, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902 f 

PSBA. PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. London, 1879 ff. 

Breslau, 1890; Muss-Aruolt, 'Semitic words in Greek and Latin,' in the Transactions of the 
American Philological Association, xxiii. p. 35 ff.; H. Lewy, Die semitischen Fremdworter im 
Griech., Berlin, 1895; J. H. Bondi, Dem hebr.-phoniz. Sprachzweige angehor. Lehnworter in 
hieroglyph, u. hieratischen Texten, Lpz. 1886. 

5. No system of writing is ever so perfect as to be able (o reproduce the sounds of 
s language in all their various shades, and the writing of the Semites has one striking 
fundamental defect, viz. that only the consonants (which indeed form the substance of 
the language) are written as real letters, 1 whilst of the vowels only the longer are 
indicated by certain representative consonants (see below, § 7). It was only later that 
special small marks (points or strokes below or above the consonants) were invented 
to represent to the eye all the vowel-sounds (see § 8). These are, however, superfluous 
for the practised reader, and are therefore often wholly omitted in Semitic manuscripts 
and printed texts. Semitic writing, moreover, almost invariably proceeds from right to 
left. 2 

With the exception of the Assyrio-Babylonian (cuneiform), all varieties of Semitic 
writing, although differing widely in some respects, are derived from one and the 
same original alphabet, represented on extant monuments most faithfully by the 
characters used on the stele of Mesa , king of Moab (see below, § 2 d), and in the old 
Phoenician inscriptions, of which the bronze howls from a temple of Baal (CIS. i. 22 
ff. and Plate IV) are somewhat earlier than Mesa . The old Hebrew writing, as it 
appears on the oldest monument, the Siloam inscription (see below, § 2 d), exhibits 
essentially the same character. The old Greek, and indirectly all European alphabets, 
are descended from the old Phoenician writing (see § 5 i). 

See the Table of Alphabets at the beginning of the Grammar, which shows the relations of 
the older varieties of Semitic writing to one another and especially the origin of the present 
Hebrew characters from their primitive forms. For a more complete view, see Gesenius' 
Scripturae linguaeque Phoeniciae monumenta, Lips. 1837, 4 to, pt. i. p. 15 ff, and pt. iii. tab. 
1-5. From numerous monuments since discovered, our knowledge of the Semitic characters, 
especially the Phoenician, has become considerably enlarged and more accurate. Cf. the all 
but exhaustive bibliography (from 1615 to 1896) in Lidzbarski's Handbuch der 
Nordsemitischen Epigraphik, i. p. 4 ff, and on the origin of the Semitic alphabet, ibid., p. 173 
ff, and Ephemeris (see the heading of § 1 a above), i. pp. 109 ff, 142, 261 ff, and his 
'Altsemitische Texte', pt. i, Kanaandische Inschriften (Moabite, Old-Hebrew, Phoenician, 
Punic), Giessen, 1907. — On the origin and development of the Hebrew characters and the 
best tables of alphabets, see § 5 a, last note, and especially § 5 e. 

1 l So also originally the Ethiopic writing, which afterwards represented the vowels 
by small appendages to the consonants, or by some other change in their form. On the 
Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform writing, which like-wise indicates the vowels, see the 
next note, ad fin. 

2 2 The Sabaean (Himyaritic) writing runs occasionally from left to right, and even 
alternately in both directions (bonstrophedon), but as a rule from right to left. In 
Ethiopic writing the direction from left to right has become the rule; some few old 
inscriptions exhibit, however, the opposite direction. The cuneiform writing also runs 
from left to right, but this is undoubtedly borrowed from a non-Semitic people. Cf. § 5 
d, note 3 . 

CIS. CIS. = Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. 

6. As regards the relative age of the Semitic languages, the oldest literary remains 
of them are to be found in the Assyrio-Babylonian (cuneiform) inscriptions, 1 with 
which are to be classed the earliest Hebrew fragments occurring in the old Testament 
(see § 2). 

The earliest non- Jewish Aramaic inscriptions known to us are that of ~IDT king of 
Hamath (early eighth cent. B.C.), on which see Noldeke, ZA. 1908, p. 376, and that 
found at Teima, in N. Arabia, in 1880, probably of the fifth cent. B.C., cf. E. Littmann 
in the Monist, xiv. 4 [and Cooke, op. cit., p. 195]. The monuments of Kalammus of 
Sam'al, in the reign of Shalmanezer II, 859-829 B.C. (cf. A. Sanda, Die Aramder, 
Lpz. 1902, p. 26), and those found in 1888-1891 at ZenjTrlT in N. Syria, including the 
Hadad inscription of thirty-four lines (early eighth cent. B.C.) and the Panammu 
inscription (740 B.C.), are not in pure Aramaic. The Jewish-Aramaic writings begin 
about the time of Cyrus (cf. Ezr 6:3 ff), specially important being the papyri from 
Assuan ed. by Sayce and Cowley, London, 1906 (and in a cheaper form by Staerk, 
Bonn, 1907), which are precisely dated from 471 to 411 B.C., and three others of 407 
B.C. ed. by Sachau, Berlin, 1907. 

Monuments of the Arabic branch first appear in the earliest centuries A.D. 
(Sabaean inscriptions, Ethiopic translation of the Bible in the fourth or fifth century, 
North-Arabic literature from the sixth century A.D.). 

It is, however, another question which of these languages has adhered longest and 
most faithfully to the original character of the Semitic, and which consequently 
represents to us the earliest phase of its development. For the more or less rapid 
transformation of the sounds and forms of a language, as spoken by nations and races, 
is dependent on causes quite distinct from the growth of a literature, and the organic 
structure of a language is often considerably impaired even before it has developed a 
literature, especially by early contact with people of a different language. Thus in the 
Semitic group, the Aramaic dialects exhibit the earliest and greatest decay, next to 
them the Hebrew-Canaanitish, and in its own way the Assyrian. Arabic, owing to the 
seclusion of the desert tribes, was the longest to retain the original fullness and purity 
of the sounds and forms of words. 1 Even here, however, there appeared, through the 

1 * According to Hilprecht, The Babylonian Expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania, i. p. 11 ff, the inscriptions found at Nippur embrace the period from 
about 4000 to 450 B.C. 

ZA. ZA. = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by C. Bezold. Lpz. 
1886 ff. 

1 * Even now the language of some of the Bedawi is much purer and more archaic 
than that of the town Arabs. It must, however, be admitted that the former exalted 
estimate of the primitiveness of Arabic has been moderated in many respects by the 
most recent school of Semitic philology. Much apparently original is to be regarded 
with Noldeke (Die semit. Spr., p. 5 [=Encycl. Brit., ed. 9, art. Semitic Languages, p. 
642]) only as a modification of the original. The assertion that the Arabs exhibit 
Semitic characteristics in their purest form, should, according to Noldeke, be rather 
that 'the inhabitants of the desert lands of Arabia, under the influence of the 
extraordinarily monotonous scenery and of a life continually the same amid continual 
change, have developed most exclusively some of the principal traits of the Semitic 
race' . 

revolutionary influence of Islam, an ever-increasing decay, until Arabic at length 
reached the stage at which we find Hebrew in the Old Testament. 

Hence the phenomenon, that in its grammatical structure the ancient Hebrew agrees more 
with the modern than with the ancient Arabic, and that the latter, although it only appears as a 
written language at a later period, has yet in many respects preserved a more complete 
structure and a more original vowel system than the other Semitic languages, cf. Noldeke, 
'Das klassische Arabisch und die arabischen Dialekte, ' in Beitrdge zur semitischen 
Sprachwissenschaft, p. 1 ff. It thus occupies amongst them a position similar to that which 
Sanskrit holds among the Indo-Germanic languages, or Gothic in the narrower circle of the 
Germanic. But even the toughest organism of a language often deteriorates, at least in single 
forms and derivatives, while on the contrary, in the midst of what is otherwise universal 
decay, there still remains here and there something original and archaic; and this is the case 
with the Semitic languages. 

Fuller proof of the above statements belongs to the comparative Grammar of the Semitic 
languages. It follows, however, from what has been said: (1) that the Hebrew language, as 
found in the sacred literature of the Jews, has, in respect to its organic structure, already 
suffered more considerable losses than the Arabic, which appears much later on the historical 
horizon; (2) that, notwithstanding this fact, we cannot at once and in all points concede 
priority to the latter; (3) that it is a mistake to consider with some that the Aramaic, on 
account of its simplicity (which is only due to the decay of its organic structure), is the oldest 
form of Semitic speech. 

§ 2. Sketch of the History of the Hebrew Language 

See Gesenius, Gesch. derhebr. Sprache u. Schrift, Lpz. 1815, §§ 5-18; Th. Noldeke's 
art., 'Sprache, hebraische,' in Schenkel's Bibel-Lexikon, Bd. v, Lpz. 1875; F. Buhl, 
'Hebraische Sprache,' in Hauck's Realencycl. fur prot. Theol. undKirche, vii (1899), p. 
506 ff; A. Cowley, 'Hebrew Language and Literature,' in the forthcoming ed. of the 
Encycl. Brit.;W. R. Smith in the Encycl. Bibl, ii. London, 1901, p. 1984 ff; A. Lukyn 
Williams, 'Hebrew,' in Hastings' Diet, of the Bible, ii. p. 325 ff, Edinb. 1899. 

1. The name Hebrew Language usually denotes the language of the sacred 
writings of the Israelites which form the canon of the Old Testament. It is also called 
Ancient Hebrew in contradistinction to the New Hebrew of Jewish writings of the 
post-biblical period (§ 3 a). The name Hebrew language (rp"pi? ]W^ y^coooa t(Ov 
'EPpaicDV, EPpaiGTi) does not occur in the Old Testament itself. Instead of it we find in 
Is 19:18 the term language of Canaan, l and rPlin? in the Jews ' language 2 K 18:26, 
28 (cf. Is 36:11, 13) Neh 13 :24. In the last-cited passage it already agrees with the 
later (post-exilic) usage, which gradually extended the name Jews, Jewish to the 
whole nation, as in Haggai, Nehemiah, and the book of Esther. 

The distinction between the names Hebrew (D ,- oy EPpaToi) and Israelites (VfCitZ" ^3) is 
that the latter was rather a national name of honour, with also a religious significance, 
employed by the people themselves, while the former appears as the less significant name by 
which the nation was known amongst foreigners. Hence in the Old Testament Hebrews are 
only spoken of either when the name is employed by themselves as contrasted with foreigners 
(Gn 40: 15, Ex 2:6 f 3:18 &c, Jon 1:9) or when it is put in the mouth of those who are not 

1 l That Hebrew in its present form was actually developed in Canaan appears from 
such facts as the use of yam (sea) for the west, negeb (properly dryness, afterwards as 
a proper name for the south of Palestine) for the south. 

Israelites (Gn 39:14, 17 4 1 : 12 &c.) or, finally, when it is used in opposition to other nations 
(Gn 14:13 43:32, Ex 2:11, 13 21:2). In 1 S 13:3, 7 and 14:21 the text is clearly corrupt. In the 
Greek and Latin authors, as well as in Josephus, the name E(3paToi, Hebraei, 2 &c, alone 
occurs. Of the many explanations of the gentilic 1 "Oy, the derivation from "QV a country on the 
other side with the derivative suffix •> ~ (§ 86 h) appears to be the only one philologically 
possible. The name accordingly denoted the Israelites as being those who inhabited the 

eber, i.e. the district on the other side of the Jordan (or according to others the Euphrates), 
and would therefore originally be only appropriate when used by the nations on this side of 
the Jordan or Euphrates. We must, then, suppose that after the crossing of the river in question 
it had been retained by the Abrahamidae as an old-established name, and within certain limits 
(see above) had become naturalized among them. In referring this name to the patronymic 
Eber, the Hebrew genealogists have assigned to it a much more comprehensive signification. 
For since in Gn 10:21 (Nu 24:24 does not apply) Shem is called the father of all the children 
of Eber, and to the latter there also belonged according to Gn 11:14 ff and 10:25 ff Aramean 
and Arab races, the name, afterwards restricted in the form of the gentilic /^/"exclusively to 
the Israelites, must have originally included a considerably larger group of countries and 
nations. The etymological significance of the name must in that case not be insisted upon. 1 

The term sPpaicii is first used, to denote the old Hebrew, in the prologue to Jesus the son 
of Sirach (about 130 B.C.), and in the New Testament, Rv 9: 1 1. On the other hand it serves in 
Jn5:2, 19:13, 17 perhaps also in 19:20 and Rv 16: 16 to denote what was then the (Aramaic) 
vernacular of Palestine as opposed to the Greek. The meaning of the expression £|3pa'ic; 
5idXeKio^ in Acts 21:40, 22:2, and 26: 14 is doubtful (cf Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., 
p. 19 f). Josephus also uses the term Hebrew both of the old Hebrew and of the Aramaic 
vernacular of his time. 

The Hebrew language is first called the sacred language in the Jewish-Aramaic versions 
of the Old Testament, as being the language of the sacred books in opposition to the lingua 
profana, i.e. the Aramaic vulgar tongue. 

2. With the exception of the Old Testament (and apart from the Phoenician 
inscriptions; see below, f-h), only very few remains of old Hebrew or old Canaanitish 
literature have been preserved. Of the latter — (1) an inscription, unfortunately much 
injured, of thirty -four lines, which was found in the ancient territory of the tribe of 
Reuben, about twelve miles to the east of the Dead Sea, among the ruins of the city of 
Dibon (now Diban), inhabited in earlier times by the Gadites, afterwards by the 
Moabites. In it the Moabite king Mesa (about 850 B.C.) recounts his battles with 
Israel (cf. 2 K 3:4 ff.), his buildings, and other matters. 2 Of old Hebrew: (2) an 

2 2 The Graeco-Roman form of the name is not directly derived from the Hebrew 
,- l3V, but from the Palestinian Aramaic ebrdyd, 'the Hebrew.' 

1 l We may also leave out of account the linguistically possible identification of the 
Ibriyyi m with the abiri who appear in the Tell-el-Amarna letters (about 1400 

B.C.) as freebooters and mercenaries in Palestine and its neighbourhood. 

2 2 This monument, unique of its kind, was first seen in August, 1868, on the spot, by 
the German missionary F. A. Klein. It was afterwards broken into pieces by the 
Arabs, so that only an incomplete copy of the inscription could be made. Most of the 
fragments are now in the Louvre in Paris. For the history of the discovery and for the 
earlier literature relating to the stone, see Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische Epigraphik, i. 
pp. 103 f., 415 f, and in the bibliography (under Me), p. 39 ff. The useful 
reproduction and translation of the inscription by Smend and Socin (Freiburg in 
Baden, 1886) was afterwards revised and improved by Nordlander, Die Inschrift des 

inscription of six lines (probably of the eighth century B.C. 1 ) discovered in June, 1880, 
in the tunnel between the Virgin's Spring and the Pool of Siloam at Jerusalem; (3) 
about forty engraved seal-stones, some of them pre-exilic but bearing little except 
proper names 2 ; (4) coins of the Maccabaean prince Simon (from 'the 2nd year of 
deliverance', 140 and 139 B.C.) and his successors, 3 and the coinage of the revolts in 
the times of Vespasian and Hadrian. 

3. In the whole series of the ancient Hebrew writings, as found in the Old 
Testament and also in non-biblical monuments (see above, d), the language (to judge 
from its consonantal formation) remains, as regards its general character, and apart 
from slight changes in form and differences of style (see k to w), at about the same 
stage of development. In this form, it may at an early time have been fixed as a 
literary language, and the fact that the books contained in the Old Testament were 
handed down as sacred writings, must have contributed to this constant uniformity. 

Konigs Mesa vonMoab, Lpz. 1896; by Socin and Holzinger, 'Zur Mesainschrift' 
(Berichte der K. Sdchsischen Gesell. d. Wiss., Dec. 1897); and by Lidzbarski, 'Eine 
Nachpriifung der Mesainschrift' (Ephemeris, i. 1, p. 1 ff; text in his Altsemitischs 
Texte, pt. 1, Giessen, 1907); J. Halevy, Revue Semitique, 1900, pp. 236 ff, 289 ff, 
1901, p. 297 ff; M. J. Lagrange, Revue biblique Internationale, 1901, p. 522 ff; F. 
Pratorius in ZDMG. 1905, p. 33 ff, 1906, p. 402. Its genuineness was attacked by A. 
Lowy, Die Echtheit der Moabit. Inschr. im Louvre (Wien, 1903), and G. Jahn in Das 
Buck Daniel, Lpz. 1904, p. 122 ff. (also in ZDMG. 1905, p. 723 ff), but without 
justification, as shown by E. Konig in ZDMG 1905, pp. 233 ff. and 743 ff. [Cf also 
Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, Oxford, 1890, p. lxxxv ff; 
Cooke, op. cit., p. 1 ff] 

1 l Of this inscription — unfortunately not dated, but linguistically and 
palaeographically very important — referring to the boring of the tunnel, a facsimile is 
given at the beginning of this grammar. See also Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische 
Epigraphik, i. 105, 163, 439 (bibliography, p. 56 ff; facsimile, vol. ii, plate xxi, 1); on 
the new drawing of it by Socin (ZDPV. xxii. p. 61 ff. and separately published at 
Freiburg i. B. 1899), see Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 53 ff. and 310 f (text in Altsemit. 
Texte, p. 9 f). Against the view of A. Fischer (ZDMG. 1902, p. 800 f) that the six 
lines are the continuation of an inscription which was never executed, see Lidzbarski, 
Ephemeris, ii. 71. The inscription was removed in 1890, and broken into six or seven 
pieces in the process. It has since been well restored, and is now in the Imperial 
Museum at Constantinople. If, as can hardly be doubted, the name n' 1 ?^ (i.e. emissid) 
Is 8:6 refers to the discharge of water from the Virgin's Spring, through the tunnel (so 
Stade, Gesch. Isr. i. 594), then the latter, and consequently the inscription, was 
already in existence about 736 B.C. [Cf. Cooke, op. cit., p. 15 ff] 

2 2 M. A. Levy, Siegelu. Gemmen, &c, Bresl. 1869, p. 33 ff; Stade, ZAW. 1897, p. 
501 ff. (four old-Semitic seals published in 1896); Lidzbarski, Handbuch, i. 169 f; 
Ephemeris, i. 10 ff; W. Nowack, Lehrb. d. hebr. Archdol. (Freib. 1894), i. 262 f; I. 
Benzinger, Hebr. Archdol 2 (Tubingen, 1907), pp. 80, 225 ff, which includes the 
beautiful seal inscribed DinT 12V TOIZ/ 1 ? from the castle-hill of Megiddo, found in 
1904; [Cooke, p. 362]. 

3 3 De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Par. 1874; M. A. Levy, Gesch. der 
jud. Munzen, Breslau, 1862; Madden, The Coins of the Jews, Lond. 1881; Reinach, 
Les monnaies juives, Paris, 1888. — Cf. the literature in Schorer's Gesch. des 
jiid.Vo/kes im Zeitalter J. C. 3 , Lpz. 1901, i. p. 20 ff; [Cooke, p. 352 ff]. 

To this old Hebrew, the language of the Canaanitish or Phoenician 4 stockscame the 
nearest of all the Semitic languages, as is evident partly from the many Canaanitish names of 
persons and places with a Hebrew form and meaning which occur in the Old Testament (e.g. 
P7X~ 1 3 1 7», IQp rnp, &c; on 'Canaanite glosses' 1 to Assyrian words in the cuneiform tablets of 
Tell-el-Amarna [about 1400 B.C.] cf. H. Winckler, 'Die Thontafeln von Tellel-Amarna, ' in 
Keilinschr. Bibliothek, vol. v, Berlin, 1896 f [transcription and translation]; J. A. Knudtzon, 
Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, Lpz. 1907 f; H. Zimmern, ZA. 1891, p. 154 ff and KAT 3 , p. 651 ff), 
and partly from the numerous remains of the Phoenician and Punic languages. 

The latter we find in their peculiar writing (§ 1 k, 1) in a great number of inscriptions and 
on coins, copies of which have been collected by Gesenius, Judas, Bourgade, Davis, de 
Vogue, Levy, P. Schroder, v. Maltzan, Euting, but especially in Part I of the Corpus 
Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 ff. Among the inscriptions but few public documents 
are found, e.g. two lists of fees for sacrifices; by far the most are epitaphs or votive tablets. Of 
special importance is the inscription on the sarcophagus of King Esmunazar of Sidon, found 
in 1855, now in the Louvre; see the bibliography in Lidzbarski, Nordsem. Epigr., i. 23 ff; on 
the inscription, i. 97 ff, 141 f, 417, ii. plate iv, 2; [Cooke, p. 30 ff]. To these may be added 
isolated words in Greek and Latin authors, and the Punic texts in Plautus, Poenulus 5, 1-3 
(best treated by Gildemeister in Ritschl's edition of Plautus, Lips. 1884, torn, ii, fasc. 5). From 
the monuments we learn the native orthography, from the Greek and Latin transcriptions the 
pronunciation and vocalization; the two together give a tolerably distinct idea of the language 
and its relation to Hebrew. 

Phoenician (Punic) words occurring in inscriptions are, e.g. *7K God, DTK man, p son, nn 
daughter, *pa king, "735? servant, "{Spriest, !"DT sacrifice, "7V3 lord, E>»E> sun, piN land, W sea, 
pN stone, ^DD silver, "7T13 iron, pE> oil, W time, "Dp grave, rasa monument, Dpa place, 3DE>a 
bed, *7D all, TnK one, n>W two, cVe? three, yTUHfour, WW five, CC six, V3E> seven, -|E>V ten, p 
(=Hebr. HTi) to be, y»E> to hear, nnQ to open, TH to vow, ~p3 to bless, E>p3 to seek, &c. Proper 
names: ]11 Sidon, 15J Tyre, Kin Hanno, Vvrnn Hannibal, &c. See the complete vocabulary in 
Lidzbarski, Nordsem. Epigr., i. 204 ff. 

Variations from Hebrew in Phoenician orthography and inflection are, e.g. the almost 
invariable omission of the vowel letters (§ 7 b), as fQ for ITO house, Vp for Vip voice, yn for 
TiT!!*, U1TO for D^rTa priests, uf?H (in Plaut. alonim) gods ; the fern., even in the absolute state, 
ending in n (ath) (§ 80 b) as well as N (d), the relative tt>N (Hebr. ~iE>N), &c. The differences in 
pronunciation are more remarkable, especially in Punic, where the i was regularly pronounced 
as u, e.g. BQ'tt* sufiet (judge), tt*VtS* salus (three), KH rus = K>N'~i head; i and e often as the 
obscure dull sound of^, e.g. 133H ynnynnu (ecce eum), nx (Nifyyth; the V as o, e.g. ipyn Mocar 
(cf. ray, a LXX, Gn 22:24 Mco%d). See the collection of the grammatical peculiarities in 
Gesenius, Monuments Phoenicia, p. 430 ff; Paul Schroder, Die phoniz. Sprache, Halle, 1869; 
B. Stade, 'Erneute Profung des zwischen dem Phonic, und Hebr. bestehenden 
Verwandtschaftsgrades,' in the Morgenldnd. Forschungen, Lpz. 1875, p. 169 ff. 

4 4 11715, ^,3? is the native name, common both to the Canaanitish tribes in Palestine 
and to those which dwelt at the foot of the Lebanon and on the Syrian coast, whom we 
call Phoenicians, while they called themselves ]W3 on their coins. The people of 
Carthage also called themselves so. 

1 l Cf. inter alia : aparu, also aparn (Assyr. eprn, ipru)=~}BV; ullu=Vv (with hard 
1?; cf. § 6 c, and Assyr. amri^y^V, azzatu = n-ty); iazkur = 1'3J\, zaru u = yilT, 
abadat = 7Vff&,sa ri = ~Wl,gate;ba nu = 103, belly; kilubi = "2t!"5, net; aduk = p IS 
(p 1 ??), &c. [Cf. Bohl, Die Sprache d. Amarnabriefe, Lpz. 1909.] 

4. As the Hebrew writing on monuments and coins mentioned in d consists only 
of consonants, so also the writers of the Old Testament books used merely the 
consonant-signs (§ 1 k), and even now the written scrolls of the Law used in the 
synagogues must not, according to ancient custom, contain anything more. The 
present pronunciation of this consonantal text, its vocalization and accentuation, rest 
on the tradition of the Jewish schools, as it was finally fixed by the system of 
punctuation (§ 7 h) introduced by Jewish scholars about the seventh century A.D.; cf. § 
3 b. 

An earlier stage in the development of the Canaanitish-Hebrew language, i.e. a 
form of it anterior to the written documents now extant, when it must have stood 
nearer to the common language of the united Semitic family, can still be discerned in 
its principal features: — (1) from many archaisms preserved in the traditional texts, 
especially in the names of persons and places dating from earlier times, as well as in 
isolated forms chiefly occurring in poetic style; (2) in general by an a posteriori 
conclusion from traditional forms, so far as according to the laws and analogies of 
phonetic change they clearly point to an older phase of the language; and (3) by 
comparison with the kindred languages, especially Arabic, in which this earlier stage 
of the language has been frequently preserved even down to later times (§ 1 m, n). In 
numerous instances in examining linguistic phenomena, the same — and consequently 
so much the more certain — result is attained by each of these three methods. 

Although the systematic investigation of the linguistic development indicated above 
belongs to comparative Semitic philology, it is nevertheless indispensable for the scientific 
treatment of Hebrew to refer to the groundforms 1 so far as they can be ascertained and to 
compare the corresponding forms in Arabic. Even elementary grammar which treats of the 
forms of the language occurring in the Old Testament frequently requires, for their 
explanation, a reference to theseground-forms. 

5. Even in the language of the Old Testament, notwithstanding its general 
uniformity, there is noticeable a certain progress from an earlier to a later stage. Two 
periods, though with some reservations, may be distinguished: the first, down to the 
end of the Babylonian exile; and the second, after the exile. 

To the former belongs, apart from isolated traces of a later revision, the larger half 
of the Old Testament books, viz. (a) of the prose and historical writings, a large part 
of the Pentateuch and of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings; (b) of the poetical, 
perhaps a part of the Psalms and Proverbs; (c) the writings of the earlier prophets 
(apart from various later additions) in the following chronological order: Amos, 
Hosea, Isaiah I, Micah, Nahum, Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Obadiah (?), Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel, Isaiah II (ch. 40-55). 

The beginning of this period, and consequently of Hebrew literature generally, is 
undoubtedly to be placed as early as the time of Moses, although the Pentateuch in its present 
form, in which very different strata may be still clearly recognized, is to be regarded as a 
gradual production of the centuries after Moses. Certain linguistic peculiarities of the 
Pentateuch, which it was once customary to regard as archaisms, such as the epicene use of 

1 l Whether these can be described simply as 'primitive Semitic' is a question which 
may be left undecided here. 

~\V1 boy, youth, for mv 1 girl, and Kin for NT!, are merely to be attributed to a later redactor; cf. 
§17c. ' 

The linguistic character of the various strata of the Pentateuch has been examined by 
Ryssel, De Elohistae Pentateuchici sermone, Lpz. 1878; Konig, De criticae sacrae 
argumento e linguae legibus repetito, Lpz. 1879 (analysis of Gn 1-11); F. Giesebrecht, 'Der 
Sprachgebr. des hexateuchischen Elohisten,' in ZAW. 1881, p. 177 ff, partly modified by 
Driver in the Journal of Philology, vol. xi. p. 201 ff; Krautlein, Die sprachl. 
Verschiedenheiten in den Hexateuchquellen, Lpz. 1908. — Abundant matter is afforded also 
by Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuct, Freib. 1893; Driver, Introduction to the Literature 
of the Old Testament*, Edinburgh, 1908; Strack, Einleitung ins A. T. , Munich, 1906; Konig, 
Einleitung in das A. T., Bonn, 1893. 

6. Even in the writings of this first period, which embraces about 600 years, we 
meet, as might be expected, with considerable differences in linguistic form and style, 
which are due partly to differences in the time and place of composition, and partly to 
the individuality and talent of the authors. Thus Isaiah, for example, writes quite 
differently from the later Jeremiah, but also differently from his contemporary Micah. 
Amongst the historical books of this period, the texts borrowed from earlier sources 
have a linguistic colouring perceptibly different from those derived from later sources, 
or passages which belong to the latest redactor himself. Yet the structure of the 
language, and, apart from isolated cases, even the vocabulary and phraseology, are on 
the whole the same, especially in the prose books. 

But the poetic language is in many ways distinguished from prose, not only by a 
rhythm due to more strictly balanced (parallel) members and definite metres (see r), 
but also by peculiar words and meanings, inflexions and syntactical constructions 
which it uses in addition to those usual in prose. This distinction, however, does not 
go far as, for example, in Greek. Many of these poetic peculiarities occur in the 
kindred languages, especially in Aramaic, as the ordinary modes of expression, and 
probably are to be regarded largely as archaisms which poetry retained. Some 
perhaps, also, are embellishments which the Hebrew poets who knew Aramaic 
adopted into their language. 1 

The prophets, at least the earlier, in language and rhythm are to be regarded 
almost entirely as poets, except that with them the sentences are often more extended, 
and the parallelism is less regular and balanced than is the case with the poets 
properly so called. The language of the later prophets, on the contrary, approaches 
nearer to prose. 

On the rhythm of Hebrew poetry, see besides the Commentaries on the poetical books and 
Introductions to the O. T., J. Ley, Grundzuge des Rhythmus, &c, Halle, 1875; Leitfaden der 
Metrik der hebr. Poesie, Halle, 1887; 'Die metr. Beschaffenheit des B. Hiob,' in Theol. Stud, 
u. Krit, 1895, iv, 1897, i; Grimme, 'Abriss der bibl.-hebr. Metrik,' ZDMG. 1896, p. 529 ff, 
1897, p. 683 ff; Psalmenprobleme, Sec, Freiburg (Switzerland), 1902 (on which see Beer in 

ZAW. ZAW,= Zeitschrift fur die alttestamenfliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff., and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

1 l That already in Isaiah's time (second half of the eighth century B.C.) educated 
Hebrews, or at least officers of state, understood Aramaic, while the common people 
in Jerusalem did not, is evident from 2 K 18:26 (Is 36: 1 1). 

ThLZ. 1903, no. 11); 'Gedanken liber hebr. Metrik,' in Altsehiiler's Vierteljahrschrift, i 
(1903), 1 ff.; Doller, Rhythmus, Metrik u. Strophikin d. bibl.-hebr. Poesie, Paderborn, 1899; 
Schloegl, De re metrics veterum Hebraeorum disputatio, Vindobonae, 1899 (on the same 
lines as Grimme); but especially Ed. Sievers, Metrische Studien : i Studien zur hebr. Metrik, 
pt. 1 Untersuchungen, pt. 2 Textproben, Lpz. 1901: ii Die hebr. Genesis, 1 Texte, 2 Zur 
Quellenscheidung u. Textkritik, Lpz. 1904 f.: iii Samuel, Lpz. 1907; Amos metrisch bearbeitet 
(with H. Guthe), Lpz. 1907; and his Alttest. Miszellen (1 Is 24-27, 2 Jena, 3 Deutero- 
Zecbariah, 4 Malachi, 5 Hoses, 6 Joel, 7 Obadiah, 8 Zephaniah, 9 Haggai, 10 Micah), Lpz. 
1904-7. — As a guide to Sievers' system (with some criticism of his principles) see Baumann, 
'Die Metrik u. das A.T.;,' in the Theol. Rundschau, viii (1905), 41 ff.; W. H. Cobb, A 
criticism of systems of Hebrew Metre, Oxford, 1905; Cornill, Einleitung ins A.T: , Tubingen, 
1905, p. 1 1 ff; Rothstein, Zeitschr. fiir d. ev. Rel.-Unterricht, 1907, p. 188 ff. and his 
Grundziige des hebr. Rhythmus, Lpz. 1909 (also separately Psalmentexte u. der Text des 
Hohen Liedes, Lpz. 1909); W. R. Arnold, 'The rhythms of the ancient Heb.,' in O.T. and 
Semitic Studies in memory ofW. R. Harper, i. 165 ff, Chicago, 1907, according to whom the 
number of syllables between the beats is only limited by the physiological possibilities of 
phonetics; C.v. Orelli, 'Zur Metrik der alttest. Prophetenschriften,' in his Kommentar zu den 
Id. Propheten 3 , p. 236 ff, Munich, 1908. — In full agreement with Sievers is Baethgen, 
Psalmen 3 , p. xxvi ff, Gottingen, 1904. [Cf Budde in DB. iv. 3 ff; Duhm in EB. iii. 3793 ff] 

Of all views of this matter, the only one generally accepted as sound was at first Ley's 
and Budde's discovery of the Qina- or Lamentation-Verse (ZAW. 1882, 5 ff; 1891, 234 ff; 
1892, 31 ff). On their predecessors, Lowth, de Wette, Ewald, see Lohr, Klagelied 2 , p. 9. This 
verse, called by Duhm 'long verse', by Sievers simply 'five-syllabled' (Funfer), consists of 
two members, the second at least one beat shorter than the other. That a regular repetition of 
an equal number of syllables in arsis and thesis was observed by other poets, had been 
established by Ley, Duhm, Gunkel, Grimme, and others, especially Zimmern, who cites a 
Babylonian hymn in which the members are actually marked (ZA. x. 1 ff, xii. 382 ff; cf. also 
Delitzsch, Das babyl. Weltschopfungsepos, Lpz. 1896, pp. 60 ff). Recently, however, E. 
Sievers, the recognized authority on metre in other branches of literature, has indicated, in the 
works mentioned above, a number of fresh facts and views, which have frequently been 
confirmed by the conclusions of Ley and others. The most important are as follows: — 

Hebrew poetry, as distinguished from the quantitative Classical and Arabic and the 
syllabic Syriac verse, is accentual. The number of unstressed syllables between the beats 
(ictus) is, however, not arbitrary, but the scheme of the verse is based on an irregular anapaest 
which may undergo rhythmical modifications (e.g. resolving the ictus into two syllables, or 
lengthening the arsis so as to give a double accent) and contraction, e.g. of the first two 
syllables. The foot always concludes with the ictus, so that toneless endings, due to change of 
pronunciation or corruption of the text, are to be disregarded, although as a rule the ictus 
coincides with the Hebrew word-accent. The metrical scheme consists of combinations of feet 
in series (of 2, 3 or 4), and of these again in periods — double threes, very frequently, double 
fours in narrative, fives in Lamentations (see above) and very often elsewhere, and sevens. 
Sievers regards the last two metres as catalectic double threes and fours. Connected sections 
do not always maintain the same metre throughout, but often exhibit a mixture of metres. 

It can no longer be doubted that in the analysis of purely poetical passages, this system 
often finds ready confirmation and leads to textual and literary results, such as the elimination 
of glosses. There are, however, various difficulties in carrying out the scheme consistently 
and extending it to the prophetical writings and still more to narrative: (1) not infrequently the 
required number of feet is only obtained by sacrificing the clearly marked parallelism, or the 
grammatical connexion (e.g. of the construct state with its genitive), and sometimes even by 

ThLZ. ThLZ. = Theol ogische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz. 1876 ff. 

means of doubtful emendations; (2) the whole system assumes a correct transmission of the 
text and its pronunciation, for neither of which is there the least guarantee. To sum up, our 
conclusion at present is that for poetry proper some assured and final results have been 
already obtained, and others may be expected, from the principles laid down by Sievers, 
although, considering the way in which the text has been transmitted, a faultless arrangement 
of metres cannot be expected. Convincing proof of the consistent use of the same metrical 
schemes in the prophets, and a fortiori in narrative, can hardly be brought forward. 

The great work of D. H. Muller, Die Propheten in ihrer ursprungl. Form (2 vols., Vienna, 
1896; cf. his Strophenbau u. Respension, ibid. 1898, and {Composition u. Strophenbau, ibid. 
1907), is a study of the most important monuments of early Semitic poetry from the point of 
view of strophic structure and the use of the refrain, i.e. the repetition of the same or similar 
phrases or words in corresponding positions in different strophes. 

The arrangement of certain poetical passages in verse-form required by early scribal rules 
(Ex 15: 1-19; Dt 32: 1-43; Ju 5; 1 S 2:1-10; 2 S 22, 23:1-7; Ps 18, 136; Pr. 31:10-31; 1 Ch 
16:8-36: cf. also Jo 12:9-24; Ec 3:2-8; Est 9:7-10) has nothing to do with the question of 
metre in the above sense. 

Words are used in poetry, for which others are customary in prose, e.g. BfiJX man = DIN; 
ni'Xpath = Tin; nVa word= Ta-r; nin to see = HNl; nriN to come = NO. 

To the poetic meanings of words belongs the use of certain poetic epithets as substantives; 
thus, for example, ION (only in constr, st. TON) the strong one for God, ION the strong one 
for bull, horse; rUT? alba for luna; Ti enemy for 1?'N. 

Of word-forms, we may note, e.g. the longer forms of prepositions of place (§ 103 n) "ty 
= Vv, ■'Vn = "?N, •'TV = TV; the endings ^ ~, i in the noun (§ 90); the pronominal suffixes i», ia d", d" 
i» for D, D ", D - (§ 58); the plural ending y ' for W ~ (§ 87 e). To the syntax belongs the far 
more sparing use of the article, of the relative pronoun, of the accusative particle riN; the 
construct state even before prepositions; the shortened imperfect with the same meaning as 
the ordinary form (§ 109 i); the wider governing power of prepositions; and in general a 
forcible brevity of expression. 

7. The second period of the Hebrew language and literature, after the return from 
the exile until the Maccabees (about 160 B.C.), is chiefly distinguished by a constantly 
closer approximation of the language to the kindred western Aramaic dialect. This is 
due to the influence of the Aramaeans, who lived in close contact with the recent and 
thinly-populated colony in Jerusalem, and whose dialect was already of importance as 
being the official language of the western half of the Persian empire. Nevertheless the 
supplanting of Hebrew by Aramaic proceeded only very gradually. Writings intended 
for popular use, such as the Hebrew original of Jesus the son of Sirach and the book 
of Daniel, not only show that Hebrew about 170 B.C. was still in use as a literary 
language, but also that it was still at least understood by the people. 1 When it had 
finally ceased to exist as a living language, it was still preserved as the language of 

1 l The extensive use of Hebrew in the popular religious literature which is partly 
preserved to us in the Midrasim, the Misna, and the Liturgy, indicates, moreover, that 
Hebrew was widely understood much later than this. Cf. M. H. Segal, 'Misnaic 
Hebrew and its relations to Biblical Hebrew and Aramaic,' in JQR, 1908, p. 647 ff 
(also separately). 

the Schools — not to mention the numerous Hebraisms introduced into the Aramaic 
spoken by the Jews. 

For particulars, see Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., pp. 1-6. We may conveniently 
regard the relation of the languages which co-existed in this later period as similar to that of 
the High and Low German in North Germany, or to that of the High German and the common 
dialects in the south and in Switzerland. Even amongst the more educated, the common 
dialect prevails orally, whilst the High German serves essentially as the literary and cultured 
language, and is at least understood by all classes of the people. Wholly untenable is the 
notion, based on an erroneous interpretation of Neh 8:8, that the Jews immediately after the 
exile had completely forgotten the Hebrew language, and therefore needed a translation of the 
Holy Scriptures. 

The Old Testament writings belonging to this second period, in all of which the 
Aramaic colouring appears in various degrees, are: certain parts of the Pentateuch and 
of Joshua, Ruth, the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, Esther; the prophetical 
books of Haggai, Zechariah, Isaiah III (56-66), Malachi, Joel, Jonah, Daniel; of the 
poetical books, a large part of Proverbs, Job, Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes, and most of 
the Psalms. As literary compositions, these books are sometimes far inferior to those 
of the first period, although work was still produced which in purity of language and 
aesthetic value falls little short of the writings of the golden age. 

Later words (Aramaisms) are, e.g. HiriK declaration, DIN compel, 13 son, TJ chalk, "jat = nv 
time, IpT raise up, TDP! Pi. reproach, V70 Pi. roof over, nvtp stray, ^3 rock, ~fra advise, ^po = fj? 
end, "73p = T\tl take, V$n = f$~\ break, V.W be many, oVtS* = "]V» rule, ^[pri = T»N be strong. — 
Later meanings are, e.g. "inN (to say) to command; rnv (to answer) to being speaking. — 
Orthographical and grammatical peculiarities are, the frequent scriptio plena of i and ■" ", e.g. 
TlV (elsewhere TH), even tznip for tzn'p, 3i~i for 3'~i; the interchange of n ~ and H ~ final; the 
more frequent use of substantives in fi, ] ~, m, &c. Cf Dav. Strauss, Sprachl. Studien zu d. 
hebr. Sirachfragmenten, Zurich, 1900, p. 19 ff; for the Psalms Cheyne, Origin of the Psalter, 
p. 461 ff, and especially Giesebrecht in ZAW. 1881, p. 276 ff; in general, Kautzsch, Die 
Aramaismen im A. T. (i, Lexikal. Teil), Halle, 1902. 

But all the peculiarities of these later writers are not Aramaisms. Several do not occur in 
Aramaic and must have belonged at an earlier period to the Hebrew vernacular, especially it 
would seem in northern Palestine. There certain parts of Judges, amongst others, may have 
originated, as is indicated, e.g. by E>, a common form in Phoenician (as well as tl>K), for 1B*K (§ 
36), which afterwards recurs in Jonah, Lamentations, the Song of Songs, the later Psalms, and 

Rem. 1. Of dialectical varieties in the old Hebrew language, only one express mention 
occurs in the O. T. (Ju 12:6), according to which the Ephraimites in certain cases pronounced 
the tf as D. (Cf. Marquart in ZAW. 1888, p. 151 ff.) Whether in Neh 13:24 by the speech of 
Ashdod a Hebrew, or a (wholly different) Philistine dialect is intended, cannot be determined. 
On the other hand, many peculiarities in the North Palestinian books (Judges and Hoses) are 
probably to be regarded as differences in dialect, and so also some anomalies in the Moabite 
inscription of Mesa (see above, d). On later developments see L. Metman, Die hebr. 
Sprache, ihre Geschichte u. lexikal. Entwickelung seit Abschluss des Kanons u. ihr Bau in d. 
Gegenwart, Jerusalem, 1906. 

1 l T)l in the Minor Prophets throughout (He 3:5, &c.) is due merely to a caprice of 
the Masoretes. 

2. It is evident that, in the extant remains of old Hebrew literature, 2 the entire store of the 
ancient language is not preserved. The canonical books of the Old Testament formed certainly 
only a fraction of the whole Hebrew national literature. 

§ 3. Grammatical Treatment of the Hebrew Language 

Gesenius, Gesch. derhebr. Sprache, §§ 19-39; Oehler's article, 'Hebr. Sprache,' in 
Schmid's Encykl. des ges. Erziehungs- u. Unterrichtswesens, vol. iii. p. 346 ff (in the 2nd 
ed. revised by Nestle, p. 3 14 ff). Cf also the literature cited above in the headings of § § 
1 and 2; also Bottcher, Lehrb. der hebr. Spr., i. Lpz. 1866, p. 30 ff; L. Geiger, Das 
Studium der Hebr. Spr. in Deutschl. vom Ends des XV. bis zurMitte des XVI. Jahrh., 
Breslau, 1870; B. Pick, 'The Study of the Hebrew Language among Jews and Christians," 
in Bibliotheca Sacra, 1884, p. 450 ff, and 1885, p. 470 ff; W. Bacher, article 'Grammar' 
in the Jew. Encyclopaedia, vol. vi, New York and London, 1904. Cf. also the note on d. 

1. At the time when the old Hebrew language was gradually becoming extinct, 
and the formation of the O. T. canon was approaching completion, the Jews began to 
explain and critically revise their sacred text, and sometimes to translate it into the 
vernacular languages which in various countries had become current among them. 
The oldest translation is the Greek of the Seventy (more correctly Seventy-two) 
Interpreters (LXX), which was begun with the Pentateuch at Alexandria under 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, but only completed later. It was the work of various authors, 
some of whom had a living knowledge of the original, and was intended for the use of 
Greek-speaking Jews, especially in Alexandria. Somewhat later the Aramaic 
translations, or Targums (D'M^F! i.e. interpretations), were formed by successive 
recensions made in Palestine and Babylonia. The explanations, derived in part from 
alleged tradition, refer almost exclusively to civil and ritual law and dogmatic 
theology, and are no more scientific in character than much of the textual tradition of 
that period. Both kinds of tradition are preserved in the Talmud, the first part of 
which, the Misna, was finally brought to its present form towards the end of the 
second century; of the remainder, the Gemdra, one recension (the Jerusalem or 
Palestinian Gem.) about the middle of the fourth century, the other (the Babylonian 
Gem.) about the middle of the sixth century A.D. The Misna forms the beginning of 
the New-Hebrew literature; the language of the Gemaras is for the most part Aramaic. 

2. To the interval between the completion of the Talmud and the earliest 
grammatical writers, belong mainly the vocalization and accentuation of the hitherto 
unpointed text of the O.T., according to the pronunciation traditional in the 
Synagogues and Schools (§ 7 h, i), as well as the greater part of the collection of 
critical notes which bears the name of Masora (niio.ip traditio 7). 1 From this the text 

2 2 According to the calculation of the Dutch scholar Leusden, the O.T. contains 5,642 
different Hebrew and Aramaic words; according to rabbinical calculations, 79,856 
altogether in the Pentateuch. Cf. also E. Nestle, TAW. 1906, p. 283; H. Strack, TAW. 
1907, p. 69 ff. ; Blau, 'Neue masoret. Studien, ' mJQR. xvi. 357 ff. , treats of the 
number of letters and words, and the ve sedivision in the O.T. 
1 l On the name Masora (or Massora, as e.g. E. Konig, Einleitung in das A. 71, p. 38 
ff. ; Lehrgeb. d. hebr. Sprache, ii. 358 ff. ), and the great difficulty of satisfactorily 
explaining it, cf. De Lagarde, Mitteilungen, i. 91 ff. W. Bacher's derivation of the 
expression (mJQR. 1891, p. 785 ff. ; so also C. Levias m the Hebrew Union College 
Annual, Cincinnati, 1904, p. 147 ff. ) from Ez 20:37 (TTHSri n^'O/D; mo&, i. e. rnoia, 

which has since been transmitted with rigid uniformity by the MSS., and is still the 
received text of the O.T., has obtained the name of the Masoretic Text. 

E. F. K. Rosenmuller already (Handbuch fur d. Liter, der bibl. Kritik u. Exegese, 1797, i. 
247; Vorrede zur Stereotyp-Ausg. des A. T. , Lpz. 1834) maintained that our O. T. text was 
derived from Codices belonging to a single recension. J. G. Sommer (cf. Cornill, ZAW. 1892, 
p. 309), Olshausen (since 1853), and especially De Lagarde (Proverbien, 1863, p. 1 ff), have 
even made it probable that the original Masoretic text was derived from a single standard 
manuscript. Cf, however, E. Konig in Ztschr. f. Icirchl. Wiss., 1887, p. 279 f , and especially 
his Einleitung ins A. T., p. 88 ff. Moreover a great many facts, which will be noticed in their 
proper places, indicate that the Masora itself is by no means uniform but shows clear traces of 
different schools and opinions; cf. H. Strack in Semitic Studies in memory of ... Kohut, Berlin, 
1897, p. 563 ff. An excellent foundation for the history of the Masora and the settlement of 
the masoretic tradition was laid by Joh. Buxtorf in his Tiberias seu Commentarius 
Masorethicus, first published at Basel in 1620 as an appendix to the Rabbinical Bible of 1618 
f For more recent work see Geiger, Jildische Ztschr., iii. 78 ff, followed by Harris in JQR. i. 
128 ff. , 243 ff. ; S. Frensdorff. Ochla W'ochla, Hanover, 1864; and his Massor. Worterb., part 
i, Hanover and Lpz. 1876; and Ch. D. Ginsburg, The Massora compiled from Manuscripts , 
&,c, 3 vols., Lond. 1880 ff. , and Introduction to the Massoretico-critical edition oftheHebr. 
Bible, Lond. 1897 (his text, reprinted from that of Jacob b. Hayyim [Venice, 1524-5] with 
variants from MSS. and the earliest editions, was published in 2 vols, at London in 1894, 2nd 
ed. 1906; a revised edition is in progress); H. Hyvernat, 'La langue et le langage de la 
Massore' (as a mixture of New-Hebrew and Aramaic), in the Revue biblique, Oct. 1903, p. 
529 ff. and B: 'Lexique massoretique, ' ibid, Oct. 1904, p. 521 ff. , 1905, p. 481 ff. , and p. 
515 ff. In the use of the Massora for the critical construction of the Text, useful work has been 
done especially by S. Baer, in the editions of the several books (only Exod.-Deut. have still to 
appear), edited from 1869 conjointly with Fr. Delitzsch, and since 1891 by Baer alone. Cf. 
also § 7 h. 

The various readings of the Q e re (see § 1 7) form one of the oldest and most important 
parts of the Masora. The punctuation of the Text, however, is not to be confounded with the 
compilation of the Masora. The former was settled at an earlier period, and is the result of a 
much more exhaustive labour than the Masora, which was not completed till a considerably 
later time. 

3. It was not until about the beginning of the tenth century that the Jews, following 
the example of the Arabs, began their grammatical compilations. Of the numerous 
grammatical and lexicographical works of R. Sa adya, l beyond fragments in the 
commentary on the Sepher YeSira (ed. Mayer-Lambert, pp. 42, 47, 75, &c), only the 
explanation in Arabic of the seventy (more correctly ninety) hapax legomena in the O. 
T. has been preserved. Written likewise in Arabic, but frequently translated into 

being an equally legitimate form) is rightly rejected by Konig, 1. c. The Correctness of 
the form rn'O.a (by the side of the equally well-attested form ro'oa) does not seem to 
us to be invalidated by his arguments, nor by Blau's proposal to read n^iDip (JQR. xii. 
241). The remark of Levias (I.e.) deserves notice, that with the earlier Masoretes 
miOtt is equivalent to orthography, i.e.plene- and defective writing, and only later 
came to mean traditio. — G. Wildboer, in ZAW. 1909, p. 74, contends that as ~iDtt to 
hand on is not found in the O.T., it must be a late denominative in this sense. 
JQR. JQR. = Jewish Quarterly Review. 

1 l On his independent attitude towards the Masoretic punctuation, see Delitzsch, 
Comm. zu den Psalmen , p. 39. 

Hebrew, were the still extant works of the grammarians R. Yehuda Hayyug (also 
called Abu Zakarya Yahya, about the year 1000) and R. Yona (Ahu 1-Walfd Merwan 
ibn Ganah, about 1030). By the aid of these earlier labours, Abraham ben Ezra 
(commonly called Aben Ezra, ob. 1 167) and R. David Qimhi (ob. c. 1235) especially 
gained a classical reputation by their Hebrew grammatical writings. 

From these earliest grammarians are derived many principles of arrangement and 
technical terms, some of which are still retained, e.g. the naming of the conjugations and 
weak verbs according to the paradigm of VyQ, certain voces memoriales, as riQ37i3 and the 
like. 1 

4. The father of Hebrew philology among Christians was John Reuchlin (ob. 
1522), 2 to whom Greek literature also is so much indebted. Like the grammarians who 
succeeded him, till the time of John Buxtorf the elder (ob. 1629), he still adhered 
almost entirely to Jewish tradition. From the middle of the seventeenth century the 
field of investigation gradually widened, and the study of the kindred languages, 
chiefly through the leaders of the Dutch school, Albert Schultens (ob. 1750) and N. 
W. Schrooder (ob. 1798), became offruitful service to Hebrew grammar. 

5. In the nineteenth century 3 the advances in Hebrew philology are especially 
connected with the names of W. Gesenius (born at Nordhausen, Feb. 3, 1786; from 
the year 1810 Professor at Halle, where he died Oct. 23, 1842), who above all things 
aimed at the comprehensive observation and lucid presentation of the actually 
occurring linguistic phenomena; H. Ewald (ob. 1875, at Gottingen; Krit. Gramm. der 
Hebr. Spr., Lpz. 1827; Ausfuhrl. Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr., 8th ed., Gott. 1870), who 
chiefly aimed at referring linguistic forms to general laws and rationally explaining 
the latter; J. Olshausen (ob. 1882, at Berlin; Lehrb. der hebr. Sprache, Brunswick, 
1861) who attempted a consistent explanation of the existing condition of the 
language, from the presupposed primitive Semitic forms, preserved according to him 
notably in old Arabic. F. Bottcher (Ausfuhrl. Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr. ed. by F.Miihlau, 2 
vols., Lpz. 1866-8) endeavoured to present an exhaustive synopsis of the linguistic 
phenomena, as well as to give an explanation of them from the sphere of Hebrew 
alone. B. Stade, on the other hand (Lehrb. der hebr. Gr., pt. i. Lpz. 1879), adopted a 

1 l On the oldest Hebrew grammarians, see Strack and Siegfried, Lehrb. d. neuhebr. 
Spr. u. Liter., Carlsr. 1884, p. 107 ff, and the prefaces to the Hebrew Lexicons of 
Gesenius and Fiirst; Berliner, Beitrdge zur hebr. Gramm. im Talmud u. Midrasch, 
Berlin, 1879; Baer and Strack, Die Dikduke ha-famim des Ahron ben Moscheh ben 
Ascher u. andere alte grammatisch-massorethische Lehrstiicke, Lpz. 1879, and P. 
Kahle's criticisms in ZDMG lv. 170, n. 2; Ewald and Dukes, Beitrdge z. Gesch. der 
dltesten Aiislegung u. Spracherkldrung des A. T., Stuttg. 1844, 3 vols.; Hupfeld, De 
rei grammaticae apud Judaeos initiis antiqiiissimisque scriptoribus, Hal. 1846; W. 
Bacher, 'Die Anfange der hebr. Gr., ' in ZDMG. 1895, 1 ff. and 335 ff; and Die hebr. 
Sprachwissenschaft vom 10. biszum 16. Jahrh., Trier, 1892. 

2 2 A strong impulse was naturally given to these studies by the introduction of 
printing — the Psalter in 1477, the Bologna Pentateuch in 1482, the Sencino O.T. 
complete in 1488: see the description of the twenty -four earliest editions (down to 
1528) in Ginsburg' s Introduction, p. 779 ff. 

3 3 Of the literature or the subject down to the year 1850, see a tolerably full account 
in Steinschneider's i^/zogr. Handb.f. hebr. Sprachkunde, Lpz. 1859. 

strictly scientific method in endeavouring to reduce the systems of Ewald and 
Olshausen to a more fundamental unity. E. Konig 1 in his very thorough researches 
into the phonology and accidence starts generally from the position reached by the 
early Jewish grammarians (in his second part 'with comparative reference to the 
Semitic languages in general') and instead of adopting the usual dogmatic method, 
takes pains to re-open the discussion of disputed grammatical questions. The syntax 
Konig has 'endeavoured to treat in several respects in such a way as to show its 
affinity to the common Semitic syntax'. — Among the works of Jewish scholars, 
special attention may be called to the grammar by S. D. Luzzatto written in Italian 
(Padua, 1853-69). 

The chief requirements for one who is treating the grammar of an ancient 
language are — (1) that he should observe as fully and accurately as possible the 
existing linguistic phenomena and describe them, after showing their organic 
connexion (the empirical and historico-critical element); (2) that he should try to 
explain these facts, partly by comparing them with one another and by the analogy of 
the sister languages, partly from the general laws of philology (the logical element). 

Such observation has more and more led to the belief that the original text of the 
O. T. has suffered to a much greater extent than former scholars were inclined to 
admit, in spite of the number of variants in parallel passages: Is 2:2 ff = Mi 4:1 ff, Is 
36-39 = 2K 18T3-20 19 , Jer 52 = 2 K 24:18-25 30 , 2 S 22 = Ps 18, Ps 14 = Ps53,Ps 
40:14 ff. = Ps 70, Ps 108 = Ps 57:8 ff. and 60:7 ff. Cf also the parallels between the 
Chronicles and the older historical books, and F. Vodel, Die konsonant. Varianten in 
den doppelt uberlief. poet. Stucken d. masoret. Textes, Lpz. 1905. As to the extent and 
causes of the corruption of the Masoretic text, the newly discovered fragments of the 
Hebrew Ecclesiasticus are very instructive; cf. Smend, Gott. gel. Anz., 1906, p. 763. 

The causes of unintentional corruption in the great majority of cases are: — 
Interchange of similar letters, which has sometimes taken place in the early 
'Phoenician' writing; transposition or omission of single letters, words, or even whole 
sentences, which are then often added in the margin and thence brought back into the 
text in the wrong place; such omission is generally due to homoioteleuton (cf. 
Ginsburg, Introd., p. 171 ff), i. e. the scribe's eye wanders from the place to a 
subsequent word of the same or similar form. Other causes are dittography, i. e. 
erroneous repetition of letters, words, and even sentences; its opposite, haplography; 
and lastly wrong division of words (cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 158 ff), since at a certain 
period in the transmission of the text the words were not separated. 1 — Intentional 
changes are due to corrections for the sake of decency or of dogma, and to the 
insertion of glosses, some of them very early. 

1 l Historisch-krit. Lehrgeb. der hebr. Sprache mit steter Beziehung au/Qimchi und 
die anderen Autoritdten: I, 'Lehre von der Schrift, der Aussprache, dem Pron. u. dem 
Verbum,' Lpz. 1881; II. 1, 'Abschluss der speziellen Formenlehre u. generelle 
Formenl., ' 1895; ii. 2, 'Historisch-kompar. Syntax d. hebr. Spr., ' 1897. 
1 l This scriptio continua is also found in Phoenician inscriptions. The inscription of 
Mesa always divides the words by a point (and so the Siloam inscription; see the 
facsimile at the beginning of this grammar), and frequently marks the close of a 
sentence by a stroke. 

Advance in grammar is therefore closely dependent on progress in textual 
criticism. The systematic pursuit of the latter has only begun in recent years: cf. 
especially Doorninck on Ju 1-16, Leid. 1879; Wellhausen, Text der Bb. Sam., Gott. 
1871; Cornill, Ezechiel, Lpz. 1886; Klostermann, Bb. Sam. u. d. Kon., Nordl. 1887; 
Driver, Notes on the Hebr. text of the Books of Sam., Oxf 1890; Klostermann, 
Deuterojesaja, Munich, 1893; Oort, Textus hebr. emendationes, Lugd. 1900; Burney 
on Kings, Oxf. 1903; the commentaries of Marti andNowack; the Internal Crit. 
Comm.; Kautzsch, Die heil. Schriften des A.T. 2 , 1909-10. A critical edition of the O. 
T. with full textual notes, and indicating the different documents by colours, is being 
published in a handsome form by P. Haupt in The Sacred Books of the Old Test., Lpz. 
and Baltimore, 1893 ff (sixteen parts have appeared: Exod., Deut, Minor Prophets, 
and Megilloth are still to come); Kittel, Biblia hebraica 2 , 1909, Masoretic text from 
Jacob b. Hayyfm (see c), with a valuable selection of variants from the versions, and 

§ 4. Division and Arrangement of the Grammar. 

The division and arrangement of Hebrew grammar follow the three constituent 
parts of every language, viz. (1) articulate sounds represented by letters, and united to 
form syllables, (2) words, and (3) sentences. 

The first part (the elements) comprises accordingly the treatment of sounds and 
their representation in writing. It describes the nature and relations of the sounds of 
the language, teaches the pronunciation of the written signs (orthoepy), and the 
established mode of writing (orthography). It then treats of the sounds as combined in 
syllables and words, and specifies the laws and conditions under which this 
combination takes place. 

The second part (etymology) treats of words in their character as parts of speech, 
and comprises: (1) the principles of the formation of words, or of the derivation of the 
different parts of speech from the roots or from one another; (2) the principles of 
inflexion, i. e. of the various forms which the words assume according to their relation 
to other words and to the sentence. 

The third part (syntax, or the arrangement of words): (1) shows how the word- 
formations and inflexions occurring in the language are used to express different 
shades of ideas, and how other ideas, for which the language has not coined any 
forms, are expressed by periphrasis; (2) states the laws according to which the parts of 
speech are combined in sentences (the principles of the sentence, or syntax in the 
stricter sense of the term). 

2 Gesenius, F. W. (2003). Gesenius' Hebrew grammar (E. Kautzsch & S. A. E. 
Cowley, Ed.) (2d English ed.) (Page 1). Bellingham, WA: Logos Research Systems, 





§ 5. The Consonants: their Forms and Names. 

(Cf. the Table of Alphabets.) 

Among the abundant literature on the subject, special attention is directed to: A. Berliner, 
Beitrdge zur hebr. Gramm., Berlin, 1879, p. 15 ff., on the names, forms, and 
pronunciation of the consonants in Talmud and Midrash; H. Strack, Schreibkunst u. 
Schrift bei d. Hebrdern, PRE 3 , Lpz. 1906, p. 766 ff; Benzinger, Hebr. Archdologie 2 , 
Tubingen, 1907, p. 172 ff; Nowack, Lehrbuch d. hebr. Archdol, Freiburg, 1894, i. 279 
ff; Lidzbarski, Handbuch d. nordsem. Epigraphik, Weimar, 1898, i. 173 ff; also his art. 
'Hebrew Alphabet,' in the Jewish Encyclopaedia, i, 1901, p. 439 ff. (cf. his Ephemeris, i. 
316 ff); and 'Die Namen der Alphabet-buchstaben', in Ephemeris, ii. 125 ff; Kenyon, 
art. 'Writing,' in the Dictionary of the Bible, iv. Edinb. 1902, p. 944 ff; Noldeke, 'Die 
sem it. Buchstabennamen, ' in Beitr. zur semit. Sprachwiss., Strassb. 1904, p. 124 ff; F. 
Praetorius, Ueber den Ursprung des kanaan. Alphabets, Berlin, 1906; H. Grimme, 'Zur 
Genesis des semit. Alphabets, ' in ZA. xx. 1907, p. 49 ff; R. Stiibe, Grundlinien zu einer 
Entwickelungsgesch. d. Schrift, Munich, 1907; Jermain, In the path of the Alphabet, Fort 
Wayne, 1907. — L. Blau, Studien zum althebr. Buchwesen, &c, Strassb. 1902; and his 
'Ueber d. Einfluss d. althebr. Buch wesens auf d. Originale', &c, in Festschr. zuEhrenA. 
Berliner s, Frkf 1903. 

The best tables of alphabets are those of J. Euting in G. Bickell's Outlines ofHeb. Gram. 
transl. by S. I. Curtiss, Lpz. 1877; in Pt. vii of the Oriental Series of the Palaeographical 
Soc, London, 1882; and, the fullest of all, in Chwolson's Corpus inscr. Hebr., 
Petersburg, 1882; also Lidzbarski's in the Jewish Encycl, see above. 

1. The Hebrew letters now in use, in which both the manuscripts of the O. T. are 
written and our editions of the Bible are printed, commonly called the square 
character (5^31!? 30?), also the Assyrian character ('"IVIZ/N '3), 1 are not those originally 

PRE. PRE. = Realencyclopadie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed. by 

A. Hauck. Lpz. 1896 ff. 

ZA. ZA. = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by C. Bezold. Lpz. 

1886 ff. 

1 l The name IV $K (Assyria) is here used in the widest sense, to include the countries 

on the Mediterranean inhabited by Aramaeans; cf. Stade in ZAW. 1882, p. 292 f. On 

some other names for Old Hebrew writing, cf. G. Hoffmann, ibid. 1881, p. 334 ff.; 

Buhl, Canon and Text of the O. T. (transl. by J. Macpherson), Edinb. 1892, p. 200. 

Old Hebrew (or Old Canaanitish 2 ) writing, as it was used on public monuments 
in the beginning of the ninth and in the second half of the eighth century B.C., is to be 
seen in the inscription of Mesa&#62, as well as in that of Siloam. The characters on 
the Maccabaean coins of the second century B.C., and also on ancient gems, still bear 
much resemblance to this (cf § 2 d). With the Old Hebrew writing the Phoenician is 
nearly identical (see § 1 k, § 2 f, and the Table of Alphabets). From the analogy of the 
history of other kinds of writing, it may be assumed that out of and along with this 
monumental character, a less antique and in some ways more convenient, rounded 
style was early developed, for use on softer materials, skins, bark, papyrus, and the 
like. This the Samaritans retained after their separation from the Jews, while the Jews 
gradually 1 (between the sixth and the fourth century) exchanged it for an Aramaic 
character. From this gradually arose (from about the fourth to the middle of the third 
century) what is called the square character, which consequently bears great 
resemblance to the extant forms of Aramaic writing, such as the Egyptian- Aramaic, 
the Nabatean and especially the Palmyrene. Of Hebrew inscriptions in the older 
square character, that of Araq al-Emfr (15 l A miles north-east of the mouth of the 
Jordan) probably belongs to 183 B.C. 2 

The Jewish sarcophagus-inscriptions of the time of Christ, found in Jerusalem in 1905, 
almost without exception exhibit a pure square character. This altered little in the course of 
centuries, so that the age of a Hebrew MS. cannot easily be determined from the style of the 
writing. The oldest known biblical fragment is the Nash papyrus (found in 1902), containing 
the ten commandments and the beginning of Dt 6:4 f, of the end of the first or beginning of 
the second century A.D.; cf. N. Peters, Die dlteste Abschr. der 10 Gebote, Freibg. i. B. 1905. 
Of actual MSS. of the Bible the oldest is probably one of 820-850 A.D. described by 
Ginsburg, Introd., p. 469 ff, at the head of his sixty principal MSS.; next in age is the codex 
of Moses ben Asher at Cairo (897 A.D., cf. the art. 'Scribes' in the Jew. Encycl. xi and 
Gottheil in JQR. 1905, p. 32). The date (916 A.D.) of the Codex prophetarum Babylon. 
Petropol. (see § 8 g, note) is quite certain. — In the synagogue-rolls a distinction is drawn 
between the Tam-character (said to be so called from Rabbi Tam, grandson of R. Yishaqf, in 
the twelfth century) with its straight strokes, square corners and 'tittles' (tagih), in German 
and Polish MSS., and the foreign character with rounded letters and tittles in Spanish MSS. 
See further E. Konig, Einl. in das A. T., Bonn, 1893, p. 16 ff. 

2. The Alphabet consists, like all Semitic alphabets, solely of consonants, twenty- 
two in number, some of which, however, have also a kind of vocalic power (§ 7 b). 
The following Table shows their form, names, pronunciation, and numerical value 
(see k): — 

2 2 It is tacitly assumed here that this was the mother of all Semitic alphabets. In 
ZDMG. 1909, p. 189 ff, however, Pratorius has shown good grounds for believing 
that the South Semitic alphabet is derived not from the Mesa character, or from some 
kindred and hardly older script, but from some unknown and much earlier form of 

1 l On the effect of the transitional mixture of earlier and later forms on the 
constitution of the text, see R. Kittel, Ueber d. Notwendigk. d. Herausg. einer neuen 
hebr. Bibel, Lpz. 1901, p. 20 ff— L. Blau, 'Wie lange stand die althebr. Schriftbet 
den Juden im Gebrauch?' in Kaiifmanngedenkbuch, Breslau, 1900, p. 44 ff. 

2 2 Not 176, as formerly held. Driver and Lidzbarski now read noli?, correctly, not 


JQR. JQR. = Jewish Quarterly Review. 







spiritus lenis 




b (bh, but see § 6 n) 




g(gK ) 




d(dh, ,) 








w(u) 1 




z,as in English (softs) 




h, a strong gutteral 



£ emphatic t 




yd) 1 


0, final 


k (kh, but see § 6 n 





a, final 


3, final 1 













' a peculiar gutteral (see 


3, final 


X, final 



p (f, see § 6 n 



S, empahatic s 



q, a strong k 2 formed at the 


back of the palate 










Sin 3 

S, pronounced sh 



Taw (Tau) 

t (th, buy see § 6 n 


3. As the Table shows, five letters have a special form at the end of the word. 
They are called final letters, and were combined by the Jewish grammarians in the 
mnemonic word f 9^3 KamnephaS, or better, with A. Muller and Stade, f ?3?p5 i. e. as 
the breaker in pieces} Of these, "[, ], H, f are distinguished from the common form by 

1 l Philippi, 'Die Anssprache der semit. Consonanten 1 und \ ' in ZDMG. 1886, p. 
639 ff., 1897, p. 66 ff., adduces reasons in detail for the opinion that 'the Semitic 1 and 

1 are certainly by usage consonants, although by nature they are vowels, viz. u and /', 
and consequently are consonantal vowels'; cf. § 8 m. 

2 2 As a representation of this sound the Latin q is very suitable, since it occupies in 
the alphabet the place of the Semitic p (Greek Korana). 

3 3 Nestle (Actes du onzieme Congres ... des Orientalistes, 1897, iv. 113 ff.) has 
shown that the original order was $, tz/. 

1 l In the Talmud, disregarding the alphabetical order, "]9]S"p of thy watcher, i. e. 
prophet. See the discussions of this mnemonic word by Nestle, TAW. 1907, p. 119 ff., 
Konig, Bacher (who would read ^3'S"]a = proceeding_/ro/w thy prophets, Is 52:8), 

the shaft being drawn straight down, while in the usual form it is bent round towards 
the left. 2 In the case of Q the letter is completely closed. 

4. Hebrew is read and written from right to left.' Words must not be divided at the 
end of the lines; 4 but, in order that no empty space may be left, in MSS. and printed 
texts, certain letters suitable for the purpose are dilated at the end or in the middle of 
the line. In our printed texts these literae dilatabiles are the five following: 

(mnemonic word DOVnS "haltem). In some MSS. other letters suitable for the 
purpose are also employed in this way, as "T, D, ~i; cf. Strack in the Theol. Lehrb., 1882, 
No. 22; Nestle, ZAW. 1906, p. 170 f 

Rem. 1. The forms of the letters originally represent the rude outlines of perceptible 
objects, the names of which, respectively, begin with the consonant represented (akrophony). 
Thus Yod, in the earlier alphabets the rude picture of a hand, properly denotes hand (Heb. T), 
but as a letter simply the sound 1 (y), with which this word begins; Ayih, originally a circle, 
properly an eye (pcT), stands for the consonant V. In the Phoenician alphabet, especially, the 
resemblance of the forms to the objects denoted by the name is still for the most part 
recognizable (see the Table). In some letters (l, 1, T, o, tt>) the similarity is still preserved in the 
square character. 

It is another question whether the present names are all original. They may be merely due 
to a later, and not always accurate, interpretation of the forms. Moreover, it is possible that in 
the period from about 1500 to 1000 B.C. the original forms underwent considerable change. 

The usual explanation of the present names of the letters 1 is: ^N ox, rP3 house, "?»} camel 
(according to Lidzbarski, see below, perhaps originally \\~}l axe ox pick-axe), nVn door 

Krauss, Marmorstein, ibid. p. 278 ff All the twenty-two letters, together with the five 
final forms, occur in Zp 3 :8. 

2 2 Chwolson, Corpus Inscr. Hebr., col. 68, rightly observes that the more original 
forms of these letters are preserved in the literae finales. Instances of them go back to 
the time of Christ. 

3 3 The same was originally the practice in Greek, which only adopted the opposite 
direction exclusively about 400 B.C. On the boustrophedon writing (alternately in 
each direction) in early Greek, early Sabaean, and in the Safa-inscriptions of the first 
three centuries A.D., cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 116 f 

4 4 This does not apply to early inscriptions or seals. Cf. Mesa, II. 1-5, 7, 8, &c, 
Siloam 2, 3, 5, where the division of words appears to be customary. 

ZAW. ZAW,= Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff, and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

5 5 We possess Greek transcriptions of the Hebrew names, dating from the fifth 
century B.C. The LXX give them (in almost the same form as Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 
10. 5) in La 1-4, as do also many Codices of the Vulgate (e.g. the Cod. Amiatinus) in 
vjaj/ 111,1 12, 119, but with many variations from the customary forms, which rest on 
the traditional Jewish pronunciation. The forms Deleth (and delth), Zai, Sen (LXX 
also %cev, cf. Hebr. ]W tooth) are to be noticed, amongst others, for Daleth, Zain, 

Si n. Cf. the tables in Noldeke, Beitrdge zur sem. Sprachwiss., p. 126 f In his 
opinion (and so Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 134) the form and meaning of the names 
point to Phoenicia as the original home of the alphabet, since alf, bet, dalt, wdw, taw, 
pei =pe,pi , mouth, and the vowel of pco = ros, head, are all Hebraeo-Phoenician. 

(properly folding door, according to Lidzbarski, perhaps T\ the female breast), KH air-hole (?), 
lattice-window (?), 11 hook, nail, }V weapon (according to Nestle, comparing the Greek ^Pjxa, 
rather rm olive-tree), rprj fence, barrier (but perhaps only differentiated from n by the left- 
hand stroke), rPt? a winding (?), according to others a leather bottle or a swafe (but perhaps 
only differentiated from n by a circle round it), IV hand, f]3 &e«? /zawt/, "TQ 1 ? ox-goad, Q^n wafer, 
Vilfish (Lidzbarski, 'perhaps originally E>ru snake J as in Ethiopic), ~}K0prop (perhaps a 
modification oft), "|?J? eye, N? (also , Ei) mouth, HS fish-hook (?), "qip eye o/a needle, according 
to others 6ac& q/Y/ze /zea^ (Lidzb., 'perhaps ntz>i? iow'), tf 1 "] /zead, 'pffi' z'ooz'/z, W s/gw, craw. 

With regard to the origin of this alphabet, it may be taken as proved that it is not earlier 
(or very little earlier) than the fifteenth century B.C., since otherwise the el-Amarna tablets (§ 
2 f) would not have been written exclusively in cuneiform. 1 It seems equally certain on 
various grounds, that it originated on Canaanitish soil. It is, however, still an open question 
whether the inventors of it borrowed 

(a) From the Egyptian system — not, as was formerly supposed, by direct adoption of 
hieroglyphic signs (an explanation of twelve or thirteen characters was revived by J. Halevy 
in Rev. Semit. 1901, p. 356 ff, 1902, p. 331 ff, and in the Verhandlungen des xiii. ... Orient. - 
Kongr. zu Hamb., Leiden, 1904, p. 199 ff; but cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 261 ff), or of 
hieratic characters derived from them (so E. de Rouge), but by the adoption of the acrophonic 
principle (see e) by which e.g. the hand, in Egyptian tot, represents the letter t, the lion = 
laboi, the letter /. This view still seems the most probable. It is now accepted by Lidzbarski 
('Der Ursprung d. nord- u. sudsemit. Schrift' in Ephemeris, i (1900), 109 ff, cf. pp. 134 and 
261 ff), though in his Nordsem. Epigr. (1898) p. 173 ff. he was still undecided. 

(b) From the Babylonian (cuneiform) system. Wuttke's and W. Deecke's derivation of the 
old-Semitic alphabet from new-Assyrian cuneiform is impossible for chronological reasons. 
More recently Peters and Hommel have sought to derive it from the old-Babylonian, and Ball 
from the archaic Assyrian cuneiform. A vigorous discussion has been aroused by the theory 
of Frdr. Delitzsch (in Die Entstehung des alt. Schriftsystems od. der Urspr. der 
Keilschriftzeichen dargel, Lpz. 1897; and with the same title 'EinNachwort', Lpz. 1898, 
preceded by a very clear outline of the theory) that the old-Semitic alphabet arose in Canaan 
under the influence both of the Egyptian system (whence the acrophonic principle) and of the 
old-Babylonian, whence the principle of the graphic representation of objects and ideas by 
means of simple, and mostly rectilinear, signs. He holds that the choice of the objects was 
probably (in about fifteen cases) influenced by the Babylonian system. The correspondence of 
names had all the more effect since, according to Zimmern {ZDMG. 1896, p. 667 ff), out of 
twelve names which are certainly identical, eight appear in the same order in the Babylonian 
arrangement of signs. But it must first be shown that the present names of the 'Phoenician' 
letters really denote the original picture. The identity of the objects may perhaps be due 
simply to the choice of the commonest things (animals, implements, limbs) in both systems. 

The derivation of the Semitic alphabet from the signs of the Zodiac and their names, first 
attempted by Seyffarth in 1834, has been revived by Winckler, who refers twelve 
fundamental sounds to the Babylonian Zodiac. Hommel connects the original alphabet with 
the moon and its phases, and certain constellations; cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 269 ff, and 
in complete agreement with him, Benzinger, Hebr. Archdologie 2 , p. 173 ff. This theory is by 
no means convincing. 

1 l In the excavations at Jericho in April, 1907, E. Sellin found ajar-handle with the 
Canaanite characters TV which he dates (probably too early) about 1500 B.C.. 
ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

(c) From the hieroglyphic system of writing discovered in 1894 by A. J. Evans in 
inscriptions in Crete (esp. at Cnossus) and elsewhere. According to Kluge (1897) and others, 
this represents the 'Mycenaean script' used about 3000-1000 "% and according to Fries ('Die 
neuesten Forschungen uber d. Urspr. des phoniz. Alph.' in ZDPV. xxii. 118 ff.) really supplies 
the original forms of the Phoenician alphabet as brought to Palestine by the Philistines about 
1100 B.C., but 'the Phoenician-Canaanite-Hebrew s gave to the Mycenaean signs names 
derived from the earlier cuneiform signs'. The hypothesis of Fries is thus connected With that 
of Delitzsch. But although the derivation of the Phoenician forms from 'Mycenaean' types 
appears in some cases very plausible, in ethers there are grave difficulties, and moreover the 
date, 1 100 B.C., assigned for the introduction of the alphabet is clearly too late. [See Evans, 
ScriptaMinoa, Oxf 1909, p. 80 ff] 

(d) From a system, derived from Asia Minor, closely related to the Cypriote syllabary 
(Praetorius, Der Urspr. des kanaan. Alphabets, Berlin, 1906). On this theory the Canaanites 
transformed the syllabic into an apparently alphabetic writing. In reality, however, they 
merely retained a single sign for the various syllables, so that e.g. p is not really q, but qa, qe, 
qi, &c. Of the five Cypriote vowels also they retained only the star (in Cypriote = a) 
simplified into an alef (sec alphabetical table) to express the vowels at the beginning of 
syllables, and z and u as Yod and Waw. Praetorius claims to explain about half the twenty -two 
Canaanite letters in this way, but there are various objections to his ingenious hypothesis. 

2. As to the order of the letters, we possess early evidence in the alphabetic 1 poems: Ps 9 
(X-3, cf Ps 10: 1 b, and vv 12 ~ 17 p-n; cf. Gray in the Expositor, 1906, p. 233 ff, and Rosenthal, 
ZAW. 1896, p. 40, who shows that Ps 9:3, 15, 17 D, b, l, exactly fit in between n, Q, \ and that 
Ps 10: 1, 3, 5 therefore has the reverse order b, "|, ">); also \\i\\i 25 and 34 (both without a 
separate l-verse and with Q repeated at the end 2 ); 37, 111, 112, 1 19 (in which every eight 
verses begin with the same letter, each strophe, as discovered by D. H. Miiller of Vienna, 
containing the eight leading words of Ps 19:8 ff, tora, eduth, &c); La 1-4 (in 2-4 Q before 57, 
in chap. 3 every three verses with the same initial, see Lohr, ZAW. 1904, p. 1 ff, in chap. 5 at 
any rate as many verses as letters in the alphabet); Pr 24:1, 3, 5, 31:10-31 (in the LXX with Q 
before y 3 ); also in Na 1:2-10 Pastor Frohnmeyer of Wurttemberg (ob. 1880) detected traces of 
an alphabetic arrangement, but the attempt of Gunkel, Bickell, Arnold (ZAW. 1901, p. 225 
ff), Happel (DerPs. Nah, Wiirzb. 1900) to discover further traces, has not been successful. 
[Cf. Gray in Expositor, 1898, p. 207 ff; Driver, in the Century Bible, Nahum, p. 26.] — 
Bickell, Ztschrf. Kath. Theol, 1882, p. 319 ff, had already deduced from the versions the 
alphabetical character of Ecclus 51:13-30, with the omission of the l-verse and with Q 1 at the 
end. His conjectures have been brilliantly confirmed by the discovery of the Hebrew original, 
although the order from l to b is partly disturbed or obscured. If l before V is deleted, ten 
letters are in their right positions, and seven can be restored to their places with certainly. Cf. 

ZDPV. ZDPV. = Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastinavereins, Lpz. 1878 ff., since 1903 
ed. by C. Steuernagel. 

1 l On the supposed connexion of this artificial arrangement with magical formulae 
('the order of the letters was believed to have a sort of magic power') cf. Lohr, ZAW. 
1905, p. 173 ff., and Klagelieder 2 , Gott. 1907, p. vii ff. 

2 2 On this superfluous Q cf. Grimme, Euphemistic liturgical appendices, Lpz. 1901, 
p. 8 ff., and Nestle, ZAW. 1903, p. 340 f., who considers it an appendage to the Greek 

3 3 [Perhaps also originally in Ps 34.] D before 57 is probably due to a magic alphabet, 
see above, n. 1. According to Bohmer, ZAW. 1908, p. 53 ff., the combinations 3K, 1\ 
in, &c, were used in magical texts; D57 was excluded, but by a rearrangement we get 
HO and f 57. 

1 l See note 3 on p. 29. 

N. Schlogl, ZDMG. 53, 669 ff.; C. Taylor in the appendix to Schechter and Taylor, The 
Wisdom of Ben Sira, Cambr. 1899, p. lxxvi ff., and in the Journ. ofPhilol, xxx (1906), p. 95 
ff.; JQR. 1905, p. 238 ff; Lohr, TAW. 1905, p. 183 ff; I. Levy, REJ. 1907, p. 62 ff. 

The sequence of the three softest labial, palatal, and dental sounds 3, l, l, and of the three 
liquids V, », l, indicates an attempt at classification. At the same time other considerations also 
appear to have had influence. Thus it is certainly not accidental, that two letters, representing 
a hand (Yod, Kaph), as also two (if Qoph = back of the head) which represent the head, and in 
general several forms denoting objects naturally connected (Mem and Nun, Ayih andPe), 
stand next to one another. 

The order, names, and numerical values of the letters have passed over from the 
Phoenicians to the Greeks, in whose alphabet the letters A to Y are borrowed from the Old 
Semitic. So also the Old Italic alphabets as well as the Roman, and consequently all alphabets 
derived either from this or from the Greek, are directly or indirectly dependent on the 

3. a. In default of special arithmetical figures, the consonants were used also as numerical 
signs; cf. G. Gundermann, Die Zahlzeichen, Giessen, 1899, p. 6 f, and Lidzbarski, 
Ephemeris, i. 106 ff. The earliest traces of this usage are, however, first found on the 
Maccabean coins (see above, § 2 d, end). These numerical letters were afterwards commonly 
employed, e.g. for marking the numbers of chapters and verses in the editions of the Bible. 
The units are denoted by N-Q, the tens by , -^, 100-400 by p-n, the numbers from 500-900 by 
n (=400), with the addition of the remaining hundreds, e.g. pn 500. In compound numbers the 
greater precedes (on the right), thus N 1 1 1, NDp 121. But 15 is expressed by 10 9+6, not n 1 
(which is a form of the divine name, being the first two consonants of mrp). 2 For a similar 
reason TU is also mostly written for 16, instead of V, which in compound proper names, like 
Vkv, also represents the name of God, mn\ 

The thousands are sometimes denoted by the units with two dots placed above, e.g. r K 

b. The reckoning of the years in Jewish writings (generally nT^V after the creation) 
follows either the full chronology (ViTl V~\&? or '1 '&?), with the addition of the thousands, or 
the abridged chronology ('pap '&?), in which they are omitted. In the dates of the first thousand 
years after Christ, the Christian era is obtained by the addition of 240, in the second thousand 
years by the addition of 1240 (i. e. if the date falls between Jan. 1 and the Jewish new year; 
otherwise add 1239), the thousands of the Creation era being omitted. 

4. Abbreviations of words are not found in the text of the O. T., but they occur on coins, 
and their use is extremely frequent amongst the later Jews. 3 A point, or later an oblique 
stroke, serves as the sign of abridgement in old MSS. and editions, e.g. 'il" for ViOE", 'Q for 
" l l' l ?5 aliquis, '1 for "ilj aliquid, 'in for "i»ivi et complens, i. e. and so on. Also in the middle of 
what is apparently a word, such strokes indicate that it is an abbreviation or a vox memorialis 
(cf. e.g. § 15 d D"Xri). Two such strokes are employed, from § 41 d onward, to mark the 
different classes of weak verbs. — Note also ^ or ^ (also 'n) for Ti'vn\ 

REJ. REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

2 2 On the rise of this custom (IT having been originally used and afterwards Ti), cf. 
Nestle in ZAW. 1884, p. 250, where a trace of this method of writing occurring as 
early as Origen is noted. 

3 3 Cf. Jo. Buxtorf, De abbreviaturis Hebr., Basel, 1613, &c; Pietro Perreau. 

5. Peculiarities in the tradition of the O. T. text, which are already mentioned in the 
Talmud, are — (1) The 15 puncta extraordinaria, about which the tradition (from Siphri on Nu 
9: 10 onwards) differs considerably, even as to their number; on particular consonants, Gn 
16:5, 18:9, 19:33, 35, Nu 9:10; or on whole words, Gn 33:4, 37:12, Nu 3:39, 21:30, 29:15, Dt 
29:28, 2 S 19:20, Is 44:9, Ez 41:20, 46:22, Ps 27: 13, —all no doubt critical marks; cf Strack, 
Prolegomena Critica, p. 88 ff; L. Blau, Masoretische Untersuchungen, Strassburg, 1891, p. 6 
ff, and Einleitung in die hi. Schrift, Budapest, 1894; Konigsberger, Juild. Lit.-Blatt, 1891, 
nos. 29-31, and Aus Masorah u. Talmudkritik, Berlin, 1892, p. 6 ff; Mayer-Lambert, REJ. 30 
(1895), no. 59; and especially Ginsburg, Introd., p. 318 ff; also on the ten points found in the 
Pentateuch, see Butin (Baltimore, 1906), who considers that they are as old as the Christian 
era and probably mark a letter, &c, to be deleted. (2) The literae majusculae (e.g. 1 Gn 1: 1, 1 
Lv 1 1:42 as the middle consonant of the Pentateuch, ^ Nu 14: 17), and minusculae (e.g. n Gn 
2:4). (3) The literae suspensae (Ginsburg, Introd., p. 334 ff.) 1 Ju 18:30 (which points to the 
reading nt^a for n ; #39, 57 Ps 80:14 (the middle of the Psalms 1 ) and Jb 38:13, 15. (4) The 
'mutilated' Wdw in DiVe? Nu 25:12, and p Ex 32:25 (Drrapn), andNu 7:2 (CPTipDH). (5) Mem 
clausum in miD 1 ? Is 9:6, andMem apertum in DTHQan Neh 2:13. (6) Nun inversum before Nu 
10:35, and after ver. 36, as also before Ps 107:23-28 and 40 ; according to Ginsburg, Introd., p. 
341 ff, a sort of bracket to indicate that the verses are out of place; cf. Krauss, ZAW. 1902, p. 
57 ff, who regards the inverted Nuns as an imitation of the Greek obelus. 

§ 6. Pronunciation and Division of Consonants. 

P. Haupt, 'Die Semit. Sprachlaute u. ihre Umschrift, ' in Beitrdge zur Assyriologie u. 
vergleich. semit. Sprachwissenschaft, by Delitzsch and Haupt, i, Lpz. 1889, 249 ff; E. 
Sievers, Metrische Studien, i, Lpz. 1901, p. 14 ff. 

1. An accurate knowledge of the original phonetic value of each consonant is of 
the greatest importance, since very many grammatical peculiarities and changes (§18 
ff.) only become intelligible from the nature and pronunciation of the sounds. This 
knowledge is obtained partly from the pronunciation of the kindred dialects, 
especially the still living Arabic, partly by observing the affinity and interchange of 
sounds on Hebrew itself (§ 19), and partly from the tradition of the Jews. 1 

The pronunciation of Hebrew by the modern German Jews, which partly resembles the 
Syriac and is generally called 'Polish', differs considerably from that of the Spanish and 
Portuguese Jews, which approaches nearer to the Arabic. The pronunciation of Hebrew by 
Christians follows the latter (after the example of Reuchlin), in almost all cases. 

The oldest tradition is presented in the transcription of Hebrew names in Assyrian 
cuneiform; a later, but yet in its way very important system is seen in the manner in which the 
LXX transcribe Hebrew names with Greek letters. 2 As, however, corresponding signs for 
several sounds (u, y, 1, p, B>) are wanting in the Greek alphabet, only an approximate 

1 l According to Blau, Studien zum althebr. Buchwesen, Strassburg, 1902, p. 167, 
properly a large V, called tluya because suspended between the two halves of the 
Psalter, and then incorrectly taken for a littera suspensa. 

1 l Cf. C. Meinhof, "Die Aussprache des Hebr., " in Neue Jahrb.f. Philol. u. Pddag., 

1885, Bd. 132, p. 146 ff.; M. Schreiner, 'Zur Gesch. der Ausspr. des Hebr., ' in ZAW. 

1886, p. 213 ff. 

2 2 Cf. Frankel, Vorstudien zu der Septuag., Lpz. 1841, p. 90 ff.; C. Konneke, 
'Gymn.-Progr., ' Stargard, 1885. On the transcription of eleven Psalms in a 
palimpsest fragment of the Hexapla at Milan, see Mercati, Atti della R. Accad., xxxi, 
Turin, 1896. [Cf. Burkitt, Fragments of ... Aquila, Cambr. 1897, p. 13.] 

representation was possible in these cases. The same applies to the Latin transcription of 
Hebrew words by Jerome, according to the Jewish pronunciation of his time." 

On the pronunciation of the modern Jews in North Africa, see Bargees in the Journ. 
Asiat., Nov. 1848; on that of the South Arabian Jews, J. Derenbourg, Manuel du lecteur, &c. 
(from a Yemen MS. of the year 1390), Paris, 1871 (extrait 6 du Journ. Asiat. 1870). 

2.With regard to the pronunciation of the several gutturals and sibilants, and of 
and p, it may be remarked: — 

I. Among the gutturals, the glottal stop K is the lightest, corresponding to the spiritus lenis 
of the Greeks. It may stand either at the beginning or end of a syllable, e.g. ~i»N dinar, DtfiO 
ydsdm. Even before a vowel K is almost lost to our ear, like the h in hour and in the French 
habit, homme. After a vowel K generally (and at the end of a word, always) coalesces with it, 
e.g. K"i|7 qdrd for an original qdrd, Arab, qaraa; see further, § 23 a, 27 g. 

n before a vowel corresponds exactly to our h (spiritus asper); after a vowel it is either a 
guttural (so always at the end of a syllable which is not final, e.g. "jQrn ndhpakh; at the end of 
a word the consonantal n has a point — Mappfq — in it, see § 14), or it stands inaudible at the 
end of a word, generally as a mere orthographic indication of a preceding vowel, e.g. rta 
gala; cf. §§ 7 b and 75 a. 

y is related to K, but is a much stronger guttural. Its strongest sound is a rattled, guttural g, 
cf. e.g. n-TV, LXX Td^a, rn'ay Toiioppa; elsewhere, a weaker sound of the same kind, which 
the LXX reproduce by a spiritus (lenis or asper), e.g. ^V Hli, pVay AuaXeK. 4 In the mouth of 
the Arabs one hears in the former case a sort of guttural r, in the latter a sound peculiar to 
themselves formed in the back of the throat. — It is as incorrect to omit the V entirely, in 
reading and transcribing words (ty Eli, pVay Amalek), as to pronounce it exactly like g or like 
a nasal ng. The stronger sound might be approximately transcribed by gh or 'g; but since in 
Hebrew the softer sound was the more common, it is sufficient to represent it by the sign , as 
yriN arba, IV ad. 

n is the strongest guttural sound, a deep guttural ch, as heard generally in Swiss German, 
somewhat as in the German Achat, Macht, Sache, Docht, Zucht (not as in Licht, Knecht), and 
similar to the Spanish/ Like V it was, however, pronounced in many words feebly, in others 

As regards ~i, its pronunciation as a palatal (with a vibrating uvula) seems to have been 
the prevailing one. Hence in some respects it is also classed with the gutturals (§ 22 q r). On 
the lingual ~i, cf. o. 

3 3 Numerous examples occur in Hieronymi quaestiones hebraicae in libro geneseos, 
edited by P. de Lagarde, Lpz. 1868; cf. the exhaustive and systematic discussion by 
Siegfried, 'Die Aussprache des Hebr. bei Hieronymus, ' in ZAW. 1884, pp. 34-83. 

4 4 It is, however, doubtful if the LXX always consciously aimed at reproducing the 
actual differences of sound. 

2. The Hebrew language is unusually rich in sibilants. These have, at any rate in some 
cases, arisen from dentals which are retained as such in Aramaic and Arabic (see in the 
Lexicon, the letters T, y and E>). 

E> and to were originally represented (as is still the case in the unpointed texts) by only one 
form tt>; but that the use of this one form to express two different sounds (at least in Hebrew) 
was due only to the poverty of the alphabet, is clear from the fact that they are differentiated 
in Arabic and Ethiopic (cf. Noldeke in Ztschr. f. wissensch. Theol, 1873, p. 121; 
Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 133). In the Masoretic punctuation they were distinguished by 
means of the diacritical point as E> (sh) and to (s). 1 

The original difference between the sounds to and 2 sometimes marks a distinction in 
meaning, e.g. "DD to close, "Dto to hire, Voo to be foolish, Voto to be prudent, to be wise. Syriac 
always represents both sounds by D, and in Hebrew also they are sometimes interchanged ; as 
"DO for "Dto to hire, Ezr 4:5; niVrito for ruVoo folly, Ec 1:17. 

T (transcribed C, by the LXX) is a soft whizzing s, the French and English z, altogether 
different from the German z its'). 

3. Q, p, and probably y are pronounced with a strong articulation and with a compression 
of the larynx. The first two are thus essentially different from n and "|, which correspond to 
our t and k and also are often aspirated (see below, n). y is distinguished from every other s by 
its peculiar articulation, and in no way corresponds to the German z or ts; we transcribe it by 
S, cf. G. Husing, 'Zum Lautwerte des y, ' in OLZ. x. 467 ff 

3. Six consonants, the weak and middle hard Palatals, Dentals, and Labials 

n dd 1 1 n (nDD7}3) 

have a twofold pronunciation, (1) a harder sound, as mutes, like k,p, t, or initial b, g 
(hard), d; and (2) a softer sound as spirantes. The harder sound is the original. It is 
retained at the beginning of syllables, when there is no vowel immediately preceding 
to influence the pronunciation, and is denoted by a point, Dages lene (§ 13), placed in 
the consonants, viz. 2 b,3,g,l d,1 k,Bp,V\ t. The weaker pronunciation appears as 
soon as a vowel sound immediately precedes. It is occasionally denoted, esp. in mss., 
by Raphe (§ 14 e), but in printed texts usually by the mere absence of the Dages. In 

Lexicon. Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on 
the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Britts, 
Oxford, 1906. 

1 l The modern Samaritans, however, in reading their Hebrew Pentateuch pronounce 
to invariably as to. 

2 2 The original value of D, and its relation to the original value of to and to, is still 
undetermined, despite the valuable investigations of P. Haupt, ZDMG. 1880, p. 762 f.; 
D. H. Muller, 'Zur Geschichte der semit. Zischlaute, ' in the Verhandhmgen des 
Wiener Orient. Congresses, Vienna, 1888, Semitic section, p. 229 ff.; De Lagarde, 
'Samech,' intheNGGW. 1891, no. 5, esp. p. 173; Aug. Muller, TAW. 1891, p. 257 
ff.; Noldeke, ZDMG. 1893, p. 100 f.; E. Glaser, Zwei Wiener Publicationen tiber 
Habaschitisch-pimische Dialekte in Sudarabien, Munich, 1902, pp. 19 ff. — On the 
phonetic value of S see G. Husing, OLZ.. 1907, p. 467 ff. 

OLZ. OZZ.Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Vienna, 1898 ff. 
1 ^o at any rate at the time when the present punctuation arose. 

the case of 3, 3, D, n, the two sounds are clearly distinguishable even to our ear as b 
and v, k and German (weak) ch,p and ph, t and th (in thin). The Greeks too express 
this twofold pronunciation by special characters: ^ k, 3 %; B rc, 3 cp; T\ x, D 0. In the same 
way 1 should be pronounced like the North German g in Jage, Wagen, and ~i like f/i in 
the, as distinguished from a and '7. 

For more precise information on the cases in which the one or the other pronunciation 
takes place, see § 21. The modern Jews pronounce the aspirated 3 as v, the aspirated n as s, 
e.g. 2~\ rav (or even raj), rP3 bais. The customary transcription (used also in this Grammar) of 
the spirants 3, 3, n by bh, kh, th is only an unsatisfactory makeshift, since it may lead (esp. in 
the case of bh and kh) to an erroneous conception of the sounds as real aspirates, b-h, k-h. 

4. According to their special character the consonants are divided into — 

(a) Gutturals 

n 5/ n k; 

(b) Palatals 

pa a; 

(c) Dentals 

n tn; 

(d) Labials 

3 3; 

(e) Sibilants 

x d fc> # t; 

(J) Sonants 

1 1, V I, 81 

In the case of ~i its hardest pronunciation as a palatal (see above, g, end) is to be 
distinguished from its more unusual sound as a lingual, pronounced in the front of the 

On the twofold pronunciation of r in Tiberias, cf. Delitzsch, Physiol. undMusik, Lpz. 
1868, p. 10 ff; Baer and Struck, Dikduke ha-famim, Lpz. 1879, p. 5, note a, and § 7 of the 
Hebrew text, as well as p. 82. 

In accordance with E. Sievers, Metrische Studien, i. 14, the following scheme of 
the Hebrew phonetic system is substituted for the table formerly given in this 
gramar: — 

i. Throat sounds (Gutturals): X n 57 n. 

e. w. m. 

ii. Mouth- 




1. Mutes 

Palatal 1 




Dental 1 


Labial 3 


2. Sibilants: 

... T 


3. Sonants: 

... •n 


hi n 

— 3 3 

Rem. 1. The meaning of the letters at the top is, w. = weak, m. = middle hard, e. = 
emphatic. Consonants which are produced by the same organ of speech are called 
homorganic (e.g. J and 3 as palatals), consonants whose sound is of the same nature 
homogeneous (e.g. 1 and ^ as semi-vowels). On their hemorganic character and homogsneity 
depends the possibility of interchange, whether within Hebrew itself or with the kindred 

dialects. In such cases the soft sound generally interchanges with the soft, the hard with the 
hard, &c. (e.g. ~i = T, n = E>, o = :£). Further transitions are not, however, excluded, as e.g. the 
interchange of n and p (n = "| = p). Here it is of importance to observe whether the change 
takes place in an initial, medial, or final letter; since e.g. the change in a letter when medial 
does not always prove the possibility of the change when initial. That in certain cases the 
character of the consonantal sound also influences the preceding or following vowel will be 
noticed in the accidence as the instances occur. 

Rem. 2. Very probably in course of time certain nicer distinctions of 
pronunciation became more and more neglected and finally were lost. Thus e.g. the 
stronger 17 r g, which was known to the LXX (see above, e), became in many cases 
altogether lost to the later Jews; by the Samaritans and Galileans 17 and n were 
pronounced merely as X, and so in Ethiopic, 17 like K, n like h, V! like s. 

Rem. 3. The consonants which it is usual to describe especially as weak, are those which 
readily coalesce with a preceding vowel to form a long vowel, viz. K, 1, ^ (as to n, cf. § 23 k), 
or those which are most frequently affected by the changes described in § 19 b-1, as again x, % 
\ and 1, and in certain cases n and b; finally the gutturals and ~i for the reason given in § 22 b 
and 22 q. 

§ 7. The Vowels in General, Vowel Letters and Vowel Signs. 

1. The original vowels in Hebrew, as in the other Semitic tongues, are a, i, u. E 
and o always arise from an obscuring or contraction of these three pure sounds, viz. e 
by modification from i or a; short 6 from u; e by contraction from ai (properly ay); 
and 6 sometimes by modification (obscuring) from a, sometimes by contraction from 
an (properly aw) 1 

In Arabic writing there are vowel signs only for a, i, u; the combined sounds ay and aw 
are therefore retained uncontracted and pronounced as diphthongs {ai and au), e.g. oitt> Arab. 
saut, and W.<§ 57 Arab, 'ainain. It was only in later Arabic that they became in pronunciation e 
and 6, at least after weaker or softer consonants; cf. "pa Arab, bain, ben, QV Arab, yaum, yom. 
The same contraction appears also in other languages, e.g. in Greek and Latin (BaUua, Ionic 
0(5 na; plaustrum = polostrum), in the French pronunciation of ai and au, and likewise in the 
German popular dialects (Oge for Auge, &c). Similarly, the obscuring of the vowels plays a 
part in various languages (cf. e.g. the a in modern Persian, Swedish, English, &C.). 1 

2. The partial expression of the vowels by certain consonants (n, 1, '; N), which 
sufficed during the lifetime of the language, and for a still longer period afterwards 
(cf. § 1 k), must in the main have passed through the following stages 2 : — 

1 l In proper names the LXX often use the diphthongs ai and au where the Hebrew 
form has e or 6. It is, however, very doubtful whether the ai and au of the LXX really 
represent the true pronunciation of Hebrew of that time; see the instructive statistics 
given by Kittel in Haupt's SBOT., on 1 Ch 1 :2, 20. 

1 l In Sanskrit, in the Old Persian cuneiform, and in Ethiopic, short a alone of all the 
vowels is not represented, but the consonant by itself is pronounced with short a. 

2 2 Cf. especially Stade, Lehrb. der hebr. Gr., p. 34 ff 

(a) The need of a written indication of the vowel first made itself felt in cases 
where, after the rejection of a consonant, or of an entire syllable, a long vowel formed 
the final sound of the word. The first step in such a case was to retain the original 
final consonant, at least as a vowel letter, i. e. merely as an indication of a final vowel. 
In point of fact we find even in the Old Testament, as already in the Mesa inscription, 
a n employed in this way (see below) as an indication of a final o. From this it was 
only a step to the employment of the same consonant to indicate also other vowels 
when final (thus, e.g. in the inflection of the verbs H" 1 ?, the vowels a, 3 e, e). After the 
employment of 1 as a vowel letter for 6 and w, and of 1 for e and zfhad been 
established (see below, e) these consonants were also employed — although not 
consistently — for the same vowels at the end of a word. 

According to § 91 b and d, the suffix of the 3rd sing. masc. in the noun (as in the verb) 
was originally pronounced ~\T\. But in the places where this in with a preceding a is contracted 
into 6 (after the rejection of the n), we find the n still frequently retained as a vowel letter, e.g. 
n'Ty, n'mo Gn 49:11, cf. § 91 e; so throughout the Mesa inscription n'ritf, Ti'wi (also n'na), 
Ti'32, Til, Tib, n'an^Vn; on the other hand already in the Siloam inscription il?"i. na 1 Mesa, 1.8 
= W his days is unusual, as also TW~\ 1. 20 if it is for TWi his chiefs. The verbal forms with n 
suffixed are to be read Ti&i) (1. 6), rnnox] (1. 12f.) and ntth.yo (1. 19). 

As an example of the original consonant being retained, we might also include the 1 of the 
constr. state plur. masc. if its e (according to § 89 d) is contracted from an original ay. Against 
this, however, it may be urged that the Phoenician inscriptions do not usually express this e, 
nor any other final vowel. 1 

(b) The employment of 1 to denote d, u, and of' to denote e, zfmay have resulted 
from those cases in which a 1 with a preceding a was contracted into an and further to 
d, or with a preceding n coalesced into u, and where , with a has been contracted into 
ai and further to e, or with a preceding i into z"(cf. § 24). In this case the previously 
existing consonants were retained as vowel letters and were further applied at the end 
of the word to denote the respective long vowels. Finally X also will in the first 
instance have established itself as a vowel letter only where a consonantal X with a 
preceding a had coalesced into a or a. 

3 3 According to Stade, the employment of n for a probably took place first in the case 
of the locative accusatives which originally ended in n ;, as nx^N, ytf 7j7. 

4 4 The form 1171 contradicts the view of Oort, Theol. Tijds., 1902, p. 374, that the 
above instances from the Mesa-inscription are to be read benhu, bahn, lahu, which 
were afterwards vocalized as beno, bo, lo. 

1 J Thus there occurs, e.g. in Melit. 1, 1. 3 ]2W = 'I? ">$ the two sons; elsewhere D for '3 
(but "O in the Mesa&#62 and Siloam inscrr.), T for nj (the latter in the Siloam inscr.), 
mn = i ri]| (so Mesa) or Wip, &c. Cf. on the other hand in Mesa, DIN = 'DIN (unless it 
was actually pronounced anokh by the Moabites!). As final a is represented by n and 
N and final i by ">, so final u is almost everywhere expressed by 1 in Mesa, and 
always in the Siloam inscription. It is indeed not impossible that Hebrew orthography 
also once passed through a period in which the final vowels were left always or 
sometimes undenoted, and that not a few strange forms in the present text of the Bible 
are to be explained from the fact that subsequently the vowel letters (especially 1 and 
') were not added in all cases. So Chwolson, 'Die Quiescentia 'in in der althebr. 
Orthogr., ' in Travaux dn Congres ... des Orientalistes, Petersb. 1876; cf. numerous 
instances in Ginsburg, Introd, p. 146 ff 

The orthography of the Siloam inscription corresponds almost exactly with the above 
assumptions. Here (as in the Mesa inscr.) we find all the long vowels, which have not arisen 
from original diphthongs, without vowel letters, thus E>N, ons'n, ]Wti (or !»*»); n'8K, Vp, tS>Vtl>, 
IS. On the other hand KSia (from mauSa), lis? (from awtf); p'a also, if it is to be read WK, is an 
instance of the retention of a , which has coalesced with i into /"Instances of the retention of 
an originally consonantal H as a vowel letter are D'jflfika, KSia, and Kip, as also e>k'~i. Otherwise 
final a is always represented by H: nan, n^n, nil, POpl To this D' 1 alone would form an 
exception (cf. however the note on Di 1 , § 96), instead of UV (Arab, yawn) day, which one 
would expect. If the reading be correct, this is to be regarded as an argument that a 
consciousness of the origin of many long vowels was lost at an early period, so that (at least 
in the middle of the word) the vowel letters were omitted in places where they should stand, 
according to what has been stated above, and added where there was no case of contraction. 
This view is in a great measure confirmed by the orthography of the Mesa inscription. There 
we find, as might be expected, p 1 "? (= Daibon, as the Aai(3cbv of the LXX proves), 13" "Tin (d 
from au), and n'rva (e from ai), but also even VliTU^ instead of ^Win (from haus-), atJW = 
a^iN], na four times, n'na once, for ma and nnp (from bait); nV? = rfrfi, ]K = TJ(S or fN. 

(c) In the present state of Old Testament vocalization as it appears in the 
Masoretic text, the striving after a certain uniformity cannot be mistaken, in spite of 
the inconsistencies which have crept in. Thus the final long vowel is, with very few 
exceptions (cf. § 9 d, and the very doubtful cases in § 8 k), indicated by a vowel 
letter — and almost always by the same letter in certain nominal and verbal endings. In 
many cases the use of 1 to mark an 6 or u, arising from contraction, and of 1 for e or i] 
is by far the more common, while we seldom find an originally consonantal X 
rejected, and the simple phonetic principle taking the place of the historical 
orthography. On the other hand the number of exceptions is very great. In many cases 
(as e.g. in the plural endings W ~ and ni) the vowel letters are habitually employed to 
express long vowels which do not arise through contraction, and we even find short 
vowels indicated. The conclusion is, that if there ever was a period of Hebrew writing 
when the application of fixed laws to all cases was intended, either these laws were 
not consistently carried out in the further transmission of the text, or errors and 
confusion afterwards crept into it. Moreover much remained uncertain even in texts 
which were plentifully provided with vowel letters. For, although in most cases the 
context was a guide to the correct reading, yet there were also cases where, of the 
many possible ways of pronouncing a word, more than one appeared admissible. 1 

3. When the language had died out, the ambiguity of such a writing must have 
been found continually more troublesome; and as there was thus a danger that the 
correct pronunciation might be finally lost, the vowel signs or vowel points were 
invented in order to fix it. By means of these points everything hitherto left uncertain 
was most accurately settled. It is true that there is no historical account of the date of 
this vocalization of the O. T. text, yet we may at least infer, from a comparison of 
other historical facts, that it was gradually developed by Jewish grammarians in the 
sixth and seventh centuries a.d. under the influence of different Schools, traces of 

2 2 1 3yffiTi is the more strange since the name of king yiihn is represented as A-n si in 
cuneiform as late as 728 B.C. 

1 J Thus e.g. *7Up can be read qatal, qatal, qdtol, q e tol, qotel, qittel, qattel, qnttal, 
qetel, and several of these forms have also different senses. 

which have been preserved to the present time in various differences of tradition. 2 hey 
mainly followed, though with independent regard to the peculiar nature of the 
Hebrew, the example and pattern of the older Syrian punctuation. 1 

See Gesenius, Gesch. d. hebr. Spr., p. 182 ff.; Hupfeld, in Theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 
1830, pt. iii, who shows that neither Jerome nor the Talmud mentions vowel signs; Berliner, 
Beitrdge zur hebr. Gramm. im Talm. u. Midrasch, p. 26 ff.; and B. Pick, in Hebraica, i. 3, p. 
153 ff; Abr. Geiger, 'Zur Nakdanim-[Punctuators-]Literatur, ' mJild. Ztschr. fur Wissensch. 
u. Leben, x. Breslau, 1872, p. 10 ff; H. Strack, Prolegomena critica in Vet. Test. Hebr., Lips. 
1873; 'Beitrag zur Gesch. des hebr. Bibeltextes, ' in Theol. Stud. u. Krit., 1875, p. 736 ff, as 
also in the Ztschr. f. die ges. luth. Theol. u. K., 1875, p. 619 ff; 'Massorah,' in the Protest. 
ReaL-Enc. 3 , xii. 393 ff. (a good outline); A. Merx, in the Verhandlungen des 
Orientalistenkongresses zu Berlin, i. Berlin, 1881, p. 164 ff. and p. 188 ff; H. Graetz, 'Die 
Anfange der Vokalzeichen im Hebr., ' in Monatsschr. f. Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Judenth., 
1881, pp. 348 ff. and 395 ff; Hersmann, Zur Gesch. des Streites tiber die Entstehung der 
hebr. Punktation, Ruhrort, 1885; Harris,'The Rise ... of the Massorah,' JQR. i. 1889, p. 128 
ff. and p. 223 ff; Mayer-Lambert, REJ. xxvi. 1893, p. 274 ff; J. Bachrach, Das Alter d. bibl. 
Vocalisation u. Accentuation, 2 pts. Warsaw, 1897, and esp. Ginsburg, Introd. (see § 3 c), p. 
287 ff; Budde, 'Zur Gesch. d. Tiberions, Vokalisation, ' in Orient. Studien zu Ehren Th. 
Noldekes, i. 1906, 651 ff; Bacher,'Diakrit. Zeichen in vormasoret. Zeit, ' in ZAW. 1907, p. 
285; C. Levias, art. 'Vocalization,' in the Jewish Encycl. — On the hypothesis of the origin of 
punctuation in the Jewish schools for children, cf. J. Derenbourg in the Rev. Crit., xiii. 1879, 
no. 25. 

4. To complete the historical vocalization of the consonantal text a phonetic 
system was devised, so exact as to show all vowel-changes occasioned by lengthening 
of words, by the tone, by gutturals, &c, which in other languages are seldom 
indicated in writing. The pronunciation followed is in the main that of the Palestinian 
Jews of about the sixth century a.d., as observed in the solemn reading of the sacred 
writings in synagogue and school, but based on a much older tradition. That the real 
pronunciation of early Hebrew is consistently preserved by this tradition, has recently 
been seriously questioned on good grounds, especially in view of the transcription of 
proper names in the LXX. Nevertheless in many cases, internal reasons, as well as the 
analogy of the kindred languages, testify in a high degree to the faithfulness of the 

2 2 The most important of these differences are, (a) those between the Orientals, i. e. 
the scholars of the Babylonian Schools, and the Occidentals, i. e. the scholars of 
Palestine (Tiberias, &c); cf. Ginsburg, Introd, p. 197 ff; (b) amongst the 
Occidentals, between Ben-Naphtali and Ben-Asher, who flourished in the first half of 
the tenth century at Tiberias; cf. Ginsburg, Introd, p. 241 ff. Both sets of variants are 
given by Baer in the appendices to his critical editions. Our printed editions present 
uniformly the text of Ben-Asher, with the exception of a few isolated readings of Ben- 
Naphtali, and of numerous later corruptions. 

1 l See Geiger, 'Massorah bei d. Syrern, ' in ZDMG. 1873, p. 148 ff; J. P. Martin, 
Hist, de la ponctaation ou de laMassore chez les Syriens, Par. 1875; E. Nestle, in 
ZDMG. 1876, p. 525 ff; Weingarten, Die syr. Massora nach Bar Hebraeus, Halle, 

JQR. JQR. = Jewish Quarterly Review. 
REJ. REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

ZAW. ZAW, = Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff, and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

tradition. At the same recension of the text, or soon after, the various other signs for 
reading (§§ 1 1-14, 16) were added, and the accents (§ 15). 

§ 8. The Vowel Signs in particular. 

P. Haupt, 'The names of the Hebrew vowels,' JAOS. xxii, and in the Johns Hoplcins 
Semitic Papers, Newhaven, 1901, p. 7 ff; C. Levias in the Hebr. Union Coll. Annual, 
Cincinnati, 1904, p. 138 ff. 

Preliminary Remark. 

The next two sections (§§8 and 9) have been severely criticized (Philippi, ThLZ. 1897, 
no. 2) for assigning a definite quantity to each of the several vowels, whereas in reality ', ', r ~ 
are merely signs for a, e, o: 'whether these are long or short is not shown by the signs 
themselves but must be inferred from the rules for the pause which marks the breaks in 
continuous narrative, or from other circumstances.' But in the twenty -fourth and subsequent 
German editions of this Grammar, in the last note on § 8 a [English ed. p. 38, note 4], it was 
stated: 'it must be mentioned that the Masoretes are not concerned with any distinction 
between long and short vowels, or in general with any question of quantity. Their efforts are 
directed to fixing the received pronunciation as faithfully as possible, by means of writing. 
For a long time only Wlbti nV3E> seven kings were reckoned (vox memor. in Elias Levita ~ia K'l 
irpVK), Sureq and QibbuS being counted as one vowel. The division of the vowels in respect of 
quantity is a later attempt at a scientific conception of the phonetic system, which was not 
invented but only represented by the Masoretes (Qimcbi; Mikhlol, ed. Rittenb. 136 a, 
distinguishes the five long as mothers from their five daughters).' 

I have therefore long shared the opinion that 'the vowel-system represented by the 
ordinary punctuation (of Tiberias) was primarily intended to mark only differences of quality' 
(Sievers, Metrische Studien, i. 17). There is, however, of course a further question how far 
these 'later' grammarians were mistaken in assigning a particular quantity to the vowels 
represented by particular signs. In Philippi's opinion they were mistaken (excluding of course 
lie, 6 when written plene) in a very great number of cases, since not only does ' stand, 
according to circumstances, for a°or a," and " for a "or a,'but also " for e or e, and r " for o or 6, 
e.g. "733 and 1 Dp, out of pause kabed, qd~on (form VQi?), but in pause kabed, qatOn. 

I readily admit, with regard to QameS and S e gol, that the account formerly given in § 8 f 
was open to misconstruction. With regard to Sere and Holem, however, I can only follow 
Philippi so long as his view does not conflict with the (to me inviolable) law of a long vowel 
in an open syllable before the tone and (except Pathah) in a final syllable with the tone. To me 
"733 = kabed, &c, is as impossible as e.g. 31V = enab or "p'3 = borakh, in spite of the analogy 
cited by Sievers (p. 18, note 1) that 'in old German e.g. original /"and u often pass into e and 6 
dialectically, while remaining in a closed syllable. 

1. The full vowels (in contrast to the half-vowels or vowel trills, § 10 a-f), 
classified according to the three principal vowel sounds (§ 7 a), are as follows: — 

First Class. A-sound. 

ThLZ. ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz. 1876 ff. 

1. ~ l QameS denotes either a, a, more strictly a~(the obscure Swedish a) and of as 

Tydd (hand), D'^XI ra 'sun (heads), or a "(in future transcribed as o), 
A called QameS ha ttiph, i. e. hurried QameS. The latter occurs almost 

exclusively as a modification of u\ cf. c and § 9 u. 

2. 7 Pdthah, a, nil M^/z (daughter). 

Also 3. : ^gol, an open e, e (a or dj, as a modification of a, J either in an untoned 
closed syllable, as in the first syllable of W3T. yddkhem (your hand) from yddhem — or 
in a tone-syllable as in T\0<$pesah; cf. 7tdo%a, and on the really monosyllabic character 
of such formations, see § 28 e. But Sfgol in an open tone-syllable with a following ', 
as in nr$J g e lena (cf. § 75 f), ycfiyddekhd (cf. § 91 i), is due to contraction from ay. 

Second Class. I- and E-sounds. 

1. ' 7 Hireq with yod, almost always zf as p'?? Saddiq (righteous). 

2. " either z"(see below, i), as CPp?? Saddiqim, only orthographically different from 

D , p , "TS(Dp , "TS), — or z,"as ip7S szd'go (his righteousness). 

3. , 7 5erz"or Sere with yod=e, e.g. in'S bethd (his house). 

7 either e, but rarely (see below, i), or e as U\D sent (name). 

1 l In early MSS. the sign for QameS is a stroke with a point underneath, i.e. 
according to Nestle' s discovery (ZDMG. 1892, p. 41 1 f), Patha with Holem, the latter 
suggesting the obscure pronunciation of QameS as a. Cf. also Ginsburg, Introd., p. 

2 2 Instead of the no doubt more accurate transcription a , a we have retained a, a 
in this grammar, as being typographically simpler and not liable to any 
misunderstanding. For QameS hatuph, in the previous German edition expressed by 
a , we have, after careful consideration, returned to 6 The use of the same sign 7 for 
a (a ) and a , shows that the Massoretes did not intend to draw a sharp distinction 
between them. We must not, however, regard the Jewish grammarians as making a 
merely idle distinction between QdmeSrahdh, or broad QameS, and QameS hatuph, 
or light QameS. It is quite impossible that in the living language an a lengthened from 
a, as in ddbdr, should have been indistinguishable from e.g. the last vowel in nizn or 
the first in CPUn.p. — The notation a, e, 6 expresses here the vowels essentially long, 
either naturally or by contraction; the notation a, e, 6 those lengthened only by the 
tone, and therefore changeable; a, e, dthe short vowels. As regards the others, the 
distinction into z and 1, u and u is sufficient; see § 9. — The mark stands in the 
following pages over the tone-syllable, whenever this is not the last, as is usual, but 
the penultimate syllable of the word, e.g. 3$ \ 

1 l These S e gols, modified from a, are very frequent in the language. The Babylonian 
punctuation (see § 8 g, note 3) has only one sign for it and tone-bearing Pathah.; see 
also Gaster, 'Die Unterschiedslosigkeit zwischen Pathach u. Segol,' in TAW. 1894, p. 
60 ff 


Sere can only be e, in my opinion, in few cases, such as those mentioned in § 29 f. 

4. : Sfgol, a,' a modification of z^e.g. 'SDO hid f Si "(ground-form hijs); ~]U? son 
(ground-form sin). 

Third Class. U- and O-sounds. 

1 . 1 Sureiq, usually u, rna muth (to die), rarely u. 

2. " QibbuS, either w, e.g. D'pp sulldm (ladder): or u, e.g. ^(j? qumu (rise up), 

instead of the usual ^(jf. 

3. i and '" Holem, 6 and d, ^ip gd/ (voice), 3'"i rd/3/7 (multitude). Often also a 

defective '" for d; rarely i for d. 

O On the question whether '" under some circumstances represents d, see § 93 r. 

4. " On Qdmes hdfiuph=o, generally modified from u, as "pn /to^ (statute), see 
above, a. 

The names of the vowels are mostly taken from the form and action of the mouth 
in producing the various sounds, as T\T\<§ opening; nrf a wide parting (of the mouth), 
also "QG# (=ij breaking, parting (cf the Arab, kasr); pTGS (also pin) narrow opening; 
D'piG? closing, according to others fullness, i.e. of the mouth (also DID N'^ 1 fullness of 
the mouth), f Jptjf 2 also denotes a slighter, as p~)W and f Qp (also DID f"Qp) a firmer, 
compression or contraction of the mouth, ^^d/ (^np /3w«c/z of grapes) takes its name 
from its form. So riilpj iz; 1 ?^ (three points) is another name for QibbuS. 

Moreover the names were mostly so formed (but only later), that the sound of 
each vowel is heard in the first syllable (fQp for fD'p, UT\B for nri9 ,_ 1S for ,_ 1S); in order 
to carry this out consistently some even write Sdgol, QomeS-hatuf QiibbuS. 

2. As the above examples show, the vowel sign stands regularly under the 
consonant, after which it is to be pronounced, ~) rd, 1 rd, "] re, 1 ru, &c. The Pathah 
called furtivum (§ 22 f) alone forms an exception to this rule, being pronounced 
before the consonant, PPH ra a /7 (wind, spirit). The Holem (without wow) stands on the 
left above the consonant; ~i rd (but 'Wo). If X, as a vowel letter, follows a consonant 
which is to be pronounced with d, the point is placed over its right arm, thus K'3, 
#N'l; but e.g. DK'a, since X here begins a syllable. 

1 J On the erroneous use of the term melopum, only in Germany, for sureq (hence 
also pronounced melupum to indicate u), see E. Nestle, ZDMG. 1904, p. 597 ff; 
Bacher, ibid., p. 799 ff, Melopum; Simonsen, ibid., p. 807 ff. 

2 2 The usual spelling f Ep and nris takes the words certainly rightly as Hebrew 
substantives; according to De Lagarde (Gott. gel. Anz. 1886, p. 873, and so previously 
Luzzatto), fap and X\T\B are rather Aram, participles, like Dages, &c, and 
consequently to be transliterated Qa mes and Pathah. 

No dot is used for the Holem when o (of course without waw) is pronounced after sn or 
before sin. Hence KW sone (hating), NtM rfso (to bear), ntz>a mose (not nt^'a); but ~i» 'tt> somer 
(a watchman). When o precedes the i/«, the dot is placed over its right arm, e.g. 'B*9T yirpos 
(he treads with the feet), rPK'twn hannofim (those who carry). 

In the sign i, the 1 may also be a consonant. The i is then either to be read ow (necessarily 
so when a consonant otherwise without a vowel precedes, e.g. ni'V lowe, lending) or wo, when 
a vowel already precedes the 1, e.g. ]iv awon (iniquity) for "jiTV. In more exact printing, a 
distinction is at least made between i wo and i (i.e. either 6 or, when another vowel follows 
the waw, ow). 

' Since 1846 we have become acquainted with a system of vocalization different 
in many respects from the common method. The vowel signs, all except \ are there 
placed above the consonants, and differ almost throughout in form, and some even as 
regards the sound which they denote: tone-bearing a and In an unsharpened syllable 
toneless a and e, and also Hateph Pathah; toneless e and Hateph S e ghol; and Hateph 
QameS. Lastly in toneless syllables before Dages, The accents differ less and stand in 
some cases under the line of the consonants. Besides this complicated system of the 
Codex Babylonicus (see below) and other MSS., there is a simpler one, used in 
Targums. It is still uncertain whether the latter is the foundation of the former (as 
Merx, Chrest. Targ. xi, and Bacher, ZDMG. 1895, p. 15 ff.), or is a later development 
of it among the Jews of South Arabia (as Praetorius, ZDMG. 1899, p. 181 ff.). For the 
older literature on this Babylonian punctuation ( ll ?35 Tip}), as it is called, see A. 
Harkavy and H. L. Strack, Katalog der hebr. Bibelhandschr. der Kaiserl. offentl. 
Bibliothek zu St. Petersb., St. Petersb. and Lpz., 1875, parts i and ii, p. 223 ff. A more 
thorough study of the system was made possible by H. Strack' s facsimile edition of 
the Prophetarum posteriorum codex Babylonicus Petropolttanus (St. Petersb., 1876, 
la. fol.) of the year 916, which Firkowitsch discovered in 1839, in the synagogue at 
Tschufutkale in the Crimea. The MS. has been shown by Ginsburg (Recueil des 
travaux rediges en memoir e ... de Chwolson, Berlin, 1899, p. 149, and Introd., pp. 
216 ff., 475 f.) to contain a recension of the Biblical text partly Babylonian and partly 
Palestinian; cf. also Barnstein, The Targum ofOnkelos to Genesis, London, 1896, p. 6 
f. Strack edited a fragment of it in Hosea et Joel prophetae adfidem cod. Babylon. 
Petrop., St. Petersb. 1875. Cf. also the publication by A. Merx, quoted above, § 7 h, 
and his Chrestomathia Targumica, Berlin, 1888; G. Margoliouth, in the PSBA. xv. 4, 
and M. Gaster, ibid.; P. Kahle, Der masoret. Text des A. T nach d. Uberlief. der 
babyl. Juden, Lpz. 1902, with the valuable review by Rahlfs in GGA. 1903, no. 5; 
Nestle, ZDMG. 1905, p. 719 (Babylonian 17. According to the opinion formerly 
prevailing, this Babylonian punctuation exhibits the system which was developed in 
the Eastern schools, corresponding to and contemporaneous with the Western or 
Tiberian system, although a higher degree of originality, or approximation to the 
original of both systems of punctuation, was generally conceded to the latter. 
Recently, however, Wickes, Accents of the Twenty-one Books, Oxford, 1887, p. 142 
ff, has endeavoured to show, from the accents, that the 'Babylonian' punctuation may 
certainly be an Oriental, but is by no means the Oriental system. It is rather to be 
regarded, according to him, as a later and not altogether successful attempt to modify, 
and thus to simplify, the system common to all the Schools in the East and West. 
Strack, Wiss. Jahresb. der ZDMG. 1879, p. 124, established the probability that the 

3. The vowels of the first class are, with the exception of 1 ~ in the middle and n ~, 
X ~, n : at the end of the word (§ 9 a-d, f), represented only by vowel signs, but the 
long vowels of the I- and U-class largely by vowel letters. The vowel sound to which 
the letter points is determined more precisely by the vowel sign standing before, 
above, or within it. Thus — 

1 may be combined with Hireq, Sere, Sfgol (' 7, ' ", ' :). 

1 with Sureq and Holem Qi and i). 1 

In Arabic the long a also is regularly expressed by a vowel letter, viz. 'Aleph (S "), so that 
in that language three vowel letters correspond to the three vowel classes. In Hebrew K is 
rarely used as a vowel letter; see § 9 b and § 23 g. 

4. The omission of the vowel letters when writing i"u, e, 6 is called scriptio 
defectiva in contrast to scriptio plena. *7lp, nip are written plene, n'Vp, Dp defective. 

Cf. Bardowitz, Studien zur Gesch. der Orthogr. im Althebr., 1894; Lidzbarski, Ephem., i. 
182, 275; Marmorstein, 'Midrasch der vollen u. defekt. Schreibung, ' in TAW. 1907, p. 33 ff. 

So far as the choice of the full or defective mode of writing is concerned, there are 
certainly some cases in which only the one or the other is admissible, Thus the full 
form is necessary at the end of the word, for u, d, d, zfe, e, as well as for e in nj'n &c. 
(§ 9 f), also generally with a, a (cf. however § 9 d), e.g. V^p.p, 'fl"?^, T T , , ? 1 ?!?. (But the 
Masora requires in Jer 26:6, 44:8; Ezr 6:21; 2 Ch 32:13 m instead of »1a; Zp 2:9 m 
[perhaps an error due to the following ">] for "% Is 40:3 1 ^p) [followed by '] for ,r ip}; 
Jer 38:11 ^S for ".i 1 ??.) On the other hand the defective writing is common when the 
letter, which would have to be employed as a vowel letter, immediately precedes as a 
strong consonant, e.g. D^iJ (nations) for W]% nto (commandments) for nil^i?. 

That much is here arbitrary (see § 7 g), follows from the fact that sometimes the same 
word is written very differently, e.g. i riia''pn Ez 16:60: i ri'apn and also i riiapn Jer 23:4; cf. § 25 
b. Only it may be observed, 

vowels of the superlinear punctuation arose under Arab influence from the vowel 
letters XT' (so previously Pinsker and Graetz), while the Tiberian system shows Syrian 

A third, widely different system (Palestinian), probably the basis of the other two, 
is described by A. Neubauer, JQR. vii. 1895, p. 361 ff, and Friedlander, ibid., p. 564 
ff, and PSBA. 1896, p. 86 ff; C. Levias, Joarn. o/Sem. Lang, and Lit., xv. p. 157 ff; 
and esp. P. Kahle, Beitr. zn der Gesch. der hebr. Punktation, ' mZAW. 1901, p. 273 
ff. and in Der masoret. Text des A. T. (see above), chiefly dealing with the Berlin MS. 
Or. qu. 680, which contains a number of variants on the biblical text, and frequently 
agrees with the transcriptions of the LXX and Jerome. 

1 l After the example of the Jewish grammarians the expression, 'the vowel letter 
rests (quiesces) in the vowel-sign,' has become customary. On the other hand, the 
vowel letters are also called by the grammarians, matres lectionis or supports (fulcra). 

(a) That the scriptio plena in two successive syllables was generally avoided; cf. e.g. K^ni 
but D^rn; p 1 ^, but wpw; Vip, niVp; vtz/irr; inc&a. 

(6) That in the later Books of the O. T. (and regularly in post-biblical Hebrew) the full 
form, in the earlier the defective, is more usual. 

5. In the cognate dialects, when a vowel precedes a vowel-letter which is not 
kindred (heterogeneous), e.g. 1 ~, 1 ~, V 7, "> ~, "> ~, a diphthong (au, aif is formed if the 
heterogeneous vowel be a. This is also to be regarded as the Old Hebrew 
pronunciation, since it agrees with the vocalic character of 1 and , (§ 5 b, note 2). Thus 
such words as 11, 'n, '1a, 'liOT, la, rvd are not to be pronounced according to the usual 
Jewish custom 1 as vdv, hay, goy, asuy, gev, bayith (or even as vaf, &c; cf. modern 
Greek av af, ev e/Tor aU, eu), but with the Italian Jews more like wan, hai, &c. The 
sound of V " is the same as 1 ", i.e. almost like an, so that 1 " is often written 
defectively for l 1 ;. 

§ 9. Character of the several Vowels. 

Numerous as are the vowel signs in Hebrew writing, they are yet not fully 
adequate to express all the various modifications of the vowel sounds, especially with 
respect to length and shortness. To understand this better a short explanation of the 
character and value of the several vowels is required, especially in regard to their 
length and shortness as well as to their changeableness (§§ 25, 27). 

First Class. A-sound. 

1. Qames(~), when it represents a long a, is, by nature and origin, of two kinds: — 

(1) The essentially long a (in Arabic regularly written X ;), which is not readily 
shortened and never wholly dropped (§ 25 c), e.g. 2T)3 k e thdbh (writing); very seldom 
with a following K, as m~) 2 S 12: 1, 4 (see the examples in § 72 p). 2 

The writing of DKp Ho 10:14 for Dp would only be justifiable, if the a of this form were to 
be explained as a contraction of ad cf. however § 72 a; wi Neh 13:16 for rr (dag) is certainly 
incorrect. — The rarity of the a in Hebrew arises from the fact that it has for the most part 
become an obtuse o; see below, q. 

(2) a, lengthened only by position (i.e. tone-long or at all events lengthened under 
the influence of the tone, according to the laws for the formation of syllables, § 27 e- 
h), either in the tone-syllable itself (or in the secondary tone-syllable indicated by 
Metheg, see below), or just before or after it. This sound is invariably lengthened from 
an original a, " and is found in open syllables, i.e. syllables ending in a vowel (§ 26 b), 

2 2 Cf. T. C. Foote, The diphthong ai in Hebrew (Johns Hopkins Univ. Circulars, 
June, 1903, p. 70 ff.). 

1 l In MSS. 1 and ', in such combinations as la, 'n, are even marked with Mappi q (§ 
14 a). 

2 2 Of a different kind are the cases in which X has lost its consonantal sound by 
coalescing with a preceding a, a § 23 a-d. 

3 3 In Arabic this a is always retained in an open syllable. 

e.g. "f?, ^tij?, tfipl, TON (Arab, laka, qatala, yaqumu, asiru), as well as in closed 
syllables, i.e. those ending in a consonant, as T, 3013 (vulgar Arab, yad, kaukab). In a 
closed syllable, however, it can only stand when this has the tone, ~icjn, Dtfitf; whereas 
in an open syllable it is especially frequent before the tone, e.g. ~i<"fr, "|<j?J, U(f?. Where 
the tone is moved forward or weakened (as happens most commonly in what is called 
the construct state of nouns, cf § 89 a) the original short a {Pathah) is retained in a 
closed syllable, while in an open syllable it becomes S e wa (§ 27 i): aon, constr. state 
ODD (h kham); ~iTj, ~ITJ (dtbhar); ^ttp, Q^i?. For examples of the retention, in the 
secondary tone-syllable, of a lengthened from a, see § 93 xx. 

In some terminations of the verb (F) in the 2nd sing. masc. perf, ] in the 2nd pi. 
fern, of the imperat, as well as in the 3rd and 2nd pi. fern, of the imperf), in Fix thou 
(masc.) and in the suffixes "j and n, the final a can stand even without a vowel letter. A 
n is, however, in these cases (except with n) frequently added as a vowel letter. 

On ~ for o see below, f 

2. Pathah, or short a, stands in Hebrew almost exclusively in a closed syllable 
with or without the tone (?<£$, U($7U\?). In places where it now appears to stand in an 
open syllable the syllable was originally closed, and a helping vowel (a, ij has been 
inserted after the second radical merely to make the pronunciation easier, e.g. ^naf 
(ground-form nahl), T<£ (Arab, bait), see § 28 d, and with regard to two cases of a 
different kind, § 25 g, h. Otherwise a in an open syllable has almost without exception 
passed into a (~), see above, c. 

On the very frequent attenuation of a to z, cf. below, h. On the rare, and only apparent 
union of Pathah with K (K :), see § 23 d, end. On a as a helping-vowel, § 22 {(Pathah 
furtivum), and § 28 e. 

3. S e gol (e, e [a]) by origin belongs sometimes to the second, but most frequently 
to the first vowel class (§ 27 o, p, u). It belongs to the first class when it is a 
modification of a (as the Germ. Bad, pi. Biider; Eng. man, pi. men), either in a 
toneless syllable, e.g. D37J (for yadkhem), or with the tone, e.g. fDQJifrom 'ars, "p(j? 
Arab, qarn, nB$ Arab. qdmh. This S e gol is often retained even in the strongest tone- 
syllable, at the end of a sentence or of an important clause (in pause), as ^gi, PX? 
{maldkh, sdddq). As a rule, however, in such cases the Pathah which underlies the 
Sfgol is lengthened into QumeS, e.g. nag 1 , "p r jj>. A S e gol apparently lengthened from 
Sfwa, but in reality traceable to an original a, stands in pausal forms, as 1 "l i 9 (ground- 
form pary), 'H,; iyahy), &c. On the cases where a 1 (originally consonantal) follows 
this S e gol, see§ 75 f, and § 91 k. 

Second Class. I- and E-soimds. 

4. The long zls frequently even in the consonantal writing indicated by , (a fully 
written Hireq 1 "); but a naturally long z"can be also written defectively (§ 8 i), e.g. p , 7? 
(righteous), plur. □ , i?'7? Saddiqim; XT\ (he fears), plur. W,T. Whether & defectively 

written Hireq is long may be best known from the origin of the form; often also from 
the nature of the syllable (§ 26), or as in W},\ from the Metheg attached to it (§ 16 f). 

5. The short Hireq (always 1 written defectively) is especially frequent in sharpened 
syllables (^tflj?, 1 SlX) and in toneless closed syllables (11&J!? psalm); cf however 3^'l in 

a closed tone-syllable, and even "isdi, with a helping S e gol, for wayyiphn. It has arisen 
very frequently by attenuation from a, as in nrn from original ddbdre, 'p^S (ground- 
form Sadq), 2 or else it is the original /"which in the tone-syllable had become e, as in 
lll'R (thy enemy) from T'N (ground-form 'dyibf It is sometimes a simple helping 
vowel, as in n^d, § 28 e. 

The earlier grammarians call every Hireq written fully, Hireq magnum; every one written 
defectively, Hireq parvum, — a misleading distinction, so far as quantity is concerned. 

6. The longest e ' ~ (more rarely defective ~, e.g. 'W for 'PS? Is 3:8; at the end of a 
word also n~) is as a rule contracted from "> ~_ ay (ai), § 7 a, e.g. ^D'H (palace), Arab, 
and Syriac haikal. 

7. The 5ere without Yodh mostly represents the tone-long e, which, like the tone- 
long a (see c), is very rarely retained except in and before the tone-syllable, and is 
always lengthened from an original z^It stands in an open syllable with or before the 
tone, e.g. IDG? (ground-form siphr) book, nafa/ (Arab, sindt) sleep, or with Metheg (see 
§ 16 d, f) in the secondary tone-syllable, e.g. 1 ri I ?,N$ my request, 7ti~? 1 let ns go. On 
the other hand in a closed syllable it is almost always with the tone, as 15 son, D^K 

Exceptions: (a) e is sometimes retained in a toneless closed syllable, in monosyllabic 
words before Maqqeph, e.g. ~y ,57 Nu 35:18, as well as in the examples of nasog 'ahor 
mentioned in § 29 f (on the quantity cf. § 8 b 3 end); (b) in a toneless open final syllable, Sere 
likewise occurs in examples of the nasog 'ahor, as N^cTEx 16:29; cf. Ju 9:39. 

8. The S e gol of the I(E)-class is most frequently an e modified from original i" 
either replacing a tone-long e which has lost the tone, e.g. ~]B from ]T\ (give), T^ 1 (thy 
creator) from IS' 1 , or in the case discussed in § 93 o, 'p 1 ??, ,_ iiy from the ground-forms 
hilq, 'izr; cf. also § 64 f Sfgol appears as a simple helping-vowel in cases such as IDG? 
for siphr, ^jcffor yigl (§ 28 e). 

Third Class. U- and O-sounds. 

9. For the U-sound there is — 

1 l At least according to the Masoretic orthography; cf. Wellhausen, Text der Bb. 
Sam., p. 18, Rem. 

2 2 Jerome (cf. Siegfried, ZAW. 1884, p. 77) in these cases often gives a for / . 

3 3 Cf. the remarks of I. Guidi, 'Lapronuncia del Sere, ' in the Verhandl. des 
Hamburger Orient.-Kongr. of 1902, Leiden, 1904, p. 208 ff, on Italian e for Latin i, 
as in fede =fi dem,pece=pi cem. 

(1) the long u, either (a) written fully, =1 Sureq, e.g. ^QJ {boundary), or (&) 
defectively written ~ Qibbtist 1 ^, "pini??; 

(2) the short «, mostly represented by Qibbiis, in a toneless closed syllable and 
especially common in a sharpened syllable, in e.g. ]T??W (table), n|Q (booth). 

Sometimes also u in a sharpened syllable is written % e.g. n^n Ps 102:5, l§v Jb 5:7, aVia 
Jer. 31:34, in3W» Is 5:5, D^any Gn2:25 for nsn, &c. 

For this u the LXX write o, e.g. D"?1V OSoHau, from which, however, it only follows, that 
this u was pronounced somewhat indistinctly. The LXX also express the sharp Hireq by 8, 
e.g. ~iaK='Emj,f|p. The pronunciation of the QibbuSlike the German ii, which was formerly 
common, is incorrect, although the occasional pronunciation of the U-sounds as u in the time 
of the punctators is attested, at least as regards Palestine 1 ; cf the Turkish buillbuul for the 
Persian bulbul, and the pronunciation of the Arabic dunya in Syria as dtinya. 

10. The O-sound bears the same relation to U as the E does to I in the second 
class. It has four varieties: — 

(1) The 6 which is contracted from aw (=au), § 7 a, and accordingly is mostly 
written fully; i (Holem plenum), e.g. UW (a whip), Arab, saut, rfriy (iniquity) from 
Tt7)V. More rarely defectively, as ~}~}'^ (thine ox) from ~\W Arab, tour, 

(2) The long 6 which arose in Hebrew at an early period, by a general process of 
obscuring, out of an original a, 2 while the latter has been retained in Arabic and 
Aramaic. It is usually written fully in the tone-syllable, defectively in the toneless, e.g. 
*7ti'p Arab. qdtiX. Aram, qdtel, 7yf}% Arab, 'itdh, Aram. ' e ldh, plur. CPn' 1 ^; pw (leg), 
Arab, sdq; 113J (hero), Arab, gdbbdr; Driin (seal), Arab, hdtam; liai (pomegranate), 
Arab, rummdn; 'ptt 1 ?? (dominion), Aram. ^W and lyV^ Arab. sidMn; Di 1 ?^ (peace), 
Aram. D^, Arab, saldm. Sometimes the form in a also occurs side by side with that in 
6 as 1l~)W and ]V~)W (coat of mail; see however § 29 u). Cf. also § 68 b. 

(3) The tone-long o which is lengthened from an original ii, or from an 6 arising 
from u, by the tone, or in general according to the laws for the formation of syllables. 
It occurs not only in the tone-syllable, but also in an open syllable before the tone, e.g. 
ttH'p (ground-form qud) sanctuary; ]Y3 for burrakh, lWpV? Ps 104:28, as well as 
(with Metheg) in the secondary tone-syllable; D^X ^'B, But the original 5 (u) is 
retained in a toneless closed syllable, whereas in a toneless open syllable it is 
weakened to S e wa. Cf. V3 all, but _1 7| (ko I), tfrl (kullam); V Up', ^ttp? and frtpj??, 

where original u is weakened to ywa: yiqflu, Arab, yaqtulu. This tone-long 6 is only 
as an exception written fully. 

(4) " QameS-hatuph represents 6 (properly a"cf. § 8 a, note 2) modified from u 
and is therefore classed here. It stands in the same relation to Holem as the S e gol of 
the second class to Sere, -1 7| kol, Dpdi wayydqom. On the distinction between this and 
Qames, see below, u. 

1 l Cf. Delitzsch, Physiologie u. Musik, Lpz. 1868, p. 15 f. 

2 2 Cf. above, b, end. On Jerome's transliteration of o for a, see TAW. 1884, p. 75. 

11. The following table gives a summary of the gradation of the three vowel- 
classes according to the quantity of the vowels: — 

First Class: A. Second Class:! and E. Third Class: U and O. 

" original a "> ' e, from original ay (ai). i o, from original aw (au). 

(Arabic K ;). 

, " or " long i? i or ' " 6 obscured from a. 

- tone-long a 
(from original a) 
chiefly in the 
tone-syllable but 
also just before 

: (as a 

modification of 
a) sometimes a 
tone-long e, 
sometime e 

' short a 

" tone -long e (from /"generally 
in the tone-syllable but also 
just before it. 

short i" 

Utmost weakening to ; 


i or " u 

' ' tone-long 6 (from original u in the 

tone-syllable, otherwise in an open 


" o, modified from u 

" short it, especially in a sharpened 

Utmost weakening to : 


" /"attenuated 
from a; see h. 

weakening to 

Rem. On the distinction between QameSand QameS-hatuph} 

According to § 8 a, long a or a\QameS) and short 5 or a\QameS-hatUph) are in 
manuscripts and printed texts generally expressed by the same sign ( t ), e.g. Qj? qdm, ""73 kol. 
The beginner who does not yet know the grammatical origin of the words in question (which 
is of course the surest guide), may depend meanwhile on the following principal rules: — 

1. The sign ~ l is 5 in a toneless closed syllable, since such a syllable can have only 
a short vowel (§ 26 o). The above case occurs — 

(a) When S e wd follows as a syllable-divider, as in ncfrpn hokh-ma~{ wisdom), n<S?$ 
'5kh-ld~({ bod). WithMetheg ~isd (ajand according to the usual view stands in an 
open syllable with a following S e wd mobile, e.g. rf73X 'd-kh e ld~(she ate); but cf § 16 i. 

1 l These statements, in order to be fully understood, must be studied in connexion 

with the theory of syllables (§ 26) and Metheg (§16 c-i). 

1 l In the Babylonian punctuation (§ 8 g, note) d and 6 are carefully distinguished. So 

also in many MSS with the ordinary punctuation and in Baer's editions of the text 

since 1880, in which ~ t is used for 5 as well as for . Cf. Baer-Delitzsch, Liber Jobi, 

p. 43. But the identity of the two signs is certainly original, and the use of T " for is 


(b) When a closed syllable is formed by Dages forte, e.g. ^dn hdnneni\haye 
mercy upon me); but D'CfrB (with Metheg, § 16 f Q bdttim. 

(c) When the syllable in question loses the tone on account of a following 
Maqqeph (§16 a), e.g. DIN.rr 1 ?! kol-hd- 'adorn (all men). 

In Ps 35:10 and Pr 19:7 Maqqeph with "73 is replaced by a conjunctive accent {Me/kha); 
so by Darga, Ju 19:5 with "7VD, and Ez 37:8 with Dip'! (so Baer after Qimhi; ed. Mant., 
Ginsburg, Kittel Dip 1 !). 

(d) In a closed final syllable without the tone, e.g. 0j?<$ waj/ya#o/w (and he stood 
up). — In the cases where a or a in the final syllable has become toneless through 
Maqqeph (§ 16 a) and yet remains, e.g. n^ri"3,ri| Est 4:8, ^Ti^ Gn 4:25, it has a 
Metheg in correct manuscripts and printed texts. 

In cases like nxVdi, n&tf lammd, the tone shows that " is to be read as a. 

T ! T ' T T ' T 

2. The cases in which ~ appears to stand in an open syllable and yet is to be read as 6 
require special consideration. This is the case, (a) when Ha teph-QameS follows, e.g. iVvEi his 
work, or simple vocal S'wd, e.g. 15"i l T ox goad; i~i3,V3 Jo 4:7; rna.E* (so ed. Mant, Ginsb.) 
preserve Ps 86:2, cf. 16:1 and the cases mentioned in § 48 i, n., and § 61 f, n.; other examples 
are Ob 11, Ju 14:15); Ha teph-Pathah follows in 'jn.E'a 1 ? (so Ginsburg; Baer 'fcvti?) 1 S 15:1, 
^.Tj, 1 ? 24:11, and'],^?, 1 (so Baer, Gn 32:18, others Xt^S?); (b) before another QameS- 
hatuph, e.g. <jf7S7 r 9 thy work; on ^TnSJ and 'Vrn.j? Nu 23:7, see §67 o; (c) in the two plural 
forms CPtlH.p sanctuaries and D'USh,^ roote (also written '7j? and HB*). In all these cases the 
Jewish grammarians regard theMefAeg accompanying the " as indicating a QameS rahabh 
(broad QameS) and therefore read the " as a; thus pd-°lo, dd-r e bdn, pd-oFkhd, qd-ddsim. But 
neither the origin of these forms, nor the analogous formations in Hebrew and in the cognate 
languages, nor the transcription of proper names in the LXX, allows us to regard this view as 
correct. It is just possible that QameS is here used loosely for a~as the equivalent of o, on the 
analogy of i^s &c, § 93 q. As a matter of fact, however, we ought no doubt to divide and 
read p6°-lo (ioxp -16), poo-Fkhd, qodd-sim. — Quite as inconceivable is it for Metheg to be a 
sign of the lengthening into d in r |K"'nn i 3 (Ex 11:8), although it is so in V1N,| bd-°ni\m the 
navy), since here the d of the article appears under the 3. 

§ 10. The Half Vowels and the Syllable Divider (!ywd). 

1. Besides the full vowels, Hebrew has also a series of vowel sounds which may 
be called half vowels (Sievers, Murmelvokale). The punctuation makes use of these to 
represent extremely slight sounds which are to be regarded as remains of fuller and 
more distinct vowels from an earlier period of the language. They generally take the 
place of vowels originally short standing in open syllables. Such short vowels, though 
preserved in the kindred languages, are not tolerated by the present system of pointing 
in Hebrew, but either undergo a lengthening or are weakened to S e wa. Under some 
circumstances, however, the original short vowel may reappear. 

To these belongs first of all the sign ~, which indicates an extremely short, slight, 
and (as regards pronunciation) indeterminate vowel sound, something like an obscure 

half e (-). It is called S?wd, 1 which may be either simple S^M'd (Sfwd simplex) as 
distinguished from the compound (see f), or vocal S e wd (S e wd mobile) as 
distinguished from S e wd quiescens, which is silent and stands as a mere syllable 
divider (see i) under the consonant which closes the syllable. 

The vocal S e wd stands under a consonant which is closely united, as a kind of 
grace-note, with the following syllable, either (a) at the beginning of the word, as V 0[? 
q e tol (to kill), N'piM nfmalle (filling), or (b) in the middle of the word, as n^ip qo-fld, 

In former editions of this Grammar S'wd was distinguished as medium when it followed a 
short vowel and therefore stood in a supposed 'loosely closed' or 'wavering' syllable, as in 
■oVa, VQI3. According to Sievers, Metrisch Studien, i. 22, this distinction must now be 
abandoned. These syllables are really closed, and the original vowel is not merely shortened, 
but entirely elided. The fact that a following B e gadk e phath letter (§ 6 n) remains spirant 
instead of taking Dages lene, is explained by Sievers on the 'supposition that the change from 
hard to spirant is elder than the elision of the vowel, and that the prehistoric malakai became 
malakhai before being shortened to malkhe'. In cases like 1KD3 (from KD3), inp 1 (from Dj? 1 ) the 
dropping of the Dages forte shows that the original vowel is completely lost. 

The sound e has been adopted as the normal transcription of simple owd mobile, 
although it is certain that it often became assimilated in sound to other vowels. The LXX 
express it by 8, or even by n, W3.T\2 %epov$i\i, rpnVVn aXkr(koma, more frequently by a, 
Vw»E>, Iauouf|X, but very frequently by assimilating its indeterminate sound to the following 
principal vowel, e.g. DTD EoSoua, n'a'VtS* EoXofjxbv (as well as EaXcoufiw), rrifrm Sa(3acb9, 
Vfarn NaBavafiA.. 1 A similar account of the pronunciation of S* wd is given by Jewish 
grammarians of the middle ages. 2 

How the S e wd sound has arisen through the vanishing of a full vowel is seen, e.g. in HDia 
from bdrdkd, as the word is still pronounced in Arabic. In that language the full short vowel 
regularly corresponds to the Hebrew 8 s wd mobile. 

1 l On KW, the older and certainly the only correct form (as in Ben Asher), see Bather, 
ZDMG. 1895, p. 18, note 3, who compares Sewayya, the name of the Syriac accentual 
sign of similar form " (=Hebr. Zaqeph). The form X,2tf, customary in Spain since the 
time of Menahem b. Sarviq, is due to a supposed connexion with Aram. I"Q# rest, and 
hence would originally have denoted only S e wd quiescens, like the Arabic sukun 
(rest). The derivation from rDtt/, T\yp (stem IVJl, Levias, American Journ. ofPhilol., 
xvi. 28 ff) seems impossible. 

1 l The same occurs frequently also in the Greek and Latin transcriptions of 
Phoenician words, e.g. H'D 1 7'0 Malaga, W 1 ?^ gubulim (Schroder, Die phoniz. Spr., p. 
139 ff). Cf the Latin augment in momordi, pupugi, with the Greek in xsxrjcpa, 
xexuppsvoc;, and the old form memordi. 

2 2 See especially Yehuda Hayyiig, pp. 4 f and 130 f inNutt's edition (Lond. 1870), 
corresponding to p. 200 of the edition by Dukes (Stuttg. 1844); Ibn Ezra's Sahoth, p. 
3; Gesenius, Lehrgebdude der hebr. Sprache, p. 68. The Manuel du lecteur, 
mentioned above, § 6 b, also contains express rules for the various ways of 
pronouncing ywd mobile: so too the Dikduks ha-feamim, ed. by Baer and Strack, 
Lpz. 1879, p. 12 ff. Cf. also Schreiner, ZAW. vi. 236 ff. 

2. Connected with the simple ywd mobile is the compound ywd or Hdteph 
(correptum), i.e. a Sfwd the pronunciation of which is more accurately fixed by the 
addition of a short vowel. There are three ^wd-sounds determined in this way, 
corresponding to the three vowel classes (§ 7 a): — 

(") Hdteph-Pdthdh, e.g. "littO ffm&r, ass. 

(") Hdteph-Sfgol), e.g. Y»S e mor, to say. 

(~)Hdteph-QdmeS, e.g. '"pjj, /f/zf sickness. 

These HdtSphs, or at least the first two, stand especially under the four guttural letters (§ 
22 1), instead of a simple Swd mobile, since these letters by their nature require a more 
definite vowel than the indeterminate simple Swd mobile. Accordingly a guttural at the 
beginning of a syllable, where the S'wd is necessarily vocal, can never have a mere Swd 


On " the shorter Hatef as compared with " cf. § 27 v. 

Rem. A. Only " and " occur under letters which are not gutturals. Ha kph-Pathah is found 
instead of simple S'wd (especially a wd mobile), chiefly (a) under strengthened consonants, 
since this strengthening (commonly called doubling) causes a more distinct pronunciation of 
the S'wd mobile, "h^l} branches, Zc 4: 12. According to the rule given by Ben-Asher (which, 
however, appears to be unknown to good early MSS. and is therefore rejected by Ginsburg, 
Introd., p. 466; cf. Foote, Johns Hopkins Univ. Circulars, June 1903, p, 71 f), the Hakph is 
necessary 1 when, in a strengthened medial consonant with S'wd (consequently not in cases 
like ■'rPI, &c), preceded by a Pathah, the sign of the strengthening (Dages forte) has fallen 
away, e.g. iV^n (but ed. Mant. and Ginsb. ftVn praise ye! in^Xfll Ju 16: 16; no less 
universally, where after a consonant with Swd the same consonant follows (to separate them 
more sharply, and hence with aMetheg always preceding), e.g. DnniD Ps 68:9; ^ri^Vp (ed. 
Mant. and Ginsb. 'VVp Gn 27: 13 (but not without exceptions, e.g. "'Ppn Ju 5:15, Is 10:1; ^by 
Jer 6:4, and so always VQri behold me, M17J behold us; on ~} before the suffix ~}, see § 20 b); also 
in certain forms under Kaph and Res after a long vowel and before the tone, e.g. n^dN^fl Gn 
3:17; ^1,3 Ps 103:1; mcft.tffl! IK 1:4 (but tndrn Ps 72:17, cf. Jer 4:2, 1 Ch 29:20, because 
the tone is thrown back on to the a. After e Swd remains even before the tone, as wi,3 &c; 
but before Maqqef KTn^.K Baer Ex 4: 18, 2 S 15:7 Jer 40: 15, but ed. Mant., Jabl., Ginsb. 
'Vk) 2 ; (b) under initial sibilants after 1 copulative, e.g. 3ri_ri Gn 2: 12; cf. Jer 48:20; "intn Is 
45: 14; rntzn Lv 25:34; n^ Gn 27:26; va^ Nu 23: 18, Is 37:17, Dn 9:18, cf Ju 5:12, 1 K 
14:21, 2 K 9: 17, Jb 14: 1, Ec 9:7 — to emphasize the vocal character of the Swd. For the same 
reason under the emphatic in t?mTl Jer 22:28; cf. Jb 33:25; after Qoph in ''rm^ (so Baer, but 
ed. Mant, Jabl., Ginsb. 'pi) Ez 23:41; "rig} Ps 55:22; cf. Jer. 32:9; under Res in rnn.K (ed. 
Mant. "i,K). Gn 18:21; D5T11 Ps 28:9; even under n Eze 26:21; under 3 Est 2:8; ^rn, 31 so Jabl., 
Ginsb., but ed. Mant. n,3l Dt 24: 13; (c) under sonants, sibilants or Qoph after i"e.g. pre, 1 Gn 
21:6, cf. 30:38 and Ez 21:28 (under p); niia,K Ps 12:7; 1'^m Jer 22:15; ni11,3 Jos 11:2; 

1 l See Delitzsch, 'Bemerkungen iiber masoretisch treue Darstellung des alttestam. 
Textes, ' in the Ztschr.f. luth. Theol. u. Kirche, vol. xxiv. 1863, p. 409 ff. 

2 2 On the uncertainty of the MSS. in some cases which come under a, seeMinhat 
shay (the Masoretic comm. in ed. Mant.) on Gn 12:3 and Ju 7:6. 

"159,3 P s 74:5, — for the same reason as the cases under b 3 ; according to Baer also in niaQE* 1 
S 30:28; TltZMQ, 1 Gn 32:18 after 6 (cf § 9 v), as well as after a in rn^n Dn 9:19; HDID.n Gn 
27:38; D^Y^n 2 K 7:8. 

B. The Hakph-QameSis less restricted to the gutturals than the first two, and stands more 
frequently for a simple S'wd mobile when an original O-sound requires to be partly preserved, 
e.g. at the beginning, in 1 !0 (ground-form roy) vision (cf. § 93 z); irPID 2 Ch 31:12, &c, Q e re 
(K e eth. "ID); ni'MV Ammonitish women, IK 11:1 (sing. miffl) ; 'JgiTV for the usual "]§£>? Ez 
35:6, from I'TV; l3dj?ri Nu 23:25, Jer 31:33, and elsewhere before suffixes, cf. § 60 a; iTglj? 
his pate (from Vplp) Ps 7: 17, &c; nt?pE>N Is 18:4 gVe. Further, like :, it stands under 
consonants, which ought to have Dages forte, as in nnp, 1 ? (for TIT}]??) Gn 2:23. In this example, 
as in rntftn 1 K 13:7; HNtn 2 K 7: 18; and ">$($§} Jer 22:20, the Ha teph-QameS is no doubt due 
to the influence of the following guttural as well as of the preceding U-sound. (Elsewhere 
indeed after 1 in similar cases Hakph-Pathahis preferred, see above, b; but with ring 1 ? cf. also 
i"73D Is 9:3, 10:27, 14:25, where the U-sound must necessarily be admitted to have an 
influence on the Swd immediately following.) In "inoi (u-fhor) Jb 17:9 it is also influenced 
by the following O-sound. In ■'apj? 1 S 28:8 Q"re, the original form is D'Dp, where again the o 
represents an 6. It is only through the influence of a following guttural that we can explain the 
forms niOp: Est 2: 14; ^rq,} Pr 28:22; nrncn Jer 49:7; nyt2?QK Is 27:4; nyatf K] Dn 8: 13; nv», 2> 
Ps 39:13; TWO, a 2 K 2:1 (Baer's ed. also in ver. 11); D^ngn 2 Ch 34:12 (ed. Mant, Opitius, 
&c. 'j?n). Finally in most of the examples which have been adduced, the influence of an 
emphatic sound (p, u, cf. also ntpgVN Ru 2:2, 7), or of a sibilant is also to be taken into account. 

3. The sign of the simple S e wd ~ serves also as a mere syllable divider. In this case 
it is disregarded in pronunciation and is called Sfwd quiescens. In the middle of a 
word it stands under every consonant which closes a syllable; at the end of words on 
the other hand it is omitted except m final "[ (to distinguish it better from final 1), e.g. 
~§fy king, and in the less frequent case, where a word ends with a mute after another 
vowelless consonant as in f^ nard, tfN thou fern, (for 'ant), ^7^\? thou fern, hast killed, 
iP^l and he watered, 3$>1 and he took captive, tf$tf -1 7N drink thou not; but NY1, Xpn. 1 

However, in the examples where a mute closes the syllable, the final S* wd comes 
somewhat nearer to a vocal S e wd, especially as in almost all the cases a weakening era final 
vowel has taken place, viz. FiK atf from ^K atf (anti), riVap from ^(fp (cf. in this form, the 
2nd sing. fern. perf. Qal, even riK3, after a vowel, Gn 16:8, Mi 4: 10, &c, according to the 
readings of Baer), 2Wyisb e from natl", &c. The Arabic actually has a short vowel in 
analogous forms. In nni borrowed from the Indian, as also in tpE'p (qosf) Pr 22:21; and in 
^DirrVN ne addas (for which we should expect IDicS) Pr 30:6 the final mute of itself attracts a 
slight vowel sound. 

Rem. The proper distinction between simple S'wd mobile and quiescens depends on a 
correct understanding of the formation of syllables (§ 26). The beginner may observe for the 
present, that (1) S'wd is always mobile (a) at the beginning of a word (except in DW, W § 
97 b, note); (b) under a consonant with Dages forte, e.g. Wl gid-cfphu; (c) after another S'wd, 
e.g. iVtpp 1 yiqflu (except at the end of the word, see above, i). (2) S'wd is quiescens (a) at the 
end of a word, also in the J, (b) before another Swd. 

3 3 Ben-Asher requires " for 7 (even for S?M>d quiescens) generally before a guttural or 
1; hence Baer reads in 2 S, 15:5 "nip,?, Ps 18:7 Nli?^; 49:15 ViNW 1 ?; 65:5 innri; 
68:24 fn»ri; Pr 30:17 ^,ri; Jb 29:25 irq.^; cf. Delitzsch, Psalms, 12:7, note. 
1 l On £p " as an ending of the 2nd sing. fern. perf. Qal of verbs H" 1 ?, see § 75 m. 

$11. Other Signs which affect the Reading. 

Very closely connected with the vowel points are the reading-signs, which were 
probably introduced at the same time. Besides the diacritical point over to and to, a 
point is placed within a consonant to show that it has a stronger sound. On the other 
hand a horizontal stroke {Raphe) over a consonant is a sign that it has not the stronger 
sound. According to the different purposes for which it is used the point is either (1) 
Dages forte, a sign of strengthening (§ 12); or (2) Dages lene, a sign of the harder 
pronunciation of certain consonants (§ 13); or (3)Mappiq, a sign to bring out the full 
consonantal value of letters which otherwise serve as vowel letters (§ 7 b), especially 
in the case of n at the end of the word (§14 a). The Raphe, which excludes the 
insertion of any of these points, has almost entirely gone out of use in our printed 
texts (§ 14 e). 

§ 12. Dages in general, 1 and Dages forte in particular. 

Cf. Graetz, 'Die mannigfache Anwendung u. Bedeut. des Dagesch, ' in Monatsschr. filr 
Gesch. u. Wiss. d. Judent., 1887, pp. 425 ff. and 473 ff. 

1. Dages, a point standing in the middle of a consonant, 2 denotes, according to § 
11, (a) the strengthening 3 of a consonant (Dages forte), e.g. ^Bj?. qittel (§ 20); or (b) 
the harder pronunciation of the letters 1153713 (Dages lene). For a variety of the latter, 
now rarely used in our printed texts, see § 13 c. 

The root #V7 in Syriac means to pierce through, to bore through (with sharp iron); hence 
the name Dages is commonly explained, solely with reference to its form, by puncture, point. 
But the names of all similar signs are derived rather from their grammatical significance. 
Accordingly ton may in the Masora have the sense: acuere (literam), i.e. to sharpen a letter, 
as well as to harden it, i.e. to pronounce it as hard and without aspiration. ton acuens 
(literam) would then be a sign of sharpening and hardening (like Mappiq p'sa proferens , as 
signum prolationis), for which purposes a prick of the pen, or puncture, was selected. The 
opposite of Dages is HEn soft, § 14 e, and § 22 n. 

2. In grammar Dages forte, the sign of strengthening, is the more important. It 
may be compared to the sicilicus of the Latins (Lucul us for Lucullus) or to the 
stroke over m and n . In the unpointed textit is omitted, like the vowels and other 
reading signs. 

1 l Oort, Theol. Tijdschr. 1902, p. 376, maintains that 'the Masoretes recognized no 
distinction between Dages lene and forte. They used a Dages where they considered 
that a letter had the sharp, not the soft or aspirated sound.' This may be true; but the 
old-established distinction between the two kinds of Dages is essential for the right 
understanding of the grammatical forms. 

2 2 Wdw with Dages (S) cannot in our printed texts be distinguished from a wdw 
pointed as Sureq (i); in the latter case the point should stand higher up. The =1 u is, 
however, easily to be recognized since it cannot take a vowel before or under it. 

3 3 Stade, Lehrb. der hebr. Gr., Lpz. 1879, pp. 44, 103, rightly insists on the 
expression strengthened pronunciation instead of the older term doubling, since the 
consonant in question is only written once. The common expression arises from the 
fact that in transcription a strengthened consonant can only be indicated by writing it 
as double. 

For the different kinds of Dages forte, see § 20. 

§ 13. Dages lene. 
Ginsburg, Introd., p. 1 14 ff: Dagesh and Raphe. 

1. Dages lene, the sign of hardening, is in ordinary printed texts placed only 
within the nD57^3 letters (§ 6 n) as a sign that they should be pronounced with their 
original hard sound (without aspiration), e.g. *f$ melekh, but 13 1 ?!? mal-ko; IBfl taphdr, 
but ~\' BTp yith-por; 7\TW satha, but 7]^)yis-te. 

2. The cases in which a Dages lene is to be inserted are stated in § 21 . It occurs 
almost exclusively at the beginning of words and syllables. In the middle of the word 
it can easily be distinguished from Dages forte, since the latter always has a vowel 
before it, whereas Dages lene never has; accordingly the Dages in 'BN 'appi, CPSI 
rabbim must be forte, but in ^X ' yigdal it is lene. 

A variety of the Dages lene is used in many manuscripts, as well as in Baer's editions, 
though others (including Ginsburg in the first two cases, Introd., pp. 121, 130, 603, 662) 
reject it together with the Hatefs discussed in § 10 g. It is inserted in consonants other than the 
B e gadk e phath to call attention expressly to the beginning of a new syllable: (a) when the same 
consonantprecedes in close connexion, e.g. ''a'?" 1 ??? Ps 9:2, where, owing to the Dages, the 
coalescing of the two Lameds is avoided; (b) in cases like 1 Qna Ps 62:8 = mah-si\not matt- 
sif, (c) according to some (including Baer; not in ed. Mant.) in K'V in the combination K'V f? 
Dt 32:5, or iV K'V Hb 1:6, 2:6 &c. (so always also in Ginsburg's text, except in Gn 38:9); see 
also § 20 e and g. — Delitzsch appropriately gives the name of Dages orthophonicum to this 
variety of Dages (Bibl. Kommentar, 1874, on Ps 94:12); cf. moreover Delitzsch, Luth. Ztschr., 
1863, p. 413; also his Complutensische Varianten zu dem Alttest. Texte, Lpz. 1878, p. 12##. 

3. When Dages forte is placed in aB e gadk e phath, the strengthening necessarily 
excludes its aspiration, e.g. 'BN, from 'B^N. 

$14. Mappfq and Raphe. 

l.Mappiq, like Dages, also a point within the consonant, serves in the letters 1 n X 
' as a sign that they are to be regarded as full consonants and not as vowel letters. In 
most editions of the text it is only used in the consonantal n at the end of words (since 
n can never be a vowel letter in the middle of a word), e.g. ?na gdbhdh (to be high), 
ns^X arsdh (her land) which has a consonantal ending (shortened from -ha), different 
from 7\%~)<& drsd (to the earth) which has a vowel ending. 

Rem. 1. Without doubt such a He was distinctly aspirated like the Arabic Ha at the end of 
a syllable. There are, however, cases in which this n has lost its consonantal character (the 
Mappfq of course disappearing too), so that it remains only as a vowel letter; cf. § 9 1 e on the 
3rd fem. sing. 

The name p^a means proferens, i.e. a sign which brings out the sound of the letter 
distinctly, as a consonant. The same sign was selected for this and for Dages, since both are 
intended to indicate a hard, i.e. a strong, sound. Hence Raphe (see e) is the opposite of both. 

2. In MSS. Mappiq is also found with N, 1, "■, to mark them expressly as consonants, e.g. ?1a 
(goy), )\? (qdw, qou), for which 1 is also used, as 1OT, &c. For the various statements of the 
Masora (where these points are treated as Dages), see Ginsburg, The Massorah, letter K, § 5 
(also Introd., pp. 557, 609, 637, 770), and 'The Dageshed Alephs in the Karlsruhe MS.' 
(where these points are extremely frequent), in the Verhandlungen des Berliner Orientalisten- 
Kongresses, Berlin, i. 1881, p. 136 ff The great differences in the statements found in the 
Masors point to different schools, one of which appears to have intended that every audible K 
should be pointed. In the printed editions the point occurs only four times with K ( r K or K), Gn 
43:26, Lv 23:17, Ezr 8:18 and Jb 33:21 (Wl; where the point can be taken only as an 
orthophonetic sign, not with Konig as Dages forte). Cf Delitzsch, Hiob, 2nd ed., p. 439 ff. 

2. Raphe (ngi i.e. weak, soft), a horizontal stroke over the letter, is the opposite of 
both kinds of Dages and Mappiq, but especially of Dages lene. In exact manuscripts 
every T1S31jQ letter has either Dages lene or Raphe, e.g. '"fltf melekh, ~f? T fi rfrittf. In 
modern editions (except Ginsburg' s 1st ed.) Raphe is used only when the abseuce of a 
Dages or Mappiq requires to be expressly pointed out. 

$15. The Accents. 

On the ordinary accents (see below, e), cf. W. Heidenheim, D^VEH , QSiK>» [The Laws of the 
Accents], Rodelheim, 1808 (a compilation from older Jewish writers on the accents, with 
a commentary); W. Wickes (see also below), D'HQD N"0 "'ttVD [The Accents of the Twenty- 
one Books], Oxford, 1887, an exhaustive investigation in English; J. M. Japhet, Die 
Accente der hi. Schrift (exclusive of the books r n r » r x), ed. by Heinemann, Frankf. a. M. 
1896; Pratorius, Die Herkunft der hebr. Accente, Berlin, 1901, and (in answer to 
Gregory's criticism in the TLZ. 1901, no. 22) Die Uebernahme der fruuh-mittelgriech. 
Neumen durch dis Juden, Berlin, 1902; P. Kahle, 'Zur Gesch. der hebr. Accente, ' 
ZDMG. 55 (1901), 167 ff. (1, on the earliest Jewish lists of accents; 2, on the mutual 
relation of the various systems of accentuation; on p. 179 ff. he deals with the accents of 
the 3rd system, see above, § 8 g, note); Margolis, art. 'Accents,' in the Jewish Encycl, i 
(1901), 149 ff; J. Adams, Sermons in Accents, London, 1906. — On the accents of the 
Books D"Kn (see below, h), S. Beer, n»K min [Accentual Laws of the Books WKX], 
Roodelheim, 1852, and his appendix to Delitzsch' s P salmencommentar , vol. ii, Lpz. 
1860, and in the 5th ed., 1894 (an epitome is given in Baer-Delitzsch's Liber Psalmorum 
hebr., Lpz. 1861, 1874, 1880); cf. also Delitzsch's most instructive 'Accentuologischer 
Commentar' on Psalms 1-3, in his P salmencommentar of 1874, as well as the numerous 
contributions to the accentual criticism of the text, &c, in the editions of Beer and 
Delitzsch, and in the commentaries of the latter; W. Wickes, rratf "<WV [Accents of the 
Poet. Books], Oxford, 1881; Mitchell, in the Journal ofBibl. Lit, 1891, p. 144 ff; Beer 
and Strack, Dikduke ha-famim, p. 17 ff. 

1. As Pratorius (see above) has convincingly shown, the majority of the Hebrew 
accents, especially, according to Kahle (see above), the ' Conjunctivf , were adopted 
by the Jews from the neums and punctuation-marks found in Greek gospel-books, 
and, like these, their primary purpose was to regulate minutely the public reading of 
the sacred text. The complete transformation and amplification of the system (in three 
different forms, see § 8 g, note), which soon caused the Jews to forget its real origin, 
is clearly connected with the gradual change from the speaking voice in public 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

reading to chanting or singing. The accents then served as a kind of musical notes. 1 
Their value as such has, however, with the exception of a few traces, become lost in 
transmission. On the other hand, according to their original design they have also a 
twofold use which is still of the greatest importance for grammar land syntax), viz. 
their value (a) as marking the tone, (b) as marks of punctuation to indicate the logical 
(syntactical) relation of single words to their immediate surroundings, and thus to the 
whole sentence. 2 

2. As a mark of the tone the accent stands almost invariably (but see below, e) 
with the syllable which has the principal tone in the word. This is usually the ultima, 
less frequently the penultima. Amongst the Jewish grammarians a word which has the 
tone on the ultima is called Milra (Aram, yi 1 ?^ i.e. accented below 3 ), e.g. ^?(§\? qatal; a 
word which has the tone on the penultima is Milel (Aram. 1 7 i y 1 7Q, accented above), e.g. 
'~f7<§ melekh. Besides this, in many cases a secondary tone is indicated in the word by 
Metheg(cf. § 16). Examples such as in? rn^Is 50:8 (cf 40:18, Ex 15:8, Jb 12:15, 
La 2:16) are regarded by the Jewish grammarians as even proparoxytone 4 

3. As marks of interpunctuation the accents are subdivided into those which 
separate (Distinctivi or Domini) and those which connect (Conjnnctivi or Servi). 
Further a twofold system of accentuation is to be noted: (a) the common system found 
in twenty-one of the Books (the X"D i.e. twenty-one), and (b) that used in the first three 
Books of the Hagiographa, viz. Psalms, Proverbs, and Job, for which the vox memor, 
is riftS, from the initial consonants of the names, D^nfl Psalms, ^i&ti Proverbs, 31 S X 
Job, or more correctly, according to their original sequence, D"Nn (a'Nfl twin), so that 
D"Kn 'tty.tt means the accents (sing. Dyu) of these three Books. The latter system is not 
only richer and more complicated in itself, but also musically more significant than 
the ordinary accentuation. 

The Common Accents. 

Preliminary remark. The accents which are marked as prepositive stand to the right over 
or under the initial consonant of the word; those marked as postpositive, to the left over or 
under the last consonant. Consequently in both cases the tone-syllable must be ascertained 
independently of the accent (but cf. below, 1). 

Disjunctive Accents (Distinctivi or Domini) 1 

1 l On the attempts of Christian scholars of the sixteenth century to express the 
Hebrew accents by musical notes, cf. Ortenberg, ZDMG.. 1889, p. 534. 

2 2 At the same time it must not be forgotten that the value of the accent as a mark of 
punctuation is always relative; thus, e.g. Athndh as regards the logical structure of the 
sentence may at one time indicate a very important break (as in Gn 1 A); at another, 
one which is almost imperceptible (as in Gn 1:1). 

3 3 'Above' in this sense means what comes before, 'below' is what comes after; cf. 
Bacher, ZAW.. 1907, p. 285 f 

4 4 Cf Delitzschonls40:18. 

1 l All the disjunctives occur in Is 39:2. — The earlier Jewish accentuologists already 
distinguish between Q 1 ? 1 ?!? Reges and WT\~}}til3 servi. The division of the disjunctive 
accents into Imperatores, Reges, Duces, Comites, which became common amongst 

1. (7) P^p Silluq (end) always with the tone-syllable of the last word before 

Soph pasuq (:), the verse-divider, e.g. : fDKri. 

2. (§) mriN Athnah or Nflfl, jflN Athnahta (rest), the principal divider within the 


3 a. (J") NF) 1 ?!}? S e golta, postpositive, marks the fourth or fifth subordinate 
division, counting backwards from Athnah (e.g. Gn 1:7, 28). 

3 b. (| f") n^ 1 ?^ Salseleth (i.e. chain), as disjunctive, or Great Salseleth, 
distinguished by the following stroke 2 from the conjunctive in the poetic 

Christian grammarians, originated in the Scrutinium S. S. ex accentibus of Sam. 
Bohlius, Rostock, 1636, and, as the source of manifold confusion, had better be given 
up. The order of the accents in respect to their disjunctive power is shown in general 
by the above classification, following Wickes. In respect to the height of tone (in 
chanting) 1, 2, 5, 4, 8, which were low and long sustained notes, are to be 
distinguished from the high notes (7, 3 a , 6, 13, 9), and the highest (3 b , 11, 12, 10); cf 
Wickes, X"D '0 p. 12 ff — The name D'^yp (\ater=accents in general) was originally 
restricted to the disjunctives, seeKahle, 1. c, p. 169. 

2 2 This stroke is commonly confused with Paseq, which has the same form. But 
PaiEseuq (= restraining, dividing, also incorrectly called P e siiEq) is neither an 
independent accent, nor a constituent part of other accents, but is used as a mark for 
various purposes; see the Masoretic lists at the end of Baer's editions, and Wickes, 
Accents of the Twenty-one Books, p. 120 ff, where PaiEseuq is divided into 
distinctivum, emphaticum, homonymicum, and euphonicum. The conjecture of 
Olshausen (Lehrb., p. 86 f), that Paseq served also to point out marginal glosses 
subsequently interpolated into the text, has been further developed by E. yon 
Ortenberg, 'Die Bedeutung des Paseq far Que llenscheidung in den BB. d. A. T.,' in 
Progr. des Domgymn. zu Verden, 1887, and in the article, 'Paseq u. Legarmeh, ' in 
ZAW.. 1887, p. 301 ff. (but see Wickes, ibid. 1888, p. 149 ff; also E. Koonig, in the 
Ztschr.f. kirchl. Wiss. u. kirchl. Leben, 1889, parts 5 and 6; Maas, inHebraica, v. 121 
ff, viii. 89 ff). Praatorius, ZDMG.. 1899, p 683 ff, pointed out that Paseq (which is 
pre-masoretic and quite distinct from Vgarmeh) besides being a divider (used 
especially for the sake of greater clearness) also served as a sign of abbreviation. For 
further treatment of Paseq see H. Grimme, 'Pasekstudien, ' in the Bibl. Ztschr., i. 337 
ff, ii. 28 ff, and Psalmenprobleme, &c, Freiburg (Switzerland), 1902, p. 173, where 
it is argued that Paseq indicates variants in a difficult sentence; J. Kennedy, The Note- 
line in the Heb. Scriptures, Edinb. 1903, with an index of all the occurrences of 
Paseq, p. 117 ff. According to Kennedy the 'note-line', of which he distinguishes 
sixteen different kinds, is intended to draw attention to some peculiarity in the text; it 
existed long before the Masoretes, and was no longer understood by them. See, 
however, the reviews of E. Konig, Theol. stud. u. Krit., 1904, p. 448 ff, G. Beer, TLZ. 
1905, no. 3, and esp. A. Klostermann, Theol. Lit.-blatt, 1904, no. 13, with whom 
Ginsburg agrees (Verhandlungen des Hamb. Or. -kongr esses von 1902, Leiden, 1904, 
p. 210 ff.) in showing that the tradition with regard to the 479 or 480 uses of Paseq is 
by no means uniform. The purpose of Paseq is clearly recognizable in the five old 
rules: as a divider between identical letters at the end and beginning of two words; 
between identical or very similar words; between words which are absolutely 

accentuation, is used for S e golta (seven times altogether) when this would 
stand at the head of the sentence; cf. Gn 19:16, &c. 

4 a. (f ) Vm Hi?! Zaqeph gdol, and 

4 b. ("[) liDi? Hi?! Zaqeph qaton. The names refer to their musical character. As a 
disjunctive, Little Zaqeph is by nature stronger than Great Zaqeph; but if 
they stand together, the one which comes first is always the stronger. 

5. (t) xn?p Tiphha or xnitt Tarha, a subordinate disjunctive before Silluq and 

Athnah, but very often the principal disjunctive of the whole verse instead 
of Athnah; always so when the verse consists of only two or three words 
(e.g. Is 2:13), but also in longer verses (Gn 3:21). 

6. ( r -) jrri R e bhia. 

7. (">) X|7~iT Zarqa, postpositive . 

8 a. (U) Ntt$9 Pasta, postpositive, l and 

8 b. (t) yr\] Y e thTbh, prepositive, and thus different from M e huppakh. Y e thTbh 

is used in place of Pasta when the latter would stand on a monosyllable or 
on a foretoned word, not preceded by a conjunctive accent. 

9. (A ) T3fl T e bhir. 

10 a. O^unj Geres or D^itp Teres, and 

10 b. (Y) D'^IJ G e r sayim 2 or Double Geres, used for Geres, when the tone 
rests on the ultima, and Azla does not precede. 

1 1 a. (3) 119 Pazer, and 

1 1 b. (7^) ^ITJ ITS Pazer gadol (Great Pazer) or HID ';nj? Qarne phara (cow- 
horns), only used 16 times, for special emphasis. 

12. (z) n'jilj m^n T e lfa g e dola or Great T e \isa, prepositive . 

contradictory (as God and evil-doer); between words which are liable to be wrongly 
connected; and lastly, between heterogeneous terms, as 'Eleazar the High Priest, and 
Joshua' . But the assumption Of a far-reaching critical importance in Paseq is at least 
doubtful. — Cf. also the important article by H. Fuchs, 'Pesiq ein Glossenzeichen, ' in 
the Vierteljahrsschriftf. Bibelkunde, Aug. 1908, p. 1 ff and p. 97 ff 

1 l If the word in question has the tone on the penultima, Pasta is placed over it also, 
e.g inn Gn 1:2; cf. below, 1 

2 2. Wickes requires Gersayim (D'lZ/lii). 

13. (| 5) na"!} 1 ? L e garmeh, i.e. Munah (see below) with a following stroke. 

Conjunctive Accents (Conjunctivi or Servi). 

14. (2) r\m Munah. 

15. (?) -js;i& M e huppakh or -jsria Mahpakh. 
16 a. (S) K3T» or K3^N,a Mer e kha, and 

16 A. (Jy) n^B? 'a Mer e kha kh e phula or Double Mer e kha. 

17. (Q) Nrn Darga. 

18. (") K^fK Azla, when associated with Geres (see above) also called Qadma. 

19. (^ n|p|? Xiy , ?p T e lisa q e tanna or Little Tlisa, postpositive . 

20. (3) ^a Galgal or iiT Yerah. 

[21. (J) N^8» M e ayy e la or K^K.a May e la, a variety of Tiphha, serves to mark 
the secondary tone in words which have Silluq or Athnah, or which are 
united by Maqqeph with a word so accentuated, e.g. ng]"N¥*l Gn 8:18.] 

The Accents of the Books D"Xn. 
Distinctivi . 

1. (7) Silluq (see above, I, 1). 

2. ( S<£) l~\V) rftiy 6le w e yored, l a stronger divider than 

3. (5) Athnah (see above, I, 2). In shorter verses Athnah suffices as principal 

distinctive; in longer verses Ole w e yored serves as such, and is then mostly 
followed by Athnah as the principal disjunctive of the second half of the 

4. (-) RW gadol (Great RW). 

5. (JT^R^hi* mugras, i.e. R e bhi* with Geres on the same word. 

6. (r) Great Salseleth (see above, I. 3 b). 

1 l Wrongly called also Mer e kha m e huppakh (Mer e kha mahpakhatum), although the 
accent underneath is in no way connected with Mer e kha; cf. Wickes, 1. c, p. 14. 

7. (">) lias Sinnor (Zarqa), as postpositive, is easily distinguished from nnlJX 

Sinnorith similarly placed, which is not an independent accent, but stands 
only over an open syllable before a consonant which has Mer e kha or 

8. ( r ") R e bhi* qaton (Little R e bhi*) immediately before Ole w e y6red. 

9. (t) 'n? D e hf or Tiphha, prepositive, to the right underneath the initial 

consonant, e.g. 'Im (consequently it does not mark the tone-syllable). 

10. (3) Pazer (see above, I, 1 1 a). 

1 1 a. (| ?) M e huppakh Tgarmeh, i.e. Mahpakh with a following stroke. 
1 1 b. (| Q) Azla l e garmeh, i.e. Azla with a following stroke. 

Conjunctivi . 

12. (S) Mer e kha (see above, I. 16 a). 

13. ((:) Munah (see above, I. 14). 

14. (r) ">$?$ Illuy or Munah superior. 

15. (t) (xn^O Tarha (under the tone-syllable, and thus easily distinguished 
from No. 9). 

16. (Q) Galgal or Yerah (see above, I. 20). 

17. (?) M e huppakh or Mahpakh (see above, I. 15). 

18. ( : ) Azla (see above, I. 18). 

19. (7) Salseleth q e tanna (Little Salsleth). The last three are distinguished from 
the disjunctives of the same name by the absence of the stroke. 

[20. (">) Sinnorith, see above under No. 7.] 

Remarks on the Accents 

As Signs of the Tone. 

1. As in Greek and English (cf. elfjl and eiui, compact and compact) so also in Hebrew, 
words which are written with the same consonants are occasionally distinguished by the 
position of the tone, e.g. 1C& banii (they built), M($ banu (in us); n»(jf qcima (she stood up), ntf|P 
qama (standing up, fern.). 

2. As a rule the accent stands on the tone-syllable, and properly on its initial consonant. In 
the case of prepositives and postpositives alone (see above, e) the tone-syllable must be 
ascertained independently of the accent. In many MSS. as well as in Baer's editions of the 
text, the postpositive sign in foretoned words stands also over the tone-syllable after the 
analogy of Pasta (see above, I. 8 a, note); e.g. Jiljbtl" 0|i3|Gn 19:4; so the prepositive sign in 
cases like "y^Gn 8:13. 

As Signs of Punctuation. 

3. In respect to this use of the accents, every verse is regarded as a period which closes 
with Silluq, or in the figurative language of the grammarians, as a province (ditio) which is 
governed by the great distinctive at the end. According as the verse is long or short, i.e. the 
province great or small, there are several subordinate Domini of different grades, as governors 
of greater and smaller divisions. When possible, the subdivisions themselves are also split up 
into parts according to the law of dichotomy (see Wickes, The Accents of the Twenty-one 
Books, p. 29 ff). — When two or more equivalent accents (Zaqeph, R e bhfa) occur 
consecutively, the accent which precedes marks a greater division than the one which follows; 
cf. e.g. the Zaqeph, Gn l 20a . 

4. In general a conjunctive (Servus) unites only such words as are closely connected in 
sense, e.g. a noun with a following genitive or a noun with an adjective. For the closest 
connexion between two or more words Maqqeph is added (§16 a). 

5. The consecution of the several accents (especially the correspondence of disjunctives 
with their proper conjunctives) conforms in the most minute details to strict rules, for a 
further investigation of which we must refer to the above-mentioned works. Here, to avoid 
misunderstanding, we shall only notice further the rule that in the accentuation of the books 
D"Kn, the R e bhi a mugrds before Silluq, and the D e hihe£ore Athnah, must be changed into 
conjunctives, unless at least two toneless syllables precede the principal disjunctive. For this 
purpose S e wa mobile after QameS, Sere, or Holem (with Metheg) is to be regarded as forming 
a syllable. After Ole w e y6red the Athnah does not necessarily act as pausal (cf. Delitzsch on 
Ps 45:6). The condition of our ordinary texts is corrupt, and the system of accents can only be 
studied in correct editions [see Wickes' two treatises]. 

6. A double accentuation occurs in Gn 35:22, from 3DE"l onward (where the later 
accentuation, intended for public reading, aims at uniting vv. 22 and 23 into one, so as to pass 
rapidly over the unpleasant statement in v. 22); and in the Decalogue, Ex 20:2 ff; Dt 5:6 ff. 
Here also the later (mainly superlinear) accentuation which closes the first verse with D^ny 
(instead of ^Q) is adopted simply for the purposes of public reading, in order to reduce the 
original twelve verses (with sublinear accentuation) to ten, the number of the 
Commandments. Thus D'Hav at the end of v. 2 has Silluq (to closethe verse) in the lower 
accentuation, but in the upper, which unites vv. 2-6 (the actual words of God) into a single 
period, only R^hi 8 . Again 'UQ, regarded as closing v. 3, is pointed MS (pausal QameS with 
Silluq), but in the upper accentuation it is MS with Pathah because not in pause. (Originally 
there may have been a third accentuation requiring D^gDV and MS, and thus representing vv. 2 
and 3 as the first commandment.) Further the upper accentuation unites vv. 8-1 1 into one 
period, while in vv. 12-15 the lower accentuation combines commandments 5-8 into one 
verse. Cf. Geiger, Urschrift u. Ubersetzungen der Bibel, p. 373; Japhet, op. cit., p. 158, and 
esp. K. J. Grimm, Johns Hopkins Univ. Circ. xix (May, 1900), no. 145. 

§ 16. (9/Maqqeph and Metheg 

These are both closely connected with the accents. 

1. Maqqeph (fjjpa i.e. binder) is a small horizontal stroke between the upper part of 
two words which so connects them that in respect of tone and pointing they are 
regarded as one, and therefore have only one accent. Two, three, or even four words 
may be connected in this way, e.g. DCfo -1 ?! every man, 3t^tf -l 7|"ri^ every herb, Gn 1 :29, 
frn^if^-ns all that he had, Gn 25:5. 

Certain monosyllabic prepositions and conjunctions, such as "Vk to, "TV until, "Vy upon, 
"DV with, "Vk ne, ~DN if, whether, "{'a from, ~]B lest, are almost always found with a following 
Maqqeph, provided they have not become independent forms by being combined with 
prefixes, e.g. "?y», ova, in which case Maqqeph as a rule does not follow. Occasionally 
Maqqeph is replaced by a conjunctive accent (see above, § 9 u, 1 c), as, according to the 
Masora, in Dt 27:9, 2 S 20:23, Jer 25:30, 29:25, Ec 9:4 in the case of "^ Vfi; Ps 47:5, 60:2, Pr 
3: 12 in the case of ~nx, the objective particle. Longer words are, however, connected by 
Maqqeph with a following monosyllable, e.g. n'l"]i^m Gn 6:9, l.rprrn Gn 1:7; or two words 
of more than one syllable, e.g. 1ii>5rn r S73tl* seventeen, Gn 7:11. Cf the Greek proclitics £v, £k, 
ei<;, ei, 6)q, oU, which are atonic, and lean on the following word. 

2. Metheg (}fl<$ i.e. a bridle), a small perpendicular stroke under the consonant to 
the left of the vowel, indicates most frequently the secondary stress or counter-tone, 
as opposed to the principal tone marked by the accents. It serves, however, in other 
cases to point out that the vowel should not be hastily passed over in pronunciation, 
but should be allowed its full sound. Hence other names of Metheg are Ma a rikh, i.e. 
lengthener, and Gay a, i.e. raising of the voice, which is Great Gay a with long 
vowels, otherwise Little Goya 1 

It is divided into: 1. The light Metheg. This is subdivided again into (a) the ordinary 
Metheg of the counter-tone, as a rule in the second (open) syllable before the tone, e.g. nrfx.n 
(cf. also such cases as Yir"f7 r &); but also in the third when the second is closed, e.g. □''OfcnN.n 
(also in such cases as "^arnn.y), and when the third is not suitable for it, even in the fourth 
(open) syllable before the tone. This Metheg may be repeated in the fourth syllable before the 
tone, when it already stands in the second, e.g. Cicf'Jito,©. Finally it is always added to the 
vowel of an open ultima, which is joined by Maqqeph to a word beginning with a toneless 
syllable and so without Metheg (e.g. bKW^l^, on the on her hand Jitfjjpsish, rrn.K-N' 1 ?), or to 
a word beginning with S'wd before the tone-syllable, e.g. cf?"\», ^"n^VtS*, &c; the object 
being to prevent the S e wd from becoming quiescent. 

The ordinary light Metheg is omitted with a movable 1 copulative, consequently we do not 
find WXX\ &c. (nor even ^XX\ &c, contrary to b, a; but 3HI1, &c, according to b, (3, cf. § 10 g. 

(b) The firm or indispensable Metheg. (a) With all long vowels (except in certain cases, 1 
copulative, see above), which are followed by a S^wd mobile preceding the tone-syllable; e.g. 
1K1, 1 , "&&,'], &c. (P) To emphasize a long vowel in a closed syllable immediately before 
Maqqeph, e.g. ll ?"fl,? Gn 4:25 {not Soth-li); hence also with "Vs Ps 138:2, and _ n,x Jb 41:26 
(for "Va and "fix; cf. alsoTiKaJo 15:18, &c). (y) With Sere, which has become toneless 

1 l Cf. as the source of this account of Metheg, the exhaustive treatment by S. Baer, 
'Metheg-Setzung nach ihren iiberlieferten Gesetzen, ' in A. Merx'sArchivfur die 
wissenschaftl. Erforschang des A. Test., Heft i, Halle, 1867, p. 56 ff, and Heft ii. 
1868, p. 194 ff; Baer and Strack, Dikduke ha-famim, p. 30 ff. 

through retraction of the tone, in order to prevent its being pronounced as S"ghdl, e.g. 3ndk 
nyg Pr 12: 1 (not ohebh). (5) With all vowels before composite SFwd, e.g. Taj?,!, CPpvX &c. 
(except when the following consonant is strengthened, e.g. ladf ,[p? Is 62:2, because the 
strengthening by Dages excludes the retarding of the vowel by Metheg); so in the cases 
discussed in § 28 c, where a short vowel has taken the place of a Hateph, as na,^, &c. (s) In 
the preformative syllable of all forms of n^n to be, and rpn to live, when SFwd quiescens stands 
under the n or n, e.g. rrri, 1 , rpn,fi iyih-ye, tih-ye), &c, cf § 63 q. (Q With the QameS of the 
plural forms of rp(f house (thus D^a bdttim, cf. § 96 under rP3), and with ndk 1 prithee] to 
guard against the pronunciation bdttim, onna. — Every kind of light Metheg may in certain 
circumstances be changed into a conjunctive accent, e.g. D^flj 2 Ch 34: 1 1, &c. 

2. The grave Metheg (Gaya in the more limited sense) is especially employed in the 
following cases in order more distinctly to emphasize a short vowel or an initial S e wa: (a) 
with the Pathah of the article or of the prefixes 2, D, V, when followed by S'wd under a 
consonant without Dages, e.g. nVpnn, nVpaV, &c, but not before ] (before which l also 
remains without Metheg, with the exception of \T , ] and Tj , ?1, when they are followed by 
Maqqeph, or accented with PastS), nor before the tone-syllable of a word, and neither before 
nor a/fer the common Metheg; likewise not in words which are connected by a conjunctive 
accent with the following word; (b) with the interrogative n with Pathah (except when it 
precedes ], Dages forte or the tone-syllable of the word), e.g. "]"?Kn. When a S e wd follow the n 
and after the S e wd there is an untoned syllable, Baer places the Metheg to the right of the 
Pathah, e.g. n;ra,0 Gn 27:38 (but ed. Mant. and Ginsb. r l,n); (c) with the Pathahor S e gol of 
the article before a guttural (which cannot take Dages), e.g. □'"0,0, a^nrj,;?. — The S e wd-Gaya 

( -) is especially important in the accentuation of the D"Kn, for purposes of musical recitation; 
it stands chiefly in words whose principal tone is marked by a disjunctive without a preceding 
conjunctive, e.g. n'71,1 Ps 1:3. 

3. The euphonic Gaya, to ensure the distinct pronunciation of those consonants which in 
consequence of the loss of the tone, or because they close a syllable, might easily be 
neglected, e.g. iV V^cfe"] Gn 24:9; DTK n,3<fa (here to avoid a hiatus) 28:2, or in such cases as 
Vx-.nri Jb33:4, &c; XffiH.ri Gn 1:11. 

Metheg (especially in the cases mentioned in 1, b, a) is a guide to correct 
pronunciation, since it distinguishes a from 5 (except in the case noted in § 9 v, b) and 
zTrom zfe.g. n<$?N d-kh e ld (she has eaten), but n$?S ott/a (food), since the ; stands 
here in a toneless closed syllable, and must therefore be a short vowel; thus also 1 <£"],? 
yi-r e u (they fear), but ^T.y/'n/ (they see), W,? (they sleep), but W? (they repeat). The 
Jewish grammarians, however, do not consider the syllables lengthened by Metheg as 
open. They regard the S e wa as quiescent in cases like 7t?3X, and belonging to the 
preceding vowel; cf. Baer, Thorat Emeth, p. 9, and inMerx's^4rc/zz'v, i. p. 60, Rem. 1, 
and especially Dikduke ha-famim, p. 13. 

§ 17. Of the Q e re a«t/K e thibh. Masora marginalis araifinalis 
On Q e re and K e thibh see Ginsburg, Intr., p. 183 ff] 

1 l The common form is X |X, with an accent on both syllables, in which case, 
according to Qimhi, the tone is always to be placed on the former. For the above 
mode of writing and position of the tone cf. Is 38:3, Jon 1:14, 4:2, Ps 116:4. 

1. The margin of Biblical MSS. and editions exhibits variants of an early date (§ 3 
c), called 'li? 2 to be read, since, according to the opinion of the Jewish critics, they are 
to be preferred to the TTI3, i.e. what is written in the text, and are actually to be read 
instead of it. 

On this account the vowels of the marginal reading (the Q e re) are placed under the 
consonants of the text, and in order to understand both readings properly, the vowels 
in the text must be applied to the marginal reading, while for the reading of the text 
(the K e thibh) its own vowels are to be used. Thus in Jer 42:6 ;Q8 occurs in the text, in 
the margin np linix. Read =138 we (or according to Jewish tradition UN) in the text, in 
the margin Ufldi?. A small circle or asterisk in the text always refers to the marginal 

2. Words or consonants which are to be passed over in reading, and are therefore 
left unpainted, are called "Hip N' 1 ?) S'rp (scriptum etnon legendum), e.g. nx Jer 38:16, 
DN 39:12, "[-IT 51:3. Conversely, words not contained in the text, but required by the 
Masora (as indicated by the insertion of their vowels), are called Trp N' 1 ?) 'lip, e.g. 2 S 
8:3, Jer 31:38. See further Strack, Prolegomena Critica, p. 85; Dikduke ha-famim, §§ 
62, 64; Blau, Masoretische Untersuchungen, p. 49 ff 

3. In the case of some very common words, which are always to be read otherwise 
than according to the K e thibh, it has not been considered necessary to place the Q e re 
in the margin, but its vowels are simply attached to the word in the text. This Q e re 
perpetuum occurs in the Pentateuch in Kin (Q e re N'n) wherever Nin stands for the 
feminine (§ 32 1), and in 1$M (K e thibh 117], Q e re XlSM) always, except in Dt 22:19 (but 
the Sam. text always has NTi, my]). The ordinary explanation of this supposed 
archaism, on the analogy of Greek 6 7taTc; and r| 7taT<;, our child, is inadequate, since 
there is no trace elsewhere of this epicene use; "1171 for mm is rather a survival of a 
system of orthography in which a final vowel was written defectively, as in ri^Pi?; cf. § 
2 n -Other instances are: "DW;itf? (Q. "D;to?) Gn 30:18 &c, see the Lexicon., and Baer 
and Delitzsch, Genesis, p. 84, and below, note to § 47 b; D_?tfn? (Q. D'tfunT), 
properly D^T; n'ln? (Q. 'J'TS the Lord), or (after '3 IN) ni'rt (Q. D'H'^N) properly HIIT. 
Yahwe (cf. § 102 m, and § 135 q, note); on WW, D'n# for 'Jtf, 'fitf, see § 97 d, end. 

4. The masoretic apparatus accompanying the biblical text is divided into (a) 
Masora marginalis, consisting of (a) Masora (marginalis) magna on the upper and 
lower margins of MSS.; (P) Masora (marginalis) parva between and on the right and 
left of the columns; (b) Massora finalis at the end of the several books, counting 
Samuel, Kings, Minor Prophets, Ezra-Nehemiah, Chronicles, each as one book. On all 
three varieties see especially Ginsburg, Introd, p. 423 ff, and the appendices 
containing (p. 983 ff.) the masoretic treatise from the St. Petersburg MS. of A.D. 1009, 
and (p. 1000 ff.) specimens of the Masora parva and magna on two chapters. 

2 2 On the necessity of the punctuation "Hi? as passive participle (=legendum) instead 
of "Hi? Q e ri , which was formerly common but is properly a past tense (=lectum est), 
see Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., p. 81, note. 

Lexicon. Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on 
the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Britts, 
Oxford, 1906. 

In nearly all printed editions only the Masora finalis is found, indicating the number of 
verses, the middle point of the book, &c., and a scanty selection from the Masora parva . The 
following alphabetical list of technical expressions (some of them Aramaic) and 
abbreviations, may suffice with the help of the lexicon to elucidate the subject. Further details 
will be found in the appendix to Teilo's edition of the Hebrew O. T., p. 1222 ff 

niK letter. K*7K nisi, except. y^aN middle. l"0N=i?103 *iio mm in the formula ty'DK K'Vs 
without Athnah or Soph-pasuq i.e. although no Athnahor Soph-pasuq is written. 

3 with, before names of vowels or accents, as IPJ? f?<i? QameSwith Zaqeph used instead 
of Pathah (§ 29 i).-'3 as a numeral=fwo, as in D^ytp '1 two accents. n^p»3, see n^p a. K"33 = 
Ninnx Nnom (Aramaic) /« another copy; pi. linnK inpW3.-K"D3=D'''inK anim /m other books. 
"iris (Aram.) q/fer. 

EW fem. ntl*W7 marked with Dages (or Mappiq). ^j leaf, page. 

T37T fem. ktvt (Aram.) swa//. 

Vin profane, not sacred, e.g. 'O'lN Gn 19:2 because not referring to God. fin except, "ipn 
written defectively, also wanting as 'K Ti a/e/?/z w omitted. 

DV(^ accent (see 3); DVD in Hiphil fo c/za«f a« accent. 

TFP superfluous. 

]K3 /zere. V73 (Aram.) fota/, as adv. /w general. 

'^=T\~h (Aram., from IT'K K 1 ? «o« e,st)=the form w not found elsewhere. 

p*na accurately corrected, ffrftfull i.e. written plene. nt3Cf?a below=y~\ L ?'n (§ 15 c). 
nVy^a^yVa (§ 15 c). niinin separated, the name of the strangely formed Nuns before Ps 
107:23 ff. (§ 5 n). frCipa fAof which is read, the name for all the O. T. scriptures. Vilfi'apart. 

i"U fem. nru quiescent, i.e. not sounded. nVw concealed, i.e. only retained orthographic ally. 
Tip} a point. Tip} pointed. 

K"D see 3. laPO crmeTov, «'g«, esp. a mnemonic word or, frequently, sentence. '"|D = D13D 
foto/. T'O = plOS H'iD (§ 15 f). 

nay column of a page. 

plOEi a masoretic verse. NpDSi o space, esp. in the phrase plOS y?QK3 'Q a space within a 
verse, e.g. Gn 35:22; cf. H. Grdtz, Monatschrift fur Gesch. u. Wiss. des Judentums , 1878, p. 
481 ff, and H. Strack, ibid. 1879, p. 26 ff. 

'p =, np, see above, c. DTip properly Dip before, flap fem. rniap pointed with QameS. Klip 
reader of the sacred text. 

KriST, nriS'i, , ri3'i (Aram., all fem. sing.) large. 

Ti^Fi word (consisting of more than one letter). rnVri suspensa (§ 5 n, 3). r iri (Aram.) /wo. 





The changes which take place in the forms of the various parts of speech, depend 
partly on the peculiar nature of certain classes of letters and the manner in which they 
affect the formation of syllables, partly on certain laws of the language in regard to 
syllables and the tone. 

§ 19. Changes of Consonants 

The changes which take place among consonants, owing to the formation of 
words, inflexion, euphony, or to influences connected with the progress of the 
language, are commutation, assimilation, rejection, addition, transposition, softening. 

1. Commutation 1 may take place between consonants which are either homorganic 
or homogeneous (cf § 6 q), e.g. f^y, &?V, t?V to exult, nx 1 ?, Pin 1 ?, Aram, xy 1 ? to be 
weary, frf? and f Ul to press, ~ao and ~DD to close, tt^tt and vhB to escape. In process of 
time, and partly under the influence of Aramaic, the harder and rougher sounds 
especially were changed into the softer, e.g. pns into pniz/ to laugh, "757a into "7Na to 
reject, and the sibilants into the corresponding mutes: T into 1, W into n, f into U. In 
many cases these mutes may be regarded as a return to an earlier stage of the 

The interchange of consonants, however, belongs rather to the lexicographical 
treatment of stems 2 than to grammatical inflexion. To the latter belong the interchange 
(a) of n and tt in Hithpael (§ 54 b); (b) of 1 and ' in verbs primae Yod (§ 69), i~?1 for 
tf?l, &c. 

2. Assimilation usually takes place when one consonant which closes a syllable 
passes over into another beginning the next syllable, and forms with it a strengthened 
letter, as illustris for inlustris, affero for adfero, ouMuxu^dvco for ouvXau^dvco. In 
Hebrew this occurs, 

(a) most frequently with 1, e.g. n-J&K (for min-sdm) from there, nja (for min-ze) 
from this, 1FP (for yinten) he gives. 1 is not assimilated after the prefix V, e.g. ^f?, nor 
as a rule before gutturals (except sometimes before n), nor when it is the third 
consonant of the stem, e.g. Fijdltf (cf. however Ficja for ndthdntd) except when another 
Nun follows, cf. § 44 o; nor in some isolated cases, as Dt 33:9, Is 29:1, 58:3, all in the 
principal pause; on H'^n and H'^n Ps 68:3, see § 51 k, and § 66 f 

1 J Cf. Barth, Etymologische Forschungen, Lpz. 1893, p. 15 ff 

2 2 See in the Lexicon., the preliminary remarks on the several consonants. 

(b) Less frequently and only in special cases with \ n, "7, e.g. Pl|? (for yilqah) he 
takes] 13TO for mithdabber; HKW for yithtamma; "jlTSri for tithkonen; K-jDZFi for N^ttflfln; 
TX&X for ahadt; but in 1 S 4: 19 for Tif? read probably nit??. 

(c) In isolated cases with n, 1, ">, e.g. Nax prithee! if from X] nx; 1 and 1 mostly 
before sibilants in the verbal forms enumerated in § 71. 

In all these cases, instead of the assimilated letter, & Dages forte appears in the 
following consonant. Dages, however, is omitted when the strengthened consonant 
would stand at the end of a word, since the strengthening would then be less audible 
(§ 20 1), e.g. HN nose (from anp), nfi to give (from tint). 

The cases are less frequent where a weak letter is lost in pronunciation, 1 and in place of it 
the preceding stronger sound is sharpened, i.e. takes Dages, e.g. wtftpi? from irtfltfbj? (§ 59 g). 
pDK for p"7DK (§ 66 e) is an Aramaism. 

3. Complete rejection takes place only in the case of weaker consonants, 
especially the sonants 1 and *7, the gutturals X and n, and the two half vowels 1 and \ 
Such rejection takes place, 

(a) at the beginning of a word (aphaeresis), when these weak consonants (N, ">, \ 
i) are not supported by a full vowel, but have only S e wa, e.g. Ml)(fwe, also Ufldi?; in 
for 5H}; np for T\\t?] ttfa for ttfa}, 'H for 'HJ Ez 2:10. 

Aphaeresis of a weak consonant with a full vowel is supposed to occur in T] Ju 19:11 for 
TT; in ncfo 2 S 22:41 for nfiqfo; in 2W for 3itl>? Je 42: 10; on n\? Ez 17:5 for npV, and on Dili? Ho 
11:3 for DnpV, see § 66 g, end. In reality, however, all these forms are to be regarded merely 
as old textual errors. 

(b) In the middle of a word (syncope), when S e wa precedes the weak consonant 2 ; 
thus in the case of X (see further § 23 b-f, and § 68 b-k), e.g. in Qia for DWQ. As a rule 
in such cases, however, the X is orthographically retained, e.g. riKli?? for rihnp 1 ?. 
Syncope occurs frequently in the case of n, e.g. ^(^T. for "f? an 1 ? (§ 23 k and § 35 n), 
^U\?l for *7't)j?3; (§ 53 a). 

Syncope of X with S e wa occurs in such cases as 'J' IN, a for 'J'T^.a (cf § 102 m); 
~ilz;yNl Zc 1 1 :5. 1 On the cases in which N is wholly omitted after the article, see § 35 d. 

Finally, the elision of 1 and "> in verbs 7\' ,] 7 (§ 75 h) is an instance of syncope. — On 
the syncope of n between two vowels, see § 23 k. 

1 l Such a suppression of a letter is sometimes inaccurately called 'backward 
assimilation' . 

2 2 Syncope of a strong consonant (57) occurs in ^prithes ! if this stands for 'l/a (see 
Lexicon.), also in npttfal Am 8:8, iCthi bh for 7N\?Wr\ (cf. nyi?,#) 9:5), and in n^a Jos 
19:3 for rfrya: (as in 15:29). Probably, however, 7]p\Ul) and rfa are only clerical errors, 
as is undoubtedly Y JO Am 8:8 for 1'8p (9 5 ). 

1 * Frensdorff, Ochla Wochla, p. 97 f, gives a list of forty-eight words with quiescent 

(c) At the end of a word {apocope), e.g. 7\'% pr. name of a city (cf ^'Vm 
Gilonite); NT1, where X though really rejected is orthographically retained, &c. On the 
apocope of 1 and "> in verbs H" 1 ?, see § 24 g, and § 75 a. 

Bolder changes (especially by violent apocope), took place in earlier periods of the 
language, notably the weakening of the feminine ending n : ath to n ' a, see § 44 a, and § 80 f 

4. To avoid harshness in pronunciation a helping sound, Aleph prosthetic 2 with its 
vowel, is prefixed to some words, e.g. yi~il$ and yilj arm (cf. ^9s<;, £%9s<;; spiritus, 
French esprit). — A prosthetic V occurs probably in niips? scorpion; cf. Arab, uSfur bird 
(stem Safara). 

5. Transposition 3 occurs only seldom in the grammar, e.g. ~i!2Fi$ri for IStt^in (§ 54 
b) for the sake of euphony; it is more frequent in the lexicon (ttf3<£ and 2^<£ lamb, 
rfrfttz/ and naVtZ/ garment), but is mostly confined to sibilants and sonants. 

6. Softening occurs e.g. in DD13 star, from kaukabh=kawkabh for kabhkabh (cf. 
Syriac raurab=rabrab); niQtiiti phylacteries for taphtaphoth; according to the 
common opinion, also in IZTN /wa« from zM, cf. however § 96. 

£ 20. 77ze Strengthening (Sharpening) of Consonants. 

1. The strengthening of a consonant, indicated by Dages forte, is necessary and 
essential {Dages necessarium) 

{a) when the same consonant would be written twice in succession without an 
intermediate vowel or S e wd mobile; thus we have ^cft for ^dh ndthdn-nu and TiG^ for 

' - t : - t • - 

(/3) in eases of assimilation (§ 19 b-f), e.g. 1FP for yinten. 

In both these cases the Dages is called compensativum. 

(c) When it is characteristic of a grammatical form, e.g. 11^7 he has learned, Tit? he 
has taught {Dages characteristicum). In a wider sense this includes the cases in which 
a consonant is sharpened by Dages forte, to preserve a preceding short vowel (which 
in an open syllable would have to be lengthened by § 26 e), e.g. D^m camels for 
g e mdhm; cf. § 93 ee and kk, § 93 pp. 

This coaleseing of two consonants as indicated above does not take place when the first 
has a vowel or S?wd mobile. In the latter case, according to the correct Masora, a compound 
tywd should be used, preceded by Metheg, e.g. D'' 1 ?^?, nV^p, &c. (cf. §§ 10 g, 16 f). This 
pointing is not used before the suffix ~\, e.g. cfbn , nri Gn 27:4, but the first D has a vocal S e wd, 
otherwise the second D would have Dages lene. Also when the former of the two consonants 

2 2 This awkward term is at any rate as suitable as the name Alef protheticum 
proposed by Nestle, Marginalien u. Materialien, Tubingen, 1893, p. 67 ff 

3 3 Cf. Barth, Etymologische Sludien, Lpz. 1893, p. 1 ff; Konigsberger, in Zeitschrift 
f wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1894, p. 451 ff. 

has been already strengthened by Dages forte, it can only have a vocal SFwd, and any further 
contraction is therefore impossible. This applies also to cases where Dages forte has been 
omitted (see below, m, e.g. iV^n properly th^=hal-flu. The form 'udj.n Ps 9: 14 (not ^cfin) 
might be explained as imperat. Piel^cfin; if it were imperat. Qal the non-contraction of the 
monosyllabic root would be as strange as it is in 1T]| Jer 49:28, and in the imperf 077$? J er 

2. A consonant is sometimes strengthened merely for the sake of euphony {Dages 
euphonicum), and the strengthening is then not so essential. This occurs 1 — 

(a) when two words are closely united in pronunciation by Dages forte 
conjimctivum: (1) in the first letter of a monosyllable or of a word having the tone (or 
occasionally the counter-tone) on the first syllable, 2 when closely connected with the 
preceding word, if that word ends in a tone-bearing Qames{7\ ~) with Sfwd mobile 
preceding, or a tone-bearing n :, — called p'rn (i.e. compressed) by the Jewish 

The term monosyllable here and in/(by § 28 e) includes Segholates like f|0(f, 1X\<$V, &c, 
as well as forms like ^B, VKB*, W, and even ivda. 

Some limit the use of the D e hiq to the closest connexion of a monosyllable with a 
following B e gadk e phath. However, it also applies to cases like Krro 1 ? Nu 22:6; n'xrnnj?, 1 ? Gn 
2:23; 7Vn«? Ps 91:11; and even within, TTn^a Pr 15:1; ^OCfTr^.xn Gn 43:15. In all these 
examples the tone, were it not for the Maqqeph, would be on the ultima of the first word. 

Rem. 1. When HT this has Maqqeph after it, a Dages forte conj. always follows, even if the 
next word is neither a monosyllable nor has the tone on the initial syllable; thus not only in 
ia^-nn Jer 23:6, but also in rrnsrnn Nu 13:27, 1 Ch 22: 1. In "K| jan Gn 19:2 (where 
Maqqeph is represented by a conjunctive accent, § 9 u, 1 c, and § 16 b), the S e ghol coincides 
with the secondary tone-syllable. On the origin of Dag. f conj. after ~na (for n») what?, see § 

2. Such cases as HQ& njfU Ex 15:1, 21, the 2nd nD}»3 in ver. 11, PiVjSS ver. 13, p[R3 ver. 
16, do not belong here. In these the Dages can only be intended for Dag. lene, see § 21 d. 

(2) In the first letter of a monosyllable, or of a word with the tone on the first 
syllable after a closely connected milel ending in n " or n ~. Such a milel is called by 
the Jewish grammarians p'n.'ltt "TIN (Aram.=Heb. pirn, a no'N) veniens e longinquo (in 
respect of the tone). The attraction of the following tone-syllable by Dages forte conj. 
is here also due to the exigencies of rhythm, e.g. 'nqfiz; rpd$ Ps 68:19; N3 HiPGpin Ps 
118:25 (so ed. Mant, but Ginsburg andKittel N3 n V'tfin); ^iN;^ nn'dnn Is 5:14; nri<£ 
"|57(fp Gn 11:31. The Milel may, however, also be due to a subsequent retraction of the 
tone (ndsog ahor, § 29 e), as in ,_ 19 n'$tf Gn 1:11 . — The prefixes 3, }, V and ) alone do 

1 l Cf. Baer, c De primarum vocabidorum literariim dagessatione, ' in his Liber 
Proverbioram, Lpz. 1880. pp. vii-xv; F. Pratorius, 'Uber den Ur sprung des Dag. f. 
conjunctivum, ' in ZAW. 1883, p. 17 ff. (ascribed to an original assimilation of n or ]). 

2 2 *l 'ttN 1 ? alone, although having the tone on the ultima, invariably takes the Dages 
forte conj. when n#tt with a conjunctive accent precedes, Ex 6:10, 29, 15:24, &c. 

not take a Dages in this case, except in ~ft, always, and n^V? Ps 19:3. Such forms as 
^ njnditfn Gn 21:23, irf-tfnxVjPs 26:10, 'J.DHijDS Jb 21:16, and even ing rrpyj Is 
50:8 (i.e. the cases where the tone is thrown back from the ultima on to the syllable 
which otherwise would have Metheg), are likewise regarded as milel. On the other 
hand, e.g. ~f? ni]3 Gn 4:6, not "$> since the first a of rnn could not have Metheg. When 
words are closely united by Maqqeph the same rules apply as above, except that in the 
first word Metheg, in the secondary tone, takes the place of the accent, cf ,- l9Ti '#17 Gn 
1:12; NrrnMH Gn 32:30, &c. Finally, the Dages is used when the attracted word does 
not begin with the principal tone, but with a syllable having Metheg, idh 1 ,' H133J Ps 
37:9; 2(fpl?J rfjj Is 44:21; "Pn'l^j? rTG&y Ex 25:29, provided that the second word 
does not begin with a B e gadk e phath letter (hence e.g. niYpiri rf?3 Gn 2:4). 

Rem. Such cases as ~}($ Dt 32:6, and rPGfo 32: 15, and niv| (so Baer, but not ed. Mant., 
&c.) 1 S 1: 13 are therefore anomalous; also, because beginning with a B e gadk e phath, D?N,| 
Ex 15:11 (cf. however above, e); "V,fl Jos 8:28; yilT,3 Ps 77:16; ntt]? Jb 5:27.— It is doubtful 
whether we should include here those cases in which Dages forte occurs after a word ending 
in a toneless u, such as WS toNjf Gn 19:14, Ex 12:31; Ex 12:15 (Tx ; lff), Dt 2:24; also K'V Gn 
19:2, 1 S 8: 19; i 1 ? Ju 18: 19, Est 6:13 (where P. Haupt regards the Dages as due to the enclitic 
character of the t>); uv» Ho 8: 10; ntf Jer 49:30; IT} 1 S 15:6. When we explained the Dages in 
these examples not as conjunctive, but orthophonic (see above, § 13 c, and Delitzsch, 
Psalmen, 4th ed. on Ps 94: 12 a), we especially had in view those cases in which the consonant 
with Dages has a S e wa. The extension of the use of Dages to consonants with a strong vowel, 
seems, however, to indicate that these are cases of the pTn,» "'TiK, which was required by some 
Masoretes but not consistently inserted. On the other hand, the Dages forte in ^ after a 
preceding /"(Ps 118:5, 18), and even after u (Ps 94: 12), is due to an attempt to preserve its 
consonantal power; see Konig, Lehrgeb., p. 54 b. 

(b) When a consonant with ywd is strengthened by Dages forte dirimens to make 
the S e wd more audible. In almost all cases the strengthening or sharpening can be 
easily explained from the character of the particular consonant, which is almost 
always a sonant, sibilant, or the emphatic Qoph; cf. 1 5|2; Lv 25:5, Dt 32:32 (for '5317); 
•3??!? Is 33:1 (where, however, ^i>3| is to be read); cf. Na 3:17, Jb 9:18, 17:2, Jo 

1 : 17 (with a); Is 57:6 (with V); Ju 20:43, l 1 S 1 :6 (with 1); Gn 49: 10, 17 (and so 
always in '3p? Ju 5:22, Ct 1:8 and ninp? Ps 77:20, 89:52); Ex 15:17, Dt 23:11, Ju 
20:32, 1 S 28:10 (p) 2 ; Ex 2:3, Is 58:3, Am 5:21, Ps 141:3, Pr 4: 13 (s); Pr 27:25 (p); Is 
5:28, Ps 37:15, Jer 51:56, Neh 4:7 (p). Also, with 3 Ho 3:2; with a Is 9:3, Jer 4:7; with 
n 1 S 10:11. In many instances of this kind the influence of the following consonant is 
also observable. 

(c) When a vowel is to be made specially emphatic, generally in the principal 
pause, by a Dages forte ajfectuosum in the following consonant. Thus in a following 

sonant, Ju 5:7 (^gn), Jb 29:21 (ftgj?)), 22:12 (™.~)X Ez 27:19 ( in ^ in n !s 33:12, 
41:17, Jer 51:58, perhaps also Jb 21:13 On.rp). 

1 l The ordinary reading in Q'lin, where 1 is without Dages, is only intelligible if the 
~i has Dages. 

2 2 Also in Ps 45: 10 read y 0i1|??3 with Baer and Ginsburg, following Ben Asher, 
and in Pr 30:17 m\?^ (Ben Naphthali 'if? and 'i? 1 ?). 

(d) When the sonants *7, ft, 1 are strengthened by Dages fortz firmativam in the 
pronouns TS2(S, T\iC§, rfpfif, and in natf why? cf. also n$3, na3 whereby? ma? /?ow much? 
(§ 102 k, 1), to give greater firmness to the preceding tone-vowel. 

3. Omission of the strengthening, or at least the loss of the Dages forte occurs, 

(a) almost always at the end of a word, since here a strengthened consonant 
cannot easily be sounded. 1 In such cases the preceding vowel is frequently lengthened 
(§ 27 d), e.g. 3'~i multitude, from 33"i; 337 people, with a distinctive accent or after the 
article, D57, from Dttl7; but e.g. \% garden, ri3 daughter, with the final consonant 
virtually sharpened. On the exceptions tfN /7?oz/ (fern.) and JjlGfu z7?oz/ (fern.) hast given 
Ez 16:33, see § 10 k. 

(/3) Very frequently in certain consonants with *>%va mobile, since the absence of a 
strong vowel causes the strengthening to be less noticeable. This occurs principally in 
the case of 1 and 1 (on ) and '. after the article, see § 35 b; on > after ~na, § 37 b); and in 
the sonants a, 2 1 and *?; also in the sibilants, especially when a guttural follows (but 
note Is 62:9, "PDpK^p, as ed. Mant. and Ginsb. correctly read, while Baer has 'QNft with 
compensatory lengthening, and others even 'pXip; ^m Gn 27:28, 39; ttfr^!? 38:24 for 
';#!?, D , 3 I ?# i ri 1 K 7:28; "Hp,^ 1 K 19:20 from pun, Q^dlD^.n Ez 40:43 and D , 3D^ i l ? Ps 
104:18; D'Pi^a Jon 4:11, D'^QX.nEx 8:1 &c); — and finally in the emphatic p 


Of the B e gadk e phath letters, 3 occurs without Dages in T?3» Ju 8:2; 1 in Drnim?? 
Ez 32:30; 1 in TJ7J Is 1 1 : 12 56:8, Ps 147:2 (not in Jer 49:36), supposing that it is the 
Participle Niphal of nil; lastly, n in IXfln Is 22:10. Examples, nnj?, 'H?] (so always the 
preformative 1 in the i/wpe// of verbs), 7i?y<&7K, D^??, 1 ?, 'ijn, ^,n, W 1 ?!?, 'NO?, INty?, inj??, 
ni^pa, nsp?p, &c. In correct MSS. the omission of the Dages is indicated by the Raphe 
stroke (§ 14) over the consonant. However, in these cases, we must assume at least a 
virtual strengthening of the consonant (Dages forte implicitum, see § 22 c, end). 

(c) In the Gutturals, see § 22 b. 

Rem. 1. Contrary to rule the strengthening is omitted (especially in the later Books), 
owing to the lengthening of the preceding short vowel, generally hireq (cf. mile for mi lie), 
e.g. IgjTP he makes them afraid, for ]T\r)1 Hb 2: 17 (where, however, it is perhaps more correct 
to suppose, with Konig, a formation on the analogy of verbs rv, and moreover to read "jCfTT) 
with the LXX), nipn Is 50: 1 1 for nipt. 

2. Very doubtful are the instances in which compensation for the strengthening is 
supposed to be made by the insertion of a following l Thus for rpdt5?,» Is 23:11, read rp^S?, a 

1 l So in Latinye/ (for fell), gen. fellis; mel, mellis; os, ossis. In Middle High German 
the doubling of consonants never takes place at the end of a word, but only in the 
middle (as in Old High German), e g. val (Fall), gen. voiles; swam (Schwamm, &c, 
Grimm, Deutsche Gramm., 2nd ed., i. 383. 

2 2 Dages forte is almost always omitted in !p when it is the prefix of the participle Piel 
or Pual, hence Ps 104:3 rQi?!?,n who layeth the beams, but ropftri z7ze roofTLc 10:18 (cf. 
HDN^n z7ze wor£, &c). 

t t : - ' / 

3 3 According to some also in tt in 'Iran Is 17:10; but see Baer on the passage. 

(or rpdiva); and for IMCf La 3:22, read ia<f. In Nu 23: 13 tOj? is not an instance of 
compensation (see § 67 o, end). 

§ 21. The Aspiration of the Tenues. 1 

The harder sound of the six B e gadk e phath letters, indicated by a Dages lene, is to 
be regarded, according to the general analogy of languages, as their older and original 
pronunciation, from which the softer sound was weakened (§ 6 n and § 13). The 
original hard sound is maintained when the letter is initial, and after a consonant, but 
when it immediately follows a vowel or S e wd mobile it is softened and aspirated by 
their influence, e.g. fl9 paras, f '~I3' ]yiphrds, V~2 kol, Vd? fkhol. Hence the 
B e gadk e phath take Dages lene 

(1) at the beginning of words: (a) without exception when the preceding word 
ends with a vowelless consonant, e.g. 1? -1 71? al-ken {therefore), '19 f 57 eSp e r ■{'{fruit- 
tree); (b) at the beginning of a section, e.g. rPltfN']? Gn 1 : 1, or at the beginning of a 
sentence, or even of a minor division of a sentence after a distinctive accent (§15 d), 
although the preceding word may end with a vowel. The distinctive accent in such a 
case prevents the vowel from influencing the following tenuis, e.g. 1$$,? 'J??! and it 
was so, that when, Ju 11:5 (but p -1 n?,1 Gn 1:7). 

Rem. 1. The vowel letters n, \ 1, N, as such, naturally do not close a syllable. In close 
connexion they are therefore followed by the aspirated B e gadk e phath, e.g. H3 N3EJ1, &c. On the 
other hand, syllables are closed by the consonantal l and , (except incSrip Is 34: 1 1; H'njJpE' Ez 
23:42; D~3 ■O'TK Ps 68: 18), and by 7i withMappiq: hence e.g. there is Dages lene in DTPS 3J7V 
and always after n'lrr, since the Q e re perpetuum of this word (§ 17) assumes the reading 'O'TK. 

2. In a number of cases Dages lene is inserted, although a vowel precedes in close 
connexion. This almost always occurs with the prefixes 3 and 3 in the combinations 33, 33, 33 
(i.e. when a B e gadk e phath with S e wa precedes the same or a kindred aspirate) and D3 (see 
Baer, L. Psalmorum, 1880, p. 92, 2 on Ps 23:3); cf. e.g. 1 S 25: 1, Is 10:9, Ps 34:2, Jb 19:2; X) 
is uncertain; "73, "73, and 33 according to David Qimhi do not take Dages, nor 13, 33, and 33 
according to the Dikduke ha-feamim, p. 30. Sometimes the B e gadk e phath letters, even with a 
full vowel, take Dages before aspirant (and even before n in njtfatj.S 1 K 12:32); cf. the 
instances mentioned above, § 20 e (mostly tenues before k). In all these cases the object is to 
prevent too great an accumulation of aspirates. The LXX, on the other hand, almost always 
represent the 3 and 3, even at the beginning of a syllable, by % and cp; Xepot>P, XaXSaToi, 
(Dapcpdp, &c. — The forms "737,3 (after "><&$&)) Is 54: 12, and ^l (after Trefoil) Jer 20:9 are 
doubly anomalous. 

(2) In the middle of words after Sfwd quiescens, i.e. at the beginning of a syllable 
immediately after a vowelless consonaut, 1 e.g. \tsy yirpd {he heals), tilfiUtfye have 
killed, but after ywd mobile, e.g. N£0 r e phd {heal thou), HIJ,! she was heavy. 

1 l Cf. Delitzsch, Ztschr.f luth. Theol. u. Kirche, 1878, p. 585 ff. 

2 2 AlsoZ. Proverbioriim, 1880, Praef. p. ix; and Dikduke ha-famim, p. 30 (in 
German in Konig's Lehrgeb., i. p. 62). 

1 l The exceptions ^rip? Jos 15:38 {seeMinhat shay, on this passage), 2 K 14:7, and 
D?7i?J J° s 15:56 may perhaps be due to the character of the p. 

On riVoj?, 3E"1 and similar forms, see § 10 i. 

Whether Sfwd be vocal and consequently causes the aspiration of a following tenuis, 
depends upon the origin of the particular form. It is almost always vocal 

(a) When it has arisen from the weakening of a strong vowel, e.g. >Slf\ pursue ye (not 
^7"i) from 1 Ti; 'oVa (not ^Va), because originally malakhe, but ^bh from the ground-form 

(b) With the D of the pronominal suffixes of the 2nd pers. ~\ ~, DO ~, p ~, since S e wa mobile 
is characteristic of these forms (see § 58 f; § 91 b). 

Rem. Forms like T\T\t$$ thou (fem.) hast sent, in which we should expect an aspirated fi 
after the vowel, cf. ^ndS Ex 18:9, have arisen from T\Tpv, irp, &c; Pathah being here simply a 
helping vowel has no influence on the tenuis; cf. § 28 e. 

§ 22. Peculiarities of the Gutturals. 

The four gutturals n, n, 57, X, in consequence of their peculiar pronunciation, have 
special characteristics, but K, as the weakest of these sounds, and sometimes also 57 
(which elsewhere as one of the harder gutturals is the opposite of N), differ in several 
respects from the stronger n and n. 

1. They do not admit of Dages forte, since, in consequence of a gradual 
weakening of the pronunciation (see below, note 2), the strengthening of the gutturals 
was hardly audible to the Masoretes. But a distinction must be drawn between (a) the 
complete omission of the strengthening, and (b) the mere echo of it, commonly called 
/zaZ/'doubling, but better, virtual strengthening. 

In the former case, the short vowel before the guttural would stand in an open 
syllable, and must accordingly be lengthened or modified. 2 For a distinction must 
again be drawn between the full lengthening of Pathah into QameS — mostly before X 
{always under the n of the article, see § 35), as a rule also before 57, less frequently 
before n, and least often before n — and the modification of Pathah to S e ghol, mostly 
before a guttural with QameS, In the other case (virtual strengthening) the Dages is 
still omitted, but the strengthening is nevertheless regarded as having taken place, and 
the preceding vowel therefore remains short. This virtual strengthening occurs most 
frequently with n, usually with n, less frequently with 57, and very seldom with X. 

Examples of (a) ]w, tnx.n, awn, inn, orp (for yihhabhe); also ins, ago, ang.g, 'jy.ri 

(see more fully on the pointing of the article before 57 in § 35). — Of (b) ttftcfnn, mna 

(from minhut), Ninn, 1573, f tU, &c. — In all these cases of virtual strengthening the 
Dages forte is to be regarded at least as implied (hence called Dages forte implicitum, 
occultum, or delitescens). 

2. They prefer before them, and sometimes after them (cf. h), a short A-sound, 
because this vowel is organically the nearest akin to the gutturals. Hence 

2 2 Cf. terra and the French terre, the Gorman Rolle and the French role; German 
drollig and French drole. The omission of the strengthening shows a deterioration of 
the language. Arabic still admits of the strengthening of gutturals in all cases. 

(a) before a guttural, Pathah readily (and always before n, n, 37 closing a syllable) 
takes the place of another short vowel or of a rhythmically long e or 6, e.g. rpoT 
sacrifice, not zebeh, 37a($ report, not seme. This is more especially so when a was the 
original vowel of the form, or is otherwise admissible. Thus in the Imperat. and 
Imperf Qal of guttural verbs, n 1 ?^ send thou, Tf?W he will send (not yisloh); Perf. Piel 
rfpIZ/ (but in Pausa Ttflf); 1'Wl he will desire (not yihmod) ; nicfi and he rested (not 
wayyanoh); ~\y<£ayouth. In rf?I27 and 1'W] a is the original vowel. 

Rem. In such cases as K,iZ>(f, KJflf, N^tf, Kl($, the K has no consonantal value, and is only 
retained orthographic ally (see § 23 a). 

(b) After a heterogeneous long vowel, i.e. after all except Qames, the hard 
gutturals 1 (consequently not N), when standing at the end of the word, require the 
insertion of a rapidly uttered a (Pathah fur tivum) between themselves and the vowel. 
This Pathah is placed under the guttural, but sounded before it. It is thus merely an 
orthographic indication not to neglect the guttural sound in pronunciation, e.g. rvn 
ru a h, 3711, 371, n^n, rnnj, (when consonantal 7] is final it necessarily takes Mappfq), but 
e.g. 'Pin, &c, since here the rapidly uttered a is no longer heard. 

Pch for ich, &c, in some Swiss dialects of German, is analogous; a furtive Pathah is here 
involuntarily intruded before the deep guttural sound. In Arabic the same may be heard in 
such words as mesiah, although it is not expressed in writing. The LXX (and Jerome, cf. 
ZAW. iv. 79) write 8, sometimes a, instead of furtive Pathah, e.g. n°3 Nwe, "SVJ1 Te88oi3a (also 

Rem. 1. The guttural may also have an influence upon the following vowel, especially in 
Segholate forms, e.g. ~\y c£ (not naer) a youth, Vydb (not poet) deed. The only exceptions are 

Vn'K, in'3, orr?, nrn. 

2. Where in the present form of the language an /"whether original or attenuated from 
Pathah, would stand before or after a guttural in the first syllable of a word, a S e ghol as being 
between a and zls frequently used instead, e.g. E>3rr (also Bbrj^), ^, ^n, "iwi, ntv, &c. 

On the other hand, the slighter and sharper Hireq is retained even under gutturals when 
the following consonant is sharpened by Dages forte, e.g. VVn, n?n, ntpn; but when this 
sharpening is removed, S e ghol is again apt to appear, e.g. ]VV, constr. linn, linn constr. p^rj. 

3. Instead of simple Sfwd mobile, the gutturals take without exception a compound 

SFwd, e.g. WO, "7W8, 1'ttS, '^, &c. 

1 J Pratorius, Ueber den riickweich. Accent im Hebr., Halle, 1897, p. 17, &c, remarks 
that Pathah furtivum has not arisen merely under the influence of the guttural, but is 
due to a duplication of the accented syllable, so that e.g. Tpl, TiXJ would also be 
pronounced yasfbh, yaSu u dh although the short intermediate vowel was not so 
noticeable as before a guttural. 

ZAW. ZAW,= Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff, and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

4. When a guttural with quiescent S e wd happens to close a syllable in the middle 
of a word, the strongly closed syllable (with quiescent S e wd) may remain; necessarily 
so with n, 57, and n at the end of the tone-syllable, e.g. flptf$, fiVCf;, but also before the 
tone (see examples under i), even with X. 

But in the syllable before the tone and further back, the closed syllable is 
generally opened artificially by a Hateph (as being suited to the guttural) taking the 
place of the quiescent Sfwd, and in particular that Hateph which repeats the sound of 
the preceding vowel, e.g. 3'$p? (also 3"$1J!); [?!,$ (also \?VQl); t?y.Bp5°ld (for polo). 
But when, owing to a flexional change, the strong vowel following the Hateph is 
weakened into S e wd mobile, then instead of the Hateph its fall vowel is written, e.g. 
n$57,! (from I'm, I), 1tt?5M, ~f?%B (from ^'B). The original forms, according to § 28 c, 
were yanfdhu, nefmu, pofkhd. Hence Hip?,!, &c., are really only different 
orthographic forms of nipST,,?, &c, and would be better transcribed by ya a m e dhu, &c. 

Rem. 1. On the use of simple or compound S e wa in guttural verbs, see further §§ 62-65. 

2. Respecting the choice between the three Hatephs, it may be remarked: 

(a) n, n, 57 at the beginning of a syllable prefer ~, but K prefers :, e.g. ~iian ass, l'~\T\ to kill, 
Y»K to say; when farther from the tone syllable, however, the " even under K changes into the 
lighter ~, e.g. ^N (poetic for "Vx) to, but OCf^N to you, V3N to eat, but "Vdk ("khol, toneless on 
account of Maqqeph). Cf. § 27 w. The 1st pets. sing, imperf. Piel regularly has ". Likewise " is 
naturally found under K in cases where the Hakph arises from a weakening of an original a 
(e.g. "HX lion, ground-form ary), and " if there be a weakening of an original u (e.g. 'ON a fleet, 
OV affliction, cf. § 93 q, z). 

(b) In the middle of a word after a long vowel, a Ha teph-Pathah takes the place of a 
simple S e wd mobile, e.g. run a rr?57,'n (see § 63 p); but if a short vowel precedes, the choice of 
the Hakph is generally regulated by it, e.g. Perf Hiph. Tay ,n (see above, i), Infin. Ta57 :i n 
(regular form ^Dpn); Perf. Hoph. Tay.n (regular form Voprj); but cf. nn,E> Jb 6:22 (§ 64 a). 

5. The ~i, which in sound approximates to the gutturals (§ 6 g), shares with the 
gutturals proper their first, and to a certain extent their second, peculiarity, viz. 

(a) The exclusion of the strengthening, instead of which the preceding vowel is 
almost always lengthened, e.g. ^IB he has blessed Tor birrakh, ^IB to bless for 

(b) The preference for a as a preceding vowel, e.g. KT1 and he saw (from n$T); 
IDGfi both for IDCfi and he turned back, and for IQCfi and he caused to turn back. 

- T- T T- ' V T- 

The exceptions to a are rn» morrath, Pr 14: 10; ITD khorrath and ~p\W sorrekh, Ez 16:4 
(cf. Pr 3:8); W '-w Ct 5:2; MJTlO 1 S 1:6; DrpJFin 1 S 10:24, 17:25, 2 K 6:32; exceptions to b 
are IJlS'Tft Ju 20:43 (cf. § 20h); ^Tja 1 S 23:28, 2 S 18: 16; also on account of pTH (§ 20 c), 
Pr 15:1, 20:22, 2 Ch 26: 10; and on account of pvna TiN (§ 20 f) 1 S 15:6, Jer 39: 12, Ps 52:5, 
Hb 3:13, Pr 1 1:21, Jb 39:9, Ezr 9:6. A kind of virtual strengthening (after a for ]tt) is found in 
"jn0, a Is 14:3. In Samaritan and Arabic this strengthening has been retained throughout, and 
the LXX write e.g. Idppa for rntl>. 

§ 23. The Feebleness of the Gutturals a and h. 

1. The X, a light and scarcely audible guttural breathing, as a rule entirely loses its 
slight consonantal power whenever it stands without a vowel at the end of a syllable. 
It then remains (like the German h in roh, geh, nahte) merely as a sign of the 
preceding long vowel, e.g. xsa, X 1 ???, X'Xin (but when a syllable is added with an 
introductory vowel, according to b below, we have, e.g. 'JtfXD, ^Gf'Sin, since the X 
then stands at the beginning of the syllable, not , ]XX;?, ^N'Sin), N'X)?, Kfta (cf, 
however, § 74 a), nxtfa (for mdsatd), Hixqfori. Similarly in cases like Xpn, XT], X% 
&c. (§19 1), and even in X#cf, X^<£ (see above, § 22 e), the X only retains an 
orthographic significance. 

2. On the other hand, X is in general retained as a strong consonant whenever it 
begins a syllable, e.g. 1??X, IDS,!?, or when it is protected by a Hateph after a short 
syllable, e.g. V^X, 1 ?, and finally, when it stands in a closed syllable with quiescent 
ywd after a preceding Sfghol or Pathah, e.g. Tox;], I^XJ ndddr, wcfwyadimti. Even 
in such cases the consonantal power of X may be entirely lost, viz. 

(a) when it would stand with a long vowel in the middle of a word after S e wd mobile. The 
long vowel is then occasionally thrown back into the place of the S^wd, and the N is only 
retained orthographically, as an indication of the etymology, e.g. WWiO heads (for fasmi), 
D^GJika two hundred (for nfathdyim), ~}m$ Ez 25:6 for 'Jt?NE>; DNTQ Neh 6:8 for DiCTQ; ffiN» Jb 

31:7, Dn 1:4 for D1NI3; HIN? for HIK? Is 10:33; tTNp'n hotim, 1 S 14:33 for D^KCfn (cf. § 74 h, 
and § 75 oo); mwi.n Nu 34:14, from p«xi; so always nx'tan omiN'tan 1 K 14:16, Mi 1:5, 
&c, for niNtpn. Sometimes a still more violent suppression of the K occurs at the beginning of 
a syllable, which then causes a further change in the preceding syllable, e.g. HDKVa work for 
HDKVn (as in the Babylonian punctuation), "7NV»E" for *7Ny»E"; bx'm or V)N°»i2> tfze left hand, 
ground form simdl. 

(b) When it originally closed a syllable. In these cases X is generally (by § 22 m) 
pronounced with a Hateph, ~ or ~. The preceding short vowel is, however, sometimes 
lengthened and retains the following X only orthographically, e.g. ^XXCfi Nu 1 1 :25 for 
^,"1 (cf. Ju 9:41), and 1=11X9 Jo 2:6 for T1X.9; 1'ax 1 ? for Tax, 1 ?; Q'n'X? for D'H^X, 1 ?; 
but the contraction does not take place in rpfif^X, 1 ? Is 10:11. The short vowel is 
retained, although the consonantal power of X is entirely lost, in 'J'TKJ, &c. (see § 102 
m), TIN!] Is 41:25, TJ3X,! Ez 28:16 for TJ3XX.1; cf. Dt24:10, IK 11:39, Is 10:13. 

Instead of this H which has lost its consonantal value, one of the vowel letters 1 and , is 
often written according to the nature of the sound, the former with 6 and the latter with 6 and 
zf e.g. CI buffalo for DKl. At the end of the word n also is written for K, rfrw he fills for nVq? Jb 
8:21 (see below, 1). 

3. When X is only preserved orthographically or as an indication of the etymology 
(quiescent), it is sometimes entirely dropped (cf. § 19 k), e.g. 'Ticfj Jb 1:21 for 'rixof;; 
'ntfb Jb 32:18 for 'nx^a; 'nrfaNu 11:11; mdrn 2 S 20:9; 19T1 Jer 8:11 fonxSTl; 'jtfwn 
2 S 22:40, but ^IfXJji] Ps 18:40; nain Gn 25:24 for D??iXfl; natfnx 31:39, for , napnx; 
irbw 1 S 1:17 for ")M; ™1 Ps 22:22 for D';?XT, 71J3 Jb 22:29 for nixj; 'ri'1 an 1 Ch 

1 1:39 for "1 X3H, and so 2 S 23:37: nntf 1 Ch 12:38 for TlXtf; nWrfr 2 K 19:25 

iCthibh for niN#ri7 (cf. Is 37:26); nan Jb 29:6 for nrarj. 1 In tfjcSa 1 K 5:25 (for "31$, g) 
the strengthening of the following consonant by Dages compensates for the loss of the 
X; in TQdhft Ez 20:37, if for "OS, 2 (but read 1CTO, with Cornill), the preceding vowel is 
lengthened; cf. above, c. On IQ'K for lax'N, see § 68 g. 

Rem. 1. In Aramaic the N is much weaker and more liable to change than in Hebrew. In 
literary Arabic, on the other hand, it is almost always a firm consonant. According to Arabic 
orthography, K serves also to indicatea long a, whereas in Hebrew it very rarely occurs as a 
mere vowel letter after QameS; as in DNi? Ho 10: 14 for D|? he rose up; E>Kl Pr 10:4, 13:23 for 
Eh poor, but in 2 S 11:1 the K e thihh D'OKVan the messengers, is the true reading; cf. § 7 b. 

2. In some cases at the beginning of a word, the K, instead of a compound S'ua, takes the 
corresponding full vowel, e.g. liTK girdle for TiTK; cf. § 84 a, q, and the analogous cases in § 
52 n, § 63 p, § 76 d, § 93 r (D^HK). 

3. An K is sometimes added at the end of the word to a final u, zfor 6, e.g. N^n for ^Vn 
Jos 10:24 (before k!), N13N Is 28:12. These examples, however, are not so much instances of 
'Arabic orthography', as early scribal errors, as in XWP Je 10:5 for Wt2>,T; and in H.W1 Ps 
139:20 for 1NE>1 Cf. also Nirr Ec 1 1:3 (§ 75 s); K>\?Z for ^Ipure; wfr for t> if, KiQK for 13K then 
{enclitic); K131 for 131 myriad, Neh 7:66, 71. On K\7] and K^n see § 32 k. 

4. The n is stronger and firmer than the N, and never loses its consonantal sound 
(i.e. quiesces) in the middle of a word 1 except in the cases noted below, in which it is 
completely elided by syncope. On the other hand, at the end of a word it is always a 
mere vowel letter, unless expressly marked by Mapptq as a strong consonant (§ 14 a). 
Yet at times the consonantal sound of n at the end of a word is lost, and its place is 
taken by a simple n or more correctly T), with Raphe as an indication of its non- 
consonantal character, e.g. Th to her for 7b, Zc 5:11, &c. (cf. § 103 g, and §§ 58 g, 91 
e); cf. also 7\\ for 7\\ (from irp) in proper names like rPftT, &c. — Finally, in very many 
cases a complete elision of the consonantal n takes place by syncope: (a) when its 
vowel is thrown back to the place of a preceding Sfwd mobile (see above, c, with X), 
e.g. ~\\?.<S^7 for "liP&n 1 ? (the n of the article being syncopated as it almost always is); 
Di'? for Di'n? [but see § 35 n], trtf ; tfg for D^^ri?; ]T\1V for irnin?; perhaps also arn? 
for Drrnw Ez 27:32. (b) By contraction of the vowels preceding and following the n, 
e.g. 1010 (also written HOIO) from sdsahn (a+ti=o). — A violent suppression of n 
together with its vowel occurs in D| (from D03), &c. 

Rem. In connexion with o and e, a n which only marks the vowel ending is occasionally 
changed into 1 or ■> (iKn=n>Ci, ''3n=n3n Ho 6:9), and with any vowel into H in the later or 
Aramaic orthography, but especially with a, e.g. Kltl* sleep, Ps 127:2 for rUE>; N'tM Jer 23:39 
for n En, &c. Thus it is evident that final n as a vowel letter has only an orthographical 

§ 24. Changes of the Weak Letters 1 and \ 

1 l In Jer 22:23, Nil! is unquestionably a corruption of nnn for pn l&l. 
1 l Only apparent exceptions are such proper names as ^Nniyy, l^rn?, which are 
compounded of two words and hence are sometimes even divided. Cf. forms like ^XTD 
for ^xnjD. Another exception is ITDriD?, the reading of many MSS. for the artificially 
divided form rpDTlD? in the printed texts, Je 46:20. 

Philippi, Die Aussprache der semit. Konsonanten ~\ und ■■ (mentioned above, § 5 b, note 1), 
a thorough investigation of their phonetic value as consonantal, i.e. non-syllabic, vowel- 
sounds, not palatal or labial fricatives; cf. also E. Sievers, Metrische Studien, i. 15. 

1 and 1 are, as consonants, so weak, and approach so nearly to the corresponding 
vowels u and /', that under certain conditions they very readily merge into them. This 
fact is especially important in the formation of those weak stems, in which a 1 or 1 
occurs as one of the three radical consonants (§ 69 ff., § 85, § 93). 

1. The cases in which 1 and 1 lose their consonantal power, i.e. merge into a vowel, 
belong almost exclusively to the middle and end of words; at the beginning they 
remain as consonants. 1 

The instances may be classified under two heads: 

(a) When either 1 or "> with quiescent Sfwd stands at the end of a syllable 
immediately after a homogeneous vowel (u or i). It then merges in the homogeneous 
vowel, or more accurately it assumes its vowel-character (l as u, , as i), and is then 
contracted with the preceding vowel into one vowel, necessarily long, but is mostly 
retained orthographically as a (quiescent) vowel letter. Thus 3IZ/in for huwsab; f j?" for 
yiyqaS, so also at the end of the word, e.g. 'I^? a Hebrew, properly ibriy, fern. nj1?V, 
pi. Q^H^V (and an:?!/); =ito Jb 41:25 for Hfry (cf. niltoy 1 S 25:18 iCthibh). On the other 
hand, if the preceding vowel he heterogeneous, 1 and , are retained as full consonants 
(on the pronunciation see § 8 m), e.g. f?$ quiet, IT the month of May, ^a nation, ">t?% 
revealed. But with a preceding a the 1 and 1 are mostly contracted into 6 and e (see 
below, f), and at the end of a word they are sometimes rejected (see below, g). 

Complete syncope of 1 before /"occurs in 'N island for ">)% 'I? ruins for 'ly; 1- l 
watering Jb 37:11 for 'l"l; ['3 burningls 3:24 for '15, cf. §§ 84a c, e, 93 y]. 

Thus an initial ? after the prefixes 3, ), 3, "?, which would then be pronounced with i' 
(see § 28 a), and also almost always after p (see § 102 b), coalesces with the /to zf e.g. 
niW,? in Judah (for '?3), nTirPJ andJudah, 1'X , 3 as the Nile, 7\~\VP^for Judah, 'Tip 
from the hands of. 

(b) When 1 and 1 without a vowel would stand at the end of the word after 
quiescent S e wd, they are either wholly rejected and only orthographically replaced by 
n (e.g. n3(£ from bikhy, as well as the regularly formed '33 weeping; cf. § 93 x) or 
become again vowel letters. In the latter case 1 becomes a homogeneous Hireq, and 
also attracts to itself the tone, whilst the preceding vowel becomes S" wd (e.g. ">(£$ from 
piry, properly pary); 1 is changed sometimes into a toneless u (e.g. inoffi from tuhw). 

1 l Or as consonantal vowels (see above), and are then transcribed by P. Haupt, 
Philippi, and others, as u ,i , following the practice of Indogermanic philologists. =1 
for ) and, alone is a standing exception, see § 26. 1 and § 104 e. On 1= z at the 
beginning of a word, cf. § 47 b, note. According to § 19 a, end, initial 1 in Hebrew 
almost always becomes '; always in verbs originally l"D, § 69 a. Apart from a few 
proper names, initial 1 occurs only in 11 hook, Y71 child Gn 1 1 :30, 2 S 6:23 iCthi bh 
[el sewhere ii : ;] , and the doubtful in Pr 2 1 : 8 . 

Rem. In Syriac, where the weak letters more readily become vowel sounds, a simple i 
may stand even at the beginning of words instead of'; or \ The LXX also, in accordance with 
this, write IouSa for HTirP, IoadK for \?T}T. Hence may be explained the Syriac usage in 
Hebrew of drawing back the vowel i to the preceding consonant, which properly had a simple 
vocal S e wd, e.g. (according to the reading of Ben-Naphtali 1 ) Thb]) Jer 25:36 for riV^l (so 
Baer), liiri 1 ,? Ec 2:13 for ]i1I)% cf also the examples in § 20 h, note 2; even ^cfn Jb 29:21 
(in some editions) for iVndi. According to Qimhi (see § 47 b) Vop 1 was pronounced as iqtdl, 
and therefore the 1st peps, was pointed Vuptf to avoid confusion. In fact the Babylonian 
punctuation always has zfor a in the 1st pers. 

2. With regard to the choice of the long vowel, in which 1 and , quiesce after such 
vocalization and contraction, the following rules may be laid down: 

(a) With a short homogeneous vowel 1 and "> are contracted into the corresponding 
long vowel (ii or i), see above, b. 

(b) With short a they form the diphthongs 6 and e according to § 7 a, e.g. TM 
from Ttra; TIZ/V from yp)l, &c. 2 

Rem. The rejection of the half vowels 1 and , (see above, b) occurs especially at the end of 
words after a heterogeneous vowel (a), if according to the nature of the form the contraction 
appears impossible. So especially in verbs Ti" 1 ?, e.g. originally 1 '?l=('') 1 ?l=n 1 7l, since a after the 
rejection of the 1 stands in an open syllable, and consequently must be lengthened to a. The n 
is simply an orthographic sign of the long vowel. So also n 1 ?^ for salaw. 1 On the origin of 
n"7P, see § 75 e; on n\? as perf and part, of Dip, see § 72 b and g; on *f?], &c, from Y71, see § 69 
b. — On the weakening of 1 and 1 to K, see § 93 x. 

§ 25. Unchangeable Vowels. 

What vowels in Hebrew are unchangeable, i.e. are not liable to attenuation (to 
S e wa), modification, lengthening, or shortening, can be known with certainty only 
from the nature of the grammatical forms, and in some cases by comparison with 
Arabic (cf. § 1 m). This hems good especially of the essentially long vowels, i.e. those 
long by nature or contraction, as distinguished from those which are only lengthened 
rhythmically, i.e. on account of the special laws which in Hebrew regulate the tone 
and the formation of syllables. The latter, when a change takes place in the position of 
the tone or in the division of syllables, readily become short again, or are reduced to a 
mere vocal ywd. 

1 l According to Abulwalid, Ben-Naphtali regarded the Yodh in all such cases as a 
vowel letter. 

2 2 Instances in which no contraction takes place after a are, tH'aja 1 Ch 12:2; DTOJX 
Ho 7: 12 (but cf. § 70 b); itfft Ps 5:9 Q e re; the locatives HIT a, 7\W n$a, &c— On the 
suffix ">y t ~ for X " see § 91 1. — Sometimes both forms are found, as 1??)% and rfril/; 
cf 'n living, constr. state 'Pi. Analogous is the contraction of nj a (ground-form mawi) 
death, constr. nia; ]] V (ground-form ayn [ain]) eye, constr. "j'g. 

1 l The Arabic, in such cases, often writes etymologically ,1 ?^, but pronounces gala. So 
the LXX '3>p Siva, Vulg. Sina; cf. Nestle, ZAW. 1905, p. 362 f. But even in Arabic 
X 1 ?^ is written for l 1 ?^ and pronounced said. 

1. The essentially long and consequently, as a rule (but cf. § 26 p, § 27 n, o), 
unchangeable vowels of the second and third class, i]e, u, d, can often be recognized 
by means of the vowel letters which accompany them ( , ", 1 z, \ i); e.g. TU". he does 
well, ^yTjpalace, ^UJ boundary, *7ip vo/'ce. The defective writing (§ 8 i) is indeed 
common enough, e.g. 3tt". and yw for TU".; ^nj for ^nj; V p for *7ip, but this is merely 
an orthographic licence and has no influence on the quantity of the vowel; the u in ^nj 
is just as necessarily long, as in ^nj. 

As an exception, a merely tone-long vowel of both these classes is sometimes written 
fully, e.g. Viup 1 for yup\ 

2. The essentially or naturally long a (QameS impure), 2 unless it has become 6 (cf. 
§ 9 q), has as a rule in Hebrew no representative among the consonants, while in 
Arabic it is regularly indicated by N; on the few instances of this kind in Hebrew, cf. § 
9 b, § 23 g. The naturally long a and the merely tone-long a therefore can only be 
distinguished by an accurate knowledge of the forms. 

3. Short vowels in closed syllables (§ 26 b), which are not final, are as a rule 
unchangeable, e.g. WT?ft garment, "127a wilderness, ro'jiptt kingdom; similarly, short 
vowels in sharpened syllables, i.e. before Dages forte, e.g. 2n thief. 

4. Finally, those long vowels are unchangeable which, owing to the omission of 
the strengthening in a guttural or ~i, have arisen by lengthening from the 
corresponding short vowels, and now stand in an open syllable, e.g. ]XK for mV'en; 
]Y3 for burrakh. 

§ 26. Syllable-formation 1 and its Influence on the Quantity of Vowels. 

Apart from the unchangeable vowels (§ 25), the use of short or long vowels, i.e. 
their lengthening, shortening, or change into vocal S e wd, depends on the theory of 
syllable-formation. The initial and final syllables especially require consideration. 

1. The initial syllable. A syllable regularly begins with a consonant, or, in the case 
of initial 1 and , (cf. note on § 5 b), a consonantal vowel. 2 The copula is a standing 
exception to this rule. According to the Tiberian pronunciation ) and is resolved into 
the corresponding vowel =i before S e wd, and the labials, e.g. "1571, ~f?.<&X the Babylonian 
punctuation in the latter cases writes 1, i.e. ) before a full vowel. 

2. The final syllable. A syllable may end — 

2 2 By vocales impurae the older grammarians meant vowels properly followed by a 
vowel letter. Thus 3ri3 lithdbh was regarded as merely by a licence for 3Xri5, &c. 

1 l Cf. C. H. Toy, 'The Syllable in Hebrew,' Amer. Journal of Philol, 1884, p. 494 
ff; H. Strack, 'The Syllables in the Hebrew Language,' Hebraica, Oct. 1884, p. 73 ff 

2 2 We are not taking account here of the few eases in which initial Yodh is 
represented as simple i, by being written 'X or N, see § 24 e, and especially § 47 b, 
note; nor of certain other eases in which X with an initial vowel has only a graphic 
purpose, though it is indispensable in an unpointed text. 

(a) With a vowel, and is then called an open or simple syllable, e.g. in FiVc^i? where 
the first and last are open. See below, e. 

(b) With one consonant, and is then called a simple closed or compound syllable, 
as the second in ^tt\?, nn 1 ?. See below, o, p. Such are also the syllables ending in a 
strengthened consonant, as the first in ^tij? qat-t£l. See below, q. 

(c) With two consonants, a doubly closed syllable, as Wp qost, F?7<&\?. Cf. below, r, 
and § i-1. 

3. Open or simple syllables have a long vowel, whether they have the tone as in 
<f| in thee, ~f?.(She goes, or are toneless as in *?(& j?, 3($7 a bunch of grapes: A long 
vowel (QameS, less frequently Sere) is especially common in an open syllable before 
the tone (pretonic vowel), e.g. n$?, &*$), ^?(§\?, 3d 1 ?. 1 

Short vowels in open syllables occur: 

(a) In apparently dissyllabic words formed by means of a helping vowel from 
monosyllables, as ^ntfbrook, irjtf house, 2& let him increase, from nahl, bayt,yirb; cf. also tf 
D 1 the ending of the dual (§ 88). But see § 28 e. 

(b) In the verbal suffix of the 1st pers. sing. (VI tfme), e.g. ^tftpp (Arab, qatalani). The 
uncommon form ^ <£, however (Gn 30:6, cf. § 59f), proves that the tone-bearing Pathah 
produces a sharpening of the following sonant, and thus virtually stands in a closed syllable, 

3 3 In opposition to this fundamental law in Hebrew (a long vowel in an open 
syllable), the original short vowel is found always in Arabic, and sometimes in the 
other Semitic languages, except of course in the case of naturally long vowels. The 
above examples are pronounced in Arabia bi kd, qdtdld, i nab. Although it is 
certain therefore that in Hebrew also, at an earlier period, short vowels were 
pronounced in open syllables, it may still be doubted whether the present 
pronunciation is due merely to an artificial practice followed in the solemn recitation 
of the O. T. text. On this hypothesis we should have still to explain, e.g. the 
undoubtedly very old lengthening of i and u in an open syllable into e and 6. 
1 l That these pretonic vowels are really long is shown by Brockelmann, ZA. xiv. 343 
f, from the transcription of Hebrew proper names in the Nestorian (Syriac) 
punctuation, and e.g. from the Arabic Ibrahim=Drn:iN;. He regards their lengthening in 
the syllable before the tone as a means adopted by the Masoretes to preserve the 
pronunciation of the traditional vowels. This explanation of the pretonic vowels as 
due to a precaution against their disappearing, is certainly right; as to whether the 
precaution can be ascribed to the Masoretes, see the previous note. For the pretonic 
vowel the Arabic regularly has a short vowel (lahum, ydqum, &c), the Aramaic 
simply a vocal S e wd (lin 1 ?, D^P?, ^tii?, ^n 1 ?); and even in Hebrew, when the tone is 
thrown forward the pretonic vowel almost always becomes S e wd, see § 27. It would, 
however, be incorrect to assume from this that the pretonic vowel has taken the place 
of Sfwd only on account of the following tone-syllable. It always arises from an 
original short vowel, since such a vowel is mostly lengthened in an open syllable 
before the tone, but when the tone is moved forward it becomes S e wd. 

even when the Nun is not expressly written with Dages. In cases like ^ "IK,! (§ 102 m) Pathah 
is retained in the counter-tone after the K has become quiescent. 

(c) Sometimes before the toneless n " local (§ 90 c), e.g. rntfra towards the wilderness', 
only, however, in the constr, state (IK 19: 15), since the toneless suffix n " does not affect the 
character of the form (especially when rapidly pronunced in close connexion); otherwise it is 


In all these cases the short vowel is also supported by the tone, either the principal tone of 
the word, or (as in h) by the secondary tone in the constr. St., or by the counter-tone with 
Metheg, as in Yin] above, g; cf. the effect of the arsis on the short vowel in classical prosody. 

(d) In the combinations ~ ~_, ~ ,:, ~ ,~, e.g. 1157,3 his boy, YOK,? he will bind, V?J(,S his 
deed. In all these cases the syllable was at first really closed, and it was only when the 
guttural took a Hateph that it became in consequence open (but cf. e.g. YOK? and Y OK,?). The 
same vowel sequence arises wherever a preposition 3, 3, V, or l copulative is prefixed to an 
initial syllable which has a Hakph, since the former then takes the vowel contained in the 
Hakph (see § 102 d and § 104 d). To the same category belong also the cases where these 
prepositions with Hireq stand before a consonant with simple S e wa mobile, e.g. "1313, 1313, 

(e) In forms like Ipin t ] yaha-z e -qu (they are strong), ~f?y5pdo Fkha (thy deed). These 
again are cases of the subsequent opening of closed syllables (hence, e.g. ipTrp also occurs); 
tf?y,3 is properly poTkhd; cf. generally § 22 m, end, and § 28 c. 

Such eases as tzncfnn, DTiK (§ 96), ric&n.n (§ 67 w) do not come under this head, since 
they all have a in a virtually sharpened syllable; nor does the tone-bearing S'ghol in suffixes 
(e.g. ^(Syf), nor S'ghol for a before a guttural with QameS(§ 22 c). On Ctth.tf and CPEY,i?, see 

4. The independent syllables with a firm vowel which have been described above, 
are frequently preceded by a single consonant with vocal S e wa, simple or compound. 
Such a consonant with vocal S e wa never has the value of an independent syllable, but 
rather attaches itself so closely to the following syllable that it forms practically one 
syllable with it, e.g. 'if? (cheek) fhf,^ (sickness) tflv,^7^Tyilim e dhu. This concerns 
especially the prefixes ), 3, 5, "p. See § 102. 

The S e wa mobile is no doubt in all such eases weakened from an original full vowel (e.g. 
^tpp 1 Arab, yaqtulu, ^3 Arab, bika, &c); from this, however, it cannot be inferred that the 
Masoretes regarded it as forming a kind of open syllable, for this would be even more directly 
opposed to their fundamental law (viz. that a long vowel should stand in an open syllable), 
than are the exceptions cited above, /-£. Even the use of Metheg with S e wa in special cases 
(see § 16 f) is no proof of such a view on the part of the Masoretes. 

5. Closed syllables ending with one consonant, when without the tone, necessarily 
have short vowels, whether at the beginning or at the end of words, 1 e.g. T\f7K queen, 
■pSI^D understanding, nMn wisdom, "ID<$ and he turned back, 0i?ofi, ti\?<& (wayydqom). 

1 l In exceptions such as ^Ti,^ Gn 4:25 (where sat is required by the character of the 
form, although the closed syllable has lost the tone owing to the following Maqqeph), 

A tone-bearing closed syllable may have either a long or short vowel, but if the 
latter, it must as a rule be either Pathah or S e ghol. 2 The tone-bearing closed penultima 
admits, of the long vowels, only the tone-long a, e, 6, not the longest i]e, 6, u; of the 
short vowels, only a, e, not i"u, 5 (but on /"and u, see § 29 g). Thus tpt&ftl (3rd pi. 
masc. Imperf. Hiph.) but n^tfjpfi 3rd pi. fern., and VM§? (and pi. masc. Imperat. Qal) 
but n:$cfp fern. 

6. A special kind of closed syllables are the sharpened, i.e. those which end in the 
same (strengthened) consonant with which the following syllable begins, e.g. 'iSN im- 
mil'h'h Mil-Id. If without the tone, they have, like the rest, short vowels; but, if bearing 
the tone, either short vowels as &<§, =i3(£i, or long, as na<$, nacji. 

On the omission of the strengthening of a consonant at the end of a word, see § 20 1. 

7. Syllables ending with two consonants occur only at the end of words, and have 
most naturally short vowels, Jjl^pj?, 3#'l; but sometimes Sere, as 7^, p'J, or Holem, 
Wp ^Qin. Cf, however, § 10 i. Usually the harshness of pronunciation is avoided by 
the use of a helping vowel (§ 28 e). 

§ 27. The Change of the Vowels, especially as regards Quantity. 

The changes in sound through which the Hebrew language passed, before it 
assumed the form in which we know it from the Masoretic text of the O. T. (see § 2 
k), have especially affected its vowel system. A precise knowledge of these vowel 
changes, which is indispensable for the understanding of most of the present forms of 
the language, is derived partly from the phenomena which the language itself presents 
in the laws of derivation and inflexion, partly from the comparison of the kindred 
dialects, principally the Arabic. By these two methods, we arrive at the following 
facts as regards Hebrew: 

1 . That in an open syllable the language has frequently retained only a half-vowel 
(S e wd mobile), where there originally stood a full short vowel, e.g. 7t?y$ (ground-form 
agalat) a waggon, njTjS (groundform Saddqat) righteousness, fttp.jj (Arab, qatalu), 
t?y\?1 (Axdfo.juqattilu), 

2. That vowels originally short have in the tone-syllable, as also in the open 
syllable preceding it, been generally changed into the corresponding tone-long 
vowels, a into a, zlnto e, u into 6 (see 9, a-e, k, r). If, however, the tone be shifted or 
weakened, these tone-long vowels mostly revert to their original shortness, or, 
occasionally, are still further shortened, or reduced to mere S e wd mobile, or, finally, 
are entirely lost through a change in the division of syllables; e.g. "itttt (Arab, matjdr) 
rain, when in close dependence on a following genitive in the construct state), 

Metheg is used to guard against a wrong pronunciation; similarly e is sometimes 
retained before Maqqeph, e.g. -Q i U?Gn2:13; 7,57 Gn 2:16. 
2 2 See § 9 e, f. i occurs thus only in the particles DK, Q57, p; but these usually (1?? 
always) are rendered toneless by a following Maqqeph. Cf. also such forms as O^'l § 
26 r and § 75 q. 

becomes "1B&; Hj?y (Arab. aqib) heel, dual 0?<fi?5?, dual construct (with attenuation of 
the original a of the first syllable to /J'^ipV [on the [?, see § 20 h]; V 13[?? (Arab, ydqtul), 
plur. ^ipip? (Arab, yaqtulu). For instances of complete loss, as in 'SO?, cf. § 93 m. 

According to § 26, the following details of vowel-change must be observed: 

1. The original, or a kindred short vowel reappears — 

(a) When a closed syllable loses the tone (§ 26 o). Thus, T hand, but n'lrrTT the 
handofYahwe; 15 son, but ^(^n - 13 ^/ze son of the king; V3 f//e whole, but D¥5 -1 73 ^ e 
w/zo/e of the people; so also when a tone-bearing closed syllable loses the tone on 
taking a suffix, e.g. T'N enemy, but "]3?]K thy enemy; finally, when the tone recedes, 

U'pl, but Dpdi (wayydqom); ~}^, but ^cfi. 

(/3) To the same category belong cases like ~I9G? book, but ,_ lDp /ray /3oo/t; ttftdp 
holiness, but 'ttfti? /«y holiness. In spite of the helping vowel, ~IDD and ttft'P are really 
closed syllables with a tone-long vowel; when the syllable loses the tone, the original 
/or o (properly u) reappears. 

The same is true of syllables with a virtually sharpened final consonant: the 
lengthening of original /to e and u to 6 takes place only in a tone-bearing syllable; in 
a toneless syllable the /"or o (or w) remains, e.g. DN mother, but 'SK /wy mother; p'n 
/aw, plur. □ , pi]; but T " 57 strength, '-IS? (and '-TJ?) /wy strength. 

2. The lengthening of the short vowel to the corresponding long, takes place — 

(a) When a closed syllable becomes open by its final consonant being transferred 
to a suffix beginning with a vowel, or in general to the following syllable, e.g. ^Up, 
f?\tt\? he has killed him; 'J/llQIO primarily from noiO. Similarly a mostly becomes a even 
before a suffix beginning with S e wd mobile; e.g. ~f?V\? from ^Dp, ^.QID from riMO. 

(/3) When a syllable has become open by complete loss of the strengthening of its 
final consonant (a guttural or Res), e.g. ~l"n|5 for birrakh, see § 22 c. Cf. also § 20 n. 

(c) When a weak consonant (K, 1, ') following the short vowel quiesces in this 
vowel, according to § 23 a, c, d, § 24 f, e.g. xsa for NSQ, where the X, losing its 
consonantal value, loses also the power of closing the syllable, and the open syllable 
requires a long vowel. 

(d) Very frequently through the influence of the pause, i.e. the principal tone in 
the last word of a sentence or clause (§ 29 k). Sometimes also through the influence of 
the article (§35 o). 

3. When a word increases at the end and the tone is consequently moved forward, 
or when, in the construct state (see § 89), or otherwise in close connexion with the 
following word, its tone is weakened, in such cases a full vowel (short or tone-long) 
may, by a change in the division of syllables, be weakened to S e wd mobile, or even be 
entirely lost, so that its place is taken by the mere syllable-divider (Sfwd quiescens). 
Examples of the first case are, Up name, pi. nittiz;, but Tpu; my name, arilB^ their 

names, "iTf word, constr. st. ~Q7; T\\?l'$ righteousness, constr. st. rijp7S; an example of 
the second case is, rcn? blessing, constr. st. ri3^3. Whether the vowel is retained or 
becomes Sfwd (D^, '&}, but a#, '8$), and which of the two disappears in two 
consecutive syllables, depends upon the character of the form in question. In general 
the rule is that only those vowels which stand in an open syllable can become S e wd. 

Thus the change into S e wd takes place in — 

(a) The d and e of the first syllable, especially in the inflexion of nouns, e.g. ~i("fr 
word, plur. D'tittf; ^icfa, great, fern. H(!fi"TJ; DCjfr heart, 'do 1 ? my heart; but also in the 
verb, SIG&ri she will return, plur. nrcJl^fi, and so always, when the originally short 
vowel of the prefixes of the Imperfect comes to stand in an open syllable which is not 
pretonic. On the other hand, an a lengthened from a before the tone is retained in the 
Perfect consecutive of Qal even in the secondary tone, e.g. <§?'0 i $); cf § 49 i. 

(b) The short, or merely tone-long, vowels a, e, o of the ultima, especially in 
verbalforms, e.g. "?£)£, fern, n^.i? qdfld; Vtti??, t?^1yiqflu; but note also 'ptt'p 1 ??, 
■pipa^fl, &c, according to § 47 m and o. The helping vowels are either entirely omitted, 
e.g. "f2<& king (ground-form malk), ^fiK my king; or, under the influence of a guttural, 
are weakened to Hateph, e.g. ~\$<£boy, i~iyi his boy. If the tone remains unmoved, the 
vowel also is retained, notwithstanding the lengthening of the word, e.g. ^dbp? 
pausal-form for t?X)\?^. 

Where the tone moves forward two places, the former of the two vowels of a 
dissyllabic word may be shortened, and the second changed into S?wd. Cf. "irn word; 
in the plur. D'tittf; with heavy suffix D(^ 1 ']?? (cf. § 28 a) their words. On the 
attenuation of the a to z,"see further, s, t. 

Rem. 1. An 6 arising from aw=au, or by an obscuring of a (see § 9 b), sometimes 
becomes u, when the tone is moved forward, e.g. Dip}, rrii&ip} (see Paradigm Perf. Niph. of 
Dip); xf\ia flight, fem. ncSba, with suffix, "'fl^aa. The not uncommon use of 1 in a sharpened 
syllable, as ■'pina Ez 20: 18 (for •'jpna, cf. also the examples in § 9 o), is to be regarded as an 
orthographic licence, although sometimes in such cases u may really have been intended by 
the iCthihh. 

Of the vowels of the U-class, u and tone-long o stand in a tone-bearing closed final 
syllable, and 6 in a toneless syllable, e.g. Dip? he will arise, Op? jussive, let him arise, Dp(^ 
and he arose. The only instance of u in an ultima which has lost the tone is U~\<£\ Ex 16:20 (see 
§ 67 n). Similarly, of vowels of the /-class, e, zfand e stand in a tone-bearing closed final 
syllable, and e in a toneless syllable, e.g. W\?\ he will raise, Dp? let him raise, Dpefi and he 
raised. The only instance of zln an ultima which has lost the tone is flGS] Ju 9:53 (see § 67 p). 

2. In the place of a Pathah we not infrequently find (according to § 9 f) a S'ghol (e, e) as 
a modification of a: 

(a) In a closed antepenultima, e.g. in the proper names "irpriK and ICPriN, where LXX Api- 
= '■'IK, which is certainly the better reading, cf. Ulmer, Die semit. Eigennamen, 1901, p. 12: or 

in a closed penultima, e.g. yiy,, but also DOT your hand, for yadtkhem. In all these cases the 
character of the surrounding consonants (see § 6 q) has no doubt had an influence. 

(b) Regularly before a guttural with Qame S or Hakph QameS, where the 
strengthening has been dropped, provided that a lengthening of the Pathah 'into 
Qamesbe not necessary, e.g. VT)$ his brothers, for 'ahdw; $ri3 false, for kahds; ring 
governor, constr. st. T\TB; Dri9 coal; 'HID the living (with the article, D for n); D^W' Nu 
23:19, &c, and so always before n and f], as D'lzni^D f/ie months, see § 35 k. Before n 
and y Sfghol generally stands only in the second syllable before the tone, e.g. D'ln.n 
the mountains; ]ty$ the guilt; immediately before the tone Pathah is lengthened into a 
(pretonic) Qames, e.g. "inn, UV1); but cf. also nditiri Nu 8:7. Before the weak 

consonants K and ~i (cf. § 22 c, q), the lengthening of t\\Q Pathah into QameS dlmost 
always takes place, e.g. nxn the father, pi. ninx.ri; ^N'ln the head, pi. EPttftn.irj. 
Exceptions, rncf towards the mountain, Gn 14: 10, in the tone-syllable, for hdrrd; 
^7\(£)~)y (pr. name) for in^.aj. On D as a form of the interrogative D (n), see § 100 n; 
on n$ for ntt (na), § 37 e, f. Finally, <f?3$ Ex 33:3 also comes partly under this head, in 
consequence of the loss of the strengthening, for 'X^, and ^NpTO? Ezekiel for ^Npjn? = 
^iF'ID' God strengthens. 

(c) As a modification of the original Pathahin the first class of the segholate forms (§ 93 
g), when a helping vowel (§ 28 e) is inserted after the second consonant. Thus the ground- 
form kalb {dog), after receiving a helping S'eghol, is modified into 3Vcf (also in modern 
Arabic pronounced kelb), 1 yarh {month), with a helping Pathah, rncT The same phenomenon 
appears also in the formation of verbs, in cases like "7jd"(jussive of the Hiphil of rta), with a 
helping S e eghol, for yagl. 

3. The attenuation of a to zls very common in a toneless closed syllable. 

{a) In a firmly closed syllable, 1TO Ais measure, for iTO (in a sharpened syllable); T^?"?? ^ 
/zare begotten thee, from ''riltf^ with the suffix y, cf. Lv 1 1:44, Ez 38:23, and § 44 d. 
Especially is this the case in a large number of segholates from the ground- form qatl, when 
combined with singular suffixes, e.g. ''pi? my righteousness, for Sadqi? 

{b) In a loosely -closed syllable, i.e. one followed by an aspirated Begadk e phath, as DDan 
your blood, for DDai, and so commonly in the st. constr. plur. of segholates from the ground- 
form qaO, e.g. , '7}3 from 112 (ground-form bagd) a garment. In most cases of this kind the 
attenuation is easily intelligible from the nature of the surrounding consonants. It is evident 
from a comparison of the dialects, that the attenuation was consistently carried out in a very 
large number of noun and verb-forms in Hebrew, as will be shown in the proper places. 1 

4. S'ghol arises, in addition to the cases mentioned in o and/?, also from the weakening of 
a of the final syllable in the isolated cases (n ; for n ;) in 1 S 28:15 (? see § 48 d), Ps 20:4 (?), 
Is 59:5, Pr 24:14 (see § 48 1); for examples of Locative forms in n : see § 90 i end. 

1 l So the LXX write Me^xtosSsK for p} Vf?K. 

1 l Analogous to this attenuation of a to i is the Lat. tango, attingo; laxus, prolixus; 

to the transition of a to e (see above, a), the Lat. carpo, decerpo; spar go, conspergo. 

5. Among the Ha tteph- sounds " is shorter and lighter than ~, and consequently the vowel 
group " , lis shorter than ~ ~; e.g. DT7K Edom, but ^(§'1K (Edomite), shortened at the beginning 
because the tone is thrown forward; n<fx ( e meth) truth, iGftpK his truth; Dd$M hidden, pi. 
D^iM; i rntfy,n but 1 Cfi'"iav,ni; but also conversely nfrJM fem. nrifrsn cf. § 63 f, 3. 

6. To the chapter on vowel changes belongs lastly the dissimilation of vowels, i.e. the 
change of one vowel into another entirely heterogeneous, in order to prevent two similar, or 
closely related vowels, from following one another in the same word." Hence nbt? for lu 16 
(unless). Cf. also li^n from ym; }WVT\ from tl>K'-i; yo^ri from J\T\; to from m&; D'TV from 
stem ~W; most probably also Ti 1 ? 1 offspring, TiSj? porcupine, for 'V?, r 9j?, see § 68 c, note. — On 
the proper names KlTi] and VW], which were formerly explained in the same way, see now 
Praatorius, ZDMG. 1905, p. 341 f 

§ 28. The Rise of New Vowels and Syllables. 

1. According to § 26 m a half-syllable, i.e. a consonant with S e wa mobile (always 
weakened from a short vowel), can only occur in close dependence on a full syllable. 
If another half-syllable with simple S e wa follows, the first takes a full short vowel 
again. 3 This vowel is almost always Hireq. In most cases it is probably an attenuation 
of an original a, and never a mere helping vowel. In some instances analogy may have 
led to the choice of the /."Thus, according to § 102 d, the prefixes 3, 5, "7 before a 
consonant with S e wd mobile become 3, 3, 7, e.g. ,- lD3, 1 "lQ3, '"ID 1 ?; before ? they are 
pointed as in rnin 1 ,? (from bi-yeh e dua, according to § 24 c); so too with Wdw 
copidative, e.g. niW.l for ')] attenuated from "I. The first half-syllable, after the 
restoration of the short vowel, sometimes combines with the second to form a firmly 
closed syllable, e.g. 7 'S3 1 ? Nu 14:3 for ttrfphol, and so almost always in the infin. 
constr. after 7 (§ 45 g); in isolated cases also with D, as ~i'3I? Jer 17:2. 

2. If a guttural with Hateph follows, the original a of the prefixes is retained 
before Hateph Pathah, but before Hateph S e ghol or Hateph QameS it is modified to 
the short vowel contained in the Hateph. Thus arise the vowel groups " ~, ~ ~, ~ ~, 
e.g. ^S,] and 1, 1^,3 as, 1 ny, 1 ? to serve, Y^S, 1 ? to eat, '^f], 1 ? in sickness. On the 
Metheg with every such short vowel, see § 16 f, 8. Sometimes here also a fully closed 
syllable is formed. In such a case, the prefix takes the short vowel, which would have 
belonged to the suppressed Hateph, e.g. 3'ttD 1 ? for 3'Op, 1 ?; DJpD 1 ? Is 47:14 for Dipt], 1 ? (see 
§ 67 cc); YDS 1 ? but also IDS, 1 ?; and even 1'SVI Jb 4:2, cf. Gn 32:16. So always in the 
Infin. and Imperat. Qal of the verbs H^H to be and H^H to live, e.g. rii'ri,? to be, VQ t ) and 
be ye; even with ]fi, as nl'fl.B, on which cf. § 102 b; but TVJJ,) and be, rp.ru and live, 
have e instead of /under the prefix. For the Metheg, cf. § 16 f, s. 

3. When a Hateph in the middle of a word, owing to flexional changes, would 
stand before a vocal Sfwd, it is changed into the short vowel, with which it is 
compounded. This applies especially to cases in which the Hateph stands under a 

2 2 Cf. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semit. Spr., p. xxix; A. Muller, Theol. Stud. 
u. Krit., 1892, p. 177 f., and Nestle, ibid., p. 573 f. 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

3 3 Except ) and, which generally becomes 1 before a simple S e wa, cf. § 104 c. 

guttural instead of quiescent S e wd, as an echo of the preceding short vowel, e.g. T'as?,? 
he will stand (for 1 &3T), but plur. HEUT for ya a m e dhu, and 139,3,3 for neh a ph e khu {they 
have turned themselves), ~f?^B thy work, cf. § 26 k. The syllables are to be divided 
yaa-rrfdhu, and the second a is to be regarded exactly as the helping Pathah in 7J7<£ 
&C. 1 

4. At the end of words, syllables occur which close with two consonants (§ 10 i, § 
26 r), but only when the latter of the two is an emphatic consonant (13, p) or a tenuis 
(viz. 3, 7, "i, n 2 ), e.g. I3i|T let him turn aside, [?#>] and he caused to drink, ft~)(&X thou 
(fern.) hast said, p'.l and he wept, 7T1 and let him have dominion, 3$11 and he took 

This harsh ending is elsewhere avoided by the Masora, 3 which inserts between the 
two final consonants a helping vowel, usually S e ghol, but with medial or final 
gutturals a Pathah, 1 and after , a Hireq, e.g. "7jdi and he revealed, for way^zg/; 2~)<£let 
it multiply, for yirb; IZHCfp holiness, ground-form </w<is; ^ntf brook, ground-form nahl; 
pntfiy 2 for W^W thou hast sent; rptf house, ground-form bayt. These helping vowels 

are, however, to be regarded as exactly like furtive Pathah (§ 22 f, g); they do not 
alter the monosyllabic character of the forms, and they disappear before formative 
suffixes, e.g. 'dbi? m y holiness, nivd home-ward. 

5. On the rise of a full vowel in place of a simple S e wd, under the influence of the 
pause, see § 29 m; on initial X for &, see § 23 h. 

§ 29. The Tone, its Changes and the Pause. 

1. The principal tone rests, according to the Masoretic accentuation (cf. § 15 c), as 
a rule on the final syllable, e.g. ^qfp, id}, idhl, Ci'dhl, Qt^ttp, <£>l?,i?, "pdop — in the 
last five examples on the formative additions to the stem. Less frequently it rests on 
the penultima, as in n^tf night, FiVcfp, *&(§, IBJjf; but a closed penultima can only have 
the tone if the ultima is open (e.g. FiVcfp, nptf, riMOfp), whilst a closed ultima can as a 

1 l In Ju 16:13 read 'riN.fi not (with Opitius, Hahn and others) TiNri. 

2 2 With a final % the only example is ^pin Pr 30:6, where several MSS. and printed 
editions incorrectly have ^ without Dages. Instead of this masoretic caprice we should 
no doubt read HQin. 

3 3 An analogy to this practice of the Masora is found among the modern Beduin, who 
pronounce such a helping vowel before h, h, h, g; cf. Spitta, Gramm. des arab. 
Vulgar dialektes von Aegypten, Lpz. 1880, § 43 d. 

1 l On the apparent exceptions N$H, &c, cf. § 22 e; other instances in which X has 
entirely lost its consonantal value, and is only retained orthographically, are Ntpn sin, 
N?a valley (also '}), KW vanity (Jb 15:31 iCthi bh W). 

2 2 In this form (§ 65 g) the Dages lene remains in the final Taw, although a vowel 
precedes, in order to point out that the helping Pathah is not to be regarded as a really 
full vowel, but merely as an orthographic indication of a very slight sound, to ensure 
the correct pronunciation. An analogous case is }IT yihad from rnn (§ 75 r). 

rule only be without the tone if the penultima is open, e.g. □[?<$, □£<$; see also below, 

A kind of counter-tone or secondary stress, as opposed to the principal tone, is 
marked by Metheg (§16 c). Words which are closely united by Maqqeph with the 
following word (§ 16 a) can at the most have only a secondary tone. 

2. The original tone of a word, however, frequently shifts its place in consequence 
either of changes in the word itself, or of its close connexion with other words. If the 
word is increased at the end, the tone is moved forward (descendif) one or two places 
according to the length of the addition, e.g. "rein word, plur. □ , (jQ'?; □<f'H37 your words; 
IZHCfp holy thing, plur. D'G^cfi?; F) 1 ?^ with suffix ^ncjiVtti?, with Wdw consecutive 
($7tt f \?}. On the consequent vowel-changes, see § 27 d, i-m. 

3. On the other hand, the original tone is shifted from the ultima to the penultima 

(a) In many forms of the Imperfect, under the influence of a prefixed Wdw 
consecutive (-1 see § 49 c-e), e.g. "K^N' 1 he will say, "lipNCf'l and he said; "}& he will go, 
"fl& and he went. Cf also § 51 n on the impf. Niphal, and § 65 g, end, on the impf. 
Piel; on these forms in Pause, when the 1 consec. does not take effect, see below, p. 

(b) For rhythmical reasons (as often in other languages), when a monosyllable, or 
a word with the tone on the first syllable, follows a word with the tone on the ultima, 
in order to avoid the concurrence of two tone-syllables 1 . This rhythmical retraction of 
the tone, however ("linx tiOl receding, as it is called by the Jewish grammarians), is 
only admissible according to a, above, provided that the penultima, which now 
receives the tone, is an open syllable (with a long vowel; but see g), whilst the ultima, 
which loses the tone, must be either an open syllable with a long vowel, e.g. n^ XIJ 1 
Gn 1:5, 4:17, 27:25, Ex 16:29, Ps 5:11, 104:14, Dn 11:13, or a closed syllable with a 
short vowel, e.g. D0# ^N^n Gn 3:19, Jb 3:3, 22:28. 2 The grave suffixes D3", p, DT, 
"IT are exceptions, as they never lose the tone. Moreover a fair number of instances 
occur in which the above conditions are fulfilled, but the tone is not retracted, e.g. esp. 
with rrn, and before X; cf. Qimhi, Mikhlol, ed. Rittenberg (Lyck, 1862), p. 4 b , line 13 

1 l Even Hebrew prose proceeds, according to the accentuation, in a kind of iambic 
rhythm. That this was intended by the marking of the tone, can be seen from the use 
of Metheg. — Jos. Wijnkoop in Darche hannesigah sive leges de accentus Hebraicae 
linguae ascensione, Ludg. Bat. 1881, endeavours to explain, on euphonic and 
syntactical grounds, the numerous cases in which the usual retraction of the tone does 
not occur, e.g. y$T\ Nllm Is 45:7, where the object probably is to avoid a kind of 
hiatus; but cf. also Am 4:13. Pratorius, Ueber den ruiickweich. Accent im Hebr., 
Halle, 1897, has fully discussed the nasog 'ahor. 

2 2 The reading □" iy (so even Opitius and Hahn) Ez 16:7 for D'Hy is rightly 
described by Baer as 'error turpie'. — That an unchangeable vowel in a closed final 
syllable cannot lose the tone is shown by Pratorius from the duplication of the accent 
(see above, § 22 f). 

Although Sere can remain in a closed ultima which has lost the tone, it is perhaps 
not to be regarded in this case (see § 8 b) as a long vowel. At any rate it then always 
has, in correct editions, a retarding Methog, no doubt in order to prevent its being 
pronounced as S e ghol, e.g. -pS 1%-g? Nu 24:22; cf. Nu 17:23, Ju 20:2, Is 66:3, Jer 
23 :29, Ez 22:25, Ps 37:7, and even with a following Jiirtive Pathah Pr 1 : 19, 1 1 :26, 
&c, although there is no question here of two successive tone-syllables. In other cases 
the shortening into S e ghol does take place, e.g. UV<S D'riGS who smiteth the anvil, Is 
41:7, for DS/Gfatfin; 1$Gp T%<& 1 K 16:24. — The retraction of the tone even occurs 
when a half-syllable with a S e wa mobile precedes the original tone-syllable, e.g. 
frnp'Ndi Gn 19:5, and frequently; lin H"iid"Ps 28:1; '7 W?(fPs 31:5; rqfljpii&B!? Is 
14:19; as also when the tone-syllable of the second word is preceded by a half- 
syllable, e.g. n? n W Gn 1:11 (on the Dag f, cf. § 20 f); -f? T)T)& Gn 15:7 (cf. § 20 c). 

According to the above, it must be regarded as anomalous when the Masora throws back 
the tone of a closed ultima upon a virtually sharpened syllable with a short vowel, e.g. 1? "incf 
1 S 10:5, § 101 a; is tfrjtfi Jb 8:18, cf. Lv 5:22, Ho 9:2; utfprjtf? Gn 39:14, 17; whereas it 
elsewhere allows a closed penultima to bear the tone only when the ultima is open. Still more 
anomalous is the placing of the tone on a really sharpened syllable, when the ultima is closed, 
as in Vy n\?s 2 S 23: 1; vw l?3 Jb 34: 19; cf. also 'ptjf-Dg,? Gn 4:24, with Metheg of the 
secondary tone. We should read either Djn, or, with Frensdorff, Massora Magna, p. 167, 
Ginsb., Kittel, after Bomb., DpJ. Other abnormal forms are 13 ptrpl Ex 4:4 (for similar 
instances see § 15 c, end) and Ott> vxj\ Dt 10:5. 

(c) la pause, see i-v. 

The meeting of two tone-syllables (see e, f) is avoided also by connecting the words with 
Maqqeph, in which case the first word entirely loses the tone, e.g. Dd^rD'l and he wrote 
there, Jos 8:32. 

4. Very important changes of the tone and of the vowels are effected by the pause. 
By this term is meant the strong stress laid on the tone-syllable in the last word of a 
sentence (verse) or clause. It is marked by a great distinctive accent, Silluq, Athndh, 
and in the accentuation of the books D"Nn, Ole w e yored(§ 15 h). Apart from these 
principal pauses {the great pause), there are often pausal changes (the lesser pause) 
with the lesser distinctives, especially S e golta, Zaqeph qaton, R e bhf, and even with 
Pasta, Tiphha, Geres, and (Pr 30:4) Pazer 1 The changes are as follows: 

1 l In most cases, probably on account of a following guttural or (at the end of a 
sentence) 1 (cf. e.g. Ex 21:31, Jer 3:9 [but Ginsb. «i3nni], Ru 4:4, Ec 11:6 [but Ginsb. 
Itfy]; before] Jer 17:11) [see also §29 w]. _ n$ o D# 1 S 7:17, fDNl Is 65:17, Pr 25:3, 
where a has munah, are very irregular, but the lengthening here is probably only to 
avoid the cacophony sphd tet. In the same way Fhy.d Ez 17:15 (with Mahpakh 
before n) and Dlip'l Ez 37:8 (with Darga before J?) are to be explained. The four 
instances of ^K for ">y$ apparently require a different explanation; see § 32 c. — The 
theory of Olshausen and others that the phenomena of the pause are due entirely to 
liturgical considerations, i.e. that it is 'a convenient way of developing the musical 
value of the final accents by means of fuller forms' in liturgical reading (Sievers, 

(a) When the tone-syllable naturally has a short vowel, it as a rule becomes tone- 
long in pause, e.g. ^ttj?, ^gPi?; U](S, D?g>; nVcfj?, fi 1 ?^. An a which has been modified to 
Sfghol usually becomes a in pause, e.g. "i#(j? (ground-form gasr) in/?a«se "i#(jf 2 K 
11:14; n? H$ Jer 22:29; also in 2 K 4:3 1 read n#£ with ed. Mant, &c. (Baer 
D t IZ/|7). — IS} becomes in pause "157. 

Sometimes, however, the distinct and sharper a is intentionally retained in pause, 
especially if the following consonant is strengthened, e.g. W§; Jb 4:20, or ought to be 
strengthened, e.g. n,33 2 S 12:3, T,3 Is 8:1, &c; but also in other cases as 1 MgJ Gn 27:2, 
because from ]\?\, cf below, q; Tg Gn 49:27; Uttfgpni 2 Ch 29: 19 (so Baer, but Ginsb. "7pn, ed. 
Mant. '~l\?7\); and regularly in the numeral yT)Kfour, Lv 1 1:20, &c. In the accentuation of the 
three poetical books (§ 15 d) the use of P athah with Athnah is due to the inferior pausal force 
ofAthnah, especially after Ole w e yored (§ 15 o); cf. Ps 100:8, Pr 30:9, and Qimhi, Mikhlol, 
ed. Rittenberg, p. 5 b , line 4 from below. Compare the list of instances of pausal a and e in the 
appendices to Baer's editions. 

(b) When a full vowel in a tone-bearing final syllable has lost the tone before an 
afformative, and has become vocal ^wd, it is restored in pause as tone-vowel, and, if 
short, is lengthened, e.g. ^<&\?,fem. n^y , [7 (qdfld), in pause rfjgpj?; Wiptf (sm e u), in 
pause W £$ (from sing. ra#); HK 1 ?,?, ng^a; ^i??, ^dbp? 1 (sing. ^C&i??). The fuller 
endings of the Imperfect ^ and "p 7 (§ 47 m and o) alone retain the tone even when the 
original vowel is restored. In segholate forms, like i n 1 7, 1_ i? (ground-form lahy,pary), 
the original a returns, though under the form of a tone-bearing Sfghol, thus Tjtf, nqf; 
original /"becomes <?, e.g. "'StJ, in/rawse '":($; original (u) becomes 0, '^"j (ground- 
form huly), in pause '"pdh ( 93 x, y, z). 

On the analogy of such forms as 'Titf, &c, the shortened Imperfects 'H? and 1 nj 
become in pause ,- i(^ ,- i(^ because in the full forms ;T.~P he will be, and n;"P he will 
live, the /Is attenuated from an original a. Similarly DD$ shoulder, mpause DD$ 
(ground-form sakhm), and the pron. '}$ I, mpause ~>'l(§; cf. also the restoration of the 
original a as e before the suffix "" 7 ^//y, #/ee, e.g. TH 1 ,?} #*y wort/, in/?a«se Tldttf; 
<$~}l$yi he guards thee, mpause 7]C$!D$?; but after the prepositions 3, "?, nx (ns) the 
suffix 71 7 mpause becomes 71 7, e.g. 713, ~$7, 7|flN. 

(c) This tendency to draw back the tone mpause to the penultima appears also in 
such cases as 'tfis /, mpause ^'gX; nc^X ^//o//, in/rawse nrig; (but in the three 
poetically accented books also nrig, since in those books Athnah, especially after Ole 

Metr. Studien, i. 236, also explains pausal forms like Th pf7, tt'Vtfl as 'late formations 
of the grammarians') is contradicted by the fact that similar phenomena are still to be 
observed in modern vulgar Arabic, where they can only be attributed to rhythmical 
reasons of a general character. 

1 l Such a pausal syllable is sometimes further emphasized by strengthening the 
following consonant, see § 20 i. 

w e yored, has only the force of a Zaqeph; hence also IJR 1 ?,!?? Pr 24:4 instead of W<Sep) 2 ; 
7\T\<§now, ring; and in other sporadic instances, like ^tfPs 37:20 for itfa; but in 1 S 
12:25 isori with Baer and Ginsb., is to be preferred to the reading of ed. Mant, &c. 

(d) Conversely all forms of imperfects consecutive, whose final syllable, when not 
in pause, loses the tone and is pronounced with a short vowel, take, when in pause, 
the tone on the ultima with a tone-long vowel, e.g. nacfi and he died, in pause nolb'1. 

Of other effects of the pause we have still to mention, (1) the transition of an e 
(lengthened from zjto the more distinct a (see above, 1), e.g. Trin for TJin Is 18:5 (cf. § 67 v; § 
72 dd); Vap Is 33:9; "^K 1 Ch 8:38 (beside "7XX [, see v. 37. Cf. :"7K3,D Is 7:6 CfrUB Ezr 4:7); 
■nm Jer 22:14; IgQD Ob 20; :B>,Q3'1 Ex 31:17; :#,3K r !3 2 S 12:15 (below, § 51 m)— S. R. D.]); 
1?nGn 17:14; nsQH 1 S 15:23; T.nKri Ps 40:18; pnnn Jb 13:21, mostly before liquids or 
sibilants (but also 3,E*n Is 42:22, and without the pause tw La 3:48). So also "jVCS (shortened 
from 'j'pdj becomes inpause ~]tfiv, cf. Ttf^l La 3:2; ]§Fi for l"7gi Ju 19:20. On S"ghdl inpause 
instead of Sere, el. § 52 n, 60 d, and especially § 75 n, on rr.rn Pr 4:4 and 7:2. 

(2) The transition from a to e in the ultima; so always in the formula TV] DViyV (for !V)for 
ever and ever. 

(3) The pausal QameS (according to § 54 k, lengthened from original a) in Hithpael (but 
not in Piel) for Sere, e.g. "jVrtfl 1 Jb 18:8 for ~f?Tl^\ But pausal forms like ~ma£, tflcf (in the 
a&so/. st "ifiof, MCf) go back to a secondary form of the abs. st. ~\T\<&, EQCf>. 

(4) The restoration of a final 7oa% which has been dropped from the stem, together with 
the preceding vowel, e.g. V<$2, VCSn Is 21: 12, for W3, iriN, the latter also without the pause Is 
56:9, 12; cf. Jb 12:6, and the same occurrence even in the word before the pause Dt 32:37, Is 

(5) The transition from 6 or o to a inpause: as n"7NE> Is 7:11, if it be a locative of Vn$, 
and not rather imperat. Qalof7NE>; i ri 1 7,?^ Gn 43:14 for i ri 1 7 i '3E*; TV Gn 49:3; ^t? 1 Gn 49:27; 
perhaps also pjtf 1 K 22:34, Is 59: 17, and riVijftfa Is 28: 17, cf. 2 K 21:13. On the other hand 
the regular pausal form fan 1 (ordinary imperfect parr) corresponds to a perfect pan (see § 47 

(6) When a Pathahboth precedes and follows a virtually strengthened guttural, the 
second becomes a inpause, and the first Sfghol, according to § 22 c and § 27 q, e.g. TJK my 
brothers, inpause 'gix. Similarly in cases where an original Pathah after a guttural has been 
attenuated to /' out of pause, and then lengthened to e with the tone (cf. § 54 k), e.g. DrjlTP, but 
inpause agurr Dt 32:36; cf. Nu 8:7, 23:19, Ez 5:13, Ps 135:14.— On pausal Sere, for Sfghol, 
in infin., imperat, and imperf. of verbs Tl" 1 ?, see § 75 hh. 

[Other instances of the full vowel in lesser pause, where the voice would naturally rest on 
the word, are Gn 15:14 tr'ny, Is 8:15, 40:24, Ho 4:12, 8:7, Dn 9:15, and very often in such 

2 2 t?$l Ps 45:6, cf. also itt 1 ?,!? Ps 40:15, is to be explained in the same way, but not 
1 p 1 ? i ariZc2:ll, where, on the analogy of n a ; l2/n Je 9:3, we should expect 'to ^an. 



§ 30. Stems and Roots 1 : Biliteral, Triliteral, and Quadriliteral. 

1. Stems in Hebrew, as in the other Semitic languages, have this peculiarity, that 
by far the majority of them consist of three consonants. On these the meaning 
essentially depends, while the various modifications of the idea are expressed rather 
by changes in the vowels, e.g. pay (pay or pay; the 3rd pers. sing. perf. does not 
occur) it was deep, pday deep, paofy depth, pacf, a valley, plain. Such a stem may be 
either a verb or a noun, and the language commonly exhihits both together, e.g. yiT he 
has sown, y~\(£seed, DDn he was wise, DDn a wise man. For practical purposes, 
however, it has long been the custom to regard as the stein the 3rd pers. sing. Perf. 
Qal (see § 43), since it is one of the simplest forms of the verb, without any formative 
additions. Not only are the other forms of the verb referred to this stem, but also the 
noun-forms, and the large number of particles derived from nouns; e.g. IZHp he was 
holy, W-jgp holiness, izmp holy. 

Sometimes the language, as we have it, exhibits only the verbal stem without any 
corresponding noun-form, e.g. *7pp to stone, pro to bray; and on the other hand, the 
noun sometimes exists without the corresponding verb, e.g. p<£ stone, n^south. 
Since, however, the nominal or verbal stems, which are not now found in Hebrew, 
generally occur in one or more of the other Semitic dialects, it may be assumed, as a 
rule, that Hebrew, when a living language, also possessed them. Thus, in Arabic, the 
verbal stem abind {to become compact, hard) corresponds to p(& an d the Aramaic 
verb n e gab (to be dry) to DJQp! 

Rem. 1. The Jewish grammarians call the stem (i.e. the 3rd pers. sing. Perf. Qal) EhcS; 
root. Hence it became customary among Christian grammarians to call the stem radix, and its 
three consonants litterae radicales, in contradistinction to the litterae serviles or formative 
letters. On the correct use of the term root, see g. 

2. Others regard the three stem-consonants as a root, in the sense that, considered as 
vowelless and unpronounceable, it represents the common foundation of the verbal and 
nominal stems developed from it, just as in the vegetable world, from which the figure is 
borrowed, stems grow from the hidden root, e.g. 

Root: "i^a, the indeterminate idea of ruling. 
Verb-stem, -p_n he has reigned. Noun-stem, ~p_<& king. 

For the historical investigation of the language, however, this hypothesis of 
unpronounceable roots, with indeterminate meaning, is fruitless. Moreover, the term root, as 

1 l On the questions discussed here compare the bibliography at the head of § 79. 

it is generally understood by philologists, cannot be applied to the Semitic triliteral stem (see 
f). 1 

3. The 3rd sing. Perf. Qal, which, according to the above, is usually regarded, both 
lexicographically and grammatically, as the ground-form, is generally in Hebrew a 
dissyllable, e.g. "?££. The monosyllabic forms have only arisen by contraction (according to 
the traditional explanation) from stems which had a weak letter (l or ^ for their middle 
consonant, e.g. Dp from qawam ; or from stems whose second and third consonants are 
identical, e.g. V^ and YiX (but see below, §§ 67, 72). The dissyllabic forms have themselves 
no doubt arisen, through a loss of the final vowel, from trisyllables, e.g. "7t3p from qatala, as it 
is in literary Arabic. 

2. The law of the triliteral stem is so strictly observed in the formation of verbs 
and nouns in Hebrew (and in the Semitic languages generally), that the language has 
sometimes adopted artificial methods to preserve at least an appearance of 
triliteralism in monosyllabic stems, e.g. TQ<§ for the inf. constr. of verbs 1"Q; cf. § 69 
b. Conversely such nouns, as 3N father, DN mother, nx brother, which were formerly 
all regarded as original monosyllabic forms (nomina primitiva), may, in some cases at 
least, have arisen from mutilation of a triliteral stem. 

On the other hand, a large number of triliteral stems really point to a biliteral base, 
which may be properly called a root (radix primaria, bilitteralis), since it forms the 
starting-point for several triliteral modifications of the same fundamental idea. 
Though in themselves unpronounceable, these roots are usually pronounced with a 
between the two consonants, and are represented in writing by the sign , e.g. ~D as 
the root of 113, rn3, ~H3, ~DN. The reduction of a stem to the underlying root may 
generally be accomplished with certainty when the stem exhibits one weak consonant 
with two strong ones, or when the second and third consonants are identical. Thus e.g. 
the stems p}, yn, x:n, rD} may all be traced to the idea of striking, breaking, and the 
root common to them all is evidently the two strong consonants "p (dakh). Very 
frequently, however, the development of the root into a stem is effected by the 
addition of a strong consonant, especially, it seems, a sibilant, liquid or guttural. 1 
Finally, further modifications of the same root are produced when either a consonant 
of the root, or the letter which has been added, changes by phonetic laws into a 
kindred letter (see the examples below). Usually such a change of sound is 
accompanied by a modification of meaning. 

Examples: from the root f p (no doubt onomatopoetic, i.e. imitating the sound), which 
represents the fundamental idea of carving off, cutting in pieces, are derived directly: f1\? and 
n^p to cut, to cut off, the latter also metaph. to decide, to judge (whence V%\?, Arab, qddi, a 
judge); also 1%\? to cut off, to shear, l^p to tear, to break, V^p to cut into, l^p to cut off, to 
reap. With a dental instead of the sibilant, Dp, 7p, whence 3Qp to cut in pieces, to destroy, *7t3p 
to cut down, to kill, <"|Qp to tear off, to pluck off. With the initial letter softened, the root 
becomes OD, whence I"1D3 to cut off, and D03 to shave; cf. also DD1 Syr. to slay (sacrifice), to 
kill. With the greatest softening to U and IX, TU to cut off, to shear; Tin to hew stone; m, DU, 

1 l Cf. Philippi, c Der Grundstamm des starken Verbums, ' in Morgenldndische 

Forschungen, Leipz. 1875, pp. 69-106. 

1 l That all triliteral stems are derived from biliterals (as Konig, Lehrg. ii. 1, 370; M. 

Lambert in Studies in honour of A. Kohut, Berl. 1897, p. 354 ff ) cannot be definitely 


VT3,, Vu, 1U to cut off, to tear off eat up; similarly TB to cut into, yTA to cut off cf. also Till, ^TA, 
~m. Allied to this root also is the series of stems which instead of a palatal begin with a 
guttural (n), e.g. Tin to split, cut; cf. also Vm, pTfi, Tm, Bhn, and further Din, fin, ntn, Tin, 3tan, 
uun, ^w, Von, Don, ^on, nun, nun, pn, nun in the Lexicon.. 

The root Dn expresses the sound of humming, which is made with the mouth closed 
(u.vj(d); hence Dan, Din, nan, D^ (ON?) Arab, hamhama, to buzz, to hum, to snarl, &c. 

As developments from the root sn cf. the stems Tin, Vsn, nsn, y$n, pn, tttyn. Not loss 
numerous are the developments of the root "D (13, Vq) and many others. 2 

Closer investigation of the subject suggests the following observations: 

(a) These roots are mere abstractions from stems in actual use, and are themselves 
not used. They represent rather the hidden germs (semina) of the stems which appear 
in the language. Yet these stems are sometimes so short as to consist simply of the 
elements of the root itself, e.g. DPI to be finished, *7j? light. The ascertaining of the root 
and its meaning, although in many ways very difficult and hazardous, is of great 
lexicographical importance. It is a wholly different and much contested question 
whether there ever was a period in the development of the Semitic languages when 
purely biliteral roots, either isolated and invariable or combined with inflexions, 
served for the communication of thought. In such a case it would have to be admitted, 
that the language at first expressed extremely few elementary ideas, which were only 
gradually extended by additions to denote more delicate shades of meaning. At all 
events this process of transformation would belong to a period of the language which 
is entirely outside our range. At the most only the gradual multiplication of stems by 
means of phonetic change (see below) can be historically proved. 

(b) Many of these monosyllabic words are clearly imitations of sounds, and sometimes 
coincide with roots of a similar meaning in the Indo-Germanic family of languages (§ 1 h). Of 
other roots there is definite evidence that Semitic linguistic consciousness regarded them as 
onomatopoetic, whilst the Indo-Germanie instinct fails to recognize in them any imitation of 

(c) Stems with the harder, stronger consonants are in general (§ 6 r) to be regarded as the 
older, from which a number of later stems probably arose through softening of the 
consonants; cf. 1T3 and ID, pnu and pntl>, pVU and pVT, fVy and tVv, d"7V; ppl and pi, and the 
almost consistent change of initial l to \ In other instances, however, the harder stems have 
only been adopted at a later period from Aramaic, e.g. TiVa, Hebr. nvn. Finally in many cases 
the harder and softer stems may have been in use together from the first, thus often 
distinguishing, by a kind of sound-painting, the intensive action from the less intensive; see 
above pup to cut, m to shear, &c. 

(d) When two consonants are united to form a root they are usually either both emphatic 
or both middle-hard or both soft, e.g. p, tap, 03, n, TA never p, p, m, 01, !p. Within (triliteral) 
stems the first and second consonants are never identical. The apparent exceptions are either 

Lexicon. Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on 
the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Britts, 
Oxford, 1906. 

2 2 Cf. the interesting examination of the Semitic roots QR, KR, XR, by P. Haupt in 
the Amer. Journ. o/Sem. Lang., xxiii (1907), p. 241 ff. 

due to reduplication of the root, e.g. HT7 (Ps 42:5, Is 38: 15), Arabic KTKT, or result from other 
causes, cf. e.g. H33 in the Lexicon.. The first and third consonants are very seldom identical 
except in what are called concave stems (with middle 1 or '), e.g. ]M, fix; note, however, "pa, 
•jra, $»$, tlhtl>, and on yVy Jb 39:30 see § 55 f The second and third consonants on the other 
hand are very frequently identical, see § 67. : 

(e) The softening mentioned under / is sometimes so great that strong consonants, 
especially in the middle of the stem, actually pass into vowels: cf. § 19 o, and Vtntv Lv 16:8 ff 
if is for ^TV. 

if) Some of the cases in which triliteral stems cannot with certainty be traced back to a 
biliteral root, may be due to a combination of two roots — a simple method of forming 
expressions to correspond to more complex ideas. 

3. Stems of four, or even (in the case of nouns) of five consonants 2 are secondary 
formations. They arise from an extension of the triliteral stem: (a) by addition of a 
fourth stem-consonant; (b) in some eases perhaps by composition and contraction of 
two triliteral stems, by which means even quinqiiiliterals are produced. Stems which 
have arisen from reduplication of the biliteral root, or from the mere repetition of one 
or two of the three original stem-consonants, e.g. ^S 1 ?? from Vd or Vd, nn~inp from 
"ino, are usually not regarded as quadri literals or quinqueliterals, but as conjugational 
forms (§ 55); so also the few words which are formed with the prefix \U, as T\^C§7\U 
flame from nrf?, correspond to the Aramaic conjugation Saphel, 2rf7$. 

Rem. on (a). The letters r and /, especially, are inserted between the first and second 
radicals, e.g. D03, DCH3 to eat up; VPTVtf = IDncp sceptre (this insertion of an r is especially 
frequent in Aramaic); nQVVT hot wind from t]57T to be hot. Cf. Aram. %~\V to roll, expanded 
from %V (conjugation Pael, corresponding to the Hebrew Piel). In Latin there is a similar 
expansion of fid, scid, tud, jug into flndo, scindo, tundo,jungo. At the end of words the 
commonest expansion is by means of b and ], e.g. Ipl axe, Vans garden-land (from Did), 
Vina corolla (srria cup); cf § 85, xi. 

Rem. on (b). Forms such as 57TIQX frog, nVcfhn meadow-saffron, niaV^ shadow of death, 1 
were long regarded as compounds, though the explanation of them all was uncertain. Many 
words of this class, which earlier scholars attempted to explain from Hebrew sources, have 
since proved to be loan-words (§ 1 i), and consequently need no longer be taken into account. 

4. A special class of formations, distinct from the fully developed stems of three 
or four consonants, are (a) the Interjections (§ 105), which, as being direct imitations 
of natural sounds, are independent of the ordinary formative laws; (b) the Pronouns. 
Whether these are to be regarded as the mutilated remains of early developed stems, 
or as relics of a period of language when the formation of stems followed different 

Lexicon. Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on 

the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Britts, 

Oxford, 1906. 

1 l Consonants which are not found together in roots and stems are called 

incompatible. They are chiefly consonants belonging to the same class, e.g. 1\ \?\ pD, 

EH, on, *p, fp, IT, DT, f T, OS, 5?N, 5?n, &c, or in the reverse order. 

1 l So expressly Noldeke in TAW. 1897, p. 183 ff; but most probably it is to be read 

TWtiTl darkness from the stem T$l1 [Arab. Zalima, to be dark]. 

laws, must remain undecided. At all events, the many peculiarities of their formation 2 
require special treatment (§ 32 ff). On the other hand, most of the particles (adverbs, 
prepositions, conjunctions) seem to have arisen in Hebrew from fully developed 
stems, although in many instances, in consequence of extreme shortening, the 
underlying stem is no longer recognizable (see § 99 ff). 

§31. Grammatical Structure. 

P. Dorwald, 'Die Formenbildungsgesetze des Hebr.' (Hilfsbuch fur Lehrer des Hebr.), 
Berlin, 1897, is recommended for occasional reference. 

1. The formation of the parts of speech from the stems (derivation), and their 
inflexion, are effected in two ways: (a) internally by changes in the stem itself, 
particularly in its vowels: (b) externally by the addition of formative syllables before 
or after it. The expression of grammatical relations (e.g. the comparative degree and 
some case-relations in Hebrew) periphrastically by means of separate words belongs, 
not to etymology, but to syntax. 

The external method (b) of formation, by affixing formative syllables, which occurs e.g. 
in Egyptian, appears on the whole to be the more ancient. Yet other families of language, and 
particularly the Semitic, at a very early period had recourse also to the internal method, and 
during their youthful vigour widely developed their power of forming derivatives. But the 
continuous decay of this power in the later periods of language made syntactical 
circumlocution more and more necessary. The same process may be seen also e.g. in Greek 
(including modern Greek), and in Latin with its Romance offshoots. 

2. Both methods of formation exist together in Hebrew. The internal mode of 
formation by means of vowel changes is tolerably extensive C?V\?, 1 7pi7, V^i?; ^yp, ^\?, 
&c). This is accompanied in numerous cases by external formation also Crapriri, 
^'Pipn, ^\?l, &c), and even these formative additions again are subject to internal 
change, e.g. ^jp^n, ^ttpri. The addition of formative syllables occurs, as in almost all 
languages, chiefly in the formation of the persons of the verb, where the meaning of 
the affixed syllables is for the most part still perfectly clear (see §§ 44, 47). It is also 
employed to distinguish gender and number in the verb and noun. Of case-endings, on 
the contrary, only scanty traces remain in Hebrew (see § 90). 



Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 98 ff; Grundriss, i. 296 ff. L. Reinisch, 'Das 
personl. Furwort u. die Verbalflexion in den chamito-semit. Sprachen' {Wiener Akad. der 
Wiss., 1909). 

§ 32. The Personal Pronoun. The Separate Pronoun. 

2 2 Cf. Hupfeld, 'System der semitischen Demonstrativbildung, ' in the Ztschr.f. d. 
Kunde desMorgenl, vol. ii. pp. 124 ff, 427 ff. 

1. The personal pronoun (as well as the pronoun generally) belongs to the oldest 
and simplest elements of the language (§ 30 s). It must be discussed before the verb, 
since it plays an important part in verbal inflexion (§§ 44, 47). 

2. The independent principal forms of the personal pronoun serve (like the Gk. 
£yd), ofj, Lat. ego, tu, and their plurals) almost exclusively to emphasize the 
nominative-subject (see, however, § 135 d). They are as follows: 



1st Person, 

''tf'lK in pause 


wndk inpause undk 

Common. I. 


''IK, in pause '0(£ 

(m<f, inpause und), (UK) 

2nd Person, 

ncjfK (riK), inpause 


m. OfiK 

Masc. thou. 

nri(£or nriGf 

2nd Person, 

fiK ("'fiK properly 

nidjK (nacfK); iriK (]m) 

Fem. thou 

inpause FiK 

3rd Person, 



an (-an), nacf 

Masc. he (it) 

3rd Person, 


n|Cf after prefixes ]Ti, ]Ti 

Fem. she (it) 

The forms enclosed in parentheses are the less common. A table of these pronouns with 
their shortened forms (pronominal suffixes) is given in Paradigm A at the end of this 


First Person. 

1. The form , D'1K is less frequent than UK 1 The former occurs in Phoenician, Moabite, and 
Assyrian, but in no other of the kindred dialects; 1 from the latter the suffixes are derived (§ 
33). The 6 most probably results from an obscuring of an original a (cf. Aram. K1K, Arab. 
'and). The pausal form U^ occurs not only with small disjunctive accents, but even with 
conjunctives; so always in '3<S 'D as I live! also Is 49: 18 with Munah, Ps 1 19: 125 with Merkha 

1 l On the prevalence of 'O'MJ in the earlier Books compare the statistics collected by 
Giesebrecht in ZAW. 1881, p. 251 ff, partly contested by Driver in the Journal of 
Philology, 1882, vol. xi. p. 222 ff. (but cf. his Introduction, ed. 6, p. 135, line 1 f), but 
thoroughly established by Konig in Theol. Stud. u. KriL, 1893, pp. 464 ff. and 478, 
and in his Einleitung in das A. 71, p. 168, &c. In some of the latest books 'DIN is not 
found at all, and hardly at all in the Talmud. [For details see the Lexicon., s. v. MK and 

1 In Phoenician and Moabite (inscription of Mesa, line 1) it is written "pN, without 
the final 1 ". In Punic it was pronounced anec (Plaut. Poen. 5, 1,8) or anech (5, 2, 35). 
Cf. Schroder, Phoniz. Sprache, p. 143. In Assyrian the corresponding form is anaku, 
in old Egyptian anek, Coptic anok, nok. 

(which, however, has been altered from D e hi), and twice in Mai 1:6. In all these cases there is 
manifestly a disagreement between the vocalization already established and the special laws 
regulating the system of accentuation. 

2. The formation of the plural, in this and the other persons, exhibits a certain analogy 
with that of the noun, while at the same time (like the pronouns of other languages) it is 
characterized by many differences and peculiarities. The short form "ON (UN) from which the 
suffix is derived occurs only in Jer 42:6 K e thihh. The form untf (cf § 19 h) only in Ex 16:7, 8, 
Nu 32:32, La 3:42; Ugti inpause, Gn 42: 11; in Arabic nahnu is the regular form. In the Misna 
UK Oun) has altogether supplanted the longer forms. 

3. The pronoun of the 1st person only is, as a rule in languages, of the common gender, 
because the person who is present and speaking needs no further indication of gender, as does 
the 2nd person, who is addressed (in Greek, Latin, English, &c, this distinction is also 
lacking), and still more the 3rd person who is absent. 

Second Person. 

4. The forms of the 2nd person nfiN, AN, DAN, rncfx, &c, are contracted from 'anta, &c. 
The kindred languages have retained the n before the n, e.g. Arab, 'and, fem. 'dnti, thou; pi. 
'dntum, fem. 'antunna, ye. In Syriac rQN, fem. TDK are written, but both are pronounced 'at. In 
Western Aramaic TUN is usual for both genders. 

riK (without n) occurs five times, e.g. Ps 6:4, always as iCthihh, with nfiN as Q e re. In three 
places riK appears as a masculine, Nu 11:15, Dt 5:24, Ez 28: 14. 

The feminine form was originally "'fiK as in Syriac, Arabic, and Ethiopic. This form is 
found seven times as K e thihh (Ju 17:2, 1 K 14:2, 2 K 4: 16, 23, 8: 1, Jer 4:30, Ez 36: 13) and 
appears also in the corresponding personal ending of verbs (see § 44 f), especially, and 
necessarily, before suffixes, as ''rc^'Qi?, § 59 a [c]; cf. also /"as the ending of the 2nd fem. sing. 

of the imperative and imperfect. The final /"was, however, gradually dropped in 
pronunciation, just as in Syriac (see above, f) it was eventually only written, not pronounced. 
The 1 therefore finally disappeared (cf. § 10 k), and hence the Masoretes, even in these seven 
passages, have pointed the word in the text as 'fix to indicate the Q e re m (see § 17). The same 
final 1 " appears in the rare (Aramaic) forms of the suffix 'O d", ^] d" (§§ 58, 91). 

5. The plurals DfiK (with the second vowel assimilated to the fem. form) and "jriK OfiK), 
with the tone on the ultima, only partially correspond to the assumed ground-forms antumu, 
fem. antinna, Arab, dntum (Aram. 'pflN, 'prUN) and antunna (Aram. yriN, TMN). The form "jJnK is 
found only in Ez 34:31 (so Qimhi expressly, others ]T)K); raGfa (for which some MSS. have 
n|diK) only four times, viz. Gn31:6, Ez 13:11,20, 34:17; in 13:20 nm (before a a) is even 
used as feminine. 

Third Person. 

6. (a) In Kin and fron (hu and hi) the K (corresponding to the Elif of prolongation in Arabic, 
cf. § 23 i) might be regarded only as an orthographic addition closing the final long vowel, as 

in at?, W\?l, &c. The K is, however, always written in the case of the separate pronouns, 1 and 
only as a toneless suffix (§ 33 a) does Kin appear as in, while frcn becomes n. In Arabic (as in 
Syriac) they are written in and Ti but pronounced hiiwa and hrya, and in Vulgar Arabic even 
hiiwwa and hiyya. This Arabic pronunciation alone would not indeed be decisive, since the 
vowel complement might have arisen from the more consonantal pronunciation of the 1 and ">; 
but the Ethiopic we e tu (=hua-tu) for Kin, ye e ti\=hia-ti) for K>Tl (cf also the Assyrian ya-u-a 
for Kin?) show that the K was original and indicated an original vocalic termination of the two 
words. According to Philippi {ZDMG. xxviii. 175 and xxix. 371 ff) Kin arose from a primitive 
Semitic ha-va, K^n from ha-ya. 

(b) The form Kin also stands in the consonantal text (iCthihh) of the Pentateuch 2 (with the 
exception of eleven places) for the fern. K^n. In all such cases the Masora, by the punctuation 
Kin, has indicated the Q e re K^n (Q e re perpetuum, see § 17). The old explanation regarded this 
phenomenon as an archaism which was incorrectly removed by the Masoretes. This 
assumption is, however, clearly untenable, if we consider (1) that no other Semitic language is 
without the quite indispensable distinction of gender in the separate pronoun of the 3rd pers.; 
(2) that this distinction does occur eleven times in the Pentateuch, and that in Gn 20:5, 38:25, 
Nu 5:13, 14 Kin and K^n are found close to one another; (3) that outside the Pentateuch the 
distinction is found in the oldest documents, so that the K^n cannot be regarded as having been 
subsequently adopted from the Aramaic; (4) that those parts of the book of Joshua which 
certainly formed a constituent part of the original sources of the Pentateuch, know nothing of 
this epicene use of Kin. Consequently there only remains the hypothesis, that the writing of 
Kin for K^n rests on an orthographical peculiarity which in some recension of the Pentateuch- 
text was almost consistently followed, but was afterwards very properly rejected by the 
Masoretes. The orthography was, however, peculiar to the Pentateuch-text alone, since it is 
unnecessary to follow the Masora in writing K^n for Kin in 1 K 17: 15, Is 30:33, Jb 3 1 : 1 1, or 
Kin for K^n in Ps 73: 16, Ec 5:8, 1 Ch 29: 16. The Samaritan recension of the Pentateuch has the 
correct form in the K e thihh throughout. Levy's explanation of this strange practice of the 
Masoretes is evidently right, viz. that originally Kn was written for both forms (see k, note), 
and was almost everywhere, irrespective of gender, expanded into Kin. On the whole question 
see Driver, Leviticus (in Haupt's Bible), p. 25 f In the text Driver always reads Kn. 

7. The plural forms Dn (nacf) and n|tf (after prefixes in, in) are of doubtful origin, but Dn, 
nan have probably been assimilated to n|(£ which goes back to a form hinna. In Western 
Aram, pan, ian (I13n, 113K), Syr. henun (enuri), Arab, humu (archaic form of hum), and Ethiop. 
homu, an 6 or 6 is appended, which in Hebrew seems to reappear in the poetical suffixes ia~, 
lad", lacf(§911, 3). 

In some passages nacf stands for the feminine (Zc 5: 10, Ct 6:8, Ru 1:22; cf. the use of the 
suffix of the 3rd masc. for the 3rd fem., § 135 o and § 145 t). For the quite anomalous Drnv 2 
K 9:18 read Dn^,y(Jb 32:12). 

8. The pronouns of the 3rd person may refer to things as well as persons. On their 
meaning as demonstratives see § 136. 

1 l In the inscription of King Mesa (see § 2 d), lines 6 and 27, we find XH for Nin, and 
in the inscription of Esmunazar, line 22, for X'n, but in the Zenjirli inscriptions (see § 

1 m) both xn and in occur (Hadad i, 1. 29). 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

2 2 Also in twelve places in the Babylonian Codex (Prophets) of 916 a.d.; cf. Baer, 
Ezechiel, p. 108 f.; Buhl, Canon and Text of the O. T (Edinb. 1892), p. 240. 

§ 33. Pronominal Suffixes. 

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 100 f.; Grundriss, i. 306 ff. J. Barth, 'Beitrage zur 
Suffixlehre des Nerdsemit, ' in the Amer. Journ. of Sent. Lang., 1901, p. 193 ff. 

1. The independent principal forms of the personal pronoun (the separate 
pronoun), given in the preceding section, express only the nominative. 1 The 
accusative and genitive are expressed by forms, usually shorter, joined to the end of 
verbs, nouns, and particles (pronominal suffixes or simply suffixes); e.g. in (toneless) 
and 1 (from dhu) eum and eius, wdfppi? / have killed him (also Vfl^ttj?), intf/pup or (with 
dhu contracted into 6) idiVtti? thou hast killed him; icfiN (also indix) lux eius. 

The same method is employed in all the other Semitic languages, as well as in the 
Egyptian, Persian, Finnish, Tartar, and others; in Greek, Latin, and German we find only 
slight traces of the kind, e.g. German, er gab 's for er gab es; Greek, 7taif|p uou for 7tair)p 
£uoU; Latin, eccum, eccos, &c, in Plautus and Terence for ecce eum, ecce eos. 

2. The case which these suffixes represent is — 

(a) When joined to verbs, the accusative (cf., however, § 1 17 x), e.g. WGjFpttip I 
have killed him. 

(b) When affixed to substantives, the genitive (like 7taxfip uou, pater eius). They 
then serve as possessive pronouns, e.g. OK (abh-ij my father, 1010 his horse, which 
may be either equus eius or equus suus. 

(c) When joined to particles, either the genitive or accusative, according as the 
particles originally expressed the idea of a noun or a verb, e.g. 'TB, literally 

inter stitium mei, between me (cf. mea causa); but 'Ijn behold me, ecce me. 

(d) Where, according to the Indo-Germanic case-system, the dative or ablative of 
the pronoun is required, the suffixes in Hebrew are joined to prepositions expressing 
those cases (7 sign of the dative, | in, ]Kfrom, § 102), e.g. f? to him (ei) and to himself 
(sibi), 13 in him, 'M (usually ^(fityfrom me. 

3. The suffixes of the 2nd person (~j 7, &c.) are all formed with a A>sound, not, like 
the separate pronouns of the 2nd person, with a ^-sound. 

So in all the Semitic languages, in Ethiopic even in the verbal form (qatalka, thou hast 
Mled=Hebr. fi^tfj?). 

4. The suffix of the verb (the accusative) and the suffix of the noun (the genitive) 
coincide in most forms, but some differ, e.g. T me, ' " my. 

Paradigm A at the end of the Grammar gives a table of all the forms of the separate 
pronoun and the suffixes; a fuller treatment of the verbal suffix and the mode of attaching it to 
the verb will be found in § 58 ff, of the noun-suffix in § 91, of the prepositions with suffixes 
in § 103, of adverbs with suffixes § 100 o. 

1 l On apparent exceptions see § 135 d. 

§ 34. The Demonstrative Pronoun. 

Sing, this 

ni 1 

Plur. com. these 

7\)4 (rarely ^N) 


nx'T(n'r, it) 2 

Rem. 1. The feminine form riK'T has undoubtedly arisen from riKT, by obscuring of an 
original a to 6 (for NT = PIT cf. the Arab, hd-dd, this, masc.; for n as the feminine ending, § 80), 
and the forms n'T, IT, both of which are rare, 3 are shortened from nx'T. In Ps 132: 12 IT is used 
as a relative, cf. IT below. In Jer 26:6, iCthibh, nrfNTH (with the article and the demonstrative 
termination n ') is found for nK'T. The forms n^K and Vk are the plurals of HT and TINT by usage, 
though not etymologically. The form Vk occurs only in the Pentateuch (but not in the 
Samaritan text), Gn 19:8, 25, 26:3, 4, &c. (8 times), always with the article, Vtfn [as well as 
7t?R, rr>N7l frequently], and in 1 Ch 20:8 without the article [cf. Driver on Dt 4:42]. 4 Both the 
singular and the plural may refer to things as well as persons. 

2. In combination with prepositions to denote the oblique case we find nf? to this (cf. for 
b, § 102 g), m'f?, riK'T 1 ? to this (fern.), nV^V, nbtfb to these; nrriK hunc, nK'rnx hanc, nV^-riK 
hos, also without TiH, even before the verb Ps 75:8, &c. Note also HT TTjlj pretium huius (IK 
21:2), &c. 

2. The secondary form IT occurs only in poetic style, and mostly for the relative, 
like our that for who [see Lexicon., s. v.]. Like ~i$& (§ 36), it serves for all numbers 
and genders. 

Rem. 1. This pronoun takes the article (run, nx'-tn, nVc&i, VNrp) according to the same rule 
as adjectives, see § 126 u; e.g. H-TH E"Nrp this man, but E»xn HT //iw is //*e man. 

2. Rarer secondary forms, with strengthened demonstrative force, are HT^n Gn 24:65, 
37:19; ITtfn fern. Ez 36:35; and shortened T^n, sometimes masc., as in Ju 6:20, 1 S 17:26, 2 K 
23:17, Zc 2:8, Dn 8:16, sometimes /ew., 2 K 4:25: cf. 1 S 14:1 [and 20:19 LXX; see 
Commentaries and Kittel]. 

3. The personal pronouns of the 3rd person also often have a demonstrative sense, see § 

1 l In many languages the demonstratives begin with a t/-sound (hence called the 
demonstrative sound) which, however, sometimes interchanges with a sibilant. Cf. 
Aram. ]J, ^ masc, frn, y\fem. (this); Sansk. sa, sd, tat; Gothic sa, so, thata; Germ. 
da, der, die, das; and Eng. the, this, that, &c. Cf. J. Barth, 'Zum semit. Demonstr. d, ' 
in ZDMG. 59, 159 ff., and 633 ff.; Sprachwiss. Untersuchungen zum Semit, Lpz. 
1907, p. 30 ff. [See the Lexicon., s. v. HI, and Aram. XT, H.] 

2 2 That HI may stand for the feminine, cannot be proved either from Ju 16:28 or from 
the certainly corrupt passage in Jos 2:17. 

3 3 n'T 2 K 6:19, and in seven other places; IT only in Hos 7:16, Ps 132:12. 

4 4 According to Kuenen (cf. above, § 2 n) and Driver, on Lev 18:27 in Haupt's Bible, 
this ^X is due to an error of the punctuators. It goes back to a time when the vowel of 
the second syllable was not yet indicated by a vowel letter, and later copyists wrongly 
omitted the addition of the n. In Phoenician also it was written "7X, but pronounced ily 
according to Plautus, Poen, v, 1,9. 

§ 35. The Article. 

J. Barth, 'Der heb. u. der aram. Artikel, ' in Sprachwiss. Untersuch. zum Semit., Lpz. 
1907, p. 47 ff. 

1. The article, which is by nature a kind of demonstrative pronoun, never appears 
in Hebrew as an independent word, but always in closest connexion with the word 
which is defined by it. It usually takes the form n, with a and a strengthening of the 
next consonant, e.g. $$(f$ri the sun, ~i'N?n the river, D'lV.n the Levites (according to § 
20mforY^ri, □'l 1 ?n). 

Rem. With regard to the Dages in ? after the article, the rule is, that it is inserted when a n 
or 57 follows the 1 e.g. D'Hirpn the Jews, D^flSPH the weary (D^EPS La 4:3 Q e re is an exception), 
but "liNYi, n^n, TiDVi, &c. Dages forte also stands after the article in the prefix a in certain 
nouns and in the participles Piel and Pual (see § 52 c) before n, 57 and ~i, except when the 
guttural (or ~i) has under it a short vowel in a sharpened syllable; thus Hainan Ez 22:5, rn?7»n 
the cave, Dyi»3 Ps 37:1 (cf Jb 38:40, 1 Ch 4:41); buf]Vna,n Ps 104:3 (Ec 4:15, 2 Ch 23:12; 
before 5? Ps 103:4); ni?;E>y»,n Is 23: 12; cr^&.D Jos 6:22. Before letters other than gutturals 
this p remains without Dages, according to § 20 m. 

2. When the article stands before a guttural, which (according to § 22 b) cannot 
properly be strengthened, the following cases arise, according to the character of the 
guttural (cf. § 27 q). 

(1) In the case of the weakest guttural, N, and also with ~i (§ 22 c and q), the 
strengthening is altogether omitted. Consequently, the Pathah of the article (since it 
stands in an open syllable) is always lengthened to QameS, e.g. nxn the father, "inx.irj 
the other, DXH the mother, IZTXri the man, "lixn the light, D'H'^H 6 9s6<;, %C§7\ the foot, 
IZ/N'in the head, ittzn.n the wicked. 

So also niD^^Neh 3:13, because syncopated from niS^N.ri (cf. verse 14 and Baer 
on the passage); D'iPW.n (as inNu 11:4, Ju 9:41, 2 S 23:33, with the X orthographically 
retained), for 'Thf.n Jer 40:4 (cf. '1X3 verse 1); D'-no.nEc 4:14 for '08, H; □ i ai,ri2Ch 
22:5 for ns,n(cf 2 K 8:28). 

(2) In the case of the other gutturals either the virtual strengthening takes place (§ 
22 c) — especially with the stronger sounds n and n, less often with 57 — or the 
strengthening is wholly omitted. In the former case, the Pathah of the article remains, 
because the syllable is still regarded as closed; in the second case, the Pathah is either 
modified to S e ghol or fully lengthened to QameS. That is to say: — 

A. When the guttural has any other vowel than a (~) or 5 ( T "), then 

(1) before the stronger sounds n and n the article regularly remains H; e.g. Ninn 
that, ttncfnn the month, ^GJn the force, HMnri the wisdom. Before n, a occurs only in 
i nn Gn 6:19 [not elsewhere], □''pnD.ri Is 3:22, WlWX Is 17:8 [not elsewhere]; before 
n, always in nacfri, Dnn. 

(2) before 17 the Pathahis generally lengthened to Qames, e.g. "ptfirj the eye, Tl?ri 
the city, 13<§T\ the servant, plur. DHny.n; D'?^, 1 ? 1 K 12:32; also in Gn 10:17 'p^.n is 
the better reading. Exceptions are rq <£iS7,? Ex 15:10, ffHJS.n 2 S 5:6, 8, Is 42:18, irugb 
Is24:2, D'DYyn Is 65:11, p#GfoEz22:7, D'ni^n Pr 2:13 and nriqfyn Pr 2:17, trr?,"? 1 S 
16:7, Ec 11:7; but T» ^ Gn 3:6, Pr 10:26. Cf. Baer on Is 42:18. 

' ' "IT ' 

B. When the guttural has a (") then 

(1) immediately before a tone-bearing n or y the article is always n, otherwise it is 
3; e.g. D^n the people, "inn the mountain, 1?§?n (in pause) the eye, rncfn towards the 
mountain; but (according to § 22 c) D'tfn.rji the mountains, ]}$$ the iniquity. 

(2) before n the article is invariably d without regard to the tone; e.g. DDn.ri the 
wise man, IGfn the festival. 

C. When the guttural has £] the article is d before f] e.g. D'lZni^D the months; 
ni31p_| in the waste places (without the article 'p _3 boffrdbhoth) Ez 33:27, nlTi^D 
Ez 36:35, 38, cf. 2 Ch 27:4; but n before % as nn&O the sheaves Ru 2:15. 

The gender and number of the noun have no influence on the form of the article. 

Rem. 1. The original form of the Hebrew (and the Phoenician) article -n is generally 
considered to have been Vn, the V of which (owing to the proclitic nature of the article) has 
been invariably assimilated to the following consonant, as in ni? 1 from yilqah, § 19 d. This 
view was supported by the form of the Arabic article Vk (pronounced hal by some modern 
Beduin), the b of which is also assimilated at least before all letters like s and t and before /, n, 
and r, e.g. 'al-Qur 'an but 'as-sdna (Beduin has-sana)=Hebr. ru^n the year. But Barth (Amer. 
Journ. ofSem. Laug., 1896, p. 7 ff), following Hupfeld and Stade, has shown that the Hebrew 
article is to be connected rather with the original Semitic demonstrative hd, ' cf. Arab, hada, 
Aram, hdden, &c. The sharpening of the following consonant is to be explained exactly like 
the sharpening after l consecutive (§ 49 f; cf. also cases like naa, na?, &c, § 102 k), from the 
close connexion of the ha with the following word, and the sharpening necessarily involved 
the shortening of the vowel. 2 

The Arabic article is supposed to occur in the Old Testament in d^hVk 1 K 10: 1 1, 12 (also 
D^bVk 2 Ch 2:7, 9:10, 1 1), sandal-wood (?), and in tt^a^K hail ice=V^ (Arab, gibs) Ez 
13:11, 13, 38:22, but this explanation can hardly be correct. On the other hand, in the proper 
name TliaVK Gn 10:26 the first syllable is probably Vk God, as suggested by D. H. Miiller (see 
Lexicon, s. v.) andNoldeke, Sitzungsber. der Berl. Akad., 1882, p. 1186. D^p^K Pr 30:31, 
commonly explained as=Arab. al-qaum, the militia, is also quite uncertain. 

1 l An original form han, proposed by Ungnad, 'Der hebr. Art., ' in OLZ. x (1907), 
col. 210 f, and ZDMG. 1908, p. 80 ff, is open to grave objections. 

2 2 In the Lihyanitic inscriptions collected by Euting (ed. by D. H. Miiller in 
Epigraphische Denkmdler aus Arabien, Wien, 1889) the article is n, and also in a 
North Arabian dialect, according to E. Littmann, Safa-inschriften, p. 2, Rem., and p. 

2. When the prefixes 3, b, 3 (§ 102) come before the article, the n is elided, and its vowel 
is thrown back to the prefix, in the place of the S e wa (§ 19 k, and § 23 k), e.g. Q?rf;#! in the 
heaven for D^ETO (so Ps 36:6); tsh for WTh to the people, Q^rj,? on tne mountains, U^ini 
in the months; also in Is 41:2, read "135? ,3 instead of the impossible "IBS?, 3. Exceptions to this 
rule occur almost exclusively in the later Books: Ez 40:25, 47:22, Ec 8:1, Dn 8:16, Neh 9: 19, 
12:33, 2 Ch 10:7, 25:10, 29:27; cf, however, 1 S 13:21, 2 S 21:20. Elsewhere, e.g. 2 K 7:12, 
the Masora requires the elision in the Q e re. A distinction in meaning is observed between 
Di'rD about this time (Gn 39: 1 1, 1 S 9: 13, &c.) and di'3 first of all (Gn 25:3 1, &c). After the 
copula l (and) elision of the n does not take place, e.g. Dvni. 

3. The words f~\(& earth, "in mountain, in feast, W people, 15 bull, always appear after the 
article with a long vowel (as inpause); YI&T), "inn, inn, Dan, "I9n; cf. also 'p-ix ark (so in the 
absol. st. in 2 K 12: 10, 2 Ch 24:8, but to be read piK), with the article always iriN,n. 

§ 36. The Relative Pronoun. 

The relative pronoun (cf. § 138) is usually the indeclinable 1$^ (who, which, &c), 
originally a demonstrative pronoun; see further §§138 and 155. In the later books, 
especially Eccles. and the late Psalms, also Lam. (4 times), Jon. (I 7 ), Chron. (twice), 
Ezra (once), — and always in the Canticle (cf. also Ju 7: 12, 8:26, 2 K 6: 1 1), ■$ is used 
instead; more rarely ■# Ju 5:7, Ct 1:7 (Jb 19:29?); once $ before K Ju 6:17 (elsewhere 
$ before a guttural), before n even # Ec 3:18, and according to some (e.g. Qimhi) also 
in Ec 2:22. [See Lexicon, s. v.] 

§ 37. The Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns. 

1. The interrogative pronoun is 'fi who? (of persons, even before plurals, Gn 33:5, 
Is 60:8, 2 K 18:35, and sometimes also of things Gn 33:8, Ju 13:17, Mi 1:5; cf. also 
'QTIB whose daughter? Gn 24:23; 'J? 1 ? to whom? ^~m whom?) — nip, na (see b) what? 
(of things). — npx which? what? 

The form -n», •», &c. (followed by Dages forte conjunct. : even in ], Hb 2: 1, &c, against § 
20 m) may be explained (like the art. -n § 35 1, and ■] in the imperf consec.) from the rapid 
utterance of the interrogative in connexion with the following word. Most probably, however, 
the Dages forte is rather due to the assimilation of an originally audible n (na, as Olshausen), 
which goes back through the intermediate forms math, mat to an original mant: so W. Wright, 
Comparative Grammar, Cambridge, 1890, p. 124, partly following Bottcher, Hebrdische 
Grammatik, § 261. A ground-form mant would most easily explain 1» (what?), used in Ex 
16: 15 in explanation of 1» manna, while ]a is the regular Aramaic for who. Socin calls 
attention to the Arabic mah (in pause with an audible h: MufaSSal, 193, 8). Observe further 

(a) In the closest connexion, by means oiMaqqeph, _ na takes a following Dages (§ 20 d), 
e.g. "]"7"na what is it to thee? and even in one word, as D3"?n what is it to you? Is 3:15; cf. Ex 
4:2, Mai 1:13, and even before a guttural, DHQ Ez 8:6 K e thihh. 

3 3 The full form ~H2/N does not occur in Phoenician, but only IZ/N (=•$&?), pronounced 
asse, esse (also as, es, is, ys, us), or — especially in the later Punic and in the Poenulus 
of Plautus — V (sa, si, sy, su). Also in New Hebrew ■$ has become the common form. 
Cf. Schroder, Phon. Sprache, p. 162 ff and below, § 155; also Bergstrasser, 'Das 
hebr. Prafix ra, ' in TAW. 1909, p. 40 ff. 

(b) Before gutturals in close connexion, by means of Maqqeph or (e.g. Ju 14:18, 1 S 20: 1) 
a conjunctive accent, either na is used with a virtual strengthening of the guttural (§ 22 c), so 
especially before n, and, in Gn 31:36, Jb 21:21, before ]T — or the doubling is wholly emitted. 
In the latter case either (cf § 35 e-k) a is fully lengthened to Qames (so always before the n 
of the article, except in Ec 2: 12; also before natf, H|tf, and so n (Hb 2:18), K (2 S 18:22, 2 K 

8: 14), y (Gn 3 1 :22, 2 K 8: 13), or modified to S'ghol, especially before V, n, and generally 
before n. The omission of the strengthening also takes place as a rule with n, n, V, when they 
have not QameS, and then the form is either na or na, the latter especially before n or V, if 
Maqqeph follows. 

The longer forms na and na are also used (na even before letters which are not gutturals) 
when not connected by Maqqeph but only by a conjunctive accent. As a rule na is then used, 
but sometimes na when at a greater distance from the principal tone of the sentence, Is 1:5, Ps 
4:3. (On na in the combinations nas, naa, and even natf, 1 S 1:8, cf. § 102 k and 1.) 

(c) In the principal pause na is used without exception; also as a rule with the smaller 
disjunctives, and almost always before gutturals (na only in very few cases). On the other 
hand, na more often stands before letters which are not gutturals, when at a greater distance 
from the principal tone of the sentence, e.g. 1 S 4:6, 15: 14, 2 K 1:7, Hag 1:9 (see Kohler on 
the passage), Ps 10:13, Jb 7:21; cf, however, Pr 31:2, and Delitzsch on the passage. 

2. On '& and Hip as indefinite pronouns in the sense of quicunque, quodcunque, and 
as relatives, is qui, id quod, &c, see § 137 c. 


§ 38. General View 
Verbal stems are either original or derived. They are usually divided into — 

(a) Verbal stems proper (primitive verbs), which exhibit the stem without any 
addition, e.g. ~f?K he has reigned. 

(b) Verbal derivatives, i.e. secondary verbal stems, derived from the pure stem 
(letter a), e.g. IZHp to sanctify, ttfapfln to sanctify oneself, from $ljj> to be holy. These 
are usually called conjugations (§ 39). 

(c) Denominatives, 1 i.e. verbs derived from nouns (like the Latin causari, 
praedari, and Eng. to skin, to stone), or even from particles (see d, end) either in a 
primitive or derivative form, e.g. ^HX, Qal and Pi 'el, to pitch a tent, from ^DCfx tent; 
tfntftl and W-\'W to take root, and tthtf to root out, from W-)'W root (§ 52 h). 

This does not exclude the possibility that, for nouns, from which denominative verbs are 
derived, the corresponding (original) verbal stem may still be found either in Hebrew or in the 
dialects. The meaning, however, is sufficient to show that the denominatives have come from 
the noun, not from the verbal stem, e.g. TI12 1 ? a brick (verbal stem p 1 ? to be white), denomin. 

1 l Cf. W. J. Gerber, Die hebr. Verbs denom., insbes. im theol. Sprachgebr. des A. T., 
Lpz. 1896. 

p 1 ? to make bricks; n a fish (verbal stem rm fc> be prolific), denomin. 1H to fish; tynn to winter 
(from ^(Sl autumn, winter, stem Tin to pluck); pip to pass the summer (from y$_ summer, 
stem pp to Z>e /zetf). 

On 'Semitic verbs derived from particles' see P. Haupt in the Amer. Journ. ofSem. Lang., 
xxii (1906), 257 ff 

§ 39. Ground-form and Derived Stems 
Brockelmann, Sem. Sprachwiss., p. 119 ff; Grundriss, p. 504 ff. 

1. The 3rd sing. masc. of the Perfect in the form of the pure stem (i.e. in Qal, see 
e) is generally regarded, lexicographically and grammatically, as the ground-form of 
the verb (§ 30 a), e.g. 7ttp he has killed, 133 he was heavy, 1'ttp he was little 2 From 
this form the other persons of the Perfect are derived, and the Participle also is 
connected with it. Vttp or 7ttp, like the Imperative and Infinitive construct in sound, 
may also be regarded as an alternative ground-form, with which the Imperfect (see § 
47) is connected. 

In verbs vy (i.e. with 1 for their second radical) the stem-form, given both in Lexicon and 
Grammar, is not the 3rd sing. masc. Perfect (consisting of two consonants), but the form with 
medial 1, which appears in the Imperative and Infinitive; e.g. 31W to return (3rd pers. perf 3E>): 
the same is the case in most stems with medial \ e.g. yi to judge. 

2. From the pure stem, or Qal, the derivative stems are formed according to an 
unvarying analogy, in which the idea of the stem assumes the most varied shades of 
meaning, according to the changes in its form (intensive, frequentative, privative, 
causative, reflexive, reciprocal; some of them with corresponding passive forms), e.g. 
itf? to learn, 1^7 to teach; 33$ to lie, 3 , 3#n to lay; UD$ to judge, mm to contend. In 
other languages such formations are regarded as new or derivative verbs, e.g. Germ. 
fallen (to fall), fallen (to fell); trinken (to drink), trdnken (to drench); Lat. lactere (to 

suck, Germ, saugen), lactare (to suckle, Germ, sdugen); iacere (to throw), iacere (to 
lie down); yivouat, yswdco. In Hebrew, however, these formations are incomparably 
more regular and systematic than (e.g.) in Greek, Latin, or English; and, since the 
time of Reuchlin, they have usually been called conjugations of the primitive form 
(among the Jewish grammarians D'^ja, i.e. formations, or more correctly species), and 
are always treated together in the grammar and lexicon. 1 

3. The changes in the primitive form consist either in internal modification by 
means of vowel-change and strengthening of the middle consonant (7ttp, 7ttp; 7ttip, 
*70ip; cf. to lie, to lay; to fall, to fell), or in the repetition of one or two of the stem- 
consonants (VpOi?, 7tf?Wp), or finally in the introduction of formative additions (7ttp}), 
which may also be accompanied by internal change (Vppn, 7t3pfln). Cf. § 31 b. 

In Aramaic the formation of the conjugations is effected more by formative additions than 
by vowel-change. The vocalic distinctions have mostly become obsolete, so that, e.g. the 

2 2 For the sake of brevity, however, the meaning in Hebrew-English Lexicons is 
usually given in the Infinitive, e.g. Ttij to learn, properly he has learnt. 
1 l The term Conjugation thus has an entirely different meaning in Hebrew and Greek 
or Latin grammar. 

reflexives with the prefix rin, ritf, riN have entirely usurped the place of the passives. On the 
other hand, Arabic has preserved great wealth in both methods of formation, while Hebrew in 
this, as in other respects, holds the middle place (§ 1 m). 

4. Grammarians differ as to the number and arrangement of these conjugations. 
The common practice, however, of calling them by the old grammatical terms, 
prevents any misunderstanding. The simple form is called Qal (p\? light, because it has 
no formative additions); the others (□'755 heavy, being weighted, as it were, with the 
strengthening of consonants or with formative additions) take their names from the 
paradigm of ^VB he has done, ! which was used in the earliest Jewish grammatical 
works. Several of these have passives which are distinguished from their actives by 
more obscure vowels. The common conjugations (including Qal and the passives) are 
the seven following, but very few verbs exhibit them all: 


1. Qal 

"7D|7 to kill. 

2. Niph'al 

Vopl to kill oneself '(rarely 


3. Pi'el 

Vtap to kill many, to 


5. Hiph'il 

^ppn to cause to kill. 

7. Hithpa'el 

Vtaprin to kill oneself. 

(Cf § 52 e.) 

4. Pu'alVBp. 

6. Hoph'al "7t3i?n. 
[Very rare, Hothpa'al Vtaprin.] 

There are besides several less frequent conjugations, some of which, however, are 
more common in the kindred languages, and even in Hebrew (in the weak verb) 
regularly take the place of the usual conjugations (§ 55). 

In Arabic there is a greater variety of conjugations, and their arrangement is more 
appropriate. According to the Arabic method, the Hebrew conjugations would stand thus: 1. 
Qal; 2. Pi 'el and Pu 'al; 3. Po Tand Po 'al (see § 55 b); 4. Hiph 'it and Hoph 'al; 5. Hithpa 'el 
and Hothpa 'al; 6. Hithpo 'el (see § 55 b); 7. Niph 'al; 8. Hithpa 'el (see § 54 1); 9. Pi lei (see § 
55 d). A more satisfactory division would be into three classes: (1) The intensive Pi 'el with 
the derived and analogous forms Pu 'al and Hithpa 'el. (2) The causative Hiph 'it with its 
passive Hoph 'al, and the analogous forms (Saph 'el and Tiph 'el). (3) The reflexive or passive 
Niph 'al. 

1 l This paradigm was borrowed from the Arabic grammarians, and, according to 
Bacher, probably first adopted throughout by AbulwalTd. It was, however, unsuitable 
on account of the guttural, and was, therefore, usually exchanged in later times for 
~i\?5, after the example of Moses Qimhi. This verb has the advantage, that all its 
conjugations are actually found in the Old Testament. On the other hand, it has the 
disadvantage of indistinctness in the pronunciation of some of its forms, e.g. FDi?9, 
DJHi??. The paradigm of *7t)j?, commonly used since the time of Danz, avoids this 
defect, and is especially adapted for the comparative treatment of the Semitic dialects, 
inasmuch as it is found with slight change (Arab, and Ethiop. ^np) in all of them. It is 
true that in Hebrew it occurs only three times in Qal, and even then only in poetic 
style (Ps 139:19, Jb 13:15, 24:14); yet it is worth retaining as a model which has been 
sanctioned by usage. More serious is the defect, that a number of forms of the 
paradigm of *7ttp leave the beginner in doubt as to whether or not there should be a 
Dages in the B e gadk e phath letters, and consequently as to the correct division of the 

§ 40. Tenses. Moods. Flexion 

A. Ungnad, 'Die gegenseitigen Beziehungen der Verbalformen im Grundstamm des 
semit. Verbs,' in ZDMG. 59 (1905), 766 ff., and his 'Zum hebr. Verbalsystem', in 
Beitrdge zur Assyriologie ed. by Fr. Delitzsch and P. Haupt, 1907, p. 55 ff. 

1. While the Hebrew verb, owing to these derivative forms or conjugations, 
possesses a certain richness and copiousness, it is, on the other hand, poor in the 
matter of tenses and moods. The verb has only two tense -forms {Perfect and 
Imperfect, see the note on § 47 a), besides an Imperative (but only in the active), two 
Infinitives and a Participle . All relations of time, absolute and relative, are expressed 
either by these forms (hence a certain diversity in their meaning, § 106 ff.) or by 
syntactical combinations. Of moods properly so called (besides the Imperfect 
Indicative and Imperative), only the Jussive and Optative are sometimes indicated by 
express modifications of the Imperfect-form (§ 48). 

2. The inflexion of the Perfect, Imperfect, and Imperative as to persons, differs 
from that of the Western languages in having, to a great extent, distinct forms for the 
two genders, which correspond to the different forms of the personal pronoun. It is 
from the union of the pronoun with the verbal stem that the personal inflexions of 
these tenses arise. 

The following table will serve for the beginner as a provisional scheme of the 
formative syllables (afformatives and preformatives) of the two tenses. The three 
stem-consonants of the strong verb are denoted by dots. Cf. § 44 ff. and the 







7]- ■ 


















•> - 




m. DPI 


/ 1* 


c. U 



m. ] 



f. nj 



m. ] 



f. nj 







§ 41. Variations from the Ordinary Form of the Strong Verb. 

The same laws which are normally exhibited in stems with strong (unchangeable) 
consonants, hold good for all other verbs. Deviations from the model of the strong 
verb are only modifications due to the special character or weakness of certain 
consonants, viz. : — 

(a) When one of the stem-consonants (or radicals) is a guttural. In this case, 
however, the variations only occur in the vocalization (according to § 22), not in the 
consonants. The guttural verbs (§§ 62-65) are, therefore, only a variety of the strong 

(b) When a stem-consonant (radical) disappears by assimilation (§19 b-f), or 
when the stem originally, consisted of only two consonants (verbs ]'% S7"B, and 1"J7, as 
BfcJ, «7j?, Dip, §§ 66, 67, 72). 

(c) When one of the stem-consonants (radicals) is a weak letter. In this case, 
through aphaeresis, elision, &c, of the weak consonant, various important deviations 
from the regular form occur. Cf § 68 ff for these verbs, such as 2U?l, NSJp, n 1 ?! 

Taking the old paradigm Vvei as a model, it is usual, following the example of the Jewish 
grammarians, to call the first radical of any stem Q, the second V, and the third b. Hence the 
expressions, verb K"Q for a verb whose first radical is K {primae radicalis [sc. literae] K); TV 
for mediae radicalis 1; V"V for a verb whose second radical is repeated to form a third. 

The Strong Verb. 


As the formation of the strong verb is the model also for the weak verb, a statement of the 
general formative laws should precede the treatment of special cases. 

Paradigm B, together with the Table of the personal preformatives and afformatives given 
in § 40 c, offers a complete survey of the normal forms. A full explanation of them is given in 
the following sections (§§ 43-55), where each point is elucidated on its first occurrence; thus 
e.g. the inflexion of the Perfect, the Imperfect and its modifications, will be found under Qal, 

The Pure Stem, or Qal. 

§ 43. Its Form and Meaning. 

The common form of the 3rd sing. masc. of the Perfect Qal is "?£)£, with a 
(Pathah) in the second syllable, especially in transitive verbs (but see § 44 c). There 
is also a form with e (Sere, originally i), and another with o (Holem, originally u) in 
the second syllable, both of which, however, have almost always an intransitive 1 
meaning, and serve to express states and qualities, e.g. "?5| to be heavy, ftij? to be 

In Paradigm B a verb middle a, a verb middle e, and a verb middle o are accordingly 
given side by side. The second example "733 is chosen as showing, at the same time, when the 
Dages lene is to be inserted or omitted. 

1 l But cf. such instances as Jer 48:5. In Arabic also, transitive verbs are found with 
middle i , corresponding to Hebrew verbs with e in the second syllable. Hence P. 
Haupt (Proc. Amer. Or. Soc, 1894, p. ci f) prefers to distinguish them as verba 
voluntaria (actions which depend on the will of the subject) and involuntaria (actions 
or states independent of the will of the subject). 

Rem. 1. The vowel of the second syllable is the principal vowel, and hence on it depends 
the distinction between the transitive and intransitive meaning. The QameSof the first 
syllable is lengthened from an original a (cf Arabic qatala), but it can be retained in Hebrew 
only immediately before the tone, or at the most (with an open ultima) in the counter-tone 
with Metheg; otherwise, like all the pretonic vowels (a, e), it becomes S e wd, e.g. DGjfrQp 2nd 
plur. masc. In the Aramaic dialects the vowel of the first syllable is always reduced to S e wa, 
as "7Dp=Hebr. "?Qi?. The intransitive forms in Arabic are qatila, qatula; in Hebrew (after the 
rejection of the final vowel) /"being in the tone-syllable has been regularly lengthened to e, 
and u to o. 

2. Examples of denominatives in Qal are: "inn to cover with pitch, from ~\W pitch ; n"?a to 
salt, from nV<f salt; ~DE> (usually Hiph.) to buy or sell corn, from TJSf corn; see above, § 38 c. 

§ 44. Flexion of the Perfect of Qal. 1 

1. The formation of the persons of the Perfect is effected by the addition of certain 
forms of the personal pronoun, and marks of the 3rd fern. sing, and 3rd pi. (as 
ajformatives) to the end of the verbal-stem, which contains the idea of a predicate, and 
may be regarded, in meaning if not in form, as a. Participle or verbal adjective . For 
the 3rd pers. sing. masc. Perfect, the pronominal or subject idea inherent in the finite 
verb is sufficient: thus, ^ttj? he has killed, rrVcfi? thou hast killed (as it were, killing 
thou, or a killer thou), a killer wast thou=7\T\'& *7ttp; NT he was fearing, D£TNT ye were 
fearing=nm NT. The ending of the 1st pers. plur. (=ir) is also certainly connected with 
the termination of UDCfN, UN we (§ 32 b, d). The afformative of the 1st pers. sing, ('ri) 
is to be referred, by an interchange of D and n (cf. § 33 f), to that form of the pronoun 
which also underlies '3 'IN, I. 2 In the third person n ~ (originally n ~_, cf below, f) is the 
mark of the feminine, as in a great number of nouns (§ 80 c), and 1 is the termination 
of the plural; cf. , for the latter, the termination of the 3rd and 2nd pers. plur. Imperf 
una in Arabic and u (often also II) in Hebrew, also una (in the construct state u) as the 
plural termination of masc. nouns in literary Arabic. 

2. The characteristic Pathah of the second syllable becomes S e wd before an 
afformative beginning with a vowel, where it would otherwise stand in an open 
syllable (as ntfp.i?, itfp.i?; but in pause 7t?(&\?, t?<&\?). Before an afformative beginning 
with a consonant the Pathah remains, whether in the tone-syllable (Ffr&i?, tf7<&\?, 
i ri 1 7G?i?, ^(§\?; in pause FiVc^i? &c.) or before it. In the latter case, however, the QameS 
of the first syllable, being no longer a pretonic vowel, becomes vocal S e wd; as Dt^tti?, 
IC^i?; cf. § 27 i and § 43 b. On the retention of a with Metheg of the counter-tone in 
the Perf consecutive, cf. § 49 i. 

Rem. 1. Verbs middle e in Hebrew (as in Ethiopic, but not in Arabic or Aramaic) 
generally change the £"-sound in their inflexion into Pathah (frequently so even in the 3rd 
sing. masc. Perf). This tendency to assimilate to the moro common verbs middle a may also 

1 l Cf. Noldeke, 'Die Endungen des Perfects' (Untersuchungen zur semit. Gramm. 
ii.), in ZDMG. vol. 38, p. 407 ff , and more fully in Beitrdge zur sent. Sprachwiss., 
Strassb. 1904, p. 15 ff 

2 2 According to Noldeke, I.e., p. 419, the original Semitic termination of the 1st sing. 
Perf. was most probably ku; cf. the Ethiopic qatalku, Arabic qataltu. 

be explained from the laws of vocalization of the tone-bearing closed penultima, which does 
not readily admit of Sere, and never of Hireq, of which the Sere is a lengthening (cf. § 26 p). 
On the other hand, Sere is retained in an open syllable; regularly so in the weak stems K' ,l 7 (§ 
74 g), before suffixes (§ 59 i), and in the pausal forms of the strong stem in an open tone- 
syllable, e.g. 7\\?&} it cleaveth, Jb 29:10 (not nptfj, cf. 2 S 1:23, Jb 41:15; even (contrary to § 
29 q) in a closed pausal syllable, e.g. pE>, Dt 33:12 (out of pause pE>, Is 32:16); butVgi? Is 
33:9, &c, according to § 29 q. 

2. In some weak stems middle a, the Pathah under the second radical sometimes, in a 
closed toneless syllable, becomes ", and, in one example, '. Thus from E>T: nriE>Tl and thou 
shalt possess it, Dt 17: 14; DFH$h?1 Dt 19: 1; DrWTI Dt 4: 1, and frequently; from T> to bring 
forth, to beget; y&f?1 Ps 2:7 (cf. Nu 11:12, Jer 2:27, 15:10); from tl>19; DriE>Q1 Mai 3:20; from 
"7KE>; VFhm 1 have asked him, 1 S 1:20 (Ju 13:6), and three times M'PNtf 1 S 12:13, 25:5, Jb 
21:29. Qimhi already suggests the explanation, that the i\e) of these forms of *7NE> and Eh 1 is 
the original vowel, since along with "?NE> and K>T are also found "7NE> and E>T (see the 
Lexicon). The possibility of this explanation cannot be denied (especially in the case of tth?, 
see § 69 s); the z In these forms might, however, equally well have arisen from an attenuation 
of a (§ 27 s), such as must in any case be assumed in the other instances. Moreover, it is 
worthy of notice that in all the above cases the zls favoured by the character of the following 
consonant (a sibilant or dental), and in most of them also by the tendency towards 
assimilation of the vowels (cf. § 54 k and § 64 f). 

3. In verbs middle o, the Holem is retained in the tone-syllable, e.g. 7\~\'V thou didst 
tremble; t?&l inpause for iVd,^ they were able; but in a toneless closed syllable the original 
short vowel appears in the form of a QameShatUph; TGS^D? 1 have prevailed against him, Ps 
13:5; (ff?5,!5 ( see § 49 h) then shalt thou be able, Ex 18:23; in a toneless open syllable it 
becomes vocal S'wd, e.g. n 1 ?,^, t>^\ 

4. Rarer forms 1 are: Sing. 3rd fern, in n " (as in Arabic, Ethiopic, and Aramaic), e.g. nVTK it 
is gone, Dt 32:36; nncftfri Is 23: 15 (in the Aramaic form, for nn3E>:n); from a verb ry, ratzn, cf. 
§ 72 o. This original feminine ending -ath is regularly retained before suffixes, see § 59 a; and 
similarly in stems Tl" 1 ?, either in the form ath (which is frequent also in stems K" 1 ? § 74 g), or 
with the Pathah weakened to vocal S"wa before the pleonastic ending n ~, e.g. nriVl § 75 i. In 
Ez 31:5 the Aramaic form KH3 1 occurs instead of nro.a. 

2nd masc. 7\T\ for ri (differing only orthographically), e.g. nrnd| thou hast dealt 
treacherously, Mai 2: 14; cf. 1 S 15:3, Gn 3:12 (nFiGfa which is twice as common as FiGft, cf. § 
66 h); Gn 21:23, 2 S 2:26, 2 K 9:3, Is 2:6, Ps 56:9 (so also in Hiphil; 2 K 9:7, Is 37:23, Ps 

2nd fern, has sometimes a Yodh at the end, as in ''fiD^n thou wentest, Jer 31:21; cf. 2:33, 
3:4, 5, 4: 19 (but read the ptcp. Mlf'tf, with the LXX, instead of the 2nd fem.),46 n , and so 
commonly in Jeremiah, and Ez (16 18 , &c); see also Mi 4 13 , Ru 3:3, 4. TO Vn, &c, is really 

1 ^any of these forms, which are uncommon in Hebrew, are usual in the other 
Semitic dialects, and may, therefore, be called Aramaisms (Syriasms) or Arabisms. 
They must not, however, be regarded as cases of borrowing, but as a return to original 

intended, for the vowel signs in the text belong to the marginal reading riD^n (without , ) 1 as in 
the corresponding pronoun 1 ns ('Fix) § 32 h. The ordinary form has rejected the final /, but it 
regularly reappears when pronominal suffixes are added (§ 59 a, c). 

Istpers. comm. sometimes without Yodh, as W& Ps 140: 13, Jb 42:2, 1 K 8:48, Ez 16:59 
(all in K e thibh), Ps 16:2, without a Q e re; in 2 K 18:20 also rn<&< is really intended, as appears 
from Is 36:5. The Q e re requires the ordinary form, to which the vowels of the text properly 
belong, whilst the K e thibh is probably to be regarded as the remains of an earlier orthography, 
which omitted vowel-letters even at the end of the word. 

]T) as the termination of the 2nd plur. m. for ari Ez 33:26, might just possibly be due to the 
following n (cf, for an analogous case, Mi 3:12, § 87 e), but is probably a copyist's error. 
Plur. 2nd fern, in rtt(f- (according to others H|(f-) Am 4:3, but the reading is very doubtful; 
since n follows, it is perhaps merely due to dittography; cf, however, rucJx § 32 i. 

3rd plur. comm. has three times the very strange termination ]V; ]W],1 Dt 8:3, 16 (both 
before K, and hence, no doubt, if the text is correct, to avoid a hiatus), and in the still more 
doubtful form 'pips Is 26: 16; on ]1 in the Imperf. see § 47 m; on the affixed K in Jos 10:24, Is 
28:12, see § 23 i. 

It is very doubtful whether, as in most Semitic languages (see § 47 c, note), the 3rd.fem. 
plur. in Hebrew was originally distinguished from the 3rd masc. plur. by the termination n ", 
as in Biblical Aramaic. Noldeke (ZDMG. 38 [1884], p. 41 1) referred doubtfully to the textual 
readings in Dt 21:7, Jos 15:4, 18:12, 14, 19, Jer 2:15, 22:6, where the Masora uniformly 
inserts the termination u, and to Gn 48:10 in the Samaritan Pentateuch, Gn 49:22, 1 S 4:15, Ps 
18:35, Neh 13:10. In his Beitrdge zur sem. Sprachwiss., p. 19, however, he observes that the 
construction of a fern, plural with the 3rd sing. fem. is not unexampled, and also that n is often 
found as a mistake for 1. On the other hand Mayer Lambert (Une serie de Qere ketib, Paris, 
1891, p. 6 ff) explains all these K e thibh, as well as Ps 73:2, Jer 50:6 (?), and (against 
Noldeke) 1 K 22:49 (where n is undoubtedly the article belonging to the next word), Jb 16:16 
(where the masc. 'OS requires the marginal reading), also Jer 48:41, 51:56, Ez 26:2, Ps 68:14, 
as remains of the 3rd fem. plur. in n ". The form was abandoned as being indistinguishable 
from the (later) form of the 3rd fem. sing., but tended to be retained in the perfect of verbs Ti" 1 ?, 
as riTi K e thihh six times in the above examples. 

5. The afformatives 7\, (fl), Tj, 13 are generally toneless, and the forms with these inflexions 
are consequently Milel (ffrcfp, &c); with all the other afformatives they are Milra (§ 15 c). 
The place of the tone may, however, be shifted: (a) by the pause (§ 29 i-v), whenever a vowel 
which has become vocal S e wa under the second stem-consonant is restored by the pause; as 
nVcfi? for ntftp.p (npcfr for nijfri.'j), and t><$\? for 1<3b,j7 (wtfa for itf?,??; (b) in certain cases after 
wdw consecutive of the Perfect (see § 49 h). 

1 l Where the Masora apparently regards the 'Fi as the termination of the 2nd sing, 
fem., e.g. in Jer 2:20 (twice), Mi 4:13, it has rather taken the form as Istpers. sing. 
(cf. Stade, Gramm., p. 253); so in Ju 5:7, where 'flip j?, on account of verse 12, must 
either have originally been intended as 2nd sing, fem., or is due to an erroneous 
pronunciation of the form rittp as jH!p j? instead of 3rd sing. fem. na [? (as LXX). 

2 2 That these examples can hardly be referred to a primitive Semitic ending tin in the 
3rd plur. Perf., has been shown by Noldeke in ZDMG. vol. 38, p. 409 ff.; cf. also 
ZDMG vol. 32, p. 757 f., where G. Hoffmann proves that the terminations in Ntin of 
the 3rd plur. in Aramaic, formerly adduced by us, are secondary forms. [See also 
Driver, Heb. Tenses 3 , p. 6 note.] 

6. Contraction of a final n with the n of the afformative occurs e.g. in ''fldb Hag 2:5, &c; 
cf Is 14:20, &c, in the Perf. Poel; Dt 4:25 in the HiphitotTmi; Is 21:2, &c, in the Hiphitoi 
rati*. Contraction of a final 1 with the afformative 13 occurs in M<&\ Gn 34:16; in Niph. Ezr 9:7, 
cf. 2 Ch 14:10; in Hiph. 2 Ch 29: 19; with the afformative ?U in the Imperfect Qal Ez 17:23; 
Piel Ps 71:23, where with Baer and Ginsburg n|diri is to be read, according to others rtidiri 
(cf. in Polel 7\1<$\\?T\ Ez 32: 16), but certainly not rudifi with the Mantua ed., Opitius and Hahn; 
with ru in the Imperat. Hiph. Gn 4:23, Is 32:9. 

§ 45. The Infinitive. 
F. Pratorius, 'Ueber den sog. Inf. absol. desHebr., 'in ZDMG. 1902, p. 546 ff 

1. The Infinitive is represented in Hebrew by two forms, a shorter and a longer; 
both are, however, strictly speaking, independent nouns (verbal substantives). The 
shorter form, the Infinitive construct (in Qal Vtij?, l sometimes incorrectly ^itti?), is 
used in very various ways, sometimes in connexion with pronominal suffixes, or 
governing a substantive in the genitive, or with an accusative of the object (§ 115), 
sometimes in connexion with prepositions (V Up 1 ? to kill, § 1 14 f), and sometimes in 
dependence upon substantives as genitive, or upon verbs as accusative of the object. 
On the other hand, the use of the longer form, the Infinitive absolute (in Qal ^ittp, 
sometimes also Vttj7, obscured from original qatfxl), is restricted to those cases in 
which it emphasizes the abstract verbal idea, without regard to the subject or object of 
the action. It stands most frequently as an adverbial accusative with a finite verb of 
the same stem (§ 113 h-s). 1 

The flexibility and versatility of the Infin. constr. and the rigidity and inflexibility 
of the Infin. absol. are reflected in their vocalization. The latter has unchangeable 
vowels, while the 6 of the Infin. constr. may be lost. For V Oj?, according to § 84a, e, 
goes back to the ground-form qutul. 

Other forms of the Infin. constr. Qal of the strong verb are — 

(a) "7D[7, e.g. 3Dtl* to lie, Gn 34:7; "7QE> to sink, Ec 12:4; especially with verbs which have a 
in the second syllable of the Imperf: hence sometimes also with those, whose second or third 
radical is a guttural (frequently besides the ordinary form). All the examples (except 3Dtl>, see 
above) occur in the closest connexion with the following word, or with suffixes (see § 61 c). 
In Ez 21:33 the Masora seems to treat rncf? (verse 20, inpause rntf?) as an Infinitive=n'3tp 1 7; 
probably rncf? should be read. 

(b) nVtpi? and, attenuated from it, n'jtpp; nVtpi? and nVtpi? (which are feminine forms 2 of Vop 
and V tap, mostly from intransitive verbs, and sometimes found along with forms having no 
feminine ending in use), e.g. natZ'N 1 ? to be guilty, Lv 5:26, rnnK to love, 7\'X^1! to hate; nKTV, 

1 l Cf. the analogous forms of the noun, § 93 t. 

1 l The terms absolute and construct are of course not to be understood as implying 
that the Infin. constr. V Up forms the construct state (see § 89) of the Infin. absol. Cittp 
ground-form qatjal). In the Paradigms the Inf. constr., as the principal form, is placed 
before the other, under the name of Infinitive simply. 

2 2 According to the remark of Elias Levita on Qimhi's Mikhlol, ed. Rittenb., 14 a, 
these feminine forms occur almost exclusively in connexion with the preposition *?. 

often in Dt, to fear; 7\1\?X to be old; HKIp to meet (in nfCip 1 ? § 19 k); nvrn 1 ? to lie down, Lv 
20: 16; nntl*^ to anoint, Ex 29:29; 7\*T?f? to wash, Ex 30:18, &c; nNatf? (also a subst.= 
uncleanness, like nK»Q) fo Z>e unclean, Lv 15:32; rail? 1 ? to approach, Ex 36:2, &c; cf. Lv 
12:4, 5, Dt 11:22, Is 30:19, Ez 21:16, Hag 1:6; also n^,^ to be far off, Ez 8:6; nVan fo_p/fy, Ez 
16:5; cf. Ho 7:4. On the other hand in 7t?W Gn 19: 16, the original a has been modified to e; 
cf. Hj7Tn Is 8:11, &c. 

(c) In the Aramaic manner (Vopa but cf. also Arab, maqtal) there occur as Infin. Qal: 
nfttfa to send, Est 9: 19; frCipa to ca/Z and VDa to depart, Nu 10:2 (Dt 10: 1 1); nj?a to take, 2 Ch 
19:7, &c; N ; i2/a to carry, Nu 4:24, &c. (cf. even niNt^a 1 ? Ez 17:9); also with a feminine ending 
nVvn to go wp, Ezr 7:9, &c; cf. for these forms (almost all very late) Ryssel, De Elohistae 
Pentateuchici sermone, p. 50, and Strack on Nu 4:24. Cf. also rD?na followed by riK, Is 13:19, 
Am 4:11, (§ 115 d). 

(d) nVdbp in mM? Gn 8:7; nVcS? Nu 14:16; probably also m6n Ex 31:5, 35:33. 

2. A kind of Gerund is formed by the Infin. constr. with the preposition "?; as *7 'Up 1 ? 
ad inter ficiendum, YBf? ad cadendum (see § 28 a). 

The blending of the V with the Infin. constr. into a single grammatical form seems to be 
indicated by the firmly closed syllable, cf. I^b Gn 34:7; V Erf? Ps 118: 13, with Dages lene in 
the B=lin-pol; hence, also liq-tdl, &c; but "7 '933 bin e phol, Jb 4:13; VQ33 2 S 3:34. Exceptions 
x:n 1 ?Nu4:23, 8:24; fim 1 ?! Bfiitf? Jer 1:10, 18:7, 31:28; TiW 1 ? Jer 47:4; nintp"? Jer 11:19, &c, 
Ps 37:14; pnn 1 ? 2 Ch 34:10; according to some also 33D 1 ? Nu 21:4 and cnr)"? 2 Ch 28:10 (Baer 
E'SD 1 ?); on the other hand ]'3V2 Gn 35:22; 13T3 Jer 17:2. For the meaningless VV-)i? Ezr 10: 16 
read M^b. 

§ 46. The Imperative. 

1. The ground-forms of the Imperative, V Up (properly q e tul, which is for an 
original qiitiil), and ^Op (see below, c), the same in pronunciation as the forms of the 
Infin. constr. (§ 45), are also the basis for the formation of the Imperfect (§ 47). * They 
represent the second person, and have both fern, and plur. forms. The third person is 
supplied by the Imperfect in the Jussive (§ 109 b); and even the second person must 
always be expressed by the Jussive, if it be used with a negative, e.g. V tti?n -1 7N ne 
occidas (not V tt|7 -1 7X). The passives have no Imperative, but it occurs in the reflexives, 
as Niphal and Hithpael. 2 

2. The Afformatives of the 2nd sing. fern, and the 2nd plur. masc. and fern, are 
identical in every case with those of the Imperfect (§ 47 c). In the same way, the 
Imperative of the 2nd sing, masc, in common with the Imperfect, admits of the 
lengthening by the 7] ~paragogicum (§ 48 i), as, on the other hand, there are certain 
shortened forms of this person analogous to the Jussive (§ 48. 5). 

Rem. 1. Instead of the form Vop : (sometimes also plene, e.g. ~ii»E> Ec 12:13; before 
Maqqeph "Vtpp with QameS hatuph), those verbs which have an a in the final syllable of the 

1 l The Infin. absol, like the Greek Infin., is also sometimes used for the Imperative 
(§113 bb). Cf. in general, Koch, Der semitische Inf. (Schaffhausen, 1874). 

2 2 In Hophal an Imperative is found only twice (Ez 32:19, Jer. 49:8), and closely 
approximating in meaning to the reflexive. 

Imperf. (i.e. especially verbs middle e) make their Imperative of the form Vop, e.g. 'E^V dress! 
(Perf HO 1 ? and til)); 35tl* lie down! inpause 3||E> 1 S 3:5, 6, 9. 

2. The first syllable of the sing. fem. and plur. masc. are usually to be pronounced with 
ywa mobile (qitlf,qiTlu, and so "OQE>, &c, without Dages lene, and even 13$, a with Mef/zeg, 
Ex 12:21; but cf. ■'SDK Jer 10:17, and with the same phonetic combination "'Dt^n Is 47:2; see 
analogous cases in § 93 m); less frequently we find an instead of the i"e.g. 'oVa rule, Ju 

9: 10; irwa draw, Ez 32:20; Win Jer 2: 12 (cf. ->2§n Is 44:27); on '-ao, j? 1 S 28:8 gVe, •>$<§% Jer. 
22:20 (cf. 1 K 13:7), see § 10 h. This 6 arises (see above, a) from a singular ground-form 
qutul, not from a retraction of the original u of the second syllable. We must abandon the 
view that the forms with z In the first syllable (cf. also r iax, nin, naa, ,_ 13V) arise from a 
weakening of the characteristic vowel o. They, or at least some of them, must rather be 
regarded with Barth (ZDMG. 1889, p. 182) as analogous to the original /"imperfects. See 
further analogies in §§ 47 i and 48 i; 61 b, 63 n. 

Thepausal form of the 2nd plur. masc. is rf U 1 K 3:26; from yaiZ>, WCfty, &c; similarly 
the 2nd sing. fem. inpause is "HCSs? Is 23:12; even without the pause "Oitfa Ju 9:10, 12, ICth.; 
•'aitfp 1 S 28:8, ICth. (cf. with this also HDiVa, &c, § 48 i); from natz>, ">$(£& Jo 2:21. 

3. In the 2nd plur. fem. ])J<Sv occurs once, in Gn 4:23 (for rnydw) with loss of the n " and 
insertion of a helping vowel, unless it is simply to be pointed ]y<£w. Also instead of the 
abnormal ]$y Ex 2:20 (for ruxdj?) we should perhaps read as in Ru 1:20 }X6\? (cf. ]K<£b 1:9 
and ptf 1:12). 

On the examples of a 2nd plur. fem. in d", Is 32: 1 1, see § 48 i. 

§ 47. The Imperfect and its Inflexion. 

1. The persons of the Imperfect, 1 in contradistinction to those of the Perfect, are 
formed by placing abbreviated forms of the personal pronoun (preformatives) before 

1 l On the use of the Semitic Perfect and Imperfect cf. 106 ff. and the literature cited 
in § 106. For our present purpose the following account will suffice : — The name 
Imperfect is here used in direct contrast to the Perfect, and is to be taken in a wider 
sense than in Latin and Greek grammar. The Hebrew (Semitic) Perf. denotes in 
general that which is concluded, completed, and past, that which has happened and 
has come into effect; but at the same time, also that which is represented as 
accomplished, even though it be continued into present time or even be actually still 
future. The Imperf. denotes, on the other hand, the beginning, the unfinished, and the 
continuing, that which is just happening, which is conceived as in process of coming 
to pass, and hence, also, that which is yet future; likewise also that which occurs 
repeatedly or in a continuous sequence in the past (Latin Imperf.). It follows from the 
above that the once common designation of the Imperf. as a Future emphasizes only 
one side of its meaning. In fact, the use of Indo-Germanic tense-names for the Semitic 
tenses, which was adopted by the Syrians under the influence of the Greek 
grammarians, and after their example by the Arabs, and finally by Jewish scholars, 
has involved many misconceptions. The Indo-Germanic scheme of three periods of 
time (past, present, and future) is entirely foreign to the Semitic tense-idea, which 
regards an occurrence only from the point of view of Completed or incomplete 

the stem, or rather before the abstract form of the stem (V tt[?). As, however, the tone is 
retained on the characteristic vowel of the Stem-form, or even (as in the 2nd sing. fern. 
and the 3rd and 2ndplur. masc.) passes over to the afformatives, the preformatives of 
the Imperfect appear in a much more abbreviated form than the afformatives of the 
Perfect, only one consonant (', F), X, l) remaining in each form. But as this 
preformative combined with the stem-form was not always sufficient to express at the 
same time differences both of gender and number, the distinction had to be farther 
indicated, in several cases, by special afformatives. Cf the table, § 40 c. 

2. The derivation and meaning, both of the preformatives and the afformatives, 
can still, in most cases, be recognized. 

In the first pers. V UpN, plur. V tt[?3, X is probably connected with 'Jg, and 1 with 
UDd; here no indication of gender or number by a special ending was necessary. As 

regards the vocalization, the Arabic points to the ground-forms aqtul and naqtul: the /" 
of the 1st plur. is, therefore, as in the other preformatives, attenuated from a. The 
S e ghol of the 1st sing, is probably to be explained by the preference of the X for this 
sound (cf. § 22 o, but also § 51 p); according to Qimhi, it arises from an endeavour to 
avoid the similarity of sound between V tt[?N (which is the Babylonian punctuation) 
and V Pi?', which, according to this view, was likewise pronounced iqtol 1 

The preformative n of the second persons (V tt[?fl, ground-form taqttil, &c.) is, 
without doubt, connected with the n of nriN, DfiN. &c, and the afformative , " of the 
2nd fern. sing. ,l ?Pi?F) with the i of the original feminine form 'AN (see § 32 h). The 
afformative 1 of the 2nd masc. plur. t?V\?T\ (in its more complete form, "pi, see m) is the 
sign of the plural, as in the 3rd pers., and also in the Perfect (§ 44 a). In the Imperfect, 
however, it is restricted in both persons to the masculine, 2 while the afformative rn 
(also ]) of the 3rd and 2nd plur. fern, is probably connected with 7\1G& eae and niciiN vos 

action. — In the formation of the two tenses the chief distinction is that in the Perfect 
the verbal stem precedes and the indication of the person is added afterwards for 
precision, while in the Imperf the subject, from which the action proceeds or about 
which a condition is predicated, is expressed by a prefixed pronoun. 

1 * Cf. § 24 e. In favour of the above view of Qimhi may be urged the phonetic 
orthography m (in Pr 18:24 tf'K), 2 S 14:19 (unless, with Perles, nm is to be read), 
Mi 6:10, forttr, and 'tf'N 1 Ch2:13 for 'tf? (as verse 12). Also nSTN.nMi 6:11 is 
probably for 'IN, n = 'I'D, TpDN Is 10:12 for Tp^; l&mx Is 51:19 for :|»D,3?; and 
conversely "DWW is for 'Wm=™ tf'N. Similarly, •'W 1 S 14:49 is probably for vm or 
rP#N; in 2 S 23:8 mun nitf' is, according to the LXX, an error for nttnw'=ntfa#N. In 
Assyrian also the simple /' corresponds to the Hebrew 1 as the preformative of the 
Impf. Qal. 

2 2 This is also the proper gender of the plural syllable u, un. In Hebrew, indeed, it is 
used in the 3rd plur. Perfect for both genders, but in the kindred languages even there 
only for the masculine, e.g. in Syriac q e talu, q e bxlun, with the feminine form q e tolen, 
in Western Aram. q e talu, fern. q e tald\ in Arab, qatalu, fern, qatdlna, Eth. qdtdlu, 

The preformatives of the third persons (' in the masc. V Up?, ground-form ydq tfd, 
plur. t?y\?1, ground-form ydq tulu; n in the fern. Vt3j?fi, plur. 7]f?(S2\? T T\) have not yet met 
with any satisfactory explanation. With n might most obviously be compared the 
original feminine ending n ~ of nouns, and of the 3rd fern. sing, perfect. For the 
afformatives 1 (fi) and nj, see c. 

3. The characteristic vowel of the second syllable becomes S e wd before tone- 
bearing afformatives which begin with a vowel, but is retained (as being in the tone- 
syllable) before the toneless afformative ni Thus: 'tft?i?fl, itfpi??, itfppn (but in pause 
^dbpri &c), n^dbipn. 

Rem. 1. The o of the second syllable (as in the inf. constr. and imperat.), being lengthened 
from an original u in the tone-syllable, is only tone-long (§ 9 r). Hence it follows that: (a) it is 
incorrectly, although somewhat frequently, written plene; (b) before Maqqeph the short vowel 
appears as QameS hatkph, e.g. D;E'"3J1D , 1 and he wrote there, Jos 8:32 (but cf. also Ex 21:37, 
Jos 18:20); (c) it becomes S e wd before the tone-bearing afformatives , " and 1 (see above, e; 
but Jerome still heard e.g. iezbuleni for 'OfiiaP; cf. TAW. iv. 83). 

Quite anomalous are the three examples which, instead of a shortening to S'wd, exhibit a 
long u: D.n ^CfiSE" Ex 18:26, immediately before the principal pause, but according to Qimhi 
(ed. Rittenb. p. 18 b ), ed. Mant, Ginsb., Kittel against the other editions, with the tone on the 
ultima; likewise gn» ''limy rrK; 1 ? Ru 2:8; D/iwri (in principal pause) Pr 14:3. In the first two 
cases perhaps Itaidtl* 1 and nitfyii (for IDCfeti", &c.) are intended, in virtue of a retrogressive 
effect of the pause; in Pr 14:3 on»tl>fi is to be read, with August Miiller. 

2. The o of the second syllable is to be found almost exclusively with transitive verbs 
middle a, like Voi?. Intransitives middle a and e almost always take a (Pathah) 1 in the impf, 
e.g. yT), YZy. to couch, 35E>, 33E" to lie down (laV, "raV 1 to learn is also originally intransitive 
= to accustom oneself); b~l\, V'TP to become great (but cf. IDE' and pti> imperf. 1'3K" to dwell 
and to inhabit, Vra imperf. ^T to wither); also from verbs middle o, as 7'djp to be small, the 
imperf. has the form Y$T.- 

Sometimes both forms occur together; those with o having a transitive, and those with a 
an intransitive meaning, e.g. 1 ^p 1 he cuts off, l^p 1 he is cut off, i.e. is short; yhj) impf. o, to 
overcome, Ex 17: 13; impf. a, to be overcome, Jb 14: 10. More rarely both forms are used 
without any distinction, e.g. "]' -W and ~}-W he bites, fSPP and f SPP he is inclined (but only the 
latter with a transitive meaning=Ae bends, in Jb 40: 17). On the a of the impf. of verbs middle 
and third guttural, cf. § 64 b; § 65 b. In some verbs first guttural (§ 63 n), V"V (§ 67 p), V 'D (§ 
69 b), and K"D (§ 68 c), and in ]N for yinten from ]T}1 to give, instead of a or o a movable Sere 
(originally zjis found in the second syllable. A trace of these /-imperfects 2 in the ordinary 
strong verb is probably to be found in U^by 2 K 7:8, since pD otherwise only occurs in Qal. 
We call these three forms of the imperfect after their characteristic vowel impf. o, impf. a, 
impf. e. 

ZAW. ZAW,= Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff, and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

1 l This a is, however, by no means restricted to intransitive strong verbs; apart from 
verbs third guttural (§ 65 b), it is to be found in T'D and V"V, and in many verbs N"D and 
'"3 (§§ 69-71). 

2 2 Cf. Barth, 'Das i -Imperfekt im Nordsemitischen, ' ZDMG. 1889, p. 177 ff. 

3. For the 3rd sing. fern. V 'Upfi (=tiq-t5l), Baer requires in 1 S 25:20 t£>lQfl (but read with 
ed. Mant, &c. mm). For the 2nd sing. fern, OVtppfi) the form b Dpri is found in Is 57:8, Jer 3:5, 
Ez 22:4, 23:32, in every case after the regular form; but cf. also Ez 26: 14. In Is 17: 10, where 
the 2nd fem. precedes and follows, probably '31 psniri is to be read with Marti for wfltti. — 
For the 3rdplur. fem. rnVcfopfl we find in Jer 49: 1 1, in pause fflttShfi (for nxicjhji), and thrice 
(as if to distinguish it from the 2nd pers.) the form Tlf?&ii?^ with the preformative 1 (as always 
in Western Aram., Arab, Eth., and Assyr.), in Gn 30:38, 1 S 6: 12, Dn 8:22. On the other hand, 
nf?(Si\?T\ appears in some cases to be incorrectly used even for the fem. of the 3rd pers. or for 
the masc. of the 2nd pers. sing, as rufjtftffl Ju 5:26 (where, however, perhaps r?3C5 1 7tz;ri is to be 
read), and Ob 13 , for 2nd sing, masc, according to Olshausen a corruption of T nVt^ri; in Pr 
1:20, 8:3 for rucfiri read nriri as in Jb 39:23; in Ex 1: 10 read U^hpfi with the Samaritan. — In Is 
27: 1 1, 28:3, as also in Jb 17: 16 (if we read 'rait? with LXX for the 2nd Tilpn), it is equally 
possible to explain the form as a plural. This small number of examples hardly justifies our 
finding in the above-mentioned passages the remains of an emphatic form of the Impf, 
analogous to the Arab. Modus energicus I, with the termination anna. 

For ru we frequently find, especially in the Pentateuch and mostly after waw consecutive, 
simply J na, e.g. Gn 19:33, 36, 37:7, Ex 1:18, 19, 15:20, Nu 25:2, Ez 3:20, 16:55; in Arab, 
always na. According to Elias Levita ]^<f?T\ (2 S 13: 18) is the only example of this kind in the 
strong verb. The form nrcfawn (so also Qimhi and ed. Mant.; but Baer, Ginsb. rucfaarn) for 
nxiditfll they were high, Ez 16:50, is irregular, with , ~ inserted after the manner of verbs V"V 
and rv, § 67 d; § 72 i; according to Olshausen it is an error caused by the following form. 

4. Instead of the plural forms in 1 there are, especially in the older books, over 300 
forms 1 with the fuller ending ]) (with Nun paragogicum), always bearing the tone; cf. 
§ 29 m and § 44 1; on its retention before suffixes, see § 60 e; also defectively ]T~\] Ex 
21:18, 22:8, &c. This usually expresses marked emphasis, and consequently occurs 
most commonly at the end of sentences (in the principal pause), in which case also the 
(pausal) vowel of the second syllable is generally retained. Thus there arise full- 
sounding forms such as "pig)'? 1 ?? they collect, Ps 104:28; 'pgrp they tremble, Ex 15:14; 
■plgf^Pl ye shall hear, Dt 1:17; cf. Ex 34:13, with Zaqeph qaton, Athnah, and Silluq; 
Jos 24:15, with Segolta; Is 13:8 and 17:13 with Zaqeph qaton, 17:12 with Athnah and 
Silluq, 41:5 after waw consec. Without the pause, e.g. Ps 11:2 n#(jf ]^~)T., cf. 4:3, Gn 
18:28, 29, 30 ff., 44:1, Nu 32:23, Jos 4:6 (pWl)l Is 8:12, 1 S 9:13, Ru 2:9 (TH'Xj?? 
and ItoJ^); Ju 11:18 after waw consec. 

Some of these examples may be partly due to euphonic reasons, e.g. certainly Ex 17:2, 
Nu 16:29, 32:20, 1 S 9: 13, 1 K 9:6, and often, to avoid a hiatus before K or 57. It was, however, 
the pause especially which exerted an influence on the restoration of this older and fuller 
termination (cf. § 159 c, note), as is manifest from Is 26:11: wdl) Iflrj,? 'pgTn i ?~ 1 73 they see not; 
may they see and become ashamed. All this applies also to the corresponding forms in the 
Imperfect of the derived conjugations. 1 In Aramaic and Arabic this earlier }l (old Arabic una) 
is the regular termination; but in some dialects of vulgar Arabic it has also become u. 

1 1 [See details in F. Bottcher, Lehrb., § 930; and cf. Driver on 1 S 2:15.] 
1 l It is to be observed that the Chronicles often omit the Nun, where it is found in the 
parallel passage in the Books of Kings; cf. 1 K 8:38, 43 with 2 Ch 6:29, 33; 1 K 
12:24, 2 K 11:5 with 2 Ch 11:4, 23:4. 

With an affixed N we find (in the imperf Niphal) KWr Jer 10:5, evidently an error for 
INty.a?, caused by the preceding KW1 — In qww Is 35: 1, since a follows, the D is no doubt only 
due to dittography. 

5. Corresponding to the use of ]) for 1 there occurs in the 2nd sing, fem., although much 
less frequently, the fuller ending l 1 " (as in Aram, and Arab.; old Arab, ma), also always with 
the tone, for ^ ", generally again in the principal pause, and almost in all cases with retention 
of the vowel of the penultima; thus V\?TjT\ Ru 2:8, 21, cf 3:4, 18, 1 S 1:14 (HiritWl), Jer 
31:22, Is 45:10. 

6. On the reappearance in pause of the o which had become SFwd in the forms ^\?T\, &c, 
see above, e; similarly, the imperfects with a restore this vowel in pause and at the same time 
lengthen it (as a tone-vowel) to a, hence, e.g. ,1 ? ( f}?, ftcfv. This influence of the pause extends 
even to the forms without afformatives, e.g. l ?'$% in pause VgVl- But the fuller forms in (in 
and in have the tone always on the ultima, since the vowels u and zln a closed final syllable 
never allow of the retraction of the tone. 

7. On the numerous instances of passive forms in the imperfect, mostly treated as Hophal, 

see § 53 u. 

§ 48. Shortening and Lengthening of the Imperfect and Imperative. The Jussive and 


1. Certain modifications which take place in the form of the imperfect, and 
express invariably, or nearly so, a distinct shade of meaning, serve to some extent as a 
compensation for the want of special forms for the Tempora relativa and for certain 
moods of the verb. 

2. Along with the usual form of the imperfect, there exists also a lengthened form 
of it (the cohortative), and a shortened form (the jussive) 2 The former occurs (with 
few exceptions) only in the 1st person, while the latter is mostly found in the 2nd and 
3rd persons, and less frequently in the 1st person. The laws of the tone, however, and 
of the formation of syllables in Hebrew, not infrequently precluded the indication of 
the jussive by an actual shortening of the form; consequently it often — and, in the 
imperfect forms with afformatives, always — coincides with the ordinary imperfect 
{indicative) form. 

In classical Arabic the difference is almost always evident. That language distinguishes, 
besides the indicative yaqtulu, (a) a subjunctive, yaqtula; (b) a jussive, yaqtul; (c) a double 
'energetic' mood of the impf, yaqtulanna and yaqtulan, in pause yaqtula, the last form thus 
corresponding to the Hebrew cohortative. 

3. The characteristic of the cohortative form is an a (n ~) affixed to the 1st pers. 
sing, or plur., e.g. rf^iP^ from V Up^. 1 It occurs in almost all conjugations and classes 
of the strong and weak verb (except of course in the passives), and this final n ~ has 

2 2 The perfect has only one form, since it cannot be used, like the imperfect, to 
express mood-relations (see § 106 p). 

1 l Probably this a goes back to the syllable an, which in Arabic (see above, Rem. to 
b) is used for the formation of the 'energetic' mood, and in Hebrew (see the footnote 
to § 58 i) often stands before suffixes. 

the tone wherever the afformatives =1 and "> ~ would have it. As before these endings, so 
also before the n ~ cohortative, the movable vowel of the last syllable of the verbal 
form becomes S* ewd, e.g. in Qal n(fa#8 1 will observe, in Pi el n(jfplj let us break 
asunder, Ps 2:3; on 7\U$M Is 18:4 Q e re (cf. also 27:4, Ezr 8:25, &c), see § 10 h; with 
X\\eK e thibh of these passages, compare the analogous cases ittlDiz;'', &c, § 47 g. — On 
the other hand, an unchangeable vowel in the final syllable is retained as tone-vowel 
before the n ", as (e.g.) in Hiph. nTdTN I will praise. In pause (as before u and i), the 
vowel which became S e wd is restored as tone-vowel; thus for the cohortative nc!ia#$ 
the pausal form is rnga^S Ps 59:10; cf. Gn 18:21, Is 41:26. 

The change of n ~ into the obtuse n " seems to occur in 1 S 28: 15, unless, with Nestle, we 
are to assume a conflate reading, K_"ipKl and nipKl; and with the 3rd pers. Ps 20:4, in a 
syllable sharpened by a following Dages forte conjunct. ; cf. similar cases of the change of n ' 
into the obtuse n " in / and in §§ 73 d, 80 i, 90 i. In Ps 20:4, however, ntf E>T — with suffix — is 
probably intended. An n " cohort, is also found with the 3rd pers. in Is 5: 19 (twice); Ez 23:20, 
and again in verse 16 according to the Q e re, but in both these cases without any effect on the 
meaning. Probably another instance occurs in Jb 11:17, although there HQGfri might also, with 
Qimhi, be regarded as 2nd masc. For the doubly irregular form nriKidri Dt 33:16 (explained 
by Olshausen and Konig as a scribal error, due to a confusion with nN'on in verse 14), read 
rUNidk For 'jriKinri Jb 22:21 the noun 'jriK^ari thine increase, might be meant, but the Masora 
has evidently intended an imperfect with the ending ath, instead of n ", before the suffix, on 
the analogy of the 3rd sing. fem. perfect, see § 59 a; on TiKnm 1 S 25:34, see § 76 h. 

The cohortative expresses the direction of the will to an action and thus denotes 
especially self-encouragement (in the 1st plur. an exhortation to others at the same time), a 
resolution or a wish, as an optative, &c, see § 108. 

4. The general characteristic of the jussive form of the imperfect is rapidity of 
pronunciation, combined with a tendency to retract the tone from the final syllable, in 
order by that means to express the urgency of the command in the very first syllable. 
This tendency has, in certain forms, even caused a material shortening of the 
termination of the word, so that the expression of the command appears to be 
concentrated on a single syllable. In other cases, however, the jussive is simply 
marked by a shortening of the vowel of the second syllable, without its losing the 
tone, and very frequently (see above, b) the nature of the form does not admit of any 
alteration. It is not impossible, however, that even in such cases the jussive in the 
living language was distinguished from the indicative by a change in the place of the 

In the strong verb the jussive differs inform from the indicative only in Hiphit 
(juss. ^\?l, ind. ^\?l), and similarly in the weak verb, wherever the imperfect 
indicative has un the second syllable, e.g. from nizr impf. Hiph. Tpv, juss. 2WV; from 
ma, ma 1 and na 1 ; also in Qal of the verbs V'J7 and '"57, as n'a\ ind. ma 1 ; ^P, ind. ^T; in 
all conjugations of verbs H" 1 ?, so that the rejection (apocope) of the ending n " in Qal 
and Hiph. gives rise to monosyllabic forms, with or without a helping vowel under the 
second radical, e.g. Qal ind. n^r, juss. %(£, Hiph. ind. rfpr, juss. %($, and in the Piel yi] 

from the indie. njSJ (called apocopated imperfects). But almost all 1 the plural forms of 
the jussive coincide with those of the indicative, except that the jussive excludes the 
fuller ending fl. Neither do the forms of the 2nd sing, fern., as '"p'Gjip, fl, 'TUdifl, ^n, &c, 
admit of any change in the jussive, nor any forms, whether singular or plural, to which 
suffixes are attached, e.g. 'irfi'Bfl as ind. Jer 38:15, as jussive Jer 41:8. 

The meaning of the jussive is similar to that of the cohortative, except that in the 
jussive the command or wish is limited almost exclusively to the and or 3rd pers. On 
special uses of the jussive, e.g. in hypothetical sentences (even in the 1st pers.), see § 
109 h. 

5. The imperative, in accordance with its other points of connexion with the 
imperfect in form and meaning, admits of a similar lengthening (by n ;, Arab, imper. 
energicus, with the ending -anna or -an, in pause -a) and shortening. Thus in Qal of 
the strong verb, the lengthened form of ~i 'IN} guard is 7T)$$ 2 (som e rd, cf. 'pipp. qiVh"§ 
46 d); n'Ty, nnjy Jer 49: 1 1; 33$, 7133U; lie down; ra#, 7\ym hear, in lesser pause 7N(&V} 
Dn 9:19; inNiphal 71373, ;#7l Gn 21:23. Cf, however, also HI??? sell, Gn 25:31, 
notwithstanding the impf. T3ff; Tpiy Jb 33:5 (cf. D}37 Jer 46:3), but impf. }'15?J; 
TlQO.N collect, Nu 1 1 : 16 (for 'ON cf. § 63 1 and the plural toON), but 2nd masc. H'OS; 
TCfi'i Ps 141:3. Barth (see above, § 47 i note) finds in these forms a trace of old 
imperfects in /', cf. § 63 n. On the other hand, TCOp Ps 69:19 (also Imperat. 31p Lv 9:7, 
&c), but impf. 31p\ Without 71, we have the form f? go, Nu 23:13, Ju 19:13, 2 Ch 
25:17. The form ^'Uf? in pause becomes Ti^dbp, the form *7ttp becomes 7f?G£p, e.g. 7i$c£ 
Dt 33:23. But also without the pause we find Tpi 1 ?^ Ju 9:8 K e th. and TiDilS Ps 26:2 
iCth., on which see § 46 e. On the other hand nj<ft, Tittdiz;?, TTicfe, TTiidb Is 32: 1 1 are to 
be explained as aramaizing forms of the and plur. fern.; also for nin v. 1 1 read rndb, 
and for CH^O v. 12 read TTjdbp. 

The shortened imperative is found only in verbs TV' 1 ?, e.g. in Piel % from 7]%. The 
shade of meaning conveyed by the imperatives with 71 " is not always so perceptible as 
in the cohortative forms of the imperfect, but the longer form is frequently emphatic, 
e.g. Dip rise up, nttltj? up! ]T\ give, TUJjl give up! 

Rem. The form nVT for ny% best attested in Pr 24: 14 (where it is taken by the Masora as 
imperat., not as infin., nv?) is evidently due to the influence of the n which follows it in close 
connexion (so Strack, on the analogy of Jb 31:2); for other examples of this change of a to 
S e ghol, see above, under d, § 73 d, and § 80 i. On the other hand, it is doubtful whether nan Ju 
9:29 (from 7T2~\) is intended for nan, and not rather for the common form of the imperative 
Piel nan. In favour of the former explanation it may be urged that the imperative rrxef (from 
Wil) follows immediately after; in favour of the latter, that the ending n ", with imperatives of 
verbs 7\"b, is not found elsewhere, and also that here no guttural follows (as in Pr 24: 14). 

1 l Only in 1st plur. do we find a few shortened forms, as ~IN#] 1 S 14:36, parallel 
with cohortatives; and N} 3 Is 41 :23 ICth. 

2 2 On the reading TTi;? ,$ (i.e. sanfra, according to the Jewish grammarians), required 
by the Masora in Ps 86:2, 119:167 (cf. also Is 38:14, and i n?? i ^ Ps 16:1), see § 9 v; on 
TOhn, Ju 9:8 ICth, see § 46 e. 

§ 49. The Perfect and Imperfect with Waw Consecutive. 

1. The use of the two tense-forms, as is shown more fully in the Syntax (§§ 106, 
107, cf. above, § 47, note on a), is by no means restricted to the expression of the past 
or future. One of the most striking peculiarities in the Hebrew consecution of tenses 1 
is the phenomenon that, in representing a series of past events, only the first verb 
stands in the perfect, and the narration is continued in the imperfect. Conversely, the 
representation of a series of future events begins with the imperfect, and is continued 
in the perfect. Thus in 2 K 20: 1, In those days was Hezekiah sick unto death (perf), 
and Isaiah . . . came (imperf) to him, and said (\vcvpetf) to him, &c. On the other 
hand, Is 7:17, the Lord shall bring (imperf.) upon thee ... days, &c, 7:18, and it shall 
come to pass (perf. rpri]) in that day ... 

This progress in the sequence of time, is regularly indicated by a pregnant and 
(called wow consecutive 1 ), which in itself is really only a variety of the ordinary waw 
copulative, but which sometimes (in the imperf.) appears with a different vocalization. 
Further, the tenses connected by waw consecutive sometimes undergo a change in the 
tone and consequently are liable also to other variations. 

2. The waw consecutive of the imperfect is (a) pronounced with Pathah and a 
Dages forte in the next letter, as V tt[?'l and he killed, before X of the Istpers. sing. 
(according to § 22 c) with QameS, as V ttpfcM and I killed. Exceptions are, ^058,1 Ez 
16:10 according to the Dikduke ha-famim, § 71; also indSrfafcf,!! 2 S 1:10 according to 

Qimhi; but in Ju 6:9 #1}8,3 should be read according to Baer, and '8,1 in both places 
in Ju 20:6. Dages forte is always omitted in the preformative ], in accordance with § 
20 m. 

(b) When a shortening of the imperfect form is possible (cf. § 48 g), it takes effect, 
as a rule (but cf. § 51 n), after waw consec, e.g. in Hiphil ^tti?*] (§ 53 n). The tendency 

1 l The other Semitic languages do not exhibit this peculiarity, excepting the 
Phoenician, the most closely related to Hebrew, and of course the Moabitish dialect of 
the Mesa inscription, which is practically identical with Old Hebrew. It also appears 
in the inscription of ~IDT of Hamath (cf. Nooldeke, ZA. 1908, p. 379) where we find 
'T N-itfJO and / lifted up my hand, 'JJSPI and he answered me, after a perfect of 

1 l This name best expresses the prevailing syntactical relation, for by waw 
consecutive an action is always represented as the direct, or at least temporal 
consequence of a preceding action. Moreover, it is clear from the above examples, 
that the waw consecutive can only be thus used in immediate conjunction with the 
verb. As soon as waw, owing to an insertion (e.g. a negative), is separated from the 
verb, the imperfect follows instead of the perfect consecutive, the perfect instead of 
the imperfect consecutive. The fact that whole Books (Lev., Num., Josh., Jud., Sam., 2 
Kings, Ezek., Ruth, Esth., Neh., 2 Chron.) begin with the imperfect consecutive, and 
others (Exod., 1 Kings, Ezra) with waw copulative, is taken as a sign of their close 
connexion with the historical Books now or originally preceding them. Cf, on the 
other hand, the independent beginning of Job and Daniel. It is a merely superficial 
description to call the waw consecutive by the old-fashioned name waw conversive, 
on the ground that it always converts the meaning of the respective tenses into its 
opposite, i.e. according to the old view, the future into the preterite, and vice versa. 

to retract the tone from the final syllable is even stronger after wdw consec. than in the 
jussive. The throwing back of the tone on to the penultima (conditional upon its being 
an open syllable with a long vowel, § 29 a), further involves the greatest possible 
shortening of the vowel of the ultima, since the vowel then comes to stand in a 
toneless closed syllable, e.g. Wi\?\, juss. ndpj, with wow consec. U\?<& and he arose (§ 
67 n and x, § 68 d, § 69 p, § 71, § 72 t and aa, § 73 e). 1 

In the first pers. sing, alone the retraction of the tone and even the reducing of the 
long vowel in the final syllable (u to 6, i\o e, and then to 5 and e) are not usual, 2 at 
least according to the Masoretic punctuation, and the apocope in verbs 7\' ,] 7 occurs 
more rarely; e.g. always cnpN.I (or OtjfX,}, a merely orthographic difference) and I 
arose; Hiph. D'pN.I (but generally written 0|?X,1, implying the pronunciation wdaqem, 
as Di?N,1 implies wddqom); n8"JX,1 and I saw, more frequently than N^fijh, § 75 t. On the 
other hand, the form with final n ~ is often used in the 1st pers. both sing, and plur., 
especially in the later books, e.g. nii^X ,) and I sent, Gn 32:6, 41:11, 43:21, Nu 8:19 
(rnriK,!, as in Ju 6:9, 1 S 2:28, and often, probably a sort of compensation for the lost 
]); T Ju6:10, 12:3, 2 S 22:24, Ps 3:6, 7:5, 90:10, 119:55, Jb 1:15 ff, 19:20, Ez 7:28, 
8:25, 9:3, Neh 2:13, 5:7, 8, 13,6:11, 13:7-11, 21 f, &c— Sometimes, as in Ps 3:6, 
with a certain emphasis of expression, and probably often, as in Ju 10:12, ny'dpiN,! 
before X, for euphonic reasons. In Is 8:2 nycfx,! may have been originally intended; in 
Ps 73:16 718,1 and in Jb 30:26 "8,1. InEz3:3 read $$\ XI or 7?$] XI. 

This is in meaning a strengthened waw copulative, and resembles in pronunciation the 
form which is retained in Arabic as the ordinary copula (wa). The close connexion of this wa 
with the following consonant, caused the latter in Hebrew to take Dages, especially as a could 
not have been retained in an open syllable. Cf. naa, n»3, natf (for na 1 ?), where the prepositions 
3 and b, and the particle 3, are closely connected with n» in the same way (§ 102 k). 

The retraction of the tone also occurs in such combinations, as in natf (for ncf? § 102 1). — 
The identity of many consecutive forms with jussives of the same conjugation must not 
mislead us into supposing an intimate relation between the moods. In the consecutive forms 
the shortening of the vowel (and the retraction of the tone) seems rather to be occasioned 
solely by the strengthening of the preformative syllable, while in the jussives the shortening 
(and retraction) belongs to the character of the form. 

3. The counterpart of wdw consecutive of the imperfect is wdw consecutive of the 
perfect, by means of which perfects are placed as the sequels in the future to 
preceding actions or events regarded as incomplete at the time of speaking, and 
therefore in the imperfect, imperative, or even participle. This wdw is in form an 
ordinary wdw copidative, and therefore shares its various vocalization (), \ 1, as 2 K 

1 l The plural forms in "p also occur less frequently after wdw consecutive; cf, 
however, fan?] Ju 8:1, 11:18, Am 6:3, Ez 44:8, Dt 4:11, 5:20. The 2nd fern. sing, in " 
"p never occurs after wdw consecutive. 

2 2 In the 1st plur. TipSMl) Neh 4:3 is the only instance in which the vowel remains 
unreduced (cf. 2W1\ i.e. 2W1], 4:9 t^th.; Q e re IV |1). On the treatment of the tone in 
the imperfect, imperative, and infinitive Niphal, see § 5 1 n. 

3 3 In usage the Hebrew wdw does duty for the Arabicya (wdw apodosis, see § 143 d) 
as well as wa. 

7:4, and l); e.g. rpni, after an imperfect, &c, and so it happens = and it will happen. It 
has, however, the effect, in certain verbal forms, of shifting the tone from the 
penultima, generally on to the ultima, e.g. ^VOi§7\ I went, consecutive form 'Gfb'p.ro and 
I will go, Ju 1 :3, where it is co-ordinated with another perfect consecutive, which 
again is the consecutive to an imperative. See further on this usage in § 1 12. 

As innumerable examples show, the QameSoi the first syllable is retained in the strong 
perf. consec. Qal, as formerly before the tone, so now in the secondary tone, and therefore 
necessarily takes Metheg. On the other hand, the o of the second syllable in verbs middle o 
upon losing the tone necessarily becomes 6, e.g. Gji'??,!'! Ex 18:23. 

The shifting forward of the tone after the wdw consecutive of the perfect is, however, not 
consistently carried out. It is omitred — (a) always in the 1st pers. pi, e.g. mc^'i Gn 34:16; (b) 
regularly in Hiphil before the afformatives n ' and 1, see § 53 r; and (c) in many cases in verbs 
K ,,l 7 and 7\'h, almost always in the 1st sing, of n." 1 ? (Jer 29:14), and in TV' 1 ? if the vowel of the 
2nd syllable is zfEx 17:6, 26:4, 6, 7, 10 ff, Ju 6:26, &c, except In Qal (only Lv 24:5, before 
X) and the 2nd sing. masc. of Hiphil-forms before X, Nu 20:8, Dt 20: 13, 1 S 15:3, 2 K 13:17; 
similarly in Piel before X, Ex 25:24, Jer 27:4. On the other hand the tone is generally moved 
forward if the second syllable has e (in K" 1 ? Gn 27: 10 &c, in 7V' 1 ? Ex 40:4, Jer 33:6, Ez 32:7); 
but cf. also rixdm Lv 19: 14, 32 and frequently, always before the counter-tone, Jo 4:21, Ps 
19: 14. : With a in the penultima the form is rixcftri Is 14:4, and probably also riKCf]?"] Jer 2:2, 
3:12, 1 S 10:2 with little Telisa, a postpositive accent. 

But before a following X the ultima mostly bears the tone on phonetic grounds, e.g. qSxil 
"Vx Gn 6:18, Ex 3:18, Zc 6:10 (by the side of TjXdY), &c. (cf, however, riX(fj?% before x, Gn 
17: 19, Jer 7:27, Ex 36:29); TiK (ffofl Ju 6:16, cf. Ex 25: 1 1, Lv 24:5 (but also "UK W<&) Lv 
25:21). Likewise, before n, Am 8:9, and V, e.g. Gn 26: 10, 27: 12, Lv 26:25 (cf, however, 
vby , riKd'j7'i, Ez 38:21); on verbs V"V, see § 67 k and § ee. 

(d) The tone always keeps its place when such a perfect stands in pause, e.g. flV,5?l Dt 
6:11, 11:15; rngJXi Is 14:4, Ju 4:8; sometimes even in the lesser pause, as Dt2:28, Ez 3:26, 1 
S 29:8 (where see Driver), with Zaqeph qaton; and frequently also immediately before a tone- 
syllable (according to § 29 e), as in ng nra $1) Dt 17: 14, Ez 14: 13, 17:22, Am 1:4, 7, 10, 
12— but also rrg <fj?tt> r rn Dt 21:11, 23:14. 24:19, 1 K 8:46. 

§ 50. The Participle. 

1. Qal has both an active participle, called Poel from its form (^'3), and a 
passive, Paid (^WS). 1 

Paid is generally regarded as a survival of a passive of Qal, which still exists throughout 
in Arabic, but has been lost in Hebrew (see, however, § 52 e), just as in Aramaic the passives 
of Piel mdHiphit are lost, except in the participles. But instances of the form quttdl are better 

1 l The irregularity in the tone of these perfects manifestly results from following 
conflicting theories, not that of Ben Asher alone. 

1 l The constr. st. UK} in the formula mri 1 DK3, the word (properly the whispering) of 
the Pord, &c, is always written defectively. 

regarded as remnants of the passive participle Qal (see § 52 s), so that Vis?9 must be 
considered as an original verbal noun; cf. Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 173 ff. 

2. In the intransitive verbs mid. e and mid. o, the form of the participle active of 
Qal coincides in form with the 3rd sing, of the perfect, e.g. "|#J sleeping, from ]U?l; 1iP 
(only orthographically different from the perf. YiJ) fearing; cf. the formation of the 
participle in Niphal, § 5 1 a. On the other hand, the participle of verbs mid. a takes the 
form ^tt'p (so even from the transitive HW to hate, part. R}p). The 6 of these forms has 
arisen through an obscuring of the a, and is therefore unchangeable, cf. § 9 q. The 
form ^tt\? (with a changeable QameS in both syllables), which would correspond to the 
forms ItZP and ~fr, is only in use as a noun, cf. § 84a f. The formation of the participle 
in Piel, Hiphit, and Hiihpael follows a different method. 

3. Participles form their feminine {Th\)\\? or rf?(f'p) and their plural like other 
nouns (§ 80 e, § 84a r, s, § 94). 

Rem. 1. From the above it follows, that the a of the form ]W is lengthened from a, and 
consequently changeable (e.g. fern, rnE*?); and that the 6 of Va'p on the other hand is obscured 
from an unchangeable a: In Arabic the verbal adjective of the form qattl corresponds to the 
form qatSl, and the part, qattl 'to qotSl. In both cases, therefore, the e of the second syllable is 
lengthened from z,"and is consequently changeable (e.g. Vo'p, plur. D ,l 7tp|p; "733, constr. pi. 

"pain Ps 16:5, instead of the form qotSl, is an anomaly; it is possible, however, that "pain 
(incorrectly written fully) is intended (cf. 3 , 5 2 K 8:21), or even the imperfect Hiphit of ~]K\ 
The form ip' 1 in Is 29: 14, 38:5 appears to stand for £ "|p''', but most probably the Masora here 
(as certainly in ^OV Ec 1:18) intends the 3rd sing, imperf. Hiph., for which the better form 
would be ipi 1 ; ^litf 1 Ch 27:30, being a proper name and a foreign word, need not be 
considered. — Tl'X (constr. state of 11 K), with a in the second syllable, occurs in Dt 32:28 (cf. 
moreover, § 65 d). On nVicf Is 41:7 (for tfpin), see § 29 f. 

2. A form like the pass. ptcp. Paul, but not to be confused with it, is sometimes found 
from intransitive verbs, to denote an inherent quality, e.g. liaK faithful; B^N desperate, Jer 
15:18, &c; mm trustful, Is 26:3, Ps 112:7; D«y strong; IDE* drunken, Is 51:21; and even 
from transitive verbs, nnx handling, Ct 3:8; "TOT mindful, Ps 103: 14; VTT knowing, Is 53:3; cf. 
§ 84a m. 

Verba Derivativa, or Derived Conjugations. 

£51. Niphal. 7 

1. The essential characteristic of this conjugation consists in a prefix 2 to the stem. 
This exists in two forms: (a) the (probably original) prepositive na, as in the Hebrew 
perfect and participle, although in the strong verb the a is always attenuated to i y ^?tt\?l 

2 2 Cf. Vollers, 'Das QaJEtil-partizipium, ' in ZA. 1903, p. 312 ff. 

1 l Cf. A. Rieder, De linguae Hebr. verbis, quae vocantur derivata nifal et hitpael, 
Gumbinnen (Progr. des Gymn.), 1884, a list of all the strong Niphal forms (81) and 
Hithpael forms (36) in the Old Testament; and especially M. Lambert, 'L'emploi du 
Nifal en Hebreu, ' REJ. 41, 196 ff. 

2 2 See Philippi in ZDMG. 1886, p. 650, and Barth, ibid. 1894, p. 8 f. 

for original na-qatixl, participle *?\}\?1, infinitive absolute sometimes ^itti?}; (b) the 
(later) proclitic in (as in all the forms of the corresponding Arabic conjugation VII. 
inqatala), found in the imperfect ^l?^ for yinqdtel, in the imperative and infinitive 
construct, with a secondary n added, Vojpn (for hinqdtel), and in the infinitive absolute 
V tti?n The inflexion of Niphal is perfectly analogous to that of Qal. 

The features of Niphal are accordingly in the perfect and participle the prefixed Nun, in 
the imperative, infinitive, and imperfect, the Dages in the first radical. These characteristics 
hold good also for the weak verb. In the case of an initial guttural, which, according to § 22 b, 
cannot take Dages forte, the emission of the strengthening invariably causes the lengthening 
of the preceding vowel (see § 63 h). 

2. As regards its meaning, Niphal bears some resemblance to the Greek middle 
voice, in being — (a) primarily reflexive of Qal, e.g. frf?} to thrust oneself (against), 
iat{fa to take heed to oneself, (prAdooeoGou, 1F1Q3 to hide oneself, ^X}1 to redeem 
oneself, cf. also n$,3 to answer for oneself. Equally characteristic of Niphal is its 
frequent use to express emotions which react upon the mind; Dm to trouble oneself, 
ru^.J to sigh (to bemoan oneself, cf. oSfjpeoGoa, lamentari, contristari); as well as to 
express actions which the subject allows to happen to himself, or to have an effect 
upon himself (Niphal tolerativum), e.g. urn to search, to inquire, Niph. to allow 
oneself to be inquired of , Is 65:1, Ez 14:3, &c; so the Niph. of NSip to find, ~ICP to 
warn, to correct, Jer 6:8, 31:18, &c. 

(b) It expresses reciprocal or mutual action, e.g. "137 to speak, Niph. to speak to 
one another, UQtt/ to judge, Niph. to go to law' with one another, pjT to counsel, Niph. 
to take counsel, cf. the middle and deponent verbs PorjA,sbso9ai (fl?i3), ud£,so9ai 
(DnVj), altercari, luctari (nxi to strive with one another) proeliari . 

(c) It has also, like Hithpael (§ 54 f) and the Greek middle, the meaning of the 
active, with the addition of to oneself (sibi), for oneself, e.g. *7St{fa to ask (something) 
for oneself (I S 20:6, 28, Neh 13:6), cf. akoUpai oe toUto, £Si3oao9ai xixcoova to put 
out on (oneself) a tunic. 

(d) In consequence of a looseness of thought at an early period of the language, 
Niphal comes finally in many cases to represent the passive of Qal, e.g. 1^1 to bear, 
Niph. to be born; "Df? to bury, Niph. to be buried. In cases where Qal is intransitive in 
meaning, or is not used, Niphal appears also as the passive of Piel and Hiphit, e.g. "OS 
to be in honour, Piel to honour, Niph. to be honoured (as well as Pual 133); 1TG Piel to 
conceal, Hiph. to destroy, Niph. passive of either. In such cases Niphal may again 
coincide in meaning with Qal (7t?7) Qal and Niph. to be ill) and even take an 

1 l Cf. Halfmann, Beitradge zur Syntax der hebradischen Sprache, I. Stuiick, 
Wittenb., 1888, 2. St. 1892 (Gymn.-Programm), statistics of the Niphal (Pual, Hophal, 
and qatul) forms at different periods of the language, for the purpose of ascertaining 
the meaning of Niph. and its relation to the passive; the selection of periods is, 
however, very questionable from the standpoint of literary criticism. 

Examples of denominatives are, "Dp to be born a male, Ex 34:19 (from "73T; but probably 
"DTD should here be read); ll 1 ?! cor datum fieri, Jb 11:12 (from 33 1 ? cor); doubtless also D33J to 
obtain children, Gn 16:2, 30:3. 

The older grammarians were decidedly wrong in representing Niphal simply as the 
passive of Qal; for Niphal has (as the frequent use of its imperat. shows), in no respect the 
character of the other passives, and in Arabic a special conjugation iinqatala) corresponds to 
it with a passive of its own. Moreover, the forms mentioned in § 52 e point to a differently 
formed passive of Qal. — The form ft^'XJ Is 59:3, La 4: 14, is not to be regarded as a passive of 
Niphal, but with Koonig and Cheyne as a forma mixta, in the sense that the punctuators 
intended to combine two optional readings, l^frca, perf Niph., and t>^, perf Pual [cf. also 
Wright, Compar. Gramm., p. 224]. Although the passive use of Niphal was introduced at an 
early period, and became tolerably common, it is nevertheless quite secondary to the reflexive 

Rem. 1 The infin. absol. Viup } is connected in form with the perfect, to which it bears the 
same relation as Viup to Vap in Qal, the 6 in the second syllable being obscured from an 
original a. Examples are, t] '0311 Gn 31:30; UVtil Ju 11:25; Vxt^J 1 S 20:6, 28, all in connexion 
with the perfect. 

Examples of the form Vupn (in connexion with imperfects) are, ]'TtlTl Jer 32:4; V'DKn Lv 
7:18; once tzrnx Ez 14:3, where, perhaps, the subsequent BhW has led to the substitution of K 
for D. — Moreover, the form Vopn is not infrequently used also for the infin. absol., 2 e.g. Ex 
22:3, Nu 15:3 1, Dt 4:26, 1 K 20:39. On the other hand, IIID? should simply be read for the 
wholly abnormal I'^ns, Ps 68:3 (commonly explained as being intended to correspond in 
sound with the subsequent H'TO but probably a 'forma mixta', combining the readings TIID? 
and T TO). 

Elision of the D after prepositions is required by the Masora in f7tt><j33 Pr. 24: 17 (for r 3D3), 
rns Ez 26: 15 and ^V,? La 2: 11; also in verbs H" 1 ? Ex 10:3 (rms?, 1 ?); 34:24, Dt 31:11, Is 1:12 
(niKT 1 ?); in verbs V'V Jb 33:30 ("liN 1 ?). It is, however, extremely doubtful whether the infin. Qal 
of the iCthihh is not rather intended in all these examples: it certainly is so in La 2: 1 1, cf. Ps 

2. Instead of the Sere in the ultima of the imperfect, PathahofX.cn occurs in pause, e.g. 
Vm'l Gn 21:8; cf. Ex 31:17, 2 S 12:15 (with final #); 17:23 (with p); Jon 1:5 (with »); see § 
29 q. In the 2nd and 3rd plur. fem. Pathah predominates, e.g. DIldTfl Is 65: 17; Sere occurs 
only in rucfo.fi Ru 1:13, from py, and hence, with loss of the doubling, for rBCfy.ri; cf. even 
ru.BN.fi Is 60:4. — With Nun paragogicum (see § 47 m) in the 2nd and 3rd plur. masc. are 
found, 1H3, 1 ? 1 , •pan,'??, &c, inpause ]t>TjT, ina,;B*ri, &c; but Jb 19:24 (cf. 24:24) 'pinrp. 

3. When the imperfect, the infinitive (in e), or the imperative is followed in close 
connexion by a monosyllable, or by a word with the gone on the first syllable, the tone is, as a 
rule (but cf. t£"N p3X;n Gn 32:25), shifted back from the ultima to the penultima, while the 
ultima, which thus loses the tone, takes S'ghol instead of Sere; e.g. H3 VE'd' 1 Ez 33:12; f? "in^l 
Gn 25:21; in the imperative, 13:9. — So always ~f? ~iao|tz;n (since "f? counts as one syllable) Gn 
24:6,&c.,cf 1 S 19:2; and even with Pathah in the ultima, H«R 3T<rfri Jb 18:4(butcf "Kf.VH 

2 2 But, like VtijPri, only in connexion with imperfects, except Jer 7:9. Barth is 
therefore right in describing (Nominalbildung, p. 74) both forms as later analogous 
formations (in addition to the original Semitic ^tijpl), intended to assimilate the 
infinitive to the imperfect which it strengthens. 

OVfPN 2 S 21:14). Although in isolated cases (e.g. Gn 32:25, Ezr 8:23) the tone is not thrown 
back, in spite of a tone-syllable following, the retraction has become usual in certain forms, 
even when the next word begins with a toneless syllable; especially after l consec, e.g. "iKCfE^ 
Gn 7:23; Dn^l Nu 21:1 and frequently, Tacf'T 25:3; and always so in the imperative "i»;E>n Ex 
23:21, Jb 36:21, and (before Metheg of the counter-tone) Dt 24:8, 2 K 6:9. On the avoidance 
of pausal-forms in the imperative (Am 2:12 with Silluq, Zc 2: 1 1 with Athnah), and imperfect 
(Pr 24:4, &c), see § 29 o, and note; on the other hand, always oVan, cfta 1 , &c. 

In the imperative, ^3pl, for 12D j?n, with the rejection of the initial n, occurs in Is 43:9, 
and in Joel 4:11 in pause ^gip3 (cf. vh'i Jer 50:5); but in these examples either the reading or 
the explanation is doubtful. The 2nd sing, imperat. of 573E>3 is always (with n " paragogicum) 
*? nyrKf^n swear to me, Gn 21:23, &c. (also ^ n5n,;B;n Gn 47:31, 1 S 30:15). 

4. For the 1st sing, of the imperfect, the form Vt3i?K is as frequent as "?0i?N, e.g. EH'W / shall 
be inquired of, Ez 14:3; yn^K I will swear, Gn 21:24; cf. 16:2, Nu 23:15, Ez 20:36, and so 
always in the cohortative, e.g. TltitflXlwill avenge me, Is 1:24; cf. 1 S 12:7, Ez 26:2, and in 
the impf. Niph. of V'Q (§ 69 t). The Babylonian punctuation admits only /under the 
preformative of the 1st person. 

§ 52. Pi el and Pu al. 

1. The characteristic of this conjugation consists in the strengthening of the 
middle radical. From the simple stem qatal (cf. § 43 b) the form ^tij? (cf. the Arabic 
conj. II. qattala) would naturally follow as the perfect of the active (Pi T). The 
Pathah of the first syllable is, however, with one exception (see m), always attenuated 
to /In the perfect. In the second syllable, a has been retained in the majority of cases, 
so that the conjugation should more correctly be called Pi al; but very frequently 1 
this a also is attenuated to i" which is then regularly lengthened to e, under the 
influence of the tone. Cf. in Aram, ^taj?; but in Biblical Aramaic almost always ^tij?. 
On the three cases in which a before a final ~i or has passed into S e ghol, see below, 
1. — Hence, for the 3rd sing. masc. perfect, there arise forms like 73N, TO 1 ?, IZHp; fjja, 
"T33, &c. — Before afformatives beginning with a consonant, however, a is always 
retained, thus fi 1 ?^!?, OfiVtii?, I^tfi?, &c. In the infinitives (absol. V tip, obscured from 
qattdl; constr. ^tij?), imperfect C?U\?]), imperative (7®\?\ and participle (^tijpti) the 
original a of the first syllable reappears throughout. The vocal Sfwd of the 
preformatives is weakened from a short vowel; cf. the Arabic imperfect yuqattil, 
participle muqattit. 

The passive (Pu al) is distinguished by the obscure vowel u, or very rarely 5, in 
the first syllable, and 5 (in pause a) always in the second. In Arabic, also, the passives 
are formed throughout with u in the first syllable. The inflexion of both these 
conjugations is analogous to that ofQal. 

Rem. 1. The preformative », which in the remaining conjugations also is the prefix of the 
participle, is probably connected with the interrogative or indefinite (cf. § 37) pronoun ^ 
quis? quicunque (fem. i.e. neuter, na); cf. § 85 e. 

1 l So in all verbs which end in Nun, and in almost all which end in Lamed (Olsh. p. 
538). Barth is probably right in supposing (ZDMG. 1894, p. 1 ff.) that the vowels of 
the strengthened perfects have been influenced by the imperfect. 

2. The Dages forte, which according to the above is characteristic of the whole of Pi el 
and Pu al, is often omitted (independently of verbs middle guttural, § 64 d) when the middle 
radical has SFwa under it (cf. § 20 m), e.g. nnVt? for nnVtl* Ez 17:17; IHdf p3 2 Ch 15:15 (but in 
the imperative always ltt>p3 1 S 28:7, &c), and so always in f? 1 ?^ praise. The vocal character 
of the SFwd under the litera dagessanda is sometimes in such cases (according to § 10 h) 
expressly emphasized by its taking the form of a Hateph, as in ring, 1 ? Gn 2:23, with ~ owing to 
the influence of the preceding u, cf. V?$?,S for iVys, &c; Gn 9:14, Ju 16:16. In the imperfect 
and participle the owa under the preformatives (Ha teph-Pathah under S in the 7.st «°ng. 
imperfect) serves at the same time as a characteristic of both conjugations (Gn 26: 14 f). 

3. According to the convincing suggestion of Boottcher 2 (Ausfuuhrliches Lehrbuch, § 904 
ff and § 1022), many supposed perfects of Pu al are in reality passives of Qal. He reckons 
as such all those perfects, of which the Pi 'el (which ought to express the corresponding 
active) is either not found at all, or only (as in the case of ~lY) with a different meaning, and 
which form their imperfect from another conjugation, generally Niph'al. Such perfects are the 
quttal form of the stems "?3S (imperfect t>2XF\ Is 1:20), Eton, epB, ~t?\ ir, np*7, T3V, ^?W, tpvf, 
"]QE>. Barth (see below) adds to the list the apparent Pu 'al-perfects of "IDS, ID, rut, 11T\, n~D, 
nEfl, 3ty, nt^y, nsi, and of verbs with middle ~i (hence with u of the first syllable lengthened to 
o), nn, mn Jb 3:3 [HIT, see § 67 m], yit, pit, fpu, tna, sip, fittf; also the infinitives absolute 
il'Hl i~i n Is 59: 13. In these cases there is no need to assume any error on the part of the 
punctuators; the sharpening of the second radical may have taken place in order to retain the 
characteristic ii of the first syllable (cf. Arab, qutila as passive oiqatala), and the a of the 
second syllable is in accordance with the vocalization of all the other passives (see § 39 f). Cf. 
§ 52 s and § 53 u. 

2. The fundamental idea off/' 'el, to which all the various shades of meaning in 
this conjugation may be referred, is to busy oneself eagerly with the action indicated 
by the stem. This intensifying of the idea of the stem, which is outwardly expressed 
by the strengthening of the second radical, appears in individual cases as — (a) a 
strengthening and repetition of the action (cf. the intensive and iterative nouns with 
the middle radical strengthened, § 84b), 1 e.g. \?U1 to laugh, Pi'el to jest, to make sport 
(to laugh repeatedly); *7N$ to ask, Pi 'el to beg; hence when an action has reference to 
many, e.g. ~Qj? to bury (a person) Gn 23:4, Pi 'el to bury (many) 1 K 1 1 : 15, and often 
so in Syr. and Arab. Other varieties of the intensive and iterative meaning are, e.g. X\T\B 
to open, Pi'el to loose; "IDD to count, Pi'el to recount: [cf. 3FI3, D;tfn, ~f?7\, S91, ttfsri, 

tosri; nnx??, nsiip]. 

The eager pursuit of an action may also consist in urging and causing others to do 
the same. Hence Pi 'el has also — (b) a causative sense (like Hiph 'it), e.g. Ttil to learn, 
Pi 'el to teach. It may often be turned by such phrases as to permit to, to declare or 

2 2 As Mayer Lambert observes, the same view was already expressed by Ibn Ganah 
(see above, § 3 d) in the Kitab el-luma , p. 161. Cf. especially Barth, 'Das passive 
Qal und seine Participien, ' in the Festschrift zum Jubilaaum Hildesheimer (Berlin, 
1890), p. 145 ff. 

1 l Analogous examples, in which the strengthening of a letter has likewise an 
intensive force, are such German words as reichen, recken (Eng. to reach, to rack); 
streichen (stringo), strecken: cf. Strich (a stroke), Strecke (a stretch); wacker from 
wachen; others, in which it has the causative sense, are stechen, stecken; wachen 
(watch), wecken (wake); teXKg) to bring to an end (cf. the stem xe^co to end, in xsXo<;, 
xeXeco); yewdco to beget, from the stem yevco to come into being (cf. yevog). 

hold as (the declarative Pi 'el), to help to, e.g. n*n to cause to live, pl'l to declare 
innocent, iV to help in child-bearing. 

(c) Denominatives (see § 38 b) are frequently formed in this conjugation, and 
generally express a being occupied with the object expressed by the noun, either to 
form or to make use of it, e.g. ]1\? to make a nest, to nest (from ]\?), 1917 to throw dust, 
to dust (from 1?y), 1357 to gather the clouds together (from ]1V), Itf'piz; to divide in three 
parts, or to do a thing for the third time (from tzf7#); probably also 1|H to speak, from 
~i:n a word. Or again, the denominative may express taking away, injuring, &c, the 
object denoted by the noun (privative Pi 'el, cf. our to skin, to behead, to bone), e.g. 
Vi~W, from ttftdtt? to root out, to extirpate, D3T prop, to injure the tail (31T), hence to rout 
the rear of an army, to attack it; DB 1 ? to ravish the heart; 1-un to remove the ashes 
(!#(£), N^n to free from sin (Xpn), DS17 to break any one 's bones (nxtf; cf, in the same 
sense, Dlii from ti~)<£); H170 to lop the boughs, Is 10:33 (from ^pyo « bough). Some 
words are clearly denominatives, although the noun from which they are derived is no 
longer found, e.g. ^jPp to stone, to pelt with stones (also used in this sense in Qal), and 
to remove stones (from a field), to clear away stones; cf. our to stone, used also in the 
sense of taking out the stones from fruit. 

The meaning of the passive (Pu'al) follows naturally from the above, e.g. I2/|?3 
Pi 'el to seek, Pu'al to be sought. 

In Pi 'el the literal, concrete meaning of the verb has sometimes been retained, when Qal 
has acquired a figurative sense, e.g. n^, Pi'el to uncover, Qal to reveal, also to emigrate, i.e. 
to make the land bare. 

Also with an intransitive sense Pi 'el occurs as an intensive form, but only in poetic 
language, e.g. nnn in Pi'el to be broken in pieces, Jer 51:56; ins to tremble, Is 51:13, Pr 
28: 14; nn to be drunken, Is 34:5, 7; [uy» to be few, Ec 12:3]; but in Is 48:8, 60: 1 1 instead of 
the Pi'el of nnQ the Niph'al is certainly to be read, with Cheyne. 

Rem. 1. The (more frequent) form of the perfect with Pathah in the second syllable 
appears especially before Maqqeph (Ec 9:15, 12:9) and in the middle of sentences in 
continuous discourse, but at the end of the sentence (in pause) the form with Sere is more 
common. Cf. ^a Is 49:21 with ^ Jos 4:14, Est 3:1; oVa Ez 33:5 with cfta Ec 9:15; r%\? 2 K 
8: 16 with f%\? Ps 129:4; but QameS never appears in this pausal form. The 3rd sing. fern, in 
pause is always of the form nVcfp, except nsdj? Mi 1:7; the 3rd plur. always as iVdJp; the 2nd 
and 1st sing, and 1st plur. of course as flVflfj?, rrpflfj?, 'fiVflfp (but always i rn,3'7 and , rn($ 1 ?), 
ifrcfi?. In the 3rd sing, perf 13"7 to speak, "193 to pardon, and 033 to was/? clothes (also 033 Gn 
49: 1 1) take tfghol, but become in/rawse 13% 033 (2 S 19:25); the pausal form of 193 does not 

Pathah in the first syllable (as in Aramaic and Arabic) occurs only once, Gn 41:51, 'UJtftf 
Ae made me forget, to emphasize more clearly the play on the name n;tM». 

2. In the imperfect (and jussive Ju 16:25), infinitive, and imperative Pi 'el (as also in 
Hithpa 'el) the 5ere in the final syllable, when followed by Maqqeph, is usually shortened into 
S e ghol, e.g. f?"^]?^ he seeks for himself Is 40:20; 'Vtzni? sanctify unto me, Ex 13:2. Pausal- 
forms with S e ghol instead of Sere, as ^llT Dt 32: 1 1, DrnK Ho 2:6 (cf. Ex 32:6 in the infinitive, 
and Gn 21:9 in the participle), owe their origin to some particular school of Masoretes, and 

are wrongly accepted by Baer; cf. the analogous cases in § 75 n and hh. If the final syllable of 
the imperfect Pi 'el has Pathah (before a guttural or 1), it remains even m pause; cf. § 29 s and 
65 e. In the 1st sing, imperfect the e-sound occurs in two words for Hateph-Pathah, under the 
preformative N; rnm Lv 26:33, Ez 5:12, 12: 14 and EnSJJN) Zc 7: 14 (in accordance with § 23 
h). — Before the full plural ending 'p (see § 47 m) the Sere is retained in pause, e.g. 'pgirm Ps 
58:2 (but Gn 32:20 'psrtfi), cf. 2 K 6:19, Dt 12:3; so before Silluq Ps 58:3, Jb 21:11 and even 
before Zaqeph qafon Dt 7:5. Instead of ruVflSjpri, forms like Tlf?(fi\??i are also found, e.g. Is 3:16, 
13:18, in both cases before a sibilant and in pause. Also liB Ps 55:10 occurs as the 2nd sing, 
imperative (probably an intentional imitation of the sound of the preceding yVa) and 2~\ j? (for 
qarrabh) Ez 37:17. 

3. The infinite absolute of Pi 'el has sometimes the special form Vtsp given in the 
paradigm, e.g. r&castigando,Ps 118:18; cf. Ex 21: 19, IK 19:10 (from a verb X"b); Ps 40:2 
(from a verb H" 1 ?); but much more frequently the form of the infinitive construct (Vej?) is used 
instead. The latter has also, in exceptional cases, the form Vtap (with a attenuated to z"as in the 
perfect), e.g. in 1 Ch 8:8 inVt£>; perhaps also (if not a substantive) "itap Jer 44:21; and for the 
sake of assonance even for infinitive absolute in 2 S 12: 14 (ris<& ffcO). On the other hand, D'pE' 
Dt 32:35 and ~i3T Jer 5:13 are better regarded as substantives, while ~i3T Ex 6:28, Nu 3: 1, Dt 
4: 15 (in each case after DV3), Ho 1:2 (after riVnri), in all of which places it is considered by 
Konig (after Qimhi) to be infinitive construct, is really perfect of Pi 'el. 

The infinitive construct Pi 'el, with the fern, ending (cf. § 45 d), occurs in rnGP Lv 26: 18; 
rnat Ps 147: 1; with n of the fern, before a suffix "JFlj?;^ Ez 16:52. On the verbal nouns after the 
form of the Aram. inf. Pa 'il (nVtpj?), see § 84b e. 

Instead of the abnormal VQ0N8 (so Baer, Is 62:9) as ptcp. Pi'el, read 'ONa with ed. Mant. 
and Ginsburg. 

4. In Pu'al o is sometimes found instead of u in the initial syllable, e.g. DW» dyed red, Ex 
25:5, &c.,Na2:4, cf. 3:7 nrpti; Ez 16:4, Ps 72:20, 80:11. According to Baer's reading also in 
inJTifl Ps 62:4, and so also Ben Aser, but Ben Naphtali ffilTiri. It is merely an orthographic 
licence when u is written fully, e.g. l\v Ju 18:29. 

5. As infinitive absolute, of Pu 'al we find 3'3J Gn 40:15. — No instance of the inf. constr. 
occurs in the strong verb in Pu 'al; from Ti" 1 ? with suffix ini3V Ps 132: 1. 

6. A few examples occur of the participle Pu 'al without the preformative (a), e.g. "73K Ex 
3:2; liv (for 7^8) Ju 13:8; Hi? 1 ? 2 K 2:10; rns/'O Is 54:11. These participles are distinguished 
from the perfect (as in Niph 'al) by the o of the final syllable. For other examples, see Is 30:24, 
Ec 9: 12 (where D^pr, according to § 20 n, stands for 'j?^ = 'j??»); but, according to the Masora, 
not Hz 26:17, since nVdfn.n as Mil 'el can only be the perfect. The rejection of the 8 may be 
favoured by an initial 8, as in Is 18:2, 7 (but also "];IZ/aa); Pr 25: 19 (where, however, read 
rn<$ia); so also in the participle Pi 'el ]Ka Ex 7:27, 9:2 (always after DK, but cf. also D'UKan Jer 
13:10, where, however, D^Kan = D^Kaan is to be read, with Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 264 
f) and "ina Zp 1:14 (and Is 8: 1, 3?). Notice, however, Barth's suggestion (Nominalbildung, p. 
273) that, as the active of forms like "?3K only occurs in Qal, they are perfect participles of 
former passives of Qal (see e), and in Jer 13:10, 23:32, perfect participles of Pi'el. — On yaia 
Ez 45:2, see § 65 d. 

§ 53. Hiph'il and Hoph'al. 

1. The characteristic of the active (Hiph 'it) is a prefixed n (on its origin see § 55 i) 
in the perfect n (with the a attenuated to z,"as in Pi 'el), which forms a closed syllable 
with the first consonant of the stem. The second syllable of the perfect had also 
originally an a; cf. the Arabic conj. iv. 'aqtala, and in Hebrew the return of the 
Pathahm the 2nd and 1st pers. ti7<&\?7[, &c. After the attenuation of this a to z,"it ought 
by rule to have been lengthened to e in the tone-syllable, as in Aramaic ^ttp N, beside 
^pipn in Biblical Aramaic. Instead of this, however, it is always replaced in the strong 
verb by C, l 1 ", but sometimes written defectively "; cf. § 9 g. Similarly in the 
infinitive construct ^'pp H, and in the imperfect and participle V'ttp ;; and ^'ttptt, which 
are syncopated from ^ttpn? and V'ttpnip; § 23 k. The corresponding Arabic forms 
(juqtit and muqtit) point to an original zln the second syllable of these forms. In 
Hebrew the regular lengthening of this rto e appears in the strong verb at least in the 
jussive and in the imperfect consecutive (see n), as also in the imperative of the 2nd 

sing. masc. (see m); on 7\$?<£\?7), nj'ptijijpn cf. § 26 p. On the return of the original a in 
the second syllable of the Imper at., Jussive, &c, under the influence of a guttural, cf. § 
65 f 

In the passive (Hoph 'at) the preformative is pronounced with an obscure vowel, 
whilst the second syllable has a (in pause a), as its characteristic, thus: — Per/. ^ttpn or 
"7Ufpri, Imperf. ^\?\ (syncopated from ^ttpn?) or ^p.', Part, ^ttpa or ^ttpa (from ^ipprti?); 
but the infinitive absolute has the form ^tofpri. 

Thus the characteristics of both conjugations are the n preformative in the perfect, 
imperative, and infinitive; in the imperfect and participle Hiph 'it, Pathah under the 
preformatives, in the Hoph 'al 6 or u. 

2. The meaning of Hiph 'it is primarily, and even more frequently than in Pi 'el (§ 
52 g), causative of Qal, e.g. NS^ to go forth, Hiph. to bring forth, to lead forth, to draw 

forth; IZHp to be holy, Hiph. to sanctify. Under the causative is also included (as in 
Pi 'el) the declarative sense, e.g. p'HSH to pronounce just; Tp^Ti to make one an evil 
doer {to pronounce guilty); cf. $py, in Hiph 'it, Jb 9:20, to represent as perverse. If 
Qal has already a transitive meaning, Hiph 'it then takes two accusatives (see § 1 17 
cc). In some verbs, Pi 'el and Hiph 'it occur side by side in the same sense, e.g. "HX 
periit, Pi'el and Hiph'fl, perdidit; as a rule, however, only one of these two 
conjugations is in use, or else they differ from one another in meaning, e.g. "723 
gravem esse, Pi' el to honour, Hiph'fl to bring to honour, also to make heavy. Verbs 
which are intransitive in Qal simply become transitive in Hiph 'it, e.g. TlVl to bow 
oneself, Hiph. to bow, to bend. 

Among the ideas expressed by the causative and transitive are included, moreover, 
according to the Hebrew point of view (and that of the Semitic languages in general, 
especially Arabic), a series of actions and ideas, which we have to express by periphrasis, in 
order to understand their being represented by the Hiph'il-form. To these inwardly transitive 
or intensive Hiph'ils belong: (a) Hiph'il stems which express the obtaining or receiving of a 

1 l This i may have been transferred originally from the imperfects of verbs V'57, as a 
convenient means of distinction between the indicative and jussive, to the imperfect of 
the strong verb and afterwards to the whole of Hiph 'i I; so Stade, Philippi, 
Praetorius, ZAW. 1883, p. 52 f 

concrete or abstract quality. (In the following examples the Qal stems are given, for the sake 
of brevity, with the addition of the meaning which — often together with other meanings — 
belongs to the Hiph 'it.) Thus VnN, IHT, VQ 1 , px to be bright, to shine (to give forth brightness); 
opposed to yi}X\ to become dark; fan, ~Q1, pTil to be strong (to develop strength), <p5? to be 
weak; yix to be long (to acquire length); mi to be high; Din to be in tumult, p57T to cry out, VT\, 
p~i to make a noise, to exult; rpn to sprout (to put forth shoots), cf. n~iQ to bloom, ^IV, \?W to 
overflow; Ehn, rPn, riDD, n»X to be silent (silentium facere, Pliny); pn» to be sweet; nVx to 
have success; "7QE> to be low; DTK to become red, p*7 to become white. 

(b) Stems which express in Hiph 'it 'the entering into a certain condition and, further, the 
being in the same: pN to become firm, to trust in; E>N3 to become stinking; TIT to become 
boiling, to boil over; nVn to become ill; "ion to come to want; mn to become hot; Eft 1 to 
become dry, to become ashamed; in 1 to attain superiority; pD to become familiar; liy, pp to 
become awake; TiWp to become hard; yi~i, QptZ/ to become quiet (to keep quiet); D»E> to be 
astonished. The Hiph'fl forms of some verbs of motion constitute a variety of this class: #13 to 
draw wear; mp to co/we wear; pm to withdraw far off(a\\ these three are besides used as 
causatives); DTp to come before. 

(c) Stems which express action in some particular direction: Nun to err; pVn to flatter (to 
act smoothly); ao 1 to arc/ well, to do good; "700 to act foolishly, VotZ/ to art wisely; D~iV to ac/ 
craftily; V3X to act submissively; yyi, ytzP to act wickedly, godless ly; nrP, 3Vn to act corruptly, 
abominably; thw to act peacefully, to be at peace, to be submissive. 

Further, there are in Hiph 'it a considerable number of denominatives which express the 
bringing out, the producing of a thing, and so are properly regarded as causatives, 1 e.g. 1XK to 
set over the treasury, Neh 13:13 (unless n^X, _K] is to be read, as in Neh 7:2); "D3 to bring forth 
a firstborn; Q#l to cause to ram; V1T to produce seed; ]W (Hiph 'z/lpp) to go to ?Ae right, cf. 
^Kat^n to go to ?/ze /e/r, DID to get or to /zave hoofs; pp to gef or to have horns; VotZ/ to produce 
abortion; 1*7E> to become snow-white; p# to grow fat; tlhtz/ to put forth roots, &c; so also 
according to the ordinary acceptation irpdTNn Is 19:6, they have become stinking, from PUTK 
stinking or stench, with retention of the K prosthetic, § 19 m (but see below, p). 

Of a different kind are the denominatives from: ]TK (scarcely to prick up the ears, but) to 
act with the ears, to hear; cf. pV to move the tongue, to slander, and the German dugeln (to 
make eyes), fiisseln, ndseln, schwdnzeln; ~QE> to seW cor«; DDE* to set out early (to lead the 
back [of the camel, &c.]?); opposed to 3py,n. 

3. The meaning ofHoph 'al is (a) primarily that of a passive of Hiph 'it, e.g. y^Ti 
proiecit, ~f7tf7\ or "flty'Q proiectus est; (b) sometimes equivalent to a passive of Qal, as 
Dj?3 to avenge, Hoph. to be avenged (but see below, u). 

Rem. 1. The /"of the 3rd sing. masc. perf Hiph 'it remains, without exception, in the 3rd 
fem. (in the tone-syllable). That it was, however, only lengthened from a short vowel, and 
consequently is changeable, is proved by the forms of the imperative and imperfect where e 
(or, under the influence of gutturals, a) takes its place. In an open syllable the rls retained 
almost throughout; only in very isolated instances has it been weakened to Sfwd (see n and o). 

1 l The same ideas are also paraphrased by the verb ntyy (to make), e.g. to make fat, 
for, to produce fat upon his body, Jb 15:27; to make fruit, to make branches, for, to 
put forth, to yield, Jb 14:9, Ho 8:7, cf. the Lat. corpus, robur, sobolem, divitias facere, 
and the Ita\. far corpo, far forze, far frutto. 

2. The infinitive absolute commonly has Sere without Yodh, e.g. E>7pn Ju 17:3; less 
frequently it takes ■> :, e.g. TWH Am 9:8; cf. Dt 15:14, Is 59:4, Jer 3:15, 23:32, 44:25, Jb 
34:35, Ec 10:10. With K instead of n (probably a mere scribal error, not an Aramaism) we find 
trattfN Jer 25:3. Rare exceptions, where the form with Sere stands for the infinitive construct, 
are, e.g. Dt 32:8 (Sam; VTUna; read perhaps ^rnna), Jer 44: 19, 25, Pr 25:2, Jb 13:3 (?); on the 
other hand, for "itZ'y 1 ? Dt 26: 12 (which looks like an infinitive Hiph'il with elision of the n, for 
Tt^yn 1 ?) the right reading is simply vWyb, since elsewhere the Pi'el alone occurs with the 
meaning to tithe; for ~itz>ya Neh 10:39 perhaps the inf. Qal (~itz>ya) was intended, as in 1 S 8: 15, 
17 (=to take the tithe). At the same time it is doubtful whether the present punctuation does 
not arise from a conflation of two different readings, the Qal and the Pi'el. 

Instead of the ordinary form of the infinitive construct "V'tppn the form V'nppn sometimes 
occurs, e.g. TWH to destroy, Dt 7:24, 28:48; cf. Lv 14:46, Jos 11:14, Jer 50:34, 51:33 and 
rm.\?r\ for ntepn Lv 14:43 from rnp; scarcely, however, Lv 7:35 (see § 155 1), 2 S 22:1 (Ps 
18: 1), 1 K 1 1: 16 (after iv), and in the passages so explained by Konig (i. 276) where "iwn 
appears after prepositions 1 ; [cf. Driver on Dt 3:3, 4: 15, 7:24, 28:55]. 

With a in the second syllable there occurs oaiain Ez 21:29 (cf. the substantival infin. 
IgDH 1 S 15:23). — In the Aram, manner nwati'n 1 ? is found in Ez 24:26 (as a construct form) 
for the infinitive Hiph 'it '(cf. the infinitive Hithpa 'el, Dn 1 1:23). On the elision of the n after 
prefixes, see q. 

3. In the imperative the zls retained throughout in the open syllable, according to /, and 
consequently also before suffixes (see § 61 g) and n 'paragogic, e.g. na^pn attend to, 

K| nv^in Ps 1 18:25, as in ed. Mant, Jabl;, Baer, not K| ncfntfto as Ginsb. and Kittel; with the 
tone at the end only nrpVxn ibid. v. 25 b . On the other hand, in the 2nd sing. masc. the original i 
(cf. Arabic 'dqtiT) is lengthened to e, e.g. l»E>n make fat, and becomes Se e ghol before 
Maqqeph, e.g. Nr^on Jb 22:21. — The form V'nppn for Vopn appears anomalously a few times: 
Ps 94: 1, Is 43:8, Jer 17:18 (cf. § 69 v and § 72 y); elsewhere the Masora has preferred the 
punctuation V'napn, e.g. 2 K 8:6; cf. Ps 142:5. — In La 5: 1 nEpdh is required by the Q e re for 


4. In the imperfect Hiph 'it the shorter form with Sere prevails for the jussive in the 3rd 
masc. and fern, and 2nd masc. sing., e.g. V'jlfr'pN make not great, Ob 12 ; T\~\y let Him cut off 
Ps 12:4; even incorrectly T1P1 Ex 19:3 and Tp_ Ec 10:20; cf. also "lyrr Ex 22:4, where the 
jussive form is to be explained according to § 109 h, and ""QN? Jb 39:26 before the principal 
pause. Similarly, after 1 consec, e.g. ^ay and He divided, Gn 1:4. On the other hand, zls 
almost always retained in the 1st sing., e.g. T»EW Am 2:9 (but generally without ^ as "ifiONl 
Ez 39:23 f, &c); cf. § 49 e and § 74 1, but also § 72 aa; in 1st plur. only in Neh 4:3; in the 3rd 
sing. Ps 105:28. With a in the principal pause -mini Ru 2: 14, and in the lesser pause, Gn 49:4; 
before a sibilant (see § 29 q) tz/;m Ju 6:19; in the lesser pause ^j?*! La 3:5. Before Maqqeph the 
Sere becomes S e ghol, e.g. ia"pjn,?1 Ju 19:4. In the plural again, and before suffixes, /"remains 
in the forms l^flSj?!, f^cSpfl, even in the jussive and after l consecutive, e.g. ^dTl Ju 18:22. 
The only exceptions, where the zls weakened to S'wd, are "\T\~JF\ Jer 9:2; ipaiin 1 S 14:22, 
31:2, 1 Ch 10:2; nay,! Jer 11:15; rmix,] Neh 13:13, if it is Hiph'it of 15£K, but probably n^,] 
is to be read, as in 7:2; perhaps also liariJi Jb 19:3 (according to others, imperfect Qal). The 
same weakening occurs also in the imperfect in 3rd and and masc. sing, before suffixes, 1 S 
17:25, 1 K 20:33, Ps 65: 10, and in Jb 9:20, unless the form be Pi 'e/ =- atfp$n, since the Hiph 'it 
is not found elsewhere. It is hardly likely that in these isolated examples we have a trace of 

1 l As to the doubtfulness, on general grounds, of this form of the Inf. Hiph., see 
Robertson Smith in the Journ. ofPhilol., xvi. p. 72 f. 

the ground-form, yaqtil, or an Aramaism. More probably they are due partly to a 
misunderstanding of the defective writing, which is found, by a purely orthographic licence, 
in numerous other cases (even in 3rd sing. Q&W1 Is 44:28), and partly are intended, as formae 
mixtae, to combine the forms of Qal and Hiph 'it. Instead of the firmly closed syllable, the 
Masora requires in Gn 1:11 NEH.ri, with euphonic Ga'ya (see § 16 h). 

5. In the participle, HT\(& Ps 135:7 appears to be traceable to the ground-form, maqtil; yet 

the Sere may also possibly be explained by the retraction of the tone. The Masora appears to 
require the weakening of the vowel to tywd (see above, n) in a'oVna Zc 3:7 (probably, 
however, D'oVn.a should be read), also in a^na Jer 29:8, anrya 2 Ch 28:23 (but as a 
precedes, and accordingly dittography may well have taken place, the participle Qal is 
probably to be read in both places; the reading of the text is perhaps again intended to 
combine Qal and Hiph 'it, see above, n), and in the Qfre Q"Hxna 1 Ch 15:24 &c. (where the 
K e thihh an^n.a is better). — The fem. is ordinarily pointed as rndra Nu 5: 15, m ; tl>a Lv 
14:21; in pause nV , 3tl>a Pr 19:14. 

6. In the perfect there occur occasionally such forms as tiafibn 1 S 25:7; cf. Gn 41:28, 2 K 
17: 1 1, Jer 29: 1, Mi 6:3, Jb 16:7; with the original a in the first syllable '(fi^ni Na 3:5. — In 
''fiVNIK 1 1 have stained, Is 63:3, K stands at the beginning instead of n, cf. above, k, on a^E'K. 
On the other hand, wdTK.ni Is 19:6 (see above, g) is a mere error of the scribe, who had the 
Aramaic form in mind and corrected it by prefixing n. 

7. In the imperfect and participle the characteristic n is regularly elided after the 
preformatives, thus L ?' , 1pi?1, V'apa; but it is retained in the infinitive after prepositions, e.g. 
^apn 1 ?. The exceptions are in the imperfect, STtinrr He will save for WUtV 1 S 17:47, Ps 1 16:6 
(inpause); niirT? He will praise for TilV Neh 11:17, Ps 28:7, 45: 18 (cf. the proper name Vp/irp 
Jer 37:3, for which 38: 1 "OT [and npirr? Ps 81:6); [t>^d] (§ 70 d) Is 52:5, b<&}) Jer 9:4, f?(frtfl 
Jb 13:9] and niy^pna Ez 46:22; in the infinitive (where, however, as inNiph 'al, § 51 1, the 
infinitive Qal is generally to be read) "mo 1 ? Is 29: 15 for "Prion 1 ?; Vsa 1 ? and nia^V Nu 5:22; Til? b 

:5; 137 1 ? (doubly anomalous for •p^D 1 ?) Dn 11:35; vmb 
rP3E> 1 ?'i Am 8:4 (certainly corrupt); T573 for T5/n3 Ps 
73:20 (but in the city is probably meant); X?± Jer 39:7 (2 Ch 31:10); niia 1 ? Is 3:8, Ps 78:17; 
ariira 1 ? Ex 13:21; niV-D (see, however, § 20 h) Is 33:1; a^NI 1 ? Dt 1:33: cf. further, from verbs 
7\"\ Nu 5:22, Jer 27:20; on Dt 26: 12 and Neh 10:39, see above, k; for nina 1 ? Pr 3 1:3 read 
nin'aVominaa 1 ?. 

8. With regard to the tone it is to be observed that the afformatives 1 and n " in Hiph'il 
have not the tone, even in the perfect with waw consecutive (except in Ex 26:33 before n, Lv 
15:29 before K, to avoid a hiatus); but the plural ending ]l (see § 47 m) always has the tone, 
e.g. ■pidnpBDt 1:17. 

9. The passive (Hoph'al) has u instead of QameS hatuph in the first syllable (Vopn), in the 
strong verb less frequently in the perfect and infinitive, but generally in the participle, through 
the influence of the initial a (but cf. nrjEto Pr 25:26); e.g. rDt^n Ez 32:32 (beside n33C*n 32: 19); 
T^tfn impf. ~fvtii,part. TVtZ'a 2 S 20:21 (beside Kfrv^ Is 14:19) rindfan Ez 16:4; in the partic. 

2S 19:19; pVn, 1 ? Jer 37:12; K^n.VEc 5 
Ps 26:7; Tin b 1 S 2:33; imb Is 23:11 

1 l Most probably, however, 'ri 1 ?^ {perfect Pi 'el) is to be read, and the X is only an 
indication of the change of the perfect into the imperfect, as also previously, by a 
change of punctuation, QD11N] and P) (instead of '7^,1 and T'.l) are made future instead 
of past. Jewish exegesis applied these Edomoracles to the Roman (i.e. Christian) 
empire. So G. Moore in Theol. Literaturzeitung, 1887, col. 292. 

Hoph. without elision of the n: niy^p na Ez 46:22; on the other hand, verbs ]"B always have u 
(in a sharpened syllable): Tin, IV (cf. § 9 n). 

10. The infinitive absolute has in Hoph 'al (as in Hiph 'it) Sere in the last syllable, e.g. 
Vrinn and nVan Ez 16:4; Tin Jos 9:24. An infinitive construct does not occur in the strong verb. 

11. With regard to the imperative Hoph 'al, see above, § 46 a, note. 

12. According to Bottcher (Ausfuhrliches Lehrbuch, § 906) and Barth (see above, § 52 e) 
a number of supposed imperfects Hoph' al are, in fact, imperfects of the passive of Qal. As in 
the case of the perfects passive of Qal (see above, § 52 e) the question is again of verbs of 
which neither the corresponding causative (i.e. here the Hiph'il), nor the other tense of the 
same conjugation (i.e. here the perfect Hoph'al) is found; so with n\?l (for Dpr, cf. yuqtalu as 
imperfect Qal in Arabic) and ]W, from apn and ]m; n\?l from nj? 1 ? (cf. § 66 g); W Nu 22:6 
from T]K; Itr from )in: l^pv Ho 10: 14 (cf. Is 33:1) from tw; Barth adds the verbs ]"Q: E>rm Ez 
19: 12 from tt>m; frr Lev 11:35 from fm; the verbs 57"57: 1pfl£ Jb 19:23 from ppn; T)T &c. from 
nns; the verb rv: Ehl 1 from vf¥i; the verbs '"'57: b(Sv, *\tfv, nttfV from ^n, *Vtf and n^. On Dfc»efi 
&c, § 73 f In point of fact it would be very strange, especially in the case of "|FP and Hi??, that 
of these frequently used verbs, amongst all the forms of Hiph'il and Hoph'al, only the 
imperfect Hoph'al should have been preserved. A passive of Qal is also indicated in the 
Tellel-Amarna letters, according to Knudtzon, by a number of imperfect forms, which are 
undoubtedly due to Canaanite influence, cf. Beitr. zur Assyriologie, iv. 410. 

§ 54. Hithpa' el. 

1. The Hithpa 'el 1 is connected with Pi 'el, being formed by prefixing to the Pi 'el- 
stem (qattel, qattal) the syllable fin (Western Aramaic flNt, but in Biblical Aramaic T}7\; 
Syr. 'et 2 ). Like the preformative 1 ))7\) ofNiph 'al, fin has also a reflexive force. 

2. The n of the prefix in this conjugation, as also in Hothpa 'al (see h), Hithpoel, 
Hithpa 'lei and Hithpalpel (§ 55), under certain circumstances, suffers the following 

(a) When the stem begins with one of the harder sibilants D, X, or W, the n and the 
sibilant change places (cf. on this metathesis, § 19 n), and at the same time the n after 
a X becomes the corresponding emphatic 13 : thus 1SFl$n to take heed to oneself, for 
~i(3\z;nri; priori to become burdensome, for "7?Dfln; pTOSH to justify oneself from pis. 
The only exception is in Jer 49:3, ruipGfilZ^ri), to avoid the cacophony of three 
successive ^-sounds. 

(b) When the stem begins with a d- or ?-sound (1, 13, n), the n of the preformative is 
assimilated to it (§ 19 d), e.g. 13TO speaking, conversing; X|^?n to be crushed, "inian to 
purify oneself, Nfrtin to defile oneself, DftFin to act uprightly. (An exception occurs in Ju 

19:22.) The assimilation of the n occurs also with 1 and 3, e.g. K33n to prophesy, as 
well as X?^n (cf. Nu 24:7, Ez 5:13, Dn 11:14); pjgri Nu 21:27 (cf. Is 54:14, Ps 59:5); 
HO?? Pr 26:26; with tf Ec 7:16 with 1 Is 33:10. 

1 l A. Stein, Der Stamm des Hithpael im Hebr. pt. 1, Schwerin, 1893, gives 
alphabetical statistics of the 1151 forms. 

2 2 So also in Hebrew ~]^m 2 Ch 20:35; cf. Ps 76:6 (pym^). 

Rem. Metathesis would likewise be expected, as in the cases under b, when n and T come 
together, as well as a change of n to 1. Instead of this, in the only instance of the kind (13TH Is 
1: 16) the n is assimilated to the T, — unless indeed WCf], imperative Niph 'al of ~pT, is intended. 

3. As in form, so also in meaning, Hithpa 'el is primarily (a) reflexive ofPiel, e.g. 
"i-TXrin to gird oneself, ttfapfln to sanctify oneself. Although in these examples the 
intensive meaning is not distinctly marked, it is so in other cases, e.g. U\?l^\Ti to how 
oneself revengeful {Niph. simply to take revenge), and in the numerous instances 
where the Hithpa 'el expresses to make oneself 'that which is predicated by the stem, to 
conduct oneself as such, to show oneself to imagine oneself to affect to be of a 
certain character. E.g. ^ITST) to make oneself great, to act proudly; D3n^iri to show 
oneself wise, crafty; rfprtfin to pretend to be ill; "vtf^ri to make, i.e. to feign oneself 
rich; "nfltyn Nu 16:13, to make oneself a prince; 83Q^iri 1 S 18:10, to act in an excited 
manner like a prophet, to rave. The meaning of Hithpa'el sometimes coincides with 
that ofQal, both forms being in use together, e.g. ^SN to mourn, in Qal only in poetic 
style, in Hithpa 'el in prose. On the accusative after Hithpa'el (regarded as a transitive 
verb), see § 117 w. 

(b) It expresses reciprocal action, like Niph 'al, § 5 1 d, e.g. nxifln to look upon one 
another, Gn 42:1; cf. Ps 41:8; —but 

(c) It moro often indicates an action less directly affecting the subject, and 
describes it as performed with regard to or for oneself, in one's own special interest 
(cf. Niph 'al, § 51 e). Hithpa'el in such cases readily takes an accusative, e.g. P~\5ft7[ Ex 
32:3 and *7SIpri Ex 33:6 to tear off from oneself, tt-IZ/Sfln exuit sibi (vestem), nristin 
solvit sibi (vinculo); TUSH Jos 9: 12, to take (something) as one 's provision; without an 
accusative, ^ripn to walk about for oneself (ambidare); V?E)fln sibi intercedere (see 
Delitzsch on Is 1:15); ni?rtfin to draw a line for oneself, Job 13:27; on Is 14:2, see § 57, 

(d) Only seldom is it passive, e.g. ^Dflfl N 1 ? Pr 31:30 she shall be praised; n?r)$ri 
to be forgotten, Ec 8:10, where the reflexive sense (to bring oneself into oblivion) has 
altogether disappeared. Cf. Niph'al, § 51 f. 

The passive form Hothpa 'al is found only in the few following examples: Katan to be 
defiled, Dt 24:4; infinitive D33H to be washed, Lv 13:55, 56; 7\yti<$7\ (for rUBHrin, the HI being 
treated as if it were the afformative ofthefem. plur.) it is made fat, Is 34:6. On np.Qrin, see 1. 

Denominatives with a reflexive meaning are TPIin to embrace Judaism, from ~Ky\ (riling) 
Judah; TBXH to provision one self for a journey, from HTS provision for a journey (see § 72 

Rem. 1. As in Pi 'el, so in Hithpa 'el, the perfect very frequently (in stems ending in 1, p, a, 
Q) has retained the original Pathah in the final syllable (while in the ordinary form it is 
attenuated, as in Pi 'el, to /"and then lengthened to e), e.g. litfrin Dt 4:21, &c; cf. 2 Ch 13:7, 
15:8; with 1 consecutive Is 8:21; so also in the imperfect and imperative, e.g. Danrifi Ec 7:16; 
cf. Dt9:8, 18, 1 S3: 10,2 S 10:12, IK 11:9, Is 55:2, 58:14, 64:11, Ps 55:2; pmrin 1 K 20:22, 
Ps 37:4, Est 5:10; pQNTi.N] 1 S 13:12.— In Lv 11:44, 20:7 and Ez 38:23, /"takes the place of a 
in the final syllable of the stem before tz/ (cf. § 44 d), and in the last passage before b. In the 
perfect, imperfect (with the exception of Ec 7: 16), and imperative of Hithpa 'el (as well as of 
Hithpo 'el, Hithpa 'lei, Hithpalpel, § 55) the original a always returns in pause as QameS, e.g. 

gvmrin Ps 93:1; "73N1V Ez 7:27; "i^niT Jb 18:8; V7 r 3Vrp 38:30; W$\?m Jos 3:5; cf. Jb 33:5 and § 
74 b. — The a also appears before the fuller ending 'p in the plural of the imperfect (cf. § 47 m) 
in Ps 12:9, Jb 9 6 , 16: 10.— Like the Pi el 7]i?<&\?7\ (§ 52 n), forms occur in Hithpa el like 
nxpfibflfl Zc 6:7; cf. Am 8:13, and so in Hithpo el, Jer 49:3, Am 9:13; with e only in La 
4:1. — In the Aramaic manner an infinitive Hithpa el nnanrin occurs in Dn 1 1:23 (cf. the 
Hiph z/inf nwatfrj in Ez 24:26). 

2. As instances of the reflexive Vtaprin (connected with Pi el) a few reflexive forms of the 
verb "7J7Q {to examine) are also probably to be reckoned. Instead of a Pathah in a sharpened 
syllable after the first radical, these take QameSin an open syllable, e.g. Tl\?5T\Tl Ju 20: 15, 17, 
imperfect IpSA 1 20:15, 21:9. The corresponding passive form V7[?,9Iirj also occurs four times, 
Nu 1:47, 2:33, 26:62, 1 K 20:27. According to others, these forms are rather reflexives ofQal, 
in the sense of to present oneself for review, to be reviewed, like the Aramaic Ithpe el 
(Western Aramaic VopriN, Syr. VopriN) and the Ethiopic taqafla, Arab, iqtatala, the last with 
the t always placed after the first radical (cf. above, b); but they are more correctly explained, 
with Konig, as Hithpa el forms, the doubling of the p being abnormally omitted. — Such a 
reflexive oiQal, with the n transposed, occurs in DnnVn (on the analogy of O.T. Hebrew to be 
pronounced DnriVn) in the inscription of the Moabite king Mesa , with the meaning of the 
O.T. Niph al DnVl to fight, to wage war. see the inscription, lines 1 1, 15, 19, and 32; in the 
first two places in the imperfect with waw consecutive nnrfrK,]; in line 19 in the infinitive with 
suffix, 'O n ' an , FiVna in his fighting against me. 

§ 55. Less Common Conjugations. 

Of the less common conjugations (§ 39 g) some may be classed with Pi el, others 
with Hiph it. To the former belong those which arise from the lengthening of the 
vowel or the repetition of one or even two radicals, in fact, from an internal 
modification or development of the stem; to the latter belong those which are formed 
by prefixing a consonant, like the n of Hiph it. Amongst the conjugations analogous 
to Pi el are included the passive forms distinguished by their vowels, as well as the 
reflexives with the prefix T)7), on the analogy of Hithpa el. 

The following conjugations are related to Pi el, as regards their inflexion and 
partly in their meaning: 

1. P6 el Voip, passive P6 al "?t3ip, reflexive Hithpo el Voiprin, corresponding to the 
Arabic conj. III. qdtdld, pass, qutild, and conj. VI. reflexive tdqdtdld; imperfect Vtaip?, 
participle Voipa, imperfect passive Voip? &c. Hence it appears that in Hebrew the 6 of the first 
syllable is in all the forms obscured from a, while the passive form is distinguished simply by 
the a-sound in the second syllable. In the strong verb these conjugations are rather rare. 
Examples: participle , pQ|E'a mine adversary, who would contend with me, Jb 9:15; VIB^D 
(denominative from ]W^ the tongue) slandering (as if intent on injuring with the tongue) Ps 
101:5 K'th. (The Q e re requires rm^a m e ldsm"as Na 1:3 "VlTO); lan'T they have poured out, Ps 
77: 18 (if not rather Pu al); "rodr / have appointed, 1 S 21:3 (unless 'TOCfin should be read); 
-IV'O? Ho 13:3; Bh'B> to take root, passive tthitt*, denominative from tthcftt* root (but tthti> to 
root out); in Hithpo el WV r irin they shall be moved, Jer 25: 16; imperf 46:8; from a verb 7\"b, 
•tfldihtt* Is 10: 13. The participle fK'M Is 52:5 is probably a forma mixta combining the readings 
fipa andfK'iria. 

Po el proper (as distinguished from the corresponding conjugations of verbs V"V § 67 1 
and ry § 72 m, which take the place of the ordinary causative Pi el) expresses an aim or 

endeavour to perform the action, especially with hostile intent, and is hence called, by Ewald, 
the stem expressing aim (Zielstamm), endeavour (Suche-stamm) or attack (Angriffs-stamm); 
cf. the examples given above from Jb 9: 15, Ps 101:5, and X>ya 1 S 18:9 Q e re (probably for 

■piva, cf § 52 s; § 55 f: seeking to cast an evil eye). 

With Voip is connected the formation of quadriliterals by the insertion of a consonant 
between the first and second radicals (§ 30 p, § 56). 

2. Pa lei, generally with the a attenuated to i=Pi let (Pi lot), Vptpp and VVtpp; the e in 
the final syllable also arises from i, and this again from a; passive Pu lal V7Qp, reflexive 
Hithpa lei Vptpprin, like the Arabic conjugations IX. iqtalla and XL iqtalla, the former used of 
permanent, the latter of accidental or changing conditions, e.g. of colours; cf. l^Htl* to be at 
rest, ]1V,,~} to be green, passive VVaN to be withered, all of them found only in the perfect and 
with no corresponding Qal form. (For the barbarous form ^(ffrias Ps 88: 17 read 'OJi.TiaX; for 
V7M Ez 28:23, which has manifestly arisen only from confusion with the following bbf], read 
"7S3). These forms are more common in verbs V'V, where they take the place of Pi el and 
Hithpa el (§ 72 m). Cf. also § 75 kk. 

3. P e al ah VoVop with repetition of the last two radicals, used of movements repeated 
in quick succession; e.g. "irnno to go about quickly, to palpitate (of the heart) Ps 38: 1 1, from 
"ino to go about; passive ~ia"ian to be in a ferment, to be heated, to be red, Jb 16: 16, La 1:20, 
2:11. Probably this is also the explanation of "isixn (denom. from rn?tyO a trumpet, but only 
in the participle, 1 Ch 15:24 &c. iCth.) for "iriai, by absorption of the first 1, lengthening of 
a in the open syllable, and subsequent obscuring of a to 6. On the other hand, for the 
meaningless idn mnK Ho 4: 18 (which could only be referred to this conjugation if it stood for 
tornnN) read tonx, and for the equally meaningless Ty-&$\ Ps 45:3 read Tp&. In both these 
cases a scribal error (dittography) has been perpetuated by the punctuation, which did not 
venture to alter the iCthihh. On the employment of P e al al in the formation of nouns, cf. § 
84b n. Closely related to this form is — 

4. Pilpel (pass. Polpal), with a strengthening of the two essential radicals in stems V"V, 
V'V, and V 'V, e.g. btffi, to roll, from %=V?%; reflexive Vjtarin to roll oneself down; VsVs from V]3, 
passive VsVs; cf. also KDKD (so Baer and Ginsb. after Qimhi; others KDKp) Is 14:23, and with a 
in both syllables owing to the influence of 1, "ipTp from ~np Nu 24: 17 (cf. however, in the 
parallel passage, Jer 48:45 T'plp) and Is 22:5, in the participle; WW Is 17:11 to hedge in, ace. 
to others make to grow. Probably to this form also belongs wVy 1 ??, the emended reading of Jb 
39:30 instead of the impossible wVsr; also nKQKD Is 27:8, if that form is to be referred to an 
infinitive KpKD; perhaps also K;E*B* Ez 39:2 for NEW. This form also commonly expresses 
rapidly repeated movement, which all languages incline to indicate by a repetition of the 
sound, 1 e.g. ^"iSl to chirp; cf. in the Lexicon the nouns derived from ~ra, 1W, and bbx. 

As Hithpalpel we find 'ppE'pritl" Na 2:5; VnVrm™ Est 4:4; "lanarn Dn 8:7, 1 1: 1 1. Of the 
same form is Tt'l'lK Is 38: 15, if contracted from HTnriN or nTHriN from the root Yl or 'H), and 
also inanarin tarry ye, Is 29:9 (but read probably nam), nanari'T (inpause) Gn 19:16, &c, if it 
is to be derived from nna, and not Hithpa el from nana. 

1 l Cf. Wolfensohn, 'The Pi lei in Hebrew,' Amer. Journ. of Or. Studies, xxvii 
(1907), p. 303 ff. 

1 l Cf. Lat. tinnio, tintinno, our tick-tack, ding-dong, and the German wirrwarr, 
klingklang. The repetition of the radical in verbs S?"37 also produces this effect; as in 
Pi? 1 ? to lick, pi?} to pound, ^Qt? to trip along. The same thing is expressed also by 
diminutive forms, as in Latin by the termination -illo, e.g. cantillo, in German by -eln, 
-ern, e.g.flimmern, trillern, tropfeln, to trickle. 

Only examples more or less doubtful can be adduced of — 

5. Tiph el (properly Taph el ): ^Dipri, with n prefixed, cf. ''flVGfiifl to teach to walk, to 
lead (denominative from b^ti a foot?) Ho 11:3; from a stem TT'b, the imperfect rnr^T to 
contend with, Jer 12:5; participle, 22: 15 (from rnn to be hot, eager). Similarly in Aramaic, 
UT\T\ to interpret, whence also in Hebrew the passive participle UT\Tfo Ezr 4:7. 

6. Saph el: VopE*, frequent in Syriac, e.g. 3rT7E> from 2Th> to flame; whence in Hebrew 
niC?7E* flame. Perhaps of the same form is bt?2Vi a snail (unless it be from the stem byti), and 
ninypti' hollow strokes, cf. § 85, No. 50. This conjugation is perhaps the original oiHiph it, 
in which case the n, by a phonetic change which may be exemplified elsewhere, is weakened 
from a sibilant. 

Forms of which only isolated examples occur are: — 

7. Efrtpp, passive uVtpi?; as OQpna peeled off, like scales, Ex 16:14, from ion, 1^0 to peel, to 

8. Vptpp, in fpnt a rain-storm, from I'll. 

9. Vtspru (regularly in Mishnic Hebrew) a form compounded ofNiph al and Hithpa el; 
as nay"! for TiOWi ?Aaf they may be taught, Ez 23:48; 1933 probably an error for "iQ?rin to &e 
forgiven, Dt2i:8. On rnniM Pr 27:15, see § 75 x. 

§ 56. Quadriliterals. 

On the origin of these altogether secondary formations cf. § 30 p. While 
quadriliteral nouns are tolerably numerous, only the following examples of the verb 

(a) On the analogy of Pi el: Dp"i3, imperfect 7\1<&Q~Q] he doth ravage it, Ps 80: 14 from 
DD3, cf DU. Passive E'QD i 'i to grow fresh again, Jb 33:25. Participle "73"i?a girt, clothed (cf. 
Aramaic "733 to bind), 1 Ch 15:27. It is usual also to include among the quadriliterals rah? Jb 
26:9, as aperfect of Aramaic form with Pathah not attenuated. It is more correctly, however, 
regarded, with Delitzsch, as the infinitive absolute of a Pi lei formation, from f5H9 fo spread 
out, with euphonic change of the first tz> to E>, and the second to T. Moreover, the reading ran? 
also is very well attested, and is adopted by Beer in the text of Job; cf. the Rem. on p. 48 of 
his edition. 

(b) On the analogy ofHiph it: b^Vtoty), by syncope WnE>n and Vwn to turn to the left 
(denom. from Vn W) Gn 13:9, Is 30:21, &c. On irPdfo,* cf. § 53 p. 

Strong Verb with Pronominal Suffixes. 1 

2 2 The existence of a Taph el is contested on good grounds by Barth, 
Nominalbildimg, p. 279. 

3 3 [See Segal, Misnaic Hebrew, Oxf. 1909, p. 30 ff] 


The accusative of the personal pronoun, depending on an active verb, 2 may be 
expressed (1) by a separate word, nx the accusative sign (before a suffix n$, n's) with 
the pronominal suffix, e.g. 1n'N ^\? he has killed him; or (2) by a mere suffix, incfbi? 
or i^Op he has killed him. The latter is the usual method (§ 33), and we are here 
concerned with it alone. 3 Neither of these methods, however, is employed when the 
accusative of the pronoun is reflexive. In that case a reflexive verb is used, viz. 
Niph al or Hithpa el (§§ 51 and 54), e.g. ttfajp^iri he sanctified himself not W^\?, 
which could only mean he sanctified him 4 

Two points must be specially considered here: the form of the suffix itself (§ 58), 
and the form which the verb takes when suffixes are added to it (§§ 59-61). 

§ 58. The Pronominal Suffixes of the Verb. 

Cf. the statistics collected by H. Petri, Das Verbum mit Suffixen im Hebr., part ii, in the 
CMtWl CW^, Leipzig, 1890. W. Diehl, Das Pronomen pers. suff. ... des Hebr., Giessen, 
1895. J. Barth, 'Beitraage zur Suffixlehre des Nordsem., ' AJSL. xvii (1901), p. 205 f. 
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., i. 159 f.; Grundriss, p. 638 ff. 

1. The pronominal suffixes appended to the verb express the accusative of the 
personal pronoun. They are the following: — 





■ a form 


a form in the Perf. 

To a form in the Imperf. 

ending in 



ending in a Consonant. 

ending in 

o Consonant. 


1. com. 


^ Cf '(in pause ^ d) 



2. m. 


~} - (in pause 

-] <S, also T :) 




T, " ~J Cf, rarely "] ' 


3. m. 

in cf, 


in cf, i (n) 

in cf 








1. com 





2. m. 


dd : 

you (vos). 

1 l This subject of the verbal suffixes is treated here in connexion with the strong 
verb, in order that both the forms of the suffixes and the general laws which regulate 
their union with verbal forms may be clearly seen. The rules which relate to the union 
of the suffixes with weak verbs will be given under the several classes of those verbs. 

2 2 An accusative suffix occurs with Niph al in Ps 109:3 (since Ulf?l is used in the 
sense of to attack), and according to some, in Is 44:21; with Hithpa el Is 14:2 0?n^n 
to appropriate somebody to oneself as a possession); cf. above, § 54 f, and § 1 17 w. 

3 3 On the cases where nx is necessary, see § 1 17 e. 

4 4 The exceptions in Jer 7:19, Ez 34:2, 8, 10 are only apparent. In all these instances 
the sharp antithesis between ari'N (themselves) and another object could only be 
expressed by retaining the same verb; also in Ex 5: 19 an' X after an active verb serves 
to emphasize the idea of themselves. 

AJSL. AJSL. = American Journal of Semitic Languages. 

f. : 

3. m. on, l a a - (from an d, a d a : (from an d) eos. 

poet. in d in d in d 

f 1" ]-, id : eas\ 

2. That these suffixes are connected with the correspondingybrms of the personal 
pronoun (§ 32) is for the most part self-evident, and only a few of them require 

The suffixes % 13, in, n (and "j, when a long vowel in an open syllable precedes) 
never have the tone, which always rests on the preceding syllable; on the other hand, 
D3 and DD always take the tone. 

In the 3rd pers. masc. in (f, by contraction of a and u after the rejection of the 
weak n, frequently gives rise to 6 (§ 23 k), ordinarily written i, much less frequently 
H (see § 7 c). In the feminine, the suffix n should be pronounced with a preceding a 
(cf below, f, note), as n cfor n cf, on the analogy of dhii; instead of n cf, however, it 
was simply pronounced 7\ ", with the rejection of the final vowel, and with Mappiq, 
since the n is consonantal; but the weakening to n " is also found, see below, g. 

3. The variety of the suffix-forms is occasioned chiefly by the fact that they are 
modified differently according to the form and tense of the verb to which they are 
attached. For almost every suffix three forms may be distinguished: 

(a) One beginning with a consonant, as '3 d", in d", i (only after i), i3 d", (an) □, &c. 
These are attached to verbal forms which end with a vowel, e.g. ^id^i?'; iri'dj^Di?, for 
which by absorption of the n we also get VflVtii?, pronounced q e taltiu; cf. § 8 m. 

(b) A second and third with what are called connecting vowels 1 ('3 cf, '3 d), used 
with verbal forms ending with a consonant (for exceptions, see § 59 g and § 60 e). 

1 l According to Diehl (see above), p. 61, D3 occurs only once with the perfect (see § 
59 e), 7 times with the imperfect, but never in pre-exilic passages, whereas the accus. 
D3n$ occurs 40 times in Jer. and 36 times in Ezek. — DH occurs only once as a verbal 
suffix (Dt 32:26, unless, with Kahan, Infinitive u. Participien, p. 13, □n , X3X from nxs 
is to be read), while the forms p {2nd f pi.) and ] " and ]d (3rd f pi), added by Qimhi, 
never occur. 

1 l We have kept the term connecting vowel, although it is rather a superficial 
description, and moreover these vowels are of various origin. The connective a is 
most probably the remains of the old verbal termination, like the i in the 2nd pers. 
fern. sing, in 1 fiVtti?. Observe e.g. the Hebrew form q e tdl-ani in connexion with the 
Arabic qatala-ni, contrasted with Hebrew q e tdlat-ni and Arabic qatalat-ni. Konig 
accordingly prefers the expression 'vocalic ending of the stem', instead of 'connecting 
syllable'. The connective e, aCE -1 , as Pratorius (ZDMG. 55, 267 ff) and Barth (ibid. p. 
205 f) show by reference to the Syriac connective ai in the imperf of the strong verb, 
is originally due to the analogy of verbs , " 1 7 ('311^ = 'Trjip from nfhaini ), in which the 
final e was used as a connecting vowel first of the imperat, then of the impf. (besides 
many forms with a, § 60 d), and of the infin. and participle. 

This connecting vowel is a with the forms of the perfect, e.g. ^(Sbi?, UCftti?, Q^Dp (on 
~f7V\}, the ordinary form of the 3rd masc. perf with the 2nd fern, suffix, cf below, g); 
and e (less frequently a) with the forms of the imperfect and imperative, e.g. mtfpi??, 
D^pi?; also with the infinitive and participles, when these do not take noun-suffixes (cf. 
§ 61 a and h). The form i also belongs to the suffixes of the perfect, since it has arisen 
from m cf (cf., however, § 60 d). With 1, D3, the connecting sound is only a vocal 
Sfwd, which has arisen from an original short vowel, thus ~} ~, D3 7, e.g. "ft, pi? 
(q e tafkhd), or when the final consonant of the verb is a guttural, "] ", e.g. TID, 1 ?^. In 
pause, the original short vowel (a) reappears as S e ghol with the tone ~j cf(also ~j cf, see 
g). On the appending of suffixes to the final 11 of the imperfect (§ 47 m), see § 60 e. 

Rem. 1. As rare forms may be mentioned sing. 2nd pers. masc. rD 7 Gn 27:7, 1 K 18:44, 
&c., inpause also H3 d~(see below, i);fem. 'O, 'O d~Ps 103:4, 137:6. Instead of the form 71 7, 
which is usual even in the perfect (e.g. Ju 4:20, Ez 27:26), 71 7 occurs as fern. Is 60:9 (as masc. 
Dt 6:17, 28:45, Is 30:19, 55:5 always inpause); withMunahls 54:6, Jer 23:37. — In the 3rd 
masc. n Ex 32:25, Nu 23:8; in the 3rd fern, n 7 without Mappiq (cf. § 91 e) Ex 2:3, Jer 44: 19; 
Am 1:11, with retraction of the tone before a following tone-syllable, but read certainly nail* 
rnd 1 ?. — The forms in cf, ia tf, in cf occur 23 times, all in poetry 1 (except Ex 23:31) [viz. with 
the perfect Ex 15: 10, 23:31, Ps 73:6; with the imperfect Ex 15:5 (la for ia), 15:7,9,9, 12, 15, 
17, 17, Ps 2:5, 21:10, 13,22:5,45:17,80:6, 140:10; with the imperative Ps 5:11, 59:12, 12, 
83: 12]. On the age of these forms, see § 91 1 3; on ] ~_ and 1 7 as suffixes of the 3rd fem. plur. 
of the imperfect, § 60 d. — In Gn 48:9 KTdrj, \? (cf. Dtf"d3!l 1 Ch 14: 1 1 according to Baer), D 7 
has lost the tone before Maqqeph and so is shortened to D 7. — In Ez 44:8 'pa''E>rn is probably 
only an error for Dia^fll. 

2. From a comparison of these verbal suffixes with the noun-suffixes (§ 91) we find that 
(a) there is a greater variety of forms amongst the verbal than amongst the noun-suffixes, the 
forms and relations of the verb itself being more various; — (b) the verbal suffix, where it 
differs from that of the noun, is longer; cf. e.g. 'O cf, 'O d", '3 <S(me) with 1 7 (my). The reason is 
that the pronominal object is less closely connected with the verb than the possessive pronoun 
(the genitive) is with the noun; consequently the former can also be expressed by a separate 
word^Kin^riK, &c). 

4. A verbal form with a suffix gains additional strength, and sometimes intentional 
emphasis, when, instead of the mere connecting vowel, a special connecting-syllable 2 
(arif is inserted between the suffix and the verbal stem. Since, however, this syllable 

1 l Thus in Ps 2 ia~ occurs five times [four times attached to a noun or preposition, §§ 
91 f, 103 c], and D 7 only twice. 

2 2 It is, however, a question whether, instead of a connecting syllable, we should not 
assume a special verbal form, analogous to the Arabic energetic mood (see 1, at the 
end) and probably also appearing in the Hebrew cohortative (see the footnote on § 48 
c). — As M. Lambert has shown in REJ. 1903, p. 178 ff ('De l'emploi des suffixes 
pronominaux ...'), the suffixes of the 3rd pers. with the impf. without waw in prose 
are 13 7 and na ", but with waw consec. in " and n " or 7\ "; with the jussive in the 

T V ' T V T ' J 

2nd and 3rd pers. always in 7, nn 7, the 1st pers. more often 13 7 than m 7, and 
always 7\\ 7. 

3 3 According to Barth 'n-haltige Suffixe' in Sprachwiss. Untersuchungen, Lpz. 1907, 
p. 1 ff, the connecting element, as in Aramaic, was originally in, which in Hebrew 
became en in a closed tone-syllable. 

always has the tone, the a is invariably (except in the 1st pers. sing.) modified to tone- 
bearing S e ghol. This is called the Nun energicum 4 (less suitably demonstrativum or 
epentheticum), and occurs principally (see, however, Dt 32:10 bis) in pausal forms of 
the imperfect, e.g. inj,^,^ he will bless him (Ps. 72:15, cf Jer 5:22), ~#<§m Jer 22:24; 
'ij^jitf? he will honour me (Ps 50:23) is unusual; rarely in the perfect, Dt 24:13 "p"?,?- 
On examples like ^cfr Gn 30:6, cf. § 26 g, § 59 f In far the greatest number of cases, 
however, this Nun is assimilated to the following consonant (3, D), or the latter is lost 
in pronunciation (so n), and the Nun consequently sharpened. Hence we get the 
following series of suffix-forms: — 

1st pers. '3 cf (even in pause, Jb 7:14, &c), '3 (f (for '33 €, '33 d). 

2nd pers. } cf (Jer 22:24 in pause 33 ~) and, only orthographically different, 

H| Cf(ls 10:24, Pr 2:11 in pause). 
3rd pers. 13 cf (for 1713. <S), 1 fern. H3 cf for H3 d>. 
[1st pers. plur. 13 Cf (for 133 cf), see the Rem.] 

In the other persons Nun energetic does not occur. 

Rem. The uncontracted forms with Nun are rare, and occur only in poetic or elevated 
style (Ex 15:2, Dt 32: 10 [bis], Jer 5:22, 22:24); they are never found in the 3rd fern. sing, and 
1st plur. On the other hand, the contracted forms are tolerably frequent, even in prose. An 
example of 13 cfas 1st plur. occurs perhaps in Jb 31:15 [but read 13 " and cf. § 72 cc], hardly in 
Ho 12:5; cf. uqfi behold us, Gn 44:16, 50:18, Nu 14:40 for mi (instead of mn; see § 20 m).— 
In Ez 4: 12 the Masora requires rudSffl, without Dages in the Nun. 

That the forms with Nun energicum are intended to give greater emphasis to the verbal 
form is seen from their special frequency inpause. Apart from the verb, however, Nun 
energicum occurs also in the union of suffixes with certain particles (§ 100 o). 

This Nun is frequent in Western Aramaic. In Arabic the corresponding forms are the two 
energetic moods (see § 48 b) ending in an and anna, which are used in connexion with 
suffixes (e.g. yaqtulan-ka or yaqtulanna-ka) as well as without them. 

§ 59. The Perfect with Pronominal Suffixes. 

1. The endings (ajformatives) of the perfect occasionally vary somewhat from the 
ordinary form, when connected with pronominal suffixes; viz.: — 

(a) In the 3rd sing. fern, the original feminine ending n ~ or n " is used for n ". 

4 4 So Konig, Lehrgeb., i. p. 226. 
1 1 0ni3 = l3:Nu23:13, see § 67 o. 

(b) In the 2nd sing. masc. besides fl we find fi, to which the connecting vowel is 
directly attached, but the only clear instances of this are with ">1 <f 2 

(c) In the 2nd sing. fern, 'fl, the original form of p, appears; cf 'AN, 'fl 1 ?^, § 32 f; § 
44 g. This form can be distinguished from the 1st pers. only by the context. 

(d) 2ndplur. masc. W for Dfi. The only examples are Nu 20:5, 21:5, Zc 7:5. The 
fern. IfiVyi? never occurs with suffixes; probably it had the same form as the masculine. 

We exhibit first the forms of the perfect Hiph it, as used in connexion with 
suffixes, since here no further changes take place in the stem itself, except as regards 
the tone (see c). 

Singular. Plural. 

3. m. ^apn 3. c. fr'ppn 

2. m. riVopn, nVapn 2. m. wVopn 

2. / ■'fiVQpn, nVopn 

1. c. •'riVopn 1. c. vhuftT} 

The beginner should first practise connecting the suffixes with these Hiph it forms and 
then go on to unite them to the Perfect Qal (see d). 

2. The addition of the suffix generally causes the tone to be thrown forward 
towards the end of the word, since it would otherwise fall, in some cases, on the ante- 
penultima; with the heavy suffixes (see e) the tone is even transferred to the suffix 
itself. Considerations of tone, especially in the Perfect Qal, occasion certain vowel 
changes: (a) the QameS of the first syllable, no longer standing before the tone, 
always becomes vocal S e wd; (b) the original Pathah of the second syllable, which in 
the 3rd sing fern, and Irdplur. had become S e wd, reappears before the suffix, and, in 
an open syllable before the tone, is lengthened to QameS, similarly original z"(as in the 
3rd sing. masc. without a suffix) is lengthened to e, e.g. ^dns 1 S 18:22, Pr 19:7. 

The forms of the perfect of Qal consequently appear as follows: — 

Singular. Plural. 

3. m. Vtpp 3. c. t>V\? 
S./nVtpi? (nVtpp, seeg) 

2. m. nVop (fiVop, see h) 2. m. wVop 
Z/^VEj? (n"?Dp, see h) 

1. c •'fiVap 1. c. uVop 

The connexion of these forms with all the suffixes is shown in Paradigm C. It will 
be seen there also, how the Sere in the Perfect Pi el changes sometimes into S e ghol, 
and sometimes into vocal ywd. 

2 2 On the a as an original element of the verbal form, see § 58 f, note. 

Rem. 1. The suffixes of the 2nd and 3rd pers. plur. DO and DH, since they end in a 
consonant and also always have the tone, are distinguished as heavy suffixes (suffixa gravid) 
from the rest, which are called light suffixes. Compare the connexion of these (and of the 
corresponding feminine forms p and p) with the noun, § 91. With a perfect DO alone occurs, 
Ps 1 18:26. The form Vop which is usually given as the connective form of the 3rd sing. masc. 
before DO and p is only formed by analogy, and is without example in the O.T. 

2. In the 3rd sing. masc. indtpi? (especially in verbs 7\' ,x 7; in the strong verb only in Jer 
20: 15 in Pi el) is mostly contracted to iVtpp, according to § 23 k; likewise in the 2nd sing, 
masc. indfrop to ifiVop. — As a suffix of the 1st sing. ^ d~occurs several times with the 3rd 
sing. masc. perf Qal of verbs H" 1 ?, not only inpause (as ''idy Ps 118:5; ^dj? Pr 8:22 with D e hi), 
but even with a conjunctive accent, as 'OCf "n Jb 30: 19; 'Oris? 1 S 28: 15 (where, however, the 
reading Vid& is also found). With a sharpened 1 ^(ft Gn 30:6, ^djcp Ps 118:18. 

3. The 3rd sing. fern. nVop (=nVB , j?) has the twofold peculiarity that (a) the ending ath 
always takes the tone, 1 and consequently is joined to those suffixes which form a syllable of 
themselves ( 1 1, ~\, in, n, 13), without a connecting vowel, contrary to the general rule, § 58 f; (b) 
before the other suffixes the connecting vowel is indeed employed, but the tone is drawn back 
to the penultima, so that they are pronounced with shortened vowels, viz. ~] ~ d", D : d", e.g. 
TTitfnx she loves thee, Ru 4:15, cf. Is 47:10; cmdha she has stolen them, Gn 31:32; aridity it 
burns them, Is 47:14, Jos 2:6, Ho 2:14, Ps 48:7. For ">yn <S, ~}Ti d/&c, inpause ">yn x ' is found, 
Jer 8:21, Ps 69:10, and ~jl) ,7 Ct 8:5; and also without the pause for the sake of the assonance 
~}T\blTl, she was in travail with thee, ibid. The form Wfibj? (e.g. Ru 4: 15) has arisen, through 
the loss of the n and the consequent sharpening of the n (as in 13 d~and H3 d~for 1H3 d~and H3 d", 
cf. § 58 i), from the form inridbp, which is also found even inpause (inil.inN 1 S 18:28; 
elsewhere it takes inpause the form inripao Is 59:16); so rpidbp from nridbj?; cf. 1 S 1:6, Is 
34: 17, Jer 49:24, Ru 3:6; inpause Ez 14: 15, always, on the authority of Qimhi, without 
Mappiq in the n, which is consequently always a more vowel-letter. 

4. In the 2nd sing. masc. the form riVop is mostly used, and the suffixes have, therefore, 
no connecting vowel, e.g. 13gi:riQ !3din3T thou hast cast us off, thou hast broken us down, Ps 
60:3; but with the suff of the 1st sing, the form ^dfrop is used, e.g. ■Odhjpr] Ps 139:1; inpause, 
however, with QameS, e.g. ^JJQIV Ps 22:2; Ju 1:15 (with Zaqeph qaton); but cf. also ''IGfcra Ps 
17:3 withMer e kha. — In the 2nd sing. fern. *Jr — is also written defectively, "Odpa'] 1 S 19:17, 
Ju 1 1:35, Jer 15:10, Ct 4:9. Occasionally the suffix is appended to the ordinary form n ~, viz. 
Udfy^tfn thou (fern.) dost adjure us, Ct 5:9, Jos 2:17, 20; cf. Jer 2:27, and, quite abnormally, 
with Sere wdrnin thou (fern.) didst let us down, Jos 2:18, where wdrnin would be expected. In 
Is 8: 1 1 1 3dib , 'i is probably intended as an imperfect. 

5. In verbs middle e, the e remains even before suffixes (see above, c), e.g. djhriK Dt 
15:16, inritfnx 1 S 18:28, cf. 18:22; im<Sh? Jb 37:24. From a verb middle 6 there occurs ■pfl'jO} / 
have prevailed against him, Ps 13:5, from *?'T with 6 instead of o in a syllable which has lost 
the tone (§ 44 e). 

1 l IP.^n Ct 8:5 is an exception. D3 would probably even here have the tone (see e); 
but no example of the kind occurs in the O.T. In Is 5 1 :2 the imperfect is used instead 
of the perfect with a suffix. 

§ 60. Imperfect with Pronominal Suffixes. 

In those forms of the imperfect Qal, which have no afformatives, the vowel 6 of 
the second syllable mostly becomes 7 (simple S e wd mobile), sometimes ~; thus in the 
principal pause, Nu 35:20, Is 27:3, 62:2, Jer 31:33, Ez 35:6, Ho 10:10; before the 
principal pause, Ps 119:33; before a secondary pause, Ez 17:23; even before a 
conjunctive accent, Jos 23:5. Before "] 7, D3 7, however, it is shortened to Qames 
hatuph, e.g. TJTii?^? (but mpause Ticlib^? or 7JCjib$?; with Nun energicum, see §58 i), 
Drna^, &c. Instead of r$>dbj?:n, the form ^pipri 1 is used for the 2nd and 3rd fern. plur. 
before suffixes in three places: Jer 2:19, Jb 19:15, Ct 1:6. 

Rem. 1. Tpirp Ps 94:20 is an anomalous form for JiSIT (cf. the analogous ~}1W §67 n) and 
7IEMQ, 1 (so Baer; others TJttf^Q 1 ) Gn 32:18 for 7|EM3\ To the same category as TD^rp belong 
also, according to the usual explanation, 07357,5 (from 7 ' 357, fi), Ex 20:5, 23:24, Dt 5:9, and 
'357,3 Dt 13:3. As a matter of fact, the explanation of these forms as imperfects of Qal appears 
to be required by the last of these passages; yet why has the retraction of the taken place 
only in these examples (beside numerous forms like Vldbs?,!)? Could the Masora in the two 
Decalogues and in Ex 23:24 (on the analogy of which Dt 13:3 was then wrongly pointed) 
have intended an imperfect Hoph al with the suffix, meaning thou shall not allow thyself to 
be brought to worship theml 

Verbs which have a in the second syllable of the imperfect, and imperative, Qal (to which 
class especially verba tertiae and mediae gutturalis belong, § 64 and § 65) do not, as a rule, 
change the Pathah of the imperfect (nor of the imperative, see § 61 g) into owd before 
suffixes; but the Pathah, coming to stand in an open syllable before the tone, is lengthened to 
QameS, e.g. ^(f 3V>1 Jb 29:14; imtfKV 3:5; Dn^E"! Jos 8:3; intflj? 1 Ps 145:18; but iKnp-' Jer 23:6, 
is probably a forma mixta combining the readings iKTp 1 and Wlj? 1 , cf. § 74 e. 

2. Not infrequently suffixes with the connecting vowel a are also found with the 
imperfect, e.g. ^(jfrtfi Gn 19:19, cf. 29:32, Ex 33:20, Nu 22:33, 1 K 2:24 Q e re, Is 56:3, Jb 
9:18; also •>! <S, Gn 27:19, 31, Jb 7:14, 9:34, 13:21 (in principal pause); 7iyy_) Gn 37:33, cf. 
16:7, 2 S 11:27, Is 26:5, Jb 28:27, 1 Ch 20:2; ug^ Is 63:16 (manifestly owing to the 
influence of the preceding UG^p); DE>3> Ex 29:30, cf. 2:17, Nu 21:30, Dt 7:15, Ps 74:8; even 
DV'aN 118: 10-12; lytf^] Ex 2: 17, and l.riTP Hb 2: 17 (where, however, the ancient versions 
read 7i<fih?); even iQTV (o from dhu) Ho 8:3; cf. Ex 22:29, Jos 2:4 (but read tOSXJil); 1 S 18: 1 
iCth., 21: 14 (where, however, the text is corrupt); 2 S 14:6 (where read with the old versions 
yi); Jer 23:6 (see § 74 e), Ps 35:8, Ec 4: 12.— On pausal Sfghol for Sere in d,3T,3K,1 Gn 48:9 
and ingVKJ/n (so Baer, but ed. Mant., Ginsb. ingftxrn) Ju 16:16, see § 29 q 

3. Suffixes are also appended in twelve passages to the plural forms in ]\ viz. ''itfKSiri, 
will ye break me in pieces'! Jb 19:2; ^gn,^ (here necessarily with a connecting vowel) Is 
60:7, 10; Pr 5:22 (i but probably corrupt); elsewhere always without a connecting vowel; 
■Ujdhi?? with two other examples Pr 1:28, 8:17, Ho 5:15; cf. ~ff\ d"Ps 63:4, 91:12; irtid"Jer 5:22; 
rffi d"Jer 2:24, all in principal pause. [See Bottcher, Lehrb., § 1047 f] 

1 l This form is also found as feminine without a suffix, in Jer 49: 1 1, Ez 37:7. In the 
latter passage la^jprn is probably to be regarded, with Konig, as a clumsy correction of 
the original 'p'l, intended to suggest the reading nn liprn, to agree with the usual 
gender of nia sy. 

4. In Pi el, Po el, and Po lei, the Sere of the final syllable, like the o in Qal, becomes 
vocal S e wd; but before the suffixes ~j ~ and DO 7 it is shortened to S"ghdl, e.g. ~}^p : Dt 30:4, Ps 
34: 12, Is 51:2. With a final guttural, however, ~}t]fm Gn 32:27; also in Pr 4:8, where with 
Qimhi 'Tjldbfi is to be read, e is retained in the tone-syllable; an analogous case in Hiph it is 
TfTCfl Dt 32:7. Less frequently Sere is sharpened to Hireq, e.g. DD^HKK Jb 16:5, cf. Ex 31:13, Is 
1:15, 52:12; so in Po lei, Is 25:1, Ps 30:2, 37:34, 145:1, and probably also in Qaly$\X 1 S 
15:6; cf. §68h. 

5. In Hiph it the /remains, e.g. "OCf 'O'pli Jb 10:11 (after waw consecutive it is often 
written defectively, e.g. DE^in Gn 3:21 and ofton); but cf. above, f, Dt 32:7. Forms like 
rttdtori thou enrichest it, Ps 65: 10, 1 S 17:25, are rare. Cf. § 53 n. 

6. Instead of the suffix of the 3rd plur. fem. (]), the suffix of the 3rd plur. masc. (□) is 
affixed to the afformative 1, to avoid a confusion with the personal ending ]V, cf. dikVot Gn 
26: 15 (previously also with a perf. D1M0); Gn 26: 18, 33: 13, Ex 2: 17 (where ]ywv] occurs 
immediately after); 39: 18, 20, 1 S 6: 10 (where also QD^a is for irpX2, a neglect of gender 
which can only be explained by § 135 o). — For ]X)Tj,1 Zc 11:5 read perhaps ]T\Tj,1 with M. 

£ 61. Infinitive, Imperative and Participle with Pronominal Suffixes. 

1. The infinitive construct of an active verb may be construed with an accusative, 
and therefore can also take a verbal suffix, i.e. the accusative of the personal pronoun. 
The only undoubted instances of the kind, however, in the O. T. are infinitives with 
the verbal suffix of the 1st pers. sing., e.g. ^<&yf? to inquire of me, Jer 37:7. As a rule 
the infinitive (as a noun) takes noun-suffixes (in the genitive, which may be either 
subjective or objective, cf. § 115 c), e.g. ,_ py my passing by; ID 1 ?!? his reigning, see § 
115 a and e. The infinitive Qal, then, usually has the form qotl, retaining the original 
short vowel under the first radical (on the probable ground-form qutiil, see § 46 a). 
The resulting syllable as a rule allows a following B e gadk e phath to be spirant, e.g. 
ta£Q? in his writing, Jer 45: 1; cf. , however, 'Spirj Gn 19:21; i9}3 (so ed. Mant; others 
isjj) Ex 12:27; '2^ 1 Ch 4:10; before 3 7 and eg 7 also the syllable is completely 
closed, e.g. TJlpN? Ex 23:16, Lv 23:39 (but in pause •jqfj'iri 1 ? Gn 27:42), unless the 
vowel be retained in the second syllable; see d. With the form V Of? generally, compare 
the closely allied nouns of the form tyGp (before a suffix ^tfi? or tytfX § 84a a; § 93 q. 

Rem. 1. The infin. of verbs which have o in the last syllable of the imperfect of Qal, 
sometimes takes the form qitl before suffixes, e.g. i"711| Ex 21:8; D7p» Am 2:6 (but rriDb Ex 
21:8) iV?} 2 S 1: 10 (but iV?3 1 S 29:3), iffifc'V Zc 3:1, niV Lv 26:26, Ez 30: 18 &c. According 
to Barth (see above, § 47 i with the note) these forms with i in the first syllable point to 
former /-imperfects. 

Infinitives of the form *7D]p (§ 45 c) in verbs middle or third guttural (but cf. also n:pE> Gn 
19:33, 35 — elsewhere TjapE' and totf) before suffixes sometimes take the form qaU, as i3VT 
Jon 1:15 (and, with the syllable loosely closed, iny,? Ju 13:25), TJKna and Tiypn Ez 25:6; 
sometimes qiB, with the a attenuated to /, especially in verbs third guttural; as Tinoa, ''yVa, 
DVi73, 15719, Tiri?, nyrn — Contrary to § 58 f "0 d"(l Ch 12:17) and 13 d"(Ex 14:11) are sometimes 
found with the infinitive instead of 'O cfand 13 d! On 'SITI my following Ps 38:21 (but Q e re 
■■STtOj °£ the analogous examples in § 46 e. 

2. With the suffixes ""j ' and DO 7, contrary to the analogy of the corre spending nouns, 
forms occur like Tf-ON thy eating, Gn 2: 17; DrtoK Gn 3:5; 7J7»y (others 7J7,»50 Ob 11 , i.e. with o 
shortened in the same way as in the imperfect, see § 60. But the analogy of the nouns is 
followed in such forms as CDIXj? jcwr harvesting, Lv 19:9, 23:22 (with retention of the 
original u), and CDOX.ft (read moos e khem) your despising, Is 30: 12; cf. Dt 20:2; on DDK^'aa 
Gn 32:20 (for '?»3), see § 74 h. — Very unusual are the infinitive suffixes of the 2nd sing, 
masc. with ] energicum (on the analogy of suffixes with the imperfect, § 58 i), as 7|§)EP Dt 
4:36, cf. 23:5, Jb 33:32, all in principal pause. 

Examples of the infinitive Niph al with suffixes are, 'H2 l 3n Ex 14:18; 7]7» r ;E>n Dt 28:20 
(inpause, 'j^Q^VTi verse 24); ia*p,;t*/nPs 37:33; 05*715 r -p Ez 21:29; 0*7» r ;t"/n Dt7:23. In the 
infinitive of Pi el (as also in the imperfect, see § 60 f) the e before the suff *"] 7, 05 7 becomes 
S'ghol, e.g. 71*1^*7 Ex 4: 10, and with a sharpening to 1 ootzn ,S Is 1:15 (see § 60 f). In the 
infinitive P6 el, DDDE'ia occurs (with a for e or zj Am 5:11, but probably 050*13, with 
Wellhausen, is the right reading; the correction D has crept into the text alongside of the 
corrigendum tt". 

2. The leading form of the imperative Qal before suffixes (*7tp*7) is due probably 
(see § 46 d) to the retention of the original short vowel of the first syllable (ground- 
form qutul). In the imperative also 6 is not followed by Dages lene, e.g. D"*}**!"*; kothbem 
(not kothbem), &C. 1 As in the imperfect (§ 60 d) and infinitive (see above, c), so also 
in the imperative, suffixes are found united to the stem by an a-sound; e.g. TOtt Is 
30:8; cf. 2 S 12:28. — The forms typ, t>V\?, which are not exhibited in Paradigm C, 
undergo no change. Instead of n*!*?db"?, the masc. form (t?ty\?) is used, as in the 

In verbs which form the imperative with a, like n*?$ (to which class belong 
especially verbs middle and third guttural, §§ 64 and 65), this a retains its place when 
pronominal suffixes are added, but, since it then stands in an open syllable, is, as a 
mattter of course, lengthened to games (just as in imperfects Qal in a, § 60 c), e.g. 
■>}(&$ send me, Is 6:8, ^dfiaPs 26:2, -"jdhipPs 50:15, '•ntfatf Gn 23:8. In Am 9:1, Dl7fi*3 
(so ed. Mant, Baer, Ginsb., instead of the ordinary reading Dytf?) is to be explained, 
with Margolis, AJSL. xix, p. 45 ff , from an original i*oy?3, as origin,*! Am 9:4 from 
original ia^giri,!. — In the imperative Hiph it, the form used in conjunction with 
suffixes is not the 2nd sing. masc. "POpn, but ^Pipri (with z"on account of the open 
syllable, cf. § 60 g), e.g. wdnipn present it, Mai 1:8. 

3. Like the infinitives, the participles can also be united with either verbal or 
noun-suffixes; see § 1 16 f In both cases the vowel of the participles is shortened or 
becomes Sfwd before the suffix, as in the corresponding noun-forms, e.g. from the 
form *7ti'p: , *?7|*"i, iD7*1, &c; but before Sfwd mobile *J*"i*f\ &c, or with the original 1" 
*]T;x Ex 23:4, &c, *j5p;K 2 K 22:20 (coinciding in form with the 1st sing, imperfect 
Qal, 1 S 15:6; cf. § 68 h); with a middle guttural ( ,l ?0), !*f?8>; with a third guttural, 
TJlJ.Tf 3 Is 43:1, but "■jQ.Vtf, TJtJ.^p Jer 28:16, cf. § 65 d. The form ■ptap*?, with suffix 
,! ?1>j?"?; before 8?wd sometimes like *]7*3"7*? Is 48:17, Q3*pD^ 51:12, sometimes like 

1 l ''■I **$,$ sdnfrem required by the Masora in Ps 16:1 (also "Tl"?,^ Ps 86:2, 
119:167; cf. Is 38:14 and *]7,*?y Ob 11 ), belongs to the disputed cases discussed in § 9 v 
and § 48 i note. 

0353^!? 52:12. In Is 47:10 '^'1 is irregular for '3<tf'l; instead of the meaningless n' 1 ?! 
1 ^, 1 ? 1 7p!? Jer 15:10 read ^tf?!? DD 1 ??. 

Also unusual (see above, d) with participles are the suffixes of the 2nd sing. masc. with 3 
energicum, as ^rfiy Jb 5:1; cf Dt 8:5, 12:14, 28. 

§ 62. Verbs with Gutturals. 
Brockehnann, Grundriss, p. 584 ff 

Verbs which have a guttural for one of the three radicals differ in their inflexion 
from the ordinary strong verb, according to the general rules in § 22. These 
differences do not affect the consonantal part of the stem, and it is, therefore, more 
correct to regard the guttural verbs as a subdivision of the strong verb. At the most, 
only the entire omission of the strengthening in some of the verbs middle guttural (as 
well as in the imperfect Niph al of verbs first guttural) can be regarded as a real 
weakness (§§ 63 h, 64 e). On the other hand, some original elements have been 
preserved in guttural stems, which have degenerated in the ordinary strong verb; e.g. 
the a of the initial syllable in the imperfect Qal, as in 1 '&!£, which elsewhere is 
attenuated to i"YU\?\ — In guttural verbs X and n are only taken into consideration 
when they are actual consonants, and not vowel-letters like the X in some verbs X"D (§ 
68), in a few N"57 (§ 73 g), and in most X" 1 ? (§ 74). In all these cases, however, the X 
was at least originally a full consonant, while the n in verbs H" 1 ? was never anything 
but a vowel letter, cf. § 75. The really consonantal n at the end of the word is marked 
by Mappiq. — Verbs containing a ~i also, according to § 22 q, 22 r, share some of the 
peculiarities of the guttural verbs. For more convenient treatment, the cases will be 
distinguished, according as the guttural is the first, second, or third radical. (Cf. the 
Paradigms D, E, F, in which only those conjugations are omitted which are wholly 

§ 63. Verbs First Guttural, e.g. Tffi to stand. 

In this class the deviations from the ordinary strong verb may be referred to the 
following cases: — 

1. Instead of a simple Sfwd mobile, the initial guttural takes a compound S e wd 
(Hateph, § 10 f, § 22 1). Thus the infinitives "7'tty, VD& to eat, and the perfects, 2nd 
plur. masc. DF)7??y, Dfi5?D from f?n to be inclined, correspond to the forms V Of? and 
DJ^i?; also i 1 ?^ to i^tti?, and so always with initial " before a suffix for an original a, 
according to § 22 o. 

2. When a preformative is placed before an initial guttural, either the two may 
form a closed syllable, or the vowel of the preformative is repeated as a Hateph under 
the guttural. If the vowel of the preformative was originally a, two methods of 
formation may again be distinguished, according as this a remains or passes into 
S e ghol. 

Examples: (a) of firmly closed syllables after the original vowel of the 
preformative (always with o in the second syllable, except 1\^K\ Ez 23:5, royri &c. 
from rro to adorn oneself, and T\Wl; but cf. e): 1'Wl V&r£, 2'tilp., I'Wtf., ^'PT- Jer 9:3 

(probably to distinguish it from the name 3'pi7,\, just as in Jer 10:19, &c, the 
participle fern. Niph al of 7f?T\ is n^CU to distinguish it from rf?p,5), &c, and so 
generally in the imperfect Qal of stems beginning with n, although sometimes parallel 
forms exist, which repeat the a as a Hateph, e.g. 3'tfp,], &c. The same form appears 
also in the imperfect Hiph z?T01£, &c. Very rarely the original a is retained in a 
closed syllable under the preformative 1 of the perfect Niph al: T)H&{11 Gn 3 1 :27; cf. 1 
S 19:2, Jos 2:16; also the infinitive absolute Dinrn Est 8:8, liny] 1 Ch 5:20, and the 
participle fern. Tbxyi (see above), plur. ninny] Pr 27:6. In these forms the original a is 
commonly kept under the preformative and is followed by Hateph-Pathah, thus in the 
perfect of some verbs H" 1 ?, e.g. HiZ/lM, &c; in the infinitive absolute, "jlsrjj Est 9:1; in 
the participle fl$M, Ps 89:8, &c. 

(b) Of the corresponding Hateph after the original vowel: ttfat],? (but $,|i£ Jb 5:18 
in pause), O'^tJ?, f'^,1, D"~in,!, and so almost always with 57 and often with n in the 
imperfects of Qal and Hiph it; in Hoph al, lay , n, lay , ); but cf. also Wgnn Is 42:22, 

^nnnEz 16:4. 

The a of the preformative before a guttural almost always (§ 22 i, cf. § 27 p) 
becomes Sfghol (cf, however, q). This S e ghol again appears sometimes 

(c) in a closed syllable, e.g. $5n?„ 1QK, "TO? J, 0$^, always with a in the second 
syllable, corresponding to the imperfects of verbs 57"J7, with original zln the first and a 
in the second syllable, § 67 n, and also to the imperfects of verbs V'57, § 72 h; but cf. 
also ~i'B$l, YDS?., and H'^; in Niph., e.g. ■jsfl}; ftpj Am 6:6, &c; in Hiph. TODD, Q 1 ?^ 
2 K 4:7 &c: sometimes 

(d) followed by Hateph-S e ghol, e.g. pin,;, H'OS,?., HtZ/n,?., 31 & in imperfect Qal; 

ray , d #/>/* //"; ^y , } Niph al. 

Rem. With regard to the above examples the following points may also be noted: (1) The 
forms with a firmly closed syllable (called the hard combination) frequently occur in the same 
verb with forms containing a loosely closed syllable (the soft combination). (2) In the 1st 
sing, imperfect Qal the preformative K invariably takes S'ghol, whether in a firmly or loosely 
closed syllable, e.g. tfarj.N (with the cohortative ntfarm), TDriK (inpause), &c. In Jb 32:17 HIVK 
must unquestionably be Hiph it, since elsewhere the pointing is always 'VK. Cohortatives 
like rU"inK Gn 27:41 and n^nK Jb 16:6, are explained by the next remark. (3) The shifting of 
the tone towards the end frequently causes the Pathahoi the preformative to change into 
S e ghol, and vice versa, e.g. nt^V,:, but nrjfriM 3rd sing, fern.; H'ON,?, but 1 Q0N,B; T»$7 r ;j, but with 
waw consecutive Gjnay.rn, &c; so TlDrpI Gn 8:3 the plur. of ~iorH, cf. Gn 11:8; and thus 
generally a change of the stronger Hateph-S'ghdl group (',,') into the lighter Hakph-Pathah 
group takes place whenever the tone is moved one place toward the end (cf. § 27 v). 

3. When in forms like I'ti^,!, TSJJ.J, the vowel of the final syllabi becomes a vocal 
S e wd in consequence of the addition of an afformative (i, 1 7, n ~) or suffix, the 
compound S e wd of the guttural is changed into the corresponding short vowel, e.g. 
■7' ay,', plur. n$y,! (ya- a-m e -dhu as an equivalent for ya -m e -dhii); rQJ5?,J she is 
forsaken. But even in these forms the hard combination frequently occurs, e.g. i^srr 
they take as apledge (cf. in the sing. Vsnn, also VHD,'); ipTD?. (also IpTO,?.) they are 
strong. Cf. m and, in general, § 22 m, § 28 c. 

4. In the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect Niph al, where the first radical 
should by rule be strengthened C^iPn, *7t3|?), the strengthening is always omitted, and 
the vowel of the preformative lengthened to Sere., "TOT,?, for^z amed, l &c. Cf. § 22 
c — For ni^y , i r) Ex 25:31 (according to Dillmann, to prevent the pronunciation ntySI.R, 
which the LXX and Samaritan follow) read ntyy.fi. 


On Qal. 

1. In verbs K"Q the infinitive construct and imperative take Hakph-S e ghdl in the first 
syllable (according to § 22 o), e.g. ~i TK gird thou, Jb 38:3, 3HK love thou, Ho 3:1, T'ilK seize 
thou, Ex 4:4 (on 1QK bake ye, Ex 16:23, see § 76 d); V'DK to eotf; infinitive with a prefix T i"lN V, 
Vdk, 1 ?, V'dks Is 5:24; 3'n^, 1 ? Ec 3:8. Sometimes, however, Hakph-Pathahis, found as well, 
e.g. infinitive X'm 1 K 6:6; ttfKH V3N3 Nu 26: 10 (before a suffix •jVdk, 7i»N, D5V5K, DDiaK § 61 
d); cf. Dt 7:20, 12:23, Ez 25:8^ Ps 102:5, Pr 25:7 Cf?"i»N), Jb 34: 18, always in close 
connexion with the following word. With a firmly closed syllable after b cf. nion 1 ? Is 30:2; 
Y9rf7 Jos 2:2 f (on Is 2:20, cf. § 84b n); mmb Is 30:14, Hag 2:16; n'tt*nV Ex 31:4, &c; Yn/V 2 
S 18:3 Q e re, but also YTV.3 1 Ch 15:26. 

■'riVdnn Ju 9:9, 1 1, 13 is altogether anomalous, and only a few authorities give ' ) Tb~\x\7\ 
(Hiph il), adopted by Moore in Haupt's Bible. According to Qimhi, Olshausen, and others, 
the Masora intended a perfect Hoph al with syncope of the preformative after the n 
interrogative = ^T\b<3nnn, or (according to Olshausen) with the omission of the n interrogative. 
But since the Hiph il and Hoph al of Vin nowhere occur, it is difficult to believe that such 
was the intention of the Masora. We should expect the perfect Qal, ■'fiVtfn.n. But the QameS 
under the n, falling between the tone and counter-tone, was naturally less emphasized than in 
^bcSh, without the n interrogative. Consequently it was weakened, not to simple Sfwd, but to 
", in order to represent the sound of the QameS (likewise pronounced as a) at least in a 
shortened form. The S e ghol of the n interrogative is explained, in any case, from § 100 n (cf. 
the similar pointing of the article, e.g. in D^inn, § 35 k). For the accusative after bin, instead 
of the usual l», Jb 3: 17 affords sufficient evidence. 

Also in the other forms of the imperative the guttural not infrequently influences the 
vowel, causing a change of i\on this i cf. § 48 i) into Seghol, e.g. HQDK gather thou, Nu 11:16; 
n:ny set in order, Jb 33:5; , SiETi strip off, Is 47:2 (on this irregular Dages cf. § 46 d), especially 
when the second radical is also a guttural, e.g. mn.s Am 5:15, Ps 31:24; cf. Zc 8:19; itn.K Ct 
2: 15; cf. also in verbs 7\"b, W sing ye, Nu 21:17, Ps 147:7 (compared with US? answer ye, 1 S 
12:3) and ll ?$ Jo 1:8. — Pathahoccurs in indfnn hold him in pledge, Pr 20:16, and probably 
also in Ps 9: 14 (^cfin). — As a pausal form for ■'rnn (cf. the plur. Jer 2: 12) we find in Is 44:27 
■Ogjn (cf the imperf ain,^) with the 6 repeated in the form of a Hakph-QameS. For other 
examples of this kind, see § 10 h and § 46 e. 

2. The pronunciation (mentioned above, No. 2) of the imperfects in a with S'ghol under 
the preformative in a firmly closed syllable (e.g. bin], D3rp) regularly gives way to the soft 
combination in verbs which are at the same time H" 1 ?, e.g. ntn,^, rnn,;; &c. (but cf. n^ &c, 
nwi Pr 6:27, niTOK ed. Mant., Ex 3:20). Even in the strong verb pTQ,^ is found along with pm\ 
Cf. also 33Vrn_ Ez 23:5; mpV'_] Gn 27:36 (so Ben-Asher; but Ben-Naphtali 'i?5? r !l); DpVnrn Neh 

1 l TilVX Jb 19:7 (so even the Mantua ed.) is altogether abnormal: read n^.X, with 
Baer, Ginsb. 

9:22, and so always in the imperfect Qal of "ITS? with suffixes, Gn 49:25, &c. — 13n,Nn Pr 1:22 
is to be explained from the endeavour to avoid too great an accumulation of short sounds by 
the insertion of a long vowel, but it is a question whether we should not simply read ll^jK,^ 
with Haupt in his Bible, Proverbs, p. 34, 1. 44 ff; cf. the analogous instances under/?, and 
such nouns as ~iN3, 3NT, § 93 t. — On TQ.W Ps 94:20 for Dnsrp (according to Qimhi, and others, 
rather Pu al) cf. § 60 b. 

nmi Ps 58:5 and D1S?? to deal subtilly, 1 S 23:22, Pr 15:5, 19:25, may be explained with 
Barth {ZDMG. 1889, p. 179) as /-imperfects (see above, § 47 i), — the latter for the purpose of 
distinction from the causative D'Hy,? Ps 83:4. — Instead of the unintelligible form QipVn^ (so 
ed. Mant; Baer and Ginsb. as in 24:3) 1 Ch 23:6 and '.PPl 24:3 (partly analogous to CTDSj.n § 
60 b) the Qal DpVrPl is to be read. The form ^'Tl,? ^ s 7:6 which is, according to Qimhi (in 
Mikhlol; but in his Lexicon he explains it as Hithpa el), a composite form of Qal Q]'T)i) and 
Pi el (ITT), can only be understood as a development of ITT, 1 (cf. § 64 h on pnx,?, and §69 
x on iVn.n Ex 9:23, Ps 73:9). Patha has taken the place of Hakph-Pathah, but as a mere 
helping-vowel (as in n$?aE> §28 e, note 2) and without preventing the closing of the syllable. It 
is much simpler, however, to take it as a forma mixta, combining the readings I'TV (impf. 
Qal) and HT3? (impf Pi el). 

On Hiph il and Hoph al. 

3. The above-mentioned if, 3) change of : ,;to " ,:occurs in the perfect Hiph it, 
especially when waw consecutive precedes, and the tone is in consequence thrown forward 
upon the afformative, e.g. nicfon, but qfhas?,niNu 3:6, 8:13,27:19; WCl^O, buPCfill^ni Jer 
15: 14, Ez 20:37; even in the 3rd sing. T'lKH'i Ps 77:2. — On the contrary ~ ^occurs instead of 
" , :in the imperative Hiph il, Jer 49:8, 30; and in the infinitive Jer 3 1:32. The preformative 

of "ins? in Hiph it always takes a in a closed syllable: Ex 8:4 rP(Ss?n; verse 5 TfiSM; also verse 
25 and Jb 22:27. 

4. In the perfect Hiph it ~ :is sometimes changed into " ~, and in Hoph al ~ ,:into " r ~ 
(cf. § 23 h); rndjj.n Jos 7:7, nVv, n Hb 1:15, n"7y;n Ju 6:28, 2 Ch 20:34, Na 2:8, always before 
V, and hence evidently with the intention of strengthening the countertone-sy liable (,n or ]n) 
before the guttural. On a further case of this kind (nay 1 }) see § 64 c. Something similar occurs 

in the formation of segholate nouns of the form qoti; cf. § 93 q, and (on 'pan &c. for 'pan) § 
84a q. — In the imperfect consecutive 13 pTH ,'1 the tone is thrown back on to the first syllable. 
On the Hoph al air^n Ex 20:5, &c, see §60 b. 

,T,1 and,T,l. 

5. In the verbs H^H to be, and rpn to live, the guttural hardly ever affects the 
addition of preformatives; thus imperfect Qal n$,? and rc.rr, Niph al rr$,}); but in the 
perfect Hiph il PPD , H (2nd phir. D£PD , 7\) Jos 2:13, and even without waw consecutive, 
Ju 8:19). Initial n always has Ha teph-S e ghoi 'instead of vocal Sfwd; 7]% nV'Q, DriVH 1 S 
25:7, UT)^'U (except "H be thou! fern. Gn 24:60). The 2nd sing. fern, imperative of rpn is 
"D live thou, Ez 16:6; the infinitive, with suffix, Drii'D Jos 5:8. After the prefixes ), 3, 
5, V, !? (=li?) both n and n retain the simple S e wa (§ 28 b) and the prefix takes z,"as 
elsewhere before strong consonants with ywd; hence in the perfect Qal Dip'^,1, 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff. , since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

imperative VI} \ infinitive T\Vlf?, rii'ri,? &c. (cf. §16 f, s). The only exception is the 2nd 
sing. masc. of the imperative after wow; rrrU Gn 12:2, &c, rrrU Gn 20:7. 

§ 64. Verbs Middle Guttural, e.g. vnti to slaughter. 

The slight deviations from the ordinary inflexion are confined chiefly to the 
following 1 : — 

1. When the guttural would stand at the beginning of a syllable with simple Sfwd, 
it necessarily takes a Hateph, and almost always Hateph-Pathah, e.g. perfect IttD,^, 
imperfect IttD^?, imperative Niph al Ittp t ;$n. In the imperative Qal, before the 
afformatives z"and u, the original Pathah is retained in the first syllable, and is 
followed by Hateph-Pathah, thus, 'pi? ,T, IpS?,!, &c; in mnx the preference of the K for 
Sfghol (but cf. also "^TDK 1 ? J er 13:21) has caused the change from a to e; in nn,$ Jb 
6:22, even /remains before a hard guttural. 

So in the infinitive Qal fern., e.g. rDHN to love, rnx.'j to pine; and in the infinitive with a 
suffix rnv.D 1 ? Is 9:6; the doubtful form TlWW Ho 5:2, is better explained as infinitive Pi el (= 

nrin ,<£>). 

2. Since the preference of the gutturals for the a-sound has less influence on the 
following than on the preceding vowel, not only is Holem retained after the middle 
guttural in the infinitive QalU'TNi (with the fern, ending and retraction and shortening 
of the o nsrn and ni?£] i 'l cf. § 45 b), but generally also the Sere in the imperfect 
Niph al and Pi el, e.g. DPI 1 ?? he fights, UTQ] he comforts, and even the more feeble 
S'ghdl after wdw consecutive in such forms as DOtf'l, oycfrn Gn 41:8 (cf, however, 
ftfj'1 1 K 12:6, &c). But in the imperative and imperfect Qal, the final syllable, 
through the influence of the guttural, mostly takes Pathah, even in transitive verbs, 
e.g. un#, urU|T; pV], pVV/, ~in3, "iriT; with suffixes (according to § 60 c), imperative 
■gdri?, , PtfN^, imperfect intf>K£. 

With o in the imperative Qal, the only instances are V57} 2 S 13:17; T'n$ Ex 4:4, 2 
S 2:21, fern. 1 fpN Ru 3:15 (with the unusual repetition of the lost o as Hateph-QameS, 
2ndplur. masc. inpause W$n$ Neh 7:3; without the pause 1TDN Ct 2:15); ""?yp Ju 19:8. 2 
Finally nay 1 ? for na^T, Nu 23:7, is an example of the same kind, see § 63 p. lust as 
rare are the imperfects in o of verbs middle guttural, as D 'nr, T'n$ ?., VyM Lv 5:15, 
Nu 5:27 (but ^ft'l 2 Ch 26:16); cf. np^ril Ez 16:33; "^fl lb 35:6. Also in the perfect 
Pi el, Pathah occurs somewhat more frequently than in the strong verb, e.g. oru to 
comfort (cf, however, irp, in?, IZ/rp, riniz;); but X and V always have e in 3rd sing. — On 
the infinitive with suffixes, cf. § 61 b. 

3. In Pi el, Pu al, and Hithpa el, the Dages forte being inadmissible in the 
middle radical, the preceding vowel, especially before n, n and 57, nevertheless, 

1 l Hoph al, which is not exhibited in the paradigm, follows the analogy of Qal; 
Hiph i /is regular. 

2 2 Also Ju 19:5 (where Qimhi would read s e ad), read s e od, and on the use of the 
conjunctive accent (here Darga) as a substitute for Metheg, at. § 9 u (c) and § 16 b. 

generally remains short, and the guttural is consequently to be regarded as, at least, 
virtually strengthened, cf. §22 c; e.g. Pi el pnto, f?Til Jos 14:1, 'rntf.rn 1 K 14:10, rn 
Ex 10:13 (cf., however, ~inx Gn 34:19; riVcjQ Ex 15:13, but in the imperfect and 
participle *7nr, &c; in verbs H" 1 ?, e.g. n3n), infinitive \?XW, Pu al fill (but cf. in'' 7 ? Ps 
36:13 from nrn, also the unusual position of the tone in inofe 1 Ez 21:18, and in the 
perfect Hithpa el 'fl^Gjflflri Jb 9:30); Hithpa el perfect and imperative 'HtJ.ttri, &c; in 
pause (see §§ 22 c, 27 q, 29 v, 54 k) n,^ Nu 8:7, 2 Ch 30:18; DrQJT Nu 23:19, &c. 

The complete omission of the strengthening, and a consequent lengthening of the 
preceding vowel, occurs invariably only with ~i (rns Ez 16:4 is an exception; nrigi'3 
also occurs, Ju 6:28), e g. "T13 (mpanse "]13), imperfect ~}~\y, Pu al ]Yl Before X it 
occurs regularly in the stems 1X3, ^Xil, 1N/D, 1X9, and in the Hithpa el of WX2, HX1, and 
nxitf; on the other hand, X is virtually strengthened in the perfects, r|M (once in the 
imperfect, Jer 29:23) to commit adultery, fKl to despise (in the participle, Nu 14:23, Is 
60:14, Jer 23:17; according to Baer, but not ed. Mant, or Ginsb., even in the imperfect 
f*UJ Ps 74:10), 1X1 to abhor La 2:7 (also nrntfo Ps 89:40) and "?W Ps 109:10; 
moreover, in the infinitive IZ/frC Ec 2:20, according to the best reading. On the Mappiq 
inthePw a/ldq Jb 33:21, cf. § 14 d. 

Rem. 1. In the verb *7XE> to ask, to beg, some forms of the perfect Qal appear to be based 
upon a secondary form middle e, which is Sere when the vowel of the X stands in an open 
syllable, cf. -})m Gn 32: 18, Ju 4:20; ">$&«& Ps 137:3; but in a closed syllable, even without a 
suffix, DriVxE' 1 S 12:13, 25:5, Jb 21:29; tfT'CffpNtf Ju 13:6, 1 S 1:20. Cf, however, similar cases 
of attenuation of an original a, § 69 s, and especially § 44 d. In the first three examples, if 
explained on that analogy, the /"attenuated from a would have been lengthened to e (before 
the tone); in the next three /would have been modified to e. Also in the Hiph /'/-form 
irT'dfrXtt/n 1 S 1:28 the X is merely attenuated from X. 

2. In Pi el and Hithpa el the lengthening of the vowel before the guttural causes the 
tone to be thrown back upon the penultima, and consequently the Sere of the ultima to be 
shortened to S e ghol. Thus (a) before monosyllables, according to § 29 e, e.g. DB* rncf? to 
minister there, Dt 17: 12, even in the case of a guttural which is virtually strengthened, Gn 
39: 14, Jb 8: 18 (see § 29 g). (b) after wdw consecutive, e.g. Ildftl and he blessed, Gn 1:22 and 
frequently, BheP] and he drove out, Ex 10: 1 1, DVCfrmi Dn 2: 1. 

3. The following are a few rarer anomalies; in the imperfect Qal PD^, 1 Gn 21:6 (elsewhere 
pnSfl, &c, inpause pm\ cf. § 10 g (c) and § 63 n); 70, X] Gn 32:5 (for TiXXl); in the perfect 
Pi el nrj r X Ju 5:28 (perhaps primarily for nn,X; according to Gn 34:19 nn,X would be 
expected), and similarly ''iric&rp Ps 51:7 for ■'irK^ n 1 ; in the imperative Pi ell^\? Ez 37:17 (cf. 
above, § 52 n); finally, in the imperative Hiph it prnn Jb 13:21 and TVan Ps 69:24, in both 
cases probably influenced by the closing consonant, and by the preference ioxPathq in pause 
(according to § 29 q); without the pause prnn Pr 4:24, &c; but also nrun Jo 4: 1 1. 

4. As infinitive Hithpa el with a suffix we find DtlTprjri Ezr 8:1, &c, with a firmly closed 
syllable, also the participle tPttfrPJia Neh 7:64; Baer, however, reads in all these cases, on 
good authority, DE>;vrin &c. — The quite meaningless iCthihh 1Xt27X31 Ez 9:8 (for which the 

1 l in'3 is explained by Abulwah d as the 3rd pers. perfect Pu al, but by Qimhi as a 

Q e re requires the equally unintelligible 1NB? ,31) evidently combines two different readings, viz. 
IKKftl (part. Niph.) and IK^KJ (imperf. consec); cf. Konig, Lehrgebaude, i. p. 266 f — In 
indk.fp Is 44: 13 (also indk.rp in the same verse) an imperfect P6 el appears to be intended 
by the Masora with an irregular shortening of the 6 for '~iN|rp; cf. § 55 b ^Va Ps 101:5 Q e re; 
on the other hand Qimhi, with whom Delitzsch agrees, explains the form as Pi el, with an 
irregular ~ for ~, as in the reading nQgVK Ru 2:2, 7; cf. § 10 h. 

5. A few examples in which K, as middle radical, entirely loses its consonantal value and 
quiesces in a vowel, will be found in § 73 g. 

§ 65. Verbs Third Guttural, e.g. nbtf to send. 1 

1. According to § 22 d, when the last syllable has a vowel incompatible with the 
guttural (i.e. not an a-sound), two possibilities present themselves, viz. either the 
regular vowel remains, and the guttural then takes furtive Pathah, or Pathah (in pause 
Qames) takes its place. More particularly it is to be remarked that — 

(a) The unchangeable vowels , ", i, 1 (§ 25 b) are always retained, even under such 
circumstances; hence inf. abs. Qal ni 1 ?© , part. pass, ffi^ttf, Hiph. rp^n, imperf. XV^VJl, 
part. Tf^VjK. So also the less firm 6 in the inf. constr. n' 1 ?^ is almost always retained: 
cf., however, xhvj, in close connexion with a substantive, Is 58:9, and 571} Nu 20:3. 
Examples of the infinitive with suffixes are ~]VT^ Gn 35:1; il7JQ3Nu 35:19; nun - ! 1 ? Lv 
18:23, &c. 

(b) The imperfect and imperative Qal almost always have a in the second syllable, 
sometimes, no doubt, due simply to the influence of the guttural (for a tone-long 6, 
originally u), but sometimes as being the original vowel, thus !f?^, !f?#, &c; with 
suffixes ^ <£?#?, ^gS 1 ?^, see § 60 c. 

Exceptions, in the imperfect mVoN Jer 5:7, K e th. (n"7DK Q e re); in the imperative nit? Gn 
43: 16. On such cases as nyt2?QN Is 27:4, cf. § 10 h. 

(c) Where Sere would be the regular vowel of the final syllable, both forms (with 
e° and a) are sometimes in use; the choice of one or the other is decided by the special 
circumstances of the tone, i.e.: — 

Rem. 1. In the absolute state of the participle Qal, Pi el and Hithpa el, the forms nVtt* 
(with suff TiVtl*, but inVtlO, nitfto (with suff ~#$Vfo), and OTK*a are used exclusively; except 
in verbs V" 1 ? where we find, in close connexion, also VD'3 Ps 94:9, 571 "1 Is 51:15, Jer 31:35, 
yp'l Is 42:5, 44:24, vpil Ps 136:6, vde* Lv 1 1:7, all with the tone on the last syllable.— The 
part. Pu al is yana Ez 45:2 according to the best authorities (Kittel vana). 

2. Similarly, in the imperf. and inf. Niph al, and in the perf. inf. and imperf. Pi el the 
(probably more original) form with a commonly occurs in the body of the sentence, and the 
fuller form with e a in pause (and even with the lesser distinctives, e.g. with D e hi Ps 86:4 in the 
imperative Pi el; with Tiphha 1 K 12:32 in the infinitive Pi el; Jer 4:31 imperfect 

Hithpa el; Jer 16:6 imperfect Niph al), cf. e.g. 5711 1 Nu 27:4, with .inr 36:3; 5?3 ; tf'1 Dt 1:34, 
even with retraction of the tone in the inf. abs. Niph al 573;tJ>n Nu 30:3 (elsewhere 5?l;tt*n Jer 

1 l Verbs H" 1 ? in which the 7] is consonantal obviously belong also to this class, e.g. 
rnj to be high, HM to be astonished, rra (only in Hithpalpel) to delay. 

7:9, 12: 16 twice, in each case without the pause); -yjpifl Hb 3:9, with v, fpnri Ez 13:11; ^2 to 
devourHb 1:13, Nu 4:20 with y^3 La 2:8; for infinitive Hithpa el, cf. Is 28:20. The infinitive 
absolute Pi el has the from n 1 ?^ Dt 22:7, 1 K 1 1:22; the infinitive construct, on the other 
hand, when without the pause is always as xfw except niw 1 ? Ex 10:4. — mr Hb 1:16 has e, 
though not inpause, and even nari 2 K 16:4, 2 Ch 28:4; but a inpause in the imperative 
Niph al niN.nEz 21:11; jussive Pi e/inNfl Ps 40:18; cf. § 52 n. An example of a in the 
imperative Pi el under the influence of a final ~i is ~~iM Jb 36:2, in the imperfect Niph al 
-ixs?,rnNu 17:13, &c— Inni^ Jb 14:9 (cf. Ps 92:14, Pr 14:11), Barth (see above, § 63 n) finds 
an i-imperfect of Qal, since the intransitive meaning is only found in Qal. 

3. In the 2nd sing. masc. of the imperative, and in the forms of the jussive and imperfect 
consecutive oiHiph it which end in gutturals, a alone occurs, e.g. Ttfif] prosper thou, ntO? let 
him make to trust, n»X;H and he made to grow (so inHithpalpel nanarp, &c, Hb 2:3); even in 
pause n^l 1 Ch 29:23, and, with the best authorities, n,3Vn 1 Ch 12:17; :|y,E" , i Is 35:4 is 

perhaps to be emended into 'V,^! (='WWV)). — In the infinitive absolute Sere remains, e.g. 7\2X] 
to make high; as infinitive construct !"Din also occurs in close connexion (Jb 6:26); on VE'in as 
infinitive construct (1 S 25:26, 33), cf. § 53 k. 

2. When the guttural with quiescent Sfwd stands at the end of a syllable, the 
ordinary strong form remains when not connected with suffixes, e.g. flCltftf, 'Fifltfiz/. 
But in the 2nd sing. fern, perfect a helping-Pathah takes the place of the ywd, flnd$ 
Jer, 13:25 (§28 e); also in, 1 K 14:3, fln<i?7 is to be read, not W^. 

Rem. The soft combination with compound S'wa occurs only in the 1st plur. perfect with 
suffixes, since in these forms the tone is thrown one place farther forward, e.g. ^CfcT we 
know thee, Ho 8:2 (cf. Gn 26:29, Ps 44: 18, 132:6). Before the suffixes ~j and D3, the guttural 
must have ", e.g. ~}7\ ,VtfN I will send thee, 1 S 16:1; ^n^iwn Gn 31:27; 357 1 , »E>x Jer 18:2. 

On the weak verbs H" 1 ?, see especially § 74. 

The Weak Verb. ] 

§ 66. Verbs Primae Radicalis Nun (j"3), e.g. U/22 to approach 
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 138 ff; Grundriss, p. 595 ff 

The weakness of initial 1 consists chiefly in its suffering aphaeresis in the 
infinitive construct and imperative in some of these verbs (cf. § 19 h). On the other 
hand, the assimilation of the 1 (see below) cannot properly be regarded as weakness, 
since the triliteral character of the stem is still preserved by the strengthening of the 
second consonant. The special points to be noticed are — 

1. The aphaeresis of the Nun (a) in the infinitive construct. This occurs only 
(though not necessarily) in those verbs which have a in the second syllable of the 
imperfect. Thus from the stem Ufa], imperfect VJP, infinitive properly 12/3,, but always 

1 l Cf. the summary, § 41. 

lengthened by the feminine termination n to the segholate form n$(jf ; with suffix ifi^/} 
Gn 33:3; with the concurrence of a guttural S7J3 to touch, imperfect 1?^, infinitive n<jfa 
(also S?'JJ, see below); 2/tt] to plant, infinitive riycf (also 3?'tt}, see below); on the verb 
]U1 to give, see especially h and i. On the other hand, aphaeresis does not take place in 
verbs which have 6 in the imperfect, e.g. ^?B1 to fall, imperfect V B\ infinitive V 3J, with 
suffix f?33, also f?5}; l'^ 1 ? Nu 6:2, &c; cf, moreover, t^7 Gn 20:6, &c, 37'JJI Ex 
19:12 (even yi^ 1 ? Jb 6:7; cf. Jer 1:10); with™#xiS7^Lv 15:23. Also y'm 1 ? Is 51:16 
(but m<Si Ec 3:2); Nttfj Is 1:14, 18:3; with suffix WI? Ps 28:2 (elsewhere nxty, cf. § 74 
i and § 76 b), ~ptfp 2 S 20:9. 

(b) In the imperative. Here the jVmw is always dropped in verbs with a in the 
imperfect, e.g. #U, imperative Wl (more frequently with paragogic a, HIZ/J; before 
Maqqeph also "IZ/J Gn 19:9), plur. W\, &c. Parallel with these there are the curious 
forms with o, \Iz;d"Ru 2: 14 (with retarding Metheg in the second syllable, and also 
nasogahor, according to § 29 e, before D -l ?0) and ^d"Jos 3:9 (before 7&<5), 1 S 14:38 
(before D'^n) and 2 Ch 29:31; in all these cases without the pause. WithNun retained, 
as if in a strong verb, 17(1 drive, 2 K 4:24 (imperfect yr\V, without assimilation of the 
Nun), mi) 2 K 19:29, Is 37:30, Jer 29:5, 28; cf. also the verbs 7\' ,x 7, which are at the 
same time yD; XijEz 32:18, nnj Ex 32:34, nm Ex 8:1, &c; the verb X" 1 ?, NtZ/J Ps 10:12 
(usually Nto); cf. § 76 b. But, as in the infinitive, the aphaeresis never takes place in 
verbs which have 6 in the imperfect, e.g. 1'SJ, f 'nj, &c. 

2. When, through the addition of apreformative, Nun stands at the end of a 
syllable, it is readily assimilated to the second radical (§19 c); thus in the imperfect 
Qal, l e.g. Vs? for yinpol, he will fall; V)& for yingas; 1FP for yinten, he will give (on 
this single example of an imperfect with original i in the second syllable, cf. h) 2 ; also 
in the perfect Niph al tt&l for ningas; throughout Hiph it (tz/'iin, &c.) and Hoph al 
(which in these verbs always has Qibbus, in a sharpened syllable, cf. § 9 n) m;i 

The other forms are all quite regular, e.g. the perfect, infinitive absolute and 
participle Qal, all Pi el, Pu al, &c. 

In Paradigm H, only those conjugations are given which differ from the regular 

The characteristic of these verbs in all forms with a preformative is Dages following it in 
the second radical. Such forms, however, are also found in certain verbs y 'Q (§ 71), and even 
in verbs V"V (§ 67). The infinitive ntl>(f and the imperative B>5, also "BU (Gn 19:9) and ]T\, 
resemble the corresponding forms of verbs V'Q (§ 69). — On ni? 1 , rip, and nntjf, from nj? 1 ? to take, 
see g. — In Dip 1 (imperfect Niph al of Dip), and in similar forms of verbs V'V (§ 72), the full 
writing of the 6 indicates, as a rule, that they are not to be regarded as imperfects Qal of Dpi, 

2 2 The law allowing the addition of the feminine termination to the unlengthened 
form, instead of a lengthening of the vowel, is suitably called by Barth 'the law of 
compensation' (Nominalbildung, p. xiii). 

1 l Cf. Mayer Lambert, 'Le futur qal des verbes 1"Q, 1"Q, 8"3', in the REJ. xxvii, 136 ff 

2 2 An imperfect in a (I2/r) is given in the Paradigm, simply because it is the actual 
form in use in this verb. 

&c. — Also pQK (Ps 139:8) is not to be derived from poi, but stands for pVotf (with a 
sharpening of the D as compensation for the loss of the b), from pVo to ascend, see § 19 f, and 
Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., § 44. Similarly the Hiph //-forms Ip^tS'H Ez 39:9, p v t£>? Is 
44: 15, and the Niph al np ; ^ Ps 78:21 are most probably from a stem pb'W, not p'tza 

Rem. 1 . The instances are comparatively few in which the forms retain their Nun before a 
firm consonant, e.g. ~im, imperfect "fur Jer 3:5 (elsewhere YB 1 ); also from ~iS3 the pausal 
form is always mtfkr (without the pause mx 1 Pr 20:28); similarly in Is 29: 1, 58:3, Ps 61:8, 
68:3 (where, however, 17JFI is intended), 140:2, 5, Pr 2:11, Jb 40:24, the retention of the Nun 
is always connected with the pause. In Niph al this never occurs (except in the irregular inf. 
n'TOS Ps 68:3, cf. § 5 1 k), in Hiph it and Hoph al very seldom; e.g. J>KXrft Ez 22:20, Iprun 
Ju 20:3 1 ; for Vsa 1 ? Nu 5 :22 read b ' Bib, according to § 53 q. On the other hand, the Nun is 
regularly retained in all verbs, of which the Second radical is a guttural, e.g. bn? he will 
possess, although there are rare cases like nrp (also nrjT) he will descend, Jer 21: 13 (even nncf 
Pr 17:10; without apparent reason accented as Mil el), plur. wcf; Jb 2 1 : 13 (cf. § 20 i; the 
Masora, however, probably regards nrp and WCS? as imperfect Niph al from nrin); Niph al 
Dm for Dnxi he has grieved. 

2. The b of npV to take is treated like the Nun of verbs ]"B (§19 d). Hence imperfect Qal 
np 1 , cohortative (§ 20 m) nnpK, imperative np, inpause and before suffixes np (on NITDn.p Gn 
48:9, see § 61 g),^oragog/cformnnp; Tip, &c. (but cf. also np 1 ? Ex 29:1, Ez 37:16, Pr 20:16, 
''Op'? 1 K 17: 1 1, perhaps a mistake for Tip T\b, cf. LXX and Lucian); infinitive construct T\U<$ 
(once nnp 2 K 12:9, cf. § 93 h); with b, nn^; with suffix ^np; Hoph al (cf, however, § 53 u) 
imperfect np?; Niph al, however, is always npVl — The meaningless form np Ez 17:5 is a 
mistake; for the equally meaningless Dnp Ho 11:3 read onpN,!. 

3. The verb ]T\1 to give, mentioned above in d, is the only example of a verb ]"B with 
imperfect in e (]N for yinten; "\K^ only in Ju 16:5, elsewhere before Maqqeph -|JP, Sec.), and a 
corresponding imperative }T\ or (very frequently) TllTt (but in Ps 8:2 the very strange reading 
rnri is no doubt simply meant by the Masora to suggest niri , n) ; before Maqqeph "\T\,fem. 'UJi, 
&c. Moreover, this very common verb has the peculiarity that its final Nun, as a weak nasal, 
is also assimilated; ''fiCfa for nathnti, '7\<&\ or, very frequently, nfiGfa, with a kind of orthographic 
compensation for the assimilated Nun (cf. § 44 g); Niph al perfect DM Lv 26:25, Ezr 9:7. 

In the infinitive construct Qal the ground-form tint is not lengthened to teneth (as n$tf 
from mi), but contracted to titt, which is then correctly lengthened to nil, with the omission of 
Dages forte in the final consonant, see § 20 1; but with suffixes '■fiJi, ififi, &c; before Maqqeph 
with the prefix b = 'Ttrtb, e.g. Ex 5:21, and even when closely connected by other means, e.g. 
Gn 15:7. However, the strong formation of the infinitive construct also occurs in \T\} Nu 
20:21 and -}m Gn 38:9; cf. § 69 m, note 2. On the other hand, for ]T\nb 1 K 6:19 read either 
inriV or simply TiT\b, just as the Q e re, 1 K 17: 14, requires nil for inn. 

In other stems, the l is retained as the third redical, e.g. Mrftf, ■'mcjfT cf. § 19 c and § 44 o. 
On the entirely anomalous aphaeresis of the Nun with a strong vowel in nncfi (for nciu) 2 S 
22:41, cf. § 19 i. — On the passive imperfect ]T\l, cf. § 53 u. 

§ 67. Verbs V"V, e.g. 220 to surround. 

1 J P. Haupt on Ju 16:5 in his Bible, compares the form of the Assyrian imperfect 
iddan or ittan (besides inddin, indmdin) from naddnu = "jni But could this one 
passage be the only trace left in Hebrew of an imperf. in a from ]T\1? 

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 155 ff.; Grundriss, p. 632 ff. B. Harper, 'The 
Participial formations of the Geminate Verbs' in TAW. 1910, pp. 42 ff, 99 ff, 201 ff. 
(also dealing with the regular verb). 

1. A large number of Semitic stems have verbal forms with only two radicals, as 
well as forms in which the stem has been made triliteral by a repetition of the second 
radical, hence called verbs V"V. Forms with two radicals were formerly explained as 
being due to contraction from original forms with three radicals. It is more correct to 
regard them as representing the original stem (with two radicals), and the forms with 
the second radical repeated as subsequently developed from the monosyllabic stem. 1 
The appearance of a general contraction of triliteral stems is due to the fact that in 
biliteral forms the second radical regularly receives Dages forte before afformatives, 
except in the cases noted in § 22 b and q. This points, however, not to an actual 
doubling, but merely to a strengthening of the consonant, giving more body to the 
monosyllabic stem, and making it approximate more to the character of triliteral 

The development of biliteral to triliteral stems (V"V) generally takes place in the 
3rd sing. masc. and fern, and 3rd plur. perfect Qal of transitive verbs, or at any rate of 
verbs expressing an activity, e.g. 000, noo.p, lOO.p: ]1T\ Gn 33:5 (but with suffix 'idn, 
ver. 1 1); sometimes with an evident distinction between transitive and intransitive 
forms, as "HX to make strait, "IX to be in a strait; see further details, including the 
exceptions, in aa. The development of the stem takes place (a) necessarily whenever 
the strengthening of the 2nd radical is required by the character of the form (e.g. V?U, 
"71$), and (b) as a rule, whenever the 2nd radical is followed or preceded by an 
essentially long vowel, as, in Qal, Oiop, 0=100, in P6 1 and P6 al, OOiO, OOiO. 

2. The biliteral stem always (except in Hiph it and the imperfect Niph al, see 
below) takes the vowel which would have been required between the second and third 
radical of the ordinary strong form, or which stood in the ground-form, since that 
vowel is characteristic of the form (§ 43 b), e.g. OF) answering to "7ttjj>, 7\B(& to the 
ground-form qaMat, ladi to the ground-form qatalu; infinitive, 00 to V 13[?. 

3. The insertion of Dages forte (mentioned under a), for the purpose of 
strengthening the second radical, never takes place (see § 20 1) in the final consonant 
of the word, e.g. DFi, 00, not -OF), 00; but it appears again on the addition of 
afformatives or suffixes, e.g. idifl, locfo, 'Jltfo, &c. 

4. When the afformative begins with a consonant (l, n), and hence the strongly 
pronounced second radical would properly come at the end of a closed syllable, a 
separating vowel is inserted between the stem-syllable and the afformative. In the 
perfect this vowel is i, in the imperative and imperfect 1 ~, e.g. riidb, Uidb, imperfect 

1 l So (partly following Ewald and Boottcher) A. Muller, ZDMG. xxxiii. p. 698 ff.; 
Stade, Lehrbuch, § 385 b, c; Noldeke, and more recently Wellhausen, 'Ueber einige 
Arten schwacher Verba im Hebr. ' (Skizzen u. Vorarb. vi. 250 ff.). Against Bottcher 
see M. Lambert, REJ. xxxv. 330 ff., and Brockelmann, as above. 

nr<£pfl (for sabb-ta, sabb-nu, tasobb-na). The artificial opening of the syllable by this 
means is merely intended to make the strengthening of the second radical audible. 1 

The perfect wa(£ (for iMfl) Nu 17:28, Ps 64:7 (Jer 44:18 tilJ.Fl with Silluq), owing to 
omission of the separating vowel, approximates, if the text is right, to the form of verbs V'57 
(cf uatjf from Dp). 

5. Since the preformatives of the imperfect Qal, of the perfect Niph al, and of 
Hiph it and Hoph al throughout, before a monosyllabic stem form an open syllable, 
they take a long vowel before the tone (according to § 27 e), e.g. imperfect Hiph it 
101 for yd-seb, imperative 107} for yd-seb, &c. Where the preformatives in the strong 
verb have /"either the original a (from which the i was attenuated) is retained and 
lengthened, e.g. I'W in imperfect Qal for yd-sob, or the /Itself is lengthened to e, e.g. 
Dpn perfect Hiph it for hi-seb (see further under h). The vowel thus lengthened can 
be maintained, however, only before the tone (except the u of the Hoph al, npin for 
hu-sdb); when the tone is thrown forward it becomes Sfwd, according to § 27 k (under 
X and n compound S e w a), e.g. 3'Ofl, but nT<$pfl; imperfect Hiph itlQfi, but nr<Spfl; 
perfect TfapD, &c. 

Besides the ordinary form of the imperfects, there is another (common in Aramaic), in 
which the imperfect Qal is pronounced 2'Q 1 or 3tT, the first radical, not the second, being 
strengthened by Dages forte, cf. D -U" 1 K 9:8, T'p'l Gn 24:26; with a in the second syllable, 
1<T Lv 11:7, "?T Is 17:4, n : tt>>] Is 2:9, &c, D'T Am 5:13 and frequently, n'3,Hl Dt 9:21, &c, 
3'EP (torra intrans.) 1 S 5:8, &c, 3'p'l Lv 24:11, a 'IT Ez 47:12, &c, on 1 (with Dages forte 
implicitum) 1 K 1: 1; in the plural, IHGiP Nu 14:35, &c. (in pause 18GJP Ps 102:28); perhaps also 
*?a% "^a 1 (unless these forms are rather to be referred to Niph al, like ia T 1 S 2:9; t? x a 1 Jb 
24:24); with suffix ttdgri occurs (cf. § 10 h) in Nu 23:25; Imperfect Hiph z/oiT, Hoph al 
T)T, &c. The vowel of the preformative (which before Dages is, of course, short) follows the 
analogy of the ordinary strong form (cf. also u and y). The same method is then extended to 
forms with afformatives or suffixes, so that even before these additions the second radical is 
not strengthened, e.g. icfp '] Gn 43:28, &c, for Hdp^l and they bowed the head; iniTJ and they 
beat down, Dt 1:44 (from nrj|); IM'1 Dt 32:8; 1ST Ex 15:16, Jb 29:21 (cf, however, latfy Ju 
18:23, 1 S 5:8, ind? Jer 46:5, Jb 4:20). To the same class of apparently strong formations 
belongs ruVcfri (without the separating vowel, for nr'j'cfri, cf. 1 S 3: 1 1 and below, p) they shall 
tingle, 2 K 2 1 : 1 2, Jer 19:3 . — On the various forms of the Niph al, see under t. 

Rem. According to the prevailing view, this strengthening of the first radical is merely 
intended to give the bi-literal stem at least a tri-literal appearance. (Possibly aided by the 
analogy of verbs y'Q, as P. Haupt has suggested to me in conversation.) But cf. Kautzsch, 'Die 
sog. aramaisierenden Formen der Verba V"V im Hebr.' in Oriental. Studien zum 70. 
Geburtstag Th. Noldekes, 1906, p. 771 ff It is there shown (1) that the sharpening of the 1st 
radical often serves to emphasize a particular meaning (cf. ~ir, but intf'r, VrP and Vrr, 3D 1 , 

1 l Of all the explanations of these separating vowels the most satisfactory is that of 
Rodiger, who, both for the perfect and imperfect (Ewald and Stade, for the imperfect 
at least), points to the analogy of verbs H" 1 ?. We must, however, regard riiBp as formed 
on the analogy not of IT %, but (with P. Haupt) of a form nf?% (= gdlautd, cf. Arab. 
gazauta), while nr|pp follows the analogy of nr'jJPi. [See also Wright, Comp. Gr., 
229 f] 

and 2' 01, a ' -tl" and deti), and elsewhere no doubt to dissimilate the vowels (as IP, "?T never 
IP, "7T &c.): (2) that the sharpening of the 1st radical often appears to be occasioned by the 
nature of the first letter of the stem, especially when it is a sibilant. Whether the masoretic 
pronunciation is based on an early tradition, or the Masora has arbitrarily adopted aramaizing 
forms to attain the above objects, must be left undecided. 

6. The original vowel is retained, see f, (a) in the preformative of the imperfect 
Qal 101 for ya-sob (cf. §§ 47 b, 63 b, and for verbs 1"57 § 72); (b) in the perfect 
Niph al 101 for na-sab (§51 a); (c) in Hoph al 3Din, with irregular lengthening (no 
doubt on the analogy of verbs TO) for hosab from hu-sab, imperfect 3DV from yu-sab, 

On the other hand, an already attenuated vowel (/') underlies the intransitive 
imperfects Qal with a in the second syllable (probably for the sake of dissimilating the 
two vowels), e.g. 1W for yi-mar (see p); and in the preformative of Hiph i?107\ from 
hi-seb (ground-form ^ttpri, § 53 a), as well as of the participle 30ft (ground-form ^ttipa), 
on the analogy of the perfect. In the second syllable of the Perf. the underlying vowel 
is /"attenuated from an original a, which in the strong verb is abnormally lengthened 
to z"(§ 53 a). The lengthened from zls, of course, only tone-long, and hence when 
without the tone and before Dages forte we have e.g. riidbn. On the retention of the 
original a in the second syllable, cf. v. 

7. The tone, as a general rule, tends to keep to the stem-syllable, and does not (as 
in the strong verb) pass to the afformatives n ~, 1 and , " (2nd sing. fern, imperfect); e.g. 
3rd sing fern, perfect riflcf, in pause nriGJi; with ~i and gutturals 7\~}(& (for rndi), nn($ Ps 
44:26; on the other hand, with wdw consecutive ndro Is 6: 12 (but rp.ni Ex 1 : 16). In 
the 3rdplur. perfect the tone-syllable varies; along with V?(f, t?<§, we also find itf? and 
itfi?, idh Is 59:12, idnz/ Hb 3:6, &c; but in pause always W<ft 173$, &c. The tone 
likewise remains on the stem-syllable in the imperfect Qal in 'SCfOFi, M<Soi; perfect 
Hiph it T\1d§T\, ISCfrl; imperfect 'SCfri, ISDCf &c. In the forms with separating vowels, 
the tone is moved forward to these vowels (or to the final syllable, cf. ee), e.g. riidb, 
nrcfpfl, &c; except before the endings Dfi and ]T) in the perfect, which always bear the 
tone. This shifting of the tone naturally causes the shortening of the merely tone-long 
vowels e and o to i and ii (or 5, see n), hence rndpn from non, rrrdpEi from 1'0\; on 
cases in which the vowel of the preformative becomes Sfwd, see above, f 

8. In several verbs V"V, instead of Pi el, Pu al and Hithpa el, the less frequent 
conjugation P6 el, with its passive and reflexive, occurs (most probably on the 
analogy of the corresponding forms of verbs V'57, cf. § 72 m), generally with the same 
meaning, 1 e.g. 77157 to ill-treat, passive 77157, reflexive V^riri (from 7757; cf. the 
Hithpo el from 57571 and 1~\B Is 24: 19 f.); in a few verbs also Pilpel (§ 55 f) is found, 
e.g. %^ to roll, Hithpalpel %^2$7i to roll oneself (from V?!); imperative with suffix 
TtlOfrO exalt her, Pr 4:8; 57U75? ,p to comfort, to delight in; passive 37U75J W to be caressed 
(from 5757$). These forms cannot appear in a biliteral form any more than Pi el, 

1 l Sometimes both Pi el and Po el are formed from the same stem, though with a 
difference of meaning, e.g. fS"l to break in pieces, fS'~i to oppress; ]IT\ to make 
pleasing, ^in to have pity; 110 to turn, to change, 3310 to go round, to encompass. 

Pu al, and Hithpa el; cf. D'ln? (Is 19: 14) and ljflj? (Is 18:2, 7).— For inriri 2 S 22:27 
read, according to Ps 18:27, "n|^fl. 


On Qal. 

1. In the perfect, isolated examples are found with o in the first syllable, which it is 
customary to refer to triliteral stems with middle 6 (like Vd\, § 43 a); viz. latfi //zey are 
exalted, Jb 24:24 to D'2Ti; 13di z7zey shot, Gn 49:23 to n'ri; n(S Is 1:6 to 1'1T. But this 
explanation is very doubtful: t\(5 especially is rather to be classed among the passives of Qal 
mentioned in § 52 e. 

2. Imperfects Qal with o in the second syllable keep the original a in the preformative, but 
lengthen it to a, as being in an open syllable, hence ]'W, 7'W, T'JP, ]'*V, 57 'T (trans, he breaks in 
pieces, but 57T intrans.= he is evil); imperfects with a have, in the preformative, an e, 
lengthened from /."See the examples below, under p, § 63 c and e, § 72 h, and specially Barth 
in ZDMG. 1894, p. 5 f 

The Holem of the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect (3D, 1'Oj) is only tone-long, and 
therefore, as a rule, is written defectively (with a few exceptions, chiefly in the later 
orthography, e.g. "ll5£ bindup, Is 8:16; Vil Ps 37:5; Dil ver. 7; Till 1 ? for T'3 1 ? to plunder, Est 3:13, 
8: 1 1). When this o loses the tone, it becomes in the final syllable 6, in a sharpened syllable u, 
or not infrequently even 5 (see above, k). Examples of 6 are: (a) in a toneless final syllable, 
i.e. before Maqqeph or in the imperfect consecutive, ~]~) (ron) to rejoice, Jb 38:7; 20(fi Ju 
11:18 (once even with u in a toneless final syllable, DT(^ Ex 16:20); on the other hand, in the 
plur. M(5oi~\,fem. nrdbrn; (b) before a tone-bearing afformative or suffix, e.g. imperative 2nd 
sing. fern, ">(f\, ^cfe (cf. ft); ■'idhpity me; rntfo Jer 50:26; DW; Pr 11:3 g e re; in.jnri Ex 12:14 (for 
the defective writing, cf. intfp^ Jb 40:22). In dftrP Gn 43:29, Is 30: 19 (for ^n 1 ) this d is thrown 
back to the preformative. 

On the 2nd plur. fem. imperat. rncfv make yourselves naked Is 32: 1 1, cf. the analogous 
forms in § 48 i. -Quite abnormal is the infinitive absolute nvcfl Is 24: 19 (as n follows, probably 
only a case of dittography for 57'~i, cf. 1'p Nu 23:25 and Ve* Ru 2:16); so also are the 
imperatives 'Vni.i? Nu 22:11, 17, and 'VrnN; 22:6, 23:7, with Tiparagogic. We should expect 
rQ<]£, rndk. If these forms are to be read qobalh" oralli, 'they would be analogous to such cases 
as rndia (§ 90 i), the addition of the paragogic n " causing no change in the form of the word 
("3j7 like -]~\ above). If, however, as Jewish tradition requires, they are to be read qabalh" 
aralli, 'then in both cases the Qame Smust be explained, with Stade, as the equivalent of o 
OV'nrf P, &c; cf. § 9 v). Still more surprising is tnp curse him, Nu 23: 13, for M<&? or '3p .' 

3. Examples with Patha in the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect are 13 (in DinV to 
prove them, Ec 3:18); Ti Is 45: 1; "]B> Jer 5:26; DK>3 z'« ^ezr error, Gn 6:3 (so ed. Mant, but 
there is also good authority for UW1, from -E> = -E* = ItfK and DJ also; so Baer and Ginsburg). 
Also Vl to/Ve away, Ps 1 19:22; and the imperfects DIT zY z's hot, Dt 19:6, &c. (on the e of the 
preformative cf. n); ~ia? it is bitter, Is 24:9; ~\V it is straitened; ~}y. it is soft, Is 7:4; UWT\ it is 

1 l For i] as suffix of the 3rd person a parallel might be found in )Wl, § 100 o, and 
probably also in the Nun of the Phoenician suffix hi: cf. Barth, ZDMG. xli. p. 643, and 
the note on § 100 o. 

desolate, Ez 12: 19 (in pause D.B'fl Gn 47: 19); Vljfrn she was despised, Gn 16:4 (but elsewhere 
in the impf. consec. with the tone on the penultima, e.g. "i^cfi Gn 32:8, &c; VidS Gn 21:11, 
&c, cf. Ez 19:7); in the 1st sing, imperfect DgPX" Ps 19: 14, abnormally written fully for DfiK, 
unless DflK is to be read, as in some MSS., on the analogy of the 3rd sing. n'fp. — In the impf. 
Qal of Vw the reading of Hb 2:8 varies between ■jitftt" (Baer, Ginsb.) and Jiiftfl (ed. Mant., 
Jabl.). — The following forms are to be explained with Barth (ZDMG. xliii, p. 178) as 
imperfects Qal with original z In the second syllable, there being no instances of their Hiph il 
in the same sense: VidS Gn 29:10; )V Is 31:5, &c; TO'l Ex 40:21, Ps 91:4, &c; perhaps also 
nJptfSfi 1 S 3:11 and VrP Job 3 1:26, &c; in accordance with this last form, iVn(3) Job 29:3 
would also be an infinitive Qal, not Hiph il (for iVnn.a), as formerly explained below, under 
w. Finally the very peculiar form f1(fl Ju 9:53 may probably be added to the list. 

Imperfects, with an original u in the second syllable, are also found with this u lengthened 
to u (instead of o), e.g. 'pT, if the text is correct, in Pr 29:6; 1W1 Ps 91:6 (unless it be simply 
an imperfect from 1W to be powerful, to prevail); piT (if from fn) Is 42:4, &c. (also 
defectively TON Ps 18:30; but in Ec 12:6, according to Baer, rnrn); DM Ez 24: 1 1 (on the 
sharpening of the n cf. g above). 3 

A similar analogy with verbs V'V is soon in the infinitives "TO 1 ? (for 1'2) Ec 9: 1; iprn Pr 
8:27 (cf. ipina Pr 8:29) for ipna, and in the imperfect 1&m Gn 27:21. (The forms nm in Ps 
77: 10, niati* Ez 36:3, i riifin Ps 77: 1 1, formerly treated here as infinitives from V"V stems, are 
rather to be referred to H" 1 ? stems, with Barth, Wurzeluntersuchungen, Lpz. 1902, p. 21.) On 
other similar cases, see below, under ee. For examples of the aramaizing imperfect, see 
above, g. 

4. In the participle, the aramaizing form n^d^tl* for ^tfojE* occurs in K e thihh, Jer 30: 16 
(the Q e re indicates a participle from HOB*); nv'1 Pr 25:19 appears to be a contraction from 
nJ7J?,'*% part. fern. = breaking in pieces. 

On Niph al. 

5. Besides the ordinary form of the perfect 1M with Pathah (in pause 1M) and the 
participle iw with QameSm the second syllable, there is also another with Sere, and a third 
with Holem, e.g. perfect DM it melts, Ez 21:12, 22:15; nacft (for H|M) Ez 26:2;part. DM 
molten, 1 S 15:9, Na 2: 1 1; Vpl zY is a light thing, 2 K 20: 10, Is 49:6 (perf b\?l); with o, e.g. 
ftcSu r/zej are rolled together, Is 34:4; cf. 63:19, 64:2, Am 3:11, Na 1:12, Ec 12:6b. In the 
imperfect with o in the second syllable, on the analogy of verbs 1"5? (from which Konig would 
also explain the perfects with o), we find , ac?w f/zoz/ 5/7«/f /3e brought to silence, Jer 48:2 
(unless this form should be referred to Qal with Qimhi, Olshausen, Konig); yiT he suffers 
hurt, Pr 11:15, 13:20; fiiri (for tirroS) Ez 29:7; with e in the second syllable Vn? she profanes 
herself, Lv 21:9, but ViiKJ Ez 22:26, and V|5P Is 48: 1 1, niT Is 7:8, &c. For infinitives, cf. Dan to 
melt, Ps 68:3 (as inf. constr.; 2 S 17:10 as inf. absol); again, with compensatory lengthening 
in the first syllable, Vnn Ez 20:9, 14:22, but with suffix iVn.n Lv 21:4; also Tian to be 

2 2 Also in Ez 6:6, instead of Tillp t^Pi, which could only come from □$', 'IZTri is 
intended, and W^tf?. in the same verse is probably only an error for 18 IZ/\ 
Jabl. Ja/3/. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D. E. Jablonski, Berolini, 1699. 

3 3 According to Stade, Grammatik, § 95, Rem., the pronunciation with u, since it also 
appears in Neo-Punic [and in Western Syriac, see Noldeke, Syr. Gramm., § 48], was 
that of everyday life. 

plundered, and pisn to be emptied, Is 24:3; in the imperative, only ndh &e je clean, Is 52: 1 1. 
On lacfin get you up, Nu 17:10, and the corresponding imperf. lacfT Ez 10:17, &c., cf. dd. 

Examples of the perfect Niph al with sharpening of the initial syllable are, "7113 //w 
profaned, Ez 22: 16, 25:3 (from V?n); im (from Tin) Ps 69:4, 102:4 (also im Jer 6:29); lira 
fractus est (from T\w) Mai 2:5; cf. with this in the participle, U^Wl (for nihhdmim) Is 57:5, 
and 0"HN,3 Mai 3:9: in the imperative and infinitive Niph al such a virtual strengthening of 
the guttural after preformatives never occurs. — The occurrence of u instead of 6 as a 
separating vowel in the perfect 'OCftf} Mic 2:4 is abnormal. 

On Hiph il and Hoph al. 

6. The second syllable in Hiph it sometimes has Pathah instead of Sere, especially 
under the influence of ~i and the gutturals, e.g. perfect ~ian he made bitter, n$n he bowed, 1QH 
he hath broken, Gn 17:14, inpause, cf. § 29 q; otherwise "IQH, plur. n<Efn Is 24:5. In TQn Ps 
33:10, Ez 17:19, cf. Ps 89:34, and in wdfcj Ho 8:4 (perhaps also in ictf Hab 2:17, but cf. § 20 
n) there is an assimilation to the corresponding forms of verbs V'V, see z. Also 1SH Dt 28:52, 
Trin (inpause) Is 18:5; /«/ 1 27?? to cleanse, Jer 4: 1 1, inpause. But also with other consonants, 
e.g. pin 2 K 23: 15, Vpn Is 8:23; "inn Jb 23:16; plur. 13<Sn 1 S 5:9, 10 (and so usually in the 3rd 
plur. perfi except before ~i and gutturals, e.g. WCjin); imper. yj£>n besmear, Is 6: 10; plur. ia|£>n 
be astonished, Jb 21:5; imperfect ydfl 77?om atast afflict; part. V^a (on e in the first syllable, 
see under i) shadowing, Ez 31:3 (but "ppa Ju 3:24 is assimilated to the form of verbs W, 
unless, with Moore, we simply read noa, or, with incorrect spelling, "ppa. So in the imperative 
^(f ■'an Ju 16:26 gVe, and in the infinitive T»,m is 33:1). 

The e of the second syllable, when without the tone, may become e, e.g. 'sVriC? Gn 31:7 
(see also x). It is unusual (cf. § 53 k) to find the e written fully as in the infinitive TDnV Zc 
11:10. Instead of Hakph-Pathah a Hakph-S'ghdl is found under the preformative in ^(f' Vprj 
2 S 19:44, and a Pathah occurs before n (with a virtual sharpening of the n) in such forms as 
nc&n,nls9:3;cf Gn 11:6, Dt 2:31, 3:24, 1 S 22:15, Est 6:13— in all these cases before n.— 
On iVna Jb 29:3, see above, p: on "'CSrinn'i Jer 49:37, see below, dd. 

7. In the imperfect consecutive of verbs whose second radical is a guttural, a is retained (§ 
22 d) in the second syllable instead of e, e.g. 57TGS 1 K 16:25: so also with ~i, as ~\%<£\ 2 Ch 
28:20, Dt 2:9— but cf. also iQdS Neh 4:9. 

8. Aramaizing forms (but cf. Rem. § 67 g) in Hiph it and Hoph al are, IQ^I Ex 13:18, 
&c; cf. Ju. 18:23; larrVK Ex 23:21, but read nadrVK from nna: TO'I Dt 1:44 (cf. Nu 14:45), 
but tactfn Ju 18:23, 1 S 5:8, 2 Ch 29:6; %X profanabo, Ez 39:7; DM Jb 22:3; without elision of 
the n (cf. § 53 q), Wl 1 K 18:27, but Jer 9:4 ftcftf, Jb 13:9 ftcfrtfi; with fin the second 
syllable Wtfl Jer 49:20, 50:45; cf. W : U}21 Nu 21:30; in the perfect rnVcSn La 1:8. In Hoph al, 
wan they are brought low, Jb 24:21; 113.'; he is smitten, Is 24: 12 (plur. wd? Jer 46:5, Mi 1:7); in 
pause, lp,rr Jb 19:23, but also ifigj Jb 4:20 (so Baer, Ginsb., but ed. Mant, Jabl. ina^; with o 
in the initial syllable, na : tl*n (infinitive with 5i/^?x = na : ^n, cf. § 91 e) Lv 26:34 f, cf. 2 Ch 
36:21; natl*n3, with irregular syncope for ' : E>n3, Lv 26:43. 

In General. 

9. Verbs V"V are most closely related as regards inflexion to verbs VS? (§ 72). The form of 
verbs V"V is generally the shorter (cf. e.g. 3'CP and Dip;, 3pn and D^pn); in a few cases, 
however, the two classes exactly coincide, e.g. in the imperfect Qal and Hiph z/ with wow 
consecutive, in Hoph al and in the less common conjugations (see above, 1). 

10. The developed forms (with three radicals), as mentioned in a, are especially frequent 
in the 3rd sing. masc. and fern., and the 3rd plur. perf. Qal (i.e. in forms without an 
afformative or with an afformative beginning with a vowel) of transitive verbs, or verbs, at 
any rate, expressing action, e.g. 33p, 133,0 (but before a suffix also 'Uldb, as well as 'Uldho, 
■UlcStf &c); DaT, naa,T, 1QQK, &c. Sometimes the contracted, as well as the uncontracted form, 
is found, e.g. TT3 to plunder, plur. ITT,!; i n other parts, only ttiefe Dt 2:35, as well as llicfo Dt 
3:7 ''fiadrt Zc 8: 14, 15 and , ritfaT Jer 4:28. Other examples of biliteral forms in 2nd sing. masc. 
are Dt 25: 12, Pr 30:32; in 1st sing., Jos 5:9. A part from Qal the only example of a developed 
form is '(fonrn Jer 49:37. 

On the other hand, the biliteral forms are the more common in the 3rd sing, and plur. of 
perfects which are intransitive, and express a state; cf. p? Dt 9:21 (Ex 32:20 pj5; elsewhere 
always a transitive verb); Tit], fern, nriC?; ~\a,fem. rn<& (for marra); ~\%,fem. rncf (cf. rncfl Ez 
24: 1 1); Tn, xw,fem. nn<f , dpi &c.;plur. wcf, ia<f &c. (but on the tone, cf. ee below). 
Exception, nK>K>,y Ps 6:8. 

The intransitive but developed perfects iV?,} (also iVtf), Vtji, n77,3, ITT, 3 (in/rawse H<£), 
Tip, n##,y (p/w. in pause ltt>,ttty Ps 31:11), V? 1 ?,,^, inn,tt> (also Tiff), almost all have, as Mayer 
Lambert observes, at least an active, not a stative meaning. Triliteral forms of the infinitive 
after b are 3'3p 1 7 Nu 21:4; TiTtf 1 ? Jer 47:4; m"? Gn 31:19 (also T ^ Gn 38:13); cf. also Dan 1 ? Is 
47: 14, in subordinate pause, for Dan, 1 ?; with suffix D3Iin,7 Is 30: 18, and, from the same form 
inn, with retraction and modification of the vowel, rmn 1 ? Ps 102: 14; also nintz> Is 60: 14, Tto 1 S 
25:2, 0'oap Is 10:18, TiTy, 3 Pr 8:28, ThX3 Pr 26:8.— Imperative XTfti Jer 49:28 (cf. § 20 b, and 
ibid, also on •>}<£, n Ps 9:14); in the imperfect, TiT Na 3:7 (Ps 68:13; cf. Gn 31:40) from TO; 
the strong form here, after the assimilation of the Nun, was unavoidable. On the other hand, 
UTP&] Jer 5:6 is anomalous for WW] (Pr 11:3 Q e re; the eastern school read the Po el DTOtt" in 
the iCthihh); the strengthening of the second radical has been afterwards resolved by the 
insertion of a vocal S'wd. Cf. also ]1T\ , ] Am 5:15 (elsewhere 1 ' l"P). In Niph al, the triliteral 
form 33 1 ? 1 is found, Jb 11:12; in Hiph il, all the forms of in, thus imperative irtfin, imperfect 
■priFi; infinitive DaE'n Mi 6: 13; participle DWa Ez 3: 15. That the developed (triliteral) forms 
possess a certain emphasis is seen from their frequent use in pause, as in Ps 118:11 after a 
biliteral form ('Uiciicrm ■Oldb). 

1 1 . The above-mentioned (see g) neglect of the strengthening in aramaizing forms, such 
as iaT and the like, occurs elsewhere tolerably often; in the perfect Qal uacS for itfcif) Nu 
17:28 (Jer 44:18; cf. above, e); imperfect HTCfu 1 S 14:36 (n 'parag. without any influence on 
the form, cf. o); even with the firm vowel reduced to vocal tfwd; ntf3,3 Gn 11:7 for n'pcfu 
(cohortative from "773); 1C&T,? for lacfp ibid. ver. 6, they purpose; following the analogy of 
verbs ry, ^^K (see above, r); from intransitive imperfects Qal, 1 Ti,ri Is 49:19 (plur. masc. Jb 
18:7); Wi,? Neh 2:3; also nia^ri Ez 6:6 (for which read 'E"Ji='E>ri) might be explained in the 
same way. — Perfect Niph al ntfp,l for nscfo Ez 41:7; t>]2 Ju 5:5 for V?dh; DriVai for DTi'Va: 
Gn 17: 1 1 (as if from 7*7a not 7ia to circumcise), cf. Is 19:3, Jer 8: 14; imperfect rup(&fi Zc 
14:12; participle D^an,:, cf. u. So also f?l 1 S 13:11, rnQ,l Gn 9:19 (cf. Is 33:3), are perfects 

Niph al from f5JQ (= flQ), not ga/ from fQl — In Hiph itrfrtiri (for ricSrin) Ju 16: 10 (2 S 
15:34); njtfnforn^nPr 7:13 (cf. Ct 6:11, 7:13). 

No less irregular is the suppression of the vowel of the stem-syllable in DDTQn 1 ? Lv 
26: 15.— On the perfect Vft Pr 26:7, cf § 75 u. 

12. Cases in which the tone is thrown forward on the afformatives (see k) are (a) in the 
perfect, the Istsing. regularly (but cf. WCfl^rn Jer 10:18 before DnV) after 1 consec, Ex 33:19, 
22, 2 K 19:34, &c, also Is 44: 16 Ojiian before l); Ps 92: 1 1 (but the text is certainly corrupt; 
see the Lexicon), 116:6, perhaps also Jb 19:17, 1 'ri'3ni (though in this passage, and in Ps 17:3, 
the form might be an infinitive in 6th; see Delitzsch on Jb 19:17); in the 2nd sing. nGjT X\?) 
(before N) Dt 25: 12; in the 3rd plural, ^dh multi sunt, Ps 3:2, 104:24, Jer 5:6, 1 S 25: 10; idl 
they are soft, Ps 55:22 ^\? they are swift, Jer 4:13, Hb 1:8; idt they are pure, Jb 15:15, 25:5, 
La 4:7; lcfE> //zej d/d ftow, Hb 3:6; idfn ^ej ore burned, Is 24:6. A by form of WE> (ry, cf. § 72 
dd) is ^E>Ps 49:15, 73:9. 

(&) In the imperative (a command in an emphatic tone) ''di s/«g, Is 54: 1, Zp 3:14, Zc 2: 14; 
1(f) Is 44:23, 49:13, Jer 31:7 (but ^di lament, La 2:19), ■>(§] keep {thy feasts), Na 2:1, Jer 7:29; 
ncfo (= njy) before H, Ps 68:29. On the retention of the short vowels u (6) and /"before Dages 
forte, in place of the tone-long o and e, see above, k; on the change of the vowel of the 
preformative into S'w , when it no longer stands before the tone, see g. 

The Weakest Verbs (Verba Quiescentia). 

§ 68. Verbs X"D e.g. few to eat. 
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 140 ff; Grundriss, p. 589 ff 

So far as X retains its full consonantal value as a guttural, these verbs share all the 
peculiarities of verbs primae gatturalis, mentioned in § 63. They are, however, to be 
treated as weak verbs, when the X loses its value as a consonant, and coalesces with 
the preceding vowel (originally short) to form one long syllable. This takes place only 
in the following very common verbs and forms, as if through phonetic decay: — 

1. In the imperfect Qal, five verbs (viz. "HX to perish, rDN to be willing, ^DX to eat, 
TON to say, TiBK to bake) regularly make the N quiesce in a long 6, e.g. ^DK'. 1 In a few 
others the ordinary (strong) form is also in use, as TON'' (18 times) and T'n$,J (3 times) 
he takes hold; r ]D r '' (see h), also H 'OS,', he collects. This 6 has primarily arisen from an 
obscuring of 6 (§ 9 q), and the a from N :, the weak consonant N coalescing with a to 
a; cf. § 23 a. 

In the second syllable 6 (for original u) never appears, but either e 2 or a; and in 
pause almost always e, even before the tone-bearing heavy afformative ]\ e.g. ffo'N? 

1 l So in the modern vulgar Arabic of South Palestine, yakul (he eats) becomes yokul. 

2 2 On this e (originally i ) as a dissimilation from 6 (originally u), cf. § 27 w, and F. 
Philippi, in the Zeitschrift fiir Volkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, xiv. 178. 
The latter rightly observes that the existence of an original u in the imperfect of ^DN is 

Dt 18:1, without the pause l^X] 1 Dt 4:28. In the 3rd sing. masc. and 1st sing, of 1/DX, 
however, a is always retained in pause, idiX' 1 and idTX; but in the 2nd masc. IgiX'n 1 
K5:20, in the 3rd/em. l.&X'fi Pr 1:21; in fhe/ribra/ngMP Jer 5:2, Ps 145:6, 11, 
ndiX'fi Jer 23:38, with ^go/ta; cf. also^.D'xn 1 S 1:7, &c. But with conjunctive 
accents in the body of the sentence, a (as being a lighter vowel) is used, e.g. TJiX'fl 
"T i J7 , 7 Ps 9:19, but in/rawse 1,5'xri Ps 1:6; cf. a similar interchange of e and a in § 65 c. 
The 3rd fern. plur. imp/, always has the form n^dx'fl Zc 1 1 :9. 

When the tone moves back, the final syllable of the imperfects of "75X and ^DX, 
with a conjunctive accent, also always takes Pathah, e.g. DV "nx^ 1 Jb 3:3, ^'xdi and 
he did eat; in "ittX the loss of the tone from the final syllable only occurs in the form 
with wdw consecutive (but never in the 1st sing. IS'N,); cf ^Xl), and then the final 
syllable, if without the pause, always takes S e ghol, ^K'"(fand he said (except "ittxdrn 
ft Pr 7:13). 

In pause, however, the imperfect consecutive (except the 1st pers. of ^DX, see 
below) always has the form ^dk'-'l (butplur. always ftdK'', ftdk' 8 ]), ltfK'*1; except 
"iQKCf'l in the poetic portion of the book of Job, as 3:2, 4:1, &c, but not in 32:6, in the 
middle of the verse. The weak imperfect of Tnx is always TilX' 1 and TpX'l, but in the 1st 
sing., according to § 49 e, TGjT X_1 Ju 20:6; cf. "7GS"*M Gn. 3:12, 13 mpause. — rDX and 
HQX are, at the same time, verbs H" 1 ?, hence imperfect rpx ** (§ 75 c). 

Before light suffixes the vowel of the second syllable becomes vocal Sewa, as Q'pDKj'', 
13fibx,'n but DD"7DK|n. — In a few cases, instead of the 6 in the first syllable an e is found, which 
is due to contraction from the group " ,:(or 7 7) in place of 7 7; e.g. nriKfi it shall come, Mi 
4:8, from nriK.ri (from nnx); agX (for 1^) Hove, Pr 8:17, also (four times) 3H ' X Mai 1:2, &c, 
with suffixes indb.'X Ho 11:1, 14:5, &c. (but only in Istsing., otherwise anx,?, &c, from 3HX, 
3HX); "icfx,] and I stayed, Gn 32:5. The infinitive construct of ""IQX with 1 ? is always "fax 1 ? 
dicendo, fori' ax V — According to Barth (ZDMG. 1889,p. 179)"7SXGSNu 11:25 is to be 
regarded as an imperfect Qal, without the obscuring of X 7 to 6, not as imperfect Hiph it, 
since V^X elsewhere occurs only in the perfect Qal and Niph al; on the original i in the 
second syllable, see above, § 67 p. For irfpdXJi Jb 20:26 we should simply emend 'Vox^n; the 
view that it is imperfect P6 el (which nowhere else occurs) can, as regards the change of 6 to 
6, be supported only by the very doubtful analogies of Ps 62:4 (see § 52 q) and Ps 101:5 Q e re 
(see § 55 b), while the view that it is Pi el ('DXfl=':3Xfl='3Xfl) rests on no analogy whatever. It 
would be more admissible to suppose that OXJl stands for '3Xfi, Pu al (cf. "Tj^DK for TfjOX, § 27 
q); but no reason has been discovered for this departure from the natural punctuation ox'fi. 

2. In the 1st pers. sing, imperfect, where two X's would ordinarily come together, 
the second (which is radical) is regularly dropped (§ 23 f), as "12'X 1 (for IftX'X), &c, 

indicated by the form of the imperative Vd$, the Arabic yakul and the Aramaic "73*0, 
as well as by the fact that T'ns,?. an d H OX,?, are found along with inx' 1 and HON'. 
1 l The regularity of this orthography indicates that the contraction of XX to a in this 
1st pers. occurred at a time when in the 3rd and 2nd persons the X was still audible as 
a consonant (which accordingly was almost always retained in writing). Noldeke 

and evenplene 1S1K.J Neh 2:7, &c, niftiN Ps 42:10. In the other cases, also, where the 
X is ordinarily regarded as qiiiescing in 6 or e, it is only retained orthographically, and 
on etymological grounds. Hence the possibility of its being dropped in the following 
cases: — 

Always in the contracted forms of Hptf, as 10'Ji for qpN'n Ps 104:29; tipcf'l 2 S 6: 1 (but for 
HpK^Jb 27:19 read ^pN'^pi 1 with the LXX); cf also in the lepers. Mi 4:6 and tJQ.p'N 1 S 
15:6, which is apparently (from the Metheg with the /), intended for an imperfect Hiph it: 
instead of it, however, read, with the Mantua edition, ~}50'X (with /"according to § 60 f). But 
•pSOKjfl Ex 5:7 (for 'Oiri), qp!<''1 1 S 18:29 (for Hpicfr), and HON 1 Jb 27: 19 (see above) are due to 
a mistake, since all three forms must be derived from the stem IP 1 . Furthermore, ^Cfo 1 ? Ps 
139:20 (where certainly na 1 is to be read); K3'n Pr 1:10 (cf. § 75 hh); incffn 1 S 28:24; iVpi 1 
Ez 42:5; najfi 2 S 19: 14; inc&l 2 S 20:9; ll ?1 r ri tfjow gaddest about (from Vm), Jer 2:36; Kricg Dt 
33:21 (for nriN, 1 ), according to other readings (on the analogy of the cases mentioned in § 75 
p) Ndjn, xrifiS or NriGfi. 

Paradigm I shows the weak forms of the imperfect Qal, and merely indicates the 
other conjugations, which are regular. 

Rem. 1. In the derived conjugations only isolated weak forms occur: Perfect Niphal ITtjN^ 
Nu 32:30, Jos 22:9; Hiph. ^KeS Nu 1 1:25 (but the statement in verse 17 is 1 fr7S$, therefore 
Qal); equally doubtful is the punctuation of 1~\<£\ (for TIN 1 ]?) and he laid wait, 1 S 15:5, and 
piN / listen, Jb 32: 1 1 (on the analogy of verbs w); cf. also Voix (d from a) /give to ear, Hos 
11:4; nTCfN (d from a) I will destroy, Jer 46:8; ini'l 2 S 20:5 gVe (for TW1); the iCthibh 
appears to require the i>/ e/ "in 11 ], from "in 1 as a secondary form of "lilK; but "in'' 1 l="inK 1 l for 
"inx, 1 ! as imperfect Qal is not impossible. On rnriXl Neh 13:13, cf. § 53 n. — Infinitive Von 1 ? 
Ez 21:33 (='DH i n 1 7 unless it is rather infin. Hiph. from Via); Participle pta giveth ear, Pr 17:4 
(clearly by false analogy of verbs V'V, for T'TK i a); Imperative V<fn ftrz'wg (from nriK) Jer 12:9. 
(On the same form used for the perfect in Is 21: 14, cf. § 76 d.) 

2. In the Pi el the K is sometimes elided (like n in V^ppn 1 , ^tpj? 1 ), thus l"??) (as in Aramaic 
and Samaritan) teaching, for tf?xa Jb 35: 1 1; Vn 1 (if not a mere scribal error) for VriK 1 Is 13:20; 
■gdlS! f/20M hast girded me, 2 S 22:40, for ^tfwril as Ps 18:40; 173K,] Ez 28:16; cf. § 23 c. 

§ 69. Verbs "'3. Fz'r.sf Class, or Verbs originally T'S, e.g. 3Vft to dwell. 
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 141 f; Grundriss, p. 596 ff 

Verbs which at present begin with Yodh when without preformatives are divided 
into two classes according to their origin and consequent inflexion: (a) Verbs which 
(as still in Arabic and Ethiopic) originally began with Wow, e.g. i~?\ to give birth to, 
Arab, and Eth. wdlada. In consequence of a phonetic change which prevails also with 
few exceptions in the noun, this Wow in Hebrew and Aramaic always becomes a 
Yodh, at least when it is the initial consonant; but after preformatives it either 
reappears, or is again changed into Yodh, or, lastly, is altogether elided; (b) Verbs 
which (as in Arabic) originally began with Yodh (called Verba cum Iod originario, see 
§ 70). A few verbs again (some with original Yodh, and some with original Wdw) 

{ZDMG. xxxii. 593) infers this from the fact that also in Arabic the 3rd and 2nd 
persons are still written yakulu, takulu, but the 1st pers. dkulu, not akulu. 

form a special class, which in certain forms assimilates the Waw or Yddh to the 
following consonant on the analogy of the Nun in verbs "|"D (see § 71). 

With regard to verbs V'D (i.e. '"D with original Waw) it is to be noticed that — 

1. In the imperfect, imperative and infinitive construct Qal there is a twofold 
inflexion, according as the Waw is wholly rejected or only changed into Yddh. The 
complete rejection (or elision) takes place regularly in eight verbs (see h) in the 
following manner: 

A. Imperfect 3#\, VT with an unchangeable 1 Sere in the first syllable and original i' 
in the second, which in the tone-syllable (according to § 27 c) becomes e (thus 77\, 
**?!, 7~)V, "jfe see x), or, under the influence of a guttural, with a in the second (J7T, V\?l, 

The tone-long e of the second syllable is of course liable to be shortened or to 
become S e wd, e.g. 3$cfi, ! Q$ i \, &c; in the same way a becomes S e wd in such cases as 
W?,!, &c, but is lengthened to Qames'm pause (W(£;) and before suffixes (□?}.!)• 

B. Imperative 1U? with aphaeresis of the fFaw and with tone-long e, from z,"as in 
the imperfect. 

C. Infinitive ro<$ from original sz'&Zz, by addition of the feminine ending (n) 
lengthened to a segholate form; as in verbs "|"S (cf § 66 b) this lengthening affords a 
certain compensation for loss of the initial consonant. 

Rem. Since the infinitives TiV'l, 7Vf? (see below, m) point to a ground-form di at, lidat, we 
must, with Philippi (ZDMG. xxxii. 42) and Barth (ibid. xli. 606), assign to ra<S> , &c., the 
ground-form Mtf (which, therefore, reappears in , ME>, &c); the apparent ground-form sabt 
rests upon the law that the i of the stem-syllable is changed into a whenever the syllable 
becomes doubly closed by the addition of the vowelless feminine ending. 

In more than half the number of verbs V'D the original Waw in the above- 
mentioned forms gives place to Yddh, which, unless it suffers aphaeresis (see f), 
appears: — 

in the imperatives p'X), tth) and infinitives I'D?, K'l), as a strong consonant, but 

in the imperfect #T?, properly yiyrds, merges with the preceding i Into £ 

1 x The e of the first syllable is really e, not tone-long e, since it is retained not merely 
before the tone, and in the counter-tone (e.g. D?,7?3 Ho 14:10), but also in ^y.lX Ex 
33:13, 17. It is no objection to this view that the scriptio plena of this e occurs (with 
the exception of -|j?". Ps 72:14, elsewhere pointed ~ij?") only in Mi 1:8 and Ez 35:9 
lCth.\ in Ps 138:6 the Masora prefers to point 57}^. — Of the various explanations of the 
e the most satisfactory is that of Philippi {ZDMG. xl. p. 653) that an original yah d, 
for example (see above), became yilid by assimilation of the vowel of the first syllable 
to that of the second; this then became yeled instead ofyeled, in an attempt to raise the 
word again in this way (by writing e instead of e) to a triliteral form. 

In the second syllable imperfects of this form regularly have a. 

(a) That the latter forms are derived from verbs with an original Waw (not Yodh) is shown 
partly by the inflexion of these verbs in Niph al, Hiph it, and Hoph al (where the original 
Waw reappears throughout), and partly by the Arabic, in which verbs V'Q likewise exhibit a 
twofold formation; cf. wdldda, imperf yalidu, with elision of the Waw, and wagila, yaugalu, 
with retention of the Waw. 

(b) Sometimes both forms, the weaker and the stronger, occur in the same verb; cf. p?2K 
4:41 and p'Vpour,Ez 24:3 (cf. ip?, 1 1 K 18:34 and the infin. nptfEx 38:27); tth take 
possession, Dt 1:21, 1 K 21:15 (butcf. s), Eh (inpause for Eh) Dt2:24, 3l;plur. TOh Dt 1:8, 
9:23, but also, with n -paragogic, HE/dP Dt 33:23. In the imperfect 1\?" Dt 32:22 and 1\?] Is 

10: 16 it shall be kindled; Ip^l it was precious, 1 S 18:30 and ~\\>l Ps 49:9 (cf. "li?" Ps 72: 14).— 
The form lairi Gn 30:39, for iarj r !l, beside n3!?tf;i verse 38, is remarkable; cf. § 47 k. 

(c) On T\ Ju 19: 1 1 for Ttf and niE> Jer 42: 10 for the infinitive absolute y\Vfl, cf. § 19 i. — 
But TV Ju 5: 13 (twice) is not intended by the Masora either as perfect (for TV, which really 
should be restored) or as imperative of TV, but as an apocopated imperfect Pi el from Til~\ 
( = HTV) to have dominion. 

(d) The eight verbs, 1 of which the initial consonant in the above-mentioned forms always 
suffers elision or aphaeresis, are TV to bring forth, XX? to go forth, 3E>? to sit, to dwell, TV to 
descend, also ~f?T\ to go (cf. below, x); and with a in the second syllable of the imperfect, VT to 
know, "7IT to be united, 57j?? to be dislocated. Examples of the other formation (EH", &c.) are ^SP 
to be wearied, YT r to counsel, ]y?l to sleep, NT (imperfect NT 1 , imperative NT) to fear. 

2. The original Waw is retained as a firm consonant: (a) in the infinitive, 
imperative, and imperfect Niph al, being protected by the strengthening, e.g. 3I£hn, 
2WV, which are consequently strong forms like ^PiPn, ^ttjT; (b) in the Hithpa el of 
some verbs, e.g. ininn from W, nsinn from !"D\ rmnn from nT; otherwise a radical 
Waw at the beginning of a word is now found only in a few nouns, e.g. ~f7\ offspring 
from i~?1 to bear. At the end of a syllable Waw with the homogeneous vowel ii 
coalesces into u; so throughout Hoph al, e.g. DKftn for huwsabh; but with a preceding 
a the Waw is contracted into 6 (i); so in the perfect and participle Niph al and 
throughout////?/? it, e.g. IWl from an original nawsdbh, T$1n from an original 

The first radical always appears as Yodh in the perfect and participle Qal, niZV, 
&c, nttf', yiVll, even when } precedes, e.g. ittfJJ (but DJWtt/V, according to § 24 b), also 
throughout Pi el and P« al, e.g. *7IT to wazY, "7 1 ?.? to /3e /3or/7, and in the imperfect and 
participle "iXV], 2H.$ known (from S7T), and, as a rule, also in Hithpa el, e.g. iV^n, 

n-r^n, torrnn (as against snirin, &c, with ffow). 

1 x A ninth ^p? to at/t/, is also to be included. In the Mesa -inscription, 1. 21, the 
infinitive is written riDD 1 ? (cf. , nD0\ 1. 29); hence read in Is 30: 1 (Nu 32: 14, Dt 29: 18) 
n9 p for niDp. The 2nd plur. masc. imperative IQp Is 29:1, Jer 7:21 corresponds to 
XlVj; thus in proof of a supposed HDp addere, there remains only nspN Dt 32:23, for 
which, according to 2 S 12:8, read n? Q'N. 

The beginner may recognize verbs V'S in the imperfect Qal partly by the Sere under the 
preformatives; in Niph al and Hiph it by the Waw (l, i) before the second radical. (The 
defective writing, as in TVn, is rare.) Verbs V'S have forms like 3tt> ($n), fticf , in common 
with verbs l/'fl. Similarly Hoph al has the same form as in verbs 57"57 and VS7. 

Rem. 1. The infinitive Qal of the weaker form (rQ(f , ground-form ft'Af, nttfcf; cf. above, c) 
with suffixes is pointed as 1 MI1>, ' ifltth (the strong form only in ttdihif? ^ u 14: ^)- The 
masculine form is very rare, e.g. 3H to ^wow, Jb 32:6, 10, as also the feminine ending n 7, e.g. 
7\<§f Ex 2:4, ntf? Is 37:3 (2 K 19:3); Jer 13:21, Ho 9:11; nil, a 2 to descend, Gn 46:3, where 
the change of the e into vocal S e wd is to be explained, with Konig, from its position between 
the principal and secondary tone. From VT, under the influence of the guttural, nycf is formed, 
with suff. •'ASH, &c; but from VX\ n*G£. From TT there occurs in Ps 30:4 in g e re TTa (the JCth. 
requires 1 Tn???) a very remarkable case of the strong form (for , rn'i i a). For Th 1 S 4:19 
(generally explained as a case of assimilation of "7 to n in the supposed ground-form ladt; 
according to Mayer Lambert pausal of rft=lidt, see above, c) read simply ni(5. 

Examples of the strong form of the infinitive are N'T to fear, Jos 22:25, with preposition 
1 ' D 1 "? Is 5 1 : 1 6 (but 2 Ch 3 1 : 7 according to Ben Naphtali "7 ' Q 1 "?, where the 1 is only retained 
orthographically, but is really assimilated to the 0; the reading of Ben Asher, TiD 1 "?, accepted 
by Baer, is meaningless); liE" 1 ? Ec 5: 1 1; K'l 1 ? 1 S 18:29 is irregular, but probably K'l 1 ? (for 
N'T 1 ?) is intended. With suff. •ntP3 Jb 38:4, cf. Ju 14:15, Ezr 3: 12; with T\fem. nVcfr to be 
able, Nu 14:16. On n#<3?, which is likewise usually referred to this class, cf. the note on § 70 

2. The imperative Qal frequently has the lengthening by n ", e.g. HIE* sit thou, 7]T) descend 
thou. From 3T to give, Arab, wdhdbd, only the imperative is used in Hebrew; it has the form 
3H give, lengthened H3<f generally with the meaning age, go to, hence in Gn 1 1:3, 4 even 
addressed to several persons (Gn 29:21 ndn before K to avoid the hiatus); fern. 1 in Ru 3: 15, 
Milra on the analogy of the plural icfn (once in Jb 6:22 VJC? before the tone-syllable; but cf. 
Dt 32:3), whilst, on the analogy of other imperatives Qal of verbs V'S, 'OH, 11JJ would be 
expected.— On nv? Pr 24: 14, cf. § 48 1. 

3. The imperfect with l elided takes a in the second syllable, besides the cases mentioned 
above (under f), also in Tin Jer 13:17 (cf. La 3:48) and in the pausal form *fn Jb 27:21, &c. 
(from ~fi_7i, see x); on l\?] Is 10: 16 see above, f The a in the second syllable, when followed by 
the afformative Til (rnidfi &c), is in accordance with the law mentioned above (under c), by 
which a takes the place of i in a doubly closed syllable. Forms with e in the second syllable 
shorten the e to S e ghol, when the tone is drawn back (before a tone-syllable or after waw 
consecutive), e.g. KTIB*,? Gn 44:33; Ticfi, 3E*cfi; but e is retained in an open syllable, even with 
Mil el-tone, in N^cfEx 16:29, Ju 9:39, in both cases with nasog ahor, § 29 e. The pausal is 
either of the form 2W>] Ru 4: 1 or Tgm Ps 18: 10; the 1st pers. sing., whether in or out of pause, 
is T)K], YpK] &c, except "i^Kj Jb 19:10, see x. — Fori/.T? Ps 138:6 (cf. the note above, onb 
and the analogous cases in § 70 d) VT] is intended. 

1 l '?15$3 Ps 23:6 can hardly be intended for an in/in. with suffix from 1U?1, but rather 
for aperf. consec. from 2W; but read 'HJ#,J3- 

2 2 The infinitives njn and Ti"]-} belong to the source marked E (Dillmann's B) in the 
modern criticism of the Pentateuch. The same document also has ]'T\} to give, for riFi; 
tl'^n to go, for rg "7; and H&y to make, for ni&y. See Dillmann, Die BB. Num., Deut., 
Jos., p. 618. 

The imperfect of the form Eh 11 is frequently (especially before afformatives) written 
defectively, in which case the /"can always be recognized as a long vowel by the Metheg (see 
§ 16 f), e.g. IDy, 1 Is 40:30, isn, 1 Is 65:23; and so always 1K1, 1 they fear, as distinguished from 
1KT they see (imperf Qal of nto).— On niJ»<S Gn 50:26, 24:33 £VA, and "ID" Ex 30:32, see § 
73 f 

From b'3] to prevail, to be able, the imperfect Qal is Vd^, which can only have arisen 
through a depression of the vowel from blV (ground-form yaukhahyawkhal), to distinguish it, 
according to Qimhi, from VDiH, just as, according to § 47 b, VbjpN is differentiated from Vtij??. 
Cf the Arabic yauru u (yoru u) from waru a, yaugalu (yogalu) from wagila, as also the 
vulgar Arabic (among towns-people) yuSal, &c, from waSala. Others regard ^V as an 
imperfect Hoph al {he is enabled=he can), always used instead of the imperfect Qal; cf, 
however, § 53 u. — b^tfi occurs in Jer 3:5 as 2nd sing. fern, for ^Dini, according to Konig 
because the 2nd fern, had been sufficiently indicated previously. — Further n~\V or nY 1 is to be 
regarded with M. Lambert (REJ. xxxvii, no. 73) as impf. Qal (not Hiph if) of HT to throw, 
shoot (the supposed impf Qal DT3] Nu 21:30 is critically very doubtful). This is shown 
especially by the passages in which the impf. rnv is immediately preceded by the imperat. 
Qal (2 K 13:17) or infin. Qal (Ps 64:5), or is followed by the participle Qal (2 Ch 35:23; but 
in 2 S 1 1 :24 by the participle Hiph il). 

4. The attenuation of a to i"m the perfect (in a toneless, closed syllable) which is 
discussed in § 44 d (cf. § 64 f) occurs in verbs 1"Q in a few forms of T2? Nu 1 1: 12, Jer 2:27, Ps 
2:7, &c. (always after?), as well as of err, e.g. Driah\1, &c, Dt4:l, 8:1, 17:14, 19:1,26:1, 
31:3 (always after 'n for ])). In both cases the attenuation might be explained from the 
tendency to assimilate the vowels, especially if the initial ] was pronounced, as in Syriac, like 
i (§ 47 b). In the case of tth?, however, a secondary form tZ/T (cf. § 44 d) is probably to be 
assumed, since in Arabic also the verb is wariti. The forms 'Tiflfh 1 ,! Ez 36: 12 and rnsfh\l Ps 
69:36, &c, are most simply explained from the return of this i. 

5. As an exception, the imperfect Niph al sometimes has a , instead of the 1, e.g. Vndh 
and he stayed, Gn 8: 12 (unless the Pi el or Vrpl, as in ver. 10, is to be read), cf. Ex 19: 13; 1 S 
13:8 iCthihh. — The first person always has the form 3!2M, not IBftX, cf § 51 p. — In the 

participle the plural 'ffl (from HP, with depression of 6 to u, cf. § 27 n) is found in Zp 3: 18; cf. 
La 1:4. While in these cases some doubt may be felt as to the correctness of the Masoretic 
pointing, much more is this so in the perfect vtfti nulfdhu, 1 Ch 3:5, 20:8, for nVil which 
appears to be required by the wdw in the initial syllable. 

6. In the imperfect Pi el elision of the first radical (') sometimes takes place after wdw 
consec. (as in the case of K, § 68 k), e.g. riPI for HP?] andhe has grieved, La 3:33, IT] for IT^I 
and they have cast, verse 53, from 7\T, which may also be a true verb V 'Q (on the other hand, 
in 1 7'iii IT! they have east lots, Jo 4:3, Ob n , Na 3:10, a. perfect Qal of TT is required by the 
context; but as this, being a transitive perfect, ought to have the form XTi^ according to § 67 a, 
perhaps we should read IT). So from a verb V 'Q, of the second class, IHOf^l for IHOf^l andhe 
made it dry, Na 1:4; cf. trvK"] 2 Ch 32:30 Q e re (the K e th. points either to Pi eltn-VP^or 
Hiph ifcriE^l). 

7. The imperative Hiph it, instead of the usual form 3E>in, sometimes has /In the second 
syllable; K^in Is 43:8; STQin Ps 94: 1 (before n, hence probably a mere mistake for nsrtfin). On 
the uncertainty of the tone in NrnSWin see § 53 m. When closed by a guttural the second 
syllable generally has a, as VTin, VEnn, cf. also "ij?'n Pr 25:17 (as in the infin. constr. rain Jb 

REJ. REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

6:26; see § 65 f). On the other hand, /"always appears when the syllable is open, thus ni^fiSin, 
■>T@% and so also before suffixes (§ 61 g). Krn Gn 8:17 Q e re (K e th. KSin, see § 70 b) is 
irregular. — The jussive and the imperfect consecutive Hiph it when the tone is drawn back 
take S e ghol in the second syllable, as in Qal, e.g. ^d that he may increase, Pr 1:5, before 
nptf; cf. Ex 10:28 and Dt 3:26 after _1 7N; 10(5] ('ilpicfi Pr 30:6 is anomalous); inpause, however, 
also ^Oifi as jussive, Jb 40:32 (usual jussive inpause I1tf1\ &c, which occurs even without the 
pause after wow consecutive, Gn 47: 1 1, Jos 24:3, 2 S 8:4, &c). With a final guttural V l' 1 
and ndv (jussive) and HDi'l &c; with a final 1 inpause "i.ri'rn Ru 2:14: on tD57,K"l Is 35:4, cf. 
§ 65 f). — On forms like STtfirr, see § 53 q. 

In Hoph al 6 stands instead of 1, in y}in (for yTin) Lv 4:23, 28, rtt'n 2 S 20: 13, and 
perhaps in Nil 1 (for n~\V) Pr 1 1:25; but cf. Delitzsch on the passage. — Ptcp. nvdia Is 12:5 Q e re 
(nyc£» K e th). — An infinitive Hoph al with feminine ending occurs in T\~]ifri Gn 40:20, for 
ra^n^^n; cf above, t, on n'TO, and § 71 at the end. 

8. The verb "]"?n to go, also belongs in some respects to the V'S class, since it forms (as if 
from *f?i) imperfect ~f?], with waw consecutive ~f?(£\ (inpause "^Vo Gn 24:61, &c), 1st sing. 
~pX) (but in Jb 19: 10 '"]§K,]); infinitive construct mti with suff ^f? (S'ghol under the 
influence of the following palatal, as in 'nrn, cf. also ''TO); imperative *f), ~~f?, in the lengthened 
form roV (as an interjection referring even to a feminine, Gn 19:32, or aplural, Gn 31:44) and 
■f? (Nu 23: 13, Ju 19:13, 2 Ch 25: 17); Hiph. -p"?in (also in Ex 2:9 ^tfin 2nd/e/w. imperative is 
to be read for 'O^n, which probably arose merely through confusion with the following 
tl(j£rri); imperfect y^V, but in the 1st sing, of the imperfect consecutive always "I'piK, 1 Lv 
26: 13, Am 2: 10, &c. Rarely, and almost exclusively late or in poetry, the regular inflexions of 
■p_d are also found: imperf ^Vn,! (Ps 58:9, &c; but ^n,? Ex 9:23, Ps 73:9; cf. § 64 a and h); 
T"7n,K Jb 16:22, also Mesa inscription, line 14, I^HK; infin. -fVn (Ex 3:19, Nu 22:13 f.16, : 
Ec 6:8, 9); imperative plur. ^Vn Jer 51:50. On the other hand, the perfect Qal is always *f}7\, 
participle ~f>'7\, infinitive absolute yt~}7\,Niph al~p_T\l,Pi el~f>7\,Hithpa el ~f>y\TU, so that a 
1 never arrears unmistakably as the first radical. The usual explanation of the above forms is 
nevertheless based on a supposed obsolete *fp. It is, however, more correct to regard the 
apparent T'Q forms of *f?7l with Praetorius (ZA W. ii. 310 ff) as originating with the Hiph il, of 
which the ground-form hahlikh became halikh, and this again, on the analogy of the imperfect 
Qal of verbs K"Q, holikh. This holikh being referred to a supposed hauhkh (properly hawlikh) 
gave rise to new formations after the manner of verbs V'Q. 

§ 70. Verbs >"£>. Second Class, or Verbs properly >"£>, e.g. 3p> to be good. Paradigm L. 
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 143 ff; Grundriss, p. 603 ff. 

Verbs properly V 'D differ from verbs V'Q in the following points: 

1. In Qalt\\Q initial Yodh never suffers aphaeresis or elision; hence the infinitive 
has the form Uil], 2 the imperfect 3tP, f j?", pi", (mpause pr\), also written 2W, &c; 

1 l Cf. above, m, note 2. 

ZAW. ZAW, = Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff., and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

2 2 This may be inferred from ttfra (='$) Is 27:1 1, which with its fern, nip? Gn 8:7, is 
the only example of an infinitive construct Qal of these verbs. No example of the 

and so always with a tone-bearing a in the second syllable, even after waw consec, 
e.g. f (§•>% except fi^efl Gn 9:24, and ipefi Gn 2:7, 19, unless ir is to be included 
among verbs V'fl (cf. 1X1] Is 43:10). 

2. In i/zp/z z/the original form Tti?n is regularly contracted to Ttrn (rarely written 
I'pn, Ip'H, &c); imperfect Tp 1 ^, Ip'Cfi. Instances of the uncontracted form are HGp^ Pr 
4:25, according to Barth (see above, § 67 p), an example of an i-imperfect of Qal, 
since the Hiph /f is otherwise always causative] ~HZ/?n {imperative) Ps 5:9 Q e re (the 
if^/z. requires nWTH according to the form of verbs V'D; cf. Is 45:2, "itfix £%, TttfyJ 
Q e re), cf. Gn 8:17 (?Ve; QT'P^ 1 Ch 12:2, to be explained as a denominative from 
VPl; DT0;n Ho 7: 12 (§ 24 f, note), but perhaps the punctuation here is only intended to 
suggest another reading nnp.S. 

Rem. 1. The only verbs of this kind are: 3CP to be good (only in the imperfect Qal and in 
Hiph it; in the perfect Qal 3iD, a verb TV, is used instead), pr to suck, f\?l to awake, ~i^ to 
form (but see above, a), V?l only in Hiph it^^ to bewail, "la*? to be straight, right, also tt>:T 
(Arabic yabisa) to be dry (but Hiph itw~i\7\ 2 S 19:6, on the analogy of verbs V'fl; on Is 30:5, 
cf. § 72 x), and the Hiph it^m (denominative from yw), infin. ]^rt? 2 S 14: 19 to go to the 

2. In some examples of the imperfect Hiph it the pre formative has been subsequently 
added to the contracted form: TK" Jb 24:21; V^ Is 15:2, 3, 16:7; V^N Jer 48:31; plur. I^tf" 

Ho 7: 14, cf. Is 65: 14. Qimhi and others explain the above forms from a phonetic interchange 
of Yodh and He, arising from the unsyncopated forms V^TT, &c. (cf. Is 52:5). It is, perhaps, 
more correct to suppose that the regular forms (l 1 ? 1 ?, V'' 1 ?''?) were originally intended, but that 
in the later pronunciation the syllable was broken up in order to restore artificially the 
preformative which had become merged in the first radical. 

Isolated anomalies are: perfect Hiph //■'Tin crrn Ez 36:11 with separating vowel (for 
''MGf'n) on the analogy of verbs V'V; imperfect 3 , D^ for 3 , tp^ 1 K 1:47; 'OEP.ri {imperfect Qal for 
■OEPTi) Na 3:8; irKjforil imperfect Hiph z/Ex 2:9, either an error for 'p^ril, or an irregular 
shortening of the first syllable, caused by the forward movement of the tone. Similarly, the 
Hiph itypd (from pip) is always used instead of fpri from f\?i; hence also riitf'pn, •'ricfrpn, 
imperat. nr(j£n, infin. fpn. — On inof^l Na 1:4, see § 69 u). 

£71. Verbs >"£>. Third Class, or Verbs with Yodh assimilated. 

In some verbs "'£3, the Yodh (or the original Waw) does not quiesce in the 
preceding vowel, but is regarded as a full consonant, and, like Nun, l is assimilated to 
the following consonant. These forms, therefore, belong properly to the class of 
strong verbs. Assimilation invariably takes place in )JV (prop. 57X1) to spread under; 
Hiph it STSri, Hoph al l?x;i; TCP to burn, imperfect JW, Niph al riXJ, Hiph it JT-Xn (in 
Is 27:4 also nac^XN is to be read with Konig; in 2 S 14:30 the Masora has rightly 
emended the K e thibh nTPXim, which could only be the 1st sing. perf. of a verb V'S, to 

imperative Qal is found: consequently the forms 1W, &c. (in Paradigm L of the earlier 
editions of this Grammar), are only inferred from the imperfect. 
1 l These verbs, like verbs 57"57 (cf. above, note on § 67 g), may perhaps have been 
influenced by the analogy of verbs "|"S. 

the imperative rpicfpsril in agreement with the context and all the early versions); m, 
Hiph it rxn to place, Hoph al iXfl; and probably also in the forms ordinarily derived 
from 3XJ, viz. 3S3 (Niph al), 3'Sn, TX_\ ns^l; at any rate a stem 2V is implied by the 
Hithpa el yp_T}7\; instead of the anomalous 1XT) ft] Ex 2:4 read with the Samaritan 
USTim, i.e. H-STlfll. Besides the common form we find once p'Xft in Is 44:3 (from pv to 
pour) with a transitive meaning, beside pxefi intransitive, 1 K 22:35. Elsewhere the 
imperfect consecutive has the form p'X'1 Gn 28:18, 35:14, &c, cf. § 69 f, where also 
other forms of pv are given; irdi and Ts? (Is 44:12, 49:8, Jer 1:5 Q e re), from ~ir to 
form, are, however, used in the same sense. Cf. also D1§8 Ho 10:10; n^cf^'l (for 'rn 
according to § 47 k) 1 S 6:12; TO' 1 ? 2 Ch 31:7 (cf. § 69 n) and TOW Is 28:16. This 
assimilation is found always with sibilants (most frequently with s) except in the case 
of fp'l 1 K 3:15 (so ed. Mant, Ginsb., Kittel; but Jabl, Baer fp'l) and in n^<$ Gn 
40:20, Ez 16:5 (cf. nf^n verse 4), infinitive Hoph al of Yr (cf. n^W § 69 t). 

§ 72. Ferfe •?"# (vulgo )"V), e.g. Dip to rise up. Paradigm M. 
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 144 ff; Grundriss, p. 605 ff. 

1. According to § 67 a a large number of monosyllabic stems were brought into 
agreement with the triliteral form by a strengthening, or repetition, of the second 
radical, i.e. of the consonantal element in the stem. In another large class of stems the 
same object has been attained by strengthening the vocalic element. The ground-form 
used for these verbs is not, as in other cases (§ 39 a), the 3rd sing. mast, perfect, but 
always the infinitive construct form (§ 39 b), the u of which is characteristic also of 
the imperative and of the imperfect indicative Qal. These stems are consequently 
termed verbs V'57 or more correctly (see below) V'57. 1 

Jabl. Jabl. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D. E. Jablonski, Berolini, 1699. 
1 l The term V'57 was consequent on the view that the Wdw (or 1 in the case of verbs 
V'57) in these stems was originally consonantal. This view seemed especially to be 
supported by the return of the Wdw in Pi el ("Til/, the 1 usually passing into , as in D'p, 
cf. Arabic qdwwamd), and by certain forms of the absolute state of the nouns of such 
stems, e.g. ni £> death, compared with ma to die. Hence in explaining the verbal 
forms a supposed stem qawam (in verbs v '57 e.g. sayat) was always assumed, and DVp^ 
was referred to an original yaqwum, the infinitive absolute Dip to original qawom, the 
participle passive Dip to original qawum. It must, however, be admitted: (1) that forms 
like 1157, Q'p (see m) are only to be found in the latest books, and are hence evidently 
secondary as compared with the pure Hebrew forms Dftip, &c; (2) that to refer the 
verbal forms invariably to the stem Dip, leads in many cases to phonetic combinations 
which are essentially improbable, whereas the assumption of original middle-vowel 
stems renders a simple and natural explanation almost always possible. These V'57 
stems are therefore to be rigidly distinguished from the real V'57 stems of the strong 
forms, such as nil, 571^, &c. (see below, gg). — As early as the eleventh century the 
right view with regard to V stems was taken by Samuel HannagTd (cf. Bacher, Leben 
und Werke des AbulwaleALd, p. 16); recently by Bottcher (Lehrbuch, § 1 1 12), and 
(also as to 57"57 stems) especially by Muller, Stade, and Wellhausen (see above, § 67 a, 
note). On the other hand, the old view of 1 and , as consonants has been recently 
revived by Philippi, Barth, M. Lambert, and especially Brockelmann (op. cit). 

2. As in the case of verbs S?"B, the monosyllabic stem of verbs V'S? generally takes 
the vowel which would have been required in the second syllable of the ordinary 
strong form, or which belonged to the ground-form, since this is essentially 
characteristic of the verbal form (§ 43 b; § 67 b). However, it is to be remarked: (a) 
that the vowel, short in itself, becomes of necessity long in an open syllable as well as 
in a tone-bearing closed ultima (except in Hoph al, see d), e.g. 3rd sing. mast. perf. 
tip, fern. 7]^, plur. IQCjf, but in a closed penultima flip(jf, &c. ; (b) that in the forms as 
we now have them the lengthening of the original short vowel sometimes takes place 
irregularly. Cf f 

Intransitive verbs middle e in the perfect Qal have the form rift he is dead, verbs 
middle o have the form ~iiN he shone, $2 he was ashamed, 2ia he was good 2 Cf. n-r. 

3. In the imperfect Qal, perfect Niph al, and throughout Hiph it and Hoph al 
the short vowel of the preformatives in an open syllable before the tone is changed 
into the corresponding tone-long vowel. In Qal and Niph al the original a is the basis 
of the form and not the /attenuated from a (§ 67 h; but cf. also h below, on $iT), 
hence tilpl, for yaqum; Dip] for naqom; on the other hand, in the perfect Hiph it D'pn 
for hiqim; participle D'pa (on the Sere cf. z); perfect Hoph al Dpin for huqam. 

A vowel thus lengthened before the tone is naturally changeable and becomes vocal S'wd 
when the tone is moved forward, e.g. M<&W he will kill him; so also in the 3rd plur. imperfect 
Qal with Nun paragogic; ■piGfaa? (without Nun imtfj). The wholly abnormal scriptio plena of e 
in T^nn Jer 2:11 (beside Tan in the same verse) should, with Konig, be emended to "Wrj; 
the incorrect repetition of the interrogative necessarily led to the pointing of the form as 
perfect instead of imperfect. — But in Hoph al the u is retained throughout as an 
unchangeable vowel, when it has been introduced by an abnormal lengthening for the tone- 
long o (as in the Hoph al of verbs V"V). 

4. The cases of unusual vowel lengthening mentioned in b are: imperfect Qal Dip^ 
(also in Arabic ydqumu), but jussive with normal lengthening (§ 48 g), ti'pl, with 
retraction of the tone h\?c£(ydqdm), Dpefi (mpause D'pefi); imperative Dip, with normal 
lengthening of the u in the 2nd plur. fern. riMOfp, since, according to § 26 p, the u 
cannot be retained in a closed penultima; infinitive construct Dip. In Hiph z/the 
original zls naturally lengthened to /"(D'pn, imperfect D'ipj, jussive U\?\, with retraction 

1 l In Aramaic, however, always M p; also in Hebrew grammars before Qimhi 
ri£ p, 'flip p, &c, are found, but in our editions of the Bible this occurs only in 
pause, e.g. ^ p Mi 7:8, Ufl a 2 K 7:3, 4. 

2 2 According to Stade {Grammatik, § 385 e and f) the e in na is of the nature of a 
diphthong (from ai, which arose from the union of the vowel i , the sign of the 
intransitive, with the a of the root), and likewise the o in "lix, &c. (from au). But 6 
(from au) could not, by § 26 p, remain in a closed penultima (F)#3, &c); consequently 
the o of these forms can only be tone-long, i.e. due to lengthening of an original u, 
and similarly the e of na to lengthening of an original i . This is confirmed by the 
fact that the 6 in tf#3, 'ri^B, W3 is always, and in ^2, 3rd plur. perfect, nearly always 
(the instances are 1 1 to 2), written defectively. Forms like n$i2, W% niK, &c, are 
therefore due to orthographic licence. 

of the tone Dp(£ a[?e5); on the transference of this /"to the Hiph it of the strong verb, 
cf § 53 a. 

The following forms require special consideration: the participle Qal Dp is to be 
traced to the ground-form with a unobscured, Arab, qdtit, § 9 q, and § 50 b. On this 
analogy the form would be qdim, 1 which after absorption of the /"became Dp, owing to 
the predominating character of the a. The unchangeableness of the a (plur. D'/Dp, 
constr. 'ftp, &c.) favours this explanation. 

In the imperfect Qal, besides the forms with original u (now u) there are also 
forms with original a. This a was lengthened to a, and then further obscured to 6; 
hence especially NiT (X '3J), N 3'1, &c., from the perfect N3 he has come. In the 
imperfects 1i*T (but cf. nncfxril 1 S 14:27) and ttfiT from the intransitive perfects 1iN, 
12/3 (see above, c), most probably also in indfO 2 K 12:9, niS3 Gn 34:15 from an unused 
mx to consent, and perhaps in D'nrn 1 S 4:5, &c, as in the cases noticed in § 63 e and 
especially § 67 n, the e of the preformative is lengthened from /"(which is attenuated 
from original a) and thus yi-bas became yi-bas, and finally ye-bos. Finally the Niph. 
Dip] (na-qdm), imperfect Dip? from yiqqdm, originally (§51 m) yinqdm, arises in the 
same way from the obscuring of a lengthened from a. 

5. In the perfect Niph al and Hiph it a i is inserted before the afformatives 
beginning with a consonant in the 1st and 2nd persons, and 1 ~ regularly (but see 
Rem.) in the imperfect Qal, sometimes also in the imperfect Hiph it (as in nr<S , ?p Lv 
7:30, cf. na^rtfl Mi 2:12), before the termination of HI As in verbs 37"37 (§ 67 d and 
note) these separating vowels serve as an artificial opening of the preceding syllable, 
in order to preserve the long vowel; in the perfect Hiph it, however, before the i, 
instead of the /"an e is somewhat often found 2 (as a normal lengthening of the original 
/J, especially after wow consecutive, Dt 4:39, 30:1, as well as before the afformatives 
DO and 10 or before suffixes, Dt 22:2, 1 S 6:8, 1 K 8:34, Ez 34:4. For in all these cases 
the tone is removed from the i to the following syllable, and this forward movement 
of the tone produces at the same time a weakening of the /to e; thus D'pn, rn^'pn (or 
'pH; on nrf I?? n Ex 19:23, cf x), but n'a.pn.i, &c, Ex 26:30, &c; Dt 4:39, Nu 18:26 
(cf, however, itf ttprn Mi 5:4). In the same way in the Istpers. sing, of the perfect 
Niph al, the 6 before the separating vowel is always modified to u ('rii(£ip}); cf. v. In 
the imperfect Qal and Hiph it the separating vowel 1 ~ always bears the tone 

Without the separating vowel and consequently with the tone-long o and e instead of u 
and /we find in imperfect Qal rUNCfrfi (see § 76 g); pcS&fri Ez 16:55 (also nrcfwri in the same 
verse); rm(5&>rn 1 S 7: 14 (cf. Ez 35:9 Q e re; on the K e thihh rm<f ^ cf. above, note on § 69 b); 
nridXfil 1 S 14:27, from 1iX {iCthihh nic^nril and they saw, see § 75 w); in Hiph it, e.g. Mdn 

1 l So in Arabic, prop, qdi m, since the two vowels are kept apart by the insertion of 
an X, cf. Aram. DXp; but also contracted, as sdk, hdr, for sdi k, &c. (cf. Wright's 
Gramm. of the Arabic Language, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 164). 

2 2 DO'rr'.IZ/rn 1 S 6:7 (cf 2 Ch 6:25) could only be an orthographic licence for 'Dtfm; 
perhaps, however, 'D^IZ/m was originally intended. 

Ex 20:25, also ■'Jlitfari Jb 31:21; i n 1 7t3 i rn Jer 22:26; rmdfa Jb 20: 10; with a separating vowel, 
e.g. rn^lfl Lv. 7:30 from Ni3. S'ghol without , occurs in the imperfect Qal in rucfian Ez 
13:19, Zc 1:17; and in Hiph it Mi 2:12: the Dages in the Nun is, with Baer, to be rejected in 
all three cases according to the best authorities. Wholly abnormal is rua^n Jer 44:25, 
probably an erroneous transposition of a 1 (for n?(£ pri), unless it originates from an incorrect 
spelling rna^n or rn^pn. 

6. The tone, as in verbs V"V (cf. § 67 k), is also generally retained on the stem- 
syllable in verbs V'57 before the afformatives H ", \ ' "; thus nfcXjf (but also ~fc nG& 2 K 
19:21, probably for the sake of rhythmical uniformity with the following ~fo ruy, 1 ?; 
after waw consecutive 7\dui) Is 23:17); vx$ (but also v6$, cf. Is 28:7, 29:9, Na 3:18, Ps 
76:6, Pr 5:6, La 4:18; ich) 1 S 8:11; so especially before a following X, cf. § 49 1, Nu 
13:32; itfj) Is 19:1; before 17, Ps 131:1, Pr 30:13, La 4: 14); '£rt<£pi, iBKjfj, but before a 
suffix or with Nun paragogicU^]] 2 Ch 28:15; fldrtp? Dt 33:11, &c. 

7. The formation of the conjugations Pi el, Pu al, and Hithpa el is, strictly 
speaking, excluded by the nature of verbs V'57. It is only in the latest books that we 
begin to find a few secondary formations, probably borrowed from Aramaic, on the 
analogy of verbs V'V (with consonantal 1, see below, gg); e.g. the Pi el TO to 
surround, only in ^cfjl? Ps 119:61; and with change of 1 to \ D^i? Est 9:31, iBjj? Est 
9:27, imp/. nadp.fcO Ps 119:106, infin. D'p Ez 13:6, Ru 4:7 &c, Est 9:21 &c, imperat. 
■gdi*P Ps 1 19:28; DtfD'n} Dn 1 : 10 from an to 6e gw'fty. The Hithpa el vmri Jos 9: 12, 
which belongs to the older language, is probably a denominative from V<£. On the 
other hand the otherwise less common conjugation Polel (see § 55 c), with its passive 
and reflexive, is usually employed in the sense of Pi el and as a substitute for it, e.g. 
Dftip to set up from mp; nnia to slaughter, 1 S 14:13, 17:51, 2 S 1:9, from ma; nail to 
exalt, passive nail, from Dll; reflexive Tliy^in to sto* z//? oneself (cf. "M'ym Jb 17:8 in 
pause) from "TO; reciprocal IZ/IZ/SJ/in to &e ashamed before one another, Gn 2:25. The 
conjugation Pilpel (§ 55 f), on the analogy of verbs S7"37, is less common, e.g, W?P to 
hurl away from ^Itt; ^S 1 ?? to contain from "713; "ip^p to destroy from lip. 


On Qal. 

1. Of verbs middle e and o, in which, as in the strong verb, the perfect and participle have 
the same form (§ 50. 2), the following are the only examples: na he is dead, fern. 7\T}<&, 2nd 
masc. nn(& (cf. § 44 g; § 66 h); 1st s/«g. ~>J](S, i nc&] (even inpause, Gn 19: 19); plur. W]<&, 1st 
pers. MT\<&, in pause MTi(§; IZ/3 he was ashamed, ntz>3, 'flttfti, ~W<5, V&(5; "liK /Y/jas shone, plur. 
ni<£; 3iU to fte good, 13C&. Participles na o dead man (plur. D^na, ''na); D^iS ashamed, Ez 
32:30. For 73 Is 27: 1 1 read 11, or, with LXX, TV. 

Isolated anomalies in the perfect are: ndBh (with the original ending of the fern, for ndtth) 
Ez 46: 17 (see § 44 f); ilpx Is 26: 16 (see § 44 1).— In lid" 1 S 25:8 (for UK3 from N13) the K has 
been dropped contrary to custom. In 1K(£ Jer 27: 18 (instead of wd) the Masora seems to point 

to the imperfect l<£'3? which is what would be expected; as Yodh precedes, it is perhaps 
simply a scribal error. 

The form Dp occurs (cf. § 9 b) with K in the perfect, DNp Ho 10:14, also in the participles 
tDK"7 softly, Ju 4:21, VVT\ poor, 2 S 12: 1, 4, Pr \0A,plur. 13:23; tppxtf doing despite unto 
(unless wmy is to be read, from a stem UNK> whence my Ez 25:15, 36:5), Ez 28:24, 26; fern. 
16:57; also in Zc 14: 10 naKT is to be read with Ben-Naphtali for riDKl. On the analogy of 
participles of verbs middle o (like D^ia, see above) D^ip occurs for n>Q\? 2 K 16:7 and even 
with a transitive meaning toiV occultans, Is 25:7; D'Dia Zc 10:5. — Participle passive, Via 
circumcised; but no a backslider, Pr 14: 14, and rVTlD/Mtf aside, Is 49:21 (cf. Jer 17: 13 Qfr£), 
are verbal adjectives of the form qdtul (§ 50 f), not passive participles. For wwn hastening, 
Nu 32:17, read D^aq as in Ex 13:18; for ■qw Mi 2:8 read 'itf. 

2. Imperfects in u almost always have the corresponding imperative and infinitive 
construct in u, as Dip?, imperative and infinitive Dip (also defectively written Dp?, Dp); but tZ/IT 
/?e threshes (infin. t£>W), has imperative 'ttfitf (fern.), Mi 4:13; Q1»? it slippeth, infinitive Ui» (Ps 
38: 17, 46:3); cf. nil (also ilia) Nu 1 1:25 and Via Is 7:2 (elsewhere yi:) with the imperfects m? 
and Via?; TiyV Is 30:2; 3W Jos 2: 16; Di~i Ez 10: 17 (verse 16 Dm). 

Where the imperfect (always intransitive in meaning) has 6 the imperative and infinitive 
also have it; thus imperfect Kin? (N 3?), w/zn. and wwper. Ki3 or X'3 1 ; YX?1 2 S 2:32, nics", rritf; 
K*i3?, K*i3, &c. — Dip? Jb 8: 14 (if it be a verb at all and not rather a substantive) is formed on the 
analogy of verbs V"V, since the imperfect of Dip appears as UlpN in Ps 95: 10. On the other 
hand 11tl>p? (as if from E>ip, on the analogy of Nil?, &c.) occurs as imperfect of E>p? ('"'Q). The 
imperfect ]]T, with d, Gn 6:3, probably in the sense of to rw/e, has no corresponding perfect, 
and is perhaps intentionally differentiated from the common verb ^T to judge (from yi, V 'S?). 
Or can ]iT be a jussive after X'V (cf. § 109 d)? Similarly (~}TV) TO oirm K'V might be taken as 
a case of a jussive after N'V, with irregular scriptio plena (as in Ju 16:30), in Dt 7: 16, 13:9, 
19:13, 21, 25:12, Ez 5:11, 7:4, 9, 8:18, 9:10. But perhaps in all these cases Dinri H'b was 
originally intended, as in Is 13:18, Jer 21:7, while cases like 0'rp Ps 72: 13 are to be explained 
as in § 109 k. — The infinitive absolute always has 6, e.g. IttKjf? Dip Jer 44:29. 

3. In the imperative with afformatives OHKjf, iai((f) the tone is on the stem syllable (cf, 
however, ''div Ju 5:12 intentionally varied from nitf; also 1 diy Zc 13:7 and Is 51:9 beside 
Wj mitf; •'tfn Zc 9:9; ■'dfrs Is 21:2, ■'(fltf Ps 1 16:7, likewise for rhythmical reasons). So also 
the lengthened form, as rnic£ Jer 3: 12, Ps 7:8, and niicf verse 7. But if an K follows in close 
connexion, the lengthened imperative usually has the form H(flp, &C., 1 in order to avoid a 
hiatus, e.g. Ju 4:18, Ps 82:8; hence also before n'VP, Q e re perpetuum ^'TK (§ 17 c), e.g. Ps 
3:8, 7:7 ncJip (cf, however, in the same verse rnitfand in Jer 40:5, rDffiP before H), and so 
even before 1 Ps 43:1, 74:22, &c. (ntfn). 

4. In the jussive, besides the form Dp? (see above, f), Dip? also occurs (as subjunctive, Ec 
12:4; x\oi Ps 80: 19 may also, with Delitzsch, be regarded as a voluntative), incorrectly written 

plene, and D(jf? (Gn 27:31; cf. Ju 6:18, Pr 9:4, 16), which, however, is only orthographic ally 
different from Dip? (cf. Jer 46:6). In the imperfect consecutive (Dp(^, inpause D'pefi, see above, 
f) if there be a guttural or ~i in the last syllable, a often takes the place of 5, e.g. rueS and he 

1 J In 1 K 14:12 (riX'33 before a genitive), the text is evidently corrupt: read with 

Klostermann after the LXX "jK'n?. 

1 l Cf. Delitzsch' s commentary on Ps 3:8. 

rested; Sttdfi and it was moved; "idGS and he turned aside, Ju 4:18, Ru 4: 1 (distinguished only 
by the sense from Hiph it*\0<& and he removed, Gn 8:13); ~\%<§ Ex 21:4, 2 K 5:23, 17:5 (but 
also "U<fi from both ~ffi to sojourn, and "HA to fear); f^GS (to be distinguished from p|57Gji a«<i /ze 
//ew, Is 6:6) and he was weary, Ju 4:21, 1 S 14:28, 31, 2 S 21:15, but probably in all these 
cases 15?'] for ^V") from t]5P is intended. For ClVm 2 S 13:8 iCth., the Q e re rightly requires 
E^Gin. On the other hand, in an open syllable always ^ICf'l, m<&% &c. On mptf] (DpNl), see § 
49 e. 

Examples of the full plural ending fi with the tone (see above, 1) are ficfiStfi Gn 3:3, 
4; "ptfu; Ps 104:7; iitfnj Jo 2:4, 7, 9. 

0« Niph al. 

5. The form of the 1st s/wg. /?er£ , rii^pl, which frequently occurs (■'IlcSlCQ, TjcSlEO, cf. also 
the ptcp. plur. WOXi}, Ex 14:3), serves as a model for the 2nd sing, fii^pl, niaip}, and the 1st 
plur. uidfip} given in the paradigm, although no instances of these forms are found; but of the 
2nd plur. the only examples found have 6 (not u), viz. XS\ 'Ity ye have been scattered, Ez 
11:17, 20:34, 41, and DrfcTpIfi and ye shall loathe yourselves, Ez 20:43, 36:31. — To the i 
(instead of a) of the pre formative may be traced the perfect livi Zc 2: 17 (analogous to the 
perfect and participle ViM, see below, ee), imperfect lis?? for yi or. — The infinitive 
construct E>nn occurs in Is 25: 10; in liK 1 ? Jb 33:30, the Masora assumes the elision of the n 
(for liftf?); but probably liK 1 ? (Qal) is intended (see § 51 1). — liM Is 14:31, rtttt Is 59:13 are to 
be regarded as infinitives absolute. 

On Hiph fl, Hoph al, and Pi lei. 

6. Examples of the perfect without a separating vowel (see above, k), are: riKCfn, &c. (see 
further, § 76 g); nfiC&n (from mti) for hemdth-td (cf. § 20 a); 12dh 1st plur. perfect Hiph it 
from'p3 2Ch29:19,evenDri»n(§27s)Nu 17:6, &c.;cf 1 S 17:35, 2 S 13:28, also irian,! Ex 
1:16, and irc^arn Ho 2:5; but elsewhere, with wdw consecutive , (tf» i rri Is 14:30; cf. i a5 1 7» i rn 
Jer 16: 13, and (f23,rn Ex 29:24, &c. — In these cases the e of the first syllable is retained in the 
secondary tone; elsewhere in the second syllable before the tone it becomes : (1 Ch 15:12, 
&c.) or more frequently ", and in the syllable before the antepenultima it is necessarily " (e.g. 
■'Gfaprn Gn 6: 18). Before a suffix in the 3rd sing. mase. (except Gn 40: 13) and fern., and in 
the 3rd plur., the vowel of the initial syllable is Hakph-S e ghol, in the other persons always 
Hakph-Pathah (Konig); on ina,pn 2 K 9:2, Ps 89:44, cf. Ex 19:23, Nu 31:28, Dt 4:39, 22:2, 
27:2, 30: 1, Ez 34:4, and above, i. The 3rd fern, perf Hiph. nriGSn 1 K 21:25 is quite abnormal 
for nrpcSri from mo or mo. 

As in verbs V"V with n for their first radical (§ 67 w), all the forms of TO Ex 19:23 (where 
against the rule given under i we find nritfro ,n with e instead of zj, Dt 8: 19, Neh 9:34, Jer 

42:19, and ~iw Is 41:25, 45:13, take Pathah in these conjugations instead of". The irregular 
D^rmEnrn Zc 10:6 has evidently arisen from a combination of two different readings, viz. 
D'TOEnrn (from IK") and D^riia , E*n , ] (from aiE>): the latter is to be preferred. — On ttf-qri and 
B^ain as a (metaplastic) perfect Hiph zfof B>i3, cf. § 78 b. 

7. In the imperative, besides the short form Dpn (on 1$"$ Is 42:22 with Silluq, cf. § 29 q; 
but in Ez 21:35 for 2WT\ read the infinitive 3E>n) the lengthened form TIW<$T\ is also found. With 

suffix '^''pn, &c. The imperative W2T\ Jer 17: 18 is irregular (for Kin Gn 43: 16); perhaps K'on 
(as in 1 S 20:40; cf. 2 K 8:6) is intended, or it was originally HK^dh. 

In the infinitive, elision of the n occurs in K 1 ^ Jer 39:7, 2 Ch 3 1: 10 (for K^nV); n 'fern, is 
added in TI5X],, 1 ? Is 30:28; cf. Est2:18, 4:14 and the analogous infinitive Haph el in biblical 
Aramaic, Dn 5:20. — As infinitive absolute fDri occurs in Ez 7: 14 (perh. also Jos 4:3, Jer 
10:23). — The participles have e, on the analogy of the perfect, as the vowel of the 
preformative, like verbs V'V (§ 67 i). On 'oa 2 S 5:2, &c. (in K e thit>h), see § 74 k. 

On the shortened forms of the imperfect (UQl, Oj? T ?l, but always NC£;l; in the jussive also 
with retraction of the tone rn^oirVN 1 K 2:20) see above, f With a guttural or "i the last syllable 
generally has Paf/za/7 (as in Qal), e.g. "7yc?i and he testified, 2 K 17:13; ndp let him smell, 1 S 
26:19; rnefi Gn 8:21; "idGS andhe tookaway, Gn 8:13. The lst««g. of the imperfect 
consecutive commonly has the form Tflfw Neh 2:20, or, more often, defectively TVK] 1 K 
2:42, less frequently the form 3tl>N] Jos 14:7. — For ^OK Zp 1:2 (after t]DN) and in verse 3, read 
ciP'K from f|DN, on the analogy of "ra'N § 68 g: similarly in Jer 8:13 DQCTN instead of DEPpX. 

In the imperfect Polel the tone is moved backwards before a following tonesyllable, but 
without a shortening of the vowel of the final syllable; e.g. 'ig D.aicfri Pr 14:34; f? VVidfri Jb 
35:14; cf. Pr 25:23, and ace. to Baer \1 ]l&l)m Jb 30:20 (ed. Mant, Ginsb. \1 p'ariril), 
always in principal pause; on the Metheg with Sere, cf. § 16fy. — AsPolal cf. 5?§'T Is 16:10. 

As participle Hoph al 3E^an occurs in close connexion, Gn 43: 12; cf§ 65 d. 

Peculiar contracted forms of Polel (unless they are transitives in Qal) are 13<f)H Jb 31:15, 
tiCfiiP 41:2, UCfiarn Is 64:6 for 13<£ ;p?l, &c. [but read UX)'2f\ (§ 58 k), irp5P or 13311$??, and 
ll&arn]; also Da'lfl Jb 17:4, for daa|"7fl. — In Is 15:5 ncTsT appears to have arisen from the 
Pilpel nd$?1$P, the a after the loss of the ~i having been lengthened to a, which has then been 
obscured to 6. — For the strange form ^daipna Ps 139:21, which cannot (according to § 52 s) 
be explained as a participle with the a omitted, read '\?T\m. 

In General. 

8. The verbs ry are primarily related to the verbs 5?"J7 (§ 67), which were also originally 
biliteral, so that it is especially necessary in analysing them to pay attention to the differences 
between the inflexion of the two classes. Several forms are exactly the same in both, e.g. 
imperfect Qal and Hiph z/with waw consecutive, the whole of Hoph al, the Pi lei of verbs 
ry, and the P6 el of verbs V"V; see § 67 z. Owing to this close relation, verbs ry sometimes 
have forms which follow the analogy of verbs V"V, e.g. perfect Qal T3 he has despised (from 
m, as if from TT3) Zc 4:10; perfect Niph al IM Jer 48:11 (for liai from Tia, as if from Tia). 
The same explanation equally applies to nopl Jb 10:1 for ntpcjfl (cf. § 67 dd) = ntpicjfl from mp, 
and ita'prfEz 6:9 (for niqft); ^aidp Ez 10: 17 and lacfrn verse 15; lacfrn (imperative) Nu 17: 10; 
^p 1 Mi 2:6; Hiph it perfect Tm Is 18:5 for TJin (cf. § 29 q), which is for PTin from nn. On the 
other hand the imperfects la^ Ez 48: 14 (unless it be intended for ia\, cf. Ps 15:4) and n?P Hb 
2:3, are to be regarded according to § 109 i, simply as rhythmically shortened forms of TW 
and rp?\ 

9. In common with verbs 57"$? (§ 67 g) verbs ry sometimes have in Niph al and Hiph it 
the quasi-Aramaic formation, by which, instead of the long vowel under the preformative, 

they take a short vowel with Dages forte in the following consonant; this variety is 
frequently found even along with the ordinary form, e.g. iron to incite, imperfect TX>§1 (also 
rppn, mo?); pan, imperfect PEP to remove (from 110), also Hoph al 1DH Is 59: 14 (on Dj?2 cf § 
29 g); sometimes with a difference of meaning, as rnn to cause to rest, 1 but rp3n (imperfect 
WT, consecutive ndFil Gn 39: 16; imperative XW,plur. irpQfl) to se? down; for nn^dni (Baer, 
Ginsburg 'Xil) Zc 5 : 1 1 (which at any rate could only be explained as an isolated passive of 
Hiph it on the analogy of the biblical Aramaic na^pn Dn 7:4) we should probably read ntf^ni 
with Klostermann after the LXX. In Dn 8:11 the iCthihh D'Hn is intended for a perfect 
Hiph it. There is also a distinction in meaning between T 1 ^ to spend the night, to remain, and 
V\l Ex 16:7 Q e re (ICthihh irfpfl; conversely, verse 2 K e thibh IPtf;, Q e re 131 tf?), participle vito 
Ex 16:8, Nu 14:27, 17:20, to &e stubborn, obstinate: in the latter sense from the form pV only 
f?<S is found, Ex 17:3. Other examples are Niph al ViM he was circumcised, Gn 17:26 f; 
participle 34:22 (from Via, not Vm); "ilV? /ze is waked up, Zc 2: 17 (see above, v); Hiph it 

Perhaps the same explanation applies to some forms of verbs first guttural with Dages 
forte implicitum, which others derive differently or would emend, e.g. E>nGfil for B>n(fl and she 
hastened (from Win) Jb 31:5; DVdS (another reading is OS?!*), 057C5l 1 S 15:19, 25:14 (14 32 Q e re) 
from 0157 or EP1? to fly at anything. Both, as far as the form is concerned, would be correct 
apocopated imperfects from TVtiT} and nD5? (TV' 1 ?), but these stems only occur with a wholly 
different meaning. 

10. Verbs with a consonantal Wow for their second radical, are inflected throughout like 
the strong form, provided the first or third radical is not a weak letter, e.g. "iin, imperfect "iin,? 
to be white; 5711, imperfect 571P to expire; X\T\ to be wide; XVX1 to cry; Pi el "?157, imperfect "7157? to 
act wickedly; 11157 to bend, Hithpa el ftl57Tin to bend oneself; and this is especially the case 
with verbs which are at the same time Tl" 1 ?, e.g. TO, Pi el niS to command, nip to wait, nil to 
drink, Pi el nil (on "JlGfiK Is 16:9, see § 75 dd) and Hiph z/ni"in to give to drink, &c. 

§ 73. Verbs middle i fvulgo V 'V), e.g. p2 to discern. Paradigm N. 

1. These verbs agree, as regards their structure, exactly with verbs l"17, and in 
contrast to them may be termed V 'V, or more correctly, ayin-i verbs, from the 
characteristic vowel of the imp/., imper., and infin. constr. This distinction is justified 
in so far as it refers to a difference in the pronunciation of the imperfect and its 
kindred forms, the imperative and infin. constr. — the 1"57 verbs having u lengthened 
from original ii and v '17 having /lengthened from original rln other respects verbs ""'57 
simply belong to the class of really monosyllabic stems, which, by a strengthening of 
their vocalic element, have been assimilated to the triliteral form 1 (§ 67 a). In the 
perfect Qal the monosyllabic stem, as in 1"J7, has a lengthened from a, thus: T\V he has 
set; infinitive Tv"ti, infinitive absolute T\W, imperative rp$, imperfect Ti 1 ^, jussive TWl 
(§ 48 g), imperfect consecutive n$cfi. — The perfect Qal of some verbs used to be 
treated as having a double set of forms, a regular series, and others like Hiph it 

1 l As the passive of this Hiph i I we should expect the Hoph al Win, which is, no 
doubt, to be read for rain in La 5:5. 

1 l That verbs l"17 and '"l? are developed from biliteral roots at a period before the 
differentiation of the Semitic languages is admitted even by Noldeke (Beitrdge zur 
sem. Sprachwiss., Strassburg, 1904, p. 34 ff.), although he contests the view that 'Ti'ra 
and riin 1 "! are to be referred to Hiph i I with the preformative dropped. 

without the preformative, e.g. pa Dn 10:1; 'ndra Dn 9:2, also rijdPs 139:2; riidn 
^/zow strivest, Jb 33:13, also rod La 3:58. The above perfects (pa, T1, &c.) might no 
doubt be taken as forms middle e (properly i), the z of which has been lengthened to i" 
(like the u lengthened to u in the imperfect Qal of hip). It is more probable, however, 
that they are really shortened forms of Hiph it. This is supported by the fact that, 
especially in the case of pa, the shortened forms are few and probably all late, while 
the corresponding unshortened forms with the same meaning are very numerous, e.g. 
perfect pan (but pa only in Dn 10:1), Dfiir.an, infinitive fan (but infin. abs. pa only in 
Pr 23:1), imperative "jan (only in Dn 9:23 pai immediately before pan}, also Wd three 
times, and nrd Ps 5:2), participle pia. 1 Elsewhere ///p/i z/-forms are in use along 
with actual ga/-forms with the same meaning, thus: a ,_ ia (also an), D^fi placing (but 
only in Jb 4:20, which, with the critically untenable 'Tp'd&n Ez 21 :21, is the only 
instance of UW in Hiph it), rHQ breaking forth Ju 20:33, with z'w/m. ()a/ in'il; l^'dri 
they rushed forth Ju 20:37, with Cfrl, Ti^oS; fXIQ glancing, also in perfect f X; N'pn /ze 
.spa? ozz?, with imperat. Qal V\?. As passives we find a few apparent imperfects 
Hoph al, which are really (according to § 53 u) imperfects passive of Qal, e.g. ^ffl 1 Is 
66:8 from ^'n to tarw round, ~\WV from l 1 ^ to sing, T\VV from rp$ to set. 

2. The above-mentioned i7zp/z z/-forms might equally well be derived from verbs 
V'37; and the influence of the analogy of verbs V'57 is distinctly seen in the Niph al pa] 
(ground-form nabdn), Pole! pia, and Hithpolel ]T\ ann. The very close relation existing 
between verbs "'1? and V'17 is evident also from the fact that from some stems both 
forms occur side by side in Qal, thus from V^ to turn round, imperative also '^d Mi 
4:10; Wty to place, infinitive construct commonly UW (2 S 14:7 D'itf Q e re), imperfect 
Q 1 ^, but Ex 4: 1 1 DltZT. In other verbs one form is, at any rate, the more common, e.g. 
^S to exz//7 C?^ only Pr 23:24 iCthihh); from p 1 ? (perhaps denominative from Vd) to 
spend the night, p7? occurs six times as infinitive construct, p? 1 ? only in Gn 24:23; but 
the imperative is always p?, &c. — Of verbs "'57 the most common are D'tt? to sez; a 1 "! to 
strive, pi to judge, tZTtz; to rejoice; cf alsopezyec^a {middle Yodh in Arabic) to 
comprehend, to measure, Is 40: 12; O'S? (as in Arabic and Syriac) to n/s/z z/pozz, and the 
denominative perfect f j? (from f?d) to pass the summer, Is 18:6. On the other hand, 
Diri] azztf* f/zey shall fish them, Jer 16:16, generally explained as perfect Qal, 
denominative from Nfish, probably represents a denominative Pz el, l^l). 

Corresponding to verbs properly T'V, mentioned in § 72 gg, there are certain verbs v, y with 
consonantal Yodh, as 3?K to hate, tpy to faint, 7\~>7\ to become, to be, rpn to //ve. 

Rem. 1. In the perfect Qal 3rd fern. sing, rutfl occurs once, Zc 5:4, for rutfi, with the 
weakening of the toneless a to e (as in the fern, participle rnit Is 59:5); cf. the analogous 
examples in § 48 1 and § 80 i. — 2nd sing. masc. ncfti* Ps 90:8, Q e re (before V; cf. § 72 s); 1st 

1 l Since rua Ps 139:2 might be intended for ri'ia, there remains really no form of pa 
which must necessarily be explained as a Qal, except the ptcp. plur. D'la Jer 49:7. 
Nevertheless it is highly probable that all the above instances of Hiph i 1-forms, 
parallel with Qal-forms of the same meaning, are merely due to a secondary formation 
from the imperfects Qal pa', D'ttf', &c, which were wrongly regarded as imperfects 
Hiph i I: so Barth, ZDMG. xliii. p. 190 f, and Nominalbildung, p. 119 f 

sing, once 1 Gftz> Ps 73:28, milra , without any apparent reason; 1st plur. MiS) Ju 19:13 for lan- 
nu. The lengthened imperative has the tone on the ultima before gutturals, mrp ntfn Ps 35: 1; 
see further, § 72 s. — Examples of the infinitive absolute are: l'~i litigando, Ju 11:25, Jb 40:2; 
UW Jer 42:15; n'E* ponendo, Is 22:7. On the other hand, rrn? rrn (for 3'Y) Jer 50:34, y>2b y>3. Pr 
23: 1, "7Tin Vin Ez 30: 16 K e th., are irregular and perhaps due to incorrect scriptio plena; for the 
last the Q e re requires ^inri b~\7\, but read Vin; cf § 1 13 x. 

2. The shortened imperfect usually has the form ]T, DtZ^, TiVJy, more rarely, with the tone 
moved back, e.g. ft aicTJu 6:31, cf. Ex 23:1, nE'CfrVN 1 S 9:20. So with wow consecutive UV<£\ 
and he placed, pcfi and he perceived; with a middle guttural DH3 OVC?) 1 S 25:14 (see § 72 ee); 
with ~i as 3rd radical, "i$c5l Ju 5:1. As jussive of }*h, ]t[T) is found in Ju 19:20 (mpause) and Jb 
17:2, for f?ri.— For rmrrVtf Pr 3:30 Keth. (Q e re :rnri) read T\K 

3. As participle active Qal f? spending the night, occurs once, Neh 13:21; participle 
passive WW Nu 24:21, 1 S 9:24, Ob 4 ; feminine TVpW 2 S 13:32, in the Q e re, even according to 
the reading of the Oriental schools (see p. 38, note 2 ): the K e thihh has na 1 ^. A. passive of Qal 
(cf. above, § 52 e and s, and § 53 u) from D 1 ^ may perhaps be seen in Dil»<S Gn 50:26 (also 

Gn 24:33 iCthibh DC"!, Q e re Dfrl'l; the Samaritan in both places has DE/vi), and also in -jo" Ex 
30:32, Samaritan "|0T. Against the explanation of "ID 1 '' as a Hoph a/-form from "J10, Barth 
{Jubelschrift ... Hildesheimer, Berlin, 1890, p. 151) rightly urges that the only example of a 
Hiph fl of yiO is the doubtful "]D0fi, which is probably an /"imperfect of Qal. — The 
explanation of OB" 1 , &c, as a passive of Qal arising from yiysam, &c. =yuysam (so Barth, 
ibid., note 1), is certainly also unconvincing, so that the correctness of the traditional reading 
is open to question. 

4. In verbs K"V the K always retains its censonantal value; these stems are, therefore, to be 
regarded as verbs middle Guttural (§ 64). An exception is fKT Ec 12:5 if it be imperfect 
Hiph it of fK3 (for fKr); but if the form has really been correctly transmitted, it should rather 
be referred to f$2, and regarded as incorrectly written for fT. On HKl (from HlKl), which was 
formerly treated here as K"V, see now § 75 x. 

§ 74. Verbs X" 1 ?, e.g. M3» to find. Paradigm O. 

The X in these verbs, as in verbs X"D, is treated in some cases as a consonant, i.e. 
as a guttural, in others as having no consonantal value (as a quiescent or vowel letter), 

1. In those forms which terminate with the X, the final syllable always has the 
regular vowels, if long, e.g. KS'B, XS?p, 81Xip, N'XJpri, i.e. the X simply quiesces in the 

2 2 The most important of these differences are, (a) those between the Orientals, i. e. 
the scholars of the Babylonian Schools, and the Occidentals, i. e. the scholars of 
Palestine (Tiberias, &c); cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 197 ff.; (b) amongst the 
Occidentals, between Ben-Naphtali and Ben-Asher, who flourished in the first half of 
the tenth century at Tiberias; cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 241 ff. Both sets of variants are 
given by Baer in the appendices to his critical editions. Our printed editions present 
uniformly the text of Ben-Asher, with the exception of a few isolated readings of Ben- 
Naphtali, and of numerous later corruptions. 

long vowel, without the latter suffering any change whatever. It is just possible that 
after the altogether heterogeneous vowel u the X may originally have preserved a 
certain consonantal value. On the other band, if the final K quiesces in a preceding a 
(as in the perfect, imperfect, and imperative Qal, in the perfect Niph al, and in Pu al 
and Hoph al) this a is necessarily lengthened to a, by § 27 g, as standing in an open 
syllable; e.g. xxa, WZQ1, &c. 

The imperfect and imperative Qal invariably have a in the final syllable, on the analogy 
of verbs tertiae gutturalis; cf., however, § 76 e. — In the imperfect Hithpa el a occurs in the 
final syllable not only (according to § 54 k) in the principal pause (Nu 31:23), or immediately 
before it (Jb 10:16), or with the lesser disjunctives (Lv 21:1, 4, Nu 19:13, 20), but even out of 
pause with Mer e kha, Nu 6:7, and even before Maqqeph in Nu 19: 12. 

2. When X stands at the end of a syllable before an afformative beginning with a 
consonant (n, 1), it likewise quiesces with the preceding vowel; thus in the perfect Qal 
(and Hoph al, see below) quiescing with a it regularly becomes Qumes(T}X<£ti for 
FiSCfo, &c); but in the perfect of all the other active and reflexive conjugations, so far 
as they occur, it is preceded by S ere (riNGfol, &c), and in the imperative and 
imperfect by S e ghol, ruxqfo, njK^ipri. 

(a) The S e ghol of these forms of the imperfect and imperative might be considered as a 
modification, and at the same time a lengthening of an original a (see § 8 a). In the same way 
the e of the perfect forms in Pi el, Hithpa el, and Hiph it might be traced to an original i 
(as in other cases the e and im the final syllable of the 3rd sing. muse, perfect of these 
conjugations), although this i may have only been attenuated from an original a. According to 
another, and probably the correct explanation, however, both the Sere and the S'ghol are due 
to the analogy of verbs Ti" 1 ? (§ 75 f) in consequence of the close relation between the two 
classes, cf. § 75 nn. — No form of this kind occurs in Pu al; in the perfect Hoph al only the 
2nd masc. sing, nrixtfn Ez 40:4, lengthened according to rule. 

(b) Before suffixes attached by a connecting vowel (e.g. ■ , 3<^np^) the K retains its 
consonantal value; so before •} and CD, e.g. ^K^SK Ct 8:1; ^N nan Ez 28: 13 (cf. § 65 h), not 
■jK^aK, &c, since these suffixes, by § 58 f, are likewise attached to the verb-form by a 
connecting vowel in the form of o wd mobile. — As infinitive Qal with suffix notice ^Hna Ez 
25:6; participle with suffix 'JN, 7 3 Is 43:1; infinitive Pi el DONHCQ. — The doubly anomalous 
form iKIp 1 Jer 23:6 (for inGjhj? 1 or W(^'1i7 , ) is perhaps a forma mixta combining the readings 
iNlj? 1 and wip\ 

3. When X begins a syllable (consequently before afformatives which consist of or 
begin with a vowel, as well as before suffixes) it is necessarily a firm consonant, and 
the form then follows the analogy of the strong verb, e.g. nxs.i? maf a, W5,<?, &c. 
(in pause HNGfo, WOfo). 


1. Verbs middle e, like tfVn to be full, retain the Sere also in the other persons of the 
perfect, e.g. , riKtf'a (iK^a Est 7:5 has " owing to its transitive use; for DriKT Jos 4:24 read with 
Ewald DriHT). Instead of HK^a the form riNTi? she names, on the analogy of the rrV-forms 
noticed in § 75 m, occurs in Is 7: 14 (from riKlj?, cf. § 44 I), and with a different meaning (it 
befalls) in Dt 31:29, Jer 44:23, in both places before K, and hence, probably, to avoid a hiatus 

(on the other hand, riNtprn Ex 5: 16, could only be the and sing. masc. ; the text which is 
evidently corrupt should probably be emended to ~\<&t> fiNtpm with the LXX); in Niph al 
T)K?51 Ps 1 18:23; in Hoph al 1\Kir\ Gn 33:11. — The 2nd fern. sing, is written m~\\? by Baer, 
Gen 16: 1 1, &c, according to early MSS. 

2. The infin. Qal occurs sometimes on the analogy of verbs 7V' 1 ? (niVl, &c, see § 75 nn) in 
the feminine form; so always riN'Va to fill (as distinguished from N'Va fullness), Lv 8:33, 12:4, 
6, 25:30, Jer 29:10, Ez 5:2, also written niK'Va Jer 25:12, Jb 20:22, &c, and TiKiVa Est 1:5. Cf 
further, riKIp Ju 8:1; m'W Pr 8:13; before suffixes, Ez 33:12, and likewise in Niph. Zc 13:4; 
also inPi el m'bti? Ex 31:5, 35:33, or niN^a 1 ? Dn 9:2, &c. iCthihh; with suffix 2 S 21:2.— On 
the (aramaizing) infinitives N ; E>a and niNE>a, see § 45 e; on nfrCip 1 ? obviam, § 19 k. — DDK^'aa 
when ye find, Gn 32:20, stands, according to § 93 q, for D?K?a. The tone of the lengthened 
imperative 7\<&S~\ Ps 41:5 asMiFra (before ^M) is to be explained on rhythmical grounds; 
cf. the analogous cases in § 72 s. — The and fern. plur. imperative in Ru 1:9 has, according to 
Qimhi, the form JNGfa and in verse 20 JXCfj?; on the other hand, the Mantua edition and 
Ginsburg, on good authority, read JKX8, }K)\?. 

3. The participle fern, is commonly contracted, e.g. nKi£'a (for nxtf'a) 2 S 18:22, cf. Est 
2:15; so Niph al7lK?QlDt 30:11, Zc 5:7 (butnx ; tw Is 30:25), and Hoph al, Gn 38:25; less 
frequent forms are riNSia Ct 8: 10; m'tftl 1 K 10:22 (cf. § 76 b, nm beside nxtr/7 as infinitive 
construct from NiM) and without K (see k) TX1V (from K$l) Dt 28:57. In the forms D'NB'n 
sinning, 1 S 14:33, cf. Ps 99:6; UK]' 1 feigning them, Neh 6:8, the K is elided, and is only 
retained orthographically (§ 23 c) after the retraction of its vowel; see the analogous cases in 
§ 75 oo. — On the plur. masc. ptcp. Niph. cf. § 93 oo. 

4. Frequently an K which is quiescent is omitted in writing (§ 23 f): (a) in the middle of 
the word, e.g. larf 1 S 25:8; TidbNu 11:11, cf. Jb 1:21; vitfs Ju4:19, cf. Jb 32:18. In the 
imperfect TllcSvTi Jer 9:17, Zc 5:9, Ru 1:14 (but the same form occurs with Yodh pleonastic 
after the manner of verbs H" 1 ? in Ez 23:49, according to the common reading; cf. § 76 b and 
Jer 50:20); inPi el H|(fnK (after elision of the K, cf. § 75 oo ) Gn 31:39; and also inNiph al 
DriamLv 11:43; cf Jos 2:16. (ft) at the end of the word; inn 1 K 12:12 iCthihh; Hiph it^n,T) 
2 K 13:6, cf. Is 53: 10 OV.n.n for Kb n ,7] perfect Hiph it of nVn formed after the manner of 
verbs K'b); in the imperfect Hiph it^-W Ps 55:16 K e thihh; ^T Ps 141:5; 'ON 1 K 21:19, Mi 
1:15; in the infinitive, Jer 32:35; in One participle, 2 S 5:2, 1 K 21:21, Jer 19:15, 39:16, all in 
K e thihh ('Oa, always before H, hence perhaps only a scribal error). 

5. In the jussive, imperfect consecutive, and imperative Hiph it a number of cases occur 
with iin the final syllable; cf. K : E"_ Is 36: 14 (in the parallel passages 2 K 18:29, 2 Ch 32: 15 
K\tf?); K^lNeh 8:2 (before »); Kpn,!] 2 K 21:11 (cf. 1 K 16:2, 21:22); Kir\m 2 K 6:29; Ktf'1 
Dt4:20, 2 K 11:12, Ps 78:16, 105:43; imperative K27] Jer 17:18; KpTl Is 43:8 (in both cases 
before 57). If the tradition be correct (which at least in the defectively written forms appears 
very doubtful) the retention of the zls to be attributed to the open syllable; while in the closed 
syllable of the 3rd sing. masc. and fern., and the 2nd sing. masc. after 1 consecutive, the zls 
always reduced to e. In the examples before 57 considerations of euphony may also have had 
some influence (cf. § 75 hh). — In Ez 40:3, Baer reads with the Western school KID, while the 
Orientals read in the tCthihh Kim, and in the Q e re KJ?X 

On the transition of verbs K'b to forms of H" 1 ? see § 75 nn. 

§ 75. Verbs TV' 1 ?, e.g. nbx to reveal. Paradigm P. 

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 149 ff.; Grundriss, p. 618 ff. — G. R. Berry, 
'Original Waw in 7\' ,L ? verbs' in AJSL. xx. 256 f. 

These verbs, like the verbs 1 "D (§§ 69, 70), belong to two different classes, viz. 
those originally I" 1 ? and those originally V 'V which in Arabic, and even more in 
Ethiopic, are still clearly distinguished. In Hebrew, instead of the original 1 or , at the 
end of the word, a n always appears (except in the ptcp. pass. Qal) as a purely 
orthographic indication of a final vowel (§ 23 k); hence both classes are called TV' 1 !, 
e.g. TY?1 for ty he has revealed; n^ttf for f7$ he has rested. By far the greater number 
of these verbs are, however, treated as originally 1 " 1 7; only isolated forms occur of 
verbs l" 1 ?. 

Thy to be at rest may be recognized as originally V'b, in the forms in which the Wdw 
appears as a strong consonant, cf. 1st sing, perfect Qal 1 3T]tftf Jb 3:26, the participle f7tt> and 
the derivative Tlf?W rest; on the other hand the imperfect is fdfttf 1 . (with Yodh). In TW (Arab. 
ay) to answer, and ray (Arab, ay) 2 to be afflicted, are to be seen two verbs originally distinct, 
which have been assimilated in Hebrew (see the Lexicon, s. v. ruy). 

Of quite a different class are those verbs of which the third radical is a consonantal T\ 
(distinguished by Mappiq). These are inflected throughout like verbs tertiae gutturalis. Cf. 
§65 note on the heading. 

The grammatical structure of verbs 7\' ,] 7 (see Paradigm P) is based on the following 
laws: — 

1. In all forms in which the original Yodh or Wdw would stand at the end of the 
word, it is dropped (cf. § 24 g) and n takes its place as an orthographic indication of 
the preceding long vowel. Such an indication would have been indispensable, on 
practical grounds, in the still unvocalized consonantal text. But even after the addition 
of the vowel signs, the orthographic rule remained, with insignificant exceptions (see 
§ 8 k, and a in tf?(&\?, &c), that a final vowel must be indicated by a vowel letter. In 
verbs H" 1 ? the n which is here employed as a vowel letter is preceded by the same 
vowel in the same part of the verb throughout all the conjugations. Thus the endings 
are — 

n ~ in all perfects, TY?%, TY?},1, n 1 ?}, &c. 

n : in all imperfects and participles, rr^r, TY2 *a, &c. 

n " in all imperatives, T\%, TY73,, &c. 

AJSL. AJSL. = American Journal of Semitic Languages. 

1 * According to Wellheusen, ' Ueber einige Arten schM'acher Verbs' in his Skizzen, 
vi. p. 255 ff, the H" 1 ? verbs, apart from some true I" 1 ? and some probable , " l 7, are to be 
regarded as originally biliteral. To compensate for their arrested development they 
lengthened the vowel after the 2nd radical, as the 1"S7 verbs did after the 1st radical. 
But although there is much to be said for this view, it fails to explain pausal forms like 
n^ pn (see u). It seems impossible that these should all be late formations. 

2 2 In the Mesa inscription, line 5, "Oyi and he oppressed occurs as 3rd sing. masc. 
imperfect Pi el, and in line 6, MUX I will oppress as 1st sing. 

n '" in the infinitive absolute (n 1 ?^, &c), except in Hiph it, Hoph al, and 
generally also Piel, see aa and ff. 

The participle passive Qal alone forms an exception, the original 1 (or 1, see v) 
reappearing at the end, '^J; and so also some derived nouns (§ 84a c, 8, &c). 

The infinitive construct always has the ending ni (with T\ feminine); Qal ni 1 ?}, 
Pi el ni 1 ?}, &c; for exceptions, see n and y. 

These forms may be explained as follows: — in the perfect Qal rta stands, according to the 
above, for (ffl\, and, similarly, in Niph al, Pu al, and Hoph al. The Pi el and Hithpa el 
may be based on the forms Vtap, Vtajprin (§ 52 1; and § 54 k), and Hiph it on the form Vopn, on 
the analogy of the a in the second syllable of the Arabic aqtala (§ 53 a). Perhaps, however, 
the finals of these conjugations simply follows the analogy of the other conjugations. 

The explanation of the final tone43earing n " of the imperfect is still a matter of dispute. 
As to the various treatments of it, see Barth, Nominalbildung, i. p. xxx ff, with § 136, Rem., 
and ZDMG. xliv. 695 f, against Philippi's objections in the Zeitschrift fur Volkerpsychologie, 
1890, p. 356 f; also ZDMG. lvi. 244, where Barth appeals to the rule that, in the period before 
the differentiation of the North Semitic dialects, final iy becomes ~ (constr. n 7), not zf M. 
Lambert, Journ. Asiat. 1893, p. 285; Pratorius, ZDMG. lv. 365. The most probable 
explanation now seems to be, first, that the uniform pronunciation of all imperfects and 
participles with S'ghol in the last syllable merely follows the analogy of the impf. Qal, and 
secondly, that the S'ghol of the impf Qal does perhaps ultimately represent a contraction of 
the original termination ■> "_ (= ai), although elsewhere (e.g. in the imperative of Ti" 1 ?) ai is 
usually contracted to e. 

2. When the original Yodh stands at the end of the syllable before an afformative 
beginning with a consonant (n, 1) there arises (a) in the perfects, primarily the 
diphthong ai (' "). In the middle of the word this ought always to be contracted to e ( ~ 
'), but this e is only found consistently in the passive conjugations, whilst regularly in 
Qal, and frequently in the other active and reflexive conjugations (especially in 
Pi el), it appears as z"(cf x, z, ee). This zfhowever, in the perf Qal is not to be 
explained as a weakening of an original e, but as the original vowel of the intransitive 
form. It then became usual also in the transitive forms of Qal (and in some other 
conjugations on this analogy), whereas e.g. in Syriac the two kinds of forms are still 
carefully distinguished. — (b) In the imperfects and imperatives, , ~ with the tone 
always appears before the afformative ni On the most probable explanation of this "> ~, 
see above, e. 

Summary. Accordingly before afformatives beginning with a consonant the 
principal vowel is — 

In the perfect Qal zfe.g. rp^Gf; 

In the perfects of the other active and reflexive conjugations, sometimes e, 
sometimes zfri'tfa and fptfa; ri'Sbj and n' 1 ?^; 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff, since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

In the perfects passive always e, e.g. £PSjj 

In the imperfects and imperatives always , ~, e.g. nrtf}, nr^jri. 

The diphthongal forms have been systematically retained in Arabic and Ethiopic; only as 
an exception and in the popular language is the diphthong contracted. In Aramaic the 
contracted forms predominate, yet the Syriac, for example, has in Qal 2nd pers. sing. g e lait 
(but 1st pers. sing. T)^), and so too the Western Aramaic ri^, but also rr 1 ?}. 

3. Before the vocalic afformatives (\ 1 ~, n ~) the Yodh is usually dropped 
altogether, e.g. t}\ (ground-form galyu), ^fi, participle fern. 7??'Z,plur. masc. wY^; 
yet the old full forms also not infrequently occur, especially mpause, see u. The 
elision of the Yodh takes place regularly before suffixes, e.g. ~f?$ (see 11). 

4. In the 3rd sing. fern, perfect, the original feminine ending n " was appended to 
the stem; hence, after elision of the Yodh, arose properly forms like n^, with a, in the 
final syllable with the tone, This form, however, has been but rarely preserved (see 
below, m). The analogy of the other forms had so much influence, that the common 
ending n " was added pleonastically to the ending n ~. Before the n ~ the vowel of the 
ending n ", which thus loses the tone, becomes S e wd, and thus there arise such forms 
as nri 1 ?.^ nn 1 ?^, &c. (but mpause nntfj, &c). 

For similar cases see § 70 d; § 91 m. 

5. Finally, a strongly-marked peculiarity of verbs H" 1 ? is the rejection of the ending 
n " in forming the jussive and the imperfect consecutive. This shortening c curs in all 
the conjugations, and sometimes also involves further changes in the vocalization (see 
o, y, bb, gg). Similarly, in some conjugations a shortened imperative (cf § 48 k) is 
formed by apocope of the final n " (see cc, gg). 

6. The ordinary form of the imperfect with the ending n : serves in verbs 7\"^ to 
express the cohortative also (§ 48 c); cf. Gn 1 :26, 2: 18, 2 Ch 25: 17, &c. With a final ; 
n there occur only: in Qal, ny#$ Ps 119:117, rPg>D,$ (with the 1 retained, see below, u) 
Ps 77:4; and in Hithpa el 7ty<§tfl) Is 41 :23 (with Tiphha, therefore in lesser pause). 


On Qal. 

1. The older form of the fern, of the 3rd sing. perf. Thl, mentioned above, under i (cf. § 74 
g), is preserved in nm (before N) Lv 25:21 (cf. 2 K 9:37 K e thihh) 1 ; likewise inHiph z/nrin 
(before K) Lv 26:34; njsVri Ez 24: 12; and in Hoph al rhxi (before ^) Jer 13: 19.— The 2nd 
sing. fern, is also written iT "; thus in the textus receptus ri^ni 2 S 14:2, and always in Baer's 
editions (since 1872), as in most other verbs; rmn and I)M Is 57:8; WV Jer 2:23, Ez 16:48, 
&c. (so riNiprn 1 K 17:13 from JCjp). In the 3rd pers. plur. the tone, instead of keeping its usual 
place (efo, &c), is retracted in Ps 37:20, t?<5, both on account of the pause and also in 

1 l In the Siloam inscription also (see above, § 2 d), line 3, DTi may be read n^n quite 
as well as [njn^n. 

rhythmical antithesis to the preceding G^3; also in Is 16:8 1SW (according to Delitzsch for the 
sake of the assonance with iy<£); and in Jb 24:1 lief. — On the tone of the perfect consecutive 
see § 49 k. 

2. The infln. absol. frequently has i (probably a survival of the older orthography) for n '", 
e.g. VTj Gn 18:18; m Jer 4:18, &c, Ez 31:11; tip 2 S 24:24; INT Gn 26:28, Is 6:9 (cf 1 S 

6: 12), &c, beside Ti'Ki. The form nine* Is 22: 13 (beside inti* in the same verse) appears to 
have been chosen on account of its similarity in sound to D'ntl>; so in Is 42:20 Q e re and Ho 
10:4, niVn (unless it is a substantive, oaths) and n'T3; cf. also ni~iv Hb 3: 13. — Conversely, 
instead of the infinitive construct niVl such forms are occasionally found as n'Vl or iVl, cf. n'K~i 
Gn 48:11; n'np Pr 16:16; n&3? Gn 50:20, Ps 101:3, also WV : Gn 31:28 (cf. Pr 31:4), and even 
with the suffix in the very remarkable form mcfo? Ex 18:18." — The feminine form HlK/i (for 
niKl) Ez 28:17, analogous to nouns like HlKl (cf. § 45 d), is strange, but n^n as infln. Ez 21:15 
is quite inexplicable. — The forms il'n and il'n Is 59: 13 are perhaps to be regarded with Barth, 
Nominalbildung, § 51 a, as infinitives absolute of the passive oiQal (see above, § 53 u), not 
of P6 el. — The 2nd sing. masc. imperative rp ,rn occurs in the principal pause in Pr 4:4 and 
7:2; but probably these forms are simply to be attributed to a Masoretic school, which in 
general marked the difference between certain forms by the use of e for e, and conversely e 
for e; cf. the analogous examples in § 52 n, and especially § 75 hh, also Kautzsch, Grammatik 
desBibl.-Aram., § 17, 2, Rem. 1. — On the reading 7\?&V\ Ct 3:11 (for nrofil, on the analogy 
of the reading rUKCfa, &c, § 74 h), see Baer's note on the passage. 

3. The shortening of the imperfect (see above, k, and the note on hh) occasions in Qal the 
following changes: 

(a) As a rule the first radical takes a helping Sfghol, or, if the second radical is a guttural, 
a helping Pathah (according to § 28 e). Thus Vjcffor 7P; DCS and he despised, Gn 25:34; pcS 
and he built; wdTze looks; nadS and he destroyed, Gn 7:23. 

(b) The i of the preformative is then sometimes lengthened to e, e.g. KTCT/ze sees. This, 
however, mostly happens only after the preformative n, whilst after 1 the homogeneous i 
remains, e.g. VdcSi (but Vrid), ]Q(S) (but iQd), rndjn (but rndi); with middle guttural vrxtf, rndn Jb 
17:7 (from nns). The unusual position of the tone in NCjifi Zc 9:5, Ndrn Mi 7: 10 (so Baer and 
Ginsb.; ed. Mant. n&, Kd' , 'i) is best explained (except in x& Gn 41:33, before D) on the 
analogy of ndfip, &c, § 72 s, as due to the following K. But cf. also hh 

(c) The helping vowel is elsewhere not used under the circumstances mentioned in § 28 d; 
2W} Nu 21:1, Jer 41:10, cf. fiQ'l Jb 31:27; on the other hand, with z lengthened into e (see p) 
ritt*^, ^2% fiy, tptz>\ The form K~\<$he sees, occurs parallel with KT1 and he saw (but 3rd fern. 
always frCKfl), the latter with the original Pathah on account of the following 1, and identical 
with the 3rd sing. masc. of the imperf. consec. Hiph 'it, 2 K 11:4. 

(d) Examples of verbs primae gutturalis (§ 63), and at the same time H" 1 ?, are iyydS, in 
pause if/yeS and he made, from ntf/V; ]V(^ and he answered, from rnv (always identical with the 
corresponding forms in Hiph 'it), f ncfi and he divided, from 7\1Ti. On some similar forms of K"Q 
see § 76 d. — In the following cases the initial (hard) guttural does not affect the form: indS 

2 2 All these infinitives construct in 6, in the Pentateuch, belong to the document 
called E; cf. § 69 m, second note. 

and he was wroth, ]\]<§ and he encamped (3rd plur. UP] , _']), 70 tf (with Dages lene and S e wd) let 
it rejoice, Jb 3:6; cf. Ex 18:9. — On n, PI, en (rrV as well as ]"Q), &c, see § 76 b, c, f. 

(e) The verbs 7117} fo Z>e, and rrn fo //ve, of which the shortened imperfects ought to be yihy 
mdyihy, change these forms to TP, and TP, the second Yodh being resolved into /"at the end of 
the word; but inpause (§ 29 n) TJ(£ Tjd^ with the original a modified to Sfghol with the tone 
(cf. also nouns like ''pa for bakhy. inpause 'OCf; ''IV for 'ony, &c, § 84a c, and § 93 x). For 
■"tfcf, however, in Dt 32: 18, since no verb rpttf exists, we must read either $fl, or better TlWfi 
(Samaritan NE>n), as imperfect Qal of HEO to forget. — Analogous to TP from nTj, there occurs 
once, from 7\~\7l to be, the form K^irp for in'; /ze will be, Ec 11:3, but no doubt KTl is the right 

The full forms (without apocope of the n :, cf. § 49 c) not infrequently occur after wdw 
consecutive, especially in the 1st pers. and in the later books, e.g. HKIHl and I saw, twenty 
times, and Jos 7:21 in K e thihh, but never in the Pentateuch (K~\(&] fifteen times, of which three 
are in the Pent.); also in the 3rd pers. HHTl Ez 18:28, Jb 42: 16 Q e re; n^V^l and he made, four 
times (but m& over 200 times); cf. also Ju 19:2 (ruttil); 1 K 10:29 (rfw.rn); Dt 1: 16 (rmKl), 
and Gn 24:48. So also occasionally for the jussive, cf. Gn 1:9, 41:34, Jer 28:6. — For the well 
attested, but meaningless WT.ri Jb 6:21 (doubtless caused by the following WTfil), read wiri 
ye see, with Ginsburg. 

4. The original , sometimes appears even before afformatives beginning with a vowel (cf. 
above, h and 1), especially in and before the pause, and before the full plural ending ]T, or 
where for any reason an emphasis rests on the word. Perfect rpG$n Ps 57:2, V<&n Dt 32:37, cf. 
Ps 73:2 Q e re; imperative V<$2 Is 21:12. Imperfect VjB ,K^ Jb 16:22, 30:14 (without the pause, Ps 
68:32); vtftt" Ps 122:6, Jb 12:6, cf. Ps 77:4; 1?3T Dt 8:13; Ps 36:9: more frequently like 'pw 
Ps 78:44; Is 17:12, 21:12, 26:11, 31:3, 33:7, 41:5, Ps 36:8, 39:7, 83:3; before a suffix, Jb 3:25. 
Also in Pr 26:7 V 1 ?^, as perf Qal from Tib"!, was perhaps originally intended, but hardly viS'i, 
since these full forms, though they may stand out of pause, do not begin sentences; v^tf 
probably points to f?tf from Vri as the right reading, since the sense requires an intransitive 
verb. Cf. further, v, x, dd, gg. 

5. The participle active (cf. Vollers, 'Das Qaatil-Partizipium, ' ZA. 1903, p. 312 ff, and 
on the participles of 7\"b, ibid., p. 316 ff), besides feminine forms like nVy Ju 20:31, &c, riK'1 
Pr 20:12, has also a feminine which retains the 3rd radical ">, viz. HTjia ( =rD'3) weeping, La 
1:16; rrain tumultuous, Is 22:2 (plur. Pr 1:21); rPQi? spying, Pr 31:27, nn '5 fruitful, Ps 128:3, 
plur. ni'jVN the things that are to come, Is 41:23. With the ordinary strong inflexion 1 appears 
in rPCTv Ct 1:7, but perhaps there also rPCTy was intended, unless it should be TVJJ'P a 
wanderer. For ■gef'l Is 47:10, ^(S'l is to be read. — Onn'OT 1 K 20:40 for n'ffity, cf. § 116 g, 
note. — In the participle passive the 3rd radical still sometimes appears as 1 (§ 24 b), cf. WV 
made, Jb 41:25, IQX Jb 15:22, contracted from 1W17, 119^; and before a formative ending, it 
even has its consonantal sound, G\WS7\ (read Qlfy.H) 2 K 23:4; nilCT (read ,a suwoth) 1 S 

25: 18 iCthibh, rmm (read tftuwoth) Is 3:16 iCthihh. The shortening of the win ni'KI Est 2:9 is 

6. The defective writing is rare in such forms as J)<§}) 2 S 15:33; Tjda IK 8:44, cf. 1 K 
9:3;n:tfjrnEx2:16(cf. Jer 18:21,48:6, 1 Ch7:15, Jb 17:5, &c), and the pronunciation 

ZA. ZA. = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by C. Bezold. Lpz. 
1886 ff. 

nrdhri Mi 7:10, cf. n|§y ,ri Ju 5:29 (unless they are sing, with suff. of the 3rd sing. fern.). Both 
cases are probably to be explained according to § 20 i. 

On Niph'al. 

7. Here the forms with ^ ' in the 1st and 2nd per s. sing, of the perfect predominate , " only 
in rpijfr Gn 24:8); on the other hand in the 1st plur, always 1 ", as l^ffij 1 S 14:8. No examples 
of the Indplur. occur. — With ■> retained inpause V^l Nu 24:6; once with an initial guttural 
nrM Ct 1:6 for WQ,1, probably arising from the ordinary strong form nihru, but the harshness 
of n immediately followed by ~i is avoided by pronouncing the n with Hakph-Pathah. — In the 
3rd sing. fern. ni.fl^J Pr 27: 15 (inpause for niflt^J) 1 and n may be transposed for euphonic 
reasons; but probably we should simply read nridtfl — Among Niph'al forms of Ti" 1 ? must be 
classed, with Buxtorf and others (cf. Noldeke, ZDMG. xxx. 185), rUN,3 from H1K, not PiTel of 
HX3 = 1K1; hence, according to § 23 d, T1KJ they are beautiful (for YIN;,}) Is 52:7, Ct 1:10; but in 
Ps 93:5, where Baer requires HlKl, read Tilttl with ed. Mant., Ginsb. 

8. The apocope of the imperfect causes no further changes beyond the rejection of the n ", 
e.g. by from rfw; in one verb middle guttural, however, a form occurs with the QameS 
shortened to Pathah, viz. na 1 (for na 1 ) Ps 109: 13, as in verbs V"V; but inpause n, 1pT\ verse 14. 
Cf. bb. — The infinitive absolute T\f?ll emphasizing an infinitive construct, 2 S 6:20, is very 
extraordinary; probably it is a subsequent correction of an erroneous repetition of mVxi. — The 
infin. constr. Ti'iCjn 1 ? occurs in Ju 13:21, 1 S 3:21 for n'K^nV; cf. above, n. — On the infinitive 
Niph 'al with the n elided, see § 5 1 1. — The irregular Y757, 7} Ez 36:3 has probably arisen from a 
combination of the readings t?¥ :t Ti (Qal) and Y7S? r fl (Niph 'al). Similarly the solecism HDM 1 S 
15:9 might be due to a combination of the participle fern. Niph 'al (nt|3, cf. nVra, TiBm, ni^SM) 
with the Hoph 'al (nn»); but it is more correct, with Wellhausen, to explain the a from a 
confusion with DM and to read, in fact, nocfiMI Hill 

On Pi'el, Po'el, Pu'al, and Hithpa'el. 

9. In the 1st and 2nd persons of the perfect Pi 'el the second syllable in most of the 
instances has , " on the analogy of Qal (see f), as ri''(^ r r, WO??; always so in the first plur., and 
before suffixes, e.g. WGSb Gn 37:26, IJCf^ij Ps 44:20. The form with , z is found only in the 1st 
sing. (e.g. Jo 4:21; Is 5:4, 8:17 along with the form with i). On the tone of the perf consec. 

Pi 'el of H" 1 ?, see § 49 k.—Hithpa 'el has (besides •> : Jer 17: 16) as a rule •> " (Pr 24: 10, 1 K 2:26, 
Jer 50:24). On the other hand, Pu 'al always has •> :, e.g. wefoy Ps 139: 15. — A 1st sing, 
perfect P 6 'el ">ri@W ( = 1 Ii , 'p1itl') occurs in Is 10:13. 

10. The infinitive absolute Pi 'el takes the form n 1 ??, rfii? (like Vtap, the more frequent form 
even in the strong verb, see § 52 o); with 6 only in Ps 40:2 n'lp; with 6th Hb 3: 13 niiv (cf. 
above, n). On il'n and il'n, infinitives absolute of the passive of Qal, not of Po 'el, see above, 
n. — As infinitive construct ''Sn occurs in Pi 'el, Ho 6:9 (only orthographically different from 
n?n, if the text is correct); kVdV Dn 9:24 (on the K see rr); 7h±-l$ 2 Ch 24: 10, 31:1, for which 
in 2 K 13:17, 19, Ezr 9:14 j?TTV with infin. abs. ; in Pu 'al nm Ps 132:1. 

11. The apocopated imperfect must (according to § 20 1) lose the Dages forte of the 
second radical, hence 1^1 and he commanded, 15W (for rnvri=f e 'arre) Ps 141:8; cf. Gn 24:20; 
even in the principal pause V^rrVtf Pr 25:9; Hithpa 'el 1 7iri , l and he uncovered himself, Gn 
9:21; Viriri Pr 22:24; cf. Ps 37: 1, 7, 8. With the lengthening of Pathahto QameS, irn and he 
made marks, 1 S 2 1 : 14 (but read with Thenius *]!}<£, and instead of the meaningless W]] ibid. 
read ]&]}). In Hithpa 'el "iirtfrVK, in close connexion, Dt 2:9, 19; yriti'ri Is 41:10; according to 

Qimhi also M}n\ TKTiri Ps 45:12, Pr 23:3, 6, 24:1, 1 Ch 11:17, whilst Baer and Ginsburg read 
with the best authorities 1K1T, IKriri (but cf. Konig, Lehrgeboude , i. 597). : — On J\m Jb 15:17 
(for J\m) cf. § 20 m; on °f?y& Ex 33:3, see § 27 q; on TP Ju 5:13, see § 69 g. Finally, on v)% 
which is referred to Pi 'el by some, as a supposed imperative, see above, u. 

12. Examples of apocopated imperatives in Pi 'el and Hithpa 'el are: 1?, also 7\X1 command 
thou, % open thou, Ps 1 19: 18, 22; ]tt prepare thou, Ps 61:8; 01 for TiQlprove thou, Dn 1: 12; 
^m feign thyself sick, 2 S 13:5; cf. Dt 2:24.— On nan Ju 9:29, cf. § 48 1.— In Ps 137:7 ntf 
rase rf, is found twice instead of ids? (for 'arru) for rhythmical reasons (cf, however, ntf 1 ! in 
the imperfect, 2 Ch 24: 1 1). 

13. Examples of forms in which the Yodh is retained are the imperfects l^STO Is 40:18, cf. 
verse 25 and 46:5; IgTDD'; they cover them, Ex 15:5; participle Pu 'al 010 ,aa Is 25:6; for "flCfiK 
Is 16:9 (from HYi) read with Margolis, "pcfiN. 

0« Hiph'il a«J Hoph'al. 

14. The 3rd sing.perfect Hiph 'it sometimes has S'ghol in the first syllable instead of z"(§ 
53 p), especially in rtan (but perfect consecutive ThlTl) 2 K 24:14), ntcin, HKVri; also with 
suffixes, e.g. ub$) 1 Ch 8:7, •'IgRVn Jb 16:7, pnarn Ex 21:8. The S'ghol also occurs in the 1st 
sing., e.g. ^(SxVn Mi 6:3. On "'JT'K'nni Na 3:5, cf. § 53 p. The forms with e in the second 
syllable (also written defectively, as , Gforn Jer 21:6) are found throughout in the 1st sing. 
(except Pr 5:13), rarely in the 2nd sing, masc, and never in the Istplur. In the other persons 
they are about equally common with i, except in the 2nd plur., where /"predominates. Before 
suffixes the forms with /"predominate throughout; cf, however, e in Ex 4: 12, Mi 6:3, Pr 4: 1 1. 
On the tone of theperf consec. Hiph. of Ti" 1 ?, see § 49 k. InHoph 'al only ^ ~ occurs in the 2nd 

15. In the infinitive Hiph 'it of nai to be abundant, besides the construct ni3"in we find the 
absolute n3"in taking the place of the common form ri3"in, which had come to be used 
invariably (but Konig calls attention to its use as infinitive construct in Ez 21:20) as an 
adverb, in the sense of much; in 2 S 14:11 the Q e re requires VS~\T\ for the iCthihh n , 3'in, an 
evident scribal error for nisnn. Cf. Gn 41:49, 22: 17, Dt 28:63; the pointing 7\r^^ Jer 42:2 
probably arises from regarding this form as a noun. — On niian Jb 17:2 (with Dagesf. 
dirimens) see § 20 h. — In 2 K 3:24 nisn (before H) is probably infinitive absolute, used in 
order to avoid the hiatus, cf. § 1 13 x, and on a similar case in Qal, see above, n. — On the 
infinitives with elision of the n, cf. § 53 q. 

16. The shortened imperfect Hiph 'it either takes no helping vowel, as fi£P let him enlarge, 
Gn 9:27; TT he shall subdue, Is 41:2; pK^I andhe watered, Gn 29:10, &c; NTT and he 
showed, 2 K 1 1:4 (see § 28 d): or else has a helping vowel, as "73,d"(for %<£, see § 27 r), e.g. 2 
K 18:11; 13<S Ps 105:24; 1S(fl Ez 5:6; yricSi 2 Ch 33:9; 31K1 i.e. probably rntfl Jos 24:3 
K'thibh (naiKl Q e re). — Examples of verbs first guttural: Vydi Nu 23:2, by<&}, &c, which can 
be distinguished as Hiph 'it from the similar forms in Qal only by the sense. — The apocopated 
imperative Hiph 'it always (except in verbs ]"Q, e.g. ~}Tj, QH, § 76 c) has a helping vowel, S'ghol 
or Pathah, e.g. 2~\($ increase thou (ioxharb, 7]T\Tj) Ps 51:4 Q e re, also Ju 20:38; where, 
however, it cannot be explained the text stands; ^"icf let alone (for ^"in, HQin Dt 9: 14, &c; "7ycf 

1 J In Nu 34:7 f., according to verse 10, jNflPi ( =: nxrri) is intended to be read for wrip 
(imperfect Pi 'el from HKri). 

(for rfpy ,n) Ex 8: 1, 33: 12; but for VE>n Ps 39: 14, which could only be imperative Hiph 'it of 
yVE> (=smear over, as in Is 6: 10), read with Baethgen nVE> /oo£ owaj. — The imperfect Hiph 'it 
with 7da% retained occurs only in "\VX\7\ Jb 19:2, from HP. Cf u. 

In General. 

17. In Aramaic the imperfect sad participle of all the conjugations terminate in K 7 or 1 '. 
The Hebrew infinitives, imperatives, and imperfects in n I, less frequently X ~ or ^ 7, may be 
due to imitation of these forms. On the infinitive construct Pi 'el 'On, see above, aa; imperative 
Qal Kin Jb 37:6 (in the sense of fall); imperfect NT let him lookout, Gn 41:33 (but see above, 
p); niwn/ze will do, Is 64:3; rrn.rrVtf Jer 17:17; Nri'rrVK consent thou not, Pr 1:10; ntTOrrVtf 
do thou not, 2 S 13:12 (the same form in Gn 26:29, Jos 7:9, Jer 40:16 Q e re); Ti]7)K (so Baer 
andGinsburg, after cod. Hillel, Sec.) I will be, Jer 31:1; nfrJ/,31 Jos 9:24; rwnri Dn 1:13. Cf. 
also inNiph 'al 7]XW Lv 5:9; ru|fl (according to Qimhi) Nu 21:27; inPi 'el rf?5fl Lv 18:7, 8, 12- 
17, 20: 19, in each case giVtfi K'V, beside nV^ri with a minor distinctive; ngr : (Baer nsr) Na 1:3; 
rnTK Ez 5: 12 (with Zaqeph; Baer rnTK). The fact, however, that a great number of these forms 
occur inpause and represent at the same time a jussive or voluntative (Jos 7:9), suggests the 
view that the Sere is used merely to increase the emphasis of the pausal form, and at the same 
time to make a distinction in sound between the jussive or voluntative and the ordinary 
imperfect} Elsewhere (Gn 26:29, Lv 5:9, Jer 40:16, Dn 1:13; according to Baer also Mi 7:10, 
Zc 9:5) the pronunciation with e is probably intended to soften the hiatus caused by a 
following K or y; cf. the analogous cases above, § 74 1. 

The ending ^ " appears to stand for n 7 in the imperfect Qal in Ottf-Ottn and there hath she 
played the harlot, Jer 3:6; perhaps, however, the 2nd sing. fern, is intended, or it may have 
been introduced into the text of Jeremiah from Ez 16: 15, &c. Still more strange is it in the 
imperfect Hiph 'zf'rjfcgrtK Jer 18:23; but the Mil 'el-tonc probably points to nacf as the correct 
reading (cf. Neh 13: 14). The 1 " stands for n 7 in the perfect Hiph 'it "bvi , n he made sick, Is 
53: 10, which is probably for K^nn from tfVn, a secondary form of nVn; see rr. Theplur. Vp»n 
(Baer ppan) they made to melt, Jos 14:8, is a purely Aramaic form. 

18. In two verbs the rare conjugation Pa 'lei or its reflexive (§ 55 d) occurs: ■'IPj.M 
archers, Gn 21:16 (from nntp); but most frequently in nntz> to bend, Pa lei TlTiW not in use, 
whence reflexive rnn.riE'n to bow oneself to prostrate oneself, 2nd per x in ri 1 tf and 1st pers. 
in "'N d", imperfect rnn.rittf 1 , consecutive 3rd sing. masc. incfE"! for wayyistahw (analogous to 
the noun-forms, like in<^ for sahw); 3rdplur. Yltl.rui". — Instead of the aramaizing infinitive 
with suffix ■'!) ^n mxi 2 K 5:18 read with Konig ^iin r fitt>ria; in Ez 8:16 DJPIQ.riB'a is still more 
certainly a scribal error for D , lli i fiE>a. 

19. Before suffixes in all forms ending in n, a connecting vowel is employed instead of the 
n and the connecting vowel which precedes it (§ 58 f), e.g. "acfc Gn 24:27; inpause "ad& 1 K 
2:30, &c, even with lesser disjunctives, Ps 118:5, Pr 8:22, or with a conjunctive accent, 1 S 
28: 15 (but Baer ^d&), Jb 30: 19; cf. § 59 h; dp,y, inpause TQS?, Is 30: 19 (and even when not in 
pause Jer 23:37) or like 7|dJ7 Dt 32:6; Tjgrn, ~}~}Q1) Gn 28:3; cf. also in<$ 3 my, imperfect ^nefcn, 
cfjy , 1 Hiph 'it •udn, tjVv , n, inefn. 

1 J Possibly these examples (like the eases of S^gholin pause, see n) represent the 
view of a particular Masoretic school, which was intended to be consistently carried 

Only very seldom does the imperat. or impf. end in , " before suffixes, e.g. DrPNQN Dt 
32:26; to'tf^ Ps 140:10 Q e re; ■>?& smite me, 1 K 20:35, 37; cf Hb 3:2, Is 38:16. Even in 
these examples a return to the original ending ay might be assumed; but perhaps they are 
merely due to a less correct plene writing. In the 3rd sing. perf. fern, the older form nVl (see i) 
is always used before a suffix, e.g. in fib (for inn"?3) Zc 5:4; mpause 'Ufi^S? Jb 33:4; T.riN'i 42:5. 

77?e Relation between Verbs n" 1 ? and K"'?. 

20. The close relation existing between verbs N" 1 ? and Ti" 1 ? is shown in Hebrew by the fact 
that the verbs of one class often borrow forms from the other, especially in the later writers 
and the poets. 

21. Thus there are forms of verbs K" 1 ? — 

(a) Which have adopted the vowels of verbs n ,,l 7, e.g. perfect Qal Tjxfib / have refrained, 
Ps 119: 101; participle Ntpin (mn) sinning, Ec 2:26, 8:12, 9:2, 18; cf. Is 65:20; N?ia Ec 7:26; 
Nttft lending, 1 S 22:2; Pz 'el perfect xVa /ze has filled, Jer 51:34; cf. 1 K 9: 1 1, Am 4:2 (where, 
however, the perfect Niph. is perhaps intended), Ps 89:11, 143:3; inN(£"i I heal, 2 K 2:21; cf. 
Jer 51:9; imperfect Nar Jb 39:24; JVzpA 'al perfect rinG^Dl (like nnVw) # was wonderful, 2 S 
1:26; fljpA 'it perfect kVqh Dt 28:59; nncfcinri (not nnsjr, cf. above, 2 S 1:26) s/ze hid, Jos 6: 17. 
On the other hand, forms like tPNEfn 1 S 14:33, CNYp Ps 99:6, 1K913 Ez 47:8, rJCfija^fi, 
according to the correct reading, Jb 19:2 (cf. Gn 31:39 rUflShfcj), and INT imperative plur. masc. 
from NT Jos 24: 14, 1 S 12:24, Ps 34: 10, are due to the elision of the N, see § 74 i. On xwr Jer 
10:5 and NliM Ps 139:20, see § 23 i. 

(b) Forms in n, but keeping their N" 1 ? vowels, e.g. imperfect Qal HSHN Jer 3:22; imperative 
nsn heal thou, Ps 60:4; Niph 'al; naru Jer 49: 10 (which must evidently be aperfect; read with 
Ewald the infinitive absolute n'aru as in verse 23), and rnnn to hide oneself, 1 K 22:25, cf. Jer 
19: 11; Pi 'el imperfect 7??W he will fill, Jb 8:21. 

(c) Forms entirely of a H" 1 ? character, e.g. perfect Qal na^l and when thou art athirst, Ru 
2:9, cf. 2 S 3:8; lV| they shut up, 1 S 6:10; cf. 25:33; iVa they are full, Ez 28:16, cf. 39:26; 
infinitive iun (see above, n) to sin, Gn 20:6 (on nN'Va see above, § 74 h); imperative sing. fern. 
•Of! Is 26:20; imperfect n"7T (for kVd 1 ) he will keep back, Gn 23:6; nrtfin ^e_y /zea/, Jb 5: 18; 
participle ntpiia Pr 12:18;y<?zw. Up Ec I0:5;plur. n^fi"^ Is 29:7; participle passive ntM Ps 32:1; 
Niph'alr\r\<Sil Jer 51:9; 1X><&1 thou hast prophesied, Jer 26:9 (cf. Ps 139:14, Jb 18:3); imperfect 
IQ.TJ 2 K 2:22 {infinitive Jer 19: 1 1); Pz 'eZ imperfect 1ST] Jer 8: 1 1, cf. Gn 31:39; flz>/z tf 
participle rupa Ez 8:3; Hithpa 'el TCfrm 1 S 10:6; infinitive Taim 1 S 10: 13. For the K e thihh 
T\W7f? 2 K 19:25, Jablonski and others require as gVe the form niKE'nV (so Is 37:26); the 
fCthihh would have to be read T\W7p_, with elision of the N and retraction of the vowel. 

22. On the other hand, there are forms of verbs H" 1 ?, which wholly or in part follow the 
analogy of verbs N" 1 ?, e.g. in their consonants NriN he comes, Is 21: 12; N13 2 S 12: 17 (textus 
receptus rna); '-nxcfil Ez 43:27; Nltl" Jb 8:11; N1E» La 4:1; KVn.H 2 Ch 16:12; niNdpn Ex 1:10, 
Lv 10:19; D^Vn Dt 28:66 (cf. Ho 11:7); N'lp} (infin. absol. Niph 'al beside •'Tdp}) 2 S 1:6; KM* 
2 K 25:29; N?na Jer 38:4; N3E» Ec 8:1: in their vowels, 13<fN Jer 3:22; rnp 1 Dn 10:14; nVon 1 K 
17:14: in both, Nnp^ Gn49:l; cf. 42:4, Is 51:19; DIN^n 2 S 21:12 Q e re; KIT 1 ? 2 Ch 26:15 (cf. 
Dalian 1KT1 2 S \\:2AK e thihh);7\X-}\K (participle fern. Qal) Zp 3:1; xn^ Ho 13:15; D^xVoa La 
4:2. — For niN'1'9 (so Baer, Ez 17:6, cf. 31:8), which can only be intended for TNYQ 
participle fern. plur. from &09=,Y19, read T~iN'9 branches, according to Ez 31:5, &c. 

§ 76. Verbs Doubly Weak. 

1. In a tolerably large number of verbs two radicals are weak letters, and are 
consequently affected by one or other of the anomalies already described. In cases 
where two anomalies might occur, usage must teach whether one, or both, or neither 
of them, takes effect. 

Thus e.g. from TD to flee, the imperfect is TIT in Na 3:7 and TP in Gn 3 1 :40 (on the 
analogy of verbs 1"Q); Hiph 'it 1171 (like a verb V"V), but the imperfect Hoph 'al again TP (as 


2. The following are examples of difficult forms, which are derived from doubly 
weak verbs: 

(a) Verbs }"Q and K" 1 ? (cf. § 66 and § 74), e.g. KtW to /3ear, imperative KtS> (Ps 10: 12 KtM, of 
which ntn Ps 4:7 is probably only an orthographic variation); infinitive construct riKti> (for 
HK<f ; see the analogous noun-formations in § 93 t), also XtM Is 1: 14, 18:3; Gn 4: 13 Kits'}; Ps 
89: 10 Kits' (perhaps only a scribal error); after the prefix b always IiKtS' 1 ? (otherwise the 
contracted form only occurs in intS'a Jb 41:17, with rejection of the K); imperfect 7ll($tfT\ for 
rUKdtS'fi Ru 1:14; wholly irregular are nrof jtS'ri Ez 23:49 (so Baer after Qimhi; textus receptus, 
and also the Mantua ed., and Ginsburg, nrKdtS'ri) and riKtS'l 2 S 19:43 as infinitive absolute 
Niph 'al (on the analogy of the infinitive construct Qall); but most probably K-tM is to be read, 
with Driver. 

(b) Verbs ]"B and Ti" 1 ? (cf. § 66 and § 75), as HW to bow, to incline, Till to smite. Hence 
imperfect Qal TlW, apocopated tt'i (Gn 26:25 "ta'l) and he bowed; PI (so, probably, also Is 63:3 
for Pi) 2 K 9:33 and he sprinkled (from TlXi); perfect Hiph 'it 707] he smote, imperfect 7\T, 
apocopated y_, y_~\ (even with Athnah 2 K 15: 16; but also ten times H311), ~]T\ Dt 2:33; so also 
Pi Lv 8:11, 30; BfrVK Ps 141:4 (cf. Jb 23:11); imperative 7117], apocopated ~]7] smite thou (like 
UH incline, with ntan), infinitive rfQTj, participle n3»; i/op/z 'a/ H3n, participle n|». 

(c) Verbs K"Q and Tl" 1 ? (cf.§ 68 and § 75), as rOK fo /3e willing, HQK fc> /3a/ce, nriK to come. 
E.g. imperfect Qal 7l2X'\ 7l2X'\plur. iQK' 1 ; Kin (cf. § 68 h) Dt 33:21 for HJW1 (=nri,K'l); 
imperfect apocopated JiKn Is 41:25 forflhPi; imperative VCfK Is 21:12, 56:9, 12 (cf. IQK /ja/ce 
je, Ex 16:23) for iJiK, i^qjlK (§ 23 h; § 75 u); Hiph 'it perfect V<&] for P<fxn (vqiiKn) Is 21: 14; 
imperfect apocopated 'VkcJi and he adjured, 1 S 14:24, properly n"7K? (rrjX?) from n"7K, whence 
nVK^, and, with the obscuring to 6, nVK' 1 ; instead of the simple apocope (V K'l) the K which had 
already become quiescent, is made audible again by the helping S'ghol (unless perhaps there 
is a confusion with the imperfect consecutive Hiph 'it of Vk 1 ). 

(d) Verbs V 'Q and K' ,l 7 (cf. § 69, § 70, and § 74), as K^ to go forth, imperative Kl go forth, 
with n ' paragogic HKGf Ju 9:29 in principal pause for HK^; 2nd fern. plur. rucfa Ct 3: 1 1; 
infinitive ma; Hiph 'itw£\7l to bring forth. — KT to fear, imperfect KT 1 and KT'l (or KTl), 
imperative KT; imperfect Niph 'al KT 1 Ps 130:4, participle KT1 

(e) Verbs 1 "Q and rr'V (cf. § 69, § 70, and § 75), e.g. TIT to throw, Hiph'il to confess, to 
praise, and TT to throw (both properly verbs T'Q), and HEP to be beautiful. Infinitive n'T, niT; 
imperative HT; imperfect consecutive T'l Ez 31:7 (cf. also ^oSi 16:13); with suffixes 0T31 we 
have shot at them (from HT) Nu 21:30; perhaps, however, it should be read with the LXX 
QT1) and their race (also in the very corrupt passage Ps 74:8 QT1 is probably a substantive, 
and not the imperfect Qal with suffix from TIT); Pz 'e/; iTi for iT?i, (§ 69 u). Hiph 'it 711% nTn; 

infinitive n'Tin (as infinitive absolute 2 Ch 7:3); imperfect 7T\V , cf. iH'n'^N Jer 22:3; 
apocopated "li'i 2 K 13:17. 

if) Verbs W and K" 1 ?, particularly Ki3 to come. Perfect X3, rjxtf, rind" or riK3 (Gn 16:8, 2 S 
14:3, Mi 4: 10; cf. § 75 m), once utffor UXCf 1 S 25:8; for iX'3 Jer 27: 18, which is apparently 
the perfect, read IKCfrj. I n the imperfect Qal the separating vowel occurs (WCf ' 3fi instead of 
the more common rUNCftf), cf. also JNCfifi Gn 30:38) only in Jer 9:16, Ps 45:16, and 1 S 10:7 

For nx'arr] 1 S 25:34 Q e re (the ICthihh TiK3m evidently combines the two readings riK3^ 
and , K'3ri]; cf. Nestle, Z4 W. xiv. 319), read '■KcSril; on the impossible forms Dt 33:16 and Jb 
22:21 cf. § 48 d. — In the perfect Hiph 'ifxuri, nKdn and (only before a suffix) nxarj; the 
latter form is also certainly intended in Nu 14:3 1, where the Masora requires 1 GjIN''3 i HI, cf. 2 K 
9:2, 19:25, Is 43:23) Jer 25:13, Ct 3:4. Before suffixes the e of the first syllable in the 3rd 
sing, always becomes Hateph-S'ghdl, e.g. "Jif.ag, 'UOfojj; elsewhere invariably Hateph- 
Pathah, e.g. 13(fN3r] or UGjTN^rirj. On the other hand, e is retained in the secondary tone in the 
perfect consecutive when without suffixes, e.g. QflN3 i rn. Cf. moreover, in'Npn ,1 (in'Nprn in 
Opitius and Hahn is altogether incorrect), Pr 25: 16, from frOp; but V\? spue ye, Jer 25:27 
(perhaps only a mistake for Wp), is not to be referred to VO\? but to a secondary stem rpp. In 
the imperfect Nprn is found once, Lv 18:25, besides Kp'1 (analogous to N3J1). — On 'ON (for 
>03X), •qa, ■>?, see § 74 k. 

(g) The form p to live, in the perfect Qal, besides the ordinary development to rpn (fern. 
nrp.n), is also treated as a verb V"V, and then becomes , n in the 3rd pers. perfect, in pause i n, 
and with wdw consecutive ■'ill Gn 3:22, and frequently. In Lv 25:36 the contracted form , n'i is 
perhaps st. constr. of 1 !! life, but in any case read ^perfect consecutive as in verse 35. The 
form rpcfi occurs in Ex 1 : 16 in pause for rp(£] {3rd fern.) with Dages omitted in the 1 on 
account of the pausal lengthening of a to d. 

§ 11. Relation of the Weak Verbs to one another. 

The close relation which exists between some classes of the weak verbs (e.g. 
between T'D and V 'D, X" 1 ? and H" 1 ?, V"V and V'57, V"V and H" 1 ?) appears not only in their 
similarity or identity of inflexion, or their mutual interchange of certain forms, but 
especially from the fact that frequently the same root (radix bilittera, see § 30 g) 
recurs in various weak stems of similar meaning. The meaning accordingly is inherent 
in the two constant root-consonants, while the third consonant , which is weak (and 
the particular class of weak verbs with it), does not establish any difference in the 
meaning. Thus from the root p there occur with the same meaning p}, yi, XD'J to 
strike, to crush; and from the root 11 there are 1M, 111, T\ll to flee. 

In this manner the following classes are related in form and meaning: 

1. Verbs W and V"V in which the first and third consonants are the same in both, as being 
essential to the meaning; e.g. 71a and pa to become poor; E^a and B*B*a to feel; I'M and "711 to 

ZAW. ZAW,= Zeitschrift fur die alttestamenfliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, 
Giessen, 1881 ff., and since 1907 by K. Marti. 

2. Verbs V 'Q and ]"B; e.g. y$1 and 1S3 to place, t£>j?3 and E>p? (yaqos) to lay snares. 
Moreover, stems belonging to the classes mentioned in 1 (especially ry) are frequently 
related also to verbs V 'Q and ]"Q, e.g. "TO and ~i r to fear: 3i0 and 3CP to &e good; HM and HIS to 
Wow; fM and fis to das/z to pieces. Verbs K"D are less frequently connected with these classes, 
e.g. E>7N and tfH to f/zresA, &c. 

3. Verbs N' ,l 7 and H" 1 ? (in which the first two consonants form the real body of the stem) 
are sometimes related to each other, and sometimes to the above classes. To each other, in K37 
and HDT to crush, Nip and rn? to meet (cf. § 75 nn); to verbs of the other classes, in rna and 
yi'a to suck, nrn and nil to thrust, &c. 

4. Verbs V"V and H" 1 ?, on which cf. Grimm, Journal ofBibl. Lit., 1903, p. 196; e.g. PUN and 
13N to sigh, na7 and DOT to &e quiet, run and 1311 to incline, rf73 and V?3 to end, nVp and V?p to 
despise, 7\W and 11E* to err, nnti* and nni£' to bend down, nOK> and DDE* to plunder. 

5. Verbs ry and H"y; e.g. Via and Vna (New Hebrew; in O. T. only Vina Is 1:22) to 
circumcise, "iia and "ina to exchange, TQ (in rntia a //g/zf) and "iru to shine; cf. also D^WlV 
secret arts, Ex 7: 1 1 with DV secret, from ElV. 

£ 78. Verba Defectiva. 

It often happens, when two kindred weak verbs are in use with the same meaning, 
that both are defective, i.e. do not occur in all the forms. Since, however, those tenses 
and forms which are not in use in the one verb are generally supplied by the other, 
they mutually complete one another, and thus form together, as it were, an entire verb, 
as in Greek Epxoum, aor. ifyGov, fut. S^euooum, and in Latin fero, tali, latum, ferre, 
&c, but with this difference, that in Hebrew the roots of these verbs are almost 
always closely related. 

The most common verbs of this kind are — 

E>3 to be ashamed. Hiph 'it^yn (inferred from riid"3n), but also tf'O'n, ttf'Oin as if from 

BO 1 , on the analogy of verbs V'S; also in Is 30:5 the Qfre requires ttf'U'n, where the K e thihh has 
E"K3n from K>N3. 

3it3 to be good. Perfect 31U; but imperfect 3D", and Hiph 'itTWTl from 3D? (but cf. ricSTBrj 2 
K 10:30). 

"i r P to be afraid. Imperfect IIP (from 111). 

Y\?1 to awake, only in the imperf fp 1 "; for the perfect, the Hiph 'z/ppn is used (from flp). 

ysi to break in pieces. Imperfect flEP (from flQ). Imperative flQ. Niph 'al fiQX Pi 'el ysi 
(from YQi). Polel fpQ (from f19). Reflexive YpSftt}. Hiph 'itypTl. Also fQ^Q Jb 16:12. 

3a (Qal in post-biblical Hebrew, in Aramaic and Arabic) to place, whence (possibly) 
Niph 'al 3!tt and Hiph 'it 1*17} (see above, § 71); but Hithpa 'el 35p_m. 

nriE> to drink, used in Qal; but in ////?/?. npK>n to g/ve to drink, from a £)a/ HptJ> which is not 
used in Hebrew. 

On ~f?7} ('f?]) to go, see above, § 69 x. 

Rem. 1 . To the same category belong also, to a certain extent, those cases where the 
tenses or moods not in use in one conjugation, are supplied by forms having the same 
meaning in other conjugations of the same verb. Thus: 

<"|CP to add. The infinitive (but cf. § 69 h, note) and imperfect, unused in Qal, are supplied 
by the Hiph 'z/'T'pin, ^ppi 1 (on *\QV as imperfect indicative, see § 109 d, cf. also § 109 i). 

*7E>3 to stumble. Perfect from Qal, imperfect from Niph 'al. 

Wll to approach, unused mperf Qal, instead of which Niph 'al t£*M is used; but imperfect 
B*jP, imperative B% and infinitive rUtftf from £}a/ only are in use. 

nrn fc> /eat/. Perfect usually nru in Qal, so imperative nru, but imperfect and infinitive 
always in /7/p/? 'zf. 

~|ra to be poured out. Perfect Niph 'al "]M with imperfect Qal *]W, but the perfect Qal and 
imperfect Niph 'al are not in use. 

2. The early grammarians often speak of mixed forms (formae mixtae), i.e. forms which 
unite the supposed character and meaning of two different tenses, genders, or conjugations. 
Most of the examples adduced are at once set aside by accurate grammatical analysis; some 
others appear to have arisen from misapprehension and inaccuracy, especially from erroneous 
views of unusual plene forms. Others, again, are either merely wrong readings or represent an 
intentional conflation of two different readings. 



§ 79. General View. 

For the literature, see De Lagarde, Uebersicht tiber die im Aram., Arab. undHebr. ubliche 
Bildung der Nomina, Gottingen, 1889; Index and Additions, 1891; J. Barth, Die 
Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen, first half, Simple nouns, Leipzig, 1889; 
second half, Nouns with external additions, 1891; second edition, with indices of words 
and subjects, 1894; E. Konig, His tori sch-kritisches Lehrgebdude, &c, ii. 1, Leipzig, 
1895, see above, § 3 f — Of these three important works the first two especially have 
given rise to various articles. In support of De Lagarde: Hommel in ZDMG. xliv, p. 535 
ff (against De Lagarde and Hommel: Barth, ibid., p. 679 ff), and dealing with the Index, 
ZDMG. xlv, p. 340 ff. — Against Barth (though with many points of agreement): Philippi 
in the Zeitschrift fur Volkerpsychologie, 1890, p. 344 ff. (answered by Barth in ZDMG. 
xliv, p. 692 ff), and ZDMG. xlvi, p. 149 ff. (answered again by Barth, ibid., xlviii, p. 10 
ff), also in the Beitradge zur Assyriologie , ii (1892), p. 359 ff. 'Die semitische Verbal- 
und Nominalbildung, ' and lastly, in ZDMG. xlix, p. 187 ff. — Cf. also A. Miiller, 
'Semitische Nomina. Bemerkungen zu de Lagarde und Barth, ' ZDMG. xlv, p. 221 ff. — 
The main points at issue in the works of De Lagarde and Barth are indicated below, § 83 
d. — Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 104 ff; Grundriss, p. 329 ff. 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

1. Since, according to § 30 a, most word-stems are developed into verbal stems as 
well as into noun-stems, it has become customary (especially in the Lexicon) to refer 
the noun to the most simple ground-form of the verbal formation, viz. the 3rd pers. 
sing, perfect Qal, and, as it were, to derive it from that form. This is usual, not only in 
those noun-stems which can be directly connected with a corresponding verbal stem 
(Nomina verbalia or derivative*, § 83 ff), but also with Nomina primitiva, i.e. those of 
which no verbal stem is now found in Hebrew (see § 82), as well as finally with 
Nomina denominativa, which have evidently been derived from other nouns (§ 86). 

The adjective agrees in form entirely with the substantive. On the formation of adjectival 
ideas by giving to abstracts a concrete sense, see § 83 c. 

2. A special inflexion of the noun to express the various cases does not exist in 
Hebrew; only a few ancient and almost extinct traces of case-endings have survived 
(§ 90). The syntactical relation of a noun can therefore in general only be inferred 
from its position in the sentence, or from its being joined to prepositions. In either 
case, the form of the noun undergoes no change (except for the construct state, § 89), 
and the representation of case-relations belongs therefore almost exclusively to the 
syntax (§ 117 ff). The comparative and superlative of adjectives also can be 
expressed only by a syntactical combination (§ 133). On the other hand, several 
changes in the forms of nouns are occasioned by the additions of the plural, dual, and 
feminine terminations, as well as of the pronominal suffixes, and also by the close 
connexion of two nouns, by means of the construct state 1 

§ 80. The Indication of Gender is Nouns. 

Brockelmann; Grundriss, p. 404 ff; 'Ueber die Femininendung at, ah, a' in Semit. 
Sprachwiss., p. 106 f; Grundriss, pp. 105, 405 ff; 'Die Femininendung Tim Semit.' 
(Sitzungd. orient. -sprachwiss. Sektion d. schlesischen Gesellschaft, Feb. 26, 1903); 
against him J. Barth, ZDMG 1903, p. 628 ff; Brockelmann's reply, ibid., p. 795 ff; and 
Barth again, ibid., p. 798 ff. 

1. The Hebrew, like all Semitic languages, recognizes only two genders in the 
noun, a mascidine and a feminine. Inanimate objects and abstract ideas, which other 
languages sometimes indicate by the neuter, are regarded in Hebrew either as 
masculine or feminine, more often the latter (see the Syntax, § 122 q). 

2. The mascidine, as being the more common and important gender, has no special 

Feminine nouns are also without an indication of gender when the meaning of the 
word naturally denotes a feminine, as DN mother, ]1riK a she-ass, TI? a she-goat, *?rn an 
ewe (cf § 122 b). As a rule, however, the feminine had originally the ending n ~, as in 
the 3rd sing, perfect of verbs (§ 44 a). This n ~, however, is regularly retained in 
Hebrew only in close connexion with a following genitive or suffix (cf. § 89 e and § 
91 o), except where the form has arisen through the addition of a simple n 2 (see 

1 l To speak of these changes as a declension of the Hebrew noun, as is usually done, 
is accordingly incorrect. 

2 2 In Mai 1 : 14 nnira (so e. g. ed. Mant.) would stand for T)T) \$l$, the ptcp. fern. 
Hoph al; but rin^a (so Baer and Ginsb.) is also supported by good authority. 

below, d). Otherwise, the feminine ending of the independent form (the absolute state, 
§ 89 a) is— 

(a) Most commonly a tone-bearing n ", e. g. DID equus, npID equa. Of nouns 
ending in ", like 1_ Dy, the feminine (by § 24 b) is n;"py, cf. § 86 h. As in the 3rd sing, 
fern, perfect (rfrip.i?, &c), this n " seems to have arisen by the rejection of the final n, 
and the lengthening of the a in the open syllable, whereupon the n was added as an 
orthographic indication of the final long vowel: cf. the exactly similar origin of such 
forms as Thl for ,l 7§, § 75 c. It must, however, be noticed that in Arabic (see m and 
note) the pausal form of at is ah, of which a trace may be preserved in the Hebrew n ~. 

(b) Simple n with nouns ending in a vowel, e. g. Hiri} Jew, TTHin? Jewess. The same 
ending n is very frequently added to stems ending in a consonant, but only (except 
before suffixes) by means of a helping vowel, which, as a rule, is S e ghol, but after 
gutturals Pathah, e. g. ^>V'\?,fem. Tfy<$'p, killing; before suffixes, e. g. ""fl^tf p, 
according to the rule given in § 69 c, cf. also § 84a s; initt an acquaintance, fern. 
nytfia. The forms which arise in this way follow in every respect the analogy of the 
segholate forms (§ 94 f). The forms which have been developed by means of a 
helping vowel are retained even in the connective form (construct state); except fl??' 1 ) 
(for n-]$'\ which is used elsewhere) Gn 16:11, Ju 13:5,7; cf. Jer 22:23 and 51:13 
Q e re, also rniz/ip 1 K 1:15 , participle fern. Pi J, properly me e sdratt = n$cf$$; also 
"J<$?3? (participle fern. Pi el with suffix) arises from the form fltfhi? which was 
developed into rifl<tfh;p. 

Rem. 1. The fem. form in n : d~is in general less frequent, and occurs almost exclusively 
when the form in n ~ is also in use. It is only in the participles and infinitives that it is the 
commoner, e. g. fi^fljTp more common than nVcTp, nitf than ntf?. 

2. Rarer feminine endings are — (a) n " with the tone, e. g. n<jfl,a emerald, Ez 28:13 (also 
npdfl Ex 28: 17); n<5fb$ a company, 2 K 9: 17, unless the reading is wrong; more frequently in 
proper names, especially of places among the Canaanites or Phoenicians (in whose language : 
n was the usual fem. ending, § 2 d) and other neighbouring tribes, 1 e. g. nef} r S Zarephath, 
ncfhl Gibeath, ncFip Kiriath, ntf'X Greek Ailana in Idumea; n-THK Gn 26:26: on the reading t\h\ 
cf. g. Cf, moreover, nrsj Ps 61: 1 (prob. originally T\'y\i); riTi (LXX ni'n) 74 19a ; nm La 2: 18; 
[r\T\ much, in Ps 65:10, 120:6, 123:4, 129:1, 2, is a form borrowed from the Aramaic (Syriac 
rabbath) in which the original t of the fem. is often retained to form adverbs, see Wright, 
Comparative Grammar, p. 135.] 

(b) n ", which likewise occurs in some names of places, e. g. nVva, npVn, as well as in the 
masc. proper name t&A 1 S 17:4, &c. (in 17:23, and 21:10, ed. Mant. has T\f?^), and in the fem. 
proper name nvaE>; otherwise, almost only in poetry, viz. rn»T Ex 15:2, Is 12:2, Ps 118: 14 
(really for , rn»T my song; the absorption of the zfhowever, can scarcely have 'taken place in 
the Aramaic manner', as suggested by Duhm on Is 12:2, nor is it due merely to the following 
Yodh, but is intended 'to facilitate the absorption of 7P'; so Geiger, Urschrift, p. 277 f); Thni 

1 l In the list of Palestinian towns taken by Pharaoh Shoshenq, the feminine town- 
names all end in t. Cf. also the Mesa inscription, line 3, riKT nMn this high place; 
line 26, rfrottn the highway [see also Driver, Tenses, § 181, note]. 

heritage, Ps 16:6 (either again for ^Tf?Ul my heritage, or for nritfn,!, cf. § 90 g, as probably 
also ITin; help, Ps 60: 13, 108: 13 for nritfTV). These forms are possibly survivals from a period 
when even final vowels were not supported by a vowel-letter. Cf. also TU '3 fecunda (a fruitful 
tree) Gn 49:22; rnrr abundance, Jer 48:36 (before V; but in Is 15:7 7T\Tp); my sleep (for rutf) 
Ps 132:4; and (unless the n is radical) in prose TW^? pelican (which reading is also preferable, 
in Is 34: 1 1, to the form JlKj?), also rnn,» the morrow, but in construct state always rnnaa. 1 — 
nVnri Jer 45:25 Qfre is no doubt intended to indicate the reading '■riVriri, parallel to 1 t?iil>»; cf. 
above, on rn»T, &c. 

(c) K 3, the Aramaic orthography for n ", chiefly in the later writers; KIT loathing, Nu 
11:20; NOT a terror, Is 19:17; NM> s/eep, Ps 127:2; K^V a lioness, Ez 19:2 (unless K>^? is 
intended); fcOtsB a mark, La 3:12; cf. also Kii'T threshing (participle Qal from tZ/H) Jer 50:11; 
Kin bitter, Ru 1:20. On the other hand, according to the western Masora, nrni? baldness is to 
be read in Ez 27:31; see Baer on the passage. 

(d) n :, an obtuse form of n ' (§ 27 u), only in ndl-tri for rTWO Is 59:5 (unless it is again a 
forma mixta combining the active ptcp. masc. rni-TH and the passive ptcp. fern. TWO); cf. rutf 
for nA Zc 5:4; nj(ff 1 K 2:36, 42 (§ 90 i, and § 48 d). 

(e) n ■ (^without the tone, e. g. nadh Dt 14:17 [Lv 11:18 Drn]; rntfa "rt3fl an oven heated, 
Ho 7:4; cf. Ez. 40: 19, 2 K 15:29, 16:18. In all those examples the usual tone-bearing n " is 
perhaps intended, but the Punctuators, who considered the feminine ending inappropriate, 
produced a kind of locative form (see § 90 c) by the retraction of the tone. [In 2 K 16: 18, Is 
24:19, Ez 21:31 (note in each case the following n), and in Jb 42:13, Ho 7:4, the text is 
probably in error.] 

(/) , I, as an old feminine termination, preserved also in Syriac (ai; see examples in 
Noldeke's Syrische Gram, § 83), in Arabic and (contracted to e) in Ethiopic, very probably 
occurs in the proper name r iE> Sarai, cf. Noldeke, ZDMG. xl. 183, and xlii. 484; also rntl>y ten 
if em.) undoubtedly arises from an original esray; so Wright, Comparative Grammar, p. 
138; Konig, Lehrgebdude, ii. 427. 

3. It is wholly incorrect to regard the vowe/-ending n ~ 2 as the original termination of the 
feminine, and the consonantal ending n " as derived from it. The Ethiopic still has the n 
throughout, so too the Assyrian (at, it); in Phoenician also the feminines end for the most part 
in n, which is pronounced at in the words found in Greek and Latin authors; less frequently in 
K (see Gesenius, Monumm. Phoen., pp. 439, 440; Schroder, Phon. Sprache, p. 169 ff). The 
ancient Arabic has the obtuse ending (ah) almost exclusively in pause; in modern Arabic the 
relation between the two endings is very much as in Hebrew. 

$81. Derivation of Norms. 

1 l In 1 S 20:27 also, where the Masora (see Baer on Jos 5:11) for some unknown 
reason requires rnnaa, read with ed. Mant, Jablonski, Opitius, and Ginsburg, rnnttft. 

2 2 In this ending the n h can only be considered consonantal in the sense that the n 
was originally aspirated, and afterwards 'the mute n was dropped before h, just as the 
old Persian mithra became in modern Persian mihf; so Socin, who also points to the 
Arabic pausal form in ah, and observes that among some of the modern Beduin an h 
is still heard as a fern, ending, cf. Socin, Diwan aus Centralarabien, iii. 98, ed. by H. 
Stumme, Lpz. 1901. In Hebrew this consonantal termination was entirely abandoned, 
at any rate in later times. 

Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 329 ff. 

Nouns are by their derivation either primitive, i.e. cannot be referred to any verbal 
stem at present extant (see § 82), such as 3N father, DN mother (but see both words in 
the Lexicon; according to Stade and others 3K, DK, &c, are children's words and terms 
of endearment, and so really primitive nouns), ox derivative, i.e. either Derivativa 
verbalia (§§ 83-5), e. g. h~) high, nttl high place, Di~ia height, from an to be high, or 
less frequently Derivativa denominativa (§ 86), e. g. ni 1 ?} - ^ the place at the feet, from 

Rem. 1. The earlier grammarians consider the verb alone as stem, and therefore all nouns 
as verbals, dividing them into (a) Formae nudae, i.e. such as have only the three (or two) 
radicals, and (b) Formae auctae, such as have formative letters or syllables added at the 
beginning or end, e. g. roVaa, iroVa. The formative letters used for this purpose are 1 1 r\ia K n 
(TmaNn), 1 and the treatment of nouns formerly followed this order. 

According to the view of roots and stems presented in § 30 d, nouns (other than 
denominatives) are derived not from the verbal stem, but either from the (abstract) root or 
from the still undefined stem. In the following pages, however, the arrangement according to 
the verbal stem is retained as being simpler for the beginner. Cf. § 79 a. 

2. Compound nouns as appellatives are very rare in Hebrew, e. g. Vycfra worthies sness, 
baseness. On the other hand, they very frequently occur as proper names, e. g. "PtO^l {man of 
God), D^irp (Yahwe raises up), irairp (Yahwe gave), 8ic.~ 

§ 82. Primitive Nouns. 

The number of primitive nouns in the sense used in § 81 is small, since nouns, 
which in other languages are represented as independent noun-stems, can easily be 
traced back in Hebrew to the verbal idea, e. g. names of animals and natural objects, 
as T37itf he-goat (prop, shaggy, from "itfttf), 7]~)'W barley (prop, prickly, also from "Witf), 
iTJ'OQ stork (prop, pia, sc. avis), 1T\\ gold (from 3riT=Dns to shine, to be yellow). Thus 
there remain only a few nouns, e. g. several names of members of the body in men or 
beasts, to which a corresponding verbal stem cannot be assigned at all, or at any rate 
only indirectly (from other Semitic dialects), as "Q<j£ horn, ~\\<§eye. 

§ 83. Verbal Nouns in General. 

1. In Hebrew, as in Greek and Latin, the verbal nouns are connected in form and 
meaning primarily with certain forms of the verb, especially the participles and 
infinitives, which are themselves, even in their ordinary form, frequently used 
precisely like nouns, e. g. T'K enemy, nytf to know, knowledge. Still oftener, however, 

1 l From this vox memorialis the nomina aucta are also called by the older 
grammarians nomina heemantica. 

2 2 G. Rammelt {liber die zusammengesetzten Nomina im Hebr., Halle, 1883, and 
Leipzig, 1884) recognizes as appellatives only S?T?9¥ (cf- below, § 85 w) and T\\ ft 1 ?? 
(the latter certainly incorrectly [see, however, Noldeke, ZATW 1897, p. 183 ff]). In p. 
8 ff. the author gives a list of 'logical compounds', i.e. new terms formed by 
composition with the negatives K' 1 ?, ,l ?3, '^a. 

certain forms of the infinitive and participle, which are seldom or never found as such 
in the strong verb, though in use in the weak verb and in the kindred dialects, came to 
be commonly used for the verbal noun; e. g. the participial form "70 jj, the infinitives of 
the (Aramaic) form ^Up?? (as a noun also ^Utfti), further n^dt% 7b\)\?, 7t?V\?, rfjtfi? (§ 45 
d), &c. Others (as the Arabic shows) are properly intensive forms of the participle. 

2. As regards their meaning, it follows from the nature of the case that nouns 
which have the form of the infinitive regularly denote the action or state, with other 
closely related ideas, and are therefore mostly abstract; while the participial nouns, on 
the contrary, denote for the most part the subject of the action or state, and are 
therefore concrete. Moreover, it is to be noticed, that a particular meaning is attached 
to many of the special forms of derivative nouns, although it does not appear equally 
in them all. 

Rem. It need not appear strange, when we consider the analogy of other languages, that a 
noun which in form is properly abstract afterwards acquired a concrete sense, and vice versa. 
So in English, we say his acquaintance, for the persons with whom he is acquainted; the 
Godhead for God himself; in Hebrew Vlia acquaintance and an acquaintance. 

The inner connexion in thought between Semitic noun-forms and the corresponding 
verbal forms is investigated in the works of De Lagarde and Barth (see the titles at the head of 
§ 79) on very different lines, but with many points of agreement. De Lagarde starts from the 
fact that language consists of sentences. A sentence which consists of only one word is called 
a verb, and anything which serves as a complement to it is a noun. The oldest form of the 
sentence is the imperative. Closely related to it are three kinds of sentences of the nature of 
verbal forms, differing according as the property of the particular object of sense is to be 
represented as invariable (form qatula), or as liable to change (form qatila), or, finally, as a 
circumstance which takes place before our eyes (form qatala). Like the imperative, these 
three forms of sentences have also been transformed into nouns, by means of certain phonetic 
changes, — especially by the omission of the final vowels and the addition of different 
terminations to the last consonant of the stem. But just as the forms of the verbal sentence 
undergo numerous modifications (in the tenses, moods, and conjugations), so also do the 
nouns, sometimes by assimilation of the unessential to the characteristic vowel {qutul, qitil), 
sometimes by the lengthening of the characteristic vowel (qatul, qatit, qatdl), or else through 
the displacement of the accent and the consequent reduction of the noun to a monosyllabic 
form {qatl, qutl, qitl), or, finally, by their being formed from the derived stems (or 
conjugations), e. g. qattal, qattdl; qutil, qittdl, &c. Further modifications arise from the use of 
the various imperfect and infinitive forms, and also from the employment of the prefix m. 
Lastly, denominalia are formed from deverbalia by appending certain suffixes. 

De Lagarde does not, however, claim to be able to show in the case of each particular 
noun the sense it conveyed in primitive times; the origin of a number of nouns can now no 
longer be detected. In those, however, which are clearly derived from verbs, the original 
meaning is chiefly determined by the characteristic vowel. 

Barth's system is based on the thesis that 'all Semitic nouns, adjectives, and participles 
are derived from either the perfect or the imperfect stem'. Thus, e. g. ViQi? is the infinitive of 
the perfect stem, Vdj? the infinitive of the imperfect stem, 3DiZ> infinitive of 3?E", &c. In 
dissyllabic noun-forms the second vowel is always alone characteristic and essential, the first 
vowel unessential, and therefore variable. Further modifications of the simple form are 
effected by strengthening (sharpening) the second or third consonant, by lengthening the 
characteristic vowel (instead of which, however, the feminine termination may also be used), 

or by 'metaplasm', i.e. by the use of noun-forms derived from one of the two intransitive 
stems for the other, e. g. qutl for qitl, and vice versa. 

In nouns of the perfect stem, the vowels i and u indicate intransitive formations, the 
vowel a a transitive sense. In nouns of the imperfect stem on the contrary, u and i, being 
characteristic vowels, indicate a transitive and a an intransitive sense: for yaqtulu is imperfect 
of the transitive perfect qatala, and yaqtulu imperfect of the intransitive perfects qatila and 
qatula, &c. This explains how nouns, apparently identical in form, may yet in sense belong to 
different classes: a qutl- form from a w-imperfect has a transitive meaning, but the same form 
from a w-perfect has an intransitive meaning. This double system of perfect and imperfect 
forms runs through the whole scheme of noun-formation, not only the forms connected with 
the conjugations, but also the forms with prefixes and suffixes. 

Against the whole theory it has been urged that it postulates for the development of the 
language a much too abstract mechanism, and further, that the meanings of words as we find 
them may in many cases be due to a modification of the original sense. But though many of 
the details (e. g. the alleged unessential character of the vowel of the first syllable) remain 
doubtful, yet the agreement between the characteristic vowel of certain noun formations and 
that of the perfect or imperfect stem, is supported by such a number of incontestable 
instances, that there can be no doubt as to a systematic, intimate connexion between the two. 
At the same time it must be admitted that De Lagarde has put forward many important and 
suggestive points, and both scholars agree in laying stress on one characteristic vowel as 
indicative of the meaning. 

§ 84a. Nouns derived from the Simple Stem. 

Preliminary remark. — From the statement made above, § 83 d, it follows that an external 
similarity between forms is no proof of their similar origin, and, vice versa, external 
difference does not exclude the possibility of their being closely related both in origin and 

Nouns with One Vowel, originally Short. 

R. Ruzicka, 'Beitrage zur Erklarung der nomina segolata, ' in Sitz.-ber. d. bohmischen 
Ges. d. Wiss., Prag, 1904. 

1. Nouns with one of the three short vowels after the first radical: present ground-form 
qaO, qitl, qutl. 

The supposition of monosyllabic ground- forms appeared to be required by the character 
of forms now existing in Hebrew, as well as in Arabic, &c. But there are strong reasons for 
believing that at least a large proportion of these forms go back to original dissyllabic bases 
with a short vowel in each syllable. When formative additions were made, the vowel of the 
2nd syllable was dropped, i.e. before case-endings in Assyrian and early Arabic, and before 
pronominal suffixes in Hebrew. From the forms thus produced, the bases qaO, qitl, qutl have 
been assumed, although they never appear in Hebrew except in the singular and then in 
connexion with suffixes. 

In support of this view of a large number of original dissyllabic bases, we must not, 
however, appeal to the S e ghol or Pathah under the 2nd consonant of the existing developed 
forms, -|Q(£, $n(£ &c. These are in no sense survivals or modifications of an original full 
vowel in the 2nd syllable, but are mere helping-vowels (§ 28 e) to make the monosyllabic 

forms pronounceable, 1 and consequently disappear when no longer needed. Under certain 
circumstances even (e. g. in tptz>p) they are not used at all. Actual proofs of such original 
toneless full vowels in the 2nd syllable of existing Segholates are — 

1. Forms like Arab, melik, for which rarely malk, corresponding to the Hebrew ground- 
form; cf. De Lagarde, Uebersicht, p. 72 ff 

2. In Hebrew ~\7<£, J}<£, Ticf, ^ricf, the connective forms of Tja, "JT, &c, which latter can 
only come from ground-forms gadir, yank, karid, katip, . 

3. The forms treated under e, which are in many ways related to the Segholates proper, in 
so far as they are to be referred to original dissyllabic bases. 

4. The plurals of Hebrew Segholates, since, with very rare exceptions, they take QameS 
under the 2nd radical before the termination D 1 ", fem. ni~, of the absolute state, as ffoVa, 
niDVa, D'HQO, &c. This QameSsec note 1 on § 26 e) can only be due to a lengthening of an 
original short vowel in the 2nd syllable, and hence it would seem as though the vowel were 
always a. This is impossible from what has been said, especially under 1 and 2. Hence the 
explanation of the consistent occurrence of QameS in the plurals of all Segholates can only be 
that the regularly formed plurals (i.e. from singulars with original a in the 2nd syllable) 
became the models for all the others, and ultimately even for some really monosyllabic 
forms. 2 

(a) From the strong stem the above three ground-forms are further developed to Vtpfjf, 1 
Vtpcjf, Vtpcfp (cf. § 27 r and in § 93 the explanations of Paradigm I, a-c); without a helping 
vowel (§ 28 d) tpttfp truth. If the second or third radical be a guttural, a helping Pathah takes 
the place of the helping S e ghol, according to § 22 d, e. g. m~\(£seed, nxtf eternity, VvcTq work; 
but with middle n or n, note unS bread, antf (as well as Diid) womb, Vncftf tent, ]7)& thumb; so 
with final K, K}<£ a wild ass, &c; with a middle guttural also the modification of the principal 

1 l According to Delitzsch {Assyr. Gram., p. 157 f.) the same is true in Assyrian of the 
corresponding gaff-forms. Without case-endings they are kalab, somas, aban (= 3^ |, 
$£ $, p $), with case-endings kalbn, samsu, abnu. On the other hand, ace. to 
Sievers, Metrik, i. 261, Hebrew ground-forms probably have a twofold origin: they 
are shortened according to Hebrew rules partly from old absolute forms like kalbu, 
sifru, qiidsu, and partly from old construct-forms like the Assyrian types kalab, sifir, 

2 2 On the other hand, Ungnad, ZA. 1903, p. 333 ff., rejecting all previous 
explanations, maintains that the a in rrfldkhi m, rrflakhoth is inserted merely to 
facilitate the pronunciation. From qath m arose qaClim, then qatali m and finally 
q e tah m. See, however, Noldeke, 'Zur semit. Pluralendung, ' ZA. 1904, p. 68 ff., 
who points out that the Semitic nouns_ya /, fi l,fu I with their corresponding 
femininesya la, &c, on assuming the plural termination commonly take an a before 
the 3rd radical, but that no satisfactory account can be given for it. M. Margolis, 'The 
plural of Segolates' (Proc. of the Philol. Assoc, of the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 
1903, p. 4 ff.), and S. Brooks, Vestiges of the broken plural in Hebrew, Dublin, 1883, 
explain m e lakhi m as a.pluralisfractus. 

3 3 It is worthy of notice that St. Jerome also (cf. Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 76) frequently 
represents the vowel of the first syllable by a, e. g. gader, aben, ader, areb, for TIJ, 
p$, Ti^, n'DD, but cedem, secel, deber, &c, for D^ , *?#$, 13jj, &c. 

vowel a to e does not occur, e. g. 3nd, 157<J filtf (exceptions, again, ontf, Dncf). On the 
inflexion, cf. § 93, Paradigm I, a-f, and the explanations. In Ktpn sin, the K has wholly lost its 
consonantal value. 

Examples of feminines: nsVa (directly from the ground-form malk, king), rnrio a covering 
(also iriG$), rhixfood (also VDdk); with a middle guttural rra ,3 g/rZ, rnn.E) /wrty (also "incfo). 
Cf. § 94, Paradigm I. 

(b) From weak stems: (a) from stems ]"V, e. g. f]K «ose (from awp, hence with formative 
additions, e. g. 'SK for 'anpf,my nose); IV a she-goat (ground-form mz); fem. ntpn wheat, (P) 
from stems 57"37 (§ 93, Paradigm I, l-n); n? a morsel, DV people (so, when in close connexion 
with the next word; unconnected DV; with article DVH, tif?, &c); 31 in the sense of much, but 
31 great, numerous (in close connexion also 1~i); 5T) evz7, with the article in close connexion 
Vin, unconnected Vin; with the a always lengthened to a, U] sea; fem. HTi /z/e, and with 
attenuation of the a to hTTin measure; from the ground-form qiti, DK mother; fem. HU o 
shearing; from the ground-form g«ff, p'n statute, fem. nj?n. (y) from stems V'S? (Paradigm I, g 
and /'); Ti]<& death (from md-ut, the h passing into the corresponding consonant, as in "]}<$ 
middle) or contracted Di 1 <a?qy, tait£> w/zto, liiz; o /3h//; fem. nVlV perverseness (also contracted 
nViy); from the ground-form g«ff, 115£ a rock; fem. HQ1D a storm. (5) from stems v, y (Paradigm 
I, h); rpqTaw olive-tree (with a helping Mreg instead of a helping S e ghol) from zo-zY, the / 
passing into the corresponding consonant; or contracted pTj bosom, Vti 2 K 18:17 (elsewhere 
V?<!f) /zo^f; fem. n:Ptl> grey hair; from the ground-form qiti, ^judgement; fem. nr? 
understanding, (e) from stems H" 1 ? (Paradigm I, k); partly forms such as 70<& weeping, rntf 
murmuring, nitf a present, 7VX<$ the end, partly such as 'OS, 1 "1K a lion (ground-form bdky, dry); 
cf. also the forms from stems originally I" 1 ?, 1!"l(i£> swimming (ground-form sdhw); fem. rnVtf 
rest, HIN.J exaltation; from stems v ' 1 7, rrVx a/af to/7, and with attenuation of a to zTp:itt> 
captivity, also rp:iE>, formed no doubt directly from the masc. 'Ottf with the fem. termination n; 
from the ground-form qiti, "'sn (from hiSy); fem. rniny'oy, rmy and 7\T\V nakedness; from the 
ground-form quti, inc& (from bohw) waste, ^lncTfi emptiness; ,1 7'7, for ^l, bucket; fem. n^K a 
s/zzp (directiy from ''IK a fleet). 

The masculines as well as the feminines of these segholate forms may have either an 
abstract or a concrete meaning. In the form Vocfp the passive or at any rate the abstract 
meaning is by far the more common (e. g. ~\V&youthfulness, abstract of ~\V<iboy; ^'D&food, 
&C.). 1 

2. Nouns with one of the three short vowels under the second radical (present ground- 
form q e tSil, q e Kil, q e Kii), e. g. ViJ 7 } honey, ">Y} sickness, nrin terror; and so always with middle H, 
"7K3 a well, 3KT a wolf, IZ/N3 stench. In reality these forms, like the segholates mentioned in No. 
1 (see above, a), are, probably, for the most part to be referred to original dissyllabic forms, 
but the tone has been shifted from its original place (the penultima) on to the ultima. Thus 
dibds (originally dibas) as ground-form of E*3"7 is supported both by the Hebrew ^yi (with 
suffix of the first person), and by the Arabic dibs, the principal form; biir (according to 
Philippi with assimilation of the vowel of the second syllable to that of the first) as ground- 

1 l M. Lambert also (REJ. 1896, p. 18 ff.), from statistics of the Segholates, arrives at 
the conclusion that the qati-form is especially used for concretes (in nouns without 
gutturals he reckons twenty concretes as against two abstracts), and the gtf-form, and 
less strictly the qtt, for abstracts. 

form of "1N3 is attested by the Arabic bir; for E>N3 (Arabic bus) similarly a ground-form bum 
may be inferred, just as a ground-form quM underlies the infinitives of the form V Dp. 1 

Nouns with an original Short Vowel in both Syllables. 

3. The ground-form qatal, fem. qatalat, developed in Hebrew to Vtpp (§ 93, Paradigm II, 
a, b) and nVtpp (§§ 94, 95, Paradigm II, a, b), mostly forms intransitive adjectives, as D3ii wise, 
Enn new, ~Wl upright; but also substantives, as "ITJ a word, and even abstracts, as DB*K guilt, 
3SH hunger, V3tl> satiety; in the fem. frequently abstract, as HpTO 2 righteousness; with an initial 
guttural nniK eartA. — Of the same formation from verbs V"V are T73 alone, ]1V cloud; passive 
VVn pierced. — In verbs H" 1 ? a final 7d<a% is almost always rejected, and the a of the second 
syllable lengthened to e. Thus ~>~w field, after rejection of the , and addition of n as a vowel- 
letter, becomes rntz> (cf. § 93, Paradigm 11, J); fem. e. g. nxti year; cf. § 95, Paradigm II, c. 
From a verb I" 1 ? the strong form W afflicted occurs. 

4. The ground-form qapf, fem. qatilat, developed to "?Qp (§ 93, Paradigm II, c-e) and 
nVop, is frequently used as participle of verbs middle e (§ 50 b), and hence mostly with an 
intransitive meaning; cf. ]pT old, an old man; "733 heavy; fem. nans cattle, nVQK and rDETj 
darkness. — From verbs V 'Q: irregularly, IW 1 ?,;? ?Ae branches of it, Jer 11:16, &c, generally 
referred to a swg. T\~h^\ (stem n 1 ?"?), and vrrVH.n Ho 14:1 their women with child (from rnn, sf. 
constr. T\~\7\,plur. st. absol. and constr. niin). — From a verb T'V with consonantal Waw: iVe* af 
ease, incorrectly written /?/e«e tVe* Jb 21:23. 

5. The ground-form qatul, developed to V Dp (also written ViQp), generally forms 
adjectives, e. g. D^N terrible, "713 piebald, pina sweet, 1'pl speckled, n'3V interwoven, VlS? 
round, p'av deep, 3'pV Az7/y, 3'nx golden; ] 'tap small, only in sing, masc, with a parallel form 
Itpp of the class treated under/ fem. n|Qp, plur. D^Dp. These forms are not to be confounded 
with those in No. Ill, from the ground-form qat&l. — Fem. n»?K, nTO3 {glorious), HMV, TiUV, 
(delicate), nViy, npav, with sharpening of the third radical, in order to keep the original u 
short, and similarly in the plurals D''T]?, O^p}, O 11 ?^, Q , ?9^ stores, &c. 

6. The ground-form gz?a7 develops to Vtpp (cf. § 93, Paradigm II, Rem. 1), e.g. 33 1 ? heart, 
31V o bunch of grapes, ~QK> strong drink; from a verb H" 1 ?, probably of this class is nsn, 
generally contracted to ^friend, ground-form ri 'ay: the full form is preserved in inch his 
friend, for irPGp]. 

Nouns with an original Short Vowel in the First and a Long Vowel in the Second 


7. The ground-form qatal in Hebrew always develops to the form ViQp, the a becoming an 
obscure 6. The fact that this form is also written V op must not lead to the confusion of these 
forms with those mentioned in No. 5, from the ground-form qatal. ' Moreover the qatol-class 

1 l On this theory cf. Stade, Hebrdische Grammatik, § 199 b; De Lagarde, Ubersicht, 
p. 57 f.; A. Miiller, ZDMG. xlv, p. 226, and especially Philippi, ZDMG. xlix, p. 208. 

2 2 In St. Jerome's time these forms were still pronounced Sadaca (7\\?1%), Saaca 
(npys), nabala (rfa}), &c, see Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 79. Moreover, the numerous 
abstracts of this form (e. g. even riD^i? a splintering, 7\T\y% a crying, &c.) are 
undoubtedly to be regarded (with Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 87) as feminines of 
infinitives of the form qaffl, the lengthening of the second syllable being balanced, as 
in other cases, by the addition of the feminine termination. 

1 l In Na 1 :3 only the Q e re requires -1 ?7J (in the constr. state) for the iCthi bh ^ITJ. 

includes forms of various origin, and therefore of various meaning, as (a) intransitive 
adjectives like Vi"n great, E>i"7i? holy, fem. nVi"?}, the short vowel becoming S e wa, whereas in 
ViTl, &c, before the tone it is lengthened to a; (b) the infinitives absolute of the form ViUi? (§ 
45 a) as representing the abstract idea of the verb, and abstract substantives like Tta3 honour, 
orby? peace (Arab, sdldm); (c) substantives and adjectives in an active sense, as lira assayer 
(of metals,) pitt>y an oppressor, fian oppressing; in the feminine rni},3 treacherous Jer 3:7, 
10, the irregular retention of the a in the third syllable from the end is no doubt to be 
explained, with Brockelmann, from Aramaic influence, the punctuator having in mind the 
Aramaic nomen agentis qdpl. 

8. The ground-form qapl develops to ^tpj? (cf. § 93, Paradigm IV, a and b). Here also 
forms of various origin and meaning are to be distinguished: (a) adjectives used substantially 
with a passive meaning to denote duration in a state, as TDK a prisoner, rp$» an anointed one. 
These proper qaht-iorms are parallel to the purely passive qatfd-forms (see m), but others are 
due to a strengthening of original qapl-forms. These are either (b) intransitive in meaning, as 
T5?X small, and, from v ' 1 7 stems, ''pi pure, ^V poor (see § 93 vv), or (c) active, as JC23 a speaker 
(prophet), TpS an overseer. — Of a different kind again (according to Do Lagarde, infinitives) 
are (d) forms like rpDN the ingathering, TX3 vintage, c/'nn ploughing time, TXj? harvest. On 
qattit forms with a kindred meaning, cf. § 84b f. 

9. The ground-form qattil develops to ^Bj?. As in the qatal and qattl-forms (see k and 1), 
so here forms of various kinds are to be distinguished: (a) qatiil-forms proper, with passive 
meaning, especially all the passive participles of Qal; fem. e.g. nVina virgin (properly 
secluded). On the other hand, by strengthening an original qatiil-form we get (b) certain 
stative adjectives (§ 50 f), as ttfUN incurable, DOT strong, DOT subtil, or even transitive, as WN 
holding; (c) active substantives, as E^p? a fowler. Further, some of the forms mentioned in § 
84b g belong to this class; see above, the remark on 1. 

10. The ground-form qitdl or quM 1 in Hebrew changes the i\o vocal S'wd, and develops 
to Vtpp (cf. § 93, Paradigm IV, c) or ViUp, with a obscured to 6 (as above, k). Cf. ~iNE> remnant, 
"ij?? honour, 3T13 book (Arab, kitdb), 31p war (the last three probably loan-words from the 
Aramaic); of the other form, DiVn a dream, linn an ass (Arab, himdr), ni"7K God (Arab, 'itdh); 
with K prosthetic (§ 19 m), Vi~iTK arm (twice: usually yilT); fem. rnit£>3 good news (Arab. 
bisdrdt); rni3V service, H1C&3 (Arab, kitdbdt) tattooing. 

11. The ground-form qitit seems to occur e.g. in Hebrew V^N foolish, ^Vn vanity, Vhs 
lead, ^DS a fool, TTn a swine (the prop, name TTn points to the ground-form qitit, cf. Arab. 

12. The ground-form qitCd or qutCd, Hebr. ^EJj?, e.g. 'pllJ a boundary, mdb a garment; 
fem. rnui strenght, HMN faithfulness. 

Rem. When the forms ^ e fiJ/ and g e 65/ begin with N, they almost invariably take in the 
singular a Sere under the K instead of the ordinary Hakph-S e ghol; cf. DUN a crib, 'pEN thread, 
11&N faithful, TTN hyssop, TIN a waist-band, ~i ION a fto«c/, TDK a« 'ephod'; cf. § 23 h, and the 
analogous cases of .Sere for Hafeph-S'ghdl in verbal forms § 52 n, § 63 p, § 76 d. 

2 2 On the/?/ 'd/-forms (regarded by Wellhausen as original diminutives) see Noldeke, 
Beitradge (Strassb. 1904), p. 30 ff. He includes among them T)~)')J} tow, and D'l'nt? 

Nouns with a Long Vocal in the First Syllable and originally a Short Vowel in the 

Second Syllable. 

13. The ground-form qdtSl, in Hebrew, always changes the a into an obscure 6, Vtpip 
(Vtp'p), e.g. D^iV (§ 93, Paradigm III, a), Arab, 'dlam, eternity; Driin (Arab, hdtam) a seal 
(according to Barth a loan-word of Egyptian origin), fem. nadf'n (from hotamt); yVin worm 
(unless from a stem yVl, like 3E>ifi from 3tzn; see the analogous cases in § 85 b). On the 
participles Qal of verbs 7\"b (§93, Paradigm III, c), cf. § 75 e; on the feminines of the 
participles Qal, which are formed with the termination n, see below, s. 

Rem. Of a different kind (probably from a ground-form qauttl) are such forms as ]3iK (or 
■JDTK Ez 10:9 in the same verse) a wheel; Vra a young bird, 11\1 wax, &c. 

14. The ground-form qd hi also becomes in Hebrew almost invariably Voip (Vo'p). Besides 
participles active masc. Qal this class includes also feminines of the form nVflS" p, if their 
ground-form qotalt (§ 69 c) goes back to an original qdp.lt. The substantives of this form, 
such as ]T\' 3 priest (Arab, kdhih), were also originally participles Qal. The fem. of the 
substantives has e (lengthened from zjretained before the tone, e.g. Vtfl'? a woman in travail 
(cf. also Till'2 the treacherous woman, Jer 3:8; nyV^n her that halteth, Mi 4:6 f, Zp 3:19; 
rnrTD a buckler, Ps 91:4); the participles as a rule have the form 7\'ii\'>, &c, the original i 
having become S e wd; however, the form with Sere occurs also in the latter, Is 29:6, 8, 34:9, 
Ps 68:26, 118:16 (all in principal pause; in subordinate pause 2 S 13:20, Is 33:14; with a 
conjunctive accent, Ct 1:6). Cf. n»»'E> 2 S 13:20 

15. The ground-form qutdl, Hebrew Voip (as Vai 1 river, Jer 17:8) or Vtpip e.g. 11157 a pipe, 
commonly 1157, and to be so read, with Baer, also in Ps 150:4, not 1157. 

Nouns with a Long Vowel in each Syllable 

16. VitD 1 ?, e.g. "licpp smoke. The few forms of this kind are probably derived from the 
ground-form qibdl (qittdl ?), i.e. the original a has become an obscure 6. 

§ 84b. Formation of Nouns from the Intensive Stem. 

This includes all forms which have arisen, either through the doubling of the 
middle radical, or the repetition of one or of two consonants of the simple stem. 

Nouns with the Middle Consonant sharpened. 

As in the corresponding verbal stems (cf. § 52 f), so also in some noun-formations of this 
class, the Dages in the second radical expresses an intensification of the idea of the stem, 
either emphasizing the energy of the action or relation, or else indicating a longer continuance 
of the relation or state. Other nouns of this character are evidently only by-forms of the nouns 
derived from the simple stem, which were treated in the last section: cf. the instances adduced 
under/andg, and Barth, Nominalbildung, Introd., p. x. 

17. The ground-form qat&l is mostly lengthened in Hebrew to Vtpp; cf. W a stag, fem. 
nW, constr. st. rfr<& (from 'ayyalt); cf. also the fem. (originating from Qal) ron, 1 ? aflame 
(according to § 27 q for lahhabha), rD1,n dry land (for harrabhd), nptfj and nncfp a burning 
fever, TIW21 and fiE'd? dry land, nytfo a seal-ring, DQCfE' consumption. Adjectives of this class 
('intensified participles of the active verb', Barth, ibid., § 33) are Ktpn sinful, H30 wont to gore, 

N|p jealous, #03 (for kahhds, by § 22 c) /_y/«g. Nomina opiflcum also, curiously enough, are so 
treated in Hebrew (at least in the constr. state of the sing.), although the corresponding Arabic 
form qattdl points to an original (unchangeable) a in the second syllable; cf. 331 a thief, a 
judge {constr. st. ]^ Ps 68:6), I"13Q a cook, Ehn (for harrds) artificer {constr. st. Bhrj, butplur. 
constr. ''tJh.n); Bh9 horseman (for parrds), const, st. Eh9 Ez 26:10. 

18. The ground-form ^zft"a/ appears in nns ofry, HXJ haughty (the /"being lengthened to e 
according to § 22 c), if these forms go back to original Sihhay, gf'ay. On the analogy, 
however, of the adjectives denoting defects (see d below), we should rather expect a ground- 
form qitttl; moreover, 'iwwalt, ground-form of the fern. nVdk foolishness, goes back to an 
original iwwilt, see § 69 c. 

19. The ground-form quttdl and quttul; cf. the fern, nacfo spelt, racfris coat. 

20. The ground-form qattit; from the intensive stem, the infinitives Pi 'el of the form Vfip. 

21. The ground-form tfzjfei r , in Hebrew lengthened to Vtsp. Of this form are a considerable 
number of adjectives which denote a bodily or mental fault or defect. Cf. "iQN disabled, dVk 
dumb, ]21 hump-backed, ~iW /3/zW, tthfl deaf {for hirres), 0Q9 /a/we, rnp /3aW, E>py perverse; 
0p9 open-eyed follows the same analogy. 

22. The ground-form qattfil, cf. the remarks in b above, on the nomina opiflcum; 
moreover, to this class belong infinitives Pi 'el of the Aramaic form rnp3 a searching out; 
ntz>p3 a request; with middle guttural (see § 22 c) nXN,3 contumely; but cf. also 'pdriXfrU Ez 

35: 12, with full lengthening of the original a before X; TiWl comfort. From the attenuation of 
the a of this form to i" arises undoubtedly: 

23. The ground-form qittdl, e.g. ~I3N husbandman (Arab, 'akkdr). 

24. The ground-form qittdl, most probably only a variety of the form qattdl with the a 
attenuated to /"(as in No. 23), and the a obscured to 6 (as in n and r); cf. "113} hero (Arab. 
gabbdr), 11D 1 caviller, 119^ {piper or chirper) a bird, ~ii3E> drunkard. On the other hand, Ti 1 ? 1 
/3or« probably arises from yullod, an old participle passive of £)a/, the h being dissimilated in 
the sharpened syllable before 6: so Barth, ibid., p. 41 f 

25. The ground-form qattit, V'fip, almost exclusively of persons, who possess some 
quality in an intensive manner, e.g. T3N strong, p 1 ^ righteous, rp"l3 fugitive (for barrfh), 
fiy violent (for 'arris). 

That some of these are only by-forms of the gafi/-class (see above, remark on a), appears 
from the constr. st. f "19 ravenous, Is 35:9 (but D , :T'i i 9, T"l,9 always), and according to Barth 
{ibid., 35 a) also from the constr. st. T3K (but also T3N 1 S 21:8) of T3N. However, the form 
T3N, as a name of God, may be intentionally differentiated from T3N, a poetic term for the 

In the same way TDK prisoner, D'HD eunuch {constr. st. always D'HD, plur. D'D'H.D, constr. 
st. •'p'HD Gn 40:7, but in the book of Esther always "'D'n.D, with suffix Tpn.p, &c), and pW 
weaned, may be regarded as by-forms of the qa tit-class with passive meaning, see § 84a 1. 

26. The ground-form qattdl, Vltap, e.g. fun gracious, D^iITi compassionate (with virtual 
strengthening of the n), fnn diligent (for harrds), probably, again, to a large extent by-forms 
of the qdtul-class, § 84a m. The same applies to substantives like >E>N a step (in 'H.-E'K, as 

well as i"itz/N, &c), TW pillar, fem. 7T\XnT\ a stripe {also irron), nines security: cf. Barth, 
ibid.,§ 84. 

27. The ground-form qattol; besides the infinitives absolute Pi 'el of the form Vtsj?, also 
Ni3j? jealous (as well as N|p, an obscured form oiqattal, see e). 

28. The ground-form qitfid, ViBp, e.g. '"1SS a coating of metal, DlVttf requital, ^pE> drink, 
■plpE* detestable thing; with concrete meaning naV a disciple, my strong; frequently in the 
plural in an abstract sense, as D 1 ?^ reproach, D^Va filling (the induction of a priest), cran,} 
consolations, compassion, W^Jti bereavement, D , n 1 7E> dismissal, D , "iaK> observance. 

Nouns with the Third Consonant repeated. 

29. The ground-form qatjal, e.g. l^Ktl* gw/e?, fem. niiN.E' (with sharpening of the second 
M2«, in order to keep the preceding vowel short); ]l¥ :t ~\ green, plur. D^Sp. 

30. The ground-form qdOif, in Hebrew V?t?p; of this form are e.g. the infinitives Pi lei 
(prop. Pa 'lei), cf. § 55 d. 

31. The ground-form qaOul; so the plur. Q^IJ ridges (with sharpening of the M?«, as in 
No. 29). 

32. The ground-form qitidl, in nrn? a brood. 

33. The ground-form qiiUal, in ^IpK faint. 

34. The ground-form qdOit, e.g. EPtplS? plunder, TH10 rain-storm, T"1QK> glittering tapestry, 
Jer 43: 10 QVe; with attenuation of the a to / D'nnM a// f/zaf malceth black, Jb 3:5 (but the 
better reading is 1 Tn»?). 

35. The ground-form qaOul, e.g. 111QB* Jer 43: 10 A*//?.; Q^QISK^ adulteries. 

Nouns with the Second and Third Consonants repeated. 

36-39. Q e t&ltdl, q e tdltil, q e tdltul; q e 0ltdl, q e tdlpl (in fem. andplur. often with the last 
consonant sharpened for the reason given in a above); cf. "JSOQn crooked, nipVpVn slippery 
places, niVpVpy cooked (ways); Vfl'tflS tortuous; also words denoting colours, DTO1K (Lv 
13:42, 49 in pause) reddish, fem. nacfniK, plur. n'anaiK; pnpT greenish, plur. fem. n'pnpT; 
q e taltil, n'iPEP very fair (to be read in Jer 46:20 for rraniP); q e taltul, rndrnntf (fem.) blackish; 
lOQON a rabble (augmented from f^iDX collected). From a verb V 'Q with aphaeresis of the initial 
syllable D^K^ offspring. Moreover, of the same form, probably, is nnran a trumpet (for 
rransi, cf. § 55 e). Also in Is 2:20 nilS'iQn, 1 ? is to be read instead of nil? ~\'BXp_ (from the sing. 
rnEn?n a digging or burrowing animal, perhaps the mole). But nipnpSi opening, Is 61: 1 (ed. 
Mant, Baer, Ginsb. ilipTipQ), is an evident mistake due to dittography; read n'pQ as in 42:7. 

Nouns in which the Whole (Biliteral) Stem is repeated. 

Naturally this class includes only isolated forms of the stems rv and V"V (on ni'D 1 , s see § 
96 under TIB). Thus: — 

40. ^a a wheel, and, with attenuation of the first a to O^ (from Vw); fem. nVnVn 
anguish (from Vin or V^n); 133 (for kirkar) a talent; cf. also 3313 a 5 tor (from kawkab, Arabic 
kaukab, for 3333), n'Qtpitp bands, for n'QOQO; VxVx probably a whirring locust. 

41. "7373 infin. Pilpel (prop. PalpiT) from "713; fem. nVoVo a hurling (from VlB). 

42. "7373 perhaps a raZxy (for kadkud), from T73. 

43. "7'P7J7 //ze crow« o/7/ze head (for qudqud), from T7p; fem. nVcfoVj a ste// (for gulgult), 
from V7l. 

44. Tint girded, from 111; p!3p3 a bottle, from pp3; DnriS fattened birds(l). 

§ 85. Nouns with Preformatives and Afformatives. 

These include nouns which are directly derived from verbal forms having 
preformatives {Hiph 'it, Hoph 'al, Hithpa 'el, Niph 'al, &c), as well as those which are 
formed with other preformatives (X, \ a, 1, n), and finally those which are formed with 
afformatives. The quadriliterals and quinqueliterals also are taken in connexion with 
these formations, inasmuch as they arise almost always by the addition or insertion of 
one or two consonants to the triliteral stem. 

Nouns with Preformatives. 

45. Nouns with K prefixed. Cf. the substantives with K prosthetic (§ 19 m), such as VilTK 
arm (Jer 32:21, Jb 31:22; elsewhere always VilT); V3^K a finger, HS/lN a locust, ^-iixfist 
(others mattock, or clod), rni&t£>N or rncf»K>K a watch. In these examples the K is a 'euphonic' 
prefix (Barth, ibid., § 150 b); in other cases it is 'essential'; cf. especially the adjectives, 3T3K 
deceitful, 1T3K cruel, irpK perennial (for 'aitan) [=the Arab. L elative\ used for expressing the 
compar. and superl. degrees]. The fem. rn3TK fragrant part 1 (of the meal-offering) is anomen 
verbale of Hiph 'it, answering to the Aramaic infinitive of the causal stem ('Aph 'el), hence 
with suff nrn,3TN Lv 2:2, &c. 

46. Nouns with n prefixed. Besides the ordinary infinitives of Hiph 'it "?Dpn and V^ppn, of 
Niph 'al Vopn, Vopn (for hinq.), and of the conjugations formed with the prefix 1)7), this class 
also includes some rare nomina verbalia derived from Hiph 'it '(cf. § 72 z), viz. rnsn 
appearance (from 131), Is 3:9; rrajrj a swinging (from t]M), [Is 30:28; nrun a rest-giving, Est 
2:18]; nV^n deliverance (from b%i), [Est 4: 14 an Aram, form: cf. niTH Dn 5:20]; perhaps also 
byn palace, from haikal, unless it is borrowed from the Assyrian; see the Lexicon. Cf. also 
nppn Ezr 4:22. 

47. Nouns with , prefixed, as ins? oil, mpbl wallet, ^WT owl(l); from verbs V'V, e.g. Dip? a 
living thing, "Mi 1 a range; from a verb v, y, 3 r V an adversary. Of a different character are the 
many proper names which have simply adopted the imperfect form, as 3 'PV,,1, pns% &c. 

48. Nouns with a prefixed. This pre formative Mem, which is no doubt connected with , Q 
who, and na what (see § 37 and § 52 c), appears in a very large number of nouns, and serves 
to express the most varied modifications of the idea of the stem: (1) a subjective, when 
preformative of the participles Pi 'el, Hiph 'it, Hithpa 'el, and other active conjugations. (2) a 

1 l Or perhaps more correctly with Jacob, ZAW. 1897, p. 79, 'declaration, ' i.e. the 
part of the meal-offering which 'announces the sacrifice and its object'. 

objective, when preformative of the participles Pu 'al, Hoph 'al, and other passive 
conjugations, as well as of numerous nouns. (3) a instrumental, as in nfiQa a key, &c. (4) a 
local, as in "157a a drive for cattle, &c. 

As regards the formation of these nouns, it is to be remarked that the preformative a was 
originally in most cases followed by a short a. This a, however, in a closed syllable is 
frequently attenuated to i;in an open syllable before the tone it is lengthened to a (so also the 
1" attenuated from a, is lengthened to e), and in ija shield (with suff ^a) it even becomes 
unchangeable a. But in an open syllable which does not stand before the tone, the a 
necessarily becomes S e wd. 

The following forms are especially to be noticed: (a) ground-form maqtal, in Hebrew 
Vapa, 1 e.g. ^KQfood; fem. n?7aa kingdom, rrptfxa a knife, nptfVa (for n?N7a by § 23 c) 
business; from a verb ]"$, iria a gift; from verbs T'Q, NSia a going forth, 3E>ia a seat; from verbs 
VQ, n^a the best (from maitdb); with 1 (or l) assimilated, V^a a bed; from verbs VV, 70a a 
screen, and with the shortening of the a under the preformative, ~ia(f bitterness (from ~iaa 
developed to a segholate), fem. nat^a desolation; from a verb W, probably of this class is Dipa 
place, the a lengthened to a and obscured to 6 (Arabic maqdm); from verbs H" 1 ?, HiCia 
appearance, ]$(£ (for ruy,a) prop, intention, only in 1V(^7 o« account of in order that. 

(b) Ground-form miqtal (the usual form of the infin. Qal in Aramaic), Hebr. Vtppa, e.g. 
"157a (in Jer 2:31 also, where Baer requires ~i37an, read with ed. Mant, Ginsburg, &c. ~i37an) a 
cattle-drive, fem. nanVa war, ri33"ia a chariot (with S e ghol instead of z,"but in constr. st. racfia 
Gn 41:43; cf. prna distance), ITi(fK>a a watch; from verbs VV, e.g. 3Da surroundings (from mi- 
sab; zln the open syllable being lengthened to e; but cf. also p : E>a Is 33:4 as constr. state from 
ppK> with sharpening of the first radical; cf. § 67 g); from verbs Ti" 1 ?, rnpa a possession, fem. 

(c) Ground-form maqtl, Hebr. Vopa, e.g. iwa a support (fem. nwa), ~aoa a smith, 1t?S?,» 
a f/f/ze; fem. nVtZOa a rwz«; from a verb f'Q, HQia a« overthrow, rasa a pillar; from verbs 3T37, 
l^a o shield; fem. nVia a ro/7 (from V?!), HTKa a curse (for m e 7rra from TiK); from a verb T'Q, 
t^pia a swore (from mdwqis). 

(d) Ground-form miqtit, Hebr. Vopa, e.g. TQDa mourning, nsia o« a/tor (place of 
sacrifice); from a verb V"V, e.g. 3pa (3pa?) consessus; (e) ground-from maqtul, Hebr. Vupa; 
fem. nVdbK.a food, rnC&tya wages; from a verb VV, fem. rDOa a covering (from 759). Also 
from yy, according to the Masora, TOa a refuge, with suffixes TO, a and ''■TO, a, plur. DTO,a, 
but, very probably, most if not all of these forms are to be referred to the stem TO to flee for 
safety, and therefore should be written 1 TOa, &c. The form T'ya, if derived from the stem TO, 
would mean stronghold. — Cf. also ~r\<$a faintness , developed to a segholate, probably from 
"j'la, for marokh from 751, like D'na soundness of body, from Dan. 

With a long vowel in the second syllable: if) ground-form maqpSl, with a always 
obscured to 6, e.g. liona want, nipVa booty; from verbs TV, e.g. yw'afear, fem. rniia and rn^a 
(with the 6 depressed to u, in a toneless syllable; cf. § 27 n), nana, &c, Is 22:5. (g) Ground- 
form miqtal, in Hebr. again ViUpa, e.g. "linoa a covert, VitZ/pa a stumbling-block (cf. above 
under i, mdkhseld); fem. rncfapa a fishing-net; (/?) the ground-forms maqtit, miqtil '(cf. CPpa) 

1 * In D 1 i?~ri; , ? i a Ct 5:16, Neh 8:10, the first syllable is artificially opened to avoid the 
cacophony; on the a of the second syllable cf. § 93 ee. 

are found only in participles Hiph 'it; the fern. rprVria, cheerfulness, is a denominative formed 
from a participle Hiph 'it; (i) ground-form maqtCd, as WMbti a garment. 

Rem. On a as preformative of the participles of all the conjugations except Qal and 
Niph 'al, cf. § 52 c. Many of these participles have become substantives, as rn(fTQ snuffers, 
ITWH destroyer, destruction. 

49. Nouns with 1 prefixed. Besides the participles Niph 'al (ground-form naqtal, still 
retained e.g. in ii\l for nawldd, but commonly attenuated to niqtSl, Hebr. Vopl) and the 
infinitive Niph 'al of the form V'Dpl, the prefix 1 is found in D^mQl wrestlings, Gn 30:8, which 
is also to be referred to Niph 'al, and TU boiled pottage (stem TT). 

50. With E> prefixed, e.g. ratf7E> aflame. On this Sap/z 'e/ formation, cf. § 55 i. 

51. Nouns with n prefixed. Examples of this formation are numerous, especially from 
weak stems, for the purpose of strengthening them phonetically (see Barth, ibid., p. 283), and 
notably from verbs V'Q and V'57. They may be classified as follows: — (a) the ground-form 

taqtal in Dnnri ostrich (?); from verbs V'Q, 3E>in a settler; fem. rrptfifi expectation, nndlfi (from 
the Hiph 'zfrPDin) correction; from a verb V 'Q, l^fi z7ze south; from verbs V'Q and H" 1 ?, rnifi 
thanksgiving, and rnifi /aw, both from ////?/? 'zf; from a verb V'Q and K" 1 ?, niN^ifi issues; 
probably belonging to this class, from verbs 57"5?, V3(f confusion, and 0»<f a melting away 
(developed from Vrifi and Dfifi, from V73 and oo»). 

(/3) Tiqtal, e.g. fem. rQNSfl and JVjlfoJi glory; from a verb H" 1 ?, e.g. rnpfi /?o/?e; (c) taqtit, 
e.g. f5E*f) chequer work; fem. na"7~iri c/eep s/ee/? (probably from the Niph 'al OTU); from a verb 
V'Q, nnDiri correction (from the i/z/7/7 'z/-stem, like the constr. st. plur. nVrViri generations); 
from verbs 5?"57, nVriri praise, nVQfl prayer (from the Pz 'e/ of the stems V?rj and ^S). 

With a long vowel in the second syllable: (d) tiqtal, as Dinfi the ocean, the deep (for 
tihdm; in Assyrian the fem. tidmtu, constr. st. tidmat, is the usual word for sea), unless it is to 
be derived with Delitzsch, Prolegomena, p. 1 13, from the stem Dnn; (e) tdqht (in Arabic the 
usual form of the infinitive of conjugation II. which corresponds to the Hebrew Pi 'el), e.g. 
from a verb H" 1 ?, fem. rpVDIi completeness; T\^T\T\ increase, usury, with a parallel form rP3"i»; in 
a passive sense, TBVfl a disciple; (J) ViEjpri, e.g. niQfi an apple (for tdnpu a h); very frequently 
used to form abstracts, e.g. "7V£M a benefit (also Vvoj); from verbs V'57, novjfi a treading down, 
HQVJri a wavz'zzg (like fflOTlJi a lifting up, from the i/z/?/z 'zz* stem), nj?V£>ri a longing, &c; very 
frequently also as an abstract plural, e.g. miBTiFi perverseness, niVann guidance, D'OViM 
bitterness, D'wrun and niaimPi consolation; from a verb V'57, D'UKfl foz7. 

Nouns with Afformatives. 

52. Nouns with b affixed. Perhaps VatZTl amber(l), and probably Vn? z'rozz, Van? garden- 
land (S'ghol in both cases is probably a modification of the original a in the tone-syllable), 
Vina bloom, cf. § 30 q. — According to Prdtorius, ZDMG. 1903, p. 530 ff, o/ is an affix of 
endearment in the proper names byti, bmw (little lizard!) VriN (also ^dbtf). 

53. Nouns with D affixed. With an original dm as afformative, qVw vestibule (although the 
a in the sing, remains unchangeable), plur. Wtibx; but in Dp a swarm of gnats, the D is 
radical. With original afformative tim, D'TV (also D'157) naked (from 1157), plur. D^TV Gn 3:7, 
parallel form Di~i57, plur. D^any Gn 2:25. — To this class also belong the adverbs in dm and dm, 

mentioned in § 100 g, and many proper names, as D'Eh.a, also OiEH.J, and litlh,! {patronymic 
^tth.l), D'3 1 ?!?, n~}W, &c; but for DTHQ ransom (?), Nu 3:49, probably D?H9 is to be read. 

54. Nouns with ] affixed. The 1 is added by means of a simple helping vowel in ]VC& 
Canaan, and ]~\&^ a finger nail; more frequently the addition is made by means of a tone- 
bearing a, which in Hebrew is modified to S'ghol (as ~\T)\ axe) or lengthened to a (but cf. also 
fprf iiK and rpri,'"^); e.g. ]11\? a possession, inVtZ/ a table, "131 j? a« offering. From an original d 
being changed into an obscure 6 we may probably explain such forms as liliCr a pining away; 
]\T) , "l (also 15"! , ~f) a goad; "|1l2n hunger; from verbs H" 1 ?, lifrtt pride, "jian noise, "jiTTi a vision; 
fpyfi a coat of mail; from a verb f'Q, liK;tJ>a gwz'/e (the only instance with both a preformative 
and on afformative) 1 ; very frequently from the simple stem with an unorganic sharpening of 
the second radical, e.g. li~i3T memorial, ]V 1 ?^ destruction (constr. st. "ji~iDT and XV^), &c; cf. 
also ]V~\ , n pregnancy (for ''in) and § 93 uu; liVi? 1 ,? shame, for liVpVp. Proper names occur with 
the termination un, as ]^], § 86 g, and others. 

Rem. A large number of proper names now ending in n '" or i" used to be classed as 
nouns originally formed with the affix ]T. The subsequent rejection of the final Nun seemed 
to be confirmed by the form li^a, once used (Zc 12: 1 1) for i^a (and conversely in Pr 27:20 
K"thihh n'^K, Q e re i"p3K for ]m$ destruction), also by the fact that for 7]'frby the LXX give 
the form EoXcqlkdv or laXcoiKDV, and especially that in patronymics and tribal names (§ 86 h) 
aNun appears before the termination zfas V 'V^S Gilonite from Ti'% and ^'V 1 ,E* from n' 1 7 , 'E> 
(modern name Sailun). Wetzstein, however (in Delitzsch's Commentary on Job, 1st ed., p. 
599), explained the Nun in "jiT^a as a secondary addition to the common old-Palestinian 
termination 6 (irPT, 13V, trial, &c), and Barth (Nominalbildung, § 224 b) has since shown the 
unsoundness of the prevailing view on other grounds: the rejection of the Nun would be much 
more likely to occur in the numerous appellatives in on than in proper names, and ^'V 1 ^ and 
^'^^ are due to the necessity of avoiding, for euphonic reasons, such forms as gito-i" sito-i" 
&c; cf. also ■''by from r\bw. 

On the afformatives , ", "' :, m, n 1 ", see below, § 86 h-1. 

Quadriliterals and Quinqaeliterals. 

55. "naVl barren, craVn a flint, and the fem nQV 1 ?! heat, &c, have probably arisen from the 
insertion of a V; Vrin a locust, D'Tip an axe, nsirio a branch, Ez 31:5 (verses 6, 8 HQVD), 
D 1 Siri{l> (also CSyfy) anxious thoughts, CP3"1E> sceptre, from insertion of a ~i, which is common 
in Aramaic. Cf, moreover, E>a"in a sickle, Trap vine-blossom; with an initial V, tf?BSJ a bat, 
E"33y o spider, "133V a mouse, 3Tj?y a scorpion, ' &c. — Quinqueliteral, ITpQS ofrog. 

§ 86. Denominative Norms. 

1 x The plurals □ , J!JJ_/7owe/'j, Ct 2: 12, and D'lto/^i? thorns appear to be formed directly 
from the singulars fl (cf. Till) and tz/iap with the insertion of an (which in TDp is 
obscured to on). SeeNoldeke, Mand. Gr., p. 169, Rem. 3; similarly, according to 
Hoffmann, 'Einige phoniz. Inschriften, ' p. 15 (Abh. der Gott. Ges. der Wiss., xxxvi), 
Q'lta-Ti? wares, Ez 27: 14, 1 6 from 1\ y=}% y. 

1 l Derenbourg (REJ., 1883, p. 165) infers from the above examples and a comparison 
of the Arabic 'usfur, sparrow (from safara, to chirp), that 57 was especially employed 
to form quadriliteral names of animals. 

1. Such are all nouns formed immediately from another noun, whether the latter be 
primitive or derived from a verb, e.g. lift)!? eastern, immediately from D}(j£ the east 
(verbal stem Ul\? to be in front). 

2. Most of the forms which nouns of this class assume have already been given in 
§§84 and 85, since the denominatives, as secondary (although in some cases very 
old) forms, invariably follow the analogy of the verbal derivatives. As, for instance, 
the verbals with a prefixed a (§ 85 e to m) express the place, &c, of an action, so the 
denominatives with a local represent the place where a thing is found or its 
neighbourhood (see e). 

The most common forms of denominatives are — 

1. Those like the participle Qal (§ 84a s), e.g. ~iy'tz/ a porter, from "iVGp a gate; ljj'3 a 
herdsman, from "ij?3 a herd; DY3 a vinedresser, from U~\(§ a vineyard. 

2. Those like the form qatt5l(§ 84b b), e.g. ivtz/j? an archer, from ntz>(jf a bow. Both these 
forms (c and d) indicate customary occupations, inhering in the subject, like Greek nouns in 
rn<;, xevq, e.g. tioIxi^c,, ypaupaiei^. 

3. Nouns with » prefixed, denoting the place where a thing is (cf. § 85 e), or its 
neighbourhood, e.g. pya a place of fountains, from pqf; niVria the place about the feet, 
niE'K^a the place about the head, from Vjtf, E>N'~i; nE>i?Q (for nNE>p») a cucumber field, from 
K.E'p cucumber. Cf. Q\m&kwv from a\inekoq. 

4. Nouns with the termination ] " or p expressing adjectival ideas: palp eastern, from 
ff7<jf; ^im posterior, from 1HK; pXTj exterior, from fin; probably also irn 1 ? coiled, hence 
coiled animal, serpent, from np 1 ? a winding; intern brazen, from nt^d} brass. Also abstracts, 
e.g. p"py blindness, from "TO. Cf. § 85 u. — With a double termination (o« or d« with zj^'aitf 
reddish, p'VT a knowing (spirit); 'O'yQX basilisk; TtVlW^ merciful [fem. plur.]. 

p appears to be used as a diminutive ending (cf. the Syriac p) in ptt"N little man (in the 
eye), apple of the eye, from tt^K 1 ; on the other hand ] EPSa* adder, which was formerly 
regarded as a diminutive, is properly an adjectival form from *]&& to rub (hence, as it were, a 
rubbing creature); in the same way P"ltZP is a denominative from THtf;; (="ltl^), properly upright 
{righteous people), and not a diminutive (pious little people, and the like); finally, PTJ,K> is 
not lunula, but a« artificial moon (used as an ornament), and D , i~i^ not little neck, but 
necklace (from "iffix neck). Cf. Delitzsch on Ct 4:9. 

1 f 1 Cf. Barth, § 212; Konig, ii. 1, 413. Diminutives in Semitic languages are, 
however, most commonly formed by inserting &y after the second radical, e.g. Aram. 

Nip^y, Syr. , Arab, f^' a very young man, kulaib, a little dog, 

&c. Since Olshausen (§ 180), Tg{ a little (Is 28:10, 13, Jb 36:2) has commonly been 
regarded as an example of the same form, to which others have added 1 , :i# Is 3:18 
(as though a foreign dialectical form for sumais, little sun), and pri?& 2 S 13:20, as a 
contemptuous diminutive form of "|1r)pX; cf. Ewald, § 167, W. Wright, Arab. Gramm. 2 
i. § 269, De Lagarde, Nominalbildung, pp. 85-87, Konig. ii. 1, p. 143 f The existence 
of the form in Hebrew is disputed by Barth, § 192 d.] 

5. Peculiar to denominatives is the termination •> ", which converts a substantive into an 
adjective, and is added especially to numerals and names of persons and countries, in order to 
form ordinals, patronymics, and tribal names; e.g. ^T\ footman, plur. uh\~\, from ^IcSfoot; 
■npK cruel, , "1D1 strange, from IDCfi strangeness, '■rinri lower, from nnGjf below, fem. rpnnri and 

rranri, plur. a^rinri, nrrmri; ^antf #ze wx/A, from e*e* sxt; ^pMoabite, from nnia, plur. □•qxa, 
fem. rraxia and rpriKia, plur. ni'nKia; nay Hebrew, plur. anny and D^iny, fem. nnny, plur. 
ninny; 1 '?^W'' Israelite, from "7K1E" When the original substantive is a compound, it is 
resolved again into two words, e.g. "O^H? Benjamite, from "pXPEi (cf. on the use of the article 
in such cases, § 127 d). 

Instead of ^ ~ we find in a few cases (a) the ending •> : (as in Aram.), e.g. "h^ (crafty, or, 
according to others, churlish) if it stands for ^'Dl and is not rather from a stem K*7D or rto; 'Hin 
wtoe c/ctf/z, Is 19:9 in pause; perhaps also 'a 'a a swarm of locusts, Am 7: 1 ( 1 §na Na 3:17); 
hardly Tltf,}} Is 38:20, Hb 3:19; but certainly in proper names as ^Tia (ferreus) Barzillai; 2 
and (b) n 7, arising from ay, in ri;$N belonging to fire (E>N), i.e. a sacrifice offered by fire; nil 1 ? 
(prop, milky) the storax-shrub, Arabic lubnay. 

6. Abstract nouns formed from concretes by the addition of T\\ nf 1 "] (§ 95 t), cf. our 
terminations -dom, -hood, -ness, e.g. T\Thlyouth, TPChft kingdom (the omission of the Dages in 
3 shows that the S'wd is weakened from a full vowel; on malik as underlying the present form 
~f?<£ cf. § 84a a); IVflBVx widowhood, from laVx widower, ruaVx w/dow. In Aram, this fem. 
ending m (or 1 with rejection of the n) is a common termination of the infinitive in the derived 
conjugations (cf, as substantival infinitives of this kind, nw»E>n the announcing, Ez 24:26, 
and nnanrin the making of a league, Dn 1 1:23); in Hebr. m as a termination to express 
abstract ideas (including some which appear to be directly derived from the verbal stem, as 
ITtap folly, rfiXEf) a heating 1 ) becomes more common only in the later books. It is affixed to 
adjectives ending in z*(see above, h) in rfi'TipX cruelty, and nvaaij? upright position (Lv 26: 13, 
used adverbially). 

The ending n 1 ~ is found earlier, e.g. in rp'iNE' remainder, n^XI principium, from 
tMO=$X'"] (head) princeps . The termination 6th seems to occur in niaan wisdom (in Pr 1:20, 
9: 1, joined to a singular; so also niaan Pr 14: 1, where, probably, niarin should likewise be 
read) and in niVpin Ec 1:17, &c, with the parallel form mVpin Ec 10: 13. 

§ 87. Of the Plural. 

Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 426 ff, and on the feminines, p. 441 ff; M. Lambert, 
'Remarques sur la formation du pluriel hebreu, ' REJ. xxiv. 99 ff, and 'Les anomalies du 
pluriel des noms en Hebreu, ' REJ. xliii. 206 ff; P. Lajciak, Die Plural- u. Dualendungen 
im semit. Nomen, Lpz. 1903; J. Barth, 'Beitrage zur Pluralbildung des Semit.,' ZDMG. 
1904, p. 431 ff, i. 'the ai of the constr. st.' 

1. The regular plural termination for the masculine gender is W ", always with the 
tone, e.g. DID horse, plur. Q'OID horses; but also very often written defectively D ", 
especially when in the same word one of the vowel letters, 1 or ', precedes, e.g. Gn 
1 :21 nrari. Nouns in 1 7 make their plural in D" 7, e.g. "Hay a Hebrew, plur. Q'p^V (Ex 
3:18); but usually contraction takes place, e.g. D 1 "!?!?; Q1 ^ crimson garments, from ^W. 

2 l On , 7 as an old fem. ending, see above, § 80 1. 

1 l [See a complete list of instances in Konig, Lehrgebdude, ii. 1, p. 205 f.] 

REJ. REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

Nouns in n : lose this termination when they fake the plural ending, e.g. nj'n seer, 
plur. D'T'n (cf. § 75 h). — In regard to the loss of the tone from the D " in the two old 
plurals W>(& water and w&y) heaven, cf. § 88 d and § 96. 

The termination D 1 " is sometimes assumed also by feminines (cf. D'ttfa women, § 
96 under 7]-Jl!K; WW years, from T\W; □ , ?n^ ewes, from ^ni), so that an indication of 
gender is not necessarily implied in it (cf. also below, m-p). — On the use of this 
termination W " to express abstract, extensive, and intensive ideas, cf. § 124. 

The ending im is also common in Phoenician, e.g. UM1 Sidonii; Assyrian has dni (ace. to 
P. Haupt originally ami, cf. § 88 d); Aramaic has in; Arabic una (nominative) and ma (in the 
oblique cases, but in vulgar Arabic in is also used for the nominative); Ethiopic an. Cf. also 
the verbal ending 11 in the 3rd plur. perf. (§ 44 1) and in the 3rd and 2nd plur. impf. (§ 47 m). 1 

Less frequent, or only apparent terminations of the plur. masc. are — 

(a) l 1 ", as in Aramaic, 2 found almost exclusively in the later books of the O. T. (apart 
from the poetical use in some of the older and even the oldest portions), viz. yoVa kings, Pr 
31:3, TO'l,? 1 K 11:33, ]Vtr\ the guard, 2 K 11:13, 'ptan wheat, Ez 4:9; defectively ]% islands, 
Ez 26: 18; yw days, Dn 12: 13. Cf. also yiti carpets, Ju 5:10, in the North-Palestinian song of 
Deborah, which also has other linguistic peculiarities; T"V heaps, Mi 3: 12 (before r\; cf. § 44 
k); pVa words (from the really Aram. nVa), Jb 4:2, and twelve other places in Job (beside D 1 "?*?, 
ten times in Job); further, yn Jb 24:22, ynnx 31:10, and •pBBitf La 1:4, •pari 4:3. — The 
following forms are doubtful: 

(b) , " (with the D rejected, as, according to some, in the dual 1 T for D?cfj Ez 13:18, cf. § 
88 c), e.g. '■313 stringed instruments, Ps 45:9 for D^Q (unless it is to be so written) 1 ; ^W peoples, 
Ps 144:2, and, probably, also La 3: 14 (in 2 S 22:44 it may be taken as ''as? my people; cf. in the 
parallel passage Ps 18:44 DV; also in Ct 8:2 the Tof ^'ai is better regarded as a suffix); see 
also 2 S 23:8 as compared with 1 Ch 11:11, and on the whole question Gesenius, 
Lehrgebdude, p. 524 ff. More doubtful still is — 

(c) ^ : (like the constr. state in Syriac), which is supposed to appear in e.g. r ltl> princes, Ju 
5:15 (perhaps my princes is intended: read either the constr. st. 'HtP, which also has good 
authority, or with LXX □'HE'); for '01 ^Jiin Jer 22: 14 (according to others dual, see § 88 c, or a 
loan word, cf. ZA. iii. 93) read "jiDD vrfrn. On i a11 and r iin, which have also been so explained, 
see above, § 86 i. — ■'QWrj Is 20:4 (where the right reading is certainly , Q1tZ/n) must be intended 
by the Masora either as a singular with the formative syllable 1 ~ =bareness or, more probably, 
as a constr. st. with the original termination ay (cf. § 89 d) to avoid the harsh combination 

1 l On the connexion between all these endings see Dietrich's Abhandl. zur hebr. 
Gramm., Leipzig, 1846, p. 51 ff; Halevy, REJ. 1888, p. 138 ff. [cf. also Driver, 
Tenses, § 6, Ob s. 2]. 

2 2 So also always in the Mesa' inscription, e.g. line 2 "\whv thirty; line 4 p 1 ?^ kings; 
line 5 p~i p' many days, &c. 

3 3 According to some this i is simply due to a neglect of the point (§ 5 m), which in 
MSS. and elsewhere marked the abbreviation of the plur. ending. 

ZA. ZA. = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by C. Bezold. Lpz. 
1886 ff. 

h a sufe Set 4 ; in 'I'lN the Lord (prop, my lord, from the plur. majestatis, CM'TK /ort/), the ay was 
originally a suffix, § 135 q. 

(of) D l a supposed plural ending in D|3=D':p gnats (or //ce), and D"?D ladder (supposed by 
some to be a plur. like our stairs); but cf. on the former, § 85 t. 

2. The plural termination of the feminine gender is generally indicated by the 
termination ni (often written defectively n - , e.g. rfprin song of praise, psalm, plur. 
nV?nn (only in post-biblical Hebrew D'^nn, as in the headings of the printed editions, 
as well as nf?nn "igdf the Book of Psalms); TQ(§f, a letter, plur. ni~i|N; ~IN3 a well, plur. 
nilXJ. Feminines in TV " form their plural in ni' ", e.g. ITH?!? an Egyptian woman, plur. 
ni'l^Jp; and those in ni either make ni'", as niD 1 ?!? kingdom, plur. ni'D 1 ?!?, Dn 8:22 (cf. 
ni'lp ce//s, Jer 37:16), or are inflected like T\XJV testimonies (pronounced 'edh e woth 
for 'edhuwoth). 

It is only from a mistake or disregard of these feminine endings nr and IT ~ that some 
words ending with them form their plural by the addition of D' " or ni", e.g. JTOt! spear, plur. 
D'rnn and nin'Iin; mi] whoredom, plur. D'riUT (by the side of D'Jni); D'rmaVN widowhood; 
mmnw pits , ninos amulets (if connected with Assyr. Msw, fo bind), &c. 

The termination -d?/z stands primarily for -dth (which is the form it has in Arab., Eth., in 
the constr. st. of Western Aramaic, in Eastern Syriac, and also in Assyrian; on the change of a 
into an obscure 6, see § 9 q). On the other hand, it is doubtful whether this dth is to be 
regarded as a lengthened and stronger form of the singular fem. ending dth (cf. § 80 b). 

How the changeable vowels of a noun are shortened or become S e wd in 
consequence of the addition of the plural endings is explained in §§ 92-5. 

3. Words which in the singular are used both as masculine and feminine (§ 122 d), 
often have in the plural parallel forms with the masculine and feminine terminations, 
e.g. IV cloud, plur. a'ny and T\X2T, and each form may be treated either as masculine or 
feminine, according to the usage of the particular word. — But even those words, of 
which the gender is invariable, sometimes have both plural forms, e.g. "liT masc. a 
generation, plur. W~yv\ and nili^; 7\W fem. a year, plur. WW and T\\W (see the Rem.). 
In these words the gender of both plural forms remains the same as in the singular, 
e.g. 'IS masc. a lion, plur. ni'is muse, Zp 3:3, ni"iiT muse, Jb 42:16. 

Sometimes usage makes a distinction between the two plural forms of the same word. 
Thus, D'a? days, WW years are the usual, but nia? (only twice, in the constr. st. Dt 32:7, Ps 
90: 15) and nw (also only in the constr. st. and before suffixes) are rarer poetic forms. 

A difference of meaning appears in several names of members of the body, the dual (see 
§ 88) denoting the living members themselves, while the plur. in ni expresses something like 
them, but without life (§ 122 u), e.g. D'Cf; hands, niT artificial hands, also e.g. the arms of a 
throne; D'C^b hands, niQ? handles (Lat. manubria); W&foot, niaVQ artificial feet (of the ark), 
D'dnp horns, niTip horns (of the altar); D'tf V eyes, nirv fountains; cf. also D"nK lions, ni'lK the 

4 4 Pratorius, ZDMG. 1903, p. 525, regards 'Ditz/n as an instance of the affix of 
endearment (cf. 'i?in$, 'rii 1 ?:?) transferred to an appellative, but such an explanation is 
rendered unlikely by the meaning of this isolated instance. 

figures of lions on Solomon's throne, ~\W\palm, rn'a.n a palm-like column, plur. D'H'a.n and 

4. A considerable number of masculines form their plural in ni, while many 
feminines have a plural in Q 1 ". The gender of the singular, however, is as a rule 
retained in the plural. 

Undoubted instances of masculines with (masculine) plural in ni" are: 3K father, "isiN 
treasure, IK'3 and ~ii3 cistern, HIT tail, DiVn dream, K-D3 throne, 3 1 ? and 33 1 ? heart, Tit? tablet, 
V^df and nV^tf night, naia altar, Dipa place, 1K1 skin-bottle, ~a /a/w/?, lis? skin, Vip voz'ce, inVtZ/ 
table, DE> name, ~\BW trumpet. 

Feminines ending in n " which take in the plural the termination D 1 " are nVK terebinth, 
n^K terror (but also nia'W), nVl"7 a cafe of figs, ntpn wheat, HI? 1 ? a /3nc£, nVa (only in poetry) a 
word, HKD sea, a dry measure, rniyfc> barley, and the following names of animals rniTl a bee 
and rni 1 a dove; also, for Q'ya fem. eggs, a singular n:m is to be assumed. naVtf s/zea/and rUE> 
year (see above, n) take both D 1 ~ and ni; cf. finally n"?cf3tl> am ear of corn, plur. D ,1 ?3tl>, and 
without the fem. termination in the singular B^tf 1 ? concubine, plur. D , E>} l 7'' i Si. 

5. A strict distinction in gender between the two plural endings is found, in fact, 
only in adjectives and participles, e.g. □ , 3il3 boni, ninitt bonae, wty'fi muse, rii^p 
fem. So also in substantives of the same stem, where there is an express distinction of 
sex, as wy^Jilii, Vftl^fitiae; D 1 ?^ reges, riiD^ reginae. 

Rem. 1. In some few words there is added to the plural ending ni a second (masculine) 
plural termination (in the form of the constr. st. "> ', cf. § 89 c), or a dual ending D 1 tf, e.g. naa 
a high place, plur. niaa, constr. st. i nia i | (also i na i 5 bdm°the, Is 14:14, Jb 9:8, &c, sometimes 
as Q e re to the K e thibh ''man; see § 95 o); *7iNE> i n'tfK , i a /row &m/'5 /zead, 1 S 26:12; nain wall, 
plur. niain moenia, whence dual D^'ain double walls. This double indication of the plural 
appears also in the connexion of suffixes with the plural ending ni (§ 91 m). 

2. Some nouns are only used in the singular (e.g. D1H man, and collectively men); a 
number of other nouns only in the plural, e.g. D^na men (the old sing, ina is only preserved in 
proper names, see § 90 o; in Eth. the sing, is met, man); some of these have, moreover, a 
singular meaning (§ 124 a), as MS face. In such cases, however, the same form can also 
express plurality, e.g. W2B means also faces, Gn 40:7, Ez 1:6; cf. D^n'VK God, and also gods 
(the sing. H'Vk, a later formation from it, occurs only ten times, except in Job forty -one and in 
Daniel four times). 

§ 88. Of the Dual. 

Cf. the literature on the Semitic dual in Griinert, Die Begriffs-Prdponderanz und die 
Bugle apotiori im Altarub. (Wien, 1886), p. 21; Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 455 ff 

1. The dual is a further indication of number, which originated in early times. In 
Hebrew, however, it is almost exclusively used to denote those objects which 
naturally occur in pairs (see e). The dual termination is never found in adjectives, 
verbs, or pronouns. In the noun it is indicated in both genders by the termination a? cf 
appended to the ground-form, 1 e.g. W& t both hands, W&V two days. In the feminine 

1 1 On dual endings appended to the plural see § 87 s and § 95 o at the beginning. 

the dual termination is always added to the old ending ath (instead of n ;), but 
necessarily with a (since it is in an open syllable before the tone), thus D?c!) ;, e.g. nsttf 
lip, trefoil/ both lips. From a feminine with the ending n " c£ e.g. T\y<&] (from n e thisi) 
the dual is formed like 0?Gff$flJ doable fetters. 

With nouns which in the singular have not a feminine ending, the dual termination 
is likewise really added to the ground-form; but the latter generally undergoes certain 
changes in consequence of the shifting of the tone, e.g. H3? wing (ground-form 
kdndph), dual CPGfa?, the first a becoming Sfwd, since it no longer stands before the 
tone, and the second a being lengthened before the new tone-syllable. In 1 K 16:24, 2 
K 5:23b the form D^d53 (which should be CPCfe?) evidently merely points to the 
constr. st. '133, which would be expected before HOC?; cf D?g33 in 2 K 5:23 a, and on 
the syntax see § 131 d. In the segholate forms (§ 84a a) the dual ending is mostly 
added to the ground-form, e.g. %(§foot (ground-form rdgl), dual Cptfjl; cf, however, 
CPCfli? (only in the book of Daniel), as well as CPO^i? from ]~)<§ horn, and W.<£f? from 'if? 
cheek (as if from the plurals Ti\T\\}, CPrf?). — A feminine dual of an adjective used 
substantially occurs in D?Gf?7Sy a sluggish pair (of hands) Ec 10:18 from the sing. 

Rem. 1. Certain place-names were formerly reckoned as dual-forms (so in earlier editions 
of this Grammar, and still in Konig's Lehrgebdude, ii. 437), viz. — (a) those in I 1 tf and ] ', 
e.g. p<f ' 1 Gn 37 17a (locative rttgH, but in llh ]§l), and }l}'1 2 K 6:13; }ny_ Jos 21:32, 
identical with D^Gjfnp in 1 Ch 6:61 (cf. also the Moabite names of towns in the Mesa' 
inscription, line 10 limp = Hebrew CPGirnp; line 30 ]rhTi T)2 = W&TJ rP3 Jer 48:22; lines 31, 
32 •pTin=E! 1 dh'n Is 15:5, &c); (b) in D ;, Jos 15:34 Drv,n ( = D^tfy Gn 38:21). The view that : 
] and D " arise from a contraction of the dual terminations I 1 d~(as in Western Aramaic, cf. also 
nom. dni, accus. aim, of the dual in Arabic) and D 1 d" seemed to be supported by the Mesa'; 
inscription, where we find (line 20) iriKa two hundred = yicfxa, Hebrew D^GfiKa. But in many of 
these supposed duals either a dual sense cannot be detected at all, or it does not agree at any 
rate with the nature of the Semitic dual, as found elsewhere. Hence it can hardly be doubted 
that l 1 d"and D 1 d"in these place-names only arise from a subsequent expansion of the 
terminations ] ' and D ": so Wellhausen, Jahrbiicher fur Deutsche Theologie, xxi. 433; 
Philippi, ZDMG. xxxii. 65 f; Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 319, note 5; Strack, Kommentar zur 
Genesis, p. 135. The strongest argument in favour of this opinion is that we have a clear case 
of such an expansion in the Q e re perpetuum (§ 17 c) D^tfE'lT for DVtl^T (so, according to 
Strack, even in old MSS. of theMisna; cf. Urusalim in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, and the 
Aramaic form D^T): similarly in the Aramaic l?tfa,B* = ]~}ttV for the Hebrew pia^ 
Samaria. — We may add to this list 0?dbN, D^dLH^ the river country (in the Tel-el-Amarna 
letters narima, na 'rima), D'jdtta Egypt, Phoenician Dl^a; also the words denoting time, D'jdjj.S 
midday (Mesa' inscription, line 15 D~irn), and perhaps CPdhV in the evening, if the regular 
expression D^tfiV .rrpa Ex 12:6, 16: 12, &c, is only due to mistaking D^dhy for a dual: LXX 

;i;pd<; Eciikpav, x6 SeiXivov, 6v|/8 and only in Lv 23:5 dvd ueoov xWv EojiepivCOv. The Arabs 
also say el 'isd 'an, the two evenings, cf. Kuhn's Liter aturblatt, iii. 48. 

Instead of the supposed dual , T Ez 13:18 read Q 1 ^. On 'uftn (generally taken to be a 
double window) Jer 22: 14, see above, § 87 g. 

2. Only apparently dual-forms (but really plural) are the words &<£ water and □?<&$ 
heaven. According to P. Haupt in SBOT. (critical notes on Isaiah, p. 157, line 18 ff.), they are 
to be derived from the old plural forms (found in Assyrian) mdmi, samdmi, whence the Hebr. 
Wti, WtiW arose by inversion of the i mdmi, mdimi, maim. It is simpler, however, to suppose 
that the primitive singulars may and samay, when they took the plural of extension (§ 124 b), 
kept the tone on the ay, thus causing the im (which otherwise always has the tone, § 87 a) to 
be shortened to im. Cf the analogous formations, Arab, tardaina, 2nd fern. sing, imperf. of a 
verb v,1 7, for tarday + ma, corresponding to taqtuhha in the strong verb; also bibl.-Aram. ](&2 

the abs. st. plur. of the ptcp. Qal of rU3 C"' 1 ?), which otherwise always ends in in with the tone, 
e.g. in the ptcp. Qal of the strong verb, TTD,'} sacrificing. 

2. The use of the dual in Hebrew is confined, except in the numerals 2, 12, 200, 
&c. (see § 97), practically to those objects which are by nature or art always found in 
pairs, especially to the double members of the body (but not necessarily so, cf. Q'V'IT 
and nil? "II arms, never in the dual), e.g. 0?dP both hands, wdlX both ears, D?diz; teeth 
(of both rows), also D?tfj?,3 a pair of sandals, a?dJN|& a pair of scales, Lat. bilanx, &c; 
or things which are at least thought of as forming a pair, e.g. D^i 1 two (successive) 
days, Lat. biduum; □<£??$ two weeks; W&W two years (in succession), Lat. biennium; 
D?cfl!3K two cubits 1 

In the former case the dual may be used for a plural, either indefinite or defined by a 
numeral, where it is thought of in a double arrangement, e.g. tP^ri Va"lK four feet, Lv 1 1:23; 
D^id b*b> six wings (i.e. three pairs), Is 6:2, Ez 1:6; even D 1 ^ V nV3tl* seven eyes, Zc 3:9, 
n^dia-V? all knees, Ez 7: 17; D^cffV? all hands, Ez 21: 12; D^cfea cymbals, Ezr 3:10; D?<fa# 
double-hooks, Ez 40:43. — To express a certain emphasis the numeral /wo is used with the 
dual, as in Ju 16:28, Am 3:12. — See some other remarks on the use of the dual in § 87 o and 

It is not impossible that Hebrew at an earlier period made a more extensive and freer use 
of the dual, and that the restrictions and limitations of its use, mentioned above, belong to a 
relatively later phase of development. The Arabic literary language forms the dual in the 
noun, pronoun, and verb, almost as extensively as the Sanskrit or Greek; but in modern 
Arabic it has almost entirely disappeared in the verb, pronoun, and adjective. The Syriac has 
preserved it only in a few stereotyped forms, with which such duals as the Latin duo, ambo, 
octo may be compared. In the same way, the dual of the Sanskrit is lost in the modern Indian 
languages, and its full use in Old Slavonic has been restricted later, e.g. in Bohemian, just as 
in Hebrew, to pairs, such as hands, feet, eyes, ears. On the Germanic dual, see Grimm's 
Gramm., 2nd ed., i. p. 814. 

§ 89. The Genitive and the Construct State. 

Philippi, Wesen und Ursprung des Stat. Constr. im Hebr. ..., Weimar, 1 87 1 , p. 98 ff: on 
which cf. Noldeke in the Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, 1871, p. 23. — Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 
459 ff. 

SBOT. SBOT. = Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. by P. Haupt. Lpz. and 
Baltimore, 1893 ff. 

1 J But for a? Dl? Pr 28:6, 18 (which the Masora takes as two roads leading from the 
cross-ways) D'OI 7 is to be read. 

1. The Hebrew language no longer makes a living use of case-endings, l but either 
has no external indication of case (this is so for the nominative, generally also for the 
accusative) or expresses the relation by means of prepositions (§ 119), while the 
genitive is mostly indicated by a close connexion (or interdependence) of the Nomen 
regens and the Nomen rectum. That is to say, the noun which as genitive serves to 
define more particularly an immediately preceding Nomen regens, remains entirely 
unchanged in its form. The close combination, however, of the governing with the 
governed noun causes the tone first of all to be forced on to the latter, 2 and the 
consequently weakened tone of the former word then usually involves further changes 
in it. These changes to some extent affect the consonants, but more especially the 
vocalization, since vowels which had been lengthened by their position in or before 
the tone-syllable necessarily become shortened, or are reduced to S e wd (cf. § 9 a, c, k; 
§ 27 e-m); e.g. "Q7 word, WTi'% "Q? word of God (a sort of compound, as with us in 
inverted order, God's-word, housetop, landlord); T hand, T ^<$n the hand of the 
king; D'll^ words, UVT\ '''137 the words of the people . Thus in Hebrew only the noun 
which stands before a genitive suffers a change, and in grammatical language is said 
to be dependent, or in the construct state, while a noun which has not a genitive after 
it is said to be in the absolute state. It is sufficiently evident from the above that the 
construct state is not strictly to be regarded as a syntactical and logical phenomenon, 
but rather as simply phonetic and rhythmical, depending on the circumstances of the 

Very frequently such interdependent words are also united by Maqqeph (§ 16 a); this, 
however, is not necessary, but depends on the accentuation in the particular case. On the 
wider uses of the constr. st. see the Syntax, § 130. 

2. The vowel changes which are occasioned in many nouns by the construct state 
are more fully described in §§ 92-5. But besides these, the terminations of the noun in 
the construct state sometimes assume a special form. Thus: 

(a) In the construct state, plural and dual, the termination is 1 ", e.g. CPpIO horses, 
n'S7}D 'DID the horses of Pharaoh; D?tf57 syes, "f2<§7\ '{P? the eyes of the king. 

Rem. The , " of the dual has evidently arisen from 1 : (cf. tP"]<£), but the origin of the 
termination 1 ~ in the constr. st. plur. is disputed. The Syriac constr. st. in ay and the form of 
the plural noun before suffixes Ocno, "pcfto, &c, § 91 h) would point to a contraction of an 
original ^ :, as in the dual. But whether this ay was only transferred from the dual to the plural 
(so Olshausen, and Noldeke, Beitr. zur sent. Sprachwiss., Strassb. 1904, p. 48 ff), or is to be 
regarded as the abstract, collective termination, as in n.-E'K (see f) and r iin (so Philippi, ThLZ. 
1890, col. 419; Barth, ZDMG. 1904, p. 43 1 ff), must be left undecided. 

1 l On some remains of obsolete case-endings see § 90. 

2 2 The same phenomenon of the tone may also be easily seen in other languages, 
when two words are closely connected in a similar way. Observe, for example, in 
German the natural stress on the last word in 'der Thron des Konigs'; though here the 
other order of the words (inadmissible in Hebrew) ' des Konigs Thron' exhibits the 
same peculiarity. 

ThLZ. ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz. 1876 ff. 

(b) The original n 7 is regularly retained as the feminine termination in the 
construct state sing, of those nouns which in the absolute state end in n ~, e.g. PD 1 ?;? 
queen, *Q$ n? 1 ??? the queen o/Sheba. But the feminine endings n ~ cf, n ~_ cf, and also 
the plural ni", remain unchanged in the construct state. 

(c) Nouns in n : (cf. § 75 e) from verbs H" 1 ? (§ 93, Paradigm III c) form their 
constr. st. in n 7, e.g. n$'1 seer, constr. HN'1. If this n " is due to contraction of the 
original "> ~, with n added as a vowel letter, we may compare n, constr. ^ sufficiency; 
'D, constr. 'n life; 8ja (^), constr. fcra (^) va//ey. 

On the terminations i and 1 " in the constr. st. see § 90. 

§ 90. i?ea/ a«<i Supposed Remains of Early Case-endings, n ~ local, 1 in compound 
proper names, ' " and 1 in the Construct State. 

K. U. Nylander, Om Kasusdndelserna i Hebrdiskan, Upsala, 1882; J. Barth, 'Die 
Casusreste im Hebr.,' ZDMG. liii. 593 ff. 

1. As the Assyrian and old Arabic distinguish three cases by special endings, so 
also in the Hebrew noun there are three endings which, in the main, correspond to 
those of the Arabic. It is, however, a question whether they are all to be regarded as 
real remnants of former case-endings, or are in some instances to be explained other- 
wise. It can hardly be doubted (but cf. h, Rem.) that the (locative) termination n ~ is a 
survival of the old accusative termination a, and that 1 in certain compound proper 
names is the old sign of the nominative. The explanation of the z"as an old genitive 
sign, which, as being no longer understood in Hebrew, was used for quite different 
purposes, and the view that i is a form of the nominative termination 1, are open to 
grave doubts. 

In Assyrian the rule is that u marks the nominative, /' the genitive, and a the accusative, 1 
'in spite of the many and various exceptions to this rule which occur' (Delitzsch, Assyrische 
Gramm., § 66). Similarly, the Arabic case-endings in the fully declined nouns (Triptotes) are: 
-u for the nominative, -i for the genitive, and -a for the accusative; in the Diptotes the ending 
a represents the genitive also. In modern Arabic these endings have almost entirely 
disappeared, and if they are now and then used, as among the Beduin, it is done without 
regularity, and one is interchanged with another (Wallin, in ZDMG. v, p. 9, xii, p. 874; 
Wetzstein, ibid., xxii, p. 113 f, and especially Spitta, Gramm. des arab. Vulgdrdialekts von 
Agypten, Lpz. 1880, p. 147 ff.). Even as early as the Sinaitic inscriptions, their regular use is 
not maintained (Becr,Studia Asiatica, iii. 1840, p. xviii; Tuch, ZDMG. iii. 139 f). Ethiopic 
has preserved only the -a (in proper names -ha), which is, however, still used for the whole 
range of the accusative, and also (the distinction of case being lost) as a termination of the 
constr. st. to connect it with a following genitive. 

2. As remarked above, under a, the accusative form is preserved in Hebrew most 
certainly and clearly in the (usually toneless) ending n ~, originally a, as in the old 
Arabic accusative. This is appended to the substantive: 

1 l This rule is almost always observed in the Tell-el-Amarna letters (see § 2 f); cf. the 
instances cited by Barth, 1. c, p. 595, from Winckler's edition. 

(a) Most commonly to express direction towards an object, or motion to a placer, 
2 e.g. nacf seaward, westward, 7\ft"](§ eastward, rtficfe northward, rrnditfN to Assyria, 
Tt?^ to Babylon, rncJ (from ~in) to the mountain, Gn 14:10, nr]<£ to /"/ze eart/z, nri?(ji to 
z7ze /zorae, nri<£in to Tirzah (7XT)T\) 1 K 14:17, &c, 7\T\<& to Gaza (nra) Ju 16:1; with 
the article mcfn to /"/ze mountain, nrpdn into the house, 7VC]<&7\ into the chamber, 1 K 

ttt " t : - - ' t : - - ' 

1:15; rfrncforr z'wto the tent, Gn 18:6, &c; similarly with adverbs, as na($ thither, T\\1& 
whither?; even with the constr. st. before a genitive ^OV nrpd z'wto Joseph 's house, Gn 
43:17, 24; 3J<£| nri<£ toward the landofthe south, Gn 20:1; tPd?a nri<£ to z7ze land of 
Egypt, Ex 4:20; pty$7 Hid)?? to tfze wilderness of Damascus, 1 K 19:15; IZ/a(# nrfnia 
toward the sun-rising, Dt 4:41; and even with the plural na^ty? z'wto Chaldea, Ez 
1 1 :24; na'tf-ttfrl towards the heavens. 

' T • - T T 

Rem. The above examples are mostly rendered definite by the article, or by a following 
genitive of definition, or are proper names. But cases like na<£ rnd, niptf show that the 
locative form o/ztee/Ypossessed a defining power. 

(b) In a somewhat weakened sense, indicating the place where something is or 
happens (cf. § 118 d), e.g. na?gp,a in Mahanaim, 1 K 4:14; na($ there (usually thither, 
see c), Jer 18:2, cf. 2 K 23:8, and the expression to offer a sacrifice nndian, properly 
towards the altar for on the altar. On the other hand, 7t?<$3. Jer 29: 15, and 7t?<$] Hb 

3 : 1 1 , are to be regarded as ordinary accusatives of direction, to Babylon, into the 
habitation; also expressions like niitfx nX5 the quarter towards the north, Jos 15:5 (at 
the beginning of the verse, na^Cjf ^UJ the border toward the east), cf. 18:15, 20, Ex 
26:18, Jer 23:8. 

(c) The original force of the ending n ~ is also disregarded when it is added to a 
substantive with a preposition prefixed (cf. also nidriS? how long?), and this not only 
after V, -l 7$ or ~1V (which are easily explained), e.g. 7f?y(&7 upwards, HUG?? downwards, 
n^idty 1 ? to Sheol, Ps 9:18; njeftpy unto Aphek, Jos 13:4, ruit&rr 1 ^ toward the north, 
Ez 8:14, cf. Ju 20:16; but also after n, and even after "|a, e.g. n3}(jjn in the south, Jos 
15:21, cf. Ju 14:2, 1 S 23:15, 19, 31:13, 2 S 20:15, Jer 52:10; rfttfna from Babylon, Jer 
27:16; cf. 1:13, Jos 10:36, 15:10, Ju 21:19, Is 45:6. 

Rem. Old locative forms (or original accusatives) are, according to the Masora, still to be 
found in 

2 2 On this meaning of the accusative see the Syntax, § 1 18 d, and cf. the Latin 
accusative of motion to a place, as in Romam profectus est, domum reverti, rus ire. 

3 3 n ^H^n in Baer's text, Gn 18:6, is an error, according to his preface to Isaiah, p. 


(a) nV^tf, in pause rr??tf, the usual word in prose for night, which is always construed as 
masculine. The nominative of this supposed old accusative 1 appeared to be preserved in the 
form ^tf, only used in poetry, Is 16:3, constr. st. V^ (even used for the absol. st. in pause Is 
21:1 1). Most probably, however, 7t?f? is to be referred, with Noldeke and others, to a 
reduplicated form ^ l ?; cf especially the western Aramaic K^ 1 "?, Syr. lilya, &c. — Another 
instance is na^Gfa something, probably from D1K», DIB spot, point, generally with a 
mgatvve=nothing. Similarly nsi(f Is 8:23 and (in pause) Jb 34:13, nritflO Ho 8:7, and the 
place-name rnncTl Ch 6:63, might be explained as accusatives. Elsewhere, however, the 
toneless n ~ can be regarded only as a meaningless appendage, or at the most as expressing 
poetic emphasis; thus nriof (in pause) Jb 37:12; nrncfn death, Ps 116:15; KrnTO Ps 116:14, 
18; nVnd 'stream, Ps 124:4; 7fr<Mr\7\ amber, Ez 8:2 [in 1:4 btitim, cf. § 80 k], &c. In Jos 15:12 
na<£? is probably only a scribal error (dittography). In Ju 14:18 instead of the quite unsuitable 
poetic word ncntfn (towards the sun??) read as in 15:1 rmtfn to the bride-chamber. 

(b) In the termination nri tf often used in poetry with feminines, viz. rifiC^N terror (=na i K), 
Ex 15:16; nridfTV help (=rnTV), Ps 44:27, 63:8, 94:17; 7\T\<§W] salvation (=nsnt£»), Ps 3:3, 80:3, 
Jon 2: 10; nrf?d& unrighteousness (=n"71V), Ez 28: 15, Ho 10: 13, Ps 125:3; nritf'y Ps 92: 16 Fth. 
Jb 5:16; nricfo Ps 120: 1; nrK^y darkness, Jb 10:22; nrnfran Jer 1 1: 15 is corrupt, see the LXX 
and Commentaries. These cases are not to be taken as double feminine endings, since the loss 
of the tone on the final syllable could then hardly be explained, but they are further instances 
of an old accusative of direction or intention. In examples like TlI)(S]V for help (Ps 44:27) this 
is still quite apparent, but elsewhere it has become meaningless and is used merely for the 
sake of poetical emphasis. 1 

This termination n " usually has reference to place (hence called n ; locale 2 ); 
sometimes, however, its use is extended to time, as in Hia'dP D'&'fc from year to year. 
Its use in n^TjTl properly ad profanum!=absit! is peculiar. 

As the termination n " is almost always toneless (except in nrnta constr. st. Dt 4:41; nm 
and nny Jos 19: 13) it generally, as the above examples show, exercises no influence whatever 
upon the vowels of the word; in the constr. st. rndia Jos 18:12, 1 K 19:15, and in the proper 
names nritfl K 2:40, nitf 2 S 24:6 (so Baer; ed. Mant. and Ginsb. r\ytS), 7\r\(Sl 2 Ch 14:9, 
riTltfl,^ 1 K 17:9, rUGjn^ 1 K 4:12, an a is retained even in an open tone-syllable (cf, 
however, rncf Gn 14: 10, rucf? Gn 28:2 from TJS, with modification of the a to e; also n"7(f~i3 1 
S 25:5 from Vana). In segholate forms, as a general rule, the n " local is joined to the already 
developed form of the absol. st. , except that the helping-vowel before n " naturally becomes 

1 J Brockelmann, Sent. Sprachwiss., p. 113, also takes it as such, Idyld being properly 
at night, then night simply. Barth, however (Sprachwiss. Abhandhmgen, p. 16, note 
1), refers it to an original rr^ 1 ?, like HJN from n JN. 

1 f 1 The form clings also to a few place-names, as rrj'^ Dt 10:7; n$ "?# 1 S 9:4, 2 K 
4:42; nn ^HpNu 33:22 f.; nn 30' verse 33 f.; nn 3M Jos 19:43, &c; nn 1DX Mi 

3 T T " H "tt:t 5tt:- ' 3 t T T V 

5:1, &c] 

2 2 Cf. Sarauw, 'Der hebr. Lokativ, ' ZA. 1907, p. 183 ff. He derives the n ; from the 
adverbs na tt?, rus and holds that it has nothing whatever to do with the old 

T T ' T T C 


S'wd, e.g. nri^tf, nVndkn Gn 18:6, &c; rnvtfn Jos 17:15, rnytf^n 3 Ju 20:16, &c, but also n^ncf 
Nu 34:5 {constr. St.; likewise to be read in the absolute in Ez 47: 19, 48:28) and rny, tf Is 28:6 
(with Silluq); cf. H3}tf Ez 47: 19 and nri(& (Baer, incorrectly, H<fl» Mi 4: 12 (both in 
pause). — In the case of feminines ending in n " the n " local is added to the original feminine 
ending n ~ (§ 80 b), the a of which (since it then stands in an open tone-syllable) is lengthened 
to a, e.g. nricf~iri. — Moreover the termination n " is even weakened to n ~ in rocS to Nob, 1 S 
21:2, 22:9; rutf whither, 1 K 2:36, 42 and nJdfr to Dedan, Ez 25:13. 

3. Of the three other terminations 1 may still be regarded as a survival of the old 
nominative ending. It occurs only in the middle of a few (often undoubtedly very old) 
proper names, 1 viz. 'Bins (if compounded of 1!"1N and 'ft), "7TOD (for which in Jer 52: 1 
K e th. l 70 , ?pD), ^Nttftri?? and rt?<§^W (otherwise in Hebrew only in the plur. Q'riip men; to 
in*? corresponds most probably W? in ^NW?), ^XN? Gn 32:31 (but in ver. 32 %^)face 
of God (otherwise only in the plur. W1B constr. st. M?). 2 — IfitJfaNeh 6:6 (elsewhere 
D#(|), is the name of an Arab, cf. 6:1. On the other hand the terminations 1 " and i are 
most probably to be regarded (with Barth, 1. c, p. 597) as having originated on 
Hebrew soil in order to emphasize the constr. St., on the analogy of the constr. st. of 
terms expressing relationship. 

In view of the analogies in other languages (see b) there is nothing impossible in the view 
formerly taken here that the litterae compaginis ~> " and i are obsolete (and hence no longer 
understood) case-endings, /'being the old genitive and 6 for the nominative sign u. Barth 
objects that the /"and 6 almost invariably have the tone, whereas the accusative n ~ is toneless, 
and that they are long, where the Arab, /"and u are short. Both these objections, however, lose 
their force if we consider the special laws of the tone and syllable in Hebrew. The language 
does not admit a final i"or u, and the necessarily lengthened vowel might easily attract the 
tone to itself. On the other hand a strong argument for Barm's theory is the fact that these 
litterae compaginis are almost exclusively used to emphasize the close connexion of one noun 
with another; hence especially in the constr. st. Consequently it seems in the highest degree 
probable that all these uses are based upon forms in which the constr. st. is expressly 
emphasized by a special termination, i.e. the constr. st. of terms of relationship, 'ON, TIN, 1 »n 
from 3X father, i"lN brother, Dn father-in-law (cf. § 96). The instances given under / and m 
followed this analogy. 

Like O is also used only to emphasize the constr. st. (see o), and must therefore have a 
similar origin, but its exact explanation is difficult. According to Barth, this i corresponds to a 
primitive Semitic a (cf. § 9 q) and is traceable to aba, aha, the accusatives of terms of 
relationship in the constr. St., which have a only before a genitive. Against this explanation it 
may be objected that there is no trace of the supposed Hebrew accusatives i3N, inx, ian, and 
only of the analogous to. It is also remarkable that so archaic a form should have been 
preserved (except in to) only in two words and those in quite late passages. However we have 
no better explanation to offer in place of Barth's. 

3 3 So Qimhi, and the Mant. ed. (Baer niy'i^D), i.e. locative from 117 to (Is 7:20). The 
reading Hilton (Opit, Ginsb.) implies a feminine in n ;. 

1 l Cf. the list in L. Kaila, Zur Syntax des in verbaler Abhangigkeit stehenden Nomens 
im alttest. Hebr., Helsingfors, 1906, p. 54. 

2 2 The name ^NW^ formerly regarded as a compound of ^to=Dto name and ^X, is 
better explained with Pratorius, ZDMG. 1903, p. 777, as a name of affection, for ?na# 
^Nr^N?!?^ [but see Driver on 1 S 1:20]; similarly, according to Pratorius, ^XW^ rnri5 
^N and many others. 

Finally we cannot deny the possibility, in some cases, of Barth's explanation of the 1 in 
compound proper names like VK^nn, &c. (see above), as due to the analogy of terms of 
relationship with nominative in 1. But this in no way militates against the view expressed 
above, that in some very old names, like Vkwq, "7XW3, &c, the original common nominative 
sign has simply been preserved. 

The instances found are: 

(a) Of the ending ' ;: lJ*nj$ '13 his ass 's colt, Gn 49: 1 1; IN'xn ^y that leaveth the 
flock, Zc 1 1 : 17 (cf. the preceding ^H.n 'V'l); H3p ^y the dweller in the bush, Dt 
33:16 (on ^y cf. below Jer 49 16 ", Ob 3 ); appended to the feminine ^nniyi Di 1 i ri i mj 
7??]i§ whether stolen by day or stolen by night, Gn 3 1 :39 (in prose, but in very 
emphatic speech); U9$ip \ni$ ,)>§ plena iustitiae, Is 1:21; Dtf ~>T\dr\ firfl of people , La 1:1 
(on the retraction of the tone before a following tone-syllable, cf. § 29 e; in the same 
verse the second Tim and 'riditz;, see below, follow the example of Tjdh, although no 
tone-syllable follows; cf. also Ho 10:1 1 below); p'lcf" 1 ? 1 ?'? Tnj'r 1 ?!? after the order of 
Melchizedek, Ps 1 10:4; cf. also Ps 1 13:9, Jer 49 16 . To the same category belong the 
rather numerous cases, in which a preposition is inserted between the construct state 
and its genitive (cf. § 130 a), without actually abolishing the dependent relation, e.g. 
CPiiQ TCih she that was great among the nations, niP7$3 Tdty princess among the 
provinces, La 1:1; WT 1 ? 'ftjGTtt that loveth to tread, Ho 10:11; cf. also Jer 49: 16a, 
Ob 3 . — In Ex 15:6 1 1^ can only be so explained if it is a vocative referring to mrp, but 
perhaps we should read rrn^ as predicate to 'ff,'!?]. 

Further, the Hireq compaginis is found with certain particles which are really also 
nouns in the constr. St., as Tj^T (=11^1) except, 'M (poetical for "ft) from, T 1 ?? not, 'pSN 
not (thrice in the formula 1117 '03X1 ^ I am, and there is none else beside me; but 
many take the , " as a suffix here), Is 47:8, 10, Zp 2: 15. [The above are all the cases in 
which this , " is attached to independent words in the O.T.; it occurs, however, 
besides] in compound proper names (again attached to the constr. St.), as p'jf^"''? 1 ?? 
(king of righteousness), l 78'H?5 (man of God), ^X^n (favour of God), and others (cf. 
also the Punic name Hannibal, i.e. ^dfan favour ofBa 'al). 

Otherwise than in the constr. st. the Hireg compaginis is only found in participial 
forms, evidently with the object of giving them more dignity, just as in the case of the 
construct forms in z^We must distinguish, however, between passages in which the 
participle nevertheless does stand in close connexion, as Gn 49:11, Is 22:16 (^tu and 
'iPiP^n, also in impassioned speech), Mi 7:14 (probably influenced by Dt 33:16), Ps 
101:5, 113:7; and passages in which the /"added to the participle with the article 
merely serves as an ornamental device of poetic style, e.g. in the late Psalms, 1 13:5, 6, 
7, 9 (on verse 8 see n), 114:8, 123:1. 

In fCthibh the termination zlalso occurs four times in TQE>T, i.e. , ME>i'', Jer 10: 17, 22:23 
(before 3), Ez 27:3 (before "Vy), La 4:21 (before 3). The Q e re always requires for it nnc^v (or 
'B"), except in Jer 22:23 rptt"; cf. ibid. TiUpa K e th., JftSjja Q e re, and finally Jer 51:13 Ta3E> 
iCth., M3'tz/ Q e re. Perhaps ~>KW'> and TlJ'ttf are formae mixtae, combining the readings KX&, 
&c. and ME^ (2nd fern, perf.), &c, but ''Mpa may be merely assimilated to 1 Mtl" which 
immediately precedes it. 

The following are simply textual errors: 2 K 4:23 TDVnn tCth., due to the preceding TN, 
and to be read rotf'n.n as in the 0Ve; Ps 30:8 (read nn.n), 113:8 (read irPKnn 1 ?), 116:1 (read 
Tin "7ip, as in five other places). On TP"i3, thrice, in Lv 26:42, cf. § 128 d. 

(b) Of the ending i 1 (always with the tone): in prose only in the Pentateuch, but in 
elevated style, Gn 1:24 fDN-in^n the beast of the earth (=fDNn n*n ver. 25); similarly in 
Ps 50:10, 79:2, 104:11, 20, Is 56:9 (twice), Zp 2:14; otherwise only in T9? tt-i son of 
Zippor, Nu 23:18; Ys?3 US son ofBeor, Nu 24:3, 15; and EPtf fojya a fountain of 
waters, Ps 114:8. 

£ 91. The Noun with Pronominal Suffixes. 

W. Diehl, Das Pronomen pers. suffixum 2 u. 3 pers. plur. des Hebr., Giessen, 1895; A. 
Ungnad, 'Das Nomen mit Suffixen im Semit.,' Vienna Oriental Journal, xx, p. 167 ff 

With regard to the connexion of the noun with pronominal suffixes, which then 
stand in a genitive relation (§ 33 c) and are, therefore, necessarily appended to the 
construct state of the noun, we shall first consider, as in the verb (§ 57 ff.), the forms 
of the suffixes themselves, and then the various changes in the form of the noun to 
which they are attached. The nouns are also tabulated in the Paradigms of the flexion 
of the noun in § 92 ff. Cf. also Paradigm A in the Appendix. We are here primarily 
concerned with the different forms of the suffixes when added to the singular, plural, 
and dual. 

1. The Suffixes of the singular are — 

With nouns ending in a — 



Sing. 1st 

Person, c. my. 

2nd Person, 

m. thy. 





1 7 {pause ~j cf 

3rd Person, 
m. his. 
f her. 

in, i 

i ( r n), ^ cf 

Plur. 1st 

Person, c. 




2nd Person, 

m. your. 



3rd Person, 
m. eorum. 


(poet. 1a cf) 

1 l Cf. Kaila, 1. c, p. 59 ff. 

f. earnm. ~\X\ (1?) | ]~ 

Rem. 1. There is less variety of forms in these than in the verbal suffixes; the particular 
forms are used as follows: — 

(a) Those without a connecting vowel (on the derivation of these 'connecting vowels' 
from original stem-vowels, see note on § 58 f) are generally joined to nouns of a peculiar 
form (see § 96), the constr. st. of which ends in a vowel, as T^CfK, l^dk and V3.N, rpCfK, I^PCfN, 

D3' , 3N, p'OK, DrP3N, irP3K, sometimes also to segholate forms ending in zlfrom H" 1 ? stems (see § 
93 x, y), e.g. Dirns the fruit of them, Am 9:14 (also ens Is 37:30, &c), iri^Q Jer 29:28 (also 
1^13 verse 5); cf, moreover, inaVn Lv 8: 16, 25 and similar examples with in (Is 3:17 ]7l) Gn 
21:28, Ez 13:17, 16:53.' Also in Gn 1:21, 4:4, Ez 10:12, Nah 2:8, &c, the K e th. perhaps 
intends the singular, onr, aV, &c, but the Masora requires the plural with defective e. 

(b) The forms with connecting vowels (§581) are joined to nouns ending in a consonant. 
The connecting vowel is regularly a in the 3rd sing. fern. n ' (for aha) and 3rdplur. D ~, i» tf, ~ 
], also in the 3rd sing. masc. 1 (n), since the o is contracted from a[h]u, and in the pausal 
form of the 2nd masc. ~\ (f (a modification of original ~} d). 

The forms with e in the above-mentioned persons are common only with nouns in n : 
(from stems H" 1 ?), constr. st. n ' (cf. § 89 f), e.g. in (Sty (from sadaihu) his field; ndy zfc /eo/J Is 
1:30; n<S"ia f/ze appearance thereof Lv 13:4 (from mar'aihd; on the S e ghol see k); but n7tt> /zer 
/zeM The orthographic retention of the % e.g. 'J'Gf'^a, T'ti'ya, gives to many forms the 
appearance of plurals; see the instances in § 93 ss. 

Apart from these TV' 1 ? forms the connecting vowel e in the 3rd pers. occurs only in isolated 
cases; mcfiK his light, Jb 25:3; mcf a 1 ? after its kind, Gn 1:12,25 [+ 12 times]; Na l:13;inJu 
19:24 read Wl^B as in vv. 2, 25. On the other hand "] " in the 2nd sing. fern, and 13 cTin the 1st 
plur. are by far the more common forms, while "] ", 11 d"are of rare occurrence; see e. — Instead 
of ■} - (nD " in Gn 10:19, Ex 13:16, Jer 29:25, &c, cf. nD3, nDV § 103 g), OD ", ]D ; (with S'wd 
mobile), if the last consonant of the noun is a guttural, the forms are ~} '_., WD '_,, ]D '_,, e.g. *yvr\ thy 
spirit, ]XY3 thy creator, Is 43: 1, CDSP1 your friend, Jb 6:27 (on such cases as 033103 Hag 2:5, 
see § 10 g). — With Nun energicum (cf. § 58 i, and on ^§iy Jb 5:1, &c, cf. § 61 h) ^$1 occurs 
in Pr 25: 16, in principal pause. 

2. Rare or incorrect forms are — 

Sing. 1st pers. 'O cfin 'OCflttfS. Ez 47:7 (certainly only a scribal error, caused by 'OCfK^I in 
verse 6). 

2nd pers. m. in pause n3 d", e.g. n3,£i3 (thy hand), Ps 139:5, cf. Pr 24:10; once "]g'n Ps 53:6 
(cf. the analogous cases in the verbal suffix § 75 11); fern, y ~ Ez 5:12 (in 16:53 also for 
y&iy probably TWlti is intended), ^ d"Jer 11:15, Ps 103:3, 116:19, 135:9 (corresponding to 
the Aramaic suffix of the 2nd fern, sing.; on the wholly abnormal n3 cTNa 2: 14, cf. /), 1 3 l 7 K e th. 
2 K 4:2, Ct 2:13. Also T. tfls 22:1, Ez 23:28, 25:4. 

1 J Also in Jer 15:10 read (according to § 61 h, end) ^iV?!? on 1 ?!; in Ho 7:6 probably 


3rd pers. n '" (cf. § 7 c), e.g. nVnK Gn 9:21, 12:8, 13:3, 35:21 (always with Qfre iVrm); 
n'm Nu 10:36; n'rf? Dt 34:7; n'Va Jer 20:7, Na 2:1 Qfre; n'Sj? 2 K 19:23 £%, for which Hp is 
read in Is 37:24; HT17 and n'niD Gn 49:11, cf. Ex 22:26 (ffre iTV, imo); H3D Ps 10:9, 27:5 
iff/?.; n'lian Ez 31:18, &c, £%; n'filjPQri Ez 48:18 [altogether fourteen times in the 
Pentateuch, and some forty times in other books: see Driver, Samuel, p. xxxv, and on 2 S 2:9, 

3rd fern, n " for n ~ (with the softening oitheMappiq, cf. § 23 k, and the analogous cases 
in § 58 g) occurs repeatedly before B e ghadhk e phath and other soft consonants, Ex 9: 18 
(before 1, if the text is right), Lv 13:4 (before V), Nu 15:28, 31, 1 S 1:9 (unless rfWK, the infin. 
with fem. termination, is intended; 7\'m follows), Ez 16:44, 24:6 (before l), 1 S 20:20, 2 K 
8:6, Pr 12:28 (before R), Na 3:9 (before 1), Ps 48:14 (before 3), Ez 47:10, Jb 31:22 twice 
(before n), Is 21:2, Jer 20:17 (before n), Nu 32:42, Am 1:11 (before }), Lv 6:2 (before »); even 
inpause, Lv 12 4a and 5b ; Is 23:17, Pr 21:22, also with Zaqeph, Is 45:6, Jer 6:6 (probably), 
44: 19; on na : tl>n Lv 26:34, &c, see § 67 y. Cf. also K " Ez 36:5. — Sometimes the Masora 
appears (but this is very doubtful) to regard the n ~ with feminines as a shortening of OT ", e.g. 
rm Gn 40: 10 for nriGfr, H3Q Pr 7:8 for nri(fe; also D ; for Dn : in Dmri3 Ho 13:2, and Dany Jb 
5:13. The examples, however, are for the most part uncertain, e.g. in Is 28:4 the reading is 
simply to be emended to rnt33, and in Zc 4:2 to nVl, Jb 11:9 to H-ra, Neh 5: 14 to nns. [See 
also, after prepositions, § 103 g.] 

Plur. 1st pers. U (f, inpause U^p Jb 22:20 (where, however, ftrfj? is certainly to be read); 
cf. Ru 3:2 [Is 47: 10, cf. § 61 c, h], and so always ufib all of us, Gn 42: 1 1, &c [cf. m, ti?, Mm, 

2nd pers. fem. HltfEz 23:48, 49. 

3rd pers. masc. ia tf Ps 17:10 (on ia in ia 1 ^ in the same verse, and in Ps 58:7 see .1); Dn § 
2 S 23:6, according to Sievers probably to call attention to the reading orto. Fem. nin d"l K 
7:37, Ez 16:53 (inpause); HI d"Gn 41:21; H3 d"Gn 30:41; rtf d"Ru 1:19; elsewhere generally in 
pause (Gn 21:29, 42:36, Jer 8:7, Pr 31:29, Jb 39:2); finally ]Tl as suffix to a noun, only in Is 

For examples of singulars with plural suffixes see 1. 

2. In the plural masc. and in the dual the suffixes are to be regarded primarily as 
affixed to the original ending of the construct state (' cf, cf. § 89 d). This ending, 
however, has been preserved unchanged only in the 2nd fem. In most cases it is 
contracted to 1 ", as in the constr. st. without suffixes (so throughout the plur. and in 
the poetical suffix W cf of the 3rd sing, masc); in the 2nd masc. and 3rd fem. sing, it 
is 1 " (cf. k). On the 1st pers. and 3rd masc. sing, see i. — Thus there arise the 

Suffixes of Plulral Nouns. 



1. c. my. 1 7, pause 1 " 

1. c. owr. 

U' cT 

2. m. T <f 

f X Gpause y_ cf 

2. m. jowr. 



3. m. 


f. her. 

v ~, poet. W d" 

3. m. ^/ze/>. 

og 1 : 

, poet, to 1 d" 


Thus the original , " is (a) contracted in the 3rd sing. masc. W cf and throughout 
theplural, as irPGfrD, irfljfto, &c; (b) retained unchanged in the 1st sing. 'DID, the real 
suffix-ending ' (see b) being united with the final Yodh of the ending , ~; and in the 
2nd fern. sing. X^O, with a helping- Hireq after the Yodh. On the other hand (c) the 
Yodh of ' 7 is lost in pronunciation and the a lengthened to a in the 3rd masc. sing. 
VOID, i.e. susdw (pronounced siisd-u) 1 The 2nd masc. sing. TG-jrtD and the 3rd fern, 
sing. rPG^iD were formerly also explained here as having really lost the \ and modified 
the a ofsusakd, susahd to Sfghol; but cf. the view now given in g and k. 

Rem. 1. As tPGfto represents susai-nu, so TGfro and rpGfto represent susai-kd, susai-ha, 
and the use of Sfghol instead of the more regular Sere is to be explained from the character of 
the following syllable, — so P. Haupt who points to ntfop 1 as compared with intftpi??. m support 
of the view formerly adopted by us that the , is only orthographically retained, too much 
stress must not be laid on the fact that it is sometimes omitted, 2 thereby causing confusion in 
an unpointed text with the singular noun. A number of the examples which follow may be due 
to an erroneous assumption that the noun is a plural, where in reality it is a singular, and 
others may be incorrect readings. Cf. ~\(S~}'] thy ways (probably *]Tfi is intended), Ex 33:13, 
Jos 1:8, Ps 119:37; for other examples, see Jos 21:11 ff. (n<f y$; but in 1 Ch 6:40 ff. always d" 
H 1 ), Ju 19:9, 1 K 8:29, Is 58:13, Ps 119:41, 43, 98 (probably, however, in all these cases the 
sing, is intended); ndbx Nu 30:8 (cf. v. 5); Jjdf'aa Jer 19:8, 49:17; ntfoa Dn 11:6. For the 
orthographic omission of 1 before suffixes cf. incJh for ~\7V<§~\ his friends 1 S 30:26, Pr 29: 18; 
Jb 42: 10 (but it is possible to explain it here as a collective singular); wrfiy our iniquities, Is 
64:5, 6, Jer 14:7; Ex 10:9, Neh 10:1 {M<£h from D'lV which is always written defectively); 
DrocnNu 29:33; DDlVyi Jer 44:9; DDT Ps 134:2; nriTK) after their kinds , Gn 1:21 (but see c), 
cf. 4:4 and Na 2:8. The defective writing is especially frequent in the 3rd masc. sing. ~\ ", 
which in Q e re is almost always changed to V ", e.g. Hn his arrows, Ps 58:8, Q e re VSTJ. On BIT, 
only three times Vifjl, cf. § 135 r. 

2. Unusual forms (but for the most part probably only scribal errors) are — Sing. 2nd pers. 
fern T : (after 1 ']tl>N happy! Ec 10:17, which has become stereotyped as an interjection, and is 
therefore unchangeable; cf. Delitzsch on the passage); , :p d" (cf. Syr. 'o ") 2 K 4:3, and 7 in 
K e th., Ps 103:3-5, 116:7 (W tf m pause). — In Ez 16:31 T. d"(so DD 1 : in 6:8) occurs with an 
infin. ending in ni, the rri being therefore treated as a plural ending; similarly, the plural suffix 
is sometimes found with the feminine ending m (Nu 14:33, Is 54:4, Jer 3:8, Ez 16:15, 23:7, as 
well as in 16:20 Q e re, and Zp 3:20), with the ending ith (Lv 5:24, reading int^an), and even 
with the ordinary feminine ending ath; Is 47: 13, Ez 35: 1 1, Ps 9: 15, Ezr 9: 15. — Wholly 

1 l In the papyrus of the decalogue from the Fayyum, line 16, "P^VI occurs for 
iniznp 1 ! Ex 20: 1 1 . Gall, ZAW. 1903, p. 349, takes this as an indication that the 
traditional forms of the noun-suffix V or 1 represent aiu or eu. P. Haupt aptly 
compares the Greek use of the iota subscript (a). 

2 2 So in the Mesa' inscription, 1. 22 nrfr'ntt its towers (along with myw its gates). 
Can it have been the rule to omit 1 after the termination othl Cf. below, n. 

abnormal is rpdkVa thy messengers, Na 2: 14, evidently a case of dittography of the following 
n: read yGvbft. 

3rdmasc. im d"Hb 3:10, Jb 24:23; in tfl S 30:26, Ez 43:17, Na 2:4; vitf (a purely 
Aramaic form) Ps 116:12. — 3rd fern. KIT d"Ez 41:15. 

P/wr. The strange 2nd pers. masc. aSTji^iQfi (with zfso Qimhi; cf Norzi) Jer 25:34, is 
probably a mixed form combining intf?) and a^Tji^Qn^m. njd" 1 1 Ez 13:20. 

3rd masc. 71K& :Ez 40:16; fern. rutf 1 : Ez 1:11. 

3. The termination i» tf; (also with the Jz/a/, e.g. Ps 58:7, 59: 13), like i» and in tf, occurs 
with the noun (as with the verb, § 58 g) almost exclusively in the later poets [viz. with a 
substantive in the singular, Ps 21: 1 1, 17: 10, 10, 58:7, 59: 13, 89: 18; with a dual or plural, Dt 
32:27, 32, 37, 38, 33:29, Ps 2:3, 3, 11:7, 35:16, 49:12, 58:7, 59:14, 73:5, 7, 83:12, 12, 140:4, 
10, Jb 27:23; after prepositions, see § 103 f, o, notes], and cannot, therefore, by itself be taken 
as an indication of archaic language. On the other hand there can be no doubt that these are 
revivals of really old forms. That they are consciously and artificially used is shown by the 
evidently intentional accumulation of them, e.g. in Ex 15:5, 7, 9 Ps 2:3, 5, and 140:4, 10, and 
also by the fact observed by Diehl (see the heading of this section) that in Ex 15 they occur 
only as verbal suffixes, in Dt 32 only as noun suffixes. 

3. It is clear and beyond doubt that the Yodh in these suffixes with the plural noun 
belongs, in reality, to the ending of the construct state of the masculine plural. Yet the 
consciousness of this fact became so completely lost as to admit of the striking 
peculiarity (or rather inaccuracy) of appending those suffix-terms which include the 
plural ending 1 z, even to the feminine plural in ni (ircfiiDip, T^iOlO, &c), so that in 
reality the result is a double indication of the plural. 1 

Such is the rule: the singular suffix, however (see b), also occurs with the ending ni 
(probably through the influence of Aramaic), e.g. TjiT.X Ps 132: 12 (unless it be sing, for 
tjh.V, as, according to Qimhi in his Lexicon, tj "an, T\ 2K 6:8 is for ^urj.rj); "jfijaa Dt 28:59 
(treated on the analogy of an infin. 7\"b); ini'TiN Ez 16:52. On the other hand ^grisa (so Baer, 
Ginsb.; but Opit. y d) Ps 1 19:98, Dn 9:5 is merely written defectively, like y£' iru according 
to Baer (not Ginsb.) in Pr 1:9, &c. In the 3rdplur. the use of the singular suffix is even the 
rule in the earlier Books (see the instances in Diehl, 1. c, p. 8), e.g. Dfii3K {their fathers) 
oftener than arprf 3N (this only in 1 K 14:15, and in Jer, Ezr, Neh, and Ch [in 1 K, Jer, Ezr, 
however, nyiK is more common]); so always arii»iZ>, irii»K> their names, Drill!' 7 ? their 
generations. From parallel passages like 2 S 22:46 compared with Ps 18:46, Is 2:4 with Mi 
4:3, it appears that in many cases the longer form in an 1 " can only subsequently have taken 
the place of a ~. 

4. The following Paradigm of a masculine and feminine noun with suffixes is 
based upon a monosyllabic noun with one unchangeable vowel. With regard to the 
ending n ~ in the constr. st. of the fern, it should be further remarked that the short a of 
this ending is only retained before the grave suffixes D3 and p; before all the others 
(the light suffixes) it is lengthened to a. 

1 l See an analogous case in § 87 s. Cf. also the double feminine ending in the 3rd 
sing. perf. of verbs H" 1 ?, § 75 i. 




a horse. 





my horse. 



thy horse. 



thy horse. 



equus eius 



equus eius 





our horse. 



your horse. 



your horse. 



equus eorum 



equus earum 


ncno a mare. 

"•riOTp my mare. 

■311,010 thy mare. 

"jriCfiD f/ry mare. 

inplp egzza e/'ws (raa). 

nriDIO e^wa ez'M5 (raa). 

WCfplp our mare. 

DDI1D10 your mare. 

priDIO your mare. 

Driplp egwa eorum (sua). 

■jripIO egzza earum (sua). 



















□'DID horses. 
''010 my horses. 

-pqfto ^y horses. 

■pflfto f^y horses. 

VOID egza eras (raz). 

rptflD egza e/Ms (sw/). 

ircjno ow hourses. 

Drpplp yozzr horses. 
p'Olp yozzr horses. 

□rpplp egza eorum 

■jn^p^ip egza eorum 



niOID mares. 

''IiiDIp my mares. 

"pctfiOlp ^y mares. 

■pGjnoip fAy mares. 

vriiOlp equae eius (suae). 

rPGilDlp equae eius (suae). 

irdiDlp ozzr mares. 

orPJiiplO yozzr mares. 

irpJiiplD yozzr mares. 

DrPJiiplO equae eorum (suae). 

irpriipID equae eorum (suae). 

§ 92. Vowel Changes in the Noun. 

1. Vowel changes in the noun may be caused (a) by dependence on a following 
genitive, (/3) by connexion with pronominal suffixes, (c) by the plural and dual 
terminations, whether in the form of the absolute state or of the construct (before a 
following genitive of a noun or suffix). 

2. In all these cases, the tone of the noun is moved forward either one or two 
syllables, while the tone of the construct state may even be thrown upon the following 
word. In this way the following changes may arise: — 

(a) When the tone is moved forward only one place, as is the case when the plural 
and dual endings D 1 ", ni and 0? (fare affixed, as well as with all monosyllabic or 
paroxytone suffixes, then in dissyllabic nouns the originally short vowel of the first 
syllable (which was lengthened as being in an open syllable before the tone) becomes 
SSvd, since it no longer stands before the tone. On the other hand, the originally short, 
but tone-lengthened vowel, of the second syllable is retained as being now the 
pretonic vowel; e.g. 137 word (ground-form dabar), plur. D'TH?; with a light suffix 
beginning with a vowel, , 13% udh?; plur. nn?, Tpcfo}, &c; rawing, dual rptfip. With 
an unchangeable vowel in the second syllable: V\?B overseer, plur. DTP?; with the 
suffix of the sing. 'T\?$, N £'!??, &c; with the stiff of the plur. 'Tp?, Tpcf'i??, &c. With 
an unchangeable vowel in the first syllable: D'jiy eternity, plur. D'^ii?, with stiff '^ii?, 
&C. 1 

But in participles of the form *7B'p, with tone-lengthened e (originally zj in the 
second syllable, the e regularly becomes Sfwd mobile before a tone-bearing affix, e.g. 
T'K enemy, plur. O'OJX with suff 'OJX &c. Likewise in words of the form *7tofp, ^Bj?, 
&c. (with e in the second syllable; § 84b d, 1, p; § 85 i and k), e.g. d'px dumb, plur. 

(b) When the tone of the construct state, plural or dual, is carried over to the 
following word, or, in consequence of the addition of the grave suffixes to the constr. 
st. plur. or dual, is moved forward two places within the word itself, in such cases the 
originally short vowel of the second syllable becomes S e wd, while the vowel of the 
first syllable reverts to its original shortness, e.g. Dyn 'TOTT the words of the people, 
nc$' , ~]'yi your words, □rfJ 1 7J37 their words (in all which instances the 1 of the first 
syllable is attenuated from an original a). 

In the segholate forms in the singular and mostly in the dual the suffix is appended to the 
ground-form (^Va my Icing, i^cfra, &c.); on the other hand, before the endings D 1 ", ni 
(sometimes also before D 1 d) a Qames regularly occurs, 1 before which the vowel of the first 
syllable then becomes vocal S e wd (O'pVa, nioVa). This QameS (on which cf. § 84a a) remains 
even before the light suffixes, when attached to the plur. masc. CoVa, Tfd^a, &c). On the 
other hand, the constr. st. plur. and dual, regularly, according to d, has the form "oVa, with 
grave suffix tp'OVa, &c, , ri 1 7T from W^?" 7 } folding-doors . 

(c) Before the ywd mobile which precedes the suffix ~} when following a 
consonant, the a-sound, as a rule, is the only tone-lengthened vowel which remains in 
the final syllable (being now in an open syllable before the tone), e.g. dp? ,7, dj^,5% 
&c. (on the forms with e in the second syllable, see § 93 qq); but before the grave 
suffixes D3 7 and p 7 in the same position it reverts to its original shortness, as 037157 

1 l The participles Niph 'al TID.^Dt 30:4, in?; 2 S 14:13, and some plurals of the 
participle Niph. of verbs X" 1 ? form an exception; cf. § 93 00. 
1 l For the rare exceptions see § 93 1 and § 97 f, note 2. 

{(fbharkhem), &c. In the same way the tone-lengthened a or e of the second syllable 
in the constr. st. sing, also becomes short again, since the constr. st. resigns the 
principal tone to the fenowing word, e.g. D'H^S ~Q7; rvdn IStj (from ~isn). 

Rem. The Masora (cf. Diqduqe ha-famim, p. 37) reckons thirteen words which retain 
QameS in the constr. St., some of which had originally a and therefore need not be considered. 
On the other hand, ti?m or dVk 1 K 7:6, Ez 40:48, &c. (in spite of the constr. st. plur. 1 a 1 ?,K); 
nma Ps 65:6, Pr 25:19; a-S» 1 S 13:23 (so Baer, but ed. Mant., Ginsburg, &c. 1X&); Vp^a Ezr 
8:30 and l^ia Pr 18: 16 are very peculiar. 

3. The vowel changes in the inflexion of feminine nouns (§ 95) are not so 
considerable, since generally in the formation of the feminine either the original 
vowels have been retained, or they have already become Sfwd. 

Besides the vowel changes discussed above in a-g, which take place according to the 
general formative laws (§§ 25-28), certain further phenomena must also be considered in the 
inflexion of nouns, an accurate knowledge of which requires in each case an investigation of 
the original form of the words in question (see §§ 84-86). Such are, e.g., the rejection of the n 
of TV' 1 ? stems before all formative additions (cf. § 91 d), the sharpening of the final consonant 
of yy stems in such cases as p'n, 1 i?n, &c. 

A striking difference between the vowel changes in the verb and noun is that in a verb 
when terminations are added it is mostly the second of two changeable vowels which 
becomes S'wd C?Bj? 3 rr?t?,j?, ^t?,i?), but in a noun, the first (inn, •03% a>^Tj), cf. § 27. 3. 

§ 93. Paradigms of Masculine Nouns. } 

Masculine nouns from the simple stem may, as regards their form and the vowel 
changes connected with it, be divided into four classes. A synopsis of them is given 
on pp. 264, 265, and they are further explained below. Two general remarks may be 

(a) That all feminines without a distinctive termination (§ 122 h) are treated like 
these masculine nouns, e.g. 2~)(§f sword, like "f2<§ m. king, except that in the plural 
they usually take the termination ni"; thus riirriD, constr. n1n~in (and so always before 
suffixes, see § 95). 

(b) That in the plural of the first three classes a changeable vowel is always 
retained even before the light suffixes as a lengthened pretonic vowel, whenever it 
also stands before the plural ending D' ". All suffixes, except D3, p, wu, ID (Q3 1 1, p 1 Z, ~_ 
arr, irr :), are called light. Cf. § 92 e. 

Explanations of the Paradigms (see pp. 264, 265). 

1. Paradigm I comprises the large class of segholate nouns (§ 84a a-e). In the first 
three examples, from a strong stem, the ground-forms, malk, siphr, quds have been 
developed by the adoption of a helping S e ghol to "$<$ (with a modified to e), ISC? (1" 

1 l A sort of detailed commentary on the following scheme of Hebrew declensions is 
supplied by E. Konig in his Hist.-krit. Lehrgeb. der hebr. Spr., it. 1, p. 1 ff 

lengthened to e), ttftcfp (u lengthened to o) 2 The next three examples, instead of the 
helping S e ghol, have a helping Pathah, on account of the middle (d,f) or final guttural 
(e). In all these cases the constr. st. sing, coincides exactly with the absolute. The 
singular suffixes are added to the ground-form; but in c and/an 5 takes the place of 
the original u, and in d and/the guttural requires a repetition of the d and 5 in the 
form of a Hateph ('I J? ,3, ,1 7J?,?); before a following ^wa this Hateph passes into a 
simple helping vowel (a, 6), according to § 28 c; hence ^?,3, &c. 

In the plural an a-sound almost always appears before the tone-bearing affix Q 1 " 
(on the analogy of forms with original a in the second syllable; cf. § 84a a), in the 
form of a pretonic QameS, whilst the short vowel of the first syllable becomes vocal 
ywd. The original a of the 2nd syllable is elided in the construct state, so that the 
short vowel under the first radical then stands in a closed syllable. The omission of 
Dages in a following Begadkephath ( 1 5 1 7?, not 1 ? 1 75, &c.) is due to the loss of a vowel 
between *? and D. On the other hand, the pretonic Qames of the absolute state is 
retained before the light plural suffixes, whilst the grave suffixes are added to the 
form of the construct state. — The ending of the absolute state of the dual is added, as 
a rule, to the ground-form (so in ad and h, but cf. k). The construct state of the dual 
is generally the same as that of the plural, except, of course, in cases like m. 

Paradigms g and h exhibit forms with middle u and /' (§ 84a c, y and 8); the ground 
forms maut and zait are always contracted to moth, zeth, except in the absol. sing., 
where u and i are changed into the corresponding consonants 1 and \ 

Paradigm i exhibits one of the numerous forms in which the contraction of a 
middle u or i has already taken place in the absol. sing, (ground-form saut). 

Paradigm k is a formation from a stem H" 1 ? (§ 84a c, s). 

Paradigms /, m, n are forms from stems V"V, and hence (see § 67 a) originally 
biliteral, yam, im, huq, with the regular lengthening to D\, QK, p'n. Before formative 
additions a sharpening, as in the inflexion of verbs 17"!?, takes place in the second 
radical, e.g. "m, WW, &c. (see § 84a c, 0). 


1. A. On I. a and d (ground-form qaO). Inpause the full lengthening to a generally takes 
place, thus u^6 vineyard, ~iV(£ y~\(£seed (from V~\($), and so always (except Ps 48: 1 1), in f"i(£ 
earth with the article, f"i(fn, according to § 35 o (cf. also in the LXX the forms A(3eX, 'IacpeB 
for "73(f, nsd). However, the form with e is also sometimes found in pause, along with that in 
a, e.g. "70 dS together with TDtf; and very frequently only the form with S e ghol, e.g. *f?<&, Nttfcf 
grass, rnrf perpetuity, vty(§ a wonder, \?1& righteousness, Dlljf the East, Wi<£help, &c. — With 
two S'ghols, although with a middle guttural, we find unft bread (inpause Dntf) and Dntf 
womb (inpause oncf), besides Dnd Ju 5:30 (inpause and). A helping S'ghol always stands 

2 2 According to P. Haupt 'The book of Nahum' in the Journ. of bib/. Lit., 1907, p. 29, 
the e in 19 p and the o'miutp are not long but accented, and hence to be pronounced 
oecpp, 6(y Oil's), a theory unknown at any rate to the Jewish grammarians. 

before a final K, as KE>(f, Kjtf (with sw/J "Jton), NVtf, KT^" (also written rntf), except in K% see 

B. The constr. st. is almost always the same as the absolute. Sometimes, however, under 
the influence of a final guttural or ~i, Pathah appears in the second syllable as the principal 
vowel (see below, s), e.g. 133, Ps 18:26; VII (only in Nu 11:7, before Maqqeph), Tin Ju 3:24 
(but Ct 3:4 lief), VM, "ino as well as yi<£ &c; cf, moreover, nnp 2 K 12:9 (for nrj<£ J«/m. 
constr. from ni? 1 ?). 

Paradigms of Masculine Nouns. 




a. /3. c. d. e. 

■J7<$ igd uftdp -lyqf rrccf 

(king) (book) (sanctuary) (a youth) (perpetuity) 

'pVft ,_ i?p ^p ny.i 



jp T T?S7.3 WW 

"with D35 1 ?;? 0P??P Dp#?p ap?,y3 OP0?3 





^pVa n?p '^7p njj,j tj?: 
'p 1 ??? npp ['tfnpj ^V? 'D^ 




DP 1 ?!? 9 












(whip) (fruit) (sea) (mother) (statute) 

uw np n 1 ^' ax ~pn 

tpt to^ ""?? to' to^ 'iPO 

^',1 ^ltf X7i9 }# :?x ^o 
□priM nppiiz; ap^s ap^ npax nppn 

[DTjto] DTH WttW D"1J Dto! ^toX D'prj 



"with apT) 1 ?;? QpTpP Qp , ?7P Qp^yj Qp'.n?: ap^y,? 


Dual n?tff] D?tfpp Q'drto Q?tfyj 


(loins) (sandals) 

tpt 'tiw ".7J to' ntox 'pi] 

Tin 'Diiz; (/a<*) to! Ttox 'prj 

apTn Dp'oiiz; 

apto! QpTtox np'prj 

(/eef) (fwo 




Q'^y D^i 1 D'G^i 1 ? D?(£p 

(eyes) (hco Joys, (cheeks) (hands) 

■'aria ^y 3 


'n 1 ? 'P? 









c. d. 











m nop 











(an old (shoulder) 












ii?r notf iso 












'?iPl ' 

?n? 'isq 









Xi. 97 
































































a ?'5:^ 



















(pair of 








C. The n " /oca/e is, according to § 90 i, regularly added to the already developed form, 
e.g. rnitfPs 1 16: 14, 18: nnrigin Gn 19:6, to the door, but also with a firmly closed syllable 
n3}rfEx 40:24; under the influence of a guttural or 1, rmtf, HTlcS, in pause T]T}<& (cf. rnttf 1 
Ch 14:16, from ltd). 

D. The suffixes of the singular are likewise added to the ground-form, but forms with 
middle guttural take Hakph-Pathah instead of the Sfwd quiescens; 'HiM, &c. (but also ''an 1 ?, 
''aVT, &c). In a rather large number of qdU- forms, however, before suffixes in the sing., as 
well as in the constr. st. plur. and dual, the a of the first syllable is attenuated to i" ' thus 'Otpa 
my womb, iiri 1 ; so in lid, y^tf, VTd", rn<£ rn<f, ytftf, nricf, p7(f, "inqf, nncjf, ytfcf, tfaaf , and many 
others. In some cases of this kind besides the form with a there most probably existed another 
with original fi"m the first syllable; thus certainly with VE'Cfbeside y$0[ rntfbeside ntf<£ &c. 
(According to the Diqduqe ha-tiamim, § 36, the absolute st. in such cases takes e, the constr. 
e; cf. "ntfNu 30:4 {absol.) and T7Cf30:10 {constr.); Ildf Lv 24:20 (absol.) and 11(f Am 6:6 
(constr.). According to this theory 2 k"7(^(so the best authorities) Is 9:5 would be the constr. St., 
although the accentuation requires an absol. st.) — A weakening of the firmly closed syllable 
occurs in ^1}2, &c. from 7}($ and 'jd]?''. Dt 15:14, 16: 13, in both cases evidently owing to the 
influence of the palatal in the middle of the stem. With S"ghdl for r.'h'^, ~}W\, •"TJJ, &c. 

1 l According to M. Lambert, REJ. 1896, p. 21, a tends to remain with labials; so in 
14 cases out of 22 masculines, and in 3 out of 6 feminines. 

2 2 Probably only a theory of one particular school and not generally accepted, or at 
any rate not consistently carried out; cf. Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 22. 

E. In the plural the termination rri is found as well as D 1 ", e.g. riWQl, mmv together with 
iTffi'M (Ez 13:20 [but read CtStorj; see comm.]), &c, constr. st. niE>Ql Other nouns have only 
the ending ni, e.g. ni2nK, constr. niriK from y~\&. Without Qa me S before the ending D 1 " we 
find D , an i 'i (bowels) mercy. On the numerals D'Hfc^f ?we«fy, &c, cf. § 97 f, note 2. Moreover o 
is not inserted before plural suffixes with the tone on the penultima in ^dt^K, &c, properly 
thy happiness! (a word which is only used in the constr. st. pi. and at an early period became 
stereotyped as a kind of interjection). 

F. In the constr. st. plural a firmly closed syllable is sometimes found, contrary to the 
rule, e.g. DrPQD? Gn 42:25, 35; ■'Sitth Ct 8:6 0?Eh Ps 76:4); ■'SHE Ez 17:9; ^m Is 5:10, and so 
always in D^SDl Nu 29:39, Qlpaw Ps 16:4, &c. (on the other hand, according to the best 
authorities not in 'Hon Is 55:3, &c, though in Ps 107:43 Ginsburg reads Hon); cf. § 46 d. Even 
with a middle guttural in^ya Est 1:17, 20. — The attenuation of a to /"also occurs sometimes in 
this form (see above, k), e.g. TOT, &c, even hV 1 Is 57:4 beside H 1 ?!! Ho 1:2, &c. 

G. In the dual absol. beside forms like wttxifeet, with suff T'lKn, T'^'i, &c. tPG^N two 
thousand, D?tf57,3 sandals, CPCfB knees (a attenuated to i" constr. st. ^~\2. with a firmly closed 

syllable), with suffixes ^"na, &c. (cf, however, Drprna Ju 7:6), forms with pretonic QameSare 
also found (in consequence of the tendency to assimilate the dual to the plural in form: so 
Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 17), as D'ldip horns, with suff. VT}\? (Dn 8:3 ff; elsewhere always CPCfip, 
VT}\?, &c), and so always D , dj'7H, constr. st. , ri l 7'7 folding-doors , D^dhrT (?) double way. 

2. On Paradigms b and e. With a final K rejected (but retained orthographically) we find 
Ktpn sin. An initial guttural before suffixes generally receives S e ghol instead of the original i" 
e.g. ''pVn, nTV, &c, so in the constr. st. plur. tyy, &c; Ktpn forms •'Ktpn 2 K 10:29, &c, 
retaining the QameSoi D^tpn before the weak K. — The pausal forms ~\T\<& and MCf* (out of 
pause always iridi, EQC#) go back to by-forms iricf, En 8$. — On ni3;E>y (constr. st. plur. of 3t£><3?) 
Pr 27:25, cf. § 20 h; D^ipE* sycamores, without QameS before the termination D 1 " (see above, 
1), is probably from the sing. n»ptz> found in the Misna. 

3. On Paradigms c and/ tpttfp occurs in Pr 22:21 without a helping vowel; with a middle 
guttural Vydb, &c, but with n also Vndk, inda; with a final guttural nndi, yndi &c, but with K, 
Kadi; with a firmly closed syllable ''SDK; Mi 7: 1. 

Before suffixes the original u sometimes reappears in the sing., e.g. iVlj (Ps 150:2) beside 
iVli, from Vicfo greatness; V730 (with Dages forte dirimens, and the u repeated in the form of a 

Hafeph-QameS, cf. § 10 h) Is 9:3, &c; natra Ez 22:24. — Corresponding to the form DnVy,? 
po oVkhem we find^ntpp Ho 13:14, even without a middle guttural; similarly ''Iitp.p (so 
Jablonski and Opitius) 1K12:10, 2 Ch 10:10, from it? dp little finger, but the better reading is, 
no doubt, ''Btpp (so ed. Mant., 'the p proleptically assuming the vowel of the following 
syllable'; Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 69), and the form is to be derived, with Konig, from 1'tap, not 
qutun, as Brockelmann quotes him, in Grundriss, p. 103. The reading ^Dp (Baer and 
Ginsburg) is probably not due to a confusion of the above two readings, but ~ is merely 
intended to mark the vowel expressly as 5. In the forms iVj/,'9 Is 1:31 (for ftjj.s) and riN'n Is 
52: 14 (for ilKri 1 S 28: 14), the lengthening of the original u to o has been retained even 
before the suffix; cf. § 63 p and § 74 h (D3XX'»3 Gn 32:20). — In the same way o remains 
before n ' locale, e.g. nri r d", nVn'Kn Gn 18:6, 24:67, &c. Dissimilation of the vowel (or a by- 
form nod?) seems to occur in inDl Ex 14:2, Ez 46:9, for inoi 

In the absol. st. plur. the original u generally becomes S e wd before the QameS, e.g. Q'Hj?! 
from 1J7C& morning, D^VQ works, QTlH"! lances, D ,l ?yE> handfuls {constr. st. ^V,,^ Ez 13:19); on 
the other hand, with an initial guttural the w-sound reappears as Hakph QameS, e.g. D'Ehtl 
months, D ,- 1QV gazelles, nilTiK ways; and so even without an initial guttural, ntniH the 
threshing-floors, 1 S 23:1, Jo 2:24; D^Xi? sanctuaries, and tPEh,tt> roots (qodhasim, &c., with 
d for "); also , EH i i? [but ~p<£ 7\? : , VtO?, once ',[7], where, however, the reading frequently 
fluctuates between 'j? and 'j?; with the article 'j?n, 'j?3, '\?b, according to Baer and Ginsburg. On 
these forms cf especially § 9 v. From Vntftf tent, both D^riNS and O^rTK (cf § 23 h and 'iWb 
above) are found; with light suffixes ■'VrTK, &c; so from rn'K way, TrTnYx (also , ri'n"iK) — 
hence only with initial K, 'on account of its weak articulation' (Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 45). It 
seems that by these different ways of writing a distinction was intended between the plural of 
nrn'N caravan, and of rn'N way; however, nirnK is also found in the former sense (in constr. 
st. Jb 6: 19) and ninYN in the latter (e.g. Jb 13:27 according to the reading of Ben Naphtali and 
Qimhi); cf. also ni'IiK 2 Ch 8:18 K e th. ('IK Q e re). — The constr. st. plural of incS thumb is 
nil'na Ju 1:6 f, as if from a sing. ]'Ti2: of 7\1<5 brightness, Is 59:9 nin'Sa (on these q e t5l-forms, 
cf. t). — If TOOK Pr 25: 1 1 is not dual but plural (see the Lexicon) it is then analogous to the 
examples, given in / and o, of plurals without a pretonic QameS, cf. D^tpa pistachio nuts, 
probably from a sing, rutpa. According to Barth, ZDMG. xlii, 345 f TIiQK is a sing. OlQK, the 
ground-form of rUQK, with suffix). 

In the constr. st. plur. the only example with original u is ''Drn Ps 31:21; otherwise like 

•ni>7i?, •'VnK, &c. 

4. Besides the forms treated hitherto we have to consider also a series of formations, 
which have their characteristic vowel under the second radical, as is ordinarily the case in 
Aramaic (on the origin of these forms see further, § 84a e). Thus (a) of the form Vop; EOT 
honey, UVQ little; inpause, #1% OVQ; "Q3, man (as constr. st, see above, h), Ps 18:26 
(elsewhere always ind), and infinitives like DDE' (§ 45 c; on nop, see above, h); DDE> shoulder, 
a being modified to e (but inpause d:dg£>); locative n»tfE>, also nMG|> Ho 6:9. With suffixes in 
the usual manner ^fflttf, n:pE> Gn 19:33, 35 (an infin. with suffix, therefore not rn:pE>). On the 
other hand, the a is retained in the plur. absol. by sharpening the final consonant: D^K 
{constr. ^H) marshes, D v Din myrtles, WWftfew. 

(b) Of the form Vop: 1K3 a well, 3KT wolf, &C. 1 ; locative rnN3, with suff. ^V.2,plur. CPriKT, 
■OKI; but ni-iH3, constr. rri-iK3; on the /«/?«. constr. J1KE>, cf. § 76 b. 

(c) of the form V Dp: E>N3 stench (with s«//C 1E>N3, just as i33D occurs in Jer 4:7 along with 
the constr. st. "]20 Ps 74:5; cf. for the Dages, § 20 h), perhaps also D'kV nation, pi. D^kV. 

5. Paradigms g-i comprise the segholate forms with middle 1 or \ (a) of the form qafl 
with Wdw as a strong consonant, in which cases the original a is almost always lengthened to 
a (Paradigm g), thus T\)<£, ])<& vanity, Vlitf iniquity, ~])(£ midst; with final K, HW falsehood; cf. 
however, also nicf space. In the constr. st. contraction always occurs, nia, &c. (from original 
maui), and likewise before suffixes inia, &c. Exception, ^)(§ as constr. st. Ez 28: 18 (according 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

1 l The proposal of Haupt (SBOT. 'Proverbs', p. 34, 1. 44 ff.) to read 1X3, 3XT, &c, 
does not seem to be warranted. The case here is quite different from that in Pr 1 :22 
where the Masora requires QD.Xfl, no doubt on the analogy of 1X3, &c, for QDX.fl, 
which was probably intended, see § 63 m. 

to Qimhi) and with suff. f?)V. The contraction remains also in all cases in the plural (but see 
below, w). 

(b) Of the form qaG with consonantal Yodh (Paradigm h). With final K, K]l (also ^), in Is 
40:4 H.% in the constr. st. (also absol. Zc 14:4) m (also ^); plur. 2 K 2: 16 and Ez 6:3 K e th. 
according to Baer niNl, i.e. doubtless Tt\\H\ (cf T^iNM Ez 35:8; according to another reading 
[and so Ginsburg] nwi, i.e. doubtless niN^), but in Q e re, and all other passages, nrx ,3. The 
uncontracted form (in the a&so/. st with helping Hireq) remains also before n " locale, e.g. 
nrpd"(but in the cowsfr. st. e.g. Hpi 1 nrnd). — n'TV (from TGf) Gn 49:11 is peculiar, so also irPE* 
Is 10: 17 (from rPGp). — In the plural absol. uncontracted forms occur, like O^n hosts, ni3?5? 
springs, U^yv young asses, tPETri he-goats, &c; as constr. st. Pr 8:28 mTV for ni3 , y. 

(c) With the contraction of the 1 and 1 even in the absol. st. sing. (Paradigm /). In this way 
there arise formations which are unchangeable throughout; thus from the ground-form qaO: 
nv (cf, however, § 96), ^io, lit?, &c; with middle Yodh, ^n 1 Ch 9: 13 (elsewhere T<£), b"b Is 
21:11 (elsewhere Vjtf, in prose n^tf, see above, § 90 f); from the ground-form qiU, f7, TE>, TV 

(see, however, § 96); from the ground-form quG, 111, nil &c. The plurals WIT} pots, tP\?W 
streets, Q 1 11E i oxen, have a strong formation (but for QTTin 1 S 13:6 read D"Hin as in 14: 1 1). 
Finally, forms with a quiescent middle K also belong to this class, such as E*K'~l head 
(obscured from WX~)=ras, see § 96) and ]K '1 sheep. 

6. On Paradigm k: segholate forms from Tl" 1 ? stems. Besides the formations mentioned in § 
84a c, 8, like rptf, &c, and in<f Ez 47:5, with the original 1 resolved, according to § 24 d (cf. 
the constr. plur. -, nn clefts, Ob , &c, and ^i? ends, Ps 48:11, &c, where the 1 becomes again 
a strong consonant, 1 from IJdf and IXljf or lldf and 1^<jf), there occur also (a) commonly, of the 
ground-form qat,l, forms like ns, 'OS, 'HS, Ti 1 ?, ■'l^, nx, &c; in^awse ntf, ■gd, , >ntf, ■>!(£ (cf. § 
29 m), but ''giK Ju 14:18; with suffixes in? (attenuated from paryo), "D3 Ps 6:9, but also nns, 
vrf? &c; before a grave suffix Drp"i9, but also UT~}B. Plur. D 11 !} (constr. ^71, see above, o, 
''Ktpn), D 11 ^ and nintf; with softening of the ^ to X (as elsewhere in ''Kfta Jer 38:12 for which 
there is ^"73 in verse 1 1, according to § 8 k; D^rra 2 Ch 17: 1 1, cf. 26:7 iCth. ; probably in 
WKm, niK 1 ?, 1 ? from •'TH and ''Vl 1 ?; also D^Vn Ps 10:10 K e tk, divided into two words by the 
Masora, is to be referred to a sing. ''SVn hapless): n^n jewels, Ct 7:2 (from ^n), O^kVE) lambs, 
Is 40: 1 1 (from ll ?t?); but instead of ffWiS and B^NIS (from ''Tltf and 'IS) the Masora requires 
D^KJlQ and D?Xi:s; dual: O^ 1 ?, constr. st. "ft?, with sz^ "_n), &c. On Vn door, cf. § 95 f, and on 
such formations generally, see Barth on biliteral nouns in ZDMG. 1887, p. 603 ff, and 
Nominal-bildung (isolated nouns), p. 1 ff. 

(b) From the ground-form qiO, ^n half, in pause ^(fi, with suff. V1U, &c. — From stems 
with middle Wow arise such forms as , N (from iwy), i y, ^ ship, plur. D^K, D 1 ^, &c; instead of 
the extraordinary plur. D 1 ? Nu 24:24 read with the Samaritan D^V, and for WX1 Ez 30:9 read 
probably with Cornill D^K. 

(c) From the ground-form quG sometimes forms like in (Si, incS (from fi/Aw, buhw), 
sometimes like ^n, ^V, and even without an initial guttural W, 'EP, 1 "i^ (also ''an 1 D% n^), ■'SO, 
&c; in/xrase ''Vcfn, &c, with suff. Vbu, plur. D^Vn. From ''DV branch, there occurs in Ps 104: 12 
the plur. D^KQV (analogous to D'JKIlS, &c, see above, x); the K e eth. evidently intends □''KDV (so 

1 l Noldeke, Beitrdge, p. 58: the direct or indirect retention of this 1 is hardly a feature 
of early Hebrew. The true Hebrew forms from n^j? would be nxjp, niXj?, ni^p, the 
aramaizing forms rnj?, nxf?, nils;?. 

Opitius and others). Dual, with suff. )f?~i Nu 24:7, bucket (from ■'V?, for ^bl), more correctly, 
with the Masora, v 1 ?]} with Munah for Metheg. This unusual Metheg is to be treated as 
following the analogy of the cases mentioned in § 9 v. 

7. On Paradigms l-n: segholate forms from stems V"V (see § 84a c, P). 

(a) In the gaff-form the a of the contracted formation is sometimes lengthened in the 
absol. St., sing, as in U] (so also in the constr. St., except in the combination ^"D? the Red sea; 
and even before Maqqeph, nVffrrp,;; the salt sea), sometimes it remains short, e.g. np morsel, 

unpeople, but even these formations generally have QameS 'in pause, as well as after the 
article (e.g. Dvn). Adjectives under the influence of a guttural either have forms like DTI 1 ?, 
DTO, or, with compensatory lengthening, wy~\, 1 5Ti. In the constr. st. TJ living (in the plural D^n 
also a substantive, life), and ^ sufficiency, are contracted to Tj 1 and ^. As a locative form 
notice n~}<& to the mountain, Gn 14: 10 (see § 27 q) beside rncfn. The stem is expanded to a 
triliteral form in nnn (unless it is simply derived from a by-form Tin on the analogy oiqatal- 
forms) Jer 17:3 (but in Ps 30:8 for n^n read V T] | D) and 011,0 Gn 14:6; plur. constr. ni^Nu 
23:7, &c. (but only in poetical passages), with suffix, rpdhn Dt 8:9; D^aav Ju 5: 14 (where, 
however, read probably T^Vp), Neh 9:22; i aa i y Neh 9:24: elsewhere D^ay, m — Before 

suffixes and in the plur. a is sometimes attenuated to z,"e.g. "'fiQ, DTip, from np; D^pp and nisp 
(also nisp 2 S 17:28) from ip. Before n a is retained in a virtually sharpened syllable, e.g. DTip 

(b) Qitl-forms: ON, E>K/zre (with suff. ^N, but cf also D1B*K Is 50:11), ]n favour, &c; of a 
triliteral form, the plur. T^cfon Ps 77:18. 

(c) gi/ff-forms: p'n, V'3 totality, before Maqqeph ~pn, "Vp, with suff. , pn, &c, with 
omission of Dages forte (according to § 20 m) always ~}\?n, Dppn, but from TV, 1 Ty, T/TV, Dp-TV, 
for which ■'■TV and T/TV are also found, ''ppn, expanded to a triliteral form, Ju 5: 15 and Is 10: 1, 
generally explained as a secondary form of "ppn with abnormal weakening of the u to z,"is 
more probably to be referred to a qi ff-form=Arabic hiqq. 

The forms with assimilated middle Nun likewise follow the analogy of Paradigms l-n, 
e.g. <"|N nose, anger OpK, dual D?(Sk, also face) for anp; y] palate for hink, D^pT fetters, TV goat, 
plur. DHV, for /'wz, probably also 3K greew /7er/3, for inb. 

2. Paradigm II comprises all formations with original short vowels, whether in the 
first or second syllable; cf. § 84a f-i, and the general laws of formation, § 92 b-g. 

Rem. 1. On Paradigms a and b: ground-form qatal. The lengthening of the second a to a 
is maintained in the constr. st. sing, only in K'^-forms, e.g. Np^ army, NpX For the construct 
forms aVn milk, "IpV white, Gn 49: 12, instead of the ordinary absolutes nVn, Ip 1 ?, a secondary 
form nVn, I? 1 ? must be assumed; from TOT smoke, the constr. st. ]$<§ occurs once, Ex 19:18, 
beside l^V, from "iin ornament the constr. st. Iltf Dn 11:20, beside the common form Tjn. — 

1 l Tl only in Dn 12:7 as constr. St., since in the asseverative formulae (cf. § 149) '11 
Tin?, y#pl 'n (otherwise only in 2 S 15:21, after m;T 'n, and Amos 8:14), Tl is a 
contracted form of the a/3^o/. st. (prop, /z'vmg is Pharaoh! &c). It is evidently only a 
rabbinical refinement which makes the pronunciation Tl distinctive of an oath by God 
(or of God by himself), as in the regular formulae 'IN '0 ('D 'IN '0 Dt 32:40) and H'lH? 'H 


The plur. CPKh.S horses, Is 21:7 (instead of t^BhS, ground-form paras) is no doubt due to a 
confusion with the qattdl-form BhS horseman. 

A. Sometimes a sharpening of the third radical takes place, in order to keep the preceding 
vowel short, e.g. D^ai camels, D'uap small ones, nllVQ brooks (see § 20 a). — The attenuation 
of the a of the first syllable to /"does not take place in the constr. st. plur. as a rule after an 
initial guttural, as , nDn, ^W, but "'fPTn, and never before a middle guttural, e.g. y irj,3; nor 
(according to Konig, owing to the influence of the nasal) in the non-guttural forms niniT tails, 
niDl?, and (in the dual) 1 Q13 wings, from 21}, t]33. — The dual D'jdjj,^ from "iru river, shows an 
abnormal omission of the lengthening of the a before a tone-bearing termination, but cf. § 88 

B. From V"V stems, forms like Vm, ]1V, &c, belong to this class. 

C. The few nouns of the ground-form qittil follow the same analogy, such as nnV heart, 
~DE> strong drink, "XSti grape, &c. From TJtl> hair, in the constr. st. besides TJtJ> the form T7(i£> is 
also found (perhaps a survival of a secondary form like those in Paradigm I, d); so from iTl 
rib, vVtf and even yVtf 2 S 16: 13 (so ed. Mant., Ginsb.; but Baer yVtf), both, probably, old 
secondary forms (also used for the absol. st.) of y 1 ??; cf. also , y 1 7^ and ivV^, as well as the 
constr. st. plur. niy 1 ?^; also from ~ID1 strangeness, the constr. st. "DCfis found, Dt 31:16. 

2. On Paradigms c-e: ground-form qahl, developed to qatSl; with a final guttural, e.g. 
y;iE> satisfied. In the constr. st. the original /"of the second syllable, probably on the analogy of 
the forms discussed in § 69 c, becomes a, e.g. lj?T, Vin, "ion, &c, but not before suffixes, "'pri^, 
&c, nor in forms from N" 1 ? stems, e.g. Vhtofull, N^a; cf, moreover, 3j?y Gn 25:26 from 3j?y 
heel, and ""73N Ps 35:14, mourning. Paradigm d represents forms which in the constr. st. 
instead of the ordinary r\m, &c, have a segholate form, as Ti(f, T?(£ Ti<£ Vtg£ ritf(Ez 44:9), 
constr. st. of 71K /o«g, "ill wo//, "]T //n'g/2, *7JJ robbery, Vis? uncircumcised. In Is 11:14 1??? 
would be altogether without precedent as a constr. st. (for iridb); most probably the absol. st. 
is intended by the Masora (according to Noldeke, Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, 1871, No. 23 [p. 896] 
for TIiK 03 w/f/z one shoulder, i.e. shoulder to shoulder); [cf. Driver, Tenses, § 190, 0/xs\]. 

In the/7/wr. constr. the e lengthened from zls frequently retained in verbal adjectives of 
this formation, e.g. TOE', Tjaw, •'VriN, ^, rsfltj; cf. also V?)'7,T\] (with e under the protection of 
the secondary tone) from "7T tent-peg. On the other hand from NT fearing, always ''NT; cf. 
also 'TOI Ps 35:20 from J/T). — With a retained in the initial syllable cf. TJN alius (with a 
virtual sharpening of the n). — From ry stems come forms like na dead person, T resident 
stranger, 757 witness, with unchangeable SerE; hence WTiti, "'fia, &c. 

Kindred in character are the formations from the ground- form qattil. This ground-form is 
regularly lengthened to qdtol, e.g. V'^y round, p'av deep, D'TN red; but before formative 
additions the short u returns, protected by the sharpening of the following consonant (see ee 
above), as aftm, &c. (but in stems with a third guttural or 1, nn'rn, Dn'rai*). The form Viw, 1 K 
10: 19, is abnormal; likewise np^ay Pr 23:27, Jablonski (ed. Mant. npay, Baer and Ginsburg 

3. On Paradigm/ ground-form qdtal from Tl" 1 ? stems. As in verbs TV' 1 ? § 75 h, the general 
rule is that before the terminations of the plur. and dual and before suffixes beginning with a 
vowel, the third radical is usually elided altogether. But besides rntz> the form 1712? , with the 
final Yodh retained, is also found in poetry (cf. also the singulars with suffixes, like DHWa, in 
ss); in the same way final 1 is retained in WW the poor, constr. ''W. The plur. of HIE' is rh"7E>, 
constr. ni"7tz> (also , '7E>, unless this is a sing., contracted from , ntl>; so Barth, ZDMG. xlii, p. 

351). The qi"tttl-form (see § 84a i) nsn 2 S 15:37, 16:16, 1 K 4:5 is remarkable as a constr. st. 
(the reading ny~\ of Opitius and others is opposed to the express statement of the Masora). To 
the category of these forms also belongs without doubt W15 face (only inplur.), 'OQ, ">&, CD'OS, 

In a few formations of this kind the vowel of the second syllable appears to have been 
already lost in the absol. st. sing. ; so according to the ordinary view, in T hand, constr. T, 
with suff. IT, but U2T; plur. niT, constr. niT, dual D?cfj, ''T, with suff. ->V, OTT, &c, and in Dl 
blood, constr. Wi, with suff. ">&}, but DOan (a attenuated to ij, plur. D'OT, ''87. But perhaps both 
these nouns are to be regarded as primitive (§ 81), and as original monosyllabic formations. 

3. Paradigm III comprises forms with an unchangeable vowel in the first syllable, 
whilst the vowel of the second syllable has been lengthened from an original short 
vowel, and is therefore changeable. The special cases are to be distinguished in which 
the original short vowel is lengthened both in and before the tone, but in an open 
syllable becomes o ewd (Paradigm a, but cf. also examples like Q^DiX wheels, for 
D'lQiN, and Wish $ porches), secondly, the cases in which the vowel becomes S e wd 
even before the tone (Paradigm b), and finally, those in which the termination of 7\"^ 
formations is entirely lost (Paradigm c). 

Rem. 1. On the model of D'jiS? (which, moreover, is obscured from dldm), the 
following forms also are inflected: ^pip (§ 85 h), in some cases with virtual 
sharpening of the third radical (see § 20 a), as in»3?? Jer 17:7, Ps 40:5, Jb 8:14, &c; 
X" 1 ? nouns of this form maintain the QameS'm the constr. st. plur., e.g. 'NTi?!? from 
Xlj?!? ; on the other hand, in the plur. of The participles Niph. (§ 85 n) of verbs X" 1 ? 
(which likewise belong to this class), are found not only regular forms like D^lj?} but 
also EPXSflJ Jos 10:17, D'NSM Ez 20:30 f., and so always CPXl-U (except Ez 13:2 D'gQin) 
and awn 1 S 13:15, 2K 14:14, &c. (except Ezr 8:25 D^N^pan in pause). 1 

Moreover, the other participles in a also follow the analogy of DViy as regards the final 
syllable (Vt3j?a, Vtppa; cf, however, ntznan Gn 43: 12 in close connexion; see the analogous 
cases in § 65 d); also inVll* table (§ 85 u; plur. ntHfpffi*, constr. niinVtZ/), }T\#, constr. ]T\\?, hence 
in plur. constr. with suff. DrPITij? Lv 7:38; nipy (§ 85 w), plur. D^lpy (with sharpening of the 
final consonant for D'anpy, cf. also D'TV naked, plur. craTV Gn 3:7 [but in 2:25 D^any, 
according to § 9 o an orthographic licence for D^IV from D'~iV, DW^a nakedness, 2 Ch 
28:15; D'Tij?, iarij?; ''ipaya Is 51:10; ^rtf Is 23:8 f; ^iPa Ps 18:3; even with attenuation of 
the a to i"n^p threshing instruments, 2 S 24:22, 1 Ch 21:23, from riia), ]ria (§ 85 g), ]W (§ 
85 i), T'ya (§ 85 k), inasmuch as they retain the a of the first syllable, contrary to rule, even 
when not pretonic, e.g. Vjl.a, ny.a; 3tl*ia (§ 85 g); a#ifl (§ 85 p), constr. st. plur. vytfT) 1 K, 
17:1; also isolated forms according to § 84a t, and § 84b b, c, k, m, n, o. Cf. finally, IKJS neck 
(from Sawar), constr. st. ~\KK& Jer 28:10 ff, constr. st. plur. '"itTOt Gn 45:14, &c. 

2. (Paradigm b; cf. § 84a s.) Instead of the original zln such forms as CD^.N (cf. 2 K 
22:29), the second syllable more frequently has e, e.g. JlX* thy creator, with a closing 
guttural (according to § 91 d; but cf. also "73 K Dt 32:28) forms are found sometimes like 

1 l □n , ?7i?^ Ez 7:24 for 'WltfK (from tznp;?) is wholly irregular; perhaps, however, the 
part. Pi el is intended, without Dages in the 1 (according to § 20 m). 
1 l Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 659, observes that except in 2 Ch 5:11, 35:17 D^ipsn 
is always followed by a preposition governing a word, so that the punctuators perhaps 
intended to indicate a sort of constr. st. 

^H ,"?'$, sometimes like "jfc^Ya; constr. st. without suff. i/(S"3 Ps 94:9 (according to § 65 d); 
with a middle guttural ~f?)<% Is 48: 17; cf. 43: 14. — The same analogy also is followed in the 
flexion of the other participles which have e in the final syllable (Vtapa, "7t3pria, &c), see 
further, in § 84b d, ]^, &c. (but with exceptions, as wyiw, a>V2i), and ibid. /, p; § 85 i, k 
(D3Ta altar, constr. st. !"i3Ta, plur. ninata), and ibid, q, but here also there are exceptions like 
D^npa Ps 26:12. nriDia Jer 5:5, D^an, tpfptf Ex 20:5, niaa'E> Is 49:8, n ,, aa'E> La 1:16 (cf. 
Konig, ii. 109). 

3. (Paradigm c: part. Qal of verbs H" 1 ?, differing from Paradigm II, /in the 
unchangeableness of the vowel of the first syllable.) In Ez 17:15 e in the absol. st. is 
abnormal, and S e ghol in the constr. st. in 2 S 24: 1 1 (so Opitius, Ginsburg; but Baer nT'n), Ec 
2: 15 (according to Baer, but not the Mantua ed.; rnpa Ec 3: 19 is in the absol. St.). To this 
class belong, as regards their formation, the rv'V-forms mentioned in § 84a r, § 85 g (with suff, 
e.g. ~f?V r an Dt 20: 1, which brought thee up), and h. 

In a few instances, before a suffix beginning with a consonant, the original ay of the 
termination has been contracted to e, and thus there arise forms which have apparently plural 
suffixes; as DHWa Is 5:12, Dn 1:10, 16; ffiTNia their appearance, Dn 1:15, Gn 41:21, cf. Na 
2:5; DrPDti who stretched them forth, Is 42:5; defectively KjQjN Ho 7:5 (cf. DHin Ez 34: 14); on 
the other hand, the examples in Is 14: 1 1, Gn 47: 17, which were formerly classed with the 
above, are really plurals. But Tdfj.B thy camp, Dt 23:15 Cjdn.a occurs just before), Tdp a thy 
cattle, Is 30:23 (probably also YCfti> 1 K 2:26), y.titya Ct 2: 14, and V*0» the sight of him, Jb 
41:1 (with the , here retained orthographically), vVya Ez 40:31, &c, are still to be explained 
as singulars. — On a few other examples which may perhaps be thus explained, see § 124 k. 
Before the plural ending the original termination ay reappears in OTi.aa Is 25:6 (part. Pu. 
from nna). 

4. Paradigm IV comprises the forms with a changeable vowel {a, b), or a vowel 
which has already become Sfwd (c), in the first syllable, and an unchangeable vowel 
in the second. With Paradigm c (which, however, for the most part consists merely of 
forms based on analogy, without biblical parallels) are also connected all the forms 
which have unchangeable vowels in both syllables, and therefore (like 3£!|) cannot 
undergo any vowel changes. 

Rem. 1. Analogous to TpQ (ground-form paqict) are § 84a k, ViTl, &c. (with 6, not 
changeable 6 for u); in substantives like DiVt^, this is demonstrably obscured from a (Arab. 
sdlam); ibid. /, m, TDK, TON, &c; § 85 u, ThST, constr. fl-pr; linn, constr. \C\X\; ]Vil, constr. 
IV 1 ?? (cf, however, the forms in the constr. st. "jin^V, "jiaap, and with the plural suffix *]1<f 2TV Ez 
27:12 ff); § 85 w, E^aVn, constr. tl^aVn; § 85 1, Dipa, &c. 

2. ■'IV (ground-form amy, stem rnv) represents forms in which a final Yodh has been 
resolved into r, before formative additions the original Yodh under the protection of aDages 
forte again becomes audible as a firm consonant, whilst the (originally short) vowel of the 
first Syllable becomes S" ud; cf. § 84a 1, , pl, plur. D^pl, and § 87 a. 

3. nri3 with unchangeable a in the second syllable, whilst the S'ud is weakened from a 
short vowel (Arab, kitdb); constr. st. "3T13 Est 4:8 (readings like nri3 2 Ch 35:4 are incorrect, 
although 1p? Est 1:4 and "3rD 4:8 are supported by fairly good authority; however, these q e M- 
forms in Hebrew are probably all loan-words from the Aramaic). The only plural form found 
in the O. T. is DH''7 i 5V their deeds, Ec 9:1. In a narrower sense the forms enumerated in § 84a 
n-p belong to this class; in a wider sense all those which have unchangeable vowels 

throughout, thus § 84a u, § 84b e (Vej?, cf., however, the anomalous forms mentioned there), 
ibid, f-i, m (No. 34 f.), n (No. 39), p (No. 44), also partly § 85 b-w (especially 1 and r). 

In opposition to the anomalous shortening of the form Vtpj? (see above), cases are also 
found where pretonic vowels are retained even in the antepenultima (with the secondary 
tone); cf. above, ii and pp, also of the form V'pj? (properly qatit) the examples D^pno, DTS'H.S, 
D 1 !!" 1 ? , E>, whilst the constr. st. sing, according to the rule, changes the ainto S'wd (CHD, fl?)- 
(These are not to be confounded with forms like f"iy tyrant, which is for p^V, and 
consequently has an unchangeable QameS.) Of the form ^dj? (qatul) in this class are $mtl> 
week, plur. WV2 x tt> and niyg x E>, constr. niygti*, but with Metheg of the secondary tone in the 
fifth syllable from the end, arprTsntf. — On Tiva, Hi?, », &c, cf. § 85 k. 

§ 94. Formation of Feminine Nouns. 

1. The feminine ending n ~, when appended to the masculine forms treated in § 93, 
effects in almost all cases the same changes as are produced in the masculine forms 
by the addition of a light suffix, since in both cases the tone is moved one place 
farther forward (see § 92 b). The following scheme is based on the same division into 
four classes, with their subdivisions, as in § 93; a few special forms will be treated in 
§ 95 in connexion with the paradigms of feminine nouns. 

Paradigm I: segholate forms, with the feminine ending always added to the 
ground-form, (a) rD 1 ?!? queen, nfr35, and with attenuation of a to i HtZ/3? lamb, 7B%~\ hot 
stone, Is 6:6 (from another root HD^I; see Baer on Ez 40: 17), nj?T0 strength (unless 
belonging to Paradigm b); (b) niflO covering (masc. ~ifiGF); 7X1% pleasure (Tjcf), not to 
be confounded with the unchangeable forms with a prefixed ft, derived from n" 1 ? 
stems, as nj?2? command, plur. nix??; (c) 7\f?\], proper name ("r'jofn mole), rh^food 
CgdK); (d) nnj?,] girl (lJ7d); (J) n#$3 weed, rn^V purity (iridb); (g) 7??)% wrong (also 
rfril?, Paradigm /'); (J) nT? victuals (masc. T(£, cf. Paradigm h); from qitt and qutl- 
forms, nr? understanding, nQIO tempest; (k) T\f?Xfat tail (as if from ^$), n$# (a 
attenuated to ij captivity (0$), IT} 1 ? wreath (probably an original ^z'^-form); (/) n>n /z/e, 
HTO measure (attenuated from HTO). Adjectives derived from !7"57 stems also belong in 
flexion to this class, as n|n multa, with middle guttural 7ty~\ mala; (m) TMplan; (n) 
7\\?f]statute (p'Pl). 

Paradigm II: ground-form qatalat, &c, (a) 7\K\?} vengeance (U\?l); (b) n??78 earth; 
(c) rfa} corpse; id) HD^y languida; (f) n£P beautiful, 7\~1\? end (from n^, H^i?). From 
stems V'57 arise such forms as nil? (masc. 1S7, properly /?art. Qa/from TO) female 
witness. From the ground-form gaft//, nfPOy profunda (masc. [?'&¥)> ^73^ servitude, &c. 

Paradigm III: unchangeable vowel in the first, changeable in the second syllable, 
(a) n} 1 ? 1 ? a woman with child (cf. the examples in § 84a s, and the retention of the e in 
the part. Pi el, Ex 22: 17, 23 :26; in the Hithpa el 1 K 14:5 f ), but also with the 
change of the e (originally i) into S?wd, TUVj] dwelling, Na 3:8. However, in these 
participial forms the feminine is mostly indicated by n ~ (see below, h); (c) TtAl those 
of the captivity (masc. rfjia), but also with a return of the final Yodh, iTO^ n clamorous, 
Pr 7: 1 1, and the examples in § 75 v. On the a of the participles of verbs V'37, which 
also belong to this class, such as 7V\\peregrina, cf. § 72 g 

Paradigm IV: originally changeable vowel in the first syllable, unchangeable in 
the second, (a) nVlJ magna, TiTQTi stork, properly pia; rfrws virgin, properly seiuncta; 
(b) rny misera. 

2. A simple n is added as feminine ending in forms like n'pj weeping (masc. "OS, § 
93 x, a), n'lS covenant; butfeminine participles of verbs X" 1 ?, as riNS'\ riNS'ft, may be 
due to contraction from yoSeet, &c. (hardly to lengthening of the zln the ground-form 
mdsi), whilst forms like T\K%%, riN'#3 (see § 74 i) are to be explained on the analogy of 
the forms treated in § 93 t. Apart from the H" 1 ? formations, we find the simple n in the 
participle rn#D 1 K 1:15, contracted from firing. ButP7 l ? r, l Gn 16:11, Ju 13:5, 7isthe 
ground-form of the ptcp. ro# r, ;i (as in the same connexion in Gn 17:19, Is 7:14), cf. § 
80 d and the Q e re nrilZ/, &c, discussed in § 90 n. 

The forms which arise by appending the n feminine to masculine nouns with a 
changeable vowel in a closed final syllable are, as a rule, developed exactly in the 
same way as masculine segholate forms. Thus there arise in Paradigm I (a) from n~D} 
(for original g e birt; § 69 c), the form rp<S} mistress (but only in construct St.; in Is 
47:7 also IV rn<Jj are to be taken together; the absolute st. is HTDJ); from P3 1 ?!?, rQ$p 
queen (in Paradigm II, a); T)T)<§$ (nn(£= W&pit) Lv 13:55; (c) "na wall, riicf} (from 
fill} = g e dirt; cf. 1J?I as construct st. of IpT); on the other hand, n$(£p is construct st. of 
rviztop^zve, with lengthening of the original i of fi$ipp. 

Formations with a changeable o in the second syllable belonging to this class are 
n$dfo bronze (from £)$!13), njdh? the constr. st. of n^dri? coa^, perhaps also rodrp 
writing (unless it be obscured from nrp, § 93, Paradigm IV, c). — Paradigm III, (a) 
riDGjTn (from fl&rfn), masc. Driin seal; (b) n^Qpl'' (properly sucking) sprout (in pause, 
e.g. rod'n Ex 26:4, &c), and so most feminines of participles ^B'p. On this transition 
of the ground-form qoGlt to tfltt'p (regularly before suffixes in ifiplV, iri) 1 ?^, &c), cf. § 
69 c; qobxlt serves as the ground-form under the influence of a guttural as well as 
before suffixes, e.g. ns?rf is , feminine of Vf 1 knowing; in a wider sense, V^<Sri\ skull may 
also be included here, see § 95, Paradigm IV, c. 

On the endings m and n' ", see § 86 k, 1, § 95 at the end. 

§ 95. Paradigms of Feminine Nouns. 

In accordance with the general formative laws, stated in § 92 b-k, the following 
cases have chiefly to be considered in the flexion of feminines also: (1) a tone- 
lengthened vowel on the removal of the tone reverts to its original shortness (thus the 
a of the termination n " becomes again a in the construct st. T\ ~_). On the other hand, 
even an originally short vowel is retained as (a long) pretonic vowel before the 
endings n ~ and ni in the abs. st., e.g. ni?75; (2) without the tone or foretone an 
originally short vowel almost always becomes Sfwd; on the other hand, before a 
vowel which had thus become Sewd the a in the first syllable which had hitherto also 
been reduced to Sfwd returns, although usually attenuated to Ce.g. T\\?l~$ from 
Sadhaqath; (3) in the plural of the feminines of segholate forms before the termination 
of ni or □ , ", and in formations of the latter kind also before the light suffixes, a 

pretonic QameS reappears, while the short vowel of the first syllable becomes Sfwd. 
This short vowel, however, returns in the construct st. plur., whether ending in ni or 
'; in formations of the latter kind also before the grave suffixes. 

The following Paradigms (with the exception of I, d) deal only with such of the 
forms treated in § 94 as incur some vowel changes or other. All forms with 
unchangeable vowels follow the analogy of Paradigm I, d. 




with light 








with suff. 




with light 








[n: 1 ??] 







Dsri? 1 ?? 





niD 1 ?? 

ni ,l 7? 

1 nis-ip 

'niD 1 ?? 

'ni' 1 ?? 

(a double 

piece of 










{statute) {mistress) 














It t : 





















□s^ 1 ?.} 

1 J Only in Ps 69:10, contrary to rule, with a firmly closed syllable, cf. § 93 m. 



Plur. with 





l T)W 









'ni 1 ?^ 



(fetters of brass) 



1. Paradigm I: feminines of segholate forms, (a) The locative of this class has the form 
HJltfll towards Gibeah (masc. Sid). In some cases, especially with an initial guttural, there is 
no moans of deciding whether the form in question is to be referred to a qaB or a qiti base, 
e.g. nj7Tn strength (cf. nsnn under b). A dual of this form occurs in D^gSsejB* sevew ftTwes (cf. 
5?5<lf> seven, fem.). Analogous to masculine forms like $17 (§ 93 s) is HOT! myrtle. — From 
masculines of the form ^S (n ,,l 7, cf. § 93 I, k) arise feminines sometimes like H1K1, Tlf?W, 7}f?X 
(see above, § 94 b), sometimes like IT'33 (§ 94 f); occasionally the final n is retained before the 
plural ending, as if it belonged to the stem (cf. § 87 k), e.g. nirpin spears. Forms like PR} (cf. 
n^K, a quti form) are derived directly from the masculine forms HI £/of, "ON, a fleet. — (ft) From 
a stem ]"V, TlW wheat (for TlttTi),plur. WW- — (c) From nViy foreskin, the plur. absol. is niViy 
(cf. D^'pVE), § 93, Paradigm I,/), constr. niVlV. — (<f) Example of a feminine segholate form 
from a stem 57"57 (ground-form qiiU, like nTi of the form qatl,, HBT of the form qitl), with o for 
w, ran terror, Is 19: 17 (Aramaic orthography for ran). 

(e) To the list of segholate forms with n fem. belong also the infinitives of verbs VS and 
]"Q, which have rejected the weak consonant at the beginning, as JU<f (from 1B*^), nycf (from 
37T), riE>tf(from #13), as well as nn<jf (from Tl]? 1 ?); cf. § 69 m and § 66 b and g. The infinitives of 
verbs V'Q are, however, also found in the form nsn, niV, riNS, and of the same origin also are 
niV congregation (from "75T), n^V counsel (from f$r), n3tt> steep (from ]$l), constr. JT7V, ri3tt>, 
while in the constr. forms riVT sweat, Gn 3:19 (from 5/p to flow), and HNS excrement, Ez 4: 12, 
the Sere has remained firm. 

From a stem V'V (cf. tl*i3 to Z>e ashamed) is riE*tf shame, with swj^x i ritf3. From a stem n r,1 7 
(n^, cf, however, Barth, ZDMG. 1887, p. 607, who assumes a stem *7T) the masculine Vn 
appears to have been formed after the rejection of the final Yodh, and afterwards the feminine 
Th<$door; but in the plural ninV?, constr. Tt\lh/\, the n of the termination is retained (see above, 
d, nirpin)- In a similar way WT\B~) stalls, Hb 3:17, has arisen, if it is from the stem nD~i, and 
nij'tz/ trough (from ni?E>), of which the masc. must have been p'E* = 1 j?$; on the other hand, the 
plur. constr. fling r B* Gn 30:38 (again retaining the feminine n as an apparent radical) can only 
be an abnormal formation from the singular T\\?<Sl), not from a kindred form T\\?<$ or Ti\?(§. 

1 l On nW as a less frequent (poetic) form for WW see § 87 n. 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 

1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

2. Paradigm II: ground-form qattilat, &c, cf. § 94 c, Paradigm II, a and b. Analogous to 
the masculine forms like IQp, plur. D^Qp, we find n|Qp parva, &c. — The constr. forms, like 
nf?7^ (Sidh e qdth), are distinguished by the vocal S e wd (§ 10 d) from the segholate forms, like 
11:^33 (labh-sdth). Consequently the constr. st. n3"i3 Gn 28:4, &c. (from TVD~)2 blessing), and 
JiTin 1 S 14:15, &c. (from rnin a trembling), are abnormal. — Under the influence of a 
guttural (see Paradigm b) the original a is retained in the first syllable in the constr. st. (cf. 
also naiN earth, naitf); in other cases it is modified to S'ghol, e.g. nViy wagon, irto. 
Frequently from an absol. st. in n " the constr. is formed with the termination n, e.g. rntpv 
crown, constr. rncfj? (from rnov); along with rrav assembly, rntfy is found usually, even in 
the absol. St.; nac£ (from 02? /ev/r) before suffixes is pointed as in ''Fiarr, and thus entirely 
agrees with rndl (Paradigm I e). From a stem ]' ,l 7 OaK) is formed naN fntf/z (from aimant, and 
this no doubt for an original amint, § 69 c) before suffixes ''MS, &c. 

From the masc. form Vop (qdtiT) are formed, according to rule, nil} wall, rbll corpse, 
constr. nVrn; nana caft7e, constr. nan,3 (for nan,?), with suffix Tnana Lv 19:19. More 
frequently, however, the e of the second syllable is retained before the termination ath of the 
constr. st.; thus from Th'il once i ri 1 7 i 51 Is 26: 19, and always m~\2pool, rfrnprey, TiKW unclean, 
■>mbtifull, Is 1:21 (with Hireq compaginis, see § 90 1), Tn.tia Jb 16:13; ^rhftW 1 S 1:27, &c. 
(with elision of the K, -]Thv 1 S 1:17), also ^K,© Jb 6:8. Cf. the analogous forms of the 
constr. st. riQia plague, naTiA Jeep s/ee/?, from HQia, naTifi. 

As dual we find d^dt sides (cf. irDT Gn 49: 13, from the obsolete rDT, feminine of TT); 
the constr. st. ''liaT is perhaps to be referred to a segholate form (n3T, cf. TicTas constr. st. of 
TT), unless the closed syllable be due to the analogy of nana and riTin (see g). 

In the forms with simple n feminine the ground-form qatih is developed (§ 69 c) 
to (ftalt, and this again regularly to Ti^<§\?. Thus the feminine of ~Qn companion is 
rntfq (with suffix nn^3D Mai 2:14, cf. 7\fiW Ex 3:22), of "TO fern, rq<& besides 
7\~}% — Of V'V stems the segholate forms nntfrest and nn<§ pit (from ITO, mil/) belong to 
this class; Bottcher (Gram. i. 411) rightly distinguished the latter from T\n<S 
corruption (stem nn$); in the same way also wdrest is distinct from nncfa lighting 
down (stem nru). 

The feminines of the form qdtll from stems V'V, as nria mortua, niV fern, witness (from 
ma, TO), have likewise an unchangeable vowel in the first syllable. Cf, on the other hand, the 
forms from '"'Q stems mentioned above, under e, such as ruts' .s7ee/>, constr. st. rutt> ; moreover, 
nan anger, constr. st. nan (but natf a leathern bottle, in pause nagi [so Baer, Ginsb., but Kittel 
'0] Gn 21:15, constr. st. D 1 ^ natf Gn 21: 14, perhaps from a stem nan). 

The feminines of the form qdtu+l, like npay (masc. pay), maintain the original u by 
sharpening the following consonant (cf. § 93 kk); on the other hand, by appending the fern, n, 
segholate forms arise like nt^flfr, before suff nriKTO, &c. Dual D?<f#riJ (see Paradigm II a); but 
cf. wruLa3:7. 

A few (aramaising) feminines from n" 1 ? stems (Paradigm II, c) are found with the ending 
ath;, due to the rejection of the final Wdw or Yodh and contraction of the preceding a with the 
a of the termination ath; thus roa portion (for mdndydth or mdndwdth), n^p end (also n^p and 
n^p), plur. nria (constr. st. Neli 12:47, 13:10) and rriKia (Neh 12:44); rrixj? Ex 38:5; cf. 37:8 
and 39:4 K e th.; on n'^S^ valleys, see § 93 v. — niK sign (stem mtf) is obscured from JIN, and 

this is contracted from dydth = awayath; plur. nin'K, with the double feminine ending; cf 
above, f, and § 87 k. — The retention of the a in the first syllable in i ri 1 7$, &c, Gn 24:41, &c, is 

3. Paradigm III, cf. the various forms in § 94 d and f-h. The dual D^GjTain two walls, Is 
22: 1 1, &c, taken directly from the plur. niain, for D?GJ»in, is abnormal (cf. § 87 s, and the 
proper name D i rf""i i 'B Jos 15:36). — Among the forms resembling participles Qal of verbs ry, 
such as rnt (masc. IT from zdif, hence with unchangeable a), must be reckoned also naa high 
place (from D13), which has for its constr. st. plur. the pleonastic form ''Ilia ( 3, or written 
defectively ''Jiaa (see § 87 s); for this the Masora everywhere requires ''iiaa, which is to be 
read bdnfthe (not bom the), with an anomalous shortening of the 6 to ~; but with suffixes 
, riin i 3, &c. 

In a wider sense the feminines of the form Vtpp (§ 84b e) belong to this class, in so far as 
they shorten the a of the second syllable before the termination n, e.g. nptf'? inflammation 
(from dalldqi), with suff "Jflp'TC Ez 16:52; nydb signet; also fem. of the forms Vtap and Vtap (§ 
84b c and d), as T??(£k folly (for iwwalt), and of all the forms which have a changeable vowel 
in the second syllable, and are formed with the prefix a (§ 85 g-k), e.g. roVaa kingdom, 
constr. always roiifaa; rnaia (not used in the sing.) pruning-hook, plur. ninata; rnc£i£>a; 
reward, with suff. -, ri~i3ti'a; cf. also the examples given in § 85 g and p, like riltfia birth (but 
from N" 1 ?, HN^ia outgoing), intfifi generation, rnvifi abomination, constr. rayifi, &c. 

Sometimes the plural of these forms is to be traced to a secondary form, e.g. rndtf a letter, 
plur. niMN (as if from HMN); also riiprp, which is merely formed on the analogy of the other 
plur. fem. of participles Qal, is to be referred to a sing. np:n\ Cf, moreover, na*dr| r & 
ploughshare, plur. nitznn.a (as if from ntinn.a) 1 ; on the other hand, nrirf 3 capitals (of 
columns), and ninDiri reproofs, are the regular plurals of rn<f '3 and nndlfl. 

In raofa coat the original u of the first syllable is maintained by the sharpening of the 
following consonant (cf. Arab, quttin), with suff. ''MM, the constr. St., however, is racfrD (as 
also in the absol. st. in Ex 28:39); plur. nilM, constr. VftlKi. — The form riVcUta given in 
Paradigm III, b is a Piilpul-form of the stem b%, cf. T P7p, § 84b p. 

4. To the fourth class, for which no Paradigm is required, belong all the numerous forms 
which in classical Hebrew have unchangeable vowels throughout, the originally short vowel 
of the first syllable having become S^wd, owing to the tone being thrown forward. Of the 
forms mentioned in §§ 84 and 85 those from VV stems especially belong to this class, as Tlillp 
scroll, nVriri praise, rfpQfi prayer (§ 85 i and q), as well as the feminine of the participle 
Hiph it of verbs V'V, e.g. HTKa enlightening (from ~PKa), and generally the feminines of V'V 
stems which are compounded with the preformative a, as HlTOa rest (from ni^a), see § 85 1; 
from H" 1 ? stems perhaps also nVyn conduit {constr. st. nVyri Is 7:3, &c.) and nnVri travail. Thus 
all these forms coincide externally with those which already, in the masculine form, have 
unchangeable vowels throughout (see the list of them in § 93 ww). 

1 l T)~)' n$y Astarte (plur. niirnyy), which was formerly included among these 
examples, is most probably due to an intentional alteration of the original T\~) fi$5?, 
like ft' a Lv 1 8 :2 1 , &c. (for ^ 8), with the vowels of n#2 shame, the latter word 
being substituted in reading for the name of the goddess. 

5. The feminine ending n 1 " (apart from H" 1 ?- forms like JTOa, § 94 f) arises from the 
addition of the feminine n to the ending •> ", which is employed to form adjectives, &c, see § 
86 d, h, and k. The ending m, mentioned there, is attached, in segholate forms, sometimes to 
the ground-form, as nifiE>y Jb 12:5 (v.l. ninths;), sometimes to forms with a loosely-closed 
syllable, as maVa kingdom; from H" 1 ? stems we find forms sometimes like mats* captivity 
(according to others from the stem aits', like mf? perverseness from IlV), sometimes like maa 
weeping, Tit?l exile, nun vision; the latter retain the a of the first syllable even in the constr. st. 
and before suffixes. From a qdtit-iorva is formed nnaa heaviness; from a qatait-form nnpQ, 

In the plural of these forms different methods of treatment may be distinguished. In some 
cases the whole ending m is retained, as if belonging to the stem (cf above, f), e.g. ^(fua^K 
from niia^K, in others this ending is resolved, as in ni^Va Dn 8:22 (no doubt for 
mdl e khuwwoth), and h\lV edh e woth, from T\Tl$ testimony, but only with suffixes, "] 1 (f1 > 7V Ps 
119:14, &c.;vri1,7y IK 2:3, &c. 

§ 96. Nouns of Peculiar Formation. 

In the following Paradigms, 1 pp. 282 to 284, a number of frequently used nouns 
are arranged, whose flexion presents more or less striking peculiarities. These 
peculiarities, however, are almost always subordinate to the usual phonetic laws, and 
the usual designation of the nouns as irregular is, therefore, not justified, when once 
the groundforms are properly recognized on which the present forms are based. 



WN n-ttfx 


rrd 1? 


UV *73 [>ti] T? 


(brother) (sister) (man) (woman) (handmaid) (house) (son) (daughter) (day) (vessel) (water) (city) (mouth) (heaa 

'n$ nins tz/'N nti/<£ n 1 ? -ja ns dv ty ts '9 tra'' 


71 n$ 







:i ■ t 







) Orrtfx) 

T • T 





ar^ns [asningj 








^,3 m m 

pause pause 

in'3 ii3 ins 

arias nri'3 n;3 nrm 

DDrT 3 33113 



T?\V T<£ ^ 




□n'ns an nx 


an 1 ? nipv DTi? nn'B atra 

cptfix n^3 ninax dti 3 ma nta ww trts □•><£ cms? ni>9 n'tra 

■ T "I • T T "I -IT • T T • T ■ " ■— ' , *•* • T 

1 * The only omissions from these Paradigms are "UlN, an, and nian (on which see the 
remarks), and all forms which are not found in the O. T. 


■j_i i yrs 



■1J i UJiS 














D ,( $J8 












'DS 'i$K '^ ninax 'n,! ^ nil? 'a? ^s 'a, '&'» ny 

^1 'n'3? 'a; ,! ?? 'aa ny 

n T 3 vn'13 va; r^a va'a iny 

rrcfe rptf'is ;rp<$ rrtf? rr^a rrc&tf 

ire?,! U'd3 wdTi-i wrf; irtf? irc^a wciy 


IK father; the constr. 'OK, like Tin and 'JQ (which occurs once), belongs to the connective 
forms discussed in § 90 k, which serve as the model for the Hireq compaginis. However, 3K 
also occurs in compound proper names, e.g. nftltfax, beside DiVt^ 1 , 3N, &c; also Gn 17:4 f. 
•parrriH for the purpose of explaining the name Dn[~i]3K. On the plur. ni3K see § 87 p. 

ilK brother. The plur. absol. DTlK has Dages forte implicitum (§ 22 c); VrjK stands for TTiK 
according to the phonetic law stated in § 27 q, and so also \nx in pause for ^HK. The 
sharpening of the n merely serves to keep the preceding Pathah short, as in w'im, &c. (§ 93 

1T\K one (for "70K, likewise with Dages forte implicitum, § 22 c, cf. § 27 q), constr. and 
otherwise in close connexion, TIN, Gn 48:22, 2 S 17:22, Is 27: 12, Zc 11:7; and especially 
before ft (a) Gn 3:22, Ex 30:14, Nu 16:15, Ju 17:5, 1 S 9:3, Ez 18:10; fem. nns una (for rnntf, 
according to § 19 d), inpause n.rjK. Once Til masc. (by aphaeresis, § 19 h), Ez 33:30, as in 
Aramaic; plur. D'HHK some, but also iidem. 

niriK sister, from ahawat or ahayat, with elision of the 1 or ^ and with the d, which has 
arisen from da, obscured to o. 1 In Nu 6:7 in'nK stands for in'nx (with virtual sharpening of the 
n). The plur. absol. (nvntf) does not happen to occur. In Ez 16:52 "jrn'TjN occurs (for "i^cf'TlK). 
In the forms TjinN Jos 2:13 K e th., ytiwxEz 16:51, 55, 61 (to be read also in verse 45 for 
■jriiriN, which has been erroneously assimilated to the singular occurring in vv. 48, 49, 56), and 
DrpriinN Ho 2:3 (for which, however, read Drmintf), the third radical has been entirely lost. 

K^N man, according to the common opinion either incorrectly lengthened for E>K (from iss, 
with assimilation of the Nun of the ground-form ins, which again has been attenuated from 

1 l This explanation of ninx (and nian q. v.) still seems to us more probable than the 
assumption that the fem. ending ath is lengthened to compensate for the loss of the 
3rd radical (so Wellhausen, Skizzen, vi. 258), or that the form is derived from aha, the 
old-semitic constr. st. of the accusative, with n feminine (so Barth, ZDMG. 1899, p. 

ans from the stem tMN), or softened directly from ins. It is, however, probable that a separate 
stem (E"N to be strong!) is to be assumed for the singular 1 ; consequently the stem tm to be 
sociable, would be connected only with the plur. tPtl^K (D^K is found only in Is 53:3, Ps 
141:4, Pr 8:4). 

nan slave, handmaid; with the plur. nin»N, with consonantal n, cf. in Aram. ]7\2$ fathers, 
and similarly in Phoen. nnV"? from nV"?, also Arab, abahdt (fathers), ummahdt (mothers), with 
an artificial expansion into a triliteral stem. 

ri;E>K woman, probably for HEfoK; from IMN i.e. not (as Aram. KririK shows); tMN fc> be 
sociable (see above, on tl"N) but IMN to fte weak (Arab. anup). So De Lagarde, Uebersicht, p. 
68; Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 159 f The form n$<£ (for jsfr, with n fem., from ws, after rejection of 

the doubling and lengthening of the i"to e) occurs in Dt 21: 1 1, 1 S 28:7, Ps 58:9, even in 
absol. st. [cf, however, below, § 130. 4, 5]. — In Ps 128:3 'jriK'N is found for 'jriE'X. Instead of 
the plur. wm, we find in Ez 23:44 n ■tl'N. 1 

rptf house, locative nri^tf, rtfpdn, in pause nri^tf, nrrdh, constr. nrpcf, plur. DTFl,! (but in Dt 
6: 1 1, 1 Ch 28: 1 1 WTO. without Metheg), pronounced battim. The explanation of the Dages in 
the n is still a matter of dispute. The Syriac bdttih, however, shows that the Dages is original, 
and belongs to the character of the form." According to Wright, Comparative Grammar, p. 
88, D , fi i 3 is simply contracted from bai-tim (as ]K from y&, Dry from D^ry, &c), and the 
Dages, therefore, is lene; Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 56, proposes the name Dages forte 
orthoconsonanticum; on the other hand Rahlfs, ThLZ. 1896, col. 587, suggests that the 1 is 
assimilated to the n, while Philippi, ZDMG. xlix, p. 206, assumes for the plural a stem distinct 
from that of the singular. A definite solution is at present impossible. The +incorrectness of 
the formerly common pronunciation bottim is sufficiently shown by the Babylonian 
punctuation (see § 8 g, note 3), which leaves no doubt as to the a. 

]2 son (Gn 30: 19 v ^"1 i 2) constr. usually "]3 (also with a conjunctive accent as an 
equivalent for Maqqeph, Gn 17: 17, Is 8:2, &c, 1 Ch 9:21; even with smaller disjunctives, 
especially in the combination ]3a, Ex 30: 14, Lv 27:3, &c. ["]3a only after DH1 and before 
CHCfn, also in Is 5 1 : 12; see Strack on Ex 30: 14]), rarely ~)2 (Dt 25:2, Jon 4:10 twice, Pr 30: 1, 

1 x So already Gesenius in his Thes. linguae Hebr., i. 83 f., and recently again Friedr. 
Delitzsch, Prolegg., p. 160 ff., Praetorius in Kuhn's Orient. L.-B., 1884, p. 196; 
Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 38; while Noldeke (ZDMG. 1886, p. 739 f.), against Delitzsch, 
would connect both IZ/'N and Wpl with the stem $]X. 

1 l Friedr. Delitzsch (in his Babylonian glosses to Baer's text of Ezekiel, p. xi) on Ez 
23:44 remarks that in Assyro-Babylonian the plur. ofassatu (woman) is assdti, 
corresponding, therefore, to niltfN, not to the ordinary plur. D'^l The a of O'ttfa 
(instead of i as in Arab, or e as in Syr.) is to be explained with Barth (Orient. Studien 
zuEhren Th. Noldekes, Giessen, 1906, p. 792) from the natural connexion of the ideas 

'men ' and 'women ', U^l and D^N. 

' • t • t - : 

2 2 This disposes of the traditional view that the Dages (after a firm Metheg, see § 16 
f Q only serves to distinguish if from Q'rn passing the night, ptcp. Qal of m3, a stem 
which never occurs in the O. T. According to P. Haupt the stem is xn to go in, n 
therefore being the feminine termination, as in bint daughter, and the original form 
batu, batu (entrance) is preserved in the plural battim where the tt is to be explained 
as due to the analogy of trisyllabic stems. In the singular bat passed into bet (?), and 
this was resolved into bait, as Trusalem into Trusalayim. 

ThLZ. ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz. 1876 ff. 

and so always in the combination ]M']2, and in the proper names r»to [but Tan? Benjamite] 
and ni?ri? Pr 30: 1), once m (cf. § 90 1) Gn 49: 1 1, and to (§ 90 o) Nu 23: 18, 24:3, 15.— In Gn 
49:22 ]2, for which "13 ought to be read, is intended by the Masora for the absol. St., not the 

m daughter (from bant, and this again, according to the law stated in § 69 c, for bint, 
fern, of ]3), with suff i ri3 for 1 Jil3. Plur. nils, from the sing, rns, comp. D^3 sons. 

Dn husband's father, only with suff. T^O? rp(&n; and nian husband's mother, only with 
suff. iriian, nriian. Cf. 3N, nx, and especially ninx. 

UV day (Arab, yaum), 1 dual W&V; the plur. WtSi is probably from a different sing. (EP yam), 
constr. W and (poetically) ftW, Dt 32:7, Ps 90: 15. 

,,l 73 vessel, inpause "'Vtf (with suff. ^"?3 Dt 23:25) from n"73 fo contain, plur. D^S (as if 
from "?3, nVtf; according to Konig, ii. 63, shortened from kilyim). 

U^(§ water; on the plur. cf. § 88 d. 

T37 czYy. The plur. wiv is scarcely syncopated from D'TSJ, as it is pointed in Ju 10:4 (no 
doubt erroneously, in imitation of the preceding D^TV ass colts), but from a kindred sing. IV, 
which still occurs in proper names. 

H9 mouth, constr, st. 1 S (for original ''S = HS ?). Its origin is still disputed. According to 
Gesenius and Konig (ii. 103), HQ stands for TiKB (ground-form/?/ ay) from HKQ fo breathe, to 
blow; according to Olshausen, for ^3, from a stem n;3 or HIS. But parallel with the Hebrew n? 
are Assyr. pu, Arab, /w, ya»z, famm, fumm, bibl. Aram. D9, NH9, Syr. /?«?«, puma, so that Barth, 
ZDMG. xli, p. 634, assumes two forms of development from the same stem (l»Q), viz. fm and 
/w. ''Q /wy mouth, irovapi-y; for orpQ we find in Ps 17:10, 58:7, 59:13 ia^tf. The supposed plur. 
D 1 ? 1 S 13:21 is generally explained as a contraction from U">B, but the text is altogether 
corrupt. The plur. rri'9, for the edges of a sword, occurs in Pr 5:4; reduplicated ni 1 ? 1 ,? Is 41:15, 
Ps 149:6. 

E*N'1 head (obscured from m~\=rds); plur. n>tfxr\ (for OWI, § 23 c); VEX" 1 only in Is 

HE> fl Aeoc/ of small cattle {sheep or goat), constr. st. HE>, with suff. ticJb 1 S 14:34 and VE? 
Dt 22: 1, according to Konig, ii. 131, from a ground-form siay, but according to De Lagarde, 
Uebersicht, 81 f, from a stem 'EH (nt^sa^wzsay). 

DE> name, constr. generally DE* (only six times ~DE>); cf. ]3. 

1 l Cf. Noldeke, Beitroge, p. 58, yaum, probably an extension of a biliteral word 
which has survived in D 1 ^, 'ft?. Barth, however, Orient. Studien, p. 791 (see above on 
ri;tox), sees in a'aj, ""fij, nia? new formations in Hebrew, caused by the naturally close 
connexion and association of these plurals with WW, '^, n^ years, to which they 
became assimilated in form. The view that Qi 1 is merely an incorrect obscuring of ti\, 
and therefore distinct from the Arab, yaum, is contradicted by the invariable spelling 
Di', &c, notwithstanding the spelling D'31 (=a' , 3 : i ?) in the Siloam inscription, line 3 
(cf. § 7 f), and tr $'»» Ho 6:2. Cf. also the note on § 100 g. 

mdffi' heaven (§ 88 d). 

§ 97. Numerals, (a) Cardinal Numbers. 
Brockelmann, Sem. Sprachwiss., p. 116 ff.; Grundriss, i. 484 ff. 

1. The formation of the cardinal numbers from 3 to 10 (on 1 and 2 see below) has 
this peculiarity, that numerals connected with a masculine substantive take the 
feminine form, and those with a feminine substantive take the masculine form. The 
common explanation of this strange phenomenon used to be that the primary form of 
the numeral was an abstract noun in the feminine (cf § 122 p). This was originally 
attached in the constr. st. to the word qualified, then came to be also used in 
apposition to it, and finally was placed after it like an adjective. The consequence of 
the appositional, and finally adjectival, construction was, that for numerals connected 
with feminine nouns a special shorter form came to be used, whilst the original forms, 
with the abstract feminine ending, were used in connexion with masculine nouns, 
after as well as before them. 

On this view the historical process would have been that originally the abstract numerals 
(like Latin trias, decas, Greek 7ievid^, Seicd^, &c.) were placed in the constr. st. before 
masculines and feminines alike, e.g. D^a nE>tftZ> trias filiorum, Wpi rncfcy decas mulierum. A 
trace of this earlier usage was seen in the examples mentioned under c, like O^tM nt£>StJ>. — 
Further, it was possible to say Dm HE/Ve* trias, sc. filii, as well as nB>Vtt> Wl^filii, trias. From 
this second appositional construction it was only a step to the treatment of the abstract 
numeral as an adjective, yzto tres. Similarly the subsequently shortened forms of the abstract 
numeral, which were used in connexion with feminines, might stand either in the constr. st. 
before, or in apposition before or after the word numbered, thus nil3 B^ft* trias filiarum, or 
niI3 tt^B* trias, sc.filiae, or tt^B* milfiliae, trias, or adjectivally flliae tres. 

A different and much more intelligible explanation of the striking disagreement 
between the gender of the numeral and that of the word numbered has recently been 
given by Reckendorf, Die syntaktischen Verhdltnisse des Arabischen, pt. ii, Leiden, 
1898, p. 265 ff. He also considers that the earliest forms were abstract numerals which 
were placed in the constr. st. before the noun numbered, the latter depending on them 
in the genitive. The original form, however, of the abstract numerals from 3 to 9 is not 
the feminine, but the masculine, used for both genders, as it still is in the tens, 20, 30, 
&c. The feminine abstract numeral was first distinguished by a special form in the 
numbers from 13 to 19 (see further, below) when connected with masculines, and this 
distinction was afterwards extended to the numbers from 3 to 10. This explanation 
does not affect the view stated above that the appositional and adjectival use of the 
abstract numerals was only adopted later in addition to their use in the genitive 

The differentiation of the numerals (originally of common gender) into masculine and 
feminine forms in the second decade, was occasioned, according to Reckendorf, by the use of 
the abstract feminine rnti>V in compounds. So long as it was felt that rnti>57 tt'Vti' simply meant 
the three of the decade, the gender of the noun numbered made no difference. When, 
however, the consciousness of this meaning became weakened and the combination of units 
and tens came to be felt as a copulative rather than a genitive relation, it seemed suitable to 
connect only feminine nouns with the feminine form rnE>y. New forms were therefore 
invented, both of the units and the tens, for use with masculine nouns. The former, however, 

no longer had the form of the constr. but of the absolute state, clearly showing that the 
consciousness of the original syntactical relation in rntz>y tfVty, &c, was lost. On the other 
hand, after the extension of these new formations to the first decade, the new feminine forms 
readily came to be used also in the genitive construction (and therefore in the constr. st.) on 
the analogy of the earlier masculine forms. 

Of the first two numerals, 1T\$, one, with its fem. nnx (see § 96), may be 
recognized, from its form and use, as an adjective, although even so it admits of such 
combinations as n'ln.n TDK unns e montibus. The numeral two, as would be expected, 
appears as an abstract in the dual, but, like the other numerals, can also stand in 
apposition to the noun numbered. In form it always agrees with the gender of its noun. 
Accordingly, the numerals from 1 to 10 are as follows: 

With the Masculine. 

With the Feminine. 













x cpdi$ 











273} K 


2 n ; iz/an 













3 [5?3$] 










3 [57iz/p] 






On the connective forms y3E>, yttfJi, cf. the analogous forms in § 93 h. 

The other Semitic languages also exhibit the same peculiarity in the external 
differentiation of the numerals from 3 to 10 as regards gender. The fem. form of the numeral 

1 l Shortened from W] ro$, which would be the regular feminine form of W] Vtf. 
Nevertheless, the Dages in D? Fi$, &c. (even after "flp; D'fl^.a Jon 4:11; cf., however, 
'H^a Ju 16:28), can by no means be regarded as a Dages forte arising from 
assimilation of the Nim, for in that case the word could only be D? Pll|; (cf. Arab. 
tintani). This form does occur in the Codex Babylonicus of A.D. 916, but it is only a 
later correction for W] Fi$, while in the Berlin MS. or. qu. 680 described by Kahle 
(Lpz. 1902) there is no trace of the Dages. It is rather to be read stayi m, ste (with 
Dages lene), cf. 0? F)$$, representing the later Palestinian pronunciation (Philippi, 
ZDMG. xlix, p. 206), and Arab, ipiatani (with a kind of prosthetic X; cf. § 19 m), as a 
further feminine form ofipidni, duo. According to Barth {Orient. Studien ... Th. 
Noldeke, ii. 792 f.) the irregularity of D? F)$ (he takes the Dages as Dages forte) is 
due to the complete assimilation of its vowels to those of the masc. D? W where the 
ywd mobile is normal. 

2 2 With Dages probably on the analogy of 7\- T U?UJ, as n$ uf on the analogy of n$ an. 
Cf. also J. K. Blake on n ; tfan, D' : tfan in JAOS. 1905, p. 117 ff. 

3 3 sn# and 57:l2/tf appear only as connective forms before rnt|/y and nixa. 

abstracts is only rarely found in connexion with feminine nouns, 4 e.g. WW1 ntJ>tftJ> Gn 7:13, 1 S 
10:3, Jb 1:4, Ez 7:2 ICth.; probably also Jos 17: 1 1, where we should read with Dillmann 'E> 
IfiSin. In apposition, Zc 3:9, 4:2, cf Jer 36:23. From what was said above, under a, it follows 
that these cases are not a return to original usage, but only an intrusion of the form used 
before masculines into the sphere of the feminine. Conversely in Gn 38:24 D^EHn Why (but in 
the Samaritan ntftftf). — For nvat^ seven, there occurs in Jb 42: 13 the strange form rutfhE*, 
according to Ewald [Ausfuhrl, Lehrb. s , § 269 b] an old feminine substantive (German ein 
Siebend, a set of seven), but more probably a scribal error. 

2. The numerals from 1 1 to 19 are formed by placing the units, without the 
copula, before the number ten (in the form "itz/y masc, 7\~\iffV. fern.), but without the two 
words being joined into one. As was said above, under a, and as is proved by the use 
of "TDK, nnx in the numeral 11, the feminine numerals from 13 to 19 are to be regarded 
as construct forms in a genitive connexion. The connective forms of the masculine 
abstracts, like rwff&ltf, &c, are not admitted in combination with "ityy, since they are 
merely in apposition, and not in a genitive relation (see the rare exceptions at the end 
of e). On the other hand ^W and ^1W in the numeral 12 are undoubtedly true 
constructs, like inx and the fern, numerals 13-19. But instead of ~>W (Ex 28:21, Jos 
3:12 and four other places) and ^1W (Jos 4:8 and three times in Ezek.), we generally 
find WW and Wiw. Two explanations have been given of these forms: (1) that the 
iCthibh really intends W<&), n?Gff#, in the absol. St., which was first introduced in the 
case of W(ftf, on the analogy of rniz/y, &c, and then extended to D?qf)#; the Masora, 
however, required ''W, 'rutf (but see below), and therefore pointed WW, WftW as a Q e re 
perpetuum (see § 17). — (2) that the absolute forms W<£}$, W<§$ (introduced on the 
analogy of TNhvj, &c.) were contracted to WW, WT\tf to facilitate the pronunciation of 
the duals when closely connected with "ityy and rntyy, and that the contraction is 
founded on an early and correct tradition. The second explanation is supported by the 
large number of examples of WW (66) and WTWU (34). It would be strange if the 
Masora required the alteration of the far commoner forms on account of isolated 
instances of ''W' and 'FU^. As a matter of fact even in regard to the latter forms the 
tradition often varies between ''W' and W(ftf, &c, cf. e.g. Ginsburg on Jos 3:12. We 
cannot therefore assume a Q e re perpetuum. 

Accordingly the numbers from 1 1 upwards are — 




lira inx 
lira l •ws? 

4 4 In the vulgar dialects of Arabic, and in Ethiopic, the feminine form of the numeral 
is by far the more common. This form appears also in Hebrew, when the number is 
regarded in the abstract, as in the multiplicatives (see § 97 h). 
1 1 1 Pl$y, which remained for a long time unexplained, was recognized (first by J. 
Oppert) in the Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions in the form istin or isten; cf. Friedr. 
Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik, p. 203, and P. Haupt, in the American Journal of 
Philology, viii. 279. Accordingly, ~WV 'ri^y is a compound, like the Sansk. ekddaqan, 
£v8eKa, undecim (analogous to the combination of units and tens in the numerals from 
12 to 19), and is used at the same time in the composition of the feminine numeral 


lira wv? 


ityy rro 1 ?^ 

rntyy iz/ 1 ?^ 

&c, on the analogy of the last. These numerals regularly have only the above form. In regard 
to their syntax, cf. § 134 f 

Very rarely the units appear in the masc. in the constr. St., as ~itz>y nE*<fn fifteen, Ju 8: 10, 2 
S 19:18; liM? luatf eighteen, Ju 20:25. — Connected by ) we find n ; E*an, ) rnt£>V in Eze 45: 12. 

3. The tens from 30 to 90 are expressed by the plural forms of the units (so that 
the plural here always stands for ten times the unit), thus, W0\tf 30, O'JQ^N 40, D^tftftj 
50, n' : W 60, D'J/Jttf 70, □']"»# 80, D'y^n 90. But fwewfy is expressed by nntyy, plur. of 
~lty(§ ten 2 These numerals are all of common gender, and do not admit of the construct 
state. — In compound numerals, like 22, 23, 44, &c, the units may precede (two and 
twenty, as in Arabic and English), e. g. Nu 3:39, 26:14. Very frequently, however, the 
reverse order is found (twenty and two, as in Syriac, cf. French and English twenty- 
two), e. g. 1 Ch 12:28, 185. l In all cases the units and tens are connected by the 
copida, ordinarily ), but 1, before numerals with the tone on the penultima, 1 before ", 1 
before S e wd see § 104 d, e, g. 

The remaining numerals are the substantives — 

100 nxa fem., constr. JiK». 

200 w&m dual (contracted from D^KQ; cf. § 23 c). 

300 niN» tfty plur. (but in 2 K 11:4, 9, 10, 15, K e th. nVN»n). 

1000 n^masc. 

2000 Q?tf?K dual. 

3000 d^Vh mtftftf plur., and so on (except D^Vn niOT in 2 S 18:3, 2 K 24: 14 K e th.; 

elsewhere always d^qVh rncfsj). 
10000 i"Q?% hi the later books the aramaising 2 forms 131, Ki3l, niai (properly 

multitude, cf. uupiaq). 

eleven. On the gradual substitution of '1? 1 fl$37 for '17 inx and ' nnx see Giesebrecht in 
ZAW. 1881, p. 226; '37 '■flljfa? occurs only in Jer., Ez., in the prologue to Deuteronomy 
(1 ), in the Priestly Code, and in passages undoubtedly post-exilic, so that it may very 
well be a loan-word from the Babylonian. 

2 2 For nnty!/, D'V??, Q'V?^ (from the segholates Ity y, 373 #, 37tt/ fl), we should 
expect a 5fl/'z «7, jfZ>/za z «2, f &5 i m. Is this very unusual deviation from the 
common formation (see above, § 93 1, o, r) connected with the special meaning of 
these plurals, or are these survivals of an older form of the plural of segholates? 

1 l According to the conclusions of Konig (De Criticae Sacrae Argumento, p. 61, and 
Lehrgeb., ii. p. 215 ff.), the smaller number more commonly precedes in Ezek. and 
the Priestly Code, but the larger always elsewhere. S. Herner (Syntax der Zahhvdrter 
im A. T., Lund, 1893, p. 71 ff.) arrives at the same conclusion by a full examination of 
the statistics; cf. also his remarks on Konig in ZAW. 1896, p. 123, and Konig' s reply, 
ibid., p. 328 f. 

2 2 Cf. Kautzsch, Die Aramaismen imA.T. (Halle, 1902), p. 79 f. 

20000 tPCf'ai dual (see below, h); but niai ^B* Neh 7:70 (also w Ni3"i Neh 7:71). 

40000 Ki3-iyriK Neh 7:66. 

60000 m'Nrrtf ,tf Ezr 2:69 (Baer and Ginsburg niN'31, as in Dn 11:12). rnrn ''QVk 

thousands of myriads, Gn 24:60. 

Rem. 1. The dual form which occurs in some of the units has the meaning of our ending - 
fold, e. g. tMyriN fourfold, 2 S 12:6; D^5/3tt> sevenfold, Gn 4:15, 24, Is 30:26, Ps 12:7, 79:12 
(cf. § 134 r). The dual W& T) Ps 68: 18 (explained by ]K$ ">5bx thousands of duplication) is 
not meant to be taken in the sense of two myriads or twice the number of myriads, but in a 
multiplicative sense." — Besides the plural which denotes the tens, there are also the plurals 
D'nnx some, also iidem, and ni~iE>y decades (not decern) Ex 18:21, 25. 

2. The suffixes to numerals are, as with other nouns, properly genitives, although 
they are translated in English as nominatives, e. g. ti^RVfytf your triad, i.e. you three, 
Nu 12:4; V ; tttoq his fifty (i.e. the 50 belonging to him) 2 K 1:9-13, and T^'PP 2 K 
1:10, 12. 

§ 98. Numerals, (b) Ordinal Numbers. 

The ordinal numbers from 2 to 10 are formed from the corresponding cardinals by 
adding the termination , " (§ 86 h), before which another , " also is generally inserted 
between the second and third radicals. They are as follows: ^W second, 'Itf' 1 ?^ 1 V?^ 
(like yncf, 175di, Q'yan, without the prosthetic X, which appears in VT}K, &c), 'tf '»p or 
'tttoD (which, according to Strack, is always to be read for , : ^g), , : ^, 'Jrritf, T&#, 
iym, n^y. The ordinal first is expressed by ]WX~\ (cf. § 27 wj, from m'l head, 
beginning, with the termination ]) (§ 86 f). On the use of "?n$ as an ordinal in 
numbering the days of the month, cf. § 134 p; in such cases as Gn 1:5, 2: 11, the 
meaning of first is derived solely from the context. 

The feminine forms have the termination n 1 ", more rarely (and only in the case of 
3 and 10) IT ". They are employed also to express fractions, e.g. TTt^atj fifth or fifth 
part, n'Ttt/y and njT.tyjj tenth part. Side by side with these, in the same sense, there 
are also forms like !?5<j""l and incft a quarter, I2/D0fn a fifth part, and with the 
afformative ]\ li*vtz/17 (plur. D'liltyy) a tenth part; these are to be regarded as abstracts, 
and are denominatives from the cardinal numbers. Cf. finally WIV) Zfidoiiaq, a week; 
lito a decade (of days), and also the tenth day. 

On the expression of the other relations of number, for which the Hebrew has no special 
forms, see the Syntax, § 134 q and r. 


§ 99. General View. 

3 3 Cf. D. H. Miiller, 'Die numeralia multiplicativa in den Amarnatafeln u. im Hebr.. 
Semitica, i, Wien, 1906, p. 13 ff. 

Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 492 f. 

1. The particles, which in general express the secondary modifications of thought 
in speech, the closer relation of words to one another, and the mutual connexion of 
sentences, are for the most part either borrowed or derived from noun-forms, 
sometimes also from pronouns and verbs (§ 30 s). Primitive particles (apart from a 
few demonstrative forms, see § 100 i) can only be so called in the sense defined in § 
81 f 

2. So far as the origin of the particles can be discovered with certainly, they are 
either (1) borrowed from other parts of speech; i.e. certain forms of the noun, 
pronoun, or verb, with more or less loss of their original meaning, have come to be 
employed as particles; cf. in the Indo-Germanic languages, e. g. the Latin certo, falso, 
partim, verum, causa, the German statt, anstatt, wegen, weg, and the English instead, 
away; or (2) derived from other parts of speech, either (a) by the addition of formative 
syllables, as Mi 1 by day, from Qi 1 (cf, however, § 100 g); or most commonly (b) by 
abbreviations effected in various ways, the extent of their mutilation being in 
proportion to the frequency of their use, so that in some cases (see below) the original 
stem has become wholly unrecognizable. 

Cf. in German gen, from gegen, Gegend; seit, from Seite; weil (originally a particle of 
time, like our while), from Weile. 

Still more violent abbreviations occur in Greek, Latin, and the Romance languages, e.g. 
djto, ab, a; £.£,, ex, e; ad, Fr. a; aut, Fr. ou, Ital. o; super, Ital. su. 1 

The greatest shortening occurs in those particles which have entirely lost the 
character of an independent word, by being reduced to a single consonant with its 
vowel (generally short) or Sfwd. According to the laws of syllable formation in 
Hebrew (§ 26 m), such particles cannot stand by themselves, but are united, as 
prefixes, with the following word (§ 102), very much like the preformatives of the 
imperfect (§a-d). 

The view that this shortening of whole words to single letters has actually taken place in 
the gradual course of linguistic development is rendered highly probable by the fact that 
similar abbreviations in later Hebrew and in Aramaic, i.e. as the development of the original 
Semitic speech progresses, become more and more striking and frequent. Thus the Biblical 
Aramaic ,r r becomes at a later period % in modern Arabic, e. g. hallaq (now) is from halwaqt; 
les (why?) from li-ayyi-saiih, &c. Cf. also the analogous cases mentioned above from the 
Western languages. Nevertheless, the use of the simplest particles is found already in the 
earliest periods of the Hebrew language, or, at any rate, in the earliest documents which have 
come down to us. 

3. Less frequently particles are formed by composition; as SFffiQ wherefore? for 
yiTTltt quid edoctusl (xi uaGcbv; ) or quid cognitum? ; Hi? 1 ?? (from ^3 and Hi?) besides; 
rf7yG?7(? (from "|B, "?, Tf?y<£)from above, above. 

1 l Even short phrases are contracted into one word: Lat.forsitan, from fors sit an, 
5qX,ov6xi, 5q^a8f), Fr. peut-etre, Eng. prithee from I pray thee. — In Chinese most of 
the particles are verbs or nouns; e. g. iit (to give), also the sign of the dative; i (to 
make use of), to, for; n i (the interior), in. 

More frequent is the combination of two words into one without contraction, e. g. l3"HnK, 
■O'HN, HK" 1 ?, 13"'?y"'' i 3; cf. also the compounds of , K with demonstrative pronouns, as rna^X 
from what?; riK'T 1 ? 'K wherefore? [R. V. how]. See the lexicon under , H. 

§ 100. Adverbs. 

On demonstrative adverbs cf. Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 323; on interrogative adverbs, 
ibid., i. 328; on adverbs in general, i. 492 ff 

1. The negative X' 1 ? not, and a few particles of place and time, as D$ there, are of 
obscure origin. 

2. Forms of other parts of speech, which are used adverbially without further 
change, are — 

(a) Substantives with prepositions, e. g. "T'NftS (with might) very; "n 1 ? alone (prop. 
in separation, Fr. apart), with suffix ^Tt? 1 alone; TVfSftfrom within, within; cf. also 
"?riN5 (as one) together, naj? 1 ? and na^Vi? (originally in connexion with) near to, 
corresponding to, like, &c, cf. § 161 b. 

(b) Substantives in the accusative (the adverbial case of the Semites, § 1 18 m), cf. 
"rf|v dpxfiv, Scopsdv, e. g. "7'N& (might) very, 09$ (cessation) no more, Di'H (the day) to- 
day (cf. § 126 b), "ina 1 to-morrow, "Tncf(union) together. Several of these continued to 
be used, though rarely, as substantives, e. g. TOD, plur. tPTno and nin'np, circuit, as 
adverb circum, around; others have quite ceased to be so used, e. g. ~Q3 (length) long 
ago [Aram.: only in Ec.]; Til? (repetition, duration) again or further. 

(c) Adjectives, especially in the feminine (corresponding to the Indo-Germanic 
neuter), e. g. TilWH 1 primum, formerly (more frequently njlttfN.ia, also niiU^KI 1 ?); TQT\ 
and nin [both rare] multum, much, enough; nix 1 ??)] wonderfully (properly mirabilibus, 
sc. modis), n , 7in? Jewish, i.e. in the Jewish language. 

(d) Verbs in the infinitive absolute, especially in Hiph it, which are likewise to 
be regarded as accusatives (§113 h), e. g. TCHT\ (prop, a multiplying) much [frequent], 
T\TT)Tf7 [rare and late] in multitude; D3#n (mane faciendo) early; Tiy.n (vespere 
faciendo) in the evening. 

(e) Pronouns and numerals, e. g. Til (prop. there=at this place) here, Til<£ here, 
hither (also of time, Til(S~lV till now, cf. the late and rare "ftS? and n3C^S?=in T37); nnx, 
0?df$, V5G$, nxa owce, twice, seven times, a hundred times; TOW for the second time . 

3. Some adverbs are formed by the addition of formative syllables (most 
frequently D ~) to substantives or adjectives, e.g. DJ&N and U\m, truly (from 1^'X truth); 
UIT\ (by favour) gratis (from in gratia); D|7 , 'l /'« vain,frustra, but also empty, (from p'l 
empty, emptiness, vanum), Ru 1:21, parallel with the^em. 7^7^ full; UfiV by day (from 

1 J Generally derived from the ptcp. Pu al "insip m e 6har (=m e ohhar) and hence to be 
read mohar (cf. rnp.a morning); but according to P. Haupt (notes to Esther, p. 159) 
from -\m m\ 

□I'') 1 ; with 6 in the last syllable, D' 81/19, for D' 571/19, in a twinkling, suddenly (from VT)($a 
twinkling, the 6 being probably obscured from an original a) 2 — Moreover, cf nTVnjJ 
backward, and JT'3'l |"7[? darkly attired, Mai 3:14. In both these cases, the formative 
syllable an has been first attached to the stem, and then the feminine ending ifh, which 
is elsewhere used to form adverbs, has been added to it. 

The termination D " occurs also in the formation of substantives, e. g. dVin porch, and 
hence the above adverbs may equally well be regarded as nouns used adverbially, so that D ;, 
D r ", would correspond to ] ", p (§ 85, Nos. 53, 54), cf. D'Nrm (with prep.) suddenly, 2 Ch 
29:36. According to others, this am is an obsolete accusative ending, to be compared with the 
indeterminate accusative sing, in an in Arabic. 

4. A number of forms standing in very close relation to the demonstrative pronoun 
may be regarded as primitive adverbs, since they arise directly from a combination of 
demonstrative sounds. Some of these have subsequently suffered great mutilation, the 
extent of which, however, can now very rarely be ascertained with certainty. Such are 
e. g. IX then, 7\1<& here (according to Barth, Sprachwiss. Abhandlungen, p. 16, formed 
from the two demonstrative elements hin and nd), 15, 7D(S thus (cf. rp'X, rDD'.N, how?), 
}K only, p8 truly (on all these adverbs, see the Lexicon), and especially the 
interrogative Ti (He interrogativum), e. g. N'^D (Dt 3:11 Ti'^Tj) nonne? , DID num etiam? 
This He interrogativum is perhaps shortened from ^n, which is still used in Arabic, 
and, according to the view of a certain school of Masoretes, occurs also in Hebrew in 
Dt32:6. 1 

The n interrogative takes — (1) Ha kph-Palhah generally before non-gutturals (even 
before ~i), with a firm vowel, e. g. riac£>n hast thou set? see the interrogative clause, § 150 c 
(3D'' , n Lv 10: 19 is an exception). 

(2) Before a consonant with S'wd, usually Pathah without a following Dages forte, e. g. 
riD^.O Gn 27:38, cf. 18:17, 29:5, 30:15, 34:31; less frequently (in about ten passages), Pathah 
with a following Dages forte, e. g. ~}~}72Ti num in via, Ez 20:30, ll^n Gn 17:17, 18:21, 37:32, 
Nu 13:19, Jb 23:6; even in 1, 1 S 10:24, 17:25, 2 K 6:32. 

(3) Before gutturals, not pointed with either QameS or Hakph-QameS, it takes Pathah, e. 
g. °f?)i t 7\ shall I go 1 }, nflX.D num tul, DKH num si; rrriK.H Mai 1:13; also in Ju 6:31 read Qfi8,n 
(not 'H,n), likewise n in Ju 12:5, Jer 8:19, Neh 6:11. — In W>K) Nu 16:22, the Masora intends 

1 1 Is this D ~ an instance of the locative or temporal termination (cf. especially Dins) 
mentioned in § 88 c? Noldeke, ZDMG. xl. p. 721, considers Dai' a secondary 
substantival form (used adverbially like n^ "? noctu), corresponding to the 
Phoenician and Aramaic UW, Syr. imdmd; cf. on the other hand, Konig, ii. 255, who 
follows Olshausen in maintaining that the dm is an adverbial termination. 

2 2 DJOT silent (an adjective in Is 47:5, La 3:26; a substantive in Hb 2:19), which was 
formerly included under this head, is better taken, with Barth (Nominal-bildung, p. 
352, Rem. 2), as a participle formed like "l^W, "7^37, so that umi (perhaps assimilated 
to nan) stands for original DttiT 

1 1 The separation of the n at the beginning of Dt 32:6, expressly noticed by Qimhi 
(ed. Rittenb., p. 40 b) as an unique instance, is perhaps a protestagainst admitting a 
particle ^n. 

the article; read tZ^Nn, and cf. Dt 20: 19; in Ec 3:21 read rrVy.n and rnYvj; the article is a 
correction due to doctrinal considerations. 

(4) The H takes S'ghol before gutturals pointed with QameSor (as in Ju 9:9 ff.) Hakph- 
QameS, e.g. "rtN»,3 Mi 2:7; •g'UNn Jb 21:4; nri^nn Jo 1:2; rn^n Gn 24:5 (cf. the analogous 
instances in § 22 c, § 35 k, § 63 k). The place of this interrogative particle is always at the 
beginning of the clause [but see Jb 34:31, Neh 13:27, Jer 22: 15, where one or more words are 
prefixed for emphasis]. 

5. Some adverbs occur also in connexion with suffixes, thus "$1 thou art there, 
3rd sing. masc. wf (but see note below), 2nd plur. masc. D3#?.; ^(fKlam not, 2nd 
sing. •$•> N, fern. •$>$, 3rd sing, utfx, fern, natfx, 2nd plur. Q^.K, 3rd plur. masc. 
DPX. — Also ^(fj? / am yet (His? only in '71573 and ^157 , a), ^itf, ^157, WCftS (La 4:17 
QVe; nr(fiS7 iT7/z.; the oriental school [see above, p. 38, note 2 ] recognize only the 
reading IPCfil?), Dlil7. — rDQlN where art thou?, i'N where is he?, ti% where are they? 
The same applies to in ("p) and run behold! (prop, /zere, /We z's; see § 105 b), only in 
Gn 19:2 Nrn|n; with suffixes, 'ijn, once 'jtfn (Gn 22:7 vnthMunafi), in pause UGfn 
behold me (here am I), ~$7\ {pause ^QpTl Ps 139:8), }3n, inn and indn [both very rare], 
M}7i (behold us), and IJK^Tl (in pause udn), Q3|n, D3H; [see more fully in the Lexicon, p. 

The usual explanation of these suffixes (especially of the forms with Nun energicum) as 
verbal suffixes, which ascribes some power of verbal government even to forms originally 
substantival (e. g. ilB^ there is, he is), is at least inadmissible for forms (like i"K, 1 7i5?3) which 
are evidently connected with noun-suffixes; even for the other forms it is questionable. 
Brockelmann suggests that the ] in connexion with these particles is a survival from run 
corresponding to the Arab, anna which introduces dependent clauses. 

£101. Prepositions. 
Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 494 ff. 

1. All words, which by usage serve as prepositions, were originally substantives, 

2 2 This form, which occurs in Dt 29:14, 1 S 14:39, 23:23, Est 3:8, is textually very 
doubtful, and cannot be supported by the equally doubtful Unj? (for U 3[?) Nu 23:13. 
Most probably, with Stade, Gramm., § 370 b, and P. Haupt, SBOT. Numbers, p. 57, 
line 37, we should read U #\ 

2 2 The most important of these differences are, (a) those between the Orientals, i. e. 
the scholars of the Babylonian Schools, and the Occidentals, i. e. the scholars of 
Palestine (Tiberias, &c); cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 197 ff. ; (b) amongst the 
Occidentals, between Ben-Naphtali and Ben-Asher, who flourished in the first half of 
the tenth century at Tiberias; cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 241 ff. Both sets of variants are 
given by Baer in the appendices to his critical editions. Our printed editions present 
uniformly the text of Ben-Asher, with the exception of a few isolated readings of Ben- 
Naphtali, and of numerous later corruptions. 

(a) Substantives in the accusative and in the construct state, so that the noun 
governed by them is to be considered as in the genitive, and in Arabic actually has the 
genitive ending, cf. in German statt dessen, kraft dessert, in Greek toutou %dpiv, in 
Latin huius rei causa, or gratia, montis instar 1 Cf. "igSn (hinder part*) behind, after 
(Mil e/inl?in<£Lv 14:36, Dt 21:13, 1 S 10:5; npntf 2 Ch 32:9); "?$£ (side) close 
by; "pa (intermediate space*) between; "7573, "ryd (distance 2 ) behind, around, rfpiT, or 
with Hireq compaginis 'n 1 ?^ (removal, want) except; 1$7Cf (purpose) on account of; Via 
C?1a only in Dt 1:1) before, over against; ~ia (separation; cf. § 119 v)from, out of, TJQp" 
(coming in front, that which is over against) before, over against; "117 (progress, 
duration*) during, until; -1 757 (height, upper part*) upon, over; ~UV (connexion?) with; 
it is doubtful whether this is to be derived from the same stem as nag, nag 1 ? near, 
beside, like; nncf) (under part*) under, instead of . 

(b) Substantives in the construct state, but to be regarded as in the genitive, since 
they depend on prepositions (especially the inseparable), e. g. 'l? 1 ? (in the face of*) 
before; 'DJ, 'D 1 ? (according to the mouth, i.e. the command of*) according to; Vpja (in 
the concern of) on account of ]V(S7 (for the purpose of) on account of. 

2. Substantives used adverbially very frequently become prepositions in this way, 
e. g. ,, ?5, ^aa, ^a, 'n 1 ??, "pKa, 09<&a (with cessation) without, TOa (in the duration of) 
during; 'la, HI (according to the requirement of) for, according to. 

§ 102. Prefixed Prepositions. 

1. Of the words mentioned in § 101, "\Kfrom, out of, frequently occurs as a prefix 
(§ 99 c), with its Nun assimilated to the following consonant (by means ofDages 
forte), e.g. ~I57(£? out of a forest. 

Rem. The separate "]a (always with a following Maqqeph) is usual (but not necessary, cf. 
Ju 20:14 with verse 15, Ez 43:6, &c.) only before the article, e. g. f"l(Srj"ia, and sometimes 
occurs before the softer consonants, e. g. TNT|» Jer 44: 1 8, ^I'la Jo 1:12, 1 Ch 5 : 1 8; cf. Ex 
18:14, Lv 1:14, 14:30, Ju 7:23, 10:11, 19:16, Ps 104:7 (2 K 23:36 before 1; also before p in Ps 
18:49), and elsewhere in the later books (as in Aramaic) 1 ; there is besides a poetic by-form ^a 
(cf. § 90 m) and '38 Is 30: 1 1. Its form is most commonly -a with a following Dages, which 
may, however, be omitted in letters which have S^wd (cf. § 20 m). With a following 1 the a is, 
as a rule, contracted to ">n, e. g. ''T» =r 7?» or ^ , a (but cf. W'a Dn 12:2; tJli,;Kh?a 2 Ch20:ll); 
before gutturals it becomes a (according to § 22 c), e. g. EXjN.a, Dva; before n the a occurs with 
the guttural virtually sharpened in fina on the outside, and in cnna Gn 14:23; before n in niTl.a 
(cf. § 28 b and § 63 q. The closed syllable here is inconsistent with the required virtual 

1 l In the examples which follow, the meaning of the noun is added in parentheses, 
and, when it is actually in use [though it is mostly in such cases very rare], is marked 
with an asterisk. — On a similar use in other languages, see W. von Humboldt, Uber 
die Kawisprache, iii, p. 621. 

2 2 So also J. Hoch de Long, Die hebr. Prdpos. "7573, Lpz. 1905. 

1 l Konig, Einleitung ins A. 71, p. 393 (cf. also the almost exhaustive statistics in his 
Lehrgebdude, ii. 292 ff), enumerates eight instances of ia before a word without the 
article in 2 Samuel and Kings, and forty-five in Chronicles. 

sharpening of the n; probably irrna is merely due to the analogy of nvn, 1 ?); similarly Is 14:3 
before ~i; but in 1 S 23:28, 2 S 18: 16 I'Tia is to be read, according to § 22 s. 

2. There are also three other particles, the most commonly used prepositions and 
the particle of comparison, which have been reduced by abbreviation (§ 99 c) to a 
single prefixed consonant with S e wd (but see below, and § 103 e), viz.: 

3 [poet. 1(23] in, at, with. 

"? [poet, itt 1 ?] towards, (belonging) to, for, Lat. ad. 

3 [poet. 1(03] like, as, according to (no doubt the remnant of a substantive with the 
meaning of matter, kind, instar). 

With regard to the pointing it is to be observed that — 

(a) The Swd mobile, with which the above prefixes are usually pronounced, has resulted 
from the weakening of a short vowel (an original a, according to/) 2 ; the short vowel is 
regularly retained before owd: before Swd simplex in the form of an z, attenuated from a: 
before a Hakph the prefix takes the vowel of the Hakph, e. g. ~>~\&? for fruit, r iN i 3 as a lion, 
Ui7 r a bo "nf, in affliction (sometimes with the syllable subsequently closed, cf § 28 b, and 
the infinitives with b § 63 i): before weak consonants it follows the rule given in § 24 c, e. g. 
nTirp, 1 ? for 'f?. When the prefixes 3, ), 3, b, precede QTiVk God, the S'wd and Hakph Sghol 
regularly coalesce in Sere, e. g. DTi'VN.S, &c, for ,l 7N,3; so with suffixes vn'^Hl, &c. (once 
also in the sing. in'Vtf, 1 ? Hb 1:11); also regularly I'aK 1 ? to say, for Yhn, 1 ?, see § 23 d. 

(b) When the prefixes precede the article, the n is almost always dropped, and they take 
its vowel. See further in § 35 n. 

(c) Immediately before the tone-syllable, i.e. before monosyllables and dissyllables with 
the tone on the penultima (in the fore-tone), they take QameS (undoubtedly a lengthening of 
an original a, cf. § 26 e, § 28 a), but only in the following cases: 

(aa) b before infinitives of the above-mentioned forms, as Tilt? to give, yib to judge, 1'lb 
to plunder, Ylb to shear, 1'rf? to keep a festival, nitf? to bring forth, rotf? to go, W<$b to take, 
except when the infinitive (as a nomen regens) is closely connected with another word 
(especially its subject, § 1 15 e), and consequently, as being in a sort oiconstr. state, loses the 
principal tone, e. g. nxf? Ex 19:1, racf? Gn 16:3, and so always nan K'3 1 ? Nu 13:21, &c. (in 
such cases as 2~\ TlTiTib Ex 5:21 the a is protected by the secondary tone; before infinitives 
of verbs V'V, the b is retained even in close connexion; cf. Ez 21:20, 25, 22:3); 

(bb) before many pronominal forms, e. g. nn (so also in 1 S 21: 10; not n-T3), nf?, nn, m'lb 
(in close connexion, however, nK'TV Gn 2:23; nK'T3 Gn 45:23); nVdfo as these; an especially 

D33, 03^, D33 (D33) and ons, on 1 ?, oris (ons), see § 103 e; 

2 2 Jerome (see Siegfried, TAW. iv. 79) almost always represents 3 by ba. 
'Gesenius, F. W. (2003). Gesenius' Hebrew grammar (E. Kautzsch & S. A. E. 
Cowley, Ed.) (2d English ed.) (Page 278). Bellingham, WA: Logos Research 
Systems, Inc. 

(cc) b before monosyllables or fore-toned nouns in such combinations as TlBb ns mouth to 
month, 2 K 10:21, W.<$~? O^y? between waters and waters, Gn 1:6; T\^(5difor a trouble, Is 
1: 14, but always before the principal pause. The instructive example in Dt 17:8 also shows 
that the punctuation b is only possible with at least the lesser pause after it; in Is 28: 10, 13 the 
b is twice repeated, even before the small and smallest disjunctives; 

(dd) in certain standing expressions, which have become stereotyped almost as adverbs, e. 

g. ivb to eternity, 3'~i 1 7 in multitude, notf? in security, W$(f? to eternity, but DTO} W$(f? to all 
eternity, Is 34: 10. Cf also VZ<f?for the dead, Lv 19:28, Nu 5:2, 9: 10. 

(d) With the interrogative na they are pointed as in nas; in pause and before K as in nas by 
what? (before a following relative clause, as in Ec 3:22, na3; cf. Delitzsch, Jesaia, 4th ed., on 
Is 2:22); na? how much? but also na? 1 K 22: 16, in close connexion, and at a greater distance 
from the pause. The S'ghol in these forms arises from a modification of the original a, while 
the a is sharpened in order to maintain the original a of the prefixes. 

When b (prop, la) is united to na, it takes, according to § 49 f, g, the form nad" (Jb 7:20 
na<!f, 1 S 1:8 natf, all Mil el, and hence the a in the tone is lengthened to a) for what? why? 
Before the gutturals N, n, V, TK&? is used for euphonic reasons (exceptions 1 S 28: 15, 2 S 
14:31, Jer 15:18, before n; 2 S 2:22, Ps 49:6, before K); naiif, however, remains before n. 
Before letters which are not gutturals, ncf? is found in Ps 42:10, 43:2 (immediately after a 

Rem. The divine name n'VP, which has not its original vowels (nirp) but those of ^ TS 
(see § 17 c), except that the 1 has simple not compound S'wd, takes the prefixes also, after the 
manner of ^ TX, thus n'rri, 7l']7l\b, n'ln 1 ,?, n'rra (since they are to be read ^'INl, Tl'T^V, 
■Q'"7N,3, ■O'lN.a); for the K of 'O'TK, as of •O'TK, D^'TK, &c. (see below), quiesces after the 
prefixes 3, ?, b, 1, but is audible after a (for ]a), t£* (no instance in the O. T.), and n (in D'HSH 
Dt 10: 17, Ps 136:3, the article, not n interrog., is intended; the only example with n intertog., 
Jer 8: 19, is to be pointed n'lrrn, i.e. ^'TK.n, not n']n?n). Hence the rule, K^ia ntl>a Moses 
brought out (i.e. a, E>, n make the K audible), tripa ib'D) and Caleb brought in, (i.e. 1, 3, b, 3 
allow it to quiesce). ' — As regards the other plural forms of liTH, elision of the H always takes 
place after 3, 1, 3, b, except in the form ^'TK, thus TO'IN, 1 ?, ^rfTK, 1 ?, &c; but ^'l^b, &c, 
wrfTK, 1 ?, &c, an^lTK, 1 ?. 

§ 103. Prepositions with Pronominal Suffixes and in the Plural Form. 

1. As all prepositions were originally nouns (§ 101) in the accusative, they may be 
united with the noun-suffixes (§91 b-1), e. g. ^^ (prop, at my side) by me, 1 PlX (in 
my proximity) with me, DFiDFi (in their place) instead of them, like the Latin mea 
causa, for my sake. 

Rem. 1. The preposition nx (usually ~n$) near, with, is distinguished from nx (see 
below, and § 117 a, note 4), the sign of the definite accusative (§117 a), in its 
connexion with suffixes, by a difference of pointing, the former making 'AN, T^N, in 
pause im, 2nd fern. T,M (Is 54:10 ]m), ifiN, 7\m, uqjix, D3flN, DM (also in the later 
books, especially in Kings, and always in Jer. and Ezek., incorrectly 'TliX with me; 
Irtxnfrom thee, 1 K 20:25; WXKfrom him, 1 K 22:7; ari'S with them), while the 

1 l Another vox mentor, is tiby. 1 13 -1 73 all is hidden in him. 

latter retains its 6 (obscured from a) before the light suffixes, but before grave 
suffixes is pointed with S e ghol. This S e ghol is to be explained, with Praetorius, 
ZDMG. Iv. 369 f, as the modification of an a which again was shortened from 
original a (in dthi"aiihd, &c.) in a closed syllable (dth-hem, &c). The same 
shortening and modification of the original a takes place before words in close 
connexion, hence VSTl^, &c. When not in close connexion, the toneless n$ becomes 
tone-long nx, e. g. D?tf;ttfri nx Gn 1:1. Hence the following forms arise: — 



I.e. rrfN 

US. ioqjfx 

2. m. "jjf N pause "JI]'N 

f "30'k 

J^OW. DStl^^OM. 

3.m. in'X 
f her. nn'x 

f/ze/w. Q^'X, rarely QOTS 

1OTS, rarely in' X 

Less common are the plene, forms 'FilX, ^1S (Nu 22:33 PDlVN before n), ^riiK (Ex 
29:35, 7D(tf'N), inix, nniK, uqfilx, Dnix. Moreover, for DDnx we find DDniN Jos 23:15; for 

' t t /' ' t 5 t ' t ' v : v v : i " 

Dri'N, five times DOTS (Gn 32:1, Ex 18:20, &c), and in Ez 23:45 QOTlH; for 1OTN (Gn 
19:8, &c. [13 times]), iri'K (only found in Ez 16:54; Ex 35:26 rM'K; Ez 34:21 nj<f1»), 
and lOTiN Ez 23:47. — No instance of the 2nd fern. plur. pflS occurs in the O. T.; in 
Cant 2:7, &c, DDflN is used instead. 

2. The preposition ~Dy with (with suffixes on the model of stems V"V, ^W, lay [1 S 1:26 
roay], inpause T&y; 2nd fem. ~JW; iay, nay) is united with the suffixes 11, DD, and an by a 
(pretonic) QameS, which causes the sharpening of the Mem to be distinctly audible: ttCSy, 
DDSV, Dnay (so in Nu 22: 12, Dt 29: 16, both in principal pause, and often in very late passages, 
otherwise Day is generally used). In the first person, besides i ay, we also find ''lay (probably 
from original 'Hiy; cf. Arab, inda, beside, with). 

3. It is but seldom that prepositions occur with verbal suffixes, as ^(fiflT) 2 S 22:37, 40, 48 
(for which Ps 18:37, 40, 48 'fiflS), H3(fnri Gn 2:21 and •>}<£$, 1 Ps 139:11 (here probably for the 
sake of the rhyme with ^Gfitt*?). 1 

2. When pronominal suffixes are added to the prefixes (§ 102), there appears 
occasionally, especially in the case of the shorter suffixes, an endeavour to lengthen 
the preposition, so as to give it more strength and body. Hence to 3 is appended the 
syllable to (see below, k), and 3 and "? take at least a full vowel, 3 and ^ (§ 102 d, f). — 
The following deviations from the analogy of the noun with suffixes are to be noticed 

ZDMG. ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 
1846 ff, since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. 

1 l Fi m and bi m (in me), in vulgar Arabic for fiyya and bi , are compared by 
Socin. Brockelmann, ZA. xiv. 347, note 1, suggests that '3nnn, runnn, ']TO are later 
formations on the model of '3 £>;? when its origin from the reduplication of the 
preposition had become obscured, but see below, m. 

(a) in the pausal forms "J3, ft, ]p'X, ~}m, "jay (not bekhd, &c); (&) in the similar forms 
with the suffix of the 2nd sing. fern, (not bekh, &c.) and in ild, utf, UG&?, &c. (not 
benu, &c). 

(a) V wzY/z Pronominal Suffixes. 



1. c. to 


to ms. 



2. m. to 

ft (rD 1 ?), in/rawse 





[p 1 ? 2 ] ™<ft 

3. m. to 


to ^/zew 

an 1 ?, natft poet, iatf 

[53 times]" 

f to 


in 1 ?, 4 r\i($7 

3, takes suffixes in the same manner: '3, 33 (Ex 7:29, 2 S 22:30, Ps 141:8 H33, as 
in Gn 27:37, 2 S 18:22, Is 3:6 nft [for 2nd fern, ft thelCthibh •>& occurs in 2 K 4:2, 
Ct 2:13, cf. § 91 e]), 13, &c; except that for the 3rd plur., besides DD3 (especially in 
the later books) and nad3 (only in Ex 30:4, 36:1, Hb 1:16; na<ft only in Jer 14:16), 
the form D3 is also used; and for the feminine, besides nadin (three times), ]TB is found 
fifteen times, and 1^3 only in 1 S 3 1 :7, Is 38: 16, Ez 42: 14. — According to the Masora, 
X' 1 ? is found fifteen times for f? (as conversely in 1 S 2:16, 20:2 f? for N'V), e.g. Ex 
21:8, 1 S 2:3, Is 9:2, Ps 100:3 (and, as has been conjectured, also Jb 41:4); cf. 
Delitzsch on Ps 100:3.— In Nu 32:42, Zc 5:11, Ru 2:14, the Masora requires ft 
instead of ft (in all three places before a following tone-syllable; cf. § 23 k, and the 
analogous cases of the loss of Mappiq in § 58 g, § 91 e). 

(b) J with Pronominal Suffixes. 

2 2 ift does not occur in the O. T., by a mere accident, no doubt; Ez 13:18 ru ft. 

3 3 The question whether la *7 can also stand for the sing, i 1 ?, which Rodiger and 
recently W. Diehl (Das Pronomen pers. suffi ... des Hebr., p. 20 f.) and P. Haupt 
(SBOT. on Pr 23:20, a contraction of la-humu) have altogether denied, must be 
answered in the affirmative unless we conclude with Diehl and Haupt that all the 
instances concerned are due to corruptions of the text. It is true that in such places as 
Gn 9:26, 27, Dt 33:2, Is 30:5, Ps 73:10 (all in or immediately before the principal 
pause; in Dt 33 :2 with Zaqeph qaton at least) ia *7 can be better explained as plural 
(in reference to collective nouns); and in Is 53 : 8 for ia *7 in J we should read with 
the LXX ni ft yai On the other hand, in Is 44: 15 its explanation as plural would be 
extremely forced. Even then there would remain — presuming the traditional text to be 
correct — ia' IB Ps 1 1 :7 and ia' 33 Jb 27:23, as well as ia' ty, three times, Jb 20:23, 
27:23 (beside vft), and especially Jb 22:2. In all these places the most extreme 
exegetical artifices can only be avoided by simply admitting a singular suffix (=V1B, 
T93, fty). — On the question of the antiquity of the suffixes in ia see § 91 1. 

4 4 The form ift in Ru 1 : 13 is Aramaic (=therefore). 



1 . c. as 

'Ms 3 

as we. 


2. m. as 




as ye. 

CQ3, DD|, rarely CQia? 

3. m. as 
f . as 


as they 

ore, [ddi, H/scEd], rgia? 
[ID?], nacfe 

fcj 7£ with Pronominal Suffixes. 




'atfa poet, 'aa [4 




times], in/rawse 
also ">i(^ [6 times] 

2. m. 

^tpa, inpause 3<$a 

7^"om j^oz/. 





3. m. 

13<$a, Jb 4:12 in 

^"om /7?ew 

ana, nacfa [twice], 


pause ^7\)<&, [IHCfo 

or irnafo: see 

Jb 11:20 n^a 




iria, nada [7 times] 

The syllable ia (in Arabic ma Ka=Heb. na w/za?) in i ai<^3 (probably from 'UK na3, prop. 
according to what I, for as 7) is, in poetry, appended to the three simple prefixes 3, 3, b, even 
without suffixes, so that ias, ias, iaV appear as independent words, equivalent in meaning to 3, 
3, V. Poetry is here distinguished from prose by the use of longer forms; in the case of ]a, on 
the other hand, it prefers the shorter, which resemble the Syriac and Arabic. 

The form DH3, enclosed in brackets above, occurs only in 2 K 17: 15 (inpause), nacJb only 
in Jer 36:32 (inpause); 1H3 (Baer following Qimhi 1H3) only in Ez 18:14. Cf Frensdorff, 
Massora Magna, p. 234 ff — For D33 as ye, Qimhi requires D33 (invariably or only in Jb 
16:4?); in Jos 1:15, Ju 8:2, Ezr 4:2 Baer gives D33. 

With regard to ]a with suffixes, r i<£'nfrom me is usually explained as arising, by a 
reduplication of ]a, from an original "Oaaa, just as IxStifrom him, from in-aaaa, identical in 

5 The use of 'a here for 1 " (cf. above, d) might be due to euphonic reasons, 
(defectively) only in the Pentateuch, ~\ *a| Ex 15:11. 

'a as 

form with w<£ft l from us, from tl-MM, while 7\l<&'ofrom her, goes back to rUM». Far simpler, 
however, is Mayer Lambert's explanation {REJ. xxiii. 302 ff), that ^(fa, &c., have arisen 
from ''33$, &c., and that the forms of the suffixes are to be explained on the analogy of ^tf K, 
mcfiy, n|(frjJl, § 100 o. — The bracketed form indb, for which Baer, following Qimhi and 
others, writes ind», occurs only in Ps 68:24, and is there regarded by Delitzsch, Hupfeld, and 
others (following Simonis) as a substantive (]tt=portion). The expression wrna (for ttrfa?) Is 
18:2, 7 is very strange. — natfa occurs only in Jer 10:2, Ec 12:12 (Jb 11:20 Dgi3»); ina (so Baer 
and Ginsburg, following the best authorities, instead of the ordinary reading ina) only in Ez 

3. Several prepositions, especially those which express relations of space and 
time, are (like the German wegeri) properly plural nouns (for the reason, see § 124 a), 
and are, therefore, joined with the pronominal suffixes in the form of the plural 
construct state, just like other plural nouns (§91 g). On the other hand, the apparent 
connexion of ~%, ~72, -1 717 with plural suffixes is explained from the ground-forms of 
those prepositions (from stems H" 1 ?) ^ (ty), HI?, ^(contracted to ty, ^X, &C.). 1 

Without suffixes these prepositions are — 

"inx, more frequently "HpN (prop, hinder parts) behind, after. 

-1 7$, 2 poet. [4 times in Job] also ty (region, direction), towards, to, according to. 

•pa (interval) between; the suffixes indicating the singular are added to the singular 
f 3, thus 'r?, ^a, &c. (Gn 16:5 ~p<f2, the second Yodh is, however, marked with a 
point as critically doubtful; TT3, which occurs three times, is only the Masoretic Q e re 
for ira, which is found e.g. in Gn 30:36). On the other hand, the suffixes indicating a 
plural are attached to the plural forms '{pa or riira. 

a'ap (circuit) around, as a preposition, always has the plural form, sometimes 
masc. 'J'^ap, &c. [10 times], but much more frequently in the few. nia'ap 
(surroundings). In Ez 43:17 nriix a'ap is a corruption of rp^a'ap; [in 1 K 6:5 n$ a'ap 
also is so contrary to usage, that it must be due to some textual error]. 

1 l The Babylonian Masora writes =0 aa (to distinguish it from the 3rd sing.), which 

is justly blamed by Ibn Ezra. 

REJ. REJ. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. 

1 l The reference of these forms to original plurals has been again expressly supported 
by De Lagarde, Symmicta, ii. 101 ff. ; Nachrichten der G. g. G., 1881, p. 376, cf 
Mittheilungen, 1884, p. 63; also GGA. 1884, p. 280 f According to Barth, ZDMG 
xlii. p. 348 ff. , and Nominalbildung, p. 375 ff., y flDFi, &c, was only formed on the 
analogy of y ^V, &c, and y "DDK &c, only on the analogy of 'l? 1 ?, &c, since the 
real plural forms ought to be y rinri, y inK, &c; cf. , however, Konig, Lehrgebdude, 
ii. 305 f 

2 2 On the use of this particle see § 1 19 g. 

"7S7 (continuation, duration, from TilV) as far as, unto, poet. "HS? [12 times]. In Jb 
32:12 D3 , XV, with the a retained in the secondary tone, is abnormal. Also in 2 K 9:18 

for army read nrpiv. 

-l 757 upon, over (cf the rare subst. ty height [see Lexicon], from 7t?V to ascend), 
poet. ,l 7S? [40 times, and 2 £>Ve]. 

nnGf) under (prop, w/z<3tf /s beneath). On 'JGjRnfl, &c; cf. above, d. 

With Suffixes. 

1 &'«#. nqx •tb ^iT.np 'ripri ,l ?x ny ,l ?y 

(a/ter (^eft^een (around (beneath (to me) (unto (on me) 

me) me) me) me) me) 

2 S. m. yc§m "H?'.? x^irr.np xtfflJ? X®? TtfV T$? 

& xtf^p 

& x^'?D 

3 S. m. vim irs vniT no vnnn v^k vis? i ,l 757 

t:t •• t i ■ T t:- t •• tt tt 

& vxpp 
3 S.f. y$m n^iT.np n^nn rr<t?k n'tfy x#¥- 

& x^o 

1 Plur. wdnK wtfa irdfiirr.rip u'tfnri n'tfx irtfy 

2 P/. nannx npT,? □xnirrgp ap'r^ri ap^s cq'XV Q3 ,1 ?y 

3 Pi. nnnnx anT,? nri'ritanp arrnnn nx'?*? [ a rn.¥] a ^ 


& Emir, a & usually & n^S t^&'tfy] 

aniT np annn 

t i • T t : - 

3 P/./ IX'DDX lX^ IX^S TC ,l ?i? 

1 J As Mayer Lambert observes, usage (cf. esp. Gn 26:28) distinguishes between the 
two forms: imirn, means between us and you, whereas irra (Jos 22:25, 27, 28 before 
EDTai) means between us on the one side. 

2 2 The poetical form 1ft' ^N only in Ps 2:5; 1 \W )>V, on which see note 3 on f, 12 
times [viz. Dt 32:23, Ps 5:12, 55:16, 64:9, Jb 6:16^20:23, 21:17, 22:2, 27:23, 29:22, 
30:2, 5]. 

& 10^ 
§ 104. Conjunctions. 

1. The conjunctions serve to connect sentences, and to express their relations one 
to another. They may be either — 

(a) Original pronouns, e.g. the demonstrative '3 that, because, for. 

(b) Original substantives, which afterwards were reduced to the rank of pronouns, 
adverbs, or conjunctions; so perhaps ~i#& (see § 36), which is sometimes used to 
express the general idea of relation, sometimes as a relative pronoun (properly a 
demonstrative), but in many cases stands simply for '3; also -1 7N (nothing), that not; "19 
that not (the Greek ph. of prohibition), &c. To these may be added the adverbial 
combination of substantives with prepositions, e.g. CQ($? (in the not yet) earlier, 
before, for which D^flfjp is also used. On the combination of two particles to express 
complex ideas (e.g. 'S'HN added to this, that=much more), see the Syntax, § 163 f 

(c) Prepositions, which with the addition of the conjunction 1$J$ or '3 together 
form one single conjunction, e.g. ~i$& "{^because, prop, on account of the fact that; 
-\m -\m, and more frequently ~i#8 nDN, after that; im,3 according as (with 3); '3 3j?tf 
and ~i$& ~2\?.(§in consequence of the fact that, for the reason that, because. Sometimes, 
however, the conjunction in such cases is omitted, and the preposition itself used as a 
conjunction, e.g. -1 7$? (for ~i$& -1 7$7) although, Jb 16:17. 

So, at any rate, according to our linguistic principles. It would, however, be more correct 
to say, that instead of the intermediary ~ie>n the whole of the succeeding sentence is regarded 
as one substantival idea, under the immediate government of the preposition. In the same 
way, all prepositions governing the gerund in English may be paraphrased by conjunctions 
with the finite verb, see §§ 1 14 and 1 15, passim. 

2. Besides those already mentioned, there are certain other small words now used 
as conjunctions, of which the derivation or original meaning is altogether obscure, 
thus IN or, "DK //(also or before the second member of a double question), ^N also, ) 
and, and others. 

Rem. The pointing of the ) (originally 1, as still before Hateph Pathah and — with a 
following Dages forte — in waw consecutive of the imperfect; cf. § 49 f) is in many respects 
analogous to that of the prefixes 3, 3, b (§ 102 d-i), but as being a weak consonant, the waw 
copulative has some further peculiarities: 

(a) Usually it takes simple S e wd (l). 

(b) Before words which begin with a guttural having a compound S^wd, it takes the vowel 
with which the S'wd is compounded (according to § 28 b), e.g. 0311,1 and be thou wise, D r 73y i l 
and servants, MTSM and strength, V'3KJ and eat thou, ~hft\ and sickness. On D^n'^Kl, , n' 1 7Kl 
&c, see § 102 d; on ■fl'TH,], &c, see § 102 m; on such cases as Yxy] Jb 4:2, cf. § 28 b. 

(c) Before words with simple S e wd under the first consonant (except in the cases 
under/, the Waw becomes the vowel u (cf. § 26 a), e.g. Vty and to all, so also 

(except in the case under g) before the cognate labials 1, a, o, hence T^C^i. On the 
cases in which simple S e wd has become a Hateph after =l copulative (e.g. Drill Gn 
2:12), cf §10g. 

(tf) With a following ? the ) coalesces to form '1 according to § 24 b, as 'PPl and let 
him be. On the peculiar punctuation of the wdw copulative before forms with initial 
S'wd from rpri to be and HTl to live (e.g. Dn"n,l Jos 8:4, rrru Gn 20:7), cf. § 63 q. 

(e) Immediately before the tone-syllable it frequently takes Qames, like 3, 3, V (see 
§ 102 f), but in most cases only at the end of a sentence or clause (but cf. also X'Dl 1 K 
22:30), e.g. n$l Ex 21 : 12 (on the other hand, in verse 20 ri^H is in closer logical 
connexion with what follows); 2 K 7:4 □"# ungl, urign and Ufl.ai; Ru 3:3 rq'Dl; Ps 
10:15 B'lJi 1 S 9:4 1^1; 2 S 13:26 N^l; Ez 47:9 '"pi; cf. also (with T/p/z/ta) Gn 33:13, 
2 S 15:12. The very frequent connexion of nouns expressing kindred ideas, by means 
of 1, is due simply to considerations of rhythm, for even in such cases the Wdw must 
immediately precede the tone-syllable, which must be marked by a disjunctive accent, 
e.g. indbl incfr Gn 1:2, rf??tfl □V Gn 8:22 (see also the previous examples); Gn 13:14 
(thrice); Ex 25:3 HQ(f] nriT; Ps 96:7 T'yi 1133; Ps 76:7 OiOl n3<fl; Gn 7:13 nD<$ Dnrn?); 
n'3 IK 21:10 -fjgjl Q'n' 1 ?^; n'Dl n'3 thus and thus; Est 1:8 tf'.KHtf'K at the end of the 
verse, but in Ps 87:5 itf'N} itf'N in spite of the Z) e /» with the second IZ/'N, because it is 
closely connected with the following predicate. Also with three words ngn nnc5l intf 
Is 24: 17. On the other hand, the rapid pronunciation ] occurs before a conjunctive 
accent (and, when farther removed from the principal pause, even with the smaller 
disjunctives, in spite of a following tone-syllable), e.g. 1321 IK'S Gn 32:6; cf. Gn 
31:40, Lv 7:23, Dt2:21, and among the examples given above, Gn 7:13 andPs 76:7. 
(Exceptions: n»7Jfl Gn 13:14, where evidently the 1 is intended to ensure the slow and 
solemn recitation of the promise, but also H'fQ Jos 15:55, "iflji 19:7, "joSi 19:25, all 
immediately before the pause.) For the same rhythmical reason ) (not 1) is used 
regularly with certain monosyllables which, by their nature, lean more closely upon 
the following word, thus nil, riNl, □}}, N' 1 ?} (to be distinguished from N^l if not, with 
Zaqeph gadol, 2 K 5: 17), and others. 

§ 105. Interjections. 

1. Among the interjections some (as in all languages) are simply natural sounds, 
or, as it were, vocal gestures, called forth involuntarily by certain impressions or 
sensations, e.g. nns (Ez 30:2 an), nx ah! nxn aha! (cf. this nx also in ^flN and ^DK 
utinam!), N0&; Ex 32:31, &c. (Gn 50:17 Ndjf) ah! (from nx and N3), otherwise written 
nafx 2 K 20:3, Jn 1 : 14, Ps 116:4; also DH (in pause OH, even in the plural iOCS hold your 
peace! Neh 8:11) hush! 'in (Am 5:16 in - in)/?a/ woe! 'iN, rri(£(Ps 120:5), 'N (in f?'N Ec 
4:10; ^"'K 10:16) woe/ 

2. Others, however, originally expressed independent ideas, and become 
interjections only by rapid pronunciation and by usage, e.g. ]T\ (NH) or nan behold! 
(prop, here); n*n behold! (prop, imperative); rDGJl, plur. inn (prop, give, imperative of 
2Til; as to the tone, cf. § 69 o), come, the Latin age, agite! nn 1 ? (also "f?\ in 1 ? (prop, go, 

imperative of "f?$) with the same meaning 1 ; Tb^iSufar be it! (prop, adprofanum!) '3 
(see the Lexicon) / beseech, hear me! XI pray! 1 used to emphasize a demand, warning, 
or entreaty, and always placed after the expression to which it belongs. 2 




Syntax of the Verb. 

Use of the Tenses and Moods. 2 

1 l T\X~} (Dt 1:8), rD n and rD 1 ? are also used in connexion with the feminine and the 
plural, which proves that they have become quite stereotyped as interjections. 

1 l XI serves to express the most various shades of expression, which are discussed in 
the various parts of the syntax. It is used especially (a) after the imperative, either in 
commands or entreaty, see § 1 10 d; (b) with the imperfect, either in the cohortative (§ 
108 b) or jussive (§ 109 b); (c) once withperfect, Gn 40:14; (d) after various particles: 
Nrniiri behold now; particularly after the conjunctions *7N and DN: N1 -1 7N ne quaeso and 
xrOK if now, 8i7i8p, ei'7tOT£ if in a deprecatory sense, expressive of politeness or 
modesty. In Nu 12:13 X3 stands after a noun; but we ought certainly to read xr^X. — In 
polite language this particle is used constantly in all these ways, Gn 18:3, 4, 19:7, 8, 
19, and 50:17. 

2 2 Against the usual view which regards XI as a hortatory particle (=up! come! 
analogous to the original imperatives TO. H and rD 1 ? and the Ethiopic na a, properly 
hither, also come!), P. Haupt, in the Johns Hopkins University Circulars, xiii, no. 1 14, 
p. 109, justly observes that we should then expect the particle to beprefixed to the 
imperative, &c. He proposes to describe XI as an emphatic particle. Haupt' s suggested 
identification of this Nl with the Assyrian, Arabic, and Ethiopic particle ma (which is 
also an enclitic of emphasis), and ultimately with the interrogative ma, we shall not 
discuss here. 

1 l Recent works on Hebrew syntax are: A. B. Davidson, Introductory He b. Gram., 
vol. ii, Heb. Syntax, Edinburgh, 1894; Ed. Konig. Hist.-compar. Syntax der hebr. 
Sprache, Lpz. 1897 (see above, § 3 f). Important contributions to Hebrew syntax are 
also contained in H. Reckendorf s work/)z'e syntakt. Verhdltnisse des Arab., 2 pts., 
Leiden, 1895, 1898, of which we have already made use in § 97 a. Cf also the same 
author's very instructive discussions Ueber syntakt. Forschung, Munich, 1899. 

2 2 Cf. the sketch of the tenses and moods used in Hebrew in § 40; and on the general 
characteristics of the perfect and imperfect see the note on § 47 a; also Driver, A 
Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew (Oxford, 1874; 3rd ed. 1892); Bennett, 
'Notes on the Use of the Hebrew Tenses' (Hebraica, 1886, vols, ii, iii). A partial 
modification of the accepted definition of the Semitic perfect and imperfect was 
proposed by J. A. Knudtzon, Om det saakaldte Perfektum og Imperfektum i Hebraisk, 

§ 106. Use of the Perfect. 

The perfect serves to express actions, events, or states, which the speaker wishes 
to represent from the point of view of completion, whether they belong to a 
determinate past time, or extend into the present, or while still future, are pictured as 
in their completed state. 

The definition formerly given here ('the perfect serves to express completed actions') 
applies, strictly speaking, only to some of the varieties of the perfect discussed under b-p: 
hence the above modification based on the arguments of Knudtzon (for the title see note 2, 
and cf. further § 107 a). 

More particularly the uses of the perfect may be distinguished as follows: — 

1. To represent actions, events, or states, which, after a shorter or longer duration, 
were terminated in the past, and hence are finally concluded, viz.: 

(a) Corresponding to the perfect proper in Latin and the English perfect definite, 
in assertions, negations, confirmations, interrogations, &c, e.g. Gn 18:15 then Sarah 

denied, saying, I laughed not (X 1 ? 'flipcfx) ; and he said, Nay, but thou didst laugh 

(fli?rr|); Gn3:ll -^T^^who told thee ....? Cf. 3:13, 14, 17, 22. Also pointing to 
some undefined time in the past, e.g. Is 66:8 nx'T| raizr 1 ,?? who hath (ever yet) heard 
such a thing? 

Rem. In opposition to this express use of the perfect to emphasize the completion of an 
event, the imperfect is not infrequently used to emphasize that which is still future, e.g. Jos 
1:5 as I was OjVVi) withMoses, so will I be (HVl.X) with thee; Jos 1:17, Ex 10:14, Dt 32:21, 1 
K2:38, Is 46:4, 11, Jo 2:2, Ec 1:9. 

(b) As a simple tempus historicum (corresponding to the Greek aorist) in narrating 
past events, e.g. Gn 4:4 and Abel, he also brought (N'Xl), &c; Gn 7:19 the waters did 
prevail 0*13 ,^), &c; Jb 1 : 1 there was a man (n;n tZ^N) in the land of "Uz, &c; even in 
relating repeated actions, 1 S 18:30. 

Rem. As the above examples indicate, the perfect of narration occurs especially at the 
head of an entire narrative (Jb 1:1; cf. Dn 2:1) or an independent sentence (e.g. Gn 7:11, 13), 
but in co-ordinate sentences, as a rule, only when the verb is separated from the copulative 1 
by one or more words (cf. above Gn 4:4 and 7: 19). In other cases, the narrative is continued in 
the imperfect consecutive, according to § Ilia. The direct connexion of the narrative perfect 
with l copulative (not to be confounded with the perfect consecutive proper, § 1 12) agrees 
rather with Aramaic syntax (cf. Kautzsch, Gramm. des Biblisch-Aram., § 71, lb). On the 
examples (which are in many respects doubtful) in the earlier texts, see § 1 12 pp-uu. 

Kristiania, 1890; of which a summary entitled 'Vom sogenannten Perf. und Imperf 
im Hebr.' appeared in the Transactions of the Oriental Congress at Stockholm, 
section semitique b, p. 73 ff (Leiden, 1893). Cf. also Knudtzon' s articles, 'Zur 
assyrischen und allgemein semitischen Grammatik' in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, 
especially vi. 422 ff. and vii. 33 ff. 

(c) To represent actions, &c, which were already completed in the past, at the 
time when other actions or conditions took place (pluperfect), 1 e.g. 1 S 28:3 now 
Samuel was (long since) dead 1 . . . and Saul had put away ("POO) those that had 
familiar spirits ... out of the land. Both these statements, being as it were in 
parentheses, merely assign a reason for the narrative beginning at verse 6. Cf 1 S 
9:15, 25:21, 2 S 18:18 — Gn 20:18 {for the Lord had fast closed up, &c); 27:30, 
31:19, 34, Dt 2:10; and in a negative statement, Gn 2:5 for the Lord God had not (up 
to that time) caused it to rain, &c. This is especially frequent, from the nature of the 
case, in relative, causal, and temporal clauses, when the main clause contains a tense 
referring to the past, e.g. Gn 2:2 and he rested ... from all his workwhich he had 
made (HOT); Gn 7:9, 19 27 , &c; 29:10 now when Jacob had seen Rachel (n*n ~i#8,3) 
. . . , Jacob went near, &c; so also in clauses which express the completion or 
incompleteness of one action, &c, on the occurrence of another, as in Gn 24:15, 
27:30, &c; cf. § 164 b, with the note, and c. 

2. To represent actions, events, or states, which, although completed in the past, 
nevertheless extend their influence into the present (in English generally rendered by 
the present): 

(a) Expressing facts which were accomplished long before, or conditions and 
attributes which were acquired long before, but of which the effects still remain in the 
present (present perfect), e.g. Ps 10:11 V1B "Prion he hath hidden his face (and still 
keeps it hidden); Ps 143:6 'fltyd? I have spread forth my hands (and still keep them 
spread forth). This applies particularly to a large number of perfects (almost 
exclusively of intransitive 1 verbs, denoting affections or states of the mind) which in 
English can be rendered only by the present, or, in the case mentioned above under/ 
by the imperfect. 2 Thus, 'FiVCf' / know (prop. I have perceived, have experienced) Jb 
9:2, 10:13, 'riy<£ X^ I know not Gn 4:9, &c; on the other hand, e.g. in Gn 28:16, Nu 
22:34, the context requires / knew not; l^dj we remember Nu 11:5; rnfc?,!? she refuse th 
Jb 6:7; f 1 ?!? it exulteth; 'Findfe / rejoice 1 S 2: 1; tf i?3 he requireth Is 1 : 12; W^ I wait 
Gn 49:18, Ps 130:5 (parallel with 'rrpqfnin); m%6n I delight Ys 40:9 (mostly negative, 
Is 1:11, &c); , rpGil!<//oveGn27:4; ">m<$y I hate Ps 31:7; 'npGfo / despise Am 5:21; 
'ritfyn they abhor me lb 30:10; ^(§2 1 trust ¥s 25:2; 'rrdfirj I put my trust Ps 3 1:2; 
'fipcfa / am righteous Jb 34:5; ~>K}<§5 1 have decided to requite 1 S 15:2. — We may 
further include a number of verbs which express bodily characteristics or states, such 
as rrpcfa thou art great Ps 104: 1; 'fljdbi? I am little Gn 32: 1 1; irp.a they are high Is 
55:9; Ipn.l they stand aloof 'Jb 30:10; udb they are goodly Nu 24:5; 11K3 they are 

1 l Cf. P. Haupt in the Notes on Esther, 9:2. 

2 2 Incorrectly, e.g. in the Vulgate, Samuel autem mortuus est ... et Saul abstulit 
magos, &c. 

1 l With regard to the great but very natural preponderance of intransitive verbs 
(expressing an existing state), cf. the lists in Knudtzon (see above, p. 309, note 2), pp. 
117 and 122 in the Danish text. 

2 2 Cf. novi, odi, memini; oi8a, (j,suvr|uai, EoiKa, 8sSopKa, KSKpaya; in the New 
Testament, ntamca, r|ya7iriKa. 

beautiful Is 52:7; 'Pl^J lam old Gn 18:13; ^(frlam weary Ps 6:7; ^vd^ I am full Is 
1:11, &c. 

Rem. To the same category probably belong also the perfects after , ri»~'7y Ex 10:3 how 
long hast thou already been refusing (and refusest still . . . ? which really amounts to how long 
wilt thou refuse 1 }), Ps 80:5, Pr 1:22 (co-ordinate with the imperf), and after rUGf'TV Ex 16:28, 
Hb 1:2. 

(b) In direct narration to express actions which, although really only in process of 
accomplishment, are nevertheless meant to be represented as already accomplished in 
the conception of the speaker, e.g. 'ridbin I lift up (my hand in ratifying an oath) Gn 
14:22; 'Piyd^l I swear Jer 22:5; ^T\dhy^ I testify Tit 8:19; 'fl$q£ I counsel 2 S 17:11 
(but in a different context in ver. 15, 1 have counselled); 'rodx (prop. I say) I decide (I 
consider as hereby settled) 2 S 19:30; / declare Jb 9:22, 32:10. 

(c) To express facts which have formerly taken place, and are still of constant 
recurrence, and hence are matters of common experience (the Greek gnomic aorist), 
e.g. Ps 9: 1 1 for thou, Lord, hast not forsaken (roa^'H' 1 ?) them that seek thee. Cf. ver. 
13, also Ps 10:3, 119:40 and Gn 49:11 (033). 

Rem. In almost all the cases discussed in No. 2 (included under the English present) the 
imperfect can be used instead of the perfect, wherever the action or state in question is 
regarded, not as already completed, but as still continuing or just taking place (see § 107 a). 
Thus, ■'fiVcfp N'V I am not able Ps 40: 13 and Vdw K'V Gn 31:35 have practically the same 
meaning. Hence also it very frequently happens that the imperfect corresponds to such 
perfects in poetic or prophetic parallelism, e.g. Is 5: 12, Ps 2: 1 f, Pr 1:22, Jb 3:17. 

3. To express/z/tare actions, when the speaker intends by an express assurance to 
represent them as finished, or as equivalent to accomplished facts: 

(a) In contracts or other express stipulations (again corresponding to the English 
present, and therefore closely related to the instances noted under /'), e.g. Gn 23 : 1 1 the 
field I give (?$(&§ thee; cf.ver. 13 and 48:22, 2 S 14:21, 24:23, Jer 40:4; in a threat, 1 S 
2:16, 2 S 5:6 (unless, with Wellhausen, ^CjPD? is to be read). — Especially in promises 
made by God, Gn 1:29, 15:18, 17:20, Jul :2. 

(b) To express facts which are undoubtedly imminent, and, therefore, in the 
imagination of the speaker, already accomplished (perfectum conftdentiae), e.g. Nu 
17:27 ^dhK ^(Sb l^dx WG& ]T\ behold, we perish, we are undone, we are all undone. 
Gn 30:13, Is 6:5 ('JVCS?} I am undone 1 ), Pr 4:2. Even in interrogative sentences, Gn 
18:12, Nu 17:28, 23:10, Ju 9:9, 11, Zc 4:10 (?), Pr 22:20. 2 This use of the perfect 

1 l Cf. the similar use of 6hx>hi (8t8(p6opa<;, //. 15. 128) and perii! On the kindred use 
of the perfect in conditional sentences, cf. below, p. 

2 2 In Gn 40: 14 aperf conftdentiae (after DN '3; but cf. § 163 d) appears to be used in 
the expression of an earnest desire that something may happen (but have me in thy 
remembrance, &c). Neither this passage, however, nor the use of the perfect in 
Arabic to express a wish or imprecation, justifies us in assuming the existence of a 

occurs most frequently in prophetic language (perfectum propheticum). The prophet 
so transports ports himself in imagination into the future that he describes the future 
event as if it had been already seen or heard by him, e.g. Is 5:13 therefore my people 
are gone into captivity (Tt?^); 9: 1 ff, 10:28, 11:9 (after '3, as frequently elsewhere); 
19:7, Jb 5:20, 2 Ch 20:37. Not infrequently the imperfect interchanges with such 
perfects either in the parallel member or further on in the narrative. 

(c) To express actions or facts, which are meant to be indicated as existing in the 
future in a completed state (futurum exactum), e.g. Is 4:4 f rn DN when he has washed 
away=when he shall have washed away (an imperfect follows in the co-ordinate 
sentence; cf the conditional sentences in § 107 x); Is 6: 1 1 (after DN -|$& 117, as in Gn 
28:15, Nu 32:17; also 2 S 17:13 after im IB, Gn 24:19 after DN IV and elsewhere 
frequently after temporal conjunctions); Mi 5:2 (rn^); Gn 43:14 "ft 1 ? IV 'ri^db^ 1^,3 
"O^J and I — if I am bereaved (orbits fuero), I am bereaved, an expression of 
despairing resignation. Cf. Pr 23:15, Est 4:16. 

4. To express actions and facts, whose accomplishment in the past is to be 
represented, not as actual, but only as possible (generally corresponding to the Latin 
imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive), e.g. Gn 3 1 :42 except the God of my father . . . 
had been with me, surely now hadst thou sent me away empty ('IgiD 1 ?^); Gn 43 : 10, Ex 
9:15 ('PlDtftt? / had almost put forth, &c); Nu 22:33, Ju 13:23, 14:18, 1 S 13:13 (-pan); 
2 K 13:19; so frequently after TO2? easily, almost, Gn 26:10, Is 1:9 (where TO??? is 
probably to be connected with the word after it), Ps 73:2, 94:17, 119:87, Pr 5:14. Cf. 
also Jb 3:13, 23:10 ('idTl?), Ru 1:12 {if I should think, &c; cf. 2 K 7:4); in the 
apodosis of a conditional sentence, 1 S 25:34. — So also to express an unfulfilled 
desire, Nu 14:2 Ml)<£ ^ would that we had died ... ! (t? with the imperfect would mean 
would that we might die! 1 S 14:30). Finally, also in a question indicating 
astonishment, Gn 21:7 V?a 'ft who would have said ... ? quis dixerit? Ps 73 : 1 1 . 

§ 107. Use of the Imperfect. 1 

The imperfect, as opposed to the perfect, represents actions, events, or states 
which are regarded by the speaker at any moment as still continuing, or in process of 
accomplishment, or even as just taking place. In the last case, its occurrence may be 
represented as certainly imminent, or merely as conceived in the mind of the speaker, 
or simply as desired, and therefore only contingent (the modal use of the imperfect). 

Knudtzon (see above, Rem. on §106 a), comparing the Ass. -Bab. usage, would prefer the 
term present rather than imperfect, on the ground that the tense expresses what is either 
actually or mentally present. In any case, the essential difference between the perfect and 
imperfect consists, he argues, in this, that the perfect simply indicates what is actually 
complete, while the imperfect places the action, &c, in a more direct relation to the 
judgement or feeling of the speaker. 

precative perfect in Hebrew. In Jb 21:16, 22: 18, also, translate the counsel of the 
wicked is far from me. Cf. Driver, Tenses 3 , p. 25 f In Is 43:9 either 1X3.J?} is imperative 
(see § 51 o) or we must read IX},^, corresponding to 190$?. which follows. 
1 l Cf. the literature cited above, p. 309, note 2. 

More precisely the imperfect serves — 

1. In the sphere of past time: 

(a) To express actions, &c, which continued throughout a longer or shorter 
period, 1 e.g. Gn 2:6 a mist went up continually (rt2V.,l), 2:25, 37:7, 48:10, Ex 1:12, 
8:20, 13:22, 15:6, 12, 14, 15, Nu 9:15 f. 20 f., 23 *, Ju2:l, 5:8, 1 S3:2, 13:17 f., 2 S 
2:28, 23:10, 1 K 3:4, 21:6, Is 1:21, 6:4 (tf?£), 17:10 f., 51:2 x, Jer 13:7, 36:18, Ps 
18:7, 14, 17 ff.38 ff., 24:2, 32:4, 5 C]JJ\71N), 47:5, 68:10, 12, 104:6 ff., 106:19, 107:18, 
29, 139:13, Jb 3:11, 4:12, 15 f., 10:10 f'., 15:7 f — very frequently alternating with a 
perfect (especially with a frequentative perfect; cf. Nu 9: 15-23 and § 1 12 e), or when 
the narration is continued by means of an imperfect consecutive. 2 

Rem. 1. The imperfect is frequently used in this way after the particles TK then, Qltf not 
yet, D"l<fa before, "7V until, e.g. Ex 15:1 rMrrvtfl TK then sangMoses, &c; Nu 21:17, Dt 
4:41, Jos 10:12, 1 K 3:16, 8:1, Ps 126:2, Jb 38:21. (The perfect is used after m when stress is 
to be laid on the fact that the action has really taken place, and not upon its gradual 
accomplishment or duration in the past, e.g. Gn 4:26 bmn TK then began, &c; Gn 49:4, Ex 
15:15, Jos 22:31, Ju 5:11, Ps 89:20.) 3 After D}<f e.g. Gn 19:4 lldtt" tncf before they lay down; 
Gn 2:5, 24:45, 1 S 3:3, 7, always in the sense of our pluperfect . (In Gn 24: 15 instead of the 
perf n"?3, the imperf should be read, as in verse 45; so also in 1 S 3:7 [nVr] an imperf is co- 
ordinated with 5/T). After DT(f3 (sometimes also simply DT(f Ex 12:34, Jos 3: 1), e.g. Jer 1:5 
K1T\ DIGfa before thou earnest forth; Gn 27:33, 37: 18, 41:50, Ru 3: 14 (perhaps also in Ps 90:2 
an imperf. was intended instead of ntf;; cf. Wellhausen on 2 S 3:2; but note also Pr 8:25, in a 
similar context, before the mountains were settled, IVgtpn, the predicate being separated from 
D-103, by Dnn, as in Ps 90:2). After "TJ? Jos 10:13, Ps 73:17 {until I went), 2 Ch 29:34; on the 
other hand, with the perf, e.g. Jos 2:22. As after IK, so also after Q1(f, tricfe, and "TV the 
imperf. may be used, according to the context, in the sense of our future, e.g. 2 K 2:9, Is 
65:24, Jb 10:21; after "TV e.g. Is 22: 14. The imperf. is used in the sense of our present after 
Dntf in Ex 9:30, 10:7. 

2. Driver (Tenses 3 , p. 35 f) rightly lays stress upon the inherent distinction between the 
participle as expressing mere duration, and the imperfect as expressing progressive duration 
(in the present, past, or future). Thus the words )Xp "irui Gn 2: 10 represent the river of 
Paradise as going out of Eden in a continuous, uninterrupted stream, but TiSP, which 
immediately follows, describes how the parting of its waters is always taking place afresh. In 
the same way Tfr¥,,1 Gn 2:6 represents new mists as constantly arising, and KVa 1 Is 6:4 new 
clouds of smoke. Also those actions, &c, which might be regarded in themselves as single or 

1 l Cf. the Mesa inscription, 1. 5, ns~iX3 vm r pN'' ^for Chemosh was angry with his 
land. As Driver, Tenses, 3rd ed., § 27, 1 a, remarks, this vivid realization of the 
accomplishment of the action is especially frequent in poetic and prophetic style. 

2 2 According to the Masora such imperfects occur in Is 10 13 " (where, however, 
TON} might also mean I am wont to remove, &c), Is 48:3, 57:17, Ps 18:38a, also 
(according to § 49 c) in 2 S 1:10 and Ez 16:10. In some other cases ] is no doubt a 
dogmatic emendation for 1 (imperf. consec.) in order to represent historical statements 
as promises; cf. Is 42:6, 43:28 [contrasted with 42:25], 51 2 b,s , 63:3 ff. and the note on 
§53 p. 

3 3 After TX then (to announce future events) the imperf. is naturally used in the sense 
of a future, Gn 24:41, Ex 12:48, Mi 3:4, Zp 3:9, Ps 51:21. 

even momentary, are, as it were, broken up by the imperfect into their component parts, and 
so pictured as gradually completing themselves. Hence iacfViri Ex 15:12 (after aperf. as in 
verse 14) represents the Egyptians, in a vivid, poetic description, as being swallowed up one 
after another, and ^oSr Nu 23:7 the leading on by stages, &c. 

(b) To express actions, &c, which were repeated in the past, either at fixed 
intervals or occasionally (the modus rei repetitae), e.g. Jb 1 :5 thus did (ntyj? ,?) Job 
continually (after each occasion of his sons' festivities); 4:3 f., 22:6 f., 23:11, 29:7, 9, 
12 f., Gn6:4, 29:2, 30:38, 42:3 1,39(7 used to bear the loss of it), Ex 1:12, 19:19, 
33:7 ff. (nj?? used to take every time), 40:36 ff., Nu 9:17 f. 20 ff., 11:5, 9, Ju 6:4, 
14:10, 21:25, 1 S 1:7, 2:22, 9:9, 13:19, 18:5, 27:9, 2 S 1:22, 12:3, 13:18, 1 K 5:25 (of 
tribute repeated year by year), 10:5, 13:33, 14:28, 2 K 4:8, 8:29, 13:20, 25:14, Jer 
36:23, Ps 42:5, 44:3, 78:15, 40, 103:7, Est 2:14; even in a negative dependent clause, 
IK 18:10. 

2. In the sphere of present time, again 

(a) To express actions, events, or states, which are continued for a shorter or 
longer time, 1 e.g. Gn 37:15 ^ipDpTi^ what seekest thou? 19:19 "JDIO' 1 ? I cannot; 
24:50, 31:35, Is 1:13. Other examples are Gn 2:10, 24:31, 1 S 1:8, 11:5, IK 3:7, Ps 
2:2, and in the prophetic formula H'lH? "i^N' 1 saith the Lord, Is 1:11, 18, &c, cf. 40:1. 
So especially to express facts known by experience, which occur at all times, and 
consequently hold good at any moment, e.g. Pr 15:20 a wise son maketh a glad father; 
hence especially frequent in Job and Proverbs. In an interrogative sentence, e.g. Jb 
4:17 is mortal man just before God? In a negative sentence, Jb 4:18, &c. 

(b) To express actions, &c, which may be repeated at any time, including 
therefore the present, or are customarily repeated on a given occasion (cf. above, e), 
e.g. Dt 1:44 as bees do (are accustomed to do); Gn 6:21, 32:33, 43:32, Ju 11:40, 1 S 
2:8, 5:5, 20:2, 2 S 15:32, Is 1:23, 3:16, Ps 1:3. So again (see f) especially to express 
facts known by experience which may at any time come into effect again, e.g. Ex 23:8 
a gift blindeth (115T), &c; Gn 2:24, 22:14, Is 32:6, Am 3:7, Mai 1:6, Jb 2:4, &c. Of the 
same kind also is the imperfect in such relative clauses (see § 155), as Gn 49:27 
Benjamin is e ]~)^ 3NI a wolf that ravineth (properly, is accustomed to ravin). Finally, 
compare also the formulae lax^ it is (wont to be) said (to introduce proverbial 
expressions) Gn 10:9, 22: 14, &c; 15 nf^.H*' 1 ? it is not (wont to be) so done (and 
hence may not, shall not be, see u), Gn 29:26, 20:9, 34:7, 2 S 13:12. 

(c) To express actions, &c, which although, strictly speaking, they are already 
finished, are regarded as still lasting on into the present time, or continuing to operate 
in it, e.g. Gn 32:30 wherefore is it that thou dost ask C?K$ri) after my name? 24:3 1, 
44:7, Ex 5:15, 2 S 16:9. In such cases, naturally, the perfect is also admissible, and is 
sometimes found in the same formula as the imperfect, e.g. Jb 1 :7 (2 2 ) N'nfl "|?tfa 
whence contest thou (just now)? but Gn 16:8 (cf. 42:7) T)K2 JTJSP.S whence earnest 
thou? The imperfect represents the coming as still in its last stage, whereas the perfect 
represents it as an accomplished fact. 

1 l It is not always possible to carry out with certainty the distinction between 
continued and repeated actions. Some of the examples given under/might equally be 
referred to g. 

3. In the sphere of future time. To express actions, &c, which are to be 
represented as about to take place, and as continuing a shorter or longer time in the 
future, or as being repeated; thus: 

(a) From the standpoint of the speaker's present time, e.g. Ex 4: 1 they will not 
believe (U'tfs^) me, nor hearken (Wip$?) unto my voice: for they will say (=n^N^), &c, 
6:1,9:5, &c. 

(b) In dependent clauses to represent actions, &c, which from some point of time 
in the past are to be represented as future, e.g. Gn 43:7 could we in any wise know 
that he would say ("laK'')? 2:19, 43:25, Ex 2:4, 2 K 3:27 1'^-^m gui regnaturus 
erat; 13:14, Jon 4:5, Jb 3:3, Ec 2:3, Ps 78:6 that the generation to come might know, 
n^G? Q'33 the children which should be born {qui nascituri essent; the imperfect here 
with the collateral idea of the occurrence being repeated in the future). 

(c) To represent afuturum exactum; cf. Is 4:4, 6:11 (co-ordinated with a perfect 
used in the same sense, see § 106 o); so also sometimes after the temporal particles 13, 
Ps 132:5, and 1W 13 until, Gn 29:8, Nu 20:17, &c. 

4. Finally to the sphere of future time belong also those cases in which the (modal) 
imperfect serves to express actions, events, or states, the occurrence of which is to be 
represented as willed (or not willed), or as in some way conditional, and consequently 
only contingent. More particularly such imperfects serve — 

(a) As an expression of will, whether it be a definite intention and arrangement, or 
a simple desire, viz.: 

(1) Sometimes in positive sentences in place of the cohortative (cf. e.g. Ps 59:17 
with verse 18; 2 S 22:50 withPs 18:50; Ju 19:11, &c), of the imperative (Is 18:3), or 
of the jussive (which, however, in most cases, does not differ from the ordinary form 
of the imperfect), e.g. n^.ri let it appear Gn 1:9, 41:34, Lv 19:2, 3, 2 S 10:12 (and so 
frequently in verbs 7]"V, cf. § 109 a, note 2); Zc 9:5 (>nri); Ps 61:7 (Tpin); Pr 22:17 
(rviz/ri); 23:1, Jb 6:23 (co-ordinated with the imperative), 10:20 iCth.; so probably also 
yv let him judge! Ps 72:2. — So also in the 1st pers., to express a wish which is 
asserted subsequently with reference to a fixed point of time in the past, e.g. Jb 10:18 
571J8 / ought to [not should as A. V., R. V.] have, (then, immediately after being born) 
given up the ghost; cf. verse 19 TO ,8 and ^JISLv 10:18, Nu 35:28. Even to express 
an obligation or necessity according to the judgement of another person, e.g. Jb 9:29 
3W^Iam to be guilty, 12:4. Cp. Jb 9:15, 19:16; in a question, Ps 42:10, 43:2. 

(2) To express the definite expectation that something will not happen. The 
imperfect with X' 1 ? represents a more emphatic form of prohibition than the jussive 1 
with -l 7X (cf. § 109 c), and corresponds to our thou shalt not do it! with the strongest 
expectation of obedience, while -l 7N with the jussive is rather a simple warning, do not 
that! Thus N' 1 ? with the imperfect is especially used in enforcing the divine 
commands, e.g. 2%I) N' 1 ? thou shalt not steal Ex 20: 15; cf. verses 3, 4, 5, 7, 10 ff. So 
X' 1 ? with the 3rd pers. perhaps in Pr 16:10. 

1 l As stated in § 46 a, a prohibition cannot be expressed by -1 7N and the imperative. 

Rem. The jussive, which is to be expected after "Vx, does not, as a rule (according to n, 
and § 109 a, note 2), differ in form from the simple imperfect. That many supposed jussives 
are intended as simple imperfects is possible from the occurrence after "Vx of what are 
undoubtedly imperfect forms, not only from verbs 7\"b (cf § 109 a, note 2), but also from 
verbs ry, to express a prohibition or negative wish, crairVx Gn 19: 17, "norrVx Jos 1:7, xrVx 
Wtyl 1 S 25:25. Even with the 1st pers. plur. (after an imperative) marVxi that we die not, 1 S 
12: 19. Also to express the conviction that something cannot happen, Dir _l 7K he will not 
slumber, 2 Ps 121:3; cf. Jer 46:6, 2 Ch 14:10. 

(3) In dependent clauses after final conjunctions (§ 165 b), as ~i$x, Gn 1 1 :7 ( ~i$x 
WQipl X ,x ? that they may not understand); TOS?,? Gn 21:30, 27:4, 19, Ex 9:14, &c; ]V&? 
l#x Nu 17:5; iy<#? Dt 4:1, Ps 51:6, 78:6, and }<§1 l^x 1 Ez 12:12, in order that 2 ; 'n 1 ?? 1 ? 
that ... not, Ex 20:20, 2 S 14:14; also after "19 that not, lest, Gn 3:22, 11:4, 19:15, 
&c. 3 ; cf. also the instances introduced by X' 1 ?} in § 109 g. — In Lv 9:6 such an 
imperfect (or jussive? see the examples in § 109 f) is added to the expression of the 
command by an asyndeton, and in La 1 : 19 to the principal clause simply by ): while 
they sought them food D$93~nx U'd^] to refresh their souls (cf. also La 3 :26, it is good 
and let him hope, i.e. that he should hope); so after an interrogative clause, Ex 2:7. 
Finally also in a relative clause, Ps 32:8 ~f7T\ ir^tf? in the way which thou shouldst 

(b) To express actions, &c, which are to be represented as possibly taking place 
or not taking place (sometimes corresponding to the potential of the classical 
languages, as also to our periphrases with can, may, should*). More particularly such 
imperfects are used — 

(1) In a permissive sense, e.g. Gn 2:16 of every tree of the garden OQN'fl Vsn) 
thou mayest freely eat (the opposite inverse 17); 3:2, 42:37, Lv 21:3, 22, Jb 21:3. In 
the 1st pers. Ps 5:8, 22:18 (I may, or can, tell); in a negative sentence, e.g. Ps 5:5. 

(2) In interrogative sentences, e.g. Pr 20:9 ~ittX' , ~'' i ip quis dixerit? Cf. Gn 17:17, 
18: 14, 3 1 :43, 1 S 1 1 : 12, 2 K 5: 12 arm f O^X-X^ may I not wash in them? Is 33 : 14, Ps 
15:1, 24:3, Ec 5:5. So especially in a question expressing surprise after "px, e.g. Gn 
39:9 how then can I ... ? 44:34, Is 19: 1 1, Ps 137 ':4, and even with regard to some point 
of time in the past, looking forward from which an event might have been expected to 
take place, e.g. Gn 43:7 ITU S7iTD could we in anywise know ... ? Cf. 2 S 3:33 (m^ 

2 2 To regard this as an optative (so Hupfeld) is from the context impossible. It is 
more probably a strong pregnant construction, or fusion of two sentences (such as, do 
not think he will slumber!). Verse 4 contains the objective confirmation, by means of 
X' 1 ? with the imperf , of that which was previously only a subjective conviction. 

1 l But ~i#X 1 5)]ina causal sense (because, since), e.g. Ju 2:20 (as ~i#X Gn 34:27) is 
followed by the perfect. On Jos 4:24 see above, § 74 g. 

2 [ 2 R. V. because he shall not see. .] 

3 3 In 2 K 2: 16 "19 occurs with the perf in a vivid presentment of the time when the 
fear is realized and the remedy comes too late. (In 2 S 20:6, since aperfect consec. 
follows, read with Driver XS^'.) 

4 4 By this, of course, is not meant that these finer distinctions were consciously 
present to the Hebrew mind. They are rather mere expedients for making intelligible 
to ourselves the full significance of the Semitic imperfect. 

was Abner to die as a fool, i.e. was he destined to die ... ?), and so probably also Gn 
34:31 (shoidd he deal ... ?). Very closely connected with this is the use of the 
imperfect — 

(3) In a consecutive clause depending on an interrogative clause, e.g. Ex 3 : 1 1, 
whoamI(~f?$ «)) that I shoidd {ought, could) go? 16:7, Nu 11:12, Ju 9:28, 1 S 18:18, 
2 K 8:13, Is 29:16, Jb 6:11, 21:15, similarly after "Vft Gn 38:18, Ex 5:2. 

Rem. In passages like 1 S 1 1:5, Ps 8:5, 1 14:5, the context shows that the imperfect 
corresponds rather to our present. In such sentences the perfect also is naturally used in 
referring to completed actions, e.g. Gn 20: 10, Ju 18:23, 2 S 7: 18, Is 22: 1. 

(4) In negative sentences to express actions, &c, which cannot or should not 
happen, e.g. Gn 32:13 3'1B "TDD^'N 1 ? ~i$& which cannot be numbered for multitude., 
20:9 deeds (Wy^-R' 1 ? im) that ought not to be done (cf above, g); Ps 5:5. 

(5) In conditional clauses (the modus conditionalis corresponding to the Latin 
present or imperfect conjunctive) both in the protasis and apodosis, or only in the 
latter, Ps. 23:4 271 NTiCN; 1 ? ... f?vr\3 Qlyea, though I walk (or had to walk) ... I fear 
(or / would fear) no evil; Jb 9:20 though I be righteous, mine own mouth shall 
condemn me. After a perfect in the protasis, e.g. Jb 23:10. Very frequently also in an 
apodosis, the protasis to which must be supplied from the context, e.g. Jb 5:8 but as 
for me, I would seek unto God (were I in thy place); 3:13, 16, 14:14 f, Ps 55:13, Ru 

1 :12. However, some of the imperfects in these examples are probably intended as 
jussive forms. Cf. §109 h. 

§ 108. Use of the Cohortative. 

The cohortative, i.e. according to § 48 c, the 1st pers. 1 sing, or plur. of the 
imperfect lengthened by the ending n ", 2 represents in general an endeavour directed 
expressly towards a definite object. While the corresponding forms of the indicative 
rather express the mere announcement that an action will be undertaken, the 
cohortative lays stress on the determination underlying the action, and the personal 
interest in it. 

Its uses may be divided into — 

1. The cohortative standing alone, or co-ordinated with another cohortative, and 
frequently strengthened by the addition of the particle JO: 

(a) To express self-encouragement, e.g. Ex 3:3 '20 xrrn<$N I will turn aside now, 
and see ... / So especially as the result of inward deliberation (in soliloquies), e.g. Gn 
18:21, 32:21 (rarely so used after -%, Gn 21:16 let me not look ...! Jer 18:18), and 
also as a more or less emphatic statement of a fixed determination, e.g. Is 5:1 1 will 
sing 3 . . . / 5:6, 3 1:8. Cf. also Gn 46:30 now let me die (I am willing to die), since I have 

1 l For the few examples of cohortatives in the 3rd sing., see § 48 d. 


2 But verbs H" 1 ?, according to § 75 1, even in the cohortative, almost always have the 
ending n ;; cf. e.g. in Dt 32:20 n*n8 after HT ripK. 

3 [ 3 R.V. let me sing.] 

seen thy face] and Ps 31:8. In the 1st pers. plur. the cohortative includes a summons to 
others to help in doing something, e.g. Ps 2:3 nj?JjO} come! let us break asunder! &c, 
and Gn 11:3. 

(b) To express a wish, or a request for permission, that one should be allowed to 
do something, e.g. Dt 2:27 rnsyx may I be allowed to pass through {let me pass 
through) ! Nu 20:17 xrnisyi may we be allowed to pass through! Jer 40:15 let me go, 
I pray thee! &c; 2 S 16:9; so after X ^ 2 S 18:14; after -*?x 2 S 24:14, Jer 17:18, Ps 
25:2 (ntfidX^X let me not be ashamed, cf Ps 31:2, 18, 71:1); 69:15. After xr^X Jon 

2. The cohortative in dependence on other moods, as well as in conditional 
sentences: (a) In dependence (with wdw copulative; Ps 9:15 after ]V(^7) on an 
imperative or jussive to express an intention or intended consequence, e.g. Gn 27:4 
bring it to me, n^g'X} that I may eat, prop, then will I eat, Gn 19:5, 23:4, 24:56, 27:25, 
29:21, 30:25 f, 42:34, 49:1, Dt 32:1, Ho 6:1, Ps 2:8, 39:14, Jb 10:20 Q e re; Is 5:19 and 
let the counsel of the Holy One of Israel draw nigh and come, TWIT) that we may 
know (it)\ Gn 26:28, 1 S 27:5. Also after negative sentences, Gn 18:30, 32, Ju 6:39, 
and after interrogative sentences, 1 K 22:7, Is 40:25, 41:26, Am 8:5. 

(b) In conditional sentences (with or without OX) to express a contingent intention, 
e.g. Jb 16:6 rnoiX'DX should I determine to speak, my grief is not assuaged, n^flX} 
and should 1 forbear, what am I eased? without DX Jb 19:18, 30:26 (where, however, 
rftlTXl is probably intended); Ps 73:16 (unless 'my should be read), 139:8 f After the 
3rd person, Jb 11:17 though it be dark, &c. So perhaps also 2 S 22:38 HD^X if I 
determined to pursue, then ..., but cf. Ps 18:38. 

(c) Likewise in the apodosis of conditional sentences, e.g. Jb 31:7 f if my step 
hath turned out of the way ..., 7\V~M. then letme sow; cf. 16:4 f I also could speak as 
ye do, if ... / So even when the condition must be supplied from the context, e.g. Ps 
40:6 else would I declare and speak of them; 51:18 else would I {gladly) give it, i.e. if 
thou didst require it (cf. the precisely similar X;ltfX) Ps 55:13); Jb 6:10. In the 1st plur. 
Jer 20: 10. To the same category belong the cohortatives after the formula expressing a 
wish 1PP"\£, ^d$T\n, e.g. Jer 9:1 oh, that I had ..., rniy.Xl then (i.e. if I had) shoiddl 
(orwouldl) leave my people, &c; Ju 9:29; without Wdw Is 27:4, Ps 55:7, Jb 23:4 (cf. 
also verse 7). 

Rem. 1. The question, whether a resolution formed under compulsion (a necessity) is also 
expressed by the cohortative (so, according to the prevailing opinion, in Is 38:10 rcftX; Jer 
3:25, 4:19, 21, 6:10, Ps 55:3, 18 (?); 57:5, where, however, with Hupfeld, m.ttf should be 
read; 77:7, 88:16, and in the 1st plur. Is 59:10), is to be answered in the sense that in these 
examples the cohortative form is used after its meaning has become entirely lost, merely for 
the sake of its fuller sound, instead of the ordinary imperfect. This view is strongly 

supported by the rather numerous examples of cohortative forms after wdw consec. of the 
imperfect (cf. § 49 e, as also Ps 66:6 nnatW Dtt> there did we rejoice"; Ps 119:163 rngmx,]; Pr 

1 x Analogous to this cohortative (as equivalent to the imperfect) after DIZ/ is the use of 
the historic imperf after IX, § 107 c. 

7:7), which can likewise only be explained as forms chosen merely for euphony, and 
therefore due to considerations of rhythm. 

2. The cohortative is strange after "TV Ps 73:17 until I went ... nrtfx / considered their 
latter end; possibly a pregnant construction for 'until I made up my mind, saying, I will 
consider', &c. (but nrcfo Pr 7:7 is still dependent on the preceding l); nSPtfnNns? Pr 12:19 is at 
any rate to be explained in the same way (in Jer 49: 19, 50:44 we have 'K" 1 ? with a similar 
meaning), as long as I (intentionally) wink with the eyelashes (shall wink). On the other hand, 
in Ex 32:30 "iSOK is to be read, with the Samaritan, instead of rnEON after ^IK. 

§ 109. Use of the Jussive. 

As the cohortative is used in the 1st pers., so the jussive is especially found in the 
2nd and 3rd pers. sing, and plur. to express a more or less definite desire that 
something should or should not happen (cf. for its form, which frequently coincides 
with that of the ordinary imperfect, 2 § 48 f, g). More particularly its uses may be 
distinguished as follows: 

1. The jussive standing alone, or co-ordinated with another jussive: 

(a) In affirmative sentences to express a command, a wish (or a blessing), advice, 
or a request; in the last case (the optative or precative) it is frequently strengthened by 
the addition of Nl Examples: Gn 1:3 11X 71? let there be light! Gn 1:6, 9, 11, &c. (the 
creative commands); Nu 6:26 the Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give 
thee peace! cf. verse 25. After particles expressing a wish, Gn 30:34 ">TC. t? I would it 
might be; Ps 81 :9 ^"S^^rrON if thou wouldest hearken unto me! As a humble request, 
Gn 44:33 ... ^tf'gtfjj ... "]p? xr^,- let thy servant, I pray thee, abide, &c, and let 
the lad go up, &c, Gn 47:4. 

(b) In negative sentences to express prohibition or dissuasion, warning, a negative 
wish (or imprecation), and a request. The prohibitive particle used before the jussive 
(according to § 107 o) is almost always -1 7N (in negative desires and requests 
frequently Nr^K); e. g. Ex 34:3 NT" 1 ^ tt^K neither let any man be seen! Pr 3:7 be not 
('rtfr^X) wise in thine own eyes! Jb 15:31 "\fi$ t l -1 7K ne confidat. In the form of a 
request (prayer), Dt 9:26 nn^ _1 7K destroy not! 1 K 2:20, Ps 27:9, 69:18. 

Rem. 1. The few examples of K V with the jussive could at most have arisen from the 
attempt to moderate subsequently by means of the jussive (voluntative) form what was at first 
intended to be a strict command (X'V with imperf indie); probably, however, they are either 
cases in which the defective writing has been misunderstood (as in 1 K 2:6, Ez 48: 14), or (as 
in Gn 24:8) instances of the purely rhythmical jussive form treated below, under k. Moreover, 
cf. ^ov K'V Jo 2:2 and from the same verb Gn 4: 12 (unless it is to be referred to h) and Dt 
13:1. The same form, however, appears also to stand three times for the cohortative (see 
below), and in Nu 22: 19 for the ordinary imperfect (but see below, i). Thus it is doubtful 

2 2 With regard to verbs 7\' ,x 7, it is true that the full form of the imperfect is frequently 
used with the meaning of the jussive (as also for the cohortative, see § 108 a, note 2), 
e. g. n$T -1 7X Jb 3:9 (but previously lj?J let it look for!): especially in (Neh 2:3) and 
immediately before the principal pause, Gn 1:9 nsri.ri; Ju 6:39 n?.,rP, but previously 
xpn?; Is 47:3 n*0,fi, previously %T\; Ps 109:7. On the attempt to distinguish such 
jussives from the imperfect by means of a special meaning n ~, see § 75 hh. 

whether an imaginary by-form of the ordinary imperf. is not intended by the Masora in all 
these cases, and whether consequently ^ov, &c, should not be restored. — On ~}TV DinrrK^, 
&c, Dt 7: 16, 13:9, &c, Ez 5: 1 1, &c, cf. § 72 r, according to which Dinri should probably be 
read in every case. — The jussive appears in the place of the cohortative after H'b 1 S 14:36 
("iketn; 1 ?! co-ordinated with two cohortatives), 2 S 17: 12; cf. Is 41:23 fCth. (Nim, i. e. *ncfi, 
after another cohortative); also (see above) ^o'H H'b Dt 18: 16, Ho 9: 15, and even without K'V 

2. "Vh with the jussive (or imperf, cf. § 107 p) is used sometimes to express the 
conviction that something cannot or should not happen; cf. Is 2:9 (where, however, the text is 
very doubtful) DnV N;tWrV*0 and thou canst not possibly forgive them [R. V. therefore forgive 
them not]: Ps 34:6,41:3, 50:3, 121:3 Cirrus); Pr 3:25, Jb 5:22 xyft-bit neither needest thou be 
afraid; 20:17, 40:32. 

2. The jussive depending on other moods, or in conditional sentences: 

(a) Depending 1 (with Wow) on an imperative or cohortative to express an 
intention or an assurance of a contingent occurrence, e. g. Gn 24:51 take her and go, 
and let her be ('rtfH prop, and she will be)...; 30:3, 31:37, 38:24, Ex 8:4, 9:13, 10:17, 
14:2, Jos 4:16, Ju 6:30, 1 S 5:11, 7:3, IK 21:10, Ps 144:5, Pr 20:22, Jb 14 6 . Also after 
interrogative sentences, which include a demand, Est 7:2 (say) what is thy desire..., 
mr\) and it shall (i. e. in order that it may) be granted! 1 K 22:20, Is 19: 12, Jb 38:34f. 
Depending on a cohortative, e. g. Gn 19:20 n9G$ N3 Titt^KX oh, let me escape 
thither. . . 'Itf^ 'Pirn that my soul may live; even after a simple imperf. (cf. below, g), 1 
K 13:33 whosoever would, he consecrated him . . . TP1 that he might be a priest (read 
■jn'3) of the high places, but probably the LXX reading TJJ1 is to be preferred. 

Rem. In 2 Ch 35:21 a negative final clause with "Vki is dependent on an imperative, 
forbear from (meddling with) God . . . that he destroy thee not. As a rule, however, negative 
final clauses are attached to the principal sentence by means of K 'Vj and a following 
imperfect; so after an imperative, Gn 42:2, 1 K 14:2, 18:44; after a jussive, Ex 30:20, Neh 
6:9; after a perfect consec, Ex 28:35, 43, 30: 12, Nu 18:5; after K'V with an imperfect, Lv 
10:6, Nu 18:3, Dt 17: 17 neither shall he multiply wives unto himself (^di "no? K'Vl) that his 
heart turn not away; 1 S 20:14, 2 S 21:17, Jer 11:21; after "Vk with jussive, Lv 10:9, 11:43, 
16:2, 2 S 13:25, Jer 25:6, 37:20, 38:24 f; after the asseverative DN with the impft., Gn 14:23; 
even after a simple imperfect, Jer 10:4 with nails . . . they fasten it (p^l N'Vl) that it move not; 
after a participle, Jb 9:7. 

(b) Frequently in conditional sentences (as in Arabic), either in the protasis or in 
the apodosis, cf. Ps 45: 12 INIT should he desire . . . then ...; 104:20 TPI ... m<& if thou 
makest darkness, then it is night; so also in the protasis, Ex 22:4, Lv 15:24, Is 41 :28, 
Ez 14:7 ("757 dj), Jb 34:29; in the apodosis, Ex 7:9 then will it (not, then shall it) become 
a serpent; Pr 9:9 after an imperat. in the protasis; Jb 10:16, 13:5, 22:28. In a negative 
apodosis, Gn 4:12 (HD'rnO, but see above, d). In 2 K 6:27 ^^V - ^ {if the Lord do 
not help thee, &c.) is to be explained as a jussive in a negative protasis. 

Rem. Undoubtedly this use of the jussive (in conditional sentences) is based on its 
original voluntative meaning; let something be so and so, then this or that must happen as a 

1 l This does not include the cases in which the jussive is not logically dependent on a 
preceding imperat., but is merely co-ordinated, e. g. Gn 20:7, Ps 27:14, &c. 

consequence. Certain other examples of the jussive, however, show that in the consciousness 
of the language the voluntative has in such cases become weakened almost to a potential 
mood, and hence the jussive serves to express facts which may happen contingently, or may 
be expected, e. g. Nu 22: 19 (fip^Tia, but cf. above, d); Jb 9:33 there is no daysman betwixt us, 
that might lay (W?l, hence plainly a subjunctive =qui ponat; also in Nu 23:19 l-D 1 x 1 that he 
should lie is probably intended as a jussive); Ec 5:14; so after interrogative sentences, Jer 9:11 
who is the wise man, ]T) qui intelligathocl; Ho 14:10. 

Moreover, in not a few cases, the jussive is used, without any collateral sense, for the 
ordinary imperfect form, and this occurs not alone in forms, which may arise from a 
misunderstanding of the defective writing, as Dt 28:21, 36, 32:8, 1 K 8:1, Is 12:1, Mi 3:4, 5:8, 
Ps 11:6, 18:12, 21:2 Q e re fafn*, K*tii. Vr), 25:9, 47:4, 90:3, 91:4, 107:29, Pr 15:25, Jb 
13:27, 15:33, 18:9, 20:23, 37:22, 33:11, 36:14, 38:24, Ec 12:6 (verse 7 3 '&, but immediately 
afterwards iwn), Dn 8:12, — but also in shortened forms, such as VP Gn 49: 17 (Sam; n^n 1 ), Dt 
28:8, 1 S 10:5,2 S 5:24, Ho 6:1, 11:4, Am 5:14, Mi 1:2, Zp 2:13, Zc 9:5, Ps 72:16 f. (after 
other jussives), 104:31, Jb 18:12, 20:23, 26, 28, 27:8, 33:21, 34:37, Ru 3:4. This use of the 
jussive can hardly be due merely to poetic licence, but is rather to be explained on rhythmical 
grounds. In all the above-##ited examples, in fact, the jussive stands at the beginning of the 
sentence (and hence removed as far as possible from the principal tone), in others it is 
immediately before the principal pause (Is 42:6, 50:2, Ps 68: 15, Pr 23:25, Jb 24: 14, 29:3, 
40: 19), or actually in pause (Dt. 32: 18, Jb 23:9, 1 1, La 3:50), and is then a simply rhythmical 
shortening due to the strong influence of the tone. Moreover, since the jussive in numerous 
cases is not distinguished in form from the imperfect (§ 48 g), it is frequently doubtful which 
of the two the writer intended. This especially applies to those cases, in which a subjunctive is 
to be expressed by one or other of the forms (cf. § 107 k and m-x). 

£ 110. The Imperative. 
Mayer Lambert, 'Sur la syntaxe de l'imperatif en hebreu,' inREJ. 1897, p. 106 ff 

1. The imperative, 1 which, according to § 46, is restricted to the 2nd pers. sing, 
and plur., and to positive commands, &c, may stand either alone, or in simple co- 
ordination (as in 1 K 18:44, Is 56: 1, 65: 18) with other imperatives: 

(a) To express real commands, e. g. Gn 12:1 get thee out of thy country; or (like 
the jussive) mere admonitions (Ho 10:12) and requests, 2 K 5:22, Is 5:3; on the 
addition of X] see below, Rem. 1. The imperative is used in the sense of an ironical 
challenge (often including a threat) in 1 K 2:22 ask for him the kingdom also; 22: 15, 
Ju 10:14, Is 47:12 (with Hi), Jer 7:21, Ez 20:39, Am 4:4, Jb 38:3f., 40:10ff., La 4:21. 
The imperative has a concessive sense in Na 3:15 (though thou make thyself many, 
&c), and in the cases discussed under/ e. g. Is 8:9 f., 29:9. 

(b) To express permission, e. g. 2 S 18:23 after previous dissuasion, (then) run (as 
far as I am concerned)! Is 21:12, 45:11. 

(c) To express a distinct assurance (like our expression, thou shah have it) 2 or 
promise, e. g. Is 65:18 but be ye glad, &c. (i. e. ye will have continually occasion to 

1 l On the close relation between the imperative and jussive (both in meaning and 
form), cf. § 46 and § 48 i. 

2 2 Like the threatening formulae in the Latin comic writers, e. g. vapula, Ter. Phorm. 
v. 6, \0=vapulare te iubeo, Plaut. Cure. vi. 4, 12. 

be glad); and Is 37:30, Ps 110:2; in a threat, Jer 2:19. So especially in commands, the 
fulfilment of which is altogether out of the power of the person addressed, e. g. Is 
54:14 be far from anxiety (meaning, thou needst not fear any more); Gn 1:28, &c. (for 
other examples, such as 1 K 22:12, 2 K 5:13, see below, f). Most clearly in the case of 
the imperative Niph al with a passive meaning, e. g. Gn 42:16 llpXH ti^K) and ye 
shall be bound; Dt 32:50, Is 49:9 (Is 45:22, see below, f). 

Rem. 1. The particle Kl age! (§ 105) is frequently added to the imperative, as to the 
jussive, sometimes to soften down a command, or to make a request in a more courteous form 
(see above, a), Gn 12: 13, 24:2, sometimes to strengthen an exhortation uttered as a rebuke or 
threat (Nu 16:26, 20: 10) or in ridicule (Is 47: 12). 

2. The imperative after the desiderative particle t? Gn 23: 13 (at the end of verses 5 and 14 
also read t> for iV and join it to the following imperative) is due to an anacoluthon. Instead of 
the imperfect which would be expected here after f?, the more forcible imperative is used in a 
new sentence. 

2. The imperative in logical dependence upon a preceding imperative, jussive (or 
cohortative), or an interrogative sentence, serves to express the distinct assurance or 
promise that an action or state will ensue as the certain consequence of a previous 
action. So especially: 

(a) The imperative when depending (with wdw copidative) upon another 
imperative. In this case the first imperative contains, as a rule, a condition, while the 
second declares the consequence which the fulfilment of the condition will involve. 
The imperative is used for this declaration, since the consequence is, as a matter of 
fact, intended or desired by the speaker (cf divide et impera), e. g. Gn 42: 18 W% ns'T 
V0 t ) this do, and live, i. e. thus shall ye continue to live. Gn 17:1, 1 K 22:12, 2 K 5:13, 
Is 36:16, 45:22 (wy.flj), Jer 6:16, Am 5:4, 6, Ps 37:27, Pr 3:3f, 4:4, 7:2, 13:20 ^th., 
Jb 2:9, 2 Ch 20:20; in Jer 25:5, Jb 22:21 SO is added to the first imperative. In other 
cases, the first imperative contains a mocking concession, the second an irrevocable 
denunciation, e. g. Is 8:9 wdhl D'ay Wdi (continue to) make an uproar, O ye peoples, 
and ye shall be broken in pieces; cf. verse 9 b. 

Rem. 1. If a promise or threat dependent on an imperative be expressed in the 3rd pers. 
then the jussive is naturally used instead of the 2nd imperative Is 8: 10, 55:2. 

2. In Pr 20: 13 the second imperative (containing a promise) is attached by asyndeton; 
elsewhere two imperatives occur side by side without the copula, where the second might be 
expected to be subordinated to the first, e. g. Dt 2:24 Eh Vnn (where Bh is virtually, as it were, 
an object to Vnn) begin, take in possession for to take in possession (cf, however, Ju 19:6 
■pVl KrVKin be content, I pray thee, and tarry all night, and on this kind of co-ordination in 
general, cf. § 120 d). But such imperatives as "f? (^V), Dip Oaicjf), when immediately 
preceding a second imperative, are for the most part only equivalent to interjections, come! 

(b) The imperative, when depending (with wdw copidative) upon a jussive 
(cohortative), or an interrogative sentence, frequently expresses also a consequence 
which is to be expected with certainly, and often a consequence which is intended, or 
in fact an intention; cf. Gn 20:7 and he shall pray for thee, rp.TO and thou shalt live; 
cf. Ex 14:16, 2 K 5: 10, Jb 11 :6, Ps 128:5 the Lord bless thee ... so that (or in order 

that) thou seest, &c; Ru 1:9, 4:11; after a cohortative, Gn 12:2, 45:18, Ex 3:10 Kt\7\) 
that thou mayest bring forth; Ex 18:22, 1 S 12:17, 1 K 1:12; Jer 35:15 (after 
imperative and jussive); after an interrogative sentence, 2 S 21:3 wherewith shall I 
make atonement, D^,^ that ye may bless, &c. — In Nu 5:19 the imperative without ) 
(in 32:23 with }) is used after a conditional clause in the sense of a definite promise. 

Rem. The 2nd sing. masc. occurs in addressing feminine persons in Ju 4:20 ("7 ay, 
according to Qimhi an infinitive, in which case, however, the infinitive absolute "7 ay should 
be read; but probably we should simply read ''lay with Moore), Mi 1:13 and Zc 13:7 (after 
1 "TO); and in Is 23: 1, the 2nd plur. masc. (On the four forms of the 2nd fern. plur. imperative in 
Is 32: 1 1, erroneously explained here in former editions, see now § 48 i). In Na 3: 15 the 
interchange of masc. and fem. serves to express totality (the nation in all its aspects). Cf, 
moreover, § 145 p on other noticeable attempts to substitute the corresponding masculine 
forms for the feminine. 

$111. The Imperfect with Waw Consecutive. 

1. The imperfect with waw consecutive (§ 49 a-g) serves to express actions, 
events, or states, which are to be regarded as the temporal or logical sequel of actions, 
events, or states mentioned immediately 1 before. The imperfect consecutive is used in 
this way most frequently as the narrative tense, corresponding to the Greek aorist or 
the Latin historic perfect. As a rule the narrative is introduced by a perfect, and then 
continued by means of imperfects with waw consecutive (on this interchange of tenses 
cf. § 49 a, and especially § 112 a), e. g. Gn 3:1 now the serpent was (rrn) more subtil 
... and he said '(Wl) unto the woman; 4:1, 6:9ff, 10:9f, 15:19, ll:12ff 27ff, 
14:5f, 15: If, 16: If, 21: Iff, 24: If, 25:19ff, 36:2ff, 37:2. 

Rem. 1 . To this class belong some of the numerous imperfects consec. after various 
expressions of time, whenever such expressions are equivalent in moaning to a perfect 2 (viz. 
rpn it came to pass), e. g. Is 6:1 in the year that king Uzziah died, I saw (nK"lK,l), &c; Gn 
22:4, 27:34, Ju 11:16, 1 S4:19, 17:57, 21:6, Ho 1 1 : 1 ; on the use of Tri to connect expressions 
of time, see below, g. — It is only in late books or passages that we find the simple perfect in a 
clause following an expression of time, as 1 S 17:55 (cf. Driver on the passage), 2 Ch 12:7, 
15:8, &c, Dn 10: 1 1, 15:19; the Perfect after 1 and the subject, 2 Ch 7: 1. 

2. The continuation of the narrative by means of the imperfect consec. may result in a 
series of any number of such imperfects, e. g. there are forty -nine in Gn. 1. As soon, however, 
as the connecting Waw becomes separated from the verb to which it belongs, by the insertion 
of any word, the perfect necessarily takes the place of the imperfect, e. g. Gn 1:5 and God 

called (Nip']) the light Day, and the darkness he called (fCij7 "JE'G??']) Night; verse 10, 2:20, 
11:3 and frequently. 

3. Of two co-ordinate imperfects consecutive the former (as equivalent to a temporal 
clause) is most frequently subordinate in sense to the latter, e. g. Gn 28:8f. ~f?(& ... liffv NT1 
when Esau saw that ... , he went, &c; so also, frequently yatJ"l, &c, Gn 37:21, &c. On the 
other hand, a second imperfect consecutive is seldom used in an explanatory sense, e. g. Ex 

1 l On an apparent exception (the imperf consec. at the beginning of whole books) 
see § 49 b note. 

2 2 Cf. Is 45:4, where the imperf consec. is joined to an abrupt statement of the cause, 
and Jb 36:7, where it is joined to an abrupt statement of the place. 

2: 10 ("iHKCfrn/or she said); cf. 1 S 7: 12. Other examples of the imperfect consecutive, which 
apparently represent a progress in the narrative, in reality only refer to the same time, or 
explain what precedes, see Gn 2:25 (t^'l they were; but Jos 4:9, 1 K 8:8 they are); Gn 36: 14 
36:32 ft' 1 ???!), IK 1:44. 

4. The imperfect consecutive sometimes has such a merely external connexion with an 
immediately preceding perfect, that in reality it represents an antithesis to it, e. g. Gn 32:3 1 
and (yet) my life is preserved; 2 S 3:8 and yet thou chargest me; Jb 10:8, 32:3; similarly in 
dependence on noun-clauses, Pr 30:25 ff 

2. The introduction of independent narratives, or of a new section of the narrative, 
by means of an imperfect consecutive, likewise aims at a connexion, though again 
loose and external, with that which has been narrated previously. Such a connexion is 
especially often established by means of 'rpl (koiI Eyevexo) and it came to pass, after 
which there then follows either (most commonly) an imperfect consecutive (Gn 4:3, 8, 
8:6, 11:2, Ex 12:29, 13:17, &c), or Waw with the perfect (separated from it), Gn 7:10, 
15:12, 22:1, 27:30, or even a perfect without Waw (Gn 8:13, 14: If., 40:1, Ex 12:41, 
16:22, Nu 10:11, Dt 1:3, 1 S 18:30, 2 K 8:21, &c), or finally a noun-clause 
introduced by Waw, Gn 41 : 1 . 

Rem. 1. This loose connexion by means of TPl 1 is especially common, when the narrative 
or a new section of it begins with any expression of time, see above, b; cf, in addition to the 
above-mentioned examples (e. g. Gn 22: 1 and it came to pass after these things, that God did 
prove Abraham), the similar cases in Gn 19:34, 21:22, 1 S 11:11, Ru 1:1. Elsewhere the 
statement of time is expressed by 3 or 3 with an infinitive (Gn 12:14, 19: 17, 29 39: 13, 15: 18f, 
Ju 16:25) or by an independent sentence with the perfect (equivalent to a pluperfect, cf. § 106 
f), e. g. Gn 15: 17, 24: 15, 27:30, or by a temporal clause introduced by ^ when, Gn 26:8, 27: 1, 
Ju 16:16, 1B>K,5 when, Gn 12:11, 20:13, TN»/rom the time that, Gn 39:5; or, finally, by a 
noun-clause (cf. § 116 u), e. g. 2 K 13:21 tl"N D 1 "13|P DH VPl and it came to pass, as they were 
(just) burying a man (prop, they burying), that . . . ; Gn 42:35, 2 K 2: 1 1 (the apodosis in both 
these cases being introduced by nrn); 1 S 7:10, 2 S 13:30, 2 K 6:5, 26, 19:37 (=Is 37:38).— In 
1 S 10: 1 1, 1 1: 1 1, 2 S 2:23, 15:2 a noun standing absolutely follows ''PPl (as the equivalent of a 
complete sentence; see below, h), and then an imperfect consecutive follows. 

2. Closely related to the cases noticed in g are those in which the imperfect consecutive, 
even without a preceding TPl, introduces the apodosis either — (a) to whole sentences, or (b) 
to what are equivalent to whole sentences, especially to nouns standing absolutely. As in 
certain cases of the perfect consecutive (see § 1 12 x), so the imperfect consecutive has here 
acquired a sort of independent force. Cf. for (a) 1 S 15:23 because thou hast rejected the word 
of the Lord, ^DKa'l he hath rejected thee (cf. Nu 14: 16, Is 48:4, where the causal clause 
precedes in the form of an infinitive with preposition), Ex 9:21; for (b) Gn 22:24 iE0, 1 7'' i Ql and 
(as to) his concubine ..., l)(S) she bare, &c; Ex 38:24, Nu 14:36f, 1 S 14:19, 17:24, 2 S 4:10, 
19:41 JCth., 21: 16, 1 K 9:20f, 12: 17, 2 K 25:22, Jer 6: 19, 28:8, 33:24, 44 25 2 — In 1 K 15: 13, 2 

1 l Exhaustive statistics of the use of TPl in its many and various connexions are given 
by Konig in ZA W. 1 899, p. 260 ff. 

2 2 Cf. the Mesa inscription, 1. 5 (Omri) the king of Israel, MT1 he oppressed Moab, 
&c. — The peculiar imperfect consecutive in Gn 30:27 b (in the earlier editions 
explained as equivalent to an object-clause) arises rather from a pregnant brevity of 
expression: I have observed and have come to the conclusion, the Lord hath blessed 
me, &c. — In Gn 27:34 read, with LXX, 'rpl before S7'!3^3. 

K 16: 14 the preceding noun, used absolutely, is even regarded as the object of the following 
imperfect consecutive, and is therefore introduced by ~nx. 

3. The imperfect consecutive serves, in the cases treated under a-h, to represent 
either expressly, or at least to a great extent, a chronological succession of actions or 
events; elsewhere it expresses those actions, &c, which represent the logical 
consequence of what preceded, or a result arising from it by an inherent necessity. 
Thus the imperfect consecutive is used — 

(a) As a final summing up of the preceding narrative, e. g. Gn 2:1, 23:20 Dj?efi 

'XI rri;tz;ri so (in this way) the field became (legally) the property of Abraham, &c; 1 S 

(b) To express a logical or necessary consequence of that which immediately 
precedes, e. g. Gn 39:2, Jb 2:3 and he still holdeth fast his integrity, 'XI 'JGjPptfl so that 
thou thus (as it now appears) groundlessly movedst me against him; Ps 65:9 so that 
they are afraid ...; even a consequence which happens conditionally, Jer 20: 17 i ntf1 so 
that my mother shoidd have been . . . Another instance of the kind perhaps (if the text 
be correct) is Jer 38:9 rittcfi so that he dies (must die). 

Rem. Such consecutive clauses frequently occur after interrogative sentences, e. g. Is 
51:12 who art thou (i. e. art thou so helpless), , NT x rn that thou art {must needs be) afraid! Ps 
144:3 (cf. Ps 8:5, where in a very similar context ">3 that is used with the imperfect); Gn 12:19 
(nj?N]); 31:27 'jn.'pE'N] so that I might have sent thee away. 

4. As regards the range of time it is to be carefully noticed — 

(a) That the imperfect consecutive may represent all varieties in the relations of 
tense and mood, which, according to § 107 a, follow from the idea of the imperfect; 

(b) That the more precise determination of the range of time to which an imperfect 
consecutive relates must be inferred in each case from the character of the preceding 
tense (or tense-equivalent), to which it is attached, in a more or less close relation, as 
temporal or logical sequence. Thus the imperfect consecutive serves — 

(1) To represent actions, events, or states, which are past (or were repeated in past 
time), when it is united with tenses, or their equivalents, which refer to an actual past. 

Cf. the examples given above, under a and/ of the imperfect consecutive as an historic 
tense. The imperfect consecutive also frequently occurs as the continuation of a perfect 
(preterite) in a subordinate clause; e. g. Gn 27:1, Nu 11:20, Dt 4:37, 1 S 8:8, 1 K 2:5, 11:33, 
18: 13, &c; also in Is 49:7 ^cfnn"^! is the continuation of a preterite, contained, according to the 
sense, in the preceding 1»K,1 ~iE>N. — In Jb 31:26, 34 the imperfect consecutive is joined to an 
imperfect denoting the past in a conditional sentence. An imperfect consecutive occurs in 
dependence on a perfect which has the sense of a pluperfect (§ 106 f), e. g. in Gn 26: 18, 
28:6f, 31:19, 34 (now Rachel had taken the teraphim, D»t£>rn and had put them, &c); Nu 
14:36, 1 S 28:3, 2 S 2:23, Is 39:1. Finally there are the cases in which an infinitival or 
participial construction representing past time, according to § 1 13 r, § 1 16 x, is taken up and 
continued by an imperfect consecutive. 

(2) To represent present actions, &c, in connexion with tenses, or their 
equivalents, which describe actions and states as being either present or lasting on into 
the present (continuing in their effect); so especially, 

(a) In connexion with the present perfects, described in § 106 g, e. g. Ps 16:9 
therefore my heart is glad (nttfr) and my glory rejoiceth (^jdS); Is 3 : 1 6 (parallel with a 
simple imperfect). Cf also such examples as Ps 29:10 n#cfi (prop, he sat down, and 
has been enthroned ever since), Ps 41 : 13. 

(P) In connexion with those perfects which represent experiences frequently 
confirmed (see § 106 k), e. g. Jb 14:2 he cometh up (N!T) like a flower, and is cut 
down O?^']); hefleeth (rnil'l) also as a shadow, "Titty,? X' 1 ?! and continueth not] Jb 
20:15, 24:2, 11, Is 40:24, Pr 11:2. 

(y) In connexion with imperfects which, in one of the ways described in § 107. 2, 
are used in the sense of the present; e. g. Jb 14:10 but man dieth (m^) and becometh 
powerless (^.pjl), &c, i. e. remains powerless; Jb 4:5, Ho 8:13, Hb l:9f, Ps 55:18, 
90:3, Jb 5:15, 7:18, 11:3 (when thou mockest), 12:25, 34:24, 37:8 (parallel with a 
simple imperfect); 39:15. In the apodosis of a conditional sentence, Ps 59:16, so also 
after an interrogative imperfect, 1 S 2:29, Ps 42:6 ('!?;], £H for which in verse 12 and in 
43:5 we have 'ipn.Jrrii^ and why art thou disquieted?). 

(8) In dependence on participles, which represent what at present continues or is 
being repeated, e. g. Nu 22:11, 1 S 2:6, 2 S 19:2 behold the kingweepeth (ro'3) and 
mourneth (^astfl) for Absalom; Am 5:8, 9:5f, Na 1:4, Ps 34:8, Pr 20:26, Jb 12:22 ff, 
but cf. e. g. Jb 12:4 ni 1 ^, 1 ? Xl'p who called upon God, indy^l and he answered him. 

(e) In dependence on other equivalents of the present, as in Is 51:12, Ps 144:3 (see 
above, m); Jb 10:22. So especially as the continuation of an infinitive, which is 
governed by a preposition (cf. § 144 r), Is 30:12, Jer 10:13, Ps 92:8, &c. 

(3) To represent future actions, &c, in dependence on — (a) an imperfect which 
refers to the future, Ps 49: 15, 94:22f; — (P) a perfect consecutive, or those perfects 
which, according to § 106 n, are intended to represent future events as undoubtedly 
certain, and therefore as though already accomplished (perf propheticum); cf. Is 5:15 
(parallel with a simple imperfect separated from 1); 5:16 (cf. 2:11, 17, where the same 
threat is expressed by the perfect consecutive); 5:25, 9:5, lOf, 13 1517ff ', 22:7 ff, Jo 
2:23, Mi 2:13, Ez 33:4, 6, Ps 7:13, 64:8 ff.;— (y) a future participle, Jer 4:16/ 

Rem. An imperfect consecutive in dependence on a perfect or imperfect, which represents 
an action occurring only conditionally, is likewise used only in a hypothetical sense, e. g. Jb 

1 l Also in Jer 5 1 :29 the imperfects consecutive are attached to the threat virtually 
contained in the preceding imperatives. On the other hand ^ IT] Ho 8: 10 would be 
very remarkable as expressing a future; the text is, however, certainly corrupt, and 
hence the Cod. Babyl. and the Erfurt MS. 3 endeavour to remedy it by 'IT'], and Ewald 
reads t?Til) — In Ez 28:16 (cf. Jer 15:6f) "T^O^I appears to announce an action 
irrevocably determined upon, and therefore represented as already accomplished; cf. 
the prophetic perfects in verse 17 ff. 

9:16 VkS?,!!! ^Kd^'DX if I had called, and he had answered me, yet ...;Ps 139:11 ^'H.)ifl 
should say (previously, in verse 8 f., hypothetical imperfects are used). — In Is 48:18f. an 
imperfect consecutive occurs in dependence on a sentence expressing a wish introduced by 
ttt> utinam (''Tri and it, or so that it were, equivalent to then should it be). Cf also the 
examples mentioned above, under / (Jer 20: 17) and m (Gn 3 1:27), where the imperfect 
consecutive expresses facts occurring contingently. 

§ 112. The Perfect with Waw Consecutive. 

G. R. Berry, 'Waw consecutive with the perfect in Hebrew,' in Bibl. Lit., xxii. (1903), pp. 

1. The perfect, like the imperfect (§ 1 1 1), is used with waw consecutive (cf. § 49 
a; on the external differentiation of the perfect consecutive by a change in the position 
of the tone, see § 49 h) to express actions, events, or states, which are to be attached to 
what precedes, in a more or less close relation, as its temporal or logical consequence. 
And as, according to § 1 1 1 a, the narrative which begins with a perfect, or its 
equivalent, is continued in the imperfect consecutive, so, vice versa, the perfect 
consecutive forms the regular continuation to a preceding imperfect, or its equivalent. 

Rem. 1. This alternation of perfect and imperfect or their equivalents is a striking 
peculiarity of the consecutio temporum in Hebrew. It not only affords a certain compensation 
for the lack of forms for tenses and moods, but also gives to Hebrew style the charm of an 
expressive variety, an action conceived as being still in progress (imperfect, &c), reaching 
afterwards in the perfect a calm and settled conclusion, in order to be again exhibited in 
movement in the imperfect, and vice versa. 2 The strict regularity of this alternation belongs 
indeed rather to the higher style, and even then it depends upon the view and intention of the 
speaker, whether he wishes the action, &c, to be regarded as the logical consequence of what 
has preceded, or as simply co-ordinate with it, and so in the same tense. 

2. A succession of any number of other perfects consecutive may be co-ordinated with a 
perfect consecutive (cf. e.g. Ez 14:13, Am 5:19, Ru 3:3, four perfects in each case, Is 8:7 five, 
Ex 6:6f eight). It is true, however, of the perfect (as conversely of the imperfect, § 1 12 c), 
that as soon as the Waw is separated by any intervening word from the verb to which it 
belongs, an imperfect necessarily takes the place of the perfect, e.g. Gn 12:12 when the 
Egyptians shall see thee, they shall say (n»Nl), This is his wife: and they will kill me ( VT\ x T\) 
•'Ii'K) but thee they will save alive (Trr l^'Xl). 

2 2 It is difficult to give a proper explanation of this phenomenon (according to § 49 a, 
note, to be found only in the Canaanitish group of languages), when we have given up 
the theory of a special waw conversivum in the unscientific sense mentioned in § 49 b, 
note, at the end, and if we accept the fact that the perfect and imperfect consecutive 
cannot possibly be used in a way which contradicts their fundamental character as 
described in §§ 106 and 107. In other words, even the perfect consecutive originally 
represents a finally completed action, &c, just as the imperfect consecutive represents 
an action whichis only beginning, becoming or still continuing, and hence in any case 
incomplete. The simplest view is to suppose, that the use of the perfect consecutive 
originated from those cases, in which it had to express the conclusion (or final 
consequence) of an action which was continued (or repeated) in past time (see the 
examples above), and that this use was afterwards extended to other cases, in which it 
had to represent the temporal or logical consequence of actions, &c, still in progress, 
and thus in the end a regular interchange of the two tenses became recognized. 

2. The perfect consecutive, like the imperfect consecutive, always belongs to the 
period of time expressed by the preceding tense, or its equivalent, with which it is 
connected as the temporal or logical consequence. The particular cases may be 
classed under three heads: (a) the perfect consecutive in immediate dependence (see 
e), (b) in loose connexion (see x) with the preceding, and (c) the perfect consecutive 
at the beginning of the apodosis to other sentences, or their equivalents (see ff). 

3. The perfect consecutive in immediate dependence on the preceding tense, or its 
equivalent, serves 

(a) As a frequentative tense to expresspast actions, &c, i.e. actions repeatedly 
brought to a conclusion in the past, and follows tenses, or their equivalents, 
representing actions which have continued or been repeated in the past: 

(a) After a simple imperfect, e.g. Gn 2:6 Tt^V,,] IN there went up a mist (again and 
again) from the earth, nj?$n} and watered (as it were, and ever watered afresh), &c. 
This frequentative use of the perfect consecutive is equally evident after frequentative 
imperfects, Gn 2:10 (rpri) and it became again every time; 'H?] would mean, and it 
became so once for all); 29:2f (four perfects consecutive referring to actions repeated 
daily); Ex 33:7-1 1 !"lj?? he used to take at each new encampment the tent, 7\^l) and to 
pitch it again every time without the camp; notice, amongst the numerous frequent, 
perff. consec, the imperf in w. 7, 8, 9, 11, always in a frequentative sense; 34:34f, 
Nu 9:19, 21 (among several simple imperfects), 10:17, Ju 2:19, 1 S 2:19 nty5J.Pl she 
used to make . . . 7\lt!V , HI and brought it to him from year to year, 27 : 9 (nj? 1 ?!), 1 K 
14:28, 2 K 3:25, 12:15 (in verses 16 imperfects occur again). So also in dependent 
sentences, Gn 6:4 Q(i~?X\ as a continuation of Wt), Jb 31:29. l 

(P) After an imperfect consecutive, e.g. Ex 39:3 (Samaritan ixxpl), 1 S 5:7 (? see § 
112 rr), 7:16, 2 S 15:2, 5, 16:13 and he threw stones at him, "19171 and east dust 
continually; 12:16, 31, 2 K 6:10, 12:11 ff. 15, Jer 37:15, Jb 1:5. 

Rem. The frequentative perfect consecutive is sometimes joined even with imperfects 
consecutive which simply express one single action or occurrence in the past; thus Ex 18:26, 
40:31 f, 1 S 1:4, 2 S 15:1 f, IK 14:27 (cf. verse 28); IK 18:4, 2 K 12:10. For other 
examples of a loosely connected frequentative perfect consecutive, see below, dd. 

(y) After a perfect, Gn 37:3 (i 1 ? niOT}, i.e. as often as he needed a new garment) 2 ; 
Gn 31:7, Nu 11:8, 1 S 16:14, 2 K 3:4', Ps 22:6; 3 in interrogative sentences, 1 S 26:9 
who has ever, &c; Ps 80:13, Jb 1:1, 4, Ru 4:7. 

1 l Also in Ez 44:12 (where Stade, TAW. v. 293, would read iri^tf and vrPl) the 
unusual tenses may have been intentionally chosen: because they continually 
ministered and so always became afresh . . . 

2 2 Driver, on this passage, rightly refers to 1 S 2: 19. 

3 3 Am 4:7 would also come under this head, if' rot)i?ni is really intended, and the 
statement refers to the past; 'Fiy M might, however, also be a perfect expressing 
positive assurance (§ 106 m), and the passage would then come under s. 

(8) After an infinitive, Am 1:11 TD~l"n -1 757 because he did pursue his brother, T\XW) 
and (on each occasion) did east off all pity (then an imperfect consecutive); after an 
infinitive absolute, Jos 6:13, 2 S 13:19, Jer 23:14. 

(s) After a participle, Is 6:3 (Nlj?3), &c, frequentative, as a continuation of □ , 7f?X 
verse 2); 1 S 2:22, 2S 17: 17. 4 

(Q After other equivalents of tenses, e.g. Gn 47:22 the priests had a portion from 
Pharaoh, t}^K] and did eat (year by year), &c; 1 K 4:7. 

(b) To express present actions, &c, as the temporal or logical consequence of 
actions or events which continue or are repeated in the present, especially such as 
have, according to experience, been at all times frequently repeated, and may be 
repeated at any time: 

(a) After a simple imperfect, e.g. Gn 2:24 therefore a man leaves (3'TS?,' is 
accustomed to leave) ... p'll) and cleaves, &c, here, as frequently elsewhere, clearly 
with the secondary idea of purpose, i.e. in order to cleave; Is 5:11 (if rpri) is to be 
taken as a continuation of □i? ,, ?7!); Is 28:28, Jer 12:3, Ho 4:3, 7:7, Ps 90:6, Jb 14:9; 
also in dependent clauses, Lv 20:18, Is 29:8, 11 f, Am 5:19. 

(P) After a participle, as the equivalent of a sentence representing a contingent 
action, &c, e.g. Ex 21:12 rial tf'X n?a (instead of n?a there is in verse 20, &c. 7]T O] 
IZ/'N) if one smite aman and(so that) he die, &c, Ex 21:16, Is 29:15, Am 6:1, Hb 

(y) After an infinitive absolute, Jer 7:9 f. will ye steal, murder, and commit 
adultery (simple infinitives absolute; cf. § 113 ee), UT)Xy\ and then come and stand 
before me ... and say, &c; cf. below, u. 

(c) To express future actions, &c, as the temporal or logical consequence of 
tenses, or their equivalents, which announce or require such future actions or events. 
Thus — 

(a) After imperfects in the sense of a simple future, e.g. Am 9:3 f tz;?n!$ n- T WK 
D'riDjpVl I will search and take them out thence, &c; Gn 4:14, 40:13, Ex 7:3, 1 S 
17:32, 2 K 5:11, Jb 8:6 f (also with a change of subject, Gn 27:12, Ju 6:16, &c); and 
in interrogative sentences, Gn 39:9, Ex 2:7, 2 S 12:18, 2 K 14:10, Am 8:8, Ps 41:6; cf. 
also Ru 1 : 1 1; in sentences expressing a wish, 2 S 15:4; as well as in almost all kinds 
of dependent clauses. Also in conditional clauses after ~DN Gn 32:9, Ex 19:5, 1 S 1:11, 
or '3 Gn 37:26, or ]7\ Jer 3:1; in final clauses after ]V($7 Gn 12:13, Nu 15:40, Is 28:13; 
after -iiftj Dt 2:25, or "if Gn 3:22, 19:19, 32:12, Is 6:10, Am 5:6; in temporal clauses, 
Is 32:15, Jer 13:16; and in relative clauses, Gn 24:14, Ju 1:12, 1 S 17:26. 

4 4 That roV.rO, &c, are frequentatives (the maidservant used to go repeatedly and tell 
them) may be seen from IDV (necessarily an imperfect, since it is separated from ) by 
DH) and t?^V; on the other hand in verse 18 NT] and ID 1 ?,'.] of actions which happened 
only once. 

(P) After the jussive (or an imperfect in the sense of a jussive or optative) or 
cohortative, with the same or a different subject, e.g. Gn 1:14 f VT\) ... D'l'Sip TlJ let 
there be lights ... and let them be, &c; Gn 24:4, 28:3, 31:44, 1 K 1:2, 22:13, Ru 2:7, 1 
Ch 22: 1 1; after a jussive expressing an imprecation, Ps 109: 10. 

(y) After an imperative, also with the same or a different subject, e.g. 2 S 7:5 "£? 
roaN} go and tell (that thou mayst tell), &c, and often, perf. consec. after ~f? (as also 
the per/, consec. of "1QK and "13? very frequently follows other imperatives); Gn 6:14, 
8:17, 27:43 f, 1 S 15:3, 18, IK 2:36, Jer 48:26. 

(8) After perfects which express a definite expectation or assurance (cf § 106 m 
and n), e.g. Gn 17:20 in'N 'ni^ni in'N 'PpeS? nan behold, I have blessed him, andwill 
make him fruitful, &c; Is 2:11, 5:14; on Am 4:7 see above, note 3 on h; in an 
interrogative sentence, Ju 9:9, 11:13. 

(e) After a participle, e.g. Gn 7:4 for yet seven days, TpM 'p'lN and I will cause it 
to rain . . . TTGfert and I will (i.e. in order to) destroy, &c; Jer 21:9; also with a 
different subject, Gn 24:43 f the maiden which cometh forth (DNS *7\) . . . rpcfx 'FQBR) 
to whom I shall say ..., niftN} and she (then) shall say, &c. This use of the perfect 
consecutive is especially frequent after a participle introduced by run, e.g. Gn 6:17 f; 
with a different subject 1 K 20:36, Am 6:14; after a complete noun-clause introduced 
by run (cf. § 140), Ex 3:13 behold, I come (i.e. if I shall come) ... an 1 ? 'rraw and shall 
say unto them ..., VSQR] and they (then) shall say, &c; 1 S 14:8 ff, Is 7:14, 8:7 f, 

(0 After an infinitive absolute, whether the infinitive absolute serves to strengthen 
the finite verb (see § 1 13 t), e.g. Is 3 1 :5, or is used as an emphatic substitute for a 
cohortative or imperfect (§ 113 dd and ee), e.g. Lv 2:6, Dt 1:16, Is 5:5, Ez 23:46 f 

(r|) After an infinitive construct governed by a preposition (for this change from 
the infinitive construction to the finite verb, cf. § 114 r), e.g. 1 S 10:8 T^cfX 'XiS""?!? 
*f? 'fiyiin) till I come unto thee (prop, until my coming) and show thee, &c; Gn 18:25, 
27:45, Ju 6:18, Ez 39:27; cf. 1 K 2:37, 42. 

Rem. To the same class belong 1 S 14:24, where the idea of time precedes, until it be 
evening and until / be avenged, &c. , and Is 5 : 8, where the idea of place precedes, in both 
cases governed by "757