John marshall in india

SHAFAAT AHMAD KHAN, Litt.D.

UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR OF MODERN INDIAN HISTORY

VOLUME V

JOHN MARSHALL IN INDIA

BY

SHAFAAT AHMAD KHAN, Litt.D.

Other Fork by the me Author

THE EAST INDIA TRADE IN THE
XVIIth CENTURY in its Political awl
Economic Aspects. 1923,

SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF
BRITISH INDIA in the XVIIth
Century. 1926. \

ANGLO-PORTUGUESE RELATIONS

relating to Bombay, 1660-1677, *9 2 3'

irN ll'N LJLI\.

J^otes and Observations in Tdengal

1668-1672

'^DITED AND ARRANGED UNDER SUBJECTS
BY

SHAFAAT AHMAD KHAN

Lrrr.D., F.IUIist.S.

mkmhkk united provinces i.hoislative council

UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR > MODERN INDIAN HISTORY, ALL AH AH AD J^ySBSlTV

J

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD

1927

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY ROBERT MACUttKftlt AN)* <».
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, GLASGOW*

PREFACE

Two of the four MSS. left by J°l“ M “ shaI1 f ° r ' he
r , • r ■ , t» Wenry More and Dr.

inspection or his friends, Dr. /. , tti-

T / „ . . . ’ . ^ded m the Harleian

John Covel, in 1677, now inclua
-L ,, . ’ . r British Museum, are

Collection of the Library of the &

here presented in a readable fashion-
Marshall has long been know" «

Englishman who reSly studied Indian Ant,qmt.es
f, . n , • • n »-<= mentioned by Marsh-

and his Sanskrit attainments are m 00 „ t-.,

. ,. t r n / „ublished in 1887. The
man >n h,s ttmorj offiengd, pub ^

discursive comments in Marsnai*

... , „. on .^ have been drawn upon

nons (HarL M<S£. 4254 4255) wilson in his EaH

to a small extent by the late JV ‘, . t0 „ ,. j *

ii/ £«&«/, vol. i., published in * 8 95 > and to a

, 6 , c* -Richard Temple m his

much greater extent by Sir *>

editions of Thomas Bowrey’s *“■’ . /

^rrrr and the 7 V<«* Vu ,

But hitherto the difficulty of ° f

t . . foincd in these M.SS. has

the valuable information contain . . ^ ,

1 , , . 1 which it is arranged,

been the haphazard manner m

vvr. , , * ^ , T)iartes or his various

Wrth the except.cn of the D Marshall

journeys, wh.ch are more or lef y but jotted
made no attempt at grouping * ^ or ^ ^ r£ _

down his notes as they occutre a remark on

«ived them from his informants- ^
the famine in Patna follows a re 1 , . f .

again, is sandwiched between a descrip ion of Nepal

VX 1

*57

VII. Geographical Notes - "

Ballasore, 157. Ganges River, 157. Hogipore and
Nanagur, 158. Dilly to Pattana, 159* Pattana to
Ballasore, 16 1. Pottana to Neopall and Botton, 16 r.

Morung hills, 162. Neopoll, 163. Button, 164.

Pattana to Lossa, 166. Neopall to Lossa, 167* Gold
Sand, 168. Casmeere, 169. Jaggernaut, 171. Japan,

172. Spahawn to Smerna, 173. Notes, 174.

VIII. Hindu Religion and Philosophy: Hindu

and Muhammadan Ascetics - - *77

God, 177. Creation of Man, 180. Noah’s Flood, 181.

Account Ballanced, 183. Buttons, 184. Freewill, 186.

State after Death, 188. Hindoos Mudds, 189. Kisny,

190. Spirits, 191. Long Lived Men, 193. Bndria 5,
or Senses, 194. Jaggeranaut, 196. Jogees and Fuck-
eers, 196. Notes, 203.

IX. Astrological, Astronomical, Meteorolo¬
gical, Mathematical and Chronologi¬
cal Notes - - - - * - 2ix

Constellations, 211. Nachutturs, Planets, Rosses,

212-258. Dayes Length, 259. To know Mans Age,

259. Twenty-seven Joogs, 260. Hindoos Almanack,

264. What Dayes good for Travell, 268. Hot Winds,

270. Turnadoes, 272. Thought Reading, 273.

Problems, 274. Chronology, 275, Measures of Time,

280. Notes, 283.

X. HinditMedicine. A. Medical Knowledge.

B. Prescriptions - - - - 319

By, Pit, Cuff, 319. Digestion, 322. Blood, 324.

Six Tasts, 325. Signes of Health and Sickness, 326.

Receipts for Purg, 328. Oyle Bandgir, 329. Anti¬
dotes, 330. Remedies for various diseases, 332.

Killed Minerals, 345. Notes, 349.

XI. Folklore (including Historical Notes,
Legends and Stories, Natural History,
Manners and Customs^ - 353

Charms, 353. Aphrodisiacs, 360. Good and Bad
Luck, 361. Witchcraft, 362. Omens, 363. Incanta¬
tions, 364. Proverbial Sayings, 367. Timmerlung,

368. Alexander, 369. Great Mogulls Conjanna, 370.

Jougee [and] Eckbar, 371. Justice at Pegue, 372.

Augull, 373. Hindoos Justice, 374. Elephants, 377.

Costareka Murg from Botton, 378. Coee or Jackatra,

Gosomph, 379. Cutchoa, 380. Snakes, 381. Greene
Pigeons, 382. Buryall, 383. Women Burning, 384.

Tombs, 385. Notes, 387.

t'Aua

XII. Muhammadans: Laws,Religion,Manners

and Customs: Parsees

Moores Law, 391. Mussulmen, 393. Mahumood
Syad, 394. Adam [and] Eve, 396. Discourses by
Mahmud ‘Arif, 398. Discourse by Saiyid Ja’far, 402.
Story of a Fuckeere, 403. Moores Customs, 404.
Parsees, 403. Notes, 407,

XIII. Productions and Merchandise: Coins,

Weights and Measures : Miscellaneous
Notes.

Productions, 413. Coynes, Ballasore, Pattana, Fort
St. George, Metchlepatam, Neopall, 413. Weights
and Measures, 418. Languages, Sinscreet, Naggary,
China and Japan, Lossa, 421. Miscellaneous Notes,
424. Recipes, 427. Notes, 432.

Bibliography.

Index .

39i

413

436

443

MAP

Marshall’s Routes from Balasore to Patna,
1670-1671. at end

INTRODUCTION

John Marshall, the author of the Notes and Observa¬
tions on East India reproduced in this volume, does not
figure prominently in the early history of the East
India Company. Unlike his contemporaries, John
March, Walter Clavell, Matthias Vincent and Job
Charnock, he had no direct intercourse with the ruling
authorities of his day, nor did he take any part in
obtaining grants for trade, redress of grievances or
extension of territory in the early days of the East
India Company- His fame rests on different grounds.
'For eight years after his arrival in India he pursued the
even tenour of his way in Bengal, but as the first
Englishman who really studied Indian antiquities, he
left behind him a store of knowledge that will keep his
memory for ever green in the hearts of all enquirers
into Anglo-Indian history.

Born in the troublous days of King Charles I,
John, third son of Ralph Marshall of Theddlethorpe,
Lincolnshire, and Abigail, daughter of Robert Rogers
of Netherthorpe, Yorkshire, was baptised at East
Theddlethorpe Church on ist March, 164^. From
Venn’s Alumni Cantabrigienses (iii. 147) and Peile’s
Biog. Reg. of Christ's College (i. 592) we learn that he
passed his school days at Louth under Mr. Skelton,
and that on 25th June, 1660, at the age of eighteen, he
was “ admitted sizar ” to Mr. Covel at Christ’s College,

2

I IN 1 JK.^JL>U^JL J.CVJ.N

Cambridge, matriculating on 17th December of that
year and taking his B.A. in 166f.

While his son was at Cambridge, Ralph Marshall
appears to have died, and the family moved from
Lincolnshire to Essex, settling at Broomfield, now a
suburb of Chelmsford, but then a village at some
little distance from the town.

Of Marshall’s college days nothing has come down
to us except the fact that he formed a firm attachment
for two notable scholars of his time, Dr. John Covel and
Dr. Henry More. The former, three years his senior,
was later to become famous both as a traveller and
writer, while the latter, the well-known Cambridge
Platonist, who hailed from Marshall’s native county,
had been a Fellow of the College since 1639, and was
probably a friend of the family, standing in loco
parentis to the young student. At the same time it
was the presence of More at Cambridge which made
Marshall determine to relinquish an academic career,
since, according to the “ Statutes of Christ’s Colledge
2 men of one county could not at the same time be
fellow[s] of that Colledge.”

Accordingly, at the age of twenty-five, Marshall
sought some other means of livelihood, and since his
eldest brother Ralph was steward to Lord Craven,
whose town house had been leased to the East India
Company in 1648 (Foster, East India House , p. 24),
there was little difficulty in obtaining an introduction
and recommendation to the Court of Committees. At
the instance of his steward Lord Craven personally
interviewed Sir Andrew Riccard and Sir William Rider,
Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Company, and
also Earl Berkeley, an influential member of the Court

INTRODUCTION

3

of Committees. With such support young Marshall’s
admittance to the service was assured, and he was
summoned to London and duly elected a factor on
8th January, 166^.

A fortnight later, after having taken leave of his
friends in Essex, Marshall was escorted to Gravesend
by three of his brothers all of whom outlived him.
Ralph, Lord Craven’s steward, died in the Parish of St.
Clement Danes, London, in 1700, being still possessed
of property in Theddlethorpe and elsewhere in
Lincolnshire (P.C.C. Wills y 10 Noel). He left a
son Thomas, who, like his father, was connected
with Craven House. Robert Marshall followed the
example of John and entered the Company’s service,
also through the influence of Lord Craven, in 1670
(Court Book , xxvii. 67), and held various posts in the
Factory at Bantam in Java up to 1678 when, “ having
served his full five years,” he requested permission to
return to England (Factory Records , Java, vol. vi.).
Thomas Marshall died in Somerset in 1688. A fourth
brother, William, probably a child in 1668, is men-
:ioned in his will (P.C.C. Wills^ 49 Exton). No other
details of interest regarding the family have come to
light.

At Gravesend John Marshall went on board the
Unicorn (commanded by Thomas Harman), a vessel of
530 tons, carrying thirty guns and forming part of a
leet of ten ships then making ready for India and the
East. The Log of the Unicorn has been preserved
HarL MS . 4252), and from it and Marshall’s own
lotes the story of the voyage can be gathered. After
laving deposited his belongings on board, he went
>ack with his brothers to London, finally taking leave

4

INTRODUCTION

of them on 27th January, although it was not till the
1st February that the ship reached the Downs.
Marshall went ashore at Deal, and, “ having agreed
with the Captain to bee of his Mess,” bought “ wine
and strong waters ” and sent them on board. The
fleet was delayed by bad weather, and it was not until
14th March that the travellers “ lost sight of England.”

On board the Unicorn with Marshall were Valentine
Nurse, afterwards associated with him at Patna, and
John Billingsley, at whose wedding in Hugh he was
present in 1671, but there is no mention of any of his
companions in his own account of the voyage. In
fact, Marshall is singularly reticent regarding his
associates both on the way to India and after his arrival
there.

The fleet had orders that as many ships as possible
should arrive together at Fort St. George, then “ in
rebellion to the Company,” for Sir Edward Winter,
the late Agent, had deposed George Foxcrafit, elected
as his successor by the Court of Committees, and had
usurped his office. Captain John Price of the Blacka-
more carried the “ Kings Commission,” and each ship,
as we learn from the Log of the Unicorn , was pro¬
vided with “ 12 Souldiers and other ammunition for
retaking it [Fort St. George] by force and establishing
George Foxcroft Esq. as Agent againe for the
Company.”

On 26th March, 1668, the Unicorn reached Madeira
where several English merchants were then residing’
among them “ Albinus Willoughby, a Roman Cathey
hque, whose namesake (possibly a son) was later
associated with Marshall’s brother Robert in Bantam.
Early m April the ships reached the Cape Verde

INTRODUCTION

5

Islands and provisioned at Santiago, or St. Jago as it
was commonly called. It was probably while off this
island, or on 13th May, when he dined aboard the
Unicorn , that Marshall became acquainted with Captain
Richard Goodlad of the Rainbow , whose story of a
greyhound is narrated in the Miscellaneous Notes
(Chapter XIII, No. 33).

No doubt Marshall took part in the excitement of
catching “ severall Shirkes ” on 21st May, after which
date the Log records no incident of moment until
July 1668, when the Unicorn anchored at Mauritius.
Here, while supplies of wood and water were taken
aboard, the traveller had time to explore the island and
to note its natural productions, especially the ebony
tree and a now extinct species of rail which he mistook
for the dodo. He found the place u very pleasant
for wood ” with cc delicate River runing swiftly and
birds singing pleasantly.”

It was on the 3rd September, 1668, nearly six
months after the Unicorn set sail from England, that
Marshall had his first glimpse of India and his first
whiff of the “ spicy breezes ” of “ Ceylon's Isle." A
week later the Coromandel Coast was sighted, and on
the 1 ith the ship anchored in Madras Road. On the
following day Marshall was taken ashore in a “ Mus-
soola,” and he has a graphic description of the boat and
his experiences in her. He also remarks on a curious
method by which native servants concluded agreements
for service with European masters. He • and his
companions were “ civilly treated ” by George Foxcraft,
who had been reinstated as Agent before the arrival
of the fleet, and Marshall lost no time in taking stock
of his surroundings. He thought the Fort “ a very

6 introduction

strong place” and the houses of the English and
Portuguese inhabitants hansome, but those of the
natives “very mean, being only dirt and thatch.”
The sight of “ houses of entertainment ” where English
liquor was to be procured at reasonable rates was
evidently welcome to him. He only stayed five days
at Fort St. George, but he found time to explore
Mailapur, with its alleged connection with St. Thomas.
He also tasted the water of “ St. Thomas well,” but
expresses no opinion about the “ very strange stories
reported concerning this [St. Thomas’s] mount.”

On 17th September, 1668, those factors and writers
designed for other factories on the Coromandel Coast,
or for Bengal, set sail for Masulipatam, where they
arrived eight days later. Here Marshall stayed for
the next nine months, but beyond brief, though useful
and informing, remarks on the place itself and on the
smaller factories dependent on it—Madapollam, the
health resort, Verasheroon (Vlravasaram), with its
mango gardens, and Pettipole (Peddapalle), a depot
for cotton cloths—he has little to say of his early
experience of life in India. It is probable that he was
initiated into his duties as a servant of the Company,
and that, pending his transference to Bengal, he
filled some post under the fiery William Jearsey, head
of the factory at Masulipatam at that date. It is
also probable that his visits to the outlying places he
describes were made for the purchase of cloth and
other commodities. No details, however, are to be
found in his Diary, nor is there any mention of him in
the Company’s Records at this period.

While at Masulipatam Marshall came in contact
with Christopher Hatton, later on Chief of the

INTRODUCTION

1

factory, but then trading on his own account between
Pegu and the Coromandel Coast, and from him he
learnt the facts concerning Pegu recorded in the Notes,
Here also he made the acquaintance of two other free
traders, Robert Freeman, on whom he did not make a
favourable impression, and George White, who con¬
ceived a strong liking for him.

By June 1669 Marshall had had enough of Madras,
and had obtained permission to go “ to the Bay whither
he was designed.” With others who had left England
with him in the previous year, he sailed from Masuli-
patam on 5th July, 1669, and reached Balasore Road
four days later. This time he was taken over the bar
at the river’s mouth and up to Balasore in a “ Purgo,”
a very different craft from the “ Mussoola ” in which
he had landed at Madras. In Balasore he remained
for seven months, having ample opportunity to
explore the “ very great Stragling towne ” and the
adjacent ancient city of Ramun2, but he says nothing
of his official occupation or of the Company’s
servants with whom he was associated. It was
eventually decided to employ him elsewhere, and
accordingly, on 14th February, i6fg, Marshall set
out for Hugh, then the Company’s chief settlement
in Bengal, He travelled with Shem Bridges, head of
affairs in “ the Bay,” Edward Reade and Gabriel
Townsend, factors of several years’ standing. Two
ladies were also of the party. The journey occupied
three weeks, and was made by land, along the river
banks wherever possible. Marshall does not chronicle
the events of each day’s travel, but only those which
specially impressed him, such as the haunt, at Ram-
chandrapur, of a tiger reported to appear every

8

INTRODUCTION

Thursday and salaam to a “ Fuckecrs Tomb,” some
graves at Garhpada which he supposed to be “ inchant-
ments,” the immense following of the Nawab of
Orissa encountered on the way, a troop of religious
mendicants “ daubed all over with Turmcrick and
white stuff,” and the fortifications of Narayangarh
strengthened with “ Green Bamboes, which make the
place impregnable.”

Hugh was reached on 5th March, but though he
stayed in the place for over three weeks Marshall only
devotes one short paragraph to its description. Fox-
craft and the Council at Fort St. George had recom¬
mended him for employment at Dacca, the seat of the
Mughal Court, but Shem Bridges and his colleagues
opposed the recommendation. They wrote: “ Wee
take notice of your recommending Mr. Marshall to
the employment of Dacca, but we must needs say
that his naturall modesty, calme. disposition and soft
though quick utterance of speech, render him not so
proper for Durbars (such as that is, which requires
audacity to encounter the insolence of the Chubdars
[mace-bearers], as well as Villany of the other officers)
as others who may in the interiour endowments of
judgement and discretion come short of him ; there¬
fore, after the departure of the Shipps, wee shall
according as the state of our business stands, consider
whether Decca or some other place where we shall have
occasion to make investments at the best hand may
most require his residence, and accordingly dispose
him to an employment.”

Failing a vacancy at Dacca, it appears that the
Council at Fort St. George had indicated another
post for Marshall, for, on 16th March, 1670, Robert

INTRODUCTION

9

Freeman wrote from Masulipatam to Richard Edwards,
one of Marshall’s fellow voyagers to India in 1668
(O.C. 3413), who was then at Kasimbazar : “The
Agent hath sent a strict order to your Chiefe in the
Bay to settle all the Bay Factoryes and hath ordered
Mr. Vincent Second of Cassumbazar and Mr. Marshall
third, whom I believe you will find a Person proud
and Surly enough.” George White, however, was of
a different opinion. He told Edwards (O.C. 3422):
“ If Mr. John Marshall be settled at your Factory
(which was in agitation when I left your parts), let
me advise you to entertaine an intimate correspondence
with him, whome can assure you upon my owne tryall
is a right honest and ingenious person.”

In the end Patna, then under the charge of Job
Charnock, who was later to immortalise himself as
the founder of Calcutta, was selected as Marshall’s
destination, and he was allotted to the post which
another factor, Joseph Hall, had obstinately refused
to fill. He set out from Hugh on 28th March, 1670,
in a “ Budgeroe ” ( bajra ) manned by fourteen oarsmen
and two steersmen. Beyond the crew and necessary
servants his only companion seems to have been
Gabriel Townsend, with whom he appears to have
been antagonistic from the beginning.

In this voyage Marshall in his Diary gives the
distance “ sayled and rowed and pulled ” in each stage
and narrates each day’s occurrence. No striking event
marked the journey, but all objects of interest are
faithfully noted. Marshall had a fit of tertian ague
from 28th March to 7th April, and cured it by means
of pills brought from England for the purpose. In
spite of his indisposition he appears to have purchased

IO INTRODUCTION

piece-goods at Nadia on 31st March, and to have
done some bargaining to obtain them at a reasonable
price.

On 8th April the party reached Rajmahal, where they
stayed three days, and Marshall made careful examina¬
tion of the deserted palace of Shah Shuja, Nawab
of Bengal, of which he gives an excellent description.
The English had no factory at Rajmahal, and the house
used by the Company’s servants, who transacted business
with the officials in charge of the Mughal mint at
that place, was of insignificant size, consisting of only
“ 3 little small roomes and 1 little upper room.”
Marshall, however, did not personally inspect it, since
the river was then too shallow to allow of boats
approaching it. From Rajmahal to Monghyr the
journey occupied a week. Near “ Caushdee,” not
now identifiable, the Colgong rocks attracted his
attention, and the hills in the distance elicited frequent
remarks. He was also astonished at the “ innumerable
company of green parrots,” so thickly congregated
at night that, shooting promiscuously, he brought
down five without seeing one. At Monghyr he noted
Shah Shuja’s Palace (which he inspected more closely
during a second visit in the following year), the
position of the town and its fortified condition. He
was now nearing the end of his journey and the going
was slow, for on 19th April the boat became so leaky
that it was necessary to take her into a “ Cola ”
(creek) and unload and repair her. Progress was
further hindered by the strength of the current and
“ severall whirle winds ” which sometimes “ were
ready to overset the boat.”

It was at this time, when nearing Patna, that

INTRODUCTION

11

relations between Townsend and Marshall became
strained to breaking point, and the former “ fell from
words to Blows.”

On 21 st April the outskirts of Patna were reached,
and the still existing “ Jaffercawns Garden,” which
then had a “ Turrett ” at each end and a “ little white
house with a Balcony ” in the middle, was passed.
A halt was made at the Company’s warehouse, used
for the storage of their goods, and then the party
pressed on to their destination, the Factory House of
Singhiya, on the north bank of the Ganges, some dozen
miles beyond Patna. Marshall is tantalisingly silent
as to his reception by his chief, Job Charnock, who
had already spent twelve years in the Company’s
service at Patna, and he is equally reticent with regard
to his employment, his companions and his impressions
generally. There is no doubt, however, that he
quickly settled down to work and obtained a grasp of
his duties, for, after less than five months’ experience,
Charnock was able to trust him to undertake a journey
to Hugll in an official capacity.

Of the interim, between April and September 1670,
Marshall has little to say. Beyond remarks on the
weather and on an eclipse, his Diary contains little
except an account of an expedition to the Lion Pillar
of Bakra, which he calls u Brins [Bhlma’s] Club,”
and about which he repeats the local traditions.

But though Marshall himself is silent as to his doings,
certain details regarding him can be gleaned from the
Company’s Records , which happily include a large
collection of letters forming the private correspondence
of Richard Edwards, who, as previously mentioned,
was one of Marshall’s fellow-voyagers to India in

12

INTRODUCTION

1668. Some two hundred of these letters have already
been printed in Notes and Queries and Bengal Past and
Present, and Marshall is found among the earliest of
the correspondents. On 13th June, 1670, he is
mentioned ( O.C. 3433) by John Vickers, who had
sailed from England in the Blackamore. Vickers asks
Edwards to “ send forward ” a bill of exchange to
Marshall by the first opportunity. Edwards acknow¬
ledged the receipt of the letter and the enclosure
(O.C. 3434), a bill for Rs. 600, “ payable four days
after Sight to Mr. John Marshall in Shaw Jehaun
[Shah Jahanl] Rupees.” He added that not being
able to hear of any messenger going to Patna “ shortly ”
he had engaged one expressly “ who promises to reach
thither in 8 days.” At the same time Edwards
wrote a personal letter to Patna to the same effect on
20th June (O.C. 3435), suggesting that should the
Cossid ” (gdsid, messenger) fail to carry out his
agreement to deliver the packet by the time stated,
Marshall should “ give him So good a payment as
may Serve for an example to others." Marshall duly
received the letter, but no copy of his reply exists.
On 13th July, Edwards wrote again from Kasimbiiz&r
(O.C. 3445), requesting Marshall to invest the produce
of some sword blades sold at Patna for him in “ Raroch
[Broach] Stuffes for breeches, and the rest (if any
remaine) in 1 bottle of the best flower oyle and some
Otter [attar of roses] and Chua [chawwa]." He
adds: “ I had not assumed the boldnesse to have
given you this trouble, but that I am, by my good
friend Mr. White (from [whom] you will now receive
a .letter) encouraged and engaged to endeavour the
rrocury of a Correspondency with you, which I must

INTRODUCTION

13

confesse I Seeke very preposterously, in that it Should
rather be my aime by.” Here the copy ends abruptly.
White’s letter has not been preserved, but it is evident
that it reached Marshall’s hands, for on 27th July,
1670 ( O.C. 3453), he wrote from “ Johnabad ”
(Jahanabad or Singhiya) to Edwards acknowledging
both his letters, informing him of the sale of his sword-
blades, and adding: “ I have received a Letter from
my brother White and shall be very glad to embrace
a strict correspondency with you as I have with him,
and to that end (as occasion offers) shall desire to
trouble you with what concernes or business I May
have at Cassumbuzar, as I shall be ready and glad to
serve you.” The term “ brother ” applied to George
White the “ interloper ” shows that he and Marshall
had struck up a firm friendship while at Masulipatam.
No trace, however, of their correspondence has been
found, nor have any letters between Vickers and
Marshall been preserved, though there is evidence that
such existed (O. C. 3 461). From notes of his outgoin g
letters in 1671, we find that Edwards was still in
communication with Marshall (O.C. 3560), but the
latter’s replies have not survived.

Marshall had but little leisure to undertake com¬
missions for his friends at this period, for on 13th
September, 1670, he superintended the lading of
the Company’s “ Patelloes,” or flat-bottomed boats,
for the transport of saltpetre, saw that his own
“ goods ” were safely placed on board a bajra, and
four days later started to accompany the fleet from
Patna to Hugh. For an account of this journey the
pages of his Diary must be drawn upon, as no
reference to it is found elsewhere. Marshall was

INTRODUCTION

14

again associated with Gabriel Townsend, and again
the differences between them were of constant
occurrence.

Robert Elwes, who ranked next below Charnock at
Patna, gave the party a send-off, and they then pro¬
ceeded to Monghyr, “ which is reckoned halfe way
betwixt Pattana and Rojamaul,” but no halt was made
here on the outward journey. At Bhsigalpur, on
19th September, Townsend lost his dog, which leapt
out of the boat and could not be induced to return.
The next day the fleet arrived at Rajmahal, where
passes were procured from the Mughal authorities
for the remainder of the journey. After leaving
Rajmahal, Marshall and Townsend had a passage of
arms. The boats were to take a different route
between Rajmahal and Hugh from that followed in
the spring of the year, and to touch at Murshidabad
and Kasimbazar. Marshall had given orders to the
“ Patello ” men to follow the main channel of the
Ganges so as to avoid grounding, but Townsend was
in favour of the narrower channel of “ Sutee ” river
in order to gratify the boatmen, who wanted to sell
goods at Kasimbazar where they could avoid customs
duties. Eventually, Townsend overrode Marshall’s
orders and allowed the “ Chiefe Patello man ” to go
by the narrow river, with the result that, half an hour
later, one of the Patelloes was runn upon a Sand ”
and was got off with “ great difficulty.”

The cause of the friction between Townsend and
Marshall was probably due to their position. Town¬
send had come to India in 1662, and had therefore
been six years in the Company’s service before Mar¬
shall’s arrival. Yet they both ranked alike, and appa-

INTRODUCTION

*5

rently had equal authority, and this no doubt was
resented by the senior factor.

On 24th September the boats were at Murshidabad,
and the next day Marshall had his first sight of
Kasimbazar, where he was later to be employed, and
where he found Edwards and others of his fellow
travellers from Europe. His stay was brief, and his
departure “ unexpectedly sudden ” (O.C. 3499), for
“ at Sunrise ” on the following morning the boats
were under way, and on the evening of 27th September
they anchored in Hugh river under the English
Factory House.

While at Kasimbazar, Marshall had delivered goods
brought from Patna to Edwards and had received a
further commission which he was to execute at Hugh.
This time it was two “ small ” bamboos and a
“ pallampore ” ( paldngposh ) that were despatched by
messenger, through Vickers (O.C. 3492) on 5th
October. A few days later Marshall was hurriedly sent
off to Balasore in the Madras Pinnace , in order to
superintend the lading of the Company’s ship, the
Happy Entrance , and at last he seems to have been
released from the unwelcome companionship of Gabriel
Townsend. Arriving at Balasore on 16th October, he
fulfilled his mission, left the vessel on her way to Madras
and England on 5th November, and had much trouble
in getting back to the Factory, “ being driven to
leeward of Ballasore river about 3 Course, or 6 miles.”
Of his doings during the next two months there is no
mention in his Diary. He probably received a letter
from Richard Edwards, dated at Kasimbazar 14th
October, 1670 (O.C. 3499), thanking him for executing
his commissions and asking how accounts stood

1 6

INTRODUCTION

between them, and he also probably, like his colleagues,
employed his leisure in trading on his own account.
On 30th December he set out to return to Hugh by
boat, and arrived there on 5th January, 167',’.

While at Hugh for the third time, Marshall was
present, as previously stated, at the wedding of John
Billingsley, and there, on the 29th March, he was a
witness of a Hook-swinging Festival, about which he
gives graphic details in his Diary. He remained at
Hugh until May 1671, and on the 3rd of that month
he started on his return to Patna, this time by
land, and again we are indebted to his careful note¬
taking for the account of his journey. His cavalcade
consisted of eight palanquin-bearers, six other servants
and six “ Peons ” for protection. He was escorted
out of the town by Matthias Vincent, who at that date
ranked third among the Company’s servants in Bengal,
and John Bagnold, who had sailed from England with
him in the Unicorn. On 5th May he passed “ Pollos-
see,” the famous Plassey of the following century, and
on the next day “ travelled thorow aboundance of
fields of Mulberry trees,” cultivated in the interests
of the silk industry of KasimbSzar and neighbourhood.
Arriving at the English Factory, Marshall accompanied
John March, then Chief, to the Dutch Factory, where
they supped with the principal officials for the Nether¬
lands East India Company, and Marshall and March
made a provisional agreement to return to England
overland after three years’ service. This pact was
not carried out, since March died at Kasimbazar
three months later.

On the following day, 9 th May, 1671, Marshall
continued his journey to Patna, halting at “ Muxi-

INTRODUCTION

i7

davad ” (later known as Murshidabad), where he
found “ handsome shops ” containing “ brass ware,
Girdles and Sashes ” (turbans), etc. The next con¬
siderable place met with was Aurangabad, “ a very
great towne of thatcht houses,” and thence the way lay
past many a “ dry ditch ” and stream “ which suppose
is filled in the raine times by the water which comes
from the Hills.”

Rajmahal was reached without incident on 13th
May. On this, his third visit to the city, Marshall
made another close examination of Shah Shuja’s
Palace and Garden, wandered up the “ much broken ”
paved streets, and watched the coining of rupees at
the Mughal Mint. Leaving Rajmahal after one day’s
halt, the party spent the night in a huge sarai at Bara-
jangal, a place estimated to accommodate 800 persons.
At this place Marshall had some difficulty with the
customs officer, who demanded bakhshtsh > but was no
match for the Englishman, who promptly appealed
direct to the Governor of the town, and produced his
passes; whereupon an apology was at once forthcoming,
and the cavalcade proceeded on its way.

The Colgong rocks again attracted Marshall’s
attention on r 6th May, and he has further remarks
concerning them. On the same day he appears to
have bought a young monkey, but records nothing
further about the animal. Monghyr was reached
on 18th May, and Marshall had much to hear of the
happenings since he last passed through that town.
It appeared that two Dutchmen, Nikolaas de Graaf,
a surgeon, and Corneille van Oosterhoff, his com¬
panion, on their way from Hugh to Patna, stopped at
Monghyr, just after Marshall and his saltpetre boats

M.M. B

l8 INTRODUCTION

had left the place in September 1670. They wen
admitted to see the Palace, and immediately began tc
rnalre a plan of the building and to note details regard¬
ing fortifications. This aroused the suspicion of the
Mughal authorities and led to the imprisonment of
the Dutchmen, who were placed in irons and were only
released after much correspondence and the payment
of a heavy fine. In consequence of this incident all
Europeans were suspected of spying, and Marshall
was “ denied sight of the Fort.” Indeed, as he passed
through the town, his name was demanded by “ a
great Moor.”

On 2,0th May evidence of the famine from which
Patna and the neighbourhood were then suffering was
afforded the travellers in the sight of “ very great
number of dead corps ” in the Ganges and on its
shores, and on the following day Marshall was begged
to purchase a twelve year old Muhammadan lad for
half a rupee. At night he heard “ a sad noise of
poor starved people,” and had much ado to save his
palanquin from being rifled. On the following day
more “ dead corps ” were encountered, and the
price of rice was ascertained to be beyond the means
of the starving multitude. When Patna was reached
on 23rd May, it was learned that the death-
rate for the past four or five months had been
100 per day.

Marshall’s return was apparently unexpected, and
no preparations had been made to meet him. After
vainly awaiting the arrival of the Company’s bajra,
he set out for Singhiya early on 25th May. Halfway
across the river he encountered a storm in which his
boat nearly capsized, and he was fain to stand

INTRODUCTION

19

“ in water to the ancles and in all the raine ” for
two hours.

After this date, when he was once more settled in the
Company’s factory at Singhiya, Marshall seems to have
discontinued keeping a regular diary, and only a few
disconnected dated entries, from May 1671 to March
1672, are found in his MSS. He has several remarks
on the abnormal rains of that period and of the over¬
flowing of the river Gandak in consequence. He notes
a bathing festival in August 1671, an eclipse of the
moon in September, and the occurrence of the “ Hotty ”
storms at the end of the rainy season, but he is silent
regarding his personal doings. His subsequent history
is perforce drawn from the Company’s Records.

With the capable and experienced Job Charnock
at the head of affairs at Patna, there was little scope
for the exercise of the powers of those under him, and
Marshall seems to have recognised this, for in a letter
from Charnock to Walter Clavell, then Chief at
Hugll, dated 31st March, 1672 (.Factory Records ,
Hugli , vol. vii.), occurs the following passage : “ Mr.
Marshall understanding of Mr. Bullivant being to
be sent up here hath desired leave of us to go downe to
you, and hoped he may be capable of doing our
Honble. Employers any service at Hugly or any other
Factory. So find[ing] his intentions, could do no
less then correspond with his desires, so that he is gone
towards you to wait in what employment you would
please to put him in.”

Marshall probably left Patna at the same time as
the letter, for on 2 5th April Charnock wrote again to
Clavell (Ibid .): “ Mr. Marshall is long ere this

arrived in Cassambuzar (being he went hence the

20 introduction

t

beginning of this month), wee hope.” As a matter '
of fact Marshall had reached Kasimbazar by 2oth
April, 1672, where his signature occurs under that of
Matthias Vincent (who had succeeded March as Chief
at Kasimbazar), in an official letter to Walter Clavell,
Marshall acted as assistant to Vincent, and in October
he was sent to Rajmahal, now a familiar journey to him,
in charge of the Company’s treasure to be coined at
the Mughal Mint (Ibid.),

For the next four years Marshall remained at
Kasimbazar as “ Second ” of that Factory, occasionally,
but rarely, visiting Hugh and Balasore on the Com¬
pany’s business. His signature appears below that
of Matthias Vincent in all official letters, but no special
references to him or his proceedings are recorded in
the Letter and Consultation books extant. In the
private correspondence of Richard Edwards his name
occurs,, but only in respectful messages from junior
servants, except in two instances, November 1673 and
June 1674 ( O.C . 3895 and 3976), when he executed
commissions for Edwards, who ranked next below
him in the Factory. In 1674, too, George White
came to Bengal and wrote to Edwards (1 ith November,
O.C. 4035) that he was “ in’expectation suddenly to
Meet my Brother Marshall at Nuddcah,” but there is
no evidence whether this projected meeting of the two
friends actually took place. From the end of 1673,
when he had concluded five years’ service under the
Company, Marshall ranked as a senior merchant,
and his salary was increased from ,£30 to £40 per
annum, a pittance, which he, like other servants of the
Company, augmented by private trade.

On 23rd August, 1676, Streynsham Master arrived

INTRODUCTION

21

in Bengal with a Commission to regulate the Company’s
Factories in that province. A month later he reached
Kasimbazar, where he held an enquiry into the death,
in 1673, of Raghu the poddar (or cashkeeper), for
which Vincent had been deemed responsible. He also
scrutinized the accounts, looked into the methods of
investments, and examined statements regarding the
quarrels between certain of the Company’s servants.
In none of these was Marshall directly implicated, but
he was required to give his “ opinion ” and evidence
in the various cases (Diaries of Streynsham Master , ed.
Temple, i. 333, 347, 390, 488). His statements are
clear and concise, and contain no trace of rancour or
ill-will towards the litigants.

On 17th October, 1676, Marshall, with Edward
Littleton, was appointed to take an inventory of the
papers of William Puckle, a supervisor who had
preceded Master, but with more limited powers, and
who had succumbed to a fever the previous day. In a
list of “ Sundry Mixed Papers ” of the deceased, is
mentioned one entitled “ Mr. John Marshall, his
reason against dealing with one merchant (Copy taken
since at the Fort).” This paper, which has unfortun¬
ately not survived, was evidently drawn up at Puckle’s
request to enable him to inform the Company whether
it was to their “ interest to deal with one, or two, or
many merchants ” (Ibid. p. 407).

Among the many reforms and changes introduced
by Streynsham Master in Bengal, was the separation
of affairs in Hugh and Balasore, hitherto worked
conjointly, and the constituting the latter a separate
factory. In consequence, on xst November, 1676, a
Consultation was held at Kasimbazar, over which

22 INTRODUCTION

Master presided (Ibid. p. 502), ami “ The Councell
proceeded to make choice of a person to take charge
of the Factory at Ballasore as Cheife, and haveing
respect to the late settlement made in Ballasore the
11 Aprill last, and to make as little alterations therein
as possible might bee, with regard to the Honourable
Companyes Interest, Mr. Edward Reade and Mr. John
Marshall were in nomination, and they being with¬
drawn, upon the question, it was voted for Mr. John
Marshall, still reserveing to Mr. Reade his right of
precedency, as appointed in the Honourable Com¬
panyes letter of 23d December, 1672.” To this
decision Edward Reade took exception on the score
of seniority in the service, but his objection was
disregarded.

Before leaving Kasimbazar, Marshall wrote, on
14th November, to Edwards, who was then at Raj-
mahal superintending the coining of the Company’s
treasure (O.C. 4237), requesting him to hasten the
sending of money which was urgently required. He
also gave directions as to the selling of a consignment
of tin on his own account, which, if not disposed of at
Rajmahal, was to be sent to Patna or Dacca, “ but i:
you cannot do so, then pray send it back again hithet
to Mr. Vincent, for about xo dayes hence I shall gc
hence towards Ballasore where am setled.” Or
9th December Marshall arrived and took over th(
duties of his new post. He now ranked “ Sixth ir
the Bay,” in point of service, but third in position, anc
might reasonably hope to become Chief in cours<
of time.

Streynsham Master, who had preceded Marshal
to Balasore, remained there until 2ist December ii

INTRODUCTION

2 3

order to enforce the new regulations for the conduct of
the Factory. During Master's stay and at his request,
Marshall produced 44 a relation of the manner of the
trade of Pattana,” drawn up from his personal ex¬
perience (.Diaries , ii. 77, 88-90). The “ Accompt ” is
a good example of his style, and is consequently
reproduced entire.

ACCOMPT OF PATTANA.

Ballasore> the 16: December , 1676.—Worshipfull Sir,
According to your Commands I have here given you an
accompt of some perticulers relateing to Pattana [Patna] and
Singe [Singhiya] Factoryes.

Pattana lyes in the Latitude of 25: degrees and [blank]
minutes inter Gangem, and in Pleasant place. The
Honourable Company have noe Factory here, but what
hire, nor doth the Cheife usually reside there, by reason
the Nabobs Pallace is in the Citty, and his servants and
officers are constantly craveing one thing or another, which
if not given, though they have not what they desire (sic),
yett they are not satisfied .therewith but creat[e] trouble,
and if give[n] what they desire will be very chargeable.
Which inconveniency is prevented by Liveing at Singee,
which lyes North of Pattana, about ten or twelve miles
Extra Gangem, and is Scittuated in a pleasant but not
whole[$ome] place, by reason of it’s being most Saltpeter
ground, but is convenient by reason thereof, for Saltpeter
men live not far from it. Besides, the Honourable Company
have a Factory at Nanagur (Nanagarh or Naunagar], which
lyes to the east of Pattana (extra Gangem) about four or
five miles. There remaynes generally a banian [ baniya ],
or sometimes only Peons, to receive the Peter from the
Peter men, which lyes there abouts, to avoid carrying it to
Singee, which would be chargeable. And when what there
is received in, it’s weighed and put aboard the Peter boates
there. There is alsoe another place about 15: or 16: miles

^ INTRODUCTION

to the westward of Singec, whether is brought all the
Saltpeter neare that place and put aboard the boates there.

The manner of givcing money to the Petermen and the
number of them, being thirty or fourty, is not necessary to
acquaint you with, being it is mentioned in the Pattana
Bookes; but those Peter men have others subordinate to
them, and the Honourable Companyes Peons are kept with
the Peter men to see that when the Peter is made they sell
it not to the Dutch, which, notwithstanding the greatest
care to prevent it, they sometimes doe. But I think Mr.
Charnock is even with them, being they have binn falcc and
broaken their ingagement first, which was not to buy Peter of
our Peter men, as wee were not to buy of theirs. But if the
Dutch would be as reall [honest] as the English it would be
of great advantage to both, for by the ones Peter men selling
Peter to the other party, remaynes are thereby made; alsoe
there are great remay nes made by the Nabobs forccing from
the Petermen what he pleaseth, whereby they are disinabled
to comply with their ingagcmcnts, and when they cannot
meet with it readyly, or the quantityes desired* he breaketh
our store house at Nanagur and forccth it thence. English
Cloth will but little vend there, and Lead would sell well,
but that it is farmed out by the Nabob to one person to buy
it and none elce, and he is not responsible for any considerable
quantity, being lately much indebted to the Honourable
Company. Tincali [borax] is procured from the Raj ayes
Country [probably Bihar] from the hills, about six dayes
journey N.W. from Pattana, and when brought to Pattana,
Oyle is putt to it to preserve it.

English Cloth would vend well towards Casmeer [Kash¬
mir] and in Cabbull [Kabul], but that there is a sort of
Cloth very course and thick made at Lahore and sold at
Pattana for about 5: rupees per peice of xi covids 18 inches
long and 1J covids broad, and Suppose is sould neare Lahore
much cheaper.

This is what at present remembred by Your most humble
Servant, John Marshall.

INTRODUCTION

2 5

No doubt Marshall anticipated a time of leisure to
pursue his Oriental studies and to arrange and amplify
the notes collected during the previous seven years.
But he was not long to enjoy his promotion. In
August 16773 after only eight months of office, an
epidemic, proving fatal to several of the Company's
servants, ravaged Balasore. Clavell, who had accom¬
panied Streynsham Master from Hugh, and had re¬
mained to assist Marshall in the reconstitution of Balasore
Factory and in the dispatch and unlading of the ships
from Europe, was among the first of the victims.
He and his wife, with an infant child, died on 3rd
and 4th August, 1677 (Factory Records , Hugh , vol. vii.).
Marshall at once wrote to apprise Matthias Vincent,
who automatically succeeded to the Chiefship. At
the same time he informed him of the urgent need
of assistants, since the sickness was widespread and
several of the Company's servants were incapacitated.
Again, on 9th, 10th and 23rd August he forwarded
important papers and details of his proceedings to
the new head of affairs. Vincent replied by instructing
Marshall how to act until he could assume the reins
of office, but by the time his letter reached Balasore
the “ raging distemper " there had claimed another
victim, and on 12th September the “ much lamented
newes " of the death of Marshall, “ about midnight "
on 31st August, 1677, after only five days’ illness,
was received at Kasimbazar ( ’Ibid .).

Beyond a statement by Edmund Bugden (the only
surviving responsible official), that Marshall's effects
had been sealed up, pending Vincent's arrival at
Balasore, the records in India contain nothing further
regarding him, and the few entries in the Court

16

INTRODUCTION

Minutes are concerned only with the balance of his
salary and other payments due to him. The one
personal document that remains to be considered is
his will ( [P.C.C . 119 King). This had been drawn
up while he was serving in Patna, at “Johnabad"
(Jahanabad), in March 167 1 , just before he left to
take up his post at Kfisimbiiz.ru-, where it was signed
in June 1673, being witnessed by Matthias Vincent,
Richard Edwards and John Naylor, the Company’s
silk-dyer. There arc bequests to his brothers (Ralph
Marshall being named as executor and residuary
legatee), to his married sister Abigail Hamers, and to
Eliza Atwood of Broomfield, Essex; also to “ Good-
wife Willowes of Mablethorp, co. Lincoln, in token
of gratitude for her setting my thigh which was broken
when eight years old.” The testator further directed
that a tomb should be erected to his memory at the
“ mouth of Ballasore River ” for “ a landmark for
vessels coming into the Road.” There is no evidence
of the fulfilment of this bequest. At any rate, two
years after Marshall’s death steps had not been
taken to set up a monument or tomb, for when
Streynsham Master paid his second visit of inspection
to Bengal in September 1679 he found no “ mark
for the Barr at Ballasore river mouth ” ( Diaries ,
ii- 2 37 )> an d noted that “ the monys given some
years since by Mr. March and Mr. Marshall to build
Tombs over their bodys there buryed, that they might
be markes for the Barr, were not like to be soe
expended.”

To Anglo-Indian scholars the most important
clauses in Marshall’s will are those bequeathing to
“ Matthias Vincent Merchant and chief for the Hon:

INTRODUCTION

27

English East India Company in Cassumbuzar in
Bengala East Indies all my Arabian and Persian
printed Books, and history of China in folio,” and to
“ Dr. Henry Moore and Mr. John Covell,” Fellows
of Christ’s College, Cambridge, his “ Manuscript
concerning India ” for “ their perusall,” after whicl
it was to be returned to his brother Ralph.

The first clause shows Marshall to have been ;
student of Arabic and Persian. Now, as to th<
“ Manuscript ” or manuscripts. Probate of the wil
was duly granted, on 15th September, 1679, to
Ralph Marshall, who, as previously stated, died in
London in 1700. Dr. Henry More died in 1687
and Dr. John Covel in 1722. There is no mention
in their wills of any writings by John Marshall. Yet,
eventually, Edward Harley, 2nd Earl of Oxford,
became possessed of four MSS. in Marshall’s own
hand, which now form part of the Harleian collection,
housed in the Manuscript Department of the British
Museum. Of their history from the time of Marshall’s
death until they reached the National Library nothing
certain has been ascertained. Sir William Foster,
Historiographer at the India Office, however, drew
attention to an entry in the Twelfth Report of the
Historical MSS. Commission (Sessional Yol. 46 of
1890-91, Appendix IX, p. 163), dealing with the
Gurney MSS. (No. XXXIY, Miscellanea), which
runs as follows: “ 1676, July 24.—“ Moodoo
Soodun’s translation of the Saun-Bead [the epitome
or sum of the Four Beads] into Hindostana language
out of the Sinscreet, and translated from him into
English by John Marshall.’* Twenty-six leaves. A
letter from W. Salmon to Dr. Covel is attached, with

28

INTRODUCTION

which he returns the MS. that had been kept “ for
my lord Duke’s inspection.” This shows that one
at least of Marshall’s writings was submitted to Dr.
Covel, who returned to England from Constantinople
about the time that Marshall’s will was proved, and
if one, why not the rest ? Also, from the fact that
Covel’s MSS. and books were sold to the Earl of
Oxford, and eventually found their way to the British
Museum, there is reason to surmise that Marshall’s
writings were not returned to his brother Ralph and
were included with Covel’s remains. A prolonged
examination of the reverend Doctor’s journals and
correspondence (Add. MSS. 22910-14) may yet throw
further light on his association with our author and
his works.

It has not been found possible to see the translation
by Marshall, which has unaccountably found its way
among the Gurney MSS., but those of his writings
in the Harleian collection are accessible and will now
be described.

First in order of date come Harl. MSS. 4254 and
4255, reproduced in extenso in this volume, but with
alterations in form for the convenience of students, as
stated in the Preface. The Diaries of journeys between
Balasore and Hugh and Hugh and Patna occupy the
major portion of the folios. The remainder of the
MSS. consists of notes of information on all sorts of
subjects, gathered from hearsay or from observation,
and now grouped under their several headings and
separated into chapters. Since each of these has its
own introductory note, there is no need here to dilate
further on their contents.

The other two MSS. in Marshall’s hand preserved

INTRODUCTION

29

in the British Museum, treat, like that among the
Gurney MSS., of Hindu religion.

HarL MS. 4253 has as its first title : “ A familiar
and free Dialogue betwixt John Marshall and Muddoo-
soodun Rauree Bramin [Madhusudana Radha, Brah¬
man] at Cassumbuzar in Bengal[ 1 ] in East India
begun the 18th March 167$.” It consists of 40
folios. The “ familiar and free Dialogue ” occupies
seven folios and deals, in a series of questions and
answers, with the creation of the world and mankind
from the standpoint of Hinduism. On fol. 9 is a
fresh title : “ Account of the Hindoo book called
Srebaugbutporam.” It is dated 25th June, 1675, an< ^
consists of a rough translation of a portion of the
Bhagavata-purana , from the version supplied by the
Brahman named above.

The translation is resumed in Harleian MS. 4256,
which consists of 230 folios, the first 16 being a copy
of folios 9 to 40 of Harleian MS. 4253. Folios 17
to 48 continue the translation, and were ended 14th
July, 1674, so it appears that Marshall began his
task while in Kasimbazar in 1674 and revised it
the following year, as all the dates in this MS.,
except the last, are earlier than 25th June, 1675, which
appears at the beginning of the work in Harleian MS,
4253, Folios 49 to 51 have an index of names. After
that the translation is carried on in sections headed
“ Bramins Poran, Liber B (22nd March 167$),
Liber C (30th April, 1675), Liber D,” ending (fol.
190) with the words, “ Hither writ 160 pages and left
63 to writ of that book called Serebaugabut Poran,
Here ended le 18th June 167$.” Then follows the
final section (fols. 191 to 230), u Bramins Poran

INTRODUCTION

3 °

Liber E,” The last date that is given, some distance
from the end, is 29th May, 1677, showing that
Marshall continued his study of Hindu religion and
Oriental languages after his transference from Kasim-
bazar to Balasore. There is also a late copy (originally
Additional MS, 7038, but now in the Oriental MSS,
Department of the British Museum, catalogued
17 A K) of part of Harleian MS. 4256, beginning with
the portion dated 30th April, 1675, and entitled “ The
Sri Bhagavat Puran—Translated into English by
John Marshall from a Persian Version of the Sanskrit
original.”

The fact that, after only five years’ residence in
India, with little leisure from his commercial duties,
Marshall should have attempted such a task as a
translation of the B h agavata-p u ran a, entitles him to
a place among Oriental students, even though at the
present time his work has little scientific value. His
efforts may or may not have met with the recognition
they deserved, for no contemporary criticisms have
come down to us. The earliest mention, so far
unearthed, is in 1872, when Professor E. B. Cowell,
in a paper read before the Cambridge Philological
Society on 17th April of that year, remarked ( Trans¬
actions, i. 8) : “ If Marshall had published his re¬
searches in 1680 they would have inaugurated an era
in European knowledge of India, being in advance of
anything which appeared before 1800” (Christ's
College Biographical Register , i. 592).

. onl 7 other allusion to Marshall’s writings
discoverable, prior to the end of the last century, is
in J. C. Marsham’s History of Bengal, published in
1887, where Marshall is described (p. 50) as “ probably

INTRODUCTION

3 i

the first Englishman who ever made himself master
of the classical language [? Persian] of the country
[India].”

Before the end of another decade Marshall’s MSS.
had attracted the attention of C. R. Wilson, as stated
in the Preface, and since that time his “ Notes and
Observations ” have been of the greatest assistance to
students of seventeenth century Anglo-Indian history.

In addition to his MSS., two letters in Marshall’s
own hand have been preserved. They are included
in the private correspondence of Richard Edwards
(O.C. 3453 and 4237, India Office Records ), are dated
27th July, 1670, and 14th July, 1676, and have
already been mentioned in their due place in the
biographical sketch given above.

On the two MSS. reproduced in this volume a few
additional remarks may not be out of place. In the
Diaries the task of tracing Marshall’s routes has been
greatly hampered owing to the lack of contemporary
maps of the district traversed and to the very great
changes in the waterways since his day. Rennell,
the “ father of Indian geography,” did not begin his
surveys until a century after Marshall’s time, when
many alterations in the bed of the rivers had already
taken place. Dr. Buchanan, travelling over part of
Marshall’s route some forty years after Rennell, found
it, in many cases, impossible to locate places marked
by the great surveyor, and Col. W. M, Coldstream,
lecturing before the Royal Society of Arts in January
1926, remarked: “It is interesting to see how
greatly the waterways of Bengal have changed during
the last i2o years. So much is this the case that I
found it difficult to locate this extract [from Rennell’s

INTRODUCTION

32

Bengal Atlas], A few of the village sites and names
have remained, and one can trace the beds of some of
the rivers as they existed when Rennell surveyed them,
but there is hardly a watercourse that now runs even
approximately in its old channel,” In view of the
above statement, it will be easily understood that
no great degree of accuracy can be claimed for the
position of the places in the accompanying map of
Marshall's routes. In fact, without the ungrudging
assistance of one familiar with the district, the identifica¬
tion of many of the names would have been impossible*
As it is, although the utmost care has been taken with
the locations, a certain amount of guesswork has been
unavoidable.

Like his contemporary, Thomas Bowrey, and hk
predecessor, Peter Mundy (whose MSS, have been'
printed by the Hakluyt Society), Marshall was a keen 1
observer, ever on the alert to acquire information.;
Like them, too, he considered no subject too trivialj
for remark, and while specialising on religion and
astrology, he was equally interested in the habits and
customs of the people among whom his lot was cast,
the strange birds and beasts and fishes that he en¬
countered, the natural productions such as “ he ” and
“ she ” bamboos, and the stories told him of the
countries beyond the high mountains visible from the
neighbourhood of Patna, Thus, his Notes, when
arranged in some kind of order, afford valuable detail^
on all kinds of subjects, as will be seen from th
grouping of the chapters.

In some cases Marshall’s information, jotted dow
in haphazard fashion, is specially important, Fc
instance, in Chapter II, under date 1st Marcl

INTRODUCTION

33

16-f$-, he gives us the actual boundary between
Orissa and Bengal at that date. In 1671, on his
return journey to Patna (Chapter IV), he tells the true
story of the imprisonment of the two Dutchmen at
Monghyr in the previous year, and how they only
succeeded in regaining their freedom by the payment
of a heavy fine, a fact suppressed by De Graaf when
narrating the occurrence for Dutch readers. Then
there are interesting remarks on the varying extent
of the kos in the different districts through which he
journeyed, on the varieties of pice current in Patna
and its neighbourhood (Chapter IV, note 64), and on
coins, weights and measures in general.

Since we know that Marshall began his study of
Hindu religion and philosophy as soon as he reached
Patna, or perhaps earlier, it is not surprising that his
remarks on this head (Chapter VIII) are very full.
At the same time they are often vague, owing to his
naturally imperfect grasp of the meaning of his
informants. On astrological matters he was an
enthusiastic enquirer, and his zeal in recording all he
heard on the subject is truly amazing. Mr, Kaye has
given his considered opinion on the worth of those
Notes , and his exhaustive criticisms leave nothing
further to be said on this section (Chapter IX).

In medicine, as practised in the East in his day,
Marshall also showed himself keenly interested, and
he personally tested some of the strange remedies
which were passed on to him. His remarks on this
science (Chapter X) show his usual acuteness, though
in some cases it has proved difficult, if not impossible,
to identify the disease he describes or the ingredients
of the prescription for its cure.

M.M. C

34

INTRODUCTION

The folklore of the country would naturally prove
attractive to one who was bestowing much thought
on its philosophy, and here again (Chapter XI)
Marshall’s Notes are very full and entertaining.
Besides descriptions of the famous “ magic squares,”
on which much has been written, there are comments
on many less known charms and tricks, as well as
various beliefs that have not found their way into the
ordinary text books on the subject. The remarks on
Muhammadan laws and religion were obtained from
a Musalman at Patna, when Marshall’s own knowledge
of the vernacular must have been very slight, and in
consequence contain many misconceptions, but, as
elsewhere, his errors are counterbalanced by statements
of value regarding customs prevalent in his day.

Of our author’s temperament and character much
can be learned from his Diaries. He was fearless,
stern and uncompromising in the discharge of his
duties, refusing to be either intimidated or black¬
mailed. When threatened by a customs officer (12th
May, 1671) with the stoppage of the Company’s
goods unless a bribe was forthcoming, “ Therefore
I would give him nothing because I would breake
that custom of extortion.” Again, three days later,
when an underling tried the same game on him, he
promptly appealed to the chief official in charge of the
place and received an immediate apology. He was
as jealous of his own position as of that of his masters,
and the acrimony which marked his relations with
Gabriel Townsend was probably, as previously re¬
marked, due to the fact that Townsend, as a factor of
longer standing, treated the newcomer with a lack of
respect. A stickler for etiquette, Marshall’s vexation

INTRODUCTION

35

must have been great when, on his return to Patna
in May 1671, he found that no arrangements had been
made for his reception. The non-appearance of the
Company’s “ Budgera ’’ to take him to Singhiya,
“ having writ for it,” would further have increased
hi 3 anger, ami it was little wonder that his wrath
descended on the incompetent boatmen who manned
the uncomfortable craft in which he was eventually
compelled to make the journey to the English factory
house.

On the other hand, Marshall’s remarks on the
victims of the famine of which he was an eye-witness
show him to have been tender-hearted and really
troubled by the sufferings he was unable to mitigate.
That in the ordinary way he was of a quiet and peace¬
able disposition is evinced by the way in which he
escaped embroiling himself in the various disputes
raging in Kasim bazar when he was transferred thither
from Patna in 1673. At the same time he incurred
no odium from the belligerents. Neither the veno-
mous-tongued Joseph I Jail nor the quarrelsome
John Smith has a word in his disfavour. Freeman
alone found him “ surly,” such " surliness ” being
probably only the awkwardness of a shy man as a
newcomer on foreign soil. Had Marshall really
been of a morose, overbearing disposition, he would
not so easily have obtained material for his Notes.
Among his informants were folk of different position
and nationality, Chiefs of factories (Charnock, Vincent
and the Dutch *' Directores ”), independent free
traders (Hatton and White), Hindu doctors and
teachers, Muhammadan “ vakeels ” (agents) and
Armenian traders. No intolerant churlish individual

INTRODUCTION

36

could have commanded so wide a circle of" acquaint¬
ances, if not friends, for there is no doubt that the
warm affection felt for him by (.'enrge White was also
shared by others. Marshall’s “ naturall modesty,”
which Shem Bridges found unsuitable for maintaining
his position in Oriental Court:;, also pmduded him
from thrusting himself before the notiee of his em¬
ployers. He seems to have been content to fulfil
his duties conscientiously and to await what promotion
was justly due to him. In fact, the impression
gathered from his writings and from the remarks
of his friends and acquaintances is that of a true
English gentleman.

NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS OF
EAST INDIA

Memorandums concerning India from September n th i (>f>8
to January t$t i Ci7 A-

Per j. M. MJarshale]

Lilx*r A ( ltar/. MS. 4v| |
I.ibcr B [ llari. MS. 425^

I

DIARY OF THE VOYAGE OF THE
UNICORN TO INDIA

166^-1669

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 28a.

i January 1665, Wednesday. I writ to my brother
Ralph Marshall 1 That I had a great desire to
travell.

4 January. My brother desired my Lord Cravens 2
assistance to have mee admitted into the East India
Company’s service in India, who took my brother along
with him in his coach, and that morning went to Sir
Andrew Riccards 8 house, where they found him in
bed; so my Lord recommended mee to him (being
then Governor of the Comittees) to be imployed in
the Companys service in India, which Sir Andrew
Riccard told him hee should have what assistance hee
could afford him.

After my Lord went to Sir William Riders house,
where they not finding him at home (hee being Deputy
Governor), 4 my Lord bid my brother go to him and
speak from him what hee thought convenient, which
hee did.

5 January. My Lord Craven met with Lord
Berkley at the Parliament house and desired him to
assist mee into the Companys service, which hee
promised hee would do, being one of the Committee. 6

4°

VOYAGE TO INDIA

[1667

I received a letter at i ih. morning from my brother
Ralph Marshall, dated 4th current, wherein hee
advised mee hee thought hee should procure mee an
employment in [the] Company’s service, and therefore
would have mee come up to London (I being then at
Bromfield near Chclmesford in Essex) 8 assoone as
could conveniently, but [to] say nothing of [the]
business till knew certainly how it would bee.

6 January. Beeing Munday and Court day, Sir
Andrew Riccard mentioned mee to the Committee,
and my brother promissed them to have mee there upon
the next Court day. 7

7 January. I came from Bromfield at 7h. morning
and got to London at 4 afternoon.

Earl. MS. 4254, fols. 25a-29.

8 January 166|, Wednesday. My brother and I
about 9h. went to East India house, where stayed
till Sir Andrew Riccard and Sir William Rider were
come, who told my brother they would send for mee in
before the Committee when it was full. About 11 h.
they sent for mee in, and Sir Andrew Riccard asked
mee how old I was, who answered 25 yeares, also how I
had been educated, who told him, also why I left Cam¬
bridge, who told him I was not capable of preferment
in the Colledge in which I was, by reason Dr. More
my Countreyman [was there], and by the Statutes of
the Colledge 2 men of one County could not at the
same time be fellow[s] of that Colledge. 8 They asked
mee severall other questions and then bid mee withdraw.

So I went into the Hall, where immediately my
Lord George Berkley came from the Committee to
my brother and mee into the Hall and asked me
severall Questions, also what part of India I desired

LONDON

i66£]

4 1

to go too, saying the South seas " might he as advan¬
tageous, but was more unhealf hful! ; therefore hec
thought twould bee better to go to the Coast. 10 So
I referred my selfe to him. I le tohi me that that
day he had some business at Court, hut iame thither
merely upon my Account, having promissed my
Lord Craven his assistance, hee being a person hec
so much honoured. I lee staid nigh halfe an houre
with mec and then went in againe, immediately after
which I was sent for before the Committee, who told
mee they had admitted mee into their service and hoped
I would answer the character given of mee. This
was about n£h. morning. 11

9 January. Returned againe to Bromfield where
came at Sunset.

14 January . At 7I1. morning left Bromfield, having
taken my leave of all my friends there.

20 January. My brother Ralph Marshall and
Mr. Robert Laws were bound in a Bond of 1000 //,
for my trust, and I sealed to my Indentures and signed
to a Bond of 1000 ti. to perform the Covenants of
them ; after made choice of my Commander and ship
would go in,

20, 21, 22 January . I dispatched my business and

bought all my goods, &ca.

23 January. 1 shtped my goods on board [the]
Unicorne at Gravesend,* 8 my brothers Ralph, Robert
and Thomas Marshall,* 3 and Mr. Ralph Lampton
going along with mee on board ; and at night we
returned back again to I-ondon.

27 January. About break of day I took my leave
of my friends and came from J-ondon, my brother[s]
Ralph and Thomas coming along with mee. Wee

MADERA

1668]

43

14 March , Saturday. About .] hnure past 6h. night
lost sight of England.

MADKRA

26 March 1668, Thursday. At 3b. after noon
arrived in Funchall, a Port towne in the Island Madera,
where are plenty of Lemons, I being profered 500
for 3s. 9d., also plenty of wine, which is sold in their
Taverns for 3d. per quart. It is a red wine and very
strong and drinks like Sherry. I bought one Butt of
it which cost me 30 Dollars.

The Island is very high' and all Rockcy. The
towne is paved with sharpe cobble stones; their
houses but 2 stories high. There is excellent Sweet¬
meats. I was in their Cathedrall, Colledge, Convent
and Nunnery. 1 bought some Sweetmeats in the
Nunnery. 83 The water is excellent good. The
Island is governed by Portuguees, 24 Here are also
many Guiny [West African] Slaves. 1 lay one night
at Mr. Albinus Willowbies house. 25 Here is plenty
of Sugar. Their horses here are very small.

When I was in the Nunnery, we prevailed with an
old Fryer there to have the great door opened, whether
about 40 or 50 of the Nunns came to us with the
Abbess, who talked with us about an houre. They
uncovered their faces and came neare to us, the doore
being open. Wee stood within a yard of them,
nothing being betwixt us but air. The roome they
and wee were in was a hall or long roome. I see not
about 5 or 6 women that were handsome, the rest
being pale coloured and looked as if they had the
Greene sickness. 26

The Nunnery is a handsome place and hath in it a

44 VOYAGE TO INDIA [1668

little but handsome Chappell. The Cathcdrall is not
very large, but very neate ; the Colledge not very
handsome, is cloystered, and above hath a long
Gallery, on each side of which are the Students
Lodgings, which are so little that besides the place
the bed stands in, there is not roome for above 4 or
5 persons to sit in: but they are kept very neatly and
hung about with Oranges &ca. [and other] fruits.

The Towne is towards the Sea walled, 27 and on the
other side are very high hills. Sheepe and henns are
dearer here than in England. In the Island is made
yearly 16000 Buts of Wine, halfe of which is trans¬
ported and the rest drunk upon the. Island. The
King of Portugall hath every 16th Butt for Customc, 28

27 March. At 9L night came from ashore and that
night set saile.

SANTIAGO

8 April/. 1668, Wednesday. At ih. afternoon
arrived in the Port of Prayo in the Island of Santiago,
which belongs to the King of Portugall. 29 In that
place one Senior More was Captainc, but the Governor
of the Island liveth about 6 miles from hence, 30 on
the other side of the Island. 1 'he Island contains
50,000 persons, whereof 35,000 are Guiny Cofferies, 21
and 15,000 Portugees, by whom the Negroes are
governed, being their slaves.

Here are great plenty of Oranges which are large
and very sweet, aboundance of lames, and many
Leamons, all which are very cheape, which at our first
going a shore might be bought for little pceces of old
ribbin ; also good store of Henns and an aboundance
of goats, which might be bout for old ribbin, a knife

SANTIAGO

1668]

45

or pair of sizars, 32 1 Coat for about I yard old rotten
3d. black ribbin. 33 Here, many Monkeys, Piantons
[plantains], Baboons, Cokcrnufs, also several! hoggs
and cowcs, 34 4 of which Cowes wee carryed away with
us, and many goats, Oranges and Lemons, ft:ea.

The Captain was a grave and very civil! person, gave
us wine and sweetmeats and told us wee should have
what the Island afforded, 3 ''' but the Negroes are very
rogues who will kill any man for his purse in the night
if they have an opportunity. They are very uncivil!
Villains, which the Captain bid us have a great care of. 30

27 April. Our Coopers Mate going to open a cask
of water (which had beetle filled at Santiago with that
water and had before had water in it), having a Candle
in his hand when [he] opened the Cask, the aire sucking
in the flame of the candle info the Cask and burnt his
hand, the water burning, which he was forced to
quench by siting upon the hole. His fingers betwixt
each other were much burnt.

2 & 3 May 1668. 1 laid in the Sunn some Silk

worme egs and in 4 or 5 houres time the Silk wormes
came out, but with the wind were blown away.

The Crosiers are starrs in the [j/V, ? this] Forme

having a black cloud betwixt c and d, or a place void
of Starrs. When e and d are of equall distance from
the horizon, then is d in the Meridian and 28 d higher
than the South Pole. 87

4 6

VOYAGE TO INDIA

[1668

29 June 1668. When not far from Cape Bon-
esperance, as wee thought, wee heaved the 2 Leads
tied together, the one weighed 19 //., the other 8 //.
both 27 //., and they were in sinking one hundred
fathom one minute of an houre and in sinking 200
fathom 3! minutes of an houre, as I observed. 3 ”

MAURITIUS ISLAND 33

The Island of Mauritius is a very high Island and is
above 30 miles long, and 12 or 14 miles broad. 40
In the Island is great plenty of Ebbony, which is
esteemed the best Ebbony in the world. The tree
is high and straight, having a bark something like
maple, and leaves like Bay leaves, and have 3 of
4 pricks (which are not sharp) upon the leaves. If
the tree be very thick, somtimes the 3d part or the 3d
of the whole will be black (w's/.) that in the middle,
and that at the out side is of yellowish colour ; but
if the tree be not very thick, then scarce any black is
in the middle. A thick tree I call such as are 1A yards
about, or 1 yard. 41 There are great numbers of box
trees, but not large, nor is the box very yellow, nor
hard, but a kind of wild box. 02

The Island is not inhabited by any men, but upon
it are plenty of goates, which are very good. 43 The
Seamen will ordinarily run after them and take them
by wearying of them ; plenty of Swine which are
large, but will runn very swiftly, and the bores will
sometimes seize upon a Man, as one did upon a very
lustie Seaman belonging to our ship, who with a
Musket hee had upon his shoulder, which was charged,
which hee had not time to discharge, the Bore runing
upon him so suddenly; so hee struck him with the

i668] MAURITIUS ISLAND 47

But end of it, and dazlcd him, having hit him upon
one of his tosses [tusks], which hec broak, about an
inch of it running into the stock of the Musket,
which split the stock ; the boar went away.

Here are many geese, the halfe of their wings,
towards the end, are black and the other halfe white.
They are not large, but fat and good ; 44 plenty of
Ducks. Here are Cowes and Bulls, as have becne
informed, but see none ; aboundance of Turtle doves,
Parrots ; 46 Munkees very many, 18 one of which
seized upon a Bull dog wee had, and tore out one of
his eyes and blinded him for present [for the time] of
the other, and tore his throat, so that had not the
Seamen hampered him with ropes, tis thought hee
would presently [quickly] have killed the dog. The
dog was runing after a Bore when the Monkey leaped
out of a bush and fought with him.

The Monkey wee carried on board, but the ropes
hee was tied with had eaten into his body, which
caused him to stink so violently, that wee threw him
overboard, having kept him about a fortnight. This
was the largest Monkey I ever see, and had 4 exceeding
long and sharpe teeth. Here aboundance of Batts
very large, being about r yard betwixt the ends of
their wings when they fly ; 17 here plenty of Sand
turtles. 48

This Island is very full of wood, yet is most rocky.
Wee had 2 men lost themselves in it. One of them
did not find the Tent till the 2d day at night, and the
other the 3d day at night, in which time they were
forced to kill turtle doves and eat. The Turtle doves
will suffer a man to come within a yard of them. Here
are also great plenty of Dodos, or red hens, which

4 8

VOYAGE TO INDIA

[1668

are larger a little than our English henns, have long
beakes and no, or very little, Tayles. Their fethers
are like downe, and their wings so little that is not
able to support their bodies ; but they have long legg s
and will runn very fast, that a man shall not take
them, they will turne so about the trees. They are
good meate when roasted, tasting somthing like pig,
and their skin like pig skin when roosted, being
hard. 49 I see upon the Island 2 birds by a nest upon
a very high tree. They were much biger than geese
as seemed to mce, had long beakes and nests [«c,
? necks), and were of a whitish colour. 80

Here at our first going on shore into Turtle bay 81
were vast numbers of Sea turtle in a creek, which at
the noise of our boat &ca. went all away, which wee
might easily have prevented, had wee suspected they
would have gone away. In that Creek is great
plenty of Fish and oysters ; Mullets the best I ever
see. The Oysters grow upon sides of rocks in
clusters, 64 and are hard to be opened. Upon the
Island are aboundance of the neatest shells 1 ever see
and also stones. The water is exceeding good and
the air esteemd as holsome as the world affords.

The place is very pleasant for wood and now and
then plains and delicate River runing swiftly, and
birds singing pleasantly of most sorts, which having
such various notes and being such vast numbers of
them, make excellent Musick. Tis said that at some
times of the yeare, (yizt.) January and February,
great quantity of Ambergrees is cast upon the Island,
which the hogs eat. About 35 years since the Dutch
lived here for a or 3 years. 68 There are birds which
they call Boobos which sometimes light upon ships,

49

T668] MAURITIUS TO CEYLON

are as big as a Kite, have a long bill and are of a reddish
greene and some part white colour ; when lighted
cannot raise them selves againe upon their wing, but
put in to the water they can/* 1

Laos I)i;o Skfk-.mhkr 30 Anno Domini 1668,

An Account or somk Pajcis or India and what ki*,-

MAKKAKI.K THhHriN TAKliN HY Mh J. M.

3 September 1668, At 6 Clock morning saw the
Island Zeilon, which lies the South part in I /attitude
6d, 14' North and East from Mauritius Island
2 4 d. 5'/>* This Island is reported to he as fruitful!,
esp[eci]ally for spices, as any is in the world. Wee
sayled very neare it for about foure dayes. In the
mornings a man might pianly perceive the smell of
Sinimon [cinnamon] &ea. coming with the morning
brieze. The Island for the most part is high land
by the Sea side or within sight thereof.

itth September. At break of day saw the maine
continent of the Coast of Coromandell, being very
low land, and at 4 evening arrived in Madraspatam
Road. 88

FORT ST. GEORGE

12 September. At 9 clock went on shore in a boat
called a Mussoola. A Mussoola is a boat about
8 foot deepe, 7 foot broad, and 20 foot long being
sowed together with ropes made of that which grows
upon Cokernuts, 87 being called Kcyr. 8fi There is
noe iron nor pitch nor tarr about it; it is rowed by
8 or 10 blacks.

Our ship rid from the land about x mile. When
wee came about £ mile from the shore there was a
great barr which is daingerous to goe over, being
generally a great sea over it. When wee came there,

VOYAGE TO INDIA

5 °

[1668

the boatmen leaped the most of them out of the boat,
and held by the sides thereof to kcepe her from over
seting. All the time wee were gocing a shore the
boatmen sung as it is their customc, wee having given
them for carrying us, being 6 of us, 2 Ryalls g. 5#

When wee came within 40 or 50 yards from the
shore the Boatmen carryed us on shore on their
shoulders, where were aboundancc of the Natives to
see us come on shore, and some to get Masters ; who
came to us profering us limes &ca., the acceptance of
which was sufficient for the acceptance of their service, 60

In the road wee see aboundancc of catamarans,
which are 3 or 4 great pieces of timber binod [? bound]
together with ropes, and the longest peeccs being at
the out sides, make the ends to be narrower than the
middle. Upon this sits a man, who with an ore [oar]
of about 1 yard long, with both his hands hoc rowes
first on one side then on the other, and will goe 2 or
3 leagues from shore a fishing. 61

About 10 clock wee arrived on shore, being close
by Fort St. George, and went into it, where were
civilly treated by George Foxcroft, Agent and
Governor, 62 and other Factors. The Fort is a very
strong place, being fortified with [blank] Gunnes and
having [blank] souldiers. All the towne of Madras-
patam is Governed thereby. Here are very many
Portugees live; here arc severall hansome houses of
the English and. Portuguees, but the Moores and
Hindoos houses are very mean, being only dirt and
thatch. 63 Here are severall houses of entertainment
which sell Punch, Wine, English beer and Mum ;
Sack at 9 Fanams, English beer at 3 Fanams, and
Mum at 4 Fanams per bottle. 64

i668J

MELIAPORE

5 i

MELIAPORE

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 2-3 (reverse).

14 September. About 3 miles from this towne of
Madraspotam South I went to a Towne formerly called
Meliapore [Mailapur], now St. Thoma, which was
formerly maintained and kept by the Portugees, who
very lately (growing poore could not maintaine the
Fort) delivered it up to the Moores [Muhammadans]
who now possess it, 66 which is a very fine and pleasant
place, and reported to be the place where St. Thomas
the Apostle lived. About 1 mile from this place
is a little mount in which when I was there lived
2 Portugees Padrees. Upon the Mount is a house
under which is a Vault into which tis reported St.
Thomas fled when persecuted by his enemies. The
vault is dark, haveing one little window out of which
St. Thomas went to escape from his enemies, but
either there or very neare it was killed. About 2 mile
further from this place is a High Mount, to ascend
which are xoo stone steps goeing winding a little,
and on each side of said steps are a brick wall about
1yard high. At the top of [the] Mount is a Portu¬
gees Church which is very neat but little. The
Church yard is about 500 or 600 yards about and is
the whole top of the Mount. Here St. Thomas is
said likewise to inhabit. This is called St. Thomas’
Great Mount as the other Mount is called St. Thomas
little mount, by the sides of which is a well which is never
fuller at one time then at an other, looking muddily;
but I tasted the water which was good. This was
St. Thomas well which hee drunk out of. Here are
very strange stories reported concerning this Mount. 68

52

VOYAGE TO INDIA

[1668

METCHLEPATAM
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 3 (reverse).

17 September. Came from Port St. George and
arrived at Metchlepatam [Masulipatam] 25th ditto.
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 30a.

20 September 1668, Sunday. Being on .ship board
betwixt Fort St. George and Metchlepatam, about & an
houre after the Sunn had set, being exceeding cleare,
wee see a cloud bright like the Sunn and shape like it, to
set like the Sunn, so that had wee not scene the Sunn
set before, wee had all thought it had beene the Sunn,
but when was almost set, it seemed somthing longer.
Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 3-4 (reverse).

[25 September]. Arrived at Metchlepatam and
anchored about 2-| miles from shore. I lerc are very
large and strong boats which will carry 20 or 30 Tunns
a peece. 67 Metchlepatam is a large towne scituatc
in a low and Quagmire place, but is very compact,
having in it severall high and handsome large houses,
but all made of wood, except few.“ H The English
Factory is scituate about the middle of the towne.
In winter time this towne for about 6 months is
invironed round with water, having a Bridge of wood
about 6 or 7 yards broad and 1 mile long to pass out
of the towne with.** In this Towne live a great
many Persians. This is a very good place for Cloth,
as Salampoores, Butteelas, &ca. 70

MADAPOLEAM

About 40 or 45 miles from this place [Masulipatam]
North East is Madapollam where the Company have
a very stately house 71 scituate by a very broad River,
being about § mile broad and lying about 6 miles from

i668] VERASHAROON 53

the Sea ; the River is Navigable and called Nassipore
River. 72 This Madapollam is a very pleasant place
having many Gardens and Trees near it, and on the
other side the River is very good hunting for hogs,
Jackalls &ca. and good shooting. 73

VKRASUAROON

About 6 miles from Madapollam lies Verasharoone,
where the Company have an old and decayed factory,
but formerly in great request for cloth, and as yet all
the Cloth at Metchlepotam and there abouts is brought
from hence or neare this place. 74 This is a very
pleasant place, haveing very many Gardens with
Mangoes &ca. very near it, and the English have
2 Gardens, the one | mile from the English Factory,
which is a very large Garden and thick with Mangoe
trees, the other £ of mile from [the] Factory, which is
very handsome, hath many Pine apples or Ananas's
and several! other fruit in it. 75 This place is very
good for fowling, being very plentifull with Ducks,
Geeze, ? Concorevell Mocobottles, 76 &ca.

PETTIPOLE

Pettipole is South from Metchlcpatam about 45 or
50 mile. It is reported a very pleasant place, where the
English have a Factory, at which they provide Salt¬
petre, none having liberty to buy any besides. 77
Here are the best Chints and Palampoos made. 78
Here is good fowling, and good hunting for Antilopes,
Deer of alsorts, wild horses, and severall others.

April 1669. I observed an Eclipse of the Sun
when I was at Metchlepatam upon the 20 Aprill 1669
when the Sun was eclipsed to the Semi diamiter at
1 oh. 10m. morning. 79

NOTES ON CHAFFER I

1. For an account of John Marshalls family see Introduction.

2. William, eldest son of Sir William Craven, created Viscount
Craven of Uffington and Earl of Craven in i0(>4* He died in
1697.

3. Sir Andrew Riccard was Deputy Governor of the Company,
1653-1658, Governor 1660-1662 and 1600-1072.

4. Sir William Rider was Deputy Governor in 1(162 and a,gain
in 1667-8, his term of office ending on the 13th April of the latter
year.

5. George, 9th Lord and 1st Karl of Berkeley (n\ 1O70 Viscount
Dursley and Earl of Berkeley) was a member of the Court of
Committees of the E.I.Co. 1664-167,], amt Governor of the
Company, 1674-1696. He died in 1698.

6. Broomfield (then a village), 2 miles north of Chelmsford,
is now a continuation of the city,

7. Extract from the proceedings of a ('ourl of Committees,
6th January, 1667-8 (Court Book , xxvi, 176) : " l,ord Cravens
desires. The Governour acquainted the Court with the desires
of the Lord Craven for entertayning one Mr. Marshall who is fully
qualified for their service, whereupon the Court appointed the said
person to be with them on Wednesday.''

8. Dr. Henry More, Fellow of Christ’s College, Cambridge, to
whom Marshall desired that his MSS. H concerning India " might
be sent for inspection, was born at Grantham, 12th October, 1614,
and died 1st September, 1687.

The old statutes of Christ's College, which bear date 1506,
were in force until i860. They enacted that of the twelve
Fellows, six were always to belong to the nine counties north of
the Trent, and that no more than one might belong to any one
county on either side of the Trent. Since Marshall was bom
at Theddlethorpe, Lincolnshire, and was More's junior in standing,
he was ineligible for a Fellowship. See Peile, IHog* of Christ's
Coll, Cambridge, pp. 414 , 592 ; Christ's Coll. (Cmih Col Historic
P-14.

NOTES ON CHAPTER I

SS

9. The Company’s settlements on Celebes, Java, Sumatra
and Further India were known as the South Seas. At this date
the following factories were in existence : Macassar in Celebes,
the news of the capture of which by fhe Dutch in July K>(>7 had
not yet reached England ; Bantam in Java ; Ayuthia in Siam ;
Jambi in Sumatra.

10. By “ the Coast " was meant Fort St. George, Madras and
the dependent factories on the Coromandel Coast—Masulipatam,
Madapollam, Pctipoleo and Verashcroon.

11. Court of Committees, 8th January, 166J (Court Book,
xxvi. 177) : " Mr. John Marshall chosen factor. Mr. John
Marshall being recommended into the favour of this Court by the
right honble, the Ford Craven, as a person of good education and
deserts, was this day elected into the Companies service.''

12. The Log of the Unicorn, Capt. Thomas Harman, a vessel
of 330 tons and 30 guns, is preserved among the llarleian MSS.
(No. 4252) at the British Museum. The vessel was one of a fleet
of 10 East Indiamen, six of which were bound to Madras and
four to Bantam. There is no entry in the Log for the 23rd
January, i66|.

13. See Introduction, p. 3, for remarks on John Marshall's
brothers.

14. The Maypole, set up in r60i, near the present site of the
Church of St. Mary-le-Strand. it was taken down in 1717.

15. By " Tower stays " Marshall seems to mean the ropes for
holding ships moored at the Tower.

16. According to the Log (Hart. MS. 4252) the Unicorn
anchored at Holehavcn Creek, a mile or so south of Leigh Creek,
at 3 p.m., together with the Coast frigate, Loyall Merchant ,
Loyall Subject and Rainbow .

17. The Log (op. cit.) has “ Boy in the Noore," which is ob¬
viously what Marshall intended to write. The deepest water in
the Swatchway between the Nore sand and Grain spit is now
marked by the Jenkin buoy. See North Sea Pilot , 1897, pt. iii. 387.

18. The Unicorn carried as passengers (besides Marshall) seven
writers and factors elected to the Company’s service, two lads
from Christ's Hospital as apprentices, and twelve soldiers. See
Court Book, xxv*, 47.

19. The Loyall Merchant, commanded by Capt. Henry Risby,
one of the ten ships of the Company's fleet assembled on the
Downs.

NOTES ON CHAPTER I

56

20. That is, cut their masts down by the ship's side.

The Log of the Unicorn {Hurl. MS. -1232) has no entries between
31st January and 10th March, too£,

21. Humphrey Fairclitf (or Fairdoth), the Company's excise
officer.

22. From the Log of this date we learn that the fleet was
convoyed “out ChanncU " by the Portland frigate. Captain
John Pearce.

23. Funchal Cathedral, completed c . 1514, was tine seat of an
Archbishopric 1539-47.

The “ Colledgc " is the Igreja. do Collegio built by the Jesuits.
The adjoining monastery now serves as barracks.

The Convent of Santa Clara, founded J402, was formerly famous
for sweetmeats, feather-flowers, etc. It now serves as a poor-
house.

24. According to the Log {op. c/ 7 .) of 20th March, the Governor's
name was “ Donn Francisco Masearriuio, a short black man who
is a Kin to the King of Portugal!." His leave was asked and
obtained for watering and provisioning the ship,

25. Albinus Willoughby is mentioned in the Log under date
26th March (Iiarl. MS. 4252) among the Knglish then living on
the island. He may have been the father of the individual of
that name who was elected a factor in the Company's service
in 1670 and was sent to Bantam in July of that year (see Letter
Book , iv. 357, and Introduction). After the marriage of Charles II
with Catherine of Braganza special privileges were granted to
English settlers in Madeira.

26. Green sickness, an obsolete term for amernia ; chlorosis.

27. The walls, erected 1572-1637, were demolished early in the
eighteenth century.

28. There is a brief description of Madeira in the Log (HarL MS,
4252, f. 4-5) and a note of the purchase by the captain of 30 butts
of wine for 890 dollars “ Civill and Mexico."

29. Praia (Praya), the port of Santiago (Silo Thiago), com¬
monly called St. Jago by seamen in Marshall's day. It is the
largest of the Cape Verde Islands, an archipelago which has
belonged to Portugal since the middle of the fifteenth century,

3°. At Ribeira Grande, now known as Cidadc Velha, or the
Old City, the present residence of the Governor-General being
at Praia.

3 1 * 1461 ‘ Pr ! n . ce ^ er dinand of Portugal, brother of Alphonso

* ex P ed ition to Guinea to obtain slaves (cuff roes, Mfar ,

infidel) to people the islands.

NOTES ON CHAPTER I

57

32. In the Log (op. cit. f. C>v) it is stated that " A Cow or
Beefe ’* might be bought for $(>, “ a hogg " for $2, and goats for

each ; " other things wee gott for knifes and clouts."

33. By “ 3d black ribbin," Marshall probably means " ribbon
at 3d per yard/'

34. Domestic animals were introduced in the Cape Verde Islands
by the Portuguese.

35. The Log also speaks highly of the treatment accorded to
the visitors by " the Capt. More/* that is, the chief or head of the
settlement (Port. mor, chief, principal).

36. On the 12th April a Consultation was held on the Loyall
Merchant at which the “ Companys Factors " were present, and
it was decided to wait for the Diligence, which had just arrived and
which needed some repairs (Log, op. cit . f. 7). The fleet sailed
from Santiago on the 13th April.

37. Crozicrs, an obsolete term for the constellation of the
Southern Cross. On Marshall's statement Mr. Kaye remarks :
" The three chief stars are a, [ 3 , y Crucis. Marshall seems to
imply that if two of these stars have the same altitude, then one
of them will be due south. As far as one can gather from his
diagram, cl^u, but a is within the Milky Way, and his remark
about the black cloud would hardly apply, and b^/ 3 . His data
are very vague. The declination of « Crucis is now —62° 39'
approximately.* *

38. Part of the entry in the Log (Harl. MS. 4252, f. X3) for 29th
June, 1668, is as follows : "It being Calme heave[d] the Leade,
but noe ground at 208 fathom last night, and alsoe this day noone,
although the water seemed to change."

39. The Unicorn anchored at Mauritius on the 30th July, 1668
(Log, op. cit. t 16). Marshall has nothing to say regarding the
voyage from the Cape to that island.

40. Marshall underestimates the size of the Island, which is
36 m. long and about 23 m. broad. The reason why Capt. Harman
was compelled to make Mauritius a port of call on the outward
voyage was because the Black amore and Madrass Merchant , who
had rejoined the Unicorn on the 21st June, after having been
forced by contrary winds to the coast of Brazil, insisted that it
was necessary for them to refresh their men. The remainder of
the fleet had disappeared from sight for some time.

41. Compare Peter Mundy’s description (163 8) of the ebony
trees (Diospyros ebenum) at Mauritius ( Travels , ed. Temple,
iii. 349).

NOTES ON CHAPTER I

5»

42. Marshall is right There is no true box (Btt.vtts) recorded
from Mauritius. The species he saw was probably Sccurinega
durissima. See Mundy, op. at., lor, cit. bn.

43. Compare Mundy, op. at. p. 330.

44. This is probably the "small Kinde oil (Jeese*' seen by
Mundy in 1638, op. cit. p. 335.

45. See Mutuly, op. at. p. 333, notes 3 and 4.

46. Monkeys are not indigenous to the Mauritius, but were
introduced by Europeans.

47. The Flying-Fox, Fox-bat or Fruit-eating bat (Pctropus
vulgaris). See Mundy, op. cit, p. 351 and n. 3,

48. Several species of tortoises ( Pvsiutlo) wen' common in the
Mascarenes on their first discovery. They are now extinct.

49. Marshall's description of the bird he calls " l>odo '* i.s more
applicable to the now extinct, rail (Aphumpteryx brock n) t Mundy's
" Mauritius hen " (op. cit. p. 352),

50. Marshall is probably alluding to the short-winged heron
(Ardea mcgacepala), now extinct.

51. Turtle (or Tortoise) Hay is the name given in the Log
(Harl, MS. 4252, f. 17 v), to " the Kastermost of all the Hayes/'
two miles W. of Carpenter's Bay, the harbour now known as Port
Louis, on the N.W. of the island,

52. See Mundy, op. cit. p. 254,

53. The Dutch took possession of Mauritius in 150 H and made
a temporary settlement there in 1630, but no permanent settlement
was maintained up to the time when they abandoned the island
in 1712.

54. Booby, sailors' name for different species of gunnel, especi¬
ally Sula fueca. See Sir T. Herbert, Trawls , p, 10.

55. The Unicorn sailed from Mauritius on the 7th August, *668
(see Log, op. cit. f. 22 v), and Marshall is again silent regarding
events during the voyage until the ship reached the coast of India.

The k°S (op. cit. f. 23 v) has a brief entry of the arrival of
the ship in Madras Hoad, after which nothing is recorded until
5th July, 1669.

. 5 ?“ Se !l Yu * e ' Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mussoola ; Fryer, ed< Crooks,
i- 103 ; Bowxey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal etf. Temple,
pp. 42-43 and n. 1, and 104 for illustration.

58. Coir (cair, cayre), rope of cocoanut husk.

NOTES ON CHAPTER I

59

59. Reals of eight, Spanish dollars, worth 5s. at this elate. See
Bowrey, op . cit. p. 114.

60. No other contemporary traveller appears to have noticed
this interesting method of proffering and accepting service.

61. Compare Bowrey, op. cit. pp. 43-44, 104.

62. George Foxeraft, Governor 1 665-1670. During this period
he was imprisoned for three years by Sir Kdward Winter whom
he had superseded.

63. For a good contemporary description of Fort St. George
see Fryer, ed. Crooke, i. 303-109.

64. Mum, a name for beer originally brewed at Brunswick.
Keepers of Punch Houses were required to obtain a yearly license
from the Governor and to pay a certain sum for the privilege.
Bowrey (op. cit. p. 114) gives the value of the small gold fanam
as 3d. at Fort St. George at this date.

65. The Portuguese did not relinquish St. Thome willingly.
It was wrested from them in 1662 by the Muhammadan Governor
of the district, who was assisted by the Dutch, See Barbosa,
ed. Longwortli Dames, ii. 126 n. ; Mandelslo, p. 93 ; Fryer, ed.
Crooke, i. 116-1x7.

66. For some of the “ strange stories ” see Barbosa, op. cit.
pp. 126-129 and note. Neither Barbosa nor Bowrey (op. cit.
pp. 44-45) mentions the well which maintained a fixed supply
of water.

67. Marshall seems to be describing a bajra used for transport
as distinct from the " budgerow," a state or pleasure boat.

68. Bowrey, however, who visited Masulipatam a year or so
later, found ** Stately dwellinge houses ... of brick and Stone ”
(op. cit. p. 63).

69. See Bowrey, op. cit . pp. 62-63.

70. Salem pores (cotton goods from Salem and Coimbatore
Districts), often confused with Palempores, bedspreads. Butteelas,
Beteelas, Port, beathila, veiling, were fine muslins used for veiling.

71. The Factory House at Madapollam (Madhavayapalem) was
built by Sir Edward Winter on ground granted by the King of
Golconda to the English, and was afterwards taken over by the
Company. See Bowrey, op. cit. p. 100, n. 1.

72. The Vasishta branch of the Godavari, called by the English
Narsapur I^iver,

73. Madapollam was the health resort for the Company's
servants at Masulipatam. See Bowrey, p. xoi*

6o

NOTES ON CHAPTER I

74. Verasheroon (Viravftsaram), whore a factory was established

in 1635. Streynsham Master found it in a still more ruinous
condition in 1679. Sec Diaries of Streynsham AI aster, ed. Temple
ii. 170, and n, 2. ’

75. In 1679 Streynsham Master took measures to maintain the
Company’s right to their mango garden at Verasheroon. See
Diaries, ed. Temple, ii. 170*171.

76. The text is illegible, and Marshall'x t ransliterat ion is probably

faulty. y

77. Nizampatnam, called Pettipolec by tin; English, from the
neighbouring village of Peddapalle. The Child at Pettipolee at
this date was Ambrose Salisbury, who conducted the Company’s
investment in saltpetre from K>(a until his death in 1675, See
Bowrey, op. cit. p. 57, n. 1.

78. Palemporc, Hind, pdmgposh, a bedspread, quilt, counter,
pane.

79. On this statement Mr. Kaye remarks: "This eclipse is
given as visible in India in Schram's tables, according to which,
for the latitude and longitude of Masulipatam, the moment of
greatest phase was approximately 10 h, n m. a.m, local time.''

II

DIARY OF A JOURNEY FROM BALASORE
TO PATNA

1669-1670

BALLASORE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 4 (reverse).

5 July 1669. Came from Metchlepatam [Masuli-
patam] and arrived in Ballasore. Road 9th [July]
4 clock afternoone, and anchored about 2I Leagues
from Shore, 1 we going ashore in a Purgo, which is
a great Boat of 1 o or 15 Tunns with their heads very
low and Starns very high. 2 Wee came at a Barr
1 mile from shore, which is a very dangerous place to
sail over, being very narrow and being very great seas.
After our arrival on Shore, sayled about 16 miles up
a river called Ballasore [Burabalang] River, and then
arrived at Ballasore, where the English have a Factory
a little way from the River side. This in the Rain
times is very dirty, vizt., from May to October after
the first full or new Moone, when the Moonsoones
break up, but after is very pleasant, having about a
mile from the Towne severall very hansome Mango
gardens. 3

ROMANA [RAMUNA]

This towne lies about 4 miles from Ballasore which
was formerly the Rojas King Towne where hee lived, 4

61

6 2

BALLASORE TO PATTANA

[1669

but now a very demolished townc haveing as many old
peeces of walls where houses stood, as now houses
left, but it is situated in a very pleasant place, about
5 or 6 miles from the Hills called Nellegrce [Nllgiri]
Hills, which are 8 miles from Ballasore. Neer
Ballasore are many wild Buffalo, Tygers, &ca.
esp[ec]ially neare the Hills. Ballasore is a very great
Stragling towne, but scarce a house in it but dirt
and thatcht ones.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 5-6 (reverse),

14 February idJ/’J. Came from Ballasore, 3 Clock
afternoon, To Ramchandrapore [Ramchandrapur],
being 3! Course or loi miles, where lay untill
20th ditto morning. At this place are plenty of Wild
Deer very larg, wild hogs, Peacocks, cocks and henns,
Jackalls and Tygers. Tis reported That every Thurs¬
day at night a Tyger comes out and Salams to a
Fuckeers Tomb there, and when f was there on
thursday at night, it was both heard and scene.*
[Distance travelled] - - - -3* Course.

20 February . Went to Gurropoda [Garhpada],
2 Course, where dined by a very larg 'lank wherein
are many Teal, and by it several! Graves ; 3 I saw
suppose[d] to be inchantments, being the Shapes of
Men with sticks stuck in their middle, through their
members, legs and armes, suppo$e[d] to be to bewitch
some people liveing and make them consume away as
fast as them $tick[s] rotted. 6

To Busto [Basta] after dinner, 2 Course off, where
are plenty of Deer, &ca. as at Ramchandripore. Here
met with the Nabob which was going to be Nabob
of Orixa. 7 Hee could not have fewer in his Tascarr
[laskkar 7 army, camp] than 10,000 people, haveing

!6f£ NARSAMPORE—NARRANGUR 63

many Elephants and aboundance of Camells and
horses.

[Distance travelled] 4 Course.

23 February . Came to Narsampore [Naranpur],
2 Course, where dined. About 2 Course further wee
crossed Pipley River, 8 by which wee met with the
Rojas Souldiers who stopped one of our Banians called
Morte [Murti] Ram. They begged money of us,
who giving them none, they followed us and went
with us to Gelliser [Jaleswar], being 1 Course further,
where Mr, Bridges the Chief 0 gave them 7 rupees.
They were daubed almost all over with Turmerick
and white stuff, and naked except their members;
have great swords, bowes and arrowes; Drumms
which they beat as wee went along ; there were in all
came to us about 60 or 70. 10

[Distance travelled] 5 Course.

24 February . After dinner went to Suna Cunnea
[Sonakania], 11 2 Course ; To Dantam [Dantan],

2 Course more. Here are Oftaes and Chellamaches
&ca. [and other] bra$[$] thing[s] made. 12

[Distance travelled] - 4 Course.

25 February . Came to Ranicussara [Ranikls-

aral], 13 2 \ Course ; To Mankairpore [Matkatpur],

Course ; To Boccarabole [Bakhrabad], if Course ;
To Narrangur [Narayangarh], Course. This last
is a very Antient Roja Towne, where at the entrance
is a great Bridge, after which is a Castle or Strong
place of Bambo, about a ? mile thorow on each side,
being exceeding thick with Green Bamboes, which
make the place impregnable. There are three Gates,
but only 2 entrances into the Castle, the 3d gate

BALLASORE TO PATTANA

64

being in the middle of the Castle. 1 '* This is a pleasant
place to live in ; here are many Muskeets [masjid,
mosque], &ca. There are aboundance of Tygers,
Peacocks, &ca.

[Distance travelled] 7 Course.

26 February. Came to Moccorumpore [Mokram-
pur], 2 Course.

27 February. Came to Bennapore [Benapur],
2 Course. To Arrack [Khargpur], 15 2 Course ;
dined. To Medinopore [Midnapore], 2 Course.
[Total] 6 Course.

28 February. Came to Potchcurrea [Panchkhuri],
2 Course. To Humblea, 10 2 Course. To Huddela-
band, 17 2 Course ; dined. To Asscraphore [Ashraf-
pur], 1 Course ; in all the day, 7 Course, And in all
from Ballasore 3 6| Course, which at 3 miles per
Course is 109! miles. All the said 109^ miles have
beene in Orixa. 18

1 March 167$. Came to 2 great Pagothoes
together, which part Orixa from Bengali, 19 1 Course ;
soe travelled in all Orixa 112^ English miles.

To Jeckara [Jhakra], 2-| Course or miles. To
Burbanpore [Birbhanpur], 2 Course, wher [iic] dined.
To Cottan, 20 2| Course. Travelled this day in
Bengali, ------ 7 Course.

2 March. To Jaunnabad [Jahanabad] 21 near the

River, a very great towne, 4 Course, a pagotho 1
Cours[e] off, very great. - - - 4 Course.

3 March. Came to Bangamoddan, 22 5 Course, by
the River, wher dined. To Sarampore [Srirampur],
2 Course, by a Tank. Here they grind Sugar Cain.
Travelled this day, 7 Course.

4 March. To Diniacolley [Dhaniakhall], 29 2 Course.

HUGLY

1670]

6 5

To Duarbarsley [Dwnrbasini], 3 Course, where dined.
To Palpah [Polba], 2 Course. [Total] 7 Course.

5 March . Came to Hugly, 2^ Course, Soe that in
all Bengali wee travelled 27^ Course, which at 2,j miles
Course (these being much less than Orixa Course)/* 54
Ire in all 6rg English miles, which [with] the Ji2|
miles which travelled in Orixa, make in all 174 miles.
I esteeme the whole way from Ballasore to Hugly to
be North East, which makes the Meridian distance
to be East 123 /■*>, and i .attitude raised North [illegible].
There were in Company that travelled overland Mr.
Shem Bridges Chiefe of Bengali, Mr. Walter Clavell
Second, Mr. Edward Read and his wife, Gahradl
Townesend, Sarah the wife of Wm* Bramston, 26 and
my selfe.

Hugly is a very great Towne in which live very many
Portuge[es] ; 23 great part of the towne was formerly
called Satagam, 27 The English and Dutch have each
of them a stately Factory 28 seituate by the River
which is a Branch of the River (hinges,

Harl. MS. 4254, tols. 7*8 (reverse),

Monday 28 March 1 670, About 4 Clock afternoone
came from Hugly to English Garden,^ which is

1 Course and lies on West side River,

Memorandum. Where to [two] Townes lie of Left

hand going up River, I writ west, and where on Right,
East.

Tuesday 29 March. At 3 Afternoone came from
Garden to Trevinay, 30 West 1 Course, To Muckta-
pore, 81 West 4 Course. To Hotkonda [Hautkunda,
BL, 1774], West 2 Course, To Sandalpore, 82 West

2 Course.

[Distance travelled] ----- 9 Course*

66

BALLASORE TO PATTANA

[1670

Wednesday 30 March. To Cohandarea [? Cusha-
danga, R. 1774]? 2 Course East, where are good
Mulmulls for Nainocs 33 to he bought ; a great town
in extent, by the water side. Here the Choukeedar
\chauktdar , watchman] came to know what wee were.
Hee asked buxis [ bakhshish ].

To Taptapore and Ambon, 34 West 1 Course;
very long Towne, at least Course. To Hurnadee, 35
East, from begining of.Taptapore 2 1 Course. To
Murghhapore, 36 West 3 Course. Here a Choukadar
desired Buxis. To Sahmadugur, 30 West 3 Course,
where the River parts that runs up to Cassumbuzar. 37
To the place where stayed that night, i Course. Sayled
and rowed and pulled this day - i%\ Course.

Thursday 31 March . To Nuddea [Nadia], West
1 Course. This is a good place to buy Mulmuls,
Cossas, 38 ' &ca. at. I bought severall there. The
natives will aske 3 times as much as you may buy
them for. This towne lies a little from the River side.

1 had a feaver in which I sweat from 2 Aftcrnoone
yesterday to 4 this morning, and had a hot fit for
4 houres before my sweat.

To Panuella, East 2 Course. Here a Chowkedar
asked for buxis. To Gundithpore [? Punditpur],
West 3 Course. To Gabbah [Jaba], ] Course East.
To- Motpore [Makatpur], Course East. To
Juanpore [Javarampur, R. 1774], | Course West.
To another towne neare which wee lodged, East,
nere which wee stayed that night under a steep bank,
2J Course. Here is a place to ferry over the water at.
[Distance travelled] - - . _ io| Course.

Friday 1 Aprill 1670. To Umlea [Andulia], East

2 Course ; a Hindoo little Pagotho. To Culganchee

i67 0] COPOLPORE—GUYGHAUT 6 7

[Kulgachi], 3 Course East. To Gaulbattan,®* 2 Course
West. To Bower [P Baxipur], West 5 Course.
[Total] 12 Course.

Saturday 2 Aprill. To Patkaburrce [Patkabari],
i Course West. To Assalapporo [Axlampur], East
3 Course. To Gopolpore [Gopalpur], 1 Course East.
Here a Choukedar asked us whence we came, &ca.
To a little Towne, East 2 Course. From hence the
River is very winding 4 " and our Course was from
SBE [w] to SSW. In about r Course here, passed
by a boat sunk, which had lead and long pepper 41
in it, belonging to the Moores [Muhammadans].

To Mergce [Mrigl], 2 Course East. To Gubbaram-
pore [? Jairampur], 1 Course, a place to ferry over at.
To Jaggaipore [Joglpur], i Course. 'To Sandalpore
[Surangpur], £ Course. To Hussanpore, 4 ® West
I Course. To Lattigundy [Natidanga], £ Course,
a pleasant place for topes of trees - -12 Course.

This day our Course was most Blast and West,
little North or South. Here some Jackalls coming
to eat the Rice the Boatmen had left, I shot one very
great one at 8 clock night, after which very many
came to him and seemed to mourne.

Easterday 3 Aprill. To Moddoopore [Madhupur],
West § Course. To Gungadurtee [Gangadharl],
1 Course East. To Kelagatchee, 43 1 Course. To
Gungurreepore [? Gincrpur], | Course. To Hanpore,
\ Course. To Herrampore, | Course. To Monter-
pore [Monkterpour, B.A. xii.], J Course. To Jagga-
nurpore [Jagobandhanpur], § Course. To Dungar-
pore, £. To Guyghaut, 44 |. Here a Choukeedar
demanded to see our Dustick \dastak, pass, permit],
soe wee shewed him Shasti Cauns Phirwanna [Shaistah

68 BALLASORE TO P ATT ANA [x6 7 o

Khan’s parwand] 45 and gave him one Rupee. This
is a great towne 40 which paies to the Nabob 18000
Rupees per annum. To Ottampore, 47 J. To another
called Guyghout \_gaiglrit\ \. To Gurrinarre [Gori-
mari], 48 West, From this place the River is very
broad. To Suddeegandeear [Saddicon leader, R.,
B.A. xi.], East 4 Course. To Hubbee behaungchaw,
West 1 Course. To Gungades [? Goass, R., B.A. xi.],
cam[e] opposite] to Hubbee ba. Rowed 1 Course
further and stayed West - - - Course.

Munday 4 Apr ill. To Herrampore [? Hirampur]
and Calcapore, 49 West 1 Course, To a River, part
of that which runs to left hand, 1 Course. To Nuddad-
pore [? Naudapara], x Course. Here a Chowkeedar
[chaukidar] came to us and wee gave him 1 Rupee and
x knife worth | Rupee. About l Course further the
River Runs upon the right hand to Decca [Dacca],
soe here enters the great River of Ganges. To
Gurrerhaut, 50 3! Course East. Opposit to the towne
wee put into a creek to stay at 2.^ Clock after¬
noon ------- 7 Course.

Here G. T. [Gabriel Townsend] said hee see the
Great Hills, 51 but I did not.

Tuesday 5 Aprill. To Querpodda [? Kumarpara,
Comerpour, R., B.Al], East 2, Course. To Chadde-
garampore, 62 West \ Course. To Colmegar, 63 i|
Course. Here wee were but 7 Course by Land
from Cassumbuzar. Here [were] severall boats and a
Buzzar \ba%ar\ for corne &ca. To Hedderapore
[? Bidderpour, R., B.A., xv.], East x| Course. To
Salampore [Islampur], West Course. To Woddera-
pore [? Hoodrapour, R., B.A. xv.], 2 Course

xo Course.

i67 o] NICKIPORE—ROJ AMAIJI. 6y

This towne lies J, of Course up a River or Marher.
Here I see the Great Hills Westerly, but farr of.

Wednesday 6 Apr ill. To Nickipore [Luckypour,
R- 1775], 1 1 ' Course Hast. To Turtipore [Turtipur],
here a ~ buzzar. To Hodgopolpore, 8 * West 1
Course. To [a] Place East, where were forced to
take up to lodge [a|], by reason of stormy weather at
3! clock afternoon, haveing a rainy and stormy
night ------ 5 Com so.

Thursday 7 Aprill. T o Narrumgabad, 88 1 Course
West. To Gecalmarree [Jewalmaree], 3 Course.
To Downapore [Downapour, R., B.A. xv.], 1 Course ;
this a great towne. To Dougotchec, 86 8 Course ; here
a Surray and Chowkee. To Urriapore [? Harryapour,
R. 1775), * Course. To a River coming from the
West where lay - - - - " 1 5 Course.

Here the Hills seemed about xo Course of, 57 the
South end about S.W. and the North end N.W. The
River [I] suppose to come out of Ganges or from the
Hills. This day my ague left mee, having had it
March 28, 30, and Aprill 1, 3, 5, the 3 last being very
violent, but took 2 Pills upon 3d and 2 upon 5th at
night, having brought them from England, which
carryed away my ague.

Friday 8 Aprill. To Nisseray [Nal Saral, ? Serai,
R., 1775], West 2 Course. To Chandapurra [Chand-
pur], 1 Course. To a little Surray [ sarat , inn] in a
Cola [&?/, creek] or Harber, 5 Course. To a branch
of the River which goes to Rojimaul [Rajmahal]
■| Course. To Rojamaul, Course 9 Course.

About 1 Clock p.m. arrived -J- Course from Roja¬
maul, where stayed and could get noe nearer by reason
of shallow water.

7 o BALLASORE TO PATTANA [1670

Arrived at Rojamaul, which is about x Course from
the River Ganges. The Towne is very long from
East Southerly to West Northerly, being about 4
Course from the Hills. The towne is very large and
hath many stone houses tarrassed at top, and the other
very pitifull ones and thatched, and the walls of brick.

The house in which the Kings sonn 58 some years
since lived is very long. There is a Garden belongs
to the house which is about J Course out of Towne
South, which with the house cost 25 Lack of Rupees
or 2,500,000 Rupees, which at 2s. 3d. per rupee
amount to in Sterling 28x250 li., The house haveing
Cost 16 Lack and the Garden 9 Lack. The Garden
consists of 4 Quadrangles, 2 of them built and walled
with stone round about, each side being at least
200 yards long.

Cross [across] the Quadrangle are two walks paved
with large freestone. In the middle of each walk is
a channell paved, about 2 yards broad and a foot
deep, into which are very many leaden pipes, through
which water is carried and runs through the Garden,
The walk[s] with the channell are about 8 yards broad.
In said Channell is severall Great stones for to step
upon to goe over it.

In the middle of each side of the Quadrangle is a
large and stately Banqueting house 2 stories high,
adorned with much marble marked neatly, and in the
middle of [the] Quadrangle a neat Banquiting house.
The South West and North West sides lie against a
great Tank. At the outside of [the] Garden South
is a place behind the Kings sonns seat to convey up
water into a Cestern, from which all the Pipes are
supplyed with water, which in some Banquiting

ifiTo] ROJAMAUJ, 71

Roomes is conveyed to the Second Story high. On the
South West side is a marble table about 3 inches thick,
7 foot long and 4 foot broad. 89

The Garden hath a pleasant fruit in it called Toote
[tut], which signifies a mulberry, about 3 inches long
and about as thick at the great end as a mans little
finger. It consists of little berries as mulberries doe.
It is very sweet and pleasant.

The Garden is now much ruined, but hath been a
very stately one. In the. lodgings and rooms about it
is accommodation for 1000 men.

The Towne of Rojamaul cannot be less than 2
Course long. The English house 80 is stone and
tarrassed as all their stone houses are, and it consists
of 3 little small roomes and 1 little upper room, lies
about a stone cast from the River, but wee could not
goe up the Rover \sic] to the house by reason of the
Shallowness thereof.

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 9-13 (reverse).

ii Apr ill. Came from Rojimaul 6 \ Clock morning,
night, when lodged in the Boat, being very stormy
having come from English house the 10th at 8 clock
and rainy.

Wee sayled through the little River North Westerly,
a[b]out a Course. To Moaddipore [Mehendipur],
West 4J Course. To a Point where appeares a new
opening of the Hills, 3! Course, the Hills now being
about 2 or 2| Course from the River and the new
opening hill 5 Course of. Here suppose to be the
North point, when first saw the Hills which appeares
now West By North, and the North point of new
land North West and South Point of whole South
West.

7 2 BALLASORE TO PATTANA [1670

To Puttahaw, 61 East x Course. To Burgungall,^
West 1 Course, here a great Chowkee [chauki, customs
station] ; here a great gate through which none can
pass by Land unexamined.

This towne is 1 mile from the bottome of the Hill;
here a stone house upon the top of a Hill, Here a
Chowkeedar called us. Wee sent our Dustick [ dastak ,
permit] which wee took out at Rojamaul, and 6 pice
was demanded of us, and paid.

To a Cola [kof] or Barber where stayed that night,
i Course*

[Distance travelled] - - - - i i Course.

Tuesday 12 AfrilL To Gundadurkce, West i
Course. To a Towne East \ Course from the River,

3 Course. To Popolpore, 63 2 Course. To Baukerpore
[Bakarpur Ogairah], 1 Course. To Gorre 6 * West,

\ Course. To Dellegola, 63 East 1 Course, where is a
Chowkee. Here for about 1 Course the Hills are
low and far of, seeming to break of.

To Paintee [Pirpaintl], | Course West, at the bottom
and sides of the Hills, being low and also close by the
River. To Dolladee, 63 East, where lay in a Cola [kol]
that night, being opposit to Paintee and Course from
the River ; here bought provisions.

Wednesday 13 AprilL To Rampora [? Madho
Rampur], West Course, To Hardora, 83 2| Course
East. To Caushdee, 3 Course West. Here the Hills
come close to the River. Here wee sayled S.S.W.

Here at the bottom of the hills, which are but low,
are rocky ; here one house of stone and one muskeet
[masjidj at the top of the Hill. Near the middle of
the River a knot of Rocks about 3 or 4 yards above
the water. 66 Here the Hills discontinue and are in

CAUSHDEE

73

1670]

parts about | Course and 1 Course distant from each
other, there being now in sight not above 3 or 4.

Opposit to this place is a good Cola [kof] East, and
a Chowkee [chaukf\ which wee spoke not with. Under
the next hill West, being \ Course of, is another or part
of this towne. Here wee saled West By South. To the
Cola where stayed this night from Caushdee, 2 Course.

Here are in sight 2 parcells of Rocks, 66 which in
time of the Rivers flowing, the water flowes by them.
They appeare like 2 little hills and bear from the Cola
South East by South and are about 2 Course of.
About i£ Course from these Rocks is the furthest
hill by or near the River, bearing South East, upon the
top of which is a towne appearing with severall white
houses. The rest of the Hills seeme very farr of and
the furthest southerly point appearing South by East.
Here see several Pellicans.

This day sayled in all 10 Course. Here are in
sight 5 hills near the River, the furthest up the River
bearing South East and the nearest East, besides
the 2 Rocks, and the 2 Hills far of. 06

This afternoon sayled much Westerly and Southerly.
The 5 hills here seeme all equidistant from each other,
that East being the least ; the next it the bigest, and
the other 3 all alike - - - 10 Course.

Thursday 14 AfrilL Lattitude N. 2d. To Salar-
pore [? Salpur], West 2*J- Course ; here the River
broads and full of Islands of Sands. To Cassipore
[? Gauspur], East 2-| Course. To Barraddee [Bararl],
i-| Course. To Agalpore, 67 2 Course ; here [a]
Chowkeedar [ chaukidar\ to whom wee gave 1 Tuaka
\taka\ or 2 pice [paisa]. To a little towne where
stayed that night.

74

BALLASORE TO PATTANA

[1670

This day sayled almost all the day West and West
a little Southerly and Northerly, soe suppose true
course to be West. Here are innumerable company
of green Parrats [parrakeets], green pig[e]ons and
other fowle. Here I killed 5 Parrats when could not
see one by reason of night, only see the bowes of the
trees bend, at which I shot. Here the Hills are in
2 parts, the one seeming long and the furthest end
West, and the furthest end of the other South

12 Course.

Friday 15 Apr ill. To Goura, 08 2 A Course East.
To Meste [Masdi, adjoining Sultanganj], 3 Course
West. This towne is a very large towne, hath a
Maskeet \masjid’] or Stone house upon a Rock by the
water side. Opposit to this towne East is a little
towne called Jengera [Jahanglra].

To Gurragaut [Ghorghat], 3! Course West. This
towne hath a stone bridge with 7 Arches, which is
about 40 yards long, 15 or 20 high, and 6 or 7 broad. 09
About J Course South of this towne is a little hill
with a Muskeet or white stone house upon it. I suppose
said Bridge is for the water in rain time to run under
in the Ditch, 70 which probably may come from the
Hills, which now is dry.

By reason of the hazy evening cannot know how far
the Hills may bee seen when clear weather, but now
can see them from about South West to North West,
they appearing about 6 or 7 Course of and are as high
as Nelligree [Nllgiri] hills near Ballasore.

This day sayled most Southerly and Westerly, soe
suppose our Course to be West or West By South ;
severall sands in the middle of River, and the River
very shallow, which much hindered our way. This a

MUNGERE

1670]

7 S

long towne, or rather scvcrall Hindoo townes joyned
together. Here bought provisions.

[Distance travelled] - - - 9 Course.

Saturday 16 Afrill. This morning see very many
Alligators, some very great ones.

To Aggiapore, 71 East 2 Course ; sayled all North.
To Gogree [Gogri], 5 Course ; sayled North Westerly.
To Gemallpore [Jamalpur], 72 sayled 1 Course North.
To [a] little towne, 3 Course, sayled West. To a little
Towne, H Course, sayled South West By West. To
Cola [a kol, creek], where stayed this night, sayled
South West.

Now hazy that can see but one little hill bearing
South By West. Here very many Parrats. Suppose
our Course to bee this day North West. Here many
Jackalls and Muskeetos [mosquitoes]. Sayled in all
this day - - - - -13 Course.

Sunday 17 Afrill. To Mungere [Monghyr], West
2 Course, sayled South. This towne by the water
side lies North and South. Here a very large house
where the King lived, 73 walled next the River for
about | Course with brick and stone, with a wall
about 15 yards high. At North end of this towne, at
the North end of said house, is a great garden. By the
river side are few great houses in sight except the
Kings. The wall at South end runs up East, soe
suppose [it] to goe round about the house. At South
end of towne are severall thatcht houses and severall
toomes and Muskeets [masjid, mosque].

About Course further South are a hansome
topes [top, grove] of trees, from which sayled South
Westerly, the Hills bearing one end South West By

BALLASORE TO PATTANA

76

[1670

South and the other end South South East, but being
hazy could not clearly sec their extent, but they
seemed indifferent [moderately] high and about 7 or
8 Course from Mungere. At Mungeer see severall
women washing at the River, which were whiter
than most women I had secne in India for poore
women.

This towne stands upon an ascent, the River banke
by it being 8 or 10 yards high. From 9 clock, being
then ^ Course from South end of Mungere, being
against a wall made of brick by the River side about
5 yards high and 20 long, with a little tower at each
end, which wall is a fortification to put Gunns in ;
| Course further the River bends North West, soe
now from North end of Mungere 11 Course.

To Jagarinutpore, 74 East 3 Course, sayled North
West. To Laulpore, 74 1 Course, sayled North West.
To Cutlubpore [Kutlupur], 2 Course, sayled West.
To Cotgola, 75 West 2 Course, sayled West. To
Sugegurrah [Surajgarha], Course. Suppose our
true Course this day West. Here the hills bear from
South West by South to East South East. Here
many Muskeetos and other flies - - 12 Course.

Munday 18 Apr ill. To Sugegurry, 70 ] Course
West, lying a little up the River and some thatcht
houses near the River ; this a great towne. To
Fottarepore, 77 if- Course ; here 5 little townes together
or one town of 5 names. Sayled West Northerly. To
Gehaumah, 77 5 Course East, sayled West. To
Shecolee, 77 i-J- Course, sayled West. To Durriapore
[Dariapur], West 3 | Course, sayled West by North.
Suppose our Course to bee this day West Northerly.

12 Course.

MOKOIA—PUNPUN

1670]

77

This town hath all thatcht houses, and at each end
a neat tope of Trees. Here a Buzzar where bought
provisions ; here toddy 78 and many fields of Cotton.
Here lost sight of the Hills.

Tuesday 19th April . To Mokoia [Mokameh],
West Course. To Goleighey,™ ij Course. To
Mohore [Mor], l Course. To Chowkey [a chaukt ,
toll station], 1 Course, sayled all North West. To
Cundoreck [Punarakh], A Course. This day at
11 clock forced to put into a Cola [kol> creek] to mend
our boat, being leaky, that ready to sink. Wee took
out all things and found 6 or 7 Rats which had eaten
and spoyled about 7 yards English Cloth and torne
bags of Cloves. Nere this harbour lay a dead man in
the River and a crow and a raven eating him. Course
this day North West - - - 5 Course.

Wednesday 20 AprtlL To Jangera [? Jahanglra],
2 Course West. To Aunichocarra [? Achuara], 41-
Course. To Gunsurpore, Course. To Bidderea
[? Bushara], 1 Course. To Rannicassera [Rani Saraz],
1 Course, To Hansurepore [Ghansurpur], i| Course.
To [a] little towne East, 1 Course. To Cola [a kol],
West, £ Course. Suppose our Course this day North
West Westerly - - - - 13 Course.

This day Gab[riel Townsend] fell from words to
Blowes about 1 Clock afternoon. This day see 3 dead
men in Ganges.

Thursday 21 AprtlL To Bunderbunna, 80 West,
5 Course. To Footooa [Fatuha, Fatwa], 1 Course.
This long towne of little houses, at least | Course
long; here [a] stone bridge. 81 To Punpun [Punpun], 82
1J Course. To Subalpore [Sabalpur], \ Course. This

78 BALLASORE TO PATTANA [l6 ^>

belongs to Pattana. At the North end of this towne
is JafFercawns [Ja’far Khan’s] Garden, which hath a
Turret at each end North and South and in the middle
a little white house with a Belcony towards the River
[and] is walled with brick and stone. Came against
this garden at 4 clock afternoon. 83

To the begining of Pattana [Patna], 1 Course;
here at clock. To Nabobs house l Course, 6 Clock!
To English Godowne, 84 Course, 6J clock ; in all
this day North West - 10 Course.

Against the Nabobs [Shaistah Khan’s house] and
in severall other places the water was very strong
against us. These 2 last dayes had severall whirle
winds in the afternoons, not above a quarter of an houre
one after another, and sometimes not 2 minutes;
sometimes they were ready to overset the boat.

Fry day 22 Apr ill. To Hodgipore [Hajipur], East
Course. This is a great towne ; here the great
River Ganges or Gunga Gunduck [Gandak] River
neere, which comes from Singee [Singhiya], the River
Ganges coming from North West and Gunduck
North. Opposit to Hodgipore is Soncigh [Sonpur],
West. To Budgerpore [Baijalpur], West J Course.
To Simra [Semara], 1 Course. To Sucarpore [Shikar-
P ur ]> i Course. To Cuttarpore, 86 ] Course East. To
Peeruddur, 85 £ Course West. Bannowa [Barua] is
opposit to this towne. To Herraule [Haraull], 88
J Course East. To Nuctissarony, 87 | Course. To
Mounda, 1 Course West. To Brissunta [Basanta],

* Course East. To Jonabad [Jahanabad], *, where is
the English Factory, being about \ Course from
oinghee [Singhiya]. 88 Arrived at Factory at 6 a
Clock night, in all - . _ _ 8 Course.

PATTANA

79

1670]

The whole sayleci is 231* Course, which at z\
English miles per Course, is 52oj English miles.
The way by Land from Hugly to Pattana is esteemed
to be 170 Course, which are, at 2;} mile English per
Course, 382^ English miles.

I perceive Patna lies North West By West of
Huglie, soc that by this account Pattana would be
32o*/ 0 miles or 20m. West, And 208 miles or
3d. 28m. North of Huglie ; but I suppose the way
by which men travell lies not in a right line North
West by West, by reason of the Groat Hills which
hinder their passage.

27 May 1670. Upon the 27th day of May 1670
at Singee at 12 clock I observed with a wooden
Quadrant when the Sun was 8 7d. 20m. high ; the
Suns declination then being 22d. 45m. makes the
Lattitude of Singee to be 2 5d. 25m., see supposing
Singee to lie 10 mile North from Pattana makes the
Lattitude of Pattana to be 2$d. 1 5m. 89
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 3a.

Memorandum . Boat called Budgeroe. The Boat
I came from Huglie to Pattana in was made about
2 3i yards long, 2% yards broad in middle, and rowed
by 14 men and 2 steermen, one at the head and another
at the starne. D0
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 6.

1st June 1670. The Raines in the yeare 1670 at
Pattana came in June the first.

6 th July 1670. Memorandum . I observed the Sun
at rising bore East By North \ Northerly,

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 6a.

Memorandum . The 6th July 1670 I observed in
Pottana the Suns hight at 12 Clock which was

8o

BALLASORR TO PATTANA

[1670

87c!. 30m.; the Declination then being 2 id. 23m., [I]
make [the] Lattitude 23d. 53m. ; but the Observation
being by a small Quadrant, [I] cannot give so much
credit to it as to former [observations].

Harl, MS. 4254, fols. 14-16 (reverse).

29 th July . Went to ? Bannia, 91 North 6 Course,
where lay that night under a great Tree.

BRINKALATTEE [BHIM KA LATH!, BHlMA’S
CLUB]

30 July. Went to ? Brinkalattee or Brins [Bhima's]
club, 1 Course North, which is a Filler [the Lion
Pillar] of one stone as I conceive. It is 9 yards
9 inches high and 3 yards 33 inches thick or round
about. At the top of this piller or Lattec [lathi, staff,
club] is placed a Tyger [lion] ingraven, the neatliest
that I have seene in India. His face lookes North
North East, ■§ Easterly. 92 It stands in a pleasant
grove close by this, in a little but. high hill, higher than
Lattee, within which is a Fuckeers [faqir'i\ house, the
entrance into which is like an oven, being so little that
I was forced to creepe to get into it, and when within
it could stand upright in it, it being within built like
the roofe of an oven, and something steepling. In it
was a Fuckerre man.

The Story or Fable concerning Brin, some of it
is ( 'vizt .): There was a Great Gyant whose name was
Roja ? Durren [Dharma], whose wifcs name was
Cunta [Kuntl]. These two had 5 Sonnes {vizt.)
Doojustee [Yudisthlra], Orgun [Arjuna], Succodoo
[Sahadeva], Lackoor [Nakula], and Brin [Bhlma].
Of the rest no further but Brin lived here, and this
pillar was his Stick to walk with, which is said to be

BRINKALATTKE

1670]

8 1

twise as much under as above ground. Oft men
came into the world [and] Brin see them so very little
creatures and yet so cunning and so far exceeding
him that hee was much troubled thereat, and went
into the Tartarian Mountains and there betwixt
2 great hills lay downe and dyed and was covered with
snow. The hills are called Brin hills after his name.

The Hindoos have this Fiction of him
That one time this Cunta and her 5 Sonns were
travelling together* and at length coming to a great
River which they could not leap over, they met with
a great Alligator, who understanding that they could
not get over, told them that if they would give him
one of them hec would carry over the rest, to which
they agreed, but quarrelled amongst themselves which
it should bee, every one being desireous to eleare
himselfe. At last it was voted that the Alligator
should have Brin, the youngest of them. So the
Alligator carrieth Cunta and her 4 eldest sonnes over,
and coming to Brin, hee eat him at one mouthfulh
But Brin, when hee was in the Alligators mouth,
having a great peece of Iron in his hand, grated
against and cut the Alligators belly within, which
made the Alligator cry, and bid him come out againe;
and Brin asked him which way. The Alligator told
him at his back side, at which Brin was so angry
that hee came out at his mouth, and as hee came, cut
out the Alligators Tongue for that affront and carryed
it away with him. Ever since which time Alligators
have had no tongues nor could speake. Also after
Brin came out, hee got upon the Alligators back and
puld of the Skin from thence and from his sides, which
before was Scaly and extraordinary hard. 93

82 BALLASORE TO PATTANA [1670

Neare this Piller or Lattee are two little Hills about
J mile distant neare each other, the highest and
Northerly of them bearing from said Lattee North
West. These two hills are said to be raised out of
the ground with 2 kicks of Brins foot. About \ mile
from these 2 Hills North in [? is] a Towne called
Buckera, where is [? wherein] one great Moore
[Muhammadan] lives, who belongs to the Nabob
of Pattana. Hee hath severall brick houses, all
enclosed with a dirt wall, dented at the top. This
towne is not great, but well scituated amongst
pl[e]asant gardens, &ca.

MOORES TOMBE

In returning back, about a Course, or 2 mile, on
this side the Latte \latht\ is a Tome [tomb] upon the
top of a steepe hill, wheron growes extroordinary
great trees, and under are pleasant groves. The
Moore buried in the Tombe, his name was Merza-
Syad-Mamood-Obdull [Mirza Saiyid Mahmud
Abdu’l]. This tombe is scituated in an extroordinary
pleasant place, both for coolnes, prospect, and musick
of many birds chirping. It is about J mile from
Bursta. 94

10 August 1670. At 9 clock afternoon came from
Johnabad [Jahanabad]. Came that night to Sowages
[Sivajfs] Garden. 95

11 August . Came clock from Sowadges Garden.
Arrived at Pattana 9 clock morning, stayed halfe an
houre and returned back againe.

12 August . 6J clock morning, came from Sowadges
Garden againe and arrived at Pattana at 8.

MAMOOD IIUSSAINK

1670]

«3

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 10a.

30 August . Mem or tin daw* 'Then in Pat tan a l
observed the hight of the Sun at ? 2 Clock when it
was high, 69d.

MAMOOD HTSSAINK
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 12.

Memorandum . About the 7th September 1670,
when Mamidarif [Mahmud D\rif] the English
Vakeele \vaqtl\ was about to get the English boats
cleared, which had been stopped by the Governor
about 23 dayes, hee desired SVlamood Hussain’s
[Mahmud Husain] (one of Abraham Chawn’s Mulvas
[Ibrahim Khan’s mau/avl], iu% ) assistance, and desired
him to do us that courtisie, who said, M Are the English
of my relilion [j/c, religion], or are they Musscllmen
[Musalmans] ? They are neither, nor are they
either friends to God nor man ; so that should I do
them any courtesie, God would be displeased with
mee and men would not praise mce,”

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16 (reverse).

13 September . I went to Punpund [Punpun],
where I put on board the Patelloes 07 of the Company’s
and those hired by them, my goods, and those com¬
mitted to my charge, and that night returned againc
to Pattana,

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 12a.

In Pattana a Hindoo brought to mee upon the
14th September 1670 some barly which hee had
Sacrificed, which hee said was of but 1 o days growth,
and it was some of it 1 1 inches long. Hee gave some
to others also, as the custome is, to signifie that as hee
distributed that corne, it would bee plentifull, it then
being very scarce.

NOTES ON CHAPTER II

Note .—In the identification of place-names in Chapters II,
III, IV and V the following abbreviations are used :

S.S. Survey of India Sheets, i in. to the mile.

R., B.A. Rennell’s Bengal Atlas , ed. 1781.

R., 1773, 1774, etc. Rennell’s large scale sheets, 5 m. to
the inch, published 1773, 1774, etc.

Where identifications arc given in square brackets in the text,
the Survey Sheets must be understood as authority unless other¬
wise indicated.

1. The Log of the Unicom (Harl. MS. 4252, f. 23a) has very
brief entries regarding the voyage to Balasore, and these only
record the number of miles sailed each day.

2. See Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, cd. Temple,
p. 228, for an illustration of this variety of boat and a note on the
derivation of the term.

3. The foundation of an English settlement at Balasore was
laid in 1633 by Ralph Cartwright who, in response to an invitation
from Mir Kasim, Governor of the District, established a factory
there. For contemporary remarks on the Company's buildings
see Dianes of Streynsham Master , ed. Temple, ii. 76; Bowrey,
op. cit. p. 162, n. 3.

4. Romana is the Ramena of Gastialdi's map (1561) and the
Rammoena of Broucke's map (c. 1660), 5 miles west of Balasore.
The “ Roja's King Towne " possibly means his capital, as Ramuna
was regarded by several old geographers as the capital of Orissa.
The place is marked on maps of the early eighteenth century, but
does not appear later.

5 -" At Ramchandrapur is the tomb of Muhammad Khan
Shahid, one of Kala Pahar’s commanders. Marshall may have
heard some local legend regarding this tomb and confused it with
that of a faqir.

6. At Garhpada, 15 miles north of Balasore, is the tomb of
another of Kala Pahar's captains, but no record remains of the
" inchantments " observed by Marshall.

84

NOTES ON CHAPTER II 85

7. The history of the Nuwfibs of Orissa at this period is

incomplete. Professor Jadunnlh Sarkur {Studies in Mughal
India, p. 200) gives Safi (or Sail) Khan, October ? anti

Rashid Khan, ? -March, 1076. But from the records of the
E.I.Co. ( Factory Records, llugli, vol. iv.) we get the following list :
Ibrahim Khan, Nawab in 1073, succeeded in March of that year
by Safi Khan, who was shortly after replaced by Safshikan
Khan, who in his turn was succeeded by Kashid Khan in 1**74.
So it seems as if the Nawab to whom Marshall alludes was Ibrahim
Khan, unless Safi Khan held the oitice at two different periods.
See Bowrey, op. cit . p. 132, n. 4.

8. " Piplcy ” river represents the Subunreekn of Kennell, and
the Subarnarekha of the. 5 . 5 . (correctly Suvarnarekha). It
carried the trade of Pipli in the early days of European settlement.

9 . Shem Bridges was head of the Company's factories in Bengal
from 1667 to 1671. See Streynsham Master, op. cit. i. 368 n.

10. Marshall is describing a company of sanuydsi, bandits who
claimed to belong to a religious fraternity, but who were really
bands of brigands. See Yule, llobson-JobsoH, s,v. Sunnyasie.

11. Sunacunnea appears as Sonakoonia in the Indian Atlas
Sheet 114 (1867), and as " Sunakaunea " 2J kos from " Daunton "
in a " List of the Chowkeys, Men, and Coses from Calcutta to
Ballasore," c. 1763, endorsed '* Rout from Calcutta to Ballasore
by the Sapper's account " (Of me MSS. 67, p. 21).

12. By " Oftaes " and " Chella.mc.hes " Marshall means aftaha
and chilamchi, brass ewers and basins.

13 . Marshall's Rani-ki-saral, the. Ranny.serai of R., 1774 , is
apparently identical with the Ranipur of the 5.5.

14 . Narayangarh, the Narangur of R., 1774 , a village in
Midnapore subdivision, 2 t miles south of Midnapore. The fort,
of which some traces exist, as well as the ancient lines of fortifica¬
tions, was looked upon as the key of Orissa at this period.

15 . Arrack, the Khargpur of the 5.5., is probably identical with
the Curracpour of R., 1774 .

16 . Humblea, the Amleah of R„ X 774 , may be identical with
the Amrakuchi of the 5.5.

17 . Huddelaband is the Addalabad of R., X 774 . It is not on
the S.S., but must have been near Keshpur,

18 . Marshall's estimate is roughly correct.

19 . One of these " Pagothoes " must have been the “ Gedenk-
teeken " (monument) marked on Van den Broucke's map (pub¬
lished in Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien f vol. v.) to the

86

NOTES ON CHAPTER II

north-east of Midnapore, and the " Old Tower " of last century
maps. It indicated the old boundary between Bengal and
Orissa. There was another near Bourgengal (Marshall's Burra-
jungull) north of Rajmahal (see Valentyn, op . cit.).

The districts of Midnapore and Hijili belonged to the Kingdom
of Orissa in the time of the Muhammadan Kings and early
Mughals. In Todar Mai's rent-roll ( c . 1582 a.d.) they are shown
together as one sarkar of Orissa. Blochmann was led by Valentijn
to think that the country as far as Balasore was attached to
Bengal in Shah Shuja's Viccroyalty ; but from Marshall's state¬
ment it is evident that up to 1670, that is ten years later than
Shah Shuja's rule, the southern part of Midnapore District was
still considered to be in Orissa.

20. Cottan does not appear in Rennell. It was probably in the
neighbourhood of the Katapokhur of the S’.S’.

21. Jahanabad, the name of which was changed, in 1900, to
Arambagh, to avoid confusion with a Jahanabad in Gaya District.
It was a place of importance in Marshall's day as it was on the
old road from Midnapore to Burdwan. There is no trace now of
the " very great" pagoda, which has probably disappeared
owing to the encroachments of the river. See Hugli Dist. Gaz
pp. 243-4.

22. The Bangamura of R., 1774, and the Bhangamorah of the
Indian Atlas Sheet 121 of 1866. It does not appear on the S.S.

23. The Deneacolly of R., 1774. Compare Streynsham Master,
op . cit. “ Denia Colly within a dayes Journey of Hugly."

24. Marshall's statements as to the varying extent of a kos
(measure of distance) in different districts are very interesting.
In his Diary of 14th February he makes " 3J Course " equal
10 miles, or 2-f- miles ? to the kos. Later (28th February) he says
that 3 miles go to a kos in the same Province (Orissa). Now he
gives the extent of a Bengal kos as miles.

The Mughal kos averaged 4558 yards, that is more than 2# miles
and less than 2| miles. For remarks on this land measurement
see Travels of Peter Mundy , ed. Temple, ii. 66-7, 272. See also
Journ. of John Jourdain , ed. Foster, p. 141, n. 4.

2 5 - Kor Shem Bridges, see ante, note 9. For a biography of
Walter Clavell, who arrived in India in 1668 and succeeded Shem
Bridges as " Chief " in “ the Bay," see Ind. Ant . xxiv. 2x6.
Clavell died 3rd August, 1677.

Edward Reade, who had married Mary, a daughter of Thomas
Winter, brother of the turbulent Governor of Fort St. George,
1661-1668, had been in India since 1661, and was taken into the
Company's service in 1669. At this date he was head of the
factory at Balasore. For a notice of him and a list of MSS.

NOTES ON CHAPTER II *7

authorities whence the act oimt w.r. d, * e " < r

of Richard Edwards/' in X tries and On ear , j n
Gabriel Townseml was srnini m mtvjm- 1m h>«?h i invrll and
Reade, having been «*hu ird f.n b»r m i*»oi In i<’*•;»» h»' wms
"F ifth at Hughly anti Eighth in tin- B.iv '* He idmnei b»
England in 1673. For a notice of hr* * .nm in India, v r *7* «;/
12 S. iii. 471.

William Bramston was a seafanng man rmplnvrd <«n the
Company's sloops. Later he became an r>prnrn» r»l pilot
"Sufficiently Capable to have brought up ativ of the Ship*
[from Balasorej . . . through the rmdle I hamietl " to Hugh'.
Unfortunately, he died in October ife/o fLeftei from tirtigni to
the Court, Oct, 2670, lutcL Bee. Mtse vol. m p

26. See Bowrey's reitiaiks on the " great Multitude of i’otfngaL
.. . in Hugly " and on the rii.strir t where they dwedt p marines
Round the Bay of Bengal, p. H#r)«

27. Hugh seems to have been originally part of the suburbs
of Satgaon, the seat of Government of South West Bengal for
more than two centuries, and the appellation had survived late
enough for Marshall to be told of it,

28. For contemporary accounts of the English and Hutch
factories at Hugh, sec* Bowrey, of*. at. pp, 108*171 '* Streyttshnm
Master, op . cit. i. 108, 325 ; ii. 40, 41, 47, 48. 02, 240, Mt, 2O7, 35b,

29. This was M about two miles out of Tow no/* according to
Streynsham Master, i. 320. See also Yule, Hedges 1 Diary f i. 34,

30. Triveni, the Terlxmy of H. r 2774, lit. the 11 three braids/*
or streams, a place of pilgrimage, ho called because? in ancient
days the rivers Ganges (Bhdgfrathi), Jumun& and Sarasvati,
met here,

31. Mucktapore (unidentified) is mentioned as a dcp6t for goods
by Clavell in his M Account of the Trade of Balasore " (Streynsham
Master, ii. 86).

32. Sandalpore seems to be identical with the Santapore of
Streynsham Master, i. 500 ; ii. 20, 35, a dep6t for muslins at this
period. It may be represented by the Somorah of R„ 1774.

33. By " Mulmulls for Nainoos ” Marshall means malmal and
nain-sukh, i.e. muslins of varying thickness. The terms were
borrowed by the English, and survive as u mull muslin " and
" nainsook ” to indicate thin cotton-goods,

34. Taptapore was evidently a suburb of Amboa, which does
not appear on the modern maps. It is the Ambooa of R., 2774,
and also of J. B. Tassin's Atlas of the Ganges, 1835,

88

NOTES ON CHAPTER II

35. Streynsham Master (ii. 287) also mentions “ Hur Nuddy,
a small towne.” Sir Richard Temple, in a note, suggests that the
fields (har) around Nadia may be meant. But Marshall's state¬
ment shows that “ Hurnadic " (Harinadih), the “deer village/’
was 7 1 kos from Nadia and must therefore have been a separate
place. It appears as Hurnaddy in R., B.A . xix.

36. Murghhapore and Sahmadugar represent the Mirzapour
and Summutgur of R., x 774, and the Mirzapoor and Soomoodagurh
of the Indian Atlas Sheet 120 of 1866. Sahmadgar also occurs
as Sinadghur in Hedges, i. 39.

37. The junction of the Jalangi and the Bhaglrathl, then known
as the “ Cossimbazar River.”

38. Nadia or Nabadwip, which gives its name to Nadia District,
on the west bank of the Bhagirathi. It is strange that Marshall
has no comment on the religious and educational associations of
this place, which would have been more likely to attract his
attention than its commercial activities, especially since Nadia
is not at that date mentioned as a centre whence “ Mulmuls ”
and ** Cossas,” malmal , and hhassa, fine muslin, were procured.

39. Gualbattan, cowherds' cattle-shed (gualbathdn) , a halting
place.

40. Between Patkabarl and Madhupur, the course of the
Jalangi has altered to an extraordinary extent since Marshall’s
time.

41. Long pepper, the fruit spike of the Piper officinarum and
Piper longum, the latter indigenous in E. Bengal.

42. The site of “ Hussanpore ” has evidently shifted, as the
latest Survey Sheet shows Hasanpur some five or six miles east
of Surangpur.

43. Kela gachhi, grove of plantain trees, a halting place.

44. Gaighdt , cattle ford. A “ ferry ” is marked on the S.S.

45. By Shaistah Khan's parwdna is probably meant the nishdn
of Shah Shuja’, second son of Shah Jahan, dated 1656 and
confirmed by Shaistah Khan in 1672. Eor a printed version
see Streynsham Master, ii. 22-24.

46. Marshall s great towne ” seems to be indicated by the
extensive area of buildings near Jagobandhanpur shown on the
old Survey Sheet of 1853-55.

47. Apparently the " Uddumpur ” of Hedges, i. 40, 77.

48. Marshall’s course up the Jalangi River can be traced from
the 1 in. to the mile Survey Sheets up to Gorimari, some 8 or

NOTES ON CHAPTER II H 9

q miles from Jalangt, and up to the " Smldk .tnkadrr " of R.,
B.A. xi. After that all that ran b<* said is that hr appears in
have gone on up the channel represented on K., If.A. xi, by the
“Culcully River M (now shown as the Siahnan on the ialesi
Sumy Sheets) till he entered the Ganges (Padda) to tin* cast of
Murcha (see Margang channel <m Surrey Sheet evidently the
channel of the Ganges in his day). The fart is that the fare of the
country has greatly changed in these parts since Ue/n.

49. ? Kalikapur. Apparently the " (olrapoor " of Hedges,
i. 49, 89/ 122. A trace of the name seems to survive in Kenncll's
“ Culcully River ” (B,A. xi.).

50. ? Garherhdt, the market of the fort, probably a market¬
place near the old fort of Murcha {B.A. xi.).

51. The Rajmahal Hills on the N.W. of Mnrshkiabful District;.

52. ? Shad! ka Kampur. Cf. Nayapara Rampur (S,S,) about
4 m. S.E. of Bhagwangola.

53. ? Kalinagar, a name surviving in the name of a iota and of
an old river channel on the 1848-68 Survey Sheet , situated E. by N.
of Bhagwangola. The distance from Kasimbazar, 7 has or 15$
miles, fits in with this locality.

54. ? Hargopalpur. Evidently diluviated since Marshall's
time.

55. The Aurengabad of R., B.A, xv., ami the Orangabath of
Broucke's map.

56. Dougotchee (I)ogaclu), marked " Pogutchy " on an old
map in the British Museum (without date or publisher's name, but
of c. 1770), on the east side of the Ganges, about opposite to
Furruckabad on R., B.A . xv. This is not the Jourgotchy of
Rennell, which is probably the Towditch mentioned below, 22nd
September, 1670. Shah Shuja' crossed the Ganges at Dogachl,
see Sarkar Aurangsih, ii. p. 242.

57. The fact that from near “ Urriapore " the hills seemed to
Marshall to be about 10 has (~22& miles) away indicates that he
went up the old course of the Bhagirathi to the east of the
present course of the deep stream, skirting round near the site
of the ruins of Gaur. He seems to have been unwell (cf. refer¬
ence to ague) and so perhaps did not observe any remains
—probably buried in jangal at the time. Most likely he turned
off westwards up the old Pagla river towards R&jmahal. The
total distance recorded between Downapore and Rajmahal
(about 43 miles) also shows that his boat followed a circuitous
route here, as the distance would be only about 25 miles by the

9 o NOTES ON CHAPTER II

present course of the river, or the course of the river in Pennell's
time.

58. Shah Shuja', Nawab of Bengal and Orissa, who, with his
followers, was slaughtered in Arakan in 1660. Only the ruins of
the zanana buildings of the palace now remain.

59. Of the " Banqueting house,” or pavilion for spectators to
watch regattas held in the lake, the garden (Phulbari), and the
pipes by which water was brought from a reservoir connected
with the lake, only ruins remain (see Santal Parganas District
Gazetteer , p. 275). For an interesting contemporary description
of Rajmahal and Shah Shuja's Palace see the account by Nicolas
de Graaf, a surgeon in the service of the Dutch East India Com¬
pany. Be Graaf journeyed from Hugli to Patna in 1670 shortly
after Marshall. He spent a week in examining the buildings at
Rajmahal, and his plan of the city faces p, 48 of his Voyages aux
Indes Orientates , published in 1719.

60. The " English house '' was the building occupied by the
factors of the E.I.Co. sent from Hugli and Kasimb&zar to superin¬
tend the coinage of the Company's bullion at the Mughal mint.

61. Puttahaw possibly represents Patthara, the ” place of the
stone.” Cf. “ Pilaar ” on Broucke’s map, and " Colonne ” on
the Nouvelle Carte du Royaume de Bengale (Histoire Generate des
Voyages , 1751).

62. The " Bourgengel ” of Broucke's map and the " Burra-
jungull (bard jangal, great woods or waste) of Marshall's journey
by palanquin in 1671.

63. Popolpore, Dellegola, Dolladee and Hardora, all probably
diluviated since Marshall's day.

64. Gorre represents Taliagarhi, often shortened in the
Muhammadan histories into Garhl = the Gorij of Lavanha's map
(c. 1550).

65. The ** house of stone,” masjid and rocks refer to the rocks
and remains at Pattharghatta. The " 2 parcells ” of rock
mentioned below are the Colgong [Kahalgaon] rocks.

66. The Kharagpur Hills, the highest point of which is M&ruk,
1628 feet above sea-level.

67. Agalpore. This may be intended for Bhagalpur, but in his
return journey Marshall writes Boggulpore, and in his 1671 diary,
when travelling by pstlki, he writes ” Baugulpore ” for Bhagalpur.
It is possible that in those days a branch of the Ganges, the
remnant of which can be traced in the Ghogha nala, passed round
to the south not far from Agarpur (S.S.), and this latter may be
Marshall's Agalpore (r and l being interchangeable).

NOTES ON CHAPTER II

9*

68. Goura, ? Gaura, about 12 miles W.N.W. of Bhagalpur,
diluviated apparently by Kennell's time, but the name survives
in the name of a mausa marked on the S.S.

69. Dc Graaf (p. 50) also describes the old stone bridge, and
says that it had eight arches and an octagonal stone tower at
each end.

70. The Goorgut Nulla of R., H.A. xv, It appears asa" large
and deep Nullah passed with difficulty " at " Goorgaut " in a
list of “ Distances on the Patna road from Murshedabad " (Orme
MSS. vol. lxvii., p. 55).

71. Evidently diluviated. Judging from Broucke's map and
the names of places mentioned by Do Graaf, the river curved
round to the north between Sultanganj and Gogrl in those days.

72. The situation of these villages has much altered owing to
changes in the courses of the rivers. Marshall sailed west from
Jamalpur to a " little town " about 6$ miles. This was probably
Mansi ( S.S.), the Manci of De Graaf and Broucke.

73. By “ the King " Marshall refers to Sultan Muhammad
Shuja', (Shah Shuja'), second son of Shfth Jahan, twice Governor
of Bengal, who built himself a palace on the west side of the fort
at Monghyr, overlooking the river, and spent a good deal of his
time there. Marshall does not refer to the visit of the " Dutch¬
men/' De Graaf and Oosterhoff, on this occasion, since it was not
till about six months later that they were imprisoned at Monghyr.
He gives an account of their misadventure when describing his
journey by land to Monghyr in Chapter IV, where he has also
further remarks on the city. See also De Graaf's description
(Voyages, pp. 59-61).

74. Apparently diluviated.

75. Cotgola (k&thgola, wood-store) was probably a temporary
halting place.

76. Surajgarhi, the little Siirajgarha, probably a suburb of the
latter.

77. The course of the Ganges has constantly changed between
Surajgarha and Mokameh, so the places touched at by Marshall
(Fottarepore, Gehaumah, Shecolee) have probably been diluviated
long since.

78. By “ toddy " [trees] Marshall apparently means tar or
palmyra trees from which tdri or toddy was obtained.

79. Possibly gold-i-ghi or gh% store.

80. Bunderbunna, the Bendar Bana of Broucke's map. It is
not marked on the S.S, The name means the " monkey wood."

92

NOTES ON CHAPTER II

81. Of Fatuha Buchanan Hamilton remarked in 1811 (Buchanan
MSS., Behar and Patna, vol. iii., Diary , p. 5) that it was " for
this country a large town, most of the houses clay, a great many
tiled." Of the bridge he says (loc. cit.) : " There had been a
wooden bridge with very massy piers of bricks but some of them
have given way."

82. Punpun. This was an old branch of the Punpun (now
silted up), marked " Little Poonpoon R." on R., B.A. xv., some
four miles above the main mouth of the Punpun at Fatuha, where
the stone bridge referred to by Marshall was situated. It does
not represent the present Punpun which issues into the Ganges
at Fatuha.

83. The distance between Ja'far Khan's Garden and the English
Factory at Patna is given as five miles in " Distances from
Murshedabad on the Road to Patna," c. 1765 (Orme MSS., India,
xvii. 4699), but this Factory building was not in existence in
Marshall’s time.

In 18x1 Buchanan Hamilton says ( Buchanan MSS., Behar
and Patna, vol. iii. Diary, pp. 4, 6) that " Jafher Khan’s garden "
was about two miles from “ Vaikanthpur," that " it had been a
kind of fortification surrounded by a wall strengthened by turrets
and some buildings, part of which remain." He adds that the
garden was about x£ miles “ to the Eastern Gate " of Patna.

84. The Company's warehouse in Patna. Their factory house
was outside the city, at Singhiya, on the opposite side of the
Ganges, at this date.

85. Cuttarpore and Peeruddur seem to have been diluviated.

86. Herraule. The " Herolly " of Capt. De Gloss’s Journal
under date 8-9 Deer. 1767.

87. Nuctissarony. Perhaps a local shrine.

88. The English factory at Jahanabad, near Singhiya, was, as
Marshall tells us, in his “ Accompt of Pattana," drawn up in 1676
(printed in Diaries of Streynsham Master , ed. Temple, ii. 88-90),
north of Patna “ about ten or twelve miles Extra Gangem."

89. On this statement Mr. Kaye remarks: " The rule employed is

latitude ?= declination +90° - meridian altitude

=22° 45'+20° 49 , =25° 25 7 .

The latitude of Patna is approximately 25 0 36' N."

90. For a good description of a bajrd see Buchanan Hamilton’s
remarks in Montgomery Martin’s Eastern India, i. 384, where he
says that at Patna " a 16 oared boat has a crew of 19 men."

91. Bannia. The " Baniya or Bishenpur Basant " of Cunning¬
ham. See Arch. Surv. India , i. map facing p. 55.

NOTES ON CHAPTER H

93

Q2 For an account of lihl.n kf. lath. .UlinuaV . lub). the "

PUlar ” o£ Bakhril, so; Cunningham, «/■• “>■ 1 ’P- '>ooi.

. v „ii : c rone'll im' >I<‘« l vri'-iintiE. nl sforinS thill ho

haSeentokl relating to I lie five IVnulavas, and especially Bhlmft.

94 . Marshall seems to be 'iesnibing I lie h-mb of .Mir Mwlu Hah.
See Cunningham, op. at. pp- V

05. In Chapter III, I’iary of tolh S.'plembrr. (he iiiimi' ^
speft “ Sova Gee.” Neither the garden m the sulmrbs of I aln.
nor the house at ” Pente ” appears lo have ha.l any *'.mne,

with the Mahrata chic Rain.

06. Ibralnm Khan, Nawab, known as Asal-u.l daula second
Bakhshi ol Shah Julian, and Infer Wa/ar unde. Aiuang/.eb.

Patailii, pale fit, a large Hal boilomed clinker-built boat
Compare liowrey, p. 2^5 : “ All the Salt peeler is Sent 1 hih<. to
Hugly in great Half bottomed Vessels, of an Kxreodmge Strength,

icha,,- callO IWrfte! ... t ’t

6000 Bengal* maunds.” llowrev has an dlusf ,.(.on (p. ~/ 7 )
She boat, and then- is an excellent one in h. lb Solvyn s Manners.
Customs and Dresses 0) Hie Hindoos.

Ill

DIARY—PATNA TO HUGLI
1670-1671

Had. MS. 4254, fols. 16-18 (reverse).

17 September. At 5! clock morning went on

board the Dingee small boat, skiff] [and]

departed from English Factory in Pattana, then
scituate neare Shasti Cauns [Shaistah Khan’s] garden,
at North end of Pattana. Rowed with 10 oares and
steared with one man more, and then arrived at
JafFer Cawns [Jaf’ar Khan’s] Garden, being the
South end of Pattana, where stayed untill 8J clock,
when parted with Mr. Elwes, Second of Pattana. 1

At 8| clock departed thence and went to Punpund
[Punpun], being upon Right hand about 1 Course ;
there dined, and at 1clock went thence, and about
16 Course further came to a Barr [Bath] 2 where is
on right hand a Milkees or Almesman’s house, 3 very
neat and handsome. From thence went 3 Course
further by Sunset, then supped, and after went 6 Course
further that night, our Course bein that day about
East 29 Course.

18 September. In the morning, $ clock, rowed
thence, and when light, See Mungeer [Kharagpur]
Hills plane, bearing from East to South. At 1 clock
afternoon came to Mungeer [Monghyr], being 16

95

PATTANA TO HUGLIE

9 6

[1670

Course further. In all by water 45 Course and by
land esteemed but 40 Course from Pattana, our true
Course hither and 3 Course further being East, after
South by East for 4 Course, when came to Gogligamiol-
pore [GogrI and Jamalpur], 4 distant from Mungeere
7 Course. It lay on left hand and is a very pleasant
place, by reason of many handsome topes [groves]
of trees. This place by the River is reckoned halfe
way betwixt Pattana and Rojamaul [Rajmahal], From
hence rowed 7 Course South and came to Jangeere
[Jahanglra], 5 thence steared East and East by South
in the night—7 Course at Sunrise the 19 th day, having
18th day rowed 37 Course. Mungeer by land is
but 8 Course by Land [sic],

19 September . At sunrise the Sun bore East by
South. At 7 clock came to Boggulpore [Bhagalpur], 6
being 3 Course. At 8 clock 2 Course beyond, when
see on head severall peeces of Hills and had lost the
sight of the other Hills called Mungeer hills, these
4 Course being true about East South East. These
Hills on head beare from East By North to South.
These Hills are said to reach within 3 dayes jorney of
the hill[s] which go from Ballasore. 7 At 12 clock
came to these Hills North. After rowed North
East By East. After past the Northmost hill, Which
is the point of all the rest, steared South East By East
to Pente [Pirpainti], where came at clock afternoone.
The towne is scituate on right hand under a pleasant
little Hill, 8 on the top of which is a Muskeet [ma$jid\
and at the side next the River a pleasant Bungelah
[bangidy bungalow] here. Very many Tygers said
to bee here. East point of Rojamaul hills bore East
South East. Here G: T: [Gabriel Townsend] his

1670] RAJAMAUL 97

dog leaping out of the Budgerah would not

come in againe, and so was left behind.

Here the Mcrbaar [ mlr-bnhr> custom or harbour
master] came from the other side to us and desired
something of us, but demanded not anything nor
asked us for our Dustick [dasiafc] ; J Course further
is the house Sova Gee 0 lived in, scituated under the
Hill on the right hand.

From hence 4 Course further rowed South East By
South, when said hill appeared as before, South East
By South, and a river came runing into Ganges from
East from a towne scituate about | Course from
Ganges amongst handsome topes of Trees. This
river is very broad and I beleeve came not from the
same fountaine Ganges doth.

At sunset went 1 Course further, after 2 Course
further South, when came where the Company’s
20 Patelloes 10 or Peter boats were. The Sun this
night set within 3d. of West By South. This day wee
had sailed in all about 48 Course.

20 September. When set out, the farthest Southerly
point of the Hills bore South, wee being distant from
Rojamaul [Rajmahal] about 4 Course, At 9J clock
arrived in a Harbor over against Rojamaul, haveing
rowed this 4 Course South this day. Presently
[immediately] after arrived, rowed to Rojamaul,
where went to English house, where found a Vokeele
\yak% agent] which was sent thither by Mr. March 11
from Cossumbuzar.

2 1 September , Our Dusticks \dastak , pass]
being got ready, at ij- clock afternoone departed
thence and went to the Patelloes, where stayed that
night.

98 PATTANA TO HUGLIE [1670

22 September . First boots [boats] opened [set out]
at clock morning. Here the Southerly hill bore
South by West Westerly, the Northerly Hill North By
West Westerly, and the middle of Rojamaul West
By North. Wee rowed South 10 Course, then
South East 4 Course to Towditch, 12 then South
2 Course, when 4 peeces of new hills, or else some of
old hills, appeare, the South end bearing South West;
then 1 Course South West, when came to an Anchor
at ij clock afternoone, and sent some little boats
(which guided the Patelloes) before to find the depth
of Sutee [Suti] river, to know whether it would be
safe going that way for the Patelloes or not. At
3§ afternoone the boats opened and rowed one course
further West, and there stayed that night. Here
wee haveing advise that Sutee River was but 4 Covets
or 2 yards 13 deepe, and Coclet, 14 &ca. saying some
of their Patelloes drew Covets water, I thought it
very daingerous to venture the Patelloes with the
Company's Salt[peter] that wayes, and therefore
acquainted G. T. [Gabriel Townsend] therewith, who
after very many perswasions was willing they should
go thorow the great River. So wee ordered them
accordingly; for I had made it appeare to them
that to go by the Great River was nigher way by 2 or
3 dayes at least, for that they had come from Pattana
thither, which was 20 Course above halfe the way
from Pattana to Hugly, and they had come thither in
5 dayes time, not reckoning their stay, therefore
probably they might get to Hugly in 4 or 5 dayes more
at most; and they said it would cost them 8 dayes
to go by Sutee river. But I knew their desire was to
go by Sutee that they might sell their Comminseeds

SUTEE RIVER

1670]

99

and Anniseeds at Cossumbuzar [Kasimbazar] where
they pay noe Custome for them.

23 September . Opened at 5^ clock morning. Sun
rise, East J Southerly Course South for J Course to
Donapore [Downapour, R., B./L xv.] on right hand,
then South South-East, East &ca. severall courses ;
2f Course to Nourungobad [Aurangabad] 16 on left
hand, when entred into Sutee river, which goes East
by South, the great River runing East, then severall
courses, but true Course East South East 2 Course,
when came to a towne called Sutee [Sutl] on left
hand, which gives the name to that River, At 9 clock
came hither, which is a little towne. Here Sutee
River is very narrow, not above 10 yards broad, and
runs South South East, here being a branch running
East which runs East into Ganges.

A little before wee came to enter into this narrow
river, I charged Coclet who was the Chiefe Patello
man (being in the Company's owne boat and go[ing]
first), not to go this way through Sutee River, but
G. T. [Gabriel Townsend] asking him againe if
there [was] water enough, hee said, “ Yes,” so G, T.
bid him then go that way, which hee was willing to
obey, though I had charged him at his perrill to the
contrary, and within § houre after one of the Patelloes
was runn upon a Sand, which with very great difficulty
(wee sending other boats to help her) got of[f] againe.
Then, after severall windings for 7 Course, the true
Course being about South, came to the River on left
hand which runs up to Decca East, when Sutee River
runs South By West, and now but 3 Course from Sutee
by Land. 16

Then severall Courses, 13 Course, the true Course

IOO

PATTANA TO HUGLIE

[1670

West By North, to Bulgutta 17 on right hand, [a] great
towne, where formerly a Chowkee [, chaukl , toll station].
Here nearest hills in sight, West By North East,
| Northerly, but suppose the end of them, which see
at 9 clock, to be South, Sun set West by North,

1 Northerly. Hence by land but 12 Course to
Cassumbuzar [Kasimbazar]. At io| clock night
set out againe, at [? and] at Sunrise n[ext] day had got
12 Course ; true Course suppose to be South East.

Saturday 24 September . Sun rose East by South
£ Southerly. Severall Courses ; 6 Course to Muxi-
davad [Mukhsusabad] 18 on right and Left hand,
being a very great towne in extent ; true Course
South East by East; then 4 Course further to Cassum¬
buzar, where at English Factory, 10 left hand, arrived
at 12 clock, where stayed that night.

25 September . At 9 clock morning some Patelloes
arrived at Cassumbazar, where Anchored, but wee
presently [immediately] forced them away. Then

2 Course further South West on right hand, when
came to a tree called Arbor de rayes, 130 yards about
the bowes. 20 In the body therof I carved I. M.
Here dine[d] after 8 Course severall wayes, but trew
[course] South West, where over took the Patelloes
at 7 clock n[ight]. At 12 clock night set out and at
Sunrise got 12 Course further.

26 September . At Sunrise set out. Steared severall
courses for 24 Course, but suppose true Course South,
and at 7 clock arrived within 4 Course of Nuddea
[Nadia] where stayed.

27 September . At Sunrise came to Nuddea, being
4 Course. At 10 clock at Mur[za]pore, 21 where a
river runs out of this to West and into Ganges. 22

BALLASORE

ioi

1670]

To Sandalpore, 23 8i Course, where 2 rivers come from
Dacca ward North, 21 [? Hugly] river up towards
Hugly runing West. 25 At 8 clock night arrived at
Hugly [Hooghly, Hugh] Factory, where stayed &ca.
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16.

16 October 1670. At 4 clock morning went from
Huglie in the Madras Pinnace, 26 and arrived in
Ballasore [Balasore, Baleshwar] road 22th ditto at
5 clock night. v

5 November 16 70. Went from the Happy Entrance ? 1
having dispatched her to the Coast at 6 clock morning.

7 th November. At 10 clock, with much trouble,
arrived on shore, being driven to leeward of Ballasore
river about 3 Course, or 6 miles. At 5 clock after-
noone arrived at Ballasore Factory, haveing gone
about 12 miles on foot.

30 December 1670. At 2 clock afternoone went
from Ballasore and came to Ramchandrapore 28 at
5 clock, and lay there that night.

31 December. Went about 10 Course further, and
about i| Course before came to Pipley [Plpll] wee
stayed under a great Tree which had but one Trunk,
and its branches was in Diameter 43 yards one way,
and 41 the other, at least according to measure by pace.

At 4 clock came to Pipley where the Dutch have a
handsome Factory. There we lay that night and all
New years day. 28

2 January 1675-. At 8 Clock morning went from
Pipley. Went about 10 Course and stayed under a
tree that night ; ? at 4 clock stayed.

3 January. At break of day set out, and at 2 clock
afternoone came to Kendoa [Kendua], 80 where the
Budgero with 20 oares was ready for us. At 9 clock

102

PATTANA TO HUGLIE

[1675

night wee went thence and rowed about 3 course,
when come to Kedgeree [Khajurl], 31 which is the
entrance into Huglie River*

4 ] January . At 6 a clock when the Tide served, wee
rowed towards Hugly, and that night came to a place
where are many Tygers. I s[aw] the impressions
of 3 or foure severally which had been there that day.

5 January . At 1 clock morning came from thence
and at 5 clock night arrived at Huglie.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

9 February 167 y• When the Moone was past

the Meridian in the night and was about 4£d. high,
then was Mrs. Vincent delivered of a Sonn 32 I
suppose it was about 1 ih. 15m. night. This was also
the first night that Mr. Billingsley was married. 33
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15.

15 March 167y• About 6 \ clock night, when
the Moone was full, which was when shee was about
6d. below the horizon, shee suffered almost, if not a
totall, Eclipse. The Evening was cloudy so could
not well see her till was about 4d. high, and when
shee was about 7d. high, she was half Eclipsed, and
when shee was 13^ degrees high, the Eclips was over.
I observed in my Tube the most part of the Eclipse,
and when the greatest part was over I observed the
darke part of the Moone, which last received light, to
be much darker, as it received the light, than the other
which had first received it, and could not believe it
was the darkish part which wee ususally see in the
Moon, but thought it had beene some unusuall spots,
for twas so dark that without the Tube I could not
sensibly distinguish it from the dark part which had
first been enligh[te]ned, that it seemed like a cloud

HUGUK

167®

103

before it. This darkish part, which was so long before
it was cleare, reached to \ of the diameter of the Moone,
and was sensibly darker than the rest untill the Eclipse
was over, after which in little time twas as cleare as
any of the rest of the darkish part of the Moone.

This observation I tooke in Huglie which lies neare
Satagam [Satgaon] upon a branch of the River Ganges
in Lattitude 22d. 40m. 34 Senior Van Leen, the
Dutch Fiscally 5 was with mee when I tooke this
observation and said that hee had an Almanack dated
at Holland which said That at Amsterdam the Eclipse
would not bee scene there, but Easterly at t ih. 45m.
noone would begin at that time. I afterwards see
the same Almanack which confirmed mee in the
same, which said would happen 25th March new
Stile, which is 15th old. According to these Braminies
[Brahmans] Account, the Eclipse began when the
Moone was 25-^d. below the horizon, which was about
4h, and 22m., and ended at 7h., so that substract
4h. 22m. from nh. 45m., the difference is 7h. 23m.,
which makes the difference in Longitude 1 xod, 45m.,
for the Braminies say the Eclipse began 4 Gurries
before and ended %\ Gurries u after night. At
Pipley by the mouth of Ganges the variation is
7d. 23m.

Harl, MS. 4254, fols. 16-16a.

29 March 1671. Upon the 29th March 1671
(which was a great day of pennance amongst the
Hindoos), I see severall men and one woman throw
themselves downe about *i\ yards upon broad and
somthing sharp irons, 6 or 7 of which irons being
stuck into a peece of board with their edges a little
bending from the persons that fell with their brests

104

PATTANA TO HUGLIE

[1671

upon them, which with their weight they bended and
laid flat to the wall with the force of their fall. They
stuck up from the board about 8 inches. The board
was laid upon a pillow and supported by men with
towells ; also men held towells for the persons feet
to fall upon. After severall had throwne themselves
downe thus, they suffered their tongues to be boared
thorow with an iron, which was at one end about one
inch [and] about 8 at the other end, and the rest of
it but small; but it was about 1 yard long. After
that the same persons suffered their armes to be stuck
full of iron needles about 1 foot long and £ inch thick,
the needles being run thorow their skin and stuck
therein, and also their skin on their breasts and back
being stuck full of like needles, and thorow each ear
one, which ran thorow their back skin and pinned their
eares thereto. I numbred the needles on one arme
on one man, and there were 60 needles stuck in it,
so that I believe hee had stuck in his skin at least
200 needles.

And 2 great iron hookes about f inch thick run
thorow their Backes and could not be run each of
them into less than i-| inches of their flesh and skin;
and by these hookes (with a cloth tyed to preserve
them from falling if the flesh and skin should breake)
were with a pulley lifted from the ground about
14 or 16 foot, and was swung swiftly 3 or 4 times
about in a circle, about 2 8 or 30 foot about, by bamboos
which were placed across a post stuck into the ground.
But all that swung so by the back had not needle[$]
stuck into their skin. And I see one man that had
so much confidence in the strength of his flesh and skin,
that with 2 hookes through the flesh and skin of his

HUGLIE

1671]

back, and 2 through the skin and flesh of his breast,
hee ventured to swing without any cloth tyed to
preserve him from falling in case the flesh and skin
should breake.

When their tongues are run thorow, they put a
leafe above and another below the hole, and make no
more of it, nor seemc more concerned at it, nor for
their falling upon the irons, for I see one man do it
twice, and presently after each other. Nor are they
appearingly concerned for their swinging by their
backs, but do it merrily on their owne accord. I see
one woman swing so.

They generally make a vow before That if they have
children recover of a fit of sickness or the like, then
they will do this pennance, which afterwards they
performe. I beleeve I see about 40 do this pennance
at Hugly then. 37

NOTES ON CHAPTER III

1. Robert Elwes, elected factor in i66t, had been in Patna
under Job Charnock since 1668. In 1673 he was made head of
Dacca factory and died there in 1675. See Correspondence of
■Richard Edwards, in Notes and Queries, 12 S. iii. 45 (Jan. 19x7).

2. “ A Barr ” seems to indicate the town Barh which is about
16 kos from Punpun. The article was probably inserted by
mistake.

3. By “ Almesman's house " Marshall probably means a
dhamasala, pilgrims' rest-house, but it is not clear what
“ Milkees" is intended to represent. Perhaps Marshall mis¬
understood his informant who was speaking of a milltl, a pro¬
prietor, farmer.

4. Gogri-Jamalpur, It is a common practice in this part of
India to pin the names of two adjacent or neighbouring villages
together. Jamalpur is a very common place-name. Gogri-
Jamalpur specifies it, In his former journey Marshall names
these villages separately. See Chapter II, Diary of 16th April.

5. The " Jengera" of Marshall's former journey. See
Chapter II, Diary of 15th April.

6. See Chapter II, note 67.

7. A vague reference to the hills that outlie the Chutia Nagpur
highlands on the west and south-west. The information given
to Marshall was correct,

8. See Chapter II, Diary of 12th April,

9. See Chapter II, note 95. As stated there, this place can
have no connection with Sivaji as there is no tradition that he
was ever in these parts. Neither can it refer to Sahuji, a Maratha
leader who flourished some seventy years after Marshall's journey.
The most likely explanation is that “ the house Sova Gee lived
in ” was a temple to Siva. These temples are called Sivalay,
literally (Siva -dlaya) house of Siva, and no doubt when Marshall
asked for the name of the building and its meaning, he was
informed that it was a Sivalay, Siva Ji ha ghar, Siva's house.

106

NOTES ON CHAPTER III 107

Or it is possible, though less likely, that Sova Gee may represent
Sahu JI, and would thus mean " the house of the banker. M

10. See Chapter II, note 97.

n. John March served the Company as a factor in Patna,
Dacca and Kasimbazar from 1662 to 1671. He was appointed
Chief at Kasimbazar by the Council at Port St. George in Sept.
1669, and he died there in 167T. For an account of his career
in India see Correspondence of Richard Edwards, in Notes and
Queries , 12 S, iii. (Feb. 1917), P* 82.

12. Possibly the “ Jourgotchy " of Rennell, B.A. xv. The
channel followed by Marshall has since silted up. See Chapter II,
note 56.

13. This makes the covid (Port, covado , cubit, ell), 18 in., the
usual measurement. In 1632 Peter Mundy found the “ coved "
at Patna measuring 38 in. (Travels, ed. Temple, ii. 156),

14. The only other mention of this individual (besides that on
23rd September) that has been unearthed is found in a letter
from Samuel Bullivant to Richard Edwards, dated " Singee,”
5th November, 1672, O.C. 3695 (printed in Notes and Queries ,
12 S., iv. 152, June, 1918) : " I hope you have before this received
the ps. of stuff© sent you in charge of Medena [Madana], Mr.
Marshalls servant, as also the 2 bags of Saltpetre sent on Cockletts
boate, the chiefe Boatman/'

15. See Chapter II, Diary of 7th April.

16. See R., B.A. xv. Marshall had come from Suti (Sooty)
southwards to the place where Rennell shows a channel running
E. past Comrah. But between Suti and this corner the channel
had wandered about in a corkscrew fashion, and was not then
fairly straight as in Rennell's time. At this corner, again, the
Bhagirathi twisted away to the S.W. and seems to have taken a
very big curve and then turned round N.W. to Belghatta. By
" the River . . . which runs up to Decca east " Marshall means
the main stream of the Ganges, here called the Padma or Pedda.

17. The Belgottah of R., B.A. xv.= Belghatta,

18. The Moxudabath of Broucke's map, now known as
Murshldabad. The name was changed some forty years after
Marshall's visit.

19. For the English factory at Kasimbazar, see Streynsham
Master, i. 329.

20. Marshall is using the Portuguese name ( Arbore de raiz , tree
of roots) for the banyan (Ficus Indica) or bar tree,

21. See Chapter II, note 36.

io8

NOTES ON CHAPTER III

22. For the river running " to West," see Broucke's map, and
R., B.A. vii. (" Bonka N.")\

23. See Chapter II, note 32.

24. The " Chournee Cr[eek] " of R., B.A . xix. may be a remnant
of one of the rivers coming “ from Dacca ward North."

25. See R., B.A. vii., which shows a stream going west from
near Mirzapur, and then turning south. In Marshall's time an
old channel seems to have gone round this way to Hugli.

26. One of the Company’s sloops employed in unloading their
ships in Balasore Road and carrying goods from Balasore to
Hugli.

27. The Happy Entrance , with five other Fast Indiamen,
reached Fort St. George from England in July 1670. See O.C.
3446; Ccrres. of Richard Edwards, in Notes and Queries , 12 S.,
iii. 293 n. (May 1917).

28. See Chapter II, note 5.

29. PiplI was formerly an important port near the mouth
of the Subarnarekha on the Orissa coast, but the silting up
of the river led to its decay, and no trace remains of the
European settlements there. The actual site of the place, indeed,
is uncertain. The Portuguese settled there in 1599, and Shah
Jahan granted permission to the English to erect a factory
in 1634, but there is no evidence of its construction. From the
fact that Marshall stayed at the Dutch factory in 1670 it seems
clear that the English had no permanent settlement at PiplI
at this date. See Bengal District Gazetteers , Balasore, pp. 204-205 ;
Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 162, n. 2.

30. The Kindua of Broucke's map. The village of Kendua
is on the road from Contai to Rasulpur, and is now about three
miles from the mouth of the Rasulpur river, but not far from an
old river channel, which may be the channel Marshall rowed
along. Yule’s surmise (Hedges' Diary, iii. 207) that Kontai and
Kendua are identical is incorrect, since Contai, a corruption of
Kanti, is much farther than 3 kos from Khajurl, while Kendua is
approximately that distance from it.

31. Both villages, Kendua and Khajurl, are named from trees.

32. Mary, wife of Matthias Vincent, then Second at Hugli.

He succeeded John March as Chief at Kasimbazar in 1671. For
an account of Vincent’s services and his " interloping " practices
see Streynsham Master, ii. 339, n. $

33. John Billingsley, who sailed to India with Marshall in 1668,
served the Company at Hugli and Balasore. He was one of the

NOTES ON CHAPTER III

109

earliest victims of the epidemic to which Marshall succumbed in
1677. See Corns, of Richard Edwards, in Notes and Queries,
12 S. v. 34 (Feb. 1919).

34. On Marshall’s comments as above, Mr. Kayo notes as
follows : “ Eclipse of moon at Hfigli 15 March 1670-1. Marshall
gives the following particulars :

Position of
Moon relative
to horizon.

Time

recorded.

Eclipse began

- 251 °

«jh. 22m. p.m, or

Full moon -

-6*

4 ghatis before
sunset.

6h. 30m, p.m.

Half eclipsed
Eclipse over

+ 7 °

+oi°

7I1. om. p.m.

“Latitude of Hugli given in text, 22 0 40' N., is roughly correct,
For longitude, no 0 45' from ? Amsterdam or some place east of
Amsterdam is given. It is actually about 88° 24' east of Green¬
wich ! As usual Marshall's data are too ambiguous to work
upon."

35. " Senior Van Leon " is Joan van Lune, Fiscall, or Superin¬
tendent of Police. Ho is one of the signatories of a letter from
Hugli to the Dutch East India Company dated xx August, 1670,
N.S. (Dutch Transcripts, B., xxix. No. 756, 1 .O. Records).

36. Ghari, an Indian measure of time of 24 minutes, the eighth
part of a pahar or " watch," of which there were 8 in the twenty-
four hours, measured by a clepsydra or water-clock.

37. For full details of, and authorities to be consulted on, the
custom of hook-swinging among the Hindus, see Barbosa, ed.
Longworth Dames, i. 220 and note; Diaries of Streynsham
Master, ed. Temple, ii, 164 and note; Frazer, Golden Bough,
pt. hi. ( The Dying God), 278 and note,

IV

DIARY—HUGLI TO PATNA
1671

Account or a Journey from Huglie to
Pattana per John Marshau., begun upon Wednesday

May le 3D, a[t] 6|h. morning and finished 23TH

DITTO AT 811. MORNING 1C7I.

Harl. MS. 4254, folio 19-27 (reverse).

3 May 1671. Wednesday morning at 6| clock
morning set forward from Huglie. Mr. Vincent
and Mr. Bagnold 1 accompanying mee i| Course,
I being fitted with a Pallankeene and 8 Caharrs
[kahar, palanquin bearer] to carry it, 3 Cahars to carry
my provisions and 1 to carry my Gunn, 1 Mussallman
[Musalman] and Cook and 6 Peons 2 allowed mee by
Mr. Vincent, who delivered to mee 150 Rupees on
the Company’s account for my way charges, and
agreed with the Peons and Caharrs for 5 rupees per
peece for the jorney and 6 rupees to the Mussallman
and Cook.

So forward to Satagan [Satgaon], 3 2 Course. To
Bigsee, 4 2 Course. To Hautgaggechapore, 5 4 Course,
where stayed under a great tree this night, a little before
Sunset a very great storme happening. This day
passed over Satagam River and another near Bigsee.®
This day travelled in all - - - 8 Course.

in

I 12

HUGLIE TO PATTANA

[1671

4 May . At break of day set forward and went to
Amboa, 7 2 Course, leaving the greatest part of the
towne on the right hand. This is a very large towne
lying upon the river. To Mergapore, 4! Course,
beyond which about £ Course ferried over a River
which is distant from the River which runs into
Ganges about r Course. To Summudgur, 8 i| Course.
To Cubbadgepore [? Kubjapur], 2| Course, Here
dined under a tree, and about 5 clock afternoon, when
ready to set out, a great storme happened and a violent
wind which overset my empty Pallenkeene upon
4 mens shoulders, as they were carrying it to the Surray
[sarai , inn]. Went further by Moonlight, 4 Course,
and lay in the field.

Travelled this day - - - 14J Course

$ May , At break of day set forward to Godgepore
[Gazypour, R. 74], 0 which lies by the side of the
River which goes to Cossumbuzar ; 2 Course further,

1 Course, ferried over ditto River. To Agdea
[Agradwip], 9 £ Course. To Cossalpore [Cosalpour
Gaut, R. 74], J Course. To Atchittea [Asachhia],

2 Course. To Bissercole [Basarkhola], \ Course. To
a Dry ditch, J Course. To Jodpore, J Course. To
Pollossee [Plassey, Palasl], 1 Course,

A little before came here, came to Cossumbuzar
river againe. This [Plassey] is a great towne of
thatcht houses and scituate on the River. To
Sheakfridcaudurcaa, 10 2 Course. To Doudpore
[Dadpur], 1 Course. Here lay this night by a
Surray \sarat\ having since left Pollassee travelled not
far from the River,

This day - - - - - -10 Course.

i 6 7 i] COSSUMBUZAR TO PATTANA 113

6 May. At break of day set forward. To Buddooa, 11
1 Course. Here passed by a great Surray and under
a stone gatehouse. To Sicco, 12 2I Course. To
Banditchee, 13 if Course, where left the Rojamaul
[Rajmahal] road on right hand and went over the fields
towards Cossumbuzar [Kasimbazar], 1 * being 1 Course,
where arrived at iof clock morning. This day
travelled thorow aboundance of fields of Mulberry
trees, scarce any of which above one yard high. This
day in all travelled 6 Course.

Arrived ioh. morning, So that, according to this
account, the distance betwixt Huglie and Cossumbuzar
should bee but 38.} Course, but tis always esteemed
40 Course, the difference arising from not reckoning
the length of the towne passed thorow.

Memorandum . The way betwixt Huglie and Cas~
sumbuzar is most thorow fields, not much wood. 15

8 May. At 6 clock night Mr. March and I went
to the Dutch Factory, where Senior Vanburdg [Ver-
burg] was chiefe [and] Senior Fensall 2d, 16 Supped
there about 8 clock upon the Dutch Factory Tarras,
where Mr. March and I did partly resolve after 3 years
to go to England together overland, and thereupon
shaked hands. At 1 x clock night returned back
againe to the English Factory. The Dutch Factory
is made of brick, very large, and hath handsome
gardens belonging] to it. 17 It is about a mile from
the English Factory.

Tuesday 9 May , At 8 clock morning came from
Cossumbuzar. Went a little to the Westward and
passed over Cossumbuzar river. To Dera, 18 f Course*
To Poee, 18 J Course. To Ditto River againe, £ Course. ,
Went by the river side 1 Course, when passed over.

HUGLIF, TO PATTANA

xi 4

[1671

To Muxidavad [Makhsusabad], J Course. This is
a very great towne of thatcht houses. Here to be
bought silks [in] great quantities, being the chiefe
place in Bengali for them. Here Oftoas [ aftaba ]
and Chellamchees [chilamcht] &ca. brass ware, Girdles
and Sashes [shash, turban] which come from Bonnares
[Benares] ; here handsome shops. Here bought
2 Nellegree stone cups. 10 Here dined in a Garden.

To Nehilla, 20 1 Course from first entrance into
Muxidavad. Here many little townes round about.
To Bubbunuda Surray, 1 1 Course. To Bowdee
Surray, 20 i\ Course, where lay in the highway neare
the Surray. This day - - - - 8 Course.

xo May. At break of day set out. To Pipla
Surray, 21 2 Course. To Cottickpore, 21 2 Course.
To Comray [Kamra Saral], 2 Course. Here many
topes [top, grove] of trees and severall little townes.
Here passed under a stone gatehouse. Here a little
stone house.

To Cossumbuzar river, 22 \ Course, where passed
over, being almost quite dry. Here the river meets
with the river Ganges, now distant from Sutee [Sutl] 23
towne, 3 Course. This is very pleasant way.

To Colloopore, 23 £ Course. To Cutwallpore
Surray, 23 £ Course. Here dined in a garden or under
a row of Mango trees, where many poor people stayed
till the heat of the day was over. They came from
Pattana. 24 Here I gave many Cowries away. Here
one old woman came to mee laughing and yet beging.
I told her shee that was so merry could not want any
thing, but shee replyed that shee rejoyced to see mee
because shee knew I would give her somthing, which
I did.

ifyji] COSSUMBUZAR TO PATTANA 115

To Coondapurra, 25 1 Course. Here a neate tope
of trees on the left hand. To Norungabad [Auranga¬
bad], 1 Course. This the first towne in which pice
generally goe [are current], Tis a very great towne
of thatcht houses, which are very stragling. 2 ® I see
not above 2 or 3 Stone houses in it. A little before
came hither passed over a dry ditch in which Ganges
flowes in the floods. Passed thorow the towne which
is at least 1 Course thorow, and lodged in the field
neare the Surray. This day travelled io| Course.

11 May. About break of day set out. To Ganges
river, 1 Course. To Cotwolpore, 27 1 Course. To
Gualgane, 87 2 Course. To Jalmorree, 27 J Course.
This a great towne of thatcht houses ; the 3 last
Course the way most amongst sedge and reeds.

To Dunnapore, 28 3 Course. To Cojakissore, 29
2 Course. This two Course left the River ; here
dined. Here first see Rojamaul [Rajmahal] hills,
being hazy. The middle of them bore West.

To Gobundas Surray, 30 x Course ; this town no
trees ; here 1 Tank. To a great steep stone bridge,

2 Course, upon which may see Ganges on Right hand
about £ Course of. This is over a dry ditch, which
suppose is filled in the raine times by the water which
comes from the Hills.

To Dogutchee, 31 1 Course, where passed tho[row]
the towne and lay in the field near the Surray [sarat].
This l[ast] 3 or 4 Course the way most thorow reeds
and sedge ; here a broad branch of Ganges but almost
dry.32 This day - - - - - 11 Course.

12 May . To Seregur, 33 Course, Emillea, 33
Course. To Woodowa 33 and Puttowra, 88 I Course.
Here a great Cowkedar [chaukldar] who watcheth

HUGLIE TO PATTANA

116

[1671

that no goods go from Rojamaul [Rajmahal] to
Cassumbuzar without a Dustick [ dastak , pass]. Hee
would have had somthing of mee ; but by reason hee
told mee it was a custome for Englishmen that travelled
that way to give him somthing, and that if I would
not hee would stop what goods came that way, There¬
fore I would give him nothing, because I would breake
that custome and extortion.

This day came most of the way by a small river,
which wee here passed over, beeing very shallow.
Hard by this place are 3 or 4 small hills. To Beall-
gotchee, 34 1 Course. To Serdarricars garden, 34 1
Course; here staid a little while. To Rojamaul
[Rajmahal] where arrived in English house at 9 clock. 35
This day 7 Course, and in all from Cassumbuzar

36^ Course.

ROJAMAUL

13 May . This day, beeing I could not get out a
Dustick [ dastak , permit] before night, having not
taken out one yesterday because *twas Fryday when
the Durbar \JDarbar> court] sitteth not, I went in the
Morning to Sasujas [Shah Shuja’] garden, in which
are 5 Quadrangles, each (except the 4th) inclosed with
brick and stone wall and houses, in which are some
very pleasant and code roomes, the bigest Quadrangle
about 200 yards long and 80 yards broad ; the 2d
130 long and 80 broad, which is the Maul \mahal\ for
women ; the 4th 100 long and 80 broad. This not
walled at the furthest end, but theres a great poole of
water; the other for women stands also by ditto
poole. The 5th is at the entrance in, and is about
50 yards long and 50 broad. 36

i6;i]

ROJAMAUL TO PATTANA

117

COYNEING RUPEES

Here stayd till about 3 clock, when went to the
Tanksall [ tankasala , tahsdl , taksal> mint] where Rupees
are coyned. In the way thither happened a blast of
wind which had like to have overset my Pallenkeene.
I see them make, but not stamp, Rupees ; but the
stamp is broad, beeing cut in steelc, and haveing the
characters on a rupee in 5 places cut upon the Rupee
(vizL) y upon the middle, and round about 4 ; so they
ly the Rupee upon the middle and another stamp upon
the rupee, and so stamps both sides at once.

This towne of Rojamaul is at least 2 or 3 Course
long, 37 The streets are many of them paved with
cobble stone, but now much broken as is the towne
demolished.

Sunday 14 May . At 6 clock morning left Roja¬
maul and went to Mogullonneechuck, 38 -f Course. To
Nowady [Nawadih], f Course, To Leorpahart, 39
i Course ; here came to Ganges. To Sobittapore, 40
1 Course ; here left ditto river and turned up towards
the hills. To Bonarraspore, 41 2 Course. To Moharra-
dipore, 41 | Course, To Mussahaur [Mussaw], 42
1 Course ; now at the end of the westermost hills
which were first in sight, and others appeare ; the last
Course came near the Hills, about £ Course from the
bottome of them. 43 To Harrechurnpore, 44 \ Course.
To Burrajungull, 45 1 Course.

This towne stands upon the side of a Hill on the
top of which is a Musseet [masjid> mosque], Tis close
by the River Ganges and almost all Surray [ 'sardt\ inn],

I beleeve there are 200 sevrall roomes in it, every
roome esteemed enough for 4 persons, who pay for

HUGLIE TO PATTANA

1x8

[1671

one nights lodging in it 1 pice or 2 * rt Rupee amongst
them. 46 The Surray is all thatched and the roomes
like hogsties. The ground on which the Surray
[stands] is let to the Natives who build upon it. My
Landlady paid for the roome in which I lodged, and
for 4 more, 5 pice per month. The 5 roomes were
in all about 100 square yards.

This towne is a very strong place, having Ganges
on the East and the hills on the west, and woods
almost round about. Here are the ruins of old Forts
and bulwarks. None can pass from Rojamaul [Raj-
mahal] by land towards Pattana but thorow this towne,
where every person receives a chaup 47 upon a cloth
before can pass, but may without a Chaup pass from
Pattana to Rojamaul. This day much raine. Here
many Deer and wild cocks and henns.

This day travelled - - - - - 8 Course.

15 May. Before Sunrise set out from the Surray,
but were stopped at the Gate by the Nabobs peons in
whose Jaggeer 48 this is, and was forced to returne
to the Chowkee [ chaukT ] and (it raining) I went againe
into the Surray, having sent my Dustick taken out at
Rojamaul to the Governor, who kept it about an
houres time, when put upon one of the Peons hand-
kerchers 21 chops, which were for my selfe, 6 peons,
8 Caharrs [kahar], 4 Coolies, with two Doolies [ dolt ,
covered litter] and 1 man with my Gun, and 1 Cook
and 3 other Chaups for my Pallankeene and 2 Doolies. 49
The chaup is only the impression of a seal ruped [sic>
rubbed] over with red stuff. I gave to the Jemmedar 60
who brought the Chaup and to the Governor, 1 rupee,
and to their servants, 1 rupee. 61

I stayed in the Surray by reason of the raine about

i 6 yi] ROJAMAUL TO PATTANA 1x9

2 houres, and went againe to the gate, where was
againe stopped by ditto Peons, who said I should not
pass except I would give them somthing ; so I sent
my chopped [stamped] clout to the Governor, who
sent it to me againe by a Moor [Muhammadan], who
desired mee not to be angry, I told him I was not,
but was resolved, if I stayd there a month, I would
not give the Peons who stopped mee one cowry,
because they told mee except I would, I should not
pass. So the Moore gave mee the chopped clout
and desired mee not to take notice of any abuse, for
it was the Peons fault; so because hee was so civill,
being a person of quality, I told him, if hee would
send his servant with mee to the Doolies gon before,
in which was my knives, I would send him one. Hee
sent his servant, who went about 3 Course before
[and] overtook the Doolies, when sent him a horn-
hafted knife, and gave the servant 1 pice for his pains.

To Salamannag, 52 | Course. To Dowlutka Surray, 52
i-| Course. To Bobbunear Surray, 52 2 Course. To
? Away, 62 when left one hill 63 on the Right hand,

1 Course. Neare this place, seeing Deer under the
hills, I went to shoot, but could not find them here
under the hills.

To Sasujas [Shah Shuja > ] Castle or house under the
side of a high hill, i-| Course. I went into it, in which
are 3 little Courts and many little roomes, and a good
Delaun [dalan> apartment] in the middle, and at each
end a round Turret with 3 windowes in each for
Cannon. Above is roome enough for 70 or 80 Cannon,
and twice so many small Gunns or Musquets. This
Castle stands upon the side of the Hills very pleasantly. 64

To Gurree Surray, 55 £ Course. At this place

120

HUGLIE TO PATTANA

[1671

expected to be asked for my chopt clout, but was not,
now having come this day 7 Course, scarce any time
above 1 mile from the hills. This very pleasant
way. Here passed under a gate ; here a branch of
the great River. Further, 1 Course, when left 2 or
3 hills on Right hand and rest on left, runing South.
Here exceeding pleasant way for 1 opes of trees and
great trees. A little further passed over a dry ditch,
over which a new bridge was building. To Fuckeer-
kabaug, 56 2\ Course.

To Peallapore [Pialapur], J Course, where lay this
night in a Surray, where one of Shasticawns [Shaistah
Khan’s] horsemen presented mec with a peece of
excellent fat goat raw, and a water mellon, and I sent
him almost a quart of Ballasore double stilled Arrach
[?arak, spirit], and £ of his water mellon with some
Sugar to it. This day travelled in all - 11 Course.

Tuesday 16 May . To Sultanka Surray, 57 2 Course.
To little hill on left hand, 1 Course. A little before
came to it, a way runs up on the right hand. Opposit
to this hill, about one Mile, are 3 or 4 little, or rather
one great, but not very high, hill, to which westwards
is another hill J Course distant from them. Here
the hills seeme farr of and the furthest West By South,
and all in severall pieces or hills. 58 To another hill
on left hand, i| Course, on which is scituate on the
top a Mussett [ masjid ] and severall tombs. The hill
is full of severall Stones, but before [and] betwixt
Rojamaul and this place I did not see any rock or great
stones on the hills, which seeme to bee all wood, grass
and sandy soyle. Now about | Course from Ganges.

To Colgaut [Colgong, Kahalgaon ghdi]> ^ Course.
This is scituated in a very pleasant place for trees, and

12 I

!6 7 i] ROJAMAUT TO PATTANA

by a branch of the great River, in the middle of which
branch, by the towne, are two hills of rocks, at the
tops of which are carved tops artificially done. There
is also another hill of rock on the other side of ditto
branch of river neare the other two. On the middle
of the 3 is a house built. These hill rocks are now
about 20 yards above the water, and in the freshes
[freshets, flood] times the water runs betwixt them
with violent force, they being not distant each from
other above 20 yards. 50

Further, f Course, where passed over a dry ditch. 60
Here the hills appeare high but farr of. To another,
or part of the same, dry ditch, which passed over,
if Course. Further, i Course, when came to the
great river. To Sellerpore, 61 i Course; all these
4 last Course, fields of reeds &ca. To Allepore, 61
i Course ; here a Garden. To Borrarree [Bararl], 61
1 1 Course ; here very pleasant for topes of trees and
a good garden of Mango trees set all in rowes in
Squares very handsomly. Here the hills appeare at
East By North and South Westerly to West.

To Mohuddechuck [? Mohiuddinchak], i Course.
To Baugulpore, 62 \ Course. These 3 or 4 last Course
exceeding pleasant.

About this towne aboundance of Toddy [tar] trees,
and gardens of Mango trees. This is a very great
towne of thatcht houses and tis neare the river. Here
lay in the Surray yard, but could not within the roomes
by reason of smoake. Bought here a young Holwan, 63
which cost 8 pice, 26 of which pice go for one Rupee. 64
This a place for bowes and arrows to be bought at,
and also neat hubble bubbles. 65 This day travelled
13 Course.

122

HUGTJE TO PATTANA

[1671

17 May . Before break of day set out. To
Champ, 60 l Course. A little further passed over a
dry ditch. Here the hills in sight, the furthest bearing
West. To Chitcheroul, 67 2 \ Course. Here came
against the hills which yesterday morning bore West,
which hills are now on left hand, about Course.
To Massee [Maheshi], Course. To Nowadah
[Nawada], 1 Course. Here stayed in a garden of
Mango trees. Here happened a very sudden and
great storme of wind and much raine for about 2
Gurries [ ghart ] ; after was cleare againe. A great
many hills appeared which I see not before, some
exceeding and appearing very farr of South, the
furthest. To Musbce [Masdl], 68 l Course; this
towne great, and on both sides the road, which are
high, and haveing a bank on each side, which seemes
to be formerly artificiall, beeing full of bricks. To
Sujapore [Surjapur], Course ; here by Ganges. To
Jangere [Jahanglra], 60 | Course. This towne lies
upon Ganges, a very great towne of thatcht houses.
Here the hills appeare from North West By North
to South East, most part Hills, but some South very
farr of. These 3 last townes seeme as one continued
towne. Passed thorow the towne and went further
J Course, neare the ruins of an old stone house upon
the River side, where under a Tree lay this night.
This day travelled 8 Course.

18 May . To Gurguttee [Ghoraghat], ^ Course.
To Catchagola, 70 ij Course. Here many Lattees
[lathf] or hee Bamboes to be bought, great ones 4
for a pice, or 28th part of Rupee, but they are not of
so good a cast as are at Pattana, for these will never
bee red though never so much rubbed with oyle. 71

123

1671] rojamaul to pattana

To Colleanepore [Kalianpur], 72 Course. Here
passed over a stone bridge of 3 Arches, and at every
corner of the bridge is a little watch house. This
bridge is over a small ditch neare a piller, under which
was buried a man. To Codulcuttah [Coordracutta], 7 *
1 Course. To the bottome of the hills, beeing all
Rocky, i£ Course. Here left 4 or 5 hills on Right
hand.

To Nowagurree [Nauagarhi], J Course. Here left
the high way and turned up the right hand towards the
Kings house in Mungerc. To a tomb in the high
way, \ Course. To Mungere [Monghyr, Munger],
1 Course, where arrived at io| clock morning.

I went to the Kings house, over the bridge and
within the first gate with my pallenkeene, and wolked
to the other gate, but was there stopped and not
suffered to go within. At each side of the gate sat
severall Moors [Muhammadans] as in a Durbar
[darbar]. Within this gate I see 2 Elephants carved
in stone very large and handsomely. Upon the back
of one was carved a boy handsomly. 73

The Moores told mee that the reason why I must
not go within the house to see it was because 2 of the
Dutchmen had beene there and were admitted in to
see the house, and they took out pens and paper and
writ downe every place how long and how broad they
were, and how high the house was and every turning
in it, and how many Cannon and other guns might
be placed in it. The Moores asked them what they
writ and why, who answered that their Directore at
Hugly 74 ordered them to take in writeing an Account
of it so as they had done. The Governor of the towne
understanding this, clapped the two Dutchmen up in

124

HUGUF, TO PATTANA

[1671

prison for 2 months till they sent to the Nabob of
Pattana, and hee to the King about it. So the Nabob
sent for the 2 Dutchmen in irons, who were sent to
him by water in a boat. The Nabob would not let
them go (saying they were spies or thieves and intended
to undermine the Kings house or Port) untill they gave
him 1000 Rupees, which did, and were released, and
afterwards went to Bengali, when againe passed thorow
Mungeer being about 2 months since. 76

So being denied sight of the Fort, I went hence, and
passing thorow the towne, a great Moor [Muhamma¬
dan] siting at his house asked who I was and my name,
and the Peons told him I was an Englishman and my
name Mr Marshall, which he repeated after them very
plane, and I think writ it downe. I passed thorow
the towne and went about J Course into a Garden, and
towards night the sky much threatned raine, so I putt
my Pallankeene under a little thatcht hovell in the
Garden, which was not so long as my Pallenkeene, and
there lay this night.

This day travelled 8 Course.

From Rojamaul hither 48 Course, but its esteemed
50 Course.

Fryday 19 May. Before break of day set out hence
to Dackera, 76 i-|* Course. To Singee [Singhiya],
Course. To Sibcoon [Sibkund], 8 Course. To
Loggowah [Lagma], £ Course. To Bohay Surray
[Baha Chaukl], £ Course. To Obgee [Abgll], 2
Course. Here left Ganges. To Lodowra [Nadaura],
1 Course, To Soorggurra [Surajgarha] Surray, 1
Course; this very pleasant way for topes of trees.
Here lay in the Surray.

This day travelled 8 Course.

1671]

ROJAMAUL TO PATTANA 125

20 May. At 3 clock morning set out, and within
£ Course passed over a branch of Ganges, 77 and a
little after passed over it againe, and passed over
severall sands. To Ney Surray, 78 2 Course. To
Jentea [Jaitpur], a little bn left hand road, 4 Course.
Here see hills appeare South West i West, and the
other end East South East, but twas very hazy.

To Dunira [Dumra], 1 Course ; these 6 Course no
trees, passing most by River side, where see very great
number of dead corps. 70 To Merassee [Maranchl],
1 Course. To Hatchedo [Hathidah], x Course. To
Durriapore [Dariapur], 1 Course. Here staid in a
great garden of Mango trees, 80 where lay this night.
These 3 last Course very pleasant for trees, &ca.
About 1 oh. morning passed by a Cossid (qasid,
messenger] from Mr. [Job] Charnock &ca. towards
Huglie, of which I had no advise till gone.

This day travelled - - - -10 Course.

21 May. To Muckeya [Mokameh], 81 2 Course.
To More [Mor], 81 1 Course. To Mucksa [Mekra],
1 Course. To Cundaureck [Punarakh], 81 Course.
To Bohr [Barh], 2\ Course ; this a great towne
having in it severall stone houses. All this day neare
Ganges. Passed by 4 or 5 dead corps in the road;
a very pleasant road. Here I was profered a Slave
of 12 years old to be sold by his fathers and owne
consent for \ Rupee, but beeing so old and a Sheak
Mussulman [Shekh Musalman], I would not buy him,
but gave him 4 pice and sent him away. .Here fine
rice 3 pice per seer and 33^ pice per Rupee. 82 Here
had a great storme but no raine. Here lay in a
Surray [sard!], where a sad noise of poor starved
people, who I thought would have pulled all my

126

HUGLIE TO P ATT ANA

[1671

things out of my pallenkeen by force, having given
them somthing this day - - - 8 Course.

22 May . At break of day set out. To Asumlika
Surray, 83 3 Course. To Raning [Rani Saral], 2 Course.
To Sumbarka Gola, 84 i| Course. To Gunsarpore
(Ghansurpur) Surray, i| Course. This day already
see in the road 5 or 6 dead corps. Rice here 3 pice
per seer and 33 pice per rupee. Here at Gunsurpore
Surray bought Brinchee [? Baranasl], a Slave, of
Banisee [Bansl] his eldest brother. I agreed for
8 annas, but gave 1 rupee for him, also gave in sweet¬
meats, as customary when buy slaves, 4 pice ; 2 pice
to the Landlord of the Surray and 1 pice to the Barber
for shaveing his head. 85

To Jaraspore [Gaiaspur, Ghiyaspur], f Course. To
Ruckerpore [Rakunpura], f Course. To Mosingpore, 86
\ Course, To Biccerpore [Baikatpur], J Course. In
last 2-J- Course see 27 or 28 dead corps and pieces of
corps in the road. Near Rani[ng] [Rani Saral] I see
Ducks eat the dead corps of men in the branch of the
river. Here at Biccerpore rice 4^ pice per seer and
60 pice, being new sort, per Rupee. This night lay
under a great tree near a Musseet [masjid] at the
farthest end of the towne. This day travelled io£
Course.

Tuesday 23 May . At break of day set out. To
Bunderbunder [Bandarbana], 1 Course. 87 To Syria-
pore [? Shekhpur], J Course. To Ryepore [Raipura],
i Course. To Dyriapore, 88 J Course. To Futtooa
[Fatuha, \ Course. To Pundpund [Punpun], 89
J Course. To Joffer Cawns [Ja’far Khan’s] 90 Garden
in Pattana [Patna], 1 Course, where arrived at 6f clock
morning. Here stayed about § houre to put on my

I6 7 I] ROJAMAUL TO PATTANA 127

Sash [sAash, turban] and some cleane cloths. To
English Factory, 91 2I Course where arrived about
8| clock.

In passing thorow Pattana see severall dead corps
lie in the highway and many in the Bazar, and I see
9 dead corps lie in one gate house which I passed
thorow, here in Pattana dying about 100 per day and
hath for 4 or 5 months. The Coatwall [ kotwdl ,
town magistrate] causeth all the dead corps to be cast
into Ganges every morning.

Here wheat is 2% Rupees per Maund ; Barly
2 rupees ; Rice fine, 4 rupees ; Ditto coarse, 2\ rupees.
Butter, 7|- rupees ; oyle, 7 rupees. Beefe, 35 seer per
Rupee. Goats flesh, 14 seer per Rupee, the maund
being 80 English pound. 9 *

From Mungere hither - - - 43 Course.

24 May . Stayed at Pattana in expectation of Mr.
Charnock sending the Company’s Budgera [bajra]
for mee, having writ for it.

Thursday 2$ May . About Sunrise set out and rid
upon horsback over the sand to the river side, being
about J Course, and went into a boat hired for mee,
which when came to the greatest and broadest streame
in the river Ganges, beeing about the middle of it, a
violent storme arose, the wind and raine and thunder
as violent as I ever see any. I had much to do to make
the Boatmen turne to the Leeward bank, but that
threatned to kill them. No sooner had wee touched
the Bank, but the violency of the storme came, which
had like to beat the boat in peeces, so were forced to
take out my Pallenkeene and rest of things and set
them in the raine on a point of sand, where for about
1 houre I was forced to stand by a little Sedge, 93

12,8

HUG LIE TO PATTANA

[1671

where stood in water to the ancles and in all the raine,
and after went into my Pallenkeene againe, in which
(by reason of my wax cloth) was not altogether so wett.
Here stayed about 2 houres and then set forward
againe, and went to Hodgiporc [Hajtpur], where sent
my things -to Surray [a s<iral, inn] and rid to Singee
[Singhiya], where arrived about 3 clock afternoon.
This day - - - - - - 8 Course.

The usuall Account of the way betwixt Hugly and
Pattana is (vizt.)

To Amhoa xo Course, Nini<la M m Course, Cussal-

clca M 10 Course, Cossumlmzar 10 Course _ - 40

To Piplca, io, Norungabad 9, I )<>gulchee 9, Roja-

niaul 9 - - - ~ ~ ; 37

To Burrajiingall 9 Course, Curree 7 course, Colgan

10, Baugalporc 8, Jangcre <S, Mungere <S - 5 °

To Sugegerra 9, Durreapore 12, Bahr8, Cunsoorpore

8 , Pattana 9 ('oursc.46

Thence to Singee.8

181

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

1. John Bagnold (or Bagnall), a factor in the service of the
EI Co was already known to Marshall, having sailed to India
with him in the Unicorn in 1668. Bagnold was employed at
Hugh from 1669 until his death in 1672. For a short notice or
him see " Correspondence of Richard Edwards ” in Notes and
Queries, 12 S. iii. 266 (April I 9 1 ?)-

2. Peon, Port, peao, an ' orderly ’ or messenger. See Yule,
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Peon, for the history of the word.

3. Satgaon (cor. Satganv), the Saptagrama of the Pumas;

the Satigam of Lavanha, the Caatgaam of Broucke, marked on
sixteenth and seventeenth century maps under various spellings.
It was thought by Ortelius and Cluverius to be the Kosamba 01
Ptolemy and regarded by others as his Gange. It was near
Triveni, the junction of the three rivers, Bhagirathi ( Ganges )
Sarasvati and Jamuna, and was an important trade centre and
port on the river up to the middle of the sixteen.th^century. e

Portuguese first established themselves at Satgaon in 1557 " •
Just about this time, however, the river (Sarasvati) commenced
to silt up, and by 1540 the harbour became difficult of access
for ships. About forty years later a settlement was established
at Hugli by Tavares, who obtained a farndn for the purpose from
Akbar. (See J. J. A. Campos, " Hist, of the Port, in Bengal,
J.A.S.B., 1909, p. 245 f.)

4. Bigsee is not marked on any map. It was near the Bogah
of R., BA. xix.

5. Perhaps the Issapour of R., BA* xix., i*e* the haut
(hat, market) of Echapore (Isapur).

6. The streams referred to are marked by Rennell on B.A. xix.

7. See Chapter II, note 34.

8. See Chapter II, note 36.

9. The “ Gasiapour ” and '' Hagdea ” of Broucke’s map.

xo. ? Shaikh Farid ka madrasa, the college or school of Shaikh
Farid.

I

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

13°

ir. The Borrua serri of Broucke's map and the Barwa of the
S.S., now a suburb of Beldanga.

12. Sicco is not now traceable.

13. Banditchee seems to be the Bunjcttee of the old Survey
Sheets.

14. Kasimbazar. The Cossimbtizar of Rennell, correctly
Qasimbazar.

15. The road went round to the east of a big bend in the river.
See Renncll's B.A. xi. Since Rennell\s time the river has cut
across the narrow neck of land, leaving the deserted reach to
become stagnant and choked (see Scottish Geog. Mag., xl. Jan.
1924, article by W. H. Arden Wood).

16. Jacob Verburg became Director of Affairs of the Dutch
East India Company in Bengal in 1678, and held that post until
his death in September 1680. See Valentyn, Oud en Nieuw
Oost Indicn, v. pt. 1, p. 174 ; Diaries of Streynsham Master , ed.
Temple, i. 370 ; ii. 240 and note.

Herman Fentsell was transferred, with his chief, to Hugli in
1678. See Diaries as above, i. 327, 340 ; ii. 240.

17. Streynsham Master was also much impressed with the
Dutch factory and gardens at Kasimbazar, when he was enter¬
tained there in September 1676. See Diaries, i. 365.

18. Dera is the Deearpara of the old Survey Sheets. Poee is not
traceable.

19. Cups {piydld) made of stone from the Nilgirl.

20. Nehilla, ? Mahalla, is not traceable ; Bubbunuda Surray
may represent the Pumuneea of the old S. 5 . ; Bowdee Surray
was at or near the Dewanserai of R., B.A. xi.

21. Pipla Surray is the Pipla Serri of Broucke's map ; Cotteck-
pore (Kartikpur) is the Cartakpour of R., B.A. xi. The topo¬
graphical conditions of this area have greatly altered since
Marshall's time,

22. The “ Cossumbuzar river " is the Bhagirathi. It seems to
have fallen into the Ganges six or seven miles west of SGtl in
Marshall's time.

23. Colloopore (? Kalupur) and Cutwallpore Surray (? Kotwal-
pur Saral) have apparently disappeared.

24. These were probably refugees from the famine described
in Chapter VI.

25. The Ponrapara of the old S.S., close to Sutl. Elsewhere
Marshall writes c for p, e.g. Cundaureck for Pund&rakh,

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

13*

26. See Chapter II, note, 55, and Chapter III, p. 99,

27. Cotwolpore may represent the Commalpour of R,, 1774 ;
Gualgane (? Gwalgaon, cowherds’ village) is apparently diluviated;
Jalmorree is the Jewalmaree of the old 5 . 5 .

28. The Donapore of Marshall's previous journey. See Diary
of 23rd September, 1670.

29. ? Khwaja Ki£or. This place may represent the Kissand-
pour of Rennell, 1774.

30. Gobind Das ki sarai. No trace of this inn remains.

31. Dogutchee (Dogachl) lay east of Farrukhabad. See
Chapter II, note 56.

32. Marshall is alluding to a result of one of the innumerable
changes in the course of the river. Dogachl seems to have been
once on the west bank, but in 1770 or thereabouts it was on the
east side.

33. Seregur (? Shergarh) and Emillea (? Imlia, the " place of
the tamarind tree ”) are not now traceable. Woodowa is the
Oudanullah (Uduanala) of Rennell, and Puttowra (? Patthaura)
the Patstora of Yalentyn.

34. Belgachl, the ” grove of Bel trees.” Sar-darl-kar's garden.

35. See Chapter II, note 60.

36. This description of the grounds surrounding the ruins of
Shah Shuja's Palace differs somewhat from that given by Marshall
when he was at Rajmahal in the previous year (see Chapter II,
Diary of 8th April, 1670). He then said there were but four
quadrangles, two of which were ” at least 200 yards long.” The
details given at his second visit are probably the more correct, as
his examination was less hurried, and his remarks are valuable as
showing that the palace and garden were then in fair condition,
in spite of the ruinous state of the town. See the reference
to De Graaf’s plan of Rajmahal in Chapter II, note 59.

37. Marshall was impressed by the length of the town at his
previous visit. See Chapter II, p. 71.

38. Mughalni Chak, the ward in which the Mughal ladies lived.

39. Leorpahart is evidently the Peerpahar of R., B.A. xv., and
the Pier Bahaar of De Graaf.

40. The Sjabatpoer of Broucke's map; the Siabatpoer of De
Graaf.

41. Not traceable in Rennell or on modem maps.

42. Perhaps the Mussaw of R., B.A. xv., though the distance
from Rajmahal as given by Marshall is nearly double the distance
shown by Rennell.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

132

43. About a mile from the foot of the hills : no doubt correct.

44. Harrechurnpore (Harlcharanpur) is not now traceable.

45. At Marshall's previous visit (see Chapter II, Diary of
nth April, 1670, and note 62) he calls this place “ Burgungall ”
and notes the customs-station, but not the sarai. The " Musseet"
on the top of the hill is probably identical with the “ stone
house " mentioned in 1670. Do Graaf spells the name Borre
G angel.

46. When Marshall reached Bhagalpur (see infra , p. 121), he
found the pice (paisa) to be twenty-six to the rupee.

47. Hind, chhap , a seal-impression, stamp. See Yule, Hobson -
Jobson, s.v. Chop ; Bowrcy, Countries Round the Bay of Bengal ,
ed. Temple, p. 118.

48. Pers. jdgir, fief, assignment of land ; here used in the sense
of government. Shalstah Khan was Nawab of Bengal from
1664 to 1677.

49. See ante, Diary of 3rd May, 1671, where Marshall says
nothing about " doolies " and gives “ 3 Cahars " to carry pro¬
visions, one for hi.s gun, and a Musalman, instead of the " 4
coolies " here mentioned. For a description and illustration of
a " dowlee [dolt] . . . wherein only one person may conveniently
sit crosse legg'd " see Mundy, ed. Temple, ii. 189, 192.

50. Hind, jama'dar , leader of a body of individuals ; in this
case used as an officer of the customs.

51. On his previous journey (see Chapter II, p. 72) Marshall
had no difficulty about customs and only paid 6 pice (paisa ).

52. Salamannag may be the Sowanpour of R., B.A. xv.
Dowlutka Surray (Daulat ka sarai), Bobbunear Surray and
Away are not marked on the maps.

53. The hill referred to is close to Gangaprasad,

54. “ Sasuja’s castle or house " seems to have been part of the
fortification set up at the Taliagarhi pass by Shah Muhummad
Shuja' after his retreat from Monghyr in 1659, when pursued by
Mir Jumla and the Imperial army. He halted for a couple of
weeks at this spot and erected works to check his pursuers, who,
however, turned the position by going through the hills to
Belghatta. See J. N. Sarkar, Aurangzib, ii. 240 et seq.

55. Garhi Sarai. See Chapter II, note 64.

56. Fakir ka Bagh, the " ascetics garden." The bridge referred
to is marked by Rennell (B.A . xv.) over the Kunderpol Nulla.

57. Sultan ka Sarai, probably named after Sultan Muhammad
Shuja’. The "little hill" is marked in R., B.A . xv. The

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

*33

other " hill on left hand, Course" is the hill at Colgong
(Kahalgaon).

58. See Chapter II, Diary of 12th April, 1670, where Marshall
makes a similar remark.

59. The rocks here described and noticed by Marshall in his
previous journey to Patna (Chapter II, Diary of 13th April, 1670)
are the well-known " Colgong rocks," marked by R. in B.A. xv.

60. The " ditch," which would be dry in the middle of May, is
the Teermahony N. of R., B.A , xv,

61. Sellerpore, the Salarpore of the 1670 journey, may perhaps
represent the Ismaelpour of R., B.A . xv. Allepore (Alipur) does
not appear on the maps. Borrarree (Barari) is the Barradee of
Chapter II. See Diary of 14th April, 1670.

62. See Chapter II, note 67.

63. By " Holwan," hanuman , monkey is probably meant.
Hanuman becomes haluma.n in the mouths of illiterate folk.

64. Marshall's remarks here and elsewhere (ante, note 46, and
infra. Chapter VI) on the value of the pice (paisa) are interesting,
and show that in the neighbourhood of Patna, in his time, that
copper coin was worth more than in other districts. See Yule,
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Pice, where the value is given as eighty to
the rupee in 1673.

65. Hubble bubble, an Indian tobacco pipe : a primitive hooka
(huqqah). See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, under both words.

66. Champanagar, the Champernagur of R., B.A. xv., the
Champa of Fa-hsien and Yuan Chwang, a very ancient site.

67. Chitcheroul, ? Chhitraul, is not now traceable.

68. The Meste of Chapter II. See Diary of 15th April, 1670.

69. In his previous journey (Chapter II, Diary of 15th April,
1670) Marshall mentions another Jahangira, a " little towne " on
the north bank of the Ganges. It is evident from his description
of this Jahangira as " a very great towne " and of Masdi, Surjapur
and Jahangira as " one continued towne," that the Ganges has
wrought many changes here, owing to erosion and reformation.
It is therefore impossible to be sure of the positions of the
villages as he saw them.

70. Catchagola, Kaccha Gola, a temporary storehouse, perhaps
the Katta Gola of De Graaf, The present Katgola is close to
Ghurghat.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

*34

71. For the " male " bamboo ( Demlrocalamus strictus) see
Bowrey (Countries Round the Ray of Bengal, pp. 249-50) and Sir
Richard Temple's explanatory note and references.

72. The Killiaanpaar of Broucke and Do Graaf. This is not
the village of Kalianpur adjoining Gliorghat, but lies 2J miles
west of it.

Codulcuttah is the Coodracutta of R., 23 . A. xv. It is appa¬
rently since diluviated and covered by the Bind a diara alluvial
deposits.

73. See Chapter II and note 73 for Marshall's previous visit to
Monghyr. De Graaf also ( Voyages , pp. 60-61) remarks on the
large stone elephants, and says that there was the figure of a
man on each of them,

74. The head of the Dutch Factory in Bengal at this period
was Constantyn Ranst (1669-1672), who was succeeded by
Frangois de Haese (1672-1676). Sec Valentyn, Oud en Nieuw
Oost Indien, v. pt. 1, p, 174; Diaries of Streynsham Master ,
i. 427.

75. For the visit of Nicolaas de Graaf and Corneille van Ooster-
hoff to Monghyr in 1670, their subsequent imprisonment for
seven weeks and their release in November of that year, see
De Graaf, Voyages, pp. 59-61. See also " An Old Description of
the Monghyr Fort " in Bengal Past and Present (vol. xxvii. pt. ii.
pp. 154-164) containing a translation of De Graaf's account. The
Dutchman says nothing of the fine exacted to obtain the freedom
of himself and his companion.

76. Dakra Nala; the fine brick bridge over it was broken
by Qasim All's troops when pursued by Major Thomas Adams in
1763.

77. The “ branch of Ganges " half a hos beyond the sardi at
Surajgarhi is Garkhenala,

78. Ney Surray is not on the S.S, It was probably called later
Nawabganj, the Nabobgunge of Rennell.

79. Victims of the famine of which Marshall has a graphic
description in Chapter VI.

80. See Chapter II, Diary of 18th April, 1670, where Marshall
also comments on the *' neat tope of Trees ” at Dariapur.

81. The " Mokoia," " Mohore ” and 4t Cundoreck ” of the
previous journey. See Chapter II, Diary of 19th April, 1670.

82. That is, rice was being sold at famine prices.

83. The Sautmole comertalla of R., B.A. xv., now Athmal Gola.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IV

84. The goh of Sumbar (Sombar).

*35

85. From the name, it appears that the boy was a Hindu, and
so would have his head shaved, except for a top-knot.

86. Moshinpur, the scene of Major Caillaud’s victory over
Shah 'Alam, 9th February, 1760.

87. See Chapter II, note 80.

88. Daryapur is not now traceable.

89. See Chapter II, note 82. Marshall's " Punpund " was
near the present Jethuli of the S.S.

90. The Jafar Khan Tola of the S.S. See Chapter II, note 83.

91. The Company’s warehouse at Patna, not the residence of
their factors, which was at Singhiya, on the opposite side of the
river.

92. In Marshall’s notes on Coins, Weights and Measures, infra,
Chapter XIII, he gives the Patna man of 40 ser (the standard man
of N. India) as 78 lb.

93. Marshall seems to mean that he took what shelter was
possible by a mound in the marshy ground covered with sedge
or rushes.

94. “ Nimda ’’ and “ Cussaldea ” of the " usuall Account ” are
not noted by Marshall in either of his journeys, nor is it clear what
places are intended.

V

PATNA, SINGHIYA AND NEIGHBOURHOOD

1671-167$

Harl. MS. 4254 , fol. 17 .

31 May 1671. This day bought a Braminie [Brah¬
man] slave boy for 4 rupees; his name was Mangah
[Manga]; his father (dead) was called Jankee [Janaki]
[and] was a Bramany; his mother living, her name
Dowkee [? Devaki or Dukhi]. I now gave a new name
to the boy and call him Abraham. I bought him in
Pattana when his hight was 43 inches, his age 7 or
8 yeares.

Harl. MS. 4254 , fols. 17 , 18 a, 19 a.

Tuesday , 6 June 1671. The Rains at Pattana came
in 1671 upon the 6th June and rained every day till
July nth.

In 1671 The Raines continued from 6th June and
not one fare day till August (except nth and 30th
July).

Harl. MS. 4254 , fol. 19 a.

31 July 1671. About Morung [Morang], which
is a great place, 1 are very high hills which upon the
31 July 1671 I see, being at Singhee [Singhiya],
about 8 Course North from Pattana. They ly North
East by North and North North East.®

137

PATTANA AND SINGEE

[1671

138

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19a.

1 August 1671. Upon the first of August 1671,

I see the Hills which they pass over to Neopall [Nepal],
which are 50 or 60 Course of [f], which are North By
East Easterly ; and I then see the hills which are near
Botton [Bhutan], as the Country people report, which
are 250 Course of. 3

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 20.

$th August 1671 and yth ditto was no raine, which
have been the only days without raine (except 2 before)
since the 6th of June.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

Fryday , 18 August . At night the River Gunduck
[Gandak] began to overflow the banks neare the
Factory, which puts us in feare of having the water
come within. This continued overflowing and the
water in the River riseing and at a stand untill 25th
ditto night, when about 2 houres before day there
happened a violent storme of raine and filled the
Garden and Factory with water, that it was to calfe
of the legg deep in most places.

FLOOD

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22-22a.

2 2 th August . This day and 23 th no raine, which are
all the dayes since 7th ditto without raine. The
18th ditto in the night the River Gunduck was so high
that it over flowed the Banks by our Factory at Singee
flowing thorow Singee.

23 th ditto . A woman carrying dirt (to preserve our
walls) till 12 clock noon, when shee laid downe, and
in about one houre dyed of hunger, and in the evening
her father came and threw her in to the river. Then

SINGEE

1671]

i39

Mr. Charnock sent some of his goods on board boats,
having sent some on 22 th for feare of the Flood into
the Factory.

SACRIFICE

23 th ditto . Salt Peter boatmen sacrificed a Kid as
followes ( [vizt .) : They took Pipers and one Drummer
along with them in a boat in which they had a kid
and some flowers. They went neare the middle of
the River, and in the way threw some of their flowers
into the River. When they came about the middle,
one of the Chiefe boatmen or Pilots took the Kid, and
holding it by the 4 feet, diped it all in the River [and]
after puting ropes of flowers about its neck, threw it
into the River, and one of the common boatmen
leaped into the River and took it and put it into the
boat, which they rowed round 2 or 3 times, the pipes
and drums playing higher than ordinary all that
time. Having played all the way thither, they played
all the way back again. Then the 24[th], the boatmen
who took the kid out of the River, killed it, and with
his followers eat it. 4

ELLABASSE [ALLAHABAD]

— August . - At Ellabasse, which is from Bonorras
[Benares] towards Agra 4 dayes jorney, towards the
latter end of August 1671, there happened a very great
flood, by reason of the overflowing of Ganges and
Gemini [Jamuna], which meet there. They overflowed
in the night so much and encompassed the towne, so
that few could escape. Many went to the Castle to
preserve themselves, but the Nabob in it would not
suffer any to enter, except those that would give him

14 °

PATTANA AND SINGEE

[1671

5 rupees per peece, which few of them had by them,
being so surprised. They were forced thence and
driven away with the Streames. Many got upon
trees where lived 4 or 5 dayes, whilst [others] perished
for want of food, and there lay dead in the boughs
thereof, some upon the tops of their houses, there being
but few that could escape by boats, and the Nabob
having shut up the Fort or Castle, except as above.
There were missed in the towne 17 thousand persons
which perished in this Flood, besides poor people &ca.,
of which no notice was taken, which amounted to a
very great number. For this action of the Nabobs the
King turned him out of his place. 5

SINGEE

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23.

8 th September 1671. Upon Fryday September le
8th 1671 happened an Eclips of the Moon which at
Johnobad [Jahanabad] (which is about 15 mile North
from Pottana) it began first to be Duskish on the
Eastward part at 1 o h. 6 m. night, was at the hight
at 12 h. 13 m. and over at 2 h. 20 m. morning,
September 9 th, 71.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23.

September le 10 th. Being at Singee I see the Hills
[of] Button, Neopol and Morung hills called Cuttee
or Cothey 6 very plainly, and from the English Factory
they bore as follows. 7

HOTTY STORME

Tis observed That Generally there is a great storme
at Pattana and them parts which happens about 7th
or 8 th or middle of September, at which or thereabouts

SINGEE

1671]

141

the River Ganges riseth very much, sometimes is at
a stand for the hight about 10 or 15 dayes, when it
falls ; after that time it riseth no more that yeare. 8
In 1671 the Storme was about 2d. or 3d. and the River
rise the 8 th at night, being the time when the Moon
was Eclipsed, but this yeare hath beene storme ever
since the middle of March. 9

September le 11th. I observed with a small compas
the Sun rose East 4d. Southerly, so that I conceive the
Variation is 4d. The Sun being then in the Equator,
there needs no working it. This observation was
taken at Singee, 15 miles North of Pattana. 10
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26a.

Memorandum . At Cape Bonesperance the variation
yearly increaseth and at Mauritius decreaseth.

24 September . Then was the Hotty \hathiya] or
great storme over, being New moon.

7 October 1671. A violent Storme happened but
lasted not above one houre. Tis supposed to be port
[stc 7 part] or reliques of the Hotty.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23a.

15 October . A violent storme happened, which
continued about an houre in the morning, which [is]
supposed to be the reliques of the Hotty or Moonsoone.

NAHOWNA TIME 11
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 24a.

6 November 1671. Upon the 6th of November
(when the Moone was neare the Full) in the morning,
was the chiefe time of the Hindoos washing at Hodji-
pore [Hajlpur], whether resorted (I conceive) about
40 or 50000 persons on that day, on the day before
and the day after, to wash their bodies in the place

142

PATTANA AND SINGEE

[1671

where Ganges and Gunduck Rivers meet, whereby
they think they merit much and receive greate benefit
by it. Here many or most of them carry home with
them some of the water and sand or dirt out of the
River. Some come hither out of Tartary [Central
Asia], some from places very remote. Tis reported
that sometimes some of the Rojas [Rajas] at Neopall
and other places come hither disguised.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26.

Le 17 th November 1671. Then came in the cold
weather in Pattana after a little storme and raine.

At Singee from the middle of November to the end
very cold raw weather, though sunshine, but very
hazy, especially in mornings, sometimes mistie and
$0 hazy at noonday that a man could scarce see a mile.
From begining to 15th of December not altogether so
cold and upon the 15th a little raine.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 31.

Le 3 d December 1671, I observed the hight of the
Sunn at 12 clock, which was high 4id. 20m., the
Sunns declination then being 23d. 16m. which being
added together make 64d. 36m., which substracted
from 9od. remains 26d. 24m., which is the Lattitude
of Johnabad or Singee, which is about 15 Mile North
of Pottana, So that the Lattitude of Pottana is 25d. 9m.
according to this Observation, 12 which was a very
plain and good one,

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 34a.

29 December . I then did eat Grape[s] in Singee,
which grew in Hodgipore [Hajlpur].

30 December , A showre of rain and a dowdy
day.

SINGEE

143

167-I]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 5.

6th, 7, 8 &ca. January Now the weather

very cold in Singee, so that notwithstanding my wearing
a pare of thick course stockings, a paire of leather
sock[s] and slippers, a paire of thick fustian drawers,
a paire of white and another paire of silk breeches,
one Shirt, a Kinomo [kimono], 13 a quilter silk coat,
and over all a quilted gowne, yet I could not keepe my
selfe warme (by siting in my chamber) for an houre
together in a morning, notwithstanding I put my feet
in a Boot of straw and had a Mat upon the ground and
sit upon a chaire. 14
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 7a.

12 Januarie. At night a great storme at Singee
of thunder wind and raine.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 11.

Le 15 and 16 Januarie. Exceeding cold weather,
and 17 th began to be windy after about 9 clock morning,
continuing all the day long very strong.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 17.

1 February 167^. The weather begins to be
warme.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 18a.

4 February At Singee then happened a

violent storme of wind and a little raine.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23a.

The 3d March 167$. At Singee by Pattana the
Moone was in Eclipse begining about 20 minutes
after Sunset and ending at 9 clock according to the
Hindoos Account, this [sic] } that day having entred HI
at 7 gur. £ morning and O having beene 5da. 4 pur.
4 pus. in X and O 1 mo. 3 da. in HE. This day the

PATTANA AND SINGEE

144

least with the Hindoos in their yeare. 15
from Gurriall fellow. 16

[167^

This Account

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24a.

6 March. Then at Singee at 6§ Gurries [ghan]
night happened a very great Meteor, casting a light
so great that I thought the Factory had been all on a
fire, siting in the ? Chowteund 17 at supper. It came
from South South West and ran North North West.
The begining of it was about 20 degrees high and ran
to about 30 degrees towards the other horizon, so
that the whole ran 130 degrees, and it was about
4 or 5d. broad. It shone about one minute of an
houre very bright, and then contracted its light to a
duskishness, and one end of it turned to South
East by South, and the other directly South, where it
seemed to center. It continued that Duskish light
about 10 or 12 minutes, when was quite extinct. After
its first lightning, there was a great crack like the
crack of a cannon.

The Bramins say it imports 3 things :—

1. An Earthquake at its appearing.

2. An Earthquake 15 dayes after.

3. The Death of the king.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25a.

15 to 18 March. Stormy weather from 9th to 5
? afternoon [of the 18 th].

NOTES ON CHAPTER V

1. By “ Morung ” Marshall means the tarai , the district
below the Himalayas in Nepal and the lower ranges of that
mountain system south of Khatmandu.

2. From Singhiya the directions indicated, N.E. by N. and
N.N.E., point to the Mount Everest group of snows as the " very
high hills ” seen by Marshall. The snows are visible on a clear
morning after rain.

3. The Nepal hills " North By East Easterly,” no to 135
miles away, would be the lower ranges of the Himalaya to the
N. and N.E. of Khatmandu. The hills " near Botton ” would be
Chumularhi and the high mountain in that direction. Chumularhi
lies about 300 miles in a straight line from Singhiya. The “ 250
Course" of the " country people" would, of course, mean the
distance by road to get there.

4. Floods are usually ascribed to the agency of demons, and
Marshall appears to be describing a ceremony of propitiation to
the power controlling the waters which had recently caused the
havoc narrated by him.

5. No confirmation of this incident has been found, nor the
name of the governor of Allahabad at this date.

6. The Churiaghati hills appear to be meant.

7. In the MS. there is a very rough unmeaning sketch of the
elevation of the hills.

8. Hotty. The Hathiya Nakshatra (lunar asterism) in the
latter part of the Hindi month Aswin, at the end of September or
beginning of October, when the last rainfall of the rainy season
occurs. For agricultural operations in Northern India this is
one of the most important rainfalls in the year, as on it depends
the success of the sowings of the cold weather crops. Numerous
agricultural sayings or proverbs attest the importance of the
rain. This is not usually a season of violent storms in the Patna
district. In fact, storms properly so called, are rare at this time.
In 1671 the rains chanced to be accompanied by storms, and it

m.m, 145 K

NOTES ON CHAPTER V

146

was evidently a very exceptionally stormy year, as Marshall's
account shows.

9. Job Charnock, head of Patna factory, writing from
“ Singee " 26th October, 1671, to Walter Clavell, Chief of Affairs
for the E.I.Co. in the Bay of Bengal ( Factory Records, Hugli,
vol. 7) accounts for the delay in sending down the saltpetre
boats to Hugli as follows : “We could not possibly send down the
last petre sooner then we did, so vyolent hath been the winds
here these severall months, that when it was abord we could
hardly secure our boats from breaking lo[oJse before our factory,
and as we last wrote you, the river broke out into such floods
that it drownd the whole country, and we had much ado to save
a great part of our petre from its vyolence. . . We shall observe
alwayes yearly to send away the first boates from hence in June
that you may have some ready upon all occasions. . . . Had not
this year proved such a miracle you had not been prevented of
a good quantity at said time."

10. On this statement Mr. Kaye remarks: " 11 September
(Old Style) 1671 was the autumnal equinox, and the sun rose due
east. Marshall concludes, from his observation, that the magnetic
declination or variation was 4 0 East. On 15 March 167^
(ante, p. 103) he records the variation at Pipli as 7 0 23'."

11. By Nahowna time (Hind, nahdna , Skr. sndna, to bathe)
Marshall means Bathing Festival Time. He here refers to the
great bathing festival held at the full moon of the Hindi month
of Karrtik, at the confluence of the Gandak and Ganges, known
locally as the Sonpur MelS..

12. The latitude of Patna is 25 0 35'.

13. The use of the word “ Kinomo " (kimono) at this date is
interesting, since the earliest quotation for the term given in the
O.E.D. is from the Pall Mall Gazette in 1887. There are instances,
however, of its use in the Travels of Peter Mundy, vol. iii. pp. 263,
270, 295, but there the meaning is strictly confined to the garments
of Chinese or Japanese individuals.

14. The average lowest temperature in Patna during the cold
weather is 36*4, but a ground frost often occurs in January in
this district,

15. Mr. Kaye explains Marshall's remarks as follows: “The

statements mean (a) The Moon entered TTg (Virgo) at 7J ghatis
morning : (b) The Sun had been 5 days 4 pur. 4 pus. (5*0678 days :
but there is doubt about the meanings of " pur." and " pus,"
See Chapter X, Astrology, note R.) in X (Pisces) ; (c) The

ascending node Q, had been 1 month 3 days in T1J (Virgo) ;

NOTES ON CHAPTER Y

H7

(d) * This day the least ... in their yeare ' can have no astro¬
nomical meaning.”

16. " Gurriall fellow,” a ghariyali, time-keeper, one who
attended to the clepsydra or water-clock.

17. The word is illegible. It is probably intended for “ chow-
tree ” (chabutard ), a raised masonry platform, generally having
a pankhd erected over it, on which to sit outside the house in the
fresh air in the evenings, or early morning. Every bungalow
had such a chabutard in the old days ; and it was a common
custom to have chotl hdzari (early breakfast) and dinner served
on it.

VI

FAMINE IN PATNA
1671

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

In latter end of May 1671 there dyed of Famine
in Pattana about 100 persons dayly, and had so for

3 or 4 months. Corne was then (vizi.) Wheate,
2| Rupees per Maund ; Barley, 2 rupees ; Rice fine,

4 rupees; Ditto Course, 2| rupees; Beefe, ifr.;
Goat flesh, 2r.; Butter or Gue [ghi\ 7|r.; Oyle, 7r.
per Maund, which consists of 80 lb. English Aver-
depoiz.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17a.

June the 19th when came from [? to] Pattana from
Singee, I see upon one peece of sand, about the middle
way betwixt that city and the River, about 32 or
33 persons ly dead within about 10 yards compas
from the middle of them, and so many by the River
side that could not come on shore but [except] by very
many dead corps; also aboundance upon the sand
besides. Now Rice fine, 4r. per Maund, beeing a
little while since 4r. 7am, being somthing cheaper.
Wood for firing, 4|Md. per Rupee; Henns 5, and
chickins 8 per Rupee.

Tis reported that since the begining of October
there have died of Famine in Pattana and the Suburbs

149

FAMINE IN PATTANA

150

[1671

about 20,000 persons, and there cannot in that time
have gone fewer from the City than 150,000 persons.
The corps in the river generally ly with their backs
upwords. Great number of Slaves to be bought for
4an. and 8an. per peece, and good ones for ir. per
peece ; but they are exceeding leane when bought,
and if they eat but very little more than ordinary of
rice, or eat any flesh, butter or any strong meat, their
faces, hands and feet and codds swell immediately
exceedingly; so that tis esteemed enough to give
them at first \ seer of rice, and those very leane J seer
per day, to be eaten at twice.

The Famine reacheth from 3 or 4 dayes jorney
beyond Bonarres [Benares] to Rojamaul [Rajmahal].
The most of the poore that go hence go to Dacca for
victualls, though there is thought to be great quantities
of Rice in these parts; yet through the Nabobs
roguery here is a Famine, and also somthing from the
dryness of the last yeare.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19.

In Pattana about 23th July there dyed about 250 or
300 persons dayly of Famine in and about the City
of Pattana, Rice being 5r. 5am per Md., best sort.
I have examined some dying of Famine, who told mee
That within their bodies they were hot, but without
cold, esp[ec]ially on their Belly and privy parts.
They are very thirsty and hungry, and so feeble that
can neither go nor stand, nor scarce stirr any joynt.
They have no pain in their head, but a great one in
their Navill. Their urin is very red and thick like
blood, and excrement like water, which runs often
from them, but but little at a time. I examined one
woman immediately before she died.

i6ti] FAMINE IN PATTANA 151

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 20.

In Pattana in 1671, August 8 th, Now dy dayly here
of Famine 2 or 300 persons in City and Suburbs.
Rice now 7 seer per Rupee or $r. nan. per Md., of
best sort, and sometimes none to be bought, nor bread
in the Bazar. In the Gaut [ghat, landing place, quay]
by our Factory, which was not 4 yards round about
(as I conceive) lay 50 dead corps which I could tell
[count], which were driven thether in about 2 dayes
time, and Mr. [Valentine] Nurse saith that the day
after hee counted 122 dead corps in ditto place.
Aboundance are every day drove to the side of the
River, though the most persons of quallity hire
Hollolcores [halalkhor, sweeper] to carry them into
the middle of the river with a string, and carries
them in to the middle of the river, and then cuts
the string and so lets them drive down with the
streame.

Notwithstanding there were 50 dead corps in
the Gaut by our Factory, yet the Gaut was seldome
without a great many women who take up water by
the dead corps and drink it, and dress their victualls
with it.

Upon the 7th ditto [August 1671] 2 Merchants in
Pottana threw them selves into a Common well and
drowned themselves. Now a terrible sad cry of poor
in the Bazzar.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

August 12th. Rice fine, 6 seer per rupee or
6r. 1 of an. per Md. No course rice to be bought;
wheat now 20 seer per Rupee or 4r. per Md.
Some dayes neither rice nor bread to be bought in
the Bazar.

FAMINE IN PATTANA

[1671

152

Harl. MS. 4254, 22a.

August 20th 1671. Now Rice in Pattana 5 seer per
Rupee or 8 Rupees per Md. and very scarce to be
bought for that price.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22.

September le 15th 1671. In Pattana Rice was
8 seer per Rupee, but Course ; 12 seer Goats flesh
and 24 of Beefe per Rupee.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26.

In Pattana and the Suburbs died in 14 months last
past, ending 6th November 1671, of the Famine,
135,400 persons, an Account hereof being taken out
of the Coatwalls Chabootry.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 31a.

I received (upon 11th December 1671) an Account
in writeing out of the Coatwalls Chabootree, wherein
was writ, that in the 12 months last past there had died
in Pattana and the Suburbs of the Famine 103,000
persons ( vizt .), 50,000 Mussulmen and 53,000

Hindoos, which were taken notice of in their books of
Records.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 33a.

December 26th, I received an exact account from
the Coatwall Chabootry, to which give credit, that in
12 months ending 22th November last, being 354 dayes
there dyed in Pattana and the Suburbs of the Famine,
15,644 Mussulmen, to whome the Nabob gave
cloth to cover them when was buried, having no
friends to bury them, dying in the Streets, and tis
thought 2,500 dyed in the skirts of the towne, in
their houses, or where might be buried by some of
their relations, which were not reckoned—in all,
18,144. And tis supposed 4 times as many Hindoos

1671]

FAMINE IN PATTANA

*53

died as Mussulmen, which were 72,576, which, with
the 18,144, make in all 90,720. And the townes near
Pattana, some are quite depopulated, having not any
persons in them. In one towne about 3 Course west
from Pattana, where were 1,000 houses inhabited,
are now but 300, and in them not above 4 or 500
persons, the rest being dead. This account I received
from Mamood-herreef [Mahmud ‘Arif].

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23a.

Such was the laziness [languidness] of workmen in
the time of Famine, That in the time of making one
Casmeer [Kashmir] boat for the Company, Six of the
Carpenters died of Famine.

NOTE ON THE FAMINE IN PATNA AND
THE NEIGHBOURHOOD IN 1671

Chapter VI

The scattered references in Marshall's Notes to the dearth
prevailing at Patna at the time of his arrival afford, when
collected, a moving account of the sufferings of the inhabitants
at that period. There are, in addition, the remarks in Chapters IV
and V embodied in the Diary of 2i$t, 22nd, 23rd and 31st May
and 23rd August, 1671, when his attention was forcibly drawn
to the effects of the scarcity by the prevalence of '* dead corps,"
the sale of children to obtain food, and the " sad noise of poor
starved people.'*

The continual rise in the price of rice and other provisions
from May to September 1671, so carefully chronicled by our
author, is sufficient evidence of the suffering entailed on all but
the wealthy inhabitants.

As in the case of Peter Mundy’s description of the Sati&sio
Kal, or the Famine in Gujarat in 1630-1632 (Travels of Peter
Mundy, ed. Temple, ii. 338-353), Marshall's account of a dearth
in a much more restricted area forty years later throws a vivid
light on the treatment of such a visitation by the provincial
authorities in the Mughal days. There was no order in the
disposal of the dead nor any administrative measures to cope with
distress. Those who could do so fled, and those without strength
or means to do so died in their thousands.

Strangely enough, no widespread pestilence appears to have
followed in the wake of the dearth nor, as in the case of the
famine of 1630-1632, do the Europeans appear to have fallen
victims to its effects. Indeed, the contemporary references to
this local famine are very sparse, and only three allusions to it have
been found in the Records of the East India Company. They
all occur in letters from Job Charnock and Robert Elwes at the
Company's factory at SinghySL to Walter Clavell, head of affairs
in " the Bay." The first is dated 31st March, 1672 (Factory
Records , Hugli, vol. 7) and contains the remark : " We understand
many of the weavers are dead of the Famine. . . . We have

154

NOTE ON FAMINE IN PATNA 155

already given out money for about 16000 [mds.] petre. These
4 months of February, March, Aprill and May being the only
time of the yeare for the makeing and getting in this Comodity,
and as yet we have gotten but 7000 mds. Such great raines
fell last yeare that it was late ere any could be made, and the
greatest part of the Petre Men as made Petre for us, and the
Dutch Petremen are dead in the last famine, which is another
reason it is both scarce and deare. . . . Now Pattana is so miser¬
ably decayd we cannot get what we please att Intrest as wee
could formerly."

Again, on 25th April, 1672, Charnock and Elwes wrote (op. cit.) :
"We advised you in our last that we thought we could not be
able to get 17 or 18000 (maunds of saltpetre) this yeare, which
we now again confirm, and we feare not so much, it being so scarce
and deare by reason of the great raines and the famine the last
yeare."

The last reference (op. cit.) is dated seven weeks later, 14th June,
1672 : “ There is no reason to fear but our success may be equi¬
valent with the Dutch as to our Petre Investment. But they, as
well as wee, shall come short of their intended quantities this year.
The last yeares famine and great raines do sufficiently manifest it."

De Graaf, who journeyed to Patna after his release from Monghyr
in November 1670, as narrated in Chapter V, thus describes the
condition of the place on his arrival ( Voyages , p. 67, translation) :
“ We saw nothing but poverty and misery among the country
folk. Scarcity and famine were greater than had ever been
known within the memory of man. The cause was the failure
of the rice crop and the inundations of the Ganges : Rice cost
half a rix dollar for 6 sers or 9 lb. Dutch weight, while in ordinary
years, 60, 70, or more lb. could be bought for the same amount.

** The people died in heaps and their corpses remained
extended on the roads, streets and marketplaces, since there was
no one to bury them or even throw them into the river. These
corpses were tom and devoured by wild horses, tigers, wolves
and dogs. We even saw some poor wretches who had still in
their mouths grass, leather and suchlike filth. They died in
flocks. A woman ate her own child. Slaves could be bought
for next to nothing."

But by far the most valuable corroboration of Marshall's
account and of his story of the " Nabobs roguery " is that given
by Thomas Bowrey, who had also recently arrived in India at
the time of the scarcity. He writes (Countries Round the Bay
of Bengal, ed. Temple, p. 226) : “ Notwithstandinge Pattana be
soe fertile to afford graine to Such a plentifull countrey as Bengala,
yett in the yeare of our Lord 1670 they had as great a Scarcitie, in
soe much that one Pattana Seere weight of rice (the plentifullest
graine in the country) was Sold for one rupee, the Seere conta in i n g

r 56 NOTE ON FAMINE IN PATNA

onely 27 Ounces, and, in a few months, there was none at all to
be had at that rate, in soc much that many thousands of the
Natives perished in the Streets and open feilds for want of food
and many glad to Sell theire own children for a handful of rice

It will be seen that Marshall ascribes the sufferings of the
people, in some measure, to the Nawab and that Thomas Bowrev
blames his Ghicfe Wife. I here must have been some founda¬
tion for these charges, but no evidence to support them has so
far been discovered.

Marshall and Valentine Nurse, also a factor in the Company’s
service serving at Patna, appear to have endeavoured to arrive at
the approximate numbers of victims of the dearth, but the figures
obtained from the “ exact account ” recorded in the “ Coatwalls
Chabootry" ( chabutara , office, of the hotwal, police-officer
superintendent of a market), were probably very far from the
truth.

VII

GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES
I. BALLASORE

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2a.

Ballasore was formerly called Banagur.

2. GANGES

(a) Memorandum. Ganges River is in some places
about a mile broad, and in many not halfe a mile, and
in some not a quarter of a mile, and in i or 2 places
about | of mile broad. When the water is low, as
in Aprill, when [sic ? then] the River is almost dry in
many places from one side of it to the other, and very
Shallow in many places, not 3 foot deep, soe that boats
have much to doe to pass, however, without great
trouble, not knowing where is deepe where shallow.
But when the water is at its hight, which is about
middle September, then it is very broad and deep.
In this River, untill come about Rojimall [Rajmahal],
are many Alligators, and as far as Pattana very many
Porpoises, also towards Pattana very many Pellicans
and other great birds.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 9.

(b) At this place [Hajlpur], when Hindoos come to
wash, which is about November, they all carry away
some water in potts out of the River Ganges to their

157

158 GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

frinds, though 4 or 500 Course [kos] or 1000 miles
and with that water wash their parents who are old
or frinds that cannot come, and think thereby that
all their sins are forgiven them for that yeare. At this
meeting of such a great concourse of people and all
washing on one morning and endeavouring to wash
as neare as they can in the place where these two Rivers
meete, several are yearly crowded to death.

Into this River Ganges the Hindoos throw most of
their dead Corps after a little burnt, esteeming it a
holy river.

3. GUNGA OR GANGES AND GUNDUCK
Harl. MS. 4254, 9a.

The River Gunga [Ganga] or Ganges comes to
Puttana from West and runs to the East, and Gunduck
[Gandak] comes from North. Betwixt Gunga and
Gunduck, vizt. betwixt West and North where these
Rivers meete, at the corner, is a Greene peece of low
ground, which at the hight of the Rivers is overflowne,
after which the Hindoos come thither from the
remotest parts in India to wash themselves in that place
where the Rivers meet, which they esteeme holy, so
that there are many thousands come thither at one
time. There is also there a garden, called Sasugas
[Shah Shuja’] Garden, which is very high, and by
reason of its situation and having such prospects, I
esteeme it the pleasantest place I have seene in India.

4- HOGIPORE—NANAGUR

(a) Opposit to this Garden on the other side of the
river is Hogipore (Hajlpur] which is an ancient and
ruined towne, 'but hath bin a famous place and the

HOGIPORE—NANAGUR

*59

seate of the King, At Hogipore the Company have
a house for which pay 3^ rupees per month.

( 'b ) From thence South Easterly, about 4 Course,
is Nanagur, where the Company have a house of their
owne, which stands pleasantly by a Rivers side which
comes out of the River Ganges, when Ganges is high,
but at other times is dry. This Nanagur is a very
pleasant place, being scituated amongst Topes [ top ,
grove] of trees, and the way from thence to Hogipore is
very pleasant. Nanagur is also esteemed a very healthful
place, being scituated upon a hard clay ground. From
Nanagur to Jonabad [Jahanabad] is 9 Course, vizt* 4 to
Hogipore, and thence to Jonabad 5 courses more.

(r) Betwixt Hogipore and Nanagurr in the Kings
Highway (neare a Great Garden in which is a Tome
[tomb]) is a Great [banyan] Tree whose branches spread
33 yards, it being round.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14.

5. AN ACCOUNT OF THE WAY BETWIXT DILLY
[DELHI] AND PATTANA BY LAND, BEEING 326
COURSE, EACH COURSE BEEING ABOUT 2^
MILES, MAKE 732J ENGLISH MILES.

From Dilly

Course

To Fryabad [Farldabad] 12

To Sheinschecalls Surray 10

To Hullull [Hodal] 3, Bramsurray 7 [? Bur-
sana] 10

Here, not far from this place, neare Hadull
Pallull, lies the Lord Bellamount interred,
not answerable to his quallity.

To Coleway Surray.13

To Jet surray.13

To Farr a 14

To Agra ------- 8

Carry forward , - —

80

i6o GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

Brought forward , -

From Agra

To Begum Surray [Begam Sarai] 4

To Forabad [Firozabad] IO

To Chitkerabad [Shikhohabad] 6

To Mullederkeyt Surray [Maholee (Rennell)] 6

To Cursenne Surray y

To Ittay [Etawah] y

To Jeetmall [Ajit Mai] - - - - 12

To Rojapul Surray [Rajapul SaralJ - - 10

To Buglepore Surray [Boogalee (R.)] - - 10

To Gaycumpore Surray [Gautampur] - - 12

To Rogeray Surray [? Raja Rai SaralJ - 12

To Fetipore [FathpurJ - - xi

To Hattigaum [Hathgaon, At'tigong ;R.)J - 9

To Sajatpore [Shahzadpur] 10

To Allam Chand Surrey [Alam Chand Sarai] 6

To Begum Surrey [Begam Sara!) - - - 6

To Allebassee [Allahabad] 3

To Hander [Handia].8

To Howmull Surrey ----- - 10

To Mirza Merad Surrey [Mirza Murad Sarai] - 7

To Bonarres [Benares] 7

— 173

From Bonarres

To Mogul Surrey [Mughal Sarai] 4

To Sydraca Surrey [Saiyadraja Sarai] 5

To Mowakay Surray [Mowhanea Sarai] - 8

To Jonabad Surray [Jahanabad Sarai] - 7

To Susseraum Surray [Sasaram Sarai] 7

To Muckeranny Surray [Makrain Sarai] - 5

To Vukeley Surrey - - - - - 7

To Aganour Surrey [Aganur Sarai] - - 10

To Nowbutpore Surrey [Naubatpur Sarai] - 8

To Pot tana [Patna] ----- 8

— 73

From Agra to Pattana is esteemed 300
Course but are but little ones, so suppose in
this account the length of townes not reckoned*

PATTANA TO BALLASORE

161

6. FROM PATTANA BY LAND TO BALLASORE.

To Mungere [Monghyr].46

To Rojamaul [Rajmahal] 50

To Cassumbuzar [Kasimbazar] - - - 40

To Huglie [Hugll].40

To Ballasore.64

240

/tm _ . _ 1 . 1 *n 11 1 • 1

These Courses towards Ballasore beeing at
least 3 Miles per Course.

7. NEOPAL OR NECKBALL, BONARRAS AND
POTTANA

Harl MS. 4254, fol. 17.

Neopoll [Nepal] is distant from Pottana about 80
Course Northerly. Bonorros [Benares] is distant
from Pottana Westerly 80 Course, and Neopoll is
distant from Bonnares 80 Course, so that these 3 lie
in a 3 angle [triangle].

8. F[R]OM POTTANA TO NEOPOLL AND BOTTON
[BHOTAN, TIBET]

*Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

> Jenti Das [? Jinda Das] his Account from Pattana

to Neopall is as followeth (yizt.)

From Pattana to Hodgipore [Hajlpur] 3 Course,

to Singee 5 Course.8 Course

To Mogullannee Surray [MughalanI Sara!] - 8 Course

To Butsulla, in which is a Surray called Sunderkea

Surray [Sundar k! Sara!] 7 Course

To Mossee [Mehsi], a great City, where resides

a Nabob - -- -- -- 4 Course

To Soorgpoore [? Surajpur] 8 Course

To Motteharree [Motiharf] 7 Course

To Heatounda [Hataura] at the bottom of the hills 8 Course
Thence all the way uphill to Cautmondoo'j
[Khatmandu], Pautund [Patan] or Baut -1

_ r - _ j —— t 1 • 1 • _ _ _r. I . _ .

gowxie [Bhatgaon], which lie neare each v 40 Course
other and almost all at some distance,
which are called Neopoll or Neckball -
Thence to Bauton [Bhutan, Tibet], whence the

Musk is taken ------ 250 Course

340 Course

M.M.

L

1 61 GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

9. HILLS—MORUNG, NEOPOLL—BOTTON OR
CUTTEE

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19a.

( [a ) About Morung, which is a great place, are very
high hills. They ly directly North from hence and
seeme a vaster distance of[f] than any object my eyes
ever beheld. I see them before Sunrise about 2
minutes of an houre, when I could see the sun shine
upon the tops of them, which hills seemed about £
degree above the horizon. These people, when they
go thither, they go first to Neopoll and some days
jorney beyond pass over vast valleys before come to
these hills. They go to Botton for Musk, that being
the chiefest place where the Musk-deer are. Travelling
over the Neopoll hills requires 24 or 25 days time,
which being up most vast hills and down vast valleys,
the way in a straight line may not be much, and
considering the crookedness of the way passing
through vast woods &ca., and going by Neopoll to
Botton, which is out of the way, lying about 1 point
of the Compas East of it, and then considering that
they come to these hills 4 or 5 days before come to
Botton, and then possibly the Course may be less
towards the Northward as are to other places North¬
ward. These considerations allowed, I reckon that
the reall distance of these hills from hence may bee
in a straight line about 140 Course which, at 2J mile
per Course, make 315 English miles.

(b) Severall Arminians and Jesuits which have come
from them parts, which come from China, and have
travelled the most Countries in the World, say that
these Botton hills are the highest hills they ever see
or heard of.

BOTTON—NEOPOLL 16 3

(c) The Morung, Neopoll and Botton hills are in
Tartary [Central Asia] and the last of which are called
Nettee Cuttee, which are Caucasus hills. All are out
of the great Mogulls Dominions.

( d) They say that the people at Botton [Tibet] have
broad flat noses, are very just in dealing, and if any
theefe be amongst them, though for never such a trifle,
they kill him. That a man may have a bag of gold in
their streets and no man will meddle with it to diminish
it, or carry itt away.

10. NEOPOLL

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 8a.

(a) In going to Neopoll (Nepal), when come to the
Hills which is 40 Course from Neopoll, all passengers
of quality are carried from thence upon mens Shoulders,
the Hills being so steepe that neither Horse nor
Pallenkeene can goe, or be carried ; but 6 men carry
them in a kind of Hammack upon their shoulders, for
which they have 4 Anas or J Rupee per peece.

(J?) From Neopoll comes Muskee which at Pattana
is sold for 49 rupees per Seere being 16 Pice to the
Seere, 40 of which pice make a great seere of about
31 02.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23.

( c ) The Hills bearing North North J Easterly and
N b E \ Easterly [rough elevation omitted], are said to
be Botton hills which are such a vast distance of[f], those
NE b N [are] Neopoll hills, and the other Morung hills.
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

(d) The Hills before come to Neopoll, those that
are nearest to Pattana and ly most Eastward of the way
thither, are called Bimpoher [Bhlm Pah&r] or Bims

164 GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

[Bhlms] hills or Daupshaw, and those that are North
and nearest are called Mauhabor, and those further
of and lie Westward of the way are called Chondragir
[Chandragiri] and Dowka, and them beyond Neopoll
are called Nestee Cuttee, and are the Cathy mountains
or Caucasus &ca.

(e) The women at Neopoll are said usually to piss
in the streets in the day time before people, which I
am apt to beleeve, being at the time of the washing at
Hogipore [Hajlpur], whether came many women
from Neopoll, I see one woman (that passed by mee
as I was walking) who almost so soone as was past mee,
sat her downe in the middle of the path before mee
and pissed.

(/) Some that have been at Neopoll say That all
men and women go bare headed except the King or
Roja [Raja], who weares a Sash [ \shash , turban] and in
winter a hat. The ordinary and poore sort weare
nothing upon their feet, so that they are so hard that
nothing will hurt them to tread upon it, for they are
at the soles like hoofes. Their houses all Brick and
high built.

ii. BUTTON

Haxl. MS. 4255, fol. 8.

(a) At Button [Tibet] there is a great Bramin
[? Lama) whome all the common sort worship, and
they think themselves happy if they can but obtaine
any thing from him (which came from him), so that
those that he shewes a favour too, hee gives them a
peece of his excrement which they sew in a clout and
weare about their necks as a great favour.

(P) There the women buy and sell all and do all the
business belonging to man, and the men carry their

BUTTON 165

children about on their shoulders and follow them, and
if any abuse their wifes, then the husbands take their
parts. The men feed their children and do all other
work belonging to women. Their dead corps of their
friends they cut into small pieces and give to their
dogs. They make cups of the skulls of their friends
and drink out of them Tee [tea]. Both the men and
women eat raw flesh and never put on cleane cloths,
but wear the old till they will hang on. They oyle
themselves so much that a man cannot touch their
clothes but oyle himselfe, tis so thick on them, and all
stinking oyle, such as is burn’d in Lamps, so they
look more like devells then men or women. Some of
them weare jewells, and will have upon their eares and
about their necks to the value of 1 or 2 hundred
pounds sterling, when their cloths are not worth a
groat.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 20a.

(c) Badista de Joan saith that from Botton or Suling
are 3 months travell with goods, but alone not above
one. They meet with little victualls in the way. The
people weare Coats whose skirts are made of board.
Beyond Sulling is Cathay hills whence comes the best
Tee of [? or] Chay [Pers. chae> chay , tea].

( d) Muctear de Isaac [Muhtar Ishaq] Saith that
the Natives at Button say there are 3 Gods : one who
brought them their book, one who is in heaven, and
the 3d their Lamma \lama y priest]. The people are
honest, and reall [sincere]. The women have no
shame in Leachery; 4 or 5 brothers take one woman
for wife which keep in house amongst them. The
Natives have but few hares in their beards.

(/) There great store of barley, which they make

i66

GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

beer of. They eat raw flesh and drink Tee after it.
Their dead they cut in peeces and give to the dogs.

(/) From Neopoll to Button is one month and io
dayes travell ( vizt .), io dayse to begining of Button
country, where are the high hills, and one months
travell beyond it to Lossa [Lhasa], being about as far
as from Pattana to Agra. All the way are villages and
townes. From some part of Button country to Muscovy
is but i£ months travel.

(g) They [the Tibetans] have no coynd money,
but sell all by weight, as gold and silver. This
Mucktear de Isaac [Mukhtar Ishaq] hath beene in
Button 3 times, hath beene in Russia, Dainmark,
Sweadland, Norway, Holland, England (at London
3 months), is acquainted with Sir Hennage Finch
there ; in France, Italie, which Language he speaks,
and what place not in Europe, being 7 yeares travelling
there.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21.

( h ) From Button some Woosbecks [Uzbegs] travell
to Russia, where for 20 days together meet not with
any food, so bleed their horses every night and drink
the blood and feed their horses well.

12. FROM PATTANA TO LOSSA

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21a.

To Singee [Singhiya]

To Mossene [Mehsi] -
To Hedouda [Hataura]
To Neopoll [Nepal] -
To Cuthay [Kuti]

To Zeggeecha [Shigatse]
To Lossa [Lhasa]

Course.

8

17

63

40

100

200

200

628

PATTANA TO SUNNING 167

13. FROM LOSSA TO SUNNING

(a) To Corrassoo ------ i 00

To Cowconor [Koko-ndr (Lake) - 150

To Suning [Si-ning] ----- 50

- 300

This Account from Mucktear de Isaac who hath
travelled it.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22.

(F) There are 4 sorts of people between Lossa and
Suning: 1. Colmauk [Kalmuks], 2. Allamon, 3.
Langzee, 4. Tartar. Batista de Joan, the Arminian,
who had been at Lossa and Suning, told mee that from
Lossa to Lanton was 10 Course, thence to Pundun
15 Course, then to [River] Don [? Dam-chu] 20
Course, w;hen entered into the great Desart, and that
hee accounted betwixt Lossa to Sunning 400 Course.

14. NEOPALL, CUTBY [? CUTTEE, KUTI], LOSSA
[LHASA]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

The way from Heatounda [Hataura] to Caut-
mondoo [Khatmandu, Nepal] is very woody, where are
many Tygers, &ca. ; the way all up hill, some places
very steep that is not passable for horses ; no townes
in the way, but out are some few a great way from the
road, so that a man that travells thither must carry
provisions along with him, otherwise must fast, being
can light with none in the way upon the hills.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22.

From Hedouta [Hataura] to Neopoll all goods are
carryed upon mens shoulders. At Neopoll are stately
houses of brick and stone, and a pleasant and holsome
place, but at some times the water bad. People civell.
Hundoos [Hindus] governed by a Rojah whose

168

GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

territories reach within 12 Course of Mossene [MaisI].
Betwixt Neopoll and Cutby, the way up and down hill,
and goods are carried thither upon mens shoulders.
The Neopolls government reacheth thither, where
begins the great Lammas [Lama’s], which they call
Boot [Bhut] or Bootan [Bhutan] Country [Tibet],
and alway [all the way] betwixt this and Lossa is the
Musk Country, in which are aboundance ; the people
nasty, never washing but always olying [sic] themselves
with stinking oyl. Here they hire Camels and horses
to Lossa, where is the residence of [the] great Lama.
Thither they travell most way betwixt vast hills, and
in [the] way meet with severall townes, where want
not for provisions. The road winds much, but true
way from Cutly lies East or East Southerly. Upon
Cutley [? Kutl] hills the water so cold cannot drink it.

15. GOLD SAND
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

Here is great plenty of Gold Sand all over the
Country, and especially at Lossa, wher[e it] is found in
shallow rivers 4 or 5 inches deep, where a man may
fetch it if will take the pains, but most hire the Natives,
to whome give \ Rupee per day, and what they gather
carry to [the] Governor, who takes halfe ; and the
labarers sometimes will gather 4 or 5 rupees worth per
day, or more or less as take pains and have fortune,
and someti[m]e$ thick peeces of a rupee weight are
found.

Their Coyne [currency] there is Gold sand, which
they seale in a Clout, whereby tis made current, none
counterfeiting the Kings seale, nor is any permitted
to open the clout to see what is within it. What is

LOSSA—CASMEERE

169

sealed in each clout is 5 rupees value, and if any break
the seale hee must pay some small loss ; tis never
sophisticated [adulterated],

16. GOODS TO LOSSA [LHASA]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

Amber and Corrall beads, red, best. The Arminians
also carry silks and chints, and silver striped silks, also
beads of pure red hand wax. Before the women
marry, they will ly with any man, but after tis d[e]ath.
The Lamma [Dalai Lama] is as Pope, but meddles
not with state affairs but refers them to his Duan
[ DJwdn , minister]. Many Sunosses \Sannydsts\ go
to Salem [pay respects] to the Chief Lama, who gives
them much Gold, to som 200 or 300 rupees worth.
The Lamma hath but small guards and them all foot,
but through his Kingdome is one in almost every
house scattered. From Casmeer [Kashmir] to Button
Country [Tibet] is not far, but way dangerous for
thieves and wild beasts ; also for 8 or 1 o days meet with
no water, so that Cosmeer people go by Pattana.

17. CASMEERE
Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 12-12a.

(a) Casmere [Kashmir] is a Country neare to
Indostand ; it is in the Mogulls teritories ; the chiefe
City is called Casmeere. It is distant from Neopoll
not above 6 or 8 dayes jorney, which Neopoll is distant
from Pattana North about 6 or 8 dayes jorney, being
but 80 Course ; but betwixt Neopoll and Casmere
the way is daingerous, by reason of the vast high
mountains and great woods ; also for wild beasts &ca.,
so that the people which go from Pattana to Casmere

170 GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

go by Agra and Dilly [Delhi], from the last of which
it is 40 days jorney.

( b ) Casmere in winter time is a cold place, and in it
is much frost and thick ice, which will beare severall
Elephants together. In it are great quantity of
Grapes, apples, peares and other fruit as in England;
many deare and also many beares, Tygers, &ca., but
no snakes. Their houses are built of brick, some
8 or 9 stories high. They have great store of wheate,
barley, rice, &ca., the latter of which is sometimes sold
for 5 Maund 1 rupee ; Grapes l maund for rupee ;
also aboundance of roses. They have excellent good
wood, firr, &ca. box. as [in] England.

(1 c ) They are excellently skilled in musick, and som
of their instruments are plaid upon with a Stick of
horse hare, as our base violds ; only the instrument is
made round in the middle, at one end of which, next
to the strings, is covered with a Skin like a drum ; but
the skin being not biger than the ball of a mans hand.
Their musick hath tunes much like ours in England.

(d) In it [Kashmir] are Hindoos and people of
severall Countries, but of the Natives their Prophet
is Solomon who they say came thither and built their
great Cities and brought a man and a woman from all
Countries to inhabit theire.

( e ) Their boats are built very long, some for 50 or
60 men to row in them, being exceeding long, and as
broad at each end as in the middle, having the house
to sit in placed at the fore end of the boate. They
have excellent Carpets [rugs] of 100 rupees a peece.
Their coynes are rupees and Cowries as in Indostand.
They have great quantities of salt, which they dig out
of Rock in vast great peeces, which is white and good.

CASMEERE—JAGGERNAUT 171

Their drink is water and wine, the last of which is
prohibited by the Moores to all but them selves, who
drink great store of it.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22a.

(f) The people are very jocund and pleasant, and
[the] place excellent pleasant, that none bring from
thence any estates, but spend what get there, I mean
straingers.

18. FIRR TREES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 21a.

There is great quantity of Firr trees [Himalayan
Coniferae ] which grow neare Neopoll and in Casmeer,
many of which are by the Freshes broaken downe and
drove downe the river Gunduck (Gandak). I have
seene some of it, which hath beene taken up at Singee
near Pattana. The Firr was greene and very oyly
and clam [moist, sticky], and of an exceeding strong
and good smell, and the same with ours in England,
only greener and smells stronger.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

In the Raine times I see severall great peeces of
Firr, which with the streame was driven downe the
river Gunduck ; tis supposed it came from towards
Casmeer.

19. JAGGERNAUT
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25a.

The name Jaggernaut [Jagannath] is Sinscreet
[Sanskrit] and signifies the Master of the world, for
“ J a gg er ” [Jagat] signifies the World, and * naut ”
[ nath ] signifies Master. The place is high, built of
Stone, and is a Land mark for travellers by Sea, being
by the Sea side. Tis about 4 dayes jorney from
Ballasore Southerly. Tis Chiefe place in India

172

GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

whether the Hindoos resort to Visit, being the place
[Purl, temple] in which is placed their chiefe stone
God.

20. JAPAN

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 21a.

(a) The Directore for the Dutch saith that the
Natives [of Japan] will not do any drudging work, or
any other, under one Rupee per day, money being so
plentifull and provisions so scarce, or deare, and also
that the Dutch are none of them permitted to go out
of their Factory without leave from the Governor of
the place, who seldome gives them leave to goe above
2, or 3 miles from their Factory. The Natives will not
suffer any man of the Dutch to be Chiefe of the Dutch
Factory above 2 years together. The said Director
said that when hee had beene Chiefe there 2 yeares,
the Governor sent to him to be gone, who desired leave
to put his things aboard, but the Governor charged
him at his perill to be gone immediately or else hee
would cut of every Dutchman on shore and sink their
vessells in the Road ; so hee was forced to go away
immediately and had not time to take his Scretore
[escritoire] of papers with him.

(J?) Hee saith the Natives are very just in their
dealings and will not cheat in weight or measure;
neither will they break their promise, but are very
punctuall in performance thereof. I heard a Scotch¬
man say that had been there about 6 months since,
That when they went that voyage to Japan, they mist
their Port and were by Stormes forced into another
Port, which allarummed the Countrey, and the
Governor of the towne sent for those that went on shore,
who when came neare him, were forced to creep on

SPAHAWN TO SMERNA

173

their hands and knees till they came within speech of
him, who would not suffer them to hold up their heads
till and when hee had spoke to them, who answered
by a Dubash [interpreter] they had with them.

( c ) The Governor asked them what they were, who
answered Dutchmen, so hee demanded of them to
swear they were not Christians. So one of the
Quartermasters of the Ship swore that none belonging
to the ship were Christians. Such is the Antipathy
of the Natives [of Japan] to Christians and the villany
of the Dutch, the former occasioned by some muteny
formerly raised by the Portugees who were all cut of[f],
man, woman and child upon the Island, and the
latter by greediness after profitt. In Japan are
Stilliards by which Gold and silver is weighed.

21. SPAHAWN TO SMERNA
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21a.

From Spahawn [Isfahan] in Persia to Smerna
[Smyrna], which Armenians call Ismeer.

From Spahawne rniirc .

To Cawshawn [Kashan] 30

To Chrome [Kum] ----- 30

To Sowali [Sawah, Saveh] 20

To Asrassong [? Rizwan] 20

To Meanna [Mianeh] 40

To Zanagon [Zinj an] 15

To Tavaree [Tabriz] 60

To Noxshavan [Nakh chevan] 30

To Jelfah [Julfa], this the first towne in

Armenia -.20

To Herreaven [Erivan] 30

To Uschesea [? Echmiadzin] - 3

To Orzerung [Erzerum] 80

To Togut [Tokat].80

To Smerna [Smyrna] - 200

658

NOTES ON CHAPTER VII

Since the remarks in this chapter are not the result of personal
observation it has been thought unnecessary to verify or disprove
all the statements. On the whole, Marshall's informants were
fairly reliable, except as regards distances from place to place,

[The numbers of the notes refer to the corresponding sections
in the chapter,]

1. Banagur ” represents Banagarh, the fort or stronghold
of Bana, the traditional founder of Balasore.

2. (6) Bathing Festival at Hajipur. See Chapter V, diary of
6th November, 1671, and note 11.

4. (6) The English factory at " Nanagur " was started in
1663, The earliest mention of the place is in a letter from Job
Chamock to Henry Aldworth, dated 27th February, 1662-3
(see Foster, English Factories , 1661-64, p. 287). Nanagarh,
possibly Na-nagar, is probably represented by the Nowanagar
of the modern Survey Sheets .

5. For an account of Henry Bard, Viscount BeUamount,
ambassador to Persia and India, who died at Hodal in June 1656,
see Storia do Mogor , i, 60-73. Marshall's" Hullul " and “ Pallull"
represent the “ Hoorhull" and “ Pullwall ” of Fennell, and his
“ Hadull Pallull " the two villages combined—a common practice.
See Chapter III, note 4.

The places named by Marshall in " the way betwixt Billy and
Pattana ” are those on the ordinary caravan route of those days,
and between " Agra and Pattana ” they are practically identical
with the halting places of Peter Mundy in his journey to and fro
in 1632 ( Travels , vol. ii. and map). " Vukely Surrey,'* within
three stages of Patna, however, does not appear in Mundy’s
list, nor is there a place with a name anything like it on the route.
Moreover, Marshall's informant was incorrect here, as Aganour
(Aganur) would be the next stage—just about 10 of his kos from
Makrain. " Vukeley " may be meant for the next stage after
Aganur.

6. See Chapter II, diary of 5th March and 22nd April, 1670,
where Marshall gives the distance by land from Balasore

*74

NOTES ON CHAPTER VII

* 7 $

to Hugli and from Hugli to Patna as 174 and 382 J miles
respectively.

8 . " Botton " was used by Marshall's informants to designate
the whole tract of country including Bhutan, Sikkim and Tibet,
and often to indicate the latter country alone. The distance
between Motihari and Hataura in Nepal is far greater than
" 8 course."

9 . (a) ** Botton or Cuttee " and " Nettee Cuttee," in 9 (c)
are unintelligible. " Botton " is obviously Tibet. " Cuttee " =
Kuti alias Nilam Jong. See Chapter V, note 2 , for a similar
remark on Morang and the hills visible from it.

10 . (d) "Daupshaw" may be meant for Hind, dhdnchd,
skeleton, i.e. Bhim's skeleton (hills).

" Mauhabor " probably represents the Mohoria range of hills.

" Dowka " may possibly be intended for Dhaulagiri, Dhavalagiri
(Dewalaglri).

11 . ( 6 ) The exchange of occupation between men and women
sounds like a story of couvade (R.C.T.). Skulls made into cups
or bowls may still frequently be seen. The description as regards
clothes and the use of oil to keep out cold is accurate.

( c ) Suling, Sulling, etc. are evidently meant for Si-ning (Hsi-
Ning) or Sining fu, the important Chinese town to the east of
Koko-nor, in the Kan-su province of China.

(d) The remarks on “ leachery " refer to polyandry as practised
in the Himalayas (R.C.T.).

(g) Mukhtar Ishaq, from whom Marshall obtained part of his
information regarding Tibet, must have been a great traveller,
if the story of the extent of his journeys is correct. Of his
relations with Sir Heneage Finch, 1 st Earl of Nottingham, 1621 -
1682 , no confirmation has been found.

13 . {a) " Lossa [Lhasa] to Sunning [Si-ning]. " Corrassoo " is
probably intended for Kara-Su(chu), the black river or water.
Here again the information given to Marshall was quite incorrect.
The distance from Lhasa to Si-ning is greater than that from
Patna to Lhasa.

( 6 ) If Marshall's " Don " is intended for the river Dam-chu,
then his Armenian informant was also greatly mistaken as to
distance, though his 400 kos from Lhasa to Si-ning is much nearer
the mark that that given by Mukhtar Ishaq.

17 . {a) A1 Biruni (i. 207 ) also speaks of, and describes the
“ City called Caasmeere," though he also calls it ** Addishtan," but
Abul Fazl writes “ Srinagar is the capital," referring to the same
place as A1 Biruni.

NOTES ON CHAPTER VII

176

Bernier, who visited Kashmir in 1665, like Marshall, says
[Travels, ed. Vincent A. Smith, p. 397) : “ The capital of

Kachemire bears the same name as the kingdom. 11

(b) Bernier also (op. cit. p. 396) remarks on the absence of
“ serpents " (and also of tigers) in Kashmir. As a matter of fact
snakes are met with in every part of the district. The theory
of their non-existence may have arisen from hearing of the
belief that no poisonous snakes exist where the peak of Haramak
can be seen (see Lawrence, Kashmir, p. 55).

Bernier (p. 398) says that Kashmiri houses were built “ for the
most part of wood " and only of “ two to three stories.”

(c) Marshall was incorrectly informed as to the similarity of
English and Kashmiri music.

(d) Here again Marshall received incorrect information or
misunderstood his informant. The bulk of the Kashmiris are
Muhammadans. For the Religion of Kashmir, see Lawrence,
op. oil. Chapter XL

(e) For an account of Kashmiri boats see Lawrence, pp.
381-2. For Kashmiri shawls see Bernier’s remarks (op. cit.
pp. 403-4). The statement regarding salt is wrong, as none is
found in the Valley, and it is an article of import.

19. For contemporary accounts of the Pagoda of Jagannath
see Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 12-14 and note.

20. (a) The " Directore for the Dutch ” to whom Marshall was
indebted for information regarding Japan was either Constantyn
Ranst or Francis de Haese. The former was at the head of
affairs of the Dutch in Bengal from 1669-1672 and the latter
from 1672-1676 (see Chapter IV, note 74). Both had previously
held office in Japan. The statement that no Dutchman retained
his post in Japan " above 2 years together ” is confirmed by the
list of “ chiefs ” of the Japan factory given by Valentyn (Oud
en Nieuw Oost Indian, v. Japan, 42-47), which shows that fresh
appointments, with little more than a year's interval, were made
from 1629-x 724.

(c) The story of the murder of Portuguese in Japan possibly
refers to the Imperial Edict of 1636 by which they were expelled
from Nagasaki.

21. The distances between Isfahan and Smyrna, as supplied to
Marshall, must not be relied on. The route is that followed by
Chardin, and Marshall's “ Zanagon " may represent Chardin's
“ Zerigan " (Zinjan).

VIII

HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

HINDU AND MUHAMMADAN
RELIGIOUS ASCETICS

i. HINDOOS DEFINITION OF GOD AND CREATION
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23a.

They [the Brahmans] say God is a Beeing that cannot
be divided, and fills no place, yet is in every place, for
no place is biger for his being in it. Hee created the
world with one breath, for at that very time that hee
thought of making the world, it was made.

2. GOD, SOULE, MATTER
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21a.

They say that God and mans soule are as the Sun
and the light that flowes from it, and that matter is
anything that is enlightened therewith.

3. ONE GOD

The Bramins, when write to any one alwayes writ
\ or i first, to shew that there is but one God.

4. GOD

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 24a.

Hindoos say God is above, below and on all 4 sides
of us ; is seene by none and consequently cannot be
knowne to be of any shape or colour; creates every

M.M. 177 M

178 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

thing without time, for so soone as hee hath a will for
any thing, tis immediately created : a beeing that
ought to be honoured by all Beeings in the world,
beeing he created them all and is the greatest of ail
Beeings. Hee cannot be divided, though is wholy
every where, as the light of the Moon ; for the light
shineth into every mans yard, and one man saith
tis in his yard, another tis in his, and so every man
said tis in his ; yet this is but all one light of the
Moone.

The Hindoos have a saying That there is nothing
without God or on the other side or beyond him; and
[they] say that men may be compared to a Candle
within a Lanthorn, the Lanthorne being as God : so
that the Candles sight and knowledge is limitted, for
it can see or know nothing further or withoutside the
Lanthorne ; but God can both see the Candle within
and also himselfe, and what else out of our sight.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21.

God is the spermatick life in every thing, yet cannot
properly be called part of any thing, being the thing is
not greater or less for him.

5. BREATHING GODS NAME
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6.

The Bamins [Bramans] say That when a man
breaths, his breath goes from his mouth the breadth
of 12 fingers, and what he drawes within his mouth
come[s] from within the distance of 12 fingers, and
that when a man takes in his breath, he does pronounce
the first part of Gods name (it alwayes having 2 sounds),
and when lets out his breath, the latter part of Gods
name, or that the first part of Gods name is lifte up

BREATHING GODS NAME

179

and the latter part let downe: as Raum [Ram], the
Hindoos name for God, when a man pronounceth it
distinctly, it is Rau-m, Rau being pronounced with
the taking in of the breath, and (m) that letting it
out; and so of Whoeah [Allah], the Moors name, or
God in English, or Deus, or Theos; and so of any
name of God except it be where God is called by a
periphrasis.

6 . GOD BEFORE THE WORLD
Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 24 .

[The Brahmans say] That God before [he] made the
world, had the images of all things before in his mind,
and delighted himself therewith, and when thought
convenient, writ them downe, i.e. made the world,
which was done in a moment. They have a saying :
Quodaka baut Quoda janny \Khudd kd bat Khudd
jane ], i.e., God knowes his owne voyce [God’s word
God knows] none else, but every man may read his
writing.

7. MAN WHEN DIES

When man dies, they [the Brahmans] say his
thoughts wander and the last thing it [? he] thought of,
it [his soul] enters into.

8 . BODY FEELES NO PAIN
Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 24 a.

They say That the body feeles no paine, but [except]
when the Flesh is torne ; then the soule is afraid of
its dissolution and so feeles paine, as a bird doth when
its cage is torne.

i8o HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

9. FIVE BOOTS : GODS ESSENCE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 20a.

There are 5 Boots [bhuta] or Devills to sport with :
Root, Bulk, Leafe, Flower and Seed, and all these are
but appendants to the naturall heat in the seed from
whence they all flow, which the Bramins call God,
which cannot be destroyed, but changed into something
else. For hee alwayes acts alike, somtimes in one
thing and sometimes in another. As the writeing
in paper is not distinct as to its essence from the mind
of him that wrote it, so the Essence of God [is] the
same with mans Soule, which is the writeing of God :—.
That all are but one being, and the difference as seen
is but the severall airs or winds &ca., for ill [«c,
? all] liveing is but the life of god, and every thing is
proud of its owne being and thinks it selfe the best, as
a Toad will use all possible means to preserve its life,
and man can do no more.

10. BURMA CREATED : CREATION OF MAN &c.
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19.

(a) The Hindoos say that God when hee had made
the Earth &ca. hee had a desire to have such a Being
as Man, and immediately a flower arose out of the
water and became Man, which was called Burma
[Brahma], which signifieth in Sinscreet [Sanskrit]
Language (made by God). But Burma desiring to
have a Companion shook himselfe, and from his left
arme fell a woman, which was called Debaut [? Devi],
which signifies as much as That she came from the
word of Burma.

CREATION OF MAN

18 i

Haxl. MS. 4254, fols. 21-21a.

( b ) [The Hindu Doctor at Patna] saith That when
God thought it good to make the world, in that very
minute it was made, for there was a flower sprung out
of the water, which opening every side Man came out
of it, which now is called Burma, who when see hee
was made and knew not by whome, hee much admired
[wondered], seeing none but himselfe. Hee tooke
the flower out of which hee came, and pulling it up
thrust it under water. After this Burma wiping his
Eybrowes and some sweat or such like driping from
thence, from which arose 7 men and one woman
(which afterwards came to be the 8 persons preserved
in the Flood).

(c) Then appeared to Burma a Fish (appearing
upon the water) called Cutchooa ( 'kachhwd , tortoise),
which is a sort of Tortois. By this Fish was delivered
to Burmah a Book in which was written all things
that had been, was, and were to come, which Book
the Hindoos now call Shasta \Shdstrd\. Afterwards
the fishes back became hard, and afterwards the
Earth.

11. NOOH’S FLOOD : HINDOO CALLED

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 20a-21.

(a) The Doctor at Pattana, Hindoo, told mee it is
writ in their Book that 4732 years since, the Sea flowed
so that all the Earth was covered with water except
one hill, which lies very far to the South and is called
Bind [? Sindh], upon which hill were preserved 7 Men
and one women [vizt.], Sunnuck, Sunnund, Tritteech,
Sannottah, Cuppyloshchaw, Suruschoy and Burroo-
pung, the men and Dehootah, the woman, who was

182 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

wife to Cuppyloschaw. These understanding that
the world would be drowned, it being so writ in their
Bookes, they gathered together all their bookes and
went thither, whether came two of all sorts of lives or
creatures, male and female, which amounted to
8,400,000 lives, males and females, all sorts of herbes,
trees and vegetables and animalls being here included.
This Flood remained 120 years 5 months 5 days before
all gone. This Cuppyloschaw and Dehottah begot
Gowtummon [Gautama] a Sonn, and Soomboo a
daughter, who begot 2 Sonns and 2 Daughters, and
from them the world became inhabited. Amongst
the number of creatures above mentioned, the fishes
were also included, the fish before the flood dying for
want of food.

( b ) The name Hindoo is a corruption of Bindoo
[Sindhu], which signifies all on this side the Hill Bind
[Vindhya mountains], on which the creatures were
preserved. The other Six men on the Hill Bind
turned Fuckeers [/#?£>*] or Hermites and so continued
all their life, being never married nor assistant to
populate the world. Many other Braminies [Brah¬
mans] (for the 7 were of this Cast) endeavoured to get
to that hill, but could not, having not power.

12 . WORLD

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23a.

They [the Brahmans] say that the World may be
compared to a Tree which first came from the seed of
one little substance, though upon the tree there bee
wood, bark, leaves, &ca., all of divers natures, yet all
proceeding from one root, which is nourished con¬
tinually or else it perisheth. So the world consists

WORLD

183

of severall sorts of Beeings of different natures, yet
all proceeding from one root, which if not always
nourished will perish* The breath of God they
compare to that seed.

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 33a-34.

B[r]amin[s] say all relligions in the world are but
one, having all the same consciences or justice writ in
every mans heart and if men did not act severally and
divide their religions, rather ceremonies, the world
would be but a flat story, and there would be no sport
in it if no variety, which was the end for which God
made it. For when at first there was but one man
there was no sport, for hee could not do good or bad
to any, he could not steal from or contend with any,
being there was none to contend with, as a single thing
can make no nois or sport; but when once beat
against another, make a sound and often pleasant
musick. So man when alone made no stir, but when
once God had made many men, one beat against
another and so made a delicate sport or Musick for
God. So that hee set one man to steale from another ;
thence arose quarrells ; thence lawes to prohibit and
punish rogues. So that after [wards] every man began
to look after selfe preservation, and to become carefull,
considerate and witty; whereas if it had not beene so,
there would have been nothing for man to have
exercised his wit upon*

They say also that in the conclusion of all, every
man shall have his Account Ballanced by Jemma
[ jama , receipts] and Crutch [ kharch , outgoings], or
Debtor and Creditor, for they say that a man that now
steals from another man, tis because that man had
formerly stole from him in some other being; and

184 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

when one man murders another he had formerly
murdered him.

I asked wherefore the first man stole or committed
murder, being it could not be for to Ballance Accounts
before were any. To which a Bamin [Brahman] said,
That God caused the first man to do it, for hee must
cause it to begin in some, it matters not whome, being
the Accounts will at length be Ballanced ; and it would
be alike sport to God to have one as to have the other
to begin ; for they do but borrow and must at length
pay againe.

One Bamin then said, All the world is but one thing
and the soules of men all but one, and gives this
comparisson ; as a man calls one thing a house, one
a church, one a cup, one a bason, &ca. yet the same air
is in all, and matter all one. So a man calls one a
horse, another a bird, another a dog, another a tree
and another a Man, yet in all is the same soule acting
upon the same world, only divers parts of it which are
diversly disposed, and the organs fitted divers ways,
some better, some worse, some more, some 1 fewer,
which causeth all this variety in the world. And all
this necessaryly flows from God, So that they have
a saying, That none but fooles feare, and another
Mera , Mera , booja ka tera [Merd y mera , bujha kd tera\
that is, fooles cry Mera , Mera , that is mine, mine, but
the wise men say booja [bujha = bujha hud ddmi , the
man who has understood] ka tera , that is, do but
understand, and then What is thine; [what to the
non-understanding is “ mine,” to the man who has
attained true understanding is “ thine ” ; Le. there is
really no mine or thine]. Also they say that a child
very young will not lie, but so soone as begins to

RUTTONS 185

learne selfe preservation, then begins to make the
stage of the world sportfull.

13 . RUTTONS
Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 25a-26.

There are 14 Ruttons [ ratna , ratan^ jewel], or chiefe
things, which God created with the world, out of which
all necessaries for man flow (vizi.)

1 Latchan [ lakshmi , wealth] or Riches, without

which a man can live but sadly.

2 Coustuo [ kaustubh , jewel of Vishnu] or Thought,

without which a man would be weary of living.,

3 Parjantuck [jparijata , tree of Paradise], a Flowers

name, which is by the Hindoos reckoned the
chiefest of flowers, which represents smelling in
generall.

4 Soor [sura (amrit<£j\ or Wine, which is good to

revive mans heart.

5 Dunnuntuck or Doctor of Physick [Dhanvantari,

the physician of the gods], to prescribe physick
for health.

6 Chaundramaund [ chandrama ] or the Moon, good

for her light, &ca.

7 Gow Comdooka [Go Kamadhuk (Kamaduh),

Indra’s cow (Kamadhenu), cow of plenty] or a
Cow, good for her milk, &ca.

8 Dewta [ devatva~\ or Godliness or a clear Conscience,

great satisfaction to man.

9 Hattee [hathi = Airavata, Airavana, Indra’s elephant]

or Elephants, good for warr and state.

10 Ruambah [Rambha, an apsaras , courtesan of
svarga] or Woman, good to produce man.

186 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

11 Goorah [ghora\ or a Horse which is taken for

the Sunn (by reason that the Sunn they report
to be drawn by horses), good for heat &ca.

12 Horreedunnuck [Haridhanus, properly, Indra-

dhanus], a Bow and arrow, good for fight.

13 Sunk \sankh\ or a Pipe make of Chaunk shell,

good, because when the Hindoos marry, with
this they are summoned together.

14 Bick \bikK\ or poyson, being the best physick,

if well used.

14. PRE-EXISTENCE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21.

(a) [There are] 3 Species of being, 1 Good, 2
medium, 3 bad, as 1 Sunassees \sannyasis\ 2 Men,
3 Worl[dl] ings or Devills.

(b) One Bramin told mee That God made Heaven
and Hell and consequently people for both.

15. NO FREEWILL WITH HINDOOS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 32a.

Serenaut [Srlnath], the Bamin [Brahman] Doctor
at Pottana, saith tis writ in their Bookes That man
hath no Freewill, and saith that mans heart may be
compared to God as a Spider web is to a Spider, for
which way soever the Spider draws, the Webb followes ;
or as a man that holds the Sail of a Ship, and as he
turnes the saile, so the ship goes. So as God turnes
the heart of man, so it acts, for they are one. And so
hee saith That there is no such thing as Sinn in the
world ; and as for murders, thefts, &ca.—these are
but sports to God and the persons instruments wher-

NO FREEWILL WITH HINDOOS 187

with hee playes. And as for the Bamins not killing
any living creature or not eating flesh, etca., these are
only to keep in awe the ignorant &ca., least should
rebell.

Hee also saith that the Soule of man may be com¬
pared to the flame of a candle which when once is
extinct, is no more ; So our soules when leaves this
body is annihilated as to [?] us. That tis like water
which somtimes retains one colour, sometimes
another. So God puts out our Soules from this
body, at somtimes puts it into another body and at
sometimes useth it no more. That all the Actions
in the world are but sports to God, whereby hee
pleaseth himselfe with changing them, and causeth
some men to act one way, others another, and all their
actions proceed from their heart or will, which is
all one with God. So that man is but an instrument
wherewith God sports and pleaseth himselfe, and the
Soule which is the same with God, if God enlightens
it in another body, it remembers not that it ever acted
here before.

That God and mans Soule may be compared to the
Sea and other water, for all water at first was in the
Sea, yet knows not that it was so. Somtimes tis
tinctured with one colour, somtimes with another, yet
tis but all one water. So all is but one Soule, though
in severall parts of the world and acting distinctly
as to us, but as to God all one ; as a Net that hath
many turnings and winding, yet is but one thred and
is for one use. So that the severall soules of men are
but as sparkes of God kindling severall parts of the
matter in the world in severall bodies or clays, where
resides so long as the fewell is capable of giveing

188 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

nourishment to it, after which it extinguisheth and
becomes what it was before it had kindled that clay.

16. BEADE SCIENCE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19.

The Hindoos have a Book they call Beade [Bed-
Veda], which is the foundation of all their Pollicy in
Religion, whereby they make the people beleeve that
whosoever knowes can have whatever hee desires. In
it is the foundation of all their Diuras \deura , temple]
or churches, by which they tell the people, if they
want such a thing then must repaire to Jaggarinaut
[Jagannath] or such a Diura ; if want such a thing,
then to such a place, and the like, which the people
beleeve there is great vertue in them places, whereas
they were contrived by the Bramins only to get money
of those that resort to them. Also here is writ all
their rules of morality and other Arts and sciences.

17. SHERRUM, SHAME
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19a.

The Bramins say That Sherrum or Shame [ sharam ]
is a Net in which all men are caught into trouble, for
before it was borne, wee had not occasion of any thing
but food.

18. STATE AFTER DEATH
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 18.

Some Bramins say, That this life is not reall, but
a dream, and when a man dies this life will be to him
as a dreame and hee will esteeme it so. And so [of]
the removeall of all states ; the last hee came from
will seeme to him but a dreame, so hee will not consider

STATE AFTER DEATH 189

of it [at] all. That all are but thoughts in God and
nothing in us, and that when man dies the last thought
his mind was upon here, his soul will enter into it.

That mans soule is same with God ; that it is not
divisible, but enters into the seeds of man and woman
at the time of copulation, when their seeds meet. So
that when man dies, tis as when a man is suddenly
struck upon the eyes with a feather—hee forgets
what last hee see for a while ; that there is alwayes
same number of soules.

19. HINDOOS MUDDS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22.

The Hindoos say there are 8 Muds [mada> intoxica¬
tion, desire] or Follies, by which all the World are
besotted, vizt ., (i) Dunna-Mud [ \dhana-madd\ or
Riches, (2) Purrooa-mud [putrya-mada ] or Friends and
relations, (3) Cul-mud [ 'kula-mada ] or Nobleness of
birth or Familie, (4) Joobund-mud [yauvana-mada
( kamamaddj\ or Youth, (5) Biddea-mud [bidya ( yidya )-
mada ] or Learning, (6) Rupe-mud [rup-madd] or
Beauty, (7) Bull-mud [ bal-mada ] or Strength, (8)
Okul-mud [’ agl-mada (buddhi maddj\ or Wit, or
judgement. And these 8 Muds are deluded by
5 Boots \bhuta\ or Evill spirits, mt, the 5 Senses—
hearing, seeing, feeling, tasting, smelling—each of
which have their severall servants or objects, in all 23
[sic], vizt. Hearing hath 2, Good and bad ; Seeing 5,
Greene, Red, Yellow, White, Black; Feeling 8,
Heavy, Light, hot, cold, hard, soft, pleasure, paine ;
Tasting 6, Sweet, Sower, Salt, Fresh, Bitter, Hot in tast.

They say that when God made man, hee sent these
8 Muds [mada ] and 5 boots [bhutd] along with him

i 9 o HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

to see how they would agree, and what Government
would be amongst them, so mixing them together
and then threw them several wayes, so that now some
Men follow riches and delight in the objects of seeing,
others in Strength and the object of [? feeling] ; and
so of the rest, being occasioned by their accidentall
meeting with each other againe and endeavouring to
rule over each other.

20 . KISNY [KRISHNA]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 12.

(a) Amongst the Hindoos there was a man called
Kisny, which was borne 417,000 yeares before the
yeare of our Lord 1670. Hee hath lived and bin dead
10 times, and every time hath bin in severall shapes, as
sometimes of a beast, sometimes of a man. When
hee was borne, the King or Roja [Raja] where hee
lived, having it prophesied that Kisny would be his
destruction, and to be sure to put him to death, hee
caused all women to bring their children to one woman
to suck, who had poysoned her paps, so that all
Children that came to her were poysoned, untill this
Kisny came to her, who bit of[f] her pap end and spit
it out, and afterwards hee with his mother were forced
to swim over a great River and got away.

At last Kisny died, about 5,700 years since, and
according to the Hindoos manner (hee being a Hindoo),
his corps were laid upon the fire, and a little burnt
(his hands and feet being burnt of[f], and afterwards
throwne into the River Ganges, and was driven downe
with the Streame into the Sea below Point Palmeras
in Orixa [Orissa], where hee was found to be turned
into a peece of wood, which was found by a Braminy,

KISNY [KRISHNA] 191

who guilded his head &ca. and built a House for him,
which is now called Jaggary Not, from the name of
Kisny, after called Jaggary Naut, which signifies the
greatest in the world, or Master of the world.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 28.

(F) Hindoos say that Kisny hath beene in 9 bodies
\avatdra\ vizt. y (1) a Fish [Matsya] ; (2) a Cutchoa
\kacchafa^ tortoise (Kurma)], which is a sort of Tortois ;
(3) Hog [Varaha] ; (4) Satur [? chatur ; four, for

Narasimha, 4th avatar] ; (5) Dwarfe [Vamana] ;

(6) Purseram Roja [Parasu-Rama] ; (7) Rumchun

[Ramasandra] Roja ; (8) Bulbuddur [Balabhadra] ;
(9) Jaggaranaut [Jagannath] ; and that hee will
on[c]e more come againe [the future avatara] and
assume another body [Kalki], and after that no more.

21 . BRAMINS PRAYERS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19.

Some Bramins say that tis to no purpose to pray,
for God is true and cannot alter his resolution, for then
it would argue a dislike of what hee hath done, for hee
hath made the world in such a link and chaine that one
thing necessaryly followes the other ; but by this they
are taught to feare and be in subjection.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 20.

Bramins say tis in vaine and ridiculous to pray to
God who is the saime with the thing that prayeth,
vizt. mans soule.

22 . SPIRITS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 27.

Some Braminies say That those things we call
Spirits that somtimes affright men, are only Beings of

192 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

an inferior sort to man, and that they never were the
Soules of men, but are many of them utter enemies
to mankind and bring sickness &ca. many times
to them.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24.

They say that the soul of a male will always be a
male, &ca.

23. SPIRITS OR DURSUNS [darsan, darshana , vision]

1. A man that receives a Letter from his friend;
then hee thinks hee sees his friend or hath him in mind.

2. When a man heareth another spoken of, hee hath
his image in his mind.

3. A Picture put[s] a mans image in the mind.

4. Dreames puts a mans image in the mind.

24. MANS LIFE

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 9.

Some Bramins say Mans life may be compared to
the leafe of a tree which growes till ripe, when stayes
a while and then decayes till be rotten, when drops
from the tree and will never grow againe. So mans
life, when once gone, will grow no more.

25. COMPARISSON OF MEN
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 16a.

Bramins say that diversity of men arise from the
severall wayes they take, as a pond or spring which
hath but one head and water, yet this water runing
thorow severall sorts of clayes or soyles, colours the
water accordingly ; so men by their severall educations
have had their hearts tinctured with various principles.

LIGHTNESS IN MAN

193

26. LIGHTNESS IN MAN
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 24.

The Hindoos say tis writ in their Book that
there [arej^Six things which argues lightness in man,
vizt. ;

1. For an old man to keep company and play with
boys.

2. For a man (in company before hath spoken any
thing to any of the company that related to their
discourse) on a sudden to fall in to Laughter at no body
knows what.

3. For a man to reply to a woman when scoulds, or
set his wit to hers.

4. For a man ofti good and noble Familie to frequent
sorded company and those of ignoble birth.

5. For a man to ride upon an Ass.

6. For a man in company to speak unseasonably
that which nothing relates to their discourse or business,
but to the interruption thereof.

27. LONG LIVED MEN
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

Tis reported That some Hindoos can hold their
breaths for some houres by an Art they have, which
from their youth by degrees they acquired and from
their principles ; That God, to every man at his
Dirth, gave so many breathings to be pent in his life,
50 that if by art they can protract their breathings, they
:an also protract the lengths of their lives and so come
:o live to vast ages.

M.M.

N

i 9 4 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

28. HINDOOS 5 SENSES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

The Hindoos say that man hath 5 pleasures which
they call Chushay [khusht], vixt. : (1) Sunna [sami'd]
or Hearing, (2) Decknay \dekhna\ or Seeing, (3)
Soockay [sukkt, happy] or Feeling, (4) Sowand
[ sawad] or Tast, and (5) Boah ( bu\ or Smelling.

30. ENDRIA \indrlya\ 5, OR SENSES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 23a.

The Hindoos say there are 5 sorts of Soules (1) A
Tree hath feeling, being it can be killed. (2) Worme
hath feeling and Tast. (3) An Ant hath Feeling,
Tasting and Smelling. (4) A snake hath Feeling,
Tast, Smelling and Seeing. (5) A Man hath Feeling,
Tasting, Smelling, Seeing and Hearing ; and under
these 5 sorts all liveing creatures are comprehended.

30. DREAMES : CONSCIENCE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21a.

Some say tis impossible for a man that hath always
been blind to dreame, and that Conscience proceeds
from feare.

31. RICHES A CHEAT
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24.

They say Riches is a cheat, and that if a man did not
indulge himselfe in it, as in excess of tast, or honour,
or the like, hee would be happy.

Memorandum . The story of the Rojah [ra/d], the
woman and the Fuckeer [faqtr] and how they tempted
him by his tast, which after brought trouble upon him,
hee then longing and lusting after the woman, &ca.

FIVE ELEMENTS

*95

32. FIVE ELEMENTS : FIVE COLOURS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 34.

They [Brahmans] say there are 5 Elements, w/.,
Air, Water, Fire, Earth, Sky, and from these 5 Ele¬
ments proceed 5 Colours, vizt . 9 from Air White;
from Water, Greene ; from Fire, Red ; from Earth,
Black; and from Sky, Yellow. All these five are
called originalls, from whence all things and colours
proceed, by the severall mixture of them.

33. SEVEN SEAS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26.

The Hindoos say that there are 7 Seas or originalls
of moistures, vizt. ; (1) Loon \lon\ or Salt; (2) Milta
\mitha%\ or Sweetmeats ; (3) Sherob [sharab ] or Wine ;
(4) Gue [ght\ or Butter ; (5) Die [ dahi ] or a sort of
Curds ; (6) Dood [ dudh ] or Milk ; (7) Panny [pant ]
or Water.

34. EIGHTY-FOUR LACK [lakh] OF CHUTES [chhut]
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 20.

The Hindoos say That God breaths into 84 Lack of
creatures, or there are 8,400,000 wombs from which
? al[l] species of beings flow.

35. MIRTH—MALANCHOLY

[The Hindoos say] That there is no such thing as
malancholy in the world, for all things flow from the
pleasantness of God, and al[l] things are in that order
which most please him.

i 9 6 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

36. JAGGARANAUT
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

[Jagannath] was a log of wood, and ordered by
Inderdoomun [Indradyumna] to have a place built
and hee put into it, and was commanded by Burma
[Brahma] not to look at the Log of wood in 7 dayes,
but let it be there a lone and it would become a man.
But Inderdoomun, beeing desireous to looke, after
3 dayes time were expired, went in and found the
Log of wood to have a face, but neither hands nor
Legs, so that hee was imperfect because was seene
before the 7 dayes were expired ; and so now remains,

37, JOUGEES AND FUCKEERS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

(a) Tis said the Jougees [jogt] have a notable way
of resolving of Questions, which they do this way :
They will repeat to themselves such a number of
prayers by their beads, and just when have done, will
speak what comes into their mind first concerning the
question, which they strongly think upon during all
the time they are saiing their prayers, and thus they
will resolve questions not [? most] ably. They will
pray sometimes 2 or 3 houres to resolve the question,
and if at that time (they have ended their prayers) they
have any stop within themselves, they will not answei
any thing to your question. And all this is done by
the force of imagination, thinking strongly upon the
question all the time they are praying.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16a. 1

(F) Some Jougees go stark naked, severall of which
I have seen in India, and tis reported that the Hindoo 1

JOUGEES AND FUCKEERS 197

women will go to them and kiss the Jougees yard.
Others ly [lay] somthing upon it when it stands,
which the Jougees take to buy victualls with ; and
severall come to stroke it, thinking that there is a good
deale of vertue in it, none having gone out of it as they
say, for they ly not with women nor use any other way
to vent their seed.

Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 21.

(c) There was a Fuckeer \jagir] by Pattana who
never beged or said any thing but To tu isa \aisd\ i.e.>
“ Tis like you [so you are such].” So if any gave
him any thing or abused him, this was his saying.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 8a.

s (d) Tis very credibly reported that yearly some
Fuckeers come from said [Kashmir] hills to Pattana,
where they wash in Ganges, [who] by their eating only
herbs and roots, have such reamidies in Physick as
hath not been heard of. They have at some times
given powders to people when they have come, that
have recovered them when almost dead, and hath in
few howers made them as well as ever; but so soone
as they have given it, go away with all speede, least
they should be laid hold of and made to stay with the
Moores, and so be deprived of their Hermiticall life.
They have often given things which never failed to
cause women to bring forth, and also to make old
men quite dried up to be able to ly with young women
everie night for some years together, without any injury
done to their old bodies. But amongst the Fuckeers
which yearly come in Thousands, there are but few
exellent, and they never discovering themselves,
except by great accident, as when they have received

198 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

Aimes of some person almost languished. Then
they give him a powder, &ca. and tell him how to use
it and go away.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 8a.

(e) It is reported by these Moores and Hindoos
that upon the Hills by Casmeere [Kashmir] and also
by Neopoll (Nepal] that there are people live to 4 and
500 yeares of age. They can hold in their breath
and ly as it were dead for some yeares, all which time
their bodies are kept warme with oyles, &ca. They
can fly, and change souls each with other or into any
beast. They can transforme their bodies into what
shapes they please and make them so plyable that
then can draw them thorow a little hole, and wind and
turne them like soft wax. They are mighty temperate
in diet, eating nothing but milke, and a sort of graine~
they have. At first they use themselves to hold in
their breaths for a very little time when young, and
so more by little and little. There are schools of
them, wherein they learne all the dayes of their lives,
but not one in a Thousand attaine to the perfection of
it. Tis reported that those people often fly to Jaggory
Nut (Jagannath] and there about to the seaside.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 9.

(/) In the corner betwixt Gunga [Ganga] and
Gunduck [Gandak] lives a Fuckeer woman, a Hindoo,
who all the yeare long begs, but stirs not from her
house. The most boats that go by give her a pice,
and think if they do not, they shall have bad fortune,
Shee keepe[$] most of her money together untill that!
time that the Hindoos come thither from most parts)
to wash, and then buys victualls with it and gives it ?
away to them. She is looked upon by the Hindoos]

JOUGEES AND FUCKEERS i 99

as an Oracle, Shee saith shee can hold her breath
for J Gurry [ ghari ] or 12 [really 24] minutes of an
houre.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

(g) Many Fuckeers when travell and are exceeding
hungry, and can get no victualls, bind their bellies hard,
and that a little assuages it.

(h) By report there are Fuckeers neare Neopoll
[Nepal] which always live upon the high Hills. Some
live 2 or 300 years of age, and when their bodies are
therewith decayed, they acquaint their friends that
they desire to leave that body and assume another.
So without any violence offered to their body, after
their prayers said, they sit downe and die voluntarily
and at what time they please, but before do acquaint
their relations at what place they desire to assume a
Body, at Agra or Dilly [Delhi], or the like. And then
they leave their old body and go into the belly of a
woman, and so is borne againe. After which, when
comes to be somthing manly, hee writes unto former
bodies relations that hee is in such a body, and that
hee was formerly in the old .body which hee so formally
left, and that such and such tokens, reciteing such and
such actions which hee had then done, not forgeting
all the remarkable actions hee did in his former body.
This I had from a Sober, Serious Fuckeer, a Hindoo,
who saith hee hath conversed with many of the Fuckeers
near Nepoll who had so changed their bodies, and also
with severall persons who had received advises from
some of their relations who had left their old bodies
and assumed new ones. Many other strainge things
they will do with their bodies, which they acquire
from their childhood by great pains and use.

200 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 7a, 24-25.

(/) Hither [Hajlpur Bathing Festival] come abound-
ance of Fuckeers, some with their hands and armes
held upright, which they have accustomed themselves
so much too, that they cannot take them downe, and
their fingers so folderd in each other that cannot loose
them, and their nailes some 4 or 5 inches long. Their
hands and armes thereby are as it were dead, being
jwithered so that a man can scarce feele any pulse that
they have. Some with their hands in other postures,
and some with haire which reacheth downe behind them
below the calfes of their leggs. Severall of these I have
seene who go naked, not having any thing-to cover their
privy members. At Metchlepatam I have seen them.

(j) Hither tis reported come some Fuckeers that
f cure diseases to admiration [astonishment] by little

pills, &ca., which they somtimes give to people they
I see in the way daingerously sick. But tis very rare,
for they will not discover themselves least the Moores
should lay hold of them and detaine them. But
somtimes when see a man alone [they] go to him and
give him one single pill, somtimes more (which they
bid him eate, but not untill tis esteemd his disease is
incurable) ; and away they run. I laid wait for to
meet with one of these, but could not. Some of the
Jorgees \Jogt] or Hindoo Fuckeeres are said to be
excellent good chymists and know exceedingly well
how to kill Mineralls.

( k ) The Fuckeers here are 40 or 50 in a Company.
Some of them are very fat, and some exceeding leane ;
some that come from Tartary [Central Asia] which
feed upon nothing but herbs and rootes, the nature
of which they well know.

201

JOUGEES AND FUCKEERS

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21 ; 4254, fols. 25-25a.

(!) Sunasses [sannyast] are right Phylosophers, which
signifieth one that is not subject to passion, and that
take[s] no care in the world, which thing brings all
the evell upon a man. These Jougees or Sunossees
are Fuckeers or beggars, which are Hindoos, which
most of their lives travell through India, Tartary
[Central Asia], China, &ca. They eat no flesh nor
anything that is salt or hath salt in it. They ly with
no women ; weare no coloths, but a cloth or skin over
their middle ; powder themselves with a kind of dust
which they make up into a hard cake. There are
severall Casts [orders] of them. They cut not the
hair on their heads or beards. Their generall meat
is rice, herbs and roots, also milk which they will
boyle untill 4/5 be boyled away, and the 1/5 they
drink, which makes them very fat, as most of them are.
Some of them understand the nature of herbs and roots
very well, with which they are said to have cured :
strainge diseases at sometimes. About 2 or 3 months
before Shawjahan [Shah Jahan] dyed, hee commanded
the great Dewra [ deura ] at Bonnarras [Benares] to
be pulled downe, who meeting with some opposition,
cut in peeces all the Sunosses [ sannyast ] siting in it,
who never flinched or removed from the posture they
were in.

( m ) Upon the nth of November 1671 I sent for
one of the Chiefe of them, which then was at Singee
[Singhiya], His name was Bowannagere Gussanie
[i.e. he was a gosain from Bhaunagar], with whome I
had a great deale of discourse. Hee gave mee a little
powder which he brake of[f] of the Cake which hee
rubs himself over with, and bid mee weare it upon the

202 HINDU RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY

top of my head in my sash, or sow it in my hat crowne •
and what ever I did (when had it about mee), should*
prosper. Hee bid mee put it into a copper box, not
into a Gold or silver one, for then twould not be
effectual!. Hee had many ceremonies before hee gave
mee it, holding it in his hand, and puting his finger
round about it severall times, puting it to his forhead
then bowing his head to the ground : then put it
behind his eare in a paper, repeating somthing to
himselfe; then puting it to his head againe, bid
another of his companions to give mee it, which hee
did standing and puting it to his head ; and bid mee
stand up to receive it, which I did, and after put it to
my head, as hee ordered mee. Afterwards hee went
away puting his hand all powdry on my head.

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

[The notes and remarks on the above chapter have been
supplied by Sir Richard Temple, Bt., and Dr. Ganganatha Jha,
Vice-Chancellor of Allahabad University. The contributions of
these two scholars are distinguished by their initials appended to
the note or remark for which each is responsible.]

The Hindu part of Marshall's scattered remarks on religion and
philosophy is the result of conversations with Hindus of education,
more or less learned in a variety of Hindu Philosophies. They
read like recollections of discussions on religious and philosophic
subjects and exhibit some of the ideas and thoughts of the average
educated Hindu of Marshall's day, which, as I have observed
elsewhere, consisted of a complex of various Hindu philosophies,
as influenced by Indian Sufiism and the views of the then recent
mediaeval Hindu Reformers. It would require prolonged research
to show the origin and history of each view put forward, and
nowadays this would not be worth while. Still, the notes are
valuable as showing what educated Hindus thought in Marshall's
time, though of course we have their ideas only through his
presentation. He does not, however, show much prejudice in
his endeavours to record what they told him. R. C. T.

1. It is a great pity that Marshall has nowhere given the
vernacular term he translates as * God.’ His note No. i reads like
Hindu philosophic teaching with a Christian tinge, the words
" Hee created the world" being probably added by Marshall
himself. R.C.T.

2. This is an echo of the Advaita theory—the universality of
the universal and the individual soul. R. C. T.

3. The sign 3 , however, is generally regarded as standing, not
for the figure one, but for the elephant-driving hook, which
represents GaneSa, the elephant-headed Deity, whose presence
•is believed to remove all obstacles. G. J.

3-4. Here we have reference to the Bhagavata doctrine of
the One God. See Lalla the Prophetess, pp. 38-9. R. C. T.

203

204

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

5. “ Breathing Gods name ” refers not to the name Ram
but to the tripartite syllable om, which stands for a-u-m ■ it
represents God in the most comprehensive form. G. J.

Here we have the Hindu doctrine of the efficacy of the Holy
Name—the Name of God—as a prayer. The note reads as if
Marshall obtained his information from a jogi who had been a
student of the Yogi Philosophy. See Lalla the Prophetess
pp. 167 ff. R. C. T.

6. The Hindustani quotation here, a very common saying
in Northern India, is in Muhammadan terms. Khudd is a
Muhammadan not a Hindu word for God. Perhaps Marshall's
Hindu teachers used Khudd all the way through so that he might
understand them. R. C. T.

7. This is a confused reference to the doctrine of trans¬
migration. R. C. T.

8. The idea here that pain is illusory seems to refer to the
general Hindu doctrine of Maya, Illusion—that the tangible
world is illusory. See Lalla the Prophetess, p. 21. R. C. T.

9. The five " Boots ” {bhuta) are not " Devills,” but the five
rudimentary substances, Earth, Water, Air, Fire, Ether. See
No. 32 below. G. J.

The paragraph is a partial statement of two doctrines : (1) of
the five bhuta, spirits, of material life in the Sankhya-Yoga
Philosophy. They are part of the (25 to 36) tattva or stages in
the evolution of the Universe ; (2) of the unlimited universal

soul as distinguished from the limited individual soul. For an
explanation of the doctrines see Lalla the Prophetess, pp. 29, 58,
114,119,124,147. R. C. T.

10. (a) The statement is a garbled version of something
Marshall was told about Brahma and the doctrine of Sakti, the
female principle in evolution, R. C. T.

Marshall’s translation is incorrect. Brahma does not mean
" made by God ” but “ grown out (of God).” G. J.

(b) This is a jumble of several legends of Origin. The ”8
persons preserved in the Flood ” are probably Marshall's own
addition from Christian lore. R. C. T.

(£) Shastra {shastra, treatise) is a generic term for the Hindu
Scriptures or Sacred Books. The tortoise is one of the avdtare
or incarnations of Vishnu. R. C. T.

Marshall has confused ” fish ” with ” tortoise ” ( kachhwfi ),
The two are distinct manifest at ions of God. G. J.

11, (a) The Hindu doctor was not referring to Noah’s Flood,
which is a Mesopotamian legend, but to a " dissolution ” of the
universe according to Hindu Philosophy (see Lalla the Prophetess,

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

205

pp. 195, 197, and for variants of the Indian story of the Deluge
see Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i. 181 ff.). The 8,400,000 lives
refer to the Hindu Atomic Philosophy (Vaisheshika)—the 84 lakh
(lacks) of lives, i.e. of atomic lives. The whole Hindu theory is
that periodically the entire universe is dissolved and is reformed.

R. C. T.

The names of the " 7 Men and one woman," as spelt by Marshall,
are absolutely unrecognisable by any ordinary reader. They are :
(1) Sanaka, (2) Sanandana, (3) Sanatana, (4) Kapila, (5) Asuri,
(6) Bodhu, (7) Panchashikha and Devahuti (the woman).

G. J.

(b) Marshall's version of the information supplied him on this
point is so confused that it is not worth while to disentangle
it. R. C.T.

12. This is a reference to the teaching in some Hindu philosophic
explanatory work. The note exhibits a fine mixture of belief.
It begins with the Sufi (Muhammadan) doctrine of the unity of
all religion, Suflism being well established among Hindu teachers
by Marshall’s time. It then refers to the Hindu doctrine of
the “ Sports of i>iva," and winds up with the Persian doctrine
of " Balance " out of Zoroastrianism. The answer to the question
“ wherefore the first man stole " reads like a reply ad hoc. The
latter part of the argument is an illustration of the Advaita (non¬
duality, unity of Nature and God) doctrine. The aphorism in
the concluding paragraph is Vedanta Philosophy, found in the
Upanishad. R. C. T.

With regard to the doctrine of “ Balance," Dr. Ganganatha
Jha is of opinion that this refers to the Law of Karma or Retribu¬
tion.

13. The reference is to the ratna, the jewels or chief points
in Hindu Philosophy. There is also a reference to the Hindu
philosophic system of numbering or ticking off the points of an
argument, which began with the Sankhya Philosophy. It is
very general in India, and philosophic writers will talk of the
5 or the 6 or the 11, and so on, in a manner very bewildering to
the European student. See Lalla the Prophetess , p. 60. R. C. T.

The translation of " Coustuo " (No. 2) as “ Thought " is wrong.
“ Coustuo " represents kaustubh, a jewel worn by the Preserver-
God, Vishnu. G. J.

" Goorah," ghora (No. n), does not stand for the “ Sunn,"
but for Indra's horse. The sun, however, is also regarded as one
of these ratnas along with the moon. G. J.

14. (a) Here again we see the habit of numbering or ticking
ofE the points of an argument. In this case Marshall seems to
have misunderstood his informant. R. C. T.

206

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

(6) Here there appears to be a mistake, as * heaven' and
* hell ’ are strictly speaking Semitic or Zoroastrian (Persian) and
not Indian ideas, though no doubt by Marshall's time Semitic
(Christian) and Zoroastrian ideas had permeated into India.

R. C. T.

15. This is a general disquisition on the Hindu Philosophy of

the Soul of Man, served up in bits. In the sentence " So as
God turnes the heart of man, so it acts, for they are one," we
have the great Hindu Advaita doctrine, the identity of Man and
God, of the Universal and the Individual Soul. In the phrase
" sports to God ’’ the allusion is to the Sports of Siva. The
remark on Brahmans not killing is a little cynical and is not the
usual explanation. In true Hindu doctrine the individual soul
is not annihilated, but absorbed into the universal soul and so
lost. The statement here alludes to the doctrine of reincarnation
or many births for one soul (former births) and then to the idea
of the " Sports of God ’’ and to the doctrine of the unity of the
individual soul with God. See Lalla the Prophetess, pp. 20 *0
114,130,195. R.C.T. ' 1

The doctrine of "No Freewill ’’ is an extreme view accepted
by very few Hindus. Man’s will is essentially free; if limited
at all, it is limited by limitations imposed by the man’s own
past. It is interesting to note that the view here expressed by
the Brahman doctor at Patna had come to influence Hindu life
during its most degenerate days ; and the days in which Marshall
lived were certainly the most degenerate period of Hindu thought
and morals. The Brahman doctor would also appear to have
belonged to that depraved sect whose depravities were mercilessly
exposed in a notorious criminal case in the Bombay High Court
during the seventies of the nineteenth century. G. J.

16, The reference to the Vedas is very vague, as such references
always are, for the reason that the ordinary Hindu can neither
procure nor read them, and so always alludes to them vaguely
as the " foundation " of his religion, which is only partially
correct. The deura is a temple which is a structure long post*
Vedic. Every great temple or shrine or holy place has a purau
or archaeologia filled with fanciful legend. The " Arts and
sciences ” are not in the Vedas, but in old, though long subsequent,
works. R.C.T.

18. This is a restatement of the doctrine of Illusion, of the
Advaita Philosophy and of Rebirth. R. C. T.

19. This argument is part of the general Sankhya Philosophy
of the Evolution of the Universe in 25 (to 36) tattva, or stages,
of which the 5 bhuta and the 5 Senses ( indriya) are a portion.

R. C. T.

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

207

20. (a) This is a legend about Krishna to connect him with
the great temple of Jagannath (Juggernaut), the Lord of the
World, at Puri in Orissa. R. C. T.

(b) This is a version of the legend of the avatdra (incarnations)
of Vishnu as Krishna. The two are constantly mixed up in
modem Hinduism. R. C. T.

The ninth avatdra is not " Jaggaranaut ” (Jagannath), but
Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. G. J.

21. This is a common doctrine in Advaita Philosophy. Lalla
says the same thing more than once about prayer : " Man being
one with God, why pray ? " R. C. T.

22. This reads rather like a modem statement to explain why
ghosts ( bhutas) frighten mankind. The real reason apparently
is that the spirits of the newly dead are inimical to the living.
This doctrine seems to have come into Hinduism from primaeval
animistic times. The belief that the soul of a male is not inter¬
changeable is not a general idea. R. C. T.

23. The sayings in this section are in explanation of the term
darshana, vision, not “ spirits/* R. C. T.

24. This is ordinary Hindu belief, as it seems to argue against
the immortality of the soul, i.e. life. R. C. T.

25. This is from the Talaveda of Vallabhacharya. R. C. T,

26. Here again we have the Hindu habit of ticking off the point
of an argument or observation. R. C. T.

The correct transliteration of the kloha is as follows :

Balasakhitvamakaranahasyam
Strisu virodhamasajjanamsitri
Rasabhayana masamskrtabani
Satsu naro laghutamupayati. G. J.

27. Breath-control is a fundamental doctrine in the Yoga
Philosophy. See Lalla the Prophetess , pp. 157, 165 ; see also
No, 37 below. The explanation given to Marshall is unusual.

R. C. T.

28-29. For the five indriya or Senses in Philosophy, see Lalla ,
p. 137. R. C. T.

32. Here is an allusion to the tattva, or points or stages of the
S&nkhya-Yoga Philosophy, the " Element ” and the “ Colours ”
being part of them. See Lalla, pp. 118 ff. Marshall's perception
must have been very keen for him to get the translation *' Ele¬
ment ” out of the vernacular terms he heard. R. C. T.

33, Here again we have the enumeration system. R. C. T.

208

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

34. Here is a statement of the Atomic Philosophy—the 84 lakh
of lives. See above No. 11. R. C. T.

37. (a) There are two kinds of jogi : (i) the learned ascetic
philosopher in Yoga or Sankhya-Yoga; (ii) the wandering
religious mendicant who is generally ignorant and often rascally.

R. C. T.

(b) This statement is probably chiefly scandal. At the same
time Hindu women will no doubt go to unthinkable lengths with
religious mendicants. There is an infinite variety of them, and
a certain number still wander about stark naked. R. C. T.

(c) A faqir is a Muhammadan religious mendicant: a jogi is
Hindu. But in common parlance they are mixed up and the
terms used one for the other. The phrase, which is Hindustani,
may be: “to tumaisa so you [are] such " ; " it is like
you." R. C. T.

(d) Here the faqir must really be a jogi , as he has come to
bathe in the Ganges at Patna, a Hindu custom exclusively.
Kashmir is mainly a Muhammadan country under Hindu rule,
just as Hyderabad is a Hindu country under Muhammadan rule.
So Hindus have had a great hold over Kashmir, and both
Hinduism and Islam are there taken broadly.

Religious mendicants are frequently quack doctors, and the
belief in their miraculous power of healing is ineradicable. R. C. T.

(e) See above. No. 27.

{f) Here the woman, being a Hindu, should properly be
described as a jog an or yogini. R. C. T.

(g) This is a well-known expedient in the British Army to
keep off hunger. R. 0 . T.

(h) This is merely the doctrine of rebirth transferred to the
“ holy men ” of a distant country. The faqir here are obviously
Hindu jogi. The theory is that the “ reborn ” body remembers
its former lives in the mother’s womb and vows to behave
better in the life to come, but the moment it is born forgets
everything. The other “ strain go things " refer to the claims
of jogi as to miraculous capacities from the practice of Yoga.

R. C. T.

(i) The Hajlpur Bathing Festival is identical with the great
Sonepur Fair held at the full moon of the month of Kartika. G. J.

Here again the faqir are Hindu jogi. The statement is not
an exaggeration. I have seen instances myself. R. C. T.

(j) This relates to the methods of some of the jogi in the
practice of quackery. R. C. T.

(k) faqr (faqar ) means poverty: faqir is a “ poor man,” a
mendicant. R. G. T.

NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII

209

(l) The sannyasl is a member of the oldest and commonest
type of religious mendicant or jogl. The term means “renouncer,”
and includes the greatest of the philosophic teachers as well as
the wandering mendicant shams. R. C. T.

(m) “ Bowanagere Gussanie ” seems to denote some well-known
gosain (another term for religious mendicant or teacher) from
Bhaunagar in Kathiawar. He evidently gave Marshall a charm
for good luck and performed a ceremony over it. R. C. T.

M.M.

O

IX

ASTROLOGICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, ME¬
TEOROLOGICAL, MATHEMATICAL AND
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES

i. CONSTELLATIONS
Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 16.

The Names of the Hindoo Constellations are Meas
or Aries, Bris or Taurus, Mettun or Geminy, Corcut
or Cancer, Sing or Leo, Cunne or Virgo, Tulla or
Libra, Bissea or Scorpio, Downe or Sagittarius,
Muckur or Capricornus, Cumb or Aquarius, and Min
or Pisces. To every one of these Constellations
belong 2 Syllables, by which the Hindoos know what
house predominates over a man, or of what house
hee is of, for by asking his name, not Surname, but
Christian name or other name hee hath had given him
since his birth, and which of the Syllables sound the
nearest that names, that house they say they are of, the
Syllables as follow (yizt .): for Meas his house, dal-la;
for Bris his house, OO-bo &ca.; Coas-sah, Mittuns
Dah-ha, Curcuts, Mautta Sing, Pottee Cunnes,
Rat-ta Tullas, Noojah Bissea’s, Dowpau Downe,
Cogha Muckurs, Gussa Cumbs, Do-sa Mins. So

that for Matthias Maut in Sings-house, for John

211

212

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

Jah in Bissea’s house &ca. (Nilcunt [Nllkanth])
Author.

2. NACHUTTURS, 27

They have also 2 7 Noted Starrs besides, which they
say are wives to the Moon ( vizt .).

1 Usshin, 2 Burrom, 3 Kirtigar, 4 Rodin, 5 Mer-
gusshera, 6 Addra, 7 Cunnerbus, 8 Pussha, 9 Osshela,
10 Mogga, x x Purbpulgoni, 12 Utturpulgoni, 13 Hus-
tatarro, 14 Littra, 15 Swatty, 16 Bissoka, 17 Unrada,
18 Gesta, 19 Mulla, 20 Purbasheracore, 21 Uttara,
22 Surbona, 23 Donista, 24 Suttarissa, 25 Purbu-
haddarut, 26 Utturhaddabut, 27 Rebuttee.

3. NACHUTTURS, 27
Hail. MS. 4254, fols. 26a-27.

The Hindoo Doctor at Pattana saith there are 27
Nachutturs, 2J of which are to one Burge or Ross, so
that in 27 dayes the Rosses goe rouns (vizt.) each
being 2J dayes, which multiplied by 12 make 27:
their names as follow (vizt .)—1 Assonee, 2 Burnee,
3 Ckirtgay, 4 Rohonee, 5 Mergisserah, 6 Addrah,
7 Ponorboshoo, 8 Pook, 9 Tobashekah, 10 Moggoh,
11 Poorboh, 12 Wuttarah, 13 Hustah, 14 Chuttra,
15 Swattee, 16 Bissauka, 17 Undradah, 18 Geostah,
19 Mool, 20 Poorbokar, 21 Uttrakar, 22 Srawanoh,
23 Donistah, 24 Suttawick, 25 Poorbawdra, 26 Utter-
bawdra, 27 Keewtee. That these last nine and the
first five are men or males, That Adrah, Ponurboshoo
and Pook are Eunuchs, and that the other 10 are
women or Females. That 2J of these belong to each
Boordg or house (vizt.), Assonee, Burnee and £ of

NACHUTTURS

213

Ckirtgay, to Meok or Aries : f of Ckirtgay, all
Rohonee and \ of Mergisseroh, to Brick or Taurus ;
&ca. [and so] of the rest.

4. NACHUTTURS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 34a.

The meaning of their Nachutturs I conceive to be
this : tis the time the Moon remains in one house
which is 2J dayes, which multiplyed by 12 make
27 days, which they call Nachutturs or days of the
Moons age, So that shee runs thorow the 12 houses
in 27 days.

5. NACHUTTURS
Harl. MS. 4255, fols. 2-20.

The Bamines make their Account by the 27
Nachutturs, Assomee, Burmee, &ca., as before in
other Manuscripts. To every one of these Nachutturs
belong 4 Monasyllibles, according to the sounds of
which they give names to their children, according to
the Nachuttur the child was borne in, 2J Nachutturs
belonging to every house. The Nachuttur is nothing
but the time that the Moon stays in each house, which
is 2J days, which they divide into 9 Churns or quarturs
(4 going to each Nachuttur) : the Monisyllables as
follow (vizt.) :

Nachutturs. Monisyllables. Nachutturs. Monysyllables.

I

Choo, Che, Cho, Law.

8

Hoo, He, Ho, Dhaw.

2

Lee, Loo, Le, Lo.

9

Dee, Doo, De, Do.

3

Aw, Ee, Oo, E.

10

Mo, Mee, Moo, Me.

4

Ohu, Bo, Bee, Boo.

11

Mho, Taw, Te, Too.

5

Be, Bho, Ko, Kee.

12

Teh, Thoo, Po, Pee.

6

Coo, Gaw, Who, Chaw.

13

Poo, Koh, No, Tah.

7

Ke, Ko, Hoh, Hee.

14

Pe, Poh, Raw, Ree.

214

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

Nachutturs. Monisyllables.

15 Roo, Re, Ko, Tawh.

16 Tee, To, Te, Toh.

17 No, Nee, Noo, Ne.

18 Noh, Jaw, Jee, Joo.

19 Je, Jooh, Hoh, Ree.

20 Boo, Daw, Por, Plaw

21 Bea, Bo, Ja, Gee.

Nachutturs. Monysyllables.

22 Jhoo, Je, Jow, Raw.

23 Cho, Kee, Koo, Ke.

24 Go, Gee, Goo, Ge.

25 Gho, Saw, See, Soo.

26 Se, So, Do, Dee.

27 Doo, Toh, Jeeh, Gee.

28 De, Doo, Chaw, Chee.

6. NACHUTTURS

The 1st, 2d and £ of the 3d Nachuttur belong to
Aries ; f of the 3d, all the 4th and of the 5th belong
to Taurus; and so of the rest. Now when the
Moone is in any signe or house, as suppose Aries,
if shee bee newly entred into that signe, then shee is
in Assonee; if at the latter end, then in the 3d
Nachuttur; so that for the first Nachuttur, if any
child be borne in it, if in the begining of it, then they
give it such a name whose first Syllable shall be (Choo)
or like it; if in the latter end of the first Nachuttur,
then (Law) or a name of like sounds. The Moon
running thorow the 12 houses or 27 Nachutturs in
27 days, they reckon one Nachuttur to every day
and to each quarter of the Nachuttur they reckon
1 Pur or 3 houres. Here is reckoned 2 8 Nachutturs,
the last of which is a Supernumerary, which I have
not yet met with any that told mee the reason of it.

7. MARRIAGE

Bamins say That always a mans wife is of the
opposit Ross to his, as if his be Aries, his wifes will be
Libra ; &ca. [and so] of others.

NACHUTTURS

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 2a.

The 8, 17, 27, and 1 are accompted the best
Nachutturs.

216

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

9. POSITION OF PLANETS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 3.

In the 2 Scheames in the foregoing page are drawne
the forme of the Bamins s[c]heames, the first shewing
the forme of the 12 Celestiall houses. The 2d is to
know when any Planets will fight with each other,
when enimies and when assist each other, when
friends ( yixt .) : if h be in Aries, then hee will fight
with his enemie when in the same signe in ss, in
=^= or in vL and will help his friends when in the same
signes ; also h in will fight with his enimie when
in same signe, in rr, in Eg, in & and help his friends in
ditto signes ; Also h in M will fight with his enemies
when in tf, in ccs, and in nj? or when in same signes;
and so in same manner when hee or any other of same
Planets are in said or other signes in ditto figure, or
rather all Planets that are in the same figure. The
4, 7 : 10 from each other help, and those that are in the
6 and 12 from each other hinder, so that said rule is
false in the scheame, except you always place the
Planet you would know in that part of the Scheame,
where I have placed T, and then will be true.

10. DISCORD OF PLANETS

h and O are enemies but O will beat h*
h and c? are enimies h beats cj.

21. and ? are enimies and of equall force.

O and 8 are enimies, 8 beats O.

$ and )) are enimies, ]) beats
]) and 8 are enimies, 8 beats ]).

The Planets are friends with each other except as
here mentioned.

PLANETS

217

If any bad Planet enter into a bad signe and at that
time the J) is in a good signe opposit or antagonists to
it, shee will asswage his malevolence.

11. PLANETS PLACES

Places of the Planets according to the Bamins
Account January 4th 167^ and how long each
stayeth in a signe and how long each hath beene in
the signes they are in each year, being 360 days and
each month 30 days.

hath been remains whole

h in

years months days

2-4-27

months days

i - 3

years months days
2 - 6 - 0

2 J. in

ft

0 - 6 -

6

-

I -

d in

t

0 - 1 -

0

-15

0 - I -

15

O in

n

0 - 0 - 6

0

- 24

0 - I -

0

$ in

t

0-0-20

0

-10

0 - I -

0

^ in

n

0 - 0 - 3

0

-15

0 - 0 -

18

]) in
S 3 in

25

X

entred at Sunrise.
1 - 5-5

0

- 25

i - 6 -

2 i

0

This Dragons head moves always backward and
after 2 5 days will be in «; the rest of the Planets
move forward from T to b &ca.

The Places of the Planets in Mr. [Job] Charnocks
Scheame.

h in e

21 in X

£ in b.

d in ft

}) in Tip.

O in b !

S3 in 555 .

$ in n

83 in ft.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 3a.

218

220

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 4.

The Bramins account much by the Ross, that is
the place of the Moon at the time of birth so that if
a child be borne when the Moon is in his Ross is v
&ca. In the foregoing page is writ the 12 Signes
and the 7 Planets and Dragons head by which to know
in any Ross what Starrs, if then in the same ross, are
good or bad (vizi.), if the ross be <r> and Saturne be
then in V b will give the native rst years sickness
and the Native will be of a sickly temper, else for other
things Fj will be good. If 2]. be in r when the Ross
is r then 2J. will do good and help the Native. So
<? in T when the Ros is will cause red eyes, and so
of the rest in ditto or other Signes, as in the foregoing
columns.

13. HORARY QUESTIONS

By the 2 figures in the Second Page the Bramins
resolve all horary or other questions (vizi.) ; first
enquire the persons name and by the monisyllable
in the 1st page (vizi.) Choo, Chee, &ca. you will
find out of what Ross or house hee is, that is what
signe the Moon was in at the time of the Natives
birth. Then place that house of which the Querent
is in that place of the scheame in 1st page where T is
placed. As for example; Suppose a person (whose
Ross is b) asketh a question, place d in that place of
the Scheame where ‘y* is placed, and n in that place
where d is placed in the Scheame, and so of the rest,
So that < y» will be placed in that place of the scheame
where Pisces now stands. Then (having placed
them so) place every Planet in the signe it is in when
the Question demanded and those persons that happen

HORARY QUESTIONS 221

to bee in the same signe the Querents Ross is, or in
4th: 7th: or 10th: from it, will assist the Querent, but
them in the 6th: or 12th: house from the Querents
ross, will hinder him and be his enimies.

14. WHAT PLANETS BEFRIEND EACH HOUSE

O d are friends to '
$ }) friends to a

£ friend to n

2J. friend to an

O friend to SI

$ friend to ,

h friend to =£=.
d friend [to] TR..

2 J. friend to

[n is omitted by Marshall]
h friend to s».

2J. friend to x.

15. NACHUTTURS

See Table pages 222, 223.

Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 5 .

By the following table of Rosses and Nachutturs,
to know what Nachutturs are bad in every Ross
(vizt.), when a persons Ross is T then the first
Nachuttur is bad, the 10, n and \ first of 12 bad,
So if the Ross be a then the J first of the 5th Nachuttur
is bad, the first quarter of the 8 th Nachuttur is bad,
that is the time is not good to undertake anything
when the Moon is in such a Nachuttur, and so of the
rest; and all the Nachutturs which are not mentioned
in the said table to be bad, are good.

15- NACHUTTURS

222

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

Ros

X

Ros

25

bad

Ros

t

bad

bad

£ first
bad
f first
bad

Ros

"I

1 1 1 1

Ros

1 1 1 1

Ros

nje

f last
bad

bad

bad

£ first
bad
£ first
bad

Ros

a

bad

bad

£ first
bad

Ros

QJ5

bad
bad
£ first
bad

bad

bad
£ first
bad
bad

bad

CO

£ first
bad

£ first
bad

bad

£ first
bad

bad

Ros

bad

bad

bad

£ first
bad

•31

If

H CO Xh VO N 00 0^0 H M CO

H H H H

NACHUTTURS

223

bad

bad

1

bad

bad
£ first
bad

| last
bad

bad

bad
£ first
bad

1 1 1 1 1 1 I

f first
bad

1

1 1 1

bad

1

bad
£ first
bad

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 13 1

coh»

1

bad

bad
£ first
bad

1 1

1

bad

bad

1

bad

bad
£ first
bad

'S'S ’S'S’S’S'S

X* rQ HrHpQ X> X3

£ first
bad

1 1

bad

bad

£ first
bad

bad

bad
£ first
bad

bad

bad

£ first
bad

bad

£ first
bad

11 11

1 1

1

bad

1

1 3 1 3

bad
£ first
bad

•3*3

£ first
bad

1 1

rt-

to \o

M H W H

O H N

H 0$ (S*

CO t!-

to

c*

<0 00

n csj tsr

224

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

16 . SIX HOUSES GOOD, SIX BAD

The Bramins make a difference in the houses and
say that tf, n, < 25 , , — L are good houses, and the

other 6 are bad.

17 . SEVEN PLANETS

Saturne gives riches, 2J. marriage, <? fighting,
O mirth, and content, $ Travell, 5 Witt, ]) all things
that are good, S3 Fighting and contention.

18 . KINGS NATIVITY

They say That that Native who [is] borne (when
h is in ==*, 2| in bb, <J in ft , O in T, 9 in X and S3 in TTJ)
will come to bee a King.

19 . 6000 NA[C]HUTTURS

There was one Bramin told mee that the reason of
Coljoog was That there are 6000 Bahutturs [jzc] or
Starrs which move round in so many years, which
multiplied by 72 make 432000 yeares which is their
Colljoog.

20 . BURMEER BIAS

A Bamin saith That they had their Astrologie from
Burmere (who brought some of it from a Countrey
Westward called Lunka), And from Byas who brought
the rest from Hordowar and also got some from the
Sunn and some from a Snake which sprung out of the
ground.

21 . FOUR HOUSES SEE NOT ANY OTHERS

They say that there are 4 houses which see none of
the rest nor do any of the Planets whilst in any other
signe either do good or hurt (vtzt,), the 2 d, 6th, 1 ith,
1 2th houses, but Planets when in them effect alone

CELESTIALL HOUSES 22 ^

and are neither assisted nor impeded by any Planets
from any other house,

22 . [" CELESTIALL HOUSES/' &c.]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 5a.

3

1

4

10

5

3-

7

6

/ a \

The uppermost is the Scheame of the 12 celestiall
houses which the Bramins erect for a Nativity though
they have other ways.

And the lower is the Scheame they make for the
Moone at the time of the Natives birth.

M.M.

P

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

226

23. [“ HORARY QUESTIONS ”]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6a.

I. 4. 7. IO

6. 12.

h

If any question be
asked what are in a mans
thoughts

Answer

Earth, flowers, howses,
&ca. inanimate creatures.

Answer

That the thought was of
fighting and that hee will
overcome his enimies.

2!

Answer

That the thought was on
some living creature.

Answer

That thought was on living
things but will never obtain
them.

<?

Answer

That the thought was on
; wealth.

Answer

That the thought was on
wealth but will not obtaine
them,.

O

Answer

Thought was on wealth.

Answer

if in 12th house, then of
travell if in 6 Then of
wealth which will not ob-
tainc.

9

Answer

Thought was on living
creatures.

Answer

Thought was on servants
which shall not obtaine.

T

Answer as to

Answer as to $.

3 >

Answer

thought was on living
things.

Answer

Thought was on living things
which shall never enjoy.

8

Answer

Thought was on Iron or
Armour.

Answer

Thought on enimies, but
beat them.

The meaning of the foregoing Table is. That if
a man knowes what ross or what house the J) was in

HORARY QUESTIONS 227

when another was borne, hee may tell him his thought
(m/.), If h raignes in the 1.4,7,10 houses from the
querents Ross (reckoning it for. one) when the question
asked, then was the querents thoughts of Earth flowers
&ca,, and if in the 22 or 12 house Then of fighting
&ca.; and so of 2[, 0 &ca. in ditto houses as
above.

24. SIGNS RULED BY THE PLANETS

See Table pages 228,229.

25. [SIGNS RULED BY THE PLANETS]

In the lowest Column is writ what planets govern
what houses.

2 days bad bad both bad both bad both medium both medium both bad both Natives

father tra-
vell Que-

____.__ rent travell

(229 )

S+> d
o q «

8*2
-S S <3 fl
1 2L p g.

S-| 6*3

i &.3 g

■P MT) S
eS O 3

13 o SC*

a x
a g s-g
.£ g.S S
Is a^S a
S 3 3 Sc»

I S-S S’? 0.3
•S »s 8 »s
* g 8 oo-S _g

^ Oh P I*,

| " 2 S 0 sT
lilS frSJ

-s ^ o -q « -P

N tj « w C3

“-2 g S JI.3

ipi:;

iw o n

O « -r; u ■-

rt K M „

'Shm- n s §
s * d-s To

q « # g c> u

-3 3 s.tj
g 2 rt q ^ -

T 3 -g g r§ — -g

rt O ^ ^

«u /" .t! pq <0

-q h t, M-H

01 . S ^ o y

« « « ,3 .

§>S>^'Z S f 8

P Q_ O C ° 1,

O CUD ~ rt c* «

41 8*

.an 1

8"«S 1

■ 51 -gg i

£ 2 So i

S ■Sd’e'S § i

c q «T 'rt a H

* q ! “g Ji *

g J> .0 js g £ o
« H P «J « 53 *J

S(§ s-s S a-S
tJJ “ " o s s
fc^TJ Q .5 •** t-.

O S ''T' 4 _» 2 s —f-

>«_ a«3^

rt « ^ c ”5 ^ q

« > - g ^ <0 o

a .5 « o ^ -q

*5 g » -§ co -a £

^ ! , s'; § c

^ 1)^3 0 o w 2

33 -q o a> _S w *3

~q ~ q g« " §3

M o ® •»■» O t. 3

! o ~ *5 ^ 8 cr
•q o , ~q -q q rs

g o 6 « £ .-M

« aj .£3 q of c 3

« —h > .5 __

g -3 2-S-q 3 73
| | « c J s'"S

^ q o &o «5 a o

c 3 a*s‘g« §|

S s-dS-* 3 ^

S> S o q

o rt S ^ "S ° s

jQ rt _r* n rj tP

rt « ^ g -q rt ^
o u h: p_ c a 2

h p W fiyo u jd

u« %B 2 -p *1
£.pv2
*55 - T 3 TJ m *T 3
rf! 2 c q £ «

■*-* q re m rc ^

230

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

26. STARS IN EVERY HOUSE

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 8a.

Sunday.

Munday.

Tuesday.

Wednes¬

day.

Thurs¬

day.

Fryday.

Satur¬

days

bad h

4 > 5 > 7

2, 6, 7

2, 6, 7

3 , 4 , 5

3, 7.8

2,3,4

I, 6,

%

3

8

4

9

II

II

5

bad $

30

3

3

6

5

7

2

bad G

1, 2

4

25

7

18

22

29

$

13

10

12

10

15

13

9

s

22

16

20

18

27

20

21

D

6

12

9

14

24

19

25

SI

£225

T, R

n,Ti*

t , X

b,=^=

fi.w

8, 9, xo.

i, 5 » 9 >

15, 8 . 10

1, 2, 8,

1,2, 4,6,

i, 5 > 6, !

3 , 4 ,!

11,12

n,13

II

9,11,12

9 ,10, 12

8,4,10

&ca rest

&ca

&ca

&ca

&ca

&ca

&ca

what not

rest

rest

rest

rest

rest

before

not

not

rest

not

not

not

before

before

not

before

before

befon

before

-i

T

b

n

£223

SI

R

45

30

20

60

49

60

40 1

R

t

X

—

—

90

75

80

80

72

The Uppermost Columns are to shew what houres
in every day the Planets rule. Example : on O day
h rules the 4th, 5 and 7 gurries both day and night,
2J. rules the 3 rd, the 30th both day and night, and
so on ]) day h rules the 2d, 6, 7th Gurries, 2 ). the 8th,
and so of the rest; but being the Planets do not

PLANETS

231

rule all the Gurries in the day, the remainder of the
Gurries are governed by the houses which is governed
by the planets that gives names to the dayes in the
above Colums, as SI the remaining gurries on O day
&ca. h, d> O, are bad and rest good for all men.
The last of the Collums is to shew how many starrs
belong to each house as ^45 to y 30 &ca.

27. PLANETS RAIGNE IN THE YEARE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 9a.

The Bramins make in their yeare 360 dayes which
the 7 Planets raigne as follow, begining to account
from the Ross or house that the Native is of as (if
of t) reckon the O raignes 20 dayes after its entrance
into t ; if of y Ross, then the O raignes 20 dayes
over the Native after its entrance into y ; and so of
other Ross, and after the O hath raigned 20 dayes
then J) raignes 50 dayes as followeth &ca. ( 'yizt .)

days.

Q Raignes 20—bad.

I7 is bad, gives sickness, cold,
&ca.

D

,, 50—good.

O bad, gives sickness.

d

„ 28—bad.

S3 bad, gives contention.

„ 56—good.

bad, gives travell and loss.

h

,, 36—bad.

]) good for profit.

n

„ 58—good.

^ good for ditto.

s

„ 42—bad.

2J. very good for every thing.

?

„ 70—good.

360

$ ditto.

28. TO PACIFIE THE PLANETS

If these Planets light so [as] to contend with each
other the Bamins say they must be appeased as followeth

232

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

(vizt.) h by giving to him somthing that is black,
2J. by somthing that is red, by ditto, O by Ditto,
? by somthing that is white, § by somthing yellow,
J) by somthing that is white, and so they perswade
the silly people to asswage the furie of the Planets
by geting to themselves profit; but somtimes the
things are given or sacrificed to the end the poore
may have it, by reason whereof they accrew to them¬
selves thankes for it.

29. [" RAIGNES ” OF THE PLANETS]

In the particular raignes of these Planets the yeare
or 360 dayes each Planet raignes within their raigne
as within the O 20 dayes O raignes 1 day: 6 gurries:
40 pol., )) raignes 2 days: 40 gurries: 40 pol.: and so
of the rest. So that within the Os 20 days raigne, all
the 7 Planets raigne and dragons head, though not
equally, and so of the raigne of J) 50 dayes &ca. rest,
as in the next page, wherein also is writ which are
good and which bad dayes or raigns, alwayes begining
to account from the O entring into that Ross that
the Native was of, and reccon the first 20 days for O,
the next 50 dayes for )), and so of the rest as follow
(vizt.).

See Table pages 234, 235.

30. [“ RAIGNES ” OF THE PLANETS.]

According to the above Column, the planets rule
their parts as first O next }), next <J, next $, next h,
next 2|, next £3, next ?, and under their raignes the
planets particular raignes, as under O how much hee
raignes, how much the ]) &ca. of the rest, wherein

PLANETS

233

I have writ which are bad by the mark (ba: or bad)
and by all the rest (where nothing is writ) are good.
If a Planet happens to raigne in a house in which his
enimie is, then they will fight and the strongest will
overcome, as if any Planet comes to raigne in V, when
h is in that house (if weaker than h) then h will
overcome him. This account is to be accounted from
the suns entring into that Ross the Native is of.

31. CLOUDS : WIND : FIGHTING
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 10a.

(a) When d and O are in one house, then they cause
cloudy weather.

When 2 J. and J) in one house, then ditto.

When £ and ]) in one house, then wind.

(b) When 8 and O in one house, then great
fighting.

32. WIFES ROSS

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 11.

(a) The Bramins say That olways a mans wifes
Ross is the 7th house from his, as example : if a man
be of T, that is the Moone was in T when he was
borne, Then his wifes Ross will be —, that is the
Moone was in Libra when shee was borne; and so of
the rest; as if in n, then wifes in f, &ca.

(b) This much of Liber A coppied, ending Januarie
le 20th 167^.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 10.

( 2 34 )

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Tj 36 days. 2|. 58 days. SI 4 2 days. $ 70 days,

days gur. pol. days gur. pol. days gur. pol. days gur. pol.

( 235 )

§*

0

20

20

O

O

O

O

0

'O

CO

VO

IO

43

%

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TO

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to

H

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0

1

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1

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bad

r d

ctf

rQ

1

over

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

236

33. [PLANETS AND HOUSES]

Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 11a.

h

2|

s

0

?

$

8

1

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

good

bad

d

2

bad

good

bad

bad

bad

good

bad

bad

rr

3

good

bad

good

good

bad

bad

good

good

3D

4

bad

medium

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

si

5

have

chil¬

dren

good

good

bad

bad

!

bad

good

bad

l

bad

w

6

good

bad

good

good

bad

bad

—

7

good

bad

bad

good

good

bad

HI

8

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

t

9

Bj

good

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

n

10

riches

good

bad

good

good

good

bad

good

m

CCS

11

very

good

medium

good

good

bad

good

X

12

very

baa

medium

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

bad

The foregoing Scheame is to shew when any of the
Planets are good and when bad for every Ross alike,
as example; when h is in T or 1 st house, tis bad;
if in 2d house or a then bad; if in 3d house or n

PLANETS, GOOD AND BAD 237

then good. This is in generall for all persons or
Kingdomes &ca.

34. EXCEPTION
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 12.

Only there is this exception (vizt.), You must always
observe (when you would know whether a Planet be
good or bad) what house the Planet is of accounting
from T, as if in Pisces, then is in the 12 th house ; if
in ss then in the 4th house. Also observe what Ross
or house the party (who would know) is of, as if of
Pisces, then hee is of the 12th house; if of Taurus,
then of the 2d house &ca. Then ad those 2 together
and from the product cast away 3 as many times as
you can, and if nothing remaine, then that Planet
(if bad) will be very bad; if 2 remaines then bad,
and if one remains then will mittigate very much
of the malevolence, if not quite impede its force.
And [p]e[r] contra, if Planet be good, will help or
impede accordingly. As suppose h be in Pisces
and the Ros be — ; for X take 12, and for — take 7,
which added together make 19, out of which I cast
away 3 6 times and there will remaine x, which
shewes that (although Tj in X be very bad), yet there
being one remaining, according to this rule, shewes
that hs malevolence will be very much abated if
not quite extinguished; and so if any other Planet
in the above scheame be good, yet if, according to
the exception it be bad, the exception shall pre¬
dominate, for the exception is the maine thing to go
by, all others being esteemed by some uncertaine.

38

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

35. HOUSES : x, 4, 7, 10

If 21, $, & or D be in the same house with the Ross,
or in the 4 . 7. or 10 from it, then it will be good, and
if b, <?, O, 8 be in ditto places then will be bad.
This account is most particular for horary questions,
but will be for all, and if the }) be in a good house,
and any of the bad planets as b, <?, &ca. be bad,
then the )) will hinder the Malevolence of them whilst
it remains so ; so if the J> be in a bad Place, and any
good Planets, as 2 J., ? &ca. in a good place, then will
be bad during the J)s staying there. So J> is chiefly
to be looked upon, but in this you must observe the
exception in the foregoing page. Also the O rules
20 days, the )) 50 days &ca. every yeare, and within
these every Planet rules its number of dayes in Os
raigne, b rules 2 dayes : Now notwithstanding the
other Planets being good, yet these two dayes h
will be bad, and so of the raigne of any of the other
Planets either good or bad, so within these 2 days
each planet rules its part, so that when 2J. rules his
gurries (being stronger than b) them gurries in which
he raignes shall be good, notwithstanding bs 2 days
being bad, yet at that time b will have no force.

36. PLANETS WEAPONS

Bramins say that the Planets and £3 have weapons
and those that have the most are the strongest (vizi)

weapons. weapons,

b hath 15 9 hath 11

2 J. „ 18 S „ 10

<? „ 12 D 16

O .. 12 and is stronger 8 ,, 18 and is stronger

than cJ. than 24

TWELVE HOUSES

239

37. TWELVE HOUSES FRIENDS AND ENIMIES

n

£25

SI

ns

<?

?

$

D

0

$

friend

friend

friend

friend

friend

friend

h

21

j>

5

h

D

enimy

enimy

enimy

enimy

enimy

enimy

=2=

t

H

?

<?

h

h

21

friend

friend

friend

friend

friend

friend

n

enimy i

h

?

enimy

G

enimy

O

enimy

?

enimy

38. WHAT GURRIES GOOD AND WHAT BAD FOR
EACH ROSS

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 12a.

This is to shew what Planets are good and what
bad, or what friends and what enimies to every house
dayly, as to T <? is friend and h an enimie, and the
rest are neither friends nor enimies. By this they
know what gurry is good and what bad for every
Planet. First know what Ross the partie is of; then
know what a clock it is or how many gurries tis day,
and multiply that by 6 ; then cast away as many 7s
as can, and the remainder beginning to account from
O to J &ca. As example ; when tis 3 gurries day,
I would know whether tis good for one whose Ross is °p,
I multiply 3 by 6 and the product will be 18, which
divide by 7 and there will 4 remaine, so I say O-i,
D 2, 3, g 4, by which I know that g rules that time,

that is after 3 gurries or the 4th gurrie, which I find

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES -

2.40

to be neither friend nor enimie to < Y > ; but had it
beene to n Ros it had beene good, or had it beene to ss
Ross it had been bad. Also if the question be asked
in the night, then (in stead of multiplying by 6) you
must multiply by 5 ; either in day or night if nothing
remains, then h rules, if 6 then ? &ca.

39. NACHUTTURS AND PLANETS

To know under every Nachuttur what Planets
raigns and so consequently will help or hinder the
Nachutturs. Example : First know what Ross the
party is of; then multiply that by 4, and thereto ad
the number of the day of the weeke from O, and the
product divide by 9 ; then that Planet from O raigns,
according to this manner O, }), <$> %■> ?, h, 8, 8.

Example : one of b Ross when the Moone is in the
9th Nachuttur from V or 8th from b, on J) day, then
take 8 and multiply by 4 makes 32, to which ad 2
for D day makes 34, which divide by 9 and there will
be 7 remaine. So I know h raignes, which being
neither friend nor enimie to b, will be neither good
nor bad. If x or O remains, then the party will be
angry; if 2 or D, then profitable ; if 3 or <?, then-
mind will be for travell and bad ; if 4 ^ profitable;
if 5 2). profitable ; if 6 $ very good ; if 7 T7 very bad;
if 8 8 very bad ; if 9 23 ditto.

40. WHAT NACHUTTUR BAD
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 13.

They say That for every Ross the following
Nachutturs, reckoning from the Ross inclusive are

NATIVITY

24 x

bad, (vizi) 1. 10. 18. 23. 24. 26. This is a generall
rule, but if the rule above contradicts it, this will be
of little force.

41. NATIVITY

If according to the rule for knowing what are
good gurries in the 22 page [fol. 12a], if it be enquired
when a child is borne and it falls out that the child
was borne when x remained or under O, then the
child will have his left ey squint; if when c?> then
will be sickly ; if when “h, then will not live long ;
if S 3 or 8S, will be wounded ; all the rest good.

42. WHETHER MAN OR WIFE HIE FIRST

They say they know whether a man or his wife
will dy first (vizi) by these syllables Oah 2, Aw 4,
Ee 4, Oo 4, E 4, i 4, O 4, Ou 4, nug 4. First
take these syllables the mans name is of the nearest
to the syllables forgoing and set downe the figures
following them, then do the like with the womans
name, and ad both summes together and divide
the product by 3, and if nothing or but one remains,
then will the man dy first, and if 2 remains, then the
woman will dy first. Example : if the mans name
sounds like Oah, Ee, and i, for Oah set downe 2, for
E 4 and for i 4, which all make 10. Then suppose
the womans name sounded like Aw and Oo; for
Aw set downe 4 and for Oo set downe 4, which
make 8, which added to the 10 make 18, which
divided by 3, nothing remains, so know that the man
will first dy.

2^.2

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

43. [GOOD AND BAD PLANETS]

The Collums in the following page are to shew
what Planets in their dayly motion are good and what
bad for every Ross, and the Planets which each day are
not mentioned are neither good nor bad in their
dayly raignes. Example : for T Ros every gurrie
(on O day) that O or raignes are good and (on ditto
day) when h raignes is bad ; so for ditto Ross (on
}) day) the gurries on which )) 9 2f raignes are good,
and when $ or E raignes are bad ; So for $ Ross
(on O day) 9 is good and 2[ bad &ca.

44. TABLE OF PLANETS AND EFFECTS

See page 243 .

45. PLANETS PLACES : EP 1 TOMY

By foregoing what writ you will know what Planets
in each houses are good or bad in Generali. Then for
particular persons or Rosses see Exception in same
place, and this is during the time each planet stayes
in each house, which you may know by what before,
where may also see what Planets help or hinder
each other. Then for the Nachuttur or Moons
raigne you have before ; but before this you must
observe the yearly government of the Planets by
which will know how the yeare is divided ? and Gett
the 7 Plan : and S 3 , So that if a Planet be bad during
its raigne in a house, yet it shall not have force so long
as a stronger than it governs its part of the yeare, as
O 20 dayes, J 50, &ca. Then tis to be observed
that within the Planets raigne for the whole yeare,
every planet raignes* within that time, as in 20 dayes

PLANETS AND EFFECTS 243

44. TABLE OF PLANETS AND EFFECTS

TIarl. MS. 4255, fol. 13a.

1

0 day.

D day.

<? day.

5 day.

2| day.

9 day.

h day.

$ G

3) 9 4

0 d

G

c?

0 <?

G

•to

1

good
h bad

5 h

h

h

h

h

h

y

$ good

3 > $

$

$ G

3) G

9 }

3) 9

2). bad

21

h

h

21

h

G

n

9 0

3> $

<? 0

5 2J.

2j 0 d

9 9

h 9

good
}) bad

9

9

3)

9

21

0

S 3

) &

all rest

<? 9 21

21. 9

rest good

rest good

h

\

G h

9 h a

h $

3 ) G

9 8

<? 21 .

0 9

SI

good

good

good

—

—

—

1 -

h 0

£ S3

% h

9 h

9 0

21

G a

w

good

good

G 3) 2|

02 ;$'

good

good

good

3>

9 8

$

S3

3>

9

21

0

good

—

—

—

—

—

—

h

9

S3

3>

9

21

0

3

9 21 $

good

good

good

good

good

good

$ Yi £5

5

S3

3>

9

2| 0

0

t

5 5 2|.

good

—

—

—

—

£3

0

9

S3

3>

9

n

G

good

—

—

—

—

—

—

<J h

S3

3)

9

h

0,9

good

—

—

—

—

—

—

G

S3

3)

9

2J-

O

X

good

_

_

_

_

_

h S3

7

8 9

3)

21 h

21 9

O

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

244

that the O raignes, all the 7 Planets and S3 raigne
their particular dayes, so that if any particular Planet
that raig nes w hhin the O 20 dayes be good and the
O be bad, yet the O shall do no hurt dureing the time
that good Planet raignes, but will after. Now comes
the Nachuttur or motion of the }) every 27 dayes
thorow the 12 signes to be taken notice of, So that
notwithstanding any bad Planet in any government
of its house or part of the yeare, or some dayes in that
part, yet if the Nachuttur or}) be good in any Nachuttur,
the bad Planet shall do no hurt dureing the time the D
remaines in that Nachuttur, but will after. Now
having brout downe the Account to the daily motion
of the ]> thorow every Nachuttur now come to know
ever y gurry which good and which bad in every
day which see before.

4 g. SIX HOUSES DAY, SIX DITTO NIGHT

The Bramins say That 6 of the houses are alwayes
above and 6 alwayes below the horizon and turne
round every 24 houres, so that those that are in
the day above are in the night below, and they know
this way- Alwayes observe what signe the O is in
and that and the 5 houses are in the horizon in the
day time and the other in the night, so that the last
of the 6 riseth when Sun sets.

47 TWELVE HOUSES: 3 FIRE, 3 EARTH, 3 WIND,

3 WATER

They say that the 12 houses have great influence
over the Elements, as ft, t over fire, b, over

Earth, H, — > 5:55 over Wind, and Hj, K over water.

WHAT [PLANET] SHORTENS LIFE 245

And that when the) is in the Churne of the Nachuttur,
a man was borne 'in and 8 be in same Churne and in
a Fiery house, then that person must have a care of
fire. So when } is in a mans churn and 8 in it and
in an Earthy signe, then that person must have a care
of that Element, as that a wall fall not upon him or
the like, and so of the rest.

48 . WHAT [PLANET] SHORTENS LIFE
Sari. MS. 4255, fol. 14a.

They say that h and 8 shortens mans life by causing
them to consume it by sleepe. The 8 is Lord of
or 6th house, which knowne, enquire what house
the party is of and see how many that is from this,
which multiply by 3, and the product tells you how
many yeares 8 shortens mans life. Example: if
the Ross be t which is the first, then multiply 6
(which is the number of the houses that is from
inclusive) by 3 and the product will be 18, which
shewes that 8 shortens that mans life (whose Ross
Was t) 18 yeares.

246

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

49. NACHUTTURS : WHAT GOOD WHAT BAD FOR
NATIVE

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 14a.

I

3 first gurries
bad, rest good.

10

4 first gurries
badeveryday,
and O day all
bad.

19

O day all bad
9 first gurries
bad rest good.

2

O, <?, h days
bad, rest good

11

good.

20

good.

3

0 day bad,
rest good.

12

good

21

good

4

good

13

good

22

} good
rest medium

5

good

14

good

23

good

6

bad

15

good

24

good

7

good

16

O day bad,
rest good

25

good

8

good

17

O day bad,
rest good

26

good

9

bad all, if
on nth gurry
bom then will
be killed with
a snake.

18

7, 8, 9,10,11,
12 gurries bad,
rest good.

27

12 first gurries
bad, rest good

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 15.

The table, in the foregoing Table is to shew what
Nachutturs are good for a child to be born in and
what bad. Example : if borne in the 1st Nachuttur,
tis good except within the 3 first gurries; and so
of rest.

WHAT PLANETS GOVERN

247

50. WHAT PLANETS GOVERN WHAT HOUSES

h

4

<J

0

?

g a 1

ft S55

t X

r m

si

b =^=

n TTJ7 j

This scheame is to shew what Planets govern what
houses as U governs and css, and 2J. governs } and X.

51. h SHORTENS MANS LIFE

T

b

n

si

t

ft

X

10

21

*7

15

6

17

21

8

21

IX

*5

24

This Scheame is to shew for every Ross how many
yeares of mans life h shortens, as for T Ross 1 o yeares,
for b Ross 21 yeares ; and so of rest.

52. HOW TO KNOW MANS AGE

To know mans age the Bramins measure the
thickness of mans head roundabout from behind over
the fore head, and take the 3d part of it in fingers,
which they multiply by 12, and from the product
subtract what h and S3 will shorten according to the
foregoing rules. Example : a mans Ross suppose
to be b which is 5 from it? house, according to the
foregoing rule; therefore multiply 5 by 3^ which
makes 15. So I know that S3 will shorten mans life
15 yeares. Then I find by the table above that
U for b Ross shortens,it 21 yeares, which added to
15 make 36, which are the number of years to be
subtracted from his age. Then measure his head.
Suppose the circumference to be 24 finger-breadths ;
the 3d part of that is 8, which multiplied by 12 make

2 48 ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

9^3 out of which subtract the 36, and there will
re *naine 60, which is the age of the party.

53. BRAMINS PREACHING

Every Full moon also when the Eclipses happen,
the Bramins meet at their Church or Duira (if have
an y in their towne, if not in some house), and thither
Ca h the common sort of people whome they instruct
ar *d teach to avoid evill and tell them what will be
their punishment, if ly; such if commit murder;
SUc h if forswear themselves ; such if ly with neighbours
wifes ; and if have committed any of these sinns, then
they must sacrifice such and such things and such
^hh*gs or must gj ve to p oor5 and such to the
Mamins.

54. [HOSTILE PLANETS]
Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 15 a.

°p

8 12
h 10

b

$ 21
2^x9

rr

3> 15

2Z>

1

ft

S3 12
h 10

J> *5

- _

2 pl 9

S3 12
h 10

t

$ 21
<? 12

y%

S3 12

O 6

a 5

O 6

H
$ 21

O 6

Sonae say that according to this Table the Planets
S 0rten mans life, as in t Ross 8 shortens 12, h
? ° r tens 10 yeares ; and so of the rest; and the reason
is. because 8 and h are enimies to who is Lord
^ at *d so are the rest as above enimies to the Lords
0 the houses above them, as written ; but herein

PLACES OF PLANETS

249

you must measure the circumference of the head and
the 3d part thereof in fingers-breadths. Multiply by
12, and from the product deduct the above number of
yeares according to the particular Rosses.

55. PLACES OF PLANETS JAN. ist 167J
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 16.

The places of the Planets according to some of the
Bramins Account upon the ist January 167J as

folioweth (vizt.).

d.

m.

in css

28

23 " '

2J. in Si

13

15 II 18

<? in t

17

10

Memorandum.

Tis to

O in YS

2

0

be observed that SB

$ in t

16

0

> and 8 move

back-

S in t

28

I 5 1

ward from X

to esc

) in b

13

20 at Sunrise

&ca.

S3 in X

O

1 5

8 in TIJ

29

00 25

56. DAYLY MOTION OF PLANETS

Account how the Bramines say how long every
Planet stayes in a house and consequently what is
their daily motion ( yizt .).

years months days

\l 2, 6 00 stayes in house ; moves monthly

d.

I

m.

O

0

///

00

2 L I

I

00 „

99

99

it

2

9

3

0

S 3 I

6

00

99

9 9

it

I

20

0

0

<? 00

1

15

99

move daily

00

20

0

0

Ooo

1

00 „

9 9

t t

it

I

00

0

0

$ 00

1

00 „

9 9

t 1

it

I

00

0

0

g 00

0

20

99

tt

tl

I

15

0

0

J) 00

00

2£

99

tt

it

13

10

0

0

2 5 °

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

57. PLANETS RAIGNES
Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 16a.

By what before writ you will understand what
Planets raigne for every day and also what Planets
begin to raigne, as alwayes O his 20 dayes first, from
his entring the Ross or house the person is of as
before. Now First observe what Nachuttur the party
is of, reckoning from Kirtagah or the 3d Nachuttur
(from Assonee), as suppose the Nachuttur was
Kirtigah, then reckon 1, if Rohonee 2 ; &ca of rest.
Then to this ad the number of the yeares of age that
are past and these divide by 8, and the remainder in
the Quotient tells you what Planet will be Lord of
the year following. As suppose a person of Assonee
Ross, for that being the 26th Nachuttur from Kirtigah,
take 26, then if the party be in the 20th year makes
46, which divide by 8 shews that there will remain
6. So I know that 2J. will be Lord of that yeare
who will first raigne his 58 dayes, then S3 his 42
dayes ; and so of the rest.

58. SUNS MERIDION

The Bramins say That the Sun moves 2202 Course
in one Joojon, 4 of which Joojons go to one Pull,
or wink with the Ey, 60 of which Pulls make one
Gurry, and 60 Gurries make a natural day, or day
and night.

59. TO KNOW WHAT PLANETS GOVERNED THE
YEAR WHEN MAN BORN
Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 17.

First see what Nachuttur hee is of and Account
it from Kirtigah inclusive, and so reckon from the

ROSS AND BURGE

25 1

O in this order, O, % & h> 2[, S3, ?. So if borne

in Kirtigah, then O was Lord when borne; if in
2 d from Kirtigah then }) was Lord ; and so of rest.
And when all these 8 done, then begin againe. As
if borne in 12th Nachuttur from Kirtigah, then $
was Lord and is to be accounted from birthday of
Native.

60. WHAT HOUSE A MAN IS OF
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 17a.

They distinguish betwixt the Ross and Burge a
man is of, for the Ross is the house or Burge the
Moone was in when borne ; but the Burge or house
hee is of is the house that raigned when hee was
borne.

6i. [PLANETS RAIGNES]

G T

O 8

G n

O 25

o si

O W

g* P-

g. p.

g- p.

g* P-

g- P-

g- P-

3

4 13

5 4

5 42

5 45

5 35

O —

o

R

O t

O ft

O aa

o

H

g* P-

g-

p-

g- P-

g*

P-

g* P.

g-

P-

5 35

5

45

5 42

5

4

4 13

3

4i

So when Sun [is] in Aries, then Aries raignes
first 3 g. 41 p. and after y, and when O in y then y raignes
first and after n ; and so of rest. And this is chiefly
to be taken notice of what house raigned when native
borne, and then see what houses the~ Planets were in
from that house, whose significations are as follow
Quiz*.).

Hail. MS. 4255 , fols. 17 a- 18 . 62 - [PLANETS RAIGNES]

( )

bad

Loss

eldest and
youngest
brother dy

dy when 4
years old.

no children
else good

many enimies
but overcome
them.

good

good

good

sickly

good

bad

3CH-

good ;

good

good

good

good

bad

CH-

good I

i

good

good

medium

good

be over¬
come with
enimies
else good

O

mother
sickly, else
good

i

medium

eldest
brother dy,
else good

mother

sickly

pains in
belly

good

tc o

Eyes squint ;
or red

Cattle dy

brothers dy
else good

very good

daughters
dy els good

good

Ft

good

Rich

medium

very good

very good

bad spend
much

►C*

Sickness

Loss ;

i

good

mother
sickly
else good

good for
sisters

overcome

enimies

N

CO

»o

VO

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

254

63. HOUSE OR BURG
Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 18a.

The Bramins account chiefly from the Burge that
raigned when Native [was] borne and not so much
from the Ross.

64. TO KNOW MANS AGE

They say that if they know what Churne or part of
the Nachuttur a man was borne in, they know his
age by this rule. If in first churne, take 15; if in
2d, 30; if in 3d, 45 ; if in 4th, 60, and therewith
multiply 108, and divide the whole by 60 ; and the
Quotient answers the question.

65. FOUR GOOD, FOUR BAD PLANETS

5 , $,' 2 [, ^ are good, S3, h, d, O bad planets, which
are set downe in the degrees of good or bad as writ.

66. WHAT PLANETS SEE EACH OTHER

The 2d, 6, xi, 12 see noe houses but themselves.
The 3 and 10 see J of rest. The 4 and 8 see i the
rest; 5 and 9 see f, and the 7th see all the rest.

67. FOR WIFE

They say that if }), $ or 2[ be in 7th house from

the Natives burge, they are good for marriage. The
)) gives a wife of 1 £ years old, 7 of [blank] $ of [blank],
and 2). of [blank], and that O give a wife that will not
give suck to her child on left breast but a rich wife
of 12 or 24 yeares old. h gives a black and scolding
wife; d a scold but rich ; S 3 a black scold and dy
soone as well hs; this is for the 7th house only, but
if none in the 7th house, then the Lord of the 7th house
describes the wife.

PLANETS

2 55

68. TO KNOW WHAT PARTY WILL OVERCOME

Measure your shadow by your feet and to that
ad 9, to which ad the number of dayes exclusive since
the Full moon and divide the product by 6, and what
remains will shew ; for if one remained then that
man on left hand will be beaten, if 2 remained then
hee on right, if 3 hee on left, and so on to 6, which
if even, then hee on right hand will be beaten.

69. WHAT PLANET RAIGNES EVERY GURRY

Multiply the gurry current of the day by 6 and
divide the product by 7, and the remainder answers
the question, for if one remained then O, if 2 }), if
3 if 4 £, if 5 21, if 6 $, if even 7, then h ; but
if the question demanded in the night, then instead
of multiplying by 6, you must multiply by 5 and
work as before.

70. TO KNOW A MANS AGE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19.

First know what gurrie of the Natives Nachuttur
the Moone was in when borne, and so many gurries
as were then past, multiply by 108, which divided by
60 tells you your age that will be. Only this is to be
observed that if any of the following Planets bee in the
Natives burge, or in 4, 5, 7, 9, or 10 burge from it when
Native borne, they will deduct as folioweth (m/.).

deducts years deducts

h - - 10. o - ' 6 1

S 3 - -12 (?- 8! these in all make 108

71 - -19 ?- - 21 j the age of man.

5 - - 17 ? D - - 15J

58

50

2$6 ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

But if any of these Planets be not enimies to the
Natives burge, then they will not deduct any.

71. DY IN FURRAIGNE COUNTRYES

They say that those of y, Sl> W and VS Ross will
not dy in their Native Countrye.

72. FORCE OF PLANETS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19a.

(a) If $ be in Natives Burge or in 8, or I7 in 1 ith,
or O in 5th, or S 3 in 3 or v% from the Natives Burge,
then the Native will travell much.

If cf or O be in Natives Burge, then will travell
much and be very covetous.

If h in Natives Burge, then will have many enimies
but over come them.

If S 3 in Natives Burg, then will be overcome by
enimies.

(b) If & h, O or S 3 be in 4th from the )), then will
be short lived the natives mother.

If h in the 10th house from the O when Native
borne, then Natives father short lived.

If h in 3d house from <f, then will brothers and
sisters dy.

If g be in 4th house from Natives Burge, then will
have but few friends.

If S 3 be in 5th from 2 J., then natives children not
live.

If S 3 in 7th from $, then will native marry 2 wifes
one after other.

If G in 8 th from native dy suddenly, that is be
short lived.

PLANETS

2 S7

If h in 9th from Natives Burge, then will mothers
brothers dy.

If £ be Lord of the Burge and in his owne Burge
and then the 3d Burge from natives burge, then the
native have no children.

73. PLANETS FORCES
Harl. MS; 2455, fol. 20.

In generall when and what Planets ad or deduct
from mans fortune, as followeth ( 'vixt .) ;

h in — ] h in SI

2 j. in 23 2 J. in b —

<? in YS g in b

O in T . , Oinylccs

$ in X aCtS * P in t

^ in 1 g in 23

5 in b ]) in n

sainnnjj S3 in 23 ft,

74. PLANETS RAIGN FOR 108 YEARS

First know what Nachuttur a man is of and account
it from Kirtigah inclusive, which divide by 8 and
what remaines shewes what Planets raigned first in
that mans age. As suppose the 26 Nachuttur
from Kirtigah, which divid by 8, there remains 2,
which shewes that j) (being 2d from O) first raigned,
and shee raignes 15 yeares, then £ 8, ? 17, h 10,

2 | 19, S3 12, $ 21, O 6. This order begins at 0;
then J &ca ; so if 1 had been remaining, then O had
raigned first.

75. WHAT PLANETS WHEN GOOD

First know what house the Planet is in from Aries
and then what house a man was borne in, which ad

xM.M.

R

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

258

together and divide the whole by 3, and if nothing
remain e, tis bad ; if 2, medium ; if 1, tis good, that
is, if a bad Planet, will mitigate, or good planet,
augment, &ca ; also tis to be observed whether the
Planet be in his enimies house or not, if he will be
very bad.

76. HOUSES EFFECTS

T is for health,
b for riches,
n for brothers or sisters.
ss for Parents.

SI for Children.

T 1 J for friends.

— for wife.

Tl\ health if born then will dy
in 8 yeares, 8 months,
8 days or 8 gurries.
f for liberality.

V% for honour.

555 Age.

X for charge.

77. WHAT CREATURE MAN PRE-EXISTED
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25a.

Tis knowne by Nachutturs a man is of (vizi.)

Nachuttur—

1. Horse.

10. Ox.

19. Lyon.

2. Goat.

11. Buffilo.

20. Horse.

3. Snake.

12. Tyger.

21. Lyon.

4. Ox.

* 3 - Tyger.

22. Ox.

5. Goat.

14. Camell.

23. Buffilo.

6. Goat (?).

15. Deer.

24. Gohlia, Ass.

7. Rat (?).

16. Monkee.

25. Merha Der [s^c]

8. Horse.

17. A Weasell.

26. Dog.

9. Rat (?).

18. Buglah, a bird.

27. Buffilo.

78. HORARY QUESTION
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25.

They say that if a question be asked when O ]) in
or 1st house then thing will be in 1 day if nigh,
if ]) in 4th, then in 4 days, if in jth in 7 days, if in
10th in 10 days, if in 2d in 6 days, in 5th in 10 days,

HORARY QUESTION 259

if in 8th, 24 days, if in nth in 33 dayes, if in 3d
in 9 days, if in 6th in 18 days, if in 9th in 27 days,
if in 12th in 36 days, that 1, 4, 7, 10 are brothers,
as are 2, 5, 8, 11, and so are 3, 6, 9, 12, because see
each other-

79. DAYES LENGTH
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24a.

Some of Learneds say That when Sun enters into
Capricorne then is the shortest day; when in 13th
degree of X Equinox ; when in Cancer the longest;
and when in 13th of ttj the Equinox again ; and
thus their Rule : First take the number of the Dayes
past since its entrance into Capricorne (which upon
its 13th day in X will be 73 dayes, vizt. 30 daye[s] in
Capricorne : 30 dayes in and 13 in X ; to this
73 ad 17, which makes 90, from which cast away
halfe, and there remains 45, to which add 255 makes
300, which divide by 10 and the quotient will be 30,
which shewes that the day is 30 gurries long, which is
halfe 60 the Naturall day; and so for the length
of the nights, account from Suns entring into Cancer.
By same rule, and by this Aid the day increaseth or
decreaseth 3 poll in a day.

80. TO KNOW MANS AGE BY NACHUTTUR
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25.

Multiply the number of Gurries past in the Nachut-
ter, and that multiply by 108 and that divide by 60,
which answers.

81. DITTO BY BURGE
Harl. MS. 4255, fols. 25-25a.

First see what Burge raigned when borne, as 1, 2,
3d or like from Aries and write that downe, then what

260 ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

are in the same house, or in the 4, 7, 10, 5, or 9th
from it, then the whole multiply by 108 and divide
the product by 60 and answer. Example raignes
when borne and 2J. and O are in =^=, and S3 in n.
First for =^= I set downe 7 (being the 7th house), and
then the 4th burge from =£= will be v*> which being
the 10th from Aries I set downe 10 which makes
17, then the 7th Burge will be Aries, which is the
1st, which added makes 18 ; then the 10th burge
will be 225, which is the 4th which added makes 22 ;
then the 5th will be css which is 1 ith which makes 33 :
then the 9th will be n, which being the 3d, added
makes 36, then being O is in Natives burge I ad i,
and being 2| is in d to I ad 5 (observing that rule to
ad for O i 5 for 2, for 3, for 9 4 , n s, ? 6,
b 7 ? Q 8, 8 9). So for O and 2J. make 6, which
added to 36 makes 42, which multiplied by 108 makes
453 6 j which divided by 60 the quotient will be
75M> t ^ ie a g e required.

ANOTHER ACCOUNT FOR AGE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25a.

This Account is same with the above [on fol. 25],
only when come at 42 (which before you multiplyed
by 108), now multiply 42 by 12, and divide the
product by 10; and the Quotient answers the
Question.

82. TWENTY-SEVEN JOOGS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25a.

There are 27 Joogs, which with 27 Nachutturs
and 6 Pla : (vizt.) h, 2 J., 9 , 9 , S3, make 60, which

JOOGS

261

are governed by O and % whence receive all their
strength.

Their names as Follow

1. Becombe.

2. Preet.

3. Jivoconon.

4. Sowbaug.

5. Sobun.

6. Elgund.

7. Saecormaw.

8. Dreet.

9. Sool.

10. Gund.

11. Breed.

12. Durbea.

13. Ghaut.

14. Hereon.

15. Buderah.

16. Siddee.

17. Billeepaut.

18. Burreaun.

19. Purregur.

20. Sia.

21. Sid.

22. Saud.

23. Sub.

24. Sookul.

25. Burmah.

26. Judroo.

27. By Dreet.

83. WHAT NACHETTER THE MOONS IN
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 26.

First see how many months are past since Cawteck
(observing this method in them, Cawtick, Aggon,
Poos, Maug, Pawgoon, Coheit, Bysauk, Jeat, Aggot,
Sowun, Rawdoo, Assin, and accounting the month
current for one and that double, to which ad the
day current from the Full Moone exclusive, and that
tells the Nachutter the Moone is in O- Example :
suppose a Pawgun, or 12th day from Full Moon.
First I set downe 5 for Pawgun (being the 5th month),
which doubled makes 10, to which ad 12 for the
12th day from Full Moone and makes 22, the Nachutter
the Moones then in ; and if the sum exceeds 27, then
cast away 27 and the question is answered. On first
of Bysack the Sun enters Aries by their Account.

84. JOOGS AND NACHUTTERS MEET

(a) If Joog and Nachutters meet then bad for fighting
and for Querent, which is knowne by this way. If

262

. ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

i, 3, 5 > 7 , 9 , x 3 > x f> x 7 >. x 9 > 2 3>.25, 27 Joogs

raigne, then to what Joog raignes ad to its number 1,
and then cast away halfe and what remains ; if that
Nachutter raignes, then they are said to meet. Example.
When 15 Joog raignes, ad x, makes 16, the halfe
of which cast away, remains 8, so that if the 8th
Nachutter at that time raignes, they meet and will
be bad for Querent; and if 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16,
18, 20, 22, 24, 26 Joogs raigne then to its raignes
ad 28, and from the whole cast away halfe as before
and anser the question.

TO KNOW WHAT JOOG RAIGNES
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 26a.

First double the month in which would know and
ad the day (accounting from Asson month), as did in
Nochettur from Cawteck. Example: on 6th day
of Pawgon, for Paugun (being the 6th month from
Asson) I set downe 6, which I double and it makes
12, to which ad 6 for the 6th day, make 18, so that
that day the 18 Joog raigned.

85. DAYS AND NIGHTS NAMES CALLED TUTARRA

nights.

dayes.

(a) 1. Screden - good

2. Collah - - bad

3. Aummdung - good

4. Colcuntah - bad

5. Durrunu - bad

6. Toppeh - good

7. Bidganundun bad

1. Gunnah - - good

2. Collah - - bad

3. Rawkee - - good

4. Annundee - - good

5. Bidgeah - - bad

6. Jeyah - - good

7. Bieecutkeysee - bad

TO KNOW WHAT GOOD DAYS 263

TO KNOW WHAT GOOD DAYS

Q?) First double the month you would know in
from Cheit month, then ad the age of the Moone
and the number of the day from Sunday ; all these
added together divide by 7, and what remains tells
you what day it is. Example : on the 10th day of
Cheit month being Wednesday, First for Cheit
(being the first month I must reccon from) I take one,
which doubled make 2, to which ad 25 for the 25 dayes
the Moone is old makes 27 ; then for Wednesday
(being the 4th day from O day) ad 4, which makes 31,
which divided by 7, there remains 3, which shewes
that it is Annundungs raigne, which is good. The
same rule is for the nights, only you must account
from Bawdoo (as do for dayes from Cheit).

86. WHAT EVERY ROSS GETS AND SPENDS IN
THE YEAR 1672

y

n

£25

si

m

Get -

8

2

5

2

5

Spend

14

8

2

2

II

2

—

t

n

CCS

X

Get -

2

8

11

14

14

11

Spend

8

14

5

II

II

5

87. SEVEN PLANETS

Some say that S3 is master to all the Planets, vizt .
hy 2J_, c?) 0> 9) 2) % and that es is his Shadow.

26 4

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

88 . HINDOOS ALMANACK FOR i YEAR TRANS¬
LATED

The Hindoos make Almanacks every yeare and that
for 1672, begining 4th March 167J, is as followeth :
And first of all (after Salam to God)—

This the 15 yeare of Oramshawes raigne.

The 1729 yeare of Rajah Beecremodgit, who altered
the Hindoos account or Sumbut.

The 1594 yeare of Rajah Sarbond, who altered their
yeare and called it Sicca.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 27.

This yeare is a Durunt yeare : i.e . an unwitty (?)
yeare, the meaning is—

There will be much warr

Good air, and corne cheap to the Southward

Much sickness

Times uncertaine, sometimes war, then peace,
now hot now cold, now raines, now faire.

<$ is Rojah of this yeare, his effects vizt . Much fire,
loss by trade, many thieves, little godliness or charity,
much breakings out of the body, and wounds, and
much care.

2\. is Duan his effects, Good rains, plenty of milk,
butter, cowes &ca., men be charitable and give much
to the Bramins, great increase of corne, people be very
charitable in victualls.

O Rojah of friendship, so will be but little.

O Rojah of Rains, so but little and much heat.

? Rojah of corne, so be plenty.

2| Rojah of wars, so will prevent much which else
would.

HINDOOS ALMANACK . 265

Puddum, the Rojah of Snakes, so will be very
many, but not hurtfull (for Puddum though one of
the greatest snakes, yet a good one).

Pookur, the Rojah of Thunder, so will be much.

Sutjoog - is 1728000 yeares

Tretak - 1296000

Doopor - 0864000

Coljoog - 0432000

That of Coljoog 4772 are past.

The Planets are writ in their Almanacks what house
each are, in which refer to other Accounts.

Their Almanack is from Full Moones to Full
Moones making 12.

The 27 Nachutters are set downe and there writ
if any man fals sick in respective Nachutters, how
long his sickness will last, and what must sacrifice to
mitigate it (viz.)

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 27a.

1. Come. 11. flowers.

2. Brass. 12. Gold.

3. Longpeper. 13. Copper.

4. Red Ching (?). 14. Goore.

5. Butter. 15. Red cloth.

6. Yellow. 16. Tinn.

7. Honey. 17. Horse.

8. Rice. 18. Elephant.

9. Silver. 19. Deer.

10. Dou acome.

20. Goat.

21. Sheep.

22. Buffilo.

23. Barley.

24. Pigeons.

25. Henns.

26. Flesh.

27. Milk.
Dy.

2 66

ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

89. PLENTY AND SCARCITY
Harl. MS. 4255, fols. 27a-28.

They divide plenty into 20 parts, above which it
never exceeds, and 10 is the medium ; so above xo
or under it are said to be plenty, or scarcity. ( vizt .)

Raines -

-

7

Nobleness

-

11

Come -

-

15

Leachery.

-

7

Wood -

-

15

Juice

-

15

Grass -

-

15

Thiefe Killers -

-

17

Cold -

-

7

Cotton or Cloth

-

7

Wind -

-

11

Oyle

-

3

Heat

-

11

Sugar Loaf

-

7

Wealth of Profit

-

17

Flowers and fruit

-

9

Loss

-

9

Good Conscience

-

2

Fighting

-

11

Bad Conscience

-

18

Stomack

-

13

Plenty -

-

11

Contention -

-

7

Fire

-

7

Sloth -

-

15

Escapes from fire

-

13

Thieves

-

17

Religion -

-

13

Thirst -

-

13

Irreligion

-

13

Sleep -

-

11

Death

-

11

Laziness

-

13

Borne

-

4

Hast -

-

13

Salt

-

3

Love -

-

13

Pepper -

-

2

Anger -

-

15

Milk

-

4

Pride -

-

9

here end Almanack

Covetousness

-

13

90. WHAT GURRY THE MOON ENTERS INTO
NACHUTTER

First, reccon the month from Cawteck, which
double, and thereto ad the number of dayes exclusive
from Full Moone, and that answers the Question
what Gurry it leaves the Nachetter. Example:
the 12th of Powgun. For Pawgun (being the 5th
month from Cawteck), I take 5, which double makes

NACHUTTURS

267

10, to which ad 12 for 12 th day from Full Moone
makes 2 2, which shewes that the 22th Gurry from
Sunrise the Moone left that Nachutter, and by this
you also know that it was the 22th Nachutter, and if
had exceeded, then you must have cast away 27, and
what remained would tell you the Nachutter, and the
whole what Gurry it ended.

91. HOW LONG SICKNESS LASTS IN EACH
NACHUT[TUR]

This Account I tooke from Ramnaut, an able
Astrologer Bramin, which shewes that if a man falls
sick when Moone in any Nachutter how long that
sickness will last (vizt.)

Nach.

day.

Nach.

day.

Nach.

day.

I

I

H

O

3

B

dy

19 will dy

2 will

dy

11

7

20

" 15

3 -

9

12

15

21

20

4 -

3

13 will

dy

22

- 30

5 -

5

14 -

23

- 15

6 will

dy

15 -

7

24

IO

7 -

7

16

20

25 will dy

8 -

7

17 -

10

26

- 15

9 -

9

18 -

15

27

IO

92. [.KRISHNA PAKSHA; SUKLA PAKSHA]

Crisson putch is from Full moone to New moone.
Soocol putch is from New moone to Full moone.

93. EXCEPTION TO FIND NACHUTTER
Harl. MS. fol. 28.

As sometimes the Teet or day from the Full
Moone is writ twice which you must go by which
seldome contradicts the other Account, and you must

268 ASTROLOGICAL NOTES

alwayes exclude the day of Full moone being poor-
massee or the full of their old month.

94. WHAT DAYES GOOD FOR TRAVELL
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 30.

To the East O and $ days good, and bad to West.

To the West }) and h days good and bad to East.

To the South $ and g day[s] good and bad to North.

To the North 2J. day is good and to South bad.

In this Account you must observe that all from
North to East is accounted] North, and all from
East to South accounted East, and so of rest.

95. HINDOOS NAME
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

The Hindoos have but one name which they receive
from the Braminie or Priest the 6th day of their age.
The Braminy consulting the places of the Starrs and
his Astrologie and finding what minute the child was
borne, gives him a name accordingly.

96. PALMESTRY
Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 24-24a.

Some Braminies say That if all the length of all
the 4 fingers and the thumb be not so long as from the
elbow to the end of the little finger then tis a signe
of very good fortune, but if but as long as to the root of
the little finger, then of very bad fortune, if longer than
to the end of the little finger, then of extraordinary
good fortune.

97. TO KNOW WHO WILL OVER COME
Harl. MS. 4255, fols. 8a-9.

In the field to know which army will over come.
First measure your shadow (standing with one hand to

MAGIC SHADOW

269

one armie and the other to the other) in feet, and
thereto ad 9, to which ad the moones age (accounting
the day in which it was new for one), to which ad 12 ;
all these added together divide by six, and what
remains keepe in your mind, and account from the
left hand armie, and when come at the number, that
armie will be beaten.

Example : Suppose the shade be 10 feet, to which
ad 9 which make 19, to which I ad 9 for the moons
age (it being the 9th day from the change inclusive),
which make 28, to which ad 12 makes 40, then cast
away 6 as many times as can which is 6 times, and
there will remaine 4 ; therefore begin with the armie
on the left hand reckoning it for the first, the right
hand armie for the 2d, the left againe for the 3d, the
right hand for the 4th, which shewes the 4th to light
upon the right hand armie, ‘which shewes that it will
be beaten by the left hand armie ; but had the shadow
not beene even feet, then you must ad to them to make
them even, as if it had been 9§ feete then ad to make
it even &ca. This must be done before the Armies
go to fight; and if you find that there comes out even
6s, then the Armies will not fight.

98. SHORT LIFE

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 9.

The Bamins say That if any child be borne on
Saturday when the Sun riseth, or within one gurrie,
and that at that time the Moone be in the latter part
of Cancer betwixt the 17th and 30th degree, then
that child will be very short lived ; also if a tree be set
at that time it will not grow.

METEOROLOGICAL NOTES

270

99. HOT WINDS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2.

At Fort St. George the Hot winds come in May
and are not very violent nor long. The Rains com in
latter end of September.

At Metchlepatam the Hot winds com in about

9 or 10th of May and hold untill some raine come,
sometimes for 1 month, sometimes 2 months, and
sometimes J month. They come from North West
and West. They are very strong and violent, hot and
dry, so that in them a man cannot sweat, nor continue
in them halfe an houre without endaingering to be
suffocated. They come in about 10 clock morning
and holds till night, when is not any wind at all stiring,
except a Sea brieze come in about 4 Clock afternoons,
which sometimes doth, and is very refreshing and
pleasant to a man having endured such heat, from

10 morning to 4 afternoon. People keep all within
and shut oil dores and windowes that noe hot wind
come in, and some goe into sellers ; severall of the
natives have died in the high way with the heat, but
then the water is very cold to drink, althoug[h] every
thing, as cloths &ca are all very hot.

100. RAINS AT METCHLEPATAM

At Metchlepatam the Rains come in about middle
of July and continue untill latter end of September, 01
middle of October, when the Monsoones break up.
at which time are terrible stormes, for then the wine
blowes northerly and continues generally till middlt
December, when is a little monsoone, when the wine
turnes Southerly for about a fortnight and then turne

SEASONS OF YEARE

271

Northerly again and continues untill latter end of
February or middle of March, when wind turns
Southerly and continues till September or October,
when Monsoones break up againe. All September
October and November the streame is so strong, by
reason of the vast quantity of rain water that comes
from Bengali and other places, that it will in some places
drive a Ship 6 miles in an houre Southerly.

101. SEASONS OF YEARE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

(a) The 6th of June 1671, being Tuesday, the Raines
came in Pattana.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19.

( b ) In Bengali, about middle or latter end of February
or beginning of March, very high winds arise gener¬
ally, and some raine. These winds are for about one
month. After for about one month are hot winds,
and now and then a storme of wind in the afternoone.
Then about latter end of Aprill or begining of May
very high winds and stormes arise, generally about
3 or 4 o clock in the afternoons, which comes so
suddenly, as also doth that in February and March,
that a man shall not perceive or suspect them J of an
houre before they come, in so much that vast number
of boats in Ganges are yearly cast away therein. This
windy weather continues without, or with but little
raine, till about the begining of June, and then for
about a fortnight or 3 weekes it continues very violent,
haveing great and many showers of raine following
the windy flurries, and also very much lightning and
thunder. After that, untill the begining of October,
the rains and winds are moderate ; and at the first

272

METEOROLOGICAL NOTES

Full or New Moon in October the Storme or Munsoons
break up, which is with violent stormes of wind and
somtimes raine, being the greatest storme in all the
yeare. But if it happen that the Full or New Moon
fall very soon in October, then the storme somtimes
breakes up in the Full or New Moon next following,
as it did in 1670 and 1671. The great storme lasts
seldome above 3 or 4 dayes, or one quarter of the
moon at most, after which, untill February or March
againe, the weather is faire, the winds being Easterly
and Northerly. In the rain times the winds are
uncertaine, but for most part Southerly or Westerly;
also from March to the Rains generally Southerly
or Westerly.

102. TURNADOES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 31.

The Turnadoes are always met with betwixt the
Tropicks. They are violent stormes of wind and
raine riseing suddenly, the wind changing very often,
somtimes blowing from all the points in an houres
time, with great showres of raine which stink ; and
if the Seamen lay but their wet cloths into any hole
for 24 houres, they will have very many maggots in
them. Tis also unholsome weather, somtimes being
suitering hot, and on a sudden a great storme and cold,
then hot againe, which causeth many Seamen to get
cold and afterwards to have the Scurvie which is not
easily cured.

103. TRICK AT CARDS
Harl MS. 4255, fol. 15a.

They have also a trick at Cards to tell what you
think by placing them according to the following

THOUGHT READING

2 73

table (vizt 9 ), So that if you should say the Card is in
the ? upper row, then they will place the cards side
wayes as i, 7, 13, 19 above 2, 8, 14, 20 and so of
the rest.

I

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

ai

12

13

*4

15

16

18

*9

20

21

22

23

24

104. TO TELL THE THOUGHT

The Moores have this way to tell the thought,
vizt* of Rupees, shillings &ca. Example : of Rupees,
to which goe 16 Annas, bid the party think of any
number of Rupees, and bid him for every Rupee in
his mind take one Anna for interest; then bid him
with the interest money buy a horse; and then after
the rate hee paid for that one horse bestow all his
principle money in horses, which when done tell him
he hath bought in all 17 horses ; so if you had bid
him take 2 annas Interest for every Rupee in his mind
then hee could by but 9 horses. The reason is because
the one anna and 16 annas in one Rupee make 17,
so in one rupee is 8 times two annas, which with the
2 annas (which must be reckoned for one) make 9 ;
and so of any other as in Table following.

X

2 j 3

4

5

6

7 j 8

9

H

O

H

H

12

13

15

16

17

9 ! 6*

5

41 -

3 l

3 t J 3

2 v

1

-xtr ^11

a*

0 3

! 2 lV

2

M.M.

274

METEOROLOGICAL NOTES

105 TO KNOW HOW MANY ARROWES IN A
SHEAFE

Haxl. MS. 4255, fol. 18a.

First ly them close together and see how many
is in the circumference, and you will find ij so many
times more in the middle, which ad together, as if
20 in circumference, then the whole will be 5°-

xo6. HINDOO QUESTIONS

Haxl. MS. 4254, fol. 5.

A Question asked by a Hindo. How to make

this figure-less and not touch it. Answered

thus — by making one figure over it that

was biger.

Another Question there was :
made of this figure,
being four houses,
see the Tanke his
not big enough,
makers of it to

a King had a Tank
numbers 1: 2: 3: 4
When the King
[sic ? he] said it was
soe would have the
make it bigger, but

would not have the 4 houses removed, and yet to
stand without the Tank.

Answered

PROBLEMS

275

107. FURTHER MATHEMATICAL QUESTION
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 5.

In Pegu he [Christopher Hatton] was asked this
Question or one of this nature. Suppose there be a
Pole 10 yards high, and a rat placed at the top of it
descending f of a foot in f- of an houre, and a Cat
at the bottom which ascends £ of a foot in -f- of an
houre, Question, how long they will be in meeting
and in what place of the Pole they will meete.

108. HINDOOS WORLD AGE
Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 5a.

In their Almanack, which is written in a Language
called Sinscreet, they say the world is 3892771 yeares
old to the yeare 1670.

109. SNICRAN [VIKRAMA], SAMBUT [SAMBAT]
ACCOUNTS

Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 32.

The Hindoos say That their old Account was called
the Snicran Account, in which were 365^ dayes in
every yeare, and that yeare begins when ours doth
(vizt.) upon new years day. There was a Rojah
coalled [sic, called] Bear becramogee which lived
1728 yeares since, and then altered the former Account
of the yeare and placed in it 360 days, And called it
Sumbut, being of his owne calculateing.

27 6

CHRONOLOGY

no. FOUR JOOGS OR AGES

The Hindoos say there are 4 Joags or ages. The
first was called :

1. Sutjoag being the Golden age when

men were long lived ; it lasted 1728000

2. Teetah, the Silver age, not altogether

so good 1296000

3. Doopor, the bras age, being 864000

4. Cooljoog, the Iron age, which is

now. The years past in it are 4772,
the years to come in CoJjoog are
427228, in all 432000

4320000

I perceive that from the first age every age lessens
432000 yeares, the Golden age being longer than the
Silver by so much and the silver than the bras age by
so much, and it than the Iron by so much ; this Account
December 22d: 1671.

in. HINDOOS YEAR, DAY, &ca.

Hail. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

The Hindoos have 12 months in a yeare and every
month 30 days in it one with another, so that in their
yeare there is 360 dayes, but alwayes in yeares
they ad one month beeing 30 dayes, so that to their
years may be reckoned one with another 372 dayes,
their day and night consists of 8 Purr or 60 Gurries
each Gurry of 60 Pull, each Pull of 60 Bepull. But
according to most accounts there are but 365 days
in every yeare.

MOORES MONTHES

277

1X2. MOORES MONTHES
Earl. MS. 4255, fol. 16.

(a) Upon January the 1st 167J, the 19th day of the
Moores month Rowson which hath 30 dayes in it,
then Shavwall 29, Judcawd 30, Julleedge 29, Mohor-
rum 30, Suffar 29, Rabbenewdull 30, Rabbesouned
29, Jemelowull 30, Jemedusonnee 29, Rodjub 30,
Shawbawne 29, so that in all there are 354 i n the year
their Account being according to the Moone.

Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 16a.

( 'b ) The Moores Kings yeare is from the Suns
entring into T till that time againe the names of the
months as follow

1. Forwardee.

2. Ardebehist.

3. Chordaud.

4. Teer.

5. Merdaud.

6. Sharrowar.

7. Meehr.

8. Awboh.

9. Anzor.

10. Dy.

11. Bawmun.

12. Jefindar.

113. HINDOOS MONTHS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 16.

The Hindoos have 4 sorts of months, one from
Full Moon to Full Moon, which call Mans mina
whence comes their Poor-Massee of night of Full
Moon which is the Full month, 2d from New Moon
to New Moon, or rather night they see new moone,
which they call Chaundraine, 3d from first Quarter
of Moon from its being full till that time againe, which
call Omnoos, 4th from Suns entring into a Signe and
its continuance there which call Sincrant.

114. [THE DAY OF BRAHMAN]

Hsurl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

Nilcunt (Nilkanth] Doctor Saith That when Burma
made the world, every one of his Pullucks or twinckling

CHRONOLOGY

278

with his eyes were as long as 7000 of the Hindoos
yeares. Hee had 4 Pullucks in every Gurry and
60 Gurries in every day ; so that one of his dayes were
as long as 1680000 yeares, and one of his yeares of
360 dayes equall to 604800000 yeares, and 100 yeares
which hee lived (reckoning at every 2J yeares 30 dayes
to bee added) are equall to 62371680000 yeares.

115. POLLUCK

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

A Polluck is the Twinkling of the Eye and some say
that 4 Pollucks make one Bepull, 60 Bepulls one
Pull, 60 Pulls one Gurry &ca, and according to that
account Burmahs age will be greater a vast deale ;
and although somtimes a man may keepe his eyes
from twinkling a great while, yet againe when they
begin to twinckle, they twinkle the faster, so that
in 24 houres they always twinkle alike if awake;
and so many times as a mans eyes twinkle, so many
times hee breathes, so that those that have the art to
hold their breath for a long time, can for as long time
keepe their eyes from twinkling.

116. TO KNOW WHAT TIME OF DAY

To know what time of day. First measure your
shadow and to that ad 7 ; then by them both divide
144, and what remains in the Quotient tells you how
many gurries of the day are gone or to come, as suppose
the shadow 10 Feet, to which I ad 7 makes 17, by
which divide 144, and there will bee 8 in the Quotient
and 8 remaining, so that I know the sun is 8^ gurries
high.

MEASURES OF TIME

279

117. SAUT

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

Saut is the 6th part of a Pull, 60 of which Pull make
one Gurry. A Saut is so long time as a man can
distinckly repeat the word Pull 10 times.

118. FOUR JOOGS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 34.

One Bamin saith That the first Joog was Coljoog,
after that Doopor, after that Tretan, and last Sutjoog;
but hee knows not wherefore Coljoog was 432000
years, but to avoid nonplus saith that (being these
joogs move 72 times), multiply 72 by 6 ; and it will
make 432 to which ad 3 Cyphers and they make
432000. Also by the same reason I conceive hee
may say 12 (which is the number of the Celestiall
houses) multiplied by 6 make 72. But I conceive
the reason to be this. According to Plato and also
to some of these Bamins, the Houses move so that
in 3000 years Aries got into Taurus his house, and
Taurus into Geminies &ca:, so that in 36000 years
they will move round; so multiply 36000 by 12 (the
number of the houses) and there ariseth 432000
yeares; also 432000 doubled make 864000, trebled
1296000, quadrupled 1728000, which are the 4 ages
or joogs, and being that of Coljoog 47 7 2 years are
past, and that by some it is accounted the first joog;
this differs not much from the Account that some make
from Adam or the Creation of the world, most saying
it is betwixt 48, 5000 [? 4800 and 5000] years old,
though some say tis above 5000 years old.

28 o

CHRONOLOGY

119. TO KNOW WHAT CLOCK DAY OR NIGHT
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 17.

The Hindoos have a way to know what a clock tis
either day or night without seeing Sun or Moon
(vizt.) Let a man take hold of one of the joynts of
their fingers, and accordingly the Question must be
answered according to the following table (vizt.)

Thumb.

Forefinger.

Long finger.

I Ring finger.

Little finger.

joynt

1

gur. pull.

joynt

gur. pull.

joynt gur. pull.

joynt gur. pull.

joynt

gur. pull.

I

10 20

I

6 12

I 13 26

I 14 28

I

15 30

2

II 22

2

12 24

2 5 10

2 7 14

2

9 18

3

I 2

3

8 16

3 36

348

3

2 4

Another Astrologer saith That it is in generall thus

if take hold on thumb will bee either

gur.

1

gur.

6 or

gur.

II

if on fore finger then

2

7

12

if on long finger

3

8

13

if on ring finger

4

9

14

if on little finger

5

10

15

120. TO KNOW WHAT A CLOCK

Take a straw of 7 fingers breadth long and see what
shade it casts, and to it ad 7, by which divide 144, and
the Question is answered.

121. TO KNOW WHAT TIME OF DAY
Earl. MS. 4255, fol. 18.

Take a straw of 20 inches long and ly flat upon the
ground, then double up one end so much as till shade
of the end thereof reach to the end of that part that lies
on the ground, and then so much of the straw as was
doubled or turned up tells how many gurries the Sun

MEASURES OF TIME

281

is high, as if 5 inches were doubled up, then the Sun
is 5 gurries high.

122. GURRIES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 8.

The way of the Moors and Hindoos keeping account
of the day is by Gurrials as followeth (vizt.) :

They have a brass dish with a little hole in the
bottom, which they put into a pale of water, so that
when it is filled up to a certaine place it is one Gurries
time! In some places, as at Pattana, they have Glasses
with sand in them, made like our houre-glasses in
England, which are an exact Gurry. The day and
night are divided into Sixty Gurries, so that every
Gurry is Twenty foure Minutes or Sixtieth part of an
English day. They also divide the day into 4 Purr,
and the night into 4 Purr, and begin the day a little
before Sunrise, about a quarter of an houre, just when
the horison is read, and continues it untill so long after
Sunset, so that in Summer time when the dayes are
long, the Purrs are long, and per contra, so that
sometimes there are 9 Gurries in one Purr, and at
some'times but 6. Whereas, if the day and night were
divided into equall Purrs, there would be but 7J
Gurries in every Purr.

TO KNOW WHAT GURRY IT IS

They have a way to know how many Gurry it is
by the Shadow, viz : a man observes how long his
shadow is by feete and to that adds 6, and when both
added hee therewith divides 120, and the Quotient
tells how many Gurryes are past, if before noone ;
if after noone how many are behind of that day. As

282

CHRONOLOGY

Example : if the length of a mans shadow be 4 of his
feete, to that 4 add 6, which make 10 ; then I see how
many times 10 I can have in 120, which I finde 12
times, which tells mee that 12 Gurries is gone of the
day, so subtract the Gurries in one Purr from it, and
it will Answer the Question—to be more then one
Purr, so many Gurries, which will be according to the
days length.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

By G. R. Kaye

[In view of the state of the text it has been considered necessary
to present a set of general notes (marked A-S), which collect the
scattered information into some sort of order. This is supple¬
mented by a set of briefer notes, following the text as it now
stands, section by section, and consisting largely of references to
the general notes.]

A. ASTROLOGY

Astrology has been, from very early times, an important factor
in the life of the Hindu, and the profession of astrology is now a
prosperous and crowded one, to which the whole population looks
for guidance in its daily affairs. 1 In very early times a crude
astrology prevailed (see the Atharva Veda , xix. 1 - 5 ). In the
early centuries of the Christian era the Greek teaching of astrology
was received by the Hindus, and assimilated with their traditional
astrology. The great exponent of this combined Greek and Hindu
astrology was Varaha Mihira (sixth century a.d.), and his works—
Brihai Samhitd , Brihaj Jataka, and Laghu Jdtaka —are still authori¬
tative. The Arabs were indebted to the Hindus for a good deal
of astrological lore; but later on the Hindus took certain notions
from the Muslim astrologers; and in the seventeenth century a.d.
the Muslim astrolabe makers had considerable influence among
the Hindu astrologers. From the beginning of the twelfth century
to the end of the fifteenth century European astrology was largely
Arabic in origin. In more modern times a certain amount of
European teaching has been absorbed by Hindu astrologers. 2

Marshall’s notes on Hindu astrology pertain to the seventeenth
century. At that period the Hindu astrologers had hardly come
under the influence of modem European teaching, and we can

1 L. D. Barnett, Ant. of India, p. 184.

2 For information on ancient Hindu astrology see also Albiruni’s
India , by E. C. Sachau; A. Weber, Zur Gesch. d. Ind. Astrologie (Ind.
Stud, ii.) ; H. Jacobi, De Astrol. Indicae . . , accedunt Laghu-Jataka,
etc. ; G. Thibaut, A sir on. Astrol. und Math. (Grundriss der ind, arischen
Phil.) ; G. R. Kaye, Hindu Astronomy (Memoirs of the Archaeological
Survey of India, 1924).

283

284 NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

only expect to find in Marshall's exposition a system based upon
Hindu tradition going back to the pre-Greek period, Greek
teaching, Muslim and other outside eastern influences, and local
influences not necessarily of an astrological nature. Undoubtedly
it is mainly based on the Greek teaching 1 and indigenous tradition,
while the form in which it is presented is Indian.

Hindu astrology of the seventeenth century differed from that
of the West in certain important matters, such as the use of the
system of Nakshatras or Lunar Mansions ; of the scheme of
Dasas or Planetary periods ; of a peculiar system of Aspects ;
of the Navamsa (Novenary) diagram, etc. Certain Indian
astrologers practically discarded the use of the Horoscope proper,
and made the Houses and Signs identical; some made the position
of the Moon at birth supersede in importance the Ascendant,
while others based their work on the scheme of Dasas.

Marshall's notes were compiled in India in a.d. 1671-2, during
the reign of Aurangzeb. Newton was then at work on his theory
of Gravitation, and Greenwich Observatory was founded soon
after (1675). In Europe astrology was beginning to be discredited,
but it still flourished.

Marshall's astrology may be compared with Chapter LXXX.
of Albirunl's celebrated work on India, which was written some
six centuries earlier; but Marshall's notes are less logical, less
accurate, and, consequently, more obscure, than Albiruni's.
Albirunl's information was obtained mostly from Hindu works
(principally those of Varaha Mihira), while Marshall seems to
rely principally upon verbal information. (But see §114 and
the note thereon.) Marshall’s notes are jottings taken down
at odd times from different informants. They are not in any
logical order; they often repeat information already given ;
often the essential matter is only given by implication, and the
principles of the science are nowhere exhibited. We may assume
that these notes do not represent Marshall's considered judgment ;
but his notes on astronomical points are far from being fair
representations of Hindu astronomical knowledge.

Marshall's transliteration of Indian terms is very confusing,
and, in some cases makes the identification of the originals
impossible.

B. DIAGRAMS.

Marshall is quite orthodox, according to the Hindu fashion, in
exhibiting a rectangular diagram, and in making little practical use
of it. The rectangular diagram is western in origin (see Bouche-
Leclercq, L* Astrologie gvecque , p. 281 sqq.), but has been in use

1 India obtained from the Greeks the Signs of the Zodiac, Planetary
astrology, the complete Horoscope, and all the accompanying details.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

285

in India since the time of Varaha Mihira. 1 Marshall gives three
examples (§§ 8, 22), all of which are based upon the one here
illustrated. He gives no explanation of the
Horoscope. In § 61 he gives a table of Oblique
Ascensions, but, apparently without any
understanding. This table is fairly accurate
for a latitude of about 24 degrees (see Kaye,

Hindu Astron . pp. 80, 123) ; and such a table
is necessary for the determination of the point
of the ecliptic on the horizon {horoscope,
ascendant. Sans, lagna) and the other cusps. No use of the table
is made by Marshall.

The second diagram in § 8 is concerned with Aspects. See
Note I,

C. THE SIGNS

The signs of the zodiac were imported into India with the
Greek astronomy and astrology in the early centuries of our era.
The Hindus had a similar scheme for the division of the ecliptic
in their 27 equally spaced nakshatras (see note J). Marshall
equates the two schemes, making one sign =2^ nakshatras
(§§ 3> 4» 6)* He indicates those signs that are the domiciles
of the planets (§§ 14, 24, 25, 48, 50, etc.), and those that are their
exaltations (§§ 18, 73), and in § 73 he gives an unorthodox list of
depressions . In § 47 he gives the trigons or triplicities, but without
any such terminology; and also their appropriate elements.
In § 16 he classifies the signs as good and bad, but in an un¬
orthodox manner : here he seems to have taken the domiciles
of the malefic planets (T7, 0) as the bad signs. There is no

direct mention of a division of the signs into ninths (novenaries,
navdmsas), which generally play an important part in Hindu
astrology; but such divisions are possibly implied in § 6 and in
the table in § 15, where quarters of nakshatras (i.e. navdmsas)
figure largely.

* Marshall's information about the signs is summarised in the
following table:

The Signs

¥

b

H

S25

si

TIE

Are domiciles of

6

?

$

i

0

S 2

Are exaltations of -

O

(

n

—

9

Are depressions of -

n

7

5 s

h a

(l

Their elements are

[Fire

Earth

Air

Water]

Fire

Earth

Their nature is

Bad

Good

Good

Good

Bad

Good

1 The square diagram seems to have dropped out of use in Europe
soon after the establishment of the Copemican theory; but it is still
employed in India.

286 NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

The Signs — continued.

m.

t

n

X

Are domiciles of -

9

3

A

h

h

21

Are exaltations of -

h

—

—

3

—

9

Are depressions of -

2 J-

—

$

O

O

?<?

Their elements are

Air

Water

[Fire

Earth

Air

Water]

Their nature is

Good

Bad

Good

Bad

Bad

Bad

D. SIGNS AND HOUSES

Marshall confuses houses and signs. Often when speaking of
houses he designates them by the symbols for signs, and when
dealing with signs he often calls them houses. This confusion is
not altogether due to Marshall himself, for it obtains in many
Indian text books. 1 He employs the terms " Ross ” (rasi, a sign)
and “ Burge ” (?), and gives the following definitions of them :
" The Ross is the house or Burge the Moone was in when borne,
but the Burge or house hee is of is the house that raigned when he
was borne ” (§ 60). Again he says (§ 63), “ The Bramins account
chiefly from the Burge that raigned when Native was borne and
not so much from the Ross " ; and in § 3 he equates " one Burge
or Ross ” to 2J nakshatras. Perhaps by “ burge ” he means the
sign of the ascendant, and by " ross ” the Moon’s sign at birth.

E. HOUSES

It is difficult to identify all the cases in which houses are
concerned, for they are often called signs. For example, the
tables in §§12, 24, 33, 62 profess to show the relationship of
planets to signs, but are largely concerned with houses ; and
in §§ 13, 24, 37, 45, 47, 50, where houses are spoken of, signs
are meant. In some cases, however, there is no ambiguity ; in
§ 9 the diagram is said to show “ the forme of the 12 celestiall
houses " ; and in § 46 the houses are said to turn round every
24 hours. In § 75 (and partly in §§ 12 and 72) are given the
“ effects ” of the houses, which, in the table opposite, are com¬
pared with orthodox and western schemes.

1 Of course, sometimes the houses and signs are identical, and there
was a slight confusion in Western terminology between domiciles and
houses. Also certain Western astrologers actually made the houses
equivalents of the signs, and Ptolemy did not approve the theory of
houses.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX 287

Houses.

Marshall.

Indian . 1

Western. s

I.

Health.

Body.

Life.

II.

Riches.

Property.

Riches.

III.

Brothers.

Brothers.

Brothers.

IV.

Parents.

Parents.

Parents.

V.

Children.

Sons.

Children.

VI.

Friends.

Enemies.

Health.

VII.

Wives.

Wives.

Marriage.

VIII.

Health.

Death.

Death.

IX.

Liberality.

Morality.

Religion.

X.

Honour.

Honour.

Dignities.

XI.

Age.

Income.

Friendship.

XII.

Charge.

Expenses.

Enmity.

In § 13 the houses are divided into two groups, I, IV, VII, X,
which are said to assist the querent; and VI, XII, which hinder
him : and this classification is enlarged upon in § 23- In §§ 70
and 81 the groups are I, IV, VII, X and V, IX ; while in § 78 they
are grouped thus :

I,

IV,

VII,

X,

II,

V,

VII,

XI,

III,

VI,

IX,

XII,

that is, in square aspect. In classical astrology the houses are
sometimes grouped as follows :

Most powerful - I, IV, VII, X.

Lucky - - III, V, IX, XI.

Unlucky - - II, VI, VIII, XII.

But there are found other groupings, e.g.

Centres - - I, IV, VII, X.

Lucky - - XI, II, V, IX, III, VIII.

Unlucky- - VI, XII,

and this agrees rather better with our text. (See A. Bouche-
Leclercq, Astrol. grecque , p. 287.) See also note I. on “ Aspects/’

F. THE PLANETS.

Hindu astrologers often include among the planets Rahu, or
the Dragon’s Head (i.e. the ascending node of the Moon’s orbit),
and Ketu y or the Dragon’s Tail [i.e. the descending node). Marshal
mentions both (§§39, 41, 87), but ordinarily omits Ketu and
sometimes Rahu also. 3 Little formal information is given about

1 After Varaha Mihira.

- After von Oefele in E.R.E. Art. ** Sun, Moon and Stars.”

3 Marshall does not use the terms Rahu and Ketu f but generally
designates them by the symbols for the nodes S 3 and 23 . Occasionally
the term " Dragon’s Head ” is used for Rahu.

288

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

the planets, hut certain of their astrological attributes are implied.
An incomplete list of “ hostile " planets is given in § io, and rather
more is implied in §§ 37, 44 and 54. The planetary “ domiciles "
are given or implied in §§ 14, 24, 25, 26, 48, 50. The “ colours"
appropriate to the planets, by way of appeasing them, are given
in § 28, and here is indication of the planetary worship that
obtains in India even to the present day. In § 18 the “ exalta¬
tions " of the planets are exhibited in a disguised form, relating
to the birth of a Raja, and again in § 73. In § 17 certain attributes
of the planets, that are only partly orthodox, are stated ; in § 94
the directions they rule are indicated; in §§35 and 65 they are
classified as good and bad ; and in § 36 to each of them a number
of weapons is allotted. In §§ 12, 24 and 62 the powers of the
planets according to their positions are exhibited ; and the chief
features seem to be sickness caused by the malefic planets (par¬
ticularly in houses I and IV), and death caused by the same
planets (particularly in III and IV). In §23 the planets seem
to be classified according to their connection with (1) inanimate
objects, (2) living creatures, (3) wealth. There is a brief statement
in § 31 regarding two or three planets in one house causing cloudy
weather, wind or fighting. The number of the planets varies
from six (in § 82) to nine (in §§ 39, 87).

The actual positions of the planets on certain dates are given
in §§ 11 and 55 (see note 0); and the planetary dasas are referred
to on several occasions (see note L). Marshall's information is
summarised in the following table :

Tl

Saturn.

%

Jupiter.

3

Mars.

0

Sun.

Hostile 1 -

<?. 0

$

h. a

C8

Domiciles

ft.®

?, X

nt.

ft

Exaltations

ss

ft

Depressions 2 -

ft

H, =*

?x

ft, X

Attributes

Riches

Marriage

Fighting

Mirth and
content

Bad planets -

Bad

—

Bad

Bad

Colours 3 -

Black

Red

Red

Red

Directions

W.

N

S.

E.

No. of weapons

15

18

12

12

Das as - . -

10

19

8

6

Connected with

Inanimate

objects

Living i
creatures

Wealth

Wealth

1 2,3,

See footnotes on opposite page.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

289

$

Venus.

2

Mercury.

<t

Moon.

O

Rahu.

Hostile 1 -

n

t

g. a

0 c

Domiciles

«, =£=

ii, n*

25

W

Exaltations

K

W

8

w

Depressions 2 -

t

225

n, nj?

ss, Si

Attributes

Travel

Wit

Good

things

Contention

Bad planets

—

—

Bad

Colours 3 -

White

Yellow

i White

_

Directions

E.

S.

W.

; _

No. of weapons

11

10

16

IS

Das as

21

17

15

12

Connected with

Living

creatures

?

Living

creatures

Iron or

armour

G. PLANETS, HOUSES AND SIGNS

Marshall makes several rather elaborate statements, which
profess to show the effects produced according to the positions
of the planets in the zodiac or according to their relation with
the houses (§§ 12, 23, 24, 33, 62, 72) ; but in most of these state¬
ments he does not clearly differentiate between houses and signs.
Also, it is not clear whether these statements refer to the horoscope
proper or to the position of the Moon at birth. In §§ 12 and 33
he appears to be referring to the former scheme, and in § 62 to
the latter, but the differentiation is by no means clearly expressed.
Paragraphs 12 and 62 are very similar, the differences being
principally verbal. Paragraphs 23 and 24 refer to so-called
horary questions. A sort of supplement to § 62 is given in
§ 72 (a), the principal topic being travel, which was specially
treated by Varaha Mihira.

It will be noticed that §§12 and 62 are principally based upon
those effects due to houses already given in note E. In these

1 Varaha Mihira gives (B J, ii. 16-17) the following list of hostile planets:

h

%

s

0

$

$

(

S

O

$

s

h

O

—

<L

S

—

. ?

1 - 1

—

2 See note to § 73.

3 See Kaye’s Hindu Astronomy, p. 113, for other lists. Marshall’s list
follows Hindu tradition, but Jupiter’s colour is generally given as yellow.

M.M. T

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

290

two tables and also in those of §§ 24 and 33 the effects are also
classified as good, bad or indifferent, but here no basic principle
appears to be followed.

H. PLANETS, DAYS AND GHATIS
In § 38 a rule is given whose object appears to be to determine
the lords of the ghatls , and the same rule is repeated in § 69.
This rule may be expressed by 6G-1 = x mod 7 for day-time, and
5G-1 == x mod 7 for night-time, where G is the number of the current
ghatl, and x indicates the planet in the week-day order, beginning
with Sunday. The orthodox Hindu (and European) rule, as
given by Varaha Mihira in his Panchasiddhantiha, is
D + 5(H - i)=x mod 7,

where D is the number of the day of the week, and H the
current hour. Possibly Marshall's rule is an echo of Varaha
Mihira's; but no systematic arrangement of the planets by
ghatls will give the proper lords for the first ghatls.

Raghunanda, after converting ghatls into hours, says : “In the
day these are regulated by intervals of six ... in the night by
intervals of five." (H. T. Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, 1799,

p. 107.)

The orthodox rule gives the planetary lords of the hours for
Saturday as follows : 1

123

4

5

6

7

8

9

10 , etc., hours.

h % 3

0

?

2

<c

h

2 L

3. etc.

The rule in paragraphs 38 and 69 gives the following order :

1234

5

6

7

8

9

10 ,

etc., ghatls.

h $ 2 L $

3

d

0

h

$

2 J-.

etc., for day-time.

while paragraph 26 gives the following :

2

1

2

3

4

5

6

7 8 , ghatls

Sunday

0

0

4

h

h

<t

h —

Monday

—

h

3

O

—

h

h 21.

Tuesday

—

h

3

n

—

h

h -

Wednesday -

—

—

h

h

h

3

O —

Thursday

—

—

h

—

3

—

h h.

Friday

—

h

h

h

—

—

3 —

Saturday

h

3

—

—

4

h

- h.

1 For the other days the same order is followed, but beginning witl
the proper day planet.

2 This table exhibits, no obvious principle, and its source has not beer
traced. It recalls, faintly, the scheme of Alexander Neckham (1151-
1217), who allots the first three hours (? one watch) and the last three
hours to the lord of the day (L. T. Thomdyke, A History of Magic am
Experimental Sciences, ii. 220 and 670).

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

291

9

Sunday -

Monday -

Tuesday - (£
Wednesday - 21
Thursday - —
Friday - —
Saturday - §

10 11 12 13

-¥

¥ — a —

- ¥ —

¥ -

- 2J.-

- 2J.-

14 15 16, ghatis

-£

<c-

- ¥ -

The table in § 44 gives the 4 good * and 4 bad ' planets for each
sign for each day of the week. If it be understood that the
second line in each cell refers to a 4 bad ’ planet, then it will be
seen that in most cases each of these 4 bad * planets is hostile
either to the corresponding day planet or to the lord of the
corresponding sign.

I. ASPECTS

The Hindu scheme of 4 aspects ' is peculiar. It has been handed
down from the sixth century at least, and is followed by Marshall,
who gives it in § 66, and part of it in § 21. The rule, as given by
Varaha Mihira is : 44 The planets aspect the third and tenth

houses with one-fourth, the fifth and ninth with one-half, the
fourth and eighth with three-quarters, and the seventh with
full sight/' Varaha Mihira appears to modify this rule for
certain planets, but Marshall gives it as it stands, repeating the
information that 44 the 2nd, 6th, nth, 12th see noe houses but
themselves/* The rule may be represented thus :

Houses -

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

VIII

IX

X

XI

XII

1

Amount
of Aspect

o

i

i

i

0

I

1

f 1

*

i

i

0

0

The genesis of the rule is obscure. Illustrations are given in

§ 72 (&)• . . .

In § 8 is given a diagram, which associates the signs m the
groups :

Q2S

y

n

*

SI

W

C 35

X

i.e. in parallel, and this scheme is 44 to know when any Planet
will fight with each other, when enemies, and when to assist

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

292

each other, when friends.” The scheme may be compared with
similar schemes illustrated by Bouch6-Leclercq ( L’Astrologie
grecque, p. 161); but it differs from them in having the parallels
inclined to the line of the equinoxes. The following arrangement
of “square aspects” is given for “houses” in § 78, where each
row forms a set of “ brothers,” because they “ see each other.”

I,

IV,

VII,

x,

II,

V,

VIII,

XI,

III,

VI,

IX,

XII.

J. NAKSHATRAS AND YOGAS

(a) Nakshatras. According to Hindu authorities there are

27 or 28 nakshatras, which are ordinarily considered as ecliptic
constellations. The Jyotisha Vedanga makes each of the 27
nakshatras occupy 13J 0 of the ecliptic, while Brahmagupta and
others give 28 nakshatras, unequally spaced alQng the ecliptic, 1
Marshall states explicitly that there are 27 nakshatras and that
2j nakshatras are equal to one sign (§§ 2, 3, 4), but he gives

28 nakshatras in § 5. He makes the nakshatras begin with
Asvini , and equates the first point of Asvini with the first point
of Aries (§ 6). In §§ 57, 59, 74, however, he begins with Krittikd ,
and the list in § 5 is actually a Kriitikadi list. In § 15 is given a
table of nakshatras and signs (? houses) in which, for each house,
the nakshatra is classed as of good or bad effect. Here it will
be noted that there are often groups of 2J nakshatras (i.e. one
sign), and some single quarters of nakshatras {i.e. novenaries
or navdmsas). It will also be noted that the groups of 2 J- do not
on the basis of 27 equally spaced nakshatras, beginning with
Asvini , generally correspond to signs. The reason for the “ bad ”
effects is not evident. 2 In § 40 numbers 1, 10, 18, 23, 24, 26 are
said to be bad, and this agrees, more or less, with § 15, Another
list of good and bad nakshatras is given in § 49, and this may be
said to be orthodox after the Hindu fashion, but it does not agree
very well with § 15 ; and another list occurs in § 91. In § 8 the
following are said to be the best, 8, 17, 21 and 1.

1 Far further information see Kaye’s Hind. Astron. p. 22 sqq.

a Roughly, the table agrees with the list of bad signs in § 16. See
Note C.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

293

The scales of signs and nakshatras are compared in the following

table :

Signs -
Bad signs, § 16 -

Nakshatras -

Bad nakshatras, § 40

„ § 49

„ § 91

T 8 II 2 D

*

12345678 9

*

* * *

*

Signs

Bad signs, § 16 -

Nakshatras -

Bad nakshatras, § 40
» » S 49

>> „ § 9i

& w —

* aH

10 II 12 13 I4 15 16 I7 l8

* *

* *

* *

Signs -

Bad signs, § 16 -

t ft « X

* * *

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Bad nakshatras, § 40
» » § 49

„ „ § 9i

Here the bad signs and bad nakshatras are marked with
asterisks; but the examples from § 49 require some qualification,
according to the text. Also it must be borne in mind that
Marshall's list of bad signs is not orthodox.

The names of the nakshatras are given in §§ 2 and 3 (see Note S),
and in § 3 they are classified as males (1-5 and 19-27), females
(6-8), and eunuchs (9-18). In § 77 the native's nakshatra is said
to indicate the form of his previous existence, and a list of animals
is given. The first of these corresponds to the name of the first
nakshatra Asvint {asva, a horse) to some extent; but the list, as
a whole, seems to have little astrological significance. See,
however, Brihat Samhita, xv. and § 88 of our text.

(b) Yogas . In § 82 is a list of yogas, and in § 84 are certain
rules connected with them. For early accounts of these ‘ yogas *
see Suvya Siddhdnta , xi., and Alblrum's India, ch. lxxix. Astro¬
nomically a yoga is the period during which the sum of the
longitudes of the Sun and Moon is increased by 13} 0 , or one

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

294

nakshatra. To determine the yoga Marshall gives in § 84 a
rule which may be expressed by 2.M + D=x mod 27, where M
is the number of months counting from Asvina, D is the number
of days, and x gives the number of the yoga according to the list
in § 82. There is some ambiguity here, but the following example
is given : 6th day of Phdlguna, 2x6 + 6 = 18, “ so that day the
18th Joog raigned.”

The usual rule is y =s +m =25 + izt, where 5 and m are the
longitudes of the Sun and Moon. Possibly Marshall's rule is
obtained from this in the way indicated in Note Q (a).

In § 84 it is stated that when certain yogas and nakshatras 1
“ meet " then it is unlucky. The rule may be expressed by

2 N -1 = Y mod 27,

which gives

N. =1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19, etc.
Y. =1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 2 4 6 8 10, etc.

K. THE POSITION OF THE MOON AT BIRTH

Marshall states (§ 12) that the Brahmans reckon “ by the Ross,
that is, the place of the Moon at the time of birth, so that if a
child be borne when the Moon is in < Y, his Ross is in c yV' In
§ 63 he writes, “ The Bramins account chiefly from the Burge
that raigned when the Native was borne and not so much from
the Ross," where by ** Burge" he, possibly, means the sign in
the ascendant. In these two conflicting statements we have two
schools of astrology represented. Whereas, generally, the funda¬
mental operation is the determination of the ascendant, in the
Hindu astrology, as set forth by Marshall, the fundamental
operation is the determination of the position of the Moon at
birth. The effect of a planet in this latter scheme depends upon
its position relative to the Moon's position at birth, and is in no
way dependent upon the ascendant or rising sign. The horoscope
is roughly adapted accordingly ; to the first house is allotted the
Moon's sign, and so on. Some of Marshall's tables are to be read
accordingly; but the influence of both schemes is at work, and
a certain amount of ambiguity ensues. In § 22 a special diagram
for the lunar system is given, but it is only a fanciful variation
of the ordinary rectangular diagram.

The origin of this lunar astrology is obscure. Varaha Mihira
does not mention it, Albiruni makes no reference to it, and some
modem Hindu works exclude it altogether. There is, possibly,
some connection with the ceremony of naming the child (see
Note N).

1 By “ nakshatra " is here meant the moon's nakshatra.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

295

L. DAS AS OR PLANETARY PERIODS

The system of Dasas, which is supposed to determine the period
of life ( dasa ), is not based upon any obvious astronomical prin¬
ciple. One scheme (that implied by Marshall) allots to the
planets 108 years, 1 distributed as follows :

Planets -Od<?gh 2 lS 3 $

Years - - 6 15 8 17 xo 19 12 21 = 108,

and is consequently called the Ashtottarzdasd. The scheme of
dasas and antardasas (subdivisions of the das as), partly exhibited
by Marshall in §§ 27, 29, 30, 45, 51, 54, 57, 70, 74, is more or less
orthodox, and is a modification of that given by Varaha Mihira
( BJ, vii. and viii.). The fundamental dasd periods are implied
111 § 54 > 7 ° and 74» and in § 29 are given the antardasas. No
explanation of how these figures are obtained is given by Marshall,
but the process is as follows. The year of 360 days is divided
amongst the planets in proportion to their dasas, and then each
of these results is similarly subdivided. If a lt a 2 , . . . a 8 be the
original dasas, b v b 2 , . . . b s the first sub-divisions, and c L x c 1 2 . . .
c Bt 8 the antardasas ; then b x = a 1 '2bj'S.a, b 2 =a^2bl^a, etc.;

c lt 1 =a^b 1 fZa, c 21 =a 2 & 1 /Sa, etc.; and c n r —c rn . For example
b 2 = 15 x 360/108 =50, i> 3 =8.4 x 360/108 =28, etc.; and

c s g =a z b-fio8 =8.4 x36/108=2.8 =2 days 48 ghatls .

The following table shows the results of these calculations :

Dasas in
years.

Days.

Antardasas

_

0

<c

-r

A.

B.

d.

g-

P-

d.

g- P-

d.

g*

P-

d.

g*

P-

0

6

6

20

1

6

40

2

46 40

1

33

20

3

6

40

m

15

15

50

2

46 40

6 56 40

3

53

20

7 4 6 4°

s

8

8-4

28 :

1

33

20

3

53 20

2

10

40

4

21

20

$

17

16*8

56

3

6

40

7 46 40

4

21

20

8

42

40

h

10

io*8

36

2

0

0

5

0 0

2

48

O

5

36

0

n

19

17-4

58

3

13

20

8

3 20

4

30

40

9

1

20

a

12

12*6

42

2

20

0

5

50 0

3

16

O

6

32

0

Q

T

21

21

70

3

53

20

9

43 20

5

26

40

10

53

20

108

108

360

20

0

0

50

0 0

28

O

O

36

0

0

1 Perhaps connected with the 108 novenaries. Pietro of Abano
(fourteenth century), who exploited eastern astrology, allots 120 years
as the maximum period of life, and divides this period among the seven
planets (Thomdyke, Hist. Magic and Exp. Science, ii. S94).

296

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

Dasas in

A ntar dasas.

years.

Days.

h

21

i 83

1 ?

A.

B.

d. g.

P-

d- 8-

P*

d.

g-

P-

d.

g- P-

0

6

6

20

2 0

0

3 13

20

2

20

0

3

53 20

(

15

15

50

5 0

0

8 3

20

5

50

0

9

43 20

$

8

8-4

28

2 48

0

4 3 °

40

3

16

0

5

26 40

$

17

16-8

56

5 36

0

9 1

20

6

32

0

10

53 20

h

10 1

io*8

36

3 36

0

5 48

0

4

12

0

7

0 0

n

I 9

17*4

58

5 48

0

9 20

40

6 46

0

11

16 40

a

12

12*6

42

4 12

0

6 46

0

4

54

0

8

10 0

$

21

21

70

7 0

0

11 16

40

8

10

0

13 36 4 °

108

108

360

36 0

0

58 0

0

42

0

0

70

0 0

The order of the planets is peculiar, but appears to be tradi¬
tional. 1 Column A shows the dasas as given in the text, but the
final results are not obtained by these values, but by those
shown in column B, which are not given in the text. Marshall
explains (§ 29) that the year is divided amongst the planets, and
that, for example, during the 20 days allotted to the Sun, “ all

1 The following rearrangements show some system :

Bad planets.

Good planets.

1- O ^

8. $ 21

6+21= 27

3 - <? 8

6. % 19

8 + 19= 27

5 - h

4 - 5 17

10 + 17= 27

7. s 12

2 <t 15

12 + 15= 27

36

72

36 + 72 =108

I- 0

6

8.

$

21

2 . (

15

7-

a

12

3 S

8

6.

n

*9

4- $

17

5-

h

IO

The planets are arranged alternatively " bad M and " good ’* on the
basis of the week-day order. To the " bad ” planets is allotted one-third
of the whole period, and two-thirds to the “ good ” planets. These
portions are distributed in arithmetical progression, with a common
difference of two.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX 297

the 7 Planets raigne and Dragon’s Head, though not equally . . .
alwayes beginning from the Sun entring that Ross that the Native
was of and reccon the first 20 days for the Sun, the next 50 dayes
for the Moon, and so of the rest.” Again (§ 45) “ If any particular
planet that raignes within the Sun’s 20 dayes be good and the
Sun be bad, yet the Sun shall do no hurt dureing the time that
good Planet raignes, but will after.” In § 57 is a rule 1 for
determining which planet is to be taken first, namely :

Age +nakshatra'=x mod 8,

and this is illustrated by the following example: Suppose the
party’s age is twenty and his birth nakshatra is Asvini , which is
the 26th from Krittikd , then 20+26 = 6 mod 8, so that Jupiter,
the 6th planet in the order given will come first, ” who will
first raigne his 58 dayes, then Q his 42 dayes, and so of the
rest.” This rule assumes that if the native were bom in
Krittikd the Sun -was dominant (see § 59) ; for at birth the rule is

nakshatra—x mod 8,

which determines the dasapatis ; for example, 12=4 mod 8 and
the planet is Mercury. 2

Marshall gives some applications of the system of dasds , but
he is not very lucid. In § 51 he states that Saturn shortens man’s
life according to a table of positions which is partly explained by
the following statement :

Signs -

b j

n

SI

Deductions -

10*

21

17

15

6

17

Dominants -

<?

9

9

<L

0

b

Their dasds -

8

21

17

15

6

17

Signs -

_

R

t

K

Deductions -

-

8

2i*

11 *

15*

24*

Dominants -

-

<?

21

h

h

21-

Their dasds -

-

8

19

IO

IO

19

Here the deductions to be made are, in most cases, the dasds
of the dominants or lords of the signs. Of the exceptions, which
are marked with asterisks, 10 is the das a of Saturn, the enemy of
Mars ; 21 is the dasd of Venus, the enemy of Jupiter; and 15
is the dasd of the moon. See also § 70, where the deductions

1 The Kalaprakasika gives the following rule : *' Count the nak-

shatras from Krittika to the birth nakshatra and divide by nine.”

2 See H. P. Chatterji’s Brihajjatakam of Vardha Mihira , p. 145, for a
different rule.

298 NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

are made if the planet be in the ascendant or in houses IV, VII
X, V or IX.

In § 54 is a similar table showing the deductions to be made
for each planet according to its position, which Marshall himself
explains on the basis that the planets given are the enemies of
the lords of the corresponding signs. This explanation, however,
is, as in the former table, only partly true, as the following
statement shows :

Signs -

b

n

QZ 5

si

m

Planets

s h

9* 2J.

*

9

£

C8

(

Their dasas -

O

w

H

21 19

15

17

12 10

\ 15

Deductions - !

12 IO

C\

H

W

N

15

17

12 10

15

Lords of signs

8

$

$

0

9

Their enemies

s h

4

<c

5

S 3 h

Signs -

R

t

n

CCS

H

Planets

4

O h

9 8 *

8 0

0

C8

1 9 0*

Their dasas -

19

12 IO

21 8

12 6

12 6

21 6

Deductions -

19

12 IO

21 4

12 6

5* 6

21 6

Lords of signs

9

8

4

h

h

4

Their enemies

4

s h

9

8 <?0

St 80

9

The deductions are in almost all cases the same as the dasas,
and in most cases the planets are the enemies of the lords of the
corresponding signs. The exceptions are marked with asterisks,
and of these the most notable is Venus, placed as the enemy of
its own domicile. The Sun as enemy of Jupiter also seems to
be a mistake. Rahu as enemy of Mars and Saturn may be
justified on the ground that it is also a malefic planet, but
Marshall’s other notes speak of Rahu as the enemy of the Sun
and Moon only (see Note F).

In § 52 the deduction to be made for Rahu is obtained by
multiplying the distance (in signs) of the particular sign from the
domicile of Rahu (TTJ?) by 3 ; 1 and to this is added the value for
Saturn given in § 51 ; the sum is deducted from 4 times the
circumference of the head ! The first part of the rule is also
given in § 48.

1 This rule gives results that differ from the table above (§ 54).

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

299

M. PERIOD OF LIFE

Besides the rules referred to in note L, which deals with Dasas,
Marshall gives certain other rules which are supposed to determine
the length of a person’s life. In § 64 the rule is

Age = 15.Y x 108 -4-60,

where ^ is a quarter of a nakshatra ( i.e . N is a navamsa) in
which the party was born, 108 is the maximum age, and 60 is
the time in ghatis the Moon is supposed to take to traverse a
nakshatra. In §§ 70 and 80 the same rule is given in the form

Age =ghatis x 108^60,

where the number of ghatis indicates the Moon’s position in the
nakshatra. 1 Here we have an example of a subdivision of the
circle of the heaven playing the part of the whole.

In § 81 the sign of the ascendant and the planets in that sign,
and the signs of the IVth, VII th, Xth, Vth and IXth houses are
evaluated according to their positions, the sum of these values
is multiplied by 108 and divided by 60, and the result is the
required age. The example given is : Libra is in the ascendant
and so are the planets Jupiter and the Sun. The solution is

O %

7 10 1 4113 1 5 Total 42,

and 42 x 108-^60 =75§ ; but an alternative answer is given,
namely, 42 x 12-Hio =50*4- 2 The signs, it will be seen, take their
values according to their natural order, and the planets according
to the week-day order.

In § 98 is an example of another kind, of the same nature as
those treated by Varaha Mihira in the Bnihai Jdtaka , chapter vi.

N. THE NAMING CEREMONY

Among the Hindus it is the custom, when naming a child, to
give it, besides the common name, a secret name that is usually
formed from that of the natal nakshatra. For example, the
name Rauhina is formed from the asterism Rohini . 3 Marshall
exhibits two schemes of this nature, one applied to the signs and
the other to the nakshatras (§§ 1, 5). In connection with the
former scheme he says, “To every one of these constellations
belong 2 syllables, by which the Hindoos know what house
predominates over a man, or of what house hee is of ” ; while
with reference to the latter he writes, " To every one of these

1 Compare Varaha Mihira, B J, vii. 10.

2 Should not this be 42 x 120-4-60 = 84 ?

3 L. D. Barnett, Ant. of India, p. 139*

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

300

Nachutturs belong 4 Monasyllibles, according to the sounds of
which they give their names to the children. ” The two schemes
are as follows :

Syllables allotted to the Signs

Aries

Taurus

Gemini

Cancer

Leo

Virgo

dal-la

Oo-bo

Coas-sah

Pah-ha

Mautta

Pottee

Libra

Scorpio

Sagittarius

Capricorn

Aquarius

Pisces

Rat-ta

Noojah

Dowpau

Cogha

Gussa

Do-sa

Marshall's transliteration makes it very difficult to tell what
were the original syllables ; but the next list is so much fuller
that it is, at least, possible partially to systematise the spelling :

Syllables allotted to the Nakshatras

3

a

i

u

e

17

na

m

nu

ne

4

0

ba

bi

bu

18

no

ja

ji

ju

5

be

be

ka

ki

19

je

jo

ba 1

bi 1

6

ku

GA

HU

CHA

20

bu

DA

PA

HA

7

ke

ko

ha

hi

21

be

bo

ja

ji

8

hu

he

ho

da

22

ju

je

jo

ka

9

di

du

de

do

23

ko

ki

ku

ke

10

ma

mi

mu

me

24

ga

gi

gu

ge

11

mo

ta

ti

tu

25

go

sa

si

su

12

te

to

pa

pi

26

se

so

do

di

13

pu

KO

NO

TA

27

du

TO

JI

GI

14

pe

po

ra

ri

28

de

do

cha

chi

15

ru

re

ro 1

ta

1

chu

che

cho

la

16

ti

tu

te

to

2

li

lu

le

lo

This rearrangement of the list shows, to some extent, how it
was built up. There are five vowels which occur independently
once, and attached in turn to each of 19 consonants, and thus
5+5^19=100 syllables are accounted for. The remaining
12 places are filled up by what may be tentatively termed odd
syllables, placed symmetrically (and indicated by capital letters
in the above table). Although the table has now been made
a symmetrical one, Marshall's transliterations still disguise the
scheme, and there is still doubt as to the original consonants.
The 19 consonants and 5 vowels suggests a western alphabet,
and so, perhaps, does the sign scheme, but the suggestion is, at
least, of doubtful value. 2 There is obviously some connection
between the sign syllables and the nakshatra syllables, but there

1 There appear to be mistakes at these places in the MS.

* The Mathematic of Alhandrus (tenth century) explains how to
determine under which manzil ( nakshatra ) any one was bora by a
numerical calculation of the value of his name. Thomdyke, Hist.
Magic and Exp . Science , i. 713.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

301

is difficulty in coordinating the scale of signs with 28 nakshatras.
The table that follows does, however, show a real connection
between the two schemes.

Signs.

Letters.

Nakshatras.

Letters.

d-1

28-2

d-1

8

u-b

3-5

u-b

rr

k-s

5-7

k-k

2 Z 5

d-h

7-9

h-d

SI

m-t

10-12

m-t

w

p-t

12-14

t-p

=0=

r-t

I4-16

r-t

n-j

17-19

n-j

t

d-p

19-21

b-p

n

k-gh

21-23

j-fc

g-s

24-26

g-s

X

d-s

26-28

s-d

O. THE CALENDAR, Etc.

In § 88 extracts from an Indian almanack are given, and in
other places a certain amount of information connected wdth the
calendar is given. Various eras are correctly equated as follows :

Year of Age of the

a.d. Aurangzeb. Vikrama. Saka. Kali, world in 1670.

1672 15th 1729 1594 4773 3,892,771

The last value is obtained by adding together the periods for
the Krita, Treta, Dvapara and Kali (expired) yugas (see § 108).

The year is said to begin on 4th March, 167J; 1 and 1st January,
167J, is equated with " 19th Rowson ' {Ramazan, but it should
be nth).

The length of the year is given as 360 days (but these are
saura days) ; as 372 days, on the ground “ always in 2J yeares
they ad one month beeing 30 dayes " (§§ in and 114) ; and
ordinarily 365 days (§ in). These statements about length of
the year may be taken as a measure of Marshall's comprehension
of Hindu astronomy; 2 and his remark on the tit hi (§ 93) are of
the same type. See note to § nr.

The month is counted from full Moon to full Moon and is
therefore Pumimanta (§ 88) ,* but it is explained in § 113 that the
Hindus have four kinds of months, namely (1) full Moon to full

1 In the amanta system the lunar year began on 19th March, 167^ ;
but in the pumimanta system the new year may be counted from the
previous full moon, which took place (with an eclipse) on the evening of
3rd March.

2 For an account of the length of the Hindu year see Hindu. Astronomy,
p. 60 sqq. ; Sewell and Dikshit's Indian Calendar , p. 6 sqq., etc.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

302

Moon, (2) new Moon to new Moon, (3) first quarter to first quarter,
(4) the Sun’s time in a sign. The third kind, which Marshall calls
f Omnoos,” is not known to me. The Sanskrit (§ 83), Arabic'(§ 112)
and Persian (§112) names of the months are given. See Note S.

The positions of the planets on the 1st and 4th January, 167$,
together with their daily motion are given in § 11 and § 55 :

Daily

motions.

Longitudes on

Pillai's
tables for
4th Jan.,

Periods.

1st Jan.,
167^

4th Jan.,
167J.

Saturn -

120"

30 years

O / // ///

328 23 O O

0 * a

328 54 0

0 /

325 24

Jupiter -

259 "

12 ,,

133 15 II 18

135 0 0

148 52

Mars

1200"

257 10 0 0

260 0 0

220 42

Sun

3600"

1

272 000

276 0 0

275 12

Venus

3600"

I M

256 000

260 00

—

Mercury -

4500"

7*2 months

268 15 0 0

275 0 0

2 88 18

Moon

47400"

27 days

43 20 0 0

90 0 0

—

Ascending
node -

160"

18 years

33 ° 1 5 0

358 36 40

344 12

The " daily motions ” are for Saura days, and should be multi¬
plied by 0-9856 to reduce them to civil days. The periods are
rough approximations only. In order to make them equivalent
to European longitudes, 18-5 degrees should be added to Indian
longitudes of a.d. 1672.

On the first of Vaisakha the Sun enters Aries (§83). The
shortest day is when the Sun enters Capricorn, and the longest
when it enters Cancer; and the equinoxes occur when the Sun
is in the 13th degree of Pisces and Virgo (§ 79). A rule is given
for determining the length of the day, which goes back to the
time of the Jyotisha Vedanga (see Hindu A sty on. p. 81). This
rule may be expressed by

length of day = (255 + £(180 - n )) -m o ghatis
= 25j + (i8o -w)-r2o ghatis,

where 25 J ghatis is the length of the shortest day ; n the number
of days counting from a solstice, and ^ ghati or 3 palas is the
daily change in the length of the day. 1 An example finds the
length of the equinoctial days thus :

.. ( 2 55 +i(*8o- (73 + 17))) —10=30 ghatis,

where the 17 is added to correct the displacement of the equinoxes.

1 This value, 3 palas, is given in the Paitdmaha Siddhanta. The rule
applies, roughly, to a latitude of about 28^ degrees.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

3°3

P. THE TIME OF THE DAY

In § 125 is a description of a Hindu clepsydra, 1 and in the same
paragraph, and also in paragraphs 116,120,121 and 122, are rules
for calculating the time of the day by the shadow. These rules
are:

§ 122

-

- t = 120 -r (shadow + 6)

§116 -

-

- t — 144 -i- (shadow + 7)

§ 120

-

- t = 144 -r (shadow + 7)

§ 121

-

- t = 20-shadow.

The first three are of the type of rule given by Mahavrra
(Ganita-sdra-samgraha, ix. 8) and others, which may be expressed
by t =30g-r-2(g+s), where g is the height of the gnomon.

In §121 g + s is constant and t—g . In §119 Marshall gives
a method of finding the time by finger divination.

Q. CALCULATIONS

Marshall's calculations may be divided into two classes,
namely, those that are based upon or connected with some
astronomical principle, and those that are connected with no
scientific principle whatever. In no case is a calculation given
by Marshall a perfectly sound one ; usually the data are defective,
and the result either a rough approximation or altogether in¬
accurate. Examples have already been given in notes H, J,
L, M, O, P.

(a) To find the Moon's nakshatra. The rule given in § 83 may
be expressed by

Increase in Longitude of Moon =(2M+D) 13^ degrees ,
where M is the number of the current month counting from
Kdrtikka, and D is the number of the current day counting from
full Moon. As an example illustrating the rule, the 12th day
from full Moon in Phdlguna is said to give (2x5 +12) nakshatras,
i.e. the Moon is in the 22nd nakshatra.

The rule seems to have been evolved thus: In a civil day the
Moon moves through *988 nakshatras , and in a synodic month
through 29-1815 nakshatras approximately. The increase in
longitude in M months and D days is therefore

M (29 * 1815) +D (-988) nakshatras approximately.

For whole nakshatras M 29 + !) = M2-4-D mod 27 is a rough
solution.

(b) The same rule is given in § 90 for the purpose of deter¬
mining cf what Gurry it (the Moon) leaves the Nachetter,” with
the same example and the same answer, namely, “ that the

1 See Hind. Astron. p. 67.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

304

22nd Gurry from Sunrise the Moon left that Nachuttur.” The
same principle as in the previous rule is here involved; but the
constants should be different.

(c) In § 85 certain names are allotted to the days and nights
of the week, but most of these names are unrecognisable. In
§ 85 (a) is a rule for determining which of these names is that of
the dominant of the day or night. The rule may be expressed by
2M + T+Dt=s% mod 7, 1 where M is the month counted from
Chaitra, T is the " age of the Moon/’ and D is the number of the
day of the week. For Chaitra 10th Wednesday Marshall gets
2 xi + (io + i5)+4==3 mod 7* This gives the dominant of the
day, but for night time the month is to be counted from Bhddra -
pada.

(d) A rule to determine the planet ruling the nakshatra is given
in § 39, but it is obviously defective, even according to Marshall’s
standard. As far as understood it can be expressed by

4 S+D=x mod 9,

where S is the distance in signs between the natal sign and the
sign of the Moon, D the day of the week, and 9 is the number of
planets in the following order : O. ([.<?»& 2 |., $, h, S 3 , S .

(e) In §§ 34 and 75 is the following rule,

S n + S 3>=* mod 3 >

where S n is the natal house (sign), and is the house (sign) of
the planet. According as # =0, 1 or 2 the influence of the planet
is modified. 3

(/) In §68 we have S+ 9+ £>==# mod 6, where 5 is “the
shadow ” expressed in feet, and D is the number of days since
full Moon. If x be odd then the man on the right will be
victorious. See also § 97.

1 The Kdlaprakdsika gives a similar rule, namely, " Count the
nakshatras from the Janma nakshatra (i.e. the Moon’s nakshatra at
birth) to the ruling nakshatra of the day, and add the number denoted
by the ruling tithi, and also that denoted by the day of the week, and
the number of the rising sign counted from Aries ; and divide the total
by eight.”

2 Presumably the 15 is added because T is counted from full moon
instead of new moon.

3 Similar rules are given in ch. xxxix. of the Kdlaprakdsika .

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

R. THE DIVISIONS OF THE DAY

V

% 3 °S

The measures of the day given in §§ 58, 111, 117, 122 are
shown in the following table :

Bepull

(Vipala).

Saut
(Prana).

Pull

(Pala).

Gurry

(Ghatl).

Day.

Vipala -

1

_

_

_

Prana -

10

1

,

_

_

Pala

60

6

I

_

_

Ghatl -

3600

360

60

1

_

Day

216000

21600

3600

60

1

The above measures are normal. In § 58 it is stated that
4 ** Joojons ” make one Pull, i.e. one “ Joojon " equals 6 seconds ;
and in § 115 " some say that 4 Pollucks make one Bepull (Vipala),”
but in § 24 a “ polluck ” seems to be the same as a pala ; and
§14 gives 4 “ pollucks ” = 1 ghatl. The day and night are each
divided into four '* Purrs ” {prahara , a watch), which vary in
length throughout the year (§ 122). In § 6, however, the prahara
seems to be considered as a fixed quantity.

S. TERMINOLOGY

The following lists should enable the reader to find the equi¬
valents of most of the technical terms used in the text, but
Marshall seldom spells an Indian term twice in the same way.

(a) Signs.

MS.

Sanskrit.

MS.

Sanskrit .

cp

Meas

Mesha

=2= Tulla

Tula

Bris

Vrisha

Tl\ Bissea

Vrischika

n

Mettun

Mithuna

f Downe

Dhanus

2ZS

Corcut

Karkata

Muckur

Makara

SI

Sing

Simha

Cumb

Kumbha

w

Cunne

Kanya

X Min

Mina

( b ) Planets,

MS.

MS.

h

Saturn

£ Mercury

2 J. Jupiter

([ Moon

c?

Mars

8 Dragon's Head, or Rahu

0

Sun

S Dragon’s Tail, or Keiu

$

Venus

M-M. U

306

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

(c) Nakshatras.

MS.

Sanskrit.

MS.

Sanskrit.

i. Assonee

A 3 vinl

16. Bissauka

Visakha

2. Burro m

Bharani

17. Unrada

Anruadha

3. Kirtigar

Krittika

18. Gesta

Jyeshtha

4. Rohonee

Rohini

19. Mulla

Mula

5. Mergusshera Mriga^ira

20. Poorbokar

Purva-

6. Addrah

Ardra

Ashadha

7. Ponorbosho

Punarvasu

21. Uttara

Uttara-

8 . Pussha

Pushya

Ashadha

9. Osshela

A^lesha

22. Srawonoh

Sravana

10. Mogga

Magha

23. Donista

Bhanishtha

11. Purbulgoni

Purva-

24. Suttawick

Satataraka

Phalgunl

25. Poorbawdra Purva-

12. Utturpulgoni Uttara-

Bhadrapadj

Phalguni

26. Utterbawda Uttara-

13. Husta

Hasta

Bhadrapadi

14. Chuttree

Chitra

27. Rebutee

Revati

15. Swatty

Svati

(d) Yogas.

MS.

Sanskrit.

MS.

Sanskrit.

1. Becombe

Vishkambha

15. Buderah

Vadra

2. Preet

PritI

16. Siddee

Siddhi

3. Jivoconon

Jlvaka *

17. Billeepaut

Vyatipata

4. Sowbaug

Saubhagya

18. Burreaum

Vanyas

5. Sobun

Sobhana

19. Purregur

Parigha

6. Etgund

Atiganda

20. Sea

Siva

7. Saecormaw

Sukarman

21. Sid

Siddha

8. Breet

Dhriti

22. Saud

Sadhya

9. Sool

Sula

23. Sub

Subha

10. Gund

Ganda

24. Sookul

Sukla

11. Breed

Vriddhi

25. Burmah

Brahman

12. Durbea

Dhruva

26. Indroo

Indra 1

13. Ghaut

Vyaghata

27. By Dreet

Vaidhriti

14. Hereon

Harshana

* Jlvaka =

Ayushmat

(e) Hindu Months.

MS.

Sanskrit.

MS.

Sanskrit.

1. Cawteck

Kartikka

7. Bysauk

Vaisakha

2. Aggon

Margasirsha

8. Jeat

Jyeshtha

[Aghran]

9. Aggot

Ashadha

3. Poos

Pausha

10. Sowun

Sravana

4. Maug

Magha

11. Bawdoo

Bhadrapada

5. Pawgoon

Phalguna

12. Assin

Alvina

6. Coheit

Chaitra

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

307

(/) Muhammadan Months.

MS.

Arabic.

MS.

Persian.

1. Mohorrum

Muharram

1. Forwardee

Farvardin

2. Suffer

Safar

2. Ardebehist

Ardabahasht

3. Rabbenewdull Rabi'al awwal

3. Chordaud

Khordad

4. Rabbesouned

Rabi'al sanl

4. Teer

TIr

5. Jemelowull

Jamadi

5. Merdaud

Mordad

al-awwal

6. Sharrowar

Shahrivar

6. Jemedusenne

Jamadi al-sani

7. Meehr

Mihr

7. Rod jab

Rajab

8. Awboh

Aban

8. Shawbawne

Sha'ban

9. Auzor

Azar

9. Rowson

Ramazan

10. Dy

Dae

10. Shavwall

Shawwai

11. Bawmun

Bahman

11. Judcawd

Zi qad

12. Jefindar

Asfendarmad

12. Julleedge

Zl‘l hijja [Zilhij]

The following notes are suppleynentary to those already given.
They follow the text as printed , section by section.

1. The names of the signs here given (see note S (a) ) are not used
in any other place in the MS. The signs are generally indicated
by the usual symbols. The syllables attached to the signs are
dealt with in note N. A note on Nilcunt is given on p. 317.

2. The nakshatras are dealt with in note J, and a list of them is
given in note S (c). The nakshatras as wives of the Moon is an
ancient tradition (see Hindu Astronomy, p. 106}.

3. The list of nakshatras here again given is really the same
as that in § 2. The equation is 2J nakshatras—1 sign (not house).
For meanings of " Burge ” and ” Ross ” see note D.

4. See note J. By “ house ” sign is meant. See also § 6.

5. '* Other Manuscripts.” The reference is to § 2. ” Chum ”

= Sk. char ana, “ a quarter.” See note N on naming the child, etc.

6. The equation between the signs and nakshatras is also given
in §§ 3 and 4. See note J. The length of the sidereal month
here given (27 days) is, of course, only an approximation. The
Hindus had, from early days, very accurate values of the commoner
astronomical elements. A " pur ” (Sk. prahara, a watch) is
ordinarily of variable length, there being 8 in a day of 24 hours.
See § 122 and note R. The extra nakshatra is Abhijit , which
comes between Ashadha and Sravana. See note J and the list
in note S (c ).

7. The seventh house is concerned with marriage. See note E,
and §§ 12, 24, 32, 33, 67, 72.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

308

8. This list of good nakshatras does not agree very well with
other statements. See §§ 15, 40, 49 and 91, and note J.

9. See notes B and I. Marshall's difficulty is probably the
result of his using the symbol of signs for houses.

10. See §§ 37, 44 and 54, and note F. Marshall does not appear
to be quite consistent on the topic of hostile planets. See note
to § 54.

11. The places of the planets are also given for the 1st January,
167^, in § 55, and the two statements are compared in note 0.
There is obviously here no pretension to great accuracy either
in the places of the planets or their periods. Job Chamock’s
scheme cannot apply to the same time as that of the Brahman's.

12. See notes D and G for the definition of “ Ross." The table
should probably be read as applying to houses and not signs.
When the planet is in the same house as the Moon at birth the
effects are given in the first row, when it is in the next house from
the Moon in the second row, and so on. Each row is generally
concerned with those topics connected with the particular house
as given in note E, etc. Beyond this the table does not lend
itself to simple analysis. But see note F.

13. The references are to §§ 5 and 8. See note E. The same
subject is dealt with more fully in § 23. The sixth house is the
house of " bad fortune " or " sickness," and the twelfth is also
a house of " bad fortune" or "enmity," in certain western
schemes.

14. This is an incomplete list of domiciles and exaltations. See

the table in note C. Read “ ^ friend to See §§24 and 50.

15. This table is explained, as far as it is possible, in note J (a).

16. See note C, on signs. The classification appears to be
based upon the assumption that the domiciles of the malefic
planets (P3, O) are " had," but this does not account for X
being bad. However, to Marshall X is equivalent to the twelfth
house, which is unlucky in most schemes.

17. See note F, and note to § 72 (a).

18. That is, when all the planets are in " exaltation " (a very
rare occurrence !). See note F. The orthodox Hindu rule is
*' A king is bora when three or more planets are in their exalted
houses." See Varaha Mihira, Brihaj-jataka, xi.

19. " Colljoog " =kali yuga ; Bahutter " =?.

20. " Burmere " = Brahman ; '* Lunka " = Lanka ; “ Hor-

dowar " —Hardwar ; perhaps " Byas " —Maya. For the tradi¬
tion compare with Surya Siddhdnta, L 10.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

3°9

21. This is supplemented in § 66. See note Ion" Aspects/'

22. These diagrams are only fanciful variations of that in § 8,
or rather of that given in note B, and have no special value.

23. See § 13, and notes E and F.

24. See note G. I cannot discover the process by which the
figures in column 1 are arrived at. The total is nearly 34 days,
but there is at least one mistake, for, according to the text,
5 pollucks should be 50 pollucks. The entries under Q and ((
are largely concerned with topics connected with the houses. See
also the note to § 12.

25. The table of “ lords " of signs at the bottom is orthodox.
These are the domiciles of the planets, or the signs {not houses)
ruled by the planets. See notes D and F.

26. This table, which is hardly intelligible, is discussed in note H.
The number of stars allotted to each sign has, apparently, no
astrological signification.

27. See also §§ 29, 30, 45, 51, 54, 74. The subject of Dasas
or planetary periods is dealt with in note L. The division of the
year into 360 parts does not imply a year of 360 days. See Hindu
Astronomy, p. 57.

28. The list of planetary colours is orthodox. See note F.

29-30. Continuation of § 27. See note E.

31. (a) The influence of the planets on meteorology is a very
old theme. The basis of the rules is, in western astrology, the
following classification of the planets :

Saturn -

-

- Cold and dry.

Jupiter

-

- Warm and humid.

Mars

-

- Hot and dry.

Sun

- ,

- Hot.

Venus -

-

- Cold and humid.

Mercury

-

- Indifferent.

Moon -

-

- Humid.

(b) Compare with § 23. All three of the planets are malefic,
and & is particularly concerned with fighting (§ 17).

32. (a) Marshall recurs to this theme on several occasions.
See §§ 7, 67. The seventh house represents " marriage " in all
schemes.

33. The table connects planets and houses (not signs). It is
discussed in note G. Except under T7, where topics peculiar to
houses V, VII, IX and X are mentioned, the table classifies the
effects simply as “ good/’ “ bad " or “ medium." Numbers XII
and VIII are thoroughly “ bad," and numbers I and IV come

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

3x0

next in order of “ badness." The order of “ goodness” is
XI, X, VII, VI, III.

34. The rule is given in note Q (e). Similar rules are given in
the Kalaprakasika.

35. The Moon's modifying influence on malefic planets is
orthodox. The application of the Antardasas (see note L) to
general astrological problems is in accordance with tradition.

36. The allotment of so many weapons to each planet appears
to have no sanction, but see Hindu Astron. p. 112.

37. This is a list of planetary domiciles and of planets hostile
to each other (see note F). See also §§ 10 and 54 for hostile
planets, and §§ 14, 24, 25, 48 and 50 for domiciles. Rahu, is
mentioned in §§ 10, 48 and 50.

38. The rule is dealt with in note H. It occurs also in § 69.

39. The phrase “ 9th nachutter from <Y> or 8th from y ” is
meaningless, and possibly should read " 9th Ross from &c.”
Apart from this there is so much ambiguity about the data that
little can be made of the rule. See note Q ( d ).

40. See note J (a). This list of bad nakshatras is subordinated
to the rule in § 39.

41. The information here given may be compared with that
given in §§ 12 and 62. The planets mentioned are all malefics.
The reference is to § 38. See note H.

42. This is not properly astrological but is akin to the system of
Gematria. See note Q, and for other similar rules see §§ 34, 35, 68.
Similar rules are found in patristic writings, etc.

43-44. See note H.

45. This appears to sum up the salient points already discussed,
but it is not very illuminating.

46. See note E.

47. See note C. The signs are here quite orthodoxly arranged
in trigons or triplicities.

Trigons.

Elements,

1 . T

5- SI

9 . t

Fire.

2 . y

6 . IT*

10 . n

Earth.

3- n

7. —

IX. SS5

Air.

4. SZ 5

8. TI^

12. X

Water.

48. (Rahu) £5 is said to be lord of Virgo—on what authority is
not known. The rule is dealt with in note L ; it is given again
in§ 52.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

3 ii

49 - See note J, which gives some explanation of this table.
Presumably the ghatzs refer to the time the Moon spends in each
nakshatra, which is supposed to be uniformly equal to 60 ghatls
(24 hours). The notion that a single nakshatra (or other division
of the ecliptic) could, in a minor degree, possess the astrological
characteristics of the whole circle was not unknown in the West.
See also §§ 64 and 76, and note M.

50. This is the normal table of domiciles of the planets, also
in § 48 is added S 3 as lord of TTf. See notes C and F.

51. See note L.

5 2 - The part of this rule that assumes that a person’s age
depends upon the size of his head is repeated in § 54, and the
remaining part in § 48.

54. See note L, and for the head measurement rule see also § 52.
Incidentally a table of hostile planets is given ; but Venus as its
own enemy is surely a mistake, and Q as the enemy of the lords
of T and (i.e. of £ and T7) is not given elsewhere, although
perhaps justifiable.

55-56. The places of the planets are dealt with in note O,
and also §11. The pretence at extreme accuracy in the case of
Jupiter is curious. In note O the positions of the planets are
compared with those given in L. D. S. Pillai’s Indian Ephemeris.

57. See note L, and also § 59. Possibly the “ Lord of the year
following ” is only ad hoc. The ordinary lord of the year is
determined quite differently.

58. The term “ joojon ” ( = J pala =6 seconds) is doubtful.
The reference to the motion of the Sun is not understood, but
according to Indian tradition the mean daily motion of the
Sun is 1200 yojanas. Generally " course ” stands for Kos (Sk.
krosa), which equals about 2.\ miles.

59. See note L, and § 57.

60. See notes D and K. Perhaps “ Burge ” is for varga .

61. See note B. The real object of this table is the deter¬
mination of the longitudes of the ascendant (lagna) and the
other cusps. The figures given indicate the periods of rising of
the signs for a latitude of about 24 degrees.

62. Compare with § 12, and see note G. It will be observed
that §§ 12 and 62 are practically the same, but it appears that § 12
is for use with the “ Ross ” (? the Moon’s sign at birth), and
§ 62 with the Burge (? the sign of the Ascendant). In both cases
the powers of “ houses ” are employed, e.g. (i) Sickness, (ii)

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

312

Riches, (iii) Brothers, (iv) Parents, etc., etc. See note E. Here,
as in § 33, etc., the “ best " houses are XI, X, etc.

63. This seems to imply that they rejected such innovations as
the lunar horoscope. See note D.

64. See note M, and §§ 70 and 80, where the rule is repeated in a
slightly different form.

65. See note E. In classical astrology the Sun and Mercury
are rather indiferent, and partake of the nature of the planets
they are associated with. This is exemplified for Mercury in § 23.

66. See note I.

67. For the connection between the seventh house and " mar¬
riage ” see note E, and §§ 7, 32.

The Moon and Venus, being female 1 and humid planets, are
said to be favourable to marriage; and so, to some extent, is
Jupiter (also humid). Mercury is generally considered indifferent.
See §31.

68. See note Q (/). The shadow as an instrument of magic is
not unknown, but its combination with the age of the Moon is
curious.

69. The same rule is given in § 38. See note H.

70. See §§ 64 and 80, and notes L and M. The numbers attached
to the planets are the dasas.

71. The statement seems to imply that about one-third of the
population die in foreign countries ! Possibly it is an echo of the
ancient rule which makes the planets in the apoklimata (cadent
houses) influence journeying.

72. [a) The application of astrology to journeys and voyages
receives special treatment in many Hindu works on astrology,
from the time of Varaha Mihira onwards. In classical western
astrology the Sun, and, more particularly, the Moon in the
apoklimata (houses III, VI, IX, XI), and above all in the seventh
house, foretell frequent voyages. In Marshall's notes the only
planet governing travel is said to be Venus (§ 17); but the malefic
planets <J, O. 8) induce travel in certain positions ; e.g. the
Sun in houses V, IX and XII; Rahu in III, VIII, X; Mars in I
and Saturn in XI. Also those born in II, VI, VIII or X wil
die in foreign countries. The houses (or signs, for Marshal
makes no distinction) not concerned in travel are IV (szy) anc
VII (=£=). See §§ 12, 17, 23, 24, 27, 71.

(6) Most of these statements are applications of the theory
of aspects, and may be read thus :

1 In India both Venus and the Moon are, as deities, males.
Hindu Astronomy , p, 111.

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX 313

Planets -

—

h

—

in Houses

II

III

VI

from -

—

3

—

will cause death of

—

Brothers
& sisters

Mother

Children

—

Planets -

8

0

h

h

—

—

in Houses

VII

VIII

IX

X

XI

XII

from -

$

h

Asc.

0

—

—

will cause death of

(Wife)

Native

Uncle

Father

—

—

It will be noted that houses II, VI, XI and XII here have no
aspects (see note I) ; also that the entries in the bottom row
generally correspond to those in the table of houses in note E.
The entity placed within brackets is not a case of death, but may
be read as unfavourable to the first wife ! In the top row ‘ M '
stands for 4t any malefic planet.”

73. In note E it is explained that the first column here exhibits
the signs of exaltation , that is the signs in which the planets
acquire their maximum power. The second column, however,
is not the usual list of depressions (signs opposite to the corre¬
sponding exaltations) but is a list of domiciles of hostile planets
(Taurus as the depression of Mars being an exception, or error).

74. See note L.

75. See note Q (e).

76. See note E.

77. See note J.

78. The rule is of little value, but is of some interest. The
events foretold or the answers to questions are to have effect
after periods which are multiples of the house numbers, thus :

Houses

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

Multiples

1

3

3

1

2

3

Periods

1

6

9

4

IO

18

Houses

- VII

VIII

IX

X

XI

XII

Multiples

1

3

3

1

3

3

Periods

7

24

27

10

33

36

See note E, and also § 91.

314

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

79. See note O.

80. See §§ 64, 70, and note M.

81. See note M. Of the data in the example “ £3 in tE
appears to be ignored in the solution. See also § 77. .

82. For the Yogas see notes J (b) and S (d). The Pythagorean
sum 27+27 + 6 = 60 is rather forced. The Hindus do not usually
speak of six planets.

83. See note Q (a) for the rule, and note S ( e) for the list of
months ; and, for the remark about the vernal equinox, note 0.

84. See note J ( b ).

85. So far most of the names have not been identified. Numbers
4, 5 and 6 in the second column appear to be three consecutive
names of the Brihaspati cycle, namely Nandana , Vijaya and
Jaya. From the example that follows ‘it appears that the list
gives the names of the lords of the days and nights of the week.
See note Q ( c ).

86. Not understood. The only figures used are 2, 5, 8, 11, 14,
which are in arithmetical progression. If the signs be arranged in
order as domiciles of the planets some system is apparent. Thus :

Each

Planets. Domiciles. gets, spends.

T*

YS ®

14

11

21

t X

II

5

3

T Tig

8

14

?

8 ===

2

8

$

n m.

5

2

O

SI

2

11

(

S3

14

2

It is possible that the ,f 11 ” under £1 is Marshall’s mistake
for “ 14.”

87. The Moon’s ascending and descending nodes (Caput
Draconis and Cauda Draconis) are not mentioned by their Hindu
names (Rdhu and Ketu) by Marshall. Ptolemy ignored these
fictitious planets, but Tertullian speaks of their astrological
influence. In Hindu astrology they are not quite firmly esta¬
blished. Neither of them is classed as a planet by Varaha
Mihira in his Brihaj Jataka, but both are called planets in his
Brihat Samhitd and also in the Y djfiavalkyasmriti . Marshall
occasionally introduces $3 (Rdhu) but 83 (Ketu) only once. In
Hindu planetary worship, however, both of them occur, and nearly
always are given in the sets of planetary figures. See JASB.
vol. xvi. plates vii.-xii.

88. See note O for the astronomical details of this almanack. *

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX 31$

See also Sewell and Dikshit’s The Indian Calendar , pp. 14 and 15,
for an extract from a Panchdnga . See also §§ no and in.

The lord of the year is generally the lord of the first day of the
year, bnt Mars does not seem to fit in with Marshall’s data. See
note O. However, 19th March, 167J, the first day of the lunar year,
was a Tuesday. The prognostics for a year ruled by Mars are
given in the Brihat Samhitd (xix. 7-9), but they do not agree very
well with our text. According to the Kdlaprakasika the lord of the
day on which the Sun enters Aries is the lord of the year; the lord
of the day on which the Sun enters Taurus is the Diwan ; the lord
of the day on which it enters Sagittarius is the lord of com, etc.

The objects to be sacrificed to mitigate sickness connected with
the nakshatras may be compared with a similar list for planets
in § 28 ; and also with the list of objects allotted to the asterisms
in the Brihat Samhitd (xv).

" Oramshawe ” —Aurangshah, i.e. Aurangzeb.

" Beecremodgit ” = Vikramdditya. “ Sicca ”=z£aka.

90. See note Q ( b ).

91. See also § 80. The fatal nakshatras in § 91 are numbers 2,
6, 10, 13, 19, 25. Compare with lists in §§ 15, 40, 49, and see
note J {a). The rule is similar to that in § 78.

92. " Crisson Putch ” = Krishna paksha ; " Soocol Putch 17

=£ukla paksha.

93. “ Teet 77 —tithi. A tit hi is the time during which the Moon
increases her distance from the Sun by 12 degrees. It varies in
length by about two hours, and there are 360 tithis to 354 civil
days approximately ; therefore a tithi may begin and end on the
same day, or it may occupy the whole of one day and parts of two
others. A tithi on which the Sun does not rise is expunged, and
a tithi on which the Sun rises twice is repeated (hence Marshall’s
note). Generally there are 13 omitted and 7 added" tithis in a
year (Sewell and Dikshit, The Indian Calendar , pp. 3, 18). The
tithi which ends at the moment of full Moon is termed purnimd.
Sometimes the last tithi is called by the name of the month of
which it marks the end, and sometimes by the name of the
following month. See also § 111 and the note thereon.

94. See note F. Marshall’s remark is explained by the following
comparison :

Planets

21

<?■

0

$

s

<L

Directions—
Marshall -

w.

N.

S.

E.

E.

S.

w.

Brihaj- Jd -
taka, ii. 5

w.

N.E.

S.

E.

S.E.

N.

N.W.

3 x6 NOTES ON CHAPTER IX

95. See §§ 1 and 5, and note N.

96. This is not astrological, but in early times chiromancers
allotted to the planets certain parts of the hand, e.g. to Saturn
the little finger (4th), to the Sun the ring finger (3rd), to Mercury
the middle finger (2nd), and to Mars the index finger (1st) (A.
Bouchd-Leclercq, Astrologie grecque , p. 313).

97. Another example of the magic shadow. See note Q (/).

98. The data are ambiguous, but this rule, at least, suggests
the Locus fortunae of Western astrologers or the aphetic places of
Ptolemy (the hyleg of the Arabs). It would be out of place here
to attempt to explain these theories, on which few authorities
agree. Briefly, the place of fortune is that distance from the
ascendant that the Moon is from the Sun, or 360° less that distance.
Ptolemy’s aphetic places are the Ascendant, counting from 5 degrees
above the horizon, the tenth, eleventh or ninth house. The
significator is the Sun, Moon, the Locus fortunae or the Ascendant
in an aphetic place; and the duration of life is equal to the
number of degrees between the aphetic place and the MC (i.e. the
hour angle of the significator).

99-101. These notes on meteorology call for little remark.
“ Metchlepatam ”=Masulipatam, “ Pattana ”= Patna.

103. A simple trick of a well-known type, a variation of which
was given by Bachet de Mdziriac in 1612.

104. The rule may be represented by (i 6 n+nr)-rnrzzi 6 [r + i,
where n is the number of rupees and r the rate of interest in annas
per rupee.

105. This problem occurs in Mahavlra’s Sarasangraha , vi.
289 and 328. If n be the number of outside arrows then, according
to Mahavlra, the total number is ((n+3) 2 +3)-ri2.

106-107. Trivial problems.

108. See note O.

109. " Becramogee ”=Vikrama. a.d. 1671 = 1728 Vikramaera.
The 360 days may be a reference to saura days. See Hindu
Astronomy , p. 57.

no. See note O.

" Teetah "^Treta ; " Doopor ’’ —Dvapara ; " Coljoog ,} ^=Kali’
yuga.

in. See notes O and R. The Hindus reckon in solar months
varying in length from 29 d. 7 h. 38 m. to 31 d. 15 h. 28 m.; and
in lunar months varying in length from 29 d. 7 h. 20 m. to 29 d.
19 h. 30 m. Thus in a lunar month it will often happen that no
solar month begins, and, more rarely, there will be two such

NOTES ON CHAPTER IX 317

beginnings. In the former case a lunar month is added, and in
the latter one is omitted. There are usually 7 intercalations
in 19 years, while suppressions occur at intervals from 19 to
141 years (averaging about 1 in 60 years). See also § 93 and the
note thereon. Marshall's calculation was 12x30+30/2^=372.
See Panchasiddhantika, xii, 1.

112. See notes O and S. Apparently the date should be " nth
day of Ramazan."

113. See note O. “ Poor Massee *’ = Purnamasi, the day of full
Moon. f ‘ Chandraine' 1 = Chandra , the Moon. '' Sincrant'' = Sam -
krdmti , junction, (Sun's) entrance into a sign of the zodiac.

114. “ Burma "= Brahman ; for “ Polluck ” see note R. The
day of Brahman is variously given as 432 xio 7 (Surya Siddhania),
31104 xio 8 (Alblruni), etc., etc. Marshall's value for 100 years
of Brahman is 62371680000=37126 x 1680000 years=37i26 days
of Brahman. 1

115. See note R.

116. See note P.

117. See note R.

118. See note O. For Hindu notions of precession see Hindu
Astronomy , p. 64 sqq. A complete revolution in 36,000 years gives
36* a year, which was Ptolemy's value.

119. See note to § 96.

120 and 121. See note P.

122. For a description of the Hindu clepsydra see Hindu
Astronomy , p. 67 ; for the measures here given see note R; and
for the rule note P. The statement that a * pur ' or prahara
may be 9 ghatis does not quite agree with § 79, where the longest
day is given as 34J ghatis , which makes one prahara 8f ghatis . At
the equinoxes one prahara =7£ ghatis. * Gurrial, ’ a water-pot (Sk.
ghati, hence the measure ghati).

1 Nilcunt Doctor is possibly NUakantha, son of Ananta and grandson
of Chintamani, who wrote, in a.d. 1587* an astronomy ( Tdjika) derived
from Muhammadan sources, and, later, a set of rules for the guidance
of fortune-tellers; or NUakantha, son of Govinda Suri, who attempted
to reconcile the cosmical views of the Puranas with those in the
SuryasiddMnta. See J. Eggeling's Cat. San. MSS . in India Office ,
Nos. 2885, 3045 and 3055.

X

HINDU MEDICINE
A. Medical Knowledge

i. BY, PIT, CUFF
Had. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

(a) The Hindoos reckon upon 3 humors in mans
body, vizt., By {bat, air], Pitt [pit, bile], Cuff [kaf,
phlegm], which they know by the pulse upon the right
hand, lying one finger neare the bottome of the thumb
upon the pulse upon the wrist, and that is for Cuff;
another finger by it nearer the arme and that is for
Pitt; and another nearer the arme and that is for By.
So that if the pulse under the last finger named beate
high, then is the body full of By; if under the other,
then of Pit; if under the other, then of Cuff. If all the
3 beat high, then is the body inclining to a fever;
if low and even, then is little nature [vital power] in a
man; if indifferent high and even, then in good
health, if have good stomack [digestion].

When the By abounds, the Belly, Armes and Feet
swell, and somtimes have paines in them. If Pit
abounds, then the Belly, Armes, feet and eyes are hot,
and a man is thirsty. If Cuff abounds, the boddy and
l im bs are weak and have no stomack, if any—ill
digestion proceeds from it, also much sweat.

319

320 HINDU MEDICINE

The By rules the body from 2 Gurries \_ghar\ an
hour of 24 minutes] before Sunrise and rules till
1 Purr [pahar, watch of 8 gkart] 3 Gurries; then
Pitt rules till night; then Cuff till By begins againe.

I have met with some Doctors who call that By
which here above is called Cuff, and that Cuff which
above is called By, so no certainty which is true.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 31a.

(b) The By is only Aire, which when a man takes
in his breath, it runs into every veine of his body,
causeth a man to be active, walk, &ca. [and other]
actions. Pit, which is Fire, which digesteth victualls,
&ca. And Cuff which is water or moisture. So that
By, Pit, Cuff are only Water, Fire and Aire, of which
the Hindoos say every man is constituted.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 21.

(c) Ditto [the Hindu book] saith That the 3 humers
in mans body, vizt., By, Pit, Cuff, are each predominant
4 months, vizt., By in August, September, December
and January; Pit in Aprill, May, October and
November; and Cuff in February, March, June and
July. When By is predominate, then Sower or bitter
things are bad, and also when Pit is predominant f
and when Cuff is predominant, then Sweet and Sowed
things are bad.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 9.

(J) If By predominates, it causeth heaviness anu ;
paines in the armes and joyntes.

If Pit, heat all over the body, and thirst.

If Cuff, then Sleepiness.

If By, and Pit, then paine in the head.

If By and Cuff, then paine in the Back.

If Pit and Cuff, then paine in the Loynes.

MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE

3 21

Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 17 .

( e ) The Hindoos say there are 80 sorts of By, 44 of
Pit, 22 of Cuff, that govern the body, and that the
whole body is governed by 5 Rojas [rajas, rulers].

i[st] Rojas Kingdome is Pit of the Stomack or
heart, where he is to contrive and consider and
judge and exercise the reason ; he hath 2 holes
for vacuation, the 2 Eares.

2[nd] Rojahs Kingdome is bottome of the belly,
where his business is to seperate the Chyle
from [the] Dross, and his two holes for vacua¬
tion are the fundament and yard.

3[rd] Rojas Kingdome, the Navill, whose business
is to draw downe victualls in the Stomack
and to digest it; his two hole[s] for vacuation
are the Nostrills.

4[th] Rojahs Kingdom, the Throat; his business to
speak ; his two holes, the mouth and top of
the head.

5[th] Rojahs Kingdome, all over the Body; his
business is to move the body; his holes the
eyes.

2. BY OR WIND COLIQ
Harl. MS. 4254 , fol. 10 a.

(a) To know whether a man be troubled with the
Bay [bat] or winds, or not. In the morning, if hee
can at the same time when hee riseth touch his ^Navill
and his Nose with his thumb and long finger of the
same hand, then is hee free from it; but it must be
very early.

Remedy : Take 7 or 8 Cloves every morning when
rise and eat them ; it is good against Bay.

3 22 HINDU MEDICINE

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13.

(b) For B 7 , or Pitt, or Loosness. Take Haulin
[halim, pepper-wort], Holdee [haldi, turmeric], and
Loon [/on, salt] ; mix them together and take £ pi ce
weight every morning very early. Alter [native] : Take
Loon and the juice of Ginger, i pice weight every
morning fasting; prescribed per Fuckeer \Jaqtr\ woman
by Sowadges [? Sahu ji’s] Garden near Pattana.

DIGESTION

3. FOUR AUGUNS [cigni, fire, digestive power] OR
STOMACKS

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 23-23a.

(a) The Hindoos say a man hath 4 Auguns or
Stomacks, vizt.

(1) Titchauggun [tikshna agnt\, which is when a man
hath a good stomack [appetite], and omiting eating at
his usuall stomack, then his head will Ach and be
feverish, and hee will loose his stomack, and what hee
after eats will not digest, when there ariseth weakness.

(2) Bichmauggun [vishama agm\, when a man

hath no stomack before victualls comes before him,
and then a great stomack and can eat much, whence
ariseth Budhussum [bad-hazmf] or ill digestion and
sometimes Singreny [sangraha grihini, diarrhoea],
which is a disease arising from ill digestion, which
not having a good evacuation, remaineth in the body
untill great quantity be gathered together, which
stirred up by over-heating the body, runns out violently
at once, giving a man 20 or 30 stooles in a day, and
after that binds a man from going to stoole, so gathering
againe, repeats the same course once in 1 r, 30 it
or 60 dayes. J J 5

MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE 323

(3) Mundauggun \manda agrii ], when a man hath
a great stomack, but when sees victualls cannot eat
halfe what hee thought hee could ; from hence
cometh weakness.

(4) Summauggun [samd agnt], when a man hath a
good Stomack and what hee eateth turneth to digestion,
then is a man in good health.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 31a.

(d) The Hindoos 4 Auguns \agriiy digestive power}
proceed as followeth:—First, when a mans body
aboundes with Pit and Cuff, thence ariseth the Bich
maugun. When abounds with Pit alone, then ariseth
Mandaugun. And when the body is proportioned
with all alike, thence ariseth Summaugun, which is
perfect health.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

(r) Nilgunt [Nllkanth], [a] Doctor at Huglie,
Hindoo, saith That in mans body are 7 Dhauts [ dhatu ,
essential part] or Digestions or Mettalls, vizi., the
meat turns first into a juice [chyle] which is the first
Dhaut; then to Blood, 2 ; Then to Flesh, 3 ; Then to
Fatt, 4 ; Then to Bones, 5 ; Then to Marrow, 6 ;
Then to Seed, 7.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16a.

(d) Bidgenaut [Baijnath], the Hindoo Doctor at
Pattana, saith That ill digestion proceeds from over¬
clogging it, as fire, if much fewell laid upon it, will
extinguish and suffocate it: so the stomack, if over¬
charged, the natural heat will extinguish.

Hail. MS. 4254, fol. 32.

0 e ) The Hindoos also say that there are 7 Dauts or
Metalls in man and as many humors or drosses

HINDU MEDICINE

3 2 4

[worthless matter], as (i) Chyle, whose humor or dross
is excrement and piss; (2) Blood, whose dross is

Teares ; (3) Flesh, whose dross is Snot; (4) Fatt,
whose dross is Spitt; (5) Bones, whose dross is Ear-
wax ; (6) Marrow, whose dross is Sweat; (7) Seed,
whose dross is Haire.

These 7 Dauts are boyled, and in their severall
boylings (which is caused by the By, Pit and Cuff),
ariseth the 7 Drosses. And the victuals that a man
eats, first turning to a Chyle, then to Blood, then to
Flesh, then to Fat, then to Bones, then to Marrow
and then to Seed, tis many dayes before it bee corn-
pleated and comes to seed, according to the victualls
a man eats ; for milk will be digested and become
Seed in few days, whereas some will not bee Seed in
less than 30 days.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6.

(J) If after victuall[s] the right nostrill be open,
then the victualls will digest well, but if shut will not
at all digest, or badly.

4. BLOOD

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

(a) A Morung [Morang] Hindoo Doctor of Physick
saith that there is but one Veine in mans body, in which
the blood continually circulates, and that this veine
turnes 900 times, which is the reason that some of them
say there are 900 veines, whereas there is but one,
which might be drawne out as the guts are, which
seeme to bee many, beeing like the root of a tree ; also
that there are 72 Centers where they meet, occasioning
so many bones in man ; also there are 1 o holes in
Man, one being at the top of his head.

MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE

3^5

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

( b) They [the Hindoos] also say that the blood
circulates, that in the feet runing to the head, and
thence back againe to the feet againe through other
ruggs [ rag ] or veines.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 34a.

(1 c ) I asked the Bamin [Brahman] Doctor at Pottana
[Patna] why the blood was red, who gave mee this
answer, vizt m> That Every body is constituted of

5 Elements, from which arise 5 Colours principally.
So that when a man eats victualls, that turnes into
chyle, which is of all the 5 Elements mixed ; this
Chyle into blood (after the dross is seperated), where
(when comes) works and boyles and casts of[f] all the
matter from it which are of other colours so that only
that which was red remains, or the fiery part of the
Chyle.

5. SIX TASTS

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 17a.

The Hindoos say there are 6 Tasts, which arise
from the 6 severall sorts of juices, and from the

6 Juices 5 Coloures arise, vizt*

(1) Sweet or Mitta \mltha\ whose juice causeth

White

(2) Sower or Cutta \khattd\ whose juice causeth Red,

(3) Salt or Lunea \lona\ whose juice causeth Yellow,

(4) Hot tast or Corrooa whose juice

causeth

(5) Bitter or Teeta whose juice

causeth

(6) Harsh or Cossella \kasaila] whose juice causeth

Black.

So that any of these tast may be of an other colour,
yet their juice will dry colours as above.

326

HINDU MEDICINE

6. SIGNES OF HEALTH AND SICKNESS
Harl. MS. 4254, fols. lla-12.

In the morning early, let a man make water into a
glass or pot, but let a little at the first go from him upon
the ground, and let him not piss so long as hee can
into the glass, but at the latter end piss againe upon
the ground ; so that hee hath in the glass the piss
that in the middle came from him, which let stand
untill it be cold. Then take some cleare oyle, as
lamp oyle, and with a straw let fall one drop of it into
the piss, which oyle if if [sic ? it] keepes together and
spreads not, or but little, tis a signe of very good
health. If it spreads but breaks not, but keeps to¬
gether, tis a sign of indifferent good health. If the
oyle spread and break into several peeces, tis a signe
his distemper is incurable and will at length kill him,
though perhaps not very suddainly. But if the oyle
sink to the bottome, tis a signe the man will dy very
suddainly.

7. SIGNE TO KNOW IF ANY OF A MANS NATURE
COME TH[R]OUGH THE YARD WITH HIS URIN

Take a mans Urin in a morning ; let it setle, and
from the setlement poure away the urin, leaving
nothing but the sand behind, which sand and stuff
put into a pot covered and set the pot in the Sun
untill it be dryed. If then the sandy stuff bee clam
[moist, sticky] and slymey tis a signe there is in it
something of a mans seede in it, but if it be like sand
and will milder [crumble], tis a signe it was only ill
digestion, &ca.

MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE

3 2 7

8 . BREATH

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

Hindoos Say that So many times as a man breatheth,
so many times hee winketh with his eyes.

Hee [the Hindu doctor at Patna] saith also That
whenever a man takes in his breath, it runns into every
veine in his body, and when lets go his breath it comes
from every veine of his body.

9. DOOTURA

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16a.

The seedes of Dootura \dhaturd\ which are very
little ones, if 2 or 3 of them be eaten by any man, hee
will be perfectly stupid and not know what hee doth,
but will be like ah ideot, and if eat a greater quantity,
it will kill him ; after this stupidity, which will last
about 2 or 3 houres, hee will not remember any thing
hee did at that time.

10. HINDOOS HOW PRESCRIBE PHYSICK TO
WOMEN

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 27a.

The Hindoos physitians being not permitted to see
any of the Moores women, so that when they are sick
and desire their assistance, they cause them to take
a handcercher and rub all over their body so that it
be well wet or moistned with the sweat of the body, or
dirtied therewith. This handcercher the physitian
puts into a bason of faire water and steepes it, and by
the smell of the water knowesthe distemper as folioweth,
*ui%t :

If it smell saltish, then shee abounds with By [ bat ]
and Cuff [kaf].

HINDU MEDICINE

328

If Ganda [ < ganda , foetid, stinking] or Rank, then shee
abounds with Pitt.

If fresh, then shee abounds with By alone.

If fatish and like grease and stinks, then abounds with
Cuff alone.

If it smells like fish, then is shee very angry and
cholerick.

If like wine or Arrack [*arak, spirits], then is shee
with child.

If like Milk, then is shee very strong.

If like Cummulka (which is a sort of yellow Tulip),
then is she in very good health.

11. CHILDBEARING
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

In India child bearing is very easie, the most women
being delivered very easily, especially the poorer sort,
and well in a day or twos time.

B. Prescriptions

1. RECEIPTS FOR PURG
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23.

(1) Take of Rasins Sun, 1 Tola (£. 179 gr.], of
Anniseeds, 1 Tola, and of Herra \harra\ Terminalia
chebula , Chebulic or Black Myrabolan] 1 Tola. Then
take of water, one pint or 20 pice weight, Boyle all
together till bee but part left, and take a little of that
water, and it will give you 3 or 4 gentle stooles.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

(2) Auk leaf Purg. The Leaves Auk or Aukkapaut
[ak-kd-pdt, Calotropis gigantea , swallow-wort], if bound

PRESCRIPTIONS

329

above and neare the Navill, causeth a man to go to
Stoole,

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.1

(3) Herra \harra\ Is a sort of physick which the
Bamins [Brahmans] have, which holden in a mans
hand, presently gives a man a stoole.

2. OYLE BANDGIR [ bandgir, cement]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 28.

The Hindoos have an oyle which (they say), lying
one drop upon the Navill, will give a man a Stool, also
diping a mans finger in it and touching the tongue
therewith, will also give a man a stool. Tis made as
followeth (as the Hindo Doctor at Pattana saith), -vizt.

Take Cheetah, Sinkpoopee, Herre, Cumbelah,
Punlah great, Punlah small, Bidharrah, Dunbeherah
alias Ummultas or Cassiafistula, Tommabootee, Jum-
maulgootah, Sunneah, Goorsarree, Leelberree, Bob-
neetee, Pipramool, Bypring, Cuthee, Choak ; of each
of these 1 pice weight; and of Seedgehajorr or Seedge
root, 2 pice weight; of Seedgeka dood or Seedge
milk, 24 pice weight; Of Ockoonkadood, 8 pice
weight; of Gue or Butter (made of Cowes Milk),
ij seer.

You may reckon the pice at § oz. Troy weight, and
seer at 1 lb. 31 oz. [sic].

Put all these together in a pot and boile them and
take of[f] what Scum ariseth, and boyleing it about
3 houres till but J part be left, which take and straine
and keepe for use. And the longer tis kept the better
it will bee, and will never decay. This is also good
for the Stone if rubbed upon the Belly, and also good
for the By Goola [hat qulinj , qaulinj\ or Coliqs.

330

HINDU MEDICINE

3. [ANTIDOTES FOR SCORPION AND SNAKE¬
BITES]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 10a.

(a) When a man hath been biten with a Scorpion,
or rather Stung, let him take Loonee [Ionia, luma.
creeping purselane] (which is like Purselin, and the
Persians calle it Tuckma Culpha [tukhme khurfa,
purselane-seeds]) and eat a little of it, and it will
presently asswage the paine. Prescribed per Pottana
Hindoo Doctor [Hindu doctor at Patna],

The same Loonee is good to keep in water in hot
weather and drink, being cold and somthing of the
nature of Tuckmarine.

(F) The same Doctor saith That if a man be bit
with a Snake, if hee takes Jummaulgootah [jamal-gota ,
Croton Tiglium \, and rub upon a stone weting the stone,
and with that anoint his eyes and put some of it into
them, then all the poison will come into his eyes and
thence drop out, after which hee will be very well
This hee saith is a present [speedy] remedie for such
that apply it in time this way ; but if the party be near
death, then shave the top of his head, and prick or
cut it with a penknife point on the scull till it bleed,
and rup [rub] upon it the said Jummaulgootah, and the
party will presently [at once] recover.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 11.

( c ) A Hindoo Doctor at Pattana saith That if any
man be bitten with a Snake, take Jummaul gootah as
in preceding page [above].

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

( d) Luserage Is a great Antidote against poison,
being inwardly taken, and against biteing of snakes

PRESCRIPTIONS

33 1

or venomous creatures, being ground with water and
taken. Tis reported that no Snake will come nigh
a man if hath this Luserage about him.

4. COCO MALDIVA
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15.

Coco Maldiva or Sea Cocho nut [Seychelles cocoa-
nut] is found upon the Maldiva Islands and is there
cast up by the Sea. It is supposed to grow upon a
tree in the Sea, so that when it is ripe, the strength
of the water breakes it from the branch on which it
growes. It is much like other Coconutt, only bigger.
Tis a Soveraigne Antidote against poison, being
ground upon a Stone and a little water put to it and
drunk. Tis also very good against fevers, being
drunk with water, and for Agues drunk with Arrack
[_’arak y spirits].

The usuall way is to take the Nut and rub it upon
a stone, and puting a little water upon it, untill you have
^rubbed of[f] such a quantity as will make white and
as thick as milk a quarter of a pint of water. Then
put it into said quantity of water, and drink it of[f],
going to bed or keeping warme after it. But if for
an Ague, instead of water, take Arrack, Brandy or
Sack. The greater the distemper is, the greater
quantity must be taken. This nut is very deare. I
have paid for [a] peece of its Kernell 4 times its weight
in Rupee silver for it.

5. GHAW PAUT FOR WOUNDS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 2.

Bramin Doctor saith That Ghow paut \ghdo pat],
the leafs of which many time[s grow] close together,

33 2

HINDU MEDICINE

from betwixt which (when the Sun is up) runneth a
juice, which is good for green [fresh, unhealed]
wounds, being powred therein, also for bruises. It
presently [instantly] taketh away the paine. The leaf
bruised hath the same effect.

6. [REMEDIES FOR] TOOTHACH
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

(a) For Toothach. Take of Ants and their egs
a pot full, and put pot and all over the fire till all the
Ants and egs be converted into ashes, with which ashes
rub any rotten tooth, and it will drop out.

( b ) Take Butchut teah [? bichua , bichuti , stinging-
nettle], which is a broad leafe with prickles on it.
Put a good quantity of those leaves into a pot and to
them put the rines [rinds] or sides of pomegranates.
To the top of this pot fasten with chanam [ chund y
lime] another pots mouth. These put over the fire
and let boyle untill you think is boyled away; and
the rest strayned and applyed is good for toothach.

7. [REMEDIES FOR] CHOLIQ
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26.

( a ) The Hindoo Doctor at Pattana saith That to
breath[e] a Veine which runs betwixt the Knuckle of
the Ring finger and Little finger on right hand and so
runns upon the ring finger, to breathe that veine neare
the Knuckle on the 3d joynt of the ring finger is a
present Remedy for the By Goola [bat gulma ] or Wind
choliq. Also for the said distemper, or for terrible
gripeing in the guts : To take a Junk \jonK\ or hors-
leach alive, and with a powder they have, they give it
to a man who swalloweth downe the horsleach along

PRESCRIPTIONS

333

with the powder, and the horsleach will in the Belly
suck up that blood or humor which causeth the dis¬
temper, and afterwards will come out at the mans
fundament.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13.

(F) For By [< bat ] or Wind choliq : Take Tilka
Teale [ til-ka-tel , Gingelly or Sesame oil], and Rendeka-
teale [rendl-kd-tel , castor-oil]. Make them very warm ;
then rub the belly therewith, very much where the
By or hard lump of wind is, and all the rest of the
belly and back and sides, turning the party about, who
must ly stretched out with his feet for about an houre.
If the paine leave him not and the lump grow not
soft, then take a leafe called Reand:ka:paut [ rendi-ka -
pdtj leaf of the castor-oil plant, Ricinus communus\ or
leafe Reand ; make this leafe hott, then put oyle upon
the leafe, then apply it hot to the belly and bind it
hard ; but before you bind on this leafe, apply hot
cloths to the belly, and supple it with oyle io or 12
times together. If ease be not had by this, make
cakes of black gram [chick-pea] and apply upon the
said leaves upon the belly which bind upon them, and
sleep if can, and after you awake (about an houre) loose
all and have a care of cold, and drink nothing cold
that night.

Pro bat: est [yprobatum est] Per Jo: Marshall.

8 . REMEDIES FOR FRENCH POX [Syphilis]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

(a) Sugebund [Surajband], a Doctor at Pattana,
the most famous that hath beene in them parts for
many years, gave to Mr. Charnock a Mineral! called
Rambaundrus [Ram Bhadra ras (essence)], of his

334

HINDU MEDICINE

owne making, which hee said would cure any man of
the French Pox, though almost eaten in peeces there¬
with. Tis to be taken 5 mornings together, each
morning Ruttee [ ratti ] in Beetle \betel , pan ] or
otherwise, not eating flesh or drinking wine in the
said 5 days. Tis also good against fevers or to pro-
voake lechery.

Memorandum . A Ruttee is about the 40th part of
a shilling weight [175 grs. Troy], so J Ruttee the
80th part of a shilling weight.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 27a.

(J?) For the French Pox. Take the bark of Her-
forery [ harpharauri , Phyllanthus distichus\ tree, and
pepper, of each r pice or -f 02. weight, and eat every
morning, and it will cure the French pox. You must
eat it so long till cured. The bark must be dryed and
the powder of it taken, and you must obstaine from
Salt and strong drink.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 11.

(c) For French Pox. Take the root Burna [ barna>
Cratoeva religio$a\ or Burnakajer \barana ka jar\> and
pill it and dry it and beat it to powder, which sift
thorow a fine sieve or cloth. Take of it the weight
of 4 pice or 3 oz., and 21 pepper cornes beat to powder
very fine. Mix these together and put into a little
water and drink 7 mornings together, abstaining al:
that time from flesh and also any thing that is soft,
and it will drive out the venome by stooles. But h
it be broke out into the body (after this inward medicine
taken), take Rindeka paut \rendt-kd-pdt] or the leaft
Rind [ rendt y castor-oil] and apply to the sores ever}
morning and evening, alwayes observing to wash the

PRESCRIPTIONS

33S

sores with cleane water before apply fresh leaves.
And in few dayes the sores will be dried up.

(d) Receipt for french pox.

Owlah [? aonld , myrobalan] 2 Tola

Gokeroo [ gokhuru , Tribulus terrestris\ 2

Talmachonna [’tdlmakhana , Hygrophila

spinosa ] 2

Jowacor [jau khdr , alkali from burnt

barley] 2

Sugar candy 8

Bruise all these together and straine them thorow
a cloth, and eat every morning fasting one Tola weight
till be well and find no paine in bones or elswhere,
and continue so [to] eat 3 dayes longer, and will
perfectly cure the French pox, if not of a very long
continuance. But this powder will not keep good
above 2 or 3 months.

9. REMEDIES FOR BUDHUZZUM {bad-hazm%\ OR
ILDIGESTION

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 9.

(a) For the Budhuzzum, or ildigestion, which
cometh by drinking too much milk, the only remedie
is to eate a good quantity of Sugar candy. Sugar loaf
or other Sugar.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13.

( b ) For Budhuzzum or Ildigestion. Take 20
cloves ; bruise them and put them in water. Make
all this hot and drink it.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

(r) For Digestion. Take every morning, J houre
before Sunrise, a good draught of cold water, and walke
J houre after.

336

HINDU MEDICINE

10. REMEDIES FOR TENESMUS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13.

(a) Receipt for Tenesmus. Take of Motah Dennea
[mota dhania, large coriander] and Beall [bel, iael
fruit], Attees [ dtis , aconite], and Shoogim beall
[? sukshma , suchham (refined) bel], of each alike weight.
Beat them altogether untill they be halfe broken.
Take of it one pice weight, being f of oz. Put to it
i| pint of water. Boyle it untill but pint left.
That drink warme one houre after Sunrise. It must
be drunk when first made, and for 6 or 7 dayes
together, in all which time eat only dy \dahi, sour mill^
curds] and rice with a little water in it, and only at
noone and night, and drink nothing but water. Then*
after, every morning for 14 dayes fasting, drink a
Sophgoose steeped ■§■ in water and with a little Sugar
drinking it; Jophgood as much as a man may hold
betwixt his finger and his thumb.

(b) Tilka paut for Tenesmus. Tilka-paut \til-ka-
pat], or the leafe of the tree or herbe Til \Sesamum
Indicum ], being steeped and stirred a little in water,
will make the water so thick that it will be like the
white of an egg, which water drunk fresh 3 or 7
mornings together, beeing mixed with Sugar, is good
for a Tenesmus orj^te in the Guts. This prescribed
per a Fuckeer \_faqtr\ and probate [proved] per J. M.
to bee good. Tuckmareen \tukhm , seed of?] is also
good.

11. RECEIPTS FOR SORE EYES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13.

(a) Take post [poppy-head], which is that part of
the Ophium upon which the flower growes ; let it be

PRESCRIPTIONS

337

old and dry. Steep it a little in water, and with that
water wash the eyes, and let the water go into them
once in J houres time. Turmerick put upon the eyes
is also good, also piss.

(P) For heat of the Brains or Eyes. Take goats-
milk and dip it in Cotton and apply to the braine, and
it will repell any hot humor, also to the eyes, repells
the heat. This is also good if applyed to the funda¬
ment of those that have great heat there after a
Tenesmus.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17a.

(c) Nermalee [ nirmali , Strychnos potatorum , Clearing
Nut tree] for sore Eyes, or Dirty water, also Chunam
\chund y Hme], It [Nermalee] is a berry like a pea
which, being rubbed within a pot in which is dirty
water, presently [immediately] causeth all the dirt
to settle to the bottome. It is also exceeding good
for eyes that are inflamed or dim, being rubbed upon
a Stone and wet, and that applyed to the Eyes, cooles
and cleares them. Also Chuna or lime is good for
the setling of dirty water, if put therein and stirred
much. This Chuna is that which is eaten with Beetle
\betel\ somtimes. Tis the same with lime in England,
unquenched. Sometimes tis made of Cockleshells
burnt t<Tpowder, as they burne lime. This will also
settle dirty water.

12. REMEDIES FOR STONE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

( d ) Take 6 cloves of Garlick and steep in Rhenish
wine ; [it] is good for the Stone when drunk.

Harl. MS, 4254, fol. 27a;

(P) Take Tulmucconna [tdlmakhdnd \, Owla \aonla\
or Mirabolons, and Jowacar \jau-khdr\^ of each i pice

M.M. Y

HINDU MEDICINE

338

weight, or -f oz. Dry all these and beat to powder,
which sift. Then take Gowcull [ gugal , Balsamoden -
dr on Mukul\ the whole tree, leaves, stock and root,
and put into a pot of water, which boyle together till
| be boyled away. Then take the remaining, and
after [having] eaten the said powder sifted, drink this
of[f], and it will presently carry away the Stone in
mans body.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21.

(r) The Bindgir [ bandgir ] oyle or butter is good for
stone, being laid upon the Navell warme and rubbed
where the pain is, also for the Gout, applyed also
warme upon the Navell, and chaife the place where the
Navell is. Tis also good for any paine whatsoever,
being applyed as before, or 2 drops taken inwardly '
in a sponfull of milk or a little honey, or in a rasin or
the like, and if used 7 or 8 dayes together will quite
carry away the Stone. You must apply it in a morning
fasting, and not eat or drink in 2 or 3 houres after.

To make the oyle Bundgir. Take first ij seer cow
butter and put it into a copper or brass pann (which is
cleane). Set it over the fire till melted. Then take
of Bejoor [ bijaura , citron] leafe, Jemm [jam, jamun,
Eugenia Jambolana~\ leafe, Kite [kaith, Feronia ele-
fhantum , Elephant- or Wood-apple] lefe and Mango-
tree leafe and Beale \bel , bael] leafe, of each a small
quantity, so that all make one handfull. Wash these
well and put into the butter and let it there boyle about
J of houre. Then take out the leaves and throw away.

Then take the Cheetah [chita, Plumbago Zeylanica ],
Sinkpoopee [sang-kupT\, &cc a. [and other] roots (having
bruised them to powder), and put them in a pot to
which put so much water as will temper it; and then

PRESCRIPTIONS

339

work it into a consistence like past. Then put that
past into the butter which is boyling, and stir it about
untill it be well dissolved. Then put into it the
Ockoon milk [ akund , afajoan^ akkand — Calotropis
gigantea\ and Seedge [stj'] milk, and stir it well together.
So let it boyle (keeping it stirring that it burnes not at
the bottom) gently for 3 or 4 houres, or so long untill
the dross (which will be continually at the bottom)
become not glewey or clammy.

Then take it of[f] and strain of[f] the oyle and let
stand till cold. And if then it be stringy or clamy,
tis not well boyled ; so you must put it (together with
the dross from which it was strained) over the fire and
boyle it better. And when tis well bovled > take it
of and straine it and keepe it for use. The longer tis
kept the better it will bee.

One or two drops applyed or lien upon the Navill will
give a man one stool, if his body be not very much
bound ; and if it bee, then let fall one drop or two
upon the toung and swallow it downe and it will not
faile.

Tis also good for the stone or collique, if rubbed
upon the belly. Tis to be applyed or taken in the
morning early however, before eat any thing, and then
to abstaine from Victualls 3 or 4 houres.

13. NAROOA, GOUT [naJidrud, ndhru , ndru, guinea-
worm]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 17a.

Narooa. Tis a distemper or paine which runns up
and downe the limbs and other parts of the body,
somtimes resideing in one place, other times in
another; and where it is, it causeth a great paine or

HINDU MEDICINE

340

smart and swelling. I conceive tis the same with the
Gout. Some of these people say tis a worme in the
flesh. They take it out by heating Tilka Teal
\til-ka-teT\ or Tylloyle [Gingelly oil], made exceeding
hot, and rubbing the place afflicted therewith, and
using also a charme with it; and therefore the oyle
is then called Byparutmulka [?] Teal, or charmed
oyle ; and the worme will, [a] peece of it, appeare
thorow the Skin, which they pull out by little and
little.

14. [GOUT]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 27.

For the Gout or Putcha Gant \j>akka gdntK\ (as the
Hindoos call it). Take Goocul [gugal] oyle, Maucaud
[mdkdf] or Narranie oyle \ndrdyana taila] and Bollaut
oyle \hdlataila\^ and oyle the part that is afflicted, and
it presently [immediately] carries away the paine.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 27a.

These 4 last Remedies [for Dropsy, Gout, Stone,
French Pox or Syphilis] prescribed by the Hindoo
Doctor to the English at Pattana November 27th
[i6]7i, who also saith that the Gout is nothing else
but when a man hath drunk or eaten somthing which
is sower, or of such a nature that it gets into his blood
and breakes it or curdles it, as vinegar will milk, so
that when the By [ bat ] or wind should pass thorow the
blood, it is here stopped with the curdled blood so
that it causeth great pains.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22a.

Bowsaulourgur oyle anoynted upon the part pained
with the Gout cures it; also Maucaul [ mdkdl , Tricho -
santhis palmata] oyle is good for same.

PRESCRIPTIONS

34i

15. REMEDIES FOR BLOODY FLUX [Dysentery]
Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 21 a.

(a) Take Odgwaine [ ajwain^ Bishop’s Weed,
Lovage] berry and beat it to powder, and take of that
powder \ pice weight 3 mornings together in a little
water.

Harl. MS. 4255 , fol. 22 a.

(F) [Take] 21 Cornes pepper and like quantity of
Goark culp [? quwdrd kd kalpa kalka , a digestible
decoction], which eat for 7 dayes together, and [it]
will cure flux.

16. [REMEDY FOR MODASHEEN, Mort-de-chien,

Cholera]

Harl. MS. fol. 4254 , 14 a.

Taba [Ar. tibb , tabb , medicine] de Soondree [ sundari ,
Heritiera minor , looking-glass tree] or de Modasheen
Is very good against Modasheen, ground with wine
and taken ; - also to burne the foot in the heele with a
hot iron is good for ditto. This is also good against
bleeding, either by wounds or otherwise, being bound
on any part of the body.

17. [REMEDY FOR] BARBEERS [A VARIETY OF
PARALYSIS] OR WEAK JOYNTS

Harl. MS. 4254 , fol. 18 a.

Take Nutmeg and grind it to powder, to which put
a little Ophium, and to that put Beal- \bel\ oyle, and
mix them altogether, and therewith rub the joynts
which are weake or have the Barbeers, and it strengthens
them.

342

HINDU MEDICINE

18. (a) RECEIPT FOR AGUE [OR] SEATBUNGEE
[sitabhanji]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22a.

Hertall [ haritala , yellow arsenic] or Jurmit
[xahr y jahr , poison, mittl y earth, clay,

Ar. xirnikh , arsenic] 2 Tola

Tuttoe [ntla-tutid] or blew copras I

Gunga mootee which is the shell of [a] fish
called Gunga [? gang a moti y pearl of the
Ganges, mother-of-pearl] 6

Kill [destroy the active quality of] these mineralls
with Gukewark [? -waraq y leaf] and the Gungamootee
with the juice of its leafe, by bruising it well with said
juice 7 or 8 times, betwixt each time drying it in the
Sun, and then ading more juice, and it will be well
killed. Then take it, make it up in balls and bind up
in a leafe, and put in the fire till red hot, and then take
it out againe and keep it for use, which is 2 Ruttees at
a time, to be taken 3 dayes together in a little honey.

(b) [A VARIATION OF THE SAME RECEIPT]
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 26.

(14) Receipt to make Seat bunge. Take of Hertall
(all [alias] Jurmit), 2 Tola : of Tuttoe (all [alias] blew
copras), 1 Tola and of Gunga mootee of largest sort
(tis as well, and I think the same, with Oyster shell,
only less), 6 Tola. These bruise to a powder. Then
upon a broad stone put to them the juice of Gukework
(which is a slimy thing), and mix and beat it together
for an hour or so long till the whole substance.be dry,
and roule it on a lump, and ad more of the juice to it
to make it wet. Then beat it up and downe againe

PRESCRIPTIONS

343

till be all dry, all this time beating it in the Seaslime,
and beat it over so 8 or io times or 6 or 8 houres.
Continue beating it with a pestell upon a Stone, ading
every time more juice to it. After [wards] make it up
in cakes of about i oz, each, and these cakes wrap up
in double leaves of Rind \rendi\ binding it with
strings, and kindle a fire of Cow dung dryed, and put
these cakes into it, and burne till fire be cleare and no
smoke left, which will be in an houre. Then take out
the Cakes and keepe for use, w T hich is good for an
Ague, as before. The Gunga Mootee and Gukewark
are only to kill the Hertall and Taetoe.

19. RAIS DE JOAN LOPIS
[Peruvian Bark, Jesuits Bark, Cinchona ]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

This is a wood, which is good against fevers if
ground in warme water, and for Agues ground in
Sack. Tis good against impostumes [abscesses], if
ground in Limewater, being applyed to the grieved
[diseased] part.

Scraped or ground in water is good for greene
[unhealed] wounds, being applyed.

Tis [al]so good for Coliqs proceeding from wind :
and is a good Antidote against biteing of snakes or
other venomous creatures.

20. [REMEDY] FOR DROPSIE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

Take Tincall [tinkdf] or Borax, Saltpeter, Salt and
Long pepper, of each of these a pice weight or -f of oz.
Beat them small to powder, then straine them thorow
a Cloth with water : after set it over the fire till all

344

HINDU MEDICINE

the water or moisture be evaporated; then take the
powder and sift thorow a fine cloth. Then take
Seedge or Tohr [ si] or thahar , Euphorbia neriifolU
spurge], which is a tree hath much white stuff in it
like milk, so that the English Generally call the tree a
Milk tree. Take the leafe of this and oyle it well with
Tilka teal or til [Gingelly] oyle. Then

hold it so long against the fire, till it be so dry that it
begins to bend. Then rub it, and take out the juice
of it, and with that and the said powder make pills
and take for n or 3 or 4 dayes, morning and evening,

4 mas. [masha] or J part of oz. Averdepoiz of this pill,
and it will bring away all the water out of a mans belly.

If the dropsie hath beene of long continuance and -
got to a great head, then these pills may be made
somthing bigger, and taken oftner, and if for children,
not so great pills. And all the dayes in which you
take these pills, you must obstaine from these following
meats [food], m/., from bread or anything made of
flour, from all Sower things, from Sweet things,
especially Sugarloaf, from fish or any water fowle,
from Salt, from Arrack [’arak, spirits] or wine, and from
Milk.

ai. GOWLOOCHON
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23a.

Gowloochon [gau-lochan , animal (cow), bezoar] is a
yellowish thing which is said to be found in the head
of a white Cow, betwixt her homes, within her braines.
This taken for 4 dayes together, mass each day,
with as much Safron, will cure the falling sickness
[epilepsy], called in India, Morgee [mirgf]. Tis to be
bought in the Bazar.

PRESCRIPTIONS

345

22. TO MAKE WOMANS PAPS LITTLE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23.

[Take] Coulgunta [? kulguntd\ seed, 4 pice weight,
and bruise to powder and straine thorowa cloth. Take
halfe of it, and put to 20 pice weight water, which
boyle till but -|-th part left, which straine, and thereto
put the other halfe of the powder, and heat it, and
drink it of as drink Coffy, and continue so doing
every morning for a month, and your breasts will be
as little as those womens who never had children.

23. BALLASORE WOMEN
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25a.

At Ballasore the women put plugs or dirt up their
fundament, which they were [wear] there to keep them
bound in their bodies, for eating Rice, they are often
very loose. When they go to wash in the River they
take with them clay to make plugs, and when have
washed, plug up their fundament till wash againe in
the River.

24. KILLED MINERALS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23a.

(a) Copper killed Is good against pains in belly
and to destroy wormes or what else offensive there;

2 Ruttees [ratti] weight with so much cloves taken

3 mornings together.

( [b ) Tinn killed Is good against Ghonorea [gonor¬
rhoea] or running of raines, taken 14 dayes together;
2 Rutties [ram] weight every night with so much
Sugar candy.

( c ) Iron killed Is said [to be] good to strengthen
stomack and make a man long winded, taken 21 days

346 HINDU MEDICINE

together, if very ill; otherwise 14 or 16 days, 2 Rutties
weight, with so much cloves each time.

(d) Seat bungee [sitabhanjf] Killed Is esteemed
excellent good against an Ague, being taken 3 mornings
together, each morning 2 Rutties weight, with so much
dried ginger.

(e) Singraut Obrauk [abrak, talc (Jal abrak ), mica]
or Ising glass killed Is good to strengthen the stomack
and generate seed, taken 1 month together, each day
2 Rutties with twice so much Sugar candy or cloves.

(/) Don Obrauk (dhdn abrak , thin isinglass] or
Ising glas Killed Is good for ditto, taken with 1 Ruttee
or \ Ruttie of Musk, as the other with Cloves, for
x month.

(g) Bigenaut [Baijnath], The Bramin Doctor at
Pattana gave mee the former receipts and also the
following mineralls killed the 4th March 167^, vizt .:

Copper

3 Annas weight

Tinn

7

Iron

2 Rupees

6

Seatbungee

1 Rupee

5

Singraut Obrauk

1

8

Dom Obrauk

12

Weight in all

6

9

Each Rupee qt. [contains] 16 annas or 1 o-|- Mass.
Each Mass qt. 8 Ruttees.

25. [TO KILL MINERALS]

Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 28.

(15) Seven Dauts [ dhdt , mineral]. Gold, Silver,
Copper, Quick Silver, Lead, Tin, Iron, all which the
Hindoos kill as followeth, except Quicksilver.

PRESCRIPTIONS

347

To kill gold : first melt it and then quench it, vizi. :
7 times in Rende \rendt] oyle
7 times in Buttermilk
7 times in Cowpiss

7 times in Conjee [kdnjt] or juice of rice
7 times in Cortook \jkhdr^ tukkni\ or juice of a
graine.

Then when heated and quenched 35 times as above,
take Porragunduck \jpara and gandhak~\> (or Quick
silver and brimstone, of each <r quantity to the gold)
twice the quantity of the Gold, and put it to the Gold
and let it burne in a strong earthen pot, with a good
fire kept under it, and continually stirred for 54
houres ; however till it burne so long till nothing be
left but ashes, which let burne a while, and the Gold
will remaine in ashes, which is well burnt.

Silver killed. The same way with Gold.

Copper killed. Copper quenched the same way,
and to the Porragunduck ad Chook \chok ] and also
milk. This will require 24 houres to be killed in, and
you must by little and little put in the Chook and milk,
and burne as did the Gold.

Lead killed. As Copper is killed, so is Lead to be
killed.

Tinn killed. To kill Tinn you must heat and
quench it as you did Gold and then put Turmerick,
Long-pepper, Jowayne [ajwain\ Cherkerree and
Umleka chaul \imli kd chhal\ , or bark of Tamerine
tree. These beaten to powders and put into the Tinn
as burnes in the pot by little and little, continueing a
violent hot fire under the pot, and by little and little,
somtimds putting in one, sometimes another of these
powders, till the Tinn be turned to ashes, which will

HINDU MEDICINE

348

be in about 6 houres; and then let all the other ashes
burne or evaporate away, and the Tinn ashes will
remaine.

Iron killed. Iron is to be killed as Tinn, only
instead of Turmerick, &ca. you must put Porragun-
duck [pm and gandkak] Gukewah [? Dy
[Mi] and Nockchickney, and this will require 42
houres to be killed in, and you must put in the things
little by little, and keep it stirring, in all these cases of
killing minerals.

[To know] When Minerals [are] well killed. Take
honey and butter and mix together and set over the
fire, and thereto put the Minerall you would try if well
killed, and it will settle to the bottome; and if it be.
any ways hard or brickie, then tis not well killed, but
if pure ashes, then is well killed.

Quicksilver Is said not yet to be knowne how to be
killed.

NOTES ON CHAPTER X

HINDU MEDICINE

For the more convenient study of the knowledge gleaned by
Marshall of Hindu Medicine, as practised in his day, his scattered
notes have been arranged under two headings—Medical Know¬
ledge and Prescriptions—and these have been subdivided as
far as possible under the various functions and diseases of the
body to which they refer. In several cases, however, the pre¬
scriptions apply to more than one disease.

First come humours, then digestion, blood, taste, breath, etc.
The prescriptions include purges, antidotes for poison, remedies
for wounds, abscesses, fevers, gout, dysentery, colic, stone, sore
eyes, toothache and syphilis.

Except in a few cases the terms used by Marshall in recording
the statements and remedies given to him by the Hindu doctors
at Patna and Hugll (and also those obtained from Muhammadans)
have been identified with the help of Garcia da Orta, Dutt,
Dymock, Wise, and above all, Watt. For the most part Marshall
is, as usual, astonishingly accurate, and he must have devoted
both time and patience to acquire the facts set forth in his MS.
The majority of the cases dealt with under the two sections
require no further explanation. Those calling for remark are
noted below.

A. MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE

i. (a) The text is confused. It implies that three fingers are
used to test the pulse, one on the ball of the thumb, one on the
wrist and one on the fore-arm. For other methods of feeling the
pulse see Wise, Hindu System of Medicine , pp. 63, 203-4.

(1 0 ) As regards the predominance of certain humours in certain
months, see Wise, op. cit. p. 45.

3. (c) Marshall is repeating what his informant had learned
from the Susruta, a medical work compiled by an author of that
name, c. eighth cent. a.d. See Bower MS. Part I. p. 15, n. 32.

9. Marshall is apparently describing the effect of bhang (leaves
of Cannabis saliva ), to which dhaturd seeds are added to increase
its intoxicating effect.

349

35 °

NOTES ON CHAPTER X

B. PRESCRIPTIONS

2. “ Bandgir ” is evidently the Persian word bandgiy, used of
a cement made of chalk, oil and cotton or horsehair. The term
was probably applied by Muhammadan physicians to this medicine
for outward application. Marshall has two recipes for the oil
(Nos. 2 and 12 c). Among the ingredients composing No. 2 the
following have been identified :

Cheetah, chlta, Plumbago Zeylanica.

Sinkpoopee, sang-kupi, Clerodendron inevme.

Herre, harrd, myrobalan

Cumbelah, kamila, kamela, Mallotus Philippinus.

Punlah, panlat, cardamom.

Bidharrah, ? bidari-kand, Ipomaea digitata .

Dunbeherah, amaltds, Cassia fistula,

alias Ummulatas,

Tommabootee, ? tambuli, Piper Betel.

Jummaulgootah, jamalgota, Croton Tiglium, Purging Croton.
Pipramool, pzpal mul, Long Pepper root.

Cuthee, hath, gum-arabic.

Choak, chok, Rumex vesicanus (sorrel).

Seedgekajorr,
Seedgeka dood,

Ockoonkadood,

sij ka jar, root }

sij ka dudh, milky sap ^p u ^ e . wort .

akund ( akwan , akkand), ka dudh, Calotvopis

f of Euphorbia
-! ■bilulifera.

gig ante a.

Gue,

clarified butter.

4. Marshall is describing the Seychelles cocoanut brought up
occasionally by sea currents to the Indian coast. It is the
“ double cocoanut ” which is much valued and is sometimes made
into begging bowls by Indian religious mendicants. (R. C. T.)

5. Ghdo pat, wound-leaf, Marshall’s " Ghow paut,” is the
Kalanchae Laciniata or “ Leaf-seed,” the leaves of which when
placed on moist ground take root and produce young plants.
Marshall is correct as to its efficacy as an emollient. See Dymock,
Pharmographia Indica, i. 590.

6. (a) This remedy is of the nature of a charm, and should
perhaps come under Folklore.

11. (c) On nirmali, Marshall's ” Nermalee,” Dutt (p. 200)
remarks, s.v. Strychnos potatorum : “ The use of these seeds for
the purpose of clearing muddy water is as old as Su£ruta. Medicin¬
ally it is generally used as a local application in eye-diseases.’!.

14. By ** Maucaud (Maucaul) or Narranie oyle ” Marshall may
mean Madhyama N dr ay ana taila, the constituents of which are
given by Dutt, p. 261. Or he may be referring to two differed

NOTES ON CHAPTER X 331

oils" Maucaud ” (probably identical with “ Maucaul oyle ” men¬
tioned below) and Narayana oil. “ Maucaud, maucaul ” perhaps
represents mdkat, the pounded fruit of Tricosanthes palmate
(see Watt, s.v) blended with oil.

Bollaut ( bdldiaild ) oil is an oil prepared from a decoction of
Sida covdijolia mixed with milk and Sesamum oil. See Dutt,
p. 121; Watt, S. 1694.

19. The term “ Rais de Joan Lopis ” for Cinchona, Peruvian
or Jesuits’ bark, is interesting, and is the only instance that has
been discovered. In 1638 the Countess de Chinchon, after whom
the bark was named, was suffering from fever and ague at Lima.
The corrigidor of Loxa, Don Juan Lopez de Canizaries, sent a
parcel of quinquina to her physician, and this effected her cure.
See Balfour, Cyc. of India, s.v. Cinchona, and Sir Clements Mark¬
ham’s Peruvian Bark, p. 10, where, however, the name is given as
Francisco instead of Juan Lopez.

23. See Hamilton, East Indies, i. 394, for a similar remark.

24. For the history of the term" kill,” in the sense of ” destroy¬
ing the active quality of,” see the O.E.D., where quotations are
given from 1613-1881.

XI

FOLKLORE (INCLUDING HISTORICAL
NOTES, LEGENDS AND STORIES,
NATURAL HISTORY, MANNERS AND
CUSTOMS)

A. Charms

1. CHARME TO HINDER MEN FROM BEING

ANGRY

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

In an Alligators head is a little bag of gelly. This
taken out and dryed will be like a powder, which
worne about a man, shall prevent any person before
whome hee shall come from being angry with him.
Also the oyle of a Tyger is good for ditto, if rubbed
upon the face. These and the like are used by the
Indians.

2. [CHARM] TO CAUSE MONEY TO STAY BY A

MAN

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

Take a Rupee or other peece [of silver] and bury
in the mouth of a frog, which bury in the ground
alive. Then at midnight take up this frog and money,
and that money will never leave you, but always be

brought or conveyed to you againe.

m.m. 353 z

354

FOLKLORE

3. MONEY HID

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

In India, when they hide money, they Sacrafice to
the Devill, and no man can carry away that money that
doth not sacrifice more than was sacrificed at the
hideing of it.

4. CHARMES AND TRICKS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 10a.

Tis reported That some of the Hindoos have
strainge charmes, as some to make a knife (though
never so sharp) that it shall not cut; fire (though never
so hot) not to burne. Also to charme a man so that
hee shall not feele anything, although a man should
cut his flesh never so much. This last I had from an
Arminian.

Some say they have charmes whereby, after describ¬
ing a circle upon the ground, cut the ground within
that circle, and there shall be good iron under it.

This I had from an English man, who said hee
spoke with one English man who see these
2 following tricks at Docca [sic ? Dacca] (vizti)
That a man went up on the end of a Pole which
another had in his hand, and when at the top, the
pole was taken away and yet the man fell not, but
hovered in the air, and after a while his head fell,
after that his arms, and so by pieces till all was fallen,
and then the man joyned together and rose up well.
Th’other That a man held a clew of thred, and another
took hold of one end and flew so far into the air till
had run it all out and then came down.

CHARMS

355

5. SHEARCERREE CHARME
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23a.

Tis reported that the little topple [crest, tuft]
sometimes found upon the top of a Lyons head, called
Shearcerree [ sher , $irhi\ if a man weares it upon the
top of his head with his hat or sash [turban], that
no man shall have power to hurt him, but will be
afraid of him whilst in his presence.

6. PEEPULL KA PAUT [pipal kd pdi ] CHARME
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24.

If a man desire that his friend should stay with
him, or returne to him againe w T hen gone, if hee
sticks the branch of a Peepull tree or the leaves thereof
over his door, the wind will shake them and his
friend shall never be contented in mind till returne
againe thither. But there be certaine words to
be said and [sic ? at] the sticking up of the branch
or leaves, which are to be writ upon them before
[it] will be effectuall.

B. Magic Squares

7. CHARME OF 15
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 30.

This taken any ways makes 15,
which I have made, which suppose
to be the same which said Bramin
told me would open any lock, if
writ upon a paper, and with that
paper strike upon the lock. The
Bramin could not then remember it.

6

7

2

1

i

5

9

8

3

4

3 S 6

FOLKLORE

8 . CHARME OF 20
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 28a.

This writ upon the left
hand with Turmerick \haldi\
or wale [?] or like and then
washed of with water, and that
water drunk after hath beene
bit with a Snake, the poyson
of the Snake will have no force,
makes 20.

9. CHARME OF 34
Harl. MS. 4255, fols. 29-30.

The Hindoos have many
charmes, amongst which is
this following. This figure
taken any ways make 34
whose significations are as
follow, vizt .—9, the Earth;
16, the Moone ; 2, the Sun

and Moone ; 7, the Seaven Seas ; 6, a child before

named; 3, Heaven; 13, the 13 chiefe things, vizt.,
Man, World, Chaunk [ sankh , conch] shell, the Mind,
a flower, Cow, Elephant, Moone, Sunn, Dragons
head, Dragons tayl, the Stars, Saturne; 12, the Sun
beames ; 15, Severall houses; 10, a man with 10

heads ; 8, so many sorts of snakes ; 1, God ; 4, the
foure quarters of sky; 5, the 5 great Rojas; 11,
Dragons tayle ; 14, the 7 Skyes ; and 7 Earths.

These figures writ thus is the greatest of all their
Bideas [ vidyd , knowledge], and if writ upon paper and
put in a lamp of Cerway \karud tel , mustard-seed oil]

9

16

2

7

6

3

13

12

15

10

8

1

4

5

11

14

2

9

2

7

6

3

6

5

8

3

8

1

4

5

4

7

This taken any wayes

CHARMS

357

or other oyle and rouled in a week [wick] of clout or
cotton and lighted, will scare away the Devell [evil
spirit which “ possesses ” human beings] from any
one possessed with him, being lighted before the
party possessed and the name Devill [the name of the
particular godling invoked] writ under the figures.
Also you may write it upon the ball of your left hand
and reade it and then aske the Devill any question
when comes from the possessed, and hee will answer
you. Also so writ and turned towards any witch or
spirit or Devill, and they will not stay neare you.

Also against enimies, tis good if writ upon left hand
and under it the name of your enimie, and upon his
name put some ashes or dust and blow of[f] againe,
and your enimies will cease. Also if writ in your hand
and your enimies name under it, and with that hand eat
your victualls, and if your enimie be in sight of you
and eat any victualls, his belly will swell and hee will
be sick. Also these figures thus writ and the name
devell writ under it in your hand, then shut your hand
and the Devill [the spirit invoked] will appeare to
you, if desire it. Then you may open your hand and
reade the figures and ask him any Question and hee
will answer you.

If a man that is bewitched take these 16 figures
and write downe in this manner, and put into water,
and drink of that water, [he] shall presently [immedi-
ately] be well againe. Also, if a man be malancholy
and look but upon this, hee will presently be merry"
againe. Tis also good against poison inwardly, or
the poison of Serpents &ca. This [is] also good to
digest victualls if writ upon the hand with which eat
victualls. [? This is] their best charme.

FOLKLORE

35 ^

These figures thus writ and the shape of a man put
in the middle, as here above, and rowled up from 9
towards 14, so that the mans head
will be uppermost and his feet
below—haveing writ your enimies
name below the figures—then
burne the paper so rowled, being
put into cotton or a cloth rowled
up and made a weake [wick] of
and burnt in a Lamp, and your
enimies will be sick.

Also thus writ and the Devill
writ upon the top of the figures,
and keep the paper in your hand,
and hee will come and answer
you any thing.

This writ in right hand, when fight, will be sure to
conquer.

This is good for every thing and against all evell
things what ever, and is esteemed the highest of all
the Hindoos Magick. This, with all before, had
from Ramnaut Bramin [Ramnath, Brahman] • at
Modufferpore [Muzaffarpur] nere Mossee [Maisl]
in Hindostand.

10. CHARME OF 50

This writ upon a paper
and under it the name of any
woman you desire to em¬
brace. Hold the paper in your
hand towards her when she is
going from you, and shee will
returne and come to you.

4

CHARMS

359

Also these figures thus writ on a paper and under
it the name of any child that is very froward and
constantly crying, then sewed about the childs neck,
the child will leave crying.

Also when you go to fight, write this in your hand
and read it 3 or 4 times before begin to fight, and then
you will overcome.

These taken any wayes make 50.

11. CHARME OF 62

The Hindoos have these
following figures placed as
here, So that if a man write
this and keepe in his hand,
hee shall never be wounded,
nor shall any thing be capable
of hurting him; also if a
bullet hit him it shall not enter his body. These
figures taken in a right line any ways make 62.

Haxl. MS. 4255, fol. 28a.

These if thus writ upon the hand left, and under
them the name of his enimie, and upon that name put
some ashes or (for want thereof Dust) and blow away
the dust or ashes, and your enimies will cease. Tis
good against any thing that is bad.

12. CHARME OF 72
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 29.

These figures writ thus and
put upon a peece of paper,
and then take one or 2
peppercorns and chew in the
mouth, and then write under
the figures the name of your

28

35

2

1 7

6 1

3

32

3 i

34

29

8 ;

1

4 J 5

30

33

Haxl. MS. 4254, fol. 32.

23

30

2

7

6

3

27

26

29

24

S

1

4

5

25

28

FOLKLORE

360

enimie, and as [you] chew the peppercornes, blow
upon your enimies name upon a Sunday or Tuesday,
and continue so for 7 or 8 times, and your enimies
malice will effect nothing upon you, but some bad
thing will fall upon himselfe, which when happens,
you maye desist from using it more. These taken
any wayes make 72.

13. CHARME OF 100
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 29.

This is for 3 things, vizt.,

(x) Writ 45 times over in severall papers, and in
each the name of your enimie writ, and cast these

papers into the river and your
enimies will cease.

(2) This writ in your hand
and under it the name of the 1
person you desire should love )
you, and it will do it.

(3) Also this writ in a .
paper and tyed about your ;

right arme above your elbow and no shot will hit >
you.

These taken any wayes make 100.

C. Aphrodisiacs

14. WORME CHARME
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

[There is] A little worme, which in Huglie is called
Luckera-ka-kera \lakrt-ka-ktra, wood-fretter] from its
living in wood. Tis about 1 -J- inch long, not much
unlike a Silkworme. This touched upon the back

42

49

2

7

6

3

46

45

48

43

8

1

4

5

44

47

CHARMS

361

with a mans finger, or any thing else, controcteth
itselfe into a very narrow space ; the back of it is
hard. This worme being cut into two peeces, the
one will stirr and the other not. This that stirreth,
the Portugees whores bruise and take the blood
[? juice] of it, and take a Beetle nut and cut it into
two peeces or halfes. This blood [is] mixed with
one of the halfes of the Beetle nut and [is] given to
a man to eat with beetle. And the whores, taking
the other halfe of the worme and other halfe of the
beetle nutt and [sic] wrap it over with horse hair
(speaking some certain words).

[Then] the man that did eat the same beetle before
mentioned shall never be capable of having the carnal
knowledge of any woman but her, so long as shee
keeps the other part of the Nut and worme ; but if
shee gives it to him hee may : but if shee throw it
away, hee shall never be capable of lying carnally with
her or any woman else. This is reported upon good
grounds, for some Dutchmen have knowne it by
experience.

D. Good and Bad Luck
15. CORNEBEPAUK
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25.

The Hindoos book they call Cornebepauk [karma
(karam) be pak] which signifies to cleanse [?] the bad
fortune, wherein is writ severall beasts, birds, summes
of money, flowers &ca* And they say, if a man be
sick, poor, or the like, if they prick [indicate by
pricking at random] in this book amongst the leaves
and give what is writ in the leaves where prick, shall
have what they want. But if you stand not to it, then

FOLKLORE

362

’tis bad, and your misery will increase* And if stand
to it, the charge will be perhaps great and sometimes
light, to be an Elephant or 100,000 Rupees.

16. HINDOOS 7 DAYS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

They say tis good to undertake a jorney to the East
on Sunday, to the West on Munday, Fryday or
Saturday, To the South on Tuesday or Wednesday,
and to the North on Thursday.

17. PERSIAN 6 BAD DAYES EVERY MONTH
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6.

The Persians say That the 3, 8, 13, 18, 23 and 28th
dayes after they see the New Moon are unfortunate
Dayes, not accompting that day on which they see
the New Moon for the first [time], but the morning
after the first from which the Account cometh; and
on these dayes they say tis not good to undertake
any work.

E. Witchcraft

18. [CHARMS] AGAINST WITCHCRAFT
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25.

(1) Take the blood of a Musk rat, and therewith
dip or roule a cotton thread or string, and when any
witch comes to pass over it and strides over it, shee
will presently [immediately] fall downe, and when gets
up will pull up her coats to the middle.

(2) Take a Snake (of that sort that hath 2 heads)
and kill it, and into its mouth put a little dirt, ad'
after it cotton seeds, and then hang up the Snake is

OMENS 363

your chamber, and all the chamber will seeme full of
Snakes, which the witch will feare.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

(3). Take Quicksilver and put it into a quill, which
stop with wax. This put under the head will keep a
man from being bewitched.

F. Omens

19 [SIGNES TO] CONQUER ENIMIES
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6.

If a man, when going to fight with his enimies and
his right nostrill be open and cleare so that he breaths
well thorow it, he will beat his enimie, but if shut and
cannot well breath thorow it, then hee will be beaten ;
and if both nostrills be open and cleare, then he will
kill his enimie ; if both be shutt then will not fight,
or if fight, be killed.

20. SIGNES OF GOOD FORTUNE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 16.

If from the joynt of the Elbow to the end of the long
finger be longer than from the joynt within the knee
to sole of foot, then a signe of good fortune.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 16a.

If when a man stands upright and his fingers reach
to his knee and his arme also be longer than his leg
as before, then hee will be very fortunate.

21. SIGNES OF DEATH
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6.

The Bamins [Brahmans] say That if a man puts his
right hand behind him under his left arme and cannot

FOLKLORE

364

then see it, or his left hand under his right arme and
cannot see it, then hee will in few dayes dy.

Also when a man cannot see his nose (if not blind)
will dy in 4 or 5 dayes*

Let a man hold the ends of his thumbs and fingers
together so that his right hand thumb end be placed^
against the Left hand thumb end, forefinger to fore¬
finger, ringfinger to ringfinger and little finger to
little finger, arid bend each long finger within the
hand, placing the knuckles on the middle joynts of
the long fingers together, and keepe them close. Then
any man may open his thumbs, keeping his other
fingers close. But if he can open his two ringfingers
and keep his other fingers ends close, and the knuckles
of his long fingers close, then that man will not live
above 4 or 5 dayes at the most.

Also if a man be sick and his right nostrill be
stopped, then he will suddenly die.

G. Incantations

22. [CHARM] TO MAKE A VISION APPEARE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

In India, when women burne alive with their
husbands, the cloth that is tyed about them is tied
before on a hard knot, which, with the rest of the
cloth, is all rubbed with Turmerick when the women
burne ; and the rest of the cloth will presently [quickly]
burne, but the knot not so suddenly.

Therefore take that knot out of the fire, and at any
time take a peece of this knot and open it, and with
*[a] peece of it make the week [wick] of a lamp, and put
it into the skull of a dead man or woman. Fill the

INCANTATIONS 365

skull with oyle, and put this week into it and light
it, and the likeness of this woman (whose clout it was)
will appeare in the roome.

23. TO KNOW WHAT BEAST MANS SOUL ENTERS
INTO AFTER GOES HENCE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22.

The Hindoos pretend to know into what creature
a mans soule will go into after death by'this way, vizt .:
In that place of the ground upon which a man is laid
upon when first dies, strow it with flower of wheat or
any other graine (after the corps is carried away to be
burnt or buried), and upon the flower set a basket,

. which let stand 2 or 3 houres. Then lift up the
basket, and upon the flower you will see the impression
of the foot of some beast or the hand of a man, &ca.,
which is the beast or man into which the Soule of
the deceased man went. But if there be no such
^impression, then the said soule will be gone to God and
will not againe returne into any body. This I have
heard to be affirmed both by Moores [Muhammadans]
and Hindoos to bee true, they having made the
experiment.

I. Human Beings
24. EUNUCHS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

Eunuchs are observed never to be bald, nor to be
troubled with the Gout.

366

FOLKLORE

J. Death

25. TREE OF DEATH
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

In India is a Tree, any part of wl
breaks, he presently [immediately] dies,

K. Astrology

26. CHARLES'S WAINE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 10a.

In the Stars called Charles his waine

represented [in] this maner, neare the star e is a little
star, which when a man that is in health cannot in a
clear night see, tis reported hee shall within 6 months
after dy. It is called the Starr of life.

L. Proverbial Sayings

27. THREE MEN UNFORTUNATE
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25a.

(1) That hath 100 rupees and eats his meal without
butter.

(2) That hath 1000 rupees and goes on foot.

(3) That hath 100,000 rupees and travels out of hi
Country.

28. [RIGHT AND LEFT SIDES]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 6.

Men when they rise and walk, they set the right le
formost, but women the left.

Men when they looke on one side, they general]
look towards the left hand, and woman towards tl
right, because mans place is on the right hand (tl

lich, if a man

« # 6 #
d% c

being
s ^

PROVERBIAL SAYINGS

367

woman towards whome hee looks), and womans on
the left hand (the man towards whome shee lookes).

Doctors feele on a mans pulse upon the right hand,
but upon a womans upon the left.

29. SIX REMEDIES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 24a.

Against the Fire (1) Water. Against heat of Sun
is a house or (2) Cover over head. Against the madness
of an Elephant, an (3) Unkus [ankus] or hook to
guide him. Against horses, dogs, &ca. (4) A Chaw-
buck [chabuk] or good whip. Against Sickness (5)
Physick. Against Poison (6) a Charme. But to
reclaime or make wise a Fool [there] is no remedie.

30. WOMANS BEAUTIES COMPARED
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24.

Her face like the Moon, Deers eyes, and gate like
an Elephant.

31. WOMANS INCONSTANCY
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24.

Witness the Story of the Blacksmith’s wife and the
fuckeer.

32. FIVE DARTS OF WOMAN
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 21.

1. To see a woman go her gate.

2. To see her neck and breast bare.

3. To see her look upon a man and turn away
againe.

4. To see her smile upon a man and turne away.

5. To see her in fine clothes.

3 68

FOLKLORE

33. THREE GOOD THINGS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 33a.

Bamins [Bahman, Brahman] prefer 3 things before
all other, vizt., to ly with women. To Ride, To drink
milk. The Mogulls say the 3 best things are flesh,
vizt.. To ride upon flesh, To eat flesh, and To ly with-
flesh.

34. SKY COLOUR, GREENE
Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 17a.

They say that Sky colour is an equall mixture of all
colours alike, and that the wind is greene, for nothing
will be greene without it.

35. SALVES BEFORE WOUNDS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 30.

The Arabians have a saying That God made Salves
before made wounds.

M. Historical Notes, Legends and Stories

36. TIMMERLUING
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 4a.

Mamidarif [Mahmud c Arif] and Sidd Jaffer [Saiyid
Ja’far], Moormen [Muhammadans], Say that Tammer-
lin is in their language called Timmerlung [Timur
Lang], but his name was Timmer [Timur], and by
reason that he was lame, the Persians and Moores
called him Timmerlung, lung [lang\ signifying lame.

Hee had a very great armie, but went into Turky
with a few Soldiers, and being neare the Great Turks
Court, hee fained himselfe very Sick and sent to the
Great Turk to acquaint him that hee would have

HISTORICAL NOTES

369

waited upon him but that hee was very Sick, and
did not expect to live long, but would gladly see him
before hee died. Soe the Great Turk went to see
him.

When he came at Timmerlungs dore, hee desired
the Great Turk not to let any of his attendants come
in with him, by reason hee was so dangerous sick,
and they would disturb him. Besides hee had some
private busines to impart to him. Thereupon hee
sent away all his attendants and went in to Timmerlung
who, when hee had him alone, sent for some soldiers
which hee had ready who,' when the[y] came, Timmer¬
lung told the Turk that being he was not able to
conquer him by armes in the field, hee was resolved
to do it in some wayes ; therefore told the Great Turk
if hee would not sweare to him to do somthing by
which Timmerlung might be forever talked of, hee
would kill him.

So the Great Turk promissed that hee would, and
bid him ask what hee would. So Timmerlung made
him sweare to make a Law and observe it. That none
of the Turkes should ride with a Crooper on their
horse tales nor ride with a whip in their hands, which
the Great Turk swore too; after which Timmerlung
set the Great Turk at Liberty. Timmerlung is to
this day called by the Great Moores only Timmer.

37. TURKMAN WHY CALLED SO
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 25a.

Tamerlung [Timur Lang] which conquered the
great Turk, carried him before the King of Persia,
who said “ Turkman,*’ £.<?., “ Let him go,” since
which they were called Turks.

2 A

M.M.

370

FOLKLORE

38. [A STORY OF] ALEXANDER
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 30.

The Moors [Muhammadans] say That Alexanders
father was a Chowdry \chaudhurt\ and paid yearly to
the King severall gold egs, who when dyed, hee
demanded of Alexander the same tribute of gold Egs,
who sent the King word That the hen that laid them
Egs was dead and hee was Alexander, therefore would
lay him none.

39. ROJA OSOMANGES [RAjA ASAMANJAS]

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 13a.

Tis reported hee never touched the ground, esteem¬
ing it unworthy to beare him. Hee esteemed none
his equall; he fought with the King of India but was
over come.

40. [KHATMANDU RAjA]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

The Rojas name at Cautmondoo [Khatmandu] is
Purtaupmull [Pratap Mai] ; his at Pautun [Pathan] is
Nevasmull [Nivas Mai] and his at Bautgowne [Bhat-
gaon] is Purcosmull [Prakas Mai].

41. GREAT MOGULLS CO J ANN A
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26.

Mamood harrif [Mahmud ‘ Arif] saith that he hath
received a late Account of Orungzeeb [Aurangzeb],
the King of India, or the great Mogull, his Cojanna
\kha%and \, or Treasure, and there was in it but
11 Corore [ karor ] of Rupees or 110,000,000 Rupees,
which at 2s. 3d. per Rupdfe amount to in Sterling
123,750,000 lu

LEGENDS AND STORIES

37*

42. JOUGEE ECKBAR [A jogt and Akbar]

Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 31-31a.

The Moores say that in King Eckbur’s [Akbar’s]
raigne there was a Jougee [Jogt] or Hindoo Fuckeer
[faqtr] who, flying towards Jaggarnaut [Jagannath]
and being over the Kings Pallace, seeing it such a
pleasant place, lighted there and fell asleep upon the
top of the Tarrast [terrace]. When a sleepe let fall
out of his mouth a ball of Quicksilver, by which hee
flew. The King going to his Maul [mahaf]^ where his
women were, found this Jougee lying upon his Tarrast
neare his Maul a sleepe, and found by his side his
Quicksilver ball, which hee took up and kept in his
hand, for hee knew wherefore it was (being well read
in the Hindoo bookes and understanding most of
their tricks).

Hee awakened the Jougee and asked him wherefore
he durst come so neare his Maul, who answered that
as hee was flying over the pallace, seeing it a very
pleasant place, lighted there but hee had not medled
with any of his women and, missing his Quicksilver
ball, desired the King to give it to him againe, without
which hee could not fly; but the King would not,
but kept him to teach him some tricks. The Jougee
told the King hee would [? could] take his own soule
out of his body and put it into any body else &ca.,
which the King for tryall sent for a Deer and bid the
Jougee put his soule into it, and command the Deers
soul into the Jougees body, which hee did. Then
the King bid the Jougee put the Kings soule into the
Deers and the Deers into^his, which hee did, and a
while after rechanged againe. When the King was

FOLKLORE

372

satisfied in the truth of this (having experimented it
by going into the Deers body himselfe), [he] was very
angry and afraid of the Jougee and caused him presently
to be killed, which was accordingly done. Immediately
after which the King was extreamely altered, and all his
life long after lived a retired life, which was for about
10 or 11 yeares, and as to all his disposition hee was
perfectly altered, and any that went to him would
not have knowne by his discourse or actings that hee
was the same man as before. So that the Moores say
That when hee ordered the Jougee to be killed, that
the Jougee changed soules with the King, so that it
was the Kings soule that was gone, and the Jougees
soule remained in the King.

43. JUSTICE AT PEGUE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 5.

Mr. [Christopher] Hatton Saith that at Pegu they
have in their Bookes one story of 2 women going to
wash together with each of them a child, which they
laid by the river side whilst they went in. When
they were in the River, an Alligator came and carried
away one child, soe the women quarrelled for the
child which was left. Soe the Judge, to decide
the controversi[e], commanded the one to take
hold of the head and the other of the heeles of
the child, and bid them pull for it. So the one
pulled hard, but the other, hearing the Child cry,
gave way and let it goe. So the other woman was
going away with the Child, but the Judge recalled her,
and told her since shee had no more compassion of the
child but to let it cry and still to pull it, she could not
be its mother, so gave the child to the other woman.

LEGENDS AND STORIES

373

44. DRUNKENNESS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 21.

A Drunkerd meet the Mogul king riding upon an
Elephant and asked him if hee would sell his Elephant,
who bid him come to him next day and hee would tell
him. So next day hee sent for him and asked him if
hee would by [buy] his Elephant and [j/V, r as he]
said the day before, who told him that hee never
intended it, but drunkenness would then have bought
him, but now drunkenness, whose broker he was, was
gone, so hee might seek a chapman for his Elephant.

45. ? AUGULL

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 11.

Mamidarif [Mahmud c Arif] saith that about 14
Course [ kos ] from Pattana, about 4 years since, 14
people met at a musceet \masjid\ when, being very
stormy and rainy, they all went into it. After a
while it lightned much by the doore of the Musceete
and the lightning hovered over the doore, so they said
each to the other that there was some wicked person
amongst them whome God had a mind to destroy,
and not them all. So they agreed that one by one
they should all goe out and touch a tree before the
Musceet, and if they returned safe they were not the
persons. So one goes out to the tree and returned into
the Musceet safe againe, and so the 2d, 3d, and so 13.
When onely one was left, hee was unwilling to go
out, being if there were one wicked man amongst
them and all the rest had cleared themselfe[s], [it must
be he]. But the other 13 forced him out. So hee
went to the tree, and returning back againe found all

3?4 FOLKLORE

the rest, (vizt.) 13, dead. And hee afterwards went
about his business.

46. HINDOOS JUSTICE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 20a.

At Mugdmulut [? Magadh mulk] (not far from
Pottana [Patna]) lived long since a Braminie [Brahman]
whose name was Keso [Kesu], who had one only
daughter which he resolved to marry to that man of
his Cast which was the Godliest. At one time came
together 3 Braminies to Court the Bramins daughter,
each in expectation to obtaine her, but all being alike
vertuos, or seemed so to Keso, so that at present hee
could not resolve to which of the 3 to marry his
daughter. In the meantime the daughter died, at
which they were all exceedingly sorry, and they all 3
went along with her to see her burnt, being usuall
for friends so to do. When shee was burning, one of
the 3 leapt into the fire to her and burnt with her, after
[? so] shee was burnt and one of the 3 Braminies
with her.

Another of the Braminies gathers together all their
ashes and sit upon them and there resolved to spend
the rest of his life.

The 3d Braminie went away and resolved to turne
Fuckeer. [faftr] or Hermite and wander all the dayes
of his life. Hee had wandered a great way and a
great while. At length came to a Braminies house,
where the Braminie told him if hee would stay there
hee should be welcome. Hee had beene there some
dayes, and observing the Braminies child to cry, the
Braminies wife came to the child, and being veiy
angry took it and threw it into the fire and burnt it,

LEGENDS AND STORIES

375

at which this Fuckeer was so angry that hee left the
Braminies house. But the Braminie sent after him
to ask him the reason thereof, who answered that it
was not good to stay there, being hee had seene the
Braminies wife burne her child. At which the
Braminy smiled and told him That hee should see the
Child alive againe, and taking out a book, read some
part of it, at which the child appeared out of the ashes ;
which that Fuckeer observing, at night he stole from
the Braminy thatfsBasok and ran away and came to the
place where his fellow Bramin was siting upon the
other Bramins and Keso’s daughters ashes.

Then taking out the Book hee had stolne, and
having observed the place where to read, read in it,
and presently appeared the Braminy and Kiso’s [sic]
daughter that had bin burnt together out of the ashes.

Then arose a great dispute amongst these 3 Bramins
who should marry this young woman, Keso’s daughter.
The one pleaded hee ought, being hee burnt with
her ; the other hee ought by reason hee kept her ashes
company; and the 3d that hee ought because hee had
brought her to life againe.

So the dispute was to be decided by Muglesorell,
the Roja, a Prince there, who said the first should not
have her because hee was her brother, being borne
out of the ashes with her, neither should the last who
was her father who had made her ; therefore the second
should, who was not related to her, only had kept her
ashes company.

$?^NDOG CASE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 24.

1 A Fuckeer [faqtr] having made himselfe so fast to
a Tree within a thick wood that could not loose

FOLKLORE

376

himselfe, there resolving to spend the remainder of his
life in the open air, having neither house nor cloths
to cover himselfe with, so people that passed by gave
him victualls ; but hee asked for none, only eat what
was given him. One man passing by him, seeing
him destitute of a house, built one over him to keepe
of[f] the raine. Another man coming by and seeing
him in this condition that could not loose himselfe,
pulled downe the house least the fire should take hold
of the wood and burne the Fuckeers house and
consequently the Fuckeer, who spoke to neither of
them.

Quere. Who did good or bad for him, and who
to be commended, they contradicting each other?
Answer. Both alike, being the intent in both were
good alike.

48. MAIRMAIDS
Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

At Mosambeeque are severall Mairmaids, with
whome tis reported the Natives do often ly with when
they catch them. Their bones being tied to the wrist
of a man is said to stay bleeding in any part of him.

49. SALTNESS OF SEA
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 15a.

Some Hindoos say That the reason the Sea is salt
is because Genassee [Agasti], one of Adams sonnes, at
one time drank up all the water in the Sea and after¬
wards pissed it out again, which made it salt.

NATURAL HISTORY

377

O. Natural History

50. ELEPHANTS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 5a.

Mr. Hatton saith, Elephants when they Gender,
the Male gets upon the female as a horse doth a mare,
and puting his yard under the females belly hee bends
it back againe (it having a joynt in it about J part from
the end), which he puts into the female into that part
which distinguisheth her sex, which lies under her
belly; which was a wonder formerly how they should
engender, some affirming it was as woman to man, and
others that the female kneeled down, &ca.

Elephants are very nimble creatures. When they
are taken, being pent in a narrow place and ropes
thrown abour [jzV, about] their necks, they will stand
upon their hind feete and with their fore feete unloose
the rope, by puting their fore feet behind their necks
as a Catt will. They will shuffle a great pace as fast
as some horses will gallop.

51. LITTLE OXEN IN PATTANA
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

There are in Pattana little oxen [gaina] which draw
Coaches, which are about 27 inches high at the shoulder
and 36 inches long, which will go (with one man to
drive them and one in the Coach) 20 or 30 days
together, 20 or 25 miles every day. They are bought
for 4 or 5 rupees per pare, the best sort of them.

52. GOATS GREAT

I have also seene Goats of 30 inches high at the
shoulders.

378

FOLKLORE

53. COSTAREKA MURG FROM BOTTON
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19.

Costureka Murg ["kasturi ka mrig , musk of deer] or
Muskcats are about 12 or 14 inches high, have little
homes and 2 great teeth stick out like hogs or [? boars]
tosses [tusks]. [It is reported that] they have no
joynts in their leggs, so that when they are downe,
cannot get up againe, by which means they are taken,
for the inhabitants neare them cut the trees against
which they think these beasts will leane when they
sleep, so that when they come to leane against the
trees they give way, and the beasts or Deer fall. So the
people take and kill them and eat their flesh, and
curing of[f] their Navills, which is that which wee call
the Cods, sell them.

These beasts or Deer are most at Botton [Bhutan,
Tibet], about 200 Course [£o.r] from Neopoll [Nepal]
or Necball to the North, upon the Tartarian hills or
Caucosus, being about 290 Course North from
Pattana.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 20a.

The Musk Deer in Button are plentifull all over.
The report of having no joynts in their legs is false,
for they have as other Deer. Both 'Male and Female
have Musk in their Navills, and both long teeth or
tosses [tusks] sticking out of their mouths.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22.

Musk Deer are killed with Guns and dogs, and the
flesh good, and their Navell, when taken, is full of
gored blood, not at all smelling, but when put into
[the] Sun or [a] dry place for 1 o dayes, then it grains
and smells sweet, which they bind up and sell.

NATURAL HISTORY

379

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19.

These beasts, the Males of them, have 2 Codds, which
generally is full of a thin substance like whey, and
in the Navell lies the seed, which is the pure Musk.
The Females have none in their Navills; neither
have the males untill they bee almost at their [full]
growth. These Deer will run very fast.

The word Musk comes from Mussuck [Pers.
mushk ], which comes from Must [mast]) which signifies
the Nature or Seed of Man or beast. Tis also used in
speech for lust, or rampant.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 14a.

Tis observed in Pattana That those Merchants that
keepe Musk in their houses and roomes where they ly
[lie] are short lived, and that it dries up the seed and
naturall heate in man and makes him impotent in few
years ; but it doth not any hurt to woman.

54. COEE OR JACKATRA
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

The Coa or Jackatra in India is much like a Croco¬
dile, but is not above 8 or i o inches high, though some
3 foot long. Tis reported that if it bites a man [which it
will not do except hurt by him], it presently [immedi-
tely] hastens to the water, at which, if it comes before
the man, the man presently dies, but if the man gets
to the water before it, it presently dies. This Coee
will also blow upon a man at a great distance, after
which a man will swell, and in few dayes time, die.

55. GOSOMPH

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

Gosomph [gohsanp lizard-snake] is a creature much
in shape like a Lizard, but about f or a yard long, and

FOLKLORE

380

about \ yard thick. It hath 4 feet. If it sees a man,
it will not seize upon [him] but avoid him, but if a
man strike or vex it, it will (if it can) bite him, and<
then will with all hast run into the water; and if
it get into the water before the man, the man will
presently [immediately] dy, but if the man get into
the water before it, it presently dies.

56. CUTCHOA

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

The fish [reptile] Cutchoa [kachhwa, tortoise, turtle],
aboundance of which I see by Mungere [Munger,
Monghyr]. Tis like a Turtle, hath 4 feet with kind
of finns and nails on them. They are Gibbus
[gibbous, convex] on their back and hard and greene,
and on their belly hard and white ; their head like
a Moale, little long nose and sharp teeth, yellow and
cleare eyes. They can thrust out their necks a long
way and draw them in againe. They eat dead men,
and some of the Hindoos eat them. I see a washerman
had got one of them, which hee was carriing home to
eate.

57. SWORD FISH
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16a.

A Sword fish was taken by the teeth in a Net against
Huglie Factory. The fish was about 3 yards long,
besides his sword, which when cut out was 3 foot
10 inches long, 8 inches broad at one end and 3^
inches broad at the other. The teeth were very sharpe
in the sword and were about 2 inches long. In the
sword were 19 inches on one side, and 17 on the other.
The fish was very thick. I conceive he was as much
about the middle as his length was. His belly was

NATURAL HISTORY 381

full so that hee was unweildy, and was held by the
teeth in his sword, some of which hee broake.

58. SNAKES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 8a.

There are Snakes [boa-constrictors] upon the Hills
by Rojimaul [Rajmahal], and also by Neopoll [Nepal]
which are 20 and 30 yards long, will suck a Cow into
their bellies. They ly in the woods and will suck
with the aire any creatures which come within a great
distance of them.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

A Fuckeer told mee that neare Neopoll hee see a
Snake of 20 Guz [gaz, yard] long, and that by report
there were many much biger.

59 . BYA

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22.

A Bird in India called Bia [ baya , weaver-bird], a
little bird [which] builds her nest upon a tree and
makes it to hang so that it hangs but by 2 or 3 Strawes.
Tis made tapering, being about a foot long, narrow at
the top and very great at the bottome or lowest end,
at least as big as a mans fist.

This bird makes her hole at the bottome, and
makes within 2 roomes, one within another. In the
one shee sits, and in the other puts her young when
hatched. Shee in the night gets little glow flies
(there being aboundance in most of these parts). This
fly the bird sticks its head fast in the dirt within the
Nest that shee may by its light see if any thing come
to disturbe her young.

382

FOLKLORE

60. GREENE PIGEONS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26.

In Hindostand are great numbers of Harrealls
[hariyaf] or Pigeons which are Greene and yellow,
which live upon a sort of trees which are called Peepull
[p-ipal] trees and feed upon the Berries thereof. Tis
reported by many (nay I have heard no man contradict „
it) that they never sit nor tread upon the ground, but
only fly from tree to tree, and when they drink they
light upon some peece of wood or some sedge or the
like that is in the water or by the waterside, and never
sit upon the Earth.

The leaves of the Peepull trees are in colour so
like the Pigeons, that though they sit upon the trees
in very great flocks, tis hard to see one of them, the
leaves constantly quavering, and they siting as it were
under them. I have shot severall of them and eaten
of them ; their meat is excellent good.

61. SNIPES, ROBIN REDBREASTS AND
WAGTAYLES

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 6.

In Singee [Singhiya], neare Pattana, m winter time
are Snipes, wagtailes and Robbin redbreasts, the
2 former like those in England, the latter larger.

62. PUPEA

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 22a.

(Pupea) \j>apiha] is a bird that sings excellent well;
its note is Pucka H, i.e. Where is my love ?

63. FLIES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 9.

At Johnabad [Jahanabad] and thereabouts there
are little flies [eye-flies] which in the day time are

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

383

perpetually flying neare a mans eyes, so that hee must
be perpetually beating and scareing them away, which
is a great trouble. They are exceeding small, not a
3d part so big as a Moskeeta [mosquito], and are
round, not long.

64. ARBOR SENTITA

An herbe in India called Arbor Sentita [the Sensitive
Plant, Mimosa pudica \, whose leaves when a man
toucheth, they will presently close, and open no more
whilst the person is neare which touched it.

P. Manners and Customs

65. BURYALL

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 6.

There is one sort of Hindos that bury, and they
bury their dead Siting in the Grave with his face
towards what hee worshiped ; and some throw [them]
into the rivers with their feete from the place from
whence they came, giving them a thrust forward,
intimating that they will returne no more, but go to
another place.

66. BURNING

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 7.

Some of the Hindos, when they burne their dead,
they ly [lay] them upon their belly, upon a pile of
wood, and put salt and rice upon the Ground at every
corner of the pile, and the nearest of the relations of
the deceased carryeth upon their shoulders a pot of
water which hath a little hole in it, and runeth round
about the deceased as hee burneth, the water runing
out of the put [sic ? pot] upon the ground. And one
other of the relations of the deceased standing by

FOLKLORE

384

[and] ever as the person with the pot of [water]
cometh by him, he, with a little iron or wood, striketh
a hole in the pot, so when the pot hath bin carryed
7 or 8 times round about the burning corps, the person
standing by striketh the pot with great force and
breaketh it. After which the relations of the deceased
wring their hands together and embrace each other^
with most hidious howlings and cryings ; after which
they wash themselfes and returne to their owne
houses. And if the person deceased was rich, then
his relations send the asHes to be cast into some holy
River, as Ganges &ca., or else, if neare, in to the sea.

67. WOMEN BURNING

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 7.

Some of the Hindo women having no children by
their husbands, when they die will leap in to the fire
in which their husbands are burnt, and so burne with
them, haveing first oyled their bodies very much and
taken leave of their friends. But it is credibly reported
that the Braminies [Brahmans] give the women som-
thing to intoxicate them and keepe them from weeping
for the d[e]ath of their husbands, and so perswade
them to burne in token of their constancy to their
husbands. If they can cry, they are not to be burnt,
but if they cannot cry and are not willing to be burnt,
then the relations of the deceased man will stone her
or some wayes contrive her death, or however, weary her
of her life>y ill usage.

Many women have bin burnt in this manner, and
some have by force bin rescued by the English when
they have bin ready to be burnt, who have afterwards
[been] very thankfull for the saving of their lives.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

385

68. CHERAUKUSH
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 7a.

There is a custome in Persia in one place, That
upon a certaine time of the yeare all the men and
women meet at a great feast, where being met together,
both men and women, and being in a dark roome where
lamps burne, on a sudden the lamps are blowne out
and every man layes hold of a woman and lies with
her, not knowing with whome it is, which possibly
may happen to be with his sister or mother.

But some say That hither come only young men and
young women who are unmarried, and when the
lamps are blowne but, every young man takes a young
woman which hee first lights upon and leads her to
his house, where hee marries her, having called to
the wedding his and her friends and relations.

The time in which this happens is called Cherauk-
cush, that is, contented with the lamp, or with that
woman hee shall light upon when tis extinct, from
£ Cherauk * \?hirag\> a Lamp, and * Cush ’ \khusK\ y
content.

69. TOMBS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

The Indians, to preserve their Tombs from decay,
after whited them with lime or Chana \chuna \, which
when is well dryed thereon, they take a large smooth
stone with which they rub very hard the whole Tomb,
diping the stone in water to make the lime moist, and
this puts an excellent gloss upon it and preserves it
f against the rain^rand heat of the Sun for many years
without decay.

M.M. 2 B

386

FOLKLORE

70. HINDOOS TEACH[ERS]

Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 5a.

Hindooes never teach children for money, but those
they teach they give victualls too, besides their learning,
which they esteeme as a guift, so ought not to have
any thing for it.

71. INGRATITUDE
Hail. MS. 4254, fol. 23a.

The Hindoos are very ingrateful, for if a man give
them any thing, they will ask and be more urgent for
more than they will be before you give them anything.
One Hindoo at Singee, a Blacksmith (whose brother
died of Famine), being at deaths dore with famine,
being scarce able to walk a bow shot, I (rather than
see him perish) gave him one Rupee, which is 2s. 3d.,
for which hee thanked mee, and with that Rupee
recovered and got strength, after which (though I
accounted not the Rupee which freely gave him, but
paid him for what worke hee did for mee the worth
of it), yet this fellow would not do any work for mee
in a month which hee might do in 2 or 3 houres, though
I much entreated him.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XI

Marshall’s remarks in this chapter are very valuable for date,
as they are apparently the first attempt by an Englishman to
collect material regarding Indian folklore. Since his day,
however, so much has been done by scholars in this direction that
it is only necessary to group his notes under various headings
and to add a few brief explanations.

i. Marshall is possibly referring in a confused fashion to the
magical properties attributed to crocodile-fat. See Fraser,
Golden Bough , x. 14; Bowrev, ed. Temple, p. 285; and for
the protective quality of tiger-fat see Crooke, Things Indian , p. 8.

4. The marvel of the ladder-climbing and disappearing trick
fades into insignificance when compared with these “ charmes
and tricks.”

7-13. Section B (Nos. 7 to 13) deals with Magic Squares, about
which much has been written. See Herklots, Qanoon-e-Islam,
pp. 231-253; Panjab Notes and Queries , i. Nos. 462, 537, 686,
785, 1017 ; ii. No. 901; Notes and Queries , 12 S. iii. pp. 383, 424,
454 ; 12 S. iv. p. 87.

No. 9, the " Charm of 34,” is repeated on fol. 31a of Harl. MS.
4254, where Marshall adds : “ This figure taken any ways make
34, which I suppose to bee their 27 Nachutturs [Nakshatras, see
Chapter IX] and their 7 Planets.”

No. 11 was also given to Marshall on two different occasions,
and serves two different purposes.

14. By ” Portugees whores ” Marshall means Portuguese
half-castes of the “ Bandel ” or Portuguese settlement at Hugli,
which enjoyed an unenviable reputation at this date. See
Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 191-2 and footnote.

16. See also Chapter IX, No. 94, for " What Dayes good for
travell.” Lucky and unlucky days are dealt with freely in
Panjab Notes and Queries and Things Indian and in Folklore
r of N. India , where the Persian couplet cited agrees with Marshall’s
“ Hindoos 7 days ” except in making Friday an unlucky day for
travelling westward.

387

NOTES ON CHAPTER XI

388

18. (2). The snake “ of that sort that hath 2 heads" is the
domunhd or water snake described by Peter Mundy (ii. 308 and
footnote), " vulgarly held to have 2 heads," but which he later,
found was " not soe."

19. See also Chapter IX, Astrological Notes, Nos. 68, 97, “To
know what party will overcome."

2i. For a note by Dr. J. F. Fleet on the " ringfinger," the
*' finger without a name," see Ind. Ant. iv. 85.

23. This appears to be a charm to ascertain position in nexN
birth. 1

27. The first two of these sayings are directed against the
miserly. The third alludes to loss of caste entailed by travelling
abroad—a superstition which had a strong hold on the populace
in Marshall's day. (R. C. T.)

36. Marshall's note on the name Tamerlane is substantially
correct. By t;he " great Turk " he means the Sultan of Turkey^
contemporary with Timur, i.e. Bayizid I (1389-1403), whose
army was routed by Timur in 1403 and he himself taken prisoner.
But the legend could equally well be fastened on to any other
Oriental ruler.

37. This is a fine instance of Indian literary derivation " out
of the head." It has no reference whatever to fact. (R. C. T.)

38. This is an interesting note, as it would make Alexander
an ordinary Indian personage instead of the son of Philip of
Macedon. (R. C. T.)

40. This is a short list of Indian ruling chiefs in Marshall’s day.

41. For the gross provincial revenue of the Mughal Empire
during the reign of Aurangzeb (1656-1707) see Bernier, ed. V. A.
Smith, p. 459.

42. In the first part of this story there are allusions to the
magical power of flying through the air attributed to the jogi
and to Akbar's study of Hinduism and partiality for Hindu
teachers. The latter part of the story illustrates the doctrine of
the ** Wandering Soul." (R. C. T.)

43. Christopher Hatton, to whom Marshall was indebted for
one of the widely-spread versions of the Judgment of Solomon,
had traded for many years between Pegu and the Coromandel
Coast before he entered the Company’s service in 1670. For a
notice of his career in India see Streynsham Master, ed. Temple,
ii. 135, n. 4.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XI

389

46. This is a story to explain “ religious merit.” (R. C. T.)
It is placed at “ Mugdmulut (? Mugdmuluk), probably intended
for Magadh mulk, the country of Magadha.

47* This is one of the “ riddle ” stories of which Indians are
so fond. For explanation see Lalla the Prophetess , p. 28; Wide
Awake Stories ; Legends of the Panjab t Preface. (R. C. T.)

r 49. This is the well-known myth about Agasti (Agastya)
swallowing the ocean.

50. For other contemporary popular beliefs regarding the
breeding of elephants, see Mundy, ed. Temple, ii. 233-4, iii- 333 ;
Bowxey, ed. Temple, pp. 273-4. For a note on Christopher
Hatton, see above, No. 43.

51. Marshall is describing the dwarf bullock, gaind, the trotting
ox of India.

53. Wonderful and varied stories relating to the musk-deer
had evidently been told to Marshall, and these he jotted down as
received, so that he repeats and contradicts some of his statements.
He is wrong in saying that these animals have horns ; he under¬
estimates their height and he is ignorant of the fact that it is
only the males that have the two long projecting teeth. He also
states incorrectly that both males and females secrete musk, and
then revises that statement, probably from a more reliable source,
as also that regarding their jointless legs, which later on he found
to be " false.” His reference to the ” Tartarian hills or Caucosus ”
shows that the slopes of the Himalayan range was a terra incognita
to the English in the seventeenth century.

54, 55. tf Coa (Coee) or Jackatra,” ” Gosomph.” Marshall
seems to be jumbling several myths together. There are no such
words as ” Coa ” or ” Jackatra.” His remarks may refer to the
nakra or small alligator and the sus-mar, dolphin. By' * Gosomph * *
he means Gohsdnp or goh, the lizard-snake, popularly, but
erroneously, supposed to be poisonous, between which and the
Bis-khapra (see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Biscopra) there is much
confusion of thought.

57. If Marshall is correct as to the “ very sharpe ” teeth ” about
2 inches long ” of the sword fish he saw, he must have met with
an abnormal specimen, as the teeth, both in the upper and lower
jaw of this fish, though innumerable, are in general merely
rudimentary.

62. Marshall’s Pupea ” is the papihd , the Cuculus melano-
leneos , also called the chdtak.

65. For burial in a crouched or sitting position, see Crooke,
Things Indian , p. 129.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XI

39 °

66. Marshall seems to be describing one of the many devices
of preventing the ghost of the deceased from “ walking ” after
death. See Things Indian, p. 129.

67. For contemporary accounts of sail by eye-witnesses, see
Mundy, ed. Temple, ii. 34-6 ; Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 36-38.
See also Things Indian, pp. 446-52.

71. This seems really to be a matter of custom. The Indian
idea is that the man who saves another’s life must ever after loot
after him and keep him in ease and comfort. (R. C. T.)

XII

MUHAMMADANS: LAWS, RELIGION,
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS: PARSIS

i. MOORES LAW, SHARRA; CUSTOME, TORA
'. Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 7a-8.

(a) The Moores have just and good lawes for the
Sonnes, or whome the father by Will leaves his estate
to enjoy it, but the King being irresistable, breakes
these Lawes when hee pleaseth and possesseth himselfe
of what his Nobles or Umbraws ^umara’] leave after
death, but positively against law.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 9.

(b) The Moores have a Law which they call Sharra
[shar'\ whereby full evidence ought to be before a man
ought to be accused. Also by the Sarra | \shar l \ when
any Noble or other person dies, the next relations,
according to the law, as brothers, Sisters, &ca., ought
to have his estate which hee dyed possessed of. Also
when a man is accused of Theft, &ca., it is required
to his conviction that there be such a certaine number
of witnesses; otherwise by the Law hee ought not to
suffer as a Thiefe.

(c) There is a Custome amongst the Moores which
they call Tora [torna, to break], which breaks their
Law Sarra, as when Noble men dy, The King taketh

MUHAMMADANS

392

of his estate what hee pleaseth, though contrary to
Law, and saith, Is not hee King and may do what hee
pleaseth, and therefore will take what hee pleaseth.
Also when, before a Nabob [Nawab] or Governor, a
person is accused of Theft, although there are not
witnesses sufficient required by the Law, yet if the
Nabob or Governor are satisfied that the person be
guilty or hath a mind that hee shall be punished, hee
will say, “ Although here is not evidence sufficient
for your conviction according to Law, yet you are
guilty and shall be punished.”

Hail. MS. 4255, fol. 25.

( d) When a man dies, first his debts are to be paid,
then his wife to receive what her parents gave with
her, and what remains, to be divided, vizt., the wife
to have mor[e] part (besides what before), and the
Sonnes to have each twice so much as the daughters.
And if no wife or no daughters, then the brother or
sisters Children and wifes sister are to share it, and
if have no children or relations, then the King takes
it all.

!

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 8.

(, e ) The Moores in their Law allow not of any Use
or interest for money, So that if a man A. agrees with
a man B., and payes him a Summ of Mony upon
condition that B. shall let him live in his house for a
certaine summe of yeares, after which B. is to deliver A.
his principle money againe, and A. to deliver to B.
his house againe in such repaire as hee received it.
If A. lets out this house for rent, soe that perhaps in
many years hee hath received his principle money,
for rent, then at the time expired, when A. delivers up

LAWS

393

his house to B., B. will not pay him his money according
to contract, but deduct so much out of it as hath bin
received for rent, saying that A. hath received some or
all of his money already, not considering of his having
had the use of his money, by which perhaps hee may
have gained more than A. by rent. But if A. all the
time lives in Bs. house, then B. will, according to
contract, pay the money, when it is due, according to
contract.

2. MUSSULMEN, 3 SORTS, 2 SORTS
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26a.

(a) There are 3 names or Sorts of Sheakes [Shaykh]
Mussulmen [Musalmans], m/., (1) Sedekee [Siddiql],
called so from Abbobackor [Abu Bakr, as-Siddiq, the
Very Veracious]. It signifies as much as A pure
heart; the word Sheake signifies greate [old]. (2) Us-
monne [‘Uthmanl], so called from Usmon [‘Uthman].
(3) Farooke [al-Faruq], called so by [ = also called]
Hassummer [Hazrat ‘Umar], who perceiving that
the Mussulmen being but few, the others beat them
and made them pray to themselves and not aloud.
Therefore Hassummer [Hazrat ‘Umar] commanded
that the Mussulmen should pray apart from them ;
whence they were called Farookee [Faruqi], or people
seperated.

( b \) Of Mussulmen there are 2 Sorts (1) Shea [Shl‘a],
and (2) Sunnee [Sunni], Shea signifies an Enemie
[follower, sect]. There are 2 sorts of them, one
called by the name of Shea, who say that Allee [‘All]
and Mahomet [Muhammad] were great prophets
and the other of the Charriarry [Charyar, Four Friends]
no prophets. And the other sort are called Rofsee

MUHAMMADANS

394

[Rafidl], who say that the only Allee [ c All] is a prophet
and none of the rest. The Sunnee [Sunni] say that
Mahomet is the greatest prophet and that the Charriarr
[Char Yar] are alike equall[y] inferior to him. The
word Sunnee signifies Right [traditional, lawful].

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 11.

( c ) Mahomet Syad [Saiyid] say Mahomet Greatest
prophet.

1. Hazzarat Abbohbockor [Hazrat Abu Bakr].

2. Hazzarat Ummer [Hazrat ‘Umr].

3. Hazzarat Usmon [Hazrat ‘Uthman].

4. Hazzarat Allee [Hazrat ‘All].

Rafsee say Allee greatest and the rest of the 3
Charriar to be no prophets.

Syad say Mahomet the greatest and the 4 Charriar
alike in greatness.

The Chorgee [Kharijlya, aliens, schismatics], they
say that 3 first Charriar good and Allee bad.

3. MAHUMOOD SYAD, WHENCE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 26a.

( a ) Mahomet [Muhammad] was a Sheake [Shaykh],
Hee and his daughter Fautoman [Fatima] and her
two sonns Hasson [Hasan] and Hussaine [Husayn]
were together, and Mahomet desired of God that it
might be certainly known which of them and their
generations should be the greatest. Therefore God
sent his Angell Gabriel [Jlbra‘ll] to them with a
Comul \kamhal\ or mantle who, holding one corner of
it himselfe, bid Fautaman hold one corner, and Hassan
and Hussaine each of them hold another, and bid
Mahomet to go under the middle and stand under it,
which shewed that Mahomet was the greatest of them

RELIGION

395

all. From whence Mahomet called himselfe Syad
[Saiyid], which signifies greater; so Gabriel the
Angell gave to Mahomet the Mantle and went away.
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 11.

(J?) Abbabockor[’s] [Abu Bakr] daughter called
Aishaw [‘Ayishah] was married to Mahomet.

Huzzarat Usmon [Hazrat ‘Uthman] married
Mahomets daughter [Ruqayyah].

Allee [‘All] married another of Mahomets daughters]
[Fatima].

Usmon [ c Uthman], when hee had married and
buried one of Mahomets daughters], hee married
another [Umm Kulthum].

Mahomet’s Daughters
Harl. MS. 4254, fols. 11-lla.

Mahomet had 4 daughters], 3 whereof disposed
of as before, and the 4th died before married :—Bibbe
[Blbl] Fautmauh [Fatima], married to Alle [‘All] ;
Bibbe Rokae [Bibi Ruqayyah], Bibbe Zenab [Zaynab],
both married to Usmon [‘Uthman] ; Bibbe Umma
Culsoone [Blbl Umm Kulthum], died unmarried.

(c) Huzzarat Allee [‘All] his 2 Sonns, Imraom
Hasson [‘Imam Hasan], Immom Hussaine [ c Imam
Husayn]. From the last of which came the last of
[the] Syads.

Hussains son Immom Zaynull Obdin [Zaynu c l-
‘Abidin], his Sonn Immom Mahummod Backur
[Muhammad Baqir], his sonn Immom Jaffer Saddock
[Ja‘far al-Sadiq], his son Immom Mousan Cossun
[Musa Kazim], his son Immom Allee Russaw [‘All
al-Riza], his son Meer Syad Hassan [Mir Saiyid

MUHAMMADANS

396

Hasan], his son Meer Syad Jaffer [Mir Sayyid Ja'far],
his son Meer Mahummod Saudduck [Mir Muhammad
Sadiq], &ca.

Abbockor [Abu Bakr] was the King after Mahomet.
After him Ummer [‘Umr] was king. After himj
Usmon [‘Uthman]. After him, Allee [‘All].

( d) Mouea [Mu'awiya], after Allee [‘All] dyed,
made himselfe King, and had a son called Azeed
[Yazld], who raighned after his fathers death; and
after (fearing Hasson and Hussaine), sent them
poyson which killed Hasson, but Hussaine lived and
fought against Azeed and killed him. And that day
in which hee killed Azeed is kept to this day by the
Moores, which day they called in Arabick, Assura
[Ashura], in Persian, Dauhaugh [Daha], The month
in which this day is kept is called in ArabickMohorum
[Muharram], the 10 first dayes of which month are
kept with the Moores in a merry manner, Azeed
[Husayn] being killed on the 10th day [Ashura].
The time is usually called Shaw Hussaine [Shah
Husayn] from Hussaine.

4. ADAM [AND] EVE
Haxl. MS. 4254, fol. 5a.

Mamidarif [Mahmud ‘Arif] Saith that The Devill,
before hee tempted Adam, hee went to Eve and
carried wheat to her and bid her eat; but shee said
shee would not except Adam would eat. So shee wen!
along with the Devill to Adam, and the Divill tempted
him, and hee eat of the wheat, and after him Eve eate.
When Adam had eaten, his lust was stirred up and hee
had a desire to ly with Eve, and lay with her, having
not before lien with her.

RELIGION

397

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 3.

(F) Memorandum , 6 June 1670, Mamidarif, the
English servant, Ketaubut, a Musselman at Pattana
[Patna], saith tis writ in some of their Moore Bookes,
That at first when God when first he made man, hee
^brought him before the Angells for them to worship
him. But one of them called Azreele [‘Azazll], not
obeying God, who commanded them to worship him,
God threw him out of Heaven and hee became a Devill
and was then called Ebrees [Iblis], who afterwards
came to Adam and brought wheat to him and told him
if hee would eat it, hee would be like to God. Soe
Adam did eat of it, and presently [immediately] after,
went to stoole, by which hee knew him selfe to bee
uncleane, having before not eaten any thing, and
therefore never went to stoole. Soe hee took fig
leaves and sowed before his privities to cover them,
fig leaves then being very broad, which afterwards
God made little and cut into severall corners not fit
after for that business*

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 7a.

(i c ) Tis writ in the Arabian books That nothing is
desireable but women, and what they cause desireable,
for when the devill went first about to tempt Adam, he
proffered him many things which he rejected, and
when brought to himT gold, Adam sleighted it, but
when brought to him Eve, a woman, with her hee
was much pleased and accepted of her. So the devill
[was] going to carry away the Gold againe, but Adam
told him that now hee had got a woman, hee could
find use for the gold, which before hee could not.

398

MUHAMMADANS

5. [DISCOURSES BY MUHAMMAD ‘ARIF]

Earl. MS. 4254, fols. 10-10a.

(a) Mamidarif [Mahmud ‘Arif] saith That People
in the world are most of them led on by tradition and
little enquire into the reason of things ; as a Shepheard
who haveing a desire for his sheepe to follow him i
rubs the teeth of one sheepe with Grass or Salt, that
sheepe will follow him and all the rest of the flock
will follow that sheepe, although they consider not
wherefore, nor know wherefore that first sheepe went
after the man, not knowing of the sweete hee had
received from him. Soe men, some follow one
Prophet, some another, not considering the reasonable¬
ness of their Tenets, nor knowing what sweet or
pleasure that Prophet might have received by it, or
out of what designe hee did it, but haveing bin brought |
up in that way, run headlong after it. |

( b ) Also here being a Custome when any Saint »■'
Godly man dies to lay a white sheete upon his torn,,
and hang clouts upon the trees over his tombe (tk
most being buried in pleasant groves where are very
great trees), to visit which many people come severall
hundreds of Course to visit it and to pray there. If it
should be reported that a Prophets corps were found
and the said Ceremony used, People would come from
far to visit it and pray by it, not enquiring what
Prophet, when hee died, and how came there &ca.,
to consider of the probability of it, but take it for
granted, though there be nothing of truth in it, nor
nothing of possibility. Such fools are most men.

(c) Also, that severall of the Prophets fathers were
Heathens, as Abrahams [‘Ibrahim] ; and afterwards

RELIGION

399

their Grand-children come, some to be Christians,
some Mahometans and some heathens againe ; soe it
pleaseth God to change men in their religion, and
irreligion.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 3.

( d) Hee [Mahmud ‘Arif] saith that when man
in womans belly first had life (having his heeles hung
upward and head downwards), hee desired God to
release him out of that condition. Soe God told him
if he would live Godlily, as hee should, hee would,
and therefore gave man his task what hee should doe
and how hee should live, how oft every day hee should
pray &ca., and demanded of man a writing for per¬
formance thereof, which man gave to him. Soe after
io Months God released man out of this Condition,
and for 9 yeares and 2 months after was soe childish
that committed many sins. Soe God made man
Debtor for all the things to which hee had subscribed
in said writing, and ever as hee performed any thing
thereof hee gave him Credit for the same. And
afterwards when man had lived out his life, hee cals
to man to see his account Ballenced, soe finding that
man many dayes had not performed his part, but by
Drunkennes, whordom, &ca. was further Debtor
still to God, God casts him into hell, there to remaine
soe long as hee had bin negligent in performing his
part on earth, to receive punishment proportionable
to his offences ; and afterwards hee is released.

(e) Hee [Mahmud ‘Arif] saith mans heart is
like a bright Steele [mirror], which in India men make
use of to look at their faces with, which must be rubbed
and brightned every day, else it rusteth. So mans
heart, if hee rubbeth it every day, it will bee bright

400

MUHAMMADANS

and free from filthiness and uncleannes, whereby hee
will understand all things clearly; otherwise it will
be full of filth and corruption, soe that hee shall scarce
be able to distinguish good from evill.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 3a.

(f) Memorandum . Mamidarif saith further that

tis writ in the Arrabick books that God created the
Soules which since have bin men, and will be. Heir*
created all the soules together and put them into three
places with wall betwixt them, and then came to them
and asked them whence they came and who made
them; soe som of them answered, from him, and that
hee made them. Soe God was pleased with their
answer.

After this God sent the Angell Gabriel [Jibra’ll] to
bring him some earth, which when hee offered to take
in his hand, the earth spoke to him and bid him in the
name of God let that alone, for it would not goe with
him. Soe hee went again to God without any earth
and told God what it said to him. Then hee sent
the Angell Raphaell [‘Israfil], who returned with the
same answer. Then hee sent the Angell Azeele
[‘Izra’il], which is the Angell that seperates mens
soules from their bodies, or death, who offering to
take up some of the earth, it spoke to him as before to
the other 2 Angells, but hee not regarding it, snatcheth
a handfull of it, and carried it to God. But all the
rest of the earth, being angry hereat, followed the
Angell to complain of him to God. Soe it told God
how this Angell had taken some of it away. Soe God
bid it be content, for hee sent for it, but would take
none of it away, but would only make use of it and
send it againe.

RELIGION

401

With this piece of earth God made a house for man
and bid one of the Chiefe of said soules goe in, which
refused, and said, cc Why should I goe into such a darke
hole, and such a nasty thing ? ” Soe god created
musick for these soules, at which they began to be
very merry and being almost ravished therewith, one
of them goes into the house of clay, and after for
100 yeares, this man of Clay or Adam alwayes looked
up to h Javen and worshipped God and did neither eat
nor drink, at which God was much pleased with man
and carried him before all his Angells in heaven for
them to worshipp him ; but Azeele [‘Azazll] refusing
to worship him, was cast out of heaven and became a
Devill ut antea .

(jr) Mamidarif saith also that all those soules that
at first asking whence they came and who made them,
did not answer that it was hee, have since entred
into Heathens and Pagans bodies that beleeve not
God, and the rest into those that beleeve in God-
Further, God made First Angells in his owne shape.
Second, beings in the Aire which hee made of Fire,
Third, Men and fourth, [blank],

Ezebell

(k) When Ezeebel [‘Azazll] was cast out of heaven
hee was called Ebrees [Iblls, devil], and went amongst
the Second beings and polluted all them and made
them his servants, and afterwards came upon earth
to pollute Man, and after hee had done soe, hee ever
after sent one of his servants to every man to tempt
him, which God perceiveing, hee sent to every Man
two Good Angells, the one to be at his right hand to

MUHAMMADANS

402

set downe in writing what good hee should doe, and
the other on his left hand to write downe his evil
actions ; soe at the last day the 2 bookes are examined.

( i ) Further, once a man met with the Divell with
a Great torne nett and a Drum with him, soe hee asked
what hee did with them. The Devill answered that
every day morning hee cast his Net all over the world
and caught aboundance of men, but some broak his
Net and got thorow and went to heaven, soe that by
Nine a clock hee had got aboundance. And then hee
beat up his drum and summoned them all together,
and told them what fooles they were to be trapanned
and caught by him. All this Mamidarif had out of
a Persian Book which had been written out of the
Arobick

(J) Further, when the Divell had tempted man, hee
was resolved to Goe up to heaven againe to demand of
God his first place and to know of him why hee put
him out of it, and is yet continually endeavouring to
get up ; but the Angells throwing the fire which
wee call starr-shott [shooting-stars] at him continually
beates him downe.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 7a.

( k ) Mamo: herrif [Muhammad ‘Arif] saith That
God made the Elements of differing natures That they
might fight each with other.

6 . DISCOURSE BY SAIYID JA'FAR
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 4.

Sayd Jaffer Saith that when God had cast Ezeebel
[‘Azazll] out of Heaven, Ezeebel before hee went out,
told God hee had served him so many yeares and God

RELIGION

403

had given him no wages, therfore desired God to pay
him for his service. And God asked him what hee
had done more for him than hee who had made him
had for him, that hee should expect any thing from
him. But God bid him ask what hee would have.
So hee desired that whenever God made a man hee
should also make a Devill, which should be Ezeebel’s
servant to torment the man, which God ordered to be
done, which since hath been observed.

7. PRAYER

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 10a.

The Moores say that they do not pray in open places,
as by highwayes &ca., in way of ostentation, but to
give others good example that they may do so too.

8 . STORY OF A FAQIR
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 10a.

Memorandum . In Moores history this Story. There
was a Hindoo Fuckeere \Jaqtr\ was feeding Ants,
and a Mussulman coming by asked the Hindoo where-
fore hee fed them Ants, who answered that the day
following it would be a great Storme and possibly all
them Ants might perrish for want of food; and
therefore hee fed them. So the Musselman asked
him what hee expected thereby, who told him, if hee
did feed these creatures God would love him, but the
Musselman told him that God never regarded heathens
but all them should go to Hell and none be saved but
Musselmen.

Afterwards they both died, and when the Musselman
see this Hindoo in Heaven, hee admired [wondered] at
it, and said to God, “ How comes it to pas[s] that this

404

MUHAMMADANS

heathen is heare, for Mahomet told us that none but
Mahomitans should be saved, and that these Heathens
were a Soure and bitter people.” To which God
answered, that it was true that the heathen were a
Soure and bitter people, “ but,” saith hee, “ if these
bitter people bring forth sweete fruite, why should
they not have a sweete place here, or should I make
them bitter againe ? ”

9. MARRIAGE MOORES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 6a.

The Moores when they Marry, the Codgie [ Kazi]
or Padry asketh the man if hee will have the woman
which is there covered, and making him promiss to
give her such a summe of money as is agreeable to his
condition, which afterwards hee performes in her
maintenance. The woman by her Vokeele \vaktl )
agent] or friend agrees to the marriage, and the Codgie
taketh two witnesseth [sic] of the womans consenting
by her Vokeele to her marriage. And when they are
married, then the man sees his wife.

10. [BURIALS]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 7a.

The Moores, when they bury, ly the deceased upon
their right sides with their faces towards Mecca, the
place where Mahomet was buried. They say they
ly upon their sides because they may the sooner rise
at the last day, and with their faces towards Mecca
because they shall be called to that place. They say
it is not comly to ly with their feet towards their
Prophet, being esteemed very indecent to ly with their

CUSTOMS

40 5

feet towards any great person, or let them come in
sight.

11. CURE FOR MADMEN
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

The Moores, when they have any Madmen, they
put them into a roome no bigger than just for them
to lie in ; and therein put Musk and very strong sweet
cold smells, which diverts their madness by cooling
their brains, from the heat of which they say it

12. MOORES NAME '

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

The Moores or Mussulmen have but one name,
which they receive the Second day after they are borne,
as followeth, vizt: The father or nearest relation to
the new borne sends for the Mulva [mawlawt] or
Priest, who shuting a Book, the father pricks betweene
the leaves of the Book, where when opened, the Mulva
takes the first letter in that leafe and the meaning
thereof, calleth the child.

So that as many Letters as are in the Arabick
Language, so many severall names they have, every
Letter having a severall meaning. But in case
severall Moors of one name live in one place, then
the people for distinction sake ad[d] some other name,
as their fathers, &ca.

Parsees

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 8.

In Persia are still remaining severall of the Parsee
[Parsl] who are heathens [and] have no book of God.
They when any man dies, hang him up in a Garden by
the neck with a rope upon some tree, with his back to

PARSEES

406

a ’wall, and if the crowes come and pick out his eyes,
then they conclude that mans soule is gone to heaven,
and therefore they take downe his corps and bury it,
But if the crowes do not pick out his eyes, then they
conclude hee is not gone to heaven, and therefore they
will not take downe his corps and bury it, but let him
hang there, as thinking him not worthy of buriall.

Also, when a man is sick and neare death, hee
enjoynes his sonnes or nearest relations That after his
death they will buy so many frogs as 1, 2, 300, 1000,
&ca., as they are enjoyned, and kill them, in which
they think they do much good. This is often per¬
formed after their deaths, for by reason that the frogs
dirty the water, they think tis good to kill them.
There are some in their lives who will whole dayes
together go up and downe the River to catch them
and kill them, thinking thereby they do much good
by freeing the water from the filth they make and the
dirt which ariseth from their bodies, &ca., they being
nasty creatures in their esteeme.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 9.

The Parsee[s] which are in Persia and other places
adjacent, alwayes keepe fires in their houses, and if
by chance their fires chance to go out, they will not
borrow any of their neighbours, but will go to that
place in Persia where is their great Saint to fetch
fire, esteeming no fire good but what they themselves
bring or their ancestors have brought from thence.
So that when it happens their fires goes out, they will
fetch it from thence though many of hundred miles.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XII

[For this chapter Maulvi Naimur-Rahman, Lecturer in Arabic,
Allahabad University, has contributed important and illuminating
notes, and his assistance is acknowledged in each instance. Sir
Richard Temple’s initials are added to the notes supplied by him.]

Marshall appears to have derived his information regarding
Muhammadan religion, laws and customs from Mahmud
'Arif, the vakil (agent) for the English at Patna, and Saiyid
Ja'far, with whom he probably came in contact during his
service under the Company at Patna. His note 4 {b} is dated
6th June, 1670, when we know, from his Diary (see Chapter II),
that he was at that place. One, at least, of his informants
appears to have been a Sufi, as many of the statements recorded
are imbued with the tenets of this unorthodox sect of Musalman
philosophers.

Here, as elsewhere, though in a lesser degree, Marshall's remarks
are of great interest fo'r the time in which they -were collected.
There are many errors, however, owing, apparently, to the
ignorance of his informants and to his misconception of what they
told him. For instance, he confuses the Archangels ‘Azazll and
‘Izra/il; he mistranslates several terms, and he makes the surpris¬
ing mistake of crediting Yazid instead of Husayn with martyrdom.

On the other hand, his allusions to “ rag-bushes ” (No. 5 (&} )»
-to marriage and burial customs and to the treatment of the
insane, as practised in the district where he gleaned his informa¬
tion, are valuable. As in previous cases, his scattered notes have
been grouped, as far as possible, in some sort of order, and those
calling for special remark are dealt with by the authorities noted
above.

1. (a) and (b). For the laws of inheritance of property as laid
down by the Koran, see the Koran , iv. 11-14* (N.-R.)

(c) On t his statement Maulvi Naimur-Rahman remarks:
“ There is no such law laid down by Islam. Such a procedure on
the part of a king or any other authority must be regarded as
‘ positively against law,' as the author himself recognises m
section (a) above.”

(d) See the laws of inheritance (the Koran, iv. n-14).

(e) For the laws of evidence in cases of loans of money, see the
Koran, ii. 282-3. (N.-R.)

407

NOTES ON CHAPTER XII

408

Usury is forbidden by the Koran, and the rent story shows
how orthodox Musalmans evaded the prohibition. Reduced to
simple terms, Marshall's statement is as follows : A tenant
pays down a fixed sum to his landlord as rent for a given number
of years. The sum so paid includes principal, plus an agreed
addition. On the expiry of the term, the landlord pays back the
principal and retains the balance, which represents rent for the
term. But if the tenant sublets, the landlord either pays back
no principal at all or else so much of it as the tenant has not
received by subletting. (R. C. T.)

2. ’’ Mussulmen." Marshall's use of this term for Musalmans
is interesting. For other contemporary instances c 5 f the error,
see Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 188 and footnote.

Maulvi Naimur-Rahman has dealt fully with Marshall’s state¬
ments in this section as follows :

(a) “ Names or Sorts." Islam does not at all recognise or
encourage any kind of castes or ’’ Sorts." The terms “ Shaykh”
and ’’ Saiyid " owe their origin not to any fundamental legal
sanction of the Koran, but merely to a rather false identification
of personalities based upon birth. Saiyids are the descendants
of the Prophet through his daughter Fatima. Naturally enough
their sense of pride led them to distinguish themselves from others,
who could not boast of such an honourable descent, and were
therefore styled mere Shaykhs. Shaykh means primarily “ one
advanced in age," and is applied to an elder as meaning a man
whose age gives him a claim to reverence or respect. It is also
especially applied to a chief of a religious fraternity, or to a tribe
or the like (see Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon). The Shaykhs in
their turn felt it a source of pride to refer to their connection in
lineage from Al-Siddiq (Abu Bakr, the first Caliph), or to Al-Faruq
(‘Umar, the second Caliph), or to ’Uthman, the third Caliph,
But this difference in nomenclature does not impart any intrinsic
superiority either to the Saiyids or Shaykhs. All are equal in
the eyes of Islam, which does not favour any such ideas and
fancies of pride and superiority based on birth. Moral greatness,
fitness and excellence is the only basis of superiority recognised
by the Koran {Koran, xlix. 13).

" Farookee." There is no historical evidence to support this
strange interpretation of the word Faruq. ’’ Faruq " means on<
who makes a distinction between two things, such as betweei
truth and falsehood, Al-Faruq is an appellation that was giveL
to ’Umar Ibn Al-Khattab, the second Caliph, because a distinction
was made by him between truth and falsity, that is, he denounced
heathenism to adopt Islam (see Lane, op. cit.).

(b) "2 Sorts (1) Shea, and (2) Sunnee." The ’’ Sorts " known
as Shi’a and Sunni are based mainly on political grounds, which
developed religious tendencies later on.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XII

409

” Shea signifies an Enemies ShTa does not mean an enemy.
As pointed out by Lane {op. cit.), “ Shl‘a is a separate or distinct
party of men. This is the primary signification : so called from
their agreeing together, and following one another ; or, according
to some . . . the followers and assistants ... or persons who
follow or conform with one another.” The Shi'as believe that
‘Ali was the first legitimate Imam or Khalifa (successor) of the
Prophet, and reject Abu Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman {the first three
Caliphs recognised by the Sunnis) as usurpers. This idea forms
the basis and essence of discord between Shl'as and Sunnis. For
further information on the subject, see the article Shiahs by
W. M. Patten in the Encyc. of Religion and Ethics , vol. xi. and the
article Shiah in Hughes, Diet, of Islam.

“ Allee and Mahomet were great prophets and the other of the
Charriarry no prophets.” No sect in Islam recognises 'All as a
prophet (see last paragraph). Even the Sunnis do not recognise
the Char Yar (i.e. Abu Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman and 'All, the first
four Caliphs) as prophets. The author seems to be hopelessly
confused here. The Char Yar (lit. four friends, i.e . of the Prophet)
are so called because of the great love and regard the Prophet
had for them and because of their being his first four successors.

" The other sort are called Rofsee.” “ Rofsee,” i.e. RafidI, is
no sect or ‘‘ sort ” at all. The word RafidI comes from Rifd,
to leave, forsake, desert, separate from, and signifies an army
or party which has deserted its leader. The name was later on
applied to a certain sect of the Kufic Shi'as who were so named
because they had deserted their leader Zayd (the great-grandson
of the Caliph ‘All) when he forbade them to speak against the
Companions of the Prophet, and then they desired him to renounce
Abu Bakr and ‘Umar and ‘Uthman. On Zayd's refusing to do so
they deserted him . In consequence ” RafidI ” became an appella¬
tion for all such persons as speak against the Companions of the
Prophet, and is often applied sarcastically by the Sunnis to
the Shfahs (see above on the ShTahs).

“ The Sunnee say that Mahomet is the greatest prophet.”
Sunni means a follower of the Sunna, i.e. mode and usage of the
Prophet (see article Sunnites in Encyc. of Rel. and Ethics).

(c) “ Mahomet Syad say Mahomet Greatest prophet.” Saiyids
may or may not say so, for they may be either Su nn i s or Shl'as,
and their views about ‘AH and other Caliphs may therefore difier
accordingly.

3. (a) " God sent his Angell Gabriel to them with a Comul or
mantle.” On this statement and on the story which follows
Maulvi Naimur-Rahman writes :

" Comul ” {kambal) is a Hindi word and its use shows that the
author gathered his information from some semi-literate or
illiterate Indian narrator of facts. The details of the story as

IO

NOTES ON CHAPTER XII

Lven by the great savant and divine, ‘Abdul-Haqq Muhaddith-i-
fihlawl (Maddrijun-Nabuwwat, ii. 589, ed. Lucknow, 1880) are
s follows :

Once the Prophet, peace be upon him, was enjoying a cheerful
onversation with ‘AH and Fatima and was showing his kindness
d them both, when ‘All said, “ O Prophet of Allah, do you love
er more than me, or do you love me more than her ? ” He, may
he Lord bless him, said, “To me she is more beloved than you
,re, and you are dearer to me than she.” And it is correctly
eported from ‘Ayisha Siddiqa, may Allah be pleased with her
hat she said, “ The Prophet of Allah, peace be upon him, went
>ut and he had a woollen cloak on. ‘All's son Hasan went to
urn, and he covered him with the cloak. After this 'All's son
iusayn also approached him and he covered him as well with his
doak. Then -came Fatima and ‘All. He included them also
mder the (same) cloak of his and then recited this verse (of the
Koran), “ Allah only desires to take away the uncleanness from
rou, O people of the household, and to purify you a purifying ”
Koran, xxxiii. 33). Regarding these four persons he said,

‘ I am a fighter against whosoever fights against these, and I am
it peace with whomsoever is at peace with these.” This clearly
shows what erroneous conclusions our author has drawn from this
story.

(b) Marshall's information regarding the daughters of
Muhammad is confused.

4-12. On sections 4 to 12 Maulvi Naimur-Rahman remarks :

“ These are based mainly on the ‘ discourses ' of ‘ Mamidarif'
and ‘ Sayd Jaffer,' who seem to be semi-literate men. Their
information throughout reveals a confused knowledge of facts
based on popular traditions and legends, and cannot, therefore,
be said to be authentic and reliable. The statements must thus
be taken to reflect only the popular and local beliefs and ideas
obtainable in Patna and its vicinity and can by no means be said
to represent true Islamic beliefs and customs.”

5. (a) The note reads as if Mahmud ‘Arif were a Sufi, which is
quite likely. (R. C. T.)

(b) There are two very interesting allusions here, one to the

rag-bushes of India (see Things Indian, p. 498), and the other tc
the miscellaneous “ saints tombs ” to be found everywhere. AI
kinds of things have been used for the purpose—English mile¬
stones, Christian graves, &c. (R. C. T.)

(c) Here we have the Sufi idea again : the equality of al
religious belief (see Lalla the Prophetess, pp. 2, 79 ££.). (R. C. T.)

(/) This appears to be a mixture of legends about angels am
souls with some Hinduism in them and with a confusion betweej
Tzra'Il, the Angel of Death, and ‘Azazil, the name of the Devi
before his fall.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XII 411

(k) Here we have allusions to the origin of sin and to the
Recording Angel. (R. C. T.)

Marshall has written “ Ebrees ” over “ Azeele,” which is erased
in each case.

6. This note seems also to be an explanation of the origin of sin.
(R. C. T.)

8. The " Moores history ’’ is really Indian and the whole note
is pure Sufiism treating of the equality of all religion—the old
“ Heresy'' of the Manichaeans. (R. C. T.)

9 and xo. For marriage and burial customs, see Herklots,
Qanoon-e-Islam, pp. 86-7, 281; Boyle, Laws relating to Muham¬
madans, pp. 1 f. and App. I.

11. This does not mean that such treatment is in accordance
with the Koran or Muslim Law. It may have been a custom
prevalent at Patna and in the neighbourhood in Marshall’s day.
The same remark applies to the following section. (N.-R.)

12. See Herklots, of. cit. pp. 5-14, on “ The Naming of
Children.”

PARSIS

■ Marshall evidently had no first-hand acquaintance with Parsis
and knew nothing of their sacred books (Zend Avesta), while his
informant appears to have been equally ignorant. The note
regarding burial .customs reads like a confused account of the
Towers of Silence. The superstition regarding frogs is interesting,
but I have failed to find any confirmation of it elsewhere. For
contemporary notices of the Parsis, see Mundy, ed. Temple,
ii 305-6; Alexander Hamilton, East Indies, i. 160.

XIII

PRODUCTIONS AND MERCHANDISE :
COINS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES:
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

i. RICE

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 4a.

It is credibly reported by many that at and neare
Dacca the Rice growes above the water, which is
io yards deepe. It is sowne in June or begining of
July; and in latter end of September and in October
the Natives reape it in Boates.

2 . ELEPHANTS TEETH
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

In India some Elephants teeth have beene sold in
Pattana that weighed i maund 5 seer, or 90 English
pound weight. I have seene one of 3 yards long and
| yard about. Their price is about 55 or 60 Rupees
per Maund or 80 lb.

3. SAFFRON

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

From Casmeer [Kashmir] and Neopoll [Nepal] is
brought to Pattana Safron, which is there sold for 25 or
30 Rupees per seer, 42 pice going to the seer, which
malrp about 2 lu English Haverdepoiz [avoirdupois] ;
tis often dearer.

413

4 X4 PRODUCTIONS AND MERCHANDISE

4. EARTHENWARE. MINAPORE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19a.

There are made at Minapore [? Mainapur], which
is neare Hodgipore [Hajipur] by Pottana, a Sort of
fine Earthenware. I weighed one, which weighed
but i-| oz. Troy, and it held of water without breaking
18 oz. Troy ; and I have seene of that ware much finer
and lighter; and there is a sort that come[s] from
Begumsurray [Begamsaral] finer than this.

5. OPHIUM

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 19.

Best Ophium comes from neare Pattana, and that
from Mungeer [Munger, Monghyr] is not nigh so
good. Tis a large white flower, about ij yard from
[the] ground. They sow the seed in October, and
tis ripe in February. The flower closeth, and after
a few dayes they cut 2 or 3 slits in the sid[e]s of it out
of which cometh a white juice which they let dry, ther
wipe or scrape it, of which is Ophium. Then the}
againe slit it, till any juice will come out, which is no
above 3 or 4 drops, and that which they preserve foi
seed, they cut not. Out of an acre of ground will noi
come above 40 or 50 seer, which sometimes is word
70 or 80 Rupees.

6 . SALT ROCKS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

Betwixt Lahore and Candahaur [Kandahar] are verj
high 'Mountains, upon some of which great Mines 0
Rocksalt is found, Some of which are upon the Super
ficies of the Mountains. The Salt is very good, anc
[is] all the Salt that is eaten in these parts of India

PRODUCTIONS AND MERCHANDISE 415

Tis very hard and cleare, being somthing like, but
whiter, than Allom. Tis of good tast, being very
salt, and having no other tast mixed with it. Many of
them mountains appeare white with the Rocks of it,
which appeares above ground.

7. GOLD DUST

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 21a.

In Japan the Gold dust, when tis cleared from dirt,
is *§■ good gold and dross, as I have heard the Directore
for the Dutch say, who hath beene Chiefe at Japan.

8. LACKERD CUPS
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 17.

In Japan are Lackred cups, which lack will not go
of[f] in boyling hot water. In Pattana they lack
wood by heating it well and then heating the wax and
claping upon it and rubing it with some greene thing
that is soft and moist; so they will thus make it very
thin and it will last well, but not so as Japan work will.

9. AMBERGREES
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 15a.

Ambergrees is cast upon the Island Johanna
[Anjuan, Comoro Is.] by the Sea ; it is also cast upon
Mauritius &ca. [and other] places. What this is
hath not yet beene perfectly knowne that I have
heard of. .

10. COYNES, BALLASORE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2a.

Their Coyne is Rupies, being made of silver and
valued here in the Company’s bookes at 2s. 6d. per
piece, but in noe other place valued at more than

4 i6 COINS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES ;

2S. 3d. Here is (though rare) a coyne called an any '
land}, 16 of which is alwayes reckoned for one Rupee;
and all the Small money is Cowries [kauri] which rise ;
and fall according to the plenty or scarcity of them, 1
sometimes 36, 37, 38, 39, 4° Pond [pan] goeing '
for a Rupie, every pond alwayes consisting of 80
Cowries, which are little shell[s] which in England /
are called Current shells [shell currency]. They are <
taken at the Maidive Islands from the Rockand buried
untill all their fish is gon out of them, and then sold. ;
Some are sent for England to the Company, to be ;
sent to Guiney, where they are of great value.

11. COYNES, PATTANA
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 10.

(a) Three Cowries [kaurt] [|, sic] 1 Dorn [dam], 25
Dom, one pice [paisa] ; 10 Cowries, 1 Domree [damn],
3 Dom, one Domree ; 8 Domree or 80 Cowries, one|
pice; Two Domrees, 1 Chadam [cha-ddm, chhedam]
or \ pice ; 2 Chadam, x Addela [adhela, dhela] or
\ pice, or 1 1 \ Dom. Also 1 Duckera [dukrd] is same
with Chadam ; 3 Duckera, § pice ; 4 Duckera, 1 pice;

1 Tucka [taka] 2 pice, 4® Pice, 1 Rupee.

(b) There are also Great [double, dabal] Pice, by
which goods are weighed, 40 of which make one Seere
[ser], also 30 goe for 1 Rupee ; but the great pice and
little [kachchd, light] pice both rise and fall in price.

(c) These Pice are all Copper Coyne and made ii
Shaujahaun’s [Shah Jahan] and other former Kings
raignes, and they goe to [are current in] Pottana and
all over Indostand, in Bengali and Orixa. But ths
little pice were made by Oramzeb [Aurangzeb] ant
goe [are current] only in Pattana and there abouts

COINS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 417

being but lately made, and not being spread up and
downe in the Country.

( d ) There are also Coynes made of Silver, i Anna
or Rupee, 2 Anna or Rupee, 4 Anna or J Rupee,
8 Anna or ^ Rupee, and Rupee.

12. COYNES, FORT ST. GEORGE ..

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2 (reverse).

The Coynes of this place are Pagothas, which are
little pieces of Gold Stamped in the Fort and are
valued at 8s. sterling a piece, and fanams, which are
little pieces of Gold and brass together, and valued at
3d. per piece ; but they sometimes are dearer and
sometimes cheaper. There are pice too, which are
made of Copper, being very little, and about 50 or 60
for a Fanam. Here are few Rupees goe.

13. COYNES, METCHLEPATAM
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 3 (reverse).

The Coynes here are (1) Old Pagothas, which some
times goe at 5, 6, 7, 8 Rupees per piece, being not
bigejr-than New Pagothas, which there goe usually
at 3-f- r. (2) Rupees, which goe at 2s. 3d. (3) Pice,
28 or 27 of which goe for a rupee. They are copper
money, consisting of J pice, f which is called an Agan
\egant\y and -J, which is called a Pican.

Old Pagothas now are very scarce, the King of
Gulcondah receiving all his rents in Old Pagothas,
which hee never parts with againe, soe makes them
very dear.

Here are an imaginary Coyne called a Fanam, 15
of which goe to an Old Pagotho.

M.M. 2 D

4 i8 COINS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

14. NEOPOLL COYNE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 21a.

At Neopoll [Nepal] the money is very small, the
bigest weighing but 7-f Annas, beeing not \ Rupee,
as I have heard. I have one J peece which weighs
but if Anna, or thereabouts, and these peeces are
divided into 16ths and 64ths, all which I have by mee,

15. RUPEES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol, 6a.

. Memorandum . There are 4 sorts of Rupees, vizt^
Sicca \Sikkd\, Charriarry [ Chdryari\ Shau Jahaun
[Shah Jahan], and Illahee [Uahl].

The Sicca Rupee is so called because it is new, and
is no longer so called than one yeare ; after it is called
Charriarry, from the 4 friends of Mahomet. Shan
Jahaun Rupees are those which were made in his
raigne who was father to this King Oram Shav?
[Aurangzeb]. Illahee Rupees are so called from'
Gods name being writ upon them, which was writ in'
Shau Johauns fathers [Akbar’s] raigne.

100 Sicca Rupees are worth of Charriarry 104, of
Shau Jahaun 105, and of Illahee 106 Rupees.

16. RUPEES WEIGHT : ANNAS, PAGOTHAS, DOLLAR
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a, 14a.

i Rupee Sicca and of Anna weigh 2 s. English
neilds [? milled] shillings in 1663.

1 Anna or ^ Rupee weighs 11J grains gold weight.
1 Pagotha of Gold weighs 4 J-f- Annas silver.

1 Dollar weigheth 2 Rupees 5-Jg- Annas.

COINS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 419

17. COWRIES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

4 Cowries make i Gunda [ganda], 5 Gunda make
1 Bodee [? bauri\ 4 Bodee make 1 Ponde [pana ],
16 Ponde make one Cauhaund \kahan\ 2 Cahaund
go for one Rupee, sometimes more somtimes less at
Huglie, and at Ballasore for most part 2 Cahaund and
5 or 6 Ponde go for one Rupee.

1 Abassee weighs 10^- an. Sicca.

18. CUPPAN

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

A Cuppan \kobang\, which comes from Japan, is a
long and thin peece of Gold. It usually goes for
5 Pagothas new at Metchlepatam and at the Bay [of]
Bengali for 19J Rupees.

19. WEIGHTS AT METCHLEPATAM
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2.

25 pound make a Maund, 25 Maund make a
Candy, soe 625 pound make a Candy.

20. WEIGHTS AT HUGLY
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2a.

At Hugly the Maund is 40 seer or 73 pound, and
Cowries 5, 6, 7 and sometimes 10 per Cent, dearer
than at Ballasore.

21. WEIGHTS [AND MEASURES] AT PATTANA
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 2a.

At Pattana the Maund is 40 seer or 78 pound;
besides, the Custome of the place is to allow 2 seer
in every maund.

420

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

The measure by which English cloth is sold is a
Guzz [g-<*z], which is 4if English inches. Here is
also a little Guz which is but 32 J inches ; the Car¬
penters, 3if inches; the Carpets Guz, 35 inches.

Here, if good[s] be sold for ready money, they will^
have 2 months time, or pay ready money and rebait
for 2 months interest.

22. GUZ

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 11.

There are 3 sorts of Guz, ( vizt .) Shaujahauns
[Shah Jahan’s] Guz, called the Mulmull Guz, con¬
taining 4if English inches or 1 yard [mV] inches.
Eckbur [Akbar] Guz, called the Taylors Guz, con¬
taining 3if English inches, and Seecundrees [Si-
kandar’s] Guz, called the Carpet Guz, containing
27! English inches.

23. GEERA

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 10a.

At Pattana 16 Geera [girth ] make 1 Great Guz, or
little Guz, so that, as the Guz are, so in proportion are
the Geera,

24. BARLY CORNES, UNGLES, COVET, DUN,
COURSE

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 6.

(a) Indostand [Hindustan], In said Country they
measure by Barly cornes placeing the small ends of
them together so that they touch each other, and then
they are circular; 8 Barlicornes breadth so placed

make one Ungle [ anguli , anglt] or finger breadth;
24 Ungles make one Covet [Port- covado , cubit, ell]
or measure from the Elbow to the end of long finger;
4 Covets make one Dun \dhanu\ ; 2000 Duns makq

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 421

1 Course [kos ] in Indostand, which is about 2J English
miles.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22a.

(F) The Hindostand Course [kos]^ as writ in their
Book, consists of Eight thousand Covets, each covet
being 1 inches English, so that tis 148500 inches,
which are 4125 yards, which make of English mile

2 and 605 yards.

25. WEIGHTS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 14a.

8 Ruttee \ratti] make one Mass [masha] ; i oj Mass
make one Rupee Sicca; 12 Mass make one Tola;
I9f Mass make one pice Shawjahaun [Shah Jahan],
being copper, 42 which pice make one seer, buzar
[ ser> bazar] weight; 18-| Mass make one pice

Modussay [?], or one old pice, 40 of which make
one seer Factory weight at Huglie. One pice
Orumzeeb [Aurangzeb] weighs 1 rupee 3| anna;

pice Metchlepatam weighs 15J anna; one Cash or
pice Madras weighs f anna.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18.

A Ruttee is about the 40th part of a shilling weight,
so \ Ruttee the 80th part of a shilling weight.

26. STILLIARDS

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 22.

In Japan are Stilliards [steel-yards] by which Gold
and Silver is weighed.

27. OBSERVATION OF LANGUAGES
Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 16.

I observe that in all Languages I have met with,
there are words belong to other Languages though of

422

LANGUAGE

other signification; so I suppose the difference of
Languages are but the changing of words, for at
confusion of Babell, when they called for a brick, hee
who went and brought another thing, though hee
understood what brick meant, else hee would not
have gone, so that brick did signifie the'thing he
brought. I also observe that all signes of assenting
or dissenting are the saim in all places.

28. SINSCREET OR NAGGARY LETTERS AND
FIGURES

Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 32.

The Sinscreet [Nagarl, Devanagarl] letters are as
follows : (vizt) :

******** etc.

The Sinscreet Figures {Vizt) : * * etc -

These Letters are the same with the Naggary, but
the Speech distinct.

[The portions omitted, marked by asterisks, are
Marshall's rendering of the Nagarl alphabet and
figures with their sounds, as he heard them, repro¬
duced phonetically. It has not been considered
advisable to print them.]

29. SINSCREET CHARACTERS AND FIGURES
Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 33a.

The Sinscreet Language, which is the learned
Language amongst Bramins [Brahmans] hath 54
Letters (vizt)

[Here follows the Sanskrit alphabet and a repro¬
duction of the sounds as above. This also has been
omitted.]

Some of these are both great and little letters, for

LANGUAGE

4 23

they have but 39 distinct letters, ut antea : these I
writ from the Bramin Doctor in Pattana. The
character I writ as true as I could, but the name of the
Letter could not so well write, he making so little
difference in pronunciation.

30. NAGGARY LANGUAGE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 20.

It is not very much differing from the Sinscreet
[Sanskrit]. Tis called Naggary [Nagari] from the
name of a City which was called Urgin Naggary
[Ujjain Nagari] about 1700 years since, which City is
now called Bonarres.

31. CHINA AND JAPAN
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 16a.

The Chineses and Japanners have the same Letters
and characters, so that they can write each to other
and be understood ; but if they come to speake to
each other, they understand not each other, for that
character which in both their Languages signifies
horse, yet if spoken, one calls it a horse, the other
another thing ; so that when one speakes a word which
signifies a horse to the Chineses, perhaps signifies a
Sheep in the Japan Language. Yet have both but
one character for a horse, whereby they understand
each others characters though not words.

32. FIGURES IN LOSSA [TIBETAN] LANGUAGE .
Haxl. MS. 4255, fol. 21a.

The names of figures in Lossa Language as
followeth :

I Cheek [gctg] 10 Chutomba [bcu-tham-pa}

a Nee [g»*j] 11 Tombachee [bcu-gcig-tham-pd\

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

424

3 Soum [gsum] 12 Tombanee [bcu-gnis-tham-pa]

4 Gzee [bzt\ 100 Cheetompa [ brgya-tham-pa]

5 Naw [Ina] 1000 Meelee [?]

6 Toak [drug] God, Cwangall [? dban-rgyal , victor,

7 Doan [bdun] lord]

8 Ga [brgyai] Man, Amba [?]

9 Go [<*&]

33. OBSERVATION CONCERNING A GREYHOUND
Harl, MS. 4254, fol. 12a.

A Grayhound which was whelped on board* the
RainboWy about March 1669/70, neare Cape Bon-
esperance, had never beene from on board untill
about middle of December following, when in Ballasore
road being taken from on board and put into a
Budgerah [bajrd] or boat (which was by the Rainbows
side) to be sent on shore, the Grayhound had a great
desire to leap out of the Budgerah upon the side of the
Ship and attempted it several times, by all the postures
of his body expressing the same, and bending his body
over the boat side. At last hee endeavoured to tread
upon the water, and put one of his feet first in. When
found it to sink into the water, hee drew it in againe
and no more attempted that way nor the other. When
hee came on shore hee seemed to be surprised and
afraid of every thing. Hee severall times leapt from
high Gallaries till weary of it.

34. [HEAVY RAINS AT PATNA, 1671]

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

About 10 years since in Pattana were killed with
the falling of the walls in the rains times betwixt

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES 425

7 and 800 persons; the rains were so violent and the
walls being brick, inlaid with dirt, which washed away.

35. LAWYERS AT PEGU
Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 5a.

Mr. Hatton saith At Pegu, when they have any
controversies, they must retaine Councell to plead
for them, which although corrupt, yet will plead
rationally,* but the Controversies are decided by a
Judge.

36. LETTERS TO MR. COVELL; DITTO TO
DR. MORE

Earl. MS. 4255, fol. 15a.

Vide in Letter books C and D what writ to Mr.
Covell, Also what writ to Dr. More.

37. CARRIAGE FROM PATTANA TO AGRA
Earl. MS. 4254, fol. 33.

At Pattana Coaches, oxen, horses, &ca. are every
month let to Agra (except in the 4 months in the
Rains). An Ox is let for 12 Rupees, the owner
thereof being at the charge of a man to go with the
ox, and also for the ox meat; and this Ox will carry
4 maund.

A Coach which will carry 40 Maund and goes with
6 Oxen is let for 80 Rupees. A Coach that will carry
4 men and goes with 2 oxen is let for 22 Rupees. A
horse is let. for 10 Rupees. Cahars \_kahdr] to Go
with a Pallenkeen will have 5 rupees per peece, besides
1 seer dall \ddl, pulse] a peece every day, which will
amount to rupees per peece more; in all these
cases of the oxen, coaches, horses or wagons, the

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

426

owners thereof are all [sic ? att] all charges, except
custome paid at places for the goods carried.

38. EARTHS BIGNESS
Harl, MS. 4254, fol. 32.

Some B[r]amins say That in the earth there are of
Square Course 50,000,000,000 reckoning the whole
Globe, both Earth and water, each course being about
2 English miles ; vide former call[c]ulations for
Courses.

39. MR. CHARNOCK QUESTIONS [i.e. questioned]
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 4a.

[He] saith it hath bin asked by these Hindoos and
Moores, whether wee had any land in our Country,
whether any women, any Children ; if wee did not
make Silver of the Saltpeter ; whether wee had any
accounts or not; for they had heard that every servant
in England had what money they would, wee keeping
noe Account; they took it out by handfulls ; that
wee only lived upon Ships. They Also [asked]
whether wee understood one another and could write
or not.

40. SEALING WAX
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

Take sealing wax of best sort in the hot weather
and ly any small weight upon it, and it will bend, but
not break, in 1 or 2 houres.

41. MEN AND WOMEN DEAD
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 19.

Tis observed in Ganges, where vast numbers o:
dead corps are throwne, that few or no men float witl

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES 427

their backs upward, and few or no woemen with
their bellies upwards ; some I have seene to contrary,
though not many.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 28.

42. QUERE

An old man lies with a young woman and gets her
with child, and the old mans sonn lies with the young
womans mother and gets her with child. Quere.
What are these children a kin ? This was asked mee
by a Hindoo.

43. RASHBOOTS WIFE
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 25.

Here [Hajlpur] I see a Roshbootanee [Rajputanl]
or Rashboots [Rajput’s] wife on horseback with a
great Sash [ shash , turban] on, and a Girdle and Jamma
[ jama , clothing] like a man.

44. HINDOOS NAME
Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 18a.

The Hindoos have but one name which they receive
from the Bramin or Priest the sixth day of their age.
The Bramin consulting the places of the stars and
his Astrology, and finding what minute the child was
born, gives him a name accordingly.

45. RECIPES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 12a.

( [a ) To make a glew that will be very strong. Take
the inside of new cheese and beat it in a morter a
little, then wash it with very hot water till all the fat
and whey come out by strayning it. Then put to it
some chenam or fine lime and beat it together, and it
will be good glew.

428 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 12a.

(b) Neelmarree \nirmalt\ A berry in Bengali and
all over India, like a pea but little bigger, this rubbed
in a pot of water against the pot sides, make the
thickest and muddiest water in a little time to settle.
Tis much used in Pattana where Ganges water (which
is often dirty) is drunk.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 13a.

(r) To melt Amber and make it soft like wax. Put
yellow amber into hot melted wax before scummed
[skimmed, cleared], and twill do it.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 17.

id) To make a Dog not grow. The Portugees
have a way to make a dog not grow, mzt : Take a dog
when 8 or i o dayes old and put him in a sling so that
he cannot stir, but the sling will stir and move him.
Give him every day the yolk of an egg boild and give
him no water, nor any thing else to drink, and keep
him with that diet in the sling for about 6 months, and
hee will afterwards never grow.

Harl. MS. 4254, fol. 20.

( e ) Salt Peter Experiment. Salt Peter will make
water very cold after this manner, vizt\ Take a round
lead pot about i foot of [sic ? or] 14 inches diameter.
Into it put 3 or 4 seer of Salt Peter and as much water.
Then take 4 Coosas [kuza> jar], which fill each halfe
full of water. Then Stirr these Coosas in the Salt
Peter water for about 10 minutes of an houre. After
put out all the water from the Salt Peter, and put more
Salt Peter into the pot, and power in the water to it out
of 3 Coosas, and the other Coosa stirr up and downe in
the Salt peter water for about 2 minutes of an houre,

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES 429

and it will be exceeding cold, and at the highest
coldness. But if afterwards the Coosa be longer
stirred in the water, it will by little and little become
warmer, though new peter and water bee added, and
in about 12 minutes more will be warmer than other
water k£pt in a cool place ; and after againe continuing
the same stirring, it will againe grow colder, but will
not come to bee J so cold as was at first, but in about
24 minutes will come to be a little colder than ordinary
water.

Harl'. MS. 4255, fol. 16a.

(/) To blew Iron. The Natives blew iron weapons
to keep them from rusting. They first make them
very bright, then ly them in hot straw ashes such as
a man can only endure to clap his hand upon, then let
them ly covered with those ashes thin, with ashes under
them, for about 2 minutes of an houre; then take
them out if blew, and they will remaine so.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23.

Qr) To prevent Seedg dood \_stj ka dudht\ and Aug
dood [ukhan dudhi ] from breaking. The Hindoos
prevent said milks from breaking or curdling by
put[ting] into it i Cowry weight of salt to every seer
weight of milk.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 23.

(h) [To] Cleanse poisoned wells. Take Earth
that is Clying and fat, and birne to ashes, and strew
over the well, and the poison will cleave to it, which
you may take out.

TTarl MS. 4255, fol. 23a. ' _ .

(t) Receipt against bad water. Adjuaine [ajwain.
Bishop’s Weed] or Coriander, seed of Turmerick and

430 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

Musterseed, [take] of each a pice weight and bruise
altogether to powder, to which put a little water, and
drink 3 mornings together every month, and it will
cleanse the filth in foule water a man shall drink.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24a.

(j) Rogun [raugan]. Varnish. The Hindbos var¬
nish wood as followeth. First take Cohorbah [kah-
ruba] (which is a kind of Gum or amber) ; put it into
a new pot when heated over the fire, till melted; then
put to it x-| times its quantitie of Tieseka teale [til
kd tel , Sesamum oil], and boyle both together for \ an
houre till be very clammy [viscid, adhesive] ; then
take it of and straine it and keepe it for use, which is—
First let the wood you would varnish stand in the
Sun till well Dryed, and then with the palme of your
hand bath [moisten] or beat it in as thin as possible,
leting it dry in the Sun, and so do it 2 or 3 times.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 24a.

(£) Bowes. When weak bowes, they wrap them
about within with the Sinues of Cowes leggs, bruised
in pieces like hemp.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 30.

(7) To guild with Quicksilver. Rub Quicksilver
upon an Earthen cup. Then take the Root, branch
and leaves of Iskpeecha [Ishq pechan , Ipomcea hederacea,
American jasmine] and bruise altogether, and let the
cup (so rubbed over) stand in the juice of said Iskpeecha
so bruised. Then take it out and rub it over againe
with Quicksilver and continue so doing 3 or 4 times,
and it will be well Guilded.

Harl. MS. 4255, fol. 30.

( m ) Receipt to make wine. Take of Kismiss
[kishmish] (which are a sort of small rasins without

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES 431

stones) one seer, and thereto put 2 seer water, and let
them steep 10 or 12 dayes, every day squeezing them
3 or 4 times with your hand ; and let it stand in a hot
place where sun comes not, and then straine it, and
[it] will be good wine. And if you desire Viniger of
it, set it in the Sun 3 or 4 dayes and it will be so.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII •

The remarks collected in the concluding chapter of Marshall's
“ Observations ” cover a wide held and contain some very
interesting information.

His notes on Production and Merchandise are accurate and
testify to the carefulness of his enquiries and investigations.
He is here again indebted to the Dutch " Directore ” for details
relating to Japan.

The section devoted to Coins, Weights and Measures is especially
valuable for date and accurate observation, and Marshall’s lists
should be compared with those of his contemporaries, Mundy,
Tavernier, Bowrey and Fryer.

The notes on Language contain no fresh information, but are
interesting for the period in which they were compiled. The
copies of Nagarl script, however, are incorrect and incomplete,
and it has therefore not been considered necessary to reproduce
them here. The English equivalents given by Marshall for the
sounds of the characters show that he probably learned Sanskrit
from a Bengali. His “ Figures in Lossa Language/’ doubtless
given to him by his Armenian friends, is one of the earliest lists
of Tibetan words with their English equivalents.

The final section of Miscellaneous Notes contains a rare collec¬
tion of recipes with which Marshall probably intended to astound
his friends on his return to England.

1. Marshall is alluding to the Long-stemmed Paddy, about
which Watt, Economic Products of India , s.v. Oryza sativa
(v. 543) quotes A. C. Sen’s remarks : “ This variety of paddy is
extensively grown in the Dacca district. The low lands, the sides
of jheels and low plains on which 5 to 15 feet of water accumulates
during the rains, are selected for this crop. It has a remarkable
power of growth, frequently shooting up to the extent of it inches
in the course of 24 hours as the inundation rises, and in the case
of some varieties . . . attaining the length of from 10 to 20 feet.”

2. If Marshall’s figures are correct, the tusk he saw was ab¬
normally long for the Asiatic variety. According to Watt
(op. cit . iii. 226, s.v . Ivory), the largest Indian tusk on record
measured 8 ft., its greatest circumference being 1 ft. 4.9 in. and
weight 90 lb.

432

NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII

433

4 . Marshall seems to be describing the pottery of Sewan, near
Patna, which is remarkable for its extreme thinness and lightness.

5 . Except for the fact that it is the capsule, not the " flower,’*
which is " lanced ” eight or ten days after the petals have been
removed, Marshall’s information is remarkably correct. The
value of opium has, of course, increased enormously since his time.

6 . Marshall is alluding to the rock salt of the Salt Range, a hill
system in the Jhelum, Shahpur and Mianwali Districts of the
Panjab.

7 . For the " Directore for the Dutch ” who had been in Japan
see Chapter VII, note on No. 20 (a )..

8 . For the difference in the methods by which the lacquer
industry is carried on in Japan and India, see Watt, op . cit. vi. 334 ,
s.v. Japan Lacquer Industry.

10 . Bowrey, about the same date, rates the rupee at 3200
cowries, or 40 pan , the highest figure quoted by Marshall (see
Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 218 ). In 1835 Kelly (Universal Cambist,
i. 88 ) gives only 2560 as the average number of cowries to a rupee,
or less than Marshall’s lowest estimate.

11 . (a) " 1 Tucka [taka] 2 Pice.” This “tucka” must not be
confounded with “ tucka ” (taka), the word commonly used by
Bengalis for a rupee. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tucka.

(d) The one-anna piece of silver is the hold of Abu’l-Fazl’s
list of Akbar’s coins.

12 . Marshall’s table of coins at Fort St. George is almost
identical with Fryer’s (ed. Crooke, ii. 132 ), about the same date
except that he substitutes " pice ” for the latter’s " cash (but
see No. 25 ). See also Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 114 .

13 . Among the “ Local monetary terms ” given in Hemingway’s
Godavari District Gazetteer, p. 123 , is the following table :

96 cowries =1 3'P^ e P^ ece *

4 cowries =1 pun jam.

3 punjams =1 toli.

2 tolis =1 dammidi (f pie).

2 dammidis = 1 egani (i£ pies).
y 2 eganis =1 dabbu (a 3 -pie piece).

It seems almost certain that egani and Marshall’s “ agan ” are

^o^Picans ” at Narsapore (NarSsapur) see Bowrey, ed.
Temple, p. 116 , and for “ Old Pagothas ” see ibid. p. 115 and note.

17 . Marshall’s cowry table corresponds almost exactly with
that given by Bowxey (ed. Temple, p._ 2 i 8 ). See also note 8 on
the same page for remarks on the ’ dbbdsi .

434

NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII

19 . Bowrey also (ed. Temple, p. 1 x 6 ) gives 25 lb. to the man of
S. India, but he makes the candy ( kandi ) only 20 man.

20 . Bowrey (op. oil., p. 217 ) gives 73 lb. to the Hugh man.

22 . It will be seen that the lengths of the several kinds of gaz
or Indian yard, given by Marshall in this section, differ from
those in No. 21 above. He probably obtained his information
at various times and from several individuals. The IlahJ gaz
of Akbar was 33 in. See Wilson, Glossary, s.v. gaz, guz. *

24 . (a) and (6) Marshall’s remarks on the kos of varying length,
both here and in his Diary, are interesting and valuable. By
" their Book " he seems to mean the Ain-i-Ahbari, but the Akbari
kos was 2 miles, 1,038 yards, or 433 yards longer than Marshall
states. See Mundy, ed. Temple, ii. 67 ; Tavernier, ed. Crooke,
i. 39 n. for this measurement of distance.

25 . This paragraph is valuable for information evidently
acquired by Marshall from actual observation and experiment.

28 . Marshall does not appear to have grasped the fact that
Sanskrit is a speech and Nagari a form of writing.

30 . See above, note on No. 28 . Marshall's derivation is entirely
wrong.

32 . Dr. F. W. Thomas, Librarian of the India Office, has kindly
examined Marshall's list of Tibetan figures and has supplied the
correct vernacular words in every instance possible. For the
figures 1 to 9 he finds Marshall’s rendering wonderfully accurate.
For 10 , 11 , 12 , 100 , 200 , Marshall uses forms which, though
accepted, are not those generally employed. His rendering of
" 1000 " and " Man ” are unintelligible, though clearly written,
and he evidently failed to reproduce what he heard.

33 . Marshall probably had this story direct from Captain
Richard Goodlad of the Rainbow, since that vessel sailed to Bengal
in 1670 and Marshall was at Balasore from 22 nd October to
30 th December of that year (see Chapter III), Or he might have
heard it on his voyage to India in 1669 when Captain Goodlad
was more than once a guest on board the Unicom (see Log,
Harl. MS. 4253 ).

34 . The cause of the '* falling of the walls ” was probably the
melting of the adobS or sun-dried (not burnt) bricks. (R. C. T.)

35 . For Christopher Hatton see Chapter XI note on No. 43 .

36 . It is unfortunate that Marshall's " Letter Books ” have not
survived and that there is no trace of his correspondence with his
college friends. Dr. John Coveil and Dr. Henry More, for his,
relations with whom see the Introduction.

NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII 435

37 - This note is valuable for rates for transport in Marshall's
day.

38. This is one of the impossible calculations of which Indians
axe so fond. (R.C.T.)

41. Ralph Fitch, however (1583-91), makes a contrary assertion:
" I wenttoPatenaw [Patna] downe the river of Ganges.... These
Indians when they bee scorched [partly burnt] and throwen into
the water, the men swimme with their faces downewards, the
women with their faces upwards. I thought they tied something
to them to cause them to doe so,’ but they say no ” (Foster,
Early Travels, p. 23).

42. In England the answer would be first cousin once removed.

44. For the Naming Ceremony, see Mr. Kaye’s note N in
Chapter IX. See also Chapter XII, No. 12, for Marshall's remarks
on tie naming of Muhammadans.

45. (6) See Chapter X, No. 11 (c), p. 337, where Marshall gives
the word more correctly as “ Nermalee." He is referring to the
Strychnos potatorum, the Clearing Nut tree [nimdi hchla).

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Barnett, Dr. L. D. Antiquities of India. An account of
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436

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Kern, H. “ The Brihat Samhita or complete system of
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Lane, E. W. An Arabic-English Lexicon. London, 1863, etc.

Lawrence, Sir Walter R. The Valley of Kashmir. London
1895.

439

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Mandelslo, Johann Albrecht von. The voyage and travels
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1662.

MANUCcr, Nicalao. Storia do Mogor or Mogul India 1653-
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Markham, Sir Clements. Peruvian Bark. A popular
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See also Orta, Garcia da.

Mars ham, J. C. Outline of the History of Bengal. Seram-
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Master , Streynsham , The Diaries of 1675-1680. Edited by
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Mundy , Peter , The Travels of in Europe and Asia , 1608-1667.
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Notes and Queries: A Medium of intercommunication for
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Original Correspondence . See India Office Manuscript Records.

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INDEX

Abasl, 'abbasl, coin, 433 n. 17;

weight of an, 419
Abgil, 124

Abraham, Marshall’s slave boy,
137

Abraham the Patriarch. See
’Ibrahim

Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, 393, 304,
396, 408 n. 2 (a) and ( b) ;
his daughter, 395.

Adam, 401; and Eve, stories
of the temptation of, 396, 397
Adheld , a measure of cowries,
416

A dobS, sun-dried bricks, 434
n. 34

Advaita Doctrine, 203 n. 2,
205 n. 12, 206 n. 15 and 18,
207 n. 21.

Aftdba, 63, 85 n. 12, 114
Agalpore, ? Agarpur, 73, 90
n. 67

Agan. See Egdni
Aganur Sarai, 160, 174 n. 5
Agasti, myth of swallowing the
ocean by, 376, 389 n. 49
Age of man. See Duration of
life

Age of the world, 275
Aggiapore, 75, 91 n. 71
Agra, 139, 159, 170; distance
between Patna and, 160, 166
Agradwip, 112

Agreements for service by
native servants, 5, 50
Ague, Marshall suffers from,
69, 89 n. 57; remedies for,
69 * 33 *, 342 - 3 * 346

AjitMal, 160

Ajwain , Bishop’s Weed, for
cleansing water, 429
Akbar, Emperor, story of, and
371-2 ; father of Shah
Jahan, 418

Alam Chand Sarai, 160
Aldworth, Henry, 174 n. 4 (5)
Alexander the Great, a story
of, 370

*Ali, 393, 394, 396, 409 n. 2 (b) ;
marries Fatima, 395; his
sons, 395
‘All al-Riza, 395
Alipur, 121, 133 n. 61
All ah abad, 160; flood at, in
1671, 139-40 ; cruelty of the
Nawab of, 140
Allamon, 167

Alligators, 75 ; magic in the
head of, 353 ; story of Bhima.
and an, 81; in the Ganges,
157

Almanack, Hindu, 264-5, 301-2
Alphonso Y of Portugal, 56
n. 31

Amber beads, as merchandise,
169 ; recipe to melt, 428
Ambergris, at Mauritius, 48;

at Johanna, 415
Amboa, 66,112,128
And, coin, weight of an, 346,
418 ; number of, to a rupee,
416; kinds of, 417, 433
n. 11 (i)

Anaemia, green sickness, 56
n. 26

Ananas, pineapples, 53

443

444

INDEX

Andulia, 66

Anguli, angli, finger-breadth,
420

Anjuan, Comoro Is., 415
Ankus, elephant goad, 367
Antelopes, 53
Aphrodisiacs, 360-1
*Arah t spirit, 120, 331, 344
Arambagh. See Jahanabad
Arbore de rais. See Banyan
tree

Arjuna, 80
Armenia, 173

Armenians, Marshall's relations
with, 35, 162, 167, 345, 432 ;
traders, 169
Arrack. See Khargpur
Asachhia, 112

Asaf-ud-daula. See ’Ibrahim
Khan

Asamanjas, Raja, story of, 370
Ashrafpur, 64
Ashura, 396

Aspects. See Astrological as¬
pects

Astrological aspects, 216, 224,
254, 259, 291-2

Astrological diagrams, 215, 225,
284-5

Astrological houses, 224, 251,
258, 286-7

Astrology, 32, 211-317 ; horary,
220, 226, 238, 258 ; in India,
283; origin of, 224. See
also Astrological aspects ; As¬
trological houses; Naksha-
tras ; Planets ; Signs of the
Zodiac; Yogas, etc.
Asumlika Surray, See Athmal
Gola

Athmal Gola, 126, 134 n» 83
Atomic Philosophy, 195, 205
n. 11 (a), 208 n. 34
Attar of roses, 12
Atwood, Eliza, 26
Augull ?, 373

Aunichocarra, ? Achuara, 77

Aurangabad, 17, 69, 89 n. 55,
99, 115

Aurangzeb, Emperor, 93 n. 96,
163, 264, 416, 418 ; revenue
of, 370, 388 n. 41
Avatara , of Vishnu, 204 n. 10 ( c) t
207 n. 20 (6)

Away ?, 119

‘Ayishah, wife of Muhammad,
395

Ayuthia, Siam, 35 n. 9
'Azazil, fall of, 397, 401;

confused with 'Izra'il, 400,
407, 410 n. 5 (/).

Azlampur, 67

Bagnold, John, 16, in ; notice
of, 129 n. 1
Raha Chauki, 124
BM, air, 319, 320, 321
Baijalpur, 78

Baijnath, Hindu doctor at
Patna, 323, 325 ; prescrip¬
tions given to Marshall by,
340 , 346
Baikatpur, 126

Bajrd, a boat, 9, 13, 18, 35,
59 n. 67, 97, 101, 127, 424;
described, 79, 92 n. 90
Bakarpur Ogairah, 72
Bakhra, Lion Pillar at, 11
Bakhrabad, 63
Bakhshish , 17, 66
Balasore (Baleshwar), Mar¬
shall's remarks on, 7, 61-2;
his second visit to, 15 ; made
a separate factory, 21, 22,
25 ; chief at, 22 ; epidemic
at, 25 ; English factory at,
61,101; foundation of settle¬
ment at, 84 n. 3 ; old name
for, 157 ; distance between
Hugli and, 65, between
Patna and, 161

Balasore river, 15, 61, 101;

tombs as landmarks for, 26
Balasore Road, 7, 61, 101

INDEX

Bamboos, 15 ; male and female,
32, 122 ; 134 n. 71 ; forti¬

fications of, 63
Banagarh, 157, 174 n. 1
Bandarbana, 77, 91 n. 80, 126
Bandgir oil, ingredients for,
3 2 9 * 338 - 9 * 35 ° Ji. 2 ; uses
of, 338 -

Banditch.ee. See Bunjettee
Bangamoddan. See Bhanga-
morah

Bangla , bungalow, 96
Banian ( baniya ), 23, 63
Bannia, 80, 92 n. gi
BansI, 126

Bantam, 3, 4, 55 n. 9
Banyan tree. Ficus lndica i
100, 107 n. 20, 159
Bar tree. See Banyan tree
Bara jangal. See Bourgengal
Baranasi, a slave bought by
Marshall, 126; shaving of,
126, 135 n. 85
Baraii, 73, 121, 133 n. 61
Bard, Henry. See Bellamount,
Viscount

Barh, 95, 106 n. 2, 125, 128
Barley, quick growing, 83
Barley corns for measurement,
420

Baroch. See Broach
Barua, 78

Barwa, 113, 130 n. 11
B as ant a, 78
Basarkhola, 112
Basta, 62

Bathing Festival, 19, 141, 158,
164, 200, 208 n. 37 (i)

Batista de Joan, Armenian,
information obtained from,

165* 167

Bats. See Flying Foxes
Bauri, a measure of cowries, 419
Baxipur, 67
Bay, the. See Bengal
Baya, weaver-bird, nest of,
381 ; how lighted, 381

445

Bayizid I, defeated by Timur,
388 n. 36

Bazars , at Colmegar, 68 ; at
Turtipur, 69 ; at Dariapur,
76

Beads, various kinds of, as
merchandise, 169
Beallgotchee. See Belgachi
Beatilha, veiling, 52, 59 n. 70
Bed-Veda, 188

Beer, English, price of, at Fort
St. George, 50 ; barley, 165-6
Begam Sarai, 160, 414
Bel tree, 131 n. 34
Belgachi, 116, 131 n. 34
Belghatta, 100, 107 n. 16,

132 n. 54

Bellamount, Henry Bard, Vis¬
count, tomb of, at Hodal,
159 ; account of, 174 n. 5.
Benapur, 64

Benares, 139, 160 ; brass ware
from, 114 ; distance of, from
Patna and Nepal, 161 ;
temple at, destroyed by Shah
Jahan, 201 ; old name for,
423

Bengal, 6, 7 ; chiefs of factories
in, 9 ; waterways of, 31-2 ;
Nawabs of, 67, 78, 88 n. 45,
90 n. 58, 91 n* 73, 118, 132
n. 48

Berkeley, George, 1st Earl,
member of the Court of
Committees of the E.I. Co.,
2-3, 54 n. 5 ; his interest on
behalf of Marshall, 2, 3, 39,
40, 41 ; death of, 54 n. 5
Beteelas. See Beatilha
Betel , pan, , 334, 337 ; used as a
charm, 361
Bezoar, 344

Bhagalpur, 14, 96, 12Z, 128
Bhagavata doctrine of the One
God, 203 n. 3-4
Bhagavata-purana, Marshall's
translation of the, 29-30

INDEX

446

Bhagirathi, river, 87 n. 30,

88 n. 37 ; old course of the,

89 n. 57, 107 n, 16, 130 n. 22.
Bhang , intoxicating effect of,

349 n. 9

Bhangamorah, 64, 86 n. 22
Bhatgaon, 161 ; Raja of, 370
Bhaunagar, a gosain from, 201,
209 n. 37 (m)

Bhlm Pahar hills, 163-4
Bhima, legends of, 80-1, 82,
93 n. 93

Bhima's Club ( Bhlm ha lathi),
11, 80, 93 n. 92

Bhuta , rudimentary substances,
spirits, the five, 180, 189,
204 n. 9 ; ghosts, 207 n. 22
Bhutan (Tibet), 138, 140, 165,
175 n. 8 ; musk from, 161,
162, 168 ; distance of, from
Patna, 161, 162, from Nepal,
166 ; mountains of, 162,163 ;
people of, 163, 164; Dalai
Lama of, 164, 165 ; customs
in, 164-5, 168 ; religion of,
165 ; currency of, 168-9.
See also Tibet; Tibetans
Bia. See Bayd
Bidderea, ? Busharo, 77
Bidderpour, 68
Bidea. See Vidya
Bigsee, in, 129 n. 4
Bihar, 24

Billingsley, John, Marshall's
fellow passenger, 4; mar¬
riage of, 4, 16, 102 ; notice
of, 108 n, 33
Birbhanpur, 64

Blackamore, the, sails to India,
4, 12; carries the King's
Commission, 4; puts in at
Mauritius, 57 n. 40
Blood, circulation of, 324-5
Board, by, 42; explained,
56 n. 20

Boars, at Mauritius, story of a,
46-7

Boats, for transport of salt¬
petre, 23; Kashmiri, 153,
170, 176 n. 17 (e). See also
Bajrd ; Catamaran; Mus-
soola ; Patela ; Purgo
Bobbunear Surray, 119, 132
n. 52

Bonarraspore, 117, 1-31 n. 41
Bonesperance, Cape. See Good
Hope, Cape of

Boobies, at Mauritius, 48, 58
n- 54

Borax, whence procured, 24;

used medicinally, 343
Bourgengal, 72, 117, 128, 132
n. 43 ; boundary mark at,
86 n. 19, 90 n. 62; large
sarai, at, 117-8 ; a customs
station, 118 ; Marshall's al¬
tercation with officials at,
118-9

Bowdee Surray, 114, 130 n. 20
Bower, ? Baxipur, 67
Bowrey, Thomas, a contem¬
porary of Marshall, 32 ; his
Countries round the Bay of
Bengal referred to, passim;
on the famine in Patna, 155-6
Bows, recipe to strengthen, 430
Box tree, 46, 58 n. 42, 170
Brahma, creation of, 180
Brahman, year of, 278, 317
Brahmans, doctrine of the,
177-96

Bramston, Sarah, 65
Bramston, William, pilot, 65;

death of, 87 n. 25
Bramsurray, ? Bursana, 159
Brass ware, 17, 114
Brazil, 57 n. 40
Breath control, 193, 198, 199*
207 n. 27

Bridges at—Fatiha, 77,92m 81;
Ghorghat, 74, 91 n. 69;
Gobind Das ki Sarai, 115;
Kalianpur, 123 ; Kunderpol
Nulla, 120, 132 m 56; Ma-

INDEX

sulipatam, 52 ; Monghyr,
123 ; Narayangarh, 63
Bridges, Shem, Chief in Bengal,
7 > 3, 63, 65, 85 n. 9, 86 n. 25 ;
his opinion of Marshall, 8
36

Brin. See Bhima

Brin's Club. See Bhima's Club

Brinchee. See BaranasI

Brinkalattee, 80

Broach, cotton’goods from, 12

Broomfield, Essex, 2, 26, 40,

Bubbunuda Surray, ? Pumu-
neea, 114, 130 n. 20
Buchanan, Francis Hamilton,
follows Marshall's route, 31
Buckera, 82
Buddooa. See Barwa
JBudgroe. See Bajrd
Buffaloes, 62
Bugden, Edmund, 25
Buglepore Surray, 160
Bulgutta. See Belghatta
Bullivant, Samuel, 107 n. 14 ;

sent to Patna, 19
Bunderbunna. See Bandar-
bana

Bunjettee, 113, 130 n. 13
Burabalang, river, 61
“ Burge," 251, 254
Burgungull. See Bourgengal
Burial, Hindu Muhammadan
and Pars! modes of, 383-4,
404, 406, 407

Burrajungull. See Bourgengal
Bursta, 82
Butsulla, 161
Butteelas. See Beatilha

Calcapore, ? Kalikapur, 68,

89 n. 49

Calcutta, founder of, 9
Calendar, Indian, 264, 301-2
Cambridge, Marshall's College
at, 2, 40
Camels, 63, 168

447

Candy. See Kandi
Cape Verde Is., 4-5, 5 6 n. 29 ;
a Portuguese possession, 57
n. 34

Card trick, 272-3
Carpenter's Bay, Mauritius,
58 n. 51

Carpets, Kashmiri, 170
Cartwright, Ralph, 84 n. 3
Cash, copper coin, weight of a,
421

Cassipore, ? Gauspur, 73
Cassumbuzar. See Kasimbazar
Castes, orders, of s&iinydsi ,
201 ; of Musalmans, Mar,
shall's erroneous views con¬
cerning, 408 n. 2 ( a)
Catamaran, described, 50
Cathay (? Caucasus) mts., 163,
164, 165

Catherine of Braganza, 56 n. 25
Caushdee, not identified, 10,
72, 73

Celebes, 55 n. 9
Central Asia, 163, 200, 201
Ceylon, 5, 49
Chdbuk , whip, 367
Chabootree, chabutard, 144,

147 n. 17, 152, 156
Cha-dam, chheddm, measure of
cowries, 416
Chde, tea, 165

Chaddegarampore, ? Shadi-ka
Rampur, 68, 89 n. 52
Champanagar, 122, 133 n. 66
Chandpur, 69
Chandragiri, mt., 164
Chardin, Sir John, route of,
between Isfahan and Smyr¬
na, 176 n. 21

Charles II of England, mar¬
riage of, 56 n. 25
Charles's Wain, magic star in,
366

Charms, 34, 62, 350 n. 6 (#),
353-61 ; given to Marshall,
201-2 ; 209 n. 37 (: m )

INDEX

448

Charnock, Job, i, 333 ; Chief
at Patna, 9, 11, 14* *9* 24*
35, 106 n. 1, 125, 127 ; Mar¬
shall's service under, 19;
letters of, 19, 146 n. 9* 154-5*
174 n. 4 (b) ; on the position
of the planets, 217 ; ques¬
tioned by Hindus, 426
Charriarry rupees, 418
Charyar. Four Friends, 393,
394, 409 n. 2 (6), 418
Chaudhuri, 370

Chauki, customs station, 69, 72,
73* 77, 100, 118

Chaukidar, watchman, customs
officer, 66, 67, 68, 72, 1x5
Chaup, chop. See Chhdp
Chawwa, 12
Chelmsford, 2, 40
Cheraukush, a custom in Persia,
385 ; derivation of, 385
Chhdp, seal-impression, stamp,

117, 120, 132 n. 47
Chilamchi, brass basin, 63,
85 n. 12, 114

Childbearing, in India, 328
China, 162, 201

China, porcelain, 414, 433 n. 4
Chinese language, 423
Chintz, from Pettipolee, 53 ; for
sale in Tibet, 169
Chirdg, a lamp, 385
Chitcheroul, ? Chhitraul, 122,
133 n. 67

Chobddr, mace-bearer, 8
Chowteund, ? chowtree, 144
Chowtree. See Chabootree
Christ's College, Cambridge,
1-2 ; statutes of, 2, 40,

55 u. 8

Christ's Hospital, apprentices
from, 55 n. 18
Chua. See Chawwd
Chumularhi, mt., 145 n. 3
CHuna, cement, 385
Churiaghati hills, 146, 145 n, 6
Chutia Nagpur, 106 n. 7

Cidade Velha, Santiago, 56 m 30
Cinchona. See Peruvian Bark
Cinnamon, 49
Clam, moist, sticky, 171
Clavell, Walter, Chief at Hugl!,
x, 19, 65, 146 n. 9, 1541
succeeds Shem Bridges, 86
n. 25 ; death of, 25, 86 n. 25
Clepsydra, water-clock, 109 n.
36, 281

Cloth, See Piece-goods
Clothing, of the Nepalese, 164;

of the Tibetans, 165
Cloves, 77

Coa, ? nakra, 389 n. 54; a
legend regarding the, 379
' Coach-hire, at Patna, 425
Coast. See Coromandel Coast
Coast frigate, the, 55 n. x6

Cocklet, -, chief boatman,

98, 99, 107 n. 14
Cocoanuts, 45 ; Seychelles, an
antidote against poison, 331,
350 n, 4

Cofferies, coffrees (kdfar), 44,
56 n. 31

Cohandarea, ? Cushadanga, 66
Coimbatore, 59 n. 70
Coins. See Currency
Coir (cair, cayre), cocoanut
fibre, 49, 5$ n. 58
Cojakissore. See Khwaja Ki&or
Cola. See Kol

Coldstream, Col. W. M., on the
waterways of Bengal, 31-2
Coleway Surray, 159
Colgong (Kahalgaon) rocks, 10,
*7* 73> 90 n. 65,120,121,128,
133 ft. 59

Colic, remedies for, 321, 329,

332-3* 339* 343
Colloopore, ? Kalupur, 114,
130 n. 23

Colmegar, ? Kalinagar, 68, 89
n. 53

Colours, whence produced, 195
Comoro Is., 415

INDEX

Comrah, 107 n. 16
Conifer ae, Himalayan, 170, 171
Constantinople, 28
Contai (KantI), not identical
with Kendua, 108 n. 30
Coodracutta, 123, 134 n. 73
Coondapnrra. See Ponrapara
Cooza. See Kuza
Coral beads, as merchandise,
169

Coromandel Coast, the, 5, 6, 7,
41, 49 ; English factories on,
55 n. 10

Corpses, in the Ganges, 18, 77,
158, 426-7, 435 n. 41 ; how
treated in Tibet, 165, 166
Cossalpore, 112
Cossas. See Khassa
Cossid. See Qasid
Cotgola (kdthgola), 76, 91 n. 75
Cottan, 64, 86 n. 20
Cotteekpore. See Kartikpnr
Cotton cloths, from Pettipolee,
6 ; from Nadia, 10
Cotton fields, 77
Cotwolpore, 115, 131 n. 27
Course. See Kos
Couvade, 175 n. 11 (b)

Covado (covid, covet), a cubit,
ell, 24, 98, 420 ; differing
lengths of a, 107 n. 13
Covel, Dr. John, Fellow of
Christ's College, 1, 2, 425 ;
traveller and writer, 2, 28 ;
Marshall's bequest to, 27;
death of, 27 ; his MSS. and
library, 28

Cowell, Prof. E. B., on Mar¬
shall’s MSS 30
Cowries, 114 ; as currency in
Kashmir, 170 ; number of, to
a rupee, 416, 433 n. 10;
measures of, 419, 433 n, 13 ;
value of, at Hugll and Bala-
sore, 419

Craven, William Earl of, his
house let to the E.I. Co., 2 ;

449

his influence on behalf of
John and Robert Marshall,
2 * 3 > 39 , 4 1 * 54 n - 7 , 55 el* h ;
his steward, 2, 3 ; death of,
54 n. 2

Craven, Sir William, 54 n. 2
Craven House, 3
Creation, Hindu idea of the,
180-1

Crocodile fat, magical pro¬
perties of, 387 n. 1
Croziers, the, 45, 57 n. 37
Cubbadgepore, ? Kubjapur, 112
Cundoreck. See Punarakh
Cunta. See Kunti
Cuppan. See Kobang
Currency, See Abdsi ; And ;
Cash ; Cowries ; Dollars ;
Egani ; Fanam ; Gold dust;
Kobang ; Pagoda ; Pican ;
Pice ; Rupees ; Taka
Cursenne Surray, 160
Cushadanga, 66
Cussaldea, 128, 135 n. 94
Customs, duties, 14; at Ma¬
deira, 44

Customs officers, 17
Cutby, Cutly, ? Kutx, hills, 168
Cuttarpore, 78, 92 n. 85
Cutwallpore Surray, ? Kotwal-
pur Sara!, 114, 130 n. 23

Dacca, 22, 68, 99 ; seat of the
Mughal Court, 8; English
factory at, 106 n. 1 ; victims
of the Patna famine seek
food at, 150 ; disappearing
trick performed at, 354.,
Dadpur, 112
Daha (Ashura), 396
Dakra Nala, 124, 134 n. 76
Ddl , pulse, 425

Dalai Lama of Tibet, 164 ; his
territory, 168 ; power of, 169
Ddldn , apartment, 119
Dam, measure of cowries, 416
Dam-chu, river, 167,175 n. 13 (&)
2F

M.M.

INDEX

45°

Damvi, measure of cowries, 416
Dantan, 63

Daybdr, court, 8, 116, 123
Dariapur, 76, 125, 128, 134 n. 80
Darsan, darshana, vision, 192,
207 n. 23

Dasas . See Planetary Periods
Dastah, pass, permit, 14, 67,
72, 97, 116, 118
Daulat ka sarai, 119, 132 n. 52
Daupshaw, ? dhdnchd , X75 n. 10
(d)

Days, length of, 259; lucky
and unlucky, 362
Dead, burning of the, 383-4
Deal, 4, 42
Deer, 62

Delhi, route between Patna
and, 159 ; distance between
Kashmir and,. 170
Dellegola, 72, 90 n. 63
Dera, 113, 130 n. 18
Deurd, temple, 188, 206 n. 16 ;

at Benares, destroyed, 201
Devaki (Dukhi), 137
Devanagari. See Nagari
Dhaniakhali, 64, 86 n. 23
Dhanu, measure, 420
Dharma, 80

Dharmasdla, rest-house, 106 n.3
Dhaturd, a narcotic, 327, 349
n. 9

Dhavalagiri (Dewalagiri), mt.,
175 n. 10 {d)

Digestion, notes on, 322-4
Diligence , the, 57 n. 36
Dilly. See Delhi
Dingy , skiff, 95

" Directores ” of the Dutch, 35
Diseases, See Prescriptions (for
diseases)

Dim an, minister, 169
Dobash, interpreter, 173
Dodoes, at Mauritius, 47-8,
58 n. 49

Dogachi, 69, 89 n. 56, 115, 128,
131 n. 31 and 32

Dogs, G. Townsend's, 14, 97;
method to retard the growth
of, 428

Dolladee, 72, 90 n. 63
Dollars, “ Civill," 56 n. 28;
Mexico, 56 n. 28 ; Spanish,
59 n. 59 ; weight of, 418
Dom. See Dam
Domiciles of planets. See under
Planets

Dooly (doli), covered litter, 118,

119, 132 n. 49
Dougotchee. See Dogachi
Dowka. See Dhavalgiri
Dowkee. See Devaki
Downapore, 69,99,115,13m. 28
Downs, the, 4, 42, 55 n. 19
Drunkard, story of a, 373
Dukrd, measure of cowries, 416
Dumra, 125
Dun. See Dhanu
Dungarpore, 67
Dunnapore. See Downapore
Duration of life, 245, 247, 255,
2 59> 299

Dustick. See Dastak
Dutch, the, servants of, im¬
prisoned, 17-18, 33, 123,

134 n. 75 ; rivalry of trade
between the English and, 24 ;
" Directores" of, 35, 123,

134 n. 74, 172, 415, 433 n. 7;
at Mauritius, 48 ; take Ma¬
cassar, 55 n. 9 ; factories of,
in India, 65, xox, 108 n. 29,
113, 130 n. 17; in Japan,
172 ; unpopularity of, in
Japan, 176 n. 20 (a)

Dwarbasini, 65

Dyriapore, ? Daryapur, 126,

135 n. 88

Earth, Hindu estimate of the
size of the, 426

Earthenware, fine kinds of,
from Mainapur, Begamsaral
I and Sewan, 4x4, 433 n. 4

INDEX

East India Company, the En¬
glish, 2, 39 ; Court of Com¬
mittees of the, 2, 39, 40, 41 ;
factories of, in India, 11, 52,
53* 55 n * 9 and I0 > 61, 100,
113 ; bullion of, coined at
Rajmahal, 22

East India Company, the Dutch,
16

East India House, 40
East Theddlethorpe, Lincoln¬
shire, 1

Ebony tree, at Mauritius, 5, 46,
57 n. 41

Echmiadzin, 173
Eclipses, noticed by Marshall,
11* 19* 53* 60 n. 79, 102-3,
109 n. 34, 140, 141, 143,
146 n. 15 ; ceremonies at,
248

Edwards, Richard, Marshall's
acquaintance with, 9, n, 31 ;
his correspondents, 9, 11, 12,
13, 15, 22, 107 n. 14; his
private trade, 12, 13, 15;
employed at Kasimbazar, 15 ;
_ at Rajmahal, 22
Egani, coin, 417, 433 n. 13
Elephants, 63; stone, at
Monghyr, 123, 134 n. 73;
breeding of, 377, 389 n. 50;
ingenuity of, 377; large
tusks of, 4x3, 432 n. 2
Ellabasse. See Allahabad
Elwes, Robert, second at Patna,
14* 95* 154* 155 ** election
and death of, 106 n. 1
Emillea, ? India, 115, 131 n. 33
Eras, 264
Erzerum, 173
Erivan, 173

Essex, the Marshalls move to,
2

Etawah, 160

Eunuchs, folklore concerning,
3^5

Everest, mt., 145 n. 2

451

Exaltations. See under Planets
Eye-flies, 382-3

Faircliff (Faircloth), Hum¬
phrey, 42, 56 n. 21
Fakir ka Bagh, 120, 132 n. 56
Famine in Patna in 1670, 18,
35 ; death rate owing to the,
18 ; fugitives from the, 114 ;
victims of the, 125, 126,
127, 134 n. 79, 138; Mar¬
shall's description of the,
149-53 ; extent of the, 150 ;
cause of the, 150; no alle¬
viating measures for the,
154; contemporary refer¬
ences to the, 154-6
Fanam, currency, 50; value
of a, 59'n. 64, 417
Faqir, Muhammadan religious
ascetic, 8, 80, 182, 208 n.
37 ( c) and id) ; stories of,
196-200, 375-6, 403-4; mira¬
culous powers of, 197, 198,
200; confused with jogi,
208 n. 37; medical know¬
ledge of, 200, 322, 336
Faridabad, 159
Farra, 159

Faruqi, Marshall's erroneous
explanation of, 393, 408

n. 2 (a)

Fathpur, 160

Fatima, daughter of Muham¬
mad, 394, 395, 408 n. 2 (a)
Fatuha, 77, 92 n. 81, 126
Fentsell, Herman, second of the
Dutch Factory at Kasim¬
bazar, 113, 130 n. 16
Ferdinand, Prince of Portugal,
56 n, 31

Festivals, Bathing, 19, 141-2,
146 n, 11, 164; Hook¬

swinging, 16, 103-4 * Muhar-
ram, 396

Finch, Sir Heneage, xst Earl of
Nottingham, 166,175 n. 11(g)

INDEX

4 5 2

Finger calculation, 280
Fir trees, of Nepal and Kash¬
mir, 170, 171
Firozabad, 160

Fiscall, Dutch superintendent,
103

Fitch, Ralph, 435 n. 41
Flies, eye, 382-3
Flood, the, Hindu account of,
181-2, 204 n. 10 (6) and xi (a)
Floods, ascribed to demons,
145 n. 4 ; ceremony of pro¬
pitiation to the demon of,
138-9, 145 n. 4 ; at Singhiya,
138 ; at Allahabad, 139 ;
Noah's. See above
Flying-foxes (fox-bats), at
Mauritius, 47, 58 n. 47
Fort St. George, seized by
Sir Edward Winter, 4;
Agents at, 5, 9, 50 ; de¬
scriptions of, 5-6, 50, 59

n. 63 ; Council at, 8 ; Portu¬
guese at, 50 ; English factory
at, 55 n. 10 ; coins current
at, 417

Foster, Sir William, informa¬
tion from, 27
Fottarepore, 76, 91 n. 77
Foxcraft, George, Agent and
Governor at Fort St. George,
4, 50 ; deposed by Sir Ed¬
ward Winter, 4, 59 n. 62 ;
reinstated, 5; recommends
Marshall for Dacca, 8
Freeman, Robert, free mer¬
chant, 7 ; his opinion of
Marshall, 9, 35
Freshes, the, 171
Frogs, a medium of money
charms, 353 ; how regarded
by the Parsis, 406
Fruit, grown in Hajipur, 142 ;

in Kashmir, 170
Funchal, nunnery, cathedral
and college at, 43-4, 56 n. 23
Further India, 55 n. 9

Gabbah. See Jaba
Gabriel, angel. See Jibra'il
Gaiaspur, Ghiyaspur, 126
Gaighat, 68, 88 n. 44
Gaina , trotting-ox, 389 n. 51 ;

price and use of, 377
Ganda , measure of cowries, 419
Gandak, river, 17; 78, 171 ;
overflowing of, 138 ; Bathing
Festival in, 142, 158
Gane&a, 203 n. 3
Gangadhari, 67
Ganganatha Jha, Dr., notes
furnished by, on Chapter
VIII

Gangaprasad, 132 n. 53
Ganges (Ganga), river, 11, 14,
23* 6 5 > 78 , H 4 > US I corpses
in the, 18, 77, 158, 426-7,
435 n, 41 ; shallowness of,
74; sanctity of, 157-8;
course of, 158; changes in
the course of, 90 n. 67,
91 n, 71 and 77, 107 n. 16,

130 n, 15, 131 n. 32, 133 n.69;
branches of, 115, 158 ; over¬
flowing of, 139; Bathing
Festival in, 141-2, 157-8 ;
width and depth of, 157

Gannets, at Mauritius, 58 n. 54
Gardens, of Shah Shuja's
Palace, Rajmahal, 17, 70-1/
90 n. 59, 116, 131 n. 36; at
Madapollam, 53; at Vera-
sheroon, 53 ; at Balasore,
61 ; at Hugll 65 ; at Mon-
ghyr, 75 ; Ja'far Khan's,
Patna, 78, 92 n. 83, 95;
SivajI's, near Patna, 82, 322;
Shaistah Khan's, Patna, 95 ;
at Kasimbazar, 113, 130

n. 17; at Makhsusabad,
114 ; Sar-d&ri-kar's, xi6,

131 n. 34; Shah Shuja's,
opposite Hajipur, 158 ; neai
Nanagur, 159

Garhi Sarai, 119, 128, 132 n. 55

INDEX

Garhpada, ff inchantments ” at,
8, 62, 84 n. 6

Garkhenala river, 134 n. 77
Gaulbattan. See Gualbattan
Gautama, 182
Gautampur, 160
Gaz, yard, 381 ; various kinds
of, 420, 434 n. 22
Gazypour, 112
Geera. See Girih
Geese, at Mauritius, 47, 58 n. 44
Gehaumah, 76, 91 n. 77
Gelliser. See Jaleswar
Ghansurpur, 77

Ghari a measure of time, 103,
109 n. 36, 122, 143, 320
Gharyali, time-keeper, 144,
147 n. 16

Ghat , landing-place, quay, 151
Ghi, 149

Ghorghat, Ghoraghat, bridge
and masjid at, 74, 122 ;

nullah at, 74, 91 n. 70
Ghosts, 207 n. 22 ; device to
prevent the " walking ” of,
383-4, 390 n. 66
Ginerpur, 67

Ginger, used medicinally, 322
Girdles, 17

Girih , a measure, 420
Glue, recipe to make, 427
Goass, 68

Goats, at Mauritius, 46 ; large,
377

Gobind Das kx sarai, 115,
131 n- 30

God, Hindu notion of, 177-9
Godavari, river, 59 n. 72
Godgepore. See Gazypour
Gogri, 75, 96, 106 n. 4
Gohsanp , lizard-snake, legend
regarding, 379-80, 389 n. 55
Golconda, King of, 59 n. 71, 417
Gold dust, where found, 168,
415 ; as currency, 168-9
Goleighey, ? gola-i-ghi, 77, 91
n. 79

4 S 3

Good Hope, Cape of, 46, 424;

variation of the sun at, 141
Goodlad, Capt. Richard, com¬
mands the Rainbow , 5, 434
n. 33

Gopalpur, 67
Gorimari, 68, 88 n. 48
Gorre. See Taliagarhi
Gosain, 201, 209 n. 37 (m)
Goura, ? Gaura, 74
Graaf, Nikolaas de, Dutch sur¬
geon, 17, 91 n. 69 ; visits
Mongyhr, 17 ; imprisonment
of * 18, 33, 91 n. 73 ; his
description of Rajmahal, 90
59 1 13 1 n - 36; of Monghyr,
9 i n- 73 > 134 n. 75 ; on the
famine at Patna, 155
Grain spit, 55 n. 17
Grapes, 142, 170
Gravesend, 3, 41, 42
Green sickness, 43, 56 n. 26
Greyhound, story of a, 5, 424
Gualbattan, 67, 88 n. 39
Gualgane, ? Gwalgaon, 115,
131m 27

Gualmarree. See Jewalmaree
Gubbarampore, ? Jairampur, 67
Guinea, slaves from, 44, 56 n. 31
Gujarat, a famine in, 154
Gundadurkee, 72
Gundithpore, ? Punditpur, 66
Gungades, ? Goass, 68
Gungurreepore, ? Ginerpur, 67
Gunsurpore, 77, 128
Gurney MSS., a translation by
Marshall among the, 27,28,29
Gurrerhaut, ? garerhat, 68, 89
n. 50

Gurriall. See Ghariyali
Gurry. See Ghari
Guyghaut, 67
Guzz. See Gaz.

Haese, Francois de, Dutch
Directore, 134 n. 74, 176
n. 20 (a)

INDEX

454

Hajlpur, 78, 128, 157, 414, 427 ;
Bathing Festival at, 141,
158, 164, 200, 208 n. 37 ( i ) ;
Shah Shuja's garden oppo¬
site, 158; the Company's
house at, 159; distance
between Patna and, 161
Halalkhor, sweeper, 151
Haldi , turmeric, 356; used
medicinally, 322
Halim , pepper-wort, used medi¬
cinally, 322
Hall, Joseph, 9, 35
Hamers, Abigail, sister of John
Marshall, 26

Hammocks, for transit over
hills, 163, 167, 168
Handia, 160
Hanpore, 67

Hansurepore. See Ghansurpur
Hanuman , monkey, 121,133^63
Happy Entrance, the, East
Indiaman, 15, 101, 108 n. 27
Haraull, 78, 92 n. 86
Hardora, 72, 90 n. 63
Haricharanpur, 117, 132 n, 44
Harinadih, 66, 88 n. 35
Hariyal , green pigeon, folklore
concerning, 382

Harleian MSS. t Marshall's
writings form part of the, 27,
28, 30

Harley, Edward, 2nd Earl of
Oxford, possessor of the Mar¬
shall MSS., 27, 28
Harman, Capt. Thomas, com¬
mands the Unicorn , 55 n. 12,
57 a- 40
Harryapour, 69

Hasan, 394, 395 * 39 < 5 ; his
descendants, 395
Hataura, 161, 166; route to
Khatmandu from, 167
Hathgaon, 160
Hathidah, 125

Hathiya Nakshatra, described,
140-1, 145 n. 8

Hatton, Christopher, Marshall's
acquaintance with, 6, 35 ; a
free merchant, 7 ; at Pegu,
372 ; information from, 372,
377* 425 ; notice of, 388 n. 43
Hautgaggechapore, ? Issapour,
in, 129 n. 5
Hautkunda, 65
Hazrat 'Umar, 393, 394, 396
Hedderapore, ? Bidderpour, 68
Herons, at Mauritius, 58 n. 50
Herrampore, 67
Herrampore, ? Hirampur, 68
Himalaya, lower ranges of the,
145 n. 3

Hindu, derivation of, 182
Hindu religion, Marshall's study
of, and notes on, 29, 177-202
Hirampur, 68

Hodal, tomb of Lord Bella-
mount at, 159, 174 n. 5
Hodgopolpore, ? Hargopalpur,
69, 89 n. 54

Holehaven Creek, 55 n. 16
Holwan, ? hanuman , 121, 133
n. 63

Hoodrapour, 68
Hook-swinging Festival, Mar¬
shall's description of a, 16,
104-5, 109 n. 37
Horary astrology. See under
Astrology.

Hotty. See Hathiya Nakshatra
Houses, at Masulipatam, 52,
59 n. 68, at Hajmahal, 70,
71 ; at Monghyr, 75 ; in
Nepal, 164, 167; in Kash¬
mir, 170, 176 n. 17 (b)
Howmull Surrey, 160
Hubbee ba, 68
Hubbee behaungchaw, 68
Hubble bubble (huqqah), 121,
133 n. 65

Huddelaband, 64, 85 n. 17
Huglx, the Company's factory
at, 7, 9, 15, 16, 65, 87 n. 28,
101 ; Marshall's journeys to.

INDEX

455

8, 14, 16, 65, hi ; Chiefs
at, 19; Balasore factory-
made separate from, 21 ;
old name for, 65, 87 n. 27 ;
Dutch factory at, 65, 87

n. 28; distance between
Patna and, 79 ; hook-swing¬
ing at,. 104-5 ; latitude of,
103, 109 n. 34 ; Portuguese
settlement at, 129 n. 3, 387
n. 14; distance between
Patna and, 79; between
Kasimbazar and, 113 ; be¬
tween Balasore and, 161
Hugll river, 15, 101, 102
Humblea, 64, 85 n. 16
Huqqah, 133 n. 65
Humadee. See Harinadih
Husayn, 394, 395, 396, 407
Hussanpore, 67, 88 n. 42

Iblis, devil, 397
'Ibrahim (Abraham), 398
'Ibrahim Khan (Asaf-ud-daula),
Governor of Patna, 83 ; Na-
wab of Orissa, 85 n. 7,
93 n. 96

'Ilahi rupees, 418 ; gaz, 434
n. 24

Illusion, doctrine of, 206 n. 18
Imlia, 131 n. 33
Incantations, 364-5
Indigestion, causes of, 322-4 ;

remedies for, 335-6
Indradyumna, 196
Indriya, senses, 194, 206 n. 19,
207 n. 28-9

Intercalary months, 276, 316-7
Interlopers, 13
Iron, recipe to " blue/' 429
Isfahan, route between Smyrna
and, 173, 176 n. 21
Islampur, 68

'Israfll, angel, confused with
'Azazil, 400, 410 n. 5 {/)
Issapour, 129 n. 5
Ivory, price of, 413

Jaba, 66

Jackals, 53, 62, 67, 75
Jackatra, ? Sus-mdr t 389 n. 54 ;

folklore regarding, 379
Ja'far al-Sadiq, 395
Ja'far Khan’s garden, Patna,
11, 78, 92 n. 83, 126, 135
n. 91

Jagannath, temple of, 171,
176 n. 19, 188, 191, 198, 371 ;
legends regarding, 196, 207

m. 20 ( a)

Jagarinutpore, 76, 91 n. 74
Jagat, 171

Jaggary Naut. See Jagannath
Jagir, fief, government, 118,
132 n. 48

Jagobandhanpur, 67, 88 n. 46
Jahanabad. See Singhiya
Jahanabad (Arambagh), 64,
86 n. 21

Jahanabad Saral, 160
Jahangira (two towns), 74, 96,
106 n. 5, 122, 128, 133 n. 69
Jaitpur, 125
Jalangi, 89 n. 48
Jalangl, river, 88 n. 37 ; altera¬
tion in the course of, 88

n. 40 and 48
Jaleswar, 63

Jalmorree. See Jewalmaree
Jama , clothing, 427
Jama*day, leader, officer, 118,
132 n. 50

Jamalpur, 75, 91 n. 72, 96,
106 n. 4

Jambi, Sumatra, English fac¬
tory at, 55 n. 9
Jamuna river, 87 n. 30, 139
Janaki, 137

Jangera, ? Jahangira, 77
Japan, dearness of labour in,
172 ; Dutch factory in, 172,
176 n. 20 (a) ; gold dust from,
415; lacquer from, 415,
433 n. 8 ; currency of, 419 l
measures of, 421

INDEX

456

Japanese, the, treatment of
Europeans by, 172-3 ; char¬
acter of, 172 ; language of,

423

Java, 3, 55 n. 9
Javarampur, 66
Jearsey, William, Chief at
Masulipatam, 6

Jemma (jama) and crutch
(kharch), 183

Jemmedar. See Jama'dar
Jenkin buoy, off Nore sand,
55 n. *7

Jenti Das. See Jinda Das
Jesuits, 162 ; College of, Fun¬
chal, 56 n. 23
Jesuits Bark, 343
Jetsurray, 159
Jewalmaree, 69, 131 n. 27
Jhakra, 64

Jxbra'il, 400 ; a confused story
of, 394 -5. 409 H- 3 (“)

Jinda Das, an informant of
Marshall, 161

Joan, Batista de, Armenian,
information obtained from,
165, 167
Jodpore, 112

Jogi, Hindu religious ascetic,
stories of, 196-200; good
chemists, 200 ; two kinds of,
208 n. 37 (a) ; confused with
faqir, 208 n. 37 (c) ; Akbar
and a, story of, 371-2
Jogipur, 67

Johanna (Anjuan), Comoro Is.,
4i5

Juanpore. See Javarampur
Judgment of Solomon, a ver¬
sion of the, 372-3, 388 n. 43
Julfa, 173

Kabul, 24

Kaccha Gola, 122, 133 n. 70
Kachhwa , tortoise, 181, 204
n. 10 (c)

Kaf, phlegm, 319, 320, 321

Kdfar, infidel, slave, 44, 56 n. 31
Kahalgaon, 120 ; rocks at, 10,
73; 90 n. 65, 121, 133
59 ; hill at, 120, 133 n. 57
Kalian> measure of cowries, 419
Kahar, palanquin bearer, m,

118 ; hire of, 425
Kala Pahar, 84 n. 5 and 6
Kali yitga , 224, 276, 279
Kalianpur, 123, 134 n. 72
Kalmuks, 167
Kalupur, 130 n. 23 „

Kamhcd , mantle, 394, 409 n. 3
(a)

Kamra Sarai, 114
Kandahar, 4X4

Kandi , a weight, content of,
419, 434 n. 19

Kara-Su(chu), 167, 175 n. 13 (a)
Karma, Law of, 205 n. 12
Karov, of rupees, 370
Kartikpur, 114, 130 n. 21
Karud tel, mustard-seed oil, 356
Kashan, 173

Kashmir, 24; boats of, 153,

170 ; distance between Bhu¬
tan and, 169, between Delhi
and, 170 ,* description of,
169-70 ; productions of, 170 ;
religion of, 170, 176 n. 17 (d );
currency of, 170 ; people of,
T71 ; capital of, 169, 175
n. 17 (a) ; long-lived men
in, 198

Kasimbazar, 12, 14, 15, 19,
22, 66, 99, 116; the Com¬
pany's factory at, 9, 100,
107 n. 19, X13 ; silk manu¬
facture at, 16; Dutch fac¬
tory at, 16, 113, 130 n. 17;
Marshall's appointment at,
19; case of Raghu the
poddar at, 21 ; correct name
of, 130 n. 14; distance
between Hugll and, 113;
between Rajmahal and, 116 ;
between Balasore and, 161

INDEX

Kasimbazar river (Bhaglrathl), I
66, 88 n. 37, 112, 113, 114, !
130, n. 22
Katgola, 133 n. 70
Kauri , cowry, 416
Kaye, Mr. G. R., his notes on
Marshall's astrology, etc., 33,
57 n. 37* 60 n. 79, 92 n. 89,
109 n. 34, 146 n. 10 and 15,
283-317

Kdzl, judge, 404
Kedgeree. See Khajurx
Kela gachhl (Kelagatchee), 67,
88 n. 43

Kendua, 101, 108 n. 30 and 31
Kesu’ story of the daughter of,
374-5

Ketaubut, a Musulman, 397
Khajurl, 102, 108 n. 31
Kharagpur hills, 73, 90 n. 66, 95
Khargpur, 64, 85 n. 15
Kharijiya, aliens, schismatics,
394

Khassa, 66, 88 n. 38
Khatmandu, 145 n. 3, 161 ;
route from Hataura to, 167 ;
Raja of, 370
Khazana , treasury, 370
Khuda, God, 179, 204 n. 6
Khush, content, 385
Khwaja Ki£or, 115, 131 n. 29
Kill minerals, to, 200, 342, 351
n. 24; various methods,
345-8

Kimono, early use of the term,
143, 146 n. 13
King, birth of a, 224
Kishmish, raisins, 430
Kobang, value of a, 419
Koko-nor, lake, 167
Kol , creek, 10, 69, 72, 73, 75, 77
Koran, the, laws laid down by,
407 n. 1 {a, b, e), 408 n. 2 (a)
Kos , a measure of distance,
varying extent of a, 33, 64,
65, 79, 82, 86 n. 24, 159*
160, 161, 421, 426

457

Kotwdl , magistrate, 127, 152,
156

Kotwalpur Sarai, 130 n. 23
Krishna, story of, 190-1, 207
n. 20 (a) ; avatar a of, 191,

207 (n. 20 (b)

Kulgachi, 67
Kum, 173

Kumarpara, Comerpour, 68
Kunti, 80, 81

KutI, 166, 168, 175 n. 9 (a)
Kutlupur, 76
Kuza , jar, 428

Lacquer industry, 415, 433 n. 8
Ladder-climbing trick, 387 n. 4
Lagma, 124
Lahore, 24, 414

Lakh (100,000), of rupees, 70 ;
of lives, 195, 205 n. 11 (a),

208 n. 34

Lakri-ka-klrd , wood-fretter, 360
Lama, priest, 164, 165, 168, 169
Lampton (Lambton), Ralph, 41
Languages, Marshall's observa¬
tions on, 421-4; Chinese,
423 ; Japanese, 423 ; San¬
skrit, 422 ; Tibetan, 423-4
Langzee, 167
Lanton, 167

Lascar (lashkar), army, camp, 62
Lathi , staff, 80, 82, 122
Lattigundy. See Natidanga
Laulpore, 76

Laws, Robert, security for Mar¬
shall, 41

Lead, trade in, 24, 67
Leigh, 42

Leigh Creek, 55 n. 16
Lemons, at Madeira, 43; at
Santiago, 44 „

Leorpahart. See Peerpahar
Lhasa, 166, 168; distance

between Patna and, 166,
between Sining and, 167;
residence of the Dalai Lama,
168 ; gold dust from, 168

INDEX

4$8

Limes, at Santiago, 44
Lincolnshire, 1, 3 ; the Mar¬
shalls remove from, 2
Lion Pillar, the, at Bakhra,
11, 80, 82, 93 n. 92
Lions, magic property in the
head of, 355
Littleton, Edward, 21
Lon, salt, used medicinally, 322
Long-lived men, 193, 198, 199
Long pepper, 67, 88 n. 41
Lopez, Don Juan de Canizaries,
35i n. 19

Lossa. See Lhasa
Louth, John Marshall at school
at, 1

Loyall Merchant , the, 42, 55
n. 16 and 19, 57 n. 36
Loyall Subject, the, 55 n. 16
Luck, good and bad, 361-2
Lucky and unlucky days, 362,
387 n. 16
Luckypur, 69
Lunatics. See Madmen
Lune, Joan van, Dutch fiscall
at Huglx, 103, 109 n. 35

Mablethorp, Lincolnshire, 26
Macassar, captured by the
Dutch, 55 n. 9

Mada, desire, intoxication, 189
Madana, a servant of Marshall,
107 n. 14

Madapollam, a health resort,
6, 59 73 ; English

factory at, 52, 55 n, 10,
59 n. 71

Madeira, the Unicorn touches
at, 4, 43 ; English residents
at, 4, 43 ; described, 43-4,
56 n. 28

Madho Rampur, 72
Madhupur, 67, 88 n, 40
Madhusudana Radha, Mar¬
shall's connection with, 29
Madmen, treatment of, 405,
411 n. 11

Madras, 7, 15, 50. See also
Fort St. George
Madras Merchant, the, sails to
India, 57 n. 40

Madras Pinnace, the, 15, 101,
108 n. 26

Madras Road, 5, 49, 58 n. 56
Magadh Mulk, story of a
Brahman's daughter at, 374-5
Magic squares, 34, 355-60,

387 n. 9

Mahal, of Shah Shuja's palace,
Rajmahal, 116; of Akbar's
palace, 371
Maheshi, 122

Mahmud 'Arif, vaqil at Patna,
an informant of Marshall,
«3, *53> 368, 370, 373, 396,
397, 407, 4x0 n. 4-12 ; dis¬
courses by, 398-402, possibly
a Sufi, 410 n. 5 {a)

Mahmud Husain, Ibrahim
Khan's maulavi, 83
Mailapur, alleged connection of
St. Thomas with, 6, 51;
taken from the Portuguese,
59 n. 65

Mainapur, earthenware from,

4x4

Maisi. See Mehsi
Makatpur, 66

Makhsusabad. See Murshida-
bad

Makrain Sarai, 160
Maidive Islands, cowries from,
416

Malmal, muslin, 66, 87 n. 33,
88 n. 38 ; gaz for measuring,
420

Man (maund), of Patna, 127,
135 n. 92, 149 ; of Masuli-
patam, 419, 434 n. 19; of
Hugh, 419, 434 n. 19
Manga, a slave boy, 137
Mango trees and gardens, 6,
53, 60 n. 75, 61, 114, I2X,
122, 125

INDEX

Mankairpore. See Matkatpur
Mansi, 91 n. 72
Maranchl, 125

Marriage, of Muhammadans,
404, 407, 411 n. 11
March, John, Chief at Kasim-
bazar, 16, 97, 107 n. 11 ; his
agreement with Marshall, 16,
113 ; death of, 16, 107 n. 11 ;
no tomb erected over, 26
Marshall family, account of the,
I ”3

Marshall, Abigail, mother of
John Marshall, 1
Marshall, John, a student of
Indian languages, religion
and antiquities, i, 25, 27, 30,
32, 33 ; parentage and

family, 1, 3; education,

I, 40, 55 n. 8 ; college life
and friends, 1-2 ; elected
factor in the E.I. Co.'s
service, 3, 39, 41, 55 n. 11 ;
his fellow passengers in the
Unicom, 3, 4 ; character of,
4, 8, 9, 11, 17, 32, 34-6;
quarrels with G. Townsend,

II, 14, 77; his business

capacity, 11 ; his correspon¬
dence with R. Edwards, 12,
13, 15, 22, 31 ; his evidence
before Streynsham Master,
21 ; statements drawn up
by, 21 ; his " Accompt of
Pattana," 23-4 ; difficulty of
tracing the routes of, 31-2 ;
Indian prescriptions tested
by, 333, 336 ; contemporaries
of, 432 ; a charm given to,
201-2, 209 n. 57 ( m ) ; illness
and death of, 25 ; his will,
26-7 ; his MSS. and library,
27; his translation of the
Bhdgavatapurdna , 29-30 >

autograph letter of, 31

Marshall, Ralph, brother of
John Marshall, 2, 39, 40,

459

41 ; steward of Lord Craven,
2, 3; security for John
Marshall, 41 ; executor of
John Marshall, 26; death
of, 3, 27 ; his son, 3
Marshall, Ralph, of Theddle-
thorpe, father of John Mar¬
shall, 1 ; death of, 2
Marshall, Robert, brother of
John Marshall, 41 ; his ser¬
vice under the E.I. Co., 3.
Marshall, Thomas, brother of
J ohn Marshall, 41; death of, 3
Marshall, Thomas, son of Ralph
Marshall, junr., 3
Marshall, William, brother of
John Marshall, 3
Marsham, J. C., on the Marshall
AfSS., 30-1

Mascarrinio, Donn Francisco,

56 n. 24

Masdi, 74, 122, 133 n. 68 and 69
Masha , a weight, content of,
344, 346, 421

.Masjid , mosque, 64, 74, 96,
117, 120, 126, 373.

Master, Streynsham, inspects
the Co/s factories in Bengal
and introduces reforms, 20-3,
26, 60 n. 74; his Diaries
referred to, passim
Masulipatam, 9, 61 ; Marshall’s
stay at, 6-7, 13, 53 ; Chiefs
of, 6, 7 ; described, 52,

59 n. 68 ; English factory at,
55 n. 10 ; currency of, 419;
weights and measures of, 419
Mathematical problems, 272-5,
316

Matkatpur, 63
Maund. See Man.

Mauritius, the Unicom at, 5,

57 n. 39 and 40 ; Marshall's
description of, 5, 46-9, 57
n. 40; the Dutch at, 48,

58 n. 53 ; variation of the
sun at, 141

INDEX

460

Mawlawi, 405
Maya, Illusion, 204 n. 8
Maypole, Strand, London, 42,
55 n. 14
Mecca, 404

Medicine, Indian, Marshall's
study of, and notes on, 33,
319-48

Mehendipur, 71

Mehsi (Maisx), 161, x66,168, 358
Mekra, 125

Mendicants, religious. See
Faqir ; Jogi ; Sannydsi
Mermaids, folklore concerning,
37 <>

Metchlepatam. See Masulipa-
tam

Metempsychosis, 258
Meteor, seen by Marshall, its
import, 144
Meteorology, 270-1
Mianeh, 173

Midnapore, 64 ; in Orissa in
1670, 86 n. 19

Milk, recipe to prevent the
curdling of, 429
Milkee, ? milhz, 95, 106 n. 3
Minerals " killed," 200 ; used
medicinally, 342 ; recipes for,
345-8

Mint, at Rajmahal, 10, 17,

90 n. 60, 117

Mir-bahr, customs officer, 97
Mir Jumla, 132 n. 54
Mir Kasim, 84 n. 3
Mir Muhammad Sadiq, 396
Mir Saiyid Hasan, 395-6
Mir Saiyid Ja'far, 396
Mirza Murad Sara!, 160
Mirza Saiyid Mahmud Abdul
(Mir Abdullah), tomb of, 82
Mirzapoor, 66, 88 n. 36, 100,
108 n. 25, 112

Moharradipore, 117, 131 n. 41
Mohoria hills, 164, 175 n. 10 (d)
Mohuddechuck, ? Mohiuddin-
chak, 121

Mokameh, 77, 125, 134 n . 81
Mokrampur, 64
Monghyr, 128 ; Shah Shuja's
palace at, 10, 18, 75, 91 n 7*
i* 3 - 4 . *34 n. 75 = garden 2
75 ; described, 75-6, 123,

1 34 n. 75 ; two Dutchmen

imprisoned at, 17*^8, ** qt
n ; 73 » 123-4, 134 n. # 7 5 ;

distance of, from Patna, 14,
96 ; from Balasore, 161;
from Rajmahal, 124; Euro¬
peans refused admittance to
the fort at, 123-4 '> opium
from, 414

Monkeys, 17, 45, 58 n. 46; at
Mauritius, story of a, 47
Monkterpour, Monterpore, 67
Months, begin with full moon,
265 ; different kinds of, 267,
277 ; intercalary, 276, 3x6-7 ;
names of the, 261, 277,
306-7

Moon, the, longitude of, 303 ;
and nakshatras, 303 ; nodes
of, 314 ; period of, 213, 217,
249 ; position of, at birth,
220, 225, 294-5

Moors, Muhammadans, 18, 50,
51, passim

Mor, 77, 125, X34 n. 81
Morang, country indicated by,
137, X40, 145 n. x ; moun¬
tains in the vicinity of, 162,
163

More, mor, chief, 44, 57 n. 35
More, Dr. Henry, Fellow of
Christ's College, 2, 40, 425 ;
Marshall's bequest to, 27,
55 n. 8 ; death of, 27, 55 n. 8
Moshinpur, 126; battle at,

135 n. 86

Mosque. See Masjid ,

Mosquitoes, 75, 76
Motlharl, x6x
Mounda, 78
Mowhanea Sara!, x6o

INDEX

461

Mozambique, 376
MrigI, 67
Mu’awiya, 396
Mucktapore, 65, 87 n. 31
Mughal, the Great. See Au-
rangzeb

Mughal Sarai, 160
Mughalani Sarai, 161
Mughalni Chak, Rajmahal, 117,

131 38

Muglesorell, Raja, 375
Muhammad the Prophet, 393 ;
a confused story of, 394 ~ 5 >
409 n. 3 {a) ; family of, 394,
395-6, 410 n. 3 ( b) ; his wife,
395 *; his burial place, 404
Muhammad Baqir, 395
Muhammad Khan Shahid,
tomb of, 84 n. 5
Muhammadan religion, laws
and customs, 391-406 ; Mar¬
shall's erroneous ideas con¬
cerning, 408-9 n. 2 (a) and ( b) |
Muhammadan women, how
prescribed for in illness, 327-8
Muharram, the, 396
Mukhsusabad. See Murshida-
bad

Mukhtar Ishaq, informant of
Marshall, 165, 175 n. 13 (b) ;
a great traveller, 166, 167,
175 n. 11 ( g )

Mulberry trees, 16, 71, 113
Mullederkeyt (? Maholee) Sarai,
160

Mulmulls. See Malmal
Mum, beer, 59 n. 64 ; price of,

5°

Mundy, Peter, compared with
Marshall, 32 ; his Travels
referred to, passim on the
famine of Gujarat, 154 ; his
route between Agra and
Patna, 174 n. 5 ; on a two-
headed snake, 388 n. 18 (2)
Murcha,^89 n. 48 and 50
Murghapore. See Mirzapoor

Murshidabad, 14, 15, 100, 107
n. 18 ; goods procurable at,

1 7 > 114

Murti Ram, 63
Musa Kazim, 395
Musalmans, Marshall's informa¬
tion from, 34 ; kinds of, 393
Muscovy, 166

Music, Kashmiri, 170, 176

n. 17 (c)

Musical instruments, Kashmiri,
170

Musk, 168, from Bhutan, 161,
162, 168 ; from Nepal, 163 ;
price of, at Patna, 163 ; how
prepared, 378, 379 ; folklore
concerning, 379 ; derivation
of, 379

Musk-deer, at Bhutan, 162 ;
described, 378-9; false re¬
port concerning, 389 n. 53
Musk-rat, used in charms, 362
Muskeet. See Masjid
Muslin, 59 n. 70, 87 n. 32 and
33

Mussahur, ? Mussaw, 117, 131
n. 42

Mussoola, boat, 7 ; described,
5, 49, 58 n. 57

Mussulmen, for Musalmans,
152, 393> 4°8 n. 2
Muxidavad. See Murshidabad
Muzaffarpur, 358

Nadaura, 124

Nadia, 10, 66, 88 n. 35, 100 ;
religious association of, 88
n. 38

Nagari script, 422, 423, 432,
43411.28

N ah an a, Bathing Festival, 141-
2, 146 n. 11

Nahowna time. See Nahdna
Nal Sarai, 69

Naimur-Rahman, Maulvi, notes
contributed by, 407
Nainoes. See Nain-sukh

INDEX

462

Nain-Sukh, 66; thin cotton
goods, 87 n. 33
Nakh chevan, 173
Nakshatras, 292-3, 307 ; begin
with A6vini, 212, 214 ; with
Krittika, 250, 257; names
of, 212, 306; and naming
ceremony, 213, 268 ; number
of, 212, 214, 246; sex of,
212 ; wives of the Moon,
212 ; and Yogas, 261-2
Nakula, 80

Naming ceremonies, 213, 268,
299-301, 405, 427
Nanagur, situation of, x 59 ;
the Company's house at, 23,
24, 59 ; history of the factory
at, 174 n. 4 (6)

Naranpur, 63

Narayangarh, fortifications of,
8, 63, 85 n. 10 ; bridge at, 63
Narrumgabad. See Auranga¬
bad

Narsampore. See Naranpur
Narsapur river and town, 53,
59 n. 72, 433 n. 13
Nath , master, 171
Natidanga, 67
Nauagarhi, 123
Naubatpur Sarai, 160
Naudapara, 68
Nawabganj, 134 n. 78
Nawabs, of Bengal, 24, 67, 78,
88 n. 45, 90 n. 58, 118, 124,
132 n, 48, 150; of Orissa,
62, 85 n. 7, 90 n. 58
Nawada, 122
Nawadih, 117
Naylor, John, 26
Nehilla, ? M£halla, 114, 130

n. 20

Nepal, 138, 142, 162, 166;

distance of, from Patna, i6x,
from Benares, 161, from
Tibet, 166, from Kashmir,
169 ; mode of travelling in,
163 ; musk from, 163;

mountains of, 163 ; customs
of, 164 ; transit of goods to,
167, 168 ; government of!
167-8; extent of territory
of, 168 ; long lived men in,
198,199; currency in, 4x8
Nestee (Nettee) Cuttee (? Kuti)
hills, X63, 164, x68-
Netherlands EX Co., 16
Netherthorpe, Yorkshire, x
Ney Surray. See Nawabganj
Nickipore, Luckypaur, 69
Nilakantha. See Nilkanth
Nilam Jong (Kuti), 175 n . 9 (a)
Nilgiri cups, 114
Nilgirx hills, 62, 74
Nxllcanth, Hindu doctor at
Hugli, 323 ; writer on astro¬
logy, 212, 2x7, 277; pre¬
scriptions given to Marshall
by, 33c, 332
Nimda, X28, 135 n. 94
Nirmali , for cleansing water,
337 > 350 n. ix ( c ), 428,
435 n- 45 ( b )

Nish&n , grant, of Shah Shuja\
88 n. 45

Nivas Mai, Raja of Pathan, 370
Nizampatnam. See Pettipolee
Nore sand, 55 n. 17
Nuctissarony, 78, 92 n. 87
Nuddadpore, ? Naudapara, 68
Nuddea. See Nadia
Nurse, Valentine, sails to India
in the Unicorn , 4 ; factor at
Patna, 151, 156

Oblique ascensions, table of,
251, 311

Oil, for lubrication, 165, 168;
used medicinally, 333;
various kinds of, 333* 340,
350 n, 14, 430
Omens, 363-4

Oosterhoff, Corneille van, Dutch
factor, imprisonment of, 17,
91 n. 73

INDEX

Opium, where grown, 414 ; how
produced, 414, 433 n. 5
Oranges, at Madeira, 44; at
Santiago, 44

Orissa, Nawabs of, 8, 62,

85 n. 7> 9° n. 58 ; boundary
between Bengal and, 33, 64,
85 n. 19; capital of, 84 n. 4 ;
key of, 85 n. 14 ; extent of,
in 1670, 86 n. 19
Ottampore, 68, *88 n. 47
Oxen, trotting, 377, 389 n.

5i

Oxford, Earl of. See Harley,
Edward

Oysters, at Mauritius, 48

Paddy, cultivation of, 413,
432 n. 1

Padma, Pedda, part of the
Ganges, 107 n. 16
Pagoda, coin, value of, 417;
old and new, 417 ; weight
of a, 418

Pagodas, temples, 64, 66, 86
n. 21 ; on the Orissa boun¬
dary, 64, 85 n. 19
Pahar, a watch of eight gharl,
109 n. 36, 320
Pain, doctrine of, 179
Paisa. See Pice
Palangposh, bedspread, 15, 33,
59 n. 70, 60 n. 78
Palanquin-bearers, 16, in;
hire of, 425

Palampore, palempore, pallam-
pore. See Palangposh.
Pallull, 159, 174 n. 5
Palmeiras Point, 190
Palmistry, 268

Pan , pana , a measure of cow¬
ries, 416, 419, 420
Panchkhuri, 64

Pandavas, the five, stories con¬
cerning, 80-1, 93 n. 93
Panuella, 66
Papihd, song of the, 382

463

Parrakeets and parrots, 74;

green, 10 ; at Mauritius, 47
Parsls, the customs of, 403-6 ;
Marshall's imperfect know¬
ledge of, 411

Parwana , grant, 68, 88 n. 45
Pass. See Dastak .

Patan, 161

Patela, pataila (patello), a fiat-
bottomed boat, 13, 14, 83,
93 n. 97, 97, 98, 99, 100
Pathan, Raja of, 370
Patkaban, 67, 88 n. 40
Patna, 4,12, 13, 17, 78, passim ;
Chief at, 9, 14, 19; the
Company's warehouse at, 11,
78, 92 n. 84, 95, 127, 135
n. 91 ; famine at, 18, 138,
I 49~53 ; Nawab of, 23, 24,

78, 124, 150, 152, 155, 156;
distance between Hugli and,

79, between Monghyr and,

127, between Delhi and,
159-60, between Agra and,
160, 166, between Balasore
and, 161, between Nepal
and, i6i ? between Lhasa
and, 167; latitude of, 79,
92 n. 89, 142, 146 n. 12; ab¬
normal rains at, 137, 138,
140-1, 145 n. 8, 424; low
temperature at, 143, 146

n. 14 ; weights and measures
of, 419,420; coach-hire at, 425

Pattharghatta, rocks at, 73,
90 n. 65

Peacocks, 62, 64
Pearce, Capt. John, 56 n. 22
Peddapalle. See Pettipolee
Peerpa har, 117, 131 n. 39
Peeruddur, 78, 92 n. 85
Pegu, 7; administration of
justice at, 372-3, 425
Pelicans, 73, 157
Penance, self-inflicted, 103-5
Peons, 16, 23, 24, hi, 1x8,
129 n. 2

INDEX

464

Pepper, long, 67, 88 n. 41
Peppercorns, used in charms,
359-60

Pepper-wort, used medicinally,
322

Persia, routes in, 173 ; a
custom in, 385 ; Parsis in,

4 ° 5~6

Persians, at Masulipatam, 52 ;

unlucky days of, 362
Peruvian Bark, an unusual
name for, 343 ; discovery of,
351 n. 19

Pettipolee, cotton goods made
at, 6, 53 ; English factory
at, 53> 55 n. 10, 60 n. 77 ;
saltpetre from, 53, 60 n. 77
Phirwanna. See Panmna.
Pialapur, 120
Pican, coin, 417, 433 n. 13
Pice ( ; paisa ), coin and weight,
varieties and varying value
of, 33, 73, 118, 121, X32 n. 46,
133 n. 64, 163, 417 ; weight
and content of a, 329, 337-8,
416, 421 ; where current, 4x6
Piece-goods, European, 77 ; not
saleable at Patna, 24
Piece-goods, Indian, from Petti¬
polee, 6, 53, from Nadia, 10,
66, from Broach, 12, from
Lahore, 24, from Masuli¬
patam, 52, from ** Cohan-
darea,” 66, 87 n. 33, from
Makhsusabad, 1x4
Pigeons, green, 74, 382
Pineapple, 53

Pipal tree, 382 ; folklore con¬
cerning, 355

Pipla Surray, 114, 128, 130
n. 21

Pipley, river. See Subamarekha,
river

Pipli, 85 n. 8, 103; Dutch
factory at, xox ; cause of
decay of, 108 n. 29 ; early
settlements at, 108 n. 29

Plrpainti, 72, 96
Pit, bile, 319, 320, 321, 322
Piydld , cups, 130 n. 19
Planetary Periods or da$a$, 231,
232, 234, 235, 295-8
Planets, 287-9 ; colours appro¬
priate to, 232 ; effects pro¬
duced by, 224 ; directions
ruled by, 268, 315; domi¬
ciles of, 221, 228, 239, 245,
247 ; exaltations of, 224,
257 ; hostile, 216, 239, 248,
254 ; influence of, 224, 237,
252, 256; malefic, 254;

motions of, 2x7, 249 ; num¬
ber of, 240, 260, 263';' posi¬
tions of, 2x7, 249 ; weapons
of, 238
Plantains, 45
Plassey (Palasi), 16, 1x2
Podddr, cashkeepcr, 21
Poee, 113, 130 n. 18
Poison, antidotes for, 330-1,
343

Polba, 65

Polyandry, in the Himalayas,
175 n. 11 (d)

Pond. See Pan
Ponrapara, 130 n. 25
Poplopore, 72, 90 n. 63
Porpoises, in the Ganges, 157
Port Louis, Mauritius, 58 n. 51
Portland Bill, 42
Portland frigate, the, 56 n. 22
Portugal, king of, duties levied
by the, at Madeira, 44;
islands under the rule of the,
43 , 44

Portuguese, the, at Fort St.
George, 6, 50 ; foreign pos¬
sessions of, 43, 44, 56 u, 29,
57 n. 34 ; at Santiago, 44;
St. Thomd taken from, 51,
59 n. 65 ; at Hugli, 65,
87 n, 26, 361 ; at Pipli,
xo8 n. 29; at Satgaon,
X29 n. 3; in Japan, 173;

INDEX 465

expelled from Nagasaki, 173,
176 n. 20 (c) ; a charm used
by. 361

Pottery. See China ; Earthen¬
ware

Praia (Pray a), Santiago, 44,
56 n. 29 and 30

Prakas Mai, Raja of Bhatgaon,
370

Pratap Mai, Raja of Khat-
mandu, 370 '

Prayer, doctrine of, 191, 207
n. 21 ; open manner of, 403
Precession of the equinoxes,
the, 279

Prescriptions, 328-348 ; anti¬
dotes, 330, 343 ; purgatives,
328-331 ; salves, 331-2 ; for
abscesses, 343 ; ague, 69,
331, 342-3, 344 ; barbier,

341 ; cholera, 341 ; colic,
321, 329, 332 - 3 , 339 , 343 ;
dropsy, 343 ; dysentery, 341 ;
epilepsy, 344 ; eyes (sore),
336-7 ; gonorrhoea, 345 ;
gout, 340 ; guinea worm,
339-40 ; indigestion, 335 ;
stone, 337-8, 339 ; syphilis ,
333-5 ; tenesmus, 336 ; tooth¬
ache, 332 ; worms, 345
Price, Captain John, com¬
mander of the Blackamore, 4
Proverbial sayings, 366-8
Puckle, William, death and
papers of, 21

Pulse, the, method of feeling,
319, 349 n. 1 ( a)

Punarakh, 77, 125, 134 n. 81
Punch houses, at Fort St.

George, 50, 59 n. 64
Punditpur, 66
Pundun, 167

Punpun, 77, 83, 92 n. 82, 95,
106 n. 2, 126, 135 n. 89
Purdna, 206 n. 16
Purgo, boat, 7, 61
Puri, temple, 172

Puttahaw, ? Pathara, 72, 90
n. 61

Puttowra, 115, 131 n. 33

Qdsid, messenger, 12, 125
Qasimbazar. See Kasimbazar
Querpodda, ? Kumarpara, Com-
erpour, 68

Quicksilver, no method of “ kill¬
ing,” 348 ; used in charms,
363, 371 ; recipe to plate
with, 430

Rafidx, Marshall's error con¬
cerning the, 394, 409 n. 2 (b)
Rag-bushes, 407, 410 n. 5 (6)
Raghu, a podddr, death of, 21
Rainbow, the, 5, 55 n. 16, 424,
i 434 n. 33

Rains, abnormal, in 1671, 19,
79 , I 37 > 138
Raipura, 126

Rais de Joan Lopes. See
Peruvian Bark
Raja Rai Sarai, 160
Rajapul Sarai, 160
Rajmahal, 96, 97, 98, 113, 116,
128 ; Marshall's visits to,
and description of, 10, 14,
17, 69, 117 ; Shah Shuja's
palace at, 10, 17, 70, 90 n. 59,
97, 131 n. 36 ; the Company's
house at, 10, 71, 90 n. 60,
97, 116 ; Mughal mint at,
10, 17, 22, 90 n. 60 ; garden
at, 70-1, 90 n. 59; De

Graaf's description of, 90
n. 59, 131 n. 36; distance
of, from Kasimbazar, 116;
from Patna, 161
Rajmahal hills, 68, 89 n. 51,
96, 98, 114

Rajputani, dress of a, 427
Rakunpura, 126
Ram, God, 179

Ramchandrapur, 62, 101 ; story
I of a tiger at, 7-8, 62, 84 n. 5

M.M.

2 G

INDEX

466

Ramnath, 358 ; an able astro¬
loger, 267

Rampora, ? Madho Rampur,
72

Ramuna, 7 ; ruined condition
of, 61-2 ; capital of Orissa,,

84 n. 4

Rani Sara!, 77, 126

Ranikisarai, 63, 85 n. 13

Ranst, Constantyn, “ Direc-
tore ” of Dutch factories in
Bengal, 123, 134 n. 74 ;

176 n. 20 (a)

Raphael, angel. Sea Tsrafll

Rashid Khan, Nawab of Orissa,

85 n. 7

Rasulpur river, 108 n. 30

Ratna, raian, jewels of Hindu
philosophy, 185-6, 205 n. 13

Rattl, weight, content of a, 334,
346, 421

Raugan , varnish, recipe to make,
430

Reade, Edward, 7, 22 ; his
wife, 65, 86 n. 25 ; head of
Balasore factory, 86 n. 25

Reals of eight, Spanish dollars,
59 n. 59

Rebirth, doctrine of, 208 n.
37 W

Recipes—for Bandgir oil, 329,
338 - 9 ; to kill minerals,
345-6; to make glue, 427 ;
to melt amber, 428; to
cleanse water, 428, 429-30 ;
to retard growth in a dog,
428; to freeze with salt¬
petre, 408-9; to blue iron,
429 ; to prevent milk from
curdling, 429 ; to make var¬
nish, 430; to strengthen
bows, 430; to plate with
quicksilver, 430 ; to make
wine, 430-1. See also Pre¬
scriptions

Religion, Hindu, 29, 177-202 ;
Muhammadan, 34, 396-404,

407 ; of Tibet, 164, 165; 0 f
Kashmir, 170, 176 n, 17’(<*) •
Parsi, 406, 4 n

Religious merit, story to ex¬
plain, 374-5, 389 n, 46
Remedies. See Prescriptions
Rennell, James, surveys of, 31
3 2 ,

Ribeira Grande. See Cidade
Velha

Riccard, Sir Aiidrew, Governor
of the E.I. Co v 2, 39, 40,

54 n. 3

Rice, famine price of, at and
near Patna, 18, 125, 126,
* 49 , *50, 15X, 152, 155*; how
cultivated, 413
Riddles, 375-6, 389 n. 49, 427
Rider, Sir William, Deputy
Governor of the E.I, Co.,
2, 39 , 40, 54 n. 4
Risby, Capt. Henry, comman¬
der of the Loyall Merchant,

55 n. 19
Rizwan, 173

Robins, seen at Singhiya, 382
Rock salt, 414-15, 433 n. 6
Rogers, Abigail. See Marshall,
Abigail

Rogers, Robert, of Nether-

thorpe, grandfather of John
Marshall, 1

Roses, in Kashmir, 170
Rupees, value of, 70, 370,

415-6, 4x7, 418 ; coining of,
117 ; weight of, 346 ; various
kinds of, 12 ; number of

cowries to a, 416, 433 n. 10
Ruqqayah, daughter of Muham¬
mad, 395

Ruttee. See Ratti
Ruttons. See Ratna

Sabalpur, 77

Sack, price of, at Fort St.

George, 50

Sacrifice, objects of, 83, 139

INDEX

Saddiconkader, Suddeegan-
deear, 68

Saffron, where procured, 413 ;
price of, 413

Safi (Saif) Khan, Nawab of
Orissa, 85 n. 7

Safshikan Khan, Nawab of
Orissa, 85 n. 7
Sahadeva, 80

Sahmadugur. See Soomooda-
gurh

Sahu Ji,—possibly represented
by Sova Gee, 107 n. 9, 322
St. Jago. See Santiago
St. Thomas, legends regarding,

6 , 5**

St. Thomas's Mount, Madras,
6 ; connection of St. Thomas
with, 51 ; miraculous well
at, 51, 59 n. 66
St. Thom6. See Mailapur
Saiyadraja Sara!, 160
Saiyid, signification and origin
of, 395> 4° 8 n * 2 i a )> 409
n. 2 (c)

Saiyid Ja'far, an informant of
Marshall, discourse by, 368,
402-3, 407, 410 n. 4
Sakti, doctrine of, 204 n. 10 (a)
Salaam, pay respects, 169
Salamannag, 119, 132 n. 52
Salampore, 68

Salarpur, Sellerpore, ? Salpur,
73, 121, 133 n. 61
Salem, 59 n. 70

Salempores, piece-goods, 52,
59 n. 70

Salisbury, Ambrose, 60 n. 77
Salmon, W., 27
Salpur, 73

Salt, rock, incorrectly reported
from Kashmir, 170, 176 n. 17
(e) ; used medicinally, 322 ;
where found, 414-5, 433*n. 6
Salt Range, the, 433 n. 6
Saltpetre, from Patna, 13, 23,
24, 146 n. 9 ; from Petti-

467

polee, 53 ; boats for trans¬
port of, 83, 93 n. 97, 97;
agents for procuring, 24 ;
account’* of trade in, 23-4 ;
how employed for freezing
water, 428-9

Salves, for wounds, 331-2
Sandalpore, 65, 67, 87 n. 32, 101
Sankh , conch shell, 356
Sankhya Philosophy, 205 n. 13,
206 n. 19, 207 n. 32
Sannyasi, 85 n. 10, 169, 186;

described, 201, 209 n. 37 (l)
Sanskrit language, 422-3 ; Mar¬
shall's knowledge of, 432,
434 n. 28

Santiago (Sao Thiago), Cape
Verde Is., 4-5, 44, 56 n. 29,
57 n. 36 ; price of provisions
at, 44-5, 57 n. 32 ; governor
of, 45 ; natives of, 45
Saral, inn, 69, 112, 113, 115,
125, 128; a large, at Bour-
gengal, 17, 117-8; charges
at a, 118

Sarasvati river, 87 n. 30;

silting up of the, 129 n. 3
Sar-dari-kar's garden, 116,

131 n. 34

Sasaram Sara!, 160

Sash ( shash ). See Turban

Satgaon, 65, 87 n. 27, 103, in;

history of, 129 n. 3
Sail, folklore concerning, 364 ;
described, 384; contempo¬
rary accounts of, 390 n. 67
Satiasio Kal, famine in Gujar&t,
154

Sawah, Saveh, 173
Scorpion sting, antidotes for,
330

Sealing wax, pliability of, 426
Seere. See Ser
Semara, 78

Sensitive Plant, the, 383
Ser, content of a, 163, 329, 413,
421

INDEX

468

Seregur, ? Shergarli, 115, 131
33

Serenaut. See Srlnaih
Sewan, pottery of, 433 n. 4
Seychelles cocoanut, 331, 350
n. 4

Shadows, magical influence of,
255, 268-9 ; time of day l>y,
278, 280, 281

Shah Jahan, 88 n. 45, 91 n. 73,
93 n. 96, 108 n. 29, 41O;
destroys a temple at Benares,
201; rupees coined under, 418
Shah Shuja/, Nawab of Bengal
and Orissa, 89 n. 56, 90 n. 58 ;
palace of, at Rajmahal, 10,
17, 70-1, 90 n, 58 and 59,
116, 131 n. 36 ; at Monghyr,
10, 75» 9* n. 73; nishdn of,
88 n. 45 ; garden of, opposite
Hajipur, 158 ; retreats from
Monghyr, 132 n. 54 ; pursued
by Mir Jumla, 132 11. 54 ;
death of, 90 n. 58
Sliahzadpur, 160
Shaikh Farid lea Madrasa, 112
Shaistah Khan, Nawab of Ben¬
gal, 67-8, 78, 88 n. 45, 118,
120, 132 n. 48 ; his garden
at Patna, 95; his revenue, 3 70
Shar Muhammadan law, 391
Sharam, shame, 188
Sharks, 5

Shdstra, 181, 204 n. 10 (c)
Shaykh, signification and origin
of, 393/ 408 n. 2 (a)

Shecolee, 76, 91 n, 77
Sheinshecalls Surray, 159
Shergarh, 131 n. 33
Shx'a, 393, 408-9 n. 2 (6)
Shigatse, 166
Shikhohabad, 160
Siam, English factory in, 55 n. 9
Sibkund, 124

Sicca Rupee, why so called, 418;

worth and weight of a, 418
Sicco, 113, 130 n. X2

Siddiql, 393

Signs of the Zodiac, 285-6;
ns domiciles of the planets!
Scc Manets; and houses,
286; names of, 2x1, 305;
and naming ceremony, 211!
220 ; stars in each, 231;
times of rising of,-251
Silk, manufactCire of, 16 ; from
IV 1 a k hsusabacl, 114; for sale
in Tibet, x 69 *

Silkworms' eggs, rapidly
hatched, 45

Singhiya, near Monghyr, 124
Singhiya, near Patna, 13, 18,
19, {>assini ; situation*of, xx,
23, 92 n. 88, x6x ; English
factory house at, n, 23, 78,
82, 92 n. 84 and 88, 128;
eclipse seen at, 140 ; cold
weather at, 142, 143; lati¬
tude of, 142 ; a meteor seen
at, j.|.|

Si-ning, distance between Lhasa
and, 167 ; a Chinese town,
175 n. 11 (r)

Siva, Sj>orts of, 205 n. 12
Sivaji’s garden near Patna,
82, <>3 n. 95, 322
Sivfil a,y, house of Siva, 106 n, 9
Skelton, Mr., schoolmaster at
Louth, 1

Slaves, price of, 18, 123 ; West
African, 43 ; bought by Mar¬
shall, 137 ; cause of cheap¬
ness of, 150, 155
Smith, John, 35
Smyrna., route between Isfahan
and, 173, 176 n. 21
Snakebite, antidotes for, 330-1,
343 / 35 <>i 357

Snakes, used in charms, 362-3;
folklore regarding, 381;
length of, 381 ; so-called
two-headed, 362, 388 n. 18
(2) ; Kashmir said to be free*
from, 170, 176 n. 17 (b)

INDEX

Snipe, seen at Singhiya, 382
Sobittapore, 117, 131 n. 40
Sonakania, 63, 85 n. 11
Sonepur Fair, 208 n. 37 ( i )
Sonpur, 78

Soomoodagurh (Sahmadugur),
66, 88 n. 36
South Seas, 41, 55 n. 9
Sova Gee, house of, 97 ; sug¬
gested identification of, 106
n. 9

Spahawn. Bee Isfahan
Sports of Siva, 205 n. 12,
206 n. 15

Srinath, Brahman doctor at
Patna, 186
Srirampur, 64

Steel-yard, used in Japan, 173,
421

Storms, in the Ganges, 18 ; in
the English Channel, 42 ; at
Patna in 1671, 18, 140-1,
146 n. 9

Subarnarekha, river, 85 n. 8,
108 n. 29

Suddeegandeear, Saddicon-
kader, 68

Suflism, 205 n. 12, 407, 410
n. 5 (c), 411 n. 8
Sugar, at Madeira, 43 ; from
Srirampur, 64
Sugegurry, 76, 128
Sulling. See Si-ning
Sultan ka Saral, 120, 132 n. 57
Sultanganj, 74
Sumatra, 55 n. 9
Sumbarka Gola, 126, 135 n. 84
Summudgur, 112
Sun, height and declination of
the, 79, 80, 83, 92 n. 89, 97,
141, 142

Sundar kl Saral, 161
Sunni, 393, 394, 409 n. 2 (6)
Surajband, a noted doctor at
Patna, 333

Surajgarha, Surajgarhl, 76, 91
n. 76, 124

469

Surajpur, between Patna and
Nepal, 161
Surangpur, 67
Surjapur, 122, 133 n. 69
Sukruta , the, 349 n. 3 ( c ),

350 n. 11(c)

SutI, 99, 107 n. 16, 114
SutI river, 14, 98, 99
Swatchway, the, 55 n. 17
Sword blades, trade in, 12, 13
Sword fish, an abnormal speci¬
men, 380, 389 n. 57
Syriapore, ? Shekhpur, 126

Tabriz, 173

Taka, a measure of cowries, 416
Taka, rupee, 73, 433 n. 11
Taliagarhi pass, 90 n. 64;

fortification on, 132 n. 54
Tamerlane. See Timur Lang
Tankasald, mint, at Rajmahal,
117

Taptapore, 66, 87 n. 34
Tar, tree, 77, 91 n. 78, 121
Tarai , the, 145 n. 1
Tart, toddy, 91 n. 78
Tartarian mountains, 81
Tartars, 167

Tartary, Central Asia, 142,
163, 200, 201
Tea, 165, 166

Teachers, Hindu, why unpaid,
386

Teal, 62

Teermahony Nulla, 121, 133
n. 60

Temple, Sir Richard, notes
furnished by. See Chapters
VIII and XI and passim
Theddlethorpe, home of the
Marshalls, 1, 3

Thomas, Dr. F. W., note
supplied by, 434 n. 32
Tibet, Bhutan, 138, 140 ; musk
from, 161, 162 ; mountains
of, 163 ; people of, 164, 165 ;
Dalai Lama, of, 168; pro-

470

INDEX

ductions of, 165 ; currency
of, 1O6, 168-9

Tibetans, the, features of, 163 ;
character of, 163 ; customs
of, 165-6, 168 ; religion of,
165, 169; language of, a

specimen, 423-4,432, 434 11,32
Tigers, 62, 64, 96, 102 ; folklore
concerning, 7-8, 353, 387 n. x
Time of clay by finger calcula¬
tion, 280 ; by shadow, 278,
280, 281, 303

Timur Lang, legends regarding,
368-9 ; note on the name of,
368

Tin, private trade in, 22
Tinkat, borax, 24 ; used medi¬
cinally, 343
TilhiSt 267-8, 315
Toddy trees, Sec Tar tree
Tokat, 173

Tola , a weight, 328, 421
Tombs, as landmarks, 26; at
Garhpada, 8, 62, 84 n. 0;
at Ramchandrapur, 62, 84
n. 5 ; of Mirza Saiyid Mah¬
mud Abdu’l, 82, 93 n. 94 ;
near Kahalgaon, 120 ; how
preserved, 385 ; rag-bushos
for, 398, 407, 410 n. 5 ( h )
Tope {top), grove, 67, 75, 77,
96, 97* 1x4, x2o

Toma , a so-called Muhamma¬
dan custom, 391
Tornadoes, 272

Tortoises, 58 n. 48, 380; an
avatar a of Vishnu, 204 n,
xo (0)

Towditch, 98 ; suggested iden¬
tification of, 107 n. 12
Tower of London, 42, 55 n. 15
Townsend, Gabriel, 7, 65, 68 ;
Marshall's antagonism'to, 9,
xi, 14, 34 * 77 > 98, 99; his
dog, 14, 96-7 ; his standing
in the Company's service,
14-15 ; notice of, 87 n. 25

transmigration of personality
accomplished by faqir and
.W, * 99 , 371-2
Transport, rates of, in Patna
4 A 5 , 435 n. 37

Travel, controlled by planets,
218, 224, 226, 229, 256,3x2;
lucky and unlucky days for
362 ' *

Tree of death, 366
Trigons, 244, 310
Triveni, 65, 87 n. 39
Tucka. See Taka
Turban, 17, 127, 164, 427
Turkman, erroneous derivation
of, 369

Turmeric, 8, 63 ; used medi¬
cinally, 322, 337 ; in charms,
356 , 364
Turtipur, 69

Turtle Bay (Port Louis) Mauri¬
tius, 48, 58 n. 51
Turtle doves, at Mauritius, 47
Turtles, at Mauritius, 48
TfU> mulberry,

Ujjain Nagari. See Benares
Umlca. See Andulia
'Umar, ‘Umr, 396, 409 n. 2 ( a )

' U mar Ibn Al~Khattab,4o8 n,2(a)
1 UmarS,, nobles, 391
Umm Kulthum, a daughter of
Muhammad, 395
Unicorn , the, 55 n, 16, 434
n. 33 ; her burden, 3 ; John
Marshall sails to India in,
3> 5> 41, 42 ; her commander,
31 55 xx. 12 ; her log quoted,
passim ; her passengers, 4,
x6, 42, 55 n, 18, 129 n. 1
Urriaporo, ? Harrya x>ur, 69,
89 n. 57 '

Usury, forbidden by the Koran,
392-3, 408 n, x ($)

'Uthm£n, 393, 394, 396, 409
n. 2 (6) ; his wives, 395
Usbegs, a custom of the, 166

INDEX

471,

Vackeel {vakil, vaqll), agent, 35,
83, 404. 407

Varnish, recipe to make, 430
Vashishta river, 59 n. 72
Vedas, 188, 206 n. 16
Verasheroon, mango gardens
at, 6, 53, 60 n. 75 ; English
factory ,at, 53, 55 n. 10,
60 n. 74

' Verburg, Jacob, Chief of the
Dutch factory at Kazim-
bazar, 113 ; “ Directore ”

of the * Dutch E.I. Co.,
130 n. 16 ; death of, 130 n. 16
Vickers, John, a correspondent
of R: Edwards and J. Mar¬
shall, 12, 13
Vidyd , knowledge, 356
Vikramaditya, 264, 275
Vincent, Mary, 108 n. 32 ; a
son bom to, 102
Vincent, Matthias, 1, 22, 26,
35, hi ; chief at Kasim-
' bazar, g, at Hugli, 16, in
Bengal, 25, 26; implicated
in the death of Raghu, 21 ;
Marshall's bequest to, 26-7 ;
his wife, 108 n. 32 ; notice
of, 108 n. 32

Vinegar, recipe to make, 431
Viravasaram. See Verasheroon
Vishnu, avatdra of, 207 n. 20 (6)
Vukeley Surrey, 160, 174 n. 5

Wagtails, seen at Singhiya, 382
Wandering Soul, doctrine of
the, 388 n. 42

Water, intense coldness of,
168 ; recipes to purify, 330,
337, 428, 429-30 j
Weights '4’and Measures. See
and ; anguli ; barley corns;
bauri ; cash ; cha-dam, co -
vado , dam ; damn ; dhanu ;
dukrd ; ganda ; gaz ; ginh ;
kdhan ; kandi ; kos ; man ;

mdsha ; pan ; pice ; ratti ;
rupees ; ser ; steel-yard ;
taka ; told
Whirlwinds, 78

White, George, free merchant
and interloper, 7, 13; his
affection for, and corre¬
spondence with, Marshall, 9,
12, 13, 35, 36

Willoughby, Albinus, at Ma¬
deira, 4, 43, 56 n. 25 ; at
Bantam, 4, 56 n. 25
Willowes, Mistress, 26
Wilson, C. R., uses the Marshall
MSS., 31

Wine, from Madeira, 43, 44,
56 n. 28; a prohibited
beverage, 171 ; recipe to
make, 430-1

Winter, Sir Edward, Agent at
Fort St. George, 59 n. 71 ;
deposes G. Foxcraft, 4
Winter, Thomas, his daughter,
86 n. 25

Witchcraft, charms aga i nst, 362
Wodderapore, ? Hoodrapour,68
Woodowa, 115, 131 n. 33
Worms, used in charms, 360-1

Yazid, credited with martyr¬
dom, 396, 407

Year, the Hindu, 264, 275, 276
Yogas, 260, 261, 293-4 I names
of, 306

Yogi (Yoga) Philosophy, 204
n. 5, 207 n. 27 and 32
Yudisthira, 80
Yugas, 265, 276

Zaynab, a daughter of Muham¬
mad, 395

Zaynu'l-Abidin, 395
Zeilon. See Ceylon
Zinjan, 173, 176 n. 21
Zoroastrianism, 205 n. 12,
206 n. 14 (fe)