International News Vol. XII #1 Jan. 1950

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A. CRITICISM '

OF THE
LEFTCOMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL

A SUPRESSED CHAPTER

FROM THE

HISTORY OF TROTSKYISM

PART II -HUGO OEHLER

REVOLUTIONARY WORKEIS

IE Ami

U. 5. A.

DSTjfflNATION^iL NiiWS P A GE i

A SUPPESSED CHAPTER FROM THE
HrSTORY, OF'TROTSKYISM-HUGOOEHLER

. ; . PART 2

after these quotations and arjgfcmeritsynot after the event, but before
events as dates and original -letters will prove we should now re- ;
tarn to Gannon's "History and see how he handles this phase of the de-
: lopmeht*

"Our organizational prbpcsals, which we submitted to the -americ an Wor-
kers party in our third' meeting went a lofcg way to facilitate unifica-
tion, vv'e always believe* that the program decides everything!. "(P. 179)
Program decides everv .*.'. g,yes this is correct, but the majority were
arguing verbally that "W- may be forced to unite even without a Marx-
ian Program, bince the. left wing forced this through Cannon speaks as
though it was always to,like the rock of Gibralter. But anyone ^ho can
liquidate into the Socialist Party, as Gannon and others did, into a par*
ty with - noiwiarxiah program,who issued no material or literature of
their ovm;and on the contrary, who -distributed, the Socialist press and
votoa for the Socialist Party candidate, Norman Thomas-can unite with a
Marxian program. If it is theoretically correct to liquidate an inde-
pendent PARTY (The WORKERS PaRTY) as Gannon did into the Socialist Par-
ty, then it is theoretically perraissable to unite with another group,
..'ITHOUT a M^RXM/PROGRaM. ,. ■ .-■ •

Cannon said, "The projeot of fusion with the Mustites was the same
thing in different form, but the Oehlerites didn'-t recognize it-precise-
ly because the form was different. They <f orgav;e.us the fusion with . ;'■
..j.3te,but with great trepidation, fear and prophies of bad things to -
come of mixing with strange people. (P. 18?V Such tripe^ We werealwo'ys
for fusion ;but only after nine months of : pafinding them into line and
s tting a Marxian MINMUM program. We were for unity(but Mustie did •
not know) but we knew of the French turn and the plans of Cannon and
Johactman and we wanted to build an independent party. Not build to la-
ter liquidate into rthe SP^ - as was the outcome." Our .fear and prophas-
es came true in the negative— the smashing of the promising Workers

r-ty and. its liquidation into the SP by Gannon and Company. What Can-
non '-ana Shactman lost in this maneover in expulsions, splits, walk outs
nd gding. home and theory/, is- much more in time -and manpower then was
gained in the SP~.and now in the idea of a LaBOR PaRTY. Muste rlone

s worth more. than many dozen Cannon now has. .Cannon, Shactman, helped
_rive Muste to his present position. .. •

-.mste,like the old school of IWW and socialists at the turn of the
:entux*.y,had personal integrity- and his words were as good as gold. Not

: with Cannon and Schactman.- This turned Muste sour. I agree with Mus-
:e on this point, a man*s word must be "as good as gold",

I havo already pointed out that the left wingtridto obtain r mini-
zum .Marxian .program. ,Nov?.I will. give you more. I remember clurrly as
>ugh it was yesterday, when Max brought back rthe draft he and Muste

worked out... l read it over and then talked to comrades of our own
,eus. It was sickening.. We had agreed that we would only unite if it
ss- a. Marxian program; but this was below- it. .Our faction started wh-t

majority considers a bitter fight and correctly so. After a knoclc-
wn and drag put fight ..(C^non coming in dn the tail end of it,r-eturn-
from Paris) we won our poinds and got our' amendments across. Rut

ii?i%;rn^t.ional ts&is. page 2

the loft wing,inc! especially. Oehler,/were Y riever forgiven for this. -I
now quqfe in full the document wo sent put 'oh '.this phaso of the strug-
gle. It is long, hut vital from a political point of view. I am not in-
cluding the TjiCH-JICi-Jj ajaElftjuENTS to thisidocuinent. The fact that the
last draft included our points and we. vqted for it is suffienc with-
out burdening you with more tH'an this long, document. Here it, is:

DRAFT EROGR.riMri.TIC DECLARATION FOR THE NEW PARTY
October 29,1934

The draft progrrimnatic dec£€££tian for the new party that has been
presented b|r the joint committee of the GomEiuiiSt League of America
and the American Workers f; Party is subject- t©. { further modification be-
tween now and the unification convention* '•T'he^dpcunieiit must first pass
thru the national committee..-^ membership arid- finally' the convention
of each organization;;" In this time the doi&m^rU 'will be ' mod if iod*

But in which direct i6ri duperids on the pressure *■ exerted- by the centrists
and the Marxist element •'■; The organization- which is- able to exert" 1 the
greater pressure will modify the declaration in accordance with its'
tendency* ' ;

xit the first £oint commit t3e :; m^et ing; that considered the document
a VERBAL agreement was reached on a minimum Marxian programmatic dec-
laration, iiuste and Schactman were appointed cv subcommittee to put it
in writing* After a week of intense work by; the subcommittee and sever-
al corrections by our IOC the written £raft u was finally brought up to
what it is now* The written draft is l*ES& than the verbal agreement* ■]
The draft is;considorftd by comrades Shactman and Swabeck to be a" satis*
factory basis on which to unite* Abern^moved in the N%C. that it be
corrected if t possible, while Oehler considers the present, graft an inadr-
equate basis for unity. Betw'een the positions of Shactman and Swabeck
on the one ; hand,and the position of.Abern.on the other, there is only
a difference of degree * The posit ioh of Oehler- differs radically from
both the position" of Swabeck and Shactman and the 'position of Aberiu

The present dHf't must be improved,i!MSt be : made f; at'-least a minimura
Marxian progf a^imatic declaration* As it stands nbw it is below a mini-
mum and can* be- successfully attacked on some of : its formulations of the
fundamental -concepts of i-iafrxisia by - thcrStaiinilts andthe Social Demo-
crats 'to say nothing 6f the;- pt her groups in ; -the' country and in the in-
ternational working t^lass* movement* -Unification 'with the aWP must take
place on the basis of a minimum Marxian program to give all Marxists
in the new party regardless of where they come from a correct Marxist
b7.su to degend marxism not only against centrist or reformist tenden-
cies in the new ■ party but also against the Stalinists and the Social-
ists/ .--:■■ '" ''* ; "

The Draft presents gome of the most fundamental, concepts of marxism
thru the medium oi centrist formulation and methods,. On the one' hand*
the "document contains - formulations tihat enhble both' centrists and Marx
ists s to Ve.ad in their formulas* In, other words these are centrist form
ulations* On the other hand the document dbhtalng two formulas on the
sajpie point, a centrist formula and a- f ormuld . that nan pass for the Marx
i aft formula* In other words the draft ■'* i3 so" constructed on some points
th^V'both centrists and Marxists can harig up/^heir hats on the same
peg:, expound' their different doctrines'.andf eel' at home under- the same

INTERNATIONAL NEWS p^GS 3

programmatic root. In short the programmatic declaration • is a centrist
document and if it is accepted "as it stands, and'as the N.C. proposes:
as the programmatic basis of .the new party, the nets party will be not
a Marxist party, but a centrist party . ........

j !*.•■;'. •,..'.'

If our international 'organization which .existts: as * an important
theoretical or organizational force, were to send .one section into a
reformist or centrist party as a tactical maneuver that did not invol-
ve the question of .the, liquidation qf our world party or group. r we
would enter as an Organized faction,with our own program, our own press,
and carry on activity 'for' our prog-ram..

But the unification with the AWP».is an entirely different organiza^
tional; step. The League is hot going to .enter this new party as an or-
ganized faction oh, its own,; special, program, pub liciy announced,and with
its own special, press-* The .League, .isigoing to unite with a , Centrist
group. onCaltho we are", the larger,- organ izatl on) the fcasis df parity in
the leading committee^ -and pos't-s*. .There-; will- be. one program rnd one
press in the new party,., .-. ,.,, •. / '"':.,'. •

If the party is. to.be a .Marxism party the programatic declaration
must be a minimum Marxian document**?hen centrists and Marxists unite
upon a minimum Marxian program the- party is. a. Marxist party .with cen-
trists in its ranks, "'.',;. -. ..; '"..,•, . .; - :

The force that" obtains the' program it.wants-centtist or Marxist-
will have the key position in the inevitable internal struggle of the
Marxists to assimilate the centrists that will follow.. On the &asis of
q centrist document, our comrades, -ail the Marxists in the party-cannot
effectively fight against the revisionist ^character of the articles for
our fress, theoretical .organ,;and ' the .-•.,.■.*. _• ■ : . , L

:, ;sUbjefft matter of our forums, study coure.es' afcd other
activity of f er.ed. up. and conducted by the. centrist elements, ^11 this
material can radically effect : the character and clarity of the propa-
ganda and slogans' Of the new party in a centrist, direction. Atl of this
revisionist material can and will claim the &&t£8p ©ff approval of the
party for it will have a base .in the centrist formulations of the uro-
gram and will b'e legal Si the party/ And it will go out to the masses in
the name of Marxism.

The following Marxian concepts are; modified and presented in typical
centrist fashion: ' •'•-■ .- . -

1, The Dictatorship.. of the Proletariat, Atf.the end of the first par*
agraph of the section' Consolidation of Workers, Rule, it reads, "Thus the
workers state, while, assuring and continually extending far more genuine
and substantial democratic rights to ail those who accept the new ord-
ers than ever enjoyed Cay' the masses under capitalism-will function as a
iiota Worship of the Entire w.orjfeihs.. . class, M

The weight of this, section is on f workers* democracy, not on the idea
of the workers* state as a repressive instrument against the enemy cla-
-ses. To. some it may. appear as. a mere^ matter of emphasis or stylistic
formula; tion»But it is in. reality a formulation designed to permit the

''**The one presented by our NEC in conjunction with the AWP is not.
It: is ; a : centrist ! document .

INTSRl^TIONxiL NiiiWS ' PAGE 4 f

revisionism of people like Kook *fho,with/-the^ support of the AWP,eoh~
ceive the workers* state as ■ a 'democracy which'- -Willi- fight its class' en-
emies when it is attacked to preserve this • democrat yV- The formulation
in the program opens the door for a revisionist conception of the work-
ers' state. Under this formulation HUgiit's'- formula of '« the: workers'
state as a workers* democracy can.be upheld knd' "felfi'ver^Marxists^ caii
also speak in our formula*. T * * '-■ > "* -'•* :

, , . •- v # - . .. y * i ■• •

■SJi The, Conquest of Power; Syery^ word of * this section has been' "tak-
en from' the second draft of the Alp program; The- who Te- sections weak*
washed out, centrist position* After speaking of the . Workers • Councils
taking. power the draft says; A This will b& ho violation* &f essential dem
ocratic princi?les*for it is not the;; existing governmental formfe 7 rep-
resenting the interests only of the; capitalist minQr4ty,but the: Work-
ers*- Councils, that * express the political- and social, interests of the
;SociAl ; ly productive element of the nation. *- This apologetic, psje'aftnt a-:"
tion is not- the hold language of revolutionary thought* > Worse I In this
sentancejtoo* is the germ of Hook's idea of the workers 1 State which i£
likewise expressed in the passage on the Consolidation of workers 1 Rul*
..'*;. " ♦" \ t y * .j ' ' \l -.':*■ ■ -.' v:*' ' .

. ; * But? here it is even clefarerv* The workers? st a te far from being- in
esserice a dictatorship is presented here' as" a "genuine" democracy |M&£*e-
over the entire revolution is presented here as a struggle for demcc£~
acyl the workers* Councils originate in the defensive struggle again-
st ' capitalism for ' democratic* rights, take £>ower and then establish "gen-r
uine" democracy V -.v* V .— *■'/' ■ ■ . '-/■"

We do not object to- the- idea that the' workers* stato will afford
democracy for millions .who are denied it under capitalism* But deftebcra-
cy is not given a ciassVbasis in the draft* It is presented in ty^iical
liberalistic fashion, as -tint eternal, abstract-p.rinciple or category*

S - : How far this is from Marxism can be seen from the following quo-
tation from The State and Revolution; "Democracy is not "identical with
majority rule* No # Ds&iofera.cy. J is a? State which- recognizes the- sub jection
of the minority to the majority, that is, an-- organization t f or the system-
atic use df - violence by. one -class* against the« r ©thereby one part of the
population against the other*"" - ' *■ * ' '' -

Unlike this quotation the weight of the secftion^tm- the conquest
of power leans heavily against the idea of every "democracy" be i ng, in
rearity^at bottom, fundamentally, in essence a class dictatorship*

This sedtion-does not speak of the overthrow of 'capitalism, of
■what must be' done to the capitalist State jit does not discviss our-posi-
..tion-'orjpatfiiamentary methods of taking powerjnor does it- explain h HOW
.-we take power * It is not necessary to ude the^words "armed insurrectioft
but it is^riecessary to do mere ithan -.leave' an Opening as the dMf t : -does,
to &ay these things at a later date, when the draft says "the workers
must he prepared to use whatever means are necessary"These things must
. bei: stated, exilic itly^in • the ciassie^iviarxis-t terminology or in other
•-language which does not weaken* or" revise ^the idea*

■ K. r ',.it is true that'-soiae of" those . points are- to be fdund in other-
sections of the document. But a programmatic draft is not a patch-work
puz&lev Arid when these indispensable"- points are not included in* the
section in which they properly belong the- material which- is presented

INTERNATIONAL NiStfS * ..:. : :.'"■■ . . ■- PAGES'- ■--_

in ; :%Ji^t section is less than Marxist , is .centrist, /.-■"' ■*' *■ : '

V 5* Not jOnce does the document use the word communist or coinraun-
Isii" in. s positive senee^as for example yd .clq.SBless conmunist society-
while on ! the other hand, the document -frequently uses the words social-
ism and social ist y and as far as the use of these;- terms-are concerned i
Lays down the line for the propaganda and literature of the hew party*
±he exclusion of one term and tjie use of the other in our propaganda
anft 1 it orature will tend to create the impression that the Workers Par-
ty; is ti socialist party*

The conjtenjj p.f the program skows a bad tendency to attribute to
coiimiunism the errors of Stalinism and expresses its centrist .character
:.mon$ ; other ways, by the inolusion of the negative aspects of Stalinism
rnda criticism of the CI and the CP,USA, and the rejection of the use
of socialism and socialist in this connection*

4#The criticism of the socialist party considers the fundamental
error of social democracy to be its,/concept of the state/'' This i.s'^r
true ' r . hut it*, would be fatal for internationalists- to ignore the positicn
of social democracy dn the colonial question over' which together with
the cutest ion of the State the 2nd .International -hit the rocks* The col-
ohial questiqn involves other principle questions in ^addition to the
question of the nature of the state. ;fo ignore it woiild'be to pave -the
way for a repitition of the same ;f undamental "nationalist-opportunist
errors which can flow from this omission,

6. In fact, the draft takes a step in this £atal direction, — In
the section Colonial peoples. The d^aft stands for self-determination
for the colonial peoplos and Ton .immediate ' independence of the -colon-
ies. That is as far as it ; goeq. Any liberal; can accept this position*
The real problem of the emancipation of the colonial peoples and oppr^
ressed nations really starts where the draft stops, and is not even in-
dicated in. the draft by so much as one word. Not even a reference is
made in the draft to the fact that the struggle for emancipation in the
colonies is organically related to the revolution in the United States,
let alone the, idea that the latter is, in the end, decisive *for the form-
er. . . ■ .. \ . : .... .■ t

Moreover, a 'Marxian party, in- an imperialist country cannot consi-
der revolution airy activity in the oppressed colonies as the exclusive
work of its sister parties. -It -must assist them by all possible means
in their struggle against the common enemy r bqth before and after it
seizes power itself*

The basic points of the Lenin" thesis-2nd Congress of the CI —
must be embodied in the draft. r l

6. The criticism of -Stalinism 4 is listed entirely as a criticism
of . Communists and the Third International*. This is doubly significant
in view of the fact that positive references to communism are omitted
from the draft, Stoo different concepts of the degeneration of the Com-
intern are contained in the draft under the iluste-Eook-AWP formula
that the fl twin 'source of the degeneracy and impotence" of the CI and
its .sections are tt the. rise of fundamental anti-Marxian nationalist ten-
dencies and the abandonment of the principle of workers 'democracy. n At
first sight the "twin source 11 arrangement looks 'as though it gives eq-

Page

II^rm^IOWAL Ni3«K3 roviflioniBm. But it • -

b^lio Goimunist^rt , * ^ dorpoot emphasi J p*d in countiry . In

: .:vm form ^^^^i^yitlie theory °{. 80 °^Ss ?na Marxist* can
-_-.tionuto P-^^ff go Sritton that both «JgFig| t ^, To say that
fadt the sectxon is so »ri s in the- : same ^^^ ient of workers »

find a baSe for ^^ p ^? f Stalinism, and .&1-f ^Nationalist revise
the revisxonxst concepts Q< . Because tne * c0uni .

a.iaecracy are the Win .error ^^Ur^uSracy^hibh had arise

ionism which is J\^velop ^ syst em_of ^^ U ^'putt ing a.ross its
trv it was forced ^^^J le as itsaie^ns 01 P & only

en
f

r it was i OT ^.,r--r W orld so
in Lenin vst^ on t; . its

*& b ?° »M nSst^Ialn.what ^nean^y ,-^^^ich is funda-
raiuaatic drart Ij ^ + _ L^e . n -concept of - ,t \nvo ■ In a Conuunxst
trists and j* ? -on a st s h^ |0 ^ ua ^ 1 ^ S Aliens in each country

nontilly differen t from th*t t Partyj^th sectxons xn ^^

International _tneP :r rt^xs n ^ This uUst bw :VX pi

^hich^c^pt Tf^TKrrxist.docuipnt.. ;

if- the draft.is to bo --* . d enocra*ic cen-

,;.'■: :,^e-^BiB,does. 5 ot .Jf^^tS^^^Mr^^*?^
, p-wy hase^c^ae^rctoc w > ° J^fSphastS which the

aol ,„ to cubigu^y ^r,.^ ^ Becouse -they have in

.hoy do no -\--^f.,?„ r g r/ S -1'oongonita^B-i.at-,

coro into sortous oemmot oy.r q aUfflL> . Tlie mrxists will ha B ,

a party based ° n . Q9 "°° ra ^° they willtransforn J" to „t;-? he eU ccess-
tena^ith these. people, ^ome tnej paJ ^ ""J ™^ ey wi u

aB d othax-8 they wxll^haye to^r ag Be ^ e Horatio centra

IttJ aoooa-ilishiaent ox the fern ^ pfinoiple of demoof i

„»d a n |af y "xehvelearl^a^^ ^ it clearly tated^in ^ ^

^trist. and ^> ^ £ ^ ^ of ^^ent

- -■•«•, -The the sxs. does not c^ax »*;

INTERNATIONAL NEWS PAGE 7

revolution* If anyone thinks the section dealing with world socialism
covers this he is badly mistaken* 'No one insists that the draft dis-
cuss the permanent revolution in its full,rounded form* But '"If : the
draft is to be a Marxist document it must contain in simple language,
if that is all we can get after trying to $et more, the elements of the
theory* On this basis we can' fight inside of the new .party to develop
the programatic elements 'to their highest legel*

10* The thesis takes up the question of the 'allies of the working
class and lists the Negfco people as one of the §llies* This is the Stal-
inist concept* And it opens the door for the entire Stalinist position
for self-determination^a separate Negro republic' in the so~ealled Black
Belt .and inevitably the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and
peasantry* The oppressed colonial peoples, the farmers .etc *>are the* 1 all-
ies of aLL of the l^GRKSRS of ; the countryiNegro, White, etc* To entirely
shut the door against Stalinist revisionism on the Negro question the
draft must state that the negro share- cr op pers and the upper layers or
strata of the oppressed Negro race of Negro bourgeoisie and. petty bour-
geoisie, together with the colonial peoples, etc,, farmers, etc, .are the al-
lies of all'the American workers, negro and white, etc*

* " : ; 11* The role'of the' revolutionary party is treated inadequately*
The draft correctly states the role of the party in leading, the" prole-
tariat to the seizure of power* But there tie draft stops** The whole
post-Leninist period demonstrates, unfortunately in a negative sense,
the enormously ixtipdrt^nt role'of the" p'artyih the transition, period to
Socialism. Stalinist disorientation' and strangulation of the vanguard
party has demonstrated that when the part y. is. disoriented the working
class is disoriented. Moreover the disorientation of the party and the
class of the only workers*state have contributed mightily to the disor-
ientation of the international part y and class* when the pa:r*ty and .; :.
class of the workers 1 ' state are disoriented they ap'd the international
party and class- cannot advance correctly along ' the'r'o'ads of the world
revolution and the laying of the foundation of socialist economy* All.
this now is a part of -the aBS of Marxism. It cannot bq; omitted from a*
programmatic declaration which processes to be and must ; be .Marxist*.

The section on the role of' the party does not .state/ the relation
of the party to the workers* state - and the workers* councils. Why? Ob-
viously because this toudh.es on t the question over which Shadfcman for,
the Leggue polemic ized. .with Book ^yho really represented the AWPjthe
question of the dictatorship of the class/and the so^cfilled dictator-
ship of the party* Failure to state the relation in.eveti an abstract
form is an unprincipled concession to revisionism and' centrism*

12* The -thesis does n'&t consider in its proper relationship the
basis contradiction of capitalism. It refers to it 1 J it speaks of phases
of this "contradiction, but it does not ;state what the contradiction it-
self is: ; the contradiction between socialised production and capitalist
appropriation, which is the basi&,within the sphere of "production, of the
contradictions of A0C'Ui,iUi i ATI0N,6f production and the world market, of
production and national boundaries, of the enormous increase of produc-
tive capacity and an array, of millions of permanent unemployed, etc *

Although the- document continually speaks/ of internationalism the
fact remains that its internationalist aspects are o'niy secondary con-
siderations* The document is not at all permeated with the spirit of

INTERNATIONAL N^VS

P^GE 8

internationalism like the Declaration of Four* as a result the document
is more of a national document in t # his sense with a national approach
than kn" internationalist document* This is a programatic s.tai&dbht^^l^^
a propaganda document which has to be written down to the WfSSp- 5e^f3B|^pB 1 "<
Internationalism and the basic contradiction of world capitalism should
run through it like a red thread* The. role of American imperialism shou-
ld be set into this internationalist context* Because the question of
internationalism, is handled incorrectly the, concept of imperialism is
incorrectly treated*.' Although a. wh'ole section is devoted to imperialism
& war ahe draft', fails to explain what ' imperialism is as a st age of wor ld
capitalism and reduces, to a number of descriptive ab s tr ac £It>tt-S 'rW le^'sen^*'-
tances in the section* For the same reason the colonial question, is pre-
sented, so lightly* This is also the reason such basic concepts as the
world partyjthe' cohquest of power* and the relationship of the .party to
the Soviets fend the' Dictatorship : of the Proletariat are handled, in cen-
trist fashion* * ...

The Museites are already pressing. for further centrist .modifica-
tions of the declaration*. .Against their pressure we must press our NC,
not only to resist the pressure of the Musteites but to press for the
inclusionsof the point? contained in the following amendment? in order
to make the document a 'Marxist one* We are confident .if .the NC-wili.a-
iopt this course it can prevail on the^Musteites to make fundamental-
concessions* .'.' . : •

(This document of' the Communist League of America r Left Wing, ends heia*
Part I i of the Suppressed Chapter continues*)

Liquidation into the Socialist Pcurty*

I have already dealt briefly with the question of the "French
Turn" of Trotsky* You must keep -.in mind that .this problem was forced^ i*f**
pon us as a 1 parallel problem with the negotiations with several groups,,
of which only the. Must e groui) negotiations materialised in organic .un-
ity* Our tieft' Wing wag : f orming' -dut.^of necessity,;out of principle strug-
gles maturing after the German defeat and the rise of Hitler*Xrca6 a top
committee member*. and at that the only new comrade .added to the top com-
./ittee as' a full f hedged member in the whole period of the American
Trotskyism up" to the liquidation* That .was. when our : left w^i^^Jti^b^^e^Br
elopod and Gordon and Clarke- werp given, a, posJtion.on the top committed
since 'they were needed, not only again-st Shactfcman but especially against
th.e new left wing* This "French Tum»split jSVMY GROUP IN .^VBRY COUNTRY,
Moire comrades were lost in this, period than were gained on a national
scale ih the Socialist' entry*

Splits
ites,Argenti
Ir.-j Left Oppos
turn and : if we

re beeh poss

.in and also
: er in more

Let us
s on a. tour
as up my pos

took place, in Germany^France^EnglBJid^Spain^Belgium^United
na^Brazil^'Ghile, Cuba, China, and several other countries*
ition lost the POUM in Spain mainly because of the French

had fteld an international with the. POUM inside, it may
ible with this international force to turn' the tide in ■
'the advent of the imperialist war* This we will deal witr
detail* ! . } .

return to the effects of the French Turn in America* I
for the League and wrote the secretary a letter which- f
ition at, the very start: , : *

IHTiSRNATldilkL MEWS

Page 9

Kansas City^Moi
August 21-1934

Comrade \ Secretary)' * •"■ , , . :\\< •:: -,

I have read what few documents yo&i .sent .on the question of "the
French League*. In addition to this we discussed this in brief before I
left New YorK for Minneapolis •:■ Now I have the following to say* and at
the same time cast my vote in opposition to the position of comrade
r rot sky*

To carry out^a maneuver of sending the French League into the
French Socialist Party (S*F*I*0.) at this critical juncture of the test
of organizing a Fourth International and -With the extremely relative
short period ahead for decisive 1 action in' France .would, in my opinion,!
retard the world labor movement, our objective- and result in just the
opposite of what comrade Trotsky- claims* .":

I think the difficult- organizational position we are in, in Fra-
nce is to a great extent due to the organisational mistakes of our Eur-
opean sections ix\ the immediate past period since we adopted the pers-
ctlve of ; the Fouth International*. These pas tl mi-stakes cannot be" cor-
rected 1 by another mistake, ^ntry into the 6FiO;,nor; is there any other
short cut to the masses*

comrade Trotsky marin^y £ ; e'ppo$sible for this, II? seems
,e politcal life ha^s/been-fsuqlt .that his sharp, brill i-

I consider
as though his whole

ant and scientific theoretical and -political Tpo^'it ions have always been
blunted by his own organizational blunders*' In France, he is repeating
this* The examples of Liarx* option in ^SjPlokanov 1 s action and Lenin 1
advice to the British sectioin.. proves f other \fetian what the document des-
ires* **\ f ■"""■! .;{ ' V

It was fortunate that Trotsky*s "faction in. 19 17 could join Le::-
in*s HaRTY, otherwise Trotsky»s brilliant ability could not have been ex-
ploited for the interests of the. Soviet _ Union and the world revolution.

le ne^d political IHDiPiMBd;WC^'through % k party , ; political inde-
pendente of a:* faction -in the 'prebend French sitm§t.ion and in action it
can become a party* Through united front action on all fields and thr-
ough faction work in all worker's organizations we can reach the mis-
sus. A split* in the SP is inevitable;"* W^ SiUBT HAVE a FACTION- WITHIN BUI
i7j2 LAJST; HOT DISSOLVE OUR Li^GUS. (present emphasis)

'The League is capable as an independent faction, until unity with
other forces are obtained to buiM-a Marxian Party*,

'***••** ... ••Building a faction- within the SP and entering ei
as a body is entirely two* different things. ■

The principle question of ind£?fenden<Se of a political Pc

^

not be brushed aside because we -are only a faction and an embryo of a

party* Our weakness ill the more -calls for political, uclarity*

»% ....V/e need' a -strWger IS(International Secretariat) It
needs a French League* The French League needs a faction within ::.
The International "must susldize* the 'French League.- .

My international resolution of last January, which has not

INTjSRNaIJONAL nsws

page -i io

acted upon one ijrjr the other* This was august .present emphasis) by our
mentf! ^ . ^ basis for action and to avoid the prlsent defelo£.

. ...Rather- than consolidation of our own faction intpmpt inn-n v
first the ISand Trotsky have f laundered around in negottalSSa Zl '
based upon rounded organizational pr6gramatic, fi teps. The NEC in its ne-
gotiations for one year with only a draft program on this Question thi^
June has committed the same errorv ■ : question this

: ' • '' • • . ' ' *

-'■■■. : '\, 'Fraternally, yours,

Hugo Oehler

policy wL'iSd^Jft 5^fl2^F line ,°^ opposition to the liquidation

l?ttZ X, ,J , nd . f ' i * >m then on one can understand vfey Oahnom and

others could only resort to. slander to cover up their capitu ?tinn

is1^-al e fn1ht n nf e Le ^l^Position against tL left ^SeltaUn^

agents ith %?«„SS lns *' tlie Le " Opposition. They answered political
ox^UxaentLS «atn slander- and name- calling.

TO BE CONTINUED

The article above is a reply to James P. Cannon*s book "The* Hi*
t«y of imerican Trotskyism It appeal serially in t£e InternatienS

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INTERNATIONAL NJjWS Pa (St? n

A CRITICISM OF THE
LEFT COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL

The Ultra-Lefts, right or wrong, who are intransigent in their main
political line have kept alive a faction all through the days of Fascist
suppression in Italy, and in Europe through the rise of power of Hitler
(after Mussolini) and after world war two* These revolutionists must be
given credit for their class struggle against capitalism,even though
from the standpoint of Marxism they are wrong on several questions ..One
thing can be said for them,and itais a mountain— that they have not ca-
pitulated to the different currents and tendencies of capitalism. This
cannot be said for the different factions of centrism.such as Oannonism.
ochachmanism,Poumism>and left factions of social democracy — as well as
factions of the Anarchists,

History has favored the Italian Faction of the Communists of yester-
o.ay,tne Bordiguists. Since history has brought Italy to the fore in the
P°£V war situation and enabled the Left Communists to grow here ssthe
i-OUM grew in Spain after 1936^ut will history favor the left communists
or will they go down the road the P OU^ took in Sp$in;or the Trotskyites
on '-an international scalo? Now their program is decisive, as x^esterday
tiie program of these former groups was decisive. That is — if they have
a Marxian program they have a good opportunity of turning the tide, of
changing the course of mankind— from decay Capitalism to growing Social-
ism. «ot the Socialism. of England,or the Second International, but the
Socialism and/or Communism of Iviarx,Jngels,and Lenin.

The Left _ Communists have the advantage of growth, due to the objective
conditions in Italy that favor them today as it favored the POUI.1 yester-
uay. lesteraay the POUk and its program failed mi ser4bly( except its left
wing under Keculllso today what will the left communists do in Italy?
ihey nave issued the Autumn 1949 quarterly, the INTERNATIONALIST, an<? its
66 prmtea pages. They present ...their main program and their main line
of march. Let us consider this and see what the balance sheet is.

„ ?i e first chapeer of this magazine, after- the introduction deels with,
r ° h ° r V^ 1S J? ry of thQ Left G o™»unist International". And what a his-
oory i ; lne Stalinists rewrite history to su it their own fake line-, the

irotskyites rewrite history to fit their centrism,so does the POUM I

and now the Left Communists do the same. Many of their old time comrad-
es will cringe at this new version of history. *iany have had long pole-
mics in past years on the disputed questions which appear in this issue
ox the magazine, and most important past disputes in 'the literature of
the Bordiguis-ts.

Here is an example; "The path. that the Left Communists indicate is the
one that Lenin himself followed in face of the war of 1914-18, under dif-
ferent historic conditions, but facing an identical phenomenon of oppor-
tunist corruption of Social-Democratic parties ;this is the path or^th?
r?tl'SSpSS r n; ^V tilis + s ? n J ance th ® following when the Left Cconun-
+ S>? S S- ak + °f thQ Communist international and WHO and WHCil criticized
them, Trotsky replied to all the critics of the policies of the Execu-
tive Committee of the Communist International (and for whom he waf^tne
reporter against us) fought by the Communists of Italy .making his own un-
aU-CPagelsf' 1 ' 116 ^^ ° f the f *"* f ° UI ~ Congresses^ tnf InternSJon

^NaTIQNAL

NEWS

Pake m

Keep in mind the abo.ve/two opposite 'quotations — Lenin -is- OK — and -Trot-
sky is the scoundrel — and nowhere in the entire document do thj3.,J#eft
Communists take' <up L'eJh^sf CXlpClSuj ($ W $MS$ , C©aRM^lS^nor do titey; admit
the FACT^that *Lehln ; and^Trotskt were-4£NE in *tiieir dispute* In the' first
four Congresses against- the Ultra-Left s»-. ; • ., -,.- ., ..."

.This is- NOT the way. to rewrite historytJT^was LENIN^nai Trotsky r who .
issued his famous pamphlet ? *Left r Wing, Oommunism, An Infantile Disorder% .,
x polemic against the Italian|German^artd-othe'r Leftists; Trotsky was
ileraiy carrying out, in' full agreement the; line of Lenin* But today* 1949/
the ul"tra-lefts try to claim Lenin is.p£t#nd- Trotsky lM l Trli^T^PSRJGD WAS
; ;7R0NG # -Nb, history will ndt. substantiate f j3uch fake revJrit injp^omore. than
it will substantiate Qannon i s : rewriting\,pf the American History of. Trot
sKyism.' If you want' to be. hone.st with yourself and. t£e working jolas.Sj
and in criticising Trotsky for his role in this period ;than you must al-
so criticize Lenin for- his leadership in this fight against the left and
his book against the ultra-lefts t .•

This" you. not only fail to do* But on the contrary^you try to leave
the impression that yOU are carrying-* on the % fight of Lenin -against op-
portunisliiiSoeialisi^Stalinism,TrotskyJsm^and what not* *i*

We will return' to Lenin's pamphlet .against the ultra-lefts^because we
want to know , how.; you act and/ think today, about his crtticism of yeiu
You have graciously ignored hjs thesis SINGui FaSCISm HaS B~23N OUSTED IN
ITaLY\ Why? * Why tlie .silence on such a number of important questions?

Trotsky arid ' the Left Gommunists

The qUBr^erly we speo.k of (Autumn, 1949 )rdeals in length with Trotsky*
He is their whipping boy* But is it not a bit late? ,^nd Is it not a .bit
unethical to- : indulge /in the. arguments 4 . you present?. -.We have nothing in
common with' capitalist /(bourgeois ethics) but; we do hold high proletarian
(working ciasslelhical relations* (deliberately mixed up these 'two
...nglish-Frenqh,.' 1 terms) ;■/;••; . -.: ■

%he. RWL split .with Trotsky in the early thirties ^ after the German de-
feat and before 'the 'Spanish defeat /Wq are, not Trrotskyites,or a, faction
of Trotskyism's our PROGRAM t WI LL aTTSST, /But ; w? : e DEMAND . THaT HISTORY BE

L^SiiRTED factually* Let the chips fall wherre • they may, : We will "defend
Trotsky against Stalinism r and others on political points where he is-
correct jjust like we will dqfjend any pne,centrism against reformismjref-
ormi'sm .against capitalism f ultra-rlef ts' against opportunism — where they
are. factual and xorrect m We will do this, and make, our- defense within the
framework of historical material ism,Ivlarxisnu

In this "short history" of^; the .Left Communists, what do they say about
Trotsky? Let i}s take a few important, quotations i n The proof is that sh-
ortly^ before the vxct-Gry, in Germany ^Hitler^in 1933 # to whom the German
Proletariat which would have completely changed the situation • *'. ».*

..-•.. i ' ..•'.'■■ '- i t%: .. ■ - .'- ■■ •

' B Th;<§' .political tasks which". Trotsky proposed to. the ; Communist Left of
all countries flowed of cburse ; .from his., theoretioal anicl political -ana-ly-

^Because he consideredVthe ; .state .-property (which he ? c ailed colleo^

t"ive) ; e,s
between

progressiv r eVand foresaw ■ an ; inevitable war(i.e*^ World.. War II)
the" Soviet Steite and the bourgeois states, the strategic objec—

INTERNATIONAL NEWS PaGjS 13

tive Which/ he assigned- to the left was the defense of the U.S«.S.R„*

•<.. - '■" * ' ■ . . ■■". ■ :' ""

(Jontiniiing with several sentences the Left says, speaking of THEIR
"position against Trotsky, "It opened inother period in which capitalism
faces the *Worker l s State and 'Communist* Parties fighting for social-
ism .in one -country » u (Page's 13-14)'.

" ' t ■ ' - ' "' •

Now we have lt~Trd ! tsky fought for- the defense .of the Soviet Union
net the Bordiguists ; fought against, the theory of socialism' -in one coun-
try in this previous period. Nothing is farther from the FACT* Let us
take up all these statements step by step, . - ; •';•'■; .

In the first place, even though we disagree,, principally with Trotsky
during and after the German defeat, in all due repect to -the facts^Trot-
■ sky did NOT, say that the German Communist 'PARTY was the key to the In-
ternational situation. This is a slight of .words. Trotsky said -GERMANY'
was the key to the inter-national situation. .Trotsky said .that IF -the ' '
Communist Party did. -NOT adtfpli the program he presented than Hitler' ' '.
VOULD TaKE POWER. lie^rotsky/basecl. his premise, on his PROGRAk for the
Communist Party. They -'roj'sc ted his analysis,. The Stalinist' analysis
was the opposite. In this ■period *th'e Left. Communists said nothing^they
did not agree wi : th iErotSfey or against' Trotsky, Let them quote from doc-
uments of that per iodV If you -argue against Trotsky a* all, you can only,
argue against his position that he did;nbt have a force capable and he
advocated the CP; to adopt his SORRECT j PROGRAM<hi story proves his cor^ ,
rectnes's." in' the.analysisl'and'you can argue that Ije, should have not wastr-
ed time on. .the CP... (Check- his document's and program for Germany of this
period) ".,' -. •<• • ■■■•*.'< • :■■• - ' t! - [*.-.'. t . -.__"• ;-.■/•■

But the* Left CommtiniBts- -claim he wanted the CP 'to carry -through the
revolution on THEIR PROGRaM — ■theft 'Is the implication.. NotMng is farther
from the truth. •:•-■. ■■ '*;-. _-•*-

.' * ■ -

But mare important-; Jblian this aspect of the problem is- the quotation
by the Left Communists that they^the Left Conmunists* rejected the Stal-
inist theory of -Socialism in one cbuhtry and' that Trotsky stood for the
defense of the Soviet Union* aS TEE MAIN LPfS OF MARCH* This is false to
the core* Itias Trotsky f not the Left Communists, not the Bordiguists —
out the Left Opposition', that presented the theoretical premise against
the Stalinist .theory of ^Socialism in One Country 1 ** It was the Trotsky
faction,t*he Left Opposition, that advocated the "permanent revolution Hhe
v7orld revolutionise extension of the October revolution"— agqinst the
Stalinist theory of "border* -patrols" far- the communist, parties- and the
^defense of the Soviet Union* "« . ■ • -

The Bordiguists, through this bulletin are trying to- attribute to
Trotsky the position of Stalin and are .taking .over uhto themselves the
position of Trotsky and the Left Opposition* The printed material in
several languages vindicated Trotsky— that !he-.-\?as the FIRST to appose
the "theory of -socialism, in one country** It alga vindicates hi:a r.r.i
c he 'left opposition against -the' Bordiguists regarding the question of
ihe "defense of the Soviet Union"* Yes we defend the Soviet Union — but a
as our SHORT lever,our long lever is the •permanent re volution", the ex-
pansion of tee October Revolution^ of 1917* It was Stalin and* Stalinisn,
not Trotsky and' tfrg Left Opposition' that advocated as- tlre-'maih line —
the defense of the-, Soviet -Uiaidn*

INTJRNATION.iL N^WS

PAGE 14

Let the Bordiguists quote from documents, prior or eEqual in date, to

■Trotsky -oit -this important theoretical and principle f*ue st ion * Cannon and
ihachtman have long ago forgotten this aspect, of Trotsky ism,.pxcept lip-
service to woHksyhot deeds* lf :; . ■ V '"./"-..v .

*•■ - .-■••■>;* ■ ■ ■• * ' ■ *

1 We^'of the RWL, have our differences, with the Left opposition during
nd after the German defeat (Hitler seizure" of Pbwerfcour documents deal
:ith this phase* (See the, series of . articles.. pn< *& -Suppressed Chapter
?v dm the 'Hi story of . Trotskyism* Editor . Note) 'But the above points are in
favor of Trotsky and not the Ultra-lefts*' . ? ■

Futrthermore, the "Left CoriiMnists s ay f - Italian Communism was enabled to
pay to Trotsky that/ 1 it is precisely after the ae£eat of the world pro-
letariat in Feb*, 1933^ in Germany that it opened 'tfiie pftase of the best'
relations ; between the Capitalist States and th§ Soviet Stat e^* n tpage 14}

This is a wrong analysis of factual relations 'in the, period of 1933-

45* We, the RWL^were the only force to poiht out that the Hitler*Staiin

between ^Ftisclsiii and, 'bourgois-demoQr^Qy "'by 'the .ultra-lefts is not secon-
dary but fundamental iti their e'rrors.' ..What the Xef t-Coimminists see as a

the

through -the warped forms' ; of Stalinism axid Hitler Fascism* .The treaty
tween Hitler; and' ; Stal in ^e., the RWL:, predicted would end in war* This*
history confirmed* The -relations with capitdfflst democracy ended in,\a *
bitter If cold war* between the United States and its satillites t and the
Soviet Union and theirs * This is. contrary to the Ultra-left analysis*
The capit ali st ''democrats used the Stalinists and the Soviet Union ,;and
the worriers they tfontroled"' in Italy .* France and other countries- of Eurv-
?pe TO STiHil THJ TIDE OF POST WAR RdJV0LUTI0N*T0 DROWN IN BLOOD THd WORK^r
pRS REVOLTS ;T0 HOLD IN CESGK, THS WORKERS MQaQSLuSNTS ^through the -resist-
.nee movements in France.* Italy, Belgium^ and* all tho^e countries where
.^nglo-^mbri can ' imperialiiAS'with. Stalinism dominated, the struggle of ■ the
ijndergrotfhd; forces against fascism* 'The exploiters '.used Stalinism in the
\ econd imperialist war "ag"" tftey #setT social demo<racy,in the first imper^
lalist warv ■ But ;this." was preparat ion ." for WaR against! the Soviet. Unioh.,as
reacts today prove ;no; rtecpnciliationyas.' the . left' communists claim.

1 - ' Throughout these pages the Left ."Communists argue, .against Trotsky and
:laim that 'they are the followers of , Lenin* Let' them-- answer the above
irgueirients *Lenin»s f against the Ultra-Lefts, and Trotsky 1 s # against the
uheory of socialism in one country ^which they try to usurp.

The. left communist
Communist' Party of It

red * inevitable r of a ;

oritraryjulie ^strength
iplist states without

thrown- 11 "(Page 14}

lire* -wh ole • complex
ipre- ^Fascists bloc DID
7-totfee stupid opin

s say, "Consequently, the' Italiaii fraction of the Com
aly rejected the perspective which Trotsky consid-
violent attack against the.USSR^and envisaged the
ening of the links between the USSR and t^^^^rw,
implying that the Statified property woul<y he ov~

thought is. .contrary to immediate hij&r&cal facets,*

' CURRY ;Ti!RCUGH A VIOLENT ^TT^CK.X)N THtU USSR, contra
ion of "th e 1 e f t ; c oiomun i s t s * : Th e fascists ;j» $rn . un~

IrJTERNAlIOrlAL NEWS PaGL X6

successful in their assult. .If they had defeated the USSR; they could
easily defeat the capitalist democracies. i-Iussolini would still be a
"big shot" in Italy*'. The Fascists would rule the (world. The ultra-lefts
would either be killed or in jail with the other revolutionists* After
the .-USSR stopped Hitler cold.,an.d after the imperialist phase of -the -war
Ras over/the war between capitalism and the Soviet- Union was INTENSIFY
.u.i;,.the so-called "cold-war" tas it is known.. This also contradicts the
ultra-left thesis. Today a war betwen eapitalism and .the USSR is inevi-
table. The time element is "jerky" and shifting— but the ^fundamental
' ir ° t f!5^ t . aesi . s ? f tna * period — which was the thesis of the WHOLE LEFT
Oi-POSiTIOHjjRjiJivIiilNS a fundamental analysis.

ci

But the c-apitalists;whiie using Stalinism as their left arm" against "the"
workers are night /and day preparing an . inevitable war- against the Sov-
ieo_ union. The Bltra-Lefts do not. see a distinction between reactionary
capitalist trade' 'union leaders and, the Union ; but . the exploiters do— a^
the exploiters act accordingly,.. Th,is ultra-leftism, if followed by -work-
ers will blind ,L,h em to thg dialectical contradictions of present daT
society between Stalinism -an<3. the USSR. ■

;;- Do the -Ultra-Lefts claim that the devastation, of ,' the major part - ■'
European Russia 'by the Fascist armies, "opened the phase of the' best -fi-
liations between the capitalist states and . the Soviet State."
(page 14) ???????????? . ■ '

~'^\ When the left communists .criticize the Trotskyites for liquidating
their independent forces into the .parties of the" Second international
we of the RWL can "agree. -;3utjwe 'do not agree'J in ..hindsight. We'were the
first,not the ultra-lefts, in fighting the frets kyites on an internation-
al scale i or tins principle error. We were- thevf irst to lay 'down a the-
oretical position against Erotsky's position of the "French Turn". L^ :

•the Ultrariefts show their material; of that period against Trotsky and
compare.it to OURS;it will show ,'th.at 'we, the RWL led and the Left Commun-
istsfollowea.. ih w they claim that they were .the leaders. We don't obiect
totals. We object to their lack of -POLITICAL, AND THEORETICAL ANALYSIS
.mich we tne RWL laid down in minute detail. • '

Stalinism — Centrism??
• - i An ° tIler j' sec °P d ^T> 1 ont important aspect of the problem, is the fact
■»&nat_ throughout the document we deal with, the left communists refer to
>talmism as Centrism*; Again they miss the boat. Even the centrist Trot-
3kyit.es, not to speak of the RWL,changed their analysis of Stalinism, i>*cm
centrism to reformism in the period of the German defeat of 1935. when
iioler come to power. Why do the ultra-lefts still speak of Stalinism
s oentrism? .--talmism is a right wing reformist movement. In fact some
?o so far as to call it anti-working class today.We,the RWL.oall the
-;alinists a reformist current, (reform in words /and counter-resolution-
-PV^' If tlonr) ? lle ultr a-le^ts are way behind on proper analysis, even
.nough they use harsh adjectives in daily conversation.

TKE.FRYIHG PAN AND TH3 SKILLET

The document says, "It' is convenient to recall at this point that the

INT^RNITIONaL NEWS /-:'•.-. PAGE 16 ..

Italian loft abandoned the .'':name*Lef t ; Inaction of the Communist "Party of
Italy Jf or, the »It&lian Faction of ' the Left CoBmmnist- International 1 , at
its' Congress of '1935* !t ( p* 19 .■}

■'■•• tv - I

Take this above statement with the following, Thus. the : Left fraction
of -the Communist Party of ..""Italy Apposed the new-Trotskyist orientation,
is it; opposed . the politics of reforming the third International. u (p*16)
First Vthey attributed falsely "to Trotsky the tt defense of the Soviet Un~
ion%hich was a secondary axis in 'the ,! permanent revolution * and second-
arily in 'the previous quotation ] the &eft communists say that 1 they no
longer considered themselves a faction of the communists AFTER ,1935*. If
you check- .history, and especially the history of 'the Left Opposition in
which Trotsky was the leader, you will find that the uXtra~lefts^.--FOLLOY?~
ED Trotsky in rejecting the' C.I* '*.

Since they. admit *t was in 1935 that they rejected' the cor^cejplt of a
faction of the G*I*>,it .mean-s that the Left Opposition rejected this- con-
cept PRIOR TO - .THdi IILTRa-LEFTS^ fiut now they claim they led,when in real-
ity, out of. their own; writings -^they- followed " Trotpky in his rejection of
the C.I*.- If the ultra-lefts^the Bordiguists waited until 1935 to no . :
longer consider themselves a faction of the CI*. 'it means that they in
time and in theory;; followed the Left Opposition after the German defeat
in working toward- building a new INTERNATIONAL*

Here we part company with both factions* Whereas the ultra-lefts fol-*
lowed' the left opposition, . .':.. . , 11 t .according' to their own wor-ds,
we*who now constitute the RWL,parted company with the Trotskyites and
worked toward . independent class activity when, Trotsky and others started
the stampede towards* joining- the parties of the Second International.
We may add,wit% *no malice,that now the Left ' Communists speak of this per
iod of the Left Opposition,but they were very/ silent in Political ^analy-
sis at the time of the event. '';'/[' ' \ : ; ; . " : n ' " | j

When the Left Coruraunists speak of the fact that they wer$, opposed to-
the reform of the Third International (page 16)- but. admit' that. 'they con-
tinued as; a. factipn until (page 19) 1535 which* was after the Left ppposi-
tien called f qr new parties, they, the ultra-lefts, are, begging- .the ques-

tion*

Class Instinct \

We would like to know as Marxists what class instinct is? Tiiey^ say
en. page .25.-* * * •i*0'n*£y this class instinct is o.Ur" guide up tdf this
point, ♦ ♦ + % When they run short of arguments they resort to %l&ss in-
stlnet'**. We are anxious to know about this "scientific "thing"* '

tt S per* tan ecus ly

n

i

In several places the document speaks of ^spontaneously^he porkers '
establish administrative organs of state power, etc *> This 'meases .that . •'
these comrades c ling, to - : their s-pontanouity theory. Some of the German
ultra-left 'comrades used this theory* They thought capitalism would auto
.tically breakdown jp Others-used it to mean that the workers would auto-
tically take power when the crisis of cap i tali sin reached a certain ■
cint ;ot hers iusea.it: for the idea- of an automatic social development of
workers towards socialism*

-

INTERNATIONAL NEWS ... _ p AGE 18

such; a state." (p. 43) l : ■

The stability of the state and the degree of support the workers give
this .exploiters state,developing out of the- crisis does NOT determine wi
the whole revolutionary question and the formation of the party. T hese
two factors only determine the' amount of mass .influence the -REVOLUTION-
iRY 2*iARXlAN ORGANIZATION can obtain for its -program of ; socialism and
state power. If the cadre, the faction does not have a party so late,
when the crisis, the lefts speak '-of ■arrives i than the problems .of the van-
guard are doubled. They must build the party and win' the .mass estV But if
they have a party as Lenin had in 1917 than they can use. thia psarty to
sain mass influence. The formation of a party in each and every country,
in addition to the correctness -of the cadre^ program in theory, strategy ,
and- TACTICS; must also include day to day ACTION in the class struggle to
the degree that the group or faction can participate.

The Failure -of the State.

»In the liberalist epoch, the ..failure of the state appears at the end
of a revolutionary wave. In the 1 epoch of State Capitalism the failure
of the State appears at the beginning of a' revolutionary period(p» 39}
This concept. of the State and the 'crisis oft capital ism istoo .mechanical
and schematic;- It does have an element of~trttth*bufc is not factual.- In-
stead of speaking of the liberalist epoch and the State Capitalist
epoch,, which "does not fit the economic- relations of the crisis of capi-
talism,we will speak of the developing stage, and the decay stage of cap-
italism, Yesterday,in the developing' stage.it was ntft all liberalistie,
and today in the'decay stage it is not all State capitalism,even though
state intervention must continue to prevent further' decay. In- the liber-
slist epoch we had* plenty of steps toward- state capitalism and plenty of
react ion- ;and in the state capitalist epoch these comrades speak of we
nave "liberalist noiicies, different in form,but the same in content. Yes-
terday it was liberalist under capitalist partiesjnow when- the crisis

its state.

The schema' of the ultra-lefts is similiar to the many schemas of the
Stalinists in this way. In analyizing problems, the Stalinists eithersaw
world wide revolutionary situatlon,or a world wide non-revolutionary
situotionj-or only' black react ion, or 'everbody as fellow travelers. The
ultra-lefts see State Capitalism everywhere today,in Russia, in all cap-
_".alist countries, etc. " "' ''

More important is the fact tWt the failure of the State will not al-

ys APPEAR aT TE3 BEGINNING of ; a revolutionary period as this thesis
claims* In the decay of capitalism »there are sharp turns and shifts, ;■;.;.
hich will call for different strategies and tactics almost overnight —

t different programs. When the failure or; ■ the state arrives, at this or
that juncture it can easily be determined by a Marxian leadership iu_

ich country and in each crisis. It would be just as fatal to see this
: ilure of^ the state too soon as : it ; would be to see it too late. Itecan-
. 31 be laid down r as a blue print 'that in the decay stage it will always

. ive at the beginning of the' Crisis. .'"

INTERNATIONAL NEWS

PaOI

W

ihe Left Communists Criticize Those to the r.ight,

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In the introduction to this quarterly the *Left Communists
-ether all groups and factions to the right of them and eriticia
in one broadside. They speak of those groups (Trotskyifces) v.ho
the Labor Parties, the Labor Party governments, the different fcrr^
bourgeois democracy,'etc. We of the RWL oppose these concepts from
left. We have ample literature to reveal our position on Trotsky:
yarding; these questions. The ultra-lefts condemn those who in c.
or another support the state in the Soviet Union, or the economy, a
ter what they* say about Stalinism, But in this case the S-c&actman
independent Soc ialistLeague^ agree .with the Ultra-Lefts, Their pos
is basically the same, as is the case of many Trotsky factions, eve
though different terms are used. The Cannonites(Socialisfc Workers Par
hold to the old Trotsky position on the Soviet Union* But this old _:-
sky position is not the position of the Revolutionary Workers League.

Whereas, the Gannonites call for "material aid and political criti-ir^
for Stalinism in time of war (as they did for the People*s Front in
Spain) we reject ALL material aid to Stalinism at anytime » ( Ed » emr;
We •give our material aid to the revolutionary klarxists or independent
new genuine Soviets when they develop in Stalinist areas.

The Gannonites claim that Stalinism can in certain situations play a
progressive role^just like they claim that under given conditions the
trade union burocrats can play a progressive role. We of the RWL s
HO TIME can Stalinisnu or the bourgois reformists * or the social refcra
play a progressive role, (Ed. Emphasis) These opportunists of all sMi
can* only play a reactionary role. The Soviet Union, the economy belc
vvhich is not Stalinism^as well as the Tro.de Union, which is not the : i
xtalist trade union leaders, the organs , (UN PLAY A PROGRESSIVE ROLS :
spite of their reactionary leaders in this or that given situation.
This the ultra-lefts do not understand any more that the Genir:

understand. But we ask, since we are to the left of these, and ma
questions, from Trotskyisrajand we are to the right of the "Left C o— u- j
* — where do we stand? Trotskyism calls us ultra-lefts, and the lit:*:-
call us Centrists, We are neither, we have a revolutionary progr
Miirmisa^aid correctly so. The "Left Communists", are to the left ::

uitra-ioftB-,and the Trotskyites are to the righ* of us as Centrisl

11-25-49